A14241	----	A speech delivered in the castle-chamber at Dublin, the XXII. of November, anno 1622 At the censuring of certaine officers, who refused to take the Oath of Supremacie. By Iames Bishop of Meath. Ussher, James, 1581-1656. 1631 Approx. 18 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 8 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2005-12 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A14241 STC 24555 ESTC S118952 99854159 99854159 19567 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A14241) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 19567) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 1368:7) A speech delivered in the castle-chamber at Dublin, the XXII. of November, anno 1622 At the censuring of certaine officers, who refused to take the Oath of Supremacie. By Iames Bishop of Meath. Ussher, James, 1581-1656. [2], 12, [2] p. Printed by R[obert] Y[oung] for the Partners of the Irish Stocke, London : 1631. Printer's name from STC. Running title reads: A speech in the castle-chamber concerning the Oath of Supremacie. The last leaf contains a commendation from King James to the author. Usually found as part 5 of STC 24544 or 24544.5. Reproduction of the original in the University of Illinois (Urbana-Champaign Campus). Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. 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Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Church and state -- Great Britain -- Early works to 1800. 2005-02 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-03 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2005-04 Emma (Leeson) Huber Sampled and proofread 2005-04 Emma (Leeson) Huber Text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A SPEECH DELIVERED IN THE CASTLE-CHAMBER AT DVBLIN , the XXII . of November , Anno 1622. AT THE CENSVRING of certaine Officers , who refused to take the Oath of SUPREMACIE . BY IAMES Bishop of Meath . LONDON , Printed by R. Y. for the Partners of the Irish Stocke . 1631. A Speech delivered in the CASTLE-CHAMBER concerning the Oath of SUPREMACIE . WHat the danger of the Law is , for refusing this Oath , hath beene sufficiently opened by my Lords the Iudges ; and the qualitie and quantitie of that offence hath been aggravated to the full by those that have spoken after them . The part which is most proper for me to deale in , is the information of the Conscience , touching the truth and equitie of the matters contained in the Oath : which I also have made choice the rather to insist upon , because both the forme of the Oath it selfe requireth herein a full resolution of the conscience ( as appeareth by those words in the very beginning thereof ; I doe utterly testifie and declare in my conscience , &c. ) and the persons that stand here to be censured for refusing the same , have alledged nothing in their owne defence but only the simple plea of Ignorance . That this point therefore may bee cleared , and all needlesse scruples removed out of mens minds : two maine branches there bee of this Oath , which require speciall consideration . The one positive : acknowledging the Supremacy of the governement of these Realmes , in all causes whatsoever , to rest in the Kings Highnesse onely . The other negative : renouncing all iurisdictions and authorities of any forreine Prince or Prelate within his Maiesties dominions . For the better understanding of the former , we are in the first place to call unto our remembrance that exhortation of St. Peter . a Submit your selves unto every ordinance of man for the Lords sake : whether it bee unto the King , as having the preheminence ; or unto Governours , as unto them that are sent by him , for the punishment of evill doers , and for the praise of them that doe well . By this we are taught to respect the King , not as the only governour of his dominions simply ( for wee see there bee other Governours placed under him ) but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as him that excelleth , and hath the preeminence over the rest , that is to say , ( according to the tenure of the Oath ) as him that is the onely supreme Governour of his Realmes . Vpon which ground we may safely build this conclusion ; that whatsoever power is incident unto the King by vertue of his place , must be acknowledged to be in him supreme : there being nothing so contrary to the nature of Soveraigntie , as to have another superiour power to over-rule it . Qui Rex est , Regem ( Maxime ) non habeat . In the second place wee are to consider , that God for the better settling of piety and honesty among men , and the repressing of prophanenesse and other vices , hath established two distinct powers upon earth : the one of the Keyes , committed to the Church ; the other of the Sword , committed to the Civill Magistrate . That of the Keyes is ordained to worke upon the inner man ; having immediate relation to the b remitting or retaining of sins . That of the Sword is appointed to work upon the outward man ; yeelding protection to the obedient , and inflicting externall punishment upon the rebellious and disobedient . By the former , the spirituall officers of the Church of Christ are inabled to c governe well , to d speak and exhort and rebuke with all authoritie , to e loose such as are penitent , to commit others unto the Lords prison , untill their amendment , or to binde them over unto the iudgment of the great day , if they shal persist in their wilfulnesse and obstinacie . By the other , Princes have an imperious power assigned by God unto them , for the defence of such as doe well , and executing f revenge and wrath upon such as doe evill ; whether g by death , or banishment , or confiscation of goods , or imprisonment , according to the qualitie of the offence . When St. Peter , that had the Keyes committed unto him , made bold to draw the Sword ; he was commanded to h put it up , as a weapon that he had no authoritie to meddle withall . And on the other side , when Vzziah the King would venture upon the execution of the Priests office , it was said unto him ; i It pertaineth not unto thee , Uzziah , to burn incense unto the Lord , but to the Priests the sons of Aaron , that are consecrated to burne incense . Let this therefore be our second conclusion : that the power of the Sword and of the Keyes are two distinct ordinances of God ; and that the Prince hath no more authoritie to enter upon the execution of any part of the Priests function , than the Priest hath to intrude upon any part of the office of the Prince . In the third place we are to observe , that the power of the civill sword , ( the supreme managing wherof belongeth to the King alone ) is not to bee restrained unto temporall causes only ; but is by Gods ordinance to be extended likewise unto all Spirituall or Ecclesiasticall things and causes . that as the spirituall Rulers of the Church doe exercise their kinde of governement , in bringing men unto obedience , not of the duties of the first Table alone ( which concerneth piety and the religious service which man is bound to performe unto his Creator ) but also of the second ( which respecteth morall honesty , and the offices that man doth owe unto man : ) so the civill Magistrate is to use his authority also in redressing the abuses committed against the first Table , aswell as against the second , that is to say , aswell in punishing of an heretick , or an idolater , or a blasphemer , as of a thiefe , or a murtherer , or a traytor ; and in providing by all good meanes , that such as live under his government k may leade a quiet and peaceable life in all piety and honesty . And howsoever by this meanes we make both Prince and Priest to bee in their severall places Custodes utriusque tabulae , Keepers of both Gods tables : yet do we not hereby any way confound both of their offices together . for though the matter wherein their government is exercised may be the same ; yet is the forme and manner of governing therein alwaies different . the one reaching to the outward man onely , the other to the inward : the one binding or loosing the soule , the other laying hold on the body and the things belonging thereunto : the one having speciall reference to the iudgement of the world to come , the other respecting the present retaining or loosing of some of the comforts of this life . That there is such a * civill government as this in causes spirituall or Ecclesiasticall , no man of iudgement can deny . For must not Heresie ( for example ) bee acknowledged to be a cause meerly spirituall or Ecclesiasticall ? and yet by what power is an Hereticke put to death ? The officers of the Church have no authority to take away the life of any man : it must be done therefore per brachium seculare ; and consequently it must bee yeelded without contradiction , that the temporall Magistrate doth exercise therein a part of his civill government , in punishing a crime that is of it owne nature spirituall or Ecclesiasticall . But here it will be said . The words of the Oath being generall ; that the King is the only supreme governour of this Realme and of all other his highnesse dominions and countries : how may it appeare that the power of the civill sword only is meant by that government , and that the power of the Keyes is not comprehended therein ? I answere : first , that where a civill Magistrate is affirmed to bee the governour of his owne dominions and countryes ; by common intendement this must needs be understood of a civill governement , and may in no reason be extended to that which is meerely of another kinde . Secondly I say , that where an ambiguitie is conceived to bee in any part of an Oath ; it ought to bee taken according to the understanding of him for whose satisfaction the Oath was ministred . Now in this case it hath been sufficiently declared by publick authority , that no other thing is meant by the governement here mentioned ; but that of the civill sword onely . For in the booke of Articles agreed upon by the Archbishops & Bishops & the whole Clergie in the Convocation holden at London anno 1562. thus we read . Where we attribute to the Queenes Majesty the chiefe government , ( by which titles wee understand the minds of some slanderous folkes to be offended : ) we give not to our Princes the ministring either of Gods Word or of the Sacraments ( the which thing the Injunctions also lately set forth by Elizabeth our Queene doth most plainly testifie : ) but that onely prerogative which we see to have beene given alwaies to all godly Princes in holy Scriptures by God himselfe , that is , that they should rule all estates and degrees committed to their Charge by God , whether they be Ecclesiasticall or Temporall , and restraine with the Civill sword the stubborne and evill doers . If it be here objected that the authority of the Convocation is not a sufficient ground for the expositiō of that which was enacted in Parliament : I answer , that these Articles stand confirmed not onely by the Royall assent of the Prince , ( for the establishing of whose Supremacy the Oath was framed ) but also by a speciall Act of Parliament ; which is to be found among the statutes in the thirteenth yeare of Queene Elizabeth , chap. 12. Seeing therfore the makers of the Law have full authority to expound the Law ; and they have sufficiently manifested , that by the supreme government given to the Prince they understand that kind of government only which is exercised with the Civill sword : I conclude , that nothing can be more plaine than this ; that without all scruple of conscience , the Kings Majesty may be acknowledged in this sense to bee the only supreme governour of all his Highnesse dominions and countries , as well in all spirituall or Ecclesiasticall things or causes as temporall . And so have I cleered the first maine branch of the Oath . I come now unto the second ; which is propounded negatively : that no forrein Prince , Person , Prelate , State or Potentate , hath or ought to have any jurisdiction , power , superiority , preheminence or authority , Ecclesiasticall or spirituall within this Realme . The forreiner that challengeth this Ecclesiasticall or spirituall jurisdiction over us , is the Bishop of Rome : and the title whereby he claimeth this power over us , is the same whereby he claimeth it over the whole world ; because he is S. Peters successor , forsooth . And indeed , if S. Peter himselfe had beene now alive , I should freely confesse , that hee ought to have spirituall authoritie and superioritie within this kingdome . But so would I say also , if S. Andrew , S. Bartholmew , S. Thomas , or any of the other Apostles had beene alive . For I know that their commission was verie large ; to l goe into all the world , and to preach the Gospel unto every creature . so that in what part of the world soever they lived , they could not bee said to be out of their charge ; their Apostleship being a kind of an Universall Bishoprick . If therefore the Bishop of Rome can prove himselfe to bee one of this ranke : the Oath must be amended ; and wee must acknowledge that hee hath Ecclesiasticall authoritie within this Realme . True it is , that our Lawyers in their Year-bookes by the name of the Apostle do usually designe the Pope . But if they had examined his title to that Apostleship , as they would try an ordinary mans title to a piece of land : they might easily have found a number of flawes and maine defects therein . For first it would be enquired , whether the Apostleship was not ordained by our Saviour Christ as a speciall Commission ; which being personall onely , was to determine with the death of the first Apostles . For howsoever at their first entry into the execution of this commission , we finde that m Matthias was admitted to the Apostleship in the roome of Iudas : yet afterwards when Iames the brother of Iohn was slaine by Herod , wee doe not reade that any other was substituted in his place . Nay we know that the Apostles generally left no successors in this kinde : neither did any of the Bishops ( he of Rome only excepted ) that sate in those famous Churches , wherein the Apostles exercised their ministery , challenge an Apostleship or an Universall Bishoprick , by vertue of that succession . It would secondly therefore bee inquired , what sound evidence they can produce , to shew that one of the company was to hold the Apostleshipp as it were in fee , for him and his successors for ever ; and that the other eleven should hold the same for terme of life only . Thirdly , if this state of perperuity was to be cast upon one : how came it to fall upon S. Peter , rather than upon S. Iohn ; who outlived all the rest of his fellowes , and so as a surviving feoffee had the fairest right to retaine the same in himself & his successors for ever ? Fourthly , if that state were wholly settled upon S. Peter : seeing the Romanists themselves acknowledge that he was Bishop of Antioch before he was Bishop of Rome ; we require them to shew , why so great an inheritance as this , should descend unto the yonger brother ( as it were by Burrough-english ) rather than to the elder , ( according to the ordinary manner of descents . ) Especially seeing Rome hath little else to alledge for this preferment , but only that S. Peter was crucified in it : which was a very slender reason to move the Apostle so to respect it . Seeing therfore the grounds of this great claime of the Bishop of Rome appeare to be so vaine and frivolous : I may safely conclude , that he ought to have no Ecclesiasticall or spirituall authority within this Realme ; which is the principall point contained in the second part of the Oath . FINIS . IAMES REX . RIght Reverend Father in God , and Right trusty and welbeloved Counsellor , wee greet you well . You have not deceived our expectation , nor the gracious opinion we ever conceived both of your abilities in learning , and of your faithfullnesse to us and our service . Whereof as we have received sundry testimonies both from our precedent Deputies , as likewise from our Right trusty & welbeloved Cousin & Counsellor the Viscount Falkland our present Deputy of that Realm ; so have we now of late in one particular had a further evidence of your duty and affection well expressed by your late carriage in our Castle-Chamber there , at the censure of those disobedient Magistrates , who refused to take the oath of Supremacy . Wherein your zeale to the maintenance of our just and lawfull power , defended with so much learning and reason , deserves our Princely and gracious thankes ; which we doe by this our letter unto you , and so bid you farewell . Given under our Signet at our Court at White-hall the eleventh of Ianuary , 1622. In the 20. yeare of our Raigne of great Brittaigne , France and Ireland . To the right Reverend Father in God , and our right trusty and welbeloved Counsellor , the Bishop of Meath . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A14241-e70 a 1 Per. 2. 13 , 14. b Iohn 20. 23. c ● . Tim. 5. 17. d Tit. 2. 15. e Matth. 16. 19. & 18. 18. f Rom. 13. 4. g Ezra 7. 26. h Matt. 26. 52. i 2. Chr. 26. 18. k 1 Tim. 2. 2. * As on the other side , that a spirituall or ecc●esiasticall government is exercised in causes civill or temporall . For is not Excommunication a maine part of Ecclesiasticall government , and Forest lawes a speciall branch of causes Temporall ? yet we see in Sententiâ latâ super chartas , anno 12. R. H. ; that the Bishops of England pronounce a solemne sentence of Excommunication against the infringers of the liberties contained in chartâ de Forestâ . l Mark. 16. 15. m Acts 1. 25 , 26. 
A32992	----	A copie of the proceedings of some worthy and learned divines, appointed by the Lords to meet at the Bishop of Lincolnes in Westminster touching innovations in the doctrine and discipline of the Church of England. Together with considerations upon the Common prayer book. Church of England. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A32992 of text R211825 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing C4103B). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 16 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A32992 Wing C4103B ESTC R211825 99825469 99825469 29851 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A32992) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 29851) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 2166:01) A copie of the proceedings of some worthy and learned divines, appointed by the Lords to meet at the Bishop of Lincolnes in Westminster touching innovations in the doctrine and discipline of the Church of England. Together with considerations upon the Common prayer book. Church of England. Ussher, James, 1581-1656. [1], 7 p. [s.n.], London : printed 1641. Signed at end: Arch Bishop of Armach [and 6 others]. Even page numbers on rectos. Copy cropped at foot of title page. Reproduction of the original in the Henry E. Huntington Library and Art Gallery. eng Church of England -- Government -- Early works to 1800. Church of England. -- Book of common prayer -- Early works to 1800. Ecclesiastical law -- England -- Early works to 1800. A32992 R211825 (Wing C4103B). civilwar no A copie of the proceedings of some worthy and learned divines, appointed by the Lords to meet at the Bishop of Lincolnes in Westminster: tou Church of England 1641 2543 1 0 0 0 0 0 4 B The rate of 4 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the B category of texts with fewer than 10 defects per 10,000 words. 2005-02 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-04 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2005-06 Judith Siefring Sampled and proofread 2005-06 Judith Siefring Text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A COPIE OF The proceedings of some worthy and learned Divines , appointed by the Lords to meet at the Bishop of Lincolnes in Westminster : Touching Innovations in the Doctrine and Discipline of the Church of England . Together with Considerations upon the Common Prayer Book . Innovations in Doctrine . 1 QVare , Whether in the twentieth Article these words are not inserted , Habet Ecclesia authoritatem in controversiis fidei . 2 It appeares by Stetfords and the approbation of the Licencers , that some doe teach and preach , that good workes are concauses with faith in the act of Iustification . Doctor Dove also hath given scandall in that point . 3 Some have preached that works of Penance are satisfactory before God . 4 Some have preached , that private Confession by particular enumeration of sins is necessary to salvation , necessitate medii , both those errors have been questioned at the Consistory at Cambridge . 5 Some have maintained , that the Absolution , which the Priest pronounceth , is more then Declaratory . 6 Some have published , that there is a proper Sacrifice in the Lords Supper , to exhibit Christs death in the Postfact , as there was a sacrifice to prefigure in the old Law in the Antefact , and therefore that we have a true Altar , and therefore not only metaphorically so called , so Doctor Heylin and others in the last Summers Convocation , where also some defended , that the Oblation of the Elements might hold the nature of the true sacrifice , others the consumption of the Elements . 7 Some have introduced prayer for the dead , as Master Browne in his printed Sermon : and some have coloured the use of it with questions in Cambridge , and disputed , that preces pro defunctis non supponunt purgatorium . 8 Divers have oppugned the certitude of Salvation . 9 Some have maintained the lawfulnesse of monasticall vowes . 10 Some have maintained that the Lords day is kept meerly by Ecclesiasticall constitution , and that the day is changeable . 11 Some have taught as new and dangerous doctrine , that the subjects are to pay any sums of mony imposed upon them , though without law , nay contrary to the lawes of the Realme , as Doctor Sybthorp and Doctor Manwaring Bishop of Saint Davids , in their printed Sermons , whom many have followed of late yeares . 12 Some have put scornes upon the two Bookes of Homilies , calling them either popular discourses , or a doctrine usefull for those times wherein they were set forth . 13 Some have defended the whole grosse substance of Arminianisme , that Electio est ex fide praevisa , That the act of conversion depends upon the concurrence of mans free will , That the justified man may fall finally and totally from grace . 14 Some have defended vniversall grace , as imparted as much to Reprobates as to the Elect , and have proceeded usque ad salutem Ethnicorū , which the Church of England hath anathematized . 15 Some have absolutely denyed originall sin , and so evacuated the Crosse of Christ , as in a disputation at Oxen. 16 Some have given excessive cause of scandall to the Church as being suspected of Socinianisme . 17 Some have defended that concupiscence is no sin , either in the habit or first motion . 18 Some have broacht out of Socinus a most uncomfortable and desperate doctrine , that late repentance , that is , upon the last bed of sicknesse , is unfruitfull , at least to reconcile the penitent to God . Adde unto these some dangerous and most reproveable books . 1 THe reconciliation of Sancta Clara , to knit the Romish and Protestant in one ; Memorand . that he be caused to produce Bishop Watsons book of the like reconciliation which he speaks of . 2 A Booke called Brevis disquisitio , printed ( as it is thought ) in London , and vulgarly to be had , which impugneth the doctrine of the holy Trinity , and the verity of Christs body ( which he tooke of the blessed Virgin ) in heaven , and the verity of our resurrection . 3 A Booke called Timotheus Philalethes de pace Ecclesiae , which holds that every Religion will save a man , if he hold the covenant . Innovations in Discipline . 1 THe turning of the holy Table Altarwise , and most commonly calling it an Altar . 2 Bowing towards it , or towards the East , many times , with three congees , but usually in every motion , accesse , or recesse in the Church . 3 Advancing Candlesticks in many Churches upon the Altar so called . 4 In making Canopies over the Altar so called , with traverses and curtains on each side and before it . 5 In compelling all Communicants to come up before the rails , and there to receive . 6 In advancing Crucifixes and Images upon the parafront , or Altar-cloth so called . 7 In reading some part of the Morning prayer at the holy Table , when there is no Communion celebrated . 8 By the Ministers turning his backe to the West , and his face to the East , when he pronounceth the Creed , or reads Prayers . 9 By reading the Letany in the midst of the Body of the Church in many of the Parochiall Churches . 10 By pretending for their Innovations , the Injunctions and advertisements of Queene Elizabeth , which are not in force , but by way of commentary and imposition , and by putting to the Liturgy printed secundo , tertio Edwardi sexti , which the Parliament hath reformed and laid aside . 11 By offering of Bread and Wine by the hand of the Church-wardens , or others , before the consecration of the Elements . 12 By having a Credentia , or side Table besides the Lords Table for divers uses in the Lords Supper . 13 By introducing an Offertory before the Communion , distant from the giving of Almes to the poore . 14 By prohibiting the Ministers to expound the Catechisme at large to their Parishioners . 15 By suppressing of Lectures , partly on Sundayes in the afternoone , partly on weeke dayes , performed as well by combination , as some one man . 16 By prohibiting a direct prayer before Sermon , and bidding of prayer . 17 By singing the Te Deum in prose after a Cathedrall Church way , in divers Parochiall Churches , where the people have no skill in such Musicke . 18 By introducing Latine Service in the Communion of late in Oxford , and into some Colledges in Cambridge , at Morning and Evening Prayer , so that some young Students , and the servants of the Colledge doe not understand their prayers . 19 By standing up at the Hymnes in the Church , and alwayes at Gloria Patri . 20 By carrying children from the Baptisme to the Altar so called , there to offer them up to God . 21 By taking downe Galleries in Churches , or restraining the building of such Galleries where the Parishes are very populous . Memorandum . 1 THat in all the Cathedrall and Collegiate Churches two Sermons be preached every Sunday by the Deane and Prebendaries , or by their procurement , and likewise every Holiday , and one Lecture at the least to be preached on working dayes every weeke , all the yeare long . 2 That the Musick used in Gods holy Service in Cathedrall and Collegiate Churches be framed with lesse curiosity , that it may bee more edifying and more intelligible , and that no Hymnes or Anthemes be used where Ditties are framed by private men , but such as are contained in the sacred Canonicall Scriptures , or in our Liturgy of prayers , or have publique allowance . 3 That the Reading Deske be placed in the Church where divine Service may best be heard of all the people . Considerations upon the Booke of Common Prayer . 1 VVHether the names of some departed Saints and others should not be quite expunged the Kalender . 2 Whether the reading of Psalmes , sentences of Scripture concurring in divers places in the Hymnes , Epistles and Gospels , should not be set out in the new translation . 3 Whether the Rubrique should not bee mended , where all Vestments in them of divine Service are now commanded which were used , 2. Ed. 6. 4 Whether Lessons of Canonicall Scripture should be put into the Kalender in stead of Apocrypha . 5. That the Doxologie should be alwaies printed at the end of the Lords praier , and be alwaies said by the Minister . 6 Whether the Rubrique should not be mended , where it is ( that the Lessons should be sung in a plaine tune ) why not ( read with a distinct voice . ) 7 Whether Gloria Patri should be repeated at the end of every Psalme . 8 Whether according to that end of the Preface before the Common Prayer , the Curate should be bound to read Morning and Evening Prayers every day in the Church , if he be at home , and not reasonably tet●ed , and why not only on Wensday , and Fryday morning , and in the Afternoone on Saturdaies , with holyday eves . 7 Whether the Himnes , Benedicite omnia opera , &c. may not be left out . 10 In the Prayer for the Clergy , that the phrase perhaps to be altered , which only worketh great marvails . 11 In the Rubrique for the administration of the Lords Supper whether this alteration to be made , that such as intend to communicate shall signify their names to the Curate over night or in the morning before Prayers . 12 The next Rubrique to be cleared , how far a Minister may repulse a scandalous and notorious sinner from the Communion . 13 Whether the Rubrique is not to be mended , where the Churchwardens are straitly appointed to gather the Almes for the poore before the communion begin , for by experience it is proved to be done better when the People depart . 14 Whether the Rubrique is not to be mended , concerning the party that is to make his generall confession upon his knees , before the Communion , that it should be sayd only by the Minister and then at every clause repeated to the people . 15 These words in the forme of the Consecration , This is my body , this is my bloud of the New Testament , not to be printed hereafter in great Letters . 16 Whether it will not bee fit to insert a Rubrique touching kneeling at the Communion , that is , to comply in all humility with the prayer which the Minister makes when he delivers the Elements . 17 Whether Cathedrall and Collegiate Churches shall be straitly bound to celebrate the holy Communion every Sunday at the least , and might not it rather be added once in a moneth . 18 In the last Rubrique touching the Communion , is it not fit that the Printer make a full point , and begin with a new great letter at these words . And every Parishioner shall also receive the Sacraments . 19 Whether in the first prayer at the Baptisme , these words , Didst sanctifie the floud Iordan , and all other waters , should be thus changed , Didst sanctifie the Element of water . 20 Whether it be not fit to have some discreete Rubrique made to take away all scandall from signifyng the signe of the Crosse upon the infants after Baptisme , or if it shall seeme more expedient to be quite difused , whether this reason should be published , that in antient Liturgies no Crosse was confined upon the party , but where Oyle also was used , and therfore Oile being now omitted so may also that which was Concomitant with it the signe of the Crosse . 21 In private Baptisme , the Rubique mentions that which must not be done , that the Minister may dip the child in water being at the point of Death . 22 Whether in the last Rubrique of conformation those words be to be left out , and be undoubtedly saved . 23 Whether the Catechisme may not receive a little more enlargement . 24 Whether the times prohibited for marriage are quite to be taken away . 25 Whether none hereafter shall have licences to marry , nor be asked their banes of Matrimony , that shall not bring with them a Certificat from their Ministers that they are instructed in their Catechisme ; 26 Whether these words in Matrimony , with my body I thee worship , shall not be thus altered , I give thee power over my body . 27 Whether the last Rubrique of marriage should not be mended , that new married persons should receive the Communion the same day of their marriage , may it not well be , or upon the next Sunday following when the Communion is celebrated . 28 In the absolution of the sicke , were it not plaine to say , I pronounce thee absolved . 29 The Psalme of thanksgiving of women after Childbirth , were it not fit to be composed out of proper Versicles taken from divers Psalmes . 30 May not the Priest rather read the Commination in the Desk , then go up to the pulpit . 31 The Rubrick in the Commination leaves it doubtful whether the Letany may not be read in divers places in the Church . 32 In the order of the Buriall of all persons , 't is said , Wee commit his body to the ground , in sure and certain hope of resurrection to eternall life , Why not thus , Knowing assuredly , that the dead shall rise againe . 33 In the Collect next unto the Collect against the pestilence , the Clause perhaps to be mended , For the honour of Jesus Christ sake . 34 In the Letany instead of fornication and all other deadly sin , would it not satisfie thus ? from fornication and all other grevious sinnes . 35 It is very fit that the imperfections of the meeter in the singing Psalmes should be mended , and then lawfull Authority added unto them , to have them publiquely sunge before and after Sermons , and somtimes instead of the Hymns of morning and evening Prayer . Arch Bishop of Armach . Bp. of Lincolne . Dr. Prideaux . Dr. Ward . Dr. Brownrig . Dr. Featly . Dr. Hacket . 
A50287	----	Matters of great consequence, and worthy of note to all England first the royall embassage from the Prince of Orange, to the well affected subjects of England : secondly, a message from a committee of both Houses of Parliament, to the Spanish embassador to make stay of the ships at Dunkerk, which were intended for the supply of the rebels in Ireland : thirdly, the true and humble petition of the Lords and Commons now assembled in Parliament, to the Kings most Excellent Majesty : concerning the Lord Kimbolton, M. Hollis, and the rest of the gentlemen that were accused of high treason : fourthly, an order of the House of the Lords for suppressing of the Arch-bishop of Armaghs sermon, which was falsely put upon him : fiftly, articles against Sir Edward Herbert Knight, His Majesties attorney generall, by the House of Commons : sixtly, an ordinance from His Majesty, and both Houses of Parliament, for the ordering of the militia of the kingdome of England, and also of the dominion of Wales : lastly, the names of all the lievtenants of every country, which are approved by the Kings Majesty. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A50287 of text R8293 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing M1305). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 23 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A50287 Wing M1305 ESTC R8293 12589398 ocm 12589398 63840 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A50287) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 63840) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 250:E135, no 7) Matters of great consequence, and worthy of note to all England first the royall embassage from the Prince of Orange, to the well affected subjects of England : secondly, a message from a committee of both Houses of Parliament, to the Spanish embassador to make stay of the ships at Dunkerk, which were intended for the supply of the rebels in Ireland : thirdly, the true and humble petition of the Lords and Commons now assembled in Parliament, to the Kings most Excellent Majesty : concerning the Lord Kimbolton, M. Hollis, and the rest of the gentlemen that were accused of high treason : fourthly, an order of the House of the Lords for suppressing of the Arch-bishop of Armaghs sermon, which was falsely put upon him : fiftly, articles against Sir Edward Herbert Knight, His Majesties attorney generall, by the House of Commons : sixtly, an ordinance from His Majesty, and both Houses of Parliament, for the ordering of the militia of the kingdome of England, and also of the dominion of Wales : lastly, the names of all the lievtenants of every country, which are approved by the Kings Majesty. Ussher, James, 1581-1656. England and Wales. Parliament. [8] p. Printed at London, for F. Coules and Tho. Bankes, London : 1641. Illustrated t.p. Imperfect: edges cropped. Reproduction of original in Thomason Collection, British Library. eng Hampden, John, 1594-1643. Hesilrige, Arthur, -- Sir, d. 1661. Holles, Denzil Holles, -- Baron, 1599-1680. Manchester, Edward Montagu, -- Earl of, 1602-1671. Pym, John, 1584-1643. Strode, William, 1600 or 1601-1645. Ussher, James, 1581-1656. A50287 R8293 (Wing M1305). civilwar no Matters of great consequence, and worthy of note to all England. First the royall embassage from the Prince of Orange, to the well affected [no entry] 1642 3814 64 0 0 0 0 0 168 F The rate of 168 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the F category of texts with 100 or more defects per 10,000 words. 2005-02 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-03 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2005-04 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2005-04 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Matters of great Consequence , and worthy of Note to all England . First the Royall Embassage from the Prince of Orange , to the well affected Subjects of England . Secondly , a Message from a Committee of both Houses of Parliament , to the Spanish Embassador , to make stay of the Ships at Dunkerk , which were intended for the supply of the Rebels in Jreland . Thirdly , the true and humble Petition of the Lords , and Commons now assembled in Parliament , to the Kings most Excellent Majesty ; concerning the Lord Kimbolton , M. Hollis , and the rest of the Gentlemen that were accused of high Treason . Fourthly , An Order of the House of the Lords for suppressing of the Arch-bishop of Armaghs Sermon , which was falsely put upon him . Fiftly , Articles against Sir Edward Herbert Knight , His Majesties Attourny generall , by the House of Commons . Sixtly , An Ordnance from His Majesty , and both Houses of Parliament , for the ordering of the Militia of the Kingdome of England , and also of the Dominion of Wales . Lastly , the names of all the Lievtenants of every Country , which are approved by the Kings Majesty . portrait Printed at London for F. Coules , and Tho. Bankes . 1642. A Royall Embassage from the Prince of Orange , to the wel-affected Subjects in England . WE have maturely considered of this disloyall opposition which have been reflected on our Father , the manifold endeavours of your unwearied vigilancy , and the obstacles that interrupt the same , with the multiplicity of distractions wherein your Kingdome is dangerously involved did forthwith according to our indulgent ●ffection , think it expedient to premonish and advertise you of them nerous perils which are imminent and impendent over you ; it strooke a repercussive griefe and carefull sollicitation into our Princely minde , as soone as we had intelligence concerning the same ; and that their stratagems might prove abortive , for the prevention therof we thought good to shew our ●●●lous duty to his Maj●sty , our respective affection to his Parliament , and the fu●ure security of his Royall Throne and Realme . And first were predictate unto you the obscurely hatched conspiracies of the King of Spaine , the o●ject of whose sole intents have principally aimed at the destructive ruine of your Nation : We have had credible intelligence ; that he is suddenly resolved to raise a strong and formidable Navie ( scarec inferiour to that almost Invincible Armado ) and with a rushing and unexpected throng invade the Land . Don Pedro affirmed this to be true , and hath conducted many paper-messengers to us concerning the absolute ●ste●pulation and credible assertion of the same . Don Pedringano l●kewise ( my singular and intimate Friend did certifie the same unto me : Wherefore we lovingly 〈◊〉 and obsequiously too , premonish you to be circumspective and cautious , for to our certain knowledge Don Ke●valo Caris is in great preparation to raise and augment his Fleet as appeared by the Notions of our dearest friends . But besides this trap , there is likewise a dangerous snare distended against your Kingdome , which both do violently threaten a most preciptious destruction . My intent is not misterious or enigmaticall ▪ but rather very perspicuous to be interpreted I meane the Frenchmen , who , like the Egyptian Locusts , who are resolved to 〈◊〉 in the Realm suddenly , and so imbrew their inhumane hands in the ●ffusive bloud of the Protestants . These with the anxiliary assistance of the rebels in Ireland , being linke confederates , and once conjoyned in the cruell concatination of tyrannicall consp●reces are able to precipitate the whole Kingdome at one stroke , if Gods omnipotent hand do not stay it , and your vigilant endeavours prevent it , Sed meliora speramus , we hope and expect a more happy , favourable , & propitious event . Yet notwithstanding without any sup'ne procrastination we humbly beseech for your owne safety particularly , and the Epidemicall security of the whole Kingdome , that you would with judicious maturity of Counsel seriously consider the perrilous precedent premises , and you may then 〈◊〉 , that the consquence thereof is very dangerous . Wherefore in this respect our humble advice is , that you would be graciously pleased to fortifie all the chiefe Coasts and Cinque Porte with Military Arms , and strong Ammunition in defence of the Kingdome , for otherwise nothing can bee expected but ruinate and precipitate destruction . Likewise that you would gravely consider and appoint , that the City of London be strongly provided , and the Tower soundly searched , least any intestine plot should be fomented at home . As also , that all Mill●●● Ammunition be provided , and it be forthwith ordered , that the Traine Bands should daily waite for prevention of any conspiracies that should ensu● . Thus as we have presented our present care and indulgent sollicitation for the safety and welfare of the Kingdome : so likewise wee presume to command respectively our petitionary desire to your Honours : First , that your Honours would be graciously pleased to condiscend to his Majesties pleasure and just Command , without repugnance and opposition ; for a distractes varience between a King and his Subjects , is the first ground and principium of confusion to a Nation . Therefore wee humbly implore your Honours to conjoyne with his Majestie in a reciprocall concord , that the knot of peace and tranquillitie may be tyed so securely fast , that all the hell-guided Conspiracies of Forraigne Enemies may be annihilated and abollished . That you would likewise endeavour to concatenate the affections of the people to his Majesty , that his Royall Prerogative and Imperiall Throne be not violated , and trampled downe by the malicious aspersions of such as are ill-affected and dangerous persons in the Realme . That the divisions and distractions in the Kingdome may bee allayed and asswaged , to the comfort of his Majesty , the Honour of his Parliament , and the perpetuall peace and prosperity of the Realme . In the meane time my diurnall prayers assiduous Supplications shal be invocated upon the mighty and Almighty assistance and auxiliation of God that all your deliberation and determining Counsels may be directed to the right object , and for my part I wil confirm my resolutions , & am fully intended to assist you with my full power and Forces , and I shall likewise diligently endeavour to repe● and detrude those Forraign Enemies : And for the Irish Rebels we shall labour to quallifie , and by Gods divine providence assisting us wee shal crowne England with an Olive Branch of Victorious Tranquillity in the Kingdome . The Impeachment of Sir Edward Harbert , the Kings Majesties Atturney Generall . THat the said Sir Edward Harbert Knight , His Majesties Atturney Generall , sworne the third day of Ianuarie in the yeare of the Lord 1641. Contrary to his Oath and the duty of his place , did falsely , scandalously and malitiously advise , frame and publish certaine false , scandalous Articles of High Treason against the Lord Kimbolton , one of the Members of the House of Peers in Parliament , Densil Hollis Esq. Sir Arthur Hasilrig Barronet , Iohn Pym , Iohn Hampden and William Strond esquires , being then , and yet Members of the House of Commons in Parliament : A coppy of which Articles I am commanded by the House of Commons to deliver to your Lordships . 1. That they have trayterously endevoured to subvert the fundamentall laws and government of the Kingdome of England , to deprive the King of his Regal power , and to place in subjects an Arbitrary and tyrannicall power over the lives , liberties , and estates of his Majesties leige people . 2. That they have trayterously endevoured by many foule aspersions upon his Majesty and his Government , to alienate the affections of his people , and to make his Majesty odious unto them . 3. That they have endevoured to draw his Majesties late Army to disobedience to his Majesties Commands , and to side with them in their trayterous designes . 4. That they have trayterously invited and incouraged a forraine power to invade his Majesties Kingdome of England . 5. That they have trayterously endevoured to subvert the right and very being of Parliaments . 6. That for compleating of their Trayterous designes they have endevoured ( as far as in theme lay ) by force and terrour to compell the Parliament to joyne with them in their trayterous designes , and to that end have actually raysed and countenanced tumults against the King and Parliament . 7. That they have traiterously conspired to Levie , and actually have Levied war against the King . And the said Sir Edw. Harbert , the 3. day of Ian. did falsely , unlawfully , and maliciously exhibit the said Articles unto the House of Peeres in Parliament , and caused the same to be entred into the Clarks Book of the said house , intending & endevouring thereby , falsely , unlawfully , and malitiously to deprive the said houses of their said severall Members , and to take away their lives , estates , and good names : All which doings of the said Atturney , and every of them , were and are high b●eaches of the priviledges of Parliament , tending to sedition , and to the utter subve●sion of the fundamentall Rights and being of Parliament , the Liberty of Subjects , and to the great scandall and dishonour of his Majesty and his Government , and were and are contrarie to the oath of the said Atturney General , and to the great trust reposed in him by his Majesty : and contrary to the Lawes of this Realm , and a great derogation to his Majesties Royall Crown and Dignity . For which High Crimes , and Misdemeanors , the sayd Commons saving to themselves the liberties of exhibiting any farther or other Impeachment or accusation against the said Sir Edward Harbert , do impeach him ; And doe pray that he may be forthwith put to Answer the premisses in the presence of the Commons . An ordinance of both Houses of Parliament for the ordering of the Milicia of the Kingdome of England , and Dominion of Wales . WHereas there hath been of late a most dangerous and desperate Designe upon the House of Commons , which we have just cause to believe to be an effect of the bloudy Counsells of the Papists and other ill-affected persons , who have already raised Rebellion in the Kingdome of Ireland ▪ And by reason of many disorders , we cannot but fear they will proceed not onely to stirre up the like Rebellion and Insurrections in this Kingdome of England , but also to back them with forces from abroad . For the safety therefore of His Majesties Person , the Parlament and Kingdom in this time of Imminent danger , It is ordered by the King , Lords , and Commons now in Parliament assembled , that A. B. shall have power to call together all and singular his Majesties subjects , within the Countie of C. aswell within liberties as without , that are meet and fit for the wars , and them to traine , exercise and put in readinesse , and them after their abilitie and faculties well and sufficiently from time to time cause to be arrayed and weaponed , and to take the Muster of them in places most fit and convenient for that purpose . And the said A. B. shall have power and authority within the said County ▪ to nominate and appoynt such persons of quality , as to him shall seem meet to be his Deputy Lieutenants to be approved of by both Houses of Parliament . And that any one or more of the said Deputies so assigned , shall in the absence , or by the Command of the said A. B. have power and authority to do and execute within the County of C. all such powers and authorities as before in this present Ordinance is contained . And he shall have power to make Colonells and Captaines , and other Officers , and also to remove out of their places , and make others , from time to time , as hee shall thinke fit for that purpose . And his Deputies , Colonells , and Captaines , and other Officers , shall have further power and authoritie to lead , conduct and imploy the persons aforesay armyed and weaponed , as well within the County of C. as also within any other part of this Realme of England , or Dominion of Wales , for the suppression of all Rebellions , Insurrections , and Invasions that may happen , according as they from time to time shall receive directions by his Majesties authoritie-signified unto them by the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament . And it is further ordained , that such persons as shall not obey in any of the premisses , shall answer their neglect and contempt to the Lords and Commons in Parliamentarie way , and not otherwise , nor else where : And that every the Powers granted ( as aforesaid ) shall continue untill it shall be otherwise ordered , or declared by both Houses of Parliament , and no longer . This to goe also to the Dominion of Wales . The names of those persons , that were thought fit by his Majesty , and the Honourable Court of Parliament to be trusted with the Militia of this Kingdome . Barkshire Earle of Holland . Bedfordshire Earle of Bol●nbroke . Buck●nghamshire Lord Paget . Cambridg●shire and the Isle of Ely Lord North , Ch●shre & the County & City of Chester Lord Strange . Cornwall Lord Roberts . Cumberland L. Gray of Wark . Derby Earle of Rutland . Devo●shire , & of the County and ●●ity of Exon Earle of Bed. Dor●etshire , & the County of the Town of Pool Earl of Salisbury . For the Isle of Purbecke Com. Dorset . Sir . Ioh. Banks K. L. chiefe Iustice of the Common Pleas , &c. Durham S H. Vare the elder . Essex . Earle of Warwick ▪ Gloustershire , & the ●om & City of Glousester Lord ●handois . Hampshirt , & of the town and County of Southamp . and of the Isle of Wight Earle of Pembr. Hertfordshire Earle of Salisbury . Herefordshire Lord Dacres . Huntingtonshire Lord Mandevile . Kent , and the City and County of Canterburie Earle of Leicester . Com. Lancaster Lord Whart●● Leicester Earle of Stamford Middlesex Earle of Holl●●d Com. Northampton Lord Spencer . Nottingham , and of the Towne and County of Nottingham Earle of Clare . Northumberland , and of the Town and Countie of Newcastle , and of the Town of Barwick Earle of No●thumberla●d Norffolk ▪ and of the Com. and C●●y of Norwich Earle of Warw. 〈◊〉 L. Vis Say & Seale Rutland Earle of Exon ▪ Salop L. Littleton , L. Keeper , &c. Somerset Marquis Hertford . That the Lieutenant of the County of Worcest . shal be nominated before Somerset ▪ Staffordsh & of the Com. of the City of Lichfield Earle of Essex . Suffolk Earle of Suffolk . Surrey Earle of Nottinghā . Sussex Earl of No●thumber . Warwick , & of the Com of the City of Coventrie Lord Brook . Westmerland Earle of Cumbe●lād . W●les Earle of Pembrook . Wigorn , & of the County of the City of Worcest . Lord Ed. Howard of Estrig For the County and City of Bristell Master Densil Holl●● . Yorkshire , & of the Com. and City of York , and of the County of the town of Kingston on Hul Earle of Essex . Of the parts of Kestaven & Holland , and the Com. of the City of Lincoln . Earle of Lincoln For the parts of Lindsay , in the County of Holland Lord Willoughby of ●arum . Monmouth Lord Phil Herbert . Isle of Arglesay Earl of Northumber . 〈◊〉 Lord Phil. Herbert . Caraigan Earle of Carbery . Carm●●ther , and Carmarthen Town Earle of Carbery . 〈◊〉 Earle of Pembrook . Denbigh Lord Fielding . Flintshire Lord Fielding . Glamorgan Lord Phil. Herbert . Montgomery Earle of Essex . Merioneth Earle of Pembrooke . Pembrooke , and the towne of Haverford West Earle of Northumberland . Radnor Lord Little●●● L. Keeper . &c. That for the levving , ordering , and exercising the M●litia of the City of London , power is given un●o Sir Iohn W●ll●stere , Sir Iacob Garret , Knights , and Alder●en ▪ Thomas Atkin Alderman , Sir Iohn Wollistone , K. and Alderman , Iohn Warner Alderman , and Iohn Toufe Alderman , Serjeant M●jor General S●●ppon , or any three or more of them . Randolph M●●waring , William Gibs , Iohn Fowke , Iam●s B●●●ce , Francis Peck , Samuel Warner Iames Russ●ll , Nathanael Wright , William ●arkler , Alexander Norm●●nghton , Stephen 〈◊〉 , Owen Ro●e , Citizens of London , or any 〈◊〉 or more of them . To the Kings most Excellent Maiesty The humble Petition of the Lords and Commons now Assembled in Parliament . Sheweth , THat Your Majesty , in answer to their late Petition , touching the proceedings against the Lord Kimbleton , M. Hollis , Sir Arthur Hasserig , M. Pym . M. Hampden , and M. Strode , Members of the Parliament , was pleased to signifie , That as Your Majesty once conceived , that You had ground enough to accuse them , So now Your Majesty findes as good cause wholly to desert any further prosecution of them . Notwithstanding which , they remaine still under that heavy charge so imputed unto them , to the exceeding prejudice , not onely of themselves , but also of the whole Parl●●ment . And whereas by the expresse Lawes , and Statutes of this Your Realme , that is to say , by two Acts of Parliament , the one made in the thirty seven , and the other in the thirty eighth year● of the Raigne of Your most Noble Progenitor , King Edward the third ; If any Person whatsoever ▪ make suggestion to the King Himselfe , of any Crime committed by another , the same person ought to bee sent , with the suggestion , before the Chancellor or Keeper of the great S●●●e , Treasurer , and the great Councell , there to finde surety to pursue his sugg●stio● , which if he cannot prove , hee is to bee imprisoned till he hath satisfied the Party , accused of his 〈◊〉 , and slander , and made fine and 〈◊〉 to the King . The said Lords and Commons humbly beseech Your Maiesty , That not onelyin point of Iustice to the said Members in their particulars , but for the V●ndication of the Rights and Priviledges of Parliament . Your Majesty will bee pleased to send the person or persons , that in this case made the suggestions , or informations to Your Majesty , against the said Members of Parliament , Together with the said suggestions or informations , to Your Parliament , That so such fruites of the said good Lawes may bee had , as was intended by them , and the Rights and Priviledges of Parliament may bee Vindicated , which of right and justice ought not to be denyed . A Message from a Committee of both Houses of Parliament , to the Spanish Ambassador , to make stay of Ships at Dunkerk , intended for the supply of the Rebels in Ireland . THe Lords and Commons have commanded us , to intimate to the Spanish Ambassador , the advertisement that they have received of certaine Ships lying in Dunkerk , laded with Ammunition ready to take saile , intended for the reliefe of the Rebels of Ireland : This they hold contrary to the Articles agreed upon , in the Treaties of Peace betweene the two Crownes ; And therefore the Ambassador is to bee moved from both Houses , to send speedily to Dunkerk , and to all other his Majesties Dominions , and unto the King his Master , to make stay of those , and , all such Ships , as may carry any supply of Men , Victuals , Money , or any other ayde to His Majesties Subjects , that at this present are in Rebellion in Ireland ; which otherwise will bee understood to bee a Breach of the Treaties , between the Crownes of England and Spaine , and so resented by the Parliament . To the Right Honourable , the House of Peeres , now assembled in Parliament . The humble Petition of Iames Archbishop of Armagh , Humbly sheweth , THat whereas your Lordships , were pleased to employ your Petitioner in preaching before you on the Fast-day , the 22. of December last ; ( which service , according to his mean ability , he was carefull to perform ) so it is , that one Iohn Nicholson , having got into his hands , a collection of some rude , and incoherent Notes of that Sermon , tooke the boldnesse to publish the same ( under the Title of Vox Hiberniae ) as a true Relation of that which was uttered before your Lordships that day . Which being in many places void of common sense , and in the whole , every way unanwerable unto what was fit to have bin delivered before so Honourable and Judicious an Audience : His humble request is , That your Lordships would be pleased , to call in that supposititious Pamphlet , &c. Die Veneris 11. Februarii , 1641. Ordered by the Lords in parliament , That a Book concerning the L ▪ Archbishop of Armagh , being published and Printed by Iohn Nicholson , shall bee called in and suppress●d . IO. Browne . Cleric . Parliam . FINIS . 
A64644	----	Episcopal and Presbyterial government conjoyned proposed as an expedient for the compremising of the differences, and preventing of those troubles about the matter of Church-Government / written in the late times by ... Ja. Usher ... Ussher, James, 1581-1656. 1679 Approx. 25 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 8 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2006-06 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A64644 Wing U175 ESTC R11050 11821924 ocm 11821924 49590 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A64644) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 49590) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 555:3) Episcopal and Presbyterial government conjoyned proposed as an expedient for the compremising of the differences, and preventing of those troubles about the matter of Church-Government / written in the late times by ... Ja. Usher ... Ussher, James, 1581-1656. 13 [i.e. 14] p. [s.n.], London : 1679. Reproduction of original in the University of Illinois (Urbana-Champaign Campus). Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Church polity. 2005-02 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-08 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2006-01 Judith Siefring Sampled and proofread 2006-01 Judith Siefring Text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-04 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion EPISCOPAL AND Presbyterial Government CONJOYNED : Proposed as an Expedient for the compremising of the Differences , and preventing of those Troubles about the matter of CHURCH-GOVERNMENT . Written in the Late times by the late Learned and Famous Ja. Usher , Arch-Bishop of Armagh and Primate of Ireland . And now published , seriously to be considered by all sober conscientious Persons , and tendred to all the Sons of Peace and Truth in the three Nations , for recovering the Peace of the Church , and setling its Government . Tolle jano nominis crimen , & nihil restat nisi criminis nomen , Tert. Apol. Contra rationem nemo sobritis ; contra Scripturam nemo Christianus ; contra Ecclesiam nemo pacificus senserit . Aug. de Trin. London , Printed in the Year 1679. THE PREFACE . IF any one ask , who is He presumes to Publish the Papers of that Learned , Pious , and peacable Prelate ( worthy of eternal Memory , ) without approbation first had , of such as hold the Chair in the several Parts of controverted Discipline ? I Answer , The Learned men of each Party are not yet agreed , nor do I know when they will be : and the times require that some means be used to advance the Peace of the Church , and preserve the Nation . That Peace I mean , whereby the minds of men may be disposed to lay aside all old animosities , and upon a common Principle of Union , become charitable , and so perpetual Friends . The Faithfull and true Ministers of the Gospel of Peace , will ( I hope , ) give their allowance to this attempt , Pious and Charitable in its intention . For the contrary minded who would have Fire come from Heaven to consume all those , who receive not their Dictates , I shall only rebuke them with that of our Saviour to his Disciples , ye know not of what manner of Spirit ye are ? Peace therefore and Christian Concord , is not the matter these men seek , but perpetual Parties and Sidings , wherein perhaps they hope to appear Somebody ; which temper ( even in the minds where it ought least to be , ) hath embroyl'd the world in miserable Feuds . And this being perceiv'd by men experienced in Publick business , hath produced variety of complaints . Sir Edwyn Sandys discoursing of the division of Protestants abroad into Lutherans and Calvinists , complains . That the Ministers of each side have so far bestirr'd themselves , that the Coal which a wise man , with a little moisture of his mouth would soon have quenched , they with the wind of their breath have contrariwise so enflamed , that it threatneth a great ruine and Calamity on both sides . And a little after , reprehending the heat and extremity of contention . They make more account ( says he ) of some empty Syllogism than of the Peace of the Church , and happiness of the World. The most Learned and Pious Hugo Grotius , bemoaning the Discords of Christian Leaders , Says , Si in eorum Bellorum quibus tam diu vastatur Europa causas inquirimus , inveniemus hoc incendium , maximè ab ijs quos pacis praecones esse debuerunt excitatum . And Mr. Dury , after all his Travells in the matter of Ecclesiastical Peace , found at last the difficulty to lie at home , among those of his own Profession : which caused him to lay down this Maxim. That neither can a Civil Confederation be truly framed among Protestants , nor when it is framed can it be faithfully maintained , except the foundation thereof be laid in the minds of the Clergy . The expedient here proposed by this Learned and Pious Prelate , for Composing the Controversies and contentions about Ecclesiastical Government , will not make the wounds wider I hope , I do not see how it can . And if it bring with it a healing virtue to unite and consolidate Parties discontinued , in any measure , I shall not repent me of acting the Empyrick in applying this Sovereign Receipt , ( which came fortunately to my hands ) to the curing all those fretting ailments have so long troubled the Church . Nor will this attempt of mine be insecure , if the Learned and Pious Guides of either Party be consulted . It is Dr. Hammond's judgment , That a moderate Episcopacy , with a standing assistant Presbytery , as it will certainly satisfie the desires of those whose pretensions are regular and moderate , ( craving nothing more , and in some things less than the Laws of the Land , ) so it will appear to be that , which all Parties can best Tolerate : and which next himself , both Presbyterian , Independant and Erastian , will make no question to choose and prefer , before any of the other Pretenders . And Mr. Baxter , ( no friend to modern Episcopacy ) earnestly incultating the Pastoral care and oversight of Souls : I speak not this , says he , against any Bishops , that acknowledge the Presbyters to be true Pastors to Rule and Teach the Flock , and take themselves only to be the Chief , and Presidents among Presbyters , yea , or the Rulers of Presbyters that are Rulers of the Flock . But of them that Null the Presbyters Office , and the Churches Government and Discipline , by undertaking it alone as their sole Prerogative . Me thinks , ( as Agrippa said to Paul , Almost thou persuadest me to be a Christian , ) I might here step in , and tell these Learned and Pious Controvertists , That , almost they may be persuaded to be Friends . But the Principal defence I intend my self against the censures of my Publishing those Papers , Is , the sense of the late King himself , in his Posthumous admired Book . Not ( says he ) that I am against the managing of this Presidency and Authority in one man by the joynt Counsel and Consent of many Presbyters ; I have offered to restore that . And again , I was willing to grant or restore to Presbytery , what with reason or discretion it can pretend to ; in a conjuncture with Episcopacy . So that , the purpose the late King had , of uniting his divided People , ( If God had so permitted , whose judgments are wonderfull , and his ways past finding out , ) was upon Grounds agreeable to the design of this Paper . And therefore what was by Him so Piously and Prudently intended , for restoring Peace and Unity to the Church , is so much the more necessary now , by how much we understand That intention of the said King : and that the same Parties remain still estranged in conuntenance and conversation . And yet it would not be so , if some instrument or medium could be used to bring them to debate ( with an humble Christian Spirit , ) on terms of reconcilement and unīty . Which , whensoever it shall , by Gods gracious Dispensation and Providence over us be granted : so much of our passions and interest must be laid aside , as not to think it imaginable , in the traverse of such long and sharp disputes and diffirences , That one Party should be totally guilty , and the other altogether innocent . When I consider a Presbyterian , will it be well to fetch a Character , from all the frailties and failings of men of that Persuasion ? If one Preached , It would never be well till twice 7. Prelates be hanged up , as the 7. Sons of Saul were hanged up in Gibeon . And another , That the bloodiest and sharpest War was to be endured , rather than the least error in Doctrine and Discipline . And another , Wishing that all the Prelates in the Kingdom and himself were together in a bottomless Boat at Sea , for he would be content to loose his life , so the Bishops might loose theirs . Will not all these seem strong and tearing winds , rending the rocks of all Order and good Government , in which God was not . Rather than the small and still voice , which walked in the Garden in the cool of the day , when God came to enquire calmly after Adams sin ? Or will they not seem rather so many Predictions , which we have seen fulfilled sadly upon that place , and those persons , whoyet were as ignorant of the Prophetick import of their own expressions , as Caiphas was of Christs offering himself for the world , when he counselled the Jews , That it was expedient that one man should die for the People , And yet knew not the import of Christ dying for the People . When men pass sentence upon themselves , God often sees it executed : The Israelites no sooner wish they had died in the Land of Egypt , or in the Wilderness : But the Answer is returned , As I live saith the Lord , as you have spoken in mine Ears , so will I do to you . And the Heathen Poet could teach us the same lesson . Evertere domos totas optantibus ipsis , Dii faciles . I do not like raking Fire out of Embers , by searching for the faults of men , who Perished in their own Flames , and are objects of our Pitty more than Passion . Otherwise no Nation under Heaven could afford examples equal to that of Scotland , for the proof of rigid Presbyterian Discipline . Of which how much is settled after more then 100 years are run out since the Nobles , Gentry and People , have been vehemently . sollicited to kill and slay each other , or any body else rather than be , without it , the present state of Affairs there may bear us witness . Would it be a good course of judging of Episcopal Government , to rake into the Records and Histories of 1600. Years , for the errors of all Bishops , whòm worldly Interest , or Passion , or other human frailties have carried beyond the gravity , austerity , humility and Apostolical Piety of their Primitive institution . And will this serve to level imparity , the principle of all Order and Government ? and secure the modern Presbytery from the like irregularities or excesses ? Certainly those accusations and calumnies , which Politicians say secure other States , subvert the foundations of the Churches peace : which are laid in Charity , the Characteristick note of a Christian. By this ye know if ye be my Disciples , ( says Christ ) If ye love one another . And in ancient times the common saying was , Ecce quam diligunt Christiani ? That execrable delight and joy , which any one takes to accuse , or to find faults in others , he hath from the Devil , Who is the great accuser of the Brethren . It is evident to what a miserable extremity the divisions about Church-Government , had brought a great Nation . From disputing and fighting for this and that Form , we at last knew no Form at all : Every one doing what seemed good in his own eyes . God having justly taken away from Both , what was so intemperately desired , and contended for on either side . Both Episcopacy and Presbytery that strive for it , Do it surely for this common end , That the people , being taught to know God aright , might glorifie him in their Lives and Conversations . The People , I say , who are more easily disposed to Innovations and Disobedience many times , by the artifice and insinuations of a few ; than can be reclaimed again by the Authority , Eloquence and Wisdom of many . They are therefore a commiserable body , and being commonly the Masters of error ( the weakest part of whom being their mind and meer servants to the Ambition of others ) How much doth it most truly import the Sacred Function , to be wholly employ'd in saving the Souls of these men , from perishing in a Famine of Spiritual food and nourishment . But while both strive for the Rule and Form of doing this ( without imputation of Ambition or Usurpation ) Is it not pitty to think the matter should ever come to that pass that one half of the Nation must be first destroyed . And instead of settling Christs Discipline , that no body at this rate , should be left to become Christs Disciples , whom Error or the Sword had not devoured . That both may Rule and yet not strive , is proposed here by our Pious and Learned Prelate . By which Charity and Brotherly Love may be restored , ( almost wholly extingushed out of the hearts of men , ) and the grain of evil Seed sown in place thereof destroy'd ; which hath brought forth ungodliness to this very time . In the mean time it is a work worth propounding , and worthy of the Office and industry of all men , in whom is the true fear of God , ( the principle of honour as well as wisdom ) who are followers of either Party : That they soften the minds of the tenacious and refractory , and sweeten the Spirits of the sowre and morose , That they may say one to another as Abraham did to Lot , Let there be no strife , I pray thee between me and thee , and between my Herdmen and thy Herdmen , for we be Brethren . And let every Pious , Humble and peaceable Overseer and Bishop , Presbyter and Ruler of Christs Flock , and Watchman over the pretious Souls of men , so labour at the Throne of Grace for this weatherbeaten Ship of Gods Church , ( hardly escaping yet the waves of confusion and disorder , ) that she may at last hear an Angell from God speaking to her as once to St. Paul. Fear not beloved , Thou must be brought before Caesar , and God hath given thee all those that Sail with thee . Episcopal and Presbyterial Government conjoyned . BY Order of the Church of England all Presbyters are charged a to Minister the Doctrine and Sacraments , and the Discipline of Christ , as the Lord hath commanded , and as this Realm hath received the same ; and that they might the better understand what the Lord hath commanded therein b , the Exhortation of St. Paul to the Elders of the Church of Ephesus is appointed to be read unto them at the time of their Ordination ; Take heed uunto your selves , and to all the flock , among whom the Holy Ghost hath made you Overseers ; to * Rule the Congregation of God , which he hath purchased with his Blood. Of the many Elders , who in common thus ruled the Church of Ephesus , there was one President ; Whom our Saviour in his Epistle to that Church in a peculiar manner stileth c the Angel of the Church of Ephesus ; and Ignatius , in another Epistle written about twelve years after unto the same Church , calleth the Bishop thereof , betwixt which Bishop and the Presbytery of that Church , what an harmonious consent there was in the ordering of the Church-Goverment , the same Ignatius doth fully there declare , by Presbytery with d St. Paul understanding the Company of the rest of the Presbyters or Elders , who then had a hand not onely in the delivery of the Doctrine and Sacraments , but also in the administration of the Discipline of Christ ; for further proof whereof , we have that known Testimony of Tertullian in his Apology for Christians e . In the Church are used exhortations , chastisements , and divine censure . For judgment is given with great advice as among those who are certain they are in the sight of God ; and it is the chiefest foreshewing of the judgment which is to come , if any man have so offended that he be banished from the Communion of Prayer , and of the Assembly , and of all holy Fellowship . The Presidents that bear Rule therein , are certain approved Elders , who have obtained this honour , not by reward , but by a good report ; who were no other ( as he himself elsewhere intimateth ) but those f from whose hands they used to receive the Sacrament of the Eucharist . For with the Bishop who was the chief President ( and therefore stiled by the same Tertullian in another place g Summus Sacerdos for distinction sake ) the rest of the Dispensers of the Word and Sacraments joyned in the common government of the Church ; and therefore , where in matters of Ecclesiastical judicature , Cornelius Bishop of Rome used the received form of h gathering together the Presbyters , of what persons that did consist , Cyprian sufficiently declareth , when he wisheth him to read his letters i to the flourishing Clergy which there did preside or rule with him , the presence of the Clergy being thought to be so requisite in matters of Episcopal audience , that in the fourth Councel of Carthage , it was concluded , k That the Bishop might hear no mans cause without the presence of his Clergy , and that otherwise the Bishops sentence should be void , unless it were confirmed by the presence of the Clergy , which we find also to be inserted into the Cannons of l Egbert , who was Arch-Bishop of Tork in the Saxons times , and afterwards into the Body of the m Canon Law it self . True it is , that in our Church this kind of Presbyterial government hath been long disused , yet seeing it still professeth , that every Pastor hath a right to rule the Church from whence the name of Rector also was given at first unto him ) and to administer the Discipline of Christ , as well as to dispence the Doctrine and Sacraments , and the restraint of the exercise of that right proceedeth only from the custom now received in this Realm , no man can doubt but by another Law of the Land this Hindrance may be well removed : and how easily this ancient form of government by the united Suffrages of the Clergy might be revived again , and with what little shew of alteration , the Synodical conventions of the Pastors of every Parish might be accorded with the presidency of the Bishops of each Diocess and Province ; the indifferent Reader may quickly perceive by the perusal of the ensuing Propositions . I. In every Parish the Rector or incumbent Pastor , together with the Churchwardens and Sidesmen may every week take notice of such as live scandalously in that Congregation , who are to receive such several admonitions and reproofs , as the quality of their offence shall deserve ; and if by this means they cannot be reclaimed , they may be presented unto the next monthly Synod ; and in the mean time debarred by the Pastor from access to the Lords Table . II. Whereas by a Statute in the 26th year of King Henry the eight ( revived in the first of Queen Elizabeth ) Suffiagans are appointed to be erected in twenty six several places of this Kingdom , the number of them might very well be conformed unto the number of the several rural Deanries into which every Diocess is subdivided ; which being done , the Suffragan ( supplying the place of those who in the ancient Church were called Chorepiscopi ) might every month assemble a Synod of all the Rectors , or Incumbent Pastors within the Precinct , and according to the Major part of their voices conclude all matters that should be brought into debate before them . To this Synod the Rector and Church-Wardens might present such impenitent persons , as by admonition and suspension from the Sacrament , would not be reformed ; who if they should still remain contumacious and incorrigible , the sentence of Excommunication might be decreed against them by the Synod , and accordingly be executed in the Parish where they lived . Hitherto also all things that concerned the Parochial Ministers might be referred , whether they did touch their Doctrine or their Conversation ; as also the censure of all new Opinions , Heresies , or Schisms , which did arise within that Circuit ; with liberty of Appeal , if need so require , unto the Diocesan Synod . III. The Diocesan Synod might be held once or twice in the year , as it should be thought most convenient : Therein all the Suffragans and the rest of the Rectors or Incumbent Pastors ( or a certain select number ) of every Deanry within that Diocess might meet , with whose consent , or the Major part of them , all things might be concluded by the Bishop or Superintendent ( call him whither you will ) or in his absence by one of the Suffragans whom he shall depute in his stead to be Moderator of that Assembly . Here all matters of greater moment might be taken into consideration , and the Orders of the Monthly Synods revised , and ( if need be ) Reformed : And if here also any matters of difficulty could not receive a full determination ; it might be referred to the next Provincial or National Synod . IV. The Provincial Synod might consist of all the Bishops and Suffragans , and such other of the Clergy as should be elected out of every Diocess within the Province ; The Primate of either Province might be Moderator of this meeting ( or in his room some one of the Bishops appointed by him ) and all matters be ordered therein by common consent as in the former Assembly . This Synod might be held every third year , and if the Parliament do then sit ( according to the Act for a Triennial Parliament ) both the Primates and Provincial Synods of the Land might joyn together , and make up a National Counsel : Wherein all Appeals from inferior Synods might be received , all their Acts examined , and all Ecclesiastical constitutions which concern the state of the Church of the whole Nation established . FINIS THe Form of Government here proposed , is not in any point repugnant to the Scripture , and that the Suffragans mentioned in the second Proposition , may lawfully use the Power both of Jurisdiction and Ordination , according to the Word of God , and the Practise of the Ancient Church . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A64644-e170 Luke 9. 55. Europae speculum 172. Votum pro pace 62. Disc. tending to Eccles. Peace pag. 2. 3. Pref. to the power of the Keyes . Gildas Salv. 338. Act. 26. 28. pag. 144. pag. 173. Rom. 11. 33. Char. 1. large declar . 403. 1 King. 19. 11. 12. Gen. 3. 8. Joh. 18. 14. Num. 14. 2. v. 28. Juven . Sat. 10. Joh. 13. 35. Rev. 12. 14. 2 Esdr. 4. 30. Eccles. 10. 24. Prov. 1. 7. Gen. 13. 8. Act. 27. 24. Notes for div A64644-e1260 a The form of Ordaining of Ministers . b Ibid. ex Act. 20. 17 , 28. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , so taken in Mat. 2. 6. and Apoc. 12. 5. & 19. 15. c Rev. 2. 1. d 1 Tim. 4. 14. e Ibidem etiam exhortationes , castigationes & censura divina ; nam & judicatur magno cum pondere ut apud certos de Dei conspectu , summumque futuri judicii praeindicium est , si quis ita deliquirit , ut à communicatione orationis & conventus & omnis sancti commercii relege●ur : praesident probars quique seniores , honorem istum non pretiosed . Testimonio adepti . Tertul. Apologet. cap. 39. f Nec de aliorum manibus quampraesidentium sumimus , Id. de corona militis , cap. 3. g Dandiquidem Baptismi habet jus summus sacerdos , qui est Episcopus , dehinc Presbyteri & Diaconi . Id. de Bapt. cap. 17. h Omni actu ad me perlato placuit contrahi Presbyterium , Cornel apud Cypr. ep , 46. i Florentissimo illic clero te cum praesidenti . Cyp. ep . 55. ad Cornel. k Ut Episcopus nullus causam audiat absque praesentia Clericorum suorum alioquin irrita erit sententia Episcopi nisi clericorum praesenti â confirmetur , Conc. Car. thag . cap. 23. l Excirption . Egberti cap 43. m 15 q. 7. cap. Nullus . The Parochial government answerable to the Church Session in Scotland . The Presbyterial monthly Synods , answer to the Scottish Presbyteries or Ecclesiastical meetings . Diocesan Synods answerable to the Provincial Synods in Scotland . The Provincial and National Synodanswerable to the General Assembly in Scotland . 
A14239	----	A sermon preached before the Commos-House [sic] of Parliament, in Saint Margarets Church at Westminster, the 18. of February. 1620. By Iames Vssher. Professor of Diuinitie in the Vniuersitie of Dublin, in Ireland Substance of that which was delivered in a sermon before the Commons House of Parliament, in St. Margarets Church at Westminster, the 18. of February, 1620 Ussher, James, 1581-1656. 1624 Approx. 95 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 28 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2005-12 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A14239 STC 24554 ESTC S119955 99855160 99855160 20635 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A14239) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 20635) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 1158:16) A sermon preached before the Commos-House [sic] of Parliament, in Saint Margarets Church at Westminster, the 18. of February. 1620. By Iames Vssher. Professor of Diuinitie in the Vniuersitie of Dublin, in Ireland Substance of that which was delivered in a sermon before the Commons House of Parliament, in St. Margarets Church at Westminster, the 18. of February, 1620 Ussher, James, 1581-1656. [6], 50 p. Printed by I.D[awson] for Iohn Bartlett, and are to be sould at the golden Cup in the Goldsmiths Rowe in Cheapside, London : 1624. Printer's name from STC. The first leaf is blank. Running title reads: A sermon preached before the Commons House of Parliament. The substance of that which was delivered in a sermon before the Commons House of Parliament, in St. Margarets Church at Westminster, the 18. of February, 1620. Reproduction of the original in the Bodleian Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. 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Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng 2005-02 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-04 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2005-05 Haley Pierson Sampled and proofread 2005-05 Haley Pierson Text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A SERMON PREACHED BEFORE THE COMMOS-HOVSE Of Parliament , in Saint Margarets Church at Westminster , the 18. of February . 1620. By IAMES VSSHER . Professor of Diuinitie in the Vniuersitie of Dublin , in Ireland . LONDON Printed by I. D. for Iohn Bartlett , and are to be sould at the golden Cup in the Goldsmiths Rowe in Cheapside . 1624. TO THE HONOVRABLE ASSEMBLY of the Commons House of Parliament . IT pleased this Honourable Assembly to require my seruice , in preaching at that late religious meeting of yours , for the receiuing of the holy Sacrament of the Lords Supper . I was afterward also sent vnto by the like authority , to publish that which ( according to my poore ability ) I then deliuered . And although in respect of my selfe , and of my want of time to prosecute such a subiect , I could wish I had beene spared from such a taske : yet rather then the expectation , and expresse signification of the desire of the representatiue body of the whole Comminalty of the Kingdome should rest vnsatisfied ; I haue yeelded to commit this vnto the disposing and direction of them , for whose sakes it was at first vndertaken . Opprimi enim me onere officij malui , quàm id , quod mihi cum fide semel impositum fuit , propter infirmitatem animi deponere . The very words which then I vttered , I am not able to present vnto you : the substance of the matter I haue truly laid downe , though in some places ( as it fell out ) somewhat contracted , in others a little more inlarged . Whatsoeuer it is , I wholly submit it vnto your graue censures : and so beseeching the Lord to giue you prosperous successe in all your worthy indeuours for the seruice of God , his Maiesty and your Countrey , I rest Yours in all Christian duty to be commanded , IAMES VSSHER . 1. Cor. 10. Vers. 17. Wee being many , are one bread , and one body : for we are all partakers of that one bread . OTher entrance I need not make vnto my speech at this time , then that which the Apostle himselfe presenteth vnto mee in the verse next but one going before my Text : I speake to wise men . The more vnwise might I deeme my selfe to be , who being so conscious vnto my selfe of my great weakenesse , durst aduenture to discouer the same before so graue and iudicious an Auditory ; but that this consideration doth somewhat support me , that no great blame can light herein vpon mee , but some aspersion thereof must reflect vpon your selues , who happened to make so euill a choyce ; the more facile I expect you to bee in a cause , wherein you your selues are some wayes interested . The speciall cause of your assembling at this time , is , first , that you who professe the same truth , may ioyne in one body , and partake together of the same blessed Communion : and then , that such as adhere vnto false worship , may bee discouered and auoyded : You in your wisedome discerning this holy Sacrament to bee , as it were , ignis probationis , which would both congregare homogenea , and segregare heterogenea , ( as in Philosophie wee vse to speake ) both conioyne those that be of the same , and dis-ioyne such as bee of a differing kinde and disposition . And to this purpose haue I made choyce of this present Text : wherein the Apostle maketh our partaking of the Lords Table to bee a testimony , not onely of the vnion and communion which wee haue betwixt our selues , and with our Head , ( which he doth in the expresse words , which I haue read ) but also of our dis-vnion and separation from all idolatrous worship : as appeareth by the application hereof vnto his maine drift and intendment , laid downe in the 14. and 21. verses . The effect therfore of that which Saint Paul in expresse termes heere deliuereth , is the Communion of Saints : which consisteth of two parts ; the fellowship which they haue with the Body , laid downe in the beginning ; and the fellowship which they haue with the Head , laid downe in the end of the verse : both which are thus explained by Saint Iohn : That which wee haue seene and heard , declare we vnto you , that ye also may haue fellowship with vs ; and truly our fellowship is with the Father , and with his Sonne Iesus Christ , 1. Ioh. 1.3 . Let them therefore that walke in darknesse , brag as much as they list of their good-fellowship : this blessed Apostle assureth vs , that such onely as doe walke in the light , haue fellowship one with another ; euen as they haue fellowship with God , and Iesus Christ his Sonne , whose blood shall cleanse them from all sinne . And to what better company can a man come , than to the generall Assembly , and Church of the first-borne which are inrolled in heauen , and to God the Iudge of all , and to the spirits of iust men made perfect , and to Iesus the Mediator of the new Couenant , and to the blood of sprinkling , which speaketh better things then that of Abel ? No fellowship ( doubtlesse ) is comparable to this Communion of Saints . To begin therefore with the first part thereof ; as the Apostle in the third to the Galatians maketh our being baptized into Christ , to bee a testimony that wee are all one in Christ : so doth hee heere make our partaking of that one bread , to be an euidence that we also are all one bread , and one body in him . And to the same purpose , in the twelfth Chapter following , he propoundeth both our Baptisme and our drinking of the Lords Cup , as seales of the spirituall coniunction of vs all into one mysticall body . For as the body is one , ( saith he ) and hath many members , and all the members of that one body , being many , are one body : so also is Christ. For by one Spirit are we all baptized into one body , whether wee bee Iewes or Gentiles , whether we be bond or free : and haue been all made to drinke into one Spirit . Afterwards hee addeth , that wee are the body of Christ , and members in particular : and in another place also , that We being many , are one body in Christ , and euery one members one of another . Now the vse which hee teacheth vs to make of this wonderfull coniunction ( whereby wee are made members of Christ , and members one of another ) is two-fold : 1. That there should be no schisme in the body . 2. That the members should haue the same care one for another , 1. Cor. 12.25 . For preuenting of Schisme , hee exhorteth vs in the fourth to the Ephesians , to keepe the vnity of the Spirit in the bond of peace : and to make this bond the firmer , hee putteth vs in minde of one Body , one Spirit , one Hope , one Lord , one Faith , one Baptisme , one God and Father of all , who is aboue all , and through all , and in vs all : by this multiplication of vnities declaring vnto vs , that the knots whereby wee are tyed together , are both in number more , and of farre greater moment , then that matters of smaller consequence should disseuer vs : and therefore that wee should stand fast in one spirit , with one minde , striuing together for the faith of the Gospell , and in nothing terrified by our aduersaries , Philip. chap. 1. vers . 27 , 28. But howsoeuer God hath thus marshalled his Church in a goodly order , terrible as an army with banners : yet , such is the disorder of our nature , that many for all this breake ranke , and the enemy laboureth to breed diuision in Gods House , that so his Kingdome might not stand . Nay , oftentimes it commeth to passe , that the Watchmen themselues , who were appoynted for the safegarding of the Church , proue in this kinde to bee the smiters and wounders of her : and from among them who were purposely ordained in the Church , for the bringing of men * into the vnity of the faith , and of the knowledge of the Son of God , euen from among those , some doe arise , that speake peruerse things , to draw away disciples after them . Thus wee finde in the Ecclesiasticall History , that after the death of Iulian the Apostata , a questions and disputes concerning matters of doctrine were freshly set afoot by those who were set ouer the Churches . Wherupon Sozomen maketh this graue obseruation : that b the disposition of men is such , that when they are wronged by others , they are at agreement among themselues ; but when they are freed of euils from abroad , then they make insurrections one against another . Which as we finde to be too true by the late experience of our neighbour Churches in the Low Countries : so are we to consider with the Wise man , c that What hath been , is now , and that which is to bee , hath already been : and bee not so inquisitiue , d why the former dayes were better then these ? for wee doe not enquire wisely concerning this . When like troubles were in the Church heretofore , Isidorus Pelusiota , an ancient Father , moueth the question , e What a man should doe in this case ? and maketh answere , that If it be possible , wee should mend it , but if that may not bee , wee should hold our peace . The Apostles resolution , I thinke , may giue sufficient satisfaction in this poynt , to all that haue moderate and peaceable mindes . f If in any thing yee bee otherwise minded , God shall reueale euen this vnto you : neuerthelesse , whereto wee haue already attained , let vs walke by the same rule , let vs minde the same thing . It is not to bee looked for , that all good men should agree in all things : neither is it fit that we should ( as our Aduersaries doe ) put the truth vnto compromise , and to the saying of an Achitophel , whose counsell must bee accepted , as if a man had inquired at the Oracle of God. We all agree that the Scriptures of God are the perfect rule of our faith : wee all consent in the maine grounds of Religion drawne from thence : wee all subscribe to the articles of doctrine agreed vpon in the Synode of the yeere 1562. for the auoyding of diuersities of opinions , and the establishing of consent touching true Religion . Hitherto , by Gods mercy , haue wee already attained ; thus farre therefore let vs minde the same thing : let not euery wanton wit be permitted to bring what fancies he list , into the Pulpit , and to disturbe things that haue been well ordered . I beseech you , brethren ( saith the Apostle ) marke them which cause diuisions and offences , contrary to the doctrine which yee haue learned , and auoid them . If in some other things wee bee otherwise minded , than others of our brethren are ; let vs beare one with another , vntill God shall reueale the same thing vnto vs : and howsoeuer we may see cause why we should dissent from others in matter of opinion ; yet let vs remember , that that is no cause why wee should breake the Kings peace , and make a rent in the Church of God. A thing deepely to be thought of by the Ismaels of our time , whose hand is against euery man , and euery mans hand against them ; who bite and deuoure one another , vntill they bee consumed one of another ; who forsake the fellowship of the Saints , and * by a sacrilegious separation breake this bond of peace . Little doe these men consider , how precious the peace of the Church ought to bee in our eyes ( to bee redeemed with a thousand of our liues ) and of what dangerous consequence the matter of schisme is vnto their owne soules . For howsoeuer the schismaticke secundùm affectum ( as the Schoolemen speake ) in his intention and wicked purpose , taketh away vnity from the Church ; euen as he that hateth God , doth take away goodnesse from him , as much as in him lyeth : yet secundùm effectum , in truth and in very deed , hee taketh away the vnity of the Church onely from himselfe : that is , hee cutteth himselfe off from being vnited with the rest of the body ; and being disseuered from the body , how is it possible that he should retaine communion with the Head ? To conclude therefore this first vse which wee are to make of our communion with the Body : let vs call to minde the exhortation of the Apostle : Aboue all things put on loue , which is the bond of perfectnesse , and let the peace of God rule in your hearts , to the which also ye are called in one Body . Behold how good and pleasant a thing it is for brethren to dwell together in vnity : what a goodly thing it is to behold such an honourable Assembly as this is , to bee as a house that is compact together in it selfe ; holding fit correspondence with the other part of this great body , and due subordination vnto their and our Head ! Such as wish not well to the publike good , and would reioyce at the ruine of our State , long for nothing more , then that dissensions should arise here , betwixt the members mutually , and betwixt them and the Head. Hoc Ithacus velit , & magno mercentur Atridae . They know full well , that euery Kingdome diuided against it selfe , is brought to desolation ; and euery house diuided against it selfe , shall not stand : nor doe they forget the Politicians old rule , Diuide & impera , Make a diuision , and get the dominion . The more neede haue wee to looke herein vnto our selues ; who cannot bee ignorant how dolorous Solutio continui , and how dangerous Ruptures proue to bee vnto our bodies . If therefore there be any comfort of loue , if any fellowship of the spirit , fulfill our ioy : that yee be like-minded , hauing the same loue , being of one accord , of one minde ; and doing nothing through strife or vaine-glory . Remember that as oft as we come vnto the Lords Table , so oft doe we enter into new bonds of peace , and tye our selues with firmer knots of loue together : this blessed Communion being a sacred seale not onely of the vnion which wee haue with our Head by faith , but also of our coniunction with the other members of the body by loue . Whereby as we are admonished to maintaine vnity among ourselues , that there be no schisme or diuision in the body : so are we also further put in minde , that the members should haue the same care one for another . For that is the second vse which Saint Paul teacheth vs to make hereof , in 1. Cor. 12.26 . which he further amplifieth in the verse next following , by the mutuall sympathy and fellow-feeling which the members of the same body haue one with another . For whether one member suffer , all the members suffer with it ; or one member be honoured , all the members reioyce with it : and then he addeth : Now ye are the body of Christ , and members in particular . Shewing vnto vs thereby , that as wee are all * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 concorporated ( as it were ) and made copartners of the promise in Christ : so wee should haue one another in our hearts , * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to die and liue together . And hereupon is that exhortation in the 13. to the Hebrewes grounded : Remember them that are in bonds , as bound with them , and them which suffer aduersity , as being your selues also in the Body . It being a perillous signe that we be no liuely members of that body , if we be not sensible of the calamities that lye vpon our afflicted brethren . We know the Woe that is pronounced against such as are at ease in Sion , and are not grieued for the affliction of Ioseph : with the iudgement following . Therefore now shall they goe captiue , with the first that goe captiue . We know the Angels bitter curse against the inhabitants of Meroz . Curse ye Meroz ( said the Angell of the Lord ) curse ye bitterly the inhabitants thereof : because they came not to helpe the Lord , to helpe the Lord against the mighty . Not as if the Lord did stand in need of our helpe , or were not able , without our assistance , to maintaine his owne cause ; but that hereby he would make triall of our readinesse to doe him seruice , and proue the sincerity of our loue . If wee hold our peace and sit still at this time , deliuerance shall arise to Gods Church from another place : but let vs looke that the destruction doe not light vpon vs and ours . I need not make any application of that which I haue spoken : the face of Christendome , so miserably rent and torne , as it is at this day , cannot but present it selfe as a rufull spectacle vnto all our eyes , and ( if there be any bowels in vs ) stirre vp compassion in our hearts . Neither need I to be earnest in exciting you to put your helping hands to the making vp of these breaches : your forwardnesse herein hath preuented mee , and in stead of petitioning ( for which I had prepared my selfe ) hath ministred vnto mee matter of thankesgiuing . A good worke is at all times commendable : but the doing of it in fit time , addeth much to the luster thereof , and maketh it yet more goodly . The season of the yeere is approching , wherein Kings goe forth to battell : the present supply and offer of your Subsidie was done in a time most seasonable : being so much also the more acceptable , as it was granted not grudgingly , or of necessity , but freely , and with a willing minde . God loueth a cheerefull giuer : and he is able to make all grace abound towards you , that ye alwayes hauing all sufficiency in all things , may abound to euery good worke . And thus being by your goodnesse so happily abridged of that which I intended further to haue vrged from the coniunction which we haue with the Body : I passe now vnto the second part of the Communion of Saints , which consisteth in the vnion which we all haue with one Head. For Christ our Head is the maine foundation of this heauenly vnion . Out of him there is nothing but confusion ; without him we are nothing but disordered heapes of rubbish : but in him all the building fitly framed together , groweth vnto an holy Temple in the Lord ; and in him are we builded together for an habitation of God through the Spirit , Ephes. 2.21 , 22. Of our selues wee are but lost sheepe , scattered and wandring vpon euery Mountaine . From him it is , that there is one fold , and one shepheard , Ioh. 10.16 . God hauing purposed in himselfe to gather together in one all things in Christ , both which are in heauen , and which are on earth , euen in him , Ephes. 1.10 . This is the effect of our Sauiours prayer , Ioh. 17.21 . That they all may be one , as thou Father art in me , & I in thee , that they also may be one in vs , &c. I in them , and thou in me , that they may be made perfect in one . And this is it which we finde so oft repeated by Saint Paul : We being many , are one body in Christ , Rom. 12.5 . Ye are all one in Christ Iesus , Gal. 3.28 . And in the Text wee haue in hand : Wee being many , are one bread , and one body . Why ? because we are all partakers of that one bread : namely , of that bread , whereof he had said in the words immediately going before : The bread which we breake , is it not the communion of the body of Christ ? Vnder the name of Bread therefore heere is comprehended both Panis Domini , and Panis Dominus ; not onely the bread of the Lord , but also the Lord himselfe , who is that liuing Bread which came downe from heauen , Ioh. 6.51 . For as Saint Peter , saying that Baptisme doth saue vs , vnderstandeth thereby both the outward part of that Sacrament , ( for he expressely calleth it a figure ) and more than that too ( as appeareth by the explication presently adioyned : not the putting away of the filth of the flesh ) euen the inward purging of our consciences by vertue of the death and resurrection of Iesus Christ : so Saint Paul heere making the reason of our vnion to bee our partaking all of this one bread , hath not so much respect vnto the externall bread in the Sacrament ( though he exclude not that neither ) as vnto the true and heauenly Bread figured thereby ; whereof the Lord himselfe pronounceth in the sixth of Iohn : The bread that I will giue , is my flesh , which I will giue for the life of the world . And ( to shew that by partaking of this bread , that wonderfull vnion we speake of , is effected : ) Hee that eateth my flesh , and drinketh my blood , dwelleth in me , and I in him . It is a lamentable thing to behold , how this holy Sacrament , which was ordained by Christ to be a bond whereby wee should be knit together in vnity , is by Satans malice , and the corruption of mans disposition , so strangely peruerted the contrary way ; that it is made the principall occasion of that wofull distraction which wee see amongst Christians at this day , and the very fuell of endlesse strifes , and implacable contentions . And for as much as these mischiefes haue proceeded from the inconsiderate confounding of those things which in their owne nature are as different as may be : for the cleerer distinguishing of matters , we are in the first place to consider , that a Sacrament taken in his full extent , comprehendeth two things in it : that which is outward and visible , which the Schooles call properly Sacramentum , ( in a more strict acception of the word : ) and that which is inward and inuisible , which they tearme rem Sacramenti , the principall thing exhibited in the Sacrament . Thus in the Lords Supper , the outward thing which we see with our eyes , is bread and wine , the inward thing which wee apprehend by faith is , the body and blood of Christ : in the outward part of this mysticall action , which reacheth to that which is Sacramentum onely , we receiue this body and blood but sacramentally ; in the inward , which containeth rem , the thing it selfe in it , wee receiue them really : and consequently the presence of these in the one is relatiue and symbolicall ; in the other , reall and substantiall . To begin then with that which is symbolicall and relatiue : we may obserue out of the Scripture , which saith , that Abraham receiued the signe of Circumcision , a seale of the righteousnesse of the faith which hee had being vncircumcised ; that Sacraments haue a twofold relation to the things whereof they be Sacraments : the one of a signe , the other of a seale . Signes , wee knovv , are relatiuely vnited vnto the things which they doe signifie ; and in this respect ate so neerly conioyned together , that the name of the one is vsually communicated vnto the other . This cup is the new Testament , or , the new Couenant , saith our Sauiour in the institution of the holy Supper , Luk. 22.20 . This is my Couenant , saith God in the institution of Circumcision in the old Testament , Gen. 17.10 . but how it was his Couenant , hee explaneth in the verse immediatly following : Ye shall circumcise the flesh of your foreskinne ; and it shall be a SIGNE of the Couenant betwixt me and you . So words being the signes of things , no sooner is the sound of the word conueyed to our cares , but the notion of the thing signified thereby is presented vnto our minde : and thereupon in the speech of the Scripture nothing is more ordinary , then by the terme of * Word to note a thing . We reade in the fourth of the first of Samuel , that the Philistims were afraid and said , God is come into the Campe , vers . 7. when the Israelites brought thither the Arke of the Couenant of the Lord of hosts , which dwelleth betweene the Cherubims , vers . 4. and yet was that no other but this relatiue kinde of presence wherof now we speake : in respect whereof also the shewbread is in the Hebrew named 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the bread of faces , or , the presence bread . Wee see with vs , the roome wherein the Kings c●aire , and other ensignes of State are placed , is called the Chamber of presence , although the King himselfe bee not there personally present : and as the rude and vndutifull behauiour of any in that place , or the offering of any dis-respect to the Kings pourtraicture , or to the Armes Royall , or to any other thing that hath relation to his Maiesty , is taken as a dishonour done vnto the King himselfe : so heere , hee that eateth the bread , and drinketh the cup of the Lord vnworthily , is accounted guilty of offering indignity to the body and blood of the Lord. In this sort wee acknowledge Sacraments to be signes ; but bare signes we denie them to bee : seales they are , as vvell as signes of the Couenant of grace . As it vvas therefore said of Iohn the Baptist , that he vvas a Prophet , and more then a Prophet : so must vve say of Sacraments , that they be signes , and more then signes ; euen pledges and assurances of the interest vvhich vvee haue in the heauenly things that are represented by them . He that hath in his chamber the picture of the French King , hath but a bare signe ; vvhich possibly may make him thinke of that King vvhen hee looketh on it , but shevveth not that hee hath any manner of interest in him . It is othervvise vvith him that hath the Kings great Seale for the confirmation of the title that hee hath vnto all the lands and liuelihood which he doth inioy . And as heere , the waxe that is affixed to those letters Patents , howsoeuer for substance it bee the very same with that which is to be found euery where , yet being applyed to this vse , is of more worth to the Patentee , then all the waxe in the country beside : so standeth it with the outward elements in the matter of the Sacrament . The bread and wine are not changed in substance from being the same with that which is serued at ordinary tables : but in respect of the sacred vse whereunto they are consecrated , such a change is made , that now they differ as much from common bread and wine , as heauen from earth . Neither are they to be accounted barely significatiue , but truly exhibitiue also of those heauenly things whereto they haue relation : as being appoynted by God to bee a meanes of conueying the same vnto vs , and putting vs in actuall possession thereof . So that in the vse of this holy ordinance , as verily as a man with his bodily hand and mouth receiueth the earthly creatures ; so verily doth he with his spirituall hand and mouth ( if any such he haue ) receiue the body and blood of Christ. And this is that reall and substantiall presence , which wee affirmed to be in the inward part of this sacred action . For the better conceiuing of which mystery , we are to inquire , first , what the thing is which wee doe heere receiue ; secondly , how and in what manner we are made partakers of it . Touching the first , the truth which must be held , is this : that wee doe not here receiue onely the benefits that flow from Christ ; but the very body and blood of Christ , that is , Christ himselfe crucified . For as none can bee made partaker of the vertue of the bread and wine to his bodily sustenance , vnlesse he first doe receiue the substance of those creatures : so neither can any participate in the benefits arising from Christ to his spirituall reliefe , except he first haue communion with Christ himselfe . We must a haue the Sonne , before wee haue life : and therefore b eate him we must , as himselfe speaketh ) that is , as truly bee made partakers of him , as we are of our ordinary food , if we will liue by him . As there is a giuing of him on Gods part ( for c vnto vs a Sonne is giuen ; ) so there must bee a receiuing of him on our part : for d as many as reciued him , to them gaue hee power to become the sonnes of God. And as wee are e called by God vnto the communion of his Sonne Iesus Christ our Lord : so if we doe heare his voyce , and not harden our hearts by vnbeliefe , wee are indeed made f partakers of Christ. This is that great mystery ( for so the Apostle termeth it ) of our vnion with Christ , whereby we are made members of his body , of his flesh , and of his bones : and this is that eating of the flesh of the Sonne of man , and drinking of his blood , which our Sauiour insisteth so much vpon , in the sixth of Iohn . Where if any man shall demand , ( that I may now come vnto the second poynt of our inquiry ) How can this man giue vs his flesh to eate ? He must beware that he come not pre-occupied with such dull conceits as they were possessed withall , who moued that question there ; hee must not thinke that we cannot truly feed on Christ , vnlesse we receiue him within our iawes : ( for that is as grosse an imagination as that of Nicodemus , who could not conceiue how a man could bee borne againe , vnlesse he should enter the second time into his mothers wombe : ) but must consider that the eating and drinking which our Sauiour speaketh of , must be answerable to the hungring and thirsting , for the quenching whereof this heauenly Banquet is prouided . Marke well the words which he vseth , toward the beginning of his discourse concerning this argument . I am the bread of life , hee that commeth to me , shall neuer hunger ; and hee that beleeueth on me , shall neuer thirst . But I said vnto you , that ye also haue seene me , and beleeue not . And compare them with those in the end : It is the Spirit that quickeneth , the flesh profiteth nothing : the words that I speake vnto you , they are spirit , and they are life . But there are some of you that beleeue not . Now obserue , that such as our hungring is , such is our eating . But euery one will confesse , that the hunger heere spoken of , is not corporall , but spirituall : Why then should any man dreame heere of a corporall eating ? Againe , the corporall eating , if a man might haue it , would not auaile any thing to the slaking of this hunger ; nay , we are expressely told , that the flesh thus taken ( for so we must vnderstand it ) profiteth nothing , a man should neuer be the better , nor one iot the holier , nor any whit further from the second death , if he had filled his belly with it . But that manner of feeding on this flesh , which Christ himselfe commendeth vnto vs , is of such profit , that it preserueth the eater from death , and maketh him to liue for euer . It is not therefore such an eating , that euery man who bringeth a bodily mouth with him may attaine vnto : but it is of a farre higher nature ; namely , a spirituall vniting of vs vnto Christ , whereby he dwelleth in vs , and we liue by him . If any doe further inquire , how it is possible that any such vnion should be , seeing the body of Christ is in heauen , and wee are vpon earth ? I answere , that if the manner of this coniunction were carnall and corporall , it would bee indeed necessary that the things conioyned should bee admitted to bee in the same place : but it being altogether spirituall and supernaturall , no locall presence , no physicall nor mathematicall continuity or contiguity is any way requisite thereunto . It is sufficient for the making of a reall vnion in this kinde , that Christ and we ( though neuer so farre distant in place each from other ) bee knit together by those spirituall ligatures , which are intimated vnto vs in the words alledged out of the sixth of Iohn : to wit , the quickening Spirit descending downeward from the Head , to be in vs a fountaine of supernaturall life ; and a liuely faith ( wrought by the same Spirit ) ascending from vs vpward , to lay fast hold vpon him , who hauing by himselfe purged our sinnes , sitteth on the right hand of the Maiesty on high . First therefore , for the communion of the Spirit , which is the ground and foundation of this spirituall vnion ; let vs call to minde what we haue read in Gods Booke : that Christ , the second Adam , was made a a quickening spirit : and that he b quickeneth whom he will : that vnto him c God hath giuen the Spirit without measure : and d of his fulnesse haue all we receiued : that e he that is ioyned vnto the Lord , is one Spirit : and that f heereby wee know that we dwell in him , and he in vs , because hee hath giuen vs his Spirit . By all which it doth appeare , that the mystery of our vnion with Christ consisteth mainly in this : that the selfe-same Spirit which is in him , as in the Head , is so deriued from him into euery one of his true members , that thereby they are animated and quickened to a spirituall life . We reade in the first of Ezekiel , of foure liuing creatures , and of foure wheeles standing by them . When those went , ( saith the Text ) these went ; and when those stood , these stood : and when those were lifted vp from the earth , the wheeles were lifted vp ouer against them . Hee that should behold such a vision as this , would easily conclude by that which he saw , that some inuisible bands there were by which these wheeles and liuing creatures were ioyned together , howsoeuer none did outwardly appeare vnto the eye : and the holy Ghost , to giue vs satisfaction heerein , discouereth the secret , by yeelding this for the reason of this strange connexion ; that the spirit of the liuing creature was in the wheeles , Ezek. 1.21 . From whence wee may inferre , that things may truly be conioyned together , though the manner of the coniunction bee not corporall : and that things distant in place may be vnited together , by hauing the spirit of the one communicated vnto the other . Nay , if we marke it well , we shall finde it to be thus in euery of our owne bodies : that the formall reason of the vnion of the members consisteth not in the continuity of the parts ( though that also be requisite to the vnity of a naturall body : ) but in the animation thereof by one and the same spirit . If we should suppose a body to be as high as the heauens , that the head thereof should be where Christ our Head is , and the feet where we his members are : no sooner could that head thinke of mouing one of the toes , but instantly the thing would be done , without any impediment giuen by that huge distance of the one from the other . And why ? because the same soule that is in the head , as in the fountaine of sence and motion , is present likewise in the lowest member of the body . But if it should so fall out , that this , or any other member proued to be mortified , it presently would cease to bee a member of that body ; the corporall coniunction and continuity with the other parts notwithstanding . And euen thus is it in Christ ; although in regard of his corporall presence , the heauen must receiue him , vntill the times of the restitution of all things : yet is he here with vs alway , euen vnto the end of the world , in respect of the presence of his Spirit ; by the vitall influence whereof from him , as from the Head , the whole body is fitly ioyned together , and compacted by that which euery ioynt supplieth , according to the effectuall working in the measure of euery part . Which quickening Spirit if it be wanting in any , no externall communion with Christ or his Church , can make him a true member of this mysticall body : this being a most sure principle , that He which hath not the Spirit of Christ , is none of his , Rom. 8.9 . Now among all the graces that are wrought in vs by the Spirit of Christ , the soule ( as it were ) of all the rest , and that whereby a the iust doth liue , is Faith. b For we through the Spirit waite for the hope of righteousnesse by faith , saith S. Paul to the Galatians . And againe : c I liue , yet not I , but Christ liueth in me ; and the life which I now liue in the flesh , I liue by the faith of the Sonne of God , who loued me , and gaue himselfe for me . By faith it is , that wee doe d receiue Christ : and so likewise e Christ dwelleth in our hearts by faith . Faith therefore is that spirituall mouth in vs , whereby wee eate the flesh of the Sonne of man , and drinke his blood , that is , ( as the Apostle expresseth it without the trope ) f are made partakers of Christ : he being by this meanes as truly , and euery wayes as effectually made ours , as the meate and drinke which we receiue into our naturall bodies . But you will say , If this be all the matter , what doe we get by comming to the Sacrament ? seeing we haue faith , and the quickening Spirit of Christ before wee come thither . To this I answere : that the Spirit is receiued in diuers measures , and faith bestowed vpon vs in different degrees ; by reason whereof our coniunction with Christ may euery day bee made straiter , and the hold which we take of him firmer . To receiue the Spirit g not by measure , is the priuiledge of our Head : we that h receiue out of his fulnesse , haue not our portion of grace deliuered vnto vs all at once , but must daily looke for i supply of the Spirit of Iesus Christ. So also , while we are in this world , k the righteousnesse of God is reuealed vnto vs from faith to faith , that is , from one degree and measure of it to another : and consequently , we must still labour to l perfect that which is lacking in our faith , and euermore pray with the Apostles , m Lord increase our faith . n As wee haue therefore receiued Christ Iesus the Lord , so must wee walke in him ; rooted and built vp in him , and stablished in the faith : that wee o may grow vp into him in all things , which is the Head. And to this end God hath ordained publike officers in his Church , p for the perfecting of the Saints for the worke of the ministery , for the edifying of the body of Christ , till we all come in the vnity of the faith , and of the knowledge of the Sonne of God , vnto a perfect man , vnto the measure of the stature of the fulnesse of Christ : and hath accordingly q made them able Ministers of the Spirit that quickeneth , and r Ministers by whom we should beleeue , euen as the Lord shall giue to euery man. When wee haue therefore receiued s the Spirit and t Faith ( and so spirituall life ) by their ministery , we are not there to rest ; but u as new borne babes we must desire the sincere milke of the Word , that we may grow thereby : and as growne men too , wee must desire to be fed at the Lords Table , that by the strength of that spirituall repast we may be inabled to doe the Lords worke , and may continually be nourished vp thereby in the life of grace , vnto the life of glory . Neither must we heere with a fleshly eye looke vpon the meanenesse of the outward elements , and haue this faithlesse thought in our hearts , that there is no likelihood , a bit of bread , and a draught of wine should be able to produce such heauenly effects as these . For so we should prooue our selues to be no wiser than Naaman the Syrian was , who hauing receiued direction from the man of God , that he should wash in Iordan seuen times , to be cleansed of his Leprosie ; replied with indignation , Are not Abana and Pharpar , riuers of Damascus , better then all the waters of Israel ? May I not wash in them , and be cleane ? But as his seruāts did soberly aduise him then , If the Prophet had bid thee doe some great thing , wouldest thou not haue done it ? How much rather then , when hee saith to thee , Wash and be cleane ? So giue mee leaue to say vnto you now : If the Lord had commanded vs to doe some great thing , for the attaining of so high a good ; should not we willingly haue done it ? How much rather then , when hee biddeth vs to eate the bread , and drinke the wine that he hath prouided for vs at his owne Table , that by his blessing thereupon wee may grow in grace , and be preserued both in body and soule vnto euerlasting life ? True it is indeed , these outward creatures haue no naturall power in them to effect so great a worke as this is , no more then the water of Iordan had to recouer the Leper : but the worke wrought by these meanes , is supernaturall ; and God hath been pleased in the dispensation both of the Word and of the Sacraments so to ordaine it , that these heauenly treasures should bee presented vnto vs in earthen vessels , that the excellency of the power might be of God. As therefore in the preaching of the Gospell , the Minister doth not dare verba , and beate the aire with a fruitlesse found , but the words that hee speaketh vnto vs are Spirit and life ; God being pleased by the foolishnesse of preaching , to saue them that beleeue : so likewise in the administration of the Lords Supper , he doth not feed vs with bare bread and wine , but if we haue the life of faith in vs , ( for still we must remember that this Table is prouided not for the dead , but for the liuing ) and come worthily , the Cup of blessing which he blesseth , will be vnto vs the communion of the blood of Christ , and the bread which hee breaketh , the communion of the body of Christ : of which precious body and blood wee being really made partakers , ( that is , in truth and indeed , and not in imagination onely ) although in a spirituall and not a corporall manner ; the Lord doth grant vs , according to the riches of his glory , to bee strengthened with might by his Spirit in the inner man , that we may bee filled with all the fulnesse of God. For the Sacraments ( as well as the Word ) be a part of that ministration of the Spirit , which is committed to the Ministers of the New Testament : for as much as by one Spirit , ( as before we haue heard from the Apostle ) wee haue been all baptized into one body , and haue been all made to drinke into one Spirit . And thus haue I finished the first part of my taske , my Congregatio homogeneorum , ( as I call it ) the knitting together of those that appertaine to the same body , both with their fellovv-members , and vvith their Head : vvhich is the thing laid dovvne in the expresse vvords of my Text. It remaineth novv that I proceed to the Apostles application hereof vnto the argument hee hath in hand , vvhich is Segregatio heterogeneorum , a disseuering of those that bee not of the same communion ; that the faithfull may not partake vvith Idolaters , by countenancing , or any vvay ioyning vvith them in their vngodly courses . For that this is the maine scope at vvhich S. Paul aimeth in his treating here of the Sacrament , is euident both by that vvhich goeth before in the 19. vers . Wherefore my deareby beloued , flee from Idolatry : and that vvhich follovveth in the 21. Yee cannot drinke the Cup of the Lord , and the cup of diuels ; ye cannot be partakers of the Lords Table , and of the table of diuels . Whereby vve may collect thus much , that as the Lords Supper is a seale of our coniunction one vvith another , and vvith Christ our Head ; so is it an euidence of our dis-iunction from Idolaters , binding vs to dis-auovv all communion vvith them in their false vvorship . And indeed , the one must necessarily follovv vpon the other : considering the nature of this hainous sinne of Idolatry is such , that it can no wayes stand with the fellowship which a Christian man ought to haue , both with the Head , and with the body of the Church . To this purpose , in the sixth of the second to the Corinthians we reade thus : What agreement hath the Temple of God with Idols ? for ye are the Temple of the liuing God , as God hath said , I will dwell in them , and walke in them , and I will bee their God , and they shall be my people . Wherefore come out from among the , & be ye separate , saith the Lord , and touch not the vncleane thing ; and I will receiue you . And in the 2. Chap. of the Epistle to the Colossians : Let no man beguile you of your reward , in a voluntary humility , and worshipping of Angels , intruding into those things which he hath not seene , vainely puft vp by his fleshly minde : and not holding the head , from which all the body by ioynts and bands hauing nourishment ministred , and knit together , increaseth with the increase of God. In which words the Apostle sheweth vnto vs , that such as vnder pretence of humility were drawne to the worshipping of Angels , did not hold the Head , and consequently could not retaine communion with the body , which receiueth his whole growth from thence . Answerably whereunto the Fathers assembled out of diuers prouinces of Asia in the Synode held at Laodicea , ( not farre from the Colossians ) did solemnely conclude , that a Christians ought not to forsake the Church of God , and goe and inuocate Angels , and pronounced an anathema against any that should bee found to doe so , b because ( say they ) he hath forsaken our Lord Iesus Christ , the Sonne of God , and giuen himselfe to Idolatry : declaring plainly , that by this idolatrous inuocation of Angels , a discession was made both from the Church of God , as they note in the beginning , and from Christ the Head of the Church , as they obserue in the end of their Canon . For the further vnderstanding of this particular , it will not be amisse to consider what Theodoret , a famous Bishop of the ancient Church , hath written of this matter in his Commentary vpon the second to the Colossians , They that defended the Law ( saith he ) induced thē also to worship the Angels , saying that the Law was giuen by them . And this vice continued in Phrygia , and Pisidia for a long time : for which cause also the Synod assembled in Laodicea the chiefe City of Phyrgia , for bad them by a Law , to pray vnto Angels . And euen to this day among them and their borderers , there are Oratories of Saint Michael to be seene . This therefore did they counsell should be done , vsing humility , and saying , that the God of all was inuisible , and inaccessible , and incomprehensible ; and that it was fit men should get Gods fauour by the meanes of Angels . And this is it which the Apostle saith , In humility , and worshipping of Angels . Thus farre Theodoret , whom Cardinall Baronius discerning to come somwhat close vnto him , and to touch the Idolatry of the Popish crue a little to the quicke , leaueth the poore shifts wherewith his companions labour to obscure the light of this testimony , and telleth vs plainely , that c Theodoret , by his leaue , did not well vnderstand the meaning of Pauls words : and d that those Oratories of Saint Michael were erected anciently by Catholicks , and not by those Hereticks which were condemned in the Councell of Laodicea , as he mistooke the matter . As if any wise man would bee perswaded vpon his bare word , that the memory of things done in Asia so long since , should be more fresh in Rome at this day , then in the time of Theodoret , who liued twelue hundred yeeres agoe . Yet must I needs confesse , that hee sheweth a little more modesty heerein then Bellarmine his fellow-Cardinall doth ; who would make vs beleeue , that the place in the nineteenth of the Reuelation , where the Angell saith to Saint Iohn that would haue worshipped him , See thou doe it not , I am thy fellow-seruant , Worship God ; maketh for them ; and demandeth very soberly , e why they should be reprehended , who doe the same thing that Iohn did ? and , whether the Caluinists knew better then Iohn , whether Angels were to bee adored or no ? And as for inuocation of them , he telleth vs , that f Saint Iacob plainly prayed vnto an Angell , in the 48. of Genesis , when in blessing the sonnes of Ioseph , hee said , The Angell which deliuered me from all euill , blesse those children . Whom for answere we remit to Saint Cyril , ( in the first Chapter of the third booke of his Thesaurus ) and intreate him to tell vs , how neere of kinne hee is here to those Hereticks of whom S. Cyril there speaketh . His words bee these : That hee doth not meane ( in that place , Genes . 48.16 . ) an Angell , as the HERETICKES vnderstand it , but the Sonne of God , is manifest by this : that when hee had said , [ The Angel , ] he presently addeth , [ who deliuered mee from all euils . ] Which S. Cyril presupposeth , no good Christian will ascribe to any but to God alone . But to come more neere yet vnto that which is Idolatry most properly : An Idoll ( we must vnderstand ) in the exact propriety of the terme , doth signifie any Image ; but according to the Ecclesiasticall vse of the word , it noteth such an Image as is set vp for religious adoration . And in this later sence we charge the adherents of the Church of Rome with grosse Idolatry : because that contrary to Gods expresse Commandement they are found to bee worshippers of Images . Neither will it auaile them heere to say , that the Idolatry forbidden in the Scripture , is that onely which was vsed by Iewes and Pagans . The Apostle indeed in this place dehorting Christians from Idolatry , propoundeth the fall of the Iewes in this kinde before their eyes : Neither be yee Idolaters , saith he , as some of them were . And so doth hee also adde concerning another sinne , in the verse following : Neither let vs commit fornication , as some of them committed . As well then might one pleade , that Iewish or Heathenish fornication were here onely reprehended , as Iewish or Heathenish Idolatry . But as the one is a foule sinne , whether it bee committed by Iew , Pagan , or Christian : so if such as professe the Name of Christ , shall practise that which the Word of God condemneth in Iewes and Pagans , for Idolatry , their profession is so farre from diminishing , that it augmenteth rather the hainousnesse of the crime . The Idols of the Heathen are siluer and gold , the worke of mens hands , saith the Psalmist : and so the Idols ( of Christians , in all likelihood ) mentioned in the Reuelation , are said to bee of gold , and siluer , and brasse , and stone , and of wood ; which neither can see , nor heare , nor walke . The description of these Idols ( wee see ) agreeth in all poynts with Popish Images : where is any difference ? The Heathen , say they , held the Images themselues to be gods , which is far from our thought . Admit , some of the simpler sort of the Heathen did so : what shall we say of the Iewish Idolaters , ( of whom the Apostle here speaketh ) who erected the golden Calfe in the Wildernesse ? Can wee thinke the they were all so senselesse , as to imagine that the Calfe , which they knew was not at all in rerum naturâ , and had no being at that time when they came out of Egypt , should yet be that God which brought them vp out of the land of Egypt ? And for the Heathen : did the Romans and Grecians , when they dedicated in seuerall places an hundred Images ( for example ) to the honour of Iupiter , the king of all their gods , think that thereby they had made an hundred Iupiters ? or when their blocks were so old , that they had need to haue new placed in their stead ; did they think by this change of their Images , that they made change also of their gods ? without question they must so haue thought , if they did take the very Images themselues to be their gods : and yet the Prophet bids vs consider diligently ; and wee shall finde that the Heathen nations did not change their gods , ( Ierem. 2.10 , 11. ) Nay , what doe we meet with , more vsually in the writings of the Fathers , then these answers of the Heathens for themselues ? a Wee worship the gods by the Images . b Wee feare not them , but those to whose image they are made , and to whose names they are consecrated . c I doe not worship that stone , nor that Image which is without sense . d I neither worship the Image nor a spirit in it : but by the bodily pourtrature I doe behold the signe of that thing which I ought to worship . But admit they did not account the Image it selfe to be God , ( will the Papist further say ; ) yet were those images set vp to represent either things that had no being , or diuels , or false gods ; and in that respect were Idols : wheras we erect Images onely to the honour of the true God , and of his seruants the Saints and Angels . To this I might oppose that answere of the Heathen to the Christians : e We doe not worship euill spirits : such as you call Angels , those doe we also worship , the powers of the great God , and the Ministers of the great God. and put them in minde of S. Augustines reply : f I would you did worship them ; you should easily learne of them not to worship them . But I will grant vnto them , that many of the Idolatrous Iewes & Heathens Images were such as they say they were : yet I deny that all of them were such , and confidently doe auouch , that Idolatry is committed by yeelding adoration to an Image of the true God himselfe . For proofe whereof ( omitting the Idoles of g Micah , and h Ieroboam , which were erected to the memory of Iehouah the God of Israel ; as also the Athenians superstitious worship of the * Vnknowne God , Act. 17.23 . if , as the common vse of Idolaters was , they added an Image to their Altar : ) I will content my selfe with these two places of Scripture ; the one whereof concerneth the Iewes , the other the Heathen . That which toucheth the Heathen , is in the first Chapter of the Epistle to the Romans : where the Apostle hauing said , that God had shewed vnto thē that which might be knowne of him ; and that the inuisible things of him , that is , his eternall power and God-head , was manifested vnto them by the creation of the world , and the contemplation of the creatures : hee addeth presently , that God was sorely displeased with them , and therefore gaue them vp vnto vile affections , because they changed the glory of that vncorruptible God , into an Image made like to corruptible men , and to birds , and foure-footed beasts , and creeping things . Whereby it is euident , that the Idolatry condemned in the wisest of the Heathen , was the adoring of the inuisible God , whom they acknowledged to be the Creator of all things , in visible Images fashioned to the similitude of men and beasts . The other place of Scripture , is the 4. of Deuteronomy : where Moses vseth this speech vnto the children of Israel . The Lord spake vnto you out of the midst of the fire : yee heard the voyce of the Words , but saw no similitude , onely yee heard a voyce , verse 12. And what doth he inferre vpon this ? Take yee therefore good heed vnto your selues , ( saith he in the 15. vers . ) for ye saw no manner of similitude on the day that the Lord spake vnto you in Horeb , out of the midst of the fire . Left yee corrupt your selues , and make you a grauen image , the similitude of any figure , the likenesse of male or female , the likenes of any beast that is on the earth , the likenes of any winged fowle that flieth in the aire , the likenesse of any thing that creepeth on the ground , the likenes of any fish that is in the waters beneath the earth . Where we may obserue : first , that God in the deliuery of the Law did purposely vse a voyce onely ; because that such a creature as that , was not to be expressed by visible lineaments . as if that voyce should haue said vnto the Painter , as Eccho is fayned to doe in the i Poet. Vane , quid affectas faciem mihi ponere , pictor ? Si mihi vis similem pingere , pinge sonum . Secondly , that when he vttered the words of the second Commandement in mount Sinai , and forbad the making of the likenes of any thing that is in Heauen aboue , or in the Earth beneath , or in the Waters vnder the Earth ; hee did at that time forbeare to shew himselfe in any visible shape , either of man or woman , either of beast in the earth , foule in the aire , or fish in the waters beneath the earth : to the end it might be the better made knowne , that it was his pleasure not to be adored at all in any such formes ; & that the worshipping of Images , not onely as they haue reference to the creatures whom they doe immediately represent , or to false gods , but also as they haue relation to himselfe ( the true God , who was then speaking vnto them in the Mount ) did come within the compasse of the Idolatry which was condemned in that Commandement . In vaine therefore doe the Romanists goe about to perswade vs , that their Images be no Idoles : and as vainely also doe they spend time in curiously distinguishing the seuerall degrees of worship ; the highest point whereof , which they call Latreia , and acknowledge to be due onely vnto God , they would be loth wee should thinke that they did communicate to any of their Images . But here wee are to vnderstand , first of all , that Idolatry may be committed by giuing not the highest onely , but also the lowest degree of religious adoration vnto Images : and therefore in the words of the Commandement , the very bowing downe vnto them , which is one of the meanest degrees of worship , is expresly forbidden . Secondly , that it is * the receiued doctrine of Popish diuines , that the Image should be honored with the same worship , wherewith that thing is worshipped whose Image it is : and therfore what adoration is due to Christ and the Trinity , the same by this ground they are to giue vnto their Images . Thirdly , that in the Roman Pontificall published by the authority of Clement the VIII . ( to omit other testimonies in this kinde ) it is concluded , * that the Crosse of the Popes Legate shal haue the right hand , vpon this very reason , quia debetur ei latria , because the worship proper to God is due to it . Now whether they commit Idolatry , who communicate vnto a senselesse thing , that worship which they themselues confesse to be due vnto God alone : let all the world iudge . They were best therefore from henceforth confesse themselues to be Idolaters : and stand to it , that euery kinde of Idolatry is not vnlawfull . Their Iesuite Gregorius de Valentia will tell them for their comfort , that it is no absurdity to thinke that Saint Peter , when he deterreth the faithfull by name ab illicitis Idolorum cultibus ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Saint Peter calleth them , that is , abominable Idolatries ) doth insinuate therby , that * some worship of Images is lawfull . Iohn Monceye the Frenchman in his Aaron Purgatus ( dedicated to the late Pope Paul the fifth ) and in his twenty questions propounded to Visorius , stretcheth yet a straine higher . For howsoeuer hee cannot away with the name of Idols and Idolatry ; yet he liketh the thing it selfe so well , that he vndertaketh to cleare Aaron from committing any error in setting vp the golden Calfe , and laboureth to purge Laban , and Micha , and Ieroboam too from the imputation of Idolatry : hauing found indeed , that nothing had beene done by them in this kinde , which is not agreeable to the practice of the Romane Church at this day . And lest the poore people , whom they haue so miserably abused , should finde how farre they haue beene misled ; wee see that the masters of that Church doe in the Seruice books and Catechismes , which come vnto the hāds of the vulgar , generally leaue out the words of the second Commandement that make against the adoration of Images : fearing lest by the light thereof , the mystery of their iniquity should be discouered . They pretend indeed that this Commandement is not excluded by them , but included onely in the first : whereas in truth they doe but craftily conceale it from the peoples eyes , because they would not haue them to be ruled by it . Nay , Vasquez the Iesuite doth boldly acknowledge , that it plainely appeareth by comparing the words of this Commandement , with the place which hath beene alledged out of the 4. of Deuteronomy ; that the Scripture did not onely forbid the worshipping of an Image for God , but also the adoration of the true God himselfe in an Image . He confesseth further , that he and his fellow Catholikes doe otherwise . What saith hee then to the Commandement , thinke you ? Because it will not be obeyed , it must be repealed , and not admitted to haue any place among the morall precepts of God. * It was ( saith he ) a positiue and ceremoniall Law : and therefore ought to cease in the time of the Gospell . And as if it had not beene enough for him to match the Scribes and Pharises in impiety , who made the Commandement of God of none effect , that they might keepe their owne tradition : that he might fulfill the measure of his fathers , and shew himselfe to be a true childe of her who beareth the name of being the mother of harlots and abominations of the earth ; he is yet more mad , and sticketh not to maintaine , that not onely a paynted Image , but any other thing of the world , whether it be without life and reason , or whether it be a reasonable creature , may ( in the nature of the thing , and if the matter bee discreetly handled ) be adored vvith God , as his Image ; yea and counteth it no absurdity at all , that a very vvispe of stravv should be thus vvorshipped . But let vs turne yet againe , and vve shall see greater abominations then these . We heard hovv this blessed Sacrament , vvhich is here propounded by the Apostle , as a bond to vnite Christians together in one body , hath beene made the apple of strife , and the occasion of most bitter breaches in the Church : we may now obserue againe , that the same holy Sacrament , which by the same Apostle is here brought in as a principall inducement to make men flee from Idolatry , is by our Aduersaries made the obiect of the grossest Idolatry that euer hath been practised by any . For their constant doctrine is , that in worshipping the Sacrament they should giue vnto it , latriae cultum qui vero Deo debetur , ( as the Councell of Trent hath determined , ) that kinde of seruice which is due to the true God ; determining their worship in that very thing which the Priest doth hold betwixt his hands . Their practice also runs accordingly : for an instance whereof we neede goe no further then to Sanders booke of the Lords Supper ; before which he hath perfixed an Epistle Dedicatory , superscribed in this manner : To the Body and Blood of our Sauiour Iesus Christ , vnder the formes of Bread and Wine , all honour , praise , and thankes , be giuen for euer . Adding further in the processe of that blockish Epistle . Howsoeuer it be with other men , I adore thee my God and Lord really present vnder the formes of Bread and Wine , after consecration deuly made : Beseeching thee of pardon for my sinnes , &c. Now if the conceite which these men haue concerning the Sacrament should proue to bee false ( as indeed we know it to be most absurd and monstrous ) their owne Iesuite Coster doth freely confesse , that they should be in such an error and Idolatry , qualis in orbe terrarum nunquam vel visus vel auditus fuit , as neuer was seene or heard of in this world . * For the error of them is more tolerable , ( saith he ) who worship for God a Statue of gold or siluer , or an Image of any other matter , as the Gentiles adored their gods ; or a red cloth lifted vp vpon a speare , as it is reported of the Lappians ; or liuing creatures , as did sometime the Egyptians ; then of those that worship a piece of bread . We therefore who are verily perswaded that the Papists doe thus , must of force ( if we follow their Iesuites direction ) iudge them to be the most intolerable Idolaters that euer were . Nay , according to their owne principles , how is it possible that any of themselues should certainly know , that the host which they worship should be any other thing but bread ? seeing the change doth wholy depend vpon consecration duly made , ( as Sanders speaketh ) and that dependeth vpon the intention of the Priest , which no man but himselfe can haue notice of Bellarmine , disputing against Ambrosius Catharinus , one of his owne brethren , that a man hath no certaine knowledge of his owne iustification , can take aduantage of this , and alledge for himselfe , that one * cannot be certaine by the certainty of faith , that hee doth receiue a true Sacrament ; for asmuch as the Sacrament cannot be made without the intention of the Minister , and none can see another mans intention . Apply this now to the matter we haue in hand ; and see into what intricate Labyrinths these men haue brought themselues . Admit the Priests intention stood right at the time of consecration , yet if he that baptized him failed in his intention when he administred that Sacrament , he remaineth still vnbaptized , and so becommeth vncapable of Priesthood ; and consequently , whatsoeuer he consecrateth is but bread still . Yea , admit hee were rightly baptized too : if either the Bishop that conferred vpon him the Sacrament of Orders , ( for so they hold it to be ) or those that baptized or ordained that Bishop , missed their right intention ; neither will the one proue Bishop , nor the other Priest ; and so with what intention soeuer either the one or the other doth consecrate , there remaineth but bread still . Neither doth the inconuenience stay heere , but ascendeth vpward to all their predecessors : in any one of whom if there fall out to bee a nullity of Priesthood ( for want of intention , either in the baptizer , or in the ordainer ) all the generation following , according to their principles , goe without their Priesthood too ; and so deliuer but bread to the people , in stead of the body of Christ. The Papists themselues therefore , if they stand vnto their owne grounds , must needs confesse , that they are in no better case heere , then the Samaritans were in , of whom our Sauiour saith , Yee worship yee know not what : but we know , that what they worship ( bee the condition or intention of their Priest what it will be ) is bread indeed ; which while they take to be their God , we must still account them guilty of spirituall fornication , and such fornication , as is not so much as named amongst the Gentiles . These then being the Idolaters with whom we haue to deale , let vs learne first how dangerous a thing it is to communicate with them in their false worship . For if we will be partakers of Babylons sinnes , wee must looke to receiue of her plagues . Secondly , wee are to be admonished , that it is not sufficient that in our owne persons we refraine worshipping of Idols , but it is further required , that we restraine ( as much as in vs lyeth ) the practice thereof in others ; lest by suffering God to be dishonoured in so high a manner , when wee may by our calling hinder it , wee make our selues partakers of other mens sinnes . Eli the high Priest was a good man , and gaue excellent counsell vnto his lewd sonnes : yet wee know what iudgement fell vpon him , because his sonnes made themselues vile , and he frowned not vpon them , ( that is , restrained them not ; ) which God doth interpret to be a kinde of Idolatry , in honouring of his sonnes aboue him . The Church of Pergamus did for her owne part hold fast Christs name , and denyed not his faith : yet had the Lord something against her ; because she had there , them that held the doctrine of Balaam , who taught Balac to cast a stumbling blocke before the children of Israel , to eate things sacrificed vnto Idols , and to commit fornication . So we see what speciall notice our Sauiour taketh of the workes , and charity , and seruice , and saith , & patience of the Church of Thyatira : and yet for all this he addeth , Notwithstanding , I haue a few things against thee , because thou sufferest that woman Iezebel , which calleth her selfe a Prophetesse , to teach and to seduce my seruants to commit fornication , and to eate things sacrificed vnto Idols . In the second of Iudges God telleth the childrē of Israel , what mischiefe should come vnto them by tolerating the Canaanitish Idolaters in their Land. They shall be thornes in your sides , ( saith he ) and their gods shall be a snare vnto you . Which words containe in them the intimation of a double danger : the one respecting the soule , the other the body . That which concerneth the soule , is : that their Idols should be a snare vnto them . For God well knew that mans nature is as prone to spirituall fornication , as it is to corporall . As therefore for the preuenting of the one , he would not haue a common harlot tolerated in Israel , Lest the Land should fall to whoredome and become full of wickednesse : so for the keeping out of the other , he would haue prouocations taken away , and all occasions whereby a man might be tempted to commit so vile a sinne . The bodily danger that followeth vpon the toleration of Idolaters , is : that they should be in their sides , that is , ( as in another place it is more fully expressed ) they should be prickes in their eyes , and thornes in their sides , and should vexe them in the Land wherein they dwelled . Now in both these respects it is certaine , that the toleration of the Idolaters with whom we haue to doe , is farre more perillous than of any other . In regard of the spirituall danger , wherewith simple soules are more like to bee insnared : because this kinde of Idolatry is not brought in with an open shew of impiety , ( as that of the Pagans ) but is a mystery of iniquity , a wickednesse couered with the vaile of piety ; and the harlot , which maketh the inhabitants of the earth drunke with the wine of this fornication , is both gilded her selfe , and presenteth also her abominations vnto her followers in a cup of gold . If we looke to outward perill , we are like to find these men , not thornes in our sides to vexe vs , but daggers in our hearts to destroy vs. Not that I take all of them to be of this furious disposition , ( mistake me not : I know a number my selfe of a farre different temper : ) but because there are neuer wanting among them some turbulent humours , so inflamed with the spirit of fornication , that they runne mad with it ; and are transported so farre , that no tolerable termes can content them , vntill they haue attained to the vtmost pitch of their vnbridled desires . For compassing whereof , there is no trechery , nor rebellion , nor murther , nor desperate course whatsoeuer , that ( without all remorse of conscience ) they dare not aduenture vpon . Neither doe they thus only , but they teach men also so to doe : arming both Pope , and Bishops , and People , and priuate persons , with power to cast downe euen Kings themselues from their Thrones , if they stand in their way , and giue any impediment to their designes . Touching the Popes power herein , there is no disputing : one of them telleth vs , that a there is no doubt , but the Pope may depose all Kings , when there is a reasonable cause so to doe . For Bishops , Cardinall Baronius informeth vs by the example of Dacius the Bishop of Millayne , his dealing against the Arrians ; b that those Bishops deserue no blame , and ought to suffer no enuie , who roll euery stone , ( yea and rather then faile , would blow vp stones too ) that they may not liue vnder an hereticall Prince . For the People , Dominicus Bannes , a Dominican Friar , resolues , that they need not , in this case , expect any sentencing of the matter by Pope , or other ; but c when the knowledge of the fault is euident , subiects may lawfully ( if so be they haue sufficient strength ) exempt themselues from subiection to their Princes , before any declaratory sentence of a Iudge . And that we may vnderstand that the Prouiso which hee inserteth of hauing strength sufficient , is very materiall ; he putteth vs in minde , that d the faithfull ( the Papists he meaneth ) of England are to bee excused hereby , who doe not exempt themselues from the power of their superiours , nor make warre against them . Because that generally they haue not power sufficient to make such warres against Princes , and great dangers are imminent ouer them . Lastly , for priuate persons , wee may reade in Suarez , that an hereticall King , e after sentence giuen against him , is absolutely depriued of his Kingdome , so that he cannot possesse it by any iust title : and therfore from thenceforth may be handled altogether as a Tyrant ; and consequently , hee may bee killed by any priuate person . Onely the Iesuite addeth this limitation : that f If the Pope doe depose the King , he may be expelled or killed by them onely to whom hee shall commit that businesse . But if he inioyne the execution thereof to no body ; then it shall appertaine to the lawfull successor in the Kingdome : or if none such be to be found , it shall belong to the Kingdome it selfe . But let him once be declared to be a Tyrant ; Mariana ( Suarez his Country-man and fellow Iesuite ) will tell you better how hee should bee handled . g That a Tyrant ( saith he ) may be killed by open force and armes , whether by violent breaking in into the Court , or by ioyning of battell , is a matter confessed : yea , and by deceit and ambushes too , as Ehud did in killing Eglon the King of the Moabites . Indeed it would argue a brauer minde to professe open enmity , and publikely to rush in vpon the enemy of the Common-wealth : but it is no lesse prudence , to take aduantage by fraud and ambushes , because it is done without stirre , and with lesse danger surely , both publike and priuate . His conclusion is , that h it is lawfull to take away his life , by any art whatsoeuer : with this prouiso onely , that he be not constrained either wittingly or vnwittingly to bee the cause of his owne death . Where the tendernesse of a Iesuites conscience is well worth the obseruing . Hee maketh no scruple at all to take away the mans life : onely hee would aduise that hee be not made away , by hauing poyson conueyed into his meat or drinke , lest in taking hereof ( forsooth ) he which is to be killed , should by this meanes haue some hand in procuring his owne death . i Yet poyson him you may , if you list , so that the venome be externally applyed by some other , he that is to bee killed helping nothing thereunto : namely , when the force of the poyson is so great , that a seat or garment being infected therewith , it may haue strength to kill . And that such meanes of poysoning hath been vsed , hee prooueth by diuers practices of the Moores : which we leaue to be considered of by Fitzherbert , who ( to proue that Squires intention of poysoning Queene Elizabeth in this manner , was but a meere fiction ) would perswade vs that it is not agreeable to the grounds of nature and reason , that any such thing should be . Thus we see what pestilent doctrine is daily broched by these incendiaries of the world : which , what pernicious effects it hath produced , I need not goe farre to exemplifie ; this assembly and this place cannot but call to minde the memory of that barbarous plot of the Powder-treason . Which being most iustly charged to haue k exceeded all measure of cruelty ; as inuoluing not the King alone , but also his children , and the States of the Kingdome , and many thousands of innocent people in the same ruine : a wicked varlet ( with whose name I will not defile this place ) steppeth forth some foure yeeres after , and with a brasen forehead biddeth vs not to wonder at the matter . For of an euill and pernicious herbe , both the seeds are to be crushed , and all the roots to be pulled vp , that they grow not againe . And otherwise also , for a few wicked persons it falleth out oftentimes that many perish in shipwracke . In the later of which reasons we may note these mens insolent impiety toward God : in arrogating vnto themselues such an absolute power for the murthering of innocents , as hee that is Lord of all , hath ouer his owne creatures ; the best of whom , if he doe enter into iudgement with them , will not bee found righteous in his sight . In the former , we may obserue their deadly malice toward Gods Anoynted , which they sufficiently declare will not bee satisfied but by the vtter extirpation of him , and all his Royall progenie . And whereas for the discouery of such wicked spirits , his Maiesty in his Princely wisedome did cause an Oath of Allegeance to bee framed ; by the tendring whereof he might be the better able to distinguish betwixt his loyall and disloyall subiects , and to put a difference betwixt a seditious and a quiet-minded Romanist : this companion derideth his simplicity , in imagining , that that will serue the turne , and supposing that a Papist will thinke himselfe any whit bound by taking such an oath . l See ( saith he ) in so great craft , how great simplicity doth bewray it selfe . When he had placed all his security in that oath ; hee thought he had found such a manner of oath , knit with so many circumstances , that it could not , with safety of conscience , by any meanes be dissolued by any man. But hee could not see , that if the Pope did dissolue that oath ; all the tyings of it , ( whether of performing fidelity to the King , or of admitting no dispensation ) would bee dissolued together . Yea , I will say another thing that is more admirable . You know ( I beleeue ) that an vniust oath , if it be euidently knowne , or openly declared to be such , bindeth no man ; but is voyd ipso facto . That the Kings oath is vniust , hath been sufficiently declared by the Pastor of the Church himselfe . You see therefore , that the obligation of it is vanished into smoke : so that the bond , which by so many wise men was thought to bee of iron , is become lesse then of straw . If matters now be come vnto this passe , that such as are addicted to the Pope , will account the Oath of Allegeance to haue lesse force to binde them then a rope of straw ; iudge ye whether that be not true which hath been said , that in respect not of spirituall infection onely , but of outward danger also to our State , any Idolaters may be more safely permitted then Papists . Which I doe not speake , to exasperate you against their persons , or to stirre you vp to make new Lawes for shedding of their blood . Their blindnesse I doe much pitty : and my hearts desire and prayer to God for them is , that they might bee saued . Onely this I must say , that ( things standing as they doe ) I cannot preach peace vnto them . For as Iehu said to Ioram , What peace , so long as the whoredomes of thy Mother Iezabel , and her witchcrafts are so many ? so must I say vnto them : What peace can there be , so long as you suffer your selues to bee led by the mother of harlots and abominations of the earth , who by her sorceries hath deceiued all Nations , and made them drunke with the wine of her fornication ? Let her put away her whoredomes out of her sight , and her adulteries from betweene her breasts ; let her repent of her murthers , and her sorceries , and her idolatries : or rather , because she is past all hope , let those that are seduced by her , cease to communicate with her in these abominable iniquities ; and wee shall be all ready to meet them , and reioyce with the Angels in heauen for their conuersion . In the meane time , they who sit at the Helme , and haue the charge of our Church and Common-wealth committed to them , must prouide by all good meanes , that God bee not dishonoured by their open Idolatries , nor our King and State indangered by their secret trecheries . Good Lawes there are already enacted to this purpose : which if they were duly put in execution , wee should haue lesse need to thinke of making new . But it is not my part to presse this poynt . I will therefore conclude as I did begin : I speake as to wise men ; Iudge ye what I say . 2. Tim. 2.7 . Consider what I say ; and the Lord giue you vnderstanding in all things . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A14239-e170 Cic Notes for div A14239-e260 1. Ioh. 1.6 , 7. Heb. 12.23 , 24. Gal. 3.27 , 28. 1. Cor. 12.12 , 13. Ibid. vers . 27. Rom. 12.5 . Ephes. 4 . 3-6 . Cant. 6.4 . Cant. 5.7 . * Veteres scripturas scrutans , inuenire non possum , scidisse Ecclesiam & de domo Dei populos seduxisse , praeter illos qui Sacerdotes à Deo positi fuerant & Prophetae . Hieron . Ephes. 4.13 . Act. 20.30 . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Sozomen . lib. 6. hist. Ecclesiast . cap. 4. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ibid. c Eccles. 3.15 . d Eccles. 6.10 . e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Isidor . Pelus . lib. 4. epist. 133. f Phil. 3.15 , 16. Rom. 16.17 . Gen. 16.12 . Gal. 5.15 . * Vos ergo quare separatione sacrilegâ pacis vinculum dirupistis ? August . lib. 2. de Baptismo contra Donat. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . I say and protest , that to make schisme in the Church , is no lesse euill , than to fall into heresie . Chrysost . in Ephes. Hom. 11. Col. 3.14 , 15. Psal. 133.1 . Psal. 122.3 . Math. 12.25 . Phil. 2.1 , 2 , 3. * Ephes. 3.6 . * 2. Cor. 7.3 . Heb. 13.3 . Amos 6.1 , 6 , 7. Iudg. 5.23 . Ester 4.14 . 2. Sam. 11.1 . 2. Cor. 9.7 , 8. 1. Cor. 10.16 . 1. Pet. 3.21 . Ioh 6.32 , 51. Ioh. 6.56 . Rom. 4.11 . * So the ten Commandements are called ten words , Exod. 34.28 . With God no word shall be vnpossible , that is , no thing . Luk. 1.37 . &c. 1. Cor. 11.27 . Math. 11.9 . a 1. Ioh. 5.12 . b Ioh. 6.57 . c Esa 9.6 . d Ioh. 1.12 . e 1. Cor. 1.9 . f Heb. 3.14 . Ephes. 5.30 , 32. Ioh. 6.52 . Ioh. 3.4 . Ioh. 6.35 , 36. Ioh. 6.63 , 64. Ioh. 6.50 , 51 , 50 , 58. Heb. 13. a 1. Cor. 15.45 . b Ioh. 5.21 . c Ioh. 3.34 . d Ioh. 1.16 . e 1. Cor. 6.17 . f 1. Ioh. 3.24 . 4.13 . Act. 3.21 . Math. 28.20 . Ephes. 4.16 . a Habak . 2.4 . Rom. 1.17 . Gal. 3.11 . Heb. 10.38 . b Gal. 5.5 . c Gal. 2.20 . d Ioh. 1.12 . e Ephes. 3.17 . f Heb. 3.14 . g Ioh. 3.34 . h Ioh. 1.16 . i Phil. 1.19 . k Rom. 1.17 . l 1. Thes. 3.10 . m Luk. 17.5 . n Colos. 2.6 , 7. o Ephes. 4.15 . p Eph. 4.12 , 13. q 2. Cor. 3.6 . r 1. Cor. 3.5 . s Gal. 3.2 . t Ioh. 17.20 . u 1. Pet. 2.2 . 2. King. 5.12 , 13. 2. Cor. 4.7 . 1. Cor. 1.21 . 1. Cor. 10.16 . Ephes. 3.16 , 19. 2. Cor. 3.6 , 8. 1. Cor. 12.13 . 2. Cor. 6.16 , 17 Col. 2.18 , 19. a Concil . Laodicen . Can. 35. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : in● . & ● . cap. epist. ad Coloss. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . c Ex his videas ( quod necessar ò dicendum est ) Theodoretum haud satis feliciter ( ains pace sit dictum ) assecutum esse Pauli verborum sensum . Baron . Annal . tom . 1. ann . 60. sect . 20. d Incautè nimus , quae à Catholicis essent anti quitùs institula , haereticis , quorum nulla esset memoria , tribuens . Id. ibid. e Cur nos reprehendimur , qui facimus quod Ioannes fecit ? num meliùs Joanne nórunt Caluinistae , sintne Angeli adorandi ? Bellar. de Sanctor . Beatitud . lib. 1. cap. 14. f Hic apertè S. Iacob Angelum inuocauit . Id. ibid. cap. 19. See for this , the excellent Homily of the Perill of Idolatry . 1. Cor. 10.7 , 8. Psal. 135.15 . Reuel . 9.20 . Exod. 32.4 . a Deos per simulacra veneramur . Arnob. lib. 6. aduers. Getes . b Non ipsa , inquiūt , timemus ; sed eos , ad quorum imaginem ficta , et quorum nominibus cōsecrata sunt . Lact. lib. 2. diuin . institut . ca. 2. c Non ego illum lapidem colo , nec illud simu●acrum quod est si●e sensu . Aug. in Psal. 96. d Nec simulacrū nec daemonium colo ; sed per effigiem corporalem cius rei signum intueor , quā colere debeo . Aug. in Psa. 113. c. 2. e Non colimus mala daemonia : Angelos quos dicitis , ipsos et nos colimus , virtutes Dei magni , et ministeria Dei magni . Aug. in Psa. 96. f V●inam ipsos colere velletis ; facilè ab ipsis disceretis non illos colere . Aug. in Psal 96. g Iudg. 17 3.13 h 2. Kin. 10.16 , 29 31. * Trehellius Pollio , in the life of Claudius , calleth the God of Moses , incertum numē . so doth Lucan the god of the Iewes , Incerti Iudaea Dei. As therefore the Iewes ( by the relation of Tacitus , li. 2. Hi. ) worshipped their God in mount Carmel , non simulaero aut templo , sed arâ tantùm : so it might bee that the Athenians also did the like , especially if we consider that their Ara misericordia ( which possibly might be the same with this ) is thus described by Statius . lib. 12. Thebaidos : Nulla autē effigies , nulli cōmissa metailo Forma Dei ; mētes habitare et pectora gaudet . i Ausonius , Epigram . xi . * Constans est Theologorū sententia , Imaginē eodem honore et cultu honorari et coli , quo colitur id cuius est Imago . Azor. institut . moral . part . 1. lib. 9. c. 6. * Crux legati , quia debetur ei latria , erit à dextris . Pontifical . edit . Rom. pag. 672. Grego . Valent. li. 2. Apol. de Idolatr . ca. 7. 1. Pe. 4.3 . * Some Idolatry he should say : for that is S. Peters word . Gab. Vasquez . lib. 2. de Ador. disput . 4. c. 3. §. 74.75 . * Cùm suerit iuris positiui et Caeremonialis illa leges Mosaicae prohibitio , tempore legis Euangelicae debuit cessare ; atque id , quod aliâs iure naturali licitum , et honestum est , vt imagines depingere , et illis etiā vti ad adorationem , in lege Euangelicâ locum habere debet . Vasques . ibid. c. 4. §. 84. Reu. 17.5 . Vasquez de Adorat . lib. 3. disput . 1. Cap. 2. § 5.8.10 . Ezek. 8.15 . Concil . Trident. sess . 13. ca. 5. * Tolerabilior est enim error eorum , qui pro Deo colunt Statuā auream aut argenteam , aut alterius materiae imaginem , quo modo Gentiles deos suos venerabantur ; vel pannum rubrum in hastam elenatum , quod narratur de Lappis ; vel viua animalia , vt quondam Egyptij : quàm eorū , qui frustū panis . Coster . Enchirid . ca. 12. * Neque potest certus esse certitudine fidei , se percipere verum Sacramentum ; cùm Sacramentum sine intentione ministri non conficiatur , & intentionem alterius nemo videre possit . Bellarmin . de Iustificat . lib. 3. cap. 8. Ioh. 4.22 . Reuel . 13.4 . 1. Sam. 3.13 . 1. Sam. 2.29 . Reuel . 2.14 . Reuel . 2.20 . Iudg. 2.3 . Leuit. 19.29 . Numb . 33.55 . Reuel . 17.2 , 4. a Dubium non est , quin Papa possit omnes Reges , cùm subest causa rationabilis , deponere . Augustin . Triumphus , de Potest . Ecclesiast . quaest . 46. artic . 2. b Quo exemplo satis intelligas , non moereri calumniam , neque inuidiam Episcopos illos pati debere , qui ne sub haeretico principe degant , omnem lapidem voluunt . Baron . an . 538. §. 89. c Quando adest euidens notitia criminis , licitè possunt subditi ( si modò eis vires suppetant ) eximere se à potestate suorum Principum ante Judicis sententiam declaratoriam . Bannes in Thom. 2.2 . quaest . 12. artic 2. d Ex hác conclusione sequitur esse excusandos Anglicanos & Saxonios fideles , qui non se eximunt à potestare superiorum , nec bellum contra illos gerunt . Quon●am communiter non habent facultatem ad h●ec bella gerenda contra Principles , & imminent illis grauia pericula . Id. Ibid. e Post sententi am latam omninò priuatur regno , ita vt non possit iusto titulo illud possidere : ergo extunc poterit tanquam omninò tyrannus tractari ; & consequenter à quocunque priuato poterit interfici . Fr. Suarez Defens . fid . Cathol . lib. 6. cap. 4. §. 14. f Si Papa Regem deponat , ab illis tantùm poterit expelli , vel interfici , qui bus ipse id commiserit . Quod si nulli executionem imperet , pertinebit ad legitimum in regno successorem ; vel si nullus inuentus fuerit , ad regnum ipsum spectabit . Id. ibid. § 18. g Jtaque apertâ vi & armis posse occidi tyrannum , siue impetu in regiam facto , siue commissâ pugnâ , in confesso est . Sed & dolo atque insidijs exceptum : quod fecit Aiod , &c. Est quidem maioris virtutis & animi simultatem apertè exercere , palàm in hostem reipublicae irruere : sed non minoris rudentiae , fraudi & insidijs locum captare , quod sine molu contingat , minori certe periculo publico atque priuato . Io. Mariana , de Reg instit . lib. 1. cap. 7. h Jn eius vitam grassari quacunque arte concessum ; ne cogatur tantùm sciens aut imprudens sibi conscire mortem . Id. ibid. in fine . i Hoc tamen temperamento vti in hâc quidem disputatione lícebit , si non ipse qui perimitur venenum haurire cogitur , quo intimis medullis concepto pereat : sed exteriùs ab alio adhibeatur nihil adiuuante eo qui perimendus est : nimirum cùm tanta vis est veneni , vt sellâ eo aut veste delibutâ vim interficiendi habeat . Id. ibid. k At inquies , omnem modum crudelitatis excessit ea coniuratio ; cum & prolem , & Regni ordines simul implicuisset . Id velim ne mireris . Nam malae & pernitiosae herbae & seminae conterenda , & radices omnes euellendae sunt , ne recrescant . Aliâs etiam , propter paucos sceleratos , multi saepè naufragio pereunt . B. P. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . epistolae I. R. impress . anno 1609. l Sed vide in tantâ astutiâ , quanta sit simplicitas . Cùm omnem securitatem in eo iuramento sibi statuisset ; talem se modum iuramenti , tot circumstantijs connexüisse existimabat , qui , saluâ conscientiâ , nullâ ratione à quoquam dissolui posset . Sed videre non potuit , si pontifex iuramentum dissoluerit , omnes illius nexus , siue de fidelitate Regi praestandâ , siue de dispensatione non admittendâ , pariter dissolutos fore . Immo aliud dicam admirabilius . Nosti , credo , iuramentum iniustum , si tale esse euidenter sciatur , vel apertè declaretur , neminem obligare ; sed ipso facto nullum esse . Regis iuramentum iniustum esse , ab ipso Ecclesiae Pastore sufficienter declaratum est . Vides igitur iam , in ●umum abijsse illius obligationem ; vt vinculum , quod à tot sapientibus ferreum putabatur , minus sit , quàm stramineum . Id. ibid. 2. King. 9.22 . Reu. 17.2 , 5. and 18.23 . Hos. 2.2 . 1. Cor. 10.15 . 
A64660	----	The iudgement of Doctor Rainoldes touching the originall of episcopacy more largely confirmed out of antiquity / by James Archbishop of Armagh. Ussher, James, 1581-1656. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A64660 of text R7442 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing U186). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 24 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 10 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. 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Printed by G.M. for Thomas Dovvnes, and are to be sold by Wiliam Lee ..., London : 1641. First edition. Reproduction of original in University of Pennsylvania Library. eng Rainolds, John, 1549-1607. -- Judgement of Doctor Reignolds concerning episcopacy. Episcopacy. A64660 R7442 (Wing U186). civilwar no The iudgement of Doctor Rainoldes touching the originall of episcopacy. More largely confirmed out of antiquity by James Archbishop of Armag Ussher, James 1641 3768 23 210 0 0 0 0 618 F The rate of 618 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the F category of texts with 100 or more defects per 10,000 words. 2005-02 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-03 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2005-04 Jonathan Blaney Sampled and proofread 2005-04 Jonathan Blaney Text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE IUDGEMENT OF Doctor RAINOLDES touching the Originall of EPISCOPACY . More largely confirmed out of Antiquity By JAMES Archbishop of ARMAGH . LONDON , Printed by G.M. for THOMAS DOVVNES , and are to be sold by William Loe at the Turkes head in Fleetstreet . 1641. THE IVDGEMENT OF DOCTOR RAINOLDES touching the Originall of Episcopacie . WHEN a Elders were ordain'd by the Apostles in every Church , b through every City , c to * feed the flocke of Christ , whereof the Holy Ghost had made them over-seers : they to the intent they might the better doe it by common counsell and consent , did use to assemble themselves and meete together . In the which meetings , for the more orderly handling and concluding of things pertaining to their charge ; they chose one amongst them to be the President of their company and Moderator of their actions . As in the Church of Ephesus , though it had d sundry Elders and Pastors to guide it : yet amongst those sundry was there one chiefe , whom our Saviour calleth e the Angell of the Church , and writeth that to him , which by him the rest should know . And this is he whom afterward in the Primitive Church the Fathers called Bishop . For as the name of f Ministers , common to all them who serve Christ in * the stewardship of the mysteries of God , that is in preaching of the Gospell , is now by the custome of our English speech restrained to Elders who are under a Bishop : so the name of g Bishop common to all Elders and Pastors of the Church , was then by the usuall language of the Fathers appropriated to him who had the Presidentship over Elders . Thus are certaine Elders reproved by h Cyprian ; for receiving to the communion them who had fallen ( in time of persecution ) before the Bishop had advised of it with them and others . And i Cornelius writeth that the Catholick Church committed to his charge had sixe and forty Elders , and ought to have but one Bishop . And both of them being Bishops , the one of Rome , the other of Carthage , k doe witnesse of themselves that they dealt in matters of their Churches governement by the consent and counsell of the company of Elders , or the Eldership , l as they both ( after S. m Paul ) doe call it . THus farre , that Reverend a Doctor : whose observation touching the Angell of the Church of Ephesus ( in the second of the Revelation ) that he was the same with him whom afterwards in the Primitive Church the Fathers called Bishop , is clearely confirmed , both by the succession of the first Bishops of that Church , and by the testimony of Ignatius , who ( within no greater compasse of time then twelve yeares afterwards ) distinguisheth the singular and constant President thereof , from the rest of the number of the Presbyters , by appropriating the name of Bishop unto him . As for the former : we finde it openly declared in the generall Councell of Chalcedon , by Leontius Bishop of Magnesia ; that b from Timothie ( and so from the daies of the Apostles ) there had beene a continued succession of seven and twenty Bishops ; all of them ordained in Ephesus ▪ Of which number the Angell of the Church of Ephesus , mentioned in the Revelation , must needs be one whether it were Timothie himselfe , as c some conceive ; or one of his next Successors , as others rather do imagine . For that Timothie had been sometime d the {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} ( which is the appellation which Iustin Martyr giveth unto him , whom other of the Fathers do peculiarly tearme a Bishop ) or Antistes , or President of the Ephesine Presbytery , is confessed by Beza himselfe : and that he was ordained the first Bishop of the Church of the Ephesians , we doe not onely read in the subscription of the second Epistle to Timothie , and the Ecclesiasticall History of e Eusebius , but also in two ancient Treatises concerning the Martyrdome of Timothie ; the one namelesse in the Library of f Photius , the other bearing the name of g Polycrates , even of that Polycrates , who was not onely himselfe Bishop of this Church of Ephesus , but borne also within six or seven and thirty yeares after S. Iohn wrote the forenamed Epistle unto the Angell of that Church : as it appeareth by the yeares he was of , when he wrote that Epistle unto Victor Bishop of Rome , wherein he maketh mention of h seven kinsmen of his who had beene Bishops ; he himselfe being the eight . I come now to the testimony of Ignatius : whom i Theodoret and k Felix Bishop of Rome , and l Iohn the Chronographer of Antioch report to have beene ordained Bishop of Antioch by S. Peter ; and without all controversie did sit in that See , the very same time wherein that Epistle unto the Angell of the Church of Ephesus was commanded to be written . In the Isle of Patmos had S. Iohn his Revelation manifested unto him , m toward the end of the Empire of Domitian , as Irenaeus testifieth ; or the foureteenth yeare of his governement , as n Eusebius and Hierom specifie it . From thence there are but twelve yeares reckoned unto the tenth of Trajan : wherein Ignatius , in that last journey which he made for the consummation of his glorious Martyrdome at Rome , wrote another Epistle unto the selfe-same Church of Ephesus . In which he maketh mention of their then Bishop Onesimus : as it appeares both by o Eusebius citing this out of it , and by the Epistle it selfe yet extant . In this Epistle to the Ephesians , Ignatius having acknowledged that their p numerous multitude was received by him in the person of their Bishop Onesimus , and q blessed God for granting unto them such a Bishop as he was : doth afterwards put them in mind of their r duty in concurring with him , as he sheweth their worthy Presbytery did , being s so conjoyned ( as he saith ) with their Bishop , as the strings are with the Harpe ; and toward the end exhorteth them to t obey both the Bishop and the Presbytery , with an undevided minde . In the same journey wrote Ignatius also an Epistle unto the Church of Smyrna ; another of those seven unto whom those letters are directed in S. Iohns Revelation ▪ wherein he also u saluteth their Bishop and Presbytery : exhorting all the people to x follow their Bishop , as Christ Iesus did his Father , and the Presbytery , as the Apostles ; and telling them that y no man ought either to administer the Sacraments , or doe any thing appertaining to the Church , without the consent of the Bishop . And that Polycarpus was then Bishop , when S. Iohn wrote unto the Angell of the Church in Smyrna ; who can better informe us then Irenaeus ? who did not onely know those worthy men , z who succeeded Polycarpus in his See ; but also a was present , when he himselfe did discourse of his conversation with S. Iohn , and of those things which he heard from those who had seene our Lord Iesus . Polycarpus b saith he , was not onely taught by the Apostles and conversed with many of those that had seene Christ , but also was by the Apostles constituted in Asia Bishop of the Church which is in Smyrna : whom we our selves also did see in our younger age for he continued long , and being very aged , he most gloriously and nobly suffering Martyrdome departed this life . Now being ordained Bishop of Symrna by the Apostles ; who had finished their cours● and departed out of this life before S. Iohn ( the last surviver of them ) did write his Revelation : who but he could there be meant by the Angell of the Church in Smyrna ? in which that he still held his Episcopall office unto the time of his Martyrdome ( which fell out LXXIIII yeares afterward ) may sufficiently appeare by this testimony , which the brethren of the Church of Smyrna , who were present at his suffering , gave unto him . c He was the most admirable man in our times , an Apostolicall and Propheticall Doctor , and Bishop of the Catholick Church which is in Smyrna . Whereunto we may add the like of Polycrates Bishop of Ephesus , who lived also in his time and in his neighbourhood , affirming d Polycarpus to have beene both Bishop and Martyr in Smyrna . So saith he in his Synodicall Epistle , directed unto Victor Bishop of Rome , about 27 yeares after the Martyrdome of Polycarpus ; he himselfe being at that time 65 yeares of age . About the very same time wherein Polycrates wrote this Epistle unto Victor , did Tertullian publish his book of Prescriptions against Hereticks : wherein he avoucheth against them , that e as the Church of Smyrna had Polycarpus placed there by Iohn , and the Church of Rome Clement ordained by Peter ; so the rest of the Churches also did shew , what Bishops they had received by the appointment of the Apostles , to traduce the Apostolicall seed unto them . And so before him did Irenaeus urge against them f the successions of Bishops , unto whom the Apostles committed the charge of the Church in every place . g For all the Hereticks ( saith he ) are much later then those Bishops , unto whom the Apostles committed the Churches . And , h we are able to number those who by the Apostles were ordained Bishops in the Churches , and their Successours unto our daies ; who neither taught nor knew any such thing as these men dreame of . For proofe whereof , he bringeth in the succession of the Bishops of Rome , from i Linus ( unto whom the blessed Apostles committed that Episcopacie ) and Anacletus ( by others called Cletus ) and Clement ( who did both see the Apostles , and conferred with them ) unto k Eleutherius ; who , when he wrote had the charge of that Bishoprick in the twelfth place after the Apostles ; concerning whom , and the integrity which then continued in each other succession from the Apostles daies , Hegesippus , who at the same time published his History of the Church , saith thus . l Soter succeeded Anicetus , and after him was Eleutherius . Now , in every succession , and in every City , all things so stand , as the Law and the Prophets , and our Lord doe preach ▪ When this m Eleutherius ( as our Bede relateth ) was Bishop of the Church of Rome , Lucius King of the Brittaines sent an Epistle to him ; desiring that by his meanes he might be made Christian ▪ who presently obtained the effect of his pious request : and the Brittaines kept the faith then received sound and undefiled in quiet peace , untill the times of Dioclesian the Emperour . By whose bloudy persecution the faith and discipline of our Brittish Churches was not yet so quite extinguished ; but that within ten yeares after ( and eleven before the first generall Councell of Nice ) three of our Bishops were present and subscribed unto the Councell of Arles : n Eborius of Yorke , Restitutus of London , and Adelfius of Colchester , called there Colonia Londinensium ▪ the first root of whose succession we must fetch beyond Eleutherius , and as high as S. Peter himselfe : if it be true , that he o constituted Churches here , and ordained Bishops , Presbyters and Deacons in them ; as Symeon Metaphrastes relateth out of some part of p Eusebius ( as it seemeth ) that is not come unto our hands . But , to returne unto the Angels of the seven Churches , mentioned in the Revelation of S. Iohn : by what hath beene said , it is apparent , that seven singular Bishops , who were the constant Presidents over those Churches , are pointed at under that name . For other sure they could not be , if all of them were cast into one mould , and were of the same quality with Polycarpus , the then Angell of the Church in Smyrna : who without all question was such , if any credit may be given herein unto those that saw him and were well acquainted with him . And as Tertullian in expresse termes affirmeth him to have beene placed there by S. Iohn himselfe ( in the testimony before alledged out of his q Prescriptions : ) so doth he else-where , from the order of the succeeding Bishops , not obscurely intimate , that the rest of that number were to be referred unto the same descent . r We have , saith he , the Churches that were bred by John . For although Marcion do reject his Revelation ; yet the order of the Bishops reckoned up unto their originall , will stand for Iohn to be their Founder . Neither doth the ancient Writer of the Martyrdome of Timothy ( mentioned by Photius ) meane any other by those seven Bishops , whose assistance he saith S. Iohn did use , after his returne from Patmos , in the governement of the Metropolis of the Ephesians , that is , of the Churches of Asia most properly so called , which in his time acknowledged the Bishop of Ephesus for their Primate . s Being revoked from his exile by the sentence of Nerva , he betook himselfe to the Metropolis of Ephesus ; and being assisted with the presence of the SEVEN Bishops , he took upon him the government of the Metropolis of the Ephesians : and continued , preaching the word of piety , untill the Empire of Trajan . That he remained with the Ephesians and the rest of the brethren of Asia , untill the daies of Trajan ; and that during the time of his abode with them , he published his Gospell ; is sufficiently witnessed by t Irenaeus . That upon his returne from the Island , after the death of Domitian , he applied himselfe to the government of the Churches of Asia , si confirmed likewise both by u Eusebius , and by x Hierom : who further addeth , that y at the earnest intreaty of the Bishops of Asia he wrote there his Gospell . And that he himselfe also , being free from his banishment , did ordaine Bishops in divers Churches , is clearely testified by Clement of Alexandria ; who lived in the next age after , and delivereth it as a certaine truth , which he had received from those who went before him and could not be farre from the time wherein the thing it selfe was acted . z When S. Iohn ( saith he ) Domitian the tyrant being dead , removed from the Island of Patmos unto Ephesus , by the intreaty of some he went also unto the neighbouring nations ; in some places constituting Bishops , in others founding whole Churches ▪ And thus much may suffice for the deduction of Episcopacie from the Apostolicall times . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A64660e-130 a Act. 14.23 . b Tit. 1.5 . c Act. 20.28 . * {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , that is , to doe the duty of a Pastor to it . d Act. 20.17 . e Rev. 2.1 . f 1. Cor. 4.1 . * Luke 12.42 . g 1. Tim 3.2 . Tit. 1.7 . Act. 20.28 . h Epist. 13. Presbyteris & Diaconis . i Euseb. Hist. Eccles. 1.6 . c. 42. k Cornelius Cypriano Ep. 46. Cyprianus Presbyteris & Diaconis Ep. 6. l Cornelius Ep. 46. apud Cyprianum . m 1. Tim. 4.14 . a D. Rainold . Conference with Hart , chap. 8. divis 3. b {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . Concil Chalcedon . Act. 11. c 〈…〉 . in Vit. Polycarp . cap 7. d N●tandum est ex 〈◊〉 , Timotheum in Ephesino Presbyterio 〈…〉 {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} ( id est , antis●●●em ) ut vocat Justinus . Pez . Annotat. in 1. Tim. 5.19 . Qui politicae causa reliquis fratribus in coetu praeerat ( qu●m Iustinus {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} vocat ) peculiariter dici Episcopus coepit . Id. in Philip . 1.1 . e Euseb. Hist. Lib 3. {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . f {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . & post . {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . Phot. B●bliothec . num . 254. g Polycrat . de Martyrio Timothei : inter Vitas Sanctorum ▪ edit. Lovanij anno 1485 ▪ h {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . Polycrat . Epist. ad Victorem : apud Euseb lib. 5. Hist. {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . i Theodoret in Dialogo 1. sive {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . k Felix III. in Epist. ad Zenonem . Imp. recitat . in V. Synodo Constantinopol . Act. 1. ( tomo 2. Concilior . pag. 220. edit. Binij , ann. 1606 ) l Johan . Mal●la Antiochenus , Chronic. lib. 10. M.S. m {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . Iren. advers. haeres . lib. 5. cap. 30. Euseb. lib. Hist. {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . n Euseb. Chronic. Hieron. Catal. scriptor . Ecclesiast . in Johanne . o Euseb. lib. 3. hist. {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . p {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . Ignat epist. ad E●h●s q {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . Ibid. r {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . Ibid. s {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . Ibid. t {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . Ibid. u {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . Id. in epist. ad Smyrn. x {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . Ibid y {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , &c. Ibid. z {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . Iren. advers haeres lib 3. cap. 3. Euseb. lib. 4 hist. {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . a Iren. in epist ad Florinum : ( apud Euseb. lib. 5. {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . ) & ad Victorem ( ibid. {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . ) b {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . Iren lib 3. cap. 3. ut suprà . c {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . Smyrnens . eccle. . epist. encycl de martyrio Polycarpi Euseb. lib 4. hist. {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . d {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . Polycrat . epist. ad Victorem : apud Euseb. lib. 5. hist. {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . e Sicut Smyrnaeorum Ecclesia Polycarpum ab Johanne conlocatum resert ; sicut Romanorum Clementem à Petro ordinatum edit : proinde ( or perinde ) utique 〈◊〉 ●●ceterae exhibent quos , ab Apostolis in Episcopatum constitutos . Apostolici seminis traduces habent . Tertullian de Praescript . cap. 32. Vid. & ejusd lib. 4. contra Marcion . cap. 5. f Successiones Episcoporum , quibus Apostolicam quae in unoquoque loco est Ecclesiam tradiderunt . Iren. lib. 4. advers. haeres . cap. 63. g Omnes enim ij valdè posteriores sunt , quàm Episcopi , quibus Apostoli tradiderunt Ecclesias . Id. lib. 5. cap. 20. h Habemus annumerare eos qui ab Apostolis instituti sunt Episcopi in Ecclesijs , & successores eorum usque ad nos ; qui nihil tale docuerunt neque cognoverunt quale ab his deliratur . Id. lib. 3. cap 3. i {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . Id. ibid. & apud Eu●eb lib 5. hist {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . k {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . & s. ibid. l {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . hegesip. . apud Euseb. lib 4. hist. {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . m Cùm Eleutherius vir sanctus Pontificatui Romanae Ecclesiae praeesset , misit ad eum Lucius Britannorum Rex epistolam ; obsecrans ut per ejus mandatum Christianus efficeretur . Et mox effectū piae postulationis consecutus est : susceptamque fidem Britanni usque in tempora Diocletiani Principis inviolatam integramque quietâ pace servabant . Bed. hist. ecclesiast . Anglor . lib. 1. cap. 4. n Tom. 1. Concilior . Galiae , à Sirmondo edit. pag. 9. o {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . Metaphrast . Commentar. de Petro & Paulo ; ad diem 29 Iu●ij . p {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . Ibid. q Tertull. Praescript . cap. 32. & , post eum , Hieronymus in Catal. script . Ecclesiast . cap. 17. Polycarpus , Joannis Apostoli discipulus , ab eo Smyrnae Episcopus ordinatus . r Ha●emus & Joannis alumnas Ecclesias . Nam etsi Apocalypsim ejus Marcion respuit ; ordo tamen Episcoporum ad originem recensus , in Joannem stabit auctorem . Sic & caeterarum generositas recognoscitur . Tertullian . advers. Marcion . lib. 4. cap 5. s {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . Phot. Bibliothec num 254. t Irenae . advers heraes . lib. 2 cap. 39. item lib. 3 . c 1. & 3. u Euseb. lib. 3. hist. {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . x Hie●onym . in Catal. script ecclesiast . cap 9. y Id ibid. & Praefat. in Evangel Matthaei ▪ z {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . Clem. Alexandrin . in lib de divite salvando ( qui falso Origenis nomine habetur editus , ad calcem tomi 3. Commentariorum Michaelis Ghislerij ) Euseb. hist. lib 3. {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . 
A49257	----	The strange and wonderful predictions of Mr. Christopher Love, minister of the Gospel at Laurence Jury, London who was beheaded on Tower-hill, in the time of Oliver Cromwell's government of England. Giving an account of Babylon's fall, and in that glorious event, a general reformation over all the world. With a most extraordinary prophecy, of the late revolution in France, and the downfall of the antichristian kingdom, in that country. By M. Peter Jurieu. Also, Nixon's Chesire prophecy. Love, Christopher, 1618-1651. 1651 Approx. 118 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 44 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-05 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A49257 Wing L3177A ESTC R217305 99828987 99828987 33422 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A49257) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 33422) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1971:18) The strange and wonderful predictions of Mr. Christopher Love, minister of the Gospel at Laurence Jury, London who was beheaded on Tower-hill, in the time of Oliver Cromwell's government of England. Giving an account of Babylon's fall, and in that glorious event, a general reformation over all the world. With a most extraordinary prophecy, of the late revolution in France, and the downfall of the antichristian kingdom, in that country. By M. Peter Jurieu. Also, Nixon's Chesire prophecy. Love, Christopher, 1618-1651. Jurieu, Pierre, 1637-1713. Ussher, James, 1581-1656. Grey, Jane, Lady, 1537-1554. Wallace, Lady, fl. 1651. Nixon, Robert, fl. 1620? Nixon's Cheshire prophecy at large. 87, [1] p. printed for the bookseller, London : [1651?] Date of publication conjectured by Wing. Work is actually a collection of prophecies by Love, Peter Jurieu [i.e. Pierre Jurieu], Richard Nixon, James Usher [i.e. James Ussher], Lady Jane Grey and Lady Wallace; each with separate caption titles. Reproduction of the original in the Trinity College Library, Dublin. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Prophecies -- Early works to 1800. 2002-12 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-01 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-03 Judith Siefring Sampled and proofread 2003-03 Judith Siefring Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-04 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE STRANGE AND WONDERFUL PREDICTIONS OF Mr. CHRISTOPHER LOVE , Minister of the Gospel at Laurence Jury , London : WHO WAS BEHEADED ON TOWER-HILL , IN THE TIME OF Oliver Cromwell's Government of England . GIVING AN ACCOUNT OF BABYLON'S FALL , And in that Glorious Event , A GENERAL REFORMATION OVER ALL THE WORLD . With a most Extraordinary PROPHECY , OF THE LATE REVOLUTION IN FRANCE , AND THE Downfall of the Antichristian Kingdom , In that Country . BY M. PETER JURIEU . ALSO , NIXON's CHESHIRE PROPHECY . LONDON : PRINTED FOR THE BOOKSELLERS . TO THE PUBLIC . THE following Prophecies , some of which have been accomplished in our own time , must appear interesting , and as such we publish them ; those of Mr. LOVE promise great events , which must happen before the present generation passes away : and as to Monsieur JURIEU's predictions , relative to the French Revolution , they point out so clearly part of what has already come to pass , in France , that it may be reasonably presumed the rest will be verified in due time . PREDICTIONS OF Mr. CHRISTOPHER LOVE , A FEW nights after he was sentenced to be b●●eaded , on Tower-hill , which was on the 22d day of August , 1651 , ten days before his appointed time , by the sentence he received at the bar , being one night visited by two of his intimate acquaintances , or bosom friends , as he himself called them , they began to complain of the cruelty of the times , and the malice and usage of time-serving brethren ; to which Mr. Love answered , And think you this is an evil time ? No , no ; this is the very time when grace and true god●iness can be distinguished f●om hypocrisy : many have followed Christ hitherto for the loaves , and are now turned back for the roughness of the way , and the sore trial and tribulation which others met with who are gone be●ore them . There are many in London at this very day , who think to go to heaven in their gilded coaches , and have denied Christ's cause before men ( against whom I now witness ) and Christ in his never failing word has promised to deny all such before his father and the holy angels . This is the time to discern be●ween him that s●rveth God , and him that serveth him not . They formerly were my familiar acq●ain●ance , in fellowship and sweet converse . I sent this day to have a few words with them here in prison ; but they would not come ; for their countenance is fallen , their consciences wounded , — they cannot look me in the face ; because I knew of their resolution , and was a witness to their perjuration , — But , ah ! how will they look the blessed Jesus in the face in the morning of the resurrection ? what answer or excuse will they have for what they have done ? O foolish people ! who think to escape the cross , nay , you must all suffer persecution who follow the Lamb ; we must be hated of all nations for Christ's sake ; we must come thro' great tribulation , thro' the fiery furnace of affl●ction , before we can enter the land of joy and felicity . Know ye not that the souls that were slain for the testimony of Jesus are placed under the altar ? Happy , happy are those men at this day , and ever shall be happy , who suffer for Christ's sake in a right and charitable way — thro' love to his cause , and honesty of heart : not thro' pride and hypocrisy , without the root of the matter , to have it said they died 〈◊〉 : these are they who will miss their mark ; and those who denied the call and looked back shall never have the honour to find it I am now pointed out by many to be in a destitute and forlorn condition ; but I would not exchange my state , no , not for all the glory that 's on the earth ; I find my R●deemer's love stronger in my bonds , than ever I did in the days of my liberty ; therefore I hold living here as death itself . I am as full of love and joy in the Holy Spirit , as ever bo●●le was fi●led with new wine . I am ready to cry out , The spirit of the Lord is upon me ; I will not take upon me to prophecy ; neve●theless the spirit of the Lord causeth me to utter : — This usurped authority of Cromwell , shall shortly be at an end ; England shall be blessed with meek Kings , and mild governments ; powerful preachers , and dull hearers : good sermons to them will be as music to a sleepy man ; they shall hear , but not understand , nor lay the word 〈◊〉 the heart , to practise it in their lives , to walk by it . O England , thou shalt wax old in wickedness ; thy sins abound like those of Sodom ; thy voluptuousness shall cry aloud for vengeance ; the Lord shall threaten and chastise thee , yet in mercy and love will he look upon those that fear him , and call upon his name : he will spare of his anger , when the wicked shall be sifted from amongst you as the chaff is sifted from amongst the wheat ; for out of thee , O England , shall a bright star arise , whose light and voice shall make the heathen to quake , and knock under with submission to the gospel of Jesus ; he shall be as a sound of thunder in the ears of the wicked , and as a ●anthorn to the Jews , to lead them to the knowledge of Jesus , the only son of God , and true Messiah , whom they so long mistrusted , for the short work spoken of by the apostle , which the Lord is to make upon the earth , in the latter age of the world , cannot be far off . Observe , my dear friend , while you live my calculation of the dates in the book of the Revelation , and in Daniel , which the Spirit of the Lord led me into ; for the Lord will reveal it to some of his own , ere that time come ; for the nearer the time is , the seals shall be taken away , and more and more shall be revealed to God's people ; for the Lord doth nothing without he reveal it , by his Spirit , to his servants the prophets : He destroyed not the old world , without the knowledge of Noah — He did not overthrow Sodom and Gomorrah , without the knowledge of Abraham . I do not mean now , that any new prophet shall arise ; but the Lord by his Spirit shall cause knowledge to abound among his people , whereby the old prophecies shall be clearly and perfectly understood . And I die in that thought , and really believe that my calculations are right , on the Revelation by St. John , and the prophecy which St. Jerome copied off and translated out of the Hebrew language , as it is written on Seth's pillar in Damascus , which pillar is said to have stood since before the flood and was built by Seth , Adam's son , and written by Enoch the prophet ; as likewise the holy precepts whereby the patriarch walked before the law was given to Moses , which were also engraven on the said pillar . whereof many Jews have copies , in their own language written on parchment , and engraven on brass and copper ; but the alteration of the date makes them to stagger at it , not knowing that the dates were to be altered by the birth of Christ. First , This prophecy is enti●led . A short work of the Lord 's in the latter age of the world . Great earthquakes and commotions by sea and land shall come in the year of God 1779. Great wars in Germany and America , in 1780. The destruction of popery , or Babylon's fall , in the year 1790. God will be known by many in the year 1795. This will produce a great man. The stars will wander , and the moon turn as blood , in 1800. Africa , Asia , and America , will tremble , in 1803. A great earthquake over all the world , in 1805. God will be universally known by all : Then a general reformation , and peace for ever , when the people shall learn war no more . Happy is the man that liveth to see this day ! PROPHECY OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION , FROM A PUBLICATION BY THE LATE MR. PETER JURIEU , IN 1687. Rev. xi . 13. And the same hour was there a great earthquake , and the tenth part of the City fell , and in the earthquake were slain of men seven thousand , and the remnant were affrighted , and gave glory to God. NOW what is this tenth part of this city , which shall fall ? we cannot doubt that 't is France . This kingdom is the most considerable part or piece of the ten horns , or states , which once made up the great Babylonian city : it fell ; this does not signify , that the French Monarchy shall be ruined ; it may be humbled ; but in all appearance Providence does design a great elevation for her afterward . 'T is highly probable , that God will not let go unpunished the horrible outrages which it acts at this day . Afterward , it must build its greatness upon the ruins of the papal empire , and enrich itself with the spoils of those who shall take part with the papacy . They who at this day persecute the protestants , know not whither God is leading them : this is not the way by which he will lead France to the height of glory . If she comes thither 'tis because she shall shortly change her road . Her greatening will be no damage to protestant states ; on the contrary , the protestant states shall be enriched with the spoils of others ; and be strengthened by the fall of Antichrist's empire . This tenth part of the city shall fall , with respect to the papacy ; it shall break with Rome , and the Roman religion . One thing is certain , that the Babylonian empire shall perish through the refusal of obedience by the ten Kings , who had given their power to the beast . The thing is already come to pass in part . The kingdoms of Sweden , Denmark , England , and several sovereign states of Germany , have withdrawn themselves from the Iurisdiction of the Pope . They have spoiled the h●rlot of her riches . They have eaten her flesh , ie . seized her benefices and revenues , which she had in their countries . This must go on , and be finished as it began . The Kings , who yet remain under the empire of Rome , must break with her , leave her solitary and desolate . But who must begin this last revolt ? 'T is most probable that France shall . Not Spain , which as yet is plunged in superstition , and is as much under the tyranny of the clergy as ever . Not the Emperor , who in temporals is subject to the Pope , and permits the Archbishop of Strigonium in his states , to teach that the Pope can take away the Imperial crown from him . It cannot be any country but France , which a long time ago hath begun to shake off the yoke of Rome . 'T is well known , how solemnly and openly war hath been declared against the Pope , by declaration of the King ( ratified in all the parliaments ) by the decisions of the assembly of the French clergy , by a disputation against the authority of the Pope , managed in the Sorbon , solemnly , and by order of the Court. And to heighten the affront , the theses were posted up , even upon the gates of his Nuncio . Nothing of this kind had h●●herto happened , at least in a time of peace , and unless the Pope had given occasion by his infolencies . Besides this , superstition and idolatry lose their credit much in France . — There is a secret party , though well enough known , which greatly despiseth the popular devotions , images , worship of Saints , and is convinced that these are human inventions ; God is before-hand preparing for this great work . To this it may be objected , that for the last fifty years , the Pope's empire hath not been made up of ten Kings , because England , Sweden , Denmark , &c. have thrown off his government ; and consequently , France is not at this day the tenth part of the Babylonian empire ; for 't is more than a tenth part of it . But this is no difficulty : for we must know , that things retain the names which they bore in their original ( without regarding the alterations which time does bring along ) . Though at this day , there are not ten kingdoms under the Babylonian empire , 't is notwithstanding certain , that each Kingdom was called , and ought to be called in 〈◊〉 prophecy , the tenth part ; because the prophet having described this empire in its beginning , by its ten horns or ten Kings , 't is necessary for our clear understanding , that every one of these ten Kings , and kingdoms should be called one of the ten Kings or of the ten kingdoms , with respect to the constitution of the Antichristian empire . Seeing the tenth part of the city that must fall , is France , this gives me some hopes , that the death of the two witnesses hath a particular relation to this kingdom . 'T is the street or place of this city . i. e. the most fair and eminent part of it . The witnesses must remain dead upon this street , and upon it they must be raised again . And as the death of the witnesses and their resurrection have a relation to the kingdom of France , it may well fall out , that we may not be far distant from the time of the resurrection of the witnesses seeing the three years and a half of their death are either begun , or will begin shortly . And in the earthquake were slain seven thousand ; in the Greek it is , seven thousand names of men , and not seven thousand men . I consess , that this seems somewhat mystericus : in other places we find not this phrase , names of men , put simply for men . Perhaps there is here a figure of grammar called hypallage casus , so that names of men are put for men of name , i. e. of raised and considerable quality , be it on account of riches , or of dignity , or of learning . But I am more inclined to say , that here these words , names of men , must be taken in their natural signification , and do intimate , that the total Reformation of France shall not be made without bloodshed , nothing shall be destroyed but names ; such as are the names of Monks , of Carmelites , of Augustines , of Dominicans , of Iacobins , of Franciscans , Capuchins , Iesuites , Minimes , and an infinite company of others , whose number 't is not easy to define , and which the Holy Ghost denotes by the number seven , which is the number of perfection , to signify , the number of monks and nuns shall perish for ever . This is an institution so degenerated from its first original , that 't is become the arm of Antichrist . These orders cannot perish one without another . These great events deserve to be distinguished from all others ; for they have changed , and shall change , THE WHOLE FACE OF THE WORLD . INTRODUCTION TO NIXON's CHESHIRE PROPHECY , BY THE AUTHOR of his LIFE . THIS remarkable Prophecy has been carefully revised , ●orrected , and improved ; also some account given of our author , Robert Nixon , who was but a kind of ideot , and used to be employed in following the plough . He lived in some farmers ' families , and was their drudge and jest . At last , Thomas Cholmondeley , of Vale-Royal , Esq. took him into his house , and he lived there when he composed this Prophecy , which he delivered with as much gravity and solemnity as if he had been an oracle ; and it was observed , that though the fool was a driveler , and could not speak common sense when he was uninspired , yet in delivering his Propecies he spoke plainly and sensibly ; how truly will be seen in the following pages . As to the credit of this Prophecy , I dare say it is as well attested as any of Nostradamus's or Merlin's , and come to pass as well as the best of Squire Bickerstaff's . It is pain enough that great men have in all ages had recourse to prophecy as well as the vulgar . I would not have all grave persons despise the inspirations of Nixon . The late French King gave audience to an inspired farrier , and rewarded him with an hundred pistoles for his prophetical intelligence ; though by what I can learn , he did not come near our Nixon for gifts . The simplicity , the circumstances , and history , of the Cheshire Prophecy , are so remarkable , that I hope the public will be as much delighted as I was myself . By the way , this is not a prophecy of to-day ; it is as old as the Powder plot , and the story will make it appear that there is as little imp●sture in it as the Jacobites pretend there is in the person it seems to have an eye to : but whether they are both impostures alike or not , I leave to the reader to determine . J. OLDMIXON . THE PROPHECY . IN the reign of King James the First , there lived a man , generally repu●ed a fool , whose name was Nixon . One day , when he returned home from ploughing in the field , he laid the things down which he had in his hands , and continuing for some time in a seemingly deep and thoughtful meditation , at length he pronounced in a loud voice , Now I will prophesy . And spoke as follows : When a Raven shall build in a stone Lion's mouth on the top of a Church in Cheshire , then a King of England shall be driven out of his kingdom , and never return more . When an eagle shall sit on the top of the house , then an heir shall be born to the Cholmodeley's family ; and this heir shall live to see England invaded by foreigners , who shall proceed so far as a town in Cheshire ; but a miller named Peter , shall be born with two heels on one Foot and at that time living in a mill of Mr Cholmondeley's , he shall be instrumental in delivering the nation . The person who then governs the nation will be in great trouble , and 〈◊〉 about : The invading King shall be killed , laid across a horse's back like a calf , and led in triumph . The miller having been instrumental in it , shall bring forth the person that then governs the kingdom , and be knighted for what he has done ; and after that England see happy days . A young new set of men shall come , who shall prosper , and make a flourishing Church for two hundred years . As a token of the truth of all this , a wall of Mr. Cholmondeley's shall fall : If it fall downwards , the Church shall be oppressed , and rise no more : but if upwards , next the rising hill on the side of it , then it shall flourish again . Under this wall shall be found the bones of a British King. A pond shall run with blood three days , and the Cross-stone Pillar in the Forest su●k so low into the ground , that a crow from the top of it shall drink of the best blood in England . A boy shall be born with three thumbs , and shall hold three King's horses , while England shall be three times won and lost in one day . THE original may be seen in several families in Cheshire , and in particular in the hands of Mr. Egerton of Oulton , with many other remarkable circumstances : as that Pecferton Wind mill should be removed to Ludditon Hill , that horses saddled should run about 'till their girts rotted away . But this is sufficient to prove Nixon as great a prophet as Partridge , and we shall give other proofs of it before we have done . Now as for authorities to prove this Prophecy to be genuine , and how it has hitherto been accomplished , I might refer myself to the whole county of Chester , where it is in every one's mouth , and has been for these forty years . As much as I have of the manuscript was sent me by a person of sense and veracity , and as little disposed to believe visions as any body . There is something so very odd in the story , and so pat in the wording of it , that I cannot help giving it as I found it . The family of the Cholmondeley's is very ancient in this county , and takes its name from a place so called near Nantwich . There are also Cholmton and Cholmondeston ; but the feat of that branch of the family , which kept our Prophet Nixon , is at Vale Royal , on the river Weaver in Delamere forest . It was formerly an Abbey founded by Edward I. and came to the Cholmondeley's from the famous family of the Holcro●ts . When Nixon prophesied , this family was near being extinct , the heir having married Sir Walter St. John's daughter , a lady not esteemed very young , who , notwithstanding being with child , fell in labour , and continued so for some days . During which time an eagle fat upon the house-top , and flew away when she was delivered , which proved to be a son . A Raven is also known to have built in a Stone Lion's mouth , in the steeple of the Church of Over , in the forest of Delamere . Not long before the abdication of King James , the wall spoken of fell down and fell upwards , and in removing the rubbish , were found the bones of a man of more than ordinary size . A pond at the same time ran with water that had a reddish tincture , and was never known to have done so before or since . Headless Cross , in the Forest , which in the memory of man was several feet high , is now sunk within half a ●oot of the ground . In the parish of Budworth , a boy was born with three thumbs ; he had also two heels on one foot ▪ — Lady Egerton , wishing well to another restoration , often instigated her husband to turn Peter , the miller of Negenshire mills , out of the mills ; but he locoked upon it as a whimsy , and so permitted Peter still to ontinue there , in hopes of becoming as good a knight as Sir Philip his landlord was . Of this Peter I have been told that the Lady Narcliff , of Chelsea , and the lady St. John of Battersea have often been heard to talk , and that they both asserted the truth of our Prophecy , and its accomplishment , with particulars that are more extraordinary than any I have yet mentioned . The noise of Nixon's predictions reaching the ears of King James the First , he would needs ●ee this fool , who cried and made a●o that he might not go to Court ; and the reason that he gave was , That he should be starved . ( A very whimsical fancy of his : Courts are not places where people use to starve in , when they once come there , whatever they did before . ) The King being informed of Nixon's refusing to come , said he would take particular care that he should not be starved , and ordered him to be brought up . Nixon cried out , He was sent for again , and soon after the messenger arrived , who brought him up from Cheshire . How or whether he prophesied to his Majesty , no body can tell ; but he is not the first fool that has made a good Court Prophet . That Nixon might be well provided for , 't was ordered that he should be kept in the kitchen , where he grew so troublesome in licking and picking the meat , that the cooks locked him up in a hole , and the King going on a sudden from Ham●ton Court to London , they forgot the fool in the hurry , and he was really starved to death . There are a great many passages of this Fool-Phrophet's life and sayings transmitted by tradition from father to son in this county palatine ; as , that when he lived with a farmer , before he was taken into Mr. Cholmondeley's family , he gored an ●x so cruelly , that one of the ploughmen threatened to beat him for abusing his master's beast . Nixon said , My master's beast will not be his three days . A life in an estate dropping in that time , the Lord of the manor took the same ox for an herriot . This account , as whimsical and romantic as it is , was told to the Lady Cowper , in the year 1670 , by Dr. Parric● , late Bishop of Ely , then Chaplain to S●r Walter St. John ; and that Lady had the following farther particulars , relating to this Prophecy , and the fulfilling of many parts of it , from Mrs Chute , fister of Mrs. Cholmondeley , of Vale-Royal who affirmed , that a multitude of people gathering together to see the Eagle before mentioned , the bird was ●rightened from her young ▪ that she herself was one of them , and the cry among the people was , Nixon's Phrophecy is fulfil●ed , and we shall have a foreign King. She declared , that she read over the prophecy many times , when her sister was with child of the heir who now enjoys the estate . She particularly remembered membered that King James II. was plainly pointed at , and that it was foretold he would endeavour to subvert the laws and religion of this kingdom , for which reason they would rise and turn him out ; that the Eagle of which Nixon prophesied perched in one of the windows at the time her sister was in labour . She said it was the biggest bird she ever saw ; that it was in a deep snow , and that it perched on the edge of a great bow-window , which had a large border on the outside , and she and many others opened the window , to try to scare it away , but it would not stir till Mrs Cholmondeley was delivered ; after which it took flight to a great tree over against the room her sister lay in , where having staid about three days , it flew away in the night . She affirmed further to the Lady Cowper , that the falling of the garden-wall was a thing not to be questioned , it being in so many people's memory ; That it was foretold that the heir of Vale-Royal should live to see England invaded by foreigners , and that he should fight bravely for his King and his country : That the Miller mentioned is alive , and expects to be knighted , and is in the very mill that is foretold : That he should kill two invaders who would come in , the one from the West , and the other from the North : That he from the North should bring with him of all nations ; Swedes , Danes , Germans , and Dutch ; and that in the solds of his garments he should bring fire and famine , plague and murder : That many great battles should be fought in England , one upon London Bridge , which would be so bloody , that people would ride in London streets up to their horses bellies in blood ; that several other battles should be sought up and down most parts in Cheshire ; and that the last that ever would be fought in England should be on Delamere fo●est : That the heir of Oalton , whose name is E — n , and has married Earl Cholmondeley's si●ter , shall be hanged up at his own gate . Lastly , He foretels great glory and prosperity to those who stand up in defence of their laws and liberties , and ruin and misery to those that should betray them . He says , the year before this would happen , bread-corn would be very dear , and that the year following more troubles should begin which would last three years ; that the first would be moderate , the second bloody , and the third intolerable ; that unless they were shortened no mortal could bear them ; and that there were no mischiefs but what poor England would feel at that time . But that George , the son of George , shall put an end to all . That afterwards the Church should fl●uri●h , and England be the most glorious nation upon Earth . The same Lady Cowper was not content to take these particulars from Mrs. Chute , but she inquired of Sir Thomas Aston of the truth of this Prophecy , and he attested it was in great reputation in Cheshire , and that the facts were known by every one to have happened as Nixon said they would , adding , that the morning before the garden-wall fell , his neighbour Mr. Cholmondeley going to ride out a hunting , said , Nixon seldom fails , but now I think he will ; for he foretold that this day ●y garden wall would fall , and I think it looks as if it would stand these forty years ; that he had not been gone a quarter of an hour before the wall split , and fell upwards against the rising of the hill , which , as Nixon would have it , was the presage of a flourishing church . As to the removal of Pecserton mill , it was done by Sir John Crewe , the mill having lost its trade there , for which he ordered it to be set upon Ludditon hill ; and being asked if he did it to fulfill the Prophecy , he declared he never thought of it . I myself have inquired of a person who knows Mr. Cholmondeley's pond as well as Rosamond's in St. James's Park , and he assured me the falling of the wall , and the pond running blood as they call it , are facts which , in Cheshire , any one would be reckoned mad for making the least question of . As there are several particulars in this Prophecy which remain unfulfilled , so when they come to pass some other circumstances may be added , which are not convenient to be told now for private reasons , but will shortly appear . If I had a mind to look into the antiquities of this county , I might ●ind that Prodigies and Prophecies are no unusual things there . Cambden tells us , that at Brereton , not many miles from Vale Royal , which gave name to a famous , antient , numerous , and knightly family , there is a thing as strange as the perching Eagle , or the falling of the wall , which he says was attested to him by many persons , and was commonly believed ; that before any heir of this family dies , there are s●en in a lake adjoining , the bodies of trees swimming upon the water for several days together . He likewise adds , that near the Abbey of St. Maurice , in Burgundy , there is a fish-pond , in which a number of fishes are put equal to the number of Monks of that place ; and if any one of them happens to be sick , there is a fish seen floating on the water : and in case the fit of sickness proves fatal to the Monk , the fish foretells it by its own death some days before . This the learned Cambden relates in his description of Cheshire , and the opinion of the trees swimming in the lake near Brereton prevails all about the country to this day , only with this difference , that some say 't is one log that swims , and some say many . J. OLDMIXON . Strange and Remarkable Prophecies and Predictions , Of the Holy , Learned , and Excellent JAMES USHER , Late Lord Bishop of ARMAGH , And Lord Primate of IRELAND : Giving an Account of his Foretelling . I. The Rebellion in Ireland forty Years before it came to pass . II. The Confusions and Miseries of England in Church and State. III. The Death of King Charles the First . IV. His own Poverty and Want. V. The Divisions in England in Matters of Religion . Lastly , of great and terrible Persecutions which shall fall upon the Reformed Churches by the Papists , wherein the Pope should be chiefly concerned . Written by the Person who heard it from this excellent Man 's own Mouth , and now published e●rnestly to persuade us to that Repentance and Reformation which can only prevent our ruin and Destruction . And the Lord said , Shall I hide from Abraham the Thing which I do ? Gen. xviii . 17. Strange and Remarkable PREDICTIONS Of that Holy , Learned , and Excellent Bishop JAMES USHER , Late Lord Primate of IRELAND . THE Author of the Life of this excellent and worthy Primate and Archbishop , gives an Account that , among other extraordinary Gifts and Graces , which it pleased the Almighty to bestow upon him , he was wonderfully endued with a Spirit of Prophecy , whereby he gave out several true Predictions and Prophecies of Things a great while before they came to pass , whereof some we have seen fulfilled , and others remain y●t to be accomplished . And though he was one that abhorred Enthusiastic Notions , being too learn●d , rational , and knowing , to admit of such idle Freaks and Whimsies : Yet he professed , That several Times in his Life he had many Things , impressed upon his Mind concerning future Events , with so much Warmness and Importunity , that he was not able to keep them secret , but lay under an unavoidable Necessity to make them known . From which Spirit he foretold the Irish Rebellion forty Years before it came to pass , with the very Time when it should break forth , in a Sermon preached in Dublin in 1601 , where , from Ezek. iv . 6 , discoursing concerning the Prophets bearing the Iniquity of Iudah forty Days , the Lord therein appointed a Day for a Year : He made this direct Application in relation to the Connivance at Popery at that Time. From this Year ( says he ) will I reckon the Sin of Ireland , that those whom you now embrace , shall be your R●in , and you shall bear this ●niquity . Which Prediction proved exactly true , for from that Time 1601 , to the Year 1641 , was just forty Years , in which it is notoriously known , that the Rebellion and Destruction of Ireland happened , which was acted by those Popish Priests , and other Papists , which were then connived at . And of this Sermon the Bishop reserved the Notes , and put a Note thereof in the Margin of his Bible ; and for twenty years before , he still lived in the Expectation of the fulfilling thereof ; and the nearer the Time was , the more confident he was that it was near Accomplishment , though there was no visible Appearance of any such Thing ; and , ( says Dr. Bernard ) the Year before the Rebellion broke forth , the Bishop taking his Leave of me , being then going from Ireland to England , he advised me to a serious Preparation , for I should see heavy Sorrows and Miseries before I saw him again , which he delivered with as great Confidence as if he had seen it with his Eyes ; which seems to verify that of the Prophet , Amos iii. 7. Surely the Lord will do nothing , but he will reveal it to his Servants , the Prophets . From this Spirit of Prophecy , he foresaw the Changes and Miseries of England in Church and State ; for having in one of his Books , called De Prim. Eccl. Brit. given a large Account of the Destruction of the Church and State of the Britons , by the Saxons , about ●50 Years after Christ : He gives this among ●ther Reasons , why he insisted so largely upon 〈◊〉 ; that he foresaw , that a like Judgment was ●●et behind if timely Repentance and Reforma●●on did not prevent it ; and he would often ●ourn upon the Foresight of this long before it ●ame . From this Spirit he gave mournful Intima●●ons of the Death of our Sovereign Charles the 〈◊〉 , of whom he would be often speaking 〈◊〉 Fear and Trembling , even when the King 〈◊〉 the greatest Success ; and would therefore 〈◊〉 pray , and gave all Advice possible 〈◊〉 prevent any such Thing . From this Spirit he foresaw his own Poverty in worldly Things ; and this he would often speak 〈◊〉 with Admiration to the Hearers ; when he was in his greatest Prosperity , which the Event did most certainly verify . From this Spirit he predicted the Divisions and Con●usions in England in Matters of Religion , and the sad Consequences thereof ; some of which we have seen fulfilled ; and I pray God , the rest which he feared may not also be accomplished upon us . Lastly , From this Spirit he foretold , That the grea●●st Stroke upon the Reformed Church●s was yet to come ; and that the Time of the utter Ruin of the See of Rome should be whe● she thought herself most secure : And as to thi● last , I shall add a brief Account 〈◊〉 the Person 's own Hand who was concerned therein which followeth in these Words : The Year before this Learned and Holy Primate Archbishop Usher , died , I went to him , an● earnestly desired him , to give me in Writing his Apprehensions concerning Justification , an Sancti●ication by Christ : because I had for merly heard ●im preach upon those Point● wherein he seemed to make those great Mysteries more intelligible to my mean Capacity , tha● any thing which I had ever heard from 〈◊〉 other : But because I had but an imperfect 〈◊〉 confused Remembrance of the Particulars , took the Boldness to importune him , that 〈◊〉 would please to give a brief Account of them 〈◊〉 Writing , whereby I might the better impri●● them in my Memory ; of which he would 〈◊〉 have excused himself , by declaring his 〈◊〉 of not writing any more ; adding , That if he did write any thing it should not exceed above a Sheet or two : But upon my continued Importunity , I at last obtained his Promise . He coming to Town some Time after , was pleased to give me a Visit at my own House where I failed not to challenge the Benefit of the Promise he had made me : He replied , That he had not writ , and yet he could not charge himself with any Breach of Promise ; For ( said he ) I did begin to write , but when I came to write of Sanctification , that is , of the New Creature which God formeth by his Spirit in every Soul which he doth truly regenerate , I found so little of it wrought in myself , that I could speak of it only as Parrots by Rote , and without the Knowledge and Understanding of what I might have expressed , and therefore I durst not presume to proceed any further upon it . And when I seemed to sta●d amazed , to hear such an humble Confession from so great and experienced a Christian , He added , I must tell you , We do not well understand what Sanctification and the New Creature are ; It is no less than for a Man to be brought to an entire Resignation of his Will to the Will of God , and to live in the Offering up of his Soul continually in the Flames of Love , as a whole burnt Offering to Christ ; and how little ( says he ) are many of those who profess Christianity experimentally acquainted with this Work on their Souls ? By this Discourse , I conceived he had very excellently and clearly discovered to me that par● of Sanctification which he was unwilling to write . I then presumed to enquire of him what his present Apprehensions were concerning a very great Persecution which should fall upon the Church of God in these Nations of England , Scotland , and Ireland , of which this reverend Primate had spoken with great Confidence many Years before , when we were in the highest and fullest State of outward Peace and Settlement . I asked him whether he did believe those sad Times to be past , or that they were yet to come ? To which he answered , That they were yet to come , and that he did as confidently expect i● as ever he had done , adding , That this sad per●ecution would fall upon all the Protestan● Churches of Europe ; I replied , That I did hope it might have been past as to these Nations of ours , since I thought that th●ugh we , who are the People thereof , have been punished much less than our Sins have deserved , and that our late Wars had made far less Devastations than War commonly brings upon those Countries where it pleaseth God in Judgment to suffer it ; yet we must needs acknowledge , that many great Houses had been burnt , ruined , and left without Inhabitants , many great Families impoverished and undone , and many Thousand Lives also had been lost in that bloody War , and that Ireland and Scotland , as well as England , had drank very deep of the Cup of God's Anger , even to the Overthrow of the Government , and the utter Desolation almost of a very great Part of those Countries . But this Holy Man turning to me , and fixing his eyes upon me with that serious and ireful look which he usually had when he spake God's Word , and not his own , and when the Power of God seemed to be upon him , and to constrain● him to speak , which I could easily discern much to differ from the countenance wherewith he usually spake to me ; He said thus : Fool not yourself with such hopes , for I tell you all you have yet seen , hath been but the beginning of Sorrows to what is yet to come upon the Protestant Churches of Christ , who will , ere long , fall under a sharper persecution than ever yet was upon them ; and therefore ( said he to me ) look you be not found in the outward Court , but a Worshiper in the Temple before the Altar , for Christ will measure all those that profess his name , and call themselves his People ; and the outward Worshippers he will leave out to be trodden down by the Gentiles . The outward Court ( says he ) is the formal Christian , whose Religion lies in performing the outside duties of Christianity , without having an inward Life and Power of Faith and Love , uniting them to Christ , and these God will leave to be trodden down , and swept away by the Gentiles ; but the Worshippers within the Temple , and before the Altar , are those who do indeed worship God in spirit and in truth , whose souls are made his Temples , and he is honoured and adored in the most inward Thoughts of their Hearts , and they sacrifice their lusts and vile affections , yea , and their own wills to him ; and these God will hide in the hollow of his hand , and under the shadow of his wings ; and this shall be one great diffe●●nce between this last , and all the other preceding Persecutions ; for in the former , the most eminent and spiritual Ministers and Christians did generally 〈◊〉 most , and were most v●olently fallen upon , but in this last Persecuti●● these shall be preserved by God as a Seed to p●rtake of that glory which shall immediately fo●●ow and come upon the Church , as soon as eve● this storm shall be over ; for as it shall be the ●●arpest , so it shall be the short●st Persecution 〈◊〉 them all , and sha●l only take away the gross ●●ypocrites and formal Professors , but the 〈◊〉 spiritual Believers shall be preserved till 〈◊〉 calamity be 〈◊〉 . I then asked him by what means or instruments this great trial was to be brought on ? ●e answered , by the Papists ; I replied , that it 〈◊〉 to me very improbable they should be able to do it , since they were now little countenan●ed , and 〈◊〉 in these nations , and that the hea●●s o● the People were m●re set against 〈◊〉 than eve● 〈◊〉 the Reformation . He 〈◊〉 again , That it would be by the hands of Pa●is●s , in a time when they would be in gr●at power , and in the way of a sudden 〈◊〉 , and that the Pope should be the chief instrument of it . All this he spake with so great assurance , and with the same serious and concerned 〈…〉 which I have before observed him to have , when I have heard him foretel some things which in all human appearance were very unlikely to come to pass , which yet I myself have lived to see happen according to his prediction , and this made me give the more earnest attention to what he then uttered . He then added , That the Pa●ists were th● Gentiles spoken of in the 11th of the Revelations , to whom the outward Court should be left , that they might tread it under foot , they having received the Gentiles worship in their adoring Images , and Saints departed , and in taking to themselves many Mediators ; and this ( said he ) the Papists are always designing among themselves , therefore be sure you be ready ▪ and not found wanting . This was the substance , and , I think , for the greatest part , the very same words which this Holy Man spake to me at the time before mentioned , not long before his death , and which I writ down , that so great and notable a prediction might not b●-lost and forgotten by myself nor others . This gracious man repeated the same things in substaace to his only daughter the Lady Tyr●il , and that with many tears , and much about the same time that he had expressed what is aforesaid to me , and which the Lady Tyrril assured me of with her own m●uth to this purpose : That opening the Door of his Chamber , she found him with his Eyes lift up to Heaven , and the Tears running apace down his Cheeks , and 〈…〉 continued for about half an Hour , not taking the least Notice of her , though she came into the Room ; but at last turning to her , he told her , That his Thoughts had been taken up about the Miseries and Persecutions that were coming upon the Churches of Christ , which would be so sharp and bitter , that the Contemplation of them had fetched those Tears from his Eyes . The same Things he also repeated to the Lady Bysse , wife to the then present Lord Chief Baron of Ireland , but with adding this circumstance , wo unto them that are found unprepared for it . ●o conclude in the words of Dr. Bernard , speaking of this excellent person , Now howsoever I may be as far from heeding of Prophe●cies this way as any , yet with me it is not improbable , that so great a Prophet , so sanctified from his youth , so knowing and eminent throughout the Universal Church , might have at some special times more than ordinary motions and impulses in doing the Watchman's part of giving warning of judgments approaching . From M` Auliffe's Prophecies . AND in those days it shall come to pass , that the nations of Europe will be moved to war , and that mighty men and princes will unite from all corners of the ea●th to maintain their power , and that they will gather from all quarters thousands and tens of thousands to fight their battles , and establish their dominions over multitudes and nations ; but their arms shall avail them nought : in their union they shall find destruction , and their mighty hosts shall be scattered like chaff before the wind ; pestilence and famine shall overtake those who escape from the sword , and few shall live to bring home the news of their mishap ▪ and defeats . The stars of nations shall then fall , and desolation shall reign among the great and proud of the earth ; for their ways are the ways of ungodliness , and their paths are those of injustice and oppression . In those days ( and they are at hand ) the mighty Lord of truth shall avenge the injuries of his people , and his name shall be known throughout . The reign of his justice shall succeed that of his mercy , and long forbearance ; his mighty arm shall exalt the humble , and prostrate the proud . It shall also come to pass in those days , that the blood of Africans shall be repaid , and slavery shall be no more ; the beams of truth all strike on the eyes of all nations , and Evangelical love shall pervade all hearts , equa● rights shall be the foundation of continua● peace ; and the glory of all people shall be to know the Lord of armies , and obey his eternal laws . It is to be lamented that the Compiler could not collect the whole of this great man's predictions , but hopes to get them shortly , being promised them by a friend , who will interpret them faithfully from the old Irish. The families of M` Auliffes were formerly an ancient Irish family in the County of Cork , and possessed of large estates there ; some of which are now enjoyed by the respectable families of the name of St. Leger , who purchased them ; this great prophet foretold the transferring of all the family property , and the total extinction of his name , which he said would be forgotten , and hardly remembered by the rising generations ; which has all turned out as ●e foretold . He also foretold a gentleman in his days , named Anthony St. Leger , that he would live to a great age , providing he would never pass over Bennet's Bridge in the county of Kilkenny , and if he would , that there he most undoubtedly was to lose his life ; but as destiny in human circumstances is by some deemed unavoidable , it was most unfortunately verified in Mr. S. who lost his life by a gun shot at Bennet's Bridge , by the following accident : — One of his carriage horses had dropped a shoe traveling through that country , from which accident Mr. S. could not pursue his journey without getting a shoe on his beast , and being told there was a smith's forge at Bennet's Bridge , on his way , he drove to the fatal place ( where a forge remains to this day ) but there had not been any person at work in it ; the smith was found , and applied to , to put a shoe on the horse with all convenient dispatch ; who excused himself , saying he had no iron . The horse being lame , and not able to go on further without a shoe , necessitated Mr. S. to get out of his carriage and im●ortune the smith to search diligently for iron sufficient for the purpose ▪ when after a long research it could not be obtained , without having recourse to an old rusty gun barrel , from which a shot had not been fired p●rhaps for half a century b●fore , and being in some useful position , was at length put into the furnace by the smith with reluctance , for the ●urpose of taking off sufficient to make an horse● shoe : little did Mr. S. think of M` Auliffe's prophecy , or eternity at hand , whilst he stood in the forge all the time . The rusty old gunbarrel , which had been load●d with powder and ball of a long time , no sooner had got the heat of the fire , than the contents went off , and unluckily killed Mr. S. on the spot , which shews that Mr. S. had either disbelieved or had forgotten the Prophet's caution , which too often has been the case of many , who are ashamed of taking council in pe●ilous cases . least they may become thereby subjects for the ridicule of their more hardened acquaintances . The following other prophecy of M'Auliffe's , has not yet come to pass , and is dev●utly hoped it never may . — When every running water in Ireland shall turn a mill wheel , the● shall the Protestants and Romanists ( Papists ) kill each other with great slaughter . But as his prophecies have been spoken and wrote in Irish , it is left with the wise and sagacious to explain his words , which signify battles between the Sasanoughs and Irish. The Irish word Sasanough signifies an English Protestant , and what is difficult to explain ; whether between the people of the Romish persuasion , aginst the other dissenting sects in Ireland , or nation against nation , is not easy to say . Another of his prophecies is as follows : In seventeen hundred ninety and five , Whoever will be at that period alive , Will see plenty revisit this fortunate land , And Ireland emerg'd from her slavish command ; Ere the period arrives will a torrent of blood , Discolour'd , be forc'd from it's primitive flood ; The verdure of Spring will be shaded with red , And the fruits of the earth oppress'd with the dead . It should be seriously remarked , that the year 1795 has been pointed out particularly by different Prophets , as a year of greater destruction and human slaughter than any year previous ; even Mrs. Shipton prophecied a century or two back , that E — 's ruin would begin in 1792 , and terminate in 1795. The wicked in all nations and ages ridicule prophecies , never acknowledging the ordained will of an angry Providence ; yet they are always more fearful than such as believe : and though it appears in holy writ , that revolutions happen from the foundation of the world , and will to the end of time ; yet the Almighty always , and without exception , gives some people the gift of foretelling such changes in human affairs , and expressly declares he will not do any such things , but he will first impart to his servants the Prophets . And as often as he threatens his creatures with any dreadful change , it is to convince them it proceeds from his wrath and indignation , originating from their intolerable wickedness , and changing his love into hatred , yet always and at all times promises to withhold the scourge or persecution , if the threatened nations of people will cry out for mercy , and call in fervency upon his holy name , to come to their a●●istance , and avert his dreadful wrath and vengeance from them , but they seldom or never do , though he quotes examples ( to every succeeding generation in vain ) viz. Noah's flood , the cities of Sodom and Gomorrah , with many others , when the people laughed at predictions , and timely advice , as they do still . In the whole course of human affairs holy writ proves his threats and promises are all conditional , calculated to stimulate people to call always on him for mercy , and to execute his easy commands , particularly his doctrines in the new Testament ; be their accursed hearts are hardened , and the shut the gates of their understanding again●● him , and in the blind career of their lives have insensibly bid defiance to him and his laws . that the text of scripture in the book of Esdras may be fulfilled to their eternal condemnation , wherein the Lord God desires Esdras not mind who shall be damned , but seek after them who shall be saved , for Hell was created for the multitude , and Heaven for the few . Let all who read this book strive to be of that few , and mind the rules mentioned therein , and also in the new Testament , and if they do not , they will be outcasts in Hell , and all their finery and ●rippery here , will be their open and everlasting shame there . If the bible was universally ●●ad , and fulfilled to the utmost of human power , the mighty God would not have so great cause against his creatures , or to warn them to turn to him ( the merciful and loving Father ) by the voice of Prophets and other warnings , than that blessed book . Is he not constantly looking down from his holy mountain ( the variety of the glories and pleasures of which never yet entered the heart of mankind to conceive the least idea of , ) on the wicked universe with grief and sorrow , saying , O my people , my people , how often would I have gathered ye together , as a hen gathers her chickens , but ye would not . Hear now , Readers , you have a loving God , a weeping God , and a God who tells you in the bible his nature and his name is Love , with out-stretched arms , open to receive ●very one that will turn unto him , but ye will not ; therefore , if you do not , when you die ( a●ter performing faithfully all the works of the Devil , by greedily desiring and pursuing with your wicked hearts and inclinations , the alluring ways of this world , in which all your thoughts are enveloped ) expect the dreadful sentence from him , who will then , he says , appear to ye as a roaring Lion , and say I know ye not ; go ye accursed into everlasting torments , prepared for the Devil and his servants . Let none be alarmed at the revolution in France , such revolutions must happen in all idolatrous nations ; they corroborate with the holy bible , a nation shall be converted in a day , that is , emerging from idolatry and idolatrous persecution , at destined periods , in the fulness of the time of the Most High , and so on previous to the coming of the great Judge , idolatrous Monarchs must be all cut off . But if mighty men should plan and scheme for centuries to reduce things to their own human weak and wicked wishes , their labour is in vain , they are mocked by God , they cannot see into the great causes ; they are greedy for dominion and filthy lucre , they are cruel and unjust , and all their ways are an abomination before the face of the great One ; they are poor , blind , naked , miserable , foolish and wicked . Give attention now ●ll who never go● the gift of repentance from above , read the new Testament , and the most imaginary innocent among ye , will find yourselves fitted for Hell's torments ; rouse to immediate repentance , call on the Most High for mercy , cease from Hell-born wickedness , such as gambling , night parties , revelling , balls , assembli●s , drums , hellish masquerades , drunkenness , glu●tony , dress , and pride , which Christ says is of your father the Devil ; cease from superfluous dress , be a Quaker entirely in dress , and a very plain one , for your soul's sake , to obey Christ , and fulfill the holy scriptures , cry aloud to the Most High ( with the true baptismal tears of repentance ) which is the real water baptism of salvation , previous to the operation of the Holy Ghost , and externally described in the third chapter of St. John in the new Testament . Beware of hypocrisy , ostentation , and falsehood , banish these hydras from the inmost recesses of your hearts ; make room there for the Holy Ghost to dwell in , for with them hydras he cannot dwell , and without him do not trouble yourselves to look forward to salvation ; do not strive to please human creatures , or you cannot please God ; talk no more of fashions or of the circle of your acquaintances , such conversation is abominable to God ; boast no more of your acquaintances , Lord such a one , or Lady such a one , they are earth and dirt , titles are sacrilegeous and blasphemous , which is always the consequence of accursed wealth , for wealth is a curse from God , because it never was and never will be applied as God commanded it , therefore he declares it is harder for a wealthy person to enter the kingdom of Heaven than for a camel to go through the eye of a needle ; when a person gets wealth he gets pride , and contempt for all who do not possess the same curse , wealth , and in consequence of that wealth and pride , the Devil instigates him to renounce his name , and take the ridiculous name of a river , a town , a hill , or a province , and tacks God's name and title to it . Then he is exalted , and God positively declares and says , whoever exalts himself shall surely be abased , that is , cast into Hell ; and thus does the Devil sport with all wealthy people , and proud people , and dressy people . Dress draws every curse from God down upon the soul ; the more dressy , the more vicious ; clothing was first invented to cover sin and shame , and ought therefore be as plain as possible , besides God strictly commands it should be so . Now , hear the declaration of a fine shewy dressy person to God , viz. I will dress , powder , curl , and paint , to spite you , God , because you desire me not ; I will flirt , laugh , please and be pleased , praise and be praised , read plays , romances , and all other devilish books , because you say all those will corrupt me , and that I must account for every idle word I speak ; I will not read the bible , nor do therein , because you desire me , for every thing you command me I will not do , and every thing you forbid me I will do , God , because my father and mother brought me up this way , and they follow the same life themselves , for we all prefer the damnation of Hell , to you and your old book filled with stories of love , terrors , Heaven , Hell , and all such tedious nonsense , to people of fashion going into Perdition . The more wicked and abominable a person is before God , the more glaringly they wish to adorn the filthy carcase , iniquity invented new fashions , it originated in France ; every married woman there was despised if she was not a w — ; the bible was forbid to be read by order of Ant●christ and his Deputies , least the people should perceive their own damnation , and rebel against idolatry ; the contagion is in England , Ireland , &c. ; the world is teeming with wickedness , the Lord God is like a roaring lion , filled with wrath , fury , and revenge , he is thundering down his vengeance in a variety of ●hapes , previous to the general judgment , which is now the general dread of the people , teeming with iniquity , and filled with terrors without one single exception among the wicked . whenever the Almighty intendsany great event he puts it more or less in the people's minds before the execution , to induce them to holiness ; for there is no other way to prevent his wrath . But instead , they continue to act as if they were never to die , and blinding each other with praise , flattery , hypocrisy , and deceit . Suppose Christ was this instant to come down and judge all people , shewing Heaven's great expanse of innumerable pleasures on one side , and Hell's yawning torments on the other , how would the proud and dressy appear ? Would the not with their pride and fashionable dress in Hell , where it originated ? Are they the pious holy people , marked with the Holy Ghost to sa●vation , that could run to meet Christ , whose face is of flaming fire ? Or are they those pointed out in the bible , who are marked by the Devil , to devote themselves to the pleasures and passions of this Hell-grown world ? Let them answer for themselves ; 〈◊〉 if they cannot , I can ; they are of the latter description , they are an ab●mination before the L●rd , and before his holy people on earth ; they have stipulated with the Devil their pre●ious souls for fashionable dress & pride ; and as God says , cannot escape the damnation of Hell. Therefore , Readers , do not ye be of this accursed number , but follow the advice given in this little pamphlet of very great value ; cast away instantly your fashionable dress , pride , ●rippery , and all accursed worldly show , and you will make the Devil fly away from you , roaring with despair ; and God and the innumerable host of Heaven will shout for joy , and the windows of Heaven will be opened unto you . Give atrention now , ye wealthy , ye great wicked ones , who are squandering thousands and tens of thousands yearly in superfluous excesses , which are the works of the son of Perdition . Squander your thousands on the purchase of millions of bibles , new testaments , hymn books , and psalm books , scatter them among the people like corn before the plow , by which all the human race will learn to know the Lord , and do his blessed will ; propagate the gospel of Christ in its original purity , until all the people shall know that the gospel sound alone is sure salvation , and not the abominable works of man's hands ; renounce idolatry ; sue for the property of the distressed , when wronged by the unjust ; distrib●te justice without favour or affection , and God will love you and keep you in safety . Read the bible the ensuing long winter evenings , ye and your families ; expound it to each other every night , and if at leisure in the day time also . Glorify God , let your conversation turn on every verse , on every chapter you read , of the wonderful works of the Lord Iesus Christ and his Apostles : then your conversation will be in Heaven , and this is also the communion of Saints , so little understood in this world . Let that same Jesus never leave your thoughts ; this is what the Apostle means , where he says , pray without ceasing ; this incessant silent meditation on Jesus , is certain salvation ; this is worshiping in spirit and in truth , because God is in Christ , your souls then feed on him , and grow rich in grace , and grace is the gradual operation of the Holy Ghost , which brings you from glory to glory . Let all men and women be exhorters to good , by their profound knowledge of the bible , which will abolish evil from the human race ; empty your purses to put all the indigent to industry , who have the inclination but not the means ; and after doing all these things , and ten thousand times more , do not take the least merit to yourselves ; it is not ye that do it , it is the Holy Ghost in ye ; therefore give all the merit to God , and all the glory ; and then know he has only done ye the honor of choosing ye to be useful machines to do his business ; and if ye are conscious in your hearts it is so , and that ye firmly believe that property which ye so distribute is his , and not your own , ( as all wealthy fools imagine ) then the wide expanse of Heaven is open for your enjoyment as soon as your fervency of love for him desire it , with millions of millions of pleasures , with him on his holy mountain ; do all those things if you can , and if you can and do not , read your dreadful sentence in the new testament . Give attention again , ye wealthy ; cast away all your ●rippery , your variegated head-dr●sses , and all other ornaments calculated to adorn your carcas●s for praise and admiration , which is certain c●●demnation to your souls ; play no cards or other gambling ; never enter them hellish seminaries of corruption called play-houses ; do not suffer a play book of any kind , romance or novel , inside your houses ; they are the keys that unlock the doors of Hell ; propagate industry , the arts and sciences , travels , voyages , geography , the globes , the maps , &c. among the poor ; squander God's money in all such employments , but let holy writ be always uppermost in your thoughts , and the subjects of your conversations , when the others are not absolutely necessary ; become domesticks , and ●ay no more ridiculous fashionable vis●ts ; do not continue to make Gods of your filthy carcases , with made dishes , Iuscious meats and ●rinks , or other vicious extravagancies ; you must certainly give an account of every shilling you unnecessarily lay out on your persons and families , and if contrary to the observations made here and in the new testament , th●n the dreadful and intolerable sentence is 〈◊〉 for an endless eternity . A Seasonable Hint Dear F●llow Traveller thro' the Wilderness of this World. YOU and I must soon appear before the Judgment Seat of Christ , and as we may possibly never meet again in this ●if● , a 〈◊〉 Hints concerning that most joyful or most awful Event may not be unseasonable . The Bible is the word of the living God ; for all Scrip●ure is given by inspiration of GOD : holy men of GOD s●ake and worte as they were move● by the HOLY GHOST The follwing Hints taken from that Divine Book deserve your immediate and most serious consideration . The word of GOD assures us , that you and I are Sinners , for GOD hath n●lu●ed all under Sin , — There is none that doeth Good and 〈◊〉 not , no not one , — we were even sh●p●n in Iniquity , and in Sin did our Mother con●●ive us . Another awful Truth contained in Scripture is , that the wages of Sin , is Hell — and that it is appointed unto all men once to a●e , and after Death the Iudgment ; that heart searching judgment , where not an action in your life , — not a word of your tongue , nor a thought of your heart , — will escape the notice of that JESUS , who will be the Judge of both the quick and the dead ; then the righteous and the wicked will recei●● according to the Things done in the Body , whether 〈◊〉 be good or evil . The righteous shall go away into everlasting Life , — but the wicked will be ●ast down to Hell , to be tormented with Devils and damned Spirits for ever and ever . Oh , how dreadful will that be to you and m● if thro' our Sins we should come into that ●lace of torment ! I would further ●int to you that the blessed GOD hath manifested his grace and love and hath shewn his tender pity and compassion in giving his dear Son , the LORD JESUS CHRIST to be a REDEEMER , and SAVIOUR of poor lost Sinners ; that JESUS is both God and Man in one Divine Person , that he might be able to save the very worst of Sinners who come unto GOD thro' him . His blood was shed on the cro●s for your Redemption , from Sin , Death , and Hell , — His spotless Righteousness was wrought out for your eternal justification , if you indeed , and in Truth believe in him . He obeyed the Law of GOD in your room and 〈◊〉 ; and be died , that you might not die eternally ; and is that glorious SUN of RIGHTEOUSNESS that will arise and shine upon his People for ever and ever . In order to your saving Knowledge of JESUS CHRIST , your having ●aith in him , and a living Union with him , a very great change must pass in your heart and li●e . This change is the peculiar work o● the HOLY GHOST , and is called in Scripture , RE●ENERATION , or the NEW BIRTH . Except a Man be born again , he cannot see the Kingdom of God. You know , that this divine Change manifests itself by a heart deeply humbled under a sense of Sin ; and an earnest desire after Salvation . It further shews itself by a discovery of JESUS CHRIST , as a suitable , compassionate , and all ●ufficient Saviour , and by a holy life and conversation . To them that believe CHRIST is percious . — He is the Chief among ten thousand , and altogether lovely . — Oh is he ●o to you and me ! ●xamine your heart daily on this weighty Question — Do you know JESUS CHRIST ? Do you love him ? Are you devoted to him , and do you put all your trust in him ? If you do , you are happy . — If not , your condition is most miserable . L●t me beseech you by the mercies of GOD , by the Love of JESUS , and by the worth of your precio●s Soul , that you earnestly pray , O! my Heavenly FATHER , forgive my Sins , and ●eveal thy dear SON in me ; blessed JESUS ! let me be redeemed by thy Blood , and clothed with thy Righteousness . — Oh! holy and blessed SPIRIT , ●anctify my heart , be in me a Spirit of frequent and fervent prayer . Give me faith in JESUS CHRIST — Teach me to love him , and give me Grace to grow like him — and make me what thou wouldst have me to be . Guide me by thy counsel and fit me for thy Glory . Let me beg of you , ( my dear ) to give up your heart to these Things , that we may meet in Heaven , and be for ever with the LORD . I conclude with intreating you most affectionately to consider these things directly . Life is uncertain — DEATH — JUDGMENT , — HEAVEN and HELL , are at hand , and are awful Things — devote your time to seek an interest in JESUS CHRIST as your SAVIOUR and REDEEMFR — ask and you shall re●●ive , seek and you shall find , kno●k and it shall be opened unto you . That the Lord may bless these hints to your Soul , is the earnest Prayer of your hearty well-wisher , For JESUS ' sake . CHRISTIANUS . The Quaker's Advice . AS I have often , in passing along the streets and highways , heard the Most Sacred Name very profane●y made use of , both by men and women , and many grievously calling for damnation on themselves and one on another , my heart has been , and is , deeply afflicted t●ereat : and therefore I beseech you , in the Name of JESUS CHRIST , do not defile your Souls which are dear and precious , by any wilful sin : and amongst other things , do not ta●e the Holy Name of God in vain , for the Lord will not hold him or her guiltless that taketh his holy Name in vain . GOD is willing to save you ; why should any of you lose and destroy yourselves ? Observe this attentively ; for notwithstanding all that the LORD has done , and is d●ing for us , such as die in their sins , where he is gone , they can never come . Abstain from drunkenness , and all excess , and from every appearance of evil , love one another , as JESUS CHRIST hath loved you ; apply yourselves to the witness of God within you , which reproves you for evil ; submit to , and obey its holy manifestations and discoveries and it will do much more for you than a●● you can hear from any man. This witness of GOD is the word of his Grace , even the word of Life , the Holy Ghost , which is able to save your souls . In the love of the Gospel , I invite you all to come and taste how good and merciful the LORD is towards all those that return to him with their whole hearts . If you are such a one , who can , through an ill habit and bad custom , curse , swear , and do any other bad action , almost without reproof or feeling ; though your case be so desperate , there is yet mercy with God that he may be feared : and I advise you to endeavour to be still a few minutes in the morning , when you awake , before you rise up , and then think seriously with yourself thus : I have not given my being to myself : I am accountable to the Author and Creator of it ; and this day He ( the LORD of all ) will take notice of all my actions ; this day he will hear all my Words ; this day he will know all my thoughts ; and at a certain time ( yet unknown to me when ) my soul must give him a full account . I am not without some degree of hope , that such serious reflections may be conducive to raise desires like these : Oh! that I may be watchful . Oh! that I may sin no more as long as I live : For we must cease to do evil before we can learn to do well . Therefore silence before the LORD , and attention to his reproofs of instruction in your own heart , which are the way to life , are the first steps to come to CHRIST , and to be made a real Christian. Self Enquiries for Every Morning . 1. Was God in my thoughts at lying down and ●ising up ? and were the thoughts of him sweet and refreshing to my soul ? 2. In what frame is my heart this morning ? Do I admire the goodness of God in the last night's Sleep , and for adding more time to my life ? and am I heartily thankful ? 3. Can I r●ally commit myself and all my affairs to God this day , to be guided by his counsel , and protected and provided for , by his care , and to be entirely at his disposal ? 4. Am I resolved to speak for God and his Glory ? and in the strength of Christ , will I n●ither be afraid , ashamed , nor weary of well-doing ? 5. Am I a child of God and an heir of Glory ? and does the Spirit of God testify that I am born again . If I am God's child , should I not wear the garments of righteousness , and take heed of defiling myself with sin ? should I n●t do more than others ? 6. Who is the greatest deceiver ? if my heart should I not be jealous . and watchful over it : where are the greatest dangers , and m●st p●rnicious mistakes ? if in so●l concerns , should I not venture the loss of all things rather than lose my precious , never-dying soul ? 7 Who are my most implacable , powerful and soul-destroying Enemies , but the World , the Flesh and the Devil ? and should I no● w●●ch and be sober ; so as neither to idoli●e the 〈◊〉 ▪ pamper the second , nor listen to the third ? 8 Who is or can be my best Friend ▪ but God ? And should I not fear his displeasure more than death , desire his favour more than life , and thro' all this day love , honour , and obey him . 9. Where is the greatest vanity and vexation , but in the World ? And should I not live above it ? 〈◊〉 not Godliness the greatest gain ? and should I not make it my chiefest business . 10. What is my heavenly work ▪ but to Strive , R●● , W●estle , Fight ? and can ● do all this withou● Care , Dilige●ce and Watchfulness ? 11. Whose eyes will be upon me all this day , to observe my head and heart , my Lip , and Life , but his who is the Judge of all the Earth ? And dare I Sin in his presence , and affront him to his Face ? 12. If I should spend this day in Vanity , Idleness , or Sin , will it not be sorrow●ul at night ? if I spend it holily and p●ofitably , shall I not pray with greater confidence , lie down more peacefully , and have 〈◊〉 ●estimony of a good conscience for my rejoicing . 13 How would I have this day appear at the day of Judgment ? Ought not my Though●s , Words and Actions to be such now , as I 〈◊〉 then wish them to have been ? 14. How may I this day order my secular business with most prudence and wisdom , integrity and upligh●ness and for my real advantage ? 15. Am I now fit to draw nigh to God in pray●● , and can I seek first . and as my chief concern , the Kingdom of God and his righteousness ? 16. Am I now willing to take Christ alone for righteousness ? and to devote all my time and 〈◊〉 to him ? And to offer him praise continually ? Self Enquiries for every Evening . 1. What have I done this day for God and his Glory ? what can I look back upon with comfo●● ? 2. In what frame hath my heart been all this day ? Have I more desired heavenly or earthly things ? hath my jo●s been more in God and in the hopes of ●uture Glory , than in worldly Riches , Honours or Pleasures ▪ was my g●●ef more for sin or for the troubles of Li●e ? Have I more derived comfort from the broken cis●erns of created good , or from God the living fountain ? 3. What were m● intentions ? Have I been sincere , and maintained a conscience void of off●●c● towards God and towards man ? Did I eat and drink , pray , and converse to the Glory of Ged , or was Self ●ppermost in all ? 4. What spiritual duties have I performed this day ? Did I regard the manner as well as the ma●●er , and do them from conscience not from custom ? Did I pray servently , and ●ead and m●ditate so as to affect my heart ? 5. How faithful diligent ▪ and care●ul , have I been in my place and calling ? And have there been no idle hours in the day ? 6. What has been my company this day ? What good have I done them or received from them ? Did ● reprove , exhort and strengthen ▪ encourage , comfort and w●rn , as the matter required ? 7. How have I bo●●e the crosses and troubles of the day ? Did I neither despise them , nor saint under them ; neither entert●in hard thoughts of God , nor utter rash words against him ? 8. What were my temptations this day ? was I easi●y d●awn into Sin , or restrained and overawed by God's all-seeing eye , merciful heart , or a●enging hand ? What convict●on , merey , or warning did I sin against ? and have I repented of my sin ? 9. What were my enjoyments , and how was my hear●●ffected under them ? Was I affected with the goodness of God to me in my health , ●riends and estate , and unfeignedly thankful for them ? 10. What have I learned this day ? have I got more heart-affecting knowledge of God and of his Glory ; and of myself and of my sins ? Of this word and that which is to come ? 11. What have I remembered of the word of God , whether read or heard ? Was any 〈◊〉 sweet 〈◊〉 my soul , and did I by ●aith make any promise my ow● Did any particular precept 〈…〉 ? 12. What graces have I 〈…〉 ? have I lived by ●ai●h . loved God , and 〈…〉 for Chr●st : have I had 〈◊〉 to God the 〈◊〉 , as my 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 ; to 〈…〉 saviour , 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 ; and to the holy 〈◊〉 as my 〈◊〉 strength and com●o●●er ? 13 Have I been suitably affected with the 〈◊〉 or miseries of others , whether 〈…〉 have I had a compassionate heart , and 〈◊〉 hand to any in want ? 14 Have I especially done good to them who a●e of the 〈…〉 . however 〈…〉 ? 15. Did the C●●●ch of God 〈…〉 of Christ ●e near my heart ? Have I 〈…〉 the welfare of Christs Chu●ch , and 〈◊〉 its desolations , and 〈◊〉 Heav●n abo●e my 〈◊〉 Joy. 16. Have I really set death before me , and 〈◊〉 my life as a vapour ? if God should this ●ight clo●e my eyes in death , how is it like to be with my soul ? 17. lo●●nceivably great , glorious and terrible as the day of Judgment will be , dare I meet Christ at his coming ? Will my graces bear the t●ial of that day ? Can I now with joy say , even so , Come 〈◊〉 Iesus ? Lady JANE GREY'S Letter TO HER SISTER , The Evening before she was beheaded in the Towe● of London . Translated from the Original Gre●k . I HAVE sent you , my dear fi●●er Catharine , a book , which , though ●t be not exte●nal●y 〈◊〉 with gold , or curious embroidery of nee●l● work , ● internally of more value than a● the precious mines in the wide world , my only dear and best beloved 〈◊〉 , it is the book of the law of our great and dear Redeemer ; his testimony and last 〈◊〉 ▪ bequeathed to lead us to e●ernal happiness . Read it with attention and an earnest de●ire to follow its precepts , and it wi●●urely bring you to immo●tal and everlasting life , teach you to live ●nd die , win you to God. e●dow you with happiness and glory . Labour to live acco●ding to the rules it contains , and you shall inherit su●h riches , as the covetous cannot wi●hd●●w , the thie● steal , nor the moth corrupt . My dear sister , ask wisdom from above , and de●ire with David to understand the law of the Lord our God , 〈◊〉 on the 〈◊〉 of thy heart by divi●e love , live still to die , that through death you may obtain eternal life . Let not your youth blind you from knowing that at all hours , times , and seasons , are alike to the most high God , when he 〈…〉 are they 〈◊〉 ●amps are 〈◊〉 when he comes ; the Lord is equall● glorified in the young as in the old ; my dear good si●ter , 〈◊〉 to die , deny the ●en 〈◊〉 of the wo●●d , the 〈◊〉 , and the D●vil , and delight 〈…〉 in the Lo●d . Jesus Christ ; be sorry for yo●r sins ; love God , do●●e●lpair , be strong in faith in Christ , live and die him the dear Redeemer , and with St. Paul , wh● fi●led with the fulness of divine love , you will 〈◊〉 to be d●ssolved , to be with Christ , wi●h whom 〈◊〉 love and life eternal ; be the good servant , that wh●●eath steals on , like a thief in the n●gh● , you b● not found in da●k●ess , with the children of th● world , who know not God , and be not witho●● oil in your lamp , like the foolish Virgins , least yo● be re●used ad●it●ance to the marriage ●upper of th● Lamb ; or w●thou● the w●dding ga●ment , least 〈◊〉 be cast into outer da●kness ; Rejoice in the Redeemer , follow our great master Christ , ●heerfully bear your cross or crosses , lay a●l your sins on hi● shoul●ers , and embrace him always . Rejoice with me , at my death , my dearest sister . that I shall be delivered from this body of corruption , and clothed with the garment of incorruption ; for by 〈◊〉 this mortal life , I shall obtain one immor●al , joyful , glorious , and eve●lasting , which I pray the Almighty God to give you when he shall please to call you hence , and send you all sufficient grace . ●o live in his love and fear , and die in true Christian ●aith , in Christ Jesus , who redeemed us , and all who love him , and long for his coming ; a●d I now exhort you , in the name of our Almighty Father , neve● to swerve either from the hope of life or ●ear of death : for if you deny his truth to prolong a we●ry and corrupt being , Omniporence himself will 〈◊〉 you , and cu● sho●● by his vengeance , what 〈◊〉 were desirous of prolonging , by the loss of your precious soul. Cleave to him ▪ and he will ex●end : your days to a 〈◊〉 circumsribed to his own glory ; to which I 〈◊〉 God bring me now , a●d you hereaf●er , when it shall please him to call you Farewell . once more , my beloved 〈◊〉 , put your whole ●ru●t in the great 〈◊〉 who alone ca● help you — AMEN Your loving Sister , J●NE DUDLEY . She was a Lady of the m●st amiable person , most engaging disposition , and 〈◊〉 ●●c●mpl●shed parts . She 〈…〉 greatest 〈◊〉 in acq●●●ing every part of poli●e Li●e●●●ure ▪ had a 〈◊〉 knowledge of the Ro●●a● and Greek languages , 〈◊〉 modern tongues , and the elega●● arts ▪ the best of wives to the most aff●cti●nate husband , she re●u●ed being placed on the ●hrone , till 〈◊〉 by her Father , Father-in-law and H●sb●●d : when she had been warned to prepare for death , which she had long expected , she received the dreadful news with jo● , The Queen 's bigo●●ed zeal ( under colour of tender mercy to the prisoner's soul ) induced her to send Priests , who tormented her wi●h perpetual disputations , and ● 〈◊〉 was granted her on conditions that she would embrace the ●do●atrous wo●ship of the Church of Rome : 〈◊〉 she he●d Death and Christ in greater esteem . Lady Jane had presence of mind ( in them 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 circumstances , to d●fend her religion with a christian for●itude , supported from holy writ ▪ and also wrote a letter to her Sister in the ●reek ●angua●e , exhorting her to maintain , in every reve●se of fortune , the like steady ●erse●erance ▪ On the da● of her execution . she re●used to see her ●●sband Lord Guil●ord , but sent him word ▪ that the ●e●derness of their ●arting , might probab●● 〈…〉 ▪ 〈…〉 from that co●●●ancy which their approaching end ●●qu●red of them . Their separation would be only fo● a m●m●nt , and would soon r●join each other in 〈◊〉 , where their affections would be 〈…〉 ; and where death , disappointments , and 〈◊〉 co●ld no lo●ger have access to them , 〈◊〉 break on their happin●●s . Extracts relative to the Church of ROME . ( By Lady Wallace . ) TO be able to judge of the discontent which is now general in all Roman Catholic countries , as well to draw natural conclu●ions from those com●●●tions which seem to be inevitable , from the a●arice of the c●ergy , you must go back to the infancy of Christianity , and make you●self acquainted with the increase , abuse , and decrease of the power of the church of Rome , which now , even it s once most supe●stitious adherents begin to revolt against , from the avarice and depravity of the clergy . Begin from A D. 66 , when we find the marty●●dom of Pe●er and Paul upon record : and the appointment of St. Lin , to be bishop of Rome ; happy for Ch●istianity , the cruel 〈◊〉 which cru●hed and ha●assed the ens●●ved people , rendered them greedy to adopt a doctrine which promised comfo●t to their sufferings , eternal rest and blessings herea●●e● , in proportion to their oppression and sufferings in this world . In the three fi●st ages of the church . the bishop of Rome ▪ in common wi●h the other ●ishops ▪ preached the ●●ctrine of Christianity in all tha● purity which ou● S●viour commanded to all his disciples , vested all with equal powers : piety , moderation , and priva●●on ma●ked their lives , and there never was me●tion m●de of any superior power being invested in the bishop of Rome , till the days of Constantine the 〈…〉 new mode●●ed the empire , and gave the 〈…〉 power of regulating all religious disputes 〈◊〉 church rites and re●orms ; but always re●erving to the emperor the power of au●horizing . or a●●ulling , the decisions of the bishop This power , ●he e●npero●s continued to exercise , without any bishop having ever hinted , that by divine authority he poss●ss●d any superiority over the other bishops , or over the government of his own country , far less in that of his ●eighbours . At the period when civil discord and foreign wars so convul●ed and dis●embered the empire , that no 〈◊〉 could take upon him the government of the 〈◊〉 , the emperor invested the bishops as his agents ; and they assumed af●erwards this power as their right , in the fourth century , and no emperor afterwards was powerful enough to re-assume his rights . Upon the popes becoming ve●ted with the civil government , their luxury and v●ces became scandalous . They were followed by ●l●ves and mistress●s in the streets in the greatest pomp , and from their riches and power they were able to usu●p that superiority over the other bishops which they some time a●●er a●●empted to m●ke their credulous adherents believe they had been impowered by Christ to assume . The high 〈◊〉 and affluence bestowed by Constantine upon the s●e of Rome , made all the 〈◊〉 bishops anxiou● to succeed to it , and ●●storia●s tell us , that the sa●e co●●up●ion and in●rigue were u●●d in those days as there is now to make a pope . In 378. the emperor Gratian formed a spiritual court , which confisted of the bishop of Rome , and seven ●●her bishops ; to judge finally of all church 〈◊〉 ; and he 〈◊〉 that all his subjects should ●ddp● the belief of the Trinity , and become of the Christian church , whi●● proved that he ( who was bec●me a Christian ) was head of the Church and supreme in power ▪ and this was frequently shewn by the emp●rors making the monks serve as soldiers , and the bishops of Rome as ambassadors : one of the popes , Sylverius , was starved to death when on an embassy . ●Till the eighth century , we 〈◊〉 the popes power no greater than that o● our archbi●hops ; after that 〈◊〉 , the imbeci●●●y , superstition , and often the poverty and difficulties of the emperors , tempted them to give the popes sovereign power over provinces , titles , a●d homage , to gain 〈◊〉 , or pardon of their 〈◊〉 . So soon as 〈…〉 were declared head of the. church , they 〈…〉 those Pagans who had turned 〈◊〉 Christianity to 〈◊〉 same ideas to them that they had to their 〈◊〉 Druids , that the per●on who was exc●mmunicated by them , was degraded , and deprived of the common 〈◊〉 of the people ; and thu● 〈◊〉 began first to 〈◊〉 damnation on nations and king ; who devia●ed from 〈◊〉 politics . In this same century , Pep●● , in 〈◊〉 , finding his sovereign , Childeric , a weak p●ince , ●o 〈◊〉 the ambitious scheme of 〈◊〉 him , and 〈◊〉 his throne , which pope Z●cheria encouraged him 〈◊〉 do ; knowing that if Pepin succeeded , he could not do without the influence of the church , over the minds of the people , as well as the riches of its treasury : for which Pepin promised to aid him with his arms , and every art to establish his power ; and after Pepin by these means had completed his 〈◊〉 , the ; pope was attacked by Allulph , a Lomb●rd prince . when Pepin hastened to his succour , and forced 〈…〉 totally to give●up to the pope the 〈◊〉 of Rome . In the time of pope Adrian , who succeeded Zacheria , Charlemagne , who succeeded Pepin , again rep●l●ed the Lombard princes , who wi●hed to reduce the ●avished power of the papal splendor . Char●emagne ●ound the Pope a ve●y powerful friend : from the bigotry , the natural produce of ignorance , which reigned in those day● , the princes and people impover●shed themselves to make presents to the pope , whom they believed to be endowed with su●ernatural powers , from the miracles and 〈◊〉 they daily 〈◊〉 by their know●edge in 〈◊〉 and chemistry , which knowledge was 〈◊〉 confined to the priesthood . Thus by reading history , you will 〈◊〉 by what almost imperceptible degrees the church of Rome emerged from all the simplicity and 〈◊〉 of the 〈◊〉 doct●ines of Christ , to e●joy that splendour and corruption which have 〈…〉 many ages distinguished it . Surely the leading 〈◊〉 to become a traitor and a 〈◊〉 was 〈◊〉 ●o the doc●rines of our Saviour . One of the pope● causes of the great success of the 〈◊〉 was , that 〈◊〉 were elected ; they were 〈◊〉 always men of ●ho●en abilities , and a●ts , 〈◊〉 to the study of enr●ching and agrandizing the 〈◊〉 : if any pope turned out a man of a different cast , the cardinals lost no time to murder or depo●e him ; whereas the princes who succeeded their 〈◊〉 were either fools or wise men , as the chance of fortune directed . The popes , under pretence of managing the 〈◊〉 of the church and the con●ciences of kings , were a●ways fending men to undermine the polities of every cabinet ; either by encouraging the weaknesses of the leading men , or by denouncing thunders which 〈◊〉 the weak minde● and 〈◊〉 ; and thus with the aid of all powerful gold 〈…〉 i●fluence . There●ore , it is 〈◊〉 to be wondered at , that they should so long have kept all Europe in a state of blood , barbari●m and bigotry , which 〈◊〉 would have been i●s wretched 〈◊〉 , had not England , Swi●zerland , and many of the German Principalities , by the will of Providence , re●o●med ▪ an● 〈◊〉 from the u●j●st vsurpa●ion of the Church of Rome . Re●igion 〈◊〉 that period has ce●sed to be the 〈…〉 of state intrigues in those rival nations which gave laws to the world . Should a general reform of that Church now h●ppen , which is very probab●e , the minds of its ad●e●ents seem ripe for revolt , from their groaning severely under the tyranny of a corrupt avar●cious clergy ; and we may expect to see all Europe enjoy pe●manent peace ●ut the restless spirit of domination in the Romish Clergy will leave no attempt u●●ried to secu●e their power ; and it is only by a conflict which must produce va●ied 〈◊〉 of blo●d , that they will submit to restore their usurped spoils : we find that already many of them have kept the chair by ass●ssinations , cruelty and treachery . Sergiu● the Third made one of his numerous bas●ards , Pope , under the name of John the Eleventh . John the Twel●th was also a bastard of Pope Agape●us ; for in those days , 〈◊〉 those heroes willingly made the sacrifice to God of that generally troublesome appendage to a libe●●ine — a wife , yet the● could not dispense with a variety of mistresses . Gregory the Se●ond profited the most by his amours ; for the Empr●ss Matilda , and the daughter of the Duke of Tuscany left him large legacies . Pascal the Second stirred up and supported Henry the Fifth to act so bad a part by his Father ; for it was those scan●●lous ●epresentatives of divine virtue which armed ●ons against their fathers , and made them be●●me ra●●ors to their oath and allegiance . Alexander the 〈◊〉 is reco●ded as a wonder of brutal crimes-Clement the Seventh had the mortification to see 〈…〉 his cha●● , and could work no miracle to prevent his being dr●ven out of Rome . He also 〈◊〉 the Emperor 〈◊〉 cry loudly against the pow●r and u●urpation of the 〈◊〉 , which awed him so ●uch that he lost England , as he dared not give 〈◊〉 to Hen●y the Eighth to divor●e Catharine of A●●agon , becau●e she was the Aunt of Charles whom he was afraid more to irritate . Henry , enraged against every thing which stood in opposition to his wishes , bu●ned the Pope in ●ffigy in Lon●on , and ordered every ore to change their ●eligion with as little remoise as he changed his wife : thus an 〈◊〉 people are for e●er persecuted by despotic ●ools . Paul the Third was famous for being the most luxurious and licen●ious man of his time ; he made his ba●●ards cardinals whe● boys . At this period the ●lergy made a violent effort to re-establish their power in Englan● ; and Mary with that cru●l , revengeful spirit , which seems to have been the most powerful engine of the church , by burning and ex●irpating all those who dared oppose her , did all she could to bring England again under the yoke of pop●●y : but such a co●●uct was not calculated to make pro●elytes of the minds of men , enlightened by the mild i●fluence of truth , and it soon pleased God to purge the ear●h of such a monster . But it was 〈◊〉 to Paul the Fourth to see the mortal blow given to the power of the S●e of Rome , in the glorious reign of Elizabeth , whose want of ●oleration , which stained her name with a Sister's death , arose from a conviction that tolerating such opposite doct●ines in the chur●● , must inevitably , sooner or later , involve the 〈◊〉 in civil disco●d . Six●us the 〈◊〉 was 〈…〉 , at England's having not only thrown off the 〈◊〉 of Rome but her sudden rise to grand ●r and 〈◊〉 , that he promised Philip the Second to secure to him the 〈◊〉 of Britain , prov●ded he would do h●m●ge to him , but all his hol● 〈◊〉 and masses would not save the invin●●b●e armada . In latter times , the popes have 〈◊〉 a ver● 〈◊〉 conduct in com●arison to 〈◊〉 former . Their intrigues are now chie●ly 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 money on the superstitious , and in that debau●her● which so eminently distinguishes the clerg● in the Roman Catholic count●ies , where the harrassed people revo●● at seeing the divine representatives of Christ such avaricious 〈◊〉 ; and poor , miserable and di●contented they only wait an opportunity to throw off the yoke , and worship God in purity and sincerity No p●i●ce is now so ignorant as to tremble at the thunders of the Vatican : yet the pope c●●tinues to impoveri●h the neigh●ouring ki●gdoms , b● selling every year his bulls nec●ss●ry for all ranks of the priesthood , to their being in orders ; it would appear very wonderful that sovereig●s should continue to submit to what so evidentl● impoverishes their people , did not that love of despotism . which is imbi●ed with the name of king , render them unwilling to destroy its chief source . On a view of the many vicious characters who have filled the chair , one shudders to think in this enlightened age , that any part of mankind shou●d attribute to such sinners the virtues of Christ , and lo●k on men polluted with every crime , as ves●ed with a supernatural power . At fi●st , by degree● , by treac●ery and us●rpation on the part of the 〈◊〉 of Rome , by interested motives on the part of the Emperor , and b● big●try in the people , they a●●ved a● that wealth , splendor and power . wh●ch th●y make their 〈◊〉 followers falsely believe th●● have derived ●●om Heaven : but now the mi●ds of men are ope●ing to the treacherous delusions which have so long duped them . and reformation o● an absolu●● revolution , will most likely soon be ●ffected in all 〈◊〉 governments . An Answer to Doctor PRIESTLY , And all other Deis●ical Unitarians , who deny Christ's Divinity ; By a Christian Unitarian , who believes in Christ's Divinity . THIS is a subject of the greatest importance to mankind , par●i●ularly as their eternal happiness depends on the knowledge of this great divine m●ster● , which the pe●ple who imagine they are Christians ▪ concei●edly 〈◊〉 themselves they have a perfect knowledge of ; and some independent people will spurn with contempt at the impudence of any spiritual , enlightened person , who will dare intrude so trifling a subj●ct on their idle fashionable hours : yet a great many who read this will acknowledge that not one in a million know any thing of the matter , not know how to-call-on the Deity , or what Deity to-call-on . Mankind may be informed in the new testament , that in the last days , ( which is shortly before the general judgmen● ) fa●se Prophe●s shall appear and deny the Lord J●sus Christ , who bought them with his blood , and will almost deceive the very el●ct . The word elect means such as are filled with the Holy Ghost . In the book of Isaiah the Propher , in the old testament , God speaks frequently of his intention of essuming flesh and becoming man , and even speaks to the humanity , and the humanity to his divinity ; which confound the unconverted , not knowing how to separate the divinity from the humanity . The followi●g remarks and explanations will prove there 〈◊〉 but one God ▪ or one Being to be worshipped , which is the invisible God in the visible Christ , and the Holy Ghost in God This is well known to the elect only and is also called grace , which word grace 〈◊〉 understood by the unconverted externally only , not internally . Whosoever worships Christ , includes the God-head . In Isaiah , cha● . 1 , and ver . 4 , God calls himself the holy one of Israel , verse 11 , he never delighted in offerings . Verse 13. incense an a●omination , verse 18 , though your sins be red as scarlet they shall be made white as snow , verse 24 , Lord of Hosts . mighty one of Israel . Chap. 7. verse 14 , shews how the Virgin Mary was to conceive and bear a son , whole name should be ●manuel ( which is God ) . Chap 8. verse 13 , 14 , the Lord of Hosts himself shall be your fear a●d dread , he shall be for a sanctuary ( a holy place to resort to ) , but to some people a stumbling none , a rock of offence , and a sna●e , ●such as despise information to holiness and Christ. The same words are mentioned of Christ in the new testament . Chap. 9 , verse 6 , shews the birth of Christ , that his name shall be Wonderful , Counsellor , the migh●y God , the everlasting Father , the p●ince of peace There shall be no end to his government , it shall hold for ever This chapter and verse is sufficient to prove Christ God. Chap 11 , and five first verses , shew the birth of Christ , that is in his human nature , saying , there shall appear ▪ a rod , or branch of the root of J●sse [ J●ss●-was David's father . ] and the 〈◊〉 of the Lord shall rest-upon him , he shall be filled with wisdom , understanding , counsel , might , knowledge , righteousness . Ver. 11. the Lord shall set his hand the second time [ Christ ] to recover the remnant 〈◊〉 p●ople . Chap 12 , his people will praise him , and say , behold God is my salvation , the Lord Jehovah 〈◊〉 my strength , &c. Chap 17 , verse 6 , 7 , Lord God of Israel , man's maker , and holy one of Is●ael . Verse 10 , the God of S●lvation ▪ and the Rock . Chap 40 , ●erse 1. 3. the voice of John the Bap●ist in the wilderne●s [ ●his worl● ] p●epa●e the way of the Lord in the 〈…〉 make a straight way for our God [ Christ ] . Ver. 〈◊〉 all s●●sh shall see it , which was God's sanctua●y , Christ. v 9. b●● old your God. Verse 10 , behold the Lord God will come , with a strong hand he shall rule , his reward is with him , his work [ on earth ] is 〈◊〉 him . Verse 11 , he shall 〈◊〉 his 〈◊〉 like a ●hepherd , gather his lambs , carry them in his bosom , a●d gently lead those that are wi●h young , &c. Chap. 41 , verle 4 , Iam the first and the last . Verse 13 ▪ 14 ▪ he i● Lord God , the Redeemer and holy 〈…〉 . Chap. 42 , first five verses , God speaks of assu●ing fle●h , and then says he h●s cr●at●d Heaven and Ea●th , and all thing● , and gave breath to the peop●e . Chap 43 ▪ verse 3 ▪ I am the Lord God , the holy o●e of Is●ael , , the 〈◊〉 . Ver. 〈◊〉 I am he Lord and only Saviour . Ve●se . 13 , before the ●ay was made , I am . Verse 14 ▪ God is Lord Re●eemer and holy one of Israel . Vers. 25. I b●●t out transgression , and will not remember 〈◊〉 for my own sake . Chap. 44 ▪ verse 6 ▪ I am the Lord , the 〈◊〉 of Israel , the Re●e●mer , 〈◊〉 Lord of Hosts , I am 〈…〉 and I am the last , a●d b●sides me there is no God. Chap. 45 , verse 15 , God of Is●ael , the Sav●●ur . Chap. 48 , verse 12 , 〈…〉 , I am the 〈◊〉 , I also am the 〈◊〉 . Verse 17. the Lord , Re●e●mer , holy one of Israel , the Lord God. Chap 49. this chapter entirely requ●●es to be expl●in●d , out it is suff●cient to say , 〈◊〉 the humanity and 〈…〉 , to , and of , each other . In verse 26 , God concludes , saying , ●ll fleth shall know , that I the Lord am Saviour , Redeemer , and mighty one of Israel . Chap. 50 , verse 1 , 2 , 3 ▪ God speaks in the divinity , and in verse 4 ▪ 5 ▪ 6 ▪ 7. &c. he speaks in the in●ended humanity ▪ and says , I gave my back to 〈◊〉 ●miters , and my che●ks to them that plucked off the hair , I hid 〈◊〉 my face from shame and spi●●ing . Ch. ●1 verse 1 , he speaks in the divinity , and calls himself the rock . Chap , 53 , God calls his humanity [ Ch●●●● ] his arm , he has no beauty extraordinary , but 〈◊〉 in his human form be de●pis●d and ●ej●cted among men , a man of sorrows , and acq●ainted with g●ief , shu●●ed by men and not esteemed , he bore manking's grief and sorrow ▪ though they believed he was 〈…〉 , and afflict●d of God , with his sufferings to the end of this chapter . Chap 54 , verse 5 , God sa●s , I am Creator , Lord of ●●osts , Redeemer , holy one of Israel , and God of the whole earth . Jeremiah , chap. 2. ver 13 , God is the fountain of hving waters . Zacariah , chap. 12 , verse 10. they shall look 〈◊〉 whom they have pierced . Having made a few observations out of many , from Isaiah the prophet , proving God to have become Christ , by taking on him human nature , and appearing like man : it now remains necessary to prove Christ from the doctrines of the new testament , to be that same God spoken of in the old by references . In the beginning of the new testament , and first chapter of Matthew , verse 21 , 22 , 23 , it appears the Virgin Mary was to bring forth a ●on , who should save his people from their sins , and his name shall be called Emanuel [ that is God ] reference to Isaiah , c. 1. v. 18. c. 7 , v 14. c 43 , v. 25 , c 44 , v. ● . Mathew , chap. 2 , v 1 , 2 , his star in Heaven guided the wise m●n of the East to . Jerus●lem , to worship Jesus and the● called Jesus King of the Jews a●d worshiped him . 〈◊〉 ●● , and they fell down and worshiped him . Ma●hew , c. 3 , v 3. John Bap●it●●●id , prepare the way of the Lord , make his path stra●gh● . Refer to Isaiah , ch 40. v. 13 , in Isaiah Jesus is called G●d . Mathew . chap. 4. v. 4 , man shall ●ve by every word that proceeds out of ●he mou●h of God. 〈◊〉 7. Jesus said to the Devil , it is written again , thou 〈◊〉 not tempt the Lord thy G●d : here Jesus calls himself God twice . V. 10 , the Devil temp●e● J●sus a third time , and Jesus grew a●gry and bid him 〈◊〉 , and desired him to worship Jesus , for he was the Lord God. Ch. 7. v , 23 , Jesus pronounces 〈◊〉 as God. Ch. 9. v. 2 , Jesus forgive● sins , refer to isaiah . c 43 , v. 25 Mathew , c 9 , v. 18 , a great man wo●ships Jesus C. 12. v. 8 Je●us is Lord of the Sab●th , C. 15. v 22 , 25 , the woman said to Jesus , have mercy on me , O Lord , and worshiped him . Luke , c 2 , v. 11. J●sus Christ is Saviour and Lord , refer to Isaiah , c. 43 , v. 3 , v. 11. c. 45. v. 15. c 49. v 2● . John , c. ● . in the beginning was the word , and the word was God , a●l things were made by him , and without him was not any thing made , in him was life , which was light . [ or spiritual knowledge ] to mankind . And the light shined in darkness [ mankind ] and the darkness [ of stubborn man ] comprehended it not . He was the true light , he was in the world ▪ he created the world , and the people of it , and they did not know him ; he came to his own [ the Jews ] and his own would not receive him . And [ God ] the word was made flesh [ Jesu● ] a●d dwelt among mankind on earth , who behe●d the glo●● of the father in him . full of grace and truth . Ver. 18 , no man hath seen God at any time , the only begotten son ( or human tabernac●e ) which is in the bosom ( o● pro●ection ) of the father , hath d●clared him . Verse 29. St. John says , he takes away the sins of the world . V. 33 , Jesus baptizes with the Holy Ghost [ rivers of living water ] . This chapter proves Christ the same God [ as has been observed from the book of Isaiah ] the fi●st verse prove● him God [ or rather the earthy 〈…〉 th●ough ] The second and third ve●●●s prove him from the beginning to be God , the Creator of all things . The tenth verse proves J●sus she same God and Creator . And in the 14th verse the word ( God ) was made fl●sh , and lived in the world . In the 18th verse , the divinity [ or God ] was invisi●le , speaking in the 〈◊〉 Jesus , or Jesus the 〈◊〉 , decla●ing God In the 23d ve●se St. John says . he is the same God spoken of by Isaiah the P●ophet . N●w , if he was not God , he could not forgive 〈◊〉 nor dispose of the Holy Ghost as he pleased ▪ nor create all things , nor did he commit sin himself , and if he was no● God , he would not suffer the people to worship him frequently . There is no nec●ssity ●o re●er to Isaiah , to corroborate the observations made in this chapter , as most of the quotations from Isaiah 〈◊〉 it . Ch. 4. v. 10 ▪ if Jesus was not God , he c●uld 〈◊〉 offer the w●man of Samaria ▪ living waters , which is the Holy Gh●st Refer to J●remiah , c. 2. v. 13 , in v ●4 of St. Joh●'s , 4●h chap Jesus said , whoever drinks of the wat●r I give , it shall be a well in him sp●inging up to everlasting life ( which water is the Holy Ghost ) Refer to Jeremiah , as before . A●d in John. c 4 v. 23 , 24. Jesus said , true worshipers shall worship ●he ●ather in spirit and in truth . Now observ● God [ out of Christ ] is a co●suming fire , therefore he is to be worshiped in Chinst , [ the sat●ctuary and propitiation for 〈◊〉 . ] Ver. 42 , Christ the Saviour of the world Refer 10 Isaiah , c 43. v. 3. 1● . J●hn , c 8 v. 16 , 17 ▪ 18 ▪ 19 ▪ 〈◊〉 says , my judgment is ●●ue , I am not alone , but I and the father tha sent me , this prove● God in Jesus , the earthen vess I which God made and sent ; and again he says , the test mony of two are true . God and himself ; and again he says to the people , if ●e had known me , ye would know the father also . V 29 he that sent me is with me , the father has not left me alone , for I do alwa●s the things that please him . V. 58. J●sus said before Abraham was , I am , and in the old testament God is called the great I am . Ch. 10 , Jesus said I am the door of the sheep . by me man sh●●l be saved . I am the good shepherd , I giv● my life for my sheep . I am the good sh●pherd ▪ I know my sheep , and they know me , I lay down my life for my sheep , no man compels me or takes it from me ▪ I lay it down of myself , and take it again , because I have power , I and my father are one , the father is in me and I in him Refer to Isaiah , c. 40 , v 9 ●0 . 11 In John , c. ●2 , v. 45 , Jesus says , whoever sees me . sees 〈◊〉 father also ; c. 14. v. 7 , whoever knows me k●ows the father , and have seen him and known him . V. 9 , he that knows me , sees and knows the father . V. 10 , I am in the father , and the father in me , and the words that I speak are not sp●ken by me , but by the father that dwells in me ; he does the works . Acts , c 20 , v. 28 , G●d was crucified ▪ and purchased his people with his won blood Corinth c. 5. v ●9 , God was in Christ , reconciling the world to himself . The first epistle general of John , c 3 v. 5 God was manifested in the fl●●h [ Chri●● ] to take away sins . Rev. c. 1 , v 7 , 8. J●sus is God , behold I●come in the clouds , and every eye shall see , and also them that pierced him , and the people shall weal ; then he said , I am Alpha and Omega ▪ the beginning and the end , saith the Lord , which is ▪ a●d which was [ on earth ] and which is to come again on earth , the Almighty . V 11 , I am A●pha and Omega , the fi●st and the last . V. 12. like the son of man [ Jesus ] V. 17 , 18 , I am the first and the last . I am he that lived , and was crucified , and behold I am a●ive again for ever more 〈◊〉 2 , v 8 , J●sus is the first and the last , that was crucified , and is a live . Ch. 4 v. 8. 9. 10 , 11 , Christ proved to be God. Ch. 5 , v 5. Jesus is called the Lion of the tri●e of Juda. Ch 20 , v. 12 ▪ J●sus is called God , opening the books and judgi●g the world . Ch 21 , v 5 , 6 , 7 , and he tha● sat up●n the throne [ Jesus judging the world ] said it is done , I am Alpha and O●ega , the beginning and the end . I will give u●to the thi●sty the fountain of living waters . But unbelievers , liars , &c ▪ shall be cast into the lake that burns with fire and brimstone . Ch. 22. v. 12 , 13 16 , behold I come quickly , my reward is with me ▪ to give according to people's works . I am Alpha and Om●ga , the beginning a●d the end , the fi●st and the last . I Jesus have sent my angel to testify unto you these thing● in the churches [ among the people ] Ver. 20 ▪ he that testifies these things ▪ saith , surely I come quickly , the Lord Jesus 〈◊〉 . A most effectual Plan , To Prevent a French Invasion . THE people who are to execute this plan , are that class , who are possessed of perpetuities of upwards of One Thousand Pounds yearly , after a deduction of two thousand pounds , principal money , for each of his or her children , except the eldest son , who should have 200l . yearly from the age of 21 , and the remainder at his father's death , except 200l . yearly to the widow , if a widow should be . Religion , and the bare necessaries of life , are such total strangers to the lower class of people that they are always looking for a change in the government favourable to a total annihilation of the wealthy ; and the wealthy , on the other hand , believe keeping the poor in profound pove●ty and darkness , the best way to keep them quiet ; but it is not , and only resembles a fire to be quenched by putting dry fuel on it , which will make it burn more violent ; oppression always terminates in human slaughter , though the fire may be a century kindling , or centuries : it is better for the wealthy lose a liable voluntarily , than lose all with the loss of life , i●voluntarily , like a death bed repentance , which God does not listen to ; for what man worth five , ten , or twenty thousand pounds yearly , in the hands of a banditti of assassins , would not give it all for his life . Here follows the preventative : take a poor man , and settle him in a comfortable situation , making him pay ( or fecure ) a reasonable valuation ; then see what family he has , and for himself , wife , and children , abate twenty shillings yearly , each , on the following terms , give him the book called the new testament , and then say , do you and your family read this as often as ye are at leisure , and whilst you perform its contents , I will keep you in the comfortable place I have given , but no longer : wealthy one , you must do more , establish a school in your parish , or neighbourhood , and pay the teacher also ; and thus do ye wealthy ones , with all the poor , and idolatry goes to destruction ; the poor will all love you , and God will love you , the poor will revolt at the idea of invasion , or revolution , or any change that should di●comfit their comfort . Or if you will not do this , subscribe a million of guineas , and all people you suspect for wishing your overthrow , give them a guinea an head to each in their families , to go to America . But this last advice will not prevent an invasion , it would be only a foolish act of charity , that God reqnires ; besides , it wonld depopulate the nation , and lessen the rent roll , then would the wealthy cry out , O my rent roll , my rent roll is not half what it was ; but God will answer , O thy rent roll has shut thee out eternally from me , thou did not send my messenger among the nations ( that is to distribute the new testament among the poor ) ; thou did not propagate the gospel . You will say your Ministers did propagate the gospel , but the Lord will say . your Ministers are ordained with human forms , but my Ministers are ordained with the Holy Ghost , from the foondations of the world , but ye and your Ministers persecute them : and perhaps he will even say , ye have also called yourselves Lords , and great ones who are but earth , which names and titles are for me only , and how can you look in my face . EXTRACTS , FROM DUPATY'S TRAVELS , IN ITALY . IN my way to the capitol I met a coach , in which were two recollet Friars , the one seated backwards , the other forwards , holding between their legs something I could not distinguish . Every one stopped and saluted with profound respect . I asked to whom this reverence was addressed . It is , answered one of the standers-by , to the Bambino , which these good Fathers are carrying to a Prelate , who is very ill and given over by his physicians . I afterwards procured an explanation what this Bambino was . The Bambino is a little wooden Jesus , richly dressed and ornamented . The Convent , which has the good fortune to possess this image , neither has , nor needs any other patrimony . As soon as any person ( who can afford the expence , ) is seriously ill , they send for the Bambino , and always in a coach , for he never goes on foot . Two Recollets conduct , and place him by the sick man , where they remain , at his expence , until he dies or recovers . The Bambino is constantly running about ; they sometimes fight who shall have him at the gate of the Convent , and tear him from each other ; in the Summer , especially , he has extraordinary business , though he makes them pay very dearly for his visits , on account of the demand , and the hot weather . This is but fair . THE progress , insolence , and intolerable tyranny of the church of Rome , is now become of serious consideration and publick complaint , the establishment of which will infallibly be the destruction of church , state , laws , liberties , properties , and lives . The Protestant writers , ever since the Revolution , have frequently and effectually exposed and confuted this pernicious doctrine , calculated to plunder and rob the ignorant and illiterate ; to whom only the Church of Rome pretends to be the mother and mistress of all churches ; and domineers the vulgar and wicked into that belief , or faith ; always exerting her tyranny to continue them in the grossest darkness , and from a knowledge of the Gospel light from generation to generation . The Pope always imposes a belief on the ignorant , that he is successor to Christ , St. Peter , &c. and such blasphemy ; and none can be saved but his subjects : and eating of all the luxuries and dainties in the world , on a friday or saturday , sends people to Heaven , except meat , which sends to Hell , but all his , wicked doctrines being contrary to that of Christ , he takes ●are the gospel light shall be kept from them , as long as he can ; well knowing a general knowledge of it , would destroy his craft , as St. Paul did that of Alexander the Copper-Smith . FINIS . 
A37176	----	Good counsells for the peace of reformed churches by some reverend and learned bishops and other divines ; translated out of Latine. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A37176 of text R15642 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing D319). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 153 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 76 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A37176 Wing D319 ESTC R15642 12951291 ocm 12951291 95919 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A37176) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 95919) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 735:4) Good counsells for the peace of reformed churches by some reverend and learned bishops and other divines ; translated out of Latine. Dury, John, 1596-1680. Davenant, John, ca. 1572-1641. Morton, Thomas, 1564-1659. Hall, Joseph, 1574-1656. Ussher, James, 1581-1656. [4], 64, 22, 23, 7, 29 p. Printed by Leonard Lichfield for William Webb, Oxford [Oxfordshire] : 1641. Marginal notes. Attributed to John Dury. cf. Madan 997. Includes essays by John Davenant, Thomas Morton, Joseph Hall, Ussher, and French divines. Reproduction of original in Huntington Library. eng Church of England. -- Thirty-nine Articles. Concord. A37176 R15642 (Wing D319). civilwar no Good counsells for the peace of reformed churches. By some reverend and learned bishops and other divines. Translated out of Latine. [no entry] 1641 27869 26 55 0 0 0 0 29 C The rate of 29 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the C category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2002-11 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2002-12 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-01 Olivia Bottum Sampled and proofread 2003-02 SPi Global Rekeyed and resubmitted 2003-03 Rina Kor Sampled and proofread 2003-08 SPi Global Rekeyed and resubmitted 2003-10 Olivia Bottum Sampled and proofread 2003-10 Olivia Bottum Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-12 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion GOOD COVNSELLS FOR THE PEACE OF REFORMED CHURCHES . BY SOME REVEREND AND LEARNED BISHOPS and other DIVINES . Translated out of Latine . OXFORD , Printed by LEONARD LICHFIELD , for WILLIAM WEBB . 1641 CVM PRIVILEGIO . K. JAMES OUR LATE MOST learned Soveraigne , in the Epistle of Is. CASAUBON to Cardinall PERRON , upon the 3d Observation . THe King thinketh that the number of things absolutely necessary to salvation is not great . Wherefore his Majesty is of opinion that there is no readier way to a generall accord , than diligently to sever necessary points from unnecessary ; and so that there be a consent in the necessary articles , in the other unnecessary place may be given to Christian Liberty . The King judgeth those Points simply necessary , which are either expresly in the word of God commanded to be beleived or done , or collected out of the word by the ancient Church , by immediate consequence . If this distinction were well applyed to the deciding of Controversies at this day , and divine Lawes fairely severed from positive or Ecclesiasticall Constitutions , it is very likely that godly and moderate men would not long be at any variance in things absolutely necessary . For they are but few , as we said before ; and they are already almost agreed upon among all that call themselves Christians . And further , his Majestie doth so approve of the former distinction , and esteemes it to be of such moment for the lessening and setling of Controversies ( which at this day so much vex the Church of Christ , ) that in his judgement it is the duty of all godly men that love truth and peace most diligently to teach , presse , and urge it . Mr HOOKER in his Answer to Mr TRAVERS , at the end . SIth there can come nothing of contention but the mutuall wast of the parties contending , till a common Enimy dance in the ashes of them both ; J doe wish heartily , that the grave advice which Constantine gave for reuniting of his Clergy , so many times upon so small occasions in so lamentable sort divided ; or rather , the strict commandment of Christ unto his , that they should not be divided at all , may at the length , if it be his blessed will , prevaile so farre , at the least in this corner of the Christian world , to the burying and quite forgetting of strife ▪ together with the causes which have either bred it or brought it up ; that things of small moment never disjoyne them , whom one God , one Lord , one Faith , one Spirit , one Baptisme , bands of so great force , have linked ; that a respective eye towards things wherewith we should not be disquieted , make us not , as through infirmity the very Patriarchs themselves were , full gorged , unable to speake peaceably to their own Brother ; finally , that no strife may ever be heard of againe , but this , who shall hate strife most , who shall pursue Peace and Unity with swiftest paces . Sr EDWIN SANDYS in his book entitled Europae Speculum , or A Veiw of the state of Religion in the Westerne parts of the World . PAG : 173. THE end ( of these unhappy differences in Religion betwixt the Protestant Churches ) will bee , that their enimies shall laugh , when themselves shall have cause to weep : unlesse the graciousnesse of God stirre up some worthy Princes of renowne and reputation with both sides , to interpose their wisedome , industry , and authority , for the uniting these Factions , or at leastwise for reconciling and composing these differences in some tolerable sort : a work of immortall fame and desert ; and worthy of none other but of them of whom this wicked base world is not worthy . THE OPINION OF THE RIGHT REVEREND FATHER IN GOD IOHN DAVENANT Bishop of Sarisbury . To his learned and worthy friend Mr IOHN DURY . T IS well worthy the consideration of all pious Divines , which God speakes by his Prophet Zachary , love the Truth and Peace . With which that of the Apostle also suite's well , {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , speake the truth in love . Wee may not so hotly pursue after Trueth , as that in the mean time we wholly neglect . Peace ; nor may we desire such a Peace as will not consist with the Trueth . Those Divines therefore who quarrell and contend so much for the Faith and Religion , they may talke what they list , but hee that love's not both Trueth and Peace , love's indeed neither ; nor hath he any true affection or desire to either of them , who desire 's them not both . For if it be true which Philosophers tell us , that each naturall body doth no lesse desire it's unitie than it 's being , I see no reason why the spirituall and mysticall body , the Church Catholique , should not with as great a zeale study to preserve her unitie : seeing if that be once dissolved and lost , shee is so farre from being a Church , that she cannot so much as be imagined one . Let us then on God's name be as earnest and eager in desiring & defending the Trueth as the best , but withall let us not forget that of Saint Paul , that if it be possible , and as much as in us lie's , we live peaceably with all men : J say , with all men , in an externall and civill ; but with all Christian men , in a spirituall and Ecclesiasticall peace . This is the earnest desire of our Saviour Christ , and 't is the joynt wish & prayer of his whol Church , that all they who professe themselves beleivers in Christ , might be united and knit together into one body ; that they might be all of one heart and of one soule . This being so , surely those pious and peacemaking Divines are highly to bee commended , who of late have imployed themselves and their endeavours about the reconciling of the Reformed Churches . For my owne part , I would to God I were able to contribute any thing that might further and promote so good and godly a worke . What I can , I shall willingly at your request ( Sir ) doe it : and shall impart unto you what my thoughts were , when J lately meditated with my selfe hereupon . In the first place therefore , it would bee considered , whether or no it be possible to establish such an union amongst all the Reformed Churches , so as that they shall account of one another not as friends only , but as Brethren ; and exhibit mutually each to other the signes , fruites , and effects not onely of an outward and generall freindship , but of a more intimate & spirituall amity and communion . For if this fraternall & spirituall union we so much desire , cannot be had , we may then desist ; things impossible doe not binde us to the having or seeking of them : but if it may possibly be procured , 't were a great pitty and a shame that so good a worke and so well-pleasing to God as this is , should be either opposed or delayed . Now when I say , that it would first be considered whether or no this Union we treate of , be possible ; my meaning is , whether or no such an Union may stand with a diversity of Opinions amongst private Doctors in these severall Churches , touching those much-controverted points . which have of a long time ( to the great greife of all good men ) much troubled the Germane Churches . For although it were to be wished , that Divines would fairely and fully agree amongst themselves about all those Controversies ; yet for so many different mindes to concurre all in the same Opinion , is ( as I conceave ) a thing scarce to be hoped for , much lesse to be effected in one age . But that these said Churches , notwithstanding such disputes as hang undecided may neverthelesse entertaine amongst themselves a Christian Charitie and correspondence , is apparent from hence , that as often as Divines of both sides have set themselves seriously about this work , they still prevailed in it as much as they desired ; and they might no doubt have prevailed further , if they themselves had not wilfully stood in their own way . Witnesse Luther himselfe and the Helvetians : betwixt whom ( though they differed in their opinions about the presence of Christs body ) a freindly agreement notwithstanding was made at Marpurge : Luther there professing , that he would not by any meanes permit the adverse party that honour ▪ to outstrip him in their desires of amitie and peace . Which peace , after that it had by I know not what mischeivous devices been somewhat disturbed and diminished , was againe renewed & confirmed by them : whereat Luther himselfe rejoyced ▪ and upon a strict examination of the Helveticke confession , held it very requisite that they should lovingly joyne hearts and hands together . But here if any one think , that this was no such entire and perfect Union as that which now I affirm to be possible ; I will grant him this : but then I must adde withall , that it was not any impossibility in the thing it selfe , but rather the wilfull opposition of some amongst them , possest with some jealousies and suspitions , which was the cause why that godly and good worke was not brought to full perfection . For as for Bucer and some other eminent Divines of the same opinion with him , they did not only sue for an absolute and perfect agreement , but besides they offered to make it appeare that it was very fit such an Union should be concluded ▪ neither did they omit any thing that might make for the furthering of it . Moreover , that this Union of the Reformed Churches we speake of , is not a thing impossible , is confirmed further from that agreement amongst the Polonian Churches , begun of late at Sendomire , & ever since carefully by them kept and observed : it is true , they could not bury all controversies ; but they could banish all contentions ; and establish so perfect a peace , as that they refused not to admit of each other into their publike Congregations , to the preaching of the word and Administration of the Sacraments . Which holy & brotherly concord of those Churches , that most wise Prince Lodowick , Electour and Count Palatine , did not only by his letters to them congratulate , but desired of Almighty God in his prayers , that the Germane Churches also might be blessed with it . What therefore was long since said to that blessed peace maker King Solomon , concerning the building of the Temple at Ierusalem , the same say I to all moderate and peaceable Divines concerning the uniting of the Reformed Churches ; arise , yee Worthies , and be doing , and the Lord will be with you . Never despaire but that may be now effected , which all men will grant hath been done heretofore . But least this groundlesse bugbeare of a fancied impossibility should yet slacken the endeavours either of Princes , or Divines , or any other pious and well affected Christians , and deterre them from proceeding herein ; I will recount all those lets and hinderances , which render the peace and union of Churches utterly impossible to be obtained : from whence it will easily appeare , that there 's no one of them here , to hinder why the Germane Churches ( notwithstanding some points of difference amongst them ) may not setle a firme peace amongst themselves , and being once setled preserve it inviolable . Now the first and maine Obstacle that hinders those Churches which agree not in all points of Religion , from entertaining a Communion amongst themselves , is the usurping and exercising of a tyrannicall power and authority one over another . For if any one Church will take upon her to domineer and lord it over the faith of other Churches , so as not to acknowledge any for her brethren , nor admit of any into her fellowship and Communion , but such onely as will be content to beleive and speak just as shee will have them , all hope is then taken away of ever obtaining or preserving any agreement in any differences or disputes whatsoever . For the sacred Scriptures forbid us thus to enslave our selves to any humane authoritie , and our sole Lord and Master Christ Jesus forbid's us to acknowledge any upon earth for a Lord over our Faith and Conscience : and that Church which enter's into a Communion with another upon these termes , doth not hereby purchase a Peace , but rather resigne's up her selfe to a most unjust slavery . Onely the Church of Rome is come to that height of pride & madnesse , that she will take upon her to exclude from the communion of Saints , & damne to the pit of Hell all such Churches as will not submit their necks to that Antichristian yoake of absolute and blind obedience . God of his goodnes ever keep off this Popish folly and fury from setting foot in the Protestant Churches : which if it should once take place , that union of our Churches which we are all bound to pray for , would bee no longer either to be hoped or wisht for . But ( blessed be God for it ) it is well known , there 's not any of the Reformed Churches but doe from their soules detest and abhorre all such Antichristian ambition and desire of Soveraignety . And thus have I removed out of the way the maine Obstacle which usually occasion's a perpetuall division & rent betwixt such Churches as differ in some points , and thereby make's an union of those Churches to become impossible . A second let or hinderance which may render the said union of different Churches ( for example , the Saxon and Helvetian Churches ) impossible , is the approbation and practice of Jdolatry in the one , & the utter detestation of it in the other . That of the Prophet Hosea is well knowne , though Israel play the harlot , yet let not Judah offend : come yee not unto Gilgal , neither goe yee up to Beth-aven . Likewise also that of the Apostle , what agreement hath the Temple of God with Idols ? And a number of places more to the same purpose . Neither is that saying of Tertullian touching this matter unworthy our observation , Idolatry ( saith he ) is become the grand and generall sin of whole mankinde , the Epidemicall disease of the whole world . Since therefore God so severely chargeth us to keepe our selves from Idols & all kinde of Idolatry , though never so speciously colour'd over , wee may well call that morally impossible which cannot be performed without some staine and tincture of Idolatry , and without a high and hainous offence against the sacred Majestie of God . Here then we may behold that grand let , whereby the Reformed Churches ( to their great greife of heart ) are forced to shunne a Communion with the Church of Rome . For so farre in love is shee with her Idolls , and so rigorously doth shee impose the worshipping of them upon all her children , that no man can be admitted into her Communion , at least not continue in it , unlesse he will become a notorious and down-right Idolater . If the case so stood , that the Germane Churches could not enter into and enjoy a blessed Unity and Peace one with another , except they must be required and bound either to practise an Idolatrous worship , or at the least to beleive and professe that such practice is not unlawfull , I would not stick to affirme that a Communion which cannot be had but upon such hard conditions , is indeed impossible to bee had ▪ since ( as Lawyers use to speake ) wee can doe onely so much , as may lawfully be done by us . And here we have just cause to blesse God , that the Reformed Churches ( although they have not the happinesse to agree ) in all matters of lesser moment ) yet doe they all of them by his grace unanimously conspire & joyne together against Idolatry ; so as not onely to condemne , but also to beat downe and abolish it : insomuch that if at this very houre they were all disposed and desirous to joyne hands and strike a league of amity and union , it might be done without any the least danger of Idolatry . Away then with that pretended impossibility of a Reconciliation , grounded upon the perill of Idolatry : nor let any such false ▪ surmises weaken the heart or hands of any religious Christian from going on with so good a worke . The third & last Obstacle which doth block up the way to an union & render's it impossible , is the differing of severall Churches about some fundamental point of Faith , necessary to be knowne and beleived by every christian upon paine & perill of eternall damnation ; so as that the one side doth solidly hold and maintaine it , the other heretically denie's and oppose's it . For to be at peace with Heretickes who goe about to undermine and subvert the foundation of our Christian faith , what is it else but to revolt from Christ the rocke on which the Church is founded & built ? Of this last Obstacle , because it is of speciall use and moment , I shall treate somewhat more at large . In the first place therefore , I conceive that to be a Fundamentall point , which ( by the ordination of God revealing such a truth ) is of such necessity unto salvation to be knowne and assented unto , as that a bare Ignorance , much more a wilfull Opposition of it carries with it a certaine perill of exclusion from the kingdome of heaven . Divines now-adaies have no Commission to invent or coine any new Articles of this nature , and obtrude them on Gods Church : that which was not fundamentall in the Apostolicall and Primitive times , all our assertions and altercations and Anathema's will never bee able to make it such . These first and fundamentall Trueths , collected out of the whole body of the Scriptures & put together in the Apostles Creed , make up that Rule of Faith which S. Austin terme's pusillis magnisque communem , a commom Rule for all men , both great & small : and which is by him accounted necessary to bee beleived constantly by all . Concerning the which , that speech of Hilary also is much to the same effect ; 't is our safest and best course to hold fast that first & onely-Evangelicall Faith , which we made confession of at our Baptisme . And to these fundamentall Trueths the Apostle ( I beleive ) had an eye , when he stiled Titus , his owne sonne [ {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} ] after the common Faith . This common Faith laid downe in the Apostles Creed , proposeth to all Christians , to be beleived by them , the wonderfull Production of all creatures out of nothing , the unsearchable mysterie of the glorious Trinitie , the fruit & benefit that redound's to miserable sinners from the Incarnation , Passion , Resurrection , and Glorification of Christ ; & , what follow's thereupon , the Redemption of mankind , the Sanctification of the Elect , the Communion of Saints , the Remission of sins , the Resurrection of mens bodies , and the Glorifying of the Faithfull . He that beleive's all which wee have here comprised in this short Creed , and endeavour's to lead his life according to the Commandements and Precepts of our Saviour Christ , cannot justly be denied the title of a Christian , nor expelled the fellowship and communion of any Christian Church whatsoever . On the other side , He that shall deny or oppose any one of the said Articles , although he arrogate to himselfe the name of a Christian , yet is he to be excluded and banished the society of all orthodoxe and sound Christians . Besides these , there are ( I confesse ) many other Trueths contained in the Scriptures , and deducible from thence by good and solid consequence , which are very profitable to be knowne , and of singular use to further us in the knowledge of Divinity : but they are then only ( and not otherwise ) necessary to be beleived under paine of forfeiture of our salvation or communion with the Church , when 't is clearely evidenced unto us that they are contained in Gods word , or may necessarily be inferred from it . In these points therefore , if any particular Church cannot make the Trueth which she her selfe beleive's , so cleare and manifest to other Churches , as thereby to winne them over to the same beleife , shee must forsake them in their Errours , but by no meanes may she ( because of such errours ) deny them her charity and Communion . I adde further , that if it should happen that two Churches should vary about some particular place of holy Writ , the one conceiving that it confirme's a fundamentall point of Faith , and the other thinking that it doth not so : yet is not such a difference as this a sufficient cause why they should fall at odds , and separate one from another ; so long as they agree both of them in the Point it selfe , and acknowledge it to have cleare & solid foundation in other places of God's word . And last of all this may be added yet further , that 't is not a thing impossible , nor any way contrary to the duety of good Christians , to entertaine a communion with those Churches which hold such a doctrine as seemes to us inconsistent with some fundamentall Trueth , so that in the meane while they doe expresly beleive & professe that fundamentall Trueth it selfe . For 't is utterly against all Charity , yea and Reason too , that a man should be thought ( meerely for some consequences , which he neither apprehend's nor grants ) to deny and reject a fundamentall point , which yet he strongly beleives , expresly affirme's , yea and ( if need so required ) would not stick to seale the trueth of it with his dearest blood . How much truer and more charitable is that opinion of a grave and moderate Divine ? We must not ( saith he ) so much consider what will follow in the thing it selfe from every assertion , as what will follow from it in the apprehension and judgement of those who maintaine any such assertion as seeme's to us repugnant to some fundamentall point of Faith . For as he who assent's to the trueth of some Principle , cannot therefore be said properly to beleive and understand whatsoever an abler Schollar can by consequences infer from that Principle ; so neither can he who maintaine's a false Opinion , justly bee thought to hold all those absurdities which a nimble head easily observe's to adhere unto or follow upon that erroneous Opinion of his . We may indeed urge and presse these consequences upon our Brethren , to see if haply wee can by this meanes beat them off their errour ; but malitiously to fasten them upon them , as though they were their profest Opinions , this we may not doe . How farre this extend's , and of what excellent use it is to the setling of a brotherly union amongst the Reformed Churches , all wise men and such as unfainedly desire the peace of Gods Church , will easily perceive . For if it once be granted , that a Peace and Union is not impossible ( that is , not unlawfull ) save onely with such as actually disbeleive some fundamentall point of Faith , or maintaine some such Heresy as strike's at the heart of Religion , and cut's off the Abettors of it from having any communiō with Christ ; then will it follow , that betwixt a found and a diseased Church , betwixt two Churches whereof one is more , the other lesse pure , there may be such a brotherly communion as we desire among the Germane Churches . Let therefore the Orthodoxe Churches separate themselves from all such as have plaid the Apostates & fallen away from fundamentall Faith , but let them not separate from those which erre onely in points of lesser moment and such as doe not cut off the maintainers of them from being members of the mysticall body of Christ , the sole author and fountaine of our salvation . The Apostle command's us to receive ( not , reject ) such as are weake in the Faith : And the same Apostle tel's us how that we which are strong , ought to beare the infirmities of the weake , & not to please our selves . That Church therefore doe's but too much please & indulge her selfe , which despise's other Churches , as unworthy of her fellowship and communion , not for any Tyranny that they exercise , nor any Idolatry which they approve or practise , nor any damnable Heresie which they maintaine , but meerely for some mistakes , or infirmity of their knowledge . This was not the practice of the Fathers in the Primitive Church : whose care and diligence in procuring & preserving Peace amongst particular Churches disperst and scattered over the whole world , stand's upon record in Ecclesiasticall Storie and may be observed in each severall age of the Church . But of all other , that of Optatus Milevitanus fit's best to our purpose ; that all the Churches throughout the whole world were by the help and entercourse of those letters by them called [ Formatae ] kept in one Communion and fellowship . Now those [ Formatae ] or Synodicall letters contained nothing at all save onely a bare Confession of the Catholike Faith delivered in their generall Creeds , and breifely explained , afterwards in opposition to some Heretickes , by the unanimous consent of the Church universall met together in generall Councells held at Nice , Chalcedon , and other places . As for those infinite other questions which might be raised and debated amongst private Doctours of each side , no Church ever required or expected from others an absolute & universall consent therein . For if such an universall agreement in all points had been deemed so necessary as that Unity & Peace could not possibly have been maintained betwixt particular Churches without it , there would then have been more need of huge and high-swollne Volumes of Controversies , than of such breife Confessions and Synodicall letters as they made use of for that purpose . But if wee refuse to learne of the ancient Fathers of the Church , yet let us at length learne thus much from our very adversaries , that it is not a thing impossible for severall Churches to live charitably and peaceably together , and use the same Service and Sacraments , although they differ one from another about some Controversies , wherein 't is meerely in vaine even to look for an universall agreement . To say nothing of the contentions betwixt the Thomists and Scotists , neither of those between the Dominicans and Iesuites ; there is one controversie hotly and violently dispured amongst Popish Churches , which , if taken single and by it selfe , is of greater moment than all ours put together ; I meane that concerning the Infallible Judge in all matters of Faith : The Churches of Spaine and Italy will have the Pope to be this supreme Judge , authorised by Christ himselfe , and to farre illuminated and assisted with an infallible Spirit , as that he cannot possibly erre in such Decrees and Determinations as hee give's out with an intention to binde the whole Church : On the other side , the French Churches deny the Pope any such priviledge , throwing him downe from his Chaire of Infallibility , and making him liable to errour as well as other men ; so farre forth that should he refuse to submit to the authoritie and judgement of a generall Councell , either in matters of Faith or of Practice , they will tell you he 's to be esteemed a Schismaticke and a Hereticke , and to be deposed thereupon . Behold here a great difference amongst them about the very foundation and the maine pillar of the whole Catholike Faith ! And yet notwithstanding this so great a variety of opinions , they still hold together all of them in one and the same brotherly communion . O for Sion's sake let it not be told in Gath , nor published in the streets of Ashkelon , that the Philistines should be better affected and more desirous of Peace and Unity amongst themselves , than the Israel of God is . Last of all , if an union may not consist with a diversity of Opinions in some controversies of lesser moment , I would gladly that any man would show me but two Churches in the whole Christian world ( except they be such whereof one is subordinate to the other ) which must not necessarily hereupon be divided , and as it were by a wall of partition separated frō each other . Unlesse therefore we will grant , that a separation from other Churches is not to be made save onely upon a difference in Fundamentalls , the Communion of the Church Catholike ( aunciently so much famed and talked of ) will be found in the end to be nothing else but an aery and empty sound or name void of all trueth and reality . The Donatists of old were wont to say , that the Church was perished from off the whole earth save onely from the part of Donatus , in whom alone ( they said ) it was preserved : and our adversaries of Rome ( herein right Donatists ) tell us that the Church Catholike is of no larger extent than the Romane . As for our selves , it become's and behove's us to detest this Schismaticall and factious humour , and to foster and cherish a brotherly Communion with all such Christian Churches as neither Heresie nor Idolatry hath cut off from Christ our head , and such as have not exercised any usurped Tyranny over other Churches . All that hath hitherto beene said touching the lets & hinderances which render a Communion of severall Churches impossible , as also touching diversity of Opinions which may well consist with such a Reconciliation , aymes at this , that if once it were agreed upon amongst Divines that all those controversies where about the Reformed Churches have of a long time busied and wearied themselves , are of that nature that a man may safely be of either opinion and still remaine in Christ , holding the substance of saving Faith without incurring any damnable Heresy , then must we needs grant , that an union and agreement amongst all Protestant Churches may be made and maintained notwithstanding all such Controversies , as being indeed not so properly any differences of our Churches as of our Schooles . It is not my purpose to enter the lists of those Controversies : onely I doe pray and earnestly intreat those learned & reverend Divines of Germany , that laying aside all passion & partialitie , they would in the spirit of meeknesse calmely and candidly discusse all those severall controversies which are agitated amongst them : for if once we let loose the raines to Passion , Judgement must needs give place . The maine controversie , and which indeed is the fountaine from whence all the rest in a manner are derived , is that which stands yet undecided concerning the manner how Christ's body and blood are present in the Eucharist . Touching which point the learned (a) Bucer , having well waighed the matter , give's in at last this verdict , that they agreed in the thing it selfe ; all the difference was meerely in words and manner of expression . 'T was once the speech of (b) Luther , if you beleive & teach that in the holy Supper the very body and the very blood of Christ is offered , given , and received , and not the bare signes of bread and wine , and that such receiving thereof is true and reall , not imaginary onely , the strife betwixt us is ended . At that very same time (c) Bucer & his Adherents granted , that the very body and blood of our Lord is offered , given , and received together with the visible signes of bread and wine . Iacobus Andreae faith , we neither hold with the Capernaites , nor admit of Popish Transubstantiation , non maintaine we any Physicall or locall presence and inclusion of Christs body and blood in the blessed Sacrament ; nor doe we by those words [ substātially , corporally , orally ] understand any thing else but only a true & reall presence and participation of his body and blood in this Sacrament . Now let us heare the judgement of the Helvetians herein ; Although they deny that there 's any Transubstantiation of the Elements , or any locall inclusion of Christ's body in the bread , or any Conjunction of his body and blood with the outward elements remaining after the Sacrament is ended ; yet they willingly grant that by vertue of a mysticall & sacramentall union the bread is Christ's body , & that his body is truely present and received together with the bread . J doe not knowe what two things can possibly be more like than is this Opinion of the Helvetians with that of the Lutheran̄s . But if any man suspect that there may privily lurke a diversity of meanings under these so-concording expressions , yet are we still to urge , and enquire whether that diversity be such and so great as to render the Peace and Union of those Churches utterly impossible , and to give just occasion for a perpetuall rent and division amongst them . I assure my selfe , learned & judicious Divines when they are out of the heat of Controversy , and look indifferently into the matter , will think farre otherwise of it . Now as for those other Controversies , concerning the ubiquity of Christ's body , the Communication of Properties , & other such like , all springing from that former touching the Sacrament , he that doth seriously ponder with himselfe what is granted and what denied of each side , will easily perceive that neither the one nor the other doth so much as call in question , much lesse oppose or overthrow any necessary and fundamentall point of Faith : since both sides hold and professe whatsoever the Church Catholike in her Creeds and Generall Councells hath declared to be beleived in these points ; and whatsoever hath been by her in like manner condemned as erroneous , is equally rejected by both . But yet notwithstanding all this , that we see now and then some men catching at consequences , and taking advantage from thence to charge Heresy one upon another , it is a matter that deserve's not so much our wonder as our pitty : we all of us know , 't is the common custome of hot and eager disputants , especially when through long agitation of the matter they are inflamed with choller and passion : and besides , I have already showne in breife , what we are to think of such Heresies as are fastned upon men meerely for such consequences as they themselves neither apprehend nor grant . For the present , this alone may suffice to show the Possibility of a Reconciliation , that there 's no one Opinion expresly maintained by either side , which is directly contrary to the substance of Faith , or destructive of Salvation [ salutis devoratorium ] to make use of Tertullian's expression : nay whatsoever is such , is plainly and expresly condemned by both . If of later times any new Differences have been raised amongst those Churches touching Predestination , Freewill , and the like ; these can no way be made a sufficient ground of Schisme and separation betwixt them . For in all these there is nothing of fundamentall and necessary beleife save onely this , that the free grace & goodnesse of God , in the Predestination of miserable men , in the conversion of sinfull men ▪ in the freeing of their captivated wills ; in a word , in the finall Perseverance and Salvation of his Elect , be so farre forth acknowledged and extoll'd , as that whatsoever makes any way for the enstating of them in grace and glory , and whatsoever is done by them in reference thereunto , all must be ascribed to the speciall grace and mercy of Almighty God : on the contrary , whatsoever concerne's the corruption of man's nature , his obstinacie in sinne , the pravitie and servitude of his corrupt will ; in short , whatsoever praecipitate's & plunge's wretched men into Hell and everlasting perdition , all this we must thank ourselves & our sins for , & by no meanes impute any part of it to God . So long as these things stand firme and unshaken ( as without doubt they doe ) though in the meane time their manner of apprehensions and expressions , yea though their Opinions be different in other points which are onely superstructions and belong not to the foundation yet are not these of such moment as that a perpetuall Breach and Division should be made and continued betwixt whole Churches for such petty matters . If therefore this were but once agreed upon amongst Divines , that their jarres and contentions are not , nor ever were about any fundamentall points and such as are of absolute necessity to be known and beleived by all that will be saved , then must it also be granted for a manifest trueth , that 't is no way impossible but an agreement and Communion may be established this dangerous Schisme utterly rooted out , and a blessed Peace setled and preserved amongst the German Churches . And thus having proved that a Reconciliation is possible , it remaine's that in the next place we consider whether or no Princes , Doctors and Pastors of Gods Church , and in generall all Christians bee not bound in duty by the law of God , every man to endeavour according to his utmost power and ability that such an union may with all convenient speed be setled and established amongst the Reformed Churches . 1 And that all men are so bound , seeme's to be intimated by that of S. Paul which I alledged before ; if it be possible , & as much as in you lie's , live peaceably with all men . If so great care and diligence must be had to maintaine a civill and externall peace with all sorts of men , then surely a spirituall & Ecclesiasticall peace amongst Christians is much rather to be sought after and preserved , where therefore there is no utter impossibility to hinder why such an Union may not be obtained , such men can in no wise be excused , who either out of negligence or wilfulnesse disobey the Commandements of God herein . Nor can any man justly here pretend that Discords and diversities of Opinions cannot as yet be composed and setled : for if it be possible that the Schisme it selfe & the Rent betwixt these Churches may be taken away , ( as without all question it may ) I had rather that a mil-stone were hanged about my neck , and that I were drowned in the depth of the Sea , than that I should willingly be any hinderance to so good a work , so well-pleasing to God , and so necessary to the removall of Scandall ; nay than that I should not with my whole minde and might promote and further it . 2 To this may be further added , what must necessarily be confes't by all men , that a true and right order'd Charity is of as great necessity for the attaining of Salvation , to all Churches and to every particular member in any Church , as is the true and entire Profession of sound and saving Faith : our Lord and Saviour Christ Jesus make's this the badge and cognizance whereby to distinguish and discerne betwixt his true Disciples and such as are spurious and counterfeit ; by this shall all men know that yee are my Disciples , if yee love one another . Now I leave it to every man's conscience to judge , what manner of Charity that is , which see's and suffer's Christian Churches ( without all just cause and necessity ) to stand still at distance and defiance one with another , and perpetually to shunne a Reconciliation and Union . Is it not enough for us to separate from the hay and stubble , I meane , from the Errours of other Churches , but must we by a voluntary separation forsake the Churches themselves which as yet have not forsaken Christ or his Truth ? 3 Further yet , we see how that both Zuinglians and Lutherans ( as they are usually termed ) confesse that those Churches which hold with either side , doe notwithstanding still remaine true Christian Churches , & true members of the Church Catholike , whereof Christ is the head . The renowned Princes in their Preface prefixt to the Forme of Agreement plainly professe , that it was farre from their thoughts and intentions to condemne such persons as erred through the weaknesse of their judgement ; provided that they did not defame and blaspheme God's Trueth ; much lesse to condemne whole Churches , living either under the Romane Empire or elsewhere : nay they did not doubt but that there were many pious & religious men living in those Churches , though they agreed not with them in all Points of Religion . Moreover , when it was objected to Lucas Osiander , how that he had sometimes termed Calvinists the Divel's Martyres , hee forthwith purged himselfe from that aspersion thus ; They that have heard my Sermons , will say that they never heard from me any reproachfull termes against the blessed Martyrs of Christ : yea my owne writings publisht to the world will witnesse for me , that I termed those which were massacred in France on S. Bartholomewe's day , holy Martyres . This then would be seriously thought upon , whether or no it will stand with the Policy , Piety , and the duty of Christian Churches , for every petty errour to deny the right hand of fellowship and brotherly love to those Churches , who in the mean time ( notwithstanding such errours ) may continue Christ's blessed Martyrs and holy Brethren . They who acknowledge Christ for their elder brother , must of necessity whether they will or no have all Christs brethren joyned to them in a most sure and fast knot of consanguinity and communion . 4 Besides , I am very confident that both the Saxon , and Helvetian , & all other Churches which joyne with either of those two , will professe that they desire to have and to retaine a brotherly Communion and Peace with this our Church of England , as also with the Scottish , Irish , and all other forraigne Churches of the Reformation . And truely we for our parts , although we doe not assent to them in all points of controverted . Divinity , yet doe we account of them as our Brethren in Christ , and doe solemnely protest that we entertaine a holy and brotherly Communion with them . And if they be like affected towards us , with what reason then and equitie doe the German Churches deprive themselves of that brotherly Communion one with another , which yet they are not afraid to entertaine with forraigne Churches ? What therefore Moses said long since to the two Israelites that were striving together , the same may truly be said to the Germane Churches quarrelling and contending one with another , but cannot so truely be disproved ; Sirs , yee are brethren , why doe yee wrong one to another . 5 Last of all , that which all good men are bound to beg of Almighty God in their prayers to him , questionlesse they are bound likewise to imploy their best care and endeavours for the procuring of it . Now who is there that doe's not daily solicite God for the flourishing and peaceable estate of his Church ? Who is there that make's it not a part of his daily prayers , that God would be pleased to remove out of the way whatsoever doth disquiet and disturbe her peace , or any way let and hinder her spirituall growth and edification ? This was King David's wish ; & it should be the wish of all good Princes , and Divines , and generally of all Christians . Neither did David wish onely the happinesse and prosperity of Gods Church , but hee carefully sought to doe it good , and as much as in him lay he did procure and effect it . All this was but duty in him to doe , and can it be lesse then dutie in us ? And here I should but trifle away the time , should I goe about to play the Oratour and expresse at large to the Germane Churches , the blessings that accompany Peace & Unitie , & the many miseries & calamities of a long-continued Schisme and Division . That speech of Prudentius is a most certaine trueth , — scissura domestica turbat Rem populi ; titubatque foris quod dissidit intùs : civill and intestine broiles alwaies prove the undoing of a people ; nor doe things ever goe right abroad , when there is dissention at home . What may make most for the good and advantage of their Churches , let it be their care to consider ; and resolve this with themselves , that what ever it be , it is not onely to be sought after with their prayers , but with the utmost diligence and endeavours of every one of them in particular . Neither let any unexperienced men amongst them thinke or hope , that they shall ingratiate themselves with Papists , and so live more peaceably by them and suffer lesse harme from them , by refusing to enter into freindship and fellowship with Calvinists ( as they terme them . ) What is to be hoped for & expected from them , we may learne from Osiander ; Papists ( saith he ) spare neither Lutherans nor Zuinglians , but condemne both of them to fire and faggot , in all those places where the Pope ( that raging and ravenous beast of Rome ) beare's rule and sway : They that are most in favour with them , can at best but hope for that kindnesse from them which Vlysses ( in Homer ) obtained of Polyphemus , [ {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . ] to be devoured last , after he had lookt on and seene all his freinds and companions devoured before him . They will perhaps destroy the Calvinists first , but the Lutherans must look to follow after them : none are like to escape in the end , if once the Papists have them at their mercy . What hitherto hath been said , is to show that a Communion and Reconciliation of the Germane Churches is a thing , not only possible , but in obedience to Gods commandement a necessary duty . It now remaine's that J proceed to set downe the way and meanes whereby such a Reconciliation may be compassed , and the rents and distractions of the said Churches may with most conveniencie and speed bee made up : which I shall doe , rather to testifie that vehement desire & zeale which I have to so good a work , than out of any opinion that those famous Churches ( which alwaies have abounded with store of learned and pious Divines ) can any way stand in need of advice herein from me or any other forraigne Divine whatsoever . Seeing therefore that the fore-mentioned Controversies may be agitated either betwixt severall and distinct Churches , whereof one is no way subordinate to the other ; or else betwixt such particular men as are members of the same Church , and subjects to one & the same Prince : J will speak first , of divers Churches independent one upon another , and afterwards of particular men in one & the same Church , and show how Peace and Unitie may be made and preserved amongst them . For the first , I conceive there 's no readier and better way for reducing of two different Churches to the same Communion , than is that usuall one of procuring a faire and peaceable Conference amongst Divines of both sides , authorised and appointed thereunto by their Princes . For if any one imagine , that a Councell being once held of all the Reformed Churches , there will out of hand within the compasse of some few moneths , or yeares , yea or in one age , an end be put to all disputes whatsoever , which have of a long time troubled and busied the Learned , so as that they shall all joyne and agree in the same opinion about all such points of controversie ; this ( with submission to better judgements ) seemes to me very unlikely . For so dull and dim-sighted is the eye of our understanding , that it can hardly peirce into the depth of such subtle and intricate Questions , no not when it is alone , free and undisturbed in it's contemplations : but being distracted , by the stirs & tumults of disputation so far unable are we to penetrate into the quick of them , that many times we cannot so much as discerne and perceive them , no not when we look upon them with a fixt and steddy eye . And ( to speak plainly what I conceive in this matter ) the cheife use of Councells , especially of Generall Councells , is to maintaine and defend those necessary and plaine points of Faith against the oppositions of Hereticks , rather than to discusse or determine nice controversies of lesser moment and use . To returne then to that faire & freindly Conference , which but now I commended for the likeliest and fittest meanes of obtaining an Union : if it could be undertaken with such an intention , & mannaged in such sort , as it ought to be , wee have good cause to hope that we shall in a short time see a blessed Peace and Union established amongst the Germane Churches . This therefore must carefully be remēbred by all such as shall be present & parties to such a Meeting , that the end why they are called together , is not that like Adversaries they should strive for the mastery , but rather that they should like Brethren search out and make use of all lawfull and warrantable meanes for the setling of Peace and Unitie . For if once they fall a crossing and contending one with another , they will never be able to perswade , much lesse to procure any agreement betwixt such Churches as are at ods and opposition . Let them therefore carefully keep off and forbeare to enter the intricate Labyrinths of ordinary disputes : & let their meeting aime at this one end , to make it appeare to their Churches , how that there 's no just cause why they should any longer stand out and refuse to joyne hands and be united . To effect this , let it in the first place be set downe how farre the Church Catholike hath declared herselfe in each Controversie , what hath been by her defined and required to be beleived generally by all sub Anathemate . For about points fundamentall there may sometimes arise such doubts and disputes as are no way fundamentall : and such , as that the ancient Fathers of the Church , had they been raised in their times , would never have attempted a decision of them , to the hazard of breeding or fostering a Schisme betwixt severall Churches . For instance , that God is One in Essence , and Three in Persons distinguished one from another ; that the Sonne is begotten of the Father ; that the holy Ghost is the Spirit of both Father and Sonne ; that these three Persons are coeternall and coequall ; all these are fitly determined , and reckoned in the number of Fundamentalls : but now if any man should peremptorily affirme and maintaine , that all those Schoole-nicities touching the manner of the Sonne 's generation , and the procession of the holy Ghost , are likewise fundamentall and of equall necessity with the former , & ought to be determined one way ; that man should deserve but litle thanks from Christ and his Church , by such his rash and inconsiderate assertion . So likewise , that our Lord Jesus Christ is both God and Man ; that he hath both natures , divine and humane , inseparably united in one Person ; and that we have salvation onely by this God incarnate ; all this is fundamentall , or rather 't is that firme & immoveable foundation whereon the whole Catholike & saving Faith is built : but yet notwithstanding we must not think , that whatsoever may be questioned and debated about the ineffable manner of that union betwixt the two natures , or the manner how his body is present in the blessed Sacrament , as also concerning the Communication of Properties unto the humane nature by vertue of its union with the Divinity , or touching the actions and operations of his Humanity depending upon the said Union , wee must not ( I say ) imagine that all these belong to Fundamentall Faith , but rather to Theologicall Science , or perhaps not so neither , but onely to the vaine curiosity of some particular Divines . Let them therefore make this their first and maine businesse , carefully to distinguish betwixt fundamentall points and others that are not so ; and let them not think , that whatsoever is appendant and bordering upon a fundamentall point , must therefore forth with be it selfe fundamentall . When this is once done ; their next care must be that these fundamentalls be expressed and published after a breife and perspicuous manner , and propounded to the publike acceptation and approbation of all the Churches . Certa semper sunt in paucis , saith Tertullian ; certaine and undoubted . Trueths are not many and they are such as maybe delivered in a few words : whatsoever is necessary for a Christian man's salvation to be knowne by him ; and whatsoever is conducible to render us holy or eternally happy , it is all of it plaine and obvious . Here 's no use either of subtle & acute distinctions , or of any long and tedious explications , which are oftimes used not for the building up of Christians in the fundamentall faith , but rather to favour and further the different opinions of private Doctors . In a word , here 's no use of any Metaphysicall formalities and abstracted notions ; which serve only to perplex and confound the learned , and to deterre such as are unlearned from embracing the Catholike Faith ; but doe not any way encline the hearts either of one or other to yeild assent and beleife to the fundamentall points of Faith . After they have proceeded thus far , having drawn up a breife and plaine Forme of all such Points as are by them judged to appertaine unto the substance of that common Faith which is necessary to be known and professed by all Churches ; & having passed by & left undecided all such points as are not so generally received & agreed upon ; in the next place , moderate & peaceable Divines should labour to exhort and perswade all the rest , that they would quietly lay aside all controversies and contentions about such points as good Christians may safely be ignorant of without hazard of their salvation ; and that they would not quarrell any longer about thē , to the danger of the Church , the losse of her Peace , and the scandall of Schisme which is thereby like to fall upon her . Of what good use and necessity this advice is , may be clearely seen from the rashnesse of the Church of Rome , and her clean contrary practice herein : who being not content with those Articles delivered in the Apostles Creed , and Nicene Creed , will needs obtrude upon the Christian world those other new-coin'd Articles of the Trent-conventicle , and hath thereby ministred occasion of a perpetuall rent and Schisme amongst the Churches . How much more prudently did that blessed Martyr and most learned Father of his Times , S. Cyprian behave himselfe ? who professeth , that he would not , for difference in opinion , contend or strive with any man ; nor would he break the peace of our Lord with his Brethren , or cast off any man from his communion , because he was of a different minde from him . By which his Christian charity and moderation , S. Cyprian ( though in an errour ) deserved better of the Church than Stephen Bishop of Rome who was in the right , and did ( by his unquiet spirit ) as much as in him lay to rend and teare asunder the Churches . Thus warranted by the example of this blessed Martyr , and likewise by the judgement of S. Austin herein , I need not stick to affirme , that amongst the Doctors and Divines of Germany those who are in the errour and yet are willing and desirous to retaine a brotherly Communion with the rest , are freer & further from Schisme in Gods sight , than they who are in the Trueth & withall disdaine and deny to entertaine such a Communiō with other Churches which seek and sue for it . If therefore they can but get an universall consent in all Fundamentalls , though in other things there bee some difference amongst private Doctors yet let them all joyne their votes and voices in this prayer to God , nulla salus bello , pacem te poscimus omnes ; no safety can be had or hoped for in warre , therefore give peace in our time ô Lord . But if any here shall demand , what course is to be taken about such Controversies as cannot be decided and agreed upon , that they may not give any occasion whereby this Peace and Union of the Churches should be hindered , or being obtained should afterwards be disturbed and lost ; I will set down some few rules , which to me seeme worthy the observation and practice of Divines on both sides . First , that whatsoever tart and bitter passages have formerly slipt from Adversaries either by word or writing , amids the heat of disputation , they should all be pardond on both sides for the publike good , and for ever after buried in silence and oblivion . And if it happen that any of those books and writings should afterwards he reprinted ; before they passe the Presse , let them first be purged of all gall & bitternesse , which otherwise would but rub up and renew the old sore of strife & contention amongst brethren . Secondly , Because no man can with patience heare himselfe branded with Heresie , heed must be taken that none be slandered with the name of Nestorian , Eutychian , or any other condemned Hereticke , so long as he doth expresly denie and disclaime the damn'd Opinions of such Hereticks : seeing it is utterly impossible that ever they should continue firme in a brotherly Communion and concord , who for every petty difference in Opinion cease not by such reproachfull and reviling termes to provoke and exasperate one another . And it were to be wished further , that those siding names of Lutherans , Zuinglians , Calvinists , were all laid aside ; which are badges rather of Faction than any fraternall Union , anh such as the ancient Fathers could never approve of . Epiphanius would not allow Christians to beare any {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , any other name added over & above to the name of Christian , but rest content with that . Non Petrianos , non Paulinos vocari nos oportet , sed Christianos : whe ought not to be called either Petrians , or Paulians , but Christians , saith Nazianzen . But of all others Lactantius is the most severe and rigorous herein ; Christiani esse desierunt , qui Christi nomine omisso humana & externa vocabula induerunt they have left off to be Christians , who take up forraigne titles and humane appellations instead of the name Christian : though to say the trueth , such names are rather fasten'd and father'd on particular Churches by others , than by themselves either desired or owned . Thirdly , that all profound and controverted Points be let alone and not medled with in Sermons preached to the common people , or in any such books as are publisht in the Vulgar tongue ; let them be accounted rather the exercise and busines of the Schooles , than any fit food & nourishment for men's soules . Such perplex'd Disputes may very well be spared in the Pulpit ; but Charity , which usually is impaired by the handling and discussing of them , cannot be spared or wanting amongst Christians , without the utmost danger and hazard of their soules . The common people doe but play and sport with such Controversies , they are no whit profited by them ; and in the end , not well understanding them , they give over sporting , and fall a quarrelling and contending about them . Last of all , if Divines shall hereafter have a minde to disperse or publish and Discourses about these Points , let them doe it according to that grave advice of Greg. Nazianzen , {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , with reasons , not revilings ▪ let their aimes & intentions be , not to non-plus and baffle , but rather fairely and freindly to informe and reduce their straying brother into the way of Trueth . Hee that shall after this manner be brought to see and forsake his Errour , will not thinke himselfe vanquished , but instructed ; nor will he be abasht and asham'd , like one overmatcht & overcome by his Adversary , but rather rejoyce as one better'd and benefited by his brother . He that is a proficient is never ashamed . Hitherto have I laid down the meanes and manner how an Union may be setled and continued betwixt severall and independent Churches . But because it may and often doth happen , that there are divers men , both learned and unlearned , living in the same Church and within the Dominions of the same Prince , whose consciences ( whether rightly or misinformed ) will not suffer them to subscribe to the common and more generally received Opinion in these Controversies ; let us in the next place enquire , what course is best to be taken concerning such men . And here , the Governours of each severall Church if they have any regard & respect to the safety of their weak Brethren , they must see that they doe not intermixe with the publike Confessions and Articles of Religion , which they would have received and assented unto by all such as live under their Jurisdiction , any curious and unnecessary Controversies , nor any decisions of nice and subtle Questions ; but rather they must take care that such publike Confessions be framed and temper'd to the capacity of the common people , so as they may instruct & edify the ignorant , and promote the salvation of all . Herein they should doe well to consider the wisdome of our Fore-fathers ; whose ancient Confessions ( unlesse we corrupt & stuffe them with new Opinions of our own , on purpose to disturb the publike Peace ) no sober and discreet man will refuse to subscribe unto them . Neither is there any necessity why we should burden our publike Confessions with any such additions of our own ; since God himselfe hath ordained to bring his people to heaven and happines , not through the rough & knotty paths of perplex'd & intricate Disputes , but by the smooth and compendious way of Faith & Charity . Why then such strifes and contentions about words ? What make Schoole-nicities amongst Church-Confessions ? the Salvation of Christians is wholy placed in beleiving and serving God , as that great Athanasius sometimes gravely spake . Adde to this , that they will have much adoe to maintaine a firme peace with other Churches , who cease not to persecute men and expell them their Communion ( as if they were Hereticks ) onely because they maintain that Doctrine which those other Churches hold and professe : for in so doing , what doe they else but tacitly charge Heresy upon other Churches ? whom though in word they acknowledge for their Brethren , yet they hereby show that in their hearts they much disapprove and dislike them . Lastly , unlesse the publike Confessions of Churches be cnofined to such Points onely as are fundamentall and generally received by all the Reformed Churches , this inconvenience must of necessity follow thereupon , that many learned , pious , and peaceable Ministers shall be driven out & disenabled from exercising the Ministery in those Churches wherein they live . But if any man doubt , whether or no such men may lawfully entertaine a holy and spirituall Communion one with another in the same Church , who yet agree not amongst themselves in all Points of Divinity ▪ this ( as I conceive ) is a matter out of all doubt and question ▪ For as touching that blessed Communion which is betwixt Christians at the receiving of the Lord's Supper , it consist's cheifly in these particulars , that by the common bond of the blessed Spirit we are all united to that sole head of the Church Christ Jesus ; that by the same Spirit , and by Faith and Charity we are united amongst our selves and linked together as it were into one body ; that lastly , like men fed at the same table , we are all of us nourished up unto eternall life with the same quickning food , to wit the body and blood of Christ : in all these particulars doe they professe a Communion , whosoever approach and are admitted to that holy Table . But now as we doe not by this mutuall Communion professe our selves to have attained all of us either to perfection or to an equall measure of knowledge in Divinity : so neither doe we hereby professe , that there is an absolute and exact agreement amongst us about all Points of Divinity , or that we are all of us in one and the same Opinion about all Disputes and Controversies . If no Communion could be had amongst Christians , but upon such hard termes as these , I beleive it would hardly be found betwixt S. Peter and S. Paul ; certaine I am the Church of Corinth must of necessitie have fallen in peices ; and in these times of ours there would not easily be found many Divines of note and eminence , which could with a safe conscience communicate together at the same holy Sacrament and Supper of our Lord . It is therefore the duty of all Church-Governours ( as being conscious to themselves of the common infirmities of all men , both themselves & others ) to take heed least while they exact of their People a too strict and punctuall Confession of more than what 's necessary , they thereby wound and weaken the sweet Peace and Unity of Christendome , than which nothing more necessary . So much for Church-Governours . Come we in the next place to such Ministers and other Christians of what state and condition soever , as desire to continue in the Communion of those Churches wherein they live , but yet their Consciences will not permit them to allow & professe all the common and received Opinions of the said Churches . Such men must see that they show themselves reachable and tractable , and not persist after a proud and pertinacious manner in defence of those Opinions wherein they dissent from their Church . Now such a one is to be accounted teachable and tractable , who lends a willing and attentive eare to the instructions and information of the Church ; who doe's not dissent from her out of any perverse and peevish humour , but meerely out of the weaknesse of his judgement , being not able in such profound Points to discerne that Trueth vvhich men of greater learning and more acute wits easily see and perceive . And because it is the peculiar prerogative of Almighty God to search the hearts , it behoves us Christians to encline alwaies to the more favourable and more charitable side ; and , where we have not cleare and evident reasons for the contrary , we ought to judge of every man that he denies his assent rather out of conscience than contumacy and perversenesse . They who thus behave themselves , are not to be excluded and expelled the Communion of those Churches wherein they live , for petty mistakes and errours in their Opinions : but yet with this caution and condition , that they take not upon them to oppose the received Opinion of the Church , or to publish & spread their own private Opinion amongst the common people . Nor can they justly dislike of this caution or take it ill , whosoever have a desire to live peaceably in the Communion of the Church : for admit that the private Opinion of some Divine or any other Christian , be true ; and the publike judgement of the Church , erroneous : yet neverthelesse , if the Errour be such as doe's not prejudice a Christian man's salvation , it is much better that the true Opinion of any private man whatsoever should quietly lie hid in silence and obscurity , than that the publike authority of the Church should be openly contemned and trampled on , or that the Churche's Peace , by this unnecessary conflict of jarring Opinions , as by two contrary windes , should be shaken and torne in peices . But if any man be perswaded in his conscience , that his private Opinion wherein hee differ's from the Church , is of such moment and importance as that men cannot be saved without the knowledge of it ; such a one , if he cannot perswade and convince the Rulers and Governours of his Church in this matter , must either turne aside into some other Church , or else ( for the good of men's soules ) patiently submit to such censures as the Church in which he live's shall inflict upon him . This is it ( most learned Sir ) which at your request I thought good to write and send unto you . If it may stand you or any man else in any steed for the advancing of the Churche's Peace , I have all my wish & ayme for which I penned it . They who are better acquainted with the present state and affaires of the Germane Churches than I am , will be able ( no doubt ) to give you fuller and better advice herein . For my selfe , it remaine's onely that I humbly beseech Almighty God , that he would move and encline the hearts of Princes , earnestly to desire this blessed Union of our Churches ; that he would enlighten the understandings of Divines to find out and follow after such meanes as may most conduce to the speedy establishing of it ; that lastly he would enflame the hearts of all Christians to embrace this Peace , & bequeath it to all posterity . The God of Peace grant this for the sake of his deare Sonne , the sole Author & procurer of our Peace . To whom with the blessed Spirit be all honour , glory , & thankesgiving world without end . AMEN . THE OPINION OF THE RIGHT REVEREND FATHER IN GOD THOMAS MORTON Bishop of DVRHAM , Concerning The Peace of the Church . Worthy SIR , I CANNOT easily expresse how much I was joyed with those few leaves which I lately receaved from you ; as soone as I understood how that there was now at length some hopes of setling a true and brotherly union betwixt Us & those of Germany who hold the Augustane Confession . For seeing that the very name of Peace is sweet and delightsome , much more the thing it selfe ; especially if it be a Peace in Religion , which indeed comprehends in it all kinds of true Peace and Unity : I cannot chuse therefore but congratulate and joy you ( Sir ) with that good and truly-Apostolicall office which you now undergoe : an Emploiment which hath ever this successe , that it never can prove in vaine , or be altogether lost ; for it will be sure either to redound to the good of him that receive's it ( if it be embraced , ) or else ( if rejected ) returne back againe into his bosome who proffer's it . Notwithstanding , I observe there are two maine Controversies set downe by you , which seem to let and hinder why wee cannot quickly be united and made one Church ; the former is touching the Eucharist ; the other , touching that involv'd and mysterious Point of Praedestination . For the composing of which two Controversies , that you should desire my opinion , seeme's truly to me to be a course somewhat preposterous and out of order : rather wee should imitate ( as I conceive ) those expert Physitions , who sometimes cure one contrary by another : so likewise we , seeing that Discords in Opinion have bred disaffection and hatred in men's minds , 't were necessary we should first endeavour that love and amity may be seated in the hearts and affections of men , that so we may the more easily allay their heat in disputation , and reconcile them in their much differing Opinions . To the promoting of this good work I neither can nor may be wanting . All that I shall say touching both Controversies , give me leave to glance at in three words ; to wit , that the way & meanes of establishing an Union , to men of peaceable minds , is easie ; to such as are lesse moderate , t is possible ; to both , very necessary . The first THESIS . That 't is easie for peaceable and moderate men to be reconciled . THis appeare's plainely from that love and freindship which was in times past betwixt the Professors of both sides , notwithstanding that their differences in Opinion were then very rife . This is a Point of speciall moment , and therefore for proofe of it we should not alledge the examples of any obscure men , but of such as were eminent and beyond all exception of both sides . Let them then ( if they please ) consult their Luther , Melanchthon , Iacobus Andreae , Brentius : Wee 'l bring in our Calvin , Bucer , Peter Martyr , and Zanchy : all which sometimes shined in the Church of Christ like starres of the first magnitude . First then , there are to be seene in Calvin's workes many excellent Elogies of Luther , even then when Luther did inveigh most bitterly against all our men in the Point of the Sacrament , and provoked them farre to repay him in his owne language . Whose passions , thereby moved & enflamed , Calvin with admirable prudence supprest & kept from breaking out : but I desire ( saith he ) you would consider , first what a worthy man Luther is , and with what excellent gifts qualified ; with what courage & constancy , with what dexterity , with what successe and efficacy of his Doctrine he hath hitherto bent and bestir'd himselfe to lay wast the Kingdome of Antichrist , & maintaine the Doctrine of our Salvation : I have many times said , that should he call me Divel , yet neverthelesse I would still have so reverent an esteem of him as to acknowledge him for a worthy servant of God . Thus Calvin : a saying ▪ so full of sweetnesse and moderation , as if not a man but humanity it selfe had spoken it . Not long after , he made use of the Apostle's argument to containe & keep in our Divines , least waxing too hot and passionate , they should break out into revilings : it become's us ( saith he ) so to reprove what we finde amisse in him , as that we remit something out of an honourable respect to his rare endowments : let not therefore that befall us , which is denounced by S. Paul , that by biting and devouring one another we be consumed . Though he have provoked us , yet are wee rather to keep us quiet than to teare the wound wider to the publike danger and dammage of God's Church . But now how did Luther carry himselfe ? was he so farre possest with prejudice and passion , as to disdaine all commerce and societie with our men ? Nay he refused not to enter into freindship with Calvin himselfe , though he knew him to be a stout Champion of our Sacramentary Cause . Let Calvin himselfe speake , if you please , Notwithstanding Luther ( saith he ) in private was so farre from accounting me his enimy , that though he well knew my Opinion , ye refused he not to salute mee with reverence by letters writ with his owne hand , ( for the dishonesty of Westphalus forceth mee to speake thus foolishly , so as to relate it in the very same expression which he himselfe used . ) Afterwards , when the Agreement was halfe finished at Marpurge , and they were not yet departed from that meeting , he affirme's that he retained the same esteeme of Oecolampadius and Zuinglius as he formerly had done and he did there solemnly promise to account and respect them henceforth as Brethren . Secondly , what an intimate freindship & familiarity there was betwixt Melanchthon , Iacobus Andreae , Brentius , and our Divines , the mutuall Salutations which passed betwixt them can abundantly witnes : Melanchthon writing to Calvin , begins his Letter after this manner ; Reverend and Christian Brother , I trust we shall have a time to meet and conferre together . And afterwards concluding , I beseech the Sonne of God , our Lord Iesus Christ , the Guardian and keeper of his Church , that he would guide and protect Thee and us All . Farewell most deare Brother . Besides , what was observed concerning Melanchthon & others by our Sturmius , he himselfe will by no meanes conceale from us ; as though ( saith he ) Philip Melanchthon did not impart his Opinion ( touching the Sacrament ) to Peter Martyr ; afterwards , to divers others : with whom he still continued in love and freindship ▪ Further , Iacobus Andreae and Brentius did unanimously adhere to the Opinion of Luther concerning the Eucharist , of whom notwithstanding Calvin thus speaks ; your Letters , worthy Sir and my much honoured Brother ( speaking to Iacobus Andreae ) were not a litle welcome to me ; for as much as I understand by them how that amids these sad and unhappy contentions , wherein I am most unwillingly engaged , you still continue like affected towards me as heretofore you have been . Againe , this your moderation of mind I embrace & highly applaud . Farewell worthy Sir , and my much respected Brother . I wish all happinesse to Brentius . God Almighty ever guide and direct you by his blessed spirit , strengthen and sustaine you by his power , and shower downe his blessings in abundance upon you . And againe , in another Letter , Brentius salute's you . Thus were matters carried amongst thē : and why should not We , putting on bowells of meeknesse , tread the steps of these Worthies ? Shall they breath out nothing but mildnesse and sweetnesse , and wee nought but rage and fury ? God forbid . I have done with the first Thesis ; I now proceed to the second . The second THESIS . That 't is possible for the most hot and rigorous spirits to be reconciled and agreed . GIve mee leave to make use of that Maxime of Aristotle , so frequently used in the Schooles ; but in a sense somewhat different — Quae conveniunt in codem Tertio , inter so conveniunt : such two things as agree in any one third , agree likewise betwixt themselves . In like manner , I conceive that though we differ much in our Opinions about the Eucharist , yet there are still remaining amongst us some common Principles and certaine notes or notions out of which any one who is not blinded with prejudice may draw an assertion . One is , the authority of Scripture , sufficient of it selfe to challenge a beleife : a second is , the cleare light of Antiquity , as cleare as the Sunne at mid-day . But this is no fit place to discourse at large upon these . Three other there are which in no wise may bee passed over , seing they are such as are more proper and peculiar to the two adverse parts . I wil begin with the first of thē . The Augustane Confession is by the Divines of Saxony esteemed as an Oracle , of undeniable and unquestionable authority ; now if our men allow and approve of that Confession , J doe not see what can possibly make more for the obtaining of a Reconciliation . And for certaine Calvin herein agrees with them : I desire ( saith hee ) as much as any man a sincere and true union , so it be such as God hath approved in his word : nor doe I reject the Augustane Confession ; whereunto I did once wittingly and willingly subscribe , according to that interpretation which the Author thereof himselfe put upon it . Againe , I affirme ( saith hee ) that in that Confession , as it was printed at Ratisbon , there 's not so much as one word which is contrary to our Doctrine : and if there be any ambiguity to be met with in the sense , none is more fit to be the Interpreter of it than the Author himselfe , whose worth will easily obtaine him that honour with all pious and learned men . So He. Neither is he singular in this : but others there are , though of the same Opinion with him concerning the Eucharist , who will grant as much . (a) I am of the number of those ( saith Iohn Sturmius ) who concerning the receiving of the body & blood of Christ approve of the Augustane Confession ▪ Hierome Zanchy hath a desire to bring in his verdict too , (b) I professe ( saith hee ) that as often as I had occasion to speake any thing about this Point , I did alwaies containe my selfe within the compasse of these three heads the first whereof is , that in the Lord's Supper not onely bread and wine , but the very body and blood of our Lord is truely offered us by Christ , and likewise truely received , truely eaten and drunke by us . The second , but this is done not by the mouth and teeth of our body , but by a true and an actuall faith . The last , that therefore this is done by beleivers onely , and by none others . Now these heads are taken out of God's word , nor are they repugnant to the Augustine Confession . These things being so , those worthy men have the more reason to be treated by us , that besides the said Augustine Confession ( which was anciently framed and ordained to be the common rule of Faith for all Protestants , whereby they might be distinguished from Papists ) they would not obtrude upon us any other private Opinions of their own , to the hinderance of the publike Peace . A second Principle of the like nature , which even Reason it selfe doth dictate , is this ▪ that no Antecedent is to be urged and pressed the necessary consequent and sequell whereof may not bee granted by us . But now it is well knowne , that Luther , to remove out of the way the perill of Idolatry , did abolish all (a) worshipping at the celebration of the Eucharist , which had formerly been practised ; and for the same end he abolisht the elevation of the host also , that (b) Brentius likewise did with much earnestnesse oppose their Br●●den God , ( for so hee himselfe terme's it ; ) lastly , that (c) Melanchthon did reject their Bread-worship in the Lord's Supper . Those godly and learned men therefore are to be entreated , that they would well weigh with themselves whether or no these same abuses which They with so great applause cryed down and abhorred , be not for all that the genuine ofspring of that Vbiquity which at this day is maintained by them . Thirdly , least any man haply should pretend , that no whit is to bee 〈◊〉 of that bitternesse and rigour where with at first they exercised the patience of Oecolampadius , and Zuinglius , they are againe to be intreated that in their great wisedomes they would herein take notice of a vast difference ▪ Ananias , in the ninth of the Acts , when first he was warned in a Vision to put his hands upon Saul , he was somewhat unwilling to doe it ; I have heard ( saith he ) by many of this man &c. but afterwards , having better understood the counsell and purpose of God he gladly embrace's him , saying , Brother Saul the Lord hath sent mee unto thee . The very same might have been heretofore observed in the carriage of Luther himselfe towards Zuinglius and Oecolampadius ; whom at first hee fell upon roughly , when he heard that they held there was nothing in the Eucharist save only bare signes and figures : but afterwards , having further examined their meaning , he kindly & courteously reacht out the right hand of fellowship unto them . After the very same manner did Calvin likewise stand affected towards them , as he himselfe confesseth ; when at my first entrance ( saith hee ) into the cleare sun-shine of the Gospell out of Popish darknes , I read in Luther how that Oecolampadius and Zuinglius would admit of nothing in the Sacraments but bare and empty figures , this ( I confesse ) so farre possest me with a prejudice against their writings , that I refrained a long time from reading them . Thus spoke Calvin at that time of those men , whom notwithstanding he afterwards had in great love and familiarity with him . Why may not then the Saxon Divines be pleased to show themselves Luthers towards us , so long as they finde us not inferiour to Oecolampadius and Zuinglius in this Point ? The third THESIS . That this freindly Vnion and Reconcilement we wish for , is very necessary for all men , whether of a milde or turbulent disposition . IT is not my purpose to lash out into Common places , wherein much paines might be spent , and litle or no benefit got by it . It behoves me rather to provide me of such arguments , as may , not coldly beg and intreat , but command , and as it were violently compell men to live at peace and unity amongst themselves . Neither are there any ( as you well know ) fitter for the setling and confirming of such a Communion , than are those which are drawne from the common joy , or greife , the common danger , or the common good & advantage of both sides . There 's not a more evident and infallible signe of a true member of Christ , than to compassionate or to have a fellow-feeling one of another ; which is seene especially in two things : first , in rejoycing at the hopes of a Reconciliation ; such as was the Psalmist's joy in that divine acclamation of his at the unity of Brethren , ô how good and joyfull a thing it is ! Secondly , a sorrow of heart at so long and wearisome a dissention ; such as the Jewes expressed by their great thoughts of heart for the divisions of Reuben . Schisme growing and getting upon the Church at Corinth , the Apostle exhort's them to bee [ {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} ] perfectly joyned together in the same minde and in the same judgement : the word is derived frō {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , which amongst Physitions signifies to set right againe such members as are out of joynt . The same Apostle , that he might compose and setle the mindes of the Philippians , ô what a sacred charme doe's he make use of ! If ( saith he ) there be any consolation in Christ , if any comfort of love , if any fellowship of the spirit , if any bowells of mercies , fulfill my joy . But how may they doe that ? He goes on ; that yee be like minded , having the same love , [ {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} ] being of one accord , of one mind . I verily beleive , that Eloquence her selfe , if she had a tongue to speake , she could not have spoke more emphatically : where each word is a sharp dart , peircing and wounding our very hearts and soules . I will adde onely that long chaine of Vnities in the same Apostle to the Ephesians ; one body , one spirit , one hope , one calling , one Lord , one Faith , one Baptisme , one God and Father of all : all which make for that one thing which he there aime's at , to wit , that the Ephesians should endeavour to keep the unity of the spirit in the bond of peace . As touching the danger , we all of us know that the tyranny of the Romish Antichrist hang's over our heads : who sweetly sing's to himselfe that blacke and fatall Maxime [ divide & impera ] set them once at variance , and then you may quickly master them ; or rather , by setting them at variance , you may confound and tumble them into the pit of hell : for the kingdome being once divided , Hell it selfe cannot stand . Let us learn to be wise from the examples of others : the Guelphi and Gibellini [ those two implacable and irreconcileable Factions ] did agree together and joyne their forces , when the common Enimie came against them . and shall not We rowse our selves up to save & defend our selves ? As for the gaine and advantage I mentiond , can there be any greater gaine than Salvation ? and yet even this too , the more common , the greater and better it is . Let us then ( I beseech you for the love of God ) set before our eyes the Greek Church , which now seeme's to sue and wooe to us for a brotherly union and agreement , as appeare's from that Confession of Faith lately set forth in the name of all the Easterne-Churches by the right Reverend Father Cyrill Patriarch of Constantinople : which agrees exactly with our Protestant Confessions in every Article set forth and published by him . Me thinks I see this most ample & farre spreading part of the Christian world ready to fly into our armes & embraces presently upon the first newes of our unity and agreement amongst our selves : which hope of ours should Christ be pleased to crowne with successe , this alone would farre outvie and surpasse in glory all the triumphs and trophies of all the Emperours in the world . But I hasten to your other Question . The other CONTROVERSY . Concerning that unfathom'd mystery of Praedestination upon the foresight of Faith and Workes . THis is that other Question ( as I gather from your Letter ) whereon as on a rock divers men ( otherwise desirous of Peace ) have dasht and split themselves . That therefore men may knowe , I have not of my owne accord sought after and catcht at this opportunity to dispute , but rather am cast upon it against my will , my proceeding herein shall be not by way of disputation , but ( as the Times rather require ) by way of exhortation & advice . I hope therefore the learned Divines of Saxony will take this my advice in good part , wherein I earnestly pray and beseech them , first , that they would be reconciled to their owne Luther in this Point , who ( as it did well become a child of Grace ) did constantly hold and maintaine that the Grace of God is every way free and gratuitous . Next , that they would not , in the patronizing and vindicating of Divine Grace , suffer themselves to be outstript by Papists , nay Jesuites , and the prime Doctors too of that sect , Bellarmine , Tolet , Pererius , Suarez , Salmeron , Maldona●● who have all of them exploded this Doctrine of Praedestination upon the foresight of Faith and Workes , as pure Pelagianisme . Last of all , it is some wisdome for a man to profit by his enimy : there came out a book two yeares agon , written by Will : de Gibieuffe , of the Oratorian Order , Priest and Doctor of the Sorbon , dedicated to the present Pope Vrban : wherein are inserted the words of Pope Clement the eighth concerning the Auxilia Gratiae : the summe whereof is this ; that this whole Doctrine ought to be squared and conformed to S. Austin's judgement in the Point of Grace ; that the same S. Austin ought be acknowledged and followed as a guide and leader , for asmuch as that good Father seeme's to have omitted nothing which concernes the said Controversies : and because ( saith he ) many of our Praedecessours have stood up so stoutly for that Doctrine of S. Austin concerning Grace as if they desired to have it continued in the Church as her right of inheritance , it is not meet I should suffer her to be deprived of this her patrimony . Thus farre that Pope : unto whose judgement ( J will not say , for the authority , but the trueth of it ) I nothing doubt but Calvin himselfe , were he now living , would subscribe : And he that shall read Calvin's writings , will quickly grant , that in these Controversies he had more than an ordinary share of S. Austin's Legacy . Thus you see , Sir , how that partly your importunity ( who are such an earnest Factour for Peace ) and partly my own zeale in so necessary a Cause , have made me exceed the accustomed bounds of a Letter . wherein , if you finde not much judgement , yet may you behold my care & desires for Christian Peace . The author of all true peace , our Lord Jesus Christ , strengthen and enable you by the power of his holy spirit cheerefully to goe thorough with this so waighty an employment for the publike Peace of his Church . Farewell . THOMAS DURHAM . Postscript . That we should thus first seek and sue for brotherly love & unity , is so farre from being any prejudice to our cause , as that it is rather to be counted an honour to us : in that we herein follow the precept and practice of God himselfe ; of whom the Evangelist saith , 1. Joh. 4.10 . He first loved us . THE OPINION OF THE RIGHT REVEREND FATHER IN GOD IOSEPH HALL Bishop of EXCETER . THose Articles of Religion wherein the Divines of both sides doe fully agree , are abundantly sufficient , both for a Christian man's salvation , and likewise for the establishing of a firme & lasting Peace in the Churches of God . As for the rest , I would not have them reckoned amongst the Apostle's [ {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} ] foolish Questions : doubtlesse they are such as may perhaps not unfitly bee sent to the Divinity-Schooles , there to bee throughly discussed : but by no meanes ought they to disquiet the Peace either of any Christian soule , or of God's holy Church . What doe we professing Christian Charity and love , if we still obstinately refuse to indulge our Brethren this litle liberty of dissenting from us in doubtfull & difficult Schoole-questions ? Seeing wee know very well that our good and gracious Saviour passed over with silence and toleration great and greivous Errours in comparison of these ( if it be granted that these are Errours , ) and that too even in such as were of his owne houshold and retinue . There are but three things about which the reverend Divines of both sides professe themselves to differ . THE first is , whether or no our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ be truly omniscient , omnipotent , and omnipresent , not only according to his Divinity , but also according to his humane nature , by vertue of the personall Union ? That the Lord Jesus ( to wit God and Man ) is in both his natures omniscient , omnipotent , and omnipresent , is confest on each side : this being granted , the word [ according ] is a meere Schoole-nicity . How farre the vertue of that hypostaticall union extend's it selfe , the holy ghost is silent , and a Christian may safely be ignorant of it . Let the Doctors , if they list , dispute and busie their braines as much as they please about this matter : it will be enough for a Christian , to knowe that he hath a Saviour who is both God and man , to whom all these attributes truely belong and appertaine . Nay even Divines themselves have enough wherein they may rest satisfied , so long as this be granted on both sides , that even the humane nature considered personally is omniscient , omnipresent , & omnipotent : which wee all of us roundly and readily professe without any doubt or scruple . O what enimies are we to Peace , if we will yet needs quarrell amongst our selves ! In all this , I wish we would carefully remember that usefull distinction of Iohn Gerson , esse quaedam de necessitate fidei , quaedam verò de fidei devotione : that there are some things essentiall and necessary to Faith , other some things which shee piously and devoutly beleives , but yet they are not of such necessity as the other : the former are such as may not so much as bee once doubted of , but these latter may admit of an {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} ; we may safely either suspend our assent unto them , or positively dissent from them . The second Article wherein they differ ; is concerning the manner of receiving Christ in the Eucharist . Both agree , that Christ's body is truly and really given , taken , and eaten in this Sacrament together with the outward Elements : All the question is concerning Vnworthy receivers . An unworthy Question truly it is , that the publike Peace should any way be disturbed about it . We willingly grant both of us , that even such as are Vnworthy doe eat that which by a sacramentall Union is Christ's body ; and that therefore they are guilty of the body and blood of Jesus Christ . What doe wee now making any more adoe about the manner of their eating , whether it be Orall or not ? Let Christians make this their care , that they thēselves may be found worthy Communicants , and let them not trouble themselves to knowe how those which are unworthy are partakers of Christ . How farre the vertue of that Sacramental Union extends it selfe , and whether the manner of this eating be Orall or Spirituall , let the Schools dispute it : Christians need not be too curious in enquiring after it ; nor is it fit wee should disquiet the Churche's Peace , by refusing to indulge mutually one another a liberty of Opinion in such nice Points . The third Article is that fatall Point of Praedestination : about which , Divines of both sides expresse themselves variously , but yet modestly and discreetly . In many things , and such as are of most moment , their judgements on both sides are the same : as , that election is most free , & proceeding from the meere mercy of God , that God found not any cause or occasion in those whom hee elected , the sight whereof might move him to chuse them rather than others : but that he did from all eternity reprobate and praedestinate to eternall damnation such as persevere and persist in their sinnes and infidelity ; not by any rigid and absolute decree , without having any respect or regard to sin , but out of his most just judgement : so as all the cause & the blame of it ought to be sought for in the men themselves . In this they are at a stand ; that the foresight of Faith and Perseverance is by the reverend Divines of Saxony placed before the act of God's Election : so as God did from everlasting foreordaine such as he fore-saw would in time beleive , &c. Certainly of all the Questions about Praedestination , this concerning the order of his Decree is least materiall ▪ seeing we know assuredly that the infinite & all-wise disposer of things performes all this with one single & most simple act . There is nothing more certain than that God did foresee who would beleive , and that he did praedestinate such as should be saved : let but this then be granted ( which they of Saxony willingly professe ) that Faith is the sole gift of God , and that whatsoever good there is in the Elect , all of it doth originally proceed from the free grace & meere mercy of God , which was bestowed on them in Jesus Christ from all Eternity ; I say , let this be granted , and doubtlesse there can be no danger in that Opinion of Praevision or fore-sight : God from everlasting fore-saw that , which he himselfe from everlasting decreed to bestow in time upon such as should beleive . All this is sound and safe , nor is there any cause why any further strife & contention should be made here about . In all this , I embrace and applaud this Christian and brotherly moderation and holy desires of Peace : thus it becomes Christians , thus it becomes Divines . I am much deceived , if this modest and seasonable appeasing and calming of men's minds doe's not promise a firme and perpetuall Peace to God's Church . Thou God of Peace , in thy good time accomplish it : give eare to the prayers of thy People , and grant that all Christians may be of one heart and one way , till at length we come , by Thee who art the Way , to Thee who art the Life . Amen , Amen . From the Palace at Exceter . Febr. 25. 1634. Which is the humble , daily , and devout prayer of JOS : EXON : Afterwards the same Mr John Dury sent unto the Ld Bishop of Exceter a Coppy of a certaine pious and peaceable Decree , made & published by a generall vote at a publike Meeting of the States in Franckfort : requesting his Opinion concerning the meanes and manner how this good worke might be advanced : whereunto he had returned him this Answer . TO HIS MOST FAITHfull , learned , and loving freind Mr JOHN DURY , all happinesse . SIR , I Have read over , with a great deale of delight , the Transcript you sent me of that Decree for Peace , which was lately signed by all the Protestant States and Delegates assembled at Franckfort : than which Decree , nothing ( in my Opinion ) could possibly have been devised more full of prudence and religion : nor doe I see ( as the case now stand's ) what more could be once hoped for ; or what could possibly have beene proposed and resolved upon that might more conduce to the advancement of the publike Peace , which all good men so much wish and desire . Thus it was meet that the holy Citizens of God's Church , that pious Princes and Peeres should thus carefully provide for the Peace and safety of Christendome And blessed be God , the bestower of every good gift , the Author of Peace , who did put into their noble hearts those holy desires and purposes : may the same good God be pleased , at length to finish this his owne work so hopefully begun , and crowne it with successe . And truely neither our prayers nor our utmost endeavours shall ever be wanting hereunto : neither know I well upon what hopes it is , but methinkes my mind doth confidently promise and praesage a happy issue to this holy enterprise . For indeed what a small and slender hedge is it , which now divide's and part 's us ? We doe all of us of the Reformation , receive and approve the same Scriptures , the same Creeds the same Augustane Confession : onely in one Article the sense is so doubtfully expressed , that the Author himselfe did not thinke it safe to adhere to the letter of it . The foundation of the Christian Faith is , amongst us all , one and the same , entire and unshaken ; there 's not so much as one stone in it , or the least peice of coement , about which any question either is or can be made . Upon this Foundation there are built certain Points of Schoole-divinity , about which alone we so hotly contend : but what are these to a Christian ? What are these to Salvation ? In what a safe and quiet state might the affaires of Christendome have been , if such nice Disputes of curious and over-busie heads had never been heard of ; if learned men could have contented thēselves with some generall formes of expressing the Trueth , and not presently to have sifted Divinity so over-nearly as they have done ? But seeing these strifes , which are not onely unprofitable , but very hurtfull and prejudiciall to both sides , are thus unfortunately raised ; what better advice can be thought upon for the setling and composing of these stirres , than that the Faith be brought back againe to its primitive simplicitie and plainenesse , by the publike authority and joynt consent of the Christian Church ? And that in this confused mixture and multiplicity of matters of beleife , the Christian world be taught warily to distinguish betwixt the genuine and proper Articles of Faith , and the lesse necessary additions of Schoole-conclusions : which truely in this very businesse is a matter of no great difficulty to performe . This especially is fundamentall , Christ is both God and Man ; and so likewise this , Christ , God and Man , is truely omniscient , omnipotent , omnipresent : now if any shall adde further , Iesus Christ , according to his humane nature , is omniscient , omnipotent , omnipresent ; truely that word [ according ] seemes to be farre off from the Foundation ; 't is a Scholasticall notion , and to be turned over to profest Divines ; but it is not fit the Salvation of plaine and illiterate Christians should be made to hang and depend upon such a subtle and nice Point as this is . Can these knowe , or are they bound to know , how farre the vertue of the hypostaticall Union extend's it selfe , or what the bounds are either of those faculties or operations which flow from that union of the two natures ? Certainely if God had intended this for a necessary Point to be knowne by all men , he would not so sparingly and obscurely have revealed unto his Church a mystery so fundamentall and important . I dispute not the trueth of the Point , ( nor is this pertinent to my purpose , ) onely I question whether it be of necessity to be beleived . Let us view a comparison betwixt things humane & divine , although what similitude can there bee'twixt Earth and Heaven ? Man consists of a soule and a body united one to the other : and yet notwithstanding , each part hath its severall properties and actions , which are usually attributed ( and that very rightly too ) to the whole ; the whole man hath the use of sense , doth understand , eat , walke , sleep , dye : thus much even sense & reason doth unanswerably evince : will any man Hereupon say , that this also is of equall necessity to be knowne , man according to his body hath the use of sense and reason ; and according to his soule he doth eat , walke , sleep , and dye ? Truly the same that Reason is , in respect of intelligible matters ; the same is Faith , in things spirituall and divine : I am not ignorant , how much they differ in their Subjects ; yet neverthelesse the necessity of the things which are either to be known or beleived , is alike different in both . Such Trueths therefore as are certaine , such as are necessarily to be beleived , and apparently fundamentall , let us all unanimously embrace and professe them : as for the rest , let Divines ( if they please ) busie their heads with them , but let not the plaine & common sort of Christians trouble themselves about them more than needs . But if it may seeme to make any thing for the publike Peace , that we come as neare as we can one to another in the formes and manner of expression ; let us but say ( as * Hier : Zanchy sometimes alledged out of Innocent and the Schoole-men ) that even Christ's humane nature according to its personall essence is omnipresent , &c. and I see no reason why both sides may not , nay will not readily consent and agree to it . Here let us fixe ; let neither side proceed any further beyond this , and wee are safe . In the Point of the Sacrament this is certaine and fundamentall , that the true and essentiall body and blood of Christ is truely present , offered , and received in that holy Supper ▪ but whether or no it be corporally present in the Bread & Wine , whether or no ( by a supernaturall vertue of the consecrated Elements ) it be orally received and eaten , even by wicked and unworthy Communicants , this is a matter of Theologicall Dispute , and such as ( in the judgement of Luther , Melanchthon , Iustus Ionas , Osiander , Brentius , Stephanus Agricola ; yea & of Oecolampadius , Zuinglius , Bucer , Hedio ) ought not to infringe Christian love and Charity . And upon this promising signe was begun that famous Agreement at Marpurge , in the yeare 1529. That likewise is well worthy to be kept in perpetuall memory , which is related concerning the meeting at Witemberge , in the yeare 1536 , by Ludovicus Rabus Pastor at Vlme , in his History of Martyrs : with whom agree's Iohn Swiccius , Pastor at Constance ( cited by Hospinian ) who was there present at that time ; and 't is to be seen likewise in the English writings of Bucer : there were present at that Meeting , of the one side , Capito , Bucer , Musculus , and the rest of the more eminent Divines out of the cheife Imperiall Cities in high Germany ; of the other side , Luther , Philip , Ionas , Pomeranus , Cruciger , with other Doctors & Preachers of Witemberge : and after some expostulations , and divers Speeches to and fro , wherein both sides freely & fairely delivered their Opinions , at length Luther ( stepping a litle aside with his Associates , and conferring with them about it ) concluded with these words ; If yee beleive and teach , that in the holy Supper the very body and the very blood of Christ is offered , given , and received , and not the bare signes bread and Wine ; and that such giving and receiving is true and reall , not onely imaginary , the strife betwixt us is at an end , and we doe acknowledge & receive you as our deare Brethren in the Lord . All this , Bucer , Capito , and the rest , plainely and freely affirmed : whereupon they joyned hands , and so parted . Indeed the waters were then calme and quiet , not tossed with any stormy and tempestuous winds ; and therefore they did clearely shew and represent the face of Trueth . Why doe not we in like manner now at last begin to be wise ? And having passed those tempestuous and troublesome times which afterwards followed , why doe we not sit downe and rest our selves in this old and safe harbour of Peace and Unity ? Concerning the Point of Praedestination , how doth the Church of Christ groane under the burden of a number of huge & high-swolne Volumes ? Yet when wee have done all we can , and wearied our selves and the Christian world with our wrangling pens , this will still remaine to be knowne and beleived by all men , 1. that God from all eternity out of his meere good pleasure did immutably elect some unto Salvation . 2. that none were elected by God , nor shall be saved , who doe not beleive in Jesus Christ , and persevere in this Faith . 3. that none can beleive in Christ , save onely they whom God is pleased to enable hereunto , and to worke it in them by the effectuall grace of his Spirit . 4. that God did not damne , no nor reprobate any man , but with an eye to sin : so that all the cause & the blame of men's Damnation , lie's in themselves ; but the cause of Election and Salvation is in the meere grace and mercy of God . Now all this is confest on both sides . J know right well , there are infinite Questions & Controversies raised about this Point : Let every man on God's name enjoy his owne Opinion ; I will not prescribe to any man . For my selfe , if any man be desirous to know what my Opinion herein is , I freely professe my selfe to adhere to the Articles of the Church of England , and to the judgement of our English Divines who voted in the Synod at Dort ( wherein my selfe was present . ) But what is there in this profound Point , about which vulgar and illiterate Christians need to trouble themselves , save onely that plaine & obvious Trueth confest by all ? For the rest , let Divines dispute them in the Schooles ; but it were well if they would forbeare to medle with them in the Pulpit . How are the very same Controversies , and others of greater waight and moment , still on foot in the Church of Rome , and yet so warily and wisely doe they carry the matter , that the publike Peace is notwithstanding preserved amongst them . Let vs learne wisedome from them who professe nought but enmity towards us . Would but Christian Princes by their Authority decree , & Divines fairely and moderately containe and keep themselves within these bounds of Disputation and Controversie ( bounds indeed larg and spatious enough , ) wee should have a lasting & firme Agreement , the Church would flourish in Peace and Tranquillity , and lastly Trueth would bebome victorious and triumph over the common Enimy . That this may be brought to passe ( as we all wish and desire it should ) the honourable States and Delegates did very wisely propose and advise that a publike Meeting of peaceable Divines should be summoned and sought for by Invitatory Letters , that the freindly & laudable Conference , which was begun at Lipswich , should be reassumed and prosecuted with like modesty as it had formerly been begun ; that all such Divines of note & eminence as cannot be present at that meeting should send over their Opinions and advice ; that all the Fundamentalls of Religion , necessary for Salvation , should be determined , and all other Points laid aside , and turned over to the Schooles ( if need should require ; ) that in the meane time men's tongues and pens should be enjoyned moderation or else silence ; that lastly publike Prayers should be solemnly made in the Churches of both sides for the successe of this good worke . Let but these things be done with an upright heart , in the feare of God , and wee need not doubt of a happy issue ; it is God's own Cause , he will not be wanting to himselfe . For you , Mr Dury , who have hitherto with such zeale , such unwearied paines , so many dangers , so great charges , prosecuted this Designe so well pleasing to God , his Angells , and men ; truly you have deserved so well of the whole Church , as that all good men must acknowledge themselves much indebted to you . Goe on ( worthy Sir ) with your great undertakeings , and put a period to this good worke : or rather , may the great God of Heaven & Earth doe this for you and us all ; and may he still preserve and prosper you in these travailes and labours of yours . Farewell from Your loving freind JOS : EXON : THE OPINION OF THE MOST REVEREND FATHER IN GOD IAMES USHER Lord Arch-Bishop of ARMAGH and Primate of Ireland , with some other Reverend Bishops in IRELAND . REverend and much respected Brother in Christ ; Wee had long since by common consent made ready an Answer to your former Letters which you writ unto us severally some Moneths agon : but being desirous to have likewise a generall Subscription to it , according to that agreement which should be betwixt fellow-brethren of the Clergy , we deferred the sending of it somewhat the longer in hopes of a meeting . You desire us now in your second Letter dated from London March 20. that we would give you our Opinion concerning the Conference at Lipswich ; the rather , because that Conference is likely to have some effect and influence upon the busines you have in hand . Thus therefore ; that meeting ( though it was called for other ends and reasons ) yet seeing it was holden with such good successe , and that the cheife Divines of both sides had so faire & freindly a Conference , heard one another with such patience , & parted with such love and brotherly affection , it is a very good signe that this matter is from the Lord , and from this good beginning who can chuse but hope for a happy and successefull issue ? But yet notwithstanding , they parted differing about three Points : it is well that they differd but in three ; & 't is better yet , that even in those three Points they agreed in most things , and such as are of greatest moment ; nor was their difference so much about the thing it selfe , as about some Formes of expression , which for the most part we cannot so easily forget and cast off after we have been long accustomed to them . For seeing it is confest on both sides , that Christ hath two natures in one person , so inseparably united that neither can they be divided , nor are they confounded , but still remaine distinct and severall without all mixture or aequality ( so much as of their Properties , ) to what end is it to quarrell about improper and figurative Propositions ? so likewise in the Eucharist , seeing they both agree that the Faithfull doe eat not only the fruit and benefit , but the very essence ( or Substance ) of Christ's body ; and that on God's part the Sacraments are exhibited entire & perfect , the thing signified together with the sign , what doe they contending about Hypocrites and unbelievers ? 't is all one as if Physitions should fall a disputing about a dead man , whether or no the Potion he tooke hath any operation upon him . There remaines yet that other much controverted Question touching Praedestination ▪ and yet even in this too it would be no hard matter for them to be reconciled , were but spleen and partiality laid aside , and in the roome thereof a reverent and modest feare how we pry too farre-into God's secret Counsells , placed and planted : seeing the best and ablest Divines of both sides acknowledge , that in many Questions about this Mystery we must be faine to take up St Paul's exclamation , O the depth ! and that 't is both lawfull & sufficient for them to rest and hold together in those cleare & undoubted Trueths ; namely , that the Election of such as shall be saved , was made in Christ ; that the destruction of all such as perish , is from themselves ; that Salvation is from God ; that Faith ( yea even foreseen Faith ) is not from our selves , it is the gift of God ; that we may not boast of any thing , seeing we have nothing of our own ; all must be ascribed to God : as S. Cyprian of old devoutly and pithily spake . Thus you have , both what we hope & conceive of the Conference at Lipswich . But the most principall and speciall thing , which should be earnestly prest and inculcated , is this ; that in Divine matters , especially in such high and difficult mysteries as these are , which are rather to be adored than pried into , we ought to have a certaine and set Rule to speake by as S. Austin sometimes prudently and piously counselled ▪ & therefore it would be a very safe and good course for us to refraine from all novell and new-fangled expressions , and to confine the liberty of Prophecying to such Formes and Phrases as the holy Scriptures doe furnish us withall . It remaines , that wee earnestly beseech the God of Peace to bruise Satan under our feet , & that shortly : unto which God we heartily recommend you ( Reverend Brother ) & rest May 14. Anno 1634. Your most affectionate freinds JAMES ARMAGH . WILLIAM KILMORE . JOHN ARDAGH . THE JUDGEMENT OF THE same right Reverend Father , the Lord Arch-Bishop of ARMAGH , delivered in a Sermon of his preached before K. IAMES at Wansted , Iune 20th . 1624. IF at this day wee should take a survay of the severall Professions of Christianity , that have any large spread in any part of the world ( as of the Religion of the Romane and the Reformed Churches in our Quarters , of the Aegyptians and Aethiopians in the South , of the Grecians & other Christians in the Easterne parts , ) and should put-by the Points wherein they differ one from another , and gather into one body the rest of the Articles wherein they doe all generally agree ; wee should finde , that in those Propositions which without all Controversie are universally received in the whole Christian world , so much trueth is contained , as being joyned with holy obedience , may be sufficient to bring a man unto everlasting salvation . Neither have we cause to doubt , but that as many as doe walke accorto this rule ( neither overthrowing that which they have builded by superinducing any damnable heresies thereupon , nor otherwise vitiating their holy Faith with a lewd and wicked conversation ) peace shall be upon them , and mercy , and upon the Israel of God . THE OPINION OF SOME FAMOUS DIVINES OF the FRENCH Church . THat which hath been the constant and earnest wish of all good men for these hundred yeares past , and which by all wise men hath been esteemed worthy to be purchased at any rate and with any paines though never so great ; this ( we heare , to the exceeding great joy of our hearts ) is at this day endeavoured by some worthy servants of Christ with singular zeale , and not without good hopes of a happy successe : to wit , that the Protestant Churches which differ one from another about some Points of Religion , laying aside or at least moderating on both sides their over-tenacious adhering to their own Opinions , may now at length be united and made up into one body . We being much joyed with this welcome newes , first of all we render all possible praise and thankesgiving to almighty God the giver of all good things , that he hath been pleased to put such good thoughts and intentions into the hearts of his servants ; and wee most earnestly beseech him , that his blessing may goe along with this good designe , & crowne it with successe : next , we returne many thanks to those our reverend and worthy Brethren and fellow-Ministers , who have put their hands to this worke ; and we doe highly applaud and admire their faithfulnesse , zeale , charity , and singular magnanimity & courage herein . What a brave and noble spirit doe's it argue in them , that they could once hope for an Unity and Peace of our Churches in these desperate and distracted times ? Or that they durst venter upon a matter of such difficulty , which had so often been attempted heretofore by men of great abilities , but could never be brought to passe ? What the event of this so great and good a designe will be , is in the sole power & pleasure of almightie God : but surely the very endeavouring and intending of so good a worke deserve's no litle commendation : for , the bare purpose or having in one's heart and thoughts matters of great concernment , and such as may make for the good of Christ's Church , is a great and good worke , & never faile's of its reward from our bountifull God : although there be good cause to hope , that the paines which learned men take hereabout shall even with men too have its fruit & effect . For , now that they have spent their spirits and heat of contention , & wearied themselves with long strife and variance , it is more than probable that they will now at last entertaine those Counsells of Peace which they have hitherto out of spleene and passion rejected and set light by . Besides , that most sharp plowshare of God's judgement wherewith for almost these foureteene yeares he hath furrowed and plowed up the French and German Churches , hath so subdued & broken up men's minds on each side , that never was there a more fit and seasonable opportunity for sowing and casting in the seeds of Unity and Peace , than now . Wee cannot chuse therefore but greatly approve , commend , and admire the purposes and endeavours of those worthy men who have imployed their paines in so necessary a worke : but since we understand how that they are desirous to knowe more particularly what our Opinion is of this whole businesse , let us proceed to set downe ( as breifly and plainly as we can ) our judgement herein . Indeed it were much to be wished , that they who professe themselves Christ's Disciples and followers , would all think and speake alike of matters spirituall and Divine , perfectly joyned together in the same minde and in the same judgement , ( as S. Paul exhorts his Corinthians . ) But since there is so much weaknesse in man's understanding , and so great difficulty in Points of Divinity , that this perfect and absolute agreement betwixt pious men is a thing not to be had or hoped for in this world ; in the next place it were to be wished , that they would agree and be of the same beleife about the maine & principall Heads of Religion : and for other matters which are of lesse moment and use , and such as do not any way make either for holinesse of life , or comfort of men's consciences , & consequently doe not necessarily pertaine to Christ's kingdome ( which consists in those two things ) that they would in such wise beleive them , as to beare with others who dissent frō them about such Points . For as we see in civill & saecular matters , the best States-men are not alwaies of the same Opinion concerning the affaires of the Commonwealth ; so likewise in the Church , so long as the summe and substance of Religion is agreed upon & maintained , no matter though in some other Points the judgements of the Faithfull be various and different . That this is lawfull , both the thing it selfe loudly proclaimes it , and S. Paul confirmes it ; who doe's not only permit but command us ( more than once ) to beare with such as differ from us in their Opinions : and 't is the common and generall Opinion of all such Divines as have been of any note and esteem in the Church ever since our Saviour Christ's times downe to this present age . Yet is not this so to be understood , as if all manner of Differences in Religion were to be tolerated : for even the same Apostle denounceth an Anathema against such as shall preach any other Gospell than that which he had preached ; and the most moderate amongst the Fathers of the Christian Church have alwaies constantly held , that we are to shunne and avoid the company of Hereticks . For there bee some Opinions of those men who differ about Religion , which overthrow the very foundation of our Salvation , & destroy either that Piety or that Charity which wee are commanded by God's word to practise towards God and men : such are the erroneous Doctrines of Romanists , who will have that religious worship given to creatures , which God hath reserved peculiar to himselfe ; who make our Faith to rely upon the judgement and authority of men ; who severall waies overthrow the Preistly office of Jesus Christ ; in a word , who have with their own inventions so stained and deformed the whole Christian Religion , that they have left no one part in it sound and untainted . Such likewise are the Opinions of Socinians , who ( to let passe their other Positions ) deny our Lord and Saviour Christ Jesus to be truely God : and if once you take away his Divinity , it will necessarily follow , that either wee worship a creature , or else that we doe not worship the sonne of God ; both of which are manifestly repugnant to those Trueths which are delivered to us in holy Writ as absolutely necessary to Salvation . We conceive therefore that no Peace in way of Religion can be had with these men , nor with any others who maintaine any Errours of this nature , till they shall renounce these their private Doctrines . But for those who hold some erroneous Opinion which yet may consist with Piety , & Charity , and all Christian duties belonging thereunto , we think ( as S. Paul seeme's to have determined ) a Communion may be held with them . Wee may mildly admonish such , and when opportunity is offered , discreetly reprove and instruct them ; but to cast them out of the Church , and ( for no other cause ) to curse and excommunicate them as men in a desperate and damnable estate , this ( in our opinion ) is neither fitting nor lawfull to be done . Now to apply this to the matter in hand , we conceive that to this latter sort all those Controversies doe belong which are agitated amongst Protestant Divines , touching Christ's presence in the Sacramentall signes , touching divine Praedestination , and some few other Points . For they doe agree in all such Points as conduce either to Piety towards God , or Charity towards men ; they maintain on both sides , that the Scriptures are of divine inspiration , that they are perfect , perspicuous , and authenticall ; they detest with one heart & mouth the Tyranny , and pernitious Doctrines of the Pope , and they equally keep off from entertaining a Communion with him ; they have the same Sacraments ; they worship the same Christ ; they professe the same righteousnesse and holinesse in this life , and they expect the same glory in the life to come : in a word , so great and so wonderfull an agreement is there betwixt them about all saving and necessary Doctrines , that ( did not the history of their affaires , and those bitter contentions which have hitherto ( more is the pitty ) been fomented amongst them , witnesse the contrary ) there 's no man but would thinke they had a meeting at the beginning , and by common counsell & consent agreed upon the same Confession of Faith . In such a multitude of mysteries , who can chuse but admire that there should not be above one or two Points wherein they did not fully agree ? For even about the Eucharist , which is the maine matter of this woefull Division , they both of them grant that 't is a Sacrament , not a Sacrifice ; that it is to be eaten , not worshipped ; both the two kindes instituted by our Saviour Christ ( to wit , bread and wine ) are neither transubstantiated nor divided one from the other by either side ; they both acknowledge the same use and end of this holy Rite , to wit the commemorating of Christ's death , & the partaking of his body which was crucified , and of his blood which was shed for us : There is onely one thing about which they disagree , namely the manner how Christ's body is given to us and received by us in that Sacrament ; the thing is the same on both sides , onely the manner of it is divers . This Difference , though it be but small , yet is it not ( wee confesse ) altogether of no moment : but that it should be of so great moment , as that it ought to make a breach of charity and affection amongst Brethren , a duty so useful and necessary to the Christian world , and so miraculously wrought amongst them by the hand of Heaven , this we utterly deny . Neither doe We alone deny it : to say nothing of our Brethren in Poland , and almost all the Germans which hold with us , who ( as it is well knowne to all men ) ever did , and at this day doe make the same reckoning and account of that Controversy as we but now did ; to say nothing likewise of those famous Divines of both sides in Saxony and Brandenburge , who ( as we have been informed ) were lately of the very same opinion concerning these Points , when they had fairely discussed them at Lipswich , whither they were come with their Princes . But one thing there is which we cannot here omit to mention , a matter perhaps not so well knowne to forraine nations , yet such a matter it is as we confidently beleive will be most welcome and acceptable to all good & peaceable men , to wit that the Reformed Churches here in France ( whereof there are good store ) have alwaies been of that same Opinion touching these Controversies , & they have given testimony of this their Opinion , both heretofore sundry waies , and likewise now very lately by an expresse Decree made in a generall Synod held here at Charenton neare Paris in the yeare 1631. For when , upon occasion of a citizen of Lions ( unto whose daughter a certaine young German of the Augustane Confession , as they call it , was a suiter ) it was questiond , how we are to account and esteeme of such as are commonly termed Lutherans ; all the Brethren which were there met , out of all the Provinces of France , and sent thither from their several Churches , did unanimously vote thus ; That seeing the Churches of the Augustane Confession doe agree with the other Reformed Churches in all the Principles and fundamentall Points of true Religion , and that in their Discipline and forme of Divine worship there is neither Idolatry nor Superstition : such of the Faithfull of that Confession as shall with the spirit of Charity and in a truly peaceable way joyne themselves unto the publike Assemblies of the Churches in this Kingdome , and desire to communicate with them , may , without the abjuration of their former Opinions which they hold contrary to the beleife of these Churches , be admitted to the holy Table , contract marriages with the faithfull of our Confession , and present themselves in the quality of Godfathers to the children which shall be baptized ; upon their promise given to the Consistory , that they will never solicite such children , directly or indirectly , against the Doctrine beleived and professed in our Churches , but shall content themselves with giving them instruction onely in those Points wherein we all agree . We are not ignorant , how that many objections may be made against this Decree by such as have a mind to contend & cavill : but such objections they are , most of them , as have but litle strength and validity in them , and such as can no way stand in comparison with those waighty reasons wherewith the Christian Faith and Charity doe furnish us . It is not our purpose to insist on every particular ; onely in general , we think it not amisse to put men in minde of two things , which if they were observed with that care as it fitting , both sides perhaps would henceforth judge more mildly and charitably of each other than hitherto they have done . First then , speciall heed would be taken by us , that the assertions and Opinions of private men , though Doctors , though of never so great esteem and repute amongst their own men , be not father'd on that whole Church wherein such men live , as the common and generally received Doctrine of them all . For what can be imagined more unequall , than that one man's crime , or commendation , should be imputed to all ? and what by him hath been spoken well or ill , should be rewarded or punished in others , who were so farre from deserving any such matter , as that many times such things are fastned on them as they never so much as once heard of from others , or once thought thereupon themselves . The generall Doctrine of each severall Church is laid downe and comprised in publike Confessions , severall for each side ; Their's ( namely the Doctrine of the Lutheran party ) in the Augustane Confession ( as they terme it ; ) that of the other side , in many severall Confessions , diversly expressed according to the diversity of Countries and Kingdomes . From these are we to judge and esteeme what is held and maintained by both : seeing they doe all professe themselves to assent and adhere to these , and that they will live & dye in this Faith . But ( for ought I know ) neither doe they so generally approve the writings of Brentius or Chemnitius , nor doe these so farre magnifie Piscator or Beza , as if they would that whatsoever is affirmed by those men , should be admitted and acknowledged as the common and necessary Faith of all Christians . Nay so farre are they both of them from this folly , that they themselves freely reprove and censure their own men , and mark out many passages in their writings , as different from the common and received Doctrine of their Church . Whence it follow's , that the sayings of such men , whosoever they be , are unjustly , and ( to speake the most favourably of it ) preposterously fatherd on the whole Church in which they lived . And yet notwithstanding , what else are all those Tenents with which Protestant Divines cast one another in the teeth , with which they upbraid one another as if they were the publike and generall faults of the two adverse parts , and for which they so labour to draw one another into envy & contempt ? I say , what else are they but the private Positions of some particular Doctors on both sides , vented many times either in choler and passion , or out of a vehement zeale to maintaine their Cause , when they were hard pressed & put to it either with the difficulty of the things themselves , or the subtilty of an acute adversary ; and so , spake rather out of necessity than judgement and premeditation . For truely so sound and untainted are the publike Confessions of our Churches on each side , that there is very litle and hardly any thing which either of them can finde wanting in the other's Confession . Our Divines in Germany doe commend the Augustane Confession ; and no doubt but our Brethren the Lutherans will in like manner approve of ours , for the farre greater part of it , would they but once be pleased to read it over impartially without passion and prejudice . Certainly neither in that Confession of theirs shall any man meet with that Vbiquity of Christ's body , which wee condemne in Lutheranisme ; nor is this of ours , that Stoicall Fate so much objected against us . But a second fault there is , very frequent amongst men of both sides , and almost hereditary , which ought ( as we conceive ) with all care and diligence to bee shun'd and avoided in this businesse ▪ namely , that they who maintaine any Position , should not bee thought to hold whatsoever seemes to us to follow thereupon by the rules of disputation . For it often fall's out , that he who hold's a Principle from which such a Conclusion is inferred , may notwithstanding be utterly ignorant of that which is inferred from his Principle . For instance , he that first observed the Loadstone to point towards the North Pole , did not forthwith perceive all the severall experiments that have been afterwards made from thence for the use and benefit of Navigation : for Conclusions lye hid and buried in their Principles , nor are they deduced thence without some paines and study . He therefore who hold's some Principle , and withall doth either not heed and regard it ; or else considers it , but with an Intellect which is either dull or prepossessed with anger or affection or some other passion , this man , from that Principle of his which hee understand's , doth not straightway understand whatsoever may be knowne and concluded from it . Thus they who live in the Papacy , having their mindes bewitched ( that I may so speake ) with the authority of their Leaders , though they grant with us that the sinnes of men are most fully expiated by that sacrifice offered up by Christ on the Crosse , yet can they not hence conclude ( although it evidently follow hereupon ) that their Sacrifice of the Altar is vaine and superfluous . Now as he who understand's some one Trueth , is sometimes ignorant of other Trueths which are consequent thereupon : so likewise he who hath some erroneous Opinion , must not therefore be thought to hold and maintaine all the absurdities that may be inferred from it : for there 's the same account to bee made of consequences either way . Thus Tertullian of old , and many of the ancient Fathers , taught that the humane soule is derived from the Father to the Sonne by way of propagation ; but that 't is mortall , which followes upon the former , this they were so farre from granting , that they did alwaies expressely deny it . As therefore wee doe not say that the Papists doe therefore deny their Sacrifice of the Altar , because they grant ( as we doe ) the perfection and sufficiency of that Sacrifice which was offered up by Christ on the crosse , though in all good consequence this overthrowes that sacrifice of theirs : so neither doe we think that Tertullian , & others of the same Opinion touching the originall of man's soule ought to be charged for holding the Soule to be mortall , because this latter errour seeme's to be deducible from the former . Now then how extreme faulty in this kinde Divines of both sides have beene , who is there that see's not ? For we commonly charge our Brethren ( the Lutherans ) with Eutychianisme , ( though they in the meane time deny and disclaime it , ) because this errour , as we think , follows upon their Doctrine concerning the Lord's supper they againe on the other side , stick not to charge us with I knowe not what monstrous Opinions , as if we made God the author of all sin and wickednesse , ( assertions which we justly abhorre & tremble at , because they perswade themselves that this may be gathered from our Doctrine about God's . Praedestination and Providence . Wee will not here dispute whether these things be rightly inferred yea or no from our severall Tenents and Opinions on both sides . It sufficeth , that whatsoever they be , whether justly or unjustly pin'd upon our Opinions , they are denied by us both : nor can we ever be induced by any arguments whatsoever , to grant that they are agreeable and consonant to our Faith . For so long as this is done ( as indeed it is , ) it is manifest from what hitherto hath been delivered , that neither can they without injustice and calumniation bee charged with Eutychianisme , nor we with those monstrous and damnable Opinions , although both these errours could by true & solid consequence be concluded from our severall Positions , ( which yet neither side will ever confesse for their own part . ) Seeing therefore that all or most of those Doctrines which the one side taxeth in the other as pernicious and such as cannot consist with Salvation , are but either the private Opinions of some particular men , or else but Corollaries and conclusions violently wrested by force of argument out of their severall Opinions , would but men ( as in reason they ought ) forbeare to father any thing on either side save onely that which their whole Churches expresly owne and professe for their received Opinions , it would be very easie to maintaine that all the Dispute and Controversie which is in agitation betwixt them , is such as may be tolerated , and that there is not any thing contained in the Faith and Doctrine of either side which overthrowe's Salvation . Now were but this once agreed upon and beleived on both sides , there would remaine litle or no difficulty in this whole businesse wherein worthy men doe at this present employ themselves , namely of setling Peace and Unity amongst our Churches . For seeing there are but two waies possible of being reconciled ; either , that one side shall renounce their private Opinions , and come over to the other ; or else , that both sides shall joyne together , retaining their severall Opinions , and by a mutuall condescending shall each of them tolerate that which they dislike in the other's Doctrine , especially if it be such as cannot be altered without perill and dammage to a whole Church ; the former of these two waies ( as we conceive ) is not now to be stood upon , whereof triall hath been heretofore made not onely without successe but with much danger & harme , as appeares sufficiently from those many Disputations & Conferences which have been held betwixt both sides during this whole Age ; whereby hatred and & enmity hath been ingendred rather than extinguished , and the number of Controversies rather increased than diminished . Wee must therefore betake our selves to that other way of being reconciled , and in it must we employ all our paines and cares & studies , as being indeed both the only easie and lawfull way , yea and necessary too in our judgement . And that wee may at length attaine unto this , it would not be amisse ( as we conceive ) to proceed after this manner and method ; first , wee must endeavour that a kinde of Truce and Cessation from our strifes & contentions may be agreed upon and enjoyned the Divines of both sides , and that they be stirred up and exhorted to take this whole businesse into consideration : this being obtained , in the next place speciall diligence must be used , that after a meeke , freindly , and most persuasive manner it be made appeare to all , that we are not at variance about any fundamentall Point of Christian Religion , or such wherein men may not safely be of either Opinion without hazarding their salvation : and here men must be very carefull that they refraine from all intricate Questions , and trifling Disputes , ( such wherein the Schoolemen have spent so much paines , mincing and mangling every thing into I know not how many peices , & then handling every peice severally , ) which serve for no other end save onely to torture & torment mens mindes , but no way make for edification . Would but God be pleased so farre to prosper these endeavours as that thus much may be once brought to passe , wee make no doubt but every man would then readily wish for this much-desired Communion , which none ever shunn'd or refused but out of a kinde of Religion and Conscience , conceiving it unlawfull to entertaine a Communion with any that are not of the same beleife and Opinion with themselves ▪ so soone as men on both sides shall be wrought off from this superstitious conceit , they will gladly run and rush ( as it were ) into one anothers armes and embraces . For it cannot be imagined that there is any man , either of the one side or the other , so stupid & void of all reason & & Religion , but knows how foul & scandalous a thing , how hurtfull to both sides , how dangerous and pernitious to the whole Christian world this Schisme is which hath hitherto divided and distracted us ; on the other side , how sweet , how beneficiall , both to our selves & all others , Unity and Peace would be , so it might be had without losse of Faith and Salvation . And truely the way to setle this Unity ( were we but once come to that ) is plaine and easie . For seeing we doe both of us ( by God's grace ) equally acknowledge and beleive the Gospell of our Lord Jesus Christ penned by his Disciples ; and seeing we confesse , that whatsoever is of necessity for salvation to be beleived or done by us , it is all clearely and plainly laid downe in this Gospell , what hinder's why we may not joyntly confirme and ratify those Articles wherein we both agree ? & for those other Points about which wee differ , wee may expresse them in such words and phrases as the sacred Scriptures afford us , and not suffer our men to enquire any further , or contest about thē . For if it be true which we both confesse , that all those heavenly mysteries which must necessarily be knowne by us , are clearely revealed in God's word , doubtles then we may content our selves with so much as the Scripture has delivered , and wee may safely forgoe all other Points wherein the Scripture is silent . Let therefore all the Heads of matters in Dispute amongst us be laid downe and expressed in a certaine and set Forme , such as may give satisfaction to both parties , made up wholly ( if it be possible ) of Scripture-words : and let no man require from his Brother any more besides it : if any man have attained to a further degree of knowledge , let him keep his knowledge to himselfe ; and let him not despise the weaknesse and simplicity of others who have not made so great a progresse in knowledge as himselfe . As for Rites and Ceremonies wherein the forme of divine worship and the Churche's Discipline are contained , we conceive it fit that every Church should be left to her owne judgement and liberty herein , and that no innovation be made about such matters . Hereafter , if it shall please God , when time shall have confirmed and strengthened this Union , there may be compiled , by the joynt consent and advice of all , a common Liturgy ; which would be both a token and bond of Peace . For the present , we shall think our paines well bestowed , if at this first attempt we can prevaile with both sides to tolerate mutually out of Christian Charity such differences of Opinion as are betwixt us either in Doctrine or Discipline ( which truely are but small , & altogether unworthy to occasion such a Rupture and Breach betwixt us , ) and so at length to acknowledge one another to be ( as indeed we are ) Brethren in the Lord . Thus much we thought good to speak in breife touching this matter , that our reverend Brethren , who are well affected to the publike Peace , may understand how ready & willing wee are to concurre with them in this pious and Christian worke . And though our meane abilities and the present state and condition of our affaires be such , as that wee cannot performe such service in it as is meet and requisite , yet shall our earnest prayers alwaies accompany the labours and endeavours of those reverend men who are or shall be employed therein : and we shall account that day most happy , wherein we shall behold Brethren ( having buried all strifes and contentions ) joyne hands and hearts , and dwell together in the same Ierusalem ; by this fast and firme Communion , anticipating ( as it were ) & foreacting here upon earth that everlasting Unity and Concord which we shall hereafter enjoy in Heaven . AMEN . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A37176e-300 C. 8. V. 19. Ephes. 4.15 . Rom. 12.18 . Joh ▪ 17.21 . Act. 4.32 . Hosp. Histor. Sacr. Ann. 1529. Idem Ann. 1537 - Ibid. Harm. Confes. par . 1. & 2. in Confess . Polon. 1. Chron. 22.16 . Mat 23. C. 4. v. 5. 2. Cor. 6.16 . Epist. 57. ad Dardan . Ad Constant. August . Tit. 1.3 . Bucer . Rom. 14.1 . Rom. 15.1 . Magdeburg . Lib. 2. cap. 7. August . de unitate Eccl. 6.12 . (a) In Epist. ad Luther . (b) Contra Rober . Atringen . & alibi . Hosp : in . Hist. Sacr. pag 144 ad An. 1536. (c) Ibid. Colloq. momp. . pag. 16. Hospin . Ann. 1530 p. 145. Math. 18. Joh ▪ 1335. 1. Cor. 3.12 . Osiand . Antist. pag. 75. In Antist. pag 91. Gal. 2.9 . Act. 7.26 . Psal. 122.9 . In Antist. pag. 74. {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} Tit. 1.3 . Epist. ad Stephen . & ad Iubaian . Praef. ad Concil. Carthag . Vid. August . de Bapt. lib. 2. cap. 4 5. Epiph. Har. 42. & 70. Nazian. Orat. 30. Institut . lib 4. cap. 30. Orat. 3. de Pace . In Orat. unum esse Christum Notes for div A37176e-3570 Calvin . Epist. 57. Bulling . Calvin . tract. 2. desens . de Sacram. Coenae . Melanchthon Calvino , inter Epistolas Calvini , 187. Ioh. Sturmius Ep. ad Princ. Freder . inter Calvini Ep. 304. Calvin . Epist. 240. Iacob . Andre . e . & Epist. 32. Farello . Calvin . Epist. 236. Martino Schalingio Eccles Ratis . Pastori . Calv Opusc. tract. defens . 2 de Sacram. Coenae . (a) Ep. Sturmii ad Fred. Princ. inter Epist. Calvin . 304. (b) Zanch. Miscel. tract. de Coena Domini Confess . ad Magistrat . (a) Ep. Sturmiiquae extat inter Calvini Epist. 304. & Epist. 45. quae est Sultzer . ib. (b) Calvin . Epist 32. Farello . (c) melancht. . Epist. Calvin . quae inter Ep. 187. Calv. Opuse . Defens . 2. de Sacram. Coenae This is the Title of that Confession . Guil. de Gibieuffe de libertate Dei & Creaturaruta . Notes for div A37176e-6250 * Zanch. Iudicio de dissidio Coenae in fine Miscellaneorum . Quod idem probatur à Zuinglio ibidem citato . Vid. etiam Feildium nostratem , in lib. de Eccles. & Appendice ▪ Vid. lib. 3 de Ecclesia . c. 35. & 42. & Append. part . 1. respons . ad secundum caput Higgonii . Vbi etiam citantur Pic. Miran . l. Caietanus , alii . These heads are granted on both sides in this Conference . Notes for div A37176e-7070 Gal. 6.16 . Notes for div A37176e-7230 Rom. 15.1 . Phil. 3.15 . 
A64646	----	A geographicall and historicall disqvisition touching the Asia properly so called, the Lydian Asia (which is the Asia so often mentioned in the New Testament), the Proconsular Asia, and the Asian Diocese by James Ussher. Ussher, James, 1581-1656. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A64646 of text R27036 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing U177). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 84 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 20 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A64646 Wing U177 ESTC R27036 09619216 ocm 09619216 43842 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A64646) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 43842) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1344:24) A geographicall and historicall disqvisition touching the Asia properly so called, the Lydian Asia (which is the Asia so often mentioned in the New Testament), the Proconsular Asia, and the Asian Diocese by James Ussher. Ussher, James, 1581-1656. [2], 32, [3] p. Printed by Henry Hall, Oxford : 1643. Reproduction of original in the Union Theological Seminary Library, New York. eng Lydia. A64646 R27036 (Wing U177). civilwar no A geographicall and historicall disquisition, touching the Asia properly so called, the Lydian Asia (which is the Asia so often mentioned in Ussher, James 1643 13386 244 650 0 0 0 0 668 F The rate of 668 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the F category of texts with 100 or more defects per 10,000 words. 2005-02 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-04 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2005-05 Emma (Leeson) Huber Sampled and proofread 2005-09 SPi Global Rekeyed and resubmitted 2005-11 Emma (Leeson) Huber Sampled and proofread 2005-11 Emma (Leeson) Huber Text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-01 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A Geographicall and Historicall DISQVISITION , TOUCHING The ASIA properly so called , The Lydian Asia ( which is the Asia so often mentioned in the New Testament ) the Proconsular Asia and the Asian , Diocese . BY JAMES USSHER , Archbishop of Armagh , and Primate of all IRELAND . ACT. 19.10 . All they which dwelt in ASIA , heard the Word of the LORD JESUS , both Jevves and Greekes . 1 CORINTH. 16.19 . The Churches of ASIA salute you . REVEL. 1.4 . JOHN to the seven Churches in ASIA . Grace be unto you and peace . OXFORD , Printed by HENRY HALL , 1643. To the READER . FInding much perplexitie in the severall acceptions of the name of Asia , even taken in the stricter sense , for that which was but a Member of Asia the lesse : for mine owne better satisfaction , in reading as well of the new Testament as of other Ecclesiasticall and Civill Histories ; I endeavoured to try whether , by a fit distinction of places and times , some helpe might be found for the resolving of those difficulties . VVhere I learned withall , both how wide he should erre in matters of this kinde , that would trust only to Ptolemies Tables , without further consulting with the ancienter Historians and Geographers ; and what use might be made of the Imperiall Laws , not only for the furtherance of Civill prudence , but also for the bettering of our knowledge in other parts of good learning . VVhich briefe Observations of mine , now the second time revised , enlarged , and much amended ( the former Edition being but suddenly thought upon ) I here again present to the favourable view , and submit to the riper judgement of the more intelligent Reader . Et veniam pro laude peto : laudatus abundè , Non fastiditus si tibi , Lector , ero . A DISQVISITION , TOUCHING The ASIA properly so called , the Lydian Asia , the Proconsular Asia , and the Asian Diocese . CHAP. I. Of the Asia which by the Romanes was first properly so called ; and the severall members thereof . AS the lesser Asia ( now called Natolia or Anatolia ) was a part of the great , and Asia properly so called a part of that lesser ; so the Lydian Asia was a parcell of that Asia which was properly so called . For the fuller understanding whereof , we are to call to mind , that the Romanes having possessed themselves of the Countreyes which had formerly belonged unto the Pergamen Kings , reduced them into the forme of a Province ; which they called , a by the name of the great Continent , Asia . This is by Cicero b distinguished into foure members : Phrygia , Mysia , Caria , and Lydia . The first whereof is by Dionysius Afer , c Strabo , d Ptolemy and others , divided into the greater and the lesser Phrygia . Within the greater those two Phrygia's were comprehended , which in after ages , were knowne by the names of Pacatiana and Salutaris : the former of which ( mentioned in the subscription , added by the Greeke Church unto the former Epistle of S. Paul unto Timothy ) being the more Southerne part of the greater Phrygia , is thought to have received that appellation from Pacatianus : who in the dayes of Constantine the great , bore the office of the e Prefect of the Praetorium of the East , having not long before beene at the same time f both Consul and Prefect of the City of Constantinople ; and ( as it may seeme ) diverse yeares before that , began his preferments here in the West , with the * Lieutenantship of our Brittaine . Of the latter , there is mention made in a certaine g Constitution of Constantius the sonne of Constantine , and in the Subscriptions both of the fourth generall Councell held at Chalcedon , and of the fifth held at Constantinople ; in which last h Severus subscribeth as Bishop of Synnada , the Metropolis of Phrygia Salutaris , ( however i Socrates , by some lapse of memory , and k Nicephorus blindly following him , have made this to be a City of Phrygia Pacatiana : ) as in that of Chalcedon , l Abercius , as Bishop of Hierapolis , a Citie of the same Phrygia Salutaris . Where it may be noted ; first , that besides that more knowne Hierapolis in Phrygia Pacatiana ( of which we shall have occasion to speake hereafter ) there was another of lesse note in Phrygia Salutaris : the one whereof in m Pli●yes dayes ( before this new distinction of the parts of the greater Phrygia was brought in ) belonged to the Laodicean , the other to the Pergamen jurisdiction . Secondly , that before this Abercius , who was present at the Councell of Chalcedon ; there were two other Bishops of the same name , who succeeded one another in the same See , about the time of the Emperour Marcus Aurelius Antoninus , whose Episcopall seat is by n Symeon Metaphrastes placed in that little Phrygia , whereof Synnada was the Metropolis : whereas the other Greekes more consonantly to the truth do relate , that o Abercius was Bishop of Hierapolis in Phrygia Salutaris . For the greater Phrygia ( whereof this Salutaris was a part ) both by the forenamed Geographers , and by p Diodorus Siculus and q Livy , is opposed to that which lay upon the Hellespont : and had in it the Cities of Ilium ( called by r Herodotus , the Pergamus of Priamus , upon the river Seamander ) and of Troas ; which is often mentioned in the s New Testament , and by others named t Antigonia , Alexandria , and the u Alexandrian Troas : from whence the whole Countrey retained the name of Troas ; aswell as the other appellations of x Epictetus , the Hellespontian and the lesser Phrygia : beginning northward , y according to Homer , from the river Aesepus , or z according to Damastes from the city Parium , not far from thence , and , according to both , extending it self from thence , along the water si●e , Southward unto the Promontory Lectum . Betwixt this lesser and the greater Phrygia was Mysia interposed : the borders of each other being so confusedly intermingled together , a that it was a very difficult matter to distinguish them . And as the lesser Phrygia was called the Hellespontian , and a difference thereby put betwixt it and the greater : so this Mysia likewise , being in the countrey ( although further removed from the Fretum or Strait ) of Hellespont , had the like name of the Hellespontian Mysia given unto it ; thereby to discriminate it from the ●strian * Mysia or Moesia : the Hellespontian Mysia and Phrygia joyntly making up that intire Province , which in the division of the Empire made by Constantine ( because it was setled under the government of a b Consular President ) had the name of the c Consular Hellespont bestowed upon it . Thus Galen , having occasion to prescribe the use of Mysian Wine , declareth that he meant thereby , d not that which was from the Mysia about the river Ister , but from that which is named the Hellespontian ; which ( saith he ) is about our Asia , and conterminous unto Pergamus . For that the greater Mysia reached Southward unto the Pergamen Territory , and the plaine of Caïcus , is by c Herodotus and f Strabo in like sort testifyed : as it reached from thence Northward unto the Mountaine Olympus ; which from the Mysians was called g Moesius or Mysius , and the h Mysians from it again received the surname of Olympeni . that which i Ptolemy calleth the lesser Mysia ( the chiefe Citie whereof was Cyzicus ) reaching from that mountaine westward unto the river Aesepus , and there joyning with the Northern part of Epictetus or the lesser Phrygia . Caria was parted from Lydia by the winding currents Maeander : from the receiving of the river Lycus into it , unto the emptying of it selfe into the Myrtoan sea . For howsoever Ptolemy taketh all that lyeth betwixt this and the river Cayster from Lydia , and addeth it unto Caria : yet k Strabo maketh Maeander to be the limit betwixt those Provinces ; and aswell by Scylax Caryandensis in his Periplus , as by l Pliny , m Maximus Tyrius , and n Stephanus Byzantinus , it is reckoned among the rivers of Lydia . Lydia contained , beside the inland region , commonly knowne by that name , the adjoyning countries also , aswell of Ionia , lying on the Sea side betwixt the mouthes of the river Hermus and Maeander , as of Aeolis , reaching up from Hermus , either unto the River Caicus as Ptolemy , or , as Strabo would have it , unto the very Promontory of Lectum , the ancient bound betwixt Troas and the Sea-coast of the greater Mysia . For that Mysia reached unto the mouth of Caïeus , is acknowledged not only by o Ptolemy , but also by p Strabo himselfe : and yet , because that in his time it was possessed by the Aeolians , he declareth withall , that q Aeolis , then properly so called , did extend from Hermus unto Lectum , and that r when one turneth about from Lectum , the renowned Cities of the Aeolians , and the Adramyttian bay , doe receive him . So doth Pliny likewise affirme , that s the promontory Lectum did disterminate Aeolis and Troas : although elsewhere , following other Authors , he placeth Assos ( the first City that occurreth after the doubling of the Cape of Lectum , and whereof there is mention made Acts 20.13 , 14. ) in t Troas , as Ptolemy doth . But u Strabo , and x Hellanicus before him , maketh it a city of Aeolis : as Stephanus Byzantinus after them , where he saith , it y is a City of Aeolis about the Hellespont : from which the authority of Alexander Cornelius ( subjoyned hereunto by him ) saying that Assos in Mysia was a Colony of the Mitylenaeans ( in the Island of Lesbus , which lay next opposite unto this Mysia ) swarveth little or nothing at all : Mysia , after it came unto the possession of the Aeolians , having gotten the name of Aeolis ; as by z Mela and a Pliny is fully testified . The not observing whereof caused Stephanus to make the Assos of Aeolis a different city from the Assos of Mysia neer unto Antandrus : for so do I read the place in him ; {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . and not , as the vulgar books have it ; {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . The principall sea-townes of this part of Mysia or Aeolis b from Lectum to Caïcus , over against Lesbus , are by Strabo reckoned in this order : Assos , Adramyttium , Atarnus and Pitane . That Adramyttium ( mentioned in Act. 27.2 ) was c a city of that Mysia which is by Caïcus , and d Atarna a city betwixt Mysia and Lydia , neere unto Lesbus ; and e Pitane a city of Aeolis , is affirmed by Stephanus . So as , reckoning Atarna it selfe ( as f Herodotus doth ) among the cities of Mysia , the rest of Aeolis downward will fall within the limits of Lydia . wherein we finde , that aswell g Phocaea ( which is within Aeolis ) as Ephesus , Colophon , Lebedus , Teos and Clazomenae , the most knowne cities of Ionia , are expresly placed by Herodotus . Neither is there any reason to be given , why Cicero in his enumeration of the countries of Asia , should wholly praetermit the mention of Aeolis and Ionia ; but that he comprehended them under the names of Mysia and Lydia : in which we see Adramyttium , and all the other cities downeward unto Ephesus , to be placed by Scylax in his Periplus . CHAP. II. Of the Lydian Asia , and the seven Metropoliticall Cities thereof . THat heretofore Lydia was called Meonia , and the Lydians termed Meonians : we read in a Herodotus , b Diodorus Siculus , c Dionysius Afer , d Strabo , e Pliny , f Stephanus Byzantinus , and others . And that g Meonia was in the dayes of Homer named Asia , and the inhabitants thereof by Callinus ( another Poet , h elder then Archilochus ) in the Ionian dialect termed for {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , for {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} or Asians ; we find to have beene the opinion of Demetrius Scepsius , i who was equall in time unto Crates and Aristarchus the Grammarian . Whereunto we may also adde that of Euripides , in his Bacchae ; {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . together with that which is related by k Stephanus Byzantinus , l Suidas , and the great Etymologist ; that upon this Tmolus there was a city of Lydia seated , which had the name of Asia : and by Strabo m , that betwixt the two Lydian mountaines of Tmolus and Messogis lay the great Caystrian plaine , which Homer calleth the Asian field , in that verse of the second of the Iliads ; {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . to which Virgil also hath relation in that of the first of his Georgicks ; — & quae Asia circum Dulcibus in stagnis rimantur prata Caystri : and in the seventh of the Aeneids ; — sonat amnis , & Asia longè Pulsa palus . Whereunto the testimony of Eunapius may be referred likewise , who speaking of that admirably learned Gentlewoman Sosipatra , saith that n she was of that Asia which is about Ephesus , where the river Cayster running through the countrey , giveth his name to the plain by which it passeth . It is further also reported by Strabo , that o in this plaine neere unto the banks of the river Cayster , the inhabitants used to shew the Chappels dedicated to the honour of Caystrius , and of one Asias ; whom the Etymologist p noteth to have been sometime King of Lydia ; and to have given the name unto this Asian field . ●r , as q the Lydians themselves would have it , to the whole land of Asia : alleadging further , that from this Asias , the sonne of Cotys , the sonne of Maneus , they had a tribe in their head-city Sardis , which they called {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , as is recorded by Herodotus . Whether r from this Asias the continent of Asia did take his denomination , or from the forementioned city of Lydia , or from Asia the wife of Prometheus , or from some other originall ; Stephanus Byzantinus leaveth us to enquire . But beside that the first vowell in Homers Asia is long , and in the greater Asia ( which s Stephanus acknowledgeth him to have been ignorant of ) is of a * short quantitie : no man can doubt , but the derivation of the name of Asia from a Lydian city , or from a Lydian King and Heros , is farre more properly applyable to Lydia it selfe , then to the whole continent either of the greater or the lesser Asia . For that Lydia was t formerly called Asia , is directly affirmed by the ancient Scholiast of Apollonius Rhodius : and that the Asia mentioned in the New Testament was comprehended within the bounds of Lydia ( containing in it , according to the above confirmed description , Aeolis and Ionia ) will quickly appeare to those that carefully compare the Acts of the Apostles and the booke of the Revelation together . In the 16. chapter of the Acts , the journey of S. Paul and his company is by S. Luke thus described . When they had gone throughout Phrygia and the region of Galatia , and were forbidden of the holy Ghost to preach the word in ASIA ; after they were come to Mysia , they assayed to goe into Bithynia : but the Spirit suffered them not . And they passing by Mysia , came downe to Troas . Where it may be observed , that the greater Phrygia , ( through which they passed into Galatia ) and Mysia Olympena ( which was next adjoyning unto Bithynia ) and Hellespont wherein Troas was situated , being all of them parcells of the Asia by the Romans properly so called ; are yet expresly distinguished from Asia , in this more strict sense so denominated as Caria likewise , wherein Miletus stood , appeareth to be by what we read in Acts 20.16 , 17. And as these are thus exempted by S. Luke ; so the rest that remaine of the proper Asia , together with the seven Churches of Asia mentioned in the Revelation of S. Iohn , a●e all of them comprehended within the limits of that Lydian Asia , whereof we have spoken . For , that Pergamus was a city of Lydia , is plainly affirmed by u Xenophon : to whom Aristotle also may be added , in his booke {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , where he speaketh of a warre sometime raised {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . That Smyrna at first was poss●ssed by x the Lydians , is testifyed also by Aristotle , treating of the birth and education of Homer : who seemeth to have had the surname of Maeonius , either from Maeon the king , or Maeonia the countrey it selfe of Lydia ; among the cities whereof , Smyrna ( the most likely place of that famous Poëts nativitie ) is by Scylax Caryandensis reckoned . as Ephesus likewise is , both by him and y Herodotus ; Sardis , Philadelphia and Thyatyra by Ptolemy : and z Laodicea by Stephanus Byzantinus . Yet is Laodicea by Ptolemy referred unto Caria , and by others unto Phrygia . The reason of which difference we may lea●ne from Strabo , a who sheweth that the confines of Phrygia , Lydia and Caria were so coincident , that they were hardly to be discern●d the one from the other . which is the cause , that though b he doth reckon Laodicea among the cities of Phrygia ; yet Hierapolis , which was c opposit to it ( toward the East ) is by Stephanus d said to be seated betwixt Phrygia and Lydia : it by that meanes being placed in , and Laodicea without the borders of Phrygia . This also doth Strabo assigne for another reason , e why the bounds of the Provinces hereabout were confounded : because that the Romans did not divide these places by the nations ; but ordered them after another manner , according to the circuits wherein they kept their Courts , and exercised judicature . Five of these tribunals were seated in the cities of f Laodicea , Sardis , Smyrna , Ephesus , and Pergamus : Philadelphia was within the Sardian , and Thyatira within the Pergamen circuit - although that g Thyatira was a Metropolis also of it selfe , as Ptolemy declareth in his Geography ; and in all likelyhood Philadelphia also , the only city remaining of those seven famous ones singled out , as the seats of the most eminent Churches of all Asia , in the book of the Revelation . For that Philadelphia was herein no whit inferiour unto Thyatira ; may easily be gathered by the respect which it still retained , after that Lydia ( as we shall heare ) was separated from the Proconsular Asia , and each Province ordinarily permitted to have but one Metropolis . For Sardis being then the prime city of Lydia , the next in account after it was Philadelphia , another also being placed betwixt it and Thyatira : as appeareth by the order of them constantly observed aswell in the h Civill as in the i Ecclesiasticall Catalogues of the cities belonging to that Province . Whereupon in the Acts of the Constantinopolitan Councell held under Mena● , we see that Eustathius subscribeth himselfe , in expresse termes , k Bishop of the METROPOLIS of the Philadelphians , of the Province of the Lydians . CHAP , III. Of the Proconsular Asia , and the severall alterations of the limits thereof . I Come now from the Lydian Asia , and the seven Metropoliticall cities thereof , unto the Proconsular : which , according to the condition of a other Provinces , had in severall times it's severall alterations . For in the distribution of the Empire made by Augustus Caesar , it appeareth to have been the same with that former Asia of the Romans , which we described in the beginning out of Cicero ; but in that which was afterwards brought in by Constantine , to have been confined within the bounds of the Lydian Asia . the greatnesse of the one above the other being sufficiently intimated in those verses of Statius , touching the yeare of the Proconsulship of Vectius Bolanus ; who , before that , had been Proconsul here in Brittaine : b — quantusque potentes Mille urbes Asia sortito rexerit anno ; Imperium mulcente Togâ . That same yeare , c wherein Caesar obtained first the surname of Augustus , himselfe being then the seventh , and Marcus Agrippa ( who married his sisters daughter ) the third time Consul ; was this politicall division of the Provinces ordered by him : farr diffe●ing from that Geographicall partition of countries delivered by his nephew Agrippa . whom d Solinus following in his Geography , beginneth Asia from Telmessus of Lycia and the Carpathian bay : and boundeth it on the East with Lycia ( or Lycaonia , as e Pliny hath it ) and Phrygia ; on the West with the Aegean , on the South with the Aegyptian sea , and on the North with Paphlagonia . which being made the limit of Agrippa's Asia on that side ( and not Pontus or Propontis ) doth necessarily shew that Pontus and Bit●ynia we●e included therein . whereas it plainly appeareth by Strabo and Dio , that in Augustus his platforme these were a province by themselves . f they being made by him a Praetorian province , and Asia a Consular ; containing in it ( as Strabo witnesseth ) all that Asia which was on this side the river Halys and the mountaine Taurus , excepting Galatia , the countryes that had been lately under the government of King Amyntas , together with the province of Bithynia and that of Pontus and Propontis adjoyned thereunto . All which being deducted ; those countries will remaine , which by g Onuphrius are assigned unto Augustus his Proconsular Asia : to wit , Lydia , Ionia , Caria , Mysia , Phrygia , and the Proconsular Hellespont . h the two Roman colonyes whereof , Troas and Parium , are by Paulus the Lawyer particularly noted to have beene seated in the province Asia . And this is it indeed , which Ptolemy proposeth unto us , as that which was accounted i the Asia properly so called in the dayes of Antoninus Pius ; who himselfe , as k Proconsul , had sometime l governed this province . Where , in the Breviat of the first Table of Asia , it is not to be passed by , that mention is made of m Asia properly so called , wherein was Phrygia . For howsoever that were no part , either of Agrippa's Asia ( from whence by n Solinus it is excluded ) or yet of the Lydian Asia ( from which in o the Acts of the Apostles , as also in p the Letters of the Church of Vienna and Lions , and q Tertullians booke against Praxeas , it is clearly distinguished : ) yet Hierapolis , the chiefe city thereof , by r Polycrates , and s Vlpian , and Iulius Africanus ( as farre as we have him in t Eusebius his Chronicle ) is placed in Asia ; as being contained within the limits assigned by Strabo to the Proconsular Asia , as it stood in the time of Augustus and the heathen Emperours after him . But in the dayes of Constantine , and the Christian Emperours that succeeded him , the circuit thereof was much abbridged , and a distinction brought in betwixt the Proconsular Asia and the Asian Diocese ; the one being put under the command of the Proconsul of Asia , the other under the government of the Vicarius of Asia or the Asian Diocese : for so in the Imperiall Constitutions is he indifferently nominated . Thus in the CCCLXV . yeare of our Lord , two Rescripts were given out by the Emperour Valens : the one u dated the 27th . of January ( in the latter end of the first yeare of his raigne ) to Clearchus the Vicarius Asiae ; the other , x the 6th of October following , unto his successor Auxonius , under the style of Vicarius dioeceseos Asianae . This Auxonius y some doe imagine to be the same with Ausonius the Poët : without all ground of authority or reason , removing him out of the Western into the Eastern empire . But of his predecessor we are sure , that he is the same Clearchus , whom Eunapius mentioneth to have been in his time preferred unto this government ; before he was by Valens promoted afterwards unto the Proconsulship of the other Asia . Concerning this first preferment of his he declareth , that he was made z governour of all that Asia , the jurisdiction whereof did extend from Hellespont , through Lydia and Pisidia , unto Pamphylia . which is as much to say ( if my second thoughts doe not here deceive me ) as that it contained in it the Consular Hellespont and Phrygia Salutaris adjoyning thereunto ; together with Phrygia Pacatiana , descending from thence downeward , by Lydia on the west-side and Pisidia on the east , unto Pamphylia . For howsoever in the alterations that followed this ( as we shall heare anone ) the greater part of the in-land Lydia was brought under this Vicarian regiment ( as , not Pisidia and Pamphylia only , but Lycaonia , Lycia and Caria also were : ) yet that in Clearchus his time this part of Lydia was parcell of the Proconsular Asia , is sufficiently intimated by Eunapius , extending it unto Tmolus a a mountaine placed in the Eastern border of Lydia . For touching the advancement of Clearchus unto the Proconsular government he writeth thus . b Things prosperously succeeding , Valens was wonderfully well pleased with Clearchus , and was so farre from depriving him of his former charge , that he advanced him unto a greater government ; appointing him to be Proconsul of Asia now properly so called . This from Pergamus downewards taking the sea-coast into it , toward the adjacent continent reacheth unto Caria ; the mountaine Tmolus circumscribing that of it which belongeth unto Lydia . Of the governments it is the most honourable ; and is not subject to the Praefectus Praetorio . saving that now , by reason of these late commotions , c all things are againe confounded and disturbed . Where touching the limits of this Asia NOW properly so called , it may be noted ; that as Galen ( in the place before alledged ) maketh the Hellespontian Mysia ( which in the old dist●ibution of the Empire was within the precinct of the jurisdiction of the then Proconsular Asia ) to be conterminous unto Pergamus , where he himselfe was borne : so Eunapius from the same Pergamus beginneth the bounds of the now Proconsular Asia ; extending the length thereof from thence downeward unto Caria , and the breadth from the Sea unto the mountaine Tmolus , which is by Euripides , in his Bacchae , called {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} the fortresse of Lydia ; and on the side whereof Sardis ( a chiefe city of that province , and Eunapius his owne countrey ) is not only by him , but also by d Herodotus , e Strabo , and f Pliny ( how soever Ptolemyes Tables doe misplace it ) sufficiently proved to have beene situated . that ridge of the mountaine , on which Sardis was seated , bounding that part of Lydia toward the East ( as we have said ) and the other tract thereof reaching from thence unto Hypaepa , a city of lesse name within the same country : as Ovid declareth in those verses ; g Nam freta prospiciens latè riget arduus alto Tmolus in ascensu , clivoque extensus utroque , Sardibus hinc , illinc parvis finitur Hypaepis . By which description it appeareth , that this Proconsular Asia was little or nothing different from the Lydian Asia ; called Lydia , not only by Herodotus and Scylax , but also ( if I mistake not ) by h Constantius the Emperour himselfe . To Valens , the elder Theodosius succeeded in the Eastern Empire : who took away i the Consular Hellespont from the jurisdiction of the Vicarius of the Asian Diocese , and put it under the command of the Proconsul of Asia . Which state of the then Proconsular or proper Asia that Greek Geographer might seeme to have respected ; who beginneth his enumeration of the XLVIII . Provinces of the continent of Asia , with Pontus and Bithynia . Asia properly so called . Great Phrygia . Lycia and Caria . Galatia , &c. as we have it presented unto us by that most curious searcher of all such kind of rarities , k Claudius Salmasius . Wherein it is observable , that Hellespont , Aeolis , Ionia and Lydia are included in , aswell as the greater Phrygia and Caria are excluded from the Asia then properly so called . Whence that new addition of Hellespont being put aside ; the remaine will prove to be the same with that which a little before was styled by Eunapius , the Asia now properly so called . In the dayes of Arcadius ( the son and successor of the foresaid Theodosius ) this addition of Hellespont to the jurisdiction , was much abated by the detraction of the maine inland part of Lydia from the body of the Proconsular Asia . Which is the cause why l Palladius , speaking of the Asian Synod of seventy Bishops held by Chrysostom in the CCCCII. yeare of our Lord , doth separate the Bishops of Lydia from the Bishops of Asia . for as for the subscriptions of the first Councell of Nice , both those which are found in some Latin books , and those Greek ones that have beene lately published m out of Sambucus his copy : they being quite dissonant the one from the other , and having in both of them diverse manifest tokens of forgery and corruption , doe deserve here no regard at all . Yet in this distraction of Lydia from the Proconsular Asia , it appeareth aswell by n the Civill and o Ecclesiasticall lists of the Provinces of the Easterne empire , recorded by the Grecians , as by the p subscriptions of the Councell of Chalcedon and other of the Eastern Synods ; that the Southerne part of Lydia , lying betwixt the rivers of Maeander and Cayster , which we noted to have beene attributed by Ptolemy unto Caria ( and wherein were the cities of Priene , Magnesia , Trallis and Nysa ) was still reserved unto Asia : together with all that lay upon the sea-coast from Ephesus upward , not only unto Pitane and the mouth of Caicus ( which we shewed to have beene a parcell of the Lydian Asia ) but also unto Assos and the promontory of Lectum ; which was possessed first by the Mysians , then by the Lydians , and lastly by the Aeolians . for that this also , at least wise from Antandrus downward , was sometimes accounted as an appendant unto Lydia , may be gathered , partly from the words of g Scylax Caryandensis ( though here corrupted ) partly from the testimony of Xenophon ; who telleth us that he and his company , r departing from Antandrus , passed by the sea side of Lydia , unto the playne of Thebe , and through it unto Adramyttium . compared with Strabo , relating to the same purpose , that the former s inhabitants of the playne of Thebe were the Lydians , then called Meones : and that t in his time the name of the Lydian gates was still preserved in Adramyttium , as a memoriall of the building of that city by the Lydians . Although yet , by the authority of Galen and Eunapius , we begin our Lydian Asia from the river Caïcus and Pergamus : those other places of Atarna , Thebe , Adramyttium and Antandrus , being by u Herodotus also referred to Mysia , and not to Lydia . To conclude therefore the various alterations of the limits of the Proconsular Asia : as we have referred Ptolemies Asia properly so called to the Proconsular Asia , as it was ordered by Augustus ; and Eunapius his Asia now properly so called , to that which was by Constantine ; and the namelesse Geographers proper Asia , to that which was by the elder Theodosius : by the like reason also , what Simplicius writeth in the dayes of Justinian touching x his Asia now so called , and Symeon Metaphrastes long after him ( though concerning elder times , wherein these provinces stood in a far different posture from that which he presenteth unto us ) y of the confluence of the inhabitants of Asia unto Abercius ; we may well suppose to have relation unto this last settlement , which was made in the dayes of Arcadius and the younger Theodosius . CHAP. IV. Of the Asian Diocese , and the Metropolitan cities thereof ; with the Civill and Ecclesiasticall government setled therein . A Diocese , in the language of the times whereof we speake , was a a circuit comprehending within it many provinces : and the Asian Diocese in that sense , sometimes taken more strictly , as it was distinguished from the Proconsular Asia and the provinces subject to the jurisdiction of the Proconsul thereof ; and sometimes more largely , as containing those Proconsular provinces also under it . The former acception hath place in that Constitution of Theodosius the elder , whe●e b the Proconsular Asia and the Asian Diocese are both nominated together : and generally where ever the office of the Vicarius or c Comes ( for these two titles are used d to signifie the same dignitie ) of Asia or the Asian Diocese ( or e Region , as Julianus Antecessor rendreth it ) is made mention of . The latter , when the Asian is rehearsed joinctly with other Dioceses of the Eastern Empire : as in L. Si quis post hanc . C. Ut nemo ad suum patrocin . and L. Provinciae Thraciar· C. de militari veste . According to which acception , whole f Asia , as Theodoret calleth it , in the dayes of the younger Theodosius did consist of eleven Provinces . g three whereof appertained to the disposition of the Proconsul of Asia : the proper Proconsular which he governed by himselfe , the Consular Hellespont , and that of the Rhodes , and the other scattered Islands called Cyclades ; which were first h made a Province , and placed under a i President , by the Emperour Vespasian k eight were under the Vicarius or Lieutenant of Asia : Lydia , Caria , Phrygia Pacatiana and Phrygia Salutaris , with those foure other which were superadded to that proper Asia of the ancient Romans , whereof we made mention in the beginning out of Strabo and Cicero ; namely Pamphylia , Lycia , Lycaonia and Pisidia . This distribution is to be seen in the Latin list of the Provinces and Dignities of both the Empires ; called by l Alciat the Breviary of Theodosius the younger . m by whom Lycia was divided from Lycaonia and made a Province by it selfe ; Myra being appointed the Metropolis and place of the residence of the President thereof : as Iohannes Malela setteth downe in his Chronicle . Which report of his if we admit for authentique ; we must withall say , that Theodoret , in the place even now alledged , had relation to the state of his owne time , when speaking of the care which Chrysostom had of Asia , he saith that it was governed by eleven Presidents . joyning the three Provinces which were under the Proconsul of Asia , with the other eight that were under the Vicarius of the Asian diocese ; which otherwise , if Lycia and Lycaonia had been conjoyned , would have been but seven Provinces . Indeed , n in the generall enumeration of the Provinces of the Easterne Empire , which we meet withall toward the beginning of the foresaid Theodosian Breviary , there are but ten Provinces numbred of the whole Asian diocese : the first and principall of them all , to wit Asia it selfe , by some errour ( wherewith o Onuphrius also and p Contius was misledd ) being omitted . Which was nothing amended by Isidorus Mercator , but increased rather ; when he reckoneth up q twelve Provinces in this Asia : the first and chiefe whereof he maketh to be Asia it selfe ; r in which ( saith he ) is Ilium , or Troy ; the second Lydia , the third Galatia . Whereas Ilium was situated not in this , but in the province of Hellespont : and Galatia appertained to the Pontican , and not to the Asian Diocese . Whence , by the way , we may correct an errour that hath crept into the Greek edition of the subscriptions of the 6. Action of the Councell of Chalcedon : wherein , though Theosebius Bishop of Ilium had put to his name , yet Stephen the Metropolitan of the Ephesians , among those absent Bishops that were under his jurisdiction , doth nominate Rufinus Bishop , not Timi ( as the Latin books have it ) but Ilii . s Some do think , that the Emperour Iustinian did take away Hellespont from the government of the Proconsul of Asia , and joyned it with Pontus Polemoniacus . But that errour arose from the old Latin translation of the XXth . Novell of Justinian ; t Hellespontus being therein put for Helenopontus , in the Pontican diocese : as appeareth not only by the Greek text and u Iulians Latin Epitome thereof , but also by the Latin it selfe ( acknowledging afterwards , that this mutation was made in Galatia and the Pontican , not the Asian diocese ) and by the XXVIIIth . Novell most evidently . Though sure it is , that x he took from the Lievtenant or Vicarius the government of the Asian diocese , and confined him within the limits of Phrygia Pacatiana , whereof he constituted him Count or Comes . By that which in the second chapter hath been delivered , it appeareth , that under the first Emperours there were many metropoliticall cities within one Province ; and some chosen out of them wherein Courts of justice were erected , unto which the next adjoyning circuits might upon all occasions have recourse . Whereupon those contentions afterwards did arise betwixt the cities of the Proconsular Asia , touching each ones dignitie and precedency : for the composing whereof Aristides made that Oration of concord unto them , which is still extant . Wherein yet the common desire of all the Asians accorded in this ; y that the Proconsul , at his first comming into the province , should passe into Asia by sea , and among the other Metropoles first arrive at Ephesus : as by the Rescript of the Emperour Antoninus ( vouched by Ulpian , in his first book of the Proconsuls office ) most manifestly appeareth . But in the disposition of the Empire made by Constantine it was ordered , that in every Province there should be but one chiefe city held for the Metropolis : and that unto it , l all the Provincials should resort for the administration of publike justice . Whereupon Ephesus , being by the former Imperiall Constitution , grounded upon the joincte consent of the Asians themselves , z preferred before all the rest ( as being the ordinary place of the convention of the Common Councell , and it self held to be a the common treasury of Asia ) was appointed to be the sole Metropolis of this new Proconsular Asia ; and withall retained the preeminence which formerly it had above all the cities of the old . Whereof , we may see the testimonies , aswell of b Chrysostom and others of the ancient who wrote upon the Epistle of S Paul to the Ephesians ; as of the Emperour c Theodosius , in the letters wherby he summoneth Dioscorus and other Bishops to appeare at the second Councell at Ephesus , assembled by him in the yeare of our Lord CCCCXLIX . Whence he that wrote the book of the places mentioned in the Acts of the Apostles ( falsly fathered upon S. Hierom ) saying that d where the city of Ephesus is , there is the Asia specially so called ; may seem to have meant no other thing thereby , but that the province which had Ephesus for it's Metropolis , was that which had the name of Asia in a singular manner appropriated unto it . if therein he looked any further then to the ba●e words of the text ; wherein it is said , that Paul e continuing at Ephesus by the space of two years , all they which dwelt in Asia heard the word of the Lord . and that afterward f he determined to sayle by Ephesus , because he would not spend the time in Asia : and thereupon sending for the Elde●s of the Church of Ephesus , he said unto them ; Ye know from the fi●st day that I came into Asia , after what manner I have beene with you at all seasons . Out of all which it was no hard matter for him to gather at large , as g Erasmus did after him ; that Asia in the new Testament denoteth that part of Asia minor , in which Ephesus standeth . It is here also further to be noted , that as in the state of the civill government , the jurisdiction of the annuall Presidents ( by Aristides styled h Bishops ) was extended unto all the cities that were contained within the limits of their severall provinces ; and when but one Metropolis was appointed unto every province , wherein the Governour was to keep his ordinary residence , the Provinciall Presidents had from thence the appellation of {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} ( or M●tropolitan Judges , as , at the end of the first Novell of Justinian , the * old Latin Interpreter rendr●th it : ) so , in the Eastern empire especially , the Ecclesiasticall r●giment was herein conformed unto the civill ; there being but one Metropolitan Bishop setled in every Province , unto whom the Bishops of all the rest of the cities were subordinated . By which meanes it came to passe . that of the seven Churches in Asia , spoken of in the book of the Revelation , Ephesus alone in the dayes of Constantine had the Metropoliticall dignitie left unto it . Then after the dayes of Valens the Emperour , the inland Lydia being separated from Asia , the Bishop of Sardis ( which had been the i ancient seat of the Lydian Kings ) became the Metropolitan of that province : the sees of Philadelphia and * Thyatira being made subject to him ; as Smyrna and Pergamus were to the Bishop of Ephesus . There remained then of the seven , only Laodicea : which got the honour of being the Metropolis of Phrygia Pacatiana ; as we read in the Greek subscription of the first epistle unto Timothy : the §. latenesse whereof is thence rightly collected by the learned k Cujaicus . For as the distinction of Ph●ygia Pacatiana and Salutaris is no where to be found before the distribution of the provinces made by Constantine : so at that time also , when but one Metropolis was allotted unto every Province , it is a question , whether of those two * prime cities that were so nea●e together , Hierapolis , which without all controversie was acknowledged to belong unto Phrygia , was not rather chosen to be the mother city therein , then Laodicea , which by reason of the doubtfull situation thereof ( as we have heard ) was indifferently challenged to appertaine unto Phrygia , Caria and Lydia . In the dayes of the succeeding Emperours indeed , l who yielded so farr to the ambition of some Bishops , that they were content there should be two Metropolitans in one Province , both these cities were accounted for the Metropoles of Phrygia Pacatiana which is the cause , why in the fourth generall Councell , assembled at Chalcedon , aswell m Nunechius Bishop of the Metropolis of Laodicea , as Stephen Bishop of the Metropolis of Hierapolis , do subscribe for themselvs and the absent Bishops which were under them . as also in the fifth general Councell held at Constantinople , there is mention made at the same time of n Iohn Bishop of the Metropolis of the Laodiceans , and Auxanon Bishop of the Metropolis of the Hierapolitans : & in the sixth , of Tiberius Bishop of the Laodiceans and Sisinnius of the Hierapolitans , either of them giving unto his seat the title o of the Metropolis of the Pacatian Phrygians . And although by a Canon of the said Councell of Chalcedon it was provided , that any Bishop which afterward p would attempt to make such divisions to the derogation of the rights of his owne Metropolitan , should be deprived of his dignitie ; and that q the new Metropoles formerly constituted by the Imperiall Charters should so content themselves with this honour , that the proper rights should still be preserved unto that which was the Metropolis indeed : yet we see for all this , that r in the lists of the Bishopricks of the East made in the succeeding times , there are still distinct suffragans reckoned under these two Metropolitans of Laodicea and Hierapolis ; and that diverse other private Bishops were not hereby restrained from aspiring unto a Metropoliticall dignitie . among whom ( to speak onely of those who were within the compasse of the Lydian Asia ) was the Bishop of Smyrna ; who found the meanes to be made first {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} or independent , and then t a Metropolitan with u seven suffragans depending upon him . x the Bishop of Pergamus ; who was exempted likewise from his subordination to Ephesus , and made a Metropolitan by himself . and the Bishop of Philadelphia : s y who by Andronicus Palaeologus the elder was substituted into the place of the Bishop of Sardis , and made Metropolitan of all Lydia . So as of the Bishops of the seven Churches mentioned in the book of the Reuelation , he of Thyatira only excepted , all at the last became Metropolitans , as they were at the first . But among all these , the See of Ephesus had evermore the preeminence . And as it was the mother city of the Proconsular Asia : so was that Asia likewise the prime Province of all the Asian Diocese ; and had in such esteem , that the Proconsul thereof was exempted from the jurisdiction of the Praefectus Praetorio Orientis , ( as before we have heard out of Eunapius ) unto which the Vicarius or Lieutenant of the Asian Diocese was subject . Conformably whereunto in the Ecclesiasticall government , the Bishop of Ephesus was not only held to be the Metropolitan of the Proconsular Asia , but also the Primate of all the provinces that were contained within the compasse of the whole Asian Diocese . Vpon which ground it was , that among those Bishops which Palladius ( in the life of Chrysostom ) mentioneth to have beene ordained by Antoninus Bishop of Ephesus ; z some were of Lycia and Phrygia , as well as others of Asia : the ordination of these latter being challenged by vertue of his Metropoliticall , of the others by his Patriarchicall jurisdiction . In the Arabick Acts of the Councell of Nice ( which that worthy Knight Sr. Thomas Roe , among other rare monuments , brought with him from the East and bestowed upon the famous library of the University of Oxford ) it is affirmed that a the Patriarchship of Ephesus was translated unto the Bishop of Constantinople , and that he was then made the second in order , and the Patriarch of Alexandria the third . and a Constitution is therein recited , that the Patriarchall see should be translated from Ephesus to the Imperiall city ; that so honour might be done both to the Empire and Priesthood together : and , to the end the other Bishop might be honoured ( and not lightly set by , because of the transferring of the Patriarchall chaire from him ) that he should enjoy the eminent title of Catholicus . for proofe whereof , the testimony of one Dionysius is there alledged . But neither the authority of this obscure Dionysius , nor of the latter Arabians following him , is of sufficient weight to gaine credit to this relation : especially seeing it is well known , that the title of Catholicus , taken in this sense , b is of a very late originall , and ( for ought we can find ) at no time attributed unto the Bishop of Ephesus ; and that the Bishop of Constantinople had the second place among the Patriarchs first assigned unto him , not in the Councell of Nice , but c in the second generall Councell held at Constantinople in the yeare CCCLXXXI . After which advancement , the first Bishop of that see we read of , that extended his jurisdiction beyond the sea unto d the Pontican and Asian dioceses , was John Chrysostome , e who passing over unto Ephesus , and holding there the foresaid Synod of the LXX . Asian Bishops , placed Heraclides in the Bishoprick of Ephesus , then vacant by the death of Antoninus ; and deposing XIII . Bishops , who were charged to have been simoniacally ordained by him , placed others in their roome . And , although within foure yeares after , aswell Heraclides as the other thirteen Bishops of Chrysostoms ordination were removed againe , and the former Bishops restored to their places : yet it appeareth by the acknowledgement of the Pontican and Asian Bishops in the XVIth . Action of the Councell of Chalcedon , that his successors continued their claime , and challenged still a right at leastwise in the ordination of the Metropolitans of both those Dioceses . Which power of ordaining Metropolitans , not only in the Thracian but also in the Pontican and Asian diocese , being thereupon confirmed unto the Bishops of Constantinople by a f speciall act of that Councell ( beside g a liberty given to all clerkes that had any suit with their Metropolitan , to prosecute the same either before the Primate of the Diocese or the Patriarch of Constantinople , at their owne election ) gave occasion unto Euagrius to write , that h the Councell of Chalcedon took away the Patriarchicall right from the Church of the Ephesians ; and that by Timothy of Alexandria ( the deadly enemy of that Councell ) it was restored thereunto againe . After which time we see , that the Bishop of Ephesus , as Metropolitan of the Asian province , subscribeth thus unto the Constantinopolitan Synod held under Menas . i I Hypatius , by the mercy of God Bishop of the Metropolis of the Ephesians of the Asian province , have defined and subscribed . and as Patriarch of the Asian diocese , to the letters sent by the sixth Councell of Constantinople , unto Pope Agatho , thus . k I Theodorus by the mercie of God Bishop of the Metropolis of the Ephesians , and Primate of the Asian Diocese , both for my self , and the Synod that is under me , have subscribed . For although in the times of the latter Emperours also , he still retained the title of Primate or l Exarch of all Asia ; yet all Asia did not import therein the whole Asian Diocese , but the Asian Province only : the exarchate of the Diocese , having been wholly engrossed into the hands of the Patriarch of Constantinople . Which is the cause , why Balsamon noteth , that m the priviledge heretofore granted unto Exarches by the Councell of Chalcedon , was in his dayes of no force at all . For although some of the Metropolitans ( saith he ) are named Exarches ; yet have they none of the other Metropolitans within the Dioceses any wayes subject unto them . and n Iohn , in a late Synod held after the time of the Councell of Florence , subscribeth himselfe Bishop of the Metropolis of the Ephesians , and Exarch ( or Primate , not of the Diocese , but ) of the Province of the Asians . And of the Asian Diocese , with the Civill and Ecclesiasticall government thereof , thus much in briefe may suffice . FINIS . TO The Right Honourable , the House of PEERES , now assembled in PARLIAMENT . The Humble Petition of JAMES Archbishop of ARMAGH . Humbly sheweth , THat whereas your Lordships were pleased to employ your Petitioner in preaching before you on the Fast-day , the 22. of December last : ( which service , according to his mean ability , he was carefull to performe : ) so it is , that one Iohn Nicholson , having got into his hands a collection of some rude and incoherent Notes of that Sermon , took the boldnesse to publish the same ( under the Title of Vox Hiberniae ) as a true Relation of that which was uttered before your Lordships that day . Which being in many places void of common sense , & in the whole every way unanswerable unto what vvas fit to have been delivered before so Honourable and judicious an Audience , His humble request is , That your Lordships would be pleased , to call in that suppositions Pamphlet , &c. Die Veneris , 11. Februarii , 1641. Ordered by the Lords in Parliament , That a Book concerning the L. Arch-bishop of Armagh , being published and printed by Iohn Nicholson , shall be called in and suppressed . JO . BROWNE . Cleric . Parliam . To the Wardens and Company of the Stationers of London . AN Order of the Commons House of Parliament , FOR The suppressing of an other Pamphlet , falsly fathered upon the said Archbishop of Armagh . Die Martis , 9. Febr. 1640. WHereas complaint hath been made unto us by Iames Lord Arch-Bishop of Armagh and Primate of all Ireland , that a certain Pamphlet hath beene lately most injuriously fathered upon him , and spread abroad under the false title of The Bishop of Armagh's direction to the house of Parliament , concerning the Liturgie and Episcopall Government : It is this day ordered in the Commons House of Parliament , that the Master and Companie of Stationers , and all others whom it may concerne , shall take such course for the suppressing of the said Book , that they shall not suffer it to be put in print , or if it be already printed , not permit the same to be divulged . And if any man shall presume to print or publish the Book above-mentioned ; That he , or they , shall be then lyable to the Censure of the said House . H. Elsynge Cler. Domûs Comm. Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A64646e-290 Trist. lib. 1. e. leg. 6. Notes for div A64646e-490 a {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . Strabo , Geograph . lib. 13 pag 624. ( edit. Graeco . latin . an 1620 ) b Namque , ●t opinor , Asia vestra constat ex Phrygiâ , Mysiâ , Ca●iâ , Lydiâ . Cicero , in orat . pro Flacco : ad ipsos Asianos ve●ba facien● . c Strabo , lib. 12 pag. 571. d Ptolem , Geograph . lib. 5. cap. 2. e Cod. Theod. lib. 10. tit 15. de advocato fisci . l. 2. f Ibid. l 3. tit. 5. de sponsal . l. 4. * Vid. Cod Theod. l 11. tit 7 de exact . leg. 2. ad Pacatianum Vicarium Britannia●um . g L. Cum appellatio . C. de appellationib . h Severus Episcopus Synnadensium , Metropoleos Phrygiae Salutaris . Concil. 5. Collat. 8. i Socrat. Histor. Ecclesiastic . lib. 7. cap. 3. k Nicephor . Callist . histor. . lib. 14. cap. 11. l {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . Concil Chalcedon . Act. 16. m Plin. Histor. natural . l. 5. c. 29. & 30. n {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . & post . {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . Metaphrast . in Actis Abercii , Octob. 22. ( M● . in Bibl. other . Colleg. Corp. Christi , Oxon. ) o {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . Menaun●· Graec. MS. O●tob . 22. p {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . Diodor . Sic lib. 18. q In Asiâ Phrygiam utramque , alteram ad Hellespontum , majorem alier●m vocant , Liv. lib. 38. r Herodot. lib. 7. s Act 16.8 , 11. et 20 ● , 6. 2 ●or . 2 12. 2 Tim. 4.12 . t T●oi● , Antigonia dicta , nunc Alexand● a Col●nia Rom Pl●n . lib. 5. cap 30 u {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} Strabo , lib. 13. pag. 581. Ptolem lib. 5. c●p . 2. Galen . de simplic medic●m facul● . lib. 9. x Strabo , lib. 2 pag. 129 & lib. 12. pag. 563.571 . y Vid. Strabon . li . 13. pag. 582 , 583 , 586. z Ibid pag. 583. init : a Id. lib. 12. p●g . 571 , 572. * De qua Macer l C. est capi cudus , in D. de offic. adsessor l. 3. & Ulp●anus in D. de captiv . & postlimin . & redempt . l. 9 Vid. et Strabonem , l. 12 p●g . 57l . ex Arte midoro b Noritia utriusque Imperii . c L Offic. H●llesponti . C. de offic. com . sacr. patrimon . vel potiùs 〈◊〉 proconsulis & legati . d {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . Galen . de sanitat , tuend. lib. ● . c {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , Herodot. lib. 6. §. 28. {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . Id. lib. 7 §. 42. f {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . S●rabo . lib. 12. pag. 576. {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . Id ibid. pag. 571. {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , &c. Ibid. Et adde ex Pausama in Atticis ( pag. 4. et 10. ) ips●m u●bem Pergamenam d●ctam fuisse olim Teuthraniam . g Mons Olympus , Moesius ( al. Mysius ) dictus ; civitas Oly●pena . Plin lib. 5. cap. 32. h {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . Herodot. lib. 7. §. 74. vid. Strabon . lib. 12. pag. 571.574.576 i {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} Iem . lib 5. cap 2. k {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . Strab. lib. 12 ▪ pag. 517. l Lydia perfusa flexu● si amnti Maeandr● recursibus , super Ioniam proced●r .. Plin l. 5. cap. 29 ▪ m {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . Maxim. Tyr. disse●t . 38. n {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . Stephan . de Vrbib . o Ptolem· lib. 5. cap. 2. cujus Graecus tamen textus in mari●ima hujus orae descriptione manifesto librarii errore , {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} nomen habe● , pro {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . p Strabo . lib. 12. pag. 571. q {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . Id. lib. 13. pag. 586. r {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . Id. i●id . pag. 605. s Promontariam Lecton disterminan● Ae●lida & Troada . Plin. lib. 5 : ●ap . 30. t Id. lib. 2. cap. 96. & lib. 36. cap. 17. u {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . Strab. lib. 15 pag. 7●5 . x {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . Id. lib. 13. pag. 610. y {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . Stephan . in {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . z Ex quo ab Aeolus incoli coepit , Aeolis facta . Pompon. M●la . ●ib . 1. cap. 18. a Aeolis proxima est , quondam Mysia appellata . Plin. lib. 5 cap. 30. b {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . Strabo , lib. 13. p●g . 581. c {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . Stephan . d {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . Id. e {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . Id. f {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . He●odot . lib. 1. g {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . Id. ibid. Notes for div A64646e-5080 a {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . Herodot. lib 7. § 74. {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . Id. lib. 1. §. 7. b {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . Diodor . l●b. 4. c {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . Dionys. in Pe●●egesi . d {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} Strabo . lib. 13 pag. 586. e Lydia , Mae●nia antè app●llata . Plin. lib. 5. ca● . 29. f {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . Stephan . & vice vertâ , in G●aecolati●o Cyrilli Glossario . {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , Maeonia . g {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . S●r●bo , lib 13. pag 6●7 . h Id lib. 14. ●ag . 648. i Id. lib. 13. pag. 609. k {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . Ste●h●n . de V●b●b . in {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . l {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . S●d in {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , & Etymologic . in {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . m {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} ( leg. {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . S●●abo , lib. 13. pag. 629. {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . Id. lib. 14. pag. 650. {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . Ver. Scholiast . Aristophanis , in Ach●rnen . n {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . Eunap . Sardian . in vitâ Aed●sii , o {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} Strabo , lib. 14. pag. 650. {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . E●●●ath . in Iliad . ● pag. 254. edit. Roman . p {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} Etymologic ▪ magr . in {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . q {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . Herodot. lib. 4. §. 45. r {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . Steph●n . de Urbib . in {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . s {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . Id. ibid. * Yet it is long in {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} : whereof Stephanus , in {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . for so the place is to be restored out of Dionysius : whose verse this is , in his Periegesis . as those others also of the river Tanais . {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . So Ovid likewise lib. 5. Metamorphos. Iam super Europen sublimis & Asida terram . a●d lib. 9. of Miletus — et in Asideterrâ Moenta constituis . t {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . scholiast. . Apollon. Argonaut . lib. 2. u {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . Xenoph. de exped. Cyri. lib. 7. x {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . Aristot . lib. 3. de Poëtica : apud Pluta●ch . in lib. de vitâ & poësi Homeri . y Herodot. histor. . lib. 1. z {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . St●phan . de Vrbib . in {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . a {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . Strabo , lib. 13. pag. 628. b Id. lib ▪ 12. pag ▪ 576. & lib. 14. pag. 663. c {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . I● . lib. 13. pag. ●29 . d {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . Steph●n . de Vrbib . e {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . Strab. lib. 13. pag. 629. f Plin. lib. 5. cap 29. & 30. g {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . Ptolem. l. 5. c. 2 h Hieroclis . Notit. Orientalis Imperii ; in Appendice Geographiae sacrae Caroli à Sancto Paulo ed●t . Paris . an. 1641. pag. 29. i Ordo M●tropolitar . ibid. pag. 13 , & 45. & in to●o 1. Juri● Graeco· Roman● . pag. 90. k {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . Concil. Constantinop . sub Menâ , Act. 5. Notes for div A64646e-8000 a {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . Strabo , lib. 17· pag. 840. b Stat. lib. 5. Sylvar . in Pro●reptico ad Crispin . c Dio , lib. 53. d Solin . Polyhist. cap. ●3 . e Plin. lib. 5. cap. 27. f Strabo , lib. 17. pag. 8●0 . g Onuphr. Panum . Commentar. Reipubl . Roman . lib. 3. pag. 378. ( edit. Francof●rt . an. 1597. ) h In provincià Asià duae sunt juris I●alic● , Tria● & Parium . l. In L●si ●an . D. de Censib . i {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . Ptolem. lib. 5. cap. 2. k Jul. Capitolin . in Antonino Pio. l Provinciae Asia praerat . Marcianus ● C. in L , D● vus Hadrian . D. de custod . & exhibit , reor . m {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . ad sin . libri 8. Geograph Ptolem. n Asiam excipit Ph●ygia . Solin ▪ Polyhist . cap. 43. o Act. 2.9 , 10. & 16.6 . p {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . E●seb . lib. 5. hist. {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . q Pacem Ecclesi●● Asiae & Phrygiae inferentem . Tertullian . r Polycrat . in epistolià Synodicâ , apud Euseb : l●b. 5. hist. {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . s Ulpian . in D. de Aquâ quotidian . & aest●v . l. 1. §. 13. t {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . Euseb. Chron ad an. 10. Neronis . u Cod. Theodos . lib. 5 tit. 11. Ne c●lon . insciodom . x Ibid. lib. 12. tit. 1. de Decu●ionib . leg. 69. y G●id . Pancirol . Commentar. in Notit. Orient . I● per . cap. 122. Vid. & Jo●. Scaliger . Ausonian . lection . lib. 2 , cap. 17. z {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . Eunap . in vitâ Maxim● . a {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . Strabo . lib. 13 pag. 629 b {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . Eunap . in vitá Maxim. c {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . Euripid. in Bacchis . d Herodot. lib. 1. §. 84. & lib. 5. §. 101. e {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . Strabo . l. 13. pag. 625. f Lydia celebratur maximè Sardibus , in latere Tmol● montis , qui antè Timolus appellabatur . Plin , lib. 5. c. 29. g Ovid . Metamorph lib 9● . h L. Cùm appellatio . C. de appellatio nib . i L. Offic. Hellesponts . C. de offic. comi● . sacr● p●trimon . vel potius , proconsulis et legati . k Salmas . Plinian . exercitat . in Solin . pag. 803. l Pallad. in vitâ Chrysostomi : & ex eo Georgius Al●xandrinus , tomo 8. edít. Savilian oper . Ch●ysost . pag. 202. {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . m In Commentario Jo. Seldeni ad Eu●ychu Origin●s ubi rectissin è monuir , Subscriptiones has Graecas recentiores multò esse commatis quàm Co●stantini temporae admittunt . ( pag. 128. ) n Hie●oclis No●itia Oriental ▪ Imperiis in Append. G●og●aph sacr. pag. 27. o Photius , de ordine Metropolita● . ibid. pag. 43. et in tomo . 1. juris Graeco Romani , pag. 90. p Subscript . Concil. Chalced , Act. 6. Concil. Constantinop . VI . Act. 18. &c. g {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} S●ylax in Per●plo . r {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . X●noph . de exped. Cyri , lib. 7. s Strabo , lib. 13. pag. 586. {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . Id. ibid. pag. 613. u Herodo● . lib. 7. de Xerxi● exercitu . {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . Simplic . in Aristot. Phys●c . lib. 5. y {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . Metaphrast . in Actis Aberc●● , Octob. 22. Notes for div A64646e-11590 a {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , Balsamon , in Concil. Chalcedon . can. 9. b Cod. Theodos . lib. 16. tit. 1. de fide Cathol l. 3. Nec non etiam in Asià Proconsula●s atque Asianâ diocesi , Amphilochio &c. Ita enim ex MS. Malmesburiensi ( quem mihi communicavit V. C. ( Jo Seldenus ) locus resti●uendus est . c Imp. Const●ntin . ad Tertullianum P. V. Comitem dioeceseos Asianae . Ibid. lib. 2. tit. 26. finium regundor . l. 1. Impp. Arcad . et Honorius A A. Nebridio Comit● Asia . Cod. Justinian . lib. 11. In quib . caus. colon● . censiti . l. 2. d Imp. Constantinu● ad Tiberianum Vica●ium Hispaniarum . in l. Si à sponso . C de donationib . ante nupt. et ad Tiberianum Comitem Hispaniarum . in l. Cùm servum . C de serv . fugitiv . e Vicarius Asiana regionis . Julian . Epitom . Novel . 8. sive Constitut. 15. §. 56 ▪ ( ●dit . Lugdun . an. 1567. ) quam idem ibid. paulo pòst Asianam dioecesim appellat . Simili●er & in Constitut. 24. §. 98. Asianam regionem vocat ; quae in Authentic . C●llat . 4. tit. 2. ( de appellationib . §. Similique modo ) nomine Asiana diocoeseos designatur . f {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . Theodore● . histor. . Ecclesi●stic . lib. 5. cap. 28. g Subdisp●sitione vt●● Spectabilis P●oconsulit ●sia , Provincia infra scripta : Asia , Insula , H●llespontus . Notitia Provinciar . & dignitat . utriusque Impetu . h Sub Vespasiano principe Insularum provine a facta est . Sext. R●fus , in Breviario . i L. Iamdudum . C. Vbi ●ausa . k Sub despositione viri Spectabili● V●●arit Dioeceseos Asiana , Provincia inf●ascr●pta . Pamphyli● , &c Notit. Provinciar· l Alciat : Pa●erg . lib. 5 c. 13. m {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . Jo. Malel . Ant●ochen . Chronic. M.S. lib , 14. n Asianae X. Pamphylia , Hellespontus , Lydia , &c. Notit , utriusque Imperii . o Onuphr. Commentar. Reipub. Ro●ā . lib. 3. pag. 424. p Cont. 〈◊〉 . in Iustinian . Novell . 8. cap. 2. q In Asia XII , prima ipsa Asia . Vid. Salmasii Eucharistic . de Eccles. suburbicar. . pag. 347. r Asiae Provincia XII . Asia ipsa , in qua est Ilium , id est , Troia , Lydia , Galatia , Ly●ia , Caria . hellespontu● . &c. Provinciar . Romanar . libell . ab Ant. Sconhovio & Andr. Schotto edit. ex Isidori Collect. epistolar. . Decretal , MS. s Guid. Pancirol . Commentar. in Noti● , O●ient , Imper ▪ cap. 210. t Au●hentic . Collat. 3. tit. 7. de administra . offic. in sacr. appellat●on . u Julian . Constit . 25. § , 102. x Iustinian . Novel . 8. cap. 2. Nov. 20 , c●p . 6. Nov. 24. cap. 5. & Nov. 27. init . y Impe●ator noster Antoni●u● Augustus ad desideria Asianorum resc●i●sit ; Proconsuli ●ecessitatem impositam , per mare Asiam appli●a●e {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . primam attingere Ulpian in l Observa●e . D. de offic. Procons . z {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . Eus●b . lib. 4 hist. {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . a {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . Aristid . or●t de concord●â , ●d civitat●● Asi●t●c●s . b {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . Ch●ysost . in argument . epist. ad Eph●s . c {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . Th●odos . ●un . epist. a● Dioscor . in●er Acta Co●cil . E●h●sin . 〈◊〉 . ( inser●a Actioni 1. Concil. Chalcedon . ) d ●p●cialiter ubi E●hesu● civitas est , Asia vocatur . Lib. de locis Act. Apostol. inter H●eronymi & Bedae o●era . e Act. 19.10 . f Act. 20 16 , 18. g Erasm A●no● . in A●t . 16. & Rom. 16 ▪ h {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . Arist●d . in orat . citat . quum anteà dixister . {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . qu●●st ille sortitus annus ; de quo St●ti●● , suprà p●g . 13. * {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , are vvith him Iudices p●ovinciarum , in N●vell 69. i {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . S●rabo , lib. 13. pag. 625. * In the Latine edition of the subscriptio●s adjoyned unto the 9. Action of the Councell of Chalcedon , Thyatira is made subj●ct to Synnada . but the Greeke readeth the●e , not {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , but {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} rather ; a se● well known to be suffragan to Synnada , the Metropolis of Phrygia Salutatis . §. although it be elde● then those middle times , wherein Phrygia Pacatiana , by a meta●hesis of the first syllabl●s , was called Capatiana : as may be seen in Hie●ocles his Civilla à 〈◊〉 his Ecclesiastica●l list of the provinces . in Appendic . Geographiae sacrae . p●g . 27.39 , 41.49.53 . k Vnde satis liquere potest , de sub●criptione primae epistolae ad Timotheum , recentio●em eam esse . Cujac . in exposit . Nove●l 145. * Lao●icea and Hierapolisa● they w●re neer one onether ( and so conjoyned by the Apostle , in Coloss 413. ) so have th●y the first place also assigned unto them among the cities of Ph●ygia Pacatiana , by Hie●ocles in the civill list of the Provinces : Append. Geogr. sacr. pag. 21. l {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . Concil. Chalcedon . Can. 12. m Subscript . Concil. Ch●lced . Act. 6. & 16. n Concil. V. Collat. 8. o {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . Concil. VI . Constantinop . Act , 18. p {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . ●oncil . Chalced. c●n . 12. q {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} &c. {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , Ibid. r Notit. Graec. in appendic . Geograph . s●cr . pag. 16. & 18. it●m 48. & 52. Jur. Graeco . Roman . tom. 1. pag. 94. & 98. t Jur. G●aeco· Roman . tom. 1. pag. 88. & 245. u Ibid· pag. 100. x Georg. Co. din . Curep●lat . de Offic. Constantinop . pag. 221 , & . 237. edit. Fr. Junii . s Notit. Graec. in Append. Geograph . sacr. p●g . 8. & 40 y Ibid. pag. 219. & 231. Vid. S●lmas●i Eucharistic . de Eccles. suburbicar. . pag. 383. z {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . Sozomen . hist. lib. 8. cap. 6. a Ca. 35. & . 32. quorum indicium debeo D. Edovardo Pocolcio linguae Arabicae in Academiâ Oxoniensi professori doctissimo . b Cathol●ci nomen infirmâ imperti atate natum . Salmas . Eucharistic . de Eccles. suburbicar : cap. 3. pag. 511. c Concil ▪ Constantinopol . I. ●a● . 3. d Theodoret. lib. 5. histor. . cap. 28. e Pallad. & Georg. Alexandrin . in Vità Chrysostomi . Sozomen . lib. 8. histor. . cap. 6. f Concil. Chalcedon . Act. 16. & Canon . 28. g Ibid. Can 9. & 17. h {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . Euagr. histor. . lib , 3. cap. 6. i {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . Concil. CP. sub Menâ ; Act. 5. k {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . Synod . VI . Constantinop . Act. 18. l {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . In ordine thronor . Metropolitan . ad calcem Codini . de officiis Constantinopol , Vid. Salmasii Eucharistic , de Eccles. Suburbicar . cap. 2. pag. 385 , 408 , 409. m {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . Theod. Balsam . in Concil. Chalcedon . can. 9. n {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . Subscript . Concil. Constantinopol . sub . Gregorio Patriarchâ habit . Vide Sirmondi Propemptic . lib. 2. cap. 5. pag. 214. & 218. 
A53386	----	The opinions of certaine reverend and learned divines concerning the fundamentall points of the true Protestant religion, and the right government of reformed churches Wherein is declared the plaine path-way to a godly and religious life. Published by authoritie. Good counsells for the peace of reformed churches. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A53386 of text R216583 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing O356). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 159 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 77 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A53386 Wing O356 ESTC R216583 99828309 99828309 32736 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A53386) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 32736) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1856:19) The opinions of certaine reverend and learned divines concerning the fundamentall points of the true Protestant religion, and the right government of reformed churches Wherein is declared the plaine path-way to a godly and religious life. Published by authoritie. Good counsells for the peace of reformed churches. T. I. Davenant, John, ca. 1572-1641. Hall, Joseph, 1574-1656. Morton, Thomas, 1564-1659. Ussher, James, 1581-1656. [6], 64, 22, 23, [1], 7, [1], 29, [1] p. Printed for Ch. Downes, [London and Oxford] : 1643. Dedication signed: T.I. Works by Bishops John Davenant, Thomas Morton, Joseph Hall and Archbishop James Ussher and French divines. Imprint from Wing O355. A reissue, with different prelims., of: Good counsells for the peace of reformed churches, 1641. Reproduction of the original in the Lambeth Palace Library, London. eng Reformation -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- Church History -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. A53386 R216583 (Wing O356). civilwar no The opinions of certaine reverend and learned divines concerning the fundamentall points of the true Protestant religion, and the right gove [no entry] 1643 27461 153 50 0 0 0 0 74 D The rate of 74 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the D category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-06 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-07 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-11 Elspeth Healey Sampled and proofread 2007-11 Elspeth Healey Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE OPINIONS OF CERTAINE REVErend and Learned Divines concerning the Fundamentall Points of the true Protestant Religion , and the Right Government of Reformed Churches . Wherein is declared the plaine Path-way to a Godly and Religious Life . EPHES. 4. 15. Speake the truth in love . Published by Authoritie . Printed for Ch. Downes . 1643. To The godly and Christian Readers , Grace and Peace . AS there is nothing more pleasing to God , than to be truly zealous for his glorie , so no way better to attaine that zeale , than to read and meditate upon Gods Commandements ; and strive to live in love and charitie with all men , which that you may the better performe , I beseech you peruse these ensuing Discourses , and the Lord give you understanding in all things . T. I. Psal. 120. WHen I was in trouble , I called upon the Lord , & he heard me . Deliver my soule , O Lord , from lying lips : & from a deceitfull tongue . What reward shall bee given or done unto thee , thou false tongue ? even mightie and sharp arrowes , with hot burning coles . Wo is me , that I am constrained to dwell with Mesech : and to have mine habitation among the tents of Kedar . My soule hath long dwelt among them , that be enemies unto peace . I labour for peace , but when I speak unto them thereof , they make them ready to battell . THE OPINION OF THE RIGHT REVEREND FATHER IN GOD IOHN DAV●NANT Bishop of Sarisbury . To his learned and worthy friend Mr IOHN DURY . T IS well worthy the consideration of all pious Divines , which God speakes by his Prophet Zachary , love the Truth and Peace . With which that of the Apostle also suite's well , {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , speake the truth in love . Wee may not so hotly pursue after Trueth , as that in the mean time we wholly neglect Peace ; nor may we desire such a Peace as will not consist with the Trueth . Those Divines therefore who quarrell and contend so much for the Faith and Religion , they may talke what they list , but hee that love's not both Trueth and Peace , love's indeed neither , nor hath he any true affection or desire to either of them , who desire 's them not both . For if it be true which Philosophers tell us , that each naturall body doth no lesse desire it's unitie than it 's being , I see no reason why the spirituall and mysticall body , the Church Catholique , should not with as great a zeale study to preserve her unitie : seeing if that be once dissolved and lost , shee is so farre from being a Church , that she cannot so much as be imagined one . Let us then on God's name be as earnest and eager in desiring & defending the Trueth as the best , but withall let us not forget that of Saint Paul , that if it be possible , and as much as in us lie's , we live peaceably with all men : J say , with all men , in an externall and civill ; but with all Christian men , in a spirituall and Ecclesiasticall peace . This is the earnest desire of our Saviour Christ , and 't is the joynt wish & prayer of his whol Church , that all they who professe themselves beleivers in Christ , might be united and knit together into one body ; that they might be all of one heart and of one soule . This being so , surely those pious and peacemaking Divines are highly to bee commended , who of late have imployed themselves and their endeavours about the reeonciling of the Reformed Churches . For my owne part , I would to God I were able to contribute any thing that might further and promote so good and godly a worke . What I can , I shall willingly at your request ( Sir ) doe it : and shall impart unto you what my thoughts were , when J lately meditated with my selfe hereupon . In the first place therefore , it would bee considered , whether or no it be possible to establish such an union amongst all the Reformed Churches , so as that they shall account of one another not as friends only , but as Brethren ; and exhibit mutually each to other the signes , fruites , and effects not onely of an outward and generall freindship , but of a more intimate & spirituall amity and communion . For if this fraternall & spirituall union we so much desire , cannot be had , we may then desist ; things impossible doe not binde us to the having or seeking of them : but if it may possibly be procured , 't were a great pitty and a shame that so good a worke and so well-pleasing to God as this is , should be either opposed or delayed . Now when I say , that it would first be considered whether or no this Union we treate of , be possible ; my meaning is , whether or no such an Union may stand with a diversity of Opinions amongst private Doctors in these severall Churches , touching those much-controverted points which have of a long time ( to the great greife of all good men ) much troubled the Germane Churches . For although it were to be wished , that Divines would fairely and fully agree amongst themselves about all those Controversies ; yet for so many different mindes to concurre all in the same Opinion , is ( as I conceave ) a thing scarce to be hoped for , much lesse to be effected in one age . But that these said Churches , notwithstanding such disputes as hang undecided , may neverthelesse entertaine amongst themselves a Christian Charitie and correspondence , is apparent from hence , that as often as Divines of both sides have set themselves seriously about this work , they still prevailed in it as much as they desired ; and they might no doubt have prevailed further , if they themselves had not wilfully stood in their own way . Witnesse Luther himselfe and the Helvetians : betwixt whom ( though they differed in their opinions about the presence of Christs body ) a freindly agreement notwithstanding was made at Marpurge : Luther there professing , that he would not by any meanes permit the adverse party that honour , to outstrip him in their desires of amitie and peace . Which peace , after that it had by I know not what mischeivous devices been somewhat disturbed and diminished , was againe renewed & confirmed by them : whereat Luther himselfe rejoyced , and upon a strict examination of the Helveticke confession , held it very requisite that they should lovingly joyne hearts and hands together . But here if any one think , that this was no such entire and perfect Union as that which now I affirm to be possible ; I will grant him this : but then I must adde withall , that it was not any impossibility in the thing it selfe , but rather the wilfull opposition of some amongst them , possest with some jealousies and suspitions , which was the cause why that godly and good worke was not brought to full perfection . For as for Bucer and some other eminent Divines of the same opinion with him , they did not only sue for an absolute and perfect agreement , but besides they offered to make it appeare that it was very fit such an Union should be concluded ; neither did they omit any thing that might make for the furthering of it . Moreover , that this Union of the Reformed Churches we speake of , is not a thing impossible , is confirmed further from that agreement amongst the Polonian Churches , begun of late at Sendomire , & ever since carefully by them kept and observed : it is true , they could not bury all controversies ; but they could banish all contentions ; and establish so perfect a peace , as that they refused not to admit of each other into their publike Congregations , to the preaching of the word and Administration of the Sacraments . Which holy & brotherly concord of those Churches , that most wise Prince Lodowick , Electour and Count Palatine , did not only by his letters to them congratulate , but desired of Almighty God in his prayers , that the Germane Churches also might be blessed with it . What therefore was long since said to that blessed peace-maker King Solomon , concerning the building of the Temple at Jerusalem , the same say I to all moderate and peaceable Divines concerning the uniting of the Reformed Churches ; arise , yee Worthies , and be doing , and the Lord will be with you . Never despaire but that may be now effected , which all men will grant hath been done heretofore . But least this groundlesse bugbeare of a fancied impossibility should yet slacken the endeavours either of Princes , or Divines , or any other pious and well affected Christians , and deterre them from proceeding herein ; I will recount all those lets and hinderances , which render the peace and union of Churches utterly impossible to be obtained : from whence it will easily appeare , that there 's no one of them here , to hinder why the Germane Churches ( notwithstanding some points of difference amongst them ) may not setle a firme peace amongst themselves , and being once setled preserve it inviolable . Now the first and maine Obstacle that hinders those Churches which agree not in all points of Religion , from entertaining a Communion amongst themselves , is the usurping and exercising of a tyrannicall power and authority one over another . For if any one Church will take upon her to domineer and lord it over the faith of other Churches , so as not to acknowledge any for her brethren , nor admit of any into her fellowship and Communion , but such onely as will be content to beleive and speak just as shee will have them , all hope is then taken away of ever obtaining or preserving any agreement in any differences or disputes whatsoever . For the sacred Scriptures forbid us thus to enslave our selves to any humane authoritie , and our sole Lord and Master Christ Jesus forbid's us to acknowledge any upon earth for a Lord over our Faith and Conscience : and that Church which enter's into a Communion with another upon these termes , doth not hereby purchase a Peace , but rather resigne's up her selfe to a most unjust slavery . Onely the Church of Rome is come to that height of pride & madnesse , that she will take upon her to exclude from the communion of Saints , & damne to the pit of Hell all such Churches as will not submit their necks to that Antichristian yoake of absolute and blind obedience . God of his goodnes ever keep off this Popish folly and fury from setting foot in the Protestant Churches : which if it should once take place , that union of our Churches which we are all bound to pray for , would bee no longer either to be hoped or wisht for . But ( blessed be God for it ) it is well known , there 's not any of the Reformed Churches but doe from their soules detest and abhorre all such Antichristian ambition and desire of Soveraignety . And thus have I removed out of the way the maine Obstacle which usually occasion's a perpetuall division & rent betwixt such Churches as differ in some points , and thereby make's an union of those Churches to become impossible . A second let or hinderance which may render the said union of different Churches ( for example , the Saxon and Helvetian Churches ) impossible , is the approbation and practice of Jdolatry in the one , & the utter detestation of it in the other . That of the Prophet Hosea is well knowne , though Israel play the harlot , yet let not Judah offend : come yee not unto Gilgal , neither goe yee up to Beth-aven . Likewise also that of the Apostle , what agreement hath the Temple of God with Idols ? And a number of places more to the same purpose . Neither is that saying of Tertullian touching this matter unworthy our observation , Idolatry ( saith he ) is become the grand and generall sin of whole mankinde , the Epidemicall disease of the whole world . Since therefore God so severely chargeth us to keepe our selves from Idols & all kinde of Idolatry , though never so speciously colour'd over , wee may well call that morally impossible which cannot be performed without some staine and tincture of Idolatry , and without a high and hainous offence against the sacred Majestie of God . Here then we may behold that grand let , whereby the Reformed Churches ( to their great greife of heart ) are forced to shunne a Communion with the Church of Rome . For so farre in love is shee with her Idolls , and so rigorously doth shee impose the worshipping of them upon all her children , that no man can be admitted into her Communion , at least not continue in it , unlesse he will become a notorious and down-right Idolater . If the case so stood , that the Germane Churches could not enter into and enjoy a blessed Unity and Peace one with another , except they must be required and bound either to practise an Idolatrous worship , or at the least to beleive and professe that such practice is not unlawfull , I would not stick to affirme that a Communion which cannot be had but upon such hard conditions , is indeed impossible to bee had : since ( as Lawyers use to speake ) wee can doe onely so much , as may lawfully be done by us . And here we have just cause to blesse God , that the Reformed Churches ( although they have not the happinesse to agree in all matters of lesser moment ) yet doe they all of them by his grace unanimously conspire & joyne together against Idolatry ; so as not onely to condemne , but also to beat downe and abolish it : insomuch that if at this very houre they were all disposed and desirous to joyne hands and strike a league of amity and union , it might be done without any the least danger of Idolatry . Away then with that pretended impossibility of a Reconciliation , grounded upon the perill of Idolatry : nor let any such false surmises weaken the heart or hands of any religious Christian from going on with so good a worke . The third & last Obstacle which doth block up the way to an union & render's it impossible , is the differing of severall Churches about some fundamental point of Faith , necessary to be knowne and beleived by every christian upon paine & perill of eternall damnation ; so as that the one side doth solidly hold and maintaine it , the other heretically denie's and oppose's it . For to be at peace with Heretickes who goe about to undermine and subvert the foundation of our Christian faith , what is it else but to revolt from Christ the rocke on which the Church is founded & built ? Of this last Obstacle , because it is of speciall use and moment , I shall treate somewhat more at large . In the first place therefore , I conceive that to be a Fundamentall point , which ( by the ordination of God revealing such a truth ) is of such necessity unto salvation to be knowne and assented unto , as that a bare Ignorance , much more a wilfull Opposition of it carries with it a certaine perill of exclusion from the kingdome of heaven . Divines now-adaies have no Commission to invent or coine any new Articles of this nature , and obtrude them on Gods Church : that which was not fundamentall in the Apostolicall and Primitive times , all our assertions and altercations and Anathema's will never bee able to make it such . These first and fundamentall Trueths , collected out of the whole body of the Scriptures & put together in the Apostles Creed , make up that Rule of Faith which S. Austin terme's pusillis magnisque communem , a common Rule for all men , both great & small : and which is by him accounted necessary to bee beleived constantly by all . Concerning the which , that speech of Hilary also is much to the same effect ; 't is our safest and best course to hold fast that first & onely-Evangelicall Faith , which we made confession of at our Baptisme . And to these fundamentall Trueths the Apostle ( I beleive ) had an eye , when he stiled Titus , his owne sonne [ {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} ] after the common Faith . This common Faith laid downe in the Apostles Creed , proposeth to all Christians , to be beleived by them , the wonderfull Production of all creatures out of nothing , the unsearchable mysterie of the glorious Trinitie , the fruit & benefit that redound's to miserable sinners from the Incarnation , Passion , Resurrection , and Glorification of Christ ; & , what follow's thereupon , the Redemption of mankind , the Sanctification of the Elect , the Communion of Saints , the Remission of sins , the Resurrection of mens bodies , and the Glorifying of the Faithfull . He that beleive's all which wee have here comprised in this short Creed , and endeavour's to lead his life according to the Commandements and Precepts of our Saviour Christ , cannot justly be denied the title of a Christian , nor expelled the fellowship and communion of any Christian Church whatsoever . On the other side , He that shall deny or oppose any one of the said Articles , although he arrogate to himselfe the name of a Christian , yet is he to be excluded and banished the society of all orthodoxe and sound Christians . Besides these , there are ( I confesse ) many other Trueths contained in the Scriptures , and deducible from thence by good and solid consequence , which are very profitable to be knowne , and of singular use to further us in the knowledge of Divinity : but they are then only ( and not otherwise ) necessary to be beleived under paine of forfeiture of our salvation or communion with the Church , when 't is clearely evidenced unto us that they are contained in Gods word , or may necessarily be inferred from it . In these points therefore , if any particular Church cannot make the Trueth which she her selfe beleive's , so cleare and manifest to other Churches , as thereby to winne them over to the same beleife , shee must forsake them in their Errours , but by no meanes may she ( because of such errours ) deny them her charity and Communion . I adde further , that if it should happen that two Churches should vary about some particular place of holy Writ , the one conceiving that it confirme's a fundamentall point of Faith , and the other thinking that it doth not so : yet is not such a difference as this a sufficient cause why they should fall at odds , and separate one from another ; so long as they agree both of them in the Point it selfe , and acknowledge it to have cleare & solid foundation in other places of God's word . And last of all this may be added yet further , that 't is not a thing impossible , nor any way contrary to the duety of good Christians , to entertaine a communion with those Churches which hold such a doctrine as seemes to us inconsistent with some fundamentall Trueth , so that in the meane while they doe expresly beleive & professe that fundamentall Trueth it selfe . For 't is utterly against all Charity , yea and Reason too , that a man should be thought ( meerely for some consequences , which he neither apprehend's nor grants ) to deny and reject a fundamentall point , which yet he strongly beleive's , expresly affirme's , yea and ( if need so required ) would not stick to seale the trueth of it with his dearest blood . How much truer and more charitable is that opinion of a grave and moderate Divine ? We must not ( saith he ) so much consider what will follow in the thing it selfe from every assertion , as what will follow from it in the apprehension and judgement of those who maintaine any such assertion as seeme's to us repugnant to some fundamentall point of Faith . For as he who assent's to the trueth of some Principle , cannot therefore be said properly to beleive and understand whatsoever and abler Schollar can by consequences infer from that Principle ; so neither can he who maintaine's a false Opinion , justly bee thought to hold all those absurdities which a nimble head easily observe's to adhere unto or follow upon that erroneous Opinion of his . We may indeed urge and presse these consequences upon our Brethren , to see if haply wee can by this meanes beat them off their errour ; but malitiously to fasten them upon them , as though they were their profest Opinions , this we may not doe . How farre this extend's , and of what excellent use it is to the setling of a brotherly union amongst the Reformed Churches , all wise men and such as unfainedly desire the peace of Gods Church , will easily perceive . For if it once be granted , that a Peace and Union is not impossible ( that is , not unlawfull ) save onely with such as actually disbeleive some fundamentall point of Faith , or maintaine some such Heresy as strike's at the heart of Religion , and cut's off the Abettors of it from having any communiō with Christ ; then will it follow , that betwixt a sound and a diseased Church , betwixt two Churches whereof one is more , the other lesse pure , there may be such a brotherly communion as we desire among the Germane Churches . Let therefore the Orthodoxe Churches separate themselves from all such as have plaid the Apostates & fallen away from fundamentall Faith ; but let them not separate from those which erre onely in points of lesser moment and such as doe not cut off the maintainers of them from being members of the mysticall body of Christ , the sole author and fountaine of our salvation . The Apostle command's us to receive ( not , reject ) such as are weake in the Faith : And the same Apostle tel's us how that we which are strong , ought to beare the infirmities of the weake , & not to please our selves . That Church therefore doe's but too much please & indulge her selfe , which despise's other Churches , as unworthy of her fellowship and communion , not for any Tyranny that they exercise , nor any Idolatry which they approve or practise , nor any damnable Heresie which they maintaine , but meerely for some mistakes or infirmity of their knowledge . This was not the practice of the Fathers in the Primitive Church : whose care and diligence in procuring & preserving Peace amongst particular Churches disperst and scattered over the whole world , stand's upon record in Ecclesiasticall Storie and may be observed in each severall age of the Church . But of all other , that of Optatus Milevita nus fit's best to our purpose ; that all the Churches throughout the whole world were by the help and entercourse of those letters by them called [ Formatae ] kept in one Communion and fellowship . Now those [ Formatae ] or Synodicall letters contained nothing at all save onely a bare Confession of the Catholike Faith delivered in their generall Creeds , and breifely explained afterwards in opposition to some Heretickes , by the unanimous consent of the Church universall met together in generall Councells held at Nice , Chalcedon , and other places . As for those infinite other questions which might be raised and debated amongst private Doctours of each side , no Church ever required or expected from others an absolute & universall consent therein . For if such an universall agreement in all points had been deemed so necessary as that Unity & Peace could not possibly have been maintained betwixt particular Churches without it , there would then have been more need of huge and high-swollne Volumes of Controversies , than of such breife Confessions and Synodicall letters as they made use of for that purpose . But if wee refuse to learne of the ancient Fathers of the Church , yet let us at length learne thus much from our very adversaries , that it is not a thing impossible for severall Churches to live charitably and peaceably together , and use the same Service and Sacraments , although they differ one from another about some Controversies , wherein 't is meerely in vaine ever to look for an universall agreement . To say nothing of the contentions betwixt the Thomists and Scotists , neither of those between the Dominicans and Jesuites ; there is one controversie hotly and violently disputed amongst Popish Churches , which , if taken single and by it selfe , is of greater moment than all ours put together ; I meane that concerning the Infallible Judge in all matters of Faith : The Churches of Spaine and Italy will have the Pope to be this supreme Judge , authorised by Christ himselfe , and so farre illuminated and assisted with an infallible Spirit , as that he cannot possibly erre in such Decrees and Determinations as hee give's out with an intention to binde the whole Church : On the other side , the French Churches deny the Pope any such priviledge , throwing him downe from his Chaire of Infallibility , and making him liable to errour as well as other men ; so farre forth that should he refuse to submit to the authoritie and judgement of a generall Councell , either in matters of Faith or of Practice , they will tell you he 's to be esteemed a Schismaticke and a Hereticke , and to be deposed thereupon . Behold here a great difference amongst them about the very foundation and the maine pillar of the whole Catholike Faith ! And yet notwithstanding this so great a variety of opinions , they still hold together all of them in one and the same brotherly communion . O for Sion's sake let it not be told in Gath , nor published in the streets of Ashkelon , that the Philistines should be better affected and more desirous of Peace and Unity amongst themselves , than the Israel of God is . ●ast of all , if an union may not consist with a diversity of Opinions in some controversies of lesser moment , I would gladly that any man would show me but two Churches in the whole Christian world ( except they be such whereof one is subordinate to the other ) which must not necessarily hereupon be divided , and as it were by a wall of partition separated frō each other . Unlesse therefore we will grant , that a separation from other Churches is not to be made save onely upon a difference in Fundamentalls , the Communion of the Church Catholike ( aunciently so much famed and talked of ) will be found in the end to be nothing else but an aery and empty sound or name void of all trueth and reality . The Donatists of old were wont to say , that the Church was perished from off the whole earth save onely from the part of Donatus , in whom alone ( they said ) it was preserved : and our adversaries of Rome ( herein right Donatists ) tell us that the Church Catholike is of no larger extent than the Romane . As for our selves , it become's and behove's us to detest this Schismaticall and factious humour , and to foster and cherish a brotherly Communion with all such Christian Churches as neither Heresie nor Idolatry hath cut off from Christ our head , and such as have not exercised any usurped Tyranny over other Churches . All that hath hitherto beene said touching the lets & hinderances which render a Communion of severall Churches impossible , as also touching diversity of Opinions which may well consist with such a Reconciliation , aymes at this , that if once it were agreed upon amongst Divines that all those controversies whereabout the Reformed Churches have of a longtime busied and wearied themselves , are of that nature that a man may safely be of either opinion and still remaine in Christ , holding the substance of saving Faith without incurring any damnable Heresy ; then must we needs grant , that an union and agreement amongst all Protestant Churches may be made and maintained notwithstanding all such Controversies , as being indeed not so properly any differences of our Churches as of our Schooles . It is not my purpose to enter the lists of those Controversies : onely I doe pray and earnestly intreat those learned & reverend Divines of Germany , that laying aside all passion & partialitie , they would in the spirit of meeknesse calmely and candidly discusse all those severall controversies which are agitated amongst them : for if once we let loose the raines to Passion , Judgement must needs give place . The maine controversie , and which indeed is the fountaine from whence all the rest in a manner are derived , is that which stands yet undecided concerning the manner how Christ's body and blood are present in the Eucharist . Touching which point the learned a Bucer , having well waighed the matter , give's in at last this verdict , that they agreed in the thing it selfe ; all the difference was meerely in words and manner of expression . 'T was once the speech of b Luther , if you beleive & teach that in the holy Supper the very body and the very blood of Christ is offered , given , and received , and not the bare signes of bread and wine , and that such receiving thereof is true and reall , not imaginary onely , the strife betwixt us is ended . At that very same time c Bucer & his Adherents granted , that the very body and blood of our Lord is offered , given , and received together with the visible signes of bread and wine . Iacobus Andreae saith , we neither hold with the Capernaites , nor admit of Popish Transubstantiation , nor maintaine we any Physicall or locall presence and inclusion of Christs body and blood in the blessed Sacrament ; nor doe we by those words [ substātially , corporally , orally ] understand any thing else but only a true & reall presence and participation of his body and blood in this Sacrament . Now let us heare the judgement of the Helvetians herein ; Although they deny that there 's any Transubstantiation of the Elements , or any locall inclusion of Christ's body in the bread , or any Conjunction of his body and blood with the outward elements remaining after the Sacrament is ended ; yet they willingly grant that by vertue of a mysticall & sacramentall union the bread is Christ's body , & that his body is truely present and received together with the bread . J doe not knowe what two things can possibly be more like than is this Opinion of the Helvetians with that of the Lutherans . But if any man suspect that there may privily lurke a diversity of meanings under these so-concording expressions , yet are we still to urge , and enquire whether that diversity be such and so great as to render the Peace and Union of those Churches utterly impossible , and to give just occasion for a perpetuall rent and division amongst them . I assure my selfe , learned & judicious Divines when they are out of the heat of Controversy , and look indifferently into the matter , will think farre otherwise of it . Now as for those other Controversies , concerning the ubiquity of Christ's body , the Communication of Properties , & other such like , all springing from that former touching the Sacrament , he that doth seriously ponder with himselfe what is granted and what denied of each side , will easily perceive that neither the one nor the other doth so much as call in question , much lesse oppose or overthrow any necessary and fundamentall point of Faith : since both sides hold and professe whatsoever the Church Catholike in her Creeds and Generall Councells hath declared to be beleived in these points ; and whatsoever hath been by her in like manner condemned as erroneous , is equally rejected by both . But yet notwithstanding all this , that we see now and then some men catching at consequences , and taking advantage from thence to charge Heresy one upon another , it is a matter that deserve's not so much our wonder as our pitty : we all of us know , 't is the common custome of hot and eager disputants , especially when through long agitation of the matter they are inflamed with choller and passion : and besides , I have already showne in breife , what we are to think of such Heresies as are fastned upon men meerely for such consequences as they themselves neither apprehend nor grant . For the present , this alone may suffice to show the Possibility of a Reconciliation , that there 's no one Opinion expresly maintained by either side , which is directly contrary to the substance of Faith , or destructive of Salvation [ salutis devoratorium ] to make use of Tertullian's expression : nay whatsoever is such , is plainly and expresly condemned by both . If of later times any new Differences have been raised amongst those Churches touching Predestination , Freewill , and the like ; these can no way be made a sufficient ground of Schisme and separation betwixt them . For in all these there is nothing of fundamentall and necessary beleife save onely this , that the free grace & goodnesse of God , in the Predestination of miserable men , in the conversion of sinfull men , in the freeing of their captivated wills ; in a word , in the finall Perseverance and Salvation of his Elect , be so farre forth acknowledged and extoll'd , as that whatsoever makes any way for the enstating of them in grace and glory , and whatsoever is done by them in reference thereunto , all must be ascribed to the speciall grace and mercy of Almighty God : on the contrary , whatsoever concerne's the corruption of man's nature , his obstinacie in sinne , the pravitie and servitude of his corrupt will ; in short , whatsoever praecipitate's & plunge's wretched men into Hell and everlasting perdition , all this we must thank our selves & our sins for , & by no meanes impute any part of it to God . So long as these things stand firme and unshaken ( as without doubt they doe ) though in the meane time their manner of apprehensions and expressions , yea though their Opinions be different in other points which are onely superstructions and belong not to the foundation ▪ yet are not these of such moment as that a perpetuall Breach and Division should be made and continued betwixt whole Churches for such petty matters . If therefore this were but once agreed upon amongst Divines , that their jarres and contentions are not , nor ever were about any fundamentall points and such as are of absolute necessity to be known and beleived by all that will be saved , then must it also be granted for a manifest trueth , that 't is no way impossible but an agreement and Communion may be established this dangerous Schisme utterly rooted out , and a blessed Peace setled and preserved amongst the German Churches . And thus having proved that a Reconciliation is possible , it remaine's that in the next place we consider whether or no Princes , Doctors and Pastors of Gods Church , and in generall all Christians bee not bound in duty by the law of God , every man to endeavour according to his utmost power and ability that such an union may with all convenient speed be setled and established amongst the Reformed Churches . 1 And that all men are so bound , seeme's to be intimated by that of S. Paul which I alledged before ; if it be possible , & as much as in you lie's , live peaceably with all men . If so great care and diligence must be had to maintaine a civill and externall peace with all sorts of men , then surely a spirituall & Ecclesiasticall peace amongst Christians is much rather to be sought after and preserved , where therefore there is no utter impossibility to hinder why such an Union may not be obtained , such men can in no wise be excused , who either out of negligence or wilfulnesse disobey the Commandements of God herein . Nor can any man justly here pretend that Discords and diversities of Opinions cannot as yet be composed and setled : for if it be possible that the Schisme it selfe & the Rent betwixt these Churches may be taken away , ( as without all question it may ) I had rather that a mil-stone were hanged about my neck , and that I were drowned in the depth of the Sea , than that I should willingly be any hinderance to so good a work , so well-pleasing to God , and so necessary to the removall of Scandall ; nay than that I should not with my whole minde and might promote and further it . 2 To this may be further added , what must necessarily be confes't by all men , that a true and right order'd Charity is of as great necessity for the attaining of Salvation , to all Churches and to every particular member in any Church , as is the true and entire Profession of sound and saving Faith : our Lord and Saviour Christ Jesus make's this the badge and cognizance whereby to distinguish and discerne betwixt his true Disciples and such as are spurious and counterfeit ; by this shall all men know that yee are my Disciples , if yee love one another . Now I leave it to every man's conscience to judge , what manner of Charity that is , which see's and suffer's Christian Churches ( without all just cause and necessity ) to stand still at distance and defiance one with another , and perpetually to shunne a Reconciliation and Union . Is it not enough for us to separate from the hay and stubble , I meane , from the Errours of other Churches , but must we by a voluntary separation forsake the Churches themselves which as yet have not forsaken Christ or his Truth ? 3 Further yet , we see how that both Zuinglians and Lutherans ( as they are usually termed ) confesse that those Churches which hold with either side , doe notwithstanding still remaine true Christian Churches , & true members of the Church Catholike , whereof Christ is the head . The renowned Princes in their Preface prefixt to the Forme of Agreement plainly professe , that it was farre from their thoughts and intentions to condemne such persons as erred through the weaknesse of their judgement ; provided that they did not defame and blaspheme God's Trueth ; much lesse to condemne whole Churches , living either under the Romane Empire or elsewhere : nay they did not doubt but that there were many pious & religious men living in those Churches , though they agreed not with them in all Points of Religion . Moreover , when it was objected to Lucas Osiander , how that he had sometimes termed Calvinists the Divel's Martyres , hee forthwith purged himselfe from that aspersion thus ; They that have heard my Sermons , will say that they never heard from me any reproachfull termes against the blessed ▪ Martyrs of Christ : yea my owne writings publisht to the world will witnesse for me , that J termed those which were massacred in France on S. Bartholomewe's day , holy Martyres . This then would be seriously thought upon , whether or no it will stand with the Policy , Piety , and the duty of Christian Churches , for every petty errour to deny the right hand of fellowship and brotherly love to those Churches , who in the mean time ( notwithstanding such errours ) may continue Christ's blessed Martyrs and holy Brethren . They who acknowledge Christ for their elder brother , must of necessity whether they will or no have all Christs brethren joyned to them in a most sure and fast knot of consanguinity and communion . 4 Besides , I am very confident that both the Saxon , and Helvetian , & all other Churches which joyne with either of those two , will professe that they desire to have and to retaine a brotherly Communion and Peace with this our Church of England , as also with the Scottish , Jrish , and all other forraigne Churches of the Reformation . And truely we for our parts , although we doe not assent to them in all points of controverted ▪ Divinity , yet doe we account of them as our Brethren in Christ , and doe solemnely protest that we entertaine a holy and brotherly Communion with them . And if they be like affected towards us , with what reason then and equitie doe the German Churches deprive themselves of that brotherly Communion one with another , which yet they are not afraid to entertaine with forraigne Churches ? What therefore Moses said long since to the two Israelites that were striving together , the same may truly be said to the Germane Churches quarrelling and contending one with another , but cannot so truely be disproved ; Sirs , yee are brethren , why doe yee wrong one to another . 5 Last of all , that which all good men are bound to beg of Almighty God in their prayers to him , questionlesse they are bound likewise to imploy their best care and endeavours for the procuring of it . Now who is there that doe's not daily solicite God for the flourishing and peaceable estate of his Church ? Who is there that make's it not a part of his daily prayers , that God would be pleased to remove out of the way whatsoever doth disquiet and disturbe her peace , or any way let and hinder her spirituall growth and edification ? This was King David's wish ; & it should be the wish of all good Princes , and Divines , and generally of all Christians . Neither did David wish onely the happinesse and prosperity of Gods Church , but hee carefully sought to doe it good , and as much as in him lay he did procure and effect it . All this was but duty in him to doe , and can it be lesse then dutie in us ? And here I should but trifle away the time , should I goe about to play the Oratour and expresse at large to the Germane Churches , the blessings that accompany Peace & Unitie , & the many miseries & calamities of a long-continued Schisme and Division . That speech of Prudentius is a most certaine trueth , — scissura domestica turbat Rem populi ; titubatque foris quod dissiditiktùs : civill and intestine broiles alwaies prove the undoing of a people ; nor doe things ever goe right abroad , when there is dissention at home . What may make most for the good and advantage of their Churches , let it be their care to consider ; and resolve this with themselves , that what ever it be , it is not onely to be sought after with their prayers , but with the utmost diligence and endeavours of every one of them in particular . Neither let any unexperienced men amongst them thinke or hope , that they shall ingratiate themselves with Papists , and so live more peaceably by them and suffer lesse harme from them , by refusing to enter into freindship and fellowship with Calvinists ( as they terme them . ) What is to be hoped for & expected from them , we may learne from Osiander ; Papists ( saith he ) spare neither Lutherans nor Zuinglians , but condemne both of them to fire and faggot , in all those places where the Pope ( that raging and ravenous beast of Rome ) beare's rule and sway : They that are most in favour with them , can at best but hope for that kindnesse from them which Vlysses ( in Homer ) obtained of Polyphemus , [ {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . ] to be devoured last , after he had lookt on and seene all his freinds and companions devoured before him . They will perhaps destroy the Calvinists first , but the Lutherans must look to follow after them : none are like to escape in the end , if once the Papists have them at their mercy . What hitherto hath been said , is to show that a Communion and Reconciliation of the Germane Churches is a thing , not only possible , but in obedience to Gods commandement a necessary duty . It now remaine's that J proceed to set downe the way and meanes whereby such a Reconciliation may be compassed , and the rents and distractions of the said Churches may with most conveniencie and speed bee made up : which I shall doe , rather to testifie that vehement desire & zeale which I have to so good a work , than out of any opinion that those famous Churches ( which alwaies have abounded with store of learned and pious Divines ) can any way stand in need of advice herein from me or any other forraigne Divine whatsoever . Seeing therefore that the fore-mentioned Controversies may be agitated either betwixt severall and distinct Churches , whereof one is no way subordinate to the other ; or else betwixt such particular men as are members of the same Church , and subjects to one & the same Prince : J will speak first , of divers Churches independent one upon another , and afterwards of particular men in one & the same Church , and show how Peace and Unitie may be made and preserved amongst them . For the first , I conceive there 's no readier and better way for reducing of two different Churches to the same Communion , than is that usuall one of procuring a faire and peaceable Conference amongst Divines of both sides , authorised and appointed there unto by their Princes . For if any one imagine , that a Councell being once held of all the Reformed Churches , there will out of hand within the compasse of some few moneths , or yeares , yea or in one age , an end be put to all disputes whatsoever , which have of a long time troubled and busied the Learned , so as that they shall all joyne and agree in the same opinion about all such points of controversie ; this ( with submission to better judgements ) seemes to me very unlikely . For so dull and dim-sighted is the eye of our understanding , that it can hardly peirce into the depth of such subtle and intricate Questions , no not when it is alone , free and undisturbed in it's contemplations : but being distracted , by the stirs & tumults of disputation so far unable are we to penetrate into the quick of them , that many times we cannot so much as discerne and perceive them , no not when we look upon them with a fixt and steddy eye . And ( to speak plainly what I conceive in this matter ) the cheife use of Councells , especially of Generall Councells , is to maintaine and defend those necessary and plaine points of Faith against the oppositions of Hereticks , rather than to discusse or determine nice controversies of lesser moment and use . To returne then to that faire & freindly Conference , which but now I commended for the likeliest and fittest meanes of obtaining an Union : if it could be undertaken with such an intention , & mannaged in such sort , as it ought to be , wee have good cause to hope that we shall in a short time see a blessed Peace and Union established amongst the Germane Churches . This therefore must carefully be remēbred by all such as shall be present & parties to such a Meeting , that the end why they are called together , is not that like Adversaries they should strive for the mastery , but rather that they should like Brethren search out and make use of all lawfull and warrantable meanes for the setling of Peace and Unitie . For if once they fall a crossing and contending one with another , they will never be able to perswade , much lesse to procure any agreement betwixt such Churches as are at ods and opposition . Let them therefore carefully keep off and forbeare to enter the intricate Labyrinths of ordinary disputes : & let their meeting aime at this one end , to make it appeare to their Churches , how that there 's no just cause why they should any longer stand out and refuse to joyne hands and be united . To effect this , let it in the first place be set downe how farre the Church Catholike hath declared herselfe in each Controversie , what hath been by her defined and required to be beleived generally by all sub Anathemate . For about points fundamentall there may sometimes arise such doubts and disputes as are no way fundamentall : and such , as that the ancient Fathers of the Church , had they been raised in their times , would never have attempted a decision of them , to the hazard of breeding or fostering a Schisme betwixt severall Churches . For instance , that God is One in Essence , and Three in Persons distinguished one from another ; that the Sonne is begotten of the Father ; that the holy Ghost is the Spirit of both Father and Sonne ; that these three Persons are coeternall and coequall ; all these are fitly determined , and reckoned in the number of Fundamentalls : but now if any man should peremptorily affirme and maintaine , that all those Schoole-nicities touching the manner of the Sonne 's generation , and the procession of the holy Ghost , are likewise fundamentall and of equall necessity with the former , & ought to be determined one way ; that man should deserve but litle thanks from Christ and his Church , by such his rash and inconsiderate assertion . So likewise , that our Lord Jesus Christ is both God and Man ; that he hath both natures , divine and humane , inseparably united in one Person ; and that we have salvation onely by this God incarnate ; all this is fundamentall , or rather 't is that firme & immoveable foundation whereon the whole Catholike & saving Faith is built : but yet notwithstanding we must not think , that whatsoever may be questioned and debated about the ineffable manner of that union betwixt the two natures , or the manner how his body is present in the blessed Sacrament , as also concerning the Communication of Properties unto the humane nature by vertue of its union with the Divinity , or touching the actions and operations of his Humanity depending upon the said Union , wee must not ( I say ) imagine that all these belong to Fundamentall Faith , but rather to Theologicall Science , or perhaps not so neither , but onely to the vaine curiosity of some particular Divines . Let them therefore make this their first and maine businesse , carefully to distinguish betwixt fundamentall points and others that are not so ▪ and let them not think , that whatsoever is appendant and bordering upon a fundamentall point , must therefore forthwith be it selfe fundamentall . When this is once done ; their next care must be that these fundamentalls be expressed and published after a breife and perspicuous manner , and propounded to the publike acceptation and approbation of all the Churches . Certa semper sunt in paucis , saith Tertullian ; certaine and undoubted Trueths are not many , and they are such as may be delivered in a few words : whatsoever is necessary for a Christian man's salvation to be knowne by him ; and whatsoever is conducible to render us holy or eternally happy , it is all of it plaine and obvious . Here 's no use either of subtle & acute distinctions , or of any long and tedious explications , which are oftimes used not for the building up of Christians in the fundamentall faith , but rather to favour and further the different opinions of private Doctors . In a word , here 's no use of any Metaphysicall formalities and abstracted notions ; which serve only to perplex and confound the learned , and to deterre such as are unlearned from embracing the Catholike Faith ; but doe not any way encline the hearts either of one or other to yeild assent and beleife to the fundamentall points of Faith . After they have proceeded thus far , having drawn up a breife and plaine Forme of all such Points as are by them judged to appertaine unto the substance of that common Faith which is necessary to be known and professed by all Churches ; & having passed by & left undecided all such points as are not so generally received & agreed upon ; in the next place , moderate & peaceable Divines should labour to exhort and perswade all the rest , that they would quietly lay aside all controversies and contentions about such points as good Christians may safely be ignorant of without hazard of their salvation ; and that they would not quarrell any longer about thē , to the danger of the Church , the losse of her Peace , and the scandall of Schisme which is thereby like to fall upon her . Of what good use and necessity this advice is , may be clearely seen from the rashnesse of the Church of Rome , and her clean contrary practice herein : who being not content with those Articles delivered in the Apostles Creed , and Nicene Creed , will needs obtrude upon the Christian world those other new-coin'd Articles of the Trent-conventicle , and hath thereby ministred occasion of a perpetuall rent and Schisme amongst the Churches . How much more prudently did that blessed Martyr and most learned Father of his Times , S. Cyprian behave himselfe ? who professeth , that he would not , for difference in opinion , contend or strive with any man ; nor would he break the peace of our Lord with his Brethren , or cast off any man from his communion , because he was of a different minde from him . By which his Christian charity and moderation , S. Cyprian ( though in an errour ) deserved better of the Church than Stephen Bishop of Rome who was in the right , and did ( by his unquiet spirit ) as much as in him lay to rend and teare asunder the Churches . Thus warranted by the example of this blessed Martyr , and likewise by the judgement of S. Austin herein , I need not stick to affirme , that amongst the Doctors and Divines of Germany those who are in the errour and yet are willing and desirous to retaine a brotherly Communion with the rest , are freer & further from Schisme in Gods sight , than they who are in the Trueth & withall disdaine and deny to entertaine such a Communiō with other Churches which seek and sue for it . If therefore they can but get an universall consent in all Fundamentalls , though in other things there bee some difference amongst private Doctors , yet let them all joyne their votes and voices in this prayer to God , nulla salus bello , pacemte poscimus omnes ; no safety can be had or hoped for in warre , therefore give peace in our time ô Lord . But if any here shall demand , what course is to be taken about such Controversies as cannot be decided and agreed upon , that they may not give any occasion whereby this Peace and Union of the Churches should be hindered , or being obtained should afterwards be disturbed and lost ; I will set down some few rules , which to me seeme worthy the observation and practice of Divines on both sides . First , that whatsoever tart and bitter passages have formerly slipt from Adversaries either by word or writing , amids the heat of disputation , they should all be pardond on both sides for the publike good , and for ever after buried in silence and oblivion . And if it happen that any of those books and writings should afterwards be reprinted ; before they passe the Presse , let them first be purged of all gall & bitternesse , which otherwise would but rub up and renew the old sore of strife & contention amongst brethren . Secondly , Because no man can with patience heare himselfe branded with Heresie , heed must be taken that none be slandered with the name of Nestorian , Eutychian , or any other condemned Hereticke , so long as he doth expresly denie and disclaime the damn'd Opinions of such Hereticks : seeing it is utterly impossible that ever they should continue firme in a brotherly Communion and concord , who for every petty difference in Opinion cease not by such reproachfull and reviling termes to provoke and exasperate one another . And it were to be wished further , that those siding names of Lutherans , Zuinglians , Calvinists , were all laid aside ; which are badges rather of Faction than any fraternall Union , anh such as the ancient Fathers could never approve of . Epiphanius would not allow Christians to beare any {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , any other name added over & above to the name of Christian , but rest content with that . Non Petrianos , non Paulinos vocari nos oportet , sed Christianos : who ought not to be called either Petrians , or Paulians , but Christians , saith Nazianzen . But of all others Lactantius is the most severe and rigorous herein ; Christiani esse desierunt , qui Christi nomine omisso humana & externa vocabula induerunt ▪ they have left off to be Christians , who take up forraigne titles and humane appellations instead of the name Christian : though to say the trueth , such names are rather fasten'd and father'd on particular Churches by others , than by themselves either desired or owned . Thirdly , that all profound and controverted Points be let alone and not medled with in Sermons preached to the common people , or in any such books as are publisht in the Vulgar tongue ; let them be accounted rather the exercise and busines of the Schooles , than any fit food & nourishment for men's soules . Such perplex'd Disputes may very well be spared in the Pulpit ; but Charity , which usually is impaired by the handling and discussing of them , cannot be spared or wanting amongst Christians , without the utmost danger and hazard of their soules . The common people doe but play and sport with such Controversies , they are no whit profited by them ; and in the end , not well understanding them , they give over sporting , and fall a quarrelling and contending about them . Last of all , if Divines shall hereafter have a minde to disperse or publish and Discourses about these Points , let them doe it according to that grave advice of Greg. Nazianzen , {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , with reasons , not revilings : let their aimes & intentions be , not to non-plus and baffle , but rather fairely and freindly to informe and reduce their straying brother into the way of Trueth . Hee that shall after this manner be brought to see and forsake his Errour , will not thinke himselfe vanquished , but instructed ; nor will he be abasht and asham'd , like one over matcht & overcome by his Adversary , but rather rejoyce as one better'd and benefited by his brother . He that is a proficient is never ashamed . Hitherto have I laid down the meanes and manner how an Union may be setled and continued betwixt severall and independent Churches . But because it may and often doth happen , that there are divers men , both learned and unlearned , living in the same Church and within the Dominions of the same Prince , whose consciences ( whether rightly or misinformed ) will not suffer them to subscribe to the common and more generally received Opinion in these Controversies ; let us in the next place enquire , what course is best to be taken concerning such men . And here , the Governours of each severall Church if they have any regard & respect to the safety of their weak Brethren , they must see that they doe not intermixe with the publike Confessions and Articles of Religion , which they would have received and assented unto by all such as live under their Jurisdiction , any curious and unnecessary Controversies , nor any decisions of nice and subtle Questions ; but rather they must take care that such publike Confessions be framed and temper'd to the capacity of the common people , so as they may instruct & edify the ignorant , and promote the salvation of all . Herein they should doe well to consider the wisdome of our Fore-fathers ; whose ancient Confessions ( unlesse we corrupt & stuffe them with new Opinions of our own , on purpose to disturb the publike Peace ) no sober and discreet man will refuse to subscribe unto them . Neither is there any necessity why we should burden our publike Confessions with any such additions of our own ; since God himselfe hath ordained to bring his people to heaven and happines , not through the rough & knotty paths of perplex'd & intricate Disputes , but by the smooth and compendious way of Faith & Charity . Why then such strifes and contentions about words ? What make Schoole-nicities amongst Church-Confessions ? the Salvation of Christians is wholy placed in beleiving and serving God , as that great Athanasius sometimes gravely spake . Adde to this , that they will have much adoe to maintaine a firme peace with other Churches , who cease not to persecute men and expell them their Communion ( as if they were Hereticks ) onely because they maintain that Doctrine which those other Churches hold and professe : for in so doing , what doe they else but tacitly charge Heresy upon other Churches ? whom though in word they acknowledge for their Brethren , yet they hereby show that in their hearts they much disapprove and dislike them . Lastly , unlesse the publike Confessions of Churches be cnofined to such Points onely as are fundamentall and generally received by all the Reformed Churches , this inconvenience must of necessity follow thereupon , that many learned , pious , and peaceable Ministers shall be driven out & disenabled from exercising the Ministery in those Churches wherein they live . But if any man doubt , whether or no such men may lawfully entertaine a holy and spirituall Communion one with another in the same Church , who yet agree not amongst themselves in all Points of Divinity ; this ( as I conceive ) is a matter out of all doubt and question . For as touching that blessed Communion which is betwixt Christians at the receiving of the Lord's Supper , it consist's cheifly in these particulars , that by the common bond of the blessed Spirit we are all united to that sole head of the Church Christ Jesus ; that by the same Spirit , and by Faith and Charity we are united amongst our selves and linked together as it were into one body ; that lastly , like men fed at the same table , we are all of us nourished up unto eternall life with the same quickning food , to wit the body and blood of Christ : in all these particulars doe they professe a Communion , whosoever approach and are admitted to that holy Table . But now as we doe not by this mutuall Communion professe our selves to have attained all of us either to perfection or to an equall measure of knowledge in Divinity : so neither doe we hereby professe , that there is an absolute and exact agreement amongst us about all Points of Divinity , or that we are all of us in one and the same Opinion about all Disputes and Controversies . If no Communion could be had amongst Christians , but upon such hard termes as these , I beleive it would hardly be found betwixt S. Peter and S. Paul ; certaine I am the Church of Corinth must of necessitie have fallen in peices ; and in these times of ours there would not easily be found many Divines of note and eminence , which could with a safe conscience communicate together at the same holy Sacrament and Supper of our Lord . It is therefore the duty of all Church-Governours ( as being conscious to themselves of the common infirmities of all men , both themselves & others ) to take heed least while they exact of their People a too strict and punctuall Confession of more than what 's necessary , they thereby wound and weaken the sweet Peace and Unity of Christendome , than which nothing more necessary . So much for Church-Governours . Come we in the next place to such Ministers and other Christians of what state and condition soever , as desire to continue in the Communion of those Churches wherein they live , but yet their Consciences will not permit them to allow & professe all the common and received Opinions of the said Churches . Such men must see that they show themselves teachable and tractable , and not persist after a proud and pertinacious manner in defence of those Opinions wherein they dissent from their Church . Now such a one is to be accounted teachable and tractable , who lends a willing and attentive eare to the instructions and information of the Church ; who doe's not dissent from her out of any perverse and peevish humour , but meerely out of the weaknesse of his judgement , being not able in such profound Points to discerne that Trueth which men of greater learning and more acute wits easily see and perceive . And because it is the peculiar prerogative of Almighty God to search the hearts , it behoves us Christians to encline alwaies to the more favourable and more charitable side ; and , where we have not cleare and evident reasons for the contrary , we ought to judge of every man that he denies his assent rather out of conscience than contumacy and perversenesse . They who thus behave themselves , are not to be excluded and expelled the Communion of those Churches wherein they live , for petty mistakes and errours in their Opinions : but yet with this caution and condition , that they take not upon them to oppose the received Opinion of the Church , or to publish & spread their own private Opinion amongst the common people . Nor can they justly dislike of this caution or take it ill , whosoever have a desire to live peaceably in the Communion of the Church : for admit that the private Opinion of some Divine or any other Christian , be true ; and the publike judgement of the Church , erroneous : yet neverthelesse , if the Errour be such as doe's not prejudice a Christian man's salvation , it is much better that the true Opinion of any private man whatsoever should quietly lie hid in silence and obscurity , than that the publike authority of the Church should be openly contemned and trampled on , or that the Churche's Peace , by this unnecessary conflict of jarring Opinions , as by two contrary windes , should be shaken and torne in peices . But if any man be perswaded in his conscience , that his private Opinion wherein hee differ's from the Church , is of such moment and importance as that men cannot be saved without the knowledge of it ; such a one , if he cannot perswade and convince the Rulers and Governours of his Church in this matter , must either turne aside into some other Church , or else ( for the good of men's soules ) patiently submit to such censures as the Church in which he live's shall inflict upon him . This is it ( most learned Sir ) which at your request I thought good to write and send unto you . If it may stand you or any man else in any steed for the advancing of the Churche's Peace , I have all my wish & ayme for which I penned it . They who are better acquainted with the present state and affaires of the Germane Churches than I am , will be able ( no doubt ) to give you fuller and better advice herein . For my selfe , it remaine's onely that I humbly beseech Almighty God , that he would move and encline the hearts of Princes , earnestly to desire this blessed Union of our Churches ; that he would enlighten the understandings of Divines to find out and follow after such meanes as may most conduce to the speedy establishing of it ; that lastly he would enflame the hearts of all Christians to embrace this Peace , & bequeath it to all posterity . The God of Peace grant this for the sake of his deare Sonne , the sole Author & procurer of our Peace . To whom with the blessed Spirit be all honour , glory , & thankesgiving world without end . AMEN . THE OPINION OF THE RIGHT REVEREND FATHER IN GOD THOMAS MORTON Bishop of DVRHAM , Concerning The Peace of the Church . Worthy SIR , I CANNOT easily expresse how much I was joyed with those few leaves which I lately receaved from you ; as soone as I understood how that there was now at length some hopes of setling a true and brotherly union betwixt Us & those of Germany who hold the Augustane Confession . For seeing that the very name of Peace is sweet and delight some , much more the thing it selfe ; especially if it be a Peace in Religion , which indeed comprehends in it all kinds of true Peace and Unity : I cannot chuse therefore but congratulate and joy you ( Sir ) with that good and truly-Apostolicall office which you now undergoe : an Emploiment which hath ever this successe , that it never can prove in vaine , or be altogether lost ; for it will be sure either to redound to the good of him that receive's it ( if it be embraced , ) or else ( if rejected ) returne back againe into his bosome who proffer's it . Notwithstanding , I observe there are two maine Controversies set downe by you , which seem to let and hinder why wee cannot quickly be united and made one Church ; the former is touching the Eucharist ; the other , touching that involv'd and mysterious Point of Praedestination . For the composing of which two Controversies , that you should desire my opinion , seeme's truly to me to be a course somewhat preposterous and out of order : rather wee should imitate ( as I conceive ) those expert Physitions , who sometimes cure one contrary by another : so likewise we , seeing that Discords in Opinion have bred disaffection and hatred in men's minds , 't were necessary we should first endeavour that love and amity may be seated in the hearts and affections of men , that so we may the more easily allay their heat in disputation , and reconcile them in their much differing Opinions . To the promoting of this good work I neither can nor may be wanting . All that I shall say touching both Controversies , give me leave to glance at in three words ; to wit , that the way & meanes of establishing an Union , to men of peaceable minds , is easie ; to such as are lesse moderate , t is possible ; to both , very necessary . The first THESIS . That 't is easie for peaceable and moderate men to be reconciled . THis appeare's plainely from that love and freindship which was in times past betwixt the Professors of both sides , notwithstanding that their differences in Opinion were then very rife . This is a Point of speciall moment , and therefore for proofe of it we should not alledge the examples of any obscure men , but of such as were eminent and beyond all exception of both sides . Let them then ( if they please ) consult their Luther , Melanchthon , Jacobus Andreae , Brentius : Wee 'l bring in our Calvin , Bucer , Peter Martyr , and Zanchy : all which sometimes shined in the Church of Christ like starres of the first magnitude . First then , there are to be seene in Calvin's workes many excellent Elogies of Luther , even then when Luther did inveigh most bitterly against all our men in the Point of the Sacrament , and provoked them farre to repay him in his owne language . Whose passions , thereby moved & enflamed , Calvin with admirable prudence supprest & kept from breaking out ▪ but I desire ( saith he ) you would consider , first what a worthy man Luther is , and with what excellent gifts qualified ; with what courage & constancy , with what dexterity , with what successe and efficacy of his Doctrine he hath hitherto bent and bestir'd himselfe to lay wast the Kingdome of Antichrist , & maintaine the Doctrine of our Salvation : I have many times said , that should he call me Divel , yet neverthelesse I would still have so reverent an esteem of him as to acknowledge him for a worthy servant of God . Thus Calvin : a saying so full of sweetnesse and moderation , as if not a man but humanity it selfe had spoken it . Not long after , he made use of the Apostle's argument to containe & keep in our Divines , least waxing too hot and passionate , they should break out into revilings : it become's us ( saith he ) so to reprove what we finde amisse in him , as that we remit something out of an honourable respect to his rare endowments : let not therefore that befall u● , which is denounced by S. Paul , that by biting and devouring one another we be consumed . Though he have provoked us , yet are wee rather to keep us quiet than to teare the wound wider to the publike danger and dammage of God's Church . But now how did Luther carry himselfe ? was he so farre possest with prejudice and passion , as to disdaine all commerce and societie with our men ? Nay he refused not to enter into freindship with Calvin himselfe , though he knew him to be a stout Champion of our Sacramentary Cause . Let Calvin himselfe speake , if you please , Notwithstanding Luther ( saith he ) in private was so farre from accounting me his enimy , that though he well knew my Opinion , ye refused he not to salute mee with reverence by letters writ with his owne hand , ( for the dishonesty of Westphalus forceth mee to speake thus foolishly , so as to relate it in the very same expression which he himselfe used . ) Afterwards , when the Agreement was halfe finished at Marpurge , and they were not yet departed from that meeting , he affirme's that he retained the same esteeme of Occolampadius and Zuinglius as he formerly had done ▪ and he did there solemnly promise to account and respect them hence forth as Brethren . Secondly , what an intimate freindship & familiarity there was betwixt Melanchthon , Jacobus Andreae , Brentius , and our Divines , the mutuall Salutations which passed betwixt them can abundantly witnes : Melanchthon writing to Calvin , begins his Letter after this manner ; Reverend and Christian Brother , I trust we shall have a time to meet and conferre together . And afterwards concluding , I beseech the Sonne of God , our Lord Jesus Christ , the Guardian and keeper of his Church , that he would guide and protect Thee and us All . Farewell most deare Brother . Besides , what was observed concerning Melanchthon & others by our Sturmius , he himselfe will by no meanes conceale from us ; as though ( saith he ) Philip Melanchthon did not impart his Opinion ( touching the Sacrament ) to Peter Martyr , afterwards , to divers others : with whom he still continued in love and freindship Further , Jacobus Andreae and Brentius did unanimously adhere to the Opinion of Luther concerning the Eucharist , of whom notwithstanding Calvin thus speaks ; your Letters , worthy Sir and my much honoured Brother ( speaking to Jacobus Andreae ) were not a litle welcome to me ; for as much as I understand by them how that amids these sad and unhappy contentions , wherein I am most unwillingly engaged , you still continue like affected towards me as heretofore you have been . Againe , this your moderation of mind I embrace & highly applaud . Farewell worthy Sir , and my much respected Brother . I wish all happinesse to Brentius . God Almighty ever guide and direct you by his blessed spirit , strengthen and sustaine you by his power , and shower downe his blessings in abundance upon you . And againe , in another Letter , Brentius salute's you . Thus were matters carried amongst thē : and why should not We , putting on bowells of meeknesse , tread the steps of these Worthies ? Shall they breath out nothing but mildnesse and sweetnesse , and wee nought but rage and fury ? God forbid . I have done with the first Thesis ; I now proceed to the second . The second THESIS . That 't is possible for the most hot and rigorous spirits to be reconciled and agreed . GIve mee leave to make use of that Maxime of Aristotle , so frequently used in the Schooles ; but in a sense somewhat different — Quae conveniunt in eodem Tertio , inter se conveniunt : such two things as agree in any one third , agree likewise betwixt themselves . In like manner , I conceive that though we differ much in our Opinions about the Eucharist , yet there are still remaining amongst us some common Principles and certaine notes or notions out of which any one who is not blinded with prejudice may draw an assertion . One is , the authority of Scripture , sufficient of it selfe to challenge a beleife : a second is , the cleare light of Antiquity , as cleare as the Sunne at mid-day . But this is no fit place to discourse at large upon these . Three other there are which in no wise may bee passed over , seing they are such as are more proper and peculiar to the two adverse parts . I wil begin with the first of thē . The Augustane Confession is by the Divines of Saxony esteemed as an Oracle , of undeniable and unquestionable authority ; now if our men allow and approve of that Confession , ● doe not see what can possibly make more for the obtaining of a Reconciliation . And for certaine Calvin herein agrees with them : I desire ( saith hee ) as much as any man a sincere and true union , so it be such as God hath approved in his word : nor doe I reject the Augustane Confession ; whereunto I did once wittingly and willingly subscribe , according to that interpretation which the Author thereof himselfe put upon it . Againe , I affirme ( saith hee ) that in that Confession , as it was printed at Ratisbon , there 's not so much as one word which is contrary to our Doctrine : and if there be any ambiguity to be met with in the sense , none is more ●it to be the Interpreter of it than the Author himselfe , whose worth will easily obtaine him that honour with all pious and learned men . So He. Neither is he singular in this : but others there are , though of the same Opinion with him concerning the Eucharist , who will grant as much . a I am of the number of those ( saith John Sturmius ) who concerning the receiving of the body & blood of Christ approve of the Augustane Confession . Hierome Zanchy hath a desire to bring in his verdict too , b I professe ( saith hee ) that as often as I had occasion to speake any thing about this Point , I did alwaies containe my selfe within the compasse of these three heads ▪ the first whereof is , that in the Lord's Supper not onely bread and wine , but the very body and blood of our Lord is truely offered us by Christ , and likewise truely received , truely eaten and drunke by us . The second , but this is done not by the mouth and teeth of our body , but by a true and an actuall faith . The last , that therefore this is done by beleivers onely , and by none others . Now these heads are taken out of God's word nor are they repugnant to the Augustane Confession . These things being so , those worthy men have the more reason to be entreated by us , that besides the said Augustane Confession ( which was anciently framed and ordained to be the common rule of Faith for all Protestants , whereby they might be distinguished from Papists ) they would not obtrude upon us any other private Opinions of their own , to the hinderance of the publike Peace . A second Principle of the like nature , which even Reason it selfe doth dictate , is this ; that no Antecedent is to be urged and pressed , the necessary consequent and sequell whereof may not bee granted by us . But now it is well knowne , that Luther , to remove out of the way the perill of Idolatry , did abolish all a worshipping at the celebration of the Eucharist , which had formerly been practised ; and for the same end he abolisht the elevation of the host also ; that b Brentius likewise did with much earnestnesse oppose their Breaden God , ( for so hee himselfe terme's it ; ) lastly , that c Melanchthon did reject their Bread-worship in the Lord's Supper . Those godly and learned men therefore are to be entreated , that they would well weigh with themselves whether or no these same abuses which They with so great applause cryed down and abhorred , be not for all that the genuine ofspring of that Vbiquity which at this day is maintained by them . Thirdly , least any man haply should pretend , that no whit is to bee abated of that bitternesse and rigour wherewith at first they exercised the patience of Occolampadius , and Zuinglius , they are againe to be intreated that in their great wisedomes they would herein take notice of a vast difference Ananias , in the ninth of the Acts , when first he was warned in a Vision to put his hands upon Saul , he was somewhat unwilling to doe it ; J have heard ( saith he ) by many of this man &c. but afterwards , having better understood the counsell and purpose of God , he gladly embrace's him , saying , Brother Saul the Lord hath sent mee unto thee . The very same might have been heretofore observed in the carriage of Luther himselfe towards Zuinglius and Oecolampadius ; whom at first hee fell upon roughly , when he heard that they held there was nothing in the Eucharist save only bare signes and figures : but afterwards , having further examined their meaning , he kindly & courteously reacht out the right hand of fellowship unto them . After the very same manner did Calvin likewise stand affected towards them , as he himselfe confesseth ; when at my first entrance ( saith hee ) into the cleare sun-shine of the Gospell out of Popish darknes , I read in Luther how that Oecolampadius and Zuinglius would admit of nothing in the Sacraments but bare and empty figures , this ( I confesse ) so farre possest me with a prejudice against their writings , that I refrained a long time from reading them . Thus spoke Calvin at that time of those men , whom notwithstanding he afterwards had in great love and familiarity with him . Why may not then the Saxon Divines be pleased to show themselves Luthers towards us , so long as they finde us not inferiour to Oecolampadius and Zuinglius in this Point ? The third THESIS . That this friendly Vnion and Reconcilement we wish for , is very necessary for all men , whether of a milde or turbulent disposition . IT is not my purpose to lash out into Common places , wherein much paines might be spent , and litle or no benefit got by it . It behoves me rather to provide me of such arguments , as may , not coldly beg and intreat , but command , and as it were violently compell men to live at peace and unity amongst themselves . Neither are there any ( as you well know ) fitter for the setling and confirming of such a Communion , than are those which are drawne from the common joy , or greife ; the common danger , or the common good & advantage of both sides . There 's not a more evident and infallible signe of a true member of Christ , than to compassionate or to have a fellow-feeling one of another ; which is seene especially in two things : first , in rejoycing at the hopes of a Reconciliation ; such as was the Psalmist's joy in that divine acclamation of his at the unity of Brethren , ● how good and joyfull a thing it is ! Secondly , a sorrow of heart at so long and wearisome a dissention ; such as the Jewes expressed by their great thoughts of heart for the divisions of Reuben . Schisme growing and getting upon the Church at Corinth , the Apostle exhort's them to bee [ {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} ] perfectly joyned together in the same minde and in the same judgement : the word is derived frō {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , which amongst Physitions signifies to set right againe such members as are out of joynt . The same Apostle , that he might compose and setle the mindes of the Philippians , ô what a sacred charme doe's he make use of ! If ( saith he ) there be any consolation in Christ , if any comfort of love , if any fellowship of the spirit , if any bowells of mercies , fulfill my joy . But how may they doe that ? He goes on ; that yee be like minded , having the same love , [ {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} ] being of one accord , of one mind . I verily beleive , that Eloquence her selfe , if she had a tongue to speake , she could not have spoke more emphatically : where each word is a sharp dart , peircing and wounding our very hearts and soules . I will adde onely that long chaine of Vnities in the same Apostle to the Ephesians ; one body , one spirit , one hope , one calling , one Lord , one Faith , one Baptisme , one God and Father of all : all which make for that one thing which he there aime's at , to wit , that the Ephesians should endeavour to keep the unity of the spirit in the bond of peace . As touching the danger , we all of us know that the tyranny of the Romish Antichrist hang's over our heads : who sweetly sing's to himselfe that blacke and fatall Maxime [ divide & impera ] set them once at variance , and then you may quickly master them ; or rather , by setting them at variance , you may confound and tumble them into the pit of hell : for the kingdome being once divided , Hell it selfe cannot stand . Let us learn to be wise from the examples of others : the Guelphi and Gibelli●i [ those two implacable and irreconcileable Factions ] did agree together and joyne their forces , when the common Enimie came against them ▪ and shall not We rowse our selves up to save & defend our selves ? As for the gaine and advantage I mentiond , can there be any greater gaine than Salvation ? and yet even this too , the more common , the greater and better it is . Let us then ( I beseech you for the love of God ) set before our eyes the Greek Church , which now seeme's to sue and wooe to us for a brotherly union and agreement , as appeare's from that Confession of Faith lately set forth in the name of all the Easterne Churches by the right Reverend Father Cyrill Patriarch of Constantinople : which agrees exactly with our Protestant Confessions in every Article set forth and published by him . Me thinks I see this most ample & farre spreading part of the Christian world ready to fly into our armes & embraces presently upon the first newes of our unity and agreement amongst our selves : which hope of ours should Christ be pleased to crowne with successe ▪ this alone would farre outvie and surpasse in glory all the triumphs and trophies of all the Emperours in the world . But I hasten to your other Question . The other CONTROVERSY . Concerning that unfathom'd mystery of Praedestination upon the foresight of Faith and Workes . THis is that other Question ( as I gather from your Letter ) whereon as on a rock divers men ( otherwise desirous of Peace ) have dasht and split themselves . That therefore men may knowe , I have not of my owne accord sought after and catcht at this opportunity to dispute , but rather am cast upon it against my will , my proceeding herein shall be not by way of disputation , but ( as the Times rather require ) by way of exhortation & advice . I hope therefore the learned Divines of Saxony will take this my advice in good part , wherein I earnestly pray and beseech them , first , that they would be reconciled to their owne Luther in this Point , who ( as it did well become a child of Grace ) did constantly hold and maintaine that the Grace of God is every way free and gratuitous . Next , that they would not , in the patronizing and vindicating of Divine Grace , suffer themselves to be outstript by Papists , nay Jesuites , and the prime Doctors too of that sect , Bellarmine , Tolet , Pererius , Suarez , Salmeron , Maldonat : who have all of them exploded this Doctrine of Praedestination upon the foresight of Faith and Workes , as pure Pelagianisme . Last of all , it is some wisdome for a man to profit by his enimy : there came out a book two yeares agon , written by Will : de Gibieuffe , of the Oratorian Order , Priest and Doctor of the Sorbon , dedicated to the present Pope Vrban : wherein are inserted the words of Pope Clement the eighth concerning the Auxilia Gratiae : the summe whereof is this ; that this whole Doctrine ought to be squared and conformed to S. Austin's judgement in the Point of Grace ; that the same S. Austin ought be acknowledged and followed as a guide and leader , for asmuch as that good Father seeme's to have omitted nothing which concernes the said Controversies : and because ( saith he ) many of our Praedecessours have stood up so stoutly for that Doctrine of S. Austin concerning Grace as if they desired to have it continued in the Church as her right of inheritance , it is not meet I should suffer her to be deprived of this her patrimony . Thus farre that Pope : unto whose judgement ( J will not say , for the authority , but the trueth of it ) I nothing doubt but Calvin himselfe , were he now living , would subscribe : And he that shall read Calvin's writings , will quickly grant , that in these Controversies he had more than an ordinary share of S. Austin's Legacy . Thus you see , Sir , how that partly your importunity ( who are such an earnest Factour for Peace ) and partly my own zeale in so necessary a Cause , have made me exceed the accustomed bounds of a Letter ▪ wherein , if you finde not much judgement , yet may you behold my care & desires for Christian Peace . The author of all true peace , our Lord Jesus Christ , strengthen and enable you by the power of his holy spirit cheerefully to goe thorough with this so waighty an employment for the publike Peace of his Church . Farewell . THOMAS DURHAM . Postscript . That we should thus first seek and sue for brotherly love & unity , is so farre from being any prejudice to our cause , as that it is rather to be counted an honour to us : in that we herein follow the precept and practice of God himselfe ; of whom the Evangelist saith , 1. Joh. 4. 10. He first loved us . THE OPINION OF THE RIGHT REVEREND FATHER IN GOD IOSEPH HALL Bishop of EXCETER . THose Articles of Religion wherein the Divines of both sides doe fully agree , are abundantly sufficient , both for a Christian man's salvation , and likewise for the establishing of a firme & lasting Peace in the Churches of God . As for the rest , I would not have them reckoned amongst the Apostle's [ {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} ] foolish Questions : doubtlesse they are such as may perhaps not unfitly bee sent to the Divinity-Schooles , there to bee throughly discussed : but by no meanes ought they to disquiet the Peace either of any Christian soule , or of God's holy Church . What doe we professing Christian Charity and love , if we still obstinately refuse to indulge our Brethren this litle liberty of dissenting from us in doubtfull & difficult Schoole-questions ? Seeing wee know very well that our good and gracious Saviour passed over with silence and toleration great and greivous Errours in comparison of these ( if it be granted that these are Errours , ) and that too even in such as were of his owne houshold and retinue . There are but three things about which the reverend Divines of both sides professe themselves to differ . THE first is , whether or no our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ be truly omniscient , omnipotent , and omnipresent not only according to his Divinity , but also according to his humane nature , by vertue of the personall Union ? That the Lord Jesus ( to wit God and Man ) is in both his natures omniscient , omnipotent , and omnipresent , is confest on each side : this being granted , the word [ according ] is a meere Schoole-nicity . How farre the vertue of that hypostaticall union extend's it selfe , the holy ghost is silent , and a Christian may safely be ignorant of it . Let the Doctors , if they list , dispute and busie their braines as much as they please about this matter : it will be enough for a Christian , to knowe that he hath a Saviour who is both God and man , to whom all these attributes truely belong and appertaine . Nay even Divines themselves have enough wherein they may rest satisfied , so long as this be granted on both sides , that even the humane nature considered personally is omniscient , omnipresent , & omnipotent : which wee all of us roundly and readily professe without any doubt or scruple . O what enimies are we to Peace , if we will yet needs quarrell amongst our selves ● In all this , I wish we would carefully remember that usefull distinction of John Gerson , esse quaedam de necessitate fidei , quadam verò de fidei devotione : that there are some things essentiall and necessary to Faith , other some things which shee piously and devoutly beleives , but yet they are not of such necessity as the other : the former are such as may not so much as bee once doubted of , but these latter may admit of an {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} ; we may safely either suspend our assent unto them , or positively dissent from them . The second Article wherein they differ , is concerning the manner of receiving Christ in the Eucharist . Both agree , that Christ's body is truly and really given , taken , and eaten in this Sacrament together with the outward Elements : All the question is concerning Vnworthy receivers . An unworthy Question truly it is , that the publike Peace should any way be disturbed about it . We willingly grant both of us , that even such as are Vnworthy doe eat that which by a sacramentall Union is Christ's body ; and that therefore they are guilty of the body and blood of Jesus Christ : What doe wee now making any more adoe about the manner of their eating , whether it be Orall or not ? Let Christians make this their care , that they thēselves may be found worthy Communicants , and let them not trouble themselves to knowe how those which are unworthy are partakers of Christ . How farre the vertue of that Sacramental Union extends it selfe , and whether the manner of this eating be Orall or Spirituall , let the Schools dispute it : Christians need not be too curious in enquiring after it ; nor is it fit wee should disquiet the Churche's Peace , by refusing to indulge mutually one another a liberty of Opinion in such nice Points . The third Article is that fatall Point of Praedestination : about which , Divines of both sides expresse themselves variously , but yet modestly and discreetly . In many things , and such as are of most moment , their judgements on both sides are the same : as , that election is most free , & proceeding from the meere mercy of God , that God found not any cause or occasion in those whom hee elected , the sight whereof might move him to chuse them rather than others : but that he did from all eternity reprobate and praedestinate to eternall damnation such as persevere and persist in their sinnes and infidelity ; not by any rigid and absolute decree , without having any respect or regard to sin , but out of his most just judgement : so as all the cause & the blame of it ought to be sought for in the men themselves . In this they are at a stand ; that the foresight of Faith and Perseverance is by the reverend Divines of Saxony placed before the act of God's Election : so as God did from everlasting foreordaine such as he fore-saw would in time beleive , &c. Certainly of all the Questions about Praedestination , this concerning the order of his Decree is least materiall ▪ seeing we know assuredly that the infinite & all-wise disposer of things performes all this with one single & most simple act . There is nothing more certain than that God did foresee who would beleive , and that he did praedestinate such as should be saved : let but this then be granted ( which they of Saxony willingly professe ) that Faith is the sole gift of God , and that whatsoever good there is in the Elect , all of it doth originally proceed from the free grace & meere mercy of God , which was bestowed on them in Jesus Christ from all Eternity ; I say , let this be granted , and doubtlesse there can be no danger in that Opinion of Praevision or fore-sight : God from everlasting fore-saw that ▪ which he himselfe from everlasting decreed to bestow in time upon such as should beleive . All this is sound and safe , nor is there any cause why any further strife & contention should be made here ▪ about . In all this , I embrace and applaud this Christian and brotherly moderation and holy desires of Peace : thus it becomes Christians , thus it becomes Divines . I am much deceived , if this modest and seasonable appeasing and calming of men's minds doe's not promise a firme and perpetuall Peace to God's Church . Thou God of Peace , in thy good time accomplish it : give eare to the prayers of thy People , and grant that all Christians may be of one heart and one way , till at length we come , by Thee who art the Way , to Thee who art the Life . Amen , Amen . From the Palace at Exceter . Febr. 25. 1634. Which is the humble , daily , and devout prayer of JOS : EXON : Afterwards the same Mr John Dury sent unto the Ld Bishop of Exceter a Coppy of a certaine pious and peaceable Decree , made & published by a generall vote at a publike Meeting of the States in Franckfort : requesting his Opinion concerning the meanes and manner how this good worke might be advanced ▪ where unto he had returned him this Answer . TO HIS MOST FAITHfull , learned , and loving freind Mr JOHN DURY , all happinesse . SIR , IHave read over , with a great deale of delight , the Transcript you sent me of that Decree for Peace , which was lately signed by all the Protestant States and Delegates assembled at Franckfort : than which Decree , nothing ( in my Opinion ) could possibly have been devised more full of prudence and religion : nor doe I see ( as the case now stand's ) what more could be once hoped for ; or what could possibly have beene proposed and resolved upon that might more conduce to the advancement of the publike Peace , which all good men so much wish and desire . Thus it was meet that the holy Citizens of God's Church , that pious Princes and Peeres should thus carefully provide for the Peace and safety of Christendome And blessed be God , the bestower of every good gift ▪ the Author of Peace , who did put into their noble hearts those holy desires and purposes : may the same good God be pleased , at length to finish this his owne work so hopefully begun , and crowne it with successe . And truely neither our prayers nor our utmost endeavours shall ever be wanting hereunto ▪ neither know I well upon what hopes it is , but methinkes my mind doth confidently promise and praesage a happy issue to this holy enterprise . For indeed what a small and slender hedge is it , which now divide ▪ s and part 's us ? We doe all of us of the Reformation , receive and approve the same Scriptures , the same Creeds ▪ the same Augustane Confession : onely in one Article the sense is so doubtfully expressed , that the Author himselfe did not thinke it safe to adhere to the letter of it . The foundation of the Christian Faith is , amongst us all , one and the same , entire and unshaken ; there 's not so much as one stone in it , or the least peice of coement , about which any question either is or can be made ▪ Upon this Foundation there are built certain Points of Schoole-divinity , about which alone we so hotly contend : but what are these to a Christian ? What are these to Salvation ? In what a safe and quiet state might the affaires of Christendome have been , if such nice Disputes of curious and over-busie heads had never been heard of ; if learned men could have contented thēselves with some generall formes of expressing the Trueth , and not presently to have sifted Divinity so over-nearly as they have done ? But seeing these strifes , which are not onely unprofitable , but very hurtfull and prejudiciall to both sides , are thus unfortunately raised ; what better advice can be thought upon for the setling and composing of these stirres , than that the Faith be brought back againe to its primitive simplicitie and plainenesse , by the publike authority and joynt consent of the Christian Church ? And that in this confused mixture and multiplicity of matters of beleife , the Christian world be taught warily to distinguish betwixt the genuine and proper Articles of Faith , and the lesse necessary additions of Schoole-conclusions : which truely in this very businesse is a matter of no great difficulty to performe . This especially is fundamentall , Christ is both God and Man ; and so likewise this , Christ , God and Man , is truely omniscient , omnipotent , omnipresent : now if any shall adde further , Jesus Christ , according to his humane nature , is omniscient , omnipotent , omnipresent ; truely that word [ according ] seemes to be farre off from the Foundation ; 't is a Scholasticall notion , and to be turned over to profest Divines ; but it is not fit the Salvation of plaine and illiterate Christians should be made to hang and depend upon such a subtle and nice Point as this is . Can these knowe , or are they bound to know , how farre the vertue of the hypostaticall Union extend's it selfe , or what the bounds are either of those faculties or operations which flow from that union of the two natures ? Certainely if God had intended this for a necessary Point to be knowne by all men , he would not so sparingly and obscurely have revealed unto his Church a mystery so fundamentall and important . I dispute not the trueth of the Point , ( nor is this pertinent to my purpose , ) onely I question whether it be of necessity to be beleived . Let us view a comparison betwixt things humane & divine , although what similitude can there bee'twixt Earth and Heaven ? Man consists of a soule and a body united one to the other : and yet notwithstanding , each part hath its severall properties and actions , which are usually attributed ( and that very rightly too ) to the whole ; the whole man hath the use of sense , doth understand , eat , walke , sleep , dye : thus much even sense & reason doth unanswerably evince : will any man hereupon say , that this also is of equall necessity to be knowne , man according to his body hath the use of sense and reason ; and according to his soule he doth eat , walke , sleep , and dye ? Truly the same that Reason is , in respect of intelligible matters ; the same is Faith , in things spirituall and divine : I am not ignorant , how much they differ in their Subjects ; yet neverthelesse the necessity of the things which are either to be known or beleived , is alike different in both . Such Trueths therefore as are certaine , such as are necessarily to be beleived , and apparently fundamentall , let us all unanimously embrace and professe them : as for the rest , let Divines ( if they please ) busie their heads with them , but let not the plaine & common sort of Christians trouble themselves about them more than needs . But if it may seeme to make any thing for the publike Peace , that we come as neare as we can one to another in the formes and manner of expression ; let us but say ( as * Hier : Zanchy sometimes alledged out of Innocent and the Schoole-men ) that even Christ's humane nature according to its personall essenc● is omni present , &c. and I see no reason why both sides may not , nay will not readily consent and agree to it . Here let us fixe ; let neither side proceed any further beyond this , and wee are safe . In the Point of the Sacrament this is certaine and fundamentall , that the true and essentiall body and blood of Christ is truely present , offered , and received in that holy Supper● but whether or no it be corporally present in the Bread & Wine , whether or no ( by a supernaturall vertue of the conse●rated Elements ) it be orally received and eaten , even by wicked and unworthy Communicants , this is a matter of Theologicall Dispute , and such as ( in the judgement of Luther , Melanchthon , Justus Jonas , Ofiander , Brentius , Stephanus Agricola ▪ yea & of Oecolampadius , Zuinglius , Bu●er , Hedi● ) ought not to infri●ge Christian love and Charity . And upon this promising signe was begun that famous Agreement at Marpurge , in the yeare 1529. That likewise is well worthy to be kept in perpetuall memory , which is related concerning the meeting at Witemberge , in the yeare 1536 , by Ludovicus Rabus Pastor at Vlme , in his History of Martyrs : with whom agree's Iohn Swiccius , Pastor at Constance ( cited by Hospinian ) who was there present at that time ; and 't is to be seen likewise in the English writings of Bucer ▪ there were present at that Meeting , of the one side , Capito , Bucer , Musculus , and the rest of the more eminent Divines out of the cheife Imperiall Cities in high Germany ; of the other side , Luther , Philip , Ionas , Pomeranus , Cruciger , with other Doctors & Preachers of Witemberge : and after some expostulations , and divers Speeches to and fro , wherein both sides freely & fairely delivered their Opinions , at length Luther ( stepping a litle aside with his Associates , and conferring with them about it ) concluded with these words ; If yee beleive and teach , that in the holy Supper the very body and the very blood of Christ is offered , given , and received , and not the bare ●ignes bread and Wine ; and that such giving and receiving is true and reall , not onely imaginary , the strife betwixt us is at an end , and we doe acknowledge & receive you as our deare Brethren in the Lord . All this , Bucer , Capito , and the rest , plainely and freely affirmed : whereupon they joyned hands , and so parted . Indeed the waters were then calme and quiet , not tossed with any stormy and tempestuous winds ; and therefore they did clearely shew and represent the face of Trueth . Why doe not we in like manner now at last begin to be wise ? And having passed those tempestuous and troublesome times which afterwards followed , why doe we not sit downe and rest our selves in this old and safe harbour of Peace and Unity ? Concerning the Point of Praedestination , how doth the Church of Christ groane under the burden of a number of huge & high-swolne Volumes ? Yet when wee have done all we can , and wearied our selves and the Christian world with our wrangling pens , this will still remaine to be knowne and beleived by all men , 1 ▪ that God from all eternity out of his meere good pleasure did immutably elect some unto Salvation . 2. that none were elected by God , nor shall be saved , who doe not beleive in Jesus Christ , and persevere in this Faith . 3. that none can beleive in Christ , save onely they whom God is pleased to enable hereunto , and to worke it in them by the effectuall grace of his Spirit ▪ 4. that God did not damne , no nor reprobate any man , but with an eye to sin : so that all the cause & the blame of men's Damnation , lie's in themselves ; but the cause of Election and Salvation is in the meere grace and mercy of God . Now all this is confeston both sides . ● know right well , there are infinite Questions & Controversie a raised about this Point : Let every man on God's name enjoy his owne Opinion ; I will not prescribe to any man . For my selfe , if any man be desirous to know what my Opinion herein is , I freely professe my selfe to adhere to the Articles of the Church of England , and to the judgement of our English Divines who voted in the Synod at Dort ( wherein my selfe was presen 〈…〉 But what is there in this profound Point , about which vulgar and illiterate Christians need to trouble themselves , save onely that plaine & obvious Trueth confest by all ? For the rest , let Divines dispute them in the Schooles ; but it were well if they would forbeare to medle with them in the Pulpit . How are the very same Controversies , and others of greater waight and moment , still on foot in the Church of Rome , and yet so warily and wisely doe they carry the matter , that the publike Peace is notwithstanding preserved amongst them . Let vs learne wisedome from them who professe nought but enmity towards us . Would but Christian Princes by their Authority decree , & Divines fairely and moderately containe and keep themselves within these bounds of Disputation and Controversie ( bounds indeed larg and spatious enough , ) wee should have a lasting & firme Agreement , the Church would flourish in Peace and Tranquillity , and lastly Trueth would bebome victorious and triumph over the common Enimy . That this may be brought to passe ( as we all wish and desire it should ) the honourable States and Delegates did very wisely propose and advise that a publike Meeting of peaceable Divines should be summoned and sought for by Invitatory Letters , that the freindly & laudable Conference , which was begun at Li●swich , should be reassumed and prosecuted with like modesty as it had formerly been be gun ; that all such Di●ines of note & eminence as cannot be present at that meeting should send over their Opinions and advice ; that all the Fundamentalls of Religion , necessary for Salvation , should be determined , and all other Points laid aside , and turned over to the Schooles ( if need should require ; ) that in the meane time men's tongues and pens should be enjoyned moderation or else silence ; that lastly publike Prayers should be solemnly made in the Churches of both sides for the successe of this good worke . Let but these things be done with an upright heart , in the feare of God , and wee need not doubt of a happy issue : it is God's own Cause , he will not be wanting to himselfe . For you , Mr Dury , who have hitherto with such zeale , such unwearied paines , so many dangers , so great charges , prosecuted this Designe so well pleasing to God , his Angells , and men ; truly you have deserved so well of the whole Church , as that all good men must acknowledge themselves much indebted to you . Goe on ( worthy Sir ) with your great undertakeings , and put a period to this good worke : or rather , may the great God of Heaven & Earth doe this for you and us all ; and may he still preserve and prosper you in these travailes and labours of yours . Farewell from Your loving freind JOS : EXON : THE OPINION OF THE MOST REVEREND FATHER IN GOD IAMES USHER Lord Arch-Bishop of ARMAGH and Primate of Ireland , with some other Reverend Bishops in IRELAND . REverend and much respected Brother in Christ ; Wee had long since by common consent made ready an Answer to your former Letters which you writ unto us severally some Moneths agon : but being desirous to have likewise a generall Subscription to it according to that agreement which should be betwixt fellow-brethren of the Clergy , we deferred the sending of it somewhat the longer in hopes of a meeting . You desire us now in your second Letter dated from London March 20. that we would give you our Opinion concerning the Conference at Lipswich ; the rather , because that Conference is likely to have some effect and influence upon the busines you have in hand . Thus therefore ; that meeting ( though it was called for other ends and reasons ) yet seeing it was holden with such good successe , and that the cheife Divines of both sides had so faire & freindly a Conference , heard one another with such patience , & parted with such love and brotherly affection , it is a very good signe that this matter is from the Lord , and from this good beginning who can chuse but hope for a happy and successefull issue ? But yet notwithstanding , they parted differing about three Points : it is well that they differd but in three ; & 't is better yet , that even in those three Points they agreed in most things , and such as are of greatest moment ; nor was their difference so much about the thing it selfe , as about some Formes of expression , which for the most part we cannot so easily forget and cast off after we have been long accustomed to them . For seeing it is confest on both sides , that Christ hath two natures in one person , so inseparably united that neither can they be divided , nor are they confounded , but still remaine distinct and severall without all mixture or aequality ( so much as of their Properties , ) to what end is it to quarrell about improper and figurative Propositions ? so likewise in the Eucharist , seeing they both agree that the Faithfull doe eat not only the fruit and benefit , but the very essence ( or Substance ) of Christ's body ; and that on God's part the Sacraments are exhibited entire & perfect , the thing signified together with the sign , what doe they contending about Hypocrites and unbelievers ? 't is all one as if Physi●ions should fall a disputing about a dead man , whether or no the Potion he tooke hath any operation upon him . There remaines yet that other much controverted Question touching Praedestination : and yet even in this too it would be no hard matter for them to be reconciled , were but spleen and partiality laid aside , and in the roome thereof a reverent and modest feare how we pry too farre into God's secret Counsells , placed and planted : seeing the best and ablest Divines of both sides acknowledge , that in many Questions about this Mystery we must be faine to take up St Paul's exclamation , O the depth ! and that 't is both lawfull & sufficient for them to rest and hold together in those cleare & undoubted Trueths ; namely , that the Election of such as shall be saved , was made in Christ ; that the destruction of all such as perish , is from themselves ; that Salvation is from God ; that Faith ( yea even foreseen Faith ) is not from our selves , it is the gift of God , that we may not boast of any thing , seeing we have nothing of our own ; all must be ascribed to God : as S. Cyprian of old devoutly and pithily spake . Thus you have , both what we hope & conceive of the Conference at Lipswich . But the most principall and speciall thing , which should be earnestly prest and inculcated , is this ; that in Divine matters , espocially in such high and difficult mysteries as these are , which are rather to be adored than pried into , we ought to have a certaine and set Rule to speake by ▪ as S. Austin sometimes prudently and piously counselled : & therefore it would be a very safe and good course for us to refraine from all novell and new-fangled expressions , and to confine the liberty of Prophecying to such Formes and Phrases as the holy Scriptures doe furnish us withall . It remaines , that wee earnestly beseech the God of Peace to bruise Satan under our feet , & that shortly : unto which God we heartily recommend you ( Reverend Brother ) & rest May 14. Anno 1634. Your most affectionate friends JAMES ARMAGH . WILLIAM KILMORE . JOHN ARDAGH . THE JUDGEMENT OF THE same right Reverend Father , the Lord Arch-Bishop of ARMAGH , delivered in a Sermon of his preached before K. IAMES at Wansted , Iune 20th . 1624. IF at this day wee should take a survay of the severall Professions of Christianity , that have any large spread in any part of the world ( as of the Religion of the Romane and the Reformed Churches in our Quarters , of the Aegyptians and Aethiopians in the South , of the Grecians & other Christians in the Easterne parts , ) and should put-by the Points wherein they differ one from another , and gather into one body the rest of the Articles wherein they doe all generally agree ; wee should finde , that in those Propositions which without all Controversie are universally received in the whole Christian world , so much trueth is contained , as being joyned with holy obedience , may be sufficient to bring a man unto everlasting salvation . Neither have we cause to doubt , but that as many as doe walke accorto this rule ( neither overthrowing that which they have builded by superinducing any damnable here●ies thereupon , nor otherwise vitiating their holy Faith with a lewd and wicked conversation ) peace shall be upon them , and mercy , and upon the Israel of God . THE OPINION OF SOME FAMOUS DIVINES OF the FRENCH Church . THat which hath been the constant and earnest wish of all good men for these hundred yeares past , and which by all wise men hath been esteemed worthy to be purchased at any rate and with any paines though never so great ; this ( we heare , to the exceeding great joy of our hearts ) is at this day endeavoured by some worthy servants of Christ ▪ with singular zeale , and not without good hopes of a happy successe : to wit , that the Protestant Churches which differ one from another about some Points of Religion , laying aside or at least moderating on both sides their over-tenacious adhering to their own Opinions , may now at length be united and made up into one body . We being much joyed with this welcome newes , first of all we render all possible praise and thankesgiving to almighty God the giver of all good things , that he hath been pleased to put such good thoughts and intentions into the hearts of his servants ; and wee most earnestly beseech him , that his blessing may goe along with this good designe , & crowne it with successe : next , we returne many thanks to those our reverend and worthy Brethren and fellow-Ministers , who have put their hands to this worke ; and we doe highly applaud and admire their faithfulnesse , zeale , charity , and singular magnanimity & courage herein . What a brave and noble spirit does it argue in them , that they could once hope for an Unity and Peace of our Churches in these desperate and distracted times ? Or that they durst venter upon a matter of such difficulty , which had so often been attempted heretofore by men of great abilities , but could never be brought to passe ? What the event of this so great and good a designe will be , is in the sole power & pleasure of almightie God : but surely the very endeavouring and intending of so good a worke deserve's no litle commendation : for , the bare purpose or having in one's heart and thoughts matters of great concernment , and such as may make for the good of Christ's Church , is a great and good worke , & never faile's of its reward from our bountifull God : although there be good cause to hope , that the paines which learned men take hereabout shall even with men too have its fruit & effect . For , now that they have spent their spirits and heat of contention , & wearied themselves with long strife and variance , it is more than probable that they will now at last entertaine those Counsells of Peace which they have hitherto out of spleene and passion rejected and set light by . Besides , that most sharp plowshare of God's judgement wherewith for almost these foureteene yeares he hath furrowed and plowed up the French and German Churches , hath so subdued & broken up men's minds on each side , that never was there a more fit and seasonable opportunity for sowing and casting in the seeds of Unity and Peace , than now . Wee cannot chuse therefore but greatly approve , commend , and admire the purposes and endeavours of those worthy men who have imployed their paines in so necessary a worke : but since we understand how that they are desirous to knowe more particularly what our Opinion is of this whole businesse , let us proceed to set downe ( as breifly and plainly as we can ) our judgement herein . Indeed it were much to be wished , that they who professe themselves Christ's Disciples and followers , would all think and speake alike of matters spirituall and Divine ; perfectly joyned together in the same minde and in the same judgement , ( as S. Paul exhorts his Corinthians . ) But since there is so much weaknesse in man's understanding , and so great difficulty in Points of Divinity , that this perfect and absolute agreement betwixt pious men is a thing not to be had or hoped for in this world ; in the next place it were to be wished , that they would agree and be of the same beleife about the maine & principall Heads of Religion : and for other matters which are of lesse moment and use , and such as do not any way make either for holinesse of life , or comfort of men's consciences , & consequently doe not necessarily pertaine to Christ's kingdome ( which consists in those two things ) that they would in such wise beleive them , as to beare with others who dissent frō them about such Points . For as we see in civill & saecular matters , the best States-men are not alwaies of the same Opinion concerning the affaires of the Commonwealth ; so likewise in the Church , so long as the summe and substance of Religion is agreed upon & maintained , no matter though in some other Points the judgements of the Faithfull be various and different . That this is lawfull , both the thing it selfe loudly proclaimes it , and S. Paul confirmes it ; who doe's not only permit but command us ( more than once ) to beare with such as differ from us in their Opinions ▪ and 't is the common and generall Opinion of all such Divines as have been of any note and esteem in the Church ever since our Saviour Christ's times downe to this present age . Yet is not this so to be understood , as if all manner of Differences in Religion were to be tolerated : for even the same Apostle denounceth an Anathema against such as shall preach any other Gospell than that which he had preached ; and the most moderate amongst the Fathers of the Christian Church have alwaies constantly held , that we are to shunne and avoid the company of Hereticks . For there bee some Opinions of those men who differ about Religion , which overthrow the very foundation of our Salvation , & destroy either that Piety or that Charity which wee are commanded by God's word to practise towards God and men : such are the erroneous Doctrines of Romanists , who will have that religious worship given to creatures , which God hath reserved peculiar to himselfe ; who make our Faith to rely upon the judgement and authority of men ; who severall waies overthrow the Preistly office of Jesus Christ ; in a word , who have with their own inventions so stained and deformed the whole Christian Religion , that they have left no one part in it sound and untainted . Such likewise are the Opinions of Socinians , who ( to let passe their other Positions ) deny our Lord and Saviour Christ Jesus to be truely God : and if once you take away his Divinity , it will necessarily follow , that either wee worship a creature , or else that we doe not worship the sonne of God ; both of which are manifestly repugnant to those Trueths which are delivered to us in holy Writ as absolutely necessary to Salvation . We conceive therefore that no Peace in way of Religion can be had with these men , nor with any others who maintaine any Errours of this nature , till they shall renounce these their private Doctrines . But for those who hold some erroneous Opinion which yet may consist with Piety , & Charity , and all Christian duties belonging thereunto , we think ( as S. Paul seeme's to have determined ) a Communion may be held with them . Wee may mildly admonish such , and when opportunity is offered , discreetly reprove and instruct them ; but to cast them out of the Church , and ( for no other cause ) to curse and excommunicate them as men in a desperate and damnable estate , this ( in our opinion ) is neither fitting nor lawfull to be done . Now to apply this to the matter in hand ▪ we conceive that to this latter sort all those Controversies doe belong which are agitated amongst Protestant Divines , touching Christ's presence in the Sacramentall ●ignes , touching divine Praedestination , and some few other Points . For they doe agree in all such Points as conduce either to Piety towards God , or Charity towards men ; they maintain on both sides , that the Scriptures are of divine inspiration , that they are perfect , perspicuous , and authenticall ; they detest with one heart & mouth the Tyranny , and pernitious Doctrines of the Pope , and they equally keep off from entertaining a Communion with him ; they have the same Sacraments ; they worship the same Christ ; they professe the same righteousnesse and holinesse in this life , and they expect the same glory in the life to come : in a word , so great and so wonderfull an agreement is there betwixt them about all saving and necessary Doctrines , that ( did not the history of their affaires , and those bitter contentions which have hitherto ( more is the pitty ) been fomented amongst them , witnesse the contrary ) there 's no man but would thinke they had a meeting at the beginning , and by common counsell & consent agreed upon the same Confession of Faith . In such a multitude of mysteries , who can chuse but admire that there should not be above one or two Points wherein they did not fully agree ? For even about the Eucharist , which is the maine matter of this woefull Division , they both of them grant that 't is a Sacrament not a Sacrifice ; that it is to be eaten , not worshipped ; both the two kindes instituted by our Saviour Christ ( to wit , bread and wine ) are neither transubstantiated nor divided one from the other by either side ; they both acknowledge the same use and end of this holy Rite , to wit the commemorating of Christ's death , & the partaking of his body which was crucified , and of his blood which was shed for us : There is onely one thing about which they disagree , namely the manner how Christ's body is given to us and received by us in that Sacrament ; the thing is the same on both sides , onely the manner of it is divers . This Difference , though it be but small , yet is it not ( wee confesse ) altogether of no moment : but that it should be of so great moment , as that it ought to make a breach of charity and affection amongst Brethren , a duty so useful and necessary to the Christian world , and so miraculously wrought amongst them by the hand of Heaven , this we utterly deny . Neither doe We alone deny it : to say nothing of our Brethren in Poland , and almost all the Germans which hold with us , who ( as it is well knowne to all men ) ever did , and at this day doe make the same reckoning and account of that Controversy as we but now did ; to say nothing likewise of those famous Divines of both sides in Saxony and Brandenburge , who ( as we have been informed ) were lately of the very same opinion concerning these Points , when they had fairely discussed them at Lipswich , whither they were come with their Princes . But one thing there is which we cannot here omit to mention , a matter perhaps not so well knowne to forraine nations , yet such a matter it is as we confidently beleive will be most welcome and acceptable to all good & peaceable men , to wit that the Reformed Churches here in France ( whereof there are good store ) have alwaies been of that same Opinion touching these Controversies , & they have given testimony of this their Opinion , both heretofore sundry waies , and likewise now very lately by an expresse Decree made in a generall Synod held here at Charenton neare Paris in the yeare 1631. For when , upon occasion of a citizen of Lions ( unto whose daughter a certaine young German of the Augustane Confession , as they call it , was a suiter ) it was questiond , how we are to account and esteeme of such as are commonly termed Lutherans ; all the Brethren which were there met , out of all the Provinces of France , and sent thither from their several Churches , did unanimously vote thus ; That seeing the Churches of the Augustane Confession doe agree with the other Reformed Churches in all the Principles and fundamentall Points of true Religion , and that in their Discipline and forme of Divine worship there is neither Idolatry nor Superstition : such of the Faithfull of that Confession as shall with the spirit of Charity and in a truly peaceable way joyne themselves unto the publike Assemblies of the Churches in this Kingdome , and desire to communicate with them , may , without the abjuration of their former Opinions which they hold contrary to the beleife of these Churches , be admitted to the holy Table , contract marriages with the faithfull of our Confession , and present themselves in the quality of Godfathers to the children which shall be baptized ; upon their promise given to the Consistory , that they will never solicite such children , directly or indirectly , against the Doctrine beleived and professed in our Churches , but shall content themselves with giving them instruction onely in those Points wherein we all agree . We are not ignorant , how that many objections may be made against this Decree by such as have a mind to contend & cavill : but such objections they are , most of them , as have but litle strength and validity in them , and such as can no way stand in comparison with those waighty reasons wherewith the Christian Faith and Charity doe furnish us . It is not our purpose to insist on every particular ; onely in general , we think it not amisse to put men in minde of two things , which if they were observed with that care as it fitting , both sides perhaps would henceforth judge more mildly and charitably of each other than hitherto they have done . First then , speciall heed would be taken by us , that the assertions and Opinions of private men , though Doctors , though of never so great esteem and repute amongst their own men , be not father'd on that whole Church wherein such men live , as the common and generally received Doctrine of them all . For what can be imagined more unequall , than that one man's crime , or commendation , should be imputed to all ? and what by him hath been spoken well or ill , should be rewarded or punished in others ▪ who were so farre from deserving any such matter , as that many times such things are fastned on them as they never so much as once heard of from others , or once thought thereupon themselves . The generall Doctrine of each severall Church is laid downe and comprised in publike Confessions , severall for each side ; Their's ( namely the Doctrine of the Lutheran party ) in the Augustane Confession ( as they terme it ; ) that of the other side , in many severall Confessions , diversly expressed according to the diversity of Countries and Kingdomes . From these are we to judge and esteeme what is held and maintained by both : seeing they doe all professe themselves to assent and adhere to these , and that they will live & dye in this Faith . But ( for ought I know ) neither doe they so generally approve the writings of Brentius or Chemnitius , nor doe these so farre magni●ie Piscator or Beza , as if they would that whatsoever is affirmed by those men , should be admitted and acknowledged as the common and necessary Faith of all Christians . Nay so farre are they both of them from this folly , that they themselves freely reprove and censure their own men , and mark out many passages in their writings , as different from the common and received Doctrine of their Church . Whence it follow's , that the sayings of such men , whosoever they be , are unjustly , and ( to speake the most favourably of it ) preposterously fatherd on the whole Church in which they lived . And yet notwithstanding , what else are all those Tenents with which Protestant Divines cast one another in the teeth , with which they upbraid one another as if they were the publike and generall faults of the two adverse parts , and for which they so labour to draw one another into envy & contempt ? I say , what else are they but the private Positions of some particular Doctors on both sides , vented many times either in choler and passion , or out of a vehement zeale to maintaine their Cause , when they were hard pressed & put to it either with the difficulty of the things themselves , or the subtilty of an acute adversary ; and so , spake rather out of necessity than judgement and premeditation . For truely so sound and untainted are the publike Confessions of our Churches on each side , that there is very litle and hardly any thing which either of them can finde wanting in the other's Confession . Our Divines in Germany doe commend the Augustane Confession ; and no doubt but our Brethren the Lutherans will in like manner approve of ours , for the farre greater part of it , would they but once be pleased to read it over impartially without passion and prejudice . Certainly neither in that Confession of theirs shall any man meet with that Vbiquity of Christ's body , which wee condemne in Lutheranisme ; nor in this of ours , that Stoicall Fate so much objected against us . But a second fault there is , very frequent amongst men of both sides , and almost hereditary , which ought ( as we conceive ) with all care and diligence to bee shun'd and avoided in this businesse . namely , that they who maintaine any Position , should not bee thought to hold whatsoever seemes to us to follow thereupon by the rules of disputation . For it often fall's out , that he who hold's a Principle from which such a Conclusion is inferred , may notwithstanding be utterly ignorant of that which is in ferred from his Principle . For instance , he that first observed the Loadstone to point towards the North Pole , did not forth with perceive all the severall experiments that have been afterwards made from thence for the use and benefit of Navigation : for Conclusions lye hid and buried in their Principles , nor are they deduced thence without some paines and study . He therefore who hold's some Principle , and withall doth either not heed and regard it ; or else considers it , but with an Intellect which is either dull or prepossessed with anger or affection or some other passion , this man , from that Principle of his which hee understand's , doth not straightway understand whatsoever may be knowne and concluded from it . Thus they who live in the Papacy , having their mindes bewitched ( that I may so speake ) with the authority of their Leaders , though they grant with us that the sinnes of men are most fully expiated by that sacrifice offered up by Christ on the Crosse , yet can they not hence conclude ( although it evidently follow hereupon ) that their Sacrifice of the Altar is vaine and superfluous . Now as he who understand's some one Trueth , is sometimes ignorant of other Trueths which are consequent thereupon : so likewise he who hath some erroneous Opinion , must not therefore be thought to hold and maintaine all the absurdities that may be inferred from it : for there 's the same account to bee made of consequences either way . Thus Tertullian of old , and many of the ancient Fathers , taught that the humane soule is derived from the Father to the Sonne by way of propagation ; but that 't is mortall , which followes upon the former , this they were so farre from granting , that they did alwaies expressely deny it . As therefore wee doe not say that the Papists doe therefore deny their Sacrifice of the Altar , because they grant ( as we doe ) the perfection and sufficiency of that Sacrifice which was offered up by Christ on the crosse , though in all good consequence this overthrowes that sacrifice of theirs : so neither doe we think that Tertullian , & others of the same Opinion touching the originall of man's soule , ought to be charged for holding the Soule to be mortall , because this latter errour seeme's to be deducible from the former . Now then how extreme faulty in this kinde Divines of both sides have beene , who is there that see's not ? For we commonly charge our Brethren ( the Lutherans ) with Eutychianisme , ( though they in the meane time deny and disclaime it , ) because this errour , as we think , follows upon their Doctrine concerning the Lord's supper ▪ they againe on the other side , stick not to charge us with I knowe not what monstrous Opinions , as if we made God the author of all sin and wickednesse , ( assertions which we justly abhorre & tremble at , because they perswade themselves that this may be gathered from our Doctrine about God's Praedestination and Providence . Wee will not here dispute whether these things be rightly inferred yea or no from our severall Tenents and Opinions on both sides : it sufficeth , that whatsoever they be , whether justly or unjustly pin'd upon our Opinions , they are denied by us both : nor can we ever be induced by any arguments whatsoever , to grant that they are agreeable and consonant to our Faith . For so long as this is done ( as indeed it is , ) it is manifest from what hitherto hath been delivered , that neither can they without injustice and calumniation bee charged with Eutychianisme , nor we with those monstrous and damnable Opinions , although both these errours could by true & solid consequence be concluded from our severall Positions , ( which yet neither side will ever confesse for their own part . ) Seeing therefore that all or most of those Doctrines which the one side taxeth in the other as pernicious and such as cannot consist with Salvation , are but either the private Opinions of some particular men or else but Corollaries and conclusions violently wrested by force of argument out of their severall Opinions , would but men ( as in reason they ought ) forbeare to father any thing on either side save onely that which their whole Churches expresly owne and professe for their received Opinions , it would be very easie to maintaine that all the Dispute and Controversie which is in agitation betwixt them , is such as may be tolerated , and that there is not any thing contained in the Faith and Doctrine of either side which overthrowe's Salvation . Now were but this once agreed upon and beleived on both sides , there would remaine litle or no difficulty in this whole businesse wherein worthy men doe at this present employ themselves , namely of setling Peace and Unity amongst our Churches . For seeing there are but two waies possible of being reconciled ; either , that one side shall renounce their private Opinions , and come over to the other , or else , that both sides shall joyne together , retaining their severall Opinions , and by a mutuall condescending shall each of them tolerate that which they dislike in the other's Doctrine , especially if it be such as cannot be altered without perill and dammage to a whole Church ; the former of these two waies ( as we conceive ) is not now to be stood upon , whereof triall hath been heretofore made not onely without successe but with much danger & harme , as appeares sufficiently from those many Disputations & Conferences which have been held betwixt both sides during this whole Age ; whereby hatred and & enmity hath been ingendred rather than extinguished , and the number of Controversies rather increased than diminished . Wee must therefore betake our selves to that other way of being reconciled , and in it must we employ all our paines and cares & studies , as being indeed both the onlyeasie and lawfull way , yea and necessary too in our judgement . And that wee may at length attaine unto this , it would not be amisse ( as we conceive ) to proceed after this manner and method ; first , wee must endeavour that a kinde of Truce and Cessation from our st●ifes & contentions may be agreed upon and enjoyned the Divines of both sides , and that they be stirred up and exhorted to take this whole businesse into consideration : this being obtained , in the next place speciall diligence must be used , that after a meeke , freindly , and most persuasive manner it be made appeare to all , that we are not at variance about any fundamentall Point of Christian Religion , or such wherein men may not safely be of either Opinion without hazarding their salvation : and here men must be very carefull that they refraine from all intricate Questions , and trifling Disputes , ( such wherein the Schoolemen have spent so much paines , mincing and mangling every thing into I know not how many peices , & then handling every peice severally , ) which serve for no other end save onely to torture & torment mens mindes , but no way make for edification . Would but God be pleased so farre to prosper these endeavours as that thus much may be once brought to passe , wee make no doubt but every man would then readily wish for this much-desired Communion , which none ever shunn'd or refused but out of a kinde of Religion and Conscience , conceiving it unlawfull to entertaine a Communion with any that are not of the same beleife and Opinion with themselves : so soone as men on both sides shall be wrought off from this superstitious conceit , they will gladly run and rush ( as it were ) into one anothers armes and embraces . For it cannot be imagined that there is any man , either of the one side or the other , so stupid & void of all reason & & Religion , but knows how foul & scandalous a thing , how hurtfull to both sides , how dangerous and pernitious to the whole Christian world this Schisme is which hath hitherto divided and distracted us ; on the other side , how sweet , how beneficiall , both to our selves & all others , Unity and Peace would be , so it might be had without losse of Faith and Salvation . And truely the way to setle this Unity ( were we but once come to that ) is plaine and easie . For seeing we doe both of us ( by God's grace ) equally acknowledge and beleive the Gospell of our Lord Jesus Christ penned by his Disciples ; and seeing we confesse , that whatsoever is of necessity for salvation to be beleived or done by us , it is all clearely and plainly laid downe in this Gospell , what hinder's why we may not joyntly confirme and ratify those Articles wherein we both agree ? & for those other Points about which wee differ , wee may expresse them in such words and phrases as the sacred Scriptures afford us , and not suffer our men to enquire any further , or contest about thē . For if it be true which we both confesse , that all those heavenly mysteries which must necessarily be knowne by us , are clearely revealed in God's word , doubtles then we may content our selves with so much as the Scripture has delivered , and wee may safely forgoe all other Points wherein the Scripture is silent . Let therefore all the Heads of matters in Dispute amongst us be laid downe and expressed in a certaine and set Forme , such as may give satisfaction to both parties , made up wholly ( if it be possible ) of Scripture-words : and let no man require from his Brother any more besides it : if any man have attained to a further degree of knowledge , let him keep his knowledge to himselfe ; and let him not despise the weaknesse and simplicity of others who have not made so great a progresse in knowledge as himselfe . As for Rites and Ceremonies wherein the forme of divine worship and the Churche's Discipline are contained , we conceive it fit that every Church should be left to her owne judgement and liberty herein , and that no innovation be made about such matters . Hereafter , if it shall please God , when time shall have confirmed and strengthened this Union , there may be compiled , by the joynt consent and advice of all , a common Liturgy ; which would be both a token and bond of Peace . For the present , we shall think our paines well bestowed , if at this first attempt we can prevaile with both sides to tolerate mutually out of Christian Charity such differences of Opinion as are betwixt us either in Doctrine or Discipline ( which truely are but small , & altogether unworthy to occasion such a Rupture and Breach betwixt us , ) and so at length to acknowledge one another to be ( as indeed we are ) Brethren in the Lord . Thus much we thought good to speak in breife touching this matter , that our reverend Brethren , who are well affected to the publike Peace , may understand how ready & willing wee are to concurre with them in this pious and Christian worke . And though our meane abilities and the present state and condition of our affaires be such , as that wee cannot performe such service in it as is meet and requisite , yet shall our earnest prayers alwaies accompany the labours and endeavours of those reverend men who are or shall be employed therein : and we shall account that day most happy , wherein we shall behold Brethren ( having buried all strifes and contentions ) joyne hands and hearts , and dwell together in the same Jerusalem ; by this fast and firme Communion , anticipating ( as it were ) & foreacting here upon earth that everlasting Unity and Concord which we shall hereafter enjoy in Heaven . AMEN . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A53386e-260 C. 8. V. 19. Ephes. 4. 15. Rom. 12. 14. Joh. 17. 21. Act. 4. 32. Ho●p Histor. Sacr. Ann. 15 29. Idem Ann. 1537 ▪ Ibid. Harm. Confes. par . 1. & 2. in Confess . Polon. 1. Chron. 22. 16. Mat 23. C. 4. v. 5. 2. Cor. 6. 16. 〈…〉 a● 〈…〉 . Ad Constant . August . Tit. 1. 3. Bucer . Rom. 14. 1. Rom. 15. 1. Magdeburg . Lib. 2. cap. 7. August . de unitate Eccl. c. 1● . a In Epist. ad Luther . b Contra Rober . Atringen & alibi . Hosp : in . Hist. Sacr. pag 144 ad An. 153 6. c Ibid. Coiloq . momp. . pag 16. 〈…〉 . Ann. 15●● p. 145. Math. 18. Joh. 1335. 1. Cor. 3. 12. Osiand . Antist. pag. 75. In Ant●st . pag ▪ 91. Gal. 2. 9 ▪ Act. 7. 16 Psal. 122 9. In Antist. pag. 7 4. O● . 2. Tit. 1. 3. Epist ad Stephen & ad Iuhaian Praef. ad Co●●il . Carthag . V●l . August . de B●p● . lib. 2 cap 4 5. Epiph. Har 42. & 70. N●zian Orat. 30. ●●st . ●u●lib 4 cap. 30. Orat. 3. de Pa. ● In Orat. unum esse Christ●m Notes for div A53386e-3290 Calvi● . Epist. 57. Bulling . Calvin . tract. 2. de●ens . de Sacra●… C●n● . Melanchthon Calvino , inter Epistola● Calvini , 187. Iob. Sturmius Ep. ●d Prin● . Fredet●i●ter Calvini Ep. 304. Calvin . Epist. 240. Iacob . Andreae . & Epist. 32. Farello . C●l●i● ▪ ●pi 〈…〉 Mart●●●●●●al●●●●o 〈…〉 t●s . 〈…〉 ● . 〈…〉 . a Ep. Sturm●● ad ●r●d . Prin●●●t●r Epist. ●al●in . 304. b ●●●●h . 〈…〉 de C●●● Domini con●●ss●● Magistrat . a ●●●tur 〈…〉 xtat ●●ter 〈…〉 Epist. ●04 . & Epist. 45 ●●●●●● Su●tz●r . ib. b Calvin . Epist 32. ●ar●●●● . c Melan●●● . Epist. Calvin . ●●●●●ter Ep. 187. Calv. Opusc. Defens . 2 ▪ de Sacram. C●…nae This is the Title of that Confession . G●i● de G● 〈…〉 li●●●t●●● D● 〈…〉 Crea 〈…〉 ‑ 〈…〉 Notes for div A53386e-5830 * Zanch. Iudici● de di●●idio C●●● in fine Miscella●●o●u●● Quod idem pr●batur a ●uinglio i●i●e a citate . ●●d . ●tiam F●ild●um nostratem ▪ in lib. de Eccles. & Appendi●e . ●●d lib. ● de Eccl●s●● . c. 35. & 42. & App●nd part . ● ▪ respons ▪ ad secundum capu● Hi●gonii . ●●●●●●a● citantur P●● . M●●a● l. Cai●tan 〈…〉 These heads 〈…〉 granted on bo●h sides in this Conscienc● . Notes for div A53386e-6630 G●l 6 1● . Notes for div A53386e-6790 〈…〉 15. 1. 〈…〉 3. 15. 
A64647	----	The great necessity of unity and peace among all Protestants, and the bloody principles of the papists made manifest by the most eminently pious and learned Bishop Usher ... Ussher, James, 1581-1656. 1688 Approx. 79 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 10 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2005-12 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A64647 Wing U178 ESTC R23183 12493621 ocm 12493621 62445 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A64647) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 62445) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 299:17) The great necessity of unity and peace among all Protestants, and the bloody principles of the papists made manifest by the most eminently pious and learned Bishop Usher ... Ussher, James, 1581-1656. [2], 14 p. Printed and sold by J. Wallis ..., London : 1688. Reproduction of original in Yale University Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Christian union -- Anglican Communion -- Early works to 1800. 2005-02 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-08 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2005-09 John Latta Sampled and proofread 2005-09 John Latta Text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE GREAT NECESSITY OF Unity and Peace AMONG ALL PROTESTANTS , AND THE Bloody Principles OF THE PAPISTS MADE MANIFEST . By the most Eminently Pious and Learned BISHOP USHER , Sometime Lord Primate of Ireland . HEB. XI . iv . — He being Dead , yet Speaketh . LONDON : Printed and Sold by J. Wallis in Whit 〈…〉 1688. 1 Cor. 10. Vers. 17 : We being many , are one Bread , and one Body : For we are all Partakers of that one Bread. OTher entrance I need not make unto my speech at this time , than that which the Apostle himself presenteth unto me in the verse next but one going before my Text : I speak to wise men . The more unwise might I deem my self to be , who being so conscious unto my self of my great weakness , durst adventure to discover the same before so grave and judicious an Auditory ; but that this consideration doth somewhat support me , that no great blame can light herein upon me , but some aspersion thereof must reflect upon your selves , who happened to make so evil a choice ; the more facile I expect you to be in a cause , wherein you your selves are some ways interested . The special cause of your assembling at this time , is , first , that you who profess the same truth , may joyn in one body , and partake together of the same blessed Communion : and then , that such as adhere unto false worship , may be discovered and avoided : You , in your wisdom , discerning this holy Sacrament to be , as it were , ignis probationis , which would both congregare homogenea , and segregare heterogena , ( as in Philosophy we use to speak ) both conjoyn those that be of the same , and disjoyn such as be of a differing kind and disposition . And to this purpose have I made choice of this present Text : Wherein the Apostle maketh our partaking of the Lords Table to be a testimony , not only of the union and communion which we have betwixt our selves , and with our Head , ( which he doth in the express words , which I have read ) but also of our dis-union and separation from all idolatrous worship : as appeareth by the application hereof unto his main drift and intendment , laid down in the 14. and 2 verses . The effect therefore of that which St. Paul in express terms here delivereth , is the Communion of Saints : which consisteth of two parts , the fellowship which they have with the Body , laid down in the beginning ; and the fellowship which they have with the Head , laid down in the end of the verse : both which are thus explained by St. John , That which we have seen and heard , declare we unto you , that ye also may have fellowship with us ; and truly our fellowship is with the Father , and with his Son Jesus Christ , 1 John 1. 3. Let them therefore that walk in darkness , brag as much as they list of their good-fellowship : This blessed Apostle assureth us , that such only as do walk in the light , have fellowship one with another , 1 Joh. 1. 6 , 7. even as they have fellowship with God , and Jesus Christ his Son , whose blood shall cleanse them from all sin . And to what better company can a man come , than to the general Assembly , and Church of the first born which are inrolled in Heaven , and to God the Judge of all , and to the spirits of just men made perfect , and to Jesus the Mediator of the new Covenant : and to the blood of sprinkling , which speaketh better things than that of Abel ? Heb. 12. 23 , 24. No fellowship ( doubtless ) is comparable to this Communion of Saints . To begin therefore with the first part thereof , as the Apost . in Gal. 3. 27. 28. maketh our being baptized into Christ , to be a testimony that we are all one in Christ : so doth he here make our partaking of that one bread , to be an evidence that we also are all one bread , and one body in him . And to the same purpose , in Chap. 12. following , he propoundeth both our Baptism and our drinking of the Lords Cup , as seals of the spiritual conjunction of us all into one mystical body . For as the body is one , ( saith he ) and hath many members , and all the members of that one body , being many , are one body : so also is Christ. For by one Spirit are we all baptized into one body , whether we he Jews or Gentiles , whether we be bound or free : and have been all made to drink into one Spirit . 1 Cor. 12. 12. 13. Afterwards he addeth , that we are the body of Christ , and members in particular , Ibid. v. 27. and in another place also , that We being many , are one body in Christ , and every one members one of another . Rom. 12. 5. Now the use which he teacheth us to make of this wonderful conjunction ( whereby we are made members of Christ , and members one of another ) is twofold : 1. That there should be no schism in the body . 2. That the members should have the same care one for another , 1 Cor. 12. 25. For preventing of Schism , he exhorteth us in Ephes. 4. 3 , 6. to keep the unity of the Spirit in the bond of peace : and to make this bond the firmer , he putteth us in mind of one Body , one Spirit , one Hope , one Lord , one Faith , one Baptism , one God and Father of all , who is above all , and through all , and in us all : by this multiplication of unities declaring unto us , that the knots whereby we are tied together , are both in number more , and of far greater moment , then that matters of smaller consequence should dissever us : and therefore that we should stand fast in one spirit , with one mind , striving together for the faith of the Gospel , and in nothing terrified by our adversaries , Phil. 1. 27 , 28. But howsoever God hath thus marshalled his Church in a goodly order , terrible as an Army with Banners : yet , such is the disorder of our nature , that many , for all this , break rank , and the enemy laboureth to breed division in Gods House , that so his Kingdom might not stand . Nay , oftentimes it cometh to pass that the Watchmen themselves , Cant. 5. 7. who were appointed for the safeguarding of the Church , prove , in this kind , to be the smiters and wounders of her : and from among them who were purposely ordained in the Church , for the bringing of men into the unity of the faith , and of the knowledge of the Son of God , Eph. 4. 13. even from among those , some do arise , that speak perverse things , to draw away disciples after them . Act 20. 30. Thus we find in the Ecclesiastical History , that after the death of Julian the Apistate , Questions and Disputes concerning matters of Doctrine were freshly set afoot by those who were set over the Churches . Whereupon Soz●men maketh this grave Observation : That the Disposition of men is such , that when they are wronged by others , they are at agreement among themselves ; but when they are freed of evils from abroad , then they make insurrections one against another . Which as we find to be too true by the late experience of our Neighbour Churches in the Low-Countries : So are we to consider with the Wiseman , that What hath been ; is now , and that which is to be , hath already been , Eccles. 3. 15. and be not so inquisitive , why the former days were better than these ? for we do not enquire wisely concerning this . Ibid. 6. 10. When like troubles were in the Church heretofore , Isidorus Pelusiota , an ancient Father , moveth the question , what a man should do in this case ? and maketh answer , That If it be possible we should mend it , but if that may not be , we should hold our peace . Lib. 4. Epist. 133. The Apostles resolution , I think , may give sufficient satisfaction in this point , to all that have moderate and peacable minds . If in any thing ye be otherwise minded , God shall reveal even this unto you : nevertheless , whereto we have already attained , let us walk by the same rule , let us mind the same thing . Phil. 3. 15. 16. It is not to be looked for , that all good men should agree in all things : neither is it fit that we should ( as our Adversaries do ) put the truth unto compromise , and to the saying of an Achitophel , whose counsel must be accepted , as if a man had inquired at the Oracle of God. We all agree that the Scriptures of God are the perfect rule of our faith : we all consent in the main grounds of Religion drawn from thence : we all subscribe to the articles of doctrine agreed upon in the Synod of the year 1562. for the avoiding of diversities of opinions , and the establishing of consent touching true Religion . Hitherto , by Gods mercy , have we already attained ; thus far therefore let us mind the same thing ; let not every wanton wit be permitted to bring what fancies he list into the Pulpit , and to disturb things that have been well ordered . I beseech you brethren ( saith the Apostle ) mark them which cause divisions and offences , contrary to the doctrine which ye have learned , and avoid them . Rom. 16. 17. If in some other things we be otherwise minded , than others of our brethren are ; let us bear one with another , until God shall reveal the same thing unto us : and howsoever we may see cause why we should dissent from others in matter of opinion ; yet let us remember , that this is no cause why we should break the Kings peace , and make a rent in the Church of God. A thing deeply to be thought of by the Ismaels of our time , whose hand is against every man , and every mans hand against them ; who bite and devour one another , until they be consumed one of another ; who forsake the fellowship of the Saints , and by a sacrilegious separation brake this bond of peace . Little do these men consider , how precious the peace of the Church ought to be in our eyes ( to be redeemed with a thousand of lives ) and of what dangerous consequence the matter of schism is unto their own souls . For howsoever the schismatich secundum affectum ( as the Schoolmen speak ) in his intention and wicked purpose , taketh away unity from the Church ; even as he that hateth God , doth take away goodness from him , as much as in him lieth : yet secundum effectum , in truth , and in very deed , he taketh away the unity of the Church only from himself : that is , he cutteth himself off from being united with the rest of the body ; and being dissevered from the body , how is it possible that he should retain communion with the Head ? To conclude therefore this first use which we are to make of our communion with the Body : let us call to mind the exhortation of the Apostle : Above all things put on love , which is the bond of perfectness , and let the peace of God rule in your hearts , to the which also ye are called in one Body . Col. 3. 14. 15. Behold how good and pleasant a thing it is for brethren to dwell together in unity : Ps. 133. 1. What a goodly thing it is to behold such an honourable Assembly as this is , to be as a house that is compact together in it self , Ps. 122. 3. holding fit correspondence with the other part of this great body , and due subordination unto their and our Head ! Such as wish not well to the publick good , and would rejoyce at the ruin of our State , long for nothing more , then that dissensions should arise hete , betwixt the members mutually , and betwixt them and the Head. Hoc Ithacus velit , & magno mercentur Atridae . They know full well , that every Kingdom divided against it self is brought to desolation ; and every house divided against it self , shall not stand : Matth. 12. 25. nor do they forget the Politicians old rule ; Divide & impera , make a division , and get the dominion . The more need have we to look herein unto our selves ; who cannot be ignorant how dolorous Solutio continui , and how dangerous Ruptures , prove to be unto our bodies . If therefore there be any comfort of love , if any fellowship of the Spirit , fulfil our joy : That ye be like minded , having the same love , being of one accord , of one mind ; and doing nothing through strife or vain glory . Phil. 2. 1 , 2 , 3. Remember that as oft as we come unto the Lords Table , so oft do we enter into new bonds of peace , and tie our selves with firmer knots of love together : this blessed Communion being a sacred seal , not only of the union which we have with our Head by faith , but also of our conjunction with the other members of the body by love . Whereby as we are admonished to maintain unity among our selves , that there be no schism or division in the body : so are we also further put in mind , that the members , should have the same care one for another . For that is the second use which St. Paul teacheth us to make hereof , in 1 Cor. 12. 26. which he further amplifieth in the verse next following , by the mutual sympathy and fellow-feeling which the members of the same body have on with another For whether one member suffer , all the members suffer with it ; or one member be honoured , all the members rejoyce with it . And then he addeth : Now ye are the body of Christ , and members in particular : shewing unto us thereby , that as we are all concorporated ( as it were ) and made copartners of the promise in Christ : so we should have one another in our hearts , to die and live together . 2 Cor. 7. 3. And hereupon is that exhortation in Heb. 13. 3 grounded : Remember them that are in bonds , as bound with them , and them which suffer adversity , as being our selves also in the Body : it being a perilous sign that we be no lively members of that body , if we be not sensible of the calamities that lie upon our afflicted brethren . We know the Woe that is pronounced against such as are at ease in Sion , and are not grieved for the affliction of Joseph , Amos 6. 1 , 6 , 7. with the judgment following . Therefore now shall they go captive , with the first that go captive . We know the Angels bitter curse against the inhabitants of Meroz . Curse ye Meroz ( said the Angel of the Lord ) curse ye bitterly the inhabitants thereof : because they came not to help the Lord , to help the Lord against the mighty . Judg. 5. 23. Not as if the Lord did stand in need of our help , or were not able , without our assistance , to maintain his own cause , but that hereby he would make trial of our readiness to do him service and prove the sincerity of our love . If we hold our peace and sit still at this time , deliverance shall arise to Gods Church from another place , Esther 4. 14. but let us look that the destruction do not light upon us and ours . I need not make any application of that which I have spoken : the face of Christendom , so miserably rent and torn , as it is at this day , cannot but present it self as a ruful spectacle unto all our eyes , and ( if there be any bowels in us ) stir up compassion in our hearts . Neither need I to be earnest in exciting you to put your helping hands to the making up of these breaches : your forwardness herein hath prevented me , and instead of petitioning ( for which I had prepared my self ) hath ministred unto me matter of thanksgiving . A good work is at all times commendable : but the doing of it in fit time , addeth much to the lustre thereof , and maketh it yet more goodly . The season of the year is approaching , wherein Kings go forth to battel , 2 Sam. 11. 1. the present supply and offer of your Subsidy was done in a time most seasonable : being so much also the more acceptable , as it was granted not grudgingly , or of necessity , but fr●ely , and with 〈…〉 mind : God 〈…〉 giver : and he is able to make all grace abound towards you , that ye always having all sufficiency in all things , may abound to every good work . 2 Cor. 9. 7 , 8. And thus being by your goodness so happily abridged of that which I intended further to have urged from the conjunction which we have with the Body : I pass now unto the second part of the Communion of Saints , which consisteth in the union which we all have with one Head. For Christ our Head is the main foundation of this heavenly union . Out of him there is nothing but confusion ; without him we are nothing but disordered heaps of rubbish : but in him all the building fitly framed together , groweth unto an holy Temple in the Lord ; and in him are we builded together an habitation of God through the Spirit , Ephes. 2. 21 , 22. Of our selves we are but lost sheep , scattered and wandring upon every Mountain . From him it is , that there is one fold , and one shepheard , ( Joh. 10. 16 ) God having purposed in himself to gather together in one all things in Christ , both which are in heaven , and which are on earth , even in him , Ephes. 1. 10. This is the effect of our Saviours prayer , Joh. 17. 21. That they all may be one , as thou Father art in me , and I in thee , that they also may be one in us , &c. I in them , and thou in me , that they may be made perfect in one . And this is it which we find so oft repeated by St. Paul : We being many , are one body in Christ , Rom. 12. 5 Ye are all one in Christ Jesus , Gal. 3. 28. And in the Text we have in hand : We being many , are one bread , and one body . Why ? because We are all partakers of that one bread : namely , of that bread , whereof he had said in the words immediately going before : The bread which we break , is it not the Communion of the Body of Christ ? 1 Cor. 10. 16. Under the name of Bread therefore here is comprehended both Panis Domini , and Panis Dominus ; not only the bread of the Lord , but also the Lord himself , who is that living Bread which came down from heaven , Joh. 6. 51. For as St. Peter , saying , that Baptism doth save us , 1 Pet. 3. 21. understandeth thereby both the outward part of that Sacrament , ( for he expressly calleth it a figure ) and more than that too ( as appeareth by the explication presently adjoyned : not the putting away of the filth of the flesh ) even the inward purging of our consciences by vertue of the death and resurrection of Jesus Christ : So St. Paul here making the reason of our union to be our partaking of all this one bread , hath not so much respect unto the external bread in the Sacrament ( through he exclude not that neither ) as unto the true and heavenly Bread figured thereby ; whereof the Lord himself pronounceth in John 6. 32. 51. The bread that I will give , is my flesh , which I will give for the life of the world : and ( to shew that by partaking of this bread , that wonderful union we speak of , is effected : ) He that eateth my flesh , and drinketh my blood , dwelleth in me , and I in him . Joh. 6. 56. It is a lamentable thing to behold , how this holy Sacrament , which was ordained by Christ to be a bond whereby we should be knit together in unity , is , by Satans malice , and the corruption of mans disposition , so strangely perverted the contrary way ; that it is made the principal occasion of that woful distraction which we see amongst Christians at this day , and the very fuel of endless strifes , and implacable contentions . And forasmuch as these mischiefs have proceeded from the inconsiderate confounding of those things which in their own nature are as different as may be : for the clearer distinguishing of matters , we are in the first place to consider , that a Sacrament taken it its full extent comprehendeth two things in it : that which is outward and visible , which the Schools call properly Sacramentum , ( in a more strict acception of the word : ) and that which is inward and invisible , which they term rem Sacramenti , the principal thing exhibited in the Sacrament . Thus in the Lords Supper , the outward thing which we see with our eyes , is bread and wine , the inward thing which we apprehend by faith is , the body and blood of Christ : in the outward part of this mystical action , which reacheth to that which is Sacramentum only , we receive this body and blood but sacramentally ; in the inward , which containeth rem , the thing it self in it , we receive them really : and consequently the presence of these in the one is relative and symbolical ; in the other , real and substantial . To begin then with that which is symbolical and relative : we may observe out of the Scripture , which saith , that Abraham received the sign of Circumcision , a seal of the righteousness of the saith which he had being uncircumcised ; that Sacraments have a two-fold relation to the things whereof they be Sacraments : the one of a sign , the other of a seal . Signs , we know , are relatively united unto the things which they do signify ; and in this respect are so nearly conjoyned together , that the name of the one is usually communicated unto the other . This cup is the new Testament , or , the new Covenant , saith our Saviour in the institution of the holy Supper , Luke 22. 20. This is my Covenant , saith God in the institution of Circumcision in the old Testament , Gen. 17. 10. but how it was his Covenant , he explainerh in the verse immediately following ; Ye shall circumcise the flesh of your foreskin ; and it shall be a SIGN of the Covenant betwixt me and you . So words being the signs of things , no sooner is the sound of the word conveyed to cur ears , but the notion of the thing signified thereby is presented unto our mind : and thereupon in the speech of the Scripture nothing is more ordinary , than by the term of Word to note a thing . We read in 1 Sam. 4. that the Philistines were afraid and said , God is come in the Camp. ver . 7. when the Israelites brought thither the Ark of the Covenant of the Lord of Hosts , which dwelleth between the Cherubims , v. 4. and yet was that no other but this relative kind of presence whereof now we speak : in respect whereof also the Shewbread is in the Hebrew named , the bread of faces , or , the presence bread . We see with us , the room wherein the Kings Chair , and other Ensigns of State are placed , is called the Chamber of presence , although the King himself be not there personally present . And as the rude and undutiful behaviour of any in that place , or the offering of any disrespect to the Kings Pourtraicture , or to the Armes Royal , or to any other thing that hath relation to his Majesty , is taken as a dishonour done unto the King himself : so here , he that eateth the bread , and drinketh the cup of the Lord unworthily , is accounted guilty of offering indignity to the body and blood of the Lord. 1 Cor. 11. 27. In this sort we acknowledge Sacraments to be Signs ; but bare signs we deny them to be : Seals they are , as well as signs of the Covenant of grace . As it was therefore said of John the Baptist , that he was a Prophet , and more than a Prophet : Matt. 11. 9. So must we say of Sacraments , that they be signs , and more than signs ; even pledges and assurances of the interest which we have in the heavenly things that are represented by them . He that hath in his chamber the picture of the French King , hath but a bare sign ; which possibly may make him think of that King when he looketh on it , but sheweth not that he hath any manner of interest in him . It is otherwise with him that hath the Kings great Seal for the confirmation of the title that he hath unto all the lands and livelihood which he doth injoy . And as here , the wax that is affixed to those letters Patents , howsoever for substance it be the very same with that which is to be found every where , yet being applied to this use , is of more worth to the Patent , than all the wax in the Countrey beside : so standeth it with the outward elements in the matter of the Sacrament . The bread and wine are not changed in substance from being the same with that which is served at ordinary tables : but in respect of the sacred use whereunto they are consecrated , such a change is made , that now they differ as much from common bread and wine , as heaven from earth . Neither are they to be accounted barely significative , but truly exhibitive also of those heavenly things whereto they have relation , as being appointed by God to be a means of conveying the same unto us , and putting us in actual possession thereof . So that in the use of this holy ordinance , verily as a man with his bodily hand and mouth receiveth the earthly creatures ; so verily doth he with his spiritual hand and mouth ( if any such he have ) receive the body and blood of Christ. And this is that real and substantial presence , which we affirmed to be in the inward part of this sacred action . For the better conceiving of which mistery , we are to inquire , first , what the thing is which we do here receive ; secondly , how and in what manner we are made partakers of it . Touching the first , the truth which must be held , is this : that we do not here receive only the benefits that flow from Christ ; but the very body and blood of Christ : that is , Christ himself crucified . For as none can be made partaker of the vertue of the bread and wine to his bodily sustenance , unless he first do receive the substance of those creatures : so neither can any participate in the benefits arising from Christ to his spiritual relief , except he first have communion with Christ himself . We must have the Son , before we have life , 1 Joh. 5. 12. and therefore eat him we must , Joh. 6. 57. ( as himself speaketh ) that is , as truly be made partakers of him as we are of our ordinary food , if we will live by him . As there is a giving of him on Gods part ( for unto us a Son is given , Esa. 9. 6. ) so there must be a receiving of him on our part ; for as many as received him , to them gave he power to become the sons of God. Joh. 1. 12. And as we are called by God unto the communion of his Son Jesus Christ our Lord , 1 Cor. 1. 9. so it we do hear his voice , and not harden our hearts by unbelief , we are indeed made partakers of Christ , Heb. 3. 14. This is that great mistery ( for so the Apostle termeth it ) of our union with Christ , whereby we are made members of his body , of his flesh , and of his bones , Eph. 5. 30 , 32. and this is that eating of the flesh of the Son of man , and drinking of his blood , which our Saviour insisteth so much upon , in Joh. 6. Where if any man shall demand , ( that I may now come unto the second point of our inquiry . ) How can this man give us his flesh to eat ? Joh. 6. 52. he must be ware that he come not pre-occupied with such dull conceits as they were possessed withal , who moved that question there ; he must not think that we cannot truly feed on Christ , unless we receive him within our jaws : for that is as gross an imagination as that of Nicodemus , who could not conceive how a man could be born again , unless he should enter the second time into his Mothers Womb : Joh. 3. 4. but must consider , that the eating and drinking which our Saviour speaketh of , must be answerable to the hungring and thirsting , for the quenching whereof this heavenly Banquet is provided . Mark well the words which he useth , toward the beginning of his discourse concerning this argument . I am the bread of life , he that cometh to me , shall never hunger ; and he that believeth in me , shall never thirst . But I said unto you , that ye also have seen me , and believe not . Joh 6. 35 , 36. And compare them with those in the end : It is the Spirit that quickeneth , the flesh profiteth nothing : the words that I speak unto you , they are spirit , and they are life . But there are some of you that believe not . Now observe , that such as our hungring is , such is our eating . But every one will confess , that the hunger here spoken of , is not corporal , but spiritual : Why then should any man dream here of a corporal eating ? Again , the corporal eating , if a man might have it , would not avail any thing to the slaking of this hunger , nay , we are expresly told , that the flesh thus taken ( for so we must understand it ) profiteth nothing , a man should never be the better , nor one jot the holier , nor any whit further from the second death , if he had filled his belly with it . But that manner of feeding on his flesh , which Christ himself commendeth unto us , is of such profit , that it preserveth the eater from death , and maketh him to live for ever , Joh. 6. 50 , 51 , 54 , 58. It is not therefore such an eating , that every man who bringeth a bodily mouth with him may attain unto : but it is of a far higher nature , namely , a spiritual uniting of us unto Christ , whereby he dwelleth in us , and we live by him . If any do farther inquire , how it is possible that any such union should be , seeing the body of Christ is in heaven , and we are upon earth ? I answer , that if the manner of this conjunction were carnal and corporal , it would be indeed necessary that things conjoyned should be admitted to be in the same place : but it being altogether spiritual and supernatural , no local presence , no physical nor mathematical continuity or contiguity is any way requisite thereunto . It is sufficient for the making of a real union in this kind , that Christ and we ( tho' never so far distant in place each from other ) be knit together by those spiritual ligatures , which are intimated unto us in the words alledged out of Joh. 6. to wit , the quickening Spirit descending downward from the Head , to be in us a fountain of supernatural life ; and a lively faith ( wrought by the same spirit ) ascending from us upward , to lay fast hold upon him , who having by himself purged our sins , sitteth on the right hand of the Majesty on high . First therefore , for the communion of the Spirit , which is the ground and foundation of this spiritual union ; let us call to mind what we have read in Gods Book : that Christ , the second Adam , was made a quickening Spirit : Cor. 15. 45. and that he quickeneth whom he will , Joh. 5. 21. that unto him God hath given the spirit without measure , Joh. 3. 34. and of his fulness have all we received , Joh. 1. 16. that he that is joyned unto the Lord , is one Spirit , 1 Cor. 6. 17. and that hereby we know that we dwell in him , and he in us , because he hath given us his Spirit , 1 Joh. 3. 24. 4. 13. By all which it doth appear , that the mistery of our union with Christ consisteth mainly in this : that the self same Spirit whch is in him , as in the Head , is so derived from him into every one of his true members , that thereby they are animated and quickened to a spiritual life . We read in Ezekel 1. of four living creatures , and of four wheels standing by them . When those went , ( saith the Text ) those went ; and when those stood , these stood : and when those were lifted up from the earth , the wheels were lifted up over against them . He that should behold such a vision as this , would easily conclude by that which he saw , that some invisible bands there were by which these wheels and living creatures were joyned together , howsoever none did outwardly appear unto the eye : and the holy Ghost , to give us satisfaction herein , discovereth the secret , by yielding this for the reason of this strange connexion ; that the spirit of the living creature was in the wheel , Exek . 1. 21. From whence we may inferr , that things may truly be conjoyned together , tho' the manner of the conjunction be not corporal : and that things distant in place may be united together , by having the spirit of the one communicated unto the other . Nay , if we mark it well , we shall find it to be thus in every of our own bodies : that the formal reason of the union of the members consisteth not in the continuity of the parts ( tho' that also be requisite to the unity of a natural body : ) but in the animation thereof by one and the same spirit . If we should suppose a body to be as high as the heavens , that the head thereof should be where Christ our Head is , and the feet where his members are : no sooner could that head think of moving one of the toes , but instantly the thing would be done , without any impediment given by that huge distance of the one from the other . And why ? because the same soul that is in the head , as in the fountain of sence and motion , is present likewise in the lowest member of the body . But if it should so fall out , that this , or any other member proved to be mortified , it presently would cease to be a member of that body ; the corporal conjunction and continuity with the other parts notwithstanding . And even thus is it in Christ ; altho ' in regard of his corporal presence , the heaven must receive him , until the times of the restitution of all things , Act. 3 21. yet is he here with us alway , even unto the end of the world , Matt. 28. 20. in respect of the presence of his Spirit ; by the vital influence whereof from him , as from the Head , the whole body is fitly joyned together , and compacted by that which every joynt supplieth , according to the effectual working in the measure of every part . Which quickening Spirit if it be wanting in any , no external communion with Christ or his Church , can make him a true member of this mistical body : this being a most sure principle , that He which hath not the Spirit of Christ is none of his , Rom. 8. 9. Now among all the graces that are wrought in us by the Spirit of Christ the soul ( as it were ) of all the rest , and that whereby the just doth live , Habak . 2. 4. Rom. 1. 17. Gal. 3 11. Heb. 10. 38 is Faith ; For we through the Spirit wait for the bope of righteousness by faith , saith St. Paul to the Galatians . Gal. 5. 5. And again : I live , yet n●t I , but Christ liveth in me ; and the life which I now live in the flesh , I live by the faith of the Son of God , who loved me , and gave himself for me , Gal. 2. 20. By faith it is , that we do receive Christ : Joh. 1. 12. and so likewise Christ dwelleth in our hearts by faith . Eph. 3. 17. Faith therefore is that spiritual mouth in us , whereby we eat the flesh of the Son of Man and drink his blood , that is , ( as the Apostle expresseth it without the Trope ) are made partakers of Christ , Heb. 3. 14. he being , by this means , as truly , and every ways as effectually made ours , as the meat and drink which we receive into our natural bodies . But you will say , If this be all the matter , what do we get by coming to the Sacrament ? seeing we have faith , and the quickening Spirit of Christ before we come thither . To this I answer : that the Spirit is received in divers measures , and faith bestowed upon us in different degrees ; by reason whereof our conjunction with Christ may every day be made straiter , and the hold which we take of him firmer . To receive the Spirit not by measure , Joh. 3. 34. is the priviledge of our Head : we that receive out of his fulness , Joh. 1. 16. have not our portion of grace delivered unto us all at once , but must daily look for supply of the Spirit of Jesus Christ. Phil. 1. 19. So also , while we are in this word , the righteousness of God is revealed unto us from faith to faith , Rom. 1. 17. that is , from one degree and measure of it to another : and consequently we must still labour to perfect that which is lacking in our faith , 1 Thes. 3. 10. and evermore pray with the Apostles , Lord increase our faith , Luke 17. 5. As we have therefore received Christ Jesus the Lord , so must we walk in him , rooted and built up in him ; and stablished in the faith , Colos. 2. 6 , 7. that we may grow up into him in all things , which is the Head. Ephes. 4 , 4. 1. And to this end God hath ordained publick officers in his Church for the perfecting of the Saints for the work of the ministery , for the edifying of the body of Christ , till we all come in the unity of the faith , and of the knowledge of the Son of God , unto a persect man , unto the measure of the stature of the fulness of Christ , Eph. 4. 12 , 13. and hath accordingly made them able Ministers of the Spirit that quickeneth , 1 Cor. 3. 6. and Ministers by whom we should helieve , even as the Lord shall give to every man , 1 Cor. 3. 5. When we have therefore received the Spirit and Faith ( and so spiritual life ) by their ministery , we are not there to rest : but as new born babes we must desire the sincere milk of the Word , that we may grow thereby , 1 Pet. 2. 2. and as grown men too , we must desire to be fed at the Lords Table , that by the strength of that spiritual repast we may be inabled to do the Lords work , and may continually be nourished up thereby in the life of grace , unto the life of glory , Neither must we here with a fleshly eye look upon the meanness of the outward elements , and have this faithless thought in our hearts , that there is no likelihood , a bit of bread , and a draught of wine should be able to produce such heavenly effects as these . For so we should prove our selves to be no wiser than Naaman the Syrian was , who having received direction from the man of God , that he should wash in Jordan seven times , to be cleansed of his Leprosie , 2 Kings 5. 12. 13. replied with indignation , Are not Abana and Pharpar , rivers of Damascus , better than all the waters of Israel ? May I not wash in them . and be clean ? But as his servants did soberly advise him then : If the Prophet had bid the do some great thing , wouldest thou not have done it ? How much rather then , when he saith to thee , Wash and be clean ? So give me leave to say unto you now : If the Lord had commanded us to do some great thing , for the artaining of so high a good ; should not we willingly have done it ? How much rather then , when he biddeth us to eat the bread , and drink the wine that he hath provided for us at his own Table , that by his blessing thereupon we may grow in grace , and be preserved both in body and soul unto everlasting life ? True it is indeed , these outward creatures have no natural power in them to effect so great a work as this is , no more than the water of Jordan had to recover the Leper : but the work wrought by these means , is supernatural ; and God hath been pleased , in the dispensation both of the Word and of the Sacraments , so to ordain it , that these heavenly treasures should be presented unto us in earthen vessels , that the excellency of the power might be of God. 2 Cor , 4. 7. As therefore in the preaching of the Gospel , the Minister doth not dare verba , and beat the air with a fruitless sound , but the words that he speaketh unto us are Spirit and life ; God being pleased by the foolishness of preaching , to save them that believe : so likewise in the administration of the Lords Supper , he doth not feed us with bare bread and wine , but if we have the life of faith in us , ( for still we must remember that this Table is provided not for the dead , but for the living ) and come worthily , the Cup of blessing which he blesseth , 1 Cor. 10. 16. will be unto us the communion of the blood of Christ , and the bread which he breaketh , the communion of the body of Christ ; of which precious body and blood we being really made partakers , ( that is , in truth and indeed and not in imagination only ) altho' in a spiritual and not a corporal manner , the Lord doth grant us , according to the riches of his glory to be strengthened with might by his Spirit in the inner man , that we may be filled with ad the fulness of God. Eph. 3. 16 , 19. For the Sacraments ( as well as the Word ) be a part of that ministration of the Spirit . which is committed to the Ministers of the New Testament , 2 Cor. 36 , 8. forasmuch as by one Spirit , ( as before we have heard from the Apostle ) we have been all baptized into one body , and have been all made to drink into one Spirit . 1 Cor. 12 , 13. And thus have I finished the first part of my task , my Congregatio homogeneorum , ( as I call it ) the knitting together of those that appertain to the same body , both with their fellow-members , and with their Head : which is the thing laid down in the express words of my Text. It remaineth now that I proceed to the Apostles application hereof unto the argument he hath in hand , which is Segregatio heterogeneorum , a dissevering of those that be not of the same communion ; that the faithful may not partake with Idolaters , by countenancing , or any way joyning with them in their ungodly courses . For that this is the main scope at which St. Paul aimeth in his treating here of the Sacrament , is evident both by that which goeth before in v. 19. Wherefore my deatly beloved , flee from Idolatry : and that which followeth in the 21. Ye cannot drink the Cup of the Lord , and the cup of Devils ; ye cannot be partakers of the Lords Table , and of the Table of Devils . Whereby we may collect thus much , that as the Lords Suprer is a seal of our conjunction one with another . and with Christ our Head ; so is it an evidence of our dis-junction from Idolaters , binding us to disavow all communion with them in their false worship , And indeed , the one must necessarily follow upon the other ; considering the nature of this hainous sin of Idolatry is such , that it can no ways stand with the fellowship which a Christian man ought to have , both with the Head , and with the body of the Church . To this purpose , in 2 Cor. 6. 16 , 17. we read thus : What agreement hath the Temple of God with Idols ? for ye are the Temple of the living God , as God hath said , I will dwell in them , and walk in them , and I will be their God , and they shall be my people . Wherefore come out from among them , and be ye separate , saith the Lord , and touch not the unclean thing ; and I will receive you . And in Colos. 2. 18 , 19. Let no man beguile you of your reward , in a voluntary humility , and worshipping of Angels , intruding into those things which he hath not seen , vainly puft up by his fleshly mind : and not holding the head , from which all the body by ioynts and bands having nourishment ministred and knit together , increaseth with the increase of God. In which words the Apostle sheweth unto us , that such as under pretence of humility were drawn to the worshipping of Angels , did not hold the Head , and consequently could not retain communion with the Body , which receiveth his whole growth from thence . Answerable whereunto the Fathers assembled out of divers Provinces of Asia in the Synod held at Laodicea , ( not far from the Colossians ) did so solemnly conclude , that Christiana ought not to forsake the Church of God , and go and invocate Angels , and pronounced an Anathema against any that should be found to do so , because ( say they ) he hath forsaken our Lord Jesus Christ , the Son of God , and given himself to Idolatry : Declaring plainly , that by this Idolatrous Invocation of Angels , a discession was made both from the Church of God , as they note in the beginning , and from Christ the Head of the Church , as they observe in the end of their Canon . For the further understanding of this particular , it will not be amiss to consider what Theodoret , a famous Bishop of the ancient Church , hath written of this matter in his Commentary upon Colos. 2d . that is , They that defended the Law ( saith he ) induced them also to worship the Angels , saying , that the Law was given by them . And this vice continued in Phrygia , and Pisidia for a long time : for which cause also the Synod assembled in Laodicea the chief City of Phrygia , forbid them by a Law , to pray unto Angels . And even to this day among them and their borderers , there are Oratories of St. Michael to be seen . This therefore did they counsel should be done , using humility , and saying , that the God of all was invisible , and inaccessible , and incomprehensible ; and that it was fit men should get Gods favour by the means of Angels . And this is it , which the Apostle saith ; In humility , and worshipping of Angels . Thus far Theodoret , whom Cardinal Baronius discerning to come somewhat close unto him , and to touch the Idolatry of the Popish crue a little to the quick , leaveth the poor shifts wherewith his companions labour to obscure the light of this testimony , and telleth us plainly , that Theodoret , by his leave , did not well understand the meaning of Pauls words : and that those Oratories of St. Michiel were erected anciently by Catholicks , and not by those Hereticks which were condemned in the Council of Laodicea , as he mistook the matter . As if any wise man would be perswaded upon his bare word , that the memory of things done in Asia so long since , should be more fresh in Rome at this day , than in the time of Theodoret , who lived 1200 years ago . Yet must I needs confess , that he sheweth a little more modesty herein than Bellarmine his fellow-Cardinal doth ; who would make us believe , that the place in Revel . 19. where the Angel saith to St. John that would have worshipped him , See thou do it not , I am thy fellow-servant , Worship God : maketh for them ; and demandeth very soberly , Why they should be reprehended , who do the same thing that John did ? and , whether the Calvinists knew better than John , whether Angels were to be Adored or no ? And as for invocation of them , he telleth us , that St. Jacob plainly prayed unto an Angel , in Gen. 48. when in blessing the sons of Joseph , he said , The Angel which delivered me from all evil , bless those children . Whom for answer we remit to St. Cyril , ( in the first Chapter of the third book of his Thesaurus ) and intreat him to tell us , how near of kin he is here to those Hereticks , of whom St. Cyril there speaketh . His words be these : That he doth not mean ( in that place , Gen. 48. 16. ) an Angel , as the HERBTICKS understand it , but the Son of God , is manifest by this : that when he had said , ( The Angel , ) he presently addeth , ( who delivered me from all evils . ) Which St. Cyril presupposeth , no good Christian will ascribe to any but to God alone . But to come more near yet unto that which is Idolatry most properly : An Idol ( we must understand ) in the exact propriety of the term , doth signifie any Image ; but according to the Ecclesiastical use of the word , it noteth such an Image as is set up for religious adoration . And in this later sence we charge the adherents of the Church of Rome with gross Idolatry : because that contrary to Gods express Commandment they are found to be worshipers of Images . Neither will it avail them here to say , that the Idolatry forbidden in the Scripture , is that only which was used by Jews and Pagars . The Apostle indeed in this place exhorting Christians from Idolatry , propoundeth the fall of the Jews in this kind before their eyes : Neither be ye Idolaters , saith he , as some of them were . 1 Cor. 10. 7. 8. And so doth he also add concerning another sin , in the verse following : Neither let us commit fornication as some of them committed . As well then might one plead , that Jewish or Heathenish Fornication were here only reprehended , as Jewish or Heathenish Idolatry . But as the one is a foul sin , whether it be committed by Jew , Pagan , or Christian : so if such as profess the Name of Christ , shall practise that which the word of God condemneth in Jews and Pagans , for Idolatry , their profession is so far from diminishing , that it augmenteth rather the hainousness of the crime . The Idols of the Heathen are silver and gold , the work of mens hands , saith the Psalmist , and so the Idols ( of Christians , in all likelihood , mentioned in the Revelation , are said to be of gold , and silver , and brass , and stone , and of wood ; which neither can see , nor hear , nor walk . The description of these Idols ( we see ) agreeth in all points with Popish Images : where is any difference ? The Heathen , say they , held the Images themselves to be Gods , which is far from our thought . Admit , some of the simpler sort of the Heathen did so : what shall we say of the Jewish Idolaters , ( of whom the Apostle here speaketh ) who erected the golden Calf in the wilderness ? Can we think that they were all so senseless , as to imagin that the Calf , which they knew was not at all in rerum natura , and had no Being at that time when they came out of Egypt , should yet be that God which brought them up out of the land of Egypt , Exod. 32. 4. And for the Heathen : did the Romans and Grecians , when they dedicated in several places an hundred Images ( for example ) to the honour of Jupiter , the King of all their Gods , think that thereby they had made an hundred Jupiters ? or when their blocks were so old , that they had need to have new placed in their stead ; did they think by this change of their Images , that they made change also of their Gods ? without question they must so have thought , if they did take the very Images themselves to be Gods : And yet the Prophet bids us consider diligently ; and we shall find that the Heathen Nations did not change their Gods , Jer. 2. 10 , 11. Nay , what do we meet with , more usually in the writings of the Fathers , than these answers of the Heathens for themselves ? We Worship the Gods by the Images . We fear not them , but those to whose Image they are made , and to whose names they are consecrated . I do not worship that stone , nor that Image which is without sense . I neither worship the Image nor a spirit in it ; but by the Bodily Portaiture I do behold the sign of that thing which I ought to worship . But admit they did not account the Image it self to be God , ( will the Papist further say ; ) yet were those images set up to represent either things that had no being , or Devils , or false Gods ; and in that respect were Idols : whereas we erect Images only to the honour of the true God and his servants the Saints and Angels . To this I might oppose that answer of the Heathen to the Christians : We do not worship evil spirits : Such as you call Angels , those do we also worship , the powers of the great God , and the Ministers of the great God : And put them in mind of St. Augustines reply : I would you did worship them ; you should easily learn of them not to worship them . But I will grant unto them , that many of the Idolatrous Jews and Heathens Images were such as they say they were : yet I deny that all of them were such , and confidently do avouch , that Idolatry is committed by yielding Adoration to an Image of the true God himself . For proof whereof ( omitting the Idols of Micha , Judg. 17. 3 , 13. and Jeroboam , 2 Kings 10. 16. 29 , 31. which were erected to the memory of Jehovah the God of Israel ; as also the Athenians superstitious Worship of the Unknown God , Act. 17. 23. if , as the common use of Idolaters was , they added an Image to their Altar : ) I will content my self with these two places of Scripture ; the one whereof concerneth the Jews , the other the Heathen . That which toucheth the Heathen , is in the first Chapter of the Epistle to the Romans : where the Apostle having said , that God had shewed unto them that which might be known of him ; and that the invisible things of him , that is , his eternal Power and Godhead , was manifested unto them by the Creation of the World , and the contemplation of the Creatures : he addeth presently , that God was sorely displeased with them , and therefore gave them up unto vile affections , because , they changed the glory of that uncorruptible God , into an Image made like to corruptible Men , and to Birds , and Four-footed Beasts , and creeping Things . Whereby it is evident , that the Idolatry condemned in the wisest of the Heathen , was the adoring of the invisible God , whom they acknowledged to be the Creator of all things , in visible Images fashioned to the similitude of Men and Beasts . The other place of Scripture , is the 4 of Deuteronomy : where Moses useth this speech unto the Children of Israel . The Lord speak unto you out of the midst of the fire : yee heard the voice of the Words , but saw no similitude , only ye heard a voice , verse 12. And what doth he infer upon this ? Take ye therefore good heed unto your selves , ( saith he in the 15. verse ) for ye saw no manner of similitude on the day that the Lord speak unto you in Horeb , out of the midst of the fire . Lest ye corrupt your selves , and make you a graven Image , the similitude of any figure , the likeness of Male or Female , the likeness of any Beast that is on the Earth , the likeness of any winged Fowl that flieth in the Air , the likeness of any thing that creepeth on the ground , the likeness of any Fish that is in the Waters beneath the Earth . Where we may observe : first , that God , in the delivery of the Law , did purposely use a voice only ; because that such a creature as that , was not to be expressed by visible lineaments , as if that voice should have said unto the Painter , as Eccho fayned to doe it the Poet. Vane , quid affectas faciem mihi ponete , pictor ? Si mihi vis similem pingere , pinge sonum . Secondly , that when he uttered the words of the second Commandement in mount Sinai , and forbad the making of the likeness of any thing that is in Heaven above , or in the Earth beneath , or in the Waters under the Earth ; he did at that time forbear to shew himself in any visible shape , either of man or woman , either of beast in the earth , fowl in the air , or fish in the waters beneath the earth : to the end it might be the better made known , that it was his pleasure not to be adored at all in any such forms ; and that the worshiping of Images , not only as they have reference to the creatures whom they do immediatly represent , or to false gods , but also as they have relation to himself ( the true God , who was then speaking unto them in the Mount ) did come within the compass of the Idolatry which was condemned in that Commandment . In vain therefore do the Romanists go about to perswade us , that their Images be no Idols : and as vainly also do they spend time in curiously distinguishing the several degrees of worship ; the highest point whereof , which they call Latreia , and acknowledg to be due only unto God , they would be loth we should think that they did communicate to any of their Images . But here we are to understand , first of all , that Idolatry may be committed by giving not the highest only , but also the lowest degree of religious adoration unto Images : and therefore in the words of the Commandment , the very bowing down unto them , which is one of the meanest degrees of worship , is expresly forbidden . Secondly , that it is the received doctrine of Popish Divines , that the Image should be honoured with the same worship , wherewith that thing is worshipped whose Image it is : and therefore what adoration is due to Christ and the Trinity , the same by this ground they are to give unto their Images . Thirdly , that in the Roman Pontifical published by the authority of Clement the 8. ( to omit other testimonies in this kind ) it is concluded , that the Cross of the Popes Legate shall have the right hand , upon this very reason , quia debetur et ●atria , because the worship proper to God is due to it . Now whether they commit Idolatry , who communicate unto a senseless thing , that worship which they themselves confess to be due unto God alone : let all the world judge . They were best therefore from henceforth confess themselves to be Idolaters : and stand to it , that every kind of Idolatry is not unlawful . Their Jesuite Gregorius de Valentia will tell them for their comfort , that it is no absurdity to think that St. Peter , when he deterreth the faithful by name ab illicit is Idolerum cultibus ( St. Peter calleth them , that is , abominable Idolatries ) doth insinuate thereby , that some worship of Images is lawful . John Monceye the Frenchman in his Aaron Purgatus ( dedicated to the late Pope Paul 5. ) and in his 20 questions propounded to Visorius , stretcheth yet a strain higher . For howsoever he cannot away with the name of Idols and Idolatry ; yet he liketh the thing it self so well , that he undertaketh to clear Aaron from committing any error in setting up the golden Calf , and laboureth to purge Laban , and Micha ; and Jeroboam too , from the imputation of idolatry : having found indeed , that nothing had been done by them in this kind , which is not agreeable to the practice of the Roman Church at this day . And lest the poor people , whom they have so miserably abused , should find how far they have been misled , we see that the masters of that Church do in the Service books and Catechisms , which come unto the hands of the vulgar , generally leave out the words of the second Commandment that make against the adoration of images : fearing lest by the light thereof , the mistery of their iniquity should be discovered . They pretend indeed that this Commandment is not excluded by them , but included only in the first : whereas in truth they do but craftily conceal it from the peoples eyes , because they would not have them to be ruled by it . Nay , Vasquez the Jesuit doth boldly acknowledge , that it plainly appeareth by comparing the words of this Commandment , with the place which hath been alledged out of Deut. 4. that the Scripture did not only forbid the worshipping of an image for God , but also the adoration of the true God himself in an image . He confesseth further , that he and his fellow Catholicks do otherwise . What saith he then to the commandment , think you ? Because it will not be obey'd it must be repeal'd , and not admitted to have any place among the moral precepts of God. It was ( saith he ) a positive and ceremonial Law : and therefore ought to cease in the time of the Gospel . And as if it had not been enough for him to match the Scribes and Pharisces in impiety , who made the Commandments of God of none effect , that they might keep their own traditions : that he might fulfil the measure of his fathers , and shew himself to be a true child of her who beareth the name of being the mother of harlots and abominations of the earth ; Rev. 17 5. he is yet more mad , and sticketh not to maintain , that not only a painted Image , but any other thing of the world , whether it be without life and reason , or whether it be a reasonable creature , may ( in the nature of the thing , and if the matter be discreetly handled ) be adored with God , as his image ; yea , and counteth it no absurdity at all , that a very wisp of straw should be thus worshipped . But let us turn yet again , and we shall see greater abominations than these . Ezek. 8. 15. We heard how this blessed Sacrament , which is here propounded by the Apostle , as a bond to unite Christians together in one body , hath been made the Apple of strife , and the occasion of most bitter breaches in the Church : we may now observe again , that the same holy Sacrament , which by the same Apostle is here brought in as a principal inducement to make men flee from Idolatry , is by our Adversaries made the object of the grossest Idolatry that ever hath been practised by any . For their constant doctrine is , that in worshipping the Sacrament they should give unto it , ●atriae cul●um qui vero Deo debetur , ( as the Councel of Trert hath determined , ) ' that kind of service which is due to the true God ; determining their worship in that very thing which the Priest doth hold betwixt his hands . Their practice also runs accordingly : for an instance whereof we need go no further than to Sanders book of the Lords Supper ; before which he hath prefixed an Epistle Dedicatory , superscribed in this manner : To the Body and Blood of our Saviour Jesus Christ , under the forms of Bread and Wine , all honour , praise , and thinks , be given for ever . Adding further in the process of that blockish Epistle : Howsoever it be with other men , I adore thee my God and Lord really present under the forms of Bread and Wine , after consecration duly made : Beseeching thee of pardon for my sins , &c. Now if the conceit which these men have concerning the Sacrament , should prove to be false ( as indeed we know it to be most absurd and monstruous ) their own Jesuit Cosler doth freely confess , that they should be in such an error and Idolatry , qualis in orbe terratum nunquam vel visus vel auditus fuit ▪ as never was seen or heard in this world . For the error of them is more tolerable , ( saith he ) who worship for God a Statue of gold or silver , or an Image of any other matter , as the Gentiles adored their Gods ; or a red cloth lifted up upon a spear , as it is reported of the Lappians ; or living Creatures , as did sometime the Egyptians ; than of those that worship a piece of bread . We therefore who are verily perswaded that the Papists do thus , must of force ( if we follow their Jesuits direction ) judge them to be the most intolerable idolaters that ever were . Nay , according to their own principles , how is it possible that any of themselves should certainly know , that the Host which they worship should be any other thing but bread ? seeing the change doth wholly depend upon consecration duly made , ( as Sanders speaketh ) and that rependeth upon the intention of the Priest , which no man but himself can have notice of . Bellarmin , disputing against Ambrosius Catharinus , one of his own brethren , that a man hath no certain knowledge of his own justification , can take advantage of this , and alledge for himself , that one cannot be certain by the certainty of faith , that he doth recive a true Sacrament ; for as much as the Sacrament cannot be made without the intention of the Minister , and none can see another mans intention . Apply this now to the matter we have in hand , and see into what intricate Labyrinths these men have brought themselves . Admit the Priests intention stood right at the consecration , yet if he that baptized him failed in his intention when he administred that Sacrament , he remaineth still unbaptized , and so becometh uncapable of Priesthood ; and consequently , whatsoever he consecrateth is but bread still . Yea , admit he were rightly baptized too : if either the Bishop that conferred upon him the Sacrament of Orders , ( fot so they hold it to be ) or those that baptized or ordained that Bishop , missed their right intention ; neither will the one prove Bishop , nor the other Priest ; and so with what intention soever either the one or the other doth consecrate , there remaineth but bread still . Neither doth the inconvenience stay here , but ascendeth upward to all their predecussors : in any one of whom if there fall out to be a nullity of Priesthood ( for want of intention , either in the baptizer , or in the ordainer ) all the generation following , according to their principles , go without their Priesthood too ; and so deliver but bread to the people , instead of the body of Christ. The Papists themselves therefore , if they stand unto their own grounds , must needs confess , that they are in no better case here , than the Samaritans were in , of whom our Saviour saith , Ye worship ye know not what , Joh. 4. 22. but we know , that what they worship ( be the condition or intention of their Priest what it will be ) is bread indeed ; which while they take to be their God , we must still account them guilty of spiritual fornication , ' and such fornication , as is not so much as named amongst the Gentiles . These then being the Idolaters with whom we have to deal , let us learn first how dangerous a thing it is to communicate with them in their false worship . Rev. 18. 4. For if we will be partakers of Babylons sins , we must look to receive of her plagues . Secondly , we are to be admonished , that it is not sufficient that in our ownpersons we refrain worshipping of idols , but is further required , that we restrain ( as much as in us lieth ) the practice thereof in others ; lest by suffering God to be dishonoured in so high a manner , when we may by our calling hinder it , we make our selves partakers of other mens sins . Eli the High Priest was a good man , and gave excellent counsel unto his lewd sons : yet we know what judgment fell upon him , because his sons made themselves vile , and he frowned not upon them , ( that is , restrained them not ; ) which God doth interpret to be a kind of idolatry , in ' honouring his sons above him . The Church of Pergamus did for her own part hold fast Christs name , and denied not his faith : yet had the Lord something against her ; because she had there them that held the doctrine of Balaam , who taught Balac to cast a stumbling block before the children of Israel , to eat things facrificed unto idols , and to commit fornication . So we see what special notice our Saviour taketh of the works , and charity , and service , and faith , and patience of the Church of Thyatira : and yet for all this he addeth , Notwithstanding , I have a few things against thee , because thou sufferest that woman Jezebel , which calleth her self a Prophetess , to teach and to sedue my servants to commit fornication , and to eat things sacrificed untoidols . Revel 2. 20. In Judges 2. God telleth the children of Israel , what mischief should come unto them by tolerating the Canaanitish idolaters in their Land. They shall be thorns in your sides ( saith he ) and their Gods stall be a snare unto you . Which words contain in them the intimation of a double danger : the one respecting the Soul , and the other the Body . That which concerneth the Soul is : that their idols should be a snare unto them . For God well knew that mans nature is as prone to spiritual fornication , as it is to corporal . As therefore for the preventing of the one , he would not have a common harlot tolerated in Israel , Lest the Land ss●ould fall to whoredom , and become full of wickedness , Levit. 19. 29. so for the keeping out of the other , he would have provocations taken away , and all occasions whereby a man might be tempted to commit so vile a sin . The bodily danger that followeth upon the toleration of idolaters , is : that they should be in their sides , that is , ( as in another place it is more fully expressed ) they should be pricks in their eyes , and thorns in their sides , and should vex them in the Land wherein they dwelled . Now in both these respects it is certain , that the toleration of the Idolaters with whom we have to do , is far more perilous than of any other . In regard of the spiritual danger , wherewith simple souls are m●re like to be insnared : because this kind of Idolatry is not brought in with an open shew of impiety , ( as that of Pagans ) but is a mistery of iniquity , a wickedness covered with the vail of Piety ; and the harlot , which maketh the inhabitants of the earth drunk with the wine of this formcation , is both gilded her self , and presenteth also her abominations unto her followers in a cup of gold . Rev. 17. 2 , 4. If we look to outward peril , we are like to find these men , not thorns in our sides to vex us , but daggers in our hearts to destroy us . Not that I take all of them to be of this furious disposition , ( mistake me not : I know a number my self of a far different temper : ) but because there are never wanting among them some tutbulent humours , so inflamed with the spirit of fornication , that they run mad with it ; and are transported so far , that no tolerable terms can content them , until they have attained to the utmost pitch of their unbridled desires . For compassing whereof , there is no treachery , nor rebellion , nor murther , nor desperate course whatsoever , that ( without all remorse of conscience ) they dare not adventure upon . Neither do they thus only , but they teach men also so to do : arming both Pope , and Bishops , and People , and private persons , with power to cast down even Kings themselves from their Thrones , if they stand in their way , and give any impediment to their designs . Touching the Popes power herein , there is no disputing : one of them telleth us , that there is no doubt , but the Pope may depose all Kings , when there is a reasonable cause so to do . For Bishops , Cardinal Baronius informeth us by the example of Dacius the Bishop of Millayn , his dealing against the Arrians , that those Bishops deserve no blame , and ought to suffer no envy , who roll every stone , ( yea , and rather than fail , would blow up stones too ) that they may not live under an heretical Prince . For the People , Dominicus Bannes , a Dominican Priar , resolves that they need not , in this case , expect any sentencing of the matter by Pope , or other ; but when the knowledge of the fault is evident , subjects may lawfully ( if so be they have sufficient strength ) exempt themselves from subjection to their Princes , before any declaratory sentence of a Judge . And that we may understand that the Proviso which he inserteth of having strength sufficient , is very material ; he putreth us in mind , that the faithful ( the Papists he meaneth ) of England , are to be excused hereby , who do not exempt themselves from the power of their superiors , nor make war against them . Because that generally they have not power sufficient to make such wars against Princes , and great dangers are eminent over them . Lastly , for private persons , we may read in Suarez , that an heretical King , after sentence given against him , is absolutely deprived of his Kingdom , so that he cannot possess it by any just title : and therefore from thence forth may be handled altogether as a Tyrant ; and consequently , he may be killed by any private person . Only the Jesuit addeth this limitation : that If the Pope do depose the King he may be expelled or killed by them only to whom he shall commit that business . But if he injoin the execution thereof to us body , then it shall appertain to the lawful successer in the Kingdom : or if none such be to be found , i● shall belong to the Kingdom it self . But let him once ●e declared to be a Tyrant ; Mariana ( Suarez his Country-man and fellow Jesuit ) will tell you better how he should be handled . That a Tyrant ( saith he ) may be killed by open force and arms , whether by violent ●●eaking in into the Court , or by joyning of battel , is a matter confess'd : yea , and by deceit and ambushes too , as Ehud o● in killing Eglon the King of the Moabites . Indeed it ●●uld argue a braver mind to profess open enmity , and publikly to rush in upon the enemy of the Common-wealth : ●ut it is no less prudence , to make advantage by fraud and ambushes , because it is done without stir , and with less dan●er surely , both publick and private . His conclusion is , that it is lawful to take away his life , by any art whatsoever : with this proviso 〈…〉 be not constrained either wittingly or unwittingly to be the cause of his own death . Where the tenderness of a Jesuits conscience is well worth the observing . He maketh no scruple at all to take away the mans life : only he would advise that he be not made away , by having poyson conveyed into his meat or drink , lest in taking hereof ( forsooth ) he which is to be killed , should by this means have some hand in procuring his own death . Yet poison him you may , if you list , so that the venom be externally applied by some other , he that is to be killed helping nothing thereunto : namely , when the force of the poison is so great , that a seat or garment being infected there with , it may have strength to kill . And that such means of poisoning hath been used , he proveth by divers practices of the Moors : which we leave to be considered of by Fitzherbert , who to prove that Squires intention of poisoning Q. Eliz. in this manner , was but a meer fiction ) would perswade us that it is not agreeable to the grounds of nature and reason , that any such thing should be . Thus we see what pestisent doctrine is daily broched by these incendiaries of the world : which , what pernicious effects it hath produced , I need not go far to exemplifie ; this assembly and this place cannot but call to mind the memory of that Barbarous Plot of the Powder-treason . Which being most justly charged to have exceeded all measure of cruelty ; as involving not the K. alone , but also his Children , and the States of the Kingdom , and many thousands of innocent people in the same ruin : a wicked varlet ( with whose name I will not defile this place ) steppeth forth some 4 years after , and with a brazen forehead bideth us not to wonder at the matter . ' For of an evil and pernicious herb , both the seeds are to be crushed , and all the roots to be pulled up , that they grow not again . And otherwise also , for a few wicked persons it falleth out oftentimes that many perish in shipwrack . In the later of which reasons we may note these mens insolent impiety toward God : in arrogating unto themselves such an absolute power for the murchering of innocents , as he that is Lord of all , hath over his own Creatures ; the best of whom , if he do enter into ●udgment with them , will not be found righteous in his 〈◊〉 . In the former , we may observe their deadly ma●… toward Gods Anointed . which they sufficiently dec●●re will not be satisfied but by the extirpation of him and all his Roal progeny . And whereas for the discovery of such wicked spirits ; his Majesty in his Princely wisdom did cause an Oath of a●legiance to be framed ; by the tendring whereof h● might be the better able to distinguish betwixt his lo●al and disloyal subjects , and to put a difference betwixt a seditious and a quiet-minded Romanist : this companion derideth his simplicity , in imagining , that that will serve the turn , and supposing that a Pap●st will think himself any whit bound by taking such an Oath . See ( saith he ) in so great oraft , how great simplicity doth bewray it self . When he had placed all his security in that Oath , he thought he had found such a manner of Oath , knit with so many circumstances , that it could not , with , safety of Conscience , by any means be dissolved by any Man. But he could not se , that if the Pope did dissolve that Oath ; all the tyings of it , ( whether of performing fidelity to the King , or of admitting no Dispensation ) would be dissolved together . Yea , I will say another thing that is more admirable . You know ( I believe ) that an unjust Oath , if it be evidently known , or openly declared to be such , bindeth no man ; but is void ipso facto . That the Kings Oath is unjust , hath been sufficiently declared by the Pastor of the Church himself . You see therefore , that the obligation of it is vanished into smoak : so that the bond , which by so many wise Men was thought to be of Iron , is become less than of Straw . If matters now be come unto this pass , that such as are addicted to the Pope , will account the Oath of Allegience to have less force to bind than a rope of straw ; judge ye wether that be not true which hath been said , that in respect not of spirituall-infection only , but of outward danger also to our State , Idolaters may be more safely permitted than Papists . Which I doe not speak , to exasperate you against their persons , or to stirr you up to make new Laws for shedding of their blood . Their blindness I do much pitty : and my hearts desire and prayer to God for them is , that they might be saved . Onely this I must say , that ( things standing as they do ) I cannot preach peace unto them . For as John said to Joram , 2 Kings . 9. 22. What peace , so long as the whoredomes of thy Mother J●zabel , and her witchcrafts are so many ? So must I say unto them : What peace can there be , so long as you suffer your selves to be led by the mother of harlots and abominations of the earth , who by her sorceries hath deceived all nations , and made them drunk with the Wine of her fornication ? Let her put away her Whoredoms out of her sight , and her Adulteries from between her brests ; let her repent of her murthers , and her sorceries , and her Idolatries : or rather , because she is past all hope , let those that are seduced by her cease to communicate with her in these abominable iniquities ; and we shall be all ready to meet them , and rejoyce with the Angels in heaven for their conversion . In the mean time , they who sit at the Helm and have the charge of our Church and Common-wealth committed to them , must provide by all good means , that God be not dishonoured by their open Idolatries , nor our King and State indangered by their secret trecheries . Good Laws there are already enacted to this purpose : which if they were duly put in execution , we should have less need to think of making new . But it is not my part to press this point . I will therefore conclude as I did begin : I speak as to wise men ; Judge ye what I say . FINIS . 
A64674	----	The prophecy of Bishop Usher unto which is added two letters, one from Sir William Boswell ... to the Most Reverend William Laud ... : the other from the Reverend John Bramhall ... to the Most Reverend James Usher, late Archbishop of Armah. Ussher, James, 1581-1656. 1687 Approx. 16 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 6 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2005-12 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A64674 Wing U209 ESTC R12466 13308223 ocm 13308223 98980 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A64674) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 98980) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 441:9) The prophecy of Bishop Usher unto which is added two letters, one from Sir William Boswell ... to the Most Reverend William Laud ... : the other from the Reverend John Bramhall ... to the Most Reverend James Usher, late Archbishop of Armah. Ussher, James, 1581-1656. Boswell, William, Sir, d. 1649. Bramhall, John, 1594-1663. [3], 9 p. [s.n.], London : 1687. Reproduction of original in Cambridge University Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Prophecies -- Early works to 1800. 2005-02 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-03 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2005-04 Judith Siefring Sampled and proofread 2005-04 Judith Siefring Text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE PROPHECY OF Bishop Usher . Unto which is Added TWO LETTERS , ONE FROM Sir WILLIAM BOSWELL ( Ambassadour at the Hague ) To the Most Reverend WILLIAM LAUD , Late Archbishop of Canterbury . The other from the Reverend JOHN BRAMHALL , Bishop of Derry in IRELAND , To the Most Reverend JAMES USHER , Late Archbishop of Armah . LONDON : Printed in the Year , 1687. THE PROPHECY OF Bishop Usher . THE Prediction of the most Learned and Pious Arch-bishop Usher , is very remarkable , as it was Printed about seven years ago with Licence , and the Truth of the matter of Fact therein delivered , never that I know of denied , but confirmed by many , which in short was thus . — That the year before this holy Primate died ( who was Buried in the Abbey at Westminster 17 of April , 1656. The Usuper Cromwel allowing 2001. towards his Funeral , so great his Worth , that it even charmed that Tyrant , otherwise far from being a Friend to any of his Profession : ) An intimate Friend of the Arch-bishop's asking him ( amongst other discourse ) what his present Apprehensions were concerning a very great Persecution which should fall upon the Church of God in these Nations of England , Scotland and Ireland , ( of which he had heard him speak with great confidence many years before , when we were in the highest and fullest state of outward peace and settlement ) and whether he did believe those sad Times to be past , or that they were yet to come ? He answered — That they were yet to come , and that he did as confidently expect it as ever be had done . Adding , That this sad Persecution would fall upon all the Protestant Churches of Europe . His Friend arguing , that he hoped the afflicton might now be over , and be intended of our late calamitous Civil Wars . The Reverend Prelate turning towards him , and fixing his Eyes upon him with that serious and severe Look which he usually had when he spake God's Word , and not his own , and when the Power of God seemed to be upon him , and to constrain him to speak , said thus : Fool not your selves with such hopes , for I tell you , all you have yet seen , hath been but the beginning of sorrows to what is yet to come upon the Protestant Churches of Christ , who will ere long fall under a sharper Persecution than ever yet has been upon them ; and therefore ( said he to him ) Look you be not found in the outward Court , but a Worshiper in the Temple before the Altar , for Christ will measure all those that profess his Name , and call themselves his People ; and Outward Worshipers he will leave out , to be trodden down by the Gentiles . The Outward Court ( says he ) is the formal Christian , whose Religion l●es in performing the outside duties of Christianity , without having an inward Life and Power of Faith and Love , uniting them to Christ , and th●se God will leave to be trodden down , and swept away by the Gentiles : But the Worshipers within the Temple , and before the Altar , are those who do indeed Worship God in Spirit and in Truth , whose Souls are made his Temples , and he is honoured and adored in the most inward thoughts of their Hearts , and they sacrifice their Lusts and vile affections , yea , and there own Wills to him ; and th●se God will bide in the hollow of his Hand , and under the shadow of his Wings ? and this shall be one great difference between this last , and all the other preceding Persecutions , For in the former , the most eminent and Spiritual Ministers and Christians did generally suffer m●st , and were most violently fallen upon , but in this last Persecution , these shall be preserved by God as a Seed to partake of that Glory which shall immediately follow and come upon the Church , as soon as ever this storm shall be over ; for as it shall be the sharpest , so it shall be the shortest Persecution of them all ; and shall only take away the gross Hypocrites and formal Professors , but the true Spiritual Believers shall be preserved till the Calamity be over past . His Friend then asked him , By what means or Instruments this great Tryal should be brought on . He answered , by the Papists . His Friend replyed , That it seemed very improbable they should be able to do it , since they were now little countenanced , and but few in these Nations , and that the Hearts of the People were more set against them than ever since the Reformation . He answered again , That it would be by the hands of Papists , and in the way of a suddain Massacre , and that the then Pope should be the chief Instrument of it . He also added , That the Papists were in his Opinion the Gentiles spoken of , Rev. 11. to whom the Outward Court should be left , that they might tread it under Foot ▪ they having received the Gentiles worship in their adoring Images , and Saints departed , and in taking to themselves many Mediators : And this ( said he ) the Papists are now designing among themselves , and therefore be sure you be ready . This gracious man repeated the same things in Substance to his only Daughter the Lady Tyrril , and that with many Tears , and much about the same time . A Letter from Sir William Boswell , to the most Reverend William Laud , late Arch-bishop of Canterbury , remaining with Sir Robert Cotton's choice Papers . Most Reverend ; AS I am here employ'd by our Soveraign Lord the King , vour Grace can testify that I have left no Stone unturn'd for his Majesty's Advancement ; neither can I omit ( whenever I meet with Treacheries or Conspiracies against the Church and State of England ) the sending your Grace an Account in General . I fear Matters will not answer your expectations , if your Grace do but seriously weigh them with deliberation . For be you assur , d , the Romish Clergy have gull'd the misled Party of our English Nation , and that under a Puritanical Dress ; for which the several Fraternities of that Church , have lately received Indulgence from the See of Rome , and Council of Cardinals , or to educate several of the young Fry of the Church of Rome , who be Natives of his Majesty's Realms and Dominions , and instruct them in all manner of Principles and Tenents contrary to the Episcopacy of the Church of England . There be in the Town of Hague , to my certain Knowledge , two dangerous Impostors , of whom I have given notice to the Prince of Orange , who have large Indulgences granted them , and known to be of the Church of Rome , altho they seem Puritans , and do converse with several of our English Factors . The one , James Murray a Scotchman , and the other John Napper , a Yorkshire Blade . The main drift of these Intentions is , to pull down the English Episcopacy , as being the chief Support of the Imperial Crown of our Nation : For which purpose above sixty Romish Clergy-men are gone within these two Years out of the Monasteries of the French King's Dominions , to Preach up the Scotch Covenant , and Mr. Knox his Discriptions and Rules within that Kirk , and to spread the same about the Nothern Coasts of England . Let therefore His Majesty have an inkling of these Crotchets , that he might be persuaded , whenever Matters of the Church come before you , to refer them to your Grace , and the Episcopal Party of the Realm : For there be great Preparations making ready against the Liturgy and Ceremonies of the Church of England : and all evil Contrivances here and in France , and in other Protestant Holdings to make your Grace and the Episcopacy odious to all Reformed Protestants abroad : It has wrought so much on divers of the Forreign Ministers of the Protestants , that they esteem our Clergy little better than Papists . The main things that they hit in our Teath are , our Bishops to be called Lords ; The Service of the Church ; The Cross in Baptism ; Confirmation ; Bowing at the Name of Jesus ; The Communion Tables placed Alter-ways ; Our manner of Consecrations : And several other Matters which be of late buzz'd into the Heads of the Forreign Clergy , to make your Grievances the less regarded in case of a Change , which is aimed at , if not speedily prevented . Your Grace's Letter is carefully delivered by my Gentleman 's own Hands unto the Prince . Thus craving your Graces hearty Prayers for my Undertakings abroad , as also for my safe arrival , that I may have the Freedom to kiss your Grace's Hands , and to tell you more at large of these things ; I rest , Your Graces most Humble Servant , W. B. Hague , June 12. 1640. A Letter from the Right Reverend J. Bramhall Bishop of Derry ; ( afterwards Primate of Ireland ) to the most Reverend James Usher Arch-Bishop of Armagh . Most Reverend ; I Thank God I do take my Pilgrimage patiently , yet I cannot but Condole the Change of the Church and State of England . And more in my Pilgrimage than ever , because I dare not witness and declare to that straying Flock of our Brethren in England , who have misled them , and who they are that feed them . But that your Lordship may be more sensible of the Churches Calamities , and of the Dange●s she is in of being ruin'd , if God be not Merciful unto Her , I have sent you a part of my Discoveries , and it from credible Hands , at this present having so sure a Messenger , and so fit an Opportunity . It plainly appears , that in the Year 1646 , by Order from Rome , above , 100 of the Romish Clergy were sent into England , consisting of English , Scotch , and Irish , who had been Educated in France , Italy , Germany , and Spain ; part of these within the several Schools there appointed for their Iustructions . In each of these Romish Nurseries , these Scholars were Taught several Handicraft-Trades and Callings , as their Ingenuities were most bending , besides their Orders , or Functions of that Church . They have many yet at Paris a fitting up to be sent over , who twice in the week oppose one the other ; one pretending Presbytery , the other Independency ; some Anabaptism , and other contrary Tenents , dangerous and prejudicial to the Church of England , and to all the Reformed Churches here abroad . But they are wisely preparing to prevent these Designs , which I heartily wish were considered in England among the Wise there . When the Romish Orders do thus Argue Pro and Con , there is appointed one of the Learned of those Convents to take Notes and to Judg : And as he findes their fancies , whether for Presbytery , Independency , Anabaptism , Atheism , or for any new Tenents , so accordingly they be to act , and to exercise their Wits . Upon their Permission when they be sent abroad , they enter their Names in the Convent Registry , also their Licences : If a Franciscan , if a Dominican , or Jesuit , or any other Order , having several Names there Entered in their Licence ; in case of a discovery in one place , then to fly to another , and there to change their Names or Habit. For an assurance of their Constancy to their several Orders , they are to give Monthly Intelligence to their Fraternities , of all Affairs where-ever they be dispers'd : so that the English abroad , know News better than ye at home . When they Return into England , they are Taught their Lesson , to say ( if any enquire from whence they come ) that they were poor Christians formerly that fled beyond-Sea for their Religion-sake , and are now Returned , with glad News , to enjoy their Liberty of Conscience . The 100 Men that went over 1646 ; were most of them Soldiers in the Parliament's Army , and were daily to correspond with those Romanists in our late King's Army , that were lately at Oxford , and pretended to Fight for His Sacred Majesty : For at that time , there were some Roman-Catholicks who did not know the Design a contriving against our Church and State of England . But the Year following , 1647 , many of those Romish Orders , who came over the Year before , were in consultation together , knowing each other . And those of the King's Party asking some why they took with the Parliament's side , and asking others whether they were bewitched to turn Puritans , not knowing the Design : But at last , secret Bulls , and Licences being produced by those of the Parliament's side , it was declared between them , there was no better Design to Confound the Church of England , than by pretending Liberty of Conscience . It was Argued then , that England would be a second Holland , a Common-Wealth ; and if so , what would become of the King ? It was answered , Would to God it were come to that point . It was again reply'd , your selves have Preached so much against Rome , and his Holiness , that Rome and her Romanists will be little the better for that Change : But it was answered , You shall have Mass sufficient for 100000 in a short space , and the Governors never the wiser . Then some of the mercifullest of the Romanist said , This cannot be done unless the King Die : upon which Argument , the Romish Orders thus Licenced , and in the Parliament Army , Wrote unto their several Convents , but especially to the Sorbonists , whether it may be Scrupled to make away our late Godly King , and His Majesty His Son , our King and Master ; who , Blessed be God , hath Escaped their Romish Snares laid for him ? It was returned from the Sorbonists . That it was Lawful for Roman Catholicks to work Changes in Governments for the Mother Churches Advancement , and chiefly in an Heretical Kingdom ? and so lawfully make away the King. Thus much to my knowledge , have I seen and heard since my leaving your Lordship , which I thought very requisite to inform your Grace ; for my self would hardly have credited these things , had not mine Eyes seen sure Evidence of the same . Let these things Sleep within your Gracious Lordships Breast , and not awake but upon sure Grounds , for this Age can trust no Man , there being so great Fallacy amongst Men. So the Lord preserve your Lordship in Health , for the Nations Good , and the Benefit of your Friends ; which shall be the Prayers of Your Humble Servant , J. Derensis . July , 20. 1654. These two Letters were taken out of that Treasury of choice Letters Published by Dr. Parr , his Lordships Chaplain , and Printed for Nathaniel Ranew at the Kings-Arms , in St. Pauls Church-yard . 1686. FINIS . 
A64679	----	The reduction of episcopacie unto the form of synodical government received in the ancient church proposed in the year 1641 as an expedient for the prevention of those troubles which afterwards did arise about the matter of church-government / by James Usher ; published by Nicholas Bernard. Ussher, James, 1581-1656. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A64679 of text R29579 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing U218). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 26 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 17 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A64679 Wing U218 ESTC R29579 11174611 ocm 11174611 46533 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A64679) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 46533) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1432:28) The reduction of episcopacie unto the form of synodical government received in the ancient church proposed in the year 1641 as an expedient for the prevention of those troubles which afterwards did arise about the matter of church-government / by James Usher ; published by Nicholas Bernard. Ussher, James, 1581-1656. [2], 149-176 p. [s.n.], London : 1658. Reproduction of original in the University of Illinois (Urbana-Champaign Campus). Library. eng Church of England -- Government. Church polity. A64679 R29579 (Wing U218). civilwar no The reduction of episcopacie unto the form of synodical government received in the ancient church proposed in the year 1641 as an expedient Ussher, James 1658 4093 43 15 0 0 1 0 166 F The rate of 166 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the F category of texts with 100 or more defects per 10,000 words. 2005-02 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-03 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2005-04 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2005-04 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE REDUCTION OF EPISCOPACY Unto the Form of Synodical Government , Received in the ANCIENT CHURCH : By the most Reverend and learned Father of our Church Dr. JAMES USHER , late Arch-Bishop of Armagh , and Primate of all Ireland . Proposed in the year 1641. as an Expedient for the prevention of those Troubles , which afterwards did arise about the matter of Church-Government . Published by NICHOLAS BERNARD . D. D. Preacher to the Honourable Society of Grayes-Inne , London . LONDON , Printed , Anno Domini , 1658. TO THE READER . THE Originall of this was given me by the most Reverend Primate , some few years before his death , wrote throughout with his own hand , and of late I have found it subscribed by himself , and Doctor Holseworth , and with a Marginal Note at the first Proposition , which I have also added . If it may now answer the expectation of many pious , and prudent Persons , who have desired the publishing of it , as a seasonable preparative to some moderation in the midst of those extreams , which this Age abounds with , it will attain the end intended by the Authour : And it is likely to be more operative , by the great reputation he had , and hath in the hearts of all good men , being far from the least suspicion to be byassed by any privivate ends , but onely ayming at the reducing of Order , Peace , and Unity , which God is the Authour of , and not of confusion . For the recovery of which , it were to be wished , that such as do consent in Substantials , for matter of Doctrine , would consider of some conjunction in point of Discipline , that private interest and circumstantials , might not keep them thus far asunder . Grayes-Inne , Octob. 13. 1657. N. BERNARD . The Reduction of Episcopacy unto the form of Synodical Government , received in the ancient Church ; proposed in the year 1641 , as an Expedidient for the prevention of those troubles , which afterwards did arise about the matter of Church-Government . Episcopal and Presbyterial Government conjoyned . BY Order of the Church of England , all Presbyters are charged a to administer the Doctrine and Sacraments , and the Discipline of Christ , as the Lord hath commanded , and as this Realme hath received the same ; And that they might the better understand what the Lord had commanded therein , b the exhortation of Saint Paul , to the Elders of the Church of Ephesus is appointed to be read unto them at the time of their Ordination ; Take heed unto your selves , and to all the flock among whom the Holy Ghost hath made you Overseers to c Rule the Congregation of God , which he hath purchased with his blood . Of the many Elders , who in common thus ruled the Church of Ephesus , there was one President , whom our Saviour in his Epistle unto this Church in a peculiar manner stileth d the Angell of the Church of Ephesus : and Ignatius in another Epistle written about twelve yeares after unto the same Church , calleth the Bishop thereof . Betwixt the Bishop and the Presbytery of that Church , what an harmonius consent there was in the ordering of the Church-Government , the same Ignatius doth fully there declare , by the Presbytery , with e Saint Paul , understanding the Community of the rest of the Presbyters , or Elders , who then had a hand not onely in the delivery of the Doctrine and Sacraments , but also in the Administration of the Discipline of Christ : for further proof of which , we have that known testimony of Tertullian in his general Apology for Christians . f In the Church are used exhortations , chastisements , and divine censure ; for judgement is given with great advice as among those , who are certain they are in the sight of God , and in it is the chiefest foreshewing of the judgement which is to come , if any man have so offended , that he be banished from the communion of prayer , and of the Assembly , and of all holy fellowship . The Presidents that bear rule therein are certain approved Elders , who have obtained this honour not by reward , but by good report , who were no other ( as he himself intimates ) elsewhere but g those from whose hands they used to receive the Sacrament of the Eucharist . For with the Bishop , who was the chiefe President ( and therefore stiled by the same Tertullia● in another place , h Summus Sacerdos for distinction sake ) the rest of the dispensers of the Word and Sacraments joyned in the common Government of the Church ; and therefore , where in matters of Ecclesiasticall Judicature , Cornetius Bishop of Rome used the received forme of i gathering together the Presbytery ; of what persons that did consist , Cyprian sufficiently declareth , when he wisheth him to read his Letters k to the flourishing Clergy : which there did preside , or rule with him : The presence of the Clergy being thought to bee so requisite in matters of Episcopall audience , that in the fourth Counc●ll of C 〈…〉 ge it was concluded , l That the Bishop might hear no mans cause without the presence of 〈◊〉 Clergy : and that otherwise the 〈…〉 ops sentence should be void , unlesse it were confirmed by the presence of the Clergy : which we find also to be inserted into the Canons of m Egbert , who was Arch-Bishop of York in the Saxon times , and afterwards into the body of the n Cannon Law it self . True it is , that in our Church this kinde of Presbyterial Government hath been long disused , yet seeing it still professeth that every Pastor hath a right to rule the Church ( from whence the mame of Rector also was given at first unto him ) and to administer the Discipline of Christ , as well as to dispense the Doctrine and Sacraments , and the restraint of the exercise of that right proceedeth onely from the custome now received in this Realm ; no man can doubt , but by another Law of the Land , this hinderance may be well removed . And how easily this ancient form of Government by the united suffrages of the Clergy might be 〈…〉 ved again , and with what lit 〈…〉 〈…〉 ew of alteration the Synodical conventions of the Pasters of every Parish might be accorded with the Presidency of the Bishops of each Diocese and Province , the indifferent Reader may quickly perceive by the perusal of the ensuing Propositions . I. In every Parish the Rector , or Incumbent Pastor , together with the Church-Wardens and Sides-men , may every week take notice of such as live scandalously in that Congregation , who are to receive such several admonitions and reproofs , as the quality of their offence shall deserve ▪ And if by this means they cannot be reclaimed , they may be presented to the next monethly Synod ; and in the mean time debarred by the Pastor from accesse unto the Lords Table . II. Whereas by a Statute in the six and twentieth year of King Henry the eighth ( revived in the first year of Queen Elizabeth ) Suffragans are appointed to be erected in 26 several places of this Kingdom ; the number of them might very well be conformed unto the number of the several Rural Deanries into which every Diocese is subdivided ; which being done , the Suffragan supplying the place of those , who in the ancient Church were called Chorepiscopi , might every moneth assemble a Synod of all the Rectors , or Incumbent Pastors within the Precinct , and according to the major part of their voyces , coclude all matters that shall be brought into debate before them . To this Synod the Rector and Church-wardens might present such impenitent persons , as by admonitions and suspension from the Sacrament would not be reformed ; who if they should still remain contumacious and incorrigible , the sentence of Excommunication might be decreed against them by the Synod , and accordingly be executed in the Parish where they lived . Hitherto also all things that concerned the Parochial Ministers might be referred , whether they did touch their Doctrine , or their conversation ' as also the censure of all new Opiuions , Heresies , and Schismes , which did arise within that Circuit ; with liberty of Appeal , if need so require , unto the Diocesan Synod . III. The Diocesan Synod might be held , once , or twice in the year , as it should be thought most convenient : Therein all the Suffragans , and the rest of the Rectors , or Incumbent Pasters ( or a certain select number of of every Deanry ) within the Dio●ese might meet , with whose consent , or the major part of them , all things might be concluded by the Bishop , or * Saperintendent ( call him whether you will ) or in his absence , by one of the Suffragans ; whom he shall depute in his stead to be Moderator of that Assembly . Here all matters of greater moment might be taken into consideration , and the Orders of the monthly Synodes revised , and ( if need be ) reformed : and if here also any ma●ter of difficulty could not receive a full determination : it might be referred to the next Provincial , or National Synod . IV. The Provincial Synod might consist of all the Bishops and Suffragans , and such other of the Clergy as should be elected out of every Diocese within the Province , the Arch-Bishop of either Province , might be the Moderator of this meeting , ( or in his room some one of the Bishops appointed by him ) and all mat●ers be ordered therein by common consent as in the former Assemblies . This Synod might be held every third year , and if the Parliament do then sit ( according to the Act of a Triennial Parliament ) both the Arch-Bishops and Provincial Synods of the Land might joyn together , and make up a National Councel : wherein all Appeals from infer 〈…〉 ur Synods might be received , all their Acts examined , and all Ecclesiastical Constitutions which concerne the state of the Church of the whole Nation established . WE are of the judgement That the form of Government here proposed is not in any point repugnant to the Scripture ; and that the Suffragans mentioned in the second Proposition , may lawfully use the power both of Jurisdiction and Ordination , according to the Word of God , and the practice of the ancient Church . Ja. Armachanus . Rich. Holdsworth . AFter the proposal of this , An. 1641. Many Quaeries were made , and doubts in point of conscience resolved by the Primate , divers passages of which he heth left under his own hand , shewing his pious endeavours to peace and unity , which how far it then prevailed , is out of season now to relate , only I wish it might yet be thought of to the repairing of the breach , which this division hath made , and that those , who are by their Office Messengers of Peace , and whose first word to cach house should be peace , would earnestly promote it , within the walls of their Mother-Church , wherein they were educated , and not thus by contending about circumstantials lose the substance , and make our selves a prey to the adversary of both , who rejoyce in their hearts , saying , So would we have it . Which are the Primates works , and which not . A Catalogue of the Works already printed of Doctor James Usher , late Arch-Bishop of Armagh , and Primate of all Ireland , which are owned by him . In Latine . DE Ecclesiarum Christianarum successione & Statu. Quarto , Londini , 1613. Epistolarum Hibernicarum Sylloge , 4o . Dublinii 1630. Historia Goteschalci , 4o . Dublinii 1631. De Primordiis Ecclesiarum Britanicarum , 4o . Dublinii 1639. Ignatii Epistolae cum annotationibus , 4o . Oxoniae 1645. De Anno Solari Macedonum , 8o . Londini 1648. Annales Veteris Testamenti , Fol. Londini 1650. Annales Novi Testamenti usque ad extremum Templi & Reipublicae Judaicae excidium , &c. Fol. Londini 2654. Epistola ad Capellum de Variantibus textus Hebraici Lectionibus , 4o . Londinii 1652. De Graeca Septuaginta Interpretum versione Syntagma 4o . Londini 1655. These four last are sold by John Crook , at the Ship in St. Paul's Church-yard . In English . AN Answer to a challènge made by the Jesuite Malone in Ireland , Anno 1631. A Sermon preached before the House of Commons , Febr. 18. 1618. A Declaration of the visibility of the Church , preached in a Sermon before King James , June 20. 1624. A Speech delivered in the Castle-Chamber in Dublin , the 22. of November , 1622. The Religion profest by the ancient Irish and Brittains , 4o . 1631. These five are bound together in Quarto . Immanuel , or the Incarnation of the Son of God , 4o . Dublin . 1639. A Geographical Description of the Lesser Asia , 4o . Oxford , 1644. The judgement of Doctor Reynolds , touching the Original of Episcopacy more largely confirmed out of Antiquity , An. 1641. His Discourse of the Original of Bishops and Metropolitanes , in 4o . Oxford , 1644. His small Catechisme re-viewed , 12o . London , 1654. ☞ His aforesaid Annals of the Old and New Testament ; with the Synchronismus of Heathen Story to the destruction of Jerusalem , translated out of Latin into English now at the Presse , Fol. to be sold by John Crook , at the Ship in St. Pauls Church-yard . In regard there have been , and are divers books printed , which go under the name of the late Arch-Bishop of Armagh , but are not his , and more may be obtruded to the injury of him , I have thought fit , at the request of the Printer , to give the Reader this advertisement following . IN Anno● 1640. There was a book printed , entitled the Bishop of Armaghs direction to the house of Parliament , concerning the Liturgy and Episcopal Government , and Anno 1641. Another book entitled Vox Hiberniae , being some pretended notes of his , at a publick fas● . Both these at his Petition were suppressed by order from the House of Lords and Commons , 11. Feb. 1641. and I hope will not be revived . In Anno 1651. A book called ( A Method for Meditation , or a manual of Divine duties , which most injuriously is printed in his name , but is none of his , which he directed me then to declare publickly as from him , yet in 1657. It is again reprinted to his great dishonour . For his small Catechisme the Reader is to take notice , that there was a false one Printed without his knowledge , and is still sold for his . The injury he received by it compelled him to review it , with an Epistle of his own before it , which is the mark to know the right Edition , though being framed for his private use in his younger yeares , ( about 23. ) he had no intention of it for the publick . If any Sermon-Notes taken from him have been Printed in his life-time under his name , or shall be hereafter ) which divers have of late attempted ) The Reader is to take notice that it was against his minde , and that they are disowned , by him , which as he endeavoured to his utmost to suppresse , while he was living , so it was his fear to be injured in it after his death . For a further confirmation of which , I shall give you part of a Letter of his , while he was Bishop of Meath , ( upon the like intention of a Printer , who had gotten into his hands some Notes of his Sermons , said to be preached by him in London , and was about to publish them ) which he wrote to Doctor Featly , Chaplain to the then Arch-Bishop of Canterbury for the stopping of them , in these words . I beseech you to use all your power to save me from that disgrace , which undiscreet and covetous men go about to fasten upon me , or else I must be driven to protest against their injurious dealings with me , and say as Donatus once did , Mala illis sit , qui me● festinant edere ante me . But I repose cenfidence in you , that you will take order that so great a wrong as this may not be done unto me . Remember me to worthy Doctor Goad , and forget not in your prayers . Dublin , Sept. 16. 1622. Your most assured loving friend , and fellow labourer JA. MEDENSIS . THat book entitled the summe and substance of Christian religion , some of the materials with the Method are his , collected by him in his yonger years , for his own private use : but , being so unpolished , defective , and full of mistakes , he was much displeased at the publishing of it in his name . And though it be much commended at home , and by Ludovicus Crocius abroad , yet that he did disown it as it is now set forth , this Letter following , wrote to Mr. John Downham , ( who caused it to be printed ) doth sufficiently confirm , as followeth . SIR , YOu may be pleased to take notice , that the Catechisme you write of is none of mine , but transcribed out of Mr , Cartwrights Catechisme , and Mr. Crooks , and some other English Divines , but drawn together in one Method , as a kind of Common-place-book , where other mens judgements and reasons are simply laid down , though not approved in all points by the Collector ; besides that the Collection ( such as it is ) being lent abroad to divers in scattered sheets , hath for a great part of it miscarried , the one half of it as I suppose ( well nigh ) being no way to be recovered , so that so imperfect a thing Copied verbatim out of others , and in divers places dissonant from mine own judgement , may not by any meanes be owned by me ; But if it shall seem good to any industrious person to cut off what is weak and superfluous therein , and supply the wants thereof , and cast it into a new mould of his own framing , I shall be very well content that he make what use he pleaseth of any the materials therein , and set out the whole in his own name : and this is the resolution of May 13. 1645. Your most assured loving friend JA. ARMACHANUS . A Book entituled Confessions and Proofs of Protestant Divines of Reformed Churches for Episcopacy , &c. though it be a very Learned one , yet it is not his ; Onely that of the Original of Bishops and Metropolitans ( Frequently bound up with the former ) is owned by him . unto which he was earnestly moved by a Letter from Doctor Hall , the late Reverend and Learned Bishop of Norwich , then Bishop of Exeter ; which , shewing the great esteem he had of him , is annexed as followeth . To the most Reverend Father in God , and my most Honoured Lord , the Lord Arch-Bishop of Armagh , and Primate of Ireland . Most Reverend , and my most worthily Honoured , Lord . THat which fell from me yesterday , suddenly and transcursively , hath since taken up my after-midnight thoughts , and I must crave leave , what I then moved , to importune , that your Grace would be pleased to bestow one sheet of paper upon these distracted times , in the subject of Episcopacy , shewing the Apostolical Original of it , and the grounds of it from Scripture , and the immediately succeeding antiquity ; Every line of it coming from your Graces hand , would be super rotas suas : as Solomons expression is , very Apples of Gold , with Pictures of Silver , and more worth than volumes from us : Think , that I stand before you like the Man of Macedon , and that you hear me say , Come and help us : And as your Grace is wholly given up to the common good of the Church , say , whether you can deny it ? and if please your Grace to take your rise from my humble motion to expresse your self in this question , wherein I am publickly interested , or otherwise , to professe your voluntary resolutions for the setling of many , either misled , or doubting Soules , it will be the most acceptable , and ( I hope ) the most successefull work that your Grace hath ever undertaken ; It was my earnest motion long ago to ( {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} ) to intreat this labour from your Grace ; which now comes from my meannesse ; your Gracious humility will not even from so low hands disregard it ; with my zealous suit , and hopefull expectation of a yeilding answer , I humbly take leave , and am Your Graces humbly , and heartily devoted JOS. EXON. FINIS ▪ Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A64679e-430 a The book of Ordination . b ●●id , ex Act. 20 , 27 , 28. c {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . So taken in Mat. 2. 6. and Rev. 12. 5. and 19. 15. d Rev. 2. 1. e 1 Tim. 4. 14. f Ibidem etiam exhortationes , castigationes & censura divina ; nam & judicatur magno cum p●●dere ut apud cert●s de Dei conspectu , summú nque futuri judicii p●aeiudicium est . si quis ita deli 〈…〉 , ut à commu●●catione . o●ationis & conventus , & omnis sancti commecii relegetur president proba●● quique seniores , honorem istum non pretio , sed Testimonio adepti . T●●tul . Apologet. cap. 39. g 〈◊〉 de 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 manibus 〈◊〉 praesidentium s●m●mus , 〈◊〉 de coro●● 〈◊〉 , cap. 3. h Dan●● quidem 〈◊〉 hab● 〈◊〉 sum 〈…〉 〈◊〉 ; qui 〈◊〉 Episcopus : 〈◊〉 Pres●y●●i & 〈◊〉 ▪ 〈◊〉 de Bapt , cap. 17. i Omni actu ad 〈◊〉 perlate ●la 〈…〉 contra 〈…〉 , 〈◊〉 apud 〈◊〉 epi●● . 46. k Florenti 〈…〉 〈◊〉 〈…〉 cum 〈◊〉 Cy 〈…〉 epist. 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 Cornel . l Ut Episcopu● nullius causam audiet absque praesentia Clericorum suoram , alioquin irrita erit sententia Episcopi nise Clericorum praesentiâ confirmetur , Concil. Carthag . IV. cap. 23. m Excerption . Egberti , c. 43. n 15. q. 7. cap. Nullus . How the Church might Syn●dically be Governed , Arch-Bishops and ●ish●ps being still retained , * {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , id est , superintendentes ; unde & nomen Episcopi trastum est , Hi●ron , epist. 86. ad Evagrium . 
A64681	----	The rights of primogeniture, or, The excellency of royall authority in a sermon preached before His Majesty in the Isle of Wight, upon the anniversary of his birth-day / by James, L. Bishop of Armagh and Primate of Ireland. Ussher, James, 1581-1656. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A64681 of text R24650 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing U221). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 19 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 8 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A64681 Wing U221 ESTC R24650 08259481 ocm 08259481 41260 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A64681) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 41260) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1242:28) The rights of primogeniture, or, The excellency of royall authority in a sermon preached before His Majesty in the Isle of Wight, upon the anniversary of his birth-day / by James, L. Bishop of Armagh and Primate of Ireland. Ussher, James, 1581-1656. 12 p. Printed for R. Lowdes, London : 1648. Reproduction of original in the Huntington Library. eng Primogeniture -- Sermons. Sermons, English -- 17th century. A64681 R24650 (Wing U221). civilwar no The rights of primogeniture: or, The excellency of royall authority· In a sermon preached before His Majesty in the Isle of Wight, upon the Ussher, James 1648 3684 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2005-02 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-03 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2005-04 Judith Siefring Sampled and proofread 2005-04 Judith Siefring Text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE Rights of Primogeniture : OR , THE EXCELLENCY OF ROYALL AUTHORITY IN A SERMON Preached before His MAJESTY in the Isle of Wight , upon the Anniversary of His BIRTH-DAY . By the R. R. Father in God , JAMES , L. Bishop of Armagh , and Primate of IRELAND . — Nunquam libertas gratior extat Quam sub Rege pio — LONDON , Printed for R. LOWNDES , 1648. THE RIGHTS OF PRIMOGENITURE , &c. GEN . 49. 3. Reuben , thou art my first borne , my might , and the beginning of my strength . THis is the beginning of Jacobs blessing his Children , which was an act ( and a principall act ) of his Faith , as it is Heb. 11. 20. And in this we may see a difference betwixt the death of Jacob and his Fathers . Abraham , Isaac , and Jacob , were famous in their Generations : God is not ashamed to be called their God . And if we consider their lives and deaths , we shall find this difference . Abraham in his life was most glorious , his Faith famous , witnesse his offering his onely son to God with that strength of Faith , that although he verily beleeved that in Jacob all the Nations of the Earth should be blessed , yet was his Faith so strong as to be content to offer him up , being perswaded that God was able to raise him from the dead . Now although his life was thus glorious , when ye come to his death , This is all that is said of him : Then Abraham gave up the ghost , and died in a good old age , and was gathered unto his Fathers . Commonly great things are expected from holy men at their death , yet ye see Abraham was but ordinary in his death . Concerning Isaac's life , the Scripture saith but little , and the selfe same words are used of him at his death , as was at the death of Abraham . Jacob as ordinary in his life as ye shall meet withall ; But his death was a Prophecy of Christ's comming into the World . He begins with Reuben , to whom ( though he had no mind at all to blesse him ) he gives his due ; shewes him that the right of Primogeniture belonged unto him , if he had not forfeited it : Thou art my first borne , my might , & the beginning of my strength . For this reason God commands , that the first borne should have a double portion . And so Reuben should have received , but that he forfeited it ; Therefore , saith he , because thou art unstable as Water , &c. thy excellency is departed from thee : and so he gave it to Joseph . In repeating the Genealogie of Jacobs sonnes , 1 Chron. 5. 1 , 2. Now ( saith the Text ) the sons of Reuben the first borne of Israel , ( for he was the first borne ) but forasmuch , as he defiled his Fathers bed , his Birth-right was given unto the sons of Joseph , the son of Israel , and the Genealogie is not to be reckoned after the Birth-right , &c. Ye see , though he had forfeited his Birth-right , he could not forfeit his Primogeniture , but there was an escheate thereof to Joseph . All the rest had a single Tribe , set out to them , but Joseph had two Tribes , and so the right that should have gone to Reuben fell to Joseph . Besides this , had not Reuben forfeited his Birth-right , he should have had more then this double portion , for there was a promise made , that Kings should proceed from him . Now as in the former Joseph succeeded him , so in this of Eminency and Power , it fell to Judah , for so it followes in 1 Chron. 5. before named . Now to Explicate this . The Regall power which comes by discent is described by a double Eminency . The excellency of Dignity , and the excellency of Power . By Dignity you understand , all outward glory ; by Power , all Dominion , and these are the two branches of Majesty . The Greekes do therefore expresse it in the abstract . In respect of Dignity , the Supreame Magistrate is called Glory , In respect of Soveraignty , he is called Lordship . The King is not only Glorious , but Glory ; Not only Powerfull , but Power . Let every soule be subject to the higher powers . Both are joyned in the Epistle to Jude , and in the 8. Verse , there is a wicked sort described , that despise dominion , and speake evill of Dignities . They despise Dominion that make no conscience to blaspheme the foot-steps of the Lords Anointed . These men dare do what Michael durst not doe , Verse 9. He durst not bring against the Devill a railing accusation , but these dare speake evill of Dignities . And what is their Censure ? Verse 13. To whom is reserved the blacknesse of darknesse for ever . We use to say , that those that have Gods Tokens upon them are past hopes of like . Here ye may plainly see Gods Tokens upon these men , they are reserved to Everlasting Damnation . Well , let us now come to unfold these two parts of Majesty , Dignity , and Dominion . The excellency of Dignity , and the excellency of Power By Dignity , is meant , the outward Pompe and Glory annexed to the Scepter . For , it is Gods ordinance that there should be an extraordinary splendour in Majesty more then in any other . And therefore the Scripture doth often describe the Courts of Princes , their Splendour at home , and in their Progresse abroad , with dignity and state . Acts 25. 23. When King Agrippa and Bernice went to heare Paul , the Text saith , They removed with great Pompe . It was a thing beseemed the Regall power so to doe . 1 King. 10. 2. The Queen of Sheba came to Jerusalem to see Solomen with a great Traine : but she came to a farre greater Court then her owne . And this State in Courts is not Pride , but it is a thing allowed by Gods ordinance , as Christ saith , Those that weare soft rayment are in Kings Courts . And speaking of the Lillies of the Field , I say to you ( saith he ) that Solomon in all his Glory was not like one of these . If you see a man ( though in Russet ) attended upon by others in rich Clothes , you will conclude that man ( though in Russet ) to be some great Personage . The Queen of Sheba was astonished at what she saw in Solomon's Court ; for , when she beheld the Meat of his Table ( he must not be served as other men ) the sitting of his Servants , the attendance of his Ministers , and his Cup-bearer , &c. the Text saith , There was no more spirit in her . She was ( as a man may say ) besides her self to see this State . And so stately it was , that Psal. 45. it is brought in as an Allegoricall description of the Glory of Christ and his Church . I need not go to forraigne Princes to prove this , the Scripture doth sufficiently evidence it . In Ester 1. there is a description of Ahasuerus and his Feast , the like to which you will not read of in any other Story , it lasted one hundred and fourscore daies , which was a full half yeare , and with the greatest Glory that could be , ver. 4. When he shewed the riches of his glorious Kingdome , and the honour of his excellent Majesty , &c. So then , this is the first part of Majesty , namely , outward Splendour , which is lawfull and requisite to maintaine the dignity of a Prince . And as the Prince ought to have this in his owne Person , and his Attendants , so all Dignity and Glory rests in him as in the Fountaine , and all Titles of Dignity are in him also . Even as ye see in the Firmament , 1 Cor. 15. There is one Glory of the Sunne , another of the Moone , and one Starre excelleth another in Glory . In the Common-wealth , there are some Knights , some Lords , some Earles , &c. but all these differences come from one Sun , one Head , the Prince . There is no light in the Moone but what is derived from the Sunne , even here is borrowed , the Starres light is borrowed also , and when the Sonne appeares , they cease to shine . The Starres at this time shine as much as at Midnight , but that the Light of the Sunne doth darken them . Even so in the presence of Majesty , those other Excellent Dignities doe not shine at all . 2. To come to the Eminency of Power ; For a King to have great State and to have no Power , he were then but a poore King . A Duke of Venice is served in as Great State as can be , but he hath no Power at all . There is a Subordination of Power in all Government , which because it cannot go ad infinitum , it must needs rest somewhere , and that is in the King . Let every Soule be subject to the Higher powers . And the Apostle in 1 Pet. 2. 13. distinguisheth , Whether it be to the King , as Supreme , or unto Governours , as unto them that are sent by God , for the punishment of evill doers , &c. and he adds , that by so doing , the Ignorance of foolish men may be put to silence . If any Professour of Religion doe Rebell against the King , this is a scandall to Religion . Now the Apostle did foresee that such there would be , and therefore Commands that they be put in mind to be Subject , &c. But if any that professe Religion doe Rebell ( as I said before ) it is the fault of the Professour , and not of the Profession ; for the Church of England doth teach the Contrary . But when men shall not onely practice , but teach Rebellion , ( for by their fruits ye shal know them ) this amounts to a very high Crime indeed . The King ( as Saint Peter saith ) hath the Excellency of Power , as sent by God . But , what need I say any more ? We all sweare that the King is the onely Supreame Governour in his Dominions . A man would think , that that word onely might be spared , since nothing can be above a Supream , but it is put there by way of Eminency . There can be no Dominion in the World , unlesse there be an Eminency of power in some one or other . If a man be wronged in any Court , he may lawfully appeale higher , but then , Appeales must not be Infinite , there must be a supremacy of power somewhere to rest in . The Philosopher saith , it must be either in one , or in all . Where the Eminency of power is in one , it is called a Monarchy . The King must onely have the Supreme power , for if any be joyned with him , then it is no Monarchy . If the Power be in a certaine number , it is called an Aristocracy . If the Power be in all , a Democracy ; and all Power then is derived from the Body of the People , and where you say so , you destroy the Monarchy , and erect a Democracy . The Duke of Venice hath ( as I said before ) a marveilous great State , and yet the State of Venice is no Monarchy , because the Supremacy of power is not in him . He cannot receive a Letter , nor make an Edict without the States allowance ; Nay , he may be called to accompt by them . I read in Josephus that Herod having offended Cleopatra , she be sought Antony ( who did not use to deny her any thing ) to call him to accompt ; but Antony refused so to doe , Then , saith he , He will be no King . Look upon the Common-wealth of Lacedemon , They had Kings lineally descended from the race of Hercules ; but shall we say they had Regall power ? nothing lesse , because there were Ephori in that State , A certaine power in the People to call their Kings to accompt : the Supremacy of power there was not in the Prince . In Switzerland , there is a Democracy , and the onely Democraticall Government I know of . They have their Magistrates that governe the people . And yet though there be many Magistrates that governe in those Cantons , this is no Aristocracy , for at the Magistrates in Switzerland are accomptable to the people , and all their power is limited by them . The Supremacy of power is in the people there , and thence it comes to be a Democracy . Eminency of Power . In the word of a King there is Power , saith the Preacher , Eccles. 8. 4. It was wont to be so , and by the word of God you see it ought to be so . But I will not enlarge upon this . It may be some Ears will not indure sound Doctrine . But the King we see must be acknowledged to be Supreame , and no Superior to the King . Farre be it from me ( being in Gods place ) to flatter any man , I thanke God I fear no flesh , but do deliver the truth . Having now spoken of the two branches of Majesty , Dignity , and Power . We shall speake of a Birth-right that descends to Kings . It should have been Reulien's right here , if God had not taken it from him for a fault . This day is the Birth-day of our Soveraigne Lord . Birth-dayes of Kings have been usually celebrated with great solemnity in former times . Herod's Birth-day was celebrated many years after his death : and the Herodians ( for the many mighty workes that Herod did ) bleeeved him to be the Messiah . It pleaseth God that this day begins the 49. year of His life , and let me call it the year of Jubile to His Majestie . The Jewes had a custome that in the 49. year of any mans life , he should be at liberty , what ever his sufferings were before . It must be the desire and prayer of every loyall heart , that the King may have a Jubile indeed . This is that which Loyalty bids us doe . I will not stand too much upon this particular . But this I will say , O that we knew our happinesse ; To have a King that is the son of Nobles ! A King that is not a Child . A King that is at full age to Governe , by Wisdome , and Prudence . And truely as God gives us this blessing , so he expects we should acknowledge it thankefully . Eccles. 10 , 16. Woe be to thee O Land ( saith the Preacher ) when thy King is a Child : And Blessed art thou O Land when thy King is the son of Nobles : that hath his breeding answerable . To have him , when his experience both riverted in him sound judgement , and ability to governe . The Lord threatned Jerusalem , in Esay 3. 4. I will give Children to be their Princes , and Babes shall rule over them . Those that would have their owne wils , could ( I warrant you ) be content that the youngest should Raigne . To have a base man exalted , is one of the things that the Earth cannot bear . But some body must have the Government , it doth not belong to all . You see here is by Birth , one that hath a right unto it . When Jehosaphat distributed his Estate , 2 Chron , 21. he gave gifts to his other sons , but the Kingdome unto Jehoram , because he was his First-borne . A Kingdome is not a thing dividable . So the King of Edom , 2 King. 3. 27. though he tooke and offered his Eldest Sonne ( that should have reigned in his stead ) as an offering : yet in the propheste of Amos , he is called the King of Edom , because he had it in view . Now to come to Christians , We are Kings in our sort , we are Primogeniti , we are the Israel of God . When God sent Moses to deliver his People , he bids him deliver this Message to Pharaoh , Exod. 4. 22. Thou shalt say to Pharaoh , Thus saith the Lord , Israel is my Sonne , even my First-borne . Here is our priviledge , though God hath many Sonnes , yet being found in Christ , we are all First-borne . And so the Children of God are called , Heb. 12. The Congregation of the First-borne . Every one that is a Member of Christ hath the Priviledge of a First-borne . They are all Heires . In the same relation that Christ is , by nature , we are by Grace and Adoption : And being so , we have the Excellency of Dignity , and the Excellency of Power . We do not speak of the Power of this World : Christ said , My Kingdome is not of this World . They that preach , The Saints shall reign upon the Earth , did not learne it from God , For our Kingdome is not of this world . There is not that Excellency to be found in any of the Sonnes of men , as is to be found in one poore Child of God . Will you see David a King ? when he comes with a pious Eye , Psal. 15. 4. see who are there the most worshipfull persons . In whose eyes a vile person is contemned , but honours them that feare the Lord . When he sees Gods Image in any soule , he honours him ; and if he be a wicked man , a Child of the Devill , he is a vile person in his eyes . A Sinner ( though otherwise never so Noble ) is a very vile person , Psal , 16. My goodnesse , saith David , doth not extend to thee , but unto the Saints upon the Earth . The Apostle Saint John , 1 Joh. 3. Behold ( saith he ) what manner of love the Father bestowed upon us , that we should be called the sonnes of God , and therefore the world doth not know us , &c. But if they be so Excellent , How come they to be so despised in the World ? the Reason is , because the World doth not know them to be such . The world doth not know Christs Children , more then they know Christ himself . I have often thought , that when His Majesty was in France , where He was not knowne , a Neglect put upon Him there , would not have been in any proportion so bad , as the like must needs be amongst His owne Subjects . And so it is with us . We are Spirituall Kings , a Royall Priesthood : If the world did know us to be such , they would deale with us otherwise then they doe , but our Life is hid with Christ in God , and one day it shall appeare , and then shall the Righteous shine in the Kingdome of their Father . Beloved , hereupon it is that the Children of God have their Guard of Angels . The King hath a choice Guard to attend him , but if ye did see what attendance the Children of God have , you would admire . The Angels of God do pitch their Tents about them . In the Cantioles , the State of Solomons Bed is described with Threescore valiant men about it for a Guard . What is this but a Type of the Angels of God guarding his owne people , the Militia of Heaven ? But I perceive the time is past , therefore will end here . The End . 
A64682	----	Bishop Ushers second prophesie which he delivered to his daughter on his sick-bed wherein is contained divers prophetick sayings for the years 1680, 1681, 1682, 1683, 1684, which were by him predicted for the said years : wherein also is laid down the divers revolutions for the ensuing years : likewise a very strange prophesie concerning the Kings restauration, which he gave to a person of quality in the time of his sickness : also he foretels that the papists were the persons that should cause all the calamitites that would ensue. Ussher, James, 1581-1656. 1681 Approx. 6 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 4 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2005-12 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A64682 Wing U222 ESTC R4892 12085574 ocm 12085574 53732 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A64682) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 53732) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 829:21) Bishop Ushers second prophesie which he delivered to his daughter on his sick-bed wherein is contained divers prophetick sayings for the years 1680, 1681, 1682, 1683, 1684, which were by him predicted for the said years : wherein also is laid down the divers revolutions for the ensuing years : likewise a very strange prophesie concerning the Kings restauration, which he gave to a person of quality in the time of his sickness : also he foretels that the papists were the persons that should cause all the calamitites that would ensue. Ussher, James, 1581-1656. [2], 5 p. 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Great Britain -- History -- Restoration, 1660-1688. 2005-02 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-03 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2005-04 Judith Siefring Sampled and proofread 2005-04 Judith Siefring Text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Bishop Ushers SECOND PROPHESIE WHICH He delivered to his Daughter on his SICK-BED . Wherein Is contained divers Prophetick Sayings for the Years 1680 , 1681 , 1682 , 1683 , 1684. which were by him Predicted for the said years . Wherein also is laid down the divers Revolutions for the ensuing years . Likewise a very strange Prophesie concerning the Kings Restauration , which he gave to a Person of Quality in the time of his Sickness . ALSO He foretels that the PAPISTS were the persons that should cause all the Calamities that would ensue . LONDON , Printed for John Hunt at the Sign of the Black Spread Eagle without Temple-Bar . 1681. BISHOP USHER'S SECOND PROPHESIE , Which he discovered to his Daughter on his Sick-Bed , &c. HE Prophesied of the Rebellion in Ireland , and Massacre there , and the Wars in England , many Years before they brake out ; and this he saw fulfilled . He Prophesied of another great Persecution that was to come ; and when one demanded of him , whether that great Persecution were passed or not ? He turning his Eyes to the Person asking him , and fixing them after an ireful manner , as he was wont to do , when he spake not his own Words ; and when the Power of God was upon him ; he said , Feed not your selves with vain Hopes of its being past : For I tell you , all you have seen , is but the beginning of Sorrow , to that which is to come over all the Protestant Churches of Christ , who e're long will fall under a sharper Persecution than ever they have had upon them ; and therefore , ( said he to the Person that spake to him ) look you be not found in the Outward Court ; for Christ will measure all that profess his Name , and call themselves his People ; and the Outward Court he will leave out to be trodden under Foot , and to be swept away , whose Religion stands in performing the outward part , without the inward power of Faith , and Love uniting them unto Christ. Those God will give to be trodden down , and swept away by the Gentiles ; but the Worshippers which are in the Temple before the Altar , are those who indeed worship God in Spirit , and in Truth ; whose Souls are made his Temples , by whom he is loved and adored in their most inward Thoughts : They have , and do sacrifice their Lusts and vile corrupt Affections , and their own Will to him . These God will hide in the Hollow of his Hand , and under the Shadow of his Wing . And this shall be one great difference between the last and all preceding Persecutions , That whereas in the former , the most eminent Saints were cut off , here the most eminent and faithful to God shall be preserved by God as a seed for the Glory which shall immediately follow to the Churches , as soon as this storm shall be blown over ; for as it shall be the sharpest , so it shall be a short Persecution , and shall take away the Dross with Hypocrites and Formalists , whilst the true Spiritual Believers shall be preserved till the Calamity is over . It was then asked , by what Instruments this Persecution should be carried on ? He answered , by the Papists . It was answered , that seemed improbable , since they were now less countenanced , and less numerous than heretofore in these Nations , and people more against them . He replyed , it should be by their Hands , and by the way of a suddain Massacre ; and that the Pope should be the Instrument of it . And these things he pake with that Assurance , and that was seen to be , which had been observed in him , when he predicted several things formerly , which came to pass accordingly , in the Observation , and to the Knowledge of those he spake them to . And he added , those were in his esteem the Gentiles spoken of , Rev. 11. And the Second , to whom the outward Court should be left , that they might tread it under Foot , they having received the Gentiles Worship by Images and many Mediators . And this , saith he , is more designing among them , and will come ; therefore look you be found watching and ready . The like he spake also to the Lady Tyrrel , his Daughter , about the same time , expressing himself as above : And the said Lady adds , that after she had opened the Door of his Chamber , she found him with his Eyes lifted up to Heaven , and Tears running down his Cheeks apace , and in a kind of Extasie , wherein he continued after she came in , near half an hour , without taking any notice of her ; and then recovering , told her , his Thoughts were exercised in contemplating the great Miseries and Persecution which was coming , which would be so sharp and bitter , as that they had drawn those Tears from his Eyes ; but he hoped he should not live to see it ; but possibly she might : for they are , said he , even at the Door ; therefore take heed you be not found sleeping . The same also he repeated to Mrs. Bisse , the Chief Baron of Ireland's Wife in Dublin , with this Circuustance added to her , That , said he , if they bring in the King , and restore him , it may a little longer be deferred ; but it will surely come ; and therefore be not unprovided for it . FINIS . 
A64683	----	Strange and remarkable prophesies and predictions of the holy, learned, and excellent James Usher, late L. Arch-Bishop of Armagh ... giving an account of his foretelling I. the rebellion in Ireland ..., II. the confusions and miseries of England in church and state, III. the death of King Charles the First, IV. his own poverty and want, V. the divisions in England in matters of religion ... / written by the person who heard it from this excellent persons own mouth ... Ussher, James, 1581-1656. 1678 Approx. 16 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2005-12 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A64683 Wing U225 ESTC R7048 13091762 ocm 13091762 97375 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A64683) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 97375) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 402:9) Strange and remarkable prophesies and predictions of the holy, learned, and excellent James Usher, late L. Arch-Bishop of Armagh ... giving an account of his foretelling I. the rebellion in Ireland ..., II. the confusions and miseries of England in church and state, III. the death of King Charles the First, IV. his own poverty and want, V. the divisions in England in matters of religion ... / written by the person who heard it from this excellent persons own mouth ... Ussher, James, 1581-1656. Person who heard it from this excellent person's own mouth. 8 p. Printed for R.G., London : 1678. Reproduction of original in Huntington Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. 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Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Ussher, James, 1581-1656. Prophecies. Great Britain -- Church history -- 17th century -- Prophecies. Great Britain -- History -- Stuarts, 1603-1714 -- Prophecies. Ireland -- History -- Rebellion of 1641 -- Prophecies. 2005-02 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-03 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2005-05 Jonathan Blaney Sampled and proofread 2005-05 Jonathan Blaney Text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Strange and Remarkable Prophesies and Predictions Of the Holy , Learned , and excellent James Usher , Late L. Arch-Bishop of Armagh , and Lord Primate of Ireland . Giving an Account of his Foretelling I. The Rebellion in Ireland Forty Years before it came to pass . II. The Confusions and Miseries of England , in Church and State. III. The Death of King Charles the First . IV. His own Poverty and want . V. The Divisions in England in matters of Religion . Lastly , Of a great and Terrible Persecution which shall fall upon the Reformed Churches by the Papists , wherein the then Pope should be chiefly concerned . Written by the Person who heard it from this Excellent Persons own Mouth , and now publisht earnestly to perswade us to that Repentance and Reformation which can only prevent our Ruin and Destruction . And the Lord said , Shall I hide from Abraham the thing which I do ? Gen. 18. 17. Licensed , November the 16 th . LONDON , Printed for R. G. 1678. Strange and Remarkable Predictions of that Holy , Learned , and excellent Bishop , James Usher late Lord Primate of Ireland . THe Author of the Life of this Excellent and Worthy Primate and Arch-Bishop , gives an Account , that among other extraordinary gifts and graces , which it pleased the Almighty to bestow upon him , he was wonderfully endued with a Spirit of Prophecy , whereby he gave out several true Predictions and Prophesies of things a great while before they came to pass , whereof some we have seen fulfilled , and others remain yet to be accomplished . And though he was one that abhor'd Enthusiastick Notions , being too Learned , Rational , and knowing , to admit of such idle Freaks and Whimsies . Yet he profest , That several times in his Life he had many things imprest upon his mind , concerning future Events , with so much warmness and importunity , that he was not able to keep them secret , but lay under an unavoidable necessity to make them known . From which Spirit he foretold the Irish Rebellion Forty years before it came to pass , with the very time when it should break forth , in a Sermon Preached in Dublin in 1601. where from Ezek ▪ 4. 6. discoursing concerning the Prophets bearing the iniquity of Judah forty days , the Lord therein appointed a day for a year : he made this direct Applycation in Relation to the connivance at Popery at that time . From this year ( says he ) will I reckon the sin of Ireland , that those whom you now imbrace , shall be your Ruin , and you shall bear this Iniquity . Which Prediction proved exactly ture , for from that time 1601 , to the year 1641 , was just Forty years , in which it is notoriously known , that the Rebellion and Destruction of Ireland happened , which was acted by those Popish Priests , and other Papists , which were then connived at . And of this Sermon the Bishop reserved the Notes , and put a Note thereof in the Margent of his Bible ; and for 20 Years before , he still lived in the Expectation of the Fulfilling thereof : And the nearer the Time was , the more confident he was , that it was near Accomplishment , though there was no visible appearance of any such thing : And ( sayes Dr. Bernard ) the Year before the Rebellion broke forth , the Bishop taking his leave of me , being then going from Ireland to England , he advised me to a serious Preparation ; for I should see heavy Sorrows and Miseries , before I saw him again ; which he delivered with as great Confidence , as if he had seen it with his Eyes : Which seems to verify that of the Prophet , Amos 3. 7. Surely , the Lord will do nothing , but he will reveal it to his Servants , the Prophets . From this Spirit of Prophesie , he fore-saw the Changes and Miseries of England in Church and State ; for having in one of his Books , ( called De Prim , Eccl. Brit. ) given a larg account of the Destruction of the Church and State of the Brittains , by the Saxons , about 550 Years after Christ : He gives this among other Reasons , why he insisted so largely upon it ; That he fore-saw , that a like Judgment was yet behind , if timely Repentance and Reformation did not prevent it : And he would often Mourn upon the Fore-sight of this , long before it came . From this Spirit he gave Mournful Intimations of the Death of our late Soveraign , Charles the First ; of whom he would be often speaking with Fear and Trembling , even when the King had the greatest Success : And would therefore constantly pray , and gave all advice possible , to prevent any such thing . From this Spirit he fore-saw his own Poverty in worldly things ; and this he would often speak of , with admiration to the Hearers , when he was in his greatest Prosperity ; which the Event did most certainly verify . From this Spirit he Predicted the Divisions and Confusions in England in Matters of Religion , and the sad consequences thereof ; some of which we have seen fulfill'd : And I pray God , the rest which he feared , may not also be accomplished upon us . Lastly , From this Spirit he fore-told , That the greatest stroke upon the Reformed Churches was yet to come ; and that the time of the utter Ruin of the See of Rome , should be when she thought her self most secure : And as to this Last , I shall add a brief Account from the Persons own hand , who was concerned therein ; which followeth in these Words : The Year before this Learned and Holy Primate , A. Bishop Usher dyed , I went to him , and earnestly desired him , to give me in Writing his Apprehensions concerning Justification , and Sanctification by Christ ; because I had formerly heard him Preach upon those Points , wherein he seemed to make those great Mysteries more intelligible to my mean Capacity , than any thing which I had ever heard from any other : But because I had but an imperfect and confused Remembrance of the Particulars , I took the boldness to importune him , that he would please to give a brief account of them in Writing ; whereby I might the better imprint them in my Memory ; of which he would willingly have excused himself , by declaring his intentions of not writing any more : Adding , That if he did write any thing , it should not exceed above a Sheet or two : But upon my continued Importunity , I at last obtained his Promise . He coming to Town some time after , was pleased to give me a Visit at my own House ; where I failed not to challenge the Benefit of the Promise he had made me : He replyed ; That he had not writ , and yet he could not charge himself with any Breach of Promise : For ( said he ) I did begin to write ; but when I came to write of Sanctification , that is , of the New Creature , which God formeth by his Spirit in every Soul , which he doth truly Regenerate , I found so little of it wrought in my self , that I could speak of it only as Parrots by Rote , & without the knowledge & under standing of what I might have exprest ; & therefore , I durst not presume to proceed any further upon it . And when I seemed to stand amazed , to hear such an Humble Confession from so great and experienced a Christian , He added ; I must tell you , We do not well understand what Sanctification and the New Creature are ; It is no less then for a man to be brought to an entire Resignation of his will to the will of God , and to live in the Offering up of his Soul continually in the flames of Love , as a whole burnt Offering to Christ , and how little ( says he ) are many of those who profess Christianity experimentally acquainted with this work on their Souls . By this Discourse , I conceived he had very excellently and clearly discovered to me that part of Sanctification which he was unwilling to write . I then presumed to enquire of him what his present apprehensions were concerning a very great Persecution which should fall upon the Church of God in these Nations of England , Scotland , and Ireland , of which this Reverend Primate had spoken with great confidence many years before , when we were in the highest and fullest state of outward Peace and Settlement . I asked him whether he did believe those sad times to be past , or that they were yet to come , To which he answered , That they were yet to come , and that he did as confidently expect it , as ever he had done , adding , That this sad Persecution would fall upon all the Protestant Churches of Europe ; I replyed , That I did hope it might have been past as to these Nations of ours , since I thought , that though we , who are the People thereof , have been punished much less than our sins have deserved , and that our late Wars had made far less devastations , then War commonly brings upon those Countries where it pleaseth God in Judgement to suffer it ; yet we must needs acknowledge , that many great Houses had been Burnt , Ruined , and left without Inhabitants , many great Families impoverished and undone , and many Thousand Lives also had been lost in that bloody War , and that Ireland and Scotland , as well as England , had drunk very deep of the Cup of Gods Anger , even to the overthrow of the Government , and the utter Desolation almost of a very great part of those Countries . But this Holy man , turning to me , and fixing his Eyes upon me with that serious and ireful look which he usually had when he spake Gods word and not his own ; and when the Power of God seemed to be upon him , and to constrain him to speak , which I could easily discern much to differ from the countenance where with he usually spake to me ; He said thus . Fool not your self with such hopes , for I tell you , all you have yet seen , hath been but the beginning of sorrows to what is yet to come upon the Protestant Churches of Christ , who will ere long fall under a sharper Persecution than ever yet has upon them ; and therefore ( said he to me ) look you be not found in the Outward Court , but a worshipper in the Temple before the Altar , for Christ will measure all those that profess his Name , & call themselves his People ; & the Outward worshippers he will leave out , to be trodden down by the Gentiles . The Outward Court ( says he ) is the formal Christian , whose Religion lies in performing the outside duties of Christianity , without having an inward Life & Power of Faith and love , uniting them to Christ , and these God will leave to be trodden down , and swept away by the Gentiles ; But the worshippers within the Temple and before the Altar , are those who do indeed worship God in Spirit and in Truth , whose Souls are made his Temples , and he is honoured and adored in the most inward thoughts of their hearts , and they Sacrifice their Lusts and vile affections , yea , and their own wills to him ; and these God will hide in the hollow of his Hand , and under the shadow of his wings ; and this shall be one great difference between this last , and all the other preceding Persecutions ; For in the former , the most eminent and spiritual Ministers and Christians did generally suffer most , and were most violently fallen upon , but in this last Persecution , these shall be preserved by God as a Seed to partake of that Glory which shall immediately follow and come upon the Church , as soon as ever this storm shall be over ; for as it shall be the sharpest , so it shall be the shortest Persecution of them all ; and shall only take away the gross Hypocrites and formal Profesors , but the true Spiritual Believers shall be preserved till the Calamity be over-past . I then asked him by what means or Instruments this great Tryal should be brought on . He answered , By the Papists ; I replyed , that it seemed to me very improbable they should be able to do it , since they were now little countenanced , and but few in these Nations , and that the hearts of the People were more set against them then ever since the Reformation . He answered again , That it would be by the hands of Papists , and in the way of a suddain Massacree ; and that the then Pope should be the chief Instrument of it . All this he Spake with so great Assurance , and with the same serious and concerned Countenance , which I have before observed him to have ▪ when I have heard him soretell some things which in all humane appearence were very unlikely to come to pass , which yet I my self have lived to see happen according to his prediction , and this made me give the more earnest attention to what he then uttered . He then added , That the Papists were in his Opinion the Gentiles spoken of in the 11th of the Revelations , to whom the outward Court should be left , that they might tread it underfoot ; They having received the Gentiles worship in their adoring Images , and Saints departed , and in taking to themselves many Mediators ; And this ( Said he ) the Papists are now designing among themselves , and therefore be sure you be ready . This was the Substance , & I think ( for the greatest part ) the very same words which this Holy man spake to me at the time beforementioned not long before his death , and which I writ down , that so great and notable a Prediction might not be lost and forgotten by my self nor others . This gracious Man repeated the same things in Substance to his only daughter the Lady Tyrril , and that with many tears , and much about the same time that he had exprest what is aforesaid to me , and which the Lady Tyrril assured me of with her own mouth , to this purpose . That opening the Door of his Chamber , She found him with his Eyes lift up to Heaven , and the tears running a pace down his Cheeks , and that he seemed to be in an Extasie , wherein he continued for about half an hour , not taking the least notice of her , though she came into the Room , but at last turning to her , he told her , That his thoughts had been taken up about the Miseries and Persecutions that were coming upon the Churches of Christ , which would be so sharp ●●d bitter , that the contemplation of them had fetched those Tears from his Eyes , and that he hoped he should not live to see it , but possibly she might , for it was even at the door ; Therefore take heed ( says he ) that you be not found sleeping . The same things he also Repeated to the Lady Bysse , Wife to the present Lord Chief Baron of Ireland , but with adding this circumstance , That if they brought back the King , it might be delayed a little longer , but ( sayd he ) It will surely come , therefore be sure to look that you be not found unprepared for it . To conclude in the words of Dr. Bernard , speaking of this Excellent Person . Now howsoever I am as far from heeding of Prophesies this way as any , yet with me it is not Improbable , that so great a Prophet , so sanctified from his youth , so knowing & eminent throughout the Universal Church , might have at some special times more then Ordinary Motions and Impulses in doing the watchmans part , of giving warning of Judgments approaching . FINIS . 
A64650	----	Immanuel, or, The mystery of the incarnation of the son of God unfolded by James Archbishop of Armagh. Ussher, James, 1581-1656. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A64650 of text R7064 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing U180). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 96 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 35 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A64650 Wing U180 ESTC R7064 11967355 ocm 11967355 51763 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A64650) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 51763) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 521:2) Immanuel, or, The mystery of the incarnation of the son of God unfolded by James Archbishop of Armagh. Ussher, James, 1581-1656. [2], 66 p. Printed by Leonard Lichfield ..., Oxford [Oxfordshire] : 1643. Possibly a sermon. cf. Madan. Reproduction of original in Union Theological Seminary Library, New York. eng Incarnation -- Early works to 1800. A64650 R7064 (Wing U180). civilwar no Immanuel, or The mystery of the incarnation of the son of God; unfolded by James, Archbishop of Armagh. Ussher, James 1643 17884 28 65 0 0 0 0 52 D The rate of 52 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the D category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2005-02 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-03 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2005-04 Jonathan Blaney Sampled and proofread 2005-04 Jonathan Blaney Text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion IMMANVEL , OR THE MYSTERY OF THE INCARNATION OF THE SON OF GOD ; Unfolded by JAMES , ARCHBISHOP of ARMAGH . IOHN , 1. 14. The Word was made flesh . OXFORD , Printed by LEONARD LICHFIELD , Printer to the Vniversity , 1643. THE MYSTERIE OF THE INCARNATION of the SON of GOD . THe holy Prophet , in the Book of the a Proverbs , poseth all such as have not learned wisedome , nor known the knowledge of the holy , with this question ? Who hath ascended up into heaven , or descended ? who hath gathered the wind in his fists ? who hath bound the waters in a garment ? who hath established all the ends of the earth ? What is his Name , and what is his SONS name , if thou canst tell ? To help us herein , the SON Himselfe did tell us , when he was here upon earth , that b None hath ascended up to heaven , but he that descended from heaven , even the Son of man which is in heaven . And that we might not be ignorant of his name , the prophet Esay did not long before foretell , that c Vnto us a child is borne , and unto us a Son is given ; whose name should be called , Wonderfull , Counsellour , The mighty God , The Everlasting Father , The Prince of peace . Where if it be demanded , how these things can stand together ? that the Son of man speaking upon earth , should yet at the same instant be in heaven ? that the Father of Eternity should be born in time ? and that the mighty God should become a Childe ; which is the weakest state of Man himselfe ? we must call to minde , that the first letter of this great Name , is WONDERFUL . When he appeared of old to Manoah , his name was Wonderfull , and he did wonderously , Judge 13. 18 , 19. But that , and all the wonders that ever were , must give place to the great mystery of his Jncarnation , and in respect thereof cease to be wonderfull . For of this work , that may be verified , which is spoken of those wonderfull judgements , that God brought upon Egypt ; when he would d shew his power , and have his name declared throughout all the earth . e Before them were no such ; neither after them shall be the like . Neither the creation of all things out of nothing , which was the beginning of the works of God ( those six working dayes putting as it were an end to that long Sabbath that never had beginning ; wherein the Father , Sonne and Holy Ghost did infinitely f glorifie themselves and g rejoyce in the fruition one of another , without communicating the notice thereof unto any creature ) nor the resurrection from the dead , and the restauration of all things , the last workes that shall goe before that everlasting Sabbath ( which shall have a beginning , but never shall have end : ) neither that first , I say , nor these last , though most admirable peeces of worke , may be compared with this ; wherein the Lord was pleased to shew the highest pitch ( if any thing may be said to bee highest in that which is infinite and exempt from all measure and dimensions ) of his Wisedome , Goodnesse , Power and glory . The Heathen Chaldeans , to a question propounded by the King of Babel , make answer ; h that it was a rare thing which hee required and that none other could shew it , except the Gods ; whose dwelling is not with flesh . But the raritie of this lyeth in the contrary to that which they imagined to be so plaine : that hee i who is over all , God blessed for ever , should take our flesh and dwell , or * pitch his Tabernacle , with us . That as k the glory of God filled the Tabernacle ( which was l a figure of the humane nature of the Lord ) with such a kinde of fullnesse , that Moses himselfe was not able to aproach unto it ; ( therein comming short , m as in all things , of the Lord of the house ) and filled the Temple of Salomon ( a Type likewise n of the body of our Prince of Peace ) in o such sort that the Priests could not enter therein : so p in him all the fulnesse of the Godhead should dwell bodily . And therefore if of that temple , built with hands , Salomon could say with admiration ; q But will God in very deed dwell with men on the earth ? Behold heaven and the heaven of heavens cannot containe thee ; how much lesse this house , which I have built ? of the true temple , that is not of this building , we may with greater wonderment say with the Apostle , r Without controversie , great is the mystery of Religion : God was manifested in the flesh . Yea , was made of a Woman , and borne of a Virgine . A thing so s wonderfull , that it was given for a signe unto unbeleevers 740. yeeres before it was accomplished ; even a signe of God's own chusing , among all the wonders in the depth , or in the height above . Therefore the Lord himselfe shall give you a signe : Behold a Virgin shall conceive and beare a Son , and shall call his name Immanuel . Esai . 7. 14. A notable wonder indeed , and great beyond all comparison , That the Son of God should be t made of a Woman : even made of that Woman which was u made by himselfe . That her Wombe then , and the x heavens now , should contain him , whom y the Heaven of Heavens cannot containe . Than he who had both Father and Mother , whose pedigree is upon record , even up unto Adam , who in the fulnesse of time was brought forth in Bethlehem , and when he had finished his course , was cut off out of the land of the living at Jerusalem ; should yet notwithstanding be in truth , that which his shadow Melchisedek was onely in the conceit of the men of his time ; z without Father , without Mother , without Pedigree , having neither beginning of dayes , nor end of life . That his Father should be a greater than he , and yet he his Fathers b equall . That he c is , before Abraham was ; and yet Abrahams birth preceded his , well nigh the space of two thousand yeares . And finally , that he who was Davids Sonne , should yet be Davids Lord : d a case which plunged the greatest Rabbies among the Pharesies ; who had not yet learned this Wisedome , nor known this knowledge of the holy . The untying of this knot dependeth upon the right understanding of the wonderfull conjunction of the Divine and humane Nature in the unity of the Person of our Redeemer . For by reason of the strictnesse of this Personall union , whatsoever may be verified of either of those Natures , the same may be truely spoken of the Whole Person ; from whether soever of the Natures it be denominated . For the clearer conceiving whereof , we may call to minde that which the Apostle hath taught us touching our Saviour : e In him dwelleth all the fulnesse of the Godhead bodily , that is to say , by such a personall and reall union , as doth unseparably & everlastingly conjoyn that infinite Godhead with his finite Manhood in the unity of the selfe-same individuall Person . He in whom that fulnesse dwelleth , is the PERSON : that fulnesse which so doth dwell in him , is the NATURE . Now there dwelleth in him not onely the fulnesse of the Godhead , but the fulnesse of the Manhood also ▪ for we beleeve him to be both perfect God , begotten of the substance of his Father before all worlds ; and perfect Man , made of the substance of his Mother in the fullnesse of time . And therefore we must hold , that there are two distinct Natures in him : and two so distinct , that they doe not make one compounded nature ; but still remaine uncompounded and unconfounded together . But Hee in whom the fulnesse of the Manhood dwelleth , is not one , and hee in whom the fulnesse of the Godhead another : but he in whom the fulnesse of both those natures dwelleth , is one and the same Immauel , and consequently it must be beleeved as firmly , that he is but one Person . And here wee must consider , that the Divine Nature did not assume an humane Person , but the divine Person did assume an humane Nature : and that of the three Divine Persons , it was neither the first nor the third that did assume this Nature ; but it was the middle Person , who was to bee the middle one , that must undertake this mediation betwixt God and us . which was otherwise also most requisite , aswell for the better preservation of the integrity of the blessed Trinity in the Godhead , as for the higher advancement of Mand-kinde by meanes of that relation which the second Person the Mediatour did beare unto his Father . For if the fulnesse of the Godhead should have thus dwelt in any humane person , there should then a fourth Person necessarily have been added unto the Godhead . And if any of the three Persons , beside the second , had been borne of a Woman ; there should have been two Sonnes in the Trinity : whereas now the Sonne of God and the Sonne of the blessed Virgin , being but one Person , is consequently but one Sonne ; and so no alteration at all made in the relations of the Persons of the Trinitie . Againe , in respect of us , the Apostle sheweth , that for this very end f God sent his owne SON made of a woman ; that WE might receive the Adoption of SONS : and thereupon maketh this inference . Wherefore thou art no more a servant , but a SON ; and if a SON , then an HEIRE of God through Christ : intimating thereby , that what relation Christ hath unto God by Nature , we being found in him have the same by Grace . By Nature hee is g The only begotten Sonne of the Father : but this is the high Grace he hath purchased for us ; that h as many as received him , to them he gave power or priviledge , to become the Sonnes of God , even to them that beleeve on his Name . For although he reserve to himselfe the preeminence , which is due unto him in a * peculiar manner , of being i the first borne among many brethren : yet in him , and for him , the rest likewise by the grace of adoption are all of them accounted as first-bornes . So God biddeth Moses to say unto Pharaoh ; k Israel is my Sonne , even my first-borne . And I say vnto thee ; Let my sonne goe , that he may serve me : and if thou refuse to let him goe ; behold I will slay thy sonne , even thy first borne . And the whole Israell of God , consisting of Jew and Gentile , is in the same sort described by the Apostle to be l the generall assembly and Church of the first borne inrolled in Heaven . For the same reason that maketh them to be Sons , to wit , their incorporation into Christ , the selfe-same also maketh them to be first-bornes : so as ( how ever it fall out by the grounds of our common Law ) by the rule of the Gospell this consequence will still hold true ; m If children , then heires , heires of God and joynt-heires with Christ . And so much for the SON , the Person assuming . The Nature assumed , is the seed of Abraham , Hebr. 2. 16. The seed of David , Rom. 1. 3. The seed of the Woman , Gen. 3. 15. The WORD , n the second Person of the Trinity , being o made FLESH , that is to say , p Gods own Sonne being made of a Woman , and so becomming truly and really q The fruit of her wombe . Neither did he take the substance of our nature only , but all the properties also and the qualities thereof : so as it might be said of him , as it was of r Elias and the s Apostles ; that he was a man subject to like passions as we are . Yea , he subjected himselfe t in the dayes of his flesh to the same u weaknesse which we finde in our own fraile nature , and was compassed with like infirmities ; and in a word , in all things was made like unto his brethren , sinne only excepted . Wherein yet we must consider , that as he took upon him not an humane Person , but an humane Nature : so it was not requisite he should take upon him any Personall infirmities , such as are , madnesse , blindnesse , lamenesse , and particular kinds of diseases which are incident to some only , and not to all men in generall ; but those alone which do accompany the whole Nature of mankinde , such as are hungring , thirsting , wearinesse , griefe , paine and mortality . We are further here also to observe in this our x Melchisedeck , that as he had no Mother , in regard of one of his natures , so he was to have no Father in regard of the other ; but must be borne of a pure and immaculate Virgin , without the helpe of any man . And this also was most requisite , as for other respects , so for the exemption of the assumed nature from the imputation and pollution of Adams sinne . For y sinne having by that one man entred into the world ; every Father becommeth an Adam unto his child , and conveyeth the corruption of his Nature unto all those whom hee doth beget . Therefore our Saviour assuming the substance of our Nature , but not by the ordinary way of naturall generation , is thereby freed from all the touch and taint of the corruption of our flesh ; which by that meanes only is prop●gated from the first man unto his posterity . Whereupon , he being made of man , but not by man , and so becomming the immediate fruit of the wbome and not of the Loynes ; must of necessity be acknowledged to be z that HOLY THING , which so was borne of so blessed a Mother . who although shee were but the passive and materiall principle of which that precious flesh was made , and the holy Ghost the agent and efficient ; yet cannot the man Christ Jesus thereby be made the Son of his a owne Spirit . Because Fathers do beget their children out of their owne substance : the holy Ghost did not so , but framed the flesh of him , from whom himself proceeded , out of the creature of them both , b the hand-maid of the Lord ; whom from thence all generations shall call blessed . That blessed wombe of hers was the bride-chamber , wherein the Holy Ghost did knit that indissoluble knot betwixt our humane nature and his Deity : the Son of God assuming into the unity of his Person that which before he was not ; and yet without change ( for so must God still be ) remaining that which he was . Whereby it came to passe , that c this holy thing which was borne of her was indeed and in truth to be called the SONNE of GOD . Which wonderfull connexion of two so infinitely differing natures in the unity of one person , how it was there effected ; is an inquisition fitter for an Angelical inteliigence , than for our shallow capacity to look after . To which purpose also we may observe , that in the fabrick of the Arke of the Covenant , d the posture of the faces of the Cherubims toward the Mercy-seat ( the type of our Saviour ) was such , as would poynt unto us , that these are the things which the Angells desire to * stoop and look into . And therefore let that satisfaction , which the Angell gave unto the Mother Virgin ( whom it did more specially concerne to move the question , e How may this be ? ) content us , f The power of the highest shall over-shadow thee . For as the former part of that speech may informe us , that g with God nothing is unpossible : so the latter may put us in minde , that the same God having over-shadowed this mystery with his own veile , we should not presume with the men of h Bethshemesh to looke into this Arke of his ; least for our curiosity we be smitten , as they were . Only this we may safely say , and must firmly hold : that as the distinction of the Persons in the holy Trinity hindreth not the Unity of the Nature of the God-head , although every person entirely holdeth his own incommunicable property ; so neither doth the distinction of the two Natures in our Mediatour any way crosse the unity of his Person , although each nature remaineth intire in it selfe , and retaineth the properties agreeing thereunto , * without any conversion , composition , commixtion or confusion . When i Moses beheld the bush burning with fire , and yet no whit consumed , he wondred at the sight , and said ; I will now turne aside , and see this great sight , why the bush is not burnt . But when God thereupon called unto him out of the midst of the bush , and said , Draw not nigh hither , and told him who he was ; Moses trembled , hid his face , and durst not behold God . Yet , although being thus warned , we dare not draw so nigh ; what doth hinder but we may stand aloofe off , and wonder at this great sight ? k Our God is a consuming fire ; saith the Apostle : and a question wee finde propounded in the prophet , l Who among us shall dwell with the devouring fire ? who amongst us shall dwell with the everlasting burnings ? Moses was not like other Prophets , but m God spake unto him face to face , as a man speaketh unto his friend : and yet for all that , when hee besought the Lord that he would shew him his glory ; he received this answer ; n Thou canst not see my face : for there shall no man see mee , and live . Abraham before him , though a speciall o friend of God , and the p Father of the faithfull , the Children of God ; yet held it a great matter that he should take upon him so much as to q speak unto God , being but dust and ashes . Yea the very Angells themselves ( r which are greater in power and might ) are fain to s cover their faces , when they stand before him ; as not being able to behold the brightnesse of his glory . With what astonishment then may we behold our dust and ashes assumed into the undivided unitie of Gods owne person ; and admitted to dwell here , as an inmate , under the same roofe ? and yet in the midst of those everlasting burnings , the bush to remain unconsumed , and to continue fresh and green for evermore . Yea , how should not we with Abraham rejoyce to see this day , wherein not only our nature in the person of our Lord Jesus is found to dwell for ever in those everlasting burnings ; but , in and by him , our owne persons also are brought so nigh thereunto , that t God doth set his Sanctuarie and Tabernacle among us , and dwell with us , and ( which is much more ) maketh us our selves to be the u house and the x habitation , wherein he is pleased to dwell by his Spirit . according to that of the Apostle , y Yee are the Temple of the living God , as God hath said ; I will dwell in them and walke in them , and I will be their God , and they shall be my people . and that most admirable Prayer , which our Saviour himselfe made unto his father in our behalfe . z I pray not for these alone , but for them also which shall beleeve on me through their Word : that they all may be one , as thou Father art in mee and I in thee , that they also may be one in us ; that the world may beleeve that thou hast sent me . I in them , and thou in me : that they may be made perfect in one ; and that the world may know that thou hast sent me , and hast loved them as thou hast loved me . To compasse this conjunction betwixt God and us , he that was to bee our a Jesus or Saviour , must of necessity also bee Immanuel , which being interpreted is , GOD with us ; and therefore in his Person to bee Immanuel , that is , God dwelling with our flesh ; because he was by his Office to be Immanuel , that is , he who must make God to be at one with us . For this being his proper office , to be b Mediatour between God and Men , he must partake with both : and being before all eternity consubstantiall with his Father , he must at the appoynted time become likewise consubstantiall with his children . c For asmuch then as the children are partakers of flesh and blood ; he also himselfe likewise tooke part of the same : saith the Apostle . We read in the Romane history , that the Sabines and the Romans joyning battell together , upon such an occasion as is mentioned in the last Chapter of the booke of Iudges ; of the children of Benjamin , catching every man a wife of the daughters of Shilo : the women , being daughters to the one side and Wives to the other , interposed themselves and tooke up the quarrell . so that by the mediation of these , who had a peculiar interest in either side , and by whose meanes this new alliance was contracted betwixt the two adverse parties ; they who before stood upon highest termes of hostility , * did not only entertaine Peace , but also joyned themselves together into one body and one state . God and we were d enemies ; before wee were reconciled to him by his Sonne . He that is to be e our Peace , and to reconcile us unto God , and to slay this enmity , must have an interest in both the parties that are at variance , and have such a reference unto either of them ; that he may be able to send this comfortable message unto the sonnes of men . f Goe to my brethren ; and say unto them : I ascend unto my Father , and your Father ; and to my God , and your God . For as long as g hee is not ashamed to call us brethren ; h GOD is not ashamed to be called our GOD . And his entring of our apparance , in his own name and ours , after this manner , i Behold , I , and the children which God hath given mee ; is a motive strong enough to appease his Father , and to turne his favourable countenance towards us . as on the other side , when we become unruly , and prove Rebellious children , no reproofe can be more forcible , nor inducement so prevalent ( if there remaine any sparke of grace in in us ) to make us cast downe our weapons and yeeld , than this ; k Doe ye thus requite the Lord , O foolish people and unwise ? Is not he thy Father that hath bought thee ? and bought thee , l not with corruptible things , as silver and gold , but with the precious bloud of his owne Son . How dangerous a matter it is to be at ods with God , old Ely sheweth by this maine argument : m If one man sinne against another , the Judge shall judge him : but if a man sin against the Lord , who shall plead or intreat for him ? and Job , before him ; n He is not a man as I am , that I should answer him , and we should come together in judgement : neither is there any Dayes-man , or Vmpire betwixt us , that might lay his hand upon us both . If this generall should admit no manner of exception , then were we in a wofull case , and had cause to weep much more than Saint Iohn did in the Revelation ; when o none was found in heaven , nor in earth , nor under the earth , that was able to open the booke which he saw in the right hand of him that sate upon the Throne , neither to look thereon . But as S. Iohn was wished there , to refraine his weeping ; because p the Lion of the tribe of Iuda , the root of David , had prevailed to open the book , and to loose the seven seales thereof : so he himself else where giveth the like comfort unto all of us in this particular . q If any man sin , we have an Advocate with the Father , Iesus Christ the righteous : and he is a propitiation for our sins ; and not for ours only , but also for the sins of the whole world . For as r there is one God , so is there one Mediatour between God and men , the man Christ Iesus , who gave himselfe a ransom for all ; and in discharge of this his office of Mediation , as the only fit Umpire to take up this controversie , was to lay his hand as well upon GOD , the party so highly offended , as upon Man , the party so basely offending . In things concerning God , the Priesthood of our Mediatour is exercised . s For every high Priest is taken from among men , and ordained for men in things pertaining to God . The parts of his Priestly Function are two ; Satisfaction and Intercession : the former whereof giveth contentment to Gods Justice ; the latter solliciteth his Mercy , for the application of this benefit to the children of God in particular . Whereby it commeth to passe , that God in t shewing mercy upon whom he will shew mercy , is yet for his justice no looser : being both u just , and the justifier of him that beleeveth in Iesus . By vertue of his Intercession , our Mediatour x appeareth in the presence of God for us , and y maketh request for us . To this purpose , the Apostle noteth in the fourth to the Hebrewes , 1. That we have a great high Priest , that is passed into the heavens , Iesus the Sonne of God . ( vers. 14. ) 2. that we have not an high Priest which cannot be touched with the feeling of our infirmities , but was in all things tempted as wee are ; yet without sinne . ( vers. 15. ) Betwixt the having of such , and the not having of such an Intercessor , betwixt the height of him in regard of the one , and the lowlinesse in regard of his other nature , standeth the comfort of the poore sinner . He must be such a suitour as taketh our cause to heart : and therefore z in all things it behoved him to be made like unto his brethren ; that he might be a mercifull and faithfull high Priest . In which respect as it was needfull hee should partake with our flesh and bloud , that he might be tenderly affected unto his brethren : so likewise for the obtaining of so great a suit , it behoved he should be most deare to God the Father , and have so great an interest in him , as he might alwayes be sure to be a heard in his requests ▪ who therefore could be no other , but he of whom the Father testified from heaven , b This is my beloved Sonne , in whom I am well pleased . It was fit our intercessor should be man , like unto our selves ; that we might c boldly come to him , and finde grace to help in time of need : it was fit he should be God , that he might boldly goe to the Father , without any way disparaging him ; as being his d fellow , and e equall . But such was Gods love to justice , and hatred to sinne ; that he would not have his justice swallowed up with mercy , nor sinne pardoned without the making of fit reparation . And therefore our Mediatour must not looke to procure for us a simple pardon without more adoe ; but must be a f propitiation for our sinnes , and redeem us by fine and g ransome : and so not only be the master of our requests , to intreat the Lord for us ; but also take upon him the part of an h Advocate , to plead full satisfaction made by himselfe , as our i suretie , unto all the debt wherewith we any way stood chargeable . Now the Satisfaction which our surety bound himselfe to performe in our behalfe , was of a double debt : the principall , and the accessory . The principall debt is obedience to Gods most holy Law : which man was bound to pay as a perpetuall tribute to his Creator , although he had never sinned ; but , being now by his owne default become bankrupt , is not able to discharge in the least measure . His surety therefore being to satisfie in his stead ; none will be found fit to undertake such a payment , but he who is both God and Man . Man it is fit he should be : because Man was the party that by the Articles of the first Covenant was tied to this obedience ; and it was requisite that , k As by one mans disobedience many were made sinners , so by the obedience of one Man likewise , many should be made righteous . Againe , if our Mediatour were only God , he could have performed no obedience ( the Godhead being free from all manner of subjection : ) and if he were a bare Man , although he had beene as perfect as Adam , in his integrity , or the Angels themselves ; yet being left unto himselfe amidst all the temptations of Satan & this wicked world , he should be subject to fall , as they were ; or if he should hold out , as l the elect Angels did ; that must have been ascribed to the grace and favour of another : whereas the giving of strict satisfaction to Gods justice was the thing required in this behalfe . But now being God , as well as Man , he by his owne m eternall Spirit preserved himselfe without spot : presenting a farre more satisfactory obedience unto God , than could have possibly been performed by Adam in his integrity . For beside the infinite difference that was betwixt both their Persons , which maketh the actions of the one beyond all comparison to exceed the worth and value of the other : we know that Adam was not able to make himselfe holy ; but what holinesse he had , he received from him who created him according to his owne Image : so that whatsoever obedience Adam had performed , God should have n eaten but of the fruit of the Vineyard which himselfe had planted ; and o of his owne would all that have been , which could be given unto him . But Christ did himselfe sanctifie that humane nature which he assumed , according to his owne saying , John 17. 19. For their sakes I sanctifie my selfe : and so out of his owne peculiar store did he bring forth those precious treasures of holy obedience , which for the satisfaction of our debt he was pleased to tender unto his Father . Again , if Adam had p done all things which were commanded him , he must for all that have said : I am an unprofitable servant ; I have done that which was my duty to doe . Whereas in the voluntary obedience , which Christ subjected himselfe unto , the case stood farre otherwise . True it is that if we respect him in his humane nature , q his Father is greater than he ; and he is his Fathers r servant : yet in that he said , and most truly said , that God was his Father , s the Jewes did rightly inferre from thence , that he thereby made himselfe equall with God ; and t the Lord of hosts himselfe hath proclaimed him to be the man that is his fellow . Being such a man therefore , and so highly borne ; by the priviledge of his birth-right , he might have claimed an exemption from the ordinary service whereunto all other men are tied : and by being u the Kings Sonne , have freed himselfe from the payment of that tribute which was to be exacted at the hands of Strangers . When x the Father brought this his first-begotten into the world , he said ; Let all the Angells of God worship him : and at the very instant wherein the Sonne advanced our nature into the highest pitch of dignity , by admitting it into the unity of his sacred person , that nature so assumed was worthy to be crowned with all glory and honour : and he in that nature might then have set himselfe downe y at the right hand of the throne of God ; tyed to no other subjection than now he is , or hereafter shall be , when after the end of this world he shall have delivered up the kingdome to God the Father . For then also , in regard of his assumed nature , he z shall be subject unto him that put all other things under him . Thus the Sonne of God , if he had minded only his owne things , might at the very first have attained unto the joy that was set before him : but a looking on the things of others , he chose rather to come by a tedious way , and wearisome journey unto it ; not challenging the priviledge of a Sonne , but taking upon him the forme of a meane servant . Whereupon in the dayes of his flesh , he did not serve as an honourable Commander in the Lords host , but as an ordinary souldier : he made himselfe of no reputation , for the time as it were * emptying himselfe of his high state and dignity ; he humbled himselfe , and became obedient untill his death ▪ being content all his life long to be b made under the Law : yea so farre , that as he was sent c in the likenesse of sinfull flesh , so he disdained not to subject himselfe unto that Law , which properly did concerne sinfull flesh . And therefore howsoever Circumcision was by right appliable only unto such as were d dead in their sinnes , and the uncircumcision of their flesh ; yet he , in whom there was no body of the sinnes of the flesh to be put off , submitted himselfe notwithstanding thereunto : not only to testifie his communion with the Fathers of the old Testament ; but also by this meanes to tender unto his Father a bond , signed with his owne bloud , whereby he made himselfe in our behalfe a debtour unto the whole Law . For I testifie ( saith e the Apostle ) to every man that is circumcised , that he is a debtour to the whole Law . In like manner Baptisme appertained properly unto such as were defiled , and had need to have their f sinnes washed away : and therefore when all the land of Judea , and they of Jerusalem went out unto John , they g were all baptized of him in the river Jordan , confessing their sinnes . Among the rest came our Saviour also : but the Baptist considering that he had need to be baptized by Christ , and Christ no need at all to be baptized by him , refused to give way unto that action ; as altogether unbefitting the state of that immaculat Lamb of God , who was to take away the sinne of the World . Yet did our Mediatour submit himselfe to that ordinance of God also : not only to testifie his communion with the Christians of the new Testament ; but especially ( which is the reason yeelded by himselfe ) because h it became him thus to fulfill all righteousnesse . And so having fulfilled all righteousnesse , whereunto the meanest man was tied , in the dayes of his pilgrimage ( which was more than he needed to have undergone , if he had respected only himselfe : ) the workes which he performed were truly works of supererogation , which might be put upon the account of them whose debt he undertook to discharge ; and being performed by the person of the Sonne of God , must in that respect not only be equivalent , but infinitely overvalue the obedience of Adam and all his posterity , although they had remained in their integrity , & continued untill this houre instantly serving God day & night . And thus for our maine and principall debt of Obedience , hath our Mediator given satisfaction unto the Iustice of his Father ; with i good measure , pressed down , shaken together , & running over . But beside this , we were liable unto another debt ; which we have incurred by our default , and drawn upon our selves by way of forfeiture , and nomine poenae . For as k Obedience is a due debt ; and Gods servants in regard thereof are truly debters : so likewise is sinne a l debt , and sinners m debters , in regard of the penalty due for the default . And as the payment of the debt which commeth nomine poenae , dischargeth not the tenant afterwards from paying his yearly rent ; which of it selfe would have been due , although no default had been committed : so the due payment of the yearly rent , after the default hath been made , is no sufficient satisfaction for the penalty already incurred . Therefore our surety , who standeth chargeable with all our debts , as he maketh paiment for the one by his Active , so must he make amends for the other by his Passive obedience : he must first n suffer , & thē enter into his glory . o For it became him , for whom are all things , and by whom are all things , in bringing many sons unto glory , to make the captain of their salvation perfect ( that is , a perfect accomplisher of the work wch he had under takē ) through sufferings . The Godhead is of that infinit perfection , that it cannot possibly be subject to any passion . He therefore that had no other nature but the Godhead , could not pay such a debt as this ; the discharge whereof consisted in suffering and dying . It was also fit , that Gods justice should have bin satisfied in that nature which had transgressed ; and that the same nature should suffer the punishment , that had committed the offence . p For asmuch then as the children were partakers of flesh and blood , he also himselfe likewise tooke part of the same : that through death he might destroy him that had the power of death , that is , the Devill ; and deliver them who through feare of death were all their life time subject to bondage : Such and so great was the love of God the Father towards us , that q Hee spared not his owne Sonne , but delivered him up for us all : and so transcendent was the love of the Sonne of God , towards the sonnes of men , that he desired not to be spared ; but rather than they should lye under the power of death , was of himselfe most willing to suffer death for them . which seeing in that infinite nature , which by eternall generation he received from his Father , he could not doe ; he resolved in the appoynted time to take unto himselfe a Mother , and out of her substance to have a body framed unto himselfe , wherein he might r become obedient unto death , even the death of the crosse , for our redemption . And therefore s when he commeth into the world , he saith unto his Father , A body hast thou fitted me ; Lo , I come to doe thy will , O God . By the which will ( saith the t Apostle ) we are sanctified , through the offering of the body of Jesus Christ once for all . Thus we see it was necessary for the satisfaction of this debt , that our Mediator should be Man : but he that had no more in him than a Man , could never be able to goe thorow with so great a worke . For if there should be found a Man as righteous as Adam was at his first creation , who would be content to suffer for the offence of others : his suffering possibly might serve for the redemption of one soule ; it could be no sufficient ransome for those u innumerable multitudes that were to be x redeemed to GOD out of every kindred , and tongue , and people , and nation . Neither could any Man or Angell be able to hold out , if a punishment equivalent to the endlesse sufferings of all the sinners in the world should at once be laid upon him . Yea the very powers of Christ himselfe , upon whom y the Spirit of might did rest , were so shaken in this sharp encounter ; that he , who was the most accomplisht patterne of all fortitude , stood z sore amazed and a with strong crying and teares prayed that , b if it were possible , the hour might passe from him . c This man therefore being to offer one sacrifice for sins for ever ; to the burning of that sacrifice he must not only bring the d coals of his love as strong as death , and as ardent as the fire which hath a most vehement flame , but he must adde thereunto those everlasting burnings also , e even the flames of his most glorious Deity : and therefore f through the eternall Spirit must he offer himselfe without spot unto God ; that hereby he might g obtaine for us an eternall redemption . The bloud whereby the Church is purchased , must be h Gods owne blood : and to that end must i the Lord of glory be crucified ; k the Prince and author of life be killed ; he l whose eternall generation no man can declare , be cut off out of the land of the living ; and the man that is Gods owne fellow be thus smitten ; according to that which God himselfe foretold by his Prophet . m Awake , O sword , against my shepherd , and against the man that is my fellow , saith the Lord of hosts : smite the shepherd , and the sheep shall be scattered . The people of Israell , we reade , did so value the life of David their King , that they counted him to be worth n ten thousand of themselves : how shall we then value the life of o Davids Lord ; p who is the blessed & only Potentate , the King of kings , and Lord of lords ? It was indeed our nature that suffered ; but he that suffered in that nature , q is over all , God blessed for ever : and for such a person to have suffered but one houre , was more than if all other persons had suffered ten thousand millions of years . But put case also , that the life of any other singular man might be equivalent to all the lives of whole mankinde : yet the laying down of that life would not be sufficient to doe the deed , unlesse he that had power to lay it down , had power likewise to take it up again . For to be detained alwayes in that prison , r from whence there is no comming out , before the payment of the uttermost farthing ; is to lie alwaies under execution , and so to disanull quite the plea of that full paymēt of the debt wherein our surety stood engaged for us . And therefore the Apostle upon that ground doth rightly conclude ; that s if Christ be not raised , our faith is vaine , we are yet in our sinnes ; and consequently , that as he must be t delivered to death for our offences , so he must be raised again for our justification . Yea , our Saviour himselfe , knowing full well what he was to undergoe for our sakes , told us before hand , that the Comforter whom he would send unto us , should u convince the world , that is , fully satisfie the consciences of the sonnes of men , concerning that x everlasting righteousnesse which was to be brought in by him , upon this very ground : Because I goe to my Father , and ye see me no more . For if he had broken prison , and made an escape , the payment of the debt , which as our surety he took upon himselfe , being not yet satisfied , he should have been seene here againe : Heaven would not have held him , more then Paradise did Adam , after he had fallen into Gods debt and danger . But our Saviour raising himselfe from the dead , presenting himselfe in Heaven before him unto whom the debt was owing , and maintaining his standing there , hath hereby given good proofe , that he is now a free-man , and hath fully discharged that debt of ours for which he stood committed . And this is the evidence we have to shew of that righteousnesse , whereby we stand justified in Gods sight : according to that of the Apostle . y Who shall lay any thing to the charge of Gods elect ? It is God that justifieth : who is he that condemneth ? It is Christ that died , yea rather that is risen again ; who is even at the right hand of God , who also maketh intercession for us . Now although an ordinary man may easily part with his life ; yet doth it not lye in his power to resume it againe at his own will and pleasure . But he that must doe the turne for us , must be able to say as our IESVS did . z I lay down my life , that I may take it again . No man taketh it from me , but I lay it downe of my selfe : I have power to lay it down , and I have power to take it againe . and in another place : a Destroy this Temple , and in three dayes I will raise it up ; saith he unto the Jewes , speaking of the Temple of his body . An humane nature then he must have had , which might be subject to dissolution : but being once dissolved , he could not by his owne strength ( which was the thing here necessarily required ) raise it up againe ; unlesse he had b declared himselfe to be the Son of God with power , by the resurrection from the dead . The Manhood could suffer , but not overcome the sharpnesse of death : the Godhead could suffer nothing , but overcome any thing . He therefore that was both to suffer and to overcome death for us , must be partaker of both natures : that c being put to death in the flesh , he might be able also to quicken himselfe by his owne Spirit . And now are wee come to that part of Christs mediation , which concerneth the conveiance of d the redemption of this purchased possession unto the sons of men . A deare purchase indeed , which was to be redeemed with no lesse price then the bloud of the Sonne of God ▪ but what should the purchase of a stranger have been to us ? or what should we have beene the better for all this ; if we could not derive our descent from the purchaser , or raise some good title whereby we might estate our selves in his purchase ? Now this was the manner in former time in Israell , concerning redemptions ▪ that unto him who was the next of kinne belonged the right of being e Goël , or the Redeemer . And Iob had before that left this glorious profession of his faith unto the perpetuall memory of all posterity . f I know that my Goël or Redeemer liveth , and at the last shall arise upon the dust ( or , stand upon the earth : ) And after this my skinne is spent ; yet in my flesh shall I see God . Whom I shall see for my selfe , and mine eyes shall behold , and not another for me . Whereby we may easily understand , that his and our Redeemer was to be the invisible God , and yet in his assumed flesh made visible even to the bodily eyes of those whom he redeemed . For if he had not thus assumed our flesh , how should we have been of his bloud , or claimed any kindred to him ? and unlesse the Godhead had by a personall union beene unseparably conjoyned unto that flesh ; how could he therein have beene accounted our next of kinne ? For the better clearing of which last reason ; we may call to mind that sentence of the Apostle . g The first man is of the earth earthy : the second man is the Lord from heaven . Where , notwithstanding there were many millions of men in the world betwixt these two ; yet we see our Redeemer reckoned the second man . and why ? but because these two were the only men who could be accounted the prime fountains , from whence all the rest of mankinde did derive their existence and being . For as all men in the world by meane descents do draw their first originall from the first man : so in respect of a more immediate influence of efficiencie and operation do they owe their being unto the second man , as he is the Lord from heaven . This is Gods own language unto Jeremy . h Before I formed thee in the belly , I knew thee : and this is Davids acknowledgement , for his part . i Thy hands have made me and fashioned me ; k thou hast covered me in my mothers wombe : l thou art he that took me out of my mothers bowels . and Jobs , for his also . m Thy hands have made me and fashioned me together round about : thou hast clothed me with skin and flesh , and hast fenced me with bones and sinews . and the n Apostles , for us all : In him we live , and move , and have our being . who inferreth also thereupon , both that we are the off-spring or generation of God ; and that he is not farre from every one of us . this being to be admitted for a most certaine truth ( notwithstanding the opposition of all gain-sayers ▪ ) that * God doth more immediately concurre to the generation and all other motions of the creature , then any naturall agent doth or can doe . And therefore , if o by one mans offedce , death raigned by one ; much more they which receive abundance of grace & of the gift of righteousnes , shall raign in life by one , Jesus Christ , considering that this second man is not only as universall a principle of all our beings , as was that first , and so may sustaine the common person of us all , as well as he ▪ but is a far more immediate agent in the production thereof : not , as the first , so many generations removed from us , but more near unto us then our very next progenitours ; and in that regard justly to be accounted our next of kinne , even before them also . Yet is not this sufficient neither : but there is another kinde of generation required , for which we must be beholding unto the second man , the Lord from heaven ; before we can have interest in this purchased Redemption . For as the guilt of the first mans transgression is derived unto us by the meanes of carnall generation ▪ so must the benefit of the second mans obedience be conveyed unto us by spirituall regeneration . And this must be layd downe as a most undoubted verity : that , p except a man be born again , he cannot see the Kingdome of God ; and that every such must be q born , not of bloud , nor of the will of the flesh nor of the will of man , but of God . Now , as our Mediatour in respect of the Adoption of Sons , which he hath procured for us , r is not ashamed to call us Brethren : so in respect of this new birth , whereby he begetteth us to a spirituall & everlasting life , he disdaineth not to owne us as his Children . s When thou shalt make his soul an offering for sin , hee shall see his seed : saith the Prophet Esaias . t A seed shall serve him ; it shall be accounted to the Lord for a generation : saith his Father David likewise of him . and he himselfe , of himselfe ▪ u Behold I , and the children which God hath given me . VVhence the Apostle deduceth this conclusion : x Forasmuch then as the children are partakers of flesh and bloud , he also himselfe likewise tooke part of the same . He himselfe , that is , he who was God equall to the Father , for who else was able to make this y new creature , but the same z God that is the Creator of all things ? ( no lesse power being requisite to the effecting of this , then was at the first to the producing of all things out of nothing : ) and these new a babes being to be b borne of the Spirit ; who could have power to send the Spirit , thus to beget them , but the Father and the Sonne from whom he proceeded ? the same blessed Spirit , who framed the naturall body of our Lord in the wombe of the Virgin , being to new mould and fashion every member of his mysticall body unto his similitude and likenesse . For the further opening of which mystery ( which went beyond the apprehension of c Nicodemus , though a master of Israel ) we are to consider ; that in every perfect generation , the creature produced receiveth two things from him that doth beget it : Life and Likenesse . A curious limmer draweth his own sonnes portraiture to the life ( as we say ) yet , because there is no true life in it , but a likenesse only ; he cannot be said to be the begetter of his picture , as he is of his Son . And some creatures there be that are bred out of mudde or other putrid matter : which although they have life , yet because they have no correspondence in likenesse unto the principle from whence they were derived , are therefore accounted to have but an improper and equivocall generation . whereas in the right and proper course of generation ( others being esteemed but monstrous births that swarve from that rule ) every creature begetteth his like : — nec imbellem feroces Progener ant aquilae columbam . Now touching our spirituall death & life , these sayings of the Apostle would be thought upon . d Wee thus judge , that if one dyed for all , then were all dead : and that be dyed for all , that they which live , should not henceforth live unto themselves but unto him which dyed for them and rose againe . e God who is rich in mercy , for his great love wherewith he loved us , even when we were dead in sin , hath quickened us together with Christ . f And you being dead in your sins , and the uncircumcision of your flesh , hath hee quickened together with him , having forgiven you all trespasses . g I am crucified with Christ . Neverthelesse I live , yet not I , but Christ liveth in mee : and the life which I now live in the flesh , I live by the faith of the Son of God , who loved mee and gave himselfe for me . From all which we may easily gather , that if by the obedience and sufferings of a bare man , though never so perfect , the most soveraigne medicine that could be thought upon should have beene prepared for the curing of our wounds : yet all would be to no purpose , we being found dead , when the medicine did come to be applyed . Our Physitian therefore must not only be able to restore us unto health , but unto life it selfe : which none can do but the Father , Son and holy Ghost ; one God , blessed for ever ▪ to which purpose , these passages of our Saviour also are to be considered . h As the father hath life in himselfe : so hath he given to the Son to have life in himselfe . i As the living Father hath sent me , and I live by the Father : so he that eateth me , even he shall live by me . k I am the living bread , which came downe from heaven ; if any man eat of this bread , he shall live for ever : and the bread that I will give ; is my flesh , which I will give for the life of the world . the substance whereof is briefly comprehended in this saying of the Apostle : l The last Adam was made a quickening spirit . An Adam therefore and perfect Man must he have been ; that his flesh , given for us upon the Crosse , might be made the conduit to convey life unto the world : and a quickening spirit he could not have been , unlesse he were God , able to make that flesh an effectuall instrument of life by the operation of his blessed spirit . For , as himselfe hath declared , m It is the Spirit that quickeneth ; without it , the flesh would profit nothing . As for the poynt of similitude and likenesse : we reade of Adam , after his fall , that he n beg at a son in his owne liknesse , after his image . and generally , as well touching the carnall as the spirituall generation , our Saviour hath taught us this lesson . o That which is borne of the flesh , is flesh ; and that which is borne of the Spirit , is spirit . Whereupon the Apostle maketh this comparison betwixt those who are borne of that first man , who is of the earth earthy , and of the second man , who is the Lord from heaven . p As is the earthy , such are they that are earthy ; and as is the heavenly , such are they also that are heavenly : and as we have borne the image of the earthy , we shall also beare the image of the heavenly . We shall indeed hereafter bear it in full perfection : when q the Lord Jesus Christ shall change our base body , that it may be fashioned like unto his glorious body ; according to the working , whereby hee is able even to subdue all things unto himselfe . Yet in the mean time also , such a conformity is required in us unto that heavenly man , that r our conversation must be in heaven , whence we look for this Saviour : and that we must s put off , concerning the former conversation , that old man , which is corrupt according to the deceitfull lusts , and be renewed in the spirit of our mind , and put on the new man , which after God is created in righteousnesse and true holinesse . For as in one particular point of domesticall authority , t the Man is said to be the image and glory of God , and the Woman the glory of the Man : so in a more universall maner is Christ said to be u the image of God , even x the brightnesse of his glory , & the expresse image of his person ; and we y to be conformed to his image , that he might be the first-born among those many brethren , who in that respect are accounted z the glory of Christ . We read in the holy story , that God a tooke of the spirit which was upon Moses , and gave it unto the seventy Elders ; that they might bear the burden of the People with him , and that he might not beare it , as before he had done , himselfe alone . It may be , his burden being thus lightened , the abilities that were left him for government were not altogether so great , as the necessity of his former employment required them to have beene : and in that regard , what was given to his assistants , might perhaps be said to be taken from him . But we are sure the case was otherwise in him of whom now we speake : unto whom b God did not thus give the spirit by measure . And therefore although so many millions of beleivers do continually receive this c supply of the Spirit of Iesus Christ ; yet neither is that fountaine any way exhausted , nor the plenitude of that well-spring of grace any whit empayred or diminished : it being Gods pleasure , d that in him should all fullnesse dwell ; and that e of his fulnesse all we should receive grace for grace . that as in the naturall generation there is such a correspondence in all parts betwixt the begetter and the infant begotten , that there is no member to be seen in the Father , but there is the like answerably to be found in the Child , although in a far lesse proportion : so it falleth out in this spirituall , that for every grace which in a most eminent manner is found in Christ , a like grace will appeare in Gods childe , although in a far inferiour degree ; similitudes & likenesses being defined by the Logicians to be comparisons made in quality , and not in quantity . VVe are yet further to take it into our consideration , that by thus enliving and fashioning us according to his owne Image , Christs purpose was not to raise a seed unto himselfe dispersedly and distractedly , but to f gather together in one the children of God that were scattered abroad : yea and to g bring all unto one head by himselfe , both them which are in heaven and them which are on the earth . that as in the Tabernacle , h the vaile divided between the holy place and the most holy ; but the curtains which covered them both were so coupled together with the taches , that it might still i be one Tabernacle : so the Church militant and triumphant , typified thereby , though distant as far the one from the other as Heaven is from Earth , yet is made but one Tabernacle in Jesus Christ ; k in whom all the building fitly framed together groweth unto an holy temple in the Lord , and in whom all of us are builded together for an habitation of God through the Spirit . The bond of this mysticall union betwixt Christ and us ( as l elsewhere hath more fully been declared ) is on his part that m quickening Spirit , which being in him as the Head , is from thence diffused to the spirituall animation of all his members : and on our part n Faith , which is the prime act of life wrought in those who are capable of understanding by that same spirit . Both wherof must be acknowledged to be of so high a nature : that none could possibly by such ligatures knit up so admirable a body , but he that was God Almighty . And therefore although we did suppose such a man might be found who should perform the Law for us , suffer the death that was due to our offence and overcome it ; yea and whose obedience and sufferings should be of such valve , that it were sufficiett for the redemption of the whole world : yet could it not be efficient to make us live by faith , unlesse that Man had been able to send Gods spirit to apply the same unto us . VVhich as no bare Man or any other Creature whatsoever can doe ; so for Faith we are taught by S. o Paul , that it is the operation of God , and a worke of his power , even of that same power , wherewith Christ himselfe was raised from the dead . VVhich is the ground of that prayer of his , that the p eyes of our understanding being enlightened , we might know what is the exceeding greatnesse of his power to ms-ward who beleeve , according to the working of his mighty power , which he wrought in Christ when be raised him from the dead , and set him at his own right hand in the heavenly places , farre above all principality , and power , and might , and every Name that is named not only in this world but also in that to come : and hath put all things under his feet , and gave him to be head over all things to the Church ; which is his body , the fulnesse of him that filleth all in all . Yet was it fit also , that the Head should be of the same nature with the Body which is knit unto it ▪ and therefore that he should so be God , as that he might partake of our Flesh likewise . q For we are members of his body , saith the same Apostle ; of his flesh , and of his bones . And r except ye eat the flesh of the Sonne of man , saith our Saviour himselfe , and drink his bloud ; ye have no life in you . s He that eateth my flesh , and drinketh my bloud , dwelleth in me , & I in him . declaring thereby , first , that by this mysticall and supernaturall union we are as truly conjoyned with him , as the meat and drink we take is with us ; when by the ordinary worke of nature it is converted into our owne substance . secondly , that this conjunction is immediately made with his humane nature . thirdly , that the t Lamb slaine , that is , u Christ crucified , hath by that death of his made his flesh broken and his bloud poured out for us upon the crosse to be fit food for the spirituall nourishment of our soules ; and the very well-spring from whence , by the power of his God-head , all life and grace is derived unto us . Upon this ground it is , that the Apostle telleth us , that we x have boldnesse to enter into the Holiest by the bloud of Jesus ; by a new and living way which he hath consecrated for us , through the vaile , that is to say , his flesh . That as in the Tabernacle , there was no passing from the Holy to the most Holy place , but by the vaile : so now there is no passage to be looked for from the Church Militant to the Church Triumphant , but by the flesh of him , who hath said of himselfe ; y I am the way , the truth , and the life , no man commeth unto the father but by me . Jacob in his dreame beheld z a ladder set upon the earth , the top whereof reached to heaven , and the Angels of God ascending and descending on it , the Lord himself standing above it . Of which vision none can give a better interpretation then he , who was prefigured therein , gave unto Nathanael . a Hereafter you shall see heaven opened , and the Angels of God ascending and descending upon the Son of man . Whence we may well collect , that the only meanes whereby God standing above , and his Israel lying here below are conjoyned together , and the only ladder whereby Heaven may be scaled by us , is the Son of man . The type of whose flesh , the vaile , was therefore commanded to be b made with Cherubims ; to shew that we come c to an innumerable company of Angels , when we come to Iesus the Mediatour of the New Testament : who as the Head of the Church hath power to d send forth all those ministring spirits , to minister for them who shall be heirs of salvation . Lastly , we are to take into our consideration , that as in things concerning God , the maine execution of our Sauiours Priesthood doth consist ; so in things concerning Man he exerciseth both his Propheticall office , whereby he openeth the will of his Father unto us , and his Kingly , whereby he ruleth and protecteth us . It was indeed a part of e the Priests office in the old Testament to instruct the people in the Law of God , and yet were f they distinguished from Prophets : like as in the new Testament also , g Prophets as well as Apostles are made a different degree from ordinary Pastours and Teachers who received not their doctrine by immediate inspiration from heaven ; as those other h holy men of God did , who spake as they were moved by the holy Ghost . Whence Saint Paul putteth the Hebrewes in mind , that God who i in sundry parts , and in sundry manners spake in time past unto the fathers by the Prophets , hath in these last dayes spoken unto us by his Son Christ Jesus : whom therefore he styleth k the Apostle , as well as the high Priest of our profession ; who was faithfull to him that appointed him , even as Moses was in all his house . Now Moses , we know , had a singular preeminence above all the rest of the Prophets : according to that ample testimony which God himself giveth of him . l If there be a Prophet among you , I the Lord will make my self knowne unto him in a vision , and will speake unto him in a dream . My servant Moses is not so , who is faithfull in all mine house : with him well I speake mouth to mouth , even apparently , and not in dark speeches , and the similitude of the Lord shall be behold . And therefore we finde , that our Mediatour in the execution of his Propheticall office is in a more peculiar manner likened unto Moses : which he himself also did thus foretell . m The Lord thy God will raise up unto thee a Prophet from the midst of thee , of thy brethren , like unto me , umto him ye shall hearken . According to all that thou desiredst of the Lord thy God in Horeb , in the day of the assembly , saying , Let me not heare againe the voyce of the Lord my God , neither let me see this great fire any more , that I dye not . And the Lord said unto me , They have well spoken , that which they have spoken . I will raise them up a Prophet from among their brethren , like unto thee , and will put my words into his mouth , and he shall speak unto them all that I shall command him . And it shall come to passe , that whosoever will not hearken unto my words , which he shall speak in my name , I will require it of him . Our Prophet therefore must be a man raised from among his brethren the Israelites ( n of whom , as concerning the flesh , he came ) who was to performe unto us that which the fathers requested of Moses : o Speak thou to us , and we will hear ; but let not God speak with us , lest we dye . And yet ( that in this also we may see , how our Mediatour had the preeminence ) p when Aaron and all the children of Israel were to receive from the mouth of Moses all that the Lord had spoken with him in mount Sinai , they were afraid to come nigh him , by reason of the glory of his shining countenance : so that he was faine to put a vaile over his face , while he spake unto them that which he was commanded . But that which for a time was thus q made glorious , had no glory in respect of the glory that excelleth ; and both the glory thereof , and the vaile which covered it , are now abolished in Christ : the vaile of whose flesh doth so overshadow r the brightnesse of his glory , that yet under it we may s behold his glory , as the glory of the only begotten of the Father ; yea and t we all with open face , beholding as in a glasse the glory of the Lord , are changed into the same image from glory to glory , even as by the spirit of the Lord . And this is daily effected by the power of the ministery of the Gospell , instituted by the authority , and seconded by the power , of this our great Prophet : whose transcendent excellency beyond Moses ( unto whom , in the execution of that function , he was otherwise likened is thus set forth by the Apostle . u He is counted worthy of more glory then Moses , in as much as he who hath builded the house hath more honour then the house . For every house is builded by some one : but he that built all things is God . And Moses verily was faithfull in all his house , as a servant , for a testimony of those things which were to be spoken after : but Christ as the Son , over his owne house . x This house of God is no other then the Church of the living God : whereof as he is the only Lord , so is he properly the only Builder . Christ therefore being both the Lord and the y Builder of his Church , must be God as well as Man : which is the cause , why we finde all the severall mansions of this z great house to carry the title indifferently of a the Churches of God and b the Churches of Christ . True it is , that there are other ministeriall builders , whom Christ employed in that service : this being not the least of those gifts which he bestowed upon men at his triumphant Ascension into heaven , that c he gave not only ordinary Pastours and Teachers , but Apostles likewise , and Prophets , & Evangelists ; for the perfecting of the Saints , for the worke of the ministery , for the edifying of the body of Christ . Which what great power it required , he himself doth fully expresse in passing the grant of this high Commission unto his Apostles . d All power is given unto me in heaven and in earth . Go ye therefore and teach all nations , baptizing them in the name of the Father , and of the Son , & of the holy Ghost ; teaching them to observe all things whatsoever I have commanded you : and lo , I am with you alway , even unto the end of the world , Amen . S. Paul professeth of himself , that he e laboured more abundantly then all the rest of the Apostles : yet not I , saith he , but the grace of God which was with me . And therefore although f according to that grace of God which was given unto him , he denieth not but that , as a wise master-builder , he had laid the foundation ; yet he acknowledgeth that they upon whom he had wrought , were Gods building as well as Gods husbandry . For who , saith g he , is Paul , and who is Apollo , but ministers by whom you beleeved , even as the Lord gave to every man ? I have planted , Apollo watered ▪ but God gave the increase . So then neither is he that planteth anything , neither he that watereth : but God that giveth the increase . Two things therefore we finde in our great Prophet , which do far exceed the ability of any bare Man ; and so do difference him from all the h holy Prophets , which have beene since the world began . For first we are taught ; that i no man knoweth the Father , save the Son , and hee to whomsoever the Son will reveale him : and that k no man hath seen God at anytime ; but the only begotten Son , which is in the bosome of the Father , he hath declared him . Being in his bosome , he is become conscious of his secrets , and so out of his own immediate knowledge enabled to discover the whole will of his Father unto us . whereas all other Prophets and Apostles receive their revelations at the second hand , and according to the grace given unto them by the Spirit of Christ . Witnesse that place of S. Peter for the Prophets : l Of which salvation the Prophets have enquired and searched diligently , who prophesied of the grace that should come unto you ; searching what or what manner of time THE SPIRIT OF CHRIST WHICH WAS IN THEM did signifie , when it testified before hand the sufferings of Christ and the glory that should follow . and for the Apostles , those heavenly words which our Saviour himselfe uttered unto them , whilst he was among them . m When the Spirit of truth is come , he will guide you into all truth : for he shall not speak of himselfe , but whatsoever he shall heare , that shall he speake ; and he will shew you things to come . He shall glorifie me : for he shall receive of mine , & shew it unto you . All things that the Father hath , are mine : therefore said I , that he shall take of mine , and shall shew it unto you . Secondly , all other Prophets and Apostles can do more ( as hath been said ) but plant and water ; only God can give the increase ▪ they may teach indeed and baptize ; but unlesse Christ were with them by the powerfull presence of his Spirit , they would not be able to save one soule by that ministery of theirs . We , n as lively stones , are built up a spirituall house : but , o except the Lord doe build this house , they labour in vaine that build it . For who is able to breath the spirit of life into those dead stones , but he , of whom it is written ? p The hour is comming , and now is , when the dead shall heare the voyce of the Son of God ; and they that hear it , shall live . and again : q Awake thou that sleepest , and arise from the dead , and Christ shall give thee light . Who can awake us out of this dead sleep , and give light unto these blinde eyes of ours ; but the Lord our God , unto whom we pray , that he would r lighten our eyes , least we sleep the sleep of death ? And as a blinde man is not able to conceive the distinction of colours , although the skilfullest man alive should use all the art he had to teach him ; because he wanteth the sense whereby that object is discernable : so s the naturall man perceiveth not the things of the Spirit of God ( for they are foolishnesse unto him ; ) neither can he know them , because they are spiritually discerned . VVhereupon the Apostle concludeth , concerning himselfe and all his fellow-labourers ; that t God who commanded the light to shine out of darknesse , hath shined in our hearts , to give the light of the knowledge of the glory of God , in the face of Iesus Christ : but we have this treasure in earthen vessels , that the excellency of the power may be of God , and not of us . Our Mediatour therefore ( who must u be able to save them to the uttermost that come unto God by him ) may not want the excellency of the power , whereby he may make us capable of this high knowledge of the things of God , propounded unto us by the ministery of his servants : and consequently , in this respect also , must be God , as well as Man . There remaineth the Kingdome of our Redeemer : described thus by the Prophet Esay . x Of the increase of his government and peace there shall be no end , upon the throne of David and upon his kingdome ; to order it , and to establish it with judgement and with justice , from henceforth even for ever . and by Daniel . y Behold , one like the Son of man came with the clouds of heaven , and came to the Ancient of daies ; and they brought him near before him . And there was given him dominion and glory and a kingdome , that all people , nations , & languages should serve him his dominion is an everlasting dominion , which shall not passe away , and his kingdome that which shall not be destroyed . and by the angel Gabriel , in his ambassage to the blessed Virgin . z Behold thou shalt conceive in thy womb , and bring forth a Son , and shalt call his name Iesus . He shall be great , and shall be called the Son of the Highest : and the Lord God shall give him the throne of his father David And he shall reigne over the house of Iacob for ever ; and of his kingdome there shall be no end . This is that new a David our King , whom God hath raised up unto his b owne Israel ▪ who was in truth , that which he was called ▪ the Son of Man , and the Sonne of the Highest that in the one respect , c we may say unto him , as the Israelites of old did unto their David ; d Behold , we are thy bone and thy flesh : and in the other , sing of him as David himself did ; e The Lord said unto my Lord , Sit thou at my right hand untill I make thine enemies thy footstoole . So that the promise made unto our first parents , that f the seed of the Woman should bruise the Serpents head , may well stand with that other saying of S. Paul ; that g the God of peace shal bruise Satan under our feet : seeing h for this very purpose the Son of God was manifested i in the flesh , that he might destroy the works of the Divel . and still that foundation of God will remaine unshaken : k I , even I am the Lord , and beside mee there is no Saviour . l Thou shalt know no God but me : for there is no Saviour beside me . Two speciall branches there bee of this Kingdome of our Lord and Saviour : the one of Grace , whereby that part of the Church is governed which is militant upon earth ; the other of Glory , belonging to that part which is triumphant in Heaven . Here upon earth , as by his Propheticall office he worketh upon our Mind and Understanding , so by his Kingly he ruleth our Will and Affections ; m casting down imaginations and every high thing that exalteth it selfe against the knowledge of God , and bringing into captivity every thought to the obedience of Christ . Where , as we must needs acknowledge , that n it is GOD which worketh in us both to will and to doe , and that it is o hee which sanctifieth us wholly ▪ so are wee taught likewise to believe , that p both he who sanctifieth , and they who are sanctified , are all of one , namely of one and the selfe same nature ; that the sanctifier might not be ashamed to call those ; who are sanctified by him , his brethren ▪ that as their nature was corrupted and their bloud tainted in the first Adam , so it might be restored again in the second Adam ; and that as from the one a corrupt , so from the other a pure and undefiled nature might be transmitted unto the heirs of salvation . The same q God that giveth grace , is he also that giveth glory ▪ yet so , that the streams of both of them must runne to us through the golden pipe of our Saviours humanity ▪ r For since by man came death ; it was fit that by man also should come the resurrection of the dead . even by that man , who hath said , s Who so eateth my flesh ▪ and drinketh my bloud , hath eternall life ; and I will raise him up at the last day . Who , then t shall come to bee glorified in his Saints , and to be made marvellous in all them that beleeve : and shall change this base body of ours , that it may be fashioned like unto his own glorious body , according to the working whereby he is able even to subdue all things unto himselfe Unto him therefore that hath thus loved us , and washed us from our sinnes in his own bloud , and hath made us Kings and Priests unto God and his Father ; to him be glory and dominion for ever and ever . AMEN . PHILIP . 3 , 8. I COUNT ALL THINGS BUT LOSSE FOR THE EXCELLENCY OF THE KNOWLEDGE OF CHRIST IESUS MY LORD . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A64650e-130 a Pro. 30. 3 , 4. b Ioh. 3. 13. c Esai , 9. 6. d Exod. 9. 16. e Ibid. chap. 10 14. & 11. 6. f Iohn 17. 5. g Prov. 8. 30. h Dan. 2. 11. i Rom. 9. 5. * {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . Iohn 1. 14. k Exod. 40. 34 , 35. l Heb. 9. 9. 11. m Heb. 3. 3. 6. n Ioh. 2. 19. 21. o 2 Chron. 9. 1 , 2. p Colos. 2. 9. q 2 Chro. 6. 18. r 1. Tim. 3. 16. s Esai . 7. 11. 4. t Gal. 4. 4. u Ioh. 1. 3. Coloss. 1. 16. x Act. 3. 11. y 1. King. 8. 27. z Heb. 7. 3. with Esai 53. 8. & Mica . 5. 2. a John 14. 28. b Ioh. 5. 18. Phil. 1. 6. c Ioh. 8. 58. d Matth 22. 42 , 43 , &c. e Col. 2. 9. f Gal. 4. 4 , 5 , 7. g Ioh. 1. 14. & 3. 16. h Ioh. 1. 12. * Propter quod unumquodque est tale , illud ipsum est magis tale . i Rom. 8. 29. k Exod. 4. 22 , 23. See Ierem. 31. 9. l Heb. 12. 23. m Rom. 8. 17. Gal. 4. 7. n 1. Iohn 5. 7. o Iohn 1. 14. p Gal. 4. 4. q Luke 1. 42. r {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . Iam. 5. 17. s {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . Act. 14 15 t Heb. 5 7. u 2 Cor. 13. 4. Heb. 2. 17 , 18. & 4. 15. x Heb. 7. 3. y Rom. 5. 12. z Luk. 1. 35. a Gal. 4. 6. Rom. 8. 9. b Luk. 1. 38 , 48. c Luk. 1. 35. d Exod. 37. 〈◊〉 . * {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} 1. Pet. 1. 12. e Luk. 1. 34. f Ibid. ver. 35. g Ibid. ver. 37. h 1. Sam. 6. 19. * {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . i Exod. 3. 2 , 3 , 5 , 6. Act. 7. 31 , 32. k Heb. 12. 19. l Esay 33. 14. m Num. 12. 6 , 7 , 8. Exod. 33. 12. n Exod. 33. 18 , 20. o Esay 41. 8. 2 Chro. 20. 7. Iames 2. 23. p Rom. 4. 15 , 16. Gal. 3. 7. q Gen. 18. 27. r 2. Pet. 2. 11. s Esay 6. 2. t Levit. 26. 11 , 1● . Ezech. 37. 26 , 27. Revel. 21. 3. u Heb 3. 6. x Ephes. 2. 2 〈◊〉 . y 2 Cor. 6. 16. z Iohn 17. 20 , 21 , 22 , 23. a Matth. 1. 21. 23. See Anselms Cur Deus Homo . b 1 Tim. 2. 5. c Heb. 2 14. * Sic pax facta , foedusque percussum : secutaque res mira dectu , ut relictis sedibus suis novam in Vrbem hostes demigrorent , & cum generis suis avitas opes pro dote sociarent . L. Flor. histor. . Rom. lib. 1. cap. 1. d Rom. 5. 10. e Ephes. 2. 14 , 16. f Ioh. 20. 17. g Heb. 2 , 11. h Heb. 11. 16. i Heb. 2. 13. k Deut. 32. 6. l 1 Pet. 1. 17 , 18 , 19. m 1 Sam 2 , 25. n Iob 9. 32 , 33. o Revel. 5. 3 , 4. p Ibid. vers. 5. q Ioh. 2 , 1 , 2. r 1 Tim. 2. 5 , 6. s Heb. 5. 1. & 2. 17. t Rom. 9. 15 , 16. u Rom. 3. 26. x Heb. 9. 24. y Rom. 8. 34. Hebr. 7. 25. z Heb. 2. 17. a Iohn 11. 42. b Matth. 3. 17. c Heb. 4. 16. d Zach. 13. 7. e Phil. 2. 6. f {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . Rom. 3. 25. 1 Iohn 2. 2. & 4. 10. g {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . Matt. 20. 28. {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . 1 Tim. 2. 6. See Iob 33. 24 h 1 Iohn 2. 1. i Heb. 7. 12. k Rom. 5. 19. l 1 Tim. 5. 21. m Heb. 9. 14. n 1 Cor. 9. 7. o 1 Chron. 29. 14 , 16. {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . p Luke 17. 10. q Ioh. 14. 28. r Esay 53. 11. Mar. 12. 18. s Iohn 5. 18. t Zach. 13. 7. u Matth. 17. 25 , 26. x Heb. 1. 6. y Heb. 12. 2. z 1 Cor. 15. 27. a Philip . 2. v. 4 , 5 , 7 , 8. * {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} Phil. 2. 7. b Gal. 4. 4. c Rom. 8. 3. d Coloss. 2. 11 , 13. e Gal. 5. 3. f Act. 22. 16. g Matth. 3. 6. Mark 1. 5. h Matth. 3. 15. i Luk. 6. 38. k Luk. 17. 10. Rom. 8. 12. Gal. 5. 3. l Matth. 6. 12. compared with Luk. 11. 4. m {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . Luk. 14. 4. Matth. 13. 16. n Luk. 24. 26. o Heb. 2. 10. p Heb. 2. 14 , 15. q Rom. 8. 12. r Phil. 2. 8. s Heb , 10. 5 , 7 t Ibid. vers. 9 , 10. u Revel. 7. 9. x Revel. 5. 9. y Esay 11. 2 ▪ z Mark 14. 33. Luk. 22. 44. a Heb. 5. 7. b Mar. 14. 35 , 36. c Heb. 10. 12. d Cantic. 8. 6. e Esay 33. 14. f Heb. 9. 14. g Ibid ver. 12. h Act. 20. 28. i 1 Cor. 2. 8. k Act. 3. 15. l Esay 53. 8. m Zach. 13. 7. with Matth. 26. 31. n 2 Sam. 18. 3. o Matth. 22. 43 , 44. p 1 Tim. 6. 15. Revel. 19. 16. q Rom. 9 5. r Matth. 5. 26. s 1 Cor. 13. 17. t Rom. 4. 25. u Ioh. 16. 10. x Dan. 9. 24. y Rom. 8. 33 , 34. z Ioh. 10. 17 , 18. a Ioh. 2. 19 , 21. b Rom. 1. 4. c Pet. 3. 18. d Ephes. 1. 14. e Ruth 3. 12. & 4. vers. 1 , 3 , 4 , 7. f Iob. 19. 25 , 26 , 27. g 1 Cor. 15. 47. h Jerem. 1. 5. i Psal. 119. 73. k Psa. 139. 13. l Psal. 71. 6. m Job . 10. 8 , 11. n Act. 17. 27 , 28 , 29. * See Bradwardin de causâ Dei , lib. 1. cap. 3 , & 4. o Rom. 5. 17. p Iohn 3. 3. q Iohn 1. 13. r Heb. 2. 11. s Esay 53. 10. t Psal. 21. 30. u Heb. 2. 13. x Ibid. ver. 14 ▪ y 2 Cor. 5. 17. Ephes. 2. 10. Gal. 6. 15. z Iohn . 1. 13. Iam. 1. 18. 1 Pet. 1. 3. 1 Iohn 5. 1. a {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . 1 Pet. 2. 2. with 1. 23. b Iohn 3. vers. 5 , 6 , 8. c Ibid. vers. 4 , 9 , 10. d 2 Cor. 5. 14 , 15. e Ephes. 2. 4 , 5 f Colos. 2. 13. g Gal. 2. 20. h Iohn 5. 26. i Iohn 6. 57. k Ibid. ver. 51. l 1 Cor. 15. 45. m Iohn 6. 63. n Gen. 5. 3. o Iohn 3. 6. p 1 Cor. 15 , 48 , 49. q Phil. 3. 11. r Ibid. ver. 20. s Eph. 4. 22 , 23 , 24. t 1. Cor. 11. 7. u 2. Cor. 4. 4. x Heb. 1. 3. y Rom. 8. 29. z 2. Cor. 8. 23. So where the Hebrew hath Gods image , Num. 12. 8. & Psal. 17. 15. the Greek rendreth it , his glory . a Num. 11. 7 , 25. b Iohn 3. 34. c Philip . 1. 19. d Colos. 1. 19. e Iohn . 1. 16. f Iohn 11. 58. g Ephes. 1. 10. h Exod. 26. 33. i Ibid. vers. 6. & 〈◊〉 . k Ephes. 2. 21. 22. l Sermon to the commons house of Parliament , ann. 1620. m Iohn 6. 63. 1. Cor. 6. 17. & 15. 45. Phil. 2. 1. Rom. 8. 9. 1. Ioh. 3. 24. & 4. 13. n Gal. 2. 30. & . 5. 5. & 3. 11. Ephes. 3. 17. o Colos. 2. 12. 2. Thes 1. 11. p Ephes. 1. 19 , 20 , &c. q Ephes. 5. 30. r Iohn 6. 35. s Ibid. vers. 56. t Revel. 5 12. & 13. 18. u 1. Cor. 1. 23. & 2 , 2 ▪ x Heb. 10. 19 , 20. y Iohn 14. 6. z Gen. 28. 12 , 13. a John 1. 51. b Exod. 26. 31. & 36. 35. c Heb. 12. 22. 24. d Heb. 1. 14. e Deut. 33. 10. Hagg. 2. 11. Mal. 2. 7. f Esai . 28. 7. Ier. 6. 13. & 8. 10. & 14. 18. & 23. 11 , 33 , 34. Lam. 2. 20. g Eph. 4. 11. h 2. Pet. 1. 21. i {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . Heb 1. 1. k Heb. 3. 1 , 2. l Num. 12. 6 , 7 , 8. m Deut. 18. 15 , 16. &c. Act. 3. 22 , 23. n Rom. 9. 5. o Exod. 20. 19 Deut. 5. 25 , 27. p Exod. 34. 30 , 32 , 33. q 2. Cor. 3. 7 , 10 , 11 , 13. r Heb. 1. 3. s Iohn 1. 14. t 2. Cor. 3. 18. u Heb. 3. 3 , 4 , 5 , 6. x 1 ▪ Tim. 3. 15. y Mat. 16. 18. z 2 Tim. 2. 20. a 1. Cor. 11. 16. b Rom. 16. 16. c Eph. 4. 11 , 12. d Mat. 28. 18 , 19 , 20. e 1. Cor. 15. 10. f 1. Cor. 3. 9 , 10. g Ibid. vers. 5 , 6 , 7. h Luk. 1. 70. i Matt. 11. 27. k Iohn 1. 18. l 1. Pet. 1. 10 , 11. m Iohn . 16. 13 , 14 , 15. n 1. Pet. 2. 5. o Psal. 127. 1. p Iohn 5. 25. q Ephes. 5. 14. r Psal. 13. 3. s 1. Cor. 2. 14. t 2. Cor. 4. 6 , 7. u Heb. 7. 25. x Esay . 9. 7. y Dan. 7. 13 ▪ 14. z Luk. 1. 31 , 32 , 33. a Ier. 30. 9. Hos. 3. 5. Ezech. 34. 23. & 37. 24. b Gal. 6. 16. c Eph. 5. 39. d 2. Sam. 5. 1. e Psal. 110. 1. Matth. 22 43 , 44. Act. 2. 34 , 35. f Gen. 3. 15. g Rom. 16. 20. h 1. Iohn 3. 8. i 1. Tim. 3. 16 k Esai 43. 11. l Hos. 13. 4. m 1. Cor. 10. 5. n Phil. 2 ▪ 13. o 2. Thes. 5. 23. p Heb. 2. 11. q Psal. 84. 11. r 1. Cor. 15. 21. s Iohn 6. 54. t 2. Thes. 1. 10. Phil. 3. 21. Revel. 1. 5 , 6. 
A64670	----	The principles of Christian religion sumarily sett dovvne according to the word of God: together with a breife epittomie of the bodie of divinitie. By James Usher Bishop of Armaugh. Ussher, James, 1581-1656. 1645 Approx. 73 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 61 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2005-12 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A64670 Wing U202 ESTC R215733 99827508 99827508 31928 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A64670) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 31928) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1899:13) The principles of Christian religion sumarily sett dovvne according to the word of God: together with a breife epittomie of the bodie of divinitie. By James Usher Bishop of Armaugh. Ussher, James, 1581-1656. [2], 42, [4], 45-114 p. printed by R.B. for Geo. Badger, and are to bee sold at his shop, in St. Dunstans Church Yard, in Fleet-Street, London : 1645. "A briefe method of Christian religion" has separate title page dated 1646; pagination and register are continuous. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. 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Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Christian life -- Early works to 1800. Catechisms, English -- Early works to 1800. Christianity -- Essence, genius, nature -- Early works to 1800. 2005-02 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-05 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2005-07 Judith Siefring Sampled and proofread 2005-07 Judith Siefring Text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE PRINCIPLES OF Christian Religion : Sūmarily sett downe according to the word of God : TOGETHER WITH A Breife Epittomie of the Bodie of Divinitie . By Iames Vsher Bishop of Armagh . LONDON , Printed by R.B. for Geo. Badger , and are to bee sold at his shop , in St. Dunstans Church Yard , in Fleet Street . 1645. THE PRINCIPLES , OF Christian Religion , Summarily set downe according to the word of God. Question . WHat sure grounds have we to build our Religion upon ? Ans. The Word of God contained in the Scriptures . What are those scriptures Ans. Holy writings indited by God Himselfe , for the perfect instruction of his Church What gather you of this that God is the Author of those writings ? Ans , That therefore they are of most certaine credit , and highest authoritie . How serue they for the perfect instruction of the Church ; Ans In that they are able to instruct us sufficiently , in all points of faith , that we are bound to beleive , and all good duties that we are bound to practice . What gather you of this ; Ans. That a it is our duty to acquaint ourselves with these holy writings , and b not to receive any doctrine , that hath not warrant from thence . What is the first poine of Religion , you are to learne out of GODS Sacred word ? Ans. The Nature of God. What is God ? Ans. God is a Spirit , most perfect b most c wise , Almigh●y , and most , holy . What meane you by call●ng God a Spirit ? Ans , that he hath no body at all , and therfore must not be thought like to any things , which may be seene by the eye of man. How many Gods are there ? Ans. Only one d God , but three persons . Which is the first person ? Ans. The father e , who begetteth the Son : Which is the second ? Ans. The Sonne begotten of the Father . Which is the third ? Ans. The HOLY GHOST proceeding from the Father and the Sonne . What did God before the world was made ? Ans. Hee did before all time , by his unchangable councell , ordaine , whatsoever should come to passe . In what manner had all things the beginning ? Ans. In the beginning of time , when no creature had any being , God by His Word alone , in the space of sixe dayes , created all things . Which are the principall Creatures ? Ans. ANGELS and Men. What is the nature of Angels ? Ans. They are wholly spirituall , haveing no body at all . What is the nature of man ? Ans. Hee consists of two divers parts , a body , and a Soule . What is the body ? Ans. The outward and earthly part of man made at the begining of the dust of the earth . What is the soule ? Ans. The inward and spirituall part of man which is immortall , and never can die . How did God make man at the beginning ? Ans. According to his owne likenesse , and Image . Wherein was the Image of God principally seen ? Ans In the perfection of the understanding and the freedome , and holinesse of the will. How many men were created at the beginning ? Ans. Two , Adam the man & Eue the woman from both whom , afterwa●ds all mankinde did proceed . What doth God after the Creation ; Ans. By his providence he preserveth , and governeth his c●eatures with al things belonging unto them . What befell Angels after their Creation ? Ans Some continued in the holy estate , wherein they were created , some of them fell , and became Divels . May the good Angels fall hereafter ? Ans. No , but they shall always continue in their holinesse , and happinesse . Shall the wicked Angels ever recover teeir first estate ? Ans. They sh●ll not , but be tormented in hell , world without end . How did God deale with man , after that hee made him . Ans , He made a covenant or agreement with Adam and in him with all mankind . What was man bound to doe by this covenant ? Ans. To continue as holy , as God at the first made him , to keepe all Gods commandements and never to breake any of them : What did God Promise unto man , if hee did thus keepe His Commandements ; Ans The continuance of his favour and everlasting life . What did God threaten vnto man if hee did sinne , and breake his Commandements ? A. His dreadful curse , and everlasting death . Did man continue in that obedience , whiche he did owe unto God ? Ans. No : For Adam and Eve obeying , rather the perswasion of the devil , then the Commandements of God , did eate of the forbidden fruite , and so fell away from God. Was this the sinne of Adam , and Eve alone ; or are wee also guilty of the same ? Ans. All wee that are their children , are guilty of the same sinne , for we all sinned in them . Wh●t followed upon this sinne ? Ans. the losse of the Image of God , and the corruption of nature in man called Originall sinne . Wherein standeth the corruption of mans nature ? Ans. In sixe things principally . What is the first ? Ans. The blindnesse of the understanding , which is not able to cōceive of the things of God. What is the second ? Ans. The forgetfulnesse of the memory unfit to remember good things . What is the third ? Ans. The rebellion of the will , which is wholly bent to sin , and altogether disobedient unto the will of God. VVhat is the four●h ? Ans. Diso●der of the affections , as joy , heavinesse , love , anger , feare , and such like . What is the fift ? Ans. Feare and confusion in the conscience , condemning where it should not , and excusing where it should condemne . VVhat is the sixth ? Ans. Every member of the body is become a ready instrument , to put sinne in execution . What are the fruits that proceed from this naturall corruption . Ans. Actuall sinnes , whereby we breake the Commandements of God in the whole course of our life . How doe you break Gods Commandements ? Ans. In thought , word and deed , not doing that which we ought to do , and doing that which we ought not to doe . What punishment is mankinde subject to , by reason of originall and actual sin ? Ans. He is subject to all the plagues of God in this life , and endlesse torments in hell after this life . Did God leave man in this wofull estate ? A. No , but of his free and undeserved mercy , entred into a new covenant with mankind . What is offered unto man in this n●w cov●nant ? A. Grace and life everlasting , is freely offered , unto all that shall bee reconciled unto God , by his Son Iesus Christ , who alone is Mediator betwixt God and man. VVhat are you to consider in CHRIST the Mediatour of this Covenant ? Ans. Two things , his nature , and his Office. How many natures be there in Christ ? Ans. Two , the God-Head , and the man-hood joyned together in one person . VVhy must Christ bee God ? Ans. That his Obedience and suffering , might bee of infinite worth , and value , as proceeding from such a person , as was God equall to the Father , that hee might bee able to overcome the sharpenesse of death ( which himselfe was to unde●goe ) and to raise us up from the death of sinne by sending his holy Spirit into our hearts . VVhy must Christ bee man : Ans. Because the God-head could not suffer , and it was further requisite that the same nature which had offended should suffer for the offence , and that our nature which was corrupted in the first ADAM should be restored to his integrity in the second Adam Christ Iesus our Lord. What is the Office of Christ ? Ans , To be a Mediator betwixt God & man. What was required of Christ for making peace & reconcilation betwixt God and man ? Ans. That he should satisfie the first covenant wherunto man was tyed . Wherein was Christ to make satisfaction to the first couenant ; Ans. In performing that righteousnes which the Law of God did require of man , in bearing the punishment which was due unto man for breakīg of the same law . How did Christ perform that righteousnesse which Gods law requireth of mā ? Ans. In that he was conceived by the Holy Ghost , without all spot of originall corruption , and lived most holy all the days of his life , without all actuall sin . How did he beare the punishment which was due unto man for breaking Gods Law ? A. In that he willingly for mā● sake made himselfe subject to the curse of the Law , both in body and soule , and humbling himselfe even unto the death , offered up unto his Father , a perfect sacrifice for all the sinne of Gods children . VVhat is required of man for obtaining the benefits of the Gospell ? Ans. That he receive Christ Iesus whom God doth freely offer unto hī . By what meanes are you to receive Christ ? Ans. By faith , whereby I believe the gracious promises of the Gospell . How doe you rec●ive Christ by faith ; Ans. By laying hold of him , and applying him with all his benefits to the comfort of my owne soule . VVhat is the first maine benefit which we doe get by thus receiving Christ ? Ans. Iustification , wherby in Christ , wee are accounted righ●eous and so are freed from condemnation , and have assurance of everlasting life . VVherein standeth this justification ? Ans. In the forgivenesse of our sinnes , and imputing of Christs righteousnesse unto us . Wherby then must we● looke to be justified in the sight of God. Ans. Onely by the merrits of CHRIST IESVS , received of us by faith . What other maine benefit doe we get by receiving Christ ? Ans. Sanctification whereby wee are freed from the tyranny of sin and the image of God is renewed in us . Wherein is this sanctification seene ? Ans. In Repentance , and new Obedience , springing from thence . VVhat is Repentance ? Ans. Repentance is a gift of God , wherby a godly sorrow is wraught in the heart of the faithfull , for offending God their mercifull father , by theit former transgressions , together with a resolution for the time ●o come , to forsake their former , courses and to lead a new life : VVhat call you new obedience . Ans. A carefull endeavour which the faithfull have to give unfained Obedience to all GODs Commandements , according to that measure of strength , wherewith God doth enable them . What rule have we for the direction of our obedience ? Ans. The Morall Law of God , the summe whereof is contained in the ten Cōmandements . What are the che●fe parts of this Law ? Ans. . The duties which wee owe unto God , set downe in the fi●st Table , and that which wee owe unto man in the second . What is the summe of the first Table . Ans. That wee love the Lord our God , with all our hear● , with all our Soule , and with all our minde . How many Comm●ndements belong to this Table ? Ans. Foure What duty is imployed in the fir●t commandement ? Ans. That in all the inward powers , and faculties of our soul●s , the true eternall God be entertained and he only . What dutie is injoyned in the Second Commandement ? Ans. That all outward meanes of Religion , and solemne worship bee given unto the same God alone , and not so much as the best degree therof ) even of the bowing of the body , be communicated to any Image or representation , either of God or any thing else whatsoever . What is inioyned in the third commandement ? Ans. That in the ordinary course of our lives , we use the Name of God ( that is his tythes word , workes , judgements , and whatsoever he would have himselfe knowne by ( with reverence , and all holy respect , that in all things he may have his due glory given unto him . What doth the fourth Commandement require ? Ans. That wee keepe holy the Sabboth day , by resting from the ordinary busines of this life and bestowing that leisure upon the exercises of religion , both publike and Private . What is the summe of the second Table ? Ans. That wee love our Neighbours as our selves . What Commandements belong to this Table ? Ans. The six last . What kind of duties are prescribed in the fift Commandement , which is the first of the second Table ? Ans. Such duties as are to be performed w th a speciall respect of superiours , inferiours , and equalls , as namely , reverence to all superiours , obedience to such of them , as are in authority , and wha●soever speciall duties concerne the husband , and Wife , Parents and Children , Masters , and Servants , Magistrate , and people , Pastors and Flocke , and such like . What doth the sixt Commandement injoyne ? Ans. The preservation of the safety of mens persons with all meanes tending to the same . What is required in the seventh Commandement ? Ans. The preservation of the chastity of mens persons , for the keeping whereof , wedlocke is commanded unto them that stand in deed thereof . What things are ordained in the eight Commandement ? A. Whatsoever concerneth the goods of this life , in rega●d either of our selues , or of our Neighbours . Of our selves , that we labour diligently , in an honest , and profitable calling , contenting our s●lves , with the goods well gotten , and with liberalitie imploy them to good uses of our Neighbours , that we use just dealings unto them in this respect , and use all meanes that may tend to the furtherance of their estate . What doth the ninth Commandement require ? Ans. The using of truth in our dealing , one with another , especially to the prese●vatiō of the good name of our neighbours . What doth the tenth and last Commandement containe ; Ans. It condemneth all wandring thoughts , that disagree from the love which wee owe to our Neighbours , although wee never yeeld our consent thereunto What meanes doth God use to offer the benefits of the Gospel unto men , and to worke , and increase his graces in them ? Ans. The outward Ministery of the Gospel . Where is this Ministerie executed : Ans. In the visible Churches of Christ. What doe you call a visible Church ? Ans. A Company of men that live vnder the meanes of salvation . What are the principall parts of this Ministerie ? Ans. The administration of the Word , and Sacraments . What is the word ? Ans. That part of the outward Ministerie w ch cōsisteth in the delivery of doctrine . What is a Sacrament ? Ans. A Sacrament is a visible signe , ordeined by God , to bee a Seale for confirmation of the promises of the Gospell unto the true members in Christ. VVhat are the Sacramēts ordained by Christ in the New Testament ? Ans. Baptisme and the Lords Supper . What is Baptisme ? Ans. The Sacrament of our admission into the Church , sealing unto us our new birth , by the communion , which wee have with Christ Iesus . What doth the elements of water in Baptisme , represent unto us ? Ans. The bloud and merits , of Iesus Christ our Lord. What doth the clensing of the body ●epresent ? Ans. The clensing of the Soule by the for givenesse of sinne , and imputation of Christs righteousnesse . What doth the being under the water , aad the freeing from it againe , represent ? Ans. Our dying unto sinne , by the force of Christs death , and living againe unto righteousnesse , through His Resurrection . What is the Lords Supper ? Ans. A Sacrament of our preservation in the Church , sealing unto us our spirituall nourishment , and continuall increase in CHRIST . What doth the elements of Bread and Wine in the Lords supper represent unto us ? Ans. The Body , and Bloud of Christ. What doth the breaking of the Bread , and powring out of the Wine represent ? Ans. The sufferings whereby our Saviour was broken for our iniquities , the shedding of His precious bloud and powring out of His Soule unto death . VVhat doth the r●ceiving of the Bread , and VVine represent ? Ans , The receiving of Chr●st by faith . VVhat doth the nourishmrnt , which our body receiveth ( by vertue of this outward meat ) seal ūto us ? Ans. The perfect nourishment , and continuall increase of strength w ch the inward man , injoyeth by vertue of the Communion with Iesus Christ , after the course of this life is ended . VVhat shall bee the state of man in the world to come ? Ans. Every one to be rewarded according to the life , which hee hath lead . How many kindes bee there of this judgement ? Ans. Two , the one particular , the other generall . VVhat call you the particular judgement ? Ans. That which is given upon the Soule of every man , as soone as it is departed from the body . What is the state of the Soule of man , as soone as hee departeth out of this life ? Ans. The Soules of Gods Children bee presen●ly received into heaven , there to injoy unspeakeable Comforts ; the soules of the wicked are sent into hel , there to endure endles tormēnts . VVhat call you the generall judgement ? Ans. That which Christ shall in a solemne manner , give upon all men at once , when hee shal come at the last day , with the glory of his father , and all men , that ever have be●n from the beginning of the world untill that day shall ●ppeare , ●ogether before him , bo●h in body , and soule , whether they bee qui●ke or dead . How sh●ll the dead appeare before the judgement seate of Christ ? Ans. The Bodyes which they had in their life time , sh●ll by the Almighty power of God be restored againe , and quickned with their soules and so there shall bee a Resurrection from the dead . How shall the quicke appeare ? Ans. Such a● then remaine al●ve , sh●ll bee changed in the twinkling of an eye , which shall bee to them in stead of death . What sentence shall Christ pronounce upon the righteous ? Ans. Come yee blessed of my Father , inherit the Kingdome prepared for you , from the foundations of the world . What sentence shall hee pronounce upon the wicked ? Ans. Depart from me yee cursed , into everlasting fire , which is prepared for the Devill , and his Angels . VVhat shall follow this ? Ans. Christ shall deliver up the kingdome to His FATHER , and GOD shall bee all in all . A Briefe Method OF Christian Religion WITH A more particular Declaration of some perticular heads of Doctrine , which for more plainesse sake were shortly touched in the former Summe . Heb. 6.1 . Therefore leaving the Doctrine of the b●ginning of Christ. &c. By Iames Vsher Bish. of Armagh . London , Printed for Geo. Badger . 1646. THE Method of the Doctrine OF Christian Religion . Question . WHat certaine rule have we left us for our direction in the knowledge of the true Religion whereby we must be saved ? Ans. The holy Scriptures of the Old , and New Testament , which God delivered unto us , by the Ministerie of his servants the Prophets , and Apostles , to informe us perfectly in all things that are needfull for us to know in matters of Religion . What be the generall heads of Religion , which in these holy writings are delivered unto us ? Ans. The knowledge of Gods nature and kingdome . What are we to consider in Gods nature ? Ans. First , his Essence or being , which is but one , and then the persons which are three in number . What doe you consider in Gods Essence or being ? Ans. His Perfection and Life . How are we to conceive of God in regard of his Perfection ? Ans. That he is a Spirit most single and infinite , having his being from himself , and having need of nothing which is without himselfe . Why doe you call God a Spirit ? Ans. To declare his being to be such as hath no body , and is not subject to our outward senses , that we admit not any base conceit of his Majesty , in thinking him to be like unto any thing which can be seen by the eye of man. What understand you by this singlenesse or simplicity of Gods nature ? Ans. That he hath no parts nor qualities in him , but whatsoever is in him is God , and Gods whole Essence . What gather you of this that God hath no parts nor qualities ? Ans. That he neither can bee divided , nor changed , but remaineth alwayes in the same state without any alteration at all . In what respect doe you call Gods Essence infinite ? Ans. In that it is free from all measure , both of time and place . How is God free from all measure of time ? Ans. In that he is eternall without beginning , and without ending , never elder nor younger , and hath all things present , unto him neither former or later , past or to come . How is God infinite in regard of place ? Ans. In that he filleth all things and places both within and without the world , present every where , contained no where . How is he present every where ? hath he one part of himselfe here , and another there ? Ans. No , for he hath no parts at all whereby he might be divided , and therefore must be wholly wheresoever he is . What doe you call the life of God ? Ans. That by which the divine nature is in perpetuall action , most simply and infinitely moving it self , in respect whereof the Scripture calleth him the Living GOD. What gather you of the comparing this infinitenes and simplicity ( or singlenesse ) of Gods nature , with his life and motion ? Answ. That when strength , justice , and mercy are attributed unto God , we must conceive that they are in him without all measure , and further also that they bee not divers vertues whereby his nature is qualified ; but that all they and every one of them is nothing else but God himselfe , and his intire Essence . Wherein doth the life of God shew it selfe ? Ans. In his alsufficiencie , and in his holy will. Wherein standeth his Alsufficiency ? A. In his All-knowing wisdome , and his Almighty power . Wherein doth his wisdome consist ? Ans. In perfect knowledge of all things that either are or might be . In what sort doth God know all things ? doth he as we doe , see one thing after another ? Ans. No , but with one sight he continually beholdeth all things distinctly , whether they be past , present , or to come . How is He God Almighty ? Ans. Because he hath power to bring to passe all things that can be , howsoever to us they may seeme impossible . Wherein is the holinesse of his will seen ? Ans. In his goodnesse and in his justice . Wherein doth he shew his goodnesse ? Ans. In being beneficiall unto his creatures , and shewing mercy unto them in their miseries . Wherein sheweth he his justice ? Ans. Both in his word , and in his deeds . How sheweth he justice in his Word ? Ans. Because the truth thereof is most certaine . How sheweth he justice in his deeds ? Ans. By ordering and disposing all things rightly , and rendring to his creatures according to their works . What doe you call Persons in the Godhead ? Ans. Such as having one Essence or being equally common , are distinguished ( not divided ) one from another by some incommunicable property . How commeth it to passe that there should be this diversitie of Persons in the Godhead ? Ans. Though the Essence or being of the Godhead be the same , and most simply as hath been declared ; yet the manner of this being is not the same , and hence ariseth the distinction of persons , in that beside the being which is common to all , and the self-same in all , they have every one some especiall property which cannot be common to the rest . Which are these persons , and what are these personal Properties ? Ans. The first Person in order is the Father , who begetteth the Son. The second is , the Sonne begotten of the Father . The third is , the Holy-Ghost , proceeding from the Father and the Son. Doth the Godhead of the Father beget the God-head of the Son ? Ans. No , but the Person of the Father begetteth the Person of the Sonne . Thus much of Gods nature , what are we to consider in his Kingdome ? Ans. First , the decree made from all eternity ; and then the execution thereof accomplished in time . How was the decree made ? Ans. All things whatsoever should in time come to passe , with every small circumstance appertaining thereunto , was ordained to be so from all eternitie , by Gods certaine and unchangeable counsell . Did God then before he made man , determine to save some , & reject others ? Ans. Yes surely , before they had done either good or evill , God in his eternall counsel set some apart , upon whom he would in time shew the riches of his mercy , and determined to withhold the same from others , on whom he would shew the severity of his wrath . What should move God to make this difference between Man and Man ? Ans. Only his owne pleasure , whereby having purposed to create man for his owne Glory , forasmuch as he was not bound to shew mercie unto any , and his Glory should appeare as well in executing of justice , as in shewing mercy ; It seemed good unto His Heavenly wisdome to chuse out a certain number towards whom he would extend his undeserved mercy , leaving the rest to be spectacles of his justice . Wherein doth the execution of Gods decree consist ? Ans. In the works of the Creation and providence . What was the manner of the Creation ? Ans. In the beginning of time when no creature had any being , God by his Word alone , did in the space of six dayes create all things , both visible and invisible , making every one of them good in their kinde . What are principal creatures which were ordained unto an everlasting condition ? Ans. Angels altogether spirituall and void of bodies : And Man consisting of two parts , the body which is earthly , and the ●●ule which is spirituall , and therefore not subject to mortality . In what regard is man said to be made according to the likenesse and Image of God ? Ans. In regard especially of the perfections of the powers of the soule ; namely , the wisdome of the mind , and the true holinesse of his free-will . How are you to consider of Gods Providence ? Ans. Both as it is common unto all the creatures which are thereby sustained in their being , and ordered according to the Lords will , and as it properly concerneth the everlasting condition of the principal creatures ; to wit , Angels , and men . What is that which concerneth Angels ? Ans. Some of them remained in that blessed condition wherein they were created , and are by Gods grace for ever established therein . Others kept it not , but wilfully left the same , and therefore are condemned to everlasting torment in Hell , without all hope of recovery . How is the state of mankinde ordered ? Ans. In this Life by the tenor of a twofold Covenant , and in the World to come , by the sentence of a twofold judgement . What is the first of these Covenants ? Ans. The Law , or the covenant of workes , whereby God promiseth everlasting life unto man , upon condition that he performe intire and perfect obedience unto his Law , according to that strength wherewith he was indued by nature of his creation , & in like sort threatneth death unto him if he doe not performe the same . What Seale did God use for the strengthning of his Covenant ? Ans. The two Trees which he planted in the middle of Paradise , the one of life , the other of knowledge of good and evill . What did the Tree of life signifie ? Ans. That man should have assurance of everlasting life if he continued in obedience . What did the Tree of Knowledge of good and evill signifie ? Ans. That if man did fall from obedience , he should be surely punished with everlasting death , and so know by experience in himselfe , what evill was , as before he knew by experience that only which was good . What was the event of this Covenant ? Ans. By one man sinne entred into the World , and Death by sinne , and so Death went over all men , forasmuch as all men have sinned . How did sinne enter ? Ans. Whereas God had threatned unto our first Parents , that whatsoever day they did eat of that forbidden fruit they should certainly die . They beleeving rather the word of the Devill that they should not dye , and subscribing unto his reproachfull blasphemy , whereby hee charged God with envy towards their estate , as if hee had therefore forbidden the fruit , least by eating thereof they should become like God himself , entred into action of rebellion against the Lord who made them , and openly transgressed his Commandement . What followeth from this ? Ans. First , the corruption of nature , called originall sinne , derived by continuall discent from Father to Sonne , wherewith all the powers of the soule and body are infected , and that in all men equally , and then actuall sin ariseth from hence . Shew how the principall powers of the soule are defiled by this corruption of our nature ? Ans. First , the understanding is blinded with ignorance and infidelity . Secondly , the memory is prone to forget the good things which the understanding hath conceived . Thirdly , the will is disobedient unto the will of God , understood and remembred by us , the freedome and holinesse which it had at the first being lost , and is now wholly bent to sin . Fourthly , the affections are ready to overrule the wil , and are subject to all disorder . Lastly , the conscience it selfe is distempered and polluted . In what sort is the conscience thus distempered ? Ans. The duties therof being two , especially to give direction in things to be done , and to give both witnesse and judgement in things done : for the first , it sometimes giveth no direction at all , and thereupon maketh a man to sin in doing of an action , otherwise good and lawfull ; sometimes it giveth a direction , but a wrong one , and so becommeth a blind guide , forbidding to doe things which God alloweth , and commanding to doe things which God forbiddeth . For the second , it sometimes giveth no judgement at all , nor checking the offender as it should ; but being benummed , and as it were seared with an hot yron ; It sometimes giveth judgement , but falsly condemning where it should excuse , and excusing where it should condemne , thereby filling the mind with false fears , or feeding it with vaine comforts , and somtimes giveth true judgement , but uncomfortable and fearfull , tormenting the guilty soule as it were with the flashes of hell-fire . What are the kinds of actuall sinn● ? Ans. Such as are inward in the thoughts of the mind and lusts of the heart , or outward , in word or deed , whereby the things are done which should be omitted , and those things omitted , which should be done . What is the death which all men are subject unto , by reason of these sinnes ? Ans. The curse of God both upon the things that belong unto them ( such as are their Wife and Children , honour , possessions , use of Gods Creatures ) and upon their own persons in life and death . What are the curses they are subject to in this life ? Ans. All temporall calamities both in body ( which is subject unto infinite miseries ) and in soule , which is plagued somtime with madnesse , sometime with the terrour of a guilty conscience , sometimes with a benummed and seared conscience , sometime with hardnesse of heart , which cannot repent ; and finally , a spirituall slavery under the power of the world and the devill . What is the death that followeth this miserable life ? Ans. First , a separation of the soule from the body , and then an everlasting seperation of the whole man from the presence of God with unspeakable torment in hell-fire , never to be ended , which is the second death . If all mankind be subject to this damnation , how then shall any man be saved ? Ans. Surely by this first Covenant of the Law , no flesh can be saved , but every one must receive in himselfe the sentence of condemnation ; yet the Lord being a God of mercy , hath not left us here , but entred into a second Covenant with mankind . What is the second Covenant ? A. The Gospel or the Covenant of grace , wherby God promiseth everlasting life unto man , upon condition that he be reconciled to him in Christ ; for as the cōdition of the 1. was the continuance of that justice , which was to be found in mans own person ; so the condition of the second is the obtaining of that justice which is found without himselfe in the person of the Mediator Jesus Christ. What are we to consider in Christ our Mediator ? Ans. Two things , his nature and his office . How many natures be there in Christ ? Ans. Two , the God-head , and the Manhood ; remaining still distinct in their substance , properties and actions . How many persons hath he ? Ans. Only one , which is the person of the Son of God , for the second person in the Trinity tooke upon him , not the person , but the nature of man ; to wit , a body and a reasonable soule , which doe not subsist alone , ( as we see in all other men ) but are wholly sustained in the person of the Son of God. What is the use of this wonderfull union of the two natures in one Person ? Ans. Our nature being received into the Union of the Person of the Son of God , the sufferings and the obedience which it performed became of infinite value , as being the sufferings of him who was God , equal with the Father . What is the Office of Christ ? Ans. To be a Mediator betwixt God and Man. What par● of his Office did he exercise concerning God ? Ans. His Priesthood . What are the parts of his Priestly Office ? Ans. The satisfaction of Gods justice , and his intercession . What is required of Christ for the satisfaction of Gods justice ? Ans. The paying of the price which was due for the breach of the Law committed by mankinde , and the performance of that righteousnesse , which man by the Law was bound unto , but unable to accomplish . How was Christ to pay the price which was due for the sinne of mankind ? Ans. By that wonderful humiliation , wherby he that was equall with God , made himselfe of no reputation , and became obedient unto the death , sustaining both in body and soule , the curse that was due to the transgression of the Law. What righteousnes was there required of Christ in our behalfe ? Ans. Both originall which he had from His conception ( being conceived by the Holy-Ghost , in all purenesse and holinesse of nature ) and actual which he performed by yeelding perfect obedience , in the whole course of His life , unto all the precepts of Gods Law. What is the Intercession of Christ ? Ans. That part of His Priesthood , whereby He maketh request unto His Father for us , and presenteth unto Him both our Persons , and our imperfect obedience , making both of them ( however in themselves polluted ) by the merit of His satisfaction , to be acceptable in Gods sight . Thus much of that part of the office of the Mediatour which is exercised in things concerning God ; how doth He exercise himselfe in things concerning man ? Ans. By communicating unto man that grace and redemption which he hath purchased from His Father . What parts of His Office doth He exercise here ? An. His Propheticall and Kingly Office. What is His Propheticall Office ? Ans. That whereby He informeth us of the benefits of our redemption , and revealeth the whole will of His Father unto us , both by the outward meanes which He hath provided for the instruction of His Church , and by inward enlightning of our mindes by His Holy Spirit . What is the Kingly office ? Ans. That whereby He ruleth His Subjects , and confoundeth all his enemies . How doth He rule His Subjects ? Ans. By making the Redemption which He hath wrought effectuall in the Elect , calling those whom by His Prophetical office He hath taught to embrace the benefits offered unto them , and governing them being called both by these outward Ordinances which He hath instituted in the Church , and by the inward operation of His blessed Spirit . Having thus declared the Natures and Office of Christ , the Mediator of the New Covenant ; What are you now to consider in the condition of mankinde which hold by Him ? Ans. Two things , the perticipation of the grace of Christ , effectually communicated by the operation of Gods Spirit unto the Catholike Church , which is the Body and Spouse of Christ , out of which there is no salvation ; and the outward meanes ordained for the offering and effecting of the same , vouchsafed unto the Visible Church . How is the Grace of God effectually communicated to the Elect , of whom the Catholike Church doth consist ? Ans. By that wonderfull Union , , whereby Christ and His Church are made one ; so that all the Elect being ingrafted into him , grow together into one Misticall Body , whereof He is the Head. What is the bond of this union ? Ans. The communion of Gods Spirit , which being derived from that Man Christ Jesus , upon all the Elect , as from the Head unto the Members , giveth unto them Spirituall life , and maketh them pertakers of Christ with all His benefits , What are the benefits which arise to Gods children from hence ? Ans. Reconciliation and Sanctification . What is Reconciliation ? A. That grace wherby we are freed from Gods curse , and restored unto His Fatherly favour . What are the branches of this Reconciliation ? Ans. Justification and Adoption . What is Iustification ? Ans. That Grace whereby we are freed from the gilt of sinne , and accounted righteous in Christ Jesus our Redeemer . How then must sinfull man looke to be justified in the sight of God ? Ans. By the mercy of God alone , whereby he freely bestoweth His Sonne upon him , imputing mans sinnes unto Christ , and Christs Righteousnes unto man , whereby the sinner being possessed of Jesus Christ , obtaineth of God remission of sinnes , and imputation of Righteousnesse . What is Adoption ? Ans. That grace wherby we are not only made friends with God , but also His Sons and heires with Christ. What is Sanctifica●●●n ? A. That grace wherby we are freed from that bondage of sin remaining in us , and restored unto the freedome of Righteousnesse . What be parts of Sanctification ? Ans. Mortification , whereby our naturall corruption is subdued , and vivification or quickning , whereby inherent holinesse is renewed in us . Is there no distinction to be made among them that thus receive Christ ? Ans. Yes , for some are not capable of knowledge , as Infants , and such as we terme Naturals . Othersome are of discretion in the former sort , we are not to proceed further then Gods election , and the secret operation of the Holy-Ghost . In the other there is further required , a lively faith bringing forth fruit of true holines Is it in mans power to attaine this Faith and Holinesse ? Ans. No , but God worketh them in his children according to that measure which he in his children seeth fit . What doe you understand by Faith ? Ans. A gift of God , whereby man being perswaded not only of the truth of Gods Word in generall ; but also of the promises of the Gospell in particular , applieth Christ with all his benefits , unto the comfort of his owne soule . How are we said to be justified by Faith ? Ans. Not as though we were just , for the worthinesse of this vertue , for in such respect Christ alone is our righteousnesse ; but because faith , and faith only is the instrument fit to apprehend and receive , not to worke or procure our justification , and so to knit us unto Christ that we may be made per●akers of all his benefits . What is that holinesse which accompanieth this justifying faith ? Ans. A gift of God , whereby the heart of the beleever is withdrawne from evill , and converted unto newnes of life . Wherein doth this vertue shew it selfe ? Ans. First , in unfained repentance , and then in cheerfull obedience springing from the same . What are the parts of repentance ? Ans. Two , a true griefe wrought in the heart of the beleever , for offending so gracious a God by his former transgressions . And a conversion unto God againe , with full purpose of heart , ever after to cleave unto him , and to refraine from that which shall be displeasing in his sight . What is the direction of that obedience which God requireth of man ? A. The morall Law , whereof the ten Commandements are an abridgement . What is the summe of the Law ? Ans. Love. What bee the parts thereof ? Ans. The love which wee owe unto God , cōmanded in the first ; and the love which we owe unto our Neighbours , commanded in the second Table . How do you distinguish the foure Commandements which belong unto the first Table ? Ans. They doe either respect the conforming of the inward powers of the soule , to the acknowledgement of the true God , as the first Commandement ; or the holy use of the outward meanes of Gods worship , as in the three following . What are the duties which concerne the outward means of Gods worship ? Ans. They are either such as are to be performed every day as occasion shall require , or such as are appointed for a certaine day . What Commandements do belong unto the first kinde ? Ans. The second concerning the solemne worship of Religion ; and the third , concerning that respect which we are to have of Gods honour in the common carriage of our life . What Commandement belongeth to the second kinde ? Ans. The fourth , injoyning the speciall sanctification of the Sabbath day . How doe you distinguish the six Commandements belonging to the second Table ? Ans. The first five doe ordaine such actions as are injoyned with consent of the mind at least : The last , respecteth the first motions that arise in the heart before any consent be given . What are the duties ●ppertaining to the first kinde ? Ans. They are either due unto certaine persons , in regard of some speciall bonds ; or to all men in generall , by a certaine rite ; the first sort is set down in the first Commandement ; the other , in the foure next . What is the outward meanes whereby the Gospell is offered unto mankinde ? A. The Ministry of the Gospell , which is exercised in the visible Church of Christ. Of whom doth the visible Church cons●st ? Ans. Of publike Officers , ordained to be Ministers of Christ , and disposers of Heavenly things , according to the Prescript of the Lord , and the rest of the Saints , who with obedience are to subject themselves to the Ordinance of God. What are the parts of the outward Ministry ? Ans. The administration of the Word , and of the Ordinances exercised thereunto , which are especially Sacraments and Censures . What is the Word ? Ans. That part of the outward Ministry which consisteth in the delivery of Doctrine , and this is the ordinary instrument which God useth in begetting Faith. What order is there used in the delivery of the Word for the begetting of Faith ? Ans. First , the Covenant of the Law is urged to make sin and the punishment therof knowne , wherupon the sting of conscience pricketh the heart with a sense of Gods wrath , and maketh man utterly to despaire of any ability in himselfe to obtain everlasting life ; after this preparation the mercies of the Gospell are propounded , wherupon the sinner resuming hope of pardon , sueth unto God for mercy , and particularly applyeth unto his own soul those comfortable promises , and hath wrought in him by the Spirit of God , an earnest desire at the least to beleeve and repent . What is a Sacrament ? Ans. A visible signe ordained by God , to be a seal for confirmation of the promises of the Gospel , unto those who perform the conditions required in the same . How is this done by a Sacrament ? A. By a fit similitude between the signe and the things signified ; the benefit of the Gospell is represented unto the eye , and the assurance of enjoying the same , confirmed to such as are within the Covenant : Wherefore as the preaching of the word is the ordinary meanes of begetting Faith ; so both it and the holy use of the Sacraments , bee the instruments of the Holy-Ghost , to increase and confirme the same . How many kindes of Sacraments be there ? Ans. Two , the first of Admission of Gods children : into the Church , there to be pertakers of an everlasting communion with them ; the second , of his preservation or nourishment therin , to assure him of his continual increase in Christ , in which respect the former is once , the lat●er often to be administred . What doe you understand by Censures ? Ans. The Ordinance which God hath appointed for the confirmation of the threatnings of the Gospell against the disobedient . How are these Censures exercised ? Ans. First , by the word alone by admonition . Secondly , by afflicting a penaltie , either by shutting up the offender in the Lords prison , till such time as he shew tokens of repentance , or by cutting off the rotten member from the rest of the body . Hath this administration of the Gospell been alwayes after the same manner ? Ans. For substance it hath alwayes bin the same , but in regard of the m●nner proper to certaine times , it is distinguished into two kinds , the old and the new . What call you the old Ministry ▪ A. That which was delivered unto the Fathers , to continue until the fulnesse of time , wherein , by the comming of Christ it was to be reformed . What were the Properties of this Ministry ? Ans. First , the Commandements of the Law were more largely , and the promises of Christ more sparingly and darkly propounded , these la●ter being so much the more generally and obscurely delivered , as the manifesting of them was further off . Secondly , these promises of things to come were shadowes , with a similitude of Types and Figures ; which when the truth should be exhibited were to vanish away . What were the chiefe States and Periods of this old Ministry ? Ans. . The first from Adam to Abraham , the second from Abraham to Christ. What were the speciall Properties of the latter of these two Periods ? Ans. First , it was more especially restrained unto a certain Family and Nation . Secondly , it had joyned with it a solemne repetition and declaration of the first Covenant of the Law. Thirdly , besides the Ceremonies which were greatly inlarged under Moses , it had Sacraments also added unto it . What were the ordinary Sacraments of this Ministry ? Ans. The Sacrament of Admission in the Church was Circumcision , instituted in the dayes of Abraham : The other of continual preservation and nourishment , the Paschall Lambe instituted in the time of Moses . What is the new Administration of the Gospell ? Ans. That which is delivered unto us by Christ to continue unto the end of the world . What are the Properties thereof ? Ans. First , it is indifferently propounded unto all people , whether they be Jewes or Gentiles , and in that respect is Catholique or Universall . Secondly , it is full of grace and truth , bringing joyfull tydings unto mankinde , that whatsoever was formerly promised of Christ , is now accomplished , and so in stead of the ancient types and shadowes exhibited , the things themselves , with a large declaration of all the benefits of the Gospell . What be the principall points of the word of this Ministery ? Ans. That Christ our Saviour ( whom God by his Prophets had promised to send into the World is come in the flesh , and hath accomplished the worke of our redemption : That he was conceived by the Holy-Ghost , borne of the Virgin Mary , suffered under Pontius Pilate , was crucified and dyed upon the Crosse : That Body and Soule being thus separated , his body was laid in the grave , and remained under the power of death , and his soule went into the place appointed for the soules of the righteous ; namely Paradise , the Seat of the Blessed . That the third day body and soule being joyned together againe , he rose from the dead , and afterwards ascended up into Heaven , where he sitteth at the right hand of His Father , until such time as He shall come unto the last Judgement . What are the Sacraments of this Ministry ? Ans. The Sacrament of Admission into the Church is B●ptisme , ( which sealeth unto us our Spirituall Birth ) the other Sacrament of our continuall preservation is the Lords Supper , which sealeth unto us our continuall nourishment . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A64670-e220 2 Pet. 1.19 . 2 Tim. 3.15 . ● Pet. 2.21 2 Tim. 3.16 . Lu. 16.29 . Gal. 1.8 . Esay 8.20 . 2 Tim. 3.16.17 a Deut. 31 11.12 . Iosh. 8.35 Ioh. 5.39 . b Acts 17.11 . 1 Cor. 4.6 2 Principle a Iohn . 4 24 b Apoc. 1.8 Act. 17.24 , 25. c Pro. 8.14 1 Tim. 1.17 . Iob 9 . 1●.13 I●r . 10.12 . Exo. 34.6 , 7 Psal. 147.17 Col. 1.15 . Rom. 1.23 Deut. 4.12 . & ver , 12.16 1 Tim. 1.17 Eph. 4 , 5 , 6 1 Cor. 8.4 Deu. 4.35 39 Mat. 28.19 . 1 Ioh. 5 7. d Heb. 1.3 5 e Heb. 1.5 . Heb. 1.6 . Ioh. 1.14 . Ioh 85.26 . Gal. 4 6. 3 Principle Acts 2 22. cap. 15.18 . Psal. 33.11 . Gen. 1.1 . Heb. 11.3 . Exod. 20.11 . Rev. 4.11 . Heb. 1.7.14 . Gen. 2.7 . Heb. 12 9. Gen. 2.7 . Gen. 3.19 . Eccl. 12.7 . Ma. 10 28. Rev. 6.9 . 2 Cor. 5.8 Gen. 1.26.27 . & cap , 9.6 . Col. 3.10 . Eph. 4.24 . Eccl 7.29 Gen. 1.26.27 Gen. 2.18 . Act. 17 26 1 Tim. 2.13 . 4 Principle Ioh. 5.17 . Neh. 9.6 . Psa. 119.91 . Heb. 1.3.11 . Act 17.26 28 Mat. 20 30 Pro. 16.33 Mat. 25.31 . & ver . 41. Iude 6. Ioh. 8 44. 1 Joh. 3.8 . Mat 15.32 41 Ioh. 8 . 4● . 〈◊〉 3.8 . 1 Tim. 5.21 . Mat. 18.10 . Lu. 20.36 . 2 ●et . 2.4 . Iude 6. Mat. 25.41 . Rev. 20.10 Mal. 2.10 . Gen. 2.17 . Rom. 2.15 . Luke 10.26.27 . Rom. 7.7.12.14 . Gal. 3 10.12 . 2 Tim. 3.5 . Gal. 3.12 . Lu. 10·25 . 26.27.28 . Rom. 7 10 cap. 10.5 . Gen. 2.17 . Gal. 3·10 ●ev . 26.26.14.15 Deu. 28.15.16 , & ●8 . 19.20 . 5 Principle Gen. 3.1.6 Eccl. 7 29. Io●n 8 44 Rom. 5.14 15 Rom. 5.12 14.15.16 Ge. 5.1.3 . & 8.21 . Psa. 51.5 . Iob. 14 Rom. 7.14 18.23 . Eph. 4.22.23 . 1 Cor. 2.14 . Ier. 24.7 2 Cor. 3.5 14 Eph. 4.17.18.19 . Deu. 32.18 Pro. 3.1 . Ps. 119 , 16 Ps. ●06 . 21 Ro. 85 , 6. Iohn 1.13 . Phil. 2.13 . Eph. 4.19 . Rom. 1.26 . ●am . 3.15 . & 4 , 5. Tit. 1.15 , 16. Heb. 10.22 Rom· 7.9 . Ioh. 16.2 . Iob 31.1 . Rom. 6.13 19. & cap 3.13 , 14.15 2 Pet. 2. 14 Psal. 119.37 . Ro. 6● 6.17 . & cap. 7 5. Gal. 5.19.20.21 . Mat. 15.19 Ma. 12.34 , 35 , 36. & cap. 15.19 . Acts 8.22 . Iam. 3.2 , Ma. 25.42 , 43. Isa. 1.16 , 17. Mar. 7.21 , 22. Deut. 28.45 . Lu. 16.23.44 Mat. 25.41 6 Principle Ezec. 16 6 60.62 . Zac. 9.11 . Rom. 3.24 , 25 , 26. Rom. 5.15 16 , 17.19 , 20 , 21. Eph. 2.7 , 8 9. 1 Tim. 2.5.6 . 1 Tim. 3.16 . Ioh. 1.14 . Luk 1.35 . Ro. 1.3 , 4. Rom. 9.5 . Gal. 4 4. Heb. 4.14 . cap. 9.14 . Act. 20.28 1 Pet. 3.18 Ioh. 2.19.21 . Eph. 1.2 . Col. 1.13 . 1 ●o . 5.20 Rom. 8 9. 1 Io. 4.13 Rom 1.4 . Rom. 14 15 Rom. 8.34 . Col. 2.13 . Gal. 4.4 . 1 Cor. 15.21 . Heb. 2.13.16 Rom 5.12 19. Iohn 1.16 1 Tim. 2.5 1 Ioh. 2.1 . Heb. 12.24 Rom. 8.3 , 4.10 . Gal. 4. ● . 5 Rom. 10.4 Mat. 5.17 . Heb. 5.8 9 10. Heb. 10.5.10 . Ph. 2.7.8 . Ioh 4.34 . Esa. 53.10 , 11. 1 Pet. 2.24 Lu. 1.35 . 1 Pet. 1.19 . cap. 2.22 . cap. 3.18 . 1 Ioh. 3.5 . Esa. 53.9 . Ioh. 8.29.46 . cap , 15.10 . Heb. 7.25 26 Gal. 3.13 . 2 Pe. 2·23 24 Esa. 53.10 11 Mat. 26..37 , 38 , 39 Lu. 22.43 , 44. Heb. 5.7 . Phil. 2.8 . Heb. 9.14.15 , & ver 26 , 28. Heb. 10.10.12 , & 13.12 7 Principle . Iohn 1.11.12 . Rom 5.17 Heb. 3.6.14 Col. 2.6.7 Iohn 1 12.13 . cap. 6.29.35.40 47 , cap. 7.37.38 . Ro. 9.30 . Ep. 1.13 . Rom 5.17 . Heb 3.6 . Col. 2.6 ▪ 7 Ioh. 4 . 41.4● 50.53 . Ioh. 6.29.35.40.47 , 4● . 50.51.53.54 , 55 , 56 , 57.58 Gal. 2.20 . cap. 3.27 . Eph. 3.17 . 2 Cor. 13.5 Ioh. 12.44 , 46 1 Cor. 1.30 2 Cor. 5.19.21 . Rom. 5.11.16 , 17 , 18 , 19 Rom. 8.1 1.33 , 34. 1 Ioh. 1.7 , 8 Ro. 4.3.4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 1 Co. 1.30 . Ro. 8.3 , 4. Eph. 1.7 . Esa. 50.20 Phil. 3.9 . Rom. 3.24 . Gal. 3.8 . cap. 2 , 16. 1 Cor. 6.11 1 Thes. 5.23 . 1 Th. 4.4 Rom. 6 , 7.14 . Col. 3.5.9 , 10. Titus 3.5 , 6. Acts 26.20 . Mat. 3.8 . 2 Tim. 2.25 . Ier. 31.18 , 19 2 Cor. 7.10 , 11. Acts 3.19 . Act 26 8. P●al . 119 . 1●6.112 . Luke 1.6.74 , 75. Psal. 119.6 . 1 Pet 4 2 , 3 , 4. 1 Ioh. 3.3 . 1 Ioh. 5.3 . Exo. 20.18 Mat. 15 6.9 . Ps 119.105.106 . Deut. 5 32. cap. 12.32 . Num 15 39. Ier. 19.5 . Exo. 34.7 , 28. Mat. 22.37 38 , 39 , 40. Mar. 12.30.31.33 . Luk. 1.75 . c. 10.26 , 27. Ep. 4.24 . 1 Tim. 2.2 . Exo. 20.2 . V● . 2.3 . Exo. 20.4 , 5 , 6 Exo. 20.7 . Exo. 20.9.10 . Exo. 20.12 ps . 6. ● Eh Ex 20.13 . Ex. 20.14 Exo. 20.15 Exo. 20.16 Ver. 17. Mat. 5.28 . Rom. 7.7 . 8 Principle Rom. 1.15 16. cap. 10 14 , 15 , 16 17. 1 Cor 1 . 21· c. 1.12 28 Eph. 4.11.12.13 , 14 2 Cor. 3.6 . Mat. 18.17.18 . Act. 11.26 . c. 14.23 c. 15.22 . ca. 20.7 . v. 17.18 . 1 Cor. 4.17 . c. 14.23.28.33.34 . Act. 2 , 46.47 . Mat. 28.19 Act. 2.41 42.44 cap. 20.7.17 . 1 Tim. 3.9 1 Tim. 1.3 4 , 5. c. 4.11.12 , 13. c. 5.17 . 2 Tim. 2.15 . c. 4.2 Rom. 10 14 , 16 , 17. 1 Cor. 1.18.21 , 23 , 24. Act. 14 . 2● , c. 20 , 21.27.31 , 32. 1 Cor. 1.8 . Gen 17.10 , 11. Rom. 4.11 , 12. c. 2.28.29 . 1 Cor. 10 1 2 , 3 , 4. & ver . 16 cap 12 , 13. Mat. 28.19 cap. 26.26 Act : 2.38 41 , 42. cap. 8.36 , 27. c. 1.5 . Titus 3.5 Gal. 3 27. 1 Cor 1.13.15 . cap. 12.13 . 1 Ioh. 17.16.9.14 . Acts 2.38.22.16 . 1 Ioh 1.7 Heb. 9.14 . 1 Pet. 1.19 . Rev. 1.5 . Acts. 2.38 . cap. 22.16 . Mat 3.6.11 . Acts 8.36 , 37. Rev. 1.5 . 1 Cor. 6.11 Gal. 3.27 . Eph 5.26 Tit 3.5 . 1 Pet. 3.21 . Eze. 36.25 , 26. Heb. 9.14 . Rom. 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 Col. 2.11 , 12 1 Pet. 3.21 Mat. 26.26 , 27 , 28 1 Cor. 11.20.23 , 24.25 , 26. &c 1 Cor. 10.16 . cap. 12 , 13. Matth. 26.26.28 . 1 Cor. 10.16 . c. 11.20.23 , 24 , 25 , 26. ●oh 6.33 50.51 . Mat. 26.26.28 . 1 Cor. 11.24 , 25 , 26. Esa. 53.5 , 6.11.12 . 1 Cor. 10.16 , 17. c. 12 13. Ioh. 1.12 . c. 6.27.29 , 35 , 36 , 40 , 47 , 48.63 , 64. c. 7.37 , 38. 2 Cor. 13 5. Ep. 3.17 . H●b . 3.14 . Ioh. 6·34 . 50 , 51 54 , 56 , 57 , 58 Eph. 4.16 . Eph. 3.17 . 9 Principle Heb. 9.27 . Rom. 1.4.10.12 . 2 Cor. 5.8 9.10 . Eccl. 12.14 Gen. 3.19 . Act. 17.31 Eccl. 12 7. Heb. 9.27 . 〈◊〉 . ●6 . 12 25. ●● 3 4● . Rev 1●●3 E●● . 57 ●2 2 Co● . 5.6 8 ●oh . 5 ●4 . 1 ●et . 3 ▪ ● Es● ▪ ●● . 14. Ioh. ● . 24 ▪ M●●h . 13.40.41 , 42 43.49 50. cap. 19.28 . cap 24.30 31 cap. 25.31 , 32 , 33 , 46. Acts 1 11. cap. 3.19 21. c. 17.31 1 Co. 4.15 1 Corin. 15.52 . 1 Tim. 4.1 . 1 Cor 3.15 1 Pet. 4 , 5. 2 Thes 1.7 , 8. 2 Pet 3.10 1 Th. 4.16 Ioh. 5.27 , 28 Dan. 12.2 3. 1 Cor. 15.12 , 13. Iob 19.25 , 26 , 27 Dan. 12.2 , 3. Ioh. 5.28 , 29 Ioh 11.24 . 1 Cor. 15.12 , 13 , 14.32.50.52 . 1 Thes. 4.14 , 15 , 16. Rev. 20.12 13. 1 Thes. 4·15 , 16 , 17· 1 Cor. 15·51 , 52 , 53 Mat. 25.34 c. 13 43 2 Thes. 1.10 . Rom. 2 7.10 . Rev. 22.14 Mat. 25.41 Rom 2.8.9.2 . 2 Th. 1.8 , 9. Rev. 22 ●5 1 Cor. 15.24.28 Revel . 21.22 , 23 Notes for div A64670-e6010 Eph. 1.9 . 2 Pet. 1.21 . 2 Tim. 3.15 , 16. Psal. 103.8 . 1 Chr. 29.11 . Psal. 145.3 , 4 , 11 , 13. Mat. 6.13 . Col. 1 . 1● . Heb. 1.3 . 1 John 5. Ioh. 117 , 8. 1 Tim. 6.16 . Psal. 145.3 . Rev. 1.8 . Rom. 11.36 . Act● 17.24 . Exo 33.19 , 20. Rev. 1.8 . Isa. 14.17 . cap ▪ 43.29 . v. 8.14 . Mal. 3.6 . Jam. 1.17 . Rev. 1.8 . Psal 92.4 . 2 Pet. 3.8 . John 8.58 . 1 Kin 8.27 . Psal. 145.3 . Jer. 1.23 , 24. Deut. 10.6 . cap. 30.40 . John 3.10 . Heb. 10.31 . 1 Tim 4.16 . cap. 6.17 . Prov. 8.14 . 1 Joh. 4.17 . Isa. 43 . 2● . Jer. 32.17 . Nahu . 1.3 . Deut. 32.4 . Exo. 34 6 , 7 Psal. 89.13 . Jer. 52.19 . cap. 13.13 . Job 9.4 Psal. 147.5 . Prov. 8.14 . Jer. 8.10 . Psal. 147.5 . Prov. 8.14 . Jer. 8.10 . cap. 52.19 . cap. 13.13 . Job . 9.4 . Heb. 4.19 . Rev. 18. Mat. 19.26 . Luke 1.37 . Mar. 14 36. Mat. 19.17 . Rom. 9.18 . Ex. 34.6 , 7. Neh. 9.17 , 31 , 32 , 33. Psal. 103.8 , 9 , 10. Lam. 3.22 . John 4.16 . Psal. 33.5 . 1 Tim. 4.10 . Psal. 145.7 , 8 , 9 , 17. Deut. 32.4 . Job 34.10 , 1 Deut. 32.4 . Ps. 145.17 . Rom. 2.2 . Rev. 5.6 . Rev. 22.12 . 1 Pet. 1.17 . Psal. 11.5 . Eph. 1.11 . Acts 4.28 ▪ 2 Tim. 1.9 . Rom. 9.11 , 21 , 22 ▪ 23. Ma● 2.5 , 34 , 41. 2 Tim 2.20 . 1 Thes. 3.9 . Rom. 9.11 , 21 , 22 , 23. Prov. 16.4 . Mat. 11.25 , 26. Eph. 1.11 . Jude 4. Psal. 33.6 . Psal 148.5 . Neh. 9 6. Ps. 146.6 , 7. Heb. 11.13 . Ge ▪ 2.1 , 2 , 3. Exo. 20.11 . cap. 31.17 . Col. 1.16 . Gen. 1.4 , 31. Gal. 3.10.11 , 12 , 13 , 14. Rom. 3.27 . cap. 10.46 . Heb. 9.27 . Rom. 14.10 , 12. Mat. 25.31 , 32. Gen. 2.9.17 . cap. 3.17 . Gen. 3.3 , 7 , 11 , 17 , 22 , 24 Rev. 2 7. Prov. 3.18 . Rom. 5.12 . Gen. 3. Jam. 1.4 . Gal. 5.19 . Col. 2 3 , 9 , 10. Titus 1.15 . Rom. 2.15 . John 8.9 . Rom. 14.23 Gal. 1.4 . 1 Chr. 13.9 . John 16.2 . Eph. 4.18 , 19. 1 Tim. 4.2 . Col. 2.22 . Rom , 7.9 . Prov. 28.1 . Act. 24.26 . Jam. 1.14 , 15. Eph. 2.3 . Mat. 5.28 . cap. 11.34 . cap. 13.19 . c. 25.42 , 43. Isa. 1.16 , 17. Rom. 3.10 . Rom. 7.10 . Gal. 3.10 . Deut. 28.15 , 16. Psal. 119.10 , 12. Prov. 10.7 . Deu. 28.21.22 . Lev. 26.16 , 17. John 5. ●4 . Deut. 28.28 , 66 , 67. Psal. 69.12 . 1 Joh. 2.16 . Ephes. 2.2 . Col. 1.13 . cap. 4.4 . Luke 16.23 , 24 , 26. Rev. 21 8. 2 Thes. 1.9 . Rom. 3.19 , 20. cap. 8.3 . Gal. 2.16 . cap. 3.10 , 11 , 12 , 21 , 22. Ep. 2.3 , 4 , 5 Gal. 3.16 , 17. John 1.12 . Rom. 5.17 . Eph. 2.13 , 14. Rom. 2.21 , 22. John 10.3 . Psal. 3.9 . 1 Tim. 2.5 . Heb. 2.7 . cap. 5.1 . cap. 7.24 . Heb. 7.24 , 35 , 26 , 27. Psal. 2.7 , 8. Gal. 3.13 . Acts 7.25 . Heb. 9.10 . Jam. 8.34 : Joh. 17.20 , 44. Exo. 28.38 . 1 Pet. 2.5 . Rev. 8.3 . Rom. 5.15 , 17 , 19. John 5.21 . cap. 17.2 , 6. Luk. 4.18 , 19. Deu. 18.18 . John 1.18 . cap. 8.26 . cap 15.15 . Eph. 2.17 . Isa. 61.12 . Heb. 1.2 . cap. 2 3. cap. 3.1 , 2. Mat. 27.17 . cap. 23.10 . Luk. 24 , 25. Acts 16.4 . 1 Cor. 2.10 , 11 , 12. Psa. 26.8 , 9. John 18.36 . Zac. 9.9 , 10. Eph. 1.20 , 21 , 22. Mat. 22.7 , 13. Luk. 19.14.25 , 27. Ps. 22. 1 Cor. 15.25 , 27. 1 Cor. 15.45 . Eph. 4.1 , 15 , 16. Col. 1.13 . cap. 2.12 . John 5.25 , 26 , 27. cap. 17.2 . 1 Cor. 13.9 . Rom. 14.17 . 2 Pet. 1.3 , ● . Rom. 8.10 . 1 Cor. 1.24 . 1 Pet. 5.10 . Eph. 1.22 . cap. 5.24 . Luke 1.31 . Isa. 9.6 , 7. Eph. 4.11 . Math. 18.17 , 18. Acts 20.31 . Mat. 3.11 . 1 Cor. 12.7 , 8 , 9. 2 Cor. ●2 . 2 Cor. 33. Eph. 2. 1 John 1.3 . Eph. 4.11 , 12 , 15 , 16. Gal 3.2 , 5 , 6. 1 Thes. 2.13 . Eph. 1.13 , 22 , 23. Eph. 5.26 , 27 , 29. John 17.21 , 22 , 23. 1 Cor. 1.13 . Eph. 2.2 . c. 5. ●9 , 30. John 15.1 , 2 , 4 , 5. Eph. 4.15 , 16. Col. 2.19 . 1 Cor. 13.13 . 1 Joh. 4.24 . Rom. 5.5 , 8 , 9. Eph. 2.22 . Phil. 2.1 . 1 Cor 6.11 . 1 Joh. 2.5 , 6. 1 Pet. 1.2 . 2 Pet. 2.3 , 4. Col. 1.21 , 22. Heb. 9.10 , 14. Rom. 5 10. 2 Cor. 5.8 , 9 Eph. 2.16 . 1 Col. 2.21 . Gal. 3.8 , 13 , 14. 1 Cor. 3.21 . Rom. 4.23 , 24. Rom. 13.24 , 25 , 26. Eph. 2.8 ▪ 9. Rom. 8.32 . Isa. 9.6 . Gal. 3.5 , 9. Col. 1.14 , 21 , 22. & ver . 12 , 13 Acts 13.38 , 39. Rom. 8.13 . Gal. 2.26 . Eph. 1.3 . Eph. 4.22 , 23. Rom. 6.4 , 11 , 13. Col. 2.12 . Acts 2 . 3● . 1 Cor. 2.14 . 1 Cor. 12 , 13. Eph. 3.17 . 1 Thes. 1.3 . Titus 3.8 . 1 Tim. 1.5 . Gal. 3.6 . Acts 23.9 . 1 Cor. 2.12 , 14. Phil. 1.16 . cap. 2.3 , 15. 1 Cor. 3.3 . 2 Tim. 2.23 Jer. 31.18 . 1 Pet. 1.9 . Eph. 3.20 . Eph. 1.18 . Heb. 11.1 , 2 , 3. Col. 2.7 , 12. Eph. 3.12 , 17. Joh. 11.12 , 16. Gal. 3.16 , 20. Phil. 3.8 , 9. 2 Tim. 1.6 . Heb. 10.22 , 23. 2 Cor. 13.5 . Act. 2.41 , 42 c. 10.47 , 48. Mat. 3.6 , 11. cap. 28.19 . c. 8.36 , 37. Rom. 8.1 . 1 John 3.9 . 1 Pet. 3.9 . 1 Pet. 1.4 . Titus 2.12 . Gal. 6.15 . 2 Cor. 7.10 , 11. Jer. 31.18 , 19. Act. 11 . 2● , 23. Acts 26.20 ▪ Rom. 13.8 . 1 Tim. 1.5 . Col. 3.14 . Mat. 22.37 , 38 , 39 , 40. Marke 12.30 , 31 , 32. Rev. 1.20 . Phil. 1.1 . Act. 20 , 17 , 28. 1 Pet. 5.1 , 2 , 3. 1 Tim. 3.2 , 13. Rom. 12.7 , 8 1 Cor. 4.1 . Heb. 13.17 , 24. 2 Chr. 17.7 . Act. 2.40 , 41 cap. 11.20 . 1 Cor. 4.13 . Rom. 10.17 . John 17.10 . Eph. 1.13 . Rom. 3 10. cap. 7.9 , 10. Gal 3.12 , 23. Acts 2.37 . Mat. 13.24 . cap. 11.28 . Gal. 2.18 , 19. Heb. 4.16 . Hos. 14 , 2 , 3. Rom. 8.13 , 26 , 1 Cor. 10. ● , 2 , 3 , 4 ▪ 16. Gen. 17.10 , 11. Deut. 30.6 . Rom. 2.28 , 29. Mat. 3 11. 1 Pet. 3.21 . Col. 2.11 , 12 , 13. Act. 2.41 , 42 cap. 14.22 . cap. 20.32 . Rom. 4.11 . 1 Cor. 10.23.1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 16. cap. 4.12 , 13. Exo. 12.28 . Mat. 18.17 , 18. 1 Cor. 5.4 , 5. Mat. 18 . 1●● 16 , 17 , 18. 2 Thes. 3.14 . 1 Cor. 5.4 ▪ 5 , 11 , 13. 2 Cor. 1.6 , 7.8 . 2 Tim. 2 . 2● . 1 Cor. 16.22 John 9.22 . Heb. 11.2 , 8 , 9 , 10.15 . cap. 13.8 9 , 10 , 11. 2 Cor. 3.6 , 7 , 8. Acts 10 43. cap. 13.11 . cap. 26.6 , 7. Luke 16.16 . John 1.17 . Heb. 11. c. 9 1 , 9 , 10. Acts 7.44 . 2 Cor. 3.7 , 11. Mal. 4.4 . Jer. 21 31 , 32 , 33. Heb. 11.13 . 2 Cor. 3.13 , 18. Heb. 8. 9 , 13. 2 Cor. 3 11 , 13. Gal. 4.3 , 4. Col. 2.16 , 17. Luk. 1.44 , 45. Ps. 44.19 , 26. Rom. 9.4 . Act. 13.17 . Deut. 4.1 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 17. cap. 1.6 , 7 , 8 , 14. cap. 2.26 . cap. 26.18 , 19. John 1.16 , 17. Ex. 24 7 , 8. Deut. 4.12 . Rom. 10.5 . H● . 9 ● , 2 , 3. John 7. ●2 . Exo. 12 48. Acts 7.8 . John 7.22 . Gen. 7.9 , 10 Rom. 4.11 . Col. 2.11 . Deut 30.6 , 7. Exo 12.3 , 4. Num. 9.11 , 12. Deu 16.2 . 1 Cor. 5.7 . 1 Pet. 5.19 . John ●9 . 36 . Exo. 12.46 . John 1.17 . Heb. 1.2 . cap. 2.3 , 4. cap 3.5 , 6. 1 Cor. 3.11 . Heb. 12.27 , 28. Is● . 41.1 , 2. c 61 3 , 4 , 5 ▪ cap 65.12 . cap. 66.12 , 19 , 21. John 16.10 . Mat. 18.19 , 20. Rom. 15.25 , 26. Eph. 3.5 , 6 , 8 , 9. Col. 1.5 , 6. John 1.17 . cap. 14.21 . Rom. 11.2 , 3. 1 Pet. 1.10 , 11 , 12. 1 Cor. 1.23 , 2● . Heb 9.12 , 16 , 18. 1 Tim. 3.16 . Luke 1.35 . Rom. 1.1 , 2 , 3. Job . 1.14 , 45. John 19.28 , 30. Mat. 1.18.19 , 20 , 21 , 22 , 23. Mat. 27.2 , 26 , 51. cap. 12.12 . c 27. ●9 , 60. Rom. 6.9 . Luke 23.43 , 46 , 47. Mat. 16.21 . cap. 28.16 . 1 Cor. 15.4 , 6 , 8. 1 Tim. 2.8 . Ma● . 16.19 . Acts 1.9 , 10 , 11. Eph. 4.10 . Heb. 1.3 . 2 Tim. 4.1 . 
A64716	----	Directions propovnded and hvmbly presented to the high court of Parliament concerning the Booke of common prayer and episcopall government / written by a reverend and learned divine now resident in this city. Udall, Ephraim, d. 1647. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A64716 of text R10972 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing U7). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 10 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 4 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A64716 Wing U7 ESTC R10972 12827948 ocm 12827948 94305 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A64716) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 94305) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 255:E173, no 26) Directions propovnded and hvmbly presented to the high court of Parliament concerning the Booke of common prayer and episcopall government / written by a reverend and learned divine now resident in this city. Udall, Ephraim, d. 1647. Ussher, James, 1581-1656. [2], 5 p. [s.n.], London : 1641. Wing attributes work to Ephraim Udall, BM however, indicates possible attribution to "E Udall or Archbishop Usher." Reproduction of original in Thomason Collection, British Library. eng Church of England. -- Book of common prayer. A64716 R10972 (Wing U7). civilwar no Directions propounded and humbly presented to the High Court of Parliament, concerning the Booke of Common Prayer and episcopall government. Udall, Ephraim 1641 1655 2 0 0 0 0 0 12 C The rate of 12 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the C category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2002-04 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2002-04 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2002-05 TCP Staff (Michigan) Sampled and proofread 2002-05 John Latta Text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-06 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion DIRECTIONS PROPOVNDED AND HVMBLY Presented to the High Court of PARLIAMENT . Concerning the Booke of COMMON PRAYER AND EPISCOPALL GOVERNMENT . Written by a Reverend and Learned Divine now Resident in this City . LONDON , Printed Anno Dmo. 1641. The opinions and directions of a worthy Divine , presented to the Parliament , concerning the Liturgie , and Episcopall Government . TO satisfie your Demands both concerning ye Liturgie , and Episcopall Government , first for the Book of Common Prayer , it may be alleadged . 1. That God himselfe appointed in the Law , a set forme of Benediction , Numb. 6. 23. 24 , 25 , 26. 2. That David himselfe , set Psalmes to be sung upon speciall occasions , as the title of them sheweth . 3. That the Prophet Ioel appointed a set forme of Prayer to be used by ye Priest at solemne fasts , Joel , 2. 7. 4. That Christ not onely commands us to pray after such manner , Matth. 6. 9. But to use a set forme of words , Luke 11. 2. when you pray , say Our Father . 5. The spirit of God is no more restrained by using a set forme of Prayer , then by singing set Hymnes or Psalmes in meeter , which yet the adversaries of our Common Prayer , practise in their assemblies . 6. of all Prayers ( premeditated ) are the best , Ecclesiastes . 5. 2. 7. And of premeditated prayers , those which are allowed by publike authority , are to be preferred above those , which are uttered by any private spirit . 8. All the Churches in the Christian world , in the first and best times , had their best formes of Lyturgies , whereof most are extant in the writings of the Fathers unto this day . 9. Let our Service book be compared with the French , Dutch , or any other Lyturgie , prescribed in any of the refo●med Churches , and it will appeare to any indifferent Reader , that it is more exact and compleate , then any of them . 10. Our Service Booke , was penned and allowed of , not onely by many learned Doctors , but glorious Martyrs , who sealed the truth of the reformed Religion with their blood , yet it cannot be denyed , but that there are spots and blemishes , Nemo quidem in pulchro corpore , and it were to be wished , so it bee done without much noyse . 1. That the Kalender in part might be reformed , and the Lessons taken out of the Canonicall Scriptures , appointed to be read in the place of them , for besides , that there is no necessity of reading any of the Apocripha , for there are in some of the Chapters , set in the Index , passages repugnant to the Doctrine of the holy Scriptures , as namely in some Chapters in Tolit . 2. That in the Psalmes , Epistles , and Gospells , all sentences alledged out of the holy Scriptures , the last Translation ( of King JAMES his Bible ) may be followed , for in the former , there be many passages not agreeable to the Originall , as might be proved by many instances . 3. That in the Rubricke , whereof of late the word ( Priest ) hath beene instead of the word ( Minister ) it may be expunged , and the word Minister restored , which is lesse offensive , and more agreeable to the Languages of all the reformed Churches , and likewise that some clauses which seeme surrepticiously to have crept into it , be expunged ; as namely , after the Communion , every Parishioner shall communicate , and also shall receive the Sacraments and other rites , according to the order of this book appointed , which words can carry no good sence in a Protestants eares , nor those added , against private Baptisme , That it is certaine by Gods word , that children being baptized , having all things necessary for their Salvation , be undoubtedly saved . 4. That in the Hyms , instead of the Songs of the 3. Children , some others were placed out of the Canonicall Scriptures , and that a fitter Psalme were chosen at the Churching of women , ( for those verses ) he will not suffer thy foote to be moved , and the Sunne shall not burne thee by day , nor the Moone by night , seeme not very pertinent , That in the Prayers and Collects , some expressions were bettered , as when it is said , Almighty God , which onely workest great marvailes , send downe upon thy Bishops , &c. And let thy great mercy loose them , for the honour of Iesus Christs sake , and for fornication and all other deadly sins , as if all other sinnes were not deadly , and that among all the chances of this mortall life , they may be defended , &c. 5. And in the visitation of the sicke , I absolve thee from all thy sinnes and the like . 6. That in singing of Psalmes , either the same Rymes are superfluous Badges , ( as I say ) and for why , and homely Phrases , as thou shalt feed them with browne Bread , and take thy hand out of thy lap , and give thy foes a rap , and mend this Geare , and the like may be corrected , or at the least , a better Translation of the Psalmes in meeter , appointed in the place of the old , Secondly , for Episcopall government , it may be alleaged . THat in the old Law , the Priests were above the Levites . 2. That in the Gospell , the Apostles were above the seventy Disciples . 3. That in the subscription of St. Pauls Epist. which are part of Canonicall Scripture , as it is said , That Tim. was ordained the first Bishop of the Church of the Ephesians . That Titus was ordained the second Bishop of the Church of the Ephesians . That Titus was ordained the first Bishop of the Church of the Cretians . 4. That if Episcopall ordination and jurisdiction , hath expresse warrant in holy Scripture , as namely , Titus 1. 5. For this cause left I thee in Creet that thou shouldst set in order things that are wanting , and ordaine Presbyters , that is Ministers in every City , and 1. Tim. 5. 22. Lay hands suddenly on no man , and ver. 19. against a Presbyter or Minister , Receive no accusation , but under two or three witnesses . 5. The Angels to whom the Epistles were endorsed , 2. and 3. of Apoc. are by the vnanimous consent of all the best Interpreters , both ancient and latter , expounded to bee the Bishops of those Cities . 6. Eusebius , and other Ecclesiasticall writers , affirme ( none contradicting them ) that the Apostles themselves , chose Iames Bishop of Jerusalem , and that in all the Aposte-like Sees , there succeeded Bishops , which continued in all the Christian world , and no other government heard of in the Church , for 1500 yeares and more , then by the Bishops , and the Canons of counsels , both generall and Provinciall , which consisted of Bishops . 7. That so many acts of Parliament , and Lawes of the Kingdome , and Statutes of Colledges of both Universities , have relation to Bishops , that the removing of them especially ( there having beene never no other government ●●●led in this Kingdome ) will breed and make confusion , and no reformation , but rather a deformation in the Church , yet it were to be wished , that in some things our Government might be reduced to the Constitutions and practise of the Primitive Church , especially in these particulars . 1. That Bishops did ordinarily and constantly preach , either in the Metropolitan Church , or in the Parochiall Church , in their Visitations . 2. That they might not ordaine any Ministers , without the consent of three or foure at the least , Grave and learned Presbyters . 3. That they might not suspend any Minister , ab Officio , & Beneficio , at their pleasures , by the sole Authors , but onely with a necessary consent of some Assistants , and that for such causes and crimes onely , as the antient Canons , or the Lawes of the Kingdome , appointed . 4. That none may be excommunicated , but by the Bish. himselfe ( with the consent of the Pastor ) whose Parish the Delinquent dwelleth in , & that for heynous and scandalous crimes , joyned with obstinate and wilfull contempts of the Church Authors , and that for none appearances , or ordinances , upon ordinary occasions , some lesser punishments might be inflicted , and that approved by Law . 5. That Bishops might not demand benevolence for the Clergie , nor exact allowance for their Dyet , at the visitations , nor suffer their servants to exact undue Fees at ordinations and institutions . 6. That Bishops , and Chancellors , and Officials , may be subject to the censures of Provinciall Synods , and Convocations . FINIS . 
A64688	----	Vox hibernæ, or, Rather the voyce of the Lord from Ireland a sermon preached in Saint Peters Church at Westminster before divers of the right honourable the lords of the upper House in the high court of Parliament : on the last publike fast day, being Wednesday the 22th of December 1641 : wherein the miserable estate of the kingdome of Ireland at this present is laid open and the people and kingdome of England earnestlie exhorted to turne to Almight God by true repentance least the same iudgements or worse fall upon us / by the laborious and reverend Doctor Iames Vsher ... Ussher, James, 1581-1656. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A64688 of text R233006 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing U228). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 31 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 9 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A64688 Wing U228 ESTC R233006 12442947 ocm 12442947 62136 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A64688) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 62136) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 249:E132, no 32) Vox hibernæ, or, Rather the voyce of the Lord from Ireland a sermon preached in Saint Peters Church at Westminster before divers of the right honourable the lords of the upper House in the high court of Parliament : on the last publike fast day, being Wednesday the 22th of December 1641 : wherein the miserable estate of the kingdome of Ireland at this present is laid open and the people and kingdome of England earnestlie exhorted to turne to Almight God by true repentance least the same iudgements or worse fall upon us / by the laborious and reverend Doctor Iames Vsher ... Ussher, James, 1581-1656. [16] p. for Iohn Nicolson ..., Printed at London : 1642. Reproduction of original in Thomason Collection, British Library. eng Bible. -- N.T. -- Luke XIII, 5 -- Sermons. Fast-day sermons. Ireland -- History -- 1625-1649 -- Sermons. A64688 R233006 (Wing U228). civilwar no Vox Hiberniæ or rather the voyce of the Lord from Ireland: a sermon preached in Saint Peters Church at Westminster, before divers of the Rig Ussher, James 1642 6289 10 0 0 0 0 0 16 C The rate of 16 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the C category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2005-02 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-08 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2005-09 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2005-09 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion VOX HIBERNAE OR Rather the voyce of the Lord from IRELAND : A Sermon Preached in Saint Peters Church at Westminster , before divers of the Right Honorable , the Lords of the upper House in the High Court of PARLIAMENT , on the last publike Fast day , being Wednesday the 22th . of December . 1641. Wherein the miserable estate of the Kingdome of Ireland at this present is laid open , and the people and Kingdome of England , earnestlie exhorted to turne to Almighty God by true repentance least the same Iudgements or worse fall upon us . By the laborious and reverend Doctor IAMES VSHER Bishop of Armagh and Primate of Ireland . Luke 13. 4 , 5. Thinke you that those 18. upon whom the Tower in Siloe fell , and slew them , were sinners above all men in Ierusalem . 5. I tell you nay , but except you amend your lives you shall likewise perish . Printed at London for Iohn Nicolson , under Saint Martins Church within Ludgate . 1642. VOX HJBERNIAE . LUKE . 13. 5. Except ye repent you shall all likewise perish . A Harsh Text you will say , & yet notwithstanding uttered by him that was the Merchant of men , he that was the good Phisitian that came to cure us . Who as hee testifies of himselfe in the 12. os Saint Iohn , that hee came not to judge the world , but to condemne the world . And yet he that was the Saviour of the World meanes to save none without faith and repentance , and therefore he telles us ; That except we repent , we shall all likewise perish . The occasion of the words was from a matter that was told unto him , a storie that men told as a thing that no way appertained unto them . Pilate he had mingled the blood of the Galileans with their sacrifices : now ths Pharisees they heard of it , and this they tell as newes to our Saviour Christ , as if it had no way touched them , and so our Saviour seeing they tooke not the matter as to themselves for examples unto them tells them that whatsoever Iudgements they did see executed upon others , the very selfe same thing would bee to them , if they did not repent . To apply it unto our selvee : It is the case of our neighbour nation , what are they greater sinners then we , I tell you nay , the very same Iudgements that fall upon them shall fall upon you vnlesse you prevent it by timely repentance . These judgements are sent as examples and instructions unto us . Those that fell with their carkasses in the wildernesse are examples unto us that wee might not run unto the same excesse of riot . The Lord might have made you examples unto Ireland , as well as he hath made Ireland an example unto you . As the Lord saith in the Prophesie of Hosea 4. 11. I have overthrowne some of you as God did overthrow Sodom & Gomorah , & ye are as a firebrand snatcht out of the burning , & yet you returned not . God hath overthrowne that land especially the best of the land , according as he did to Germanie ; And now he is come neerer to us ; The miseries & calamities which they indure were too tedious to relate . Et animus reminiscere horret luctusque refugit . And as if God did intend yet to shew us his judgements more neere to us : the fire breakes out in that corner of the nation that wee least feared , which should cause us to repent in Sackcloath and ashes ; Wee know it is the case of our Soveraigne that we should take this to heart : We know that David when the judgements of God was upon him in his child , then he fasted and humbled his soule with fasting ; yea and is hee did when affections were upon others of his Brethren , that were no great friends unto him . Wee see it also in Nehemiah , that he hearing such newes as we now heare from Ireland , Nehemiah 1. 3. Nehemiah asked how his brethren the children of Israell were , as he was told that they were in great afflicton . This was the newes , how doth he take it . And it came to passe when I heard these words I sate downe and wept and mourned , and fasted , and prayed before the God of heaven . This is the sence that all the members of the body should have one of another . They should call upon God one for another . God makes this an example unto us , that if we doe not repent , the same judgement or a greater shall fall upon us . The thing which we are to doe is to repent ; The Physitian he tells us the danger that we are in , if we do not repent , & he gives us a proviso that if will take this course notwithstanding the evill that is against us , he will forgive us if we do repent . And here we will see first , the danger we are in . The danger is perishing , either repent or there is no possibility of salvation , noe prevention of Gods judgements in this world , nor in the world to come without repentance ; thinke not that these words are in vaine , thinke not that these wordes are spoken in vaine , T' is not a bare and cold profession of Religion that shall save you , if you do not repent you shall perish , and be destroyed . Beloved , wee must Consider with our selves , that God is mercyfull when he will pardon a sinner . But when he intends to leave them , he is not mercyfull if they do not repent : And thou deceivest thy selfe , and makest an Idoll of thy God , if thou thinke that he is so made up of mercy , that he hath forgotten to be just . The Lord will breake the hairie scalpe of them that commit iniquity . Say not I shall be delivered , notwithstanding I goe on in these courses , the Lord will not have mercy upon that man . A man that goes on in iniquity , the Lord will not have mercy upon such an one , his mercy appeares to them that are weary of their sinnes , and come unto him , what is it that makes the sin of the Holy Ghost so terrible as it is there described . Heb. 6. 6. It is impossible . If they shall fall away to renew them againe unto repentance ; That 's the deadly sinne , the sinne against the Holy Ghost . But what what is it I aske thee , that makes this sinne so deadlie ? why because he that commits this sinne is not renewed by repentance ; If he were renewed by repentance , this sinne against the Holy Ghost should be forgiven him , doe not thinke that the sinne of man is above the mercy of God , do not thinke that any sin that mortall man can commit , shall out-vie the blood of Christ , the sin against the Holy Ghost should not be deadly , except the point lie in this , hee cannot be renewed by repentance , so that if thou be not renewed by repentance , thou art in the state of him that is guilty of the sinne against the Holy Ghost , of one miserable and irrecoverable , many thinges I have to speake , but I see that my time is but short , and therefore I must be briefe . You see the first thing , the danger is inevitable , no way to scape it but if we repent , the Lord will repent of the iudgement against us , but if we repent not , there is no hope to escape either in this world , or in the world to come ; But I come to the duty of the day . For the worke of this day fasting is nothing but the outward way , yet it is the onely way to repentance , do not thinke that you come to heare an ordinary Sermon God expects it at thy hands , that thou shouldst examine what thou hast heard , whatsoever thou hast heard this day , out of this place of thy duty , the Lord lookes thou shouldest do it speedily , Now is the Axe laid to the root of the tree , and therefore every tree that bringeth not forth good fruit shall be hewen downe and cast into the fire . Now , why not before ? now that is now the preaching of the Gospell comes to you , now the Lord exhorts you by the danger , now he shewes you the way how to repent , and to escape the wrath that is to come . Now if you doe not repent , Gods sword is drawn , the Axe is laid to the root of the tree , and God wil cut you down . Now the Lord he threatneth you , these thinges only that you might repent . Therefore as God saith in Hosea ; I will do thus . How ? I will do to you , as I have done to them in Ireland . I will do to you , as I have done to Sodom and Gomorrah . And because I will doe thus unto thee , prepare to meete thy God oh Israell , I am ready to strike , and that I may not strike thee , Prepare to meete thy God . Those men that are our enemies they strike before they give us warning , but saith God , therefore I will doe thus unto thee , and because I will do thus , do thou meete me with repentance , Psal. 103. ver. 12. Except you returne the Lord is preparing of his arrowes . Psal. 103. ver. 12. Why doth he not shoot , presently he must bend his bow , and draw out his arrowes , and tell you of it that you may remember . Remember this now , now that God cals you all to repentance , now if you neglect the practise of it , the Axe is laid to the root of the tree . But now to come to the point of the act of repentance , I will not stand much to shew you what repentance is , but to shew you what you are to do . As you must not come before the Lord and say , Lord we repent us of our sins , and mocke God , never intending it , never doe it upon the perill of his indignation , of his wrath that shall burne against you in the world to come . Know that these are not vaine words , for Repentance ; there are two parts of it , and the Lord doth expect that both should bee performed by us . Wee read in the Scripture of repentance for sinne , and we read of repentance from sinne . So the Apostle to the Corinthians , saith thus ; least my God should humble me before you ; for there are many that repent not of their abhomination . and Acts. 8. 22. Repent therefore of this thy wickednesse . Repentance hath two lookes like Ianus with two faces it lookes backward , and it lookes forward , when it lookes backwards it lookes upon the thing that is done , and because that is done , cannot be undone , therefore it weeps , and wailes , and greives , that thing is done to Gods dishonour , which cannot be undone , that is repentance when a man looks upon sin , rending himselfe , and is sorrowfull for what is past , that 's but the first part of repentance . The second is that , that lookes upon sinne with distast , it is abhominable unto him : It is not hereafter I will not sweare , I will not be light & wanton , I will not be evill , but there must be an hatred of all sinne , you that love the Lord hate evill ; there must not be onely a ceasing from the Act of sinne , but there must be a reformation of the will , and of the heart , to the utter obhorring to the utter hating of sinne . Concerning the former of these , Repentance when it looks upon sinne that is past , the sinnes that I have committed that many have not regarded for the fornications that you have committed , you must understand that here the worke of Repenting is humiliation . But ( marke it ) not an humiliation wherein a man is meere passive , or is humbled by some great affliction that is fallen upon him . The judgement of God may come to a man , the stoutest man and humble him , but that is not an humiliation of Repentance . The humiliation which Repentance brings it is an ●ctive passion : the stoutest man that is , when Gods hand that hath touched him , he will cry , and groane , and lament , and yet he is no penitent for all this , but repentance it is an Act I doe my selfe , I Act it my self . Rend your hearts and not your garments they did rend them with their owne hands : so to have a rent heart , it must be an Act of my selfe upon my selfe , I will not stay till Gods crosse fall upon me & crush me , but I will labour to take up the Crosse ; I will doe it by God grace also , for as you heard well in the morning , nothing but the Holy Ghost can worke this in your hearts , yet God doth not worke with us as we doe with a spade . The Spirit of God maketh use of nature , not as Agent but as a sujbect wherein grace is ; and if there were not this the spirit could worke without it . It is said of our Saviour Christ in the case of Lazarus , when he groaned he was troubled , if you doe observe the reading in the Margent , it is , And Iesus troubled himselfe , Luke 15. And so in in his other sufferings , Phil. 3. 20. He offered himselfe ; so that this humiliation must bee in obedience . Humble yourselves under the mighty hand of God , and he will raise you up so that the Humilitation , it must bee a voluntary worke , having its originall from Gods spirit , That seing there is no other remedy in the world , to shew thy hating of it ; thou wilt take an holy revenge , thou wilt breake that stony heart of thine , and thou wilt not suffer it to be obdurate against the Lord , but howsoever God never doth this against a mans will . Heeris the point , the humilitation which the sinner hath , it is an act of his will ; Hee doth not onely suffer as those that are strucke by the hand of God , so Iudas might have repented , but that comes out of a kind heart to Almighty God , that it breaks the heart . But beloved , e●e I goe further , we will examine wherein this humilitation doth stand . Humilitation stands in a generall processe , which we make against our selves . If we will judge our selves , we shall not be judged by him , so that this Humiliation is a Iudiciall processe against our selves , wee will make our hearts throb , wee will make our eyes flow forth into teares , when Wee looke backe upon our sinnes committed . This is the Humilitation of a penitent sinner ; so in this case a man comes to summe up all the powers and faculties of his soule , the will , the understandng , the conscience , the sence , it will require all thy power , and all thy strength to doe it . Thy memory that must draw up the Indenture , thou must consider that God will open all when hee comes to judge thee ; Thou swearest , thou hast forgotten it presently , but God hath written it in a booke ; thy conscience shall remember every oath that thou hast sworne , every idle word that thou hast spoke , you see God . Psal. 50. Saith ; He will set all our sins in order before us , he will rub up this dull memory of ours , we must draw unto our remembrance the multitude of the sinnes that we have committed against God . It is the speech of the Prophet Esah , call to your remembrance the sins that you have committed ; and if you would rubbe up your remembrances , and doe as stewards that have a bad memory , make it their businesse to cast and account every night , what they lay out the day before : and so if wee would every day before wee go to bed call our selves to an account , how we have spent that day , our memories should not be so short , wee must know how to set sinne before the sight of Almighty God , Briefely thus . Looke first in thy owne debt , a debt that thou didst commit before thou wast born , begin at the highest , what was that ? Doe not you know that many men have beene arrested , and undone for debts , for which as we say they did never drinke ; a debt may be owing by the sonne for his Father , after that his father is dead , thou art in the loynes of Adam , if Adam had stood , thou shouldest have stood , bring he is falne , thou fallest with him : we all hange upon Adam as the stringe that the Prophet speaks of ; that as a bunch of keyes hung upon a string , when that the string is broken , then all the keyes fall downe , with him we all hang , and with him we all fall ; the sinne acted by Adams justice imputed unto thee as thou art in his loynes . Againe in the second place , by reason of this imputation of Adams sinne unto thee , thou art deprived of that image in which Thou and Hee were created ; assoone as ever Adam acted the sinne , presently Adam was spoiled ; His understanding was darkned , his will was rebellious , his conscience was disordered , only heere was the difference , Adam was despoyled of it , after he had continued long in the world , thou assoone as ever soule and body were conjoyned together , God considers thee in Adam to have reached forth thy hand to the forbidden fruit , and therefore the same thing that befell Adam , that he was spoyled of his originall righteousnesse , the same befals thee , the Prophet David in the 51. Psal. Hee was guilty of murther , and adultery yet for all this hee saith , he was borne in sinne , and doe you not thinke he did it to extenuate his sin and iniquity , that he was borne in sinne , and concelved in it , as if a man should doe me harme , because it was naturall unto him , hee could not abide me , should not I thinke him the more wicked , so the sins against God are very haynous ; the root from whence this adulterie proceeded , and this murther came , it came from the corruption of his ill nature . As we deale with Toades and Foxes and Vermine , wee kill and destroy them , when they doe no hurt , wee thinke they may doe ill , because the nature of them is to doe harme ; so God he findes us such Toades , such things , even before wee are out of the shell , and therefore God may justly deale with us so : so that God may take a young Child and cast it into Hell as soone as it is borne . If God will doe this for the first sinne , Death went over them that did not sinne after the similitude of the transgression of Adam . Death went over those that committed no naturall sinne , as Adam did . Consider this , that when we were first borne by reason of the seede o● Rebellion that is in us , if God had marked us assoone as we came out of the wombe , he might justly have committed us to Hell , begin with the vanitie of your childhood . Consider with yourselves how soone that evill seedes spring forth into fruit . Consider how in its rife in a child before you thinke it hath understanding . Consider that which comes from Pride , frowardnesse , wrangling , and wantonnesse . Looke afterwards when thou commest to thy riper age , when thou wast married , when thou wast without governement . Divide thy life into severall parts , all these things may serve to set before us , those sinnes that wee have committed , not hiding them , not concealing them with Adam . To play the part of the Kings Attorney not only to bring an evidence of the fact , but to shew how hainous and grievous it is . And beloved , when this hath beene done both in sinnes of commission and ( which will breake any ones heart to thinke ) of the sinnes of omission ; the innumerable good things which God hath commanded me to doe , yet I have neglected them , nay rather there proceedes words that are so farre from tending to edification , that they are corrupt words , as the Apostle speakes ; this I told unto you , Thus you must doe , the more of those sinnes you put before you , the more incited you should shew your selves : My sinnes are more then the haires of my head , and in another place , my sinnes are a burrhen too heavie for me to beare : so that this is the part of a penitent sinner , to set his sinnes before him , and then to desire God to forgive his secret sinnes , so draw them before thy heart , before Almighty God , and condemne them , and then God will not condemne thee ; when wee have done thus , this appertaines to the first part wherein I indite my selfe , these and these things I have done , these and these things God hath committed to me , I have received much grace of God in vaine ; I have abused my Talent and hid it in a napkin ; these be for the Inditement . But then wee must come to the triall , when my memorie hath brought them to me , and when my understanding hath considered them and weighed them in the ballance of the sanctuary , and I consider that they are sinnes to be aggraated not onely by the Law but by the Gospel , then my confience presently like a peece overcharged recoyles me backward , and I consider the weight of them that they are a burthen to heavie for me to beare . Then the soule strikes the heart , this is my case ; considering what the law hath said , considering what the Gospel hath said : Alasse if I had not commited these sinnes while I was under grace , under the Minister of the Gospel , when Christ invited me to come unto him ; when he bids me cast this burthen upon his shoulders , and hee would ease me , I will not doe it , and though that hee comes with peace and with safetie we will not receive him ; as you heard in the morning ; set before you the representation of the true Crucifix . The lambe of God that was slaine in the law ▪ He that offered him was to lay his hand upon the head of the Lambe and confesse his sinnes over him , and then the Lambe was slaine . Now consider this , my swearing & my lying & my vanity , my pride in apparrell , and all my sinnes , ●ll are laid upon the Lambs head that was never guilty of these vanities , the Lambe of God , hee was slaine though thou canst not groane for thy sinnes , thou canst not weepe for thy sinnes Looke , then looke upon Christ , he sought God with strange cryes and teares , not in regard of the punishment , though thou diddest not cry for thy sinnes , he had strong cryes and teares . Phil 5. And observe the highest crie . My God , my God why hast thou forsaken me . You that thinke sinne to be so small a matter , consider your sinne as it lay upon Christ , strong cryes you see it cost him . Consider him lying graveling upon the ground , as it were panting for life , sweating blood before his Father ; crying , Father if it be possible take this cup from me : As if hee should say , if hou wilt shew onely mercie passe by thy judgement all this time ; with cryes and with strong teares , and the third time cryes upon the Crosse , My God , my God why hast thou forsaken me . When all the earth had a blacke Mantle cast over it , & darkenesse over him that was the light of the World , and as great a darkenesse in him , his soule was darkened within him . To consider these things is able to breake the heart of any man that hath the lest sparke of grace in him . But then consider with thy selfe thus ; What hath sin done to me ? First , it hath defiled thee , 1 Cor. 5. 1. He wishes us that wee would keepe our selves from all defilement of body and spirit . That which goes into the mouth of a man defiles not a man , but that which goes out , for , from within , even out o the heart of man proceedeth evill thoughts . Luke 7. 21. 22. Adulterie , Fornications , Murthers , Theft , Covetuousnesse , Wickednesse , Deceit , Vncleannesse , a wicked eye , backbiting , pride , foolishnesse . There is no sinne that thou committest but it bespots thy soule . Did you but see the soule of a sinner what dishonour and slaine brings to it , it is like a filthy spot in pure white Lawne ; your sinnes they have made a separation between you and your God . They are now in a state of enmitie , ( saith God ) my soule doth loathe them , and their soule doth loath me . There is an utter s●paration betweene God and us by sinne : And after all this comes God and inlarges thee from Satan that possessed thee , but the Prince of this world is cast out ; who is the Prince of the world , the Prince that rules in the children of Disobedience . And this is the Iudgement which our Saviour brings the Prince of this world , but unt●ll wee bee renewed by repentance , still where God comes out the Devill comes in . A man is so possest that for his life he hath not the power to resist the least temptation of the Devill , but as fast as he tempts he committs sinne , and then comes Gods Iudgement : you have it in Deut. 28. your sins are a breach of covenant with Almighty God , & do you think that Covenant breakers , breakers of Covenant shall scape . They are put amongst the blacke guard in the first of the Romans , Adulterers , swearers , truce-breakers , I will send among you plagues , the judgements that are not written in this booke : Why saith Turtullian , Scipturae plenitudinem habent , The Scriptures have a fulnesse , I have seene an end of all perfection , but thy commandements are exceeding large . And yet there are unwritten judgements . The Scripture which is perfect , it doth not containe all the judgements which God will send upon sinners . And hence , from the consideration of this comes loathing of a mans selfe , and a godly sorrow , these are the affections we should have , when we have produced our faults , and the law hath shewne the miserie we are liable to by the committing of them , then a man come to abhorre himselfe as Iob saith . Therefore I repent and obhorre my selfe in dust and ashes : you see this abhorring a mans selfe it is a concomitant of true repentance . Those that be in the darke , though they be naked , they are not ashamed : why ? because they see no light , but when the light of Gods Spirit hath discovered to a man his foulenes and his shame , then they doe repent and abhorre themselves , Ezek. 26. God exhorts them that they should loath themselves as a signe of repentance . Shame you know it is a part of the judgement against sin , for Daniel the last chapter and the second verse , Some shall rise to shame and to everlasting contempt . Now when we come to judge ourselves that we be not judged of God , we must bring ourselves to this shame . And as Ezra when hee came by fasting and repentance to God , hee saith , I am ashamed to come before thee , not for his owne sinnes , but for those among whom he was : The best fruit that thou canst reape of sinne , though it be repented is shame . The Prophet Zephaniah saith , the wicked know no shame . Ier. 6. 15. were they ashamed when they had done these things , they were not ashamed , neither could they blush , when thou hast done these things and considerest them , art thou ashamed of them . When thou considerest of them betweene God and thy owne conscience dost thou blush ? You that were not ashamed to commit the sinne , now that God hath opened your eyes , see whether you can blush , and be ashamed before Almighty God for committing these sinnes . But then there is sorrow which is the last thing , which sorrow must be true , and from the heart ; the inward sorrow it is contrition , it is the rending and breaking of the heart , when a man is ready to teare himselfe in peeces , because that he hath offended so gracious a God , that hath done so much for us . This is that which the Apostles calls that same sorrow which is according to God , 1. Iam. All Israell wept before the Lord , suppose there were no Hell , no damnation , no outward judgement , yet as long as there is a God in Heaven , I cannot but be sorrow for my sinne and when thou canst doe thus , it is an argument thou art a penitent sinner , and this is done by fasting and weeping , fasting and weeping they are things that are joyned together . 1. Sam. 7. 6. It is said that when the Philistims came against them , they fasted and powred down water by the Lord , that is they made or wept such abundance of teares , as if water had beene powred downe , and so Iudg. 2. 4. When the Angell came to Bochim and told the people of their sins , the people lift up their voice and wept . Beloved , Beloved doe not our dry eyes this day testifie that we have little sorrow , remember that place in Zachary , they shall looke upon him whom they have pierced . Zach. 12. 10. And they shall lament for him , as one mourneth for his onely Son , and be sorry for him , as one is sorry for his first borne . Doft thou weepe for thy son , and not for crucifying of thy Saviour ; It is not set downe that sorrow shall be in them , but they shall bee sorrow , to shew the greatnesse of it , as though they were steeped and soaked in it , and such a sorrow as was in the valley of Megiddo , when Iosiah died , in memory or which Ieremiah wrote his booke of Lamentations . And they shall sorrow apart , to shew that it is a part ; that sorrow which is a part , it is particularly every man , it was not the Iewes speares or sins that did crucifie Christ but thy sins . Beloved , I must speake now concerning the matter of Fasting , and ( beloved ) it must be fasting , not such a superficiall fasting , as we commonly use , but fasting of another nature ; we doe not understand the name of it , if you compare , Luk. 5. 33. and Mat. 9. 14. Together ; why doe the Disciples of Iohn & the Pharisees fast often ; but thy Diciples fast not as Saint Mat. hath it ; but Saint Luk. thus : why doe the Diciples of Iohn fast often and pray , and the Diciples of the Pharisees also , but thine eate and drink ; he that eates or drinks any thing his fast is done , and the least droppe of water thou hast taken it breakes 〈◊〉 shell of thy fasting . And it was the Doctrine of the ancient ●●thers that he that had tasted but a drope of water , he had do●● with his fast for that day . And this outward fasting , must 〈…〉 onely be from anything that is to be eaten ; but also from all delight , let the bridegroome come forth of his chamber ; that which we know to be lawfull and good , yet because it hath a solace in it , that ordinance of God it must be forborne , any outward kinde of solace that gives content , it must be avoided our apparrell , the wearing of our best apparrell , any thing that may be contrary to the fasting , see Ahab when hee fasted hee humbled himselfe and wept , and put on sackcloth , and went fastly , that is he went barefoot , now those that goe barefoot cannot but tread very softly . Esah . 58. 13. Thou shalt not think thy owne thoughts , speake thine on words , nor doe thy owne Actions . The Prophet doth there speak of the Sabboth which was on the tenth day of the seventh Moneth , not of the Hebdomate weekly Sabboth , the saturday , but of the universary Sabboth ; and the beginning of the Chapter runneth that way . Wee have fasted , and thou hast not looked upon us , that fasting day wherein ( as some report ) Adam fell they should not doe any thing , : This was but the shall of fasting , all outward things that can give content to the outward man must be avoided ; so farre as necessity will brooke it ; But I see the time is past , thus much therefore shall serve for this time . FINIS . Pag. 1. lin. 8. for but to condemne the world , rea . but to save the world . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A64688e-290 In a Sermon preached by D. Williams Arch-Bishop of Yorke . Obiection Answer . 
A70861	----	Prophecys concerning the return of popery into England, Scotland and Ireland by Arch-bishop Usher, Mr. Herbert, Dr. D. Pareus ... [et. al.] 1682 Approx. 65 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 18 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2005-12 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A70861 Wing P3675 ESTC R7049 13388337 ocm 13388337 99359 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A70861) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 99359) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 402:10 or 1554:15) Prophecys concerning the return of popery into England, Scotland and Ireland by Arch-bishop Usher, Mr. Herbert, Dr. D. Pareus ... [et. al.] Ussher, James, 1581-1656. [2], 33 p. Printed for A. Bancks, London : MDCLXXXII [1682] Reproduction of original in the Huntington Library. Entry for U208 cancelled in Wing (2nd ed.). Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Catholic Church -- England -- Prophecies. Catholic Church -- Controversial literature. 2005-02 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-03 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2005-04 Jonathan Blaney Sampled and proofread 2005-04 Jonathan Blaney Text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Prophecys Concerning the Return of POPERY INTO ENGLAND , SCOTLAND AND IRELAND . BY Arch-bishop Vsher , Mr. Herbert , Dr. D. Pareus , Mr. Burroughs , Mr. Selden , Mr. Baxter , Dr. M. Luther , Arch-bishop Grindal , Bishop Jewel , Bishop Gauden , Mr. Hooker , Dr. Sutcliffe . LONDON , Printed for A. Bancks , MDCLXXXII . Prophecies Concerning the Return of Popery into England , Scotland and Ireland . JAmes Vsher late Lord Arch-Bishop of Armagh Primate of Ireland , being asked by a Gentleman of his acquaintance what his thoughts were of a very great Persecution , which should fall upon the Church of God in these Narions of England , Scotland , and Ireland , of which he had spoken with great confidence many years before , when we were in the highest and fullest state of outward peace and Settlement . The Gentleman asked him whether he did believe those sad times to be past , or that they were yet to come , to which he answered , that they were yet to come , and that he did as confidently expect it , as ever he had done , adding , that this said Persecution would fall upon all the Protestants Churches of Europe . The other replyed , that he did hope it might have been past as to these Nations of our , since he thought , that though we , who are the People thereof , have been punished much less than our sins have deserved , and that our late Wars had made far less Devastations , than War commonly brings upon those Countries where it pleaseth God in Judgment to suffer it : yet we must needs accknowledge that many great Houses had been Burnt , Ruined and left without Inhabitants , many great Families Impoverished and undone , and many thousand Lives also had been lost in that bloody War , and that Ireland and Scotland , as well as England , had drunk very deep of the Cup of God's Anger , even to the overthrow of the Government , and the utter desolation almost of a very great part of those Countries . But this holy man turning to him , and fixing his eye upon Him , with that Serious and Irefull Look , which he usually had when he spake God's Words and not his own , and when the power of God seemed to be upon , and to constrain him to speak , which the Gentleman could easily discern much to differ from the Countenance , wherewith he usually spake to him , He said thus . Fool not your self with such hopes , for I tell you , all you have yet seen , hath been but the beginning of sorrows to what is yet to come upon the Protestant Churches of Christ , who will er'e long fall under a sharper Persecution than ever it hath been upon them , and therefore said he , Look you be not found in the outward Court , but a worshiper in the Temple before the Altar , for Christ will measure all those that profess his name , and call themselves his People ; and the outward worshipers he will leave out , to be trodden down by the Gentiles . The outward Court ( says he ) is the formal Christian whose Religion lies in performing the outside without shewing any inward life and duties of Christianitie , Power of faith and love , uniting them to Christ , and these God will leave to be trodden own , and Swept away by the Gentiles ; but the worshipers within the Temple and before the Altar , are those who do indeed worship God in Spirit and in Truth , whose souls are made his Temples , and he is honoured and adored in the most Inward thoughts of their Hearts , and they Sacrifice their lusts and vile affections , yea , and their own wills to him , and these God will hide in the hollow of his hand , and under the shadow of his Wings ; and this shall be one great difference between this last , and all the other proceeding Persecutions ; for in the former , the most Eminent and Spirituall Ministers and Christians did generally suffer most , and were most violently fallen upon , but in this last Persecution , these shall be preserved by God as a seed to partake of that glory which shall Immediately follow and come upon the Church , as soon as ever this storm shall be over . For as it shall be the Sharpest , so it shall be the shortest Persecution of them all ; and shall onely take away the grosse Hypocrites and formal Professors , but the true Spiritual Believers shall be Preserved till the Calamity be overpast . The Gentleman then asked him by what means or Instruments this great Trial should be brought on . He answered , by the Papists ; the other replyed , that it seemed to him very Improbable they should be able to do it , since they were now little Countenanced , and but few in these Nations , and that the Hearts of People were more Set against them than ever since the Reformation . He answered again , That it would be by the hand , of Papists , and in the way of sudden Massacre , and that he the then Pope would be the chief Instrument of it . He then added , that the Papists were in his own opinion the Gentiles spoken of in the 11th of the Revelation to whom the outward Court shall be left , that they might Tread it under Foot : They having received the Gentiles worship in their Adoring Images , and Saints departed , and in taking to themselves many Mediators ; and this ( said he ) the Papists are now designing among themselves , and therefore be sure you be ready . Mr. George Herbert . REligion stands on tip-toe in our Land , Ready to pass to the American Strand . When height of Malice , and Prodigious Lusts , Impudence sinning , Witchcrafts , and distrusts , ( The marks of future bane ) shall fill our Cup Unto the Brim , and make our Measure up : When 〈◊〉 shall swallow Tiber , and the Thames . By letting in them both , pollutes her Streams : When Italy of us shall have her will , And all her Calender of sins fullfill ? Whereby one may foretell , what sins next Year . Shall both in France and England Domineer . Then shall Religion to America fle . They have their times of Gospel , ev'n as Wee . Mr. David Pareus Professor of Divinity in Heidelberg THere shall arise a King out of the Nation of the most Illustrious Lilie , having a long fore-head , high Brows , great Eyes , and an Eagles nose : He shall gather a great Army , and destroy all the Tyrants of his Kingdom : and slay all that fly and hide themselves in Mountains and Caves from his face : For righteousness shall be Joyned unto him , as the Bridegroom to the Bride : with them he shall wage War even unto to the fourtieth Year , bringing into Subjection the Islanders , Spaniards , and Italians : Rome and Florence , he shall destroy and burn with fire , so as Salt may be sowed on that Land. The greatest Clergyeman who have invaded Peters Seat , he shall put to Death : and in the same Year obtain a double Crown at last going over Sea with a great Army , he shall enter Greece , and be named King of the Greeks , the Turks and Barbarians he shall subdue , making an Edict , that every one shall die the Death that worshipeth not the Crucified one , and none shall be found able to resist him , because an holy arme from the Lord shall always be with him . And he shall possesse the Dominion of the Earth , these things being done , he shall be called the rest of Holy Christians , &c. Mr. Jeremiah Burroughs . BAbylon must down , and yet the Kings lament her fall , Who then must Pull her Down but the People ? Not that the People can raise a War meerly for Religion , but God will so order things , That the Papists Shall by their Malice be put upon such Plots and Entreprizes , that shall make Themselves Liable to the Justice of the Law , so that King 's shall have no Legal Power to resure them from it , but inferiour Magistrates assisted by the People shall in a Just way fall upon them , even then when the Kings of the Earth , and their Merchants shall lament them . Hence Revelation 19. 6. The Hallelujah that is begun upon the Lord God Omnipotent Reigning , is begun by the People . I hear the voice of many Waters , &c. Saying , Allelujah , for the Lord God Omnipotent Reigneth . Now the Scripture frequently sets forth the People by Waters , as Revelation 17. 15. The Waters which Thou sawest were People . We read Canticles 5. 11. Where the Glory of Christ is set forth , it begins at the Head , but Cant 7. 1. Where the Glory of the Church is set forth , it begins at the Feet ; How beautifull are thy Feet ! Surely the Right Knowledge of these Liberties God hath given his People , will much help forward the Great things God hath to do in this Latter Age. Mr. Selden . MIrum quidem , &c. It is a wounderfull thing that Azuarrus 400 years ago should say that indeed about the year 1500 the Catholick Religion should fall much in lustre , extent and authority ( If I translate his words aright ) onely I must confess the pride , vanity , and security of the Catholick Clergy seem to make way to it : yet ( which is more strange ) the same Religion shall cover it's self towards the years 1700 , onely I must needs say that I think the late divisions arising no doubt from Roman Insinuations , seem to threaten the Late Reformation ; weakening the Interest of Religion on the one hand , and opening advantages to the adversaries of it on the other ; while the Jewish way was one and entire within it self , it was secure from forreign attempts upon its being or purity ; as soon as it was crumbled into those minute parts and factions of Esseans , Pharisees , Sadducess , Herodians , Zelots , &c. It yielded to the adversary , and at last was resolved to nothing : But that I think there is a providence in all ages remarkable , which doth at once bear testimony to , and secure Religion , I shall much fear that our most excellent Religion , so miserably confounded by its distracted followers , would one day give place to the two grand mischiefs of the world Popery and Profaneness ; against which there are no other remedies below the mercifull assistance of heaven , than found Doctrine setled , severe discipline established , a decent and holy Worship secured , and a grand establishment enjoyned , which may fence in truth and virtue , and keep out errour and sin ; whereby the Orthodox and the good part of the Nation may be known and encouraged , as the Heterodox may be discovered and awed . Mr. Baxter . WHen the motion was first made , for the publishing of these Papers , it seemed to me to be as the casting of water into the Sea ; so great is the Number of the Learned Writings of Protestant Divines against the Papists ( which will never be well answered ) that the most elaborate addition may seem superfluous ; much more these hasty Disputations prepared but for an exercise which is the Recreation of a few Country-Ministers at a monethly meeting , when they ease themselves of their ordinary work . But upon further consideration , I saw it was , The casting of water upon a threatning fire , which the Sea it self doth but restrain . It 's more Engines than a few that are openly or secretly at work at this time to captivate these Nations again to the Roman Pope . When so many hundreds , if not thousands are night and day contriving our seduction , ( under the name of reconciling us to the Church ; ) if no body counter-work them what may they not do . It s not enough that we have had Defenders , and that their Books are yet in the World. Old Writings are laid by , though much stronger than any new ones : But new ones are sooner taken up and read ? The Papists have of late been very plentiful , and yet very sparing in their Writings Plentiful of such as run among the simple injudicious people in secret , so that the Countries swarm with them ; But sparing of such as may provoke any Learned man to a Confutation : That so , they may in time dis-used us from those Studies , and so disable the Ministry therein , and catch us when we are secure through a seeming peace , and fall upon us when we have lost our strength . And I am much afraid that the generality of our people ( perhaps of the best ) are already so much disused from these studies , as to be much unacquainted with the Nature of Popery , and much more to seek for a preservative against it , and a through confutation of them . So that if Papists were once but as fully set out among us in their own likeness , as they are under the names of Quakers and other Sects , what work would you see in many places ? I doubt many would follow their pernicious ways , and fall like Sheep of a common rot , or People in a raging pestilence , especially if they had but the countenance of the times : Not through their strength , but because our people are naked , and unmeet for a defence . The work that now they are upon , is , 1. By Divisions , and reviling the Ministers , to loosen the people from their Guides ; that they may be as a Masterless dog that will follow anybody that will whistle to him . 2. To take down the Ministers maintenance and encouragements , that they may be disabled so vigorously to resist them . 3. To hinder their union , that they may abate their strength , and find them work against each other . 4 To procure a Liberty of seducing all they can under the name of Liberties of Conscience , that so they may have as fair a game for it as we : and ignorance and the common corruption of nature ( especially so heightened by a custome in sin ) doth befriend the Devil's cause much more than God's ; or else how 's comes it to pass that the Godly are so few , and Error , Idolatry and Impiety doth so abound in all the Earth ! 5. To break the common people into as many Sects and Parties as they can , that they may not onely employ them against one another , but also may hence fetch matter of reproach against our profession in the eyes of the World. 6. To plead under the name of Seekers against the certainty of all Religion ; that men may be brought to think that they must be either of the Popish profession or of none . And indeed when all Sects have done their worst it is but two , that we are in any great danger of ( And of those I think we are in more danger , than the most are aware of ) and that is , 1. Papists : who plead not as other parties , onely by the tongue , but by exciting Princes and States against us , and disputing with the Fagot or Hatchet in their hands : And if we have not Arguments that will confute a Navy , an Army , or a Powder-Plot , we can do no good against them . 2. Prophaneness , animated by Apostate Infidels : This is the Religion that men are born in . And men that naturally are so indeared to their lusts , that they would not have the Scripture to be true , will easily hearken to him that tells them it is false . Yea so much doth Popery befriend men in a vicious course , that some are apt to joyn those together , thinking at the heart that Christianity is but a Fable : but yet for fear it should prove true , they will be Papists , that they may have that easie remedy for a reserve . If God will preserve us but from these two dangers , Popery and Prophaneness animated by infidelity , it will go well with England . 1. Either Scripture is true or not true : If not , Popery is not true , which pleadeth its warant from it ( and some of them argue , as if they purposed to disprove the Scripture and to imitate Sampson , in pulling down the house on their heads and ours , in revenge for the dishonour they have suffered by the Scripture . ) If it be true ( as nothing more true ) then Popery is not true , which palpably contradicteth it , as in the points of Latine service , and denying the Cup in the Lords Supper , and many other is most evident . 3. Either the judgment of the Antient Doctors is sound or not : If not , then the Church of Rome is unsound , that is sworn to expound the Scripture only according to their consent : If it be sound , then the Church of Rome is unsound , that arrogate a Vniversal Government and Infallibility , and build upon a foundation , that was never allowed by the Antient Doctors ( as in the third Disp. I have fully proved ) and which most Christians in the World do still reject . 4. Either Reason it self is to be renounced or not : If it be , then none can be Papists but mad men . If not , then Popery must be renounced , which foundeth our very faith upon impossibilities , and teacheth men of necessity to believe in the Pope as the Vicar of Christ , before they believe in Christ , with many the like , which are afterwards laid open . 5. Either our five Senses , and the judgment made upon them , is certain and infallible or not . If not , then the Church of Rome , both Pope and Council are fallible , and not at all to be trusted : For when all their Tradition is by hearing or reading , they are uncertain whether ever they heard or read any such thing ; and we must all be uncertain whether they speak or write it : And then we must not only subscribe to Fransc. Sanches . Quod nihil scitur , but also say that Nihil certo creditur . But if sense be certain and Infallible ; then the Church of Rome , even Pope and Council are not only Fallible ; but certainly false deceivers and deceived . For the Pope and his Council tell the Church that it is not Bread and Wine which they take , eat and drink in the Eucharist . But the senses of all sound men do tell them that it is . I see that its Bread and Wine , I smell it , I feel it , I taste it ; and some what I hear , to further my assurance : And yet if Popery be not false , it s no such matter . One would think the dullest Reader , might be quickly here resolved whether Popery be true or false . Look on the consecrated Bread and Wine , touch it , smell it , taste it , and if thou canst but be sure that it is indeed Bread and Wine , thou mayest be as sure that Popery is a delusion . And if thou can'st but be sure , that it is not Bread and Wine , yet thou mayst be sure that the Pope or his Council , nor any of his Doctors are not to be believed . For if other mens senses be deceitful , theirs and thine are so too . Reader , Adhere to God , and the Righteousness of Christ , and the Teachings of the Holy Ghost , by the Scriptures , and a faithfully Ministry , in the Communion of the Saints , and as a member of the Catholick Church , which arising at Jerusalem , is dispersed over the World , containing all that are Christians ; renounce not right Reason , or thy senses ; and live according to the light which is vouchsafed thee ; and then thou shalt be safe from Popery , and all other pernicious damning Errors . Mr. Luther . NOn Citius , &c. No sooner have we reformed , but those arise among us who speak perverse things , and destroy that in a week , which we had been some years setting up ; whose hand is this , is it not the adversaries ? who sows these Tares , but the Enemy ? who finding he cannot prevail openly , undermines us secretly ; who seeing he cannot succeed against us bare-faced , attempts us under the vizard of a deluded people : God of his mercy put a stop to those delusions , which if they proceed will ingulf us again in Popery : These cry down the Ministers of the Gospel , the Papists can do no more ; they do the Papists work for them , alas , alas ! &c. Archbishop Grindal . TWo great dangers I really fear , Atheism and Popery ; both me thinks , I see arising out of our needless divisions and differences , fomented and cherished , I fear by Satan the enemy of mankind , and the Pope , the enemy of Christendom , that Antichrist , the mystery of whose iniquity yet worketh among us , but that she letteth who also did let , and will let , by her power and authority given her of God , for God , until ( which God avert , though their enemies endeavour ) she be taken out of the way . — By these differences the enemies of our Religion ●gain this , That nothing can be established by Law in the Protestant Religion , whose every part is opposed by one or other of her own professors ; so that things continuing loose and confused , the Papists have their opportunity to urge their way , which is attended with Order and Government , and our Religion continued thus distracted and divided , some vile wretches lay hold of the Arguments on one side to confute the other , and so hope at last to destroy all : In quae reservamur tempora ? Bishop Jewel . NOw let us behold the present state of our country . These words of Christ our Saviour were never more true , than we finde them now in these our days . The harvest is great , and the labourors very few , the poore people sieth forsaken , and left as it were sheep without a guide : the afflicted in conscience have no man to quiet them : they grow wild and savage , as it were a people that had no God : they are commanded to change their religion , and for lack of instruction , they know not whither to turn them : they know not , neither what they leave nor what they should receive . Some other defie , and spit at the holy Gospel of our Saviour Christ , and refuse the covenant of everlasting life . Some other for lack of knowledge follow after willful and blind masters , and become Arrians or Pelagians , and thus they blaspheme the Son of God. Some others give themselves over to their own affections , and , as he saith , rejoyce and triumph in their filthiness , without fear of God , without conscience of sin , and so tread down the blood of the Testament under feet : and this do they for lack of teaching , because they have not learned men and preachers to shew them what they should do . O , saith our Saviour Christ , the good shepherd and bishop of our souls , my harvest is beaten down and lost , and there is none that will go abroad and save it . My people run headlong to their own destruction , not of Malice but of very simplicity , only because they are not taught , because they know not my father nor me . Also , it is not my fathers will that any of them should be lost . But for the hope of posterity , I report me to all you which are fathers , and have children for whom you are careful . Although your selves have a zeal and care for the house of God : yet will you breed them up , keep them at School , until four and twenty years old to your charges , that in the end they may live in glorious poverty ? that they may live poorly and naked like the Prophets and Apostles ? Our posterity shall rue , that ever such fathers went before them : And Chronicles shall report this contempt of learning among the punishments , and murrains , and other plagues of God. They shall leave it written in what time and under whose raign this was done . Or if we grow so barbarous that we consider not this , or be not able to draw it into Chronicle , yet fortain Nations will not spare to write this , and publish it to our everlasting reproach and shame . In the mean time , what may be ghessed of their meaning , which thus ravin and spoil the house of God , which decay the provision thereof , and so basely esteem the Ministers of the Gospel ? they cannot say to God , The zeal of thy house hath eaten me up . Howsoever in other things they do well , howsoever they seem to rejoyce at the prosperity of Sion , and to seek the safety and preservation of the Lords Anointed : yet needs must it be , that by these means forraign power , of which this Realm by the mercy of God is happily delivered , shall again be brought in upon us . Such things shall be done unto us , as we be for suffered : the truth of God shall be taken away , the holy Scriptures burnt and consumed in fire . A marvellous darkness and calamity must needs ensue . For , if the tempest be so dark in the sea , that the load-star lose her light , and the needle tail to give token of the North Pole , no marvel though the ship lose her course , and be swallowed in the sands . The Gospel , of Christ is the fountain of light , and of knowledge . It cannot be maintained by ignorance and darkness . These be the props of their kingdom which take away the Scriptures , which hold the people in blindness , which flie the light , which have their common prayers , minister the Sacraments , marry , bury their dead in a strange tongue , that the people may understand nothing : which make a famme of hearing the word of God : which stop up the springs of the water of life : which take away the keys of the kingdom of Heaven , and neither enter in themselves , nor suffer them that would enter : which say ignorance is the mother of devotion , and the Church is then in best order , and the people most devout , when they are hood-winckt and blinded , and see nothing . These are not fit instruments wherewith we may overcome the adversaries . This is not the sword of the spirit , these are not the spiritual weapons , which cast down holds , and every high thing that is exalted against the kingdom of God. When man that would keep out his enemy , will pull down his holds ? what Captain that meaneth to give a forcible assault upon the enemy , will discourage his fighting souldiers , but our Souldiers are out of courage , our Castles are falling : therefore that which we tear will fall upon us . Bishop Gauden . THese , and such like , are the uncouth expressions used to usher it , under the names of Liberty , Curiosity , sublimity , nothing but Ignorance , Idleness , Atheisme , Barbarity , Irreligion , and utter confusion in this Church : or at best , ( as I shall afterward more fully demonstrate ) they are but van-courriers , or agitators for Romish superstitions and Papalusurpations ; the end of all this gibberish is , Venient Romani . Put all these fine fancies and affected phrases together , with all those strange phantasms in Religion , which of late have haunted this Church , like so many unquiet vermin , or unclean spirits ; truely they spell nothing but , first , popular extravagances , which are the embasings and embrovlings of all true and reformed Religion ; next they portend Popish interests and policies prevailing against this Church and state , whose future advantages are cunningly , but notably , wrapt up in these plebeian furies , and fondnesses , as grocery wares are in brown paper . Be confident , the spirit of Rome ( which is very vigilant and and active ( doth then move most potently upon the face of our English waters , when there is to be seen nothing but a sea of confusion , a meer Chaos of the Christian and Reformed Religion . Which feared deluge , ( and by wise men forseen ) devastation of the Reformed Religion ( once wisely established , honourably maintained , and mightily prospered in the Church of England ) is already much spread and prevalent among many people , under the plea and colour of I know not what liberty , to own any or no Minster , any or no Religion , any , none , or many Churches in England . The visible decayes and debasings of the true and Reformed Religion in England , as to piery , equity , unity and charity , as to the authority of its Ministry and solemnity of its Ministrations , are so palpable , both in the outward peace and profession , also in the inward warmth and perswasion , that it is high time for all sober and wise men , that love God , Religion , and their Country , mightily to importune the mercies of God , that breathing upon us with a spirit of meekness and wisdom , truth and love , humility and honesty , he would ( at length ) asswage that deluge of contempt and confusion , the troubled and bitter waters of wrath and contention , which have overwhelmed the highest mountains of this Church ; over-topping by their salt waves and aspersions , the gravest , wisest , most learned and religious , both Preachers and Professors , of the Reformed Religion in this Church and Nation . Which licentious insolencies have made all sober Christians so sick , weary and ashamed of them , that they cannot but be infinitely grieved to see and fore-see the low ebbe , to which the Reformed Religion in its purity and power , must in time fall in England , while the pristine dignity and authority of the Evangelical Ministry is so invaded baffled and depised ; while the authentick derivation , and Catholick succession of that holy power , is so interrupted , innovated , divided , destroyed ; while the reverence of primitive customes and examples is so slighted , abated , by Popish innovators ; while the cords of Christian harmony and Church-policy are so loosened and ravelled on every side ; while the just honour and encouragements of learning and learned men are so much damped and exhausted ; while the Ecclesiastick Glory of his Nation , which was the chiefest ( in being and owning it self as a true and Reformed Church of Christ ) is so much eclipsed , to the great reproach of this present age , and the infinite hazard of posterity ; which will hardly ever recover the honour , order , beauty and unity of Christian and Reformed Religion , formerly enjoyed in this Church and Nation , when once the Jewels of it , the learned , ordained , orderly and authoritative Ministers of the Gospel , with all their Ministry and Ministrations , Come to be either trampled under feet by Schismatical fury , or invaded and usurped by vulgar insolency ; which in time will rake them all up , and bury them in the dunghil of Romish superstitions and Papal usurpations . From the Deformities , Divisions , and Degenerations of Religion , also the Falsifications , Usurpations and Devastations , which of later years have been made by the violent sort of Anabaptists and other furious Sectaries , against the Unity and Authority , the Sanctity and Majesty of the Church of England , destroying its Primitive Order and Apostolick Government , its Catholick Succession , its holy Ordination , its happy and most successful Ministry , to the great neglect and contempt of all holy ministrations and duties of Religion ; I cannot but further intimate to your piety and prudence ( O my honoured Countrey-men ) that which is most notorious , and no lesse dangerous , both in religious and civil respects , namely , the great Advantag●s , Applauses and Increases , which the Roman , or Papal party daily gain against the Reformed Religion , as it was once wisely , honourably , and happily established , professed and maintained here in England : which is now looked upon by the more subtil , superstitious and malicious sort of Papists , as deformed , divided , dissolved , desolated ; so conclamat for dead , that they fail not with scorn to boast that in England we have now no Church , no Pastors , no Bishops , no Presbyters , no true Ministry , no holy Ministrations , no Order , no Vnity , no Authority , no Reverence , as to things Divine or Ecclesiastick . Insomuch that we must in this sad posture , not onely despair of ever getting ground against the Romanists , by converting any of them from the errours of their way to the true Reformed Religion ; but we must daily expect to lose ground to the Popish party and their Proselytes : there being no banks or piles now sufficient to keep the Sea of Rome from over-flowing or undermining us , in order to advance their restless interests ; which have been , and still are , mightily promoted , not by the reverend Bishops and the other Episcopal Clergy ( who are men of Learning , Piety , Prudence , and Martyrlike constancy ) as some men with more Heat than Wit , more Spite than Truth , have in their mechanick and vulgar Oratory of late miserably and falsly declaimed ; but by those who have most done the Popes work , while they have seemed most furiously to fly in the Popes face as popularly zealous against Popery , and yet at the same time by a strange giddiness , headiness , and madness , they have risen up against that Mother-Church which bare them , and those Fathers in it , who heretofore mightily defended them and theirs from the talons and gripes of that Roman Eagle : and this not with childish scufflings or light skirmishings , to which manner of sight the illiterate weakness and rudeness of our new Masters and Champions hath reduced those Controversies ? but with such a Panoply or compleat Armour of proof , such sharp Weapons , such ponderous Engines , such rare dexterity of well-man-aged Powers , raised from all Learning , both Divine and Humane , that the high places and defences of Rome were not able to stand before them heretofore , when they were battered by our Jewels , our Lakes , our Davenants , our Whites , our Halls , our Mortons , our Andrews , and the late invincible Vsher , who deserved to be Primate , not only of Ireland , but of all the Protestant Forces in the world . All these were Bishops , Worthies of the first three , seconded in their ranks by able and orderly Presbyters , as Whitakers , Perkins , Reynolds , Whites , Crakenthorps , Sutcliffs , and innumerable others , while our Regiments were orderly , our Marchings comely , and our Forces both united and encouraged . Whereas , now there is no doubt but the merciless mowing down and scattering of the Clergy of England , like Hay , with the withering and decay of Government , Regularity and Order in this Church , these have infinitely contributed to the Papal harvest , and Romish agitations ; the gleamings of whose Emissaries will soon amount to more than the sheaves of any the most zealous and reformed Ministers in England . By the Papal interest and advantages , I do not mean the Roman Clergies preaching or propagting those truths of Christians , Doctrine , and D●ties , which ( for the main ) they profess in common with us and all Christian Churches , if any of them be thus piously industrious , I neither quarrel at them , nor envy their successes , but rather I should rejoyce in them with Saint Paul ; because however Christ crucified is preached , by some whom common people will either more reverence or sooner believe ( than they generally do the decayed , despised , and divided Ministers of England ) who seem to have ( many of them ) so small abilities , and carrying so little shew or pretence of any good authority for their work Ministerial ; nor can they be potent or esteemed abroad , who are so impotent and disesteemed at home . But I mean that Papal Monarchy , or Ecclesiastical Tyranny , by which the Church , of rather the Court of Rome , ( by such sinister Arts and unjust Policies , as were shamefully used and discovered in the Tridentine conventicle ) seeks to usurp and continue an imperial power over all Churches and Bishops , as if there had been but one Apostle , or one Apostolick Church planted in the world ; also to corrupt and abuse that ancient Purity , Simplicity , and Liberty of Religion , which was preserved among Primitive Churches and their co-ordinate Bishops : Further , without fear of God or reverence of man , opposing some Divine Truths and undoubted institutions of Christ also imposing such erroneous Doctrines and superstitious Opinions upon all Christians , to be believed , and accordingly practised , as become not the severity and sanctity of true Religion , adding to that holy foundation ( which was indeed first laid by the great Apostles and continued happily for many hundred years by the successive Bishops of Rome ) those after-superstructures , not of ceremonies onely , which are tolerable ( many of them like feathers , making but little weight in Religion ) but of corrupt Doctrines and superstitious Duties , as seem ( at best ) impertinent to true Piety ; but some of them are erroneous , s●crilegious , pernicious . In somethings they are boldly adding to , or detracting from the Doctrine and Institutions of our blessed Lord Jesu● Christ : in other things they impose for sacred and necessary , such opinions and customes , which are but the rust and drosse , the disease and deformity of Christian Religion , contracted in the long ignorance , darknesse , and almost barbarity of times , which God winked at : but now they appear highly and justly scandalous , yea , intolerable to more judicious and lesse credulous Christians , who are very sensible , not onely of that offence , which many Papal Injunctions and Observations give to themselves , as Christians , but also to the very Heathens , to Jews , and to Mahometans , who cannot teconcile in any Reason or Religion the Idolatrous use of Images and Hoasts among Papists , to which they must submit , if they will be in communion with them , or converted to be Christians ; nor yet those Tridentine Terrours and Anathemas of eternal damnation , which are thundered by them against all those who will not , against God's expresse Words , own as Truth , and submit to as necessary , those opinions and practices among Papists , which seem either impious or impertinent , as to true Faith and a good Conscience . Against all which burthens ( too heavy for any wise and generous Christians to bear , when once duly informed of the weight and danger of them , and duly reformed from them ) as the great Wisdom , Piety , and Order of the Church of England in its sacred Ministry and holy Ministratious , was heretofore the greatest barre and bulwark in all the Christian world : so the disadvantge of the Reformed Religion are now so palpable , and the danger of the people of this Nation , as so obvious in their returning to that Egypt and Babylon again , which is not the Church of Rome , but its disease and opression ; that I know not in ordinary providence any means can be used , or is left , to stop the daily prevalencies of Popery , and the great Apostasie of England to the Romish superstition and subjection in after-times , unlesse God stir up such Wisdome , Zeal and Care in those that have honest hearts , joyned with publick power and influence , not so much to fleece and depress Popish Recusants by pecuniary exactions ( which is to set Religion to sale , and to make merchandize of mens errours , rather than fairly to perswade and win them by the proper and perswasive engines of true Religion ; ) but ( rather ) duly to restore and speedily assert the Honour , Order , Succession , Unity , Authority and Majesty of this Reformed Church and its Catholick Ministry : from which when the Papists see our selves to be such profound Revolters , with what face can we expect they should ever come into our Reformation which they now behold with joyful and disdainful eyes , so mangled , so deformed , so massacred by our owns hands ? How can we with Justice , Honor , or Humanity , inflict severe penalties upon Papists , as refusing to conform to our Church and Religion , when they protest , with so much truth , to our faces , they cannot see any Church , any Religion among us , as uniform , publick , authentick , constant ? What ( they say ) formerly had the goodliest figure and fairest presence of a Christian Church , and the best Reformed of any , is now deformed , ruined , demolished ; nothing but scattered rafters and pieces of that ship-wrackt vessel now appear floating up and down in a restless and foaming sea of faction , opposition and confusion , between Bishops , Ministers and People : some are Episcopal , others Presbyterian , a third sort Independant : all are disparate or opposite in Discipline , some are Heterodox in Doctrine : the Anabaptists rise against all , and the Quakers so are above all . To which of all these , with many other Sects , shall an honest-hearted Papist apply himself , to be safe and setled in Religion ? If to the poor and depressed remains of Bishops , and the Episcopal Clergie , who yet adhere to the Church England ; alas , they are weak and exhausted , contemned by many , pitied some , but asserted by few or none , according to their true merit in former ages , or their present Worth , Courage , Constancy and Patience in this . If the Romanists go to the Presbyterian party , which like small shoots spring out so thick in England , upon the cutting down of Episcopacy , to which they all formerly submitted ; these , besides their Levity , Parity , and In constancy , as to their former Stations , Opinions , and Oaths , seem so unseasonably insolent , and magisterially domineering , before they had got a full and just dominion , that all sober men think them rather popular , plebeian and impertinent in their heats , transport and passions , than so modest , wise , and grave , as becomes those who will undertake to wrest Government out of the hands of their superiours and betters every way , and to impose a novelty of untried and undesired Discipline upon such a great and stout Nation as England is ; which disdaining the insolency of Popes , and offended at the indiscretion of some Bishops , will hardly ever bear the pertnesse of petty Presbyters , who cannot want Vanity , Impudence and Arrogancy , when they fancy themselves in a supremacy of Power above people , Parliaments and Princes : for they affect no lesse , as Christ's due and theirs too . If the tossed Romanists run to the spruce and self-conceited Independents for shelter , because these fine new Masters seem to have patents for Christian Liberty , and urge a Magna Charta from Christ , to be accountable to none in matters of Religion , but their own little Congregation , Church , or Body , in which , as in an Ecclesiastick Corporation or free Borough of Religion , they may hang and draw , exercise high and low Justice upon mens souls as they list in their little Conventicles ; yet here the poor Papist finds so much of a rude and exotick novelty , such a grosse shew of Schisme , such variety , such an inconsistency , such a plebeian petulancy , such pitiful and ridiculous affections , and arrogating of Church-power in some of the plebs , and such contempt of it in others , that he cannot think it is other than some pieces of Josephs bloody coat , or some torn limbs of his body . Compared to what Splendour , Order , Strength , Beauty , Unity , Decency , and Majesty in Doctrine and Discipline , in Faith and holy Duties , was formerly to be observed , even to the envy and admiration of sober Papists , in the Church of England ; how much more in the Antient and Catholick Churches grand combinations , from which these petty fractions and crumblings of Christians seem most abhorrent and dissonant ? This goodly Cedar , then , of the Church of England being thus broken and hewn down , and nothing like it , or comparable to it , planted in its room , but such Shrubs and Mushromes as grow of themselves out of the rankness of the earth ( vulgar humours and passions ) under whose shade any Egyptian Vermine , Frogs , or unclean Birds may hide themselves ; no wonder if the Papists triumph in their sufferings and constancies if they despise all our Presbyterian , Independent , Anabaptistick , and fanatick Novelties ; if they rejoyce in that vengeance which they conclude God hath made upon our Schismes , Errours , Obstinacies , and Persecutions against them , by our mutual confusions . Hence must daily and necessarily follow secret inclinations , and accessions to the Roman party , by all those who are not well grounded in the Reformed Religion , or not much prejudiced against the Popish Errours , or are indifferent for any Religion which is most easie or pleasing . These at length will wrap to the Roman party , as the most specious of any : so that unless there be a speedy restauration of the honour of the Church of England , I see not how it is possible to prevent that fatal relapse , either to Romish superstition and slavery , or else to a dreadful persecution , which will in time necessarily follow those dissipations and destructions of this Reformed Church , its Minstry , Government and Religion , which some men have already too much , and still do , beyond measure , so industriously promote , to the excessive joy and gratifying of the Popish party and designs , which are not onely invasive upon the honour and freedome of this Nation , but highly scandalous to our Reformed Profession , and dangerous to our consciences , especially as we yet stand convinced of the Errors , Superstitions and Sacriledges of the Romish Religion since it lapsed from the Primitive Institutions of Christ , the patterns of the Apostles , the ancient Communion of Christian Churches , and the fraternal Co-ordination of Bishops , who were alwayes united in orderly , happy , and harmonious Aristocracies , rather than subordinate to any one Monarchical Supremacy , as to Ecclesiastical Power and Jurisdiction : however they had such regulation and primacy of order , by Patriarchs and Metropolitans among Bishops and the representers of several Churches , as become wise men , that were numerous when they met in great Councils or Church Assemblies . Nor do these wilely Romanists exercise their malice against this Reformed Church , onely with their own strength and dexterity , but they have other oblique Policies and sinister Practices by which they set on work the hot heads and pragmatick hands of all other Sects , who pretend the greatest Antipathies to popery , and yet most promote its interests by their Factions and fanatick Practises , by their heedlesse and , hedlesse their boundlesse and endlesse Agitations , which blast all true Reformation , and bring nothing but Division and Confusion . For among these there are a sort of people who affect Supremacy in Church and state too , a spiritual and temporal Dominion , no lesse than doth the Pope of Rome : there among them many petty Popes , who would fain be the great and onely Dictators of Religion , whose opinionative pride and projects are as yet of a lesse volume and blinder print , but they every day mediate and agitate new Editions of their power , and larger additions to their parties and designs ; being as infallible in their own conceits , as imperious in their spirits , and magisterial in their censures , as the proudest Popes of Rome ; not doubting to condemn and excommunicate any private Christians and Ministers , yea whole Christian Churches , yea and the best Reformed in the world ( such as England was ) , if they be not just of their form and fashion , or if they will not patiently submit to their multiform and deformed Reformations , by which they daily with-draw true Reformation to such a small thread , that losing its strength and integrity , it must needs snap in pieces and become uselesse : the strange fires of blind , popular , preposterous and sacrilegious Zeal so over-boyling true Religion and sober Reformation , till they are utterly confounded and quenched with such fordid and shamefull deformities , as must needs follow their Divisions , Distractions and Despiciencies , as to all Church-order , Christian unity and Ministerial authority . Thus many heady and giddy Professors have been so eager to come out of Babylon , that they are almost run out of their wits , and far beyond the bounds of good consciences ; so jealous of Superstition , that they are Panders for Confusion ; so scared with the name of Rome , that they are afraid of all right Reason and sober Religion ; so fearful of being over-righteous by following vain traditions of men , that they fear not to be over-wicked , by over-throwing the good foundations of Order , Honour , Peace and Charity , which Christ and his Apostles have laid in his Church : fierce enemites indeed against the Idolatry of Antichrist , but fast friends to Belial and Mammon , to Schisme and Sacriledge ; which having no fellowship with God and Christ , must needs belong to the party of Antichrist , which contains a circle of Errours , while Christ is the centre of Truth : And we know that parts diametrically opposite to each other may ( yet ) make up the same circumferences and be at equal distance from the centre ; so may Practises and Opinions which seem most crosse against each other , yet at Herod and Pilate , alike conspire against Christ and true Religion , like vicious extremes , which are contrary to each other , and yet uncorrespondent with that virtue from which they are divided . But the end or effect following their actions , ( though possibly not some of their intentions ) will be this , to prepare by these various windings , confused circulations and distorted wrestings of the Reformed Religion , the way for Roman factors , Papal interests and Jesuitick designes , whose learned abilities , orderly industry , and indefatigable activity is such , that by that time the old stock of Reverend , orderly and authoritative Bishops and Presbyters , ( the truest and most unquestionable Ministers of the Church of Christ ) are worn out in England , and the reformed Religion is reduced with its titular and extenuate Ministers to a meer medly , or popular Chaos of confusions , ( the most of sober people being either sick , or shamed , or weary of their home bred disorders , and unremedied diseases in Religion ) . By this time ( I say ) the Romish agitators will not onely devour all these petty parties , and feeble factions of Reformers , with as much ease as the Stork did the Frogs ; but they will ( in time ) utterly destroy the remains of the defamed Doctrine and deformed Religion , which your fore fathers owned , and to the death professed , as most true and well reformed , with great Honour , Holiness , and Happiness , which yet the ignorance and insolence , the Illiterateness , and Rusticity , the Barrenesse and Barbarity of novel Sects have already rendred poor and despicable , much to be pitied and deplored both at home and abroad . I must ever so far own my reason , as to professe that I look upon the Defamers Dividers and Destroyers of the Church of England , ( whatever they are or seem ) to be no other than the perdues or forelorn hope of Popery , which by lighter skirmishes open advantages to the Popes main Battaglio ; the Vancourriers , or Harbingers , sent and excited ( in great part ) from the Pragmatick Policies of Rome , whose grand interest since the Reformation hath been , not more to advance the House of Austria and preserve the Papacy , than to regain the Church of England to the Romish slavery . Certainly these petty parties , who scarce know what they drive at , and are full of varieties in their Fancies , Forms and Factions , these cannot produce so constant a current and so strong a tide , as is always urging against the Church of England and the honour of the Reformed Religion ; but they are driven on by a subtle and secret , yet potent impulse , as waves of the sea , not onely dashing and breaking upon each other , but ( all of them ) battering the Honour and Stability of the Church of England , as the great rampart or bank which stands in the way of the See of Rome , mightily opposing and hindering heretofore both fanatick Confusions , Papal Usurpations , and Romish Superstions ; whose advantages now are evidently prepared and carried on by those , that under the name of Reformation will most effectually at last overthrow it . For after these petty spirits , who have been and are the great Dividers , Despisers and Destroyers of the reformed Church of England , have a few years longer played their mad pranks in this sometime so flourishing and fruitful vineyard of the Lord , ( pulling up the hedge of Ecclesiastical Canons , and Civil Sanctions , throwing down the wall of Ancient Discipline and Catholick Government , breaking in pieces the wine-press of holy Ordination and Ministerial Authority and Succession , pulling up both root and branch of holy Plants and regular Planters ; ) what ( I beseech you ) can hinder these subtle Foxes and wild Boars of Romish Power and Policy , to enter in , and not onely secretly , but openly ( as occasion shall serve ) to destroy all the remaining stock of the true Protestants and Professors of the Reformed Religion ; who at first soberly protesting against Popish Errours and Deformities , afterwards praying ( in vain ) for a joynt and just Reformation , did ( at last ) reform themselves , after the rule of God's Word , interpreted by the Catholick Practise of purest Antiquity . What ( without a miracle ) can hinder the Papal prevalency in England , when once sound Doctrine is shaken , corrupted , despised ; when Scriptures are wrested by every private interpreter ; when the ancient Creeds and Symbols , the Lords Prayers and Ten Comandments , all wholsome forms of sound Doctrine and Devotion , the Articles and Liturgy of such a Church , together with the first famous Councils , all are slighted , vilified despited and abhorred by such Englishmen as pretend to be great Reformers ; when neither pristine Respect nor Support , Credit nor Countenance , Maintenance nor Reverence shall be left either to the Reformed Religion or the Ministry of it ? without which they will heardly be carried on beyond the fate of Pharaohs Chariots , when their wheeles were taken off , which is to be overwhelmed and drowned in the Romish red Sea , which will certainly overflow all , when once England is become not onely a dunghill and Tophet of Heretical filth and Schismatical fire , but an Aceldama , or field of blood , by mutual Animosities and civil Dissentions , arising from the variations and confusions of Religions . All which , as the Roman Eagle now fore-sees , and so follows the camp of Sectaries ( as Vultures and Birds of prey are wont to do Armies ) so no man , not blinded with private passions and present interest , is so simple , as not to know that it will in time terribly seize upon the blind , dying , or dead carkase of this Church and Nation ; whose expiration will be very visible , when the Purity , Order and Unity of Religion , the Respect , Support and Authority of the Ministry is vanished and banished out of England , by the neglect of some , the Malice , Madnesse and Ingratitude of others , your most unhappy Countrey-men : Then shall the Israel of England return to the Egypt of Rome ; then shall the beauty of our Sion be captive to the bondage of Babylon's either Superstition or Persecution ; from both which I beseech God to deliver us . As an Omen of the future fate , how many person of fair Estates , others of good parts and hopefull Learning , are already shrewdly warped and inclined to the Church of Rome , and either actually reconciled , or in a great readiness to embrace that Communion ( which excommunicates all Greek and Latine Churches , Eastern , Western and African Christians , which will not submit to its Dominion and Superstition ) chiefly moved thereto , because they know not what to make of or expect from the Religion and Reformation of the Church of England ; which they see so many zealous to reproach and ruine , so few concerned to relieve , restore , or pity ? As for the return of you ( my noble Countrey-men ) and your Posterity to the Roman Subjection and Superstition . I doubt not but many of you , most of you , all of you , that are persons of judicious and conscientious Piety , do heartily deprecate it , and would seriously avoid it to the best of your skill and power , as indeed you have great cause , both in Prudence and Conscience , in Piety and Policy : yet I believe none of you can flatter your selves , that the next Century shall defend the Reformed Religion in England from Romish Pretensions , Perswasions and Prevalencies , as the last hath done , while the Dignity , Order and Authority of the Ministry , the Government of excellent Bishops , the Majesty and Unity of this Reformed Church and its Religion , were all maintained by the unanimous vote , consent and Power of all Estates . Nay , the Dilemma and distressed choice of Religion is now reduced to this , that many peaceable and well-minded Christians , having been so long harressed , bitten and worried with novell Factions and pretended Reformations , would rather chuse that there Posterity ( if they may but have the excuse of ignorance in the main controversies , to plead for Gods mercy in their joyning to that Communion which hath so strong a relish of Egyptian Leeks and Onions , of Idolatry and Superstition , besides unchristian Arrogancy and intolerable Ambition ; that their Posterity , ( I say ) shall return to the Roman party , which hath something among them setled , orderly and uniform , becoming Religion , than to have them ever turning and tortured upon Ixion's wheel , catching in vain at fanciful Reformations , as Tantalus at the deceitful waters , rolling with infinite pains and hazard the Reformed Religion , like Sisyphus his Stone , sometimes asserting it by Law and Power , otherwhile exposing it to popular Liberty and Looseness ; than to have them tossed to and fro with every wind of Doctrine , with the Faedities , Blasphemies , Animosities , Anarchies , Dangers ▪ and confusions , attending fanatick Fancies and quotidian Reformations , which like botches or boiles from surfeited and unwholsome bodies , do daily break out among those Christians , who have made no rule of Religion but their own humours , and no bounds of their Reformations but their own Interests ; the first makes them ridiculous , the second pernicious to all sober Christians . Whereas the Roman Church , however tainted with rank Errours and dangerous Corruptions in Doctrine and Manners ( which forbid us under our present convictions to have in those things any visible sacred communion with them , though we have a great charity and pity for them ; Charity in what they still retain good ; Pity , in what they have erred from the Rule and Example of Christ and his Catholick Church ; ) yet it cannot be denied , without a brutish blindness and injurious slander ( which onely serves to gratifie the gross Antipathies of the gaping vulgar ) that the Church of Rome , among its Tares and Cockle , its Weeds and Thornes hath many wholsome Herbs , and holy Plants growing ; much more of Reason and Religion , of good Learning and sober Industry , of Order and Polity , of Morality and Constancy , of Christian Candor and Civility , of common Honesty and Humanity , becoming grave men and Christians , by which to invite after-Ages and your Posterity to adhere to it and them , rather than to be everlastingly exposed to the profane bablings , endless janglings , miserable manglings , childing confusions , Atheistical indifferencies and sacrilegious furies of some later spirits , which are equally greedy and giddy , making both a play and a prey of Religion , who have nothing in them comparable to the Papal party , to deserve your or your Posteritie's admiration or imitation , but rather their greatest caution and prevention : For you will find what not I onely , but sad experience of others may tell you , that the sythes and pitch-forks of these petty Sects and Plebeian Factions will be as sharp and heavy as the Papists Swords and Faggots heretofore were , both to your religious and civil Happiness . Rigid be not for Episcopacy , Nor too much earnest for Presbytery ; No Faction espouse , what e're it be , For by that means may enter POPERY . Mr. Hooker . WIth our contentions their irreligious humor also is much strengthened ; nothing pleaseth them better than these manifold oppositions about the matter of Religion , as well for that they have the more opportunity to learn on one side , how the other may be oppugned , and so weaken the credit of all unto themselves ; as also because by their hot pursuit of lower Controversies amongst men professing Religion , and agreeing in the principal foundations thereof , time will cause Alteration to grow : For which purpose when they see occasion they stick not sometimes in other mens persons , yea sometimes without any vizard at all , directly to try , what the most religious are able to say in defence of the highest points , whereupon all Religion dependteh . Now for the most part it so falleth out touching things that are generally received , that although in themselves they be most certain , yet because men presume them granted of all , we are hardly able to bring such proof of their certainty , as may satisfie gainsayers , when suddenly , and besides expectation they require the same at our hands , which unpreparation and unreadiness , when they find in us , they turn it to the soothing up of themselves in that accursed fancy , whereby they would fain believe that the hearty devotion of such as indeed fear God , is nothing else but a kind of harm less Error , bred and confirmed in them by the flight of wiser men . Dr. Sutcliffe . HAud vanus timor , &c. It s no vain fear which some wise men have entertained upon their experience of affairs , that these unhappy Questions about indifferent things managed by the subtile Jesuites , thereby to disturb the peace and settlement of our Church , until at last they enjoy their long expected opportunity to set up themselves , and restore the exploded Tyranny and Idolatry of the Church of Rome . FINIS . 
A68833	----	A briefe declaration of the universalitie of the Church of Christ, and the unitie of the Catholike faith professed therein delivered in a sermon before His Maiestie the 20th. of Iune 1624. at Wansted. By Iames Ussher, Bishop of Meath. Ussher, James, 1581-1656. 1629 Approx. 85 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 23 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2006-06 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A68833 STC 24547 ESTC S118942 99854149 99854149 19556 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A68833) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 19556) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 1041:15, 1368:4) A briefe declaration of the universalitie of the Church of Christ, and the unitie of the Catholike faith professed therein delivered in a sermon before His Maiestie the 20th. of Iune 1624. at Wansted. By Iames Ussher, Bishop of Meath. Ussher, James, 1581-1656. The third impression. [2], 42 p. Printed by Iohn Dawson, for Ephraim Dawson, and are to be sold at the Rain-bow neere the Inner Temple Gate in Fleet-street, London : 1629. Running title reads: A sermon preached before His Maiestie. Reproductions of the originals in the Henry E. Huntington Library and Art Gallery and the Union Theological Seminary (New York, N.Y.). Library. Appears at reel 1041 (Henry E. Huntington Library and Art Gallery copy) and at reel 1368 (Union Theological Seminary (New York, N.Y.). Library copy). 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Sermons, English -- 17th century. 2005-02 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-08 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2006-01 Emma (Leeson) Huber Sampled and proofread 2006-01 Emma (Leeson) Huber Text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-04 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A BRIEFE DECLARATION OF THE VNIVERSALITIE OF THE CHVRCH of CHRIST , and the Vnitie of the Catholike Faith professed therein : DELIVERED IN A SERMON before His Maiestie the 20 th . of Iune 1624. at WANSTED . By IAMES VSSHER , Bishop of Meath . The third Impression . LONDON , Printed by Iohn Dawson for Ephraim Dawson , and are to be sold at the Rain-bow neere the Inner Temple Gate in Fleet-street . 1629. EPHES. 4.13 . Till we all come in the unitie of the faith , and of the knowledge of the Sonne of God , unto a perfect man , unto the measure of the stature of the fulnesse of Christ. WHen the Lords Arke was to set forward , the forme of prayer used by Moses , was ; a Rise up , LORD , and let thine enemies be scattered ; and let them that hate thee , flee before thee . The sweet Psalmist of Israel , framing his descant to this ground , beginneth the Psalm which he prepared to be sung at the removing of the Arke , after the same manner . b Let God arise : let his enemies be scattered : let them also that hate him , flee before him : and then goeth on , till at length he hath raysed his note unto his full height : Thou hast ascended up on high : thou hast led captivitie captive : thou hast received gifts for men ( Psalm . 68.18 ) . Which being by our Apostle in c this Chapter interpreted of the Ascension of our Saviour Christ into heauen , and made the very spring from whence the matter of my present Text is derived , leadeth us to the just application of the type to the truth , and putteth us in minde , that the removing of the Arke , which gave occasion to the penning of his Psalme , was an adumbration of our Saviours removeall from the Earth to Heaven ; and that by this absence of his , we are no losers , but gainers ▪ seeing he is ascended 〈◊〉 on high , both to triumph over his and our foes , [ he led captivitie captiue ] and to conferre benefits upon his friends . [ he gave gifts unto men . ] The d Arke of the Covenant ( we know ) was appointed to be a figure of e Iesus the Mediatour of the new Covenant : the great King , Prophet and Priest of his Church . Therefore was it ordered , that the Arke should haue a crowne of gold about it : ( Exod. 37.2 . ) than which , what could be more fit to set forth the state of our King ? for thus wee see Iesus crowned with glory and honour . ( Heb. 2.9 . ) Vpon the Ark stood the Propitiatorie or Mercie-seate , whence God did use to deliver his Oracles from betwixt the Cherubins : than w ch , what more lively representation could there be of the Propheticall office of our Saviour ? of whom it is written : God hath in these last dayes spoken unto us by his Sonne . ( Heb. 1.2 . ) The Arke had both the Rod and the Tables of the Law , by Gods appointment placed within it : than which , what could be more apt to expresse the satisfaction , which our high Priest was to make unto his Fathers justice , as well by his Passive as by his Active obedience ? for as he felt the stroke of the Rod for us , that f the chastisement of our peace being laid upon him , with his stripes we might be healed : so g it behooved him also to fulfill the Law and all righteousnesse ; that so he might be h the end of the Law for righteousnesse to every one that beleeveth . The letter of the Law being not more certainely to be found within the Arke , than the accomplishment thereof within him : according to that which he spake by his holy Prophet . i In the volume of the booke it is written of mee , that I should doe thy will , O God : yea , thy Law is within my heart . The Arke had many removes from place to place , whiles it sojourned in the Tabernacle : but was brought up at last into the Temple , there to dwell upon God's holy Hill ; the place of which he himselfe had said . k This is my rest for ever ; here will I dwell , for I have a delight therein . Where , at the first entry , King Salomon stood ready to entertaine him with this welcome , l Arise , O Lord God , into thy resting place , thou , and the Arke of thy strength : Let thy Priests , O Lord God , be clothed with salvation ; and let thy Saints reioyce in goodnesse . Our blessed Saviour , in the dayes of his flesh , had no resting place , but continually m went about doing good : untill at length n he was received up into Heaven , and sate on the right hand of GOD. For when he had ended his progresse upon Earth , and o finished there that worke which his Father had given him to doe ; he p left the world , and went to the Father ; making his last remove unto the high Court of Heaven , q where he is to reside untill the time of the restitution of all things . r The Temple of GOD was opened in Heaven , and there was seene in his Temple the Arke of his Testament , saith S. Iohn in the Apocalypse . If we looke to the corporall presence of our Saviour ; in the Temple of Heaven must this Arke be sought for , in no oother place is it to be found : but if we looke to the vertue comming from him , by the operation of his Word and Spirit ; so we shall finde him in his Temple upon earth , s present with us alwayes , even unto the end of the world : for , these were the gifts that , when he ascended into Heaven , he did bestow upon men . This the Prophet layeth downe thus : t Thou hast ascended up on high : thou hast received gifts for men . The Apostle citeth it thus : u When he ascended up on high , he gave gifts unto men . The reconciliation is easie : He received those gifts , not to retaine them with himselfe , but to distribute them for the behoofe of his Church . So for the Spirit , S. Peter teacheth us , Acts 2.33 . Therefore being by the right hand of God exalted , [ there is his ascending up on high ] and having received of the Father the promise of the holy Ghost , [ there is his receiving ] he hath shed forth this which ye now see and heare . [ there is his giving of this gift unto men . ] And for the Ministery of the Word , he himselfe intimateth as much in his Commission , given to the Apostles , Mat. 28.18.19 . All power is given unto mee in heaven and in earth : [ there he receiveth ] Goe ye therefore , and teach all nations : [ there he giveth this gift unto men . ] x He gave some Apostles , and some Prophets , and some Evangelists , and some Pastors and Teachers , for the perfecting of the Saints : saith our Apostle here . That herein also that might be fulfilled , which we heard to haue beene uttered , when the Arke was brought to his resting place y : Let thy Priests , O Lord God , be cloathed with salvation , and let thy Saints reioyce in goodnesse . The worke of the Ministery , how meanely soever it be esteemed in the World ; yet in the estimation of our Saviour Christ , was one of the choysest gifts , that in this solemnitie of his triumphant z ascending up far above all heavens , he thought fit to bestow upon his Church here upon earth : as that which tended both to the a perfecting of the Saints , and to the edifying of his owne body . For as b it hath pleased the Father , that in him all fulnesse should dwell : so the Son is also pleased , not to hold it any disparagement , that c his Body , the Church , should be accounted the fulnesse of him that filleth all in all . That howsoever in himselfe he be most absolutely and perfectly complete ; yet is his Church so neerely conjoyned unto him , that he holdeth not himselfe full without it : but as long as any one member remaineth yet ungathered and unknit unto this mysticall body of his , he accounteth , in the meane time , somewhat to be deficient in himselfe . And therefore our Apostle having , in the words immediately going before this Text , declared , that the Ministery was instituted for the edifying of the bodie of Christ ; addeth presently , Till wee all come in the unitie of the faith , and of the knowledge of the Sonne of GOD , unto a perfect man , unto the measure of the stature of the fulnesse of Christ. In which words we may obserue aswell the Matter of this Building [ Wee all ] as the Structure of it ; and further also consider in the Structure , first , the laying of the foundation [ In the unitie of the faith , and of the knowledge of the Sonne of God ] secondly , the bringing of the worke to perfection , and the raising of it to his just height [ unto a perfect man , unto the measure of the stature of the fulnesse of Christ ] . The Matter then of this spirituall edifice ( that wee may begin with that ) are Wee our selves . d Yee also as lively stones , are built up a spirituall house : saith Saint Peter . To this Saint Paul doth here adde a note of Vniversalitie [ WE ALL : ] as suting best with the nature of the Catholick or Vniversall Church , which is that body of Christ , of the edifying whereof he here treateth : of which therefore he telleth us more plainly in another place ; that e by one spirit we are all baptized into one bodie , whether wee be Iewes or Gentiles , whether we be bond or free . For the Catholick Church is not to be sought for in any one angle or quarter of the world : but among all that in every place call upon the Name of Iesus Christ our Lord , both theirs and ours . ( 1 Corinthians 1.2 . ) Therefore to their Lord and ours was it said ; f Aske of mee , and I will give thee the Heathen for thine inheritance , and the uttermost parts of the earth for thy possession ; and to his mysticall body , the Catholique Church accordingly . g I will bring thy seed from the East , and gather thee from the West : I will say to the North , give up ; and to the South , Keepe not backe : bring my sonnes from farre , and my daughters from the ends of the earth ; even every one that is called by my name . Thus must we conceiue of the Catholick Church , as of one entire body ; made up by the collection and aggregation of all the Faithfull unto the unitie thereof : from which union there ariseth unto every one of them such a relation to , and a dependance upon the Church Catholique , as parts use to haue in respect of their whole . Whereupon it followeth , that neyther particular persons , nor particular Churches , are to worke as severall divided bodyes by themselues ( which is the ground of all Schisme ) , but are to teach , and to be taught , and to doe all other Christian duties , as parts conjoyned unto the whole , and members of the same Common-wealth or corporation ; and therefore the Bishops of the ancient Church , though they had the governmēt of particular Congregations onely committed unto them , yet in regard of this communion which they held with the Vniversall , did usually take to themselves the title of Bishops of the Catholick Church . Which maketh strongly aswell against the new Separatists , as the old Donatists : who either hold it a thing h not much materiall , so they professe the faith of Christ , whether they doe it in the Catholick Communion , or out of it ; or else ( which is worse ) dote so much upon the perfectiō of their own part , that they refuse to joyn in fellowship with the rest of the body of Christians ; as if they themselues were the onely people of God , and all wisedome must live and die with them and their generation . And herein , of all others , doe our Romanists most fearefully offend ; as being the authors of the most cruell schisme , that ever hath been seene in the Church of God. Those infamous schismes of the Novatians and Donatists were but petty rents , in comparison of this huge rupture , which hath pulled asunder East and West , North & South ; and growne to such a head at home , that in our Western parts ( where this faction was so prevalent ) it hath for diverse ages past been esteemed Catholicke . In the 17 th of the Revelation wee haue a Woman described unto us , sitting upon seven mountaines , and upon many waters . The Woman is there expounded to be i that great Citie which reigneth over the Kings of the earth . The seven mountains upon which that City sate , needed not to be expounded ; every childe knew what was meant thereby . The waters are interpreted k peoples , and multitudes , and nations , and tongues . Which is that very Vniversalitie and Catholicisme that the Romanists are wont so much to brag of . For , this Woman is the particular Church of Rome , the City-Church ; which they call the Mother-Church , the holy Ghost stileth l the Mother of harlots and abominations of the earth . Those peoples , and multitudes , & nations , and tongues , are such as this proud Citie reigneth over : the Catholick-Roman Church they are commonly called by themselves ; but by the holy Ghost , m the Beast upon which the Woman sitteth . This Woman is the Head of the faction , and the very Mother of this schism : the Beast , that is to say , they that suffer themselues to be thus ridden by her , are her abbettors and supporters in it . For the particular Church of Rome ( not being content to be a fellow-member with the rest of the Churches of Christ , and to haue a joynt dependance with them upō the whole body of the Church Catholick , n which is the Mother of us all ) will needs goe out of her rank ; and , scorning any longer to be accounted one of the branches of the Catholick Church , would faine be acknowledged to be the root of it : so that now all other Churches must hold their dependance upon it , or otherwise be cast forth as withered branches , which are fit onely to be throwne into the fire , and burned . The wisedome of God foresaw this insolency long before-hand : and therfore caused a Caveat to be entred against it , even in that Epistle which was specially directed to the Church of Rome it selfe . The words are plaine enough , Rom. 11.18 . If thou boast , thou bearest not the root , but the root thee . The Church of Rome therefore must know that shee is no more a root to beare up other Churches , than other Churches are to beare up her : she may not goe beyond her line , and boast her selfe to be the root of the Catholick Church , but be contented to be born her selfe by the root , aswell as other particular Churches are . For a streame to sever it selfe from the common Fountaine , that it may bee counted a Fountaine it selfe , without dependance upon any other ; is the next way to make an end of it , and dry it up . The Church of Rome may doe well to think of this , and leave off her vaine boasting . o I sit a Queen , and am no Widow , and shall see no sorrow . Other Churches may faile , and the gates of hell may prevaile against them : but it cannot fall out so with me . Whereas she might remember , that they were Romanes , unto whom the Apostle so long since gave this admonition . p Be not high minded , but feare . For if God spared not the naturall branches , take heed lest he also spare not thee . Behold therefore the goodnesse and severity of God : on them which fell , severitie , but towards thee , goodnes , if thou continue in his goodnesse : otherwise THOU ALSO SHALT BE CUT OFF. The Romanes therefore by their pride may get a fall , as well as others ; and the Church of Rome by infidelity may be cut off , aswell as any other congregation : and yet the Catholick Church subsist for all that , as having for her foundation neither Rome , nor Rom's Bishop , but Iesus Christ , the Sonne of the living God. And yet this proud Dame and her daughters , the particular Church of Rome I meane , and that which they call the Catholick Romane ( or the faction rather that prevaileth in them both ) have in these latter ages confined the whole Church of Christ within themselves , and excluded all others that were not under the Romane obedience , as aliens from the Common-wealth of Israel , and strangers from the covenants of promise . The Donatists were cryed out against by our forefathers , for shutting up the Church within the parts of the South ; and rejecting all others that held not correspondency with that patch of theirs : And could they thinke well then of them , that should conclude the Church within the Western parts of the world , and exclude all other Christians from the body of Christ , that held not by the same root there that they did ? It is a strange thing to me , that wise men should make such large discourses of the Catholique Church , and bring so many testimonies to prove the Vniversalitie of it : & not discern , that while by this means they think they have gotten a great victory over us , they have in very truth overthrowne themselves ; for when it cōmeth to the point , in stead of the Catholick Church which consisteth of the cōmunion of all nations , they obtrude their own peece unto us : circumscribing the Church of Christ within the precincts of the Romish jurisdiction , and leaving all the world beside to the power of Sathan ; for with them it is a resolved case ; that q to every creature it is altogether of necessitie to salvation , to be subiect to the Romane Bishop . What must then become of the poore Moscovites and Grecians ( to say nothing of the reformed Churches ) in Europe ? What of the Aegyptian and Aethiopian Churches in Africk ? what of the great companies of Christians scattered over all Asia , even from Constantinople unto the East Indies , which have and still doe endure more afflictions and pressures for the Name of Christ , than they have ever done , that would be accounted the onely friends of Christ ? Must these , because they are not the Popes subjects , be therefore denied to be Christ's subiects ? Because they are not under the obedience of the Romane Church , doe they thereupon forfait the estate which they claime in the Catholick Church , out of which there is no salvation ? Must we give all these for gone , and conclude , that they are certainly damned ? They who talke so much of the Catholick Church , but indeed stand for their owne particular , must of force sinke as low in uncharitablenesse , as they have thrust themselves deep in schisme : wee who talke lesse of the Vniversalitie of the Church , but hold the truth of it , cannot finde in our hearts to passe such a bloudy sentence upō so many poore soules , that have given their Names to Christ. He whose pleasure it was to spread the Churches seed so farre , said to East , West , North , and South ; Giue : it is not for us then to say ; Keepe backe . He hath given to his Sonne the heathen for his inheritance , and the uttermost parts of the earth for his possession : wee for our parts dare not abbridge this grant , and limit this great Lordship , as we conceiue it may best fit our owne turnes ; but leave it to his owne latitude , and seek for the Catholick Church neither in this part nor in that peece , but ( as it hath beene before said in the words of the Apostle ) among r all that in every place call upon the Name of Iesus Christ our Lord , both theirs and ours . Yea , but how can this be , will some say , seeing the Catholike Church is but one : and the principall reason for which it is accounted one , is s the unitie of the faith professed therein ? How then can this unitie of faith bee preserved in all places , if one speciall Church be not set as a Mistresse over all the rest , and one chiefe Bishop appointed for a Master over all others , by whom in matters of faith every one must be ruled ? And out of such different professions , as are to bee found among the divided Christians in those severall parts of the world , how can there be fit matter drawne for the making up of one Vniversall Church ? To this I answer ( and so passe from the Matter of the Building , to the Structure ) that it is most true indeede , that in the Church there is t one Lord , one Faith , one Baptisme : for so we are taught by the Apostle in this chapter . But yet , in the first place , it is to be considered , that this unitie of the faith must be compassed by such meanes as God hath ordained for the procuring of it , and not by any politicke trickes of mans devising . Now for the bringing of us all to this unity of the faith , the Apostle here telleth us , that Christ u gave some Apostles , and some Prophets , and some Evangelists , and some Pastors and Teachers . If he had thought that the maintenance of this unitie did depend upon the singularitie of any one Apostle , or Pastor , or Teacher : is it to be imagined , that hee would have overslipped such a singular person ( even in that very place where , of all others , his presence was most requisite ) and runne altogether , as he doth , upon the plurall number ? That the multitude of Teachers dispersed over the world , without any such dependancie or correspondencie , should agree together in laying the foundations of the same faith , is a speciall worke of Gods Spirit . And it is x the unity of the Spirit which the Apostle here speaketh of , and exhorteth us to keepe in the bond of peace . Whereas the unity of which our Adversaries boast so much ( which is nothing else but a wilfull suffering of themselves to be led blind-fold by one man , who commonly is more blind than many of themselves ) is no fruit of the spirit , but of meere carnall policie : and may serve peradventure for a bond of peace betwixt themselues and their owne partie ( such as y the Priests of Antichrist were to have , and as many as would be content to yeeld themselves to the conduct of such a Commander ) but hath proved the greatest block that ever stood in the way , for giving impediment to the peace and unity of the universall Church , which here we looke after . And therefore Nilus Archbishop of Thessalonica , entring into the consideration of the original ground of that long cōtinued schisme , whereby the West standeth as yet divided from the East , and the Latin Churches from the Greeke , wrote a whole booke purposely of this argument , wherein he sheweth , z that there is no other cause to be assigned of this distraction , but that the Pope will not permit the cognisance of the controversie unto a generall Councell , but will needs sit himselfe as the alone Teacher of the point in question , and have others hearken unto him as if they were his Scholars : and that this is contrary both to the ordinances , and the practice of the Apostles and the Fathers . Neither indeed is there any hope , that ever wee shall see a generall peace , for matters of Religion , setled in the Christian world , as long as this supercilious Master shall be suffered to keepe this rule in Gods house : how much soever he be magnified by his owne Disciples , and made the onely foundation upon which the unitie of the Catholick Church dependeth . Now in the next place , for the further opening of the unitie of the faith , wee are to call unto minde the distinction which the Apostle maketh betwixt a the foundation , and that which is builded thereupon : betwixt b the principles of the doctrine of Christ , and that which he calleth perfection . The unitie of the faith and of the knowledge of the Sonne of God here spoken of , hath reference ( as we heard ) to the foundation : as that which followeth of a perfect man ; and the measure of the stature of the fulnesse of Christ , to the superstruction and perfection . In the former there is a generall unitie among all true beleevers : in the latter , a great deale of varietie , there being severall degrees of perfection to be found in severall persons , c according to the measure of the gift of Christ. So we see in a materiall Building , that still there is but one foundation , though great disparitie be observed in sundry parts of the superstruction : some rooms are high , some lowe , some darke , some lightsome , some more substantially , some more slightly builded , and in tract of time some prove more ruinous than others ; yet all of them belong to one building , as long as they hold together , and stand upon the same foundation . And even thus is it in the spirituall Building also ; whether we respect the practicall part of Christianitie , or the intellectuall . In the practicall we see wonderfull great difference betwixt Christian and Christian : some by Gods mercy attaine to a higher measure of perfection , and keepe themselves unspotted from the cōmon corruptions of the world ; others watch not so carefully over their wayes , and lead not such strict lives , but are oftentimes overtaken and fall fowly : that he who looketh upon the one and the other , would hardly thinke that one Heaven should receive them both . But although the one doth so farre outstrip the other in the practice of new Obedience ( which is the Christian mans race ) yet are there certaine fundamentall principles , in which they both concurre ; as d a desire to feare Gods name , e repentance for sinnes past , and a sincere f purpose of heart for the time to come to cleave unto the LORD . Which whosoever hath , is under mercie , and may not be excluded from the Communion of Saints . In like manner for the intellectuall part : the g first principles of the Oracles of God ( as the Apostle calleth them ) hold the place of the common foundation , in which all Christians must be grounded : although h some be babes , and for further knowledge are unskilfull in the word of righteousnesse ; other some are of perfect age , who by reason of use have their senses exercised to discerne both good and evill . The Oracles of God containe aboundance of matter in them , and whatsoever is found in them is a fit object for faith to apprehend : but that all Christians should uniformely agree in the profession of all those truthes that are revealed there , is a thing that rather may be wished , than ever hoped for . Yet the varietie of mens judgements in those manie points , that belong to Theologicall faith ; doth not dissolve the unitie which they hold together in the fundamentall principles of the Catholick faith . The unitie of the faith commended here , is a Catholick unitie , and such as every true Christian attaineth unto . Till wee ALL come in the unitie of the faith : saith the Apostle . As there is a i common salvation , so is there a k common faith ; which is l alike precious in the highest Apostle and the meanest beleever . For we may not thinke that Heaven was prepared for deepe Clerkes onely : and therefore beside that larger measure of knowledge , whereof all are not capable , there must be m a Rule of faith common to small and great ; which as it must consist but of few propositions , ( for simple men cannot beare away many ) so is it also requisite , that those articles should be of such weight and moment , that they may be sufficient to make a man wise unto saluation : that howsoever in other points learned men may goe beyond common Christians , and exceed one another likewise by many degrees : yet in respect of these radicall truthes , which is the necessarie and common food of all the children of the Church , there n is not an unitie onely , but such a kinde of equalitie also brought in among all sorts of Christians , as was heretofore among the Congregation of the Israelites in the collection of their Manna ; where o he that gathered much , had nothing over ; and hee that gathered little , had no lacke . If then salvation by beleeving these common principles may be had , and to salvation none can come that is not first a member of the Catholick Church of Christ : it followeth thereupon , that the unitie of the faith , generally requisite for the incorporating of Christians into that blessed societie , is not to be extended beyond those common principles . Which may further be made manifest unto us by the continuall practice of the Catholick Church her selfe , in the matriculation of her children , and the first admittance of them into her communion . For when shee prepared her Catechumeni for Baptisme , and by that dore received them into the congregation of Christs flock ; we may not think her iudgement to have beene so weake , that shee would omit any thing herein that was essentially necessary for the making of one a member of the Church . Now the profession which she required of all that were to receive Baptisme , was , for the Agenda or practicall part , an abrenuntiation of the Divell , the World , and the Flesh , with all their sinfull workes and lustes ; and for the Credenda , the things to be beleeved , an acknowledgement of the articles of the Creed : which being solemnly done , she then baptised them in this faith ; intimating thereby sufficiently , that this was that one Faith commended unto her by the Apostles , as the other that one Baptisme which was appointed to be the p Sacrament of it . This Creed , though for substance it was the same every where , yet for forme was somewhat different ; and in some places received moe enlargements than in others . The Westerne Churches herein applyed themselves to the capacitie of the meaner sort , more than the Easterne did : using in their Baptisme that shorter Forme of Confession , commonly called The Apostles Creed , which in the more ancient times was briefer also than now it is . As we may easily perceive , by comparing the Symbol recited by Marcellus Ancyranus ( in the q Profession of the faith which he delivered to Pope Iulius ) with the expositions of the Apostles Creed , written by the Latin Doctors : r wherein the mention of the Fathers being Maker of heaven and earth , the Sonnes Death and Descending into Hell , and the Communion of Saints , is wholly omitted . All which , though they were of undoubted veritie , yet for brevities sake seeme at first to have beene omitted in this short Summe : because some of them perhaps were not thought to be altogether so necessary for all men ( which is s Suarez his judgement touching the point of the descent into Hell ) ; and some that were most necessary , either thought to be sufficiently implied in other Articles ( as that of Christ's death in those of his crucifixion and buriall ) , or thought to be sufficiently manifested by the light of reason ; as that of the creation of heaven and earth . For howsoever this , as it is a truth revealed by God's Word , becommeth an object for faith to apprehend ( Heb. 11.3 . ) : yet it is otherwise also clearely to be understood by the discourse of reason ( Rom. 1.20 . ) , even as the unitie , and all the other attributes of the Godhead likewise are . Which therefore may be well referred unto those Praecognita , or common principles which nature may possesse the minde withall , before that grace enlightneth it ; and need not necessarily to be inserted into that Symbol , which is the badge and cognizance whereby the Beleever is to be differenced and distinguished from the Vnbeleever . The Creed which the Easterne Churches used in Baptisme , was larger then this : being either the same , or very little different from that which we commonly call the Nicene Creed ; because the greatest part of it was repeated and confirmed in the first generall Councell held at Nice : where the first draught thereof was presented to the Synod by Eusebius , Bishop of Caesarea , with this Preamble . t As wee have received from the Bishops that were before us , both at our first catechizing , and when we received Baptisme : and as we have learned from the holy Scriptures ; and as we have both beleeved and taught , when wee entred into the Ministery , and in our Bishoprick it selfe : so beleeving at this present also , we declare this our faith unto you . To this the Nicene Fathers added a more cleare explication of the Deitie of the Sonne ( against the Arrian heresie , wherewith the Church was then troubled ) , professing him to be begotten , not made , and to be of one substance with the Father . The second generall Councell , which was assembled fiftie-six yeares after at Constantinople , approving this confession of the faith , as u most ancient and agreeable to Baptisme , inlarged it somewhat ; in the Article that concerned the Holy Ghost especially , which at that time was most oppugned by the Macedonian Heretickes . And whereas the Nicene confession proceeded no further , than to the beliefe which we have in the holy Trinitie ; the Fathers of Constantinople made it up , by adding that which was commonly professed touching the Catholicke Church and the priviledges belonging thereunto . Epiphanius repeating this Creed at large , x affirmeth it to haue been delivered unto the Church by the Apostles . y Cassianus avoucheth as much , where he urgeth this against Nestorius , as the Creed anciently received in the Church of Antioch ; from whence hee came . The Romane Church , after the dayes of Charles the great , added the article of the procession of the H●ly Ghost from the Sonne , unto this Symboll : and the z Councell of Trent hath now recommended it unto us , as that principle in which all that professe the faith of Christ doe necessarily agree ; and the firme and ONELY FOVNDATION , against which the Gates of Hell shall never prevaile . It is a matter confessed therefore by the Fathers of Trent themselues , that in the Constantinopolitane Creed , or in the Romane Creed at the farthest ( which differeth nothing from the other , but that it hath added Filióque to the procession of the Holy Ghost , and out of the Nicene Creed , Deum de Deo , to the articles that concerne the Sonne ) that onely foundation , and principle of faith is to be found , in the unitie whereof all Christians must necessarily agree . Which is otherwise cleared sufficiently , by the constant practice of the Apostles and their successours , in the first receiving of men into the Societie of the Church . For in one of the Apostles ordinary Sermons , we see , there was so much matter delivered , as was sufficient to convert men unto the faith , and to make them capable of Baptisme : and those Sermons treated onely of the first principles of the doctrine of Christ ; upon the receiving whereof , the Church ( following the example of the Apostles ) never did denie Baptisme unto her Catechumeni . In these first principles therefore must the foundation be contained , and that common unitie of faith which is required in all the members of the Church . The foundation then being thus cleared : concerning the superstruction , we learne from the Apostle , that some a build upon this foundation , gold , silver , precious stones , wood , hay , stubble . Some proceed from one degree of wholesome knowledge unto another ; increasing their maine stock , by the addition of those other sacred truthes that are revealed in the word of God : and these build upon the foundation , gold , and silver , and precious stones . Others retaine the precious foundation , but lay base matter upon it ; wood , hay , stubble , and such other eyther unprofitable or more dangerous stuffe : and others goe so farre , that they overthrow the very foundation it selfe . The first of these be wise , the second foolish , the third madde builders . When the day of tryall commeth : the first mans b worke shall abide ; and hee himselfe shall receive a reward ; the second shall lose his worke , but not himselfe ; ( c he shall suffer losse , saith the Apostle , but he himselfe shall be saved : ) the third shall lose both himselfe and his worke together . And as in this spirituall structure verie different kindes of materialls may be laid upon the same foundation , some sound and some unsound : so in either of them , there is a great difference to be made betwixt such as are more contiguous to the foundation , and such as be remoter off . The fuller explication of the first principles of faith , and the conclusions deduced from thence , are in the ranke of those verities that be more neerely conjoyned to the foundation : to which those falsities are answerable on the other side , that grate upon the foundation , and any way endanger it . For that there be diverse degrees both of truthes and errors in Religion , which necessarily must be distinguished ; is a thing acknowledged , not by us alone , but by the learnedest also of our Adversaries . d There be some Catholick verities ( say they ) which doe so pertaine to faith , that these being taken away , the faith it selfe must be taken away also . And these by common use wee call not onely Catholick , but verities of Faith also . There are other verities which bee Catholick also and universall , namely , such as the whole Church holdeth , which yet being overthrowne , the faith is shaken indeed , but not overturned . And in the errors that are contrary to such truthes as these , the faith is obscured , not extinguished ; weakened , not perished . Neverthelesse , e though the faith bee not altogether destroyed by them , yet is it evill at ease , and shaken , and as it were disposed to corruption . For as there be certaine hurts of the bodie which doe not take away the life , but yet a man is the worse for them , and disposed to corruption eyther in whole or in part ; as there be other mortall hurts , which take away the life : so likewise are there certaine degrees of propositions , which containe unsound doctrine , although they have not manifest heresie . In a word , the generall rule concerning all these superstructions , is : that the more neere they are to the foundation , of so much greater importance be the truthes , and so much more perillous be the errors , as againe , the farther they are removed off , the lesse necessary doth the knowledge of such verities prove to be , and the swarving from the truth lesse dangerous . Now from all that hath beene said , two great Questions may be resolved , which trouble manie . The first is ; What wee may judge of our Fore-fathers ▪ who lived in the communion of the Church of Rome ? Whereunto I answere , that wee have no reason to thinke otherwise , but that they lived and dyed under the mercie of God. For wee must distinguish the Papacie from the Church wherein it is , as the Apostle doth f Antichrist from the Temple of God , wherein hee sitteth . The foundation upon which the Church standeth , is that common faith , ( as we have heard ) in the unitie whereof all Christians doe generally accord . Vpon this old foundation Antichrist raiseth up his new buildings ; and layeth upon it , not hay and stubble onely , but farre more vile and pernicious matter , which wrencheth and disturbeth the very foundation it selfe . For example . It is a ground of the Catholick faith , that Christ was borne of the Virgin Mary : which in the Scripture is thus explained . g God sent forth his Sonne , Made of a Woman . This the Papacie admitteth for a certaine truth : but insinuateth withall , that upon the Altar God sendeth forth his Sonne made of Bread. For the Transsubstantiation which these man would haue us beleeve , is not an annihilation of the Bread , and a substitution of the Bodie of Christ in the stead thereof , but a reall conversion of the one into the other : such as they themselves would have esteemed to be a bringing forth of Christ , and a kinde of Generation of him . For , to omit the wilde conceits of Postellus in his booke De Nativitate Mediatoris ultimâ : this is the doctrine of their graver Divines ( as Cornelius à Lapide the Iesuite doth acknowledge in his Romane Lectures ) that h by the words of consecration truely and really as the bread is transsubstantiated , so Christ is produced and as it were generated upon the Altar , in such a powerfull and effectuall manner ; that , if Christ as yet had not beene incarnate , by these words [ Hoc est corpus meum ] he should be incarnated , and assume an humane bodie . And doth not this new Divinitie , thinke you , shrewdly threaten the ancient foundation of the Catholick beleefe of the Incarnation ? Yet such as in the dayes of our fore-fathers opposed the Popish doctrine of Transsubstantiation , could alledge for themselues , i that the faith which they maintained , was then preserved among the laitie , and so had anciently beene preserved . And of mine owne knowledge I can testifie , that when I have dealt with some of the common people that would be counted members of the Romane Church , and demanded of them what they thought of that which I knew to be the common Tenet of their Doctors in this point : they not onely rejected it with indignation , but wondered also that I should imagine any of their side to be so foolish , as to give credit to such a senselesse thing . Neither may we account it to have been a small blessing of God unto our ancestors , who lived in that kingdome of darkenesse , that the Ignorance wherein they were bred , freed them from the understanding of those things , which being known might prove so prejudiciall to their soules health . k For there be some things , which it is better for a man to be ignorant of , than to know : and the l not knowing of those profundities , which are indeed the depths of Satan , is to those that have not the skil to dive into the bottome of such mysteries of iniquitie , a good and an happie Ignorance . The ignorance of those principles of the Catholique faith , that are absolutely necessarie to salvation , is as dangerous a gulfe on the other side : but the light of those common truthes of Christianitie was so great , and so firmely fixed in the mindes of those that professed the name of Christ , that it was not possible for the power of darkenesse to extinguish it , nor the gates of Hell to prevaile against it . Nay , the verie solemne dayes , which by the ancient institution of the Church were celebrated for the commemoration of the Blessed Trinitie , the Nativitie , Passion , Resurrection , and Ascension of our Saviour Christ , did so preserve the memorie of these things among the common people ; that by the m Popish Doctors themselves , it is made an argument of grosse and supine Ignorance , that any should not have explicite knowledge of those mysteries of Christ , which were thus publikely solemnized in the Church . And ( which is the principall point of all ) the ordinary instruction appointed to be given unto men upon their death-beds , was : n that they should looke to come to glorie , not by their owne merits , but by the vertue and merit of the passion of our Lord Iesus Christ ; that they should place their whole confidence in his death onely , and in no other thing ; and that they should interpose his death betwixt God and their sinnes , betwixt them and Gods anger . So that where these things did thus concurre in any ( as wee doubt not but they did in many thousands ) , the knowledge of the common principles of the faith , the ignorance of such maine errours as did endanger the foundation , a godly life , and a faithfull death : there we have no cause to make any question , but that God had fitted a subject for his mercy to worke upon . And yet in saying thus , wee doe nothing lesse than say that such as these were Papists , either in their life or in their death : members of the Romane Church perhaps they were , but such as by God's goodnes were preserved from the mortalitie of Popery that raigned there . For Popery it selfe is nothing else but the botch or the plague of that Church : which hazardeth the soules of those it seizeth upon , as much as any infection can doe the body . And therefore if any one will needs be so foole-hardy as to take up his lodging in such a Pest-house , after warning given of the present danger ; wee in our charitie may well say , Lord have mercy upon him : but he , in the meane time , hath great cause to feare , that God in his justice will inflict that judgement upon him , which o in this case he hath threatned against such as will not beleeve the truth , but take pleasure in vnrighteousnesse . And so much may suffice for that question . The second question , so rise in the mouthes of our Adversaries , is : Where was your Church before Luther ? Whereunto an answere may bee returned from the grounds of the solution of the former question : that our Church was even there where now it is . In all places of the world , where the ancient foundations were retained , and those common principles of faith , upon the profession whereof men have ever beene wont to be admitted , by Baptisme , into the Church of Christ : there we doubt not but our Lord had his subjects , and wee our fellow-servants . For wee bring-in no new Faith , nor no new Church . That which in the time of the ancient Fathers p was accounted to be truely and properly Catholick , namely , that which was beleeved every where , alwayes , and by all : that in the succeeding ages hath evermore beene preserved , and is at this day entirely professed in our Church . And it is well observed by a learned man , who hath written a full discourse of this argument ; that q whatsoever the Father of lies either hath attempted or shall attempt , yet neither hath he hitherto effected , nor shall ever bring it to passe hereafter , that this Catholick doctrine , ratified by the common consent of Christians alwayes and every where , should be abolished ; but that in the thickest mist rather of the most perplexed troubles , it still obtained victorie , both in the mindes and in the open confession of all Christians , no wayes overturned in the foundation thereof : and that in this veritie that one Church of Christ was preserved in the midst of the tempests of the most cruell winter , or in the thickest darknes of her waynings . Thus if at this day we should take a survay of the severall professions of Christianitie , that have any large spread in any part of the world ( as of the Religion of the Romane and the Reformed Churches in our Quarters , of the Aegyptians and Aethiopians in the South , of the Grecians and other Christians in the Easterne parts ) , and should put-by the points wherein they did differ one from another , and gather into one body the rest of the Articles wherein they all did generally agree : wee should finde , that in those propositions which without all controversie are universally received in the whole Christian world , so much truth is contained , as , being joyned with holy obedience , may be sufficient to bring a man unto everlasting salvation . Neither have wee cause to doubt , but that r as many as doe walke according to this rule ( neither overthrowing that which they have builded by superinducing any damnable heresies thereupon , nor otherwise vitiating their holie faith with a lewd and wicked conversation ) peace shall bee upon them , and mercie , and upon the Israel of GOD. Now these common principles of the Christian faith , which we call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or things generally beleeved of all , as they have s Vniversalitie , and Antiquity , and Consent concurring with them ( which by Vincentius his rule , are the speciall characters of that which is truely and properly Catholick : so for their Duration wee are sure that they have still held out , and beene kept as the Seminarie of the Catholique Church in the darkest and difficultest times that ever have beene : where if the Lord of Hostes had not in his mercy reserved this seed unto us , we should long since t have beene as Sodom , and should have beene like unto Gomorrah . It cannot be denied indeed , that Sathan and his instruments have used their utmost endeavour , either to hide this light from mens eyes , by keeping them in grosse ignorance , or to deprave it by bringing-in pernicious heresies ; and that in these latter ages they have much prevailed both wayes , aswell in the West and North , as in the East and South . Yet farre be it , for all this , from any man to thinke , that u God should so cast away his people , that in those times there should not be left a remnant according to the election of grace . The Christian Church was never brought unto a lower ebbe , than was the Iewish Synagogue in the dayes of our Saviour Christ ; when x the Interpreters of the Law had taken away the key of knowledge : and that little knowledge that remained , was miserably corrupted , not onely with the leaven of the Pharisees , but also with the damnable heresie of the Sadduces . And yet a man at that time might have seene the true servants of GOD standing together with these men in the selfe-same Temple : which might well be accounted , as the House of the Saints in regard of the one , so a Denne of theeves in respect of the other . When the pestilent heresie of the Arrians had polluted the whole world ; the people of Christ were not to bee found among them onely who made an open secession from that wicked company , but among those also who held externall communion with them , and lived under their Ministery . Where they so learned the other truthes of GOD from them , that they were yet ignorant of their maine errour ; God in his providence so ordering matters , that ( as it is noted by S. y Hilary ) the people of Christ should not perish under the Priests of Antichrist . If you demand then , Where was Gods Temple all this while ? the answer is at hand : There where Antichrist sate . Where was Christs people ? Even under Antichrists Priests : and yet this is no justification at all , either of Antichrist , or of his Priests ; but a manifestation of God's great power , who is able to uphold his Church even there z where Satans throne is . Babylon was an infectious place , and the infection thereof was mortall : and yet God had his people there , whom hee preserved from the mortalitie of that infection . Else , how should he have said ; a Come out of her my people ; that yee bee not partakers of her sinnes , and that ye receive not of her plagues . If the place had not beene infectious , he should not have needed to forwarne them of the danger wherein they stood of partaking in her sinnes ; and if the infection had not beene mortall , he would not have put them in minde of the plagues that were to follow : and if in the place thus mortally infected , God had not preserved a people alive unto himselfe , he could not have said ; Come out of her my people . The enemie indeed had there sowne his tares : but b sowne them in the LORDS field , and among the LORDS wheate . And a field , we know , may so bee c overgrowne with such evill weedes as these ; that at the first sight a man would hardly thinke , that any corne were there at all : even as in the barne it selfe , the d mixture of the chaffe with the wheate is sometime such , as a-farre off a man would imagine that he did see but a heape of chaffe , and nothing else . Those worthy husbandmen that in these last 600. yeares have taken paines in plucking up those pernicious weedes out of the LORDS field , and severing the chaffe from his graine ; cannot be rightly said in doing this , eyther to have brought in another field , or to have changed the ancient graine . The field is the same , but weeded now , unweeded then : the graine the same , but winnowed now , unwinnowed then . Wee preach no new faith , but the same Catholique faith that ever hath beene preached : neyther was it any part of our meaning to begin a new Church in these latter dayes of the world , but to reforme the old . A tree that hath the luxurious branches lopped off , and the noxious things that cleave unto it taken away ; is not by this pruning and purging of it made another tree than it was before : neyther is the Church reformed in our dayes , another Church than that which was deformed in the dayes of our fore-fathers ; though it hath no agreement , for all that , with Poperie , which is the Pestilence that walked in those times of darkenesse , and the destruction that now wasteth at noone day . And thus have I finished that which I had to speak , concerning the unitie of the faith : for the further explication whereof , the Apostle addeth . [ and of the knowledge of the Sonne of God. ] Wherein wee may observe both the Nature of this Grace , and the Object of it . For the former , we see that Faith is here described unto us by Knowledge : to shew unto us , that Knowledge is a thing that is necessarily required in true beleeving ; Whereof this may bee an argument sufficient : that in matters of faith the Scripture doth use indifferently the termes of knowing and beleeving . So Iob 19.25 . I know that my Redeemer liveth . Ioh. 17.3 . This is life eternall , that they know thee the onely true God , and Iesus Christ whom thou hast sent . Esai . 53.11 . By his knowledge shall my righteous servant iustifie manie . As therefore in the fundamentall truthes of Christian Religion unitie of faith is required among all those that belong to the Catholick Church : so in those maine grounds likewise there is unitie of knowledge generally required among all that professe the name of Christ. For some things there be , the knowledge whereof is absolutely necessarie , e necessitate medij vel finis ( as the School-men speak : ) without which no man may expect , by Gods ordinarie law , to attaine unto the end of his faith , the salvation of his soule . And in these a man may lose himselfe , not by Heresie onely , which is a flat denying ; but by Ignorance also , which is a bare not knowing of them : these things being acknowledged to be so necessarie , that although it lay not in our power to attaine thereunto , yet this invincible Ignorance should not excuse us from everlasting death . Even as if there were one onely remedie , whereby a sicke man could be recovered , and freed from corporall death : suppose the patient and the Physitian both were ignorant of it , the man must perish , as well not knowing it , as if being brought unto him , he had refused it . And therefore in this case it is resolved , that f from the explicite faith , & actuall knowledge of these things , nothing can excuse but onely such an incapacitie as is found in infants , naturals , and distracted persons : and that in all others which have the use of reason , although they want the meanes of instruction , this Ignorance is not onely perillous , but also damnable . The danger then of this Ignorance being , by the confession of the most judicious Divines of both sides , acknowledged to be so great : the wofull estate of the poore Countrey wherein I live , is much to bee lamented , where the people generally are suffered to perish for want of knowledge : the vulgar superstitions of Poperie not doing them halfe that hurt , that the ignorance of those common principles of the faith doth , which all true Christians are bound to learne . The consideration whereof , hath sometime drawne mee to treate with those of the opposite party , & to move them : that howsoever in other things we did differ one from another , yet wee should joyne together in teaching those maine points , the knowledge whereof was so necessary unto salvation , and of the truth whereof there was no controversie betwixt us . But what for the jealousies , which these distractions in matters of Religion have bred among us , & what for other respects , the motiō took small effect : & so betwixt us both , the poor people are kept still in miserable ignorāce , neither knowing the grounds of the one religion nor of the other . Here the case ( God be thanked ) is farre otherwise : where your Maiesties care can never be sufficiently commended , in taking order , that the chiefe heads of the Catechisme should , in the ordinarie ministerie , be diligently propounded and explained unto the people throughout the land . Which I wish were as duely executed every where , as it was piously by You intended . Great Scholars possibly may thinke , that it standeth not so well with their credite , to stoop thus low , and to spend so much of their time in teaching these rudiments and first principles of the doctrine of Christ. But they should consider , that the laying of the foundation skilfully , as it is the matter of greatest importance in the whole building , so is it the very master-peece of the wisest builder g According to the grace of God which is given unto mee , as a wise master-builder , I have layd the foundation : saith the great Apostle . And let the learnedest of us all try it when-ever wee please ; wee shall finde , that to lay this ground-worke rightly , ( that is , to apply our selves unto the capacitie of the common Auditorie , and to make an Ignorant man to understand these mysteries in some good measure ) will put us to the tryall of our skill , and trouble us a great deale more , than if we were to discusse a controversie , or handle a subtile point of learning in the Schooles . Yet h Christ did give as well his Apostles , and Prophets , and Evangelists , as his ordinarie Pastors and Teachers , to bring us all , both learned and unlearned , unto the unitie of this faith and knowledge : and the neglecting of this , is the frustrating of the whole worke of the Ministerie ▪ For let us preach never so many Sermons unto the people , our labour is but lost , as long as the foundation is unlaid , and the first principles untaught , upon which all other doctrine must be builded . Hee therefore that will i studie to shew himselfe approved unto God , a workeman that needeth not to be ashamed , dividing the word of God aright ; must have a speciall care to plant this Kingdome both in the mindes and in the hearts of them that heare him . I say , in the hearts aswell as in the mindes : because we may not content our selves with a bare Theoricall knowledge , which is an information onely of the Vnderstanding , and goeth no further than the braine ; but we must labour to attaine unto a further degree both of Experimentall and of Practicall Knowledge , in the things that wee have learned . A young man may talke much of the troubles of the world , and a Scholar in the Vniversitie may shew a great deale of wit in making a large declamation upon that argument : but when the same men have afterwards been beaten in the world , they will confesse that they spake before they knew not what , and count their former apprehension of these things to be but meere Ignorance , in respect of that new learning which now they have bought by deare experience . The tree in Paradise , of which our first parents were forbidden to eate , was called k the tree of knowledge of good and evill : because it signified unto them , that as now while they stood upon termes of obedience with their Creator , they knew nothing but good ; so at what time soever they did transgresse his commandement , they should begin to know evill also , whereof before they had no knowledge , not but that they had an intellectuall knowledge of it before ( for he that knoweth good , cannot be ignorant of that which is contrarie unto it ; Rectum being alwayes index sui & obliqui : ) but that till then they never had felt any evill , they never had any experimentall knowledge of it . So our Apostle in this Epistle boweth his knees unto the Father of our Lord Iesus Christ , that hee would grant unto these Ephesians , l to know the love of Christ which passeth knowledge : shewing , that there is a further degree of knowledge in this kinde , that may be felt by the heart , though not comprehended by the braine : and in the Epistle to the Philippians , m he counteth all things but losse for the excellent knowledge sake of Christ Iesus his Lord. Meaning hereby a knowledge grounded upon deepe experience of the vertue of Christs death and resurrection , in his owne soule : as he expoundeth it himselfe , in the words following . n That I may know him , and the power of his resurrection , and the fellowship of his sufferings , and be made conformable unto his death . There is an Experimentall knowledge then to be looked after , beside the Mentall : and so is there a Practicall knowledge likewise , as well as an Intellectuall . When Christ is said to have knowne no sinne : wee cannot understand this of Intellectuall knowledge ( for had he not thus knowne sinne , he could not have reproved it as he did ) but of Practicall . So that , o Hee knew no sinne , in S. Paul ; must be conceived to be the very same with , p He did no sinne , in S. Peter . In the first to the Romanes , they that q knew God , because they glorified him not as God , are therefore said , r not to have God in their knowledge . God made his wayes and his lawes knowne to the children of Israel in the desert ; and yet he s said of them : It is a people that doe erre in their heart , and they have not knowne my wayes . For there is an errour in the heart , as well as in the braine : and a kinde of ignorance arising from the will , as well as from the minde . And therefore in the Epistle to the Hebrewes , t all sinnes are termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ignorances , and u sinners 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ignorant and erring persons : because how ever in the generall the understanding may be informed rightly , yet when particular actions come to be resolved upon , mens perverse wils and inordinate affections cloude their mindes , and lead them out of the way . That therefore is to bee accounted sound Knowledge , which sinketh from the braine into the heart , and from thence breaketh forth into action : ( setting head , heart , hand , and all aworke : ) and so much onely must thou reckon thy selfe to know in Christianitie , as thou art able to make use of in practise . For as Saint Iames saith of faith ; x Shew me thy faith by thy workes : so doth he in like manner of knowledge . y Who is a wise man , and endued with knowledge amongst you ? let him shew out of a good conversation his workes with meekenesse of wisedome : and S. Iohn much to the same purpose . z Hereby we doe know that we know him , if wee keepe his commandements . He that saith , I know him , and keepeth not his commandements , is a lyar , and the truth is not in him . He speaketh there of Iesus Christ the righteous : the Sonne of God , who is here in my text likewise made the Obiect of this Knowledge . a Thou art Christ the Sonne of the living God : is by Christ himselfe made the rocke upon which the whole Church is builded , And , b Other foundation ( saith S. Paul ) can no man lay , than that is laid , which is Iesus Christ. c Not that wee should thinke , that there were no other fundamentall doctrine to bee acknowledged but this alone ( for the articles of the Holy Ghost , forgivenesse of sinnes , resurrection of the dead , eternall judgement , and such like other , have their place also in the d foundation ) but because this is the most speciall object of faith , and the primarie foundation of all the other . For first , as God is made the coaequate object of the whole bodie of Divinitie , notwithstanding it treateth also of men and Angels , Heaven and Hell , Sinne and Obedience , and sundrie other particulars ; because all these are brought to God reductiuely , if not as explications of his Nature , yet of his Workes and Kingdome : so likewise may Christ be made the primarie head of all other fundamentall articles , because they have all reference unto him ; being such as concerne eyther his Father , or his Spirit , or his Incarnation , or his Office of Mediation , or his Church , or the speciall Benefits which he hath purchased for it . Secondly , howsoever this faith and knowledge , being taken in their larger extent , have for their full object what-ever is revealed in the Word of God : yet as they build us upon the foundation , as they incorporate us into the mysticall body , as they are the meanes of our justification and life , they looke upon the Sonne of God , and him onely . The holy Scriptures ( within the bounds whereof the utmost extent of all our faith and knowledge must be contained ) are able to make us wise unto salvation ; but yet through faith which is in Christ Iesus ( 2 Tim. 3.15 . So , by his knowledge ( or the knowledge of himselfe ) shall my righteous servant iustifie many : sayth the Father of the Son , Esay 53.11 . And the life which I now live in the flesh , I live by the faith of the Son of God , who loved me , and gave himselfe for me : saith the Apostle , Gal. 2.20 . The children of Israel in the wildernesse , being stung with fierie Serpents , were directed , for their recovery , to looke upon the brazen Serpent : which was a figure of e the Son of man , lifted up upon the Crosse ; that whosoever did beleeve in him , might not perish , but have eternall life . Now as the Israelites with the same eyes , and with the same visive facultie , wherewith they beheld the sands and the mountaines in the desert , did looke upon the brazen Serpent also ; but were cured by fastning their sight upon that alone , and not by looking upon any other object : so by the same faith and knowledge whereby we are justified , f we understand that the world was framed by the word of God , and beleeve all other truths revealed ; and yet fides quâ iustificans , faith as it doth justifie us , doth not look upon these , but fixeth it selfe solely upon the Son of God , not knowing any thing here but Iesus Christ and him crucified And thus hath our Saviour a speciall and peculiar place in that larger foundation : according to that of the Apostle , Ephes. 2.20 . Yee are built upon the foundation of the Apostles and Prophets , g of which ( for so his words in the Originall may well beare it ) Iesus Christ is the chiefe corner-stone . It followeth now , that wee should proceed from the foundation to the structure : and so h leaving the principles of the doctrine of Christ , goe on unto perfection [ unto a perfect man , unto the measure of the stature of the fulnesse of Christ ] : There is a time wherein Christ is but begun , and as it were a-breeding in us . Gal. 4.19 . My little children , of whom I travell in birth againe untill Christ be formed in you . After that he hath beene formed in our hearts , he is at first but as a babe there ; yet resteth not at that stay : but as in his naturall body hee i increased in stature , so in every part of his mysticall body hee hath set for himselfe a certaine measure of stature , and a fulnesse of growth ; which being attained unto , a Christian is thereby made a perfect man. And for this end also doth the Apostle here shew that the Ministery was instituted , k that we henceforth should be no more children ( as it is in the words immediately following my Text ) , but that we might grow up into him in all things , which is the head , even Christ. For the perfection which the Apostle here speaketh of , is not to be taken absolutely , ( as if any absolute perfection could be found among m●n in this life ) but in comparison with childhood ; As the opposition is more clearely made by him , in 1. Corinth . 14.20 . Brethren , be not children , in understanding , howbeit in malice be you children , but in understanding be perfect , that is to say , of mans estate . And , Heb. 5.13.14 . Every one that useth milke , is unskilfull in the word of righteousnesse ; for he is a babe : but strong meat belongeth to them that are perfect , that is , that are of full age ; as our Interpreters have rightly rendred it . Now as there is great difference among men in their naturall growth , so is there no lesse varietie among them also in respect of their spirituall stature : there being severall degrees of this imperfect kinde of perfection here spoken of ; which , according to the diversitie of times , places , and persons , may admit a greater or a lesser measure . For we may not thinke that the same measure of knowledge ( for example ) is sufficient for a learned man and an unlearned ; for a Pastor , and for an ordinarie Christian ; for those that lived in the time of darkenesse , and them that enjoy the light of the Gospel ; for them that have the meanes , and them that want it . But , according to the measure of the gift of God , wee must know notwithstanding that it is required generally of all men ; that they grow in grace , and in the knowledge of our Lord and Saviour Iesus Christ. ( 2. Pet. 2.18 . ) not in knowledge onely , but in grace : even l grow up into him in ALL things , which is the head ; as our Apostle here admonisheth us . Wee must proceed from faith to faith , ( Rom. 1.17 . ) that is , from one measure and degree of it unto another : and this being the root , and other graces as it were the branches , if it grow apace , other graces also must hasten , and ripen , and grow proportionably with it : else thou mayest justly suspect , that thy growth is not sound , and answerable to that which the Apostle sheweth to be in the mysticall body of Christ ; which m according to the effectuall working in the measure of EVERY part , maketh increase of the bodie , unto the edifying of it selfe in love . The time will not permit me to proceed any further : and therefore here I end . n Now the God of peace , that brought againe from the dead our Lord Iesus , that great Shepheard of the Sheepe , through the bloud of his everlasting Covenant , make you perfect in every good worke to doe his will ; working in you that which is well-pleasing in his sight , through Iesus Christ : to whom be glorie for ever and ever . Amen . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A68833-e120 a Num. 10.35 . b Psal. 68.1 . c Ephes. 4 ▪ 8.20 . d Heb. 9.4 . e Heb. 12.24 . f Esa. 53.5 . g Math. 3.15 . and 5.17 . h Rom. 10.4 . i Psal. 40.7.8 . Heb. 10.7 . k Psal. 132.14 . l Ibid. vers . 8.9.16 . 2 Chron. 6.41 m Act. 10.38 . n Mar. 16. o Ioh. 17.4 . p Ioh. 16.28 . and 19.30 . q Act. 3.21 . r Rev. 11.19 . s Mat. 28.20 . t Psal. 68 18. u Ephes. 4.8 . x Ephes. 4.11.12 . y 2 Chron. 6.41 . Psal. 132.9.16 z Ephes. 4.10 . a Ib. ver . 12. b Col. 1.19 . c Ephes. 1.23 . d 1 Pet. 2.5 . e 1 Cor. 12.13 . f Psal. 2.8 . g Esa. 43.5.6.7 . h Augustin . ep . 48. Quàm multi nihil interesse credentes in quâ quisque parte Christianus sit ; ideò permanebant in parte Donati , quia ibi nati erant , & eos inde discedere , atque ad Catholicam nemo transire cogebat . Et paulò pòst Putabamus quidem nihil interesse ubi fidē Christi teneremus : sed gratias Domino , qui nos à divisione collegit , & hoc uni Deo congruere , ut in unitate colatur , ostendit . i Rev. 17.18 . k Ibid. ver . 15. l Ibid. vers . 5. m Ib. v. 3. & 7. n Gal. 4.26 . o Rev. 18.7 . p Rom 11.20 , 21.22 . q Subesse Romano Pontifici omni humanae creaturae declaramus , dicimus , definimus , & pronuntiamus omninò esse de necessitate salutis Bonifac. VIII . in Extravag De majoritate & obedi●ntiâ , cap Vn●m sanctam . r 1 Cor. 1.2 . s Ecclesia ex pluribus personis congregatur : & tamen una dicitur , propter unitatem fidei . Hieron . ( si modò is ho●ū Commentartorum author est ) in Psal. 23. t Ephes. 4.5 . u Ibid v. 11. x Ibid. ver ●● . y Pace ●●â , d est , impie●●●s suae u●●t te se jact●●● ; ●gentes ●e non ut Christi episcopos , sed ut Antichrist●acerdotes . Hilar. contr . Auxentium . z 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . a 1 Cor 3.10.11.12 . b Heb. 6.1 . c Ephes. 4.7 . d Neh. 1.11 . e Luk. 13.3.5 Heb. 6.1 . f Act. 11.23 . g Heb. 5.12 . h Ib. ver . 13. ●4 i Iude , ver . 3. k Tit. 1.4 . l 2 Pet. 1.1 . m Regula fidei , pusillis magnisque communis . Aug. ep . 57. n 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ ●renaus , lib. 1. cap. 3. o Exod. 16.18 . 2 Cor 8.15 . p Sacramentum fidei . Aug. epist. 23. q Habetur apud Epiphaniū in haeres . 7● . r See my Answer to the Iesuits challenge , page 284 285. s Fr. Suarez , tom . 2. in 3 ▪ par . Thom. disp . 43. sect . 2. t 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Euseb. ep . apud Socratem , lib. 1. hist. cap. 8. ( al. ● . ) et Theodoret. li. 1. cap 12. u 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Conc. Constant. epis . apud Theod. l. 5. cap. 9. x Epiphan . in ' 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 518. edit . Grac. y Io. Cass. lib. 5. de Incarnat . Verbi . z Concil . Tridentin . ( S●● 3 ) Symbolum fid●i , quo sancta Romana Ecclesi● utitur , tanquam princip●um tilud , in quo omnes , qui fidem Christi profitentur necessariò conveniunt , ac fundamentum firmū & unicum , contra quod portae inferi nunquam praevalebunt , totidem verbis , quibus in omnibus ecclesiis legitur , exprimendum esse censuit . a 1 Cor. 3.12 . b Ibid. v. 14. c Ibid. v. 15. d Quaedam sunt catholicae veritates , quae ita ad fidem pertinent , ut his sublatis , fides quoque ipsa tollatur . Quas nos , usu frequenti non solùm catholicas , sed fidei veritates appellavimus . Aliae veritates sunt etiamipsae catholicae & universales , nempè quas universa Ecclesia tenet , quibus licèt eversis , fides quatitur , sed non evertitur tamen ▪ Atque in hujusmodi veritatū contrariis er● oribus , dixi fidem obscurari , non extingui ; infirmari , non perire . Has ergo nunquam fidei veritates censui vocandas , quamvis doctrinae Christianae veritates sint . Melch Canu● , loc . Theolog. lib. 12 cap 11. e Neces●ar●ò oportet distinguere alios gradus propositionum , per quas etiamsi fides non destruatur omninò , tamen malè habet , & quatitur , & quasi disponitur ad corruptionem . Sicut sunt quaedam corporum laesiones quae non auferunt vitam , sed malè habet homo per eas , & disponitur ad corruptionem aut in toto aut in parte ; aliae verò sunt laesiones mortales , quae vitam eripiunt : ita sunt quidam gradus propositionum , continentes doctrinam non sanam , etiamsi non habeant haeresim manifestam . Dominic Bannes , in 2 am 2 ae . quaest 11. artic 2. f 2 Thes. 2 ▪ 4. g Gal. 4.4 . h Per verba consecrationis verè & realiter uti transsubstantiatur panis , ita producitur & quasi generatur Christus in altari , adeò potenter & effi caciter , ut si Christus nec dum esset incarnatus ▪ per haec verba Hoc est corpus meum , incarnaretur , corpusque humanum assumeret : ut graves Theologi docent . Cornelius Cornelij à Lapide , Commentar . in Esai . 7.14 . i Confitentur alii , quòd fides sua , quâ astruunt quòd panis & vinum remanent post consecrationē in naturis suis , adhuc servatur laicis , & antiquitùs servabatur . Io. Tissington , in Confessione cont . Io. Wicliff . quam MS. habeo . k Sunt enim quaedam , quae nescire , quàm scire , sit melius . Aug. Enchirid . ad Laurent . cap. 17. l Rev. 2.24 . m in Sylvest . in Summâ , verb. Fides . §. 6. ex Thom. in 2 a 2 ae , quaest . 2. art . 7. n See my Treatise De Christianarum Ecclesiarum successione & statu , cap. 7 §. 21.22 . and the Answere to the Iesuite , pag. 514.515 . o 2 Thess. 2.12 . p In ipsâ Catholicâ Ecclesiâ magnoperè curandum est , utid teneamus quod ubique , quod semper , quod ab omnibus creditum est : hoc est etenim verè propriéque Catholicum ▪ Vincent . Lirin cont . haeres . cap. 3. q Quicquid vel molitus sit vel moliturus sit mendacii Pater , non tamen vel effecisse hactenús vel effecturum posthàc , ut haec doctrina catholica , omniū Christianorū consensu , semper & ubique rata , aboleatur : quin potiûs , illam in densissimâ maximè involutarum perturbationum caligme victricem extitisse , & in animis & in aperta confessione Christianorum omnium , in suis fundamentis nullo modo labefactatam . In illâ quoque veritate unam illam Ecclesiam fuisse conservatam in mediis saevissimae hyemis tempestatibus , vel densissimis tenebris suorum interluniorum . Ioh. Serranus , in Apparat ad fidem Cathol . edit Paris . an . 1607. pag. 172. r Gal. 6.16 . s Vniversitatem , antiquitatem , cōsensionem . Vincent . Lirin ▪ 〈…〉 hae●es . 〈…〉 t Esay . 1.9 . u Rom. 11.2.5 . x Luk. 11.52 . y Et hujus q●●dem usque adhuc impietatis occasio per fraudem perficitur ; ut jam sub Antichristi Sacerdotibus Christi populus non occidat . Hilar contr . Auxentium . z Revel . 2.13 . a Rev. 18.4 . b Mat. 13.24 , 25. c Infelix lolium , & steriles dominantur avenae . d Grana cùm coeperint tríturari interpaleam , se non jam tangunt , & quasi non se noverunt , quia intercedit medio palea . Et quicunque longiùs attendit aream , paleam solumn ▪ odò putat : nisi diligentiùs intueatur , nisi manum porrigat , nisi spiritu oris , id est , flatu purgante di●●ernat ; difficilè pervenit ad discretionē granorum . Serm. 228. de Tempore , tomo . 10. Oper. Augustini . e Necessarium necessitate medii appellāt Theologi illud , quod ex lege ordinariâ Dei , sic ad salutem necessarium est , ut quicunque etiam ob ignorantiam invincibilem , vel quacunque aliâ de caussâ id non fuerit assecutus , is nequeat etiam consequi salutem Greg. de Valentiâ , tom . 3. commentar . Theolog. quaest . 2. punct . 2. col . 299. Illa quae sunt necessaria necessitate finis , si desint , nobis etiam sine culpâ nostra , non excusabunt nos ab aeternâ morte ; quamvis non fuerit in nostrâ potestate illa assequi . Quemadmodum etiamsi non sit nisi unicum remedium , ut aliquis fugiat mortem corporalem , & tale remedium ignoretur & ab infirmo & medico ; sine dnbio peribit homo ille . Dom. Bannes , in 2 am 2 ae , quaest . 2. art . 8. col . 348. f Sicut ad legis Christi habitualem fidem omnis vitiator obligatur sine ullâ exceptione ; sic ab ejus actuali fide nullus excusatur nisi solâ incapacitate , &c. Parvulos autem & furiosos , caeterísque passionibus mente captos , seu aliâ naturali impossibilitate prohibitos , incapaces voco : etsi non simpliciter , tamē secundùm quid ; sc. dum his defectibus laborant . Petr. de Alliaco . in quaestione Vesperiarum . g 1 Cor. 3.10 . h Ephes. 4.11 . i 2 Tim. 2.15 k Gen 2.9.17 . l Ephe. 3.19 . m Phil. 3.8 . n Ibid. vers . 10. o 2 Cor. 5.21 . p 1 Pet. 2.22 . q Rom. 1.21 . r Ibid. vers . 18. s Psal. 95.10 . Heb. 3.10 . t Heb 9.7 . compared with Lev. 16.16.17 . u Heb. 5.2 . Aristot. Ethic. lib. 3. cap 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . x Iam. 2.18 . y Iam. 3.13 . z 1 Ioh. 2.3.4 . a Mat. 16.16.18 . b 1 Cor. 3.11 . c Vid. Aug. lib. de fide & oper . ● . 9 . d Heb. 6.1.2 . e Ioh. 3.14.15 f Heb. 11.3 . g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . h Heb. 6.1 . i Luk. 2. ●2 . k Eph. 4.14 , 15. l Ephes. 4.15 . m Ephes. 4.16 n Heb. 13.20.21 . 
A64661	----	The judgement of the late Arch-Bishop of Armagh and Primate of Ireland 1. Of the extent of Christs death and satisfaction &c, 2. Of the Sabbath, and observation of the Lords day, 3. Of the ordination in other reformed churches : with a vindication of him from a pretended change of opinion in the first, some advertisements upon the latter, and in prevention of further injuries, a declaration of his judgement in several other subjects / by N. Bernard. Ussher, James, 1581-1656. 1658 Approx. 178 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 95 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2005-12 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A64661 Wing U188 ESTC R24649 08259185 ocm 08259185 41259 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. 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Theology -- History -- 17th century. 2005-02 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-03 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2005-04 Emma (Leeson) Huber Sampled and proofread 2005-04 Emma (Leeson) Huber Text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE JUDGEMENT Of the late ARCH-BISHOP OF ARMAGH , And I Primate of Ireland , 1. Of the Extent of Christs death and satisfaction , &c. 2. Of the Sabbath , and observation of the Lords day . 3. Of the Ordination in other reformed Churches : With a Vindication of him from a pretended change of opinion in the first ; Some Advertisements upon the latter ; And , in prevention of further injuries , A Declaration of his judgement in several other subjects . By N. Bernard , D. D. and Preacher to the Honourable society of Grayes-Inne , London . Gather up the fragments that remain , that nothing be lost : Joh. 6. 12. London , Printed for John Crook , at the Ship in St. Pauls Church-yard , 1658. TO THE READER . THE first Treatise containing the Judgement of the most eminent Primate of Ireland , concerning the True Intent and Extent of Christs death , and satisfaction upon the Crosse , was written by him , at the request of a Friend , a little before the Synod of Dort : a Copy of which being taken , was ( unknowne to him ) carried thither by a Member of it : upon the multiplying of them exceptions were taken by divers , and by one Penne contracted into a Letter to him ; which the second Treatise is an answer unto : both these I had from him about twenty eight yeares agone , and now upon the desire of such , whose judgements I subscribe unto , and the prevention of other mistaken Copies , which possibly might be produced , I have been hastened to the printing of them . That which hath given the occasion , is the mistake lately published of the change of his Judgement in it , a little before his death : But by the view of these , I believe the Authour will receive satisfaction . In the vindication of which two Letters , being desired from me long agone , ( which have been hitherto deferred the publick ) I have been importuned to permit them to be annexed . Unto which I shall here adde but this , That not onely in the forenamed subjects , but in the rest relating to the Remonstrants , the Primate concurred with Bishop Davenant , whose Lectures Demorte Christi , & praedestinatione & reprobatione , he caused to be published , only that little Treatise added in the conclusion of it , entituled Sententia Ecclesiae Anglicanae de praedestinatione & capitibus annexis , &c. taken to be Bishop Davenants , and implyed so by the Printer ( ab eodem , uti fertur , Authore , which possibly hath occasioned the apprehension of a change in him also ) I have been assured by a Person of Eminency , ( who affirms it out of his own knowledge ) that it was Bishop Overals . And now upon this occasion I have thought fit to publish a Learned Letter of the Primates wrote many yeares agone to Doctor Twisse , concerning the Sabbath , and , Observation of the Lords day ; having two Copies , corrected throughout with his owne hand , with parts of two other Letters of the same matter , which I had together with the former : as also his judgement in divers other subjects , both in Doctrine and Discipline , with some Advertisements for the clearing and preventing of any further misapprehensions . Unto which is added his Reduction of Episcopacy to the form of Synodical Government , &c. before published ; And at the request of the Printer , a distinction of those Bo●kes which are owned by the Primate , from such as are not . If the Readers Opinion shall dissent in any of the above-named , or swell into an opposition , let him not expect any defensive Armes to be taken up by me , it being my part to declare his judgement as I finde it , Which with the most Pious and Learned , I doubt not but will be ( as it hath been ) of a Reverend and high esteem : If it may but moderate the heat , which hath lately broken out among us about some of them , the fruit expected is reaped ; And as these shall be of profit and acceptance , I shall be encouraged to a further gathering up of the like fragments . N. B. The Judgement of the late Arch-Bishop of Armagh , and Primate of Ireland , of the true Intent and Extent of Christs death , and satisfaction upon the Crosse. Written in Answer to the request of a Friend , March 3. 1617. The true Intent and Extent of Christs Death , and Satisfaction upon the Crosse. THe all-sufficient satisfaction of Christ , made for the sinnes of the whole World. The true intent and extent , is Lubricus locus to be handled , and hath , and doth now much trouble the Church : this question hath been moved sub iisdem terminis quibus nunc , and hath received contrary resolutions ; the reason is , that in the two extremities of opinions held in this matter , there is somewhat true , and somewhat false ; The one extremity extends the benefit of Christs satisfaction too farre , as if hereby , God , for his part , were actually reconciled to all mankind , and did really discharge every man from all his sins , and that the reason why all men do not reap the fruit of this benefit , is the want of that faith whereby they ought to have believed , that God in this sort did love them : Whence it would follow , that God should forgive a man his sins , and justifie him before he believed , whereas the Elect themselves , before their effectuall vocation are said to be without Christ , and without hope , and to be utter strangers from the Covenants of Promise , Ephes. 2. 2. 2. The other extremity contracts the riches of Christs satisfaction into too narrow a room ; as if none had any kind of interest therein , but such as were elected before the foundation of the World ; howsoever by the Gospel , every one be charged to receive the same : whereby it would follow , that a man should be bound in conscience to believe that which is untrue , and charged to take that wherewith he hath nothing to do . Both extremities then , drawing with them unavoidable absurdities : The Word of God ( by hearing whereof , faith is begotten , Eph. 1. 13. ) must be sought uuto by a middle course , to avoyd these extremities . For finding out this middle course , we must , in the matter of our Redemption , carefully put a distinction betwixt the satisfaction of Christ absolutely considered , and the application thereof to every one in particular : The former was once done for all , The other is still in doing : The former brings with it sufficiency abundant , to discharge the whole debt ; the other addes to it efficacy . The satisfaction of Christ , onely makes the sinnes of mankind fit for pardon , which without it , could not well be ; the injury done to Gods Majesty being so great , that it could not stand with his honour to put it up without amends made . The particular application makes the sins of those to whom that mercy is vouchsafed to be actually pardoned : for , as all sins are mortal , in regard of the stipend due thereunto by the Law , but all do not actually bring forth death , because the gracious Promises of the Gospel stayeth the execution : even so all the sinnes of mankind , are become venial , in respect of the price paid by Christ to his Father ( so farre , that in shewing mercy upon all , if so it were his pleasure , his justice should be no loser , ) but all do not obtain actual remission , because most offenders do not take out , nor plead their pardon as they ought to do . If Christ had not assumed our Nature , and therein made satisfaction for the injury offered to the divine Majesty , God would not have come unto a Treaty of peace with us , more than with the fallen Angels , whose nature the Sonne did not assume : But this way being made , God holds out unto us the golden Scepter of his Word , and thereby , not onely signifieth his pleasure of admitting us unto his presence , and accepting of our submission , which is a wonderful Grace , but also sends an Embassage unto us , and entreats us that we would be reconciled unto him , 2 Cor. 5. 20. Hence , we inferre against the first extremity , that by the vertue of this blessed Oblation , God is made placable unto our nature ( which he never will be unto the Angelical nature offending ) but not actually appeased with any , untill he hath received his son , and put on the Lord Jesus . As also against the latter extremity , that all men may be truly said to have interest in the merits of Christ , as in a Common , though all do not enjoy the benefit thereof ; because they have no will to take it . The well-spring of life is set open unto all ( Apoc. 22. 17. ) Whosoeever will , let him take of the water of life freely , but many have nothing to draw with ; and the Well is deep , Faith is the vessel whereby we draw all vertue from Christ , and the Apostle tells us , That Faith is not of all , ( 2 Thes. 3. 2. ) Now the means of getting this Faith is the hearing of the word of truth , the Gospel of our salvation ( Ephes. 1. 13. ) which ministreth this general ground for every one to build his Faith upon . Syllogisme . What Christ hath prepared for thee , and the Gospel offereth unto thee , that oughtest thou with all thankfulnesse to accept , and apply to the comfort of thy own Soul. But Christ by his death and obedience hath provided a sufficient remedy for the taking away of all thy sinnes , and the Gospel offereth the same unto thee . Therefore thou oughtest to accept , and apply the same to the comfort of thine own Soul. Now this Gospel of salvation many do not hear at all , being destitute of the Ministery of the Word ; and many hearing do not believe , or lightly regard it ; and many that do believe the truth thereof , are so wedded to their sinnes , that they have no desire to bee divorced from them , and therefore they refuse to accept the gratious offer that is made unto them . And yet notwithstanding their refusal on their part , we may truly say , That good things were provided for them on Christs part , and a rich price was put into the hands of a Foole , howsoever he had no heart to use it ( Prov. 17. 16. ) Our blessed Saviour , by that which he hath performed on his part , hath procured a Jubilee for the Sons of Adam ; and his Gospel is his Trumpet , whereby he doth proclaim Liberty to the Captives , and preacheth the acceptable yeare of the Lord ( Luke 4. 18 , 19. ) If for all this some are so well pleased with their Captivity that they desire no deliverance , that derogates nothing from the generality of the freedome annexed to that year . If one say to sinne his old Master , ( Levites 25. 24. Exod. 21. 5. Deut , 15 , 26 : ) I love thee , and will not go out free , he shall be bored for a slave , and serve for ever . But that slavish disposition of his , maketh the extent of the priviledge of that yeare not a whit the straiter , because he was included within the general Grant as well as others ; howsoever , he was not disposed to take the benefit of it : The Kingdom of Heaven is like to a certain King that made a marriage of his Son , and sent his servants to those that were bidden to the Wedding with this message ; Behold , I have prepared my Dinner ; my Oxen , and my fatlings are killed , and all things are ready , Come to the Marriage , ( verse 4. ) If we look to the event . They they that were bidden made light of their entertainment , and went their wayes ; one to his Farme , and another to his Merchandize . ( verse 5. ) but that neglect of theirs doth not falsify the word of the King ( verse 4. ) viz. That the Dinner was prepared , and these unworthy Guests were invited thereunto ; For what , if some did not believe , shall their unbelief disannull the Faith , and truth of God ? ( Rom. 3. 3 , 4. ) God forbid ; yea , let God be true , & every man a lyar , as it is written , that thou mayest be justified in thy sayings , and overcome when thou judgest . Let not the house of Israel say , the way of the Lord is unequall . For when he cometh to judge them , the inequality will be found on their side , and not on his . O house of Israel , are not my wayes equal , and your wayes unequal ? saith the Lord , Ezek . 18. 29 , 30. ) The Lord is right in all his wayes , and holy in all his works . All the wayes of our God are mercy and truth ; when we were in our sinnes it was of his infinite mercy that any way , or remedy should be prepared for our recovery . And when the remedy is prepared , we are never the nearer , except he be pleased of his free mercy to apply the same to us , that so the whole praise of our Redemption , from the beginning to the end thereof , may intirely be attributed to the riches of his grace , and nothing left to sinfull flesh wherein it may rejoyce . The freeing of the Jewes from the Captivity of Babylon , was a Type of that great deliverance , which the Son of God hath wrought for us . Cyrus , King of Fersia , who was Christus Domini ( and herein but a shadow of Christus Dominus , the Authour of our Redemption ) published his Proclamation in this manner ; Who is amongst you of all his people , the Lord his God be with him , and let him go up , ( 2 Chron , 36. 23. and 1 Ezra 2. ) Now it is true , they alone did follow this Calling , whose spirit God had raised to go up , ( Ezra 1. 5. ) But could they that remained still in Babylon , justly plead , That the Kings Grant was not large enough , or that they were excluded from going up by any clause contained therein ? The matter of our Redemption purchased by our Saviour Christ lieth open to all , all are invited to it , none that hath a mind to accept of it , is excluded from it . The beautifull feet of those that preach the Gospell of peace , do bring glad tidings of good things to every house where they tread . The first part of their Message being this , Peace to this house , ( Rom. 10. 15. Luke 10. 5. Luke 17. ) But , unlesse God be pleased out of his abundant mercy to guide our feet into the way of peace , the Rebellion of our Nature is such , that that we run head-long to the wayes of destruction and misery , ( Rom. 3. 16. ) and the wayes of peace do we not know . They have not all obeyed the Gospel , Rom. 10. 16. all are not apt to entertain this Message of peace , and therefore , though Gods Ambassadours make a true ten-tender of it to all unto whom they are sent , yet their peace only resteth on the sons of peace , but if it meet with such as will not listen to the motion of it , their peace doth again return unto themselves , ( Luke 10. 6. ) The Proclamation of the Gospel runneth thus : Apoc. 22. 17. Let him that is a thirst come , for him this Grace is specially provided , because none but he will take the paines to come ; But least we should think this should abridge the largenesse of the offer , a Quicunque vult , is immediately added , and whosoever will , let him take of the water of life freely : yet withall this must bee yielded for a certain truth , that it is God who must work in us to will and to do , of his good pleasure ; and though the call be never so loud and large , yet none can come except the father draw him , ( John 6. 46. ) For the universality of the satisfaction derogates nothing from the necessity of the speciall Grace in the application : neither doth the speciality of the one any wayes abridge the generality of the other . Indeed Christ our Saviour saith ( Joh. 17. 6. ) I pray not for the world , but for them that thou hast given me : but the consequence hereby inferred may well be excepted against , viz. He prayed not for the world , Therefore , He payed not for the world ; Because the latter is an Act of his satisfaction , the former of his Intercession : which being divers parts of his Priest-hood are distinguishable one from another , by sundry differences . This his satisfaction doth properly give contentment to Gods justice , in such sort as formerly hath been declared : His Intercession doth solicit Gods mercy . The first containes the preparation of the remedy necessary for mans salvation ; The second brings with it an application , of the same . And consequently the one may well appertain to the common nature , which the son assumed , when the other is a speciall Priviledge vouchsafed to such particular persons onely , as the father hath given him . And therefore we may safely conclude out of all these premisses , That the Lamb of God offering himselfe a sacrifice for the sinnes of the whole world , Intended by giveing sufficient satisfaction to Gods Justice , to make the nature of man , which he assumed , a fit subject for mercy , and to prepare a medicine for the sinnes of the whole world ; which should be denied to none that intended to take the benefit of it : Howsoever he intended not by applying this all-sufficient remedy unto every person in particular to make it effectual unto the salvation of all , or to procure thereby actual Pardon for the sins of the whole world . So , in one respect hee may be said to have died for all , and in another respect not to have died for all ; yet so as in respect of his mercy he may be counted a kind of universal cause of the restoring of our Nature , as Adam was of the depraving of it ; For as far as I can discerne , he rightly hits the naile on the head that determineth the point in this manner . Thom , Contra Gentiles , lib. 4o. 55. Mors Christi est quasi quaedam uuiversalis causa salutis ; si cut peccatum primi hominis fuit quasi universalis causa damnationis . Oportet autem universalem causam applicari ad unumquodque s●ecialiter , ut effectum universalis causae participet . Effectus igitur peccati primi parentis pervenit ad unumquemque per carnis originem ; effectus autem mortis Christi pertingit ad ad unumquemque per spiritualem regenerationem per quam Christo homo quodammodo conjungitur & incorporatur . AN Answer of the said Arch-Bishop of Armagh , to some exceptions taken against his aforesaid Letter , as followeth . ICannot sufficiently wonder , why such exceptions should be taken at a Letter of mine , which without my privity came to so many mens hands , as if thereby I had confirmed Papisme , Arminianisme , and I know not what error of Mr. Culverwels , which ( as you write ) is , and hath been , opposed by many ; yea , all good men . The Papist ( saith one ) doth thus distingnish ; A Mediator of Redemption and Intercession ; And Bellarmine ( saith another ) divides the satisfaction and application of Christ. To which , what other Answer should I make but this ? To hold that Christ is the onely Mediator of Redemption , but the Saints are also Mediators of Intercession , That Christ by his Merits hath made satisfaction to his Father in grosse , and the Pope by his indulgence , and his Priests by their Oblations in the Masse do make a particular application to particular persons . To joyne thus partners with Christ in this manner in the Office of Mediation is Popery indeed ; But he who , attributing the entire work of the Mediation unto Christ alone , doth yet distinguish the Act of Redemption from the act of Intercession , the Satisfaction made by him unto God , from the Application thereof communicated unto men , is as far from Popery , as he that thinks otherwise is from the grounds of the Catechisme ; For that Christ hath so died for all men ( as they lay down in the conference of Hague ) ut reconciliationem cum Deo , & peccatorum remissionem singulis impetraverit , I hold to be untrue , being well assured , That our Saviour hath obtained at the hands of his father Reconciliation , and Forgivenesse of sinnes , not for the Reprobate , but Elect onely ; and not for them neither , before they be truly regenerated , and implanted into himselfe . For , Election being nothing else but the purpose of God , resting in his own minde , makes no kind of alteration in the party elected , but onely the execution of that Decree and Purpose , which in such as have the use of reason is done by an effectual calling , in all by spiritual regeneration , which is the new birth , without which no man can see the Kingdom of God. That Impetration , whereof the Arminians speak , I hold to be a fruit , not of his Satisfaction , but Intercession ; and seeing I have learned from Christs own mouth , Joh. 17. 9. I pray not for the reprobate World : I must needs esteem it a great folly to imagine that he hath impetrated Reconciliation and Remission of sinnes for that world . I agree therefore thus farre with Mr. Aimes in his Dispute against Grevinchovius , That application and impetration , in this latter we have in hand , are of equall extent ; and , That forgivenesse of sinnes is not by our Saviour impetrated for any unto whom the merit of his death is not applyed in particular . If in seeking to make straight that which was crooked in the Arminians opinion , he hath bended it too farre the contrary way , and inclined too much unto the other extremity , it is a thing , which , in the heat of disputation , hath befallen many worthy men before him ; And if I be not deceived , gave the first occasion to this present controversie . But I see no reason why I should be tied to follow him in every step , wherein he treadeth : And so much for Mr. Aimes . The main error of the Arminians ( vid. Corvin . in Defen . Armini . cap. II. ) and of the patrons of universal grace is this , That God offereth unto every man those means that are necessary unto salvation , both sufficiently and effectually ; and , That it resteth in the free will of every one to receive , or reject the same ; For the proof thereof they alledge , as their predecessors , the Semipelagians , did before them , that received Axiome of Christs dying for all men , which being rightly understood , makes nothing for their purpose . Some of their opposites ( subject to oversights as well as others ) more forward herein then circumspect , have answered this Objection , not by expounding ( as was fit ) but by flat denying that famous Axiome : Affirming peremptorily , that Christ died onely for the Elect , and for others nullo modo : whereby they gave the adverse party advantage to drive them unto this extream absurdity , viz. That seeing Christ in no wise died for any , but for the elect , and all men were bound to believe that Christ died for themselves , and that upon pain of damnation for the contrary infidelity ; Therefore all men were bound to believe : that they themselves were elected , although in truth the matter were nothing so : Non tali auxilio nec defensoribus istis Tempus eget . Neither is their hope that the Arminians will be drawn to acknowledge the error of their position , as long as they are perswaded the contrary opinion cannot be maintained without admitting that an untruth must be believed , even by the commandment of him that is God of truth , and by the direction of that word , which is the word of truth . Endeavouring therefore to make one truth stand by another , and to ward off the blow given by the Arminians in such sort that it should neither bring hurt to the truth , nor give advantage to error , admit I failed of mine intent , I ought to be accounted rather an oppugner than any wise an abettor of their fancies . That for the Arminians . Now for Mr. Culverwell , That which I have heard him charged withall , is the former extremity , which in my Letter I did condemne , viz. That Christ in such sort did die for all men , that by his death he made an actuall reconcilement between God and man ; and , That the special reason why all men reap not the fruit of this reconciliation ; is the want of that faith , whereby they ought to have believed that God in this sort did love them . How justly he hath been charged with this error , himselfe can best tell ; But if ever he held it , I do not doubt , but he was driven thereunto by the absurdities , which he discerned in the other extremity ; For what would not a man fly unto rather then yield , that Christ no manner of way died for any Reprobate , and none but the elect had any kind of title to him , and yet so many thousand Reprobates should bee bound in conscience to believe that he died for them , and tied to accept him for their Redeemer and Saviour ; yea , and should be condemned to everlasting torments for want of such a faith , ( if we may call that faith , which is not grounded upon the word of truth ) whereby they should have believed that which in it selfe was most untrue , and laid hold of that in which they had no kinde of interest ; If they , who dealt with Mr. Culverwell laboured to drive out one absurdity by bringing in another , or went about to stop one hole by making two , I should the lesse wonder at that you write , that though he hath been dealt withall by many brethren , and for many yeares , yet he could not be drawn from his errour . But those stumbling-blocks being removed , and the plain word of truth laid open , by which faith is to be begotten , I dare boldly say he doth not hold that extremity wherewith hee is charged , but followeth that safe , and middle course , which I laid down ; for after he had well weighed what I had written , he heartily thanked the Lord and me , for so good a resolution of this Question , which for his part he wholly approved , not seeing how it could bee gainesayed . And so much likewise for Mr. Culverwell . Now for Mr. Stock 's publick opposition in the Pulpit , I can hardly be induced to believe that he aimed at me therein ; If he did , I must needs say he was deceived , when hee reckoned me amongst those good men , who make the universality of all the elect , and all men to be one ; Indeed I wrote but even now , that God did execute his Decree of Election in all by spirituall generation : But if any shall say , that by , all thereby I should understand the universality of all , and every one in the world , and not the universality of all the Elect alone , hee should greatly wrong my meaning : for I am of no other mind than Prosper was , lib. 1. De vocat . Gent. Habet populus Dei plenitudinem suam , & quamvis magna pars hominum salvantis Gratiam aut repellat aut negligat , in electis tamen & praescitis atque ab omni generalitate discretis , specialis quaedam censetur universitas , ut de toto mundo , totus mundus liberatus , & de omnibus hominibus , omnes homines videantur assumpti . That Christ died for his Apostles ( Luke 22. 19. ) for his sheep ( John 10. 15. ) for his friends ( John 15. 13. ) for his Church ( Ephes . 5. 25. ) may make peradventure against those , who make all men to have a share alike in the death of our Saviour : but I professe my selfe to hold fully with him , who said , Etsi Christus pro omnibus mortuus est , tamen specialiter pro nobis passus est , quia pro Ecclesia passus est . Yea , and in my former writing I did directly conclude ; That as in one respect Christ might have been said to die for all , so in another respect truely said not to have died for all : and my beliefe is , That the principall end of the Lords death , was , that he might gather together in one the Children of God scattered abroad ; ( John 11. 52. ) and , That for their sakes he did specially sanctifie himselfe , that they also might be sanctified through the truth ( John 17. 19. ) And therefore it may be well concluded , That Christ in a speciall manner died for these ; but to inferre from hence , that in no manner of respect he died for any others , is but a very weak collection , specially the respect by me expressed being so reasonable , that no sober mind advisedly considering thereof , can justly make question of it , viz. That the Lamb of God offering himselfe a sacrifice for the sinnes of the world , intended by giving satisfaction to Gods justice to make the nature of man which he assumed , a fit subject for mercy , and to prepare a Soveraigne medicine that should , not onely be a sufficient cure for the sinnes of the whole world , but also should be laid open to all , and denied to none , that indeed do take the benefit thereof : For he is much deceived that thinkes a preaching of a bare sufficiency , is able to yield sufficient ground of comfort to a distressed Soule , without giving a further way to it , and opening a further passage . To bring newes to a bankrupt that the King of Spain hath treasure enough to pay a thousand times more than he owes , may be true , but yields but cold comfort to him the miserable Debtor : sufficiency indeed is requisite , but it is the word of promise that gives comfort . If here exception bee taken , That I make the whole nature of man fit for mercy , when it is as unfit a subject for grace as may be . I answer , That here two impediments do occurre , which give a stop unto the peace , which is to be made betwixt God and man. The one respects God the party offended , whose justice hath been in such sort violated by his base Vassals , that it were unfit for his glorious Majesty to put up such an injury without a good satisfaction . The other respects man the party offending , whose blindnesse , stupidity , and hardnesse of heart is such , that he is neither sensible of his own wretchedness , nor Gods goodnesse , that when God offers to be reconciled unto him , there must bee much intreaty to perswade him to be reconciled to God , ( 2 Cor. 5. 20. ) In regard of the latter I acknowled with the Apostle , That the naturall man receives not the things of the spirit , for they are foolishnesse to him ; neither can he , because spiritually discerned , ( 1 Cor. 2. 14. ) And this impediment is not taken away by Christs satisfaction ( which is a work of his Priestly function ) but by the enlightening of the mind , and softning the heart of the sinner , which are effects issuing from the execution of the Prophetical , and Kingly Office of our Redeemer . When therefore I say , That by Christs satisfaction to his Father he made the Nature of Man a fit subject for mercy , I mean thereby , that the former impediment arising on Gods part is taken away , that if it were not for the other ( for the having whereof we can blame none but our selves , and in the not removing , whereof , wee cannot say God hath done us any wrong ) there were no let , but all men might be saved : And if it pleased God to extend his mercy unto all , as he keeps his freedome therein , in having compassion on whom he will have mercy , and leaveing others in blindnesse , naturall hardnesse of their own heart , yet the worth of Christs satisfaction is so great , that his Justice herein should be no loser . But if this Justice ( you will say ) be satisfied , how comes it to passe that God exacts payment again from any ? I Answer , We must take heed we stretch not our similitudes beyond their just extent , least at last we drive the matter too farre , and be forced to say ( as some have done ) That wee cannot see how satisfaction and forgivenessè can stand together , and so by denying Christs satisfaction be injurious to Gods justice , or by denying remission of sinnes become injurious to Gods mercy . Wee are therefore to understand , that the end of the satisfaction of Gods Justice is to make way for Gods free liberty in shewing mercy , that so mercy and Justice meeting : and embraceing one another , God may be just , and the justifier of him that believes in Jesus , ( Rom. 3. 26. ) Now the generall satisfaction of Christ , which was the first act of his Priestly Office , prepares the way for Gods mercy , by making the sinnes of all mankinde pardonable , the interposition of any barre from Gods Justice notwithstanding , and so puts the sonnes of men onely in a possibility of being justified , a thing denied to the nature of fallen Angels , which the sonne was not pleased to assume ; But the speciall application of this satisfaction vouchsafed by Christ unto those persons onely whom his Father hath given him out of the world , which is an appendant , or appertaineth to the second Act of his Priest-hood , viz. his intercession , produceth this potentia in Actum , i. e. procureth an actuall discharge from Gods anger ; And maketh justification , which before was a part of our possibility , to be a part of our presenr possession . If it be said , It is a great derogation to the dignity of Christs death , to make the sinnes of mankinde onely pardonable , and brings in a bare possibility of justification . I answer , It is a most unchristian imagination to suppose the merit of Christs death , being particularly applyed to the Soul of a sinner , produceth no further effect than this . Saint Paul teacheth us that we be not onely justifiable , but justified by his bloud , ( Rom. 5. 9. ) yet not simply as offered on the Crosse , but through faith in his blood , ( Rom. 3. 25. ) that is , through his bloud applyed by faith . The bloud of Jesus Christ his Sonne , ( saith Saint John , 1 John 1. 17. ) cleanseth us from all sinnes , yet cleanse it doth not by being prepared , but by being applyed , prepared it was when hee poured it out once upon the Crosse , applyed it is when he washeth us from our sinnes therein , ( Rev. 1. 5. ) It is one thing therefore to speak of Christs satisfaction , in the generall absolutely considered ; and another thing , as it is applyed to every one in particular ; The consideration of things as they are in their causes , is one thing ; and as they have an actuall existence , is another thing . Things as they are in their causes , are no otherwise considerable , but as they have a possibility to be . The application of the Agent to the patient , with all circumstances necessarily required , is it that gives to the thing an actuall being . That disease is curable for which a Soveraigne medicine may be found , but cured it is not till the medicine be applyed to the patient ; and if it so fall out , that , the medicine being not applied , the party miscarries , We say , He was lost , not , becanse his sicknesse was incurable , but , because there wanted a care to apply that to him that might have helped him . All Adams sonnes have taken a mortall sicknesse from their Father , which , if it be not remedied , will , without faile , bring them to the second death : no medicine under heaven can heale this disease , but onely a potion confected of the blood of the Lamb of God , who came to take away the sinnes of the world ; which , as Prosper truly notes , habet quidem in se ut omnibus prosit ; sed si non bibitur non medetur . The vertue thereof is such , that if all did take it , all without doubt should be recovered , but without takeing it there is no recovery ; In the former respect it may be truly said , That no mans state is so desperate , but by this means it is recoverable , ( and this is the first comfortable newes that the Gospel brings to the distressed Soule ) but here it resteth not , nor feedeth a man with such a possibility , that he should say in his heart , Who shall ascend into heaven to bring Christ from above ? but it brings the word of comfort nigh unto him , even to his mouth and heart , and presents him with the medicine at hand , and desireth him to take it ; which being done accordingly , the cure is actually performed . A VINDICATION of the late ARCH-BISHOP OF ARMAGH , From some mistakes made by Master Thomas Pierce , both in his Philanthropy , & Post-cript at the conclusion of his correct Copy of some Notes of Gods Decrees , &c. Affirming a change of judgement in him a little before his death , of some points controverted between Mr. Barlee and himself , but especially of Universal Grace and Redemption , relating to the subject of the former Treatise . By Dr. Bernard , Preacher to the Honourable society of Grayes-Inne . The Printer to the READER . THese two Letters following , expected from the person to whom they were writ , as an Appendix to another Treatise , being hither to delayed the publick , and now conceived very requisite to be inserted here , as having a relation to the former Tractates mentioned in one of them ; The Doctor hath been importuned to permit them accordingly also , with some alteration and addition . The first Letter of Doctor Bernards to Mr. Barlee , in Answer to some passage in Mr. Pierces Philanthropy . Worthy Syr , IAm much your debtor for those large expressions of your affection to the late . Arch-Bishop of Armagh , and the readinesse to cleare him from some injury done him by Mr. Thomas Pierce , in his Answer to a Book of yours . Two eminent men of each University , before I heard from you , had sent unto me for their private satisfaction . And now upon your Letter and directions I have viewed the severall passages tending that way , Chap. 1. Sect. 3. 5. Chap. 3. Sect. 17. 7. Chap. 4. Sect. 13. which in sum I finde amounts to this , viz. That the late Primate of Armagh was , though a late , yet a serious Convert : And affirmed , a little , or not long , before his death to severall persons , that he utterly rejected all those opinions of Calvin . That there were evident marks of a change in him . That a little before his death he professed an utter dislike to the whole Doctrine of Geneva , in those affairs , &c. First ; it is possible Mr. Pierces enformers might mistake the Doctrine for the Discipline of Geneva , or Calvin , which by some in their Sermons hath been advanced accordingly : or if it were of the Doctrine , he hath taken a great latitude in saying , All the opinions , the whole Doctrine . And the Restriction . viz. In those affaires , is somewhat obscure , being introduced occasionally upon the speech of one or two of them . It had been better to have named the several points he means , from which howsoever , as to Calvin , or Geneva , how could he be said to revolt , when in terminis he did not professe the defence of either . It being the Doctrine of S. Augustine , which hath been confirmed by him . And for Calvine , though I do not take upon me the defence of him neither , yet there is one Doctrine of his , and in those affaires ( different from some of his own profession in Geneva ) which must be exempted from Mr. Pierces Universality , and which , will not be found that the Primate rejected , viz. that massa corrupta was the object of Praedestination , as Bishop Davenant makes it appear , ( in his determinations , q. 26. ) where he first cleares him from the a slanders the Jesuites have raised of him in it , viz. That he should hold that God in the first Act before any fore-sight of sin , elected some to glory , and ordained others to destruction ; And in the second place ordained the sinne of Adam to that end , that he might exercise justice towards the Reprobates , and mercy towards the elect ; and then gives you clearly b the truth of Calvines judgement in two propositions confirmed out of divers quotations in his institutions , viz. That the corrupt Masse ; or man lapsed , was the object of Election and Reprobation , though not the cause : And further , proves , That what the Jesuits put upon Calvine , their own Popish Writers were the prime Authours of , viz. Scotus , Naclantus , Pighius , Catharinus , Galatinus , Alphonsus Mendoza , who aver , That the c Decree of Praedestination is not onely before the Decree of permitting the lapse of man , but also before the creating of him . And d desires it might be taken notice of , That the Popish Writers were the chief Authors of that opinion , which denies 〈◊〉 lapsed to be the subject of Divine Praedestination ; which , if some of ours did consider , they would be the slower paced in the defence of that which hath occasioned this digression . Howsoever , as to Calvin's opinion , this Reverend and learned Bishop thus far supports it , that he joyns S. e Augustines suffrage with his own in it ; and as it is there declared , I understand not how it is rejected By this Eminent Primate . But whatever these points were , if this be Mr. Pierces meaning , That a little before his death he should Verbally retract what he had published in his works , I am assured ( though it be hard to prove a Negative ) there was no such matter : but that he was constant in them to his end . When he was last in London , continuing here about seven weeks together , I was perpetually with him , taking then the opportunity of a further speaking with him of most of the passages of his life , as of the several Books he had wrote , th● Subjects of them , the occasion of their writing , when some such points ( as Mr. Pierce possibly may meane ) came into discourse . And then there was not the least change in him . And it is to be presumed , in that last Act of winding up his whole life , if there had been any , he would have then mentioned it , and this was but about five weekes ( which is a little , or not long ) before his death . And it hath bee confirmed to me by a Minister , who was at Ryegate a fortnight before , as by some Honourable persons , who spake with him of these Subjects a few dayes before his death ; so that I believe Mr. Pierce hath not been well adadvised in publishing this his Information . And it is no new thing to have bookes , as well as opinions , laid to his charge which he knew not : It was presumed in his life , and so the lesse wonder if it be practised after his death . There is a book entitled a Method of Meditation , which was printed in his name , Anno 1651. And , though by his Commands to me , it was then publickly declared to be none of his , yet since his death ( this 1657. ) it is reprinted , and , notwithstanding the renewing of that Declaration by the same way wherein I found him abused , it is still sold under his name to the great dishonour of him . The passage which Mr. Pierce is most clear in , Chap. 1. Sect. 15. Where , speaking of Universal grace and redemption , he saith , the most Learned Anti-Arminians have been fein to assert it , as well as Arminius . Among us , the late Bishop of Armagh , &c. First , He should have done well to have named where he hath asserted it in any of his works , Next , What , or who compelled him , that he was fein to do it ; and if by that speech as well as Arminius he means ( according to common construction ) As full , or in the same terms as Arminius ; it will be the hardest proof of the three ; whom he scarce ever names in his works : his aime being against Pelagius and his Disciples . Unlesse that passage in his Pelagian History may be so applyed ( wrapped up under the Title of Britanniae Antiquitates , Pelagius being a Britain , which he intended to have taken out , and printed as a Treatise by it selfe ) where he having given us at large the bold and rugged language , with which Julian , one of Pelagius his followers , in defence of his Doctrine , greets the most mild and meek Father S. Augustine , he addes this , Chap. 11. p. 312. ) Cujus idcirco verba hic describenda putavi ; ut in hoc speculo contemplaretur lector , consimiles nostrorum temporum ardeliones ; Thrasoni huic adeo geminos , ut in eos , hujus spiritus quasi per Pythagoricam quandam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , immigrasse videatur : I know not how he can call him an Anti-Arminian , unlesse he confesse them to be Pelagians . Secondly , In this particular concerning Universall Redemption I have cause to believe there was not any change in him from what his judgement was many yeares agone : and if he were not totally according to Calvin , must it therefore be argued , he was wholly for Arminius ? Might not there be a mean wherein he might tread more safely according to the ancient Doctrine of the Church ? And indeed to deal clearly with you , his judgement in this point was in a middle way different , both from yours , and Mr. Pierce , which if it might not expose him to both your pens and censures , but be a reconciliation between you , ( the latter of which I see little hope of ; ) I might be moved the more willingly to declare it . I do the rather mention this ; because , As Mr. Pierce saith , you call it the chief head of Arminianisme , So he saith , 't is that with which other opinions in debate must stand , or fall : And Chap. 3. p. 15. excuseth his prolixity on it , because if this error be once disclaimed by the adversary , all the rest will tumble of their own accord , &c. In a word , I am sorry to find that heat between you , which beng Ministers and Neighbours , is the more unseemly . I shall advise you in your reply to endeavour rather to heal up the breach , than make it wider ; the fruits of the spirit appearing much in meeknesse and Gentlenesse , &c. and laying aside all verball animosities and personal reflections , calmely to fall upon the matter , And so I commend you and your labours to Gods blessing and direction , and rest Your very assured Friend N. BERNARD . Grayes-Inne , March 11. 1656. A Vindication of the Primate , from a late change of opinion . A second Letter , of the said Doctor Bernard to Mr. Barlee , in Answer to a part of a Postscript at the conclusion of a book of Mr. Pierces , viz. a Correct Copy of some Notes of Gods decrees , &c. Wherein the former erroneus report raised upon the late Arch-Bishop of Armagh , especially concerning Universal Grace , or Redemption , being more largely affirmed , is here more fully cleared and vindicated . SIR . I Have lately received from you another book of Master Pierces , which I saw not before , viz. A Correct Copy of Gods decrees , &c. In the Postscript of which I find a larger confirmation of what had been affirmed by him , in relation to the late Arch-Bishop of Armagh , and Primate of Ireland : which , at your desire , I cannot refuse to return you my sense of also . The Authour is a Stranger to me , but appears to be a man of very excellent parts and abilities , and I am sorry he hath been moved to employ them in this particular , in a continued confident declaring the change of opinion in so Learned and pious a Prelate ( as himselfe worthily styles him , ) to whom for ought I know he was a stranger , and adding , That what he hath before affirmed to be upon a just ground and mature deliberation , and yet I find no other foundation upon which this is built , than the report of others . The frequent experimental failing of which , when it comes to the proof , hath wrought it out of reputation , with prudent men , to depend upon . That which I find in the conclusion of his Postscript , I must begin with , wherein he doth determine , viz. That whosoever shall appear to hold the Negative , That my Lord Primate of Armagh did not declare his rejection of these opinions , which I resist , and which himselfe formerly embraced , will wrong the memory of the Bishop . As I do not ( according to his caveat ) take upon me to prove a Negative , so I do not understand the ground of this definitive Sentence , upon whomsoever shall adhere to it . I am sure his meaning is not , because he doth resist them ; and lesse shew is there , because the Primate had formerly embraced them ; for a changeablenesse in Doctrine carries in it self a shew of dishonour , that with him there should be yea and nay : surely there must be somewhat of grosse corruption , or dangerous consequence formerly taught and professed by this good Primate , that should incurre this censure ; And it is too early a conclusive , while they are yet in Dispute between you , and the matter not heard on the Primates side ; Which I expected not from a person so ingenuous , as I read Master Pierce to be . And howsoever the whole implies that the Primate had wronged himselfe , if not his hearers and readers , in preaching and writing of untruths so long ; but much more if he had died without retracting them ; and that the injury done to him , is already decreed to lye upon that person that shall affirm otherwise of him in either : yet this must not deterre or discourage me in this service of his vindication , leaving it to the judgemnent of others , Which may be thought lesse injurious , The averring his constancy , or inconstancy in matters of such weight and moment . I shall be contented he do enjoy his opinion , if he will not censure me for not forsaking my own , viz. That I think I should wrong him and my selfe , at least do neither right , if I should silently let this belief of him passe without putting it to a stand , by producing those probabilities which have prevailed with me to the contrary . That which Mr. Pierce professeth , viz. That he published it to the Immortall honour of that great Prelate , doth not well suit with the expressions in the next breath , calling it an error which had possest him , and intimating it to be a retraction of his aberrations , or a penitency of his sins , which he having no sense of , or not expressing it till then , he must have contracted a great guilt all his life , both in preaching and writing to the subversion , possibly , of many . This if he had found himself guilty of , a verball retraction would not have sufficed , but he should have given satisfaction also by his pen : His judgement having been by that transmitted beyond the Seas , which one Sermon in a Church in London , or opening his mind to a few in private , could not have expiated : neither would so good a man as he , have rested in it , but with S. Augustine humbly have revoked his error in that way also ; but I believe none of those pretended witnesses of his change will say that he gave them that promise or that they did so much as request it of him , though they had time enough to have wrote unto him , if omitted in the conference . And certainly Mr. Pierce , ( to use his own expression ) had in singlenesse of affection done him more right and honour , if he had left him wholly to his works ; which do sufficiently testifie of him , rather than thus to bring him upon the Stage after his death , and give sentence on him onely upon hear-say : There being no necessity in this dispute to have so much as named him . Neither can I think those , any Cordial friends of the Bishops ( as he stiles them ) who have been the occasion of putting him upon it . And I do remember that the last time he was in London , he did expresse a suspition of some that came to visit him , that they would by wresting his words , make some such use of them , as now appears : who proposed discourses of the like subjects to him , and whereupon he did confirm at full that which had been his judgement of them formerly . For that of Mr Pierces offer of proof by some learned and grave Divines , who had conference with the Bishop , and will ( as he saith ) be glad to attest the same under their hands : As I know not what cause there should be of gladnesse , or forwardnesse in this Testimony ; So when they shall meet with contrary attestations by the like of their own profession , it makes me sad , to foresee what a fire this may possibly kindle among us , ( to the rejoycing of those of the Church of Rome ) which I have no mind to burn my fingers in , onely I stick firmly to my perswasion in my former Letter confirmed there by several probable Testimonies , that there was no such change as is pretended in him near his death . And if this of Mr. Piercies affirmation should prove to be the raising of a false report , ( which he ingenuously confesseth to be so great an evill , and doth so hate and condemne , whether through ignorance , or credulity : ) this must be of the first magnitude , when it hath for its object so eminent and pious a person , whose praise being through the Churches , and in special , for those his labours tending to those Subjects , the whole Reformed Church are concerned in it . I find him still puuctually observing his former expression , viz. rejecting all the Doctrines of Geneva , in which besides the latitude , there is this ambiguity , whether it be meant according to Calvin , or Beza ; for both were of Geneva ; between whom in some of these points there was the like difference as between Mr. Perkins and Bishop Abbot , with us , viz. In the Supralapsarian opinion , which * Beza was for , but Calvin held it otherwise , as hath been shewed in the former Letter . It had been better to have instanced the particulars of those Doctrines , than thus by clouding them in the Generals to put us upon conjectures , which they should bee . The onely point which he names here , is , That the Primate embraced the Doctrine of Universal Redemption , and saith , in that he doth as good as say all . He doth not assert it from his own knowledge , but saith he hath it from many most unquestionable persons which had it poured into their eares , by the Primates own mouth . If it were in a Sermon of his at a Church in London , the last he preached in that City , and many moneths before his death ; ( which I am enformed by others is the sense of it ) I was present at it , and with me there was no new thing observed to have been uttered by him , differing from what his judgement was many yeares agone , since I had the happinesse to be known unto him . It may be some of these persons produced for witnesses being strangers to him and taking him to be of the other extremity might apprehend it as a retractation , If they heard him affirming , That by the death of Christ all men receive this benefit that they are salvabiles or put into a capacity of sulvation ; That terms of peace are procured for all mankinde , That all mens sins are become pardonable , mercy attainable , ( in which state those of the Angelical nature which fell , are not . ) That there is some distinction to be made between his satisfaction ( rightly understood ) and his intercession , according to that of our Saviour , I pray for these , I pray not for the world , &c. It is possible , for ought I know , some such expressions might be his then . But that by this Universal Redemption should be understood such an Universal grace , that the same measure of it , without any distinction , should equally , and alike , be conferred and aplied to Judas , which was to Peter ; and that the onely difference , was , The free-will of Peter in accepting , without any further cause of thanks to God for his grace in inclining him accordingly , &c. This I suppose will not be attested to have been professed by him , either in this , or any other Sermon , or private conference with him . And in this present enlargement , I would not be understood to interpose my selfe in the controversie ; or to affixe thus much upon Mr. Piercies judgement , but only to averre , That the Primate at his last in this particular differed not from what he had declared formerly , which the former tractate , I suppose , will confirm , now published , but not resolved on , when this was first written . That which he saith , is the summe of what he had said , viz. That the reverend Primate did conform his judgement to all the fathers of the Church for the first four Centuries after Christ , This he might averre without any relation to these points in controversie , it being the term , or thereabouts , which he accepts of in his answer to the Jesuit Malones Challenge in the justfying , or condemning those twelve points of controversie , between us and the Church of Rome , of which one concerning Free will is of this fraternity . What the Primates judgement was of that , is sufficiently declared there , and he continued in the same without any change the last time I saw him , by the discourse I had then with him of it : and S. Augustine ( unlesse we be over-strict ) may be admitted within that compasse , being accounted by the Primate , at the time when he was consecrated a Bishop , to be but in Anno 410. and Prosper reckons his death , in 433. being then of age , 76. Before whose time these points were never discussed by the Fathers at large singly , nor determined by them joyntly in any Council ; which Pelagius gave the first occasion of : and 't is known that the Doctrine of St. Augustine against him is inclined unto , and defended by the Primate in his works . And , to say no more , the Articles of Religion , Agreed upon by the Arch-Bishops and Bishops , and the rest of the Clergy of Ireland , in the Convocation holden at Dublin , Anno 1615. which fully determine and declare all those points accordingly ; he had then the honour to be appointed by the Synode as a principal person to draw them up ; Now the last time I saw him ( which was after that pretended Testimony of the witnesses of his change , either in publick or private ) he did fully confirm and commend them to me to be heeded and observed by me as the summary of his judgement in those and other subjects , of which I have said somewhat more , elsewheree . That of Mr. Piercies drawing in more to bear him company , viz. King James , B. Andrews , Melancthon , in their changes also for the better , as he is pleased to derermine ; doth not concern me to take notice of : onely if he have found it as their last Will and Testament in their works , he shall but Charitably erre ( to use his own words ) if he should be mistaken ; but no such matter appears here , as to the Primate . In a word , I cannot but professe my respect to Mr. Pierce , both for his own worth , as the great esteem which in this Postsript ( more then in his former book ) he hath expressed of this Eminent Primate , and can easily believe he would account it a reputation to his opinion , that his might patronize it , by the great esteem had of him in all parts of the reformed Church , both for his learning and piety ; and I have so much Charity as to believe that this error is more to be imputed to his informers than himself , and if I were known to him I would advise him not to insist any farther in it , it being by these several circumstances so improbable ; but , according to his own ingenuous offer , to make an ample satisfaction , and what he hath so highly extolled in the Primate to have been his glory and honour in preferring truth before error , in that his supposed imaginary retractation , I may without offence return the application to himselfe ; which , with all prudent men , will be much more , his own commendation , and though , according to his profession , he be innocent , as to any voluntary injury ; thinking he did God and him good service : yet it being a wrong in it selfe , will deserve some Apology . And , indeed , it wil be hard for any prudent impartial man to believe , That what the Primate upon mature deliberation and long study for so many yeares had professed in the Pulpit , and at the Presse , he should be so soon shaken in minde , as , without any convincing force of argument from any other , that is known , at once renounce all he had formerly said , and draw a cross line over all he had wrote ; and that in a Sermon , not made of purpose for that end , ( which had been very requisite , and which must have been of too narrow a limit in relation to so many Subjects here intimated ) but onely as on the bye ; I say , when his workes wherein hee is clearly seen and largely declared , with a cloud of ear-witnesses for many yeares , both in publick and private , confirming his constancie in them , through the diverse changes of the times to his last , shall be produced and laid in one ballance ; And a few witnesses of some few passages at one Sermon , who in a croud might be mistaken , and the apter to be so , by the interest of their own opinion ; put into the other ; will not all unbyassed persons cast the Errata into the latter ? I shall conclude with a course complement to your selfe ; That I have not thus appeared for your sake , to whom I am a stranger , nor out of any opposition to Mr. Pierce , who appeares to me to be a person of value : but onely out of my duty and high account , I must ever have of the memory of that judicious , holy , and eminent Primate : and so commit you to Gods protection and direction , and rest , Your assured Friend N. BERNARD . Grayes-Inne , June 10. 1657. A Learned Letter of the late Arch-bishop of Armagh to Dr. Twisse , concerning the Sabbath , and observation of the Lords day . Worthy Sir , YOur Letter of the first of February came unto my hands the seventh of April , but , my journy to Dublin following thereupon , and my long stay in the City , ( where the multiplicity of my publick and private employments would scarce afford me a breathing time ) was such ; that I was forced to defer my Answer thereunto , untill this short time of my retiring into the Countrey : Where , being now absent also from my Library : I can rather signifie unto you , how fully I concurre in judgement with those grounds , which you have so judiciously laid in that question of the Sabbath , than afford any great help unto you in the building , which you intend to raise thereupon . For when I gave my selfe unto the reading of the Fathers , I took no heed unto any thing that concerned this argument : as little dreaming that any such controversie would have arisen among us . Yet generally I do remember that the word Sabbatum in their writings doth denote our Saturday : although by Analogy from the manner of speech used by the Jewes , the term be sometimes transferred to denote our Christian festivities also , as Sirmondus the Jesuite observeth , out of Sidonius Apollinaris , ( lib. 1. Epist. 2. ) where , describeing the moderation of the Table of Theodorick , King of the Gothes upon the Eves , and the excesse on the Holy day following ; he writeth of the one , that his convivium diebus profestis simile privato est , but of the other . De luxu autem illo Sabbatario narrationi meae supersedendum est , qui nec latentes potest latere personas . And because the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the fourth Commandement pointeth at the Sabbath , as it was in the first institution , the seventh day from the Creation : therefore they held that Christians were not tied to the observance thereof . Whereupon you may observe , that S. Augustine in his speculum ( in operum tomo 3o. ) purposely selecting those things which appertained unto us Christians ; doth wholly pretermit that precept , in the recital of the Commandements of the Decalogue ; Not because the substance of the precept was absolutely abolished : but because it was in some parts held to be * ceremonial , & the time afterwards was changed in the state of the New Testament , from the seventh to the first day of the week : as appeareth by the Authour of the 25 Sermon , de Tempore ( in 10 o tomo Operum Augustini : ) and that place of Athanasius in homil . de semente , where he most plainly saith , touching the Sabbath , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Whereupon Caesarius Arelatensis in his twelfth homily , doubted not to preach unto the people . Verè dico , Fratres , satis durum & prope nimis impium est , ut Christiani non habeant reverentiam diei Dominico , quam Judaei observare videntur in Sabbato , &c. Charles the Great in his Lawes , taketh it for granted , that our observation of the Lords day is founded upon the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the fourth Commandement . Statuimus ( saith he , a libro 1o. Capitularium , cap. 81. ) secundum quod & in lege Dominus praecepit , ut opera servilia diebus Dominicis non agantur ; sicut & bonae memoriae genitor meus in suis Synodalibus edictis mandavit : And Lotharius likewise , in legibus Alemannorum , titulo 38. b Die Dominico nemo opera servilia praesumat facere : quia hoc lex prohibuit , & sacra scriptura in omnibus contradicit . Accommodating the Law of God touching the Sabbath unto our observation of the Lords day , by the self-same Analogy ; that the Church of England now doth in her publick Prayer : Lord have mercy upon us , and incline our hearts to keep this Law. The Jewes commonly hold two things touching their Sabboth ; as Menasses Ben-Israel sheweth in his eighth Probleme , de creatione ; which be published at Amsterdam the last year . First , that the observation thereof was commanded onely unto the a Israelies , ( where he speaketh also of the seven precepts of the sons of Noah ; which have need to be taken in a large extent , if we will have all the duties that the Heathen were tyed unto to be comprised therein ) Secondly , that it was observed by the Patriarchs , before the coming out of Egypt . For that then the observation began , or that the Israelites were brought out of Egypt , or the Egyptians drowned upon the Sabbath ; I suppose our good friend Mr. Mead will not be able to evince , either out of b Deut. 5. 15 or out of any other Scripture whatsoever . And the Text , Genes . 2. 3. ( as you well note ) is so cleare for the ancient institution of the Sabbath , and so fully vindicated by D. Rivet from the exceptions of Gomarus ; that I see no reason in the earth why any man should make doubt thereof : especially considering withall , that the very Gentiles , both civill and barbarous , both ancient and of latter dayes , as it were by an universal kind of tradition , retained the distinction of the seven dayes of the week , which if Dr. Heylin had read , so well proved as it is , by Rivetus and Salmasius , he would not have made such a conclusion as he doth : that because the Heathen ( of the four great Monarchies at least ) had no distinction of weeks , therefore they could observe no Sabbath ; whereas he might have found , that the distinction of the dayes of the week did reach etiam ad ipsos usque Sauromatas , for even of the Slavonians themselves ( while they yet continued in their ancient Paganisme : ) thus writeth Helmoldus , Chronic. Slavor . lib. 1. cap. 84. Illic secundâ feriâ populus terrae , cum flamine & regulo , convenire solebant propter judicia , the same order of the dayes of the week being retained by them , which Theophilus the old Bishop of Antioch noteth to have been observed by all mankind . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( saith he , lib. 2. ad Antolycum ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) confounding as it seemeth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as also doth Lacta●tius , lib. 7 cap. 14. ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Wherewith we may joyn that other place of Johannes Philoponus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Lib. 7. Cap. ult . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 who , with shewing the cause thereof , thus shuts up the whole work . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . We see it a almost generally observed in all Nations , though never so farre distant , and strangers one to another , that in their reckoning of Numbers , when they come to ten , they return to their Addition of 1. 2. and 3. again . If it should be demanded , how they did all come to agree upon this kind of Arithmetick ; and not some place their period at 8. some at 12. some at 15 ? I suppose this could not be better resolved , than by saying they had this by tradition from the first Fathers that lived before the dispersion ; and that this is not an improbable evidence of that truth propounded by the Apostle unto the Philosophers of Athens , Acts 17. 26. that God made of one bloud all Nations of men to dwell on all the face of the Earth . How more when we finde a farre greater agreement among the Nations , in the computation of the seven dayes of the week ( the self-same day , which is accounted the first by one , being in like manner reckoned so by all ; Notwithstanding , that great variety of differences : which is betwixt them in the ordering of their years and moneths : ) how much more strongly , I say , may we conclude from hence , that the tradition of the seventh day was not of Moses , but of the Fathers , and did not begin with the Common-wealth of Israel , but was derived unto all Nations by lineal descent from the Sons of Noah ? Adde hereunto that those Heathens , who were strangers from the Common-wealth of Israel , though they made not the seventh day as Festival as the Jews did ; yet did they attribute some holinesse to it , and gave it a peculiar honour above the other dayes of the week ; wherein they retained some Relicks , and preserved still some clear foot-steps of the first institution . Quinetiam populi jam * olim , saith Josephus , ( sub fin . lib. 2. contra Apion . ) multùm nostram pietatem aemulantur : neque est civitas Graecorum ulla usquàm aut Barbarorum , nec ulla gens , ad quam septimanae , in qua vacamus , consuetudo minimè pervenerit ; Jejuniaque & candelabra accensa , &c. of which Rite of lighting of Candles , or Lamps rather , mention also is made by Seneca in his 95 th . Epistle : Accendere aliquam lucernam Sabbathis prohibeamus ; quoniam nec lumine Dii egent , & ne homines quidem delectantur fuligine . And by Tertullian lib. 1. ad Nation . cap. 13. where he noteth also those to be the Sabbaths observed by the Nations , saying thus unto them . Qui solem & diem ejus nobis exprobratis , agnoscite vicinitatem : Non longè à Saturno & Sabbatis VESTRIS sumus , wherein though their devotion were somewhat like 〈◊〉 of the Jewes , ( which is all that those words of Josephus do import ; Multum nostram pietatem aemulantur , ) yet that it was not done by any late imitation of them , or with any relation at all to their observance ; that other place of Tertullian doth seem to evince , in the 16 th . Chapter of his Apologeticum . Aequè si diem solis laetitiae indulgemus , aliâ longè ratione quàm religione solis ; secundo loco ab eis sumus qui diem Saturni otio & victui decernunt , exorbitantes & ipsi à Judaico more , a quem ignorant . And that they did not celebrate their Satturdayes , with that solemnity wherewith themselves did their annuall festivities , or the Jewes their weekly Sabbaths , may appear by the words of this same Author , in the 14 th . Chapter of his book de Idololatriâ , thus speaking unto the Christian , ( who observed 52 Lords dayes every year , whereas all the annual festivities of the Pagans put together , did come short of fifty . ) Ethnicis semel annuus dies quisque festus est ; tibi octavo quoque die . Excerpe singulas solemnitates nationum , & in ordinem texe ; Pentecosten implere non potuerunt . And yet , as I said , that they accounted Satturday more holy , and requiring more respect from them than the other ordinary dayes of the week , may be seen by that of Tibullus . Eleg. 3. lib. 1. Aut ego sum causatus aves , aut omina dira . Saturni SACRA me tenuisse die . And that of Lucian , a in his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of boyes getting leave to play 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and that of Aelius Lampridius , touching Alexander Severus , using to go unto the Capitols and other Temples , upon the seventh day . Whereunto we may adde those verses of the ancient Greek Poets , alleadged by Clemens Alexandrinus , ( lib. 5. Stromat . ) and Eusebius ( lib. 13. Praeparat . Evangelic . ) which plainly shew that they were not ignorant , that the works of Creation were finished on the seventh day , for so much doth that verse of Linus intimate . — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 And that of Homer . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 And that of Callimachus . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Israelites , by the Law of Moses , were not only to observe their weekly Sabbath every seventh day , but also their feast of weekes once in the year : Which although by the vulgar use of the Jewish nation it may now fall upon any day of the week , yet do the Samaritans untill this day constantly observe it on the first day of the week ; which is our Sunday , For which they produce the Letter of the Law , Levit. 23. 15 , 16. where the feast of the first fruits ( otherwise called Pentecost , or the feast of weeks ) is prescribed to be kept the morrow after the seventh Sabbath ; which not they onely , but also amongst our Christian Interpreters , Isychius and Rupertus do interpret to be the first day of the week . Planiùs , saith Isychius , Legislator intentionem suam demonstrate volens , ab altero die Sabbati memor ari praecepit quinquaginta dies : Dominicum diem proculdubiò volens intelligi . Hic enim est altera dies Sabbati , ( in hâc enim resurrectio facta est ) qua hebdomadae numerantur septem , usque ad alterum diem expletionis hebdomadae . Dominicâ rursus die Pentecostes celebramus festivitatem , in quâ Sancti Spiritus adventum meruimus . a Where you may observe by the way , that although this Authour made a little bold to strain the signification of altera dies Sabbati , ( which in Moses denoteth no more than the morrow after the Sabbath ) yet he maketh no scruple to call the day of Christs Resurrection another Sabbath day , as in the Councel of Friuli also ( If I greatly mistake not the matter ) you shall find Satturday called by the name of Sabbatum ultimum and the Lords day of Sabbatum primum , ( with some allusion perhaps to that of St. Ambrose , in Psal. 47. Ubi Dominica dies caepit praecellere , quâ Dominus resurrexit ; Sabbatum , quod primum erat secundum haberi caepit à primo , ) not much unlike unto that , which Dr. b Heylin himself noteth out of Scaliger of the Aethiopian Christians ; that they call both of them by the name of Sabbaths : the one the first , the other the latter Sabbath ; or in their own Language , the one Sanbath Sachristos , ( i. e. ) Christs Sabbath , the other Sanbath Judi , or the Jews Sabbath . But touching the old Pentecost it is very considerable , that it is no where in Moses affixed unto any one certain day of the moneth , as all the rest of the feasts are : which is a very great presumption , that it was a moveable feast , and so c varied , that it might alwayes fall upon the day immediately following the ordinary Sabbath . And if God so order the matter , that in the celebration of the feast of weeks the seventh should purposely be passed over , and that solemnity should be kept upon the first : what other thing may we imagine could be praesignified thereby , but that under the State of the Gospel the solemnity of the weekly service should be celebrated upon that day ? That on that day the famous Pentecost in the 2. of the Acts was observed , is in a manner generally acknowledged by all : wherein the truth of all those that went before being accomplished , we may observe the type and the verity , concurring together in a wonderfull manner . At the time of the Passeover Christ our Passeover was slain for us : the whole Sabboth following he rested in the grave . The next day after that Sabbath , the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or sheaf of the first fruits of the first ( or barly ) Harvest was offered unto God ; and Christ rose from the dead , and became the first fruits of them that slept ; many bodies of the Saints that slept , arising likewise after him . From thence was the count taken of the seven Sabbaths ; and upon the more after the seventh Sabbath ( which was our Lords day ) was celebrated the feast of weeks , the day of the first fruits of the second ( or wheat ) Harvest : upon which day the Apostles having themselves received the first fruits of the spirit , begat three thousand Soules with the word of truth , and presented them as the first fruits of the Christian Church unto God , and unto the Lamb. And from that time forward doth Waldensis note that the Lords day was observed in the Christian Church in the place of the Sabbath . Quia inter legalia ( saith he ) tunc sublata Sabbati castodia fuit unum , planum est tunc intrâsse Dominicam loco ejus : sicut Baptisma statim loco Circumcisionis . Adhuc enim superstes erat sanctus Johannes , qui diceret : Et fui in spiritu die Dominicâ , Apocal. 1. cùm de Dominicâ die ante Christi Resurrection nulla prorsùs mentio haberetur . Sed statim post missionem Spiritus sancti , lege novâ fulgente , in humano cultu sublatum est Sabbatum ; & dies Dominicae Resurrectionis clarescebat Dominica . The Revelation exhibited unto St. John upon the Lords day ; is by Irenaeus ( in his fifth book ) referred unto the Empire of Domitian , or , as S. Hierome in his Catalogue more particularly doth expresse it , to the fourth yeare of his Reigne : Which answereth partly to the forty ninth , and partly to the ninty fifth year of our Lord , according to our vulgar computation ; and was but eleven or twelve yeares before the time , when Ignatius did write his Epistles . Of whom then should we more certainly learn , what the Apostle meant by the Lords day , then from Ignatius ? who was by the Apostles themselves ordained Bishop of that Church , wherein the Disciples were first called Christians ; and in his Epistle to the Magnesians clearly maketh the Lords day to be a weekly holy day , observed by Christians , in the room of the abrogated Sabbath of the Jews : than which , can we desire more ? But here you are to know , beside the common edition , wherein the genuine Epistles of Ignatius are fouly depraved by a number of beggarly patches added unto his purple by later hands ; there is an ancient Latine translation to bee found in the Library of Caies Colledge in Cambridge ; which , although it be very rude , and corrupt both in many other , and in this very same place also of the Epistle to the Magnesians ; yet is it free from these additaments , and in many respects to be preferred before the common Greek Copy , as well because it agreeth with the Citations of Eusebius , Athanasius , and Theodoret , and hath the sentences vouched by them out of Ignatius ( and particularly that of the Eucharist , in the Epistle to the Smyrnians ) which are not at all to be found in our Greek ; and hath in a manner none of all those places in the true Epistles of Ignatius , against which exception hath been taken by our Divines : which addeth great strength to those exceptions of theirs , and sheweth that they were not made without good cause . Now in this Translation there is nothing to be found touching the Sabbath , and the Lords day in the Epistle to the Magnesians , but these words only . Non ampliùs sabbatizantes , sed secundùm Dominicam viventes , in quâ , & vita nostra orta est ; whereunto these of our common Greeke may be made answerable . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . all those other words alleadged by Dr. Heylin , ( part . 2. pag. 43. ) to prove that Ignatius would have both the Sabbath and the Lords day observed , being afterwards added by some later Grecian ; who was afraid that the custome of keeping both dayes observed in his time should appear otherwise to be directly opposite to the sentence of Ignatius , whereas his main intention was to oppose the Ebionites of his owne time : who , as Eusebius witnesseth in the third book of his Ecclesiasticall History , did both keep the Sabbath with the Jewes , and also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . By whose imitation of the Church herein , the antiquity of the observation of the Lords day may be further confirmed : Ebion being known to have been St. Paul's Antagonist ; and to have given out of himself , that he was one of those that brought the prices of their goods , and laid them down at the Apostles feet : as the universality of the observance may be gathered by the argument drawn from thence by Eusebius towards the end of his Oration of the praises of Constantine ) to prove the preeminency of our Saviour Christ , above all the gods of the Heathen : because this prescript of his touching the celebration of this day was admitted and submitted unto , not within the Dominions of Constantine onely , but also throughout the compasse of the whole world . * Quis n. ( saith he ) cunctis totius orbis terrarum incobis , seu terra seu mari illi sint , praescripserit ut singulis septimanis in unum convenientes diem Dominicum festum celebrarent ; instituentque ut sicut corpora pascerent cibariis , sic animos Divinis Disciplinis refi●erent ? We see then that the Doctrine , which the true Ignatius received immediately from the hands of the Apostles , was the very same with that was delivered by the Fathers of the Councel of Laodicea , about 250 years after , ( for the profs produced by the Authours , to whom my a Lord of Eli , pag. 73. refereth us , for having it to be held before the first Nicene , are nothing worth . ) Non oportet Christianos Judaizare & in Sabbatho otiari ; sed ipsos eo die operari , diem autem dominicum praeferentes otiari ( si modo possint ) ut Christianos : the contrary whereunto Pope Gregory the first ( in Registr . lib. 11. Epist. 3. esteemeth to bee the Doctrine of the Preachers of Antichrist : qui veniens , diem Dominicum & Sabbatum ab omni opere faciet custodiri : which my Lord of Eli , pag. 219. ) rendreth ; upon the old Sabbath-day , or upon the Sunday : by a strange kinde of mistake turning the copulative into a disjunctive . A Letter of Doctor Twisse to the Lord Primate , thanking him for the former Letter , and his Book de primordiis , Brit. Eccles. The History of Goteschalcus , &c. where the honour and respect he gives him is exemplary , unto others . Most Reverend Father in God , I was very glad to hear of your Grace his coming over into England ; and now I have a faire opportunity to expresse my thankfull acknowledgement of that great favour wherewith you were pleased to honour me , in bestowing one of your books upon me , de origine Britannicarum Ecclesiarum ; which I received from Sir Benjamin Rudierd in your Grace his name , about the end of Summer last , wherein I do observe not onely your great learning and various reading manifested at full , but your singular wisdom also in reference to the necessitous condition of these times ; taking so fair an occasion to insert therein , the History of the Pelagian Heresie , so opportunely coming in your way . Your History of Goteschalcus was a piece of the like nature , which came forth most seasonably ; we know what meetings there were in London thereupon by some ; and to what end , to relieve the reputation of Vossius , who laboured not a little when he was discovered to have alleadged the confession of Pelagius , for the confession of Austin : As also in fathering upon the Adrametine Monkes , the Original of the Praedestinarian Heresie : I was at that time upon answering Corvinus his defence of Arminius , and had dispatcht one digression upon the same argument , and in the issue concluded that it was but a trick of the Pelagians to cast the Nick-name of the Praedestinarian Heresie , upon the Orthodox Doctrine of St. Austine : But upon the coming forth of your Goteschalcus , I was not onely confirmed therein , but upon better , and more evident grounds , enabled in a second digression to meet with the Dictates of — who endeavoured to justifie the conceit of Vossius , but upon very weak grounds . Thus I have observed with comfort the hand of God to have gone along with your Grace , for the honouring of the cause of his truth , in so precious a point as is the glory of his Grace . And I nothing doubt , but the same hand of our good God will be with you still , and his wisdome will appear in all things you undertake , whether of your own choice , or upon the motion of others : There being never more need of hearkening unto , and putting in practice our Saviours rule , Be ye wise as Serpents , and innocent as Doves . And have I not as great cause to return your Grace most hearty thanks , for the kind Letters I received in answer to the motions I was emboldned to make ; had it been but onely to signifie the great satisfaction I received thereby in divers particulars , but especially in two principal ones ; the one , the mystery of the feasts of first fruits opened to the singular advantage of the honour of the Lords day in the time of the Gospel , the other , in correcting Ignatius by a Latine Manuscript of Caies Colledge ; which since I have gotten into my hands , and taken a Copy thereof , and have caused it to be compared with two other Copies , Manuscripts in Oxford , the one in Magdalene , the other in Baliol Colledge Library ; I take no small comfort in the hope I conceive of seeing your Grace before your departure into Ireland , I heare of a purpose your Grace hath to see Oxford , and abide some time there , the Lord blesse you , and keep you , and make his face to shine upon you . Newberry May 29. 1640. Yours in all observance , desiring to sit at your Grace his feet . WILLIAM TWISSE . Mr. Chambers of Clouford by Bath , hath long ago answered Dr. Heylines History of the Sabbath , but knowes not how to have it printed . A Clause in a Letter of the Primates , to Mr. Ley , of the Sabbath . FOr mine own part , I never yet doubted but took it for granted ; that as the setting of some whole day apart for Gods solemne Worship was Juris Divini naturalis , so that this solemne day should be one in seven , was juris Divini positivi , recorded in the fourth Commandement . And such a jus divinum positivum , here I mean , as Baptisme and the Lords Supper are established , both which lie not in the power of any man , or Angel to change , or alter , wherein me thinks , your second position is a little too waterish , viz. That this Doctrine rather then the contrary is to be held the Doctrine of the Church of England ; And may well be gathered out of her publick liturgy , and the first part of the Homily concerning the place , and time of prayer . Whereas , you should have said that this is to be held undoubtedly the Doctrine of the Church of England . For if there could be any reasonable doubt made of the meaning of the Church of England in her Liturgy , who should better declare her meaning , than self in her Homily ? where she peremptorily declareth her minde . That in the fourth Commandement God hath given expresse charge to all men , that upon the Sabbath day , which is now our Sunday , they should cease from all weekly and work-day labour , to the intent , that like as God himself wrought six dayes , and rested the seventh , blessed and sanctified it , and consecrated it to rest , and quietnesse from labour , even so Gods obedient people should use the Sunday holily , and rest from their common , and daily businesse , and also give themselves wholly to heavenly exercises of Gods true Religion and service ; Than which , what could you devise to say more your self ? For the further maintenance of which Doctrine , I send you herewith a Treatise , written by a a learned man ( now with God ) against Theophilus Brabourn ; who gave occasion to the raising up of these unhappy broiles ; which , if it may any way conduce to the furtherance of your more exact Treatice , &c. I shall be very glad , and be ready to , &c. Part of a Letter of the Primates , to an Honourable person , not long after the coming forth of Doctor Heylins book ▪ of the History of the Sabbath , which I found wrote in the same Paper with the former . AS for Dr. Heylins a relation , concerning our Articles of Ireland , it is much mistaken . For first where he saith , they did passe when his Majesties Commissioners were imployed about the setling of the Church , Anno 1615. and chargeth them with this strict austerity ( as he termeth it ) in the prescript observation of the Lords day , he sheweth himself very credulous , there having been no such Commissioners here at that time , and our Articles having been published in Print divers years before the Commissioners ( whom hee meaneth ) came hither , as Sir Nathaniel Rich ( who was one of them himself ) can sufficiently inform you . Secondly , where he saith , he is sure , that till that time the Lords day had never attained such credit as to be thought an Article of the faith , he speaks very inconsiderately . Hee that would confound the ten Commandements ( whereof this must be accounted for one , unlesse he will leave us but nine ) with the Articles of the faith , he had need be put to learn his Catechisme again : And he that would have every thing , which is put into the Articles of Religion ( agreed upon in the Synod for the avoyding of diversity of opinions , and for the maintenance of peace , and uniformity in the Church ) to be held for an Article of the faith , should do well to tell us whether hee hath as yet admitted a the Book of the ordination of Bishops , and the two volumes of Homilies into his Creed , for sure I am he shall find these received in the Articles of Religion , agreed upon in the Synod held at London , 1562. To which Doctor Heylen himself having subscribed , I wonder how he can oppose the conclusion , which he findeth directly laid down in the Homily of the time and place of prayer in the fourth Commandement , viz. God hath given expresse charge to all men that upon the Sabbath-day which is now our Sunday ( for these are the plain words of the Homily , which the Doctor with all his Sophistry will never be able to elude ) they shall cease from all weekly , and week-day labour , to the intent thot like as God himselfe wrought six dayes , and rested the seventh , and blessed , and consecrated it to quietnesse , and rest from labour , even so Gods obedient people should use the Sunday holily , and rest from their common and daily businesse , and also give themselves wholly to the heavenly exercises of Gods true Religion and service . By the verdict of the Church of England , I am sure the Lords day had obtained such a pitch of credit , as nothing more could be left to the Church of Ireland in their Articles , afterward to adde unto it . Thirdly , he shameth not to affirm , That the whole Book of the Articles of Ireland is now called , in ( which is a notorious untruth . ) And lastly , that the Articles of the Church of England , were confirmed by Parliament in this Kingdome , Anno 1634. where it is well known that they were not so much as once propounded to either House of Parliament , or ever intended to be propounded . The truth is , that the House of Convocation in the beginning of their Canons , for the manifestation of their agreement with the Church of England , in the confession of the same Christian faith , and the Doctrine of the Sacraments ( as they themselves professe ) and for no other end in the world , did receive and approve of the Articles of England ; but that either the Articles of Ireland were ever called in , or any Articles , or Canons at all , were ever here confirmed by Act of Parliament , may well be reckoned among Doctor Heylins fancies . Which shews what little credit he deserves in his Geography , when he brings us newes of the remote parts of the world , that tells us so many untruths of things so lately , and so publickly acted in his Neigbour Nation . A Confirmation of the latter clause in this Letter of the Primates , viz. That the Articles of Ireland ( determining the observation of the Lords day ) were not called in Anno 1634. as Doctor Heylin hath affirmed . DOctor Heylin , under the mask of an Observator hath been already offended with me , for joyning in a Certificate against what he hath related concerning the abrogating of the Articles of Ireland , which was done by the command of this most Reverend Primate in his life time , and since that , he hath been much more ; for my saying in his Funeral Sermon , Some had rashly affirmed it , and that some such presumptious affections have been lately published , and stiling that person a presumptuous ( I may say also uncharitable ) observator , that should presume to enter into the Lord Primates breast , and aver that the abrogating of them ( to use his own term ) was the cause of his carrying a sharp tooth , bearing a grudge ( and that a mortal one ) towards the L. Lieutenant Strafford . The Language with which throughout he pleaseth himselfe , might have been easily returned , but in regard such pen-combats are unseasonable , and unfitting betweene those of the same profession ( onely gratefull to the adversary of both ) I have left it to the prudence of a third person , who hath a convenient opportunity in his History to clear the whole , in the examination and moderation of all the passages between Mr. L. Strange and him . Onely thus much upon this occasion , the observator is pleased to give me a share in his Title-page , calling it a rescue from the back-blowes of Dr. Bernard ; Indeed as to the person smitten , if they were any , they could be no other , for he then turned the back , and not the face , being an Anonymus , and so appearing in that disguise , I might be excused as he was that smote a Clergy man , riding without his Priestly habit , A man that walks in the dark , may meet with a knock by such as mean him no harm . And indeed the apprehension of the Authours disaffection so much expressed to this Eminent , and pious Primate in the endeavours thus to blemish him , ( whom the whole reformed Church hath an high esteem of , ) gave it suspected , both to my self , and others to have been some Jesuit , or Agent of the Sea of Rome , though as yet , not any one ( as I hear of ) hath moved his tongue against that true Israelite at his Exit hence , and I am sorry to see his sole enemies to be those of his own house , and profession . But for the confirmation of what is here affirmed by the Primate , that the Articles of Ireland were not called in , though his above-mentioned Letter is sufficient to all uninteressed persons , yet for the Readers more full satisfaction , I shall give you a brief Narrative of the whole matter , being then a Member of that Convocation . First in the House of the Clergy , which was then in the Cathedrall of St. Patricks Dublin , there was a motion made for the reception anew of the Articles of Ireland , and all unanimous were for the affirmative , excepting two , who went out . Another time the whole house of the Clergy being called into the Quire , where the Bishops sate , and the same thing again propounded to them , they all stuck to their former vote , excepting seven . The intent of the whole Clergy being by this sufficiently understood , and it appearing , there was no need of any such confirmation , having been An. 1615. fully and formally established , ( viz. signed by Arch-Bishop Jones , Chancelour of Ireland , and then Speaker of the House of the Bishops in Convocation , by the Prolocutor of the House of the Clergy in their names , and signed by the then Lord Deputy Chichester , ( by order from King James in his name ) that motion was no more repeated , onely the Primate was consulted with , concerning the approving and receiving of the Articles of England also , to which he readily consented , there being no substantial difference between them , to which he had subscribed himself voluntarily , long before in England , and conceiving it to be without any prejudice to the other . Hereupon the first Canon ( being all that was done in relation to them ) was drawn up , the Primate approved it , and proposed it selfe ( as President of the Synod ) in the House of the Bishops , commended it to the House of the Clergy , where by his motion many assented the more readily , they all gave their Votes , man by man , excepting one person , who suspended his , out of the suspition that some might make that construction , which is the observators conclusion . Now the chief argument , which the observator ( if I may not call him Dr. Heylin ) spends himself upon , is from what he hath picked out of the words of the Canon , where they do not onely approve , but receive the Articles of England , from thence he inferres a superinducing of those , and so an abrogating of these of Ireland . But I answer , there was not a reception of the one instead of the other , but the one with the other , and there being no difference in substance , but onely in method number of subjects determined , and other circumstantials , it argues no more an abrogation than that doth of the Apostles Creed , by our reception of the Nicene Creed and Athanasius's , wherein some points are more enlarged , or that the reception into our use the form of the Lords Prayer , according to Saint Matthew , abrogates that of Saint Luke , being the shorter ; Neither do I see , but if for the manifestation of our Union with other reformed Churches ; We should approve and receive their Articles of Religion , and they receive ours , it were no abrogating of either . And the difference in them being onely in circumstantials , and not in substance , all might be called one confession , That as of many Seas one Ocean , of many National Churches one Catholick Church , so of many forms of Canfessions , but one faith amongst them . That Argument from the Apostles speech of making void the old Covenant by speaking of a new , or taking in the first day of the week to be the Sabbath , instead of the last , when but one of the seven was to be kept , doth not fit the case : for in these there was a superinduction , and reception of the one for the other : but in the Canon , the Articles of England are received not instead , but with those of Ireland . And that it was the sense then apprehended , not only by the Primate , but by the other Bishops ( at least divers of them ) appears in this , That afterwards at an Ordination they took the subscription of the party ordained to both Articles . And for further confirmation of this I shall give you the sense of a most eminent , learned , and judicious person , upon the view of what the observator rescued had written of it , I have received ( sayes he ) the book you sent me , and have perused it ; I see he will have the allowance of our Articles of England , by the Synod in Ireland , to be a virtual disanulling of the Irish Confession ; which ( I conceive ) saith no more , but , That both Confessions were consistent ; And the Act of that Synod not a revocation of the Irish Articles , but an approbation of ours , as agreeing with them ; He hath his flings at your Sermon , Preached at the Lord Primates Funeral , but in truth , he wrongs himself and our Church in those detractions from him . A Letter of the late Arch-Bishop of Armagh , and Primate of Ireland , to Doctor Bernard of Grayes Inne , containing his judgement of the ordination of the Ministry in France and Holland . I Received this following Letter from the late Arch-Bishop of Armagh , not long before his death , which ( at the desire of some prudent men , and of different opinion in the subject of it ) I have been moved to publish , which indced was committed to me by him for that end , and I do it the rather now , in regard somewhat hath been mistaken in the discourse of it , to his prejudice on both sides : So that without breach of trust I could no longer detain it . The occasion of it was this , there was given me by an Honourable person a writing , containg a report raised of the said Arch-Bishop concerning his judgement of the ordination beyond the Sea , which he prayed me to send unto him , which is as followeth : Mr. — asked the Arch-bishop of Armagh , upon occasion of an ordination , what he thought of them that were ordained by Presbyters ? he said he judged their ordination to be null , and looked on them as Lay-men . He asked him , what he conceived of the Churches beyond the Sea. The Bishop answered , he had charitable thoughts of them in France . But as for Holland , he questioned if there was a Church amongst them , or not : or words fully to that purpose . This Dr. — confidently reports . This paper according to the earnest desire of the said person , I sent inclosed to the Lord Primate , being then out of Town , from whom immediately I received this answer , containing his judgement of the ordination of the Ministery of the reformed Churches in France , and Holland , as followeth . Touching Mr. — I cannot call to mind that he ever proposed unto me the Questions in your Letter inclosed , neither do I know the Doctor — who hath spread that report ; But for the matter it self , I have ever declared my opinion to be , That Episcopus & Presbyter , gradu tantum differunt , non ordine ; and consequently , that in places where Bishops cannot be had , the ordination by Presbyters standeth valid , yet on the other side holding as I do , that a Bishop hath superiority in degree above a Presbyter , you may easily judge that the ordination made by such Presbyters , as have severed themselves from those Bishops , unto whom they had sworne Canonical obedience , cannot possibly by me be excused from being Schismatical ; And howsoever , I must needs think that the Churches , which have no Bishops , are thereby become very much defective in their Government , and that the Churches in France , who , living under a Popish power , cannot do what they would , are more excusable in this defect than the Low-Countries that live under a free State : yet for the testifying my Communion with these Churches ( which I do love and honour as true Members of the Church Universal . ) I do professe that with like affection , I should receive the blessed Sacrament at the hands of the Dutch Ministers , if I were in Holland , as I should do at the hands of the French Ministers , if I were in Charentone . Some Animadvertisements upon the aforesaid Letter , in prevention of any misinterpretations of it . 1. WHereas in the former part of it , he saith , he hath ever declared his opinion to be , &c. I can witnesse it from the time I have had the happinesse to be known to him , it being not ( as some possibly might suggest ) a change of judgement upon the occurrences of latter years . 2. For that superiority onely in degree ; which , he saith , a Bishop hath above a Presbyter , it is not to be understood as an arbitrary matter at the pleasure of men , but that he held it to be of Apostolical institution , and no more a diminution of the preheminencie and authority of Episcopacy , than the denomination of lights given in common by Moses , to all of them in the firmament ( Genes . 1. ) detracts from the Sun & Moon , whom he calls the greater , and were assigned of God to have the rule of the rest ; though the difference between them be onely graduall , yet there is a derivative subordination , as the preheminence of the first-born , was but graduall , they were all brethren , but to him was given of God the excellency , or supremacy of Dignity and power , to him they must bow , or be subject , and he must have the rule over them : And that this gradus is both derived from the pattern prescribed by God in the Old Testament ( where that distinction is found in the Title of the Chief Priest , who had the rule of the rest , called by the LXX 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) and from the imitation thereof brought in by the Apostles , and confirmed by Christ in the time of the New ; The Primate hath so fully confirmed in that learned Tractate of his , of the Originall of Bishops , which he hath deduced from the Apostolicall times ; that I know not what can be added ; And even for that higher gradus of a Metropolitan , or Arch-Bishop , to have been also Apostolicall , he hath , from the superscription of John , to the seven Churches , ( each of which Cities being Metropolitical , and the rest of the Cities of Asia daughters under them ) given very strong probabilities , hard to be gain-said ; unto which ( as an excellent comment upon this Letter ) I shall refer the Reader . 3. That in this judgement of his he was not singular ; Doctor Davenant , that pious , and Learned Bishop of Salisbury , consents with him in it . ( in his determinations , q. 42. produceth the principal pf the Schoolmen , Gulielmus Parisiensis , Gerson , Durand , &c. Episcopatus non est ordo praecisè distinctus à sacerdotio simplici , &c. non est alia potestas ordinis in Episcopis quam Presbyteris , sed inest modo perfectiori . And declares it to be the generall opinion of the Schoolmen . Episcopatum ut distinguitur à simplici sacerdotio non non esse alium ordinem ; sed eminentiorem quandam potestatem & dignitatem in eodem ordine sacerdotali , &c. And as he grants the Bishop to have dignitatem altiorem , potestatem majorem , &c. so doth the Primate in that he saith he hath a superiority in degree above a Presbyter , and that the Churches which have no Bishops , are thereby become very much defective in their Government ; Both of them being farre from a parity . And whereas the Primate saith , That in cases of necessity , where Bishops cannot be had , the Ordination by Presbyters standeth valid , Bishop Davenaut concurres with him also : That where Bishops were Heretical , or idolatrous , and refuse to ordain Orthodox Ministers , that in such and the like cases he saith : Si Orthodoxi Presbyteri ( ne pereat Ecclesia ) alios Presbyteros cogantur ordinare , ego non ausim hujusmodi ordinationes pronuntiare irritas , & innanes , &c. Necessitas non inscitè lex temporis appellatur , & in tali casu defendat id ad quod coegit , and produceth the opinion of Richardus Armachanus ( one of this Primates Predecessors , and one of the most Learned men in his time ) to be accordingly . Armachani opinio est , quod si omues Episcopi essent defuncti , sacerdotes minores possunt ordinare , & applies it to the like Protestant Churches , which the Primate mentions . Hac freti necessitate si Ecclesiae quaedam protestantium quae ordinationes ab Episcopis Papistis expectare non poterant consensu Presbyterorum suorum Presbyteros ordinarunt , non inde Episcopali dignitati praejudicasse , sed necessitati Ecclesiae obtemperasse judicandi sint , Thus much for Bishop Davenants concurrence , to which divers others might be added , as in speciall , Doctor Richard Field sometimes Dean of Glocester , in his Learned Book of the Church , lib. 3. cap. 39. and lib. 5. cap. 27. where this judgement of the Primates , and this concurrence of Bishop Davenants is largely confirmed , without the least derogation from the preheminencie of Episcopacy . But that book entituled , The defence of the Ordination of the Ministers of the reformed Churches beyond the Seas maintained by Mr Arch-Deacon Mason , against the Romanists ( who wrote also a defence of Episcopacy , and of the Ministery of the Church of England ) is sufficiently known , and I have been assured , it was not onely the Judgement of Bishop Overal , but that he had a principal hand in it ; He produceth many Testimonies . The Master of the Sentences , and most of the Schoolmen , Bonaventure , Tho. Aquinas , Durand . Dominicus , Soto , Richardus Armachanus , Tostatus , Alphonsus à Castro , Gerson , Petrus , Canisius , to have affirmed the same , and at last quoteth Medina , a principal Bishop of the Councel of Trent , who affirmed , That Jerome , Ambrose , Augustine , Sedulius , Primasius , Chrysostome , Theodoret , Theophylact , were of the same judgement also . And I suppose there is none doubts , but that the Primate joyned with Arch-Deacon Mason in that conclusive wish of his , viz. That wherein the Discipline of France , or Holland is defective , they would by all possible means redresse , and reform it , and conforme themselves to the ancient custome of the Discipline of Christ , which hath continued from the Apostles time , that so they may remove all opinion of singularity , and stop the mouth of malice it selfe , In a word , If the ordination of Presbyters in such places where Bishops cannot be had , were not valid , the late Bishops of Scotland had a hard task to maintain themselves to be Bishops , who were not Priests , for their Ordination was no other , And for this , a passage in the History of Scotland , wrote by the Arch-Bishop of Saint Andrews is observable , viz. That when tke Scots Bishops were to be consecrated by the Bishops of London , Ely , and Bath , here at London house , An. 1609. he saith , A question was moved by Doctor Andrews , Bishop of Ely , touching the consecration of the Scottish Bishops , who , as he said , must first be ordained Presbyters , as having received no ordination from a Bishop . The Arch-Bishop of Canterbury , Doctor Bancroft , who was by ; maintained , That thereof there was no necessity , seeing where Bishops could not be had , the ordination given by the Presbyters must be esteemed lawfull , otherwise that it might be doubted if there were any lawfull vocation in most of the reformed Churches , This applauded to by the other Bishops , Ely acquiesced , and at the day , and in the place appointed , the three Scottish Bishops were consecrated by the above-said three English Bishops , the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury forbearing for another cause there mentioned . Now though the ordination of Presbyters in this case of necessity be granted to be valid , yet I have heard this learned Primate wonder at the neglect found in the late Presbyterian way of ordation , viz. That at imposition of hands , they neither used the ancient form of words , with which the first framers of it were themselves ordained , nor used any other to that sence in their room , at least there is no order , or direction for it . For suppose the words of our Saviour to the Apostles , ( John 10. 21 , 21. ) at their ordination were scrupled at , viz. Receive the holy Ghost , whose sins thou dost forgive are forgiven : and whose sins thou dost retain are retained , ( which rightly understood , gave no just cause ) yet why might not the next words have been continued ? viz. and be thou a faithfull dispenser of the word of God , and of his holy Sacraments , in the name of the Father , and of the Son , and of the holy Ghost : or the other words upon the solemne delivery of the Bible , into the hands of the person ordained ; Take thou authority to preach the word of God , and to minister the holy Sacraments in the Congregation where thou shalt be so appointed . I can imagine no cause against the use of one of these , unlesse it be because they had been used there , as if in this sense , old things must be done away ; and all must be new . To impose hands ( according to the injunction of the Apostle , and to have it accompanied with prayer and thanksgiving for the person , is well done ( wich in the former constitution was solemnly observed before , and after it ) but why should the formal transmitting of Authority also in the name of Christ for the power of officiating be left undone , if the scruple in the instrumental cause be satisfied , why might it not have been prevented in the formall , who might have freely given what they had received . Now to give the seal of ordination ( as some please to call imposition of hands ) without any expresse commission annexed , or grant of Authority to the person , the Primate was wont to say , seemed to him to be like the putting of a seale to a blanck , which being so weighty a businesse , I wish prudent men would consider of , least in the future it arm the adversary with objections ; and fill our own with further scruples ; And so much ( far larger then I intended ) for the prevention of any offence , which might be taken at the one part of the Letter . Now for the other clause of his judgement , which he leaves unto me to judge , what in reason I might apprehend to be his , I leave it accordingly to the judgement of others : All that can give any offence , is that term of Schisme . But in regard it is not directly determined , but onely that he could not be an Advocate to excuse it ; and being delivered in that Latitude , that it is dubious whether forreigne ( to which the question chiefly relateth ) or domestick , former times , or latter , may take the application . I shall not offend the Reader with any larger Apology , onely wherein any shall find themselves concerned , I wish such humble and meek spirits , that the admonition of so pious , and eminent a Bishop , ( whose fame is throughout the Churches ) might prevaile to the amendmeut of what hath been amisse among us . If I have abounded beyond my measure , to the hazard of the offence of both parties in these advertisements , let it be excused by the impartiality of it , and the unbyassed intention for the setling of truth and peace so shaken of later dayes . The Primates judgement of severall Subjects . THe mifinterpretations , which have been already made of this most Reverend and Learned mate , of a change of judgement in him towards his latter end , ( which I have been moved here to vindicate ) giving it suspected to be the fore-runner of more of the like , which may be raised hereafter , I have been advised upon this occasion , both in answer to , and prevention of any other false rumours for the future to declare more fully what I did of him briefly in his Funerall Sermon , as to some particulars then whispering of him ( omitted at the presse , but not with my will , ) And I do it the rather in regard , as I was desired then by some of different judgement , to make an impartial relation of his there ( there each like Israel and Judah , for David , claiming an interest in him ) so finding that omission to be diversly interpreted to my censure , and conceived by some to be the occasion of those severall mistakes raised of him since , ( whereby , as ( praef . to disp . of Sacram. ) Mr. Baxter complaines , The good Bishop must now be what every one will say of him , one feigning him to be of one extreame , and the other of the other extreame ) which the publishing might have prevented , I have thought fit to discharge that trust reposed in me , both in relation to his Doctrine and practice , and I know no person of more generall reputation , and more like to be an exemplary pattern in this his moderation , which I conceived fit to be known unto all men . The late Arch-Bishop of Armagh , and Primate of Ireland , his judgement in matter of Doctrine , Discipline , and other subjects ; of which there have been some different opinions among others , and some misinterpretations of him . IN Doctrine he did fully approve the Articles of Religion of the Church of England , as the same more enlarged in the Articles of Ireland : The discipline and constitutious of both , he did also approve . For the Liturgy in the publick prayers , as while he lived at Drogheda in Ireland , they were constantly observed in his family , so he had them in estimation to his last ; And the last time he was in London upon the occasion of some rash groundlesse rumours raised of him to the contrary , ( to his no small grief ) he gave his judgement accordingly to an Honourable person , wrote with his owne hand , which he shewed unto me ; He had constantly prayers in his family four times a day ; At six in the morning , and eight at night , they were such , wherein the gifts of those , who were his Chaplains were exercised , but before Dinner and Supper in the Chappel , was the forenamed also observed ; Indeed he was not so rigid , as to tie all men in the private , to an absolute necessary use of it , or in the publike , that a Sermon was not to be heard , unlesse that did precede ; And for the healing or preventing of those distractions and divisions , which have been among Ministers as others , and the moderating of each extremity in relation to the use of it whereby there might be a return of that wished-for peace and unity , which of late years we have been strangers to , He conceived some prudent moderate accommodation might have been thought of ( and yet may ) by wise men , in order to the present continuance of the substantial part of it , ( each side yielding somewhat , after the example of Saint Paul in circumstantials ) which might have better borne the name of a reformation , than thus to have a totall suppression of it , whereby with the intention of gathering up the Tares , the Wheat hath been rooted up also . As for some arbitrary innovations , not within the compasse of the rule , and order of the book , he did not affect , and often wished they had not been introduced , as foreseeing the issue of it , what was commanded he readily observed , but did not take upon him to introduce any Rite , or Ceremony upon his own opinion of decency , till the Church had judged it so ; and thought they most owned the book , who neither added , or diminished from the rule of it . And for bowing at the Name of Jesus , though he censured not those that did , either in our , or other Reformed Churches , according to the custome of each , yet he did not conceive the injunction of it could be founded upon that of the Apostle , Phil. 2. 10. and wondred at some learned mens assertions , that it was the Exposition of all the Fathers upon it , And as the wise composers of the Liturgy gave no direct injunction for it there , so in Ireland he withstood the putting of it into the Canon , Anno 1634. That a form of prayer , not only by way of direction , but punctually composed were fit to be had in the publike he was ever for , as much conducing to the benefit of the vulgar people , which are the major part of the Nation , and especially in the administration of Baptisme , and the Communion , as well for the shunning and preventing the disorder , and scandalous confusion found in some mens performances of them , as the testifying of an unity and unanimity among us , which Saint Paul prefers as the more excellent way , before the variety of all Spirituall gifts whatsoever . He often wished The judgement of Calvine concerning it ( who was a wise and learned man ) in his letter to the L. Protector of England , in Edward the sixth's time , were more known than it is , in regard of his esteem with such , who have oppsed it , who doth a much approve that there should be a certain set form of prayer , from which it should not be lawfull for the Pastors to depart in their function , both that some care might be had of the more simple , and ignorant sort , as also that the consent of all the Churches within themselves might the more evidently appear . And lastly , for the prevention of the inconstant levity of some , who are affecters of novelty , and so adviseth to have a set Catechisme , a set form of publick prayers , and administration of Sacraments . He was for the Ministers improving of their gifts , and abilties in prayer , before Sermon and after , according to his own practice : but if that were done , he saw no reason why the other should be left undone ; The Church of God being like a great family , whereein some being Infants and Children , as well as of full age , a provision must be had of Milk , as stronger meat , and all ought to be equally taken care of , even the ignorant , and simpler sort , as well as those of greater education . For Ordination , or an ordained Ministery , such was his judgement of the necessity of it , That he took it to be a fundamental , and one of those principles of Christian Doctrine , ( Hebr. 6. 2. ) called , laying on of hands ; the great neglect of which he much lamented , as fearing it would prove to be the undermining the foundation of our Church , which Mr. Cartwright , in his a Commentary upon the place , confirmes to the full , and in a higher expression , as if it were the overthrow of Christianity . And yet , as you have heard , he was not so severe as to condemn , and disown the Ministery of other reformed Churches , or refuse Communion with them , because in every particular , as to some persons usually ordaining , they were defective . For Episcopacy , he was not wanting with Saint Paul to magnifie his own office , by two several Tractates he hath published , ( none being more able to defend the ancient right of it ) for which he was by Letters importuned , by some of the most eminent persons of his own profession , yet how humbly without any partiality to himself , and the eminent degree he had obtained in it , did he declare his judgement , is evident by the above-said Tractates , and the Letter before mentioned , And his prudence in the present accommodation of things in that Treatise of his , viz. The reduction of it to the form of Synodical Government , for the prevention of that disturbance , which did afterwards arise about it , is as apparent also ; if others concerned in these transactions had been of that moderation , humility , and meeknesse , the wound given , might have been healed before it grew incurable . That the Annual Commemorations of the Articles of the faith , such as the Nativity , Passion , Resurrection , of our Saviour , &c. were fit to be observed ( which Saint Augustine saith , in his time were in use through the whole Catholick Church of Christ ) and is now in some Reformed Churches , as a means to keep them in the memory of the vulgar , ( according to the pattern of Gods injunction to the Israelites in the Old Testament , for the Types of them ) appeared sufficiently to be his judgement , by his then constant preaching upon those subjects . The Friday before Easter ( i e. the Resurrection , East in old Saxon , signifying rising ) appointed for the remembrance of the Passion of our Saviour , he did duely at Drogheda , in Ireland , observe as a solemn fast , ( inclining the rather to that choice out of Prudence , and the security from censure , by the then custome of having Sermons beyond their ordinary limit in England ; ) when ( after the publick prayers of the Church ) he first preached upon that subject , extending himselfe in prayer and Sermon beyond his ordinary time , which we imitated , who succeeded in the duties of the day , and which being known to be his constant custome , some from Dublin , as other parts , came to partake of it ; which most excellent Sermons of his upon that occasion , he was by many Godly Religious persons importuned much for the publishing of them , and his strict observation of this fast was such , that neither before , or after that extraordinary paines would he take the least refreshment , till about six a Clock , and which did not excuse him from Preaching again on Easter day , when we constantly had a Communion . That Tractate of his , entitled , The Incarnation of the Son of God , was the summe of two , or three Sermons , which I heard him preach at Drogheda , at that Festivall , when we celebrate the birth of our Saviour . That he was for the often publike reading of the ten Commandements , and the Creed , before the Congregation , according to the custome of other reformed Churches , I suppose none can doubt of , and not onely that , which is commonly called the Apostles Creed , but the Nicene and Athanasius , his book of the three Creeds sufficiently perswade it . What his judgement was of the use of the Lords Prayer , his practice shewed it in the constant concluding of his prayer before Sermon with it . And his approbation of that gesture of kneeling at the Communion was often apparent before many witnesses . For confirmation of Children ( which Calvine , Beza , Piscator , and others do much commend , and wish it were restored among them ) he was not wanting in his observation , as an ancient laudable custome , by which was occasioned the more frequent having in memory the principles of religion , with the yonger sort . At his first publike giving notice of the time of that his intention , ( it having been long disused in Ireland ) he made a large speech unto the people of the antiquity of it , the prudence of the first reformers in purging it from Popish superstitions , with the end of it , and then such youths presented to him , who could repeat the publike Catechisme were confirmed , and so often afterwards , and indeed the apprehension of his piety and holinesse moved the Parents much , to desire that their Children might by him receive that Benediction , which was seconded with good , and spiritual instruction , that stuck to them when they came to further yeares . The publike Catechisme , containing the summe of the Creed , the 10. Commandements , the Lords Prayer , and Doctrine of the Sacraments , despised by some for its plainnesse , he thought therefore to be the more profitable for the vulgar ; And at Drogheda in Ireland , gave me orders every Lords day in the afternoon , ( beside the Sermon which was not omitted ) to explain it . He was very exemplary in the careful observation of the Lords day in his family ; The Sermon preached by him in the forenoon , being constantly repeated in the Chappel by his Chaplain , about five of the Clock in the afternoon , unto which many of the Town resorted . For Habits , he observed such , which were accustomed by those of his profession ; for the Organ , and the Quire , he continued them as he found them in use before him . And as in all things , so in his ordinary wearing Garments , he was a Pattern of gravity , approving much of a distinctive Apparel in the Ministery that way . Lastly , for the Ecclesiastical Constitutions of Ireland , as he was in An. 1634. ( being then the Primate ) the chief guide in their establishment , so before he was a Bishop , An. 614. being then a Member of the Convocation , he was employed as a principal person for the Collecting , and drawing up such Canons as concerned the Discipline , and Government of the Church , and were to be treated upon by the Arch-Bishops and Bishops , and the rest of the Clergy of Ireland , ( divers taken out of the Statutes , Queen Elizabeths Injunctions , and the Canons of England , 1571. ) which I have lately found , written then with his own hand . The two first of which being in these words . 1. That no other form of Liturgy , or Divine service , shall be used in any Church of this Realm ; but that , which is established by Law , and comprized in the book of Common-Prayer , and Administrations of Sacraments , &c. 2. That no other form of Ordination shall be used in this Nation , but which is contained in the book of ordering of Bishops , Priests , and Deacons , allowed by Authority , and hitherto practized in the Churches of England , and Ireland , make it apparent that his judgement concerning many of the above-mentioned subjects , was the same in his yonger , as Elder years . And yet notwithstanding all this , there were alwayes some , and still are too many , who are apt to blurre him with the title of a Puritane , ( which is is one occasion of this enlargement ) though in none the sense of it is more uncertain then in his application , and from none a greater lustre would be given unto it than by his reflexion . In whom , with his conformity to the Discipline , Liturgy , and Articles of the Church of England , labour in writing , constancy in preaching against the errours of Popery , and such as border upon it , so much humility , holinesse , and charity , and other fruits of the spirit did so eminently shine . Indeed I have seen divers Letters , wrote unto him from those , who heretofore were so aspersed , full of respect , and large expressions of their love to him , and many receiving satisfaction , have concurred with him in the abovesaid particulars , his humility and meeknesse prevailing more then others strict austerity , but how that said Title could be fixed on him , I am yet to seek , unlesse it bear a better sense than the Authours of it will own . Nay , some of the simpler sort , hearing of a conjunction of Popery and Prelacy , have thought they could not be parted in him , though most of his Sermons , as well as his writings , sufficiently clear him that way . I remember many yeares agone , the late Arch-Bishop of Canterbury wrote unto him into Ireland , of a strong rumour then raised of him here at Court , That he was turned a Papist ( presumed to be by a Letter of some Popish Priest from thence . ) But it fell out to be at the same time , or immediately after he had in two Learned Sermons given his judgement at large , that the Papacy was meant by Babylon , in the 17 , and 18 , of the Revelation , which in the return of his answer to that report he did affirm , and was his judgment to his last , though the reply made to him did not consent in that . I am not a stranger to such a design of some of the Romish party , a little before his death , for the raising of the like rumour , by some Letters wrote unto him from some of eminency among them , which I disdain any further to mention . And thus upon this occasion I have endeavoured to prevent for the future , any more injurious mistakes of him , by an impartial declaring , according to my knowledge , his judgement , and practice in these particulars , wherein he may well be esteemed of us ( as Erasmus saith of Saint Augstine ) Vividum quoddam exemplar Episcopi , omnibus virtutum numeris absolutum . And I wish in these divided times , wherein each party hath a great , and a reverend opinion of him , they would shew it in this , by taking his spirit of moderation for their Copy to write after , and for my own part , I would to God not only they , but also all that read , or hear this of him , were both almost , and altogether such as he was . THE REDUCTION OF EPISCOPACY Unto the Form of Synodical Government , Received in the ANCIENT CHURCH : By the most Reverend and learned Father of our Church Dr. JAMES USHER , late Arch-Bishop of Armagh , and Primate of all Ireland . Proposed in the year 1641. as an Expedient for the prevention of those Troubles , which afterwards did arise about the matter of Church-Government . Published by NICHOLAS BERNARD . D. D. Preacher to the Honourable Society of Grayes-Inne , London . LONDON , Printed , Anno Domini . 1658. TO THE READER . THE Originall of this was given me by the most Reverend Primate , some few years before his death , wrote throughout with his own hand , and of late I have found it subscribed by himself , and Doctor Holseworth , and with a Marginal Note at the first Proposition , which I have also added . If it may now answer the expectation of many pious , and prudent Persons , who have desired the publishing of it , as a seasonable preparative to some moderation in the midst of those extreams , which this Age abounds with , it will attain the end intended by the Authour : And it is likely to be more operative , by the great reputation he had , and hath in the hearts of all good men , being far from the least suspicion to be byassed by any privivate ends , but onely ayming at the reducing of Order , Peace , and Unity , which God is the Authour of , and not of confusion . For the recovery of which , it were to be wished , that such as do consent in Substantials , for matter of Doctrine , would consider of some conjunction in point of Discipline , that private interest and circumstantials , might not keep them thus far asunder . Grayes-Inne , Octob. 13. 1657. N. BERNARD . The Reduction of Episcopacy unto the form of Synodical Government , received in the ancient Church ; proposed in the year 1641 , as an Expedidient for the prevention of those troubles , which afterwards did arise about the matter of Church-Government . Episcopal and Presbyterial Government conjoyned . BY Order of the Church of England , all Presbyters are charged a to administer the Doctrine and Sacraments , and the Discipline of Christ , as the Lord hath commanded , and as this Realme hath received the same ; And that they might the better understand what the Lord had commanded therein , b the exhortation of Saint Paul , to the Elders of the Church of Ephesus is appointed to be read unto them at the time of their Ordination ; Take heed unto your selves , and to all the flock among whom the Holy Ghost hath made you Overseers to c Rule the Congregation of God , which he hath purchased with his blood . Of the many Elders , who in common thus ruled the Church of Ephesus , there was one President , whom our Saviour in his Epistle unto this Church in a peculiar manner stileth d the Angell of the Church of Ephesus : and Ignatius in another Epistle written about twelve yeares after unto the same Church , calleth the Bishop thereof . Betwixt the Bishop and the Presbytery of that Church , what an harmonius consent there was in the ordering of the Church-Government , the same Ignatius doth fully there declare , by the Presbytery , with e Saint Paul , understanding the Community of the rest of the Presbyters , or Elders , who then had a hand not onely in the delivery of the Doctrine and Sacraments , but also in the Administration of the Discipline of Christ : for further proof of which , we have that known testimony of Tertullian in his general Apology for Christians . f In the Church are used exhortations , chastisements , and divine censure ; for judgement is given with great advice as among those , who are certain they are in the sight of God , and in it is the chiefest foreshewing of the judgement which is to come , if any man have so offended , that he be banished from the Communion of prayer , and of the Assembly , and of all holy fellowship . The Presidents that bear rule therein are certain approved Elders , who have obtained this honour not by reward , but by good report , who were no other ( as he himself intimates ) elsewhere but g those from whose hands they used to receive the Sacrament of the Eucharist . For with the Bishop , who was the chiefe President ( and therefore stiled by the same Tertullian in another place , h Summus Sacerdos for distinction sake ) the rest of the dispensers of the Word and Sacraments joyned in the common Government of the Church ; and therefore , where in matters of Ecclesiasticall Judicature , Cornetius Bishop of Rome used the received forme of i gathering together the Presbytery ; of what persons that did consist , Cyprian sufficiently declareth , when he wisheth him to read his Letters k to the flourishing clergy : which there did preside , or rule with him : The presence of the Clergy being thought to bee so requisite in matters of Episcopall audience , that in the fourth Councell of Cartbage it was concluded , l That the Bishop might hear no mans cause without the presence of 〈◊〉 ●lergy : and that otherwise th● 〈…〉 sentence should be void , u●●●sse it were confirmed by the presence of the Clergy : which we find also to be inserted into the Canons of m Egbert , who was Arch-Bishop of York in the Saxon times , and afterwards into the body of the n Cannon Law it self . True it is , that in our Church this kinde of Presbyterial Government hath been long disused , yet seeing it still professeth that every Pastor hath a right to rule the Church ( from whence the mame of Rector also was given at first unto him ) and to administer the Discipline of Christ , as well as to dispense the Doctrine and Sacraments , and the restraint of the exercise of that right proceedeth onely from the custome now received in this Realm ; no man can doubt , but by another Law of the Land , this hinderance may be well removed . And how easily this ancient form of Government by the united suffrages of the Clergy might be 〈◊〉 again , and with what 〈…〉 of alteration the Synodical conventions of the Pastors of every Parish might be accorded with the Presidency of the Bishops of each Diocese and Province , the indifferent Reader may quickly perceive by the perusal of the ensuing Propositions . I. In every Parish the Rector , or Incumbent Pastor , together with the Church-Wardens and Sides-men , may every week take notice of such as live scandalously in that Cougregation , who are to receive such several admonitions and reproofs , as the quality of their offence shall deserve ; And if by this means they cannot be reclaimed , they may be presented to the next monethly Synod ; and in the mean time debarred by the Pastor from accesse unto the Lords Table . II. Whereas by a Statute in the six and twentieth year of King Henry the eighth ( revived in the first year of Queen Elizabeth ) Suffragans are appointed to be erected in 26 several places of this Kingdom ; the number of them might very well be conformed unto the number of the several Rural Deanries , into which every Diocese is subdivided ; which being done , the Suffragan supplying the place of those , who in the ancient Church were called Chorepiscopi , might every moneth assemble a Synod of all the Rectors , or Incumbent Pastors within the Precinct , and according to the major part of their voyces , coclude all matters that shall be brought into debate before them . To this Synod the Rector and Church-wardens might present such impenitent persons , as by admonitions and suspension from the Sacrament would not be reformed ; who if they should still remain contumacious and incorrigible , the sentence of Excommunication might be decreed against them by the Synod , and accordingly be executed in the Parish where they lived . Hitherto also all things that concerned the Parochial Ministers might be referred , whether they did touch their Doctrine , or their conversation ' as also the censure of all new Opinions , Heresies , and Schismes , which did arise within that Circuit ; with liberty of Appeal , if need so require , unto the Diocesan Synod . III. The Diocesan Synod might be held , once , or twice in the year , as it should be thought most convenient : Therein all the Suffragans , and the rest of the Rectors , or Incumbent Pasters ( or a certain select number of of every Deanry ) within the Diocese might meet , with whose consent , or the major part of them , all things might be concluded by the Bishop , or * Saperintendent ( call him whether you will ) or in his absence , by one of the Suffragans ; whom he shall depute in his stead to be Moderator of that Assembly . Here all matters of greater moment might be taken into consideration , and the Orders of the monthly Synodes revised , and ( if need be ) reformed : and if here also any matter of difficulty could not receive a full determination : it might be referred to the next Provincial , or National Synod . IV. The Provincial Synod might consist of all the Bishops and Suffragans , and such other of the Clergy as should be elected out of every Diocese within the Province , the Arch-Bishop of either Province , might be the Moderator of this meeting , ( or in his room some one of the Bishops appointed by him ) and all matters be ordered therein by common consent as in the former Assemblies . This Synod might be held every third year , and if the Parliament do then sit ( according to the Act of a Triennial Parliament ) both the Arch-Bishops and Provincial Synods of the Land might joyn together , and make up a National Councel : wherein all Appeals from infer●●ur Synods might be received , all their Acts examined , and all Ecclesiastical Constitutions which concerne the state of the Church of the whole Nation established . WE are of the judgement That the form of Government here proposed is not in any point repugnant to the Scripture ; and that the Suffragans mentioned in the second Proposition , may lawfully use the power both of Jurisdiction and Ordination , according to the Word of God , and the practice of the ancient Church . Ja. Armachanus . Rich. Holdsworth . AFter the proposal of this , An. 1641. Many Quaeries were made , and doubts in point of conscience resolved by the Primate , divers passages of which he heth left under his own hand , shewing his pious endeavours to peace and unity , which how far it then prevailed , is out of season now to relate , only I wish it might yet be thought of to the repairing of the breach , which this division hath made , and that those , who are by their Office Messengers of Peace , and whose first word to cach house should be peace , would earnestly promote it , within the walls of their Mother-Church , wherein they were educated , and not thus by contending about circumstantials lose the substance , and make our selves a prey to the adversary of both , who rejoyce in their hearts , saying , So would we have it . Which are the Primates works , and which not . A Catalogue of the Works already printed of Doctor James Usher , late Arch-Bishop of Armagh , and Primate of all Ireland , which are owned by him . In Latine . DE Ecclesiarum Christianarum successione & Statu . Quarto , Londini , 1613. Epistolarum Hibernicarum Sylloge , 4o. Dublinii 1630. Historia Goteschalci , 4o. Dublinii 1631. De Primordiis Ecclesiarum Britanicarum , 4o. Dublinii 1639. Ignatii Epistolae cum annotationibus , 4o. Oxoniae 1645. De Anno Solari Macedonum , 8o. Londini 1648. Annales Veteris Testamenti , Fol. Londini 1650. Annales Novi Testamenti usque ad extremum Templi & Reipublicae Judaicae excidium , &c. Fol. Londini 2654. Epistola ad Capellum de Variantibus textus Hebraici Lectionibus , 4o. Londinii 1652. De Graeca Septuaginta Interpretum versione Syntagma 4o. Londini 1655. These four last are sold by John Crook , at the Ship in St. Paul's Church-yard . In English. AN Answer to a challenge made by the Jesuite Malone in Ireland , Anno 1631. A Sermon preached before the House of Commons , Febr. 18. 1618. A Declaration of the visibility of the Church , preached in a Sermon before King James , June 20. 1624. A Speech delivered in the Castle-Chamber in Dublin , the 22. of November , 1622. The Religion profest by the ancient Irish and Brittains , 4o. 1631. These five are bound together in Quarto . Immanuel , or the Incarnation of the Son of God , 4o. Dublin . 1639. A Geographical Description of the Lesser Asia , 4o. Oxford , 1644. The judgement of Doctor Reynolds , touching the Original of Episcopacy more largely confirmed out of Antiquity , An. 1641. His Discourse of the Original of Bishops and Metropolitanes , in 4o. Oxford , 1644. His small Catechisme re-viewed , 12o. London , 1654. ☞ His aforesaid Annals of the Old and New Testament ; with the Synchronismus of Heathen Story to the destruction of Jerusalem , translated out of Latin into English now at the Presse , Fol. to be sold by John Crook , at the Ship in St. Pauls Church-yard . In regard there have been , and are divers books printed , which go under the name of the late Arch-Bishop of Armagh , but are not his , and more may be obtruded to the injury of him , I have thought fit , at the request of the Printer , to give the Reader this advertisement following . IN Anno● 1640. There was a book printed , entitled the Bishop of Armaghs direction to the house of Parliament , concerning the Liturgy and Episcopal Government , and Anno 1641. Another book entitled Vox Hiberniae , being some pretended notes of his , at a publick fast . Both these at his Petition were suppressed by order from the House of Lords and Commons , 11. Feb. 1641. and I hope will not be revived . In Anno 1651. A book called ( A Method for Meditation , or a manual of Divine duties , which most injuriously is printed in his name , but is none of his , which he directed me then to declare publickly as from him , yet in 1657. It is again reprinted to his great dishonour . For his small Catechisme the Reader is to take notice , that there was a false one Printed without his knowledge , and is still sold for his . The injury he received by it compelled him to review it , with an Epistle of his own before it , which is the mark to know the right Edition , though being framed for his private use in his younger yeares , ( about 23. ) he had no intention of it for the publick . If any Sermon-Notes taken from him have been Printed in his life-time under his name , or shall be hereafter ) which divers have of late attempted ) The Reader is to take notice that it was against his minde , and that they are disowned , by him , which as he endeavoured to his utmost to suppresse , while he was living , so it was his fear to be injured in it after his death . For a further confirmation of which , I shall give you part of a Letter of his , while he was Bishop of Meath , ( upon the like intention of a Printer , who had gotten into his hands some Notes of his Sermons , said to be preached by him in London , and was about to publish them ) which he wrote to Doctor Featly , Chaplain to the then Arch-Bishop of Canterbury for the stopping of them , in these words . I beseech you to use all your power to save me from that disgrace , which undiscreet and covetous men go about to fasten upon me , or else I must be driven to protest against their injurious dealings with me , and say as Donatus once did , Mala illis sit , qui mea festinant edere ante me . But I repose cenfidence in you , that you will take order that so great a wrong as this may not be done unto me . Remember me to worthy Doctor Goad , and forget not in your prayers . Dublin , Sept. 16. 1622. Your most assured loving friend , and fellow labourer J. A. MEDENSIS . THat book entitled the summe and substance of Christian religion , some of the materials with the Method are his , collected by him in his yonger years , for his own private use : but , being so unpolished , defective , and full of mistakes , he was much displeased at the publishing of it in his name . And though it be much commended at home , and by Ludovicus Crocius abroad , yet that he did disown it as it is now set forth , this Letter following , wrote to Mr. John Downham , ( who caused it to be printed ) doth sufficiently confirm , as followeth . SIR , YOu may be pleased to take notice , that the Catechisme you write of is none of mine , but transcribed out of Mr , Cartwrights Catechisme , and Mr. Crooks , and some other English Divines , but drawn together in one Method , as a kind of Common-place-book , where other mens judgements and reasons are simply laid down , though not approved in all points by the Collector ; besides that the Collection ( such as it is ) being lent abroad to divers in scattered sheets , hath for a great part of it miscarried , the one half of it as I suppose ( well nigh ) being no way to be recovered , so that so imperfect a thing Copied verbatim out of others , and in divers places dissonant from mine own judgement , may not by any meanes be owned by me ; But if it shall seem good to any industrious person to cut off what is weak and superfluous therein , and supply the wants thereof , and cast it into a new mould of his own framing , I shall be very well content that he make what use he pleaseth of any the materials therein , and set out the whole in his own name : and this is the resolution of May 13. 1645. Your most assured loving friend JA. ARMACHANUS . A Book entituled Confessions and Proofs of Protestant Divines of Reformed Churches for Episcopacy , &c. though it be a very Learned one , yet it is not his ; Onely that of the Original of Bishops and Metropolitans ( Frequently bound up with the former ) is owned by him . unto which he was earnestly moved by a Letter from Doctor Hall , the late Reverend and Learned Bishop of Norwich , then Bishop of Exeter ; which , shewing the great esteem he had of him , is annexed as followeth . To the most Reverend Father in God , and my most Honoured Lord , the Lord Arch-Bishop of Armagh , and Primate of Ireland . Most Reverend , and my most worthily Honoured , Lord. THat which fell from me yesterday , suddenly and transcursively , hath since taken up my after-midnight thoughts , and I must crave leave , what I then moved , to importune , that your Grace would be pleased to bestow one sheet of paper upon these distracted times , in the subject of Episcopacy , shewing the Apostolical Original of it , and the grounds of it from Scripture , and the immediately succeeding antiquity ; Every line of it coming from your Graces hand , would be super rotas suas : as Solomons expression is , very Apples of Gold , with Pictures of Silver , and more worth than volumes from us : Think , that I stand before you like the Man of Macedon , and that you hear me say , Come and help us : And as your Grace is wholly given up to the common good of the Church , say , whether you can deny it ? and if please your Grace to take your rise from my humble motion to expresse your self in this question , wherein I am publickly interested , or otherwise , to professe your voluntary resolutions for the setling of many , either misled , or doubting Soules , it will be the most acceptable , and ( I hope ) the most successefull work that your Grace hath ever undertaken ; It was my earnest motion long ago to ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) to intreat this labour from your Grace ; which now comes from my meannesse ; your Gracious humility will not even from so low hands disregard it ; with my zealous suit , and hopefull expectation of a yeilding answer , I humbly take leave , and am Your Graces humbly , and heartily devoted JOS. EXON . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A64661-e5820 a Calvinum criminantur Jesuitae quod defendat Deum , in primo instanti ante omnem praevis●●nem peccati , quosdam absolutè elegisse ad gloriam , alios destinâsse ad interitum . In secundo autem instanti , peccatum Adami eo fine ordinâsse , ut justitiam suam erga Reprobos , & misericordiam erga Electos posset exercere . ( determ . q. 26. ) b Verissimam Calvini sententiam , hisce duabus proposicionibus contineri affirmo , &c. Caecus est qui non videt in hisce locis substerni corruptam massam praedestinationis &c. subjectum esse tum Electionis tum reprobationis , non causam , &c. Ibid. c Decretum praedestinationis non solum deereto lapsus permittendi , sed hominis Creandi priùs & antiquiùs esse , &c. Ibid. d Hoc tantùm cupio ut indè perspiciatis , ipsos Pontificios Primarios esse hujus sententiae authores , quae negat hominem lapsum fuisse divinae Praedestinationis subjectum . Ibid. e Illud sole clarius testimonium est , quod ex Augustino desumptum affertur & probatur à Calvino Institut 3. c. 23. sect . 11. Ibid. Notes for div A64661-e7510 * Rom. 9. 21s Annotat. &c. Notes for div A64661-e10060 * Vid. Augustin . Praefat. in speculum . a Edit . Lindebreg . pag. 842. b Ibid. pag. 373. a Whether the Proselyte , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were tied thereunto , is handled in the Talmud of Jerusalem , Seder 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , fol. 8. d of my edition . b Compare with Deut. 16. 12. 7. Part. 1. cap. 4. pag. 83 , 84. pag. 90. a The variation of some rude American breaketh here no square no more than it doth in the unskilfull reckoning of their times . [ They being meer Savages . * This word was not well left out by Gomarus , in Investigat . p. 123. The Greek , S. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . a Upon these two words I ground the strength of the Argument : which will hold , notwithstanding the correction of Gottef●edus , out of that in libro , 1. ad Nationes cap. 13. Quod quidem facitis , exo●bitantes & ipsi à vestris ad altenas religiones . a Oper. Lucian . Graec● lat . pag. 893. edit . Paris . Ann. 1615. Isych . lib. 6. in Levit. cap. 23. Vid. Lidya . De variis annorum formis , cap. 5. a i. Consecuti sumus , ( juxta usum loquendi veterum . ) Concil . Forojuliens . cap. 13. b Part. 2. cap. 2. pag. 19. 1. c Against Doctor Heylin , part 2. cap. 1. pug . 14. 1 Cor. 5. 7. Levit. 23. 10 , 11. 1 Cor. 15. 20. Matth. 27. 52 , 53. Levit. 23. 15 , 16 , 17. Numb . 28. 26. Exod. 34. 22. Acts 2. 1 , 4 , 5 , 41. Jam. 1. 18. Revel . 14. 4. Thom. Waldens . Doctrinal . Tom. 3. Tit. 16. c. 140. Revel . 7. 10. Acts 11. 26. a It may be the three first syll ables of this word were wanting in the Greek Copy , which the Translator used ; & thence came his viventes . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . a D. White . Notes for div A64661-e14610 a Mr. Hely of Perry . Notes for div A64661-e14890 a Hist. of the Sabbath . part . 2. cap. 8. a These two here instanced were not by way of diminution , for he did highly approve of both , as being excellent composures , but because they are either for the most part to be reckoned among the Agenda , rather then the Credenda , or that in both there are some circumstantials observed , and exhorted unto , only for decency and order , according to the wisdom of the Church , which come not within the compasse of the Creed , as upon the view of them , without descending to particulars , may easily appear . Notes for div A64661-e19620 a o Quod ad formulam precum & rituum Ecclesiasticorum valde probo , ut certa illa extet à qua pastoribus discedere in functione sua non liceat , tam ut consulatur quorundam simplicitati & imperitiae , quam ut certius it a constat omnium inter se Ecclesiaerum consensus ; ●ostreme etiam ut obviam eatur desultoriae quorundam levitati , qui Novationes quasdam affectant ; sic igitur statum esse Catechismum oportet statam Sacramentorum administrationem , publicam item precum formulam ; vid. Ep. Anno 1546. Protectori Angliae . a Answer to the Rhem. ●est Notes for div A64661-e23280 a The book of Ordination . b Ibid. ex Act. 20 , 27 , 28. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . So taken in Mat. 2. 6. and Rev. 12. 5. and 19. 15. d Rev. 2. 1. e 1 Tim. 4. 14. f Ibidem etiam exhortationes , castigationes & censura divina ; nam & judicatur magno cum pondere ut apud cert●s de Dei conspectu , summúnque futuri judicii praejudicium est , si qui● ita deliquerit , ut à communicatione orationis . & conventuss , & omnis sancti commecii relegetur ▪ praesident probati quique seniores , honorem istum non pretio , sed Testimonio adepti . Tertul . Apologet. cap. 39. g 〈◊〉 de a●io ●um manibus quam praesidentium ●●mimus , Id de corona ●ilitis , cap. 3. h Dandi quidem Raptis●i habet jus summus sacerdos ; qui 〈◊〉 Episcopus : ●●hinc Presbytari & Diaco●i . Id. de Bapt. cap. 17. i Omni actu ad ●e perlato placuit contrahi Presbyterium , Cornel apud Cyp. epist. 46. k Florentissimo alio cle●●●cum praesidenti Cyprian epist. 55. ad Cornel. l Ut Episcopus nullius causam audiet absque praesentia Clericorum suorum , alioquin irrita erit sententia Episcopi nisi Clericorum praesentiâ confirmetur , Concil . Carthag . IV. cap. 23. m Excerption . Egberti , c. 43. n 15. q. 7. cap. Nullus . How the Church might Synodically be Governed , Arch-Bishops and Bishops being still retained , * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , id est , superintendentes ; unde & nomen Episcopi trastum est , Hieron , epist. 86. ad Evagrium . 
A14233	----	A discourse of the religion anciently professed by the Irish and Brittish. By Iames Vssher Archbishop of Armagh, and Primate of Ireland Ussher, James, 1581-1656. 1631 Approx. 355 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 72 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2005-12 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A14233 STC 24549 ESTC S118950 99854157 99854157 19565 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A14233) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 19565) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 1191:5) A discourse of the religion anciently professed by the Irish and Brittish. By Iames Vssher Archbishop of Armagh, and Primate of Ireland Ussher, James, 1581-1656. [8], 133, [11] p. Printed by R[obert] Y[oung] for the Partners of the Irish Stocke, London : 1631. Printer's name from STC. Running title reads: Of the religion professed by the ancient Irish. Usually found as part 4 of STC 24544 or 24544.5. Reproduction of the original in Yale University. Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Church of Ireland -- History -- Early works to 1800. 2005-02 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-03 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2005-04 Judith Siefring Sampled and proofread 2005-04 Judith Siefring Text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A DISCOURSE OF THE RELIGION Anciently professed by the IRISH and BRITTISH . By IAMES VSSHER Archbishop of Armagh , and Primate of IRELAND . LONDON , Printed by R. Y. for the Partners of the Irish Stocke . 1631. ❧ TO MY VERY MVCH HONOVRED Friend , Sir Christopher Sibthorp , Knight , one of his Majesties Iustices of his Court of chiefe place in IRELAND . WORTHY SIR : I Confesse , I somewhat incline to bee of your minde , that if unto the authorities drawn out of Scriptures and Fathers ( which are common to us with others ) a true discoverie were added of that Religion which anciently was professed in this Kingdome ; it might prove a speciall motive to induce my poore country-men to consider a little better of the old and true way from whence they have hitherto been mis-ledd . Yet on the one side , that saying in the Gospel runneth much in my minde ; a If they heare not Moses and the Prophets , neyther will they be perswaded , though one rose from the dead : and on the other , that heavie iudgement mentioned by the Apostle ; b because they received not the love of the truth , that they might bee saved , God shall send them strong delusion , that they should beleeve lyes . The woefull experience whereof , wee may see daily before our eyes in this poore nation : where , such as are slow of heart to beleeve the saving truth of God delivered by the Prophets and Apostles , doe with all greedinesse imbrace , and with a most strange kinde of credulitie entertaine those lying Legends , wherewith their Monkes and Friars in these latter daies have polluted the religion and lives of our ancient Saints . I doe not deny but that in this Countrey , as well as in others , corruptions did creep in by little and little , before the Divell was let loose to procure that seduction which prevailed so generally in these last times : but as farre as I can collect by such records of the former ages as have come unto my hands eyther manuscript or printed ) the religion professed by the ancient Bishops , Priests , Monks , and other Christians in this land , was for substance the very same with that which now by publike authoritie is maintained therein , against the forraine doctrin brought in thither in later times by the Bishop of Romes followers . I speake of the more substantiall points of doctrine , that are in controversie betwixt the Church of Rome and us at this day ; by which only we must iudge , whether of both sides hath departed from the religion of our Ancestors : not of matters of inferiour note , much lesse of ceremonies and such other things as appertaine to the discipline rather than to the doctrine of the Church . And whereas it is knowne unto the learned , that the name of Scoti in those elder times ( whereof we treate ) was common to the inhabitants of the greater and the lesser Scotland ( for so heretofore they have beene distinguished ) that is to say , of Ireland , and the famous colonie deduced from thence into Albania : I will not follow the example of those that have of late laboured to make dissension betwixt the daughter and the mother , but account of them both , as of the same people . Tros Rutulusve fuat , nullo discrimine habebo . The religion doubtlesse received by both , was the selfe same ; and differed little or nothing from that which was maintained by their neighbours the Britons : as by comparing the evidences that remaine , both of the one nation and of the other , in the ensuing discourse more fully shall appeare . The chiefe Heads treated of in this discourse , are these : I. OF the holy Scriptures . pag. 1. II. Of Predestination , Grace , Free-will , Workes , Iustification and Sanctification . pag. 11. III. Of Purgatory , and Prayer for the dead . pag. 21. IIII. Of the Worship of God , the publike forme of Liturgie , the Sacrifice , and Sacrament of the Lords Supper . pag. 30. V. Of Chrisme , Sacramentall Confession , Penance , Absolution , Marriage , Divorces , and single life in the Clergie . pag. 45. VI. Of the discipline of our ancient Monkes ; and abstinence from meats . pag. 54. VII . Of the Church and various state thereof , especially in the dayes of Antichrist : of Miracles also , and of the Head of the Church . pag. 66. VIII . Of the Popes spirituall Iurisdiction , and how little footing it had gotten at first within these parts . pag. 75. IX . Of the Controversie which the Britons , Picts , and Irish maintained against the Church of Rome , touching the celebration of Easter . pag. 92. X. Of the height that the opposition betwixt the Romane party , and that of the Brittish and the Scottish grew unto ; and the abatement thereof in time : and how the Doctors of the Scottish and Irish side have beene ever accounted most eminent men in the Catholike Church , notwithstanding their dis-union from the Bishop of Rome . pag. 105. XI . Of the temporall power , which the Popes followers would directly intitle him unto over the Kingdome of Ireland : together with the indirect power which hee challengeth in absolving subjects from the obedience , which they owe to their temporall Governours . pag. 117. OF THE RELIGION PROFESSED BY THE ANCIENT IRISH. CHAP. I. Of the holy Scriptures . TWo excellent rules doth St. Paul prescribe unto Christians for their direction in the waies of God : the one , that they a be not unwise , but understanding what the will of God is ; the other , that they b bee not more wise than behoveth to be wise , but be wise unto sobriety . and that we might know the limits , within which this wisedome and sobriety should bee bounded ; hee elsewhere declareth , that not to bee more wise than is fitting , is c not to be wise above that which is written . Hereupon Sedulius ( one of the most ancient Writers that remaineth of this Country birth ) delivereth this for the meaning of the former rule ; d Search the Law , in which the will of God is contained : and this for the later ; e He would be more wise than is meete , who searcheth those things that the Law doth not speake of . Unto whom wee will adjoyne Claudius another famous Divine , ( counted one of the founders of the University of Paris ) who for the illustration of the former , affirmeth that men f therefore erre , because they know not the Scriptures ; and because they are ignorant of the Scriptures , they consequently know not Christ , who is the power of God and the wisedome of God : and for the clearing of the latter , bringeth in that knowne Canon of Saint Hierome ; g This , because it hath not authority from the Scriptures , is with the same facility contemned , wherewith it is avowed . Neither was the practice of our Ancestors herein different from their judgement . For as Bede touching the latter , recordeth of the successors of Colum-kille the great Saint of our Country ; that they h observed onely those workes of piety and chastity , which they could learne in the Propheticall , Evangelicall , and Apostolicall writings : so for the former , hee specially noteth of one of the principall of them , to wit , Bishop Aidan ; that i all such as went in his company , whether they were of the Clergie , or of the Laity , were tyed to exercise themselves , either in the reading of Scriptures , or in the learning of Psalmes . And long before their time , it was the observation which Saint Chrysostome made of both these Ilands : that k although thou didst goe unto the Ocean , and those Brittish Isles , although thou didst sayle to the Euxine Sea , although thou didst goe unto the Southerne quarters ; thou shouldst heare ALL men every where discoursing matters out of the SCRIPTVRE , with another voice indeede , but not with another faith , and with a different tongue , but with an according judgement . Which is in effect the same with that which venerable Bede pronounceth of the Island of Brittaine in his owne dayes , that l in the language of five Nations it did search and confesse one and the same knowledge of the highest truth , and of the true sublimity ; to wit , of the English , the Britons , the Scots , the Picts , and the Latins . which last although hee affirmeth by the meditation of the Scriptures to have become common to all the rest : yet the community of that one among the learned , did not take away the property of the other foure among the vulgar , but that such as understood not the Latin , might yet in their own mother tongue have those Scriptures , wherein they might search the knowledge of the highest truth , and of the true sublimity . even as at this day in the reformed Churches , the same Latin tongue is common to all the learned in the meditation and exposition of the Scriptures ; and yet the common people for all that , doe in their owne vulgar tongues * search the Scriptures , because in them they thinke to have eternall life . For as by us now , so by our forefathers then , the m continuall meditation of the Scriptures was held to give speciall vigour and vegetation to the soule ( as wee reade in the booke attributed unto St. Patrick , of the abuses of the world : ) and the holy documents delivered therein , were esteemed by Christians as their chiefe riches ; according to that of Columbanus , n Sint tibi divitiae , divinae dogmata legis . In which heavenly riches our ancient Scottish and Irish did thrive so well , that many worthy personages in forraine parts were content to undergoe a voluntarie exile from their owne Country ; that they might more freely trafficke here for so excellent a commodity . And by this meanes Altfrid King of Northumberland , purchased the reputation of o a man most learned in the Scriptures . Scottorum qui tum versatus incola terris , Coelestem intento spirabat corde sophiam . Nam patriae fines & dulcia liquerat arva , Sedulus ut Domini mysteria disceret exul . as Bede writeth of him , in his Poëme of the life of our Countryman St. Cuthbert . So when wee reade in the same Bede of p Furseus , and in another ancient Author of q Kilianus , that from the time of their very childhood , they had a care to learne the holy Scriptures : it may easily bee collected , that in those dayes it was not thought a thing unfit , that even children should give themselves unto the studie of the Bible . Wherein how greatly some of them did profit in those tender yeeres , may appeare by that which Boniface the first Archbishop of Mentz , relateth of Livinus ( who was trained up in his youth by Benignus in r the singing of Davids Psalmes , and the reading of the holy Gospels , and other divine exercises ) and Ionas of Columbanus ; in whose s breast the treasures of the holy Scriptures were so layd up , that within the compasse of his youthfull yeeres hee set forth an elegant exposition of the booke of the Psalmes , by whose industry likewise afterward , the studie of Gods Word was so propagated ; that in the Monasteries which were founded t according to his rule beyond the Seas , not the men only , but the religious women also did carefully attend the same , that through patience and comfort of the Scriptures they might have hope . See for this , the practice of the Virgin u Bitihildis lying upon her death bed ; reported by the same Ionas , or whosoever else was the Author of the life of Burgundofora . As for the edition of the Scriptures used in these parts at those times : the Latin translation was so received into common use among the learned , that the principall authority was still reserved to the originall fountaines . Therefore doth Sedulius in the Old Testament commend unto us x the Hebrew verity ( for so with S. Hierome doth he style it : ) and in the New correct oftentimes the vulgar Latin according to the truth of the Greek copies . For example : in 1 Cor. 7 34. he readeth as wee doe , There is difference betweene a wife and a virgin ; and not as the Rhemists have translated it out of the Latin. Rom. 12. 19. hee readeth , Non vosmetipsos vindicantes , not avenging your selves : where the vulgar Latin hath corruptly , Non vosmetipsos defendentes , not defending your selves . Rom. 3. 4. where the Rhemists translate according to the Latin , God is true : hee sheweth that in the Greeke copies it is found , Let God be true , or , let God be made true . Rom. 15. 17. hee noteth that the Latin bookes have put glory for gloriation . Galat. 1. 16. where the Rhemists have according to the Latin , I condescended not to flesh & bloud : he saith , that in Graeco meliùs habet ( for so must his words bee here corrected out of St. Hierome , whom hee followeth ) the Greek hath it better , I conferred not . Rom. 8. 3. where the Rhemists say of God , according to the Latin translation , that of sinne hee damned sinne in the flesh : Sedulius affirmeth , that veriùs habetur apud Graecos , it is more truly expressed in the Greeke bookes ; that for sinne he damned sinne in the flesh . Lastly , where the Rhemists translate after their Latin copie , Gal. 5. 9. A little leaven corrupteth the whole paste : hee saith it should be , leaveneth , ( as we have it ) and y not corrupteth , as it is ill read in the Latin bookes . So where they translate by the same authority , Galat. 6. 1. Instruct such an one in the spirit of lenitie : z Claudius , following St. Hierome , affirmeth that it is better in the Greeke , Restore or Perfect him . and where they make St. Peter say , Mat. 16. 22. Lord , bee it farre from thee : a he noteth , that it is better in the Greeke , Lord , favour thy selfe . In the old Testament I observe that our Writers doe more usually follow the translation taken out of the Septuagint , than the Vulgar Latine , which is now received in the Church of Rome . So , for example , where the Vulgar Latin hath Esay 32. 4. b The tongue of the stammerers ( or mafflers , as the Doway Translation would have it englished ) shall speak readily and plainely : in the Confession of St. Patricke c wee finde it layd downe more agreeably to the d Greeke lection : The stammering tongues shall swiftly learne to speak peace . and in his Epistle to Coroticus or Cereticus ; e Malach. 4. 2. You shall dance as calves loosed out of bands : where our common Latin hath ; f You shall leape as calves of the heard . And Iob 20. 15 , 16. g The riches which he shall gather unjustly , shall be vomited out of his belly , the Angel of death draweth him . Hee shall be mulcted with the wrath of Dragons : the tongue of the Serpent shall kill him . where the Vulgar Latin readeth : h The riches , which he hath devoured , he shall vomit out , and God shall draw them forth out of his belly . He shall suck the head of Aspes , and the Vipers tongue shall kill him . The same course is likewise observed by Sedulius in his citations . But Gildas the Briton in some Bookes , ( as Deuteronomy , Esay and Ieremy , for example ) useth to follow the Vulgar Latin translated out of the Hebrew ; in others ( as the bookes of Chronicles , Iob , Proverbs , Ezekiel , and the small Prophets ) the elder Latin translated out of the Greeke , as also long after him his country man * Nennius , in reckoning the yeares of the age of the world , followeth the LXX . and Asser alledgeth the text , Genes . 4. 7. i If thou offer aright , and dost not divide aright , thou sinnest ; according to the k Greek reading : whereas the Vulgar Latin hath it ; l If thou doe well , shalt thou not receive againe ? but if thou doest ill , shall not thy sinne forthwith be present at the doore ? Of the Psalter there are extant foure Latin translations out of the Greeke , ( namely the old Italian , the Romane , the Gallican , and that of Millayne : ) and one out of the Hebrew , composed by St. Hierome : which though it bee now excluded out of the body of the Bible , and the Gallican admitted in the roome thereof ; yet in some Manuscript Copies , it still retaineth his ancient place . three whereof I have seene my selfe in Cambridge , the one in Trinitie , the other in Benet , and the third in Iesus Colledge Librarie : where this translation out of the Hebrew , and not the Vulgar out of the Greek , is inserted into the context of the Bible . In the citations of Gildas , and the Confession of Saint Patrick , I observe that the Roman Psalter is followed , rather than the Gallican : in the quotations of Sedulius , on the other side , the Gallican rather than the Roman . Claudius speaking of a text in the 118 th . ( or as he accounteth it , the 117 th . ) m Psalme , saith , that where the LXX . Interpreters did translate it , O Lord save me , it was written in the Hebrew , Anna Adonai Osanna : which our Interpreter Hierom ( saith he ) more diligently explaining , translated thus ; I beseech thee , O Lord , save I beseech thee . Before this translation of S. Hierome , n I have seene an Epigram prefixed by Ricemarch the Briton ; who by Caradoc of Lhancarpan o is commended for the godliest , wisest , and greatest Clerke that had been in Wales many yeares before his time , his father Sulgen Bishop of S. Davids only excepted , who had brought him up , and a great number of learned disciples . He having in this Epigramme said of those who translated the Psalter out of Greeke , that they did darken the Hebrew rayes with thir Latin clowde : addeth of S. Hierome , that being replenished with the Hebrew fountaine , hee did more cleerely and briefly discover the truth ; as drawing it out of the first vessell immediately , and not taking it at the second hand . To this purpose thus expresseth he himselfe ; Ebraeis nablam custodit littera signis : Pro captu quam quisque suo sermone Latino Edidit , innumeros Linguâ variante libellos ; Ebraeumque jubar suffuscat nube Latina . Nam tepefacta ferum dant tertia labrasaporem . Sed sacer Hieronymus , Ebraeo fonte repletus , Lucidiùs nudat verum , breviusque ministrat . Namque secunda creat , nam tertia vascula vitat . Now for those bookes annexed to the Old Testament , which S. Hierom calleth Apocryphall , others Ecclesiasticall ; true it is that in our Irish and Brittish writers some of them are alledged as parcels of Scripture , and propheticall writings ; those especially that commonly bare the name of Salomon . But so also is the fourth booke of Esdras cited by Gildas , in the name of p blessed Esdras the Prophet ; which yet our Romanists will not admit to be Canonicall : neither doe our writers mention any of the rest with more titles of respect than wee finde given unto them by others of the ancient Fathers , who yet in expresse termes doe exclude them out of the number of those bookes which properly are to be esteemed Canonicall . So that from hence no sufficient proofe can bee taken , that our ancestours did herein depart from the tradition of the Elder Church , * delivered by S. Hierome in his Prologues , and explained by Brito ( a Briton , it seemeth , by nation , as well as by appellation ) in his commentaries upon the same ; which being heretofore joyned with the Ordinarie Glosse upon the Bible , have of late proved so distastefull unto our Popish Divines , that in their new editions ( printed at Lyons anno 1590. and at Venice afterward ) they have quite crossed them out of their books . Yet Marianus Scotus ( who was borne in Ireland in the MXXVIII . yeare of our Lord ) was somewhat more carefull to maintaine the ancient bounds of the Canon set by his forefathers . For he in his Chronicle , following Eusebius and S. Hierom , at the reigne of Artaxerxes Longimanus writeth thus : q Hitherto the divine Scripture of the Hebrewes containeth the order of Times . But those things that after this were done among the Iewes , are represented out of the booke of the Maccabees , and the writings of Iosephus and Aphricanus . But before him , more plainly , the author of the book de mirabilibus Scripturae ( who is accounted to have lived here , about the yeare DCLVII . ) r In the bookes of the Maccabees , howsoever some wonderfull things bee found , which might conveniently bee inserted into this ranke ; yet w●ll wee not weary our selves with any care thereof ▪ because wee only purposed to touch in some measure a short historicall exposition of the wonderfull things contained in the divine canon . as also in the apocryphall additions of Daniel , hee telleth us , that what is reported s touching the lake ( or denne ) and the carrying of Abackuk , in the fable of Bel and the Dragon , is not therefore placed in this ranke , because these things have not the authority of divine Scripture . And so much concerning the holy Scriptures . CHAP. II. Of Predestination , Grace , Free-will , Faith , Workes , Iustification and Sanctification . THe Doctrine which our learned men observed out of the Scriptures & the writings of the most approved Fathers , was this ▪ that God b by his immoveable counsaile ( as Gallus speaketh in his Sermon preached at Constance ) ordained some of his creatures to praise h●m , and to live blessedly from him and in him , & by him : namely , c by his eternall predestination , his free calling , and his grace which was due to none . that d hee hath mercie with great goodnesse , and hardneth without any iniquitie : so as neyther he that is delivered can glory of his own merits , nor he that is condemned complain but of his own merits . for asmuch as grace onely maketh the distinction betwixt the redeemed and the lost ; who by a cause drawne from their common originall , were framed together into one masse of perdition . For e all mankinde stood condemned in the apostaticall roote ( of Adam ) with so just and divine a judgement ; that although none should be freed from thence , no man could rightly blame the justice of God : and such as were freed , must so have beene freed , that by those many which were not freed , but left in their most just condemnation , it might bee shewed what the whole lumpe had deserved , that the due judgement of God should have condemned even those that are justified , unlesse mercy had relieved them from that which was due : that so all the mouthes of them , which would glory of their merits , might bee stopped ; and hee that glorieth , might glory in the Lord. They further taught ( as Saint Augustine did ) that f Man using ill his Free will , lost both himselfe and it . that , as one by living is able to kill himselfe , but by killing himselfe is not able to live , nor hath power to raise up himselfe when hee hath killed himselfe so when sinne had beene committed by free will , sinne being the conquerour , free will also was lost ; for asmuch as of whom a man is overcome , of the same is hee also brought in bondage ( 2 Pet. 2. 19. ) that unto a man thus brought in bondage and sold , there is no liberty left to doe well , unlesse he redeeme him , whose saying is this ; If the Sonne make you free , yee shall bee free indeede . ( Iohn 8. 36. ) that g the minde of men from their very youth is set upon evill : there being not a man which sinneth not . that a man h hath nothing from himselfe , but sinne . that i God is the author of all good things , that is to say , both of good nature , and of good will ; which unlesse God doe worke in him , man cannot doe . because this good will is prepared by the Lord in man ; that by the gift of God hee may doe that , which of himselfe he could not doe by his owne free-will . that k the good will of man goeth before many gifts of God , but not all : and of those which it doth not goe before , it selfe is one . For both of these is read in the holy Scriptures ; His mercy shall goe before mee , and , His mercie shall follow mee : it preventeth him that is unwilling that hee may will , and it followeth him that is willing , that he will not in vaine . and that therefore we are admonished to aske that wee may receive , to the end , that what we doe will may be effected by him , by whom it was effected that we did so will. They taught also , that l the Law was not given , that it might take away sinne , but that it might shut up all under sinne : to the end that men , being by this means humbled , might understand that their salvation was not in their owne hand , but in the hand of a Mediatour . that by the Law commeth , m neither the remission nor the removall , but the knowledge of sinnes : that it n taketh not away diseases , but discovereth them ; o forgiveth not sinnes , but condemneth them . that p the Lord God did impose it , not upon those that served righteousnesse , but sinne ; namely , by giving a just law to unjust men , to manifest their sins , and not to take them away : forasmuch as nothing taketh away sins but the grace of faith which worketh by love . That our q sinnes are freely forgiven us ; r without the merit of our workes : that s through grace we are saved , by faith , and not by works ; and that therfore we are to rejoyce , t not in our owne righteousnesse , or learning , but in the faith of the Crosse , by which all our sinnes are forgiven us . That u grace is abject and vaine , if it alone doe not suffice us : and that we x esteem basely of Christ , when we thinke that he is not sufficient for us to salvation . That y God hath so ordered it , that he will be gracious to mankind , if they do beleeve that they shall be freed by the bloud of Christ. that , as z the soule is the life of the body , so faith is the life of the soule : and that wee live a by faith onely , as owing nothing to the Law. that b hee who beleeveth in Christ , hath the perfection of the Law. For whereas none might be justified by the Law , because none did fulfill the Law , but onely hee which did trust in the promise of Christ : faith was appointed , which should be accepted for the perfection of the Law , that in all things which were omitted faith might satisfie for the whole Law. That this righteousnesse therefore is c not ours , nor in us , but in Christ ; in whom were are considered as members in the head . That d faith , procuring the remission of sinnes by grace , maketh all beleevers the children of Abraham : and that e it was just , that as Abraham was justified by faith onely , so also the rest that followed his faith should bee saved after the same manner . That f through adoption we are made the sons of God , by beleeving in the Sonne of God : and that this is g a testimony of our adoption , that we have the spirit ; by which we pray , and cry Abba Father ; forasmuch as none can receive so great a pledge as this , but such as bee sonnes onely . That h Moses himselfe made a distinction betwixt both the justices , to wit of faith and of deedes : that the one did by workes justifie him that came , the other by beleeving onely . that i the Patriarches and the Prophets were not justified by the workes of the Law , but by faith . that k the custome of sinne hath so prevailed , that none now can fulfill the Law : as the Apostle Peter saith , Acts 15. 10. Which neither our fathers nor wee have beene able to beare . But if there were any righteous men which did escape the curse : it was not by the workes of the Law , but for their faiths sake that they were saved . Thus did Sedulius and Claudius , two of our most famous Divines deliver the doctrine of free will and grace , faith and workes , the Law and the Gospel , Iustification and Adoption ; no lesse agreeably to the faith which is at this day professed in the reformed Churches , that to that which they themselves received from the more ancient Doctors , whom they did follow therein . Neither doe wee in our judgement one whit differ from them , when they teach that l faith alone is not sufficient to life . For when it is said , that Faith alone justifieth : this word alone may bee conceived to have relation either to the former part of the sentence , which in the Schooles they terme the Subject ; or to the latter , which they call the Predicate . Being referred to the former , the meaning will be ; that such a faith as is alone ( that is to say , not accompanied with other vertues ) doth justifie : and in this sense wee utterly disclaime the assertion . But being referred to the latter , it maketh this sense ; that faith is it which alone or onely justifieth : and in this meaning onely doe we defend that proposition ; understanding still by faith , not a dead carkase thereof ( for how should the just bee able to live by a dead faith ? ) but a true and lively faith , m which worketh by love . For as it is a certaine truth , that among all the members of the body , the eye is the onely instrument whereby we see ; and yet it is as true also , that the eye being alone , and separated from the rest of the members , is dead , and for that cause doth neither see onely , not see at all : so these two sayings likewise may stand well enough together , that among all the vertues in the foule , faith is the onely instrument whereby wee lay hold upon Christ for our justification ; and yet , that faith being alone , and disjoyned from the society of other graces , is dead in it selfe , ( as St. n Iames speaketh ) and in that respect can neither only justifie , nor justifie at all . So though Claudius doe teach as wee doe , that o faith alone saveth us ; because by the workes of the law no man shall bee justified : yet hee addeth withall this caution . p Not as if the workes of the law should be contemned , and without them a simple faith ( so hee calleth that solitary faith whereof we spake , which is a simple faith indeed ) should bee desired ; but that the workes themselves should bee adorned with the faith of Christ. For that sentence of the wise man is excellent , that the faithfull man doth not live by righteousnesse , but the righteous man by faith . In like manner Sedulius , acknowledgeth with us , that God q hath purposed by faith onely to forgive our sinnes freely , and r by faith onely to save the beleevers ; and that , when men have fallen , they are to bee renewed s onely by the faith of Christ , which worketh by love . intimating by this last clause , that howsoever faith onely be it which justifieth the man , yet the worke of love is necessarily required ( for all that ) to justifie the faith . And this faith ( saith t he ) when it hath beene iustified , sticketh in the soyle of the soule , like a roote which hath received a showre : that when it hath begunne to be manured by the law of God , it may rise up againe into bowes , which may beare the fruit of workes . Therefore the roote of righteousnesse doth not grow out of works , but the fruit of works out of the root of righteousnesse ; namely out of that root of righteousnesse , which God doth accept for righteousnesse without workes . The conclusion is : that saving faith is alwaies a fruitfull faith ; and though it never goe alone , yet may there be some gift of God , which it alone is able to reach unto . as u Columbanus also implieth in that verse : Sola fides fidei dono ditabitur almo . The greatest depressers of Gods grace , and the advancers of mans abilities , were Pelagius and Celestius● the one borne in Brittaine ( as appeareth by Prosper Aquitanus ) the other in Scotland or Ireland ; as x M r. Persons doth gather out of those words of S. Hierom in one of the Prefaces of his commentaries ( not upon Ezechiel , as he quoteth it , but ) upon Ieremy . y He hath his off-spring from the Scottish nation , neere to the Britans . These hereticks ( as our Marianus noteth out of Prosper . in his Chronicle ) preached , among other of their impieties , z that for attaining of righteousnesse every one was governed by his owne will , and received so much grace as he did merit . Whole venemous doctrine was in Brittaine repressed , first by Palladius , Lupus , Germanus and Severus from abroad ; afterward , by David Menevensis , and his successors at home agreeably to whose institution , Asser. Men●vensis doth professe , that God is alwaies to bee esteemed both the mover of the will , and the bestower of the good that is willed for hee is ( saith hee ) a the instigatour of all good wills , and withall the most bountifull provider that the good things desired may bee had : forasmuch as hee would never stirre up any to will well , unlesse hee did also liberally supply that which every one doth well and justly desire to obtaine . Among our Irish , the grounds of sound doctrine in these points were at the beginning well settled by Palladius and Patricius , b sent hither by Celestinus Bishop of Rome . And when the poyson of the Pelagian heresie , about two hundred yeares after that , beganne to breake out among them : the Clergie of Rome in the yeare of our Lord DCXXXIX . ( during the vacancie of the See , upon the death of Severinus ) directed their letters unto them , for the preventing of this growing mischiefe . Wherein among other things they put them in minde , that d it is both blasphemy and folly to say , that a man is without sinne : which none at all can say , but that one mediatour betwixt God and man , the man Christ Iesus , who was conceived and borne without sinne . Which is agreeable , partly to that of Claudius ; that e it is manifest unto all wise men , although it bee contradicted by heretickes , that there is none who can live upon earth without the touch of some sinne : partly to that of Sedulius , that f there is none of the elect so great , whom the Divell doth not dare to accuse , but him alone who did no sinne , and who said ; The Prince of this world commeth now , and in mee bee findeth nothing . For touching the imperfection of our sanctification in this life , these men held the same that wee doe : to wit , that the Law g cannot be fulfilled ; that h there is none that doth good , that is to say , perfect and entire good . that i Gods elect shall be perfectly holy and immaculate in the life to come , where the Church of Christ shall have no spot nor wrinkle : whereas in this present life they are righteous , holy , and immaculate , not wholly , but in part only that k the righteous shall then be without all kinde of sinne , when there shall be no law in their members , that shall resist the law of their minde . that although l sinne doe not now reigne in their mortall body to obey the desires thereof : yet sin dwelleth in that mortall body , the force of that naturall custome being not yet extinguished , which we have gotten by our originall , and increased by our actual transgressions . And as for the matter of merit : Sedulius doth resolve us out of S. Paul , that we are Saints m by the calling of God , not by the merit of our deed ; that God is able to exceeding abundantly above that we aske or think , n according to the power that worketh in us , not according to our merits ; that o whatsoever men have from God ; is grace , because they have nothing of due ; and that p nothing can bee found worthy or to bee compared with the glorie to come . CHAP. III. Of Purgatory , and Prayer for the dead . THe next Point that offereth it selfe unto our consideration , is that of Purgatory . Whereof if any man doe doubt ; a Caesarius ( a Germane Monke of the Cistercian order ) adviseth him for his resolution to make a journey into Scotland ( the greater Scotland he meaneth ) and there to enter into S. Patricks Purgatory : and then he giveth him his word , that he shall no more doubt of the paines of Purgatory . If Doctor Terry ( who commendeth this unto us as the testimony of b a most famous Authour ) should chance to have a doubtfull thought hereafter of the pains of Purgatory ; I would wish his ghostly Father to injoyne him no other penance , but the undertaking of a pilgrimage unto S. Patricks purgatorie ; to see whether he would prove any wiser when he came from thence , than when he went thither . In the meane time , untill he hath made some further experiment of the matter , he shall give me leave to beleeve him that hath beene there , and hath cause to know the place as wel as any ( the Iland wherein it is seated , being held by him as a part of the inheritance descended unto him from his ancestours ) and yet professeth , that hee found nothing therein , which might afford him any argument to thinke there was a Purgatorie . I passe by , that Nennius , and Probus , and all the elder writers of the life of S. Patrick that I have met withall , speake not one word of any such place ; and that c Henrie the monke of Saltrey , in the daies of King Stephen , is the first in whom I could ever finde any mention thereof . this only would I know of the Doctor , what the reason might bee , that where hee bringeth in the words of Giraldus Cambrensis touching this place , as d an authenticall authoritie ; he passeth over that part of his relation , wherein he affirmeth , that S. Patrick intended by this means to bring the rude people to a perswasion of the certaintie e of the infernall paines of the reprobate , and of the true and everlasting life of the elect after death . The Grecians alledge this for one of their arguments against Purgatory : that whereas f their Fathers had delivered unto them many visions and dreames and other wonders concerning the everlasting punishment , wherewith the wicked should be tormented in Hell ; yet none of them had declared any thing concerning a purgatorie temporarie fire . Belike the Doctor was affraid , that wee would conclude upon the same ground ; that S. Patrick was carefull to plant in mens minds the beleefe of Heaven and Hell , but of Purgatory taught them never a word . And sure I am , that in the booke ascribed unto him , De tribus habitaculis , ( which is to be seene in his Majesties Librarie ) there is no mention of any other place after this life , but of these two only . I will lay downe here the beginning of that treatise ; and leave it to the judgement of any indifferent man , whether it can well stand with that which the Romanists teach concerning Purgatorie at this day . g There be three habitations under the power of Almighty God : the first , the lowermost , and the middle . The highest whereof is called the Kingdome of God , or the Kingdome of Heaven , the lowermost is termed Hell , the middle is named the present World , or the circuit of the earth . The extremes whereof are altogether contrary one to another : ( for what fellowship can there be betwixt light and darkenesse , betwixt Christ and Belial ? ) but the middle hath some similitude with the extremes . For in this world there is a mixture of the bad and of the good together . whereas in the Kingdome of God there are none bad , but all good : but in Hell there are none good , but all bad . And both those places are supplyed out of the middle . For of the men of this world , some are lifted up to Heaven , others are drawne downe to Hell ▪ namely , like are joyned unto like , that is to say , good to good , and bad to bad : just men to just Angels , wicked men to wicked Angels ; the servants of God to God , the servants of the Divell to the Divell . The blessed are called to the Kingdome prepared for them from the beginning of the world : the cursed are driven into the everlasting fire that is prepared for the Divell and his angels , Thus farre there . Hitherto also may be referred that ancient Canon of one of our Irish Synods , wherin it is affirmed , that the soule being separated from the body is h presented before the judgement seat of Christ , who rendreth it owne unto it , according as it hath done : and that neither the Archangel can leade it unto life , untill the Lord hath iudged it ; nor the Divell transport it unto paine , unlesse the Lord doe damne it . as the sayings of Sedulius likewise ; that after the end of this life , i eyther death or life succeedeth , and that k death is the gate by which wee enter into our kingdome : together with that of Claudius ; that l Christ did take upon him our punishment without the guilt , that thereby hee might loose our guilt , and finish also our punishment . Cardinall Bellarmine indeed alledgeth here against us the vision of Furseus : who m rising from the dead , told many things , which he saw concerning the paines of purgatory ; as Bede , he saith , doth write . But , by his good leave , we will be better advised , before wee build articles of faith upon such visions and dreames as these : many whereof deserve to have a place among n the strange narrations of soules appearing after death , collected by Damascius the heathen Idolater ; rather than among the histories and discourses of sober Christians . As for this vision of Furscus : all that Bede relateth of it to this purpose , is concerning certain great fires above the ayre , appointed to o examine every one according to the merits of his workes . which peradventure may make something for Damascius his Purgatory in Circulo lacteo ( for in that circle made hee p away for the soules that went to the Hades in Heaven ; and q would not have us wonder , that there they should be purged by the way : ) but nothing for the Papists Purgatory , which Bellarmine by the common consent of the Schoolemen determineth to bee within the bowels of the earth . Neyther is there any thing else in the whole booke of the life of Furseus ( whence Bede borrowed these things ) that looketh toward Purgatorie : unlesse peradventure that speech of the Divell may bee thought to give some advantage unto it . r This man hath not purged his sins upon earth ; neither doth he receive punishment for them here . Where is therefore the justice of God ? as if Gods justice were not sufficiently satisfied by the sufferings of Christ ; but man also must needs give further satisfaction thereunto by penall workes of sufferings , eyther here , or in the other world . which is the ground , upon which our Romanists doe lay the rotten frame of their devised Purgatorie . The later visions of Malachias , Tundal , Owen , and others that lived within these last five hundred years ; come not within the compasse of our present inquirie : nor yet the fables that have beene framed in those times , touching the lives and actions of elder Saints ; whereof no wise man will make any reckoning . Such ( for example ) is that which we read in the life of St. Brendan : that the question being moved in his hearing , s Whether the sinnes of the dead could be redeemed by the prayers or almes-deeds of their friends remaining in this life ( for that was still a question in the Church : ) he is said to have told them , that on a certaine night , as hee sayled in the great Ocean , the soule of one Colman t ( who had beene an angry Monke , and a sower of discord betwixt brethren ) appeared unto him ; who complaining of his grievous torments , intreated that prayers might be made to God for him , and after sixe dayes thankefully acknowledged that by meanes thereof hee had gotten into heaven . Whereupon it is concluded , u that the prayer of the living doth profit much the dead . But of S. Brendans sea-pilgrimage , we have the censure of Molanus a learned Romanist ; that there bee x many apocryhall fooleries in it : and whosoever readeth the same with any judgement , cannot choose but pronounce of it , as Photius doth of the strange narrations of Damascius , formerly mentioned ; that it containeth not only apocryphall , but also y impossible , incredible , ill-composed , and monstruous fooleries . Whereof though the old Legend it selfe were not free ( as by the heads thereof , touched by Glaber Rodulphus and Giraldus Cambrensis , may appeare ) yet for the tale that I recited out of the z New Legend of England , I can say , that in the manuscript books which I have met withall here , in St. Brendans owne country , ( one whereof was transcribed for the use of the Friars minors of Kilkenny , about the yeere of our Lord 1350. ) there is not the least footstep thereof to be seene . And this is a thing very observable in the ancienter lives of our Saints ( such I meane , as have beene written before the time of Sathans loosing ; beyond which we doe not now looke : ) that the prayers and oblations for the dead mentioned therein , are expressly noted to have beene made for them , whose soules were supposed at the same instant to have rested in blisse . So Adamnanus reporteth , that Saint Colme ( called by the Irish , both in a Bedes and our dayes , Colum-kille ) b caused all things to be prepared , for the sacred ministry of the Eucharist ; when he had seene the soule of St. Brendan received by the holy Angels : and that hee did the like , when Columbanus Bishop of Leinster departed this life . for I must to day ( saith St. Colme c there ) although I bee unworthy , celebrate the holy mysteries of the Eucharist , for the reverence of that soule which this night , carried beyond the starry firmament betwixt the holy Quires of Angels , ascended into Paradise . Whereby it appeareth , that an honourable commemoration of the dead was herein intended , and a sacrifice of thanksgiving for their salvation rather than of propitiation for their sinnes . In Bede also wee finde mention of the like obsequies celebrated by St. Cuthbert for one Hadwaldus ; after d he had seene his soule carried by the hands of Angels unto the joyes of the kingdome of heaven . So Gallus and Magnus ( as Walafridus Strabus relateth in the life of the one , and Theodorus Campidonensis , or whosoever else was author of the life of the other ) e said Masse ( which what it was in those dayes wee shall afterward heare ) and were instant in prayers for the commemoration of Abbat Columbanus their countryman ; f frequenting the memory of that great Father , with holy prayers , and healthfull sacrifices . Where that speech of Gallus unto his Deacon Magnus or Magnoaldus , is worthy of speciall consideration : g After this nights watch , I understood by a vision , that my master and father Columbanus is to day departed out of the miseries of this life unto the joyes of Paradise . For his rest therefore I ought to offer the sacrifice of salvation . In like manner also , when Gallus himselfe dyed ; h Iohn Bishop of Constance prayed to the Lord for his rest , and offered healthfull sacrifices for him : although he were certainly perswaded that he had attained the blessing of everlasting life ; as may bee seene in Walafridus . And when Magnus afterwards was in his death bed , hee is said to have used these words unto Tozzo Bishop of Ausborough , that came to visit him . i Doe not weepe , reverend Prelate , because thou beholdest me labouring in so many stormes of worldly troubles : because I beleeve in the mercy of God , that my soule shall rejoyce in the freedome of immortalitie . yet I beseech thee , that thou wilt not cease to helpe mee a sinner and my soule with thy holy prayers . Then followeth : that at the time of his departure , this voice was heard ; k Come , Magnus , come , receive the crowne which the Lord hath prepared for thee . and that thereupon Tozzo said unto Theodorus ( the supposed writer of this history ) l Let us cease weeping , brother ; because wee ought rather to rejoyce , having heard this signe of the receiving of his soule unto immortality , than to make lamentation . but let us goe to the Church , and be carefull to offer healthfull sacrifices to the Lord for so deare a friend . I dispute not of the credit of these particular passages : it is sufficient , that the authors from whom wee have received them , lived within the compasse of those times , whereof wee now doe treate . For thereby it is plaine enough ( and if it be not , it shall elsewhere be made yet more plaine ) that in those elder dayes it was an usuall thing , to make prayers and oblations for the rest of those soules , which were not doubted to have beene in glorie : and consequently , that neither the Commemoration nor the Praying for the dead , nor the Requiem Masses of that age , have any necessary relation to the beleefe of Purgatory . The lesson therefore which Claudius teacheth us here out of Saint Hierome , is very good : that m while wee are in this present world , wee may bee able to helpe one another , either by our prayers or● by our counsailes , but when wee shall come before the Iudgement seate of Christ , neither Iob , nor Daniel , nor Noah can intreate for any one , but every one must beare his owne burden . and the advice which the no lesse learned than godly Abbat Columbanus giveth us , is verie safe : not to pitch upon uncertainties hereafter , but now to trust in God , and follow the precepts of Christ ; while our life doth yet remaine , and while the times , wherein we may obtaine salvation , are certaine . Vive Deo fidens ( saith n he ) Christi praecepta sequēdo ; Dum modò vita manet , dum tempora certa salutis . Whereunto Iohn the Briton ( another son of Sulgen Bishop of St. Davids ) seemeth also to have had an eye , when ( at the end of the Poëme which he wrote of his owne and his fathers life ) he prayeth for himselfe in the same manner : Vt genitor clemens solitâ pietate remittat Factis aut dictis quae gessi corde nefando ; Dum mihi vita manet , dum flendi flumina possunt . Nam cum tartareis nullius cura subintrat . CHAP. IV. Of the Worship of God , the publicke forme of Liturgie , the Sacrifice and Sacrament of the Lords Supper . TOuching the worship of God , Sedulius delivereth this generall rule : that a to adore any other beside the Father , and the Sonne , and the holy Ghost , is the crime of impiety ; and that b all that the soule oweth unto God , if it bestow it upon any beside God , it committeth adultery . More particularly , in the matter of Images , c hee reproveth the wise men of the heathen , for thinking that they had found out a way , how the invisible God might bee worshipped by a visible image : with whom also accordeth Claudius ; that d God is to bee knowne , neither in mettall nor in stone . and for Oathes , there is a Canon ascribed to Saint Patricke ; wherein it is determined , that e no creature is to bee sworne by , but onely the Creator . As for the forme of the Litugrie or publicke service of God , which the same St. Patrick brought into this country : it is said , that hee received it from Germanus and Lupus ; and that it originally descended from S. Marke the Evangelist . for so have I seene it set downe in an ancient fragment , written wellnigh 900. yeeres since : remaining now in the Library of Sir Robert Cotton , my worthy friend ; who can never sufficiently bee commended , for his extraordinary care , in preserving all rare monuments of this kinde . Yea St. Hieromes authority is there vouched for proofe hereof . Beatus Hieronymus adfirmat , quòd ipsum cursum , qui dicitur praesente tempore Scottorum , beatus Marcus decanta●it . which being not now to bee found in any of Saint Hieroms workes , the truth thereof I leave unto the credit of the reporter . But whatsoever Liturgie was used here at first : this is sure , that in the succeeding ages no one generall forme of divine service was retained , but diverse rites and manners of celebrations were observed in diverse parts of this Kingdome ; untill the Romane use was brought in at last by Gillebertus , and Malachias , and Christianus , who were the Popes Legates here about 500. yeeres agoe . This Gillebertus ( an old acquaintance of f Anselm Archbishop of Canterbury ) in the Prologue of his booke De usu Ecclesiastico , directed to the whole Clergie of Ireland , writeth in this manner . g At the request , yea and at the command of many of you ( dearely beloved ) I endevoured to set downe in writing the Canonicall custome in saying of Houres , and performing the Office of the whole Ecclesiasticall Order ; not presumptuously , but in desire to serve your most godly command : to the end that those diverse and schismaticall Orders , wherewith in a manner all Ireland is deluded , may give place to one Catholicke and Romane Office. For what may bee said to bee more undecent or schismaticall ; than that the most learned in one order , should bee made as a private and lay man in another mans Church ? These beginnings were presently seconded by Malachias : in whose life , written by Bernard , wee reade as followeth . h The Apostolicall constitutions , and the decrees of the holy Fathers , but especially the customes of the holy Church of Rome , did he establish in all Churches . And hence it is , that at this day the Canonicall Houres are chanted and sung therein , according to the manner of the whole earth : whereas before that , this was not done , no not in the Citie it selfe . ( the poore city of Ardmagh he meaneth . ) But Malachias had learned song in his youth , and shortly after caused singing to be used in his own Monasterie ; when as yet , aswell in the citie as in the whole Bishoprick , they eyther knew not , or would not sing . Lastly , the worke was brought to perfection , when Christianus Bishop of Lismore , as Legate to the Pope , was President in the Councell of Casshell : wherein a speciall order was taken for i the right singing of the Ecclesiasticall Office ; and a generall act established , that k all divine offices of holy Church should from thenceforth be handled in all parts of Ireland , according as the Church of England d●d observe them . The statutes of which Councell were l confirmed by the Regall authoritie of King Henry the second ; m by whose mandate , the Bishops that met therein were assembled , in the yeare of our Lord 1171. as Giraldus Cambrensis ▪ witnesseth , in his historie of the Conquest of Ireland . And thus late was it , before the Romane use was fully settled in this Kingdome . That the Britons used another manner in the administration of the Sacrament of Baptisme than the Romanes did : appeareth by the proposition made unto them by Austin the Monke ; n that they should performe the ministerie of baptisme , according to the custome of the Church of Rome . That their forme of Liturgie was the same with that which was received by their neighbours the Galls , is intimated by the Author of that ancient fragment before alledged : who also addeth , that the o Gallican Order was received in the Church throughout the whole world . Yet elsewhere doe I meete with a sentence alledged out of Gildas ; that p the Britons were contrary to the whole world , and enemies to the Roman customes , aswell in their Masse , as in their Tonsure . Where to let passe what I have collected touching the difference of these tonsures ( as a matter of very small moment eyther way ) and to speake somewhat of the Masse ( for which so great adoe is now adayes made by our Romanists ) wee may observe in the first place , that the publike Liturgie or service of the Church , was of old named the Masse : even then also , when prayers only were said , without the celebration of the holy Communion . So the last Masse that S. Colme was ever present at , is noted by q Adamnanus to have beene vespertinalis Dominica noctis Missa . He dyed the mid-night following ; whence the Lords day tooke his beginning ( 9● viz. Iunii , Anno Dom. 597. ) according to the account of the Romanes : which the Scottish and Irish seeme to have begunne from the evening going before . and then was that evening-Masse said : which in all likelihood , differed not from those 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 mentioned by r Leo the Emperour in his Tacticks , that is to say , from that which we call Even-song , or Evening prayer . But the name of the Masse was in those daies more specially applied to the administration fo the Lords Supper : & therfore in the same s Adamnanus we see that Sacra Eucharistiae ministeria and Missarum solemnia , the sacred ministerie of the Eucharist and the solemnities of the Masse , are taken for the same thing . So likewise in the t relation of the passages that concerne the obsequies of Columbanus , performed by Gallus and Magnoaldus ; we finde that Missam celebrare and Missas agere , is made to be the same with Divina celebrare mysteria and Salutis hostiam ( or salutare sacrificium ) immolare : the saying of Masse , the same with the celebration of the divine mysteries and the oblation of the healthfull sacrifice . for by that terme was the administration of the sacrament of the Lords Supper at that time usually designed . For as in our u beneficence , and communicating unto the necessities of the poore ( which are sacrifices wherewith God is well pleased ) wee are taught to x give both our selves and our almes , first unto the Lord , and after unto our brethren by the will of God : so is it in this ministery of the blessed Sacrament . the service is first presented unto God , ( from which , as from a most principall part of the dutie , the sacrament it selfe is called the Eucharist ; because therein wee y offer a speciall sacrifice of praise and thankesgiving alwaies unto God ) and then communicated unto the use of Gods people . in the performance of which part of the service , both the minister was said to give , and the communicant to receive the sacrifice : as well as in respect of the former part , they were said to offer the same unto the Lord. For they did not distinguish the Sacrifice from the Sacrament , as the Romanists doe now adayes : but used the name of Sacrifice indifferently , both of that which was offered unto God , and of that which was given to and received by the communicant . Therefore wee read of offring the sacrifice to God : as in that speech of Gallus to his scholler Magnoaldus ; z My master Columbanus is accustomed to offer unto the Lord the sacrifice of salvation in brasen vessels . Of giving the sacrifice to man : as when it is said in one of the ancient Synods of Ireland , that a a Bishop by his Testament may bequeath a certaine proportion of his goods for a legacie to the Priest that giveth him the sacrifice . and of receiving the sacrifice from the hands of the minister : as in that sentence of the Synod attributed unto S. Patrick ; b He who deserveth not to receive the sacrifice in his life , how can it helpe him after his death ? and in that glosse of Sedulius upon 1. Cor. 11. 33. c Tarry one for another , that is , ( saith he ) untill you doe receive the sacrifice . and in the Brittish antiquities : where we reade of Amon a noble man in Wales ( father to Samson the Saint of Dole in little Brittain ) that d being taken with a grievous sicknesse , hee was admonished by his neighbours , that according to the usuall manner he should receive the sacrifice of the communion . Whereby it doth appeare , that the sacrifice of the elder times was not like unto the new Masse of the Romanists , wherein the Priest alone doth all ; but unto our Communion , where others also have free libertie given unto them to e eat of the Altar , as well as they that serve that Altar . Again , they that are communicants in the Romish sacrament , receive the Eucharist in one kinde onely : the Priest in offering of the sacrifice receiveth the same distinctly , both by way of meat and by way of drinke ; which they tell us f is chiefly done , for the integritie of the Sacrifice and not of the Sacrament . For in the Sacrifice , they say , g the severall elements be consecrated , not into Christs whole person as it was borne of the Virgin or now is in heaven : but the bread into his body apart , as betrayed , broken , and given for us ; the wine into his bloud apart , as shed out of his bodie for remission of sinnes and dedication fo the new Testament , which bee conditions of his person as hee was in sacrifice and oblation . But our ancestours , in the use of their Sacrament , received the Eucharist in both kinds : not being so acute as to discerne betwixt the things that belonged unto the integritie of the sacrifice and of the sacrament , because in very truth , they tooke the one to be the other . Thus Bede relateth , that one Hildmer , an officer of Egfrid King of Northumberland , intreated our Cuthbert h to send a Priest that might minister the sacraments of the Lords body and bloud unto his wife that then lay a dying : and Cuthbert himselfe , immediately before his owne departure out of this life , received the communion of the Lords body and bloud ; as i Herefride Abbat of the monsterie of Lindisfarne ( who was the man that at that time ministred the sacrament unto him ) made report unto the same Bede . who elsewhere also particularly noteth , that he then tasted of the cup. k Pocula degustat vitae , Christique supinum Sanguine munit iter . lest any man should thinke , that under the formes of bread alone he might be said to have been partaker of the body and bloud of the Lord , by way of Concomitance : which is a toy , that was not once dreamed of in those daies . So that we need not to doubt , what is meant by that which wee reade in the booke of the life of Furseus ( which was written before the time of Bede ) that l he received the communion of the holy body and bloud ; and that hee was wished to admonish m the Pastors of the Church , that they should strengthen the soules of the faithfull with the spirituall food of doctrine , and the participation of the holy body and bloud , or of that which Cogitosus writeth in the life of Saint Brigid , touching the place in the Church of Kildare ; n whereunto the Abbatesse with her maidens and widowes used to resort , that they might enioy the banquet of the body and bloud of Iesus Christ. which was agreeable to the practice , not only of the Nunneries founded beyond the seas according to the rule of Columbanus ; where the Virgins o received the body of the Lord , and sipped his bloud ( as appeareth by that which Ionas relateth of Domnae , in the life of Burgundofora : ) but also of S. Brigid her selfe , who was the foundresse of the monasterie of Kildare ; one of whose miracles is reported , even in the later Legends , to have happened when shee was about to drinke out of the Chalice , at the time of her receiving of the Eucharist . which they that list to looke after , may finde in the collections of Capgrave , Surius , and such like . But , you will say ; these testimonies that have beene alledged , make not so much for us , in proving the use of the communion under both kindes , as they make against us , in confirming the opinion of Transubstantiation : seeing they all specifie the receiving , not of bread and wine , but of the body and bloud of Christ. I answer , that forasmuch as Christ himselfe at the first institution of his holy Supper did say expresly ; This is my body , and , This is my bloud : hee deserveth not the name of a Christian , that will question the truth of that saying , or refuse to speake in that language , which hee hath heard his Lord and Master use before him . The question onely is , in what sense , and after what manner , these things must bee conceived to bee his body and bloud . Of which there needed to be little question : if men would bee pleased to take into their consideration these two things ; which were never doubted of by the ancient , and have most evident ground in the context of the Gospel . First , that the subject of those sacramentall propositions delivered by our Saviour ( that is to say , the demonstrative particle THIS ) can have reference to no other substance , but that which hee then held in his sacred hands , namely , bread & wines which are of so different a nature from the body and bloud of Christ , that the one cannot possibly in proper sense be said to be the other ; as the light of common reason doth force the Romanists themselves to confesse . Secondly , that in the Predicate , or latter part of the same propositions , there is not mention made only of Christs body and bloud ; but of his body broken , and his bloud shed : to shew , that his body is to be considered here apart , not as it was borne of the Virgin , or now is in heaven , but as it was broken and crucified for us ; and his bloud likewise apart , not as running in his veines , but as shed out of his body ; which the Rhemists have told us to be conditions of his person , as hee was in sacrifice and oblation . And lest wee should imagine , that his body were otherwise to bee considered in the sacrament than in the sacrifice ; in the one alive , as it is now in heaven , in the other dead , as it was offered upon the Crosse : the Apostle putteth the matter out of doubt , that not onely the minister in offering , but also the people in receiving , even p as often as they eate this bread , and drinke this cup , doe shew the Lords death untill hee come . Our elders surely , that held the sacrifice to bee given and received ( for so we have heard themselves speak ) as well as offered ; did not consider otherwise of Christ in the sacrament , than as hee was in sacrifice and oblation . If here therefore , Christs body be presented as broken and livelesse , and his bloud as shed forth and severed from his body ; and it be most certaine , that there are no such things now really existent any where ( as is confessed on all hands : ) then must it follow necessarily , that the bread and wine are not converted into these things really . The q Rhemists indeede tell us , that when the Church doth offer and sacrifice Christ daily ; hee in mysterie and sacrament dyeth . Further than this they durst not goe : for if they had said , hee dyed really ; they should thereby not only make themselves daily killers of Christ , but also directly crosse that principle of the Apostle , Rom. 6. 9. Christ being raised from the dead dyeth no more . If then the body of Christ in the administration of the Eucharist be propounded as dead ( as hath been shewed ) and dye it cannot really , but onely in mysterie and sacrament : how can it be thought to bee contained under the outward elements , otherwise than in sacrament and mysterie ? and such as in times past were said to have received the sacrifice from the hand of the Priest ; what other body and bloud could they expect to receive therein , but such as was sutable to the nature of that sacrifice , to wit , mysticall and sacramentall ? Coelius Sedulius ( to whom Gelasius Bishop of Rome , with his Synod of LXX . Bishops , giveth the title of r venerable Sedulius ; as Venantius Fortunatus of s conspicuous Sedulius ; and Hildephonsus Toletanus of the t good Sedulius , the Evangelicall Poet , the eloquent Orator , and the Catholicke Writer ) is by Trithemius and others supposed to be the same with our u Sedulius of Scotland ( or Ireland ) whose Collections are extant upon St. Pauls Epistles : although I have forborne hitherto to use any of his testimonies , because I have some reason to doubt , whether hee were the same with our Sedulius or no. But Coelius Sedulius ( whatsoever countryman hee was ) intimateth plainly , that the things offered in the Christian sacrifice , are the fruit of the corne and of the vine : ( x Denique Pontificum princeps summusque Sacerdos Quis nisi Christus adest ? gemini libaminis author , Ordine Melchisedech , cui dantur munera semper Quae sua sunt , segetis fructus , & gaudia vitis . or , as hee expresseth it in his prose ; y the sweete meate of the seede of wheate , and the lovely drinke of the pleasant vine . Of Melch●sedek ( according to whose order Christ , and he onely , was Priest ) our owne Sedulius writeth thus : z Melchisedek offered wine & bread to Abraham for a figure of Christ , offering his body and bloud unto God his Father upon the Crosse. Where note , that first hee saith , Melch sedek offered bread and wine to Abraham , not to God : and secondly , that hee was a figure of Christ offering his body and bloud upon the crosse , not in the Eucharist . But we ( saith a he ) doe offer daily , for a commemoration of the Lords passion ( once performed ) and our owne salvation . and elsewhere , expounding those words of our Saviour , Doe this in remembrance of me ; hee bringeth in this similitude , used before and after him by others . b He left a memory of himselfe unto us : even as if one that were going a farre journey , should leave some token with him whom hee loved ; that as oft as hee beheld it , hee might call to remembrance his benefits and friendship . Claudius noteth , that our Saviours c pleasure was , first to deliver unto his Disciples the sacrament of his bodie and bloud ; and afterwards to offer up the body it selfe upon the altar of the crosse . Where at the first sight I did verily thinke , that in the words fractione corporis an error had beene committed in my transcript ( corporis being miswritten for panis ) but afterwards comparing it with the originall , whence I tooke my copie , I found that the author retained the manner of speaking used both d before and e after his time ; in giving the name of the thing signified unto the signe , even there where the direct intention of the speech was to distinguish the one from the other . For hee doth expresly here distinguish the sacrament of the bodie , which was delivered unto the Disciples , from the body it selfe , which was afterwards offered upon the Crosse : and for the sacramentall relation betwixt them both , hee rendreth this reason . f Because bread doth confirme the body , and wine doth worke bloud in the flesh : therefore the one is mystically referred to the body of Christ , the other to his bloud . Which doctrine of his ( that the sacrament is in it owne nature bread and wine , but the body and bloud of Christ by mysticall relation ) was in effect the same with that which long afterwards was here in Ireland delivered by Henry Crumpe the Monke of Baltinglas , g that the bodie of Christ in the sacrament of the altar was onely a looking glasse to the body of Christ in heaven : yea and within fifty or threescore yeeres of the time of Claudius Scotus himselfe , was so fully maintained by Iohannes Scotus in a booke that hee purposely wrote of that argument ; that when it was alledged and extolled by Berengarius , Pope Leo ( the ninth ) with his Bishops assembled in Synodo Vercellensi , an● . Domini , 1050 ( which was 235. yeeres after the time that Claudius wrote his commentaries upon St. Matthew ) had no other meanes to avoide it , but by flat h condemning of it . Of what great esteeme this Iohn was with king Alfred , may be seene in William of Malmesbury , Roger Hoveden , Matthew of Westminster , and other writers of the English history . The king himselfe , in the Preface before his Saxon translation of St. Gregories Pastorall , professeth that he was holpen in that worke by i Iohn his Masse-priest . By whom if he did meane this Iohn of ours : you may see , how in those dayes a man might be held a Masse-priest , who was far enough from thinking that he offered up the very body and bloud of Christ really present under the formes of bread and wine ; which is the onely Masse that our Romanists take knowledge of . Of which wonderfull point how ignorant our elders were , even this also may be one argument : that the author of the booke of the wonderfull things of the holy Scripture ( before alledged ) passeth this quite over , which is now esteemed to be the wonder of all wonders . And yet doth he professe , that he k purposed to passe over nothing of the wonders of the Scripture , wherein they might seeme notably to swerve from the ordinary administration in other things . CHAP. V. Of Chrisme , Sacramentall Confession , Penance , Absolution , Marriage , Divorces , and single life in the Clergie . THat the Irish a did baptize their infants without any consecrated Chrisme , Lanfranc maketh complaint in his letters to Terdeluacus ( or Tirlagh ) the chiefe King of that country . And Bernard reporteth , that Malachias in his time ( which was after the daies of Lanfranc and Pope Hildebrand ) did b of the new institute the most wholesome use of Confession , the sacrament of Confirmation , and the contract of marriages : all which he saith the Irish before were either ignorant of , or did neglect . Which , for the matter of Confession , may receive some further confirmation from the testimonie of Alcuinus : who writing unto the Scottish ( or , as other copies read , the Gothish ) and commending the religious conversation of their laity , who c in the midst of their worldly imployments were said to leade a most chaste life ; condemneth notwithstanding another custome , which was said to have continued in that country . For d it is said ( quot he ) that no man of the laity will make his confession to the Priests ; whom we beleeve to have received from the Lord Christ , the power of binding and loosing , together with the holy Apostles . They had no reason indeed to hold ( as Alcuinus did ) that they ought to confesse unto a Priest all the sinnes they could remember : but upon speciall occasions , they did ( no doubt ) both publikely and privately make confession of their faults , aswell that they might receive counsaile and direction for their recovery , as that they might bee made partakers of the benefit of the keyes , for the quieting of their troubled consciences . Whatsoever the Gothish did herein ( by whom wee are to understand the inhabitants of Languedok in France , where Alcuinus lived ) sure wee are , that this was the practice of the ancient Scottish and Irish. So wee reade of one Fiachna or Fechnaus , that being touched with remorse for some offence committed by him , he fell at St. Colmes feet , lamented bitterly , and e confessed his sinnes before all that were there present . Whereupon the holy man , weeping together with him , is said to have returned this answer : f Rise up , Sonne , and bee comforted , thy sinnes which thou hast committed are forgiven ; because ( as it is written ) a contrite and an humbled heart God doth not despise . We reade also of Adamanus , that being very much terrified with the remembrance of a grievous sinne committed by him in his youth ; he g resorted unto a Priest , by whom hee hoped the way of salvation might bee shewed unto him , hee confessed his guilt , and intreated that hee would give him counsell , whereby hee might flee from the wrath of God that was to come . Now the counsell commonly given unto the Penitent after Confession , was ; that hee should h wipe away his sinnes by meet fruits of repentance : which course Bede observeth to have beene usually prescribed by our Cuthbert . For penances were then exacted , as testimonies of the sincerity of that inward repentance which was necessarily required for obtaining remission of the sinne : and so had reference to the taking away of the guilt , and not of the temporall punishment remaining after the forgivenesse of the guilt ; which is the new found use of penances , invented by our later Romanists . One old Penitentiall Canon wee finde laid downe in a Synod held in this country about the yeere our Lord CCCCL . by S. Patrick , Auxilius , and Isserninus : which is as followeth . i A Christian who hath kild a man , or committed fornication , or gone unto a Southsayer after the manner of the Gentiles , for every of those crimes shall doe a yeere of Penance : when his yeere of penance is accomplished , he shall come with witnesses , and afterward hee shall be absolved by the Priest. These Bishops did take order ( we see ) according to the discipline generally used in those times , that the penance should first be performed ; and when long & good proofe had bin given by that means of the truth of the parties repentance , they wished the Priest to impart unto him the benefit of Absolution . wheras by the new device of sacramentall penance the matter is now far more easily transacted : by vertue of the keyes the sinner is instantly of attrite made contrite , and thereupon as soon as hee hath made his Confession hee presently receiveth his Absolution : after this , some sorry penance is imposed , which upon better consideration may bee converted into pence ; and so a quicke end is made of many a foule businesse . But for the right use of the keyes , we fully accord with Claudius : that k the office of remitting and retaining sinnes which was given unto the Apostles , is now in the Bishops and Priests committed unto every Church . namely , that having taken knowledge of the causes of such as have sinned , as many as they shall behold humble and truly penitent , those they may now with compassion absolve from the feare of everlasting death ; but such as they shall discerne to persist in the sins which they have committed , those they may declare to be bound over unto never ending punishments . And in thus absolving such as be truly penitent , we willingly yeeld , that the Pastors of Gods Church doe remit sinnes after their manner , that is to say , ministerially and improperly : so that the priviledge of forgiving sinnes properly and absolutely , bee still reserved unto God alone . Which is at large set out by the same Claudius ; where hee expoundeth the historie of the man sicke of the palsey , that was cured by our Saviour in the ninth of S. Matthew . For , following Bede upon that place , he writeth thus . l The Scribes say true , that none can forgive sinnes but God alone ; also forgiveth by them , to whom hee hath given the power of forgiving . And therefore is Christ proved to bee truely God because he forgiveth sinnes as God. They render a true testimony unto God : but in denying the person of Christ , they are deceived . and againe : m If it bee God that , according to the Psalmist , removeth our sins as far from us , as the East is distant from the West ; and the Sonne of man hath power upon earth to forgive sinnès : therefore hee himselfe is both God and the Sonne of man. that both the man Christ might by the power of his divinitie forgive sinnes ; and the same Christ being God , might by the frailtie of his humanitie dye for sinners . and out of S. Hierome : n Christ sheweth himselfe to bee God , who can know the hidden things of the heart ; and after a sort holding his peace he speaketh . By the same majestie and power , whereby I behold your thoughts , I can also forgive sinnes unto men . In like manner doth the author of the booke of the wonderfull things of the Scripture observe these o divine workes in the same historie : the forgiving of sinnes , the present cure of the disease , & the answering of the thoughts by the mouth of God who searcheth all things . With whom , for the propertie of beholding the secret thoughts , Sedulius also doth concurre , in those sentences . p God alone can know the hidden things of men . q To know the hearts of men , and to discerne the secrets of their minde , is the priviledge of God alone . That the contract of Marriages , was either unknown or neglected by the Irish , before Malachias did institute the same anew among them ( as Bernard doth seeme to intimate ) is a thing almost incredible . although r Giraldus Cambrensis doth complaine , that the case was little better with them after the time of Malachias also . The licentiousnesse of those ruder times , I know , was such , as may easily induce us to beleeve , that a great both neglect and abuse of Gods ordinance did get footing among this people . Which enormities Malachias , no doubt , did labour to reforme : and withall peradventure brought in some new matters , not knowne here before ; as hee was very desirous his country men should generally conforme themselves unto the traditions and customes of the Church of Rome . But our purpose is here only to deale with the doctrine and practice of the elder times : in which , first , that Marriage was not held to bee a sacrament , may bee collected from s Sedulius , who reckoneth it among those things , which are gifts indeed , but not spirituall . Secondly , for the degrees of Consanguinitie hindering marriage , the Synod attributed unto St. Patricke seemeth to referre us wholly unto the Levitical law ; prescribing therein t neyther lesse nor more than the Law speaketh : and particularly , against matching with the wife of the deceased brother ( which was the point so much questioned in the case of King Henrie the eighth ) this u Synodicall decree is there urged . The brother may not ascend into the bed of his deceased brother : the Lord having said , They two shall be one flesh . Therefore the wife of thy brother , is thy sister . Whereupon we finde also , that our Kilianus did suffer martyrdome for x dissolving such an incestuous marriage in Gozbertus Duke of Franconia : and that Clemens Scotus for maintaining the contrary was both by y Boniface Archbishop of Mentz , and the z Councell held at Rome by Pope Zacharie in the yeare DCCXLV . condemned as a bringer in of Iudaisme amongst Christians . Yet how farre this condemned opinion of his prevailed afterward in this countrey , and how foule a crime it was esteemed to be by others abroad ( notwithstanding the Pope doth now by his Buls of dispensation take upon him to make a faire matter of it ) may easily be perceived by this censure of Giraldus : a Moreover , saith hee , which is very detestable , and most contrary not only to the faith , but also unto common honesty ; brethren in many places throughout Ireland do , I say not marry , but marre rather and seduce the wives of their deceased brothers , while in this sort they filthily and incestuously have knowledge of them : cleaving herein not to the marrow but to the barke of the Old Testament , and desiring to imitate the ancient in vices more willingly than in vertues . Thirdly , touching divorces , wee reade in Sedulius ; that b it is not lawfull , according to the precept of our Lord , that the wife should be put away , but for the cause of fornication , and in the Synod ascribed to St. Patrick . c It is not lawfull for a man to put away his wife , but for the cause of fornication . as if he should say ; for this cause , he may . Whence if hee marry another , as it were after the death of the former , they forbid it not . Who they were , that did not forbid this second marriage , is not there expressed : that Saint Patrick himselfe was of another minde , would appeare by this constitution following ; which in another ancient Canon-booke I found cited under his name . d If any mans wife have committed adulterie with another man : he shall not marry another wife , as long as the first wife shall be alive . If per adventure she be converted , and doe penance : he shall receive her ; and she shall serve him in the place of a maid-servant . Let her for a whole yeare doe penance in bread and water , and that by measure : neyther let them remaine in the same bed together . Fourthly , concerning single life , I doe not finde in any of our records , that it was generally imposed upon the Clergie ; but the contrary rather . For in the Synod held by St. Patrick , Auxilius , and Isserninus ; there is a speciall order taken , e that their wives shall not walke abroad , with their heads uncovered . And St. Patrick himselfe confesseth ( at leastwise the Confession which goeth under his name saith so ; and Probus , Iocelinus , and others that write his life , agree therewith ) that hee f had to his father Calphurnius a Deacon , and to his grandfather Potitus a Priest. For that was no new thing then among the Britons : whose Bishops therefore Gildas doth reprehend ( as for the same cause he did the chiefe of the Laity ) that they were not content to be the husbands of one , but of many wives , and that they corrupted their children by their evill example : whereas g the chastitie of the fathers was to be esteemed imperfect , if the chastitie of their sonnes were not added thereunto . Nennius , the eldest Historiographer of the Britons which wee have after him ( who in many copies also beareth his owne name ) wrote that booke which we have extant of his , to h Samuel the childe of Benlanus the Priest , his master : counting it a grace , rather than any kinde of disparagement unto him , to bee esteemed the sonne of a learned Priest. Which maketh him in the i verses prefixed before the worke to say : Christe , tribuisti patri Samuelem , * But about 60. or 70. yeares after , I finde some partiall eclipse here ( and the first , I thinke , of this kinde , that can bee shewed among the Britons ) in the lawes of Howel Dha : where it is ordered , that k if a Clerk of a lower degree should match with a woman , and have a sonne by her , and that Clerke afterward having received the order of Priest-hood , should have another sonne by the same woman ; the former son should enjoy his fathers whole estate , without being bound to divide the same with his other brother . Yet these marriages for all that were so held out , that the fathers not content their sonnes should succeed them in their temporall estate alone , prevailed so far that they continued them in the succession of their spirituall promotions also . Which abuse Giraldus Cambrensis l complaineth to have been continuedin Wales unto his time ; & out of m Hil●ebertus Cenomanensis sheweth to have prevailed in little Brittaine also : whence he inferreth , n that this vice was of old common to the whole Brittish nation aswell on this side as on the other side of the sea . Whereunto for Ireland also wee may adde the letters written by Pope Innocent the third unto Iohannes Salernitanus the Cardinall , his legate , o for abolishing the custome there , whereby sonnes and grand-children did use to succeede their fathers and grand-fathers in their Ecclesiastical benefices . CHAP. VI. Of the discipline of our ancient Monkes ; and abstinence from meats . WHat hath beene said of the married Clergie , concerneth the Seculars , and not the Regulars , whereof there was a very great number in Ireland ; because here a almost all the Prelates were wont to bee chosen into the Clergie out of monasteries . For our monasteries in ancient time were the seminaries of the ministerie : being as it were so many Colledges of learned divines , whereunto the people did usually resort for instruction , and from whence the Church was wont continually to bee supplied with able ministers . The benefit whereof was not onely contained within the limits of this Iland , but did extend it selfe to forraine countries likewise . For this was it that drew b Egbert and Ceaddae ( for example ) into Ireland ; that they might there leade a monasticall life in prayers and continencie and meditation of the holy Scriptures : and hence were those famous monasteries planted in England by Aidan , Finan , Colman , and others ; unto which c the people flockt apace on the Lords day , not for the feeding of their body , but for the learning of the word of God , as Beda witnesseth . Yea this was the principall meanes , whereby the knowledge both of the Scriptures and of all other good learning was preserved in that inundation of barbarisme , wherewith the whole West was in a manner overwhelmed . Hitherto ( saith d Curio ) it might seeme that the studies of wisedome should quite have perished ; unlesse God had reserved a seed in some corner of the world . Among the Scottish and the Irish something as yet remained of the doctrine of the knowledge of God and of civill honesty ; because there was no terrour of armes in those utmost ends of the world . And we may there behold and adore the great goodnesse of God ; that among the Scots , and in those places where no man would have thought it , so many great companies should bee gathered together under a most strict discipline . How strict their discipline was , may appeare partly by the Rule , and partly by the Daily penances of Monkes ; which are yet extant of Columbanus his writing . In the later of these , for the disobedience of Monkes these penances are prescribed . e If any brother bee disobedient ; hee shall fast two dayes , with one bisket and water . If any say , I will not do it ; three dayes , with one bisket and water . If any murmure ; two dayes , with one bisket and water . If any doe not aske leave , or tell an excuse ; two dayes , with one bisket and water ▪ and so in other particulars . In his Rule , these good lessons doth hee give unto his Monkes , among many others . That f it profited them little , if they were virgins in body , and were not virgins in minde . that they g should daily profit , as they did daily pray , and daily reade . that h the good things of the Pharisee being vainly praised were lost , and the sinnes of the Publican being accused vanished away : and therefore that a great word should not come out of the mouth of a Monke , lest his great labour should perish . They were not taught to vaunt of their state of perfection , and workes of supererogation : or to argue from thence ( as Celestius the Pelagian Monke sometime did ) that i by the nature of their free will they had such a possibility of not sinning , that they were able also to doe more than was commanded ; because they did observe perpetuall virginity which is not commanded , whereas for not sinning it is sufficient to fulfill the precepts . It was one of the points which Gallus ( the scholler of Columbanus ) delivered in his sermon preached at Constance ; that our Saviour k did so perswade the Apostles & their followers to lay hold upon the good of virginity ; that yet they should know , it was not of humane industry , but of divine gift . and it is a good observation which wee reade in Claudius : that l not only in the splendour of bodily things , but also in mournfull abasing of ones selfe , there may bee boasting ; and that so much the more dangerous , as it deceiveth under the name of the service of God. Our Monkes were religious in deede , and not in name only ; farre from the hypocrisie , pride , idlenesse and uncleannesse of those evill beasts and slothfull bellies that afterward succeeded in their roome . Under colour of forsaking all , they did not hooke all unto themselves ; nor under semblance of devotion did they devoure widowes houses : they held begging to bee no point of perfection ; but m remembred the words of our Lord Iesus , how he said , It is a more blessed thing to give rather than to take . When king Sigebert made large offers unto Columbanus and his companions , to keep them within his dominions in France : hee received such another answer from them , as n Thaddaeus in the Ecclesiasticall history is said to have given unto Abgarus the governour of Edessa : o Wee who have forsaken our owne , that according to the commandement of the Gospel we might follow the Lord , ought not to embrace other mens riches ; lest peradventure we should prove transgressors of the divine commandement . How then did these men live , will you say ? Walafridus Strabus telleth us , that p some of them wrought in the garden , others dressed the orchard ; Gallus made nets and tooke fish , wherewith hee not only relieved his owne company , but was helpfull also unto strangers . So Bede reporteth of Cuthbert , that when hee retired himselfe unto an anchoreticall life , he q first indeed received a little bread from his brethren to feede upon , and dranke out of his owne well ; but afterwards hee thought it more fit to live by the worke of his owne hands , after the example of the Fathers : and therefore intreated , that instruments might bee brought him wherewith he might till the earth , and corne that hee might sowe . r Quique suis cupiens victum conquirere palmis ; Incultam pertentat humum proscindere ferro , Et sator edomitis anni spem credere glebis . The like doth hee relate of s Furseus ; and Bonifacius of t Livinus ; and Theodorus Campidonensis ( or whosoever else wrote that booke ) of u Gallus , Magnoaldus , and the rest of the followers of Columbanus ; that they got their living by the labour of their owne hands . And the x Apostles rule is generally laid downe for all Monkes , in the life of Furseus : y They which live in Monasteries should worke with silence , and eate their owne bread . But now there is start up a new generation of men , that refuse to eate their own bread , and count it a high point of sanctity to live by begging of other mens bread ; if yet the course they take may rightly bee termed begging . For as Richard Fitz-Ralphe , that famous Archbishop of Armagh , objected to their faces , before the Pope himselfe and his Cardinals in z his time ( and the matter is little amended , I wisse , in ours ) scarce could any great or meane man of the Clergie or the Laitie eate his meate , but such kinde of beggers would be at his elbowe : not like other poore folkes humbly craving almes at the gate or the doore ( as Francis did cammand and teach them in his Testament ) by begging ; but without shame intruding themselves into courts or houses , and lodging there . where , without any inviting at all , they eate and drinke what they doe finde among them : and not with that content , carry away with them eyther wheate , or meale , or bread , or flesh , or cheeses ( although there were but two in an house ) in a kinde of an extorting manner ; there being none that can deny them , unlesse he would cast away naturall shame . This did that renowned Primate ( whose anniversary memory is still celebrated in Dundalke , where hee was borne and buried , by the name of Saint Richard ) publickly deliver in the yeere 1357. at the Consistory of Avinion : where he stoutly maintained against the whole rabble of the Friars , what hee had preached the yeere before at Pauls Crosse unto the people . namely , a that our Lord Iesus Christ , although in his humane conversation hee was alwayes poore , b yet did hee never voluntarily begge himselfe , c nor taught others so to doe , d but taught the plaine contrary : and e that no man could prudently & holily take upon himself the perpetuall observation of voluntary beggary ; forasmuch as such kinde of begging , as well by Christ , as by his Apostles and Disciples , by the Church and by the holy Scriptures , was both disswaded and also reproved . His Countryman Henry Crumpe ( a Monke of the Cistercian order in Baltinglas ) not long after , treading in his steps , was accused for delivering in his Determinations at Oxford : that f the Friars of the foure Mendicant orders are not , nor ever were instituted by Gods inspiration , but that contrary to the generall Councell of Lateran , held under Innocent the third ( which prohibited the bringing in of any more new religious orders into the Church ) and by feigned and false dreames , Pope Honorius being perswaded by the Friars , did confirme them . and g that all the Doctors which did determine for the Friars side , were eyther affraid to speak the truth , lest their books should be condemned by the Friars that had gotten to be Inquisitors ; or said , As it seemeth , or proceeded onely by way of d●sputation and not of determination : because if they had spoken the truth plainly in the behalfe of the Church , the Friars would have persecuted them , as they d●d persecute the holy Doctor Armachanus . Which Crumpe himselfe found afterwards to be too true by his owne experience . for hee was forced to deny and abjure these assertions in the house of the Carmelite Friars at Stanford , before William Courtney Archbishop of Canterbury : and then silenced , that hee should not exercise publickly any act in the Schooles , either by reading , preaching , disputing , or determining ; untill hee should have a speciall licence from the said Archbishop so to doe . But to leave the begging Friars ( being a kinde of creatures unknowne to the Church for twelve hundred yeers after Christ ) and to return to the labouring Monkes : wee finde it related of our Brendan : that he h governed three thousand such Monkes , who by their owne labours and handy-worke did earne their living . which agreeth well with that saying ascribed to him by the writer of his life : i A Monke ought to bee fed and clothed by the labour of his owne hands . Neither was there any other order observed in that famous Monasterie of Bangor among the Britons , k wherein there is said to have beene so great a number of Monkes , that the Monastery being divided into seven portions ( together with the Rectors appointed over them ) none of all those portions had lesse than three hundred persons in them : all which ( saith Bede ) were w●nt to live by the labour of their owne hands . From the destruction of which Monastery , unto the erection of Tuy Gwyn , or White-house ( which is said to have beene about the yeere 1146. ) the setter forth of the * Welsh Chronicle observeth , that there were no Abbeyes among the Britons . Here in Ireland Bishop Colman founded the Monastery of Magio ( in the † county of Limrick ) for the entertainment of the English : where they l did live according to the example of the reverend Fathers ( as Bede writeth ) under a rule and a canonicall Abbot , in great continency and sincerity , with the labour of their owne hands . Like whereunto was the monastery of Mailros also , planted by Bishop Aidan and his followers in Northumberland ; where St. Cuthbert had his education : who affirmed , that m the life of such Monkes was justly to bee admired , which were in all things subject to the commands of their Abbot ; and ordered all the times of their watching , praying , fasting , and working , according to his direction . n Excubiasque , famemque , preces , manuumque laborem Ad votum gaudent proni fraenare regentis . As for their fasting ( for of their watching and praying there is no question made ; and of their working wee have already spoken sufficiently ) by the rule of Columbanus , they were o every day to fast , and every day to eate : that by this meanes , p the enabling of them for their spirituall proficiency might bee retained , together with the abstinence that did macerate the flesh . Hee would therefore have them q every day to eate , because they were every day to profit ; and because r abstinence , if it did exceed measure , would prove a vice and not a vertue . and he would have them to fast everie day too , that is , not to eate any meate at all ( for other fasts were not knowne in those dayes ) untill evening . s Let the food of Monkes ( saith he ) be meane , and taken at evening ; flying satiety and excesse of drink : that it may both sustaine them and not hurt them . This was the daily fasting and feeding of them that lived according to Columbanus his rule . although the strictnesse of the fast seemeth to have beene kept on Wednesdayes and Fridayes onely : which were the dayes of the weeke , wherein the ancient Irish ( agreeable to the custome of the Grecian rather than the Roman Church ) were wont to observe abstinence both from meate and from the * marriage bed . Whence in the booke before alledged , of the Daily Penances of Monkes , we finde this order set downe by the same Columbanus : that t if any one , unlesse he were weake , did upon the Wednesday or Friday eate before the ninth houre ( that is to say , before three of the clocke in the afternoone , according unto our account ) hee should be punished with fasting two dayes in bread and water ▪ and in Bedes Ecclesiasticall Historie ; that u such as followed the information of Aidan , did upon the same dayes observe their fast , untill the same houre . in which history we also reade of Bishop Cedd ( who was brought up at Lindisfarne with our Aidan and Finan ) that keeping a strict fast , upon a speciall occasion , in the time of Lent , hee did x every day , except the Lords day , continue his fast , ( as the manner was ) untill the evening ; and then also did eate nothing but a small pittance of bread , and one egge , with a little milke mingled with water . Where by the way you may note , that in those daies egges were eaten in Lent , and the Sundayes excepted from fasting , even then when the abstinence was precisely and in more than an ordinarie manner observed . But generally for this point of the difference of meats , it is well noted by Claudius out of S. Augustin , that y the children of wisedome doe understand , that neither in abstaining nor in eating is there any vertue ; but in contentednesse of bearing the want , and temperance of not corrupting a mans selfe by abundance , and of opportunely taking or not taking those things , of which not the use but the concupiscence is to be blamed . and in the life of Furseus , the hypocrisie of them is justly taxed , that being z assaulted with spirituall vices , doe yet omit the care of them , and afflict their body with abstinence : who a abstaining from meates , which God hath created to be received with thankesgiving , fall to wicked things , as if they were lawfull ; namely to pride , covetousnesse , envy , false witnessing , backbiting . Of whom Gildas giveth this good censure , in one of his Epistles which now are lost . b These men , while they doe feed on bread by measure , for this same very thing doe glory without measure ; while they use water , they are withall drenched with the cup of hatred ; while they feed on dry meates , they use detractions ; while they spend themselves in watchings , they disprayse others that are oppressed with sleepe ; preferring fasting before charitie , watching before justice , their owne invention before concord , severitie before humilitie , and lastly , man before God. Such mens fasting , unlesse it be proceeded unto by some vertues , profiteth nothing at all : but such as accomplish charitie , doe say with the harpe of the holy Ghost ; All our righteousnesses are as the cloth of a menstruous woman . Thus Gildas : who upon this ground layeth downe this sound conclusion ; wherewith wee will shut up this whole matter . c Abstinence from corporall meats is unprofitable without charitie . They are therefore the better men , who doe not fast much , nor abstaine from the creature of God beyond measure , but carefully keepe their heart within pure before God , from whence they know commeth the issue of life : than they who eate no flesh , nor take delight in secular dinners , nor ride with coaches or horses , thinking themselves hereby to bee as it were superiour to others ▪ upon whom death hath entred through the windows of haughtinesse . CHAP. VII . Of the Church , and various state thereof , especially in the dayes of Antichrist : of Miracles also , and of the Head of the Church . COncerning the Catholike Church , our Doctors taught with S. Gregory ; that God a hath a vineyard , to wit , the universall Church , which from just Abel untill the last of the elect that shall be borne in the end of the world , as many Saints as it hath brought forth , so many branches ( as it were ) hath it budded . that b the congregation of the just is called the kingdome of heaven ; which is the Church of the just . that c the sonnes of the Church bee all such as from the beginning of mankinde untill now , have attained to be just and holy . that d what is said of the body , may bee said also of the members ; and that in this respect , as well the Apostles and all beleevers , as the Church it selfe , have the title of a pillar given them in the Scriptures . that e the Church may be considered two manner of wayes : both that which neyther hath spot nor wrinkle and is truely the body of Christ , and that which is gathered in the name of Christ without full and perfect vertues ; which notwithstanding by the warrant of the Apostle , may have the name of the Church given unto it , although it be depraved with errour . that f the Church is said not to have spot or wrinkle , in respect of the life to come . that when the Apostle saith ; In a great house there are not only vessels of gold , &c. but some to honour and some to dishonour : ( 2 Tim. 2. 20. ) by this g great house he doth not understand the Church ( as some have thought ) which hath not spot nor wrinkle : but the world , in which the tares are mingled with the wheate . that yet in h the holy Church also , the evill are mingled with the good , and the reprobate with the elect : and that in this respect it is resembled unto the wise and foolish virgins ; as also to i the Kings marriage , by which this present Church is designed , wherein the good and the bad doe meet together . So that k in this Church , neyther the bad can bee without the good , nor the good without the bad : whom the holy Church notwithstanding doth both now receive indifferently , and separate afterwards at their going from hence . The number of the good , Gildas complaineth to have beene l so exceeding short in his time among the Britons , in comparison of the other ; that their mother the Church in a manner did not see them lying in her own lap , albeit they were the onely true sonnes which she had . And for externall pressures , our Doctors have delivered , that m the Church sometimes is not only afflicted , but also defiled with such oppressions of the Gentiles ; that if it were possible , her redeemer might seeme for a time utterly to have forsaken her : and that , in the raging times of Antichrist , n the Church shall not appeare ; by reason that the wicked persecutors shall then exercise their cruelty beyond all measure . that in those o times of Antichrist , not onely more often and more bitter torments shall be put upon the faithfull , than before were wont to be ; but ( which is more grievous ) the working of miracles also shall accompany those that inflict the torments : as the Apostle witnesseth , saying ; Whose comming is after the working of Satan , with all seduction , signes , and lying wonders . namely , p juggling ones : as it was foretold before ; They shall shew such signes that , if it were possible , the very elect should bee deceived , by such a phantasticall power , as Iamnes and Mambres wrought withall before Pharao . q What unbeleever therefore ( say they ) will then bee converted unto the faith ? and who is hee that already beleeveth , whose faith trembleth not and is not shaken ? when the persecuter of piety is the worker of wonders : and the same man that exerciseth crueltie with torments , that Christ may be denyed ; provoketh by miracles , that Antichrist may bee beleeved ? And r what a pure and a single eye is there need of , that the way of wisedome may be found ; against which so great deceivings and errours of evill and perverse men , doe make such a noyse ? all which notwithstanding men must passe through ; and so come to most certaine peace , and the unmoveable stabilitie of wisedome . Hence concerning Miracles , they give us these instructions . First , that s neyther if an Angel should shew himselfe unto us to seduce us , being suborned with the deceits of his father the divell , ought he to prevaile against us ; neither if a miracle should be done by any one , as it is said of Simon Magus that he did flye in the ayre : t neyther that signes should terrifie us , as done by the Spirit ; because that our Saviour also hath given us warning of this before-hand . ( Matth. 24. 24 , 25. ) Secondly , that u the faith having increased , miracles were to cease ; forasmuch as they are declared to have beene given for their sakes that beleeve not . and therefore that x now when the number of the faithfull is growne , there bee many within the holy Church that retaine the life of vertues , and yet have not those signes of vertues : because a miracle is to no purpose shewed outwardly , if that bee wanting which it should worke inwardly . For according to the saying of the Master of the Gentiles ; Languages are for a signe , not to the faithfull but to infidels . ( 1 Cor. 14. 22. ) Thirdly , that the working of miracles is no good argument to prove the holinesse of them that bee the instruments thereof : and therefore y when the Lord doth such things for the convincing of infidels , he yet giveth us warning that we should not bee deceived thereby , supposing invisible wisedome to bee there , where we shall behold a visible miracle . For hee saith : Many shall say unto me in that day , Lord , Lord ; have wee not prophesied in thy name , and in thy name cast out Divels , and in thy name done many miracles ? ( Matth. 7. 22 ) Fourthly , that z he tempteth God , who for his own vaine glory will make shew of a superfluous and unprofitable miracle . such as that ( for example ) was , whereunto the Divel tempted our Saviour , Matth. 4. 6. to come downe headlong from the pinnacle of the Temple unto the plaine , a every miracle being vaine , which worketh not some profit unto mans salvation . Whereby wee may easily discerne , what to judge of that infinite number of idle miracles , wherewith the lives of our Saints are every where stuffed : many whereof wee may justly censure ( as b Amphilochius doth the tales that the Poets tell of their Gods ) for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Fables , of laughter worthy , and of teares ; Yea some of them also we may rightly brand , as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vnseemely fables , and Divels documents . For what ( for example ) can be more unseemely , and tend further to the advancement of the doctrine of divels , than that which Cogitosus relateth in the life of S. Brigid ? that she , for saving the credit of a Nunne that had beene gotten with childe , c blessed her faithfully forsooth ( for so the author speaketh ) and so caused her conception to vanish away , without any delivery and without any paine . which for the saving of St. Brigids owne credit , eyther d Hen. Canisius or the friars of Aichstad ( from whom he had his copie of Cogitosus ) thought fit to scrape out , and rather to leave a blanke in the booke , than to suffer so lewd a tale to stand in it . But I will not stirre this puddle any further : but proceed on , unto some better matter . And now are wee come at last to the great Point , that toucheth the Head and the foundation of the Church . Concerning which Sedulius observeth , that the title of e foundation is attributed both to Christ , and to the Apostles and Prophets . that where it is said , Esay 28. 16. Behold , I lay in Sion a stone , &c. f it is certaine , that by the rocke or stone Christ is signified . that , in Ephes. 2. 20. g the Apostles are the foundation , or Christ rather the foundation of the Apostles . For Christ ( saith hee ) is the foundation , who is also called the corner stone , joyning and holding together the two wals . Therefore is hee the foundation and chiefe stone ; because in him the Church is both founded and finished . and we are to account the Apostles h as Ministers of Christ , and not as the foundation . The famous place , Matthew 16. 18. ( whereupon our Romanists lay the maine foundation of the Papacie ) Claudius expoundeth in this sort . i Vpon this rocke will I build my Church , that is to say , upon the Lord and Saviour , who granted unto his faithfull knower , lover , and confessor the participation of his owne name ; that from petra ( the rocke ) hee should be called Peter . The Church is builded upon him : because onely by the faith and love of Christ , by the receiving of the Sacraments of Christ , by the observation of the commandements of Christ , wee come to the inheritance of the elect and eternall life , as witnesseth the Apostle , who saith , Other foundation can no man lay beside that which is laid , which is Christ Iesus . Yet doth the same Claudius acknowledge , that k St. Peter received a kinde of primacy for the founding of the Church ( in respect whereof hee termeth him l Ecclesiae principem , and m Apostolorum principem , the prince of the Church , and the prince or chiefe of the Apostles ) but hee addeth with all , that Saint Paul also was chosen in the same manner , to have the primacy in founding the Churches of the Gentiles . and that hee n received this gift from God , that hee should bee worthy to have the primacie in preaching to the Gentiles , as Peter had it in the preaching of the Circumcision . and therefore that o St. Paul challengeth this grace as granted by God to him alone , as it was granted to Peter alone among the Apostles . and that hee esteemed himselfe p not to be inferiour unto St. Peter , because both of them were by one ordained unto one and the same ministery . and that writing to the Galatians , q he did in the title name himselfe an Apostle of Christ , to the end that by the very authority of that name hee might terrifie his readers ; judging , that all such as did beleeve in Christ , ought to be subject unto him . It is furthermore also observed by Claudius , that r as when our Saviour propounded the question generally unto all the Apostles , Peter did answer as one for all ; so what our Lord answered unto Peter , in Peter he did answer unto all . and therefore s howsoever the power of loosing and binding might seeme to be given by the Lord unto Peter alone , yet without all manner of doubt it is to be knowne , that it was given unto the rest of the Apostles also : as himselfe doth witnesse , who appearing unto them after the triumph of his passion and resurrection , breathed on them , and said unto them all ; Receive the holy Ghost , whose sinnes ye remit , they are remitted unto them , and whose sins ye retaine they are retained . Gildas the Briton goeth further , affirming that t to the true Priest it is said ; Thou art Peter , and upon this rocke I will build my Church . that u to Peter and his successors our Lord saith ; And unto thee will I give the Keyes of the Kingdome of heaven . and consequently , that x unto every holy Priest it is promised : Whatsoever thou shalt binde on earth , shal be bound likewise in heaven ; and whatsoever thou shalt loose on earth , shal be loosed likewise in heaven . Whereupon hee pronounceth of the good Priests of Brittaine ; that they y doe lawfully obtaine the Apostolicall state , and z lawfully sit in the chaire of St. Paul : and on the other side of the bad , that a with uncleane feete they usurpe the seate of the Apostle Peter , but by the demerit of their covetousnesse fall into the pestilent chaire of the traytor Iudas ; and so the ordainers of such , place b after a sort Iudas the betrayer of our Lord , in the seate of Peter . Lastly , as Claudius noteth , that c the foundation of the Church was laid not onely upon St. Peter , but also upon St. Iohn : so in a certaine Hymne supposed to be written by Secundinus ( knowne in this country commonly by the name of St. Scachlin ) in the yeere of our Lord CCCCXLVIII . St Patrick also is thus commended . d He is constant in the feare of God , and unmovable in the faith , upon whom the Church is builded as upon Peter ; whose Apostleship also he hath obtained from God , and the gates of Hell shall not prevaile against him . yea e Christ is there said to have chosen him for his Vicar upon earth . His See likewise of Armagh , is by one Calvus Perennis in the dayes of Brian king of Ireland ( who was slaine , as appeareth by f Marianus in the yeere 1014. ) termed g the Citie Apostolick . So Desiderius Bishop of Cahors in France , is by our countryman Gaellus saluted both h Papa and Apostolicus : and the Bishop of Kildare in Ireland , honoured by Cogitosus , with the stile of i Summus Sacerdos , and k Summus Pontifex , the highest Priest and the highest Bishop . those titles and prerogatives , which the Pope now peculiarly challengeth unto himselfe , as ensignes of his Monarchy , being heretofore usually communicated unto other Bishops , when the universall Church was governed by way of Aristocratie . CHAP. VIII . Of the Popes spirituall Iurisdiction ; and how little footing it had gotten at first within these parts . MAster Campion telleth us ; that a when Ireland first received Christendome , they gave themselves into the Iurisdiction both spirituall and temporall of the See of Rome . But herein he speaketh without booke ; of the spirituall jurisdiction untruly , of the temporall absurdly . For from the first legation of Palladius and Patricius , who were sent to plant the faith in this country , it cannot bee shewed out of any monument of antiquity , that the Bishop of Rome did ever send any of his Legats to exercise spirituall jurisdiction here ( much lesse any of his Deputies to exercise jurisdiction temporall ) before Gillebertus , quem aiunt primâ functum legatione Apostolicae sedis per universam Hiberniam ; saith one that lived in his own time , even Bernard himselfe in the life of Malachias . One or two instances peradventure may be alledged out of some obscure authors , whose names , and times , and authority no man can tell us newes of : but unlesse that which is delivered by Bernard , as the tradition that was current in his time , can bee controlled by some record that may appeare to have beene written before his dayes ; we have small reason to detract any thing from the credit of so cleere a testimony . This country was heretofore , for the number of holy men that lived in it , termed the Iland of Saints : of that innumerable company of Saints , whose memory was reverenced here ; what one received any solemne canonization from the Pope , before Malachias Archbishop of Armagh , & Laurence of Dublin ? who lived , as it were , but the other day . We reade of sundry Archbishops that have beene in this land : betwixt the dayes of Saint Patrick and of Malachias , what one of them can be named , that ever sought for a Pall from Rome ? Ioceline indeed a late Monke of the Abbey of Furnesse , writeth of St. Patrick ; that the Bishop of Rome b conferred the Pall upon him , together with the execution of legatine power in his roome . But he is well knowne to be a most fabulous author : and for this particular , Bernard ( who was his ancient ) informeth us farre otherwise ; that c from the very beginning untill his time , the metropoliticall See of Armagh wanted the use of the Pall. with whom the author of the Annales of Mailros doth fully accord ; noting that d in the yeere 1151. Pope Eugenius ( the same to whom Bernard did write his bookes de Consideratione ) did by his Legate Iohn Papiron transmit foure Pals into Ireland ; whither a Pall before had never beene brought . And therefore Giraldus Cambrensis , howsoever he acknowledgeth that Saint Patrick did e choose Armagh for his seate , and did appoint it to be as it were a metropoliticall See , and the proper place of the primacie of all Ireland ; yet doth hee affirme withall , that in very deed f there were no Archbishops in Ireland , but that Bishops only did consecrate one another , untill Iohannes Papirio ( or Paparo ) the Popes Legate brought foure Pals thither . whereupon some of our Chroniclers after him , give this note concerning Gelasius , who was at that time Archbishop of Armagh ; that g hee is said to have beene the first Archbishop , because hee used the first Pall : and that others before him were called Archbishops and Primates in name only ; for the reverence of Saint Patrick , as the Apostle of that Nation . And indeed it might seeme , that the complaint made by Anselme in his letters to Muriar dach King of Ireland , that h Bishops here were consecrated by Bishops alone , might somewhat justifie the truth of Giraldus his relation ; if we did not find a further complaint there also , that they were often i ordained by one Bishop onely . But as this latter argueth , not the want of a competent number of Bishops in the land ( for , as we shall heare presently , they had more than a sufficient number of such ) but a neglect of the observance of the Canon provided by the Nicence Fathers in that behalfe : so can it not rightly bee inferred out of the former , that wee had no Archbishops here at that time , but that the Bishops rather did faile much in the Canonicall respect which they ought to shew unto their Metropolitane . For that the Irish had their Archbishops ( beside many other pregnant testimonies that might bee produced ) Pope Hildebrands owne Briefe doth sufficiently manifest ; which is directed k to Terdeluachus ( or Tirlagh ) the illustrious King of Ireland , the ARCHBISHOPS , Bishops , Abbots , Nobles , and all Christians inhabiting Ireland . And for the Archbishops of Armagh in particular ; it appeareth most evidently by Bernard in the life of Malachias , that they were so far from being Metropolitans and Primates in name onely ; that they exercised much greater authority before they were put to the charges of fetching Pals from Rome , then ever they did afterward : and that they did not onely consecrate Bishops , but erected also new Bishopricks , and Archbishopricks too sometimes , according as they thought fitting . We reade in Nennius , that at the beginning St. Patrick l founded here 365. Churches , and ordained 365. Bishops , beside 3000. Presbyters . In processe of time the number of Bishops was daily m multiplyed according to the pleasure of the Metropolitan , ( whereof Bernard doth much complaine ) and that , not onely so farre , that every Church almost had a severall Bishop : but also that in some n Townes or Cities there were ordained more than one ; yea and oftentimes o Bishops were made without any certaine place at all assigned unto them . And as for the erecting of new Archbishoprickes : if we beleeve our Legends , p King Engus and S. Patrick , with all the people , did ordaine , that in the City and See of Albeus ( which is Emelye , now annexed to Cashell ) should be the Archbishoprick of the whole Province of Mounster . in like manner also , q Brandubh King of the Lagenians , with the consent as well of the Laity as of the Clergie , did appoint that in the Citie of Fernes ( which was the See of Moedog , otherwise called Edanus ) should bee the Archbishopricke of all the Province of Leinster . But Bernards testimony , wee have no reason not to beleeve , relating what was knowne to be done in his owne very time : that r Celsus the Archbishop of Armagh , had of the new constituted another Metropoliticall See , but subiect to the first See , and to the Archbishop thereof . By which wee may see that in the erection of new Archbishopricks and Bishopricks , all things were here done at home , without consulting with the See of Rome for the matter . As for the nomination and confirmation of the Archbishops and Bishops themselves : wee finde the manner of advancing Saint Livinus to his Archbishoprick thus laid downe by Boniface in the description of his life . s When Menalchus the Archbishop was dead , Calomagnus the King of Scots , and the troope of his Officers with the under-courtiers , and the concourse of all that countrey , with the same affection of heart cryed out , that the holy Priest Livinus was most worthily to bee advanced unto the honour of this order . The King ( more devout than all of them ) consenting thereunto , three or foure times placed the blessed man in the chaire of the Archbishoprick with due honour , according to the will of the Lord. In like manner also did t King Ecgfrid cause our Cuthbert to be ordained Bishop of the Church of Landisfarne ; and King Pipin u granted the Bishoprick of Salzburg to our Virgilius : and Duke Gunzo would have x conferred the Bishoprick of Constance upon our Gallus ; but that he refused it , and y caused another upon his recommendation to be preferred thereunto . In the booke of Landaffe , which is called Tilo ( eyther from Teliau the second Bishop of that place , whose life is largely there described ; or rather from the place it selfe , which of old was called * Telio ) we reade that Germanus and Lupus z did consecrate chiefe Doctor over all the Britons inhabiting the right side of Britanie , S. Dubricius , being chosen Archbishop by the King and all the Diocesse : and that by the graunt of Mouric the King , the Nobilitie , Clergie , and people , they appointed his Episcopall See to bee at Landaff . that a Oudoceus , the third Bishop after him , being elected by King Mouric , and the chiefe of the Clergie and Laitie of the whole Diocesse , was by them sent to the Archibishop of Canterbury for his consecration . that b Gucaunus ( the 26 th . Bishop of that Church ) was consecrated by Dunstan Archbishop of Canterbury ; the pastorall staffe being given him in the Court by Edgar chiefe King of the English. that next after him , c in the year . 983. election being made by the Kings and the whole Clergie and people of Glamorgan , and the pastorall staffe given in the Court by Ethelred chiefe King of the English ; Bledri was consecrated by the Archbishop of Canterbury , who is there named Albricus . ( though in truth , at the yeare here assigned , Dunstan did still hold the place . ) and that after his decease in the yeare 1022. d by the election of the people and Clergie of Landaff and the Kings of the Britons ( namely King Riderch that reigned at that time through all Wales , and Hivel the substitute of the King of Glamorgan ) Ioseph was consecrated Bishop by Aelnod Archbishop of Canterbury , at the word of Cnut King of England , in whose Court the Pastorall staffe was given unto him . Here in Ireland much after the same manner , M r. Campion himselfe setteth down , that f to the Monarch was granted a negative in the nomination of Bishops at every vocation : the Clergie and Laity of the Diocesse recommending him to their King , the King to the Monarch , the Monarch to the Archbishop of Canterbury . although this last clause bee wrongly extended by him to the Bishops of the whole land , which properly belonged to the Ostmann strangers , that possessed the g three cities of Dublin , Waterford , and Limrick . For these being a Colonie of the Norwegians and Livonians , and so country-men to the Normans , when they had seene England subdued by the Conquerour , and Normans advanced to the chief archbishoprick there ; would needs now assume to themselves the name of h Normans also , and cause their Bishops to receive their consecration from no other metropolitan but the Archbishop of Canterbury . And forasmuch as they were confined within the walls of their own cities : the Bishops which they made had no other diocesse to exercise their jurisdiction in , but onely the bare circuit of those cities . Whereupon we finde a Certificate made unto Pope Innocent the third in the yeare 1216. by the Archbishop of Tuam and his suffraganes ; that i Iohn Papiron the Legate of the Church of Rome comming into Ireland , found that Dublin indeed had a Bishop , but such a one as did exercise his Episcopall office within the wals onely . The first Bishop which they had in Dublin ( as it appeareth by the Records of that Church ) was one Donatus , or Dunanus , as others call him : upon whose death , in the yeare 1074. k Gothric their King , with the consent of the Clergie and people of Dublin , chose one Patrick for their Bishop , and directed him into England to bee consecrated by Lanfranc Archbishop of Canterbury : who sent him backe with commendatory l letters aswell to the said Gothric King of the Ostmans , as to Terdeluacus the chiefe King or Monarch of the Irish. Hereupon , after the decease of this Patrick , m in the yeare 1085. the same Terdeluacus and the Bishops of Ireland joyned with the Clergie and people of Dublin , in the election of Donatus , one of Lanfrancs owne Monkes in Canterbury : who was by him there also consecrated . Then when he dyed , in the yeare 1095. his nephew Samuel , a monke of St. Albans but borne in Ireland , was n chosen Bishop in his place by Murierdach King of Ireland , and the Clergie and people of the Citie : by whose common decree he was also sent unto Anselme Archbishop of Canterbury for his consecration . Not long after , the Waterfordians , following the example of the Dublinians , erected a Bishoprick among themselves ; o and sent their new Bishop to Canterburie for his consecration . the manner of whose election the Clergie and people of Waterford in the letters which they wrote at that time unto Anselme , doe thus intimate . p We and our King Murchertach , and Dofnald the Bishop , and Dermeth our Captain the Kings brother , have made choice of this Priest Malchus , a monke of Walkeline Bishop of Winchester , the same man , without doubt , who was afterward promoted to the Bishopricke of Lismore ; so much commended by Bernard in the life of Malachias . The last Bishop of Dublin in the yeare 1122. was sent unto Anselmes next successor for his consecration : touching which I have seene this writ of King Henry the first , directed unto him : Henricus Rex Anglia , Radulpho Cantuariensi Archiepiscopo , salutem . * Mandavit mihi Rex Hiberniae per Breve suum , & Burgenses Dublinae , quòd elegerunt hunc Gregorium in Episcopum , & eum tibi mittunt consecrandum . Vndè tibi mando , ut petitioni eorum satisfaciens , ejus consecrationem sine dilatione expleas . Teste Ranulpho Cancellario apud Windelsor . Henry King of England , to Ralphe Archbishop of Canterbury , greeting . The King of Ireland hath intimated unto mee by his writ , and the Burgesses of Dublin , that they have chosen this Gregory for their Bishop , and send him unto you to be consecrated . Wherfore I wish you , that satisfying their request , you performe his consecration without delay . Witnesse Ranuph our Chancellour at Windsor . All the Burgesses of Dublin likewise , and the whole assembly of the Clergie , directed their joint letters to the Archbishop of Canterburie the same time : where in among other things they write thus . q Know you for verity , that the Bishops of Ireland have great indignation toward us , and that Bishop most of all that dwelleth at Armagh : because we will not obey their ordination , but will alwaies bee under your governement . Whereby we may see , that as the Ostmans were desirous to sever themselves from the Irish , and to bee esteemed Normans rather : so the Irish Bishops on the other side , howsoever they digested in some sort the recourse which they had to Lanfranc and Anselme ( who were two of the most famous men in their times , and with whom they themselves were desirous to hold all good correspondence ) yet could they not well brooke this continuation of their dependance upon a Metropolitan of another kingdome ; which they conceived to be somewhat derogatorie to the dignitie of their owne Primate . But this jealousie continued not long . for this same Gregorie being afterwards made Archbishop of Dublin , and the Bishopricks here settled by Iohannes Paparo : aswell they of Dublin , as the others of Waterford and Limrick ( for they also had one Patricke consecrated Bishop unto them by Theobald Archbishop of Canterbury ) did ever after that time cease to have any relation unto the See of Canterbury . And now to goe forward : as the Kings and people of this land in those elder times kept the nomination of their Archbishops and Bishops in their own hands , and depended not upon the Popes provisions that way : so doe wee not finde by any approved record of antiquitie , that any Visitations of the clergie were held here in the Popes name ; much lesse that any Indulgences were sought for by our people at his hands . For , as for the r Charter of S. Patrick , ( by some intituled , De antiquitate Avalonicâ ) wherein s Phaganus and Deruvianus are said to have purchased ten or thirtie yeares of Indulgences from Pope Eleutherius ; and St. Patrick himselfe to have procured twelve yeares in his time from Pope Celestinus : it might easily bee demonstrated ( if this were a place for it ) that it is a meere figment , devised by the Monkes of Glastenbury . Neyther doe I well know , what credit is to bee given unto that stragling sentence , which I finde ascribed unto the same authour . t If any questions doe arise in this Iland , let them bee referred to the See Apostolick . or that other decree , attributed to Auxilius , Patricius , Secundinus and Benignus . u Whensoever any cause that is very difficult , and unknown unto all the Iudges of the Scottish nations , shall arise ; it is rightly to bee referred to the See of the Archbishop of the Irish ( to wit , Patrick ) and to the examination of the Prelate thereof . But if there , by him and his wisemen , a cause of this nature cannot easily be made up : wee have decreed , it shall bee sent to the See Apostolick ; that is to say , to the chaire of the Apostle Peter , which hath the authoritie of the City of Rome . Onely this I will say , that as it is most likely , that St. Patrick had a speciall regard unto the Church of Rome , from whence he was sent for the conversion of this Iland : so if I my selfe had lived in his daies , for the resolution of a doubtful question I should as willingly have listened to the judgement of the Church of Rome , as to the determination of any Church in the whole world ; so reverend an estimation have I of the integritie of that Church , as it stood in those good daies . But that St. Patrick was of opinion , that the Church of Rome was sure ever afterward to continue in that good estate , and that there was a perpetuall priviledge annexed unto that See , that it should never erre in judgment , or that the Popes sentences were alway to bee held as infallible Oracles ; that will I never beleeve : sure I am , that my countrey-men after him were of a farre other beleefe ; who were so farre from submitting themselves in this sort to whatsoever should proceed from the See of Rome , that they oftentimes stood out against it , when they had little cause so to doe . For proofe whereof I need to seeke no further , than to those very allegations which have been lately urged for maintenance of the supremacie of the Pope and Church of Rome in this Countrey . First , M r. Coppinger commeth upon us , with this wise question . x Was not Ireland among other Countries absolved from the Pelagian heresie by the Church of Rome , as Cesar Baronius writeth ? then hee setteth downe the copie of S. Gregories y epistle , in answer unto the Irish Bishops that submitted themselves unto him . and concludeth in the end , that the Bishops of Ireland being infected with the Pelagian errour , sought absolution first of Pelagius the Pope : but the same was not effectually done , untill S. Gregory did it . But in all this , hee doth nothing else but bewray his owne ignorance . For neyther can hee shew it in Cesar Baronius or in any other author whatsoever , that the Irish Bishops did ever seeke absolution from Pope Pelagius ; or that the one had to deale in any businesse at all with the other . Neyther yet can hee shew that ever they had to doe with Saint Gregory in any matter that did concerne the Pelagian heresie . for these bee dreames of Coppingers owne idle head . The epistle of S. Gregory dealeth onely with the controversie of the three chapters , which were condemned by the fifth generall Councell ; whereof Baronius writeth thus . z All the Bishops that were in Ireland , with most earnest study , rose up jointly for the defence of the Three Chapters . And when they perceived that the Church of Rome did both receive the condemnation of the Three Chapters , and strengthen the fifth Synod with her consent : they departed from her , and clave to the rest of the schismatickes , that were eyther in Italy , or in Africke , or in other countries , animated with that vaine confidence , that they did stand for the Catholicke faith , while they defended those things that were concluded in the Councell of Chalcedon . a And so much the more fixedly ( saith he ) did they cleave to their error , because whatsoever Italy did suffer by commotions of warre , by famine or pestilence , all these unhappy things they thought did therefore befall unto it , because it had undertaken to fight for the fifth Synod against the Councell of Chalcedon . Thus farre Baronius : out of whose narration this may bee collected , that the Bishops of Ireland did not take all the resolutions of the Church of Rome for undoubted oracles ; but when they thought that they had better reason on their sides , they preferred the judgement of other Churches before it . Wherein how peremptory they were , when they wrote unto St. Gregory of the matter ; may easily be perceived by these parcels of the answer , which hee returned unto their letters . b The first entry of your epistle hath notified , that you suffer a grievous perfecution● which persecution indeed , when it is not sustained for a reasonable cause , doth profit nothing unto salvation . and c therefore it is very unfit , that you should glory of that persecution , as you call it , by which it is certaine you cannot be promoted to everlasting rewards . d And whereas you write , that since that time among other provinces Italy hath beene most afflicted ; you ought not to object that unto it as a reproach : because it is written : Whom the Lord loveth he chasteneth , and scourgeth every sonne that he receiveth . Then having spoken of the booke that Pope Pelagius did write of this controversie ( which indeed was penned by Gregory himselfe ) hee addeth . e If after the reading of this booke , you will persist in that deliberation , wherein now you are ; without doubt you shew , that you give your selves to bee ruled not by reason , but by obstinacie . By all which you may see , what credit is to be given unto the man , who would beare us in hand , that this epistle of St. Gregory was sent as an answer unto the Bishops of Ireland , that did submit themselves unto him : whereas ( to say nothing of the f copies , wherein this epistle is noted to have beene written to the Bishops of Iberiâ , and not , in Hiberniâ ) the least argument of any submission doth not appeare in any part of that epistle ; but the whole course of it doth cleerly manifest the flat contrary . In the next place steppeth forth Osullevan Beare ; who in his Catholick history of Ireland , would have us take knowledge of this , that g when the Irish Doctors did not agree together upon great questions of Faith , or did heare of any new doctrine brought from abroad , they were wont to consult with the Bishop of Rome the Oracle of truth . That they consulted with the Bishop of Rome , when difficult questions did arise , wee easily grant : but that they thought they were bound in conscience to stand to his judgement , whatsoever it should bee , and to entertaine all his resolutions as certaine Oracles of truth ; is the point that wee would faine see proved . For this hee telleth us , that h when questions and disputations did arise here concerning the time of Easter and the Pelagian heresie ; the Doctors of Ireland referred the matter unto the See Apostolicke . Whereupon , the errour of Pelagius is reported to have found no patron or maintainer in Ireland : and the common course of celebrating Easter was embraced both by the Northren Irish , and by the Picts and Britons , as soon as they understood the rite of the Romane Church . Which ( saith hee ) doth not obscurely appeare by the two heads of the Apostolicke letters , related by Bede , lib. 2. cap. 19. But that those Apostolick letters ( as he calleth them ) had that successe which hee talketh of , appeareth neither plainly nor obscurely by Bede , or any other authority whatsoever . The errour of Pelagius , saith he , is reported to have found no patron or maintainer in Ireland . But who is he that reporteth so , beside Philip Osullevan ? a worthy author to ground a report of antiquity upon : who in relating the matters that fell out in his owne time , discovereth himselfe to bee as egregious a lyar , as any ( I verily thinke ) that this day breatheth in Christendome . The Apostolicke letters he speaketh of , were written ( as before hath bin touched ) in the yeere of our Lord DCXXXIX . during the vacancie of the Romane See , upon the death of Severinus . Our Countryman Kilianus repayred to Rome 47. yeeres after that , and was ordained Bishop there by Pope Conon in the yeere DCLXXXVI . The reason of his comming thither , is thus laid downe by Egilwardus or who ever else was the author of his life . i For Ireland had beene of old defiled with the Pelagian heresie , and condemned by the Apostolicall censure , which could not bee loosed but by the Romane judgement . If this be true : then that is false which Osullevan reporteth of the effect of his Apostolicall Epistle , that it did so presently quash the Pelagian heresie , as it durst not once peepe up within this Iland . CHAP. IX . Of the controversie which the Britons , Picts , and Irish maintained against the Church of Rome , touching the celebration of Easter . THe difference betwixt the Romanes and the Irish in the celebration of Easter , consisted in this . The Romanes kept the memoriall of our Lords resurrection upon that Sunday , which fell betwixt the XV. and the XXI . day of the Moone ( both termes included ) next after the XXI . day of March ; which they accounted to bee the seat of the Vernall aequinoctium , that is to say , that time of the Spring wherein the day and the night were of equall length . and in reckoning the age of the Moone they followed the Alexandrian cycle of XIX . yeeres ( whence our golden number had his originall ) as it was explained unto them by Dionysius Exiguus : which is the account that is still observed , not onely in the Church of England , but also among all the Christians of Greece , Russia , Asia , Aegypt , and Aethiopia ; and was ( since the time that I my selfe was borne ) generally received in all Christendome , untill the late change of the Kalendar was made by Pope Gregory the XIII th . The Northren Irish and Scottish , together with the Picts , observed the custome of the Britons : a keeping their Easter upon the Sunday that fell betwixt the XIIII . and the XX. day of the Moone ; and following in their account thereof , not the XIX . yeeres computation of Anatolius , b but Sulpicius Severus his circle of LXXXIIII . yeeres . for howsoever they extolled Anatolius c for appointing ( as they supposed ) the bounds of Easter betwixt the XIIII . and the XX. day of the Moone , yet Wilfride in the Synod of Strenshal chargeth them utterly to have rejected his cycle of XIX . yeeres : from which therefore Cummianus draweth an argument against them ; that d they can never come to the true account of Easter , who observe the cycle of LXXXIIII . yeeres . To reduce the Irish unto conformity with the Church of Rome in this point , Pope Honorius ( the first of that name ) directed his letters unto them : e Exhortintg them , that they would not esteeme their own paucity , seated in the utmost borders of the earth , more wise than the ancient or moderne Churches of Christ through the whole world ; and that they would not celebrate another Easter contrary to the Paschall computations , and the Synodall decrees of the Bishops of the whole world . and shortly after , the Clergie of Rome ( as wee have said ) upon the death of Severinus , wrote other letters unto them to the same effect . Now where Osullevan avoucheth , that the common custome used by the Church in celebrating the feast of the Lords resurrection was alwaies observed by the Southerne Irish ; and now embraced also by the Northren , together with the Picts and Britons ( who received the faith from Irish Doctors ) when they had knowledge given them of the rite of the Church of Rome : in all this ( according to his common wont ) he speaketh never a true word . For neyther did the Southerne Irish alwayes observe the celebration of Easter commonly received abroad : neyther did the Northren Irish , nor the Picts , nor the Britons , many yeeres after this admonition given by the Church of Rome , admit that observation among them . to speake nothing of his folly in saying , that the Britons received the faith from the Irish : when the contrary is so well knowne , that the Irish rather received the same from the * Britons . That the common custome of celebrating the time of Easter was not alwaies observed by the Southerne Irish , may appeare by those words of Bede , in the third booke of his history and the third chapter . Porrò gentes Scottorum , quae in australibus Hiberniae insulae partibus morabantur , jamdudum ad admonitionem Apostolicae sedis antistitis Paschacanonico ritu observare didicerunt . For if ( as this place cleerly proveth ) the nations of the Scots , that dwelt in the Southern parts of Ireland , did learne to observe Easter after the canonicall manner , upon the admonition of the Bishop of Rome : it is evident , that before that admonition they did observe it after another manner . The word jamdudum , which Bede here useth , is taken among authors oftentimes in contrary senses : either to signifie a great while since , or else , but lately , or erewhile , In the former sense it must bee here taken , if it have relation to the time wherein Bede did write his book : and in the latter also it may be taken , if it be referred to the time whereof he treateth , ( which is the more likely opinion ) namely to the comming of Bishop Aidan into England ; which fell out about halfe a yeere , after that Honorius had sent his admonitorie letters to the Irish. who , as hee was the first Bishop of Rome we can reade of , that admonished them to reforme their rite of keeping the time of Easter : so that the Irish also much about the same time conformed themselves herein to the Romane usage , may thus be manifested . When Bishop Aidan came into England from the Iland Hy , now called Y-Columkille ; f the Colledge of Monkes there was governed by Segenius , who in the g inscription of the epistle of the clergie of Rome sent unto the Irish , is called Segianus . Now there is yet extant in Sir Robert Cottons worthy Librarie , an epistle of Cummianus directed to this Segienus ( for so is his name there written ) Abbot of Y-Columkille ▪ wherein he plainly declareth , that the great cycle of DXXXII . yeeres , and the Romane use of celebrating the time of Easter according to the same , was then newly brought in into this country . h For the first yeere ( saith he ) wherein the cycle of DXXXII . yeeres began to bee observed by our men ; I received it not , but held my peace , daring neither to commend it nor to dispraise it . That yeere being past , he saith he consulted with his ancients ; who were the successors of Bishop Ailbeus , Queranus Coloniensis , Brendinus , Nessanus and Lugidus . who being gathered together in Campo-lene , concluded to celebrate Easter the yeere following together with the universall Church . i But not long after ( saith hee ) there arose up a certaine whited wall , pretending to keepe the tradition of the Elders ; which did not make both one , but divided them , and made voide in part that which was promised : whom the Lord ( as I hope ) will smite , in whatsoever manner he pleaseth . To this argument drawne from the tradition of the elders , hee maketh answer : that k they did simply and faithfully observe that which they knew to bee best in their dayes , without the fault of any contradiction or animosity , and did so recommend it to their posterity . and opposeth thereunto n the unanimous rule of the Vniversall Catholicke Church : deeming this to be a very harsh conclusion . o Rome erreth , Ierusalem erreth , Alexandria erreth , Antioch erreth , the whole world erreth : the Scottish onely and the Britons doe alone hold the right . but especially hee urgeth the authority of the first of these Patriarchicall Sees , which now ( since the advancement thereof by the Emperour Phocas ) began to bee admired by the inhabitants of the earth , as the place which God had chosen ; whereunto , if greater causes did arise , recourse was to bee had , according to the Synodicall decree , as unto the head of cities . and therefore he saith , that they sent some unto Rome : who returning backe in the third yeere , informed them , that they met there with a Grecian , and an Hebrew , and a Scythian , and an Aegyptian in one lodging ; and that they all , and the whole world too , did keep their Easter at the same time , when the Irish were dis-joyned from them by the space of a whole * moneth . p And wee have proved ( saith Cummianus ) that the vertue of God was in the relicks of the holy Martyrs , and the Scriptures which they brought with them . For we saw with our eyes , a mayde altogether blinde opening her eyes at these relickes , and a man sicke of the palsie walking , and many divels cast out . Thus farre he . The Northren Irish and Albanian Scottish on the other side , made little reckoning of the authority , either of the Bishop or of the Church of Rome . And therefore Bede , speaking of Oswy king of Northumberland , saith that q notwithstanding he was brought up by the Scottish , yet he understood that the Roman was the Catholike and Apostolike Church ( or , that the Roman Church was Catholike and Apostolike ) intimating therby , that the Scottish , among whom he received his education , were of another minde . And long before that , Laurentius , Mellitus and Iustus ( who were sent into England by Pope Gregory to assist Austin ) in a letter which they sent unto the Scots that did inhabite Ireland ( so Bede writeth ) complained of the distaste given unto them by their country-men , in this manner . r Wee knew the Britons , wee thought that the Scots were better than they . But wee learned by Bishop Daganus comming into this Iland , and Abbot Columbanus comming into France ; that the Scots did differ nothing from the Britons in their conversation . For Daganus the Bishop comming unto us , would not take meate with us , no not so much as in the same lodging wherein we did eate . And as for miracles , wee finde them as rife among them that were opposite to the Romane tradition , as upon the other side . If you doubt it , reade what Bede hath written of Bishop Aidan ( s who of what merit hee was , the inward Iudge hath taught , even by the tokens of miracles ; saith hee ) and Adamnanus of the life of S. Colme or Columkille . Whereupon Bishop Colman in the Synod at Strenshal frameth this conclusion . t Is it to be beleeved , that Colme our most reverend father , and his successors , men beloved of God , which observed Easter in the same manner that wee doe , did hold or doe that which was contrary to the holy Scriptures ? seeing there were very many among them , to whose heavenly holinesse the signes and miracles which they did , bare testimony : whom nothing doubting to bee Saints , I desist not to follow evermore their life , maners , and discipline . What Wilfride replied to this , may be seene in Bede : that which I much wonder at , among the many wonderfull things related of St. Colme by Adamnanus , is this ▪ that where hee saith , that this Saint , during the time of his abode in the abbay of Clone ( now called Clonmacnosh ) did u by the revelation of the holy Ghost prophesie of that discord , which after many dayes arose among the Churches of Scotland ( or Ireland ) for the diversity of the feast of Easter : yet hee telleth us not , that the holy Ghost revealed unto him , that he himselfe ( whose example animated his followers to stand more stiffely herein against the Romane rite ) was in the wrong , and ought to conforme his judgment to the tradition of the Churches abroad . as if the holy Ghost did not much care , whether of both sides should carry the matter away in this controversie : for which ( if you please ) you shall heare a very pretty tale out of an old Legend , concerning this same discord whereof S. Colme is said to have prophesied . x Vpon a certaine time ( saith my Author ) there was a great Councell of the people of Ireland in the white field : among whom there was contention about the order of Easter . For Lasreanus , the abbot of the monasterie of Leighlin , unto whom there were subject a thousand & five hundred monkes , defended the new order that lately came from Rome : but others defended the old . This Lasreanus or Lazerianus is the man , who in other Legends ( of no other credit than this we now have in hand ) is reported to have been the Bishop of Romes Legate in Ireland ; and is commonly accounted to have beene the first Bishop of the Church of Leighlin . His principall antagonist at this meeting was one Munna , founder of the monasterie which from his was called Teach-munna , that is , the house of Munna ( in the Bishoprick of Meath : ) who would needs bring this question to the same kinde of triall here , that Austin the monke is said to have done in England . In defence of the Roman order , Bede telleth us that Austin made this motion to the Brittish Bishops , for a finall conclusion of the businesse . y Let us beseech God , which maketh men to dwell of one mind together in their fathers house ; that hee will vouchsafe by some heavenly signes to make knowne unto us , what tradition is to be followed , and by what way wee may hasten to the entry of his kingdome . Let some sicke man be brought hither ; and by whose prayers he shall bee cured , let his faith and working be beleeved to be acceptable unto God , and to bee followed by all men . Now Munna , who stood in defence of the order formerly used by the British and Irish , maketh a more liberall proffer in this kinde , and leaveth Lasreanus to his choyce . z Let us dispute briefly ( saith he ) but in the name of God let us give judgement . Three things are given to thy choyce , Lasreanus . Two bookes shall be cast into the fire , a booke of the old order and of the new ; that we may see whether of them both shall be freed from the fire . Or let two Monkes , one of mine and another of thine , be shut up into one house : and let the house be burnt , and wee shall see which of them will escape untouched of the fire . Or let us goe unto the grave of a just Monke that is dead , and raise him up againe : and let him tell us , after what order wee ought to celebrate Easter this yeare . But Lasreanus being wiser than so , refused to put so great a matter to that hazzard : and therefore returned this grave answer unto Munna ; if all be true that is in the Legend . a We will not goe unto thy judgement : because we know that , for the greatnesse of thy labour and holinesse , if thou shouldest bid that mount Marge should bee changed into the place of the White field , and the White field into the place of mount Marge ; God would presently doe this for thy sake . So prodigall doe some make God to be of miracles , and in a manner carelesse how they should fall ; as if in the dispensing of them , he did respect the gracing of persons rather than of causes . In what yeare this Councel of the White field was held , is not certainely knowne : nor yet whether S. Munna be that whited wall , of whom wee heard Cummianus complaine . The Synod of Strenshal ( before mentioned ) was assembled long after , at Whitby ( called by the Saxons Streanesheale ) in Yorkeshire , the b yeare of our Lord DCLXIIII . for the decision of the same question . Concerning which , in the life of Wilfrid ( written by one Aeddi an acquaintance of his , surnamed Stephen ; at the commandement of Acca , who in the time of Bede was Bishop of Hangustald or Hexham , in Northumberland ) we reade thus . c Vpon a certaine time in the daies of Colman metropolitan Bishop of the citie of Yorke , Oswi and Alhfrid his sonne being Kings ; the Abbots and Priests and all the degrees of Ecclesiasticall orders meeting together at the monastery which is called Streaneshel , in the presence of Hilde the most godly mother of that abbey , in presence also of the Kings and the two Bishops Colman and Aegelberht , inquiry was made touching the observation of Easter , what was most right to bee held : whether Easter should bee kept according to the custome of the Brittous and the Scots and all the Northren part , upon the Lords day that came from the XIIII . day of the Moone untill the XX. or whether it were better , that Easter Sunday should bee celebrated from the XV. day of the Moone untill the XXI . after the manner of the See Apostolick . Time was given unto Bishop Colman in the first place , as it was fit , to deliver his reason in the audience of all . Who with an undaunted minde made his answer , and said . Our fathers and their predecessors , who were manifestly inspired by the holy Ghost , as Columkille was , did ordaine that Easter should be celebrated upon the Lords day that fell upon the XIIII . Moone ; following the example of Iohn the Apostle and Evangelist , who leaned upon the breast of our Lord at his last Supper , and was called the lover of the Lord. Hee celebrated Easter upon the XIIII . day of the Moone : and wee with the same confidence celebrate the same , as his Disciples Polycarpus and others did ; neyther dare wee for our parts , neyther will wee change this . Bede relateth his speech thus . d This Easter which I use to observe , I received from my elders , who did send me Bishop hither : which all our fathers , men beloved of God , are knowne to have celebrated after the same manner . Which that it may not seeme unto any to bee contemned and rejected : it is the same which the blessed Evangelist Iohn , the disciple specially beloved by our Lord , with all the Churches whech he did oversee , is read to have celebrated . Fridegodus a who wrote the life of Wilfrid at the command of Odo Archbishop of Canterbury ) expresseth the same Verse , after this manner . e Nos seriem patriam , non frivola scripta tenemus , Discipulo * eusebit Polycarpo dante Iohannis . Ille etenim bis septenae sub tempore Phoebae Sanctum praefixit nobis fore Pascha colendum , Atque nefas dixit , si quis contraria sentit . On the contrary side Wilfrid objected unto Colman and his Clerkes of Ireland ; that they with their complices , the Pictes and the Brittons , f out of the two utmost Iles , and those not whole neyther , did with a foolish labour fight against the whole world . g And if that Columb of yours ( saith he ) yea and ours also if hee were Christs , was holy and powerfull in vertues : could hee bee preferred before the most blessed Prince of the Apostles ? unto whom the Lord said : Thou art Peter , and upon this rocke will I build my Church , and the gates of hell shall not prevaile against it ; and I will give unto thee the keyes of the kingdome of heaven . Which last words wrought much upon the simplicitie of King Oswy ; who feared , that h when hee should come to the doores of the kingdome of heaven , there would bee none to open , if hee were displeased who was proved to keepe the keyes : but prevailed nothing with Bishop Colman ; who i for the feare of his countrey ( as Stephen in the life of Wilfrid writeth ) contemned the tonsure and the observation of Easter used by the Romanes ; and k taking with him such as would follow him , that is to say , such as would not receive the Catholike Easter and the tonsure of the crown ( for of that also there was then no small question ) returned back againe into Scotland . CHAP. X. Of the height that the opposition betwixt the Romane party and that of the Brittish and Scottish grew unto ; and the abatement thereof in time : and how the Doctors of the Scottish and Irish side have beene ever accounted most eminent men in the Catholike Church , notwithstanding their dis-union from the Bishop of Rome . IN Colmans roome Wilfrid was chosen Archbishop of Yorke : who had learned at Rome from Archdeacon Boniface , a the course of Easter , which the schismaticks of Brittaine and Ireland did not know ( so goe the words of Stephen , the ancient writer of his life : ) and afterward did brag , b that hee was the first which did teach the true Easter in Northumberland ( having cast out the Scots ) which did ordaine the Ecclesiasticall songs to bee parted on sides , and which did command S. Benets rule to be observed by Monkes . But when he was named to the Archbishopricke , c he refused it at the first ( as William of Malmesbury relateth ) lest he should receive his consecration from the Scottish Bishops , or from such as the Scots had ordained , whose communion the Apostolike See had rejected . The speech which he used to this purpose , unto the Kings that had chosen him , is thus laid downe by Stephen the writer of his life . d O my honourable Lords the Kings ; it is necessary for us by all meanes providently to consider , how with your election I may ( by the helpe of God ) come to the degree of a Bishop , without the accusation of catholike men . For there be many Bishops here in Brittaine , none of whom it is my part to accuse , ordained within these foureteene yeares by the Brittons and Scots , whom neyther the See Apostolicke hath received into her communion , nor yet such as consent with the sch●smaticks . And therefore in my humility I request of you , that you would send me with your warrant beyond the Sea , into the countrey of France , where many Catholike Bishops are to be had ; that without any controversie of the Apostolike See I may be counted meet , though unworthy , to receive the degree of a Bishop . While e Wilfrid protracted time beyond the Seas , King Oswy ledde by the advice of the Quartadecimans ( so they injuriously nicknamed the Brittish and Irish , that did celebrate Easter from the fourteenth to the twentieth day of the moone ) appointed f a most religious servant of God and an admirable Doctor that came from Ireland , named Ceadda , to be ordained Bishop of Yorke in his roome . Constituunt etenim perverso canone Coeddam , Moribus acclinem , doctrinae robore fortem , Praesulis eximij servare cubilia : sicque Audacter vivo sponsam rapuere marito , saith Fridegodus . This Ceadda , being the scholler of Bishop Aidan , was far otherwise affected to the Brittish and Irish than Wilfrid was : and therefore was content to receive his ordination from g Wini Bishop of the West-Saxons , and tow other Brittish Bishops that were of the Quartadeciman partie . For at that time ( as Bede noteth ) there was not in all Brittaine any Bishop canonically ordained ( that is to say , by such as were of the communion of the Church of Rome ) except that Wini only . But shortly after , the opposition betwixt these two sides grew to be so great , that our Cuthbert ( Bishop of Lindisfarne ) upon his death-bed required his followers ; that they should h hold no communion with them which did swerve from the unity of the Catholicke peace , eyther by not celebrating Easter in his due time , or by living perversly : and that they should rather take up his bones and remove their place of habitation , than any way condescend to submit their neckes unto the yoke of schismatickes . For the further maintaining of which breach also , there were certaine decrees made both by the Romanes , and by the Saxons that were guided by their institution . One of the instructions that the Romans gave them , was this : i You must beware , that causes bee not referred to other Provinces or Churches , which use another manner and another religion : whether to the Iewes , which doe serve the shadow of the Law rather than the truth ▪ or to the Britons , who are contrary unto all men , and have cut themselves off from the Romane manner , and the unitie of the Church ; or to Heretickes , although they should bee learned in Ecclesiasticall causes , and well studied . And among the decrees made by some of the Saxon Bishops ( which were to bee seene in the Library of Sir Thomas Knevet in Northfolke , and are still , I suppose , preserved there by his heire ) this is laid downe for one . k Such as have received ordination from the Bishops of the Scots or Brittaines , who in the matter of Easter and Tonsure are not united unto the Catholicke Church , let them bee againe by imposition of hands confirmed by a Catholicke Bishop . In like manner also let the Churches that have beene ordered by those Bishops , be sprinkled with exorcized water , and confirmed with some service . Wee have no licence also to give unto them Chrisme or the Eucharist , when they require it ; unlesse they doe first professe , that they will remaine with us in the unity of the Church . And such likewise as eyther of their nation , or of any other , shall doubt of their baptism , let them be baptized . Thus did they . On the other side , how averse the Brittish and the Irish were from having any communion with those of the Romane party ; the l complaint of Laurentius , Mellitus , and Iustus before specified , doth sufficiently manifest . And the answer is well knowne , which * the seven Brittish Bishops , and many other most learned men of the same nation , did return unto the propositions made unto them by Austin the Monk ( who was sent unto their parts with authority from Rome : ) that m they would perform none of them , nor at all adneit him for their Archbishop . The Welsh Chroniclers do further relate , that Dinot the Abbot of Bangor produced diverse arguments at that time , to shew that they did owe him no subjection : and this among others . n Wee are under the government of the Bishop of Kaer-leon upon Vske , who under God is to oversee us , and cause us to keepe the way spirituall . and Gotcelinus Bertinianus in the life of Austin : o that for the authority of their ceremonies they did alledge , that they were not onely delivered unto them by Saint Eleutherius the Pope their first instructer at the first infancie almost of the Church , but also hitherto observed by their holy fathers who were the friends of God and followers of the Apostles : and therefore they ought not to change them for any new dogmatists . But above all others , the Brittish Priests that dwelt in West-wales abhorred the communion of these new dogmatists above all measure : as Aldhelme Abbot of Malmesbury declareth at large in his Epistle sent to Geruntius King of Cornwall . where among many other particulars hee sheweth , that p if any of the Catholickes ( for so he calleth those of his owne side ) did goe to dwell among them ; they would not vouchsafe to admit them unto their company and society , before they first put them to forty dayes penance . Yea , q even to this day ( saith Bede , who wrote his history in the yeere DCCXXXI . ) it is the manner of the Brittons , to hold the faith and the religion of the English in no account at all , nor to communicate with them in any thing more than with Pagans . Whereunto those Verses of Taliessyn ( honoured by the Britons with the title of Ben Beirdh , that is , the chiefe of the Bardes or Wisemen ) may bee added : ( which shew , that hee wrote after the comming of Austin into England , and not 50. or 60. yeeres before , as others have imagined . ) * Gwae'r offeiriad byd Nys engreifftia gwyd Ac ny phregetha : Gwae ny cheidw ey gail Ac ef yn vigail , Ac nys areilia : Gwae ny cheidw ey dheuaid Rhac bleidhie , Rhufeniaid A'iffon gnwppa . Wo be to that Priest yborne , That will not cleanly weed his corne And preach his charge among : Wo be to that shepheard ( I say ) That will not watch his fold alway , As to his office doth belong : Wo be to him that doth not keepe From Romish wolves his sheepe With staffe and weapon strong . As also those others of Mantuan ; which shew that some tooke the boldnesse to taxe the Romans of folly , impudencie , and stolidity , for standing so much upon matters of humane institution , that for the not admitting of them they would breake peace there , where the Law of God and the Doctrine first delivered by Christ and his Apostles was safely kept and maintained . r Adde quod & patres ausi taxare Latinos ; Causabantur eos stultè , imprudenter , & aequo Duriùs , ad ritum Romae voluisse Britannos Cogere , & antiquum tam praecipitanter amorem Tam stolido temerâsse ausu . Concedere Roma Debuit , aiebant , potiùs quàm rumpere pacem Humani quae juris erant ; modò salva maneret Lex divina , fides , Christi doctrina , Senatus Quam primus tulit ore suo ; quia tradita ab ipso Christo erat , humanae doctore & lumine vitae . By all that hath been said , the vanity of Osullevan may be seene , who feigneth the Northren Irish , together with the Picts and the Britons , to have beene so obsequious unto the Bishop of Rome ; that they reformed the celebration of Easter by them formerly used , as soone as they understood what the rite of the Romane Church was . Whereas it is knowne , that after the declaration thereof made by Pope Honorius and the Clergie of Rome ; the Northren Irish were nothing moved therewith , but continued still their owne tradition . And therfore Bede findeth no other excuse for Bishop Aidan herein ; but that s eyther hee was ignorant of the canonicall time , or if he knew it , that he was so overcome with the authority of his owne nation , that he did not follow it : that he did it , t after the manner of his owne nation ; and that u hee could not keepe Easter contrary to the custome of them which had sent him . His successor Finan x contended more fiercely in the businesse with Ronan his countryman ; and declared himselfe an open adversary to the Romane rite . Colman that succeeded him , did tread just in his steps : so farre , that being put downe in the Synod of Streanshal , yet for feare of his country ( as before we have heard out of Stephen , the writer of the life of Wilfrid ) he refused to conforme himselfe ; and chose rather to forgoe his Bishoprick , than to submit himselfe unto the Romane lawes , Colmanusque suas inglorius abjicit arces , Malens Ausonias victus dissolvere leges : saith Fridegodus . Neither did hee goe away alone : but y tooke with him all his countrymen that he had gathered together in Lindisfarne or Holy Iland : the Scottish monks also that were at Rippon ( in Yorkshire ) z making choice rather to quit their place , than to admit the observation of Easter and the rest of the rites according to the custome of the Church of Rome . And so did the matter rest among the Irish about forty yeeres after that : untill their own countryman a Adamnanus perswaded most of them to yeeld to the custome received herein by all the Churches abroad . The Picts did the like not long after , under King Naitan : who b by his regall authority commanded Easter to be observed throughout all his provinces according to the cycle of XIX . yeeres ( abolishing the erroneous period of LXXXIIII . yeeres which before they used ) and caused all Priests and Monkes to bee shorne croune-wise , after the Romane manner . The monkes also of the Iland of Hy or Y-Columkille , c by the perswasion of Ecgbert ( an English Priest , that had been bred in Ireland ) in the yeere of our Lord DCCXVI . forsooke the observation of Easter and the Tonsure which they had received from Columkille a hundred and fiftie yeeres before , and followed the Romane rite ; about LXXX . yeeres after the time of Pope Honorius , and the sending of Bishop Aidan from thence into England . The Britons in the time of d Bede retained still their old usage : untill e Elbodus ( who was the chiefe Bishop of Northwales , and dyed in the yeere of our Lord DCCCIX . as Caradoc of Lhancarvan recordeth ) brought in the Romane observation of Easter . which is the cause , why f his disciple Nennius , designeth the time wherein he wrote his history , by the character of the g XIX . yeeres cycle , and not of the other of LXXXIV . But howsoever North-wales did ; it is very probable that West-wales ( which of all other parts was most eagerly bent against the traditions of the Romane Church ) stood out yet longer . For we finde in the Greeke writers of the life of Chrysostome , that certaine Clergie men which dwelt in the Iles of the Ocean , repaired from the utmost borders of the habitable world unto Constantinople , in the dayes of Methodius ( who was Patriarch there , from the yeer DCCCXLII . to the yeere DCCCXLVII . ) to enquire of h certaine Ecclesiasticall traditions , and the perfect and exact computation of Easter . Whereby it appeareth , that these questions were kept still a foot in these Ilands ; and that the resolution of the Bishop of Constantinople was sought for from hence , as well as the determination of the Bishop of Rome , who is now made the only Oracle of the world . Neither is it here to be omitted , that whatsoever broyles did passe betwixt our Irish that were not subject to the See of Rome , and those others that were of the Romane communion : in the succeeding ages , they of the one side were esteemed to be Saints , as well as they of the other ; Aidan for example and Finan , who were counted ringleaders of the Quartadeeiman party , as well as Wilfrid and Cuthbert , who were so violent against it . Yet now adayes men are made to beleeve , that out of the communion of the Church of Rome nothing but Hell can bee looked for ; and that subjection to the Bishop of Rome , as to the visible Head of the Universall Church , is required as a matter necessary to salvation . Which if it may goe currant for good Divinity : the case is like to goe hard , not onely , with the i twelve hundred British Monkes of Bangor , who were martyred in one day by Edelfride king of Northumberland ( whom our Annals style by the name of k the Saints ; ) but also with St. Aidan and St. Finan , who deserve to bee honoured by the English nation with as venerable a remembrance , as ( I doe not say , Wilfrid and Cuthbert ; but ) Austin the Monke and his followers . For by the ministery of l Aidan was the kingdome of Northumberland recovered from paganisme : ( whereunto belonged then , beside the shire of Northumberland and the lands beyond it unto Edenborrow , Frith , Cumberland also and Westmorland , Lancashire , Yorkshire , and the Bishopricke of Durham : ) and by the meanes of m Finan , not onely the Kingdome of the East-Saxons ( which contained Essex , Middlesex , and halfe of Hertfordshire ) regained , but also the large Kingdome of Mercia converted first unto Christianity ; which comprehended underit , Glocestershire , Herefordshire , Worcestershire , Warwickshire , Leicestershire , Rutlandshire , Northamptonshire , Lincolneshire , Huntingtonshire , Bedfordshire , Buckinghamshire , Oxfordshire , Staffordshire , Darbyshire , Shropshire , Nottinghamshire , Chesshire , and the other halfe of Hertfordshire . The Scottish that professed no subjection to the Church of Rome , were they , that sent preachers for the conversion of these countries ; and ordained Bishops to governe them : namely , n Aidan , Finan and Colman successively for the kingdome of Northumberland ; o for the East-Saxons , Cedd brother to Ceadda the Bishop of Yorke before mentioned , p for the Middle-Angles ( which inhabited Leicestershire ) and the Mercians , Diuma ( for q the paucity of Priests , saith Bede , constrained one Bishop to bee appointed over two people ) and after him Cellach and Trumhere . And these with their followers , notwithstanding their division from the See of Rome , were for r their extraordinary sanctity of life and painfulnesse in preaching the Gospel ( wherein they went farre beyond those of the other side , that afterward thrust them out and entred in upon their labours ) exceedingly reverenced by all that knew them : Aidan especially , who s although hee could not keepe Easter ( saith Bede ) contrary to the manner of them which had sent him ; yet he was carefull diligently to performe the workes of faith and godlinesse , and love , according to the manner used by all holy men . Whereupon hee was worthily beloved of all , even of them also who thought otherwise of Easter than he did : and was had in reverence not only by them that were of meaner ranke , but also by the Bishops themselves , Honorius of Canterbury , and Felix of the East-Angles . Neither did Honorius and Felix any other way carry themselves herein , than their predecessors Laurentius , Mellitus & Iustus had done before them : who writing unto the Bishops of Ireland , that dissented from the Church of Rome in the celebration of Easter and many other things ; made no scruple to prefixe this loving and respectfull superscription to their letters . t To our Lords and most deare brethren , the Bishops or Abbots throughout all Scotland ; Laurentius , Mellitus and Iustus Bishops , the servants of the servants of God. For howsoever Ireland at that time u received not the same lawes wherewith other nations were governed : yet it so flourished in the vigour of Christian doctrine , ( as Abbot Ionas testifieth ) that it exceeded the faith of all the neighbour nations ; and in that respect was generally had in honour by them . CHAP. XI Of the temporall power , which the Popes followers would directly intitle him unto over the Kingdome of Ireland : together with the indirect power which he challengeth in absolving subjects from the obedience which they owe to their temporall Governours . IT now remaineth that in the last place wee should consider the Popes power in disposing the temporall state of this Kingdome : which eyther directly or indirectly , by hooke or by crooke , this grand Usurper would draw unto himselfe . First therefore Cardinall Allen would have us to know , that c the Sea Apostolike hath an old claime unto the soveraigntie of the countrey of Ireland ; and that before the Covenants passed betweene King Iohn and the same Sea. Which challenges ( saith he ) Princes commonly yeeld not up , by what ground soever they come . What Princes use to yeeld or not yeeld , I leave to the scanning of those , unto whom Princes matters doe belong : for the Cardinals Prince I dare be bold to say , that if it bee not his use to play fast and loose with other Princes , the matter is not now to doe ; whatsoever right he could pretend to the temporall state of Ireland , hee hath transferred it ( more than once ) unto the Kings of England . and when the ground of his claime shall be looked into ; it will bee found so frivolous and so ridiculous , that we need not care three chippes , whether he yeeld it up or keep it to himselfe . For whatsoever become of his idle challenges : the Crowne of England hath otherwise obtained an undoubted right unto the soveraigntie of this countrey ; partly by Conquest , prosecuted at first upon occasion of a Sociall warre , partly by the severall submissions of the chiefetaines of the land made afterwards . For d wheras it is it free for all men , although they have been formerly quitt from all subjection , to renounce their owne right : yet now in these our daies ( saith Giraldus Cambrensis , in his historie of the Conquest of Ireland ) all the Princes of Ireland did voluntarily submitt , and binde themselves with firme bonds of faith and oath , unto Henry the second King of England . The like might be said of the generall submissions made in the dayes of King Richard the second and King Henry the eighth : to speake nothing of the prescription of divers hundreds of yeares possession ; which was the plea that e Iephte used to the Ammonites , and is indeed the best evidence that the Bishop of Romes own f Proctors do produce for their Masters right to Rome it selfe . For the Popes direct dominion over Ireland , two titles are brought forth ; beside those covenants of King Iohn ( mentioned by Allen ) which hee that hath any understanding in our state , knoweth to be clearly voide and worth nothing . The one is taken from a speciall grant supposed to bee made by the inhabitants of the countrey , at the time of their first conversion unto Christianitie : the other from a right which g the Pope challengeth unto himselfe over all Ilands in generall . The former of these was devised of late by an Italian , in the reigne of King Henry the eighth ; the later was found out in the daies of King Henry the second : before whose time not one footestep doth appeare in all antiquitie of any claime that the Bishop of Rome should make to the dominion of Ireland ; no not in the Popes owne records , which have beene curiously searched by Nicolaus Arragonius , and other ministers of his , who have purposely written of the particulars of his temporall estate . The Italian of whom I spake , is Polydore Vergil ; he that composed the booke De inventoribus rerum , of the first Inventers of things : among whom hee himselfe may challenge a place for this invention ; if the Inventers of lyes bee admitted to have any roome in that companie . This man being sent over by the Pope into England h for the collecting of his Peter-pence , undertooke the writing of the historie of that nation , wherein he forgat not by the way to doe the best service hee could to his Lord that had imployed him thither . There hee telleth an idle tale ; how the Irish being moved to accept Henry the second for their King , i did deny that this could be done otherwise than by the Bishop of Romes anthoritie : because ( forsooth ) that from the very beginning , after they had accepted Christian Religion , they had yeelded themselves and all that they had into his power . and they did constantly affirme ( saith this fabler ) that they had no other Lord , beside the Pope : of which also they yet doe bragge . The Italian is followed herein by two Englishmen , that wished the Popes advancement as much as hee ; Edmund Campian and Nicholas Sanders . the one whereof writeth , that k immediately after Christianitie planted here , the whole Iland with one consent gave themselves not onely into the spirituall , but also into the temporall Iurisdiction of the See of Rome . the other in Polydores owne words ( though hee name him not ) that l the Irish from the beginning , presently after they had received Christian Religion , gave up themselves and all that they had into the power of the Bishop of Rome ; and that untill the time of King Henry the second , they did acknowledge no other supreme Prince of Ireland , beside of the Bishop of Rome alone . For confutation of which dreame , we need not have recourse to our owne Chronicles : the Bull of Adrian the fourth , wherein hee giveth libertie of King Henry the second to enter upon Ireland , sufficiently discovereth the vanitie thereof . For , hee there shewing what right the Church of Rome pretended unto Ireland , maketh no mention at all of this ( which had beene the fairest and clearest title that could bee alledged , if any such had been then existent in rerum naturâ ) but is faine to flie unto a farre-fetcht interest which hee saith the Church of Rome hath unto all Christian Ilands . m Truly ( saith he to the King ) there is no doubt , but that all Ilands unto which Christ the Sunne of Righteousnesse hath shined , and which have received the instructions of the Christian faith , doe pertaine to the right of Saint Peter and the holy Church of Rome : which your Noblenesse also doth acknowledge . If you would further understand the ground of this strange claime , whereby all Christian Ilands at a clap are challenged to bee parcell of St. Peters patrimonie : you shall have it from Iohannes Sarisburiensis , who was most inward with Pope Adrian , and obtained from him this very grant whereof now wee are speaking . n At my request ( saith he ) he granted Ireland to the illustrious King of England Henry the second , and gave it to bee possessed by right of inheritance : as his owne letters doe testifie unto this day . For all Ilands , of ancient right , are said to belong to the Church of Rome , by the donation of Constantine , who founded & endowed the same . But will you see , what a goodly title here is , in the meane time ? First , the Donation of Constantine hath been long since discovered to be a notorious forgerie , and is rejected by all men of judgement as a senslesse fiction . Secondly , in the whole context of this forged Donation I find mention made of Ilands in one place only : o where no more power is given to the Church of Rome over them , than in generall over the whole Continent ( by East and by West , by North and by South ) and in particular over Iudaea , Graecia , Asia , Thracia , and Aphrica ; which use not to passe in the account of St. Peters temporall patrimonie . Thirdly , it doth not appeare , that Constantine himselfe had any interest in the Kingdome of Ireland : how then could hee conferre it upon another ? Some words there be in an oration of p Eumenius the Rhetorician , by which peradventure it may bee collected , that his father Constantius bare some stroke here : but that the Iland was ever possessed by the Romanes , or accounted a parcell of the Empire , cannot be proved by any sufficient testimonie of antiquitie . Fourthly , the late writers that are of another mind , as Pomponius Laetus , Cuspinian , and others , doe yet affirme withall , q that in the division of the Empire after Constantines death , Ireland was assigned unto Constantinus the eldest sonne : which will hardly stand with this donation of the Ilands supposed to bee formerly made unto the Bishop of Rome and his successors . Pope Adrian therefore , and Iohn of Salisbury his sollicitor , had need seeke some better warrant for the title of Ireland , than the Donation of Constantine . Iohn Harding in his Chronicle saith , that the Kings of England have right r To Ireland also , by King Henry ( le fitz Of Maude , daughter of first King Henry ) That conquered it , for their great heresie . which in another place he expresseth more at large , in this manner : s The King Henry then , conquered all Ireland By Papall dome , there of his royaltee The profits and revenues of the land The domination , and the soveraigntee For errour which agayn the spiritualtee They held full long , and would not been correct Of heresies , with which they were infect . Philip Osullevan on the other side , doth not only deny t that Ireland was infected with any heresie : but would also have us beleeve , u that the Pope never intended to conferre the Lordship of Ireland upon the Kings of England . For where it is said in Pope Adrians Bull ; x Let the people of that land receive thee , and reverence thee as a Lord : the meaning thereof is , saith this Glozer , y Let them reverence thee , as a Prince worthy of great honour ; not as Lord of Ireland , but as a Deputie appointed for the collecting of the Ecclesiasticall tribute . It is true indeed that King Henry the second , to the end hee might the more easily obtaine the Popes good wil for his entring upon Ireland , did voluntarily offer unto him the payment of a yearely pension of one penny out of every house in the countrey : which ( for ought that I can learne ) was the first Ecclesiasticall tribute that ever came unto the Popes coffers out of Ireland . But that King Henry got nothing else by the bargaine but the bare office of collecting the Popes Smoke-silver ( for so wee called it here , when wee payed it ) is so dull a conceit ; that I doe somewhat wonder how Osullevan himselfe could be such a blocke-head , as not to discerne the senselesnesse of it . What the King sought for and obtained , is sufficiently declared by them that writ the historie of his reigne . z In the yeare of our Lord MCLV. the first Bull was sent unto him by Pope Adrian : the summe whereof is thus laid down in a second Bull , directed unto him by Alexander the third , the immediate successor of the other . a Following the stepps of reverend Pope Adrian , and attending the fruit of your desire ; we ratifie and confirme his grant concerning the dominion of the KINGDOME of Ireland conferred upon you : reserving unto St. Peter and the holy Church of Rome , as in England so in Ireland , the yearely pension of one penny out of every house . In this sort did Pope Adrian , as much as lay in him , give Ireland unto King Henry , haereditario jure possidendam , to bee possessed by right of inheritance ; & withall b sent unto him a ring of gold , set with a faire Emerauld , for his investiture in the right thereof : as Iohannes Sarisburiensis , who was the principall agent betwixt them both in this businesse , doth expresly testifie . After this , in the year MCLXXI . the King himselfe came hither in person : where the Archbishops and Bishops of Ireland c received him for their KING and Lord. The King ( saith Iohn Brampton ) d received letters from every Archbishop and Bishop , with their seales hanging upon them in the manner of an Indenture ; confirming the KINGDOME of Ireland unto him and his heyres , and bearing witnesse that they in Ireland had ordained him and his heyres to bee their KINGS and Lords for ever . At Waterford ( saith Roger Hoveden ) e all the Archbishops , Bishops , and Abbots of Ireland came unto the King of England , and received him for KING and Lord of Ireland ; swearing fealty to him and to his heyres , and power to reigne over them for ever : and hereof they gave him their Instruments . The Kings also and Princes of Ireland , by the example of the Clergie , did in like manner receive Henry King of England for Lord and KING of Ireland ; and became his men ( or , did him homage ) and swore fealty to him and his heyres against all men . These things were presently after confirmed in the Nationall Synod held at Casshell : the Acts whereof in Giraldus Cambrensis are thus concluded . f For it is fit and most meet , that as Ireland by Gods appointment hath gotten a Lord and a KING from England ; so also they should from thence receive a better forme of living . King Henry also at the same time g sent a transcript of the Instruments of all the Archbishops and Bishops of Ireland , unto Pope Alexander : who by his Apostolicall authority ( for so was it in those dayes of darknesse esteemed to bee ) did confirme the KINGDOME of Ireland unto him and his heyres , ( according to the forme of the Instruments of the Archbishops & Bishops of Ireland ) h and made them KINGS thereof for ever . The King also i obtained further from Pope Alexander , that it might bee lawfull for him to make which of his sonnes hee pleased , KING of Ireland , and to crowne him accordingly ; and to subdue the Kings and great ones of that land , which would not subject themselves unto him . Whereupon , in a grand Councell held at Oxford in the yeere of our Lord MCLXXVII . k before the Bishops and Peeres of the Kingdome hee constituted his sonne Iohn KING of Ireland ; l according to that grant and confirmation of Pope Alexander . And to make the matter yet more sure , in the yeere MCLXXXVI . hee obtained a new licence from Pope Vrban the third ; m that one of his sonnes , whom hee himselfe would , should bee crowned for the KINGDOME of Ireland . And this the Pope did not onely confirme by his Bull : but also the yeere following purposely sent over Cardinall Octavian and Hugo de Nunant ( or Novant ) n his Legates into Ireland , to crowne Iohn the Kings sonne there . By all this wee may see , how farre King Henry the second proceeded in this businesse : which I doe not so much note , to convince the stolidity of Osullevan , who would faine perswade fooles , that he was preferred onely to bee collector of the Popes Peter-pence : as to shew , that Ireland at that time was esteemed a Kingdome , and the Kings of England accounted no lesse than Kings thereof . And therefore * Paul the fourth needed not make all that noyse , and trouble o the whole Court of heaven with the matter : when in the yeere MDLV . he tooke upon him by his Apostolicall authority ( such I am sure , as none of the Apostles of Christ did ever assume unto themselves ) to erect Ireland unto the title and dignity of a Kingdome . Whereas hee might have found , even in his owne * Romane Provinciall , that Ireland was reckoned among the Kingdomes of Christendome , before hee was borne . Insomuch , that in the yeere MCCCCXVII . when the Legates of the King of England and the French Kings Ambassadours fell at variance in the Councell of Constance for precedencie ; the English Orators , among other arguments , alledged this also for themselves . p It is well knowne , that according to Albertus Magnus and Bartholomaeus in his booke De proprietatibus rerum , the whole world being divided into three parts ( to wit , Asia , Africk and Europe ) Europe is divided into foure Kingdomes : namely , the Romane for the first , the Constantinopolitane for the second , the third the Kingdome of Ireland which is now translated unto the English , and the fourth the Kingdome of Spain . Whereby it appeareth , that the King of England and his Kingdome are of the more eminent ancient Kings and Kingdomes of all Europe : which prerogative the Kingdome of France is not said to obtaine . And this have I here inserted the more willingly , because it maketh something for the honour of my Country ( to which , I confesse , I am very much devoted ) and in the printed Acts of the Councell it is not commonly to be had . But now commeth forth Osullevan againe , and like a little furie flyeth upon q the English-Irish Priests of his owne religion , which in the late rebellion of the Earle of Tirone did not deny that Hellish doctrine , fetcht out of Hell for the destruction of Catholickes , that it is lawfull for Catholickes to beare armes and fight for Heretickes against Catholickes and their country . or rather ( if you will have it in plainer termes ) that it is lawfull for them of the Romish Religion , to beare armes and fight for their Soveraigne and fellow-subjects that are of another profession , against those of their own religion that trayterously rebell against their Prince and Country . and to shew , r how madde and how venemous a doctrine they did bring ( these bee the caitiffes owne termes ) that exhorted the laitie to follow the Queens side : he setteth downe the censure of the Doctors of the University of Salamanca and Vallodilid , published in the yeere MDCIII . for the justification of that Rebellion , and the declaration of Pope Clement the eights letters touching the same ; wherein he signifieth that s the English ought to be set upon no lesse than the Turkes , and imparteth the same favours unto such as set upon them , that hee doth unto such as fight against the Turkes . Such wholesome directions doth the Bishop of Rome give vnto those that will be ruled by him : far different ( I wisse ) from that holy doctrine , wherewith the Church of Rome was at first seasoned by the Apostles . t Let every soule bee subject unto the higher powers ; for there is no power but of God : was the lesson that S. Paul taught to the ancient Romanes . Where if it bee demanded ; u whether that power also , which persecuteth the servants of God , impugneth the faith , and subverteth religion , be of God ? our countryman Sedulius will teach us to answer with Origen ; that even such a power as that , is given of God , for the revenge of the evill , and the praise of the good . although he were as wicked , as eyther Nero among the Romans , or Herod among the Iewes : the one whereof most cruelly persecuted the Christians , the other Christ himselfe . And yet when the one of them swayed the scepter , Saint Paul told the Christian Romanes ; that they x must needes be subject , not only for wrath , but also for conscience sake : and of the causelesse feare of the other , these Verses of Sedulius are solemnly sung in the Church of Rome , even unto this day . y Herodes hostis impie , Christum venire quid times ? Non eripit mortalia , Qui regna dat coelestia . Why , wicked Herod , dost thou feare And at Christs comming frowne ? The mortall he takes not away , That gives the heavenly crowne . a better paraphrase whereof you cannot have , than this which Claudius hath inserted into his Collections upon St. Matthew . z That King which is borne , doth not come to overcome Kings by fighting , but to subdue them after a wonderfull manner by dying : neither is he borne to the end that hee may succeed thee , but that the world may faithfully beleeve in him . For he is come , not that hee may fight being alive , but that hee may triumph being slaine : nor that he may with gold get an armie unto himselfe out of other nations , but that hee may shed his precious bloud for the saving of the nations . Vainly didst thou by envying feare him to be● thy successor , whom by beleeving thou oughtest to seeke as thy Saviour : because if thou diddest beleeve in him , thou shouldest reigne with him ; and as thou hast received a temporall kingdome from him , thou shouldest also receive from him an everlasting . For the kingdome of this Childe is not of this world ; but by him it is that men do reign in this world . He is the Wisedome of God , which saith in the Proverbs : By mee Kings reigne . This Childe is the Word of God : this Childe is the Power and Wisedome of God : If thou canst , thinke against the Wisedome of God : thou workest thine owne destruction , and dost not know it . For thou by no meanes shouldest have had thy kingdome , unlesse thou hadst received it from that Childe which now is borne . As for the Censure of the Doctors of Salamanca and Vallodilid : our Nobility and Gentry , by the faithfull service which at that time they performed unto the Crowne of England , did make a reall confutation of it . Of whose fidelity in this kinde I am so well perswaded , that I doe assure my selfe , that neither the names of Franciscus Zumel and Alphonsus Curiel ( how great Schoole-men soever they were ) nor of the Fathers of the Society ( Iohannes de Ziguenza , Emanuel de Roias , and Gaspar de Mena ) nor of the Pope himselfe , upon whose sentence they wholly ground their Resolution ; eyther then was or hereafter will be of any force , to remove them one whit from the allegeance and duty which they doe owe unto their King and Country . Nay I am in good hope , that their loyall mindes will so farre distaste that evill lesson , which those great Rabbies of theirs would have them learne ; that it will teach them to unlearne another bad lesson , wherewith they have beene most miserably deluded . For whereas heretofore a wise men did learne to give credence to the truth , by whosoevers mouth it should be delivered : now men are made such fooles , that they are taught b to attend in the doctrine of Religion , not what the thing is that is said , but what the person is that speaketh it . But how dangerous a thing it is , to have the faith of our Lord Iesus Christ in respect of persons ; and to give entertainment to the truth , not so much for it selfe as for the regard that is had to the deliverer of it : I wish men would learne otherwise , than by wofull experience in themselves . c The truth ( saith Claudius ) is to bee loved for it selfe , not for the Man , or for the Angell , by whom it is preached . For he that doth love it in respect of the preachers of it , may love lyes also , if they peradventure shall deliver any . as here without all peradventure , the Pope and his Doctors have done : unlesse the teaching of flat Rebellion and high Treason may passe in the account of Catholicke verities . The Lord of his mercie open their eyes , that they may see the light ; and give them grace to receive the love of the truth , that they may be saved . The Lord likewise grant ( if it bee his blessed will ) that Truth and Peace may meet together in our dayes , that we may bee all gathered into d one fold under one shepheard , and that e the whole earth may be filled with his glory . Amen , Amen . FINIS . Faults in some Copies . IN the Iesuites Challenge , pag. 3. lin . 2. read , contrary . pag. 4. lin . 9. for should , read shall . In the Answer , pag. 4. l. 26. likewise . p. 5. l. 21. satisfie . p. 12. l. 7. continued . p. 16. l. 22. Penitentiall . p. 26. l. 6. knew . p. 27. l. 26. Augustin . p. 50. l. 23. ( saith n Fulgentius ) p. 51. l. 6. when he ●s found to be that . p. 62. l. 3. Antoninus . p. 64. l. 12. after Christ. p. 72. l. 4. for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 put 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 75. l. 6. cresse out , of Mets first and afterwards . p. 76. l. 3. Carisiacum or Cressy . p. 96. l. 9. secretly . p. 123. l. 26. commanded . p. 124. l. 5. sinnes . p. 126. l. 17. intercession . ibid. l. 19. for the comma put a full point ; and in the next line for the full po●nt put a comma . p. 136. l. 1. Anastasius . p. 139. l. 4. Scriptures . ibid. l. 7. Levite . 146. l. 31. instrumentally . p. 147. l. 22. death . pag. 154. l. 25. Augustine . p. 156. l. 2. and p. 162. l. 19. medicine . p. 171. l. 16. the p. 172. l. 14. for these , read their . p. 285. l. 2. Clympiodorus . p. 188. l. 10. ( about 243. p. 190. l. 4. who very . p. 194 l. 16. ( with . ibid. l. 18. for pid read paide . p. 195. l. 6. intended . p. 205. l. 15. Halleluia . p. 206. l. 8. for drive , read not drive . p. 221. l. 1. write , p. 226. l. 19. in the Romane Pontificall . p. 228. l. 17. apocryphal . p. 234. l. 7. entring againe into . p. 253. l. 8. forme . p. 264. l. 5. kindes . p. 270. l. 18. for ceasing , read casing . p. 277. l. 26. ascension . p. 281. l. 23. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 284 l. 5. expounding that place in . p. 291. l. 1. entring again into . p. 307. l. 14. apocryphall ; p. 310 l. 1. crosse out , Vs. p. 323. l. 17. Steuchus . p. 328. l. 20 , 21. with that which Olympiodorus writeth upon the same chapt er . p. 330. l. 3. divisiun . p. 343. l. 5. crosse out the last comma . l. 22. palace . p. 359. l. 28. of it . p. 361. l. . 27. iudgment . p. 368. l. 6. for giveth , read goeth . p. 376. l. 25. sister . p. 379. l. 12. comming . p. 391. l. 26. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 395. l. 26. for depravation , r. deprivation . p. 398. l. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . l. 18. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 427. l. 9. for excepting r. accepting . l. 15. invocation . l. 16. salvation . l. 18. noted . l. 20. call . p. 428. l. 19. in stead of for , r. of . p. 437. l. 6. Anastasius . p. 439. l. 6. were in . p. 441. l. 16. lliads . p. 443. l. 4. tryed . p. 449. l. 11. congruitie . p. 453. l. 14. here a. p. 454. l. 25. there of . p. 461. l. 26. descend . p. 469. l. 17. of Ang. p. 471. l. 30. Collections . p. 472. l. 5. Colossians . l. 22. Phrygia . p. 473. l. 6. for mad , r. made . l. 18. the word . p. 476. l. 17. ( saith . l. 28. speake . ) p. 491. l. 4. m Blessed . p. 492. l. 10. despise . p. 497 , 500 , 501. and 504. in the title , r. Of Images . p. 497 l. 21. for confirme , rs . conforme . p. 503. l. 12. Origen . p. 505. l. 8. deaes and divers . p. 506 l. 13. prevaile . p. 508. l. 9. a whoring . p. 516. l. 15. destitute . p. 518. l. 3. pu●e . pag. 521. l. 19. to bew , p. 525. l. 15. observeth . p. 535. l. 12. pray . p. 538. l. 6. iuvet . p. 539. l. 30. hortatuque p. 540. l. 2. ex fracto . p. 541. l. 17. inspiration . p. 547. l. 27. hereby . p. 548. l. 10. therefore . p. 556. l. 7. in the. p. 557. l. 6. freely . p. 561. l. 10. receiving . p. 569. l. 24. substantiall . In the Margent . Pag. 17. after the letter i , lin . 3. read Monasterii . p. 29. g. l. 10. praescientiam . p. 31. n. l. 1. in 2. 2. p. 42. k. l. 8. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . l. lin . 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 43. 0. l. 8. presbyter . p. 45. b. l. 2. videtis . l. 8. apud Fulgentium in fine libelli de Baptismo AEthiopis ; Bedam , &c. p. 46. l. ult . Psalmum . p. 49. l. 14. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 50. n. l. 6. invenitur . Fulgentius ( in fine libelli de Baptismo AEthiopis ) Augustini nomine citatus apud Bed. &c. p. 54. a. l. 1● . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 66. r. l. 5. divinâ autem illum . p. 72. p. l. 1. Removeantur . p. 73. t. l. 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 74. c. l. 7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 76. i. l. 2. effieitur . ibid. k. Suprà . p. 77. r. l. 1. mysterium . p. 82. h. l. 8. Colleg. p. 87. l. lin . 16 for 162. read 262. p. 88. o. l. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibid. q. l. 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 94. l. l. 25. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ibid. l. 30 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 104. l. lin . ult . inter . p. 111. o. l. 10. quod . p. 116. g. l. 3 non p. 119 s. l. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 121. g. l. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 123 a l. 3. Sacerdotio . p. 124. g. l. 6. Theophyl act in Ioh. 8. p. 126. u. l. 11. Vossio . p. 128. f. l. 14. inedit . ibid. k. l. 3. misericordiam . p. 129. * l. 1. for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 143. i. l. 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 152. t. l. 2. ignoret . p. 156. l. lin . ult . Aquisgran . sub Ludovico Pio , cap. 37. p. 157. m. l. 1. illum . ibid. l. 27. Iidem . p. 167. c. l. 13 quaest . p. 171. o. l. 33. ostendendi . p. 177. x. l. 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibid. y. l. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 180. h. l. 18. for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 182. s. l. 10. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 187. m. l. 17. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 188. o. l. 27. corripimur . p. 189. p. l. 23. after conversat . insert this parenthesis ( cuius author Eligius Noviomensis ) p. 192. d. l. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 196. d. l. 4. offerimus . ibid. l. 13. crosse out , & 178. ibid. g. l. 8. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 197. i. l. 15. blot out the point after 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibid. k. l. 2. Apostolis . p. 198. n. l. 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 199. s. l. 3 ; fruntur . ibid. l. 5. contextione . p. 202. h. l. 25. refern . p. 205. o. l. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 206. u. l. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 208. c. l. 6. quos . p. 209. g. l. 4. Gra. câ . p. 210. n. l. 4. Beneventani ) p. 211. r. l. 10. for in r. ex . p. 213. y. l. 6. Menesi● . p. 214. § l. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 215. * l. 19. pareret . p. 218. i. l. 9. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 l. 13. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 222. l. 6. consequuntur . ibid. y. l. ult . col . 228. e. p. 228. q. l. 2. Apocrypha . p. 231. a. l. 14. invenire . p. 232. c. l. 10. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 235. q. l. 10. praecesserunt videantur usque ad iudiciidiem , per plurimum scilicet temporis , debitâ sibi remuneratione , &c. p. 236. x. l. 29. for 206. r. 220. p. 237. a. l. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibid. c. l. 22. Ephesius . p. 238. * l. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 l. 8. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibid. ● . l. 14. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . & l. 17. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 241. k. l. 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 245. a. l. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 246. f. l. 6. Euchologio , p. 247. m. l. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 248. n. l. 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 253. h. l. 1. Volaterran . ibid. l. 6. Rupe . p. 254. o. l. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 255. r. l. 12. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 260. e. l. 10. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 262. d. l. 29. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 263. el. 16. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 264. h. l. 3 , 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 265. l. lin 8. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibid. l 9. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibid. l. 13. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibid. l. ult 138. p. 269. l. 3 , 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 272. s. l. 22. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibid. l. 37. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 273. t. l. 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibid. l. 9. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 275. h. l. 6. for aufe●e , r. offerre . p. 278. m. l. 2. for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 282. g. l. 24. donec . p. 284. p. l. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 286. al. 10. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 287. h. l. 9. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibid. l. 11. Asterius . p. 290. s. l. 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 291. z , l. 11. crosse out in . ibid. l. 14. Lugd. p. 292. l. lin . 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 293. n. l. 9. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibid. r. l. ult . intravit . p. 294. u. l. 6. crosse out , in fine . p. 295. z. l. 6. paupertatis . p. 297. h. l. 10. infernum . p. 299. q. l. 3. infernum ibid. s. l. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibid. u. l. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . l. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 300. x. l. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; Ira. ibid. z. l. 11. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . l. 18. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 301. g. l. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibid. m. l. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibid. n. l. 4. laudantes . p. 303. z. l. 1. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 308. y. l. 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 313. y. l. 1. for mortuorum , r. mortuum . p. 318. l. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibid. * . l. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibid. m. l. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 319. p. l. 12. uruntur . ibid. l. 14. m. Annaeus Seneca , lib. 8. ibid. r. l. 10. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 323. o. l. 19. falso . p. 325. c. l. 1. Ibidem in . p. 327. s. l. 9. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 328. u. l. 8. recidant . ibid. x. l. 4 , 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibid. z. in stead of the Latin , put the Greek . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; Olympiod . Caten . Graec. in Iob 17. p. 333. h. l. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 342. * l. 13 , 14. phasada for corruption . p. 343. s. l. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 346. u. l. 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibid. v. l. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 347. b. l. 2 , 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 348. d. s. 9. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 349. h. l. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 350. m. l. 10. cr●sse out the comma . p. 351. s. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 352. a. l. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibid. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibid. l. 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 353. b. l. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibl . 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 357. n. l. 25. Num. 16. 30 , 33. ib. o. l. 10. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 361. dil . 10. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ib. l. 18 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ib. l. 24. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 362. h. l. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ib. l. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 363. s. l. ult . for 238. put 237. p. 364. t. l. 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ib. x. l. i. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 366. l. 1. c. Autholog . ib. e. l. 8 , 9. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 367. a. apud . p. 3●9 . r. put the comma before , not after 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 370. b. l. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 371. k. l. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ib. l. lin . 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ib. o. l. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 376. k. l. 4. positam p. 377. l. lin . 18. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibm . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ib. l. 18. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ib. n. l. ult . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; p. 378. o. l. 12. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 379. u. l. 31. Numer . p. 383. k. l. 2. cresse out , 294. & . p. 384. r. l. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 386. * l. 16. for 349. r. 939. ibid. l. 13. Ad. p. 387. a. l. 17 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ib. l. 19. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 391. a. l. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 394. c. l. 10. Spoletinus . p. 401. z. l. 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ib. l. 9. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 401. l. lin . 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 404. r. l. 18. for 308. put 309. p. 407. i. l. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ib. l. 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ib. k. l. 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 422. 0. l. 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ib. l. 19. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ib. l. 20. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 423. r. l. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ib. s. l. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 425 , x. l. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 428. b. l. 11 , 12. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 43. n. l. ult . for 142. put 241. p. 432. o. for contr . put conc . p. 436. ● . l. 9 , supplicia . ib. g. l. 5. for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , put 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , p. 4. ●7 . h. l. 25. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , p. 43. 8. l. 1. k. Sic , p. 440. q. l. 8. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ib. l. 29 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 44. u. l. 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ib. z. l. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ib. l. 7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 44 , 2. a. l. 15. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ib. 22. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , p. 444. d. l. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 446. l. lin . 4 , 5. for initio pag. 392. put pag. 435. ad . y. literam . p. 452. * l. 16. quaestiones , ib. l. 18. for , auctorum , r. sanctorum . p. 453. m. l. 16. Vi , p. 457. u. l. 6. for , audiens , r. audens , p. 458. g. l. ult . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 60. k. l. 44. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ib. l. 14. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ib. l. 16. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ib. l. 27. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ib. l. 29. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ib. l. 12. in . Matth. and , in Eclogis . ib. l. lin . 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 461. m. l. 7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ib. n. l. 2 , ● . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ib. o. l. 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 462. q. l. 20. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ib. r. l. ult . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 463. l. 5 , 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ib. l. 26. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , p. 46● . y. l. 7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , p. 46. * . l. 2. Feirand , p. 469. t. l. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ib. u. l. 9. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ib. l. ●0 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , p. 473. 1. l. 4. Origin ib. l. l. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 474. o. l. 5. quirogae . ib. p. l. 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 475. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 476. u. l. 8. honorari , p. 477. a. l. 7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ib. d. l. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , lin . 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ib. e. l. ult . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , p. 485. h. l. 18. AEneid , p. 490. d. l. 2. tribulationis ●p . 491. q. l. 1. Miserere , p. 502. x. l. 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ib. z. l. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 506. u. l. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , l. 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 507. z. l. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , p. 508. b. l. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , p. 509. l. 17. for , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 514. l. 1. a. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. ●16 . l. 1. f. Quis. à nostrūm p. 518. x. l. 3. istis , r. estis , p. 519. v. l. 5. ut sit . p. 523. l. in . 22. aliqua , l. 27. aequitatem , inesse , p. 526. a. appetere , p. 537. i. Prosper , p. 538. k. l. 11. cùm , p. 540. * l. 25. Baron , p. 542. x. l. 2. viribus , p. 543. a. l. ult . Augustini , p. 548. c. l. 2. quam , p. 553. * . l. 5. merue . p. 554. * l. 7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , p. 555. g. l. 10. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ib. l , 17. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ib. l , 21. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 556. m. lin . 5. Proaemium . ib. n. l. 4 , 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ib. p. l. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p 557. q. l. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ib. s. l. 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ib. t. l. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ib. u. l. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , p. 5●8 . x. l. 10. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ib. a. l. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . l. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . l. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . l. 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . l. 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 18. after 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . put a full point ; and after 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in lin 9. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . l. 11. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 562. k. l. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , p. 563. n. l. 18. resecat , ib. p. 3. comparari , p. 564. q. l. 6. blot out . the point . after 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibid. r. l. 4 , 5. read the place thus ; quippiam iustum , non respondebo , sed meum iudicem deprecabor . Veiut si apertiùs fa●catur , dicens : Etsi ad opus virtutis excrevero , &c. p. 565. t. l 2. Beda , p. 573. a. l. 3. bona , p. 576. q. Enchirid , p. 580. p. 1. 10. condignae , p. 58. 1. q. l. 8. quidam , p. 582. v. l. 4. Origin , ib. z. l. 15. Ca●sidor , ib. a. l. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In the Catalogue of the Authors at the end ; referre Tatianus to they yeare 170. at the yeare 290. put Pamphilus , for Pamphylus . at the yeare 475. Faustus Regensis , for Repensis . referre Concilium Aquisg●anense sub Pipino , to the yeare 836. at the yeare ●●3 . 〈◊〉 Asser Menevensis be placed . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A14233-e50 a Luke 16. 31. b 2 Thes. 2. 10 , 11. Notes for div A14233-e640 a Ephes. 5. 17. b Rom. 12. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . c 1 Cor. 4. 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . d Scrutamini legem , in quâ voluntas ejus continetur . Sedul . in Ephes. 5. e Plus vult sapere , qui illa scrutatur quae Lex non dicit . Id. in Rom. 12. f Proptereà errant , quia Scripturas nesciunt : & quia Scripturas ignorant , consequenter nesciunt virtutem Dei , hoc est , Christum , qui est Dei virtus & Dei sapientia . Claud. in Matth. lib. 3. Habetur MS. Romae in Bibliothecâ Vallicellaná ; & Cantabrigiae , in Bibliothce . Colleg. Benedict . & Aulae Pembrochianae . g Hoc , quia de Scripturis non habet authoritatem , eâdem facilitate contemnitur quâ probatur . Id. ib. h Tantùm ea quae in Propheticis , Evangelicis & Apostolicis literis discere poterant , pietatis & castitatis opera diligenter observantes . Bed. lib. 3. histor . Ecclesiast . cap. 4. i In tantum autem vita illius à nostri temporis segniciâ distabat ; ut omnes qui cum eo incedebant , sive adtonsi , sive laici , meditari deberent , id est , aut legendis Scripturis , aut Psalmis discendis operam dare . Id. ibid. cap. 5. k 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Chrysost. in serm . de utilitate lectionis Scripturae , tom . 8 edit . Savil. pag 111. l Quinque gentium linguis unam eandemque summae veritatis & verae sublimitatis scien●●a● scrutatur & confitetur ; Angl●rum videlicet , B●itonum , Scotorum , Pictorum , & Latinorum , quae meditatione Scripturarum caeteris omnibus est facta communis . Bed. lib. 1. Histor. Ecclesiast . cap. 1. * Iohn 5. 39. m Bonis semper moribus delectatur & consentit ; & assiduis Scripturarum meditationibus & eloquiis animam vegetar . Patric . de abuseonibus saeculi , cap. 5. de Pudicitia . n Columban . in Monastichis , & in epistolâ ad Hunaldum . o Successit E●gfrido in regnum Altfrit , vir in Scripturis doctissimus . Bed. lib. 4. hist. ca. 26. p Ab ipso tempore pueritiae suae curam non modicam lectionibus saeris , simul & monasticis exhibebat disciplinis . Bed. lib. 3 hist. cap. 19. Ab infantiâ sacris literis & monasticis disciplinis eruditus . Iohannes de Tinmouth ( & ex eo Io. Capgrar . ) in vita Fursei . q A puerili aetate magnum habet studium sacras discere literas . Tom. 4. Antiqu. lect . Heur . Canis . pag. 642. r Davidic●● Psalmo●um melodiis , & sanctorum Evangeliorum mell . fluis lectionibus atque caeteris divitiis exercitationibus E●u fac . in vitâ Livini . s Tantum i●●ejus pectore divinatum thesauri Scripturarum conditi tenebantur ; ut intra adolescentiae aetatem detentus , Psalmorum librum elimato sermone exponeret . Ion●● in vitâ Columba i , cap. 2. t B. Burgundofora monasterium quod Euoriacas appellatur , &c. secundùm regulam S. Columbani instituit . Id. in vitâ Burgundos . u Cùm jam in extremis posita posceret per successiones noctium lumen coram se accendi , & sacrae lectionis praeconia ante se legi , &c. Id ibid. x Hebraicam veritatem Sedul . in Galat. 3. & Hebr. 7. y Non , ut malè in Latinis codicious , corrumpit . Sedul . in Gal. 5. z Instruat ; sive , ut melius habetur in Graeco , perficiat in spiritu lenitatis . Claud. in Gal. 6. a Absit à te Domine : vel ut meliùs habetur in Graeco ; Propitius esto tibi , Domine . Id. lib. 2. comment . in Matth. b Lingua balbo●um velociter loquetur & planè . c Linguae balbutientes velociter discent loqui pacem . d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , e Exultabitis sicut vituli ex vinculis resoluti . Graec. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . f Salietis sicut vituli de armento . g Divitiae quas congregabit injustè , evomentur de ventre ejus , trahit illum angelus mortis . Itá draconum mulctabi●ur : interficiet illum lingua colubri . Graec. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . h Divitias quas devoravit ●vomet , & de ventie illius extrah●t ●as Deus . Caput aspidum suget , & occidet cum lingua viperae . * ●●nn . Hisior . Briton . cap. 1. i Si rectè offeras , rectè autem non dividas , peccas . Asser Menervens . de gestis Alfreat R. k 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . l Nonne si bene egeris , recipies ? fin autem malè , statim in foribus peccatum ●derit ? m In Psalmo 117. ubi LXX . interpretes transtulerunt , O Domine salvū me fac ; in Hebraeo scriptum est , Anna Adonai Osanna : quod interpres noster Hieronymus diligentiùs elucidans ita transtulit ; Obsecro Domine , salva obsecro . Claud. Scot. in Matth. lib. 3. n MS. in Bibliothec● eruditissi●i antistiatis D. Guilielmi Bedelli , Kilmorersis & Ardachadensis apud nos Episcopi . o Caradoc . in Chronico Cambriae , circa annum 1099. ad quem in aliis etiam Annalibus Britannicis MSS. annotatum repperi . Sub hujus anni ambitum morti succumbit Richmarch cogno . mine Sapiens , filius Sulgeni Episcopi , cum jam annum XLIII . aetatis ageret . p Quid praetereà beatus Esdras Propheta ille , Bibliotheca legis , minatus sit attendite . Gild. Epist. * Vid. Richard. Armachanum , de questionib . Armeniorum , 〈◊〉 18. cap. 1. q Hucusque Hebraeorum divina Scriptura tempurum seriem continet . Quae verò post haec apud Iudaeos sunt gesta , de libro Maccabaeorum , & Iosephi atque Aphricani scriptis exhibentur . Marian. Chron. MS. r In Maccabaeorum libris etsi aliquid mirabilium numero inserendum conveniens fuisse huic ordini inveniatur ; de hoc tamen nullâ curâ satigabimur : quia tantum agere proposuimus , unde divini canonis mirabilibus exiguam ( quamvis ingenioli nostri modulum excedentem ) historicam expositionem ex parte aliquâ tangeremus . Lib. 2. de mirabilib . Script . cap. 34. ( inter opera B. Augustini , tom . 3. ) s De ●acu vero iterùm & Abacuk translato in Belis & Draconis fabulà , idcirco in hoc ordine non ponitur ; quòd in authoritate divinae Scripturae non habentur . ibid. cap. 32. Notes for div A14233-e3440 b Praescitam & praedestinatam immobili consilio creaturam , ad se laudandum , & ex se & in se & per se beatè vivendum . S. Gallus in serm . habit . Constant. c Praedestinatione scilicèt aeternâ , non creatione temporariâ , sed vocatione gratuitâ , vel ●ndebitâ , gratiâ . Id. ib. d Miseretur magná bonitate , ●obdurat nullà iniquita●● : ut neque libera●●s de luis meritis glorietur , neq damnatus nisi de suis meritis conquetatur Sola enim 〈◊〉 ●edemptos discernit à perditis , quos in unam perdi●●●● concreavcrat massam , ab ori●●ne ducta caussa communi . Sedul . in Rom. 9. e Videt universum genus humanum tam justo judicio divinoque in apostaticâ radice damnatum ; ut etiamsi nullus inde liberatur , nemo rectè posset Dei vituperare justitiam : & qui liberantur , sic oportuisse liberari , ut ex pluribus non liberatis , atque damnatione justissimâ derelictis , ostenderetur quid meruisset universa conspersio , quòd etiam justos debitum judicium Dei damnaret , nisi in ejus debitum misericordia subveniret : ut volentium de suis meritis gloriari , omne os obstruatur ; & qui gloriatur , in Domino glorietur . Id ibid. f Libero arbitrio malè utens homo , & se perdidit , & ipsum . Sicut enim qui se occidit , utique vivendo se occidit , sed se occidendo non vivit , neque seipsum poterit refuscitare cùm occiderit : ita cùm libero arbitrio peccaretur , victore peccato amissum est & liberum arbitrium . à quo enim quis devictus est , huic & servus addictus est . sed ad benè faciendum ista libertas unde erit homini addicto & vendito , nisi redimat , cujus illa vox est ; Si vos Filius liberaverit , verè liberi eritis ? Id. ibid. g Quòd ab adolescentia mens hominum apposita sit ad malitiam : non est enim homo qui non peccet . Id. in Ephes. 2. h Quid habes ex teipso nisi peccatum ? Id. in 1 Cor. 4. i Deus author est omnium bonorum , hoc est , & naturae bonae , & voluntatis bonae ; quam nisi Deus in illo operetur , non facit homo . quia praeparatur voluntas à Domino in homine bona ; ut faciat Deo donante , quod à seipso facere non poterat per liberi arbitrii voluntatem . Claud. li. 1. in Matth. k Praecedit bona voluntas hominis multa Dei dona , sed non omnia : quae autem non praecedit ipsa , in eis est & ipsa . Nam utrumque legitur in sanctis eloquiis ; & misericordia ejus praeveniet me , & misericordia ejus subsequetur me : nolentem praevenit ut velit , volentem subsequitur , ne frustrà velit . Cur enim admonemur petere ut accipiamus ; nisi ut ab illo fiat quod volumus , à quo factum est ut velimus ? Sedul . in Rom. 9. l Non ergo lex data est , ut peccatum auferret , sed ut sub peccato omnia concluderet . Lex enim oflendebat esse peccatum , quod illi per consuetudinem caecati possent putare iustitiam : ut hoc modo humiliati cognoscerent non in suâ manu esse salutem suam , sed in manu mediatoris . Id. in Gal. 3. m Non remissio , nec ablatio peccatorum , sed cognitio . Id. in Rom. 3. n Lex , quae per Moysen data est , tantùm peccata ostendit , non abstulit . Claud. in Gal. 2. Perque illam legem morbos ostendentem non auferentem , etiam praevaricationis crimine contrita superbia est . Id. in Gal. 3. o Lex non do●at peccata , sed damnat . Sedul . in Rom. 4. p Dominus Deus imposuerat non justitiae servientibus sed peccato : justam scilicèt legem injustis hominibus dando , ad demonstranda peccata eorum , non auferenda . Non enim aufert peccata nisi gratiâ fidei quae per dilectionem operatur . Claud. in argument . epist. ad Gal. q Gratis nobis donantur peccata . Sedul . in Gal. 1. A morte redemptis gratis peccata dimittuntur . Id. in Ephes. 1. r Absque operum merito , & peccata nobis concessa sunt pristina , & p●x indulta post veniam . Claud. in Gal. 1. s Gratiâ estis salvati per fidem , id est , non per opera . Sedul . in Eph. 2. t Non in propriâ justitiâ , vel doctrinâ , sed in fide crucis , per quam mihi omnia peccata dimissa sunt . Sedul & Claud. in Gal. 6. u Abjecta & irrita gratia est , si ●●bi sola non sufficit . Sedul . in Gal. 2. x Christum vilem habetis , dum putatis eum vobis non sufficere ad salutem . Id. in Galat. 3. y Disposuit Deus propitium sefuturum esse humano generi , si credant in sanguine ejus se esse liberandos . Id. in Rom. 3. z Vita corporis amma , vi a animae fides est . Id. in Hebr. 10. a In fide vivo filii Dei , id est , in solâ fide , qui ni●●ld●b olegi . Id. in . Gal. 2. b Perfectionem legi habet , qui credit in Christo. Cùm enim nullus iustifica●●tui ex lege , quia nemo implebat legem , nisi qui sp●raret in promissionem Ch●●●● : fides posita est , quae cederet pro perfectione legi ; ut in omnibus praetermissis fides satissaceret pro totâ lege . Id. in Rom. 10. c Non nostra , non in nobis , sed in Christo , quasi membra in capite . Id. in 2 Cor. 5. d Fides , dimissis per gratiam peccatis , omnes credentes filios efficit Abrahae . Id. in Rom. 4. e Iustum fuerat , ut quo modo Abraham credens ex gentibus per solam fidem iustificatus est ; ita caeteri fidē eius imitantes salvarentur . Id. in Rom. 1. f Per adoptionem efficimur filii Dei , credendo in Filium Dei. Claud. l●b . 1. in Mat. g Testimonium adoptionis , quòd habemus spiritum , per quem ita oramus : ● intam enim arrham non poterant , nisi filii accipere . Sed. in Rom. 8. h Ipse Moses distinxit inter utramque iustitiam , fidei scilicet atque factorum : quia altera operibus , altera solâ credulitate iustificet accedentem . Id. in Rom. 10. i Patriarchae & Prophetae non ex operibus legis , sed ex fide iustificati sunt . Id. in Gal. 2. k Ita praevaluit consuetudo peccandi , ut nemo iam perficiat legem : sicut Petrus Apostolus ait ; Quod neque nos neque patres nostri portare potuimus . Si qui verò iusti non erant maledicti ; non ex operibus legis , sed fidei gratiâ salvati sunt . Id. in Gal. 3. l Hoc contra illos agit , qui solam fidem posse sufficere dicunt . Sedul . in Ephes. 5. Non ergo sola ad vitam sufficit fides . Claud in Gal. 5. bis . Haec sententia illos revincit , qui solam fidem ad salutem animarum suarum sufficere arbitrantur . Id. ibid. in fine . m Gal. 5. 6. n Iam. 2. 17. o Si gentes fides sola non salvat , nec nos : quia ex operibus legis nemo iustificabitur . Claud. in Galat . 2. p Non quò legis opera contemnenda sint , & absque eis simplex fides adpetenda ; sed ipsa opera fide Christi adornentur . Sc●● est enim sapientis viri ●sla sententia ; non fidelem v●v●●e ex iustitiâ , sed iustum ex fide . Id. in Galat . 3. q Gratis proposuit per solam fidem dimittere peccata . Sedul . in Rom. 4. r Vt solâ fide salvatentur credentes . Idem . in Galat. 3. s Per solam fidem Christi , quae per dilectionem operatur , Id. in Hebr. 6. t Haee fides cùm justificata fuerit , ●anquam radix imbre suse pro , haeret in animae solo ; ut cum per legem Dei excoli ●aeperit , rurtùm in eam surgant rami , qui fructus operum ferant . Non ergo ex operibus radix justitiae , sed ex radice justitiae fructus operum crescit● illâ scilicet radice justitiae , cu● Deus accep●●in fert justitiam sine operibus . Id. in Rom. 4. u Columban . in 〈◊〉 . x Pe●s●three Convers. part . 1. chap. 3. sect . 10. y Habet enim progeniem Seoticae gentis , de Britannorum viciniâ . Hieron . prooem . lib. 3. commentar . in Ierem. z Vnumquem jue adiustitiam voluntate propriâ regi ; tantumque accipere gratiae , quantum meruerit . Morian , Scot. Chron. ad an . Dom 413. vel 414. Whereof see more particularly , the Answer to the Iesuite , in the question of Free-will . a Omnium bonarum voluntatum inssigator ; necnon etiam , ut habeantur bona desiderata , largissimus administrator . neque enim unquam aliquem bene velle insligaret , nisi & hoc , quod bene & iustò quisque habere desiderat , largiter administraret . Asser. d● rebus gestic Aelfredi . R. b Prosp. Aquitan . advers . Coelater . 〈…〉 . d Blasphemia & stultiloquium est dicere , esse hominem sine peccato quod omnino non potest , nisa unus mediater Dei & hominum 〈◊〉 Christus Iesus , qui sine peccato est conceptus & partus . Epist. Cler. Roman . apud . ●●dam , lib. 2. hist. cap. 13. e Quia , ( quod omnibus sapientibus patet , licèt haeretici contradicant ) nemo est , qui sine adtactu alicuius peccati vivere possit super terram . Claud. lib. 2. in . Matth. f Nullus electus & ita magnus , quem Diabolus non audeat accusare : nisi illum solum , qui peccatum non fecit , qui & dicebat ; Nunc venit princeps huius mundi , & in me nihil . invenit . Sedul . in Rom. 8. g Non potest impleri . Id. in Rom. 7. h Non est qui faciat bonum , hoc est , perfectum & integrum bonum Id. in Rom. 3. i Ad hoc nos elegit , ut essemus sancti & immaculati , in futurâ vitâ ; quoniam Ecclesia Christi non habebit maculam neque rugam . Licèt etiam in praesenti vitâ justi , & sancti , & immaculati , quamvis non ex toto , tamen ex parte , non inconuenienter dici possunt . Id. in Ephes . 1. k Tunc erit iustus fine ullo omninò peccato , quando nulla lex erit in memberis eius , repugnans legi mentis eius . Claud. in Gal. 5. l Non enim iam regnat peccatum in eorum mortali corpore ad obediendum desideriis eius : quamvis habitet in eodem mortali corpore peccatum , nondum extincto impetu consuetudinis naturalis , quâ mortaliter nati sumus , & ex proptlis vitae nostrae , cùm & nos ipsi peccando auximus quod ab origine peccati humani damnationis trahebamus . Id ibid. m Vocatione Dei , non merito facti . Sedul . in . Rō . 1. n Se●●nd●m virtutem quae operatur in nobis ; non secundùm merita nostra . Id. in Ephes. 3. o Sciendum est , quin omne quod habent homines à Deo , gratia est : nihil enim ex ●ebito habent . Id. in Rom. 16. p Nihil dignum inveniri vel comparati ad futuram glori●m potest . Id. in Rom. 8. Notes for div A14233-e5980 a Qui de Purgatorio dubitat , Scotiam pergat , Purgatorium sancti Patricii intret , & de Purgatorii poenis ampliùs non dubitabit . Caesar. Heisterbach . Dialog . lib. 12. cap. 38. b Cujus loci fama , ita sparsim per omnes Europae partes velare visa est ; ut Caesarius celeberrimus auctor , de eo nihil dubitans sic scribat . Guil. Thyraeus , in Discurs Panegyrit . de S. Patric . pag. 151. c Henr. Saltereyens . in lib. de Visione Oeni mil t is MS. in publicâ Cantabrigiensis academiae Bibliothecâ ; & privatâ viri doctiss . M. Tho●ae Alani Oxomensis ; & in Nigro libro Ecclesiae S. Trinitat . Dublin . d De posteriori non minùs authentica videtur auctoritas Giraldi Cambrensis , rerum lbernicarum diligentissimi investigatoris , qui taliter loquitur . Thyr , Discurs . Panegyric . pag. 153. e De infernalibus namque reproborum poenis , & de verâ post mortem perpetuâque electorum vitâ vir sanctus cum gente incredulâ dum disputâsset : ut tanta , tam inusitata , tam inopinabilis rerum novitas rudibus infidelium animis oculatâ fide certi●s imprimeretur : efficaciorationum instantiâ magnam & admirabilem utriusque rei notitiam , dutaeque cervicis populo perutilem , meruit in terris obtinere . Giral . Cambrens . Topograph . Hibern . distinct . 2. cap. 5. f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Marcus Ephesius , in Graecorum Apolog. de igne Purgatorio ad Concil . Basileens . g Tria sunt sub omnipotentis Dei nutu habitacula : primum , mum , medium ▪ Quorum sumimum , regnum Dei vel reg●ū Coelorum di●itur , imum vocatur inferous , medium Mundu● praesens vel Orbis tertarum appellatur . Quo●um extrema omninô sibi invieem sunt contraria , & nullâ sibi societate conju●cta : ( quae enim societas potest esse luci ad tenebras , & Christo ad Belial ? ) medium veò nonnullam habet similitudinem ad extrema , &c Commixio namque malorum simul & honorum in h●c mundo est . In regno autem Dei nulli mali sunt , sed omnes boni : at in Inferno nulli boni sunt , sed omnes mali . Et uterque locus ex medio suppietur . H●minum enim huius mundi ali● elevantur ad Coelum , ali● trahuntur ad Infernum . Similes quippe similibus i●●gu 〈◊〉 , id est , boni bonis , & mali malis ; iusti homines iustis angelis , transg essores homine transgressoribus angelis ; servidei Deo , servi diaboli Diabolo . Benedicti vocantur ad 〈…〉 paratum ab origine mundi : maledicti expelluntur in ignem aeternum , qui prae para●● 〈◊〉 Diabolo & angelis eius . Patric . de trib , babitac . MS. in Bibliothecâ Regid Iacobae● . h Custodita●imam usque dum steterit ante tribunal Christi ; cui refert sua prout gesserit propria . Nec archangelus potest ducere ad vitam , usque dum indicaverit eam Dominus ; nec Zabulus ad poenam traducere , nisi Dominus damnaverit cam . Synod . Hibern . in vet . cod . Canonum , titulorum 66. MS. in Bibliothecá D. Roberti Cot●oni . Cuius initium : inter vetera Concilia , quatuor esse venerabiles Synodos , &c. i Finem dixit exitum vitae & actuum ; cui aut mors , aut vita succedit . Sedul . in Rom. 7. k Mors po●ta est , per quam itur ad regnum Id. in . 1. Cor. 3. l Suscepit Christus sine reatu supplicium nostrum ; ut inde solreret reatum uostrum , & finiret etiam supplicium nostrum . Claud. in Galat. 3. m Beda lib. 3. hist. Anglor . cap. 19. scribit , B. Furseum à mortuis resurgentem narrâsse multa , quae vidit de purgatoriis poenis . Bellarm. de Purgator . lib. 1. cap. 11. n 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Phot. Bibliothec. num . ●30 . o Etsi terribilis iste & grandis rogus videtur , tamen iuxta merita operum singulos examina● : quia uniuscuiusque cupiditas in hoc igne ardebit . Bede lib. 3. cap. 19. p 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Damasc. . apud ●o . Philoponum 〈◊〉 1. Meteor . fol. 104. b. q 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Id. ibid. r Hic homo non purgavit delicta sua in terrâ , 〈◊〉 vindictam hic recipit . Vbi ●st ergo iusticia Dei ? ab . v●ae Furse● . s Si peccata mortuorum redimi possunt ab amicis suis remanentibus in hâc vitâ ; orando , vel eleemosynas faciendo . Vit. Brendani , in Legendâ . Io. Cap. gravii . t Colmannus , inquit , vocor : qui sui Monachus iracundus , discordiaeque seminator inter fratres . Ibid. u In hoc ergo , dilectissimi , apparet : quòd oratio vivorum multùm mortuis prodest . 〈◊〉 . x Multa apocrypha deliramenta . Molan . in Vsuard . martyolog . Mai. 26. y 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Phof . Bibliothec . num . 130. z Nova Legenda Angliae . impress . Londin . an . 1516. a Qui videlicèt Columba nunc à nonnullis , composito à cella & Columba nomine , Colum-celli vocatur . Bed. lib. 5. hist. ca. 10. b Adaman . Vit. Columb . lib. 3. cap. 15. c Meque ( ait ) hodiè , quamlibèt indignus sim , ob venerationem illius animae , quae hâc in nocte inter sanctos Angelorum choros vecta ultra siderea coelorum spatia ad Paradisum ascendit , sacra oportet Eucharistiae celebrare mysteria . Ib. cap. 16. d Vidi , inquit , animam cujusdam sancti manibus Angelicis ad gaudia regni coelestis ferri . Bed. in vit . Cuthbert . cap. 34. e Coeperunt missas agere , & precibus insistere pro commemoratione B. Columbani . Walafrid . Vit. Gall. lib. 1. cap. 26. Theodor. vit . Magni , li. 1. cap. ult . edit . Goldasti , c. 12. Canissi . f Deinde tanti patris memoriam precibus sacris & sacrificiis salutaribus frequentaverunt . Ibid. g Post hujus vigilias noctis , cognovi per visionem , Dominum & patrem meum Colum. banum de hujus vitae angustiis hodie ad Paradisi gaudia commigrásse . Pro ejus itaque requie sacrificium salutis debeo immolare . Ibid. h Presbytez eum ut surgeret monuit , & pro requie defuncti ambitiosiùs Dominum precaretur . Intraverunt itaque Ecclesias , & ●piscopus pro ●●a●ssimo salutares hostias immolavit amico . Finito autem fraternae commemorationis obsequio , &c. Walafrid . Strab. vit . Gall. lib. 1. cap. 30. qui etiam addit postea , Discipulos ejus , pariter cum Episcopo orationem pro illo fecisse . cap. 33. i Noli flere , venerabilis P●aesul , quia me in tot mundialium perturbationum procellis laborantem conspicis : quoniam credo in misericordiâ Dei , quòd anima mea in immortalitatis libertate fit gavisura . tamen deprecor , ut orationibus tuis sanctis me peccatorem & animam meam non desinas adjuvare . Theodor , Campiden . vel quicunque author fuit vitae Magni , lib. 2. cap. 13. edit . Goldasti , cap. 28. Canissi . k Veni , Magne , veni ; accipe cotonam quam tibi Dominus praeparatam habet . Ibid. l Cessen●●● flere , frater ; quia potiùs nos oportet gaudere de animae ejus in immortalitate sumprae hoc signo audito , quàm luctum facere : sed eamus ad Ecclesiam , & pro tam charissimo amico salutares hostias Domino immolare studeamus . Finito itaque fraternae commemorationis obsequio , &c. Ibid. m Dum in praesenti seculo sumus , sive orationibus , sive consiliis invicem posse nos adjuvari : cùm autem ante tribunal Christi venerimus , nec Iob , nec Daniel , nec Noe , rogare posse pro quoquam ; sed unumquemque portare onus suum . Claud. in Gal. 6. n Columban . in epist. ad Hunaldum . Notes for div A14233-e8130 a Adorare alium praeter Patrem & Filium , & Spiritum sanctum , impietatis crimen est . Sedul . in Rom. 1. b Totum quod debet Deo anima , si alicui praeter Deum reddiderit , moechatur . Id. in Rom. 2. c Recedentes à lumine veritatis sapientes ; quasi qui invenissent , quo modo invisibilis Deus per simulacrum visibile coleretur . Id. in . Rom. 1. d Deus non in manufactis habitat , nec in metallo aut saxo cognoscitur . Claud. lib. 2. in Matth. e Non adjurandam esse crea●uram aliam , nisi creatorem . yaod . Patricij . can . 23. MS. f Auselm . lib. 3. epist. 143. g Episcopis , presbyteris totius Hiberniae , infimus praesulum Gille Lunicensis in Christo salutē . Roga●● , nec non & praecepto multorum ex vobis ( Charissimi ) canonicalem consuetudinem in dicencis Horis , & peragendo totius Ecclesiastici ordinis officio , scribere conatus sum ; non praesumptivo , sed vestrae cupiens piissimae servire jusstoni● ut diversi & schismatici illi Ordines , quibus Hibernia penè tota delusa est , uni Catholico & Roma●o ced●nt officio . Quid enim magis indecens aut schismaticum dici poterit ; quàm doctiss●mum unius ordinis in alterius Ecclesiâ idiotam & laicum fieri ? &c. Prolog Gille five Gilleberti Lummicensis epise . De usu Ecclesiastic . MS. in Colleg. S. Benedict . & public● academiae Cantabrigiensis Bibliothecâ . h Apostolicas sanctiones as decreta sanctorum patrum , praecipueque consuetudines sanctae Romanae ecclesiae in cunctis eccle●iis statuebat . Hinc est quòd hodieque in illis ad horas canonicas cantatur & psallitur juxta motem universae terrae : nam minimè id antè f●●bat , ne in civitate quidem . Ipse verò in adolescentiâ cantum didicerat , & in suo coenobio mox cantati fecit ; cùm necdum in civitate seu in episcopatu universo cantare scirent , vel vellent , Bernard . in vitâ Mal●thia . i Officium etiam Ecclesiasticum ritè modulandum statuerunt . Iohan. Brampto● , in Ioralanensi historiâ . MS. k Omnia divina ad instar sa ●osanctae Ecclesiae , iuxta quod Anglicana observat Ecclesia , in om●ibus pa●tibus Hiberniae amodo tractentur . Girald . Cambr. Hibern . exp●gnat . lib. 1. cap. 34. l Conci●● statuta sub●cripta sunt , & Regiae sublimitatis authoritate firmata Id. ibid. m Ex ipsius triumphatoris mandato , in civitate Cassiliensi convenerunt . Id. ibid. n Vt ministerium baptizandi , quo Deo renascimur , iuxta morem Sanctae Romanae & Apostolicae Ecclesiae compleatis , Bed. lib. 2. Histor cap. 2. o Per universum orbè terra●um , in Ecclesiâ ordo cursus Gallorum diffusus est . Fragment . de Ecclesiasticorum officiorum origine . MS. Bibliothecâ C●ttonianâ . p Gildas ait . Britones toti mundo contrarii , moribus Romanis inimici non solùm in Missâ , sed etiam in tonsurâ . Cod. Ca●●●● titulorum 66. MS. in eâdem Bibliothecâ . q Adamnan . Vit. columb . lib. 3. cap. 31. r 〈◊〉 Tactic . cap. 11. sect . 18. s Adamnan . Vit. Columb . lib. 〈…〉 . 15. t Walafrid . Strab. Vit. Gall. lib. 1. cap. 26. Theodor. Campidonens . vel quicunque author . fuit Vit. Magni , lib. 1. cap. 9. edit . Goldast . cap. 12. Conis●i . u Heb. 13. 16. x 2 Cor. ●5 . y Heb. 13. 15. z Praeceptor mens B. Columbanus in vasis aeneis Domino solet sacrificium offerre salutis . walafrid . Strab. Vit. Gall. lib. 1. cap. 19. a Testamentū Episcopi sive principis est ; 10. scripuli Sacerdoti danti sibi sacrificium . Synod . Hibern . in vet . lib. Can●num Cotte●●nious , titulorum 66. b Qui in vitâ suâ non merebi●● sacrificū accipere : quomodo post mortem illi potest adjuvare ? Synod Patric . cap. 12. MS. c Invicem expectate , id est , usque quo sacrificium accipiatis . Sedul . in 1 Cor. 11. d Gravi infirmitate depressus , à suis commonitus est vicinis , ut iuxta morem susciperet sacrificium communienis . Ex vitâ S. Samsonis MS. in libro 〈◊〉 Eccles●● 〈◊〉 Tilo . e Hebr. 13. 10. f Id fit potissimùm ob●●acrificii , non ob Sacramenti integtitatem . Bellarmin . de sacrament . Eucharist . lib. 4. cap. 22. in fine . g Rhem. annotat . in Matth. 26. 26. h Mittas presbyterum qui illam , priusquam moriatur , visitet ; eique Dominici corporis & sanguinis sacramenta ministret Bed. de Vit. Cuthbert . pros . cap. 15. i Acceptis è me sacramentis salutaribus exin●● suum , quem iam venisse cognovit , Dominici corporis & sanguinis com●un●●●● munivit . Ibid. cap. 39. k Bed. de Vit. Cuthbert . corm . cap. 36. l Petivitque & accepit sacri corporis & sanguinis communionem . Author antiqu . Vitae Fursaei . m Principes & doctores Ecclesiae Christi , animas fidelium ad poenitentiae lamentum post culpas pro●ocent ; & eas spirituall pastis doctrinae , ac sacri corporis & sanguinis participatione solidis reddant . Ibid. n Pe● alterum ●stium Abbati●● cu●suis puellis & vid●is fidelibus 〈…〉 convivio corporis & sanguinis fruantur Iesu Christi . Cogitos . vit . Brigid . o Quadam ex his nomine Domna , cùm jam corpus Domini accepisset , ac sanguinem libâffet . I●n . Vit. Burgundofor . p 1 Cor. 11. 26. q Rhem. in Mat. 26. 26. r Venerabilis viri Sedulii Paschale opus , quod heroicis descripsit versibus , insigni laude praeferimus . Synod . Roman . sub Gelasi● . s Hinc quoque conspicui radiavit lingua Seduli . Venant . Fortunat. de vitâ S. Martini , lib. 1. t Bonus Sedulius , poëta Evangelicus , Orator facundus , scriptor catholicus . Hildephons . Toletan . serm . 5. de assumpt . Maria . u Sedulii Scoti Hiberniensis , in omnes epistolas Pauli Collectan : excus . Basil. an . 1528. x Sedul . Carm. Paschal . lib. 4. y Triticeae sementis cibus suavis , & amoenae vitis potus amabilis . Id. pros . lib. 4. ca. 14. z Melchisedech vinum & panem obtulit Abraham , in figuram Christi , corpus & sanguinem suum Deo patri in cruce offerentis . Secul●n Heb. 5. a Nos verò in commemorationem Dominicae semel passionis quotidie nostraeque salutis offerimus . Id●● Heb. 10. b Suam memoriam nobis reliquit : quemadmodum si quis peregrè proficiscens aliquod pignus ei quem diligit derelinquat ; ut quotiescunque illud viderit , possit ejus beneficia & amicitias recordari . Id. in 1 Cor. 11. c Voluit antè discipulis suis tradere sacramentum corporis & sanguinis sui , quod significavit in fractione corporis & effusione calicis , & posteà ipsum corpus immolari in ara Crucis . Claud. lib. 3. in Matth. d See Chrysostom , Theodoret , and Ephraemius Antiochenus , in the Answer to the Iesuit , pag. 66 , 67. of the last edition . e Apud Rathrannum ( sive Bertramum ) & Aelfricum , passim . f Quia panis corpus confirmat , vinum verò sanguinem operatur in carne : hic ad corpus Christi mysticè , illud refertur ad sanguinem . Id. ibid. g Quòd corpus Christi in altaris sacramento est solum speculum ad corpus Christi in coelo . Ex actis ● illelmi Andreae Midensis episcopi contra Henr. Crumpe , anno 1384. que MS a. hab●o . h Iohannis Scoti liber de Eucharistiâ lectus est , ac damnatus . Lanfranc . de Eucharist . contr . Berengar . i Iohanne mjnū 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Alfred . praefat . in Gregor . Pastoral . Saxonic . k Praefertim cùm ex mirabilibus Scripturae Dominicae nil praeterire disposui , in quibus à ministerio quotidian● excellere in aliis videntur . Lib. 2. de mirabilib . Scriptur . cap. 21. Notes for div A14233-e12470 a Quod infantes baptismo sine Chrismate consecrato baptizantur . Lanfranc . epist. MS. in Bibliothecâ Cottonian● : & apud Baron . an . 1089. num . 16. ubi tamen sive malè habetur prosine . b Vsum saluberrimum Confessionis , sacramentum Confirmationis , contractum conjugiorum ( quae omnia aut ignorabant aut negligebant ) Malachias de novo instituit . Bernard . in vitâ Malachiae . c Inter mundanas occupationes castissimam vitam rationabili consideratione degere dicuntur . Alcuin . epist. 26. edit . H. Canisti , 71. Andreae Quercetan● . d Dicitur verò neminem ex Laicis suam velle Confessionem sacerdotibus dare : quos à Deo Christo cum sanctis Apostolis ligandi solvendique potestatem accepisse credimus , Ibid. e Coram omnibus qui ibidem erant peccata sua confessus est . Adamnan . vit . Columb . lib. 1. cap. 16. ( vel 20. in MS. ) f Surge fili , & consolare : dimi●●a sunt tua , quae commi●isti , peccamina . quia sicut scriptum est ; Cor contritum & humiliatum Deus non spernit . Ibid. g Accedens ad sacerdotem , à quo sibi spera●at iter salutis posse demonstrari ; confessus est reatum suum , petiique 〈◊〉 consilium sibi daret , quo posset fugere à venturâ Dei irâ . Bed. lib. 4. histor . cap. 25. h Confessa dignis ( ut imperabat ) poenitentiae fructibus abstergerent . Id. ibid. cap. 27. i Christianu● qui occiderit , aut fornicationem fecerit , aut more Gentilium ad aruspicem meaverit ; per singula crimina annum poenitentiae agar , impleto cum testibus veniat anno Poenitentiae , & posteà resolvetur à sacerdote . Synod . Patricij , Auxilij & Issernini MS. in Bibliothecâ Collegii Benedict . Cantabrig . k Necnon etiam nunc in Episcopis ac Presbyteris omni Ecclesiae officium idem committitur : Ut videlicèt agnitis peccantium caussis , quoscunq , humiles ac verè poe●●●entes aspexerint , hos iam à timore perpetuae mortis miserantes absolvant , quos ver in peccatis quae egerint persistere cognove●int illos perennibus suppliciis obli gandos ●●●sinuent . Claud in Matth. lib. 2. l Verum dicunt Scribae , quia nemo dim●●tere peccata nisi sulus Deus potest ; qui per eos quoque dimi● ut , quibus dimitiendi tribuit p●testatem . Et ideò Christus verè Deus esse probatur ; quia dimittere peccata quasi Deus potest . Verum Deo testimonium reddunt ; sed personam Christi negando falluntur . Id. in Matth. lib. 1. m Si & Deus est , iuxta Psalmistam , qui quantum distat Oriens ab occasu clongavit à nobis iniquitates nostras ; & filius hominis potestatem habet in terrâ dimittendi peccata : ergò idem ipse & Deus & filius hominis est . ut & homo Christus per divinitatis suae potentiam peccata dimittere possit ; & idem Deus Christus per humanitatis suae fragilitatem pro peccatoribus mori . Ibid. n Ostendit se Deum , qui potest cordis occulta cognoscere ; & quodam modo tacens loquitur . Eâdem maiestate & potentiâ quà cogitationes vestras intueor , possum & hominibus delicta dimittere . Ibid. o In paralytico à quatuor viris portato , quatuor divina opera cernuntur . Dum dimittuntur ei peccata , & praesentis aegritudinis plaga verbo tunc solvitur , & cogitationibus in ore Dei omnia scrutantis respondetur . Auth. lib. de Mirabilib . S. Scriptur . lib. 3. cap. 7. p Deus solus potest occulta hominum scire , Sedul . in Rom. 2. q Corda hominum nôffe solius Dei est , & mentis secreta agnoscere . Id. ibid. r Nondum deeimas vel primitias solvunt : nondum matri●●nia contrahunt ; non incestus vitant . Girald . Cambr. Topograph . Hibera . distinct . 3. cap. 19. Vide etiam Lanfranci epist. ad Gothricum & Terdeluacum reges Hibern . apud Baronium , an . 1089. num . 13. & 16. s Videtur indicare , esse aliquid quod donum quidem fit , non tamen spirituale : ut Nuptiae . Sedul . in Rom. 1. t De consanguinitate in conjugio . Intelligite quid Lex loquitur , non minùs nec plus . Quod autem observatur apud nos , ut quatuor genera dividantur ; nec vidisse di●unt nec legisse . Synod . Patric . cap. 19. MS. u Audi decreta Synodi super istis . Frater thorum defuncti fratris non ascandat : Domino dicente , Erunt duo in carne unâ . Ergo uxor fratris tui soror tua est , Ibid. cap. 25. & in Excerptis è Inre Sacerdota●i Egborti archiepisc . per Hucarium Levitam . MS. x Vit ●ilia●● , tom . 4. antiqu . lect . Henr. Ca●●sti , pag. 633. & 644. y Iudaismum inducens , judicat justum esse Christiano , ut si voluerit , viduam fratris defuncti accipiat uxorem . Bonifac . epist. ad Zachar . tomo 3. Concil . part . 1. pag. 382. edit . Colon. An. 1618. z Inferens Christianis Iudaismum , dum praedicat fratris defuncti accipere uxorem . Concil . Roman . II. sub . Zachar. ibid. pag. 383. e. a Quinimo ( quod valde detestabile est , & non tantùm fidei , sed & cuilibet honestati valde contrarium ) fratres pluribus per Hiberniam locis fratrum defunctorum uxores , non dico ducunt , sed traducunt , imo verius seducunt ; dum trupiter eas , & tam incestuosè cognoscunt : veteris in hoc testamenti non medullae sed cortici adhaerentes , veteresque libentiùs in vitiis quàm virtutibus imitari volentes . Girald . Cambr. Topograph . Hibern . distinct . 3. cap. 19. b Non licet secundùm praeceptum Domini ut dimittatur conjunx , nisi caussâ fornicationis . Sedul . in 1 Cor. 7. c Non licet viro dimittere uxorem nisi ob caussam fornicationis . ac fi dicat , ob hanc caussam . Vnde si ducat alterum , velut post mortem prioris , non ve●ant . Synod . Patrie . cap. 36 MS. d Si alicujus uxor fornicata fuerit cum alio viro : non adducet aliam uxorem , quandiù viva fuerit uxor prima . Si fortè conversa fuerit , & agat poenitentiam , suscipiet eam ; & serviet ei in vicem ancillae : & anuum integrum in pan● & aquâ per mensuram poeniteat ; nec in uno lecto permaneant . Ex libro 〈◊〉 Cott●●an● , titul●●m 66. e Quicunque Clericis , ab Ostiario usque ad Sacerdotem , fine 〈◊〉 visus fuerit , &c. & uxor ejus si non velato capite ambulaverit : pariter à laicis contemnenurtur , & ab Ecclesiâ separentur . Synod . Patric . Auxil Issernin . f Patrem habui Calporn●●●● Diaconum , filium quondam Potiti presbyteri . S. Patricii Confessio . MS. g Imperfecta est patrum castitas , si eidem non & 〈◊〉 accumul●●● . Sed quid crir , ubi nec pater , nec filius mali genitoris exemplo pravatus , conspicitu● castus ? Gildas . h Sic inveni , ut tibi Samuel ( infans magistri mei Benlani presbyteri ) in istâ pagina scripsi . Nennius in MS o. Dunelmensi . i Versus Nennii ad Samuelem filium magistri sui Benlani , viri religiosi , ad quem historiam istam scripserat . Nenn. MS. in publicâ Cantaebrigiensis academiae Bibliothecâ * Hinc apud Balaeum , Centur. 1 cap. 77. Benlani presbyteri 〈◊〉 Laeta est nominata . k Si clericus haberet foeminam datam à suo genere , & sic habee filium ex eâ ; & posteà ille cleritus presbyteratus ordinem accipiens , si post votum consecrationis filium haberet de eâdem foeminâ ; prior filius non debet partiri cum filio post nato . Ex legib . Howel Dha , MS. in 〈◊〉 Cottonia●â . l Successivè & post patres filii ecclesias obtinent , non electivè sed haereditate possidentes & polluentes Sanctuarium Dei. quia si praelatus alium eligere & instituere fortè praesumpserit ; in instituentem procùl dubiò , vel institutum , genus injuriam vindicabit . Girald , Cambrensis Descript. Cambri● , libro 2 ● . MS. Successio●is quippe vitium non solùm in sedibus cathedralibus , verùm etiam adeò per totam in clero sicut & in populo Walliam per●inaciter inyaiuit ; quòd & post patres filii passim ecclesias & consequenter obtineant , tanquam haereditate possidentes & polluentes Sanctuarium Dei , &c. Id. in Dialogo de Ecclesiâ Menevensi , distinct . 1. MS. m Hildebert . epist. 65. ad Honorium II. ( tomo 12. Bibloth . Patr. part . 1. pag. 338. 339. edit . Colon. ) n Ex quibus constare potest , utrumque vitium toti huic genti Britanniae tam cismarinae quàm transmarinae ab antiquo commune fuisse . Girald . Cambr. in utroque . o Alphons . Ciacon . in Vitis Pontificum & Cardinalium , pag. 515. Notes for div A14233-e14620 a 〈…〉 in clerum electi 〈…〉 distinct 3. cap. 29. b Ecgbenu● cum C●adda adolescente & ipse adolescens in Hiberniâ monasticam in orationibus & continentiâ & meditatione divinarū scriptura●um vitam sedulus agebat . Bed. lib. 4. hist. cap. 3. c Sed & diebus Dominicis ad ecclesiam sive ad monasteria certatim , non reficiendi eorp●ris , sed erudiendi sermonis Dei gratiâ confluebant Id. lib. 3. cap. 26. d Hactenus videri poterat actum esse cum sapientiae studiis ; nisi semen Deus servâsset in aliquo mundi angulo . In Scotis & Hibernis haeserat aliquid adhuc de doctrinâ cognitionis Dei & honestatis civilis ; quòd nullus fuerit in ultimis illis mundi finibus armorum terror , &c. Et summam possumus ibi conspicere & adorare Dei bonitatem ; quòd in Scotis , & locis , ubi nemo putâsset , tam numerosi coaluerint sub strictissimâ disciplinâ coetus . Jacob. Curi● , lib. ● rerum Chronologie . e Si quis frater inobediens fuerit ; duos dies uno paxmate & aquâ . Si quis dicit , Non faci●m ; tres dies uno paxmatio & aquâ . Si quis ●●murat ; duos dies uno paxmatio & aquâ . Si quis veniam non petit , aut dicit excu●●tionem ; 〈◊〉 dies uno paxmatio & aquâ . Col●● lib. de quatidi●●us P●●itentus 〈◊〉 ca 10. MS. in ●●asteris S. Galli . f Quid prodest , si virgo corpore sit , & non sit virgo ●ente ? Id. in Regulâ 〈◊〉 . cap. 8. g Quotidie proficiendum est : sicut quotidie orandum , quotidicque est legendum . Ibid. cap. 5. h Bona vanè laudat● Pharis●i perierunt : & peccata Publicani accusata evanuerunt . Non exeat igitur verbum grande de ore Monachi : ne suus grandis pereat labor . Ibid. cap. 7. i Tantam nos habere per natura● liberi arbitrii non peccandi possibilitatem : ut plus etiam quàm praeceptum est , faciamus : quoniam perpe●a servatur à plerisque virginitas , quae praecepta non est ; cùm ad 〈◊〉 peccandum praecepta impl●re sufficiat . Aug. de gesti● Synod . Palestin . contra Pelag. cap. 13. k Ipsis Apostolis & eorum sequacibus ita bonum virginitatis arripiendum persuasit : ut hoc scirent non humanae industriae , sed muneris esse divini . S. Gallus , in serm . ●abit . Constant. l Non in solo rerum corporearum nitore , sed etiam in ipsis sordibus luctuosis esse posse jactantiam : & eo periculosiorem , quo sub nomine servitutis Dei decipit . Claud. lib. 1. in Matth. m Act. 20. 35. n 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; Euseb. lib. 1. hist. cap. ult . o Qui nostra reliquimus , ut secundùm Evangelicam jussionem Dominum sequeremur , non debemus alienas amplecti divitias ; ne fortè praevagicatores simus divini mandati . Walafrid . Strab. vit . Galli , lib. 1. cap. 2. p Alii hortum labor averunt , alii arbores pomiferas excoluerunt . B. verò Gallus texebat retia , &c. & de ●odem labore afliduas populo benedictiones exhibuit . Ibid. cap. 6. q Et primùm quidem permodicum ab eis panem , quo vesceretur accipi●hat , ac suo bibebat è fonte : postmodùm verò proprio mantum labore juxta exempla patrum vivere magis aptum ducebat . Rogavit ergo afferri sibi instrumenta quibus terram exerceret , & triticum quod fereret . Bed. vit . Cuthbert . pros . cap. 19. Vid. li. 4. hist , eccles . cap. 28. r Id. in Carm. de vit . Cuthbert . cap. 17. s Id. lib. 3. hist. eccles . cap. 19. t Bonifac. in vitâ Livini , pag. 240. u Theod. Ca●did . vit . Magni , lib. 1. cap. 5. edit . Goldasti , 6. Ca●issi . x 2 Thes. 3. 12. y Qui in monasteriis degun● , cum silentio operante● , suum panem manducent . Vit. Fursei . z ●am enim istis in temporibus non poterit magnus aut mediocris in clero & populo aut vix cibum sumere , ubi tales non affuerint mendicantes : non more pauperum petentes ad portas vel ostia humiliter eleemosynam ( ut Franciscus in Testamento praecepit & docuit ) mendicando ; sed curias , sive domos , sine verecundiâ penetrantes , & inibi hospitantes , nullatenùs invitati , edunt & bibunt quae apud eos reperiunt . secum nihilominùs aut grana , aut similam , aut panes , aut carnes , seu caseos ( et●amsi in domo non fuerint nisiduo ) secum extorquendo reportant : nec eis quisquam poterit denegare , nisi verecundiam naturalem abjiciat . Rich. Armachanus , in Defensorio Curaterum , pag. 56. 57. edit . Paris . an . 1625. ( collat . cum vetere editione Ascensianâ . ) a Prima conclusio erat , quòd Dominus Iesus Christus in conversatione suâ humanâ semper pauper erat , non quia propter se paupertatem dilexit aut voluit . Ibid. pag. 104 , 105. b Secunda conclusio erat , quòd Dominus noster Iesus Christus nunquam spontaneè mendicavit . Ib. pag. 107. c Tertia conclusio fuit ; quòd Christus nunquam docuit spontaneè mendicare . Ib. pag. 121. d Quarta conclusio fuit ; quòd Dominus noster Iesus Christus docuit non debere homines spontaneè mendicare . Ibid. pag. 123. e Quinta conclusio erat ; quod nullis potest prudenter & sanctè spontaneam mendicitatem super se assumere perpetuò asservandam . quoniam ex quo talis mendicitas vel mendicatio est dissuasa à Christo , à suis Ap●sto●● & Discipulis , & ab Ecclesiâ ac sacris Scripturis , ac etiam reprobata : consequitur quòd non potest prudenter & sanctè assumi hoc modo . Ibid. pag. 131. Vid. ejusd . Richardi sermonem 3 apud Crucem Londi● . edit . Paris an . 1512. f Quòd fratres de quatuor ordinibus Mendican●●● non sunt nec fuer●at Domino inspirante instituti ; sed contra Concilium generale 〈◊〉 sub Innocentio tertio celebratum , ac per ficta & falsa & falsa somnia , Papa Honorius suasus à fratr●●bus eos confirmavit . Act. contra Henr. Crumpe , in Thomae Waldensis Fasciculo 〈◊〉 , quem MS um ●abeo . g Quòd omnes Doctores determinantes pro parte fratrum 〈…〉 Dudum , vel timuerunt veritatem dicere , ne eorum libri per fratres Inquisitores haer●●● pravitatis damnarentur ; vel dixerunt , ut videtur , vel solùm disputative & non deter●●tivè processerunt : quia si planè veritatem pro Ecclesiâ dixissent , persecuti eos fuisse●● Fratres , sicut persequebantur sanctum Doctorem Armachanum . Ibid. h Tribus monachorum ( qui suis , sibi ipsi laboribus victum , manibus operando suppeditabant ) millibus praefuisse creditur . Nicol. Horpsfield . hist. Eccles. Angl. lib. 1. cap. 25. i Monachum oportet labore manuum suarum vesci & vestiri . Vit. S. Brendani . k In quo tantus fertur fuisse numerus monachorum ; ut cùm in septem portiones esset cum praepositis sibi rectoribus monasterium divisum , nulla harum portio minus quàm trecentos homines haberet : qui omnes de labore manuum suarum vivere solebant . Bed. lib. 2. histor . Ecclesiast . cap. 2. * Chronicle of Wales , pag. 253 , 254. † Vid. Arnal . Hibern . a Camdeno edit . ad an . 1370. l Ad exemplum venerabilium patrum , sub regulá & Abbate canonico , in magnâ continentiâ & finceritate proprio labore manuum vivunt . Bed. lib. 4. bist . eccles . cap. 4. m Iure , inquit , est coenobitarū vita miranda , qui Abbatis per emnia subjiciuntur imperiis ; ad ejus arbitrium cuncta vigilandi , orandi , jejunandi , atque operandi tempora moderantur . Bed. vit . Cuthbert . pros . cap. 22. n id . Carm. cap. 20. o Quotidie jejunandum est , sicut quotidie reficiendum est . Columb . Regul . c. 5. p Quia haec est vera discretio , ut possibilitas spiritalis profectus cum abstinentiâ carnem macetante retentetur . Ibid. q Ideò quotidie edendum est , quia quotidie proficiendum est . Ibid. r Si enim modum abstinentia excesserit , vitium non virtus erit . Ibid. s Cibus sit vilis & vespertinus Monachorum , satietatem fugiens & potus ebrietatem ; ut & sustineat , & non noccat . Ibid. * Synodus Hiberniensium dicit . In tribus quadragesimis anni , in die Dominico & in quartâ feriâ & sextâ , conjugaies continere se debent . Canonum Collectio , cujus initium ; Sancta Synodus bis in anno decrevit habere Concilia . MS. in Bibliothecâ Cotton . t Si quis ante horam nonam quartâ sextaque feriâ manducat , nisi infirmus ; duos dies in pane & aquâ . Columban . lib. de quotidianis Poenitent . monachor . cap. 13. u Cujus exemplis informati , tempore illo , religiosi quique viri ac foeminae , consuetudinem fecerunt per totum annum , ( exceptâ remissione quinquagesimae Paschalis ) quartâ & sextâ sabbati ieiunium ad nonam usque horam protelare . Bed. lib. 3. hist. eccles . cap. 5. x Quibus diebus cunctis , exceptâ Dominicâ , iciunium ad vesperam iuxta morem protelans ; nec tunc nisi panis permodicum , & unum ovum gallinaceum , cum parvo lacte aquâ mixto percipiebat . Ibid. cap. 23. y Ostendens evidenter , filios sapientiae intelligere , nec in abstinendo nec in manducando esse iustitiam ; sed in aequanimitate tolerandi inopiam , & temperanti● per abundantiam non se co●rumpendi , atque opportunè sumendi vel non sumendi ea , quorum non usus sed concupiscentia reprehendenda est . Claud. lib. 2. in Matth. z Sunt nonnulli , qui spiritualibus vitiis impugnantur ; sed his omissis , corpus in abstinentiâ affigunt . Vit. S. Fursei . a Multi enim cibis , quos Deus ad percipiendum cum gratiarum actione creavit , abstinentes , haec nefanda quasi licita sumunt ; hoc est , superbiam , avaritiam , invidiam , falsum testimonium , blasphemiam . Ibid. b Gildas in epistolis su●● . Hi dum pane ad mensuram vescuntur , pro hoc ipso fine mensurâ gloriantur , dum aquâ utuntur , simul odii poculo potantur ; dum siccis ferculis vescuntur , detractionibus utuutur ; dum vigiliis expendunt , alios somno pressos vituperant : ieiunium caritati , vigilias iustitiae , propriam adinventionem concordiae , clausulam Ecclesiae ( al. Cellae , ) severitatem humilitati , postremò hominem Deo anteponunt . Horum ieiunium , nisi per aliquas virtutes adfectatur , nihil prodest . qui verò caritatem perficiunt , cum citharâ Spiritus sancti dicunt : Quasi pannus menstruatae , omnes iustitiae nostrae sunt . Ex libro Canonum Cottoniano , titulorum 66. c Abstinentia corporalium ciborum sine charitate inutilis est . Meliores ergo sunt , qui non magnoperè ieiunant , nec supra modum à creaturâ Dei abstinent , cor intrinsccùs nitidum coram Domino sollicitè servantes , à quo sciunt exitum vitae : quàm illi qui carnem non edunt , nec prandiis secularibus delectantur , neque vehiculis & equis vehuntur , pro his quasi superiores caeteris se putantes ; quibus mors intravit per fenestras clationis . Gildas , ibid. Notes for div A14233-e17460 a Haber vineam , universam scilicèt Eccl●siam ; quae ab Abel iusto usque adul●mum e●ectum qui in ●●ne mundi na●●riturus est , quot sanctos prouilit , quasi tot palmites mis●t . Claud. lib. ● in Matth. b Congregatio quippe iustorum , regum ●●lorum dicitur ; quod est Ecclesia in●●●rum Id. lib. 3. in Matth. c Ecclesiae filii sunt omnes ab institutione generis humani usque nu●c , quotquet iusti & sancti esse pomerunt . Id. lib. 2. in Matth. d His & caeteris instruimur , tam Apostol●s omnesque credentes , quàm ipsam quoque Ecclesiam , coluamnam in Scripturis appellari ; & nihil interesse de corpore quid dicatur in membris , cùm & corpu● dividatur in membra , & membra fint corpori● . Id. in Gal. 2. ●● Hitro●ymo . e Ecclesias vocat , quas post●à errore arguit depravatas . Ex quo noscendum , dupliciter Ecclesiam posse dici : & cam , quae non habeat maculam aut rugam , & verè corpus Christi sit ; & eam quae in Christi nomine absque plenis perfectisque virtutibus congregetur . Id. in Galat. 1. ex eodem . f Ecclesiam non habituram maculam neque rugam dicitur , respectu futurae vitae . Sc●ul in Ephes. 1. g Magnam domum non Ecclesiam dicit ( ut quidam putant ) quae non habet maculam neque rugam : sed mundum , in quo z●zauia sunt mixta tritico . Id. in . 2. Tim. 2. h Sancta Ecclesia decem Virginibus similis denuntiatur : in quâ quia mali cum bonis & reprobi cum electis admixtisunt , rectè similis virginibus prudentibus & fatuis esse perhibetur . Claud. lib. 3 ▪ in Matth. i Perhas regis nuptias praesens Ecclesia designatur ; in quâ cum bonis & mali conveniunt . Id. lib. eod . k In h●c ergo Ecclesiâ , nec mali esse sine bo●is , nec boni esse sine malis possunt : quos tamen sancta Ecclesia & nunc indiscretè suscipit , & postmodum in egressione discernit . Id. ibid. l Exceptis paucia , & valdè , paucis , qui ( ob amissioné . tan●ae multitudinis , quae quotidiè p●ona ruit ad tartara ) tam brevis numeri habentur ; ut ●os quodammodò venerabilis mater Ecclesia in suo sinu recumber●es non videat , quos solos veros filios habet . Gild. epist. m Nonnunquam Ecclesia ●ntis gentilium pressuris , non solùm aftlicta , sed & faedata est ; ut , si fieri possit , redemptor ipsius cam prorsus de●eruisse ad tempus videretur . Claud. lib. 2. in Matth. n Ecclesia non apparebit , impiis tunc persecutoribus ultra modum saevientibus . Id. lib. 3. in Matth. o Temporibus Antichristi non solum tormenta crebtiora & acerbiora , quàm priùs consueverant , ingerenda sunt fidelibus ; sed ( quod gravius est ) signorum quoque operatio eos qui tormenta ingerunt , comitabitur : tests Apostolo , qui ait ; Cujus est adventus secundùm operationem Satanae , in omni seductiorie , signis , & prodiglis mendacii . Id. lib. c●d . p Praestiglosis : sicut antè praedictum est ; Dabunt signa , ita ut seducantur , si fieri potest , etiam electi . per phantasticam virtutem : ficut Iamnes & Mambres coram Pharaone ●ecerunt . Sedul . in ● Thes. 2. q Quis ergo ad fidem convertitur incredulus ? cujus jam credentis non pavet & concutitur fides ? quando persecut●r pietatis fit etiam operator virtutis : idemque ipse qui tormentis 〈◊〉 ut Christus negetur , provocat miraculis ut Antichristo 〈◊〉 . Claud. lib. 3. in Matth. r Quàm ergo mundo & simplici oculo opus est , ut inveniatur via sapientiae , cui tantae malorum & perversorum hominum deceptiones erroresque obstrepunt ? quas omnes necesse est evadere , hoc est , venire ad certissimam pacem , & immobilem stabilitatem sapientiae . Id. lib. 1. in Matth. s Nec si se Angelus nobis ostendat , ad seducendos nos subornatus fallaciis patris sui Diaboli , praevalere debebit adversum nos : neque si virtus ab aliquo facta siet , sicut dicitur à Simone Mago in aäre volâsse . Sedul . in Rom. 8. t Neque signa vos terreant , tanquam per Spiritum facta : quia hoc & Salvator praemonuit . Id. in 2 Thess. 2. u Hic ostenditur , crescente fide signa cessare : quando fidelium causâ danda esse praedicantur . Id. in 1 Corinth . 14. x Vnde nunc cùm fidelium numerositas excrevit , intra sanctam Ecclesiam multi sunt qui vitam virtutum tenent , & signa virtutum non habent : quia frustrà miraculum foris ostenditur , si deest quod intùs operetur . Nam iuxta Magistri Gentium vocem : Linguae in signum sunt , non fidelibus sed in fidelibus . Claud. lib. 1 in Matth. y Qualia propter infideles cùm fecerit Dominus , monuit tamen ne talibus decipiamur , arbitran●es ibi esse invisibilem sapientiam , ubi miraculum visibile viderimus . Adiungit ergo & dicit , Multi dicent mihi in illâ die , Domine , Domine : 〈◊〉 in nomine tuo prophetavimus , & in tuo nomine daemonia eiecimus , & in tuo nomine virtutes multas fecimus ? Id. lib. eod . z Ille Deum tentat , qui iactantiae suae vitio , superfluam & inutilem vult ostentare virtutem . Quid e●im utilitatis habet , quid commodi confert , si praeceps hin● in plana descendero ? &c. Id. lib. eod . a Inane est enim omne miraculum , quod utilitatem saluti non operatur humanae . Ibid. b Amphiloch ▪ in l ● ambis ad Sel●●●●um . c Cogitos . Vit. Brigid . in exemplaribus MS o. antiquiss . Bibliothec Cottonianae , & Ecclesiae Sarisburiensis . d Tom. 5. Antiqu . lection . in lacunâ , sub ●●nem , pag. 629. e Fundamenta . ] Christum , & Apostolos , & Prophetas . Sedul . in Hebr. 11. f Compertum est in petrâ vel lapide Christum esse significatum . Id. in Rom. 9. g Apostoli fundamentum sunt , vel Christus fundamentum est Apostolorum . Christus est fundamentum , qui etiam lapis dicitur angularis , duos conjungens & continens parietes . Ideò hic fundamentum & summus est lapis ; quia in ipso & fundatur , & consummatur Ecclesia . Id. in Ephes. 2. h Vt ministros Christi : non ut fundamentum . Id. in 1 Cor. 4. i Super hanc petram aedificabo ecclesiam meam , id est , super Dominū salvatorem , qui fideli suo cognitori , amatori , confessori , participium sui nominis donavit , ut scilicet à petrâ Petrus vocaretur . Aedificatur Ecclesia : quia non nisi per fidem & dilectionem Christi , per susceptionem sacramentorum Christi , per observantiam mandatorum Christi , ad sortem . electorum & aeternam pertingitur vitam , Apostolo attestante qui ai● ; Fundamentum enim aliud nemo potest ponere praeter id quod positum est , qui est Christus Iesus . Claud. lib. 2. in Matth. k Pettum solum nominat , & sibi comparat : quia primatum ipse accepit ad fundandam Ecclesiam : se quoque pari modo electum , ut primatum habeat in fundandis Gentium Ecclesiis . Id. in Galat. 2. l Id. in Galat. 5. m Id. in Galat. 2. n Ab his itaque probatum dicit donum quod accepit à Deo , ut dignus essect habere primatum in praedicatione Gentium , sicut & habebat Petrus in praedicatione Circumcisionis . Id. in Gal. 2. o Gratiam sibi soli primus vendicat concessam à Deo , sicut & soli Petro concessa est inter Apostolos . Id. ibid. p Non illi sum inferior ; quia ab uno sumus ambo in unum ministerium ordinati . Id. ibid. q Apostolum se Christi titulo praenotavit , ut ex ipsâ lecturos nominis auctoritate terreret ; judicans omnes , qui in Christo crederent , debere sibi esse subjectos . Id. in Gal. 1. r Nam sicut interrogatis generaliter omnibus , Petrus respondit unus pro omnibus : ita quod Petro Dominus respondit , in Petro omnibus respondit . Id. lib. 2. in Matth. s Quae solvendi ac ligandi potestas , quamvis soli Petro data videatur à Domino ; absque ullâ tamen dubietate noscendum est , quia & caeteris Apostolis datur : ipso teste , qui post passionis resurrectionisque suae triumphum apparens eis insufflavit , & dixit omnibus : Accipite Spiritum sanctum , quorum remiscritis peccata , remittuntur eis , & quorum retinueritis , rerenta sunt . Id. lib. eod . t Vero sacerdoti dicitur : Tu es Petrus , & super hanc petram aedificabo ecclesiam meam . Gild. epist. u Petro ejusque successoribus dicit Dominus : Et tibi dabo claves regni coelorum . Ibid. x Itemque omni sancto sacerdoti promittitur : Et quaecunque solveris super terram , erunt soluta & in coelo ; & quaecunque ligaveris super terram , erunt ligata & in coelo . Ibid. y Apostolicam sedem legitimè obtinent . Ibid. z Si hunc vos Apostoli retinetis in omnibus affectum ; ejus quoque cathedrae legitimè insidere noscatis . Ibid. a Sedem Petri Apostoli immundis pedibus usurpantes ; sed merito cupiditatis in Iudae traditoris pestilentem cathedram decidentes . Ibid. b Iudam quedam modo in Petri cathedrâ Domini traditorem statuunt . Ibid. c Super ipsos Ecclesiae fit positum fundamentum . Claud. in Gal. 2. d Constans in Dei timore , & fide immobilis , super quem aedificatur ut Petrum Ecclesia : cujusque Apostolatum à Deo sortitus est , & inferni porta adversus eum non praevalebunt . Hymn in laud. S. Patricij . e Christus illum sibi elegit in terris Vicarium . Ibid. f Brianus rex Hiberniae , Parasceve Paschae , sextâ feriâ , IX . Calend. Maii , manibus & mente ad Deum intentus necatur . Marian . Scot. See Caradoc of Lhancarran , in the Chronicle of Wales , pag. 80. g Sanctus Patricius iens ad coelum , mandavit totum fructum laboris sui ( tam baptismi , tam causarum quàm eleemosynarum ) deserendum esse Apostolicae Vrbi , quae Scoticè nominatur Arddmacha . Sic repperi in Bibliothecis Scotorum . Ego scripsi , id est , Calvus Perennis , in conspectu Briani Imperatoris Scotorum . Ex. Vet. Cod. Ecclesiae Armachanae . h Domino semper suo , & Apostolico Patri , Desiderio Papae , Gallus peccator . i Cogitos . in vit . Brigid . tom . 5. antiqu . lect . Henr. Canisii , pag. 625. lin ult . k Ibid. pag. 640. lin . 2. Notes for div A14233-e20050 a Edm. Camp. History of Ireland . lib. 2. ca. 2. b Pallio decoravit , illique vices suas committens atque legatum suum constituens , quaecunque in Hiberniâ gesserat , constituerat , disposuerat , auctoritatis suae munimine confirmavit . Iocelin . vit . Patric . cap. 166. c Metropoliticae sedi deerat adhuc , & defuerat ab initio pallii usus . Bernard . vit . Malach . d Anno 1151. Papa Eugenius quatuor pallia per legatum suum Iohannem Papirum transmisit in Hiberniam , quò nunquam anteà pallium delatum fuerat . Annal. Coenobij Melros . MS. in Bibliothecâ Cottonianâ . e Apud Ardmacham sibi sedem elegit ; quam etiam quasi metropolim constituit & proprium totius Hiberniae primatiae locum . Girald . Cambr. Topograph . Hibern . distinct . 3. cap. 16. f Archiepiscopi verò in Hiberniâ nulli fuerant ; sed tantùm se Episcopi invicem consecrabant : donec Iohannes Papyrio Romanae sedis legatus , non multis retrò annis advenit . Hic quatuor pallia in Hiberniam portavit , &c. Ibid. cap. 17. g Hic primus Archiepiscopus dicitur , quia primo pallio usus est . Alii verò ante ipsum solo nomine Archiepiscopi & Primates vocabantur ; ob reverentiam & honorem Sancti Patricii , tanquam Apostoli illius gentis . Pembrigius , author . Annal. Hibern . à Guil. Camden● edit . Thomas Casaeus in Chronic. Hi●ern . MS. ad ann . 1174. h Episcopi quoque ( qui debent esse forma & exemplum aliis Canonicae religionis ) inordinatè , sicut audivimus , aut à solis Episcopis , aut in locis ubi ordinari non debent , consecrantur . Anselm . lib. 3. epist. 142. i Dicitur , ab uno Episcopo Episcopum , sicut quemlibet presbyterum , ordinari . Id. ibid. epist. 147. k Terdeluacho inelyto Regi Hiberniae , Archiepiscopis , Episcopis , Abbatibus , Proceribus , omnibusque Christianis Hiberniam inhabitantibus . Gregor . VII . epist. ad Hibern . MS. in Bibitothecâ Cotton . l Ecclesias sundauit CCCLXV . Ordinavit Episcopos eodem numero CCCLXV . Presbyteros autem usque ad tria millia ordinavit . Nenn. histor . Brit. MS. m Mutabantur & multiplicabantur Episcopi pro libitu metropolitani ; ita ut unus Episcopatus uno non esset contentus , sed singulae penè Ecclesiae singulos haberent Episcopos . Bernard . vit . Malach. n Quòd in villis , vel civitatibus plures ordinantur . Lanfranc . epist. ad Terdeluachum regem Hibern . apud Baron . ann . 1089. num . 16. o Dicitur , Episcopos in terrâ vestrâ passim eligi , & sine certo Episcopatus loco constitui . Anselm . lib. 3. epist. 147. ad Muriardachum regem Hibern . p Rex Engus & S. Patricius , cum omni populo , ordinaverunt Archiepiscopassm Mumeniae in civitare & in sede sancti Albei , qui tunc ab eisdem Archiepiscopus ordinatus est , per seculum . Ex vitâ S. Declani . Rex Engus & Patricius ordinaverunt ; ut in civitate & cathedrâ sancti Albei e●●et Archiepiscopatus omnium Memonensium semper , Ex vitâ S. Albei . q Factâ Synodo magnâ in terrâ Laginensium , decrevit rex Brandubh , & tam laici quàm clerici , ut Archiepiscopatus omnium Laginensium semper esset in sede & cathedrâ sancti Moedog . Et tunc sanctus Moedog à multis catholicis consecratus est Archiepiscopus . Ex vit . S. Edani . A rege jam Laginensium Brandubh filio Eathach constitutum est , ut Archiepiscopatus Laginensium in civitate sancti Moedog esset . Ipsa civitas vocatur Ferna , quae est in terrâ gentis Kenselach . Ex vit . S. Molyng . r Erat & altera Metropolitica sedes , quem de novo constituerat Celsus , primae tamen sedi & illius Archiepiscopo subdita tanquam primati . Bernard . in vitâ Malachiae . s Illo defuncto , Rex Calomagnus , & eius Palatinorum chorus cum suis subaulicis , totiusque regionis illius confluentiâ , pari cordis affectu conclamaverunt , sanctum Sacerdotem Livinum in honorem huius ordinis dignissimè sublimandum fore . His Rex omnibus devotior consentiens , ter quaterque bearum virum in cathedrâ Archiepiscopatus debito honore , Domino jubente , collocavit . Bonifat . Vit. Livin . t Rex Ecgfridus Episcopum fecit ordinari Lindisfarnensium ecclesiae virum sanctum & venerabilem Cudbertum . Bed. lib. 4. hist. cap. 27. & Vit. Cuthbert . cap. 24. u Episcopatum Salzburgensem , pro debito regiae magnificentiae , sancto concessit Virgilio . Vit. Episc. Saluburgensaom . 2. Antiqu. lect . Henr. Canis . pag. 259. & tom . 6. pag. 1174. x Walafrid . Strab. Vit. Gall. lib. 1. cap. 16 , 17 , 19 , 20. y Theodor . Compidonens . v●lquicunque author fuit vitae Magni . lib. 1. cap. 8. edit . Goldesti , 10. Canisii . * In the Lawes of Howel Dhae it is named Ecclesia Teilau : and so in Caradot of Lhancarvans Chronicle of Wales , pag. 94. Ioseph is called Bishop of Teilo , or Landaff . z Super omnes Britannos dextralis partis Britanniae B. Dubticium summum Doctorem , à Rege & ab omni parochiâ electum Archiepiscopum , consecraverunt . Hâc dignitate ei à Germano & Lupo datâ ; constituerunt ei Episcopalem sedem concessu Mourici Regis , Principum , Cleri & populi , apud Podium Lantavi . Lib. Ecclesiae Landavensis , MS. a Electione Cleri & populi succedit in episcopatu Landavensis Ecclesiae . electione cleri Mercguini & Elgoreti & Gunnuini magistri ; & trium Abbatum , Catgen abbatis ●●duti , Concenn abbatis Catmaili , Cetnig abbatis Docguinni ; laicorum , Regis Mourici , & filiorum Athruis & Idnerth , Guidgen & Cetiau , Brogmail , Gendoc , Louhonerd , Catgualatyr , & omnium principum totius parochiae . Missus est S. Oudoceus cum clericis suis praedictis ( Merchui & Elguoret & Gunubui ) cum legatis trium Abbatum & Regis & Principum , ad Dorobornensem civitatem ad beatum Archiepiscopum ; ubi sacratus est ecclesiae Landaviae in honore S. Petri fundatae . Ibid. b DCCCCLXXXII . ( vel DCCCLXXII . potius ) lucarnationis Domini anno , Gucaunus episcopus Landaviae confecratus à metropolitano Du●stano Dorobornensis ecclesiae archiepiscopo , datâ sibi virgâ pastorali in regali curià à summo Rege Anglorum AE●garo . Ibid. c DCCCCLXXXIII . anno , electione factà regum Morcannuc , Ouein videlicèt & Idguallaun , Catell & Cinuin filiorum Morcantheu , Rotri & Crifud filiorum Elired , & totius Cleri & populi Morcannuc infra hortum Taratir in Gui & hortum Tivi positi : & dato sibi baculo in regali curiâ à summo Rege Anglorum Adelredo , & à metropolitano Dorobornensis Ecclesiae Albrico archiepiscopo , Bledri episcopus Landaviae consecratus est ; & 1022. o● . anno Incarnationis Domini , ordinationis suae autem 39 o. anno , migravit ad Dominum . Ibid. d MXXII . anno Incarnationis Domini , consecratus est Ioseph episcopus Landaviae , Cantuariae à metropolitano Dorobornensis ecclesiae Aelnod archiepiscopo , in Kalendis Ostobris , & in primo ( vel XVI● . potiùs ) anno Cycli decennovennalis , verbo Regis Anglorum Cout , & dato sibi baculo in Curiâ illius : electione populi & cleri Landaviae , & Regum Britanniae , regis videlicèt Riderch regnantis per totam Gualiam tune tempore , & Hivel subreguli regis Moreannuc infra hortum Taratir in Gui & hortum Tivi regnantis . Ibid. f Edm. Campion . Histor. Hibern . lib. 1. cap. ult● ad annum 948. g Girald . Cambrens . Topograph . Hiber● . distinct . 3. cap. 43. h Eodem tempore Norwagenses sive Ostmanni , qui civitates Hiberniae & maritima occupaverunt , Normanni vocati sunt . Annal. Dublin . ad ann . 1095. i Dominus Iohannes Papiron legatus Romanae Ecclesiae veniens in Hiberniam , invenit Dublin Episcopum habentem , qui tantum intra muros Episcoplae officium exercebat . Testimon . Tuamens . archiepisc . in Registro Dublin . archiepisc . & nigro libro Ecclesia S. Trinitatis . k Ad regimen Dublinensis Ecclesiae Lanfrancus archiepiscopus Cantuariae , petente Goderico rege , Dubliniensis Ecclesiae populo & clero consentientibus & eligentibus , in Ecclesiâ sancti Pauli Londin . Patricium sacravit Antistitem . Annul . Dublin . ad annum 1074. l Habentur apud Baron . ann . 1089. num . 12. & 15. m Anno Dom. 1085. Laufrancus Archiepiscopus Cantuar. ad regimen Dublinensis Ecclesiae sacravit Donatum monasterii sui monachum in sede metropoli Cantuar. petentibus atque eligentibus eum Terdeluaco Hiberniae rege , & episcopis Hiberniae regionis , atque clero & populo praefarae civitatis . Annal. Dublin . n A Rege Hiberniae , Murierdach nomine , ●ecnon à clero & populo in Episcopatum psius civitatis electus est ; atque ad Anselmum , iuxta morem antiquum , sacrandus cum communi decreto directus . Fadmer . Histor. Nevor . lib. 2. pag. 34. o Ibid. pag. 36. p Nos & Rex noster Murcherta●bus , & Episcopus Dofnaldus , & Dermeth Dux noster frater Regi● , elegimus hunc Presbyterum Malchum , Walkelini Wintoniensis Episcopi monachum , nobis sufficientissimè cognitum , &c. * Vt apud Graecos 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , non est semper 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , qu●madmodum ad Iliad . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . notatum est ab Eustathi● ( pag. 884 & 831. edit . Roman . ) sed aliquando respondet 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ita & vox Mando , apud Latinos mediae aetatis scriptores . ut apud Vincentium , verbi gratiâ , lib. 30. Specul . Historical . cap. 130 ( humiliter ei mandaverunt . ) & hoc in loco . q Sciatls vos reverâ , quòd Episcopi Hiberniae maximum zelum erga nos habent , & maximè ille Episcopus qui habitat Ardimachae : quia nos nolumus obedire eorum ordinationi , sed semper sub vestro dominio esse volumus . MS. ad calcem collectionis Is●dori Mercatoris , in Bibliothecâ Cottonianâ . r Charta S. Patricii , in Gulielmi Mal●esburiensis libello , de Antiquitate Glastoniensis Ecclesiae . MS. s In scriptis recentioribus inveni , quòd sancti Phaganus & Deruvianus perquifierant ab Eleutherio Papâ , qui eos miserat , X. ( al. XXX . ) annos indulgentiae . Et ego frater Patricius à piae memoriae Celestino Papâ XII . annos tempore meo acquisivi . Ibid. t Patricius ai● Siquae quest●ones in h●c insulâ oriantur , ad sedem Apostolicam referantur . Vet. Collect . Canonum , Bibliothecae Cottoniane . cujus initium : Synodicorum exemplariorum innumerositatē conspiciens . u Quaecunque causa valdè difficilis exorta suerit , atque ignota cunctis Scotorum gentium judiciis ; ad Cathedram Archiepiscopi Hibernensium ( id est , Patricii ) atque huius antistitis examinationem rectè referenda . Si verò in illâ , cum suis sapientibus , facile sana●i non poterit tali . causa 〈◊〉 negotiationis : ad se●●m Apostolicam decrevimus esse mittendam ; id est , ad petri Apostoli Cathedram , auctoritatem Romae Vrbis habentem . Hi sunt qui de hoc decreverunt : id est , Auxilius , Patricius , Secundinus , Benignus , Vet. Codex Ecclesiae Armacha●e . x Copping . 〈◊〉 to the Catholicks of Ireland , lib. 2. cap. 3. y Gregor . lib. 2. epist. 36. Indict . 30. z Ardentissimo studio protrium capi ulorum defensione , junctis animis omnes qui in Hiberniâ erant Episcopi , insurrexere . Addiderunt & illud nefas , ut cùm percepissent Romanam Ecclesiam aequè suscepisse Trium damnationum capitulorum , atque suo consensu Quintam Synodum roborâsse : ab eâdem pariter resilierint , atque reliquis qui vel in Italiâ , vel in Africâ , aliisve regionibus erant schismaticis inhaeserint ; fiduciâ illâ vanâ erecti , quòd pro fide Catholicâ starent , cùm quae essent in Concilio Chalcedonensi statuta defenderent . Baron . Annal. tom . 7. an . 566. num . 21. a Sed eo fixiùs inhaerent errori , cùm quaecunque Italia passa sit bellorum motibus , fame , vel pestilentiâ , eâ ex caussâ illi cuncta infausta accidisse putarent , quòd pro Quintâ Synodo adversus Chalcedonense Concilium praelium suscepisset . Ibid. b Prima itaque epistolae vestrae frons , gravem vos pati persecutionem innotuit . Quae quidem persecutio dum non rationabiliter sustinetur , nequaquam proficit ad salutem . Gregor . Regest . lib. 2. epist. 36. c Dum igit●● ita sit , incongruum nimis est de eâ vos , quam dicitis , persecutione gloriari , per quam vos constat ad aeterna praemia minimè provehi . Ibid. d Quod autem scribitis , quia ex illo tempore inter alias provincias maximè flagelletur Italia ; non hoc ad ejus debetis intorquere opprobrium : quoniam scriptum est ; Quem diligit Dominus , castigat , flagellat autem omnem filium quem recipit . Ibid. e Porrò autem si post hujus libri lectionem in eâ , quâ estis , volueritis deliberatione persistere ; sine dubio non rationi operam , sed obstinationi vos dare monstratis . Ibid. f Vid. Roman Correct . in Gratian. De comsecrat . distinct . 4. cap. 144. Ab antiqua . g Quando verò Doctores Ibernici de gravibus fidei quaestionibus minimè consentiebant , vel aliquid novi dogmatis peregrè allati audiebant ; soliti erant Romanum Pontificem veritatis Oraculum consulere . Philip Osullevan . Bearr . hist. Catholic . Ibern. tom . 1. lib. 4. cap. 6. h Namque de tempore agendi Paschatis solennia ( de que aliae queque Catholicae gentes saepè ambegerunt ) & de Pelagianâ haeresi ubi fuit in quaestionem disputationemque deducta ; Doctores Iberni ad Sedem Apostolicam retulerunt . Ac ita miseri Pelagli error nullum in Iberniâ patronum vel assertorem invenisse fertur ; vel insulae aditu interclusus , vel ab eâ protinùs explosus , ubi contagiosam faciem aperuit , seseque cognoscendum praebuit : & ratio communis & ab Ecclesiâ usitata celebrandi redivivi Domini festum ab Australibus Ibernis fuit semper observata ; & à Septentrionalibus quoque & Pictis & Britonibus , qui Doctoribus Ibernis fidem acceperunt , amplexa , ubi Ecclesiae Romanae ritum cognoverunt . Quod ex Apostolicarum literarum duplici capite à Bedâ relato non obscurè constat . Ibid. i Hibernia siquidem olim Pelagianâ foedata fuerat haeresi , Apostolicaque censurâ damnata , quae nisi Romano judicio solvi non poterat . Author antiqu . Vit. Kilian . Notes for div A14233-e23910 a Non enim Paschae diem Dominicum suo tempore , sed à decimaquartâ usque ad vicesimam Lunam observabant . Quae computatio 84 ▪ annorum circulo continetur . Bede lib. 2. hist. cap. 2. b Porrò isti secundùm decennem novemque Anatolii computatum , aut potiùs juxta Sulpicii Severini regulam , qui LXXXIV . annorum cursum descripsit , XIV . Lunâ cum Iudaeis Paschale sacramentum celebrant : cùm neutrum Ecclesiae Romanae Pontifices ad perfectam calculi rationem sequantur . Aldelm . epist ad Geruntium regem & Domnonios : inter epistolas Bonifacij , num . 44. c Bed. lib. 3. hist. cap. 3. & 25. Vid. Dionysii Petavii notas in Epiphan . pag. 194. 195. d Ad veram Paschae rationem nunquam pervenire eos , qui cycium LXXXIIII . annorum observant . Cumm●an . epist. ad Seg●enum abbat . de Disputatione Lunae . MS. in Bibli●thec . Cottonian . e Exhortans , ne paucitatem suam in extremis terrae finibus constitutā , sapientiorem antiquis sive modernis , quae per Orbem terrae erant , Christi Ecclesiis aestimarent : neve contra Paschales computos , & decreta synodalium totius Orbis Pontificum aliud Pascha celebrarent . Bed. lib. 2. hist. cap. 19. * S. Patrick , & his followers . f Bed. lib. 3. hist. cap. 5. g Id. lib. 2. cap. 19. h Ego enim primo anno quo cyclus DXXXII . annorum à nostris celebrari ors●s est ; non suscepi , sed silui , nec laudare nec vituperare ausus . Cummian . epist. ad Segienum . i Sed non post multum surrexit quidam paries dealbatus , traditionem seniorem serva●e se simulans ; qui utraque non fecit unum sed divisit , & irritum ex parte fecit quod promissum est : quem Dominus ut spero , percutiet quoquo modo veluerit . Ibid. k Seniores verò , quos in velamine repulsionis habetis , quod optimum in diebus suis esse noverunt ●impliciter & fideliter sine culpa contradictionis ullius & animositatis observaverunt , & suis posteris sic mandaverunt . Ibid. n Vniversalia Ecclesiae Catholicae unanimem regulam . Ibid. o Roma errat , Hierosolyma errat , Alexandria errat , Antiochia errat , totus mundus errat : soli tantùm Scoti & Britones rectum sapiunt ▪ Ibid. * This seemeth to have fallen out , eith r●i● the yeere 634. or 645. wherein Easter was solemnized at Rome the 24. day of April . and it appeareth by ou● Annals , that Segenius was abbot of Y●Columkille from the yeere 624. untill 652. p Vidimus oculis nostris puellam coecam omnine ad has reliqulas oculos aperientem , & paralyticum ambulantem , & multa daemonia ejecta . Cummian . q Intellex●rat enim veraciter Oswi , quamvis educatus à Scotis , quia Romana esset Catholica & Apostolica Ecclesia . Bed. lib. 3. hist. cap. 29. r Sed cognoscentes Britones , Sc●ttos meliores putavimus . Scottos verò per Daganum Episcopum in hanc insulam , & Columbanum Abbatem in Galliis venientem , nihil discrepare 〈◊〉 Britonibus in eorum conversatione didici●●m . Nam Daganus episcopus ad nos veniens , non solùm cibum nobiscum , sed nec in eodem hospitio quo vescebamur , sumere voluit , Laurent . epist. apud Bed. lib. 2. cap. 4. s Qui cuius meriti fuerit , etiam miraculorm signis internus arbiter edocuit . ●ed . lib. 3. hist. cap. 15. item . 16 ▪ & 17. t Nunquid reverendissimum patrem nostrum Columbam , & successores ejus , viros Deo dilectos , qui eodem modo Pascha fecerunt , divinis paginis contraria sapuisse vel egisse credendum est ? cùm plurimi fuerint in eis , quorum sanctitati coelesti signa & virtutem quae fecerunt miracula , testimonium praebuerunt : quos ut ipse sanctos esse non dubitans semper eorum vitam , mores & disciplinam sequi non desisto Colman . apud . Bed. lib. 3. hist. cap. 29. u Revelante Spiritu Sanct● prophetavit de illâ quae post dies mult●s ob●diversitatem Paschalis● festi ona est inter Sco●iae Ecclesias discordiâ . Adam●nan . Vit. Columb . lib. 1. cap. 3. x Quodam tempore erat magnum Concilium populorum Hiberniae in Campo albo : inter quos erat contentio circa ordinē Paschae . Lasre●nus enim abbas monasterii Leighlinne , cui suberant mille quingenti monachi , no●um ordinem defend ●●at qui nuper de Româ venit : alii verò veterem defendebant . Vit. S. Munna abbatit MS. y Obsecremus Deum , qui habi●ate fecit unanimes in do●o patris sui , ●t ipse nobis in●●●●●re coelestib●s signis dignetur , quae sequenda traditio , quibus sit vi●● ad ingressum regni illius properandum . Adducatur aliquis aeger ; & per cujus preces fuerit curatus , hujus fides & operatio Deo devota atque omnibus sequenda ●redatur . 〈◊〉 ● lib. 2. hist. cap. 2. z Breviter disputemus : sed in nomine Domini agamus judicium . Tres optiones dantur tibi , Lasreane . Duo libri in ignem mittentur , liber veteris ordinis & novi ; ut videamus , quis eorum de igne liberabitur . Vel duo monachi , unus meus alter tuus , in unam domum recludantur , & domus comburatur : & videbimus , quis ex eis evadat intactus igne . Aut eamus ad sepulchrum mortui iusti monachi , & resuscitemus eum ; & indicet nobis , quo ordine debemus hoc anno Pascha celebrare . Vit. S. Munn● . a Non ibimus ad iudicium tuum , quoniam scimus quòd , pro magnitudine laboris tui & sanctitatis , si diceres ut mons Marge commutaretur in locum Campi albi & Campus albus in locum montis Marge ; hoc propter te Deu. statim faceret . Ibid. b Bed. lib. 3. hist. cap. 26. c Quodam tempore in diebus Colmanni Eboracae civitatis episcopi metropolitani , regantibus Oswi & Alhfrido filio eius , Abbates & Presbyteri omnesque Ecclesiasticae disciplinae gradus simul in unum convenientes , in coenobio quae Streaneshel dicitur ; praesente sanctimoniale matre piissimâ Hilde , praesentibus quoque Regibus & duobus Colmanno & Aegilberhto Episcopis , de Paschali ratione conquirebant , quid esset rectissimum . utrum more Brittonum & Scottorum omnisque Aquilonalis partis à XIIII . Lunâ Dominicâ die veniente usque ad XXII . ( leg XX. ) Pascha agendum ; an melius sit ratione Sedis Apostolicae , à XV. Lunâ usque XXI . Paschalem Dominicam celebrandam . Tempus datum est Colman●o episcopo primum , ut dignum erat , audientibus cunctis reddere rationem . Ille autem intrepidâ mente responden● , dixit . Patres nostri & antecessores eorum manifestè Spiritu sancto inspirati , ut erat Columcille , XIIII . Lunâ die Dominicâ Pascha celebrandum sanxerunt : exemplum tenentes Iohannis Apostoli & Evangelistae , qui supra pectus Domini in Coenâ recubuit , & amator Domini dicebatur . Ille XIIII . Lunâ Pascha celebravit ; & nos , sicut discipuli eius Polycarpus & alii , celebramus : nec hoc audemus pro patribus ( ●ort . partibus ) nostris , nec volumus mutare . Stephanus presbyter ( qui & Ae●di , apud B●dam , lib. 4. hist. cap. 2. ) in Vitâ wilfrid . cap. 10. MS. in Bibliothecâ Sarisburiensis Ecclesiae , & D. Roberti Cottoni . d Pascha hoc quod agere soleo , à maioribus meis accepi , qui me huc Episcopum miserunt : quod omnes patres nostri viri Deo dilecti eodem modo celebrâsse noscuntur . Quod ne cui contemnendum & reprobandum esse videatur : ipsum est quod beatus Iohannes Evangelista , discipulus specialiter Domino dilectus , cum omnibus quibus prae erat Ecclesiis , celebrâsse legitur . Colman . apud Bedam , lib. 3. hist. cap. 23. e F●idegod . Vit. Wilfrid . MS in Bibliothec. Cottonian . * i. Sancti vel Beati . f Cum quibus de duabus ultimi● Oceani insulis , his non totis , contra totum Orbem stulto labore pugnant . Wilfrid . apud Bed. lib. 3. cap. 25. g Et si sanctus erat aut potens virtutibus ●lle Columba vester , imo & noster si Christi erat : num praeferri potuit beatissimo Apostolorum principi ? cui Dominus ●it : Tu es Petrus , & super hanc petram aedificabo Ecclesiam meā , & portae inferi non praevalebunt adversus eam ; Et tibi dabo claves ●egni coelorum . Ibid. h Nefortè me adveni●nte ad fores regni coelorum , non sit qui reseret , averso illo qui claves tenere probatur . Ibid. i Tonsuram & Paschae rationem propter timorem patriae suae contempsit . Steph. presbyter , in Vit. Wilfrid . cap. 10. k Colman videns spretam suam doctrinam , sectamque esse despectam ; assumptis his qui se sequi voluerunt , id est , qui Pascha catholicum & tonsuram coronae ( nam & de hoc quaestio non minima erat ) recipere nolebant , in Scotiam regressus est . Bed. lib. 3. hist. cap. 26. Vide etiam lib. 4. cap. 4. Notes for div A14233-e26970 a Paschalem rationem , quam schismatici Britanniae & Hiberniae non●cognoverunt ; & alias multas Ecclesiasticae disciplinae regulas Bonifacius archidiaconus quasi proprio filio suo diligenter dictavit . Step ▪ Presb. vit . Wilfrid . cap. 5. See also Bede , lib. 5. cap. 20. b Se primum fuisse , qui verum Pascha in Northanimbriâ Scotis eiectis docuerit , qui cantus Ecclesiasticos antiphonatim instituerit , qui sanctissimi Bendicti regulam à monachis observari jusserit . Gulielm . Malmesbur . lib. 3. de gest . Pontific . Angl. c Sed perstitit ille negare ; ne ab Episcopis Scottis , vel ab iis quos Scotti ordinaverant , consecrationem susciperet , quorum communionem sedes aspernaretur Apostolica . Id. ibid. d O Domini venerabiles Reges ; omnibus modis nobis necessarium est providè considerare , quomodo cum electione vestrâ , sine accusatione catholicorum vitorum , ad granum Episcopalem cum Dei adiutorio venire valeam . Sunt enim hîc in Brytannia multi episcopi , quorū nullum meum est accusare , quamvis veraciter sciam , quòd aut quatuordecim anni sunt , ut Brytones & Scotti ab illis sunt ordinati , quos nec Apostolica sedes in communionem recepit , neque eos qui schismaticis consentiunt , Et ideò in meâ humilitate à vobis posco , ut me mittatis cum vestro praefidio trans mare ad Galliarum regionem , ubi catholici episcopi multi habentur : ut sine controversiâ Apostolicae sedis , licèt indignus , gradum Episcopalem merear accipere . Steph. Presb. Vit. Wilfrid . cap. 12. e Quo ultra mare moras nectente , Oswius Rex , praeventus consiliis Quartadecimanorum ( qui vocabantur ita , quia Pascha in quartadecima Lunâ cum Iudaeis celebrabant ) Ceddam virum sanctissimum , tamen contra regulas , intrusit tribunali Eborac●nsi . Gulielm . Malmesb. lib. 3. de gest . Pontif. Angl. f Ordinantes servum Dei religiosissimum & admirabilem Doctorem , de Hiberniâ insulâ venientem nomine Coeodda , adhuc eo ignorante , in sedem Episcopalem Euroicae civitatis indoctè contra canones constituerunt . Steph. presb . Vit. Wilfrid ▪ cap. 14. g Ab illo est consecratus antistes , assumptis in societatem ordinationis duobus de Britonum gente Episcopis , qui Dominicum Paschae diem secus morem canonicum à XIIII . usque ad XXI . Lunam celebrant . Non enim erat tunc ullus , excepto illo Wini , in totâ Brittanniâ canonicè ordinatus episcopus . Bed. lib. 3. hist. ca. 28. h Cum illis autem qui ab unitate catholicae pacis , vel Pascha non suo tempore celebrando , vel perversè vivendo aberrant , vobis sit nulla communio , &c. Id. in Vit. Cuthbert . cap. 39. i J●stitutio dicit Rom. Cavendum est ne ad alias provincias aut ecclesias referantur causae , quae alio more & aliâ religione utantur : sive ad Iudaeos , qui umbrae legis magis quàm veritati deserviunt ; aut Britones , qui omnibus contratii sunt , & à Romano more & ab unitate Ecclesiae se absciderunt ; aut Haereticos , quamvis sint in Ecclesiasticis causis docti , & studiosi fuerint , Ex Codice Canonum Cottoniano , titulorum 66. k Qui ordinati sunt à Scottorum vel Brittannorum Episcopis , qui in Paschâ vel Tonsurâ Catholicae non sunt adunati Ecclesiae ; iterùm à Catholico Episcopo manus impositione confirmentur Similiter & Ecclesiae quae ab illis Episcopis ordinantur , aquâ exorcizatâ aspergantur , & aliquâ collectione confirmentur . Licentiam quoque non habemus eis poscentibus Chrismam vel Eucharistiam dare , ni antè confessi fuerint velle se nobiscum esse in unitate Ecclesiae . Et qui ex horum similiter gente , vel quacunque , de baptismo suo dubitaverint , baptizentur . Decret Pontific . MS. cap. 9. De communicatione Scottorum & Brittonum , qui in Paschâ & Tonsurâ catholici non sunt . l Bed. lib. 2. hist. cap. 4. * Septem Britonum Episcopi , & plures viri doctissimi , maximè de nobilissimo eorum monasterio , quod vocatur linguâ Anglorum Bancornaburg , cui Dinoot abbas praefuisse narratur . Bed. lib. 2. hist. cap. 2. m Illi nihil horum se facturos , neque illum pro Archiepiscopo habituros e●se respondebant . Id ●bid . Tam ipsum quàm ejus statuta , statim reversi spreverunt : nec ipsum pro Archiepiscopo se habituros publicè proclamabant . Girald . Cambrens . ●tinerar . Cambriae , lib. 2. cap. 1. n In a Welsh Manuscript , sometime belonging unto P. Mostein Gentleman . o A●ctorizabant suas ceremonias non solùm à sancto Eleutherio Papâ primo institutore suo ab ipsâ penè infantiâ Ecclesiae dicatas , ve●ùm à sanctis patribus suis Dei amicis & Apostolorum sequacibus hactenùs observatas ; quas non deberent mutare propter novos dogmatistas . Gotcel● . monachus , in vitâ Augustini , cap. 32. MS. in Bibliothecâ Cottonianâ . p Si quilibet de nostris , id est , Catholicis ad eos habi●andi gratiâ perrexerint ; non priùs ad consortium sodalitatis suae adsciscere dignantur , quàm quadraginta dierum spatia in poenitendo peragere compellantur . Aldhelm . epist. ad Domnonios . q Quippe cùm usque hodie moris sit Britonum , fidē religionemque Anglorum pro nihilo habere , neque in aliquo eis magis communicare quàm paganis . Bed. lib. 2. hist. cap. 20. * Chronicle of Wales , pag. 254. r Baptist. Mantuan . Fastor . lib. 1. s Quòd autem Pascha non suo tempore observabat , vel canonicum ejus tempus ignorans , vel suae gentis auctoritate , ne agnitum sequeretur , devictus ; non approbo nec laudo . Bed. lib. 3. hist. cap. 17. t More suae gentis . Ibid. cap. 3. u Pascha contra morem eorum qui ipsum miserant , facere non potuit . Ibid. cap. 25. x Id. ibid. y Colmanus qui de Scotiâ erat Episcopus , relinquens Britanniam , tulit secum omnes quos in Lindisfarorum insulâ congregaverat Scotos . Bede lib. 4. cap. 4. z Optione datâ , maluerunt loco cedere , quàm Pascha catholicum , caeterosque ritus canonicos juxta Romanae & Apostolicae Ecclesiae consuetudinem recipere . Id. lib. 5. cap. 20. See also lib. 3. cap. 25. where Humpum is ●●sprinted for Hripum . a Ibid cap. 16. & 22. b Nec mora , quae dixerat , regiâ autoritate perfecit . Statim namque jussu publico mittebantur ad transcribendum , discendum , observandum per universus Pictorum provincias circuli Paschae decennovennales ; obliteratis per omnia erroneis octoginta & quatuor annorum circulis . Attondehantur omnes in coronam ministri altaris ac monachi . &c. Ibid. ca. 22. c Id. lib. 3. ca. 4. & lib. 5. cap. 23. d Id. lib. 5. cap. 23. & 24. e See the Chronicle of Wales , pag. 17. 18. and Humfr. I. buyd . fragment . Britan . Descript. fol. 55. b. f Ego Nennius sancti Elbodi discipulus , aliqua excerpta scribere curavi . Nem. MS. in publicá Cantabrig . academ . Bibliothecá , ubi alia exemplaria habent : Ego Nennius ( vel Ninnius ) Elvodugi discipulus . g Ab adventu Patricii in jam dictam insulam ( Hiberniam sc. ) usque ad cyclum decennovennalem in quo sumu● , 22. sunt cycli , id est , 421. & sunt duo anni in Ogdoade usque in hunc annum . Id. h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Tom. 8. Chrysost. edit . Henr. Savil. pag. 321. 60 & in Noels . col . ●66 . 5. i 〈◊〉 lib. 2. hist. cap. ● . k Ann. Dom. 612. ( vel 613. ) Bellum Cairelegion , ubi Sancti occisi sunt . Amlt. Vlton . MS. l Bed. lib. 3. hist. cap. 3. & 6. m Ibid. cap. 21. 22. 24. n Ibid. cap. 3. 5. 17. 25. 26. o Ibid. cap. 22. 25. p Ibid cap. 21. 24. q Paucitas enim Sacerdotum cogebat unum antistitem duobus populis praefici . Ibid. cap. 21. r Ibid. cap. 3. 4. 5. 17. 26. s Etsi Pascha contra morem eorum qui ipsum miserant , facere non potuit ; opera tamen fidei , pietatis & dilectionis , juxta morem omnibus sanctis consuetum diligenter exequi curavit . Vnde ab omnibus etiam his qui de Pascha aliter sentiebant , meritò diligebatur : nec solùm à mediocribus , verùm , ab ipsis quoque episcopis , Honorio Cantua●●orum & Felice Orientalium Anglorum , venerationi habitus est . Ibid. cap. 25. t Dominis charissimis fratribus , Episcopis vel Abbatious per universam Scotiam ; Laurentius , Mellitus , & Iustus Episcopi , servi servorum Dei Id lib. 2 cap. 4. u Gens quanquam absque reliquatum gentium legibus ; tamen in Christiani vigoris dogmate florens , omnium vicinarum gentium fidem praepollet . Ion. Vit. Columban . cap. 1. Notes for div A14233-e30780 c Allen. Answer to the Execution of Iustice in England . pag. 140. d Cum juri suo renuntiare liberum fit cuilibet ( quanquam subjectionis cujuslibet hactenus immunes ) his tamen hodiè nostris diebus , Anglorum Regi Henrico secundo omnes Hiberniae principes firmis fidei sacramentique vinculis se sponte submiserunt . Girald . Cambrens . Hibern expug●at . lib. 3. cap. 7. e Iudg. 11. 26. f Genebrard . Chr●●graph . lib. 3. in Sylvest . 1. Bellarmin . de Roman . Pontif. lib. 5. cap. 9. in fine . g Insulas omnes sibi speciall quodam iure vendicat . Girald . Cambr. Hibern . expugnat . lib. ● . cap. 3. h Nos hanc alim quaesturam aliquot per a●not gessimus ; eiusque muneris obeundi caussâ , primùm in Angliam venitnus . Poly 〈◊〉 Vergil . Anglic. bis●● . lib. 4. i Id Hiberni posse fieri , nisi autoritate Romani Pontificis negabant ; quòd iam indè ab initio , post Christianam religionem acceptam , sese ac omnia sua in eius ditionem dedidissent : atque constanter affirmabant , non alium habere se Dominum , praeter ipsum Pontificem : id quod etiam nunc iactitant , Id. lib. 13. eiusa . histor . k Camp. History of Ireland . lib. 2. cap. 1. l Hiberni initio statim post Christianam religionem acceptam , sesuaque omni● in Pontificis Romani ditionem dederant ; nec quenquam alium supremum Hiberniae Principem ad illud usque tempus praeter unum Romanum pontificem agnoverunt , Sander de schism . Anglican . lib. 1. ad ann . 1542. m Sanè omnes Insulas , quibus Sol iustitiae Christus illuxit , & quae documenta fidei Christianae susceperunt , ad ius S. Petri & sacrosanctae Romanae Ecclesiae ( quod tua etiam Nobilitas recognoscit ) non est dubium pertinete . Bull-Adrian . IV. ad Henr. II. Angl. reg . n Ad preces meas illustri Regi Anglorum Henrico secundo concessit & dedit Hiberniam iure haereditario possidendam : sicut literae ipsius testantur in hodiernum diem . Nam omnes insulae , de iure antiquo , ex donatione Constantini , qui eam fundavit & dotavit , dicuntur ad Romanam Ecclesiam pertinere . Iohan. Sarisburiens . Metalogie . lib. 4. cap. 42. o Per nostram Imperialem iussionem sacram , tam in Oriente quàm in Occidente , vel etiam septentrionali & meridianâ plagâ , videlicèt in Iudaeâ , Graeciâ , Asiâ , Thraciâ , Aphricâ & Italiâ , vel diversis Insulis nostrâ largitate eis libertatem concessimus : eâ prorsus ratione , ut per manus beatissimi patris nostri Sylvestri Pontificis successorumque eius omnia disponantur . Edict . Constantin . p Vltra Occanum verò quid erat praeter Britanniam ? Quae à vobis ita recuperata est ; ut illae quoque nationes terminis eiusdem insulae cohaerentes vestris nutibus obsequantur . Eumen . Panegyric . ad Constant. q Pomp. Laet. in Roman . histor . Compend . Io. Cuspian . in Caesarib . Seb. Mu●ster . in lib. 2. Cosmograph . r Harding . Clhronic . cap. 241. s Ibid. cap. 132 ▪ t Osullevan . Histor . Catholic . Iberniae , tom . 2. lib. 1. cap. 7. u Ibid. cap. 4. 5. 9. & lib. 2. cap. 3. x Illius terrae populus te recipiat , & sicut Dominum veneretur . Bull. Adrian . IV. y Sicut Dominum veneretur , id est , ut Principem dignum magno honore ; non Dominum Iberniae , sed praefectum caussâ colligendi tributi Ecclesiastici . Osullevan . Hist. Ibern . fol. 59. b. in margine . z Robert. de Monte. Roger. de Wendover . Matth. Paris . & Nicol. Trivett in Chronic. an . 1155. a Venerabilis Adriani Papae vestigiis inhaerentes , vestrique desiderii fructum attendentes ; concessionem eiusdem super Hibernici regni dominio vobis indulto ( salvâ Beato Petro & sacrosanctae Ecclesiae Romanae , sicut in Angliâ Sic in Hiberniâ de singulis domibus annuâ unius denarii pensione ) ratam habemus & confirmamus . Bul. Alexandri III. apud Grialdum Cambrens . lib. 2. Histor. Hibern . expugnat . cap. 6. in codicibus MS. ( in edito enim caput hoc mancum est ) & Io. Rossum Warvicensem , in tract . De terris Coronae Angliae annexis . b Annulum quoque per me transmisit aureum , smaragdo optimo decoratum , quo fieret investitura iuris in gerenda Hibernia : idemque adhuc annulus in curiali archîo publico custodiri jussus est . Io. Sarisbur . Metalogic . lib. 4. cap. 42. de quo consulendus etiam est Giraldus Cambrens . lib. 2. Hibern . expugnat . cap. 6. c In Regem & Dominum receperunt . Roger. Wendover , & Matth. Paris . in Historiâ maiori , an . 1171. Roger. Hoveden , in posteriore parte Annalium . Iohan. Brampton in Historiâ Ioralanensi , & Bartholomaeus de Cotton , in Histor. Anglor . MS. d Recepit ab unoquoque Archiepiscopo & Episcopo literas , cum sigillis suis in modum Char●ae pendentibus ; regnum Hiberniae sibi & haeredibus suis confirmantes , & testimonium perhibentes ipsos in Hiberniâ cum & haeredes suos sibi in Reges & Dominos in perpetuum constituisse . Io. Brampton . ibid. e Venerunt ibidem ad regem Angliae omnes Archiepiscopi , Episcopi , Abbates totius Hiberniae , & receperunt cum in Regem & Dominum Hiberniae ; jurantes ei & haeredibus suis fidelitatem , & regnandi super ●os potestatē in perpetuum : & inde dederunt ei chartas suas . Exemplo autem clericorum , praedicti Reges & Principes Hiberniae , receperunt simili modo Henricum regem Angliae in Dominum & Regem Hiberniae ; & homines sui devenerunt , & ei & haeredibus suis fidelitatem juraverunt contra omnes homines . Rog. Hoveden . ad ann . 1171. f Dignum etenim & justissimum est , ut sicut Dominum & Regem ex Angliâ sortita est divinitùs Hibernia ; sic etiam exinde vivendi formam accipiant meliorem . Girald . Cambrens . Hibern . Expugnat . lib. 1. cap. 34. g Rex Angliae misst transcriptum Chartarum universorum Archiepiscoporum & Episcoporum Hiberniae , ad Alexandrum Papam : & ipse authoritate Apostolicâ confirmavit illi & haeredibus suis regnum Hiberniae , secundùm formam Chartarum Archiepiscoporum & Episcoporum Hiberniae . Rog. Hoveden . h Nam summus Pontifex regnum illud sibi & haeredibus suis auctoritate Apostolicâ confirmavit ; & in perpetuum eos constituit inde Reges . Io. Brampton . i Perquisierat ab Alexandro summo Pontifice , quòd liceret ei filium suum quem vellet Regem Hiberniae facere , & fimiliter coronare ; ac Reges & potentes ejusdem terrae , qui subjectionem ei facere ●ollent , debellare . Id. ad . 〈◊〉 . 1177. k Iohannem filium suum coram Episcopis & regni sui principibus Regem Hiberniae constituit . Id. ibid. & Gualterus Coventrensis , inejusdem anni historiâ . l Constituit Iohannem filium suum Regem in Hiberniâ , concessione & confirmatione Alexandri summ● Pontificis . Rog. Hoveden . Annal. part . 2. ad an . 1177. m Ab eo impetravit ; quòd unus quem vellet de filiis suis coronaretur de regne Hiberniae . & hoc confirmavit ei Dominus Papa Bullâ suâ : & in argumentum voluntatis & confirmationis suae , misit ei coronam de pennâ pavonis auro contextam . Id. ad an . 1185. n Quibus ipse commisit legatiam in Hiberniam , ad ceronandum ibi Iohannem filium Regis . Sed Dominus Rex coronationem illam distulit . Jd. ad an . 1187. * Paulus IIII nostris temporibus Hiberniam insulam in regni titulum ac dignitatem erexit . Gabutius in vitā PijV. o Ad omnipotentis Dei laudem & gloriam , ac gloriosissimae ejus genitricis Virginis Mariae , totiusque Curiae coelestis honorem , & fidei Catholicae exaltationem , Philippo Rege & Mariâ Reginâ nobis super hoc humiliter supplicantibus , de fratrum nostrorum consilio & Apostolicae potestatis plenitudine , Apostolicâ authoritate Insulam Hiberniae in Regnum perpetuò erigimus ; ac titulo , dignitate , honore , facultatibus , juribus , insigniis , praerogativis , antelationibus , praeeminentiis regiis , ac quibus alia Christi fidelium Regna utuntur , potiuntur , & gaudent , ac uti , potiri , & gaudere poterunt quomodo libet , in futurum insignimus & decoramus . Bulla Pauli IV. in Rotulo Patentium , ann . 2. & 3. Philippi & Mariae , in Cancellariâ Hiberniae . * Provinciale ex archivis Cancellariae Apostolicae . edit . tomo 2. Tractat. Doctor . fol. 344. ( impres . Venet. an . 1548. ) p Satis constat , secundum Albertum Magnum & Bartholomaeum de proprietatibus rerum , quòd toto Mundo in tres partes diviso ( videlicèt Asiam , Africam , & Europam ) Europa in quatuor dividitur regna : primum videlicèt Romanum , secundum Constantinopolitanum , tertium regnum Hiberniae quod jam translatum est in Anglicos , & quartum regnum Hispaniae . Ex quo patet , quòd rex Angliae & regnum suum sunt de eminentioribus antiquioribus Regibus & Regnis totius Europae : quam praerogativam regnum Franciae non fertur obtinere . Act. Concil . Constant. Sess. 28. MS. in Bibliothecâ Regiâ . q Cujus mali maxima culpa in aliquot Angloibernos Sacerdotes jure transferenda est ; qui tartareum dogma ab Orco in Catholicorum perniciem emissum non negabant , licere Catholicis contra Catholicos & suam patriam pro Haereticis getere arma & dimicare . Philip. Osullevan . Hist. Cathosic . Iberniae , tous . 4. lib. 3. cap. 5. fol. 263. edit . Vlissipon . an . 1621. r Haec est Academiarum censura ; quâ liquidò constat , quantâ ignoratione & caligine erraverint illi Iberni , qui in hoc bello Protestantibus opem tulerunt , & Catholicos oppugnârunt : quamque insanam & venenosam doctrinam attulerint nonnulli doctiores vulgò habiti , qui saeculares homines ad Reginae partes sequendas exhortati , à fide tuendâ averterunt . Id. tom . 3. lib. 8. cap. 7. fol. 204. s Cùm enim Pontifex dica● Anglos adversus Catholicam Religionem pugnare , eosque non minut ac Turcas oppugnari debere ; eisdemque gratiis eos oppugnantes prosequatur , quibus contra Turcas pugnantes prosequitur : quis dubitet , bellum ab Anglis adversus exercitum Catholicum omninò iniquum geri ? Censur . Doct. Salmanti● . & Vallisolet . de Hibermiae bello . t Rom. 13. 1. u Quid , & illa potesta● , quae servos Dei persequitur , fidem impugnat , religionem subvertit , à Deo est ? Ad quod respondendum , quòd etiam talis potestas à Deo data est , ad vindictam quidem malorum , laudem verò bonorum . Sedul in Rom. 13. x Rom. 13. 5. y Sedul . in Hymno acrostich . de Vit● Christi . z Rex iste qui natus est , non venit Reges pugnando superare , sed moriendo mirabiliter subjugare : neque ideò natus est ut tibi succedat , sed ut in eum mundus fideliter credat . Venit enim , non ut regnet vivu● , sed ut triumphet occisus : nec sibi de aliis gentibus auro exercitum quaerat ; sed ut pro salvandis gentibus pretiosum sanguinem fundat . Inaniter invidendo timuisti successorem , quem credendo debuisti quaerere salvatorem ; quia si in eum crederes , cum eo regnares ; & sicut ab illo accepisti teraporale regnum , accipe●es etiam sempiternum . Hujus enim pueri regnum non est de hoc mundo ; sed per ipsum regnatur in hoc mundo . Ipse est etiam Sapientia Dei , quae dicit in Proverbiis : Per me Reges regnant . Puer iste Verbum Dei est , Puer iste Virtus & Sapientia Dei est . Si potes , contra Dei sapientiam cogita : in tuam perniciem versaris , & nescia . Tu enim regnum nullatenus habuisses , nisi ab isto Puero qui nunc natus est accepisses . Claud. lib. I. in Matth. a Veritas sapienti nitet , cujuscunque ore prolata fuerit . Gildas , in Codice Ca●num Cottoniano tit . De veritate credendâ , quocunque ore prolata fuerit . Similiter Nennius , praefat . in in Historiam Brittonum ( Ms. in publicâ Cantabrigiensis academiae Bibliothecâ : ) Non quis dicat , aut qualiter dicatur , sed quid dictum sit , veritatis testimonio magis attendendum esse probanae . b In doctrinâ religionis non quid dicatur , sed quis loquatur attendendum esse . Thom. Stapleton . Defens . Ecclesiastic . authoritat . lib. 3. cap. 57. & Demonstrat . Principior . Doctrinal . lib. 10. cap. 5. c Veritas propter seipsam diligenda est , non propter Hominem , aut propter Angelum , per quem adnunciatur . Qui enim propter adnunciatores eam diligit , potest & mandacia diligere , siqua fortè ipsi sus protulerint . Claud. in Galat. 1. d Iohn 10. 16. e Psal. 72. 19. 
A64635	----	Certain discourses, viz. of Babylon (Rev. 18. 4.) being the present See of Rome (with a sermon of Bishop Bedels upon the same words) of laying on of hands (Heb. 6. 2.) to be an ordained ministry, of the old form of words in ordination, of a set form of prayer : each being the judgment of the late Arch-bishop of Armagh, and Primate of Ireland / published and enlarged by Nicholas Bernard ... : unto which is added a character of Bishop Bedel, and an answer to Mr. Pierces fifth letter concerning the late Primate. Ussher, James, 1581-1656. 1659 Approx. 353 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 196 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-07 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A64635 Wing U161 ESTC R10033 12198836 ocm 12198836 56045 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. 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Catholic Church -- Controversial literature. 2003-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-04 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-05 Rina Kor Sampled and proofread 2003-05 Rina Kor Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-06 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion CERTAIN DISCOURSES , Viz. Of BABYLON ( Rev. 18. 4. ) being the present See of Rome . ( With a Sermon of Bishop BEDELS upon the same words . ) Of laying on of hands ( Heb. 6. 2. ) to be an ordained Ministery . Of the old Form of words in Ordination . Of a Set Form of PRAYER . Each being the JUDGMENT of the late Arch-Bishop of ARMAGH , and Primate of IRELAND . Published and enlarged by Nicholas Bernard D. D. and Preacher to the Honourable Society of Grayes-Inne , London . Unto which is added a Character of Bishop BEDEL , And an Answer to Mr. Pierces Fifth Letter concerning the late PRIMATE . London , Printed for Iohn Crook , at the Signe of the Ship in St. Pauls Church-yard , 1659. TO THE Right Worshipfull Sir WILLIAM ELLIS BARONET , His HIGHNES Sollicitor GENERALL , The Readers , and Benchers , With the Ancients , Barresters , and Students , Of the Honourable Society of Graies-Inne . YEe are thus intituled to these Treatises . The occasion of publishing the First , was a Sermon preached by the late Arch-Bishop of ARMAGH in your Chappell of the same subject , Nov. 5. 1654. who ( out of his old love to this society , whereof he was a member ) intended it as his last : the request then made to him for the permission of printing that , he did satisfy in his consent to the publishing of this For the other , some parts of them have been long agone preached before you by the Authour , though now in another manner enlarged ; which as a testimony of his due observance and respect to this Honourable Society , he desires may be accepted from him , who is Yours in the service of Christ , N. BERNARD . Grayes-Inne , Octob. 27. 1658. To the Reader HOw Popery and a Prelacy came first to be contracted , is not my enquiry ; but sure I am , they are here very far a sunder , such as do apply that of Babylon ( Rev. 17. ) and the Man of sin ( 2 Thes. 2. ) to the Pope can hardly be accounted Popish , which you find affirmed by the late Archbishop of Armagh , and Bishop Bedell , in their discussing of the same words , And who are supported in if by the most Eminent Bishops of England and Ireland , since the Reformation . Archbishop Whitgift , Bishop Jewell ; Abbot , Bilson , Andrews , Downham , Morton , Hall , Davenant , Prideaux , with others , who have unanimously given their votes the same way , as is hereafter shewn , And indeed it could not be otherwise expected from some of them who had been taught to put him into their b Letany , From the Tyranny of the Bishop of Rome , and all his detestable enormities , Good Lord deliver us . So that if any of later years professing themselves to be the sons of those old Prophets , have so far favoured the See of Rome , as to divert the stream of that application some other way , it appears they have in it degenerated from their Ancestors . The first Treatise , being the Primates three positions concerning Babylon , was wrot above 40 years agone , ( which appears by the places of Scripture , rendred according to the old Translation ) and sent to an Irish Jesuit in Dublin , ( as I take it c Christophorus à sacro bosco , there called F. Halywood , the summe of which having been delivered by the Primate in a Sermon which he preached at Grays-Inne , Nov. 5. 1654. and being much desired by some of the Auditours to be published , he did condescend , to permit this , with that other Letter following , in their satisfaction . The learned Sermon of Bishop Bedels ( being of the same subject ) I heard him preach it in Christ-Church , Dublin , 1634. before the Lord Deputy and Parliament . The occasion of his giving a copy of it , was at the request of a Papist , to have shewen it to some learned men of his own Religion , and my opportunity to have it , was the near relation I had to him for divers years in that See ; which after these 22 yeares lying latent with me ) I have taken this fit occasion to publish it . That which I have added , is by way of confirmation from some grounds out of Ancient Fathers , the successive votes both of the learned Writers in those ages , who lived under the Tyranny of the See of Rome , as of our eminent Bishops and Writers , since that yoke was cast off in England ; with the concurrence of our book of Homilies , severall Synods of our own , and other reformed Churches , the determination of the * Dutch and French Divines . It being very observable , that whatsoever differences there are in the reformed Churches in other matters , yet there is a marvellous unity in this . To which is added the like judgement of Arminius , and some of the Church of Rome , ( continuing at least in that communion ) who professe it out-right ; others by way of consequence : Their chief Writers , who meet us halfe way , granting the place , only disputing the time , contending as much as we , that Babylon ( Rev. 17. ) must be meant Rome , the difference between us , whether Ethnick , or Papall . For that of the Primates judgement ( seconded by some eminent Writers ) what is meant , Heb , 6. 2. by laying on of hands , and of the sense of the old form of words in Ordination ; viz. Receive the holy Ghost , whose sins thou forgivest , &c. and the use of them to be continued . I had leave from himself for the manifesting and enlarging of it . And I suppose the last subject concerning a Set Form of Prayer , will passe with the lesse opposition , by the concurring of divers eminent and worthy Persons , whom the contrary-minded cannot but highly esteem of . Having both in the former and this , taken up Saint Pauls manner of arguing with the Athenians , as certain also of your own have said , &c. or as elsewhere , one of themselves , even a Prophet of their own , &c. And surely , the Primates appearing so much against the See of Rome in the first , cannot but be a preparative to the hearkning unto him the rather , in the two later . For my self , I have no other design in the whole , but the peace and unity of the Church , which we are all bound to seek , ( and without which end and aim , all gifts whatsoever coveted by us , are of no value ) and I hope to have that interpretation from such as are so affected . Two things which have been enlarged by way of Vindication of the Eminent Primate , from the injuries of Doctor Heylene , came so in my way , that I could not passe them , which else ( by his being in the esteem of men so far above his reach ) there had been no need of . He having in those and divers other aspersions which he hath cast upon him in his late book ( which may hereafter be fully cleared ) done himselfe the chiefest wrong . I commend the whole to the Readers charitable and impartiall censure , that no prejudicate opinion doe obstruct his right apprehension . THE CONTENTS Of the Severall TREATISES ; The First consists of three POSITIONS . 1. THat a great City called Babylon , shall be a Seducer . 2. That by this City is meant ROME . 3. Not Heathen Rome , but since it was freed from the Government both of Heathen and Christian Emperours , and became the possession of the Pope . The Second . How the Papacy may be said to be the Beast that was , and is not , and yet is , Rev. 17. 18. The Third ( being Bishop Bedels Sermon on Rev. 18. 4. Come out of her my people , &c. ) The Speaker , our Saviour Christ : His people , those within the Covenant of Grace : A paralleling the Speeches here , with those of the Prophets ; Of Litterall Babell ; who meant by Mysticall Babylon : The judgement of Bellarmine , Salmeron , Viegas , to be the City of Rome . How the title of Babylon the great , and her reigning over the Kings of the earth , rather agrees to Rome Papal , then Heathen : The Cup of inchantment whereby she hath deceived all Nations , and one in speciall , in imitation of literall Babell , ( Dan. 1. ) applyed to that See ; Her Wantonnesse , Pride , sitting as a Queen , glorifying her self : the blood of Christians shed by the Papacy , to be beyond that of Heathen Romes persecution : his conclusion from the Premises . That there are some of Gods people in Babylon ; That they are to goe out not only in affection , but the place also : Of Baptisme , Grounds of the Catechisme , Faith , taught there ; of the doctrine of of merits : What is to be thought of those that doe yet live there , and cannot come out : Whether the Church of Rome be a true Church , rightly stated , p. 83. Of the Ordination had there , by the use of these words ; Whose sins ye remit , &c. That the Papall Monarchy is Babylon , proved by arguments at the barre of Reason , and from common principles of Christianity . p. 89. Answer to that motive of staying in Babylon , because they are told they may be saved in it : An exhortation of such as are yet in that captivity to come out , and of our selves to come further out . Of Impropriations , Dispensations , &c. with a conclusive prayer for the destruction of Babylon . The Fourth , A Confirmation of the abovesaid judgment . From some grounds out of the Ancient Fathers , consenting in an expectation that Rome must be the place , and the successor of the Emperour there , the Person . A clear application of it to the See of Rome , by the Fathers and Writers in successive ages before and after the tenth Century : The Judgment of the eminent Bishops of England since the reformation , the book of Homilies , especially in 2 places , calling the Pope Antichrist , and the Babylonical beast of Rome . A Synod in France , as Ireland ; How far confessed by the prime writers of the Church of Rome . The mistake of such as have diverted the application of it some other way ; an Answer of a passage of Doctor Heylenes concerning it , in relation to the Primate , and Articles of Ireland . The Fifth , Of laying on of Hands . Heb. 6. 2. Reasons why not confirmation , but ordination . Paraeus and Mr. Cartwrights concurrence in it with the Primate . The necessity of an ordained Ministry . The neglect of it as undermining the foundation . Objections answered , with a seasonable application to the present times . The necessity of an external call ; The Authority not from the People , That objection against our ordination being derived from Rome , at large answered p. 218. That personal faults in the ordainers doth not null the ordination ; Some application . The 6. Of the old form of words in Ordination , Receive the Holy Ghost , not meant of the sanctifying grace of the spirit , nor extraordinary gifts of it , but of ghostly or spirituall Ministeriall authority . 1 Cor. 3. verse 3. 6. and 1 Iohn 2. 20. The anointing teacheth you , &c. illustrated . An objection out of S. Augustine answered . Whose sins thou forgivest , &c. In what sense Ministers are said to forgive sins . The Primates judgement in his answer to the Iesuits Challenge , defended to be according to the doctrine of the Church of England , which Doctor Heylene hath scandalized him in it . The 7th . Of a Set Form of Prayer . The judgment of Calvine . Dutch , and French divines with their Practice . Examples out of the Old Testament , and New. The pattern of our Saviour , giving a form to his disciples , taking one to himself , and observing the set forms made by others . That objection of Stinting the spirit answered . An Vniformity in publique prayer a means of reducing unity in Church and State. The full concurrence of Mr. Rogers , Mr. Egerton , Dr. Gouge , Mr. Hildersham , Dr. Sibbs , Dr. Preston , &c. Of the length and gesture in prayer , Mr. Hildersham of an outward reverence in the publick . A Character of Bishop Bedell , his industry at Venice , and at home , humility , moderation , government , and sufferings . An answer to Mr. Thomas Pierces fifth Letter , wherein three Certificates have been published by him , for the justification of a change of judgement in the late Primate of Ireland in some points . ERRATA . SOme omissions of Accents Po●nting , and number of pages , the intelligent Reader may correct himself . Page 39. l. 2. r. professed p. 40. l. 8. r. ●o-ammi . p. 44. l. 18. r. ir● p. 45. Lo. for there t is related that p. 46. l. 15. d. and p. 48. l. 8. circun . p. 49. l. 6. ly . p. 63. l. 〈◊〉 . d. ● . p. 59. l. 11. ( although p. 60. l. 4. her . p. 63. l. 1. As gods l. 21. dis● p. 64. l. 22. they , they . p. 70. l. 10. val . p. 82. l. 20. d. 〈◊〉 p. 92. l. 6. may , p. 160. l. 23. & p. 161. l. 11. Padre . p. 162. mar . l. 8. justif . p. 185. l. 2. baptizing p. 189. l. 2 . -mining p. 198. l. 6. of the p. 248. l. 22. mediatly p. 250. l. 22. a. p : 278. l. 12 there p. 317. l. 8. Wethersfield p. 322. l. 18. prayer , p. 329. l● 21. and Mr. p. 362. l. 12. d. following . p. ●78 . l. ult . d. which . The judgement of the late Arch-bishop of Armagh , and Primate of Ireland , what is understood by Babylon , in Apoc. 17. & 18. Apoc. 18. v. 4. Go out from her my people , that ye be not partakers of her sins , and receive not of her plagues . IN these words we are straightly enjoyned , upon our peril , to make a separation from Babylon . For the understanding of which charge , these three Positions following are to be considered . The first Position . THat it is plainly foretold in the the Word of God , that after the planting of the Faith by the Apostles ; the Kings and Inhabitants of the earth should be seduced and drawn into damnable errours : and that the mother of all these Abominations of the Earth , should be a certain great City called Babylon , in a Mysterie . Proof . THis we finde directly laid down in the Revelation , that a a great Citie called b in a mystery Babylon should become the mother of the spiritual whoredome and abominations of the earth , so that the c Kings of the earth should commit fornication with her , and the I●habitants of the earth should be made drunke with the wine of her fornication . The second Position . THat by this great City Babylon ( the Mother of all the abominations of the earth ) is understood Rome . Proof . 1. BY the clear Testimony of Scripture , in the seventeen Chapter of the Revelation ; where this City is described unto us , First by the situation ; that it is seated upon seven Hills , ( v. 9. 18. ) and then by the largeness of the Dominion thereof ; That it is that great Citie that ruleth over the Kings of the earth , ( v. 18. ) Now that by these two marks Rome was most notoriously known in the Apostles dayes , may appear even by the Romane Poets , who describe Rome just after the same manner , as d Ovid ; Sed quae de septem totum circumspicit orbem Montibus , imperii Roma Deumque locus . Rome the place of the Empire ▪ and of the Gods , which from seven hills doth take a view of the whole world . And more shortly Propertius . Septem urbs alta jugis toti quae praesidet Orbi . The City mounted on seven hils which ruleth the whole world . No man reading Propertius , ever made question , but that Rome was here described ; and therefore no reason why any doubt should be made , what that great Citie may be , which with the same colours is painted out unto us in the book of the Revelation . 2. By the judgement of the anancient Fathers , affirming expresly that Rome is meant by Babylon , in the seventeenth Chapter of the Revelation , as the Rhemists themselves doe voluntarily confess in their last note upon the first Epistle of Peter 3. By the Confession of those who are most Devoted to the See of Rome : as ( to name one for many , e ( Bellarmine the Cardinal Jesuite ; whose words are these : [ Iohn in the Revelation every where calleth Rome Babylon , as Tertullian hath noted in his third Book against Marcion , and in his Book against the Jewes : and it is plainly gathered out of the seventeenth Chapter of the Revelation : Where great Babylon is said to sit upon seven Mountains and to have Dominion over the Kings of the earth . For there is no other City which in the time of Iohn had Dominion over the Kings of the Earth , but Rome ; and the building of Rome upon 7. hills , is a matter most famous . ] Hitherto Bellarmine . The third Position . THat old Rome onely under the Heathen persecutors ( from the time of the first Emperour till Constantines dayes ) was not Babylon ( as the Proctors of the Church of Rome would perswade us ) but Rome in her last dayes being free from the Government both of Heathen and Christian Emperours . And that Rome was to be that Babylon , which should draw the Kings and Nations of the world unto Superstition and Idolatrie from such time as it ceased to be subject to the civil Prince ( and became the Possession of the Pope ) until the last destruction thereof , which is yet to come . Proof . 1. THe matter of Babylon is revealed unto Saint John as a mysterie , Apoc●7 ●7 . 6. But the persecution of the Church by the Heathen Emperour was far from being a mysterie : For it being openly committed , Saint Iohn himself at the same time being a companion with the rest of the Saints in this tribulation ( banished for the Word of God , and for the witnessing of Iesus Christ into the Iland Pathmos : ) this could not be shewed as a secret and mystical thing . And therefore some further matter , not then openly known to the world must here be intended . 2. The state of Babylon after her fall , is thus declared , Apoc. 18. 2. 〈◊〉 is fallen , it is fallen , Babylon the great Citie is become the habitation of Devils , & the hold of all foul spirits , and a cage of every unclean and hateful bird ; for all Nations have drunken of the wine of the wrath of her fornication , and the Kings of the Earth have committed fornication with her , &c. If Heathen Rome onely were Babylon , it would follow that upon the fall thereof in the dayes of Constantine the Emperour , Rome professing the Faith of Christ should then become the habitation of Devils , and a cage of every unclean and hateful bird . Which being a most grosse and absurd imagination , it must needs be granted , that after the dayes of the Christian Emperour , the faithful Citie should become a harlot ; even Rome ( whose Faith was once renowned throughout all the world ) should become Babylon the mother of whoredomes and abominations of the Earth . 3. Such a Desolation is foretold should come upon the great City Babylon ( which in the second position is proved to be Rome ) that it should utterly be destroyed and never built again , nor reinhabited , ( Apoc. 18. v. 21 , 22 , 23. ) Now at that very time when this judgement shall come ; it is said that the Kings of the Earth which have committed fornication with her , shall bewail her and lament her , ( Rev. 18. verse 9. ) whereby it is most evident that Rome is not to cease from being Babylon , till her last destruction shall come upon her ; and that unto her last gaspe she is to continue her spiritual fornications , alluring all Nations unto her superstition and idolatrie , 4. Saint Paul , 2 Thessalonians 2. 7. Declareth that there was One in his time who did hinder the revealing of that wicked man , who was to be the head of this Apostacie , and falling away from the Faith. And when that he should be taken out of the way , then ( saith the Apostle Verse 8. ) Shall that wicked man be revealed . He that with-held and made this hinderance in the Apostles time could be no other but the Emperour , in whose hands , as long as the possession and governement of Rome remained , it was impossible that that wicked One ( of whom the Apostle speaketh ) should raigne there . So that upon his removal , that man of sinne must succeede in his roome , whereupon that great Citie , wherein he placeth his Throne falleth to be that Babylon , which should deceive all Nations with her inchantments . Now all the world can witnesse , that the Emperour , who sometime was the Soveraigne Lord of Rome , is now quite turned out of the Possession thereof , and the Pope entered thereupon in his stead . Whereupon it followeth , that the Pope ( for all his Holiness ) is that wicked one of whom the Apostle Prophesied , that he should sit in the temple of God exalting himself above all that is called God or worshipped : And consequently , that Rome , ( where he hath settled his Chayre ) hath long since begun , and yet continueth to be that Babylon ; from whose communion we are charged to sever our selves , by that voyce from Heaven , Goe out of her my People , that ye be not partakers of her sinnes , and receive not of her Plagues . The judgement of the Primate ( wrot by him long agoe in answer to the request of a learned Friend ) what is meant by the beast that was , and is not , and yet is , and other passages in the 17. and 18. of the Revelation . IN the Revelation these four Particalars must be carefully distinguished . The woman ( which is the great City Babylon . ) The first beast which ariseth out of the Sea , Apoc. 13. 1. The second beast which ariseth out of the Earth , Apoc. 13. 11. and the false Prophet which ministreth to the second beast that goeth to destruction , Apoc. 16. 13. ( 19. 20. ) by which are meant ( as I conceive ) Vrbs Romana , Imperium Romanum , Pontifex Romanus , and Clerus Romanus . The two beasts in Cap. 13. verse 11. are plainly distinguished , and that distinction must necessarily be observed in the seventeenth Chapter . Likewise for the great beast mentioned in the third and seventh verses of that Chapter is the same with the first beast of the thirteenth Chapter as appeareth by the like description of the seven heads and ten horns : the lesser beasts mentioned in the eighth and eleventh verses , ( which is the last head of the former ) can be no other but the second beast mentioned in the thirteenth Chapter , verse 22 who revived the Image of the former , i. e. of the Empire , and made all to admire and adore it . Now the Question is how this latter which is Pontifex Romanus can be said to be the beast , that was , and is not , and yet is ? My conceit of this is Singular , but such as it is , I will not conceal from you ; The Pontifices among the ancient Rom. ( as Dionysius Halicarnassaeus , noteth in his second Book of Roman Antiquities ) were obnoxious to no other jurisdiction , neither were bound to render account of their doings to any , they were only at the command of the Pontifex maximus , whose authority was so great that the Emperours thought it inconvenient that this Supremacy should be committed to any other , therefore by assumeing it to themselves , and anexing it to their imperial Crown , they did by this means extinguish the Spiritual Magistracie , and in a sort extinguish the solemne Magistracy , which ( under the 5. former heads ) was distinguished from all other superiour Governments , and prosecuted with special regard and reverence . That as if now for example in our state , one should Prophesie of the Government of the Dukes of Lancaster under the like Type , he might say of them in this manner ; The beast that was ( for the Dukes of Lancaster in their time have been great ) and is not ( for by annexing of the Dutchey to the Crown , there is now no speech of any Duke ) and yet i● ( for the Dutchey still remaineth with the several offices appertaining thereunto , though the state of the Duke lieth as it were drowned in the person of the King ) So in like manner , the Angel might speak of these Pontifices Roman● , the beast that was ( for he was in former time of speciall account ) And is not ( Being now confounded , and , in a manner , swallowed up with the state of the Emperour ) And yet is ( for the Priest-hood remained still , ) the Title and Dignity thereof resting in the Emperour . This Beast , this Pontifex Romanus shall hereafter appear in his Pontificalibus , and by his creatures ( the false Prophet ) induce the world to accept his Ponti●ical power for the highest upon earth , as before they did the Imperial , the image whereof is in this perfectly revived . As for the second we are to consider that the seven heads of the first beast are expounded , Apoc. 17. 9. & 10. to be both the seven Mountains on which the woman , ( i. e. ) the great City , verse 18. was seated , and the seven Kings ( or head Governours , ) by which that City was ruled . The Pope in regard of his Civil power over the woman ( i. e. ) his Regall Power over the City of Rome , orderly succeedeth the six heads that went before him , and so becometh the seventh , claiming that respect in higher headship then did his Predecessors . But not content with that , for whereas the state of Pontifex maximus , which in Saint Iohns time after a sort was , and is not , as hath been shewed , by means of the Christian Emperors was clean extinguisht ( the first of them bearing only the Title , but not exercising the Office , and Gratian the Emperour at last abolishing both the Title and the Office , as by Zosimus a heathen Historian we understand ) the Pope raised it again out of the grave and took it to himself , and after he had gotten to be the seventh head , retained not the pontificality as an appendant of his regall Power ( as did the Emperours before him ) but advanced the head thereof far above any of the seven civil supreme governments , making himself by that means an eight head distinct from any of the former , which in respect of his civil Power was one of the seven ; Neither was he content to extend the jurisdiction of his Pontificality , ad urbem & regiones suburbicarias onely , or to bound it within the confines of Italy , but ( which was never done by any Pontifex maximus , before him ) by being Pontifex urbis ; he challenged a Title of Summus Pontifex Orbis , and so became not onely a head of the former beast , but also a severall beast by himself , receiving in his government the image of the former beasts , drawing all the world to worship the same , for ( as Augustinus Steuchus writeth in his second Book against Laur. Valla ) when the Pontificality was first set up in Rome , all Nations from East to West did worship the Pope , no otherwise then of old , the Caesars . A SERMON , Preached at Christ-Church Dublyn , before the Lord Deputie , and the Parliament of Ireland , by BP . BEDELL , Bishop of Kilmore in Ireland , Anno 1634. Revel . 18. 4. And I heard another voyce from Heaven saying , Come out of her my people , that ye be not partakers of her sins , and that ye receive not of her plagues . Right Honorable , Reverend , Worshipful and Beloved . THe Censure that Saint Hierome passeth on this Book of the Revelation , Tot Sacramenta quot Ver●● , so many Words so many Mysteries , hath often run in my mind , and made me even fearful to pronounce concerning the divers Visions in it , and even loath to meddle with it ; Neither have I to my best rememberance , above twice in my whole life chosen any Text out of it to declare out of this place , which resolution I should stil have holden , save that I conceive some extraordinary fitness in this passage for the present occasion of this great meeting : And yet even now I shall treat of such a part , as is none of the hardest to be understood ; so as with out lanching into any deep and subtle Disputations , we may keep us by the shore side . And if you will be pleased to favour my indeavour : with your religious Attention , and the weaknesse of my voyce with your silence , I will hold as straight a course as I can , and without further preamble come to the matter it self of this Text. And first for the Connexion and Declaration of the Sence , you shall be pleased to understand , that in the former Chapter , Saint Iohn is shewed a sight whereat he wondered with great marvel . A woman sitting upon a Scarlet coloured beast , full of names of Blasphemy , which had seven heads and tenn horns ; this woman had in her fore-head a name written , Babylon the great , the Mother of harlots and Abominations of the Earth . And in the rest of the Chapter the Mystery of the Woman , and the beast that bare her , being largely declared and one thing amongst the rest , that she sitts on seven hills , ) the Conclusion is , That she is the great Citie which raigneth over the Kings of the Earth . In this Chapter Saint Iohn proceeds in the same ter , and tells , how he saw first a mighty Angel descending from Heaven and proclaiming the fall of this Babylon , ( Verse 2. 3. ) and towards the end of the Chapter , to confirm the matter wih a sign , another mighty Angel takes up a Milstone and throwes it into the Sea , with this word with like violence Babylon shall be thrown , and no more be found . In the middest between the Voyces of these two Angels is inserted a long Speech , uttered also by a Voyce from Heaven , begining at this fourth Verse which I have now read and extending to the twenty ninth , partly admonishing Gods People to come out of this Babylon in time , partly describing her pride and security going before her destruction , partly bringing in as it were the Funeral Song , that is , sung for her by her followers and Lovers partly exhorting Heaven with those that dwell therein to rejoyce at her ruine . This is the Order now for the meaning of the words , that shall appeare best by resolving three Questions . 1. Whos 's this Voyce is ? 2. To whom it speaks ? And 3. What ? We need not be long to seek Who it is that speaks ; For both those that speak before and after are expresly called Angels , and he that now speaks lacks that Addition , and the interest that he challengeth in those that are spoken to , calling them My People , sheweth plainly ( to use the words of our blessed Authour in his speech to Peter at the Sea of Tiberias ) It is the Lord. And albeit those relations between the Lord and his People are often mentioned in Scripture , without any restraint to any one person in the blessed Trinity , yet because he that here speaks telleth of the Lord Gods judgeing the great Citie , Verse the 8. As of another and third person , Strong is the Lord God that judgeth her . And again , Verse 20. Speaking to the Prophets and Apostles , saith , God hath avenged you on her . It is evident that he who hear speakes is the Mediatour , Our Lord Jesus Christ , who carries his people not in his minde onely , but in the Explication of his name , Matthew 1. 21. He shall save his People from their sinnes . Whereto it fitly agrees that this Voyce is uttered , From Heaven , where our Lord Jesus is at the right hand of God : We see the speaker , now who are spoken unto Christs People : There is no doubt , but in some Sense all the World are Christs People , His Inberitance , his Possession . And so much is often expres●y expressed , But yet the Scripture in many places intimateth , that this phrase restraineth from the World to some particular and choice people , namely Israel , The Lord thy God hath chosen thee to be a speciall people unto himselfe above all People that are upon the face of the Earth . So Chapter 10. The Lords portion is his People , Jacob the lot of his Inheritance ; Ye shall be my peculiar Treasure above all People , though all the Earth be mine . Hence it is , that these two , My people , and Israel ; are used indifferently in the same Sentence , as Psalm 57 : Heare O my people O Israel , and so in many other places ; yet even amongst these there is some time a difference put , for all that are of Israel are not counted Gods People , to some of them it is said , Hear the Word of the Lord ye Rulers of Sodome , give ear ye People of Gomorah : And for an upbraiding of their continual rebellions against the Lord , the Prophet Hosea is bidden to name one of his sons , Lo-mmi , ye are not my people ; and when to all other their Rebellions they rejected , yea crucified the Lord of Glory , the Lord also rejected them , and as he threatned by his Prophet , called his servants by another name , Christians : Even these also are in a different manner socalled ; sometimes all that are within the Covenant of Grace , and the Sacraments thereof are called Christs People ; sometimes those that he hath foreknown , and that are within the grace of the Covenant ; God hath not cast away his People whom he foreknew according to that : I will put my Law into their inward parts , and write it in their hearts , I will be their God and they shall be my People . And these are those here most properly spoken unto , as appears , because the Motives here used the fear of partaking in sinne and punishment , most properly work upon these , besides these being oppressed & holden in Captivity by the mystical Babylon here spoken of are in the 6. Verse Exhorted to cry her quittance in the same words almost which the ancient Church of Israel useth concerning the old Babel : O Daughter of Babylon which art to be destroyed , happy shall he be that rewardeth thee as thou hast served us . The third and last Point to be cleared remains , what the people of God are commanded to doe , goe out of her , saith our Lord Iesus Christ ; That is doubtlesse out of Babylon , before proclaimed , to be fallen that is after the Prophetical phrase certainly to fall ; Babel is fallen , is fallen whence this form is borrowed . That Babel was a City in Chaldea , standing by the River Euphrates , where by the occasion of the presumptious Tower , the Languages of Mankinde were confounded , Genesis 11. 10. The first seate of Nymrods Tyranny , Chapter 10. 10. Nebuchadnezer the King thereof carried thither Captive , Iehoiakim and with him Daniel and his companions , together with the vessels of the House of God ; about some twelve years after Zedekiah also was carried away Captive to the same place , Ierusalem burnt , the Temple desolated , and the whole people in a manner carried out of their own land to the same place of Babel , where they continued seventy years unto the overthrow of the Babylonian Monarchy by Cyrus . The Prophets Isay and Jeremiah , foretel the ruine of this Babel , and delivering of Gods People from her Tyranny , whom they exhort upon her fall to returne into their own land : Hence is this forme taken , and this whole Chapter is compiled of little else , but the phrases of the Prophets touching Babel and Tyrus as the diligent reader by comparing the concording places may easily perceive : This Exhortation to leave Babylon , is , Depart ye , Depart ye goe out from thence , remove out of the middest of Babylon , and goe forth out of the land of the Chaldeans , flee out of the middest of Babylon , and deliver every man his Soul , be not cut off in her iniquitie for sake her , and let us goe every one into his own Countrey , Vers. 45. My people , goe ye out of the middest of her , and deliver ye every man his Soul from the fierce anger of the Lord , which as you see are almost the very words of this Text , so that which followes here in the seaventh Verse , I sit as a Queen and am no VVidow , and shall see no sorrow , is taken out of Isaiah 47. 7 , 8. The wayling of the Merchants of this Babel , and the store and preciousnesse of her Merchandize is borrowed from the like Description of the Costlyness of Tyrus , Ezekiel 27. The inrecoverable ruine of this Babel shewed in the end of this Chapter , by the signe of a great Milstone cast into the Sea , is taken out of Ier. 51. Where the Prophesie of that it self against Babel , is appointed to be bound to a Milstone , and cast into the river Euphrates , which ran through the old Babell , with this word . Thus shall Babel sinke , and shall not rise from the evil which I will bring upon her . These Prophecies were accordingly accomplished , as you may see in Daniel , for she is related in a great Feast made by Belshazzar to a thousand of his Lords ( wherein he would needs bring forth the Vessels of Gods House for his Nobles and Concubines to quaff in . ) God wrote his Doom with a hand upon the wall of his Banquetting-house , and the same night the Medes and Persians under Darius and Cyrus , entered the Citie , slew the King , and proclaimed libertie to Gods People , to return into their Countrey and reedifie the House of God as you may see , and thus came Babel the Glory of Kingdomes ( as it is called Esay 13. 19. ) to Confusion : But this is the literal Babel , whereunto there is a reference in this Text , What now is the Mystical Babylon which here Gods People are bidden to leave . Questionlesse some City answering to this , in State , in Glorie in Oppression of the People of God , neither must we take it for the buildings onely and houses , but for the State also and Policy ; as besides the Evidence of the Type of old Babel , so taken by the Prophets , and the common use of all Authours in like Case doth lead us . There be two Opinions recited by Cardinal Bellarmine in this matter , one that it should be the communitie of all the wicked and reprobate . But this hath no manner of agreement : with the Circumstances of the Text : This is not seated on seven hills , nor hath it seven Kings , five fallen , one being , and another to come , nor will those things that are foretold of the destruction of Babel agree to this Exposition , and is rejected by the learned of that side : And himselfe names another , ( which he approves for the better ) viz. that here by Babel is meant the Citie of Rome . As that was in Saint Iohns time , for as he shewes out of Tertullian , Look as old Babylon was the head of that Empire , whose King persecuted and lead into captivity , the People of God , so did Rome then : This is not onely Bellarmines judgement , but Salmeron , Viegas , and others of that side that Babylon is Rome . They do well to yield to the clear evidence of truth so clear in deed as it would be too shameful impudence to deny it ; For what City was there which in Saint Iohns time could have the addition of great , but onely Rome , or did rule over the Kings of the earth , or ( to omit all other Arguments was seated on seven hills : Septemque una sibi muro cirnundedit arces ; It may be said Constantinople also is set on seven hills and not unfitly , for it was built in Emulation of Rome called new Rome , but not till some * Ages after Saint Iohns time , we need not spend more words in a plam matter having our Adversaries own Confession , Babylon is Rome , and old Rome ; yea saith Bellarmine , Heathen Rome persecuting Rome : Hear I be●eech you , ( Right Honourable and beloved ) to observe well , not what Isay , but what Saint Iohn , what the Angels , what our Lord Iesus Christ himselfe doe tell and relate in this Chapter , touching the fall of this Babel or Rome . It is confessed ; if Babylon be Heathen Rome , that is now falne , and hath been above a thousand years agoe , and consequenty thenceforth it is become An habitation of Devils , the hold of every foul spirit and a Cage of every unclean and hateful bird , for these are by the Angel conjoyned with the fall thereof in the 2 Verse , will Bellarmine and his fellowes now confess this to be so ▪ I trow not . But because it may be some body else will , that we may speak not only to the men , but to the matter . Observe that the ruine of Babylon here spoken of , is so described as to be sudden in one day , in one houre : her desolation is not only without recoverie , but even Consolation , like to the throwing of a stone into the Sea , so as neither Musick , nor Minstrel , nor the sound of a Quern , or any Crafts-man , nor the voyce of a Bridegroome , or a Bride , nor light of a Candel shall be found in her any more , This cannot agree with the Conversion , or the Subversion of heathen Rome , for all these things are yet left now to be found there ; and if men will not wilfully shut their eyes , they must ( me thinkes ) needs see that this Desolation did not then come upon Rome , nor is yet come upon her , And therefore it is not Heathen Rome , but after the embracing of Christian Religion , which is to fall , and consequently that out of which Christs People are called ; Viegas of likelyhood was aware of this , and therefore hath devised another shift to escape by : He saith , Rome is here to be taken in a double estate . That before it received Christs Faith , and that which shall be in Antichrists time : when ( as Saint Iohn saith in this and the former Chapter ) It shall revolt from the Bishop of Rome , and from the Faith ( as he saith ) a little before Antichrists coming , or at least at the beginning of his Kingdome Rome shall be grown proud , and secure , so as to say , I sit as a Queen ; and then by the ten Kings mentioned in the former Chapter ( who had given their Kingdomes unto her ; ) shall she be ruined and burnt , &c In this Exposition , the revolt that he tells of from the Obedience of the See of Rome , is a Fancy of his own , and hath not the least ground in St. Iohns Vision , That the revolt from the Faith , whereof the Apostle Paul speaks , ( 2 Thessalonians 2. ) is the very Apostacy of Antichrist the man of sinne , and sonne of perdition , that Rome in Antichrists time shall be secure , and account her self to sit as a Queen , and then be destroyed by the ten Kings that formerly had served and obeyed her ; this is very true , as being ●xpresly so laid down in the 16. and 17. Vers. of the former Chapter . But that which befell the Iewes in the looking for the Kingdome of Christ when it was already among them , happeneth to Viegas and those of his side , They fondly look for Antichrist the last head of the beast , whereupon the Babylonian Harlot sitteth above a thousand yeares after all the former , and consider not that this beast is one Principality under divers forms of Government , whereof five being fallen in Saint Iohns time , one then in being , and the other to endure , a short space . To make this short space a thousand years , or else to put in so many years of the Popes government over Rome before Antichrist come , who shall forsooth revolt from his Obedience : It seemes rather the dream of a waking man then to hold any likelyhood of Truth , Howsoever it resteth even by Vi●gas consent ( notwithstanding his cunning combination of two states of Rome , that under Paganisme , and that under Antichrist , with a thousand years between ) that Rome must have continued Christian for sundery Ages before her Desolation , and for ought doth yet appear the present Monarchy which she claims to exercise over the Christian World , is the Mystical Babylon out of which Gods People are called . For the better clearing whereof , let us consider the Description that is made of this Babylon , by the Angels and our Saviour Christ himself more distinctly , to see whether it doe agree to the present estate of Rome or no : The Angel tells Iohn in the last Verse of the former Chapter , The woman which thou sawest is the great City which reigneth over the Kings of the Earth , and before ( Verse 5. ) upon her forehead is a name written , Mysterie Babylon the great . Touching this greatness I may spare my pains to speak much , there is a learned Book of Iustus Lipsius which he intitles Admiranda , marvells , touching the greatness of Rome , not long after in concurrence thereto , there was another made by Thomas Stapleton our Countreyman Professour at Lovaine , which he intitles Vere admiranda , Marvels indeed , touching the greatness of the Church of Rome , wherein by comparison he indeavours to shew that for largeness of Extent , strength and power over Princes themselves , honour yielded unto it , the greatness and magnificence of the Romane Church doth far surpass the Roman Empire . These two books were both printed together , and set forth at Rome against the year of Jubilee , 1600. as if the Papacy laboured to carry in her forehead the name Great Babylon ; For the reigning over the Kings of the Earth by this great City , ( which is another point of the Angels description . ) It is true that heathen Rome had anciently in the borders and confines of the state , sundry Kings that held their Kingdomes of her , Such were the Herods , Aretas and Agrippa mentioned in the New Testament ; but these were neither in number nor dignity , nor in the absoluten●ss of their subjection to be compared with those that the now Rome reigneth over : And no great marvel if the Roman Emperour armed with thirty or fourty Legions had many Kings at command ( saith Stapleton ) but that the Pope being altogether unarmed , should give Lawes to the Kings of the Earth : and either advance them to their Kingdomes , or depose them , who would not account worthy of great marvel ? true , but the Angel shewes us the true reason , the ten hornes which thou sawest are ten Kings which have received no Kingdome as yet but receive power , as Kings at once with the beast , &c. For God hath put in their hearts to fulfil his Will , and to agree and to give their Kingdome unto the beast , until the Word of God shall be fulfilled . And consider I pray you here the manner how they have given their Kingdomes to the beast ; Vpon the Election of any new Pope , they send a solemne Embassage to profess their Obedienee to him : And one of those ( which is extant in Print , as great a Monarch as any the Christian World hath ) Offers himself and all his Kingdomes , his Seas , Firm lands , Islands , Armes , Forces , Treasures , Ships , Armies , whatsoever he is , whatsoever he hath , whatsoever he is able to doe ; and falling down at the Popes feet as a most obsequious Sonne : he acknowledgeth and confesseth him to be the true Vicar of Christ our Saviour on Earth , the successour of Peter the Apostle , in that See , the head of the Vniversal Church , the Provost , Parent , and Pastor of all Christians , praying him and humbly beseeching him that he would receive all whatsoever be hath offered to the profit & defence of the Church into his P●otection and Patronage : And these words , &c. are said with a gesture corespondent : the Embassador falling down upon his knees : let Lip●ius if he can with all his reading in Story , shew us such an Example of any King subject to old Pagan Rome : It is true that Nero accounted it for his highest Glory to have set the Crown upon Tiridates the King of the Armenians head in the City of Rome , with great state and pomp . But let us see ( saith Stapleton ) If the Majesty of the Church of Rome hath not had an equal part of this glory , yea and a greater , and then he reckons how Pope Leo the third gave the Empire to Charles the great , and how other Popes conferred to others a great many other Kingdomes : One thing he forgets that neither Nero nor any other Emperour of old Rome ever Crowned any with his feet , as Celestine the third , did Henry the sixth , nor caused him to hold their stirrops , or kiss their feet , much less set their feet upon their neckes as Pope Adrian the fourth , and Alexander the third , did to the Emperor Frederick . And that we may not spend more time in proving that the present Papal Rome reigneth over the Kings of the Earth , the Merchants of Babylon are now resolved That all the Kingdomes of the Earth are the Popes , insomuch that the best Title that any Prince can have to his Crown is , Dei & Apostolicae sedis gratia , by the grace of God , and Apostolick See. And Cardinal Bellarmine recognizing his works retracts that which might seem to Cross this title about the Popes dividing the new world to the Portugals and Spaniards : And tempers that which he had said that Christ himselfe whose Vicar the Pope is , had no temporal Kingdome , and lastly , asserts more roundly , contrary to his former opinion ▪ viz. That the Church may deprive infidels of their Dominion which they have over the Faithfull , yea , albeit they do not endeavour to turn away the Fai●hful from the Faith : Howsoever she doth not alwayes so , because she wanteth strength , or doth not judge it expedient , but questionlesse , if those same Princes do goe about to turn away their people from the faith , they may and ought to be deprived of their Dominions : I shall not need to call to rememberance here what Faith or infidelity is at this day in the Roman Language when Paul the Fift , teacheth the Catholickes that they cannot take the Oath of Fidelity ( salva fide Catholica ) with safety of the Catholick Faith ; which shewes , that if the Pope may deprive infidels of their Dominions , how much more such as are Christians , being thereby more under the verge of his Authority , concerning the Popes ruling over the Kings of the Earth , this may suffice . The Angel which in the begining of this Chapter proclaimeth the fall of Babylon , saith that all Nations have drunke of the wine of the wrath of her Fornication , and the Kings of the earth have committed Fornication with her . In the Greek the Text is so , but might as well for the force of the Words , and better for the circumstances be rendred of the wine of the heat of her Fornication . And so Chapter 14. 8. This seems to be a Declaration of the liquor contained in the golden Cup which she hath in her hand full of ●bominations and unclean Fornications , And in this Chapter Verse 23. by thy Sorceries were all Nations deceived ; by all which is meant that with hot intoxicating love drenches , she had besotted the Kings of the Earth to be enamored of her ; How to declare this of Heathen Rome I cannot well tell , unless it were that by benefits , favours and shew of honor , Kings and Provinces were alured to bear the Romane yoak , and conform themselves to Rome , but for Papal Rome the matter is more easie , for under the pretence of religious Holiness , and Spiritual profit , the blessing of Almighty God , and of the blessed Apostle Saint Peter and Saint Paul , Christs Vicar and Saint Peters successor the Keyes of Heaven , fulness of Power : And the Apostolical Sees , Exemptions , Dispensaons , Pardons , Faculties , Indulgences , Iubilees , inlarging of souls out of Purgatory , she hath brought all sorts to her love and lure , Princes and great men , finding how needful her favour is for dispensing with some disadvantagious Oaths or incestuous marriages , or a soldering some crackt title to some signory , have been in Emulation and jealousie one with another about her love , and contented their subjects should flatter her and be seduced by her , so as at length she hath brought them to believe ( at least to make profession that they believe ) She cannot deceive them though she would never so fain , Volens Nolens errare non potest . If this cup of Inchantment were not ; were it likely , were it possible , that she should perswade Christians to be content not to hear Christs Voice , speaking in his Word , not to receive the Holy Sacrament of his body and blood whole and intire though he so gave it ; and the Church for many Ages so kept it , Not to pray with understanding in a known tongue not to take the ten Commandements as God pronounced and wrote them twice with his owne finger , but as she hath rased and deformed them , Not to say Amen to the Lords Prayer in the company with other Christians , because she would not allow it ; were it not for this cup of Errour , could she have ever perswaded that she can dissolve the bonds of fe●lty betwixt Subject and Prince , depose and denounce Kings ; and warrant their Subjects to kill them , and had she not first with this cup of Sorcery transformed men into beasts , could she have found any that would have adventured to execute these her ungodly and wicked designs ? Here by the way let me tell you of an old Babylonian trick , by which especially , the Westerne Babylon hath conveyed this cup of Errour into the hands of all Nations . We read in the first of D●niel , that Nebuchadnezzar commanded the Master of his Eunuches , That he should bring certain of the Kings ●eed , and of the Princes Children in whom was no blemish , and of able witts , to te●ch them the Learning and ●ongue of the Chaldeans ; Thus were Daniel and his fellowes used , and had other name , and education given them that they might forget their own , ( though Gods special Grace in them went beyond the p●llicy of Babylon . ) Such and worse hath been and is the practice of new Babylon in drawing younger Brothers of great houses and good wits to Rome and Romish Colledges and Seminaries , some of their names changed ; makeing them their chiefe instruments of State to mould and frame their own Families , and Countreyes to the Romane Doctrine and Obedience . Those of the Council of the Samaritanes that resisted the building of the Temple ; render the reason of their careful advertising the King of his interest , viz. that because they were salted with the salt of the Palace it was not meet for them to see the Kings damage : how should not they that have had their Education at the new Babylons Charges ; but in gratitude further her affaires , and draw all they may to her Obedience and Devotion : And thus much concerning Babylons Cup. It followeth after in process of our Lords speech ; upbraiding her that she glorifies her selfe and lives in wantonness and pride , and saith , I sit as a Queen and shall not be a widow , nor ●re any sorrow , &c. It would require a long time to recite the Prov●rbs and by words only , which have been cast up and down , concerning the wantonness and uncleanness of Rome , since she came to be the seat of the Popes Court , and how she hath drawn to her self , and spent the wealth of all Nations ; in this matter I will spare rather your Ears and this place , then my own pains ; for the Boast of sitting as a Queen , consider her maximes ; viz. The Church of Rome is the Mistress and Teacher of all Churches , without spot or wrinckle , and it is necessarie to salvation to every humane Creature to be under the Bishop of Rome , that no man may judge him nor say unto him Domine cut itafacias . If any man have a desire to see the vaunts of Rome . in this kind let him be pleased , to view the image of the Man of ●in , exalting himself in the Temple of God , as it is drawn by Master Fox in the end of the former Tome of his Acts and Monuments Ecclesiastical , out of the Popes own Decrees and Decretals ; And if any make scruple to look on that Book , let him see Bellarmine undertaking that the Pope intending to teach the whole Church can in no case erre in things appertaining to Faith ; no , nor yet the particular Church of Rome , that it is probable and pious to believe the Pope cannot become an Hereticke even as a particular Person ; that he is the judge of Controversies in the Church , and his judgement certain and infallible : Add to these , that the same Bellarmine makes Temporal Felicity one of the notes of the Church . One point more rests in the speech of the last Angel concerning Babylon in this Chapter , Verse the last , That in her was found the bloud of the Prophets , and Saints & of all that were slain upon the Earth : And in the former Chapter , Iohn saw the woman drunken with the bloud of Saints and Martyrs of Iesus : That Heathen Rome was such there is no doubt : And although Bellarmine would draw the Text another way to Ierusalem ) that this is the great City , where the bodies of two witnesses shall lie unburied , where also the Lord was Crucified , since in the Romane Empire , and by a Romane Deputy , and to a Romane Death , our Lord was put , But this doth no less stick by Christian Rome unto this day , to be drunken with the bloud of Saints and Martyrs of Iesus : Let Histories be turned , and an exact account taken , how many thousands ( otherwise good Christians ) have been slain and massacred merely for his pleasure sake , And because they would not submit to her Obedience ; I think it will very evidently appeare that they are imcomparably more then all those that suffered Martyrdome for the Christian Religion under Heathen Romes persecution . To omit those whom as an Imperious Harlot she hath caused to be killed for calling her name in question . Thus you see the Description of Babylon doth no lesse agree to the present , then the old Heathen Rome , the great City , her command over the Kings of the Earth ; Her inchanting Cup , Her wantonness and delicacy , Her arrogancy and pride : Lastly , that bloudy and bloud thirsty Cruelty against the worshippers of Christ , exercised by her , and ( which I desire you to observe ) by her alone ; for in no other part of the Christian world you shall find it . To conclude then , since neither Heathen Rome onely , as she was heathen ( as Bellarmine would have it ) can be Babylon , nor partly Heathen , and partly Antichristan , as revolted from the Pope , with a gap of a thousand years between ( as Viegas divineth ) And the Character that the Holy Ghost sets upon Babylon doth no lesse , but rather more agree to the present Pontifical Rome , then to the old Imperial . It is the falsely termed Christian , indeed the Antichristian Rome , which is the Babylon , out of which Gods People are called . And how they are to go out of her , it rests to be considered : Bellarmine cites Saint Augustine to prove that it is Corde non Corpore , not in place but affection ; But the Temple of Gods people departing from Babel would seemto imply both ; And the rather because this great City is spiritually called Sodo● and Egypt : now such was the departure of Lott out of Sodome and Israel out of Egypt . It is true that by Cyrus his Edict Gods people were permitted to return into their own Countrey to the place where the Lords worship was then fixed ; Now there is no such place specially appointed , as our Lord Iesus Christ shews in his speech with the woman of S●maria : But certainly if any of Gods people cannot by separation in judgement and affection so live , as not to be partakers of the sins of Babylon , they are to go out bodily also , and in no wise to touch any unclean thing , Gods people are warned to do , even by the consideration of the Holy vessels of the Lord which they carried with them out of Babylon . The reason which confirms this charge of going out of Babylon , is drawn from the danger of participation in her sins , and in her Plagues , that is , blowes , stripes , punishments , which are not onely those mentioned in the 8 Verse , Death , Mourning , Famine , Fire , but as in the 14. Chapter ( where the same Proclamation is made of her fall which is here ) the drinking of the hot and unalaid wine of Gods vengeance , and to be tormented with fire and brimstone in the presence of the Holy Angels , and the Lamb , and the smoak of their torments shall ascend for ever and ever . We have thus descussed the meaning of this Scripture , which being all laid together is this , Saint Iohn hears our Lord Iesus Christ admonishing from Heaven his faithful people to come out of the obedience of Romish , Popish Babylon , least partaking with her in her sins , they receive also of her stripes and punishments , both Temporall and Eternal . Here concerning the person of the speaker mentioned in this first place , and that circumstance , that he speaks from Heaven , I will for the present say no more , but desire onely that it may renew the religious attention of all ; that each would say with himselfe , I will hearken what the Lord God will say , for he will speak Peace unto his People , and to his Saints that they turn not to folly : That every one would remember the words of the Apostle , see that ye despise not him that speaketh , for if you escaped not , when ye refused him that speaketh one Earth , much more shall not we escape if we turn away from him that speaketh from Heaven ; But these points shall be more profitably pressed when we shall have considered the speech it self . Wherein observe first , he call ●is people to come out of Babylon , ) a plain Argument that there are many not onely good Moral and Civil honest men there , but good C●ristians , not redeemed onely , but in the possession of the grace of our Lord Jesus Christ , which may be confirmed by these reasons . First there is amongst these that are under the tyranny of the Romish Babylon , the Sacrament of entrance , into the Covenant of Grace ; Baptisme , by which those that are partakers thereof are made Members of Christ , ●he children of God , and heirs of Eternal lif● : & of these that have but this Seal of Gods Covenant , ( viz. infants ) are no small and contemptible part of Gods People , though as yet they cannot hear this Voyce of Christ calling out of Babylon ; besides this there is publication of the tenure of the Covenant of Grace to such as are of years , though not so openly and purely as it might and ought , yet so as the grounds of the Catechisme are preached , sin is shewed , Christs redemption ( or the story of it ) is known Faith in him is called for , and this Faith is by the Grace of God wrought in some : For the Word of God and his Calling is not fruitless , but like the rain returneth not in vain ; and where true Faith is , Men are translated from death to life , he that believeth in the Son hath everlasting life . Some men perhaps may object the Faith which they describe and call by this name of Catholick Faith , Is none other but such as the Divels may have : I answer , Religion is not Logick , He that cannot give a true definition of the soul is not for that , without a soul ; so he that defines not Faith truely , yet may have true Faith ; learned Divines are not all of accord touching the definition of it , But if ( as by the whole stream of the Scripture it should seem ) to be a trust and cleaving unto God ; this Faith many there have , the Love of our Lord Iesus Christ is wrought in many there , now he that loveth Christ is loved of him and of the Father also , and because the proof of true love to Christ is the keeping of his sayings , their are good works , and according to the measure of knowledge great conscience of obedience . Yea will some man say , But that which marreth all is the Opinion of merit and satisfaction . Indeed that is the School Doctrine , but the Conscience enlightned to know it self will easily act that part of the Publican , who smote his breast and said , God be merciful to me a sinner . I remember a good advice of one of that side , let others ( saith he ) that have commi●ted few si●nes , and done ma●y good workes satisfie for their sins ; But whatsoever thou d●st , refer it to the Honour of God : so as whatsoever good come from thee , thou resolve to doe it to please God , accounting thy works too little to satisfie for thy sins : For as for thy si●s thou must offer Christs works , his pains and wounds , and his death it self to him , together with that love of his out of which he endured these things for thee . These are available for the satisfaction for thy sins . But thou whatsoever thou dost or sufferest , offer it not for thy sins to God but for his love and good pleasure , wishing to find the more grace with him , whereby thou mayest doe more , greater and more acceptable works to him , let the love of God then be to thee the cause of well-living , and the hope of well-working : thus he , and I doubt not but many there be on that side that follow this Councel ; here with I shall relate the speach of a wise and discreet Gentleman , my neighbour in England , who lived and died a Recusant ; he demanded one time , What was the worst Opinion that we could impute to the Church of Rome ? It was said , there was none more then this of our merits : And that Cardinal Bellarmine not onely doth uphold them , but saith , we may trust in them , so it be done soberly ; And saith , they deserve Eternal life , not onely in respect of Gods propromises and Covenant , but also in regard of the work it self : whereupon he answered , Bellarmine was a learned man , and could p●rhaps defend what he wrote by learning , But for his part he trusted to be saved onely by the merits of his Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ , and as for good works he would do all that he could ; Et valeant q●uantum volere possint . To proceed : In or under the Obedience of Rome there is Persecution and that is a better mark of Christs people , then Bellarmines Temporal felicity all that will live godly in Christ Iesus ( saith the Apostle ) shall suffer persecution ; ye shall be hated of all men for my Names sake ( saith our Saviour ) and so are all they on that side that are less superstitious then others , or dare speak of redress of abuses , yea , there is Martyrdome for a free opposing mens traditions , Image-worshipers , Purgatory , and the like . Add , that inobedience to this call of Christ , there do some come dayly from thence , and in truth how could our Saviour , call his people from thence if he had none there ? How could the Apostles say that Antichrist from whose captivity they are called shall sit in the Temple of God ( since that Ierusalem is finally and utterly desolated ) unless the same Apostle otherwhere declaring himself had shewed us his meaning , that the Church is the house of God , and again , ye are the Temple of the living God , and the Temple of God is Holy , which are ye ; It will be said that there are on that side many gross errors , many open Idolatries , and superstitions , so as those which live there must needs be either partakers of them and like minded , or else very Hypocrites . But many errors and much ignorance ; so it be not affected , may stand with true Faith in Christ , and when there is true Contrition for our sins , ( that is , because it displeaseth God ) there is a general and implicite repentance for all unknown sins , Gods Providence in the general revolt of the ten Tribes , when Elias thought himselfe left alone had reserved seven thousand , that had not bowed to the Image of Baal ▪ and the like may be conceived he●e since especially , the Idolatry practised under the obedience of Mystical Babylon , is rather in false and will-worship of the true God , and rather commended , as profitable , then as absolutely , necessary , enjoyned and the corruptions there maintained rather in superfluous addition then retraction in any thing necessary to salvation . Neither let that hard term of hypocrisie be used of the infirmity , and sometime , humble and peaceable carriage of some , that oppose not common errors , nor wrestle with the greater part of men , but do follow the multitude , reserving a right knowledge to themselves , and sometimes , ( by the favour which God gives them to find where they live , ) obtain better conditions then others can ; We call not Iohn the beloved Disciple an hypocrite , because he was known to the High Priest , and could procure Peter to be let to see the arraignment of our Saviour : nor Peter himself that for fear denied him , much less Daniel and his companions that by suit obtained of Melzar their keeper that they might feed upon pulse and not be defiled with the King of Babels meat , and these knew themselves to be captives and in Babel . But in the new Babel how many thousands do we think there are that think otherwise that they are in the true Catholike Church of God , the name whereof this harlot hath usurped : And although they acknowledge that where they live are many abuses , and that the Church hath need of reformation , yet there they were born , and they may not abandon their Mother in her sickness . Those that converse more inwardly with men of Conscience on that side , doe know that these are speeches i● secret ; which how they will be justified against the commands of Christ ( come out of her my people ) belongs to another place to consider . For the purpose we have now in hand , I dare not but account these the people of God , though they live very dangerously under the captivity of Babylon , as did Daniel , Mordecay , Hester , Nehemiah , and Ezra , and many Jewes more , notwithstanding both Cyrus Commission and the Prophets Command to depart . This point may give some light in a Question that is on foot among learned and good men at this day , Whether the Church of Rome be a true Church or no , where I thinke surely if the matter be rightly declared , for the tearms , there will remain no question . As thus , whether Babylon pretending to be the Church of Rome , yea the Catholick Church , be so or not , or this , Whether the people of Christ that are under the captivity be a true Church or no , either of both waies declare in these tearms , and the matter will be soon resolved . Except some man will perhaps still Object , Though there be a people of God , yet they can be no true Church , for they have no Priesthood which is necessary to the Constitution of a Church , As Saint Cyprian describes it , Plebs sacerdoti adunata , people joyned to their priest , They have no Priesthood being by the very form of their Ordidination Sacrificers for the quick and the dead . I answer , under correction of better judgements , they have the Ministery of Reconciliation by the Commission which is given at their Ordination ; being the same which our Saviour left in his Church , Whose sins ye remit they are remitted , whose sinnes ye retain they are retained . As for the other power to sacrifice , if it be any otherwise then celebrating the Commemoration of Christs sacrifice once offered upon the Cross , It is no part of the Priesthood or Ministery of the New Testament , But as superfluous additions thereunto , which yet worketh not to the destruction of that which is lawfully conferred otherwise . This Doctrine I know not how it can offend any , unless it be in being too Charitable , & that I am sure is a good fault , and serves well for a sure mark of Christs sheep , And hath very good opportunity to help Christs people out of Babel : by this saith he , shall men know that ye are my Disciples , if ye have Charitie one to another ; But they call us Hereticks , miscreants , Doggs , &c. and persecute us with more deadly hatred then Jewes and Turks , yea , this is Babylon , and perhaps some of Gods People in it that are misinformed of us . Thus did Saul for a while , yet a chosen vessel to bear Christs Name over the world . But let us maintain our Charitie to them as we are wont to bear with the weakness of our friends or children , when in hot Fevers or Plurisies they miscal us . Let us remember if they be Christs people , how little loving soever they be to us , they must be our beloved Brethren , and this of the Persons . Now let us see their dutie . It is the Du●tie of those people of Christ to come out of Babylon ; that is ( as we have already shewed ) the Obedience of the present Roman Monarchy , And for this , the very authority of Christs Voyce from Heaven should suffice : For his sheep hear his voice . But if that be yet doubted , whether the Papal Monarchy , be Babylon , let us for the present set aside the mystical Arguments from this place , and all other Prophetical Circumstances . And let the matter be tried by plainer Arguments , at the Bar of Reason out of the common Principles of Christian Doctrine , as thus , Where the use of Christs Word is forbidden to his people , where they lay away the Key of Knowledge , and Gods Worship is without understanding in an unknown tongue where Christs Sacraments are corrupted and maimed : where Divine worship is communicated to Creatures , where Christs Glorious Body is defended to be torn not onely with the teeth of the faithful but also of faithlesse men , yea of Rats and Mice , where besides a number of other superstitions , the effects of Christs blood , are communicated to Purgatory fire , to Saint Francis frock , and the Carmilites scapular , where the sole infallible interpretation , of Scripture , decission of Crntroversies , last resolution of our Faith , is placed in the brest of one man , who may be without true Faith and sound Knowledge of Religion or morall honesty it self , where the Doctrine is maintaiued as Catholike , that the Pope is Vice-God , Monarch of the Christian World , Almightie , that he can Depose Princes , and Expose them to their subjects to be killed , Command the Angels , with many more like blasphemies ; From this place and society Christs people are to depart and separate themselves ; But the present Romane Monarchy is such , The conclusion follows undenyable , Goe out of her my People . Here will I crave leave to answer on Objection that may be made by flesh and blood , to be retentive to keep Gods people from hearkning to this voyce of Christ ; and is used for a motive to draw more also to the Obedience of Rome , Gods people , ( of which number I hope I am one ) may be saved ; nay , which is more cannot perish , why should I then be so solicitous , if salvation may be had there ; on the contrary they deny that you have either Church or salvation ; Therefore it is the safest course , by the Opinion of both sides , to continue there still . I answer ; This is not the discourse of Christs sheep who make the hearing of his Voice , and doing of his Will , a higher end then their own salvation : but well may become the mouth of those deceivers that would seduce them . It is the very language of the old Serpent , ye shall not surely die : The reason and rule of Obedience is not the avoyding of hell fire , or the attaining of bliss of Heaven , but the doing of the Will of God. And yet supposing this to be true , that salvation mae be had in Babylon ; yet it is attained with great difficulty , and as it were through the fire . As the Apostle speaketh of those builders which foolishly lay upon the precious foundation of Christ , the hay , straw , and stubble of mens Traditions : And there is again a large entrance , to be afforded into the everlasting Kingdome of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ , If the graces of Gods Spirit abound in us and make us not barren and unfruitful in the knowledge of Christ. Again , ignorance , so that it be not wilful and affected may have some pardon , but to hold the Truth of God in unrighteousness , as all do that receive not the love of the Truth , and knowing how they which commit such things are worthy of death , yet doe 〈◊〉 same and favour those that doe them . The wrath of God from heaven is revealed against such , Romans 1. 18. 31. Even the danger of temporal punishment threatned to the sinnes of Rome is not to be neglected . Suppose a man were sure to goe to Heaven ; but ( although to humane infirmity it may perhaps seem otherwise ) even the Eternal punishments in Hell are not so great an evil as is the offence of God , and partaking of sin . Looke therefore as this Sophisme of Sathan is in all other temptations to be answered ; Thou maiest doe this and yet be saved being of the number of Christs people , for David , Peter , and others , although they did such things , yet found pardon and salvation , so here . Nay , I will not adventure Gods wrath , I have other sinnes enough to answer for , My Conscience is more then a thousand witnesses : I will not buy repentance so deare , and loose the things I have gotten . Now should I come to the Motives from the Danger of sinne and of partaking in punishment . But the handling of these would require a long time : let me rather make some Application of that which hath been said already . And First and most properly to those that this Scripture most concerns and is directed unto : The People of God holden in the Captivitie of the Romane Babylon ; But alass they are not here , for this is one part of their Captivity , that they are kept , not onely from hearing the voyce of the Servants of Christ , or of Saint Iohn the beloved Disciple , but of himselfe speaking here from Heaven ; And they are so contented , what remedy may there be for those that are thus bewitched , Unlesse you ( My L. L ● . and Brethren ) will be contented to become Faithfull Feoffees in trust , to convey this Voyce and Message of Christ unto them : and by my request you shall be pleased to doe it , with a great deale of Love. As this President of our Lord himselfe doth leade you as to Brethren , and , as you hope , faithfull People , loath to sinne against him , desirous to please him in all things ; Tell them then , that it is acknowledged by their owne Doctours : That Rome is Babylon , and it is averred , that this is the present Papall Monarchie , that out of this they must depart by the Commands of our Lord Iesus Christs owne Voyce , under paine of being accessary to all her sinnes , and lyable to all her punishments , wish them to use the Libertie to reade the holy Scriptures , and to come out of the blinde Obedience of Mens Precepts and Traditions ; be pleased to tell them further , that others may have some Collour of Excuse , that live in such places where they may not discover themselves without danger of the losse of their Goods , Honour or Life , they may doe it here , not onely with safetie , but with Reputation and profit , intreat them to beware least they make themselves extreamely Cu●pable , not onely of partaking with the former Idolatries , Extortions , Massacres , Powder Treasons , and King killings of that bloody City , but the new detestable Doctrines , Derogatory to the blood of Christ which moderate men even of her own Subjects detest . But which she for fear it should discontent her own Creatures , and devoted Darlings will not disavow : O if they would feare the plagues of Babylon , and that of all others the fearfullest : Blindness of mind , and strong Delusions to believe Lies , that they may be damned that believed not the Truth , but had pleasure in unrighteousness : But you hope better things of them , accompanying Salvation ; and this Message of our Lord Jesus Christ if you will be pleased to deliver , accompanying it with those Generall and common goods of Charitie and Meekeness , Integritie , good Example , and the speciall furtherance , which your Callings and Places in State , Church or Family can give it , doubtlesse to Christs people , will not be uneffectual . Blessed be God that hath-long agoe stirred up the Spirits of our Princes , like Cyrus to give libertie to Gods People to go out of Babylon , And to give large Patents , with Darius , and Artaxe●xes , for the building of the Temple and establishing the Service of God. And blessed be God , and his Majestie that hath sent us another Nehemiah , to build up the walls of Ierusalem , and to procure that the Portion of the Levites should be given them . Give me leave ( Right Honourable ) to put you in mind , that this also belongeth to your Care , to Cooperate with Christ in bringing his People out of the Romish Captivitie ; And if to help away a poor Captive out of Turkie hath been Honourable to some Publicke Ministers : What shall it be to help to the enlargeing of so many thousand souls out of the bondage of Mens Traditions , and gaining to his Majestie so many entire Subjects , your wisedom ( my Lord ) is such , as it needeth not to be advised ; and your Zeal as it needeth not to be stirred up : yet pardon me one word , for the purpose of helping Christs People out of Babylon . They are called by himself often in Scripture , His Sheep ; and verily , as in many other , so in this they are like to Sheep ; which being Cooped up in a narrow Pent , though they find some Pleasure , and the Passage be set open , are not forward to come out ; unlesse they be put on , but strain Courtesie , which should begin , yet when they are once out with a Ioyfull friske they Exult in their Freedome , yea , and when a few of the foremost lead , the rest follow ; I shall not need to make Application : Do according to your wisedome in your place , and Christ whose Work it is shall be with you , and further your endeavours . The like I say unto you the rest of my Lords , Fathers , and Brethren help your Friends , Followers , and Tenents out of Babylon , what you may in your places , you have the Examples , of Abraham , Ioshua , Cornelius praysed in Scripture for propagating the Knowledge and Fear of God in their Families and Commands with the report of Gods accepting it , and rewarding it , And this to the use of others . But shall you not carry away something for your selves also ; Yes verily , take to your selves this Voyce of our Saviour , Come out of Babylon ; you will say we have done it already , God be thanked we are good Christians , good Protestants , some of us Preachers and that call up on others to come out of , Babylon ; But if Saint Paul prayed the Converted Corinthians to be reconciled to God. And Saint Iohn writing to Belevers , sets down the record of God touching his Son , That they might believe in the Name of the Son of God ; why may not I Exhort in Christs Name and words , even those that are come out of Babylon , to come out of her , Qui monet ut facias , &c. He that perswades another to that which he doth already , in perswading incourageth him , and puts him on in his performance , but if there be any yet unresolved , and halting or hanging between two ; ( as the people did in Elias time ) That present their bodies at such meetings as this is , when their hearts are perhaps at Rome ; or no where ; If any in some points rightly informed and cleared , in others doubtful , to such Christ speaks , Come out of her my People , presse on by prayer , Conference , reading , ( If Christs Voyce be to be heard ) If Rome be Babylon , Come out of her . And let it be spoken with as litle offence as it is delight , We that seem to be the forwardest in Reformatino , are not yet so come out of Babylon , as we have not many shamefull Badges of her Captivity , witness her Impropriations , being indeed plaine Church-robberie , devised to maintain her Colonies of idle and irregular Regulars , Idle to the Church and State , Zealous and Pragmatical to support and defend her power pomp and pride , by whom they subsisted , witness her Dispensations or dissipations rather , of all Canonical Orders ; bearing down all with her Non obstante , her Symoniacal and Sacrilegious Venality of Holy things , her manifold Extortions in the Exercise of Ecclesiasticall Iurisdictiction , which we have not wholly banished : Let each of us therefore account it as spoken to himself , ( Come out of her my People . ) In this Journey let us not trouble and cast stumbling blocks before Gods People , that are ready to come out or hinder one another with Dissentions in matters either inexplicable , or unprofitable : let it have some pardon : If some be even so forward in flying from Babylon , as they fear to go back , to take their own goods for haste and let it not be blamed or uncharitably censured , if some come in the R●ear , and would leave none of Christs People behind them : No man reacheth his hand to another whom he would lift out of a Ditch , but he stoops to him . Our ends immediate are not the same , but yet they meet in one final intention ; The one hates Babylon , and the other loves and pitties Christs People : There the one believes the Angel that cast the Milstone into the Sea ; in the end of this Chap. with that word ( so shall Babylon rise uo more . ) The other fear the threatning of our Saviour against such as scandalize any of the little ones believing in him , that it is better for such a one to have a Milstone hanged upon his neck , and be cast into the Sea himselfe : Finally , let us all beseech our Lord Iesus Christ to give us Wisedome and opportunity to further his work and to give success unto the same himself , to hasten the judgement of Babylon , to bring his People out of this bondage , that we with them and all his Saints in the Church Triumphant May there upon sing a joyfull Hallelujah , as is expressed in the next Chapter . Salvation , and Honour , and Glory , and ' Power , be unto the LORD our GOD , Amen . Halleluiah . A Confirmation of the Iudgement of these two most Reverend and learned Bishops in this particular , and the vindication of it , from the aspersion of Novelty or Singularity , from some grounds out of the Ancient Fathers ; the continued Suffrages of learned men in successive ages , and the most eminent Bishops of England and Ireland of later yeares : occasioned to be the more large by the Censure which Doctor Heylene ( in his late book ) gives the Primate , and the Articles of Ireland for it . FIrst , For the Fathers , who lived before that defection or Apostasy , whch was to preceed , and prepare the ways for the man of sin . ( 2 Thes. 2 , 3. ) there could not be expected from them , any such direct application , unlesse they had a Spirit of Prophesie themselves ; Rome was in the Primitive times a pure Church , and the least infected with Arianisme , and other heresies which then abounded in the Eastern parts ; being rather a receptacle of such as were banished thence by that persecution ; so that it must have been a Prophetick pen that should then have affirmed , that righteous City should become an harlot . 'T is true , there might be a conception of that man of sin ; but till his birth , there could be no judgement given of him , iniquity was breeding but in a mystery ( verse the 8. ) like the child in the womb , which the Mother of it , cannot then be assured , but it may prove an abortive ; and harlots use to keep their conceptions close and undiscerned , till they are forced to discover them . Now this being thus in the conceiving and producing of that wicked one ; the silence of the Fathers , as to so early a sentence , ( whatsoever they might suspect ) is not to be wondred at . Diseases may be gathering in the body , when neither the party himself is sensible , nor the most skilfull Physitian can discern of the event ; fire may be kindling in the house , but the next neighbours do not cry out of it , till it be smelt ; or flame forth to their view : And so there might be some such distempers , and strange fire , smothering in the Church of God for some 100's of yeares ; but till it brake out , ye could not expect the Fathers of those ages , could take any notice of it ; at least , digito monstrare , & dicier hic est . Secondly , The prophesies of the New Testament , are like those of Daniel in the Old ; shut and sealed up , till the Time of the fulfilling ; according to that of Saint Augustine ; Prophetias implericitius quam intelligi ; that prophesies are fulfilled before they are understood ; agreeing with that ( Rev. 1. 3. ) blessed is he that reads and understands , for the time is at hand ; 'T is the speech of Irenaeus a All prophesies before they are fulfilled , are riddles unto men ; but as soon as the time is come , and the thing prophesied is come to passe , they have a clear and certain exposition , our apprehension conceives no further then our experience reacheth unto . That old Adage , Veritas est temporis filia , truth is the daughter of time , hath its place here , and in this sense , the day shall declare it ; and therefore Andraeas Caesariensis , in his Commentary upon the Revelation , speaking of Babylon , and who should be meant by it , though he had his suspitions , as liviug near the time of the revealing of it ; yet suspended his direct application , only saying that the b accurate knowledge of the person , time , and experience will reveale it to the diligent observers . What our Saviour said of Iohn the Baptist , for his knowledge of some mysteries foretold in the old Testament , and living after the Prophets , That he was greater then they , and the least of the Ministers of the Gospel by surviving him , to be greater then he ; so is it in this sense appliable , to the after-ages of the Fathers , who lived to see the fulfilling , what is foretold of this subject by Saint Paul in the Thessalonians , and Saint Iohn in the Revelations ; Which is according to the judgement of Bishop Andrews in his Tortura Torti , page 186. where having fully applyed that of Revel . 17. & 18. to the See of Rome , he addes this c But it is no wonder , those things which I have said , have not so clear or certain an interpretation in the writings of the Fathers ; for it was then a mystery of iniquity ; which wrought , the book of this prophesie was as yet sealed up ; And it is a most true speech , every prophesie is a riddle , while 't is not fulfilled . And though those Ancients very much excelled us in all manner of gifts , and specially in the holinesse of life , yet no man hath cause to wonder , that all these things did not seem so clear to them , as by the grace of God they are now to us , who do see this prophesie now consummated daily before our eyes . Certainly , while Rome continued in its purity , the Fathers of that age , might well have wondred with great admiration , as Saint Iohn himself did , and look upon it as incredulous , that it should have degenerated into that pride , Idolatry , Murder , and become the Mother of all abominations , &c. even as we would at this day , if the like should be foretold , of England , which hath been so famous for Religion , in being a shelter for such as have been persecuted by the See of Rome , abounded with writers against it , and the chief Church of the reformed Religion , in opposition to Popery . I say if any should take upon him a spirit of prophesie , in averring it should in time be an advancer of Popery , and be utterly over-run with it , and become a persecutor of such as should oppose the errours of it ; the sinke of Heresie , Schisme , and prophanenesse , &c. would not we who now live , be as far from believeing the report , as Hazael was at what was told him by the Prophet concerning himself . But Thirdly , There are some grounds out of the ancient Fathers , which may be accounted as foundations , whereupon to build this application the more firmly ; being ( as Bishop Andrews saith ) a wonder they should see so much , looking on these things only , quasi per transennam . Tertullian , who lived about 400 yeares before the Emperour , was cast out of Rome , in the Exposition of that ( 2 Thes. 2. 9. ) and now ye know what with-holdeth , or who letteth . verse 7. he who now letteth , will let till he be taken out of the way , saith this ; d Who can this be , but the Roman Empire , whose removal out of Rome , being dispersed into 10 Kingdomes , must usher in Antichrist , and then shall the wicked one be revealed ; what he saith in his Apology for the Christians to the Emperour Severus , who was afraid of the multiplying of them , as Pharaoh was of the Israelites in Egypt , hath bin touched already in the former Treatises , where the principal argument against any such fear is this . viz. The e Christians have need to pray for the Emperour , and even for the whole State of the Empire , and the Roman affaires , in regard we know the greatest mischief hanging over the whole world , threatning horrible and bitter things , to be retarded by the continuance of the Roman Empire : which being compared with the former exposition , must be meant in the same sense , and is so applied by Bishop Abbot ( demonstrat . Antichristi . n. 92. ) Cyril Hierosolymitanus , and Ambrose say the like upon the same place , ( 2 Thes. 2. ) Then shall that wicked one be revealed , viz. cum completa fuerint tempora Romani Imperii ; post defectum Romani regni appariturum , &c. i. e. he shall appear after the failing of the Roman Empire , for , as long as that stands , he dares not appeare . Saint Chrysostome upon the same f this can be no other then the Roman Empire , for as long as that stands , he dares not shew himself , but upon the vacancy of that , he shall attempt to take to himselfe both the power of God and man , which how it fits the Papacy , may easily be discerned ; Saint Ierome hath much to this purpose in divers places . In his answer to the 11. q. ad Algasiam , expounding that passage , ye know who letteth , &c. remember what I told you when I was with you , &c. he saith g he could not openly name the Roman Emperour , lest it should have caused a cruell persecution against the Christians ( who imagined their Empire to have been without end ) and referres them to what they had from him by word of mouth ; And indeed there was none but the Roman Empire , that could then either have let , or hindred the man of sin from that presumptuous tyranny , or that the Apostle had cause to be cautious in naming , for fear of raising that molestation of the Christians . And in his Epistle ad Gaudentium ; hearing that Rome was taken by the Gothes and Vandals , and saw the Western Empire declining , he was looking for the man of sin to have sprung up in his room , at least , expected his birth then ; So accordingly Saint Augustine , in his twentieth book de Civitate Dei , cap. 19. makes it to be a matter out of doubt , ( nullus ambigit ) that the successor to the Emperour in Rome , shall be the man of sinne : The same saith h Primasius and i Oecumenius upon the place , as Theophilact ( who usually followes Saint Chrysostome : ) unto which divers more might be added . But by this ye see the consent of the Fathers to the first 400 yeares for the time and place of revealing him ; That though some lived 200 years , others 400. before the Emperour was cast out of Rome ; yet they believed it should be : and though it cannot be expected they should directly name the person before he was in being , yet that Rome must be the place , and that he that should succeed the Roman Emperour , in it must be the person , they agree in . So much for clearing it from the aspersion of Novelty . 2. Now secondly , to take off the aspersion of singularity , for which there are a multitude of votes this way , of such writers who lived after the Emperour was put out of Rome , and the Bishop of Rome had succeeded him , viz. after the 600 years after Christ. It would be endlesse to relate the Authours , who have given their testimony both in the exposition , and application of that of the 2 Thessalonians 2. to the See of Rome ; Baronius himself acknowledgeth in the generall , that there was not an age , but some learned man or other appeared in it accordingly , and even some of their own Communion . And about a thousand yeares after Christ , when the man of sin was come to the height , according to the description of him , foretold by Saint Paul , there were abundance . * Aventinus , who was one of their own ) tells us in his Annals , there were many of the German Bishops and Pastors in Gregory the seventh's time , that preached it throughout Germany , applying the whole prophesie of Saint Paul to the Bishop of Rome . k Qui titulo Christi , negotium Antichristi agitat , who under the title of Christ , doth the work of Antichrist . Nay , saith he , Pler●que omnes boni , justi , ingenui , Imperium Antichristi coepisse , eo tempore cernebant . i. e. that all good men and ingenuous , for the most part discerned it at that time . A. 1100. a Bishop of Florence so publickly averred it , Antichristum advenisse , & in Ecclesia dominari ; That the Bishop of Rome Paschalis the second ( an . 1105. ) was fein to convocate a Councel at Florence , to silence him . Eberhardus Archiepiscopus Salisburiensis in Germany , in a great meeting of Bishops , applies to the then Bishop of Rome , Gregory the seventh , divers passages in 2 Thes. 2. among which he hath this speech , speaking of the Bishop of Rome . Perditus ille homo , quem Antichristum vocare solent , in cujus fronte scriptum est ; Deus sum , errare non possum , in Templo Dei sedet ; i. e. That wicked one , whom they use to call Antichrist , ( it seems it was a common Title given in those dayes to him as now ) in whose fore-head is written , I am God , I cannot erre , he sits in the Temple of God , &c. And applies divers of the passages of the Revelation , 17. & 18. accordingly , Imperator vana appellatio & sola umbra est , Reges decem pariter existunt , qui Romanum quondam imperium partiti sunt , etc. Decem Cornua ( id quod D. Augustino incredibile visum est ) Romanas provincias possident , &c. i. e. See , the Emperor is a vain title , a meer shadow . Ten Kings have parted the Roman Empire among them , signified by the ten horns ( which seemed incredible to Saint Augustine ) Turks , Greeks , Egypt , Affrick , Spain , France , England , Germany , Sicely , Italy , &c. Avent . Annal. lib. 7. 547. Honorius Augustadunensis m in anno 1120. applies the prophesie of the Beast , and Babylon in the Revelation to Rome , and the Pope . Bernardus Cluniacensis calls the Pope the King of Babylon , Ioachimus Abbas n in Richard the first 's time , ( anno 1190. ) set forth his Theses , and maintained publickly , Antichristum jam natum esse in civitate Romana , & in Sede Apostolica sublimatum . i. e. Antichrist to be now born in the City of Rome , and promoted in the Apostolick See. Johannis Sarisburiensis a Monk ( anno 1150. ) did the like . o Richard Grost-head that learned , pious , and eminent Bishop of Lincoln ; anno 1253. made an excellent Oration to that purpose , a little before his death , Papam esse Antichristum , and the last words of men are the more memorable . Gulielmus Ockam , anno 1350. wrote to Clement the sixth , and publickly charged that See with Heresie and Antichr●stianisme . Franciscus Petrarcha , An. 1347. in Epist. 18. &c. applies the prophesie of the Babilonish harlot to Rome , not Heathen , but Papal , the then Court of Rome in these words ; Tu es , famosa dicam , an infamis , meretrix , fornicata cum Regibus Terrae , illa equidem ipsa es , quam in spiritu sacer vidit Evangelista , illa eadem inquam es , & non alia , sedens super aquas multas , ( i. e. ) Thou art the famous , should I say or infamous harlot , which hast committed fornication with the Kings of the Earth ; thou art the very same which in the spirit the holy Evangelist saw ( i. e. Iohn , ) thou art I say the same , and not another , sittingupon many waters , &c. Besides , throughout these ages , from the year 1100. how many were there of those , whom the See of Rome p called Waldenses , whom Reynerus confessethto have filled France , Spaine , Italy , and most of those Western parts ; they with one mouth declared accordingly , thousands of them suffering death by that See , upon that account , whom we find then in most points consenting with us , and declaring against most of the errours of the Church of Rome : being guiltlesse of those scandals put upon them by Sanders , Cocci●s , and specially F. Parsons , which are fully cleared by the late Arch-Bishop of Armagh , in his book de Eccles. Christi . Success . & statu . p. 159. even by the testimony of their own Authours ; their witness agreeing not together . For Iohn Wickleiffe our Countryman , one of great learning and piety , 't is known sufficiently to have bin his judgment and declaration , as those succeeding him , Iohannes Purveius , Iohn Hus , Savanorola , and divers others , long before Luthers time , after which , it was more generally received in the reformed Churches , and the most learned men of each , whom time would fail me , so much as to name . Only as we have given you the votes of our own country-man and others , while they lived under the tyranny of the Bishop of Rome , so let me adde the votes of the most eminent of our English Bishops , since the withdrawing our selves from him , that it may the rather appear , that the judgement of the Primate concurres with the rest of his brethren before him . Bishop Iewell that learned Bishop of Sarisbury , in his Exposition of the second Epistle to the Thessalonians , cap. 2. is very large in the application of the whole prophesie , to the See of Rome , as that of the vision of Saint Iohn concerning Babylon , p. 373. &c. Concludes that Antichrist , shall not be a Iew but a Christian , not a King , but a Bishop , and a holy Father , and should weare a Mitre . For on whom ( saith he ) should an Army of Priests attend ( as Gregory the great a Bishop of Rome prophesied of Antichrist ) but upon a Bishop , and an universal Bishop , at least one so claiming that universality ; see his recollection of the whole : pag. 319. wondring any man should doubt of it ; 't is so apparent . And what he saith , p. 279. viz. that he knew what he should speak , would be ill taken of many , such affection they bear to him , whom the Apostle deciphers to be Antichrist ( though I shall say nothing , but what , the holy scriptures , and learned writings of the Fathers have left unto us , and which the Church of God hath at this time proved to be true ) will be found I fear also in many of this age , whose inclinations are too much declared in the defence of that See , in this particular . Bishop Abbot one of his successours , Bishop of Sarisbury ) in that book of his called Antichristi demonstratio , which were his Lectures at Oxford , is as full also . Wherein at his entrance , having spoken of the name of Antichrist , and given some descriptiption of him , he addes these words ; All which are most fitly to be applied to him , whom ( with Gods assistance ) we shall demonstrate to be the very Antichrist , I say the Bishop of Rome , who arrogates unto himself , to be the head of the Church of Christ , and his Vicegerent , &c. and p. 92. wonders at the blindness of men , like Owls at noon day , not to see it accordingly . Arch-bishop Whitgift in his defence of the Answer to the Admonition , often applies the Title of Antichrist to the Bishop of Rome , as a thing taken for granted . See Tract . 8. p. 349. where having spoken much of him before , he thus concludes . I know that those Sects and Heresies gave strength unto Antichrist , and at the length were one speciall meanes of placing him in his throne , even as also I am perswaded that he worketh as effectually at this day by your stirres and contentions , whereby he hath and will more prevail against this Church of England , then by any other means whatsoever . Therfore it behoveth you to take heed how you divide the Army of Christ , which should unanimitèr , fight against that Antichrist . That he means the See of Rome none can doubt . Whosoever shall read Bishop Andrews his Tortura Torti , cannot but conceive his judgement to be the same , Where he hath many of the observations , which have been mentioned already from the situation on seven hills , and the 7 head governments . And p. 183. upon the grant on both sides that Babylon is Rome ; p he states the question for the time , and resolves it cannot be Rome Ethnick , for then it had been no prophesie , it being at that time a persecutor of the Christians , and a shedder of the blood of the Saints , which Saint John then had the experience of himself , with divers other arguments from her inchantments , manner of destruction , making merchandize of soules , the persons which shall burn her , which could not agree to Heathen Rome ; Adding to be the same beast , which hath horns like the lamb , sits in the Temple ( or Church ) of God , exalts himself above all that is called God , one that was not in being in Saint Johns time , pretendeth to to the working of miracles ; and so concludes , that though Rome Christian may not go into perdition , yet Rome Antichristian shall , which hath been drunk with the blood of the Saints , and the Martyrs of Iesus , &c. Bishop Bilson on in his book of the difference , between Christian subjection , and unchristian Rebellion , delivers his judgement often accordingly , as a matter out of controversie , affirming the Tyranny of Rome to be the power of darknesse , and kingdom of Antichrist , applying the pride of the Papacie , to that of the man of sin , exalting himself in the Temple of God. 2 Thessal . 2. It was , saith he , the ancient device and drift of Antichrist , to make himself mighty : when it was first attempted by Hildebrand ( Greg. 7. ) and now coloured by the Papists , with the name of Religion . p. 527. 817. &c. Bishop Hall , that elegant and pious Bishop of Norwich , hath much to this purpose , dispersed throuh his works . ( No peace with Rome , Sect. 1. ) Look on the face of the Roman Church , she is Gods and ours , look on the back , she is quite contrary Antichristian . Sect. 22. shall we ever grow to that height of madnesse , as to come from the Standard of God to the tents of the Roman Antichrist . The heavens shall passe away by a change , Rome by a destruction , not a change . ( The Honour of the married Clergy ) Were it not for this opinion ( i. e. the forbidding it ) the Church of Rome would want one evident brand of her Antichristianisme . ( Sect. 15. ) Speaking of a Popish Priest ; Well doth it become the son of that Babylonish strumpet , the lips drenched in the cup of those fornications , &c. and abundance of the like , might be produced . Bishop Downham , the learned Bishop of Derry in Ireland , ( from whose mouth I have heard sufficiently that way ) in his book entituled Papa Antichristus , is the most large of any we have yet named , dividing his discourse into the description of the place and person , and the designation of the time , out of the 2 Thess. 2. and Revelat. 17. and all directly applyed by him to the See of Rome . Bishop Morton , that famous and Reverend Bishop of Durham , ( coetaneous with the former ) and yet living , hath much of this in divers parts of his works . Bishop Davenant , the eminent Bishop of Sarisbury , and professor of Divinity at Cambridge , hath often declared his judgement accordingly , in his Determinations pag. 24. Pontifex Maximus Antichristianam suam superbiam , &c. audacia plusquam Antichristianâ , &c. Vniversalem Papae jurisdictionem in totam Ecclesiam , non esse jure divino , sed usurpatione Antichristiana . Bishop Prideaux , in his Lectures saith the like often , specially in that de Antichristo , that he cannot be the Turk , but the Pope , &c , Unto which Bishops might be added , the votes of many other learned orthodox and Episcopall men , whose judgements have been declared accordingly : As that learned Professor of Divinity , Doctor Samuel Ward , in his Lectures and Determinations at Cambridge , lately printed : specially in those three questions , Romana Ecclesia est Idololatrica ; Apostasia à Paulo praedicta , est adimpleta ; Romana Ecclesia est schismatica , i. e. 1. The Roman Church is Idolatrous . 2. The Apostasie foretold by Saint Paul , is fulfilled . 3. The Roman Church is schismaticall . Thus concluding in relation to the See of Rome . Haec scilicet est illa Babylon , quae in corde suo dicit sedeo regina , sola sum , & non est praeter me . i. e. This is that Babylon which saith in her heart , I sit as a Queen , I am only , & there is none besides me . And who knowes not ( till of later yeares ) how both the Vniversities in their publick disputations , and determinations , abounded in their conclusions accordingly . I shall only adde the judgement of that meek and judicious man , Mr. Hooker , see his Treatise of Justification , Sect. 10. God hath spoken by his Angel from heaven to his people concerning Babylon , ( by Babylon we understand the Church of Rome ) Go out of her my people , that ye be not partaker of her plagues , he expounds the going out of her to be specially meant , out of Popish superstitions and heresies , calling the maintainers of them Popish Hereticks , and by plagues , not only temporal but eternal . Sect. 20. compares the Pope to Ieroboam , Rome to Samaria , that played the Harlot , &c. Sect. 27. speaking of the Bishop of Rome , and the Church of Rome , addes this . As Frenzy , though it take away the use of reason , doth notwithstanding prove them reasonable creatures which have it , because none can be frantick but they , so Antichristianity being the bane and plain overthrow of Christianity , may nevertheless argue the Church wherein Antichrist sitteth , to be christian . Sect ▪ 57. God did in all ages keep his elect from worshipping the Beast , and from receiving his mark in their foreheads ; he hath and will preserve them from receiving any deadly wound at the hands of the man of sin , whose deceit hath prevailed over none unto death , but only such as never loved the truth , but took pleasure in unrighteousness . 2 Thessal . 2 Sect. 35. speaking of Christs mercy to the worst of men upon their repentance , saith thus ; if a Pope , stripped of usurped power , Antichrist converted , penitent , and lying prostrate at the foot of Christ , &c. shall I think Christ will spurn at him . In his Sermon on Saint Iude , Sect. 14. He calls the Pope the man of sin , and son of perdition , who hath fawned upon the Kings and Princes of the earth , and by spiritual cousenage proclaiming sale of Pardons , &c. hath taken the children of the Noblest families , and made them his Cardinals , built Seminaries ; and hereby as at this day , the man of sin warres against us , &c. with the cup of whose deadly abominations , this Ierob●am of whom we speak , hath made the earth so drunk , that it hath reeled under us , &c. Now of whom the Prophet speaketh this ; whether of the Bishop of Rome , or some other man , needs no further resolution , and so much for Mr. Hooker . And whether or no , those of the Remonstrants are of a contrary judgement ( which some call the Arminian party ) 't is apparent , Arminius himself consented with the aforesaid Bishops and Authours , s in his 31. Theol. disput . intituled : Of the Bishop of Rome , and of the chief Titles which are attributed unto him . Wherein after the rejection of the title given unto him by his favourites as blasphemous , and asserting his deserts of others , viz. the false Prophet ( Revel . 19. 20. cap. 16. 23. cap. 12. 14. ) Which did wonders before the beast , out of whose mouth three impure spirits came forth ; The overthrower and destroyer of the Church in matters of faith and worship , and raising of divisions between Princes and their subjects . S. 12. he asserts the name of Autichrist , most evidently to belong unto him : for the Apostle gives it unto him ( 2 Thessal . 2. 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8. ) where he there calls him , the man of siu , the son of perdition , that opposeth and exalts himself above , or against all that is called God or worship , sitting in the Temple of God , and saying he is God ; who upon the fall of the Roman Empire , should rise up in his stead ; and take his vacant dignity . That these ( saith he ) are to be understood of the Bishop of Rome , and are to be understood of him only ; we do affirm . And for the name of Antichrist , that most specially 't is appliable to him , whether 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 be understood by way of opposition to Christ , a pretended substitution , or a subordination in his stead , &c. Sect. 13. He hath made use of all sorts of instruments , hypocrisies , lies , equivocations , treacheries , perjuries , poison , force , and armes ; that he may well be said to have succeeded that beast , like to a Leopard , a Beare , and a Lion. Revel . 13. 2. by which the Roman Empire is signified , whose Image he bare ; and brought it to passe , whosoever would not worship the image of the beast , should be put to death , &c. and concludes with a prayer , that God would grant ; that the Church might be delivered from the fraud and tyranny of Antichrist . And so much for the judgement of Arminius . Now , that the Divines of the Reformed Churches beyond the Seas , do generally accord also in it ; need not to be inserted being sufficiently known , such as Daneus , Franciscus-Iunius , Tilenus , Morneus , Viguierus , Rivetus , Chamerus , etc. The Reformed Church of France , have made it one of their Articles in their confession , as ●e may find in Chamier ( Paustrat . Cathol . Tom. 2. lib. 16. de Antichristo cap. 1. ) where he gives you the words of the 31 , Article conceived in Synodo Papinsensi , owned by him to be the confession of the reformed Churches in France , in these words following . t Whereas the Bishop of Rome having erected to himself a Monarchy over the Christian world , doth usurp a Dominion over all Churches and Pastors ; and hath rose to such a height of pride , as to call himself 1 God , will be 2 adored , and all power to be given him in heaven and earth ; disposeth of all Ecclesiastical things ; defines Articles of Faith , saith the authority of the Scripture , and the interpretation of it , to be from him ; maketh Merchandize of soules , dispenseth with vowes and oathes ; institutes new worships of God. As also in civil affaires , treads upon the lawful authority of the Magistrate , in giving , taking away , translating of Empires ; We do believe , and assert him to be the very proper Antichrist , son of perdition foretold in the word of God , the scarlet harlot , sitting on seven mountains in the great city ; which hath obtained a rule over the Kings of the earth : and we do expect when the Lord according to his promise , and as he hath begun , will destroy him with the spirit of his mouth , and at length abolish with the brightnesse of his coming . And Maresius in his preface to the Answer of Hugo Grotius his Observations upon the 2 Thes. 2. and other places gives us the like Article , agreed upon in Synodo Nationali Gapensi . Anno 1604. which hath very little or no difference from the former , and so needlesse to be repeated . Which do fully agree with the Synod of Ireland , by by the Arch-bishops and Bishops , and the rest of the Clergy there in the Convocation holden at Dublin , 1615. num . 80. viz. The Bishop of Rome is so farre from being the supreme head of the Vniversal Church of Christ , that his works and doctrine , do plainly discovar him to be the man of sin , foretold in holy Scripture , whom the Lord shall consnme with the spirit of his mouth , and abolish with the brightnesse of his coming . The former Synod may possibly be undervalued with some , by bearing the name of Presbyterian ; but seeing it consents with the latter which was Episcopal , why may it not be an introduction to a further moderation betweene them in other matters . And it stands but with justice ; that if Presbytery have had a hand in the match of Episcopacy with Popery , ( which seems to have been without consent of parties ) it should upon this evidence be the more forward in assisting in the divorce . Now in regard that above-said Article of the Church of Ireland , confirmed by the judgement of the late Primate , hath been objected against by Doctor Heylene for that ( as he saith ) there is no such doctrine in the book of Articles , nor in any publick monument , or record of the Church of England , but the contrary rather . ● shall cite some passages out of the book of Homilies , which are approved by the book of Articles , as a larger declaration of the Doctrine of the Church of England , and leave it to the Readers judgment . In the third part of the Sermon of good works , speaking against the Popish singing of Trentals , and the superstitious Orders in the Church of Rome , introduced to serve the Papacy , these words are as followeth : viz. Honour be to God , who did put light in the heart of King Henry the eighth ; to put away all such superstitions , and Pharisaical Sects , by Antichrist invented , &c. which can be meant of no other , but the See of Rome ; by the words not long after . viz. Let us rehearse some other kinds of Papistical superstitions , &c. In the second part of the Sermon of salvation , speaking against the Popish opinion of justification by works ; these words are as followeth . Iustification is not the office of man , but of God ; for man cannot make himself righteous by his own works , neither in part , nor in the whole , for that were the greatest arrogancy and presumption of man , that Antichrist could set up against God , etc. and so accounts it not the doctrine of a Christian , that sets forth Christs glory , but of him that is an adversary to Christ , and his Gospel ; and a setter forth of mans vain-glory , &c. And that passage in the third part of the Sermon against the perill of Idolatry , p. 69. I leave to the Readers judgement , if the sense can be understood , otherwise then of the See of Rome , in these words following . viz. Now concerning ( popish ) excessive decking of Images and Idols , with painting , gilding , adorning with pretious vestures , pearles and stones , what is it else but for the further provocation and inticement to spiritual fornication ; which the Idolatrous Church , understandeth well enough . For she being indeed , not only an harlot ( as the Scripture calls her ) but also a foule , filthy , old harlot ( for she is indeed of ancient yeares ) and understanding her lack of nature and true beauty , and great lothsomnesse , which of her self she hath ; she doth ( after the custome of such harlots ) paint her self , and deck and tire her self with gold , pearle , stone , and all kind of pretious jewels , that she shining with the outward beauty and glory of them , may please the foolish fantasie of fond lovers , and so entice them to spiritual fornication with her . Who if they saw her ( I will not say naked ) but in simple apparel , would abhorre her , as the foulest , and filthiest harlot that ever was seen ; According as appeareth by the description of the garnishing of the great strumpet of all strumpets , the Mother of whoredomes , set forth by Saint Iohn in his Revelation ( Apoc. 17. ) who by her glory provoked the Princes of the earth , to commit whoredome with her , &c , and it followeth , pag. 77. And it is not enough to deck Idols , but at the last , come in the Priests themselves likewise decked with gold and pearle , and with a solemn pace , they pass forth before these golden puppets , and fall down to the ground on their marrow-bones before the sehonourable Idols , and then rising up again , offer up odours and incense to them : &c. He that reads the whole , cannot judge of it to be meant otherwise , then of the Papacy . And if the fifth and sixth part of the Sermon against wilful rebellion be viewed , there will be found such a large narration of the pride and ambition of the Bishop of Rome , that there will not need any further help to an application of that 2 Thes. 2. to him , which thus beginneth , viz. After that ambition and desire of dominion , entred once into Ecclesiastical Ministers , whose greatnesse ( after the doctrine and the example of our Saviour ) should chiefly stand in humbling themselves ; And that the Bishop of Rome did by intolerable ambition challenge , not only to be the head of all the Church dispersed throughout the world , but also to be Lord of all kingdoms of the world , as is expressely set forth in the book of his own Canon-Lawes . He became at once the spoyler and destroyer both of the Church , which is the kingdom of our Saviour Christ , and of the Christian Empire , and all Christian kingdomes , as an universal Tyrant over all . The particulars of whose actions to that end , are there related . viz. The Bishop of Rome stirring up subjects to rebell against their Soveraigne Lords , even the Son against the Father , pronouncing such Schismaticks , and persecuting them , who resused to acknowledge his above-said challenge of supreme authority over them ; discharging them from their oath of fidelity made not only to the Emperour , but to other Kings and Princes throughout Christendome . The most cruell and bloody wars raised amongst Christian Princes of all kingdoms : the horrible murder of infinite thousands of Christian men , being slain by Christians , the losse of so many great Cities , Countries , Dominions , and Kingdomes , sometimes possessed by Christians in Asia , Affrick , and Europe ; The miserable fall of the Empire , and Church of Greece , sometime the most flourishing part of Christendom , into the hands of the Turks ; The lamentable diminishing , decay and ruine of Christian Religion : and all by the practice and procurement of the Bishop of Rome chiefly , which is in the Histories and Chronicles written by the Bishop of Rome's own favourites and friends to be seen , claiming also to have divers Princes and Kings to their vassals , liege men , and subjects , &c. behaving themselves more like Kings and Emperours in all things , then remained like Priests , Bishops and Ecclesiastical ; or , ( as they would be called ) spiritual persons in any one thing at all , &c. and so concludes with an exhortation of all good subjects , knowing those the speciall instruments of the Devill , to the stirring up of all Rebellion , to avoid and flee them . Is not this a full description of the pride of that man of sinne . 2 Thess. 2. in exalting himselfe above all Kings and Princes , and that son of perdition ( being understood actively : ) who was the cause of the perdition , or losse of so many thousands of Christian mens lives . And in the sixth part of the same Sermon , you have a more particular relation of the Bishop of Rome's blood-shed , ( accoding to the description of that Harlot , Revel . 17. 6. ) in these words . viz. And as these ambitio●s usurpers the Bishops of Rome , have overflowed all Italy and Germany with streams of Christian blood , shed by the rebellims of ignorant subjects against their naturall Lords and Emperours , whom they have stirred thereunto by false pretences : so is there no Countrey in Christendome , which by the like means of false pretences , hath not been over-sprinkled with the blood of subjects , by rebellion against their naturall Soveraigns , stirred up by the same Bishops of Rome , &c. And in conclusion , as the Sermon often entitles the Bishops of Rome , unsatiable wolfes , and their Adherents , Romish greedy wolfes ; so doth it in speciall call the See of Rome , the Babylonicall beast , in these words ; viz. The Bishop of Rome understanding the bruit blindnesse , ignorance and superstition of the English in King Johns time , and how much they were inclined to worship the Babilonical beast of Rome , and to fear all his threatnings , and causelesse curses , he abused them thus , &c. I have transcribed these the more largely out of the Book of Homilies , both that such as have rejected them as Popish may see their errour , and those that now so much favour the See of Rome , that they call such language railing , may have their mouthes stopped , being it is from the mouth of the Church of England in her Homilies , which is a good warrant for her sons to say after her . Let the Reader judge whether these passages do not confirme , rather then contradict , or be contrary ( as Doctor Heylene saith ) to the Articles of Ireland , and the Primates judgement of the See of Rome . I shall only alledge one passage more , and that is in the conclusion of the second part of the Sermon for Whit-sunday . viz. Wicked and nought were the Popes and Prelates of Rome for the most part , as doth well appear by the story of their lives , and therefore worthily accounted among the number of false Prophets , and false Christs , which deceived the world a long while , the Lord defend us from their Tyranny and pride , that they may never enter into this Vineyard again ; but that they may be utterly confounded , and put to flight in all parts of the world . And he of his great mercy so work , that the Gospel of his Son may be truly preached to the beating down of sin , death , the Pope , the Devill , and all the kingdome of Antichrist , &c. This latter passage is only produced by Doctor Heylene , as an evidence , that the Pope is not declared to be Antichrist , either here , or any where else , in the book of Articles or Homilies , which how the force of it can be extended so farre beyond its own sphere , both not appeare : For his principal argument , that he finds here the Pope and Antichrist , distinguished as much as the Devil and the Pope . 'T is answered , The destiuction here is not between the Pope and Antichrist , but between him and his Antichristian kingdom ; for the words are not , the Pope , the Divell , and Antichrist ; but , and all the kingdome of Antichrist . That Universality ( all ) comprehending both head and members . And if we should allow a Duumvirate , ( in the Pope and Devill ) for the government of that kingdom , one as the visible head , the other as the invisible , or the one him that reigneth ; the other by whom he receiveth power so to do : ( Rev. 13. 4. ) both might be thus owned without infringing the title of either : Howsoever 't is not the arguings from such niceties in the placing of words ( which the book of Homilies , are not strict in , as might be shewed in several instances ) but the observation of the scope and drist of the place , the comparing it with others , the concurrance of the judgement of severall eminent Bishops afore-cited , ( who cannot be imagined to declare against the doctrine of it ) will carry the sense of it accordingly , with the judicious and unbiassed Reader : and so much for the book of Homilies . Unto which I might also adde the opinion of some learned men , liveing and dying within the outward communion of the Church of Rome . To instance onely in Padrio Paulo , who wrote the History of the Councill of Trent : After whose stabbing by an Emissarie from Rome , many of the Clergy of Venice , brake out into that application , calling that See Impura , insana , superba , meretrix , pestis , ac lues mortalium ; and her ruine to be expected , according to Rvelat . 18. Some of the verses are printed at the end of the Interdict writ by Padrio Paulo , and translated out of Italian into Latin by Bishop Bedell , who was often an ear-witnsse when he lived in those parts of divers learned men , producing that of 2 Thes. 2. the man of sin who exalts himself above all , &c. and shall sit in the ●emple of God , &c. both as an argument that the Bishop of Rome is the person sitting ; and that those who are oppressed , and tyrannised over by him , are u the Church of God , and from thence rejecting any application to Mahumet , and fixing it upon the Bishop of Rome , some questioning , Is it he , or shall we look for another ; others saying , ( as the Jewes of the blind man ) This is one very like him , but many , This is he ? ) which puts me in mind of the confident assertion of Cardinal Perron , who affirms that whosoever maintaineth this wicked doctrine , that Popes have no power to put Kings by their supreme thrones , they teach men to beleeve that there hath not been any Church for many ages past , and that indeed the Church is the very Synagogue of Antichrist ; and the Pope in good consequence to be the Antichrist ; which Oration the Cardinal himselfe addressed to King Iames , upon a supposition , it might have converted him . See King Iames Preface , to the defence of the right of Kings * . Now whereas both sides ( as you have heard ) are agreed upon the place , to be Rome ( which checks the phansie of such as would apply it to Constantinople , or to persons that never were at either ) I shall only confirm it out of one of the Popish Writers , who hath quoted most of the rest ( to save the Reader any farther labour , if he hath a mind to satisfie himself in it ) 't is Tyrinus the Jesuit , in his Commentary upon the 17. Revelat. Where comparing the vision of the beast with 7 heads , and 10 hornes , cap. 13. with that of the 17. and granting it to be meant of the same , ( like Pharaoh's dreames , the seven eares of corne , and the seven kine were both one ) then , for the vision there ; he saith by the great harlot , whose Mystical name is Babylon , cannot possibly be meant of any other then Rome : 't is plain ( saith he ) she sits upon * seven Mountains , and raigns over the Kings of the earth , which can agree to no other city besides . And urgeth that place of Saint Peter ( 2 Peter 5. 13. ) the Church which is at Babylon salutes you , to be meant of Rome ( for as Bishop Andrewes observes , x rather then Peter should not be at Rome ( which they have slender or no proofes for out of Scripture , but yet is of great consequence to the Papacy ) they will confesse it to be Babylon . And , though 2 Thes. 2. he saith the Temple of God , where the man of sinne sits , is Ierusalem ; yet here his seat of Babylon must be Rome ; Produceth the expresse Testimonies of the Fathers for it , Lactantius , Tertullian , Ierome , Ambrose , Augustine , &c. and ( saith he ) even our hereticks meaning the Protestant Writers ( for after the same way he calls heresie ; so worship we the God of our Fathers ) and in conclusion , produceth most of his own associates , the Writers of the Church of Rome , Sixtus Senensis , Bellarmine , Bozius , Zuarez , Salmeran , Alcazar , unto which I may adde , Baronius , y 'T is most certaine ( saith he ) by the name of Babylon , the City of Rome is signified . Ribera in his Commentary upon it , saith the same , adding also z all things fitly agree to it , and somewhat that can be applied to no other then Rome , as The seven heads are seven hills , and , The City which reigneth over the Kings of the earth . Viegus saith , a We conceive , wheresover Babylon is mentioned in the Revelation , it signifies Rome , and all things in the 17. and 18. Revel . very fitly appliable to it . According to that of b Bellarmine ( formerly quoted ) and Lessius c who saith , Iohn calls Rome Babylon , as being the figure of Rome , and by his words he elearly sheweth it to be Rome , All which may well give a check to the Novelty of some among our selves , who without the ballast of sound or sollid judgement , have been carried about with the winds ; of other imaginations , which yet I could easily believe , some Popish Agents ( upon second thoughts ) have had their hands in , to get it driven off the further from their shore ; Though how farre not-withstanding our aforesaid Writers , and these are from an agreement , in the above-said , hath been made apparant in the two former Treatises ; viz. Those of the Popish Writers , would have it Rome , while it was Heathen , and the fall to be with the Hearhen Empire ; and ours , Rome since it became Christian , and the fall yet to come . Those of ours , who in defence of our Ordination from the scandal of Antichristian , by its passing through the See of Rome , have endeavoured to take off that See , from being such in the aforementioned places ; as it was a needlesse refuge , so the cure is worse then the disease . And those , who have with the Popish Writers , yeelded the man of sin , and the son of perdition , by that manner of expression ; to be meant of a single person , were not forced to it ; for it may notwithstanding be meant of a successive race of men , in one place and government ; non de unitate individui , sed speciei , according to the like instance in Scripture . Esa. 23. 15. Tyre shall be forgotten 70 years , according to the days of one King. ( i. e. ) of one Kingdom , viz. The Empire of the Caldeans , which after Nebuchadnezar and his successors Evelmerodach and● Belshazar , was given to the Medes and Persiaus , and Dan. 7. 17. the 4 beasts are 4 Kings , ( i. e. ) the four successive Empires , the Chaldean , Persian , Grecian , Roman , as the seven Kings do accordingly , ( Rev. 17. ) signify seven succe●●ive governments , and so the man of sin , may be meant accordingly , not of a particular man , but of a race of men succeeding in that Tyranny ; as when they say , the Pope is the Head of the Church , they do not limit it to this or that particular Pope , but mean it of the continued succession from S. Peter . Neither is the Article 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of any more force for the limitation of it to one man there , ( 2 Thes. 2. ) then it is in Luk. 4. 4. Man lives not by bread only , or Mark 2. 27. The Sabbath was not made for man : both includeing all mankind ; or , 2 Tim. 3. ult . That the man of God may be perfect , &c. which is not confined to one , but takes in all the Ministery . For which ; or any thing else , concerning this controversie ( which I shall not enter into ) I shall referre the Reader to Bishop Downham , Bishop Iewel , Bishop Abbot , with others , from whom he may receive full satisfaction . Only thus much in confirmation of the Iudgement of those two Reverend and eminent Bishops , & a Vindication of it , from the aspersion of singularity , and novelty . THE Late Arch-Bishop of ARMAGH'S judgement , of the sense of that place . Heb. 6. 2. Of laying on of hands , enlarged and defended . THis and the former verse may well be called the Apostles Catechisme , consisting of six Principles , or Fundamentals of Christian doctrine ( as they are called in the former verse ) of which this is the Method . The two former concern this life , viz. Repentance from good works , and Faith towards God. The two latter , the end of this life , viz. the Resurrection of the dead , and eternal judgement . The two middle , viz. the doctrine of Baptismes , and laying on of hands , are in relation to both , either as Conduits to convey the two former into us , or as Chariots to carry us with comfort to the two latter , That they are Fundamental Principles , as well as the other , cannot be doubted of , by their being placed in the midst of them ; only the question is , what is meant by them . First , by the doctrine of Baptismes , I conceive is meant the Sacrament of Baptisme , which is often joyned with the two former Fundamentals ; By our Saviour ; with Faith , he that believeth and is baptized . Mark 16. 16. By Saint Peter with repentance , Acts 2. 38. Repent , and be baptized . The objection against it , is , that 't is Baptismes in the plurall number . Answ. First the Syriack reads it in the singular number , and Saint Augustine in his book de fide & operibus , renders it ; Lavacri doctrina , the doctrine of the font , from whence Ribera gathers there might be some Ancient Greek Copies accordingly . But secondly , it is an Enallage Numeri , the plural for the singular , as Genes . 8. 4. The Ark rested on the Mountaines of Arrarat , which Tremelius by way of explanation , renders uno montium ; Matth. 27. 44. Theeves , for one of them only . Luke 23. 39. So accordingly , The Israelites having made one , golden Calfe , said , these are thy Gods O Israel , &c. ( Exodus 32. 4. ) and verse 33. Moses saith , they have made themselves Gods of Gold , yet verse 24. it is called by Aaron , This Calfe ; Drusius hath divers of the like , as Sepulchers , for Sepulcher , Cities , for City , &c. and so here Baptismes , for Baptisme . I am not ignorant of other conjectures by learned men , signifying a threefold Baptisme . Sanguinis , flaminis , fluminis , or , the thrice dipping , or sprinkling ; the number of persons coming to be baptized ; the two several times in the year , in the Ancient Church set apart for it , Easter and Pentecost , called dies baptismatum , which is Calvins and Bezaes ; or implying the double act in it , the inward Baptisme of Christ , and outward baptisme of Iohn ; that is to say , the Ministers ; which are Mr. a Cartwrights words upon the place , who also saith , by a trope both Sacraments are here noted under one , but I conceive , that which we first gave , is the best ; And 't is observable , that the Apostle saith , the doctrine of Baptismes , 't is not the absolute want of it , when it cannot be had , but the rejecting of the doctrine of it that damnes . 'T is possible that some of those three thousand converted by Saint Peters Sermon , might have died before they could come to the water , and yet be saved ; but if they had rejected the doctrine of it , when they were bad to be baptized , like the Pharisees rejecting the Counsel of God against themselves , or like Naman who despised the river Iordan , I question it . A well ordered discipline is the ornament of the Church , but upon the confession and doctrine of Saint Peter , it was to be founded , in which sence the Apostles and Prophets in their doctrines are called the foundation of it ; Jesus Christ being the chief corner stone , and ( as some think ) is the sence of that , Revel . 21. 14. that in the twelve foundations were the names of the twelve Apostles , in relation to their doctrinals ; So much for that . Now the next is , the doctrine of laying on● of hands . Here is the great question , What is meant by it ? That it is a Fundamentall , cannot be denied ; if Baptisme be one , this must be another : see in the verse how like twins they are borne and bred under the same roof , And 't is observable , that in the Greek it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the plural number , doctrines referring to both . In the search of several Authours , I find these two expositions , most worthy of consideration . The first is , Confirmation of children after Baptisme , which hath somewhat of Antiquity for it , most of the Writers of the Church of Rome incline that way , and even Calvin is of that mind also , and in his Comment upon this place , stands much for it , and wisheth it had not been laid aside ; hodie retinenda pura institutio , superstitio autem corrigenda ; and produceth this custome of confirming of children in the Primitive times , to be an argument they were then baptized , but I conceive it cannot be the sence , for this reason ; because 't is not a Fundamentall , and hard to prove , it was then ( like Baptisme and the rest ) esteemed to be of a necessary use and belief in the Catholick Church , according to that of Vincentius Lyrinensis , That is , to be held for a Catholick verity , which hath been believed every where , alwayes , and by all ; And our Church saith , children baptized , have all things necessary to their salvation ; The Papists that hold it to be a Sacrament , do not say 't is a Fundamentall , and when it was observed by us , we took it to be only an ancient laudable custome of the Church , and whether it was so in Saint Pauls time , in the Church of the Hebrewes , it doth not appear . The second Exposition is , that it should be meant an ordained Ministery , which clearly in Saint Paul's time we find was wont to be by laying on of hands . This is Pareus his sense upon this place . It was ( saith he ) a an initial doctrine , concerning the Ministery of the Church then ordained by imposition of hands ; * Gualterus in his Comment upon this place , saith , In this is contained the whole function of Preachers , &c. designed unto it by imposition of hands : But none so full as Mr. Cartwright in his answer to the Rhemists upon this place , his words are these . viz. By the imposition of hands the Apostle meaneth no Sacrament , much lesse confirmation , after Baptisme ; but by a trope or borrowed speech , the Ministers of the Church ; upon the which hands were laid , which appeareth in that whosoever believeth not ; that there ought to be a Ministery by order ( or Ordination ) to teach and govern the Church ; overthroweth Christianity , whereas if Confirmation of children were a Sacrament , as it is not ; yet a man holding the rest , and denying the use of it , might notwithstanding be saved . And some lines after , gives us summarily the sense of this verse , viz. to be the doctrine of the Sacraments , and of the Ministery of the Church : Ye see , in his opinion , what a dangerous thing it is , no lesse then the hazard of their own salvation , to lay aside an ordained Ministery , or to deny the doctrine of it , which men now frequently presume . And 't is observable , the argument which he useth , he produceth as a Maxime then in his time , taken for granted ; not to be proved , but supposed ; no man then so much as questioning the necessity of it , for though there were then divers disputes about discipline and ceremonies , ( in which this learned Authour then appeared ) yet both parties esteemed alike of Ordination to be a sacred institution , none presuming to take upon them the office of the Ministery without it ; Well , this I conceive to be the sence here of laying on of hands , viz. That it was a Principle of the Catechisme taught to Christians at their first reception , that there was to be a successive ordination , or setting apart of persons for the Ministery , for an authorative preaching of faith and repentance , and administration of Sacraments , called laying on of hands from the outward rite ; as the Lords Supper , by breaking of bread ; And this was the judgement of the most Reverend and learned Father of our Church , the late Arch-Bishop of Armagh , which hath the rather emboldned me to employ my thoughts in the confirmation of it ; and surely , if it be a fundamentall , the knowledge of the sense of it , is of a greater consequence , then to be slighted . First , it is considerable , how well this doth sute with Saint Pauls expression elsewhere , speaking of Ordination , 2 Tim. 1. 6. Stirre up the gift of God that is in thee by the putting on of my hands , 1 Tim. 4. 14. neglect not the gift that is in thee , given thee with the laying on of the hands of the Presbytery , both thus sufficiently reconciled ; Saint Paul was the principal , the Presbyters were his assistants , according to the constitutions and custome of our Church in Ordination . The Bishop is not to do it alone , but with the assistance of at least three or four of the Ministers , which was after the pattern of the Primitive times ; The injunction of Saint Paul for it , is accordingly . 2 Tim. 5. 22. Lay hands suddenly on no man , i. e. ordain . And it is the more observable , that all are from one and the same Apostle , it being one argument to prove Saint Paul was the Authour of this Epistle to the Hebrews , by the use of this expression here , which is not in the Epistles of any other Apostle . 'T is true , we read of extraordinary gifts of tongues , &c. given by laying on of hands , in the Acts , but they cannot be understood here , for they were but temporary , and ceased , like Scaffolds , which , after the building of an house , are taken down , but what is meant here , must be as the foundation which remains to the last , and all falls with it , that agrees to an Ordained Ministery , which must continue for the preaching of faith and repentance , and administration of Sacraments to the end of the world . In which sence is that last speech of our Saviour . Matth. 28. Lo , I am with you unto the end of the world , it cannot be limited to the persons of the Apostles ( with whose deaths those Administrations did not expire ) but must be understood collectively of the whole body of the Ministery , then as it were in their loines , who should succeed in preaching , and Baptisme , and through whom a successive powerful assistance of the spirit , is to be transferred in and through those , unto the worlds end . This power of officiating , was powred on the head of the Apostles , and descendeth to the skirts of their garments , in these dayes . And how like a fundamental , Ordination is , may easily appear ; it began at the foundation of the Church , and was one of the first stones laid in this Edifice , and it must continue to the last , for as the Lords Supper is to continue till the second coming of Christ , so the Ministers of it have the same term also ( Ephes. 4. 13. ) He gave some Pastors , Teachers , &c. Till we all come unto a perfect man , unto the measure of the Stature of the fullnesse of Christ , &c. Rom. 10. 15. Ye have a building of four or five stories high of severall Acts and Ministrations ; but Ordination of a Ministery is the Foundation , Salvation is at the top of this Iacobs Ladder , but Ordination at the bottome : Whosoever will call on the name of the Lord , shall be saved , but how shall they call on him , on mhom they have not believed ? how shall they believe on him , of whom they have not heard ? and how shall they hear without a Preacher , and how shall they preach , except they be sent ? &c. See , praying , believing , hearing , preaching , and then as the foundation of all , a Mission of Preachers for that end ; what is said of the Commandements of the Law , ( Iames 2. ) he that offends in one , is guilty of all ; such is the concatenation of the principles of the Gospel ; break one link , and all are endangered ; He that renounceth his Baptisme , renounceth his Faith , into which he was baptized , even the death and resurrection of our Saviour signified by it , Colos. 2. Consider what ye do in renouncing the Ministery by whom ye were baptized , and have believed ( 1 Cor. 3. 5. ) if any efficacy be in the Sacrament , according to the qualification & authoritative faculty of the person officiating , see what hazard you run in rejecting of such so ordained ? Ye know the speech of our Saviour , Matth. 23. 17. He that swears by the Altar , sweareth by it , and all things thereon ; and is not the contrary true , he that despiseth the Altar , despiseth not only that , but all that depend on it : If the Ordination or Mission of the person through Gods institution , be of any efficay to what is officiated , I may leave the application to your selves . Consider what ye do in a totall renouncing of an ordained Ministery , as to Baptisme and believing , through whom as instrumentals , ye did partake of them ; If the foundation fall , how can the building stand : As ye see here Saint Paul makes an ordained Ministery , a fundamental principle of Christian Religion . So much for the sence of the Text , what is meant by laying on of hands . Now if Ordination be a fundamental principle , hence then these 2 things may be inferred . 1. A necessity of continuing an ordained Ministery in the Church , and the neglect of it to be the underming of the foundation of it . 2. That Ordination is not only an internal call from God , but an externall from Man ; for 't is denominated here from laying on of hands . First a necessity of continuing such a distinct Order and profession for preaching , and other sacred Administratihns ; This subject would heretofore have been accounted needlesse to be handled , but it is necessary and seasonable now , there being many set against the very function , as if any man might of himself assume it . To such I shall represent these considerations following . viz. 1. That in all ages there have been some persons set apart for such divine Offices even before the Law , or constitution of Aaron and the Levites ; as since , see some appointed , Exod. 19. 22. Let the Priests which come near to the Lord sanctify themselves , ( Chap. 24. 5. ) called young men of the Children of Israel , sent of Moses , who offered the burnt offerings and sacrifice unto the Lord , and this is usually interpreted to be the First-borne , and that of the principall of the families , instead of which the Levites were afterward taken , ( see Numb . 3. 12. ) And what a setled Priesthood there was in Moses and Solomons time to the Captivity ; and after it upon their return ; who knows not ? see Mal. 2. A speech to the Priests , and for that five hundred-yeer gap betwixt the Old Testament and the New , when the Prophets ceased , yet a Priesthood continued , that the service of God , then was not to put to the charity of Passengers , as beggars are by the high way , but some were appropriated to it ; Ieroboam that forsook the Temple , yet retained a Priesthood , though of his own corrupt appointment . Ob●ect . That of the Law was a Priesthood , but we speak of a Ministery . Resp. 1. We stand not upon words or Titles ; neither doth the Apostle , for as ( 2 Cor. 3. 7 , 8 , 9. ) he calls the Priests of the Law Ministers , and their office a Ministration ; so he implies , that the Ministers of the Gospel might have that Title of Priests ( 1 Cor. 9. 13. ) by taking his Argument for their maintenance from the Priests , Altar , and Temple , as they that serve at the Altar , partake of the Altar ; even so hath God ordained , that those that preach the Gospel , should live of the Gospel ; and the name hath only grown ignominious , by the Church of Rome's retaining it , whom if by way of distinction , they had been called by us sacrificers ( as Bishop Downham observes ) there had been no offence in it . All that read the Fathers , know it is the term used by them ; whose Tractates of the Ministery are intituled De Sacerdotio . And the Apostle makes it only a change of the Priesthood , ( Hebr. 7. 12. ) not a nulling of it , upon which change of a ministration , none presumed of themselves to officiate without an Ordination ; Iohn Baptist who was the preparative voice of the Gospel was ordained to it , and his disciples were set apart by him ; our Saviour did the like in ordaining first Twelve for preaching and baptizing , and then 72 after them , when one of the twelve was lost , no other stepped into his place without a solemne choice of him ; Paul and Barnabas , Acts 14. 23. wheresoever they came and converted any nation , were carefull of ordaining Successors . Saint Paul , as his last , gives that charge to Timothy and Titus after him , and in all Ages of the Church from the Primitive times , both in the Greek and Latine Church , it hath been observed to this day successively . So that for such as would have no such office of a Ministery by ordination , but all men left to themselves to officiate at their pleasure , we may say with the Apostle ( 1 Cor. 11. 16. ) We have had no such custome , neither the Churches of God , ( or as Eliphaz to Iob cap. 5. 1. ) call now if there be any will answer thee , and to which of the Saints wilt thou turn , where is there any such President in all the reformed Churches ? The Israelites would have a King as all other nations ; These are upon the contrary singularity . 'T is true , the New Ierusalem ( Revel . 21. 22. meant heaven , is found without a Temple and a Priest , because Christ shall then give up his kingdome to his Father ( 1 Cor. 15. ) i. e. the manner of this present government by the Scepter of his word , and Seale of Sacraments , and then God shall be all in all , but till then , a setled Ministery must be continued . Secondly , if no successive ordained Ministery , why doth Saint Paul spend so much time in exhorting to a future provision for them . ( 1 Cor. 9. Gal. 6. 6. 1 Tim. 5. 17. ) can we think it was only for himself , and such then living , who expected Martyrdome weekly ; why such large directions for the qualification of such , as were to be ordained by his Successors , in his Epistles to Timothy , and Titus , surely it was written for our instruction now . Thirdly , consider what conclusion must be the issue of the contrary , our Saviour pitied the people , when they were like Sheep without a Shepherd ; That which is every mans work , is no bodies : As in reason , the office of the Ministery must be weakly and negligently done , when no persons are appointed to make it their study and sabour , fo when gaps are thus opened for any person , may not Iesuits and such lik Agents creep in under other forms , and privily bring in damnable heresies , to the seducing of the hearers ; I am loth to imagine that this should be at the bottome of this assertion , that so with the more specious pretext , they might take away the maintenance , as indeed one must follow the other ; for if there be no need of a setled ordained Ministery , what use of a setled meanes alotted for it . If any shall stumble at that speech often in the mouthes of some , Isa. 54. 13. All thy children shall be taught of the Lord , he may be satisfied by this double Answer . 1. It was fulfilled in that time of our Lord and Saviour , teaching them immediately by himself , which he expounds accordingly ; ( Iohn 6. 45. ) It is written in the Prophets , they shall be all taught of God , every man therefore that hath learned of the Father , cometh unto me , &c. 2. The Lord is said to teach , when he doth it by a Ministery , sent by him according to that of Ierem. 3. 15. I will give you Pastors after my own heart , that shall feed you with knowledge and understanding , &c. fulfilled under the Gospel . And we grant , that though the proposal of the doctrine is by the Minister , yet the illumination of the mind , and the rectifying of the heart through it , is from God. Object . If that of Saint Peter ( 1 Eph. 4. 10. ) he objected , As every man hath received the gift , so let him minister the same as good Stewards of the manifold grace of God. Answ. I conceive it is not meant the gift of preaching , but of Almes . The words immediately before , are these . Vse hospitality one to another without grudging , there is the manner , and then in these words , As every one hath received the gift , so let him minister , is implyed the measure of it ; agreeing with that of Saint Pauls injunction , 1 Cor. 16. 2. Let every one lay by him ( to that end ) as God had prospered him , &c. That these temporal things are the gift of God ; the fourth Petition of the Lords Prayer , shewes sufficiently . And that collections of these , and giving them to the poor , is called a ministring to the Saints . See 2 Cor. 8. 4. cap. 9. 1. and stiled grace , ( cap. 8. 19. ) and what other sense can there be of that ( cap. 9. 8. ) God is able to make all grace abound , but of temporall blessings , as the next words shew , to multiply your seed sowen , and minister bread for your food , ( V. 10. ) and they may be called the manifold grace or gift of God , by the divers sorts of them to be administred , food , clothing , relieving of the sick , &c. according as they are distinctly remembred at the last day , ( Matth. 25. ) And are not all bountiful charitable persons , the Lords Stewards , in dispensing these things to those of his houshold of Faith ; so that upon these considerations , the place appears to to be farre off from any application of it to Preaching . Indeed the next verse may be so meant . If any man speak , let him speak as the Oracles of God , &c. but yet to be understood with this limitation , viz. of a man ordained and constituted ( as we have said ) for that end . In a word , to allow all sorts of men to be preachers , is to make the whole body an eye , a tongue , &c. and if so as the Apostle saith , where is the hearing , are all teachers , are all interpreters ? 't is an argument from the absurdity , as if ye would expect the foot to see , the hand to speak ; In Saint Pauls dayes it was said , Who is sufficient for these things ? and shall all persons think themselves so now ; Saint Paul bids Timothy give himself wholly to it : i. e. to meditation , study , reading , and not to intangle himself with the things of this world , which might take him off , and may they now meet in tradesmen and manufactures ? and the office be performed without either ? Is there not a distinction made between the Church of Ephesus , and the elders of it , ( Acts 20. ) between the Church and the Angel of it , ( Revel . 2. ) which if it be not meant of one person , the Bishop ( as Ignatius stiles him so about twelve years after , which was the judgement of the Primate ) yet must at least be collectively meant of the Bishop , & the Ministery of it ; Is there not a distinction between the Saints of Philippi , & the Bishops & Deacons , are there not some said to be over the * Thessalonians in the Lord , and preaching & admonishing called in special , their work , as appropriated to them , for which he chargeth them to know them , & to esteem highly of them ; as the like in his last charge to the Church of the Hebrews , ( cap. ult . 7. 17. Obey them that have the rule over you in the Lord , and that watch for your soules , as they that must give an accompt , and if that were the speciall office of the ministery , then to have curam animarum ; why not now ? or where doth it appear , the term is expired ? I conclude this point with an observation of the several steps of our declinings , or defections of later yeares ; First , we were offended at some titles of the Ministery , then at the office it selfe ; First , at such a Ministery so ordained , then at the ordaining of any Ministery at all . First , the solemn Assemblies in publick were forsaken , and a retreat made into corners , then the Preachers themselves slighted , called by Solomon the Masters of Assemblies : First , a ceremony in baptizing of Infants scrupled at , then the Baptisme of Infants themselves ; nay , the Sacrament of Baptisme by water , called into question also ; First , the Communion forborne , out of offence to some gesture , now the Sacrament it selfe neglected , and contemned , as if we may now live above and without Ordinances , & without any ordained Ministry to administer each , as indeed the one must follow the other . This is the train laid to blow us up , what Iacob said after Ioseph was lost , and Benjamin must go too ; All these things are against me , may be our application for the Church . If any thirty years agone , should have foretold that this Garden of God should have brought forth these weeds , that such Tenents should have so prevailed among us , he would have been by the most religious persons of that age , taken for one that dreamed ; and they ready to have answered for their Mother-Church , as Hazael did for himself , when the Prophet told him , what evill he should be the Authour of . Let us be of moderate spirits , and not run beyond the bounds of any president in the Primitive times , walk not in wayes not cast up ; ( Jerem. 6. 16. ) enquire for the old paths , where is the good way , and walk therein ; be not like those in the next words , that said , we will not walk in them ; but in new ones , according to your own fancies . Let the Tribe of Levi be purged , but let not the physick be so strong as to destroy them . Saint Paul magnified his own office ; this is but to support it from being trodden under feet , and the end is your good , that in these distracted times , ye might not be without leaders , so ordained and fitted , to guide your feet in the way of peace , and so much for the first , A necessity of an ordained Ministery . Now the second observation is , that Ordination is not onely an internal Call of God , but an external of man ; for so 't is denominated by that very act , laying on of hands , i. e. implying the hand of God is not all in the holy frame of the heart of the person by his spirit , requisite in every true believer , but there must be the hands of men in the designation of him in his name also . The first was wont to be asked , the person ordained , viz. Whether in his heart or conscience , he found himself truly called to the Ministry , according to the will of our Lord Iesus Christ. This perswasion of his gave a capacity , but the authority actually conferred on him , was by the imposition of hands , Ability and faithfulnesse were the qualifications , but the commission to officiate , was transferred to Timothy ( 2 Eph. 2. 2. ) by that means . Ye know those two memento's of Saint Paul to him , Neglect not the gift ( 1 Tim. 4. 14. ) Stirre up the gift of God which is in thee ( 2 Tim. 1. 16. ) by the laying on of my hands , and of the hands of the Presbytery ; if it should be asked , What is here meant by the gift , I conceive there is no necessity of understanding it , either of gifts of ability , or saving gifts of the Spirit ; for as the former doubtlesse were found in Timothy before his ordination , and the latter from his childhood , & education ; ( 2 Epist. cap. 3. 15. cap. 1. 5. ) so 't is a doubt if it were in the power of Timothy to transferre either of those by this means , they being to be left to Christ himself , who enlightens every man that cometh into the world ; and to that holy Spirit who blowes when , and where it listeth , but the surest sence is to take it for the authority given him for the officiating , and exercising these abilities , and transferring of it unto others : And in this sence I grant gifted men may preach , and perform other ministerial acts , i. e. who with the internall have received this externall power and authority also , according to Christs ordinance through imposition of hands . Indeed the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is often taken for internall abilities , and 't is not improbable , but at the solemn meeting of the Church of God , both Ministery and people , in Fasting and Prayer , ( which was the injunction of our Church , & should have been the practice ) to invocate God for the assisting grace of his spirit , to be given to the person ordained , might be prevalent for that end ; and that the receiving accordingly of ordination , might be so far operative , as to be a confirmation of the party the more , against errors and heresies , in the execution of it ; The falling into which may possibly be the judgement of God upon some , who of late dayes have run without it , which agrees with the observation Chemnitius makes of Origen , who neglected Orders , and fell into the like ; and at last made himselfe incapable of them . But I say again , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the forenamed place , is most safely to be understood of the gift of authority to be exercised and transferred unto others by laying on of hands . And 't is further confirmed by the many examples that do abound , our Saviour gave his Apostles not only an inward call by his Spirit , but an open verball call before the people ; Saint Stephen , a man full of Faith and the Holy Ghost , yet presumed not to officiate , till he had imposition of hands from them ; Beware of making your selves Ministers , our Saviour did not make himself a Priest ( Heb. 5. 5. ) 't is the blot layed on Iezabell , that she made her selfe a Prophetesse , Revelat . 2. 20. 'T is frequent to hear an ordained Minister called Antichristian , but consider who deserves that Title , whether those that observe the rule of Christ , and tread in the paths of the Apostles , or such , who , without any president in Scripture , or in primitive times , are in this a law unto themselves . And do but think what ill issue may in the future , be of this promiscuous presumption , upon the offices of the Ministery , what doubts it may raise in our posterity , in receiving of Baptisme , by such as cannot answer to that question By what authority dost thou these things , and who gave thee this authority ? One objection common in the mouthes of men is , Why do you stand so much upon a ceremony , as laying on of hands is ? First , that which the Apostle calls● a Principle and a Fundamentall , do not you call a ceremony , according to that which was said , to S. Peter , That which God hath cleansed , call not thou common ; for which we have both Precept and Example to three successions ; Paul , and Timothy , and those that succeeded him . 2. 'T is a most honourable ceremony used upon other occasions , Iacob in blessing of Ephraim , and Manasses , Moses in constitution of Ioshua , Na●mans expectation of Elias healing him , our Saviours in blessing of the children in the Gospel , Saint Pauls at the Holy Ghosts coming upon the disciples of Ephesus in the gift of tongues . The Prophets of Antioch , upon the separating of Paul , and Barnabas , for a speciall work designed unto , as others by way of benediction and confirmation . 3. If it be an institution , though , how mean soever it is to the eye , yet it must be observed , or else water in Baptisme , & bread and wine in the Lords Supper , may fall under the like contempt . Circnmcision was a carnall ordinance , yet ( Rom. 3. ) the Apostle checks those who questioned the profit or vertue of it . The waxe of the Seale hath little worth in it self , but by the impression affixed to the pattent , is of great consequence to the party , the like application may be made to imposition of hands , the Seal of Ordination . But suppose laying on of hands be granted as we have said , the question yet remains , By whose hands ? Answ. Doubtlesse not by the peoples , for it doth not stand with reason , that any can transferre that authority , which they have not , The people may be said after a manner , to give their votes in the election , as it was the former ( and ancient ) custome , that they were asked if they knew of any impediment or crime , for which the party ought not be received into this holy Ministry , and desired to declare it ; and upon the objecting of any , the Bishop was to surcease , till the party accused should clear himself . The people had liberty of allegation , for , or against the person to be ordained , but it doth not follow , that therefore they had power in constituteing and ordaining . They are the persons to whom the Ministers are sent ; can they be the Senders ? they have their mission to them ; can they have their Commission from them ? we are Gods Embassadours , not theirs , neither do ye ●ind any power this way derived or committed from Christ to them , As my Father sent me , so send I you , saith our Saviour to his Apostles , Lo , I am with you , and so with your successors , unto the end of the world . Saint Paul saith to Timothy , Lay thou hands , &c. to Titus , I left thee behind , that thou shouldest ordain ( be it meant collectively of the rest of the Ministers , as assistants with him also , ) but no mention of the people in that act . That of Numb . 8. 10. the people laid their hands on the Levits , is not meant in their consecration , but dedication , or the donation of them to be consecrated to the Lord , instead of the first born by Moses and Aaron ; It was but as Hanna's giving up her son Samuel to Eli , to be consecrated to the service of the Temple , or like the presentation of a person formally under the hand and seal of the Patron to the Bishop , to be instituted or inducted ; such was this of the Levites , only a signification of their act and deed under their hands , in giving up their whole title and interest in them , to be set apart for that end . For that of Matthias his election before the people , to be an Apostle ( Acts 1. 16. ) alleadged by some for the power of people in Ordination . 1. Saint Peter only signifieth to them what they were about to do , and doing it in their presence , as in Saint Cyprians time , it was the custome to have the Minister ordained , praesente plebe , sub omnium oculis , &c. in the presence of the people , before the eyes of all , &c. like Eleazar invested by Moses with the Priests garments , on the top of the Mount in the sight of the Israelites , but the actions in ●etting two apart in casting the lots , prayer , &c. were the Apostles . Secondly , This election here to the Apostleship , was neither the peoples , nor Apostles , but Gods by a divine suffrage , expressed by lot according to the prayer of the Apostles to God for it , and so it makes nothing for the peoples act in ordination : and so much for the first Question , Whose hands must be imposed ? 2. What if the ordainers , being of the Ministry , be found not to have ●een of clean hands themselves , i. e. of evill lives , is their ordination good ? I answer , Yes ; For 't is not a personal act , but an act of office , as 't is not the learning of the Judge makes any decree valid , but his authority and commission for it ; A Popish Judge gives a just sentence in Court , his sentence is not erroneous and Antichristian : though himself may be so ; his act is good in Law : how bad soever he is in matter of Religion , & so the act of Ordination being an act of office is not nulled , or voided by personal defilements ; It was the errour of the Donatists , to put the vertue of Ministerial acts wholly upon the holinesse of the person ministring ; no , as Saint Augustine , saith , a foul hand may sow good seed . But there is one objection more to be answered , frequently in the mouthes of men , viz. Your Orders were derived from Rome , and therefore Antichristian . 1. Observe what contrary inferences are against us ; The Papists say we have no lawful Ministery , because we have it not from Rome , having renounced our subjection to that See , others among our selves argue the same , from our being deduced from it . Secondly , If they mean of our receiving it from thence , immediately after the Apostles time , ( which the ancientest of the Brittish Writers extant do not grant , but averre , that we received it from such as came from Ierusalem hither even in Tiberius his time ) it is no disparagement to us , for it was then a famous Church ; see Saint Pauls Epistle to it , as Ignatius after him . But if they mean since the corruption and Apostasy of it , we may distinguish between from and through , as between the Fountain and Conduit , we received it from the Apostles , though running through some corrupt times of Popery , of which , since our reformation , it savours no more , then the Fish doth of the salt water , or as the three children in the furnace , when they came out there , was not so much as the smell of fire found upon them . 3. If they mean of Austine the Monke sent from Rome in Gregory the great his time , about 600 yeares after Christ ; there were then no such defilements of doctrine in it , that it should be a scandall to us either : And yet we were not then to seek for an ordained Ministery , there having been for many hundreds of years , before that , a flourishing Church among us , which the Saxons whom he came to convert , had been the persecutors and destroyers of , as Gildas tells us , so that in that , or the former , sense , the objection is not worth the answering . But fourthly , I suppose they mean of later Centuries , when that complaint of the Proph●et concerning Ierusalem , might be appliable to Rome . How is that faithful City become a harlot ? it was full of judgement , righteousnesse lodgeed in her ; but now murderers , &c. i. e. Since the Bishop of Rome became corrupt in doctrine and worship . For this , first we thus answer . While we were under the tyranny of the Bishop of Rome , it doth not appear that he ordinarily usurped , more then a mandatory nomination of the Bishop to be consecrated , which out of a blind fear of his excommunication was assented unto , but the consecration was not by him , but other Bishops here within our selves . And I account the ordination or consecration to be derived from such as gave imposition of hands , not from the mandate for them to do it ; Henry the eight , and the Kings succeeding , assumed the like power in the nomination of the person ( which accordingly might not be gainsaid : ) but from thence it cannot be argued , that our ordination or consecration was deduced from them , for the Kings mandate served not to give power to ordain ( which those Bishops had before intrinsecally annexed to their office ) but only was a warrant to apply this power to the person named in that Mandate . Now this being all which was usurped by the Bishop of Rome , in relation to the consecrations of our Bishops in England , when we were under the Tyranny of the Papacy , there is as little force for our deriving our ordination from him also . And if those Bishops of Sidon , which ( as Arch-Deacon * Mason tells us ) assisted in the first consecration in Hen. 8. as in Edward the sixth's time , were not meerly Titular , but had their consecration from the Greek Church , which is altogether a stranger to the See of Rome ; it would take off somewhat from the pretence of a totall derivation from thence . But still it may be objected , that we have at least received our Ordination from such as professed the Religion of Rome . First , it could not be called properly the Religion of Rome , till the Councell of Trent , which determined many years after our falling off from the See of Rome : The Papists ask us , Where was our Religion before Luther ? we might reply , Where was the Popish Religion before that time . 'T is true , most of those poysonous errours were sowen up and down the world before , but not collected fully into a body ; and so owned and headed by the Papacy till then . For till that time , scarce any point we hold now against them but there were some of their own Authours who held it also . So that to speak properly the now Romish Religion in their new Creed , with other appurtenances , was established since our form of ordination . 2. Suppose we received our ordination from such who were corrupted with Popish errours , yet if they retained the Fundamentalls of Christian Religion , their ordination may be valid : those like some part of the barke of the tree uncut , may convey the Sappe from the root to the preserving of life in the branches . What Saint Augustine saith of the Donatists in some things , mecum sunt , they concurre with me ; in other things they are defiled , may be applicable to the Church of Rome , and if so , why may we not receive through them , what was of Christs remaining in them , without being defiled with that corrupt part which is their own ? why may not there be in this a separation of the precicious from the vile ? And in our reformation we withdrew our selves no further from her , then she hath declined from her self in the Apostles time , and from the ancient state and condition of it then , as one saith well , Nostra Ecclesia ab hodierna Romana Ecclesia contaminata recessit , ut ad pristinam , puram , Apostolicam , Romanam accedere posset . We forsook the present corrupted Church of Rome , that we might be nearer a kin to the first , pure , Apostolical Roman Church in the primitive times . 3. In a word , we do affirme that neither their corruption in opinion , or vitiosity of life , do , or did , void it to the party ordained ; none doubts of the Baptisme of our fore-fathers administred by those of the like in the Church of Rome , as if there needed any reiteration , by them who survived our reformation : neither do we renew the orders received in that Church , when any Priest is converted , and betakes himself to our communion , and why should it be questioned here ? Let the Seal be of Silver or brasse , the impression is alike valid , if affixed by order to the deed ; Parents in generation convey to the child what is essentiall to humane nature , not that which is accidentall . A maimed Father begets a Son like himself , as he was before he lost his arme ; as the circumcised did , and doth an uncircumcised child : the like application may be made , to the transferring of ordination in such a wounded , diseased , Apostatized Church , as the Roman now is , and by such corrupted persons in life and doctrine , continuing in it ; so they do observe the * essentials in ordination ; other superstructures or corruption in the ordainers , doth not null it , either to the persons themselves , or successors ; which might be further manifested by the p●actice of the Church in all ages . 1. That Ministration under the Law , ( the Priests of which the Jewish Writers say , were consecrated by laying on of hands ) had as much cause to stand upon succession as any ; yet , ye find often , that the Priests the sons of Aaron , and the Levites had corrupted their wayes , were defiled with Idolatry in Ahaz , and Manasses time , and others , as bad or worse then the See of Rome ; yet after a reformation , the succession which was by their hands was not questioned ; Though the Priesthood ran through much filth , yet retaining the essentialls of the Jewish Religion , as circumcision , &c. they were owned of God again in a successive ministration . See in the height of their Idolatry , when they were offering their children by fire , unto their Idols , yet by retaining the Sacrament , & covenant of circumcision , their children are called the Lords children , Ezek. 16. 20. Thou hast taken thy sons which thou hast borne unto me , &c. thou hast slayn my children , in causing them to pass through the fire , etc. 2. In our Saviour Christs time , there was as bad a succession as ever ; in the Priests , Pharises , Scribes , Sadduces , &c. yet as he permitted their administring of some rites for himselfe ; whether of circumcision , or the offering made for him in the Temple , at the purification , after the custome of the Law , in his infancy , so at his manifestation about 30 yeares after , he sends those that were healed by him to the Priests , to offer what Moses commanded ; ye see he did not determine against the office for the personal defilements of their Predecessors , or themselves . 3. Nay , under the Gospel , about four hundred years after our Saviour Christ , was not the world so over-run with Arrians , that it groaned under it ? ( as St. Ierom saith , ) when they had the commands of the Pulpits , ordaining of Preachers , children were baptized by them , men put to receive the communion of them ; as Hilary and Basil say , the Orthodox were hatched under the wings of the Arrian Priests ; yet upon a reformation , and the renouncing of that heresie , we read not of any rejecting of the succeeding Ministers , because they were derived through such hands , which I conceive to have been as bad as the Bishop of Rome , and his followers . The Church then was so wise as to consider , a jewel looseth not his vertue by being delivered by a foul hand , so neither is the treasure of the Ministry to be despised , because it hath passed through some polluluted vessels to us , which is appliable for the saving harmlesse our ordination , though transmitted through the Popish defilements of some persons ; so much in vindicating the ordination of the Church of England , from the scandall of being Popish & Antichristian , with which by some ignorant and rash people , it is frequently aspersed . Let me conclude with this short admonition . Be not hereafter so unworthy , as to blurre that Ministery , with being Antichristian , by whom ye have received the knowledge of Christ ; both by their translating of the Scriptures out of the Originalls , into your Mother-tongue for your reading , and their labour , in the exposition of them for your understanding , by whom you and your fathers have been baptized , and instructed ; Be not such ill birds , as thus to defile your own nests ; do not side with the agents of the Bishop of Rome , in thus detracting and lessening the reputation and esteem of them . Let them not say in their hearts , so would we have it , nor you with your tongues , unlesse in your hearts you are Romish your selves . Is it not strange , that those who have been so great opposers of the errors of Popery , wrot so learnedly , and fully against them , who have applyed , that in the 2 Epist of the Thessalonians , concerning the man of sin , and that of Babylon in 17. Revel . to the Papacy , as Bishop Downham , Abbot , Iewell , and the late eminent Primate , with divers others ; that now they should ( with their very calling and profession ) be styled Popish ; can we think otherwise , but that the hand of Ioab ( I mean the Jesuit ) is privily in it . Is it not a wonder it should so come about , that such as have been the greatest enemies to the See of Rome , should be reckoned as members , and friends of it ; and thus perpetually yoked together as twins ; nay trod under foot as unsavory salt , upon that very account , as being Episcopall . Is this a just reward of their labour ? in the defence of your profession ; thus to be aspersed by you , as Absolon to Hushay , Is this thy kindnesse to thy friend ? Certainly those of the See of Rome , cannot but smile within themselves , that they have thus covertly deluded us , and so closely taken a revenge of those their adversaries . How true is that speech of our Saviour , A Prophet is not without honour , save in his own country ; other nations , French and German , magnifie the Clergy of the Church of England ; by what is transmitted over Sea in many of their works , onely despised at home as the off-scouring of the world ; what a preparative this is , to the expectation of the Papists , an able learned , ordained Ministery , having been hitherto the stop to the introduction of ignorance and superstition , which if removed , might flow in the more easily , which God in his mercy prevent . And thus I have endeavoured to confirm the Primates judgement upon this place , viz. that by laying on of hands , is meant an ordained Ministery . The Primates judgement of the Sense and Vse of the Form of words in the former Constitution , at the Ordination of Priests or Presbyters , defended , and enlarged . viz. Receive the Holy Ghost , whose sins thou forgivest , they are forgiven , and whose sins thou doest retain , they are retained . Which as an Appendix to the former subject , could not well be omitted . THey are the words of our Saviour , Iohn 20. 22. to the Apostles , and why they may not be continued to their Successors , ( who are to succeed in that office of the Ministery to the end of the world , ) doth not yet appear ; and 't is possible , that the late offence taken against them to the disuse of them , may arise from a misapprehension of the sense of them ; The Primates judgement of which I think fit to manifest , who in all his Ordinations , constantly observed them . They consist of two clauses . 1. Receive the Holy Ghost . 2. Whose sins thou forgivest , they are forgiven ; and whose sins thou dost retain , they are retained . 1. For the first ; ( Receive the Holy Ghost ) We do not here understand the sanctifying graces of the spirit : For the Apostles had received them before , in that they were bid by our Saviour , to rejoyce , that their names were written in heaven ( the evidence of which is , heaven wrot in the heart here ) and had his witnesse , that they had believed , and had kept his word , for whom he had also also prayed in that sense ; Sanctifie them through thy truth , John 17. And if this had been the gift , there had been no particular thing given to them , for all that will be saved , must in some measure partake of it . Rom. 8. 9. If any man have not the spirit of Christ , he is none of his . And though it be the testimony of a good Christian , yet 't is not a sufficient warrant for him , to take upon him the Ministery . 2. Again , it cannot be meant of the extraordinary gifts of the Holy Ghost , viz. Gifts of tongues , &c. For in that sense the Holy Ghost was not yet given , till fifty dayes after . viz. the Feast of Pentecost , but this was given upon the day of his Resurrection ; So that a third sense must be had , which was the Primates , as followeth . 3. Receive the Holy Ghost ] i. e. receive Ministeriall power of officiating and dispensing those sacred Ministrations , unto which the promise of the holy Spirit is annexed , and through which , as the Conduit-Pipes , this holy water is conveyed ; not so much meant for their own benefit , as the good of others ; In this he gave them power as the Stewards of God , to be dispensers of holy and spiritual things , to the benefit of such , over whom the Holy Ghost had made them overseers , which is accordingly attributed to the Elders of Ephesus , whom S. Paul had ordained . Mr. Hooker's glosse ( in his Eccles . Polit. ) is accordingly ; Receive the Holy Ghost , i. e. Accipite potestatem spiritualem , receive ghostly , or spiritual Authority , in order to the soules of men now to be committed to your charge ; And if you mark the context , their Commission is here from the blessed Trinity ; the Father , and Sonne , in the verse before . As my Father hath sent me , so send I you . And in this verse , a reception of Authority from the third person , the Father sends , Matth. 9. 38. Chap. 10. 20. the Sonne , Ephes. 4. here the Holy Ghost , as Acts 20. And so more fully thus . Receive the Holy Ghost , i. e. receive Authority from the Father , Son , and Holy Ghost , for the efficacious preaching of the Word , and Administration of Sacraments , by and through which , the graces of the holy spirit in repentance , faith , forgivenesse of sins , and the like ; are ordinarily wrought and confirmed to the hearers , and partakers of them : yet not excluding it from being a Prayer also , viz. that the person thus authorized , might receive such a spiritual assistance in it . Receive first by way of donation in the name of Christ , as to the office ; and secondly , by way of impetration , as to the efficacious spiritual assistance of him in it , which the accustomed succeeding prayer did confirm : which as it was in both senses frequently effectual by the mouth and hands of the Apostles , so hath it been accordingly from age to age , in and by the Ministery succeeding , and therefore why may not the same form of words be used at their Ordination also . Can we think this solemn reception of the Holy Ghost , in that sense as hath been explained , was onely for the benefit of that age , and withdrawn totally again in the next . That his being with them thus by his spiritual assistance , to the end of the world , was to determine with the death of the Apostles ; some of which , ( as Saint Iames , Acts 12. ) were not long after ; No surely , this oyle poured upon their heads , descended further then so , even to the skirts of their garments , in these dayes . The third Chapter of the first Epistle to the Corinthians , hath much in confirmation of this . In the third verse , Saint Paul styles the Minister ordained by Christ , his Amanuensis ; ye are the Epistle of Christ ministred by us , written not with ink , but with the Spirit of the living God. Christ the inditer , the Minister is as the hand of a ready writer ; or the Spirit is as the ink , the Minister as the pen , through which 't is diffused upon the fleshly Tables of your hearts , and by saying us , he doth not appropriate it to himselfe , but gives the like to Timothy ordained by him , which he continues in the sixth verse ; God hath made us able Ministers of the New Testament , not of the letter , but of the spirit ; as he calls the Word , the sword of the spirit ( Ephes. 6. ) committed into the hands of the Ministery , so the whole office is called the Ministration of the Spirit , v. 8. the Ministration of righteousnesse , v. 9. i. e. instrumentally , be it that of Iustification , or Sanctification , by which he saith , it did exceed in glory that under the law ; The shining of Moses face , the glory of the Temple , and vestments of the Priests were glorious , but yet had no glory in this respect , by reason of the glory which excelleth ; for if that which is done away were glorious , how much more that which remaineth , is glorious . Now wherein lieth this glory , but in being by this Ministration , the Conduits through which the Spirit is conveyed , and received , or being ( cap. 6. 1. ) co-workers together with him of it , even as the glory of the latter Temple , by the presence of Christ himselfe , is said to be greater then the former , though it had types of him in a more outward glorious lustre : 't is therefore called v. 18. the glass of the glory of the Lord , by which we are changed into the same Image from glory to glory , even as by the Spirit of the Lord. Which as it rebukes the Contemners of the office of the Ministery , so it answers that frequent objection made against the use of these words , at the Ordination to it ; viz. That the Sanctifying graces of the spirit , were sometimes lacking both in the Ordainers transmitting , and ordained the recipients ; It is answered , the Transmission , or reception of the Holy Ghost here , is not meant in that sense , as to the resting of it in the persons themselves , but as the conveyers of it , for the use and benefit of others , viz. through these Administrations , which they are now by this authorized to performe . And that it may be so , ye see it in Iudas , who by our Saviours Commission to him through preaching , and baptizing , was the instrument accordingly of the transferring of it , ( i. e. remission of sins , &c. ) unto others , without partaking of it himself : our Saviour calls him a Devill , and a son of perdition , but yet in this Office , the Devils were subject to him ; and he the means of dispossessing of others ; like Noahs Carpenters , who were instruments to save others , but were drowned themselves . 'T is probable , Saint Paul , or some of the Apostles ordained Hymenaeus , and Phyletus , Phygellus , Hermogenes , and Diotrephas , but as in neither of them doth there appear any sanctified grace of the spirit , so we do not read it caused any suspension of the vertue of their ministerial acts to the receivers , or that the Apostles gave order for any reiteration of them ; personal faults , not voyding Acts of Office ; and so , why should the like be a prejudice to it in these succeeding Ages ? Receiving supposeth a gift , but 't is as the giving of a summe to a Steward by his Lord , not to his own private use , but for the dispensing of it to the family . And to say no more , there are some learned Interpreters , do apply that passage , 1 Iohn Chap. 2. 20. to an ordained Ministery ; yee need not that any man teach you , but as the same anointing teacheth you all things , and is truth ; a Beza 's words upon the place , are these ; the same anointing ) he could not with a more cleare Testimony have adorned the Pastors and Teachers , from whom they were instructed , and daily as yet are ; then to say they were taught by the holy Ghost , & had bin formerly , &c. b Piscators words are these , The anointing teacheth ] i. e. the Ministry of the word , or the Holy Ghost efficacious by the preaching of the Gospel , wherefore the Ministery ought to be in a great esteem with us . Ye see they do not understand by this Vnction , or anointing , signifying the Holy Ghost , an immediate teaching , or inspiration , as by some Enthusiasme , but immediately through the Ministery , ordained for that end ; by a Metonymy ( as they say ) of the Adjunct ; the oyntment , for the hand , which applyes it , or delivers it to you , and the teaching you all things , is meant of all things necessary to salvation ; the credenda , and agenda , which by the Ministery had bin so f●lly taught them , that they needed not to be taught by Saint Iohn again here . If any shall object ( as it hath been nnto me ) that of Saint Augustine , lib. 15. de Trinit . cap. 27. Quomodo ergo Deus non est qui dat Spiritum Sanctum , imò quantus Deus est qui dat Deum ? neque enim aliquis discipulorum ejus dedit Spiritum Sanctum , orabant quippe ut veniret in eos , quibus manus imponebant , non ipsi eum dabant , quem morem in suis praepositis etiam nune servet Ecclesia &c. i. e. How should not he be God who gives the Holy Ghost ? nay , how great a God who gives God ? for neither any of his disciples , gave the holy Ghost ; they prayed indeed , that it might come upon those on whom they imposed hands , they did not give it themseles ; which custom the Church now observes , &c. 1. In the words before these , he speaks of a double giving of the Holy Ghost by our Saviour , the one on earth after his resurrection , the other from heaven after his Ascension , upon the day of Pentecost ; now in relation to the latter in those extraordinary gifts of the spirit , the words objected have their principal application , which doth not concern that we have in hand , which is only of the former being meant of successive ministerial authority , for the ordinarie dispensing of the office . Secondly , whereas he saith , the Church hath observed that custome in imposition of hands , to pray for the persons reciving of it , hath bin formerly acknowledged to be one sense of that clause , viz. by way of impetration ; Take the gift of the spirit , pro dono infuso , so we use the words per modum impetrationis , take it pro officio , so we use it , per modum collationis , ministerially conferring the power of executing the office of a Minister , & there is no contradiction , but that in the same act , there may meet a collation of the office with authority to execute , and an impetration for the persons receiving an assistance of the spirit in the executing of it , which , in the old in junction immediately followed , in a prayer , for the person ordained accordingly , so that the custome and intention of our Church , is no other then what was in Saint Augustines time , not presuming to give the Holy Ghost in the latter sense , ( only praying it might be given of God to him ) but only in the former . So much for opening of the first clause in ordination , Receive the Holy Ghost , which rightly understood , is not such a rock of offence , as some have taken it to be , in the disuse of it . The second clause is , whose sins thou forgivest , they are forgiven , whose sins thou doest retain , they are retained . At which , as much , if not more offence hath been taken , then at the former , ( as if it savoured of Popery ) which ● shall give you the Primates sense of also . That it may be retained in ordination , and attributed safely to the office of the Ministery , without the least savour that way , which no man that knew him , and what Popery is , but will acquit him of the least grain of it . Thus far it will be granted by all sober persons . 1. The Ministers may be said to remit sins , by way of preparative to it ; in being the instruments ( by preaching the word of reconciliation ) to dispose men towards it in bringing them to repentance , whereby they are capable of it . 2. By way of Confirmation , in exhibiting the seales of remission in the Sacraments , according as one well glosseth upon these words ; 'T is Gods act onely to forgive sins , but the Apostles are said to do it ; a not simply , but because they apply the means appointed of God for that end . viz. the word , and Sacraments ; What is there more in forgivenesse of sins , then in reconciliation of God and man ; now ye find this given to the Ministery . 2 Cor. 5. 18 , 19. God was in Christ reconciling the world unto himself , not imputing their trespasses unto them , and hath committed unto us the word , or ministery of reconciliation . Gods act onely authoritate propria , by his own supreme authority ; the Ministers act potestate vicaria , as a substitute in Christs stead , and the word doth include the Sacraments also , as in our usual speech , the Letters Pattents doth the Seale affixed to them , as the Ministery , doth the whole ministerial office . 3. Declaratively in testifying this grace of God , and declaring Gods good pleasure accordingly upon repentance unto the person , like that of Nathan to David , or Saint Peter to his Auditory ( Acts 3. ) as Ferus saith , b man doth not properly forgive sin , but doth declare , and certifie that it is remitted of God , so that absolution received from man , is as much to say , behold my son , I certifie thee , that thy sins are forgiven thee . I declare unto thee that God is at peace with thee , ( which I relate the rather out of him both for his being a writer of the Church of Rome , and that this passage is purged out of his book by them as erroneous , as may be seen by comparing the Edition of Mentz , with the Edition at Antwerp , 1559 , and 1570 ) Which agrees with that in the Articles of Religion of Ireland , num . 71. God hath given power to his Ministers , not simply to forgive sinnes ( which prerogative he hath reserved only to himselfe ) but in his name to declare and pronounce unto such as truly repent , and unfeignedly believe his Holy Gospel , the absolution , and remission of sins . But that ye may the more fully understand the Primates Iudgement in this point , whose authority prevails much with all good men , and how remote our Church is from that of the Papists in the use of those words in ordination , I shall give you some brief collections out of that Answer of his to the Iesuite Malones challenge concerning this subject , and the rather to satisfy the Reader , against the injury , which ( among others ) Doctor Heylene hath done him in this , as if his judgement were opposite to the Doctrine of the Church of England . First , the Primate complains of the wrong done by the Papists in charging us with denying any power to be left by Christ to the Priests , or Ministers of the Church , to forgive sins , being the formal words which our Church requireth to be used in the Ordination of a Minister , and there states the question between them & us ; That in the general , it was ever the doctrine of our Church , that the principal office of our Ministery is excercised in the forgivenesse of sins , as the means , and end of it . The Question is of the manner of the execution , and the Bounds of it , which the Pope , and his Clergy have enlarged beyond all measure of truth and reason . We say , that to forgive sinnes properly , directly , and absolutely , is Gods propriety onely ; Esay 43. 25. Psal. 32. 5. produced by our Saviour , Matth. 9. to prove his Deity , which is accordingly averred by all antiquity . But the Papists attribute as much to the Bishop of Rome , affirming , a That in him there is a fulnesse of all graces , and he gives a full indulgence of all sins , that to him agrees that which we give to our Lord , that of his fulnesse , all we have received ; and not much lesse to the meanest Priest ; viz. That his absolution is such a Sacramental Act , that it confers grace ; actively , and immediately , and effects the grace of Iustification , that as the wind doth extinguish the fire , and dispell Clouds , so doth his absolution , sins , and by it Attrition becomes Contrition . We do not take upon us any such soveraignty , as if it were in our power to proclaim warre , or conclude peace between God , and man , at our discretion ; We remember we are but Embassadors , and must not go beyond our commission , and instructions . We do not take upon us thus to be Lords over Gods heritage , as if we had the absolute power of the Keyes . This were Popery indeed . No , we only acknowledge a Ministerial limited one , as Stewards to dispense things according to the Will of our Masters , and do assent unto the observation which Cyrill , Saint Basil , Ambrose , Augustine , make upon these words of Ordination of the Apostle ; Receive the Holy Ghost , whose sins ye forgive , shall be forgiven . viz. That this is not their work properly , but the work of the Holy Ghost , who remitteth by them ; for as St. Cyril saith a who can free transgressors of the Law , but the Authour of the Law it self ? b The Lord ( saith St. Augustine ) was to give un●o men the Holy Ghost , and he would have it to be understood , that by the Holy Ghost himselfe sins should be forgiven to the faithfull , what art thou O man , but a sick man ? thou hast need to be healed ; wilt thou be a Physitian to me , seek the Physitian togegether with me : c Saint Ambrose ; Lo , by the Holy Ghost sins are forgiven ; men bring but their Ministerie to it , they exercise not the Authoritie of any power in it . Now having acquitted our Church of Poperie , in retaining these words in Ordination , the Primate proceeds in shewing the Ministers exercise of his function , in this particular ; viz. Forgivenesse of sins in these four things . 1. Prayer . 2. Censures of the Church . 3. Sacraments . 4. The word preached . 1. Prayer , Iam. 5. 14 , 15. If any be sick , let him send for the Elders of the Church , & let them pray over him , and if he have committed sins , they shall be forgiven him , and so shewes it to have been the judgement and practice of the Fathers and the ancientest of the Schoolmen , that the power of the Keyes in this particular , is much exercised in our being petitioners to God ; for the persons remission , not excluding the prayers of the whole Church in assisting them with theirs , for which cause in publick offences , S. Augustine exhorts men to shew their repentance accordingly , that the Church might pray with the Minister for them , for the more sure imparting of the benefit of absolution . And that before Thomas Aquinas time , the form of absolution was by prayer for the partie , & that a learned man in his time found fault with that indicative form newly introduced . Then the form being not , I absolve thee , but absolutionem & remissionem tribuat tibi omnipotens Deus , the Almighty God give unto thee absolution , and remission , &c. unto which the antient Ritualls of the Roman Church as the Greeke , ( according to that of Damascenes form , yet retained ) doth agree ; and 't is the Primates observation , that the ancient Fathers never used any Indicative form , but alwaies prayer-wise ; as ye have heard , according to which were the ancient Liturgies of the Latine , and Greek Churches ; howsoever the Popish Priests now stand so much upon it , that they place the very essence and efficacie of that their Sacrament in it , in the first person , and not in the third . Indeed our Church , to shew it stood not upon forms , did in its Liturgie observe each . 1. In the absolution after the general Confession it is only declarative ; At the communion 't is in the form of a prayer , at the visitation of the sick , 't is both Declarative , Optative , and Indicative . 2. In the Censures of the Church , there is an exercise of this part of our function , which we maintain against the Montanists & Novatians , who deny any ministeriall power of reconciling of such penitents , as had committed heynous sins , and receiving them to the Communion of the faithfull , which is contrary to that of Saint Paul , ( as 't is generally expounded by antiquity ) Gal. 6. 1. If any man be overtaken in a fault , ( i. e. in a scandalous one ) you who are spiritual , restore ( i. e. upon his repentance ) such a one in the spirit of meeknesse , as in the particular of the Incestuous Corinthian , whom , as in the name and power of the Lord Iesus , he had bin excommunicated , by Saint Paul , and the Elders there , so upon his repentance , he was in the same name , and by the same power restored again , even by such , to whom was committed the Ministery of reconciliation , 2 Cor. 27. 10. &c. And indeed this loosening of men , is generally by the Fathers accounted a restoring them to the peace of the Church , and admitting them to the Lords Table again , as is evident by their frequent expressions that way , which the Primate doth declare . 3. In the administration of the Sacraments , which being a part of the Ministerie of reconciliation , and the Seales of the Promises must necessarily also have reference to remission of sins , and so the ancient Fathers ( of whom the Primate alleadgeth diverse ) do hold , that as these words , whose sins ye remit , are remitted unto them , &c. are a part of our Commission ; so 't is exercised by the Ministers of Christ in the Sacraments of Baptisme , and the Communion ; yet so , that the Ministery only is to be accounted mans , and the power Gods ; it being saith Saint Augustine , a One thing to baptize by way of Ministerie , another by way of power , which the Lord hath retained to himself , as to the Authority of remission of sins in it , according to that of Iohn Baptists distinction between the externall and internall Baptisme , he baptized with the Baptisme of water , to the remission of sins , but attributes that of baptizing with the Holy Ghost , to Christ onely . 4. In the word of God preached , there is exercised this part of our function , in loosing men from their sins , being a speciall part of this Ministery of reconciliation , committed to us , as the Embassadours of Christ here upon the earth for that end ; sinners are said to be holden with the cords of their own sins , Prov. 5. 12. The Apostles ( saith Saint Ierome ) according to their Commission given them by their Master , Whosoever you shall loose on earth , shall be loosened in heaven ; ( which beares the same sense with remitting , and retaining of sins here , ) a Did loose those cords by the word of God , and Testimonies of Scripture , and exhortations unto vertues b Saint Ambrose saith the same , that sins are remitted by the word of God ; &c. And so calls the Levite , that interpreted the Law , a Minister of remission ; As the Iewish Scribes , by taking away this key of knowledge , are said to shut up the Kingdom of heaven , so a Scribe fitted for the Kingdome of God in the Ministery , is a meanes by it to open the door of heaven to them , by being an instrument to open mens eyes , and to turn them from darknesse to light , from the power of Satan to God , that they may receive forgivenesse of sius , &c. And by applying the word unto the consciences of their hearers , the Ministers of Christ did discharge that part of their function which concerns forgivenesse of sins ; not only declaratively , but operatively ; in as much as God is pleased to use their preaching of the Gospel , as a meanes of conferring his spirit upon the sons of men , and of working of faith , and repentance , whereby remission of sins is obtained : thus Iohn is said to have preached the Baptisme of repentance , and to have given knowledge of salvation to the people , for the remission of sins : and Saint Iames , cap. 5. 20. saith , he that converts a sinner from the errour of his way , shall save a soule from death , and hide a multitude of sins . This hiding , or covering , is meant forgivenesse , as 't is accordingly set forth elsewhere . Rom. 4. 7. blessed is the man whose sins are forgiven , and whose iniquities are covered , &c. Now , is there not as much offence in saying Ministers do save mens soules , or save men from their sins , ( the propriety of our Saviour ) as to say they forgive them their sins , the turning men from their iniquities , is Gods act alone , according to the frequent prayer in the Prophets unto him first , yet in regard the word of reconciliation is committed to them as the ordinary meanes of it , by a usuall Trope of the Act of the agent given to the instrument , it is attributed unto them , of which might be given many instances , Timothy ( 1 Ep. 1. 4. ) is said to save them that hear him , though there is but one Saviour , because he preached the word of salvation , by which they were saved , ( Acts 12. 14. ) the word of God preached by the Apostles , is called by our Saviour , their word Iohn 17. 20. and that which is properly the work of God , is called their worke , 1 Thes. 5. The Corinthians who believed by Saint Pauls Ministery are said to be his Epistle , i. e. the Epistle of Christ ministred by him , as ye have it expounded in the next verse following ; And so , why may not forgivenesse of sins be said to be the work of the Ministers , i. e. the work of Christ ministred by them ; being so far honoured , as to be called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Coworkers together with him . According unto which is the judgement of Dr. Ward , that Reverend and learned Professor of Divinity in Cambridge , in that determination of his , ( in Comitiis an . 1637. mense Octob. ) Potestas clavium extenditur ad remissionem culpae , where are many of the like observations , which I found inclosed in a letter unto the Primate , for his approbation , where I find somewhat more then is in that which is printed . viz. 80. Sic argumentatur Alensis . part . 4. q. 21. membr . 1. Paris potestatis est interius baptizare & à culpa mortali absolvere . Sed Deus non debuit potestatem baptizandi interius communicare , ne spes poneretur in homine , ergo pari ratione non potestatem absolvendi ab actuali peccato , fundamentum hujus rationis habetur apud Cyprianum de lapsis . And the like may be said of the binding part of their office called here , retaining of sins . Do we not read how the Ministers are sometimes brought in like those seven Angels in the book of the Revelation , which poure out the Vialls of Gods wrath upon the earth . Saint Paul saith , 2 Cor. 10. 6. he had vengeance in readinesse against all disobedience , yet vengeance is mine , I will repay , saith the Lord ; what other sense can it be but this ? he is said to be the inflicter , because he was in Christs name the denouncer ? even as Ieremiah , ( cap. 1. 10. ) is said to be set over the Nations , and Kingdomes to pluck up , and to pull down , to destroy , and to root out ; because God had put these words in his mouth , and was ordained by him as a Prophet to pronounce destruction to them accordingly , or as Ezekiel ( cap. 43. 3. ) is said to have destroyed the City , by being said to pronounce destruction to it . The Primate observes , that we often meet with these speeches concerning the Leprosie ( which was a Type of the pollution of sin ) the Priest shall cleanse him , the Priest shall pollute him ( Lev. 13. ) according to the Hebrew , and the Greek version ; and out of a Saint Ierom , that 't is said , verse 44. the Priest with pollution , shall pollute him , not that he is the Author of his pollution , but that he declares him to be polluted , and uncleane ; whereupon the Master of the sentences , and others do observe , b that in remitting , and retaining of sins , the Priests of the Gospel have the like power , and office , which the Priests of old had under the Law in curing the Lepers , who therefore accordingly may be said to forgive , and retaine sins , whilst they shew , and declare , they are forgiven , or retained of God a So the Priests put the name of the Lord upon the children of Israel , and were commanded to blesse the people in saying , The Lord blesse thee : but it was the Lord himself that blessed them ; according to the next words , and I will blesse them . And thus in these four things , I leave it to be calmly considered of , if the Ministers have not power left them by Christ in relation to forgivenesse of sins , and with these limitations , whether that part of the old form of the words of Ordination , might not be continued also , which seems to me to be explained in the next following them ; viz. And be thou a faithfull dispenser of the word , and Sacraments , &c. ( through both which the graces of the Holy Ghost , and remission of sins are conveyed , and sealed ) in the name of the Father , and of the Son , and of the Holy Ghost . According as in the words at the Communion used to the recipient , the former clause was added in Q. Elizabeths dayes , to give the more full sense of the latter . And let not any by this Moderate expression , extenuate the office of the Ministery , as Bellarmine would by this inferre , that any Lay-man , Woman , or Child , may absolve as well as the Minister , ( as we have among our selves , too many of that judgement . ) For it consisteth not in speech , but in power , or Authority ; he being as the officer of a King , Authorized to make Proclamation of his pleasure : Every man may speak one to another , to the use of edifying , but to them is given , 1 Cor. 10. 16. power to edification , God hath made them able Ministers , not of the letter , but of the Spirit . That from them it comes , 1 Thess. 1. 5. not only in word , but in power also ; and in the Holy Ghost , and in much assurance ; which accordingly hath been experimentally found ; that howsoever another may from the Scripture shew as truly unto the penitent , what glad tidings are there intended to him ; yet to drooping and doubting soules , it hath not been so efficacious , in quieting them , and giving satisfaction to their consciences , either in sicknesse , death-bed , or otherwise ; as by the Ministery ordained , and commissionated for that end ; That as 't is their office to pray and exhort you in Christs stead to be reconciled unto God ; so having listened to that Motion , and submitted your selves accordingly ; 't is their office to declare , and assure unto you in Christs stead , that God is reconciled with you , All which appeares to be the ancient doctrine of the Church of England , by what is publickly declared in the exhortation before the Communion to be read sometimes at the discretion of the Minister which is the recitd and approved by the Primate , as followeth . And because it is requisite that no man should come to the holy Communion , but with a full trust in Gods mercy , and with a quiet conscience , therefore , if there be any of you , which by meanes aforesaid , ( i. e. Private examination and confession of sinnes to God ) cannot quiet his own conscience , but requireth further Councell and Comfort , then let him come to me ; or some other discreet , and learned Minister of Gods word , and open his grief , that he may receive such Ghostly Councel , Advice , and Comfort ; as his Conscience may be relieved ; and that by the Ministery of Gods word , he may receive comfort , and the benefit of absolution , to the quieting of his conscience , and avoyding of all scruple , and doubtfulnesse . And now let the Reader judge if Dr. Heylene hath not cause to repent of his rash censure of the Primate , ( in his late book p. 108. ) as if in this part of his Answer to the Jesuite , he had ( as he saith ) in this particular , utterly subverted , as well the doctrine of this Church , as her purpose in it , &c. when those two arguments which himself urgeth , from the words of Ordination , and the exhortation at the communion , are produced and defended by the Primate also . What would he have ? he saith the doctrine of the Church of England is , that , The Priest doth forgive sins authoritativè by a delegated , and commissionated power committed to him from our Lord and Saviour , doth not the Primate say the same ; that 't is not only declarativè , but designativè , not only by way of information out of the word of God ( as another understanding Christian may do ) to the penitent , that his sins are pardoned , but he doth it authoritative , as having a power and commission from God to pronounce it to the party , and by the seale of the Sacrament to assure the soule of the penitent , that he is pardoned of God , which no other man or Angel can do , ex officio , but the Minister of Christ , according to that of the Apostle ; To us is committed the word of re●couciliation , this is the summe of the Primates judgement . He that would have more , must step over into the Church of Rome for it . I shall only make a trial whether Doctor Heylene will so conclude against Mr. Hooker , as he hath against the Primate ; who in his sixth book of Ecclesiasticall Policy , consents fully with him , where after his declaring , that for any thing he could ever observe , those Formalities which the Church of Rome do so esteem of , were not of such estimation , nor thought to be of absolute necessity with the Ancient Fathers , and that the form with them was with invocation , or praying for the penitent , that God would be reconciled unto him , for which he produceth Leo , Ambrose , a Ierome , &c. p. 96. He thus declares his judgement , viz. As for the Ministerial sentence of private absolution , it can be no more then a declaration what God hath done ▪ it hath but the force of the Prophet Nathan's absolution , God hath taken away thy sins , then which construction , especially of words judiciall , there is nothing more vulgar . For example , the Publicans are said in the Gospel to have justified God : the Iewes in Malachy to have blessed the proud man , which sin , and prosper ; not that the one did make God righteous , or the other , the wicked happy ; but to blesse , to justifie , and to absolve , are as commonly used for words of judgement , or declaration , as of true and reall efficacy ; yea , even by the opi●ion of the Master of sentences , &c. Priests are authorized to loose and bind , that is to say , declare who are bound , and who are loosed ; &c. Saint Ierome also , ( whom the Master of the Sentences alledgeth ) directly affirmeth , That as the Priests of the Law could only discern , and neither cause nor remove Leprosies ; so the Ministers of the Gospel , when they retain or remit sinnes , do but in the one judge how long we continue guilty , and in the other declare when we are clear , or free . ( Tom ▪ 6. Comment . in 16. Mat. ) So ( saith Mr. Hooker , ) when conversion by manifest tokens did seem effected , Absolution ensuing , ( which could not make ) served onely to declare men innocent . p. 108. When any of ours ascribeth the work of remission to God , and interprets the Priests sentence to be but a solemn declaration of that which God himselfe hath already performed , they ( i. e. the Church of Rome ) scorne it . And so after much to this purpofe , he thus concludes . p. 113. Let it suffice to have shewen how God alone doth truly give , and private Ministerial absolution , but declare remission of sinnes . And thus I leave Mr. Hooker under Doctor Heylen ' s Censure , who hath already concluded , that forgivenesse of sins by the Priest , onely declarativè , doth not come up to the doctrine of the Church of England . Though the reason he gives , because it holds , the Priest doth forgive sins authoritativè , I do not see the force of , The former , supposing the latter ; for the Officer , whose place it is , solemnly to make Proclamation of the Kings pardon , doth it authoritativè ; nay , dares not do it , unlesse he were authorized accordingly . And so much for the Primates judgement of those words of Ordination . Receive the Holy Ghost , whose sins thou forgivest , are forgiven , whose sins thou retainest , are retained . The PRIMATES judgment of the Vse of a set Form of Prayer , heretofore declared , and now more fully enlarged , and confirmed ; with the concurrence of the Votes of such eminent persons who are so esteemed by the contrary-minded . THis Subject hath been so sufficiently discussed and determined by others , that no new thing can be expected from me , onely you have here the Iudgement and Approbation of this eminent Primate , which being of so great esteem with all good men ; 't is possible now upon near an even scale of mens opinions in it , his may be of that weight , as to give satisfaction . First , that the Vse of a set Form of Prayer , is not a setting up of any new doctrine , as the Athenians judged of Saint Paul , appeares in that 't is the practise of the Belgick Churches , for which ye have the determination of the Divines of Leyden , Polyander , Rivetus , Wala'us , Thysius ; in their a Synopsis Theologiae : And the resolution of Mr. Aimes our countryman ( who lived and died a Professor of Divinity among them ) in his cases of conscience , who saith , 't is b lawfull from the approved practice of the Saints in the Psalmes , and other Formes of blessing in the Scripture ; nay profitable and necessary for some , though it be read out of a book . Then for the judgement and practice accordingly of the Reformed Church of France , Ludovicus Capellus gives us a sufficient account of ( who is Professor of Divinity in the University of Somer ) in one of his Theses lately published , de Liturgiae formulis conceptis , or a set form of a Liturgie , where after hee hath answered all the pretended arguments against it , which it seemes he had gleaned up out of some of our English Writers of late , he concludes a that 't is very necessary both for the most learned Pastors and congregations , as unlearned ; and the edification of both , being used throughout the Christian world in all ages , at least for these 1300 years , and is still at this day in all places , excepting only ( as he saith ) some of late with us in England , whose censure of them ● is so severe , that it would be offensive in me to repeat it . And surely the general custome and practice of the reformed Churches ( which Saint Paul urgeth , 1 Cor. 11. 16. cap. 14. 33. ) cannot be contemned by any sober Christian , unto which may be added , the judgement of diverse pious and eminent men of onr own nation , and so esteemed by such as have asserted the contrary , whose judgements being too large to be inserted here , I shall deferre them till the last , who do very fully concurre with the Primate in it . Calvin was a wise and learned man , now as Beza tells us , it was his constant practice to use a set form of Praier before Sermon , without alteration ; So was it his advice in his Epistle to the Protector of England , in Edward the sixth's time , ( which hath bin mentioned elsewhere ) for the establishing of a set form of a Liturgy here , from which it might not be lawfull for pastors to depart , both for the good of the more ignorant , preventing of an affected novelty in others , and the declaring of an unanimous consent in all the Churches . For which practice and advice , he had sufficient warrant from the President of the Ancient Fathers , in the Primitive times , which might be here also produced . And doubtlesse the councell of Eliphaz is is good , Iob 8. Enquire I pray thee of the former ages , and prepare thy selfe for the search of their Fathers ( for we are but of yesterday , and know nothing ; ) shall not they teach thee ; &c. as that of the Prophet Ieremiah ( cap. 6. 19. ) aske for the old way , and walk therein ; which may well rebuke the presumption of some , who are so led by their own fancies , that the Ancient Fathers are of no exemplary esteem with them . Onely I may safely reprepresent this to the consideration of any ingenuous person ; that if it were the practice of the Church of God in all ages for 1500 ( or but 1300 ) yeares after Christ , not only of the vulgar , but of such as were glorious Martyrs , and the most eminent Preachers of former and later yeares , with whom the holy spirit did much abound , doth not the assertion of the contrary condemn the generation of the just , or at least argue a bold presumptuous censure of the spirits of just men now made perfect in heaven . This only by way of preparative to the Readers attention , that there is no singularity in it . 2. See the warrants for it in the Scripture , i. e. in the Old Testament : ( Numb . 6. 23. ) the Lord gives a form of words to Aaron , and his sons , to be continued as a perpetual Liturgy from age to age , for the blessing the children of Israel , saying unto them , the Lord blesse thee , and keep thee , the Lord make his face to shine upon thee , and be gracious unto thee ; the Lord lift up his countenance upon thee , and give thee peace , &c. Numb . 10. 35. Moses gives himself a set form , at the rising and resting of the Ark. When the Ark set forward , Moses said , Rise up Lord , and let thine enemies be scattered , and let them that hate thee , flee before thee ; And when it rested , he said , return O Lord unto the many thousands of Israel . Continued by David at the removall of the Ark in his time , Psal. 68. 1. In the 26. of Deut. ye have two set formes prescribed of God himself . First , to him that offers his first fruits , verse 3. thou shalt say unto the Priest , &c. verse 5. thou shalt speak , and say before the Lord thy God , &c. consisting chiefly of confession to the 11. verse , and then to him that offers his third years tythes . verse 13. when , after a solemne protestation of bringing all the hollowed things , paying his Tythes truly , without diminution , or alienation , he is prescribed to say this prayer , before the Lord his God , verse 15. Look down from thy holy habitation from heaven , and blesse thy people Israel ; and the Land which thou hast given us , as thou swearest , &c. The book of Psalmes , some consisting of Petitions , some of Confession , some of praises , ( the several parts of prayer ) what was the end of their composing and collection , but as a Liturgy conteining the severall formes framed by the Saints of God in severall ages , and accordingly continued , and used in the Temple , and Synagogues upon severall times , and occasions ; As that for the Sabbath-day in speciall by the Title of it ( Psal. 92. ) as Moses prayer was preserved for the use of the Church ( Psal. 90. ) to Davids time , so was his , and others , after the captivity to our Saviours time , some were used to begin the service with ; some to end it ; some before the reading of the Law , and Prophets , some between them and before the expositions of either , ( as those who have searched into those customes of theirs , tell us . ) Praise is the principall part of prayer , and for that , how often do you read of Set Forms used by the most eminent Saints . Moses after the delivery from Pharaoh at the Red Sea , pennes a set form of praise , for Myrian ( Exod. 15 1. ) unto which that of Rev. 15. relates where the Saints in heaven , are said to use that form also ; at the victory over their enemies , they sang the song of Moses ( 1 Chron. 16. ●7 . ) Asaph and his Brethren had forms delivered them by David , to thank the Lord with , ( verse 35. ) say ye , save us O God of our salvation , &c. ( 2 Chron. 7. 6. ) Solomon , at the dedication of the Temple , observes that form which was observed by his Father , praised be the Lord , for his mercy endureth for ever ; at which , ( signifying an acceptance of it ) the glory of the Lord filled the Temple , ( 2 Chron. 29. 30. ) Hezekiah caused the Priests , and Levites , to praise God in the words of David and Asaph the Seer . No doubt , but these worthy reformers , Hezekiah , and Isaiah , were able to have framed prayers , and praises of their own ; and that suddenly , ( as Hezekiah seems to have done at a special occasion in the Temple , 1 Kings 19. 14. both of them 2 Chron. 32. 20. in their private ) but for the publick setled constitutions , they rather chose to use those Formes which were used in the Church many ages before in Davids time ; see then a respect to Antiquity , not only in Doctrine , but in the Forms of prayer framed by the Saints before them . And surely if it were pleasing unto God then , according to the Counsell of the Prophet Hoseah to the Israelites in their repentance , ( cap. 14. 2. take to your selves words , and say thus unto him ? ) why should it not be now ? he being yesterday , and to day , and the sa●e for ever . ( Ezra 3. 10. ) The like was observed after the Captivity , at the repairing of the Temple , when Ezra appointed the Lord to be praised after the Ordinance of David King of Israel . So much for the Old Testament . Now for the New Testament , yee have a President for it ; ( which is above all Presidents ) in our blessed Saviour , who gave a form to his disciples , ( Luke 11 , 1. ) When ye pray , say , not only ( as Matthew 6. ) say after this manner , or say thus ; but say this . In Saint Matthew , he gives a form to the people , and disciples together , which was before he sent them forth to preach ; ( for that was not , till cap. 10. ) In Saint Luke he gives his disciples a Form , after he had made them preachers and Apostles , cap. 9. 1. and after the 72 were sent out also , cap. 10. 1. and both returned from preaching through the Cities of Israel , see how both people and Teachers are allowed a set Form , and it seems Iohn Baptist had done the like by the ground of their requests , Teach us as John taught his disciples . They were not then for New , and different wayes from the Church before , or coaetaneous with them , but for a conformity , that it might appear Iohn Baptist disciples , and they were one Church , and one body . A good example for us to follow , not to ayme at a Singularity , or a division between other Churches , and us , but to draw as near as we can to a Conjunction with them , in having one heart , and one tongue . Seek not wayes never before thought of , but tread in the steps of the precedent times , as the Disciples did here teach us , as Iohn taught his . And the Reconciling of the Evangelists is easie , viz. It was our Saviours mind , that it should be both a rule for all other , and said for a prayer also , and that which is a rule for others , must needs be in the highest degree so it selfe . A Standerd for any measure , dry or liquid , may be used for that measure too ; and so 't is no contradiction , that the Lords prayer should be as the measure for other prayers , and said for a prayer also . And that it was so understood by the Fathers in the Primitive times ; I shall onely represent unto you some of the words of Saint Cyprian in his Sermon upon it , who lived about 250. years after our Saviour : and died a Martyr . He exhorts the people not to omit the use of the Lords prayer with their other prayers , in which he hath some such speeches as these , surely thou art more likely to obtein thy request ; cum qui habitat intus in pectore , ipse sit in voce , when he that is in thy heart , is also in thy tongue : How can God but hear thee , when thou comest in the words of his Sonne , takest up the prayer sanctified by his sacred mouth ; If thou hast no other prayer , use this ; if thou hast others , use this also , and urge God daily in his own language ; and with the words of his beloved Son. Like him that catched up Alexander in his Armes to appease his Father Phillips anger ; so saith he , take up Christ in thy Armes , make him thy spokes-man , by taking up his own words ; ( that is with right understanding , and affection . ) By these , and the like expressions in that Father , may be seen , what was the judgement and practice of the Primitive times , in relation to the use of that form of the Lords prayer , which the Divines of a Leyden do averre clearly , that without controversy , the whole ancient Church did alwayes observe it , not as a Rule only , but a Form of prayer . 'T is one extremity to make an absolute necessity of the using it alwayes , and an other extremity not to use it at all . Our Church that in each service , at least once owned it , as the principall , and parent of the rest , was free from any vain repetition . So much for the first thing observable in our Saviours giving a form to his disciples , which is a warrantable president for the Church to do the like for her Members . 2. Our Saviour gave himselfe a form of words , Matth. 26. 44. he went away the third time , and prayed , saying the same words ; it was at three severall times , and with some distance between each ; and which is more observable , it was at his Passion . In afflictions we are most apt for various expressions , yet even then , he that was the Wisdome of the Father , and excelled in language , the tongues of men , and Angels , and could have abounded in the variety of Elegancy , yet varied not the phrase , but kept the same words ; surely it was for our example , and to teach us that prayer consists not in words , but in the earnestnesse of affection ; let no man except against the use of the same prayer twice ; Our Saviour used it thrice , and ( as the Apostle saith ) he was heard in what he prayed , and 't is the observation of the a above-named , that our Saviour observed a set form of prayer upon the Crosse , used before by David , ( Psal. 22. 1. ) as in the Type , My God , my God , why hast thou forsaken me ( as those words , Into thy hands I commend my Spirit ; are out of Psal. 31. 5. ) 3. He doth not only prescribe a form of words in prayer , but in the Sacraments . 1. Baptisme . ( Mat. 28. ) Go and Baptise them in the name of the Father , of the Son , and of the holy Ghost . Which Form of words , the ancient Church ever observed without any variation , as containing ( with the Element of water ) the matter and form of Baptisme , and in the Lords Supper ; the three Evangelists give us his very words , used by him in the Consecration of it , and is commended to the Church of Corinth by Saint Paul , who received it from the Lord also , and surely are to be accordingly used by us . 4. 'T is observable how he himself observed the set Formes , used by the Jews at the Passover , both in prayer and praises , see Beza ( on Matth. 26. 20. ) and Ainsworth ( on Exodus 12. ) granting it , and that the wod 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Iohn 16. ult . should be rendred ; having sung the Hymnes or Psalms , which they ●ay were a set portion of Psalmes of praises ( which the Jewes call their great Hallelujah ) from the 113. Psalm to the 118. as also divers others of our learned Writers conceive , ( Paulus Burgensis , Scaliger , D●usius , &c. And can that of the Apostle ( Col. 3. 16. ) exhorting to praise the Lord with Psalms and hymns , and spiritual songs , imply any other then a set form of words , according to our custome , yet retained in singing of Psalms in the congregation . And may not that of our Saviour ( Mat. 18. ) Where two or three of you shall agree together , touching any thing they shall aske , &c. imply that a prayer , composed by the consent and unanimous agreement of the Church , to be the more prevalent : put all these together , and are they not a Cloud of Witnesses , at least to confirm , and support the weaker sort in knowledge and utterance , who though of sincere hearts , yet cannot suddenly poure forth their desires in fitting expressions , worthy ( as they conceive ) the eares of Almighty God , but must make use of the pennes , and formes of others , or of what they have premeditated , and framed to themselves ; surely in these , if their hearts be , ( as they may be ) raised to a due height of holy affection , God accepts of them . The necessary requisites to a prayer , are such as these , That the person be acceptable , that the matter be good ; that it be done in the right manner ( i. e. with understanding with affection , and that rightly ordered , and qualified ) and the end rightly terminated , with a submission to Gods will , for the time and measure , with the like , which I cannot now insist upon . But I never heard of any Divine that hath wrot of it , to have put in this for one . viz. That it must be suddenly poured out , without premeditation of matter , form , or method . The common Objection is this , that a set form is a limiting , or a stinting of the spirit in prayer , which ought not to be . First , this is but an unwritten Tradition , for if the spirit of a single Prophet in extraordinary gifts , must be limited in a subjection to the greater number of the Prophets , ( 1 Cor. 14. ) why may not the spirit of a private Minister in these ordinary gifts , be limited by the vote and consent of the whole Ministery . Secondly , see the ill consequences of it . It must be appliable against singing of Psalmes in the spirit , which Saint Paul puts together with prayer , I will pray with the spirit , and I will sing with the spirit , ( 1 Cor. 14. 5. ) divers of the Psalmes are prayers , now if the set form of words in them , be not an obstruction to the making a spiritual melody in your hearts to the Lord , why shall it be a stop to the overflowings , and enlargements of the heart , and spirit , in prayer . Again , it must be of the like force against preaching in ●he spirit , that if it be premeditated , or the Sermon be before composed , it cannot be in the demonstration of the spirit and power , nor have any efficacious operation in the hearers , which is both against our daily experience , and Solomons Commendation of the Preacher , ( meaning it may be himself , Eccles . 12. ) because he was wise , he gave good heed , and sought out fit words , and set them in order , even words of truth . If the spirit was not obstructed in the pens of the Evangelists writing their Gospels , or with the Apostles in their several Epistles , then ; notwithstanding both were done with labour , and studdy ; why should our labour accordingly in the word and doctrine , by the pen or premeditation exclude it now : and if a set form doth not stint the spirit either in ●inging , preaching , or writing of holy things ; why must it be so injurious onely to the spirit of prayer . 3. But thirdly , if a set form be the stinting of the spirit , it must be either in the speaker or hearer . 1. Not in the speaker , for his spirit may be the more at liberty to spirituall fervent enlargements , when there is no obstruction , or diversion by the work of the Invention in inditing of matter , and words , the unaptnesse , and unreadinesse unto which in many , hath so disturbed them , and caused them to wander into such immethodicall impertinet wayes , that they have been far from the spirit of prayer . 2. Not in the hearers , for then it must ever be so stinted , for whether the speaker useth sudden , or premeditated expressious , ( which they cannot judge of ) the hearers are alike bound to mind what proceeds from his lips , so that if the spirit be stinted with them in the latter , it is as much in the former . For as the judgment is the freer to say Amen by the fore-knowledge , and approbation of the prayer , so the spirit and affections are at an equall freedom also ; so that this objection is of no value . I shall onely put this to consideration , whether that mans heart may be accounted most spiritual , which can be daily enlarged , and his affections lifted up in the use of the same words , or which cannot without the help of a variety , like those weak stomacks , or distempered in their health , that cannot relish one dish twice , but must at each meale , have the inventions of men imployed to give them various ; nay , in danger of losing their stomack , if they hear of them before they come suddenly before them ; Now in this I would not be understood , to discourage any persons in exercising themselves this way , and striving to perfection in this gift , which I do much commend ; only as those that learn to swim , have help at first of some supporters , but afterward come to swim without them . Children at first have their Copies , their paper ruled , their hands held , but in time do it of themselves , and so there is an expectation , that you that are of ability should grow in knowledge and utterance this way : but for the weaker sort , is it not better they should use a staffe then slip , and are not the Major part of this kind , like men with weak sights , needing the help of Spectacles . To whom , by denying them a set Form , are we not injurious accordingly , Though those we call weak , may possibly , by their fervency , and ardency of affection be said of , as Saint Paul of himself ; when I am weak , then am I strong , and Gods strength perfected in their weaknesse . The prevalency of a prayer being not in the elegancy and loftinesse of the stile , but in the sighes and groanes , and inward workings of the heart , like that of Nehemiah , and Hanna , though their voice were not heard . In a word , an Vniformity in the publick prayers of the Church to be observed in each congregation , would tend much to the unity of hearts and spirits among us , which Saint Paul commends as the more excellent way , and the end of coveting all gifts whatsoever , viz. a Composure of a Form for the publick service of God , by the joynt assistance of the most learned and pious , from which , the most eminent gifted person might not depart , more then the inferiour . I speak not of prayer before Sermon and after , ( when each may take their liberty , though therein the Dutch and French Church are strict also ) but of some consent in the manner of Administration of Baptisme , the communion , and other offices in the publick , that might be owned by us all in Common , as the form of the Church of England , which as it hath been a means to continue a unity in other reformed Churches at this day ; so I believe would be a means for the reducing it with us , even a setled peace both in Church and State ; which ought to be the prayer and principall endeavour of every good Christian. So much for the declaring and confirming the Primates Iudgment of the use of a set form of prayer in the publick . Now unto his , for the more easie reception of it , I shall here adde the votes of some , whom the contrary minded ( at least the most pious of them ) will not gainsay . I shall not mention the judgement and practice of the worthy Ministers and Martyrs in Queen Maries dayes ; some of whom were put to death for approving , and using the ●orm which was then extant , being one of the a Articles put in against them . Of these it will be said , they walked according to the light then given them ; I shall therefore trouble the Reader onely with a few testimonies of godly and eminent men , who lived within our own memory ; some of them reckoned among the Non-conformists , or old Puritanes , yet in this particular fully concurring with the Primate . Mr. Richard Rogers Preacher at Walbersfield in Essex , ( whom I well remember , and have often seen his constant attendance at the publick prayers of the Church ) In his pio●s book entituled the seven Treatises . In that Chapt. of publick prayers . He thus beginneth . If that mind be in us , with the which we have been taught to come to all holy exercises , and so to be prepared for them ; who doubteth , but that we may receive much help by them ? yea , and the better a man is , the more he shall profit by them , &c. Some have thought all set forms of prayer are to be disliked , and such onely to be offered up to God , as by extemporary gift , are conceived , and uttered ; And that the Minister should use no set form of prayer , but as they are moved by Gods spirit . I answer . It is a foul errour so to think . For as there be necessary things to be prayed for of all men , and alwayes , and those are the most things which we are to pray to the Lord for , so there may be a prescript form of prayer made concerning all such things ; which being so , what letteth that in the reading of such forms , either of confessing of sinnes , request , or thanksgiving ; what letteth , I say , that the ●earers hearts may not profitably go on with the same , both to humble , to quicken and to comfort : For is the reading it self unpure , when the Minister in his own behalf , and the peoples , uttereth them to God ; I speak not ( ye see ) of the matter of prayer , but of reading it , for if the matter be erroneus , and naught , the pronounceing of it , maketh it not good , any more then the reading doth ; and if it be good and pure being uttered or pronounced , the reading cannot hurt it , or make it evill . And as the Church in the Scripture did , and doth sing Psalmes upon a book to God , and yet , though it utter a prescript form of words , I hope none will say that it is a sin to do so , the heart being prepared . In like manner to follow a prescript form of words in praying is no sinne , and therefore ought not to be offensive to any , &c. And further , they may know that in all Churches , and the best reformed , there is a prescript form of prayer used , and therefore they who are of mind that it ought not to be , must seperate themselves from all Churches . Also , if a set form of prayer were unlawful , then neither were the Lords prayer ( which is a form of prayer , prescribed by our Saviour , himself ) to be used . And so he proceeds to perswade all good Christians to lay aside contention , and endlesse , and needlesse questions about this matter , and with well order'd hearts and minds to attend unto , and apply to themselves the prayers , which either before Sermon or after Sermon are uttered , or the other , which through the whole action of Gods worship , are read in their hearing , &c. So much Mr. Rogers . Now this book of the seven Treatises , hath been since epitomized by Mr. Egerton , and entituled the practice of Christianitie , which hath an Epistle of Doctor Gouge before it , in a high commendation of it . Now , at the conclusion of that he hath added , Certain Advertisements concerning prayer , in which , his , or both their judgements in this subject , are declared accordingly . viz. That it is lawfull , and in some cases expedient , to use a set form of prayer . Question ( saith he ) is made by many of the lawfulnesse , or at least of the expediencie of praying by the help of a book , or of using a prescript , and set form of prayer . It is to be considered , that there be divers degrees and measures of gifts , both naturall , as of grace ; besides , some have been by custome more trained and exercised in this holy dutie then others , &c. which difference I have observed , not onely in private Christians , but also in some most reverend , faithfull , and worthy Ministers . Some using both in their publick Ministerie , and in their private families ; a stinted prayer , and set form of words , with little alteration at all , except some extraordinarie occasion have happened , and yet both sorts so furnished with pietie and learning , as I could hardly prefer the one before the other . a Moreover , whereas in respect of the place and company , there be three sorts of prayer publick in the Church , private in the family , and secret by a man self ; greatest liberty may be taken in secret and solitarie prayer , because we are sure ( that if there be a believeing , humble , upright heart ) God will not upbraid any man for his method , order , words , or utterance . Yet in private prayer we may not take so great a libertie , &c. and some well-affected , have been somewhat faultie and offensive in this behalfe : weak and tender Christians , ( such as commonly are in a family ) are not so capable of that kind of prayer , which is called , conceived , or extemporate , varying every time in words and phrases , manner , and order , though the matter and substance be the same . But especially care must be had in the publick congregation , that nothing be done in praying , preaching , or Administration of Sacraments , but that which is decent and orderly ; because there , many eyes do see us , and many ears do hear us ; and therefore it is expedient ( for the most part ) to keep a constant form , both of matter and words , and yet without servile tying our selves to words and syllables , but using herein such libertie and freedome , as may stand with comelinesse , &c. And so he proceeds thus to direct men , that though a Book may be used in private prayer , yet that it is much better to get their prayer by heart , commending the use of the Lords Prayer , and the varietie of other formes of godly prayers in print , penned by forreigne Divines , as our own countreymen ; as Mr. Bradford that blessed Martyr , Master Deering , Mr. Hieron , and divers others yet living , whose printed prayers are nothing inferiour to the former . And so because there ever have been , and still are many Babes in the Church of God , which have need of milk , &c. and some of bad memories , and heavie spirits , &c. he frames divers formes of prayers to be used for Morning and Evening in case of sicknesse , for the Lords day , &c. Thus much very excellently , Mr. Egerton , approved by Doctor Gouge . Mr. Arthur Hildersham , Preacher at Ashbie-delazouch in Leicester-shire , upon the 51 Psalme , p. 63. saith thus . I dare not deny , but a weak Christian may use the help of a good Prayer-book ; better to pray on a book , then not to pray at all . Certainly 't is a spirit of errour , that hath taught the world otherwise . First , our blessed Saviour prescribed to his Disciples a Forme of prayer , not only to be to them and his whole Church a rule , and sampler , according to which , all our prayers should be framed , ( as appears , when he saith , Matth. 6. 9. After this manner pray ye , ) but even for them ; to say , tying themselves to the very words of it , as appeareth , Luke 11. 2. when ye pray , say , our Father , &c. By which answer of our Saviour to his Disciples , it may also appear , that John taught his disciples to pray , by giving them forms of prayer ; to say , yea , even in secret prayer . Matth. 6. 6. 2. All the best reformed Churches do now , and ever have used , even in publick Liturgies , prescript forms of prayer ; and have judged them of great use and necessitie for the edification of the Church : And surely this argument is not to be contemned by any sober Christian , as appeareth by the Apostles speech , 1 Cor. 11. 16. If any man seem to be contentious , we have no such custome ; neither the Churches of God : So doth he again presse the example and practice of all the Churches of the Saints , 1 Cor. 14. 33. 3. This is no stinting , nor hinderance to the spirit of Prayer in any of Gods people , no more then the singing of praise to the Lord in the words of David , is now , and was in Hezekiahs time , 2 Chron. 29. 30. or the joining in heart with the words that another uttereth in conceived prayer : Thus far Mr. Hildersham . Doctor Preston ( who used a set Form of Prayer before Sermon ) in that Sermon of his preached before King Iames , Text , Iohn 1. 16. Of his fulnesse we have all received , &c. p. 22. saith thus . That a set form is lawfull , much need not be said , the very newnesse of the contrary opinion is enough to shew the vanitie and falshood of it . It is contrary to the approved judgement of approved Councells , learned Fathers , and the continual practice of the Church . He instanceth in Tertullians time , and Origen , Saint Basil , Ambrose . Constantine the Great prescribed a set form of prayer to his souldiers , and Calvine in his 83. Epist. to the Protectour of England , saith , that he doth greatly allow a set form of Ecclesiastical prayer , which the Minister shall be bound to observe . But ( as I said before ) of the lawfulnesse of it , there is no Question . How slight is that which is objected against the lawfulnesse of it ; to wit , That the spirit is stinted , when we are fetterd with words appointed ? I answer , The freedome of the spirit stands not so much in the extent of words , as in the intention of zeal , wherein they are uttered . And if a set form be lawfull , then must a set form needs excell , which is dictated by Christ himself , and is therefore more frequently to be used , and with all reverence , both in mind and gesture ; nor doth this want the practice and approbation of the Antientest , instancing in Saint Cyprian , and Saint Augustine , &c. And for a further confirmation , see the same affirmed by him again ; in his book called the Saints daily exercise , set forth and approved by Doctor Sibbs , ( who himself used a set Form of Prayer before Sermon , ) Mr. Davenport p. 80. viz. Another case ( saith he ) is , Whether we may use a set Forme of Prayer . Answ. I need not say much to you , for I think there is none here that doubts , but that a set Form of Prayer may be used : you know Christ prescribed a Form ; you know there were certain Psalmes , that were prayers that were used constantly , and therefore no doubt , but a set Form may be used , and in the Church at all times , both in Primitive times , and all along to the beginning of the Reformed times , to Luther , and Calvins time , still in all times , the Church had set Forms they used , and I know no objection is of weight . One main objection is this . That in stinted prayer , the spirit is streitned , &c. To this he gives a three fold answer . 1. They that object it , do the same thing daily in the congregation , whose spirits are limited and stinted by being hearers of him that prayes . 2. 'T is no generall tye , but at other times in private , they may be as free as they will. 3. The spirit or affections are not tyed , or restrained hy a set form , there may be largenesse of the heart , though there be a limit of words ; This is the summe of the answer , which the Reader may have more at large there . And thus I have given ye the judgement of these four eminent men in their time , approved by three other equall with themselves , all fully concurring with the Primate in this particular , which cannot but prevail much with such as have been , or are otherwise minded at this day , I adde no more , presuming that those that will despise these , will set light by any other ; and so much for this subject , concerning a set Form of Prayer . Now there are two other things , which upon this occasion might not be unseasonable to speak a word of , according to the Primates judgement also . viz. Of the length or brevity in prayer , and of the Gesture at it ; in both which , many of this age have gone astray . 1. For the length . In the publick , all good discretion teacheth ordinarily not to be very large , ( for we speak not now of extraordinary duties in publick Fasts ) because in a congregation , all the Auditours are not of the like strength . Some , ( according to that distinction of Iohn 1. Ep. 2. 13 , 14. ) may be Fathers , some young men , but others Children fitter for milke then strong meat , that a long continuance at prayer may as ill suit with them , as putting of a new garment to an old , or new wine into old bottles . Iacobs speech in answer to his Brother Esau , when he would have had him driven on his pace with him ( Gen. 33. 13. ) I will ( saith he ) lead on softly according as the Cattle with young , which are with me , and the children which are tender shall be able to endure , lest if I should over-drive them one day , the flock should die , may have its Morall application to the prudence of a Pastor this way . 'T is very dangerous to cause a fulnesse in the worship of God , that for prayer men should be apt to say , as those in the Prophet for the Sabbath , when will it be done ? Solomons caveat ( Eccles. 5. 2. ) against rash and hasty utterings , and multiplying of words in the house of God , and his Councell , upon it . Let thy words be few , are observable , much may be spoken in a little , and 't is true in this , as other matters , vis unita fortior . There is an excellent Epistle of Saint Augustines concerning this subject , ( Epist. 121. Probae viduae . ) that ( saith he ) is not a commendation that he was long at prayer ; there may be much speech , but little praying ( multa loquutio n●n multa precatio ) while the affection is lifted up ; like the hands of Moses , so long the party prayes , when that is heavie , the Act of prayer ceaseth ; sometimes ( saith he ) the work of prayer is rather done ( gemitibus quàm sermonibus ; fletu quàm afflatu ) with sighes , then words , teares , then lips . The time when our Savionr is observed to have used a prolixity , was in the private , then whole nights in prayer , and the whole day till even , but not in the publick ; respecting , it may be , the causes before mentioned . So much for the length of it . Secondly , for the gesture ; Certainly , the most comely is kneeling , after the example of David , ( Psal. 100. Ezra ( cap. 9. 5. ) Daniel ( cap. 6. 10. ) and the pattern of our Saviour , Luc. 22. 41. he kneeled down and prayed , &c. whose example Saint Stephen followed , ( Acts 7. 6. ) and Saint Paul ( Acts 20. 36. ) For this cause I bow my knees unto the Father , &c. ( Eph. 3. 14. ) The humility of the soul is principall , but that of the body must not be omitted ; both being bought with a price , God must be glorified in both ; present your bodies as a living holy acceptable sacrifice to him ( Rom. 12. 1. ) A second which is allowed , is standing , 2 Chron. 20. 5. Iehosasaphat stood and prayed , &c. ( Nehem . 9. 14. ) At a solemn fast , the Priests and people stood , and confessed their sinnes : allowed by our Saviour ( Marc. 11. 25. ) when thou standest praying ; sitting is no fit gesture for it : as even * Amesius confirms it . Sessio non est gestus orandi , which is not justified by that of David , ( 2 Sam. 7. 18. ) who upon the Message from God by Nathan , is said presently to have went in , and sate before the Lord and prayed , or that of the Israelites , ( Iudg. 20. 26. ) Who at their solemn Fasts are said to have wept , and sate before the Lord till Even ; because the same word is frequently , and as properly rendred elsewhere ; to remain , abide , or tarry in a place , as Genes . 27. 44. tarrying with him , &c. Lev. 4. 8. he shall tarry abroad , 1 Sam. 1. 23. tarry till thou have weaned him , &c. cap. 20. 29. thou shalt remain at the stone , &c. and so here , both for David and the Israelites , the sense is , only they continued or remained before the Lord in prayer and fasting , as that of Matth. 4. the people which sate in darknesse , &c. can be meant in no other . Our Saviours sitting at the right hand of his Father , hath as well the sense of standing , according to Saint Stephens vision of him , Acts 7. 56. and that which is said of the Apostles at the Passover , Mark 14. 18 , and as they sate and did eat ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) signifies rather a lying down , leaning one upon another , and according to the former instances , may imply as well a standing , which 't is probable was the ancient gesture ; so that sitting may be taken , in the latitude of any other gesture used at their remaining there . Nay , standing is not so strictly limited , but 't is sometimes taken for kneeling , ( 2 Chron. 6. 12. ) 'T is said , Solomon stood before the Altar , and spread forth his hands towards heaven ; yet verse 14. he stood , and kneeled down upon his knees , and ( 1 Kings 8. 54. ) he arose from kneeling on his knees , That woman which is said to have stood at Iesus feet , and kissed them , and washed them with her teares , and wiped them with the hair of her head , must imply a bowing down , at least to a kneeling . A third , which in Scripture was accustomed with both the former , is the lifting up of the hands , according to that of David in the Psalmes . Let us lift up our hands unto God in the heavens , hear my supplication , when I lift up my hands towards thy holy Oracle , &c. which is referred to in the New Testament , I will that man lift up pure hands , ( 1 Tim. 2. 8. ) signifying that of David , unto thee do I lift up my soul : To which we may adde the lifting up of the eyes to heaven , according to the example of our Saviour ( John 17. cap. 11. 41. Mat. 14. 19. ) Other unseemly postures of the hands , eyes , face , and the like ; hath no example in Scripture , and even mens hiding , or covering of the face at publick prayer , seems to be against the order of the Apostle , and the then custome of the Churches . 1 Cor. 11. 7. for by the head there is not meant the hairy scalp , but the face , both by several circumstances in it , and the acceptation of the word elsewhere . 2 Sam. 15. 30. David wept as he went , and had hishead covered , and all the people that were with him , covered every man his head , weeping as they went ; &c. here by the head must be understood the face , after the manner of mourners , as on the contrary , that of our Saviour to his Disciples , in token of joy ; lift up your heads , must be meant accordingly , And the face being the seat of shame , the head must be so taken , Ier. 14. 3 , 4. they were ashamed and confounded , they covered their heads , &c. unto which , some passages out of Tertullian might be given , by way of confirmation . Now for the better reception of this latter part of the Primates judgement , concerning our outward reverence in the publick worship of God , whether at hearing of the Word or Prayer ; so much neglected in these times ; I shall here adde what I find in the foresaid Mr. Arthur Hildersham , in his Lectures upon Iohn 4. In the 26. Lecture he speakes much for the outward reverence of Gods publick worship in the Church . viz. That we should neither come into that place , nor go out of it , as ye would in or out of a danceing-schoole ; But in our very comeing in , and going out , and whole outward carriage ; we should give some signification of the reverence that we bear to this place , and that we do indeed account it the house of God ; Exhorts men to come to the beginning of the then publick worship , or before it begins ; and tarry till all be done : to be present at the Administration of Baptisme , and at the blessing pronounced by Gods Ministers . Affirmes , that there was nothing then done in Gods publick worship among us , but it was done by the Institution , and Ordinance , and Commandement of the Lord ; the particulars of which , he mentions . In his 27. Lecture , he exhorts to a reverend gesture in prayer , kneeling as the fittest ; or standing , not sitting . And commending the reading of the Scriptures in publick ; he saith , At the hearing of the word read , some further gesture , and outward signification of reverence is to be used , then is required at the hearing of the Sermon ; which he confirmes by proofes out of Scripture and reasons , too large to be related here . But he thus concludes . viz. So you see the custome of our Churches in sitting bare while the Word is read , is grounded upon good reason and warrant from the word of God , and such , as it well becomes every one of Gods people to conform themselves unto . Lect. 29. he complains of that irreverence thus . Some will not vouchsafe to be bare at the reading of the Word , some will be bare at the Psalmes , not at the Chapters ; and if they could justly pretend infirmity for it , they were to be excused ; but they will not be bare many of them , so long as the Text is in reading : yea , every youth and boy in our Congregations , are wont to be covered , while the Word is read . But the chief abuse is , the neglect of kneeling in prayer , many that will kneel at their own private prayers ( which they make at their coming into the Church ) can never be seen to kneel at the common and publick prayers . Many that will kneel at the Lords prayer , will kneel at no other , wherein ( though the Lords prayer be in sundry respects more excellent then any other yet ) there is as much reason we should kneel at any other prayer , as at it ; for the reason of our kneeling , is not the excellency of the words used in prayer , but the reverence and duty we owe to the person we pray unto , &c. This saith that worthy and judicious Writer Mr. Hildersham , ) I can but wonder , upon what pretence such a man could be silenced , ( as he wrot himselfe to the Pri●ate ; Anno 1630. I conclude only with an exhortation to decency , and a reverent comelinesse in our solemne meetings , that devotion and prudence may kisse each other , that while the soule is lifted up in prayer , the body may be humbled , and the whole man presented to God as an acceptable sacrifice , that unity and uniformity in doctrine and worship ; may be found among us , and that we may all be of one heart , and one mind . Consider what hath been said , and the Lord give us understanding and moderation in all things . A CHARACTER of Bishop Bedell late Bishop of Kilmore , in Ireland . UPon the occasion of publishing this Sermon of his ( on Revel . 18. 4. ) I have thought fit to give this exemplary character of him . Somewhat of his life is already extant , within that of Sir Henry Wotton's , the enlargement of which , I leave to the prudence of others , onely thus much in brief . He was Fellow of Emmanuel Colledge in Cambridge , where he was one of the eight that commenced Batchellours of Divinity of that house in one yeare : whereof Bishop Hall and Doctor Ward were two , between whom and him , there was a continuall intercourse of Letters to their last . From that Colledge and Vniversity , he had that Character given him of learning , and prudence , that he was chosen to go with the Embassadour Sir Henry Wotton unto Venice . What the fruits of his some yeares being there produced upon Padre Paulo , and other learned men , sufficiently appears by the testimony given of him in a letter of the Embassador's hereunto annexed . The Interdict of Venice ( wrot by the foresaid Authour , ) he translated out of Italian into Latin , for whose use he also translated the book of Common Prayer into Italian , and made an English Grammar ( which I have seen writ with his own hand . ) After his return from Venice , were wrot those learned Letters of his to Mr. Wadesworth , who at the same time , going with the Embassadour into Spain , had been withdrawn to the See of Rome , whose temper and meeknesse of stile to an Apostate , I wish were so far exemplary with some Writers among our selves , as to abate that heat and bitternesse , which hath broke forth in matters of lesse consequence . At his Benefice of Horningesh-earth near St. Edm. Bury in Suffolk , he continued long in great esteem , sometimes chosen by the Diocesse to be a member of the Convocation . Upon the death of Sir William Temple Provost of the Colledge in Dublin , the late Primate wrot earnestly to him to accept of it , being unanimously chosen by the Fellowes . During his abode there , he performed the duty of the Catechist , & preached a Lecture Sermon once a week in Christ Church . He was not long Provost , but he was promoted to be Bishop of Kilmore , where ( I being then the Dean ) it gave me the occasion to be more known to him . In relation to the Liturgie of the Church of England , he gave this direction ; viz. to observe whatsoever was enjoyned in the Rubrick without addition or diminution ; not to be led by custome , but by rule . And in speciall , he ordered that the whole Doxology to the blessed Trinity , Glory be to the Father , &c. should be alwayes read by the Minister alone , without the respond of the people , and the like for the Psalms : Te Deum , &c. with the rest , appointed to be read between and after the Lessons , though the custome had prevailed otherwise in most Churches . The Communion Table was placed by him , not at the East end , but within the body of the Chancell , and for other Innovations elsewhere introduced , he observed them not . His judgement being , that those were as well Non-conformists , who added of their own , as those who came short of what was enjoyned , as he that addes an inch to the measure , disownes it for a rule , as well as he that cuts an inch off . He was a careful observer of the Lords Day both in the publick and private , at one of the clock in the after-noon ; he had then the Book of Common-Prayer read in the Irish tongue in the Church for the benefit of the Irish ; at which he was constantly present himself , who in that little space had obtained the knowledge of the language . And as the New Testament had been long before translated into Irish ; so had he caused the Old Testam . to be accordingly , & was almost ready for the press . And Whereas Doctor Heylene hath censured the late Primate very liberally for his approbation of the Articles of Ireland , he must take Bishop Bedell into the number also , who was so much for them , that I was present when , at the examination of an * able Minister then to be ordained , he did in the Church examin him in each , or most of the Articles , in a solemn meeting of the Clergy of that Diocesse for that end , at least 2 full hours , whereby our votes might be also given for his approbation . At his Courts of Iurisdiction , he frequently sate himself ; where he caused alwayes some of the Clergy , ( if any were there ) to sit covered on each side of him , with liberty to give their opinion in each case , and at a sentence , he asked their votes man by man : In some degree reducing then his Episcopall to a Synodicall Government , according to the Primates proposall by way of accommodation an . 1641. It was his custome usually on the Lord's dayes , to preach upon those select portions of Scripture commonly called the Epistles and Gospels of the day . At the Visitations , he usually preached himselfe . The Procurations were bestowed in defraying the charges of the Ministers , and the rest given to some pious uses . After dinner and supper , a Chapter , was constantly read at his Table , and some time spent by him in opening some difficulties in it . The publick Catechisme , he had branched out into 52 parts ; whereof , he appointed one to be constantly explain'd in the Afternoons in each Church , within his Diocess . He was very indulgent to the Irish Natives , in the preferring and encouraging of them for the Ministery ; and yet such was their Ingratitude ( i. e. the Popish party ) that in that horrid rebellion , 1641. they exempted him not from their rapine ; but seized upon his cattle , pillaged his house , ransack't and spoyled his Library ; put him into a Castle , standing in a Lough , ( called Lough-outre ) about a mile and a halfe from his house , where he was imprisoned that winter . And at length being permitted to come out , died in a poor house of one who was an Irish-man , and a Protestant , and continued faithfull to him ; by whose means an Hebrew manuscript Bible of his , ( which he brought from Venice ) was preserved , and is now in Emmanuel Colledge Library in Cambridge . He was buried acccording to his own appointment in the Church-yard of the Cathedral of Kilmore , where he had caused his wife and son some years before to be buried . His judgement being against burials in Churches , as an abuse introduced by pride & superstition . I conclude only with this , if the Moderation of this Bishop had been observed elsewhere , I believe Episcopacy might have been kept upon its wheeles . A Letter of Sir Henry Wotton's to the late King , in the behalf of Bishop Bedel , when he was desired by the Archbishop of Armagh , to accept of the Provostship of Dublin Colledge in Ireland , which hath been lately published in the Life of Sir Henry Wotton . May it please your most Gracious Majesty , HAving been informed that certain persons have by the good wishes of the Arch-Bishop of Armagh , been directed hither with a most humble Petition unto your Majesty , that you will be pleased to make Mr. William Bedell ( now resident upon a small Benefice in Suffolk ) Governour of your Colledg at Dublin , for the good of that society ; and my self being required to render unto your Majesty some testimony of the said William Bedell who was long my Chaplain at Venice in the time of my employment there ; I am bound in all conscience , and truth ( so far as your Majesty will vouchsafe to accept my poore judgement ) to affirm of him that I think hardly a fitter man for that charge , could have been propounded unto your Majesty in your whole Kingdom , for singular erudition and piety ; Conformitie to the rites of the Church , and Zeal to advance the Cause of God wherein his Travels abroad were not obscure in the time of the Excommunication of the Venetians . For may it please your Majesty to know that this is the man whom Padro Paule took , I may say , into his very soule ; with whom he did communicate the inwardest thoughts of his heart ; from whom he professed to have received more knowledge in all D●vinity , both Scholastical and positive , then from any that he had ever practiced in his dayes , of which all the passages were well known to the King your Father , of most blessed memory . And so with your Majestie 's good favour , I will end this needlesse office ; for the generall fame of his Learning , his Life , and Christian temper , and those religious labours which himself hath dedicated to your Majesty , do better describe him , then I am able . Your Majestie 's most humble and faithfull Servant , H. WOTTON . A Postscript . Mr. Thomas Pierce hath in an Appendage to a late book of his , printed five Letters wrot unto me by him , in each of which I cannot but much acknowledge his respects to me . To the four first I gave little else but brief returnes of the like to him , which consisting chiefly , either in the asserting of the nearnesse of his judgement to the Primate's , or the remotenesse of Mr. Barlee's , I did not conceive it fitting for me to interpose , and where there was a professed full agreement , it was no good office in me to make a difference . Now for those , the cause rendred of his not publishing them is good , there being nothing ( as he saith ) needfull , or of concernment , in any one of them , Only to the fifth of his , wherein three Certificates are published as testimonies to confirm his former assertion of a late change of judgment in the Primate , with other applicatory passages from thence , I did return him a larger answer in this Letter following , ( excepting somefew circumstantiall alterations ) having then no imagination that either of them should have bin made publick . And I have as little mind to it now , only by the provocation of divers of my Friends who conceive the Primate suffers in the interpretation of many by the silence of it , I have been compelled upon this occasion , to put forth this brief defence of him without any offence to Mr. Pierce . For his Appendage ( wherein his respects to me are rather encreased then lesse●ed ) I have thought fit to clear one passage . He saith I have spoken indiscriminately of Universal Grace , and Vniversall Redemption , and the place he quotes for it , is out of my second Letter to Mr. Barlee , p. 64. in these words , viz. But that by an Vniversall Redemption should be understood , an Vniversall Grace , &c. will not be attested to have heen affirmed by the Primate , &c. doth not this clearly imply a distinction to be made between them ▪ I am sure I then so intended it . And therefore that which he addes immediately after . viz. That there is a wide difference between them , I do fully concurre with him in it . Yet it seems to me , that himself puts them together often indiscriminately , as in the page before this , thrice in one page , 86. and p. 88. l. 32. as in his Philanth . p. 15. and elsewhere . And if I have in any other place done it , as in the title of the Letter , I was led to it by him . In this we have no disagreement , and I wish this following Letter may not occasion any , which I am forced thus to publish , as followeth . Doctor Bernards Answer to Mr. Pierce's Fifth Letter containing three Certificates , produced by him to justifie a late change of judgsment in the Primate of Ireland . SIR , I Owe you many thanks for the labour you have taken in your last Letter of the 28. of Ianuary , in transcribing the Certificates of those learned persons , which ( supposing to have been rightly apprehended by them , without any mistake of him , yet ) favourably interpreted , do not seem to me necessarily to argue what you have apprehended , and concluded of the change of judgement in the Primate , which I shall now ingenuously give you my sense of , without any desire of further dispute or contention about it . First for Doctor Walton's , where he saith , My Lord Primate did declare his utter dislike of the doctrine of absolute reprobation ; I conceive it may be understood of the Supralapsarian opinion , which makes reprobation to be antecedent to the fall of Adam , and not only as a Praeterition , but a Predamnation for actuall sins . That he held the universality of Christ's death , not onely in respect of sufficiency , but also in regard of efficacy , so that all men were by that made salvable ( for so much efficacy I do not deny ) differs not from that which his letter published , doth testifie , and that the reason why all men were not thereby saved , was because they did not accept of salvation offered , is also granted , if it be according to his judgement rightly understood , viz. of those to whom the Gospel is preached ; not of Pagans , and Infidels . That the grace of Conversion was not irresistable , but that men did often resist and reject the same , may well stand with my Lord Primate's Judgement , and no wayes opposite to this . viz. That it is so effectual , that by the decree of his election ; It is not resisted by the elect , and therefore his dissent from Geneva ( as Doctor Walton certifies ) is to be understood of Beza , not of Calvin ; nor of the Sublapsarian ( as I have intimated before ) and I conceive his concurrence with Bishop Overall , which he averreth him to have professed , is to be understood as I have expressed it● for you know that Bishop Overall distinguished the Remonstrants opinion , and that which he is pleased to call the opinion of the Puritans ; ( which title I wish he had spared ) from the doctrine of the Church of England , which joynes the universality of redemption with the speciall intention of God , effectually to save the elect . This for Doctor Walton's Certificate . Now for Mr. Goninges , which seems ( by the Preface of it ) to have bin given you after your publishing the Lord Primate's change of judgment ; somewhat of that may be safely granted ; viz. The sincerity of God's universal call of all sinners to whom the Gospel was preached , which is the summe of what he affirmes to have heard , from him in the publick , but for that which he saith he received from him in private , viz. That God , together with his word preached , did give internal grace to all that are called by it , that they may repent if they will , yea they all can will , &c. If the Primate's words were not mistaken by him , ( as they might the more possibly by the distance between the hearing , and the date of his certificate to you ) I suppose this was the sense of them , viz. That by internall grace he did not understand more , then that there are some good motions offered unto the hearts of sinners , which if they did not extinguish and resist , and thereby draw upon themselves a further guilt , they should be seconded with more effectuall grace ; and , that upon their disobedience , God doth justly leave them to themselves , and doth not superadde that speciall grace , whereby their Wills are changed , and their conversion wrought . As for posse non resistere , it is consistent with actuall resistance , which is taken away by speciall grace , and thus far I conceive he might hold with Bishop Overall ; so much for Mr. Goninge . For Mr. Thornedick's Testimony , I see not wherein it differeth from the Lord Primate's Letter published , and needs no further answer . So that upon the whole I do not find , even by these Certificates , so sure a ground , for your assertion of my Lord Primate's change of judgement , and his being of late a serious convert , &c. as you have supposed ; The first pretend but little , the last less , and the middle not much ; thus interpreted : Howsoever for my self , had I been an ear-witnesse of that which certifies the most largely , I should have had more caution then to have adventured to signifie the judgement of so eminent a person , under hand , and seale , ( as you say you have it ) without his knowledge , or consent , whether when he was living , or since his death , especially in that which should seem to imply a contradiction , to what he had before said and wrot . For that Objection of the 32 Article of Ireland , that Article may very well admit of some preparative motions tending to conversion , but not the actuall grace of conversion ; and may also be understood of denying an actuall tuall call of all men , which are out of the Pale of the Church , or that the works of the creation and providence do lead men , or enable them to come to Christ , as some French Divines have lately taught . For that inconsistency implyed by you , from what I have affirmed of my Lord Primates judgement . viz. That Massa corrupta was the object of predestination , it will well consist with his judgment of universall redemption , expressed in his letter . And , the decree of reprobation , supposed to be ex intentione speciali , doth not deny a salvability of all men , but onely an effectuall grace to be given to work their conversion , and may also consist with universall redemption , and possibility of salvation , because reprobation is onely negatio specialis gratiae , non nudae sufficientis . As for Goteschalchus , the Primate relating the truth of the story , and his opinion , is not thereby obliged to every particular of them , and if there were any mistakes of Mr. Barlee's from thence , or that large Catechisme going under his name , doth not concern me to take notice of : For that which you mention of Mr. Vaughans relation in the life , and death of Doctor Iackson , of the care which the Primate took , ( being ( as you say ) a Mourner at his funerall ) to have his writings very religiously preserved . First , I have viewed the place , and find some mistake in the words , which are onely thus ; viz. The Bishop of Armagh , ( being at his funerall ) much desired his papers might be carefully preserved . But secondly , I do not believe the Primate meant , or approved those works of Doctor Iacksons , wherein he professeth himself to be for the Arminian way , as he doth in the Epistle Dedicatory of those Bookes which he dedicated to the Earle of Pembrook , and which were answered by Doctor Twisse . Other works it may be , that ●●arned man might have of other subjects , which might be usefull to posterity , which the Primate might have a care of , but I do not believe they were any of that nature ; and the rather because they must be meant of such works which were not extant at his death , and not of those which were already printed , as you seem to apply it . Besides , it doth not appear , the Primate then understood what subjects they were of ; And therefore , that which you have immediately added of your own ; viz. That such inestimable 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 might not be wanting to posterity , but might performe their work of bringing religion into its wits , ( which the Reader might possibly mistake , in apprehending them to have been the Primates words ) and your somewhat severe application to him , from thence , and what Mr. Barlee had said of Doctor Iackson , seemes to want a foundation here . For that which you write in your Postcript concerning my saying , that the doctrine of St. Augustine was confirmed , or inclined unto by the Primate in his works , if you observe the whole discourse , it is onely in relation to Pelagius and his disciples , and limited to those points in debate concerning the Primates judgement , whereof universall redemption and free will , were mentioned ; not that by it I had obliged the Primate to be of Saint Augustines judgement in all points besides : And for that particular of perseverance , which you instance in , it came not into my discourse in either of my Letters to Mr. Barlee , what he or Mr. Baxter have produced of the Primates apprehension ; what was Saint Augustines judgement in that point , cannot argue it was therefore his own ; Indeed , Saint Augustine is variously conceived in it , in his severall Tractates , and where he hath some expressions tending to the finall falling away of some who have been regenerated and justified ; he is thus salved by others , who understand him either , de justificatis Sacramento tenus , or judicio charitatis , that they were such , or of some predispositions to regeneration , in some Morall reformation ; not of a spiritual real conversion , which he denies to any reprobate . Now in this variety of senses , you should have done better then thus , to chuse the worse ; for the Primates judgement , who was against the Total and final falling away of those , who were effectually called , truly regenerated and sanctified , according to the 38 Article of Ireland ; And thus I have touched the principal materials in your Letter . For that you say , some have endeavoured to gain credit to their Calvinistical opinions by their unjust usurpation of the Primates name . I could wish those hard expressions tending so much to the distaste of Calvin , might be abated ; whom divers of the most eminent Writers , and learned Fathers of our Church , ( whom I suppose you reverence ) have had in great esteem ; and usually name him with honour . I might quote divers , as Arch-Bishop Whitgift , Bishop Bilson , Bishop Davenant , Mr. Hooker , Doctor Ward , &c. but Bishop Andrewes shall suffice , who in his determination against usury , ( a case wherein he dissented from Calvin yet ) thus writes of of him . Calvino ( illustri viro nec unquam sine summi honoris praefatione nominando ) &c. i. e. Calvin an excellent man , never to be named without a Preface of the highest honour . I wish that spirit of meeknesse and charity found in those old Bishops , were doubled upon us in these dayes , when we are as much ( if not more ) called unto it ; The contrary may possibly be gratefull to the See of Rome , but I do not see what advantage it can be to us . For his discipline , you may take your liberty , which may well be distinguished from his doctrines . And for the Primate , though I cannot say he was of his judgement in all points , yet he had a due respect for him . For that which you object again to me , as you did in your third Letter , viz. my acknowledgeing an engagement to Mr. Barlee for his readinesse offered , ( in his first Letter unto me ) to clear the Primate , &c. did not deserve a repetition , being it was in my first to him , when he was as much a stranger to me , as I was to you : only , let me say thus much of him . How far he had disagreed in his book from the Primates judgement ; I shall not now enquire , but after the receipt of that tractate , wherein he read what his was ; he wrot thus unto me ( Decemb. 21. 1657. ) viz. It is true , there be some minutiae , about which I am not satisfied , and shall be glad to have an amicable conference with you . However as to the rei summam , I do so perfectly agree with the most venerable Primate , as that I dare discharge you from all feares of ever having him exposed to my pen , and censure , &c. which I doe the rather thus punctually repeat his words , because in short you have mentioned it from me in your fourth Letter . And when I had read you both , meeting in the Primate , I thought it my part to sit down in silence . In a word , you have with much industry viewed , and reviewed the Primates judgement in that point , which hath been published , but I wish I did not find you making that use of it , to endeavour to confirm your former assertion of a change in him , in which I am not in the least shaken in mind by what hath passed between us , but must still conceive ( contrary to your expectation in the beginning of your Letter ) there was a mistake wheresoever it lights , which being so gentle an expression , and which we are all subject unto , I see no cause of any offence , either to your self , or Certifiers . I shall entreat you to let the venerable name ( as you stile it ) of that good man rest in peace , without any further strife of tongues or pens ; and let us leave his judgment to his works , which do undoubtedly testifie of him : and for any further dispute of this subject between us , I wish this might be the last , as it is the largest ; and that neither by this , nor any other , the least breach may be made between us , as to love , and friendship , which upon all occasions , shall ever ber readily manifested by Grayes-Inne , Febr. 9. 1657. Your assured Friend and Servant , N. BERNARD . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A64635-e590 a Though of late it hath had that latitude as to comprehend Episcopacy , yet , in Ancient Records ( which I have seen ) it was limited to the Deans and Chapters ; For this was then the form of the Arch-Bishops Provinciall visitation , declaring that he would visit , Episcopum , Praelatos , clerum & populum . b Common Prayer in Edw. 6. c The first that broached that figment of the Nagge 's head conscration in England , after 45 yeares silence of any other Author , which in Bishop Bedells Letters to Wadesworth , p. 142. is confuted . * Synops. Theol. disp 41. de Christo & Antichristo conclus . Ex quibus apparet Pontificem & Papam Romanum , revera An●ich●if●um & filium perditionis esse , &c. Notes for div A64635-e3230 a Apoc. 17. v. 18. & 18 v. 2. & 21. b Apoe . 17. 5. c Apoc. 17 2. & 18. v. 3. d ( Horat. in Car. seculari . ) Dii quibus septem placuere colles . Trist. lib. 1. Eleg. 4. Lib. 3. Eleg . 10. e De Rom. Pontif. lib. 2. cap. 2. Apo● . 1 ▪ 9. Romans 1. 8. Apoc. 17. 5. Revel . 18. 23. 2 Thess. 2. 4 Apoc. 18. 4. Notes for div A64635-e6000 Verse 3. Verse 9. Verse 18. Verse 21. Verse 7. Verse 10. Verse 20. John 21. 7 Psalm 2. 8. Exod. 19. 5. Deut. 7 6. Chap. 10. 14 , 15. and Chap. 3. and 9. Exod. 19. 5. Isay 81. 8. 13. Micah 6 2 Isay 1. 10. Hosea 1. 9. Isa. 65. 15. Rom. 12. 2 Jer. 31. 33 Psal. 137. 8. Isa. 21. 9. Isa. 52. 11. Ser. 50. 8. and Jer. 51 6. 9. Ezek. 27. Ier. 51. Daniel 5. Ezra 1. 1. * Anno 330. Verse 〈◊〉 . 10. 19. Verse 21. 22 , 23. 2 Thes. 2. 3. Verse 12. Verse 17. Lib. Rom. Pon● . 5. 1. 2. 6. Ab Alex 6. Cap. 7. 8. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . See also Chapter 14. 10. Ezra . 4 De Rob. Pont. Cap. 3. Ver. 5. De Not. Eccl. l. 4. c. 8. Verse 6. Verse 11. 8. Rev. 11. 8 John 4. Isay 52. 11 Heb. 12. 25. John 3. 18. 36. 5. 24. John 3. last vers . John 14. 21. 23. De justisica . lib. 5. cap. 7. 1 Tim. 3. 15. 1 Kings 19. 18. John 18. 15 , 16. Daniel I. V. 16. 2 Object . Epist●la 6 9. Answ. John 20. 23. John 13 , 35. John 5. 39. Luke 11. 52. 1 Cor. 14. Matthew 28. 20. Jer. 17. 5. Rom. 6. 9. Object . Answ. 1 Cor. 2. 2 Peter 1. 11. 2 John 8. 2 Thes. 2. 11. Ezra 1. ● . Chap 6. 3. & 7. 12. Neh. 2. 18. Chapter ●0 . 37. and 13. 10. 2 Cor. 5. 2. 1 John 5. 13. 1 Kings 18. 21. Matth. 18. 6. Notes for div A64635-e14960 a Omnes prophetiae priusquam habent efficaciam , aenigmata sunt homi●ibus , sed cum venerit tempus , & evenerit quod prephet a●um est , habent liquidam & certam exp siti●nem , &c. b Accuratam calculi notitiam , tempus & experientia r●velabit vigilantibus . c Minimè verò mir●m , si i●ta quae dixi tam vel clar am , vel cerlam in-scriptis patrum interp●aetationem non habeant : Ope●abatur enim modò mysterium tum iniquitatis . Signatus ad●uc liber er●t bujus prophetiae . Verissimum autem verbum est , aenigma esse propheti●m omnem , cùm nondum completae est , ut quamvis prisci illi omni genere Charismatum ▪ vitae v●rò sanctimonia longo nos intervallo supererarint , mirari tamen non debeat quis , si illis t●m non adeo explicata omnia sue●int qu●m robis per gratiam Dei jam surt , quicon summaetam jam prophe●iam illam qu●tidiè o●usis usurpamus ▪ pag. 186. d Quis nisi Romanus Status , cujus abscessio i● decem Reges dispersa , Antichristum superinducet , & tunc revelabitur iniquus . e Christianis necessitatem incumbere orandi pro Imperatoribus , etiam pro omni statu Imperii , rebúsque Romanis ; quod vim maximam universo orbi imminentem a●●erbitates horrendas comminentem Romani Imperii commeatu scimus retardari Apol . c. 32. Commeatum dicere solet Tertullianus , spatium temporis praescriptum , &c. Vid. Down●am Epise . Derens. le Antichristo . lib. 2. f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. id est , Imperium Romanum , quando è medio sublaetum fuerit ; tunc venit ille , &c. & vacantem Imperii principatum invadet & te●tabit ad se rapere , & hominum , & Dei Imperium . g Nen vult apertè di●ere . Romanum Imperium destruc●dum , quia tum adversum Christianos , rabiem conci●asset persecutionis . h ( Donec de medi● f●●t , ) d●nec regnum quod nuac te●et de medi● auferatur : h●c de Imperio Romàno dictum est & propterea Paulum non id apertè scribere voluisse , ne calum●ia● incurra● , quod Romano Imperio malè ●ptaverit . i Tò 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , tenet ) intelligit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , quod prohibet , vel impedimento est ; quid . nam autem est illud , ●isi Romanum Imperium , &c. nisi enim hoc solvetur , iste non veniet , &c. * Avent Annal . Boior . l. 5. p. 455. k Ibid ▪ p. 470. m Ad calcem ● . Tom. Auctarii . Bibliothec ▪ Elit . Paris . 16●0 . n Vide Rog. Hoved●n . o Matth. Pa●●s . p Non defueran● etiam in omnibus terris numer●si pi●rum coetus , qui toto sol●● Satan● tem pore bell●m Antichrists indixerunt : cujusmodi erant , quos Papistae ( cum primum sectae authorem à quo denominarentur , invenire n●n possent ) à quodam Petro Waldo Lugdunensi Waldenfium & pauper●m Lugdunensium n●mina . indide●unt . Usserius Arch. Armach . de Eccles. Christ. succes . & fla● . p. 150. Haec ve 〈◊〉 netatio nominis Antichristi , si illam integram accip●amus quadratin illum optimè , quem esse ●erum illum Antichristum ( D●n juvante ) demonstra●●mus : Rom●num dico Purtifi●●m , qui se esse caput Ecclesiae Christi , Christi vicem implere glori●●ur . p De eo tantum nobis lis erit jam quae●am illa ibi Roma Babylon , aut Roma quo tempore Babylon esse coeperit ; Cuirei tot ibi circumstantias adhibet S. Johannes , vix ut in ea errare ●uiquam contingat . Qu● enim Babylon ibi , eadem meretrix magna dicitur , &c. Edoctum antem ibi se dicit Johannes à spiritu de rebus quae venturae essent . Quod si jam Romam ibi ( quo tu sensu vis ) designavit , nihil venturum edocuit spiritus ; Ethnica enim tum Roma in Auge erat vel maximè . Propheticus verò is liber totus haberi solet , &c. nimis autem illa misella tum prophetia foret , si praediceret fore , ut persequeretur Rom● Christianos ●idit ver● hoc priusquam in Paethmos relega●us esset , &c. p. 183 , 184. and p. 185. De ca Roma quae veneficiis seducit , quae agnum specie refert , scriptam tamen in fronte blasphemiam , in Temph Dei sedet , cujus merces hominum animae ; quam decem Reges igne concrematuri sunt ad perniciem sempiternam ; quae per pseudo prophetam suam vim habet signa faciendi . Verè à To●● dicitur Romam Christianam perditam non iri : Non cer●è sed illam Antichristianam scili●et , &c. s Thes 31. De Pontific● R●mano , & praecipuis qui i●si attribuuntur titulis . S. 12. Adversarii parro Dei , & Antich●isti nomen ipsi compe●ere evidentissima ratione monstratur . Prius enim illi Apostolus 〈◊〉 , quum appellat illum homi●nem peccati filium perdition●s ; adversar●um & efferentem se supra vel contra omne id quod dicitur Deus aut 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; it a ut in templ● Dei , tanquam Deus sedeat ▪ prae se ferens se esse Deum : qui ex collapso Imperio Romano exu●get , ejusque vacantem dignitatem , occ●p●bat ; haec enim 〈…〉 Romano s●la intelligenda esse , & intelligi posse asserimus . Antichristi ver● nomen il●i compete● excellentissimè , sivè particula 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 oppositionem , sive unius re● pro altera substitutionem , vel legitimè factam aut per vim & fraud●● , &c significat . S. 13. i. e. Omni instiumentor●m Satanicorum genere usus est sophistica hypocris● , men●aciis , aequ●v●cationibus , perfidia , perjuriis , violentia , veneno , a●mis ; adeo ut merito dici possit , bestiae illi formidabili quae Pardo , Vrso , Le●●i , similis est , & quâ Romanum Imperium significatum est , successisse , &c. Faxit Deus ut Ecclesia ab Antichristi fraudibus & Tyra●nide liberetur ; Religiosae sapientiae est , Curiam Romanam , a● Ecclesia in q●â P●ntifex sedea● interstinguere , &c. t ●ùm Episcop●s Romanus , erecta sibi i● orbe Christiano Monarchia , dominationem usurpet in omnes Ecclesias & pastores , in tantam erectus superbiam , 1 ut Deum se dicat , [ Can. satis dist . 96. lib. 1. Sac●ar . Cerem . cap. de Benedictiensis . ] veli●q●e 2 ad●rari , [ Concil . Lateran●ult . Se●● . 1. 3. 9 , ● ] omnemque tribui sibi potestatem in 〈◊〉 & in terra , res Ecclesiasticas o●nes disp●nat ; articulos fi lei definiat : Scripturarum author●ta●em , atque interpretationem à se esse , dicat , animarum 〈◊〉 exerceat ; veta juramentáque dispenset , novos Dei cultus , i●stituat ; Tum in civilibus , legi ●mam magistratu●um au●h●itatem pedib●s sub● gat , 〈◊〉 , ablatis , 〈◊〉 Imperiis . Credimus atque asserimus esse verum illum & G●rman●m Antichrist●m , perditicnis filium , pron●nciatum in verbo 〈◊〉 Meretricem purpuratam it siden●em septem 〈◊〉 in ●ogna civitate ; quae regnum 〈◊〉 in Reges terrae : Expecta●●sque dum Dominus pr●ut pr●●sit ac jam coepit , confici●ns cum spirituoris sui , tandem ill●st●● adventu suo aboleat . u Calvin . Epist. 104. Under the Papacy some Church , remaineth , a Church crazed , forlorne , mistaken , yet some Church , his reason , is , Antichrist must sit in the Temple of God , which is cited by Mr. Hooker . Instit. Sect. 27. Geh●●i a man though over-run with a Leprosy , and to be shunned as unclean . Antichristianismus est morbus in Christianism● . * The words of the Cardinal are these . viz. by this Article ( i. e. that Kings are not deposable by the Pope ) we are cast headlong into a manifest heresie , as binding us to confesse , that for many ages past , the Catholick Church hath been banished out of the whole world ; for if the Champions of the doctrine contrary to this Article , do hold an impious & detestable opinion , contrary to Gods word , then doubtless the Pope for so many hundred years expired , hath not been the head of the Church , but an heretick , and the Antichrist . p. 453. * The usual stile of the Sybils 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i. e. Roma septicollis in Plutarch , & Varro , a Festival among the Romans called dies septem montium . Tertul. in his time calls the people of Rome , the people of the seven hills , Ipsam vernaculam septem collium plebem convenio . Apol. l. 35. x Ita avidè avent homines ●ii Petrum Romae , alicubi in Scripturâ reperire , poti●s ut Babylone●● velint esse Romam , ubi Pe●●us fuit , quam ut Petrus Romae n●n fuerit . Valde enim illorum interest ad ●aput fidei ut Petrus Romae cred●tur fuisse , &c. Tort. Torti . p 183. y Certissimum esse nomine Babylenis Roma●urbem significari . Anno 45. n. 18. z Hui● conveniunt aptissimè omnia atque illud inprimis , quod alii conve●ire non potest ; optimè etiam convenisse● , quod in ●odem capite , & mulier quam vidisti est civitas magna , quae habet regnum super reges terr● . a Existimamus nomine Babylonis Remanam urbem significari in hoc Apocalypsis opere , ubi toties Babylon nominatur , &c. omnia quae his capitibas memorantur , in Romanam urbem aptissimè quadrant , b Iohannes in Apocalypsi Passim Romam vocat Babylonem ut Tertullianus annotavit , & ●pertè colligitut ex cap. 17. Apocal●p . ubi dicituy Babylon magna sedere suprà septem montes & habere imperium super reges terrae ; nec enim alia civitas est , quae Iohannis tempore imperium habuerat super reges terrae quam Roma ; & notissimum est supra septem colles Romam aedificatam esse . lib. 3. de Rom. Pont. cap. 13. c Romaà Johanne vocatur Babylon , quia Babilon fuit figura Romae , quibus verbi● aptè designat Romam . Notes for div A64635-e22150 Object . Answ. a Answ. to Rhemist . Comment . on N. T upon this place . Magnopere curandum est ut id teneamus , quod ubique , quod semper , quod ab omnibus creditum est , hoc est enim verè & propriè Catholicum . contr . haeresin . cap. 3. a Initialis doctrina de ministerio Ecclesiae quia tum ordinabantur per impositionem manuum . * Totum munus Prophericum , &c. Phil. 1. 1. * 1 Ep. ● . 12. Book of Ordination . Object . Answ. Object . Answ. Book of Ordination . Object . Answ. 1. 2 Quest. Answ. Object . Answ. 1. Gildas . * De Minister . Anglican . Object ▪ Answ. * See Bishop Bedels letter to Wadsworth , p. 157. My defence for your Ministry is , that the forme , Receive the H●ly Ghost ; whose sins ye remit , are remitted : doth suciffiently comprehend the authority , &c , Notes for div A64635-e30450 a Eadem unctio ) non pootuit luculentiore testimoni● Pastores & doctores ornare , à quibus illi instituti f●erant , & quotidie ●dhuc instituebantur , quam quum ipsos diceret ab ipso Spiritu Sancto doceri , & jam antea esse doctos . b Piscator in loc . Vnctio docet ] id est , ministerium verbi ( i. e. ) Spiritus Sanctus effica● per praedicationem Evangelii , quare ministerium verbi in precio habendum est . Answ. a Non simplicitèr sed quia adhibent media per q●uae Deus remittit pecca●a , haec autem ▪ media sunt ●erbum & Sacramenta ; ●er . in loc . b Non quod homo propriè remittet peccatum , sed quod ostendet & certificet adeò remiss●m , neque enim al●a est abso●utio ab homine , ( quam si dicat ) E● ti●i , certifico te , tibi remissa esse peccata , Annuncio tibi te habere Deum propit●um , &c. Ferus . lib 2. Comment . in Matth. cap. 9. edit . Mogu●t , 1559. a In summo P●ntifice esse pleni●ud●nem omnium grat●arum , quia i●se solus confert plenam indulgentiam omnium peccatorum & computet sibi quod de primo princi●e D●mino dicimus , quia de plenitudine ejus nos omnes accepimus , de Regim . Principum , lib. 3. cap. 10. inter opuscula Th●mae , num 20. activè & proximè efficit gratiam justificationis , ●t flatus extinguit ignem , & dissipat nebulas , sic absolutio sacerdotis pecca●a &c. Bell. de Sacram. lib●o 2. cap. 1. de poenitent . libro 3. cap. 2. Attritio virtute clavium fit contritio , Rom. Correctores Gloss. Gratiani de poenitent . du●t . 1. principio , &c. a Cui enim praevaricatores legis à peccato liberare licet , nisi legis ipsius autori . in Jo● . lib. 12. ●ap 56. b Datu●us erat Dmi●us hominibus Spi●itum Sanctum , ab ipso Spiri●u Sancto fidelibus suis dimitti peccata volebat intelligi ; nam quid es h●m● , nisi ager sanandus , vis mihi esse medicus , mecum quaere medicum . Homil. 23. Ex. 50. c Ecce per Spiritum Sanctum peccata donantur , ●omines , ministerium suum exhibent , non jus alicujus potestatis exercent , ( de Sp. Sanct. ) lib. 3. cap. 10. a Aliud est baptiza●e per ministerium , aliud per p●●estatem & autheritat●m , a quos funes , & vincula , solvunt Apostoli Sermone Dei , & testimoniis scripturae , & exhortatione . lib. 6. Comment . in Is. cap. 14. b Remj●●untur peccata per Dei verbum , de Abel , & Cain . lib. 2. cap. 4. Mark 1. 4. Jer. 3● . 28. a ●Contaminatione contaminabit eum , haud dubium , quin Sacerd●s non quo contaminationis Author sit , sed quo ostendat eum contaminatum . Hieron . lib. 7. Esa. cap. 23. b In remit●endis vel re●inendis pecca●is , id Iuris & Officii habent Evangelici sacerdotes , quod olim habebant . sub lege legales in curandis leprosis . Hi ergo peccata dimi●tunt vel re●inent , dum dimissa adeo , vel re●entae , indicant & ostendant . Ponunt enim sacerdotes nomen Domin● super filios Israel , sed ipse benedixit , si●ut legitur in Num. Petr. Lomb. l. 4. sent . dist . 14. a Num. 6. a Sacerdos imponit manum subjecto , ●ed●tum Spiritus sancti invocat , & indicta in populum or atione altari reconcil●at , &c. advers . Lucifer . Notes for div A64635-e35730 a Disput. 36. de cultu invocat . Sect. 33. non tantum licitas sed & valde utiler esse , contendimus , &c. & in magnis conventibus at●entio auditorum per usitatas formulas , non parum juvatur . b Licitum hoc esse manifestum est , ex approbata sanctorum praxi , quam in praescriptis Psalmis , & bene●ice●di formulis , scriptura nobis commendat . Vtile etiam & necessarium est quibusdam istisumodi f●rmam sequi , quamvis ex libell●●sit denotanda . l. 4. cap. 17. de or●tione mentali & vocali . a Vbi sunt 〈◊〉 Pastor●s S. Liturgi● publica formula est apprimè utilis & necessaria , ●d communem Ecclesiae aedificationem , &c. earum usus jure damnari ●on p●●est nec debet , c●um s●mper & ubique , in universa Ecclesia Christi●na , toto terrarum orbe , ●am à piusquam 1300 annis perp●tuo obtinuerit , etiamq●e ●odie ubique obtineat , nisi apud novtio● , &c. Donec tandem nuperimè exorti sunt in Anglia , &c. de Litu●g . concept . form . 〈◊〉 3. a Sicuti quoque tota vetust● Ecelesia , i● semper extra● controversiam bab●●●t , viz. Prec●●i●nem han● Christi non esse tantum rect● pre●andi normam , sed insuper queque 〈◊〉 precand● formam . Synops . Theol. disp . 36. Sect. 33. a 〈◊〉 Christum in cruce pendens depre●cation i●●rma , á D●vide tanquam ●ypo antea ●bservata , vsus est . Muth . 27. 46. Ibid. Object . Answ. 1. a Ralph 〈◊〉 , Iohn Rough. a Liberty in solitary prayers . Lesse liberty in private prayer . Least liberty in publi●k prayer . Object . * Cas. Cons. de Orat. Luke 7. 38. Psal. 28. 1. Psal. 1. 41. Notes for div A64635-e42530 * Mr. Thomas Price then Fellow of the Colledge of Dublin , who afterwards suffered much in the same Diocesse by the Rebellion of Ireland , and is yet living in Wales . 
A64642	----	Eighteen sermons preached in Oxford 1640 of conversion, unto God. Of redemption, & justification, by Christ. By the Right Reverend James Usher, late Arch-bishop of Armagh in Ireland. Published by Jos: Crabb. Will: Ball. Tho: Lye. ministers of the Gospel, who writ them from his mouth, and compared their copies together. With a preface concerning the life of the pious author, by the Reverend Stanly Gower, sometime chaplain to the said bishop. Ussher, James, 1581-1656. 1660 Approx. 658 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 212 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2007-01 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A64642 Wing U173 ESTC R217597 99829257 99829257 33694 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A64642) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 33694) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1940:6) Eighteen sermons preached in Oxford 1640 of conversion, unto God. Of redemption, & justification, by Christ. By the Right Reverend James Usher, late Arch-bishop of Armagh in Ireland. Published by Jos: Crabb. Will: Ball. Tho: Lye. ministers of the Gospel, who writ them from his mouth, and compared their copies together. With a preface concerning the life of the pious author, by the Reverend Stanly Gower, sometime chaplain to the said bishop. Ussher, James, 1581-1656. Gower, Stanley. Crabb, Joseph, b. 1618 or 19. [32], 156, 353-454, 361-464, [12] p. printed by S. Griffin, for Will: Churchill book-seller in Dorchester, London : 1660. With a preface in Latin signed: Josephus Crabb. With an index. Signatures: *⁶ A⁴ a⁴ b² B-X⁴ 2A-2M⁴ ² N⁴(-N4) 3A-3N⁴ para.⁶. Text is apparently complete despite pagination and register. The notes on Ussher's life by Stanley Gower have a caption title which reads: A preface concerning the author, and these notes. Copy cataloged bound with additional blank leaves annotated in MS. Reproduction of the original in the Trinity College Library, Dublin. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Ussher, James, 1581-1656 -- Early works to 1800. Repentance -- Early works to 1800. Redemption -- Early works to 1800. Sermons, English -- 17th century. 2005-02 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-08 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2005-10 Emma (Leeson) Huber Sampled and proofread 2006-03 SPi Global Rekeyed and resubmitted 2006-04 Emma (Leeson) Huber Sampled and proofread 2006-04 Emma (Leeson) Huber Text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion EIGHTEEN SERMONS PREACHED IN OXFORD 1640 Of Conversion , unto God. Of Redemption , & Justification , by Christ. By the Right Reverend James Vsher , late Bishop of Armagh in Ireland . Published by Jos : Crabb . Will : Ball. Tho : Lye. Ministers of the Gospel , Who writ them from his mouth , and compared their Copies together . With a Preface concerning the Life of the pious Author , by the Reverend Stanly Gower , sometime Chaplain to the said Bishop . He being dead yet speaketh . LONDON , Printed by S. Griffin , for Will : Churchill Book-seller in Dorc●●ster . 1660. Pietate aequè ac Doctrinâ Praecellenti Viro Henrico Henley de Coleway in Comitatu Dorcestrensi Armigero , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . EXimium illud quod semper exhibuisti ( vir pientissime ) Religionis specimen subsequentes hasce conciones sub nomiminis tui vexillo haud immerito evocavit . Chara adeò Tibimet & cordi sunt Sacrosancta Dei eloquia , ut quod tenuitas nostra & facultatula amanuensis in hâc repraestiterit , nequaquam dubito quin pro singulari tuâ & Pietate & humanitate boni consulere digneris . Authorem quod attinet , Panegyrin ille nullatenus nostram desiderat , quippe omnia quae meditemur Elogia multis parasangis superavit . Excelsum adeo & Sanctimoniae & doctrinae apicem attigit , ut elaborata illa & subsequens Praefatiuncula non immeritò ad caelos ipsum laudibus evexit , & encomiis sacris decoravit . Nostrum est intereā Te , Te inquam ( vir Ornatissime ) candidū librorum aes●imatorem appellare , qui singulari & pietate & peritiâ praeditus , de usu illorum & emolumento , aequo calculo statuere didicisti . Sagaci igitur has Tibi dicatas conciones dum introspicias oculo , facessant precor & impuri & haeretici illi codices qui indies in lucem gregatim prodeunt , é quorum faetidis myrothecis vitiorum non remedium sed irritamentum , non salubre Alexipharmacon sed exitiale toxicum quam plurimi hauserunt ; Imò facessant miselli isti Authores Daemonis impuri spiritu afflati , ut pote qui Reipublicae & Ecclesiae detrimento sat consuluerunt . Non decet liberorum panem canibus objici , nedum canum offas sic liberis ingeri , ut Circaeo quasi fascinati poculo in canes ipsos , in boves , in hircos , in lupos transforma rentur . Interea temporis , tametsi ego ( vir colendissime ) imperitiae & tenuitatis meae probè conscius sum , minimè tamen dubitem quin & Tibi & aliis eximiè piis , congesta hocce in codicillo apprimè arrideant : spiritualibus enim fidelium palatis , tam aptissime conceptus animi Doctor hic admodum . Reverendus & verè Ecclesiasticus accomodavi● , tam dilucide tradidit , utque pater nutricius ita praemansum cibum in os , & in aures fidelium verba sua inseruit , ut merito primas sui Ordinis tenuit , & sublimi suâ emicuit sphaerâ — veluti inter ignes I una minores . Non equidem ignoro quae regerent prodeunti huic parùm propitii libello , lubricis scilicet Amanuensium memoriis plurima excidisse , veluti ex pertuso dolio effluxa : nec sane inficias ire ausim . Nihilo tamen seciùs — Est quiddam prodire tenus , si non detur ultra . Nec adeo mediocrem hunc nostrum existimamus conatum , ut judicium cujusvis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 praecipitatum non leviter rejiceremus . Parùm forsis digna tam eruditi Concionatoris authoritate & eloquentiá aliquibus quaedam videantur , at illis qui divina sapiunt , valdè consona & gravitati & veritati sacrosanctae Scripturae reperientur . Luce clariùs patet quid in causa est , omnes omnium aetatum , omnium ordinum homunciones , tantam pervasisse morum corruptelam , nimirum quod nec vitia ferre possumus nostra , nec remedia . Lavacrū Dei planè rejecimus , ideòque a faedissimis vitiorum inquinamentis nondum repurgamur . Quae auribus nostris excepimus , animisque caelitùs impressa persensimus ( quicquid homines , vel Daemones contrasentiant aut loquantur ) non possumus non palàm divulgare , ne aut propriae stolidissimè experientiae , aut Gratiae divinae petulantissimè refragari videamur . Ah! quoties & Religio & timor ( illo concionante ) auditorum animos subierunt ? Quot mentibus fracti , & alto maerore adeò correpti & exanimati inter depingendos Salvatoris nostri cruciatus evaserunt , ut nullas lacrymarum inducias admitterent , sed spiritus suspiriis , & dolori pectora sua devoverunt , donec ille , ille inquam , qui vulnera divino auxilio fecerat , quasi spiculis & aculeis caelitùs transfixos animos , sanguinis Christi applicatione tempestivè allevàsset ? At ! at ! coelestis hic cecidit Praeco , eodēque ictu ne corruerent etiam conciones illae quàm mellifluae , tantique plurimis auditorum Emolumenti , ab interitu & oblivione post tot retrò & elapsos annos quibus delituerunt , vindicantur . Et reverâ ( absit jactantiae crimen ) audacter hoc omnibus editioni harum concionum parum faventibus reponere audemus , non alia usquam extare exemplaria majori Amanuensium diligentia & labore collecta ; ideoque nescii , imò dubii annon post tantum silentium alia parùm genuina & ascititia proserperent , Deo ( uti speramus ) auspice in publicum hoc emisimus . Tuis interim ( vir dignissime ) manibus haec chartulae dicatae posteris tradentur , nomenque tuum futuris saeculis non injuriâ praedicabunt , & cum illae sileant — Quod benè feceris mercedem tuleris . Deus opt . max. omnibus ingenii & gratiae dotibus magis magisque indies cumulatum , pietatis & religionis orthodoxae , literarum & literatorum Patronum te diutissime incolumem praestet , obnixè ex animo vovet Tibi ( vir Ornatissime ) omni observantià addictissimus JOSEPHUS CRABB . TO THE READER . Courteous Reader . THese following Sermons are such , as several years since were taken from the mouth of that Man of God the reverend Armagh . When by reason of that bloody Rebellion in Ireland , this star of the greatest Magnitude , was forced to quit his proper Orb , it pleased the Lord , to fix him , as a shining , burning light , for some time in Oxon. Whilest there , he constantly spent himself , and was spent in preaching Christ and him crucified . This he did like himself , with that soundness , diligence , Evidence , faithfulness , and zeal , that he seemed not only willing to Impart the Gospel , but his own Soul unto us . To this day , we seem to see how the Bowels of that Elisha the ( Charets and Horsmen of our English Israel ) even ●ern'd upon the sons of the Prophets . Poor ●reatures , at that time , how was our English 〈…〉 A film of superstition , and profaness was there then grown over one of the eyes of this our Island ! Our pulpits turn'd as it were into stages ; and sadly prostituted to froth and jerks at godlinesse . As for truly learned , soul-searching , soul-saving Preaching , t was that which the most of us either knew not , or scorn'd . The mode of our then Sermons , was more to please the fancy , then to peirce the Heart ; to tickle the Ear , rather then wound the Conscience , or save the precious the Immortal Soul. At that time , when we lay thus weltring in our Bloud and Vanity , was the Lord pleased to Cause this star to arise and shine in our Horizon , and by his light and influence to guide us to Bethlehem . A time of love it was , an accepted Time , a Time never to be forgotten , specially by those who through grace can from thence date the Aera of their sound Conversion . The persuasion of Armaghs incomparable Learning , the Observation of his awfull Gravity , the Evidence of his Eminent and exemplary Piety , all improved to the heigth by his Indefatigable Industry , drew students to flock to him as Doves to the windowes . It joyes us to recollect how multitudes of Scholars , specially the heads of our Tribes , throng'd to hear the sound of his silver Bells ; How much they were taken with the voice of this wise Charmer ! How their ears seemed as it were fastened to his lips , that were like Lillies dropping sweet smelling Myrrh . How did many , very many at that time , Galatians-like , receive this Aged Paul , as an Angel of God , yea even As Christ. Surely if ever , t was then , that the Gospel ran and was glorified in Oxon. Then , then it was that the Lord seem'd to lay the foundations of his spiritual Temple there with saphires , and the Corner-stones thereof with Agats . Here might you have seen a Sturdy Saul changed into a submissive Paul , a persecutor transformed into A preacher . There A tender hearted Josiah lamenting after the Lord , and with Ephraim smiting on his thigh , saying what have I done . Others with the penitent Jews so stabd at the Heart , as that they are forced to cry out in the Bitternesse of their souls , Men , Brethren , Fathers , oh what shall we do . These were some of the blessings from on high , which attended These Sermons when preached to the ear , oh that a like or a greater might follow them , now they are printed to the eye . These Notes , t is true , were taken by such , who All had the pens of ready writers , and after that compleated by A strict comparing of several distinct papers . This is the Body , the Bulk of these Heavenly sermons . The gloss , the Spirit , The Energy of them , was and must be wholly from Above . We Trust , the publishing of these Notes will not be interpreted by any in the least to reflect on the unparalleld worth of the Preacher , to whose very Dust we owe A sacred Reverence . If any thing seems not to speak him let it be charged not on him , but the Publishers , who have only this to add , viz. Their fervent prayers , That these sermons may find the like influence on the hearts of others , in the reading , that they had on their own in the hearing , then will Both have Abundant Cause to bless the Lord. Thy Servants for Jesus sake , Jos. Crabb . Will. Ball. Tho. Lye. Imprimator Edm. Calamy A PREFACE Concerning the Author , and these NOTES . THough I might be silent , concerning either the most famous Preacher of these Sermons , or these notes now published which were taken after him , yet such is the high esteem I have of him , and the due respect I hear to them for his sake cheifly , that I could not withstand the request of divers who Importuned some Lines from me upon this occasion , both concerning the one and the other . First I commend unto the Reader a diligent perusal of the life and death of the most Reverend and Learned Father of our Church Dr. Jam. Usher late Archbishop of Armagh and Primate of all Ireland , put forth by Reverend and Learned Dr. Bernard where he shall meet with many delightfull passages concerning , His Stock and pedigree . Great parts , Gifts , and Graces . Ingenious Education . Admirable Proficiency . Timely Conversion . Rare Learning . Indefatigable Industry . Strict and holy Conversation . Pious Government of his Family . Amicable correspondence with Forreign Churches . Prophetick Spirit . Learned writings . Comfortable Visitation . * Dying words , never to be buryed . Blessed Death . Ever to be lamented Losse . Fit Parallel to Samuel among the Prophets , to Augustine amongst the Fathers . with many other things worthy Observation : and when he hath pondered these well , he will the lesse wonder that his name hath filled the Christian world as much as ever did Augustine or Athanasius of old , or Whitakers and Reynolds of later times . Secondly I tender these spices gathered to the Embalming of this Rare Phoenix out of his own ashes , holding my self engaged as much as any to cast my mite into the treasury of his blessed memory , as having had my Bene esse most from him . First , by him I was examined and admitted into the Vniversity near Dublin in Ireland , his native City and Countrey above fourty years ago . Secondly whil'st I continued there ( which was the space of eight years ) he took special care of me and account of my studies there . Thirdly by him I was ordained ( or to use the Apostles word ) put into the ministry , and the same day admitted his Chaplain in ordinary , now two and thirty years ago : though then able to do him little service ; being called to a * Congregation in another nation : which call his Grace did then approve of . Having given this account to the Reader I shall only mention three things Concerning him , and forbear many more that might be added . First , to the testimonies concerning him from Spanhemius , Ger. Vossius , Buchartus , Simplitius , ●ud . de dieu . Paulus Testardus , Blessensis , Arnoldus Bootius , Mr. Selden , Dr. Prideaux , Bp. Davenant , Bertius , Mr. Cambden , Sir Rog. Twisden , and the whole University of Oxford , beside the forced testimony of his adversaries , Moranez . Beaumont , ( Alias ) Rookwood , Challoner , Hen. Fitz-Symonds , for all which I refer to the book aforesaid ; give me leave to add the testimony of Dr. William Chappel , sometimes fellow of Christs Colledge in Cambridge , and afterwards Provost of Trinity Colledge near Dublin : which from such an acute man as he was , may amount to the like equivalent testimony from the Universitie of Cambridge . He gave me once three reasons why he thought Doctor Usher ( then Bishop of Meath ) was in his esteem the greatest Scholar in the Christian world . 1. One was , because of his rare natural parts , the foundation of his other Learning ; having a quick Apprehension , a prompt Wit , a strong Memory , a clear Understanding , a piercing Judgement , and a ready utterance : Seldom ( said he ) shall you meet all these in an Eminent degree in the same person , but in him they so concurred , that it is hard to say in which he most excelled . 2. Another was , because few men though they had such parts were either able or willing to make so rich improvement of them , by choice Libraries , unwearied studying in them , and searching out the Rarities of any other : few mens bodies and brains ( he beleeved ) would bear it . 3. The third was , because he was so esteemed both in these Universities , and in those beyond the seas : and indeed whosoever conversed with him , found him ( if they pleased to try it ) a skilful Linguist , a Subtile Disputant , a fluent Orator , a profound Divine , a mighty Antiquary , an exact Chronologer , and indeed a living and walking Library ; The greatest professors have admired the Concatenation of so much and such variety of Learning in one person . 1. Do but think ; he that Learned to read of two of his Aunts that were both blind . Was converted from a state of Nature into grace at ten years old . Was admitted the first Scholar into the Colledge at Dublin , and that upon design , by reason of his pregnancy and forwardnesse , at thirteen years of age . Made an exact Chronology of good part of the Bible , and of some other Authors he had read , at fifteen years old . Encountred a Jesuite at 19. years old , and afterwards was called by him ( of such as are not Catholicks ) the most Learned . Was Master of Arts , answered the Philosophy Act , and chosen Catechist of the Colledge , when he went through a great part of the body of Divinity , in the Chappel , by way of common place , at nineteen yeears old . Commenced Batchelour of Divinity at twenty seven years old , and immediately after was chosen Professor of Divinity in that Vniversity . Do but think I say how mighty he was , when beside his promptnesse in School Divinity , he had read over all the Fathers , and trusted his own eyes in the search of them by that he was thirty eight years of age , and was Master of all other Learning also . Secondly ▪ If any yet be found , that would detract from so accomplished a person , and indeed pillar of our Church in his Generation , by reason of the distance at which they stand from Prelacy , or by reason of their Engagement in the late civil and unhappy differences between The late King and Parliament ; claiming to themselves Liberty wherein soever they differ from others , both in matters of Church and State , but allowing to others as little concerning either : to such as these ( if they be such as deserve satisfaction ) give me leave to say , A Divine and Apostolical Bishop he was , and next to the Apostles , Evangelists , and Prophets , as great a Pastor and Teacher , and trusted with as much of Gods mind , as I believe any one since hath been . An Ecclesiastical Bishop he was also , and the most able Moderator in Church assemblies : To him pertained the double honour for ruling well , and for Labouring in word and Doctrine : Famous were two of his Predecessors in that See of Armagh , in their Generations , the one for his sanctity , the other for his Learning , but both these Eminently met in him ; John the Divine commendeth the Angel or Bishop of Ephesus , &c. and Ireland will do no lesse for this Angel or Bishop of Armagh . But for Popish Bishops , none was further off then he : Witnesse his Learned Writings against the Romish Synagogue , his Judgement within the bounds of a moderated Episcopacy ; and when the Reader hath perused that * frame of Church Government drawn up under his own hand and now published , he will see what a good Bishop Doctor Usher was . The last thing which I shall propose to the Reader , is The Crown God set upon the head of this Humble Saint , both in the Conversion and Edification of very many . Indeed * his bow seldome turned back , nor his sword returned empty . God was mighty in him , which way soever he bent himself , either in Conviction , Conversion , or Consolation , wherein he had * the Tongue of the Learned given unto him ; Witnesse the many Souls who were , and are his * Epistle known and read of all Men ; Witness again the successe God gave to divers of his Encounters with Adversaries to the true Religion : some instances whereof the Learned Doctor that writes his Life hath given , to which many more might be added . Witnesse also such as were his frequent hearers , how mightily the hand of God was with him , so that * a great number beleeved and turned unto the Lord. If * they that turn many to righteousnesse shall shine as stars for ever and ever , then this famous Evangelist is a star of the greatest Magnitude , and will be able in the strength of Christ to say after him , * Behold I and the Children which God hath given me . And though the work of the Ministry is ours , the successe Gods , yet who so expecteth blessing from God upon his Labours , I cannot commend to such , a pattern more exact to be imitated amongst the men of this Generation , then this good Bishop , especially in these three things . First in making his whole life an example of his doctrine : * an example in word , in Conversation , in Love , in Spirit , in faith , and in purity . Many there were who in that respect Reverenced him , though of the Romish Synagogue , as * Herod did John the Baptist , knowing that he was a just and an holy man. This blessed Preacher did Live all his Sermons , and had learned of Jesus who , * began both to do and to teach . Nazianzens Epitaph on the life of Basil was true in him , His words were Thunder , his Life Lightning . Secondly in making Christ and the Apostles the pattern of his preaching , this great Master in Israel was the most self-denying man in the pulpit , and the most Reverend and Christ advancing Preacher . He preached * with great Authority as did our Saviour to the Conscience * his speech was not with enticing words of Mans wisdome , but in demonstration of the spirit , and of power : that their faith might not stand in the wisdom of men , but in the power of God. How oft have I seen my self , and heard from others , whilst he thus prophesyed , some that beleeved not , coming to hear him , go away Convinced of all , Judged of all , and the secrets of their heart made manifest , and so falling down on their face they have worshipped God , and reported that God was in him of a truth . He was an * Apollos an Eloquent man and mighty in the scriptures : he was another Paul in the preaching that did compare Scripture with Scripture , and so make demonstrative Proofs from the spirit speaking in them Some that affected a frothy way of preaching by strong Lines ( as they call them ) after they heard him in Oxford decry that Corinthian vanity were much ashamed , and took up a more profitable way of preaching . Those words of his in a sermon at the Court before the King , are worthy to be printed in Letters of Gold , And oh ! that God would print them in the hearts of all the Ministers in the World. * Great Schollars ( said he ) possibly may think it standeth not with their Credit to stoop so low , &c. But let the Learnedst of us all try it when ever we please , we shall find that to lay this ground-work right , that is , to apply our selves to the Capacity of the Common Auditory , and to make an ignorant man to understand these mysteries in some good measure , will put us to the tryal of our skill , and trouble us a great deal more , then if we were to discuss a Controversy , or handle a subtile point of Learning in the Schools . Thirdly , In condiscending publiquely and privately to the Capacity of the meanest that heard or conversed with him , herein his wisdom was like unto Solomons stiled the Preacher , * because he was wise he did still teach the people knowledge , yea he gave good heed , and sought out , and set in order many proverbs , the Preacher sought to find out acceptable words , and words of truth , and as our Saviour that was greater then Solomon he would let truths substantially proved into the understanding wish apt similitudes : and would * Encourage any to move their doubts unto him in private : so that notwithstanding his greatness , good Christians might be very familiar with him , visit them in their sickness supply their wants , beg their prayers , and Countenance them in whatsoever Condition : all men might see * his delight was in the Saints , and that he was ( as that King * after Gods own heart ) * a Companion of all them that feared God , in a word , he was a great proficient in that Lesson of our Saviour * Learn of me for I am meek and lowly in heart . This ( I say ) was the reason he grew so high in favour with God and man : he honoured God , and therefore God honoured him . A great and good draw-net he was that fished for souls and catched many : and let two sorts of Ministers gather from hence their respective Instructions . First , let all those that list not to follow him in these paths of holiness , painfulness , and Humility . Take notice of Gods Justice in dealing with them as they have done with him . * His Covenant is with Levi of Life and Peace , and he gave them to him , for the fear wherewith he feared him , and was afraid before his name : the Law of truth was in his mouth , and Iniquitie was not found in his lips , he walked with God in peace , and equity , and did turn many a way from iniquity , for the priests lips should keep knowledge , and they should seek the Law at his mouth , for he is the messenger of the Lord of hosts : but saith the Lord , ye are departed out of the way : ye have caused many to stumble at the Law , yee have corrupted the Covenant of Levi , saith the Lord of hosts . Therefore have I also made you contemptible and base before all the people , according as you have not kept my waies , but have been partial in the Law. Had we all the means in the world to make us great , if we either do not teach , or do not make our selves Examples of what we teach , t is just with God we grow contemptible and vile , for the mouth of the Lord hath spoken it . * Thy teachers have transgressed against me , therefore have I prophaned the rulers of my Sanctuary . The Lord giveth this for a general Rule , as * they that honour him he will honour : so they that despise him shall be despised . Secondly . Let all holy painfull and humble Ministers who make it their designe ( as this fair Copy did before them ) to advance God and fulfill the work of their Ministry , trust to his faithfulness for vindicating their esteem . No sort of men have greater promises for provision , protection from , and in trouble , and for revenge of wrongs done unto them , then they have . What a dreadfull and prophetical prayer is that Moses made for Levi ! * smite through the Loins of them that rise against him , and of them that hate him , that they rise not again . What though a generation of men Call even the best of such , Antichristian Lyars ? false Prophets ? and what not , did they not after this manner use * Christ and his Apostles before them ? They speak evil of the things they know not . None of Gods blessed truths and holy Ordinances have been otherwise used by them : their general outcry is upon all truths , Ordinances and wayes of Religion among us , as Antichristian : The Apostacie of the present age makes men fall from all things in Religion , and with an impudent face to deny and deride them all . But did God leave these Jewels amongst men to be trodden under feet by such swine ; shall they not dearly pay for it ? Oh! that they would remember what words came out of the mouth of him that is the very promptuary of all sweetnesse , and how highly he is provoked when such words are drawn from his blessed lips that drop honey : let them take them to whom they appertain , viz. * Whosoever shall fall upon this stone shall be broken : but on whomsoever it shall fall it will grind him to peices . If their own destruction will not take them off from touching the Lords anointed , and from plucking the stars out of his hand , let yet the Anguish and vexation that shall accompany their destruction , either deter them , or confound them : for he hath said it who will make it good , that there shall be a * Resurrection both unto Gods truths , and to such as bear Testimony thereunto : Mean while , let this satisfie such as are faithful , whilest God and those that truely fear God prize faithfull Ministers , It matters not what the rest think of them , As King David said in not much an unlike Case , * of those shall they be had in honour . I have now done with the most famous Author of these sermons , of whom I may as one very Learned said of Mr. Calvin , * That famous Man , and never to be named without some Preface of Honour . Or as another of a Learned and Godly Man , God hath so provided , that they who lived in Heaven whilst on Earth , shall live on Earth whilst in Heaven : That they shall leave their Names for a blessing , when others leave them behind them for a Curse . Or rather with the Apostle of Demetrius , * he hath a Good Report of all men , and of the truth it self . A word now concerning these Sermon Notes of his , by occasion of the publishing whereof I have thus inlarged . I suppose whosoever readeth and well considereth the two prefixed Epistles , one in Latine , the other in English , and the Arguments therein contained , and knoweth the Reverend Framers of them , ( for such testimonies are as the Testes ) when he considereth I say , 1. Their High Esteem of the most famous Preacher of them . 2. The mighty power of God upon themselves , and many others when they were preached , 3. The care they took to put them forth , 4. The ingenuous owning of any infirmities which the Reader may charge that seemes not to speak himself in the Publication of them , He will not think either the will of the most Learned Bishop broken , or the Caution of the Learned and Reverend Dr. that writes his life not heeded , viz. That if any sermon notes taken from him have been printed in his life time under his name , * or shall be hereafter ( which divers have of late attempted ) the Reader is to take notice that it was against his mind , and that they are disowned by him , which as he endeavoured to his utmost to suppresse while he was living , so it was his fear to be injured in it after his death ; For First , These are no sermon notes taken from him , printed under his name : but under the names of those that took them after him . Secondly , there is no fear he will be injured by this publication , when the publishers are so Candid , and ingenuous , to give unto him that which is his , viz. That he preached these sermons , and to take to themselves that which is theirs , viz. any thing that seems not to speak him in the publication . Thirdly if in his life time when he endeavoured to his utmost to suppresse such publications , there came out without his knowledge , and against his mind , That book entitled , * The sum and substance of Christian Religion , some of the materials with the Method only his , collected by him in his younger yeers for his own private use , but the rest Transcribed out of Mr. Cartwrights Chatechisme , and Mr. Crooks , and some other English Divines , dissonant in divers places from his own judgement ; he was yet very well content any industrious person that would cut off what is weak and superfluous therein , and supply the wants thereof , and cast it into a new Mould of his own framing , should make what use he pleaseth of the materials therein , and set out the whole in his own name , Because he perceived it had done much good : Then I say it may be supposed had he yet been alive ( as I hope his good name will never dye ) he would have been contented upon the same account to let these notes go forth . The publishers were high honourers of him , men of Learning and Judgment , and though all be not taken which perhaps he spake , and somthing perhaps also himself would have pared off , ( as it is scarce possible for any man but himself to publish , either sermon , or any thing else came out of his mouth , in that exactnesse himself would have done it ; ) yet is here nothing added of their own , here is only ( as they say ) * the body , the bulk , not the Glosse , the spirit , the energy of them . These things considered it is hoped ( which they trust ) the publishing of these notes will not be interpreted by any , in the least to reflect on the unparalleld worth of the preacher , to whose very dust they professe to owe a sacred reverence . I rather think it were a kind of sacriledge , had they not done it , if these three things be well and duely weighed . First , that much good hath been done to very many , by such notes taken from other eminent Divines , and otherwise published then the Authors themselves would have sent them abroad . Witnesse the works of Dr. Preston , Mr. Bolton , and many others , some of their sermons printed by themselves look not like those of their sermons printed by others ; yet Learned men and Godly , have blest God that they were published . Mr. Cotton wisheth * that such sermons or Letters as happily have layen by many yeers might be brought to light : such little things as the Author would hardly acknowledge under his own name , might be of special use and esteem unto others . And his reason is , why should any talent be buryed in a napkin , or candle lye hid under a bushel , which being set on a Candlestick might give light to all that are in the house ? yea those * divine discourses at Luthers table , &c. More loose than these sermons , did much good in Germany , ( as their translator testifyeth ) and being by strange providence preserved to posterity , and made to speak English , was judged by a great Prelate of Canterbury , a work worthy of eternal memory , and that he had never read a more excellent divine work : and that the more he did read them , the more desire he had to go on therewith : and that he would make it known to the then King , what an excellent peice of work was translated , and that he would procure an order from his Maiesty to have the book printed , and to be dispersed throughout the whole Kingdome , as it was in Germanie . Yet is that book censured by Polanus to be * neither Luthers , nor published by any approbation of his , but a rapsody patched together without understanding or judgment , and printed after his death . None such will be found in these sermon notes : something of Luthers spirit may be discerned in these Colloquies , But much more of the Gracious and heavenly spirit of this unparalleld Bishop . The Reader will misse in these notes indeed the exactness of his Immanuel , or the incarnation of the son of God so accuratly couched that you cannot find a word defective or redundant ; nor will he find these notes like the two sermons published by himself : but yet they may meet with acceptance . by reason of the diligence of those that attest them . Secondly , That if God blesse the reading as he did the preaching of them , none of his surviving friends but may rejoice that in them * he being dead yet speaketh . Indeed those worthy men do it upon an higher account then some , others perhaps did like them from the Rhetorick , Language , or Learning Couched in them , It was the heavenly Art , the spiritual Efficacy and power , the soul-searching , soul-saving vertue that took with them , they found them to peirce the heart and Conscience , more then tickle the ear or fancy of their hearers . * The true praise of a sermon ( saith one of note ) is some evil left , some good done upon the hearing of it , one such fruit were a more ample commendation , then many mouths full of good words spent , and copies taken and printing , &c. and sure it is , on whom a sermon works aright , it leaves him no leisure to say much , or use many words , but makes him rather full of thoughts . Thus did these sermons the hearers , if you read the epistle prefixed , so that were it but for this to let the world see how much this Master of all learning condiscended , and sought to profit rather then please , it were reason enough for their publication . Some testimonies are left behind him under his own hand , how he could both speak , and write , and preach ; let these notes taken after him be testimonies how much he condiscended ; and let them serve for patterns to such as think it below them ( especially in such Auditories ) to preach as he did , a Crucifyed Christ in a Crucifyed style . I have heard Dr. Hoyle ( my learned Tutor , who dyed professor of Divinity in Oxford , after he had many years been the like in Dublin ) say , when this Famous Bishop proceeded Doctor of Divinity , He thought Tully himself could not have excelled him ( had he been alive ) in eloquence at that time , which appeared not only in his set speeches , but those which occasionally fell from him upon the By : and he was one that could well judge . But now that he preacheth ad populum though in Oxford , you have this Eagle stooping as low to prey upon souls to win them to God , proclaiming all along , * I am not the bridegroom but the friend of the bridegroom . and ( as Nazianzen ) I thank God I have a little learning to sacrifice to Christ. such a Precedent is worth the printing . Thirdly that had not this course been taken , a worse might have befallen , directly contrary to the will of the godly Bishop : For some of these notes were in the hands of divers persons , who were much taken with them , and much desired , ( and it was feared might have endeavoured ) a private printing of them , more imperfectly then now you have them . That faithfull Minister mentioned in the frontispiece whose Latine Epistle is prefixed , having with much adoe got this Copy out of their hands , thought ( as the rest who have attested it 't was much better to publish these as now you see them , then to indanger the creeping out of a more surreptitious Copy . The general subject of these Sermons is of Conversion , and so mightily did the Lord blesse them , not only to the Edification● and Consolation of very many , but also to the Conversion ( as we have good cause to judge ) of some . I will say no more , the Name of Doctor Usher , by which he is more known to some , and the Name of the most Reverend and Learned Father of our Church , Doctor James Usher , late Arch Bishop of Armagh , and Primate of all Ireland , by which he is more known to others , not onely in these our Kingdomes , but in forreign parts ; his great and good Name I say , every where as oyntment poured forth , prefixed before this Book ( though with some allay ) is enough to raise high Expectation of whatsoever cometh after these words : and is argument enough to invite the Reader to look within and read them over : and then he will find the least filing of this Master workmans Gold very precious . Good Wine ( they say ) needs no bush , and if this Wine was so sweet at first running , I presume whosoever tasts it now , though he have it but at the second or third hand , will find it hath not altogether lost its strength , nor will he repent his labour in reading what was taken after him , if he be one that desires to profit his soul more then to please his Palat. That out of the ashes of this Phoenix , the Lord would raise such successors as may by Pen , Life , and Doctrine , do as this burning and shining Light hath done before them , is the prayer , but scarce the belief of him that prayeth for the peace and prosperity of Jerusalem , and therein hopeth to have his share in the Concurrent prayers of every Godly Reader , Stanley Gower . Dorchester , October the third , 1659. Speedy Conversion the onely means to prevent imminent Destruction . Heb. 4.7 . Again he limiteth a certain day , saying in David , to day after so long a time , as it is said , to day if you will hear his voice , harden not your hearts . I Have enter'd on these words in the other Vniversity on a day of Publique Humiliation , as being suitable to the occasion , the chief matter of them being the Doctrine of the Conversion of a sinner . Forasmuch as Gods judgments are abroad upon the earth , and hang over our heads , the only means to prevent and remove both temporal and eternal , is our speedy conversion and return unto God. Else he will whet his sword , bend his bow , and make it ready to our destruction , Psal. 7.12 . God did bear a deadly hatred against sin in the time of the Psalmist , and so he doth still , for his nature cannot be changed . If we return not , we are but dead men . The eternal weight of Gods wrath will be our portion , both here and in the world to come , if we repent not . In the words there are three observable Points . 1. Continuance in sin brings certain death . Or , For sin Gods judgments are on particular Nations and persons . 2. If particular Nations or persons turn away from their evil courses , no hurt shall come near them . God takes no delight in the death of a sinner , nor that he should despair of his mercy : but would have us turn out of the broad way which leads to destruction . 3. It behooves every one speedily to set about the work of conversion . Nor esteem this a vain word . I bring you those things whereon your life depends . Obeying it you are made for ever , neglecting it you are undone for ever . Unless you embrace this message , God will bend his bow , and make ready his arrows against you . Know therefore 1. That continuance in sin brings certain death . There will be no way of escaping but by repentance , by coming in speedily unto God. The words of this Text are taken from Psal. 95. Harden not your hearts as in the provocation , and as in the day of temptation in the wilderness . If when God calls us either to the doing of this , or leaving that undone , yet we are not moved , but continue in our evil wayes . What 's the reason of it ? It 's because we harden our hearts against him . The Word of God which is the power of God to salvation , and a two-edged sword to sever between the joynts and the marrow . The strength of the Almighty encounters with our hard hearts , and yet they remain like the stony and rocky ground : whereon though the Word be plentifully sown , yet it fastens no root there , and though for a season it spring , yet suddenly it fades and comes to nothing . We may have a little motion by the Word , yet there 's a rock in our souls , a stone in our hearts , and though we may sometimes seem to receive it with some affection , and be made as it were Sermon-sick , yet it holds but a while , it betters us not : why ? because it 's not received as an ingrafted word . Therefore saith St. James , Receive with meeknesse the ingrafted word , Jam. 1.21 . Let the word be ingrafted in thee ; one sprig of it is able to make thee grow up to everlasting life . Be not content with the hearing of it , but pray God it may be firmly rooted in your hearts ; this will cause a softning . To day if ye will hear his voice , harden not your hearts against Almighty God. If you do , expect him also to come against you in indignation . Hearken what he saith by his Prophet . I will search Jerusalem with candles , and punish the men that are setled on their lees , that say in their heart the Lord will not do good , neither will he do evil , Zeph. 1.12 . Mark , I will search Jerusalem , and punish those that are setled on their lees . When a man is thus setled and resolved to go on in his sins , to put the matter to the hazard come what will come , there 's a kind of Atheism in the soul. For what do's he but in a manner reply , when God tells him by his Minister that he is preparing the instruments of death against him , do you think us such fools to believe it ? What does this but provoke God to swear that we shall never enter into his rest . What 's the reason of this ? It 's because men are not shifted , they have no change , they are setled on their lees . Moab hath been at ease from his youth , he hath been setled , and hath not been emptied from vessel to vessel , neither hath he gone into captivity , Jer. 48.11 . Consider we whether our security comes not from the same cause : We have not been emptied from vessel to vessel , we have alwayes been at rest . Why have we so little conversion ? There are two things hinder it : the hardening of a mans heart against the Word , and our setling our selves on our lees . When we we have no change in grace , we are secure , we never see an evil day . And this is that which slays the foolish person . Wo to them that are at ease . It were better for thee to be emptied from vessel to vessel , to go into captivity . For as long as a man continues thus in an unregenerate condition , he can look for ●othing but troubles ; certain judgments must necessarily follow , and as sure as God is in heaven , so sure may they expect misery on earth : and they shall receive the eternal weight of Gods wrath treasured up against the day of wrath : Therefore there is a necessity of our conversion if we will keep off either temporal or eternal wrath . Our Saviour makes it the case of all impenitent sinners to be liable to wrath : One judgment befell the Galileans , an other those on whom the Tower of Siloe fell : But what saith our Saviour , Suppose you that these were greater sinners above all the men of Jerusalem ? I tell you nay , but except you repent you shall all likewise perish , Luk. 13.3 . All , every mothers son here present , if you turn not from your sinful courses , God will meet with you one time or other , if you harden your hearts against him be sure . Who ever hardned his heart against God and prospered ? As long as a man is in this condition , his state is woful . As many as are in the state of unregeneracie , are under the power of Satan , 2 Tim. 2.25 , 26. Mark the Apostles words , In meekness instruct those that oppose themselves , if God peradventure will give them repentance to the acknowledging of the truth . And that they may recover themselves out of the snare of the Devil , who are taken captive by him at his will. The state then of the hardned & setled on their lees , is as a bird in a cage , taken alive at the will of the Fowler . So is it here , as long as we continue obstinate and hardned , we are taken alive at Satans will , we are at his disposing . While we are at liberty , we are way laid by his nets and traps , and taken we are at his pleasure : As long as we are hardned in heart , we are in the Devils cage : true repentance is that whereby alone we purchase our freedome , whereby we recover our selves ; and therefore in Rom. 2.5 . Hardness of heart and impenitency signifie the same thing . After thy hardned and impenitent heart thou treasurest up unto thy self wrath against the day of wrath . Mark then : what 's a hard heart ? It 's an impenitent heart . Dost thou harden thy heart ? then know that for the present thou art a dead man. If notwithstanding all Gods threats out of his word thou art not a jot moved , thou art dead whilst alive , as the woman that lived in pleasure . And if thou continuest so , thou treasurest up wrath against the day of wrath , and the just revelation of Gods judgments . Gods Word is the especial meanes to recover thee . A man that is in a swoun , they rub him to recover him , because there 's life in him ; but if dead , strong-waters , or any thing else cannot restore him . Examine thy self then , does the working of the Word rub and gall thee ? it's a sign there is life in thee ; but if it make no impression , it moves thee not , it 's a sign of a dead heart . Consider then the danger of this condition for a man to resolve on his evil courses , never purposing to alter matters . It exceedingly hastens Gods judgments . But leaving this , I proceed to the second point , which is to direct us how to work our escape . Though God threaten us , yet if we have but the grace to look about us , and remember our selves : If God do but cause us to consider we have to deal with a merciful Father , and make us meet him by humiliation , then though our sins were as scarlet , yet submitting our selves to our Judge , living as obedient subjects , the storm shall passe from us : So that this is the 2d . point . 2. Notwithstanding God threatens us , yet if he gives us but grace to repent , and bethink our selves , let our sins be never so great , we may be sure of mercy . O that we could see with what a gracious God we have to deal ! Canst thou but humble thy self ? all these things shall speak peace unto thee . As an impenitent sinner is under the power of Satan , and liable to all misery : So contrariwise whoever returnes and seeks the Lord , is sure to be under his wings , and free from all evil . Thinkst thou that God makes use of threatnings for thy hurt ? No , he deales not with us as an angry Judge , but as a compassionate Father ; men will take an enemy alwayes at an advantage , when they may do him most hurt . Gods terrors overtake us , he threatens us that he will do this and this , that we may prevent it . He knows that unless his terrors awake us , we will rest secure . Before he smites us he tells us . I will whet my sword : He hath bent his bow , and made it ready : He hath prepared his instruments of death , Psal. 7.12 , 13. He could shoot thee presently , and instantly run thee through , but he threatens thee , that so he may not strike thee . See what the Prophet Amos denounces from the Lord , Cap. 11 , 12. I have given you cleannesse of teeth , I have with holden rain , v. 6 , 7 , 8. I have smitten you with blasting and mildew , v. 9. I have sent amongst you the Pestilence , v. 10. yet have you not return'd unto me . Therefore thus will I do unto thee O Israel , and because I will do thus unto thee , prepare to meet thy God O Israel , v. 12. What judgments have befallen us , have befallen us for our own use , if so be we will be warned by them . The reason why God saith he will overthrow us , is not because he meanes to do it , but that we may prevent him by repentance . Look into Jer. 3.1 . and see what wonderful passages are to this purpose : Ther 's a Law-case . If a man put away his Wife , and she go from him , shall he return unto her again ? shall not that land be greatly polluted ? But thou hast plaid the harlot with many lovers . And in the 20 v. As a wife treacherously departeth from her husband , so have you dealt treacherously with me , O house of Israel . And yet see Gods unspeakable mercy . Return again unto me . And 23. v. Return ye back-sliding children , and I will heal your backsliding : turn to me , and I le not cause mine anger to fall upon you . Only acknowledge thine iniquity that thou hast transgressed against the Lord thy God , v. 13. See God makes us the worst and vilest of all , and yet as it were intreats us to return . See then the Conclusion of the second Point ; how , if God give us but grace to repent , let our former evils be what they will , the danger is past . But I leave this and come to the Third , for which I chiefly chose this Text. You have seen how dangerous a thing hardness of heart is , how it brings certain death : and that if we have the heart to repent , we are safe . As to make it appear in an instance . It 's not the falling into water , but the lying under it that drowns a man. Art thou faln into sin ? only lift up thy head : if thou canst be but thus happy , the promise of salvation belongs to thee . The main thing then is this . 3. It behooves us to set about the work of repentance presently . God is angry with us , and we know not whether God will execute his judgments on us this day or no , therefore go about it presently . God will remove all our adulteries , and put away all our sins , if we will come to him within a day . Now what madness is it to neglect it ? After a certain time ( saith the Apostle ) according to that in the Psalmist , Psal. 95. God hath limited a certain day : Thou hast provoked the Holy Ghost , and now he limits thee a day , Heb. 3.7 . Wherefore ( saith the Holy Ghost ) to day if you will hear his voice . Now is it safe think you to pass this day ? A hard heart is a provoking heart , and as long as it continues hard , it continues provoking God , and despising the Holy Ghost . To day therefore hear his voice , that is , this present day . But which is that day ? It 's this very time , wherein you stand before God , and in which you hear me . If you embrace the opportunity , happy are you ; if not , you shall give as dear an account as for any thing you ever heard in your life . There is no dallying with God , take his proffer , take him at his word in a matter of salvation . He calls to thee to day , peradventure he will speak no more , therefore Heb. 3.13 , we shall find it 's a limited day . Exhort one another to day , whilst it 's called to day , lest any of you be hardned through the deceitfulness of sin . While it is called to day , that is , stay not till to morrow , but embrace the present opportunity : This day God holds out the golden Scepter , and my life for yours if you accept it you will be saved . If you take it not to day , your heart will be more hardned to morrow ; and so it may be you will never touch it ; your hearts will be like stones , and you 'l be uncapable of yeilding . God is angry with us , Psal. 7.11 . Why ? He is our adversary , because we bear arms against him , and will try the mastery with him . We oppose him in hostile manner as long as we continue sinful against him . What 's the best counsel in this case ? Agree with thine adversary quickly while thou art in the way with him . It 's wisedome to do that soon , which must of necessity be done . If it be not , we perish for ever . Kisse the Son , lest he be angry , and thou perish from the right way , Psal. 2. ult . Obj. But what needs such haste , I may do it hereafter , when I come to my journeys end ? Sol. There needs haste . The day is limited . A thousand to one , if God be angry , but we perish from the way . I have heard thee in an accepted time , and in the day of salvation have I succoured thee , behold now is the accepted time , now is the day of salvation , 2 Cor. 6.2 . It 's a day of salvation , and would not we be glad to know this time ? Behold this is the accepted time . Seek the Lord while he may be found , call on him while he is near . This is the accepted time , this is the day of salvation , Esa. 49. Embrace this time , for now he may be found ; this instant is the time , the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the present now . God at this time stirrs the waters , if now thou wilt step in and close with God , casting down thy weapons , then this will be the day of thy salvation ; this is call'd , as Gods day , so our day : O Jerusalem , Jerusalem , if thou hadst known in this thy day the things that belong unto thy peace , but now they are hidden from thine eyes , Luke 19.42 . Mark , If thou hadst known in this thy day : So that if we pass by in this acceptable time those things which belong to our peace , they will be hidden from our eies . Therefore should the enemies of Jerusalem lay her even with the ground , because she had neglected this opportunity , the day of Gods visitation . Wilt thou be so hard-hearted as to put from thee Gods grace ? If thou findest now that Satan hides this from thee , and perswades thee to do it to morrow , and to take a day of thine own , neglecting Gods day , Know and remember that he is a lyar from the beginning . Give me leave to presse this to you , for nothing more brings destruction , then this putting from us the proffers of Gods grace ; unlesse we return to the Almighty , humbling our selves , there will be bitterness in the end . There 's the matter , whether God must wait on us , or we on him ? This is the day of salvation , saith God , and we must take time to think of it , whether it be seasonable or no. Alas 1. By this means we incur the highest presumption : and this is no light thing inconsiderately to be passed over . Shall God offer you such a proffer , and you be so presumptuous as to think such a one more seasonable ? It 's high presumption for thee to make thy self wiser then God , to neglect that he prescribes , and that with a promise too ; as if thou hadst God at command . If thou resolve to take to morrow , it is requisite that thou have 1. Space to repent , and 2. Grace to do it . Now neither of these are in thine own hands , if they were , thou hadst ground for a farther delay . If thou hadst power to say , I will live so long , or could by thine own might prolong thy life , it were something , but it 's otherwise . In refusing Gods proffer , thou refusest him that hath thy life in his hand . What high presumption is this ? See it in Jezabel , Rev. 2. I gave her space to repent , but she repented not . As if God should have said , it 's I gave it her , I gave her time to live , I might have cut her off in the midst of her whoredomes . Observe here by the way the reason why God gives us this space ; it is to repent . What presumption must that be , when we will go quite contrary to God ? and because we have space , therefore we will not repent . Why does not God smite thee from heaven , when thou thus audaciously settest thy self against him ? Why do's he not strike thee with a thunderbolt ? Sure he gives thee this space not to spend it idly , but to another end ; not to follow our lusts , neglecting Gods call , but that thou mayst remember thy self , and return with all thy heart . Remember those words of the Prophet , My times are in thy hands , Psal. 35. He said not , my times are in mine own hands ; for he knew it was grand presumption . Why then should any challenge that to himself , that belongs to God , as if he were the lord of his own life , supposing Gods call unseasonable , and that he may think on it better hereafter ? May not a young man die soon ? now an old man cannot live long . Many strong and lusty m●n are brought to the gr●ve as well as the weak and feeble . And why should we suffer Satan to abuse us thus ? Thy space then is preserved in Gods hand , and therefore thou mayst not be Lord and Master of it . But admit God grant thee space , yet thou mayst not have the grace to do it . What was Jezabels case , Rev. 3. Though God gave her space , yet she repented not . What canst thou tell what may then become of thee ? perchance thou mayst live long , yet mayst thou never find as much as thy thoughts on repentance , much less the grace to do it : thou mayst not have a desire that way , much lesse perform it . Repentance is not a thing at our own command . In meeknesse ( saith the Apostle ) instruct them that oppose themselves , if God peradventure will give them repentance to the acknowledgment of the truth , 2 Tim. 2.25 . If God will give it them . It 's a thing then it should seem in Gods hand , it 's his proper gift . Mark , the Apostle would have Gods Ministers to be humble and meek ; but how many are of other spirits ? If anothers opinion be contrary to theirs , they are in a heat presently , as if a man were master of himself and of his own heart , to believe what he would . No , no , Repentance is a grace out of our reach , it 's not in a mans own power . Be meek therefore in instructing . What needs passion ? that helps not the matter . The opening of the eies of the blind is in Gods hands ; thank him for what thou seest , and know that 't is his gift , Acts 5.31 . The Apostle speaking of our Saviour Christ , saith , Him hath God exalted with his right hand to be a Prince and a Saviour , for to give repentance to Israel and forgiveness of sins . The grace of repentance then is no herb growing in our own garden , it 's a gift of Gods bestowing . And to this purpose is Acts 11.18 . When they heard these things , they held their peace , and glorified God , saying , then hath God also to the Gentils granted repentance unto life . As God grants life , so repentance unto life . I have heard Ephraim bemoaning himself thus , saith the Lord , Thou hast chastised me , and I am chastised as a bullock unaccustomed to the yoke , turn thou me , and I shall be turned , Jer. 31.18 . And to the same purpose , Lam. 5.21 . Turn thou us unto thee , O Lord , and we shall be turned . As if Zion should have said , we are no more able to turn our selves then a dead man. After that ( saith Ephraim ) I was turned , I repented , and after I was instructed , I smote upon my thigh : I was ashamed , yea even confounded . See then what an high presumption it is for a man to presume he hath this grace of God at command : But as it is high presumption , so 2. It 's the highest contempt and despising of the grace of God , Rom. 2.4 . Despisest thou the riches of his goodness , and forbearance , and long-suffering ? Thus is it here . God gives thee space : thou hast it , but imployest it not in what God gave it thee for . Thou deferrest the main businesse ; and the Apostle accounts it no better then despising the proffers of Gods grace and goodnesse . Dost thou think God will take this at thy hands ? wilt thou despise him , and think he 'l not despise thee ? With the froward he will shew himself froward . God will come on a suddain , if thou makest not use of thine opportunity , and take all away from thee . The threatning is plainly laid down , Rev. 3.3 . If thou shalt not watch , I will come on thee as a thief , and thou shalt not know what hour , I will come on thee . It 's spoken to us all , and therefore concernes us all : Whoever hath an ear to hear let him hear . They are Gods words I have spoken to you this day , and you shall be accountable for them : let not the Devil steal this from you , hold it fast , this is your day : If thou shalt not watch , I le come on thee suddenly as a thief . It 's the heaviest judgment can come on unconverted persons , irregenerate soules , not to awake till God comes on them , never to bestir themselves till hell rouze them up . Thus will it be with us , unlesse we awake by repentance , God will come stealing on us as a thief by suddain death , and speedily cut us off . To pray against suddain death , and not to fit thy self for it , is to add contempt to thy presumption and rebellion . The wise man tells us , That man knoweth not his time , as the fishes that are taken in an evil net , and as the birds that are caught in the snare , so are the sons of men snared in an evil time , when it falleth suddenly upon them , Eccles. 9.12 . Mark , when it falls suddenly , at unawares , here 's thy wisdom then to provide that thou mayst not be taken suddenly . If the good man of the house knew at what time the thief would come , he would have watched , and not have suffered his house to have been broken up . And therefore Christ counsels us to watch , since we know not the day nor hour when the Son of man cometh . Here 's the difference then between wisedom and folly . Hereby may we know whether we are wise men or fools , if we foresee this day , and provide for it , it 's an argument of wisedome , if we watch so as that when it falls , it may not fall on a sudden on us . If we are negligent of this day , and suffer our hearts to be dead as Nabals , like a stone , 1 Sam. 25. He had a great time of repentance , ten daies , yet repented not , for his heart was dead , and like a stone ; and this may be thy case , if thou despisest the day of thy salvation , Gods day , and thine own day too , thou mayst be a Nabal , no more moved then a pillar in the Church , as I have found by experience . But you may reply , I suppose God will not take me at an advantage , I trust I shall have life and space , and not Nabals condition ; I hope I shall have my wits about me to be able to cry , Lord have mercy upon me . But suppose God give thee a tender heart , and thou are sensible of thy danger , that so thou call and cry earnestly to God for mercy , yet this is a miserable condition . Thou shalt find it will not be enough to cry Lord be merciful to me . If thou neglectest him here , he will cry quittance with thee on thy death-bed : Nor do I speak this of my self ; no. Look what Wisedome faith , Because I have called and ye refused , I have stretched out mine hand and no man regarded , but set at nought all my coun●el , and would none of my reproof , I also will laugh at your calamity , I will mock when your fear cometh , Pro. 1.24 , 25 , 26. As if he had said , you refused me on my day I call'd & cry'd unto you , but you set at nought my words , and rejected my counsel , and were wiser then I , therefore will I laugh at your destruction : when you are in miserie I will mock and deride , in stead of succouring . A terrible thing will it be , when in stead of hearing our cries to answer them , he shall deride us , and laugh at our folly and madness : And in the 28. verse , Then shall they call upon me , but I will not answer , they shall seek me early , but they shall not finde me . See what folly then it is to let slip this time . This is the acceptable day , Esay 55. Seek the Lord while he may be found , call on him while he is near . When a man refuses Gods day , God will not hear his prayer , all his sighs and sobs , his groanes and cries , shall not prevail , Esay 66. I will choose their delusions , and will bring their feares upon them ; because when I called , none did answer ; when I spake , they did not hear . When men will needs be choosers of what God would not have , God will have his choise too , and it shall be that which will be displeasing to them . I will choose their delusions , and will bring their feares upon them . Heb. 4.7 . Again he limiteth a certain day , saying in David , to day after so long a time as it is said , to day if you will hear his voice , harden not your hearts . THe last day I entred on the opening of the place , and shew'd . How the Lord had proposed a limited time for our conversion unto him , in which we should hear and obey his voice . We shew'd farther how it was Satans policie to make men seem wiser then God , that when God proposes a certain time , and limits us a day wherin he will be found , we will not have his , but our own . True , say we , God calls on us , and it 's fit and convenient to hearken unto him ; but yet I le stay for a more seasonable opportunity . There is nothing provokes God so much against us , as when we will thus scorn that acceptable time he hath proposed : Nor can there be a greater hinderance to repentance , then to stop our eares at his counsels , and to suffer him to call and cry unto us so long , and yet to abuse his patience by a foolish neglect . It accuses us of rebellion and high presumption , on such infirm grounds to put from us the day of salvation . Folly it is in the highest degree to trust on the future , when as in our own hands we have neither space nor grace for such a businesse . God is the Lord and owner of them both , and will not part with his Prerogative . Go to , you that say to day or to morrow we will return unto the Lord. You adde to presumption both folly and rebellion . Jezabel had space to repent , yet she repented not , for she had not the grace ; that without this will not benefit . Seeing then these are not in your power , harden not your hearts as in the provocation : Nor offer despight unto the Holy Ghost , by whom you are sealed to the day of redemption . If we embrace not Gods day , we despise the riches of his goodnesse , long suffering and patience . Rom. 2. Despisest thou the riches of Gods grace , not knowing that the long-suffering of God leadeth to repentance ? There can be no higher presumption then this , to bid defiance to the Spirit of God : Nor can there be greater contempt of mercy , then to set light of the time of our repentance , and returning unto God , making that the greatest argument of our delay , which God uses to draw us to him . God gives us space , that we may repent , and we repent not , because he gives us space : He gives us life , that with fear and trembling we may set about the businesse of salvation , and we through strong delusions put from us the proffers of his grace , as if they were unseasonably offer'd . What madnesse is it to frustrate the Almighty of his ends and purposes ? The Lord is not slack touching his promise . It 's a great stop and hindrance to our progesse in goodnesse and the work of repentance , when we distrust God , and take him not at his word . He sends abroad his Embassadors , who proclame , This is the accepted time , this is the day of salvation , to day if ye will hear his voice , harden not your hearts ; yet we put this day from us , and say hereafter is a more acceptable time . I have this delight , this pleasure to take first in the world , I am not so weaned from it as I would be . As if God would take it well from our hands that we should then return to him when there is no remedy . I le fi●st use all the pleasure the world affords me , and then Lord have mercy on me will serve the turn . This is the very stifling of the beginnings and proceedings of Christianity . Let this be well and speedily weigh'd , as we tender our good and comfort . Obj. But may some say , what needs this haste , may we not use leisure ? soft and fair goes far . Sol. True , soft and fair goes far , if a man goes fairly in the way . In this case , though thou go but softly , thou mayst come to thy journeys end ; but the doubt remains stil , there is a question whether thou art in the way or not . Happy are we if we are , although we can but halt & limp on in this way : although this should be no ground for us to content our selves therewith . We must not trifle in the wayes of holinesse . It 's that concernes our life , and must be seriously thought on , and that speedily too . Agree with thine adversary quickly while thou art in the way with him . God is thine adversary , unlesse thou agree with him speedily , his patience will break forth into fury . Kisse the Son lest he be angry , and thou perish from the right way . Thou hast no assurance of thy life , thou mayst be snapt off whilst thou thinkest it time enough to repent and return . As long as we go out of the way of repentance , we are in the way to hell , and the farther a man goes in a wrong way , the nearer is he to hell , and the greater ado to return back : and i● this regard soft and fair may goe far ; but 't is far out of the way , far in the way to perdition and destruction . As long as we are out of the right way to heaven and happinesse , we are in the path that leads directly to the chambers of death . But let me in this particular unrip the heart of a natural man. What 's the reason , that when God gives men a day , and cries out , This is the day of salvation , this is the accepted time , what in the name of God , or the Devils name rather , should cause them to put salvation from them ? to defer and desire a longer time ? Thus a natural man reasons with himself , I cannot so soon be taken off from the profits and pleasures of the world ; I hope to have a time when I shall with more ease and a greater composednesse of mind bring my self to it : or if it be not with so much ease , yet I trust in a sufficient manner I shall do it : wherefore for the present I le enjoy the profits and delights of the state and condition wherein I am ; I will solace my self with the pleasures of sin for a season , I hope true repentance will never be too late . This is well weigh'd ; but consider whether these thoughts which poise down our hearts , be not groundlesse ; see whether they will hold water at the last ; and whether in making such excuses , to great presumption we add not the height of folly . To pretend for our delay the profits and pleasures of sin , and yet hope for heaven at the last , as well as the generation of the righteous ; it 's but a meer fallacy and delusion of Satan , to fill our hearts with such vanities . Can it be expected that we should have our good in this world , and in the world to come too ? This is well , if it might be . But let us try the matter , and begin with your first branch . You are loth to part with your profits and pleasures . But consider what a grand iniquity this is . Can you offer God a greater wrong and indignity ? Do you thus requite the Lord you foolish and unwise ? Dost thou think this the way to make thy peace with God whom thou hast offended , as long as thou mayst to be a rebel against him ? What an high dishonour is it to him , that thou shouldst give him thy feeble and doting old age , and the Devil thy lively and vigorous youth , thy strength and spirits ? Dost thou think he will drink the dregs , and eat the orts ? will he accept thee in the next world , when thou thus scornest him here ? If you offer the blind for sacrifice , is it not an evil ? If you offer the lame and sick , is it not evil ? Offer it now unto thy governor , will he be pleased with thee , or accept thy person , saith the Lord of hosts ? Mal. 1.8 . But mark how he goes on , v. 14. Cursed be the deceiver , which hath in his flock a male , and voweth & sacrificeth unto the Lord a corrupt thing . Mark , God accounts such service a corrupt thing . Never look for a blessing from God in heaven , when thou sacrificest to him such corrupt things . We are to offer and present our selves a living sacrifice , holy and acceptable unto God , Rom. 12.1 . Now judge whether they offer God the living , who say , when my doting days come , my lame days , that I cannot go , my blind dayes , that I cannot see , I le offer my self a sacrifice to God , Will this be acceptable to him ? Is not this evil , saith the Lord , to offer me such a corrupt thing ? Nay more , he 's accursed that offers such an offering , such a polluted sacrifice . God will not like with it , when we serve our selves first with the best and choise ? Do you thus requite the Lord ? do you think he will accept it at your hands ? Go offer such a gift to thy Ruler , to thy Prince , will he accept it , or be pleased with it ? No , a Landlord will have the best and the choise ; and it must needs provoke God , when we give him the refuse . I am King of Kings , saith the Lord , my name is dreadful , and I will look to be served after another manner . Let no man then thus delude himself with vain hopes , but let him consider how dishonourable a thing it will be to God. 2. And how unprofitable to him , whoever thou art . 1. It 's the ready way to thy destruction . Heaven , and happinesse , and eternal life , are laid up for those that embrace the acceptable time ; death , horrour , and eternal misery for those that refuse it ; and wilt thou hazard soul and body on this ? Moses , on this ground , did rather choose to suffer affliction in this world with the people of God , then to enjoy the pleasures of sin for a moment . When these things are past , what profit will you have of those things whereof then you will be ashamed ? When a man comes to see truly and throughly into himself , he will find no profit of such things as these : death will certainly follow us , both temporal and eternal , if we repent not the more speedily , that 's all the profit we shall find . 2 : But suppose thou prevent everlasting death by repentance , yet what profit is there of those things whereof we are now for the present ashamed ? The best can come is shame . 3. Thou art loth to part with the pleasures of sin for a season , and hereafter thou thinkest thou canst amend all . But consider the particulars , and then shall you see how you are befool'd in your hearts and soules . Believe it for an undoubted truth , there 's nothing in the world by which Satan more deludes a man , then by this perswading him to neglect his day , and repent well enough hereafter . That you may expel this suggestion out of your soule , pray unto God that he would go along with his Word , and cause you to lay this to heart , that by his Spirit your understanding may be enlightned to see the truth . Though I make this as clear as the Sun , that it is a false supposition and meer folly on which we build , in deferring our return to God , yet God from heaven must teach you , or you will be never the wiser . Know therefore that this very day God reaches out the golden Scepter to thee , and what folly were it to neglect it , since thou knowest not whether he will ever proffer it thee again : And assure thy self that he is a lyar that tells thee thou mayst as well repent hereafter as now : and this will appear whether we consider , the order of outward things in the world , or the nature of sin . 1. For external things , every Age after a man comes into the world ( if he embrace not the present opportunity for repentance ) is worse then other , and are each of them as so many clogs which come one after another to hinder it . As for thy childish Age , that 's meer vanitie , and thy riper Age will bring many impediments and hindrances that youth never thought of . Thou art then troubled about many things , and perplexed how to provide for maintenance ; in the midst whereof know that thou hast not a body of brass , but a corruptible and fading body : and yet such is the folly of the heart of man , that the less ground he hath to go , the fewer dayes to spend , the more he often provides , and is the more covetous . Consider that the wisest of men gave thee this counsel , Remember thy Creator in the day of thy youth , before the evil dayes come , wherein thou shalt say thou hast no pleasure in them . Here we find it 's a youthful thing , and should be a young mans practice : not according to that devilish saying , A young Saint , and an old Devil : but Remember thy Creator in the dayes of thy youth . The more sin thou committest , the more unapt thou art to repent . Custome in sinning makes thee a Lot ; the elder thou growest , the more loth to go out of Sodom . Besides , 2. Consider what sin is in its nature . It is a weight , Heb. 12.1 . Let us lay aside every weight , and the sin which doth so easily beset us . Sin is then a weight , and so an heavy thing ; but add sin to sin , a weight to a weight , and it becomes heavier and heavier . A man that is in the state of impenitencie , hath this weight laid on him , and is subject to the Devil , in a state of rebellion against God. A man now in this estate is weigh'd down , what will he be six , seven , or ten years hence , going on in his impenitency ? How will he then shake that off , which now he cannot free himself of ? He must hereafter buckle against it with a great deal of disadvantage , and wrestle with more difficulty : One sayes well , that if we consider of sin aright , it 's like the rising of water , over which a man being to passe , and finding it higher then it was wont to be , he stayes a while , and then tryes again , and finds it higher then before : he stayes yet longer , till it become unpassable , so that he may not adventure without great disadvantage . Thus it is with sin : now peradventure the waters of iniquity are passable , if thou wilt , thou mayst go over , but if thou delayest the adventure , the streams of sin will run together into one channel , and be more difficultly passed . Take another Metaphor from the Scripture : The Scripture compares sin to cords , which are instruments of binding , and therefore the mystery of the Gospel is expressed by binding and loosing ; Whose soever sins you shall bind on earth , they are bound in heaven , but whose sins ye remit , they are remitted . Every sin thou committest is a bond , and binds thee hand and foot against the judgment of the great day . Therefore it 's said , His own iniquity shall take the wicked , and he shall be bound and holden with the cords of his sins . Now consider what folly it is , when a man shall say , though my sins are so many cords difficult to be broken , yet I le not trouble my self about it in my younger days , but I le stay till my old age , and then I hope I shall be the better able to break these bonds , and cast all these cords from me ; when as every iniquity I commit is as a new cord , which binds me faster and faster . Is not this madnesse it self to think so , that in our younger yeares being scarce able to break one of them , in our dotage we shall be able to break ten thousand together ? And certainly this is the disposition and nature of sin . 3. But add hereto the Argument in the Text : To day if ye will hear his voice , harden not your heart ; but repent while it is called to day . Shewing that if we passe this day , we shall be harder and harder . Wherefore , saith the Apostle , Exhort every one another daily while it is called to day , lest any of you be hardened through the deceitfulnesse of sin , Heb. 3.13 . As if he had said , if thy heart be hard to day , it will be harder to morrow . Custome in sin hardens the heart , and takes away the sense of it . Wherefore , saith the Apostle , I speak after the manner of men , because of the infirmitie of your flesh . For as ye have yeilded your members servants to uncleannesse and to iniquity unto iniquity , even so now yeild your members servants to righteousnesse , unto holinesse , Rom. 6.19 . So that we see if a man once give himself up unto sin , he will not be satisfied therewith , but will give himself up to iniquitie unto iniquitie . What 's the meaning of that ? It 's as if he had said if we give our selves up to iniquity , we will not rest there , but we 'l add iniquity unto iniquity , sin unto sin : we will be brought to such a custom in evil , as that it will be easier for a black-moor to change his skin , and a leopard his spots , then for those that have been accustomed to do evil , to learn to do well , Jer. 13. It will be to as much purpose to wash an Aethiopian , as to go to put off that ill custome , and shake off that second nature . Sin is a hammer , and sin is a nail too . Every sin strikes the former sin home to the head , that whereas before it might easily have been drawn out , it roots it in so fast , as that it can very hardly be plucked out . Mark how the Apostl● describes this cursed nature of sin : Having eies full of Adultery , and that cannot cease from sin , beguiling unstable soules , a heart they have exercised with covetous practises , 2 Pet. 2.14 . What makes a man prompt in any thing but exercise ? When a man is exercised in sin , see the event of it : it brings him to that vicious habit , as that at length he cannot cease from sin . If a man deal with a young twigg , it will bend and break at his pleasure ; but when it comes to full growth , it 's past his strength . So fares it with sin : if thou dealest with it whilst thou art young , and it in thee , before it hath taken ●oot , thou maist easily wield it , at least with more facility then otherwise thou couldst ; but if thou let it run on to confirmed habits , it becomes immoveable . Wherefore , saith the Apostle , Heb. 12.1 . Let us lay aside the sin which doth so easily beset us . The reason is evident , because else we shall be so hardned , as that we shall not be able . A man that hath a green wound , if he 'l seek for his cure betimes , it may be quickly and easily remedied ; but through delay it begins to fester , and must be lanced to the quick , not without great pain and anguish to the Patient . Sin is such a wound ; if it be let ●lone , it corrupts ; and proud flesh the more grows up , the longer the cure is delayed . This ●herefore should be a chief thing we should take heed of , how we put from us Gods time , and the proffers of mercy till another day . 2. But there are another sort as greatly be●●ol'd as these , yea more , if more may be : and ●●ose are they who put it off till the hour of 〈◊〉 death , till the last gasp , as if they desired t●●ive God as little of their service as possibly th●y might , who think if they can but cry Peccavi , and Lord have mercy on me , when their breath departs their bodies , they shew a good disposition , and perform such acceptable service , as that God cannot chuse but grant them a pardon : But think not all will be well if thou shalt shake hands with God at thy journeys end , when thou hast not walked with him all the way . Obj. But did not the thief repent at the last on the Crosse , and why may not I on my death bed : Sol. This is no good warrant for thy delay , for Christ might work this miraculously for the glory of his Passion . Trust not therefore on this , nor content thy self with good intentions , but set about the businesse in good earnest and presently . Our death-beds will bring so many disadvantages , as will make that time very unseasonable : whether we respect . 1. External hindrances , such as are pangs and pains in thy body , which must be undergone : and thou shalt find it will be as much as thou well canst do to support thy self under them . Every noise will then offend thee ; yea thou wil not be able to endure the speech of thy best friends . When Moses came to the children of Israel , and told them God had sent him to deliver them , what acceptation found this comfortable message ? The Text saith , Exod. 9.6 . They hearkned not through anguish of their spirits . See here the effects of anguish and grief : Moses spake comfortably , but by reason of their pains they hearkned not unto him ; they were indisposed to give attendance . So shall it be with us on our death-beds , through the anguish of our spirits we shall be unfit to meddl● with ought else ; especially when the paines of death are upon us , the dread whereof is terrible : how will it make us tremble , when death shall come with that errand , to cut off our soules from our bodies , and put them into possession of hell , unlesse we repent the sooner . Now thou art in thy best strength , consider what a terror it will be , what a sad message it will bring , when it comes not to cut off an arm or leg , but soul from body . Now then make thy peace with God : but that these men are fooles , they would through fear of death be all their life-time in bondage . It 's the Apostles expression , Heb. 2.15 . The consideration hereof should never let us be at rest till we had made our peace with God ; it should make us break our recreations and sports . The considerations of what will become of us , should put us in an extasie . Nor are these all our troubles , besides these , outward troubles , when a man is to dispose of his wife and children , house and lands , so that he must needs be very unfit at this time for the work of rep●ntance . These things will cast so great a damp on his heart , as that he shall be even cold in his seeking after peace with God. 2. But suppose these outward hindrances are removed , that neither pain of body , nor fear of death seize on thee , neither care of wife nor children , houses nor lands distract thee , but that thou mightst then set about it with all thy might , though thou wert in the most penitent condition that might be to mans seeming , yet where 's the change or new nature should follow thy contrition , unlesse we see this in truth , we can have but little comfort . Shall I see a sinner run on in his ill courses till the day of his death , and then set on this work , I could not conclude therefore the safety of his soul , because it 's the change of the affections , not of the actions , that God looks after ; for the fear of death may extort this repentance , where the nature is not changed . Take an example of a covetous man , which dotes on his wealth more then any thing else in the world ; suppose him in a ship with all his riches about him , a tempest comes and puts him in danger of losing all , both life and goods , in this strait he sticks not to cast out all his wealth , so he may preserve his life ; and shall we therefore say he is not covetous ? No , we will account him neverthelesse covetous for all this , nor that he loved his goods the lesse , but his life the more . It 's so in this c●se when an impenitent person is brought upon his death bed 〈…〉 to cry out in the bitternesse of his soul , If God will but grant me life ; and spare me now , I le never be a drunkard , swearer , or covetous person more . Whence comes this ? Not from any change of his nature , and loathing of what he formerly loved , but because he cannot keep these and life together : fear alters his disposition , the terrors of the Almighty lying upon him . I have my self seen many at such a time as this , that have been so exceeding full of sorrow and penitent expressions , that the standers by have even wished their souls to have been in the other souls cases , and yet when God hath restored them , they have fallen into their former courses again ; And why is this ? but because when repentance comes this way , it alters only the outward actions for the present , not the sinful dispositions , things that are extracted from a man , alter the outward appearance not the nature . Therefore saith the Lord , I le go and return to my place till they acknowledge their offence , and seek my face : In their affliction they will seek me early , Hos. 5. last . Mark , when Gods hand is on them , they will seek him : and as in the 6. Chap. 1. v. say one to another , Come let us return unto the Lord , for he hath torn and he will heal us , he hath smitten and he will bind us up : How penitent were they when Gods hand was on them : but let it once be removed , and hear how God presently complaines of them : O Ephraim , what shall I do unto thee ? O Judah , what shall I do unto thee ? for your goodness is as a morning cloud , and as the early dew it goeth away . Mark , thy goodness is as a morning cloud , such a goodness as is extorted , that is as temporary as earthly dew ! Another considerable place we have in the Psal. 78.34 . When he slew them , then they sought him , and they returned and enquired early after God. Was not this a great conversion ? When they were in this dismal condition , they were not troubled with cares , for Wife or Children , Houses or Lands , how can we think but that these men died in peace , that were in so good a humour ; yet see what followes , verse 36. Nevertheless they did flatter him with their mouths , and lied unto him with their tongues . Besides , consider the unworthiness of it ; I le forsake sin , when sin forsakes me : We leave it , when we can keep it no longer : Thank you for nothing , may God say , if you could you would sin longer , this is that folly which deferring our repentance brings us to . But to draw to a conclusion : God hath set us a certain day , and if we pass the time woe be to us . For though he is full of mercy and patience , yet patience hurt oftentimes harmes , and provokes the Almighty to fury . God will not alwaies strive with man , but his daies shall be an hundred and twenty years , if he convert in that space , and return , well , if not , he shall be swept away . And to this purpose is that parable , Luke 13.6 . A certain man had a fig-tree planted in his vineyard , and he came and sought fruit thereon and found none , Then said he unto the dresser of his vineyard , behold these three years I came seeking fruit on this fig-tree , and find none : Cut it down , why combreth it the ground ? There is an appointed time then fore-ordained by God , wherein he offers us grace . Let it alone , saith the dresser one year more : it may be seven years , or ten , it may be but two hours for ought thou knowest , that God may offer thee longer this space . No man knowes the time , and its continuance , but he that hath appointed it to this purpose : which is a point I thought not to speak of , but now I will. You hear much talk of Gods eternal , & everlasting election , and we are too apt to rest on this , that if we are elected to salvation we shall be saved , and if not , we shall be damned ; troubling our selves with Gods work of Praedestination , whereas this works no change in the party elected , until it come unto him in his own person . What is Gods election to me , that he chooses the godly , and refuses the wicked ? It s nothing to my comfort , unlesse I my self am actually elected . We are to look to this actual election . The other is but Gods love to sever me . But what is my actual election ? It s that , when God touches my heart , and translates me from the death of sin , to the life of grace . Now there are certain times which God appoints for this election , wherein he uses the means to work on us , and of which he can say , what could I do more then I have done ? Now if it be thus in the point of election , what must we think of the point of reprobation ? May there not be actual rejection as well as actual election ? And mayst thou not fear since thou hast lived thus long under the means of grace ; That God hath waited these , not only three but many years , the dew of heaven continually falling on thee , and that yet thou shouldst remain unfruitful . Doest thou not fear , I say , that dismal sentence , cut it down , why combreth it the ground ? Gods grace is not to be dallied with , as Children doe with their meats , if we do thus slight him , he may justly deprive us of all . See a terrible place to this purpose , Heb. 6.7 , 8. The earth which drinketh in the rain that cometh oft upon it , and bringeth forth herbs meet for them by whom it is dressed , receiveth blessing from God ; but that which beareth thornes and briers , is rejected , and is nigh unto cursing , whose end is to be burned . Consider these places , God calls us where the droppings of his grace are ; consider then , do we bring forth that fruit which is meet for the dresser , answerable to those continual distillings and droppings on us ? If our consciences witnesse for us , happy are we , but when there have been these showers of grace out of Gods Word flowing down upon us , and yet we have received so much grace in vain ; O what can we then expect , but a curse in this life , and eternal death in the world to come ? What can we look for , but the fig-trees curse which was barren ? The tree was not cut down but withered : We are near the same curse , if we answer not Gods grace . When we have had so long a time , the Ministery of the Word , and yet suffer it to be lost , through our barrennesse , our condition is sad and woeful ; we can look , for nothing but withering . But beloved , I must hope better things of you , and such as accompany salvation : Labour therefore to prevent , and arm your selves against this suggestion and fallacy of Satan , and resolve to hear God in this acceptable time , now to set to the work , which if we do , all will be well . God will be gracious to us . If otherwise , we are undone for ever . Till you have learned this lesson , you can go no further . Wherefore let not Satan possesse you with that madnesse , to cause you to passe and let slip this golden opportunity , through a false conceipt , that you may have a more seasonable day of your own for repentance hereafter . Gal. 6.3 , 4. For if a man think himself to be something , when he is nothing , he deceiveth himself . But let every man prove his own work , and then shall he have rejoycing in himself alone , and not in another . HAving entred on the Doctrine of the conversion of a sinner , in that Text , Heb. 4.7 . upon which depends our everlasting salvation . I laboured to perswade you of the necessity of taking the accepted time , of embracing the proffers of Gods grace , and of the necessity of doing it speedily . I shewed you that there is a certain time in which God will be found , and that this time was the present time . I declar'd unto you the great danger that would follow , if we took not God at his word , but refused his day for a day of our own , as if we were wiser than he ; If when God calls , and holds out the golden Scepter , we refuse to draw neer and touch it : Also what danger there is of being deluded by Satan , and our own hearts . I shewed you farther , that the work was half done if this were done , if we could but learn this lesson . And now all that I shall speak will be to little purpose , if this be not first wrought . If it be already wrought in us blessed are we . Our condition were thrice happy , would God now strike in , and cause us to return to himself . It 's not good to dally with God , the time will come when it will be too late , when we shall wish we had done otherwise , and taken the accepted time . Now I will go on to a farther point , which is this , When Satan cannot prevail with a sinner , to say to his soul , or to think with himself , I will do it hereafter , or I will at the day of death , when he cannot prevaile with him to defer it and leave it quite undone for the present : then he will give way to his doing a little to it , but it shall be so superficial , and on such false grounds , that he had as good leave it undone ; For Satan makes him thus conclude with himself , well , since I see it is a duty so necessary , I will not defer , I will not put it off to an hour , but yet I see no such matter required in conversion , no such great need of being new moulded . But now in the point of conversion , there are two things to be thought on . 1. First what estate the sinner is in for the present , and then when he hath made search , and found it to be amisse , then the next thing is , he must turn unto God , and resolve to amend . I shall not now stand to speak of that common aspersion cast upon Religion , and the wayes of God ( that men must sail to Heaven by the gates of Hell ) of which many are so much afraid : But yet we must not think that our Saviour came to heal those which are whole already ; he 's a God of wisedom , and the Physician of the soul ; he comes to find that which is lost : So that we must be lost in our own apprehensions , if we will be found as David was , Ps. 119. ult . He first saith , I have gone astray like a sheep that is lost , then seek thy servant . If now we are once lost , we are lost for ever if he seek us not ; therefore we should first consider with our selves what estate we are in now , how the case stands with us at present , that if God should come and strike thee with death , if thou wert now to come to Judgment , what would trouble thee most , what couldst thou then answer him ? Therefore since it is uncertain how soon God may deal thus with thee , it is wisedom to be always ready . Lam. 3.40 . Let us search and try our wayes , and turn again unto the Lord. Let us first try how the matter stands with us at the present , let us examine our selves and our ways , and see if all be well , and then may we go on with comfort in the way wherein we are . But when we have searched , and find things not to goe as well as they ought , or that we are not in a right way , then after our searching we must Turn unto the Lord : Thus the Prophet did , Psal. 119.57 . I thought upon my wayes , and turned my feet unto thy testimonies . First he thought on his wayes , he considered whither he was going , whether to Heaven or Hell ; then when he had thus thought , he made haste and turned his feet unto Gods testimonies : Here are both put together : first he made haste and thought on his ways , and then he turned . I took this Text to shew that one of these is as dangerous as the other , and how men are apt to deceive themselves in their search and examination . 'T is as dangerous not to prove our wayes , as to put off and defer our turning to God. This is a dangerous disease , that when men come to examine and try their spiritual estates , they have false weights and unequal ballances to prove themselves by : they are very willing to save themselves the labour , though they be deceived . A man is loth to be cozened by another , but here is his folly , that he is willing enough to deceive and betray himself . Such fools the Devil makes many men , because they take not right glasses to look on themselves in , and so they deceive themselves . For if a man think himself to be something when he is nothing , he deceiveth himself ; but let every man prove , &c. In the words here are , 1. The Disease . 2. A Remedy . 1. The Disease is in the 3d. v. If a man think himself to be something when he is nothing , &c. this is a common and dangerous disease ; and a disease which is both common and dangerous is the more to be feared , the more care●ul must the Physician be . This is the most common disease , for there is not a man but finds a snatch of it in his own heart . And it is the more dangerous ; for who is in more danger then he that is blind and will be blind ? that is willing to be cheated by Satan and himself . This is the patient . Now what his disease is , and the dangerousnesse of it , the Apostle tells us : He thinks himself to be something , and is nothing . This is the patient to be cured , and that is his disease , then which none more common : for there is not the worst of men but will say , I thank God I am something , and I am not half so bad as the Preacher would make me , I have some good thing in me . Now this his disease stands in two things . 1. That he is nothing . 2. That he thinks himself to be something . 1. He is nothing . And for a man to be brought before Gods Judgment-seat , and have nothing to answer , how will it fare with him then ? but yet this man cannot but think he is something : well then something he is , but nothing to the purpose : As we say of an Idol , An Idol is nothing in the world : that is , Nothing that can help or succour those that bow to them , and adore them , nothing that they should have in them . An Idol is something indeed , for it is silver , or gold , or brass , or stone , &c. but it 's nothing , that is , is nothing to the purpose , nothing that can plead for a man when he holds up his hand at Gods bar . 2. He thinks himself to be something , though he be nothing : He thinks he shall come to Heaven , though he be not in the way ; as the foolish Virgins , that thought they should be let in , feared not the contrary , till they came there : So these men walk in their way all their life , and yet fear not entrance into Heaven , till they receive sentence to the contrary . If these men knew themselves to be nothing , they would seek something for themselves ; but now they are nothing , though they think themselves something . This is the Disease . 2. The Remedy is in the next verse , Let him pro●e his own work . Let him look himself in a true glasse , and that is the point we shall insist on . If then Satan shall not delude us in deferring and putting off our repentance ; so let him not deceive us with a false conceit of our wayes and estate ; that we may not make our selves something , when we are nothing . Therefore let us see what false glasses they are that men get to themselves . If Satan bring us to have a good opinion of our selves , and our condition , and perswade us that it is not with us as precise Preachers tell us ; that it 's no such matter to go to Heaven , but that it may be done with lesse paines and more ease : when , I say , Satan lulls a man asleep with such plausible things as these , he hath him where he would have him . Why then no marvel if this man like his ways , when he looks upon them with false glasses . 1. The first false glass is self-love , and the property of love is to make the good things in the party it loves very great , and the vices very little . Self-love represents nothing in it's true shape . The Apostle speaking of the later dayes , 2 Tim. 3. saith , There shall be perillous times : And wherein lieth the peril ? Men shall be lovers of their own selves . As if he had said , that is one of the worst perils , for a man to have a great conceit of himself . If one be sick of this disease , it will so blind him , that he shall never see a thing in its right place : we may see it by the contrary in the want of love . Suppose to a neighbour , for example ; he that is full of malice and envy towards his neighbour , ( consider what a false glasse this is ) the man that wants love , see how the good and bad deeds of his neighbour shew themselves to him : when he looks on the good actions of his neighbour , they appear but very small , he is alwayes abridging and contracting his vertues and good things , making them seem lesse then they are . On the other side , all things he sees amiss in him , this want of love makes them far greater then they are . Love breeds the contrary ; when a man loves himself , his good things seem very great , and his evil things very small , those he abridges and contracts ; and hereupon is that instance brought of the Jewes , Rom. 2.3 . Thinkest thou O man that judgest them them that do such things , that thou shalt escape , &c. When such a man looks upon his own sins , they appear small to him ; but when on the infirmities of others , they seem very great . With one eye he looks on himself , with another on his neighbour . This man perchance is drunk as well as his neighbour , covetous as well as him , yet he concludes them great evils in his neighbour , but extenuates them within himself : self love causes this difference . As long as this sways us , that we love things because they are our own , we shall never be able to guesse at our own condition . If another man should look on you both , would he not account thee partial ? If a man hath a son or a daughter , though they be not so wise or beautiful as another mans , yet he delights in them as much , he loves them because they are his own . Let a man be born in a barren Countrey , he will praise it most , not because there is none so good , but because he loves it best , it is his own Countrey . Thou wilt never be a good Judge of thine own estate if thou viewest thy self in this false glasse , for it will easily deceive a man. True , I know self-love is a deceitful glasse , and looking therein , a man will be favourable to himself , and so deceive himself , for it renders things in a bigger shape then they are . But 2. I thank God my neighbor also , and all others that know me speak well of me . I have not only a good conceit of my self , but every man about me can speak well of me , cannot say , black is mine eye . I have a good report of all men . But if this were enough and sufficient to assure thee of the goodnesse of thy estate , it were well , but it is not enough . True it is , a good report from men for fair and honest dealing is not to be despised ; yet it will do no good unlesse thou have it from God. It was one of the happinesses of our Saviour that he was in favour with God and men ; it was with God too as well as men . When both meet together it 's well indeed . Demetrius in John 3.12 . we read , had a good report of all men , and of the truth it self . To have a good report from men , and also from the truth , is an happy thing : but having it not from the truth , Woe to us when all men speak well of us . What folly is it to rest upon a good report from men , when I have it not from the truth ? The like madnesse it is , as for a man to trust in the absolution of his fellow-prisoner , when the Law of the Land condemnes him . Shall a sick man be so mad as to say he is well , because others say so ? As if we should seek our selves out of our selves , and not within our selves . No , Let every man prove his own work , and then shal he have rejoycing in himself , and not in another . Rom. 2. ult . He is a Jew which is one inwardly , whose praise is not of men but of God. Not as if this did dis common , or turn out the praise of men ; but it is comparatively spoken , and it 's meant , whose praise is not so much of men as of God. So that this is the second false glasse , when a man concludes himself to be in a good estate because men praise him , thinks it well with him because others think so , and say so . He hath a good opinion of himself , but that 's not all , other men give him a good report too . And this follows the former : a man needs never fear flattery from others , that doth not flatter himself . But these are not my onely grounds that I have so good opinion of my self , and that others speak well of m● , but when I compare my self with my self , I find wherein I may rejoyce . So that this is the 3. 3. Third glasse , when a man compares himself with others and himself . 1. When he compares himself with others . I thank God , saith he , I am better then twenty of my neighbours ; I know this man follows such courses , and another lives in such a foul sin . Sure , saith he , I am not such a sinner as these , therefore I am happy , and I doubt not of room in Heaven . This is the cause that the Pharisee went home unjustified , because looking on other men , he justified himself . God I thank thee I am not as other men , no extortioner , &c. This fellow is so far from begging any thing of God , that he fills up his time with thanksgiving , he thinks he wants nothing , and that is his error ; he looks on other men , and compares himself with them , and thence concludes he is well enough , because he is not so bad as this or that man. This is the common deceit , when men take this for a rule , that because they are not so bad as the off-scouring of the world , but are better then the ordinary sort of men , therefore they suppose they are very well , or as well as they need to be : As if a sick man should say , I am not so sick as such a man who is at the point of death , therefore I am very well . I would desire such men , that as they look on those that are under them , so they would a little cast up their eyes on those that are above them . When you look on the Publican , this and that man , and blesse your selves because you are not so bad as these , who perchance are before you in points of morality : If you stand on comparisons , look on those that are above you , that go beyond you in grace and zeal , and look not so much on the sins of others as your own : Another mans sins may condemn him , they cannot save thee . When a Thief and a Murtherer are both arraign'd at the Bar for their lives , will the Thief say to the Murtherer , thy sin is greater , thy fault is of an higher nature , therefore I shall be saved , because mine is not so hainous , when they both are punishable with death . The fault of another will not make thy case the better . It 's no point of Justification thus to deceive thy self , and to conclude because another is worse then thee , thy estate is blessed . So we see the degrees of false glasses . Self-love : or self-conceit : then a good opinion of men : and conferring a mans self with some others . He 's better then they , therefore his estate is good . An absurd conclusion ; the Devil will mightily insult over such as he can so easily deceive . But this man goes farther : I not onely compare my self with others , but my self too , and find good ground to conclude the safeness of my condition . I remember a time , when I was vain and idle , when I ran in a way contrary to God. But now I have sowed my wilde oats ; and whereas before I was loose and dissolute , I have care to do my duty , to serve God , &c. I am not so profane as formerly , my estate must needs be good . This is a very dangerous thing to say , that because I am not as bad as I was , I am therefore good : It is as if a man had a debter , a slack paymaster , to whom the Creditor calls earnestly to pay the debt , the best answer the debtor gives is this , I am sure there are many worse paymasters in the world then I am , and I my self have been a worse , and more flow paymaster heretofore then I am now . Well , because there are worse paymasters , and he himself hath been a worse , doth this make him a better now ? And shall this serve to excuse thee , by comparing thy self with others that are worse ? and with thy self , that because thou hast mended thy self in some particulars , therefore thou art in the way to Heaven ? It is a false and foolish Conclusion . 4. Now we come to the main thing , another false glasse , which we call Partial obedience , when a man goes further , looking upon the letter of the Commandement onely , saying , I thank God I forbear many sins , and do many duties , I am not a thief , nor a murtherer , swearer , drunkard , or covetous person : I doe not take Gods name in vain ; I have not broken the Sabbath , though I doubt whether it be moral or no. I have served God in coming to his house , given obedience to my Parents , &c. and looking on this he concludes , doubtlesse all is well with him : As when I have a thousand thornes in my feet , and have three or four taken out , will this help me ? because I have not the stone or the gout , shall I conclude I am well , as if I could not be sick without this or that disease . Because I do something that God requires , shall I think I do as much as I need ? No , we must take heed of that , God will not be contented with partial obedience , He will have the whole heart or none . Obj. But mine is not partial obedience , I doe my endeavour , as far as I am able to do , what God requires : Here comes in natural reason , and saith , I thank God I do what I can , and I see no reason why more should be required . I conform my self as I am able , and I see it needful , to the greatest duties of Christianity ; I lead such a blamelesse life , that no man can tax me in any particular what God hath enabled me to do ; and according to moral Philosophy , I know not how more can be required : I go as far as Seneca's rules , and somewhat farther , and sure this is not partial obedience . Sol. I speak not against Morality . But yet let me tell thee , if thou hast no more then Morality , it will not bring thee to Heaven . Not but that a morall man is an excellent stock , whereon to graft grace and virtue , it 's a good help to Heaven , yet it comes far short of bringing him thither . Natural reason was once a full and fair glass , till it was broken by the fall : but now it is insufficient . The Tables in Moses hands were excellent things , God made the first Tables with his own hand , and perchance they may be therein typical ; when these were broken , Moses makes the second , these not so excellent as the former , though I should esteem a peece of these more excell●●t , then all the reliques of the Papists , for there was something of the first in them , God writes them with his own singer . This glass which then was so perfect , is now broken , and is not so perfect as it was , though there be something yet remaining in it ; We may see something of its ancient lustre in the Gentiles , for these having not a Law , are a Law unto themselves . There are practical principles y●t remaining in the Tables of our hearts , so that they that care not for the Law , shall be judged by that natural light which is in them . We have a conscience to difference between good and evil . This is the truth . It 's a part of the Image of God implanted in us , which we are not to despise lest we be judged with those that hold the truth in unrighteousnesse : The truth is the principals of difference betwixt good & bad : the soul was to have a seat as a Queen to rule all our actions ▪ But ●ow this Queen is taken captive , & all is lost : Morality and in ward prncipals are to be much esteemed , as things which God at first planted , yet do they comeshort of bringing a man to Heaven . The young man in the Gospel had a good esteem of himself , and was doubtlesse esteemed of others , and did many things : but yet our Saviour tells him , how hard a thing it was to come to Heaven : Although he thinks himself well enough , though he were rich , our Saviour tells him of the commandements : all these , saith he , have I kept from my youth , a good moral man indeed that had done so much , but this was not enough , one thing lacked : go and sell all that thou hast , &c. Yet because there was so much in him , we read Mark 10.21 . Jesus loved him : he sheweth that his cause was heavy , that going so far he should not attain his end : but this was not to be despised , for this Jesus loved him . So 1 Kings 13.13 . He onely of Jeroboams shall come to the grave , because in him are found some good things . If there are but some good things in a man , they remain of Gods work , and God loveth his own work ; Here 's the point then , Morality is good , and natural reason is good : it remaines in us since the state of our first creation ; This was a pure and a full glass , made by God himself , but since the fall , is much darkned : If we consult with natural reason and Moral Philosophy , it will discover many things : yet this comes short . There are abundance of things that it cannot discover , manifold defects . The Apostle saith in the Romans , I had not known sin but by the Law. I had not known lust to have been a sin , had not the Law said , I shalt not lust . We have many sins we cannot know but by the Law , yea such secret sins as must be repented of . Our Saviour overthrew the tables of the money-changers , and would not suffer them to carry burthens through the Temple , though for the use of those that sacrificed , a thing which had some shew of Religion in it . He whipt both out , not only those that had residence there , but those that passed through : he would suffer none but those that could justifie what they did by the Law. Now , as God would not have sin lodge & make its abode in the soul , so he would not have it made a thorow fare for sin : he would not have vain thoughts come up and down in the hearts . Now , By the Law comes the knowledge of these secret sins . Reason is a glasse much to be esteemed for what it can shew , but it is not a perfect glasse ; sometimes it shewes a sin , but m●ny times diminishes it , that we cannot see it in full proportion . The Apostle makes this use of the Law , that by it sin became exceeding sinful . Thou mayst see sin to be sin by natural reason , but to see it exceeding sinful , this morality comes short of , thou must have this from the Law of God. 5. There is another false glasse , when the Devil transforms himself into an Angel of light , when he preacheth Go●pel to a man. Beware of ●he doctrine when the deceiver preacheth . This may be his doctrine , He that believeth and is Baptized shall be saved . From this , by Satans cunning delusion , the natural man thus concludes : A meer heathen shall be shut out of Heaven gates , but I believe in the Father , the Son , and the Holy Ghost , therefore I am in a good condition . Why then should I trouble my self any further ? there is no man can accuse me , and my own good works will testifie unto me that I do enough . Str●ctnesse in Religion is troublenesse , and it is an unreasonable thing to do more : but this is but a meer delusion of Satan , for there is nothing more quiet , and satisfies a man , then Religion ; there 's nothing in the world more reasonable then the service of God. First then know thy disease , and then apply those sweet balms . It is no easie matter for a man to believe : we block out the strait wayes of God , if we think it an easie matter to believe of our selves . It must be done by the mighty power of God : It 's as great a work of God , as the Creation of the world , to make a man believe : It 's the mighty power of God to salvation . Such a one must not receive Christ as a Saviour , but as a Lord too . He must renounce all to have him must take him on his own terms . He must deny the world and all , looking before hand what it will cost him . Now for a man to take Christ as his Lord , denying himself , the world , and all , to resolve to pluck out his right eye , cut off his right hand rather then to part with him , and account nothing so dear to him as Christ , is no small matter . Thou canst not be Christs Spouse , unlesse thou forsake all for him . Thou must account all things as dung and drosse in comparison of him : and is not this a difficult thing ? is this an easie task ? Easily spoken indeed , not as easily done : it must be here as in the case of mariage ; a man must forsake all others , yea the whole world , else Christ will not own him . Observe the speech of the Apostle , Eph. 1.19 . What is the exceeding greatness of his power to us ward that believe , &c. Mark , is to believe so easie a matter think you ? why , unlesse the mighty power of God be engaged for it , with that strength as it was engaged in raising Christ from the dead , it cannot be . When thou art to believe , and be united unto Christ , the agreement is not that thou shalt take him as thy wife , and thou shalt be his husband : No , he must be thy husband , and thou must obey him . Now for a man to be brought out of his natural condition , and to take Christ on any termes , so he may be saved by him in the end , is not so easie . Canst thou think there is no more required but onely the outward Baptism , or that there is no more in Baptism but the outward washing of the flesh ? No , He 's not a Jew that is one outwardly , neither is that circumcision which is in the flesh ; but he 's a Jew that is so inwardly , and circumcision is that of the heart . Thou then entrest into Gods livery . Mark this , for by it I strive onely to bring thee back to thy self . Thou entrest into covenant with him ; thou bindest thy self to forsake the world , the flesh , and the Devil ; and we should make this use of Baptism , as now to put it in practice . When we promised , there were two things in the Indenture ; one , that God will give Christ to us , the other , that we must forsake all the sinful lusts of the flesh : this is that makes Baptism to be Baptism indeed to us . The other thing required , is , that we forsake all , Rom. 6.2 . It is not confined to the very act , but it hath a perpetual effect all the dayes of thy life . I add , it never hath its full effect till the day of our death , till the abolition of the whole body of sin . That which we seal , is not compleat till then , till we have final grace . The water of Baptism quenches the fire of Purgatory ; for it is not accomplished till final grace is received . We are now under the Physicians hands , then shall we be cured . Baptism is not done onely at the Font , which is a thing deceives many ; for it runs through our whole life : nor hath it consummation till our dying day , till we receive final grace : the force and efficacy of Baptism is for the washing away of sin to morrow as well as the day past : the death of sin is not till the death of the body , and therefore it s said we must be buried with him by Baptism into his death . Now after death we receive final grace ; till when , this washing and the vertue thereof hath not its consummation . Let no man therefore deceive you with vain words ; take heed of looking on your selves in these false glasses , think it not an easy thing to get Heaven , the way is strait , and the passage narrow . There must be a striving to enter ; there must be an ascending into Heaven , a motion contrary to nature : And therefore it 's folly to think we shall drop into Heaven , there must be a going upward , if ever we will come thither . EPH. 2.1 , 2 , 3. And you hath he quickned who were dead in trespasses and sins , where in times past you walked according to the course of this world , according to the Prince that ruleth in the Aire , the Spirit that worketh in the children of disobedience : Amongst whom also , &c. THe last time I declared unto you the duty that was necessarily required of us if we look to be saved , that we must not onely take the matter speedily into consideration , and not be deluded by our own hearts and the wiles of Satan ; but that we must not do it superficially or perfunctorily , but must bring our selves to the true touchstone , and not look upon our selves with false glasses , because there is naturally in every one self-love ; and in these last and worst times men are apt to think better of themselves then they deserve . If there be any beginning of goodnesse in them , they think all is well , when there is no danger in the world then being but half Christians . He thinks that if he hath escaped the outward pollutions of the world through lust , and be not so bad as formerly he hath been , and not so bad as many men in the world are , therefore he is well enough : whereas his end proves worse then his beginning . This superficial repentance is but like the washing of a hog , the outside is onely wash't , the swinish nature is not taken a way . There may be in this man some outward abstaining from the common grosse sins of the world , or those which he himself was subject unto ; but his disposition to sin is the same , his nature is nothing changed : there is no renovation , no casting in a new mould , which must be in us . For it is not a little reforming will serve the turn , no , nor all the morality in the world , nor all the common graces of Gods Spirit , nor the outward change of the life : they will not do , unlesse we are quickned , and have a new life wrought in us ; unlesse there be a supernatural working of Gods Spirit we can never enter into Heaven . Therefore in this case it behooves every man to prove his own work , Gal. 6. A thing men are hardly drawn unto , to be exact examiners of themselves . Coelo descendit , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a Heathen himself could say , to know a mans self is a heavenly saying ; and it 's an heavenly thing indeed if we have an heavenly Master to teach us . The Devil taught Socrates a lesson that brought him from the study of natural to moral Philosophy , whereby he knew himself ; yet the Devil knew morality could never teach him the lesson indeed . All the morality in the world cannot teach a man to escape Hell : we must have a better instructer herein then the Devil or our selves , the Lord of Heaven must do it , if ever we will be brought to know our selves aright . St. Paul was brought up at the feet of Gamaliel , one of the learnedst Doctors of the Pharisees , and yet he could not teach him this . When he studied the law , he thought himself unblameable , but coming to an higher and better Master , he knows that in him , that is , in his flesh dwells no good thing , Rom. 7. By self examination a man may finde m●ny faults in himself , but to find that which the Apostle afterwards found in himself , to see the flesh a rottenness , the sink of iniquity that is within him , and to find himself so bad as indeed he is , unlesse it please the Lord to open his eyes , and to teach him , he can never attain it . Now we come to this place of the Apostle , wherein we see the true glasse of our selves , the Spirit knows what we are better then our selves , and the Spirit shews us that every man of us either was or is such as we are here set down to be . We are first natural before we can be spiritual , there is not a man but hath been , or is yet a natural man , and t●●●efore see we the large description of a natural man before he is quickned , before God which is rich in mercy enlivens him being dead in sins , and saves him by grace in Christ. Thus is it with us all , and thus must it be ; and we shall never be fit for grace till we know our selves thus far , till we know our selves as far out of frame , as the Spirit of truth declares us to be . In this place of Scripture consider we 1. Who this carnal man is ; what they are which the Apostle speaks of , to be dead in sins : and that walk after the course of the world , led by the Devil , and have their conversation after the flesh , children of wrath . These are big words and heavy things : Consider therefore first the subject ▪ of whom this is spoken . Then follows the P●aedicate , or 2. What th● till newes is which he delivers of them . We begin with the first . 1. Who they are of whom this is spoken : and that is ( you ) You hath he quickned who were dead : and ( ye ) ( in the words following ) that in times past walked after the course of the world : and in the third verse more particularly : Among whom we had our conversation also in times past . He speaks now in the first person , as before in the second , so that the subject is we , and ye all . Not a man in this Congregation , but is or was as bad as the Holy Ghost here makes him . But 2. To come to that which is delivered of him : he is one not quickned , dead in sins : no better then nature made him , that corrupt nature which he hath from Adam , till he is thus spiritually enlivened . Now he 's described , 1. By the quality of his person . 2. By his company . Even as others . Thou mayst think thy self better then another man , but thou art no better ; never a barrel the better herring ( as we say : ) Even as others , thou art not so alone , but as bad as the worst , not a man more evil in his nature then thou art . When thou goest to hell , perhaps some difference there may be in your several punishments , according to your several acts of rebellion : but yet you shall all come short of the glory of God , And for matter of quickning you are all alike . 1. First then concerning their quality : And this is declared 1. By their general disposition , they are dead in trespasses and sins . Dead , and therefore unable and indisposed to the works of a spiritual living man : Besides , not onely indisposed and unable thereto , but dead in trespasses and sins . He lies rotting in his own filth , like a rotten carkasse , and stinkking carrion in the nostrils of the Almighty , so loathsome is he : all which is drawn from original sin . Not onely dis-enabled to any good , but prone to all sin and iniquity . 2. By his particular conversation : And that appeares in the verse following . Where in times past ye walked . How ? Not according to the word and will of God , not according to his rule , but they walked after three other wicked rules . A dead man then hath his walk you see : a strange thing in the dead , but who directs him in his course ? these three , the world , the flesh , and the Devil , the worst guides that may be ; yet if we look to the conversation of a natural man , we see these are his Pilots , which are here set down . 1. The World. Where in times past ye walked after the course of the world . He swims along with the stream of the world . Nor will he be singular , not such a precise one as some few are , but do as the world doth , run amain whither that carries him . See the state of a natural man. He 's apt to be brought into the slavery of the world . This is his first guide . then follows 2. The Second , which is the Devil . The Devil leads him as well as the World : According to the Prince of the power of the Aire , the Spirit that now worketh in the children of disobedience . In stead of having the Spirit of God to be led by , he 's posted by the Spirit of Sa●an , and the works of his Father the Devil he will doe , He hath not an heart to resist the vi●est lusts the Devil shall perswade him to . When Satan once fills his heart , he hath no heart to any thing else , then to follow him . 3. There remains the Flesh , his guide too , and that 's not left out , v. 3. Amongst whom we had our conversation in times past in the lusts of the flesh , fulfilling the desires of the flesh and of the mind . So that you see the three guides of a natural man ; and he is as bad as these three can make him : and till the stronger man comes and pulls him out , in this condition he remains , and in this natural estate , he is a son of disobedience . We see then the state of disobedience described to be wretchednesse . 3. This further appeares by that which must follow , which is cursednesse . Rebellion and wretchednesse going before , cursednesse will follow . For God will not be abused , nor suffer a Rebel to go unpunished : Therefore saith the Apostle , We are by nature the children of wrath . Being the natural sons of disobedience , we may well conclude we are the children of wrath , If we can well learn these two things of our selves , how deep we are in sin , and how the wrath of God is due to us for our sins , then we may see what we are by Nature . Thus much concerning the quality of a natural man. Next follows 2. His company . Even as others . By nature we are the children of wrath even as others . That is to say , we go in that broad wide way that leads to damnation , that way we all naturally rush into : though we may think it otherwise , and think our selves better , yet we are deceived . For it is with us even as with others . Naturally we are in the same state that the worst men in the world are ; so that we see the glasse of a natural man , or of a man that hath made some beginnings , till Christ come and quicken him . Q. See we then who it is spoken of to be dead men , that are rotten and stinking , as bad as the world , the flesh , and the Devil can make them : Who should these be ? A. I answer , it 's you : you hath he quickned . And ye , wherein ye walked , &c. But who are they ? The Ephesians perhaps that were in times past heathens : I hope it belongs not to us . They were Gentiles and Pagans that knew not Christ , v. 12. Aliens to the Commonweal of Israel , strangers to the covenant of promise , having no hope , without God in the world . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as the Text renders it , Atheists , and therefore they might well be so . But I hope it 's not thus with me , I was never a Pagan or Heathen , I was born of Christian Parents , and am of the Church . But put away these conceits . Look on the 3d. v. Amongst whom we also had our conversation : and wherein ye your selves , &c. It 's not onely spoken of you Gentiles , but verified of us also : As if he had s●id here as Gal. 2. We who are Jewes by nature , and not sinners of the Gentiles . He paints out no● onely you the Gentiles in such ugly colours , but we Jewes also , we of the Commonwealth of I●rael . We , before we were quickned , were in the same state that you are described to be in . Obj. Oh but the Apostle may do this out of fellowship , and to avoid envy , as it were making himself a pa●ty with them , as Ezra did cap. 9. that included himself in the number of the offenders , though he had no hand in the offence : O our God ( saith he ) what shall we say ? Our evil deeds , &c. and how shall we stand before thee because of this ? making a particular confession , whereas he was not accessory to the fault , but to sweeten it to them . Sol. But here the Apostle doth not so , he was not thus minded , but it 's we all , he puts universality to it : So that it 's clear , that before conversion and quickning by grace from Christ , we all , all of us are in as foul and filthy a condition , as this which is here described and set down : So that this is the point , that it is not spoken of some desperate sinners , but that it is the common state and condition of all the sons of Adam . Doct. All men , every man and woman in this place , either is or hath been in the state that here the Apostle describeth him to be . Therefore we have all need to examine our selves , whether we yet remain in that condition or not . The Apostle brings this description to testifie the truth of the point , Gal. 3.22 . The Scripture hath concluded● all under sin . The whole current and course of the Scripture shewes the universality of it , that it 's true of all . See , the Apostle speaking of himself and the rest , Tit. 3.3 . saith , We our selves also , not onely you of the Gentiles , but we our selves also were foolish , disobedient , &c. but after the kindnesse of God towards man appeared , &c. that is , before the day-star of grace did arise in our hearts , there 's not the best of us all but have been thus and thus . Rom. 3.3 . There the Apostle insists on the point expresly , that every mouth might be stopped ; to shew the state of all men naturally , having laid down a large beadrole of the iniquities of the Heathen , cometh afterward to convince the Jews . What are we better then they ; no , we have proved that all are under sin : there is none good , no not one . Obj. But though you bring many places to prove that all are sinners , yet I hope the Virgin Mary was not . Sol. An inch breaks no squares , but All are sinners . There is none righteous , no not one . The drift of the Apostle in this , is to shew that these things are not spoken of some hainous sinners onely , but there 's not one to be exempted ; and therefore in his Conclusion , v. 19. he saith , That every mouth may be stopped , and all the world become guilty before God : and that by the deeds of the Law no flesh can be justified from sin . So that now having proved this so clearly to you , consider with your selves how needful it is to apply this to our own souls . Many men , when they read such things as these in the Scripture , read them but as stories from strange Countries . What , are we dead in sins , not able to stir one foot in Gods wayes ? bad we are indeed : but dead , rotten , and stinking in sins and trespasses ? what , as bad as the world , the devil , and flesh can make us ? what , children of wrath ? firebrands of hell ? few can perswade themselves that it is so bad with them . Therefore take this home to your selves ; think no better of your selves then you are : for thus you are naturally . Therefore consider , if thou wert now going out of the world , what state thou art in , a child of wrath , a child of Belial , or the like . Set about the work speedily , goe to God , pray , and cry earnestly : give thy self no rest , till thou know this to be thy condition : Let not thy corrupt nature deceive thee , to make thee think better of thy self then God saith thou art . Now that we may the better know to whom these things belong , know it is thou and I , we all have been or are in this estate , till we have supernatural grace ; and therefore we are declared to be children of wrath , and children of disobedience , till regenerated . Why ? It 's because it 's thy nature , it belongs to all . Now we know the common nature alwayes appertaines to the same kind : There 's nothing natural but is common with the kind . If then by nature we are children , then certainly it belongs to every Mothers son of us , for we are all sons of Adam . In Adam we all die , Rom. 5. That 's the fountain whence all misery flowes to us . As thou receivedst thy nature , so the corruption of thy nature from him ; for he begat a son in his own likenesse . This therefore is the condition of every one . The Apostle in 1 Cor. 15. speaks of two men , the first was from the earth , earthy , the second was the Lord from heaven . What , were there not many millions and generations more ? True , but there were not more men like these , men of men , two head men , two fathers of all other men . There were but two by whom all must stand or fall , but two such men . By the fall of the first man we all fell ; and if we rise not by the second man , we are yet in our sins . If he rise not , we cannot be risen . We must rise or fall by him . He is the Mediator of the second Covenant . If he rise and we are in him , we shall rise with him ; but if not , we are dead still . So it is in the first Adam , we all depend on him , he is the root of all mankind . It 's said in Esay 53. Our Saviour should rejoyce to see his seed . His seed , that is to say , he is the common father of all mankind , I mean of all those that shall proceed from him by spiritual generation . He shall present them to his father , as when one is presented to the University : Behold here am I , and the children that thou hast given me . So in Adam , he being the head of the covenant of nature , that is , the Law , if he had stood , none of us had fallen ; if he fall , none of us all can stand He is the peg on which all the keyes hang : if that stand , they hang fast ; but if that fall , they fall with it . As we see in matter of bondage ; if the father forfeit his liberty , and become a bondman , all his children are bondmen to a hundred generations : here is our case . We were all once free , but our father hath forfeited his liberty ; and if he become a slave , he cannot beget a free-man . When our Saviour tells the Jewes of being free-men : We were never bond-men , say they , though it be false ; for even Cicero himself could tell a Jew that he was a slave , genus hominum ad servitium natum , although they had a good opinion of themselves : But our Saviour saith , you are bond-m●n unto sin and Satan . For till the Son make you free , you are all bond-men : but when he makes you free , then are you free indeed . So that we see our condition here set down . 1. We are dead in trespasses and sins ; that is , there is an indisposition in us to all good works . A dead man cannot walk , or speak , or do any act of a living man ; so these cannot do the actions of men that are quickned and enlivened , they cannot pray with the spirit , they cannot love God , &c. they cannot doe those things that shall be done hereafter in heaven . There 's not one good duty which this natural man can do . If it should be said unto him , Think but one good thought , and for it thou shalt go to heaven , he could not think it . Till God raise him from the sink of sin , as he did Lazarus from the grave , he cannot doe any thing that is well-pleasing unto God. He may do the works of a moral man , but to do the works of a man quickned and enlightned , it 's beyond his power . For if he could do so , he must then have some reward from God ; for however we deny the merit of good works , yet we deny not the reward of good works to a man that is in Christ. There 's no proportionable merit in a cup of cold water and the Kingdom of heaven , yet he that gives a cup of cold water to a Disciple in the name of a Disciple , shall not lose his reward . Here then is the point . The best thing that a natural man doth , cannot so relish with God , as that he should take delight in it , or reward it : whereas the least good thing that comes from another root , from a quickned spirit , is acceptable and well-pleasing to him . Consider for this end that which is set down , Prov. 15.8 . Take the best works of a natural man , his prayers or sacrifice , and see there what is said . The sacrifice of the wicked is an abomination to the Lord. It is said again , Prov. 21.27 . where there are additions , The prayers of the wicked are an abomination to the ●ord : how much more when he brings it with a wicked mind ? Suppose there should come upon this man a fit of devotion , where he hath or should have some good motions , is it then accepted ? no , it is so far from being accepted , that it is an Abomination to God , how much more then if he brings it with a wicked mind ? That is , if he bring it not with a wicked mind , it is an abomination , how much more with it ? See the case set down in Haggai 2.12 , 13 , 14. If one bear holy flesh , &c. shall he be unclean ? And the Priest answered , no. Then said Haggai , if an unclean person touch any of these , shall it be unclean ? And he said , it shall be unclean . Then answered Haggai , so is this people , so is this nation before me , saith the Lord , and so is every work of their hands , it is unclean . A man may not say prayer is a sin , because it is so in them ; no , it 's a good duty , but spoil'd in the carriage . He marrs it in the carriage ; and therefore in stead of doing a good work , he spoils it ; and so in stead of a reward , must look for punishment , 1 Tim. 1 5. The end of the Commandement is love out of a pure heart , a good conscience , and faith unfeigned . Let the things thou doest be according to the Commandement : look what thou doest be according to the middle , end , and beginning of the Commandement . If wrong in all these , then though the work be never so materially good , being faulty in the original , middle , or end , it 's so far from being a good work , that God will not accept of it , and thou mayst rather expect a plague for spoiling it , then a cure . See then the beginning of a good work , it must be from a pure heart . A man not ingrafted into Christ , is a defiled , polluted person , his very mind and conscience are defiled . The conscience is the purest thing a man hath , it holds out last , and taketh part with God , that as Jobs messenger said , I onely am escaped to tell thee : so conscience onely remaines to declare a mans faults to God , and to witnesse against the man ; and yet this very light , the eye of the soul , is defiled : therefore if thou have a corrupt fountain , if the heart be naught , the fountain muddy , whatever stream comes from it , cannot be pure . Again , the end of it is love . Consider when thou doest any duty , what puts thee on work . Is it love doth constrain thee ? If love do not constrain thee , it is manifest that thou dost not seek God but thy self , and art to every good work a Reprobate ; that is , thou art not then able to do any thing that God will accept ; the best thing thou doest wil not relish with God. A hard estate indeed , that when a man shall come to appear before God , he shall not have one good thing that he hath done in all his life that God will own . Some there be that take a great deal of paines in coming to the word , in prayer publique and private , in charity and giving to the poor : Alas , when thou shalt come to an account , and none of these things shall stead thee , not one of them shall speak for thee , but all shall be lost , How heavy will thy ease be ? 2 John 8. Look to your selves , that you lose not the thing that you have wrought : By being indisposed to doe the works of a living man we lose all ; that is to say , God will never own nor accept them : we shall never have reward for them . So that here is the case , thou being dead , unable to perform the works of a living man , canst have no reward from heaven at all , until a man is quickned , and hath life from Christ. Without me , saith our Saviour , you can doe nothing . St. Austin on this place observes that Christ saith not , Without me ye can doe no great matter : no , but unlesse you be cut off from your own stock , taken from your own root , and be ingrafted into me , and have life from me , and be quickned by me , you can do nothing at all : Nothing , neither great nor small , all that you do is lost . So that if there were nothing but this being dead , you could do no good action . I know that in me , that is , in my flesh ( saith St. Paul ) there dwelleth no good thing : that is , nothing spiritually good , nothing for which I may look for a reward in heaven . The Lord will say of such a man , thou hast lived ten , twenty , forty , or it may be fifty yeares under the Ministry , and yet hast not done a good work , or thought a good thought that I can own . Cut down this fruitlesse tree , why cumbers it the ground ? And this is the case of every man of us while we continue in our natural condition : till we be ingrafted into Christ , and live by his life , God will own nothing we do . But now we are not onely dead , and indisposed to the works of a living man , though this be a very woful case , and we need no more misery ; for this will bring us to be cut down and cast into the fire , if we continue so : But this is not onely the case of a natural man , but he 's very active and fruitful in the works of darknesse , the others were sins of omission . Here he is wholly set upon the commission of sins and trespasses , Heb. 6.7 . He not onely brings not forth meet fruit , or good fruit , or no fruit , but he brings forth thorns and briars ; and is therefore rejected , and nigh unto cursing , whose end is to be burnt . Thou art not onely found a barren tree , and so deservest to be cut down ; but thou bringest forth thorns and briars , and deservest to be burnt ; not onely no good fruit , but noxious , bad and poyson'd fruit ; and this doth mightily aggravate the matter . Now for us that have lived so long under the Ministry , and the Lord hath watered , and dressed , and hedged us , do we think the Lord expects from us no good fruit ? Had we lived among heathens , or where the word is not taught , then so much would not be expected ; but we have heard the word often and powerfully taught , and therefore it is expected that we should not onely bring forth fruit , but meet fruit , answerable to the means . Where God affords greatest means , there he expects most fruit . If a man live thirty or forty yeares under powerful meanes , the Lord expects answerable fruit , which if he bring forth , he shall have a blessing from the Lord. But when a man hath lived long under the meanes , and brings forth no fruit pleasing to God , but all Gods cost is lost , when notwithstanding the dew and the rain which falls oft upon him , he brings forth nothing but thorns and briars , he is rejected , and nigh unto cursing , whose end is to be burnt . The earth which drinketh in the former and the latter rain , &c. if it bring not forth fruit answerable to the labour of the dresser , it 's nigh unto the curse . Now if we consider but the particulars , and search into Gods testimonies , we shall see how bad this man is . But who should this man be ? We have Gods own word for it . It 's men , generally all men , Gen. 6.5 . God saw the wickednesse of man was great in the earth , and that every thought and imagination of his heart was onely evil continually . Every word is as it were a thunder-bolt : and was it not time , when it was thus with them for God to bring a flood ? The thoughts are the original , from which the words and actions do usually proceed . Now all their thoughts were evil : What , was there no kind of goodnesse in their thoughts ? no , they were onely evil continually : and that was the reason the flood came . Well , but though it were so before the flood , yet I hope they were better after the flood . No , God said again after the flood , cap. 8. The thoughts of the hearts of men are evil , &c. Like will to like . Men are all of one kinde , till they receive grace from Christ. We are all of one nature , and naturally all the thoughts and imaginations of our hearts are onely evil continually . See it in the understanding , 1 Cor. 3.14 . The natural man perceiveth not the things of the Spirit of God , neither can he know them , for they are foolishness unto him &c. Look upon his will , Rom. 8. It is not subject to the will of God , neither indeed can it be . Our Saviour , Mat. 15.8 . doth anatomize the heart of such a man. Those things that come out of the mouth come from the heart , and they defile the man , for out of the heart proceeds evil thoughts , murthers , adulteries , &c. these are they which defile the man , because they come from his heart from within . If a man go by a house , and see great flakes of fire come out of the ●himney , though he see not the fire within , yet he cannot but know there is fire within , because he seeth the flakes without . I am not able to see the heart of any man , and to declare to you what I have seen with mine eyes ; but yet if I see such flakes to come forth , as murther , thefts , blasphemies , lying , and the like . I may say there is hel-fire in the heart ; thy heart is a little hell within thee , these manifestations from without make it appear to be so . The words of this man are rotten words and stinking words , and his heart is much more . So , this is the point , we are utterly indispos'd , aliens to all good , and bent to all evil . I am carnal ( saith the Apostle ) we are sold under sin , slaves unto it ; sin is our Lord , and we its slaves . We have generally forfeited our happy estate , and are servants to Satan , whom we obey . Therefore this is a thing not easily to be passed over ; this is our condition , of which if we were once truly perswaded , we would never give our selves any rest till we were got out of it . If the party that goes to the Physician , could but know his disease , and cause the Physician to know it , and the causes of it , whether it came from a hot cause or a cold , it were easily cured , it were as good as halfe done : That is the chief reason why so many miscarry , because their disease is not perfectly known . That is the reason we are no better , because our disease is not perfectly known : That is the reason that we are no better , because we know not how bad we are . If we did once know our disease , and knew our selves to be heart sick , and not like the Laodiceans , which thought themselves rich and wanted nothing , when they were poor , blind , and naked , then we would seek out , and were in the way to be cured . So much for this time , but we will have another Lecture on this point . GAL. 3.22 . But the Scripture hath concluded all under sin , that the promise by faith of Jesus Christ might be given to them that believe . YOu see in this excellent portion of Scripture the two Covenants of Almighty God : to wit , the Covenant of Nature , and the Covenant of grace . The first of Nature , which was written by God in mans heart , and this is the holy Law of God , by vertue whereof a man was to continue in that integrity , holinesse , and uprightnesse , in which God had first created him , and to serve God according to that strength he first enabled him with , that so he might live thereby . But now when man had broken this Covenant , and enter'd into a state of Rebellion against God , he 's shut up in misery , but not in misery for ever , as the Angels that fell were , being reserved in chaines till the judgment of the great day : No , the Lord hath shut him up in prison , only for a while , that so he may the better make a way for their escape and deliverance , and for their entrance into the second Covenant of grace : that so making him see his own misery , wherein by nature he is , and cutting him off from his own stock , he may be ingrafted into Christ , draw sap and sweetnesse from him , and bring forth fruits to everlasting life . And this is the method the Scripture useth : It concludes all under sin , that so the promise by faith of Jesus Christ might be given to them that believe . It 's no new Doctrine devised by us , but it 's the course and method of the Scripture : for it begins in this great work with imprisoning and shutting up . The Law is as a Justice of Peace , that by his Mittimus commands us to prison : It 's a Serjeant that arrests a man , and carries him to the Gaole : But why does the Scripture do thus ? It 's not to destroy you with famine ; the Law sends you not hither to starve you , or to kill you with the stench of the prison , but thereby to save and preserve you alive , and that you may hunger and thirst after deliverance . So that we find the reason added in the Text , The Scripture concludes all under sin , why ? It 's that the promise by faith of Jesus Christ might be given to them that believe . You are shut up as prisoners and rebels , that having found the smart of it , seen your misery , and learn'd what it is to be at enmity with God , and the folly to make your selves wiser and stronger then God , you may submit your selves casting down your plumes , and desire after Christ with an hungry and thirsty appetite , for not only a Priest to sacrifice himself for you , and a Prophet to teach and instruct you , but a King to be swayd by him , earnestly craving from thy soule to be his subject , and to be admitted into the priviledge of his subjects in the Commonwealth of Israel , and esteem it our greatest shame that we have been aliens so long , so long excluded . The Scripture then concludes you under sin , and shut up by it , not to bring you to despair , but to bring you to salvation : As a Physician , which gives his Patient bitter pills , not to make him sick , but that so he may restore him to health : or as a Chirurgion , that layes sharp drawing plaisters , and cuts the flesh , not with an intent to hurt , but to cure the wound . This is the Scriptutes method , it concludes all under sin , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , hath shut up all . The Text saith not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , not all men in the masculine gender , but all things in the neuter . And it is all one as if the Apostle had said , The Scripture arrests not onely thy person but thine actions : The Scripture layes hold not onely of the man , but of every thing in him . This word ( all ) is a forcible word , and empties us clean of every thing , that we may truiy confesse with the Apostle , In me , that is , in my flesh dwells no good thing , Rom. 7.18 . It 's impossible a man should by nature think thus of himself , that there is no good in him ; or that he should by asking others finde himself half so bad as the Law makes him to be , by shutting up a man under sin , and all things in a man , yea all good whatsoever is in thee . And this it doth that thou mayst come to Christ : as it is enlarged in the 2. verses following . Before faith came ( saith the Apostle ) we were kept up under the Law , shut up unto the faith , which should afterward be revealed : wherefore the Law was our Schoolmaster to bring us to Christ , that we might be justified by faith . Before the time then thou hast faith , ( which is the day salvation comes to thine house ) thou art kept under the Law. Thou art not assured of salvation , nor canst thou expect till then that God should shew thee mercy . We may have a conceit , that though we are never transplanted , nor cut off from our own stock , yet God will shew us mercy : But we shall beguile our selves to hell therein ; for we are kept under the Law till faith comes , that so we may know our selves . We are kept , &c. ( Kept ) It 's a Metaphor drawn from Military affairs , when men are kept by a Garrison , and kept in order . Now the Law is Gods Garrison , which keeps men in good awe and order . The Law doth this not to terrifie you too much , or to break your minds with despair , but to fit you for the faith : It 's a shutting up till that faith which should afterward be revealed . He 's a miserable Preacher which ends with preaching of the Law ; the Law is for another end , it 's to fit us for faith . It 's our Schoolmaster to bring us to Christ. We thunder not the Law to make men run away from God , but to bring them home unto him . The Schoolmaster by the smart of his rod makes the child weary of his bondage , and desire earnestly to be past his non-age ; and this is his end , not that he delights to hear him cry . Thus are we beaten by the law , not that God delights or loves to hear us sigh or sob , but that we may grow weary of our misery and cruel bondage , may desire to be justified by faith . The Law then is so a Schoolmaster , as that by making us smart , it might bring us home . We see then the course & method of the Scripture , it hath concluded all under sin , that the promise by faith of Jesus Christ may be made to them that believe . Now because men like not this kinde of Doctrine , to begin with Preaching of the Law , and therefore think there may be a shorter and nearer way , to preach Christ first , I will therefore make known unto you this method of the Scripture , and I will justifie it unto you . There must be this Preparative , else the Gospel will come unseasonably . If before we are sowred by the leaven of the Law Christ be preached , he will be but unsavoury & unpleasant to us . 2. Does God at the first Preaching of the Gospel begin with Adam by Preaching Christ , before he saw his sin and wickednesse ? No , he said not to him presently , assoon as he had sinned , Well , Adam , thou hast sinned , and broken my covenant , yet there is another covenant , thou shalt be saved by one that comes out of thy loynes : But God first summons him to appear , he brings him out of his shelters and hiding places , tells him of his sin , and saith , Hast thou eaten of the tree which I forbad thee to eat of ? But the man shifts it off , and the woman also to the serpent : The Serpent beguiled me , and I did eat : Yet all this will not excuse him , Gods judgments are declared , his sin is made apparent , he sees it : Then being thus humbled , comes in the promise of the Gospel , The seed of the woman shall break the serpents head . Be ye open then ye everlasting doors , and the King of glory shall come in . 2. John the Baptist , who was the Harbinger to prepare the way for Christ , Preaching to the Scribes and Pharisees , warned them , O generation of vipers . He came to throw down every high hill , and to beat down every mountain : calls them serpents . This was his office , to lay the Axe at the root of the Tree . 3. And Christ himself coming into the world , and Preaching to Nicodemus , begins : Vnlesse a man be born again , he cannot enter into the Kingdome of God , John 3. A man in his natural condition can never enter into Heaven , for he is wholly carnal . That that is born of the flesh is flesh , and that that is born of the Spirit is Spirit It 's carnal , and must be born again . A little patching will not serve the turn . Thou must be new born , new moulded , a little mending is not sufficient : A man must be a new creature , and new made . So that this is the substance of this doctrine of Christ , that if thou be no better then moral vertue , or civil education can make thee ; if thou hast any thing lesse then Regeneration , believe me thou canst never see heaven . There 's no hope of heaven till then , till thou art born again : till then our Saviour excludes all false fancies that way . 5. The Apostles began to gather the first Church after Christs resurrection , Act. 2.23 . They doe not begin to preach Christ first , his vertue and efficacie ; but first they tell them of their great sin , in crucifying the Lord of life , viz. Whom with wicked hands you have taken and crucified . But what was the end of their doing thus ? It 's set down v , 37. They were pricked to the heart , and then they cried out , Men and brethren , what shall we do to be saved ? See , this was the end of all , the humbling of them , that by declaring what they had done , they might be pricked at the heart ; so that now they see if it be no better with them then for the present , it 's like to go ill with them . This makes them cry out , What shall we doe ? Then ( saith Peter ) repent and be Baptized , and you shall receive the gift of the Holy Ghost . After he had told them their own , and had brought them to their search , which is their first work , then comes the promise of Christ. Observe the Apostles method in the Epistle to the Romans : which book is a perfect Catechism of the Church , which containes these three parts of Divinity , Humiliation , Just●fication , and Sanctification . See how the Apostle orders his method . From the first Cap to part of the third , he treats all of the Law , and convinces both Jew and Gentile , and all of sinne . Then 3 Cap. 19. mark his Conclusion : that every mouth may be stopped . When he had stopped every mouth , cast down every strong hold which listed it self up against God : when he had laid all at Gods feet , and left them bleeding , as it were , under the knife of God , then comes he to Christ , Rom. 3.21 . The righteousnesse of God without the Law is manifested . He had done his first businesse in humbling them , in shewing them their sins by the Law : and assoon as that was done , when every mouth was stopped , then comes he to the promise by faith in Jesus Christ to all them that believe . You see then the method of the Scripture is first to conclude all under sin , and so to fit men for the promise of Jesus Christ. Know therefore that the law is the high-way to the Gospel , the path that leads to it , that way which must be trodden in : we are still out of our way , till we have begun our walks in this path : And if thou art not terrified by the Law , and the sight of thy sins , been at thy wits end as it were , weary of thy condition and bondage , thou art not in the way yet . Our sowing must be in tears . And it is said , that in the Church Triumphant all teares shall be wiped away from our eyes . That 's a promise : But is it possible that teares should be wiped from our eyes before we shed them ? Shall we look to goe to heaven in a way that was never yet found out ? Shall it be accounted a point of precisenesse to walk in this way , or a soul-torturing doctrine to preach it ? This is the way that all our Forefathers have both preached and gone . This is that time of sowing spoken of in Psal. 126.5 , 6. They that sow in teares , shall reap in joy . It brings us joy in the end , to begin our sowing in teares . It waters that precious seed , and makes it bring forth joy unto us in abundance , yea such as no man can take from us . So then having laid this point for a foundation , we now will come to the next . That until we come to Christ , the Law layes hold of us . Till Christ come , we are shut up under the Law , kept under it . And if there were nothing else in the world ro make a man weary of his condition , this were enough . Until a man hath given over himself to Christ , and renounced his own righteousnesse , he is subject to the Law , kept under it , not under grace . It brings a man only to the place where grace is . Put this therefore close to your consciences , and jumble not these two together . First Nature cometh , and whilst you are under that , you are under the Law. Never think you are under the Covenant of Grace , till you believe ( of which belief we shall speak more hereaftet . ) Whilst you are under the Law , you are held under it : Whoever is under the Law , is under the curse . Now that I may unfold it , and shew what a fearful thing it is to be under the Law , to be held under it ( although many think it no great matter ) hearken what the Apostle saith of it : Cursed is every one that continueth not in all things that are written in the book of the Law to doe them , Gal. 3. Well then , art thou under the Law ? then never think of being under grace at the same time : not but that we may hope to be under grace afterwards : By this Law we must be judged , and the judgment of the Law is very severe : It requires not onely that thou doe this or that good thing ; but if thou continuest not in every thing that is written therein , it condemns thee . Strange conceits men have now adayes , and strange Divinity is brought forth into the world : That if a man does as much as lies in him , and what he is of himself able to doe ? nay farther , though he be a Heathen , that knows not Christ , yet if he doth the best he can ; if he live honestly towards men , according to the conduct of his reason , and hath a good mind towards God , it 's enough , he need not question his eternal welfare . A cursed and desperate Doctrine they conclude hence : Why ( say they ) may not this man be saved as well as the best ? But if it be so , I ask such , What is the benefit and advantage of the Jew more then the Gentile ? What is the benefit of Christ ? of the Church ? of Faith ? of Baptism ? of the Sacrament of the Lords Supper ? This ground of Pelagianism , is that for which the Church abhors us : when we shall undertake to bring a man to salvation without Christ : whereas if he be not under grace , under Christ , he is accursed . If thou wilt be saved by the Law , it is not thy endeavour or doing ; what lieth in thee that will serve the turn ; every jot and tittle that the Law requires , must be fulfilled . What would be thine estate , if thou shouldst be examined according to the strict rigour of the Law ? Not the least word or thought that is contrary to it , but thou must give an account for . If thou standest upon thine own bottom , or lookest to be saved by thine own deeds ; not one vain word which thou speakest , but thou shalt be questioned for , cast , and condemned . Consider then the great difference of being under Christ and grace , and of being under the law . When we are under Christ , we are freed from a great deal of inconvenience : we are not liable to answer for those evil things which we have committed ; as in that comfortable place of Ezekiel , All his iniquities that he hath done shall not be mentioned unto him . When a man is come to forsake his old way , his evils are cast out of mind ; a marvellous comfort to a Christian : whereas if a man be not in Christ , every idle word he must be accountable for ; if in Christ , the greatest sin he ever committed he shall not hear of . All they that stand on Gods right hand , hear onely of the good things they have done , you have fed , cloathed , and visited me : But they on the left hand hear not a word mentioned concerning the good they have done , only their evil deeds are reckoned up . Now that I may declare to you the difference between the Law and the Gospel : I will difference it in three particulars . 1. The law rejects any kind of obedience besides that which is thorough , sound , full , and perfect , without any touch of the flesh . It rejects all crackt payment : it will take no clipt coyne . That obedience which hath any imperfection joyn'd with it , will not be accepted : But here I must not speak without book . See Rom. 7.14 . We know that the Law is spiritual , but I am carnal . And then concludes , O wretched man , &c. The Law is spiritual . What 's that ? We may know the meaning of it by the particle ( but ) but I am carnal . The Law is spiritual . That is , it requires that all our works be spiritual , without any carnality , or touch of the fl●sh . If in any point of our obedience there be a smell of the cask , it is rejected . If the beer be never so good , yet if it have an evil smatch , it will not relish . Let our services have this savour of the flesh , and they will not relish in Gods nostrils . And thus the law is spiritual , but we are carnal . Now it is otherwise here in the state of the Gospel : Alas ! we are carnal , it 's true . The Apostle himself complaines , That there is a law in his members rebelling against the law of his mind , and leading him captive , &c. Yet notwithstanding the Gospel accepts our obedience , though the Law will not . What 's the reason of this ? why , it 's plain . When the Law comes , it looks for justice , it puts a strict rule to us ; it requires we should be compleat : But now the Gospel doth not so ; it requires not justification of our own , but looks that being justified by Gods free grace , we should shew forth our thankfulnesse , and express that we are so in heart , by our obedience to our utmost power . Here 's all the strictnesse of the Gospel . If there be a willing mind , it is accepted according to that a man hath , and not according to what a man hath not , 2 Cor. 8.12 . God takes well the desires of our mind . This is then our blessed condition under the Gospel : it requires not perfect obedience , but thankfulness for mercies received , and a willing mind . Suppose we cannot do what we would , that 's no matter . God looks to our affections , and the willingnesse of our minds ; if it be according to the strength that thou hast , it is received with acceptance . Here then arises the second point of difference , and that is , 2. The Law considers not what thou now hast , but what thou once hadst . If thou say , I have done my best ; and what , would you have a man doe more then he can doe ? The Law heeds not that : it considers not what thou doest , but what thou oughtst to do . It requires that thou shouldst perform obedience according to thy first strength , and that perfection once God gave thee , that all thou doest should have love for it's ground : that thou shouldst love the Lord thy God with all thy soul , mind , heart , and strength . Here the Law is very imperious , like those Task-masters in Egypt , that laid burthens on the Israelites too heavy for them to bear . They had at first materials , and then they delivered in the full tale of bricks : But when the straw was taken from them , they complain of the heavinesse of their burthen . But what 's the answer ? You are idle , you are idle , you shall deliver the same tale of bricks as before . So stands the case here . It 's not enough to plead , Alas ! if I had strength , I would doe it ; but I have not strength , I cannot doe it . But the Law is peremptory , you must doe it : you are compell'd by force , you shall do it . The impossibility of our fulfilling it , does not exempt us , as appeares by comparing Rom. 8.3 . with Rom. 7.6 . although it be impossible , as the case stands , for the Law to be by us fulfilled , yet we are held under it , as appears plainly thus . If I deliver a man a stock of money whereby he may gain his own living , and be advantagious to me ; and he spend it , and when I require mine own with increase , he tells me , True Sir , I received such a summe of money of you for this purpose , but I have spent it , and am disinabled to pay . Will this serve the turn ? will it satisfie the Creditor , or discharge the debt ? No , no , the Law will have its own of him . If thou payest not thy due , thou must be shut up under it . It 's otherwise under the Gospel : that accepts a man according to what he hath , not ▪ according to what he hath not . And here comes in the third point . 3. Under the Gospel , although I am fallen , yet if I repent , the greatest sin that is cannot condemn me . By repentance I am safe . Let our sins be never so great , yet if we return by repentance , God accepts us . Faith and Repentance remove all . The Law knows no such thing . Look into the lawes of the Realm . If a man be indicted and convinced of Treason , Murther , or Felony ; though this man plead , True , I have committed such an offence . but I beseech you Sir , pardon it , for I am heartily sorry for it : I never did the like before , nor never will again . Though he thus repent , shall he escape ? No , the rigour of the law will execute justice on him : there is no benefit had by repentance , the law will seize on him , he should have looked to it before . If thou committest Murther , or Burglary , it 's not enough to put one good deed for another ; to say , I have done thus and thus for the King ; I kept such a Fort , or I won such a Town : this will not serve thy turn , it will not save thy neck : the law takes no knowledge of any good thing done , or of any repentance . This is thy estate . Consider then what a case they are in that are shut up under the Law : until a man hath faith , it admits no excuse , requires things far above thy power to perform ; it will accept no repentance : And therefore we may well make this Conclusion in the Galathians , As many as are under the law , are under the curse , as it is written , cursed is every one that continues not in all things that are written in the book of the law to do them . But now , where are we thus shut up ? It 's under sin , as the Apostle tells us . For the Law discovers sin to be sin indeed : that sin by the commandement may become exceeding sinful , Rom. 7.13 . The Law makes us see more of it then we did , or possible could come to have seen , Rom. 3.20 . By the Law cometh the knowledge of sin : I had not known sin but by the law . Yes , peradventure I might have known Murther , Adultery , &c. to have been sins ; but to have known them to have been exceeding sinful , I could not but by the law . To know what a kind of plague sin is in it self , so as not to make a game of it , or a small matter , as many usually make it ; to see the uglinesse of it , I cannot without the law . But that we may know what sin is , and that we may see it to be exceeding sinful , I here bring you a few Considerations , which I would have you ponder on , and enlarge them to your selves when you come home . 1. Consider the basenesse of him that offends , and the excellency of him that is offended : You shall never know what sin is without this twofold Consideration : lay them together , and it will make sin out of measure sinful . See in David , The drunkards made songs and ballads of him He aggravates the indignity offered him , in that he was their King , yet that those wretched and filthy beasts the drunkards made songs of him . See it likewise in Job , Cap. 29. when he had declared unto them in what glory he once was , that he was a King and Prince in the Countrey . Then see Cap. 20. They that are younger then me have me in derision , whose fathers I would have disdain'd to have set with the dogs of my flock . He aggravates the offence . First , from the dignity of the person wronged , a King , and a Prince . Then from the baseness and vileness of those who derided him , They were such as were younger then he , such as whose fathers he would have disdain'd to have set with the dogs of his flocks . A great indignity , and mightily aggravated by these circumstances , that a King should be abased by such vile persons . Now some proportion there might be between David and the drunkards , Job and these men ; but between thee and God what proportion can there be ? Who art thou therefore that darest set thy self in opposition and rebellion against God ? What , a base worm that crawleth on the earth , dust and ashes , and yet darest thou thy Maker ? Dost thou ( saith God ) lift thy self up against him before whom all the powers of Heaven do tremble ? whom the Angels do adore ? Exaltest thou thy self against him who inhabiteth Eternity ? What , oppose thy self , a base creature , to Almighty God thy Creator ? Consider this , and let the basenesse of the delinquent , and the Majesty and Glory of that God against whom he offends , be the first aggravation of sin , and thou shalt find sin out of measure sinful . 2. Consider the smalnesse of the Motives , and the littlenesse of the inducements that perswade thee so vile a creature , to set thy self against so glorious a God. If it were great matters set thee a work , as the saving of thy life , it were somewhat : But see how small and little a thing does usually draw thee to sin . A little profit it may be , or pleasure : It may be neither of these , or not so much . When thou breathest out oaths , and belchest out fearful blasphemies against God ; when thou rendest and tearest his dreadful and terrible name : what makes such a base and vile villain as thou thus to fly in Gods face ? Is there any profit or delight in breathing forth blasphemies ? Profit thou canst take none , and if thou take pleasure in it , then the Devil is in thee : yea then thou art worse then the Devil himself . This is the second Consideration which may make us to see the vilenesse of sin , and abhor our selves for it : to wit , the slenderness of the temptations , and smalnesse of the motives to it . 3. Adde what strong helps and meanes God hath given thee to keep thee from sin . As , I say , thou shouldst consider the basenesse of the delinquent , the glory of the offended , the mean motives which cause so base a creature to do so vile an act ; so also consider the great means God hath given thee to keep thee from sin . He hath given thee his Word , and this will greatly aggravate thy sins , to sin against his word , Gen. 3.11 . When God convinces Adam , he proceeds thus with him : Hast thou ( saith he ) eaten of the tree whereof I commanded thee that thou shouldst not eat ? What , hast thou done it , as if thou wouldst do it on purpose to cross God ? God hath given thee an express command to the contrary , and yet hast thou done this ? Hast thou so often heard the Law , and pray'd , Lord have mercy on me , and incline my heart to keep this law , and yet wilt thou lye , swear , commit adultery , and deal falsly , and that contrary to the command of God , obstinately disobey him ? Now God hath not onely given this great meanes of his Word and Commandement , but great grace too . Where understand that there is not onely final grace , but degrees of grace : else the Apostle would not have said , receiv'd not the grace of the Lord Jesus Christ in vain . Consider then how much grace thou hast received in vain . How many motions to good hast thou rejected ? Perhaps thy heart is touched at this Sermon , though it is not my tongue , nor the tongue of the most elegant in the world that can touch the heart , but the Spirit that comes along with his word . Now when thou findest wirh the Word a Spirit to goe with it ▪ it is a grace . If thy conscience be enlightned , and thy duty revealed to thee , so that it tels thee what thou art , what thou oughtst to doe , and not to doe , it is a grace . Now if for all this thou blindly runnest through , and art never the better , but obstinately settest thy self against God , and doest many things which others that have not received the same grace would not have done , know then that thou receivest this grace in vain , and thy case is lamentable . 4. Consider Gods great goodnesse towards thee . 1. First , his goodnesse in himself . There 's nothing but goodnesse , infinite goodnesse in him , and canst thou find in thy heart to sin against so good a God ? To offend and wrong a good disposition'd person , one of a sweet nature and affection , it aggravates the fault , 't is pity to wrong or hurt such a one as injures no body . Now such a one is God , a good good , infinite in goodness , rich in mercy , very goodnesse it self ; and therefore it must needs aggravate the foulnesse of sin to sin against him : But now he is not onely thus in himself , but 2. Secondly , He 's good to thee , Rom. 2. Despisest thou the riches of his goodness and forbearance ? &c. What hast thou that thou hast not received from his bountiful hand ? Consider of this , and let this be a meanes to draw thee off from thy sinfulnesse . When David had greatly sinned against God , and when God bring● his murther home to him , he pleads thus with him : When thou wert nothing in thine own eyes , I brought thee ( saith God ) to the Kingdome , I took thee from the sheepfold , and exalted thee , and brought thee to a plentiful house . And may not God say the like to us ? and doe you thus requite the Lord O you foolish people and unwise , that the more his mercy and goodnesse is to you , the higher your sins should be against him ? 5. Besides , Consider more then all this , we have the examples of good men before our eyes . God commands us not what we cannot doe : If God had not set some before our eyes that walk in his wayes , and doe his will , then we might say that these are precepts that none can perform : But we have patterns , of whom we may say , such a man I never knew to lye , such a one never to swear , and this should be a means to preserve us from sinning , Heb. 11. Noah was a good man , and being moved with fear , set not at nought the threatning of God , but built the Ark , and thereby condemned the world . His example condemned the world , in that they followed it not , although it were so good , but continued in their great sins . So , art thou a wicked deboist person ? there is no good man but shall condemn thee by his example . It 's a great crime in the land of uprightnesse to doe wickedly : to be profane , when the righteous by their blamelesse lives may teach thee otherwise . 6. And lastly , Adde to all the consideration of the multitude and weight of thy sins . Hadst thou sinned but once or twice , or in this or that , it were somewhat tolerable . But thy sins are great and many : they are heavy , and thou continually encreasest their weight , and addest to their number . Jer. 5.6 . A lyon out of the forrest shall slay them , and a wolf of the evening shall spoile them , a leopard shall watch over their Cities , and every one that goeth out thence shall be torn in pieces . Why ? Because their transgressions are many , and their back-slidings are encreased . If thou hadst committed but two , or three , or four sins , thou mightst have hope of pardon ; but when thou shalt never have done with thy God , but wilt be still encreasing , still multiplying thy sins , How can I pardon thee ? ( Thus David sets out his own sins in their weight and number , Psal. 38.4 . ) Mine iniquities are gone over my head , as an heavy burthen they are too heavy for me . The continual multiplying of them adds to their heap both in number and weight . Thus I have shew'd you what the Law does in respect of sin , the benefit of being under the Law , that it makes sin appear in its own colours , and sets it forth to be , as indeed it is , exceeding sinful . But the Law does not yet leave sin , nor let it scape thus : But as the Law discovers our sinfulnesse and accursednesse by sin , its wretchednesse and mans misery by it , till his blessednesse comes from the hands of his Jesus , so it layes down the miserable estate befalls him for it . If he will not spare God with his sins , God will not spare him with his plagues . Let us consider of this accursednesse sin brings on us : God will not let us go so , but as long as we are under the Law , we are under the curse ; and till we are in Christ , we can expect nothing but that which should come from the hand of a provoked God. Assure thy self , thou th●t pleasest thy self in thy abominations , that God will not take this at thine hands that by so base a creature as thou art , so vile a thing as sin is should be committed against him . But of the woful eff●cts of sin , which is Gods wrath , we will speak the next time . LAM . 5.16 . Woe unto us that we have sinned . I Declared unto you heretofore what we are to consider in the state of a natural man , a man that is not new fashioned , new moulded , a man that is not cut off from his own stock , a man that is not ingrafted into Christ , he is the son of sin , he is the son of death . First I shew'd you his sinfulnesse , and now Secondly I shall shew you his accursednesse , that which follows necessarily upon sin unrepented of . I declared before what the nature of sin is : And now I come to shew what the dreadful effects of sin are , the cause , the consequence that follows upon sin , and that is woe and misery , Woe unto us that we have sinned . A woe is a short word , but there lieth much in it . Doct. Woe and anguish must follow him that continueth sinning against God. And when we hear this from the Ministers of God , it is as if we heard that Angel , Rev. 8.13 . flying through the midst of heaven , denouncing , Woe , woe , woe to the inhabitants of the earth . The Ministers of God are his Angels ; and the same that I now deliver to you , if an Angel should now come from Heaven , he would deliver no other thing . Therefore consider that it is a voice from Heaven , that this woe , woe , woe , shall rest upon the heads , upon the bodies and soules of all them that will not yeild unto God , that will not stoop to him , that will be their own masters , and stand it out against him : woe , woe , woe unto them all . Woe unto us . It 's the voice of the Church in general , not of one man ; but woe unto us that we have sinned . That I may now declare unto you what these woes are , note by the way that I speak not to any particular man , but to every man in general . It is not for me to make particular application , doe you doe that your selves : We are all children of wrath by nature : In our natural condition we are all alike , we are all of one kind , and every kind generates its own kind : 'T is an hereditary condition , and till the Son make us free , we are all subject to this woe . By nature we are all children of wrath as well as others , Eph. 2.3 . Now that I may not speak of these woes in general , I have shew'd how two woes are past , and a third woe is coming . God proceeds punctually with us . And are not our proceedings in Judiciary Courts after this manner ? The Judge when he pronounceth sentence , doth particularize the matter : Thou shalt return to the place from whence thou camest , thou shalt have thy bolts knockt off , thou shalt be drawn to the place of execution , thou shalt be hanged , thou shalt be cut down , and quartered ; and so he goes on . And this is that which is the witnesse of Justice . Thus is it here , the Spirit of God thinks it not enough to say barely , the state of a sinner is a woful estate ; but the woes are punctually number'd , and this shall be my practice . Now 1. The first thing that followeth after sin is this : After the committing of sin , there cometh such a condition into the soul that it is defiled , polluted , and becometh abominable . And this is the first woe . 2. The soul being thus defiled and abominable , God loaths it ; for God cannot endure to dwell in a filthy and stinking carrion-soul , he startles as it were , and seems afraid to come near it , he forsakes it , and cannot endure it . And that 's the second woe : First sin defiles it , then God departs from it , there must be a divorce . 3. When God is departed from the soul , then the Devil enters in , he presently comes in and takes up the room , there will be no emptinesse or vacuum . And this is a fearful woe indeed : for as soon as God is departed from a man , he is left to the guidance of the Devil , his own flesh , and the world . There will be no emptinesse in the heart : no sooner God departs , but these step in and take Gods place . 4. Then in the fourth place , after all this is done , comes sin and cries for its w●ges , which is death . That terrible death which comprehends in it all that beadroll of curses which are written in the Book of God ; and not onely those ▪ but the curses also which are not written , Deut. 28. which are so many that they cannot be written . Though the Book of God be a compleat Book , and the Law of God a perfect Law , yet here they come short , and are imperfect : For the curses not written shall light upon him , which are so many as pen and ink cannot set down , nay , the very pen of God cannot expresse them , so many are the calamities and sorrows that shall light upon the soul of every sinful man. Now let us take these woes in pieces one after another . 1. The first woe is the polluting and defiling of the soul by sin . A thing it may be that we little think of ; but if God once open our eyes , and shew us what a black soul we have within us , and that every sin , every lustful thought , every covetous act , every sin sets a new spot and stain upon the soul , and tumbles it into a new puddle of filth , then we shall see it , and not till then ; for our eyes are carnal , and we cannot see this . If once we did but see our hateful & abominable spots , that every sin tumbles us afresh into the mire : did we see what a black Devil we have within us , we would hate and abhor our selves as Job did . It would be so foul a sight , that it would make us out of our wits as it were , to behold it . A man that is but natural , cannot imagine what a black Devil there is within him : But though he seeth it not , yet he that hath eyes like a flame of fire , Rev. 1.14 seeth our stains and spots . Our Saviour shewes the filthinesse of the heart by that which proceeds out of the mouth , Mat. 15.18 . Those things which proceed out of the mouth , come from the heart . And v. 19. Out of the heart proceed evil thoughts , &c. Observe . Of all evils we account evil thoughts the least . This we think strange , what , thoughts defile a man ? what , so light a matter as a thought ? Can they make any impression ? Yes , and defile a man too , leaving such a spot behind them , which nothing but the hot blood of Christ can wash away . So many evil thoughts , so many blasphemies , so many filthy things come from the heart , every one being a new defilement and pollution , that a man is made so nasty by it and filthy , that he cannot believe that it is so bad with him as indeed it is . The Apostle having shewn the Corinthians their former life , and exhorted them against it , 1 Cor. 6. goes on cap. 7. v. 1. Let us cleanse our selves from all filthinesse of the flesh and spirit . Mark then , there is a double filthinesse , a filthinesse of the flesh , and a filthinesse of the spirit . The filthinesse of the flesh , that every one acknowledgeth to be filthy carnality , Fornication , and Adultery , &c. These bestial lusts every one knowes to be unclean . But then there is a filth of the Spirit too , and such are evil thoughts . They are the filth of the Spirit . Corruptio optimi est pessima . The corruption which cleaves to the best thing is worst . The soul is the Best thing , the most noble thing ; the filthinesse which cleaves to it therefore must needs be the greatest . Fleshly filthiness , as Adultery , is filthy ; but contemplative Adultery , to dwell thereon , is worse : however such a man may be pure from the filth of the flesh , yet if he delight himself in filthy thoughts , his spirit is abominable in the sight of God : there is a stain by every one of thy impure thoughts left behind . However an actual sin be far greater then the sin of a thought , yet if that be but once committed , and these are frequently in thee ; if thou alway lie tumbling in the suds of thy filthy thoughts , thy continuing therein makes thy sin more abominable then Davids outward act which he but once committed . So that we see there is a filthinesse of the spirit as well as the flesh . In James 1.21 . we have a word sets out the filthinesse of it , which is ( Superfluity . ) Lay apart ( saith he ) all filthinesse and superfluity of naughtinesse . First , it 's expressed by the name of filthinesse , ●hewing there 's nothing so defiles a man as sin . Then 't is call'd superfluity of naughtinesse : But what , is there any naughtinesse to be born with ? and what exceeds that , is it superfluity ? No , that 's not the meaning of the place . By superfluity , is meant the excrements of sin : Excrements are the refuse of meat when the good nourishment is taken away from it . And 't is as if the Apostle had said , Lay aside filthy , nasty , or excrementitious sin . The word was used in the Ceremonies of the Jewes , and thereby we may see what was taught concerning sin , Deut. 23.12 , 13. Thou shalt have a place without the camp whither thou shalt goe , &c. Though the comparison be homely , yet it shews the filthinesse of the sin , that it is as a very excrement . Thou shalt have a paddle , and it shall be that when thou wilt ease thy self , thou shalt dig therewith , &c. and thou shal● cover that which cometh from thee . But what , did God care for these things ? No , it was to teach them a higher matter : As the reason following implies . For the Lord thy God walketh in the midst of the Camp. God would thereby shew them , that those things at which every man stoppeth his nose , are not so filthy to man , as sin is unto God. So that you see how the case stands with a sinful man : sin defiles him , it pollutes him . 2. And then in the next place , It makes Gods soul to hate and abhor him . It 's true , some sins there are that every man imagineth to be shameful and filthy ; but we see all sin is so to God , 't is fil●hinesse of flesh and spirit . A man may hate carnality , fleshly filthinesse ; peradventure also he may hate covetousnesse , but pride and prodigality that he may get ( as he thinks ) credit by , that he cannot maintain the reputation of a Gentleman without them . A miserable thing , that a man should account that a garnish of the soule , which doth defile and pollute it . If a man should take the excrements of a beast to adorn himself , would not we think him an ass ? Well , when we thus defile our selves by sin , God cannot endure us , he is forced to turn from us , he abhors us : And that 's the next woe . 2. When thou hast made thy self such a black soul , such a dunghill , such a sty , then God must be gone , he cannot endure to dwell there : It stands not with his honour , and with the purity of his nature to dwell in such a polluted heart , there must now be a divorce : Holinesse becomes his house for ever . His delight is in the Saints . He is King of the Saints , he will not be in a sty : When thou hast thus polluted and defiled thy soul , God and thee must presently part : God puts thee off , and thou puttest God off too . We read in that place before alledged , Eph. 2 12· that before they knew Christ , they were without God in the world , &c. Atheists , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . And in cap. 4. v. 18. Having your understanding darkned , and being alienated from the life of God through the ignorance that is in them . The presence of God is the life of our soules ; and we having through sin and ignorance banish't God , we become strangers until the time of our ingrafting into Christ ; we are aliens to the life of God : whereupon comes a mutual kind of abhorring one another . God abhors us , and we vile and filthy wretches abhor God again . There is enmity betwixt God and us , and between all that belongs to God , and all that belongs to us . There 's an enmity betwixt God and us , and observe the expression of it , Levit. 26.15 . If you shall despise my statutes , or if your soules shall abhor my judgments , so that you will not doe my commandements , &c. See here how we begin to abhor God , and then for judgment on such persons , v. 30. My soul shall abhor you . We are not behind hand with God in this abhorring , Zach. 11.8 . My soul loathed them , and their soul abhorred me . When we begin to abhor God , Gods soul also abhors us . When a man hath such a polluted soul , he becomes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a hater of God , and hated of him . When thou hast such a stinking soul , God must needs loath it , as a most loathsome thing ; and so thou art not behind God neither . Thy filthinesse makes God abhor thee , and thou abhorrest him . And this is thy case , by hating , thou art hated of God. Nor is this all the enmity . There is enmity also betwixt all that belongs to God , and all that belongs to us . Gods children and the wicked have ever an enmity betwixt them , such an enmity as will never be reconcil'd . It 's set down in Prov. 29.27 . An unjust man is an abomination to the just , and he that is upright in his way , is an abomination to the wicked . Just as it is between God and the seed of the serpent , so it is between both the seeds . A wicked man is an abomination to the just , and an upright man is an abomination to the wicked . There is a pale of abomination set between them : so that this is the second woe . We come now to the third . 3. And the third woe is that which immediatly follows Gods leaving of us . When we have polluted our selves with sin , and God by reason thereof abhors us , and turns from us , then are there others ready presently to take up the room ; so soon as God departs , the Devil steps in and becomes thy God. He was thy God by Creation , this by usurpation : He was thy Father that would have given thee every good thing ; but now thou art fatherlesse , or rather worse , thou hast the Devil for thy Father , and better is it to to be without one . When the Devil is thy Father his works thou must doe . When the Spirit of God departed from Saul , presently the evil Spirit entred into him , 1 Sam. 16.14 . If the good Spirit be gone out , the evil Spirit soon comes in : he comes and takes possession , and is therefore called The God of this world : And while we are in that state , we walk after the course of him that worketh in the children of disobedience . We would account it a terrible thing , for our selves , or any of our children , to be possessed of a Devil : But what it is to be possessed of this Devil thou knowest not . It 's not half so bad to have a Legion possesse thy body , as to have but one to possesse thy soul. He becomes thy God , and thou must doe his work ; he will tyrannize over thee . What a fearful thing therefore is this , that assoon as God departs from us , and forsakes us , and we him , that the Devil should presently come in his room , and take up the heart ? Mark that place in Eph. 2.2 . Where in times past ye walked according to the course of the world , according &c. Assoon as God leaves a man , what a fearful company assail him ? They all concur together , the world , the flesh , and the Devil : These take Gods place . The world is like the tide ; when a man hath the tide with him , he hath great advantage of him that rowes against the tide . But here is the Devil too . The world is as a swift current , and besides this comes the Devil and fills the heart , the Prince of the power of the aire . While thou wert carried with the world , thou went'st with the stream , and hadst the tide with thee ; but now the Devil being come , thou hast both wind and tide ; and how can he choose but run whom the Devil drives ? But this is not all : There must be something in thine own disposition too , that it may be compleatly filled : Though there be wind and tide , yet if the ship be a slug , it will not make that haste that another light ship will : Therefore here is the flesh too , and the fulfilling the desires thereof , which is a quick and nimble vessel , and this makes up the matter . So that if we consider the wind and tide , and lightnesse of the ship , it will appear how the room is filled : And how woful must the state of that man be ? It is a fearful thing to be delivered up unto Satan , but not so fearful as to be delivered up to ones own lusts . But by the way observe this for a ground : God never gives us up , God never forsakes us till we first forsake him . He is still before hand with us in doing us good ; but in point of hurt we our selves are first . In the point of forsaking we are always before hand with God. If it should be proposed to thee , whether thou wilt forsake God or the Devil , and thou dost forsake God , and choosest the Devil , thou deservest that he should take possession in thee . When a man shall obstinately renew his grosse sins , doth he not deserve to be given up ? Observe the case in our first Parents . God told the woman one thing , the Devil perswades her another ; she hearkens to the Devil , and believes him rather then God ; and when we shall desire to serve the Devil rather then God , the God that made us , and that made heaven for us , doe we not deserve to be given up to him ? For his servants we are whom we obey . And thus we see how fearful a thing it is to be delivered up to our selves , and to the Devil , Psal. 81.11 . First they forsake God : God comes and offers himself unto them , I will be thy God , thy Father , thou shalt want nothing : yet notwithstanding Israel would not hear , they would have none of me . And then , if thou wil● have none of me , I will have none of thee , saith God. Then see what follows , v. 12. God commits the prisoner to himself : I gave them up to their own hearts lusis , &c. And there 's no case so desperate as this , when God shall say , If thou wilt be thine own Maste● , be thine own Master . Thus to be given up to a mans self , is worse then to be given up unto Satan : To be given up unto Satan may be for thy safety ; but there 's not a mountain of Gods wrath greater , then to give a man up unto himself . We would fain goe over the hedges ; but when God loves us , he hedges up our ways , Hos. 2.6 . If God love us , he will not leave us to our selves , though we desire it . But when God shall say , goe thy wayes if thou wilt not be kept in , be thy own Master , this is a most fearful thing : And this is the third woe . First the soul is polluted with sin ; it forsakes God , and God forsakes it : then the world , the flesh , and the Devil , these fill up the room ; and then what follows when these three rule within ? but all kinds of sin : And so all kinds of punishment , which is the next woe . 4. And this woe brings in all the curses of Almighty God , an Iliad of evils . Sin calls for its wages , viz. Death , Death . That 's the payment of all : The wages of sin is death . And this is the next thing which I shall open and explain . Now in handling hereof , I will first shew how death in general must of necessity follow sin , that thou who hast forsaken the fountain of life , art liable to everlasting death . And for this see some places of Scripture , Rom. 6.2 , 3. The wages of sin is death . Consider then first what this wages is . Wages is a thing which must be paid : If you have an hireling , and your hireling receive not his wages , you are sure to hear of it , and God will hear of it too , James 5.4 . He which keeps back the wages of the labourer , or of the hireling , their cry will come into the eares of the Lord of Sabbath . As long as hirelings wages are unpaid , Gods eares are filled with their cries , Pay me my wages , pay me my wages . So sin cries , and it is a dead voice , Pay me my wages , pay me my wages , the wages of sin is death . And sin never leaves crying , never lets God alone , never gives him rest till this wages be paid . When Cain had slain Abel , he thought he should never have heard any more on 't ; but sin hath a voice , The voice of thy brothers blood cries unto me from the ground . So Gen. 18.20 . the Lord saith concerning Sodom , Because the cry of Sodom is great , and their sin very grievous , therefore I will goe down and see whether they have done according to the cry that is come up into mine eares . As if the Lord had said , It 's a loud cry , I can have no rest for it , therefore I will goe down and see , &c. If a man had his eares open , he would continually hear sin crying unto God , Pay me my wages , pay me my ●ages , kill this sinful soul : And though we do not hear it , yet so it is . The dead and doleful sound thereof fill● Heaven : it makes God say , I will goe down and see , &c. Till sin receive its wages , God hath no rest . Again , see Rom. 7.11 . Sin taking occasion by the commandement , deceived me , and by it slew me . I thought sin not to have been so great a matter as it is . We think on a matter of profit or pleasure , and thereupon are enticed to sin ; but here 's the mischie● , sin d●ceives us . I● is a weight , it presses down , it dece●●es men , it 's more then they deemed it to be . The committing of sin is as it were running thy self upon the point of Gods blade . Sin at first may fl●●ter thee , but it will deceive thee : It 's like Joabs kisse to Amasa . Amasa was not aware of the spear that was behind , till he smote it into his ribs that he died . When sin entices th●e on by profits and pleasures , thou art not aware that it will slay thee : But thou shalt find it will be bitternesse in the end . A sinner that acts a tragedy in sin , shall have a bloody Catastrophe . Rom. 6. What fruit had you then in those things whereof you are now ashamed ? Blood and death is the end of the Tragedy . The end of those things is death . The sting of death is sin , 1 Cor. 15. What is sin ? It 's the sting of death : Death would not be death unlesse sin were in it . Sin is more deadly then death it self : It 's sin enableth death to sting , enableth it to hurt and wound us : So that we may look on sin , as the Barbarians looked on the viper on Pauls hand , they expected continually when he would have swollen and burst . Sin bites like a snake which is called a fiery serpent , not that the serpent is fiery , but because it puts a man into such a flaming heat by their poyson : And such is the sting of sin , which carries poyson in it , that had we but eyes to see our uglinesse by it , and how it inflames us , we should continually , every day look when we should burst with it . The Apostle , James 1.15 . useth another metaphor : Sin when it is accomplished bringeth forth death . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , saith the Original , sin goeth as it were with child with death . The word is proper to women in labour , who are in torment till they are delivered . Now as if sin were this woman , he useth it in the faeminine gender . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . So is it with sin , sin is in pain , cries out , hath no rest till it be delivered of this dead birth , till it have brought forth death : That is , sin growes great with child with death , and then it not only deserves death , but it produceth and actually brings forth : This is generally so . Now consider with your selves , death is a fearful thing . When we come to talk of death , how doth it amaze us ? The Priests of Nob are brought before Saul for relieving David , and he saith , Thou shalt surely die Ahimelech . And this is your case , you shall surely die : death is terrible even to a good man. As appeares in Hezekiah , who though he were a good man , yet with how sad a heart doth he entertain the message of death ? the newes of it affrighted him , it went to his heart , it made him turn to the wall and weep . How cometh it to pass that we are so careless of death ? that we are so full of infidelity , that when the word of God saith , Thou shalt die Ahimelech , we are not at all moved by it ? What , can we think these are fables ? Do we think God is not in earnest with us ? And by this means we fall into the temptation of Eve , a questioning whether Gods threats are true or not ? That which was the deceit of our first Parents , is ours . Satan disputes not whether sin be lawful or not : whether eating the fruit were unlawful : whether drunkennesse , &c. be lawful ; he 'l not deny but it is unlawful . But when God saith , If thou dost eat , &c. thou shalt die : he denies it , and saith , ye shall not die . He would hide our eyes from the punishment of sin . Thus we lost our selves at the first , and the floods of sin came on in this manner : when we believed not God when he said , If thou dost eat thou shalt surely die : And shall we renew that capital sin of our Parents , and think if we do sin we shall not die ? If any thing in the world will move God to shew us no mercy , it 's this , when we slight his judgments , or not believe them . This adds to the heigth of all our sins , that when God saith , if thou dost live in sin , thou shalt die , and yet we will not believe him : that when he shall come and threaten us , as he doth , Deut. 29. when he shall curse , and we shall bless our selves in our hearts , and say , we shall have peace though we goe on , &c. The Lord will not spare that man , but the anger of the Lord and his jealousie shall smoke against him . It is no small sin when we will not believe God : This is as being thirsty before , we now adde drunkennesse to our thirst : That is , when God shall thus pronounce curses , he shall yet blesse himself , and say , I hope I shall doe well enough for all that . There are two words to that bargain . Then see what follows , The anger of the Lord and his jealousie shall smoke against that man , &c. We are but now entred into the point ; but it would make your hearts ake & throb within you , if you should hear the particulars of it . All that I have done , is to perswade you to make a right choise , to take heed of Satans delusions . Why will ye die ? Ezek. 33. Therefore cast away your sins , and make you a new heart and a new spirit , for why will you die ? Where the golden candlestick stands , there Christ walks , there he saith , I am with you . Where the word and Sacraments are , there Christ is ; and when the wo●d shakes thy heart , take that time , now choose life . Why will you die ? Consider of the matter : Moses put before the people life and death , blessing and cursing : We put life and death before you in a better manner : He was a Minister of the letter , we of the spirit . Now choose life . But if you will not hearken , but will needs try conclusions with God , therefore because you will choose your own confusions , and will not hearken unto God , because you will needs try conclusions with him , will not obey him when he calls , therefore he will turn his deaf ear unto you , and when you call and cry , he will not answer , Prov. 1. I presse this the more , to move you to make a right choise . But now to turn to the other side , as there is nothing but death the wages of sin , and as I have shew'd you where death is so give me leave to direct you to the fountain of life : There is life in our blessed Saviour ; if we have but an hand of faith to ●ouch him , we shall draw vertue from him to raise us up from the death of sin to the li●e of righteousnesse , 1 John 5.12 . He that hath the Son hath life , he that hath not the Son hath not life . You have heard of a death that comes by the first Adam and sin and to that stock of original sin we had from him , we have added a great heap of our own actual sins , and so have treasured up unto our selves wrath against the day of wrath . Now here is a great treasure of happiness on the other side in Christ , have the Son , and have life . The question is now , whether you will choose Christ and life , or sin and death ? Consider now the Minister stands in Gods stead , and beseeches you in his name , he speaks not of himself , but from Christ. When he draws near to thee with Christs broken body , and his blood shed , and thou receive Christ , then as thy life and strength is preserved and encreased by these Elements , so hast thou also life by Christ. If a man be kept from nourishment a while , we know what death he must die : If we receive not Christ , we cannot have life , we know that there is life to be had from Christ , and he that shall by a true and lively faith receive Christ , shall have life by him . There is as it were a pair of Indentures drawn up between God and a mans soul : there is blood shed , and by it pardon of sin , and life convey'd unto thee on Christs part . Now if there be faith and repentance on thy part , and thou accept of Christ as he is offered , then thou mayst say , I have the Son , and as certainly as I have the bread in my hand , I shall have life by him . This I speak but by the way , that the Sun might not set in a cloud , that I might not end only in death , but that I might shew that there is a way to recover out of that death to which we have all naturally praecipitated our selves . ROM . 6.23 . The wages of sin is death THe last day I entred on the Declaration of the cursed effects and consequents of sin , and in general shew'd that it is the wrath of God ; that where sin is , there wrath must follow . As the Apostle in the Epistle to the Galathians , As many as are under the works of the Law , are under the curse . Now all that may be expected from a God highly offended , is comprehended in Scripture by this term Death . Wheresoever sin enters , death must follow , Rom. 5.2 . Death passed over all men , forasmuch as all had sinned : If we are children of sin , we must be children of wrath , Eph. 1.3 . We are then children of wrath even as others . Now concerning death in general , I shew'd you the last time , that the state of an unconverted man is a dead and desperate estate : He is a slave . It would affright him if he did but know his own slavery , and what it is that hangs over his head : that there 's but a span betwixt him and death , he could never breath any free aire , he could never be at any rest , he could never be free from fear . Heb. 2.15 . the Apostle saith that Christ came to deliver them that through fear of death were all their life time subject to bondage . This bondage is a deadly bondage , that when we have done all that we can doe , what 's the payment of the service ? Death : And the fear of this deadly bondage , if we were once sensible , if God did open our eyes and shew us , as he did Belshazzar , our doom written , did we but see it , it would make our joynts loose , and our knees knock one against another . Every day thou livest , thou approachest nearer to this death , to the accomplishment and consummation of it : death without , and death within ; death in this world , and in the world to come . Not onely death thus in gross and in general , but in particular also . Now to unfold the particulars of death , and to shew you the ingredients of this bitter cup , that we may be weary of our estates , that we may be drawn out of this death , and be made to fly to the Son , that we may be free indeed . Observe , that Death is not here to be understood of a separation of the soul from the body only , but a greater death then that , the death of the soul and body , We have mention made of a first resurrection , Rev. 20.6 . Blessed and happy is he that hath his part in the first resurrection , for on such the second death hath no power . What is the first resurrection ? It is a rising from sin . And what is the second death ? It is everlasting damnation . The first death is a death unto sin , and the first resurrection is a rising from sin . And so again for all things the judgments or troubles that appertain to this death , all a man suffers before . It is not as fools think , the last blow that fells the tree , but every blow helps forward . 'T is not the last blow that kills the man , but every blow that goes before , makes way unto it . Every trouble of mind , every anguish , every sicknesse ; all these are as so many strokes , that shorten our life , and hasten our end ; and are as it were so many deaths : Therefore however it is said by the Apostle , It is appointed for all men once to die , yet we see the Apostle to the Corinthians of the great conflicts that he had , in 2 Cor. 11.23 . saith , that he was in labours abundant , in stripes above measure , in prisons frequent , in deaths oft . In deaths often ? what 's that ? That is , however he could die but once ; yet these harbingers of death , these stripes , bonds , imprisonments , sicknesses , &c. all of them were as so many deaths , all these were comprehended under this curse , and are parts of death ; in as much as he underwent that which was a furtherance to death , he is said to die . So we read Exo. 10.17 . Pharoah could say , Pray unto your God that he would forgive my sins this once , and intreat the Lord that he will take away from me but this death onely . Not that the locusts were death ; but are said to be so , because they prepared and made way for a natural death . Therefore the great judgments of God are usually in Scripture comprised under this name Death . All things that may be expressions of a wrath of an highly provoked God , are comprehended under this name : All the judgments of God that come upon us in this life , or that to come ; whether they be spiritual and ghostly , or temporal , are under the name of death . Now to come to particulars , look particularly on death , and you shall see death begun in this world , and seconded by a death following , the separation of body and soul from God in the world to come . 1. First , in this life he is alwayes a dying man : Man that is born of a woman , what is he ? He is ever spending upon the stock , he is ever wasting like a candle , burning still , and spending it self as soon as lighted , till it come to its utter consumption : So he is born to be a dying man , death seizeth upon him as soon as ever it findeth sin in him , Gen. 2.1 . In the day that thou eatest thereof thou shalt die , saith God to Adam , though he lived many years after . How then could this threatning hold true ? Yes , it did , in regard that presently he fell into a languishing estate , subject and obnoxious to miseries and calamities the hasteners of it . If a man be condemn'd to die , suppose he be reprieved and kept prisoner three or four years after , yet we account him but a dead man : And if this mans mind shall be taken up with worldly matters , earthly contentments , purchases , or the like , would we not account him a fool or a stupid man , seeing he lightly esteemes his condemnation , because the same hour he is not executed ? Such is our case , we are while in our natural condition in this life dead men , ever tending toward the grave , towards corruption , as the gourd of Jonah , so soon as ever it begins to sprout forth , there is a worm within , that bites it , and causes i● to wither . The day that we are born there is within us the seed of corruption , and that wasts us away with a secret and incurable consumption , that certainly brings death in the end : So that in our very birth begins our progresse unto death : A time , a way we have , but it leads unto death . There is a way from the Tower to Tyburn , but it is a way to death . Until thou comest to be reconciled unto Christ , every hour tends unto thy death ; there 's not a day that thou canst truly say thou livest in , thou art ever posting on to death : death in this world , and eternal death in the world to come . And as it is thus with us at our coming into the world , so we are to understand it of that little time we have above ground , our dayes are full of sorrow . But mark , when I speak of sorrows here , we must not take them for such afflictions and sorrows as befal Gods children , for theirs are blessings unto them : chastisments are tokens of Gods love : For as many as I love I chasten ( saith God. ) Affliction to them is like the dove with an Olive-branch in her mouth , to shew that all is well . But take a man that is under rhe Law , and then every crosse , whether it be losse of friends , losse of goods , diseases on his body , all things , every thing to him is a token of Gods wrath , not a token of Gods love , as it is to Gods children ; but it is as his impress-money , as part of payment of a greater summe , an earnest of the wrath of God , the first part of the payment thereof . It 's the Apostles direction , that among the other armour , we should get our feet shod , th●t so we might be able to goe through the afflictions we shall meet withall in this life , Eph. 6.15 . Let your feet be shod with the preparation of the Gospel of peace . What , is the shooing of the feet a part of the armour ? Yes . For in the Roman discipline there were things they called Caltrops , which were cast in the way before the Army , before the horse and men ; they had three points , so that which way soever they threw them , there was a point upwards . Now to meet with and prevent this mischief , they had brazen shooes , that they might tread upon these caltrops and not be hurt : As we read of Goliah , amongst other armour he had boots of brasse . To this it seems the Apostle had reference in this metaphorical speech : The meaning is , that as we should get the shield of faith , and sword of the Spirit , so we should have our feet shod , that we might be prepared against all those outward troubles that we should meet with in the world , which are all of them as so many stings and pricks : all outward crosses I say , are so : And what is it that makes all these hurt us ? what is it that makes all these as so many deaths unto us but sin ? If sin reign in thee and bear rule , that puts a sting into them . It is sin that arms death against us , and it is sin that arms all that goes before death against us . Hast thou been crossed in the losse of thy wife , children , good friends , &c. why the sting of all is from sin , sin it is which makes us feel sorrow . What shall we then doe ? Why , get thy feet shod with the preparation of the Gospel of peace . Prepare thy self , get God at peace with thee ; and if God be at peace with thee , thou art prepared , and then whatsoever affliction cometh , howsoever it may be a warning-piece to another that Gods wrath is coming , yet to thee it is a messenger of peace . Now these outward troubles are the least part of a wicked mans payment , though all these are a part of his death so long as he remains unreconciled , whatsoever comes upon him whereby he suffers either in himself , or in any thing that belongs unto him , they are all tokens of Gods wrath , and are the beginnings of his death . In the 26th . of Levit. and the 28th . of Deut. the particulars of it are set down . But this is that I told you the last time , how that the law of God is a perfect law , and nothing is to be added to it , yet the variety of the curses belonging unto a man unreconciled are so many , that the ample book of God cannot contain them , Deut. 28.61 . All the curses which are not written , &c. We read v. 27. The Lord shall smite thee with the botch of Egypt , and with Emralds , and with a scab , and with itch . See the diversities of plagues : All these are made parts of the curse . The very itch and scab is a part of the payment of Gods wrath in hell , Lev. 26.26 . I will send a sword amongst you , which shall avenge the quarrel of my Covenant , the sword which shall destroy you , that when you shall hear of war , of the coming of the sword , ( which the children of God need not fear , all is alike unto them ) it shall be to avenge the quarrel of Gods Covenant . The Book of God comprehends not all the curses that are to light on the wicked . And therefore we find in Zachary , a Book , a great Folio-book , every side whereof was full of curses , Cap. 5.2 . He said unto me , what seest thou ? And I said , I see a flying roll , the length whereof is 20 cubits , and the breadth thereof is 10 cubits . Here 's a big Book indeed ; but mark what is in it . Sure it is not for nought that the Holy Ghost sets down the dimensions of it : there is something questionlesse in it , the length thereof is 20 cubits , and the breadth 10 cubits : a huge volume . Nor is it a Book , but a Roll , so that the crassitude goeth into the compasse , and this is written thick within and without , and is full of curses against sin . Now for the dimensions of it , compare this place with 1 Kings 6.3 . and you shall find them the very dimensions of Solomons Porch : A great place , where the people were wont to come for the hearing of the Word : and not onely in that time , but it was continued to the time of Christ and the Apostles : For we read how our Saviour walked in Solomons Porch , and the Apostles were in Solomons Porch , Acts 5. So large then was this Roll , that it agreed in length and breadth with Solomons Porch , and so many curses were written in it as were able to come in at the Church door . It is as if we should see a huge book now , coming in at the Church-door , that should fill it up . Such a thing was presented unto him , and it was a Roll full of curses , and all these curses shall come on those that obey not all the Commandements , all shall come upon them and overtake them . Cursed shalt thou be in the City , and cursed shalt thou be in the field , cursed in thy basket and in thy store , cursed when thou comest in and when thou goest forth , Deut. 28. Till a man come to receive the Promises , till he come to be a son of blessing , till he be in Christ , he is beset so with curses , that if he lie down to sleep there is a curse on his pillow ; if he put his money in his cofer , he lays up a curse with it , which as rust eats it out and cankers it ; if he beget a child , he is accursed ; there 's a curse against his person , and his goods , and all that belongs unto him , there 's still a curse over his head . The creditor in this world by the Laws of the Realm may choose whether he will have his debtors person se●zed on , or his goods and chattels : But not so here , this writ is executed against his person , and goods , and all that belongs unto him . So that it is a fearful thing to fall into the hands of the living God If this be the condition of a wicked man , that his very blessings be curses , what a woful case is it ! There 's nothing till he be reconciled to Christ but hath a curse at the end of it . Consider that one place in the Prophesie of Malachy , where the very blessings are accurs'd : not onely when God sends on him the itch , or botch , or scab , or sword , but in blessings , cap. 2.2 . he 's accursed . If you will not hear , and if you will not lay it to heart to give glory to my name , saith the Lord , I will even send a curse upon you . But how ? See how this curse is threatned : I will curse your very blessings , yea I have cursed them already , because you doe not lay it to heart . Mark , is it not a great blessing that God yet affords the Word , that we yet enjoy it ; but if we come to hear but formally , to hear it onely , and lay it not to heart , God curseth this blessing , yea I have cursed it already , saith the Lord. When thou prayest in hypocrisie , thy prayer is a curse to thee . If thou receive the Sacrament unworthily , the cup of blessing is a cup of poyson , a cup of cursing to thee . Stay not therefore one hour longer quietly in this cursed condition , but fly unto Christ for life & blessing : run to this City of refuge , for otherwise there is a curse at the end of every outward thing that thou enjoyest . I have cursed these blessings already . It is as sure as if already pass't on thee . What a woful thing then is it ( think you ) to be liable to the curse of God! 2. But what 's become of the soul now ? why , if thou didst but see the cursed soul that thou carriest in thy body , it would amaze thee . These outward curses are but flea bitings to the blow that is given to the soul of an unregenerate man , that deadnesse of spirit that is within : didst thou but see the curse of God that rests upon the soul of this man , even while he is above ground , it would even astonish thee . 1. Consider there are two kinds of blows that God gives unto the soul of an unregenerate man. The one is a terrible blow . The other , which is the worst of the two , is an insensible blow . The sensible blow is when God lets the conscience out , and makes it fly into the face of a man , when the conscience shall come and terribly accuse a man for wh●t he hath done . This blow is not so usual as the insensible blow ; but this insensible is f●r more heavy . But as it falls out , that as in this world , sometimes before the glory in heaven , the Saints of God have here a glimpse of heaven , and certain communion with God and Christ , certain love tokens , a white stone , a new name in graven , which no man knoweth but he that receiveth it : And this is the t●stimony of a good conscience , which is hidden joyes : Privy intercourse is between Christ and them , secret kisses : And as Gods children doe as it were meet with a heaven upon earth sometimes , and are , as we read of Paul , caught up into the third heaven , which to them is more then all the things in the world besides : So the wicked have sometimes flashes of hell in their consciences . If you had but seen men in the case that I have seen them in , you would say they had an hell within them ; they would desire rather , and they have expressed it , to be torn in pieces by wild horses , so they might be freed from the horrours in their consciences . When the conscience recoyles and beats back upon it self , as a musket o're charged , it turns a man over and over : And this is a terrible thing . This sometimes God gives men in this world : And mark , where the word is most powerfully preacht , there is this froth most rais'd , which is the cause many men desire not to come where the word is taught , because it galls their consciences , and desire the Masse rather , because they say the Masse bites not : They desire a dead Minister , that would not rub up their consciences , they would not be tormented before the time : They would so , but it shall not be at their choise , God will make them feel here the fire of hell , which they must endure for ever hereafter . This is the sensible blow , when God le ts loose the conscience of a wicked man ; and he needs no other fire , no other worm to torment , nothing else to plague him : he hath a weapon within him , his own conscience , which if God lets loose , it will be hell enough . 2. But now besides this blow which is not so frequent , there is another more common and more insensible blow . God saith he is a dead man , and a slave to sin and Satan , and he thinks himself the freest man in the world . God curses and strikes , and he feels it not . This is an insensible blow , and like unto a dead palsie : Thou art dead , and yet walkest about , and art merry , though every one that hath his eyes open seeth death in thy face . O this deadnesse , this senselesnesse of heart is the heaviest thing as can befal a sinner in this life . It is the cause the Apostle speaks of in the Rom. when God delivers up a man 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to a reprobate mind : And so in the Epistle to the Ephes. 4.19 . declares such a man to be past feeling : Who being past feeling , have given themselves over to lasciviousnesse to work uncleannesse even with greedinesse . Although every sin , ( as I told you before ) is as it were the running a mans self on the point of Gods sword , yet these men being past feeling , run on , on , on to c●mmit sin with greedinesse , till they come to the very pit of destruction , they run a main to their confusion . When this insensibleness is come upon them , it is not Gods goodnesse that can work upon them . Who art thou that despisest the riches of Gods goodnesse , not knowing that the goodnesse of God leadeth unto repentance . It is not Gods judgments that will move them , they leave no impression , as Rev. 9.20 . And the rest of the men which were not killed by these plagues , yet repented not of the works of their hands , that they should not worship Devils , &c. brass , nor stone and wood , which neither can see , nor hear , nor walk . They repented not , though they were spared , but worshipped Gods which cannot see , not hear no● speak , so brutish were they to be led away by stocks and stones : I think the Papist Gods cannot doe it unlesse it be by couzenage ; yet such is their senselesnesse , that though Gods fury be revealed from heaven against Papists , such as worship false Gods ; yet are they so brutish , that they will worship things which can neither hear , nor see , nor walk : They that made them are like unto them , and so are all they that worship them , as brutish as the stocks themselves : They have no heart to God , but will follow after their Puppets and their Idols , and such are they also that follow after their drunkennesse , covetousnesse , &c. Who live in lasciviousness , lusts , excess of riot , 1 Pet. 4.2 . that run into all kind of excess , and marvel that you do not so too . They marvel ( that ye that fear God ) can live as ye do ; and speak evil of you that be good ; call such hypocrites , dissemblers , and I know not what nick-names . This , I say , is a most woful condition ; it 's that dead blow . When men are not sensible of mercies , of judgments , but run into all excesse of sin with greedinesse : and this is a death begun in this life , even while they are above ground . But then comes another death , God doth not intend sin shall grow to an infinite weight , His Spirit shall not always strive with man , but at length God comes and crops him off , and now cometh the consummation of the death begun in this life : Now cometh an accursed death . 3. After thou hast lived an accursed life , then cometh an accomplishment of curses . First , a cursed separation between body and soul , and then of both from God for ever , and that is the last payment . This is that great death which the Apostle speaks of , Who hath delivered us from that great death . So terrible is that death . This death is but the severing of the body from the soul : This is but the Lords Harbinger , the Lords Serjeant to lay his Mace on thee , to bring thee out of this world into a place of everlasting misery , from whence thou shalt never come till all be satisfied , and that is never . First , Consider the nature of this death , which though every man knoweth , yet few lay to heart . This death , what doth it ? First , It takes from thee all the things which thou spentst thy whole life in getting . It robs thee of all the things thou ever hadst : Thou hast taken paines to heap and treasure up goods for many years , presently when this blow is given , all is gone : For honour and preferment , it takes thee from that ; pleasure in idle company keeping , it barrs thee of that . Mark , this is the first thing that death doth , it takes not onely away a part of that thou hast , but all : it leaves thee quite naked , as naked as when thou camest into the world : Thou thoughtst it was thy happinesse to get this and that . Death now begins to unbewitch thee , thou wast bewitcht before , when thou didst run after all worldly things : thou wast deceived before , and now it undeceives thee ; it makes thee see what a notorious fool thou wast , it unbefools thee . Thou hadst many plots , and many projects , but when thy breath is gone , then all thy thoughts perish , all thy plottings and projectings goe away with thy breath : A strange thing , to see a man with Job , the richest man in the East , and yet in the evening ( we say ) as poor as Job : He hath nothing left him now . Now though death takes not all things from thee , yet it takes thee from them all ; all thy goods , all thy books , all thy wealth , all thy friends thou mayst now bid farewel : now adieu for ever , never to see them again . And that is the first thing . 2. Now death rests not there , but cometh to seize upon thy body . It hath bereaved thee of all that thou possessedst of all thy outward things , that 's taken away : Now it comes to touch his person , and see what then . It toucheth him , it rents his soul from his body : those two loving companions that have so long dwelt together , are now separated . It takes thy soul from thy body : This man doth not deliver up his spirit , as we read of our Saviour , Father , into thy hands I commit my spirit , or deliver their spirits as Stephen did : But here it 's taken from them ; it 's much against his mind , it 's a pulling of himself from himself . This it doth . 3. But then again , when thou art thus pulled asunder , what becomes of the parts separated ? 1. First , The body as soon as the soul is taken from it , hastens to corruption ; that must see corruption : yea , it becomes so full of corruption , that thy dearest friend cannot then endure to come near unto thee . When the soul is taken from the body , it 's observed , that of all carkasses that are , mans is most loathsome , none so odious as that . Abraham loved Sarah well ; but when he comes to buy a monument for her , see his expression , Gen. 23 8. He communes with the men , and saith , if it be your mind to sell me the field , that I might bury my dead out of my sight . Though he loved her very well before , yet now she must be buried out of his sight . It is sown in dishonour , and it 's the basest thing that can be : Therefore when our Saviour was going near to the place where Lazarus lay , his sister saith , Lord , come not near him , for he smells . Job 17.14 . I have said to corruption , thou art my father ( saith Job ) and to the worm , thou art my mother and my sister : As in the verse before , The grave is my house , I have made my bed in the darkness . Here then he hath a new kindred ; and though before he had affinity with the greatest , yet here he gets new affini●y : He saith to corruption ; thou art my father , and to the worm , thou art my mother and my sister . The worm is our best kindred here ; the worm then is our best bed ; yea worms thy best covering , as Esay 14.11 . Thus is it thy Father , thy mother , and thy bed : nay , it is thy consumption and destroyer also , Job 26. Thus is it with thy body , it passeth to corruption , that thy best or dearest friend cannot behold it , or endure it . 2. But alas ! what becomes of thy soul then ? Thy soul appears naked , there 's no garment to defend it , no Proctor appears to plead for it : It is brought singly to the bar , and there it must answer . It is appointed for all men once to die . But what then ? And after that to come to judgment , Heb. 9.27 . Eccles. 12.7 . The body returns unto the earth from whence it was taken , but the Spirit to God who gave it . All mens spirits , assoon as their bodies and souls are parted , goe to God to be disposed of by him , where they shall keep their everlasting residence . Consider when thou hearest the bell rung out for a dead man , if thou hadst but the wings of a dove to fly , and couldst fly after him , and appear with him before Gods Tribunal , to see the account that he must give unto God for all things done in the flesh : and when no account can be given , what a state of misery and horrour wouldst thou see him in ! and this is a silent kind of judging : The last day of judging shall be with great pomp and solemnity . This is a matter closely carried between God and thy self ; but then thou must give an account of all that thou hast received : And then when thou canst not give a good account , then is thy talent taken from thee . Why , saith God , I gave thee learning , how didst thou use it ? I gave thee other gifts of mind , how didst thou imploy them ? God hath given thee wisedome , and wealth ; Moral vertues , meeknesse , and patience , &c. these are good things : But mark , whatsoever good things thou hadst in this world , is now taken from thee . If a man could but see the degrading of the soul , he should see that those moral vertues in which his hope of comfort lay , even these , though they could never bring him to heaven , yet they shall be taken from him . As when a Knight is degraded : First his sword is taken from him , then comes one with a hatchet and chops off his golden spurs , and then go Sr. Knave : This is the degrading of the soul before the judgment is received : the moral vertues are taken from him , and then see what an ugly soule he hath : he had hope before , now he 's without hope : he had some patience in this world , but he made no good use of it , and now his patience is taken from him : And when thou shalt come to a place of torment , and thy hope and patience be taken from thee , what case wilt thou be in then ? Patience may stay a man up in trouble , and hope may comfort a man up in torment ; but both these are taken away . This is a thing we very seldome think ; but did we seriously consider of this first act of the Judgment before the sentence , we would not be idle in this world . 3. Then lastly , he is put into an unchangeable estate : So soon as ever death lays Gods Mace upon him , he 's put into an estate of unchangeblenesse . Such is the terriblenesse of it , that now though he yell , and groan , and pour out rivers of teares , there is no hope of change . Consider now what a woful case this is . If some friend of this mans should now come to him , would he not tell him , we have often been very merry together , but didst thou but know the misery that I am in , thou wouldst be troubled for me : Half those teares that I now pour forth , would have put me into another place , had I taken the season , but now it is too late . Oh therefore doe thou make use of teares , a little may doe it now , hereafter it will be too late . That 's the thing we should now come to speak of , the second death : But think not that I am able to speak of it now , no , that which is everlasting deserves an hour in speaking , and an Age in thinking of it . Therefore that everlasting torment , horror , and anguish which God hath reserved for those that make not their peace with him ( which is easily done God knows ) I shall speak of the next time . REV. 21.8 . Bu●●he fearful , and unbel●●●●ng , and the abominable , and murtherers , and whoremongers , and sorcerers , and Idolaters , and all lyars , shall have their part in the lake which burneth with fire and brimstone , which is the second death . THe last day I entred , you know , upon the miserable estate of an unreconciled sin●er , at the time of his dissolution , when his soule shall be taken from him , and be presented naked before Christs Tribunal , there to receive according to the works which he hath done in the flesh : And I shew'd that the wofulnesse of that estate consisted in two acts done upon him : The one before he comes to his place , before he is thrust away from Gods presence into hell fire ; which I shew'd you the last day , and did then promise to shew you the other , to wit , the wofulnesse of his estate , being once come into his place . The act done to the sinners soul before he is sent to hell , is the deprivation of his light , the taking away of his talent . For whilst a man is in this world , he hath many good things in him , too good to accompany him to hell . Now all these excellent gifts and natural endowments which did adorn a wicked mans soul , before the soul is hurled into hell , must be taken away from him . There is a kind of degradation of the soul , it is depriested 〈◊〉 were , and becomes lik● a degraded Knight that hath his honour taken from him . All the rich talents , and all the rich prizes that were put into the fools hand , shall be taken from him . Is there any moral vertue ? Are there any common graces and natural endowments in the miserable soul ? it shal be stript of all , and packt to hell . You that have abused your learning and gifts that God hath given you , do you think that they shall go with you to hell ? No such matter , you shall be very sots and dunces there . All your learning shall be taken from you , and you shall goe to hell arrant blockheads . He that had fortitude in this world , shall not carry one drachm of it to hell : all his courage shall then be abased , and his cowardly heart shall faint for fear . Fortitude is a great advantage to a man in distresse , but let not the damned soul expe●t the least advantage : his fortitude which he had whilst he was in the way , shall be taken from him . It may be he had patience in this world : Now patience is ● vertue unfit for hell , therefore shall that be taken from him . A man if he were in most exquisite torments , yet if he had patience , it would bear it up with head and shoulders ( as we say ) but this shall adde to his torments , that he shall not have any patience left him to allay it . A man hath perhaps hope in this world , and , as the Proverb is , were it not for hope the heart would burst ; yet even this too shall be taken away from him , he shall have no hope left him of ever seeing Gods face again , or of ever having any more tasts of his favour : And so what hath been said of some , may be said of all his graces and endowments : he shall clean be stript of all ere he be sent to hell . I come now to speak of the place of torment it self , wherein the sinner is to be cast eternally , which is the second act . But think not that I am able to discover the thousandth part of it , no nor any man else : God grant that no soul here present ever come to find by experience what it is . What a woful thing is it , that many men should take more paines to come to this place of torment , then would cost them to goe to heaven , that men should wilfully run themselves upon the pikes , not considering how painful it is , nor how sharp those pikes are : And this I shall endeavour to my power to set forth unto you . This Text declares unto us two things . 1. Who they are for whom this place is provided . 2. The place it self , and the nature of it . 1. For whom the place is provided . The Text containes a Catalogue of that black Roll ( though there are many more then are here expressed ) but here are the grand crimes , the ring-leaders to destruction , the mo●●er sins . And here we have in the first place the Fearful : whereby is not meant those that are of a timorous nature ( for fear simply is not a sin ) those that are simply fearful ; but such as place their fear on a wrong object , not where it should be : that fear not God , but other things more then God. Such as if affliction and iniquity were put to their choise , will rather choose iniquity then affliction : Rather then they will have any cross betide them , rather then they will incur the indignation of a man , rather then they will part with their life and goods for Gods cause , will adventure on any thing , choosing iniquity rather then affliction ; being afraid of what they should not fear , never fearing the great and mighty God : This is the fearful here meant . See how Job expresses it , Job 36.31 . This hast thou chosen . This ( that is ) iniquity rather then affliction : to sin rather then to suffer . Christ biddeth us not to fear poor vain man , but the omnipotent God , that is able both to kill and to cast into hell . The man that feareth his Landlord , who is able to turn him out of his house , and doth not fear God , who is able to turn him into hell , this dastardly spirit is one of the Captains of those that goe to hell , those timerous and cowardly persons , that tremble at the wrath or frowns of men , more then of God. But what 's the reason men should thus stand more in fear of men then of God ? Why it is because they are sensible of what men can doe unto their bodies , but they cannot with Moses by faith see what that is that is invisible . They are full of unbelief ; for had they 〈◊〉 , they would banish all false fears . See what the Lord saith , Esa. 41 14. Fear not thou worm Jacob , I will help thee , saith the Lord. He saith not , Fear not ye men , or thou man , for then perhaps thou mightst be thought to have some power to resist , but fear not thou worm . A worm ( you know ) is a poor weak thing , apt to be crushed by every foot ; yet be this thy case , be thou a worm , unable to resist the least opposition , yet fear not thou worm . Fear not , why ? for I will help thee , saith the Lord. Couldst thou but believe in God , this would make thee bold ; and hadst thou faith , thou wouldst not fear . When word was brought to the house of Jacob , that two Kings were come up into the Land to invade it , Esay 7.2 . it is said his heart was moved , as the trees of the wood are moved with the wind . But what is the remedy of this fear ? See Esay 8.12 . Fear not their fear , nor be afraid ( that was a false and a base fear ) sanctifie the Lord in your hearts , and let him be your fear , and let him be your dread . Esay 51.12 . there is an object of our faith and comfort , and a remedy against fear proposed : I , even I , am he that comforteth thee : who art thou that shouldst be afraid of a man that shall die , and the son of man that is as grass ? What , art thou one that hast God on thy side ? how unworthy art thou of that high favour , if thou fear man ? The greatest man that lives cannot shield himself from death , and from a covering of worms , and wilt thou be afraid of a man , and forget the Lord thy Maker ? The more thou art taken up with the fear of man , the lesse thou fearest God ; and the more thou remembrest man , the more thou forgettest thy Maker . You have seen the main , the ring ●●aders , which are these fearful , faithlesse , dastardly , unbelieving men . Now see what the filthy rabble is that followeth after , and they are Abominable , Murtherers , &c. Abominable , that is , unnatural , such as pollute themselves with things not fit to be named , but to be abhorred , whether it be by themselves , or with others . They are the abominable here meant , such as Sodome and Gomorrah , who were set forth to such as an example , suffering the vengeance of eternal fire , Jude v. 7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , such are abominable , being given up to unnatural lust . Let them carry it never so secretly , yet are they her● ranked amongst the rest , and shall have their portion in the burning lake . After these come Sorcerers , Idolaters , Lyars : Though these may be spoken fairly of by men , yet cannot that shelter them from the wrath of God , they shall likewise have their part in this lake when they come to a reckoning . If there be , I say , a generation of people that worship these , say what you will of them , when they come to receive their wages , they shall receive their portion in that burning lake with hypocrites : Those that make so fair a shew before men , and yet nourish hypocrisie in their hearts , these men , though in regard of the outward man they so behave themselves that none can say to them , black is their eye , though they cannot be charged with those notorious things before mentioned ; yet if there be nothing but hypocrisie in their hearts , let it be spun with never so fair a web , never so fine a thred , yet they shall have their portion in the lake , they shall have their part , their portion , &c. Then it seems these of this black guard have a peculiar interest unto this place . And as it is said of Judas Acts 1.25 . that he was gone 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to his proper place . So long as a man that is an enemy to Christ , and yeilds him not obedience , is out of hell , so long is he out of his place . Hell is the place assigned to him , and prepared for him ; he hath a share there , and his part and portion he must have : till he come thither he is but a wanderer . The Evangelist tells us that the Scribes and Pharisees went about to gain Profelytes , and when they had all done , they made them seven times more the children of hell then themselves , filios Gehennae : So that a Father hath not more right in his son , then Hell hath in them : He is a vessel of wrath fill'd top full of iniquity , and a child of the Devils : So that as we say , the gallows will claim its right , so hell will claim its due . But mistake me not , all this that I speak concerning Hell , is not to terrifie and affright men , but by forewarning them to keep them thence . For after I have shewn you the danger , I shall shew you a way to escape it , and how the Lord Jesus was given to us to deliver us from this danger : But if you will not hear , but will try conclusions with God , then you must to your proper place , to the lake that burneth with fire and brimstone . A Lake 't is , a River , a flaming River , as Tophet is described to be a lake burning with fire and brimstone , a Metaphor taken from the judgment of God on Sodome and Gomorrah , as in that place of St. Jude before mentioned , as also in 2 Pet. 2.6 . where 't is said God turned the Cities of Sodom into ashes , making them an example to all them that should after live ungodly . Mark the judgment of God upon these abominable men , the place where they dwelt is destroyed with fire , and the situation is turn'd into a lake full of filthy bituminous stuff called L●cus Asphaltites , which was made by their burnings . And this is made an instance of the vengeance of God , and an Embleme of eternal fire ; therefore said he , you shall have your portion with Sodome . Nay , shall I speak a greater word ( with Christ ) and tell you , that though they were so abominable , that the Lake was denominated from them , yet it shall be easier for Sodome and Gomorrah then for you , if you repent not while you may , but goe on to despise Gods grace . But can there be a greater sin then the sin of Sodome ? I answer , yes . For make the worst of the sin of Sodome , it is but a sin against nature : But thy impenitency is a sin against grace , and against the Gospel , and therefore deserves a hotter hell , and an higher measure of judgment in this burning pit . But what is this second death ? 2. Sure it hath reference to some first death or other going before . A man would ( as it is commonly thought ) think that this second death , is opposed to that first death , which is the harbinger to the second , and separates the soul from the body ; but it 's far otherwise . That , alas , is but a petty thing , and deserves not to be put in the number of deaths . The second death in the Text hath relation to the first Resurrection , Rev. 20 : 6. Blessed and holy is he that hath his portion in the first resurrection , on such the second death shall have no power . The first death is that from whence we are acquitted by the first resurrection , and that is the death ; for that is a kind of death ( as S. Paul speaking of a wicked and voluptuous widow , saith , she is dead while she liveth ) and the time shall come and now is , when they that are dead shall hear the voice of the Son of man , and they that hear shall live . And again , Let the dead bury their dead . So that the first resurrection is , when a man hearing the voice of the Minister , is rouzed up from the sleep of sin and carnal security , and the first death is the opposite thereunto . So that the death of the body is no death at all ; for if it were , then this were the third death . For there would be a death of sin , a death of the body , and a death of body and soul : This death of the body is but a flea-biting in comparison of the other two . This second death is the separation of the body and soul from God , and this death is the wages of sin , and God must not , will not lie in arrear to sin , but will pay its wages to the full . All the afflictions a wicked man meeteth withal here , are but as Gods press money , and part of payment of that greater summe : But when he dies , the whole summe comes then to be paid : Before he did but sip of the cup of Gods wrath , but he must then drink up the dregs of it down to the bottome , and this is the second death : It 's called death . Now death is a destruction of the parts compounded : a man being compounded of body and soul , both are by this death eternally destroyed . That death ( like Sampson pulling down the pillars whereby it was sustained , pulled down the house ) draws down the tabernacles of our bodies , pulls body and soul in sunder . A thing which hath little hurt in it self , were it not for the sting of it , which makes it fearful : To die , is esteemed far worse then to be dead , in regard of the pangs that are in dying , to which death puts an end . This temporal death is in an instant , but this other eternal , whereby we are ever dying , and never dead , for by it we are punished with an everlasting 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 2 Thess. 1.9 . and that from the presence of the Lord by the glory of his power . Then which place I have no need to adde more ; for , as much as can be s●id of men and Angels is fully comprehended in it . The Apostle terms this a fearful thing indeed , Heb. 2.15 . whereon if a man but think ( if he hath his wits about him ) he would for fear of it be all his life long subject to bondage . He would scarce draw any free breath , but would still be studying how to avoid it , and would still be in bondage and drudgery till he were delivered . Thus I have declared the nature of the place , and of this second death . That I may now goe farther , know that this Lake and this place is the place that the Lord hath provided for his enemies : It is the Lords slaughter-house ; it s called a place of torments , Luke 16. a place wherein God will shew the accomplishment of his wrath , and revenge upon his enemies , Those mine enemies that would not have me to reign over them , bring them forth , and slay them before my face . Those vessels of wrath , those rebels ; the King is in raged , and his wrath is as the roaring of a Lyon , which makes all the beasts of the forrest to tremble , Prov. 19.12 . And where there is the wrath of such a King , the issue thereof must needs be death , Prov. 16.14 . The wrath of a King is as a messenger of death . How much more fearful is the wrath of the King of Kings . God hath sharp arrows , and he sets a wicked man as his Butt to shoot at , to shew his strength , and the fierceness of his wrath . See the expression of Job in this case , The arrows of the Almighty stick fast in me , and the venome thereof hath drunk up my spirits : In so few words there could not be an higher expression of the wrath of God. First , that God should make thee a Butt , and then that thou shouldst be shot at , and that by Gods arrows : And then they are not shot by a child , but ( as the man is , so is his strength ) by the Almighty , by his bow , wherein he draws the arrow to the head . And then again these arrows are poyson'd arrows , and such poyson as shall drink up all thy soul and spirit : Oh , what a fearful thing is it to fall into the hands of such a God! It 's a saying of Moses , Psal. 90.11 . ( for 't is Moses Psal. ) Who knoweth the power of thine anger ? the power of Gods anger is unknown . And so in his Song , Deut. 32.22 . he sets it out in some measure . A fire is kindled in mine anger , which shall burn unto the lowest hell , &c. So that the King being thus provoked , is provoked to curse thee , Mat. 25. It 's put into the form of thy sentence : this cursing shall be thy lot in hell , it shall be thy very sentence , Goe ye cursed into everlasting fire . There is nothing but cursing : As Job cursed himself and the day of his birth , so then shall cursing be all thy song : thou wilt curse thy self that thou didst not hearken to the Preacher , that thou wouldst not accept of Christ , and the meanes of mercy and grace when it was offered thee : and thou wilt curse the time thou wert acquainted with this man , and that man , and others will curse thee for drawing them to sin : God curses thee , and man curses thee ; and God curses not in vain when he curses : others will curse thee , and thou thy self and others ; and think then how cursed will be thy condition ? All the curses that can be thought on , and all the curses that cannot be thought on , shall rest on the head of an impenitent sinner , to shew Gods terrible and just indignation against him . Oh beloved , to deliver us from this curse , Christ the Son of God was made a curse for us : the curse is so great , nought else can free us from it . But now that I may rank these punishments of the damned , and bring them for memories sake into some order ( although there be no order there , for it 's a place of confusion ) you may consider that the penalties of Gods enemies are penalties partly of losse , and partly of sense . 1. Of loss . And that consists in the deprivation of every thing that might administer the least comfort to him ; and for this cause hell is termed utter darknesse . Now darknesse is a privation of all light , so is Hell of all comfort , to shew that there is not the least thing that may give thee content , nor is the poorest thing thou canst desire to be had there . Darknesse was one of the plagues of Egypt , though there were no kind of sense in it , yet we may think what a plague and vexation it was to them to sit so long in darkness . The darknesse of Hell is darker then darknesse it self . They shall not see light , saith the Scripture , they shall not have so much as a glimpse of it : To be cast into this utter darkness , where shall be nothing to administer the least comfort , what an infinite misery will that be ? Were it only the losse of the things we now possesse and enjoy , of all which death robs us , as pomp , honour , riches , and preferment , this were grievous to a wicked man : These are things death dispossesses a man of , these cannot follow him , nought but thy works accompany thee : thy friends may follow thee to the grave , but there they shall leave thee . To have been happy , and to be miserable , is the greatest woe : to have lived in good fashion , and to be wretched , is the greatest grief . How will this adde to the sinners misery , when he shall say to himself , I had once all good things about me , but have now for my portion nothing but woe : I had a bed of down , but it is now exchanged for a bed of fire : I was once honourable , but now I am full of shame and contempt ; this will greatly adde to his misery . But all this is nothing , these are but the beginnings of his sorrow in regard of losse : for a man to be rich and wealthy to day , and to morrow to be stript of all , and left not worth a groat , to have all swept away , this is a woful case . 2. But if this be so grievous , what is it to lose Heaven ? Certainly , to lose the highest and greatest good , is the greatest evil and punishment that can be inflicted upon a creature . Which makes many Divines think , that the penalties of losse are far greater then those of sense , though they seem not to make that impression . It 's another thing to judge of things by sense then by losse : As for example , a man is greatly troubled with the tooth-ach , and he thinks his case more miserable then any , and thinks no man ever endur'd so much misery as himself , he judges of his misery by sense : Another man is in the consumption , and he hath little or no pain at all ; yet if a man come with a right judgment , he will judge his condition far worse then the others . So take all the pains in Hell , though sense may say they are the greatest that can be , yet discreet judgment can say , that the losse of God the greatest good , is the worst of evils . Now ( if thou be a firebrand of Hell ) thou must be for ever banish't from Gods presence . Thou base wretch , dost thou thin● Heaven a place for thee ? not so . 'T is without are dogs and sorcerers , &c. Thou art a damned dog , therefore thou must out from God , and from the company of the blessed Saints and Angels . When Peter saw Moses and Elias with Christ in his Transfiguration , though he had but a glimpse of glory , yet he saith , It is good for us to be here : But oh how infinite good will it be to be in Heaven ? how shall we be then wrapt up with glory when we shall be for ever with the Lord , in whose presence is fulness of joy , and at whose right hand there are pleasures for evermore . On the contrary , how exceeding terrible will it be to be shut out from the presence of God ? when God shall say , avaunt hence , whip out this dog , what doth he here ? let him not defile this room , this is no place for such a filthy dog . Oh the unspeakable horrour and dread ! oh the infinite shame of that man who is in such a case ! But this is not all . There is yet one thing more , the wicked shall not only be banished from Gods gracious presence , and cast into Hell , but this shall be done in the sight of Heaven . The glorious Saints of God have continually a sight of Gods justice upon sinners , that they may glorifie his mercy the more . The Scripture runs much to this purpose , Rev. 14.10 . If any man worship the beast and his image , the same shall be tormented with fire and brimstone in the presence of God and of his holy Angels . This in the 9th verse is the portion of them that worship the beast , that is the Pope , and receive the mark of his name . That is , if any will be an expresse publick or private Papist , if any one will be a slave to the Pope , see his portion , he shall drink of the wine of the wrath of God , and be banished from the society of holy Angels , and be tormented with hell-fire in their presence . Oh what a vexation will this be to the damned when they shall see others in heaven , and themselves shut out of door ? This will cause weeping and wailing and gnashing of teeth . It will go to their very heart , when they shall see Moses and Aaron and the Prophets and holy Saints in joy and glory , and shall consider and remember , that if they had made use of these means and opportunities of grace , they might have lived in Heaven too , whereas now they must be everlastingly tormented in that lake which burneth with fire and brimstone , and that without any hope of recovery . 2 Thess. 1.9 . Punished with everlasting destruction , from the presence of the Lord , and from the glory of his power . You know that by the Law of Moses , whensoever an offender was to receive his stroaks , Deut. 25 2 , 3. The Judge was to cause him to lie down , and to be beaten before his face , and he himself was to see it done . So when God comes to give the damned their stroaks in hell ( for hell is the place of execution , wherein he that knows his masters will and doth it not , shall be beaten with many stripes , ) he himself will see them beaten in the presence of all his holy Angels ; and if so , how shameful will their punishment be ? when there shall be so many thousand witnesses of it , when they shall be made ( as we say ) the worlds wonder . These are they that shall rise to everlasting contempt , Dan. 12. So in Esay , ult . Cap. v. ult . it 's said of the damned , their worm shall not die , nor their fire be quenched , but they shall be an abhorring to all flesh , and the holy Angels and Saints shall go forth and look upon them : those proud ones that scorned Gods people here , shall then be abhorred and scorned of them . 4. Adde to all this , that he 's not only banish't from the presence of God for a while , but from all hope of ever seeing God again with comfort . Thy estate is endless and remediless . Whilst thou art here in this life , of a Saul thou mayst become a Paul ; and though thou art not yet a beloved son , yet thou mayst come in favour : Whilst thou livest under the means of grace , there is yet hope of recovery left thee , it may be this Sermon may be the meanes of thy conversion : But then amongst all thy punishments , this will be one of the greatest , that thou shalt be deprived of all means of recovery , and this shall be another hell to thee in the middest of hell , to think with thy self , I have heard so many Sermons , and yet have neglected them : I had so many opportunities of grace , and yet have slighted them , this will make the sinner rage , and bite his tongue , and tear himself , to think how that now all meanes are past . And this is the first penalty , the penalty of loss . That of the sense succeeds . By the former we are deprived of all the joyes and comforts of heaven & earth , of Mount Sion , shut out of the City of the living God , the heavenly Jerusalem , depriv'd of an innumerable company of Saints , of the general assembly and Church of the first-born , of God himself the Judge of all , and the souls of the Saints made perfect . This shall make a sinner curse himself . Now follows the penalty of torments and sense . When Adam was banished out of Paradise , he had the wide world to walk in still ; but it is not so here : Thou art not only cast out of heaven , but cast into hell , and art deprived of thy liberty for ever , 1 Pet. 3.19 . It 's said Christ preached to the spirits in prison , them that in the dayes of Noah were disobedient , and for this cause are now in prison . Hell is compar'd to a prison , and a prison indeed it is , and that an odious one . For , 1. Look on thy companions . If a man were to be kept close prisoner , it were a great punishment , but goe ye cursed , saith God , into everlasting fire , prepared for the Devil and his Angels . To be among such companions is most infinitely miserable , there is nothing but Devils and damned howling ghosts , woful companions ! If there be an house possessed with an evil spirit , a man will scarce be hired to live in it ; but here the damned spirits , the filthy and cursed host must be thy yoke-fellows : Suppose there were no torment to suffer , yet to be banished from heaven , and to be tied and yoked to wicked spirits , were a torment sufficient to make the stoutest that ever was tremble , and quake , and be soon weary of it . 2. But it 's a place of torment too , a prison where there is a rack , to which thou must be put , and on which thou must be tormented : I am tormented in this flame , saith Dives . To speak of the torments there , will be matter enough for another hour , but I delight not to dwell on so sad a subject : only this is that which prepares the way to the glad tidings of salvation , therefore I shall a little longer insist upon it . The body and soul , the whole man , shall be there tormented ; not the soul only , but even the body too after judgment . Do you think the members of the body , which have been the instruments , shall escape ? be rais'd , and cast into hell to no purpose ? Why should God quicken it at the last day , but to break it on the anvil of his wrath , and to make it accompany the soul , as well in torments as in sinning . 'T is true , the soul is the fountain of all sense , and the body without it hath no sense at all : take away the soul , and you may burn the body , and it will not feel it . Now the soul being the fountain of sense , and the body being united to it , when God shall lay his axe at this root , at this fountain , how dreadful shall it be ? how shall the body choose but suffer too ? Should any of us be cast into a fire , what a terrible torment would we account it ? Fire and water , we say , have no mercy ; but alas , this fire is nothing to the fire of hell , 't is but as painted fire to that which burns for ever and ever . The furnace wherein Nebuchadnezzar commanded those to be thrown that fell not down to the graven Image which he had set up , was doubtless at every time a terrible place . Hell is compared to such a furnace ; but what shall we think of it , when the King in his wrath shall command the furnace to be heated seven times hotter then usual ? Nay , what shall we think of hell , when the King of Heaven shall command it to be heated seventy times seven times hotter then before ? when there shall be a fire , and a fire prepar'd : for so is this fire of Tophet , it 's a pile of much wood . When the King of Heaven shall as it were set to work his wisedome , to fit it in the sharpest manner , in procuring such ingredients as may make it rage most , and be most violent : It is a fire prepared for the Devil and his Angels , the strongest of creatures , for the punishment of principalities and powers : and if it can master Angels , think not but that God hath a fire to rost thy soul. It is the soul that is in hell onely till the day of judgment , though the body be not there . A man would think that the soul did not suffer , but Philosophy tels us that the soul suffers mediante corpore , in and by the body : Therefore 't is a rule in Divinitie , that whatsoever God doth by means , he can do without means . Though the body be not there , but the soul only , yet God is able , nay doth make the soul as well feel grief without the body , as he doth by means of the body . 3. But now besides thy fellow-prisoners in that cursed Gaol , consider who are thy tormentors , thou that dost continue in impenitency . Now thy tormentors are these three . 1. The Devil . 2. Thy self . 3. God Almighty . 1. The Devil , who is thy deadly enemy , a bloody-minded adversary , a murthering and merciless-minded Spirit , a murtherer from the beginning a merciless tormentor , who being in plagues and torments , and thereby even at his wits end , would fain ease himself in tormenting thee . When the Devil , as we read , was dispossessed of a child wherein he was , he rends and tears , leaves him foaming , that there was little hope of life in him : But now when a man shall be delivered into the hands of this merciless spirit , when God shall say to the Devil , take him , do what thou wilt with him , do thy worst to him : when thou shalt be thus put into the hands of one that hates thee , and delights in thy ruine , how will he tear thee into pieces ? how will he torment thee ? in how desperate and wretched a case will thy soul and body be ? 2. But the tormentor within thee is far more heavy , painful , and grievous , that never dying worm within , the sting of a guilty and wounded conscience , this , like a sharp dagger , is still stabbing thee at the very heart . This by a reflecting act upon it self , will cause thee to revenge Gods quarrel on thy self ; and as a musket over-charged beats back on the shooter , so will it most furiously return upon thee . This is that that smote David , when 't is said Davids heart smote him . A man needs no other fire , nor other worm to torment him , then that within him : which as the worms on the carkass , gnaws on a wretched soul. But there is a greater tormentor then both these behind , and that is 3ly . God himself , he is highly offended and inraged at thee , and therefore comes and takes the matter into his own hand , and will himself be executioner of his fury . There i● a passage in the Thess. to this purpose , which me thinks is more then can be spoken by men or Angels , Epist. 2. cap. 1. v. 9. Who shall be punished with everlasting destruction from the presence of the Lord , and from the glory of his power . Mark that , God whom thou hast so highly provoked to wrath , hath a strong hand and glorious power . He shew'd the glory of his power in the making the world , and all things in it , and all that infinite power which he hath manifested in the creation of heaven and earth , shall be engaged in the tormenting of a sinner . Were there a man that should lay a target of brasse , or a target of steel on a block , and should then cleve all in sunder at a blow , this would sufficiently manifest his strength : So doth God make manifest his power in crushing thee to pieces . There are still new charges and discharges against sinners , to make his power therein manifest . What if God , willing to make his power known ( saith the Apostle Rom. 9. ) suffered a while the vessels prepared to destruction ? God will manifest his power by the strength of his stroke on those that rebel against him . Hence proceedeth weeping and wailing and gnashing of teeth , which is a Metaphor taken from one either that hath a great coldness on him , or from the symptomes of a Feaver . Add to all that hath been said these two things . 1. The torment shall be everlasting , you shall desire to die , that your torments may have end : And here you may expect that I should say something of the eternity of the torments of the damned ; but I am not able , nor any one else sufficiently to express it : It shall continue ten thousand thousand yeares , and after that an hundred thousand times ten thousand , and yet be no nearer end then at the first beginning . Thou must think of it seriously thy self , and pray to God to reveal it to thy soul , for none else sufficiently can . 2. But besides , as it is everlasting , so is it unabateable . If a man were cast into a fire , the fire coming about him , would in short time blunt his senses , and take away his feeling , and besides , the materials of the fire would soon spend and waste : But it is not so here , here is not the least abatement of the horror , nor the least inch of torment taken away throughout all eternity . It was a poor request of Dives ( one would think ) that Lazarus would dip the tip of his finger in water and cool his tongue : A cold comfort , but one drop of water for the present , which would soon be dried , and yet that is denied him , he must have no abatement of his torment . Nor is there any abatement of thy feeling , but thou art kept in full strength , and as long as God is God shall Tophet burn , and thou feel it . Obj. But ( may some say ) this is preaching indeed , this would affright a man , and make him out of his wits : this is the way to make him goe hang him self , sooner then be converted . Sol. True , should God let loose the cord of our conscience , it were the way ( such would be the terrours of it ) to make a man find another cord , did not God restrain him . I desire not by this to hurt you , but to save you . I am a messenger not sent from Abraham ( as Dives entreated ) but from the God of Abraham , to forewarn you that you come not to that place of torment . But now ( Beloved ) there is a way to escape this misery , and that is by Jesus Christ , Mat. 1.21 . He was for this end called Jesus , because he saves his people from their sins , and consequently from wrath : which how it is done I shall shew in a word , and that is 1. By Christ Jesus offered for us . And 2. By Christ Jesus offered to us . By Christ offered for us , he must die for us , and if there be any death more cursed then other , that death must he die ; if any more painful , that must he suffer . Thus he undertakes thy cause , and suffers what for sin was due to thee . And then being offered for us , he is offered to us , as we may see in the Sacrament , where there are two acts of the Minister , the one the breaking the bread , the other , the offering it to the people . Thou hast as good warrant to take Christ offer'd , as thou hast to take the bread and wine , which thou art commanded to receive . Thus I thought good to adde something to sweeten the rest , that I might shew that there is a way to be freed from the bitter pains of eternal death . PHIL. 2.5 , 6 , 7 , 8. Let this mind be in you , which also was in Jesus Christ , who being in the form of God , thought it no robbery to be equal with God , but made himself of no reputation , and took upon him the form of a servant , and was made in the likeness of men ; and being found in fashion of a man , he humbled himself unto the death , even the death of the Cross. YOU have heretofore heard that point of Christian Doctrine which concerns the knowledge of our misery , and wretched estate by nature . The substance of all is , That we are the Children of wrath and disobedience as well as others . You see then in what state every man stands , before he hath made his peace with God : as long as he stands on terms of Rebellion . You see what the Holy Ghost saith , They are the sons of disobedience , and Children of wrath as well as others . This I tell you ( as hath often been declared ) not to discourage a sinner , or to drive him to desperation , but because it 's fit he should know his estate in which he is . If they will try conclusions with God , if they oppose him , the Lord cometh with a Bar of Iron , and will break them in pieces like a Potters vessel . Those mine enemies that will not have me to raign over them , bring them , and slay them before me . It is fit every man should know this ; This part is only for this end , that it may awaken us , otherwise to what purpose do we preach unto you ? Till the Law awaken us , we sleep securely in our sins , till the dreadfull Trumpet of mount Sinai comes with thundring and lightning ; as Eph. 4. Awake thou that sleepest , &c. Unless this awaken us , in what case are we ? Men as sleepers , that are a dreaming , as the Apostle speakes , Jude 8. A sleeping sinner will be a dreaming sinner : he never sees things as they are in their proper shape : but he thinks with the Church of Laodicea , That he is rich , and wants nothing , when as he is poor , miserable , blind and naked . He thinks he shall be admitted into heaven as soon as the proudest : but this is a dream : Isa. 29.8 . As the hungry man dreameth , and behold he eateth , but when he awakes , behold he is empty ; or as a thirsty man that dreams he drinketh , but awake , and behold he is faint . Thus it is with us , we think we are entring upon the suburbs of heaven , and yet we are but in a dream , and in a sleep . Now being thus awaken , consider with thy self what thou hast to do , when the dreadfull trumpet of the Law hath aw●kened thee : consider thy state ; if thou sleepest this night , Hell-fire will be thy portion . It were better for thee therefore to awake before the flames of hell-fire awake thee . Consider likewise that thou must not be led by thy self : thou must renounce thine own will. Our Estates may be pleasing unto us , to enjoy in a dream our hearts lusts here on earth ; but consider , unless thou cross thy Will here , it shall be crossed hereafter : yea it shall be the main cross a man shall have in hell , ( besides the eternal weight of Gods wrath ) that he can will or desire nothing , but he shall be crossed in it : not the least thing he desires , but he shall have the contrary world without end : Learn then what a wofull thing it is to be our own lords , to follow our own lusts and pleasures , see what we shall gain by it : never shalt thou enjoy the least portion of thy will in the world to come ; if thou wouldst have but a drop of cold water , thou shalt be crossed in it . Nothing thou desirest , but thou shalt have the opposite to it . Thus having truly and plainly shewed our Sinfulness , Wretchedness , and Cursedness by nature , I come unto the second part which I proposed ; to wit , Our Remedy , or our Redemption by Christ. And God forbid that he should create man the best of his Creature for destruction . What gain and profit is there in our blood ? Psalm 30.9 . God is full of Grace and Compassion , and he considers that we are but dust . And happy are we that we are but dust . Had we been more glorious Creatures , as Angels , we had not had the benefit of a Saviour . When they rebelled , God considered their mettal : And as with an high hand they rebelled , So the Lord reserved them in everlasting chains under darkness unto the Judgement of the great day , Jude 3. 1 Thes. 1.10 . They fell without a Redeemer ; It is well for us that God considereth that we are but dust ; For by Jesus Christ he saveth us from the wrath to come . It had been better for us never to have been born , then to be born fire-brands of hell . But now the point is , that we are Brands pluckt out of the fire , Zach. 3.2 . It is fit therefore we should know who is our Redeemer . Now as I have shewed you the last day it is Jesus Christ : And here consider , 1. Christ Jesus offered for us for the satisfaction of Gods Justice , and this is his priestly office . 2. As there was no Remission without shedding of blood , therefore after the blood is shed , and the Priest offered himself , there comes a second thing , else we are never the better : and that is Christ offered to us : This makes up our comfort . Many talk of the extent of Christs Death and Passion , saying , he dyed sufficiently for us , which is an improper speech : For what comfort were this , that Christ was offered for us , if there were no more ? A bare sufficiency in Christ serves not the turn : this were a cold comfort : As if a man that were in debt , & afraid of every Serjeant , & every Sheriffe should be told : Sir , there is money enough in the Kings Exchequer to discharge all your debts . This is very true , but what is that to him ? what comfort hath he by it , unless the King make him an offer to come , & take freely for his discharge ? And a cold comfort were it to us to know Christ to be sufficient for us , unless he invite us to take freely of the waters of life . Ho , every one of you that thirsteth , come you to the waters , &c. Isa. 55.1 . Thus unless Christ be offered to us , as well as for us , we are never the near . Now to make this appear : Observe that in every Sacrament there are two acts of the Minister . The one hath Relation to God , a Commemoration of the Sacrifice , in which respects the ancient Fathers called it a Sacrifice : the other , the breaking of the Bread , and pouring out of the Wine : wherein there is a Commemoration of the body broken , and the blood shed , not as they are concomitants , the Wine in the bread , as the foolish Papists dream , for that were rather a commemoration of his life then of his death , when the blood runs in the veins . The commemoration of Christs death is made by separation of the blood from the body , and as there is one Act of the Minister in cons●crating by breaking the body , and pouring out the blood , so there is a second Act which is ministerial . When the Minister saith , Take , eat , This is my body ; as if Christ were present , and said , Come , Take my body , thou hast as free an interest to it , as when thou art invited to thy friends table thou hast right to the meat before thee . So that as Christ is offered for thee , so he is offered to thee : And what now should hinder thee , unless thou art one that will obstinately oppose thy own salvation , and say , I will not have this man to rule over me , thou canst not miscarry . But if thou wilt be thine own lord , perish in thine infidelity . Here be the keyes of the Kingdom of Heaven given unto Gods Ministers , unless thou wilfully oppose thine own salvation , and shut that door of salvation which Christ hath opened so wide for thee . See the ways of God are plain . Christ hath paid a great price for thee , and then , as great as it is , he offers it to thee . Now for the former of these , which is Christs satisfaction made unto the Father for us , I made choice of this place of Scripture , which sets it out particularly . Herein two things are to be observed . 1. The person who it is that will thus humble himself : the Apostle grounds his Exhortation on the fourth verse , where he tels us , We ought not to look every man on his own things , but every man on the things of others . Let this mind be in you which also was in Christ Jesus . If Christ had looked only on his own things , he might have saved himself a great deal of labor and pains . He being the Son of God , might as soon as he was born have chalenged a seat with God in Glory : He need not go per viam , He might be Comprehensor in meta : but he would pass on to his journeyes end in a thorny and troublesome way : Let then the same mind be in you which was in Christ Jesus , who minded not his own things , but the good of others . 2. What it was wherein he humbled himself , he took upon him the form of a servant , and was obedient unto the death of the Cross. The highest humiliation that can be , that he who is above all praise , whom Angels adored , that he should be brought from heaven to earth ; and not only be a pilgrim there , but have a sorrowfull and pittifull pilgrimage ; and at last to be cut off by a shamefull death from the land of the living : this humiliation hath no parallel . The depth of the humiliation consists in the height of the person thus humbled ; and were not he so high , it could have done us no good . It 's no small satisfaction that can appease Gods wrath , therefore the Apostle to the Hebrews speaking of Melchisedeck , the type of Christ , concludes , how great this man was . Consider the invaluable price , how great he was , who being in the form of God , he who was fellow , and fellow-like with God , as good as himself , as great as himself , was thus humbled : It was the second person in the Trinity , he , and no other that was thus humbled for thee ; He was weary for thee , and reviled for thee , sweated and fainted for thee ; hungred for thee , and was buffeted for thee . It was he , the second person of the Trinity , in proper speech , without either Trope or Figure , shed his blood for thee , died for thee , and suffered all these things in his assumed nature , taking on him the form of a servant , though not in his divine . He remaining God alone , could not die , but yet die fain he would for thee , therefore he took thy nature on him , that he might die for thee in the assumed nature . He took not on him the nature of Angels , but the seed of Abraham . He being the fountain of life , and the Prince of our life , ( and without sheding of blood no Redemption could be wrought ) having not blood to shed as God , therefore took our nature on him , as it is ; Heb. 10.5 . Sacrifice and offering thou wouldst not , but a body thou hast prepared me , then said I , Io , I come , in the volumn of thy book it is written of me , to do thy Will O God. As if he should have said , Lord , I am not able to accomplish thy Will , or to be subject to thee in thy nature , therefore thou hast made me a man , that in the form of a servant , I might shew obedience , which I could not while I was in nature equal unto thee . Now consider how great this person is that hath suffered all for thee . Rev. 1.5 . Jesus Christ who is the faithfull witness , the first begotten of the Dead , and the Prince of the Kings of the earth : to have a great Prince bound like a thief , araigned , and executed , the consideration of this state of the person , would move a stony heart . Rev. 17.14 . He is the Lord of Lords , and King of Kings . Amongst men the Father is more honourable then the Son , and the Son is but a servant , untill he be emancipated , but it is not so in the Divinity ; but the Father and the Son are both alike honourable . Among men the Son hath the same specifical nature with the Father , but not the same individual : but it is not so in the Divinity : the Father and the Son there have the self same individual nature . I and my Father are one , therefore there must be an equality . The Pharisees themselves could draw this conclusion , that if he were the Son of God , he was equal with God. John 5.18 . Therefore the Jews sought the more to kill him , because he said , God was his Father , making himself equal with God : A man would think how could that follow ? He was but Gods Son : but Gods Son must be equal to the Father . In making himself Gods Son , he made himself equal with God : and therefore know upon this , and by this stands the point of our Redemption . If a pure and holy Angel had suffered never so much , it would not have availed for our Redemption . It is a price no man , nor Angel must meddle with all : It will require a greater Price . It was God himself that suffered in his assumed nature : He , and no other person : ( for we must understand , though Christ took on him the nature of a man , yet not the person of a man ) here stands the point , the second person in the Trinity is the Suppositum of all this humiliation : and therefore observe when the point of suffering comes , there 's a remarkable speech . Zach. 13.7 . Saith the Son to the Father , it was against his heart to smite him : the expression is a lively one , it went to his heart to smite one that was his equal , that did him no wrong , Awake , O sword , against my Shepherd , and against the man who is my fellow . You know of whom it is spoken by M●thew , Mat. 26.31 . I will smite the Shepherd , and the sheep of the flock shall be scattered . The Lord is ready to break him , Isa. 53. The sword was as it were unwilling to smite . The man that is my fellow ? A blow lighting on Gods fellow , equal with God , of what value is it ? Consider the difference betwixt a man and a man ; The State of a Prince makes great odds between that is done to him , and that is done to another man. When David would adventure himself into the battel : Thou shalt , say they , go no more with us , least they quench the light of Israel , 2 Sam. 21.17 . and more fully , 2 Sam. 18.3 . Thou art worth ten thousand of us : they would not hazzard the person of the King in the battel , Why ? because thou art worth ten thousand of us . The dignity of a Prince is so great , that ten thousand will not countervail the loss of him . If this be the esteem and worth of David , what is the worth of Davids Prince ? If thus with a King ▪ what with the King of Kings , and Lord of Lords ? This is a great ground of the sufficiency of Christs suffering . Heb. 9.13 . If the blood of Buls and Goates sanctifie to the purifying of the flesh ; how much more , verse 14. shall the blood of Christ , who through his eternal Spirit , offered himself to purge your Consciences from dead works to serve the living God ? It is not the offering of the body only , but he did it through his eternal Spirit . When the Martyrs and Saints offered themselves a sacrifice , they offered it through the flames of their love , and therefore embraced the stake ; and love is described as strong as death : but Christ did not offer his sacrifice with the flames of his love , though love was in him the greatest that ever was , but with the everlasting flames of his God-head and Deity , with that fire from heaven which is a consuming fire ? He did the deed that will purge our Consciences from dead works . Act. 20.28 . Take heed unto your selves , and to the flock , over which the holy Ghost hath made you oversee●s , to feed the Church of G●d which he hath purchased with his precious blood : God hath purchased the Church with his own blood : Who 's blood ? Gods blood . The blood of God must be shed . He who thought it no robbery to be equal with God , must shed his own blood : As Zippora saith to Moses , A bloody husband hast thou been to me , Exod. 4.25 . So may Christ say to his Church , a bloody Spouse hast thou been to me , that my blood must be shed for thee : 1 Cor. 2.8 . Had they known , they would not have crucified the Lord of Glory , that is , they would not have crucified God. He that was crucified , was the glorious Lord God. Acts 3.15 . You denyed the holy one , and killed the Prince of life . Here 's the matter , unless the Prince of life had been killed , thou couldst not have life . This the Apostle sets down as the ground of all before ; he comes to the particularities of his humiliation : and sets down , who it was who was thus humbled : He whom the Heaven of Heavens could not contain , he must descend unto the lower-most parts of the earth : that 's a descent indeed : His Humiliation appears in this , that he who was thus high , became a man , and being found in fashion as a man , he humbled himself , and became obedient unto death , even the death of the Cross. In this humiliation consider , I say , these two Points . 1. The person who was humbled . 2. The point of his humiliation . Some things hath regard to the whole course of his life , others to the conclusion or period of his life . All his life from his incarnation to his passion , was a continual thred of humiliation from his Cradle to his Cross , from his womb to his Tomb : so here is set down the humbled life of our blessed Saviour . For I would not have you think his humiliation consisted only in coming to the Cross , when they so mercilesly handled him : it cost him more then so : as sinners have the curse of God on them in their life , as well as in their death , so Christ must have a miserable life as well as an accursed death . Though the heat came at the end of the Tragedy , yet his whole life was a continual suffering . Consider the degrees of it . 1. He made himself of no Reputation , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he emptied himself : It was the second person in the Trinity that thus humbled and emptied himself , ( not in his divine nature , but his assumed , ) of all his transcendent endowments . Consider the particulars of it , he took on him the form of a servant ; Was not this a great humiliation ? That the second person in the Trinity should stoop so low as to take on him the nature of one who is not worth the looking on ? that he should take dust and ashes upon him . Psalm 113.5 , 6. Gods greatness is thus expressed , Who is like unto the Lord our God , who dwelleth on high , who humbleth himself to behold the things in heaven , and in the earth : What Humiliation is that ? compare these two humiliations together . It is but an humiliation to cast but his eye upon the heavens , to look upon the most glorious of all his works , to look upon the Angels but what is man that thou so regardest him ? that thou shouldst not only look upon him , but take him up , & make him an inmate under thine own roof ? this is a greater abasement , but here 's a further degree , Christ during the time of his pilgrimage was content to deprive himself of his Glory , that he now enjoyes , by reason of his Hypostatical Union with the God-head , he deserves all honor and glory , When he brought his first begotten into the world , he saith , And let all the Angels worship him . Heb. 1.6 . Every knee bows to him that is thus highly exalted . We see Christ crowned with glory and honor , all Dominion and Power being made subject unto him , yet he for thirty three years and an half was content to be exiled from his Fathers court . John 17.5 . Glorifie thou me with the glory I had with thee before the world was ; which is expounded in the Proverbs , where the Wisdome of God was shewn before the world was framed . Prov. 8.30 . Then I was by him as one brought up with him , and I was dayly his delight , rejoycing always before him ; this was the work before the foundation of the world which God was doing , the Father was glorifying the Son , and the Son was glorifying the Father . The Father took infinite delight in the Son , and the Son took infinite delight in the Father , and the Holy Ghost in them both . To be deprived of such a sight , and such a glory as this , and for thy sake to be banisht from that high Court ; where not to enjoy that fulness of joy , was an emptying of himself : yet all this he did for thee . 2. He minded not his own things , if he had , he might have presently sat at Gods right hand , where is fulness of joy for evermore : but his bowels yearned on us , and took upon him the form of a servant , and was found in shape of a man , that is , as an ordinary man : We know what the nature of servitude is . Every man naturally desires liberty , but Christ that he might make thee free , was content to be bound as an Apprentice , and endure a servile estate . Christ both in respect of God and man took on him the form of a servant . 1. For him to be Gods servant was an Humiliation , though for us it be the greatest honour to be Gods servants . Saint Paul makes it his prime Epithite , Paul a servant of Jesus Christ. And David calls himself the servant of the Lord , O Lord I am thy servant , truly I am thy servant . But it was an Humiliation for Christ to become Gods servant . For him who thought it no robbery to be equal with God to become Gods servant , and to take a nature on him , that he might say , My Father is greater then I ; behold my Father and I were one , but now taking on me a humane nature , I am made inferior to my Father , I am become his servant : Behold my servant in whom I am well pleased ; Isa. 53. By his knowledge shall my righteous servant justifie many : there is much difference in servants . A free servant & a bond servant . A very bond-man doth Christ make himself , being man , and accounts it as great honour as may be , not only to be his Fathers servant , but his bond-man . Can I shew that there is any such humiliation as this ? Look on Heb. 10.5 . Sacrifice and burnt offerings thou wouldst not , but a body hast thou prepared me , these words have relation to that of the Psalmist , Psalm 40.6 . Sacrifice and burnt offerings thou didst not desire , but mine ears hast thou opened ; it is in the margent , mine-ears hast thou digged , or hast thou bored . The boring of the ear was an expression of everlasting servitude . Another servant that had not yet his ear bor'd , might be free at the year of Redemption , at the seventh year : but if not , his ear was bored that he might be a servant for ever according to that , Exod. . 21.4 . He that loved his service so well as to have his ear bored , is a servant for evermore . Mine ear Lord hast thou bored , I will be thy servant for ever . Christ took on him the form of such a servant ; nay , Christ was more then an ordinary slave : he was one b●und to an everlasting slavery , for he was the Son of an hand-maid : Now the Children of an hand-maid w●re not to go forth at the year of Jubilee . Exod. 21. The wife and her Children shall be her Masters , and he shall go out by himself : meaning thus , he that was the son of an hand-maid , must be bound . Partus sequiter ventrem . Now that Christ was the son of an hand-maid , we have Maries own confession , Behold th● hand-maid of the Lord , and he hath looked upon the low estate of his hand-maid , Luke 1. Hence David saith , Psal. 116.16 . O Lord I am thy servant , and the son of thine hand-maid : I am not only thy servant , but thy bond-servant : I am he who was born in thy house : and out of thy house I will never go . Thus is Christ a servant in respect of God. But it is not only thus , he is not only a servant in regard of God , but he took on him the form of a servant in respect of men too . Look what relations are between men that have superiority , and Subjects , Christ , who was born a free child , yet made himself a servant unto man : he had a reputed father , but a true , and a natural mother : from the twelft year of his age till the thirtieth , he went with them , and was subject unto them , Luke 2.51 . No Apprentice was more subject to his Master in his Trade , then he was to his reputed father ; he kept him close unto his Trade . Look on him out of the family , in the Common-wealth : He paid Tribute . He might stand upon his priviledge : Of whom do the Kings of the earth exact Tribute ? &c. they answer , Of strangers : Then are the Children free . If the son of a temporary Prince be free , how much more shall the Son of God be free ? But yet it behoves us to fulfill all righteousness . He would be a subject unto Caesar , and in recognition of his subjection he would pay Tribute , though he fetched it out of the fishes belly . Hence the Apostle tells us , Rom. 13. For this cause you pay Tribute to testifie your subjection . Neither was Christ only a servant to them who were in some Authority , but generally among men he was in the state of a servant . Mat. 20.28 . The son of man came not to be ministred unto , but to minister , and to give his life a ransom for many . Not to be a Master to command , and have others to attend him ; but he came to be a servant ; see in what esteem he was had . We account a servant in the next degree unto a beast ; for liberty is that whereby a man bre●●hs , and a man were better be dead , then have his liberty took from him ; and so Christ was not only a bond-man in regard of h●s Father , but in regard of men . In the estimation of men he was vilified for a bond-man : and that will appear by the price for which he was sold. It was thirty pieces of silver . To consider what the price was , is a considerable part of his passion . There is a Prophesie cited out of Jeremy in your books , but it is Zachary , though I have seen some copies which mentioned neither , but only , according to the words of the Prophet , it is Zach. 11.13 . Cast it unto the potter , a goodly price that I was prized at of them . He speaks it with disdain , And I took the thirty pieces of silver , and cast them to the potter in the house of the Lord. Exod. 21.32 . There is a place parallel to it , which will expound it clearly , If an Ox shall push a man-servant , or a maid-servant that he die , the Owner of the Ox shall give to the Master of the servant thirty shekels , and the Ox shall be stoned . It was the very price that was paid for a slave : Thirty shekels , which is 3 l. 15 s. in our money . A base estimation they had of Christ , as if he were a bond-man ; the same price that was given for a slave that was killed by an Ox , for this same price was he sold. In the second book of Josephus , cap. 12. When Ptolomaeus Philadelphus would redeem all the Jews which were bond-men : It s set down what he paid for a slave . There is set down a great summ of money , and the number of the (x) slaves : Here stands the valuation , divide the number of Drachms by the number of slaves , and you shall (z) find the quotient for every man 120 drachms ; four Drachms make a shekel , thirty shekels was the ordinary rate cryed in the Market for the price of a bond-man . Thus Christ took on him the form of a bond-man , not only Gods bond-man , but in the estimation of men so despicable , that they valued him at no higher rate then thirty pieces of silver . This is but the beginning and entrance on Christs humiliation , to be made in the similitude of sinfull flesh , and in the verity of true flesh . Christ had all infirmities , as weariness , hunger , thirst , which follow a sinfull man , which were not sinfull : such a nature he took upon him , and then he became obedient both by active and passive obedience . That which remains of the pains of his life to the passage of his dolefull death , we will speak of the next time . FINIS . PHIL. 2.8 . And being found in fashion as a man , he humbled himself , and became obedient unto the death , even the death of the Cross. IN these words , and those that went before , you see there is delivered unto us the point of the humiliation of the Son of God. It stands in this . 1. That he took upon him the form of a servant , and was made in the likeness of man. God the Son , the second person in the Trinity did assume our dust and ashes , unto the Unity of his own sacred person . 2. This humane nature being thus assumed , he was content to deprive himself a long time of that beatifical vision , which he might have still enjoyed , & in that time was as obedient , as the meanest and poorest servant of his Father . Nor was he only actively , but passively obedient ; He was obedient unto the death : he was content to lay down his life for our Redemption . And it was not every death that would serve the turn , but it must be the death of the Cross , the most accursed , shamefull and painfull death , that death which was most suitable , and best able to answer the wrath of God. First , He humbled himself by taking our nature upon him : He that thought it no robbery to be equal with God , took upon him the form of a man. If it were an abasement for God to look upon heaven the most glorious of his works , how much more to take upon him a clod , or peice of this earth , and unite it to his own sacred person for ever . This was a descending indeed , he descended first that he might ascend . Eph. 4.9 . Now that he ascended , what is it , but that he descended first into the lower parts of the earth ? That is , he descended into the womb of the Virgin ; and it was a great abasement indeed for him thus to descend : Wherefore the Psalmist speaking of the wonderfull framing of the Babe in the womb , saith , Psalm , 139.15 . My substance was not hid from thee , when I was made in secret , and curiously wrought in the lowest parts of the earth . So that we see God descended into the lowermost parts of the earth , and there was he fashioned . A great humiliation it was for him to be thus inclosed . Thus did he humble himself in taking our nature . Had he taken the form of a King upon him , it h●d been a great humiliation ; how much more , when he took on him the form of a servant ? He came not in state to be ministred unto , but to minister , as we shewed the last day . Nor was he only his Fathers servant , but a servant of servants , and therein underwent Canaans curse : A servant of servants shalt thou be . Our Saviour became such a servant . He which was the Author of freedom . John 8.26 . If the Son make you free , then are you free indeed . He , I say , who was the Kings son and so the most free , the Author of it to all that enjoy any spiritual freedom , became a servant , that we which were servants might be made free . But besides this , it s added here , that he humbled himself . Having taken on him the form of a servant , he humbled himself . Where we may observe what made the suffering of our Saviour so meritorious : It was because it was active , free and voluntary . Our Passions are contrary to our Will : We are drawn to it , as it is said of Peter , When thou art old , they shall lead thee whether thou wouldst not , John 21.18 . Peter dyed the same death our Saviour did , according to the external Passion : but they led him whether he would not . Our Saviour was an Actor in it ; Humbled himself . A bare suffering God regards not so much , but when it is done willingly , and in obedience to God. And as he was obedient in his death , so also in his other passions . In the Gospel , according to St. John , whereas the Text reads , he was troubled ; the marginal note hath it , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he troubled himself : he was the Author of his own sufferings , John 10.17 . He was not humbled as a meer patient ; but he humbled himself , and so it is said in Scripture oft , He gave himself for us , and in all his passive obedience he had an eye to do the Will of God. The merit of his passive obedience ariseth from a mixture with his active . This was a great part of his Priest-hood , his humbling . And how doth he take his Priest-hood upon him ? it was by his Fathers call . He was cal'd unto it as was Aaron . Heb. 5.4 . No man , saith the Apostle , taketh this honor upon him , but he that is called . Now Christ being called to it , he did it to follow his call . And thus he did it actively : it was not a bare suffering as those in hell suffer , but according to his Fathers call . Observe , Heb. 10.9 . That place taken out of the Psalm , I am come to do thy Will O God , &c. What , was it only in his active obedience ? No , it was thy Will that he should suffer : as the words following in the tenth verse import , By the which Will we are sanctified , and by the body of Jesus Christ once offered : so that Christ offered up himself to do his Fathers Will , so that his passive obedience was in his active . So John 10.17 . Therefore doth my Father love me , because I lay down my life , that I may take it up again ; no man taketh it from me , but I lay it down . Our Saviour when he laid down his life , put it off , as a man that puts off his cloak , and layes it from him . They wondred that he was dead so soon , it was because himself laid down his life . His soul then was not drag'd or forced out of his body . It was not only passive , but active obedience . No man taketh it from me ; I have power to lay it down , and I have power to take it up . This had I from my Father . They are grosly deceived then , that say Christs active obedience was not free and voluntary , because he was commanded : for as well may they say , his passive is not voluntary , and so not meritorious , because it likewise was commanded , which none can deny . Thus Christs offering was a free-will offering , though it was a most bitter one ; yet this being a part of his Fathers Will , he went as voluntarily to the pains of the Cross , as thou dost to thy dinner when thou art throughly hungry . For his meat and his drink was to do his Fathers Will , Jo. 4.34 . And this makes it of such worth and efficacy , that he did it willingly : See it in the type that went before him , in Isaac ; Isaac was grown up , he was no Babe , he was able to carry wood enough to burn himself when he went to be sacrificed , and therefore sure he had strength ; if Isaac had pleased , he might have ran away from the old man his Father ; yet he suffers himself to be bound , and to be laid upon the wood ; a true type of our Saviour , his also was a free-will offering , and so a sweet smelling sacrifice unto God. It being the highest active obedience , it presently pacifieth the wrath of his Father . He humbled himself , and became obedient . This obedience of our Saviour is the matter and ground of our Justification . Rom. 5.18 . As by the offence of one , Judgement came on all unto condemnation ; so by the righteousness of one , the free-gift came on all to Justification of life . By the obedience of this blessed Saviour many are made righteous ; so that now our Saviours obedience followeth next . Now this obedience is double . Active or Passive . 1. Active , And this was that whereby he did all the Will of his Father . The reason why he came into the world , if we look the place before alledged , will appear , Heb. 10.5 . Wherefore when he cometh into the world , he saith , Sacrifice and burnt-offering thou wouldst not have , but a body hast thou prepared me . In burnt offerings and Sacrifice for sin thou hast no pleasure , then said I , Behold I come , in the volum● of thy book it is written of me that I should do thy Will , O God. When he cometh into the world , saith he , Lo , I come , For what ? to do thy Will , O God. The reason why he came into the world , was , that he might be obedient unto his Father . Thus it behoveth us ( saith he to John ) to fulfill all Righteousness . John wondred that he that was pure and spotless , should come to him to be baptized . He knew Baptism presupposed some sin or blot , some stain or corruption to be washed off , and therefore it s said . Mark 1.5 . That there came unto him all the Land of Judea to be baptized , confessing their sins . And sure if one should come to John , and say , he had no sin , and yet desired to have been baptized by him , he had no right to Baptism : yet our Saviour saith , Let alone , let it be so , that we may fulfill all Righteousness . I have no need indeed in regard of my self : but I have taken upon me the form of a servant , and therefore what the lowest of them must do , that must I do : therefore was I circumcised , and therefore am I baptized . I came not to destroy the Law , but to fulfill it . And he fulfilled it to the utmost , both in his active and passive obedience . Now for his active Obedience , it had a double 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or consummatum est . First , For his active Obedience in the whole course of his life . I have glorified thy name , and finished the work that thou gavest me to do . Would you know what it is to glorifie God in this world ? It is to finish the work which he giveth us to do . Art thou a Minister ? if thou wouldst glorifie God , finish the work he gave thee to do ; then mayst thou say , Glorifie thou me with thy Glory , &c. But now Christs work was not ●ll ended when he said , he had finished it ; the greatest part was behind , to wit , his Passive obedience : All the works of his life were done ; of which actions , there Christ is to be understood : but then cometh his Passion , and that being finished , there is something to do yet after that : for he was to rise again to our Justification : but for the oblation of the sacrifice it was fully finished . If we look upon our blessed Saviour in the whole course of his life . For , 1. Though he lived in a whole world of sin , yet he was free from all manner of sin . 2. He was inriched with all manner of good works , graces and vertue . Chrst had both of these . He was free from any spot of sin , though in the midst of a wicked world : and there was nothing in him which could expose him to any temptations . He was continually assaulted , and yet he was spotless . The Prince of the world came , and yet he found nothing in him . Satan could find nothing in him whereon to fasten any temptation . Such a Priest it became us to have , who was holy and harmless . Heb. 7.16 . Vndefiled , separate from Sinners . There is the purity of his nature , he is holy , and in his carriage , harmless ; he did no man hurt· Undefiled , a pure , and innocent Lamb , a lamb without blemish , separate from sinners , and could not contract any guilt of sin . Though he conversed with Publicans and sinners at the Table , yet they could not infect him . He knew no sin , neither was there guil● found in him , 1 Pet. 1.19 . Therefore we see when it comes to the point that the Devil would tempt him , yet he himself must needs say , What have I to do with thee thou holy one of God ? He is forced to acknowledge him to be so . And so if we look on the place , where he saith , I do the Will of my Father alwayes , there likwise he shews himself the holy one of God. In a word , as he was thus obedient unto God , so was he subject to men too ; to his Father in the family , and to Caesar in the Common-wealth : As he t●ught , he did : subjection towards Governors was his Doctrine , & rather then he would not pay Tribute , he would have it out of the fishes belly : To shew a Recognition of his subjection unto higher powers , the text tels us , He went about doing good . This man , say they , hath done all things well : and at the last cast , when all the quarrels and Accusations were brought against him , they could bring nothing that could hold water : that he could boldly challenge them all , as it were , Which of you can accuse me of sin ? You that pick so many holes in my coat , come forth , spare me not , accuse me ; yet at the last he is accounted a just man. Judas himself could acknowledge him to be blameless , and that he had sinned in betraying his innocent blood . Pilates wife could say to her husband , Have thou nothing to do with that just man : and Pilate himself washed his hands , and would be free from the blood of that innocent person . The thief crucified with him , acquits him ; his whole life was a perfect obedience to the Law of God. Christ is the end of the Law that the Righteousness of the Law might be fulfilled in us , not by us , we are not able to fulfill the Law : but in us , Christ did it for us ; and the Father is better pleased with the thirty three years hearty obedience of his Son , then if Adam , and all his posterity had been obedient throughout the whole course of the world ; So acceptable was this obedience to God. And thus much of his active Obedience . 2. Now for his passive obedience , his suffering . If our Saviour will be a sacrifice , he must be used like one ; he must be slain , if he will make satisfaction to his Father for us . He must for our eating sower grapes , have his own teeth set on edge . Consider his humiliation both in life and death ; if we look on the service of Jacob , under his Uncle Lakan , his service was an hard service , twice se●en years did he serve the drought consumed him by day , and the frost by night , and the sleep depar●ed from his eyes ; twenty years hard service ; fo●rteen y●ars for his two wives , and six years for his cattle , G●n . 31.41 . Our Saviour spent thirty three years in ●is hard s●rvice ; and full oft did the sleep depart from his eyes . When Israel came to appear before P●a●ao● ; My dayes , s●ith he , have been 130 years : few and e●il have the days of thy servant been . The true Israelite might say more . Jacobs days were few , but as few as they were , they were 130 years ; but if we look upon our Saviours dayes , they were scarce a quarter so many . And th●t is a part of our Saviours humiliation , that he was cut off in the mid●l of his dayes . If we look into the Psalm , we shall find it a curse on the bloody and deceitfull man , that he shall not li●e out half his dayes . The livelie part of a mans age , ( from Moses his time to this day , in that Psalm of Moses , Psalm 90. ) is ●hreescore years and ten ; half this is thirty five years ; and our Saviour is taken off before this thirty five is expired . He was to take on him all the curses due to sinners , to the bloody and deceitfull man : he is cut off and cropt off in the midst of his vigour : he that is that Melchisedeck , ●hat hath nei●her beginning , nor end of days , was cut off as a branch , lopt off as a ●wig from the land of the li●ing , I●a . 53. He 's ●ul'd cut , so his days were few , far fewer th●n Jacobs : he was not suffered to live out half his days : yet if we look upon his days they were evil too : evil enough as few as they were : full of trouble , and full of misery : from his first coming into the world to his last going out . 1. When he did descend into the lowermost part of the earth , He was nine moneths in the womb of his mother : and if we take the opinion of the Schoolmen , he had his full understanding and Judgement all that time , the free use of sense and reason , though I do not aver it to be a truth ; only I say , if it be so , it makes his humiliation insupportable . What an extream burthen would it be to us to be so long in the womb , and in ripe understanding ? therefore there was somewhat in that : But now : 2. Look at his coming forth into the world : though his mother were in her own City , yet he was so despicable , that there was not room for them in the Inn. Our Saviour , that should , one would think , have been brought into a stately Palace , was fain to have his lodging among the beasts , and a Cratch for his Cradle . The wise men when they came to worship him , found him in no better case : and what a disgrace was it , instead of a Palace , the Kings of the East should find our Saviour in a Cratch . 3. And now when eight days are over , he must have his skin cut off , he must be circumcised , and give the first payment or earnest of his blood . How painfull and irksom a thing Circumcision was , appears by that story in Gen. 34 where the sons of Jacob offering the Shechemites the condition of Circumcision , and they accepting it , it was so troublesome a thing , that by reason of their soreness and weakness by it , two of the sons of Jacob , Simeon and Le●i , slew a whole City . The pain was so great that they could not manage their weapons , therefore two men slew thousands of them . Our blessed Saviour was thus served , when the eight dayes were over he was thus made sore , and this was the first effusion of his blood . 4. After the eight days are over , then come the forty days , and then he must be carried a long journey to be offered up to the Lord , and his mother , as if she had brought an unclean and impure thing into the world , must be cleansed and purified . And then she came to offer a sacrifice according to the Law of the Lord. Luke 2.24 . A pair of turtle doves or two young Pigeons : But was this the Law ? it were good if the Law were looked into . See Levit. 12.8 . The Law is this , She shall bring a Lamb , or if she be not able to bring a Lamb , then two Turtles , or two young Pigeons . If she be not able ; but the margent hath it , If her hand cannot reach to a Lamb , if she be so poor that she cannot offer a Lamb. As if the Text should have said , Alas poor woman , poor Lady , all she had was not able to reach to a Lamb , so poor was she : Doubtless her heart was as large as anothers but she was not able to offer a Lamb , and is therefore content with two Turtles . 5. Hence we may conceive in what state our Saviour lived till he came into the Ministry : questionless in a poor house : and he made many a hungry m●al , when his mother was not worth a Lamb. All that they had , must be by hard labor . 6. Now our Saviour , notwithstanding after he had travelled that weary journey to Jerusalem , must return again , and be subject to his Parents : but how ? even as a servant in his Trade . They had not bread to spare , but what was gotten by hard laborious work . At his Fathers Trade , I say , for so it s said of him , Is not this the Carpenter ? It s put in the nominative case , The Carpenter . Mark 6. And whereas this is cast as a curse on our first parents , and their seed . Gen. 3.49 . That in the sweat of their brows they should eat their bread . Our Saviour must undergo this curse too : he must work hard for his living : with his own hands he must get a living for himself , and his poor mother by a laborious Trade . No wonder if he went many a morning without his break-fast , and made many a hungry meal , that lived in so poor a house , and by so poor a Trade . 7. If we come now to the time he lived after he came from his Father and Mother , that same three years when he shewed himself more publickly in the world , and you shall find him subject to those dangers , di●ficulties and distresses which accompany evil dayes . He was a Pilgrim , and had no abode . The Foxes ha●e holes , and the birds of the air , nests , but the Son of man had not where to lay his head . He was a diligent Preacher of the Gospel , although he had neither Prebend , nor Parsonage ; he had nothing of his own , but was relieved often by the Charity of certain devout and religious women . 2. Besides all the reproaches that could be cast on a man , were laid on him ; This man is a Wine-bibber , and a Glutton ; a friend of Publicans and sinners . And again , Do we not say , well , thou art a Samaritan , that is , a Heretick ? He was a caster out of Devils ; and therein they denyed not , but he did good , but see the villany of it : he was a good witch , as we call them , and though he did good , yet it was by the help of Belze●ub : when he drew near his death ; see Mark 12. the Text saith , They accuse him of many things . Few things are expressed , yet a great many comprehended in these words : those that are expressed , are hainous and notorious crimes . First , Against the first Table , they accuse him of Blasphemy , and therefore condemn him in the Ecclesiastical Court : Do you hear his Blasphemy ? say they . Then against the second Table , they post him to the civil Court , and there they lay to his charge high Treason against Caesar : for he , say they , That maketh himself a King , is an enemy unto Caesar ; and yet the innocent Lamb for all this opened not his mouth . Insomuch that Pilate wondred he spake not a word in his own defence ; and the reason was , because he came to suffer , and to have all these slanders and reproaches put upon him , not to excuse himself . 3. He led a life subject to dangers , when he went amongst his own people , to preach the acceptable year of the Lord , they bring him upon an high hill , to the brow thereof , with a purpose to cast him down , and break his neck . Others threaten to kill him too . The Devil here follows him with temptations , even to Idolatry it self . Ma● . 4.6 . The Devil himself tempts him forty days , and then left him : not as if he would return and tempt him no more , but as St. Luke renders it , The Devil left him for a season , Luke 4. not as if he intended to leave him quite , but to come and try him again . The Scribes and Pharisees they tempt him too , and prove him with hard questions , which if he could not answer , they would proclaim him an insufficient man , and all the people would have laugh'd him to scorn . Nor was this all his Ministry . All his life was as it were paved with temptations , every step was as it were a gin and trap to ensnare him . 4. Add to all this , that he was not like us , He knew when , and by what death he should die : He knew in all the time of his suffering what he should suffer , and what should come upon him at his death . If any of us should know that he must die a cursed , shamefull , and painfull death , and knew when it should be , it would marr all our mirth , and put us to our dumps in the midst of our jollity . Our Saviour in the midst of all his joy on earth , saith , I have a Baptism to be baptized with : he knew the cruel death which he should suffer on the Cross. And how is he pained , till it be accomplished . The pains of it run through all his life , and might well make his whole life uncomfortable unto him . In the twelft of John 23. a little before the Passover , saith he , The hour is come that the Son of man shall be glorified : and then verse 27. Now is my soul troubled , and what shall I say ? Father , save me from this hour . When the time was drawing nigh , some five or six days before , the consideration of it troubled him , though he knew he should be glorified , yet the fright of it enwrapt him with fear . Now is my soul troubled ; what shall I say , Father , save me from this hour . Such a kind of life did our Saviour lead : few but evil were his dayes . As evil as few , he had no comfort in them . Come we now to the point of his death , the last thing ; and those things that did touch him therein , are the Curse , Shame , and pain of it . If there were any death more accursed , he must die that death : If any death more shamefull , or more painfull then other , he must die that . All these do concur in the death of our Saviour which he suffered , in that death of the Cross. It was the most accursed , most shamefull , and most painfull death as could be devised . First , For the Accursedness of it , there was no death that had a more peculiar curse on it then this . Howsoever all deaths are accursed when they light on one that is without Christ ; but this death had a legal Curse : for as there was a legal uncleanness , so there was a legal Curse , and this was the curse annexed to the Cross ; a type of that real Curse . Now the type of a real Curse , Was hanging on the tree : Thou shalt bury him that day , for he that is ha●ged on a tree is accursed by God , Deut. 21.23 . so the Son of God was made a Curse for us , alluding unto this , Galat. And here we see the blessed Son of God , he in whom all the Nations of the earth are blessed : the fountain of all blessedness : We see him stand in so cursed a condition , to be made as it were as an Anathema , the highest degree of cursing that may be . Secondly , Consider the shame of it there is a place in the best of Orators that expresses the destableness and shame of this death of the Cross. Facinus , &c. see what a gradation there is , it is hardly to be expressed in English. It s a great fault to bind a Citizen of Rome and a Gentleman , what is it to beat him ? what to crucifie him ? His Eloquence failed him there , as being not able to express the detestableness of it , and therefore the chief Captain was afraid that he had bound Paul , after he had heard he was a free-man of Rome , but then it s worse to beat him ; but what was it to crucifie him ? Our blessed Saviour went through all these indignities . First they come against him with swords and with staves , as against a thief . They sold him for a base price . They beat him with rods , pricked him , and after all , they crucified him . Consider then the shame of it : he that was to be crucified , was stripped naked , as naked as ever he came out of his mothers womb : However the Painters may lie in it . And was not this a shame thus to be stripped before thousands ? Wherefore it was a custome among the Romans , that the greatest King , if he were baptized , was to be stripped naked , which they did as a memorial of the shame of our Saviour . So shamefull a thing it was that they thought him unworthy to suffer within the wals . Christ that he might sanctifie the people , suffered without the walls . Let us go with him out of the Camp bearing our reproach . He was as a man unfit to suffer within the walls . Pilate thought he would meet with them when they were so violent to have him crucified , and therefore he joynes Barabbas with him , the vilest thief in the Countrey , and a Murtherer : so that Peter cast this in their teeth , That they preferred a Murtherer before him . He was reckoned with the Transgressors , as it was prophesied of him before . Isa. 53. They crucifie him between two thieves , as if he had been the Captain of them . Thirdly , Consider the Pain of the Cross , whom God raised up , having loosed the sorrows of death : not meanìng there were sorrows that Christ endured after his death , but it s meant of the sorrows that accompanied his death . It was the most dolorous death that ever could be endured . We scarce know what Crucifying is . The Christian Emperors in honour of our Saviour banished that kind of suffering , that none after him might suffer it : but yet it is fit we should know what it was , since it was so terrible a thing . And here , as the Apostle said to the Galathians , Suppose you see Christ crucified before your face at present . The manner of it was thus . First there was a long beam , on which the party was to be stretched , and there was a cross-beam on which the hands were to be stretched : they pul'd them up upon the Cross before they fastened them ; they pul'd him to his utmost length . And this is that the Psalmist speaks of , Psal. 22.17 . You might tell all my bones . His ribs were so stretched , as that they even pierced the flesh : Conceive him now thus stretched with his hands and feet nailed to the wood : the stretching of Christ on the Cross , was such a thing as the working of the racke . Imagine him before your eyes thus represented . Your sins crucified him : being thus stretched upon the Cross to his full length , the hands and the feet were fastned and nailed to the wood . It s no smal torment to have the hands bored , especially if we behold the place , it was through the lower part of the hand where the veins and sinnews all met together : It 's a place that is full of sence , Consider withal the bigness of the nayles : Psal. 22. They have digged my hands to shew the bigness of the spikes : for the original beares it , They dig'd him . Beleeve not the paynters : Our Saviour had foure nayles : Not one through both feet as they describe it , but two through his hands , and two through his feet : And that you may the better comprehend it , you must know that toward the lower part of the cross , there went along a ledge or thre-shold whereto his feet were nayld , otherwise the flesh would have rent by reason of the nails , if hee had hung by the hands alone . Then comes the lifting up ; as the serpent was lift up , so must Christ be lift . As when a man is stretched to the full length , and should be with a girk put up ; it s like a strapado , as it were the unjoynting of a man ; and this is that the Psalmist speaks of , All my bones are out of joint . Consider withal the time how long it was . St. Mark saith , cap. 15.25 . It was the third hour , and they crucified him . In St. John it is the sixt hour , but the ancient and best Copies have the third hour , and so hath Nonus . The ninth hour he gave up the Ghost : so that it was six long hours by the clock that our Saviour did hang upon the Cross. And it was not with him as with other men , in whom extremity of pains disanul sense , and blunts pains , because they have not a perfect apprehension ; but Christ was in his perfect sense all the while . All that the Jews could do , could not take away his life from him , till he would himself : and therefore it is said in Mark , That immediately before he gave up the Ghost , that he cryed with a loud voice , whereas others are wont at that time to be so weak that they can scarce be heard to groan : but never was Christ stronger , nor never cryed louder , than when he gave up the Ghost , Marke 15.35 . this of it self made the Centurion assoon as he heard it , conclude , certainly this man was the Son of God. How doth he gather this from his crying ? thus ; For a man to be in his full strength , and cry out so strongly , and immediately to give up the Ghost , this is a great Miracle : Truly this man was the Son of God. This adds unto the greatness of his torment , that he had his full and perfect sense : that he was six full hours thus on the Rack , and the extremity of pain took not away his sense . He was as strong at the last , as at the first . These things seriously weighed , Oh! how do they aggravate the depth of his humiliation ? Seriously weigh them : they are miserable , and lamentable matters ; yet in these lie our comfort . Through these words is there a passage open for us into the Kingdom of Heaven : When he had overcome the terrors of death , he opened the Kingdom of Heaven to all Believers : these were now but the out-side of his sufferings which did belong to man for his sins . He suffered not only bodily sufferings , but sufferings in soul , and that he did in a most unknown and incomprehensible manner ; But now may some say , Object . Did Christ suffer the pains and torments of Hell ? Sol. No , He suffered those things that such an innocent Lamb might suffer , but he could not suffer the pains of Hell. The reason is , because , one thing which makes Hell to be Hell , is the gnawing worm of an accusing conscience . Now Christ had no such worm . He had so clear a conscience , as that he could not be stung with any such evil . Another great torment in Hell is Desperation , arising from the appprehension of the perpetuity of their torments , which makes them curse and blaspheme God , and carry an inexpressible hatred against him ; but Christ could not do so ; he could not hate God : God forbid that Christ should be lyable to these Passions . But it is certain God the Father made an immediate impression of pains upon his soul ; his soul did immediately suff●r : Look on him in the Garden , he was not yet touched , nor troubled by men , and yet he fell in a sweat : Consider the season of the year ; this was then when they that were within doors were glad to keep close by the fire , he thus did sweat in the garden , when others freez'd within ; this was much : but to sweat blood , thick blood , clotted , congealed blood ( for so the words will bear it ) not like that in his veins : and yet it came through his garments , and fell to the ground : this is a thing not to be comprehended . Our blessed Saviours encountring with his Father , he falls a trembling , & is overwhelmed as it were with the wrath , beseeching God intensively , saying Father , if it be possible let this cup pass from me ; thou mayst give free pardon : which affections in Christ are such a thing , as pussels us all : we must not say Christ did forget for what he came : but he did not remember : these words proceeded from the seat of passion , which while it is disturbed , reason suspends its Acts. Christ had Passions , though no impurity in them . As take a clean Vial full of pure water from the fountain , and shake it , it may be frothy , yet it will be clean water still . Christ did not forget only he had the suspension of his faculties for a time . As a man in a sleep thinks not what he is to do in the morning , and yet he is not said properly to forget . He cryed , My God , my God , why hast thou forsaken me ? He was contented to be forsaken for a time , that thou mighst not be forsaken everlastingly , and this was no faint prayer : if you read the place in the Psalm , He cryed out unto God : And Heb. 5.7 . It s said , Who in the days of his flesh when he had offered up prayers and supplications with strong cries and tears . He cryed to the Almighty : he made Gods own heart to pity : He would break , Isa. 53. yet his heart is repenting , and rolled together , so that he sent an Angel to support and comfort him . Psal. 27. those strong cries are expressed with a more forcible word , My God , my God , why hast thou forsaken me , why art thou so far from helping me , and from the words of my roaring ? Consider how it was with Christ before any earthly hand had touched him , when he beseeched God for his life : this shews the wonderfull suffering of Christ ; and for that point , Why hast thou forsaken me ? Consider it was not with Christ as with the Fathers , they suffered a great deal of punishment and taches , and would not be delivered , yet Christ was more couragious then they all . He had a spirit of fortitude , he was anointed above his fellows , & yet he quivers . Our Fathers cryed unto thee , they trusted in thee , and were not consumed ; they were delivered : but I am a worm , and no man. I can find no shadow of comfort . Lord , Why art thou so angry with me ? this speech came not from the upper part of the soul , the seat of reason , but from the lower part , the seat of Passion : My God , my God , these were not words of desperation . He held fast to God ; Why hast thou forsaken me ? these are words of sense : thus you see the price is paid , and what a bitter thing sin is . God will not suffer his Justice to be swallowed up by Mercy . It must be satisfied ; and our Saviovr , if he will be a Mediator , must make payment to the uttermost farthing : Consider what a time this was when our Saviour suffered : The Sun with-draws her beams , the earth shakes and trembles : What aileth thee , O thou Sun to be darkn●d , and thou earth to tremble ? was it not to shew his mourning for the death of its Maker ? The soul of Christ was dark within , and its fit that all the world should be hung in black for the death of the King of Kings . But mark , when he comes to deliver up his life , and to give up the Ghost , the vail of the Temple rent in twain , and that was the ninth hour ; which in the Acts is called the hour of prayer ; it was at three a Clock in the afternoon . Hence it is said , Let the lifting up of my hands be as the evening sacrifice . The Priest was killing the Lamb at that time , there was a vail that severed the Holy of Holies , it was between the place of oblations , nnd the Holy of holies , which signifies the Kingdom of Heaven . Assoon as Christ died , the vail rent , and Heaven was open , the Priest saw that which was before hidden . Our Saviour , saith the Apostle , entred through the vail of his flesh unto his Father , and fit it was , that the Vail should give place vvhen Christ comes to enter : But vvhat becomes of Christs foul novv ? his soul and body vvere pul'd assunder , and through the vail of his flesh , as it vvere vvith blood about his ears he entred the Holy of Holies unto God , saying , Lord , here am I in my blood ; and here is blood that speaks better things then the blood of Abel , that cries for vengeance , this for blessing and expiation of our sins . FINIS . JOHN 1.12 . But to as many as received him , to them gave he Power to become the sons of God , even to them that believe on his Name . HHaving heretofore declared unto you the wofull estate and condition wherein we stand by nature , I proceeded to the Remedy , that God of his infinite Mercy hath provided for the recovery of miserable sinners from the wrath to come . And therein I proposed two things , that our Saviour that was to advance us , and raise us out of this condition , when we had lost our selves in Adam ; We having eaten sowre grapes , he was to have his teeth set on edge ; we accounted him smitten of God , and buffeted ; but we had sinned , and he was beaten . That when the Lord in his wrath was ready to smite us , he underwent the dint of Gods sword , and stood betwixt the blow and us ; the blow lighted on him that was equal with God , and deserved not to be beaten . Awake O sword against my shepherd , and against the man that is my fellow . The sword was unwilling to strike him ; and thus being smitten he became a propitiation for our sins : The chastisement of our peace was on him . He offered himself a sacrifice : Here are two things considerable ; 1. How Christ was offered for us . 2. How he is offered to us . First , For us , and so he offered up himself a Sacrifice , a sweet smelling Sacrifice unto God. Mark the point is , he is not only the Sacrifice , but the Sacrificer . He offered up himself , saith the Apostle ; He was the Priest , and it was a part of Priest-hood to offer up himself . The Sacrifices in the old Law that typified him , were only sufferers . The poor beasts were only passive : but our Saviour he must be an Actor in the business . He was active in all that he suffered : He did it in obedience to his Fathers Will , yet he was an Agent in all his Passion . John 11.33 . He groaned in Spirit , and was troubled ; the Greek is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or ( as it is in the Margent ) He troubled himself . With us in our Passions it is otherwise : we are meer sufferers . Our Saviour was a Conqueror over all his passions , and therefore unless he would trouble himself , none else could trouble him : unless he vvould lay down his life , none could take it from him ; unless he vvould give his cheek to be smitten , the Jews had no power to smite it . Isa. 50.6 . I gave my back to the Smiters , and my cheek to them that pluckt off the hair , and hid not my face from shame and spitting . In all these we should consider our Saviour , not as a Sacrifice only , but a sacrificer also ; an Actor in all this business : their wicked hands were not more ready to smite , then he was to give his face to be smitten , and all to shevv that it was a voluntary Sacrifice . He did all himself ; He humbled himself unto the death . And now by all this we see what we have gotten : vve have gotten a Remedy and satisfaction for our sins . That precious blood of that immaculate Lamb takes avvay the sins of the world , because it is the Lamb of God , under which else the World vvould have eternally groaned . Object . But doth this Lamb of God take away all the sins of the world ? Sol. It doth not actually take avvay all the sins of the vvorld , but virtually , It hath povver to do it , if it be rightly applyed , the Sacrifice hath such vertue in it , that if all the World vvovld take it , and apply it , it vvould satisfie for the sins of the vvhole World : but it is here , as with medicines , they do not help , being prepared , but being applyed ; Rhubarb purgeth choller , yet not unless applyed , &c. Exod. 39.38 . there is mention made of a Golden Altar . Christ is this Golden Altar , to shew that his blood is most precious : We are not redeemed with silver and gold , but with the precious blood of Jesus Christ. He is that golden Altar mentioned in the Revelation , vvhich stands before the Throne . He was likevvise to be a brazen Altar ; for so much vvas to be put upon him , that unless he vvere of brass , and had infinite strength , he vvould have sunk under the burthen . Its Jobs Metaphor : Job in his passion saith , Is my strength the strength of stones ? or is my flesh brass ? Job 6.12 . If Christs flesh had not been brass : if he had not been this brazen Altar , he could never have gone through these : now he is prepared for us a sacrifice for sin . Rom. 8.3 . For what the Law could not do , in that it was weak through the flesh , God sending his own Son in the likeness of sinful flesh , and for sin , ( for sin ) make a stop there , condemned sin in the flesh . This same ( for sin ) hath not reference to ( condemned ) To condemn sin for sin is not good sence ; but the words depend on this ( God sent his Son ) that is , God sent his Son to be a Sacrifice for sin , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as the word is translated . Heb. 10.6 . a sacrifice for sin . It was impossible the Law should save us : not because of any transgression , or failing in the Law , but because our weakness is such , as that we could not perform the conditions : therefore God was not tyed to Promises ; by reason then of the weakness of our flesh , rather then we should perish , God sent his own Son in the likeness of sinful flesh , & in that flesh of his , condemned all our sins ; we need not look that sin should be condemned in us , when he bare our sins on the tree , then were our sins condemned ; therefore it s said , Isa. 53. When he had made his soul an offering for sin : that is in the Original ( when he had made his soul , sin ) then he saw his seed , Isa. 57. We come now to the second thing , if Christ be offered for us , yet unless he offer himself to us : unless any man may have interest in him , it s nothing worth . Here then stands the Mystery of the Gospel , Christ when he comes to offer himself to us , he finds not a whit in us that is to be respected ; nothing . And that is the ground of all disturbance to ignorant consciences ; for there is naturally in men pride and ignorance , they think they may not meddle with Christ , with Gods Mercy ; unless they bring something , unless they have something of their own to lay down . This is to buy Christ , to barter betwixt Christ and the soul : but salvation is a free gift of God. As the Apostle speaks , Christ is freely given unto thee , when thou hadst nothing of worth in thee . Faith when it comes , empties thee of all that is in thee : To whom be the Gospel preached ? to the dead . Now before Christ quicken thee , thou art stark dead , rotting in thy sins . Here 's the point then , when there is no manner of goodness in thee in the world . In me , saith St. Paul , that is , in my flesh there is no good thing . When I have been the most outragious sinner , I may lay hold on Christ. Christ comes and offers himself to thee . Now when Christ offers , the other part of the relation holds , we may take . We have an interest to accept what he proffers . Consider it by an example : If one give me a million , and I receive it not , I am never the richer : and so if God offer me his Son , and with him all things , I am nothing the better , if I receive him not . That he is born and given , what 's that to us ? unless we can say , To us a child is born , to us a Son is given , Isa. 9.6 . Faith comes with a naked hand to receive that which is given ; we must empty our selves of what is in us . Consider thy estate , the Lord sets down how it is with us , when he comes to look upon us . Ezek. 16.6 . And when I passed by thee , and saw thee polluted in thy blood , I said unto thee , when thou wert in thy blood , live . Why is this set down ? It s to shew how God finds nothing in us when he comes to shew Mercy . He finds nothing in us that is lovely ; when he comes to bestow his Son upon us . For it s said , Rev. 1.5 , That Christ loved us , and washed us from our sins in his own blood . He doth first cast his love upon us when we are unwasht , as I may say unwasht and unblest : When no eye pittied thee , and thou wast cast out in the open field ; when thou wast in thy blood , I said unto thee , live ; when he comes to m●king up of the match , verse 9. Then I washed thee with water , yea , I throughly washed away thy blood from thee , and I anointed thee with oyl : I clothed thee also with embroydered work , and shod thee with badgers skins , &c. that is , when Christ comes to cast his affections on us , and to wed us unto himself , he finds us polluted , not with a rag on us . Full of filth , just nothing have we , he takes us with nothing ; nay , vve are vvorse then nothing : so that here is the point , what ground is there vvhereby a man that is dead , and hath no goodness in him , ( make him as ill as can be imagined , ) what ground hath he to receive Christ ? Yes , To as many as received him , to them he gave the power to become the sons of God. First , The receiving of Christ , and then comes Believing . It is the receiving of this gift , that is the means vvhereby Christ is offered to us . The Apostle joyning the first and second Adam together , makes the benefit vve have by the second to lie in the point of receiving . Rom. 5. Object . If it be a free gift why is faith required ? Sol. Because faith takes away nothing from the gift . If a man give a begger an Alms , and he reach out his hand to receive it , his reaching out the hand makes the gift never the lesse , because the hand is not a worker , but an instrument in receiving the free gift . Rom. 5.15 . If through the offence of one many be dead , much more the grace of God , and the gift by grace hath abounded unto many in Jesus Christ. And verse 17. If by one mans offence death raigned by one , much more they that receive abundance of grace shall raign in life by one Jesus Christ : here 's the point then , God is well-pleased , and therefore sends to us . Wilt thou have my Son ? with him thou shalt have abundance of Grace , and everlasting life , and my love too . There 's no Creature in this place , but this shall be made good unto , if he can find in his heart to take Christ ; thou shalt have a warrant to receive him . Now to receive Christ , is to believe in his name , and to draw near unto him ( The word Recei●ing ) is a t●king vvith the hand with free entertainment ; as verse 11. immediately before the Text. Its not so properly Receiving as Entertaining . He came to his own , and his ovvn received him not ; they vvere like the foolish Gaderens , that prefer'd their pigs before Christ ; they would rather have his room then his company : and so when Christ comes , and thou hadst rather be a free-man , as thou thinkest , and wilt not have him to raign over thee , then thy case is lamentable : Then self-will , self-have . The only point is , whether we come to Christ , or he come to us , there is a drawing near . If thou comest to Christ he will not put thee back ; if Christ come to thee by any good motion , if thou shut not the door against him , thou shalt not miss him . Rev. 3.20 . Behold I stand at the door and knock , If any man here my voice , and open the door , I will come in unto him , and sup with him , and he with me . The Lord by the knock of his mouth , by the sword that comes out of his mouth , would fain come in , and be familiar with thee , and be friends with thee . If thou wilt not let him in , is it not good reason that ( as in the Canticles ) he with-draw himself ? If he see thy sins , and would fain come in , what an encouragement hast thou to open ? John 6.37 . He that cometh unto me , I will in no wise cast out . Canst thou have a better word from thy Prince then this ? When he holdeth out his golden Scepter , if thou takest hold on it , thou art safe , otherwise thou art a dead man : thou canst not have a greater security , all the point is , Faith is a drawing near unto Christ , and Unbelief is a going from him . The Gospel is preached to those that are a far off , and to those that are near . Eph. 2.17 . He came and preached peace to you that are a far off , and to them that are nigh . Who were they that were a far off ? they were those that had uncircumcision in the flesh , without Christ , Aliens to the Common-wealth of Israel , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , those that had no hope ; to these Christ came , these that were a far off , by faith drew near : that expression is a singular one . Heb. 10.38 . Now the just shall live by faith ; What is that ? but if any man draw back , that is , if any man be an Unbeliever , my soul shall have no pleasure in him . Faith makes a man come , & draw near to Christ. It s a shamefast bashfulness that makes a man draw back ; its unbelief , if any draw back , and to believe is to go on with boldness ; We are not of them which draw back unto perdition , but of them , &c. What an excellent encouragement is this , to come with boldness unto the Throne of Grace ▪ that we may find help in time of need ? So that now let thy estate be what it will : if thou wilt not hold off , but dost entertain Christ , though thy sins be as red as scarlet , be not discouraged , they shall be made as white as wool . The very sinner against the Holy Ghost is invited ; and why is that unpardonable ? Can any sin be so great as to over-top the value of Christs blood ? there is not so much wretchedness in the heart of man , as there is Grace , Goodness and Merit in Christ ; but then it is unpardonable , Why ? because it s the nature of the disease that will not suffer the plaster to stick on . It counts the blood of the Covenant , wherewith we should be sanctified , an unholy thing : if this sinner would not pluck off the plaster , and tread it under foot , he should be saved ; but this is it when God is liberal , and Christ is free , we have not the heart to take him at his word , and come , to open this Word , this is the point of all , this is the free preaching of the Gospel indeed , when a man hath nothing desirable in him , but is stark naught , and stark dead , and is not worth the taking up ; that yet he may challenge Christ , and be sure of all . Unless thou hast Christ thou hast nothing by Promise , not so much as a bit of bread by Promise ; if thou hast it , it is by Providence . All the Promises of God are in him , that is , Christ , yea , and Amen : Ye are the Children of the Promise in Christ , but you have nothing till you be in Christ. The Question is , What must I do in this case , what incouragement shall I have in my rags ? when I am abominable , worth nothing . There are certain things that are preparations to a Promise , such as are Commands , Precepts , Intreaties , which incourage them to it , and then comes a proposition : I being a Believer shall have eternal life ; If Christ be mine , I may challenge forgiveness of sins , the favour of God , and everlasting life : But how is Faith wrought ? believe not that foolish conceipt that is too common in the world , that faith is only , a strong perswasion that God is my God , and my sins are forgiven : this is a foolish thing , a fancy ; a dream , unless it be grounded on the Word of God. It s but a dream , else that will lead thee unto a fools Paradise : Nothing can uphold faith but the Word of God : here 's the point , I being as bad as bad can be , what ground have I out of the word of God , of an Unbeliever to be made a Believer ? Now we must not take every Text , but such only as may be appliable to a dead man , one that hath no goodness in him , that is yet out of Christ : we were all swimming at liberty till this word catched us in : we never thought of the business before , till we were thus taken . Now there are certain degrees to get faith in us . 1. The first word is a general proclamation ; whereby Christ gives any one leave to come and take him . Christ is not only a Fountain sealed , as in the Canticles , but a Fountain open for sin and for uncleanness , as in Zachary : so that now when he keeps open house , he makes proclamation , that none shall be shut out . He puts none back ; sins , not the greatest that can be , can keep thee back : this is the first thing , and to confirm it , we have our Saviours own proclamation . Isa. 55.1 . Ho! every one that thirsteth , come you to the waters , and he that hath no money , come , buy , and eat : yea , come , buy wine and milk without money , and without a price . A strange contradiction , one would think ; What! buy , and yet without money , and without price . The reason is , because there is a certain thing which fools esteem , a price which is none . Rev. 3.18 . I counsel thee to buy of me gold tryed in the fire : Why ? How must this be done ? Truly thus ; whensoever a sinner comes to Christ to have his sins pardoned , and to be a subject of Christs Kingdom , thou must not then be as thou wast , but thou must be changed . Thou must not live as thou didst before in the state of rebellion . Now to leave sin is not worth a rush , it s not a sufficient price ; but yet wee see a fool will esteem his own bables : I must lay down my lusts , I must lay down my covetousness , intemperance , &c. and a man thinks it a great matter thus to do : and to leave the freedom he had before , though it be a matter of nothing . When a rebel receives his pardon , is the Kings pardon abridged , because he must live like a subject hereafter ? Why should he else seek for the benefit of a subject ? This is said in respect of the foolish conceit of man , who thinks it a great price to forsake his corruptions . Again , John 7.37 . with the same loud voice , Christ cryed when he offered himself a Sacrifice for sin : he cryed at the time of the great feast , that all should come . In the last day , the great day of the feast , Jesus stood , and cryed , saying , if any man thirst , let him come unto me and drink . In ult . Rev. there is a quicunque vult , that is it I pressed : It s a place worth gold . And these are the places which being applyed , make you of strangers draw near : but now these are not appliable to a man before he hath grace : every one cannot apply them . Never forget that place while you live : it s the close of Gods H. Book , and the sealing up of his Holy Book : What 's that ? It s in Rev. 22.17 . And the Spirit and the Bride , say , come , and let him that is a thirsty come , and drink of the water of life freely . Whosoever will let him come , what wouldst thou have more ? Hast thou no Will to Christ ? No Will to salvation ? then its pity thou shouldst be saved . No man can be saved against his Will , nor blessed against his Will : If thou wilt not have Christ , if thou wilt try conclusions with God , then go further , and fare worse : but whosoever will , let him come . Oh! But I have a Will : Why , then thou hast a warrant , take Christ : Object . But O Sir , you are a great Patron of free-will : What ? doth it all lie in a mans Will : Will you make the matter of taking Christ lie there ? Sol. I say , if thou seest thou hast a Will , then thou hast a warrant : I say , not that this Will comes from thy self . It s not a blind faith will do thee good ; the Word of God works faith in thee ; thou hast not a Will to it born in thee . It is not a flower that grows in thine own Garden ; but is planted by God : John 6.44 . No man can come unto me , except the Father which hath sent me , draw him . What ? Will Christ offer violence to the Will , and draw a man against his Will ? No , there 's no such meaning . It s expounded in the 65. verse , No man can come unto me , except it were given him of my Father . By this Christ sheweth what he meant . If thou hast a Will to come , thank the Father for it ; for of Him , as in the Philippians , we have both the Will and the deed . Take for example that general proclamation in the book of Ezra , VVhatever Jew would might be free , Ezra 1.3 . So said the King that had power to make them free , Who is there among you of all his people , his God be with him , and let him go up to Jerusalem which is in Judah , and build the house of the God of Israel . Then we read , verse 5. Then rose up the chief of the Fathers of Judah and Benjamin , and the Priest , and the Levites , and all them whom the Spirit of God had raised up to go up . Observe here , though the proclamation were general , yet the raising up of the Will was from the Spirit of the Lord. We must not by any means take our will for a ground ; the Will cometh from God : but if thou hast a Will , thou hast a warrant . Who ever will let him take the water of life freely without covenanting : say if thou had but a measure of faith , and such a measure of humiliation ; for that were to compound with Christ : away with that , Whosoever will , let him come . Christ keeps open house , Whosoever will , let him come : whosoever comes to him , he will not shut out . John 6. If thou hast a heart to come to him , he hath a willing heart to receive thee ; as it was with the Prodigal son , the Father stayes not till he comes to him , but runs to meet him : he is swift to shew Mercy , and to meet us , though we come slowly on towards him . But this is not all , there is a second gracious Word that is preacht to a man , not yet in the state of Grace . A man that keeps open house , he seldom invites any particularly , but if he come , he shall be welcome . Christ he keeps open house , but some are so fearfull , and so modest , that unless they have a special invitation , they are ashamed to come to Christ ; they reason thus , if my case were an ordinary mans , I should come , but I am so vile and wretched , that I am ashamed to come ; my sins have been so many , and so heavy , that I am not able to bear so great a weight , they are more in number then the hairs of my head ; and yet alas they are crying ones too : But hearken here a second word ; Dost thou think thy case more heavy because thou art out of measure sinfull . Lo , it pleaseth God to send thee a special invitation , who findest thy self discouraged with the great bulk and burthen of thy sins . It pleaseth God , I say , to send thee a special invitation . See Mat. 11.28 . Though all apply it not to this use , Come unto me all you that labour , and are heavy laden , and I will give you rest . You of all others , are they that Christ looks for . Those that can walk bolt upright in their sins , that desire to live and die in them : they will not look upon me , and I will not look upon them ; they scorn me , and I scorn them : but you that are heavy laden , and feel the burthen of your sins , are invited by Christ. Let not Satan then couzen you of the comfort of this word ; that which Christ makes the latch to open the door to let himself in , we do usually by our foolishness make the bolt to shut him out . Let thy wound be never so great , thou hast a warrant to come , and be cured : be of good comfort then , as it was said to blind Bartemeus , so is it to thee , Loe , he calleth thee . When Christ bids thee come , and gives thee his Word that he will heal thee , Come , let not the Devil or thy corruptions hinder thee , or make thee stay back : hast thee to this City of Refuge : he hath engag'd his Word for thee , and he will ease thee : But now after all this there is a Third Word , that though Christ keeps open house , so that who will , may freely come , and though he sends special invitations to them that are most bashfull , because their case is extraordinary : What do you think now , that Christ will come with his souldiers , and destroy those that do not come in ? He might do it when he is so free , and invites thee , and thou turnest it back again into his hand : but yet here 's another Word of comfort , Christ doth not only send a Messenger to invite thee , who hast no goodness in thee , but he falls to beseeching and intreating thee , and that 's a third word whereby faith is wrought in an Unbeliever . 2 Cor. 5.10 . Now then we are Embassadors for Christ , as though God did beseech you by us ; observe the place , We pray you in Christs stead be reconciled unto God. This is the most admirable word that ever could be spoken unto a sinner : Alas ! thou mayst say , I am afraid that God will not be friends with me ; why ? he would have thee to be friends with him ; do not then with the Papists make such an austere God , as though he might not be spoken unto , as though thou mightst not presume thy self , but must make friends unto him . We have not an high Priest that is not touched with our infirmities . Will the Papists tell me , I am bold if I go to God , or lay hands on Chrst ? I am not more bold then welcome . Let us go with boldness to the Throne of grace . We are commanded to do it : do not think but that he had bowels to weep over Jerusalam , and he carried the same with him into heaven , when thou liest groaning before him , he will not spurn thee . We pray you , and beseech you to be friends ; therefore in this case make no doubt , its Gods good pleasure to entreat thee , and therefore thou hast warrant enough . Christ wept over Jerusalem , and he is as ready to embrace thee . You have now three words to make a man of an Unbeliever , a Believer : Is there , or can there be more then these ? Open house-keeping , special invitations , Entreaties and Beseechings ? yet there is more then all this ; which if thou hast not a heart of stone , it will make thee believe , or make thee rue it . And that is , 4. When God seeth all these things will not work with us , but we are slow of heart to believe , then he quickens us ; and there comes a word of Command . God chargeth , and commands thee to come ; and then if thou breakest his Command , be it to thy peril . It is the greatest sin that can be committed . Thou wilt not draw near to God because thou art a sinner : thou now committest a greater sin then before : thou returnest back , Christ unto God : thou bidst him take his commodity into his hand again : thou wilt not believe : and this is an hainous crime . John 16.8 , 9. And when the Spirit shall come , it shall reprove the world of sin , of righteousness , and of judgement : of sin , because they believe not in me : this is that great sin he shall convince the world of , because they believe not in him . Of all sins , this was the most notorious : this makes us keep all other sins in possession : It is not only one particular sin , but it fastens all other sins upon us , be they never so many . When faith comes , it will out them , but till then they remain in thee ; where there is no Commandment there is no sin . How could it be a sin in not believing , if I were not commanded so to do : but you shall here more then so . When the Apostle speaks of excluding Rejoycing under the Law ; Rom. 3.37 . Where is boasting , then saith he , it is excluded : By what Law ? by the Law of works ? No , but by the Law of faith : there is a Law of works , and a Law of faith . God doth not only give thee leave to come , and take him , and draw near unto him : but he commands thee , there 's a Law : by the breach of that Law of faith thou art made guilty of a high sin . There 's a full testimony of this . 1 John 3.23 . And this is the Commandment , that we should believe in the name of his Son Jesus Christ. If a man should ask , may I love my Neighbour ? would you not think him a fool ? because he must do it , he is commanded . So should a poor soul come , and say to me , may I believe ? thou fool , thou must believe . God hath laid a Command upon thee , it is not left to thy choice : The same Commandment that bids thee love thy brother , bids thee to believe on Christ. To entreaty is added Gods Command , and therefore if thou shalt argue , what warrant have I to believe ? Why , God injoyns it thee , and commands it . As the impotent man said , so mayst thou ; He that healed me , said unto me , take up thy bed , and walk : This is the very Key of the Gospel , and this is the way to turn it right . When being thus clean n●ked , we have as it were a Cable put into our hands to draw our selves out of this flesh and blood . 5. The last thing is , if keeping open house , special Invitations , Entreaties and Commands will not serve the turn , then Christ waxeth angry : What , to be scorn'd , when he profer'd Mercy , and as it were invite all sorts , and compel them to come in by his Preachers , and by a peremptory Command ? Then he falls a threatning , We are not of those which draw back unto perdition ; if thou wilt not come upon this Command , thou shalt be damned . Mar. 16.16 . He that believed not , shall be damned . Christ commands them to go into the world , and preach the Gospel to every Creature , unto every soul this Gospel which I speak : If you will not hear , and believe , if you will not take God at his Word , you shall be damned . John 3. He that believeth not , shall not see life , but the wrath of God abideth on him . Here 's an Iron scourge to drive thee , thou that art so flow of heart to believe . In Psalm 78. where is set down Gods Mercy unto the Is●aelites : afterwards comes one plague upon another ; verse 22. it is said , They hardened their hearts as in the day of provocation . This is applyed in Heb. 3.12 . to Unbelievers . The Lord heard this , and was wrath , a fire was kindled against Jacob , and against Israel . Why was this ? because they believed not in him , because they trusted not in his salvation . Nothing will more provoke God to anger , then when he is liberal and gracious , and we are straitned in our selves , hearden our hearts , and not trust him : never forget this Sermon while you live , this is the net which Christ hath to draw you out of the world . I shal hereafter tell you what faith is , which is to receive Christ , and to believe in his name ; but that will require a more particular explication : and on that I shall enter the next time . FINIS . EPHE . 1.13 . In whom ye also trusted after that ye heard the Word of truth , the Gospel of your salvation ; In whom also after you believed , you were sealed with the Holy Spirit of Promise . THE last time I entred on the declaration of that main point , and part of Religion , which is the foundation of all our hopes and comfort , namely , the offering of Christ unto us ; that as he did offer himself a Sacrifice to his Father for us upon the Cross , so that which is the basis , ground and foundation of our comfort , he offereth himself unto us . And here comes in that gracious gift of the Father which closes in with God : That as God saith , To us a child is born , to us a Son is given , &c. so there is grace given us to receive him . And as the greatest gift doth not enrich a man , unless he accept it , and receive it ; so this is our case , God offers his Son unto us , as an earnest of his love ; if we will not receive him , we cannot be the better for him : If we refuse him , and turn Gods Commodity which he offers us back upon his hand , then Gods storms , and his wrath abides on us for evermore . That it is his good pleasure that we should receive Christ , it is no doubt , we have his word for it : all the point is , how we may receive him , and that is by Faith. And in this Text is declared , how Faith is wrought , and that is by the Word of truth ; In whom also you trusted , after you had heard the Word of Truth . Now after this Faith , there cometh a sealing by the Spirit of God ; In whom also after you believed , you were sealed by the Holy Spirit of Promise . Now lest a man should through ignorance and indiscretion , be misled and deceived , there is faith , and there is feeling . Where this is not , I say , not that there is no faith ; No : for feeling is an after thing , and comes after Faith. If we have Faith , we live by it ; But after you believed , you were sealed . You see then Faith is that whereby we receive Jesus Christ , and to as many as received him , to them he gave power to become the Sons of God , to as many as believe on his name . The blood of Christ is that which cureth our souls , but ( as I told you ) it is by application . A Medicine heals not by being prepared , but being applied : so the blood of Christ shed for us , unless applied to us , doth us no good . In Heb. 12. It s called the blood of sprinkling : and that in the 51. Psalm , hath relation to it , where he saith , Purge me with hysop . In the Passover there was blood to be shed , not to be spilt , but to be shed : and then to be gathered up again , and put into a Basin , and when they had so done , they were to take a bunch of Hysope and dip and sprinkle , &c. Faith is this bunch of Hysope that dips it self as it were into the Basin of Christs blood , and our souls are purged by being sprinkled with it . In Levit. 14.6 . There was a bird to escape alive ; but see the preparation for it , You shall take it , and the scarlet , and the Cedar wood , and the Hysop , and shall dip them , and the living bird in the blood of the bird that was killed , &c. and then you shall sprinkle on him that had the leprosie seven times , and shall pronounce him clean , and shall let the living bird loose into the open field . We are thus let loose , cleansed and freed ; but how ? unless we are dipt as the living bird was in the blood of the dead bird , there is no escaping , unless we are dipt in the blood of Christ Jesus this dead bird , and sprinkled with this Hysop , we cannot be freed . So that now to come to that great matter , without which , Christ profiteth us nothing , which is Faith. The Well is deep , and this is the bucket with which we must draw . This is the hand by which we must put on Christ ; As many as are baptized put on Christ : thus must we be made ready : we must be thus clothed upon , and by this hand attire our selves with the Son of Righteousness . Wherefore I declared unto you that this Faith must not be a bare conceipt , floating in the brain ; not a device of our own . The devil taking hold on this , would soon lead a man into a fools Paradise . To say , I am Gods Child , and sure I shall be saved , I am perswaded so : this the Devil would say Amen to , and would be glad to rock men a sleep in such conceipts . Such are like the foolish Virgins , That went to buy oyl for their Lamps ; and were perswad●d they should come soon enough to enter with the Bride-groom ; but their perswasion is groundless , and they are shut out . So such groundless perswasions and assurances in a mans soul , that he is the child of God , and shall go to heaven , is not Faith ; thou mayst carry this assurance to hell with thee : This Faith is not Faith ; For faith comes by hearing , and that not of every word or fancy , but by hearing the word of Truth . Faith must not go a jot further then the Word of God goeth . If thou hast an apprehension , but no warrant for it out of the Word of God , it is not faith , for it s said , After you heard the Word of Truth you believed . So that we must have some ground for it out of the Word of Truth , otherwise it is presumption , meer conceipts , fancy , and not Faith. Now I shew'd unto you the last time how this might be ; for while a man is an Unbeliever , he is wholly defiled with sin , he is in a most lothsom condition , he is in his blood , filthy , and no eye pities him . And may one fasten comfort on one in such a condition , on a dead man ? And this I shew'd you was our case : When Faith comes to us , it finds no good thing in us , it finds us stark dead , and stark nought : yet there is a Word for all this to draw us unto Christ , from that miserable Ocean in which we are swimming unto perdition , if God catch us not in his Net. Hearken we therefore to Gods Call : there is such a thing as this Calling . God calls thee and would change thy condition , and therefore offers thee his Son. Wilt thou have my Son ? Wilt thou yield unto me ? Wilt thou be reconciled unto me ? Wilt thou come unto me ? and this may be preacht to the veriest Rebel that is . It is the only Word whereby faith is wrought . It is not by finding such and such things in us before-hand , No , God finds us as bad as bad may be , when he proffers Christ unto us . He finds us ugly and filthy , and afterwards washes us , and makes us good . It is not because I found this or that good thing in thee , that I give thee interest in my Son , take it not on this ground . No , he loved us first , and when we were defiled , he washt us with his own blood , Rev. Now there is a double love of God towards his Creatures . 1. Of Commiseration . 2. Of Complacency . That of Commiseration , is a fruit of love which tenders and pities the miserable estate of another . But now there is another love of Complacency , which is a likeness between the qualities and manners of persons : for like will to like : and this love God never hath but to his Saints after Conversion , when they have his Image instamped in them , and are reformed in their Understandings and Wills , resembling him in both , then , and not till then bears he this love towards them . Before he loves them with the love of pity : and so God lov'd the world , that is , with the love of Commiseration , that he sent his only Son , that whosoever believed in him might not perish , but have everlasting life . Now we come to the point of Acceptation : the Word is free , and it requires nothing but what may consist with the freest gift that may be given . Although here be something that a man may startle at . Object . Is there not required a condition of faith , and a condition of obedience ? Sol. Neither of these according to our common Understanding , do hinder the fulness and freedom of the Grace of the Gospel . 1. Not Faith , because Faith is such a condition , as requires only an empty hand to receive a gift freely given . Now doth that hinder the freeness of the gift , to say , you must take it ? Why , this is requisite to the freest gift that can be given . If a man would give something to a Begger , if he would not reach out his hand and take it , let him go without it , it s a free gift still ; so that the condition of Faith requires nothing , but an empty hand to receive Christ. 2. Obedience hinders it not . I am required , may some say , to be a new man , a new Creature , to lead a new life : I must alter my course : and is not this a great clog and burthen ? and do you account this free ? when I must crucifie lusts , mortifie Passions , &c. Is this free when a man must renounce his own Will ? Yes ; It is as free as free may be ; as I shewed you the last time . The very touching and accepting of Christ implies an abnegation of former sinfulness , and a going off from other courses that are contrary to him . If the King give a pardon to a notorious Rebel for Treason , so that now he must live obedient as a Subject , the King need not in regard of himself to have given the pardon ; if he give it , it takes not from its freeness , that he must live like a Subject afterwards ; the very acceptance of the pardon implies it . But now to declare Faith , and to open the Mystery thereof . Faith is a great thing : it is our life ; our life stands in the practise of it : that as in the offering of Christ for us , there is given him a name above every name , That at the name of Jes●s every knee shall bow : As , I say , in the purchasing of Redemption , so in the point of acceptation ; God hath given unto this poor vertue of faith a name above all names . Faith indeed , as it is a vertue , is poor and mean , and comes far short of love : and therefore by the Apostle , love is many degrees prefer'd before faith , because love fills the heart , and faith is but a bare hand , it lets all things fall , that it may fill it self with Christ. It s said of the Virgin Mary , That God did respect the low estate of his hand-maid : So God respects the low estate of Faith , that nothing is required , but a bare empty hand , which hath nothing to bring with it , though it be never so weak , yet if it have a hand to receive , it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a like precious faith , that of the poorest Believer , and the greatest Saint . Now that we may come unto the point , without any more going backwards . In the words read , there is the point of faith , and a thing God confirms it withal , a seal : In whom also after that you believed , you were sealed . Faith is of it self a thing unsealed : the sealing with the holy Spirit of Promise is a point beyond faith ; it s a point of feeling , and not only of believing of Gods Word , but a sensible feeling of the Spirit : a believing in my soul , accompanied with joy unspeakable , and full of glory : of which sealing we shall speak more hereafter . Observe for the first . 1. The Object of it , In whom you trusted . We speak of Faith now as it justifies , as it apprehends Christ for its Object : for otherwise Faith hath as large an Extent as all Gods Word . Faith hath a hand to receive , whatsoever God hath a mouth to speak . What is the Object ? He in whom you trusted . It is a wonder to see how many are deceived , who make the forgiveness of sins to be the proper Object of faith . A man may call as long as he lives for forgiveness of sins , yet unless there be the first Act to lay hold on Christ , in vain doth he expect forgiveness of sins . Untill thou dost accept Christ for thy King and Saviour , thou hast no promise . We are never Children of the Promise till we are found in him . The proper and immediate Object of Faith is , first Christ , and then God the Father by him : for Faith must have Christ for its Object . I must believe in none else but God , in , and through Christ. Now that this is so , we may see in that famous place . 1 Pet. 1.21 . When he had spoken of the precious blood of Christ , the Lamb without blemish , he goes on , and shews , that he was manifested in those last times , for you , who by him do believe in God , that raised up Christ from the dead , and gave him glory , that your faith and hope might be in God. There is no true believing in God the Father , but by the Son. The proper Object of Hope and Faith is God , and he that doth believe , or hope , or trust in any thing else , there is Idolatry in it ; we believe in God by him : so that the primary Object of Faith is Christ. Gal. 3.26 . Ye are all the Children of God by Faith in Jesus Christ. What 's my Faith then ? If thou wilt be the Child of God , receive , hold Christ Jesus , accept him for thy Saviour , and for thy Lord : He is the proper Object of thy Faith. Again , you must have Christ Jesus , and him crucified , that should be the highest knowledge in our account , To know Christ , and him crucified , and by it to accept him . Hereupon the Apostle to the Romans , when he speaks of faith , makes the Object of it Christ , and Christ crucified . Rom. 3.25 . Whom God hath set forth to be a propitiation through faith in his blood ; to declare his Righteousness for the remission of sins that are past , through the forbearance of God. Whatsoever then thou findest in Christ , is an Object of thy Faith. John 6. The point is , He who eats my flesh , and drinks my blood , that is , he who receiveth me , and makes me as his meat and drink , shall be partaker of me . Compare this , Rom. 3.25 . with Rom. 5.9 . for its worth comparing . We are said to be justified by his blood , Rom. 5.9 . By faith in his blood , Rom. 3.25 . Now both these come to one , and they resolve the point , and clear the Question , whether Faith in it self as a Vertue doth justifie , or in respect of its Object ? surely it s in respect of the Object . You that have skill in Phylosophy , know , that heat if considered as a quality , its effects are not so great ; but considered as an instrument , it transcends the sphere of its own activity ; it doth wonders ; for its the principle of generation , and many other strange effects . So here take faith as a Vertue , and it s far short of love : but consider it as an instrument whereby Christ is applyed , and it transcends , it works wonders beyond its proper sphere : for the meanest thing it layes hold on , is the Son of God. He that hath the Son , hath life , &c. Some would think this an hard kind of speech , when we are justified by faith , we are justified by Christ , apprehended by faith : and yet that place is cleer to be justified by his blood : and faith in his blood becomes one faith . As if a man should say , I was cured by going to the Bath : so faith comes unto me ; faith is the legs . A man is not said properly to be cured by going to the Bath , nor justified by coming to Christ by the legs of faith : but the applying of the Bath , the coming to Christ , and applying his vertue , to make him the Object of my faith , this is the way to be justified . As it is not the makeing and preparing of a plaister that cures , but the applying it ; so that this concludes this point , that the true Object of faith is Christ crucified , and God the Father in , and by him . Here then is the point , thou must not look for any comfort in faith , till thou hast Christ ; and to think thou shalt ever have any benefit by God till thou hast Christ , thou deceivest thy self . It is impossible for a man to receive nourishment by his bread and drink , till he partake of it in the substance : so thou must partake of Christ before thou canst receive any nourishment by him . Christ saith not thou must have forgiveness of sins , or thou must have my Fathers favour , but take my body and blood , take me crucified . Buy the field , and the treasure is thine : but thou hast nothing to do with the treasure , till thou gettest the field . This is preferment enough , to have the Lords Promise to Abraham , I am thy exceeding great reward : I am my wel-beloveds , and my wel-beloved is mine . There is a spiritual match betwixt Christ and thee : there are many who are matcht with Christ , and yet know not how rich they are : when a man reckons of what he shall get by Christ only , when all his thoughts are on that , he marrieth the portion , and not the man : thou must set thy love on Christs person , and then having him , all that he hath is thine : how rich Christ is , so rich art thou : he must first be thine . He that hath the Son hath life , but the Son must first be had . Is there any now in this congregation who is so hard-hearted , as to refuse such a gift as this ? When God shall give thee his Son , if thou wilt take him , is there any so prophane , as with Esau to sell his birth , &c. to pursue the poor pedling things of this life , and refuse salvation , so high a gift ? A gift which is not given to Angels , they think it an honour to wait at the Lords Table : they have not this precious food given to them ; they never taste it ; and therefore many Christians on serious consideration would not change their estate for the estate of Angels . Why ? because hereby Christ is my husband , I am wedded to him , he is bone of my bone , and flesh of my flesh , which the Angels are not capable of . Our nature is advanced above the Angelical nature : for we shall sit and judge the world with Christ , judge the twelve Tribes of Israel : And what an high preferment is this ? Nay , observe this , and take it for a Rule . Never beg of God pardon for thy sins , till thou hast done this one thing , namely , accepted of Christ from Gods hands . For thou never canst confidently ask any thing till thou hast him : For all the Promises of God are in him , yea , and Amen . This may serve for the Object of faith : to shew that the primary Object , is Christ crucified , and God by him . We come now to declare ; 2. The Acts of faith what they are , and there is some intricacy in that too : There is much ado made in what part and power of the soul faith is : We must not proportionate the Act of faith according to our own fancy . For it s no faith , but as it hath relation to the Word : now look , how is the Word presented . After you heard the Word of Truth , the Gospel of your salvation . Now the Word is presented under a double respect . 1. It s presented Sub ratione veri ; After you had heard the Word of Truth ; and there comes in the Understanding . 2. Then Sub ratione boni , as a good word , that so we should lay hold on it , and here comes in the Will. For the Will , we say , challenges that which is good for its Object : Now the Gospel of salvation is a good Word , its glad tidings worthy of all acceptation , that Christ Jesus came into the world to save sinners . And now as the Word is presented as a good Word , so must my Act of faith be answerable unto it . See in Heb. 11.13 . The act of faith answering hereto , These all died in faith , not having received the Promises . What did their faith to them ? It made them see the Promises a far off , and they were perswaded of them , and embraced them , and confessed that they were strangers and pilgrims in the earth . So that by comparing place with place , it appears that first this Gospel was presented as the Word of Truth , they were perswaded of it . It is the first Act of Faith , to perswade men of the truth of the Word : and then as it is a good word , they embraced it : these are the two arms of faith : as true , it perswades me , as good , I embrace it . We must not now be too curious in bringing in Philosophical Disputes , whether one Vertue may proceed from two faculties ; whether Faith may proceed from the Understanding and the Will. The truth is , these things are not yet agreed upon ; and shall we trouble our selves with things not yet decided in the schools , as , whether the practical Understanding and the Will be distinct faculties or no ? The Word of God requires that I should believe with my whole heart . Act. 8.37 . As Philip told the Eunuch , if thou believest with all thy heart , thou mayest : If with the heart : but with what faculties may you say ? Why , I tell thee , believe with thy whole heart : and what ! shall I peece and devide the heart , when the whole is required ? Now to come to these two : The Word is presented , 1. As a true Word . 2. Then as a good Word ; a word like Gospel , like salvation . 1. As a true Word . And the Act of faith answering thereto , is called in Scripture 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Knowledge and Acknowledgement , 1 Titus 1. 1 Peter 3. 1 Knowledge , that 's a thing requisite : Why ? because if there be a Remedy able to cure a mans disease : if he do not know it , what is he the better for it ? Knowledge is so essential unto Faith , that without it there can be no faith . In John 17.3 . the terms are confounded , the one put for the other : This is life eternal , to know thee to be the true God , and whom , &c. to know thee , that is , to believe in thee , because knowledge is so essential to belief , as one cannot be without the other : thou canst not believe what thou hast never heard of : I know , saith Job , that my Redeemer liveth , that is , I believe he liveth : and hereupon it s said in Isa. 53. By his knowledge shall my righteous servant justifie many : Knowledge is an Act primarily requisite to Faith ? to be justified by his knowledge , is to be justified by faith in his blood ; this then is the first thing , that I know it to be as true as Gospel : then comes the acknowledgement . 2. The Acknowledgement . Joh. 6.69 . We know , and are assured that thou art that Christ. This is an assurance : I say , not the assurance of my salvation : for that is another kind of thing : but an assurance that God will keep touch with me , will not delude me , but that if I take his Son , I shall have life ; I shall have his favour . When God illuminates me , I find all things in him , when I have him , I am made . When the Understanding clearly apprehends this , then comes the next word , it is the Gospel of salvation , there being a knowing and acknowledging the Act of the Understanding : then comes the Will , and it being , 2. Propounded as a good word , then follows , 1. Acceptation . 2. Affiance . 1. Acceptation , which receives Christ. 1 John 12. As many as received him , to them he gave power to become the sons of God , even to as many as believed on his name . Then a man resolves , I will take God on his word , and thereupon follows . A resting or relying on God , which is a proper act of faith . I need no other place then Rom. 10.13 . Whosoever shall call on the name of the Lord shall be saved : But how shall they call on him on whom they have not believed ? that is , on whom they have not reposed their confidence . Mark the ●postle , How shall they call on him , on whom they have not believed ? That Faith which was in the antecedent must be in the conclusion : therefore our faith is a relying on God : and so in this place this trust is made the same with faith ; as it is in the Text , in whom you trusted , after you had received the word of Truth : for our trust and belief there is the self-same word , — Nimium ne crede colori : this ( Credo ) is to have a great confidence in fleeting and fading things ; and so it is in justifying faith . If I have a knowledge of God , and acknowledgement of him , and from my knowing , my will is conformed to accept Christ ; and if when I have accepted him , I will not part from him ; this is faith , and if thou hast this faith , thou wilt never perish : suppose thou never hadst one day of comfort all thy life long , yet my life for thine thou art saved . Perhaps by reason of thy ignorance thou hast no feeling , yet if thou consent , thou art justified ; it s the consent makes the match . If thou consent to the Father , and take Christ the Son , know it , or know it not , thou hast him ; though thou knowest not whether thy sins are forgiven ; yet as long as thou keepest thy hold , all the Devils temptations shall never drive thee from him : thou art justified , and in a safe case , though ignorance and other things in thee cause thee not to feel it , if thou layest hold on him for his sake , thou art apprehended . Object . Now then this is an easie matter , you will say . Sol. Not so easie a matter as you guess it to be . It were easie indeed , were there nothing but saying the word to make man and wife ; there are terms and conditions to be agreed upon . God casts not his Son away , he looks there shall be conditions on thy side ; he must be thy King and Head , if thou wilt have him to be thy husband . But what shall I get by him , then saith the wife ? Get ? there is no end of thy getting . All is thine , Paul , Apollos , Cephas , Life , &c. Thou art Christs , and Christ is Gods. Every man will take Christ thus for the better : but there 's somewhat else in the match . If thou wilt have him , thou must take him for better , for worse , for richer , for poorer . Indeed there are precious things provided for you . It s your Fathers good pleasure to give you the Kingdom ; you shall be Heirs with Christ , but for the present , while you are in the Church Militant , you must take up your Cross ; you must not look for great things in this world : In this world you must have tribulation , you must deny your selves , and your own Wills. What ? would you have Christ the wife , and you the husband ? No , If you think so , you mistake the match . Christ must be the Husband and the Head ; and as the wife promises to obey her husband , to stick to her husband in sickness and in health , and to forsake all others ; so Christ asketh , wilt thou have me ? if thou wilt , thou must take me on these terms , thou must take my Cross with me , thou must deny thine own Will , yea , it may be thine own life also . Let a Christian consider all these things , these are the words , and these are the benefits and then compare them together , & then if he can say , I will have Christ how●ver , for I shall be a saver by him , I 'le take him with●ll faults , & I know I shall make a good bargain , therefore I will have him on any terms come what will ; when a man can have his will so perpendicularly bent on Christ , that he will have him , though he leave his skin behind him , there 's a true acceptation of him . We must not here distinguish with the Schools about Velleities , a general wishing and woulding , and true desires after Christ : Wishers and Woulders never thrive ; but there must be a resolution to follow Christ through thick and thin , never to part with him : a direct Will is here required . And therefore Christ bids us consider before — hand what it will cost us . If any man come to me , and hate not Father and mother , wife and children , and his own life also , he cannot be my Disciple . Do not think that our Saviour here would discourage men from love . Doth the God of love teach us hatred ? The phrase in the Hebrew is loving less , as it is said , Jacob have I loved , and Esau have I hated ; that is , loved less . If a man hath two wives , one beloved , and the other hated , and they have born Children , both the beloved and the hated . By hated is not meant , that the man hated one wife , but less loved her then the other ; so if any man come to me , and hate not father and mother , and that is , if he love not all less then me ; and that it is so , we may see it expounded by our Saviour . Mat. 10.37 . He that loveth father or mother more then me is not worthy of me . There Christ expounds it . He that will follow Christ in calm weather and not in a storm , is not worthy of him . Luke 14.28 . Which of you intending to build a Tower , sitte●● not down first , and counteth the cost , whether he have sufficient to finish it ? What is that to the purpose ? See verse 33. So likewise w●osoever he be of you , that forsaketh not all that he hath , cannot be my Disciple . It s a small matter to begin to be a Christian , unless you consider what it will cost you . Do you t●●●k it a small matter to be the Kings son ? think not on so great a business without consideration what it will cost you . It will be the denying of your own wills . You must be content to follow naked Christ nakedly : follow him in his persecution and tribulation , in his death and suffering , if thou wilt be conformable to him in glory . When this case comes , it makes many draw back , as the rich man in the Gospel , when he must forsake all , he drew back . When troubles arise , many are offended ; so when it comes to a point of parting , they go back . Now we come to speak one word of the sealing in the Text. After that ye believed , ye were sealed with the holy Spirit of Promise . This sealing , which is a point of feeling is a distinct thing of it self from faith ; no part of faith . If I have faith , I am sure of life , though I never have the other : these are two seals . VVe put to our seals to the counter-part that is drawn betwixt God and us . The first seal is our faith . I have nothing but Gods VVord , and indeed I have no feeling , yet I venture my salvation , and trust God upon his bare VVord . I will pawn all upon it : He that believeth , saith John , hath set to his seal that God is true . If men doubt , and trust God no further then they see him , it is not faith . But when God gives me a good word , though I am in as much distress as ever , yet I trust , though it be contrary to all sense , or outward seeming , yet I put to my seal , and trust him still . Then comes Gods counter-part . God being thus honoured , that I believe his Word , though contrary to all sense and feeling , even his bare Word ; then God sets to his seal , and now the Word comes to particularizing . Before it was in general , now it comes and singles out a man , Say thou unto my soul , that I am thy salvation , Psalm 35.3 . that is , as I did apply the generality of Gods Word unto mine own case to bear me up against sense and feeling : then comes the Spirit of God , and not only delivers generalities , but saith unto my soul , I am thy salvation . This is called in Scripture a manifestation , when God manifests himself unto us ; as in Isa. 60.16 . Thou shalt suck the milk of the Gentiles , and shalt suck the brest of Kings , and thou shalt know that I the Lord am thy Saviour and thy Redeemer , &c. that is , when we have made particular application by Faith , God will put to his seal , that I shall know that God is my strength and my salvation : I shall know it . John 14.21 . He that loveth me shall be loved of my Father , and I will manifest my self unto him . Christ comes and drawes the Curtains , and looks on with the gracio●s aspect of his blessed countenance . When this comes , it cheers the heart , and then there are secret love-tokens pass betwixt Christ and his beloved . Rev. 2.17 . To him that overcometh will I give to eat of the hidden Manna , and will give him a white stone , and in the stone a new name written , which no man knows , save he that receives it , that is , there is a particular intimation that I shall know of my self more then any other ; more then all the world besides . It s such a joy as the stranger is not made Partaker of : such joy as is glorious and unspeakable ; such peace as passeth all understanding . One minute of such joy overcomes all the joy in the world besides . Now consider , sure there is such a thing as this joy , or else do you think the Scripture would talk of it , and of the Comforter , the Holy Ghost , by whom we know the things that are given us of God. There is a generation in the world that hath this joy , though you that know it not , do not , nor cannot believe it , there is a righteous generation that have it ; and why dost thou not try to get it ? do as they do , and thou mayst obtain it likewise . The secrets of the Lord are revealed to them that fear him : These are hidden comforts ; do you think God will give this joy to those that care not for him ? No , The way is to seek God , and to labour to fear him . The secrets of the Lord are revealed to such , and such , only as fear him ; do as they do , and follow their example , and thou mayst have it likewise . Object . Many have serv'd Christ long , and have not found it . Sol. It s long of themselves ; you are straightned in your own bowels , or else , Open your mouths wide , and God will fill them . No wonder that we are so barren of these comforts , when we be straitned in our selves . There is a thing wondrously wanting amongst us , and that is Meditation . If we could give our selves to it , and go up with Moses to the Mount to confer with God , and seriously think of the price of Christs death , and of the joyes of heaven , and the Priviledges of a Christian ; if we could frequently meditate on these , we should have these sealing days every day , at lest oftner . This hath need to be much pressed upon us ; the neglect of this makes lean souls . He that is frequent in that , hath these sealing days often . Couldst thou have a parle with God in private , and have thy heart rejoyce with the comforts of another day , even whilst thou art thinking of these things , Christ would be in the midst of thee . Many of the Saints of God have but little of this , because they spend but few hours in Meditation . And thus as this hour would give leave , have we proceeded in this point . FINIS . 1 COR. 11.29 . For he that eateth and drinketh unworthily , eateth and drinketh Damnation to himself , not discerning the Lords body . I Have heretofore declared unto you the ground of our salvation , and have represented unto you , first , Christ offered for us , and secondly , Christ offered to us . Now it hath pleased Almighty God , not only to teach us this by his Word ; but because we are slow of heart to believe , and conceive the things we heare , it pleases his glorious Wisdom to add to his Word his Sacraments , that so what we have heard with our ears , we may see with our eyes , being represented by signs . There is a visible voice whereby God speaks to the eyes : and therefore we find in Exod. 4.8 . God bids Moses that he should use signs , saying , It shall come to pass , if they will not believe thee , neither hearken to the voice of the first sign , that they will believe the voice of the latter sign . Signs you know are the Object of the eye , and yet see , they have it as it were a visible voice , which speaks to the eye . Now God is pleased to give us these signs for the helping . 1. Of our Understanding : The eye and the ear are the two learned senses , as we call them , through which , all knowledge is conveyed into the soul : and therefore that we may have a more particular knowledge of Christ , God hath not only by his Ministry given us audible voices , but visible also in his Sacraments , by which , as by certain glasses he represents to us the Mystery of Christ Jesus offered for us , and offered to us . And hence is it that Paul calls the eyes to witness , as well as the ears , Gal. 3.1 . O ye foolish Galathians , who hath bewitched you that you should not obey the Truth , before whose eyes Christ hath been evidently fet forth crucified amongst you ! that is , before whose eyes Christ hath been crucified , not by hear-say only , but evidently before your eyes , not in any foolish Crucifix , with the Papists , but in the blessed Sacrament , wherein he is so represented , as if his soul were before our eyes poured out to death : so that by these Sacraments , heavenly things are as it were clothed in earthly Garments , and this is the first reason , viz. to help our Understandings : but besides this he doth it . 2. To help our Memory ; we art apt to forget those wonderfull things Christ hath wrought for us . And therefore , verse 24. and 25. Of this Chapter we are bid To eat his body , and drink his blood in remembrance of him . To take the signs as tokens of him ; the Sacrament is as it were a monument and pillar raised up to the end , that when ever we see it , we should remember the Lords death untill he come . It s said , 2 Sam. 8.18 . That Absolon in his life time had taken , and reared up for himself a Pillar which is in the Kings dale ; for he said , I have no son to keep my name in remembrance . He would fain be remembred , but he had no Child whereby he might live after he was dead : therefore he raises it , and calls it after his own name , Absolons place , as it is this day : that so as often as any came that way , they might remember him . Christ doth thus by his Sacrament , and erects it as a Monument for the remembrance of his death , and as it were calls it by his own name , saying , This is my body , and this is my blood : that when ever we see them , we may call to mind , Christ offered for us , and to us . But that I may apply this my Doctrine to the ears also , know that , 3. These signs are for the strengthning of our faith , and therefore it is considered as a seal . Rom. 4.11 . Abraham received the sign of Circumcision , as a seal of the righteousness of the faith which he had , yet being uncircumcised . It helps our understanding by being a sign , and is a confirmation , as a seal : by vertue whereof Christ is passed , and made over to us , so that we have as true an interest and right to him , as to our meat and drink : yea , hereby he becomes as effectually ours for every purpose in our spiritual life , as our meat and drink doth for our corporal . To which end these Elements are changed spiritually in their natures ; not in substance , but in use : so that which was but now a common bread , becomes as far different as heaven is from earth , being altered in its use . For instance , the wax whereby the King passes over an inheritance to us , and by which conveyances of our estates are made , that wax is but as another piece of wax differing nothing from that which is in the shop , till the King hath stampt it with his Seal : but being once sealed , one would not give it for all the wax in the Kingdome , for now it serves to another use ; so is it here in these elements ; but still know the difference is not in the matter or substance , but in the use . And this is the reason why this blessed bread and wine is termed a communion , namely , because it is an instrument whereby Christ instates me into himself , and whereby I have fellowship and communion with him . In the words then we have these particulars , viz. 1. A sinne . If any man shall presume to eat that bread , or drink that cup unworthily . It s a dangerous thing , a great sin to eat and drink at the Lords Table in an unworthy manner . 2. A punishment . He eats and drinks damnation , or judgement unto himself . So that now what was ordained to life , and appointed to be a seal and confirmation of Gods love and favour , is now changed and become a seal and confirmation of Gods anger and indignation . The unworthy receiving of it makes it prove cleane contrary to what it was intended . 3. A reason , because he discernes not the Lords body , but takes them as ordinary things , deeming the elements not different from the bread and wine which we have at our Tables , not knowing that they are the dishes wherein Christ is served in unto us , that by these the greatest gift is given us , and nourishment conveyed for the maintenance of our spiritual life . This life was given us in baptisme , but in and by these signes is conveyed spiritual nourishment for the continuance and maintenance of it , for the strengthning of our faith , and making us daily stronger and stronger to fight the Lords battles : Now when we discern not this , nor by the eye of faith see Christ Jesus crucified for us , and by these elements conveyed unto us , but take them hand over head without any consideration , we receive them unworthily , and a fearful indignity is offered unto Christ , which he will certainly revenge . I 'le then 1. Shew in general what it is to eat unworthily . 2. What it is to eat judgement ; and then 3. I 'le come to the particulars , how this sin may be avoided , and what the particulars are wherein the sin consists . 1. Concerning the first , What it is to eat unworthily . Obj. And here may some say , is there any of us who can avouch that he eats and drinks at the Lords Table worthily ? is any so presumptuous to say , that he is worthy to eat Christs flesh , and drink his blood ? As for bodily food and entertainment , the Centurion could say , I am not worthy that thou shoulds come under my roof ; How then comes this to passe , that he which eats and drinks the Lords body unworthily , eats and drinks damnation to himself ? Sol. But here understand what is set down ; worthiness is not always taken for a matter of merit , or proportion of worth between the person giving and receiving ; but in Scripture it 's often taken for that which is meet , fitting , and beseeming ; And in this sense the Apostle uses it , 1 Cor. 16.4 . If it be meet that I go also , they shall go with me . If it be meet : the word in the Original is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or worthy , which is here rightly translated meet ; so in that Sermon of Saint John Baptist , Mat. 3.8 . bring forth fruits meet for repentance ; that is , fruits beseeming amendment of life . And in this sense are we said to walk worthy of God , who hath called us to his Kingdom and glory . VVorthy of God , that is , worthy of that calling God hath imparted to us , 1 Thes. 2.12 . And therefore to use the similitude as I have elsewhere , If the King should vouchsafe to come into a Subjects house , and finde all things fit and beseeming so great a Majesty , that Subject may be said to give the King worthy entertainment ; not that a Subject is worthy to entertaine his Prince : but the meaning is , he provided all things which were meet and fit for the entertainment of him . So is it here : if we prepare our selves with such spiritual ornaments to entertain the King of glory , as are requisite for those who approach his Table , though our performances come far short of the worth of his presence , yet we may be said to eat his body , and drink his blood worthily . When the King in the Gospel had prepared his feast , two sorts of guests there were who were unworthy . 1. Those that made light of the invitation , who had their excuses when they should come to the feast ; One must go to his farme , another to try his Oxen , Luke 14.18 . 2. Others there were who came , and yet were unworthy guests , for coming unpreparedly ; for in the midst of the feast the King comes in to view his guests , and beholds a man that did not refuse to come , but yet came without his wedding garment , and so came unworthily for not coming preparedly . Yea see then there may be an unworthinesse in those that do come , since they come unfitted and unbeseeming such a banquet . They are unworthy receivers of the Lords body , and he accounts it an irreverent usage of him . In like manner may some say touching the Ministry of the Word ; May not I read a good Sermon at home with as much profit ? what needs all this stirre ? Why , here 's the advantage and priviledge you get in the publick Ministry of the Word : God himself comes down as a King amongst us , he views his guests , and considers who comes with his wedding garment , who comes preparedly . Christ comes and looks on us , and where two or three are gathered together in his name , there he hath promised to be in the midst of them : He walks in the midst of the golden Candlesticks : the Ministers of his Word ; he takes a special view of those that come and frequent his Ordinances , and to reward them . You see then what it is to eat worthily , it s to do it with that reverence that is requisite where the King of heaven is the Master of the Feast . Now this being the sin , unmannerliness , and unprepared approaching his Table ; we come to the second thing , viz. 2. The punishment : and that 's a terrible one : He that eats and drinks unworthily , eats and drinks damnation to himself : damnation , that 's somewhat hard , the word in the Margent is better , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , judgement . True , there are such as so come , that they deserve to eat condemnation to themselves , as openly profane ones , in whom it's high treason , being Gods vowed enemies , to take his Privy Seal , and put it to so vile a use : this I say deserves damnation ; but then others there are that have faith and repentance , and a portion in Christ , yet coming unworthily to this feast , eat judgement to themselves : that is a judgement of chastisement . There is a twofold judgement . 1. One of revenge : for those that put Gods Seal to a wrong evidence , having no faith to make Christ his portion : in such a one its high treason to put forth his hand to this tree of life . 2. Another of chastisement , for such a one as hath repentance , and yet comes too unmannerly , and carries himself too carelesly at the Lords Table : at this the Apostle aims in the Text ; not at that judgement of condemnation , but at a judgement to prevent damnation ; And this appears in the words following , where we shall finde the Apostle recounting up the particulars of this judgement of chastisement , For this cause many are weak and sickly among you , and many sleep , ver . 30. Mark what 's the judgement he eats : why this ? he 's cast upon his bed of sicknesse into a Consumption perchance , or some other corporal disease ; a cause Physicians seldome or never look into : they look to Agues , Colds , or the like ; they never once conjecture that their unworthy eating at the Lords Table , cast them into the disease , and was the principal cause of the malady . Nay death it self too often is the punishment of such bold attempts , so that all the Physicians in the world cannot cure them . And thus God inflicts temporal judgements to free them from eternal , as appears farther in the 32. ver . When we are judged , we are chastned of the Lord , that we should not be condemned with the world , that is , we undergo a judgement of chastisement , to prevent the judgement of condemnation : which though it be a sharp and bitter pill , yet by the mercy of God we eat that whereby damnation is prevented . This judgement of condemnation is the portion of the profane person , who dares to meddle with that belongs not to him , against whom the Angel of the Lord with a flaming sword stands to keep the way of this tree of life . Those that come that have faith , yet coming unpreparedly , they eat judgment too , yet by Gods mercy it 's that which preserves them from the damnation of the soul. Now before I come to the particulars , note how careful God is , that spiritual exercises should be spiritually performed . He 's very angry when he sees a spiritual duty carnally undertaken . For this cause many are sick , &c. that is , because you that are believers , have faith , repentance , and a portion in your Saviour come irreverently , come unpreparedly , perform a spiritual work so carnally . We have presidents hereof in Scripture● ▪ and chiefly two : First , for circumcision , Exod. 4.24 . At the 21. v. God sent Moses on a Message into Egypt , and in the 24. vers . the Text saith , It came to pass by the way in the Inne , that the Lord met him , and sought to kill him . This is very strange , this hath no dependance on that which goes before : a strange accident , God sought to kill him , although he but a little before had sent him into Egypt , and told him he would be with him . Why ? what should we do then ? how should the message be done , and fulfilled ? But what was the reason hereof ? It 's not expressed , yet we may gather from the following words , that it was by reason his sons were uncircumcised , for vers . 25. Zippora took a sharp stone , and cut off the fore-skin of her sonne , and cast it at his feet , and said , surely a bloody husband hast thou been unto me : God would have smitten him for the neglect of the Sacrament of Circumcision . Another instance we have for the Passover in Hezekiahs time . 2 Chron. 30.17 , 18. A multitude of the people , yea many of Ephraim and Manasseh , Issachar and Zebulon had not cleansed themselves , yet did they eat the Passover otherwise then it was written . There were many likewise in the Congregation that were not sanctified ; and therefore God punished them . It 's not set down in what manner God punished them , yet by the consequent it may be gather'd that it was by sicknesse , for the next words are to that effect : Hezekiah prayed for them saying , the good Lord pardon every one that prepareth his heart to seek God , the Lord God of his Father , though he be not cleansed according to the purification of the Sanctuary , and the Lord hearkened to Hezekiah , and healed the people . So that you see for this God smites a person , and it 's to be feared least judgements temporal fall on the whole Nation for this fault , that he even smites a people to death . But we passe from this and come to the particulars . 3. The particulars of this offence , and wherein it consists that a man comes unworthily , that so we may know whether we are guilty of the crime . Know therefore that there are two sorts that come to the communion . First , those to whom the businesse doth not belong , that have nothing to do with the thing as openly profane ones . Secondly , such as have interest in the matter , but yet come unpreparedly , and in an unbeseeming manner ; the former take part in the signe , but enjoy not the thing signified , and the latter coming unpreparedly depart without the comfort which otherwise they might have . Now mark to whom Christ would say , if he were now coming to judgement in the clouds , to whom I say , if he were now coming in the clouds , he would say , Come ye blessed of my Father , inherit a Kingdome prepared for you from the beginning of the world ; to them he would likewise say , Come to my Table , come to this banquet , partake of my body and blood , and to as many as he would say , Depart from me you cursed into everlasting flames , to so many would he say , go you from my Table , come not near . Now there are two sorts of people , to whom , if the Lord Jesus were coming in the clouds to Judgement , he would say , Depart into everlasting flames ; and those are those that know not him , and obey not the Gospel of Jesus Christ , 2 Thes. 1.8 . Now to these two sorts of people , Christ would say , if he were on earth , Depart from my Table , meddle not with those Mysteries : And they are , 1. Those that know not God : and indeed it is a most unworthy thing for an ignorant man to come to Gods Table . Know whoever thou art , that art such an one , that it belongs not to thee , it was appointed for an understanding people . The Lord invites not fools and block-heads to his Mysteries . God will not know them that know not him . If thou knowest not what the signs are , or the relation of them to the thing signified , hast no insight or understanding of the Mysteries : Know that its to no other purpose to thee to come to the Sacrament , then if thou wentest to a Mass , to see a Mass , to see the Gesticulations , Elevations , or if thou wentest to see a play , not knowing to what end and purpose it was done . Such a one is not a friend of God , but an enemy that shall be destroyed in everlasting fire that knows not him . Deceive not then your selves , but seriously weigh it , and consider what a Judgement falls on us for this . What an unworthy thing is it , when as in one moneths space , or less , if a man had any care , he might learn as much as would bring him to heaven . What saith the Apostle ? 1 Cor. 15.34 . Some have not the knowledge of God , I speak this to your shame . And a shamefull thing it is indeed , when the knowledge of the Principles of Christian Religion may be had in so short a space , to be so grosly ignorant as commonly many are . It s a most unworthy , and a shamefull thing to think the knowledge of Christ not worth thus much pains . Thou that carest not for the knowledge of Gods wayes , what hast thou to do to take his Word into thy mouth , to tread in his Courts ? I doubt not but very many here too are but Babes in Christ. An ignorant person then cannot possibly come worthily ; for we are to come with faith ; and Faith cannot be without knowledge . And hence are they joyned both together : By his knowledge shall my righteous servant justifie many . Isa. 53.11 . By his knowledge , not subjective , but objective , , the knowledge of him : if thou knowest not him , his Nature , and Offices , the end of his offering himself , and will be still a meer Ignoramus , come not to Gods Table , go to Nebuchadnezzar , and feed with him amongst the beasts , thou hast nothing to do here . This is the first sort . 2. The second are those that obey not the Gospel of Jesus Christ. They have wit enough , and can talk of Religion fast enough ; but where is the obedience is required ? I know Christ gives me the proffer of Christ Jesus ; Can I cast down my own proud Will , and submit it , lay down my stately plumes , and take him not only as my Priest to sacrifice himself for me , but as my Lord , and my King to be guided , governed , and ruled by him ? when such a one comes that hath not the power of grace in him , who is filled with nothing , but Rebellion and profaneness ; when such a one comes , and presumes to sit down at Gods Table , it is a most unworthy Act ; It s more fit that such a one should feed amongst the swine , then eat the body , and drink the blood of his Saviour . Nor is it an unworthy Act for these only , but also for civil honest persons , though civility be a good stock whereon the sience of grace may be grafted : but if a man had nothing besides what nature & Education can teach , what moral Phylosophy can store us with , we have nothing to do at this Table of the Lord. How can I dare presume to eat Christs body , and drink Christs blood , that am not acquainted with God , know not the Principles of Religion , and will not be swayed by him , nor be obedient unto his Gospel ? These are the particulars then which make a man an unworthy Receiver , when he is an ignorant person , and will not obey the Gospel of Jesus Christ , such persons are to be discarded and casheer'd ; they eat the Judgement of condemnation unto themselves . But there are ( as I shew'd you ) a second sort that come that have interest in the business ; such as have Knowledge , Grace and Faith in Christ , and shall taste of the new wine with Christ in the world to come , and be with Christ , which notwithstanding may eat and drink unworthily , and come unpreparedly , and irreverently : whereby they lose that comfort that otherwise they might have : and these , though they eat not the Judgement of condemnation , yet they do the Judgement of chastisement : they put Gods seal to a blank , but the former sort put it to a false instrument , they put it to a blank , I say , and by that means loose much comfort , yea , life it self too perchance . They eat a Judgement of Chastisement ; by putting it thus to a blank they taste Gods displeasure in sickness , weakness and death : but I will shew you how you may avoid this : why ? come worthily . Fit your s●lves to the purpose , set to it , and thou shalt see , one Communion will even bring thee to Heaven . I say , if that thou couldst but one Communion fit thy self to come worthily , thou wouldst find exceeding comfort in it . Try the Lord once , and see what a mighty encrease of grace this will bring unto thee . That you may know how you may come worthily , there are three things requisite to every worthy Receiver at the Lords Table : 1. Some things are requisite before the Action be enterprized , or else I shall come very unworthily . 2. Some at the time , and in the very act of Receiving . 3. Others after the Communion is ended . Many will be perswaded that there is some preparation to be used before hand , but never do as much as dream of any after : whereas if a man neglect this , the Lords meat is as it were lost in us . 1. As for those things which are requisite before we come to the Lords Table , they are these . 1. A Consideration what need I have of the Sacrament . Is there any such necessity of it ? Examine then , what need have I to eat my meat and drink ? When we see God brings this before us , let us reason thus with our selves ; it is as needfull for the nourishment of my soul to receive the Sacrament , as for my body to take meat and drink . This is that whereby we are spiritually strengthned and enabled to hold out to the last . And here I 'le not stand to dispute the case , whether a man may fall from Grace or not . And no doubt but he may : yet I say , not that he doth . I say , no doubt but he may ; and why ? there is such an opposition and antipathy betwixt the flesh and the spirit , that did not God refresh the spirit now and then , it might be overborn by the bulk of our corruptions . Now Gods Ordinances are appointed to keep it in heart , and refresh it , as the sick spouse was staid with Apples , and comforted with flagons . And God hath appointed his Sacrament of the Lords Supper to strengthen and continue that life which we received in Baptism as by spiritual nourishment . In Baptism our stock of life is given us , by the Sacrament is confirmed and continued . If a child be born only and after birth not nourished ; there is none but will know what a death such a soul will die . So it is here , unless Christ be pleased to nourish that life which he hath breathed into me in baptism , and by his Ordinances to give me a new supply and addition of grace ; I am a dead man , I am gone for evil upon this ground , therefore upon examination being conscious , and privy to the weakness of my faith , to the manifold imperfections of my spirit , to my want of knowledge , the frailty of my memory , my often doubtings , the dangers of relapsing and falling back in my Christian progress , I cannot but apprehend that it is no needless thing for me to come preparedly to the Lords Table . 2. The next action requisite before my comming to the Sacrament , is the whetting of my appetite , and preparing of my stomack ; I must come with an hungry desire , as a man that comes to his meat that would live and be strong : we think meat very ill bestowed on him that hath no stomack : Unless we eat Christs body , and drink his blood , we can have no spiritual life . All the question , and the main business is , whether I come thirsty or not , as an hungry and thirsty man with an Appetite after his meat and liquor ; longing after Christ , as the Hart after the water brooks . When a man comes dully , and as Children that playes with their meat , cares not whether he eats or not ; when a man comes , I say , without an appetite , its time for God to take it away from him . It s an unworthy comming to come with an unprepared stomack , and without whetting our faith to feed on Christ Jesus crucified . 3. The third action requisite to a worthy Commer , is cleansing of himself . I would fain come , may a man say , to the Lords Table , having such need of it , as I have , and having such an appetite and desire to feed on Christ ; but I am to come before a great King , therefore I must wash mine hands in innocency . In the Gospel according to Saint Mark , the Jews found fault with Christs Disciples , because they came with unclean or common hands : For so the word signifies , and is so used by the Apostles as equivalent thereunto . I have learned to call nothing common or unclean . Now when I come to meet the Lord in his Ordinances , I must put off my shooes from off my feet , for the place where I stand is holy . Wash your hands you sinners , and purifie your hearts you double minded . The purifying of the soul is that which is required of every worthy Communicant . We come now not to receive life , but strength , and that it may strengthen us , we must of necessity clense our selves . A stomack over clog'd with choler what ever meat be taken into it , it turns it into its own nature : so is it here , unless the vessel be clean , Quodcunque infundis , acessit . Christ Jesus the purest thing in the world is to come into my soul , as into a sanctuary , and shall not I fit , trimme and garnish it to receive him , but leave it as a Pig-stie ? Know therefore that thou comest unworthily when thou comest with unwashed hands . The people were to be sanctified when they came to receive the Law. And so must we if we will receive the benefit from the business in hand : But I cannot stand on all . I pass from this therefore to the second thing I proposed , and that was ; 2. Those things which were required of us in the action . And there we have the acts of the Minister in the administration : I must not look on these as idle Ceremonies , but as real Representations , otherwise we take Gods name in vain . I must look upon the Minister who represents the person of Christ , and by the eyes of faith see Christ himself offered for thee , when thou seest the bread broken , the wine poured out . Behold him offered to thee when the Minister bids thee take and eat , take and drink . And when the Minister bids thee take , know that in as good earnest as the Minister offers thee the bread and wine , the Lord offers thee his sonne Christ Jesus . Take Christ my son dead and crucified for thee . Consider when thou seest the Minister set the bread and wine apart , how God from all eternity set apart his son for us . If we have not done this , we must do it . Exod. 12.3 . See the manner of the setting apart of the Lamb , which was a Type of Christ ; In the tenth day of the moneth they shall take to them every man a Lamb , according to the house of their Father : This Lamb was to be set apart , and taken out of the flock . And in the fifth verse , It must be a Lamb without blemish : then you shall keep it untill the fourteenth day of the same moneth . From the tenth day to the fourteenth it was to be kept : This typified that Lamb of God that was so set apart . Then was the Lamb to be killed : By whom ? Verse 6. by all the Congregation of Israel , And thus was Christ to be singled out , and to be slain : Every mothers son had a hand in killing this Lamb of God. He is set a part to suffer for sinners , picked out as a singled dear : which being desinged to the game , the hounds will follow only , and no other . Thus was Christ hunted to death by one sorrow after another , till he gave up the Ghost upon the Cross. In the Gospel according to Saint John , we read how the people took branches of Palms trees , and went forth to meet Christ , cap. 12.12 . and that was the day the Lamb was set apart , and he was so set apart till the Jews Passeover . This concerns me , saith Christ. Christ saw himself typified in the Lamb that was set apart : Observe then on that very day , Fathtr , saith he , Deliver me from that hour . On that very day in the Lamb he saw himself to be sacrificed by all the Congregation of Israel . We were all of us actors in the business ; not one here but had a hand in the offering up of the son of God , in killing Christ Jesus . Thus for these actions of the Minister , the setting apart of the bread and of the wine ; Then follows the Breaking of the bread , and the pouring out of the wine . At the breaking of the bread , consider Christs flesh torne assunder , all the lashes which made such scratches in his flesh , the ruptures which were made by the nails , and the spear that pierced his side : The breaking of him by his Father , the word signifies , crushing him to powder : God would break him , saith the Prophet , even to powder . At the consideration hereof how should our faith be stirred and set awake ! Thou takest Gods name in vain , if with a dull eye thou canst see these things , and not take it to heart . The next action , is The pouring out of the wine : This is my blood , saith Christ , Drink you all of this . Dost thou see the wine poured out ? at that very instant , consider how much blood Christ spilt , how much he poured forth : and that not only in the very time of his passion , when he hung upon the Cross , when the spears peirced his sides , when the nails bored , and digged his hands and feet : But that which he shed in the garden in the cold winter time when he shed great drops , great clots of blood , thickest blood that pierc'd his garment , and ran down upon the ground . Consider how much blood he lost when he was whipped and lashed : when the spear came to the very Pericardium ; thus let us weigh his torments , and it will be a means to make us much affected with his sufferings for us . But this is not all , there is another thing yet in the blood : this was but the outward part of his sufferings . Yet some there are who are against Christs sufferings in his soul ; If it were so , say they , then something either in the sacrifices of the old Testament , or in the new Testament , should signifie it . What ever such persons object against it , I am sure there was as much in the sacrifices of the old Testament , as could possibly be in a Type to signifie it . Now that I may make this to appear , know that in every sacrifice , there were two parts , or two things considerable , and those were the Body and the Blood : the whole was to be made a sacrifice , viz. both Body and blood ; the body was to be burned , the blood to be poured forth : Now nothing in a beast can signifie the sufferings of Christ in soul , better then the pouring out of the blood . Lev. 17.11 . The blood was the life , and this is that which had a relation to the soul , and was therefore , as in the same place appears , poured out as an attonement for the soul : And to this in our common prayers , there is an allusion , viz. Grant us gracious Lord so to eat the flesh of thy dear son Jesus Christ , and to drink his blood , that our sinful bodies may be made clean by his body , and our souls washed through his most precious blood . And in Isa. 53.12 . The Metaphor holds , He poured out his soul unto death for us . So that whatever some have fondly thought , its evident and manifest that Christ suffered both in soul and body : both soul and body were made an offering for sin , who knew no sin . I should have gone further , but the time cuts me off . FINIS . HEB. 4.16 . Let us therefore come boldly ùnto the throne of grace , that we may obtaine mercy , and finde grace to help in time of need . IN handling heretofore the Doctrine of the conversion of a sinner , I declar'd and shew'd you what mans misery was , and what that great hope of mercy is that the Lord proposeth to the greatest sinner in the world . I shew'd unto you the means whereby we may be made partakers of Christ ; and that was by the grace of faith , which doth let fall all other things in a mans self , and comes with an open and empty hand , to lay hold on Christ , and fill it self with him . I shew'd you also the acts of Faith as it justifies . And now because it is a point of high moment , wherein all our comfort stands , and in which it lies , I thought good to resume it all again , so farre as may concerne our practice , that we may see what the work of Gods Spirit is from the first to the last , in the conversion of a sinner from the corruptions and pollutions of the flesh in which he wallowed ; and to this purpose have I chosen this place of Scripture , wherein we are encouraged by Gods blessed Word , that what ever we are , though accursed , and the greatest sinners in the world , and that whatever we want , we should come to Gods throne of grace . And we are to think that whatever sinnes are or have been committed , and though our sinnes are never so great , yet that they are not so great as the infinitenesse of Gods mercy ; especially having such , not only an Intercessor , but Advocate to plead the right of our cause , so that Christ comes and he pleads payment ; and that however our debts are great , and we runne farre in score , yet he is our ransome ; and therefore now Gods justice being satisfied , why should not his mercy have place and free course ? This is the great comfort that a Christian hath , that he may come freely and boldly to God , because he comes but as for an acquittance of what is already paid : As a debtor will appear boldly before his creditor , when he knows his debt is discharg'd , he will not then be afraid to look him in the face . Now we may come and say , Blessed Father , the debt is paid , I pray give me pardon of my sinnes , give me my acquittance . And this is that boldnesse and accesse spoken of , Rom. 5.2 . In whom we have accesse by faith . Now that I may not spend too much time needlesly , come we to the ground and matter in the words : Wherein there is 1. A preparative for grace . 2. The act it self whereby we are made partakers of the grace of God. First , the preparatives are two , The law and the Gospel , and wrought by them . The first preparative . 1. Wrought by the Law. The Law works in a time of great need ; this is the first preparative , for a man to be brought to see he stands in great need of Gods mercy and Christs blood , so that the sinner cries out , Lord , I stand in great want of mercy . His eyes being thus opened , he is no longer a stranger at home , but he sees the case is wondrous hard with him , so that he concludes , Unlesse God be merciful unto me in Christ , I am lost and undone for ever : This is the first preparative ; and till we come to it , we can never approach the throne of grace . The second is , 2. Wrought by the Gospel : I see I stand in great need ; but by this second preparative we see a Throne of grace set up , and that addes comfort unto me : If God had onely a throne and seat of Justice , I were utterly undone ; I see my debt is extreme great ; but the Gospel reveals unto me , that God of his infinite mercy hath erected a Throne of grace , a City of refuge , that finding my self in need , my soul may flie unto . And now to fit us for this , Gods blessed Spirit works by his Word , to open unto us the Law and our wants ; to enlighten our understandings that we stand in great need ; to win our affection , and open the Gospel and its comforts . Therefore first for the time of need , the Law reveals unto us our woful condition , to be born in sin , as the Pharisee said , and yet not able to see it . Every man may say in generalities , I am a sinner ; yet to say and know himself to be such a sinner as indeed he is , to stand in such need , that he cannot do . This one would think to be a matter of sence , but unlesse Gods Spirit open our eyes , we can never see our selvs to be such sinners as we are ; or else what is the reason that the child of God cries out more against his sinne and the weight thereof , after his conversion than he did before ? What , are his sinnes greater or more than they were formerly ? No , but his Light is greater , his eyes are open'd , and now he sees more clearly what sinne is . When the Sunne shines , and its rayes come in , what a number of motes do we discover , which before we saw not ? Not as if the Sunne-beames made them , or the Sunne raised the dust ; no , there are here as many motes , and as much dust flying about as if the Sunne shined here : What 's the matter then ? Why this : the Sunne discovers them to us . So that here 's the point , Our sinnes in our souls are as motes in the ayre , and are not more than they were before conversion , but we cannot see them till the glorious beams of Gods Spirit shine upon us . The sight of sinne , and of the danger that comes by it , is the work of Gods Spirit . The Spirit discovers sinne unto us , John 16.8 . When the Spirit cometh , he shall convince the world of sinne , the word is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Spirit shall convince them ; and the same word is used ; Heb. 11.1 . where Faith is said to be the evidence of things not seene , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 · Heretofore we had a slight imagination of our sinnes , but to have our mouth stopped , and to be convinced , is not a work of flesh and blood , but of Gods Spirit , Rom. 3.19 . Till we are awakened by his Spirit , we cannot see nor feele the mountains and heaps of sinnes that lie upon our souls . Thou art dead in sinne , Rom. 8. Thou art in bondage ; and to know it is a work of the Spirit , not of nature . The spirit of bondage , what is that ? Why , however we are all bondmen , untill the Son hath made us free ; in a woful estate , slaves to sinne and Satan : yet till Gods Spirit convince us , and shew it us , and make us know it , we sleep secure , are not afraid , but think our selves the freest men in the world , and see not this to be a time of need : This therfore is the first preparative , when God brings his people by Mount Sinai , Heb. 12.18 . For you are not come unto the Mountain that may be touch't , and that burned by fire , nor unto the blacknesse and darkness , and tempest : so Gal. 4. Mount Sinai is made a figure of the Law , which begets bondage . Not that Mount which might be touch't , and that burnt with fire , where was the sound of the Trumpet , and voice of words , such a sound as never before was heard , nor never will be till one day we shall hear the same . The sound of the Trumpet which sounded at the delivery of the Law , Exod. 19.19 . where it is described ; for when the voice of the Trumpet sounded long , and waxed louder and louder , that Moses heard , it was such a noise , a great noise at first , but it grew higher and and higher , and at last it came to that heighth that it was almost incomprehensible ; then Moses spake : And what spake he ? The Holy Ghost sets not down what he spake in that place . Look in Heb. 12.21 . So terrible was the voice , that Moses said , I exceedingly fear and quake : Such a kind of lightning and loud voice this was ; the Lord commands such a voice as this , Esay 58.1 . Cry aloud , spare not , lift up thy voice like a Trumpet , and shew my people their transgression , and the house of Jacob their sins . When God shall sound with the voice of the Trumpet of his holy Word , of his Law , and shew thee that thou art a trayterous Rebel , and that there is an Execution gone out against thee , body and goods : when God sounds thus to the deaf ear of a carnal man , then cometh the spirit of bondage of necessity on him , which shews that we have a time of need . The Law must have this operation before thou comest to the Throne of grace . None will flie to the City of Refuge , till the revenger of blood be hard at his heels : Nor any to Christ till he sees his want : Thus the Lord makes us know our need by turning the edge of his Axe towards us . Offenders when they are brought to the bar at Westminster for Treason , have the edge of the Axe turned from them ; but when they have received the sentence of condemnation , and are carried back to the Tower , the edge of the Axe is turned towards them . Thus is it here ; The Law turns the edge of Gods Axe towards us ; and therefore it 's said of St. Peters hearers , Acts 2.38 . That they were pricked to the heart . The Law puts the point of Gods sword to our very brests as it were , and brings us to see that we stand in great need of heaven . This is the first preparative ; when God enlightens our minds to see our dangerous estate ; and then there must of necessity follow fear , and desire to be rid of this condition ; for the will and affections alwayes follow the temper of the minde : And hence , when a man hath a false perswasion that he is in a good case , that he is safe and well , what works it but pride , presumption , confidence and security ? So on the contrary , contrary effects must follow . If a man be in health and jollity , and on a sudden be proclaimed a Traytor , that he must lose his life and goods , is it possible it should be thus , and he not wrought on , nor have any alteration ? So when news comes from the Law that thou art a dead man , and everlastingly must perish , the Law then works wrath , that is , it manifests unto us the wrath of God. When it is thus , there follows a shaking and a trembling , and it 's impossible but with Moses thou shouldst exceedingly quake and tremble . 2. For all this , there is a Throne of grace erected ; God hath not forgotten to be merciful , though thy sins be never so great : This is the next preparative for faith , namely , the discovery and acknowledgement of the Gospel of Christ Jesus ; We see in Ezra 10.2 . We have trespassed against our God , and have taken strange wives of the people of the Land ; yet now there is hope in Israel concerning this thing ; we have trespassed ; What then ? must we be the subjects of Gods wrath ? No : Yet notwithstanding though we have committed this great offence , there is hope in Israel concerning this thing . What though we have provoked God to indignation , must we be the matter for his wrath to work on ? No : There is balme in Gilead , Jer. 8. ult . Is there no balme in Gilead ? Is there no Physitian there ? Why then is not the health of the daughter of my people recovered ? What though then we are sick to death ? yet there is an help in time of need . And this knowledge of the people , that there is a Throne of grace , is the first comfort comes to a miserable and sinful soul. A man that hath a deadly disease , though the Physitian do him no good which he hath made use of , yet this he comforts himself in , when he sees a Physician that hath cured the same disease , he sees then there is some hope . Thus it is with a sinful soul. When the welcome news of the Gospel comes , after the Law hath discovered his disease , and says , Be not discouraged , there is a Throne of grace prepared for thee : God hath a seat of justice to deal with Rebels and open Traytors ; but if thou art weary of thy estate , if thou wilt submit to God , take Christ for thy King , and cast down all thy weapons , if thou wilt live like a subject , he hath prepared a Throne of grace for thee . Christ is thy Atturney in the Court to plead for thee ; he is not as the Papists make him , so stout , and one that takes such state on him , as that a man may not come near him . This is the highest injury that can be offered to Christ , to think that any creature hath more mercy and pity than he hath : It is to rob Christ of the fairest flower in his garden , when we rob him of his mercy and pity . Mark that place in Heb. 4.15 . that we may not think him austere , We have not an High Priest that cannot be touch't with our infirmities , with the feeling of our infirmities . Christ is no hard-hearted man ; when you were his enemies he loved you , insomuch that he humbled himself ; and suffered death , even the death of the Crosse for you . And he hath the self-same bowels in heaven that he had on earth ; he wept over Jerusalem , and the self-same weeping heart carried he to heaven with him , the self-same weeping eyes : Believe not then the Papists , that he is so hard-hearted or so stately , and that his mother is more ready to speak for us than he ; fie on it . This is to pervert the Gospel , and make Christ no Christ. We have not an High Priest that cannot be touched with the feeling of our infirmities , Heb. 2.17 . In all things it behoved him to be made like unto his brethren , that he might be a merciful and faithful High Priest , &c. Alas poor soul , saith Christ , what the malice of the Divel is , I know by mine own experience in the flesh ; for Christ was tempted in all things according to us , sinne only excepted . I know what the temptations of the world are ; but whereas we have three enemies , the Divel , the world , and the flesh , only the two former were his . Christ had the temptations of the world and the Divel , not of the corrupt flesh ; for he had no corrupt flesh : A man that hath been himself in terrible Tempests on the Sea , when he sees a storme , out of his own experience he pities those that are in it ; when as others are not a jot moved : for he hath seen that consternation of minde , which on every side appeared . That — plurima mortis imago ; whereas others having not been there , lay not their miseries to heart . Christ having suffered himself , and being tempted as we were , is sensible of our miseries ; and therefore never count it boldnesse to come boldly to him that gives thee this encouragement : Come boldly to the Throne of grace . We must understand that all this is before faith , we must 1. Know that we have a need . 2. That there is a Throne of grace , when God enlightens my conscience , and encourages me to come . And thus having spoken of the preparatives , I come to the work , the main thing it self . Now this is , 2. The Act , Coming ; this coming is believing ; as the feet which carry a man to the place he would be in ; his feet carry him nearer and nearer . If a man cannot be cured but by the Bath , his feet must carry him thither . Now faith is the legs of the soul , the feet that carry us unto Christ ; whereas we are afar off , and draw back as all unbelievers ; now by believing we draw near . Now as unbelievers draw back , so believers draw forward ; and therefore John 1.12 . and John 6.35 . To come to Christ and to believe in him are the self-same thing . He that cometh to me shall never hunger , and he that believeth on me shall never thirst . Coming is there made an act of faith , and the same thing with it : The one is the explication of the other ; thy coming to Christ is thy believing in him . When thou hearest of a Throne of grace , and seest the Lord of glory stretching out his golden Scepter , come and touch it , take the benefit of the Kings pardon . If a man know there is such a Throne of grace , he must come unto it ; And now begins faith to work . And that thou mayst understand it the better , know that faith then begins first to work , when thou settest the first step towards the Throne of grace . And this is the houre in which salvation is come unto thy house . None can come to me , saith Christ , except my Father draw him . If thou seest a vertue to come from Christ , and to draw thee as an Adamant , and thou feelest that loadstone working on thee , then begins faith : It makes thee draw near to Christ ; whereas before thou wert a stranger : Till then thou art like thy Grandfather Adam , thou runnest away , and thinkest thy self most secure , when thou wast farthest from God ; but now thou seest no comfort , unlesse thou draw nigh unto him ; now as the Apostle saith , Phil. 2.13 . It is he that worketh in us the will and the deed ; this must be wrought in us by God. First , a will , then the deed ; and then it is not only I would do such a thing , but I do it : God works not only the will of coming , but the deed of coming ; and all his acts are acts of faith , and have a promise ; God makes no promise till we be in Christ ; till we have faith , we are no heires of the promise ; when a man sets his face towards Jerusalem , and begins to set himself to go to Christ , all he doth then hath the promise ; not a tear now that he sheds but is pretious , God puts it into his bottle ; not a cup of cold water that now he gives but shall have a great reward ; this is a blessed thing when every thing we do hath a promise annexed to it , when every step we step hath a promise made to it . Now then the will is the first thing that is wrought in us ; this is that which makes the act of faith , that is , I have a will , a resolution to do this : And the Apostle makes it more than the very deed it self , 2 Cor. 8.10 . as I may so say , For this is expedient for you , who have begun before not only to do , but to be forward . So we translate it , but look in the Margent , and it s rendred , ( to be willing ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as the Greek hath it ; as if the will were more than the deed it self ; for a man to come unwillingly , 't is nothing worth ; the ground-work is the will , which is a greater matter than the deed . Nothing more separates a man from Christ , than to say , I will not have this man to raigne over me ; but if thou canst frame thy will that it shall go perpendicularly on the object , and accept Christ on the termes offer'd , that 's faith , and that hath the promise . And therefore the Scripture compares it to conjunction with Christ. And as in the Sacrament we spiritually eat his flesh and drink his blood ; the conjunction is between Christ and his Church . And therefore the Scripture compares our conjunction by faith to the mystery of wedlock . What makes a marriage ? its consent . Wilt thou have this man to be thy husband ? she answers , I will ; that expression makes the marriage : The knot is knit by this mutual pledging of troth , all other things are but subsequents of it . So God saith , Wilt thou have my Sonne ? Thou shalt have with him all his wealth , though for a time thou must go bare , and fare hard ; yet thou shalt have a Kingdome : When a man considers deliberately , here is the losse , I must deny my self and obey him , but I shall have a Kingdome , Gods blessing , and peace of conscience ; All things considered , casting the best with the worst , then the resolution is , this is a true saying worthy of all acceptation , &c. I 'le take him on any termes , be they never so hard , for I shall be a saver in the end : when we can take Christ as it were with all his faults , this is the will which God requires . There is another comparison in Scripture , John 6.35 . it s compared to hunger and thirst . Believing was exprest by coming . Believing is exprest by hungring and thirsting . So when I see such a will and desire after Christ ; that I hunger and thirst after him , that a hungry man longeth not more for bread , nor the Hart thirsteth more for the water-brooks , than my soul doth for Christ ; why then there is a promise made unto us ; and a promise is never made unto us till we be in Christ. Matth. 5. Rev. 22. Esay 55. We finde promises in them all ; in Mat. 5.6 . Bl●ssed are they that hunger and thirst after righteousnesse ; for theirs is the Kingdome of heaven , they shall be filled . Consider here what the nature of hunger and thirst is ; they shall be filled , which implies they were empty before , but now they shall be filled . Suppose now I am not fill'd with Christ , What am I without him ? No , I want him ; yet there 's a blessing to the hungry and thirsty , and there 's no blessing without faith . If we be not heires of the faith , we cannot be heires of the blessing . Dost thou finde in thy self an hungring and thirsting after Christ ? Thou art blessed , this faith will save thee . Now faith will say , I am wonderfully pained , faint , and even starved , that I cannot be filled with Christ ; yet be content man , thou shalt be filled with him ; in the mean while thou hast him , and hast blessednesse , and shalt be blessed . It 's said , 1 John 5.13 . These things have I written unto you that believe in the Name of the Sonne of God , that you may know that you have eternal life , and that you may believe on the Name of the Sonne of God. Mark how the Apostle distinguishes these two things ; thou believest on the Name of Christ , yet sayst thou , though I believe , I am not sure of my salvation , I do not know it . Why , let not that much trouble thee , that 's a consequent of it , and that assurance will follow after ; therefore you should not confound it with believing : These things have I written unto you that ye might know , &c. then there is a conclusion to be deduced from the premisses , so that a man may have full hold of Christ , and yet not be fully assured of his salvation . So then here is the will , which is the first thing . But the Lord works the deed also . And whereas it is said that God takes the will for the deed , the place had need be well understood : when we say God takes the will for the deed , it is not alwayes true , unlesse it be thus understood . When a man hath done to the utmost of his power what he is able , hath endeavoured by all means , then God will take the will for the deed ; but if there be ability in me , and I do not as much as I am able , I do not my utmost endeavour , then God will not take it ; but now God works the will and the deed ; when a man comes to the Throne of grace , and sets forward in his journey towards God , the first thing he doth is to come to the Throne of grace with Christ in his armes , and then having fast hold on Christ , he hastens and delayes not , having hold as Joab on the horns of the Altar . He hastens , he sees its no time to delay , he sees its now a time of need ; and Need , as the old proverb is , makes the old wife trot . Is it not need to make haste ( when the pursuer of blood follows ) to the City of Refuge ? who would make delays and demurs , and not run as fast as his legs would carry him ? Asson as I apprehend my need , and see the golden Scepter stretched out , then I come with might and main with Christ in my armes , and present him to the Father , and this is the approaching and drawing near in the Text , to the Throne of grace . But now when I am come thither , what do I say there ? What shall I come and say nothing ? The prodigal soon resolved to go to his Father , and say , I will up and go , there 's the will ; and say , there 's his speech . The believer is not like to the sonne that said to his father , I will go , but went not ; but when his father bids him come , he will come , he will not onely say so , but will draw near , and then he hath a promise , He that cometh to me , I will in no wise cast off . But when we come thither , what must we do ? why we must take unto our selves words , according to the Prophets expression , Hos. 14.2 . Take unto you words , and go unto the Lord , and say , Take away all our iniquities , and receive us graciously , so will we render the calves of our lips . When he comes to the Throne of grace , the thing that he doth , is , he presents unto the Father Christ bleeding , gasping , dying , buried , and conquering death ; and when he presents Christ to him , he opens his case , and confesses his sin to the full , and sayes , Lord , this is my case : As a beggar when he comes to ask an almes of you , he will make a preface , and tell you his extremity ; Sir , I am in great want , I have not tasted a bit of bread in so many dayes , and unless you help me by your charity , I am utterly undone . Now when these two concur that there is true need in the beggar , and liberality in him of whom he begs , it encourages the beggar to be importunate , and he prevails ; you may know when the beggar hath need by his tone , accent or language : The needy beggars tone and accent is different from the sturdy beggars that hath no need ; but yet , though the beggar be in great misery , if he see a churlish Nabal go by him , he hath no heart to beg , and follows him not , nor begs so hard , because he hath but little hope to attain any thing from him . But I say let both these meet together ; first , that the beggar is in great need , then , that he of whom he begs , is very liberal , it makes him beg hard ; but now cannot he pray without book ? Think not that I speak against praying by the book ; you are deceived if you think so ; but there must be words taken to us besides , which perhaps a book will not yield us . A beggars need will make him speak , and he will not hide his sores ; but if he hath any sore more ugly or worse than another , he will uncover it ; good Sir , behold my woful and distressed case , he layes all open to provoke pity . So when thou comest before God in confession , canst thou not finde out words to open thy self to Almighty God , not one word whereby thou mayst unlap thy sores , and beseech him to look on thee with an eye of pity ? I must not mince my sins , but amplifie and aggravate them , that God may be moved to pardon me ; till we do thus , we cannot expect that God should forgive us . A great ado there is about auricular confession , but it s a meer bable ; It were better to cry out our sinnes at the high Crosse , than to confesse in a Priests eare . Thou whisperest in the Priests eare ; what if he never tell it , or if he do , art thou the better ? Come and poure out thy heart and soul before . Almighty God , confesse thy self to him as David did , for that hath a promise made to it , Psal. 51.4 . Against thee , thee onely have I sinned , and done this evil in thy sight , that thou mayst be justified when thou speakest , and clear when thou judgest . Why so ? Why , one main cause why we should confesse sinne , is to justifie God. When a sinner confesses , I am a childe of wrath ; and of death , if thou castest me into hell , as justly thou mayst , I have received but my due : when a man does thus ( as the Kings Atturney may frame a Bill of Inditement against himself ) he justifies Almighty God : Thus did David , Against thee , against thee , &c. Now when we have thus aggravated our misery , comes the other part of begging , to cry for mercy with earnestnesse , and here 's the power of the Spirit . It 's one thing for a man to pray , and another thing for a man to say a prayer . 'T is the easiest thing in the world to say a prayer , but to pray and cry for mercy as David did , in good earnest , to wrestle with God , to say , Lord , My life lies in it , I will never give thee over , I will not go with a denial ; this is termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , this is the work of Gods Spirit . I named you a place in Jude ver . 20. where the Apostle exhorts , but ye beloved , build up your selves in your most holy faith , praying in the Holy Ghost ; there 's the prayer of the faithful , to pray in the Holy Ghost . And in the Ephesians we read of an Armour provided for all the parts of a mans body , yet all will not serve the turn , unlesse prayer come in as the chief , Ephes. 6.18 . Praying alwayes with all prayer and supplication in the Spirit , and watching thereunto with all perseverance , &c. This is the prayer of faith , that procures forgivenesse of sinnes ; we must pray in faith , and in the Spirit ; that is the language which God understands . He knoweth the meaning of the Spirit , and knoweth none else but that : Many men are wondrously deceived in that which they call the Spirit of prayer . One thinks it is a faculty to set out ones desires in fair words , shewing earnestnesse , and speaking much in an extemporary prayer . This we think commendable , yet this is not the Spirit of prayer . One that shall never come to heaven , may be more ready in this than the childe of God ; for it is a matter of skill and exercise ; the Spirit of prayer is another thing . The Spirit helpeth our infirmities , for we know not what we should pray for as we ought ; the Spirit it self makes intercession for us with groanings that cannot be uttered , Rom. 8.26 . What shall we think then , that the Holy Ghost groans or speaks in prayer ? No : but it makes us groan , and though we speak not a word , yet it so enlarges our hearts , as that we send up a volley of sighs and groans which fit the Throne of grace . And this is the Spirit of prayer , when with these sighs and groans I beg as it were for my life . This is that ardent affection the Scripture speaks of . A cold prayer will never get forgivenesse of sins ; it 's the prayer of faith which prevailes . The prayer of the faithful availeth much , if it be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , fervent . In the Ancient Churches those that were possessed with an evil spirit , were call'd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , because that caught them up , and made them do actions not sutable to their nature ; Prayer is a fire from heaven , which if thou hast it , will carry all heaven before it ; there is nothing in the world so strong as a Christian thus praying : Prayers that are kindled with such a zeal , are compared to Jacobs wrestling with the Angel , Hos. 12.4 . whereby , he had power over the Angel. The Prophet expounds what this wrastling was , he wept and made supplication unto him ; he found him in Bethel , and there he spake with him . This is the wrestling with God , when thou fillest heaven with thy sighs and sobs , and bedewest thy couch with thy tears as David did ; and hast this resolution with Jacob , I will not let thee go except thou blesse me . God loves this kinde of boldnesse in a beggar , that he will not go away without an answer . As the poor Widow in the Parable that would not give over her suit , so that the Judge though he feared not God , nor cared for man , by reason of her importunity granted her desire . Mark the other thing in the Apostle , he bids us pray with the Spirit , and with perseverance ; and he that cometh thus , hath a promise made to it : He that calleth on the Name of the Lord shall be saved . Call on me in the day of trouble , and I will hear thee ; it 's set down fully , Matth. 6.7 . Ask and you shall have , seek and you shall finde , knock and it shall be opened unto you ; for every one that asketh receiveth , and he that seeketh findeth , and to him that knocketh it shall be opened . One would think this were idem per idem , but it is not so . He bids us ask and it shall be given , seek and you shall finde , &c. There is a promise annexed to asking , seeking and knocking , but it is also proved by universal experience : for every one that asketh , &c. It 's every mans case ; never any man did it yet , that hath lost his labour , in not attaining what he asked . If thou hast it not yet , thou shalt have it in the end ; it is so fair a petition to ask , to have thy sinnes pardoned , that God would be friends with thee , and that Christ would make thee love him , and that God would be thy God , that God delights in it . This is the point then ; Suppose God answer not presently , yet knock still , seek still ; that is perseverance , the thing whereby it is distinguished from temporary asking . The hypocrite will pray in a time of need and adversity , but his prayer is not constant , Job 27.10 . Will the hypocrite alwayes call upon God ? If they come and seek God , and he will not answer , as Saul did , they will try the Divel . God would not answer Saul , and he presently goes to the Divel . It 's not so with Gods children ; they pray , and pray , and wait still ; they pray with the Spirit , and with perseverance : God deals not alwayes alike with his children , but differently ; sometimes he answers presently , sometimes he makes them wait his leisure , Psal. 32.5 . I said I would confess my sinne , ( sayes David ) and my transgressions , and thou forgavest the iniquity of my sinne ; so Dan. 9.21 . When he set himself to seek God , even while he was speaking and praying , the man Gabriel appeared unto him , and touch't him about the time of the evening Oblation . Before the word was out of his mouth God was at his heart , and presently sends him a dispatch . The like we see in Esay 65.24 . Mark what a promise there is ; It shall come to passe that before they call I will answer ; and while they are yet speaking , I will hear . This is a great encouragement ; but it may be God will not alwayes do this , and what 's the reason ? Why , he hath a wonderful great delight to be wrestled withall , and to hear the words of his own Spirit ; nothing is more delightful to him , than this , when the Spirit is earnest , and will not give over . I will not let thee go , unlesse thou blesse me . It 's said in the Canticles , honey is under the lips of the Church ; why so ? it's because there is no honey sweeter to the palate , than spiritual prayer to God. And therefore God delayes to answer thee , because he would have more of it . If the Musitians come and play at our doors or windows , if we delight not in their Musick , we throw them out money presently that they may be gone ; but if the Musick please us , we forbear to give them money , because we would keep them longer , for we like the Musick . So the Lord loves and delights in the sweet words of his children : and therefore puts them off , and answers them not presently : Now Gods children , let him deny them never so long , yet they will never leave knocking and begging ; they will pray , and they will wait still , till they receive an answer . Many will pray to God , as prayer is a duty , but few use it as a means to attain a blessing . Those who come to God in the use of it as a means to attain what they would have , they will pray and not give over ; they will expect an Answer , and never give over petitioning till they receive it . ROM . 5.1 . Therefore being justified by faith , we have peace with God through our Lord Jesus Christ , &c. HAving declared unto you heretofore the nature of faith , and that point which concernes the practice of it in our near approach unto God ; I am now come to shew unto you the fruits and benefits Christians receive from this Mother-grace ; and that the Apostle sets down in these words . He sets down , 1. The Mother-Grace , Justification ; that whereas we were afarre off , we are made near , and of enemies made friends of God. Then , 2. There are the daughters or hand-maids of this grace : For when we are justified by Faith , then , 1. We have peace with God : that peace of conscience which passeth all understanding ; then , 2. We have free accesse by faith unto the Throne of grace , so that we need not look for any other Mediators . Christ hath made way for us to God , so that we may go boldly to the Throne of grace , and find help at any time of need . 3. There follows a joyful hope , that a Christian hath by it , a taste of Heaven before he come to enjoy it . We rejoyce in hope , saith the Apostle ; hope being as firme a thing as faith , faith makes things absent as present ; hope hath patience with it , and would have us wait . We shall be sure of it , but yet we must wait patiently . 4. Not only rejoycing in hope , but even that which spoils a natural mans joy , as crosses , troubles , afflictions : and these are made the matter of this mans joy , not delectable objects only . Not in time to come after afflictions , but in afflictions ; so as that which spoils the joy of a natural man , is fuel to kindle this mans joy . Now concerning justification by faith ; though it be an ordinary point , yet there is nothing more needs Explication , than to know how a man shall be justified by Faith. It 's easily spoken , hardly explicated ; Therefore in this mother-Grace , I shall shew you , 1. What faith is that doth justifie . And , 2. What this justification is . For it is not so easie a matt●● neither . 1. Concerning the nature of faith , I have spoken sufficiently already wherein it consists ; but yet notwithstanding , there is a certain thing as like this faith as may be , and yet comes short of it . Many there are who are like the foolish Virgins , that thought they were well enough , and thought they should come time enough . So many think , verily they have faith , yea and perchance go with such a perswasion to their very graves , and think they have grace , and that they labour after Christ , and lay hold on him , and are free from worldly pollutions , so as that they have a taste and relish of the joy of the world to come , and yet are carried all this while in a fooles Paradise , and think there is no feare of their safety , never knowing that they are cast-awayes , till they come to the gates of hell , and find themselves by woful experience shut out of heaven . And their case is woful that are thus deceived . Know then that it is not every faith that justifies a man ; a man may have faith , and yet not be justified . The Faith that justifies , is the Faith of Gods Elect , Tit. 1.1 . there is a faith that may belong to them that are not Gods elect , but that faith does not justifie . In the Epistle to Timothy , that faith which justifies , must be a Faith unfeign'd , 1 Tim. 1.5 . 2 Tim. 1.5 , Now here 's the skill of a Christian to try what that faith is which justifies him . Now this justifying faith is not every work of Gods Spirit in a mans heart : for there are supernatural operations of the Spirit in a mans heart , that are but temporary , that carry him not thorow , and therefore are ineffectual : but the end of this faith is the salvation of our soules . We read in Scripture of Apostacy , and falling back . Now , they cannot be Apostates that were never in the way of truth . This being an accident , we must have a subject for it ; Now there is a certaine kind of people that have supernatural workings ; some that are drawn up and down with every wind of Doctrine ; these are they that have this cold and temporary faith ; temporary , because in the end it discovers it self to be a thing not constant and permanent . We read in John 11.26 . That they that are born of God , never see death , shall never perish eternally ; but yet we must know withal , that there may be conceptions that will never come to the birth , to a right and perfect delivery . And thus it may be in the soul of a man , there may be conceptions that will never come to a ripe birth ; but let a man be borne of God , and come to perfection of birth , and the case is cleare , he shall never see death . He that liveth and believeth in me shall not see death . And this is made a point of faith : Believest thou this ? There is another thing called conception , and that is , certain dispositions to a birth that come not to full perfection . True , a child that is borne and liveth , is as perfectly alive as he that liveth an hundred years : yet I say , there are conceptions that come not to a birth . Now , the faith that justifies , is a living faith : there is a certaine kind of dead faith ; this is a feigned , that an unfeigned faith ; The life that I now live , I live by the faith of the Sonne of God. Dost thou think a dead faith can make a living soule ? It 's against reason . A man cannot live by a dead thing , not by a dead faith . Now a dead faith there is . A faith that doth not work is a dead faith , Jam. 2.22 . Seest thou how faith wrought with his works and by his works was faith made perfect ? for verse 26. As the body without the spirit is dead , ( or without breath is dead ) so faith without works is dead also . See how the Apostle compares it , as the body without the spirit is dead , so faith without workes is dead also . The Apostle makes not faith the form of works , as the soul is the forme of the man : but as the body without the spirit is dead , so that faith that worketh not , that hath no tokens of life , is dead ; but then doth not the other word strike home ? Faith wrought with his works . It seems here is not as the Papists say , fides informis , and works make it up as the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of it . Compare this with the other places of the Scripture , 2 Cor. 12.9 . where the Apostle pray'd to God that the messenger of Satan might be removed from him ; and he said unto him , My grace is sufficient for thee , for my strength is made perfect in weaknesse . What ? does our weaknesse make Gods strength more perfect , to which nothing can be added ? No , it is , My strength and the perfection of it , is made known in the weaknesse of the meanes that I made use of for the delivery of mans soul from death . So here the excellency and perfection of our faith is made known by works ; when I see that it is not an idle but a working faith , then I say it is made perfect by the work : when it is a dead faith , that puts not a man on work , never believe that will make a living soul. In St. Judes Epistle , ver . 20. it hath another Epithite , viz. the most holy faith : not holy only , but most holy . That faith which must bring a man to God the holy of holies , must be most holy . It 's said , that God dwells in our hearts by faith . Now God and faith dwelling in a heart together , that heart must needs be pure and cleane . Faith makes the heart pure : It were a most dishonourable thing to entertaine God in a sty ; a filthy and unclean heart : but if faith dwell there , it makes a fit house for the habitation of the King of Saints , therefore it purifieth the heart . Well then , doest thou think thy sinnes are forgiven thee ; and that thou hast a strong faith , and yet art as prophane and as filthy as ever ? How can it be ? It is a most holy faith that justifieth , it is not a faith that will suffer a man to lie on a dunghill , or in the gutter with the hog . There may be a faith which is somewhat like this , but it is but temporary , and cometh short of it . But now there is another thing which distinguishes it : it is the peculiar work of faith . In Jesus Christ neither circumcision availeth any thing , nor uncircumcision , but the new creature , Gal. 6.15 . and againe , Gal. 5.6 . Neither circumcision nor uncircumcision availeth any thing , but faith which worketh by love . It 's twice set down . Now what is a new creature ? why , he that hath such a faith as works by love : not a dead faith , but a faith that works : but how does it work ? it not only abstaines from evil , and does some good acts , which a temporary may do , but it s such a faith as works by love . The love of God constraines him , and he so loveth God , as that he hates evil for Gods sake ; the other does it not out of love to God ; all the love he hath , is self-love : he serves his own turn on God , rather than hath any true love to serve him . Now that we may the better distinguish between these two , I shall endeavour to shew you how farre one may go farther than the other . I know not a more difficult point then this , nor a case more to be cut by a thread then this ; it being a point of conscience ; therefore , First , I declared unto you the nature of faith ; How God first works the will and the deed , and that there is a hungring and thirsting after Christ. First , I say there is a will and desire to be made partaker of Christ and his righteousnesse ; then there is the deed too . We are not only wishers and woulders , but do actually approach unto the Throne of grace , and there lay hold on Christ , touch the golden Scepter which he holdeth out unto us ; but , Object . Now you will ask , Is there not an earnest and good desire in a temporary faith , a desire unfeign'd ? Sol. Yes , there may be for a time , a greater and more vehement desire in a temporary then in a true believer , then in the elect themselves all their life . Object . Where 's the difference then ? I thought all had been well with me , when I had such a desire , as I could scarce be at rest till it were accomplished . Sol. I answer , beloved , It is a hard matter to tell you the difference : but you must consider , 1. From whence this desire flowes ; whether it come from an accidental cause : as if by accident my heart be made more soft , and I more sensible of my condition , or whether my nature be changed ; to give you an instance , in iron : when iron is put into the forge it is softened , and as soon as it 's taken forth , we say 't is time to strike while the iron is hot ; the fire hath made a change in it , it 's malleable , the hammer is able to work on it ; but let the fire be gone , and it 's as hard as before ; nay , we say steel is harder , so that there is no change in the nature of iron , it 's hard still , redit ad ingenium , it goes back into its own estate . If it be softened , it is by an accidental cause ; so here , as long as the temporary faith is in the furnace of afflictions , when God shall let loose the cord of his conscience , and makes him see that there is no way for salvation but by Christ , then the sense of his torture will make him desire with all the veines in his heart to have Christ. See a singular example of this temporary desire in Psal. 78.34 . When he slew them , then they sought him , and returned and enquired early after God. So Prov. 1.27 . When their fear was on them as desolation , and their destruction as a whi●le-wind : when distresse and anguish cometh upon you , then shall they call upon me , &c. Not with a feign'd desire , but in truth and reality they desire relief ; They remembred then that God was their Rock , and the high God their Redeemer ; they saw a Redeemer when he was slaying of them , and they believed that God would free them , though it was but temporary : Neverthelesse they flattered him with their mouths , and lyed unto him with their tongues ; for their heart , was not right with him , neither were they stedfast in his Covenant . Observe then this was but a temporary case , a temporary change ; there was no new creature , no new nature wrought : but being in the furnace of affliction , as long as the fire was hot they were pliable ; they were not stedfast in his Covenant . Let this be an admonition to them that think they never can have true faith till God slay them . I am not of that opinion . God sometimes useth this means ; but it is not so necessary , as that it cannot be otherwise ; and to speak truly , I had rather have faith that comes another way ; the difference is this , The temporary believers will have Christ while God is slaying of them , whil'st they are in the furnace of afflictions : but the other in cold blood when Gods hand is not on them . The true believer is sick of love , and when he hath no affliction , nor Gods hand on him , with the Apostle , he accounts all things dung and drosse for the excellency of the knowledge of Christ Jesus . There 's an ardent desire when this external cause draws not . If when thou art out of the forge , thou hast thy heart softned , and findest this work of grace and faith to drive thee to Christ , thou hast a faith unfeigned , and so the faith of Gods elect . Again , there is not only this desire in him who hath a temporary faith ; but having understood the Word , he so desires it , that when he knows there is no having Christ , nor happinesse or salvation by him , unlesse he deny himself , and part from his evil wayes , being perswaded of this , out of self-love he would have Christ ; and seeing these be the termes , that he must turn a new leaf , and lead a new life , or go to hell , therefore he will do this too ; this is much ▪ yet I say , he doth this too ; but how shall this be proved ? most evidently in 2 Pet. 2.20 . For if after they have escaped the pollutions of the world , through the knowledge of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ , they are again intangled therein and overcome , the latter end with them is worse than the beginning . Here is that Apostasie , and here is the subject of the temporary faith . It had been better for them not to have known the way of righteousness , then after they have known it , to turn from the holy Commandment delivered unto them ; this was a temporary conversion , as Ephraim , like a broken bow , turned back again in the day of battel . Observe what they did , they were like the foolish Virgins , they kept their maiden-heads in respect of the pollutions of the world ; they lived very civilly , they escaped the corruptions of the world , and no man could challenge them of any filthy act ; they knew that Christ was the King of Saints , and had the knowledge of him ; they knew that it was not fit that the King of glory and holinesse should be attended on by the black guard ; that they must have sanctity that will follow him ; and therefore they laboured to be fit to attend him : They escaped the pollutions of the world ; but yet it continues not ; why so ? For it hapned to them according to the true Proverb , the Dog is returned to his vomit , and the Sow that is washed , to her wallowing in the mire . Mark , the Dog turns again to his own vomit . This proceeds from some pang in his stomach , that enforceth that filthy beast to disgorge it self that it may have some ease ; but he quickly gathers it up again as soon as the pang is over . Some there are that would be content to hide their iniquity under their tongues , as Job speaks ; but there comes a pang sometimes , a pang in their consciences which forceth them to vomit up their sweet bits again ; but well , the fit is gone , and being gone , they , like the filthy dog , return to their vomit again , considering the pleasure which they took in that filthy thing ; that they did disgorge themselves , was but from that pang and present pinch , not from the loathing or hatred of the thing , and therefore they return again unto it . By the way then take notice ▪ of the filthinesse of sinne ; how filthy is it , that the Lord compares it to the vomit of a dog ? Then there followes another comparison of it : It 's as the So● that is washed , and returns to her wallowing in the mire : See another loathsome resemblance of this temporary faith ; the Sow was washed , but how ? her swinish nature was not washed from her ; as long as the Sow is kept from the mire , in a fair Meadow with the Sheep , she looks as sleek and clean as they ; she was washed , there 's an external change , but her nature remained ; bring the Sow and the sheep to a puddle , the sheep will not go in , bec●use it hath no swinish nature ; but the other , retaining its swinish nature , though before in outward appearance as clean as the sheep was , yet she goes again to her wallowing in the mire . There may be the casting away of a mans sinnes , and yet no new creature wrought in him . That I may shew this to you , take this example . A man known to be as covetous a man as liveth , he loveth his money as well as his God , yet perchance this man is brought in danger of the Law , and must be hang'd , for some misdemeanour committed ; this man to save his life will part with all he hath ; what ; is his disposition changed ? no not a whit , he is as covetous as before , he is the same man , he doth it to save his life , and to this end he is content to part with his money ; the same minde had those in the Acts of the Apostles , who in a storm cast their wares into the Sea with their own hands ; Acts 27. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; willingly , and yet half unwilling ; for the saving of their lives they would part with these things , yet it was with a great deal of repining and reluctancy . As we read of Phaltiel ; when his wife was taken from him , he followed behinde weeping , till they bid him be gone , and return back . So these men forsake their sinnes and hate them , but it is but imperfectly ; they part with them , but they part weeping . Well , at this parting there may be a great deal of joy , it may taste not only the sweetnesse of the Word of God , but because they are in a disposition and way to salvation , they may have some kinde of feeling of the joyes , and taste of the powers of the world to come ; as the Apostle speaks , H●b . 6.4 . It 's impossible for those who were once enlightned , and have tasted of the heavenly gift , and were made partak●rs of the Holy Ghost , &c. There 's a supernatural work wrought in them , and they have tasted the good Word of the Lord ; they begin to have some hope , and rejoyce in the glory of the world to come : what 's the difference then ? here 's a tasting ; but as it is John 6. it 's not said he that eats my flesh , and tastes my blood ; but he that eats my flesh and drinks my blood shall live for ever . There is a difference betwixt tasting and drinking , there may be a tasting without drinking ; and the Text saith , Matth. 27.34 . When they gave Christ vineger , he tasted thereof , but would not drink . He that can take a full draught of Christ crucified , he shall never thirst , but shall be as a springing fountain that springeth up to everlasting life ; but it shall not be so with him that doth but taste . The Vintner goes round the Celler , and tastes every Vessel ; he takes it only into his mouth , and spits it out again , and yet knows by the tasting whether it be good or bad ; the wine goeth but to his palate , it reaches not to the stomack . So a temporary believer tastes and feels what an excellent thing it is to have communion with Christ , and to be made partaker of his glory , but he does but taste it . Look in Hosea 5.15 . where we have another instance of this temporary Believer ; Ye would think they sought God in a good sort , and in as good a manner as one could desire : well , but how did they seek him ? it was only upon occasion , in time of affliction : I will go and return to my place untill they acknowledge their offence , and seek my face ; in their affliction they will seek me early ; and again , Hosea 6.4 . the Lord complains of them notwithstanding . They will in their affliction seek me early : was not this a fair returning ? Come ( say they ) let us return unto the Lord , for he hath torn , and he will heal us , &c. What a deal of comfort did they seem to gather from the wayes of the Lord ! but see what follows , Hosea 6.4 . O Ephraim , saith the Lord , what shall I do unto thee ? O Judah what shall I do unto thee ? for your goodnesse is as a morning cloud , and as the early dew it goeth away ; that is , it is but a temporary thing , wrought by affliction , which will not abide . As when a wicked man on his death-bed desires that God would spare him and restore him to his health , and that he would become a new man , all this comes but from the terrours of death ; for it oft proves that if God restores him he becomes as bad , if not worse than ever he was before . But that I may not hold you too long ; 2. Take this for another difference : That Gods children can as earnestly desire grace as mercy ; The temporary desire mercy , but never desire grace . The believer desires grace to have his nature healed , to hate his former conversation . The temporary never had , nor never will have this desire ; should one come to the temporary believer , and tell him God will be merciful unto him , you may go on and take your fit of sinne , you shall be sure of mercy ; he would like this well , and think it the welcomest news as could be , because he only fears damnation , & self-love makes him only desire freedome from that ; but now the childe of God hates sinne , though there were no Hell , Judge nor Tormentor ; he begs as hard of God for grace , as for mercy , and would do so , were there no punishment . His nature being chang'd , he desireth grace as well as mercy , which the temporary never does . 3. The last mark is from the words of the Apostle , Neither circumcision availeth any thing , nor uncircumcision , but faith which worketh by love . Love and the new creature puts Gods children on work ; their hearts are first altered and changed by being made new creatures . As the Scripture saith , his flesh is circumcised , he is a dead man ; deadnesse argueth impotency of doing those things which a living man doth ; he cannot walk , &c. The temporary will not sinne for fear of after-claps , ; but this man cannot sinne , his heart is changed , he is dead to sinne ; we see how both abstain from sinne , but the perusal and disposition is not alike . The temporary sinner perchance commits not the sinne , but he could finde in his heart to do it ; he saith not with Joseph , How can I do this great wickedness and sinne against my God ? the other saith , I could do this evil well enough , but I will not . Thou canst not bear those that are evil , as in the Revel . Now he that is born of God cannot sin , there is that seed , that spring in him , that for his life he cannot sin , but it turns his heart from it ; for his life he cannot tell how to swear , lye , &c. or joyn with others in wickednesse ; but this must be understood of the constant course of their lives ; I speak not what they may do in afflictions , when they are surprized , but in the course of their lives , they commit sinne as if they knew not how to do it ; the other doth it skilfully ; these coblingly and bunglingly , they do it ill-favouredly ; thus it is with a wicked man in doing a good work , he cobles it up . Thy faith then must be a faith that worketh by love ; can'st thou do those good works thou doest out of love ? then my soul for thine thou art saved . Get me any temporary that loves God , and I shall say something to you . Hast thou then a faith that causeth thee to love God , a working faith , and a faith that will not suffer thee to do any thing displeasing to him ? if thou hast such a faith , thou art justified before God. 2. And so I come now to the point of justification , the greatest of all blessings : Blessed is he ( saith David ) whose transgression is forgiven , and whose sinne is covered ; blessed is the man to whom the Lord imputeth not iniquity ; it 's the most blessed condition as can be ; it is set down by way of Exclamation . O the blessednesse of the man to whom the Lord imputeth not iniquity ! For justification , see what it is ; the Scripture in St. Pauls Epistles , speaks of justification by faith ; and in St. James , of justification by works . Now it will be useful for us in this point to know whence justification comes ; it comes from justice , Tsedeck as the Original hath it , and to justifie ; so that justification and righteousnesse depend one upon the other ; for what is justification but the manifestation of the righteousnesse that is in a man ? and therefore in Gal. 3.21 . they are put for one and the same thing : For if there had been a Law given which could have given life , verily righteousnesse had been by the Law ; that is , justification had been by the Law. Again , If righteousnesse be by the Law , then Christ is dead in vain . Gal. 2. that is also if justification had been by the Law , &c. justification is a manifestation of righteousnesse ; and as many wayes as righteousnesse is taken , so many wayes is justification , which is a declaration of righteousnesse ; so that if there be a double righteousnesse , there must be also a double justification ; Beloved , I bring you no new doctrine ; be not afraid of that ; but I shew you how to reconcile places of Scripture against the Church of Rome , and those things which the Papists bring against us in this point . It stands by reason , seeing justification is a declaration of righteousnesse , that there must be so many sorts of justification as there be of righteousnesse . Now there is a double sort of righteousness , Rom. 8.4 . That the righteousnesse of the Law may be fulfilled in us ; see then there is a double righteousnesse ; there is a righteousnesse fulfilled in us , and a righteousnesse fulfilled by us , that 's walking in the Spirit . The righteousness fulfilled in us , is fulfilled by another , and is made ours by imputation ; so we have a righteousnesse without us , and a righteousnesse inhaerent in us ; the righteousnesse without us , is forgivenesse of sinnes , and pardon of them , which is a gracious act of God , letting fall all actions against me , and accounting of me as if I had never sinned against him all my life time ; then there is a righteousnesse within me , an inherent righteousnesse . And if a righteousnesse , then justification ; for that is but a declaration of righteousnesse . And so that which the Fathers call justification , is taken generally for sanctification ; that which we call justification , they call forgivenesse of sinnes ; that which we call sanctification , they call justification ; so that the difference is only in the termes . Justification we must know , is not taken only as opposed to condemnation , which is the first kinde of righteousnesse , Rom. 6.7 . He that is dead , is freed from sinne ; if you look to the Greek or to the Margent , it is , he that is dead , is justified from sinne ; this is not took in the first sense as opposed to condemnation , but in the other sense as it hath relation to final grace ; The perfection of sanctification is wrought in me ; for where there is final grace , there is a supersedeas from all sinne ; so Rev. 22.11 . Let him that is righteous , be righteous still ; the Greek is , let him that is righteous , be justified still . See then the difference between Saint Paul , and Saint James . Saint Paul speaks of that which consists in remission of sinnes , as in comparing the Apostle with David will appear , Blessed is the man whose sinnes are forgiven . Saint James speaks of justification in the second acception . You need not flie to that distinction of justification before God , and justification before men ; think not that Saint James speaks onely of justification before men . Was not Abraham our father justified by works , when he offered up Isaac on the Altar ? What justified by killing his son ? this was a proper work indeed to justifie him before man , to be a parricide ; to kill his sonne , though it were not so before God. So Psal. 106. we read how God accounted the act of Phine as for righteousness ; thus you see how works are accounted righteousnesse in the second kinde of righteousnesse . In the former righteousnesse we are justified by faith ; for in righteousnesse inherent there is a goodly chaine of vertues : Adde to your faith vertue , &c. adde one grace to another ; Adde to vertue knowledge ; faith is but one part of the Crown . Now this justification in the first sense whereby my sinnes are forgiven , is called the righteousnesse of God , because of Christ which is God , because it s wrought by Christ , Dan. 9. he is called an everlasting righteousnesse , which continueth for ever world without end ; for do not think the Saints in heaven have onely the second kinde of righteousnesse ; for they have the same covering by justification by Christ in heaven that they had before ; God covers their sins not here onely , but there also ; justification follows them for ever . Quest. But now what parts hath justification in it ? we are wont to say that there are two parts ; one imputation of righteousness , the other forgivenesse of sinnes . Sol. I answer ; for my own part I think Justification is one simple act of God , and that it is improperly distinguished as parts ; but rather as terminus a quo is distinct from terminus ad quem . And this I shall shew unto you both by reason and authority , that faith is but one act . Let none say that I take away the imputation of the righteousnesse of Christ ; No : the bringing in of light , and the expulsion of darknesse is not two acts , but one ; but there is terminus á quo , and terminus ad quem . We are accounted righteous , and that is , we have our sinnes forgiven . And the reason is this ; if sinne were a positive thing , and had a being in it self , then the forgivenesse of sin must be a thing distinct from the imputation of righteousnesse . Scholars know the difference between adversa and privantia ; white and black are both existent ; but darknesse and light are not , but only a privation one of another , Darknesse is nothing of it self but the absence of light ; The bringing in of light is the suppression of it ; you must understand sinne hath no being , no entity ; it 's only an absence of righteousnesse , the want of that light which should be in the subject ; which want is either in our nature , and then it 's call'd original ; or in our person and actions , and then it s call'd actual transgression . Sinne is an absence of that positive being , which is , as I said , either in our nature , or works . Then thus I will resolve you in another point : viz. If sin were a positive thing , all the world cannot avoid it but God must be the Author of it ; for there is nothing can have a being , but it must derive its being from the first being , God. Now how can we avoid Gods being the Author of sin ? Why thus , it is nothing . But what is sinne nothing ? Will God damne a man , and send him to hell for nothing ? I answer ; it s not such a nothing as you make it ; a man is not damned for nothing . It 's a nothing privative , an absence of that that should be , and that a man ought to have . As when a Scholar is whip't for not saying his lesson , is he whip't think you for nothing ? indeed he hath nothing , he can't say a word of his lesson , and therefore it is he is whip't ; it is for a thing he ought to have , and hath not . Well , if you will say there are two parts of justification , do if you please ; but this I take to be the more proper and genuine explanation . Besides , it appears by testimony of the Apostle , Rom. 4.6 . As David describeth the blessednesse of the man to whom the Lord imputeth righteousnesse without works , &c. Saying , blessed are they whose iniquities are forgiven , and whose sinnes are covered . The Apostle cites the Prophet David , Psal. 42. Mark the Apostles conclusion , and how he proves it . His conclusion is , That man is blessed unto whom the Lord imputeth righteousnesse without works . His argument then must needs be thus framed . He whom God forgives is blessed ; But , He to whom God imputeth righteousnesse without works , hath his sinnes forgiven him : Therefore he is blessed . Now , how could this assumption hold , if imputation of righteousnesse , and remission of sinnes were two distinct acts ? for not imputing righteousnesse is not to bring in light , which keeps out darknesse ; but observe , the Apostle to the Colossians and Ephesians , makes this forgivenesse of sins , the whole work , way , foundation of our redemption . But here remember I deny not the imputation of righteousnesse ; for that is the foundation of the other ; here 's the point . How is Christs righteousnesse imputed to me ? that positive thing which expels the other ? Not so as if Christs righteousnesse were in me subjectively ; for it was wrought by his passion as well as his action ; The Apostle calls it faith in his blood ; by faith in Christ Christs passive obedience is imputed to me : What do you think the meaning is that God doth esteem me as if I had hang'd on the Crosse , and as if I had had my sides pierced ? No , that would not stead me , or do me any good ; that which was meritorious and singular in him , did reach to us ; so that the meaning is this , as it is in the Articles of the Church of England , That for the merits of Jesus Christ , God is well pleased with the obedience of his Son , both active and passive , as that he takes us to be in that state for his sake , as if we had fulfilled all his Laws , and never broken them at any time , and as if we ow'd him not a farthing ; this is imputative righteousnesse , however the Papists may scoffe at it . And this kinde of justification must of necessity be by imputation : why ? because when a man hath committed a sinne , it cannot be undone again ; God by his absolute power cannot make a thing done undone ; for it implies a contradiction . The act past cannot be revoked , nor the nature thereof changed ; murther will be murther still , &c. How then can I be justified , the sinne being past , and the nature of it still remaining ? I say , how can I be justified in the first sense any other way than by imputation ? its said in 2 Cor. 5.19 . God was in Christ reconciling the world unto himself , &c. This kinde of justification which consists in remission of sinnes , cannot be but imputative ; sin cannot be changed , nor the thing done , undone . But now cometh a greater question ; If by justification our sinnes be forgiven us , what sinnes are forgiven I pray ? sinnes past , or sinnes to come ? we are taught that in the instant of justification , all our sinnes past and to come are remitted ; which is in my mind an unsound doctrine : for if we look narrowly into it , we shall finde that in propriety of speech , remission of sinnes hath relation to that which is past ; it s said therefore , Rom. 3.25 . Whom God hath set forth to be a propitiation through faith in his blood , to declare his righteousnesse for the remission of sinnes that are past through the forbearance of God. And remission of sinnes hath relation to those that are past , as appears by inevitable reason ; for what is remission of sinnes , but sinne covered ? Now can a thing be covered before it be ? blot out mine iniquities , &c. saith David ; can a thing be blotted out , before it 's written ? this is the thing makes the Pope so ridiculous , that he will forgive sins for the time before they are committed ; but what , do we get nothing for the time to come ? yes , yes , when the sinne is past , by faith we have a new accesse unto God ; and having risen by repentance , we get a new act , not of universal justification , but of a particular justification , from this and that particular sinne . But if there be forgivenesse of sinnes past already , and I know that I am justified , and my sinnes remitted : may I now pray for forgivenesse of sinnes past ? The Papists say it is active infidelity , and as absurd as to pray to God to create the world anew , or incarnate his Son again . But there is no conversion where there is no praying ; and there is need of praying for the remission of sinnes past , and against sinne for the time to come , as I shall shew next time ; as also consider whether there be any interruption of the act of justification by falling into great sins . There 's no man hath a mind more against quierks and quillets than I ; yet for the opening of these things , and staying and setling the mind , and clearing the understanding , give me leave the next time to clear these things unto you . ROM . 5.1 . Therefore being justified by faith , we have peace with God through our Lord Jesus Christ. IN this Chapter , especially in the beginning thereof , I shew'd unto you that the Apostle sets down unto us those special comforts that a man receives after God hath wrought that supernatural grace of faith in his heart ; so that here is set down The Mother-Grace , Justification by faith ; and then the blessed issues or daughters thereof ; and those are , a free access to God , a joyful hope of the glory to come , and not only a patient , but a joyful suffering of all afflictions that shall befall us in this life . Concerning justification by faith , I laboured to open it unto you the last day , three things may well be considered therein . 1. What that faith is whereby we are justified . 2. What that justification is we have by faith . 3. What relation the one of these hath to the other . Concerning the first of these I told you that it was not every faith that justifieth , not every kinde of faith that a man can live by . There is a dead faith , and a man cannot live by a dead thing : And there is a living faith , and that is called a faith unfeigned . And though it be in Scripture called the common faith , yet it is with some restriction ; it is the faith of Gods elect . There is a faith also which is but temporary ; that being touch't with the sense of sinne , and seeing there is no deliverance from the curse due to sinne , but by Christ ; and that there is no part to be had in Christ , but by renouncing all corruptions ; the consideration of the desperatenesse of his case without Christ , makes him long after him ; and since he cannot have Christ without leaving sinne , he will resolve on that too ; he will make towards Christ , and perhaps he comes to taste of the sweetnesse of Christ , and feels the power of the world to come ; he forsakes sinne , and thereby comes so near the true believer , that a man must as it were , cut a haire to divide between them . And this is a thing very necessary to be considered of . And I shew'd unto you also that these are not moral things ; not a faith that is wrought by the power of men , but by a work of Gods Spirit ; for it humbles a man for sinne , and makes him make toward Christ , and seek him above all things , and having laid some hold on him , he escapes the pollutions of the world , and yet this faith is but temporary ; a thing supernatural it is , yet it is without root . Now as I noted unto you , this is not different in the circumstance of time ; for time alters not the thing . A childe that liveth but half an houre , doth as properly and truly live , as one that liveth a hundred years . But it is called temporary , not that therein stands the difference , but therein it is shewn , and that proves the man to have something wanting . Our being united to Christ , and being nigh unto him , is as a graft or scyons put into a Tree ; there are two grafts put into one stock , and each of them have all the several things necessary done unto them , as cutting , binding , &c. yet time discovers that the one thrives , and the other withers ; so that there was a fault unseen ; though he that put in the grafts never saw it , yet time discovers it . Now the difference is not in the time , but in the foundation of the thing it self . Now what the difference is between these , I laboured to declare unto you the last day . The use of it is in brief this , faith is not in all these . All have not faith ; yet some come so near , and have faith so like that it will trouble a wise man to make the distinction . These are like the foolish Virgins , that lived very civilly , and kept their maiden-heads in regard of the world ; none could accuse them for any evil they had done ; yet they are at length shut out . Many think themselves in a good way , and a safe condition , yea , and go out of the world in this conceit , and think they are entring into the gate of heaven , till they in a moment are cast down to hell : Try we therefore , search and sift our selves ; if this grace were as grasse that grows in every field , it were something ; but it is a precious flower , which if we have not , Christ profiteth us nothing . This is the means of Christs being applied unto thee ; how doth it therefore behoove every one of us to look to it , and not to slubber over the matter slightly , but to search and try , and examine our selves . And in the marks I shew'd you before that it was such a thing as may be likened to a conception which never comes to the birth ; such a thing is this temporary faith . Among others let me adde the tokens of love ; it is twice set down in the Galatians , neither circumcision nor uncircumcision , &c. but faith which worketh by love ; and again , neither circumcision , &c. but the new creature . They that have a temporary faith want nothing but the new creature ; what 's that ? its faith that worketh by love . They that love God , it 's a sure token that God hath loved them first , and God never giveth this love , but they have faith unfeigned . The next thing is , he is ever careful to try himself , to prove himself . The temporary cannot endure to be brought to the touch or tryal . He accounts every beginning of grace in himself very great ; every Mole-hill to be a Mountain . Now Gods children know that they may be deceived with counterfeits , and therefore he tryeth himself . Mark the speech of the Apostle , Examine your selves , prove your own selves ; know you not your own selves , how that Jesus Christ is in you , except you be reprobates ? us understand the words ; first , we see then it is a thing that is possible to be known , whether we are in the faith or no ; and this is flat against the Papists ; for they think a man can have but a conjectural knowledge that he hath grace and faith . It may be probable , they say , but it cannot be certainly known ; but does not the Apostle say , Examine your selves , prove your selves , know you not your selves , &c. No Papist can know it , yet it is possible to be known . Prove and try , you shall not lose your labour . If you take pains in it , you shall attain it in this world . Make your calling and election sure , saith the Apostle ; on Gods part it is sure enough , for the foundation of God standeth sure : but make it sure unto your selves , in respect of your own knowledge . Know you not your own selves , that Jesus Christ is in you , except ye be reprobates ? It is a thing may well be made sure of ; therefore search , try , examine , &c. Others are content with bare beginnings that never come to any maturity ; but those that have true faith , are ever bringing themselves to the tryal and touch-stone . But may some say , I have tryed and examined my self , and I do not finde that Christ is in me ; what am I a reprobate therefore ? No , God forbid : I say not the man is a reprobate that cannot discerne that Christ is in him ; See what that is that will explain this , 1 Cor. 11.19 . For there must be heresies among you , that they which are approved , might be made known ; there must be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , men that are approved , such as have endured the dint and shot of the Musket : such as have put themselves to the tryal , and come off well ; these are the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and are opposed to those 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , who are such men as take things hand over head , do not search , and try , and examine , and put themselves to the proof ; it 's a signe these have not true faith : for what , is the having of Christ so slight or poor a thing , as that they will take no pains for him , or care not for knowing whether they have him or no ? what , neglect Christ so much , as not to adventure on the tryal ? these are those 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . But he which hath this saving faith , he is ever putting himself to the tryal . Again , Gods childe , not only useth all the means in himself to try himself , but he prayeth for the aide of God also ; he knoweth that his own heart is deceitful , and may cozen him , but that God is greater than his heart , and knoweth all things . And therefore he cryeth unto God to try him , as Psal. 139. Try me O God , and know my heart ; prove me , and know my thoughts ; look well whether there be any way of wickedness in me , and lead me in the way everlasting ; there is an everlasting righteousnesse , and an everlasting way that leads unto it , about which these are not content to try themselves only , but they desire God to try them also ; and to make them know the uprightnesse of their own hearts , and not to suffer them to be deceived thereby . Now that I have done with . Consider now what that justification is , that is obtained by this true lively faith ; I shew'd unto you that justification is ordinarily taken for an acquittance from a debt . It is derived from justice or righteousnesse ; therefore I shew'd that justification and righteousnesse are taken for one and the self same thing ; for if there had been a Law given which could , &c. that is , justification had been by the Law. Now as there is a double righteousnesse , so there is also a double justification . Not that I hold there is any other justification as it comprehends remission of sinnes , but only one , but otherwayes , as many righteousnesses as there are , so many justifications there are . Now there is a double kinde of righteousnesse , the one imputed , and the other inherent ; the one is the righteousnesse of Christ , an act transient from another , which cannot be made mine but by imputation . Besides this there is another which is inherent , a righteousnesse in us . St. James speaks of the one , and Saint John of the other . One is opposed to condemnation , and the other to hypocrisie . The soundnesse of the heart is respected of God for righteousnesse , in respect of the graces inherent in us . Now to give you a touch of the difference between the one and the other , and therein to declare the difference between us and Rome : Know then that the question between us and Rome , is not Whether justification be by faith or no ? but Whether there be any such thing as justification or no ? The doctrine of the Church of Rome is , that there is no such grace as this . But concerning the first of these , that justification which is by the imputation of Christs righteousnesse , I shew'd unto you that imputation in this case , is , as when a man comes to hold up his hand at Gods Barre , as it were , and it 's demanded of him what he hath to say for himself , why he should not dye ; and then this justification by Christs righteousnesse is opposed to condemnation . Then justification by faith is , that when I come to stand before God , though conscience say I am guilty of a thousand sinnes , yet I may go boldly and plead my pardon , which will acquit me as if I had never sinned at any time . God was thus in Christ reconciling us ( the world ) unto himself , not imputing their sinnes unto them . Now sinne is a thing past , which being done , cannot be made undone , the sin remains still ; murder is murder still , and adultery is adultery still ; it cannot be undone again . Now how shall this man that is guilty of murder and adultery , be made just ? it cannot possibly be but by not imputing his sinne unto him , so that God should account it to him , as if it had not been done at all by him ; he puts it upon Christs account ; Account : The word is used in the Epist. to Philemon , where St. Paul saith , If he hath wronged thee , or oweth thee ought , put that on mine account . A mans sins being thus put upon Christs account , he is accepted of God as freely as if he had never owed him any thing , or as if he had never offended him . Now this is done by transferring the debt from one person to another ; so that we see this imputation of sinne to Christ , and of Christs righteousnesse to us is most necessary . It must be so : And if there were no testimony for it in Scripture , yet reason sheweth that there can be no righteousnesse but by Gods acceptation of us in Christ as if we had never sinned ; there is the difference then . To him that worketh not , but believeth in him that justifieth the ungodly , his faith is accounted to him for righteousnesse . But doth God justifie the ungodly ? that 's a hard speech ; we read in the Proverbs , He that justifieth the wicked , and condemneth the just , even they both are abomination to the Lord. But here we must understand this as we do some other Scriptures ; we read in John , that the blinde see , the lame walk , the dumb speak . It 's impossible for a man to be blinde and see , to be dumb and speak all at once ; yet take the chief of sinners , suppose Paul , and he was so in his own account ; but the act of justification alters him . God justifies the ungodly , that is , him that was even now so ; but by the imputation of Christs righteousnesse he is made righteous , that is , righteous in Gods account . But in proceeding in this point I did reflect a little back . God findes a man with a number of sinnes , full of sinne , and forgives these sinnes ; now I demanded this ; how farre doth this justification and forgivenesse extend ? to sins past alone , or to sinnes past and to come ? And I answered that we must consider this matter two wayes . First , to justifie a mans person simply ; and then to justifie a man from this or that particular act : The phrase is used in Scripture , Acts 13.39 . And by him all that believe , are justified from all things , from which we could not be justified by the Law of Moses . There is justification from this or that thing . There is first , Justification of a mans person ; he that was an enemy , is now made a friend ; he is now no longer a stranger at home , but is in the list or Gods houshold . Now this we say , no sooner doth a man receive it , but the self-same houre that he receiveth it , the bond is cancel'd , the evidence is torn , and fastened to the Crosse of Christ , and hangs up among the Records , whereas before it was an evidence against us , and would have layen heavy on us at the bar ; but now it is fastened to the Crosse as a cancel'd Record , the bond is become void . Secondly , but now when we consider justification from this or that particular act ; I declared that so a man is onely justified from sins past ; for it is contrary to reason and Scripture , that a man should be justified from sinnes to come : For Scripture , the Apostle hath it , Rom. 3.25 . Whom God hath set forth to be a propitiation through saith in his blood , to declare his righteousnesse for the remission of sinnes that are past , through the forbearance of God ; and it is clear also from the nature of the thing . A thing cannot be remitted before it be committed , nor covered before it had an existence , nor blotted out before it be written . Therefore justification from such or such a fault , must have relation to that which is past ; but for justification for the time to come , I will speak anon ; there I left the last time . I have now faith , and I believe in Christ ; I have now relation to him , and remission of sinnes past . But why then do I pray for it ? to what end is that ? Bellarmine objects that it is an act of infidelity to pray for it afterwards ; but we do it , and we ought to do it ; see Psal. 51. David made that Psalme after the Prophet Nathan had told him his sinne was pardoned : See the title of it , ( and we must know that the title is a part of Gods Word as well as the rest ) A Psalme of David when Nathan came unto him , after he had gone in unto Bathsheba : Nathan told him that God had took away his sinne : Yet he cryeth here throughout the whole Psalme , to have his sinne pardoned and blotted out ; so that though there were faith and assurance , yet he still prays for it . Now Bellarmine saith , this cannot be ; but doth he dispute against our opinion ? no , he disputes against the Holy Ghost ; for David having received a message of forgivenesse , yet prays . Therefore if the Jesuite had grace , he would joyne with us to salve the matter , rather then through our sides to strike at God. But it is a Fallacy to joyne these two together ; for a man to pray for a thing past , it is an act of infidelity ; as to pray that God would create the world , and incarnate his Sonne . I answer , there is difference between an act done , and an act continued ; when the World was made by God , God had finished that work . And when Christ took our flesh upon him , the act was done ; but the forgivenesse of sin is a continued act , which holds to day and to morrow , and world without end . God is pleased not to impute thy sinnes , but cover them ; Now this covering is no constant act . I may cover a thing now , and uncover it again ; now forgivenesse of sinne being an act not complete , but continued , and continued world without end ( and therefore we say the Saints in heaven are justified by imputative righteousnesse , Gods continuance of his act of mercy . ) The point then is this ; As long as we continue in the world , and by contrary acts of disobedience continue to provoke God to discontinue his former acts of mercy , and our sinnes being but covered , therefore so long must we pray for forgivenesse . When the servant had humbled himself before his Lord , it is said , The Lord of that servant loosed him , and forgave him the debt ; but though he forgave him , yet he did another act that caused his Lord to discontinue his pardon , Matth. 18.33 . Shouldest not thou also have had compassion on thy fellow-servant , as I had pity on thee ? He had pity on him ; yet since he doth another act , which turns his Lords heart against him , therefore he is now cast into prison , and he must not come out thence till he hath paid the utmost farthing . He had forgave him to day and to morrow , and would have continued his forgivenesse if he had not thus provoked him ; we must pray to God to continue his acts of mercy , because we continually provoke him by new acts of rebellion . Adde to this , The King grants a pardon to a man ; In all Patents of pardon there is a clause that the man must renew his Patent . If forgivenesse may be renewed , then those things are to be renewed again , by which the renovation of my remission may be wrought . God would have me renew my acts of faith ; and if of faith , why not of repentance , and of prayer ? There is a singular place in Ezek. 36.29 , 35 , 37. that makes it plain , That though God intends to do the thing , yet he appoints this to be the means . Thus saith the Lord God , I will yet for this be enquired of by the house of Israel , to do it for them ; ( i. e. ) though I have done it , and intend to do it , yet will I do it by the means of prayer . Howsoever that God had promised Eliah , that raine should come upon the face of the earth ; yet he goes upon the Mount , and saw no shew of a cloud . The Text saith not what he did ; but he put his head between his knees . Saint James saith , he prayed , and he opened heaven , and brought down raine . It was an humble secret gesture . A man may be more free in private , than in publick . He prayed , and the heavens opened . God had promised it , and would do it , but yet he would be sought too . So we see the mediate cause is prayer ; so though the Lord will do this , yet for all this he will be enquired of : It is not with God as with men ; men who have promised , would be loth to be sued to not to break their promise ; they account that a dishonour to them , but it is not so with God ; God hath promised , yet thou shalt have no benefit of it , untill thou sue him for it ; therefore thou must go to God and say , Lord fulfill thy promise to thy servant , wherein thou hast caused me to trust . God loves to have his bond sued out . Lord , make good this word , performe that good word that thou hast spoken . God would have his bond thus sued out . And as thy faith , repentance , prayer is renewed , so is thy pardon renewed . When God will make a man possesse the sinnes of his youth , when a man is carelesse this way , it pleaseth God to awaken him . Thou writest bitter things against me , and makest me to possesse the iniquity of my youth , Job 13.26 . When a man forgetteth the iniquities of his youth , and reneweth not his repentance , and hath not new acts of faith and petition , then God maketh him to possesse the iniquities of his youth ; he makes his sins stand up and cry out against him , & by this means his old evidences are obliterated . When a man hath a pardon , and it s almost obliterated , the letters almost worne out , that they cannot be read , he would be glad to have it renewed , to have a new exemplification . Every sinne it puts a great blur upon thine old evidence that thou canst not read it . It may be firme in heaven , and yet perhaps be blur'd that thou canst not read it , and therefore if thou wouldst get them clear'd again , thou must go to God by prayer , and renew them again ; so that whether our evidences be blur'd , or whether it be that God will make us possesse the iniquities of our youth , it is necessary to pray for the forgivenesse of those sinnes which have been before forgiven . But now you will say , when I have sinned afterward , how come I then to be justified ? Then a man would think repentance only doth it , and without repentance a man cannot be justified . But you must understand , repentance is not an instrument at all ; faith only is the instrument , ●aith justifyeth me from sinne hereafter as well as before . The case is this , faith brings life . The righteous shall live by his faith , as the Prophet Habakkuk speaks . What doth then new sinnes do ? There are two sorts of sinnes ; one of ordinary incursion , which cannot be avoided ; these break no friendship betwixt God and us ; these only weaken our faith , and make us worse at ease . But there are other sinnes which waste a mans conscience ; A man that hath committed murder , adultery , and lives in covetousnesse , which ( in the Apostles ) is Idolatry ; as long as a man is in this case , he cannot exercise the acts of faith ; we must know faith justifieth not as an habit , but as an act applying Christ to the comfort of the soul. Now a wasting sinne it stops the passage of faith , it cannot act till it be opened by repentance ; Physitians give instances for it . Those that have Apoplexies , Epilepsies , and the Falling sicknesse , are thought to be dead for the time , as it was with Eutichus , yet saith Saint Paul , his spirit was in him . Every one thought him dead , yet his spirit is in him ; however in regard of the operation of his senses it did appear he was dead . So , if thou art a carelesse man , and lookst not to thy watch , and to thy guard , but art overtaken in some grosse and grievous sinne , thou art taken for dead . I say not , a man can lose his life that once hath it ; but yet in the apprehension of others , and of himself too , he may appear to be so . As in Epilepsies , the nerves are hindred by obstructions ; so sinne obstructs the nerves of the soul , that there cannot be that life and working till these sinnes be removed . Now what is repentance ? why , it clears the passages , that as faith could not act before , now it gives him dispositions unto it . As a man in a swound , cannot do the acts of a living man , till he be refreshed again ; so here its repentance which clears the spirits , and makes the life of faith passe throughout . Now when repentance clears the passages , then faith acts , and now there is a new act of faith , faith justifies me from my new sinnes ; faith at first and at last is that whereby I am justified from my sins which I commit afterwards . But this forgivenesse of sinnes , what doth it free us from ? In sinne , we must consider two things ; the fault and the punishment . Now consider sinne as it is in it self , and as it respects the sinner , as acted by him , as respecting the fault of the sinner , it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a transgression of the Law ; The punishment is death ; as it respects the sinner , it is guilt . The sin is not guilt , but the guilt the sinners . For instance , a man that hath told a lye , or sworn an oath , the act is past , but a thing remains which we call the guilt . As if a man commit murder or adultery , the act is past , but yet if he sleep , or walk or wake , the guilt follows him . If he live an hundred years , he is a murderer still , and an adulterer still , the guilt follows him ; and nothing can take away the murder or adultery from the soul , but the blood of Christ applyed by faith . First , God takes away the punishment . There is now ( saith the Apostle ) no condemnation to them that are in Christ Jesus , who walk not after the flesh , but after the Spirit ; what , nothing in him worthy condemnation ? God knows we are worthy of a thousand condemnations . There are two Judges ; there is a double guilt ; when a man is brought to the barre , first , the Jury judge the fact , and then the Judge that sits on the Bench , he judgeth the punishment ; one saith guilty or not guilty ? the other saith guilty , then he judgeth him . Now when we are justified , we are freed from both these guilts ; sinne when it is accomplish't , it bringeth forth death : You know the natural work of sinne , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , it labours with death ; now God will stop the acts of it , that it shall not do that which it is apt to do , which is as good as if the sinne were taken away ; when there were wilde guords sliced into the pot , 2 Kings 4.31 . it 's said the Prophet took that venemous herbe away ; ( i. e. ) though the thing were there , yet it is as if it were not there , it shall do no manner of hurt : Bring now and poure out , and there was no evil thing . So in respect of us , though there be an evil thing in punishment , and if we had our due , would bring condemnation , yet when we are sprinkled with the blood of Christ , it can do us no evil , no hurt ; it 's said in the Scripture , that the stars fell from heaven ; why the starres are of that bignesse that they cannot fall from heaven to the earth ; but they are said to fall , when they give not their light , and do not that for which they were put there ; so though I have committed sinne , yet when God is pleased for Christs sake to pardon it , it is as if it were not there at all . This is a great matter , but I tell you there is more ; we are not only freed from the guilt of the punishment , but which is higher , we are freed from the guilt of the fact . I am now no more a murderer , no more a lyar ; when I have received a pardon from the blood of Christ , he frees me from that charge , the world is changed with me now . Who shall lay any thing to the charge of Gods Elect ? If the Divel lay any thing to thee , thou mayst deny it . Such a one I was , but I am justified , but I am sanctified . A man hath committed High Treason against the King , and the King gives him a pardon for the Treason ; if I call him a Traytor , he can have no remedy against me , for he is one ; the pardon takes not away the guilt : But if his blood be restored unto him by Act of Parliament , then if I shall call him Traytor , he may have remedy against me , because he is restored fully , and is not lyable to that disgrace . This is our case , though our sinnes be as red as scarlet , yet the die shall be changed ; it shall not be so bloody : Thou hast the grace of justification , and this doth not only clear thee from the punishment , but from the fault it self ; See in Jer. 50.20 . the place is worth gold : In those daye● , and in that time saith the Lord , the iniquity of Israel shall be sought for , and there shall be none ; and the sinnes of Judah , and they shall not be found : for I will pardon them whom I reserve : what is the matter ? what a sinful man , and no sinne ? what when there is search made for sinne in such a man , shall it not be found ? you will say this is meant of the grace of sanctification ; no : I will pardon them , that pardoning of sinne makes the sin not to be found . What a wonderful comfort is this ? when I sh●ll come at t●e day of judgment , and have the benefit of my sanctification , the last absolution , such sinnes shall not be charged on me , my sinnes and iniquities shall not be remembred . I will remember their sinnes no more , saith God ; it is a wonder●ul thing , and a strange mistake in many men , e●pecially the Papists ; Did they ever write comfortably of the day of judgment ? never ; they make that a terrible day . Alas poor souls , they knew not that just●fication is that , that makes sinn●s that they shall never be remembred : Mark , it is said , Thou shalt hear of all thy good deeds for thy honour and thy praise ; but for thy sinnes , there shall search be made , and they shall not be found ; when God forgives sinnes , he doth it fully , it shall never be cast in thy teeth again ; but thou shalt hear of all thy good deeds , not of thy bad . Then lift up your heads , for your redemption draweth near ; here is the blessed grace of just●fication , that we being justified by faith , have not only no condemnation , but no guilt ; whereas all the sinnes of the wicked man , shall be set before his face , and he shall stand quaking and trembling by reason thereof ; not one good thing that he hath done shall be remembred , but in the iniquity that he hath committed , in that shall he dye ; and so I have said somewhat of that point You may remember that I said ( a word perhaps that some think much of ) that the question betwixt us and Rome , is not Whether we be justified by faith or no ? but Whether we be justified at all ; I will make it good . The●e are two graces , righteou●nesse imputed ▪ which implies forgivenesse of sinnes ; and righteousnesse inherent , which is that grace of sanctification begun . They utterly ●eny that there is any righteousnesse but righteousnesse inherent . They say forgivenesse of sinnes is nothing but sanctification . A new doctrine never heard of in the Church of God , till these last dayes , till the spawn of the Jesuites devised it . Forgivenesse of sinne is this , that God will never charge me with it again . They say that forgivenesse of sinne is an abolishing of sinne in the subject , where is true remission ; as much as to say , There is no justification distinct from sanctification : whereas the Apostle distinguisheth them , when as he saith , The Sonne of God is made unto us wisdome , righteousness , sanctification and redemption : He is made unto us ( of God. ) By the way let me expound it unto you . Christ hath three offices ; A Prophetical , Regal and Sacerdotical office . He exerciseth his Prophetical office to illuminate our understanding . He exerciseth his Kingly office to work on our will and affections ; there are two branches of it , the Kingdome of grace , and the Kingdome of glory . How am I made partaker of Christs Prophetical office ? He is made unto me wisdome , before I was a fool , but now by it I am made wise . First , he enlightens me , and so he is made unto me wisdome ; well , he is my Priest ; how so ? he is made an expiation for my sinne ; he is said to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Saint John , A propitiation for our sinnes , and not for ours only , but for the sinnes of the whole world . There is a difference between 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is a bare pardon , but this is such a propitiation as the party offended is well-pleased with Christs being made a ransome ; he is made unto us 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by the oblation offered unto his Father . He is righteousnesse imputed to us . And as a King ▪ he rules me in the Kingdome of grace , and in the Kingdome of glory ; in the Kingdome of grace he is made unto me sanctification , and in the Kingdome of glory he is made unto me redemption ; it is called by the Apostle , the redemption of our bodies ; these two are thus clearly dist●nguished . The work of Christs Priestly office is to be a propitiation for our sinnes ; sanctification proceeds from the Scepter of his Kingdome : The one is without me , the other within me . The one receives degrees , the other not . As a man that is holy may be more holy ; but imputed righteousnesse doth not more forgive one man than another . Imputation is without augmentation or diminution . Those things which have divers contraries , cannot be one and the same thing . Justification and Sanctification have divers contraries . The contrary to justification is condemnation ; but the contrary to sanctification is wickednesse , and false-dealing , &c. Aristotle distinguisheth homonymous words , and bids you consider their contraries ; thus you see the difference between these two . I should now come and descend unto the dependence one hath on the other : ( i. e. ) in what respect doth faith justifie ? Is faith an instrument to work justification , or to receive it only ? The answer is clear , it justifieth in regard of the object . If you remember the two places I bid you compare , Rom. 3.25 . Whom God hath set forth to be a propitiation through faith in his blood ; is that all ? compare this place with chap. 5.9 . Much more then , being now justified by his blood , we shall be saved from wrath through him ; we are justified by his blood , and by faith in his blood : here are two acts which signifie the same thing . It is no more then to say , I was cured by the Bath , or by going to the Bath ; so that faith is the legs of the soul that bring a man to Christ. And so my faith is an instrument , not to procure my justification , but to receive it ; so then seeing faith is an instrument to receive justification , and not to procure it , then the weakest faith carrieth away as much forgivenesse as the strongest . A strong faith rids a great deal of work , because it is an active instrument . The stronger faith worketh the greater work ; but in the point of justification , it is an instrument whereby my justification is wrought , an instrument whereby Christ is received . And the weakest hand may receive a piece of gold as well as the strongest ; we must know that in the point of receiving , we live on Gods almes . All our justification is his free gift , and faith is that Palsie hand which receives all our comfort . It is not then a faith that justifieth , but faith ; it is called by Peter , a like precious faith . Simon Peter a servant and an Apostle of Jesus Christ to them that have obtained like precious faith with us , through the righteousnesse of God and our Saviour Jesus Christ ; it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in the meanest Christian that hath a trembling hand to pitch on that , and draw vertue from him ; it is a like precious faith in them , as in the most great Apostle Peter , and all the rest . ROM . 5.1 . Therefore being justified by faith , we have peace with God through our Lord Jesus Christ. I Hav● heretofore declared unto you , that in the●e words , and the words following , th●re are set down these great graces and gr●at blessings which you have in Christ in ●his Kingdome of grace , before you come to the K●ngdome of glory . First , here ●s set down the mother and radical grace of all the rest , and ●hat is justification by faith ; and then followeth the bl●●sed fruit that issueth from thence . 1. Peace w●th God. 2. A graci●us accesse into his presence . 3. A joyfu● hope arising from that great glory that we shall enjoy for t●e time to come . 4. In the ●orst of our troubles , and midst of our afflictions , this ●oy is so great , that it cannot be abated by any of them ; ●ea , it is so far from being abated by them , that they are a fuel to kindle it : we rejoyce in affliction ( saith the A●ostle ) that which would undo the joy of a carnal man , is made the matter of this mans joy . Concerning the first of these ; justification , that is the ground or foundation of all the rest ; being justififyed by faith , that 's the root and ground , without which there is no fruit , no peace , no joy , no hope , much lesse any kinde of rejoycing in tribulation . Faith is that which seasoneth all ; we must first be justified by faith , before we have any other comforts ; for that 's the first ground , the first rudiment of a Ch●istian in the School of Christ. Therefore I proposed unto you three things for the understanding of it . 1. What that faith is that justifieth . 2. What that justification is that is ●btained by faith . 3. What relation the one of these hat● to the ot●er . Concerning the first of these I sheved you that it is not every faith that justifieth . I shew'● you that there is a dead faith , whereupon the Apostl● saith , The life that I now live , I live by the faith of the Sonne of God. A dead thing cannot make a living ma● ; it must be ( and I shew'd you how ) a living faith . Again , I shew'd that beside the tr●e faith , there was a temporary faith , which is active 〈◊〉 , and comes near the other . It had the operations of the Spirit , but it wanted root . It had supernatu●●ll works , but it wanted the new creature . There w●● a conception that was but an abortive kinde of birth ; it came not to maturity , not to a full growth , it did not continue . And I shew'd unto you how a man mig●t discern one of these from the other ; for herein lye● the wisdome of a Christian , not to content himself 〈◊〉 be deceived with flashes ; therefore the Apostle exhorts us to prove and try , and examine our selves ; it 's an easie matter to be deceived , and therefore Gods people should be careful to examine themselves , to have their senses exercised herein , that however others may slight and slubber over the matter , they must and will be careful in it ; and then they will not only do it themselves , but they will crave the aid of God also : Prove me O my God , &c. try me , &c. Then for the second thing concerning that justification that is obtained by faith . I shew'd you that the word justification was derived from justice or righteousnesse ; and as many wayes as justice and righteousnesse may be taken , so many wayes may justification be taken : Sometimes for justification of righteousnesse in a man , and sometimes it is opposed to condemnation ; so it s taken in Saint Paul , and it signifieth an acquital ; sometimes it s opposed to hypocrisie and pollution in a mans soul ; so it signifies sanctification , whereby God not only covers our sinnes past , but heals our natures . The first is perfect , but imputed ; the second inherent , but imperfect . When the time cometh that God will finish his cure , he will then make a perfect cure ; when final grace cometh , we shall not need to think of a Popish Purgatory . Death is the Lords refining pot ; then there is not a jot of sinne shall be left in a Christian . Now when God hath taken away our drosse , then to think we shall be put in a refining fire ; that an intire soul that hath no blot , that one that hath no spot , should be purged after final grace hath made him clear and whole , this is against reason and common sense . They might have learned better of their own Thomas ; all the fire in the world will never put away sinne without the infusion of grace . This by the way concerning them . I shew'd besides , that these two being both righteousnesses , the Church of Rome confounds them both together : Saint James his justification w●●h Saint Pauls . They confound inherent righteousnesse which is begun , and shall be perfected in final grace , with the other ; so that the point is not between us and Rome , Whether faith justifieth by works or no ? but Whether it justifieth at all ? in truth that is the state of it : The question is this , whether there be another justification that is distinguish't from sanctification , or whether there be another grace besides justification ? Do not think that we are such block-heads as to deny faith and sanctification ; yet faith is but a piece or part of that traine of vertues . There justification is taken for sanctification ; we acknowledge a man is justified by faith and works ; but the question is between us and them , whether there be any justification besides sanctification ? ( i. e. ) whether there be any justification at all or no ? we say sanctification is wrought by the Kingly office of Christ ; he is a King that rules in our hearts , subdues our corruptions , governs us by the Scepter of his Word and Spirit ; but it is the fruit of his Priestly office which the Church of Rome strikes at : ( i. e. ) whether Christ hath reserved another righteousnesse for us , besides that which as a King he works in our hearts ; whether he hath wrought forgivenesse of sinnes for us ? we say he hath , and so saith all the Church , till the new spawn of J●suites arose . They distinguish not remission of sinnes from sanctification . Bellarmine saith remission of sinnes is the extinguishing of sinne in the soul ; as water though it be cold , yet the bringing in of heat extinguishes the cold ; and so remission of sinnes is the bringing in of inherent righteousnesse which extinguisheth all sinne which was before . A strange thing , and were it not that the Scripture does speak of a cup in the hand of the Harlot of Rome whereby she makes drunk the inhabitants of the earth with the wine of her fornications ; except men were drunk , it were impossible that a learned man should thus shake out an Article of their Creed , which hath ever been believed by all the Churches . When the Scripture speaks of forgivenesse of sinnes , see how it expresseth it , Ephes. 4.32 . Be ye kinde one to another , Brethren , tender-hearted , forgiving one another , even as God for Christs sake hath forgiven you . Observe , in the Lords prayer , we pray that the Lord would forgive us our trespasses , as we forgive those that trespasse against us . Let him that hath common understanding judge , Do we forgive our neighbours by extinguishing sinne in the subject ? I forgive you ; ( i.e. ) I take away the ill office you did me : Doth he forgive thus ? Alas no! forgivenesse is without a man. I have an action against you , perhaps an action at Law ; I will let fall my suit , my charges I will forgive , this is forgivenesse . God justifieth , who shall condemn ? Though God has just cause to proceed against me as a Rebel , yet he is content to let fall his action , to fasten it upon the Crosse of his Sonne , there to fix the Chirographum , the hand-writing against us . He will let fall that which was the ground of a suit against us , all that he could say against us . That you may understand the thing the better , there are two things , two kinds of righteousnesse ; the one of justification , the other of sanctification . The Holy Ghost distinguisheth them by several terms 1 Cor. 1. ult . Of him are ye in Christ Jesus who is made unto us wisdome , righteousness , sanctification and redemption . You see here are two distinct graces ; righteousnesse and sanctification ; they make them but one , sanctification and remission of sinnes . Moreover , whom he did predestinate , them he also called ; and whom he called , them he also justified ; and whom he justified , them he also glorified . Here justification and sanctification is nothing else but justification and glorification ; Saint Paul speaks of a thing past , not of the glory to come : ( i. e. ) sanctification which is inchoate glory . For what is the glory we shall have in heaven but the inlargement of those inherent graces God begins in this world ? Here is the seed , there is the crop ; here thou hast a little knowledge , but there it shall be inlarged ; now thou hast a little joy , there thou shalt enter into thy Masters joy ; here some knowledge , but there thou shalt have a full knowledge , and a full measure . Here glory dwelleth in our Land , but there we shall with open face behold as in a glasse the glory of the Lord , and be changed into the same image from glory to glory , even as by the Spirit of the Lord , 2 Cor. 3.18 . ( i. e. ) we are more and more conformed to the image of Almighty God , by ●●edience and holy qualities infused into us , that we grow from one degree of sanctification unto another . And so you see how these are distinguished by their termes . Justification and glorification , justification and sanctification . There is another place in Saint John , an hard place ; but yet as I take it , these two righteousnesses that have the same name , to be distinct in their termes . It is said , Joh. 16.8 . That when the Spirit shall come , he shall reprove , or ( as we should translate it ) he shall convince the world concerning sinne , righteousnesse and judgment . Thus I say it should be translated , for 't is no sense to say that God shall reprove the world of righteousnesse ; on what occasion this was spoken we must not stand to speak : but righteousnesse and judgment is justification and sanctification . And the drift of the place is this , when the Spirit shall come , how ? not upon me or thee ; but the Spirit here spoken of is that Spirit that should come upon the Apostles , it shall begin at the day of Pentecost ; and these 1. should set forth like twelve Champions to conquer the world , and to bring them unto the Scepter of Christ. He shall convince the world ; ( i. e. ) when the Spirit shall come on you , and your tongues be tip't with that spiritual fire , which shall be active , it shall convince the world concerning three particulars , of sinne , righteousnesse and judgment : O● the point of humiliation for sinnes ; the point of justification by righteousnesse imputative ; and the glory of sanctification in judgment , and righteousnesse inherent . This method Saint Paul useth in the Romans to stop every mans mouth . First , He convinceth the Gentile , which was easie to be done ; after he convinceth the Jew , that there is righteousnesse to be had in another , though none in my self . He shall convince the world , &c. As if he should say , To be shut up under unbelief , is to be convinced of all sinnes . Now consider what is the nature of unbelief ; it is to fasten all sinnes upon a man ; and when I have faith , all my sinnes are put out of possession , they are as if they were not ; but if we are shut up under unbelief , we are dead . The second work of Gods Spirit , is the Ministry of the Word , He shall convince the world that there is righteousnesse to be had by a communion with another ; though we are guilty in our selves , yet he will set us free ; and the reason is , because I go to my Father . As if he should say , though you be convinced of your sinnes , that you are wholly dead in trespasses and sinnes . and have no means in the world to put that away ; yet notwithstanding the second work of Gods Spirit , is to convince of righteousnesse ; that there is a righteousnesse to be had in Christ , because he was our surety arrested for our debt ; he was committed to prison where he could not come out till he ●ad paid the utmost farthing . There is a justification to be had in me ; I go to the Creditor , I have made no escape , not like one that brake the prison and run away , but I am now a free-man . I have not made an escape before the debt is paid , then I might be brought back again ; but the debt is discharged , and therefore I go to my Father to maintain my place and standing . I was given unto death for your sins , but I am risen again for your justification , and I now sit at my fathers right hand ; this is the second thing . But is there not a third thing that the work of the Ministry must do ? Yes , to convince the world that there is judgment or righteousnesse inherent . There is a hard place , I shall speak of it ; it is usual in Scripture to joyn righteousnesse and judgment together . The words of the Lord are righteousnesse and judgment . And the integrity of a mans heart which is opposed to hypocrisie , is called judgement ; as God liveth who hath taken away my judgment , Job 27.2 . How did God take away his judgment ? is it meant that he had taken away his wits ? no , but but he hath put his heavy hand on me , that hath put a conceit in the minde of my friends that I am an hypocrite ; and therefore he falls on him , ver . 6. My righteousnesse I hold fast , and will not let it go ; my heart shall not reproach me so long as I live . His judgment was taken away ; ( i. e. ) the opinion they had of his integrity ; and this will expound another place in Matth. 12.20 . A bruised reed shall he not break , and smoking flax shall he not quench , untill he send forth judgment unto victory ? what is that , untill he send forth judgment ? This judgment signifies nothing but those inherent graces , those infused qualities that God sends into the heart of a Christian. In a mans first conversion there are but beginnings of grace ; what is faith , hope , patience and fear ? it is like a smoaking flax ; ( i. e. ) like the smoaking wick of a candle made of flax : as when a candle burns in the socket , it s now up , now down , you know not whether it be alive or dead ; so in the first conversion of a Christian , infidelity and faith , hope and despair mount up and down . There 's a conflict in the beginning of conversion , but he will not give it over untill he bring forth judgment , untill he get the victory of all opposition from the flesh . And what is the reason ? Because the god of this world is judged . He shall convince the world of an inherent righteousnesse in spite of the Divels teeth , because he is condemned . He that before worked in the children of disobedience , is now cast down . The strong man is cast out , and therefore upon that ground you have the third point ; Besides the grace of justification following upon Christs death , there is another ; the Divel shall be dispossessed ; the Divel is strong where he doth wicked things ; but he shall be disarmed , he shall not touch thee , the wicked one shall not hurt thee . I now go forward . The third thing I noted besides faith and justification , was , That we must observe what relation one hath to the other ; and how it comes to passe that justification is attributed to faith , there being more noble graces in us than faith . I answer ; the reason is because faith is brought as the only instrument whereby we receive our justification , purchased by the merits of Christs death . When we say faith is an instrument , we must understand it right well ; we say not faith is an instrument to work my justification , Christ alone must do that ; it 's no act of ours , nothing is in us ; faith is said to be an instrument whereby we get our justification in respect of the object , it is a nearing us to Christ ; it is the instrument of application , the only instrument whereby we apply the medicine , and the plaister of Christs blood ; whereby we that were strangers and afar off , are made near ; faith is the only hand which receiveth Christ ; when the hand layeth hold on a thing , it layeth hold on a thing without it self ; so is faith a naked hand , not as a hand that gets a mans living , but like a beggars hand that receives a free almes given by the donor ; as the Apostle speaks , Rom. 5.17 . For if by one mans offence death reigned over all by one ; much more they which receive abundance of grace , and of the gift of righteousnesse , shall reigne in life by one Jes●● Christ. There is abundance of grace , and a gift of righteousnesse ; faith is the only means whereby we receive this gift ; whereupon I inferred this which was of great consequence ; seeing faith did justifie not as an active instrument , but as it did receive the gift of grace , it did follow that the weakest faith that was did get as much justification as the strongest faith of any whatsoever ; because faith justifieth not only as a work , but as it did receive a gift ; therefore our Saviour saith , O ye of little faith ! yet as little as it was , it was builded upon the Rock ; and though Satan desired to winnow them , and sift them as wheat , yet they remained firme ; as our Saviour saith of the faith of miracles , If ye had faith as much as a graine of mustard-seed , ye should say to this Mountain be removed , and it would obey you : So for common faith , which the Apostle calleth so , because it is common to all the Elect , if thou hast so much faith , thou shalt be able to remove Mountains of corruptions ; suppose thou hast a trembling hand scarce able to hold , yet have the perswasion of the woman in the Gospel , If I may but touch him I shall be whole : I shall be saved , healed , if I can but touch him ; And mark our Saviour , The people throng'd about him , and he saith , Who is it that toucheth me ? A wonder that he when they crowded him , should ask such a question ; but Christ knew that some body touched him beside the touch of the multitude ; it s said in the Text , The poor woman came trembling and told him all the truth : And he said Be of good comfort , though thou hast a paralytick , and palsie sick-hand , yet the touch is enough ; the least faith brings as much life as the greatest . Object . But then what need a man look for a great faith ? Sol. Yes by all means ; for though thou hast much comfort by a little weak faith , yet the more faith , the more comfort ; and therefore 't is to very much purpose to labour after a strong faith . Abraham ( it is said ) stagger'd , not through unbelief ; if thou hast a strong faith , thou wilt have a strong consolation : Thou mayst by thy weak faith be healed of thy disease , yet by the weaknesse of thy faith mayst want much of the strength of thy comfort ; therefore thou must go from faith to faith ; but know this , that a new-born childe , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is not yet so strong as a man , yet he is as much alive as the strongest and tallest man ; so that again thus , thou art yet but a new-born babe , not so strong or so lively as one more grown , but yet thou hast all the lineaments of the new creature in thee , though thou art not so strong and lively as another may be . Object . Did not you tell me that it was not every faith that did justifie , but a working faith ? how then doth faith alone justifie ? Sol. I answer , When faith justifieth , there is one thing said of another ; the subject and the predicate ; faith justifies . Justification is attributed unto faith ; Look on the word ( only ) whether it doth determine the subject or the predicate ; doth faith which is alone severed from good works , justifie ? so the proposition is false . First , that faith which is alone , separated from love and the fruits of good works , doth not justifie ; but let the word ( alone ) be put to the predicate ; faith justifieth alone ; ( i. e. ) faith is the only vertue in the soul whereby a man is justified , that is true : As if a man should say , the eye alone seeth , 't is true ; if we put it thus , the eye severed from the members of the body , seeth its self . If the eye were taken out of the head , it would neither see alone , nor at all ; but the meaning is this , the living eye is the organ whereby a man discerns a visible object ; so faith , though joyn'd with other graces , yet takes not other with it for helps of justification . Object . But why should God select this vertue among others that are more noble ? Sol. I say as before , God had respect to the low estate of his hand-maid , it was reason that God should choose the lowest , and the meanest : God selected this poor beggars hand for two reasons . First , in respect of God. I say 1. Therefore it is of faith that it might be by grace , to the end the promise might be sure to all the seed ; not to that only which is of the Law , but to that also which is of the faith of Abraham , who is the father of us all , Rom. 4.16 . so that here are two strong reasons ; in respect of God , that God by so mean a thing as a beggars hand , should bring a man to justification ; and the other in respect of faith it self , that it might see by grace , that when thou bringest nothing but a bare hand ready to receive a pardon must needs be this of grace . If God say Thou must love me , this were an exchange , not a free gift . I lay down something , and I take up something for it . Faith is that naked hand which fills it self with Christ , it layeth fast hold of justification . As if a man were ready to be drown'd , there is a cable cast to him to lay hold on , and he laying hold on it is drawn safe to the Land ; but a man when he lays hold of the cable , must let go all his other holds which he laid hold on before . Thus must a man let go all other holds , and lay fast hold on Jesus Christ. Faith hath two faculties ; it opens it self to let fall all other things , then when it is a naked hand , it layeth hold on Christ , and then it is of grace , when he esteems all drosse in comparison of Christ ; it hath all fulnesse by grace : Where is then rejoycing and boasting ? Rom. 3.27 . it is excluded ; by what Law ? of works ? nay , but by the Law of faith . And then chap. 4.2 . For if Abraham were justified by works , he hath whereof to glory , but not before God ; faith taketh away all boasting . Let him that glorieth , glory in the Lord. Therefore it is of faith that it might be of grace . This is the reason in respect of God. 2. In respect of our selves ; To the end the promise might be sure to the seed ; what is the reason why people doubt and think nothing sure ? it is because they come not with a naked hand ; I must have such a measure of faith , love , such a measure of humiliation , of patience , all to bring somewhat with us ; whereas if we look on these things we shall never be heard . If the bare acceptation of Christ with a trembling hand will not make thee sure , what canst thou have more than the bare receiving of a gift by faith ? The reason why we are not more sure , is because we come not with a naked hand . By the way there are many means , some ( á priori ) others ( à posteriori . ) 1. For the first ; they are those things by which faith is wrought , though they are not so evident , yet they are most sure ; when I consider God calls me in my blood , having nothing in me , and will be friends with me , bids me take his Sonne , and I do not , bids me take his Kingdome and glory with him , and I refuse it , though this be a matter not so evident , yet it is most sure . 2. Then there are other arguments which come from the fruits of faith ( à posteriori ) they are more evident , but not so sure . And thus have I declared unto you the first point of justification by faith , it is so sweet a string that I cannot tell how to leave it . Now let us come from the Mother to the Daughters ; the eldest Daughter is peace with God , then this is the first birth ; And we are at peace , &c. In this peace we will consider these three particulars . 1. What is that peace which we have . 2. With whom we have it . 3. By whom , and by whose means we have peace with God , &c. It is procur'd by Jesus Christ. What we have ; peace . With whom ; God. By whose means ? Our Lord Jesus Christ. Therefore being justified by faith , we have peace with God through our Lord Jesus Christ. 1. What this peace is . You know the point of peace is a great matter ; it is the Apostolical benediction : Grace and peace in all the Epistles ; Grace and peace from God our Father , and from the Lord Jesus Christ , 2 Thes. 1.2 . and chap. 3.16 . Now the Lord of peace himself give you peace by all means alwayes . This is a thing by all means to be desired , you must labour to get i● ; this was the Angels song when Christ was born , Glory be to God on high , on earth peace , good will towards men . This peace is a thing by all means to be sought after , and what it is , you may know by the contrary ; you know what a miserable thing warre is ; God grant you may not know it too soon : You know what it is to have an enemy among us . This is our case till we be justified , we are at daggers drawing , at point of hostility with God. It is a foolish conceit for a man to think that by reason of Gods predestination he is justified before he was ; this is a foolish conceit ; untill thou art justified by faith , thou art not justified ; Gods predestination doth not make a change in the subject ; if I intend to inrich a beggar , he is in rags still for all my intention , till my intention be put in execution . Paul was elected before the foundation of the world ; but till he was converted he was an enemy , and a persecutor , the chief of sinners , as he speaks of himself , Rom. 5.10 . so the Scripture speaks in that point : If when we were enemies we were reconciled unto God by the death of his Sonne , much more being reconciled , we shall be saved by his life ? Before the time of peace came , we were unbelievers , enemies , in the state of enmity ; when as before God was thy enemy , assoon as thou hast touched Christ by a lively faith , presently all the actions he had against thee are gone ; God is friends with thee ; this is a high and a deep peace , and this comprehends all kinde of blessings ; Amasa , 1 Chron. 12.18 . one of the valiantest Captains that David had , speaks there of peace ; one would think it not so proper , it belongs not to them to talk of peace , but because peace comprehends all kinds of blessing , it is said , Then the Spirit of the Lord came upon Amasa , who was chief of the Captains , and he said , Thine are we , David , and on thy side thou sonne of Jesse ; Peace , peace be unto thee , and peace be unto thy helpers , for thy God helpeth thee . This is a speech from a Souldier to a Souldier , and this is done in a military way ; Peace is welcome though coming from a Warrior , because it comprehends all manner of blessings ; It s said , 2 Sam. 11.7 . That when Uriah came unto David , David demanded of him how Joab did , and how the people did , and how the War prospered . Look unto the Margent according to the original , and it is , He demanded of the peace of Joab , and the people , and of the peace of the War. A man would think it a contradiction that he should demand of the peace of the warre ; so then , this peace which we have with Almighty God , after we are justified by faith , is the comprehension of all manner of good . This having of peace with God is the fruit of the Spirit . But with whom is this peace ? with God ; it is not peradventure so with thy self : Thou mayst have a turbulent conscience , insomuch that thou wouldst give all the world to have it quiet , to be assured that there is peace between God and thee ; that 's not the point : The thing thou gettest by faith is peace with God : When thou art troubled with thy self , and hast but a weak act of faith , yet if thou believest , thou art more afraid than hurt ; thou art Cock-sure , and shalt be calme and quiet . Object . But why should Christians be so foolish , so troubled ? what 's the reason the children of God do so disquiet themselves ? Sol. Because they are fools , they stand in their own light , are strainted in their own bowels . God is liberal and free , but there is some hope of worthinesse in us , and we do things we should not do . We are alwayes poring on our selves , and do not bring a naked hand ; and this is the reason we are so full of distractions . Again , it is the nature of many peevish people amongst us , that they will not be comforted ; when news was brought to Jacob that Joseph was slain and lost , it is said , All his sonnes and daughters rose up to comfort him , but he refused to be comforted ; and he said , For I will go down into the grave unto my son , mourning ; Gen. 37.35 . They have a kinde of pettishnesse and peevishnesse , and wilfulnesse ; they will not be comforted , and it may be there is some kinde of pride in it too ; they would perhaps be thought to be the only mourners of Israel , of the Kingdome . As Rachel mourned for her children , and would not be comforted ; they shut up their eyes against all comforts ; God commands them to be comforted , and they will not ; it is no marvaile then that they eat the fruit of their own hands ; it is a part of our office to bring comfort , we have an injunction to it ; Comfort ye , Comfort ye my people , saith the Lord ; we bring the tydings of peace , and our feet should be beautiful , Rom. 10. we bring good news , all is w●ll ; as Noahs Dove coming with an Olive branch in her mouth . Comfort ye , comfort ye , cry aloud , spare not . If you stop your ears , who can help it ? the Lord is gracious and chargeth us to comfort you : and can there be any better news , than to say , All is peace , all your sins are done away . I have blotted as a thick cloud thy transgressions : as who should say , it is the tydings of such good things , as all within thee is too little to praise the Lord , and therefore it is not a thing to be slighted over ; blessed is the man whose sins are forgiven , Psal. 32. which is no Noun Adjective , nor of the singular number neither ; it signifieth blessedness , as it were an heap of blessings . They commonly call it the eight beatitudes , it is but varied upon divers subjects ; were there eighty-eight , that were all one : To have thy sinnes forgiven thee , is the comprizing of all happinesse . Again , when a man sets his eyes too much upon his sinnes ; more upon his sinnes than upon the mercies of God freely offered in Christ , this is a wonderful hindrance of the peace ; Thou lookest on the wrong object , looking too much on thy sinnes , when thou shouldst look on Christ , that brazen Serpent offer'd unto thee ; then 't is no wonder that thou seest not Christ though he be near thee : Mary Magdalen complains and weeps to the Gardener , that they had taken away her Lord , and she knew not where they had laid him , when as he stood at her elbowe ; her eyes were so full of tears that she could not behold her Saviour . Now therefore stand not in thine own light , but look upon Christ as well as upon thy sinnes ; observe , though there be a peace and a calme , yet presently all turmoyles will not cease after humiliation : When there is a great storme at Sea which lasts perhaps twenty foure houres , and then ceaseth , what are the waves presently quiet , assoon as the storme is over ? no , there will be tossing and rolling many houres afterwards , because there must be a time of setling ; and so though there be peace between God and thee , and the storme over , yet there must be a time of setling . I should now shew you the difference between the peace that wicked men have and this other peace ; theirs is not peace ; there is no peace to the wicked : It is a truce onely , and we must make a great difference between a truce and a peace . A truce when it is expired , commonly ends in more bitter Warre . With them there is a cessation of trouble , their consciences do not accuse them , but when the time limited is over , and conscience again breaks loose , it will be more unquiet and unsetled than ever before ; it will be at open Warre against them . ROM . 5.1 , 2. Therefore being justified by faith , we have peace with God through our Lord Jesus Christ ; By whom also we have accesse by faith into this grace wherein we stand , and rejoyce in hope of the glory of God. HAving out of these words declared unto you , the Mother-grace justification by faith , I proceeded to the consideration of her Daughters , those fruits or graces which spring from a true justifying faith . So that here we have the great Charter and Priviledge that a justified man is indowed withall . First , He hath peace with God. Secondly , Free accesse unto him . Thirdly , Unspeakable joy , and that joy not only in respect of that delectable object , the hope of the glory of God in heaven hereafter ; but here also , that which spoiles the joy of a natural man , ( afflictions , &c. ) are made the matter of this mans joy . Now concerning peace with God through our Lord Jesus Christ , the first of these , I considered three parts in it . 1. What that peace was which the justified man enjoyeth . 2. The parties between whom this peace was made . 3. Who was the peace maker . Concerning the peace I declared unto you what it was , that it was an unconceivable thing , The peace of God that passeth all understanding ; a thing which our shallow understandings cannot reach unto , we cannot apprehend the excellency of this grace : Consider its excellency by the contrary , there is no misery in the world like that as when a man stands at enmity with God : Do we provoke the Lord ? are we stronger than he ? If a man sinne against a man , saith Eli , the Judge shall judge him ; another man may take up the quarrel , but if a man sinne against God , if the controversie be between God and us , who shall intercede for us ? were it not for this our peace-maker Christ Jesus , we should be in a woful condition , unlesse he put to his hand , and took up the matter . Now it 's a great matter to come to the fruit of peace ; the fruit of peace is to them that make peace ; we have this fruit of peace , we do not sow fruit but seed , the fruit comes afterwards : It is not so with a Christian , he is as sure as if the thing were in hand , he soweth not only the seed , but the fruit of peace ; as soon as he is justified , at that instant he hath the fruit of peace . 2. So we have peace , but with whom is it ? it is between God and us . God and a justified man is at peace through Jesus Christ ; at the very same instant that a man is justified , he is at peace with God. This peace as I declared unto you , is a gift of an high nature , which belongs not to every man , but to the justified man only ; he who is justified by faith , he only hath peace . In the Eph●sians and Isaiah there are general proclamations of peace : Peace be unto them that are near , and unto them that are afarre off : and Isa. 5.7 . The word the Apostle useth in the Ephesians , hath allusion to this in Isaiah , ver . 19. I create the fruit of the lips , peace , peace to them that are afarre off , and to them that are nigh , saith the Lord , and I will heal them ; but the wicked are like a troubled Sea , that cannot rest . There is no peace ( saith my God ) to the wicked . Though the proclamation be never so general to Jews and Gentiles , yet it belongs only to those who have peaceable minds towards God , those who will not stand on termes of rebellion against him ; what madnesse is it to think that if I stand in point of rebellion against God , I should have peace with him ? But I must cast down my treasons , and I must come with a subjects minde , then there will be peace , otherwise no peace : When Jehu came to revenge the quarrel of God , Joram asked him , Is it peace Jehu ? he answers , What peace so long as the whoredomes of thy mother Jezabel , and her witch-crafts are so many ! 2 Kings 9. As long as thou continuest in a course of rebellion , what hast thou to do to talk of peace ? why thinkest thou on peace , when thou art the chief rebel ? as long as wickednesse continues in thy heart , thou hast no peace of God by Jesus Christ. Now it may fall out that there may be a kinde of quietnesse in the conscience of a wicked man ; but we must make a great difference between a peace and a truce ; a truce is but a cessation of warre , for such a time , and many times when the truce is over , it ends in greater warre , because they have the more time to gather strength , and increase their Forces : So there may be a peace or a truce between God and wicked men ; but it is the highest judgment that can be upon a wicked man to be thus let alone ; but it is not so with a godly man ; God breaks their peace , and hedges up their way with thornes , and many times torments their conscience , and breaks their peace ; but when God suffers a sinner to thrive in sinne , when he suffers him to on so long , that his own honour is almost touch't ; I held my peace saith God , then thou thoughtest me to be such a one as thy self ; God holds his peace , then the sinner saith God doth not heed . However the preacher amplifies these things , God is not so terrible as they make him ; well , but though God hold his peace long , yet at last he will speak . Oh consider this ye that forget God , lest he tear you in pieces , and there be none to deliver you· When the time of the truce is out , then the conscience is like a fierce Mastiffe ; the longer he is tyed , the more fierce he is when he is let loose ; so conscience , when it hath been long quiet , and tyed up , when God le ts loose the cords thereof , it will be more fierce than ever before , it will then flie like a Mastiffe in thy face , and as it were tear thy throat ; and then there will be in thee the very flashings of hell . Now there is a great difference between the peace of Gods children , & this little cessation of war in the consciences of wicked men : When the strong man armed , keeps the house , the goods that he possesseth are in peace : When Satan is the Master , and thou dost his will , and he hath thee at command , he doth not trouble thee ; when he keeps the house , the goods are in peace ; but when a stronger than he comes , and puts him out of possession , then comes the strife and debate . Look therefore to thy peace ; is it such a peace as thou hast never found any conflict , any stirring , striving betwixt the strong man and the weak ? suspect that peace ; that 's not the peace of a justified man , but of such a one who is held by the Prince of darknesse . 2. Again , how comes this peace to wicked men ? they consider not the wrath of God , nor the danger of sinne ; they consider not that Tophet is prepared of old ; if they did but consider this , it would spoile their sport , and break their peace ; but now a justified man , he knows what sinne is , and what hell is , and at that very time when he is thinking of his sinnes , and of damnation , when he knoweth that this is the reward of Gods enemies , he hath peace even then . The other , they shut their eyes that they may not see their danger , and because they discern it not , therefore they are at peace . A man in a dark night going over a dangerous Bridge , that if he misse but a step he is drowned , yet he passeth over securely , and is not afraid , because he wanteth light to discover the danger ; but bring him the next day , and shew him what a danger he escaped , and the thoughts of it will make him quake and tremble , though the danger be past ; So these men , being in darknesse see not their danger , and ( therefore ) do not fear ; but Gods child having his eyes in his head , discerns the danger , and sees also how he is delivered by Jesus Christ ; he is at peace , not because he seeth not the danger of the way , but because he knows that God hath made the way broad by Jesus Christ , and so he is freed from sinne and death . Now to speak something to them that have this true and sound peace , this peace is with God ; I shewed you the last time that this peace is not alwayes in their own conscience , but it is such on Gods part , which is the safe part ; many reasons there are why God doth not shew it unto them ; though all be quiet betwixt God and them , yet they have not an apprehension of it in their consciences . I shewed that this is many times their own fault , because they will not be comforted ; all their thoughts are bent upon their sinnes , and their provocations of God , and they have not an eye open to look upon the mercies of Christ , they put it off , and will not be comforted ; and if they put it off from themselves , no marvail if they have not peace in their consciences . This may come by reason of the great conflict before in the conscience ; God raiseth a great storme , and when he intends to bring a man to do some great work , or to a great deal of joy , he first humbleth him ; the Prince of our salvation was consecrated by afflictions , and we must be conformable unto Christ our Head ; when the stormes are past , the Sea will continue raging for awhile , and when you have turn'd the wheel round , if you take away your hand , it will go round it self for a time ; So when you are justified by faith , the storme is over , yet the roaring of the waves will continue ; it will be so with the children of God ; though there be a calme , yet there will be some remainders of a storm . Again , they are in travaile , and that is a painful thing ; My little children with whom I travail ; they have the pangs of the new birth , and it is a good while before they can finde that quietnesse their heart doth long for . Again , God purposely doth , though he be friends with them , take away from them the sense of peace , because he takes delight to finde that strength of faith : Faith is manifest that way , faith is most strong when there is least sense . My God , my God , why hast thou forsaken me ? the lesse sense , the faster the hold ; and God loves this at life , that when he spurns and frowns , he will not let go , nor be put off ; let him kill me , he shall kill me with Christ in my arms , I will not let go my hold ; God cannot fail , he hath given me his Word , & therefore I will not let go ; such astrong faith had Abraham , contrary to reason ; Gods Word is true , he gives me his Word , and I will trust him ; So a childe of God will not be put off ; though God write bitter things against him , he will not forgo him ; we have an excellent example in the woman of Canaan ; the end of it is , O woman great is thy faith ; but how doth the greatnesse of it appear ? Lord , have mercy upon me , my daughter is grievously afflicted , &c. why not rather , Lord , have mercy on my daughter ! the reason is because she was afflicted in her daughters affliction ; by the way we may hereby understand the meaning of the Commandment , where it is said , he will visit the iniquities of the fathers upon the children , unto the third and fourth generation of them that hate him ; but why to the third and fourth generation ? because I may see the third and fourth generation , and may see the judgment of God on them , and may remember my sinne for which they are plagued ; the case is mine , and not theirs only ; Lord , have mercy upon me , for my daughter is diseased ; I see my own sinne is punished by the judgment on her in my sight ; poor woman , Christ will not hear her ; she might have been dash't out of countenance , the Disciples were weary of her clamorous cryes , and say , Send her away , for she troubleth us ; what saith Christ ? Is ●t fit to take the childrens bread , and cast it unto dogs ? This was enough to dash her quite ; before she was discouraged by silence , but to be called dog , it were enough quite to discourage her ; but see the fruit of faith , she seeks comfort out of that which would have undone another ; what ! am I dog a under the Table ! there I shall get a crumme ; others of the children that are better , let them have the loaves : I account my self happy if I may but get a crumb ; Oh woman , great is thy faith ; this is great faith when it goes contrary to all sense : That when God calls me dog , when he spurns at me , and frowns on me , I will not be put off . Faith is of the nature of the Vine , if it have but the least hold on the wall , it makes use of it , and climbs higher and higher ; So out of the least thing that drops from her Saviours mouth , she raiseth her faith higher : so though we have this peace with God , yet oft ofttimes he with-holds the notification of it to us . 3. The last thing is to note the difference between the peace of a carnal and a spiritual man ; carnal peace is mixt with a great deal of presumption and pride ; but the more spiritual peace thou hast , the more thou art dejected in thy self , the more cast down ; see it in Ezekiel , Ezek. 16.60 , 61 , 62 , 63. I will establish with thee an everlasting Covenant ; then shalt thou remember thy wayes , and be ashamed when thou shalt receive thy sisters , thy elder , and thy younger , and I will give them unto thee for daughters , but not by thy Covenant ; and I will establish my Covenant with thee , and thou shalt know that I am the Lord , that thou mayst remember and be confounded , and never open thy mouth any more , because of thy shame , when I am pacified towards thee , for all that thou hast done , saith the Lord ; when God is pacified , yet they hold down their heads , and are ashamed ; when a man knoweth that God hath pardoned his sins , he is ashamed that he hath carried himself so wickedly against God , of whose mercy he hath now such experience ; When God is pacified , a man remembers his former sinnes , and is confounded , as it is Ezek. 36.31 . Then shall you remember your own evil wayes , and your doings that were not good , and shall loath your selves in your own sight for your iniquities , and for your abominations in that time when I am pacified toward you . That which would work in a carnal man security and pride , ( for he never thinks himself better then when there 's peace within ) will work in the the childe of God the Spirit of humiliation . In the last Chapter of Job , God had manifested himself wonderfully to Job , and however before he had very sharp afflictions , his sufferings in soul were next to the sufferings of Christ. I believe never any man suffered so much as Job did , insomuch that the arrows of the Almighty stuck in him ; thou hast eaten up my flesh , &c. This was the case of Job , and he stood upon termes of justification ; he w●sh't that God would dispute with him , that God would either be the Opponent or the Answerer . If God would answer , he would oppose ; or if God would oppose , he would answer . God comes as he would have him , and Job is not at that point that he was before ; when God draws nigh unto him , he saith , I have heard of thee by the hearing of the ear , but now my eye seeth thee , Job 42.5 . Well , this may make thee a proud man , and elevate thee ; no saith he , now I abhorre my self in dust and ashes . The nearer God draws unto us , and the more merciful he is unto us , by that light we the more discern our own abominations . That which would make another man proud , brings Job to the knowledge of his vilenesse ; Therefore I abhor my self , and repent in dust and ashes . 3. Now another thing is , Who is this peace-maker ? This I shall but touch : We have peace with God : But how ? through our Lord Jesus Christ ; he is our peace-maker , and interposeth between his Fathers wrath and us , Ephes. 2.14 . For he is our peace , who hath made both one , and hath broken down that partition wall between us ; we have not only peace with God through Christ , but Christ is the very peace ; not only the peace-maker , but the peace . There was a middle wall of partition between the Jews and the Gentiles , and between God and us ; Christ breaks it down ; sinne shall no longer be a wall of partition . Having abolished in his flesh the enmity , even the Law of Commandments contained in Ordinances , for to make himself of twain one new man , so making peace , and that he might reconcile both unto God in one body by the Crosse. There was hatred between God and us . Christ hath crucified that hatred with the nails wherewith he was fastened to the Cross ; he hath kill'd it by his crucifixion , and now enmity being slain , peace must needs be alive ; there is peace and reconciliation made . You are come ( saith the Apostle ) to the blood of sprinkling ; whereas the blood of Abel cryed for vengeance against Cain the murtherer : This blood cries for peace , it out-cries all our sinnes ; sin hath a voice ; it s said , The cry of Sodom and Gomorrah went up into the ears of the Lord ; Every sinne thou committest hath a voice to cry , but the blood of Christ hath a shriller voice , and out-cryes the cry of thy sins ; it is so preheminent , it speaks for peace , and doth out cry the voice of our sinnes ; the high Priest was a a type of Christ , Numb . 16. He must have on his frontlet Holinesse to the Lord ; as one which bears the holy one of the Lord , standing in the person of Christ ; Moses saith ( when there was wrath gone out from the Lord ) unto Aaron , ver . 46. Take a censer and put fire therein from off the Altar , and put on incense , and go quickly unto the Congregation , and make an atonement for them , for there is wrath gone out , the plague is begun ; So when the wrath is gone out , the High Priest comes and offers up himself a sweet incense acceptable unto God. And Aaron took as Moses commanded , and came into the midst of the Congregation , and behold the plague was begun among the people , and he put incense and made an atonement for the people . When wrath is come out from the Almighty , and his Army is sent out for to destroy the Rebels , now our High Priest stands between the living and the dead , and offers up himself an oblation to Almighty God to make peace : Look to the case of Balaam ; when the people had committed fornication , Phineas executed judgment ; wherefore the Lord saith , Numb . 25.12 . Phineas hath turned away my wrath from the people ▪ and if that one act of Phineas his zeal for the Lord in killing the Fornicators before the Congregation , if this , I say , appeased Gods wrath for the whole Congregation ; how much more doth our Phineas who hath fulfilled all righteousnesse , whom the zeal of Gods house had eaten up ? he is nothing but zeal it self , and all that he doth unto his father , is for our good . How much more shall Christ pacifie Gods wrath , who hath received the gash of Gods Sword upon his own body , and would not have himself spared that he might do it ? As Jonah was three dayes and three nights in the whales belly , so shall the Sonne of man be in the heart of the earth . There is a mighty storme , and Jonah is cast out into the Sea , presently the storme ceaseth ; so Christ having suffered for us , there is peace , the storme is over . Now follows in the next place in the Text ; By whom we have accesse by faith into this grace wherein we stand and rejoyce in the hope of the glory of God. These are the two priviledges that a justified man hath ; he hath a gracious accesse unto God ; Suppose he be in a fault , ( as who is not ? ) if any man sinne , we have an Advocate with the Father Jesus Christ the righteous : These things have I written , ( saith the Apostle ) that you sinne not ; but if any man sinne , we have an Advocate with the Father , &c. This is the state of a justified man ; though he do by his ●elapses provoke God , yet he is in the state of a subject ; though he be a disobedient subject , yet a subject , not a forreiner as before ; but now ye that were not a people , are become the people of the Lord. A childe of God in the midst of rebellion , is sub misericordia ; as soon as he is in the state of grace , he is under Gods protection ; he is no stranger ; though he hath his blood about his ears , and is in his rags , yet he may come to God ; by Jesus Christ he may come boldly to the Throne of grace , that he may finde help in time of need : The Apostle in Ephes. 2.18 . sets down twice the great priviledges Christians have ; for thorough him we both have an accesse by one Spirit unto the Father ; it s Christ which makes the way : To have a friend at the Court is a great matter , especially when a man hath need of him ; Christ is gone before us : and he lives for ever to make intercession for us , and we need no other Mediator ; thus he bespeaks his Father : Father , this is one of mine that I shed my blood for , one of those that thou gavest me , I beseech thee have pity upon him , and I beseech thee give him audience , Ephes. 3.12 . By him , ( i. e. ) through Christ , we have accesse by one Spirit unto the Father , in whom we have boldnesse by the faith of him , and access with confidence . I go not now doubting unto God , I prefer my suit with boldnesse . Mark the Apostle St. James , If any man want wisdome , or any other thing , let him ask it of God that gives to all men liberally , and upbraideth not ; it is otherwise with men , when one hath done a great man wrong , and comes to desire a favour at his hands , Oh Sir , saith he , Do you not remember how you used me at such a time , or in such a place ? That he is presently upbraided with , ' its cast in his dish ; but it is not so with God , he gives liberally and upbraids no man ; so there is a free and a bold accesse with faith and confidence , by whom we have boldnesse and accesse , let him not doubt or waver ; that is a notable place ; here is bold accesse by faith unto God , and by that we may be assured of whatever we ask ; if it be forgivenesse of sinnes , we may be sure they are forgiven ; if we ask in faith we may be assured . By the way take notice of the folly of the Papists , who think that a man can have no confidence or assurance that his sinnes are forgiven . This is our confidence that if we ask any thing according to his will he heareth us : Now is it not according to his will to ask forgivenesse of our sins ? Doth not he injoine us to do it ? Therefore what infidelity is it not to be assured of it ? And what impudency is it in them to go about to cut off that which is the whole comfort of a Christian ? The assurance of his salvation . Thus it is indeed with those that have no feeling nor confidence , as those who are in hell think there is no heaven ; and they who teach such uncomfortable doctrine , can receive no comfort farther than the Priest giveth it them . It s true there is no true assurance but in the true Church , but there it may be found . And as I began with sowing in tears , so I would end with reaping in joy ; that is the next thing in the Text , for which I passe over the other part of it ; I begin with humiliation , but end with joy ; and not onely that joy which we shall have in the Kingdome of heaven , but on earth while we have these things but in hope and expectation . A man that would reckon up his estate , doth not only value what he hath for the present , but he reckons his reversions also ; what he shall have after such a time , what will come to him or his heirs : Gods children , they have a brave reversion , glory and honour , and a Kingdome : It is your Fathers good pleasure to give you a Kingdome ; we are all the children of God , but it doth not appear what we shall be : when he appears , we shall be like him , and appear as he is . He shall change our vile bodies and make them like his glorious body ; we are here sonnes , but yet , but in a strange Country , no body knoweth what he is , and therefore he meets with many affronts . The King when he was in France , went for an attendant on the Duke , and is he troubled at it ? No , he knew that the world knew it not ; they knew not what he was , and therefore he is not troubled at it . So is it with the children of God , but when they shall appear , they shall be advanced , and their enemies ashamed . By the way , let not the people of God be discouraged , by the taunts , jeers and reproaches of wicked men ; they know not what you are , and therefore make light of you , as they did of Christ himself . Well , besides what we have in reversion , the very hope we have of it works wonderful joy in the heart of a Christian : David did not live to see the glory of Solomons Temple , but he made provision for it , and cast the model of it , and he took much delight in the contemplation of what it would be . The consideration of these hopes makes my flesh rest in hope , and my heart rejoyce , Psal. 16. The consideration of the resurrection made Davids heart rejoyce : The consideration of that which is to come , should bring abundance of joy unto a Christian , these are strange things , not like the joy of a natural man ; for his heart is sad in the midst of laughter ; but these rejoyce with a joy unspeakable , and full of glory . Here are some sparks , some beginnings of the glory of heaven , and of that great joy which we shall have hereafter ; but I cannot speak of these things in an houre . But forasmuch as the Divel transforms himself into an Angel of light ; there is no work of Gods Spirit in the hearts of his children , but Satan like an Ape labours to imitate in the hearts of wicked men , to make them secure ; we must know that there are joys in some who are not regenerate . They that received the Word on the Rock , received it with joy ; the Word if it be apprehended , and hath but the least footing , brings joy with it . But now to know how I may get this joy , how comfortable a thing is it to have such a comfort on earth , as to know that I have this true joy ! and to be able to distinguish this joy from the joy , from the flashes , those fleeting joys of the wicked , which are but as the crackling of thornes under a pot ; for theirs is but as a blaze that suddenly goeth out . Now if thou wouldst know thy joy aright , and whether it differ from that counterfeit joy which flesh and blood , and the Divel suggests ; Look to the things that go before , and produce this joy . 1. The first thing that goeth before true joy , and produceth it , is an opening unto Christ when he knocks at the door of thy heart . As in that famous place , in Rev. 3.20 . Behold I stand at the door and knock ; If any man hear my voice and open the door , I will come in to him , and sup with him , and he with me . There is if thou open , a sweet and familiar communication between Christ and thee ; he communicates himself at dinner and supper . A man comes not melancholy to meals ; Christ will come and make merry with thee , he will sup with thee familiarly . But how is it with thee ? Hath Christ knocked , and thou hast given him a slievelesse answer , and hast thou joy ? it is a false joy . But when Christ knocks at the door of thy heart , there must be an opening the door on thy part , when he knocks by his Word and Spirit : And dost thou give such an answer as the Spouse in the Canticles , Cant. 5. I am come into my Garden , my Sister , my Spouse , I have gathered my myrrhe with my spice , I have eaten my honey-combe with my honey : Now Christ coming to Supper knocks at the door , and would bring in a great deal of joy : I sleep , saith the Spouse , but my heart waketh ; it is the voice of my well-beloved that knocketh , saying , Open to me my Sister , my Love , my Dove , my Undefiled : when God comes and wooes us , and desires to communicate himself unto us , and desires us to put off our cloaths , dost thou look for comfort if thou openest not ? At last I opened to my Beloved ; ver . 6. But he had with-drawn himself , and was gone , my soul failed when he spake ; I sought him , but I could not finde him , I called him , but he gave me no answer : When thou givest not Christ entertainment when he comes , thou mayst seek and not meet with him . It is observed that the Keepers of the Wall are the greatest strikers : Those whom God hath set to be Watchmen , instead of comforting they smite , ver . 7. The Watchmen that went about the City , they found me , they smote me , they wounded me , they took away my vaile from me ; she gets raps from them who should protect her , because she did not entertain Christ ; if thou findest any comfort after Christ hath knock't , and thou hast opened unto him , then it is true joy , and thou mayst make much of it . 2. If it be true joy , there goeth faith before it ; for being justified by faith we have peace with God through our Lord Jesus Christ : So that the exercising of the acts of faith , is a spiritual means to raise comforts in our souls ; John 6. I had need to speak of this , for there is want of the exercises of faith ; is it enough think you to have faith once exercised ? He that eateth my flesh , and drinketh my blood , dwelleth in me , and I in him : It is not enough to eat once a year . A man will not be in good liking that eats but once a year , but a man must eat once a day at least . A Christian should feed on Christ every day , make him his ordinary food , renewing every day the acts of his faith , receive Christ crucified by faith every day . If a Christian would consider that God offers Christ unto him every day , and thou renewest thy faith , and claspest him every day , it would be a special way whereby joy should be raised in the soul. It s said in Rom. 15.13 . We rejoyce in the hope of the glory of God ; Now the God of hope fill you with all joy and peace in believing , that ye may abound in hope through the power of the Holy Ghost . Thus when thou hast exercised the acts of faith in believing , and then upon that rejoycest , then its seasonable and true joy , and not the counterfeit joy of the wicked ; when it arises and springs from believing , when that procureth it , it likewise distinguishes it from all false joys . The Apostle tells us , Phil. 1.24 . Having this confidence I know that I shall abide and continue with you all , for your furtherance and joy of faith . It is called the joy of faith , because it springs from that principle of rejoycing , from the mother grace , that your rejoycing may be the more abundant . The preaching of the Word whereby faith is wrought , brings abundance of joy ; That place of St. Peter is remarkable , 1 Pet. 1.8 . Whom having not seen , ye love , in whom though now you see him not , yet believing ye rejoyce with joy unspeakable and full of glory ; yet believing , that is , yet exercising the acts of faith , which we too much neglect . If we did exercise these acts every day , we should have our Charter of joy renewed every day ; yet believing , ye rejoyce . 3. Pray and be thankful ; praise and thanksgiving are those fruits which fulfill all our joy ; when thou prayest , thou conversest with God , thou speakest with him face to face , as Moses did . He who can pray spiritually , and pray hard unto God , as Moses face shined when he talked with God , so will thy soul thrive , praying hard , and being thankful ; there is no greater means then this to get this joy , Psal. 37.1 . Rejoyce in the Lord O ye righteous , for praise is comely for the upright . Upon this hangs all our comfort ; praise alwayes brings rejoycing ; the one begets the other . In Isaiah , The comfort there that Gods children receive , is the changing of rayment ; Christ preaching the acceptable year of the Lord to appoint unto them that mourn in Zion , to give to them beauty for ashes , the oyle of joy for mourning , the garment of praise for the spirit of heaviness . The ground of praise is joy ; one follows the other : Observe , God will give us the oyle of joy ; Christ was anointed with this oyle above his fellows ; Christ hath fulnesse of joy ; this oyle doth not come on his Priesthood alone , but it trickles down unto the lowermost hemme of his garment . I will adde in the last place , when a man considers the great things which are given to him by God , and what an estate we get by Christ. I have forgivenesse of sins ; and blessed is the man whose sinnes are forgiven : Christs blood is wine , and my name is written in the book of life . Do not rejoyce ( saith our Saviour ) because the Divels are subject unto you ; but because your names are written in the book of life : When I consider that I am not in the black Roll , and it is my faith which strengthens me , which makes me reckon Christ my chiefest wealth ; this makes me rejoyce in mine inheritance ▪ and in hope of the glory of God : When I consider the great reward in the world to come , this is a great cause of rejoycing ; and therefore Gods children long for the coming of Christ ; it is made , Tit. 2.13 . a mark of those that shall be saved : That they long for the appearance of Jesus Christ , looking for , and hastning unto the blessed hope , and the glorious appearing of the great God , and our Saviour Jesus Christ. And in 2 Pet. 3.12 . Looking for , and hastning unto the coming of the day of God : A longing expectation ; not only they , but we also that have the first fruits of the Spirit , groan and long for the coming of it ; and therefore the last breath of the Scripture is breathed in this , Rev. 22.20 . He that testifyeth these things , saith , Surely I come quickly , Amen , even so be it , come Lord Jesus ; there is a sweet Allegory to expresse this in Cant. ult . 14. make haste my beloved , and be like the Hinde , and like the Roe ; Come Lord Jesus , come quickly , and come as the Hinde , and as the Roe , and as a Hart upon the Mountaine of spices ; Make hast and come quickly be swift and do not tarry , and in a better place I cannot end . FINIS . A TABLE . An Advertisement . That the Printers mis-paging may be no hindrance to the use of this Table , the Reader is to take notice that it refers to the pages as they are figured , not as they should be ; and that whereas after page 431. the numbers take their rise back at 361. and from thence are repeated over again , this Asterisk * placed before any figure , notes the latter order of pages so figured . A ACceptation and Affiance two acts of Faith , page 424 Active Obedience . See Obedience . Aggravations of sin , p. 90 A temporary Believer desires Christ only in Affliction , p. * 388 , 389 Assurance no part of justifying faith , p. 428. It is attainable , p. * 457 Why so many Christians want it , p. * 438 B. Baptism what it obliges to , p. 54. It hath not its full effect till the day of our death , ibid. To believe is a hard matter , p. 53.426 To believe is our duty , p. 408 Five words ( or Scripture-wayes ) that God uses to perswade sinners to Believe in Christ , viz. General Proclamation , p. 402. Special invitations , p. 405. Entreaties , p. 406. Commands , p. 408. Threatnings , p. 409 To Believe is to come to Christ , p. * 350 It is exprest by Hungring and Thirsting , p. * 372 A Believers case like the Beggars , p. * 376 A true Believer distinguished from a Temporary ( 1. ) by the ground of his desires , p. * 388. ( 2. ) by his desiring Grace as well as Mercy , p. * 394 ( 3. ) by his Love to God , p. * 395 A Believers priviledge , p. * 456 C. GOd Calls sinners to Christ by five words , p. 402 Christ's equality with God p. 360. It renders his Humiliation the greater and more meritorious , p. 361 Christ's Humiliation ; the extent , degrees , and particulars of it , p. 363 , 371 , 372. Part of his Humiliation to be Gods Servant , p. 365. He was a Serant on earth in respect of men , p. 367. used and valued at the rate of a bond-man , p 368 Christ's sufferings the more meritorious because voluntary , p. 374. Christ's Active Obedience in the course of his life , p. 375. his Humiliation and sufferings from his Conception to his death described , p. 379. &c. Christ's death described in the Accursednesse of it , p. 384. in the shame of it , p. 385. in the painfulnesse of it , p. 386 Christ suffered not the pains of Hell , proved , p. 388. yet he suffered in his Soul immediately from God , p. 389 Whether Christ takes away all the sins of the world , p. 395. Christ's being offered for us , no comfort unless he be offered to us , p. 356 That Christ dyed sufficiently for all is an improper speech , p. 356 To receive Christ what , p. 399. Christ offered freely , p. 397 , 402. He that hath a will to receive Christ hath a warrant to receive him , p. 404 Christ the proper and immediate Object of justifying Faith , p. 418. Christ loved and valued above all by true believers , p. 427. Christ and the Cross go together in this life , p. 426 Christ very compassionate , p. * 368 Christ is our Peace , p * 454 To be a Christian indeed is no easie matter , p. 426 Civil Righteousness . See Morality . Men deceived by Comparing themselves with others , p. 46. and with themselves , p. 47 The Conditions of Faith and Obedience required hinder not the freedom of Gospel grace , p. 389 , 416 Confession of sin necessary , and why p. * 376 Carnal Confidence as to our spiritual estate dangerous , the vain grounds of it discovered , p. 43 , &c. Conscience one of the Tormenters in Hell , p. 153 Peace of Conscience . See Peace . Conviction necessary to Conversion , p. 39 , 80 Conviction a work of Gods Spirit , p * 364 Two hindrances of Conversion , p. 4 A limited time for it . p. 9 , 10 Crucifying a Cursed , Shameful , Painful death , p. 384. &c. The manner of it , p. 386. The Curse followes sin , p. 98 The Curses attending an unregenerate man in this life , p. 120 , &c. The Curses on his Soul , p. 127 The Curses at his death , p. 130 Custom in sin hardens the heart , p. 28 D. DAy of grace limited , p. 9 , 10 , 34 , 35. The folly and danger of neglecting it , p. 16 , 17 Death the wages of sin , p. 110. The comprehensivenesse of the word Death , p. 119 Death terrible , p. 112. The teriblenesse of Bodily Death set forth in three particulars , p. 131 , &c. What the first and second Death is , p. 141 The Death of Christ described , p. 384 , &c. Death-bed-Repentance See Repentance . Deferring Repentance dangerous , p. 16 , 17. The reasons of Carnal mens Deferring Repentance , p. 21 , &c. The vanity of them , ibid. Desires after Christ may be stronger in Temporaries , then in true Believers , p. * 388 The Devil takes possession of those whom God leaves , p. 106 , 107 The Reason of Christians Doubting , p. * 438. E. WHat use to make of the Doctrine of Election and Reprobation , p. 35 Encouragements for sinners to come to Christ , p. 402 Examination of a mans self . See Self-Examination . F FAith why required to the receiving of Christ since he is a free gift , p. 398. Faith consists not in a mans being perswaded that God is his God , and that his sins are pardoned p. 402.413 . It 's proper and immediate object is not that forgivnesse of sins , but Christ , p. 418. Faith must have a ground for it out of the word p. 414. What Faith justifies p. * 384. &c. Faith jusstifies not as a vertue , but in respect of its object , p. 419. Faith justifies not as a Habit , but as an act p. * 417. The Acts of Faith p. 423. By what sins the Acts of Faith are hindred p. 417. How those obstructions are removed , ibid. Faith an instrument to receive Justification , not to procure it , p. * 424 , * 434 Why Faith chosen for an instrument of Justification , rather than any other grace p. * 437. A weak Faith justifies as much as a strong , p. * 435 yet a strong Faith is to be laboured for , and why p * , 436. How Faith alone justifies , p. * 436 Faith may be certainly known , p. * 407. There may be Faith where there is no feeling , p. 412 , 425 , * 373 Faith strongest when sense least , p. * 451 Encouragements to Faith p. 402 Carnal Fear , its sinfulness and danger , p. 140 , 141 Men apt to Flatter themselves as to their spiritual estate , 41 Five false glasses that cause this self - Flattery p. 43 , &c. Forgivnesse of sins not a distinct thing from Imputation of righteousness p. 399 , &c. Forgivness is properly of sins past only , p. * 403. It is one continued act , p. * 414. and therfore may be prayed for by a justified person , ibid. Forgivnesse frees from guilt and punishment p. * 418 , 419 God forsakes none till they forsake him , p. 108 True beleevers forsake all for Christ , p. 427 , 428. Free grace in bringing sinners to Christ , p. 398 No Freewill to good , p. 404 G TO be given up to our selves a more fearfull thing then to be given up to satan , p. 108 , 109.128 . The Gospel not seasonable , nor savory till the Law hath been preached , p. 80. How the Gospel differs from the Law , p. 86 The fulnesse and freedome of the Grace of the Gospel not hindred by the conditions of Faith and Obedience , p. 398.416 Guilt of sin taken away in Justification p. * 420. H HArdnesse of heart a hindrance to Conversion , p. 2 , 3 4 Hell for whom provided , p. 139 Hell described p. 143 , &c. That Christ suffered not the pains of Hell proved p. 388. Christians rejoice in Hope p. * 458. The Humiliation of Christ see Christ I IMputation of Righteousnesse . See Righteousnesse : To be given up to Insensiblenesse a wofull thing p. 129 , 130 Joy in the sense of Gods love surpasseth all worldly Joy p. 430. It is attainable . p. ibid. The reason why many beleevers are strangers to it . p. 430 , 431. Some Joy may be in a Temporary p. * 393. How to try true Joy p. * 360. Means to get it . p. * 462 , 463 Justification what it signifies p. * 396. How the Fathers used the word p. * 732 Justification , one simple act of God , p. * 400 How we are said to be Justified by Faith , and how by Christs blood , p. 420. * 422. In what sense we are Justified by Faith according to Paul and in what sense by works according to James , p , * 398. Impossible to be Justified but by imputed Righteousnesse p. * 402 , * 410 , 411. In the instant of Justification , no sins are remitted but those that are past , p. * 411 , 412. A twofold Justification , p. * 409 Why a justified person may and must pray for the remission of sins past p. * 413 , 414. Justification frees from the punishment and guilt too , p. * 418 , 419 , 420. Justification confounded by the Papists with sanctification , p. * 422. The difference between them , p. * 423. * 429. No Justification before Faith p. * 440 How we are Justified by Faith alone , p. * 439. Judgment in Scripture sometime taken for Righteousnesse inherent p. * 433 How men are deceived in Judging of their spiritual estate , p. 43 K KNowledge one act of Faith. p. 423 L THe use of the Law , p. 79.354 . * 366. It is necessary to be preached before the Gospel , p. 80 , * 366 Men are under the Law till they come to Christ , p. 84 , how fearfull a thing it is to be under the Law , p. 84 , 85. the difference between the Law , and the Gospel in three particulars , p. 86. Love of God twofold , p 415. No temporary beleever loves God p. * 396. To be given up to our own Lusts a more fearfull thing , then to be given up to Satan , p. 108 , 109 M WAnt of Meditation one cause why most beleevers have so little joy in God p. 430 , 431. Mistakes in judging our spiritual estates . See Judging . Morality too much trusted to p. 49. It 's insufficient to bring men to heaven ibid. N NAtural reason not to be trusted to p. 49 Too short to convince of sin thorowly , p. 51 Mans condition by Nature described , p. 59. The Natural man dead in sin p. 67. His best works cannot please God , and why p. 68 , 69 The Curses attending a Natural man in this World p. 120 , &c. Two blowes that God gives a Natural mans soul in this life , the one sensible p. 127 , the other insensible , p. 128. The Curses attending him at Death p. 130 , &c. O CHrists active Obedience mixed with his passive , p. 372. Wherein his active Obedience consisted , p. 375. &c. Wherein his passive p. 378 Partial Obedience a false glasse to judge our estates by p· 48 To designe only our Old age for God is dishonourable to him , p. 22 , 23. Old age most unfit for Repentance , p. 25 , 27 Men apt to have too good Opinion of themselves , p. 41. The causes of it , p. 43 , &c. Men deceived in judging of their estates by the good Opinions of others , p. 44 P PArtial Obedience see Obedience . Passive Obedience . see Obedience . Peace a fruit of faith p. * 441 * 447. Why many Christians want the sense of it , p. * 442 , 443. * 450 , 451 The differences between a true and a false Peace , p. * 448 , &c. The Causes of a Carnal Peace p. * 449. * 452 Christ is our Peace . p. * 454 Spirit of Prayer what p. * 377 , 378 1. The Importunity and efficacie of it , p. * 379 , 380 Why a person already justified may and must Pray for the forgivnesse of sins past p. * 413 , 414 R NAtural Reason . see Natural . To Receive Christ what p. 399. What Reformation may be in a natural man , p. * 390 , 392 Repentance prevents ruine , p. 7 Repentance not in our own power but in gods gift , p. 13 , 14. The sinfulnesse of deferring it , p. 11 &c. Death-bed Repentance , the hindrances of it , p. 30 Not to be trusted to p 31. Hard to prove it sound , p. 32 Superficial Repentance is vain p. 57 Repentance in what respects necessary to justification , p. * 417 Remission of sin . See Forgiveness . Resting or Relying upon God , a proper Act of Faith , p. 425 Righteousnesse two fold , p. * 397. * 409 Imputative Righteousnesse what it is , p. * 402 * 410. Impossible to be justified without it , and why , p. * 410 , 411 S. Sanctification a distinct thing from Justification , p. * 423. p. * 429 Satan . See Devil . A difficult thing to be Saved , p. 53 Sealing a distinct thing from Faith , p. * 428 The Causes of Security , p. * 449 Self-Examination , necessary to Conversion , p. 39.57 . a mark of a sound believer , p. * 407 Self-flattery : See flattery . Self-Love , how it deceives men in judging their estates , p. 43. Sin continued in , hastens Gods judgements , p. 3 , 4 , 5. Sin compared to a weight , p. 26. to Cords , p. 27. Sin gets strength by continuance , p. 28. The Sinfulnesse of Sin set forth in 6. considerations , p. 90 , &c The dreadfull fruits and consequences of Sin. It pollutes the Soul , p. 100. It makes men loathsom to God , p. 104. It brings the Devill into the heart , p. 106. It calls for wages , p. 110 The greatness of Sin , should be no barr against believing in Christ , p. 401 406. No Sin overtops the value of Christ's blood , ibid. Encouragemets for Sinners to come to Christ , page 401 , &c. Sin not discovered thorowly but by the spirit , p. * 364. Sin may be cast away , and yet no true Conversion , p. * 392 Sin is only a Privation and no positive being p. * 399 * 400 Sins not pardoned before they be committed p. * 403. The guilt and punishment of Sin taken away in Justification p. * 418 , &c. Spirit of Bondage what p. * 365 Spirit of Prayer see Prayer T A Temporary Faith how far it may go , p. * 388 , &c. How to know it from true faith , p. ibid Temporary beleevers desire Christ only in affliction p. * 388 , 389 They do but only tast of Christ , p. * 393. They desire mercy but not grace p. * 394. They do nothing out of love to God , p. * 395 The sinfulness of thoughts p. 102 , 103. The end of Gods Threatnings p. 7. U UNregenerate Men See Natural Our unworthiness should not keep us from coming unto Christ , p. 397. W THe Will wrought by God , as well as the deed , p. * 371 The Will more then the Deed 372. How God takes the Will for the Deed p. * 374 He that hath a Will to receive Christ , hath a warrant to receive him , p. 404. God alone inclines the Will to receive Christ ibid. A wofull thing to be suffered by God to have our own Wills in this world p. 355. Our Wills must be crossed here or for ever hereafter ibid. The Willingness of Christs sufferings rendred them the more meritorious p. 374 The Word presented to our faith under a double respect , viz. ( 1 ) as a true Word p. 403 ( 2 ) as a good Word p. 424 Works spiritually good cannot be performed by an unregenerate man , and why p. 67 , 68 , 71. In what sense we are said by James to be justified by Works p. * 398 Wrath a Consequence of sin p. 98 Y YOuth the fittest time to Repent and break off sin in p , 25 , 22 , 29. FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A64642-e300 Male dum recitas , &c. Notes for div A64642-e1590 * Lord in special forgive my sins of omission , see Dr. Ber. Life and death of the Arch. Bp. of Armagh . p. 110 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . * Sheffeild in Yorkshire· James Meath Anagram , I am the same . See Dr. Bernard page 52. See Dr. Ber. Epist. to the Reader in his life and death , &c. * See the Reduction of Episcopacy to the form of Synodical Government Received in the Antient Church : published by Doctor Bernard , in a Book entituled , The Judgement of the Late Arch Bishop of Armagh , &c. * 2 Sam. 1.22 . * Isa. 50.4 . * 2 Cor. 3.2 . * Acts 11.21 . * Dan 12.3 . * Heb. 2.13 . * Tim. 4.12 . * Mark 6.20 . * Acts 1.1 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . * Mat 7.29 . * 1 Cor. 2.4 , 5. 1 Cor 14.24 , 25. * Acts 18.24 . Collatis scripturae locis Probans , nempe sicuti solent artifices aliquid Compacturi , singulas partes inter se comparare , ut inter se alia aliis ad amussim quadrent . Bez. In Act. 9.22 . Efficere condescensionem ut sic dicam id est argumentis propositis efficere , ut aliquis tecum in eandem sententiam descendat . Mr. Leigh . Critic . sacr . In verb. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . * Ser. before K. James Wansted . June 20. 1629 page 34 , 35. * Ecl. 12.10 , 11 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 * John 16.5 . * Psal. 16.3 . * Acts 13.12 . * Psal. 119.63 . * Math. 11 , 29. * Mal. 2.4.5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9. * Esay 43.27.28 . * 1 Sam. 2 30. * Deut. 33 11. * Math. 5.12 and 10.25 . * Math 21.44 . * Rev. 11.11 . * 2 Sam 6.22 . * Calvino ( illustri viro , nec unquam sine summi honoris prefatione nominando ) non assentior . Bp Andrews . De Vsuris . * 3 John 12. * Declarat . what books are his , what not . Dr. Ber. page 20 , l 21. * See Dr. Ber. Loc. Citat . * See their Epist to the Reader . Ibidem . * See Mr. Cottons Epist. to Mr. Hildersams Book on John 4. * See Capt. Bell. Narat . before Luth. Mensal . Colloq . * Liber ille ●onvivalium sermonum non est Lutheri , nec Luthero approbante aut etiam vivente editus sed est Rapsodia sine Judicio & Intellectu consarcinata . Polan . syntag . de canonic . Authorit . script . page fol. 45. * Heb 11.4 . * Bp. Andrews serm 7. of Rep. and Fast. * John 3.10.19 . Notes for div A64642-e4850 Obs. Obs. Obs. Obj. Sol. Notes for div A64642-e6280 Obj. Sol. 1. Order of outward things . 2. The nature of sin . Sin is compared to cords . To defer repentance hardens the more The folly of those that defer their repentance till death . Obj. Sol. Impediments to repentance on our death-bed . Trust not to death-bed repentance . It will be hard to prove death-bed repentance to be ound . Gen. 6.3 . What use to make of Election and Reprobation . It 's our wisdom to arm against Satans fallacy , and hearken to God in his accepted time . Notes for div A64642-e7590 1 Glass . Self-love . 2 Glass . Others good opinion . 3 Glass . When a man compares himself with others . 4 Glasse . Partial Obedience· Obj. Sol. Another false Glasse . The Devil transforms himself into an Angel of light . Notes for div A64642-e8800 Superficial repentance will not change the nature of man. No morality , nor external change of life will do , without quickning grace and a new life wrought . Quest. Ans. Obj. Sol. Doct. Obj. No natural man doth judge himself so bad as he is : The best works of a natural man cannot please God. Look to the oginal of duties . Look to the end of duty . Notes for div A64642-e10820 It 's necessary to preach the Law before the Gospel . This is the 1 Instance . 2 Instance . 3 Instance . Notes for div A64642-e18280 No●e Well . Our Remedy , or , our Redemp●ion by Christ. Christs humiliation in life and death . The second degree of his humiliation , that he might become a servant . Christ accounted as a b●ndman . Exam. Joseph for the calcu . 14400000. drachms . (x) Which were , 120000. (z) Have the quotient 120 Drachms . Four Drachms went to a Shekel : so divide 120. by 4. your quotient is 30. shekels for each man , which was the ordinary rate , &c. Notes for div A64642-e20100 Gen. 9.25 . John 13.21 . Now this Obedience is two fold , 1. Active . 2. Passiv● . 1. For his active obedience in the whole course of his life . 2. For his active Obedience after his Death . 
A64687	----	Twenty sermons preached at Oxford before His Majesty, and elsewhere by the most Reverend James Usher ... Sermons. Selections Ussher, James, 1581-1656. 1678 Approx. 795 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 100 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2006-02 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A64687 Wing U227 ESTC R13437 13320035 ocm 13320035 99037 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A64687) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 99037) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 441:10) Twenty sermons preached at Oxford before His Majesty, and elsewhere by the most Reverend James Usher ... Sermons. Selections Ussher, James, 1581-1656. [17], 175, [8] p. Printed for Nathanael Ranew ..., London : 1678. Advertisements: p. [7-8] at end. Reproduction of original in Cambridge University Library. Includes index. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Sermons, English -- 17th century. 2005-02 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-08 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2005-10 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2005-10 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-01 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion TWENTY SERMONS PREACHED AT OXFORD , Before HIS MAJESTY , AND ELSEWHERE . By the most Reverend JAMES USHER late Arch-Bishop of ARMAGH . Perused and Published by his Lordship's Chaplains . LONDON , Printed for Nathanael Ranew at the King's Arms in St. Paul's Church Yard . 1678. PIETATE aequè ac DOCTRINA Praecellenti Viro HENRICO HENLEY , DE COLEWAY IN Comitatu Dorcestrensi ARMIGERO . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . EXimium illud quod semper exhibuisti ( vir pientissime ) Religionis specimen subsequentes hasce conciones sub nominis tui vexillo haud immerito evocavit . Chara adeò Tibimet & cordi sunt Sacro-Sancta Dei eloquia , ut quod tenuitas nostra & facultatula amanuensis in hâc re praestiterit , nequaquam dubito quin pro singulari tuâ & Pietate & humanitate boni consulere digneris . Authorem quod attinet , Panygerin ille nullatenus nostram desiderat , quippe omnia quae meditemur Elogia multis parasangis superavit . Excelsum adeo & Sanctimoniae & doctrinae apicem attigit , ut elaborata illa & subsequens Praefatiuncula non immeritò ad coelos ipsum laudibus evexit , & encomiis sacris decoravit . Nostrum est intereâ Te , Te inquam ( vir Ornatissime ) candidum librorum aestimatorem appellare , qui singulari & pietate & peritiâ praeditus , de usu illorum & emolumento , aequo calculo statuere didicisti . Sagaci igitur has Tibi dicatas conciones dum introspicias oculo , facessant precor & impuri & haeretici illi codices , qui indies in lucem gregatim prodeunt , é quorum faetidis myrothecis vitiorum non remedium , sed irritamentum , non salubre Alexipharmacon , sed exitiale toxicum quam plurimi hauserunt ; Imò facessant miselli isti Authores Daemonis impuri spiritu afflati , utpote qui Reipublicae & Ecclesiae detrimento sat consuluerunt . Non decet liberorum panem canibus objici , nedum canum offas sic liberis ingeri , ut Circaeo quasi fascinati poculo in canes ipsos , in boves , in hircos , in lupos transformarentur . Intereà temporis , tametsi ego ( vir colendissime ) imperitiae & tenuitatis meae probè conscius sim , minimè tamen dubito , quin & Tibi & aliis eximiè piis , ●ongesta hocce in codicillo apprimè arrideant : spiritualibus enim fidelium palatis , tam aptissime conceptus animi Doctor hic admodum Reverendus & verè Ecclesiasticus accommodavit , tam dilucide tradidit , utque pater nutricius ita premansum cibum in os , & in aures fidelium verba sua inseruit , ut merito primas sui Ordinis tenuit , & sublimi suâ emicuit sphaer â — veluti inter ignes Luna minores . Non equidem ignoro quae regerent prodeunti huic parum propitii libello , lubricis scilicet Amanuensium memoriis plurima excidisse , veluti ex pertuso dolio effluxa : nec sane inficias ire ausim . Nihilo tamen seciùs — Est quiddam prodire tenus , si non datur ultra . Nec adeo mediocrem hunc nostrum existimamus conatum , ut judicium cujusvis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 praecipitatum non leviter rejicerimus . Parùm forsan digna tam eruditi Concionatoris authoritate & eloquentiâ aliquibus quaedam videantur , at illis qui divina sapiunt , valdè consona & gravitati & veritati Sacro-Sanctae Scripturae reperientur . Luce clariùs patet , quid in causa est , omnes omnium aetatum , omnium ordinum homunciones , tantam pervasisse morum corruptelam , nimirum , quòd nec vitia ferre possumus nostra , nec remedia . Lavacrum Dei planè rejecimus , ideóque à fedissimis vitiorum inquinamentis nondum repurgamur . Quae auribus nostris excepimus , animisque caelitùs impressa persensimus ( quicquid homines , vel Daemones contrasentiant , aut loquantur ) non possumus non palam divulgare , ne aut propriae stolidissimè experientiae , aut Gratiae divinae petulantissimè refragari videamur . Ah! quoties & Religio & timor ( illo concionante ) auditorum animos subierunt ? Quot mentibus fracti , & alto moerore adeò correpti & exanimati inter depingendos Salvatoris nostri cruciatus evaserunt , ut nullas lacrymarum inducias admitterent , sed spiritus suspiriis , & dolori pectora sua devoverunt , donec ille , ille inquam , qui vulnera divino auxilio fecerat , quasi spiculis & aculeis coelitùs transfixos animos , sanguinis Christi applicatione tempestivè allevâsset ? At ! at ! coelestis hic cecidit Praeco , eodemque ictu ne corrue●ent etiam conciones illae quàm mellifluae , tantique plurimis auditorum Emolumenti , ab interitu & oblivione post tot retrò & elapsos annos quibus delituerunt , vindicantur . Et reverâ ( absit jactantiae crimen ) audacter hoc omnibus editioni harum concionum parum faventibus reponere audemus , non alia usquam extare exemplaria majori Amanuensium diligentia & labore collecta ; ideoq●e nescii , imò dubii , annon post tantum silentium alia parùm genuina & ascititia proserperent , Deo ( uti speramus ) auspice in publicum hoc emisimus . Tuis interim ( vir dignissime ) manibus hae chartulae dicatae posteris tradentur , nomenque tuum futuris saeculis non injuriâ praedicabunt , & cum illae sileant — Quod benè feceris mercedem tuleris . Deus opt . max. omnibus ingenii & gratiae dotibus magis magisque indies cumulatum , pietatis & religionis orthodoxae , literarum & literatorum Patronum te diutissime incolumem praestet , obnixè ex animo vovet . Tibi ( vir Ornatissime ) omni observantiâ addictissimus , JOSEPHUS CRABB . A PREFACE Concerning the AUTHOR , And these SERMONS . THough I might be silent , concerning either the most famous Preacher of these Sermons , or the Sermons themselves now published , yet such is the high esteem I have of him , and the due respect I bear to them for his sake chiefly , that I could not withstand the request of divers who importuned some Lines from me upon the occasion , both concerning the one and the other . First , I commend unto the Reader a diligent perusal of the life and death of the most Reverend and Learned Father of our Church , Dr. James Vsher , late Arch-Bishop of Armagh , and Primate of all Ireland ; put forth by Reverend and Learned Dr. Bernard : where you shall meet with many delightful passages concerning , His Stock and Pedigree . His Great Parts , Gifts and Graces . His Ingenuous Education . His Admirable Proficiency . His Timely Conversion . His Rare Learning . His Indefaticable Industry . His Strict and holy Conversation . His Pious Government of his Family . His Amicable correspondence with Forreign Churches . His Prophetick Spirit . His Learned Writings . His Comfortable Visitation . His Dying Words , never to be buryed . His Blessed Death . His Ever to be lamented Loss . His Fit Parallel to Samuel among the Prophets , to Augustine amongst the Fathers . With many other things worthy Observation : and when he hath poudered these well , he will the less wonder that his name hath filled the Christian world as much as ever did Augustine or Athanasius of old , or Whitakers and Reynolds of later times . Secondly , I tender these spices gathered to the Embalming of this Rare Phoenix out of his own ashes , holding my self engaged as much as any to cast my mite into the treasury of his blessed memory , as having had my Bene esse most from him . First , By him I was examined and admitted into the Vniversity near Dublin in Ireland , his native City and Countrey above forty years ago . Secondly , Whilst I continued there ( which was the space of eight years ) he took special care of me , and account of my studies there . Thirdly , By him I was ordained ( or to use the Apostle's word ) put into the Ministry , and the same day admitted his Chaplain in Ordinary , now two and thirty years ago : though then able to do him little service , being called to a * Congregation in another nation : which call his Grace did then approve of . Having given this account to the Reader , I shall only mention three things Concerning him , and forbear many more that might be added . First , To the testimonies concerning him from Spanhemius , Ger. Vossius , Buchartus , Simplitius , Lud de dieu . Paulus Testardus , Blessensis , Arnoldus , Bootius , Mr. Selden , Dr. Prideaux , Bp. Davenant , Bertius , Mr. Cambden , Sir Rog. Twisden , and the whole University of Oxford , beside the forced testimony of his adversaries , Moranez , Beaumont , ( Alias ) Rookwood , Challoner , Henry Fitz. Simonds , for all which I refer to the book aforesaid . Give me leave to add the testimony of Dr. William Chappel , sometimes fellow of Christ's College in Cambridge , and afterwards Provost of Trinity College near Dublin : which from such an acute man as he was , may amount to the like equivalent testimony from the University of Cambridge . He gave me once three reasons why he thought Doctor Usher ( then Bishop of Meath ) was in his esteem the greatest Scholar in the Christian world . 1. One was , because of his rare natural parts , the foundation of his other Learning ; having a quick Apprehension , a prompt Wit , a strong Memory , a clear Understanding , a piercing Judgment , and a ready utterance : Seldom ( said he ) shall you meet all these in an Eminent degree in the same person , but in him they so concurred , that it is hard to say in which he most excelled . 2. Another was , because few men , though they had such parts , were either able or willing to make so rich improvement of them , by choice Libraries , unwearied studying in them , and searching out the Rarities of any other : few men's bodies and brains ( he believed ) would bear it . 3. The third was , because he was so esteemed both in these Universities , and in those beyond the Seas : and indeed whosoever conversed with him , found him ( if they pleased to try it ) a skilful Linguist , a Subtil Disputant , a fluent Orator , a profound Divine , a mighty Antiquary , an exact Chronologer , and indeed a living and walking Library ; The greatest professors have admired the Concatenation of so much and such variety of Learning in one person . 1. Do but think ; he that Learned to read of two of his Aunts that were both blind . Was converted from a state of Nature into grace at ten years old . Was admitted the first Scholar into the College at Dublin ; and that upon design , by reason of his pregnancy and forwardness , at thirteen years of age . Made an exact Chronology of good part of the Bible , and of some other Authors he had read , at fifteen years old . Encountred a Jesuite at 19 years old , and afterwards was called by him ( of such as are not Catholicks ) the most Learned . Was Master of Arts , answered the Philosophy Act , and chosen Catechist of the Colledge , when he went through a great part of the body of Divinity , in the Chappel , by way of common place , at nineteen years old . Commenced Batchelour of Divinity at twenty seven years old , and immediately after was chosen Professor of Divinity in that Vniversity . Do but think , I say , how mighty he was , when beside his promptness in School Divinity , he had read over all the Fathers , and trusted his own eyes in the search of them , by that he was thirty eight years of age , and was Master of all other Learning also . Secondly , If any yet be found , that would detract from so accomplished a person , and indeed pillar of our Church in his Generation , by reason of the distance at which they stand from Prelacy , or by reason of their Engagement in the late civil and unhappy differences between The late King and Parliament ; claiming to themselves Liberty wherein soever they differ from others , both in matters of Church and State , but allowing to others as little concerning either : to such as these ( if they be such as deserve satisfaction ) give me leave to say , A Divine and Apostolical Bishop he was , and next to the Apostles , Evangelists , and Prophets , as great a Pastor and Teacher , and trusted with as much of Gods mind , as I believe any one since hath been . An Ecclesiastical Bishop he was also , and the most able Moderator in Church assemblies : To him pertained the double honour for ruling well , and for Labouring in word and Doctrine : Famous were two of his Predecessors in that See of Armagh , in their Generations , the one for his Sanctity , the other for his Learning , but both these Eminently met in him ; John the Divine commendeth the Angel or Bishop of Ephesus , &c. And Ireland will do no less for this Angel or Bishop of Armagh . But for Popish Bishops , none was further off then he : Witness his Learned Writings against the Romish Synagogue , his Judgment within the bounds of a moderated Episcopacy ; and when the Reader hath perused that * frame of Church Government drawn up under his own hand and now published , he will see what a good Bishop Doctor Usher was . The last thing which I shall propose to the Reader , is The Crown God set upon the head of this Humble Saint , both in the Conversion and Edification of very many . Indeed * his bow seldom turned back , nor his sword returned empty . God was mighty in him , which way soever he bent himself , either in Conviction , Conversion , or Consolation , wherein he had * the Tongue of the Learned given unto him ; Witness the many Souls who were , and are his * Epistle known and read of all Men ; Witness again the success God gave to divers of his Encounters with Adversaries to the true Religion : Some instances whereof the Learned Doctor that writes his Life hath given , to which many more might be added . Witness also such as were his frequent hearers , how mightily the hand of God was with him , so that * a great number believed and turned unto the Lord. If * they that turn many to righteousness shall shine as stars for ever and ever , then this famous Evangelist is a star of the greatest Magnitude , and will be able in the strength of Christ to say after him , * Behold I and the Children which God hath given me . And though the work of the Ministery is ours , the success Gods , yet who so expecteth blessing from God upon his Labours , I cannot commend to such , a pattern more exact to be imitated amongst the men of this Generation , then this good Bishop , especially in these three things . First in making his whole life an example of his doctrine : * an example in word , in Conversation , in Love , in Spirit , in faith , and in purity . Many there were who in that respect Reverenced him , though of the Romish Synagogue , as * Herod did John the Baptist , knowing that he was a just and an holy man ▪ This blessed Preacher did Live all his Sermons and had learned of Jesus , who * began both to do and to teach . Nazianzens Epitaph on the life of Basil was true in him , His words were Thunder , his Life Lightning . Secondly in making Christ and the Apostles the pattern of his preaching , this great Master in Israel was the most self-denying man in the pulpit , and the most Reverend and Christ-advancing Preacher . He preached * with great Authority as did our Saviour to the Conscience , * his speech was not with enticing words of Mans wisdom , but in demonstration of the spirit , and of power : that their faith might not stand in the wisdom of men , but in the power of God. How oft have I seen my self , and heard from others , whilst be thus prophesyed , some that believed not , coming to hear him * go away Convinced of all , Judged of all , and the secrets of their heart made manifest , and so falling down on their face they have worshipped God , and reported that God was in him of a truth . He was an * Apollos an Eloquent man and mighty in the Scriptures : He was another Paul in the preaching that did compare Scripture with Scripture , and so make demonstrative Proofs from the spirit speaking in them . Some that affected a frothy way of preaching by strong Lines ( as they call them ) after they heard him in Oxford decry that Corinthian vanity , were much ashamed , and took up a more profitable way of preaching . Those words of his in a Sermon at the Court before the King , are worthy to be printed in Letters of Gold , And oh ! That God would print them in the hearts of all the Ministers in the World , * Great Scholars ( said he ) possibly may think it standeth not with their Credit to stoop so low , &c. But let the Learnedst of us all try it when ever we please , we shall find that to lay this ground-work right , that is , to apply our selves to the Capacity of the Common Auditory , and to make an ignorant man to understand these mysteries in some good measure , will put us to the tryal of our skill , and trouble us a great deal more , then if we were to discuss a Controversy , or handle a subtil point of Learning in the Schools . Thirdly , In condescending publiquely and privately to the Capacity of the meanest that heard or conversed with him , herein his wisdom was like unto Solomons stiled the Preacher , * because he was wise he did still teach the people knowledge , yea he gave good heed , and sought out , and set in order many Proverbs , the Preacher sought to find out acceptable words , and words of truth , and as our Saviour , that was greater then Solomon , he would let truths substantially proved into the understanding with apt similitudes : and would * Encourage any to move their doubts unto him in private : So that notwithstanding his greatness , good Christians might be very familiar with him , visit them in their sickness supply their wants , beg their prayers , and Countenance them in whatsoever Condition : all might see * his delight was in the Saints , and that he was ( as that King * after Gods own heart ) * a Companion of all them that feared God , in a word , he was a great proficient in that Lesson of our Saviour * Learn of me for I am meek and lowly in heart . This ( I say ) was the reason he grew so high in favour with God and man : He honoured God , and therefore God honoured him . A great and good draw-net he was , that fished for souls and catched many : and let two sorts of Ministers gather from hence their respective Instructions . First , let all those that list not follow him in those paths of holiness , painfulness , and Humility , take notice of Gods Justice in dealing with them as they have done with him . * His Covenant is with Levi of Life and Peace , and he gave them to him , for the fear , wherewith he feared him , and was afraid before his name : The Law of truth was in his mouth , and Iniquitie was not found in his lips , he walked with God in peace , and equity , and did turn many away from iniquity , for the priests lips should keep knowledge , and they should seek the Law at his mouth , for he is the messenger of the Lord of hosts : But saith the Lord , ye are departed out of the way : ye have caused many to stumble at the Law , ye have corrupted the Covenant of Levi , saith the Lord of hosts . Therefore have I also made you contemptible and base before all the people , according as you have not kept my ways , but have been partial in the Law. Had we all the means in the World to make us great , if we either do not teach , or do not make our selves Examples of what we teach , 't is just with God that we should grow contemptible and vile , for the mouth of the Lord hath spoken it . * Thy teachers have transgressed against me , therefore have I prophaned the rulers of my Sanctuary . The Lord giveth this for a general Rule , as * those , that honour him , he will honour : so they , that despise him , shall be despised . Secondly , Let all holy painful and humble Ministers who make it their design ( as this fair Copy did before them ) to advance God and fulfil the work of their Ministery , trust to his faithfulness for vindicating their esteem . No sort of men have greater promises for provision , protection from , and in trouble , and for revenge of wrongs done unto them , then they have . What a dreadful and prophetical prayer is that Moses made for Levi ! * smite through the Loins of them that rise against him , and of them that hate him , that they rise not again . What though a generation of men Call even the best of such , Antichristian Lyars ? False Prophets ? And what not , did they not after this manner use * Christ and his Apostles before them ? They speak evil of the things they know not . None of Gods blessed truths , and holy Ordinances have been otherwise used by them : their general outcry is upon all truths , Ordinances and ways of Religion among us , as Antichristian : The Apostacie of the present age makes men fall from all things in Religion , and with an impudent face to deny and deride them all . But did God leave these Jewels amongst men to be trodden under feet by such Swine ; Shall they not dearly pay for it ? Oh! That they would remember what words came out of the mouth of him that is the very promptuary of all sweetness , and how highly he is provoked , when such words are drawn from his blessed lips , that drop honey : Let them take them to whom they appertain , viz. * Whosoever shall fall upon this stone shall be broken : But on whomsoever it shall fall it will grind him to peices . If their own destruction will not take them off from touching the Lords anointed , and from plucking the stars out of his hand , let yet the Anguish and vexation that shall accompany their destruction , either deter them , or , confound them : For he hath said it , who will make it good , that there shall be a * Resurrection both unto Gods truths , and to such as bear Testimony thereunto : Mean while , let this satisfie such as are faithful , whilst God and those that truly fear God prize faithful Ministers , it matters not what the rest think of them , As King David said in not much an unlike Case , * of those shall they be had in honour . I have now done with the most famous Author of these Sermons , of whom I may say as one very Learned sa●d of Mr. Calvin , * That famous Man , and never to be named without some Preface of Honour . Or as another of a Learned and Godly Man , God hath so provided , that they who lived in Heaven whilst on Earth , shall live on Earth whilst in Heaven : That they shall leave their Names for a blessing , when others leave them behind them for a curse , or rather with the Apostle of Demetrius he hath a good Report of all men and of the truth it self . A word now concerning these Sermons of his , by occasion of the publishing whereof I have thus enlarged . They are not so exact as his Immanuel , or the Incarnation of the Son of God , so accurately couched that you cannot find a word defective or redundant , because they wanted his own hand , for their publication , but yet they are such wherein the Reader may discern much of the Gracious and Heavenly Spirit of this unparalleld Bishop . They were preached ad populum , in the Vniversity of Oxford , the general Subject of them is Conversion or turning from Sin unto God , and so mightily did the Lord bless them , not only to the Edification , and Consolation of very many , but also to the Conversion of some , as we have good cause to Judge . I will say no more , the Name of Doctor Vsher by which he is more known to some , and the Name of the most Reverend and Learned Father of our Church , Doctor James Usher , late Arch Bishop of Armagh , and Primate of all Ireland , by which he is more known to others , not only in these our Kingdomes , but in foreign parts ; his great and good Name I say , every wrere as oyntment poured forth , prefixed before this Book ( though with some allay ) is enough to raise high Expectation of whatsoever cemeth after these words : And is argument enough to invite the Reader to look within , and read them over : And then he will find the least siling of this Master Workmans Gold very precious . Good Wine ( they say ) needs no bush , and if this Wine was so sweet at first running I presume whosoever tasts it now , though he have , it , but at the second or third hand , will find it hath not altogether lost its strength , nor will he repent his labour in reading these Sermons , if he be one that desires to profit his soul more then to please his Palat. That out of this Phoenix , the Lord would raise such successors , as may by Pen , Life , and Doctrine , do as this burning and shining Light hath done before them , is the prayer , but scarce the belief of him that prayeth for the Peace and Prosperity of Jerusalem , and therein hopeth to have his share in the concurrent prayers of every Godly Reader , Stanley Gower . Dorchester , October the third , 1659 A TABLE Directing to the TEXTS of SCRIPTURE , Handled in the Following SERMONS . Sermon I. HEbrews 4.7 . Again he limiteth a certain day ; saying in David , to day after so long a time , as it is said , to day if you will hear his voice , harden not your hearts pag. 1 Sermon II. Heb. 4.7 . Again he limiteth a certain day ; saying in David , to day after so little time , as it is said , to day if you will hear his voice , harden not your hearts . p. 8 Sermon III. Gal. 6.3 , 4. For if a man think himself to be something , when he is nothing , he deceiveth himself : but let every man prove his own work , and then shall he have rejoycing in himself alone , and not in another , p. 16 Sermon IV. Ephes. 2.1 , 2 , 3. And you hath he quickned who were dead in trespasses and sins , wherein in time past ye walked according to the course of this world , according to the Prince that ruleth in the Air ; the spirit that worketh in the Children of disobedience . Among whom also we all had our conversation in times past ; in the lusts of our flesh , fulfilling the desires of the flesh and of the mind , and were by nature the Children of wrath , even as others , p. 24 Sermon V. Gal. 3.22 . But the Scripture hath concluded all under sin , that the promise by faith of Jesus Christ might be given to them that believe , p. 32 Sermon VI. Lament . 5.16 . Woe unto us , that we have sinned , p. 40 Sermon VII . Rom. 6.23 . The wages of sin is death , p. 48 Sermon VIII . Rev. 21.8 . But the fearful , and unbelieving , and the abominable , and murtherers , and whore-mongers , and sorcerers , and idolaters , and all lyars , shall have their part in the lake which burneth with fire and brimstone , which is the second death . p. 55 Sermon IX . Phil. 2.5 , 6 , 7 , 8. Let this mind be in you , which also was in Jesus Christ who being in the form of God , thought it no robbery to be equal with God ; but made himself of no reputation , and took upon him the form of a servant , and was made in the likeness of men ; and being found in fashion of a man , he humbled himself unto the death , even the death of the Cross. p. 65 Sermon X. Phil. 2.8 . And being found in fashion as a man , he humbled himself and became Obedient unto the Death , even the Death of the Cross. p. 92 Sermon XI . John 1.12 . But to as many as received him , to them gave he power to become the Sons of God even to them that believe on his Name . p. 82 Sermon XII . Ephes. 1.13 . In whom ye also trusted after that ye heard the words of truth , the Gospel of your Salvation ; in whom also after you believed , you were sealed with the holy Spirit of promise . p. 90 Sermon XIII . 1 Cor. 11.29 . For he that eateth and drinketh unworthily , eateth and drinketh damnation to himself , not discerning the Lords body . p. 99 Sermon XIV . Heb. 4.16 . Let us therefore come boldly unto the throne of Grace , that we may obtain mercy , and find grace to help in time of need , p. 108 Sermon XV. Rom. 5.1 . Therefore being justified by faith , we have peace with God , through our Lord Jesus Christ. p. 117 Sermon XVI . Rom. 5.1 . Therefore being justified by faith , we have peace with God through our Lord Jesus Christ , p. 127 Sermon XVII . Rom. 5.1 . Therefore being justified by faith , we have peace with God through our Lord Jesus Christ. p. 136 Sermon XVIII . Rom. 5.1.2 . Therefore being justified by faith , we have peace with God through our Lord Jesus Christ : by whom also we have access by faith into this grace wherein we stand , and rejoyce in hope of the glory of God , p. 145 Sermon XIX . Rom. 8.15 , 16. For ye have not received the spirit of Bondage again to fear , but ye have received the spirit of Adoption , whereby we cry Abba Father . The spirit it self beareth witness with our spirit , that we are the Children of God. p. 157 Sermon XX. Rom. 8.16 . The spirit it self beareth witness with our spirit , that we are the Children of God , p. 167 Speedy Conversion The only Means to prevent IMMINENT DESTRUCTION . HEBREWS 4.7 . Again he limiteth a certain Day , saying in David , to day after so long a time , as it is said , to day if you will hear his Voyce harden not your hearts . I Have entered on these Words in the other Vniversity on a day of Publick Humiliation , as being suitable to the occasion , the chief matter of them being the Doctrine of the Conversion of a sinner . For as much as God's Judgments are abroad upon the Earth , and hang over our heads , the only means to prevent and remove both temporal and eternal , is our speedy conversion and return unto God , Else he will whet his sword , bend his bow , and make it ready to our destruction , Psal. 7.12 . God did bear a deadly hatred against sin in the time of the Psalmist , and so he doth still , for his nature cannot be changed , If we return not , we are but dead men . The eternal weight of God's wrath will be our portion , both here , and in the world to come , if we repent not . In the Words there are three observable Points , though not expresly named , yet if we weigh the Context , sufficiently implied . 1. Continuance in sin brings certain death , it hinders us from entring into God's rest , and out of it there is nothing but death : Or , For sin God's Judgments are on particular Nations , and Persons . 2. If particular Nations , or Persons turn away from their evil courses , no hurt shall come near them , or if temporal calamities surprize them , they shall be made beneficial unto them . God takes no delight in the death of a sinner , nor that he should despair of his mercy : but would have us turn out of the broad way , which leads to destruction . 3. It behooves every one speedily to set about the work of conversion . Esteem not this therefore a vain word . I bring you those things , whereon your life depends . Obeying it , you are made for ever , neglecting it , you are undone for ever . Unless you embrace this Message , God will bend his bow , and make ready his arrow against you , or rather the arrows which he hath drawn to the head , he will let fly upon you . Know therefore 1. That continuance in sin brings certain death , There will be no way of escaping , but by repentance , by coming in speedily unto God. The words of this Text are taken from Psal. 95. Harden not your hearts , as in the Provocation , and as in the Temptation in the Wilderness . If when God calls us , either to the doing of this , or leaving that undone , yet we are not moved , but continue in our evil ways . What 's the reason of it ? It 's because we harden our hearts against him . The Word of God ; which is the power of God to salvation , and a two-edged sword to sever between the joynts and the Marrow , The strength of the Almighty encounters with our hard hearts , and yet they remain like the stony and rockie ground : whereon though the Word be plentifully sown , yet it fastens no root there , and though for a season it spring , yet suddenly it fades and comes to nothing . We may , haply have a little motion by the Word yet there 's a rock in our souls , a stone in our hearts , and though we may sometimes seem to receive it with some affection , and be made as it were Sermon-sick , yet it holds but a while , it betters us not : Why ? because it 's not received as an ingrafted word . Therefore saith St. James , Receive with meekness the ingrafted word , James 1.21 . Let the word be ingrafted in thee ; one sprig of it is able to make thee grow up to everlasting life . Be not content with the hearing of it , but pray God it may be firmly rooted in your hearts ; this will cause a softning . To day if you will hear his voyce , harden not your hearts against Almighty God. If you do , expect him also to come against you in indignation . Hearken what he saith by his Prophet . I will search Jerusalem with candles , and punish the men that are settled on their lees , that say in their heart the Lord will not do good , neither will he do evil , Zeph. 1.12 . Mark , I will search Jerusalem with candles , and punish those that are settled on their lees . When a man is thus settled and resolved to go on in his sins , to put the matter to the hazard come what will come , there 's a kind of Atheism in the soul. For what do's he but in a manner reply , when God tells him by his Minister that he is preparing the instruments of death against him , do you think us such fools to believe it ? What does this but provoke God to swear that we shall never enter into his rest . What 's the reason of this ? It 's because men are not shifted , they have no change , they are settled on their lees . Moab hath been at ease from his youth , he hath been setled , and hath not been emptied from vessel to vessel , neither hath he gone into captivity , Jer. 48.11 . Consider we whether our security comes not from the same cause : We have not been emptied from vessel to vessel , we have always been at rest . Why have we so little conversion ? There are two things hinder it : the hardning of a mans heart against the Word : and our setling our selves on our lees . When we have no change in our condition , we are secure , we never see an evil day . That makes us say , with the Sensualists in the Prophet , To morrow shall be as this day , and much more abundant , Isa. 56.12 . And this is that , which slays the foolish person . Wo to them that are at ease . It were better for thee to be emptied from vessel to vessel , to go into captivity . For as long as a man continues thus in an unregenerate condition , he can look for nothing but troubles ; certain Judgments must necessarily follow , and as sure as God is in Heaven , so sure may they expect misery on Earth : and they shall receive the eternal weight of God's wrath , treasured up against the day of wrath : Therefore there is a necessity of our conversion , if we will keep off either temporal , or eternal wrath . Our Saviour makes it the case of all impenitent sinners , to be liable to wrath : One Judgment befel the Galileans , another those on whom the Tower of Siloam fell : But what saith our Saviour , Suppose you that these were greater sinners above all the men of Jerusalem ? I tell you nay , but except you repent you shall all likewise perish , Luke 13.3 . All , every Mother's Son here present , if you turn not from your sinful courses , God will meet with you one time or other , if you harden your hearts against him , be sure . Who ever hardned his heart against God and prospered ? Job 9.4 . As long as a man is in this condition , his state is woful . As many as are in the state of unregeneracy , are under the power of Satan , 2 Tim. 2.25 , 26. Mark the Apostles words , In meekness instruct those that oppose themselves , if God peradventure will give them repentance to the acknowledging of the truth . And that they may recover themselves out of the snare of the Devil , who are taken captive by him at his will. The state then of the hardned and setled on their lees , is as of a bird in a cage , taken alive , at the will of the Fowler . So it is here , as long as we continue obstinate , and hardned , we are taken alive at Satan's will , we are at his disposing . While we are at liberty , we are way-laid by his nets and traps , and taken , we are at his pleasure : As long as we are hardned in heart , we are in the Devil's cage : true repentance is that , whereby alone we purchase our freedom , whereby we recover our selves ; and therefore in Rom. 2.5 . Hardness of heart and impenitency signifie the same thing . After thy hardned and impenitent heart thou treasurest up unto thy self wrath against the day of wrath . Mark then : what 's a hard heart ? It 's an impenitent heart . Dost thou harden thy heart ? Then know that for the present thou art a dead man. If notwithstanding all God's threats out of his word , thou art not a jot moved , thou art dead whilst alive , as the woman that lived in pleasure . And if thou continuest so , thou treasurest up wrath against the day of wrath , and the just revelation of God's Judgments . God's word is the especial means to recover thee . A man that is in a swoon , they rub him to recover him , because there 's life in him ; but if dead , strong-waters , or any thing else cannot restore him . Examine thy self then , does the working of the Word rub , and gall thee ? It 's a sign there is life in thee ; but if it make no impression , it moves thee not , it 's a sign of a dead heart . Consider then the danger of this condition for a man to resolve on his evil courses , never purposing to alter matters . It exceedingly hastens God's Judgments . But leaving this , I proceed to the second Point , which is to direct us how to work our escape . Though God threatens us , yet if we have but the grace to look about us , and remember our selves : If God do but cause us to consider we have to deal with a merciful Father , and make us meet him by humiliation , then though our sins were as scarlet , yet submitting our selves to our Judge , living as obedient Subjects the storm shall pass from us : So that this is the Second Point . 2. Notwithstanding God threatens us , yet if he gives us but grace to repent , and bethink our selves , let our sins be never so great , we may be sure of mercy . O that we could see with what a gracious God , we have to deall Canst thou but humble thy self ? All these things shall speak peace unto thee . As an impenitent sinner is under the power of Satan , and liable to all misery : So contrariwise who ever returns and seeks the Lord , is sure to be under his wings , and free from all evil . Thinkst thou that God makes use of threatnings for thy hurt ? No , he deals not with us as an angry Judge , but as a compassionate Father ; men will take an enemy always at an advantage , when they may do him most hurt . God's terrors overtake us , he threatens us , that he will do this and this , that we may prevent it . He knows that unless his terrors awake us , we will rest secure . Before he smites us , he tells us . He will whet his sword : He hath bent hi● bow , and made it ready : He hath prepared his instruments of death , Psalm 7.12 , 13. He could shoot thee presently , and instantly run the through , but he threatens thee , that so he may not strike thee . Non te vult percutere qui tibi clamat , Observa , He that saith : Look to your self , hath no intention to strike thee . See what the Prophet Amos denounces from the Lord , Cap. 11 , 12. I have given you cleanness of teeth , I have with-holden rain , v. 6 , 7 , 8. I have smitten you with blasting and mildew , v. 9. I have sent amongst you the Pestilence , v. 10. yet have you not returned unto me . Therefore thus will I do unto thee O Israel , and because I will do thus unto thee , prepare to meet thy God , O Israel , v. 12. What Judgments have befallen us , have befallen us for our own use , if so be we will be warned by them . The reason why God saith , he will overthrow us , is not because he means to do it , but that we may prevent him by repentance . Look into Jer. 3 1. and see what wonderful passages are to this purpose : There 's a Law case . If a man put away his Wife , and she go from him , shall he return unto her again ? Shall not that Land be greatly polluted ? But thou hast plaid the Harlot with many Lovers . And in the 20. v. As a Wife treacherously departeth from her Husband , so have you dealt treacherously with me , O house of Israel . And yet see God's unspeakable mercy . Return again unto me . And 23. v. Return ye back-sliding Children , and I will heal your back-sliding : turn to me , and I 'll not cause mine anger to fall upon you . Only acknowledge thine iniquity that thou hast transgressed against the Lord thy God , v. 13. See God supporteth us the worst and vilest of all , and yet as it were intreats us to return . See then ●he Conclusion of the second Point ; how , if God give us but grace to repent , let our former evils be what they will , the danger is past , the terror I mean of eternal destruction ; so that you may say , and not in Agag's delusion , the bitterness of death , the second death is past , 1 Sam. 15.32 . But I leave this and come to the Third , for which I chiefly chose this Text. You have seen how dangerous a thing hardness of heart is , how it brings certain death : and that if we have the heart to repent , we are safe . As to make it appear in an instance . It 's not the falling into water , but the lying under it that drowns a man. Art thou faln into sin ? only lift up thy head : if thou canst be but thus happy , the promise of salvation belongs to thee . The main thing then is this . 3. It behooves us to set about the work of conversion and repentance presently . God is angry with us , and we know not whether God will execute his Judgments on us this day or no , therefore go about it presently . God will remove all our adulteries , and put away all our sins , if we will come to him within a day . Now what madness is it to neglect it ? After a certain time ( saith the Apostle ) according to that in the Psalmist . Psalm 95. God hath limited a certain day : Thou hast provoked the Holy Ghost , and now he limits thee a day , Heb. 3.7 . Wherefore ( saith the Holy Ghost ) to day if you will hear his voice . Now is it safe think you to pass this day ? A hard heart is a provoking heart , and as long as it continues hard , it continues provoking God , and despising the Holy Ghost . To day therefore hear his voice , that is , this present day . But which is that day ? It 's this very time , wherein you stand before God , and in which you hear me . If you embrace the opportunity , happy are you ; if not , you shall give as dear an account , as for any thing you ever heard in your life . There is no dallying with God , take his proffer , take him at his word , in a matter of salvation . He calls to thee to day , peradventure he will speak no more , therefore Heb. 4.7 . we shall find it 's a limited day . Exhort one another to day ; whilst it 's called to day , lest any of you be hardned through the deceitfulness of sin , Heb. 3.13 . While it is called to day , that is , stay not till to morrow , but embrace the present opportunity . This day God holds out the golden Scepter , and my life for yours , if you accept it you shall be saved . If you take it not to day , your heart will be more hardned to morrow ; and so it may be you will never touch it ; your hearts will be like stones , and you 'l be uncapable of yielding . God is angry with us , Psal. 7.11 . Why ? He is our adversary , because we bear arms against him , and will try the mastery with him . We oppose him in hostile manner as long as we continue sinful against him . What 's the best counsel in this case ? Agree with thine adversary quickly while thou art in the way with him . It 's wisdom to do that soon , which must of necessity be done . If it be not , we perish for ever . Kiss the Son , lest he be angry , and thou perish from the right way , Psal. 2. ult . Obj. But what needs such haste , I may do it hereafter , when I come to my journeys end ? Sol. There needs haste . The day is limited . A thousand to one , if God be angry , but we perish from the way . I have heard thee in an accepted time , and in the day of salvation have I succoured thee , behold now is the day of salvation , 2 Cor. 6.2 . It 's a day of salvation , and would not we be glad to know this time ? Behold this is the accepted time . Seek the Lord while he may be found , call on him , while he is near . This is the accepted time , this is the day of salvation , Esa. 49.8 . Embrace this time , for now he may be found ; this instant is the time , the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the present now . God at this time stirs the Waters , if now thou wilt step in and close with God , casting down thy weapons , then this will be the day of thy salvation ; this is called , as Gods day , so our day : O Jerusalem , Jerusalem , if thou hadst known in this thy day , the things that belong unto thy peace , but now they are hidden from thine eyes , Luke 19.42 . Mark , If thou hadst known in this thy day : So that if we pass by in this acceptable time those things which belong to our peace , they will be hidden from our eyes . Therefore should the enemies of Jerusalem lay her even with the ground , because she had neglected this opportunity , the day of Gods visitation . Wilt thou be so hard-hearted , as to put from thee Gods grace ? If thou findest now that Satan hides this from thee , and perswades thee to do it to morrow , and to take a day of thine own , neglecting Gods day , Know and remember that he is a lyar from the beginning . Give me leave to press this to you , for nothing more brings destruction , then this putting from us the proffers of Gods grace ; unless we return to the Almighty , humbling our selves there will be bitterness in the end . There 's the matter , whether God must wait on us , or we on him ? This is the day of Salvation , saith God , and we must take time to think of it , whether it be seasonable or no. Alas 1. By this means we incur the highest presumption : And this is no light thing inconsiderately to be passed over . Shall God offer you such a proffer , and you be so presumptuous , as to think such a one more seasonable ? It 's high presumption for thee to make thy self wiser then God , to neglect that he perscribes , and that with a promise too , as if thou hadst God at command . If thou resolve to take to morrow , it is requisite that thou have . 1. Space to repent , and 2 Grace to do it . Now neither of these are in thine own hands , if they were , thou hadst ground for a farther delay . If thou hadst power to say , I will live so long , or couldest by thine own might prolong thy life , it were something , but it 's otherwise . In refusing Gods proffer , thou refusest him , that hath thy life in his hand . What high presumption is this ? See it in Jesabel , Rev. 2.21 . I gave her space to repent , but she repented not . As if God should have said , it 's I gave it here , I gave her time to live , I might have cut her off in the midst of her Whoredomes . Observe here by the way the reason why God gives us this space ; it is to repent . What presumption must that be , when we will go quite contrary to God ? And because we have space , therefore we will not repent . Why does not God smite thee from heaven , when thou thus audaciously settest thy self against him ? Why do's he not strike thee with a thunderbolt ? Sure he gives the this space not to spend idly , but to another end ; not to follow our lusts , neglecting Gods call , but that thou mayst remember thy self , and return with all thy heart . Remember those words of the Prophet , My times are in thy hand . Psal. 31.15 . He said not , my times are in mine own hands ; for he knew it was grand presumption . Why then should any challenge that to himself , which belongs to God , as if he were the Lord of his own life , supposing Gods call unseasonable , and that he may think on it better hereafter ? May not a young man die soon ? Now an old man cannot live long . Many strong and lusty men are brought to the Grave as well as the weak and feeble . And why should we suffer Satan to abuse us thus ? Thy space then is preserved in Gods hand , and therefore thou mayst not be Lord and Master of it . But admit God grant thee space , yet thou mayst not have the grace to do it . What was Jezabels case , Rev. 2.21 . Though God gave her space , yet she repented not . What canst thou tell , what may then become of thee ? perchance thou mayst live long , yet mayst thou never find as much as thy thoughts on repentance , much less the grace to do it : Thou mayst not have a desire that way , much less perform it . Repentance is not a thing at our own command . In meekness ( saith the Apostle ) instruct them that oppose themselves , if God peradventure will give them repentance to the acknowl●dgment of the truth , 2 Tim. 2.25 . If God will give it them . It 's a thing then ( it should seem ) in Gods hand , it 's his proper gift . Mark , the Apostle would have Gods Ministers to be humble and meek ; but how many are of other spirits ? If anothers opinion be contrary to theirs , they are in a heat presently , as if a man were master of himself and of his own heart , to believe what he would . No , no , Repentance is a grace out of our reach , it 's not in a mans own power . Be meek therefore in instructing . What needs passion ? That helps not the matter . The opening of the eyes of the blind is in Gods hands ; thank him for what thou seest , and know that 't is his gift , Acts 5.31 . The Apostle speaking of our Saviour Christ , saith , Him hath God exalted with his right hand to be a Prince and a Saviour , for to give repentance to Israel and forgiveness of sins . The grace of repentance then is no Herb growing in our own Garden , it 's a gift of Gods bestowing . And to this purpose is Acts 11.18 . When they heard these things , they held their peace , and glorified God , saying , then hath God also to the Gentiles granted repentance unto life . As God grants life , so repentance unto life . I have heard Ephraim bemoaning himself thus , saith the Lord , Thou hast chastised me , and I am chastised as a bullock unaccustomed to the yoke , turn thou me , and I shall be turned , Jer. 31.18 . And to the same purpose , Lam. 5.21 . Turn thou us unto thee , O Lord , and we shall be turned . As if Zion should have said , we are no more able to turn our selves then a dead man. After that ( saith Ephraim ) I was turned , I repented , and after I was instructed , I smote upon my thigh : I was ashamed , yea even confounded . See then what an high presumption it is for a man to presume he hath this grace of God at command : But as it is high presumption , so 2. It 's the highest contempt and despising of the grace of God. Rom. 2.4 . Despisest thou the riches of his goodness , and forbearance , and long-suffering ? Thus is it here . God gives thee space : Thou hast it , but imployest it not in what God gave it thee for . Thou deferrest the main business ; and the Apostle accounts it no better then despising the proffers of Gods grace and goodness . Dost thou think God will take this at thy hands ? Wilt thou despise him , and think he 'l not despise thee ? With the froward he will shew himself froward . God will come on a suddain , if thou makest not use of thine opportunity , and take all away from thee . The threatning is plainly laid down , Rev. 3.3 . If thou shalt not watch , I will come on thee . It 's spoken to us all , and therefore concerns us all : Whosoever hath an ear to hear let him hear . They are God's words , I have spoken to you this day , and you shall be accountable for them : let not the Devil steal this from you , hold it fast , this is your day : If thou shalt not watch , I 'll come on thee suddenly as a Thief . It 's the heaviest Judgment can come on unconverted persons , irregenerate souls , not to awake till God comes on them , never to bestir themselves till hell rouze them up . Thus will it be with us , unless we awake by repentance , God will come stealing on us as a thief by suddain death , and speedily cut us off . To pray against suddain death , and not to fit thy self for it , is to add contempt to thy presumption and rebellion . The wise man tells us , That man knoweth not his time , as the fishes that are taken in an evil net , and as the birds that are caught in the snare , so are the sons of men snared in an evil time , when it falleth suddenly upon them , Eccles. 9.12 . Mark , when it falls suddenly , at unawares , here 's the wisdom then to provide that thou mayst not be taken suddenly . If the good Man of the house knew at what time the Thief would come , he would have watched , and not have suffered his house to have been broken up , Matth. 24.43 . And therefore Christ counsels us to watch , since we know not the day nor hour when the Son of man cometh , Here 's the difference then between wisdom and folly . Hereby may we know whether we are wise men or fools , if we foresee this day , and provide for it , it 's an argument of wisdom , if we watch , so as that when it falls , it may not fall on a suddain on us . If we are negligent of this day , and suffer our hearts to be dead as Nabal's like a stone , 1 Sam. 25.37 . He had a great time of repentance , ten days , yet repented not , for his heart was dead , and like a stone ; and this may be the case , if thou despisest the day of thy salvation , God's day , and thine own day too , thou mayst be a Nabal , no more moved than a Pillar in the Church , as I have found some by sad experience . But you may reply , I suppose God will not take me at an advantage , I trust I shall have life and space , and not Nabal's condition ; I hope I shall have my wits about me to be able to cry , Lord have mercy upon me . But suppose God gave thee a tender heart , and thou art sensible of thy danger , that so thou call and cry earnestly to God for mercy , yet this is a miserable condition . Thou shalt find it will not be enough to cry , Lord be merciful to me . If thou neglectest him here , he will cry quittance with thee on thy death bed : Nor do I speak this of my self ; No : Look what Wisdom saith , Because I have called and you refused , I have stretched out mine hand , and no man regarded , but set at nought all my counsel , and would none of my reproof , I also will laugh at your calamity , I will mock when your fear cometh , Prov. 1.24 , 25 , 26. As if he had said , you refused me on my day I called and cried unto you , but you set at nought my words , and rejected my counsel , and were wiser than I , therefore will I laugh at your destruction : when you are in misery I will mock and deride , in stead of succouring . A terrible thing will it be , when in stead of hearing outcries to answer them , he shall deride us , and laugh at our folly and madness , And in the 28 verse , Then shall they call upon me , but I will not answer , they shall seek me early , but they shall not find me . See what folly then it is to let slip this time . This is the acceptable day , Esay 55.6 . Seek the Lord while he may be found , call on him while he is near . When a man refuses God's day , God will not hear his prayer , all his sighs and sobs , his groans and cries , shall not prevail , Esay 66. I will choose their delusions , and will bring their fears upon them ; because when I called , none did answer ; when I spake , they did not hear . When men will needs be choosers of what God would not have , God will have his choice too , and it shall be that which will be displeasing to them . I will choose their delusions , and will bring their fears upon them . HEBREWS 4.7 . Again he limiteth a certain day , saying in David , to day after so long a time , as it is said , to day if you will hear his voyce , harden not your hearts . THe last day I entred on the opening of this place , and shewed ; How the Lord had proposed a limited time for our conversion unto him , in which we should hear and obey his voyce . We shewed farther how it was Satan's policy to make men seem wiser than God , that when God proposes a certain time , and limits us a day , wherein he will be found , we will not have his , but our own . True , say we , God calls on us , and it 's fit and convenient to hearken unto him ; but yet I 'll stay for a more seasonable opportunity . There is nothing provokes God so much against us , as when we will thus scorn that acceptable time he hath proposed : Nor can there be a greater hinderance to repentance , then to stop our ears at his counsels , and to suff●r him to call and cry unto us so long , and yet to abuse his patience by a foolish neglect . It accuses us of Rebellion , and high presumption , on such infirm grounds , to put from us the day of salvation . Folly it is in the highest degree to trust on the future , when as in our own hands we have neither space , nor grace for such a business . God is the Lord , and owner of them both , and will not part with his Prerogative . Go to , you that say , to day or to morrow we will return unto the Lord , You add to presumption both folly and Rebellion . Jezebel had space to repent , yet she repented not , for she had not the grace , that , without this , will not benefit . Seeing then these are not in your power , harden not your hearts , as in the provocation : nor offer despight unto the Holy Ghost , by whom you are sealed to the day of redemption , Ephes. 4.3 , If we embrace not God's day , we despise the riches of his goodness , long suffering , and patience . Rom. 2.4 . Despisest thou the riches of God's grace , not knowing that the long-suffering of God leadeth to repentance ? There can be no higher presumption then this , to bid defiance to the Spirit of God : Nor can there be greater contempt of mercy , then to set light of the time of our repentance , and returning unto God , making that the greatest argument of our delay , which God uses to draw us to him . God gives us space , that we may repent , and we repent not , because he gives us space : He gives us life , that with fear and trembling we may set about the business of salvation , and we ( through strong delusions ) put from us the proffers of his grace , as if they were unseasonably offered . What madness is it to frustrate the Almighty of his ends and purposes ? The Lord is not slack touching his promise , 2 Pet. 3.9 . It 's a great stop and hinderance to our progress in goodness and the work of repentance , when we distrust God , and take him not at his word . He sends abroad his Embassadors , who proclaim , This is the accepted time , this is the day of salvation , to day if you will hear his voyce , harden not your hearts ; 2 Cor. 6.2 . Psalm 95.7 , 8. yet we put this day from us , and say hereafter is a more acceptable time . I have this delight , this Pleasure to take first in the World , I am not so weaned from it , as I would be . As if God would take it well from our hands , that we should then return to him , when there is no remedy . I le first use all the pleasure the World affords me , and then , Lord have mercy on me , will serve the turn . This is the very stifling of the beginning and proceedings of Christianity . Let this be well and speedily weigh'd , as we tender our good and comfort . Obj. But may some say , what needs this hast , may we not use leisure ? Soft and Fair , goes far . Sol. True , Soft and Fair goes fairly in the way . In this case , though thou go but softly , thou mayst come to thy journeys end ; but the doubt remains still , there is a question whether thou art in the way , or not . Happy are we if we are , although we can but halt and limp on , in this way : although this should be no ground for us to content our selves therewith . We must not trifle in the wayes of holiness . It 's that concerns our life , and must be seriously thought on , and that speedily too . Mat. 5.25 . Agree with thine Adversary quickly while thou art in the way with him . God is thine Adversary , unless thou agree with him speedily ; his patience will break forth into his fury . Psal. 2.12 . Kiss the Son lest he be angry , and thou perish from the right way . Thou hast no assurance of thy life , thou mayst be snapt off , whilst thou thinkest it time enough to repent and return . As long as we go out of the way of repentance , we are in the way to Hell , and the farther a man goes in a wrong way , the nearer is he to Hell , and the greater ado to return back : and in this regard Soft and Fair may go far ; but 't is far out of the way , far in the way to perdition and destruction . As long as we are out of the right way to Heaven and happiness , we are in the path , that leads directly to the Chambers of death . But let me in this particular rip up the heart of a natural man. What 's the reason , that when God gives men a day , and cries out , This is the day of salvation , this is the accepted time , what in the name of God , or the Devils name rather ( for he is the adversary , who maligns our Salvation ) should cause them , to put salvation from them ? To defer and desire a longer time ? Thus a natural man reasons with himself , I cannot so soon be taken off from the Profits , and pleasures of the World ; I hope to have a time , when I shall with more ease and a greater composedness of mind , bring my self to it : or if it be not with so much ease , yet , I trust , in a sufficient manner , I shall do it : Wherefore , for the present , I le enjoy the Profits , and Delights of the State , and Condition , where I am ; I will solace my self with the pleasures of sin for a season , I hope , true repentance will never be too late . This is well weighed ; but consider , whether these thoughts which poise down our hearts , be not groundless ; see , whether they will hold water at the last ; and whether in making such excuses , to great presumption , we add not the height of folly . To pretend for our delay , the Profits and Pleasures of sin , and yet hope for Heaven at the last , as well as the generation of the righteous ; it 's but a meer fallacy , and delusion of Satan , to fill our hearts with such Vanities : Can it be expected , that we should have our good in this World , and in the World to come too ? This is well , if it might be . But let us try the matter , and begin with your first branch . You are loth to part with your Profits , and Pleasures . But consider , what a grand iniquity this is . Can you offer God a greater wrong and indignity ? Do you thus requite the Lord you foolish and unwise ? Dost thou think this the way to make thy peace with God , whom thou hast offended , as long as thou mayst to be a Rebel against him ? What a high dishonour is it to him , that thou shouldst give him thy feeble and doting old age ; and the Devil thy lively and vigorous youth , thy strength and spirits ? Dost thou think he will drink the Dregs , and eat the Orts ? Will he accept thee in the next World , when thou thus scornest him in this ? If you offer the Blind for sacrifice , is it not an evil ? If you offer ●he Lame and Sick , is it not evil ? Offer it now unto thy governour , will he be pleased with thee , or accept thy person , saith the Lord of Hosts ? Mal. 1.8 . But mark how he goes on , v. 14. Cursed be the deceiver , which hath in his flock a male , and voweth and sacrificeth unto the Lord a corrupt thing . Mark , God accounts such service a corrupt thing , and the Person that offers it a mere Cheat , a Deceiver . Never look for a blessing from God in Heaven , when thou sacrificest to him such corrupt things . No , thou art Cursed of God , as long as thou continuest in this Hypocrisy . We are to offer and present our selves a living sacrifice , holy and acceptable unto God , Rom. 12.1 . Now judge whether they offer God the living , who say , when my doting days come , my lame days , thar I cannot go , my blind dayes , that I cannot see , I le offer my self a sacrifice to God , Will this be acceptable to him ? Is not this Evil , saith the Lord , to offer me such a corrupt thing ? Nay more , he 's accursed that offers such an offering , such a polluted sacrifice . God will not like with it ; when we serve our selves first with the best and choise ? Do you thus requite the Lord ? Do you think he will accept it at your hands ? Go offer such a gift to thy Ruler , to thy Prince , will he accept it , or be pleased with it ? No , a Landlord will have the best , and the choice ; and it must needs provoke God , when we give him the refuse . I am King of Kings , saith the Lord , my name is dreadful , and I will look to be served after another manner . Let no man then thus delude himself with vain hopes , but let him consider , how dishonourable a thing it will be to God. 2. And how unprofitable to him , whoever thou art . Indeed , we cannot be profitable unto Him Properly as he that is wise may be profitable to himself . Job . 22.2 . But he is so gracious a master , that he esteems our sincere and seasonable service , to be his own gain , and our sloth and neglect to be his detriment , he accompts our destruction to be his own loss . Now it s the ready way . 1. It s the ready way to thy Destruction . Heaven , and happiness , and eternal life , are laid up for those that embrace the acceptable time ; death , horrour , and eternal misery for those that refuse it ; and wilt thou hazard Soul and Body on this ? Moses , on this ground , did rather choose to suffer affliction in this World with the people of God , then to enjoy the pleasures of sin for a season . Hebr. 11.25 . When these things are past , what profit will you have of those things , whereof then you will be ashamed ? Nay , whereof ( were thine eyes open ) thou wouldst now be ashamed ; and happy wouldst thou be , if thou wert ( as the converted Romans were ) even now ashamed . Rom. 6.21 . Shame accompanies Sin so constantly and unavoidably , that even repentance it self removes it not . The Romans , now Christians , were ashamed , for what they had done , before they knew Christ. When a man comes to see truly and throughly into himself , he will find no profit of such things as these : Death will certainly follow us , not only Temporal but Eternal ; also if we Repent not the more speedily , that 's all the profit we shall find . 2. But suppose thou prevent everlasting death by repentance , yet what profit is there of those things whereof we are now for the present ashamed ? The best can come is shame . 3. Thou art loth to part with the Pleasures of sin for a Season , and hereafter thou thinkest thou canst amend all . But consider the particulars , and then shall you see how you are befool'd in your hearts and souls . Believe it for an undoubted truth , there 's nothing in the World , by which Satan more deludes a man , then by this perswading him to neglect his day , and that he may repent well enough hereafter . That you may expel this suggestion out of your Souls , pray unto God that he would go along with his Word , and cause you to lay this to heart , that by his Spirit your understanding may be enlightned to see the truth . Though I make this as clear as the Sun , that it is a false supposition , and mere folly , on which we build , in deferring our return to God , yet God from Heaven must teach you , or you will be never the wiser . Know therefore that this very day God reaches out the Golden Scepter to thee , and what folly were it no neglect it , since thou knowest not whether he will ever proffer it thee again ? And assure thy self , that he is a Lyar that tels thee , thou mayst as well repent hereafter , as now : and this will appear , whether we consider , the order of outward things in the World , or the nature of sin . 1. For external things , every Age after a man comes into the World ( if he embrace not the present opportunity for repentance ) is worse then other , and are each of them as so many Clogs which come one after a another to hinder it . As for thy Childish Age , that 's mere Vanitie , and thy riper Age will bring many Impediments and Hinderances , that youth never thought of . Thou art then troubled about many things , and perplexed , how to provide for maintenance ; in the midst whereof know , that thou hast not a body of Brass , but a Corruptible and Fading body : and yet such is the Folly of the heart of man , that the less Ground he hath to go , the fewer Dayes to spend , the more he often provides , and is the more covetous . Consider that the wisest of men gave thee this counsel , Remember thy Creator in the day of thy youth , before the evil dayes come , wherein thou shalt say , thou hast no pleasure in them . Eccles. 12.1 . Here we find it 's a youthful thing , and should be a young mans Practice : Not according to that devilish saying , a young Saint and an old Devil : But Remember thy Creator in the dayes of thy youth . The more sin thou committest , the more unapt thou art to Repent . Custome in sinning makes thee a Lot ; The elder thou growest , the more loth to go out of Sodom . Besides , 2. Consider , what sin is in its nature . It is a weight , Heb. 12.1 . Let us lay aside every weight , and the sin which doth so easily beset us . Sin is then a weight , and so an Heavy thing ; but add sin to sin , a weight to a weight , and it becomes Heavier and Heavier . A man that is in the state of impenitency , hath this weight laid on him , and is subject to the Devil , in a state of Rebellion against God. A man now in this estate is weighed down , what will he be , six , seven , or ten years hence , going on in his impenitency ? How will he then shake that off , which now he cannot free himself of ? He must hereafter Buckle against it with a great deal of disadvantage , and Wrestle with more difficulty . One sayes well , that if we consider of sin aright , it 's like the rising of water , over which a man being to pass , and finding it Higher then it was wont to be , he stayes a while , and then tryes again , and finds it Higher then before : he stayes yet longer , till it become unpassable , so that he may not adventure without great disadvantage . Thus it is with sin : Now peradventure the Waters of iniquity are Passable , if thou wilt , thou mayst go over , but if thou delayest the adventure , the streams of sin will run together into one Channel , and be more difficultly passed . Thou shalt find them like the Waters in Ezek. rising from the ankles to the Knees , from the knees to the Loyns , till they become Water , in this indeed unlike them , not to Swim in , as they were , but to Sink in , like the Waters of the Red Sea returning in their force in which Pharoah , and his Host sank down as a Stone , nay as Lead when the Wind of the Lord blew upon them . Exod. 15.5 , 10. Take another Metaphor from the Scripture : The Scripture compares sin to Cords , which are instruments of binding , and the mystery of the Gospel is expressed by binding and loosing ; Whose soever sins you shall bind on Earth , they are bound in Heaven , but whose sins ye remit , they are remitted . Mat. 18.18 . Joh. 10.23 . Every sin thou committest is a bond , and binds thee hand and foot ▪ against the Judgment of the great-day . Therefore it 's said , His own iniquity shall take the wicked , and he shall be bound and holden with the cords of his sins . 23. Prov. 5.22 . Now consider what folly it is , when a man shall say , though my sins are so many Cords difficult to be broken , yet I le not trouble my self about it in my younger days , but I le stay till my old age , and then I hope I shall be the better able to break these Bonds , and cast all these Cords from me ; when as every iniquity I commit is as a new cord , which binds me faster and faster . Is not this Madness it self to think so , that in our younger Years being scarce able to break one of them , in our Dotage we shall be able to break ten thousand together ? And certainly this is the disposition and nature of sin . 3. But add hereunto the Argument in the Text : To day if ye will hear his voice , harden not your heart ; But repent while it is called to day . Shewing that if we pass this Day , we shall be Harder and Harder . Wherefore , saith the Apostle , Exhort every one another daily while it is called to day , lest any of you be hardened through the deceitfulness of sin , Heb. 3.13 . As if he had said , if thy heart be Hard to day , it will be Harder to morrow . Custome in sin hardens the heart , and takes away the sense of it . Wherefore saith the Apostle , I speak after the manner of men , because of the infirmitie of your flesh , For as ye have yielded your members servants to uncleanness and to iniquity unto iniquity , even so now yield your members servants to righteousness , unto holiness , Rom 6.19 . So that we see if a man once give himself up to sin , he will not be satisfied therewith , but will give himself up to iniquitie unto iniquitie . What 's the meaning of that ? It 's as if he had said , if we give our selves up to iniquity , we will not rest there , but we 'l add iniquity , unto iniquitie , Sin unto Sin : we will be brought to such a custom in evil , as that it will be easier for a black-moor to change his skin , and a Leopard his spots , then for those that have been accustomed to do evil , to learn to do well , Jer. 13.23 . It will be to as much purpose to wash an Aethopian , as to go to put off that ill custome , and shake off that second Nature . Sin is a Hammer , and sin is a Nail too . Every sin strikes the former sin home to the Head , that whereas before it might easily have been drawn out , it roots it in so fast , as that it can very hardly be plucked out . Mark how the Apostle describes this cursed nature of sin : Having eyes full of Adultery , and that cannot cease from sin , beguiling unstable souls , a heart they have exercised with covetous practices , 2 Pet. 2.14 . What makes a man prompt in any thing but Exercise ? When a man is exercised in sin , see the event of it : it brings him to that vicious habit , as that at length he cannot cease from sin . If a man deal with a young twig , it will bend , and break at his pleasure ; but when it comes to full growth , it 's past his strength . So fares it with sin : if thou dealest with it whilst thou art Young , and it in thee , before it hath taken Root , thou mayst easily wield it , at least with more facility , then otherwise thou couldst ; but if thou let it run on to Confirmed Habits , it becomes immoveable . Wherefore saith the Apostle , Heb. 12.1 . Let us lay aside the sin which doth so easily beset us . The reason is evident , because , else we shall be so hardned , as that we shall not be able . A man that hath a green wound , if he 'l seek for his cure betimes , it may be quickly , and easily remedied ; but through delay , it begins to fester , and must be lanced to the quick , not without great Pain and Anguish to the Patient . Sin is such a wound ; if it be let alone , it corrupts ; and Proud flesh the more grows up , the longer the cure is delayed . This therefore should be a chief thing we should take heed of , how we put from us Gods time , and the Proffers of Mercy , till another day . 2. But there are another sort , as greatly befool'd , as these , yea more , if more may be : and those are they who put it off till the Hour of their Death , till the last gasp , as if they desired to give God , as little of their service , as possibly they might , who think if they can but cry Peccavi , and Lord have mercy on me , when their breath departs their bodies , they shew a good Disposition , and perform such Acceptable service , as that God cannot chuse , but grant them a pardon : But think not all will be surely well , because thou hastest to shake han●s with God , at thy Journeys end , when thou hast not walked with him a●l the way . Obj. But did not the Thief repent at the last on the Cross , and why not I on my Death bed . Sol. This is no good Warrant for thy delay , for Christ might work This miraculously , for the Glory of his Passion . Dost thou think when in thy Health , and Strength , thou hast ( for several Years ) despised the Riches of Gods goodness , and Forbearance , and Long-suffering that leads thee to Repentance , that assoon as thou art cast on thy Death-bed , and ready to breath out thy Soul , the Rocks shall be Rent again , and the Graves opened , to quicken thy Repentance and beget in thee a Saving Faith ? Trust not therefore on this , nor content thy self with good Intentions , but set about the business in good earnest and presently . Our Death-beds will bring so many disadvantages , as will make that time very Vnseasonable : Whether we respect . 1. External hinderances , such as are pangs and pains in thy body , which must be undergone : and thou shalt find it will be as much , as thou well canst do , to support thy self under them . Every noise will then offend thee ; yea thou will not be able to endure the speech of thy best friends . When Moses came to the Children of Israel , and told them God had sent him to deliver them , what acceptation found this comfortable message ? The Text saith , Exod. 9.6 . They hearkned not through anguish of their spirits . See here the effects of Anguish and Grief : Moses spake comfortably , but by reason of their pains , they hearkned not unto him ; they were indisposed to give attendance . So shall it be with us on our death-beds , through the Anguish of our Spirits , we shall be unfit to meddle with ought else ; especially , when the the Pains of Death are upon us , the Dread whereof is terrible : How will it make us tremble , when death shall come with that Errand , to divide our Souls from our Bodies , and put them into possession of Hell , unless we repent the sooner . Now thou art in thy best strength , consider what a Terror it will be , what a sad Message it will bring , when it comes not to cut off an Arm , or Leg , but Soul from Body . Now then make thy Peace with God : but that these men are Fools , they would through fear of death be all their life-time in bondage . It 's the Apostles expression , Heb. 2.15 . The consideration hereof should never let us be at rest , till we had made our Peace with God ; it should make us break our Recreations and Sports . The considerations of what will become of us , should put us in an Extasie . Nor are these all our Troubles ; for besides these , outward Troubles will then even overwhelm us , when a man is to dispose of his Wife and Children , House and Lands , he must needs be very unfit at this time , for the Work of Repentance . These things will cast so great a damp on his heart , as that he shall be even cold in his seeking after Peace with God. 2. But suppose these outward hinderances are removed , that neither Pain of Body , nor Fear of Death seize on thee , neither Care of Wife nor Children , Houses , nor Lands distract thee , but that thou mightst then set about it withal thy might , though thou wert in the most penitent condition , that might be to mans seeming , yet where 's the Change or new nature should follow thy Contrition , unless we see this in Truth , we can have but little Comfort . Shall I see a sinner run on in his ill courses , till the day of Death , and then set on this work , I could not conclude therefore the safety of his soul , because it 's the Change of the Affections , not of the Actions , that God looks after ; for the Fear of Death may Extort this Repentance , where the Nature is not Changed . Take an example of a Covetous Man , which dotes on his Wealth more then any thing else in the World ; suppose him in a ship with all his ri●hes about him , a tempest comes and puts him in danger of losing all , both Life and Goods , in this strait he sticks not to cast out all his Wealth , so he may preserve his Life ; and shall we therefore say he is not covetous ? No , we will account him nevertheless Covetous for all this , nor that he loved his Goods the less , but his Life the more . It 's so in this case , when an impenitent person is brought upon his Death-bed ; he 's apt to cry out in the Bitterness of his Soul , If God will but grant me Life , and spare me now , I le never be a Drunkard , Swearer , or Covetous Person , more . Whence comes this ? Not from any change of his Nature , and loathing of what he formerly loved , but because he cannot keep these and Life together : Fear alters his disposition , the Terrors of the Almighty lying upon him . I have my self seen many at such a time as this , that have been so exceeding full of Sorrow , and penitent Expressions , that the standers by have even wished their Souls to have been in the other Souls cases , and yet when God hath restored them , they have fallen into their former Courses again ; And why is this ? But because when Repentance comes this way , it alters only the outward actions for the Present , not the sinful dispositions , things that are extracted from a man , alter the outward appearance , not the Nature . Therefore saith the Lord , I le go and return to my place , till they acknowledge their offence , and seek my face : In their affliction they will seek me early , Hos. 5. last . Mark , when Gods hand is on them , they will seek him : And as in the 6. Chap. 1. v. say one to another , Come let us return unto the Lord , for he hath torn and he will heal us , he hath smitten and he will bind us up : How penitent were they , when Gods hand was on them : but let it once be removed , and hear how God presently complains of them : O Ephraim , what shall I do unto thee ? O Judah , what shall I'do unto thee ? For your goodness is as a Morning Cloud , and as the early dew it goeth away . Mark , thy goodness is as a Morning Cloud , such a Goodness as is Extorted , that is as Temporary as Earthly Dew ! Another considerable place we have in the Psal. 78.34 . When he slew them , then they sought him , and they returned , and enquired early after God. Was not this a great Conversion ? When they were in this dismal Condition , they were not troubled with Cares , for Wife or Children , Houses or Lands , how can we think but that these men died in Peace , that were in so good a Humour ; yet see what follows , verse 36. Nevertheless they did flatter him with their mouths , and lied unto him with their tongues . Besides , consider the Vnworthiness of it ; I le Forsake Sin , when Sin Forsakes me : We leave it when we can keep it no longer : Thank you for nothing , may God say , if you could , you would sin longer , this is that Folly , which deferring our Repentance brings us to . But to draw to a conclusion : God hath set us a Certain Day , and if we pass the time , wo be to us . For though he is full of Mercy , and Patience yet Patience hurt , oftentimes harms , and provokes the Almighty to Fury . God will not alwaies strive with man , but his daies shall be an hundred and twenty years , if he convert in that space , and return , well , if not , he shall be swept away . And to this purpose is that parable , Luke 13.6 . A certain man had a fig-tree planted in his Vineyard , and he came and sought Fruit thereon and found none , Then said he unto the dresser of his Vineyard , behold these three years I came seeking fruit on this fig-tree , and find none : Cut it down , why combreth it the ground ? There is an appointed time , then fore - ordained by God , wherein he offers us Grace . Let it alone , saith the dresser , one year more : It may be seven years , or ten , it may be but two hours ( for ought thou knowest ) that God may offer thee , longer , this space . No man knows the time , and its continuance , but he that hath appointed it to this purpose : Which is a point I thought not to speak of , but not I will. You hear much talk of Gods eternal and everlasting election , and we are to apt to rest on this , that if we are elected to salvation we shall be saved , and if not , we shall be damned , troubling our selves with Gods work of Praedestination , whereas this works no Change in the party elected , until it come unto him in his own Person . What is God's election to me : It s nothing to my comfort , unless I my self am effectually called . We are to look to this effectual calling . The other is but Gods love to sever me from the Corrupt mass of Adams posterity . But what is my effectual calling ? It s that , when God touches my heart , and translates me from the Death of sin , to the life of Grace . Before this effectual calling , even the elect Ephesians were without Christ , Aliens from the Commoa-Wealth of Israel , Strangers from the Covenant of promise , having no hope and without God in the World. Ephes. 2.12 . Now there are certain times which God appoints for this effectual calling , wherein he uses the means to work on us , and of which he can say , what could I do more then I have done ? And mayst thou not fear an actual rejection , since thou hast lived thus long under the means of Grace ; That God hath waited these , not only three , but m●ny years , the dew of Heaven , continually falling on thee , and that yet thou shouldst remain unfruitful . Doest thou not fear , I say , that dismal sentence , cut it down why combereth it the ground ; Gods grace is not to be dallied with , as wanton Children do with their meats , if we do thus slight him , he may justly deprive us of all . See a terrible place to this purpose , Heb. 6.7 , 8. The earth which drinketh in the rain that cometh oft upon it , and bringeth Herbs meet for them by whom it is dressed , receiveth blessing from God , but that which beareth Thorns and Briers , is rejected , and is nigh unto cursing , whose end is to be burned . Consider these places , God calls us , where the droppings of his Grace are distilled ; consider then , do we bring forth that fruit which is meet for the dresser , answerable to those continual distillings and droppings on us ? If our consciences witness for us , happy are we , but when there have been these showers of grace out of Gods word flowing down upon us , and yet we have received so much Grace in vain ; O what can we expect , but a curse in this life , and eternal death in the World to come ? What can we look for , but the fig-trees curse , which was barren ? The Tree was not cut down , but withered : We are near the same curse , if we answer not Gods grace . When we have had so long a time , the Ministry of the Word , and yet suffer it to be lost through our barrenness , our condition is sad , and woful , we can look for nothing , but withering . Heb. 6.9 . But beloved , I must hope better things of you , and such as accompany salvation : Labour therefore to prevent , and arm your selves against this suggestion and fallacy of Satan , and resolve to hear God in this acceptable time , now to set to the work , which if we do , all will be well , God will be gracious to us . If otherwise , we are undone for ever . Till you have learned this lesson , you can no further . Wherefore let not Satan possess you with that madness , to cause you to pass and let slip this golden opportunity , through a false conceipt , that you may have a more seasonable day of your own , for repentance hereafter . I will not say , that a death-bed repentance is alwaies fruitless ; the Ancient Fathers , though they give no encouragement to defer it till then , yet in case it be so long put off , they injoyn it even then . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. Chrysost. in Psal. 51. pag. 675 , and 705. Edit . Savi-lian . As long as thou breathest , even in the last day of thy life , upon thy bed , when thou art expiring , and about to depart from the Theatre of this life , then repent : the straitness of the time doth not exclude the Philanthropy of God , that love which he beareth to Mankind . Onely remember what I have said of the danger of this procrastination and how unfitting a season it is , for so great a work , and what reasons we have , to judge it seldome serious . GAL. 6.3 , 4. For if a man think himself to be something , when he is nothing , he deceiveth himself . But let every man prove his own work , and then shall he have rejoycing in himself alone , and not in another . HAving entred on the Doctrine of the conversion of a sinner , in that Text , Heb. 4.7 . upon which depends our everlasting salvation . I laboured to perswade you of the necessity of taking the accepted time of embracing the proffers of Gods grace , and of the necessity of doing it speedily . I shewed you that there is a certain time in which God will be found , and that this time was the present time . I declared unto you the great danger that would follow , if we took not God at his word , but refused his day for a day of our own , as if we were wiser than he ; If when God calls , and holds out the Golden Scepter , we refuse to draw neer , and touch it : Also what danger there is of being deluded by Satan , and our own hearts . I shewed you farther , that the work was half done is this were done , if we could but learn this lesson . And now all that I shall speak will be to little purpose , if this be not first wrought . If it be already wrought in us , blessed are we . Our condition were thrice happy , would God now strike in , and cause us to return to himself . It 's not good to dally with God , the time may come when it will be too late , when we shall wish he had done otherwise , and taken the accepted time . Now I will go on to a farther point , which is this , when Satan cannot prevail with a sinner , to say to his soul , or to think with himself , I will do it hereafter , or I will at the day of death , when he cannot prevail with him to defer it , and leave it quite undone for the present : then he will give way to his doing a little to it , but it shall be so superficial , and on such false grounds , that he had as good leave it undone ; For Satan makes him thus conclude with himself , well , since I see it is a duty so necessary , I will not defer , I will not put it off to an hour , but yet I see no such matter required in conversion , no such great need of being new moulded . But now in the point of conversion , there are two things to be thought on . First what estate the sinner is in for the present , and then , when he hath made search , and found it to be amiss , then the next thing is , he must turn unto God , and resolve to amend . I shall not now stand to speak of that common aspersion cast upon Religion , and the waies of God ( that men must sail to Heaven by the Gates of Hell ) of which many are so much afraid : But yet we must not think that our Saviour came to heal those , which were whole already ; he 's a God of Wisedome , and the Physician of the Soul ; he comes to find , that which is lost : So that we must be lost in our own apprehensions , if we will be found , as David was , Ps. 119. ult . He first saith , I have gone astray like a sheep that is lost , then seek thy servant . If now we are once lost , we are lost for ever , if he seek us not ; therefore we should first consider with our selves , what estate we are in now , how the case stands with us at present , that if God should come and strike thee with Death , if thou wert now to come to Judgment , what would trouble thee most , what couldst thou then answer him ? Therefore since it is uncertain how soon God may deal thus with thee , it is wisedome to be always ready . Lam. 3.40 . Let us search and try our wayes , and turn again unto the Lord. Let us first try how the matter stands with us , at the present , let us examine our selves and our ways , and see if all be well , and then may we go on with comfort in the way wherein we are . But when we have searched , and find thing● not to go as well as they ought , or that we are not in a right way , then after our searching we must , Turn unto the Lord : Thus the Prophet did , Psal. 129.57 . I thought upon my wayes , and turned my feet unto thy testimonies . First he thought on his wayes , he considered , whither he was going , to Heaven , or Hell ; then when he had thus thought , he made hast , and turned his feet unto Gods testimonies . Here are both put together : first he made hast and thought on his ways , and then he turned . I took this Text to shew that one of these is as dangerous as the other , and how men are apt to deceive themselves in their search and examination . 'T is as dangerous not to prove our wayes , as to put off and defer our ●ur●ing to God. This is a dangerous disease , that when men come to examine and try their spiritual estates , they have false weights and unequal ballances to prove themselves by : they are very willing to save themselves the labour , though they be deceived . A man is loth to be cozened by another ; but here is his folly , that he is willing enough to dec●ive and betray himself . Such Fools the Devil makes many men , because they take not right Glasses to look on themselves in , and so they deceive themselves . For if a man think himself to be something when he is nothing ; he deceiveth himself ; but let every man prove , &c. In the words here are , 1. The Disease . 2. A Remedy . 1. The Disease is in the 3d. v. If a man think himself ●o be something , when he is nothing , &c. This is a common dangerous disease ; and a disease which is both common and dangerous is the more to be feared , the more careful must the Physician be . This is the most common disease , for there is not a man but finds a smatch of it in his own heart . And it is the more dangerous ; for who is in more danger , than he that is blind and will be blind ? that is willing to be cheated by Satan , and himself . This is the patient . Now what his disease is , and the dangerousness of it , the Apostle tells us : He thinks himself to be something , and is nothing . This is the Patient to be cured , and that is his disease , than which none more common : for there is not the worst of men , but will say , I thank God I am something , and I am not half so bad as the Preacher would make me , I have some good thing in me . Now this his disease stands in two things . 1. That he is nothing . 2. That he thinks himself to be something . 1. He is nothing . And for a man to be brought before Gods Judgment-seat , and have nothing to answer , how will it fare with him then ? But yet this man cannot but think , he is something : Well then , something he is , but nothing to the purpose : As we say of an Idol , An Idol is nothing in the World : that is , Nothing that can help , or succour those that bow to it , and adore it , nothing that can relieve the worshipper of it . An Idol is something indeed , for it is Silver , or Gold , or Brass , or Stone , &c. But it 's nothing , that is , is nothing to the purpose , nothing that can plead for a man when he holds up his hand at Gods Bar. 2. He thinks himself to be something though he be nothing : He thinks he shall come to Heaven , though he be not in the way ; as the foolish Virgins , that thought they should be let in , feared not the contrary , till they came to the Marriage Chamber door . Matth. 25.11 . So these men walk in their way all their life , and yet fear not entrance into Heaven , till they receive sentence to the contrary . If these men knew themselves to be nothing , they would seek something for themselves ; but now they are nothing , though they think themselves something . This is the Disease . 2. The Remedy is in the next Verse , Let him prove his own work . Let him view himself in a true Glass , and that is the point we shall insist on . If then we provide , that Satan shall not delude us in deferring , and putting off our repentance ; so let us also provide , that he deceive us not with a false conceit of our wayes and estate ▪ that we may not make our selves something , when we are nothing . Therefore let us see what false Glasses they are , that men get to themselves . If Satan bring us to have a good opinion of our selves , and our condition , and perswade us , that it is not with us , as precise Preachers tell us ; that it 's no such matter to go to Heaven , but that it may be done with less pains and more ease : when , I say , Satan lulls a man asle●p with such plausible things as these , he hath him where he would have him . Why then no marvel , if this man like his ways , when he looks upon them with false Glasses . 1. The first false glass is Self-love , and the property of love is to make the good things in the party it loves very great , and the vices very little , Self-love represents nothing in it's true shape . The Apostle speaking of the latter dayes , 2 Tim. 3. saith , There shall be perillous times : And wherein lieth the peril ? Men shall be lovers of their own selves . As if he had said , that is one of the worst perils , for a man to have a great conceit of himself . If one be sick of this disease , it will so blind him , that he shall never see a thing in its right place : we may see it by the contrary in the want of love . Suppose it in the case of a malignant neighbour , for example ; he that is full of malice and envy towards his neighbour , ( consider what a false glass this is . ) will never want matter of quarrel against him . The man that wants love , see how the good and bad deeds of his neighbour shew themselves to him : when he looks on the good actions of his neighbour , they appear but very small , he is alwayes abridging and contracting his vertues and good things , making them seem less then indeed they are . On the other side , all things he sees amiss in him , this want of love makes them far greater , then they are . Love breeds the contrary ; when a man loves himself , his good things seem very great , and his evil things very small , those he abridges and contracts ; and hereupon is that instance brought of the Jews , Rom. 2.3 . Think●st thou O man that judg●st them that do such things , that thou shalt escape , &c. When such a man looks upon his own sins ; they appear small to him ; but when on the infirmities of others , they seem very great . With one eye he looks on himself , with another on his neighbour . This man perchance is a Drunkard as well as his neighbour , covetous , as well as him , yet he concludes them great evils in his neighbour , but extenuates them within himself : Self-love causes this difference . As long as this sways us , that we love things , because they are our own , we shall never be able to guess at our own condition . If another man should look on you both , would he not account thee partial ? If a man hath a Son or Daughter , though they be not so wise or beautiful , as another mans , yet he delights in them as much as if they were , he loves them because they are his own . Let a man be born in a barren Countrey , he will praise it most , not because there is none so good , but because he loves it best , it is his own Countrey . Thou wilt never be a good Judge of thine own estate if thou viewest thy self in this false glass , for it will easily deceive a man. True , I know self-love is a deceitful glass , and looking therein , a man will be favourable to himself , and so deceive himself , for it renders things in a bigger sh●pe , then in truth and reality they are . But 2. I thank God , my neighbours also , and all others that know me , speak well of me . I have not only a good conceit of my self , but every man about me can speak well of me , cannot say , black is mine eye . I have a good report of all men . But if this were enough and sufficient to assure thee of the goodness of thy estate , it were well , but it is not enough . True it is , a good report from men for fair and honest dealing is not to be despised ; yet it will do no good , unless thou have it from God. It was one of the happinesses of our Saviour , that he was in favour with God and men ; it was with God too as well as men . When both meet together , it 's well indeed . Demetrius in John 3.12 . we read , had a good report of all men , and of the truth it self . To have a good report from men , and also from the truth , is an happy thing : but having it not from the truth , Woe to us , when all men speak well of us . What folly is it to rest upon a good report from men , when I have it not from the truth ? The like madness it is , as for a man to trust in the absolution of his fellow-prisoners , when the Law of the Land condemns him . Shall a sick man be so mad , as to say he is well , because others say so ? As if we should seek our selves out of our selves , No , Let every man prove his own work , and then shall he have rejoycing in himself , and not in another . Rom. 2. ult . He is a Jew , which is one inwardly , whose praise is not of men but of God. Not as if this did dis-common , or turn out the praise of men ; but it is comparatively spoken , and it 's meant , whose praise is not so much of men as of God. So that this is the second false glass , when a man concludes himself to be in a good estate because men praise him , thinks it well with him , because others think so , and say so . He hath a good opinion of himself , but that 's not a ll , other men give him a good report too . And this follows the former : for a man needs never fear flattery from others , that doth not flatter himself . But these are not my only grounds that I have so good opinion of my self , and that others speak well of me , but when I compare my self with my self , I find wherein I may rejoyce . So that this is the 3. Third Glass , when a man compares himself with others , and himself . 1. When he compares himself with others . I thank God , saith he , I am better then twenty of my neighbours ; I know this man follows such courses , and another lives in such a foul sin . Sure , saith he , I am not such a sinner as these , therefore I am happy , and I doubt not room in Heaven . This is the cause that the Pharisee went home unjustified , because looking on other men , he justified himself . God I thank thee I am not as other men , no extortioner , &c. This fellow is so far from begging any thing of God , that he fills up his time with thanksgiving , he thinks he wants nothing , and that is his error ; he looks on other men , and compares himself with them , and thence concludes he is well enough , because he is not so bad as this or that man. This is the common deceit , when men take this for a rule , that because they are not so bad as the off-scouring of the World , but are better then the ordinary sort of men , therefore they suppose they are very well , or as well , as they need to be : As if a sick man should say , I am not so sick , as such a man , who is at the point of death , therefore I am very well . I would desire such men , that as they look on those that are under them , so they would a little cast up their eyes on those that are above them . When you look on the Publican , this and that man , and bless your selves , because you are not so bad as these , who perchance are before you in points of morality : If you stand on comparisons , look on those that are above you , that go beyond you in grace and zeal , and look not so much on the sins of others , as your own : Another mans sins may condemn him , they cannot save thee . When a Thief and a Murtherer are both arraign'd at the Bar for their lives , will the Thief say to the Murtherer thy sin is greater , thy fault is of an higher nature , therefore I shall be saved , because mine is not hainous , when they both are punishable with death ? The fault of another will not make thy case the better . It 's no point of Justification , thus to deceive thy self , and to conclude because another is worse then thee , that therefore thy estate is blessed . So we see the degrees of false glasses . Self-love : or self conceit : Then a good opinion of men : and conferring a mans self with some others . He 's better then they , therefore his estate is good . An absurd conclusion ; the Devil will mightily insult over such as he can so easily deceive . But this man goes farther ; I not only compare my self with others , but with my self too , and find good ground to conclude the safeness of my condition . I remember a time , when I was vain and idle , when I ran in a way contrary to God. But now I have sowed my wild-oats ; and whereas before I was loose and dissolute , I have care to do my duty , to serve God , &c. I am not so prophane as formerly , my estate must needs be good . This is a very dangerous thing to say , that because I am not as bad , as I was , I am therefore good : It is as if a man had a debter , a slack pay-master , to whom the Creditor calls earnestly to pay the debt , the best answer the debtor gives is this , I am sure there are many worse paymasters in the World then I am , and I my self have been a worse , and more slow paymaster heretofore then I am now . Well , because there are worse pay-masters , and he himself hath been a worse , doth this make him a better now ? And shall this serve to excuse thee , by comparing thy self with others that are worse ? And with thy self , that because thou hast mended thy self in some particulars , therefore thou art in the way to Heaven ? It is a fal●e and foolish Conclusion . 4. Now we come to the main thing , another false glass , which we call Partial obedience , when a man goes furthet , looking upon the letter of the Commandement onely , saying , I thank God I forbear many sins , and do many duties , I am not a Thief , nor a Murtherer , Swearer , Drunkard , or covetous person : I do not take Gods name in vain ; I have not broken the Sabbath , though I doubt whether it be moral or no. I have served God in coming to his house , given obedience to my Parents , &c. And looking on this he concludes , doubtless all is well with him : As when I have a thousand thorns in my feet , and have three or four taken out , will this help me ? because I have not the Stone or the Gout , shall I conclude I am well , as if I could not be sick without this or that disease . Because I do something that God requires , shall I think I do as much as I need ? No , we must take heed of that , God will not be contented with Partial Obedience , He will have the whole heart or none . Obj. But mine is not Partial obedience , I do my endeavour , as far as I am able to do , what God requires : Here comes in natural reason , and saith , I thank God I do what I can , and I see no reason , why more should be required . I conform my self , as I am able , and I see it needful , to the greatest duties of Christianity ; I lead such a blameless life , that no man can tax me in any particular what God hath enabled me to do ; and according to moral Philosophy , I know not how more can be required : I go as far as Seneca's rules , and somewhat farther , and sure this is not Partial obedience . Sol. I speak not against Morality . But yet let me tell thee , if thou hast no more then Morality , it will not bring thee to Heaven . Not but that a moral man is an excellent stock , whereon to graft grace and virtue , it 's a good help to Heaven , yet it comes far short of bringing him thither . Natural reason was once a full and fair glass , till it was broken by the fall : but now it is insufficient . The Tables in Moses hands were excellent things , God made the first Tables with his own hand , and perchance they may be therein typical , when these were broken , Moses makes the second , these not so excellent as the former , though I should esteem a piece of these , more excellent , then all the reliques of the Papists , for there was something of the first in them , God writes them with his own finger . This glass which then was so perfect , is now broken , and is not so perfect as it was , though there be something yet remaining in it ; We may see something of its ancient lustre in the Gentiles , for these having not a Law , are a Law unto themselves . There are practical principles , yet remaining in the Tables of our hearts , so that they that care not for the Law , shall be judged by that natural light , which is in them . We have a conscience to difference between good and evil . This is the truth . It 's a part of the Image of God implanted in us , which we are not to despise lest we be judged with those that hold the truth in unrighteousness : The truth is the principle of difference betwixt good and bad : The soul was to have a seat as a Queen to rule all our actions : But now this Queen is taken captive , and all is lost : Morality and inward principles are to be much esteemed , as things which God at first planted , yet do they come short of bringing a man to Heaven . The young man in the Gospel had a good esteem of himself , and was doubtless well esteemed of others , and did many things : but yet our Saviour tells him , how hard a thing it was for one no better qualified than at that time he was , or rather impossible ( for he preferred his wealth before the blessed society of Christ ) to come to Heaven : Although he thinks himself well enough , though he were rich not onely in great outward possessions , but in his moral Vertues too , so that when our Saviour tells him of the Commandments , he replies : all these , have I kept from my youth , which evidenced him to have bin a good moral man indeed in that he had done so much , yet this was not enough one thing lacked : go and sell all that thou hast , &c. However because there was so much in him , we read Mark. 10.21 . Jesus loved him : he sheweth that his cause was heavy , that going so far he should not attain his end . But this was not to be despised , for this Jesus loved him . So 1 Kings 14.13 . He onely of Jeroboam shall come to the grave , because in him there is found some good things towards the Lord. If there are but some good things in a man , the remains of Gods work , God loveth his own work ; Here 's the point then , though Morality be good , and natural reason be good : And what through the providence of God remains in us , since the state of our first creation ; ( For this state was a pure and a full glass , made by God himself , but since the fall , is much darkned : If we consult with natural reason and Moral Philosophy , they will discover many things : ) yet this comes short . There are abundance of things that it cannot discover , manifold defects which it cannot discern . The Apostle saith in the Romans c. 7. v. 7. I had not known sin but by the Law. I had not known lust to have been a sin , had not the Law said , thou shalt not lust . We have many sins we cannot know , but by the Law , yea such secret sins , as must be repented of . Our Saviour overthrew the Tables of the Money Changers , and would not suffer them to carry Burthens through the Temple , though for the use of those that sacrificed , a thing which had some shew of Religion in it . He whipt both out , not only those that had residence there , but those that passed through : He would suffer none but those that could justifi● what they did by the Law. Now , as God would not have sin lodge and make its abode in the Soul , so he would not have it made a thorow fare for sin : he would not have vain thoughts come up and down in the hearts . Now , By the Law comes the knowledge of these secret sins . Reason is a glass much to be esteemed for what it can shew ; but it is not a perfect glass ; sometimes it shews a sin , but many times diminishes it , that we cannot see it in full proportion . The Apostle makes this use of the Law , that by it sin becomes exceeding sinful . Thou mayst see sin to be sin by natural reason , but to see it exceeding sinful , this morality comes short of , thou must have this from the Law of God. 5. There is another false glass , when the Devil transforms himself into an Angel of light , when he preacheth Gospel to a man. Beware of the Doctrine when the deceiver preacheth . This may be his Doctrine , He that believeth and is Baptized shall be saved . From this , by Satans cunning delusion the natural man thus concludes : A meer Heathen shall be shut out of Heaven gates , but I believe in the Father , the Son , and the Holy Ghost , therefore I am in a good condition . Why then should I trouble my self any further ? There is no man can accuse me , and my own good works will testifie unto me , that I do enough . Strictness in Religion is troubleness , and it is an unreasonable thing to do more : But this is but a meer delusion of Satan , for there is nothing more quiets , and satisfies a man , then Religion ; there 's nothing in the World more reasonable , then the service of God. First then know thy disease , and then apply those sweet and soveraign Cures . It is no easie matter for a man to believe : We block up the strait wayes of God , if we think it an easie matter to believe of our selves . It must be done by the mighty power of God : It 's as great a work of God , as the Creation of the World , to make a man believe : It 's the mighty power of God to salvation . Such a one must not receive Christ as a Saviour , but as a Lord too . He must renounce all to have him , he must take him on his own terms . He must deny the World and all , looking before hand what it will cost him . Now for a man to take Christ , as his Lord , denying himself , the World , and all , to resolve to pluck out his right eye , cut off his right hand rather then to part with him , and account nothing so dear to him as Christ , is no small matter . Thou canst not be Christs Spouse , unless thou forsake all for him . Thou must account all things as Dung and Dross in comparison of him : And is not this a diffi●u●t thing ? Is this an easie task ? Easily spoken indeed , not as easily done : it must be here as in the case of mariage ; a man must forsake all others , yea the whole World , else Christ will not own him . Observe the speech of the Apostle , Eph. 1.19 . What is the exceeding greatness of his power to usward that believe , &c. Mark , is to believe so easie a matter think you ? Why , unless the mighty Power of God be engaged for it , with that strength as it was engaged in raising Christ from the dead , it cannot be . When thou art to believe , and united unto Christ , the agreement is not that thou shalt take him as thy Wife , and thou shalt be his Husband : No , he must be thy Husband , and thou his Wife , and according to the Obligation of that relation , thou must be in subjection to him , and must obey him . Now for a man to be brought out of his natural condition , and to take Christ on any terms , so he may be saved by him in the end , is not so easie . Canst thou think there is no more required but onely the outward Baptism , or that there is no more in Baptism but the outward washing of the flesh ? No , He 's not a Jew that is one outwardly , neither is that circumcision which is in the flesh ; but he 's a Jew that is so inwardly , and cireumcision is that of the heart . Rom. 2.29 . Thou then entrest into Gods livery . Mark this , for by it I strive onely to bring thee back to thy self . Thou entrest into covenant with him ; thou bindest thy self to forsake the World , the Flesh , and the Devil ; and we should make this use of Baptism , a●●ow to put it in practice . When we promised , there were two things in the Indenture ; one , that God will give Christ to us , the other , that we must forsake all the sinful lusts of the flesh : This is that which makes Baptism to be Baptism indeed to us . The other thing required is , that we forsake all , Rom. 6.2 . It is not confined to the very act , but it hath a perpetual effect all the dayes of thy life . I add , it never hath its full effect till the day of our death , the abolition of the whole body of sin . That which we seal , is not compleat till then , till we have final grace . The water of Baptism quenches the fire of Purgatory ; for it is not accomplished till final grace is received . We are now under the Physicians hands , then shall we be cured . Baptism is not done onely at the Font , which is a thing deceives many ; for it runs through our whole life : nor hath it consummation till our dying day , till we receive final grace : The force and efficacy of Baptism is for the washing away of sin to morrow , as well as the day past : the death of sin is not , till the death of the body , and therefore it s said we must be buried with him by Baptism into his death . Now at our death we receive final grace ; till when , this washing and the vertue thereof hath not its consummation . Let no man therefore deceive you with vain words ; take heed of looking on your selves in these false glasses , think it not an easy thing to get Heaven , the way is strait , and the passage narrow . There must be a striving to enter ; there must be an ascending into Heaven , a motion contrary to nature : And therefore it 's folly to think we shall drop into Heaven , there must be a going upward , if ever we will come thither . EPH. 2.1 , 2 , 3. And you hath he quickned who were dead in trespasses and sins , where in times past you walked according to the course of this World , according to the Prince that ruleth in the Air , the Spirit that worketh in the Children of disobedience . Amongst whom also , &c. THE last time I declared unto you the duty that was necessarily required of us if we look to be saved , that we must not onely take the matter speedily into consideration , and not be deluded by our own hearts and the wiles of Satan ; but that we must not do it superficially or perfunctorily , but must bring our selves to the true touchstone , and not look upon our selves with false glasses , because there is naturally in every one self-love ; and in these last and worst times men are apt to think better of themselves then they deserve . If there be any beginning of goodness in them , they think all is well , when there is no greater danger in the World then being but half-Christians . He thinks ( the half-Christian I mean , ) that if he hath escaped the outward pollutions of the world , through lust , and be not so bad as formerly he hath been , and not so bad as many men in the World are , therefore he is well enough : Whereas his end proves worse then his beginning . This superficial repentance is but like the washing of a Hog , the outside is onely wash't , the swinish nature is not taken away . There may be in this man some outward abstaining from the common gross sins of the World , or those which he himself was subject unto ; but his disposition to sin is the same , his nature is nothing changed : there is no renovation , no casting in a new mould , which must be in us . For it is not a little reforming will serve the turn , no , nor all the morality in the World , nor all the common graces of Gods Spirit , nor the outward change of the life : they will not do , unless we are quickned , and have a new life wrought in us ; unless there be a supernatural working of Gods Spirit we can never enter into Heaven . Therefore in this case it behoves every man to prove his own work , Gal. 6.4 . A thing men are hardly drawn unto , to be exact examiners of themselves Coelo discendit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a Heathen himself could say , to know a mans self is a heavenly saying ; and it 's an heavenly thing indeed , if we have an Heavenly Master to teach us . The Devil taught Socrates a lesson that brought him from the study of natural to moral Philosophy , whereby he knew himself ; yet the Devil knew morality could never teach him the lesson indeed . All the morality in the World cannot teach a man to escape Hell : We must have a better instructor herein than the Devil , or our selves ; the Lord of Heaven must do it , if ever we will be brought to know our selves aright . St. Paul was brought up at the feet of Gamaliel , one of the learnedst Doctors of the Pharisees , and yet he could not teach him this . When he studied the law , he thought him●elf unblameable , but coming to an higher and better Master ; he knows that in him , that is , in his flesh dwells no good thing , Rom. 7. By self-examination a man may find many faults in himself , but to find that which the Apostle afterwards found in himself , to see the flesh a rottenness , the sink of iniquity that is within him , and to find himself so bad as indeed he is , unless it please the Lord to open his eyes , and to teach him , he can never attain it . Now we come to this place of the Apostle , wherein we see the true glass of our selves , the Spirit knows what we are , better then our selves and the Spirit shews us that every man of us either was , or is such as we are here set down to be . We are first natural before we can be spiritual , there is not a man , but hath been , or is yet , a natural man , and therefore see we the large description of a natural man before he is quickned , before God , which is rich in mercy , enlivens him being dead in sins , and saves him by grace in Christ. Thus is it with us all , and thus must it be ; and we shall never be fit for grace till we know our selves thus far , till we know our selves as far out of frame , as the Spirit of truth declares us to be . In this place of Scripture consider we 1. Who this carnal man is ; what they are which the Apostle speaks of , to be dead in sins : and that walk after the course of the World , led by the Devil , and have their conversation after the flesh , Children of wrath . These are big words and heavy things : Consider first the subject , of whom this is spoken . Then follows the Praedicate , or 2. What that ill news is , which he delivers of them . We begin with the first . 1. Who they are of whom this is spoken : and that is ( you ) You hath he quickned who were dead : and ( ye ) ( in the words following ) that in times past walked after the course of the world : and in the third verse more particularly : Among whom also we all had our conversation in times past . He speaks now in the first person , as before in the second , so that the subject is we all and ye all . Not a man in this Congregation , but is or was as bad as the holy Ghost here makes him . But 2. To come to that , which is delivered of him : he is one not quickned , dead in sins : no better then nature made him , that corrupt nature which he hath from Adam , till he is thus spiritually enlivened . Now he 's described . 1. By the quality of his person . 2. By his company . Even as others . Thou mayst think thy self better then another man , but thou art no better ; never a barrel the better herring ( as we say : ) Even as others , thou art not so alone , but as bad as the worst , not a man more evil in his nature then thou art . When thou goest to Hell , perhaps some difference there may be in your several punishments , according to your several acts of Rebellion : but yet you shall all come short of the Glory of God , And for matter of quickning you are all alike . 1. First concerning their quality : And this is declared . 1. By their general disposi●ion , they are dead in trespasses and sins . Dead , and therefore unable and indisposed to the works of a spiritual living man : Besides , not onely indisposed and unable thereto , but dead in trespasses and sins . For the separation of the Soul from God , is a more dangerous death , than the separation of the Soul from the Body , and this is the reason , why St. John calls , damnation the second death . Rev. 20.14 . reckoning ( in comparison ) the naturall death for none . Accordingly also speaketh the learned Patriarch of Alexandria , St. Cyril . Tom. 6. p. 415. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . That is not properly death , which separateth Soul from the body , but that which separateth God from the Soul. God is the life of the Soul , but he that is separated from life , is dead , being deprived of alacrity and cheerfulness , as of life . He lies rotting in his own filth , like a rotten carkass , and stinking carrion in the nostrils of the Almighty , so loathsome is he : all which is drawn from Original sin . Not onely dis-enabled to any good , but prone to all sin and iniquity . 2. By his particular conversation : And that appears in the verse following . Where in times past ye walked . How ? Not according to the word and will of God , not according to his rule , but they walked after three other wicked rules . A dead man then hath his walk you see : a strange thing in the dead , but who directs him in his course ? These three , the World , the Flesh , and the Devil , the worst guides that may be ; yet if we look to the conversation of a natural man , we see these are his Pilots , which are here set down . 1. The World. Wherein times past ye walked after the course of the World. He swims along with the stream of the World. Nor will he be singular , not such a precise one as some few are , but do as the World doth , run amain whither that carries him . See the state of a natural man. He 's apt to be brought into the slavery of the World. This is his first guide . Then follows 2. The Second , which is the Devil . The Devil leads him as well as the World : According to the Prince of the power of the Air , the Spirit that now worketh in the Children of disobedience . In stead of having the Spirit of God to be led by , he 's posted by the Spirit of Satan , and the lusts of his Father the Devil he will do , He hath not an heart to resist the vilest lusts the Devil shall perswade him to . When Satan once fills his heart , he hath no heart to any thing else , then to follow him . 3. There remains the Flesh , his guide too , and that 's not left out , v. 3. Amongst whom we had our conversation in times past in the lusts of the flesh , fulfilling the desires of the flesh and of the mind . So that you see the three guides of a natural man ; and he is as bad as these three can make him : and till the stronger man comes and pulls him out , in this condition he remains , and in this natural estate , he is a son of disobedience . We see then the state of disobedience described to be wretchedness . 3. This further appears by that which must follow , which is cursedness . Rebellion and wretchedness going before , cursedness will follow . For God will not be abused , nor suffer a Rebel to go unpunished : Therefore saith the Apostle , We are by nature the Children of wrath . Being the natural sons of disobedience , we may well conclude we are the Children of wrath . If we can well learn these two things of our selves , how deep we are in sin , and how the wrath of God is due to us for our sins , then we may see what we are by Nature . Thus much concerning the quality of a natural man. Next follows 2. His company . Even as others . By nature we are the Children of wrath even as others . That is to say , we go in that broad wide way that leads to damnation , that way we all naturally rush into : though we may think it otherwise , and think our selves better , yet we are deceived . For it is with us even as with others . Naturally we are in the same state that the worst men in the World are ; so that we see the glass of a natural man , or of a man that hath made some beginnings , till Christ come and quicken him . Q. See we then who it is spoken of to be dead men , that are rotten and stinking , as bad as the World , the Flesh , and the Devil can make them ? Who should these be ? A. I answer , it 's you : you hath he quickned . And ye , wherein ye walked , &c. But who are they ? The Ephesians perhaps that were in times past Heathens : I hope it belongs not to us . They were Gentiles and Pagans that knew not Christ , v. 12. Aliens to the Commonweal of Israel , strangers to the covenant of promise , having no hope , without God in the World. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as the Text renders it , Atheists , and therefore they might well be so . But I hope it 's not thus with me , I was never a Pagan or Heathen , I was born of Christian Parents , and am of the Church . But put away these conceits . Look on the 3d. v. Amongst whom we also had our conversation : and wherein ye your selves , &c. It 's not onely spoken of you Gentiles , but verified of us also : As if he had said here as Gal. 2. We who are Jews by nature , and not sinners of the Gentiles . He paints out not onely you the Gentiles in such ugly colours , but we Jews also , we of the Common-wealth of Israel . We , before we were quickned , were in the same state that you are described to be in . Obj. Oh but the Apostle may do this out of fellowship , and to avoid envy , as it were making himself a party with them , as Ezra did cap. 9. that included himself in the number of the offenders , though he had no hand in the offence : O our God ( saith he ) what shall we say ? Our evil deeds , &c. and how shall we stand before thee because of this ? Making a particular confession , whereas he was not accessory to the fault , but to sweeten it to them . Sol. But here the Apostle doth not so , he was not thus minded , but it 's we all , he puts universality to it : So that it 's clear , that before conversion and quickning by grace from Christ , we all , all of us are in as foul and filthy a condition , as this which is here des●ribed and set down : So that this is the point , that it is not spoken of some desperate sinners , but that it is the common state and condition of all the sons of Adam . Doct. All men , every man and woman in this place , either is or hath been in the state that here the Apostle describeth the natural man to be in . Therefore we have all need to examine our selves , whether we yet remain in that condition or not . The Apostle brings this description to testifie the truth of the point , Gal. 3.22 . The Scripture hath concluded all under sin . The whole current and course of the Scripture shews the universality of it , that it 's true of all . See , the Apostle speaking of himself and the rest , Tit. 33. saith , We our selves also , not onely you of the Gentiles , but we our selves also were foolish , disobedient , &c. But after the kindness of God towards man appeared , &c. That is , before the day-star of grace did arise in our hearts , there 's not the best of us all but have been thus and thus . Rom. 3.19 . There the Apostle insists on the point expresly , that every mouth might be stopped ; to shew the state of all men naturally , having laid down a large beadrole of the iniquities of the Heathen , he cometh afterward to convince the Jews . What are we better then they ; no in no wise : for we have proved before that all are under sin : there is none good , no not one . Obj. But though you bring many places to prove that all are sinners , yet I hope the Virgin Mary was not . Sol. An inch breaks no squares , but All are sinners . There is none righteous no not one . The drift of the Apostle in this , is to shew that these things are not spoken of some hainous sinners onely , but there 's not one to be exempted ; and therefore in his Conclusion , v. 19. he saith that whatever things the Law saith , it saith to them which are under the Law. That every mouth may be stopped , and all the world become guilty thefore God : and th●t by the deeds of the Law no fl●sh can be justified from sin . So that now having proved this so clearly to you , consider with your selves how needful it is to apply this to our own souls . Many men , when they read such things as these of the Scripture , read them but as stories from strange Countries . What , are we dead in sin● , not able to stir one foot in Gods wayes ? bad we are indeed : but dead , rotten , and stinking in sins and trespasses ? What as bad as the World , the Devil , and Flesh , can make us ? What , Children of wrath ? Firebrands of Hell ? Few can perswade themselves that it is so bad with them . Therefore take this home to your selves ; think no better of your selves then you are : for thus you are naturally . Therefore consider if thou wert now going out of the world , what state thou art in , a child of wrath , a child of Belial , or the like . Set about the work speedily , go to God , pray , and cry earnestly ; give thy self no rest , till thou know this to be thy condition : Let not thy corrupt nature deceive thee , to make ●hee think better of thy self , then God saith thou art . Now that we may the better know to whom these things belong , know it is thou and I , we all have been , or are in this estate , till we have supernatural grace ; and therefore we are declared to be Children of wrath , and Children of disobedi●nce , till regenerated . Why ? It 's because it 's thy nature , it belongs to all . Now we know the common nature always appertains to the same kind : There 's nothing natural , but is common with the kind . If then by nature we are Children , then certainly it belongs to every Mothers son of us , for we are all Sons of Adam . In Adam we all die , Rom. 5. That 's the fountain whence all misery flows to us . As thou receivedst thy nature so the corruption of thy nature from him ; For he begat a son in his own likeness . Genes . 5.3 . This therefore is the condition of every one . The Apostle in 1 Cor. 15. speaks of two men , the first was from the earth , earthly , the second was the Lord from Heaven . What were there not many millions and generations more ? True , but there were not more men like these men of men , two head-men , two Fathers of all other men . There were but two , by whom all must stand or fall , but two such m●n . By the fall of the first man we all fell ; and if we rise not by the second man , we are yet in our sins . If he rise not , we cannot be risen . We must rise or fall by him . He is the Mediator of the second Covenant . If he rise and we are in him , we shall rise with him ; but if not , we are dead still . So it is in the first Adam , we all depend on him , he is the root of all mankind . It 's said in Esay 53. Our Saviour should rejoyce to see his seed . His seed , that is to say , he is the common father of all mankind , I mean of all those that shall proceed from him by spiritual generation . He shall present them to his father , as when one is presented to the University : Heb. 2.14 . Behold here am I , and the c●ildr●n t●ou hast given me . So in Adam he being the head of the Cov●nant of nature or works that is , the Law , if he had stood , none of us had fallen ; if he f●ll , no●e of us all can stand . He is the peg , on which all the k●yes ●●ng : if that stand , they hang fast ; but if that fall , th●y fall with it . As we see in matter of bondage ; if the father forfeit his liberty , and become a bondman , all his Children are bondmen to a hundred generations , here is ●ur case . We were all once free , but our fa●her ha●h forfeited his liberty ; and if he become a Slave , he cannot beg●t a Free-man . When our Saviour tells the Jews of being free-men : We were never bond men , say they , though it be false ; for even Cicero himself could tell a Jew that he was a slave , genus hominum ad servitium natum , although they had a good opinion of themselves : But our Saviour saith , you are bond men unto sin and Satan . For till the Son make you free , you are all bond-men : But when he makes you free , then are you free indeed . So that we see our condition here set down . 1. We are dead in trespasses and sins ; that is , there is an indisposition in us to all good works . A dead man cannot walk , or speak , or do any act of a living man ; so these cannot do the actions of men that are quickned and enlivened , they cannot pray with the spirit , they cannot love God , &c. They cannot do those things that shall be done hereafter in Heaven . There 's not one good duty , which this natural man can do . If it should be said unto him . Think but one good thought , and for it thou shalt go to Heaven , he could not think it . Till God raise him from the sink of sin , as he did Lazarus from the grave , he cannot do any thing that is well pleasing unto God. He may do the works of a moral man , but to do the works of a man quickned and enlightned , it 's beyond his power . For if he could do so , he must then have some reward from God ; for however we deny the merit of good works , yet we deny not the reward of good works to a man , that is in Christ. There 's no proportionable merit in a cup of cold water and the Kingdome of Heaven , yet he that gives a cup of cold water to a Disciple in the name of a Disciple , shall not lose his reward . Here then is the point . The best that a natural man doth , cannot so relish with God , as that he should take delight in it , or reward it : whereas the least good thing that comes from another root , from a quickned spirit , is acceptable and well ple●sing to him . Consider for this end that which is set down , Prov. 15.8 . T●ke the best works of a natural man , his prayers , or sacrifice , and see there what is said . The sacrifice of the wicked is an abomination to the Lord. It s said again , Prov. 21.27 . where there are additions , The Sacrifice of the wicked is an abomination to the Lord : How much more when he brings it with a wicked mind ? Suppose there should come upon this man a sit of devotion , where he hath or should have some good motions , is it then accepted ? no , it is so far from being accepted , that it is an Abomination to God ; how much more then , if he brings it with wicked mind ? That is , if he brings it not with a wicked mind , it is an abomination , how much more with it ? See the case set down in Haggai 2.12.13 , 14. If one bear holy flesh , &c. shall it be holy ? And the Priest answered no. Then said Haggai , if an unclean person touch any of these , shall it be unclean ? And he said , it shall be unclean . Then answered Haggai , so is this people , so is this nation before me , saith the Lord , and so is every work of their hands , it is unclean . A man may nor say , prayer is a sin , because it it is so in them ; no , it 's a good duty , but spoil'd in the carriage . He marrs it in the carriage ; and therefore inste●d of doing a good work , he spoils it ; and so in stead of a reward , must look for punishment , 1 Tim. 15. The end of the Commandment is love out of a ●ure h●art , a good conscience , and faith unfeigned . Let the things thou dost be according to the Commandment : Look what thou dost be in the middle , end , and beginning according to the Commandement . If wrong in all these , then though the work be never so materially good , being faulty in the original ▪ middle , or end , it 's so far from being a good work , that God will not accept of it . and thou mayst rather expect a plague for spoiling it , then a reward , for doing it . See then the beginning of a good work , it must be from a pure heart . A man not ingrafted into Christ , is a d●filed , polluted person , his very mind and conscience are d●filed . The consc●ence is the purest thing a man hath , it holds out last , and taketh part wit● God , that as Jobs messenger said , I only am esc●ped to tell the● : Job . 1 15. So conscience only remains to declare a mans faults to God. and to witness against the man ; and yet this very light , the eye of t●e soul is de●iled : therefore if thou have a corrupt f●untain , if the heart be naught , the fountain muddy , whatever stream comes from it cannot be pure . Again , the end of it is love . Consider when thou dost any duty , what puts thee on work . Is it love doth constrain thee ? If love do not constrain thee , it is manifest that thou dost not seek God but thy self , and art to every good work a Reprobate , Tit. 1.16 . that is , thou art not then able to do any thing that God will accept ; the best thing thou dost , will not relish with God. A hard estate indeed , that when a man shall come to appear before God , he shall not have one good thing , that he hath done in all his life , that God will own . Some there be that take a great deal of pains in coming to the word , in prayer publick and private , in charity and giving to the poor : Alas , when thou shalt come to an account , and none of these things shall stead thee , not one of them shall speak for thee , but all shall be lost ; How heavy will thy case be ? 2 John 8. Look to your selves , that you lose not the thing that you have wrought : By being indisposed to do the works of a living man , we lose all ; that is to say , God will never own nor accept them : we shall never have reward for them . So that here is the case , thou being dead , unable to perform the works of a living man , canst have no reward from heaven at all , until a man is quickned , and hath life from Christ , his works are dead , as well as his person . Without me , saith our Saviour , you can do nothing , Ja. 15.5 . St. Austin on this place observes that Christ saith not , Without me ye can do no great matter : No , but unless you be cut off from your own stock , taken from your own root , and be ingrafted into me , and have life from me , and be quickned by me , you can do nothing at all : Nothing , neither great nor small , all that you do is lost . So that if there were nothing but this being dead , you could do no good action . I know that in me , that is , in my flesh ( saith St. Paul ) there dwelleth no good thing , Rom. 7.18 . that is , nothing spiritually good , nothing for which I may look for a reward in heaven . The Lord will say of such a man , thou hast lived ten , twenty , forty , or it may be fifty years under the Ministry , and yet hast not done a good work , or thought a good thought that I can own . Cut down this fruitless tree , why cumbers it the greund ? Luk. 13.7 . And this is the case of every man of us , while we continue in our na●ural condition , till we be ingrafted into Christ , and live by life , God will own nothing we do . But now we are not only dead , and indisposed to the works of a living man , though this be a very woful case , and we need no more misery ; for this will bring us to be cut down and cast into the fire , if we continue so : But this is not the only sad case of a natural man , but he 's very active and fruitful in the works of darkness , the others were sins of omission . Here he is wholly set upon the commission of sins and trespasses , Heb. 6 , 7.7 . He not only brings not forth meet fruit , or good fruit , or no fruit , but he brings forth thorns and briars ; and is therefore rejected , and nigh unto cursing , whose end is to be burnt . Thou art not only found a barren tree , and so deservest to be cut down ; but thou bringest forth thorns and briars , and deservest to be burnt ; not only no good fruit , but noxious , bad and poyson'd fruit ; and this doth mightily aggravate the matter . Now for us that have lived so long under the Ministry , and the Lord hath watered , and dressed , and hedged us , do we think the Lord expects from us no good fruit ? Had we lived among heathens , or where the Word is not taught , then so much would not be expected ; but we have heard the Word often and powerfully taught , and therefore it is expected , that we should not only bring forth fruit , but meet fruit ▪ answerable to the means . Where God affords greatest means , there he expects most fruit . If a man live thirty or forty years under powerful means , the Lord expects answerable fruit , which if he bring forth , he shall have a blessing from the Lord. But when a man hath lived long under the means , and brings forth no fruit pleasing to God , but all Gods cost is lost , when notwithstanding the dew and the rain which falls oft upon him , he brings forth nothing but thorns and briars , he is rejected , and nigh unto cursing , whose end is to be burnt . The earth which drinketh in the former and the latter rain , &c. if it bring not forth fruit answerable to the labour of the dresser , it 's nigh unto the curse . Now if we consider but the particulars , and search into Gods Testimonies , we shall see how b●d this man is . But who should this man be ? We have Gods own word for it . It 's men , generally all men , Gen. 6.5 . God saw the wickedness of man was great in the earth , and that every thought and imagination of his heart was only evil continually . Every word is as it were a thunder bolt : and was it not time , when it was thus with them for God to bring a flood ? The thoughts are the original , from which the words and actions do usually proceed . Now all their thoughts were evil : What was there no kind of goodness in their thoughts ? No , they were only evil continually : and that was the reason the flood came . Well , but though it were so before the flood , yet I hope they were better after the flood . No , God said again after the flood , cap. 8. The thoughts of the hearts of men are evil , &c. Like will to like . Men are of one kind , till they receive grace from Christ. We are all one nature , and naturally all the thoughts and imaginations of our hearts are only evil continually . See it in the understanding , 1 Cor. 3.14 . The natural man perceiveth not the things of the Spirit of God , neither can he know them , for they are foolishness unto him , &c. Look upon his will , Rom. 8. It is not subject to the will of God , neither indeed can it be . Our Saviour , Mat. 15.8 . doth anatomize the heart of such a man. Those things that come out of the mouth come from the heart , and they defile the man , for out of the heart proceed evil thoughts , murthers , adulteries , &c. these are they which defile the man , because they come from his heart from within . If a man go by a house , and seeing great flakes of fire come out of the chimney , though he see not the fire within , yet he cannot know but there is fire within , because he seeth the flakes without . I am not able to see the heart of any man , and to declare to you what I have seen with mine eyes ; but yet if I see such to come forth , as murther , thefts , blasphemies , lying , and the like . I may say there is hell-fire in the heart ; thy heart is a little hell within thee , these manifestations from without make it appear to be so . The words of this man are rotten words and stinking words , and his heart is much more . So , this is the point , we are utterly indispos'd , aliens to all good , and bent to all evil . I am carnal ( saith the Apostle ) we are sold under sin , slaves unto it ; sin is our Lord , and we its slaves . We have generally forfeited our happy estate , and are servants to S●tan , whom we obey . Therefore this is a thing not easily to be passed over ; this our condition , of which if we were once truly perswaded , we would never give our selves any rest , till we were got out of it . If the party that goes to the Physician , could but know his disease , and cause the Physician to know it , and the causes of it , whether it came from a hot cause or a cold , it were easily cured , it were as good as half done : That is the chief reason why so many miscarry , because their disease is not perfectly known . That is the reason we are no better , because our disease is not perfec●ly known : That is the reason that we are no better , because we know not flow bad we are . If we did once know our disease , and knew our selves to be heart-sick , and not like the Laodiceans , which thought themselves rich and wanted nothing , when they were poor , blind and naked , then we would seek out , and were in the way to be cured . So much for this time , but we will have another Lecture on this point . GAL. 3.22 . But the Scripture hath concluded all under sin , that the promise by faith of Jesus Christ might be given to them that believe . YOu see in this excellent portion of Scripture , the two Covenants of Almighty God : to wit , the Covenant of Nature , and the Covenant of Grace . The first of Nature , which was written by God in mans heart , and this is the holy Law of God , by vertue whereof a man was to continue in that integrity , holiness and uprightness , in which God had first created him , and to serve God according to that strength he first enabled him with , that so he might live thereby . But now , when man had broken this Covenant , and enter'd into a state of Rebellion against God , he 's shut up in misery , but not in misery for ever , as the Angels that fell ●ere , being reserved in chains till the judgement of the great day , Jud. v. 6. No , the Lord hath shut him up in prison , only for a while , that so he may the better make a way for their escape and deliverance , and for their entrance into the second Covenant of Grace : that so making him see his own misery , wherein by nature he is , and cutting him off from his own stock , he may be ingrafted in Christ , draw sap and sweetness from him , and bring forth fruits to everlasting life . And this is the method the Scripture useth : It concludes all under sin , that so the promise by faith of Jesus Christ might be given to them that believe , Gal. 3.22 . It 's no new Doctrine devised by us , but it 's the course and method of the Scripture : for it begins in this great Work with imprisoning and shutting up . The Law is as a Justice of Peace , by his Mittimus commands us to prison : It 's a Serjeant that arrests a man , and carries to the Gaol : But why does the Scriptures do thus ? It 's not to destroy you with famine ; the Law sends you not hither to starve you , or to kill you with the stench of the prison , but thereby to save and preserve you alive , and that you may hunger and thirst after deliverance . So that we find the reason added in the Text , The Scripture concludes all under sin , why ? It 's that the promise by faith of Jesus Christ might be given ●o them that believe . You are shut up as prisoners and rebels , that having found the smart of it , seen your misery , and learn'd what 〈◊〉 is to be at enmity with God , and the folly to make your selves wiser an● 〈◊〉 than God , you may submit your selves , casting down your plumes , a●d desire after Christ with an hungry and thirsty appetite , for not only a Prie●● to sacrifice himself for you , and a Prophet to teach and instruct you , 〈◊〉 King to be swayd by him , earnestly craving from your soul to be his 〈◊〉 , and to be admitted into the priviledge of his subjects in the Com●onwealth of Israel and esteem it your greatest shame that ye have been a●●ens so long , so long excluded . The Scripture then concluded you under sin , and shut up by it , not to bring you to despair , but to bring you to salvation : 〈◊〉 a Physician , which gives his Patient bitter pills , not to make him sick , but that so he may restore him to health : or as a Chirurgion , that lays sharp drawing plaisters , and cuts the flesh , not with an intent to hurt , but to cure the wound . This is the Scriptures method , it concludes all under sin , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , hath shut up all . The Text saith not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , not all men in the masculine gender , but all things in the neuter . And it is all one , as if the Apostle had said , The Scripture arrests not only thy person but thine actions : The Scripture lays hold not only of the man , but of every thing in him . This word ( all ) is a forcible word , and empties us clean of every thing , that we may truly confess with the Apostle , In me , that is , in my flesh dwells no good thing , Rom. 7.18 . It 's impossible a man should by nature think thus of himself , that there is no good in him ; or that he should by asking others find himself half so bad , as the Law makes him to be , by shutting up a man under sin , and all things in a man , yea all good whatsoever is in thee . And this it doth that thou mayst come to Christ : as it is enlarged in the second verses following . Before faith came ( saith the Apostle ) we were kept up under the Law , shut up unto the faith , which should afterward be revealed : wherefore the Law was our School-master to bring us to Christ , that we might be justified by faith . Before the time then that thou hast faith , ( which is the day wherein salvation comes to thine house ) thou art kept under the Law. Thou art not assured of salvation , nor canst thou expect , till then , that God should shew thee mercy . We have a conceit , that though we are never transplanted , nor cut off from our own stock , yet God will shew us mercy : But we shall beguile our selves to hell therein ; for we are kept under the L●w till faith comes , that so we may know our selves . We are kept , &c. ( Kept ) It 's a Metaphor drawn from Military affairs , when men are k●pt by a Garrison , and kept in order . Now the Law is Gods Garrison , which keeps men in good awe , and order . The Law doth this , not to terrifie you too much , or to break your minds with despair , but to fit you for the faith : It 's a shutting up , till that faith comes , which should afterward be revealed . He 's a miserable Preacher which ends with preaching of the Law ; the Law is for another , it 's to fit us for faith . It 's our Schoolmaster to bring us to Christ. We thunder not the Law , to make men run away from God , but to bring them home unto him . The Schoolmaster by the smart of his rod makes the child weary of his bondage , and desire earnestly to be past his non-age ; and this is his end , not that he delights to hear him cry . Thus are we beaten by the Law , not that God delights or loves to hear us sigh or sob , but that we may grow weary of our misery and cruel bondage , may desire to be justified by faith . The Law then is so a Schoolmaster , as that by making us smart , it might bring us home . We see then the course and method of the Scripture , it hath concluded all under sin , that the promise by faith of Jesus Christ might be given to them that believe . Now because men like not this kind of Doctrine , to begin with Preaching of the Law , and therefore think there may be a shorter and nearer way to preach Christ first , I will therefore make knwon unto you this method of the Scripture , and I will justifie it unto you . There must be this Preparative , else the Gospel will come unseasonably . If before we are sowred by the leaven of the Law Christ be preached , he well be but unsavoury and unpleasant to us . 2. Does God at the first Preaching of the Gospel begin with Adam by Preaching Christ , before he saw his sin and wickedness ? No , he said not to him presently , assoon as he had sinned , Well , Adam , thou hast sinned , and broken my covenant , yet there is another covenant , thou shall be saved by one that comes out of thy loyns : But God first summons him to appear , he brings him out of his shelters and hidings places , tells him of his sin , and saith , Hast thou eaten of the tree which I forbad thee to eat of ? But the man shifts it off , and the woman also to the serpent : ●he serpent beguiled guiled me , and I did eat : Yet all this will not excuse him , Gods judgements are declared , his sin is made apparent , he sees it : Then being ●hus humbled , comes in the promise of the Gospel , The seed of the woman shall break the serpents head . Be ye open then ye everlasting doors , and the King of glory shall come in . 2. John the Baptist , who was the Harbinger to prepare the way for Christ , Preaching to the Scribes and Pharisees , warned them , O generation of vipers . He came to throw down every high hill , and to beat down every mountain : calls them serpents . This was his office , to lay the Ax at the root of the Tree . 3. And Christ himself coming into the World , and Preaching to Nicodemus , begins : Vnless a man be b●rn again , he cannot enter into the Kingdom of God , John 3. A man in his natural condition can never enter into Heaven , for he is carnal . That that is born of the flesh is flesh , and that that is born of the Spirit is Spirit . It 's carnal , and must be born again . A little patching will not serve the turn . Thou must be new born , new moulded , a little mending is not sufficient : A man must be a new creature , and new made . So that this is the substance of this Doctrine of Christ , that if thou be no better than moral vertue , or civil education can make thee ; if thou hast any thing less than Regeneration , believe me thou canst never see heaven . There 's no hope of heaven till then , till thou art born again : till then our Saviour excludes all false fancies that way . 4. The Apostles begin to gather the first Church after Christs Resurrection , Act. 2.23 . They do not begin to preach Christ first , his Vertue and Efficacy ; but first they tell them of their great sin , in crucifying the Lord of Life , viz. Whom with wicked hands you have taken and crucified . But what was the end of their doing thus ? It 's set down , v. 37. They were pricked to the heart , and then they cried out , Men and brethren , what shall we do to be saved ? See , this was the end of all , the humbling of them , that by declaring what they had done , they might be pricked at the heart ; so that now they see it , if it be no better with them , then for the present , it 's like to go ill with them . This makes them cry out , What shall we do ? Then ( saith Peter ) repent and be baptized , and you shall receive the gift of the holy Ghost . After he had told them their own , & had brought them to their search , which is their first work , then comes the promise of Christ. Observe the Apostles method in the Epistle to the Romans : which Book is a perfect Catechism of the Church , which contains these three parts of Divinity , Humiliation , Justification , and Sanctification . See how the Apostle orders his method . From the first Cap. to part of the third , he treats all of the Law , and convinces both Jew and Gentile , and all of sin . Then Cap. 3.19 . mark his Conclusion : that every mouth may be stopped . When he had stopped every mouth , cast down every strong hold , which lifted it self up against God : when he had laid all at Gods feet , and left them bleeding , as it were , under the knife of God , then comes he to Christ , Rom. 3.21 . The righteousness of God without the Law is manifest . He had done his first business in humbling them , in shewing them their sins by the Law : and assoon as that was done , when every mouth was stopped , then comes he to the promise by faith in Jesus Christ to all that believe . You see then the method of the Scripture is first to conclude all under sin , and so to fit men for the promise of Jesus Christ. Know therefore , that Law is the high-way to the Gospel , the path that leads to it , that way which must be trodden in : we are still out of our way , till we have begun our walks in this path : And if thou art not terrified by the Law , and the sight of thy sins , been at thy wits end , as it were , weary of thy condition and bondage , thou art not in the way yet . Our sowing must be in tears , Psal. 126.5 . And it is said , that in the Church Triumphant all tears shall be wiped away from our eyes . That 's a promise : But is it possible that tears should b● wiped from our eyes before we shed them ? Shall we look to go to Heaven in a way that was never yet found out ? Shall it be accounted a point of preciseness to walk in this way , or a soul-torturing doctrine to preach it ? This is the way that all our Fore-Fathers have both preached , and gone . This is that time of sowing spoken of in Psal. 126.5 , 6. They that sow in tears shall reap in joy . It brings us joy in the end , to begin our sowing in tears . It waters that precious seed , and makes it bring forth joy unto us in abundance , yea such as no man can take from us . So then having laid laid this point for a foundation , we now will come to the next . That until we come to Christ , the Law layes hold of us . Till Christ come , we are shut up under the Law , kept under it . And if there were nothing else in the World to make a man weary of his condition , this were enough . Until a man hath given over himself to Christ , and renounced his own righteousness , he is subject to the Law , kept under it , not under grace . It brings a man only to the place , where grace is . Put this therefore close to your consciences , and jumble not these two together . First Nature cometh , and whilst you are under that , you are under the Law. Never think you are under the Covenant of Grace , till you believe ( of which belief we shall speak more hereafter . ) Whilst you are under the Law , you are held under it and by it made obnoxious to the wrath of God ; Whoever is under the Law , is under the curse . Now that I may unfold it , and shew what a fearful thing it is to be under the Law , to be held under it ( although many think it no great matter ) hearken what the Apostle saith of it : Cursed be every one that continueth not in all things that are written in the book of the Law to doe them , Gal. 3.10 . Well then , art thou under the Law ? Then never think of being under grace at the same time ; not but that we may hope to be under grace afterwards : By this Law we must be judged , and the Judgment of the Law is very severe : It requires not onely , that thou do this , or that good thing ; but if thou continuest not in every thing , that is written therein , it condemns thee . Strange conceits men have now adayes , and strange Divinity is brought forth into the World : That if a man does as much as lies in him , and what he is of himself able to do ; nay farther , though he be a Heathen , that knows not Christ , yet if he doth the best he can ; if he live honestly towards men ; according to the conduct of his reason , and hath a good mind towards God , it 's enough , he need not question his eternal welfare . A cursed and desperate Doctrine they conclude hence ? Why ( say they ) may not this man be saved as well as the best ? But if it be so , I ask such , What is the benefit and advantage of the Jew more then the Gentile ? What is the benefit of Christ ? of the Church ? of Faith ? of Baptism ? of the Sacrament of the Lords Supper ? This ground of Pelagianism , is that , for which the devout Spouse of Christ , the Church abhors us : when we shall undertake to bring a man to salvation without Christ : whereas , if he be not under grace , under Christ , he is accursed . If thou wilt be saved by the Law , it is not thy endeavour or doing , what lieth in thee ; that will serve the turn ; every jot and ●ittle that the Law requires , must be fulfilled . What would be thine estate , if thou shouldst be examined according to the strict rigour of the Law ? Not the least word or thought , that is contrary to it , but thou must give an account for . If thou standest upon thine own bottom , or lookest to be saved by thine own deeds ; not one vain word which thou speakest , but thou shalt be questioned for , cast , and condemned . Consider then the great difference of being under Christ and grace , and of being under the Law. When we are under Christ , we are freed from a great deal of inconvenience : we are not liable to answer for those evil things , which we have committed ; as in that comfortable place of Ezekiel , All his iniquities that he hath done shall not be mentioned unto him . When a man is come to forsake his old way ; his evils are cast out of mind ; a marvellous comfort to a Christian : whereas if a man be not in Christ , every idle word he must be accountable for ; if in Christ , the greatest sin he ever committed he shall not hear of . All they that stand on Gods right hand , hear onely of the good things they have done , you have fed , cloathed , and visited me : But they on the left hand hear not a word mentioned concerning the good they have done , only their evil deeds are reckoned up . Now that I may declare to you the difference between the Law and the Gospel : I will difference it in three particulars . 1. The Law rejects any kind of obedience besides that which is thorough , sound , full , and perfect , without any touch of the flesh . It rejects all crackt payment : it will take no clipt coyn . That obedience which hath any imperfection joyn'd with it , will not be accepted : But here I must not speak without book . See Rom. 7.14 . We know that the Law is spiritual , but I am carnal . And then concludes , O wretched man , &c. The Law is spiritual , What 's that ? We may know the meaning of it by the particle ( but ) but I am carnal . The Law is spiritual . That is , it requires , that all our works be spiritual , without any carnality , or touch of the fl●sh . If in any point of our obedience there be a smell of the cask , it is rejected . If the beer be never so good , yet if it have an evil smatch , it will not relish . Let our services have this savour of the flesh , and they will not be pleasing to God , neither will they have a right savour in his nostrils . And thus the Law is spiritual , but w● are carnal . Now it is otherwise here in the state of the Gospel : Alas ▪ We are carnal , it 's true . The Apostle himself complains , That th●re is ● law in his members rebelling against the law of his mind , and le●ding him ●aptive , &c. Yet notwithstanding the Gospel accepts our obedience , thoug●●he Law will not . What 's the reason of this ? Why , it 's plain . W●en ●he Law comes , it looks for justice , it presents a strict rule to us ; it requires w● sh●uld be compleat : But now the Gospel doth not so ; it requires ●ot justifi●ation of our own , but looks that being justified by Gods free grace , we ●hould ●h●w forth our thankfulness , and express that we are so in heart , b● our obedience to our utmost power . Here 's all the strictness of the Gospel . If there b● a willing mind , it is accepted according to that a man hath , and not according to what a man hath not , 2 Cor. 8.12 . God takes well the desires of our mind . This i● then our blessed condition under the Gospel : it requires not perfect obedience , but thankfulness for mercies received , and a willing mind . Suppose we cannot do what we would , that 's no matter . God looks to our affections , and the willingness of our minds ; if it be according to the strength that thou hast , it is received with acceptance . Here then arises the second point of difference , and that is . 2. The Law considers not what thou now hast , but what thou once hadst . If thou sayst , I have done my best ; and what , would you have a man do more then he can do ? The Law heeds not that : It considers not what thou doest , but what thou ough●st to do . It requires that thou shouldst perform obedience according to thy first strength , and that perfection once God gave thee , that all thou doest should have love for it's ground : that thou shouldst love the Lord thy God with all thine heart , and strength . Mat. 22.37 . Her● the Law is very imperious , like those Task-masters in Egypt , that laid burthens on the Israelites too heavy for them to bear . They had at first materials , and then they delivered in the full tale of bricks : But when the straw was taken from them , they complain of the heaviness of th●ir burthen . But what 's the answer ? You are idle , you are idle , you shall deliver the same tale of bricks as before , Exod. 5.17 . So stands the case here . It 's not enough to plead , Alas ! if I had strength , I would do it ; but I have not strength , I cannot do it . But the Law is peremptory , you must do it : you are compell'd by force , you shall do it . The impossibility of our fulfilling it , does not exempt us , as appears by comparing Rom. 8.3 . with Rom. 7.6 . although it be impossible , as the case stands , for the Law to be by us fulfilled , yet we are held under it , as appears plainly thus . If I deliver a man a stock of money whereby he may gain his own living , and be advantageous to me ; and he spend it , and when I require mine own with increase , he tells me , True Sir , I received such a sum of money of you for this purpose , but I have spent it , and am disinabled to pay . Will this serve the turn ? will it satisfie the Creditor , or discharge the debt ? No , no , the Law will have its own of him . If thou payest not thy due , thou must be shut up under it . It 's otherwise under the Gospel : that accepts a man according to what he hath , not according to what he hath not . And here comes in the third point . 3. Under the Gospel , although I am fallen , yet if I repent , the greatest sin that is , cannot condemn me . By repentance I am safe . Let our sins be never so great , yet if we return by repentance , God accepts us . Faith and Repentance remove all . The Law knows no such thing . Look into the Laws of the Realm . If a man be indicted and convinced of Treason , Murther or Felony ; though this man plead , True , I have committed such an offence ; but I beseech you Sir , pardon it , for I am heartily sorry for it : I never did the like before , nor never will again . Though he thus repent , shall he escape ? No , the rigour of the Law will execute Justice on him : there is no benefit had by repentance , the law will seize on him , he should have looked to it before . If thou committest Murther or Burglary , it 's not enough to put one good deed for another ; to say , I have done thus and thus for the King ; I kept such a Fort , or I won such a Town : this will not serve thy turn , it will not save thy neck : the law takes no knowledge of any good thing done , or of any repentance . This is thy estate . Consider then what a case they are in , that are shut up under the Law : until a man hath saith , it admits no exeuse , requires things far above thy power to perform ; it will accept no repentance : And therefore we may well make this Conclusion in the Galathians , As many as are under the law , are under the curse , as it is written , Cursed is every one that continues not in all things that are written in the book of the law to do them , Gal. 3.10 . But now , where are we thus shut up ? It 's under sin , as the Apostle ●ells us . For the Law discovers sin to be sin indeed : that sin by the commandment may become exceeding sinful , Rom. 7.13 . The Law makes us see more of it than we did , or possibly could come to have seen , Rom. 3.20 . By the Law cometh the knowledge of sin : I had not known sin , but by the law . Yes , peradventure I might have known Murther , Adultery , &c. to have been sins ; but to have known them to have been exceeding sinful , I could not but by the law . To know what a kind of plague sin is in it self , so as not to make a game of it , or a small matter , as many usually make it ; to see the ugliness of it , I cannot without the law . But that we may know what sin is , and that we may see it to be exceeding sinful , I here bring you a few Considerations , which I would have you ponder on , and enlarge them to your selves , when you come home . 1. Consider the baseness of him that offends , and the excellency of him that is offended : You shall never know what sin is without this twofold Considerations : lay them together , and it will make sin out of measure sinful . See in David , The drunkards made songs and ballads of him . He aggravates the indignity offered him , in that he was their King , yet that those wretched and filthy beasts the drunkards made songs of him . See it likewise in Job , Cap. 29. when he had declared unto them in what glory he once was , that he was a King and Prince in the Country . Then see Cap. 20. They that are younger than me have me in derision , whose fathers I would have disdain'd to have set with the dogs of my flock . He aggravates the offence . First from the dignity of the persons wronged , a King , and a Prince . Then from the baseness and vileness of those , who derided him , They were such as were younger than he , such as whose fathers he would have disdain'd to have set with the dogs of his flocks . A great indignity , and mightily aggravated by these circumstances , that a King should be abased by such vile persons . Now some proportion there might be between David and the drunkards , Job and these men ; but between thee and God what proportion can th●re be ? Who art thou therefore that darest set thy self in opposition and rebellion against God ? What a base worm that crawleth on the earth , dust and ashes , and yet darest thou thy Maker ? Dost thou ( saith God ) lift thy self up against him , before whom all the powers of Heaven do tremble ? whom the Angels do adore ? Exaltest thou thy self against him who inhabiteth E●ernity ? What , oppose thy self , a base creature , to Almighty God thy Creator ? Consider this , and let the baseness of the delinquent , and the Majesty and Glory of that God against whom he offends , be the first aggravation of sin , and thou shalt find sin out of measure sinful . 2. Consider the smalness of the Motives , and the littleness of the inducements that perswade thee so vile a creature , to set thy self against so glorious a God. If it were great m●tters set thee a work , as the saving of thy life , it were somewhat : But see how small and little a thing does usually draw thee to sin . A little profit it may be , or pleasure : It may be neither of these , or not so much . When thou breathest out oaths , and belchest out fearful blasphemies against God ; when thou rendest and tearest his dreadful and terrible name : what makes such a base and vile villain as thou thus to fly in Gods face ? Is there any profit or delight in breathing forth blasphemies ? Profit thou canst take none , and if thou take pleasure in it , then the Devil is in thee : yea , then thou art worst than the Devil himself . This is the second Consideration which may make us to see the vileness of sin , and abhor our selves for it : to wit , the slenderness of the temptations , and smalness of the motives to it . 3. Add what strong helps and means God hath given thee to keep thee from sin . As , I say , thou shouldst consider the bitterness of the delinquent , the glory of the offended , the mean motives whch cause so base a creature to do so vile an act ; so also consider the great means God hath given thee to keep thee from sin . He hath given thee his Word , and this will greatly aggravate thy sins , to sin against his Word , Gen. 3.11 . When God convinces Adam , he proceeds thus far with him : Hast thou ( saith he ) eaten of the tree whereof I commanded thee that thou shouldst not eat ? What , hast thou done it , as if thou wouldst do it on purpose to cross God ? God hath given thee an express command to the contrary , and yet hast thou done this ? Hast thou so often heard the Law , and pray'd , Lord have mercy on me , and incline my heart to keep this law , and yet wilt thou lye , swear , commit adultery , and deal falsly , and that contrary to the command of God , obstinately disobey him ? Now God hath not only given this great means of his Word and Commandment , but great grace too . Where understand that there is not only final grace , but degrees of grace : else the Apostle would not have said , receive not the grace of the Lord Jesus Christ in vain . 2 Cor. 6.1 . Consider then how much grace thou hast received in vain . How many motions to good hast thou rejected ? Perhaps thy heart is touched at this Sermon , though it is not my tongue , nor the tongue of the most elegant in the world , that can touch the heart , but the Spirit that comes along with his Word . Now when thou findst with the Word a Spirit to go with it , it is a grace . If thy conscience be enlightned , and thy duty revealed to thee , so that it tells thee what thou art , what thou oughtest to do , and not to do , it is a grace . Now if for all this , thou blindly runnest through , and art never the better , but obstinately settest thy self against God , and dost many things which others that have not received the same grace would not have done , know then that thou receivest this grace in vain , and thy case is lamentable . 4. Consider God's great goodness , which ought to restrain thee from sin upon a double account . 1. First , his goodness in himself should keep thee from offending him . There 's nothing but goodness , infinite goodness in him , and canst thou find in thy heart to sin against so good a God ? To offend , and wrong a good disposition'd person , one of a sweet nature and affection , it aggravates the fault , 't is pity to wrong or hurt such a one , as injures no body . Now such a one is God , a good God , infinite in goodness , rich in mercy , very goodness it self ; and therefore it must needs aggravate the foulness of sin to sin against him : But now he is not only thus in himself , but 2. Secondly , He 's good to thee , Rom. 2. Despisest thou the riches of his goodness and forbearance ? &c. What hast thou that thou hast not received from his bountiful hand ? Consider of this , and let this be a means to draw thee off from thy sinfulness . When David had greatly sinned against God , and when God brings his murther home to him , he pleads thus with him : When thou wert nothing in thine own eyes , I brought thee ( saith God ) to the Kingdom , I took thee from the sheep-fold , and exalted thee , and brought the to a plentiful house , Vid. 2 Sam. 12.7 , 8. And may not God say the like to us ? and do you thus requite the Lord , O you foolish people and unwise , Deut. 32.6 . that the more his mercy and goodness is to you , the higher your sins should be against him . 5. Besides , consider more than all this , we have the examples of good men before our eyes . God commands us not , what we cannot do : If God had not set some before our eyes , that walk in his ways , and do his will , then we might say that these are precepts , that none can perform : But we have patterns , of whom we may say , such a man I never knew to lye , such a one never to swear , and this should be a means to preserve us from sinning , Heb. 11.7 . Noah was a good man , and being moved with fear , set not at nought the threatning of God , but built the Ark , and thereby condemned the world . His example condemned the world , in that they followed it not , although it were so good , but continued in their great sins . So , art thou a wicked deboist person ? there is no good man but shall condemn thee by his example . It 's a great crime in the land of uprightness to do wickedly , Isa. 26.10 . to be profane , when the righteous by their blameless lives may teach thee otherwise . 6. And lastly , add to all the consideration of the multitude and weight of thy sins . Hadst thou but sinned once or twice , or in this or that , it were somewhat tolerable . But thy sins are great and many : They are heavy , and thou continually encreasest their weight , and addest to their number . Jer. 5.6 . A lyon out of the forrest shall slay them , and a wolf of the evening shall spoil them , a leopard shall watch over their Cities , and every one that goeth out thence shall be torn in pieces . Why ? Because their transgressions are many , and their back-slidings are encreased . If thou hadst committed but two , or three , or four sins , thou mightest have hope of pardon ; but when thou shalt never have done with thy God , but wilt be still encreasing , still multiplying thy sins , then mayst thou expect to hear from Gods mouth that dreadful expostulation in the Prophet , Jer. 5.7 . How can I pardon thee ? Thus David sets out his own sins in their weight and number , Psal. 38.4 . Mine iniquities are gone over my head , as an heavy burden they are too heavy for me . The continual multiplying of them adds to their heap both in number and weight . Thus I have shew'd you what the Law does in respect of sin , the benefit of being under the Law , that it makes sin appear in its own colours , and sets it forth to be , as indeed it is , exceeding sinful . But the Law does not yet leave sin , nor let it scape thus : But as the Law discovers our sinfulness , and accursedness by sin , its wretchedness and mans misery by it , till his blessedness comes , from the hand of his Jesus : so it lays down the miserable estate which befals him for it . If he will not spare God with his sins , God will not spare him with his plagues . Let us consider of this accursedness sin brings on us : God will not let us go so , but as long as we are under the Law , we are under the Curse ; and till we are in Christ , we can expect nothing , but that which should come from the hand of a provoked God. Assure thy self , thou that pleasest thy self in thy abomonations , that God will not take this at thine hands , that by so base a creature as thou art , so vile a thing as sin is should be committed against him . But of the woful effects of sin , which is Gods wrath , we will speak the next time . LAM . 5.16 . Woe unto us that we have sinned . I Declared unto you heretofore , what we are to consider in the state of a natural man , a man that is not new fashioned , new moulded , a man that is not cut off from his own stock , a man that is not ingrafted into Christ , he is the son of sin , he is the son of death . First I shewed you his sinfulness , and now Secondly I shall shew you his accursedness , that which follows necessarily upon sin unrepented of . I declared before what the nature of sin is : And now I come to shew what the dreadful effects of sin are ; I mean the enevitable consequence that follows upon sin , and that is , woe and misery , Woe unto us , that we have sinned . A woe is a short word , but there lieth much in it . Doct. Woe and anguish must follow him that continueth sinning against God. And when we hear this from the Ministers of God , it is as if we heard that Angel , Rev. 8.13 . flying through the midst of Heaven , denouncing , Woe , woe , woe to the Inhabitants of the earth . The Ministers of God are his Angels ; and the same that I now deliver to you , if an Angel should now come from Heaven , he would deliver no other thing . Therefore consider that it is a voice from Heaven , that this woe , woe , woe , shall rest upon the heads , upon the bodies and souls of all them that will not yield unto God , that will not stoop to him , that will be their own masters , and stand it out against him : woe , woe , woe unto them all . Woe unto us . It 's the voice of the Church in general , not of one man ; but but woe unto us , that we have sinned . That I may now declare unto you , what these woes are , note by the way , that I speak not to any particular man , but to every man in general . It is not for me to make particular application , do you do that your selves : We are all children of wrath by nature : in our natural condition we are all alike , we are all of one kind , and every kind generates its own kind : 'T is an hereditary condition , and till the Son makes us free , we are all subject to this woe . By nature we are all children of wrath , as well as others . Eph. 2.3 . Now that I may not speak of these woes in general , I have shew'd how two woes are p●st and a third woe is coming . God proceeds punctually with us . And are not our proceedings in Judiciary Courts after this manner ? The Judge when he pronounceth sentence , doth particularize the matter ; Thou shalt return to the place , from whence thou camest , thou shalt have thy bolts knockt off , thou shalt be drawn to the place of execution , thou shalt be hanged , thou shalt be cut down , and quartered ; and so he goes on . And this is that , which is the witness of Justice . Thus is it here , the Spirit of God thinks it not enough to say barely , the state of a sinner is a woful estate ; but the woes are punctually number'd , and this shall be my practice . Now 1. The first thing that followeth after sin is this : After the committing of sin , there cometh such a condition into the soul that it is defiled , polluted , and becometh abominable . And this is the first woe . 2. The soul being thus defiled and abominable , God loaths it ; for God cannot endure to dwell in a filthy and stinging carrion-soul , he startles as it were , and seems afraid to come near it , he forsakes it , and cannot endure it . And that 's the second woe : First sin defiles it , then God departs from it , there must be a divorce . 3. When God is departed from the soul , then the Devil enters in , he presently comes in , and takes up the room , there will be no emptiness or vacuum . And this is a fearful woe indeed : for as soon as God is departed from a man , he is left to the guidance of the Devil , his own flesh , and the World. There will be no emptiness in the heart : no sooner God departs , but these step in , and take Gods place . 4. Then in the fourth place , after all this is done , comes sin and cries for its wages , which is death . The terrible death which comprehends in it all that beadroll of curses , which are written in the Book of God ; and not onely those , but the curses also which are not written , Deut. 28. which are so many that they cannot be written . Though the Book of God be a compleat Book , and the Law of God a perfect Law , yet here they come short , and are imperfect : For the curses not written shall light upon him , which are so many , as pen and ink cannot set down , nay , the very pen of God cannot express them , so many are the calamities , and sorrows , that shall light upon the soul of every sinful man. Now let us take these woes in pieces one after another . 1. The first woe is the polluting and defiling of the soul by sin . A thing ( it may be ) that we little think of ; but if God once open our eyes , and shew us what a black soul we have within us , and that every sin , every lustful thought , every covetous act , every sin sets a new spot and stain upon the soul , and tumbles it into a new puddle of filth , then we shall see it , and not till then ; for our eyes are carnal , and we cannot see this . If once we did but see our hateful and abominable spots , that every sin tumbles us afresh into the mire : did we see what a black Devil we have within us , we would hate and abhor our selves , as Job did . It would be so foul a sight , that it would make us out of our wits , as it were , to behold it . A man that is but natural , cannot imagine , what a black Devil there is within him : But though he seeth it not , yet he that hath eyes , like as flame of fire , Rev. 1.14 . seeth our stains , and spots . Our Saviour shews the filthiness of the heart , by that which proceeds out of the mouth , Mat. 15.18 . Those things which proceed out of the mouth , come from the heart . And v. 19. Out of the heart proceed evil thoughts , &c. Observe . Of all evils we account evil thoughts the least . This we think strange , what , thoughts defile a man ? what , so light a matter as a thought ? Can they make any impression ? Yes , and defile a man too , leaving soch a spot behind them , which nothing but the hot blood of Christ can wash away . So many evil thoughts , so many blasphemies , so many filthy things come from the heart , every one being a new defilement and pollution that a man is made so nasty by it and filthy , that he cannot believe that it is so bad with him , as indeed it is . the Apostle having shewn the Corinthians their former life , and exhorted them against it , 1 Cor. 6. goes on cap. 7. v. 1. Let us cleanse our selves from all filthiness of the flesh , and spirit . Mark then , there is a double filthiness , a filthiness of the flesh , and a filthinest of the spirit . The filthiness of the flesh , that every one acknowledgeth to be filthy carnality , Fornication , and Adultery , &c. These bestial lusts every one knows to be unclean . But then there is a filth of the Spirit too , and such are evil thoughts . They are the filth of the Spirit . Corruptio optimi est pessima . The corruption which cleaves to the best thing is worst . The Soul is the Best thing , the most noble thing ; the filthiness , which cleaves to it therefore must needs be the greatest . Fleshly filthiness , as Adultery , is filthy ; but Contemplative Adultery , to dwell thereon , is worse : however such a man may be pure from the filth of the flesh , yet if he delight himself in filthy thoughts , his spirit is abominable in the sight of God : There is a stain by every one of thy impure thoughts left behind . However an actual sin be far greater then the sin of a thought , yet if that be but once committed , and these are frequently in thee ; if thou alway lie tumbling in the suds of thy filthy thoughts , thy continuing therein makes thy sin more abominable , then Davids outward act , which he but once committed . So that we see there is a filthiness of the spirit , as well as the flesh . In James 1.21 . we have a word sets out the filthiness of it , which is ( Superfluity . ) Lay apart ( saith he ) all filthiness and superfluity of naughtiness . First , it 's expressed by the name of filthiness , shewing there 's nothing so defiles a man as sin . Then 't is called superfluity of naughtiness ; But what , is there any naughtiness to be born with ? And what exceeds that , it is superfluity ? No , that 's not the meaning of the place . By superfluity , is meant the excrements of sin . Excrements are the refuse of meat , when the good nourishment is taken away from it . And 't is as if he had said , Lay aside filthy , nasty , or excrementitious sin . The word was used in the Ceremonies of the Jews , and thereby we may see what was taught concerning sin , Deut. 23.12 , 13. Thou shalt have a place without the camp whither thou shall goe , &c. Though the comparison be homely , yet it shews the filthiness of the sin , that it is a very excrement . Thou shalt have a paddle , and it shall be that when thou wilt ease thy self , thou shalt dig therewith , &c. And thou shalt cover that which cometh from thee . But what , did God care for these things ? No , it was to teach them a higher matter : As the reason following implies . For the Lord thy God walketh in the midst of the Camp. God would thereby shew them , that those things at which every man stoppeth his nose , are not so filthy to man , as a sin is unto God. So that you see how the case stands with a sinful man : Sin defiles him , it pollutes him . 2. And then in the next place , It makes Gods soul to hate and abhor him . It 's true , some sins there are that every man imagineth to be shameful and filthy ; but we see all sin is so to God , 't is filthiness of Flesh and Spirit . A man may hate carnality , fleshly filthiness ; peradventure also he may hate covetousness , but pride and prodigality that he may get ( as he thinks ) credit by , that he cannot maintain the reputation of a Gentleman without them . A miserable thing , that a man should account that a garnish of the soul , which doth defile and pollute it . If a man should take the excrements of a beast to adorn himself , would not we think him an Ass ? Well , when we thus defile our selves by sin , God cannot endure us , he is forced to turn from us , he abhors us ; And that 's the next woe . 2. When thou hast made thy self such a Black Soul , such a Dunghil , such a Sty , then God must be gone , he cannot endure to dwell there : It stands not with his honour , and with the purity of his nature to dwell in such a polluted heart , there must now be a divorce : Holiness becomes his House for ever . His delight is in the Saints , Psal. 93.5 . Psal. 16.3 . Rev. 15.3 . He is King of the Saints , he will not be in a Sty : When thou hast thus polluted and defiled thy soul , God and thou must presently part : God puts thee off , and thou puttest God off too , We read in that place before alledged , Eph. 2.12 . that before they knew Christ , they were without God in the world , &c. Atheists , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . And in cap. 4. v. 18. Having their understanding darkned , and being alienated from the life of God through the ignorance that is in them . The presence of God is the life of our souls ; and we having through sin and ignorance banisht God , we become strangers until the time of our ingrafting into Christ ; we are aliens from the life of God : whereupon comes a mutual kind of abhorring one another . God abhors us , and we vile and filthy wretches abhor God again . There is enmity betwixt God and us , and between all that belongs to God , and all that belongs to us . There 's an enmity betwixt God and us , and observe the expression of it , Levit. 26.15 . If you shall despise my statutes , or if your souls shall abhor my judgments , so that you will not do my commandments , &c. See here how we begin to abhor God , and then for judgment on such persons , v. 30. My soul shall abhor you . We are not behind hand with God in this abhorring , Zach. 11.8 . My soul loathed them , and their soul abhorred me . When we begin to abhor God , Gods soul also abhors us . When a man hath such a polluted soul , he becomes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a hater of God , and hated of him . When thou hast such a stinking soul , God must needs loath it as a most loathsome thing ; and so thou art not behind God neither . Thy filthiness makes God abhor thee , and thou abhorrest him . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , haters of God is one of the titles of natural men drenched in sin , Rom. 1.30 . And this is thy case , by hating thou art hated of God. Nor is this all the enmity . There is enmity also betwixt all that belongs to God , and all that belongs to us . Gods children and the wicked have ever an enmity betwixt them , such an enmity as will never be reconciled . It 's set down in Prov. 29.27 . An unjust man is an abomination to the just , and he that is upright in his way , is an abomination to the wicked . Just as it is between God and the seed of the Serpent , so it is between both the seeds . A wicked man is an abomination to the just , and an upright man is an abomination to the wicked . There is a pale of abomination set between them : so that this is the second woe . We come now to the third . 3. And the third woe is that which immediately follows , Gods leaving of us . When we have polluted our selves with sin , and God by reason thereof abhors us , and turns from us , then are there others ready presently to take up the room ; so soon as God departs , the Devil steps in and becomes thy God. He was thy God by Creation , this by usurpation : He was thy Father that would have given thee every good thing ; but now thou art Fatherless , or rather worse , thou hast the Devil for thy Father , and better is it to be without one . When the Devil is thy Father , his works thou must do . When the Spirit of God departed from Saul , presently the evil Spirit entred into him , 1 Sam. 16.14 . If the good Spirit be gone out , the evil Spirit soon comes in : he comes and takes possession , and is therefore called The God of this world : And while we are in that state , we walk after the course of him that worketh in the children of disobedience , Eph. 2.2 . We would account it a terrible thing , for our selves or any of our children to be possessed of a Devil ; but what it is to be possessed of this Devil thou knowest not . It 's not half so bad to have a Legion possess thy Body , as to have but one to possess thy Soul. He becomes thy God and thou must do his work ; he will tyrannize over thee . What a fearful thing therefore is this , that as soon as God departs from us and forsakes us , and we him , that the Devil should presently come in his room , and take up the heart ? Mark that place in Eph. 2.2 . Where in times past ye walked according to the course of the world , according &c. Assoon as God leaves a man , what a fearful company assail him ? They all concur together , the World , the Flesh , and the Devil : These take Gods place . The world is like the tide , when a man hath the tide with him , he hath great advantage of him that rows against the tide . But here is the Devil too . The world is as a swift current , and besides this comes the Devil and fills the heart , the Prince of the Power of the Air. While thou wert carried with the world , thou went'st with the Stream , and hadst the tide with thee ; but now the Devil being come , thou hast both wind and tide ; and how can he chuse but run , whom the Devil drives ? But this is not all : There must be something in thine own disposition too , that it may be completely filled : Though there be wind and tide , yet if the Ship be a slug , it will not make that hast that another light ship will : Therefore here is the flesh too , and the fulfilling the desires thereof , which is a quick and nimble vessel , and this makes up the matter . So that if we consider the wind and tide , and lightness of the Ship , it will appear how the room is filled : And how woful must the state of that man be ? It is a fearful thing to be delivered up unto Satan , but not so fearful as to be delivered up to ones own lusts . But by the way observe this for a ground : God never gives us up , God never forsakes us till we first forsake him . He is still before hand with us in doing us good ; but in point of hurt we our selves are first , in the point of forsaking we are always before hand with God. If it should be proposed to thee , whether thou wilt forsake God or the Devil , and thou dost forsake God and chusest the Devil , thou deservest that he should take possession of thee . When a man shall obstinately renew his gross sins , doth he not deserve to be given up ? Observe the case in our first Parents . God told the woman one thing , the Devil perswades her another ; she hearkens to the Devil , and believes him rather than God ; and when we shall desire to serve the Devil rather than God , the God that made us , and that made heaven for us , do we not deserve to be given up to him ? For his Servants we are whom we obey , Rom. 6.16 . And thus we see how fearful a thing it is , to be delivered up to our selves and to the Devil , Psal. 81.11 . First they forsake God : God comes and offers himself unto them , I will be thy God , thy Father , thou shalt want nothing : yet notwithstanding Israel would not hear , they would have none of me . And then if thou wilt have none of me , I will have none of thee saith God. Then see what follows , v. 12. God commits the Prisoner to himself : I gave them up to their own hearts lusts , &c. And there 's no case so desperate as this , when God shall say , If thou wilt be thine own Master be thine own Master . Thus to be given up to a mans self , is worse than to be given up unto Satan : To be given up unto Satan may be for thy safety ; but there 's not a mountain of Gods wrath greater , than to give a man up unto himself . We would fain go over the hedges ; but when God loves us he hedges up our ways , Hos. 2.6 . If God love us he will not leave us to our selves , though we desire it . But when God shall say , go thy wayes , if thou wilt not be kept in , be thy own Master , this is a most fearful thing : And this is the third woe . First the soul is polluted with sin ; it forsakes God , and God forsakes it : Then the World , the Flesh , and the Devil , these fill up the room ; and then what follows , when these three rule within ? But all kinds of sin : And so all kinds of punishment , which is the next Woe . 4. And this woe brings in all the curses of Almighty God , an Iliad of evils . Sin calls for its wages , viz. Death , Death . That 's the payment of all : The wages of sin is death . And this is the next thing ; which I shall open and explain . Now in handling hereof , I will first shew how death in general must of necessity follow sin , that thou who hast forsaken the fountain of life , art liable to everlasting death . And for this see some places of Scripture , Rom. 6.2 , 3. The wages of sin is death . Consider then , first what this wages is . Wages is a thing which must be paid : If you have an hireling , and your hireling receive not his wages , you are sure to hear of it , and God will hear of it too , James 5.4 . He which keeps back the wages of the labourer , or the hireling , their cry will come into the ears of the Lord of Sabboth . As long as hirelings wages are unpaid , Gods ears are filled with their cries , Pay me my wages , pay me my wages . So sin cries , and it is a dead voice , Pay me my wages , pay me my wages , the wages of sin is death . And sin never leaves crying , never lets God alone , never give● him rest , till this wages be paid . When Cain had slain Abel , he thought he should never have heard any more on 't ; but sin hath a voice , The voice of thy Brothers blood cries unto me from the ground . So Gen. 18.20 . the Lord saith concerning Sodom , Because the cry of Sodom is great , and their sin very grievous , therefore I will go down and see , whether they have done according to the cry that is come up into mine ears . As if the Lord had said , It 's a loud cry , I can have no rest for it , therefore I will go down and see , &c. If man had his ears open , he would continually hear sin crying unto God , Pay me my wages , pay me my wages , kill this sinful soul : And though we do not hear it , yet so it is . The dead and doleful sound thereof fills Heaven : It makes God say , I will go down and see , &c. Till sin receive its wages , God hath no rest . Again , see Rom. 7.11 . Sin taking occasion by the Commandment , deceived me , and by it slew me . I thought sin not to have been so great a matter , as it is . We think on a matter of profit or pleasure , and thereupon are inticed to sin ; but here 's the mischief , sin deceives us . It is a weight , it presses down , it deceives men , it 's more then they deemed it to be . The committing of sin , is as it were running thy self upon the point of Gods blade . Sin at first may flatter thee , but it will deceive thee : It 's like Joabs kiss to Amasa . Amasa was not aware of the sword that was in Joabs hand , till he smote it into his ribs that he died . 2 Sam. 2.26 . When sin entices thee on by profits , and pleasures , thou art not aware , that it will slay thee : But thou sh●lt find it will be bitterness in the end . A sinner that acts a tragedy in sin , shall have a bloody Catastrophe . Rom. 6. What fruit had you then in those things whereof you are now ashamed ? Blood , and death is the end of the Tragedy . The end of those things is death . The sting of death is sin , 1 Cor. 15. What is sin ? It 's the sting of death : Death would not be death , unless sin were in it . Sin is more deadly then death it self ; It 's sin enableth death to sting ; enableth it to hurt and wound us : So that we may look on sin , as the Barbarians looked on the viper on Pauls hand , they expected continually when he would have swollen and burst . Sin bites like a Snake , which is called a fiery Serpent , not that the Serpent is fiery , but because it puts a man into such a flaming heat , by their poyson : And such is the sting of sin , which carries poyson in it , that had we but eyes to see our ugliness by it , and how it inflames us , we should continually , every day look , when we should burst with it . The Apostle , James 1.15 . useth another metaphor . Sin when it is accomplished bringeth forth death . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , saith the Original , sin goeth as it were with child , with death . The word is proper to Women in labour , who are in torment till they are delivered . Now as if sin were this Woman , he useth it in the faeminine gender . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . So it is with sin , sin is in pain , cries out , hath no rest till it be delivered of this dead birth , till it have brought forth death : That is , sin grows great with child with death , and then it not only deserves death , but it produceth and actually brings forth : This is generally so . Now consider with your selves , death is a fearful thing . When we come to talk of death , how doth it amaze us ? The Priests of Nob are brought before Saul for relieving David , and he saith , Thou shalt surely die Ahimelech . And this is your case , you shall surely die : death is terrible even to a good man. As appears in Hezekiah , who though he were a good man , yet with how sad a heart doth he entertain the message of death ? The news of it affrighted him ; it went to his heart , it made him turn to the wall and weep . How cometh it to pass that we are so careless of death ? That we are so full of infidelity , that when the word of God saith , Thou shalt die Ahimelech , we are not at all moved by it ? What , can we think these are Fables ? Do we think God is not in earnest with us ? And by this means we fall into the temptation of Eve , a questioning , whether Gods threats are true , or not ? That which was the deceit of our first Parents , is ours . Satan disputes not whether sin be lawful , or not : Whether eating the fruit were unlawful : Whether Drunkenness , &c. Be lawful ; he 'l not deny , but it is unlawful . But when God saith , If thou dost eat , &c. Thou shalt die : he denies it , and saith , ye shall not die . He would hide our eyes from the punishment of sin . Thus we lost our selves at the first , and the Floods of sin came on in this manner : When we believed not God , when he said , If thou dost eat thou shalt surely die : And shall we renew that Capital sin of our Parents , and think , if we do sin , we shall not die ? If any thing in the World will move God to shew us no mercy , it 's this when we sleight his Judgments , or not believe them . This adds to the height of all our sins , that when God saith , if thou dost live in sin , thou shalt die , and yet we will not believe him : That when she shall come , and threaten us , as he doth , D●ut . 29. v. 19. When he shall curse , and we shall bless our selves in our hearts , and say , we shall have peace though we go on , &c. v. 20. The Lord will not spare that man , but the anger of the Lord and his jealousie shall smoke against him . It is no small sin , when we will not believe God : This is as being thirsty before , we now add Drunkenness to our thirst : That is , when God shall thus pronounce curses , he shall yet bless himself , and say , I hope I shall do well enough for all that . There are two words to that bargain . Then see what follows , The anger of the Lord and his jealousie shall smoke against that man , &c. We are but now entred into the point ; but it would make your hearts ake and throb within you , if you should hear the particulars of it . All that I have done , is to perswade you to make a right choice , to take heed of Satans delusions . Why will ye die ? Ezek. 33.11 . Therefore cast away your sins , and make you a new heart and a new spirit , for why will you die ? Ezek. 18.31 . Where the Golded Candlestick stands , there Christ walks , there he saith I am with you . Where the Word and Sacraments are , there Christ is , and when the Word shakes thy heart , take that time , now choose life . Why will you die ? Consider of the matter : Moses put before the people life and death , blessing and cursing : Deut. 30.15 , 19. We put life and death before you in a better manner : He was a Minister of the letter , we of the spirit . 2 Cor. 3.6 . Now choose life . But if you will not hearken , but will needs try conclusions with God , therefore because you will choose your own conclusions , and will not hearken unto God , because you will needs try conclusions with him , will not obey him when he calls , therefore he will turn his deaf ear unto you , and when you call and cry , he will not answer , Prov. 1.28 . I press this the more , to move you to make a right choice . But now to turn to the other side , as there is nothing but death for the wages of sin , and as I have shewed you where death is : So give me leave to direct you to the Fountain of life : There is life in our blessed Saviour ; if we have but an hand of faith to touch him , we shall draw vertue from him to raise us up from the death of sin , to the life of righteousness , 1 John. 5.12 . He that hath the Son hath life , he that hath not the Son hath not life . You have heard of a death that comes by the first Adam , and sin , and to that stock of Original sin we had from him , we have added a great heap of our own actual sins , and so have treasured up unto our selves wrath against the day of wrath . Rom. 2.5 . Now here is a great treasure of happiness on the other side in Christ ; have the Son , and have life . The question is now , whether you will choose Christ , and life , or sin , and death ? Consider now the Minister stands in Gods stead , and beseeches you in his name , he speaks not of himself , but from Christ. When he draws near to thee , with Christs broken body , and his blood shed , and thou receivest Christ ; then , as thy natural life and strength is preserved and encreased by these Elements , so hast thou also spiritual life by Christ. If a man be kept from nourishment a while , we know what death he must die : If we receive not Christ , we cannot have life , we know that there is life to be had from Christ , and he that shall by a true , and lively faith receive Christ , shall have life by him . There is as it were a pair of Indentures drawn up between God and a mans soul : There is blood shed , and by it pardon of sin , and life convey'd unto thee on Christs part . Now if there be faith and repentance on thy part , and thou accept of Christ , as he is offered , then thou mayst say , I have the Son , and as certainly as I have the bread in my hand , I shall have life by him . This I speak but by the way , that the Sun might not set in a cloud , that I might not end only in death , but that I might shew , that there is a way to recover out of that death , into which we have all naturally praecipitated our selves , by our apostacy from God. ROM . 6.23 . The wages of Sin is death . THe last day I entred on the Declaration of the cursed effects and consequents of sin , and in general shewed that it is the wrath of God ; that where sin is there wrath must follow . As the Apostle in the Epistle to the Galathians , As many as are under the works of the Law , are under the curse . Now all that may be expected from a God highly offended , is comprehended in Scripture by this term , Death . Wheresoever sin enters , death must follow , Rom. 5.12 . Death passed over all men , forasmuch as all had sinned : If we are children of sin , we must be children of wrath , Eph. 1.3 . We are then children of wrath even as others . Now concerning death in general , I shewed you the last time that the state of an unconverted man , is a dead and desperate estate : He is a slave , it would affright him , if he did but know his own slavery , and what it is that hangs over his head ; that there 's but a Span betwixt him and death , he could never breath any free air , he could never be at any rest , he could never be free from fear . Heb. 2.15 . the Apostle saith , that Christ came to deliver them that through fear of death were all their life time subject to bondage . This bondage is a deadly bondage , that when we have done all that we can do , what 's the payment of the service ? Death : And the fear of this deadly bondage , if we were once sensible , if God did open our eyes , and shew us as he did Belshazar , our doom written , did we but see it , it would make our joynts loose , and our knees knock one against another . Every day thou livest thou approachest nearer to this death , to the accomplishment and consummation of it : Death without and Death within ; Death in this World and in the World to come . Not only death thus in gross and in general , but in particular also . Now to unfold the particulars of death , and to shew you the ingredients of this bitter Cup , that we may be weary of our estates , that we may be drawn out of this death , and be made to fly to the Son , that we may be free indeed ; observe : that Death is not here to be understood of a separation of the Soul from the Body only , but a greater death than that , the death of the Soul and Body . We have mention made of a first Resurrection , Rev. 20.6 . Blessed and happy is he that hath his part in the first Resurrection , for on such the second death hath no power . What is the first resurrection ? It is a rising from sin : And what is the second death ? It is everlasting damnation . The first Death is a Death in sin , and the first Resurrection is a rising from sin . And so again for all things , the judgments or troubles that appertain to this death , all a man suffers before . It is not , as fools think , the last blow that fells the Tree , but every blow helps forward . 'T is not the last blow that kills the man , but every blow that goes before makes way unto it . Every trouble of mind , every anguish , every sickness ; all these are as so many strokes that shorten our life , and hasten our end , and are as it were so many deaths : Therefore however it is said by the Apostle , It is appointed for all men once to dye , yet we see the Apostle to the Corinthians of the great conflicts that he had , in 2 Cor. 11.23 . saith , that he was in labours abundant , in stripes above measure , in prisons frequent , in deaths oft . In deaths often , what 's that ? That is , however he could d●e but once ; yet these harbingers of death , these stripes , bonds , imprisonments , sicknesses , &c. all of them were as so many deaths , all these were comprehended under this curse , and are parts of death ; in as much as he underwent that which was a furtherance to death , he is said to die . So we read Exod. 10.17 . Pharaoh could say , Pray unto your God that he would forgive my sins this once , and intreat the Lord that he will take away from me but this death only . Not that the Locusts were death ; but are said to be so because they prepared and made way for a natural death . Therefore the great judgments of God are usually in Scripture comprised under this name Death . All things that may be expressions of a wrath of an highly provoked God , are comprehended under this name : All the judgments of God that come upon us in this life , or that to come ; whether they be spiritual and ghostly , or temporal , are under the Name of Death . Now to come to particulars , look particularly on Death , and you shall see death begun in this world , and seconded by a death following , the separation of body and soul from God in the world to come . 1. First , in this life he is always a dying man : Man that is born of a woman , what is he ? He is ever spending upon the stock , he is ever wasting like a Candle , burning still and spending it self as soon as lighted , till it come to its utter consumption : So he is born to be a dying man , death seizeth upon him as soon as ever it findeth sin in him , Gen. 2.1 . In the day that thou eatest thereof thou shalt dye , saith God to Adam , though he lived many years after . How then could this threatning hold true ? Yes it did , in regard that presently he fell into a languishing estate , subject and obnoxious to miseries and calamities , the hastners of it . If a man be condemn'd to dye , suppose he be reprieved , and kept prisoner three or four years after , yet we account him but a dead man : And if this mans mind shall be taken up with worldly matters , earthly contentments , purchases or the like , would we not account him a Fool or a stupid man , seeing he lightly esteems his condemnation , because the same hour he is not executed ? Such is our case , we are while in our natural condition in this life dead men , ever tending toward the Grave , towards corruption , as the gourd of Jonah , so soon as ever it begins to sprout forth , there is a worm within , that bites it and causes it to wither . The day that we are born , there is within us the seed of corruption , and that wasts us away with a secret and incurable consumption , that certainly brings death in the end : So that in our very birth begins our progress unto death , A time , a way we have , but it leads unto death . There is a way from the Tower to Tyburn , but it is a way to death : Until thou comest to be reconciled unto Christ , every hour tends unto thy death ; there 's not a day that thou canst truly say thou livest in , thou art ever posting on to death , death in this world , and eternal death in the world to come . And as it is thus with us at our coming into the world , so we are to understand it of that little time we have above ground , our days are full of sorrow . But mark when I speak of sorrows here , we must not take them for such afflictions and sorrows as befal Gods children , for theirs are blessings unto them : Chastisements are tokens of Gods love , For as many as I love , I rebuke and chasten : ( saith Christ. ) Revel . 3.19 . Affliction to them is like the Dove with an Olive-branch in her mouth , to shew that all is well ; but take a man that is under the Law , and then every cross whether it be loss of friends , loss of goods , diseases on his body , all things , every thing to him is a token of Gods wrath , not a token of Gods love , as it is to Gods children ; but it is as his impress money , as part of payment of a greater sum , an earnest of the wrath of God , the first part of the payment thereof . It 's the Apostles direction , that among the other Armour , we should get our feet shod , that so we might be able to go through the afflictions we shall meet withal in this life , Eph. 6.15 . Let your feet be shod with the preparation of the Gospel of peace . What is the shooing of the feet a part of the Armour ? Yes : For in the Roman discipline there were things they called Galltraps , which were cast in the way before the Army , before the horse and men ; they had three points , so that which way soever they threw them , there was a point upwards . Now to meet with and prevent this mischief , they had brazen shooes that they might tread upon these Gall-traps and not be hurt : As we read of Goliah , amongst other Armour he had boots of Brass . To this it seems the Apostle had reference in this metaphorical speech : The meaning is that as we should get the shield of faith and sword of the spirit , so we should have our feet shod , that we might be prepared against all those outward troubles , that we should meet with in the world , which are all of them as so many stings and pricks ; all outward crosses I say are so : And what is it that makes all these hurt us ? what is it that makes all these as so many deaths unto us but sin ? If sin reign in thee and bear rule , that puts a sting into them . It is sin that arms death against us , and it is sin that arms all that goes before death against us . Hast thou been crossed in the loss of thy Wife , Children , good friends , &c. why the sting of all is from sin , sin it is which makes us feel sorrow . What shall we then do ? Why get thy feet shod with the preparation of th● Gospel of peace . Prepare thy self , get God at peace with thee ; and then whatsoever affliction cometh , howsoever it may be a warning piece to another that Gods wrath is coming , yet to thee it is a messenger of peace . Now these outward troubles are the least part of a wicked mans p●yment , though all these are a part of his death , so long as he remains unreconciled , whatsoever comes upon him whereby he suffers either in himself or in any thing that belongs unto him , they are all tokens of Gods wrath , and are the beginnings of his death , in the 26th of Levit. and the 28th of Deut. the particulars of it are set down . But this is that I told you the last time , how that the law of God is a perfect law , and nothing is to be added to it , yet the variety of the curses belonging unto a man unreconciled are so many , that the ample book of God cannot contain them , Deut. 28.61 . All the curses which are not written , &c. we read v. 27. The Lord shall smite thee with ●he botch of Aegypt , and with hemeroids , and with a scab ▪ and with itch . See the diversities of plagues , all these are made parts of the curse . The very itch and scab is a part of the payment of Gods wrath in hell , Lev. 26.26 . I will send a Sword amongst you , which shall avenge the quarrel of my Covenant , the sword that shall destroy you , that when you shall hear of war , of the coming of the sword , ( which the children of God need not fear . all is alike unto them ) it shall be to avenge the quarrel of Gods Covenant . The Book of God comprehends not all the curses that are to light on the wicked . And therefore we find in Zachary , a Book , a great Folio Book , every side whereof was full of curses , Cap. 5.2 . He said unto me , what se●st thou ? And I said I see a flying roll , the length thereof is 20 cubits ; and the breadth thereof is 10 cubits . Here 's a big book indeed ; but mark what is in it : Sure it is not for nought that the Holy Ghost sets down the dimensions of it : there is something questionless in it , the length thereof is 20 cubits , and the breadth 10 cubits : a huge volume . Nor is it a Book but a Roll , so that the crassitude goeth into the compass , and this is written thick within and without , and is full of curses against sin . Now for the dimension of it , compare this place with 1 Kings 6.3 . and you shall find them the very dimensions of Solomons Porch : A great place where the people were wont to come for the hearing of the Word , and not only in that time , but it was continued to the time of Christ and the Apostles : For we read how our Saviour walk●d in Solomon 's Porch , and the Apostles were in Solomons Porch , Acts 5. So large then was this Roll , that it agreed in length and breadth with Solomons Porch , and so many curses were written in it as were able to come in at the Church door . It is as if we should see a huge book now , coming in at the Church door , that should fill it up . Such a thing was presented unto him , and it was a Roll full of curses , and all these curses shall come on those that obey not all the Commandments , all shall come upon them and overtake them . Cursed shalt thou be in the City , and cursed shalt thou be in the field , cursed in thy basket and in thy store , cursed when thou comest in , and when thou goest forth , Deut. 28.16 . Till a man come to receive the Promises , till he come to be a son of blessing , till he be in Christ , he is beset so with curses , that if he lie down to sleep there is a curse on his pillow ; if he put his Money in his cofer , he lays up a curse with it , which as rust eats it out and cankers it ; if he beget a child , he is accursed , there 's a curse against his person , and his goods , and all that belongs unto him , there 's still a curse over his head . The creditor in this World by the Laws of the Realm may choose , whether he will have his debtors person seized on , or his goods , and chattels : But not so here , this writ is executed against his person , and goods , and all that belongs unto him . So that it is a fearful thing to fall into the hands of the living God. If this be the condition of a wicked man , that his very blessings be curses , what a woful case is it ! There 's nothing till he be reconciled to Christ , but hath a curse at the end of it . Consider that one place in the Prophesie of Malachy , where the very blessings are accursed : not onely when God sends on him the itch , or botch , or scab , or sword , but in blessings , cap. 2.2 . he 's accursed . If you will not hear , and if you will not lay it to heart to give glory to my name , saith the Lord , I will even send a curse upon you . But how ? See how this curse is threatned : I will curse your very blessings , yea I have cursed them already , because you do not lay it to heart . Mark , is it not a great blessing that God yet affords the Word , that we yet enjoy it ; but if we come to hear but formally , to hear it onely , and lay it not to heart , God curseth this blessing , yea I have cursed it already , saith the Lord. When thou prayest in hypocrisie , thy prayer is a curse to thee . If thou receive the Sacrament unworthily , the cup of blessing is a cup of poison , a cup of cursing to thee . Stay not therefore one hour longer quietly in this cursed condition , but fly unto Christ for life and blessing : run to this City of refuge , for otherwise there is a curse at the end of every outward thing , that thou enjoyest . I have cursed these blessings already . It is as sure , as if already pass't on thee . What a woeful thing then is it ( think you ) to be liable to the curse of God! 2. But what 's become of the soul now ? Why , if thou didst but see the cursed soul , that thou carriest in thy body , it would amaze thee . These outward curses , are but flea-bitings to the blow that is given to the soul of an unregenerate man , that deadness of spirit , that is within : didst thou but see the curse of God that rests upon the soul of this man , even while he is above ground , it would even astonish thee . 1. Consider there are two kinds of blows that God gives unto the soul of an unregenerate man. The one is a terrible blow . The other , which is the worst of the two , is an insensible blow . The sensible blow is when God lets the conscience out , and makes it fly into the face of a man , when the conscience shall come , and terribly accuse a man for what he hath done . This blow is not so usual as the insensible blow ; but this insensible is far more heavy . But as it falls out , that as in this World , sometimes before the glory in Heaeen , the Saints of God have here a glimpse of Heaven , and certain communion with God and Christ , certain love tokens , a white stone , a new name ingraven , which no man knoweth , but he that receiveth it : And this is the testimony of a good conscience , which is hidden joyes : Privy intercourse is between Christ and them , secret kisses : And as Gods Children do , as it were , meet with a Heaven upon Earth sometimes , and are , as we read of Paul , caught up into the third Heaven , which to them is more then all the things in the World besides : So the wicked have sometimes flashes of Hell in their consciences . If you had but seen men in the case that I have seen them in , you would say they had an Hell within them ; they would desire rather , and they have expressed it , to be torn in pieces by wild horses , so they might be freed from the horrours in their consciences . When the conscience recoyls and beats back upon it self , as a musket or'e charged , it turns a man over and over : And this is a terrible thing . This sometimes God gives men in this World : And mark , where the word is most powerfully preacht , there is this froth most rais'd , which is the cause many desire not to come where the word is taught , because it galls their consciences , and desire the Mass rather , because they say , the Mass bites not : They desire a dead Minister , that would not rub up their consciences , they would not be tormented before the time : They would so , but it shall not be at their choice , God will make them feel here the fire of Hell , which they must endure for ever hereafter . This is the sensible Blow , when God le ts loose the conscience of a wicked man ; and he needs no other fire , no other worm to torment , nothing else to plague him : he hath a weapon within him , his own conscience , which if God lets loose , it will be Hell enough . But now besides this blow which is not so frequent , there is another more common and more insensible blow . God saith , he is a dead man , and a flave to sin and Satan , and he thinks himself the freest man in the World. God curses and strikes , and he feels it not . This is an insensible blow , and like unto a dead palsie : Thou art dead , and yet walkest about , and art merry , though every one that hath his eyes open seeth death in thy face . O this deadness , this senselesness of heart is the heaviest thing that can befal a sinner in this life . It is the cause the Apostle speaks of in the Rom : when God delivers up a man 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to a reprobate mind : And so in the Epistle to the Ephes. 4.19 . declares such a man to be past feeling : Who being past feeling , have given themselves over to lasciviousness to work all uncleanness even with greediness . Although every sin , ( as I told you before ) is as it were the running a mans self on the point of Gods sword , yet these men being past feeling , run on , on , on , to commit sin with greediness , till they come to the very pit of destruction , they run amain to their confusion . When this insensibleness is come upon them , it is not Gods goodness that can work upon them . Who art thou that despisest the riches of Gods goodness , not knowing that the goodness of God leadeth thee unto repentance . Rom. 2.4 . It is not Gods judgments that will move them , they leave no impression , as Rev. 9.20 . And the rest of the men which were not killed by these plagues ▪ yet repented not of the works of their hands , that they should not worship Devils , &c. brass , nor stone and wood , which neither can see , nor hear , nor walk . They repented not though they were spared , but worshipped Gods which cannot see , nor hear , nor speak , so brutish were they to be led away by stocks and stones ? I think the Papist Gods cannot do it unless it be by couzenage , yet such is their senselesness , that though Gods fury be revealed from Heaven against Papists , such as worship false Gods ; yet are they so brutish that they will worship things which can neither hear , nor see , nor walk . They that made them are like unto them , and so are all they that worship them , as brutish as the stocks themselves : They have no heart to God , but will follow after their puppets and their Idols , and such are they also that follow after their drunkenness , covetousness , &c Who live in lasciviousness , lusts , excess of riot , 1 Pet. 4.2 . that run into all kind of excess ; and marvel that you do not so too . They marvel ( that ye that fear God ) can live as ye do ; and speak evil of you that be good ; call such Hypocrites , Dissemblers , and I know not what nick-names . This , I say , is a most woful condition ; it 's that dead blow . When men are not sensible of Mercies , of Judgments , but run into all excess of sin with greediness : And this is a death begun in this life , even while they are above ground . But then comes another death , God doth not intend sin shall grow to an infinite weight , His Spirit shall not alwayes strive with man , but at length God comes and crops him off , and now cometh the consummation of the death begun in this life : Now cometh an accursed death . 3. After thou hast lived an accursed life , then cometh an accomplishment of curses . First , a cursed separation between body and soul , and then of both from God for ever , and this is the last payment , This is that great death which the Apostle speaks of , Who delivered us from that great death . 2 Cor. 1.10 . So terrible is that death . This death is but the severing of the body from the Soul : This is but the Lords Harbinger , the Lords Serjeant to lay his Mace on thee , to bring thee out of this World into a place of everlasting misery , from whence thou shalt never come , till all be satisfied , and this is never . First , Consider the nature of this death , which though every man knoweth , yet few lay to heart . This death , what doth it ? First , it takes the things which thou spentst thy whole life in getting . It robs thee of all the things thou ever hadst : Thou hast taken pains to heap and treasure up goods for many yeors , presently when this blow is given , all is gone : For honour , and preferment , it takes thee from that ; pleasure in idle company-keeping , it bars thee of that . Mark , this is the first thing that death doth , it takes not onely away a part of that thou hast , but all , it leaves thee quite naked , as naked , as when thou camest into the World : Thou thoughtst it was thy happiness to get this and that . Death now begins to unbewitch thee , thou wast bewitched before , when thou didst run after all wordly things : Thou wast deceived before , and now it undeceives thee ; it makes thee see what a notorious fool thou wast , it unbefools thee . Thou hadst many plots , and many projects , but when thy breath is gone , then without any delay in that very day saith the Psalmist , all thy thoughts perish , Psal. 146.4 . all thy plottings , and projections go away with thy breath : A strange thing , to see a man with Job , the richest man in the East , and yet in the evening ( we say ) as poor as Job : He hath nothing left him now . Now though death takes not all things from thee , yet it takes thee from them all ; and so in effect them also from thee ; though they remain in thy house , and grounds , yet they are as far removed from thee , is ahou from them . All thy goods , all thy books , all thy wealth , all thy friends thou mayst now bid farewel : now adieu for ever , never to see them again . And that is the first thing . 2. Now death rests not there , but cometh to seize upon thy body . It hath bereaved thee of all that thou possessedst of all thy outward things , they are taken away : Now it comes to touch the wicked mans person , and see what then . It toucheth him , it rents his soul from his body : those two loving companions that have so long dwelt together , are now separated . It takes thy soul from thy body : This man doth not deliver up his spirit , as we read of our Saviour , Father , into thy hands I commit my spirit , or deliver their spirits as Stephen did : But here it 's taken from them ; it 's much against his mind , it 's a pulling of himself from himself . This it doth . 3. But then again , when thou art thus pulled asunder , what becomes of the parts separated ? 1. First , The body as soon as the soul is taken from it , hastens to corruption , that must see corruption ; yea it becomes so full of corruption , that thy dearest friend cannot then endure to come near unto thee . When the soul is taken from the body , it 's observed that of all carkasses that are , mans is the most loathsome , none so odious as that . Abraham loved Sarah well , but when he comes to buy a monument for her , see his expression , Gen. 23.8 . He communes with the men and saith , if it be your mind to sell me the field , that I might bury my dead out of my sight . Though he loved her very well before , yet now she must be buried out of his sight . It is sown in dishonour , and it 's the basest thing that can be : Therefore when our Saviour was going near to the place where Lazarus lay , his Sister saith , Lord by this time he stinketh , Joh. 11.39 . I have said to corruption thou art my Father ( saith Job ) and to the worm thou art my Mother and my Sister : Job . 17.14 . As in the verse before , The grave is my house , I have made my bed in the darkness . Here then he hath a new kindred , and though before he had affinity with the greatest , yet here he gets new affinity : He saith to corruption thou art my Father , and to the worm thou art my Mother and my Sister . The worm is our best kindred here ; the worm then is our best bed ; yea worms thy best covering , as Esay . 14.11 . Thus is it thy Father , thy Mother , and thy Bed : nay , it is thy consumption and destroyer also , Job . 26. Thus is it with thy body , it passeth to corruption , that thy best or dearest friend cannot behold it or endure it . 2. But alas ! what becomes of thy soul then ? Thy soul appears naked , there 's no garment to defend it , no Proctor appears to plead for it : It is brought singly to the bar , and there it must answer . It is appointed for all men once to dye , but what then ? And after that to come to judgm●nt , Heb. 9.27 . Eccles. 12.7 . The body returns unto the earth from whence it was taken , but the Spirit to God who gave it . All mens spirits assoon as their bodies and souls are parted , go to God to be disposed of by him where they shall keep their everlasting residence . Consider when thou hearest the Bell rung out for a dead man , if thou hadst but the wings of a Dove to fly , and couldst fly after him , and appear with him before Gods Tribunal , to see the account that he must give unto God for all things done in the flesh : and when no account can be given , what a state of misery and horror wouldst thou see him in ! and this is a silent kind of judging : The last day of judging shall be with great pomp and solemnity . This is a matter closely carried between God and thy self ; but then thou must give an account of all that thou hast received , and then when thou canst not give a good account ; then is thy talent taken from thee . Why , saith God , I gave thee learning , how didst thou use it ? I gave thee other gifts of mind , how didst thou employ them ? God hath given thee wisdom and wealth , Moral vertues , meekness , and patience , &c. These are good things , but mark whatsoever good things thou hadst in this world , is now taken from thee . If a man could but see the degrading of the Soul , he should see that those moral vertues in which his hope of comfort lay , even these , though they could never bring him to heaven , yet they shall be taken from him . As when a Knight is degraded ; first his sword is taken from him , then comes one with a hatchet and chops off his golden Spurs , and then go Sir Knave . This is the degrading of the soul before the judgment is received : the moral vertues are taken from him and then see what an ugly soul he hath , he had hope before , now he 's without hope : he had some patience in this world , but he made no good use of it ; and now his patience is taken from him : And when thou shalt come to a place of torment , and thy hope and patience be taken from thee , what case wilt thou be in then ? Patience may stay a man up in trouble , and hope may comfort a man up in torment , but both these are taken away . This is a thing we very seldom think ; but did we seriously consider of this first Act of the Judgment before the Sentence , we would not be idle in this world . 3. Then Lastly , he is put into an unchangeable estate : So soon as ever death lays Gods Mace upon him , he 's put into an estate of unchangeableness . Such is the terribleness of it , that now , though he yell and groan and pour out Rivers of Tears , there is no hope of change . Consider now what a woful case this is , if some friend of this mans should now come to him , would he not tell him we have often been very merry together , but didst thou know the misery that I am in , thou wouldst be troubled for me : Half those tears that I now pour forth would have put me into another place , had I taken the season , but now it is too late . Oh! therefore do thou make use of tears , a little may do it now , hereafter it will be too late . That 's the thing we should now come to speak of , the Second death : But think not that I am able to speak of it now : No , that which is everlasting deserves an hour at least in speaking , and an Age in thinking of it . Therefore that everlasting torment , horror , and anguish , which God hath reserved for those that make not their peace with him ( which is easily done God knows ) I shall speak of the next time . REV. 21.8 . But the Fearful , and Vnbelieving , and the Abominable , and Murtherers , and Whoremongers , and Sorcerers , and Idolaters , and all Lyars , shall have their part in the Lake which burneth with fire and brimstone , which is the second death . THe last day I entred , you know , upon the miserable estate of an unreconciled sinner , at the time of his dissolution , when his soul shall be taken from him , and be presented naked before Christs Tribunal , there to receive according to the works which he hath done in the flesh : And I shew'd that the wofulness of that estate consisted in two acts done upon him : The one before he comes to his place , before he is thrust away from Gods presence into hell fire ; which I shew'd you the last day , and did then promise to shew you the other : To wit , the wofulness of his estate , being once come into his place . The act done to the sinners soul before he is sent to hell , is the deprivation of his light , the taking away of his talent . For whilst a man is in this world , he hath many good things in him , too good to accompany him to Hell : Now all these excellent gifts and natural endowments which did adorn a wicked mans soul , before the soul is hurled into hell , must be taken away from him . There is a kind of degradation of the soul , it is depriested as it were , and becomes like a degraded Knight rhat hath his honour taken from him . All the rich talents , and all the rich prizes that were put into the fools hand , shall be taken from him . Is there any moral virtue ? Are there any common graces and natural endowments in the miserable soul ? it shall be stript of all and packt to Hell. You that have abused your learning and gifts that God haah given you , do you think that they shall go with you to Hell ? No such matter , you shall be very Sots and Dunces there . All your learning shall be taken from you , and you shall go to Hell arrant Block-heads . He that had sortitude in this World , shall not carry one drachm of it to Hell : All his courage shall then be abased , and his cowardly heart shall saint for fear . Fortitude is a great advantage to a man in distress , but let not the damned soul expect the least advantage : His fortitude whi●h he h●d whilst h● was in the way shall be taken from him . It may be he had patience in this World : Now patience is a vertue unfit for Hell , therefore shall that be taken from him . A man if he were in most exquisite torment , yet if he had patience it would bear it up with head and shoulders ( as we say ) but this shall add to his torments , that he shall not have any patience left him , to allay it . A man hath perhaps hope in this World , and as the Proverb is , were it not for hope the heart would burst ; yet even this too shall be taken away from him , he shall have no hope left him of ever seeing Gods face again , or of ever having any more tasts of his favour : And so what hath been said of some , may be said of all his graces and endowments : He shall clean be stript of all ere he be sent to Hell. I come now to speak of the place of torment it self , wherein the sinner is to be cast eternally , which is the second act . But think not that I am able to discover the thousandth part of it , no nor any man else : God grant that no soul here present ever come to find by experience what it is . What a woful thing is it ; that many men should take more pains to come to this place of torment , then would cost them to go to h●aven , that men should wilfully run themselves upon the pikes , not considering how painful it is , nor how sharp those pikes are : And this I shall endeavour to my power to set forth unto you . This Text declares unto us two things . 1. Who they are for whom this place is provided . 2. The place it self , and the nature of it . 1. For whom the place is provided . The Text contains a Catalogue of that black Roll ( though there are many more then are expressed ) but here are the grand crimes , the ring leaders to destruction , the mother sins And here we have in the first place the Fearful : whereby is not meant those that are of a timorous nature ( for fear simply is not a sin ) those that are simply fearful ; but such as place their fear on a wrong object , not where it should be : That fear not God , but other things more then God. Such as if affliction and iniquity were put to their choice , will rather choose iniquity then affliction : Rather then they will have any cross betide them , rather then they will incur the indignation of a man , rather then they will part with their life and goods for God's cause , will adventure on any thing , choosing iniquity rather then affliction ; Job . 36.21 . being afraid of what they should not fear , never hearing the great and mighty God : This is the fearful here meant . See how Elihu in Job expresses it . Job . 36.21 . This hast thou chosen . This ( that is ) iniquity rather then affliction , to sin rather then to suffer . Christ biddeth us not fear poor vain man , but the omnipotent God , that is able both to kill , and to cast into Hell. The man that feareth his Landlord , who is able to turn him out of his house , and doth not fear God , who is able to turn him into Hell , this dastardly spirit is one of the Captains of those that go to hell , those timerous and cowardly persons , that tremble at the wrath or frowns of men , more then of God. But what 's the reason men should thus stand more in fear of men , then of God ? Why , it is because they are sensible of what men can do unto their bodies , but they cannot with Moses by faith see what that is that is invisible . They are full of unbelief ; for had they faith , they would banish all false fears . See what the Lord saith , Esa. 41.14 . Fear not thou worm Jacob , I will help thee , saith the Lord. He saith not , Fear not ye men , or thou man , for then perhaps thou mightest be thought to have some power to resist , but fear not thou worm . A worm ( you know ) is a poor weak thing , apt to be crushed by every foot ; yet be this thy case , be thou a worm , unable to resist the le●st opposition , yet fear not thou worm . Fear not , why ? For I will help thee saith the Lord. Couldst thou but believe in God , this would make thee bold ; and hadst thou faith thou wouldst not fear . When word was brought to the house of Jacob , that two Kings were come up into the Land to invade it , Esay . 7.2 . it is said , his heart was moved , as the trees of the wood are moved with the wind . But what is the remedy of this fear ? See Esay . 8.12 . Fear not their fear , nor be afraid ( that was a false and a base fear ) sanctifie the Lord in your hearts , and let hin be your dread . Esay . 51.12 . there is an object of our faith and comfort , and a remedy against fear proposed : I , even I , am he that comforteth thee , who art thou that shouldst be afraid of a man that shall dye , and the son of man that is as grass ? What , art thou one that hast God on thy side ? how unworthy art thou of that high favour , if thou fear man ? The greatest man that lives cannot shield himself from death ; and from a covering of worms , and wilt thou be afraid of a man , and forget the Lord thy Maker ? The more thou art taken up with the fear of man , the less thou fearest God ; and the more thou remembrest man , the more thou forgettest thy Maker . You have seen the Main , the Ring-Leaders , which are these fearful , faithless , dastardly , unbelieving men . Now see what the filthy rabble is that followeth after , and they are Abominable , Murtherers , &c. Abominable , that is , unnatural , such as pollute themselves with things not fit to be named , but to be abhorred whether it be by themselves or with others . They are the abominable here meant , such as Sodom and Gomorrah , who were set forth to such as an example , suffering the vengeance of eternal fire , Jude v. 7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , such are abominable , being given up to unnatural lust . Let them carry it never so secretly , yet are they here ranked amongst the rest , and shall have their portion in the burning Lake . After these come Sorcerers , Idolaters , Lyars : Though these may be spoken fairly of by men , yet cannot that shelter them from the wrath of God , they shall likewise have their part in that lake , when they come to a reckoning . If there be , I say , a generation of people that worship these , say what you will of them , when they come to receive their wages , they shall receive their portion in that burning lake with hypocrites : Those that make so fair a shew before men , and yet nourish hypocrisie in their hearts , these men , though in regard of the outward man , they so behave themselves that none can say to them , black is their eye , though they cannot be charged with those notorious things before mentioned ; yet if there be nothing but hypocrisie in their hearts , let it be spun with never so fair a web , never so fine a thread , yet they shall have their portion in the lake , they shall have their part , their portion , &c. Then it seems these of this black guard have a peculiar interest unto this place . And as it is said of Judas , Acts 1.25 . that he was gone 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to his proper place . So long as a man that is an enemy to Christ , and yields him not obedience is out of Hell , so long is he out of his place . Hell is the place assigned to him , and prepared for him ; he hath a share there , and his part and portion he must have , till he is come thither he is but a wanderer . The Evangelist tells us , Mat. 23.15 . that the Scribes and Pharisees went about to gain Proselytes , and when they had all done , they made them seven times more the children of hell than themselves , filios Gehennae : So that a Father hath not more right in his Son , than Hell hath in them : He is a vessel of wrath filled top full of iniquity , and a child of the Devils : So that as we say , the Gallows will claim its right , so hell will claim its due . But mistake me not , all this that I speak concerning hell , is not to terrifie and affright men , but by forewarning them to keep them thence . For after I have shewn you the danger , I shall shew a way to escape it , and how the Lord Jesus was given to us to deliver us from this danger : But if you will not hear , but will try conclusions with God , then you must to your proper place , to the lake that burneth with fire and brimstone . A Lake , 't is a River , a flaming River , as Tophet is described to be a lake burning with fire and brimstone , a Metaphor taken from the judgment of God on Sodom and Gomorrah , as in that place of St. Jude before mentioned , as also in 2 Pet. 2.6 . where 't is said God turned the Cities of Sodom into ashes , making them an example to all them that should after live ungodly . Mark the judgement of God upon these abominable men , the place where they dwelt is destroyed with fire , and the scituation is turn'd into a lake , full of filthy bituminous stuff called Lacus Asphaltites , which was made by their burnings . And this is made an instance of the vengeance of God , and an Emblem of eternal fire ; therefore , said he , you shall have your portion with Sodom . Nay , shall I speak a greater word ( with Christ ) and tell you , that though they were so abominable , that the lake was denominated from them , yet it shall be easier for Sodom and Gomorrah than for you , if you repent not while you may , but go on to despise Gods grace . But can there be a greater sin than the sin of Sodom ? I answer yes . For make the worst of the sin of Sodom , it is but a sin against nature ; but thy impenitency is a sin against grace , and against the Gospel , and therefore deserves a hotter hell , and an higher measure of judgment in this burning pit . But what is this second death ? 2. Sure it hath reference to some first death or other going before . A man would ( as it is commonly thought ) think that this second death , is opposed to that first death , which is the harbinger to the second , and separates the soul from the body , but it 's far otherwise . That , alas , is but a petty thing , and deserves not to be put in the number of deaths . The second death in the Text hath relation to the first Resurrection , Rev. 20.6 . Blessed and holy is he that hath his portion in the first Resurrection , on such the second death shall have no power . The first death is that from whence we are acquitted by the first Resurrection , and that is the death ; for that is a kind of death ( as St. Paul speaking of a wicked and voluptuous Widow , saith , she is dead while she liveth ) and the time shall come and now is , when they that are dead shall hear the voice of the Son of God , and they that hear shall live : And again , Let the dead bury their dead . So that the first Resurrection is , when a man hearing the voice of the Minister , is rouzed up from the sleep of sin and carnal security , and the first death is the opposite thereunto : So that the death of the body is no death at all , for if it were , then this were the third death : For there would be a death of sin , a death of the body , and a death of body and soul : This death of the body is but a flea-biting in comparison of the other two . This second death is the separation of the body and soul from God , and this death is the wages of sin , and God must not , will not lye in arrear to sin , but will pay its wages to the full . All the afflictions a wicked man meeteth withal here , are but as Gods press-money , and part of payment of that greater sum : But when he dies , the whole sum comes to be paid : Before he did but sip of the Cup of Gods wrath , but he must then drink up the dregs of it down to the bottom , and this is the second death , it 's called death . Now death is a destruction of the parts compounded , a man being compounded of body and soul , both are by this death eternally destroyed . That death ( like Sampson pulling down the pillars whereby it was sustained , pulled down the house ) draws down the Tabernacles of our bodies , pulls Body and Soul in sunder . A thing which hath little hurt in it self , were it not for the sting of it which makes it fearful : To dye is esteemed far worse than to be dead , in regard of the pangs that are in dying , to which death puts an end . This temporal death is in an instant , but this other eternal , whereby we are ever dying , and never dead , for by it we are punished with an everlasting 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 2 Thess. 1.9 . and that from the presence of the Lord by the glory of his power . Then which piece I have no need to add more ; for , as much as can be said of men and Angels is fully comprehended in it . The Apostle terms this a fearful thing indeed , Heb. 2.15 . whereon if a man but think ( if he hath his wits about him ) he would for fear of it be all his life long subject to bondage . He would scarce draw any free breath , but would still be in bondage and drudgery , till he were delivered . Thus I have declared the nature of the place , and of this second death . That I may now go farther , know that this Lake and this place is the place that the Lord hath provided for his enemies : It is the Lords slaughter-house ; it s called a place of torments , Luke 16. vers . 24 , 28. a place wherein God will shew the accomplishment of his wrath , and revenge upon his enemies , Those mine enemies that would not have me to reign over them , bring them forth , and slay them before my face . Luke 19.27 . Those vessels of wrath , those Rebels ; the King is inraged , and his wrath is as the roaring of a Lyon , which makes all the beasts of the Forrest to tremble , Prov. 19.12 . And where there is the wrath of such a King , the issue thereof must needs be death , Prov. 16.14 . The wrath of a King is as a messenger of death . How much more fearful is the wrath of the King of Kings . God hath sharp arrows , and he sets a wicked man as his Butt to shoot at , to shew his strength , and the fierceness of his wrath . See the expression of Job in this case , The arrows of the Almighty stick fast in me , and the venome thereof hath drunk up my spirits : In so few words there could not be an higher expression of the wrath of God. First , that God should make thee a Butt , and that thou shouldst be shot at , and that by Gods arrows : And then they are not shot by a child , but ( as the man is , so is his strength ) by the Almighty , by his bow , wherein he draws the arrow to the head . And then again these arrows are poyson'd arrows , and such poyson as shall drink up all thy soul and spirit : Oh , what a fearful thing is it to fall into the hands of such a God : It 's a saying of Moses , Psal. 90.11 . ( for 't is Moses Psal. ) Who knoweth the power of thine anger ? The power of Gods anger is unknown . And so in his Song , Deut. 32.22 . he sets it out in some measure . A fire is kindled in mine anger , which shall burn unto the lowest Hell , &c. Mat. 25.41 . So that the King , being thus provoked , is provoked to curse thee , Mat. 29. It 's put into the form of thy sentence : this cursing shall be thy lot in hell , it shall be thy very sentence , Go ye cursed into everlasting fire . There is nothing but cursing : As Job cursed himself , and the day of his birth , so then shall cursing be all thy song : thou wilt curse thy self , that thou didst not hearken to the Preacher , that thou wouldst not accept of Christ , and the means of mercy and grace , when it was offered thee : And thou wilt curse the time thou wert acquainted with this man , and that man , and others will curse thee for drawing them to sin : God curses thee , and man curses thee ; and God curses not in vain , when he curses : Others will curse thee , and thou , thy self and others ; and think then how cursed will be thy condition ? All the curses , that cannot be thought on , shall rest on the head of an impenitent sinner , to shew Gods terrible and just indignation against him . O beloved to deliver us from this curse , Christ the Son of God was made a curse for us : the curse is so great , nought else can free us from it . But now that I may rank these punishments of the damned , and bring them for memories sake into some order ( although there be no order there , for it 's a place of confusion Job . 11.22 . ) you may consider that the penalties of Gods enemies are penalties partly of loss , and partly of sense . 1. Of loss . And that consists in the deprivation of every thing that might administer the least comfort to him ; and for this cause Hell is termed utter darkness . Now darkness is a privation of all light , so is Hell of all comfort , to shew that there is not the least thing that may give thee content , nor is the poorest thing thou canst desire to be had there . Darkness was one of the plagues of Egypt , though there were no kind of sense in it , yet we may think what a plague and vexation it was to them , to sit so long in d●rkness . The darkness of Hell is darker then darkness it self . They shall never see light , Psal. 49.19 . saith the Scripture , they shall not have so much as a glimpse of it : To be cast into this utter darkness , where shall be nothing to administer the least comfort , what an infinite misery will that be ? Were it only the loss of the things we now possess , and enjoy , of all which death robs us , as pomp , honour , riches , and preferment , this were grievous to a wick●d man : These are things death dispossesses a man of , these cannot follow him , nought but thy works accompany thee : Thy friends may follow thee to the grave , but there they shall leave thee . To have been happy , and to be miserable , is the greatest woe , to have lived in good fashion , and to be wretched , is the greatest grief . How will this add to the sinners misery , when he shall say to himself , I had once all good things about me , but have now for my portion nothing but woe : I had a bed of down , but it is now exchanged for a bed of fire : I was once honourable , but now I am full of shame and contempt ; this will greatly add to his misery . But all this is nothing , these are but the beginnings of his sorrow in regard of loss : for a man to be rich and wealthy to day , and to morrow to be stript of all , and left not worth a groat , to have all swept away , this is a woeful case . 2. But if this be so grievous , what is it to lose Heaven ? Certainly , to lose the high●st and greatest good , is the greatest evil , and punishment , that can be inflicted upon a creature . Which makes many Divines think , that the penalties of loss are far greater then those of sense , though they seem not to make that impr●ssion . It 's another thing to judge of things by sense , then by loss : As for example , a man is greatly troubled with the tooth-ach , and he thinks his case more miserable then any , and thinks no man ever endur'd so much misery as himself , he judges of his misery by sense : Another man is in the consumption , and he hath little or no pain at all ; yet if a man come with a right judgment , he will judge his condition far worse , then the others . So take all the pains in Hell , though sense may say they are the greatest that can be , yet discreet judgment can say , that the loss of God the greatest good , is the worst of evils . Now ( if thou be a firebrand of Hell ) thou must be for ever banish'd from Gods presence Thou base wretch , dost thou think Heaven a place for thee ? Not so . ' Tis. without are dogs and sorcerers , &c. Revel . 22.15 . Thou art a damned dog , therefore thou must out from God , and from the company of the blessed Saints and Angels . When Peter saw Moses and Elias with Christ in his Transfiguration , though he had but a glimpse of glory , yet he saith , It is good for us to be here : Mat. 17.14 . But oh how infinite good will it be , to be in Heaven ? How shall we be then rapt up with glory , when we shall be for ever with the Lord , 1 Thes. 4.17 . in whose presence is fulness of joy , and at whose right hand there are pleasures for evermore . Psal. 16.11 . On the contrary , how exceeding terrible will it be to be shut out from the presence of God ? When God shall say , avaunt hence , whip out this dog , what doth he here ? Let him not defile this room , this is no place for such a filthy dog . Oh the unspeakable horrour and dread ! Oh the infinite shame of that man , who is in such a case ! But this is not all . There is yet one thing more , the wicked shall not only be banished from Gods gracious presence , and cast into Hell , but this shall be done in the sight of Heaven . The glorious Saints of God have continually a sight of Gods justice upon sinners , that they may glorifie his mercy the more . The Scripture runs much to this purpose , Rev. 14.10 . If any man worship the beast and his image , the same shall be tormented with fire and brimstone in the presence of God and of his holy Angels . This in the 9th verse is the portion of them that worship the beast , that is , the Pope , and receive the mark of his name . That is , if any will be an express publick or private Papist , if any one will be a slave to the Pope , see his portion ; he shall drink of the wine of the wrath of God , and be banished from the society of holy Angels , and be tormented with hell fire in their presence . Oh what a vexation will this be to the damned , when they shall see others in heaven , and themselves shut out of door ? This will cause weeping and wailing and gnashing of teeth . It will go to their very heart , when they shall see Moses and Aaron , and the Prophets , and holy Saints in joy and glory , and shall consider and remember , that if they had made use of those means and opportunities of grace , they might have lived in heaven too , whereas now they must be everlastingly tormented in that lake which burneth with fire and brimstone , and that without any hope of recovery , 2 Thess. 1.9 . Punished with everlasting destruction , from the presence of the Lord and from the glory of his power . You know that by the Law of Moses , whensoever an offender was to receive his strokes , Deut. 25.2 , 3. The Judge was to cause him to lye down , and to be beaten before his face , and he himself was to see it done . So when God comes to give the damned their stroaks in hell ( for hell is the place of execution , wherein he that knows his masters will and doth it not , shall be beaten with many stripes ) he himself will see them beaten in the presence of all his holy Angels , and if so , how shameful will their punishment be ? when there shall be so many thousand witnesses of it , when they shall be made ( as we say ) the worlds wonder . These are they that shall rise to everlasting contempt , Dan. 12.2 . So in Esay ult . Cap. v. ult . it 's said of the damned , their worm shall not dye , nor their fire be quenched , but they shall be an abhorring to all flesh , and the holy Angels and Saints shall go forth and look upon them : those proud ones that scorned Gods people here , shall then be abhorred and scorned of them . 4. Add to all this , that he 's not only banished from th● presence of God for a while , but from all hope of ever seeing God again with comfort . Thy estate is endless and remediless . Whilst thou art here in this life , of a Saul thou mayst become a Paul , and though thou art not yet a beloved Son , yet thou mayst come in favour : Whilst thou livest under the means of grace , there is yet hope of recovery left thee , it may be this Sermon may be the means of thy conversion : But then amongst all thy punishments , this will be one of the greatest , that thou shalt be deprived of all means of recovery , and this shall be another hell to thee in the midst of hell , to think with thy self I have heard so many Sermons and yet have neglected them , I had so many opportunities of grace , and yet have slighted them , this will make the sinner rage , and bite his tongue , and tear himself , to think how that now all means are past . And this is the first penalty , the penalty of loss . That of the sense succeeds . By the former we are deprived of all the joys and comforts of heaven and earth , of Mount Sion , shut out of the City of the living God , the heavenly Jerusalem , deprived of an innumerable company of Saints , of the general Assembly and Church of the first-born , of God himself the judge of all , and the souls of the Saints made perfect . This shall make a sinner curse himself . Now follows the penalty of torments and sense . When Adam was banished out of Paradise , he had the wid● world to walk in still , but it is not so here : Thou art not only cast out of heaven , but cast into hell , and art deprived of thy liberty for ever : 1 Pet. 3.19 . It 's said Christ preached to the Spirits in prison , them that in the days of Noah were disobedient , and for this cause are now in prison . Hell is compared to a prison , and a prison indeed it is , and that an odious one . For , 1. Look on thy companions . If a man were to be kept close prisoner , it were a great punishment , but go ye cursed , saith God , into everlasting fire , prepared for the Devil and his Angels . To be among such comp●nions is most infinitely miserable , there is nothing but Devils and damned howling Ghosts , woful companions : If there be an house poss●ssed wi●h an evil Spirit , a man will scarce be hired to live in it , but here the d●mned spirits , the filthy and cursed host must be thy yoke-fellows : Suppose there were no torment to suffer , yet to be banished from Heaven , and to be tied and yoked to wicked spirits , were a torment sufficient to make the stoutest that ever was tremble and quake , and be soon weary of it . 2. But it 's a place of torment too , a prison where there is a rack ; to which thou must be put , and on which thou must be tormented : I am tormented in this flame , saith Dives . Luk. 16.24 . To speak of the torments there , will be matter enough for another hour , but I delight not to dwell on so sad a subject : only this is that which prepares the way to the glad tidings of salvation , therefore I shall a little longer insist upon it . The body and soul , the whole man , shall be there tormented ; not the soul only , but even the body too after judgment . Do you think the members of the body , which have been the instruments , shall escape ? be rais'd , and cast into Hell to no purpose ? Why should God quicken it at the last day , but to break it on the anvil of his wrath , and to make it accompany the soul , as well in torments as in sinning . 'T is true , the soul is the fountain of all sense , and the body without it hath no sense at all : Take away the soul , and you may burn the body , and it will not feel it , Now the soul being the fountain of sense , and the body being united to it , when God shall lay his ax at this root , at this fountain , how dreadful shall it be ? How shall the body choose but suffer too ? Should any of us be cast into a fire , what a terrible torment would we account of it ? Fire , and water , we say , have no mercy ; but alas , this fire is nothing to the fire of Hell , 't is but as painted fire to that which burns for ever and ever . The furnace wherein Nebuchadnezzar commanded those to be thrown that fell not down to the graven-Image which he had set up , was doubtless at every time a terrible place . Hell is compared to such a furnace ; but what shall we think of it , when the King in his wrath shall command the furnace to be heated seven times hotter then usual ? Nay , what shall we think of Hell , when the King of Heaven shall command it to be heated seventy times seven times hotter then before ? When there shall be a fire , and a fire prepar'd : for so is this fire of Tophet , it 's a pile of much wood . Isai. 30.33 . When the King of Heaven shall as it were set to work his wisedome , to fit it in the sharpest manner , in procuring such ingredients as may make it rage most , and be most violent : It is a fire prepared for the Devil and his Angels , the strongest of creatures , for the punishment of principalities and powers : And if it can master Angels , think not but that God hath a fire to rost thy soul. It is the soul that is in Hell onely till the day of judgment , though the body be not there . A man would think that the soul did not suffer , but Philosophy tells us , that the soul suffers mediante corpore , in and by the body : Therefore 't is a rule in Divinity , that whatsoever God doth by means , he can do without means . Though the body be not there , but the soul only , yet God is able , nay doth make the soul as well feel grief , without the body , as he doth by means of the body . 3. But now besides thy fellow prisoner● in that cursed Gaol , consider who are thy tormentors , thou that dost continue in impenitency . Now thy tormentors are these three . 1. The Devil . 2. Thy self . 3. God Almighty . 1. The Devil , who is thy deadly enemy , a bloody-minded adversary , a murthering and merciless-minded Spirit , a murtherer from the beginning , a merciless tormentor , who being in plagues and torments , and thereby even at his wits end , would fain ease himself in tormenting thee . When the Devil , as we read , was dispossessed of a child wherein he was , he rends and tears , leaves him foaming , that there was little hope of life in him : Mar. 9.20 . But now when a man shall be delivered into the hands of this merciless Spirit , when God shall say to the Devil , take him , do what thou wilt with him , do thy worst to him : When thou shalt be thus put into the hands of one that hates thee , and delights in thy ruine , how will he tear thee into pieces ? How will he torment thee ? In how desperate and wretched a case will thy soul and body be ? But the tormentor within thee is far more heavy , painful , and grievous , Mar. 9.44 , 46 , 48. That never dying worm within , the sting of a guilty and wounded conscience , this , like a sharp dagger , is still stabbing thee , at the very heart . This by a reflecting act upon it self , will cause thee to revenge Gods quarrel on thy self ; and as a musket over-charged beats back on the shooter , so will it most furiously return upon thee . This is that , that smote David , when 't is said Davids heart smote him . Sam. 24.10 . A man needs no other fire , nor other worm to torment him , then that within him : Which as the worms on the carkass , gnaws on a wretched soul. But there is a greater tormentor then both these behind , and that is 3. God himself , he is highly offended and inraged at thee , and therefore comes and takes the matter into his own hand , and will himself be executioner of his fury . There is a passage in the Thess. To this purpose , which methinks is more then can be spoken by men or Angels Epist. 2. cap. 1. v. 9. Who shall be punished with everlasting destruction from the presence of the Lord , and from the glory of his power . Mark that , God whom thou hast so highly provoked to wrath , hath a strong hand , and glorious power . He shewed the glory of his power in the making the world , and all things in it ; and all that infinite power which he hath manifested in the creation of heaven and earth , shall be engaged in the tormenting of a sinner . Were there a man that should lay a target of brass , or a target of steel on a block , and should then cleave all in sunder at a blow ; this would sufficiently manifest his strength : So doth God make manifest his power in crushing thee to pieces . There are still new charges and discharges against sinners , to make his power therein manifest . What if God , willing to make his power known , ( saith the Apostle Rom. 9.22 . ) suffered a while the vessels prepared to destruction ? God will manifest his power by the strength of his stroke on those that rebel against him . Hence proceedeth weeping , and wailing , and gnashing of teeth , which is a Metaphor taken from one either that hath a great coldness on him , or from the symptoms of a Fever . Add to all that hath been said these two things , 1. The torment shall be everlasting , you shall desire to die , Rev. 9.6 . that your torments may have end : And here you may expect that I should say something of the eternity of the torments of the damned ; but I am not able , nor any one else sufficiently to express it : It shall continue ten thousand thousand years , after that an hundred thousand times ten thousand , and yet be no nearer end then at the first beginning . Thou must think of it seriously thy self , and pray to God to reveal it to thy soul , for none else sufficiently can . 2. But besides , as it is everlasting , so is it unabateable . If a man were cast into a fire , the fire coming about him , would in short time blunt his senses , and take away his feeling , and besides the materials of the fire would soon spend and wast : But it is not so here , here is not the least abatement of the horror , nor the least inch of torment taken away throughout all eternity . It was a poor request of Dives ( one would think ) that Lazarus would dip the tip of his finger in water , and cool his tongue : Luk. 16.14 . A cold comfort , but one drop of water for the present , which would soon be dried , and yet that is denied him , he must have no abatement of his torment . Nor is there any abatement of thy feeling , but thou art kept in full strength ; and as long as God is God , shall Tophet burn , and thou feel it . Obj. But ( may some say ) this is preaching indeed , this would affright a man , and make him go hang himself , sooner then be converted . Sol. True , should God let loose the cord of our conscience , it were the way ( such would be the terrours of it ) to make a man find another cord , did not God restrain him . I desire not by this to hurt you , but to save you . I am a messenger not sent from Abraham , Luk. 16.27 . ( as Dives entreated ) but from the God of Abraham , to forewarn you that you come not to that place of torment . But now ( Beloved ) there is a way to escape this misery , and that is by Jesus Christ , Mat. 1.21 . He was for this end called Jesus , because he saves his people from their sins , Mat. 1.21 . And consequently from wrath : Which how it is done I shall shew in a word , and that is 1. By Christ Jesus offered for us . And 2. By Christ Jesus offered to us . By Christ offered for us , he must die for us , and if there be any death more cursed then other , that death must he die ; if any more painful , that must he suffer Thus he undertakes thy cause and suffers what for sin was due to thee . And then being offered for us , he is offered to us , as we may see in the Sacrament , where there are two acts of the Minister , the one the breaking the bread , the other the offering it to the people . Thou hast as good warrant to take Christ offer'd , as thou hast to take the bread and wine , which thou art commanded to receive . Thus I thought good to add something to sweeten the rest , that I might shew that there is a way to be freed from the bitter pains of eternal death . PHIL. 2.6 , 7 , 8. Let this mind be in you , which also was in Jesus Christ ; who being in the form of God , thought it no robbery to be equal with God : but made himself of no reputation , and took upon him the form of a servant , and was made in the likeness of men : And being found in fashion of a man , be humbled himself unto the death , even the death of the Cross. YOU have heretofore heard that point of Christian Doctrine which concerns the knowledge of our misery , and wretched estate by nature . The substance of all is , That we are the children of wrath and disobedience , as well as others . You see then in what state every man stands , before he hath made his peace with God : as long as he stands on terms of Rebellion . You see what the Holy Ghost saith , We were all the sons of disobedience , and Children of Wrath as well as others . This I tell you ( as hath often been declared ) not to discourage a sinn●r , or to drive him to desperation , but because it 's fit he should know his estate in which he is . If they will try conclusions with God , if they oppose him , the Lord cometh with a Rod of Iron , and will break them in pieces like a Potters vessel ; Psal. 2.9 . Those mine enemies that will not have me to reign over them , bring them , and slay them before me ; Luk. 19.27 . It is fit every man should know this ; This part is only for this end , that it may awaken us ; otherwise to what purpose do we preach unto you ? Till the Law awaken us , we sleep securely in our sins , till the dreadful Trumpet of Mount Sinai comes with thundring and lightning ; as Eph. 5.14 , Awake thou that sleepest , &c. Unless this awaken us , in what case are we ? Sinful men are as sleepers , that are a dreaming , as the Apostle speaks , Jude 8. A sleeping sinner will be a dreaming sinner ; he never sees things as they are in their proper shape : but he thinks with the Church of Laodicea , That he is rich , and wants nothing ; when as he is poor , miserable , blind and naked . He thinks he shall be admitted into heaven , as soon as the proudest : but this is a dream ; Isa. 29.8 . As the hungry man dreameth , and behold he eateth ; but when he awakes behold he is empty : or as a thirsty man that dreams he drinketh ; but awakes , and behold he is faint . Thus it is with us , we think we are entring upon the Suburbs of heaven , and yet we are but in a dream , and in a sleep . Now being thus awaked , consider with thy self what thou hast to do , when the dreadful Trumpet of the Law hath awakened thee , consider thy state ; if thou sleepest this night in thy sins , perhaps hell fire may be thy portion before the morning . It were better for thee therefore to awake , before the flames of hell fire awake thee . Consider likewise that thou must not be led by thy self , thou must renounce thine own will. Our Estates may be pleasing unto us , to enjoy in a dream our hearts lusts here on earth ; but consider , unless thou cross thy Will here , it shall be crossed hereafter : yea it shall be the main cross a man shall have in hell , ( besides the eternal weight of Gods wrath ) that he can will or desire nothing , but he shall be crossed in it : not the least thing he desires , but he shall have the contrary , world without end : Learn then what a woful thing it is to be our own Lords , to follow our own Lusts and Pleasures , see what we shall gain by it : never shalt thou enjoy the least portion of thy will in the world to come ; if thou wouldst have but a drop of cold water , thou shalt be crossed in it . There 's nothing thou desirest but thou shalt have the opposite to it . Thus having truly and plainly shewed our Sinfulness , Wretchedness , and Cursedness by nature , I come unto the second part which I proposed to wit : Our Remedy , or our Redemption by Christ. And God forbid that he should create man the best of his visible Creatures for destruction : What gain and profit is there in our blood ? Psalm 30.9 . God is full of Grace and Compassion and he considers that we are but dust . And happy are we that we are but dust . Had we been more glorious Creatures , as Angels , we had not had the benefit of a Saviour . When they rebelled , God considered their Metal : And as with an high hand they rebelled , So the Lord reserved them in everlasting chains under darkness , unto the Judgment of the great day ; Jude 3. 1 Thes. 1.10 . They fell without a Redeemer ; It is well for us , that God considereth that we are but dust ; For by Jesus Christ he delivereth us from the wrath to come . 1 Thessal . 1.10 . It had been better for us never to have been born , then to be born fire-brands of Hell. But now the point is , what we are Brands pluckt out of the fire , Zach. 3 , 2. It is fit therefore we should know who is our Redeemer . Now , as I have shewed you the last day , it is Jesus Christ : And here consider , 1. That Christ Jesus was offered for us , for the satisfaction of Gods Justice , and this is his priestly office . 2. As there was no Remission without shedding of blood , Hebr. 9.22 . Therefore after the bloud is shed , and the Priest offered himself , there comes a second thing , else we are never the better : and that is Christ offered to us : This makes up our comfort . Many talk of the extent of Christs Death and Passion , saying , he dyed sufficiently for us , which is an improper speech : For what comfort were this , that Christ was offered for us , if there were no more ? A bare sufficiency in Christ se●ves not the turn : This were a cold comfort : As if a man that were in debt , and afraid of every Serjeant , and every Sheriff , should be told : Sir , there is money enough in the King Exchequer to discharge all your debts . This is very true , but what is that to him ? What comfort hath he by it , unless the King make him an offer to come , and take freely for his discharge ? And a cold comfort were it to us to know Christ to be sufficient for us , unless he invite us to take freely of the waters of life , Ho , every one of you that thirsteth , come you to the waters , &c. Isa. 55.1 . Thus unless Christ be offered to us , as well as for us , we are never the near . Now to make this appear ; Observe that in every Sacrament there are two acts of the Minister . The one hath Relation to God , a Commemoration of the Sacrifice , in which respect the ancient Fathers called it a Sacrifice : the other , the breaking of the Bread , and pouring out of the Wine ; wherein there is a Commemoration of the Body broken , and the Blood shed , not as they are Concomitants , the Wine in the Bread , as the foolish Papists dream , for that were rather a commemoration of his life than of his death , when the blood runs in the veins . The commemoration of Christ's death is made by separation of the blood from the body ; and as there is one act of the Minister in consecrating by breaking the body , and pouring out the blood , so there is a second Act which is ministerial . When the Minster saith , Take , eat , This is my body ; as if Christ were present ; and said , Come , Take my body ; thou hast as free an interest to it , as when thou art invited to thy friends table thou hast right to the meat before thee . So that as Christ was once offered for thee , so he is , in the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper , offered to thee : And what now should hinder thee , unless thou art one that will obstinately oppose thy own salvation , and say , I will not have this man to rule over me , thou canst not miscarry . But if thou wilt be thine own Lord , perish in thine infidelity . Here be the Keys of the Kingdom of Heaven given unto God's Ministers , unless thou wilfully oppose thine own salvation , and shut that door of salvation which Christ hath opened so wide for thee . See , the ways of God are plain . Christ hath paid a great price for thee ; and then , as great as it is , he offers it to thee . Now for the former of these , which is Christ's satisfaction made unto the Father for us , I made choice of this place of Scripture , which sets it out particularly . Herein two things are to be observed . 1. The person who it is that will thus humble himself . The Apostle grounds his Exhortation on the fourth verse ; where he tells us , We ought not to look every man on his own things , but every man on the things of others , Let this mind be in you , which also was in Christ Jesus . If Christ had looked only on his own things , he might have saved himself a great deal of labour and pains . He being the Son of God , might as soon as he was born have challenged a seat with God in Glory : He need not have gone per viam : He might be Comprehensor in meta : But he would pass on to his journey's end in a thorny and troublesome way . Let then the same mind be in you which was in Christ Jesus ; who minded not his own things , but the good of others . 2. What it was wherein he humbled himself . He took upon him the form of a servant , and was obedient unto the death of the Cross. The highest humiliation that can be ; that he who is above all praise , whom Angels adored , that he should be brought from heaven to earth ; and not only be a Pilgrim there , but have a sorrowful and pittiful Pilgrimage ; and at last to be cut off by a shameful death from the land of the living . This Humiliation hath no parallel . The depth of the humiliation consists in the height of the person thus humbled ; and were not he so high , it could have done us no good . It 's no small satisfaction that can appease God's wrath : therefore the Apostle , in the Epistle to the Hebrews , speaking of Melchisedeck , the type of Christ , concludes , how great this man was . Heb. 7.4 . Consider the invaluable price that was paid for thee , and how great he was who paid it ; who being in the form of God , he who was fellow , and fellow-like with God ▪ as good as himself , as great as himself ; was thus humbled . It was the Second Person in the sacred Trinity , he , and no other , that was thus humbled for thee : He was weary for thee , and reviled for thee , sweated and fainted for thee , hungred for thee , and was buffeted for thee . It was he , the Second Person of the blessed Trinity , in proper speech , without either Trope or Figure , shed his blood for thee , died for thee ; and suffered all these things in his assumed nature ( taking on him the form of a servant ) though not in his divine . He remaining God alone , could not die , but die fain he would for thee ; therefore he took thy nature on him , that he might die for thee in that assumed nature . He took not on him the nature of Angels , but the seed of Abraham . Heb. 2.16 . He being the Fountain of life , and the Prince of our life , ( and without shedding of blood no Redemption can be wrought ) having not blood to shed as God , therefore took our nature on him ; as it is , Heb. 10.5 . Sacrifice and offering thou wouldst not , but a body thou hast prepared me : then said I , lo , I come ; in the volume of thy book it is written of me , to do thy will , O God. As if he should have said , Lord , I am not able to accomplish thy Will , or to be subject to thee in thy nature ; therefore thou hast made me a man , that in the form of a servant , I might shew obedience , which I could not while I was in nature equal unto thee . Now consider how great this person is that hath suffered all for thee . Rev. 1.5 . Jesus Christ , who is the faithful witness , the first begotten of the Dead , and the Prince of the Kings of the earth : To have a great Prince bound like a thief , arraigned , and executed ; the consideration of this state of the person would move a stony heart . Rev. 17.14 . He is the Lord of Lords , and King of Kings . Amongst men , the Father is more honourable than the Son , and the Son is but a servant , until he be emancipated : but it is not so in the Divinity ; but the Father and the Son are both alike honourable . Among men , the Son hath the same specifical nature with the Father , but not the same individual : but it is not so in the Divinity ; the Father and the Son have the self same individual nature . Joh. 10.30 . I and my Father are one , therefore there must be an equality . The Pharisees themselves could draw this conclusion ; that if he were the Son of God , he was equal with God. Joh. 5.18 . Therefore the Jews sought the more to kill him , because he said , God was his Father , making himself equal with God. A man would think how could that follow ? He was but God's Son ; but God's Son must be equal with the Father . In making himself God's Son , he made himself equal with God : and therefore know , upon this , and by this stands the point of our Redemption . If a pure and holy Angel had suffered never so much , it would not have availed for our Redemption . It is a Price no man , nor Angel must meddle withal ; it will require a greater Price . It was God himself that suffered in his assumed nature : He , and no other person ; ( for we must understand , though Christ took on him the nature of a man , yet not the person of a man ) here stands the point , the Second Person in the Trinity is the Suppositum of all this humiliation : and therefore observe when the point of suffering comes , there is a remarkable speech . Zach. 13.7 . The Father seemeth to say concerning the Son , that it was against his heart to smite him : The expression was a lively one ; it went to his heart to smite one that was his equal , that did him no wrong : Awake , O sword , against my Shepherd , and against the man that is my fellow . You know of whom it is spoken by Matthew , Mat. 26.31 . I will smite the Shepherd , and the sheep of the flock shall be scattered . The Lord is ready to break him . Isa. 53. The Sword was as it were unwilling to smite . The man that is my fellow ? A blow lighting on God's fellow , equal with God , of what value is it ? Consider the difference betwixt a man and a man : The State of a Prince makes great odds between that is done to him , and that is done to another man. When David would adventure himself into the batttl : Thou shalt , say they , go no more with us , lest thou quench the light of Israel , 2 Sam. 21.17 . and more ●ully , 2 Sam. 18.3 . Thou art worth ten thousand of us . They would not hazard the person of the King in the battel , Why ? because thou art worth ten thousand of us . The dignity of a Prince is so great , that ten thousand will not countervail the loss of him . If this be the esteem and worth of David , what is the worth of David's Prince ? If thus with a King , what with the King of Kings , and Lord of Lords ? This is a great ground of the sufficiency of Christ's suffering . Heb. 9.13 . If the blood of Bulls and Goats sanctifie to the purifying of the flesh ; how much more , vers . 14. shall the blood of Christ , who through the eternal Spirit , offered himself without spot to God , purge your Consciences from dead works , to serve the living God ? It is not the offering of the body only , but he did it through his eternal Spirit . When the Martyrs and Saints offered themselves a sacrifice , they offered it through the flames of their love , and therefore embraced the stake ; and love is described as strong as death : but Christ did not offer his Sacrifice with the flames of his love , though love was in him the greatest that ever was ; but with the everlasting flames of his Godhead and Deity ; with that fire from heaven , which is a consuming fire ? He did the deed , that will purge our Consciences from dead works . Act. 20.28 . Take heed unto your selves , and to the flock , over which the Holy Ghost hath made you overseer● , to feed the Church of God which he hath purchased with his own blood : God hath purchased the Church with his own blood : whose blood ? God's blood . The blood of God must be shed . He who thought it no robbery to be equal with God , must shed his own blood : As Zippora saith to Moses , a bloody husband hast thou been to me , Exod. 4.25 . So may Christ say to his Church , a bloody Spouse hast thou been to me , that my blood must be shed for thee : 1 Cor. 2.8 . Had they known , they would not have crucified he Lord of Glory ; that is , they would not have crucified God. He that was crucified , was the glorious Lord God. Act. 3.15 . You denyed the holy one , and killed the Prince of life . Here 's the matter , unless the Prince of life had been killed , thou couldst not have life . This the Apostle sets down as the ground of all , before he comes to the particularities of his humiliation ; and sets down who it was , who was thus humbled : He whom the Heaven of Heavens could not contain , he must descend into the lowermost parts of the earth ; that 's a descent indeed . His Humiliation appears in this , that he who was thus high , became a man ; and being found in fashion as a man , he humbled himself , and became obedient unto death , even the death of the Cross. In this humiliation consider , I say , these two Points . 1. The person who was humbled . 2. The degrees of his humiliation . Some things have regard to the whole course of his life , others to the conclusion or period of his life . All his life from his incarnation to his passion , was a continual thred of humiliation from his Cradle to his Cross , from his Womb to his Tomb : So here is set down the humbled life of our blessed Saviour . For I would not have you think his humiliation consisted only in coming to the Cross , when they so mercilesly handled him : it cost him more then so : as sinners have the curse of God on them in their life , as well as in their death : So Christ must have a miserable life , as well as an accursed death . Though the heat came at the end o the Tragedy , yet his whole life was a continual suffering . Consider the degrees of it . 1. He made himself of no Reputation , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he emptied himself : It was the second person in the Trinity that thus humbled , and emptied himself , ( not in his divine nature , but his assumed , ) of all his transcendent endowments . Consider the particulars of it , he took on him the form of a servant ; Was not this a great humiliation ? That the second person in the Trinity should stoop so low as to take on him the nature of one , who is not worth the looking on ? That he should take dust and ashes upon him . Psalm 113.5 , 6. Gods greatness is thus expressed , Who is like unto the Lord our God , who dwelleth on high , who humbleth himself to behold the things in heaven , and in the earth : What Humiliation is that ? Compare these two humiliations tonether . It is an humiliation , to cast but his eye upon the Heavens , to look upon the most glorious of all his works , to look upon the Angels , but what is man that thou so regardest him ? That thou shouldst not only look upon him , but take him up , and make him an inmate under thine own roof ? This is a greater abasement , but here 's a further degree , Christ during the time of his pilgrimage was content to deprive himself of his Glory , that he now enjoyes . By reason of his Hypostatical Union with the God-head , he deserves all honour and glory , When he brought his first begotten into the world , he saith , And let all the Angels worship him . Heb. 1.6 . Every knee bows to him that is thus highly exalted . We see Christ crowned with glory and honour , all Dominion and Power being made subject unto him , yet he for thirty three years and an half was content to be exiled from his Fathers court . John. 17.5 . Glorifie thou me with the glory I had with thee before the world was ; Which is expounded in the Proverbs , where the Wisdom of God was shewn before the world was framed . Prov. 8.30 . Then I was by him as one brought up with him , and I was dayly his delight , rejoycing always before him ; this was the work , before the foundation of the World , which God was doing , the Father was glorifying the Son , and the Son was glorifying the Father . The Father took infinite delight in the Son , and the Son took infinite delight in the Father , and the Holy Ghost in them both . To be deprived of such a sight , and such a glory as this , and for thy sake to be banisht from that high Court ; where not to enjoy that fulness of joy , was an emptying of himself : yet all this he did for thee . 2. He minded not his own things , if he had , he might have presently set at Gods right hand , where is fulness of joy for evermore : But his bowels yearned on us , and he took upon him the form of a servant , and was found in shape of a man , that is , as an ordinary man : We know what the nature of servitude is . Every man naturally desires liberty , but Christ that he might make thee free , was content to be bound as an Apprentice , and endure a servile estate . Christ both in respect of God and man took on him the form of a servant . 1. For him to be Gods servant was an Humiliation , though for us , it be the greatest honour to be Gods servants . Saint Paul makes it his prime Epi●hete , Paul a servant of Jesus christ . And David calls himself the servant of the Lord , O Lord I am thy servant , truly I am thy servant . But it was an Humiliation for Christ to become Gods servant . For him who thought it no robbery to be equal with God to become Gods servant , and to take a nature on him , that he might say , My Father is greater then I ; behold my Father and I were one , but now taking on me a humane nature , I am made inferior to my Father , I am become his servant : Behold my servant in whom I am well pleased ; Isa. 53. By his knowledge shall my righteous servant justifie many : There is much difference in servants . A free servant and a bond servant . A very bond-man doth Christ make himself , being man , and accounts it as a great honour as may be , not only to be his Fathers servant , but his bond man. Can I shew that there is any such humiliation as this ? Look on Heb. 10.5 . Sacrifice and burnt offerings thou wouldst not , but a body hast thou prepared me , these words have relation to that of the Psalmist , Psalm 40.6 . Sacrifice and burnt offerings thou didst not desire , but mine ears hast thou opened ; it is in the margent , mine ears hast thou digged , or hast thou bored . The boring of the ear was an expression of everlasting servitude . Another servant that had not yet his ear bor'd , might be free at the year of Redemption , at the seventh year : but if not , his ear was bored that he might be a servant for ever according to that , Exod. 21.4 . He that loved his service so well as to have his ear bored , is a servant for evermore . Mine ear Lord hast thou bored , I will be thy servant for ever . Christ took on him the form of such a servant ; nay Christ was more then an ordinary slave : He was one bound to an everlasting slavery , for he was the Son of an hand-maid : Now the Children of an hand-maid were not to go forth at the year of Jubilee . Exod. 21. The Wife and her Children shall be her Masters , and he shall go out by himself : Meaning thus , he that was the son of an hand-maid , must be bound . Partus sequitur ventrem . Now that Christ was the son of an hand-maid , we have Maries own confession , Behold the hand-maid of the Lord , and he hath looked upon the low estate of his hand-maid , Luke 1.38 , 48. Hence David saith , Psal. 116.61 . O Lord I am thy servant , and the son of thine hand-maid : I am not only thy servant , but thy bond servant : I am he who was born in thy house : and out of thy house I will never go . Thus is Christ a servant in respect of God. But it is not only thus , he is not only a servant in regard of God , but he took on him the form of a servant in respect of men too . Look what relations are between men , that have superiority , and Subjects , Christ , who was born a free child , yet made himself a servant unto man : He had a reputed father , but a true , and a natural mother : From the twelfth year of his age , till the thirtieth , he went with them , and was subject unto them , Luke . 2.51 . No Apprentice was more subject to his Master in his Trade , than he was to his reputed father ; he kept him close unto his Trade . Look on him out of the family , in the Common-wealth : He paid tribute . He might stand upon his priviledge : Of whom do the Kings of the earth exact Tribute ? &c. They answer , Of strangers : Then are the Children free . If the son of a temporary Prince be free , how much more shall the Son of God be free ? But yet it behoves us to fulfil all righteousness . He would be a subject unto Caesar , and in recognition of his subjection he would pay Tribute , though he fetched it out of the fishes belly . Hence the Apostle tells us , Rom. 13. For this cause pay you Tribute , to testifie your subjection . Neither was Christ only a servant to them , who were in some Authority , but generally among men he was in the state of a servant . Mat. 20.28 . The son of m●n c●me not to be ministered unto , but to minister , and to give his life a ransom for many . Not to be a Master to command , and have others to attend him ; but he came to be a servant ; see in what esteem he was had . We account a servant in the next degree unto a beast ; for liberty is that whereby a man breaths , and a man were better be dead , then have his liberty took from him ; and so Christ was not only a bond-man in regard of his Father , but in regard of men . In the estimation of men he was vilified for a bond-man : and that will appear by the price for which he was sold. It was thirty pieces of silver . To consider what the price was , is a considerable part of his passion . There is a Prophesie cited out of Jeremy in your books , but it is Zachary ; though I have seen some copies which mentioned neither , but only , according to the words of the Prophet , it is Zach. 11.13 . Cast it unto the Potter , a goodly peice that I was prized at of them . He speaks it with disdain ; And I took the thirty pieces of silver , and cast them to the Potter in the house of the Lord. Exod. 21.32 . There is a place parallel to it , which will expound it clearly ; If an Ox shall push a man-servant , or a maid-servant that he die , the owner of the Ox shall give to the Master of the servant thirty shekels , and the Ox shall be stoned . It was the very price that was paid for a slave : Thirty shekels , which is 3 l. 15 s. in our money . A base estimation they had of Christ , as if he were a bond-man ; the same price that was given for a slave that was killed by an Ox , for this same price was he sold. In the twelfth book of Josephus , cap. 2. When Ptolomaeus Philadelphus would redeem all the Jews which were bond-men , it 's set down what he paid for a slave . There is set down a great summ of money , and the number of the (x) slaves : Here stands the valuation ; divide the number of Drachms by the number of slaves , and you shall (z) find the quotient for every man 120 drachms ; four Drachms make a shekel , thirty shekels was the ordinary rate cryed in the Market for the price of a bond-man . Thus Christ took on him the form of a bond-man , not only God's bond-man , but in the estimation of men so despicable , that they valued him at no higher rate than thirty pieces of silver . This is but the beginning and entrance on Christ's humiliation , to be made in the similitude of sinful flesh , and in the verity of true flesh . Christ had all infirmities , as weariness , hunger , thirst , which follow a sinful man , which were not sinful : such a nature he took upon him , and then he became obedient both by active and passive obedience . That which remains of the pains of his life , to the passage of his doleful death , we will speak of the next time . PHIL. 2.8 . And being found in fashion as a man , be humbled himself , and became obedient unto death , even the death of the Cross. IN these words and those that went before , you see there is delivered unto us the point of the humiliation of the Son of God. It stands in this . 1. That he took upon him the form of a servant , and was made in the likeness of man. God the Son , the second person in the blessed Trinity did assume our dust and ashes , unto the Unity of his own sacred person . 2. This humane nature being thus assumed , he was content to deprive himself a long time of that estate of glory , which he might have in our humane nature alwayes ( after it's assumption ) enjoyed , and in that time was as obedient , as the meanest and poorest servant of his Father . Nor was he only actively , but passively obedient ; He was obedient unto the death : He was content to lay down his life for our Redemption . And it was not every death that would serve the turn , but it must be the death of the Cross , the most accursed shameful and painful death , that death which was most suitable , and best able to answer the wrath of God. First , He humbled himself by taking our nature upon him : He that thought it no robbery to be equal with God , took upon him the form of a man. If it were an abasement for God to look upon heaven the most glorious of his works , how much more to take upon him a clod , or piece of this earth , and unite it to his own sacred person for ever . This was a descending indeed , he descended first that he might ascend . Eph. 4.9 . Now that he ascended , what is it , but tha● he descended first into the lower parts of the earth ? That is , he descended into the womb of the Virgin ; and it was a great abasement indeed for him thus to descend : Wherefore the Psalmist speaking of the wonderful framing of the Babe in the womb , saith , Psalm , 139.15 . My substance was not hid from thee , when I was made in secret , and curiously wrought in the lower parts of the earth . So that we see God descended into the lowermost parts of the earth , and there was he fashioned . A great humiliation it was for him to be thus inclosed . Thus did he humble himself in taking our nature . Had he taken the form of a King upon him , it had been a great humiliation ; how much more , when he took on him the form of a servant ? He came not in state to be ministered unto , but to minister . Mat. 20.28 . As we shewed the last day . Nor was he only his Fathers servant , but a servant of servants , and therein underwent Canaans curse : A servant of servants shalt thou be . Gen , 9.25 . Our Saviour became such a servant . He which was the Author of freedom . John 8.26 . If the Son make you free then are you free ind●ed . He , I say , who was the Kings son and so the most free , the Author of it to all that enjoy any spiritual freedom , became a servant , that we whi●h were servants might be made free . But besides this , it s added here , that he humbled himself . Having taken on him the form of a servant , he humbled himself . Where we may observe what made the suffering of our Saviour so meritorious : It was because it was active , free , and voluntary . Our Passions are contrary to our Will : We are drawn to it , as it is said of Peter , When thou art old , they shall lead thee whither thou wouldst not , Joh. 21.18 . Peter dyed the same death our Saviour did , according to the external passion ; but they led him , whither he would not . Our Saviour was an Actor in it ; Humbled himself . A bare suffering God regards not so much ; but when it is done willingly , and in obedience to God. And as he was obedient in his death , so also in his other passions . In the Gospel according to St. John , Joh. 11.33 . whereas the Text reads , he was troubled ; the marginal note hath it , according to the original Greek , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he troubled himself : he was the Author of his own sufferings , Joh. 10.17 . He was not humbled as a mere patient ; but he humbled himself : and so it is said in Scripture oft , He gave himself for us , and in all his passive obedience he had an eye to do the Will of God. The merit of his passive obedience ariseth from a mixture with his active . This was a great part of his Priesthood , his humbling . And how doth he take his Priest-hood upon him ? it was by his Father's call . He was called unto it as was Aaron . Heb. 5.4 . No man , saith the Apostle , taketh this honour upon him , but he that is called . Now Christ being called to it , he did it to follow his call . And thus he did it actively : it was not a bare suffering as those in hell suffer , but according to his Father's call . Observe , Heb. 10.9 . That place taken out of the Psalm , I am come to do thy Will , O God , &c. What , was it only in its active obedience ? No , it was thy Will that he should suffer ; as the words following in the tenth verse import , By the which Will we are sanctified , and by the body of Jesus Christ once offered : So that Christ offered up himself to do his Father's Will ; so that his passive obedience was in his active . So Joh. 10.17 . Therefore doth my Father love me , because I lay down my life , that I may take it up again ; no man taketh it from me , but I lay it down . Our Saviour , when he laid down his life , put it off , as a man that puts off his cloak , and lays it from him . They wondred that he was dead so soon , it ' was because himself laid down his life . His soul then was not drag'd or forced out of his body . It was not only passive , but active obedience . No man taketh it from me ; I have power to lay it down , and I have power to take it up . This had I from my Father . They are grosly deceived then , that say Christ's active obedience was not free and voluntary , because he was commanded : for as well may they say , his passive was not voluntary , and so not meritorious , because it likewise was commanded , which none can deny . Thus Christ's offering was a free-will-offering , though it was a most bitter one ; yet , this being a part of his Father's Will , he went as voluntarily to the pains of the Cross , as thou dost to thy dinner , when thou art throughl● hungry . For his meat and his drink was to do his Father's Will , Joh. 4.34 . And this makes it of such worth and efficacy , that he did it willingly : See it in the type that went before him , in Isaac ; Isaac was grown up , he was no Babe , he was able to carry wood enough to burn himself when he went to be sacrificed ; and therefore , sure he had strength : If Isaac had pleased , he might have ran away from the old man his Father ; yet he suffers himself to be bound , and to be laid upon the wood . A true type of our Saviour : His also was a free-will offering , and so a sweet-smelling sacri●●ce unto God. It being the highest active obedience , it presently pacifieth the w●●th of his Father . He humbled himself , and became obedient . This obedience of our Saviour is the matter and ground of our Justification . Rom. 5.18 . As by the offence of one , Judgment came on all unto condemnation ; so by the righteousness of one , the free gift came on all to Justification of life . By the obedience of this blessed Saviour many are made righteous ; so that now our Saviour's obedience followeth next . Now this obedience is double . Active or Passive . 1. Active , And this was that whereby he did all the Will of his Father . The reason why he came into the world , if we look the place b●fore alledged , will appear , Heb. 10.5 . Wherefore when he cometh into the world , he saith , Sacrifice and burnt-offering thou wouldst not have , but a body hast thou prepared me . In burnt offerings and Sacrifice for sin thou hast no pleasure ; then said I , Behold I come , in the volume of thy book it is written of me , that I should do thy Will , O God. When he cometh into the world , saith he , Lo , I come : For what ? to do thy Will , O God. The reason why he came into the world , was , that he might be obedient unto his Father : Thus it behoveth us ( saith he to John ) to fulfil all Righteousness . John wondred that he that was pure and spotless , should come to him to be baptized . He knew Baptism presupposed some sin or blot , some stain or corruption to be washed off ; and therefore it 's said , Mark 1.5 . That there came unto him all the Land of Judaea to be baptized , confessing their sins . And sure if one who had been but a bare man should have come to John , and say , he had no sin , and yet desired to have been baptized by him , he had had no right to Baptism : yet our Saviour saith , Let alone , let it be so , that we may fulfil all Righteousness . I have no need indeed in regard of my self : but I have taken upon me the form of a servant ; and therefore , what the lowest of them must do , that must I do : therefore was I circumcised , and therefore am I baptized . I came not to destroy the Law , but to fulfil it . And he fulfilled it to the utmost , both in his active and passive obedience . Now for his active Obedience , it had a double 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or consummatum est . First , For his active Obedience in the whole course of his life . I h●ve glorified thy name , and finished the work which thou gavest me to do . Would you know what it is to glorifie God in this world ? It is to finish the work which he giveth us to do . Art thou a Minister ? if thou wouldst glorifie God , finish the work he gave thee to do ; then mayest thou say , Glorifie thou me with thy Glory , &c. But now Christ's work was not all ended , when he said , he had finished it ; the greatest part was behind , to wit , his Passive obedience : All the works of his life were done ; of which actions , there Christ is to be understood : but then cometh his Passion , and that being finished , there is something to do yet after that ; for he was to rise again to our Justification : but for the oblation of the sacrifice , it was fully finished . If we look upon our blessed Saviour in the whole course of his life . For , 1. Though he lived in a whole world of sin , yet he was free from all manner of sin . 2. He was enriched with all manner of good works , graces and vertue . Christ had both of these . He was free from any spot of sin , though in the midst of a wicked world ; and there was nothing ●n him which could expose him to any temptations . He was continually assaulted , and yet he was spotless . The Prince of the world came , and yet he found nothing in him . Satan could find nothing in him , whereon to fasten any temptation . Such a Priest it became us to have , who was holy and harmless . Heb. 7.16 . Vndefiled , separate from Sinners . There is the purity of his nature , he is holy , and in his carriage , harmless ; he did no man hurt . Vndefiled , a pure and innocent Lamb , a lamb without blemish , separate from sinners , and could not contract any guilt of sin . Though he conversed with Publicans and sinners at the Table , yet they could not infect him . He knew no sin , neither was there guile found in him , 1 Pet. 1.19 . Therefore we see when it comes to the point that the Devil would tempt him , yet he himself must needs say , What have I to do with thee thou holy one of God ? He is forced to acknowledge him to be so . And so if we look on the place , where he saith , I do the Will of my Father always , Joh. 8 . 2● . there likewise he shews himself the holy one of God. In a word , as he was thus obedient unto God , so was he subject to men too ; to his Father in the family , and to Caesar in the Commonwealth : As he taught , he did : Subjection towards Governors was his Doctrine , and rather than he would not pay Tribute , he would have it out of the fishes belly : To shew a Recognition of his subjection unto higher powers , the text tells us , He went about doing good . This man , say they , hath done all things well : And at the last cast , when all the quarrels and Accusations were brought against him , they could bring nothing that could hold water ; that he could boldly challenge them all , as it were , Which of you can accuse me of sin ? You that pick so many holes in my coat , come forth , spare me not , accuse me ; yet at the last he is accounted a just man. Judas himself could acknowledge him to be blameless , and that he had sinned in betraying his innocent blood . Pilate's Wife could say to her Husband , Have thou nothing to do with that just man : And Pilate himself washed his hands , and would be free from the blood of that innocent person . The Thief crucified with him , acquits him ; his whole life was a perfect obedience to the Law of God. Rom. 10.4 . Christ is the end of the Law ; Rom. 8.4 . That the righteousness of the Law might be fulfilled in us ; not by us , we are not able to fulfil the Law ; but in us , Christ did it for us : And the Father is better pleased with the thirty three years hearty obedience of his Son , than if Adam , and all his posterity had been obedient throughout the whole course of the world : So acceptable was this obedience to God. And thus much of his active Obedience . 2. Now for his passive obedience , his suffering . If our Saviour will be a sacrifice , he must be used like one ; he must be slain , if he will make satisfaction to his Father for us . He must for our eating sower grapes , have his own teeth set on edge . Consider his humiliation both in life and death ; if we look on the service of Jacob , under his Uncle Laban , his service was an hard service , twice seven years did he serve : The drought consumed him by day , and the Frost by night , and the sleep departed from his eyes ; Twenty Years hard service ; Fourteen Years for his two Wives , and six Years for his Cattle , Gen. 31.41 . Our Saviour spent thirty three years in his hard service ; and oft did the sleep depart from his eyes . When Israel came to appear before Pharoah , My dayes , saith he , have been 130 years : few and evil have the dayes of thy servant been . Gen. 47.9 . The true Israelite might say more . Jacobs days were few ; but as few as they were , they were 130 years ; but if we look upon our Saviours dayes , they were scarce a quarter so many . And that is our Saviours humiliation , that he was cut off in the midst of his dayes . If we look into the Psalm , we shall find it a curse on the bloody and deceitful man , that he shall not live out half his dayes . The livelie part of a mans age , ( from Moses his time to this day , in that Psalm of Moses , Psalm . 90. ) is threescore years and ten ; Half this is thirty five years ; and our Saviour is taken off , before this thirty five is expired . He was to take on him all the curses due to sinners , to the bloody and deceitful man : He is cut off and cropt off in the midst of his vigour : He that is that Melchisedeck , that hath neither beginning , nor end of days , was cut off as a branch , lopt off as a twig from the land of the living , Isa. 53. ver . 8. He 's pul'd out , so his dayes were few , far fewer then Jacobs : He was not suffered to live out half his dayes : Yet if we look upon his days they were evil too : evil enough as few as they were : Full of trouble , and full of misery : From his first coming into the World to his last going out . 1. When he did descend into the lowermost part of the earth , He was nine months in the womb of his Mother : And if we take the opinion of th● Schoolmen , he had his full Vnderstanding and Judgment all that time , th● free use of sense and reason , though I do not aver it to be a truth ; only ▪ say , if it be so , it makes his humiliation insupportable . What an extrea● burthen would it be to us to be so long in the womb , and in ripe understanding ; therefore there was somewhat in that : But now : 2. Look at his coming forth into the World : Though his mother were in her own City , yet he was so despicable , that there was nor room for them in the Inn. Luk. 2.7 . Our Saviour , that should , one would think , have been brought into a stately Palace , was fain to have his lodging among the beasts , and a Cratch for his Cradle . The wise men when they came to worship him , found him in no better case : and what a disgrace was it , instead of a Palace , the King of the East should find our Saviour in a Cratch . 3. And now when eight dayes are over , he must have his skin cut off , he must be circumcised , and give the first payment or earnest of his blood . How painful and irksom a thing Circumcision was , appears by that story in Gen. 34 , Where the sons of Jacob offering the Shechemites the condition of Circumcision , and they accepting it , it was so troublesome a thing , that by reason of their soreness and weakness by it , two of the Sons of Jacob , Simeon and Levi , slew a whole City . The pain was so great that they could not manage there weapons , therefore two men slew thousands of them . Our blessed Saviour was thus served , when the eight dayes were over he was thus made sore , and this was the first effusion of his blood . 4. After the eight dayes are over , then come the forty dayes , and then he must be carried a long journey to be offered up to the Lord , and his Mother , as if she had brought an unclean and impure thing into the World , must be cleansed and purified . And then she came to offer a sacrifice according to the Law of the Lord. Luke 2.24 . A pair of Turtle Doves or two young Pigeons : But was this the Law ? It were good if the Law were looked into . See Levit. 12.8 . The Law is this , She shall bring a Lamb , or if she be not able to bring a Lamb , then two Turtles , or two young Pigeons . If she be not able ; but the margin hath it , If her hand cannot reach to a Lamb , if she be so poor that she cannot offer a Lamb. As if the Text should have said , Alas poor woman , poor Lady , all she had was not able to reach to a Lamb , so poor was she : Doubtless her heart was as large as anothers but she was not able to offer a Lamb , and is therefore content with two Turtles . 5. Hence we may conceive in what state our Saviour lived , till he came into the Ministry : questionless in a poor house : and he made many a hungry meal , when his Mother was not worth a Lamb. All that they had , must be by hard labor . 9. Now our Saviour , notwithstanding after he had travelled that weary journey to Jerusalem ▪ must return again , and be subject to his Parents : but how ? Even as a servant in his Trade . They had not bread to spare , but what was gotten by hard laborious work . At his Fathers Trade , I say , for so it s said of him , Is not this the Carpenter ? It s put in the nominative case , The Carpenter . M●rk . 6. ver . 3. And whereas this is cast as a curse on our first parents , and their seed . Gen. 3.49 . That in the sweat of their brows they should eat their bread . Our Saviour must undergo this curse too : He must work hard for his living : With his own hands he must get a living for himself , and his poor Mother by a laborious Trade No wonder if he went many a morning without his break-fast , and made many a hungry meal , that lived in so poor a house , and by so poor a Trade . 7. If we come now to the time he lived after he came from his Father and Mother , that same three years when he shewed himself more publickly in the World , and you shall find him subject to those dangers , difficulties , and distresses which accompany evil dayes . He was a Pilgrim ; and had no abode . The Foxes have holes , and the birds of the air , nests , but the Son of man had not where to lay his head . Luk. 9.58 . He was a diligent Preacher of the Gospel , although he had neither Prebend , nor Personage ; he had nothing of his own , but was relieved often by the Charity of certain devout and religious Women . 2. Besides all the reproaches that could be cast on a man , were laid on him ; This man is a Wine-bibber , and a Glutton ; a friend of Publicans and Sinners . Mat. 11.19 . And again , Do we not say well , thou art a Samaritan , that is , a Heretick ? He was a caster out of Devils ; John. 8.48 . And therein they denyed not , but he did good , but see the villany of it : he was a good witch , as we call them , and though he did good , yet it was by the help of Belzebub : When he drew near his death ; see Mark. 15.3 . The Text saith , They accuse him of many things . Few things are expressed , yet a great many comprehended in these words ; Those that are expressed , are hainous and notorious crimes . First , Against the first Table , they accuse him of Blasphemy , and therefore condemn him in the Ecclesiastical Court : Do you bear his Blasphemy ? Mat. 4.64 . say they . Then against the second Table , they post him to the civil Court , and there they lay to his charge high Treason against Caesar : for he , say they , that maketh himself a King , is an enemy unto Caesar : John. 19.12 . And yet the innocent Lamb Mat. 27.12 . For all this opened not his mouth . vers . 14. Insomuch that Pilate wondred he spake not a word in his own defence ; and the reason was , because he came to suffer , and to have all these slanders and reproaches put upon him , not to excuse himself . 3. He led a life subject to dangers , when he went amongst his own people , to preach the acceptable Year of the Lord , Luk. 4.19.29 . They bring him upon an high hill , to the brow thereof , with a purpose to cast him down , and break his neck . Others threaten to kill him too . The Devil here follows him with temptations : Even to Idolatry it self . Mat. 4.6 . The Devil himself tempts him forty dayes , and then left him : Not as if he would not return and tempt him no more , but as St. Luke renders it , The Devil left him for a season , Luke 4. ver . 13. Not as if he intended to leave him quite , but to come and try him again . The Scribes and Pharisees they tempt him too , and prove him with hard questions , which if he could not answer , they would proclaim him an insufficient man , and all the people would have laugh'd him to scorn . Nor was this all only in the exercise of his Ministery . All his life was as it were paved with temptations , every step was as it were a gin and trap to ensnare him . 4. Add to all this , that he was not like us , He knew when , and by what death he should die : He knew in all the time of his suffering what he should suffer , and what should come upon him at his death . If any of us should know that he must die a cursed , shameful , and painful death , and knew when it should be , it would marr all our mirth , and put us to our dumps in the midst of our jollity . Our Saviour in the midst of all his joy on earth , saith , I have a Baptism to be baptized with : Luk. 12.50 . He knew the cruel death , which he should suffer on the Cross. And how is he pained , till it be accomplished . The pains of it run through all his life , and might well make his whole life uncomfortable unto him . In the twelfth of John 23. A little before the Passover , saith he , The hour is come that the Son of man shall be glorified : and then verse 27. Now is , my soul troubled , and what shall I say ? Father , save me from this hour . When the time was drawing nigh , some five or six dayes before , the consideration of it troubled him , though he knew he should be glorified , yet the fright of it enwrapt him with fear . Now is my soul troubled ; what shall I say , Father , save me from this hour . Such a kind of life did our Saviour lead : Few , but evil were his dayes . As evil , as few , he had no comfort in them . Come we now to the point of his death , the last thing ; and those things that did touch him therein , are the Curse , Shame , and pain of it . If there were any death more accursed , he must die that death : If any death more shameful , or more painful then other , he must die that . All these do concur in the death of our Saviour , which he suffered , in that death of the Cross. It was the most accursed , most shameful , and most painful death as could be devised . First , For the Accursedness of it , there was no death that had a more peculiar curse on it then this . Howsoever all deaths are accursed , when they light on one that is without Christ ; but his death had a legal Curse : and this was the curse annexed to the Cross ; a type of that real Curse . Now the type of a real Curse , Was hanging on the tree : Thou shalt bury him that day , for he that is hanged on a tree is accursed by God , Deut. 21.23 . So the Son of God was made a Curse for us , alluding unto this , Galat. 3.12 . And here we see the blessed Son of God , he in whom all the Nations of the earth are blessed : The Fountain of all blessedness : We see him stand in so cursed a condition , to be made as it were as an Anathema , the highest degree of cursing that may be . Secondly , Consider the shame of it . There is a place in the best of Orators that expresses the detestableness and shame of this death of the Cross. Facinus , &c. Cicero Lib. 5. in Verrem . See what a gradation there is , it is hardly to be expressed in English. It s a great fault to bind a Citizen of Rome and a Gentleman , what is it to beat him ? What to crucifie him ? His Eloquence failed him there , as being not able to express the detestableness of it , and therefore the chief Captain was afraid because he had bound Paul , after he had heard he was a free-man of Rome , Act. 22.29 . but then it 's worse to beat him ; but what was it to crucifie him ? Our blessed Saviour went through all these indignities . First they come against him with swords and with staves , as against a Thief . They sold him for a base price . They beat him with rods , pricked him , and after all they crucified him . Consider then the shame of it : he that was to be crucified , was stripped naked , as naked as ever he came out of his mothers Womb : However the Painters may lye in it . And was not this a shame thus to be stripped before thousands ? Wherefore it was a custome among the Romans , that the greatest King , if he were baptized , was to be stripped naked , which they did as a memorial of the shame of our Saviour . So shameful a thing it was , that they thought him unworthy to suffer within the walls . Christ that he might sanctifie the people , suffered without the walls . Hebr. 13.13 . Let us go with him out of the Camp bearing his reproach . He was a man unfit to suffer within the walls . Pilat● thought he would meet with them , when they were so violent to have him crucified , and therefore he joyns Barabbas with him , the vilest Thief in the Countrey , and a Murtherer : So that Peter cast this in their teeth , That they preferred a Murtherer before him . He was reckoned with the Transgressors , as it was prophesied of him before . Isa. 53.12 . They crucifie him between two Thieves , as if he had been the Captain of them . Pilate thought by naming of Barabbas , to have saved Christ ; but so enraged was their blind malice , that they preferred the release of Barabbas , before the exemption of Christ. Wherefore ( as St. Luke saith ) Pilate released unto them him , that for sedition and murder was cast into prison , whom they had desired ; but he delivered Jesus to their will. Luk. 23.25 . Thirdly , Consider the Pain of the Cross , whom God raised up , having loosed the sorrows of death : Act. 2.24 . Not meaning there were sorrows that Christ endured after his death , but it s meant of the sorrows that accompanied his death . It was the most dolorous death that ever could be endured . We scarce know what Crucifying is . The Christian Emperors in honor of our Saviour banished that kind of suffering , that none after him might suffer it : But yet it is fit we should know what it was , since it was so terrible a thing . And here , as the Apostle said to the Galathians , Suppose you see Christ crucified before your face at present . The manner of it was thus . First there was a long beam , on which the party was to be stretched , and there was a cross-beam on which the hands were to be stretched : they pull'd them up upon the Cross before they fastned them ; they pull'd him to his utmost length . And this is that the Psalmist speaks of , Psal. 22.17 . You might tell all my bones . His ribs were so stretched , as that they even pierced the flesh : Conceive him now thus stretched with his hands and feet nailed to the wood : the stretching of Christ on the Cross , was such a thing as the working of the rack . Imagine him before your eyes thus represented . Your sins crucicified him : being thus stretched upon the Cross to his full length , the hands and the feet were fastned , and nailed to the wood . It 's no small torment to have the hands bored , especially if we behold the place , it was through the lower part of the hand where the veins and sinnews all met together : It 's a place that is full of sense , consider withal the bigness of the nails : Psal. 22.16 . They have digged my hands , to shew the bigness of the spikes : for the original bears it , They digg'd him . Believe not the painters : Our Saviour had four nails : Not one through both feet , as they describe it , but two through his hands , and two through his feet : And that you may the better comprehend it , you must know that toward the lower part of the cross , there went along a ledge or threshold whereto his feet were nail'd , otherwise the flesh would have rent by reason of the nails , if he had hung by the hands alone . Then comes the lifting up ; as the serpent was lift up , so must Christ be lift . As when a man is stretched to the full length , and should be with a girk put up ; it 's like a strapado , as it were the unjoynting of a man ; and this is that the Psalmist speaks of , All my bones are out of joynt . Consider withal the time how long it was . St. Mark saith , cap. 15.25 . It was the third hour , and they crucified him . In St. John it is the sixth hour , but the ancient and best Copies have the third hour , and so hath Nonnus . The ninth hour he gave up the Ghost : so that it was six long hours by the clock that our Saviour did hang upon the Cross. And it was not with him as with other men , in whom extremity of pains disannul sense , and blunt pains , because they have not a perfect apprehension ; but Christ was in his perfect sense all the while . All that the Jews could do , could not take away his life from him , till he would himself : and therefore it is said in Mark 15.37 . That immediately before he gave up the Ghost , he cryed with a loud voice , whereas others are wont at that time to be so weak , that they can scarce be heard to groan : but never was Christ stronger , nor never cryed louder , than when he gave up the Ghost , Mark. 15.39 . this of it self made the Centurion assoon as he heard it , conclude , certainly this man was the Son of God. How doth he gather this from his crying ? thus , For a man to be in his full strength , and cry out so strongly , and immediately to give up the Ghost , this is a great Miracle : Truly this man was the Son of God. This adds unto the greatness of his torment , that he had his full and perfect sense : that he was six full hours thus on the Rack , and the extremity of pain took not away his sense . He was as strong at the last , as at the first . These things seriously weighed , Oh! how do they aggravate the depth of his Humiliation ? Seriously weigh them : they are miserable and lamentable matters ; yet in these lie our comfort . Through these words is there a passage open for us into the Kingdom of Heaven : When he had overcome the terrors of death , he opened the Kingdom of Heaven to all Believers : these were now but the out-side of his sufferings , which did belong to man for his sins . He suffered not only bodily sufferings , but sufferings in soul , and and that he did in a most unknown , and incomprehensible manner ; But now may some say , Object . Did Christ suffer the pains and torments of Hell ? Sol. No , he suffered those things that such an innocent Lamb might suffer , but he could not suffer the pains of Hell. The reason is , because , one thing which makes Hell to be Hell , is the gnawing worm of an accusing conscience . Now Christ had no such worm . He had so clear a conscience , as that he could not be stung with any such evil . Another great torment in Hell is Desperation , arising from the apprehension of the perpetuity of their torments , which makes them curse and blaspheme God , and carry an inexpressible hatred against him ; but Christ could not do so ; he could not hate God : God forbid that Christ should be lyable to these Passions . But it is certain God the Father made an immediate impression of pains upon his soul ; his soul did immediately suffer : Look on him in the Garden , he was not yet touched , nor troubled by men , and yet he fell in a sweat : Consider the season of the year ; this was then , when they that were within doors were glad to keep close by the fire ▪ he thus did sweat in the Garden , when others freez'd within ; this was much : but to sweat blood , thick blood , clotted , congealed blood ( for so the word will bear it ) not like that in his veins : and yet it came through his garments , and fell to the ground : this is a thing not to be comprehended . Our bless●d Saviours encountring with his Father ▪ he falls a trembling , and is overwhelmed , as it were , with the wrath , beseeching God intensively , saying , Father , if it be possible let this cup pass from me ; Mat. ●7 . 39 . thou mayst give free pardon : which affections in Christ are such a thing , as pus●els us all : we must not say Christ did forget for what he came : but he did not remember : these words proceeded from the seat of passion , which while it is disturbed , reason suspends its Acts. Christ had Passions , though no impurity in them . As take a clear Vial full of water from the fountain , and shake it , it may be frothy , yet it will be clean water still . Christ did not forget , only he had the suspension of his faculties for a time . As a man in a sleep , thinks not what he is to do in the morning , and yet he is said properly to forget . He cryed , My God , my God , why hast thou forsaken me ? Matth. 27.40 . He was contented to be forsaken for a time , that thou mighst not be forsaken everlastingly , and this was no faint prayer : if you will read the place in the Psalm . He cryed out unto God : And Heb. 5.7 . It 's said , Who in the days of his flesh when he had offered up prayers and supplications with strong cries and tears . He cryed to the Almighty : he made Gods own heart to pity : He would break , Isa. 53. yet his heart is repenting , and rolled together , so that he sent an Angel to support and comfort him , Psal. 27. those strong cries are expressed with a more forcible word , My God , my God , why hast thou forsaken me , why art thou so far from helping me , and from the words of my roaring ? Consider how it was with Christ before any earthly hand had touched him , when he beseeched God for his life : this shews the wonderful suffering of Christ ; and for that point , Why hast thou forsaken me ? Consider it was not with Christ as with the Fathers , they suffered a great deal of punishment and taches , and would not be delivered , yet Christ was more couragious than they all . He had a spirit of fortitude , he was anointed abve his fellows , and yet he quivers . Our Fathers cryed unto thee , they trusted in thee , and were not consumed ; they were delivered : but I am a worm , and no man. I can find no shadow of comfort . Lord , Why art thou so angry with me ? this speech came not from the upper part of the soul , the seat of reason , but from the lower part , the seat of Passion : My God , my God , these were not words of desperation . He held fast to God ; Why hast thou forsaken me ? these are words of sense : thus you see the price is paid , and what a bitter thing sin is . God will not suffer his Justice to be swallowed up by Mercy . It must be satisfied ; and our Saviour , if he will be a Mediator , must make payment to the uttermost farthing : Consider what a time this was , when our Saviour suffered : The Sun with-draws his beams , the earth shakes and trembles : What aileth thee , O thou Sun to be darkned , and thou earth to tremble ? was it not to shew his mourning for the death of its Maker ? The soul of Christ was dark within , and it 's fit that all the world should be hung in black for the death of the King of Kings . But mark , when he comes to deliver up his life , and to give up the Ghost , the vail of the Temple rent in twain , and that was the ninth hour , which in the Acts is called the hour of prayer ; it was at three a Clock in the afternoon . Hence it is said , Let the lifting up of my hands be as the evening sacrifice . The Priest was killing the Lamb at that time , there was a vail that severed the Holy of Holies , it was between the place of oblations , and the Holy of holies , which signifies the Kingdom of Heaven . Assoon as Christ died , the vail rent , and Heaven was open , the Priest saw that which was before hidden . Our Saviour , saith the Apostle , entred through the vail of his flesh unto his Father , and fit it was , that the vail should give place when Christ comes to enter : but what becomes of Christ's soul now ? his soul and body were pull'd asunder , and through the vail of his flesh , as it were with blood about his ears he entred the Holy of Holies unto God , saying , Lord , here am I in my blood ; and here is blood that speaks better things than the blood of Abel , that cries for vengeance , this for blessing and expiation of our sins . JOHN 1.12 . But to as many as received him , to them gave he Power to become the sons of God , even to them that believe on his Name . HAving heretofore declared unto you the woful estate and condion wherein we stand by nature , I proceeded to the Remedy , that God of his infinite Mercy hath provided for the recovery of miserable sinners from the wrath to come . And therein I proposed two things , that our Saviour , that was to advance us , and raise us out of this condition , when we had lost our selves in Adam , did both deliver us from the punishment , which we had deserved , and also translate it upon his own person . He did his own self bear our sins in his own body on the tree , 1 Pet. 2.24 . We having eaten sour grapes , he was to have his teeth set on edge ; we accounted him smitten of God , and buffeted ; but we had sinned , and he was beaten . That when the Lord in his wrath was ready to smite us , he underwent the dint of God's sword , and stood betwixt the blow and us ; the blow lighted on him that was equal with God , and deserved not to be beaten . Awake O sword against my shepherd , and against the man that is my fellow . The sword was unwilling to strike him ; and thus being smitten he became a propitiation for our sins : The chastisement of our peace was on him . He offered himself a sacrifice : Here are two things considerable ; 1. How Christ was offered for us . 2. How he is offered to us . First , For us , and so he offered up himself a Sacrifice , a sweet smelling Sacrifice unto God , Eph. 5.2 . Mark the point is , he is not only the Sacrifice , but the Sacrificer . He offered up himself , saith the Apostle ; He was the Priest , and it was part of his Priest-hood to offer up himself . The Sacrifices in the old Law that typified him , were only sufferers . The poor beasts were only passive : but our Saviour he must be an Actor in the business . He was active in all that he suffered . He did it in obedience to his Fathers Will , yet he was an Agent in all his Passions , John 11.43 . He groaned in Spirit , and was troubled ; the Greek is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or ( as it is in the Margent ) He troubled himself . With us in our Passions it is otherwise : we are meer sufferers . Our Saviour was a Conqueror over all his passions , and therefore unless he would trouble himself , none else could trouble him : unless he would lay down his life , none could take it from him ; unless he would give his cheek to be smitten , the Jews had no power to smite it . Isa. 50.6 . I gave my back to the smiters , and my cheeks to them that pluckt off the hair , and hid not my face from shame and spitting . In all these we should consider our Saviour , not as a Sacrifice only , but a Sacrificer also ; an Actor in all this business : their wicked hands were not more ready to smite , then he was to give his face to be smitten , and all to shew that it was a voluntary Sacrifice . He did all himself ; He humbled himself unto the death , Phil. 2.8 . And now by all this we see what we have gotten : we have gotten a remedy and satisfaction for sins . That precious blood of that immaculate Lamb takes away the sins of the world , because it is the Lamb of God , under which else the World would have eternally groaned . Object . But doth this Lamb of God take away all the sins of the world ? Sol. It doth not actually take away all the sins of the world , but virtually , It hath power to do it , if it be rightly applyed , the Sacrifice hath such vertue in it , that if all the World would take it , and apply it , it would expiate , and remove the sins of the whole World : but it is here , as with medicines , they do not help , being prepared , but being applied ; Rhubarb purgeth choler , yet not unless applied , &c. Exod. 39.38 . there is mention made of a Golden Altar . Christ is this Golden Altar , to shew that his blood is most precious : We are not redeemed with silver and gold , but with the precious blood of Jesus Christ , 1 Pet. 1.18 , 19. Rev. 8.3 . & 9.13 . He is that golden Alter mentioned in the Revelation , which stands before the Throne . He was likewise to be a brazen altar ; for so much was to be put upon him , that unless he were of brass , and had infinite strength , he would have sunk under the burden . Its Jobs Metaphor : Job in his passion saith , Is my strength the strength of stones ? or is my flesh brass ? Job 6.12 . If Christs flesh had not been brass : if he had not been this brazen Altar , he could never have gone through these : now he is prepared for us a sacrifice for sin . Rom. 8.3 . For what the Law could not do , in that it was weak through the flesh , God sending his own Son in the likeness of sinful flesh , and for sin , ( for sin ) make a stop there , condemned sin in the flesh . This same ( for sin ) hath not reference to ( condemned ) To condemn sin for sin is not good sense ; but the words depend on this ( God sent his Son ) that is , God sent his Son to be a Sacrifice for sin , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as the word is translated . Heb. 10.6 . a sacrifice for sin . It was impossible the Law should save us : not because of any imperfection , or failing in the Law , but because our weakness is such , as that we could not perform the conditions : therefore God was not tyed to promises ; by reason then of the weakness of our flesh , rather than we should perish , God sent his own Son in the likeness of sinful flesh , and in that flesh of his condemned all our sins ; we need not look that sin should be condemned in us , when he bare our sins on the tree , then were our sins condemned ; therefore it 's said , Isai. 53. When he had made his soul an offering for sin : that is in the Original ( when he had made his soul , sin ) then he saw his seed , Isa. 57. We come now to the second thing , if Christ be offered for us , yet unless he offer him to us : unless any man may have interest in him , it 's nothing worth . Here then stands the Mystery of the Gospel ; Christ , when he comes to offer himself to us , he finds not a whit in us that is to be respected ; nothing . And that is the ground of all disturbance to ignorant consciences ; for there is naturally in men pride and ignorance , they think they may not meddle with Christ , through Gods Mercy ; unless they bring something , unless they have something of their own to lay down . This is to buy Christ , to barter betwixt Christ and the soul : but salvation is a free gift of God. As the Apostle speaks , Christ is freely given unto thee , when thou hadst nothing of worth in thee . Faith , when it comes , empties thee of all that is in thee : To whom is the Gospel preached ? to the dead . Now before Christ quicken thee , thou art stark dead , rotting in thy sins . Here 's the point then , when there is no manner of goodness in thee , in the world . In me , saith St. Paul , that is , in my flesh there is no good thing . When I have been the most outragious sinner , I may lay hold on Christ. Christ comes and offers himself to thee . Now when Christ offers , the other part of the relation holds , we may take . We have an interest to accept what he proffers . Consider it by an example : If one give me a million , and I receive it not , I am never the richer : and so if God offer me his Son , and with him all things , I am nothing the better , if I receive him not . That he is born and given , what is that to us ? unless we can say , To us a child is born , to us a Son is given , Isa. 9.6 . Faith comes with a naked hand to receive that which is given ; we must empty our selves of what is in us . Consider thy estate , the Lord sets dow● how it is with us , when he comes to look upon us ; Ezek. 16.6 . And when I passed by thee , and saw thee polluted in thy blood , I said unto thee , when thou w●rt in thy blood , live . Why is this ●et down ? It 's to shew how God finds nothing in us , when he comes to shew Mercy . He finds nothing in us that is lovely , when he comes to bestow his Son upon us . For it is said , Rev 1.5 . That Christ loved us , and washed us from our sins in his own blood . He doth first cast his eyes upon us , when we are unwashed ; as I may say , unwashed ▪ and unblessed : When no eye pittied thee , and thou wast cast out in the open fi●ld ; when thou wast in thy blood , I said unto thee , live : when he comes to making up of the match , vers . 9. Then I washed thee with water ; yea , I throughly washed away thy blood from thee , and I anointed thee with oyl : I cloathed thee also with embroidered work , and shod thee with badgers skins ▪ &c. That is , when Christ comes to cast his affections on us , and to wed us unto himself , he finds us polluted , and naked , not with a rag on us . Full of filth , just nothing have we , he takes us with nothing ; nay , we are worse than nothing : So that here is the point ; what ground is there whereby a man that is dead , and hath no goodness in him , ( m●ke him as ill as can be imagined , ) what ground hath he to receive Chri●t ? Yes , To as many as received him , to them he gave the power to become the sons of God. First , The receiving of Christ , and then comes Believing . It is the receiving of this gift , that is the means , whereby Christ is offered to us . The Apostle joyning the first and second Adam together , makes the benefit we have by the second to lye in the point of receiving ; Rom. 5.17 . Object . If it be a free gift , why is faith required ? Sol. Because faith takes away nothing from the gift . If a man give a beggar an Alms , and he reach out his hand to receive it , his reaching out the hand makes the gift never the less , because the hand is not a worker , but an instrument in receiving the free gift . Rom. 5.15 . If through the offence of one many be dead , much more the grace of God , and the gift by grace hath abounded unto many in Jesus Christ. And vers . 17. If by one man's offence death raigned by one , much more they that receive abundance of grace shall raign in life by one Jesus Christ : Here 's the point then , God is well pleased , and therefore sends to us . Wilt thou have my Son ? with him thou shalt have abundance of Grace , and everlasting life , and my love too . There 's no Creature in this place , but this shall be made good unto , if he can find in his heart to take Christ ; thou shalt have a warrant to receive him . Now to receive Christ , is to believe in his name , and to draw near unto him . ( The word Receiving ) is a taking with the hand , with free entertainment ; as vers . 11. immediately before the Text. It 's not so properly Receiving , as Entertaining . He came to his own , and his own received him not ; they were like the foolish Gaderens , that preferred their pigs before Christ ; they would rather have his room , than his company : and so , when Christ comes , and thou hast rather be a free man , as thou thinkest , and wilt not have him to raign over thee , then thy case is lamentable : Then self-will , self-have . T●e only point is , whether we come to Christ , or he come to us , there is a drawing near . If thou comest to Christ he will not put thee back ; if Christ come to thee by any good motion , if thou shut not the door against him thou sh●lt 〈…〉 him ; R●v . 3.20 . Behold , I stand at the door and knock : i● a●● man hea● m● v●ice , and open the door , I will come in unto him , and ●up wi●h h●m , and he wi●h me . Rev. 1.16 . The Lord by the knock of his mouth , by the sword that comes out of his mouth , would fain come in , and be familiar with thee . If thou wilt not let him in , is it not good reason that ( as in the Canticles , Cant. 5.6 . ) he withdraw himself ? If he see thy sins , and would fain come in , what an encouragement hast thou to open ? Joh. 6.37 . He that cometh unto me , I will in no wise cast out , Canst thou have a better word from thy Prince than this ? When he holdeth out his golden Sceptre , if thou takest hold on it , thou art safe ; otherwise thou art a dead man : thou canst not have a greater security ; all the point is , Faith is a drawing near unto Christ , and Unbelief is a going from him ; The Gospel is preached to those that are afar off , and to those that are near . Eph. 2.17 . He came to preach peace to you that are afar off , and to them that are nigh . Who were they that were afar off ? they were those that had uncircumcision in the flesh , without Christ , Aliens to the Commonwealth of Israel , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , those that had no hope ; to these Christ came ; these that were afar off , by faith drew near : that expression is a singular one , Heb. 10.38 . Now the just shall live by faith ; What is that ? but if any man draw back , that is , if any man be an Unbeli●ver , my soul shall have no pleasure in him . Faith makes a man come , and draw near to Christ. It 's a shame-faced bashfulness , that makes a man draw back ; its unbelief , if any draw back , and to believe , is to go on with boldness ; We are not of them which draw back unto perdition , but of them , &c. What an excellent encouragement is this , to come with boldness unto the Throne of Grace , that we may find help in time of need ? So that now let thy estate be what it will ; if thou wilt not hold off , but dost entertain Christ , though thy sins be as red as scarlet , be not discouraged , they shall be made as white as wool , Isa. 1.18 . The very sinner against the Holy Ghost is invited ; and why is that unpardonable ? Can any sin be so great , as to over-top the value of Christ's blood ? There is not so much wretchedness in the heart of man , as there is Grace , Goodness and Mercy in Christ : But then it is unpardonable ; Why ? Because it is the nature of the disease , that will not suffer the plaister to stick on . It counts the blood of the Covenant , wherewith we should be sanctified , an unholy thing , Heb. 10.29 . If this sinner would not pluck off the plaister , and tread it under foot , he should be saved : but this is it , when God is liberal , and Christ is free , we have not the heart to take him at his word , and come . To open this Word , this is the point of all , this is the free preaching of the Gospel indeed ; when a man hath nothing desirable in him , but is stark naught , and stark dead , and is not worth the taking up ; that yet he may challenge Christ , and be sure of all . Unless thou hast Christ thou hast nothing by Promise , not so much as a bit of bread by Promise ; if thou hast it , it is by Providence ; All the Promises of God are in him , 2 Cor. 1.20 . that is , Christ , yea , and Amen : Ye are the Children of the Promise in Christ , Gal 3.29 . and 4.28 . but you have nothing till you be in Christ. The Question is , What must I do in this case ? What encouragement shall I have in my rags , when I am abominable , worth nothing ? There are certain things that are preparations to a Promise ; such as are Commands , Precepts , Entreaties , which encourage them to it ; and then comes a proposition : I being a Believer , shall have eternal life ; If Christ be mine , I may challenge forgiveness of sins , the favour of God , and everlasting life : But how is Faith wrought ? believe not that foolish conceit that is too common in the world ; that faith is only , a strong perswasion that God is my God , and my sins are forgiven ; this is a foolish thing , a fancy , a dream , unless it be grounded on the Word of God. It s but a dream , else that will lead thee unto a fool's Paradise . Nothing can uphold faith , but the Word of God : here 's the point ; I being as bad as bad can be , what ground have I out of the Word of God , of an Unbeliever to be made a Believer ? Now we must not take every Text , but such only as may be appliable to a dead man , one that hath no goodness in him , that is yet out of Christ ; we were all swimming at liberty till this Word catched us in ; we never thought of the business before , till we were thus taken . Now there are certain degrees to get faith in us . 1. The first word is a general proclamation , whereby Christ gives any one leave to come and take him . Christ is not only a Fountain sealed , as in the Canticles , but a Fountain open for sin and for uncleanness , as in Zachary : So that now , when he keeps open house , he makes proclamation that none shall be shut out . He puts none back ; sins , not the greatest that can be , can keep thee back : This is the first thing ; and to confirm it , we have our Saviour's own proclamation ; Isa. 55.1 . Ho! every one that thirsteth , come you to the waters ; and he that hath no money , come , buy , and eat : yea , come , buy wine and milk without money , and without price . A strange contradiction , one would thing ; What! buy , and yet without money , and without price . The reason is , because there is a certain thing which fools esteem a price , which is none ; Rev. 3.18 . I counsel thee to buy of me gold which is tryed in the fire : Why ? How must this be done ? Truly thus ; whensoever a sinner comes to Christ to have his sins pardoned , and to be a Subject of Christ's Kingdom , thou must not then be as thou wast , but thou must be changed . Thou must not live as thou didst before , in the state of rebellion . Now to leave sin is not worth a rush , it is not a sufficient price ; but yet we see a fool will esteem his own bables : I must lay down my lusts , I must lay down my covetousness , intemperance , &c. and a man thinks it a great matter thus to do ; and to leave the freedom that he had before , though it be a matter of nothing . When a rebel receives his pardon , is the King's pardon abridged , because he must live like a Subject hereafter ? Why should he also seek for the benefit of a Subject ? This is said in respect of the foolish conceit of man , who thinks it a great price to forsake his corruptions . Again , Joh. 7.37 . with the same loud voice , Christ cryed when he offered himself a Sacrifice for sin : he cryed at the time of the great feast , that all should come . In the last day , the great day of the feast , Jesus stood , and cryed , saying , if any man thirst , let him come unto me and drink . In ult . Rev. there is a quicunque vult ; that is it I pressed : It is a place worth gold . And these are the places which being applyed , make you of strangers , to draw near : but now these are not appliable to a man before he hath grace ; every one cannot apply them . Never forget that place while you live ; it is the close of God's Holy Book , and the sealing up of his Holy Book : What 's that ? It is in Rev. 22.17 . And the Spirit and the Bride say , come , and let him that is a thirsty come , and drink of the water of life freely . Whosoever will , let him come : what wouldst thou have more ? Hast thou no Will to Christ ? No Will to salvation ? then it is pity thou shouldst be saved . No man can be saved against his Will , nor blessed against his Will : If thou wilt not have Christ , if thou wilt try conclusions with God , then go further , and fare worse ; but whosoever will , let him come . Oh! but I have a Will : Why , then thou hast a warrant ; take Christ. Object . But , O Sir , you are a great Patron of Free will : What ? doth it all lie in a man's Will ? Will you make the matter of taking Christ lie there ? Sol. I say , if thou seest thou hast a Will , then thou hast a warrant ; I say not that this Will comes from thy self . It is not a blind faith will do thee good ; the Word of God works faith in thee , thou hast not a Will to it born in thee . It is not a flower that grows in thine own Garden , but is planted by God ; Joh. 6.44 . No man can come unto me , except the Father which hath sent me , draw him . What ? Will Christ offer violence to the Will , and draw a man against his Will ? No , there is no such meaning . It is expounded in the 65th . verse . No man can come unto me , except it were given him of my Father . By this Christ sheweth what he meant . If thou hast a Will to come , thank the Father for it ; for of Him , as in the Philippians , we have both the Will and the Deed. Take for example that general Proclamation in the book of Ezra , Whatever Jew would , might be free , Ezra 1.3 . So said the King that had power to make them free ; Who is there among you of all his people , his God be with him , and let him go up to Jerusalem which is in Judah , and build the house of the God of Israel . Then we read , vers . 5. Then rose up the chief of the Fathers of Judah and Benjamin , and the Priest , and the Levites , with all them whose Spirit God had raised up to go up . Observe here , though the proclamation were general , yet the raising up of the Will was from the Spirit of the Lord. We must not by any means take our Will for a ground : the Will cometh from God ; but if thou hast the Will , thou hast a warrant . Whoever will , let him take the water of life freely without covenanting : say not if thou hadst but a measure of faith , and such a measure of humiliation ; for that were to compound with Christ : away with that ; whosoever will , let him come . Christ keeps open house ; Whosoever will , let him come : whosoever comes to him , he will in no wise cast out , Joh. 6.37 . If thou hast a heart to come to him , he hath a willing heart to receive thee ; as it was with the Prodigal Son , the Father stays not till he comes to him , but runs to meet him : he is swift to shew Mercy , and to meet us , though we come slowly on towards him . But this is not all , there is a second gracious Word that is preached to a man , not yet in the state of Grace . A man that keeps open house , he seldom invites any particularly ; but if he come , he shall be welcome . Christ , he keeps open house ; but some are so fearful , and so modest , that unless they have a special invitation , they are ashamed to come to Christ ; they reason thus , if my case were an ordinary man's , I should come ; but I am so vile and wretched , that I am ashamed to come ; my sins have been so many , and so heavy , that I am not able to bear so great a weight ; they are more in number than the hairs of my head ; and yet farther , alas they are crying ones to . But hearken , here 's a second word ; Dost thou think thy case more heavy , because thou art out of measure sinful . Lo , it pleaseth God to send thee a special invitation , who findest thy self discouraged with the great bulk and burthen of thy sins . See Mat. 11.28 . Though all apply it not to this use , Come unto me all you that labour , and are heavy laden , and I will give you rest . You , of all others , are they that Christ looks for . Those that can walk bolt upright in their sins , that desire to live and die in them , they will not look upon me , and I will not look upon them ; they scorn me , and I scorn them : but you , that are heavy laden , and feel the burthen of your sins , are invited by Christ. Let not Satan then couzen you of the comfort of this word ; that which Christ makes the latch to open the door to let himself in , we do usually ( by our foolishness ) make the bolt to shut him out . Let thy wound be never so great , thou hast a warrant to come , and be cured : be of good comfort then , as it was said to blind Bartimeus , Mar. 10.49 . So it is to thee ; Loe , he calleth thee . When Christ bids thee come , and gives thee his Word , that he will heal thee , Come , let not the Devil , or thy corruptions hinder thee , or make thee stay back ; haste thee to this City of Refuge , he hath engaged his Word for thee , and he will ease thee . But now , after all these there is a Third Word , that though Christ keeps open house , so that who will , may freely come ; and though he sends special invitations to them , that are most bashful , because their case is extraordinary : What do you think now , that Christ will come with his Soldiers , and destroy those that do not come in ? He might do it , when he is so free , and invites thee , and thou turnest it back again into his hand : But yet here is another word of comfort , Christ doth not only send a Messenger to invite thee , who hast no goodness in thee , but he falls to beseeching and intreating thee ; and that is a third word , whereby faith is wrought in an Unbeliever ; 2 Cor 5.10 . Now then we are Ambassadors for Christ , as though God did beseech you by us ; observe the place , We pray you in Christ's stead be reconciled unto God. This is the most admirable word that ever could be spoken unto a sinner . Alas ! thou mayest say , I am afraid that God will not be friends with me ; why ? he would have thee to be friends with him : do not then , with the Papists , m●ke such an austere God , as though he might not be spoken unto , as though thou mightest not presume thy self , but must make friends unto him ; W● have not an High Priest that is not touched with our infirmities , Heb. 4.15 . Will the Papists tell me , I am bold if I go to God , or lay hands on Christ ? I am not more bold than welcome ; Let us go with boldness to the Throne of grace , vers . 16. We are commanded to it . Do not think but that he had bowels to weep over Jerusalem , and he carried the same into heaven ; when thou liest groaning before him , he will not spurn thee . We pray you , and beseech you to be friends ; therefore in this case make no doubt , it is God's good pleasure to entreat thee , and therefore thou hast warrant enough . Christ wept over Jerusalem , and he is as ready to embrace thee . You have now three words to make a man of an Vnbeliever , a Believer : Is there , or can there be more than these ; Open House-keeping , Special Invitations , Entreaties and Beseechings ? Yet there is more than all this ; which if thou hast not a heart of stone , it will make thee believe , or make thee rue it . And that is , 4. When God seeth all these things will not work with us , but we are slow of heart to believe , then he quickens us ; and there comes a word of Command . God chargeth , and commands thee to come ; and then if thou breakest his Command , be it to thy peril : It is the greatest sin , that can be committed . Thou wilt not draw near to God , because thou art a sinner ; thou now committest a greater sin , than b●fore , thou returnest back Christ unto God , thou bidest him take his commodity into his hand again , thou wilt not believe : and this is an heinous crime ; Joh. 16.8 , 9. And when the Spirit shall come , it shall reprove the world of sin , of righteousness , and of judgment ; of sin , because they believe not in me . This is that great sin he shall convince the world of , because they believe not in him . Of all sins , this was the most notorious ; this makes us keep all other sins in possession : It is not only one particular sin , but it fastens all other sins upon us , be they never so many . When faith comes , it will out them , but till then they remain in thee ; where there is no Commandment , there is no sin . How could it be a sin in not believing , if I were not commanded so to do : But you shall hear more than so . When the Apostle speaks of excluding Rejoycing under the Law ; Rom. 3.37 . Where is boasting , then , saith he ? it is excluded : By what Law , by the Law of works ? No , but by the Law of faith : there is a Law of works , and a Law of faith . God doth not only give thee leave to come , and take him , and draw near unto him , but he commands thee ; there 's a Law : by the breach of that Law of faith thou art made guilty of a a high sin . There is a full testimony of this ; 1 Joh. 3.23 . And this is the Commandment , that we should believe in the name of his Son Jesus Christ. If a man should ask , may I love my Neighbour ? would you not think him a fool ? because he must do it , he is commanded . So should a poor soul come , and say to me , may I believe ? thou fool , thou must believe . God hath laid a Command upon thee , it is not left to thy choice : The same Commandment that bids thee love thy brother , bids thee to believe on Christ. To Entreaty is added God's Command ; and therefore , if thou shalt argue , what warrant have I to believe ? Why , God enjoyns it thee , and commands it . As the impotent man said , so mayest thou ; He that healed me , said unto me , take up thy bed , and walk . This is the very Key of the Gospel , and this is the way to turn it right . When being thus clean naked , we have as it were a Cable put in our hands , to draw our selves out of this flesh and blood . 5. The last thing is , if keeping Open House , Special Invitations , Entreaties and Commands will not serve the turn , then Christ waxeth angry : What , to be scorned , wheh he profered Mercy , and as it were , invite all sorts , and compel them to come in by his Preachers , and by a peremptory Command ? Then he falls a threatning , We are not of those which draw back unto perdition ; if thou wilt not come upon this Command , thou shalt be damned ; Mar. 16.16 . He that believeth not , shall be damned . Christ commands them to go into the world , and preach the Gospel to every Creature , unto every soul this Gospel which I speak . If you will not hear , and believe ; if you will not take God at his Word , you shall be damned ; Joh. 3.36 . He that believeth not , shall not see life ; but the wrath of God abideth on him . Here is an iron scourge to drive thee , thou that art so slow of heart to believe . In Psalm . 78. where is set down God's mercy unto the Israelites : afterwards comes one plague upon another ; vers . 22. it is said They believed not in God , and trusted not in his salvation . A like passage to this out of the 95th . Psalm , is applyed , in Heb. 3.2 . to Unbelievers . And the reason of God's wrath mentioned in the 78th . Psalm , is said to have been the unbelief of the people ; The Lord heard this , and was wrath ; a fire was kindled against Jacob , and against Israel . Why was this ? because they believed not in him , because they trusted not in his salvation . Nothing will more provoke God to anger , than when he is liberal and gracious , and we are straitned in our selves , harden our hearts , and not trust him : never forget this Sermon , while you live ; this is the net that Christ hath to draw you out of the world . I shall hereafter tell you what faith is , which is to receive Christ , and to believe in his name : but that will require a more particular explication . And on that I shall enter the next time . EPH. 1.13 . In whom ye also trusted after that ye heard the Word of truth , the Gospel of your salvation , In whom also after you believed , you were sealed with the Holy Spirit of Promise . THE last time I entred on the declaration of that main point , and part of Religion , which is the foundation of all our hopes and comfort , namely , the offering of Christ unto us ; that as he did offer himself a Sacrifice to his Father for us upon the Cross , so that which is the basis , ground and foundation of our comfort is , that he offereth himself unto us . And here comes in th●t gracious gift of the Father which closes in with God : That as God saith , To us a child is born , to us a Son is given , &c. So there is grace given us to receive him . And as the greatest gift doth not enrich a man , unless he accept it , and receive it ; so this is our case , God offers his Son unto us , as an earnest of his love ; if we will not receive him , we cannot be the better for him : If we refuse him , and turn Gods Commodity , which he offers us , back upon his hand , then Gods storms , and his wrath abides on us for evermore . That it is his good pleasure that we should receive Christ , it is no doubt , we have his word for it : All the point is , how we may receive him , and that is by Faith. And in this Text is declared , how Faith is wrought , and that is by the Word of truth ; In whom also you trusted , after you had heard the Word of Truth . Now after this Faith , there cometh a sealing by the Spirit of God ; In whom also , after you believed , you were sealed by the Holy Spirit of Promise . Now lest a man should through ignorance , and indiscretion , be misled and deceived , there is faith , and there is feeling . Where this is not feeling I mean , I say not , that there is no faith ; No : For feeling is an after thing , and comes after Faith. If we have Faith , we live by it ; But after you believed , you were sealed . You see then Faith is that , whereby we receive Jesus Christ , and to as many as received him , to them he gave power to become the Sons of God , to as many as believe on his name . The blood of Christ is that which cureth our souls , but ( as I told you ) it is by application . A Medicine heals not by being prepared , but being applied : So the blood of Christ shed for us , unless applied to us , doth us no good . In Heb. 12. It s called the blood of sprinkling : and that in the 51. Psalm , hath relation to it , where he saith , Purge me with hysop . In the Passover there was blood to be shed , not to be spilt , but to be shed : And then to be gathered up again , and put into a Basin , and when they had so done , they were to take a bunch of Hysop and dip and sprinkle , &c. Faith is this bunch of Hysop that dips it self as it were into the Basin of Christs blood , and our souls are purged by being sprinkled with it . In Levit. 14.6 . There was a bird to escape alive ; but see the preparation for it , You shall take it , and the scarlet , and the Cedar wood , and the Hysop , and shall dip them , and the living bird in the blood of the bird that was killed , &c. And then you shall sprinkle on him , that is to be cleansed from the leprosie seven times , and shall pronounce him clean , and shall let the living bird loose into the open field . We are thus let loose , cleansed and freed ; but how ? Not unless we are dipt , as the living bird was in the blood of the dead bird , there is no escaping , unless we are dipt in the blood of Christ Jesus , this dead bird , and sprinkled with this Hysop , we cannot be freed . So that now to come to that great matter , without which Christ profiteth us nothing , which is Faith. The Well is deep , and this is the Bucket with which we must draw . This is the hand by which we must put on Christ ; As many as are baptized put on Christ : Galat. 3.27 . Thus must we be made ready : We must be thus cloathed upon , and by this hand attire our selves with the Sun of Righteousness . Malac. 4.2 . Wherefore I declared unto you that this Faith must not be a bare conceipt , floating in the brain ; not a device of our own . The Devil taking hold on this , would soon lead a man into a fools Paradise . To say I am Gods Child , and sure I shall be saved , I am perswaded so : this the Devil would say Amen to , and would be glad to rock men asleep in such conceipts . Such are like the foolish Virgins , That went to buy oyl for their Lamps ; And were perswaded they should come soon enouoh to enter with the Bride-groom ; but their perswasion was groundless , and they were shut out . So such groundless perswasions and assurances in a mans soul , that he is the child of God , and shall go to Heaven , is not Faith ; thou mayst carry this assurance to Hell with thee : This Faith is not Faith ; For faith comes by hearing , and that not of every word or fancy , but by hearing the Word of Truth . Faith must not go a jot further then the Word of God goeth . If thou hast an apprehension , but no warrant for it out of the Word of God , it is not faith , for it s said , After you heard the Word of Truth you believed . So that we must have some ground for it out of the Word of Truth , otherwise it is presumption , meer conceipts , fancy , and not Faith. Now I shew'd unto you the last time how this might be ; for while a man is an Vnbeliever , he is wholly defiled with sin , he is in a most loathsom condition ; he is in his blood , filthy , and no eye pities him . And may one fasten comfort on one in such a condition , on a dead man ? And this I shew'd you was our case : When Faith comes to us , it finds no good thing in us it finds us stark naked , and stark nought : yet there is a Word for all this to draw us unto Christ , from that miserable Ocean in which we are swimming unto perdition , if God catch us not in his Net. Hearken we therefore to Gods Call : There is such a thing as this Calling . God calls thee and would change thy condition , and therefore offers thee his Son. Wilt thou have my Son ? Wilt thou yield unto me ? Wilt thou be reconciled unto me ? Wilt thou come unto me ? And this may be preacht to the veriest Rebel that is . It is the only Word whereby faith is wrought . It is not by finding such and such things in us before hand , No , God finds us as bad as bad may be , when he proffers Christ unto us . He finds us ugly and filthy , and afterwards washes us , and makes us good . It is not because I found this or that good thing in thee , that I give thee interest in my Son , take it not on this ground . No he loved us first , and when we were defiled , he washt us from our sins in his own blood , R●v . 1.5 . Now there is a double love of God towards his Creatures . 1. Of Commiseration . 2. Of Complacency . That of Commiseration , is a fruit of love which tenders and pities the miserable estate of another . But now there is another love of Complacency , which ariseth from a likeness between the qualities and manners of persons : for like will to like : and this love God never hath but to his Saints after Conversion , when they have his Image enstamped in them , and are reformed in their Vnderstandings , and Wills , resembling him in both , then , and not till then bears he this love towards them . Before , he loves them with the love of pity : and so God lov'd the World , that is , with the love of Commiseration , that he sent his only Son , that whosoever believed in him might not perish , but have everlasting life . And therefore he said in the Prophet Isaiah . In his Love and in his pity he redeemed them . chap. 63. ver . 9. Now we come to the point of Acceptation : The Word is free , and it requires nothing but what may consist with the freest gift that may be given . Although here be something that a man may startle at . Object . Is there not required a condition of faith , and a condition of obedience ? Sol. Neither of these according to our common Understanding , do hinder the fulness and freedom of the Grace of the Gospel . 1. Not Faith , because Faith is such a condition , as requires only an empty hand to receive a gift freely given . Now doth that hinder the freeness of the gift , to say , you must take it ? Why , this is requisite to the freest gift that can be given . If a man would give something to a Begger , if he would not reach out his hand and take it , let him go without it , it s a free gift still ; so that the condition of Faith is such a condition as requires nothing , but an empty hand , to receive Christ. 2. Obedience hinders it not . I am required , may some say , to be a new man , a new Creature , to lead a new life : I must alter my course : And is not this a great clog and burthen ? And do you account this free ? When I must crucifie lusts , mortifie Passions , &c. Is this free , when a man must renounce his own Will ? Yes ; It is as free , as free may be ; as a I shewed you the last time . The very touching , and accepting of Christ implies an abnegation of former sinfulness , and a going off from other courses that are contrary to him . If the King give a pardon to a notorious Rebel for Treason , so that now he must live obedient as a Subject , the King need not in regard of himself to have given the pardon ; if he give it , it takes not from its freeness , that he must live like a Subject afterwards ; the very acceptance of the pardon implies it . But now to declare Faith , and to open the Mystery thereof . Faith is a great thing : It is our life ; our life stands in the practice of it : That as in the offering of Christ for us , there is given him a name above every name , That at the name of Jesus every knee shall bow : As , I say , in the purchasing of Redemption , so in the point of acceptation ; God hath given unto this poor vertue of faith a name above all names . Faith indeed , as it is a vertue , is poor and mean , and comes far short of love : and therefore by the Apostle , love is many degrees preferr'd before faith , because love fills the heart , and faith is but a bare hand , it lets all things fall , that it may fill it self with Christ. It s said of the Virgin Mary , That God did respect the low estate of his hand-maid : So God respects the low estate of Faith , that nothing is required , but a bare empty hand , which hath nothing to bring with it , though it be never so weak , yet if it have a hand to receive , it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a like precious faith , 2 Pet. 1.1 . that of the poorest Believer , and the greatest Saint . Now that we may come unto the point , without any more going backwards . In the words read , there is the point of faith , and a thing God confirms it withal , a seal : In whom also after that you believed , you were sealed . Faith is of it a self a thing unsealed : The sealing with the holy Spirit of Promise is a point beyond faith ; it s a point of feeling , and not only of believing of Gods Word , but a sensible feeling of the Spirit : A believing in my soul , accompanied with joy unspeakable , and full of glory : of which sealing we shall speak more hereafter . Observe for the first . 1. The Object of it , In whom you trusted . We speak of Faith now as it justifies , as it apprehends Christ for its Object : for otherwise Faith hath as large an Extent as all Gods Word . Faith hath a hand to receive , whatsoever God hath a mouth to speak . What is the Object ? He in whom you trusted . It is a wonder to see how many are deceived , who make the forgiveness of sins to be the proper Object of faith . A man may call , as long as he lives , for forgiveness of sins , yet , unless there be the first Act , to lay hold on Christ , in vain doth he expect forgiveness of sins . Until thou dost accept Christ for thy King and Saviour , thou hast no promise . We are never Children of the Promise , till we are found in him . The proper and immediate Object of Faith is , first Christ , and then God the Father by him : For Faith must have Christ for its Object . I must believe in none else but God , in , and through Christ. Now that this is so , we may see in that famous place . 1 Pet. 1.21 . When he had spoken of the precious blood of Christ , the Lamb without blemish , he goes on , and shews , that he was manifested in those last times , for you , who by him do believe in God , that raised up Christ from the dead , and gave him glory , that your faith and hope might be in God. There is no true believing in God the Father , but by the Son. The proper Object of Hope , and Faith , is God , and he that doth believe or hope , or trust in any thing else , there is Idolatry in it ; we believe in God by him : so that the primary Object of Faith is Christ. Gal. 3.26 . Ye are all the Children of God by Faith in Jesus Christ. What 's my Faith then ? If thou wilt be the Child of God , receive , hold Christ Jesus , accept him for thy Saviour , and for thy Lord : He is the proper Object of thy Faith. Again , you must have Christ Jesus , and him crucified , that should be the highest knowledge in our account . To know Christ , and him crucified , and by it to accept him . Hereupon the Apostle to the Romans , when he speaks of faith , makes the Object of it Christ , and Christ crucified . Rom. 3.25 . Whom God hath set forth to be a propitiation through faith in his blood ; to declare his Righteousness for the remission of sins that are past through the forbearance of God. Whatsoever then thou findest in Christ , is an Object of thy Faith. John 6. The point is , He who eats my fl●sh , and drinks my blood , that is , he who receiveth me , and makes me as his meat and drink dwelleth in me and I in him . ver . 56. Compare this , Rom. 3 . 2● with Rom. 5.9 . for its worth comparing . We are said to be justified by his blood , Rom. 5.9 . By faith in his blood , Rom. 3.25 . Now both these come to one , and they resolve the point , and clear the Question , whether Faith in it self , as a Vertue doth justifie , or in respect of its Object ? surely it s in respect of the Object . You that have skill in Philosophy , know , that heat , if considered as a quality , its effects are not so great ; but considered as an instrument , it transcends the sphere of its own activity ; it doth wonders ; for its the principle of generation , and many other strange effects . So here , take faith as a Vertue , and it s far short of love : but consider it as an instrument , whereby Christ is applyed , and it transcends , it works wonders , beyond its proper sphere : for the meanest thing it layes hold on , is the Son of God. He that hath the Son , hath life , &c. Some would think this an hard kind of speech , when we are justified by faith , we are justified by Christ , apprehended by faith : and yet that place is clear , to be justified by his blood : And faith in his blood becomes one faith . As if a man should say , I was cured by going to the Bath : So faith comes unto Christ ; faith is the legs . A man is not said properly to be cured , by going to the Bath , nor justified by coming to Christ by the legs of faith : but the applying of the Bath , the coming to Christ , and applying of his vertue , to make him the Object of my faith , this is the way to be justified . As it is not the making and preparing of a plaister , that cures , but the applying it ; so that this concludes this point , that the true Object of faith is Christ crucified , and God the Father in , and by him . Here then is the point , thou must not look for any comfort in faith , till thou hast Christ ; and to think thou shalt ever have any benefit by God , till thou Christ , thou deceivest thy self . It is impossible for a man to receive nourishment by his beead and drink , till he partake of it in the substance : so thou must pertake of Christ , before thou canst receive any nourishment by him . Christ saith not thou must have forgiveness of sins , or thou must have my Fathers favour , but take my body and blood , take me crucified . Buy the field , and the treasure is thine : but thou hast nothing to do with the treasure , till thou gettest the field . This is preferment enough , to have the Lords Promise to Abraham , I am thy exceeding great reward : I am my well-beloveds , and my well-beloved is mine . There is a spiritual match betwixt Christ and thee : There are many , who are matcht with Christ , and yet know not how rich they are : When a man reckons of what he shall get by Christ only , when all his thoughts are on that , he marrieth the portion , and not the person : thou must set thy love on Christs person , and then having him , all that he hath is thine : How rich Christ is , so rich art thou : he must first be thine . He that hath the Son , hath life , but the Son must first be had . Is there any now in this congregation , who is so hardhearted , as to refuse such a gift as this ? When God shall give thee his Son , if thou wilt take him , is there any so prophane , as with Esau to sell his birthright , &c. To pursue the poor pedling things of this life , and refuse salvation , so high a gift ? A gift which is not given to Angels , they think it an honour , to wait at the Lords Table : They have not this precious food given to them ; they never tast it : and therefore many Christians , on serious consideration would not change their estate for the estate of Angels . Why ? Because hereby Christ is my Husband , I am wedded to him , he is bone of my bone , and flesh of my flesh which priviledge the Angels are not capable of . Our nature is advanced above the Angelical nature : for we shall sit and judge the world with Christ , judge the twelve Tribes of Israel : And what an high preferment is this ? Nay , observe this , and take it for a Rule . Never beg of God pardon for thy sins , till thou hast done this one thing , namely , accepted of Christ from Gods hands . For thou ne●er canst confidently ask any thing till thou hast him : For all the Promises of God are in him , yea , and Amen . This may serve for the Object of faith : to shew that the primary Object , is Christ crucified , and God by him . We come now to declare ; 2. The Acts of faith what they are , and there is some intricacy in that too : There is much ado made in what part , and power of the soul faith is : We must not proportionate the Act of faith according to our own fancy . For it 's no faith , but as it hath relation to the Word : now look , how is the Word presented : After you heard the Word of Truth , the Gospel of your salvation . Now the word is presented under a double respect . 1. It s presented Sub ratione veri ; After you had heard the Word of Truth ; and there comes in the Vnderstanding . 2. Then Sub ratione boni , as a good word , that so we should lay hold on it , and here comes in the Will. For the Will , we say , challenges that which is good , for its Object : Now the Gospel of salvation is a good Word ; its glad tydings worthy of all acceptation , that Christ Jesus came into the World to save sinners . 1 Tim. 1.15 . And now as the Word is presented , as a good Word , so must my Act of faith be answerable unto it . See in Heb. 11.13 . The act of faith answering hereto , These all dyed in faith , not having received the Promises . What did their faith to them ? It made them see the Promises afar off , and they were perswaded of them , and embraced them , and confessed that they were strangers and pilgrims in the earth . So that by comparing place with place , it appears that first this Gospel was presented as the word of Truth , they were perswaded of it . It is the first Act of Faith , to perswade men of the truth of the Word : and then , as it is a good word , they embraced it : These are the two arms of faith ; as true , it perswades me ; as good , I embrace it . We must not now be too curious in bringing in Philosophical Disputes , whether one Vertue may reside in two Faculties ; whether Faith may reside in the Understanding , and the Will. The truth is , these things are not yet agreed upon ; and shall we trouble our selves with things not yet decided in the Schools , as , whether the practical Vnderstanding and the Will be distinct faculties or no ? The Word of God requires that I should believe with my whole heart ; Act. 8.37 . As Philip told the Eunuch , If thou believest with all thy heart , thou mayest . If with the heart ; but with what faculties may you say ? Why , I tell thee , believe with thy whole heart : And what ! shall I piece and divide the heart , when the whole is required ? Now , to come to those two : The Word is presented , 1. As a true Word . 2. Then as a good Word ; a word like Gospel , like salvation . 1. As a true Word . And the Act of faith answering thereto , is called in Scripture 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Knowledge and Acknowledgement , Tit. 1.1 . 2 Pet. 1.3 . and 2.18 . 1. Knowledge , that is a thing requisite : Why ? because , if there be a Remedy able to cure a man's disease , if he do not know it , what is he the better for it ? Knowledge is so essential unto Faith , that without it there can be no faith . In Joh. 17.3 . the terms are confounded , the one put for the other : This is life eternal , to know thee to be the true God ; and whom , &c. to know thee , that is , to believe in thee ; because knowledge is so essential to belief , as one cannot be without the other ; thou canst not believe what thou hast never heard of : I know , saith Job , that my Redeemer liveth ; that is , I believe he liveth , Job 19 25. And hereupon it is said in Isa. 53.11 . By his knowledge shall my righteous servant justifie many . Knowledge is an Act , primarily requisite to Faith ; to be justified by his knowledge , is to be justified by faith in his blood . This then is the first thing , that I know it to be as true as Gospel ; then comes the acknowledgement . 2. The Acknowledgment . Joh. 6.69 . We know , and are assured that thou art that Christ. This is an assurance ; I say not the assurance of my salvation , for that is another kind of thing : But an assurance that God will keep touch with &c. will not delude me , but that if I take his Son , I shall have life , I shall have his favour . When God illuminates me , I find all things in him ; when I have him , I am made . When the Understanding clearly apprehends this , then comes the next word , it is the Gospel of salvation , there being a knowing , and acknowledging , the Act of the Understanding : then comes the Will , and it being , 2. Propounded as a good word ; then follows , 1. Acceptation . 2. Affiance . 1. Acceptation , which receives Christ ; Joh. 1.12 . As many as received him , to them he gave power to become the sons of God , even to them that believe on his name . Then a man resolves , I will take God on his word : and thereupon follows A resting or relying on God , which is a proper act of faith . I need no other place than Rom. 10.13 . Whosoever shall call on the name of the Lord shall be saved : But how shall they call on him , on whom they have not believed ? that is , on whom they have not reposed their confidence . Mark the Apostle , How shall they call on him , on whom they have not believed ? That Faith which was the Antecedent , must be in the conclusion ; therefore our faith is a relying on God : and so in this place this trust is made the same with faith , as it is in the Text , in whom you trusted , after you had received the word of Truth : for our trust and belief there is the self same word , — Nimium ne crede colori : this ( Credo ) is to have a great confidence in fleeting and fading things ; and so it is in justifying faith , With respect to the unshaken truths of the incorruptible and unchangeable Word of his , which liveth and abideth for ever , 1 Pet. 1.23 . If I have a knowledge of God , and acknowledgment of him , and from my knowing , my will is conformed to accept Christ ; and if when I have accepted him , I will not part from him : this is faith , and if thou hast this faith , thou wilt never perish . Suppose thou never hadst one day of comfort all thy life long , yet my life for thine thou art saved . Perhaps by reason of thy ignorance thou hast no feeling , yet if thou consent , thou art justified ; it is the consent makes the match . If thou consent to the Father , and take Christ the Son , know it , or know it not , thou hast him : though thou knowest not , whether thy sins are forgiven ; yet as long as thou keepest thy hold , all the Devil's temptations shall never drive thee from him ; thou art justified , and in a safe case , though ignorance and other things in thee cause thee not to feel it , if thou layest hold on him for his sake , thou art apprehended . Object . Now then this is an easie matter , you will say . Sol. Not so easie a matter as you guess it to be . It were easie indeed , were there nothing but saying the word to make man and Wife ; there are terms and conditions to be agreed upon . God casts not his Son away , he looks there shall be conditions on thy side ; he must be thy King , and Head , if thou wilt have him to be thy husband . But what shall I get by him then , saith the wife ? Get ? there is no end of thy getting . All is thine , Paul , Apollos , Cephas , Life . &c. Thou art Christ's , and Christ is God's , 1 Cor. 3.22 , 23. Every man will take Christ thus for the better ; but there is somewhat else in the match . If thou wilt have him , thou must take him for better , for worse , for richer , for poorer . Indeed there are precious things provided for you ; It is your Father's good pleasure to give you the Kingdom , Luk. 12.32 . Rom. 8.17 . You shall be Heirs with Christ , but for the present , while you are in the Church Militant , you must take up your Cross ; you must not look for great things in this world : In this world you must have tribulation , you must deny your selves , and your own Wills. What ? would you have Christ the wife , and you the husband ? No , if you think so , you mistake the match . Christ must be the Husband and the Head ; and as the wife promises to obey her husband , to stick to her husband in sickness and in health , and to forsake all others ; so Christ asketh , wilt thou have me ? if thou wilt , thou must take me on these terms , thou must take my Cross with me , thou must deny thine own Will ; yea , it may be thine own life also . Let a Christian consider all these things , these are the words , and these are the benefits , and then compare them together ; and then if he can say , I will have Christ however , for I shall be a saver by him : I will take him with all faults , and I know I shall make a good bargain , therefore I will have him on any terms , come what will ; when a man can have his will so perpendicularly bent on Christ , that he will have him , though he leave his skin behind him : there is a true acceptation of him . We must not here distinguish with the Schools about Velleities , a general wishing and woulding , and true desires after Christ : Wishers and Woulders never thrive ; but there must be resolution to follow Christ through thick and thin , never to part with him : a direct Will is here required . And therefore Christ bids us consider before-hand what it will cost us . If any man come to me , and hate not Father and mother , Wife and Children , and his own life also , he cannot be my Disciple . Luk. 24.26 . Do not think that our Saviour here would discourage men from love . Doth the love teach us hatred ? The phrase in the Hebrew is loving less , as it is said ; Jacob have I loved , and Esau have I hated , Deut. 21.15 . that is , loved less . If a man hath two wives , one beloved , and the other hated , and they have born Children , both the beloved and the hated : By hated is not meant , that the man hated one wife , but less loved her , than the other . So if any man come to me , and hate not father and mother ; that is , if he love not all less than me ; and that it is so , we may see it expounded by our Saviour . Mat 10.37 . He that loveth father and mother more than me , is not worthy of me . There Christ expounds it . He that will follow Christ in calm weather and not in a storm , is not worthy of him ; Luk. 14.28 . Which of you intending to build a Tower , sitteth not down first , and counteth the cost , whether he have sufficient to finish it ? What is that to the purpose ? See vers . 33. So likewise whosoever he be of you , that forsaketh not all that he hath , cannot be my Disciple . It is a small matter to begin to be a Christian , unless you consider what it will cost you ; Do you think it a small matter to be a King's Son ? 1 Sam. 18.23 . think not on so great a business without consideration what it will cost you . It will be the denying of your own wills . You must be content to follow naked Christ nakedly ; follow him in his persecution and tribulation , in his death and suffering , if thou wilt be conformable to him in glory . When this case comes , it makes many draw back , as the rich man in the Gospel , when he must forsake all , he drew back . When troubles arise , many are offended ; so when it comes to a point of parting , they go back . Now we come to speak one word of the sealing of the Text. After that ye believed , ye were sealed with the holy Spirit of Promise . This sealing , which is a point of feeling , is a distinct thing of it self from faith ; no part of faith . If I have faith , I am sure of life , though I never have the other : these are two seals . We put to our seals to the counter-part that is drawn betwixt God and us . The first seal is our faith . I have nothing but God's Word , and indeed I have no feeling , yet I venture my salvation , and trust God upon his bare Word . I will pawn all upon it ; He that hath received his testimony ; that is , ( in effect ) he that believeth , saith John , hath set to his seal that God is true , Joh. 3.33 . If men doubt , and trust God no further than they see him , it is not faith . But when God gives me a good word , though I am in as much distress as ever , yet I trust , though it be contrary to all sense , or outward seeming , yet I put to my seal , and trust him still . Then comes God's counter-part . God being thus honoured , that I believe his Word , though contrary to all sense and feeling , even his bare Word ; then God sets to his seal , and now the Word comes to particularizing . Before it was in general , now it comes and singles out a man , Say thou unto my soul , that I am thy salvation , Psal. 35.3 . that is , as I did apply the generality of God's Word unto mine own case to bear me up against sense , and feeling : then comes the Spirit of God , and not only delivers generalities , but saith unto my soul , I am thy salvation . This is called in Scripture a manifestation , when God manifests himself unto us ; as in Isa. 60.16 . Thou shalt suck the milk of the Gentiles , and shalt suck the breast of Kings , and thou shalt know that I the Lord am thy Saviour and thy Redeemer , &c. that is , when we have made particular application by Faith , God will put to his seal , that I shall know , that God is my strength and my salvation : I shall know it ; Joh. 14.21 . He that loveth me shall be loved of my Father , and I will manifest my self unto him . Christ comes , and draws the Curtains , and looks on with the gracious aspect of his blessed countenance . When this comes , it chears the heart , and then there are secret love-tokens pass betwixt Christ and his beloved . Rev. 2.17 . To him that overcometh will I give to eat of the hidden Manna , and will give him a white stone , and in the stone a new name written , which no man knows , save he that receives it ; that is , there is a particular intimation that I shall know of my self more than any other ; more than all the world besides : It is such a joy as the stranger is not made partaker of , Prov. 14.10 . such joy as is glorious and unspeakable , 1 Pet. 1.8 . Such peace as pass●th all understanding , Philip. 4 7. One minute of such joy surpasseth all the joy in the world besides . Now consider , sure there is such a thing as this joy , or else do you think the Scripture would talk of it , and of the Comforter , the Holy Ghost , by whom we know the things that are freely given us of God , 1 Cor. 2.12 . There is a generation in the world , that hath this joy , though you that know it not , do not , nor cannot believe it ; there is a righteous generation that have it : and why dost thou not try to get it ? do as they do , and thou mayest obtain it likewise ; The secrets of the Lord are revealed to them that fear him , and he will shew them his Covenant , Psal. 25.14 . These are hidden comforts ; do you think God will give this joy to those that care not for him ? No , the way is to seek God , and to labour to fear him . The secrets of the Lord are revealed to such , and such only as fear him ; do as they do , and follow their example , and thou mayest have it likewise . Object . Many have served Christ long , and have not sound it . Sol. It is long of themselves ; you are straitned in your own bowels , or else , Open your mouths wide , and God will fill them . No wonder that we are so barren of these comforts , when we be straitned in our selves . There is a thing wondrously wanting amongst us , and that is Meditation . If we could give our selves to it , and go up with Moses to the Mount , to confer with God , and seriously think of the price of Christ's death , and of the joys of heaven , and the Privileges of a Christian ; if we could frequently meditate on these , we should have these sealing comforts every day , at least oftner . This hath need to be much pressed upon us ; the neglect of this makes lean souls . He that is frequent in that , hath these sealing days often . Couldst thou have a parley with God in private , and have thy heart rejoyce with the comforts of another day ; even whilst thou art thinking of these things , Christ would be in the midst of thee . Many of the Saints of God have but little of this , because they spend but few hours in Meditation . And thus , as this hour would give leave , have we proceeded in this point . 1 COR. 11.29 . For he that eateth and drinketh unworthily , eateth and drinketh Damnation to himself , not discerning the Lords body . I Have heretofore declared unto you the ground of our salvation , and have represented unto you , first , Christ offered for us , and secondly , Christ offered to us . Now it hath pleased Almighty God , not only to teach us this by his Word ; but because we are slow of heart to believe , and conceive the things we hear , it pleases his glorious Wisdom , to add to his Word his Sacraments , that so what we have heard with our ears , we may see with our eyes , being represented by signs . There is a visible voice whereby God speaks to the eyes : and therefore we find in Exod. 4.8 . God bids Moses that he should use signs , saying , It shall come to pass , if they will not believe thee , neither hearken to the voice of the first sign , that they will believe the voice of the latter sign . Signs you know are the Object of the eye , and yet see , they have , as it were , a visible voice , which speaks to the eye . Now God is pleased to give us these signs for the helping , 1. Of our Vnderstanding : The eye and the ear are the two learned senses as we call them , through which , all knowledge is conveyed into the soul : and therefore , that we may have a more particular knowledge of Christ , God hath not only by his Ministery given us audible voices , but visible also in his Sacramenss , by which , as by certain glasses he represents to us the Mystery of Christ Jesus offered for us , and offered to us . And hence is it that Paul calls the eyes to witness , as well as the ears , Gal. 3.1 . O ye foolish Galathians , who hath bewitched you that you should not obey the Truth , before whose eyes Jesus Christ hath been evidently set forth crucified amongst you ! That is , before whose eyes Christ hath been crucified , not by hear-say , only , but evidently before your eyes , not in any foolish Crucifix , with the Papists , but in the blessed Sacrament , wherein he is so represented , as if his soul were before our eyes poured out to death : so that by these Sacraments , heavenly things are ( as it were ) clothed in earthly Garments , and this is the first reason , viz. to help our Vnderstanding : But besides he doth it , 2. To help our Memory ; we are apt to forget those wonderful things Christ hath wrought for us . And therefore , verse 24. and 25. Of this Chapter we are bid To eat his body , and drink his blood in remembrance of him . To take the signs as tokens of him ; the Sacrament is as it were a monument and pillar raised up , to the end , that when ever we see it , we should remember the Lords death , until be come . It s said , 2 Sam. 18.18 . That Absolom in his life time had taken , and reared up for himself a Pillar , which is in the Kings dale ; for he said , I have no son to keep my name in remembrance . He would fain be remembred , bu he had no Child , whereby he might live , after he was dead : therefore he raises it , and calls it after his own name , Absoloms place , as it is this day : That so as often as any came that way , they might remember him . Christ doth thus by his Sacrament and erects it as a Monument for the remembrance of his death , and ( as it were ) calls it by his own name , saying , This is my body , and this is my blood : That when ever we see them , we may call to mind , Christ off●red for us , and to us . But that I may apply this my Doctrine to the ears also , know that , 3. These signs are for the strengthning of our faith , and therefore it is considered , as a seal . Rom. 4.11 . Abraham received the sign of Circumcision , as a seal of the righteousness of the faith which he had , yet being uncircumcised . It helps our understanding by being a sign , and is a confirmation , a seal : by vertue whereof Chrlst is passed , and made over to us , so that we have as true an interest and right to him , as to our meat , and drink : yea , he becomes as effectually ours , for every purpose in our spiritual life , as our meat and drink doth for our corporal . To which end these Elements are changed spiritually in their natures ; not in substance but in use ▪ so that which was but now a common bread , becomes as far different as Heaven is from earth , being altered in its use . For instance , the wax whereby the King passes over an inheritance to us , and by which conveyances of our estates are made , that wax is but as another piece of wax differing nothing from that which is in the shop , till the King hath stampt it with his Seal : But being once sealed , one would not give it for all the wax in the Kingdom , for now it serves to another use ; so is it here in these elements ; but still know , the difference is not in the matter , or substance , but in the use . And this is the reason why this blessed bread , and wine is termed a communion , namely , because it is an instrument whereby Christ inflates me into himself , and whereby I have fellowship , and communion with him . In the words then we have these particulars , viz. 1. A sin . If any man shall presume to eat that bread , or drink that cup unworthily . It s a dangerous thing , a great sin to eat and drink at the Lords Table in an unworthy manner . 2. A punishment . He eats and drinks damnation , or judgment unto himself . So that now what was ordained to life , and appointed to be a seal and confirmation of Gods love and favour , is now changed and become a seal and confirmation of Gods anger and indignation . The unworthy receiving of it makes it prove clean contrary to what it was intended . 3. A reason , because he discerns not the Lords body , but takes them as ordinary things , deeming the elements not different from the bread and wine which we have at our Tables , not knowing that they are the dishes wherein Christ is served in unto us , that by these the greatest gift is given us , and nourishment conveyed , for the maintenance of our spiritual life . This life was given us in baptism , but in and by these signs is conveyed spiritual nourishment for the continuance and maintenance of it , for the strengthning of our faith , and making us daily stronger and stronger to fight the Lords battles : Now , when we discern not this , nor by the eye of faith see Christ Jesus , crucified for us , and by these elements conveyed unto us , but take them hand over head without any consideration , we receive them unworthily , and a fearful indignity is offered unto Christ , which he will certainly revenge . I 'le then 1. Shew in general what it is to eat worthily . 2. What it is to eat judgment ; and then 3. I l'e come to the particulars , how this sin may be avoided , and what the particulars are wherein the sin consists . 1. Concerning the first , What it is to eat unworthily . Obj. And here may some say , is there any of us who can avouch that he eats and drinks at the Lords Table 〈◊〉 ? is any so presumptuous to say , that he is worthy to eat Christs flesh , and drink his blood ? As for bodily food and entertainment , we are unworthy to present them to him ; The Centurion could say , I am not worthy that thou shouldst come under my roof ; How then comes this to pass , that he which eats and drinks the Lords body unworthily , eats and drinks damnation to himself ? If we are not worthy to present bodily food unto him ; can we be worthy to receive spiritual food from him ? Sol. But here understand what is set down ; worthiness is not alwayes taken for a matter of merit , or proportion of worth between the person giving and receiving ; but in Scripture it 's often taken for that which is meet , fitting , and beseeming ; And in this sense the Apostle uses it , 1 Cor. 16.4 . If it be meet that I go also , they shall go with me . If it be meet : The word in the Original is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or worthy , which is here rightly translated meet ; so in that Sermon of Saint John Baptist , Mat. 3.8 . bring forth fruits meet for repentance ; that is , fruits beseeming amendment of life . And in this sense are we said to walk worthy of God , who hath called us to his Kingdom and glory . Worthy of God , that is , worthy of that calling God hath imparted to us , 1 Thes. 2.12 . And therefore to use the similitude as I have elsewere , If the King should vouchsafe to come into a Subjects house , and find all things fit and beseeming so great a Majesty , that Subject may be said to give the King worthy entertainment ; not that a Subject is worthy to entertain his Prince : But the meaning is , he provided all things , which were meet and fit for the entertainment of him . So is it here : if we prepare our selves with such spiritual ornaments to entertain the King of glory , as are requisite for those , who approach his Table , though our performances come far short of the worth of his presence ; yet we may be said to eat his body , and drink his blood worthily . When the King in the Gospel had prepared his feast , two sorts of guests there were , who where unworthy . 1. Those that made light of the invitation , who had their excuses , when they should come to the feast ; One must go to his farm , another to try his Oxen , &c. Luk. 14.18 . 2. Others there were who came , and yet were unworthy guests , for coming unpreparedly ; for in the midst of the feast the King comes in to view his guests , and beholds a man , that did not refuse to come , but yet came without his wedding garment , and so came unworthily for not coming preparedly . Ye see then there may be an unworthiness in those that do come , since they come unfitted and in a dress unbeseeming such a banquet . They are unworthy receivers of the Lords body , and he accounts it an irreverent usage of him . In like manner may some say touching the Ministery of the Word ; May not I read a good Sermon at home with as much profit ? What needs all this stir ? Why , here 's the advantage and priviledge you get in the publick Ministery of the Word : God himself comes down , as a King amongst us , he views his guests , and considers , who comes with his wedding garment , who comes preparedly . Christ comes and looks on us , and where two or three are gathered together in his name , there he hath promised to be in the midst of them : Math. 18.20 . He walks in the midst of the golden Candlesticks : The Ministers of his Word ; he takes a special view of those , that come and frequent his Ordinances , and is ready ever to reward them . You see then what it is to eat worthily ; it s to do it with that reverence , that is requisite where the King of Heaven is the Master of the Feast . Now this being the sin , unmannerliness , and unprepared approaching his Table ; we come to the second thing , viz. 2. The punishment : And that 's a terrible one : He that eats and drinks unworthily , eats and drinks damnation to himself : Damnation , that 's somewhat hard , the word in the Margent is better , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , judgment . True , there are such as so come , that they deserve to eat condemnation to themselves , as openly profane ones , in whom it's high treason , Being God's vowed enemies , to take his Privy Seal , and put it to so vile a use : this , I say , deserves damnation ; but then others there are that have faith and repentance , and a portion in Christ , yet coming unworthily to this feast , eat judgment to themselves : that is a judgement of chastisement . There is a twofold judgment . 1. One of revenge : for such a person that puts God's Seal to a wrong evidence , having no faith to make Christ his portion : in such a one its high treason to put forth his hand to this tree of life . 2. Another of chastisement , for such a one as hath repentance , and yet comes too unmannerly , and carries himself too carelesly at the Lord's Table : at this the Apostle aims in the Text ; not at that judgment of condemnation , but at a judgment to prevent damnation ; And this appears in the words following , where we shall find the Apostle recounting up the particulars of this judgment of chastisement , For this cause many are weak , and sickly among you , and many sleep , ver . 30. Mark what 's the judgment , he eats : why this ? he 's cast upon his bed of sickness , into a Consumption perchance , or some other corporal disease ; a cause Physicians seldom or never look into : they look to Agues , Colds , or the like ; they never once conjecture that their unworthy eating at the Lord's Table , cast them into the disease , and was the principal cause of the malady . Nay death it self too often is the punishment of such bold attempts , so that all the Physicians in the world cannot cure them , And thus God inflicts temporal judgments to free them from eternal , as appears farther in the 32 ver . When we are judged , we are chastned of the Lord , that we should not be condemned with the world , that is , we undergo a judgment of chastisement , to prevent the judgment of condemnation : which though it be a sharp and bitter pill , yet by the mercy of God we eat that whereby damnation is prevented . This judgment of condemnation is the portion of the profane person , who dares to meddle with that which belongs not to him , against whom the Angel of the Lord with a flaming sword stands to keep the way of this tree of life . Those that come that have faith , yet coming unpreparedly , they eat judgment too , yet by God's mercy it 's that , which preserves them from the damnation of the soul. Now before I come to the particulars , note how careful God is , that spiritual exercises should be spiritually performed . He 's very angry , when he sees a spiritual duty carnally undertaken . For this cause many are sick , &c. that is , because you that are believers : have faith , repentance , and a portion in your Saviour come irreverently , come unpreparedly , perform a spiritual work so carnally . We have presidents hereof in Scripture : and chiefly two : First , for circumcision , Exod. 4.24 . At the 21. v. God sent Moses on a Message into Egypt , and in the 24. vers . the Text saith , It came to pass by the way in the Inn , that the Lord met him , and sought to kill him . This is very strange , this hath no dependance on that which goes before : a strange accident , God sought to kill , although he , but a little before , had sent him into Egypt , and told him he would be with him . Why ? what should he do then ? how should the message be done , and fulfilled ? But what was the reason hereof ? It 's not expressed , yet we may gather from the following words , that it was by reason his son was uncircumcised , for ver . 25. Zippora took a sharp stone , and cut off the fore-skin of her son , and cast it at his feet , and said , surely a blood● husband hast thou been unto me : God would have smitten him for the neglect of the Sacrament of Circumcision . Another instance we have for the Passover in Hezekiah's time . 2 Chron. 30 , 17 , 18. A multitude of the people , yea many of Ephraim and Manasseth , Issachar and Zebulon had not cleansed themselves , yet did they eat the Passover otherwise than it was written . There were many likewise in the Congregation that were not sanctified ; and therefore God punished them . It 's not set down in what manner God punished them , yet by the consequent it may be gathered that is was by sickness , for the next words are to that effect : Hezekiah prayed for them , saying , the Lord pardon every one that prepareth his heart to seek God , the Lord God of his Fath●r , though he be not cleansed according to the purification of the Sanctuary , and the Lord hearkened to Hezekiah , and healed the people . So that you see for this God smites a person , and it 's to be feared lest judgments temporal fall on the whole Nation for this fault ; that he even smites not a few of the people to death . But we pass from this , and come to the particulars . 3. The particulars of this offence , and wherein it consists , that a man comes unworthily , that so we may know whether we are guilty of the crime . Know ther●fore that there are two sorts , that come to the Communion . First , those , to whom the business doth not belong , that have nothing to do with the thing , as openly profane ones . Secondly , such as have interest in the matter , but yet come unpreparedly , and in an unbeseeming manner ; the former take part in the sign , but enjoy not the thing signified : and the latter coming unpreparedly , depart without the comfort , which otherwise they might have . Now mark to whom Christ would say , if he were now coming to judgment in the clouds , to whom I say , If he were now coming in the clouds , he would say , Come ye blessed of my Father , inherit a Kingdom prepared for you from the beginning of the world , Mat. 25.34 . to them he would likewise say , Come to my Table , come to this banquet , partake of my body and blood , and to as many as he would say , Depart from me ye cursed into everlasting flames , to so many would he say , go you from my Table , come not near . Now there are two sorts of people , to whom , if the Lord Jesus were coming in the clouds to Judgment , he would say , Depart into everlasting flames ; and those are these that know not him , and obey not the Gospel of Jesus Christ , 2 Thes. 1.18 . Now to these two sorts of people , Christ would say , if he were on earth , Depart from my Table , meddle not with those Mysteries : And they are , 1. Those that know not God : and indeed it is a most unworthy thing for an ignorant man to come to God's Table . Know , whoever thou art , that art such an one , ●hat it belongs not to thee , it was appointed for an understanding people . The Lord invites not fools and block-heads to his Mysteries . God will not know them that know not him . If thou knowest not what the signs are , or the relation of them to the thing signified , hast no insight , or understanding of the Mysteries : Know that it 's to no other purpose to thee to come to the Sacrament , that if thou wentest to a Mass , to see the Gesticulations , Elevations , or if thou wentest to see a play , not knowing to what end and purpose it was done . Such a one is not a friend of God , but an enemy that shall be destroyed in everlasting fire that knows not him . Deceive not then your selves , but seriously weigh it , and consider what a Judgment falls on us for this . What an unworthy thing is it , when as in one months space , or less , if a man had any care , he might learn as much as would bring him to Heaven . What saith the Apostle ? 1 Cor. 15.34 . Some have not the knowledge of God , I speak this to your shame . And a shameful thing it is indeed , when the knowledge of the Principles of Christian Religion may be had in so short a space , to be so grosly ignorant , as commonly many are . It 's a most unworthy and a shameful thing to think the knowledge of Christ not worth thus much pains . Thou that carest not for the knowledge of God's ways , what hast thou to do to take his Word into thy mouth , to tread in his Courts ? I doubt not but very many here too , are but Babes in Christ. An ignorant person then cannot possibly come worthily ; for w● are to come with faith ; and Faith cannot be without knowledge . And hence are they joyned both together : By his knowledge shall my righteous servant justifie many Isa. 53.11 . By his knowledge , not subjectivè , but objectivè , the knowledge of him : if thou knowest not him , his Nature , and Offices , the end of his offering himself , and wilt be still a meer Ignoramus , come not to God's Table , go to Nebuchadnezzar , and feed with him amongst the beasts , Dan. 4.33 . thou hast nothing to do here : Nay the very beasts among whom he fed , will upbraid thee , For the ox knoweth his owner , and the Ass his master's crib : but thou art like stupid Israel , which did neither know , nor consider ; Isa. 1.3 . This is the first sort . 2. The second are those , that obey not the Gospel of Jesus Christ. They have wit enough , and can talk of Religion fast enough ; but where is the obedience is required ? I know the Lord gives me the proffer of Christ Jesus ; can I cast down my proud Will , and submit it , lay down my stately plumes , and take him , not only as my Priest , to sacrifice himself for me , but as my Lord , and my King to be guided , governed , and ruled by him ? when such a one comes that hath not the power of grace in him , who is filled with nothing , but Rebellion and profaneness ; when such a one comes , and presumes to sit down at God's Table : it is a most unworthy Act ; It 's more fit that such a one should feed amongst the swine , than eat the body , and drink the blood of his Saviour . Nor is it an unworthy Act for these only , but also for civil honest persons , though civility be a good stook whereon the sience of grace may be grafted : but if a man had nothing besides what nature and Education can teach , what moral Philosophy can store us with , we have nothing to do at this Table of the Lord. How can I dare presume to eat Christ's body , and drink Christ's blood , that am not acquainted with God , know not the Principles of Religion , and will not be swayed by him , nor be obedient unto his Gospel ? These are the particulars then , which make a man an unworthy Receiver : First , when he is an ignorant person ; and secondly , when he will not obey the Gospel of Jesus Christ , such persons are to be discarded and cashiered ; they eat the Judgment of condemnation unto themselves . But there are ( as I shewed you ) a second sort , that come , that have interest in the business ; such as have Knowledge , Grace and Faith in Christ , and shall taste of the new wine with Christ , in the world to come , and be with Christ , which notwithstanding may eat and drink unworthily , and come unpreparedly , and irreverently : whereby they lose that comfort that otherwise they might have : and these , though they eat not the Judgment of condemnation , yet they do the Judgment of chastisement : they put God's seal to a blank , but the former sort put it to a false instrument , they put it to a blank , I say , and by that means lose much comfort , yea , temporal life it self too , perchance . They eat a Judgment of Chastisement ; by putting it thus to a blank they taste God's displeasure in sickness , weakness and death ; but I will shew you how you may avoid this : why , come worthily . Fit your selves to the purpose , set to it , and thou shalt see , one Communion will even bring thee to Heaven . I say , if that thou couldst but at one Communion fit thy self to come worthily , thou wouldst find exceeding comfort in it . Try the Lord once , and see what a mighty encrease of grace this will bring unto thee . That you may know how you may come worthily , there are three things requisite to every worthy Receiver at the Lord's Table . 1. Some things are requisite before the Action be enterprised , or else I shall come very unworthily . 2. Some at the time , and in the very act of Receiving . 3. Others after the Communion is ended . Many will be perswaded that there is some preparation to be used before hand , but never do as much as dream of any after . whereas if a man neglect this , the Lords meat is , as it were , lost in us . 1. As for those things , which are requisite before we come to the Lords Table , they are these . 1. A Consideration , what need I have of the Sacrament . Is there any such necessity of it ? Examine then , what need have I to eat my meat and receive my drink ? When we see God brings this before us , let us reason thus with our selves ; it is as needful for the nourishment of my soul to receive the Sacrament , as for my body to take meat and drink . This is that whereby we are spiritually strengthned and enabled to hold out to the last . And here I 'le not stand to dispute the case , whether a man may fall from Grace , or not . And no doubt , but he may : yet I say not , that he doth . I say , no doubt , but he may ; and why ? There is such an opposition , and antipathy betwixt the flesh and the spirit , that did not God refresh the spirit now and then it might be overborn by the bulk of our corruptions . Now Gods Ordinances are appointed to keep it in heart , and refresh it , as the sick spouse was staid with Apples , and comforted with flagons . Cant. 2.5 . And God hath appointed his Sacrament of the Lords Supper to strengthen , and continue that life , which we received in Baptism , as by spiritual nourishment . In Baptism our stock of life is given us ; by the Sacrament of the holy Eucharist it is confirmed and continued . If a child be born only , and after birth not nourished ; there is none but will know what a death such a soul will die . It will quickly perish by famin . So it is here , unless Christ be pleased to nourish that life , which he hath breathed into me in baptisme , and by his Ordinances ●o give me anew supply and addition of grace ; I am a dead man , I am gone for ever upon this ground that I receive not the never perishing food , that endureth ( as Christ who is himself that meat teacheth us ) unto Everlasting life . Joh. 6.27 . Therefore upon examination , being conscious , and privy to the weakness of my faith , to the manifold imperfections of my spirit , to my want of knowledge , the frailty of my memony , my often doubtings , the dangers of relapsing , and falling back in my Christian progress , I cannot but apprehend , that it is no needless thing for me to come both often , and preparedly to the Lords Table . 2. The next action requisite before my coming to the Sacrament , is the whetting of my appetite , and preparing of my stomach ; I must come with an hungry desire , as a man that comes to his meat , that would live and be strong : We think meat very ill bestowed on him , that hath no stomach : Unless we eat Christs body , and drink his blood , we can have no spiritual life . All the question , and the main business is , whether I come hungry , & thirsty , or not , as an hungry and thirsty man , with an Appetite after his meat , and liquor ; longing after Christ , as the Hart after the water brooks . Psal. 42.1 . When a man comes dully , and as Children that play with their meat , cares not whether he eats or not ; when a man comes , I say , without an appetite , its time for God , to take it away from him . It s an unworthy comming , to come with an unprepared stomach , and without whetting our faith , to feed on Christ Jesus crucified . 3. The third action requisite to a worthy Comer , is cleansing of himself . I would fain come , may a man say , to the Lords Table , having such need of it , as I have , and having such an appetite , and desire to feed on Christ ; but I am to come before a great King , therefore I must wash mine hands in innocency . Psal. 26.6 . In the Gospel according to Saint Mark the Jews found fault with Christs Disciples , because they came with unclean or common hands . For so the word signifies , and is so used by the Apostles as equivalent thereunto . I have learned to call nothing common or unclean . Rom. 14.14 . Now when I come to meet the Lord in his Ordinances , I must put off my feet , for the place where I stand is holy . Exod. 3.5 . Wash your hands you sinners , and purifie your hearts you double minded . Jam. 4.8 . The purifying of the soul is that which is required of every worthy Communicant . We come now not to receive life , but strength ; and that it may strengthen us , we must of necessity cleanse our selves . A stomach over-clogged with choler , whatever meat be taken into it , it turns it into i●s own nature : so is it here , unless the vessel be clean , Quodcunque infundis , acescit . Christ Jesus , the purest thing in the world is to come into my soul , as into a sanctuary , and shall not I fit , trim and garnish it to receive him , but leave it as a Pig●sty ? Know therefore , that thou comest unworthily when thou comest with unwashed hands . The people were to be sanctified when they came to receive the Law , Exod. 19.10 . And so must we , if we will receive the benefit from the business in hand . But I cannot stand on all . I pas● from this therefore , to the second thing I proposed ; and that was , 2. Those things which were required of us in the action . And there we have the acts of the Minister in the administration : I must not look on these as idle Ceremonies , but as real Representations , otherwise we take God's name in vain . I must look upon the Minister , who represents the person of Christ , and by the eyes of faith see Christ himself offered for me , when I see the bread broken , the wine poured out . Whosoever therefore , thou art , who wouldst worthily partake of Christ at the holy Table , behold him offered to thee , when the Minister bids thee take , and eat ; take , and drink . And when the Minister bids thee take , know that in as good earnest as the Minister offers thee the bread and wine , the Lord of●●rs thee his Son , Christ Jesus . Take Christ my Son , dead , and crucified for thee . Consider , when thou seest the Minister set the bread and wine apart , how God from all eternity set apart his Son for us : If we have not done this , we must do it . Exod. 12.3 . See the manner of the setting apart of the Lamb , which was a type of Christ ; In the tenth day of the month they shall take unto them every man a Lamb , according to the house of their Fathers : This Lamb was to be set apart , and taken out of the flock . And in the fifth verse , It must be a lamb without blemish : then you shall keep it until the fourteenth day of the same month . From the tenth day to the fourteenth it was to be kept : This typified that Lamb of God , that was so set apart . Then was the Lamb to be killed : by whom ? Vers. 6. by all the Congregation of Israel . And thus was Christ to be singled out , and to be slain : Every mother's son had a hand in killing this Lamb of God. He is set apart to suffer for sinners , picked out as a singled deer ; which being designed to the game , the hounds will follow only , and no other . Thus was Christ hunted to death by one sorrow after another , till he gave up the Ghost upon the Cross. In the Gospel according to St. John , we read how the people took branches of Palm trees , and went forth to meet Christ , cap. 12.12 , 13. and that was the day the Lamb was set apart ; and he was so set apart , till the Jew's Passover . This concerns me , saith Christ. Christ saw himself typified in the Lamb that was set apart : Observe then on that very day , Father , sath he , Deliver me from that hour . On that very day in the Lamb he saw himself to be sacrificed by all the Congregation of Israel . We were all of us actors in the business ; not one here , but had a hand in the offering up of the Son of God , in killing Christ Jesus . Thus for these actions of the Minister , the setting apart of the bread and of the wine . Then follows the breaking of the bread , and the pouring out of the wine . At the breaking of the bread , consider Christ's flesh torn asunder , all the lashes which made such scratches in his flesh , the ruptures which were made by the nails , and the spear that pierced his side . The breaking of him by his Father ; the word signifies , crushing him to powder : God would break him , saith the Prophet , even to powder , Isa. 53.10 . At the consideration hereof how should our faith be stirred and set awake ! Thou takest God's name in vain , if with a dull eye thou canst see things , and not take it to heart . The next action , is The pouring out of the wine : This is my blood , saith Christ , Drink you all of this . Dost thou see the wine poured out ? at that very instant , consider how much blood Christ spilt , how much he poured forth : and that not only in the very time of his passion , when he hung upon the Cross , when the spears pierced his sides , when the nails bored , and digged his hands and feet : But that which he shed in the garden in the cold Winter time , when he shed great drops , great clots of blood , thickest blood that pierc'd his garment , and ran down upon the ground . Consider how much blood he lost , when he was whipped , and lashed : When the spear came to the very Pericardium ; thus let us weigh his torments , and it will be a means to make us much affected with his sufferings for us . But this is not all , there is another thing yet in the blood : This was but the outward part of his sufferings . Yet some there are , who are against Christ sufferings in his soul ; If it were so , say they , then something either in the sacrifices of the old-Testament or in the new Testament , should signifie it . What ever such persons object against it , I am sure there was as much in the sacrifices of the old Testament , as could possibly be in a Type to signifie it . Now that I may make this to appear , know that in every sacrifice , there were two parts , or two things considerable , and those were the Body and the Blood : The whole was to be made a sacrifice , viz. both Body and blood ; the body was to be burned , the blood to be poured forth : Now nothing in a beast can signifie the sufferings of Christ in soul , better then the pouring out of the blood . Lev. 17.11 . The blood was the life , and this is that which had a relation to the soul , and was therefore , as in the same place appears , poured out as an attonement for the soul. And to this in our common prayers , there is an allusion , viz. Grant us gracious Lord so to eat the flesh of thy dear Son Jesus Christ and to drink his blood , that our sinful bodies may be made clean by his body , and our souls washed through his most precious blood . And in Isa. 53.12 . The Metaphor holds , He poured out his soul unto death for us . So that whatever some have fondly thought , its evident and manifest that Christ suffered both in soul and body : Both soul and body were made an offering for sin , in the fashion of sin , who knew no sin . I should have gone further , but the time cuts me off . HEB. 4.16 . Let us therefore come boldly unto the throne of grace , that we may obtain mercy , and find grace to help in time of need . IN handling heretofore the Doctrine of the conversion of a sinner , I declared and shewed you what man's misery was , and what that great hope of mercy is that the Lord proposeth to the greatest sinner in the world . I shewed unto you ●he means whereby we may be made partakers of Christ ; and th●t wa● by the grace of faith , which doth let fall all other things in a man's self , and comes with an open and empty hand , to lay hold on Christ , and fill it self with him . I shewed you also the acts of Faith as it just●fies . And now because it is a point of high moment , wherein all our comfort stands , and in which it lies , I thought good to resume it all again , so far as may concern our practice , that we may see what the work of God's Spirit is from the first to the last , and the conversion of a sinner from the corruptions and pollutions of the flesh in which he wallowed ; and to this purpose have I chosen this place of Scripture , wherein we are encouraged by God's blessed Word , that whatever we are , though accursed , and the greatest sinners in the world ; and that whatever we want , we should come to God's throne of grace . And we are to think that whatever sins are or have been committed , and though our sins are never so great , yet that they are not so great as the infiniteness of God's mercy ; especially having such , not only an Intercessor , but Advocate to plead the right of our cause , so that Christ comes , and he pleads payment ; and that however our debts are great , and we run far in score , yet he is our ransome ; and therefore now God's justice being satisfied , why should not his mercy have place and free course ? This is the great comfort that a Christian hath , that he may come freely , and boldly to God , because he comes but as for an acquittance of what is already paid . As a debtor will appear boldly before his creditor , when he knows his debt is discharged , he will not then be afraid to look him in the face . Now we may come and say , Blessed Father , the debt is paid , I pray give me pardon of my sins , give me my acquittance . And this is that boldness and access spoken of , Rom. 5.2 . In whom we have access by faith . Now that I may not spend too much time needlesly , come we to the ground and matter in the words : Wherein there is 1. A preparative for grace . 2. The act it self whereby we are made partakers of the grace of God. First , the preparatives are two , The Law and the Gospel , and wrought by them . The first preparative . 1. Wrought by the Law. The Law works in a time of great need , or rather by the operative power of the Law convincing us of sin , we are made sensible of our need and deep poverty : This is the first preparative , for a man to be brought to see he stands in great need of God's mercy , and Christ's blood ; so that the sinner cries out , Lord , I stand in great want of mercy . His eyes being thus opened , he is no longer a stranger at home , but he sees the case is wondrous hard with him ; so that he concludes , unless God be merciful unto me in Christ , I am lost and undone for ever . This is the first preparative ; and till we come to it , we can never approach the throne of grace . The second is , 2. Wrought by the Gospel : I see I stand in great need ; but by this second preparative we see a Throne of grace set up , and that adds comfort unto me : If God had only a throne and seat of Justice , I were utterly undone ; I see my debt is extremely great ; but the Gospel reveals unto me , that God of his infinite mercy , hath erected a Throne of grace , a City of refuge , that finding my self in need , my soul may fly unto . And now to fit us for this , God's blessed Spirit works by his Word , to open unto us the rigour and strictness of the Law , and our wants ; to enlighten our understandings , that we stand in great need ; to win our affection , and open the Gospel and its comforts . Therefore , first , for the time of need : The Law reveals unto us our woful condition , to be born in sin , as the Pharisee said , and yet not able to see it . Every man may say in generalities , I am a sinner ; yet to say , and know himself to be such a sinner as indeed he is , to stand in such need ; that he cannot do . This one would think to be a matter of sense , but unless God's Spirit open our eyes , we can never see our selves to be such sinners as we are ; or else what is the reason that the child of God cries out more against his sin and the weight thereof after his conversion , than he did before ? What , are his sins greater or more , than they were formerly ? No , but his Light is greater ; his eyes are opened , and now he sees more clearly what sin is . When the Sun shines , and its rays come in , what a number of motes do we discover , which before we saw not ? Not as if the Sun-beams made them , or the Sun raised the dust ; no , there are here as many motes , and as much dust flying about , as if the Sun shined here : What is the matter then ; Why this ; the Sun discovers them to us . So that here is the point , Our sins in our souls are as motes in the air , and are not more than they were before conversion ; but we cannot see them , till the glorious beams of God's Spirit shine upon us . The sight of sin , and of the danger that comes by it , is the work of God's Spirit . The Spirit discovers sin unto us , Joh. 16.8 . When the Spirit cometh , he shall convince the world of sin : the word is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Spirit shall convince them : And the same word is used , Heb. 11.1 . where Faith is said to be the evidence of things not seen , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Heretofore we had a slight imagination of our sins ; but to have our mouth stopped , and to be convinced , is not a work of flesh and blood , but of God's Spirit , Rom. 3.19 . Till we are awakened by his Spirit , we cannot see , nor feel the mountains and heaps of sins , that lie upon our souls . Thou art dead in sin , Rom. 8. Thou art in bondage ; and to know it , is a work of the Spirit , not of nature . The spirit of bondage , what is that ? Why , however we are all bond men , until the Son hath made us free , in a woful estate , slaves to sin and Satan ; yet till God's Spirit convince us , and shew it us , and make us know it , we shall sleep secure , are not afraid , but think our selves the freest men in the world , and see not this to be a time of need . This therefore is the first preparative , when God brings his people by Mount Sinai , Heb. 12.18 . For you are not come unto the Mountain that may be touched , and that burned by fire , nor unto the blackness , and darkness , and tempest : so Gal. 4.25 . Mount Sinai is made a figure of the Law , which begets bondage . Not that Mount which might be touched , and that burn'd with fire , where was the sound of the Trumpet , and voice of words , such a sound as never before was heard , nor never will be till one day we shall hear the same . The sound of the Trumpet which sounded at the delivery of the Law , Exod. 19.19 . where it is described ; for when the voice of the Trumpet sounded long , and waxed louder and louder , that Moses heard , it was such a noise , a great noise at first , but it grew higher and higher , and at last it came to that heighth that it was almost incomprehensible ; then Moses spake : And what spake he ? The Holy Ghost sets not down what he spake in that place . Look in Heb. 12.21 . So terrible was the voice , that Moses said , I exceedingly fear and quake , Such a kind of lightning and loud voice this was ; the Lord commands such a voice as this , Esay 58.1 . Cry aloud , spare not , lift up thy voice like a Trumpet , and shew my people their transgression , and the house of Jacob their sins . When God shall sound with the voice of the Trumpet of his holy word , of his Law , and shew thee that thou art a trayterous Rebel , and there is an Execution gone out against thee , body and goods : when God sounds thus to a deaf ear of a carnal man , then cometh the spirit of bondage of necessity on him , which shews that we have a time of need . The Law must have this operation before thou comest to the Throne of grace . None will flie to the City of Refuge , till the revenger of blood be hard at his heels : Nor any to Christ , till he sees his want : Thus the Lord makes us know our need by turning the edge of his Axe towards us . Offenders when they are brought to the bar at Westminster for Treason , have the edge of the Axe turned from them ; but wh●n they have received the sentence of condemnation , and are carried back to the Tower , the edge of the Axe is turned towards them . Thus is it here ; The Law turns the edge of God's Axe towards us ; and therefore it 's said of S. Peter's Hearers , Acts 2.38 . That they were pricked to the heart . The Law puts the point of God's sword to our very breasts as it were , and brings us to see that we stand in great need of a pardon , This is the first preparative ; when God enlightens our minds to see our dangerous estate ; and then there must of necessity follow fear , and desire to be rid of this condition ; for the will and affections always follow the temper of the mind : And hence , when a man hath a false perswasion , that he is in a good case , that he is safe and well , what works it but pride , presumption , confidence and security ? So on the contrary , when this perswasion appears to be delusion , contrary effects must follow . If a man be in health and jollity , and on a sudden be proclaimed a Traytor , that he must lose his life and goods , is it possible it should be thus , and he not wrought on , nor have any alteration ? So when news comes from the Law , that thou art a dead man , and everlastingly must perish , the Law then works wrath , that is , it manifests unto us the wrath of God. When it is thus , there follows a shaking and trembling , and it 's impossible but with Moses thou shouldst exceedingly quake and tremble . 2. For all this , there is a Throne of Grace erected ; God hath not forgotten to be merciful , though thy sins be never so great : This is the next preparative for faith , namely , the discovery and acknowledgment of the Gospel of Christ Jesus . We see in in Ezra 10.2 . We have trespassed against our God , and have taken strange wives of the people of the Land ; yet now there is hope in Israel concerning this thing ; we have trespassed ; What then ? must we be the subjects of God's wrath ? No : Yet notwithstanding though we have committed this great offence , there is hope in Israel concerning this thing . What though we have provoked God to indignation , must we be the matter for his wrath to work on ? No : There is balm in Gilead ? Jer 8. ult . Is there no balm in Gilead ? Is there no Physician there ? Why then is not the health of the daughter of my people recovered ? What though then we are sick to death ? yet there is an help in time of need . And this knowledge of the people , that there is a Throne of grace , is the first comfort comes to a miserable and sinful soul. A man that hath a deadly disease , though the Physician do him no good which he hath made use of , yet this he comforts himself in , when he sees a Physician that hath cured the same disease , he sees then there is some hope . Thus it is with a sinful soul. When the welcome news of the Gospel comes , after the Law hath discovered his disease , and says , Be not discouraged , there is a Throne of grace prepared for thee : God hath a seat of justice to deal with Rebels and open Traytors ; but if thou art weary of thy estate , if thou wilt submit to God , take Christ for thy King , and cast down all thy weapons , if thou wilt live like a subject , he hath prepared a Throne of grace for thee . Christ is thy Attourney in the Court to plead for thee ; he is not as the Papists make him , so stout , and one that takes such state on him , as that a man may not come near him . This is the highest injury that can be offered to Christ , to think that any creature hath more mercy and pity than he hath : It is to rob Christ of the fairest flower in his garden , when we rob him of his mercy and pity . Mark that place in Heb. 4.15 . that we may not think him austere , We have not an high Priest that cannot be touched with our infirmities , with the feeling of our infirmities . Christ is no hard-hearted man ; when you were his enemies he loved you , insomuch that he humbled himself , and suffered death , even the death of the Cross for you . And he hath the self same bowels in Heaven that he had on earth ; he wept over Jerusalem , and the self-same weeping heart carried he to Heaven with him , the self same weeping eyes : Believe not then the Papists , that he is so hard-hearted , or so stately , and that his Mother is more ready to speak for us ; fie on it . This is to pervert the Gospel , and make Christ no Christ. We have not an High Priest that cannot be touched with the feeling of our infirmities , Heb. 2 , 17 , In all things it behoved him to be made like unto his brethren , that he might be a merciful and faithful High Priest , &c. Alas , poor soul , saith Christ , what the malice of the Devil is , I know by mine own experience in the flesh ; for Christ was tempted in all things according to us , sin only excepted . I know what the temptations of the world are ; but whereas we have three enemies , the Devil , the world and the flesh , only the two former were his . Christ had the temptations of the world and the Devil , not of the corrupt flesh ; for he had no corrupt flesh : A man that hath been himself in terrible Tempests on the Sea , when he sees a storm , out of his own experience he pities those that are in it ; when as others are not a jot moved : for he hath seen that consternation of mind , which on every side appeared . That — plurima mortis imago : wherereas others having not been there , lay not their miseries to heart . Christ having suffered himself , and being tempted as we were , in sensible of our miseries ; and therefore never count it boldness to come boldly to him , that gives thee this encouragement : Come boldly to the Throne of grace . We must understand that all this is before faith , we must 1. Know that we have a need . 2. That there is a Throne of grace , when God enlightens my conscience , and encourages me to come . And thus having spoken of the preparatives , I come to the work , the main thing it self . Now this is , 2. The Act , Coming ; this coming is believing ; as the feet which carry a man to the place he would be in ; his feet carry him nearer and nearer . If a man cannot be cured but by the Bath , his feet must carry him thither . Now faith is the legs of the soul , the feet that carry us unto Christ : whereas we are afar off , and draw back as all unbelievers ; now by believing we draw near . Now as unbelievers draw back , so believers draw forward ; and therefore John 1.12 . and John 6.35 , To come to Christ and to believe in him are the self-same thing . He that cometh to me shall never hunger , and he that believeth on me shall never thirst . Coming is there made an act of faith , and the same thing with it : The one is the expl●cation of the other ; thy coming to Christ is thy believing in him . When thou hearest of a Throne of grace , and seest the Lord of glory stretching out his golden Scepter , come and touch it , take the benefit of the King's pardon . If a man know there is such a Throne of grace , he must come unto it ; And now begins faith to work . And that thou mayst understand it the better , know that faith then begins first to work , when thou settest the first step towards the Throne of grace . And this is the hour in which salvation is come unto thy house , Luk. 19.9 . None can come to me , saith Christ , except my Father draw him . If thou seest a vertue to come from Christ , and to draw thee as an Adamant , and thou feelest that loadstone working on thee , then begins faith : It makes thee draw near to Christ ; whereas before thou wert a stranger : Till then thou art like thy Grandfather Adam , thou runnest away , and thinkest thy self most secure , when thou wast farthest from God ; but now thou seest no comfort , unless thou draw nigh unto him ; now as the Apostle saith , Phil. 2.13 . It is he that worketh in us the will and the deed ; this must must be wrought in us by God. First , a will , then the deed ; and then it is not only I would do such a thing , but I do it : God works not only the will of coming , but the deed of coming ; and all his acts are acts of faith , and have a promise ; God makes no promise , till we be in Christ ; till we have faith , we are no heirs of the promise ; when a man sets his face towards Jerusalem , and begins to set himself to go to Christ , all he doth then hath the promise ; not a tear now that he sheds but is precious , God puts it into his bottle ; not a cup of cold water , that now he gives , but shall have a great reward ; this is a blessed thing , when every thing we do hath a promise annexed to it , when every step we step hath a promise made to it . Now then the will is the first thing that is wrought in us ; this is that which makes the act of faith , that is , I have a will , a resolution to do this : And the Apostle makes it more than the very deed it self , 2 Cor. 8 , 10. as I may so say , For this is expedient for you , who have begun before not only to do , but to be forward . So we translate it , but look in the Margent , and it 's rendred , ( to be willing ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as the Greek hath it ; as if the will were more than the deed it self ; for a man to come unwillingly , 't is nothing worth ; the ground-work is the will , which is a greater matter than the deed . Nothing more separates a man from Christ , than to say , I will not have this man to reign over me , Luke 19.14 . But if thou canst frame thy will that it shall go perpendicularly on the object , and accept Christ on the terms offered , that 's faith ; and that hath the promise . And therefore the Scripture compares it to conjunction with Christ. And as in the Sacrament , we spiritually eat his flesh and drink his blood ; the conjunction is between Christ and his Church . And therefore the Scripture compares our conjunction by faith to the mystery of wedlock . What makes a marriage ? it's consent . Wilt thou have this man to be thy Husband ? she answers , I will ; that expression makes the marriage . The knot is knit by this mutual pledging of troth , all other things are but subsequents of it . So God saith , Wilt thou have my Son ? Thou shalt have with him all his wealth , though for a time thou must go bare , and fare hard ; yet thou shalt have a Kingdom : When a man considers deliberately , here is the loss , I must deny my self , and obey him , but I shall have a Kingdom , God's blessing , and peace of conscience ; All things considered , casting the best with the worst , then the resolutioa is , this is a true saying , worthy of all acceptation , &c. I 'll take him on any terms , be they never so hard , for I shall be a saver in the end : when we take Christ , as it were , with all his faults ; such his Cross , and the afflictions of the Gospel seem to our carnal apprehensions : though to S. Paul these were the chief , indeed the only matter of his boasting : God forbid that I should glory , save in the cross of our Lord Jesus Christ , Galat. 6.14 . When , I say , we can thus take Christ , this is the Will , &c. this is the will which God requires . There is another comparison in Scripture , John 6.35 . it 's compared to hunger and thirst . Believing was expressed by coming . Believing is expressed by hungring and thirsting . So when I see such a will and desire after Christ , that I hunger and thirst after him , that a hungry man longeth not more for bread , nor the Hart thirsteth more for the water-brooks , than my soul doth for Christ ; why then there is a promise made unto us ; and a promise is never made unto us , till we be in Christ. Matth. 5.6 . Rev. 22.17 . Esay 55.1 . We find promises in them all ; in Mat. 5.6 . Blessed are they which hunger and thirst after righteousness ; for theirs is the Kingdom of Heaven , they shall be filled . Consider here what the nature of hunger and thirst is ; they shall be filled , which implies they were empty before , but now they shall be filled . Suppose now I am not filled with Christ , what am I without him ? No , I want him ; yet there 's a blessing to the hungry and thirsty , and there 's no blessing without faith . If we be not heirs of the faith , we cannot be heirs of the blessing . Dost thou find in thy self an hungring and thirsting after Christ ? Thou art blessed , this faith will save thee . Now faith will say , I am wonderfully pained , faint , and even starved , that I cannot be filled with Christ ; yet be content man , thou shalt be filled with him ; in the mean while thou hast him , and hast blessedness with him , and shalt be blessed . It 's said , 1 John 3.13 . These things have I written unto you that believe in the Name of the Son of God , that you may know that you have eternal life , and that you may believe on the Name of the Son of God. Mark how the Apostle distinguishes these two things ; thou believest on the Name of Christ , yet sayst thou , though I believe , I am not sure of my salvation , I do not know it . Why , let not that much trouble thee , that 's a consequent of it , and that the assurance will follow after ; therefore you should not confound it with believing : These things have I written unto you that ye might know , &c. then there is a conclusion to be deduced from the premisses , so that a man may have full hold of Christ , and yet not be fully assured of his salvation . So t●en here is the will , which is the first thing . But the Lord works the deed also . And whereas it is said that God takes the will for the deed , the place had need be well understood : When we say God takes the will for the deed , it is not alwayes true , unless it be thus understood . When a man hath done to the utmost of his power what he is able , hath endeavoured by all means , then God will take the will for the deed ; but if there be ability in me , and I do not as much as I am able , I do not my utmost endeavour , then God will not take it ; but now God works the will and the deed ; when a man comes to the Throne of grace , and sets forward in his journey towards God , the first thing he doth is to come to the Throne of grace with Christ in his arms , and then having fast hold on Christ , he hastens & delays not , having hold as Joab on the horns of the Altar , 1 King. 2.28 . He hastens , he sees it's no time to delay , he sees its now a time of need ; and Need , as the old proverb is , makes the old wife trot . Is it not need to make hast ( when the pursuer of blood follows ) to the City of Refuge ? who would make delays and demurs , and not run as fast as his legs would carry him ? As soon as I apprehend my need , and see the golden Scepter stretched out , then I come with might and main with Christ in my arms , and present him to the Father , and this is the approaching and drawing near in the Text , to the Throne of grace . But now when I am come thither , what do I say there ? What shall I come and say nothing ? The prodigal soon resolved to go to his Father , and say , I will up and go , there 's the will ; and say , there 's his Speech . The believer is not like to the Son that said to his Father , I will go , but went not ; but when his Father bids him come , he will come ; he will not only say so , but will draw near , and then he hath a promise , He that cometh to me , I will in no wise cast out , Joh. 6.37 . But when we come thither , what must we do ? why we must take unto our selves words , according to the Prophets expression , Hos. 14.2 . Take unto you words , and go unto the Lord , and say , Take away all our iniquities , and receive us graciously , so will we render the calves of our lips . When he comes to the Throne of grace , the thing that he doth , is , he presents unto the Father Christ , bleeding , gasping , dying , buried , and conquering death ; and when he presents Christ to him , he opens his case , and confesses his sin to the full , and says , Lord , this is my case : As a beggar when he comes to ask an alms of you , he will make a preface , and tell you his extremity ; Sir , I am in great want , I have nor tasted a bit of bread in so many days , and unless you help me by your charity , I am utterly undone . Now when these two concur , that there is true need in the beggar , and liberality in him , of whom he begs , it encourages the beggar to be importunate , and he prevails ; you may know when the beggar hath need by his tone , accent or language : The needy beggars tone and accent is different from the sturdy beggars that hath no need ; but yet , though the beggar be in great misery , if he see a churlish Nabal go by him , he hath no heart to beg , and follows him not , nor begs so hard , because he hath but little hope to attain any thing from him . But I say let both these meet together ; first , that the beggar is in great need , then , that he of whom he begs , is very liberal , it makes him beg hard ; but now cannot he pray without book ? Think not that I speak against praying by the book ; you are deceived if you think so ; but there must be words taken to us besides , which perhaps a book will not yield us . A beggars need will make him speak , and he will not hide his sores ; but if he hath any sore more ugly or worse than another , he will uncover it ; good Sir , behold my woful and distressed case , he lays all open to provoke pity . So when thou comest before God in confession , canst thou not find out words to open thy self to Almighty God , not one word whereby thou mayst unlap thy sores , and beseech him to look on thee with an eye of pity ? I must not mince my sins , but amplifie and aggravate them , that God may be moved to pardon me ; till we do thus , we cannot expect that God should forgive us . A great ado there is about auricular confession , but it 's a meer bable ; It were better to cry out our sins at the high Cross , than the confess in a Priests ear . Thou whisperest in the Priest's ear ; what if he never tell it , or if he do , art thou the better ? Come and pour out thy heart and soul before Almighty God , confess thy self to him as David did , for that hath a promise made to it , Psal. 51.4 . Against thee , thee only have I sinned , and done this evil in thy sight , that thou may be justified when thou speakest , and clear when thou judgest . Why so ? Why , one main cause why we should confess sin , is to justifie God. When a sinner confesses , I am a child of wrath ; and of death , if thou castest me into hell , as justly thou mayst , I have received but my due ; when a man does thus ( as the King's Attourney may frame a Bill of Inditement against himself ) he justifies Almighty God. He gives God the honour of that justice , which at the present he executes in pouring horrour into the conscience of the sinner , and hath farther in store in providing the Lake of fire and brimstone for the impenitent . Thus did David , Against thee , against thee , &c. Now when we have thus aggravated our misery , comes the other part of begging , to cry for mercy with earnestness , and here 's the power of the Spirit . It 's one thing for a man to pray , and another thing for a man to say a prayer , but to pray and cry for mercy , as David did , in good earnest , to wrestle with God , to say , Lord , My life lies in it , I will never give thee over , I will not go with a denial ; this is termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , this is the work of God's Spirit . I named you a place in Jude , ver . 20. where the Apostle exhorts , but ye beloved , build up your selves in your most holy faith , praying in the Holy Ghost ; there 's the prayer of the faithful , to pray in the Holy Ghost . And in the Ephesians we read of an Armour provided for all the parts of a man's body , yet will not serve the turn , unless prayer come in as the chief , Ephes. 6.18 . Praying always with all prayer and supplication in the Spirit , and watching thereunto with all perseverance , &c. This is the prayer of faith , that procures forgiveness of sins ; we must pray in faith , and in the Spirit ; that is the language , which God understands . He knoweth the meaning of the Spirit , and knoweth none else but that : Many men are wondrously deceived in that which they call the Spirit of prayer . One thinks it is a faculty to set out ones desires in fair words , shewing earnestness , and speaking much in an extemporary prayer . This we think commendable , yet this is not the Spirit of prayer . One that shall never come to Heaven , may be more ready in this , than the child of God ; for it is a matter of skill and exercise ; the Spirit of prayer is another thing . The Spirit helpeth our infirmities , for we know not what we should pray for as we ought ; the Spirit it self makes intercession for us with groanings that cannot be uttered , Rom. 8.26 What shall we think then , that the Holy Ghost groans or speaks in prayer ? No : but it makes us groan , and though we speak not a word , yet it so enlarges our hearts , as that we send up a volley of sighs and groans which reach the Throne of grace . And this is the Spirit of prayer , when with these sighs and groans I beg , as it were , for my life . This is that ardent affection the Scripture speaks of . A cold prayer will never get forgiveness of sins ; it 's the prayer of faith which prevails . The prayer of the people availeth much , if it be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , fervent . In the Ancient Churches those that were possessed with an evil spirit , were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , because that caught them up , and made them do actions not sutable to their nature ; Prayer is a fire from Heaven , which if thou hast it , will carry all Heaven before it ; there is nothing in the world so strong as a Christian thus praying : Prayers that are kindled with such a zeal , are compared to Jacobs wrestling with the Angel , Hos. 12.4 . whereby he had power over the Angel. The Prophet expounds what this wrestling was , he wept and made supplication unto him ; he found him in Bethel , and there he spake with him . This is the wrestling with God , when thou fillest Heaven with thy sighs and sobs , and bedewest thy couch with thy tears as David did ; and hast thy resolution with Jacob , I will not let thee go except thou bless me . God loves this kind of boldness in a beggar , that he will not go away without an answer . As the poor Widow in the Parable that would not give over her suit , so that the Judge though he feared not God , nor cared for man , by reason of her importunity , granted her desire . Mark the other thing in the Apostle , he bids us pray with the Spirit , and with perseverance ; and he that cometh thus hath a promise made to it : He that calleth on the Name of the Lord shall be saved . Call on me in the day of trouble , and I will hear thee ; it 's set down fully , Matth. 6.7 . Ask and you shall have , seek and you shall find , knock and it shall be opened unto you ; for every one that asketh receiveth , and he that seeketh findeth , and to him that knocketh it shall be as opened . One would think this were idem per idem , but it is not so . He bids us ask and it shall be given , seek and you shall find , &c. There is a promise annexed to asking , seeking and knocking , but it is also proved by universal experience ; for every one that asketh , &c. It 's very man's case ; never any man did it yet , that hath lost his labour , in not attaining what he asked . If thou hast it not yet , thou shalt have it in the end ; it is so fair a petition to ask , to have thy sins pardoned , that God would be friends with thee , and that Christ would make thee love him : and that God would be thy God , that God delights in it . This is the point then ; Suppose God answer not presently , yet knock still , seek still ; that is perseverance , the thing whereby it is distinguished from temporary asking . The hypocrite will pray in a time of need and adversity , but his prayer is not constant , Job 27.10 . Will the hypocrite always call upon God ? If they come and seek God , and he will not answer , as Saul did , they will try the Devil . God would not answer Saul , and he presently goes to the Devil . It 's not so with God's children ; they pray , and pray , and wait still ; they pray with the Spirit , and with perseverance ; God deals not always alike with his children , but differently ; sometimes he answers presently , sometimes he makes them wait his leisure , Psal. 32.5 . I said I would confess my sins , ( says David ) and my transgressions , and thou forgavest the iniquity of my sin ; so Dan. 9.21 . When he set himself to seek God , even while he was speaking and praying , the man Gabriel appeared unto him , and touched him about the time of the evening oblation . Before the word was out of his mouth God was at his heart , and presently sends him a dispatch . The like we see in Esay 65.24 . Mark what a promise there is ; It shall come to pass that before they call I will answer ; and while they are yet speaking , I will hear . This is a great encouragement ; but it may be God will not always do this , and what 's the reason ? Why , he hath a wonderful great delight to be wrestled withal , and to hear the words of his own Spirit ; nothing is more delightful to him than this , when the Spirit is earnest , and will not give over . I will not let thee go , unless thou bless me , Gen. 32.26 . It 's said in the Canticles , honey is under the lips of the Church , Cant. 4.11 . Why so ? it's because there is no honey sweeter to the palate , than spiritual prayer to God. And therefore God delays to answer thee , because he would have more of it . If the Musicians come and play at our doors , or windows , if we delight not in their Musick , we throw them out money presently , that they may be gone ; but if the Musick please us , we forbear to give them money , because we would keep them longer , for we like the Musick . So the Lord loves and delights in the sweet words of his children : and therefore puts them off , and answers them not presently : Now God's children , let him deny them never so long , yet they will never leave knocking and begging ; they will pray , and they will wait still , till they receive an answer . Many will pray to God , as prayer is a duty , but few use it as a means to attain a blessing . Those who come to God in the use of it as a means to attain what they would have , they will pray , and not give over ; they will expect an Answer , and never give over petitioning till they receive it . ROM . 5.1 . Therefore being justified by faith , we have peace with God through our Lord Jesus Christ , &c. HAving declared unto you the nature of faith , and that point which concerns the practice of it in our near approach unto God ; I am now come to shew unto you the fruits and benefits Christians receive from this Mother-grace ; and that the Apostle sets down in these words . He sets down , 1. The Mother-Grace it self , together with its principal benefit ; Justification , or reconciliation with God : that whereas we were afar off , we are made near ; and of enemies , made friends of God. Then , 2. There are the daughters or hand-maids of this grace : For when we are justified by Faith , then , 1. We have peace with God ; that peace of conscience , which passeth all understanding ; then , 2. We have free access by faith unto the Throne of grace , so that we need not look for any other Mediators . Christ hath made way for us to God , so that we may go boldly to the Throne of grace , and find help at any time of need . 3. There follows a joyful hope , that a Christian hath by it , a taste of Heaven , before he come to enjoy it . We rejoyce in hope , saith the Apostle ; hope being as firm a thing as faith , faith makes things absent as present ; hope hath patience with it , and would have us wait . We shall be sure of it , but yet we must wait patiently . 4. Not only rejoycing in hope , but even in that which spoils a natural man's joy , as in crosses , troubles , afflictions ; for even these are made the matter of this man's joy , not delectable objects only . Not in time to come after afflictions , but in afflictions ; so as that which spoils the joy of a natural man , is fuel to kindle this man's joy . Now concerning justification by faith ; though it be an ordinary point , yet there is nothing more needs Explication , than to know how a man shall be justified by Faith. It is easily spoken , hardly explicated ; Therefore in this mother-Grace , I shall shew you , 1. What faith is , that doth justifie . And , 2. What this justification is . For it is not so easie a matter neither . 1. Concerning the nature of faith , I have spoken sufficiently already wherein it consists ; but yet notwithstanding , there is a certain thing as like this faith as may be , and yet comes short of it . Many there are who are like the foolish Virgins , that thought they were well enough , and thought they should come time enough . So many think verily that they have faith ; yea , and perchance go with such a perswasion to their very graves , and think they have grace , and that they labour after Christ , and lay hold on him , and are free from worldly pollutions , so as that they have a taste and relish of the joy of the world to come , and yet are carried all this while in a fool's Paradise , and think there is no fear of their safety ; never knowing that they are cast-aways , till they come to the gates of hell , and find themselves by woful experience shut out of Heaven . And their case is woful , that are thus deceived . Know then , that it is not every faith that justifies a man ; a man may have faith , and yet not be justified . The Faith that justifies , is the Faith of Gods Elect. Tit. 1.1 . There is a faith that may belong to them that are not Gods elect , but that faith does not justifie . In the Epistle of Timothy , that faith which justifies , must be a faith unfegn'd , 1 Tim. 1.5 . 2 Tim. 1.5 , Now here 's the skill of a Christian to try what that faith is , which justifies him . Now this justifying faith is not every work of Gods Spirit in a mans heart : For there are supernatural operations of the Spirit in a mans heart , that are but temporary , that carry him not thorow , and therefore are ineffectual : but the end of this faith is the salvation of our souls . 1 Pet. 1.9 . We read in the Scripture of Apostacy , and falling back . Now , they cannot be Apostates , that were never in the way of truth . This being an accident , we must have a subject for it ; Now there is a certain kind of people that have supernatural workings ; some that are drawn up and down with every wind of Doctrine ; these are they that have this cold and temporary faith ; temporary , because in the end it discovers it self to be a thing not constant and permanent . We read in John 11.26 . That they that are born of God ( that is , that live , and believe in Christ ) never see death , shall never perish eternally ; but yet we must know withal , that there may be conceptions that will never come to the birth , to a right and perfect delivery . And thus it may be in the soul of a man , there may be conceptions that will never come to a ripe birth ; but let a man be born of God , and come to perfection of birth , and the case is clear , he shall never see death . He that liveth and believeth in me , shall not see death . And this is made a point of faith : Believest thou this ? There is another thing called conception , and that is , certain dispositions to a birth , that come not to full perfection . True , a child that is born and liveth , is a perfectly alive as he that liveth an hundred years : yet I say , there are conceptions that come not to a birth . Now , the faith that justifies , is a living faith : there is a certain kind of dead faith ; this is a feigned , that an unfegned faith ; The life that I now live , I live by the faith of the Son of God. Dost thou think a dead faith can make a living soul ? It s against reason . A man cannot live by a dead thing , not by a dead faith . Now a dead faith there is . A faith that doth not work is a dead faith , Jam. 2.22 . Seest thou how faith wrought with his works and by his works was faith made perfect for verse 26. As the body without the spirit is dead , ( or without breath is dead ) so faith without works is dead also . See how the Apostle compares it , as the body without the spirit is dead , so faith without works is dead also . The Apostle makes not works the form of faith , as the soul is the form of the man : But as the body without the spirit is dead , so that faith , that worketh not , that hath no tokens of life , is dead ; but then doth not the other word strike home ? Faith wrought with his works . It seems here is , as the Papists say , fides informis , and works make it up as the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of it . But compare this with the other places of the Scripture and the difficulty will be cleared , for instance weigh that place . 2 Cor. 12.9 . Where the Apostle pray'd to God , that the messenger of Satan might be removed from him ; and he said unto him , My grace is sufficient for thee , for my strength is made perfect in weakness . What ? Does our weakness make Gods strength more perfect , to which nothing can be added ? No , it is , My strength and the perfection of it , is made known in the weakness of the means that I made use of for the delivery of mans soul from death . So here the excellency and perfection of our faith is made known by works ; when I see that it is not an idle , but a working faith , then I say it is made perfect by the work : When it is a dead faith , that puts not a man on work , never believe , that will make a li●ing soul. In St. Judes Epistle , ver . 20. it hath another Epithete , viz. The most holy faith : not holy only , but most holy . That faith which must bring a man to God the holy of holies , must be most holy . It 's said , that God dwells in our hearts by faith . Ephes. 3.17 . Now God and faith dwelling in a heart together , that heart must needs be pure and clean . Faith makes the heart pure : It were a most dishonourable thing to entertain God in a sty ; a filthy and unclean heart : but if faith dwell there , it makes a fit house for the habitation of the King of Saints , therefore it purifieth the heart . Well then , dost thou think thy sins are forgiven thee ; and that thou hast a strong faith , and yet art as prophane , and as filthy as ever ? How can it be ? It is a most holy faith that justifieth , it is not a faith that will suffer a man to lie on a dunghil , or in the gutter with the hog . There may be a faith , which is somewhat like this , but it is but temporary , and cometh short of it . But now there is another thing which distinguishes it : it is the peculiar work of faith . In Jesus Christ neither circumcision availeth any thing , nor uncircumcision , but the new creature , Gal. 6.15 . and again Gal. 5.6 . Neither circumcision nor uncircumcision availeth any thing , but faith which worketh by love . It 's twice set down . Now what is a new creature ? Why , he that hath such a faith , as works by love : not a dead faith , but a faith that works ; but how does it work ? it not only abstains from evil , and does some good acts , which a temporary may do , but it s such a faith as works by love . The love of God constrains him , 2 Cor. 5.14 . and he so loveth God , as that he hates evil for Gods sake ; the other does it not out of love to God ; all the love he hath , is self-love : he serves his own turn on God rather than hath any true love to serve him . Now that we may the better distinguish between these two , I shall endeavour to shew you how far one may go farther , than the other . I know not a more difficult point then this , nor a case more to be cut by a thread , then this ; it being a point of conscience ; therefore , First , I declared unto you the nature of faith ; How God first works the will and the deed , and that there is a hungring and thirsting after Christ. First , I say there is a will and desire to be made partaker of Christ and his righteousness ; then there is the deed too . We are not only wishers and woulders , but do actually approach unto the Throne of grace , and there lay hold on Christ , touch the Golden Scepter , which he holdeth out unto us ; but , Object . Now you will ask , Is there not an earnest and good desire in a temporary faith , a desire unfeign'd ? Sol. Yes , there may be for a time , a greater and more vehement desire in a temporary , then in a true believer , then in the elect themselves , all their life . Object . Where 's the difference then ? I thought all had been well with me , when I had such a desire , as I could scarce be at rest , till it were accomplished . Sol. I answer , beloved , It is a hard matter to tell you the difference : but you must consider , 1. From whence this desire flows ; whether it come from an accidental cause ; as if by accident my heart be made more soft , and I more sensible of my condition , or whether my nature be changed ; to give you an instance , in iron : when iron is put into the forge it is softned , and as soon as it 's taken forth , we say 't is time to strike , while the iron is hot ; the fire hath made a change in it , it 's malleable , the hammer is able to work on it ; but let the fire be gone , and it 's as hard as before ; nay , we say steel is harder , so that there is no change in the nature of iron , it 's hard still , redit ad ingenium , it goes back into its own estate . If it be softned , it is by an accidental cause ; so here , as long as the temporary faith is in the furnace of afflictions , when God shall let loose the cord of his conscience , and makes him see that there is no way for salvation but by Christ , then the sense of his torture will make him desire with all the veins in his heart to have Christ. See a singular example of this temporary desire in Psal. 78.34 . When he slew them , then they sought him , and returned and enquired early after God. So Prov. 1.27 . When their fear was on them as desolation , and their destruction as a whirlwind : when distress and anguish cometh upon you , then shall they call upon me , &c. Not with a feigned desire , but in truth and reality they desire relief ; They remembred then that God was their Rock , and the high God their Redeemer ; they saw a Redeemer when he was slaying of them , and they believed that God would free them , though it was but temporary : Nevertheless they flattered him with their mouths , and lied unto him with their tongues ; for their heart was not right with him , neither were they stedfast in his Covenant . Observe then this was but a temporary case , a temporary change ; there was no new creature , no new nature wrought : but being in the furnace of affliction , as long as the fire was hot they were pliable ; they were not stedfast in his Covenant . Let this be an admonition to them that think they never can have true faith , till God slay them . I am not of that opinion . God sometimes useth this means , but it is not so necessary , as that it cannot be o●herwise ; and to speak truly , I had rather have faith that comes another way : The difference is this , The temporary believers will have Christ while God is slaying of them , whilst they are in the furnace of afflictions : but the other in cold blood , when God's hand is not on them . The true believer is sick of love , and when he hath no affliction , nor God's hand on him , with the Apostle , he accounts all things dung and dross for the excellency of the knowledge of Christ Jesus , Philip. 3.8 . There is an ardent desire , when this external cause draws not . If when thou art out of the forge , thou hast thy heart softned , and findest this work of grace and faith to drive thee to Christ , thou hast a faith unfeigned , and so the faith of God's elect . Again , there is not only this desire in him who hath a temporary faith ; but having understood the Word , he so desires it , that when he knows there is no having Christ , nor happiness or salvation by him , unless he deny himself , and part from his evil ways , being perswaded of this , out of self-love he would have Christ ; and seeing these be the terms , that he must turn a new leaf , and lead a new life , or go to hell , therefore he will do this too ; this is much : yet I say , he doth this too ; but how shall this be proved ? most evidently in 2 Pet. 2.20 . For if after they have escaped the pollutions of the world , through the knowledge of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ , they are again intangled and overcome , the latter end with them is worse than the beginning . Here is that Apostacy , and here is the subject of the temporary faith . It had been better for them not to have known the way of righteousness , than after they have known it , to turn from the holy Commandment delivered unto them ; this was a temporary conversion , as Ephraim , like a broken bow , turned back in the day of battel , Psal. 78.9 . Observe what they did ; they were like the foolish Virgins , they kept their maiden-heads in respect of the pollutions of the world ; they lived very civilly , they escaped the pollutions of the world , and no man could challenge them of any filthy act : they knew that Christ was the King of Saints , and had the knowledge of him : they knew that it was not fit that the King of glory and holiness should be attended on by the black guard , that they must have sanctity that will follow him ; and therefore they laboured to be fit to attend him : They escaped the pollutions of the world , but yet it continues not : Why so ? For it happened to them according to the true Proverb , the Dog is returned to his vomit , and the Sow that was washed , to her wallowing in the mire . Mark , the Dog turns again to his own vomit . This proceeds from some pang in his stomach , that enforceth that filthy beast to disgorge it self , that it may have some ease ; but he quickly gathers it up again , as soon as the pang is over . Some there are , that would be content to hide their iniquity under their tongues , at Job speaks , chap. 20. vers . 12. but there comes a pang sometimes , a pang in their consciences , which forceth them to vomit up their sweet bits again : but well , the fit is gone ; and being gone , they , like the filthy dog , return to their vomit again , considering the pleasure which they took in that filthy thing : that they did disgorge themselves , was but from that pang and present pinch , not from the loathing or hatred of the thing , and therefore they return again unto it . By the way then take notice of the filthiness of sin ; how filthy is it , that the Lord compares it to the vomit of a dog ? Then there follows another comparison of it : It is as the Sow that is washed , and returns to her wallowing in the mire : See another loathsome resemblance of this temporary faith ; the Sow was washed , but how ? her swinish nature was not washed from her ; as long as the Sow is kept from the mire , in a fair Meadow with the Sheep , she looks as sleek and clean as they : she was washed ; there is an external change , but her nature remained : bring the Sow and the sheep to a puddle , the sheep will not go in , because it hath no swinish nature ; but the other , retaining its swinish nature , though before in outward appearance , as clean as the sheep was , yet she goes again to her wallowing in the mire . There may be the casting away of a man's sins , and yet no new creature wrought in him . That I may shew this to you , take this example . A man known to be as covetous a man as liveth , he loveth his money as well as his God ; yet perchance this man is brought in danger of the Law , and must be hanged for some misdemeanor committed ; this man , to save his life , will part with all he hath : What , is his disposition changed ? no , not a whit ; he is as covetous as before , he is the same man , he doth it to save his life , and to this end he is content to part with his money . The same mind had those in the Acts of the Apostles , who in a storm cast their wares into the Sea with their own hands , Act. 27. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . willingly , and yet half unwillingly ; for the saving of their lives they would part with these things , yet it was with a great deal of repining and reluctancy . As we read of Phaltiel , when his wife was taken from him , he followed behind weeping , 2 Sam. 3.16 . till they bid him be gone , and return back . So these men forsake their sins , and hate them , but it is but imperfectly ; they part with them , but they part weeping . Well , at this parting there may be a great deal of joy ; it may taste not only the sweetness of the Word of God , but because they are in a disposition and way to salvation , they may have some kind of feeling of the joys , and taste of the powers of the world to come ; as the Apostle speaks , Heb. 6.4 . It is impossible for those who were once enlightned , and have tasted of the heavenly gift , and were made partakers of the Holy Ghost , &c. There is a supernatural work wrought in them , and they have tasted the good Word of the Lord ; they begin to have some hope , and rejoyce in the glory of the world to come : What is the difference then ? here is a tasting ; but as it is Joh. 6.54 . it is not said , he that tastes my flesh , and tastes my blood ; but he that eats my flesh , and drinks my blood , hath eternal life . There is a difference betwixt tasting and drinking , there may be a tasting without drinking ; and the Text saith , Matth. 27.34 . When they gave Christ Vinegar , he tasted thereof , but would not drink . He that can take a full draught of Christ crucified , he shall never thirst , but shall be as a springing fountain that springeth up to everlasting life ; but it shall not be so with him that doth but taste . The Vintner goes round the Cellar , and tastes every Vessel ; he takes it into his mouth , and spits it out again , and yet knows by the tasting , whether it be good or bad ; the wine goeth but to his palate , it reaches not the stomach . So a temporary believer tastes and feels what an excellent thing it is to have communion with Christ , and to be made partaker of his glory ; but he does but taste it . Look in Hosea 5.15 . where we have another instance of this temporary Believer : Ye would think they sought in God in a good sort , and in as good a manner as one could desire : well , but how did they seek him ? It was only upon occasion , in time of affliction : I will go and return to my place until they acknowledge their offence , and seek my face ; in their affliction they will seek me early ; and again , Hosea 6.4 . The Lord complains of them notwithstanding . They will in their affliction seek me early : Was not this a fair returning ? Come ( say they ) let us return unto the Lord , for he hath torn , and he will heal us , &c. What a deal of comfort did they seem to gather from the wayes of the Lord ! But see what follows , Hosea 6.4 . O Ephraim , saith the Lord , what shall I do unto thee ? O Judah what shall I do unto thee ? For your goodness is as the morning cloud , and as the early dew it goeth away ; that is , it is but a temporary thing , wrought by affliction , which will not abide . As when a wicked man on his death-bed desires that God would spare him and restore him to his health , and that he would become a new man , all this comes but from the terrours of death ; for it oft proves , that if God restores him he becomes as bad , if not worse , than ever he was before . But that I may not hold you too long ; 2. Take this for another difference : That Gods children can as earnestly desire grace as mercy ; The temporary desire mercy , but never desire grace . The believer desires grace to have his nature healed , to hate his former conversation . The temporary never had , nor never will have this desire ; should one come to the temporary believer , and tell him God will be merciful unto him , you may go on , and take your fill of sin , you shall be sure of mercy ; he would like this well , and think it the welcomest news as could be , because he only fears damnation , and self-love makes him only desire freedome from that ; but now the child of God hates sin , though there were no Hell , Judge nor Tormentor ; he begs as hard of God for grace , as for mercy , and would do so , were there no punishment . His nature being chang'd , he desireth grace , as well as mercy , which the temporary never does . 3. The last mark is from the words of the Apostle , Neither circumcision availeth any thing , nor uncircumcision , but faith which worketh by love . Love and the new creature puts Gods children on work ; their hearts are first altered , and changed by being made new creatures . As the Scripture saith , his flesh is circumcised , he is a dead man ; dead , not , as formerly , in trespasses and sins , but dead unto them . Ephes. 2.1 . & Rom. 6.11 . Deadness argueth impotency of doing those things which a living man doth ; he cannot walk , &c. The temporary will not sin for fear of after-claps , but this man cannot sin , his heart is changed , he is dead to sin ; we see how both abstain from sin , but the temper and disposition is not alike . The temporary believer perchance commits not the sin , but he could find in his heart to do it ; he saith not with Joseph , How can I do this great wickedness and sin against my God ? The other saith , I could do this evil well enough , but I will not . Thou canst not be●n those that are evil saith Christ in his Epistle to the Church of Ephesus . This was her great commendation . Revel . 2.2 . Now he that is born of God cannot sin , there is that seed , that spring in him , that for his life he cannot sin , but it turns his heart from it ; for his life he cannot tell how to swear , lye , &c. or joyn with others in wickedness ; but this must be understood of the constant course of their lives ; I speak not what they may do in temptations , when they are surprised , but in the course of their lives , they commit sin , as if they knew not how to do it ; the other doth it skilfully ; these coblingly , and bunglingly , they do it ill-favouredly ; thus it is with a wicked man in doing a good work , he cobles it up . This is intimated unto us in the very Phrase of the Apostle , Whosoever is born of God doth not commit sin : It is not the same thing to sin , in St. John's acception , and to commit sin ; committing sin is the action of the Artist , and Practitioner in the Trade ; From this the seed of God , which abideth in the regenerate ; secureth him , 1 Joh. 3.9 . Psal. 32.12 . Thy faith then must be a faith that worketh by love : Canst thou do those good works thou doest out of love ? then , my soul for thine , thou art saved . Get me any temporary that loves God , and I shall say something to you . Hast thou then a faith that causeth thee to love God , a working faith , and a faith that will not suffer thee to do any thing displeasing to him ? if thou hast such a faith , thou art justified before God. 2. And so I come now to the point of justification , the greatest of all blessings : Blessed is he ( saith David ) whose transgression is forgiven , and whose sin is covered ; blessed is the man to whom the Lord imputeth not iniquity : It is the most blessed condition that can be ; it is set down by way of Exclamation . O , the blessedness of the man , to whom the Lord imputeth not iniquity ! or , as the Original imports ; O , the blessedness of the man discharged from sin . Here are many blessings conceived in our justification from sin . For justification , see what it is ; the Scripture in St. Paul's Epistles , speaks of justification by faith ; and in St James , of justification by works . Now it will be useful to us in this point to know whence justification comes ; it comes from justice , Tsedeck , as the Original hath it , and Hitsdiq , to justifie ; so that justification and righteousness depend one upon the other ; for what is justification but the manifestation of the righteousness that is in a man ? And therefore in Gal. 3.21 . they are put for one the same thing : For if there had been a Law given which could have given life , verily righteousness had been by the Law ; that is , justification had been by the Law. Again , If righteousness be by the Law , then Christ is dead in vain , Gal. 2. that is , also , if justification had been by the Law , &c. Justification is a manifestation of righteousness ; and as many ways as righteousness is taken , so many ways is justification , which is a declaration of righteousness ; so that if there be a double righteousness , there must be also a double justification . Beloved , I bring you no new doctrine ; be not afraid of that ; but I shew you how to reconcile places of Scripture against the Church of Rome , and those things which the Papists bring against us in this point . It stands by reason , seeing justification is a declaration of righteousness , that there must be so many sorts of justification , as there be of righteousness . Now there is a double sort of righteousness , Rom. 8.4 . That the righteousness of the Law may be fulfilled in us ; see then there is a double righteousness ; there is a righteousness fulfilled in us , and a righteousness fulfilled by us , that is walking in the Spirit . The righteousness fulfilled in us , is fulfilled by another , and is made ours by imputation ; so we have a righteousness without us , and a righteousness inherent in us : the righteousness without us , is forgiveness of sins , and pardon of them , which is a gracious act of God , letting fall all actions againsts me , and accounting of me , as if I had never sinned against him all my life time ; then there is a righteousness within me , an inherent righteousness . And if a righteousness , then justification ; for that is but a declaration of righteousness . And so that which the Fathers call justification , is taken generally for sanctification ; that which we call justification , they call forgiveness of sins ; that which we call sanctification , they call justification : so that the difference is only in the terms . Justification we must know , is not taken only as opposed to condemnation , which is the first kind of righteousness , Rom. 6.7 . He that is dead , is freed from sin ; if you look to the Greek , or to the Margent , it is , he that is dead , is justified from sin : This is not took in the first sense as opposed to condemnation , but in the other sense as it hath relation to final grace . The perfection of sanctification is wrought in me ; for where there is final grace , there is a supersedeas from all sin ; so Rev. 22.11 . Let him that is righteous , be righteous still ; the Greek is , let him that is righteous , be justified still . See then the difference between St. Paul , and St. James . St. Paul speaks of that which consists in remission of sins , as in comparing the Apostle with David will appear , Blessed is the man whose sins are forgiven . St. James speaks of justification in the second acception . You need not fly to that distinction of justification before God , and justification before men : Think not that St. James speaks only of justification before men ; Was not Abraham our father justified by works , when he offered up Isaac on the Altar ? What , justified by killing his Son ? this was a proper work indeed to justifie him before man , to be a parricide ; to kill his son , though it were not so before God. So Psal. 106. we read how God accounted the act of Phineas for righteousness : Thus you see how works are accounted righteousness in the second kind of righteousness . In the former righteousness we are justified by faith , for in righteousness inherent there is goodly chain of vertues ; Add to your faith vertue , &c. add one grace to another ; Add to vertue , knowledge : Faith is but one part of the Crown . Now this justification in the first sense , whereby my sins are forgiven , is called the righteousness of God , because of Christ which is God , because it is wrought by Christ , Dan. 9. he is called an everlasting righteousness , which continueth for ever , world without end ; for do not think the Saints in heaven have only the second kind of righteousness , for they have the same covering by justication by Christ in heaven , that they had before . God covers their sins , not here only , but there also ; justification follows them for ever . Quest. But now , what parts hath justification in it ? we are wont to say that there are two parts ; one imputation of righteousness , the other forgiveness of sins . Sol. I answer ; for my own part I think Justification is one simple act of God , and that it is improperly distinguished as parts ; but rather as terminus a quo is distinct from terminus ad quem . And this I shall shew unto you both by reason and authority , that faith is but one act . Let none say that I take away the imputation of the righteousness of Christ : No ; the bringing in of light , and the expulsion of darkness is not two acts , but one ; but there is terminus à quo , and terminus ad quem . We are accounted righteous , and that is , we have our sins forgiven . And the reason is this ; if sin were a positive thing , and had a being in it self , then the forgiveness of sin must be a thing distinct from the imputation of righteousness . Scholars know the difference between adversa and privantia , white and black are both existent , but darkness and light are not , but only a privation one of another . Darkness is nothing of it self , but the absence of light ; The bringing in of light is the suppression of it : You must understand sin hath no being , no entity ; it is only an absence of righteousness , the want of that light which should be in the subject : Which want is either in our nature , and then it is called original ; or in our person and actions , and then it is called actual transgression . Sin is an absence of that positive being , which is , as I said , either in our nature , or works . Then thus I will resolve you in another point , viz. If sin were a positive thing , all the world cannot avoid it , but God must be the Author of it ; for there is nothing can have a being , but it must derive its being from the first being , God. Now , how can we avoid God's being the Author of sin ? Why thus ; It is nothing . But what , is sin nothing ? Will God damn a man , and send him to hell for nothing ? I answer , it is not such a nothing as you make it ; a man is not damned for nothing . It is a nothing privative , an absence of that that should be , and that a man ought to have . As when a Scholar is whipped for not saying his lesson , is he whipped , think you , for nothing ? Indeed he hath nothing , he cannot say a word of his lesson , and therefore it is he is whipped ; it is for a thing he ought to have , and hath not . Well , if you will say there are two parts of justification , do if you please ; but this I take to be the more proper and genuine explanation . Besides , it appears by testimony of the Apostle , Rom. 4.6 . As David describeth the blessedness of the man , to whom the Lord imputeth righteousness without works , &c. Saying , blessed are they , whose iniquities are forgiven , and whose sins are covered . The Apostle cites the Prophet David . Psal. 32. Mark the Apostle's conclusion , and how he proves it . His conclusion is , That man is blessed , unto whom the Lord imputeth righteousness without works . His argument then must needs be thus framed . He whom God forgives , is blessed ; But Him , to whom God imputeth righteousness without works , God forgives ; Therefore he is blessed . Now , how could this assumption hold , if imputation of righteousness , and remission of sins were two distinct acts ? for , not imputing righteousness , is , not to bring in a light which keeps out darkness . But observe , the Apostle to the Colossians and Ephesians , makes this forgiveness of sins the whole work , nay , foundation of our redemption . But here remember , I deny not the imputation of righteousness ; for that is the foundation of the other ; here is the point . How is Christ's righteousness imputed to me ? that positive thing , which expels the other ? Not so , as if Christ's righteousness were in me subjectively ; for it was wrought by his passion as well as his action . The Apostle calls it faith in his blood ; by faith in Christ , Christ's passive obedience is imputed to me . What do you think the meaning is , that God doth esteem me , as if I had hanged on the Cross , and as if I had my side pierced ? No , that would not stead me , or do me any good ; that which was meritorious and singular in him , did reach to us : So that the meaning is this , as it is in the Articles of the Church of England , That we are accounted righteous before God , only for the merit of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ by faith , and not for our own works and deservings ; that is , for the merits of Jesus Christ , God is well pleased with the obedience of his Son , both active and passive : He is so far satisfied , as that he takes us to be in that state for his sake , as if we had fulfilled all his Laws , and never broken them at any time , and as if we owed him not a farthing : This is imputative righteousness , however the Papists may scoff at it . And this kind of justification must of necessity be by imputation : Why ? because , when a man hath committed a sin , it cannot be undone again : God , by his absolute power , cannot make a thing done , undone ; for it implies a contradiction . The act past cannot be revoked , nor the nature thereof changed ; murther will be murther still , &c. How then can I be justified , the sin being past , and the nature of it still remaining ? I say , how can I be justified in the first sense any other way than by imputation ? It is said in 2 Cor. 5.19 . God was , in Christ , reconciling the world unto himself , not imputing their trespasses unto them , &c. This kind of justification , which consists in remission of sins , cannot be imputative ; sin cannot be changed , nor the thing done , undone . But now cometh a greater question : if by justification our sins be forgiven us , what sins are forgiven , I pray ? sins past , or sins to come ? we are taught by some , that in the instant of justification , all our sins past and to come are remitted ; which is in my mind an unsound doctrine : For if we look narrowly into it , we shall find that in propriety of speech , remission of sins hath relation to that which is past ; it is said therefore , Rom. 3.25 . Whom God hath set forth to be a propitiation through faith in his blood , to declare his righteousness for the remission of sins that are past , through the forbearance of God. And remission of sins hath relation to those that are past , as appears by inevitable reason ; for what is remission of sins , but sin covered ? Now can a thing be covered before it be ? blot out mine iniquities , &c. Psal. 51.1 . saith David ; can a thing be blotted out , before it is written ? this is the thing makes the Pope so ridiculous , that he will forgive sins for the time before they are committed ; but what , do we get nothing for the time to come ? yes , yes , when the sin is past , by faith we have a new access unto God ; and having risen by repentance , we get a new act , not of universal justification , but of a particular justification from this and that particular sin . But if there be forgiveness of sins past already , and I know that I am justified , and my sin remitted ; may I now pray for forgiveness of sins past ? The Papists say it is active infidelity , and as absurd as to pray to God to create the world anew , or incarnate his Son again . But there is no remission where there is no praying ; and there is need of praying for the remission of sins past , and against sin for the time to come , as I shall shew next time ; as also , consider whether there be any interruption of the act of justification by falling into great sins . There is no man hath a mind more against quierks and quillets than I ; yet for the opening of these things , and staying and setling the mind , and clearing the understanding , give me leave the next time to clear these things unto you . ROM . 5.1 . Therefore being justified by faith , we have peace with God through our Lord Jesus Christ , &c. IN this Chapter , especially in the beginning thereof , I shewed unto you that the Apostle sets down unto us those special comforts , that a man receives after God hath wrought that supernatural grace of faith in his heart ; so that here is set down The Mother-Grace , Justification by faith ; and then the blessed issues or daughters thereof ; and those are , a free access to God , a joyful hope of the glory to come , and not only a patient , but a joyful suffering of all afflictions that shall befall us in this life . Concerning justification by faith , I laboured to open it unto you the last day ; three things may well be considered therein . 1. What that faith is whereby we are justified . 2. What that justification is , we have by faith . 3. What relation the one of these hath to the other . Concerning the first of these I told you , that it was not every faith that justifieth , nor every kind of faith that a man can live by . There is a dead faith , and a man cannot live by a dead thing : And there is a living faith , and that is called a faith unfeigned . And though it be in Scripture called the faith , yet it is with some restriction ; it is the faith of God's elect ; and common to none besides . There is a faith also which is but temporary ; that being touch'd with the sense of sin , and seeing there is no deliverance from the curse due to sin , but by Christ ; and that there is no part to be had in Christ , but by renouncing all corruptions ; the consideration of the desperateness of his case without Christ , makes him long after him ; and since he cannot have Christ without leaving sin , he will resolve on that too ; he will make towards Christ , and perhaps he comes to taste of the sweetness of Christ , and feels the power of the world to come ; he forsakes sin , and thereby comes so near the true believer , that a man must as it were , cut a hair to divide between them . And this is a thing very necessary to be considered of . And I shewed unto you also that these are not moral things ; not a faith that is wrought by the power of men , but by a work of God's Spirit ; for it humbles a man for sin , and makes him make toward Christ , and seek him above all things , and having laid some hold on him , he escapes the pollutions of the world , and yet this faith is but temporary ; a thing supernatural it is , yet it is without root . Now as I noted unto you , this is not different in the circumstance of time ; for time alters not the thing . A child that liveth but half an hour , doth as properly and truly live , as one that liveth a hundred years . But it is called temporary , not that therein stands the difference , but therein it is shewn , and that proves the man to have something wanting . Our being united to Christ , and being nigh unto him , is as a graft or scyons put into a Tree ; there are two grafts put into one stock , and each of them have all the several things necessary done unto them , as cutting , binding , &c. yet time discovers that the one thrives , and the other withers ; so that there was a fault unseen ; though he that put in the gra●●s never saw it , yet time discovers it . Now the difference is not in the time , but in the foundation of the thing it s●lf . Now what the difference is between these , I laboured to declare unto you the last day . The use of it is in brief , this faith , ( I mean the s●und faith ) is not in all these . All have not faith , the faith , I say , of God's 〈◊〉 yet some come so near , and have faith so like it , that it will trouble a wi●● man to make the distinction . These are like the foolish Virgins , that lived very civilly , and kept their maiden-heads in regard of the world ; none could accuse them for any evil they had done ; yet they are at length shut out . Many think themselves in a good way , and a safe condition , yea , and go out of the world in this conceit , and think they are entring into the gate of Heaven , till they in a moment are cast down to hell : Try we therefore , search and sift our selves ; if this grace were as grass that grows in every field , it were something ; but it is a precious flower , which , if we have not , Christ prefiteth us nothing . This is the means of Christs being applied unto thee ; how doth it therefore behove every one of us to look to it , and not to slubber over the matter slightly , but to search and try , and examine our selves . And in the marks I shewed before that it was such a thing as may be likened to a conception which never comes to the birth ; such a thing is this temporary faith . Among others let me add the tokens of love ; it is twice set down in the Galatians , neither circumcision nor uncircumcision ; &c. but faith which worketh by love ; and again , neither circumcision , &c. but the new creature . They that have a temporary faith want nothing but the new creature ; what 's that ? it's faith that worketh by love . They that love God , it 's a sure token that God hath loved them first , and God never giveth this love to any but they have faith unfeigned . The next thing is , he is ever careful to try himself , to prove himself . The temporary cannot endure to be brought to the touch or trial . He accounts every beginning of grace in himself very great ; every Mole-hill to be a Mountain . Now God's children know that they may be deceived with counterfeits , and therefore they try themselves . Mark the speech of the Apostle , 1 Cor. 16.5 . Examine your selves , prove your own selves ; know you not your own selves , how that Jesus Christ is in you , except you be reprobates ? Let us understand the words ; first , we see then it is a thing that is possible to be known , whether we are in the faith , or no ; and this is flat against the Papists ; for they think a man can have but a conjectural knowledge , that he hath grace and faith . It may be probable , they say , but it cannot be certainly known ; but does not the Apostle say , Examine your selves , prove your selves , know you not your selves , &c. No Papist can know it , yet it is possible to be known . Prove and try , you shall not lose your labour . If you take pains in it , you shall attain it in this world . Make your calling and election sure , saith the Apostle , 2 Pet. 2.10 . on God's part it is sure enough , for the foundation of God standeth sure , 2 Tim. 2.19 . but make it sure unto your selves , in respect of your own knowledge . Know you not your own selves , that Jesus Christ is in you , except ye be reprobates : It is a thing may well be made sure of ; therefore search , try , examine , &c. Others are content with bare beginnings that never come to any maturity ; but those that have true faith , are ever bringing themselves to the trial and touch-stone . But may some say , I have tryed and examined my self , and I do not find that Christ is in me ; what am I a reprobate therefore ? No : God forbid : I say not the man is a reprobate that cannot discern that Christ is in him ; See what that is that will explain this , 1 Cor. 11.19 . For there must be heresies among you , that th●y which are aproved , might be made known ; there must be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , men that are approved , such as have endured the dint and shot of the Musquet : such as have put themselves to the trial , and come off well : these are the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and are opposed to those 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , who are such men , as taking things hand over head , do not search , and try , and examine , and put themselves to the proof ; it 's a sign these have not true faith , for what , is the having of Christ so slight or poor a thing , as that they will take no pains for him , or care not for knowing whether they have him or no ? what , neglect Christ so much , as not to adventure on the trial ? these are those 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . But he which has this saving faith , he is ever putting himself to the trial . Again , God's child , not only useth the means in himself to try himself , but he prayeth for the aid of God also ; he knoweth that his own heart is deceitful , and may cozen him , but that God is greater than his heart , and knoweth all things . And therefore he cryeth unto God to try him , as Psal. 139.23 . Try me , O God , and know my heart ; prove me , and know my thoughts ; look ; look well whether there be any way of wickedness in me , and lead me in the way everlasting ; there is an everlasting righteousness , and an everlasting way that leads unto it , about which these are not content to try themselves only , but they desire God to try them also ; and to make them know the uprightness of their own hearts , and not to suffer them to be deceived thereby . Now that I have done with . Consider now what that justification is , that is obtained by this true lively faith ; I shewed unto you that justification is ordinarily taken for an acquittance from a debt . It is derived from justice or righteousness ; therefore I shewed that justification and righteousness are taken for one and the self-same thing ; for if there had been a Law given which could , &c. that is , justification had been by the Law. Now as there is a double righteousness , so there is also a double justification . Not that I hold there is any other justification , as it comprehends remission of sins , but only one , but other ways , as many righteousnesses as there are , so many justifications there are . Now there is a double kind of righteousness , the one imputed , and the other inherent ; the one is the righteousness of Christ , an act transient from another , which cannot be made mine but by imputation . Besides this , there is another which is inherent , a righteousness in us . S. James speaks of the one , and S. Paul of the other . One is opposed to condemnation , and the other to hypocrisie . The soundness of the heart is respected of God for righteousness , in respect of the graces inherent in us . Now to give you a touch of the difference between the one and the other , and therein to declare the difference between us and Rome : Know then , that the question between us and Rome , is not Whether justification be by faith or no ? but whether there be any such thing as justification or no ? The Doctrine of the Church of Rome is , that there is no such Grace as this . But concerning the first of these , that justification which is by the imputation of Christ's righteousness , I shewed unto you that imputation in this case , is , as when a man comes to hold up his hand at God's Bar , as it were , and it 's demanded of him what he hath to say for himself , why he should not die ; and then this justification by Christs righteousness is opposed to condemnation . Then justification by faith , is , that when I come to stand before God , though conscience say I am guilty of a thousand sins , yet I may go boldly and plead my pardon , which will acquit me , as if I had never sinned at any time . God was thus in Christ reconciling us ( the world ) unto himself , not imputing their sins unto them . Now sin is a thing past , which being done , cannot be made undone , the sin remains still : murder is murder still ; and adultery is adultery still ; it cannot be undone again . Now how shall this man that is guilty of murder and adultery be made just ? it cannot not possibly be but by not imputing his sin unto him , so that God should account it to him , as if it had not been done at all by him ; he puts it upon Christ's account ; Account : The word is used in the Epist. to Philemon , v. 18. where S. Paul saith , If he hath wronged thee , or oweth thee ought , put that on mine account . A mans sins being thus put upon Christ's account , he is accepted of God as freely as if he had never owed him any thing , or as if he had never offended him . Now this is done by transferring the debt from one person to another ; so that we see this imputation of sin to Christ , and of Christ's righteousness to us is most necessary . It must be so : And if there were no testimony for it in Scripture , yet reason sheweth that there can be no righteousness , but by God's acceptation of us in Christ , as if we had never sinned ; there is the difference then . To him that worketh not , but believeth in him that justifieth the ungodly , his faith is accounted to him for righteousness . But doth God justifie the ungodly ? that 's a hard speech ; we read in the Proverbs , 17.15 . He that justifieth the wicked , and condemneth the just , even they both are abomination to the Lord. But here we must understand this as we do some other Scriptures ; we read in S. Luke 7.22 . that the blind see , the lame walk , the dumb speak . It 's impossible for a man to be blind and see , to be dumb and speak , all at once ; yet take the chief of sinners , suppose Paul , and he was so in his own account ; but the act of justification alters him . God justifies the ungodly , that is , him that was even now so ; but by the imputation of Christ's righteousness he is made righteous , that is , righteous in God's account . And indeed , justification in S. Paul's acception , importing the remission of sins , the person justified must of necessity be supposed to have been a sinner ; otherwise remission of sins would no more concern him , than repentance doth the holy Angels which never offended . But in proceeding in this point I did reflect a little back . God finds a man with a number of sins , full of sin , and forgives these sins ; now I demanded this ; how far doth this justification and forgiveness extend ? to sins past alone , or to sins past and to come ? And I answered that we must consider this matter two ways . First , to justifie a mans person simply ; and then to justifie a man from this , or that particular act : The phrase is used in Scripture , Acts 13.39 . And by him all that believe , are justified from all things , from which ye could not be justified by the Law of Moses . There is justification from this or that thing : There is first , Justification of a man's person ; he that was an enemy , is now made a friend ; he is now no longer a stranger at home , but is in the list of God's houshold . Now this we say , no sooner doth a man receive it , but the self-same hour that he receiveth it , the bond is cancell'd , the evidence is torn , and fastened to the Cross of Christ , and hangs up among the Records , whereas before it was an evidence against us , and would have lain heavy on us at the bar ; but now it is fastened to the Cross , as a cancell'd Record , the bond is become void . Secondly , but now when we consider justification from this or that particular act ; I declared that so a man is only justified from sins past ; for it is contrary to reason and Scripture , that a man should be justified from sins to come : For Scripture , the Apostle hath it , Rom. 3.25 . Whom God hath set forth to be a propitiation through faith in his blood , to declare his righteousness for the remission of sins that are past , through the forbearance of God ; and it is clear also from the nature of the thing . A thing cannot be remitted before it be committed , nor covered before it had an existence , nor blotted out before it be written . Therefore justification from such or such a fault , must have relation to that which is past ; but for justification for the time to come , I will speak anon ; there I left the last time . I have now faith , and I believe in Christ ; I have now relation to him , and remission of sins past . But why then do I pray for it ? to what end is that ? Bellarmine objects that it is an act of infidelity to pray for it afterwards ; but we do it , and we ought to do it ; see Psal. 51. David made that Psalm after the Prophet Nathan had told him his sin was pardoned ; See the title of it , ( and we must know that the title is a part of God's word as well as the rest ) A Psalm of David when Nathan came unto him , after he had gone in unto Bathsheba : Nathan told him that God had took away his sin : Yet he cryeth here throughout the whole Psalm , to have his sin pardoned and blotted out ; so that though there were faith and assurance , yet he still prays for it . Now Bellarmine saith , this cannot be ; but doth he dispute against our opinion ? no , he disputes against the Holy Ghost ; for David having received a message of forgiveness , yet prays . Therefore if the Jesuit had grace , he would joyn with us to salve the matter , rather than through our sides to strike at God. But it is a Fallacy to joyn these two together ; for a man to pray for a thing past , it is an act of infidelity ; as to pray that God would create the world , and incarnate his Son. I answer , there is difference between an act done , and an act continued ; when the World was made by God , God had finished that work . And when Christ took our flesh upon him , the act was done ; but the forgiveness of sin is a continued act , which holds to day and to morrow , and world without end . God is pleased not to impute thy sins , but cover them ; Now this covering is no constant act , but upon a supposition of constant indulgence , which ought to be solicited by constant prayer . I may cover a thing now , and uncover it again ; now forgiveness of sin being an act not complete , but continued , and continued world without end ( and therefore we say the Saints in Heaven are justified by imputative righteousness , God's continuance of his act of mercy . ) The point then is this ; As long as we continue in the world , and by contrary acts of disobedience continue to provoke God to discontinue his former acts of mercy , and our sins being but covered , therefore so long must we pray for forgiveness . When the servant had humbled himself before his Lord , it is said , The Lord of that servant loosed him , and forgave him the debt , Mat. 18.27 . But though he forgave him , yet he did another act that caused his Lord to discontinue his pardon , Matth. 18.33 . Shouldst not thou also have had compassion on thy fellow-servant , as I had pity on thee ? He had pity on him ; yet since he doth another act , which turns his Lord's heart against him , therefore he is now cast into prison , and he must not come out thence till he hath paid the utmost farthing . He had forgave him to day and to morrow , and would have continued his forgiveness , if he had not thus provoked him ; we must pray to God to continue his acts of mercy , because we continually provoke him by new acts of rebellion . Add to this , The King grants a pardon to a man ; In all Patents of pardon there is a clause that the man must renew his Patent . If forgiveness may be renewed , then those things are to be renewed again , by which the renovation of my remission may be wrought . God would have me renew my acts of faith ; and if of faith , why not of repentance , and of prayer ? There is a singular place in Ezek. 36.29 , 35 , 37. that makes it plain , That though God intends to do the thing , yet he appoints this to be the means . Thus saith the Lord God , I will yet for this be enquired of by the house of Israel , to do it for them ; ( i.e. ) though I have done it , and intend to do it , yet will I do it by the means of prayer . Howsoever that God had promised Eliah , that rain should come upon the face of the earth ; yet he goes upon the Mount , and saw no shew of a cloud . The Text saith not what he did ; but he put his head between his knees . Saint James saith , he prayed , and ●he opened Heaven , and brought down rain . It was an humble secret gesture . A man may be more free in private , than in publick . He prayed , and the heavens opened . God had promised it , and would do it , but yet he would be sought to . So we see the mediate cause is prayer ; so though the Lord will do this , yet for all this he will be enquired of : It is not with God as with men ; men , who have promised , would be loth to be sued to , not to break their promise ; they account that a dishonour to them , but it is not so with God ; God hath promised , yet thou shalt have no benefit of it , until thou sue to him for it ; therefore thou must go to God and say , Lord fulfil thy promise to thy servant , wherein thou hast caused me to trust . God loves to have his bond sued out . Lord , make good this word , perform that good word that thou hast spoken . God would have his bond thus sued out . And as thy faith , repentance , prayer is renewed , so is thy pardon renewed . When God will make a man possess the sins of his youth ; when a man is careless this way , it pleaseth God to awaken him . Thou writest bitter things against me , and makest me to possess the iniquity of my youth , Job 13.26 . When a man forgetteth the iniquities of his youth , and reneweth not his repentance , and hath not new acts of faith and petition , then God maketh him to possess the iniquities of his youth ; he makes his sins stand up and cry out against him , and by this means his old evidences are obliterated . When a man hath a pardon , and it 's almost obliterated , the letters almost worn out , that they cannot be read , he would be glad to have it renewed , to have a new exemplification . Every sin it puts a great blur upon thine old evidences that thou canst not read them , They may be firm in Heaven , and yet perhaps be so blurr'd that thou canst not read them , and therefore if thou wouldst get them clear'd again , thou must go to God by prayer , and renew them again ; so that whether our evidences be blur'd , or whether it be that God will make us possess the iniquities of our youth , it is necessary to pray for the forgiveness of those sins , which have been before forgiven . But now you will say , when I have sinned afterward , how come I then to be justified ? Then a man would think repentance only doth it , and without repentance a man cannot be justified . But you must understand , repentance is not an instrument at all ; faith only is the instrument , faith justifyeth me from sin hereafter , as well as before . The case is this , faith brings lif● . The righteous shall live by his faith , as the Prophet Habakkuk speaks . 2.4 . What do then new sins do ? There are two sorts of sins ; one of ordinary incursion , which cannot be avoided ; these break no friendship betwixt God , and us ; these only weaken our faith , and make us worse at ease . But there are other sins which waste a mans conscience ; A man that hath committed murder , adultery , and lives in covetousness , which ( in the Apostles ) is Idolatry ; as long as a man is in this case , he cannot exercise the acts of faith ; we must know faith justifieth not as an habit , but as an act applying Christ to the comfort of the soul. Now a wasting sin it stops the passage of faith , it cannot act till it be opened by repentance ; Physicians give instances for it . Those that have Apoplexies , Epilepsies , and the Falling sickness , are thought to be dead for the time , as it was with Eutichus , yet saith Saint Paul , his spirit was in him , Act. 20.13 . Every one thought him dead , yet his spirit is in him ; however in regard of the operation of his senses it did appear he was dead . So , if thou art a careless man and lookst not to thy watch , and to thy guard , but art overtaken in some gross , and grievous sin , thou art taken for dead . I say not , a man can lose his life that once hath it ; but yet in the apprehension of others , and of himself too , he may appear to be dead . As in Epilepsies , the nerves are hindred by obstructions ; so sin obstructs the nerves of the soul , that there cannot be that life and working , till these sins be removed . Now what is repentance ? why , it clears the passages , that though faith could 〈◊〉 before , yet now it gives him dispositions unto it . As a man in a 〈◊〉 , cannot do the acts of a living man , till he be refreshed again ; so 〈◊〉 its repentance which clears the spirits , and makes the life of faith pass throughout , Now when repentance clears the passages , then faith acts , and now there is a new act of faith , faith justifies me from my new sins ; faith at first and at last , is that whereby I am justified from my sins , which I commit afterwards . But this forgiveness of sins , what doth it free us from ? In sin , we must consider two things ; the fault and the punishment . Now consider sin as it is in it self , and as it respects the sinner , as acted by him , as respecting the fault of the sinner , it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a transgression of the Law ; The punishment is death ; as it respects the sinner , it is guilt . The sin is not guilt , but the guilt the sinners . For instance , a man that hath told a lye , or sworn an oath , the act is past , but a thing remains , which we call the guilt . At if a man commit murder , or adultery , the act is past , but yet if he sleep , or walk , or wake , the guilt follows him . If he live an hundred years , he is a murderer still , and an adulterer still , the guilt follows him ; and nothing can take away the murder , or adultery from the soul , but the blood of Christ applied by faith . First , God takes away the punishment . There is now ( saith the Apostle ) no condemnation to them that are in Christ Jesus , who walk not after the flesh , but after the Spirit ; Rom. 8.1 . what , nothing in him worthy condemnation ? God knows , we are worthy of a thousand condemnations . There are two Judges ; there is a double guilt ; when a man is brought to the bar , first , the Jury judge the fact , and then the Judge that sits on the Bench , he judgeth the punishment ; one saith guilty , or not guilty ? The other saith guilty , then he judgeth him . Now when we are justified , we are freed , from both these guilts ; sin when it is accomplish't , it bringeth forth death : Jam. 1.15 . You know the natural work of sin , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , it labours with death ; now God will stop the acts of it , that it shall not do that , which it is apt to do , which is as good , as if the sin were taken away ; when there were wild gourds sliced into the pot , 2 Kings 4.31 . it 's said the Prophet took that venemous herb away ; ( i. e. ) though the thing were there , yet it is as if it were not there , it shall do no manner of hurt : Bring now and pour out , and there was no evil thing . So in respect of us , though there be an evil thing in punishment , and what , if we had our due , would bring condemnation , yet when we are sprinkled with the blood of Christ , it can do us no evil , no hurt ; it 's said in the Scripture , that the stars fell from heaven ; why the stars are of that bigness that they cannot fall from heaven to the earth ; but they are said to fall , when they give not their light , and do not that , for which they were put there ; so , though I have committed sin , yet , when God is pleased for Christs sake to pardon it , it is as if it were not there at all . This is a great matter , but I tell you there is more ; we are not only freed from the guilt of the punishment , but , which is higher , we are freed from the guilt of the fact . I am now no more a murderer , no more a lyar ; when I have received a pardon from the blood of Christ , he frees me from that charge , the world is changed with me now . Who shall lay any thing to the charge of Gods Elect ? Rom. 8.33 . If the Devil lay any thing to thee thou mayst deny it . Such a one I was , but I am justified , but I am sanctified . 1 Cor. 6.11 . A man hath committed High Treason against the King , and the King gives him a pardon for the Treason ; if I call him a Traytor , he can have no remedy against me , for he is one ; the pardon takes not away the guilt : But i● his blood be restored unto him , by Act of Parliament , then if I shall call him Traytor , he may have remedy against me , because he is restored fully , and is not lyable to that disgrace . This is our case , though our sins be as red as scarlet , yet the die shall be changed ; Isa. 1.18 . It shall be so bloody : Thou hast the grace of justification , and this doth not only clear thee from the punishment , but from the fault it self ; See in Jer. 50.20 . The place is worth Gold : In those dayes , and in that time saith the Lord , ●he iniquity of Israel shall be sought for , and there shall be none ; and the sins of Judah , and they shall not be found : For I will pardon them whom I reserve : What is the matter ? What a sinful man , and no sin ? What then there is search made for sin in such a man , shall it not be found ? You will say this is meant of the grace of sanctification ; no : I will pardon them , that pardoning of sin makes the sin not to be found . What a wonderful comfort is this ? When I shall come at the day of judgment , and have the benefit of my justification , the last absolution , such sins shall not be charged on me , my sins and iniquities shall not be remembred . I will remember their sins no more , saith God ; it is a wonderful thing , and a strange mistake in many men , especially the Papists ; Did they ever write comfortably of the day of judgment ? Never ; they make that a terrible day . Alas poor souls , they knew not that justification is that , that makes sins , that they shall never be remembred : Mark , it is said , Thou shalt hear of all thy good deeds for thy honour , and thy praise ; but for thy sins , there shall search be made , and they shall not be found , when God forgives sins , he doth it fully , it shall never be cast in thy teeth again ; but thou shalt hear of all thy good deeds , not of thy bad . Then lift up your heads , for your redemption draweth near ; Luk. 21.28 . here is the blessed grace of justification , that we being justified by faith , have not only no condemnation , but no guilt ; whereas all the sins of the wicked man , shall be set before his face , and he shall stand quaking and trembling by reason thereof ; not one good thing that he hath done shall be remembred , but in the iniquity that he hath committed , in that shall he dye ; Ezek. 18.24 . and so I have said somewhat of that point . You may remember that I said ( a word perhaps that some think much of ) that the question betwixt us and Rome , is not Whether we be justified by faith or no ? But Whether we be justified at all ; I will make it good . There are two graces , righteousness imputed , which implies forgiveness of sins ; and righteousness inherent , which is the grace of sanctification begun . They utterly deny that there is any righteousness , but righteousness inherent . They say forgiveness of sins is nothing but sanctification . A new doctrine never heard of in the Church of God , till those last dayes , till the spawn of the Jesuites devised it . Forgiveness of sin is this , that God will never charge me with it again . They say that forgiveness of sin is an abolishing of sin in the subject , where is true remission ; as much as to say , There is no justification distinct from sanctification : whereas the Apostle distinguisheth them , when as he saith , The Son of God is made unto us wisdom , righteousness , sanctification and redemption : 1 Cor. 1.28 . He is made unto us ( of God. ) By the way let me expound it unto you . Christ hath three offices ; A Prophetical , Regal and Sacerdotical office . He exerciseth his Prophetical office to illuminate our understanding . He exerciseth his Kingly office to work on our will and affections ; there are two branches of it , the Kingdome of grace , and the Kingdom of glory . How am I made partaker of Christs Prophetical office ? He is made unto me wisdome , before I was a fool , but now , by it , I am made wise . First , he enlightens me , and so he is made unto me wisdome ; well , he is my Priest ; how so ? He is made an expiation for my sin ; he is said to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Saint John , A propitiation for our sins , and not for ours only , but for the sins of the world . There is a difference between 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is a bar● pardon , but this is such a propitiation , as the party offended is well pleased with , Christ being made a ransome ; he is made unto us 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by the oblation offered unto his Father . He is righteousness imputed to us . And as a King , he rules me in the Kingdom of grace , and in the Kingdome of glory ; in the Kingdom of grace he is made unto me sanctification , and in the Kingdom of glory he is made unto me redemption ; it is called by the Apostle , the redemption of our bodies ; these two are thus clearly distinguished . The work of Christs Priestly office is to be a propitiation for our sins ; sanctification proceeds from the Scepter of his Kingdome : The one is without me , the other within me , The one receives degrees , the other not . As a man that is holy , may be more holy ; but imputed righteousness doth not more forgive one man than another . Imputation is without augmentation or diminution . Those things which have divers contraries , cannot be one and the same thing . Justification and Sanctification have divers contraries . The contrary to justification is condemnation ; but the contrary to sanctification is wickedness , and false dealing , &c. Aristotle distinguisheth homonymous words , and bids you consider their contraries ; thus you see the difference between these two . I should now come and descend unto the dependence one hath on the other : ( i. e. ) in what respect doth faith justifie ? Is faith an instrument to work justification , or to receive it only ? The answer is clear , it justifieth in regard of the object . If you remember the two places I bid you compare , Rom. 3.25 . Whom God hath set forth to be a propitiation through faith in his blood ; is that all ? compare this place with chap. 5.9 . Much more then , being now justified by his blood , we shall be saved from wrath through him ; we are justified by his blood , and by faith in his blood : here are two acts which signifie the same thing . It is no more then to say , I was cured by the Bath , or by going to the Bath , so that saith is the legs of the soul , that bring a man to Christ. And so my faith is an instrument , not to procure my justification , but to receive it ; so then seeing faith is an instrument , to receive justification , and not to procure it , then the weakest faith carrieth away as much forgiveness as the strongest . A strong faith rids a great deal of work , because it is an active instrument . The stronger faith worketh the greater work ; but in the point of justification , it is an instrument , whereby my justification is wrought , an instrument , whereby Christ is received . And the weakest hand may receive a piece of gold as well as the strongest ; we must know that in the point of receiving , we live on Gods alms . All our justification is his free gift , and faith is that Palsie hand , which receives all our comfort . It is not then a strong faith that justifieth , but faith ; it is called by Peter , a like precious faith . Simon Peter a servant and an Apostle of Jesus Christ to them that have obtained like precious faith with us , through the righteousness of God and our Saviour Jesus Christ ; 2 Pet. 1.1 . It is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in the meanest Christian that hath a trembling hand to pitch on that , and draw vertue from him ; it is a like precious faith in them , as in the most great Apostle Peter , and all the rest . ROM . 5.1 . Therefore being justified by faith , we have peace with God through our Lord Jesus Christ , &c. I Have heretofore declared unto you , that in these words , and the words following , there are set down the great graces and great blessings which you have in Christ , in the Kingdom of grace , before you come to th● Kingdom of glory . First , here is set down the mother and radical grace of all the rest , and that is justification by faith ; and then followeth the blessed fruit that issueth from thence . 1. Peace with God. 2. A gracious access into his presence . 3. A joyful hope arising from that great glory that we shall enjoy for the time to come . 4. In the worst of our troubles , and midst of our afflictions , this joy is so great , that it cannot be abated by any of them ; yea , it is so far from being abated by them , that they are as fuel to kindle it : We rejoyce in affliction ( saith the Apostle ) that which would undo the joy of a carnal man , is made the matter of this man's joy . Concerning the first of these , I shewed you that justification is the ground or foundation of all the rest : Being justified by faith ; that is the root and ground . without which there is no fruit , no peace , no joy , no hope , much less any kind of rejoycing in tribulation . Faith is that which seasoneth all ; we must first be justified by faith , before we have any other comforts ; for that is the first ground , the first rudiment for a Christian in the School of Christ. Therefore I proposed unto you three things for the understanding of it . 1. What that faith is that justifieth . 2. What that justification is that is obtained by faith . 3. What relation the one of these hath to the other . Concerning the first of these I shewed you that it is not every faith that justifieth . I shewed you that there is a dead faith , whereupon the Apostle saith , The life that I now live , I live by the faith of the Son of God , Gal. 2.2 . A dead thing cannot make a living man ; it must be ( and I shewed you how ) a living faith . Again , I shewed that b●side the true faith , there was a temporary faith , which is active too , and comes near the other . It had the operations of the Spirit , but it wanted root . It had supernatural works , but it wanted the new creature . There was a conception , that was but an abortive kind of birth , it came not to maturity , not to a full g●owth , it did not continue . And I shewed unto you how a man might discern one of these from the other ; for herein lie●h the wisdom of a Christian , not to content himself , or be deceived with fl●shes ; therefore the Apostle exhorts us ●o prove , and try , and examine our selves , 2 Cor. 13.5 . it is an easie matter to be deceived , and therefore God's people should be careful to examine themselves , to have their senses exercised herein , that however others may slight and slubber over the matter , they may be careful in it ; and then they will not only do it themselves , but they will crave the aid of God also : Prove me , O my God , &c. try me , &c. Psal. 139.23 . Then for the second thing , concerning that justification that is obtained by faith . I shewed you that the word justification was derived from justice or righteousness ; and as many ways as justice and righteousness may be taken , so many ways may justification be taken : Sometimes for justification of righteousness in a man , and sometimes it is opposed to condemnation ; so it is taken in St. Paul , and it is taken as an acquital ; sometimes it is● oppose to hypocrisie and pollution in a man's soul ; so it signifies sanctification , whereby God not only covers our sins past , but heals our natures . The first is perfect , but imputed : the second inherent , but imperfect . When the time cometh that God will finish his cure , he will then make a perfect cure ; when final grace cometh , we shall not need to think of a Popish Purgatory . Death is the Lord's refining pot ; then there is not a jot of sin shall be left in a Christian. Now , when God hath taken away our dross , then to think we shall be put in a refining fire ; that an entire soul that hath no blot , that one that hath no spot , should be purged after final grace hath made him clear and whole , this is against reason and common sense . They might have learned better of their own Thomas ; all the fire in the world will never put away sin without the infusion of grace . This by the way concerning them . I shewed besides , that these two being both righteousnesses , the Church of Rome confounds them both together : Saint James his justification with Saint Pauls . They confound inherent righteousness which is begun , and shall be perfected in final grace , with the other ; so that the point is not between us and Rome , Whether faith justifieth by works or no ? but Whether it justifieth at all ? In truth that is the state of it : The question is this , whether there be such a grace as justification that is distinguished from sanctification , or whether there be another grace of sanctification ? Do not think that we are such block-heads as to deny faith and sanctification ; yet faith is but a piece or part of that train of vertues . There justification is taken for sanctification ; we acknowledge a man is justified by faith and works : but the question is between us and them , whether there be any justification besides sanctification ? ( i. e. ) whether there be any justification at all or no ? we say sanctification is wrought by the Kingly office of Christ ; he is a King that rules in our hearts , subdues our corruptions , governs us by the Sceptre of his Word and Spirit ; but it is the fruit of his Priestly office which the Church of Rome strikes at : ( i. e. ) whether Christ hath reserved another righteousness for us , besides that , which as a King , he works in our hearts ; whether he hath wrought forgiveness of sins for us ? we say he hath , and so saith all the Church , till the new Spawn of Jesuits arose . They distinguish not remission of sins , from sanctification . Bellarmine saith , remission of sins is the extinguishing of sin in the soul ; as water , though it be cold , yet the bringing in of heat extinguishes the cold ; and so remission of sins is the bringing in of inherent righteousness , which extinguisheth all sin , which was before . A strange thing , and were it not that the Scripture does speak of a cup in the hand of the Harlot of Rome , whereby she makes drunk the Inhabitants of the earth with the wine of her fornication , Rev. 17.4 . & 18.3 . except the men of her communion were drunk , it were impossible that a learned men should thus shake out an Article of our and their Creed , which hath ever been believed by all the Churches . When the Scripture speaks of forgiveness of sins , see how it expresseth it , Ephes. 4.32 . Be ye kind one to another , Brethren , tender-hearted , forgiving one another , even as God for Christ's sake hath forgiven you . Observe , in the Lord's Prayer , we pray that the Lord would forgive us our trespasses , as we forgive those that trespass against us . Let him that hath common understanding judge : Do we forgive our Neighbours by extinguishing sin in the subject ? I forgive you ; ( i. e. ) I take away the ill office you did me : Doth he forgive thus ? Alas no! forgiveness is without a man. I have an action against you , perhaps an action at Law ; I will let fall my suit , my charges I will forgive ; this is forgiveness . God justifieth , who shall condemn ? Though God has just cause to proceed against me as a Rebel , yet he is content to let fall his action , to fasten it upon the Cross of his Son ; there to fix the Chirographum , the hand-writing against us , Colos. 2.14 . He will let fall that which was the ground of a suit against us , all that he could say against us . That you may understand the thing the better , there are two things , two kinds of righteousness ; the one of justification , the other of sanctification . The Holy Ghost distinguisheth them by several terms , 1 Cor. 1.30 . Of him are ye in Christ Jesus , who is made unto us wisdom , righteousness , sanctification , and redemption . You see here are two distinct graces , righteousness and sanctification ; they make them but one , sanctification and remission of sins . Moreover , whom he did predestinate , them he also called ; and whom he called , them he also justified ; and whom he justified , them he also glorified , Rom. 8.30 . Here justification and glorification are nothing else but justification and sanctification . St Paul speaks of a thing past , not of the glory to come ; them he glorified , not shall glorifie : he means sanctification , which is inchoate glory . For what is the glory we shall have in heaven , but the enlargement of those inherent graces God begins in this world ? Here is the seed , there is the crop ; here thou hast a little knowledge , but there it shall be enlarged ; now thou hast a little joy , there thou shalt enter into thy Master's joy ; here some knowledge , but there thou shalt have a full knowledge , and a full measure . Here glory dwelleth in our Land , but there we shall with open faoe behold as in a glass the glory of the Lord , and be changed into the same image from glory to glory , even as by the Spirit of the Lord , 2 Cor. 3.18 . ( i. e. ) we are more and more conformed to the image of Almighty God , by obedience and holy qualities infused into us , that we grow from one degree of sanctification unto another . And so you see how these are distinguished by their terms . Justification and glorification , justification and sanctification . There is another place in St. John , an hard place ; but yet as I take it , these two righteousnesses , that have the same name for justification and sanctification , are righteousnesses both of them , to be distinct in their terms , in that place it is said , Joh. 16.8 . That when the Spirit shall come , he shall reprove ; or ( as we should translate it , and as you read it in the margin ) he shall convince the world concerning sin , righteousness and judgment . Thus I say it should be translated , for it is of no sense to say that God should reprove the world of righteousness ; on what occasion this was spoken , we must not stand to speak : but righteousness and judgment is justification and sanctification . And the drift of the place is this ; when the Spirit shall come , how ? not upon me or thee ; but the Spirit here spoken of is that Spirit that should come upon the Apostles , it shall begin at the day of Pentecost ; and these 1. should set forth like twelve Champions to conquer the world , and to bring them unto the Sceptre of Christ. He shall convince the world ; ( i e. ) when the Spirit shall come on you , and your tongues be tipped with that spiritual fire , which shall be active ; it shall convince the world of three particulars , of sin , righteousness and judgment : Of the point of humiliation for sins , the point of justification by righteousness imputative ; and the glory of sanctification in judgment , and righteousness inherent . This method St. Paul useth in the Romans to stop every man's mouth . First , He convinceth the Gentile , which was easie to be done ; after he convinceth the Jew , that there is righteousness to be had in another , though none in my self . He shall convince the world , &c. As if he should say , To be shut up under unbelief , is to be convinced of all sins . Now consider what is the nature of unbelief ; it is to fasten all sins upon a man : and when I have faith , all my sins are put out of possession , they are as if they were not ; but if we are shut up under unbelief , we are dead . The second work of God's Spirit , is the Ministry of the Word ; He shall convince the world that there is righteousness to be had by a communion with another ; though we are guilty in our selves , yet he will set us free ; and the reason is , because I go to my Father . As if he should say , though you be convinced of your sins , that you are wholly dead in trespasses and sins , and have no means in the world to put that away ; yet notwithstanding , the second work of God's Spirit , is to convince of righteousness ; that there is a righteousness to be had in Christ , because he was our Surety , arrested for debt ; he was committed to prison , where he could not come out , till he had paid the utmost farthing . There is a justification to be had in me ; I go to the Creditor , I have made no escape ; not like one that brake the prison , and ran away , but I am now a free-man . I have not made an escape before the debt is paid , then I might be brought back again ; but the debt is discharged , and therefore I go to my Father , to maintain my pl●ce and standing . I was given unto death for your sins , but I am risen again for your justification , and I now sit at my Father's right hand : this is the second thing . But is there not a third thing that the work of the Ministry must do ? Yes , to convince the world that there is judgment or righteousness inherent . There is a hard place , I shall speak of it ; it is usual in Scripture to joyn righteousness and judgment together . The words of the Lord are righteousness and judgment . And the integrity of a man's heart which is opposed to hypocrisie , is called judgment ; as God liveth who hath taken away my judgment , Job 27.2 . How did God take away his judgment ? is it meant that he had taken away his wits ? No , but he hath put his heavy hand on me , that hath put a conceit in the mind of my friends that I am an hypocrite ; though , to confront the error of his mis-judging friends , he was resolved to persist in his integrity ; vers . 8. My righteousness I hold fast , and will not let it go ; my heart shall not reproach me so long as I live . His judgment was taken away , ( i. e. ) the opinion they had of his integrity : And this will expound another place in Matth. 12.20 . A bruised reed shall he not break , and smoaking flax shall be not quench , until he send forth judgment unto victory ? What is that , until he send forth judgment ? This judgment signifies nothing but those inherent graces , those infused qualities , that God sends into the heart of a Christian ; which being produced in the children of God by the spirit of judgment , through which they are e●abled to judge what is right and acceptable to God in Christ , who is their wisdom , are themselves called judgment . You read therefore , of washing away the filth of the Daughters of Sion , and purging the blood of Jerusalem , which is the sanctification of the Church , by the spirit of judgment , Isa. 4.4 . In a man's first conversion there are but beginnings of grace : what is faith , hope , patience and fear ? it is like a smoaking flax , ( i. e. ) like the smoaking wick of a candle made of flax : as when a candle burns in the socket , it is now up , now down , you know not whether it be alive or dead ; so in the first conversion of a Christian , infidelity and faith , hope and despair mount up and down . There is a conflict in the beginning of conversion , but he will not give it over until he bring forth judgment , until he get the victory of all opposition from the flesh . And what is the reason ? Because the Prince of this world is judged . He shall convince the world of an inherent righteousness in spite of the Devil's teeth , because he is condemned . He that before worked in the children of disobedience , is now cast down . The strong man is cast out , and therefore , upon that ground you have the third point . Besides the grace of justification following upon Christ's death , there is another ; the grace , I mean , of sanctification , through which the Devil shall be dispossessed ; the Devil is strong where he doth wicked things , but he shall be disarmed , he shall not touch thee , the wicked one shall not hurt thee , thou shalt overcome him . I now go forward . The third thing I noted besides faith and justification , was , Tha● we must observe what relation one hath to the other ; and how it comes to pass that justification is attributed to faith , there being more noble graces in us , than faith . I answer ; the reason is because faith is brought as the only instrument , whereby we receive our justification , purchased by the merits of Christ's death . When we say faith is an instrument , we must understand it right well ; we say not faith is an instrument to work my justification , Christ alone must do that ; it is no act of ours , nothing is in us ; faith is said to be an instrument , whereby we get our justification in respect of the object , it is a nearing us to Christ ; it is the instrument of application , the only instrument whereby we apply the medicine , and the plaister of Christ's blood ; whereby we that were strangers ▪ and afar off , are made near ; faith is the only hand which receiveth Christ ; w●en the hand layeth hold on a thing , it layeth hold on a thing without it self ; so is faith a naked hand , not as a hand that gets a man's living , but like a beggar's hand that receives a free alms given by the donor ; as the Apostle speaks , Rom. 5.17 . For if by one man's offence death raigned by one , much more they which receive abundance of grace , and of the gift of righteousness , shall reign in life by one Jesus Christ. There is abundance of grace , and a gift of righteousness ; faith is the only means whereby we receive this gift : Whereupon I inferred this , which was of great consequence ; seeing faith did justifie , not as an active instrument , but as it did r●ceive the gift of grace , it did follow , that the weakest faith that was did get as much justification as the strongest faith of any whatsoever ; because faith justifieth not as a work , but as it did receive a gift ; therefore our Saviour saith , O , ye of little faith ! Matth. 8.26 . yet , as little as it was , it was builded upon the Rock ; and though Satan desired to winnow them , and fift them as wheat , yet they remained firm ; as our Saviour saith of the faith of miracles , If ye had faith as much as a grain of mustard-seed , ye should say to this Mountain , be removed , and it would obey you : Mar. 11.23 . So for common faith , which the Apostle calleth so , because it is common to all the Elect , Tit. 1.4 . if thou hast so much faith , thou shalt be able to remove Mountains of Corruptions ; suppose thou hast a trembling hand scarce able to hold , yet have the perswasion of the woman in the Gospel , If I may but touch him , I shall be whole : I shall be saved , healed , if I can but touch him : And mark our Saviour , The People thronged about him , and he saith , Who is it that toucheth me ? A wonder that he , when they crowded him , should ask such a question ; but Christ knew that some body touched him , beside the touch of the multitude : indeed that woman ●ouched him more than the crowd that pressed him , as St. Augustine saith , Illa mulier quae fimbriam tetegit , magis tetegit , quàm turba quae pressit . it is said in the Text , The poor woman came trembling , and told him all the truth . And he said , be of good comfort ; though thou hast a paralytick , and palsie-sick-hand , yet the touch is enough , Luk. 8.47 . the least faith brings as much life as the greatest . Object . But then , what need a man look for a great faith ? Sol. Yes , by all means ; for though thou hast much comfort by a little weak faith , yet the more faith , the more comfort ; and therefore it is to very much purpose to labour after a strong faith . Abraham ( it is said ) staggered not through unbelief , Rom. 4.20 . if thou hast a strong faith , thou wilt have a strong consolation : Thou mayest by thy weak faith be healed of thy disease , yet by the weakness of thy faith , mayest want much of the strength of thy comfort ; therefore thou must go from faith to faith , Rom. 1.17 . but know this , that a new-born child 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is not yet so strong as a man , yet he is as much alive , as the strongest and tallest man ; so that again thus , thou art yet but a new-born babe , not so strong or so lively as one more grown , but yet thou hast all the lineaments of the new creature in thee , though thou art not so strong and lively as another may be . Object . Did not you tell me that it was not every faith that did justifie , but a working faith ? how then doth faith alone justifie ? Sol. I answer , When faith justifieth , there is one thing said of another ; the subject and the predicate are Faith justifies . Justification is attributed unto faith ; Look on the word ( only ) whether it doth determine the subject or the predicate ; doth faith which is alone severed from good works , justifie ? so the proposition is false . First , that faith which is alone , separated from love and the fruits of good works , doth not justifie ; but let the ( alone ) be put to the predicate ; faith justifieth alone ; ( i. e. ) faith is the only vertue in the soul whereby a man is justified , that is true : As if a man should say , the eye alone seeth , 't is true ; if we put it thus , the eye severed from the members of the body , seeth , it is false . If the eye were taken out of the head , it would neither see alone , nor at all ; but the meaning is this , the living eye is the organ whereby a man discerns a visible object ; so faith , though joyn'd with other graces , yet takes not other with it for helps of Justification . Object . But why should God select this vertue among others , that are more noble ? Sol. I say as before , God had respect to the low estate of his hand-maid , it was reason that God should chuse the lowest and the meanest : God selected this poor beggars hand for two reasons . First , in respect of God. I say 1. Therefore it is of faith , that it might be by grace , to the end the promise might be sure to all the seed ; not to that only which is of the Law , but to that also which is of the faith of Abraham , who is the father of us all , Rom. 4.16 . so that here are two strong reasons ; one in respect of God , tha● God by so mean a thing as a beggars hand , should bring a man to justification ; and the other in respect of faith it self , that it might be by grace , for when thou bringest nothing but a bare hand ready to receive a pardon , this must needs be of grace . If God say thou must love me , this were an exchange , not a free gift . I lay down something , and I take up something for it . Faith is that naked hand which fills it self with Christ , it layeth fast hold on Christ crucified with all his merits . As if a man were ready to be drownd , there is a cable cast to him to lay hold on , and he laying hold on it , is drawn safe to the Land ; but a man when he lays hold on the cable , must let go all his other holds which he laid hold on before . Thus must a man let go all other holds , and lay fast hold on Jesus Christ. Faith hath two faculties : 1. It opens its self to let fall all other things : And then 2. When it is a naked hand , it layeth hold on Christ , and then it is filled with Christ , when the believer esteems all dross in comparison of Christ ; it hath all fulness by grace : Where is then rejoycing and boasting ? Rom. 3.27 . it is excluded ; by what Law ? of works ? nay , but by the Law of faith . And then chap. 4.2 . For if Abraham were justified by works , he hath whereof to glory but not before God ; faith taketh away all boasting . Let him that glorieth , glory in the Lord. Therefore it is of faith that it might be of grace . This is the reason in respect of God. 2. In respect of our selves ; To the end the promise might be sure to the seed ; what is the reason why people doubt and think nothing sure ; it is because they come not with a naked hand ; I must have such a measure of humiliation , of patience ; all to bring somewhat with us ; whereas if we look on these things , we shall never be heard . If the bare acceptation of Christ , with a trembling hand will not make thee sure , thou understandest not the excellency of that very treasure whereof thou art possessed ; what canst thou have more than the bare receiving of such a gift by faith ? The reason why we are not more sure , is because we come not with a naked hand . By the way there are many means , some ( à priori ) others ( à posteriori . ) 1. For the first ; they are those things by which faith is wrought , though they are not so evident , yet they are most sure ; when I consider God calls me in my blood , having nothing in me , and will be friends with me , bids me take his Son , and I do not , bids me take his Kingdom and glory with him , and I refuse it , though this be a matter not so evident , yet it is most sure . 2. Then there are other arguments which come from the fru●ts of faith ( à posteriori ) they are more evident , but not so sure . And thus have I declared unto you the first point of justification by faith , it is so sweet a string , that I cannot tell how to leave it , and therefore harp so long upon it . Now let us come from the Mother to the Daughter ; the eldest Daughter is peace with God , then this is the first birth ; And we are at peace , &c. In this peace we will consider these three particulars . 1. What is that peace which we have . 2. With whom we have it . 3. By whom , and by whose means we have peace with God , &c. It is procured by Jesus Christ. What we have ; peace . With whom ; God. By whose means ? Our Lord J●sus Christ. Therefore being justified by faith , we have peace with God through our Lord Jesus Christ. 1. What this peace is . You know the point of peace is a great matter ; it is the Apostolical Benediction : Grace and peace in all the Epistles ; Grace and peace from God our Father , and from the Lord Jesus Christ , 2 Thes. 1.2 . and chap. 3.16 . Now the Lord of peace himself give you peace by all means always . This is a thing by all means to be desired , you must labour to get it ; this was the Angels song when Christ was born , Luke 2.14 . Glory be to God on high , on earth peace , good will towards men . This peace is a thing by all means to be sought after , and what it is , you may know by the contrary ; you know what a miserable thing war is ; God grant you may not know it too soon : You know what it is to have an enemy among us . This is our case , till we be justified , we are at daggers drawing , at point of hostility with God. It is a foolish conceit for a man to think that by reason of God's predestination he is justified before he was ; this is a foolish conceit ; until thou art justified by faith , thou art not justified at all . God's predestination doth not make a change in the subject ; if I intend to inrich a beggar , he is in rags still , for all my intention , till my intention be put in execution . Paul was elected before the foundation of the world ; but till he was converted , he was an enemy , and a persecutor , the chief of sinners , as he speaks of himself , Rom. 5.10 . so the Scripture speaks in that point : If when we were enemies , we were reconciled unto God by the death of his Son , much more being reconciled , we shall be saved by his life ? Before the time of peace came , we were unbelievers , enemies , in the state of enmity , when as before , God was thy enemy , as soon as thou hast touched Christ by a lively faith , presently all the actions he had against thee are let fall ; God is friends with thee ; this is a high and a deep peace , and this comprehends all kind of blessings ; Amasa , 1 Chron. 12.18 . one of the valiantest Captains that David had , speaks there of peace ; one would think it not so proper , it belongs not to them to talk of peace , but because peace comprehends all kinds of blessing , it is said , Then the Spirit of the Lord came upon Amasa , who was chief of the Captains , and he said , Thine are we , David , and on thy side thou Son of Jesse ; peace , peace be unto thee , and peace be unto thy helpers , for thy God helpeth thee . This is a speech from a Soldier to a Soldier , and this is done in a military way ; Peace is welcome though coming from a Warrior , because it comprehends all manner of Blessings ; It 's said , 2 Sam. 11.7 . That when Vriah came unto David , David demanded of him how Joab did , and how the people did , and how the war prospered . Look unto the Margin according to the original , and it is , He demanded of the peace of Joab , and the people , and of the peace of the War. A man would think it a contradiction that he should demand of the peace of the war ; so then this peace which we have with Almighty God , after we are justified by faith , is the comprehension of all manner of good . This having peace with God is the fruit of the Spirit . But with whom is this peace ? with God ; it is not peradventure so with thy self : thou mayst have a turbulent conscience , insomuch that thou wouldst give all the world to have it quiet , to be assured that there is peace between God and thee ; that 's not the point : The thing thou gettest by faith is peace with God : When thou art troubled with thy self , and hast but a weak act of faith , yer if thou believest , thou art more afraid than hurt ; thou art cock-sure , and shalt be calm and quiet in God's good time . Object . But why should Christians be so foolish , so troubled ? what 's the reason the children of God do disquiet themselves ? Sol. Because they are fools , they stand in their own light , are straitned in their own bowels . God is liberal and free , but there is some hope of worthiness in us , and we do things we should not do . We are always poring on our selves , and do not bring a naked hand ; and this is the reason we are so full of distractions : for he that seeks justification ( I mean remission of sins ) by his own performance , will never attain it . Observe what the Apostle speaketh upon this point , Israel which followed after the law of righteousness , hath not attained to the law of righteousness . Wherefore ? because they sought it not by faith , but as it were by the works of the law . This was their stumbling stone , as he there saith , Rom. 9.31 , 32. Again , it is the nature of many peevish people amongst us , that they will not be comforted ; when news was brought to Jacob that Joseph was slain and lost , it is said , All his sons and daughters rose up to comfort him , but he refused to be comforted ; and he said , For I will go down into the grave unto my son , mourning , Gen. 37.35 . They have a kind of pettishness , and peevishness , and wilfulness ; they will not be comforted , and it may be there is some kind of pride in it too ; they would perhaps be thought to be the only mourners of Israel , of the Kingdom . As Rachel mourned for her children , and would not be comforted , Matth. 2.18 . they shut up their eyes against all comforts ; God commands them to be comforted , and they will not ; it is no marvel then that they eat the fruit of their own hands ; it is a part of our office to bring comfort , we have an injunction to it ; Comfort ye , Comfort ye my people , saith the Lord ; we bring the tydings of peace , and our feet should be beautiful , Rom. 10.15 . we bring good news , all is well ; as Noah's Dove coming with an Olive branch in her mouth . Comfort ye , comfort ye , cry aloud , spare not . If you stop your ears , who can help it ? the Lord is gracious and chargeth us to comfort you : and can there be any better news than to say , All is peace , all your sins are done away . I have blotted as a thick cloud thy transgressions : as who should say , it is the tydings of such good things , as all within thee is too little to praise the Lord , and therefore it is not a thing to be slighted over ; blessed is the man whose sins are forgiven , Psal. 32. which is no Noun Adjective , nor of the singular number neither ; it signifieth blessednesses , as it were an heap of blessings . They commonly call it the eight beatitudes , it is but varied upon divers subjects ; were there eighty eight , that were all one : To have thy sins forgiven thee , is the comprising of all happiness ; and he whose iniquity is covered , hath interest in them all . Again , when a man sets his eyes too much upon his sins ; more upon his sins than upon the mercies of God freely offered in Christ , this is a wonderful hinderance of the peace ; Thou lookest on the wrong object , looking too much on thy sins , when thou shouldst look on Christ , that brazen Serpent offered unto thee ; then 't is no wonder that thou seest not Christ though he be near thee : Mary Magdalen complains and weeps ( as she thought ) to the Gardener , that they had taken away her Lord , and she knew not where they had laid him , when as he stood at her elbow ; her eyes were so full of tears that she could not behold her Saviour . Now therefore stand not in thine own light , but look upon Christ as well as upon thy sins ; observe , though there be a peace and a calm , yet presently all turmoils will not cease after humiliation : When there is a great storm at Sea which lasts perhaps twenty four hours , and then ceaseth , what are the waves presently quiet , as soon as the storm is over ? no , there will be tossing and rolling many hours afterwards , because there must be a time of setling ; and so though there be peace between God and thee , and the storm over , yet there must be a time of setling . I should now shew you the difference between the peace that wicked men have and this other peace ; theirs is not peace : There is no peace to the wicked : It 's a truce only , and we must make a great difference between a truce and a peace . A truce when it is expired , commonly ends in more bitter War. With them there is a cessation of trouble , their consciences do not accuse them , but when the time limited is over , and conscience again breaks loose , it will be more unquiet and unsetled than ever before ; it will be at open war against them . ROM . 5.1 . Therefore being justified by faith , we have peace with God through our Lord Jesus Christ ; By whom also we have access by faith into this grace wherein we stand , and rejoyce in hope of the glory of God. HAving out of these words declared unto you , the Mother-grace justification by faith , I proceed to the consideration of her Daughters , those fruits or graces which spring from a true justifying faitb . So that here we have the great Charter and Privilege that a justified man is indowed withal . First , He hath peace with God. Secondly , Free access unto him . Thirdly , Vnspeakable joy , and that joy not only in respect of that delectable object , the hope of the glory of God in heaven hereafter ; but here also , that which spoils the joy of a natural man , ( afflictions , &c. ) are made the matter of this mans joy . Now concerning peace with God through our Lord Jesus Christ , the first of ●hese , I considered three parts in it . 1. What the peace was which the justified man enjoyeth . 2. The parties between whom this peace was made . 3. Who was the peace maker . Concerning the peace I declared unto you what it was , that it was an unconceivable thing , The peace of God that passeth all understanding ; a thing which our shallow understandings cannot reach unto , we cannot apprehend the excellency of this grace : Consider it● excellency by the contrary , there is no misery in the world like that , as when a man stands at enmity with God : Do we provoke the Lord ? Are we stronger then he ? 1 Cor. 10.22 . If a man sin against a man , saith Eli , the Judge shall judge him ; another man may take up the quarrel , but if a man sin against God , if the controversie be between God and us , who shall intercede for us ? 1 Sam. 2.25 . Were it not for this our peace-maker Christ Jesus , we should be in a woful condition , unless he put to his hand , and took up the matter . Now it is a great matter to come to the fruit of peace ; the fruit of righteousness is sown in peace of them that make peace ; Jam. 3.18 . We have this fruit of peace from righteousness , we do not sow fruit but seed , the fruit comes afterwards . It is not so with a Christian , he is as sure , as if the thing where in hand , he soweth not only the seed , but the fruit of peace in righteousness , that is , in that application of Christs righteousness , to his justification ; as soon as he is justified , at that instant , he hath the fruit of peace . So we have peace , but with whom is it ? it is between God and us . God , and a justified man is at peace through Jesus Christ ; at the very same instant that a man is justified , he is at peace with God. This peace , as I declared unto you , is a gift of an high nature , which belongs not to every man , but to the justified man only ; he who is justified by faith , he only hath peace . In the Ephesians and Isaiah there are general proclamations of peace ; Peace be unto them that are near , and unto them that are afar off : and Isa. 57.19 . The word the Apostle useth in the Ephesians , hath allusion to this in Isaiah , vers . 19. I create the fruit of the lips , peace , peace to them that are afar off , and to them that are nigh , saith the Lord , and I will heal them ; but the wicked are like a troubled Sea , that cannot rest . There is no peace ( saith my God ) to the wicked . Though the proclamation be never so general to Jews and Gentiles , yet it belongs only to those who have peaceable minds towards God , those who will not stand on terms of rebellion against him : What madness is it to think , that if I stand in point of rebellion against God , I should have peace with him ? But I must cast down my arms , renounce my treasons , and I must come with a subject's mind , then there will be peace , otherwise no peace . When Jehu came to revenge the quarrel of God , Joram asked him , Is it peace , Jehu ? he answers , What peace so long as the whoredoms of thy mother Jezabel , and her witch-crafts are so many ! 2 King. 9.22 . As long as thou continuest in a course of rebellion , what hast thou to do to talk of peace ? Why thinkest thou on peace , when thou art the chief rebel ? As long as wickedness continues in thy heart , thou hast no peace of God by Jesus Christ. Now it may fall out that there may be a kind of quietness in the conscience of a wicked man ; but we must make a great difference between a peace and a truce ; a truce is but a cessation of war , for such a time ; and many times when the truce is over , it ends in greater war , because they have the more time to gather strength , and increase their Forces : So there may be a peace or a truce between God and wicked men , but it is the highest judgment that can be upon a wicked man to be thus let alone ; but it is not so with godly men ; God breaks their peace , and hedges up their way with thorns , and many times torments their conscience , and breaks their peace ; but when God suffers a sinner to thrive in sin , when he suffers him to go on so long , that his own honour is almost touched ; I held my peace , saith God , then thou thoughtest me to he such a one as thy self , Psal. 50.21 . God holds his peace , then the sinner saith , God doth not heed . However the preacher amplifies these things , God is not so terrible as they make him : Well , but though God hold his peace long , yet at last he will speak ; Oh , consider this , ye that forget God , lest he tear you in pieces , and there b● none to deliver you . When the time of the truce is out , then the conscience is like a fierce Mastiff ; the longer he is tied , the more fierce he is when he is let loose : so conscience , when he hath been long quiet and tyed up , when God le ts loose the cords thereof , it will be more fierce than ever before , it will then fly like a Mastiff in thy face , and as it were tear thy throat ; and then there will be in thee the very flashings of hell . Now there is a great difference between the peace of God's children , and this little cessation of war in the consciences of wicked men : When the strong man armed , keeps the house , the goods that he possesseth are in peace , Luk. 11.21 . When Satan is the Master , and thou dost his will , and he hath thee at command , he doth not trouble thee ; when he keeps the house , the goods are in peace ; but when a stronger than he comes , and puts him out of possession , then comes the strife and debate . Look therefore to thy peace ; is it such a peace as thou hast never found any conflict , any stirring , striving betwixt the strong man and the weak ? suspect that peace ; that is not the peace of a justified man , but of such a one who is held by the Prince of darkness . 2. Again , how comes this peace to wicked men ? they consider not the wrath of God , nor the danger of sin ; they consider not that Tophet is prepared of old , Isa. 30. ult . if they did but consider this , it would spoil their sport , and break their peace : but now a justified man , he knows what sin is , and what hell is ; and at that very time , when he is thinking of his sins , and of damnation , when he knoweth that this is the reward of God's enemies , he hath peace even then . This proceedeth from the sense of God's frank and free remission in Christ , with which the children of God are much affected . St. Augustine cries out , Quid retribuam Domino , quod recolit haec memoria mea , & anima mea non metuit ! inde diligam te Domine , & gratias agam , &c. Confess . 2. ● . What shall I render unto the Lord , that I recollect these Impurities and Monsters of sin , and yet am not overwhelmed with consternation in the recognition of them ! I will love thee , O Lord , and give thee thanks , and confess to thy name . The other , the wicked , they shut their eyes that they may not see their danger ; and because they discern it not , therefore they are at peace . A man in a dark night going over a dangerous Bridge , that if he miss but a step he is drowned , yet he passeth over securely , and is not afraid , because he wanteth light to discover the danger ; but bring him the next day , and shew him what a danger he escaped , and the thoughts of it will make him quake and tremble , though the danger be past : So these men , being in darkness , see not their danger , and ( therefore ) do not fear ; but God's child having his eyes in his head , discerns the danger , and sees also how he is delivered by Jesus Christ : He is at peace , not because he seeth not the danger of the way , but because he knows that God made the way broad by Jesus Christ , and so is freed from sin and death . Now to speak something to them that have this true and sound peace , this peace is with God ; I shewed you the last time that this peace is not always in their own conscience , but it such on God's part , which is the safe part ; many reasons there are , why God doth not shew it unto them ; though all be quiet betwixt God and them , yet they have not an apprehension of it in their consciences . I shewed that this is many times their own fault , because they will not be comforted ; all their thoughts are bent upon their sins , and their provocations of God , and they have not an eye open , to look upon the mercies of Christ ; they put it off , and will not comforted : and if they put it off from themselves , no marvel if they have not peace in their consciences . This may come by reason of the great conflict before in the conscience : God raiseth a great storm , and when he intends to bring a man to some great work , or to a great deal of joy , he first humbleth him ; the Prince of our salvation was consecrated by afflictions , and we must be conformable unto Christ out Head ; When the storms are past , the Sea will continue raging for a while ; and when you have turned the wheel round , If you take away your hand , it will go round it self for a time : So when you are justified by faith , the storm is over , yet the roaring of the waves will continue ; it will be so with the children of God ; though there be a calm , yet there will be some remainders of a storm . Again , they are in travail , and that is a painful thing ; My little children with whom I travail , Gal. 4.19 . They have the pangs of the new birth , and it is a good while before they can find that quietness their heart doth long for . Again , God purposely doth , though he be friends with them , take away from them the sense of peace , because he takes delight to find that strength of faith : Faith is manifest that way , faith is most strong when there is least sense . My God , my God , why hast thou forsaken me ? Psal. 22.1 . the less sense , the faster the hold ; and God loves this at life , that when he spurns and frowns , he will not let go , nor be put off ; let him kill me , he shall kill me with Christ in my arms , I will not let go my hold ; God cannot fail , he hath given me his Word , and therefore I will not let go . Such a strong faith had Abraham , contrary to reason ; God's Word is true , he gives me his Word , and I will trust him : So a child of God will not be put off ; though God write bitter things against him , he will not forego him . We have an excellent example in the woman of Canaan ; the end of it is , O woman , great is thy faith , Matth. 15.28 . But how doth the greatness of it appear ? Lord , have mery upon me , my Daughter is grievously afflicted , &c. Why not rather , Lord have mercy on my daughter ? the reason is because she was afflicted in her daughter's affliction . By the way we may hereby understand the meaning of the Commandment , where it is said , he will visit the iniquities of the fathers upon the children , unto the third and fourth generation of them that hate him : But why to the third and fourth generation ? because , I may see the third and fourth generation , and may see the judgment of God on them , and may remember my sin , for which they are plagued ; the case is mine , and not theirs only ; Lord have mercy upon me , for my daughter is diseased : I see my own sin is punished by the judgment on her in my sight . Poor woman , Christ will not hear her ; she might have been dashed out of countenance , the Disciples were weary of her clamorous cryes , and say , Send her away , for she troubleth us : What , saith Christ ? Is it fit to take the children's bread , and cast it unto dogs ? This was enough to dash her quite ; before she was discouraged by silence , but to be called dog , it were enough quite to discourage her : but see the fruit of faith ; she seeks comfort of that which would have undone another : What , am I a dog under the table ? there I shall get a crum ; others of the children that are better , let them have the loaves : I account my self happy if I may but get a crum . O woman , great is thy faith : This is great faith when it goes contrary to all sense ; that when God calls me dog , when he spurns at me , and frowns on me , I will not be put off . Faith is of the nature of the Vine , if it have but the least hold on the wall , it makes use of it , and climbs higher and higher : So out of the least thing that drops from her Saviours mouth , she raiseth her faith higher : So though we have this peace with God , yet oft times he with holds the notification of it to us . 3. The last thing is to note the difference between the peace of a carnal and a spiritual man ; carnal peace is mixed with a great deal of presumption and pride ; but the more spiritual peace thou hast , the more thou art dejected in thy self , the more cast down : see it in Ezekiel , Ezek. 16.60 , 61 , 62 , 63. I will establish with thee an everlasting Covenant ; then shalt thou remember thy ways , and be ashamed when thou shalt receive thy sisters , thy elder , and thy younger ; and I will give them unto thee for daughters , but not by thy Covenant : and I will establish my Covenant with thee , and thou shalt know that I am the Lord , that thou mayest remember and be confounded , and never open thy mouth any more , because of thy shame , when I am pacified towards thee , for all that thou hast done , saith the Lord : When God is pacified , yet they hold down their heads , and are ashamed ; when a man knoweth that God hath pardoned his sins , he is ashamed that he hath carried himself so wickedly against God , of whose mercy he hath now such experience : When God is pacified , a man remembers his former sins , and is confounded ; as it is , Ezek. 36.31 . Then shall you remember your own evil ways , and your doings that were not good ; and shall loath your selves in your own sight fer your iniquities , and for your abominations in that time when I am pacified toward you . That which would work in a carnal man security and pride , ( for he never thinks himself better than when there is peace within ) will work in the child of God the grace of humiliation . In the last Chapter of Job , God had manifested himself wonderfully to Job ; and however before he had very sharp afflictions , his sufferings in soul were next to the sufferings of Christ. I believe never any man suffered so much as Job did , insomuch that the arrows of the Almighty stuck in him , the poyson whereof ( saith he ) drinketh up my spirit , Job 6.4 . This was the case of Job , and he stood upon terms of justification ; he wished that God would dispute with him , that God would either be the Opponent or the Answerer . If God would answer , he would oppose ; or if God would oppose , he would answer . God comes as he would have him , and Job is not at that point that he was before ; when God draws nigh unto him , he saith , I have heard of thee by the hearing of the ear , but now my eye seeth thee , Job 42.5 . Well , this may make thee a proud man , and elevate thee : no , saith he , now I abhor my self in dust and ashes . The nearer God draws unto us , and the more merciful he is unto us , by that light we the more discern our own abominations . That which would make another man proud , brings Job to the knowledge of his vileness . Therefore I abhor my self , and repent in dust and ashes . 3. Now another thing is , Who is this peace-Maker ? This I shall but touch : We have peace with God : But how ? Through our Lord Jesus Christ ; he is our peacemaker , and interposeth between his Fathers wrath and us , Ephes. 2.14 . For he is our peace ; who hath made both one , and hath broken down that partition wall between us ; we have not only peace with God through Christ , but Christ is the very peace ; not only the peace maker , but the peace . There was a middle wall of partition between the Jews , and the Gentiles ; and between God , and us ; Christ breaks it down ; sin shall no longer be a wall of partition . Having abolished in his flesh the enmity , even the Law of Commandments contained in Ordinances , for to make himself of twain one new man , so making peace , and that he might reconcile both unto God in one body by the Cross. There was hatred between God and us . Christ hath crucified that hatred with the nails wherewith he was fastened to the Cross ; he hath kill'd it by his crucifixion , and now enmity being slain , peace must needs be alive ; there is peace and reconciliation made . You are come ( saith the Apostle ) to the blood of sprinkling ; Heb. 12.24 . whereas the blood of Abel cryed for vengeance against Cain the murtherer : This blood cries for peace , it out-cries all our sins ; sin hath a voice ; it s said , The cry of Sodom and Gomorrah went up into the ears of the Lord ; Every sin thou committest hath a voice to cry , but the blood of Christ hath a shriller voice , and out-cries the cry of thy sins ; it is so preheminent , it speaks for peace , and doth out-cry the voice of our sins ; the high Priest was a type of Christ , Numb . 16. He must have on his frontlet Holiness to the Lord ; as one which bears the iniquity of the holy things of the Children of Israel representing the holy one of the Lord and standing in the person of Christ ; Moses saith ( when there was wrath gone out from the Lord ) unto Aaron , ver . 46. Take a censer and put fire therein from off the Altar , and put on incense , and go quickly unto the Congregation , and make an atonement for them , for there is wrath gone out , the plague is begun ; So when the wrath is gone out , the High Priest comes and offers up himself a sweet incense acceptable unto God. And Aaron took as Moses commanded , and came into the midst of the Congregation , and behold the plague was begun among the people , and he put incense and made an atonement for the people . When wrath is come out from the Almighty , and his Army is sent out for to destroy the Rebels , now our High Priest stands between the living and the dead , and offers up himself an obligation to Almighty God to make peace : Look to the case of Balaam ; when the people had committed fornication , Phineas executed judgment ; wherefore the Lord saith , Numb . 25.12 . Phineas hath turned away my wrath from the people and if that one act of Phineas his zeal for the Lord , in killing the Fornicators before the Congregation , if this , I say , appeased Gods wrath for the whole Congregation ; how much more doth our Phineas who hath fulfilled all righteousness , whom the zeal of Gods house had eaten up ? He is nothing but zeal it self , and all that he doth in our name unto his father , is for our good . How much more shall Christ pacifie Gods wrath , who hath received the gash of Gods Sword upon his own body , and would not have himself spared , that he might do it ? As Jonah was three dayes and three nights in the Whales belly , so shall the Son of man be in the heart of the earth . Mat. 12.40 . There is a mighty storm , and Jonah is cast out into the Sea , presently the storm ceaseth ; so Christ having suffered for us , there is peace , the storm is over . Now follows in the next place in the Text ; By whom we have access by faith into this grace , wherein we stand , and rejoyce in the hope of the glory of God. These are the two privileges that a justified man hath ; he hath a gracious access unto God ; Suppose he be in a fault , ( as who is not ? ) if any man sin , we have an Advocate with the Fa●her Jesus Christ the righteous : These things have I written , ( saith the Apostle ) that you sin nat ; but if any man sin , we have an Advocate with the Father , &c. This is the state of a justified man ; though he do by his relapses provoke God , yet he is in the state of a subject ; though he be a disobedient subject , yet a subject , not a foreigner as before ; but now ye that were not a people , are become the children of the living God , Rom. 9.26 . A child of God in the midst of rebellion no sooner repenteth but he is sub misericordia ; as soon as he is in the state of grace , he is under God's protection , he is no stranger : and as soon as he converteth unto his heavenly father , though he hath his blood about his ears , and is in his rags , yet he may with an humble boldness come to God ; By Jesus Christ he may come boldly to the throne of grace , that he may find help in time of need , Heb. 4.16 . The Apostle in Ephes. 2.18 . sets down twice the great privileges Christians have , For through him we both have an access by one Spirit unto the Father : It is Christ which makes the way . To have a friend at the Court is a great matter , especially when a man hath need of him ; Christ is gone before us , and he lives for ever to make intercession for us , and we need no other Mediator : thus he bespeaks his Father ; Father , this is one of mine that I shed my blood for , one of those that thou gavest me ; I beseech thee have pity upon him , and I beseech thee give him audience : Ephes. 3.12 . By him , ( i. e. ) through Christ , we have access by one Spirit unto the Father , in whom we have boldness by the faith of him , and access with confidence . I go not now doubting unto God , I prefer my suit with boldness . Mark the Apostle St. James ; If any man want wisdom , or any other thing , let him ask it of God that gives to all men liberally , and upbraideth not : It is otherwise with men ; when one hath done a great man wrong , and comes to desire a favour at his hands : Oh Sir ! saith he , do you not remember how you used me at such a time , or in such a place ? that he is presently upbraided with , it is cast in his dish : but it is not so with God ; he gives liberally , and upbraids no man : so there is a free and a bold access with faith and confidence , by whom we have boldness and access : let him not doubt or waver ; that is a notable place ; here is bold access by faith unto God , and by that we may be assured of whatever we ask ; if it be forgiveness of sins , we may be sure they are forgiven ; if we ask in faith we may be assured . By the way take notice of the folly of the Papists , who think that a man can have no confidence or assurance that his sins are forgiven . This is our confidence , that if we ask any thing according to his will , he heareth us : Now , is it not according to his will to ask forgiveness of our sins ? Doth not he enjoyn us to do it ? Therefore what infidelity is it , not to be assured of it ? And what impudency is it in them , to go about to cut off that which is the whole comfort of a Christian ? The assurance of his salvation . Thus it is indeed with those that have no feeling nor confidence , as those who are in hell think there is no heaven ; and they who teach such uncomfortable Doctrine can receive no comfort farther than the Priest giveth it them . It 's true , there is not true assurance , but in the true Church ; but there it may be found . And as I began with sowing in tears , so I would end with reaping in joy : that is the next thing in the Text , for which I pass over the other part of it . I begin with humiliation , but end with joy ; and not only that joy which we shall have in the Kingdom of heaven , but on earth while we have these things but in hope and expectation . A man that would reckon up his estate , doth not only value what he hath for the present , but he reckons his reversions also ; what he shall have after such a time , what will come to him or his heirs . God's children , they have a brave reversion ; glory , and honour , and a Kingdom : It is your Father's good pleasure to give you a Kingdom , Luk. 12.32 . We are all the children of God , but it doth not appear what we shall be : when he appears , we shall be like him ; for we shall see him as he is , 1 Joh. 3.2 . He shall change our vile bodies , and make them like his glorious body .. We are here sons , but yet , but in a strange Country , no body knoweth what he is , and therefore he meets with many affronts . The King when he was in France , went for an attendant on the Duke , and is he troubled at it ? No , he knew that the world knew it not , they knew not what he was ; and therefore he is not troubled at it . So is it with children of God ; but when they shall appear , they shall be advanced , and their enemies ashamed . By the way , let not the people of God be discouraged by the taunts , jeers and reproaches of wicked men ; they know not what you are , and therefore make light of you ; as they did of Christ himself . Well , besides what we have in reversion , the very present hope of it works wonderful joy in the heart of a Christian. David did not live to see the glory of Solomon's Temple ; but he made provision for it , and cast the model of it , and he took much delight in the contemplation of what it would be . The consideration of these hopes makes my flesh rest in hope , and my heart rejoyce , Psal. 16.9 . The consideration of the resurrection made David's heart rejoyce : The consideration of that which is to come , should bring abundance of joy unto a Christian , these are strange things , not like the joy of a natural man ; for his heart is sad in the midst of laughter , Prov. 34.13 . but these rejoyce with a joy unspeakable , and full of glory , 1 Pet. 1.8 . Here are some sparks , some beginnings of the glory of heaven , and of that great joy which we shall have hereafter ; but I cannot speak of these things in an hour . But forasmuch as the Devil transforms himself into an Angel of light , there is no work of God's Spirit in the hearts of his children , but Satan , like an Ape , labours to imitate in the hearts of wicked men , to make them secure : we must know that there are joys in some who are not regenerate . They that receive the Word on the Rock , received it with joy . The Word , if it be apprehended , and hath but the least footing , brings joy with it . But now to know how I may get this joy , how beneficial a thing is it to have such a comfort on earth , as to know that I have this true joy ! and to be able to distinguish this joy from the false joy , from the flashes , those fleeting joys of the wicked , which are but as the crackling of thorns under a pot , Eccles. 7.6 . for theirs is but as a blaze that suddenly goeth out . Now if thou wouldst know thy joy aright , and whether it differ from that counterfeit joy which flesh and blood , and the Devil suggests : Look to the things that go before , and produce this joy . 1. The first thing that goeth before true joy , and produceth it , is an opening unto Christ when he knocks at the door of thy heart : As in that famous place , in Rev. 3.20 . Behold , I stand at the door and knock ; if any man hear my voice , and open the door , I will come in to him , and sup with him , and he with me . There is , if thou open , a sweet and familiar communication between Christ and thee ; he communicates himself at dinner and supper . A man comes not melancholy to meals ; Christ will come , and make merry with thee , he will sup with thee familiarly . But how is it with thee ? Hath Christ knocked , and thou hast given him a slieveless answer , and hast thou joy ? it is a false joy . But when Christ knocks at the door of thy heart , there must be an opening the door on thy part , when he knocks by his Word and Spirit : And dost thou give such an answer as the Spouse in the Canticles , Cant. 5. I am come into my garden , my Sister , my Spouse , I have gathered my myrrhe with my spice , I have eaten my honey-comb with my honey . Now Christ coming to Supper , knockt at the door , and would bring in a great deal of joy : I sleep , saith the Spouse , but my heart waketh ; it is the voice of my well-beloved that knocketh , saying , Open to me , my Sister , my Love , my Dove , my Vndefiled . When God comes and wooes us , and desires to communicate himself unto us , and desires us to put off our cloaths , dost thou look for comfort if thou openest not ? At last I opened to my Beloved ; vers . 6. But he had withdrawn himself , and was gone ; my soul failed when he spake : I sought him , but I could not find him ; I called him , but he gave me no answer . When thou givest not Christ entertainment when he comes , thou mayest seek , and not meet with him . ●t is observed that the Keepers of the Wall are the greatest strikers : Those whom God hath set to be Watchmen , instead of comforting , they smite ; vers . 7. The Watch-men that went about the City , they found me , they smote me , they wounded me , they took my vail from me : She gets raps from them who should protect her , because she did not entertain Christ : if thou findest any comfort after Christ hath knocked , and thou hast opened unto him ; then it is true joy , and thou mayest make much of it . 2. If it be true joy , there goeth faith before it ; for being justified by faith , we have peace with God through our Lord Jesus Christ. So that the exercising of the acts of faith , is a spiritual means to raise comforts in our souls ; Joh. 6. I had need to speak of this , for there is want of the exercises of faith : Is it enough , think you , ●o have faith once exercised ? He that eateth my flesh , and drinketh my blood , dwelleth in me , and I in him : It is not enough to eat once a year . A man will not be in good liking that eats but once a year , but a man must eat once a day at least . A Christian should feed on Christ every day , make him his ordinary food , renewing every day the acts of faith , receive Christ crucified , by faith , every day . If a Christian would consider that God offers Christ unto him every day , and thou renewest thy faith , and claspest him every day , it would be a special way whereby joy should be raised in the soul. It is said in Rom. 15.13 . We rejoyce in the hope of the glory of God : Now the God of hope fill you with all joy and peace in believing , that ye may abound in hope through the power of the Holy Ghost . Thus when thou hast exercised the acts of faith in believing , and then upon that rejoycest , then it is seasonable and true joy , and not the counterfeit joy of the wicked : when it arises and springs from believing , when that procureth it , it likewise distinguishes it from all false joys . The Apostle tells us , Philip. 1.24 . Having this confidence , I know that I shall continue with you all , for your furtherance and joy of faith . It is called the joy of faith , because it springs from that principle of rejoycing , from that mother-grace , that your rejoycing may be the more abundant . The preaching of the Word whereby faith is wrought , brings abundance of joy . That place of St. Peter is remarkable ; 1 Pet. 1.8 . Whom having not seen , ye love ; in whom , though now you see him not , yet believing , ye rejoyce with joy unspeakable , and full of glory : Yet believing ; that is , yet exercising the acts of faith , which we too much neglect . If we did exercise these acts every day , we should have our Charter of joy renewed every day ; yet believing , ye rejoyce . 3. Pray and be thankful ; praise and thanksgiving are those fruits which fulfil all our joy . When thou prayest , thou conversest with God , thou speakest with him face to face , as Moses did . He who can pray spiritually , and pray hard unto God , as Moses face shined when he talked with God , so will thy soul thrive , praying hard , and being thankful : There is no greater means than this to get this joy ; Psal. 33.1 . Rejoyce in the Lord , O ye righteous , for praising is comely for the upright . Upon this hangs all our comfort ; praise always brings rejoycing ; the one begets the other . In Isaiah , The comfort there that God's children receive , is the changing of rayment ; Christ preaching the acceptable year of the Lord to appoint unto them that mourn in Zion , to give to them beauty for ashes , the oyl of joy for mourning , the garments of praise for the spirit of heaviness , Isa. 61.3 . The ground of praise is joy ; one follows the other : Observe , God will give us the oyl of joy ; Christ was anointed with this oyl above his fellows : Christ hath fulness of joy ; this oyl doth not come on his head alone , but it trickles down unto the lower most hemm of his garment , even upon all the lively members of his mystical body . I will add in the last place , when a man considers the great things which are given to him by God , and what an estate we get by Christ. I have forgiveness of sins ; and Blessed is the man , whose sins are forgiven , Psal. 32.1 . Christ's blood is wine , and my name is written in the book of life , Do not rejoyce ( saith our Saviour ) because the Devils are subject unto you ; but rather rejoyce , because your names are written in heaven , Luk. 10.20 . When I consider that I am not in the black Roll , and it is my faith which strengthens me , which makes me reckon Christ my chiefest wealth ; this makes me rejoyce in mine inheritance , and in hope of the glory of God. When I consider the great reward in the world to come , this is a great cause of rejoycing ; and therefore God's children long for the coming of Christ : it is made , Tit. 2.13 . a mark of those that shall be saved ; That they long for the appearance of Jesus Christ , looking for , and hastning unto the blessed hope , and the glorious appearing of the great God , and our Saviour Jesus Christ. And in 2 Pet. 3.12 . Looking for , and hastning unto the coming of the day of God. A longing expectation there is in all the creatures after the second coming of Christ ; They wait ( saith the Apostle ) for the manifestation of the Sons of God : and presently he adds , Not only they , but we also that have the first fruits of the Spirit , groan and long for the coming of that day , Rom. 8.19.23 . And therefore the last breath of the Scripture is breathed out in the confirmation of this hope , Rev. 22.20 . He that testifieth these things , saith , Surely , I come quickly ; Amen , even so be it , come Lord Jesus . There is a sweet Allegory to express this in Cant. ult . 14 Make haste , my beloved , and be like the Hind , and like the Roe ; Come , Lord Jesus , come quickly ; and come as the Hind , and as the Roe , and as a Hart upon the Mountain of spices : Make haste , and come quickly ; be swift , and do not tarry : and in a better place I cannot end . FINIS . THE SEAL OF SALVATION : OR , GOD's SPIRIT Witnessing with our Spirits , THAT We are the Children of GOD. IN TWO SERMONS . Preached at Great S. BARTHOLOMEWS , by the most Reverend JAMES USHER late Arch-Bishop of ARMAGH . Difficilia pulchra . ROM . 8.14 . For as many as are led by the Spirit of God , they are the Sons of God. LONDON , Printed for Nathaniel Ranew at the King's Arms in S. Paul's Church Yard . 1678. THE SEAL OF Salvation . ROMANS , 8.15 , 16. For ye have not received the spirit of bondage again to fear : but ye have received the spirit of adoption , whereby we cry Abba , Father . The same Spirit beareth witness with our spirit , that we are the children of God. THe Apostle sets down in this Epistle a platform of Christian Doctrine , whereupon all persons and Churche● might safely build themselves ; shewing therein a sure way , how those might come to the Lord Jesus Chris● who are to obtain salvation by him , which he delivers in three heads , shewing 1. First how God will convince the world of sin . 2. Secondly he discovereth to them what that righteousness is , which without themselves is imputed to them . 3. Thirdly he setteth forth that righteousness inherent , and created in us by sanctification of the spirit with the effects thereof , and Motives , and Helps thereunto . Answering that threefold work of the spirit in John 16. where Christ promiseth that when the comforter should come he should reprove ●he world of Sin , of Righteousness , of Judgment . First , he shews the Comforter shall work a conviction of Sin , a making of a man as vile , empty and naked as may be ; not a bare confession of sin only , ( which a man may have and yet go to hell ) but such a conviction as stops a man's mouth that he hath not a word to speak , but sees a sink of sin and abomination in himself , such as the Apostle had , Rom. 7.18 . For I know that in me ( that is , in my flesh ) dwelleth no good thing . To attain to this sight and measure of humiliation , there must be a work of the spirit First therefore in the first Chapter the Apostle begins with the Gentiles , who failing grosly in the duties of the first Table , God had given over also to err in the breach of all the Duties of the second Table . Then the next Chapter , and most of the third he spends on the Jews : they bragged of many excellent privileges they had above the Gentiles , as to have the Law , Circumcision , to be leaders of others , to have God among them , and therefore despised the Gentiles . The Apostle reproves them , shewing that in condemning the Gentiles , they condemn'd themselves , they having a greater light of knowledge than the Gentiles , which should have led them to the true and sincere practice of what they were instructed in . Then he goes on and shews all naturally to be out of the way , ver . 19. and so concludes them to be under sin , that every mouth may be stopped , and all the world become guilty before God. This is the end of the first part . This being done , in the latter end of the Chapter he proceeds to speak of the second work of the Comforter . To convince the world of righteousness ; but on what grounds ? Because I go to my Father , and ye see me no more , that is , he shall assure the conscience that now there is a righteousness of better things purchased for us : that Christ was wounded , arraigned and condemned for us ; that he was imprisoned , but now he is free , who was our surety ; yea , and that he is not free , as one escaped , who hath broken prison and run away , ( for then he could not have stayed in Heaven no more than Adam could stay in Paradise after his fall ) but now that Christ remains in Heaven perfectly , and for ever reconciled with the Father : this is a sure sign to us that the debt is payed , and everlasting peace and righteousness brought in for our salvation . This the Apostle enlargeth and shews this to be that righteousness which Adam had , and which we must trust all unto . And this he doth unto the sixth Chapter . From whence the Apostle goes on to the third point , convincin the world of judgment and of righteousness , unto the ninth Chapter , which are two words signifying one and the same thing ; but because he had named righteousness before which was the righteousness of justification ( without a man ) in Christ Jesus ; he calls the third judgment , which is that integrity which is inherent , bred and created in us , to wit , sanctification , as we may see in Esay 42.3 . where it is said of Christ , A bruised reed shall be not break , and the smoaking flax shall he not quench , till he bring forth judgment unto victory . Where he shews judgment to be a beginning of righteousness in sanctification , even such a one as can never be extinguished . So Job 27.2 . The word is taken where Job expostulateth the matter : As the Lord liveth who hath taken away my judgment , &c. all the while my breath is in me , and the spirit of God is in my nostrils , my lips shall not speak wickedness , nor my tongue deceit . God forbid that I should justifie you , till I die I will not remove my integrity from me , my righteousness I will hold fast , and will not let it go , &c. Here you see by judgment is meant integrity , and that righteousness which is created and inherent in us ; so that the substance of that place in Esay is , that God will never give over so to advance and make effectual that weak righteousness and sanctification begun in us , until it shall prevail against and master all our sins and corruptions , making it in the end a victorious sanctification . And the ground hereof is , for the Prince of this world is judged ; he is like one manacled , whose strength and power is limited : So that now , though he be strong , yet he is cast out by a stronger than he ; so that he cannot , nor shall he ever rule again as in times past . This strain of Doctrine the Apostle follows in this Epistle , shewing that as the righteousness of Justification by the blood of Christ is a thing without us , so the righteousness of Sanctification is a thing created and inherent in us , and the ground of the witness of our spirits , as we shall shew in its own place . So that the blood of Christ doth two things unto us ; in Justification it covers our sins , and in Sanctification it heals our sins and sores ; that if there be any proud or dead flesh , it eateth it out , and then heals the wound . Therefore the Apostle says You are not under the Law , but under Grace . He that sees the Law is satisfied by another , and all to be of free grace , he will not much stand on any thing in himself for his Justification ; but as a poor beggar , be content all should be of mere grace : Therefore he concludes , Sin shall not have dominion over you ; for ye are not under the Law , but under Grace . After this the Apostle goes on to other particulars , shewing divers things , especially the twelfth Verse of this Chapter , where he drives unto the point of sanctification , as though he should say you are freed from the Law indeed , as it is a Judge of Life and Death , but yet the Law must be your Counsellors ; you are debtors of thankfulness ( seeing whence you are escaped ) that you may not live after the flesh , and then he proceeds to shew them how they should walk , that seeing they had received the spirit , they should walk after the spirit ; now that they had received that which should subdue and mortifie the flesh and the lusts thereof , they should be no more as dead men , but quick and lively in operation , by living after the spirit , otherwise they could not be the Sons of God , vers . 16. and he comes to the words that I have now read , For ye have not received the spirit of bondage again to fear , but ye have received the spirit of adoption , whereby we cry Abba Father : for the spirit it self beareth witness with our spirits , that we are the children of God. Where the Apostle shews the ground of our Union and Communion with Christ , because having his spirit we are of necessity his , as S. John speaks , 1 Joh. 3.24 . Hereby we know that he abideth in us by the spirit which he hath give● us . What ties together , and makes one , things far asunder , but the same spirit and life in both : so that spirit which is in Christ a full running over fountain descending down , and being also infused into us , unites us unto him ; yea , that spirit communicated unto me in some measure ( which is in him such fulness ) that spirit doth tie me as fast unto Christ as any joynt ties member to member , and so makes Christ to dwell in my heart ; as the Apostle speaks to this purpose , Ephes. 2.21 . That thus by one spirit we are built up and made the Temple of God , and come to be the Habitation of God through the spirit ; so that by this means we are unseparably knit and united unto him ; for what i● it makes one member to be a member to another ? not the nearness of joyning or lying one to , or upon another , but the same quickening spirit and life which is in both , and which causeth a like motion : for otherwise if the same life were not in that member it would be dead , and of no use to the other ; so that it is the same spirit and life in the things conjoyned , which unites them together ; yet to explain this more ( as I have often in the like case said ) Imagine a man were as high as Heaven ( the same spirit and life being diffused into all his parts ) what is it now that can cause his toe to stir , there being such a huge distance betwixt the head and it ? Even that self-same life which is in the head being in it ; no sooner doth the head will the toe to stir , but it moves . So is it with us ; that very spirit which is in Christ being in us , thereby we are united unto him , grow in him , live in him , and he in us ; rejoyce in him , and so are kept and preserved to be glorified with him . He is the second Adam , from whom we receive the influence of all good things ; showring down and distilling the graces of his spirit upon the least of all his members . That look , as it was said of Aaron ( who was a type of the second Adam ) and of that holy Oyl ( representing the graces of his spirit ) Which did not only run down his head and beard , but the skirts of his garment also , and all his rich attire about , Psal. 133.2 . So when I see the Oyl of Christ's graces and spirit not only rest upon the head , but also descend and run down upon the lowest of his members ; making me now ( as one of them ) in some sort another man than I was , or my natural state could make me ; by the same spirit I know I am united unto Christ. To this purpose is that which Christ to stands upon ( in Joh. 6. ) unto the Jews ; where speaking of the eating of his flesh , and that bread of life which came down from heaven , ( lest they should be mistaken ) he adds , It is the spirit that quickneth , the fl●sh profiteth nothing : the words that I speak unto you , they are spirit , and they are life : So that we see it is the spirit that gives a being to a thing . And therefore the Apostle proceeds to shew , As many as are led by the spirit of God , they are the sons of God , Rom. 8.13 . That look as Christ is the ●●ue natural Son of God , so we as truly ( by conveyance ) of the same spirit into us , are his Sons by Adoption , and so heirs with God , yea , and joynt heirs with Christ ; this he begins to shew , vers . 13. So that being in this excellent estate , they were not only servants and friends ( a most high Prerogative ) but they were now the Sons of God , having the spirit of Adoption , whereby they might boldly call God Father . In which Verse the Apostle opposeth the spirit of bondage , which doth make a man fear again , unto the spirit of Adoption , which frees a man from fear . Now two things may be observed hence : 1. The order the spirit of God keeps e'er it comforts ; it shakes , and makes us fear . This the Apostle speaks to Heb. 2.14 . where he shews , that the end of Christ's coming was , That because the children were partakers of flesh and blood , he also himself took part of the same ; that through death , he might destroy him that had the power of death ; that is , the Devil : and deliver them , who through fear of death , were all their life time subject unto bondage . The first work then , of the comforter is , to put a man in fear . 2. Here is shewed , that until the spirit doth work this fear , the heart will not stoop . The Obstinacy is great ; yea , so great , that if hell gates were open , ready to swallow up a man , he would not yield until the spirit set in to convince the heart . Therefore St. John tells us , Joh. 16. That when the spirit it come , he will reprove the world of sin ; that is , he will convince and shew a man that he is but a bond-man : and so from this sight he makes us to fear . No man must think this strange , that God deals with men at first after this harsh manner ; to kill them as it were , before he make them alive : nor be discouraged , as if God had now cast them off as none of his : For this bondage and spirit of fear is a work of God's spirit , and a preparative to the rest , yet it is but a common work of the spirit ; and such a one , that unless more follow , it can afford us no comfort . But why then doth God suffer his children to be first terrified with this fear ? I answer , That in two respects this is the best and wisest course to deal with us ; or else many would put off the matter , and never attain a sense of mercy . First , in respect of God's glory . Secondly , in regard of our good . First in respect of God's glory ; and that first because , as in the work of Creation , so in the work of Redemption , God will have the praise of all his attributes : for as in the work of Creation there appeared the infinite wisdom , goodness , power , justice , mercy of God , and the like ; so will he in the work of our Redemption have all these appear in their strength and brightness : and when we see and acknowledge these things to be in G●d in the highest perfection , hereby we honour him ; as on the contrary , when we will not see and acknowledge the excellency of God's infinite attributes , we dishonour him : yea , and I may safely add , that the work of Redemption was a greater work than the work of Creation ; for therein appeared all the treasures of Wisdom and Knowledge in the conveying of it unto the Church . Herein appeared first , infinite Wisdom , in ordering the matter so as to find out such a way for the Redemption of Mankind , as no created understanding could possibly imagine or think of . And secondly , for the Mercy of God ; there could be none comparable to this , in not sparing his own Son , the Son of his Love , that so he might spare us who had so grievously provoked him . And thirdly , there could not be so much Justice seen in any thing as in sparing us not to spare his Son , in laying his Son's head ( as it were ) upon the block , and chopping it off : indeed the death unto which he gave his Son was not only more vile than the loss of his head , but far more painful and terrible to nature , the death on the Cross ; in renting and tearing that blessed body of his ; even as the Veil of the temple was rent , ( which was a type of him ) so was he rent , and tore , and broke for us , when he made his soul an offering for sin . This was the perfection of Justice . And thus was he just , as the Apostle speaks , and the Justifyer of him him that believeth in Jesus . God would have Justice and Mercy meet and kiss each other ; and that for two reasons , for the magnifying of his Justice , and for the magnifying of his Mercy . First , For the magnifying of his Justice . The spirit must first become a spirit of bondage and fear for the magnifying of God's Justice : Thus the Prophet David having sinned , was driven to this practice , Psal. 51.4 . Against thee , thee only , have I sinned , and done this evil in thy sight , that thou mightest be justified when thou speakest , and be clear when thou judgest . Thus he , a holy man , was brought to confess his sin , to give God the glory of his Justice . And so to this end , that a man might pass through or by ( as it were ) the gates of hell unto heaven , the Lord will have his Justice extended to the full ; for which cause lessening , or altogether ( for a time ) abstracting all sight of mercy , he turns the Law loose to have its course . And thus , as in the work of Redemption , he would have the height of Justice appear ; so would he have it appear in the application of our Redemption , that Justice should not be swallowed up of Mercy . But even as that woman , 2 King. 4. Who had nothing to pay , was threatned by her Creditors to take away her two Sons , to put them in prison . So though we have nothing to pay , the Law is let loose upon us , to threaten Imprisonment and Damnation , to affright and terrifie us ; and all for the magnifying of God's Justice : which also , we satisfie not by what we suffer , yet it is meet we should acknowledge and learn thereby more highly to value the suffering of our Saviour . But farther , God hath set forth many terrible threatnings in his Word against sinners ; shall all these be to no purpose ? The wicked , they are insensible of them ; must they therefore be in vain ? Some people there must be , on whom they shall work : Shall a Lyon roar , saith the Prophet , and we not be afraid , Amos , 3.8 . Since then those who should , will not , some there be who must tremble , and those even of God's own dear Children . This the Prophet excellently sets forth , Isa. 66.2 . where the Lord sheweth who he will regard ; But to this man will I look , even to him that is of a contrite spirit , and trembleth at my word . So that you see , even some of his own must tremble , and be thus humbled of necessity : and that it is not without a just cause , that God doth deal with his own Children after this manner , though it be sharp in the experience . We must fear , tremble and be humbled , and then we shall receive a spirit not to fear again . That vain courage which some brag they have , so as not to fear Death , is not it which is meant here ; f●● alas such braggers , out of ignorance of the thing , and desire to be out of misery in this Life , may embrace Death unwillingly , hoping it may put an end to their sorrows . But this spirit not to fear again , is such a spirit that assures me of the forgiveness of all my sins , shewing me my freedome by Christ Jesus from Hell and eternal Damnation , making me live a holy Life , and from hence not to fear , and so sealing me up unto the day of Redemption , as you shall hear more , when we come to speak of the witness of the spirit . This now is for the glory of Gods Justice . Secondly , it is requisite that the comforter should first work in men a fear , for the glory of Gods mercy ; which would never be so sweet , relish so well , nor be so highly esteemed of by us , if the awful terrour of Justice had not formerly made us smart : As we may see in that parable ( whereunto our Saviour likeneth the Kingdom of Heaven ) of the man that owed ten thousand Talents unto the King his master ( he shews him mercy ) and forgives him all ; but what did he first ? Why first he requires the whole debt of him , and because he had nothing to pay ; he commands him , his Wife and Children , and all that he had to be sold , that payment might be made ; first he would have him pincht throughly , that he might know much he was indebted , and ( in that case ) how great that favour was which he received in having all that he owed forgiven him . Thus a King many times casts men in Prison , suffers the sentence of condemnation to pass on them , and perhaps orders them to be brought to the place of execution , before he pardons them , and then mercy is mercy indeed , and so God deals with us many times , he puts his Children in fear ; shews them how much they owe him , how unable they are to pay , casts them into prison and threatens condemnation in Hell for ever , after which when mercy comes to the Soul , then it appears to be wonderful mercy indeed , even the riches of exceeding mercy . Why do so many find no savour in the Gospel ? Is it because there is no sweetness , or matter of delight in it ? No , it is because such have had no tast of the Law , and of the spirit of bondage , they have not smarted , nor found a sense of the bitterness of sin , nor of that just punishment that is due unto the same . Even as the King will suffer the Law to pass on some greivous malefactor for high Treason , bring him to the place of Execution , and lay his head on the block , before a pardon he produced ( as we have had experience in the Country of a man who otherwise would not cry nor shed a tear for any thing ; Despising Death , and not affraid to meet an host of men . ) Such a one having now at an instant a pardon brought from the King , how wonderfully doth it work upon him , causing softness of heart and tears to flow from his eyes when nothing else could ; whilest the wonder of this mercy , which now appeareth so sweet , and sea●onable is beheld and admired , he is so struck that he knows not what to say : for this cause therefore God shews us first a Spirit of bondage to prepare us to relish mercy , and then he gives a Spirit of Adoption not to fear again : And thus by this order the one is magnifyed and highly esteemed by the foregoing sense of the other . If therefore this terrour and fear be hard and troublesome unto us , yet if it be for Gods glory , let us endure : If he will give me over to a wounded terrified conscience , to fears , tremblings , astonishments , yea or to draw me into the fire it self , or any other punishment , so we see he dealt with his Church of old , he brought her through the fire and water before she came into a wealthy place . Psal. 66.12 . Since it is for his glory , I must be contended . But what do I say ? He gets nothing by us of all that we do , all is for our selves ; our Acknowledgments of him , make him no stronger , wiser , juster , or better then he is , but in glorifying of him we do glorify our selves , and so pass from glory to glory , until we come to be fully transformed into his Image . And herein consists our happiness in acknowledging of his wonderful Attributes , that by the reflex and knowledge of them , we grow up in them as much as may be . God was as glorious , powerful , wise , just , happy and good before the World was made as now , and if the case be put concerning glorifying of him , the three persons of the Trinity were only fit and worthy of so great honour , not we ; as we may read Prov. 8.30 . There wisdom shews how it was with the Father , before all time , and that they did mutually solace themselves in the contemplations of one anothers glory . Then ( says Wisdom ) Was I by him as one brought up with him , and I was dayly his Delight , rejoycing always before him , and in 17 John. There we read the same thing in effect , where Christ prays , And now O Father glorifie thou me with thine own self , with the glory which I had with thee before the World was . So that the Admiring , beholding and magnifying of Gods glory ( as much as may be ) labouring to be like him is our glory , and thus much of the glory of God in beginning of this work in us by fear . The second thing was to prove that this course was for our good , and this appears two ways . 1. In our Justification . 2. In our Sanctification . For the first , we are such strangers unto God , that we will never come unto him till we see there is no other remedy , being at the pits brink ready to starve , hopeless of all other helps , being frozen in the dregs of sin , delighting in our ways ; as we see in the parable of the prodigal son , who would never think of any return to his Father till all other helps fayled him , money , friends , acquaintance , and all sorts of food ; nay if he might but have fed upon husks with the Swine , he would not have thought of returning any more unto his Father : but this being denied him , ( the text says ) he then came to himself , which shews us that whilest men run on in sinfull courses they are mad men of themselves , even as we see those in Bedlam , are beaten and kept under , and comforts denied them , till they come to themselves . And then what says he ? I will arise and go to my father , confessing that he had sinned , and I will say , Father , I have sinned , &c. 15. Luke . So is it with us , until the Lord humble us and bring us low in our own eyes shewing us our misery and sinful poverty , and that in us there is no good thing , ( that we be stript of all help in and without our selves and must perish for ever unless we beg his mercy ) we will not come unto him . As we see it was with the Woman that Christ healed of her bloody issue , Luke . 8.43 . How long it was before she came to Christ , she had been sick twelve years , she had spent all her substance upon physicians , and no body could help her , and this Extremity brings her to Christ. So that this is the means to bring us unto Christ , to drive us on our knees , hopeless as low as may be , to shew us where help only is to be found ; and make us run unto it . Thus therefore when men have no mind to come to Christ he sends ( as it were ) fiery Serpents to sting them , that they might look up unto the brazen Serpent , ( or rather unto Christ Jesus of which it was a type ) for help , so unto others being strangers unto him , he sends variety of great and sore afflictions to make them come to him that he may be acquainted with them ; as Absolom set Joabs Corn on fire because he would not come at him , being twice sent for . So God deals with us before our Conversion many times , as with iron Whips lashes us home turning loose the avenger of blood after us , and then for our Life we run and make hast to the City of Refuge . Thus God shoots off as it were his great Ordinance against us to make us run unto him . Thus John the Baptist , came preaching of Repentance , in attire , speech and dyet all being strong and harsh , cloathed with a Camels hair and with a girdle of skin about his loyns , his meat Locusts and wild Honey , the place , was in the wilderness , his speech harsh and uncomfortable , thundring with his voice , calling them a generation of vipers , and telling them that now also was the ax laid to the root of the tree , that every tree that brought not forth good fruit was hewn down and cast into the fire . As also we know in this manner the Lord came Elijah . 1 Kings 19.11 First a great strong wind rent the mountains , and break in pieces the Rocks before the Lord , but the Lord was not in the wind , and after that went an Earthquake , but the Lord was not in the Earthquake ; and after the Earthquake a fire , but the Lord was not in the fire : ( these were as a peal of great Ordinance , shot off to prepare the way , shewing the King was a coming ) and after the fire a still small voice , and there the Lord was . So the Lord rends tears , and shakes our Consciences and rocky hearts , many times to prepare the way for him , and then he comes to us in the still and soft voice of Consolation . Secondly , for our Sanctification , it is good for us that the Comforters first work be to work fear in us , for we are naturally so frozen in our dregs , that no fire in a manner will warm and thaw us . We wallow in our blood , and stick fast in the mire of sin , that we cannot stir ; so that this fear is but to pull us from our Corruptions and make us more holy . As we see if a man have a Gangrene beginning in his hand or foot which may spread farther , and be his death if it continue so , he is easily perswaded to cut it off , lest it should go farther . So doth God deal by us with this fear of bondage , that we might be cloathed anew with his Image in Holiness and Righteousness . Now to effect this , the sharpest things are best , such as are the Law , the threatnings of Condemnation , the opening of Hell , the racking of the Conscience and a sense of wrath present and to come . So hard-hearted are we by Nature , being as children of the bondwoman , unto whom violence must be used . Even as we see a man riding a wild and young Horse , to tame him , he will run him against a wall ( that this may make him affraid ) ride him in deep and tough Lands , ( or if this will not do ) take him up into the top of some high Rock , when bringing him to the brink thereof he threatens to throw him headlong , make him shake and quake , whereby at last he is tamed . So deals the Lord by us , he gives us a sight of sin , and the punishment due thereunto , a sense of wrath , sets the Conscience on fire , fills the heart with fears , horrours , and disquietness , opens Hell to the Soul , brings a man as it were to the gates thereof , and threatens to throw him in , and all this to make a man more holy , and to hate sin the more . So that you see there must be a strong mortifying and subduing of us by a strong hand to bring us unto Christ for our Sanctification , nothing but a fiery furnace can melt away that dross and tin which cleaves unto such corrupt metal as we are . See this method excellently set forth in the Prophet Ezek. 22.19.20 . Because ye are all become dross , behold I will gather you into the midst of Jerusalem , as they gather Brass , and Iron and Lead and Tin into the midst of the Furnace to blow the fire upon it to melt it , so will I gather you in mine Anger and in my fury , and I will leave you there and melt you . Before I proceed farther , give me leave to answer an Objection of a troubled soul which may arise hence , O may a soul say , what comfort then may I have of the first work of the Spirit in me ? For as yet I have found none of these things ; I have not been thus humbled , nor terrifyed , nor had such experience as you speak of in that state under the spirit of bondage . I answer , though this be a work of the spirit , yet it is not the principal justifying and saving work of the spirit , yea the children of the Devil may come to have a greater measure of this then Gods own dear Children , whom ( for the most part ) he will not affright nor afflict in that terrible manner as he doth some of them , but the consequence of this is more to be accounted of , then the measure , to see whither that measure I have , ( what ever it be ) leads me . For if the measure were never so absolutely necessary to salvation , then all Gods. Children should have enough of it . But I make a difference still between humiliation and humility , which is a grace of it self , and leads me along with comfort and Life . Thus therefore I think of humiliation , if I have so much of it as will bring me to see my danger and cause me to run to the medicine , and City of refuge for help , to hate sin for time to come , and to set my self constantly in the ways and practice of holiness , it is enough . And so I say in the case of Repentance , if a man have a sight of sin past , and a heart firmly set against all sin for the time to come , the greater and firmer this were , the lesser measure of sorrow might suffice for sins fore-past . As we see a wise Father would never beat his Child for faults that are past , but for the prevention of that which is to come , for we see in time of Correction , the Child cryes out , O I will never do so any more . So God deals with us , because our resolutions and promises are faint and fail , and that without much mourning , humiliation and Stripes , we attain not this hatred of sins past , and strength against them for time to come , therefore it is that our humiliation and sorrow must be proportionable to that work which is to be done , otherwise any measure of it were sufficient which fits us for the time to come . But I will add , there are indeed divers measures of it , according unto which the conscience is wounded or eased ; when there is a tough melancholy humour that the powers of the soul are distracted , good Duties omitted , and the heart so much the more hardned : When upon this the Lord le ts loose the band of the conscience , oppressing the same with exceeding fears and terrours , this the Lord uses as a wedge to cleave in sunder a hard piece of wood . God then doth shew us , because we would not plough our selves we shall be ploughed . If we would judge our selves ( saith the Apostle ) we should not be judged , and therefore the Church confesses and complains , Psalm 129.2 . That the ploughers ploughed upon her back and made deep furrows , Why ? How came this , she did not plough up her own fallow ground , wherefore the Lord sent her other strangers and harsh ploughers , that ploughed her soundly indeed . Wherefore doth God thus deal with his Children , because he is the great and most wise Husband-man , who will not sow amongst thorns . Therefore when he is about to sow the seed of Eternal Life in the soul ( which must take deep root and grow for ever ) he will have the ground throughly ploughed . The way then to avoid these things , that are so harsh and displeasing to flesh and blood , is to take the Rod betimes and beat our selves , for when we are slow and secure and omit this , God doth do the work himself : But yet God makes a difference of good education in those who have kept themselves from the common pollutions , and gross sins of the times , it pleaseth God , saith comes into them , they know not how , nor the time , Grace drops in by little and little , now a little and then a little by degrees , sin is more and more hated , and the heart inflamed with a desire of good things in a conscionable Life . But in a measure ( I say ) such must have had , have , or shall have fears and terrours ; so much as may keep them from sin , and quicken them to go on constantly in the ways of holiness ; or when they fly out of the way they shall smart for it and be whipped home again ; yet for the main they find themselves as it were in Heaven they know not how . But if a man have stuck deep and long in sin , he must look for a greater measure of humiliation and fear , and a more certain time of his calling , there must be hawling and pulling such a man out of the fire with violence ; and he must not look to obtain peace and comfort with ease , God will thunder and lighten in such a man's conscience in Mount Sinai , before he speak peace unto him in Mount Zion . A second time there is also , of a great measure of humiliation ; which is ( though a man may be free from great , gross sins , and worldly pollutions ) when the Lord intends to shew the feeling of his mercy and the sense thereof to any in an extraordinary measure , or to fit them for some high services , then they shall be much humbled before , as we see St. Paul was , Act. 8.9 . God did thunder upon him , and beat him down in the High way to the ground , being stricken with blindness for three days after . Thus much shall suffice to have been spoken of the 15th verse , touching the Spirit of Bondage , and the spirit of Adoption . The Apostle tells them , they may thank God the spirit of fear thus came , that hereafter they might partake of the Spirit of Adoption to fear no more ; he stirs them up ( as it were ) to be thankful , because now they had obtained a better state : Why , what estate ? A very high one , vers . 16. The Spirit it self beareth witness with our spirits , that we are the children of God. ROM . 8.16 . The same Spirit beareth witness with our spirits , that we are the children of God. HAving spoken concerning the Spirit of Bondage and the Spirit of Adoption in the former verse , the Apostle , in these words that I have now read , doth as it were stir up those unto thankfulness ; to whom he writes , because they had now attained to a better state ; The Spirit it self bearing witness with their spirits , that they are the children of God. The thing then is , to know our selves to be the children of God , there must be sound evidences ; here then are two set down , whose Testimony we cannot deny . I will touch them as briefly as I can , and so will make an end . First , the witness of our spirit . Secondly , the witness of God's Spirit with our spirits . These are two Evidences , not single , but compounded ; wherein you see there may be some work of our spirit . But some may say , our spirit is deceitful ; how then can our own spirit work in this manner to testifie ? I answer , In this place ( our Spirit ) is as it were an evidence of God from heaven , as a loud token given , assuring me upon good grounds , that I have not mis-applyed the promises ; but though God do write bitter things against me , yet that I love him still , and cleave unto him , that for all this I know that I still hunger and thirst after Righteousness ; that I will not be beaten off , nor receive an ill report of my Lord and Saviour ; that I rest , wait , fear and trust in him still . When thus our valour and faith is tryed , then comes the same spirit , and seals with our spirit , that we are the children of God : When our seal is first put , then God seals with our spirit , the same thing by his spirit . To this effect is that in 1 Joh. 3.8 . we read three Witnesses are set down , the Spirit , the Water , aand the Blood ; and these three agree in one . These three witness that we have everlasting life , and that our names are written in heaven . How do these three agree with these two Witnesses ? very well : St. John , he ranks them according to the order of their clearest evidence ; first the Spirit , then the Water , then the Blood : the Apostle here , he ranks them according to their natural being ; first , our spirit in Justification and Sanctification , and then God's spirit . For the spirit , of all other , this is the clearest evidence ; and when this is bright and manifest , there needs no more , the thing is sealed . So the Testimony of Water is a clear evidence , ( whereby is meant Sanctification ) this is put next unto the Spirit ; for when the Spirit is silent , yet this may speak : for though I have many wants and imperfections in me , yet if my spirit can testifie unto me that I have a desire to please God in all things , that I resolve upon and set up his service as the pitch of all my utmost endeavours , that with allowance I willingly cherish no corruption , but set my self against all sin ; this Water will comfort and hold up a man from sinking ; as we see in all the sore tryals of Job , Job 28.2 . Still he stood upon the integrity of his own spirit , and would not let that go , though he were sore beaten of the Almighty , and slandered for a wicked person . But the water may be muddy , and the strugling of the flesh and spirit so strong , that we happily shall not be able to judge which is master : What then ? Then faith lays hold of the blood in Justification , ( which though it be the darkest testimony ) yet is as sure as any of the other . Now in comparing of these witnesses together in St. John and in my text , I rank the water and the blood with the testimony of our spirit . And the Spirit mentioned in St. John and in my Text , to be all one ; not as though we wrought them , but we believe them to be so . If a man ask how I know that I am sanctified , the answer must be , I believe and know it to be so : the work producing these things in me comes of God ; but for the work of discerning ( this is certain ) how our affections stand in this case ; it comes of us , but yet to come nearer the matter . The testimony of our spirit I conceive to be , when a man hath taken a survey of those excellent things belonging unto Justification and Sanctification , when according to the substantial truths which I know in the Word , I observe and follow as fast as I can what is there commanded ; when I take the Candle of the Word , and with the bright burning lamp search into the Word , what is there to be done , and so bring it home to my self , thereby mortifying my corruptions ; this is the ground-work of the witness of our Spirit . First , ( as in the blood ) with my spirit I must see what is needful to be done in order unto Justification , what free promises of invitation belong thereunto ; I must see how God justifies a sinner , what conditions on our part are required in Justification ; I must see what footings and grounds for life , and what way of hope there is for a graceless man to be saved ; yea , even for the worst person that may be . In this case a man must not look for any thing in himself as a cause , Christ must not be had by exchange , but received as free gift ; as the Apostle speaks , Rom. 4.16 . Therefore it is of faith , that it may be by grace , to the end the promise might be sure to all the seed . I must there bring unto the receiving of Christ a bare hand . It must be of grace : God for this cause will make us let fall every thing before we shall take hold of him . Though qualified with humiliations , I must let all fall ; not trusting unto it , as to make me the worthier to receive Christ ( as some think . ) When thus ( at first for my Justification I received Christ ) I must let any thing I have fall , to lay hold of him ; that then he may find us thus naked as it were , in our blood ; and in this sort God will take us , that all may be of mere grace . Another thing the Apostle adds , and that is , that the promise may be sure : If any thing in us might be as a cause or help to our Justification , a man should never be sure ; therefore it is all of grace , that the promise might be sure . As though God should say , I care for nothing else ; bring me my Son , and shew me him , and then all is well . And in this case you see he doth not name hope , or love , or any other grace , but faith ; for the nature of faith is to let fall all things in laying hold on Christ : In Justification , faith is a sufferer only ; but in Sanctification , it works and purgeth the whole man ; and so witnesses the certainty and truth of our Sanctification , and so the assurance of Salvation . Hence from the nature hereof in this work , the Apostle in 2 Pet. 1.1 . writes to them who had obtained like precious faith : In this case it is alike to all in vertue in this work , whatsoever the measure be . And I may liken it thus , St. Paul , you know , writes , With these hands I get my living . Now , though strong hands may work more than weak hands , and so earn a great deal more ; yet a beggar who holds out his hand , may receive more than he or any other could earn . So faith justifies only receiving , not working ; as we may see , Joh. 1.12 . But to as many as received him , to them gave he power to become the Sons of God ; even to them that believe in his Name . Received him ; that is , believe in him ; How ? Come and take him : How ? as it is in Rev. 22. And let him that is athirst come ; and whosoever will , let him come , and take of the water of life freely . Now , when I see that God keeps open house , come who will , without denying entertainment to any , and when God's spirit hath wrought the will in me , what lets me now to receive Christ ? Now , when the spirit hath wrought this will in me , and I come , and take God at his word , and believe in Christ ; laying hold by degrees on the other promises of life , winding and wrapping my self in them as I am able , it is faith : But that perswasion only which many have , that they shall go to heaven , is not faith , but rather a consequent hereof . The promise is made unto those that believe in Christ ; For in him , says the Apostle , all the promises are yea , and Amen . If a man weep much and beg hard for the remission of sins , he may weep and be without comfort unto the end of his life , unless he have received Christ , and applyed his vertues home unto his trembling soul. A man must first receive Christ , and then he hath a warrant to interest himself in all the promises . So that now this being done , if such a man were asked , hast thou a warrant to receive Christ ? Yes , I have a warrant , says the soul , for he keeps open house unto all that come , wellcoming all , and I have a will to come , this is a good and sufficient warrant for me to come , if I have a will wrought in me , and then if I do come , this is the first thing to be observed in the witness of our Spirit . Now if a man do stagger for all the King keeps open house , so as he will not , or does not come , then in the second place comes Invitation , because we are slow to believe , therefore God invites us , as in Matthew 11.28 . Come unto me all ye that Labour and are heavy laden , and I will give you rest . Many object , O I am not worthy to come , but you see here is invitation to encourage me to come , yea the sorer and heavier my load is , I should come so much the rather : So that in this case , if the question should be asked of such a one , friend how came you hither ? What warrant had you to be so bold ? Then he shews forth his ticket , ( as if he should say ) Lord thou gavest me a word of comfort , a warrant of thy invitation , in obedience to thy word , and faith in thy promise , I come hither . Now this invitation is directed to them who as yet have no goodness in them , when then my Spirits warrants this much unto me , that upon this word of promise , and invitation I have come in for releif and ease of may miseries unto Christ Jesus , the great Physician , relying on him for cure , and lying as it were at his feet for mercy , this is the testimony of my Spirit that I do believe , and a ground for me to rest on , that now I am in the way of life , and justified by his grace . Thirdly , sometimes Christ meets with a dull and slow heart , lazy and careless ( in a manner ) what becomes of it , not knowing or weighing the dangerous state it is in , making excuses ; here Christ may justly leave us , ( for is it not much that the King should invite us for our good ) as he did these in the Gospel , who for refusing to come to his Supper were excluded from ever tasting thereof , strangers being fetched in , in their places . God might so deal with us , but you see in 2 Corinth . 5.20 . God sends as Embassage to entreat us , ( erects as it were ) a new office for our sakes , saith he : Now then we are Ambassadors for Christ , as though God did beseech you by us , we pray you in Christ's stead to be reconcile unto God : This may seem to be needless , we being weaker than he . Ambassadours for the most part are sent unto those that are stronger . The Apostle reasons the matter , are we stronger than he , do we provoke the Lord to anger ? But here we see and may admire his infinite rich goodness , that he comes and sues to us to be reconciled , as we see it is a kind of indignity for a great Monarch to sue for peace to them that are far below him and his inferiours . This dishonour God is willing to put up at our hands , and sues unto us first , when it rather became us upon our knees to beg and sue first unto him . The effect of the Embassy is , that we would be friends with him , and receive that which is so highly for our advancement ; when therefore I see that this quickens in my heart , so that as ( S. James speaks ) of the engrafted word , that is able to save our souls ) I can bring it home , having some sweet relish , and high estimation of it in my heart , that it begins to be the square and rule of my life , then I am safe . If this or any of these fasten upon the soul , and thereupon I yield and come in , it is enough to shew that I am a justified person . And from hence our spirit may witness , and that truly : this is a third thing in the witness of our spirit . Fourthly , if none of all this will do , then comes a farther degree , a command from the highest , you shall do it ; as in 1 Joh. 3.23 . And this is his commandment that we should believe on his Son Jesus Christ , and love one another as he gave us commandment . In the Parliament of Grace there is a Law of Faith , which binds me as strictly to believe , as to keep any of the commandments : Says the Apostle , Rom. 3. Where is boasting then ? it is excluded , by what Law ? of works ? nay , but by the Law of Faith. So that if I will not believe on the Lord Jesus , who eases me of the vigour of the Law , and so is my righteousness , I must perish for ever . What ? may one object , must I needs believe ? Yes , thou art as strictly bound to believe , as not to murder , or not to be an Idolater , not to steal or commit adultery : nay , I will add more , that thy infidelty and contempt of that gracious offer , thy disobedience to the Law of Faith is greater than thy breach and disobedience to the Law of Works , when thou dost fling God's grace in his face again , and ( as it were ) trample under foot the blood of the Covenant : See for this John 16.9 . What is that great sin which Christ came to reprove ? even this infidelity ( saith he ) because they believe not in me : which in two respects is a great sin . First , because it is a sin against God's mercy . Secondly , because it is a chain which links and binds all sins together . Thus our Faith is sure when it relies on the word , otherwise all other thoughts are but presumption , and will fail a man in the time of need ; for what is faith but my assent to believe every word of God he hath commanded me to believe , and so endeavour the practice of it . Fifthly , if none of these prevail , there comes threatning ; then God swears , that such as refuse shall never enter into his rest . If a Prince should sue unto a Beggars Daughter for marriage , and she should refuse and contemn him , do you think he would be well pleased ? So it is with us , when the King of Heavens Son sends unto us . Will you be married to me ? if we refuse , the Son takes it wonderfully ill . Therefore Psal. 2.12 . he says , Kiss the Son , lest he be angry , and ye perish in the way , when his wrath is kindled but a little , blessed are all those that put their trust in him . So in the Hebrews , God swore , that because of infidelity , those unbelieving Jews should never enter into his rest . All the rest of the threatnings of the Law were not backed with an oath , there was some secret reservation of mercy unto them upon the satisfaction of Divine Justice ; but here there is no reservation , God hath sworn such shall never come into Heaven . Look not for a third thing in God , now as a mitigation of his oath , it cannot be , he hath sworn that an unbeliever shall never enter into his Rest. These five things are the grounds of Faith , even unto the worst and unworthiest persons that may be , and by all or some of them he creates Faith in us , which once wrought in the heart by the spirit of God secretly , and we discerning the same , this is the witness of our spirit . Now our spirit having viewed all these things , and the promises upon which they are grounded ; thus it witnesseth , as if one should demand of a man , Are these things presented to thy view , true ? Yes , will he say , true as true as the Gospel : then the next thing is , is all good and profitable ? O yes , says he , all is very good and desirable ; then the upshot is , I ; but is this good for thee ? If your soul answer now , Yes , very good to me ; if then thou accept of this , and wrap and fold thy self in the promises , thou canst not wind thy self out of comfort and assurance to be Christ Jesus ; for pray what makes up a match but the consent of two agreeing : so the consent of two parties agreeing ( upon this message ) makes up the match betwixt us and Christ , uniting and knitting us unto him . There are also ( being now incorporated ) other means to make us grow up him , by which time discovers what manner of ingrafting we have had into him : for we see four or five scions are ingrafted into a stock , yet some of them may not be incorporated with the stock , but wither . So many are by the Word and Sacraments admitted as retainers and believers of the promises , who shrink and hold not out , because they never were throughly incorporated into Christ , but imperfectly joyned unto him . But howsoever all that come to life must pass this way , if they look for sound comfort . And thus much shall suffice for the witness of our Spirit in Justification . But the testimony of our spirit goes further , wherein I might shew how in sanctification our spirit saith , Lord , prove me , if there be any evil in me , and lead me in the way everlasting : he loves the Brethren , and desires to fear God , as Nehemiah pleads , Nehem. 1.11 . Be attentive to the prayer of thy servant , and of thy servants , who desire to fear thy name . This is the warrant that I am partaker of that inward true washing , and not of that outward only of the Hog , which being kept clean and in good company will be clean , till there be an occasion offered of wallowing in the mire again . But when I find that though there were neither Heaven to reward me , nor Hell to punish me , if opportunity were offered , yet my heart riseth against sin , because of him who hath forbidden it ; this is a sure evidence , and testifies that I am a child of God. This is for the first thing in bringing of a man in , to survey the promises belonging to Justification and Sanctification , wherein our spirit seeing it self to have interest , doth truly and on sound judgment witness the assurance of our Salvation . Secondly , when I find Christ drawing me , and changing my nature , that upon the former reasonings , view , and laying hold of Christ , making me now have supernatural thoughts and delights , ( for this a man may have ; ) then certainly my spirit may conclude that I am blessed : for saith the Scripture , Blessed is the man whom thou chusest , and causest to come unto thee . But some like Dreamers do dream of this only , I know not on what grounds , but do I this waking with my whole soul ? doth my spirit testifie it upon good grounds , why then I may rest upon it , it is as sure as may be . Thus much is the testimony of our spirit . Now it is clear how faith is wrought , briefly two ways , which the Lord useth to bring a man to the survey of those grounds upon which our spirit doth witness . First , he works upon the understanding . Secondly , On the will and affections . It is a strange thing to consider how this work is begun and finished ? so that we may say hereof as the Lord poseth Job in Job 38.37 . Who hath put wisdom in the inward parts ? Or who hath given understanding to the heart ? And in another place , Where is the way where light dwelleth , and as for darkness where is the place thereof . First , God enlightens the understanding with the thunderings of the Law , when he shews a man such a sight as he could not have believed , and convinceth hem in general , that his estate is not good , that without mercy Hell attends him ; this is a flash of Lightning from Mount Sinai . Secondly , comes a Thunder-clap , laying all down , laying flat the will and affections , dejecting a man ; so that this first secret work of faith is a captivating of the understanding , will and affections . Now the act both of the understanding and the will is set forth in this case , Hebr. 11.13 . These all died in faith , not having received the promises , but having seen them afar off , were perswaded of them , and embraced them , &c. In this Scripture is set down the two hands and arms of faith . First , believing Christ out of sight . Secondly , laying hold and embracing the promises . They in the old Testament did not receive Christ in the flesh , and so are said to look afar off : as the Apostle speaks 1 Pet. 1.8 . Whom ye having not seen ye love , in whom though now ye see him not , yet believing , ye rejoyce , &c. But the Apostle adds they were perswaded of the promises , and embraced them . This is the work of the spirit upon the understanding , convincing the soul of sin , shewing there is a remedy , tells the soul all is marvellous true that God hath revealed in his word ; and then draws to this conclusion , Christ came to save sinners , whereof I am chief ; therefore he came to save me . Yet all this while the will may be stubborn and rebellious , and the affections disordered ; therefore here comes in the second arm of faith , not only being perswaded of the word as a word of truth , but as a good promise of good things to me : so that here is another degree of the working of the spirit to compel the will and affections , so sweetly grace having removed that perversness and disorder which governed them before . Now this gentle enforcing and often beating upon the will again and again what the understanding hath rightly conceived , this at last works upon the will , and moves it ; for we see the wickedest man in the world lays hold on the worst things as good and profitable unto him : so when the best thing is presented to the will as the best thing , and the necessity thereof urged by dangers ensuing inevitably , if I will not , then it apprehends that , and says of it , as Peter at the Transfiguration ; It is good for us to be here , and let us build Tabernacles . Hence you see what faith is in this working , An act of the understanding forcing in that way of conviction which we mentioned , the will and affections . And thus when the understanding is captivated , and the will brought to be willing , then the first act of faith is past . From whence we proceed to the second , which is the running to the City of Refuge , the application and believing of the promises , and so to the apprehending of Christ , surveying of the promises belonging to justification and sanctification , and bringing them home to the soul , from whence comes the witness of our spirit . Before we come yet to speak of God's spirit witnessing with our spirit , because betwixt this work there may be many times , and is an interposing trial , ere the spirit of God witness with our spirit , we will first touch that . When our spirit hath thus witnessed in Justification and Sanctification , God may now write bitter things against me , seem to cast me off , and wound me with the wounds of an enemy , remove the sense of the light of his countenance from me ; what then is to be done ? why , yet I will trust in him though he kill me , sure I am : I have loved and esteemed the words of his mouth more than mine appointed food , ( as Job speaks ) I have laid hold of Christ Jesus by the promises , and believe them : I have desired and do desire to fear him , and yield obedience to all his Commandments : if I must needs die , I will yet wait on him , and die at his feet . Look , here is the strength of faith , Christ had faith without feeling , when he cryed out , My God , my God , why hast thou forsaken me ? When sense is marvellous low , then faith is at the strongest . Here we must walk and live by faith , we shall have sense and sight enough in another world . The Apostle tells us , Now we walk by faith , and not by sight , and by faith we stand . As we may see a pattern of the woman of Canaan , Matth. 15.22 . First she was repulsed as a stranger , yet she goes on , then she was called a dog , she might now have been discouraged so as to have given over her suit ; but see this is the nature of Faith , to pick comfort out of discouragements ; to see out of a very small hole those things which raise and bring consolation : she catches at this quickly , Am I a dog ? why yet it is well , for the dogs eat the crumbs that fall from their Master's Table . Thus Faith grew stronger in her , and when this trial was past , Christ says unto her , O woman , not O dog now , great is thy faith , be it unto thee even as thou wilt . And thus have I done with the testimony of our spirit . Then from our believing of God in general , believing and applying the promises , and valourous trustings of God , and restings upon God , taking him at his word , comes the testimony of Gods spirit witnessing with our spirit that we are the children of God. I say this being done , and God having let us see what his strength in us is , he will not let us stand long in this uncomfortable state , but will come again and speak peace to us , that we may live in his sight ( as if he should say ) what , hast thou believed me so on my bare word ? Hast thou honoured me so as to lay the blame and fault of all my trials on thy self for thy sins , clearing my Justice in all things ? hast thou honoured me so as to magnifie mercy to wait and hope on it for all this ? hast thou trusted me so as to remain faithful in all thy miseries ? Then the Lord puts unto the witness of our spirit the seal of his spirit , as we may read Ephes. 1.13 . Says the Apostle , In whom also ye trusted after that ye heard the word of truth , the Gopel of your Salvation : in whom also after that ye believed , ye were sealed with the holy spirit of promise , which is the earnest of our inheritance , &c. Here is the difference betwixt faith and sense , faith takes hold of general promises , draws then down to particulars , applies them , and makes them her own , lives and walks by them , squaring the whole life by them in all things . But sense is another thing ; even that which is mentioned Psalm 35.3 . When there is a full report made to the soul of its assured happiness , Say unto my soul , I am thy salvation . When a man hath thus been gathered home by glorifying him , and believing his truth , then comes a special evidence to the soul with an unwonted joy , and saith , I am thy salvation , which in effect is that which Christ in another place speaks , John 14.21 . He that loveth me , shall be loved of my Father , and I will love him , and manifest my self unto him . And as it is in the Canticles 1.2 . Then he will kiss us with the kisses of his mouth , so as we shall be able to say , My beloved is mine , and I am his . When God hath heard us cry awhile till we be throughly humbled , then he takes us up into his arms , and dandles us . So that a meditation of the word being past , a man having viewed his Charter and the promises , surveying Heaven , the priviledges of Believers , and the glory that is to come ; then comes in the Spirit and makes up a third , with which comes joy unspeakable and glorious in such a measure , that for the present we can neither wish nor desire any thing else , the soul resting wonderfully ravished and contented . This cannot , nor shall not always continue , but at sometimes we shall have it , yet it remains always so , as it can never finally be taken away , as our Saviours promise is John 16 , 22. And ye now therefore have sorrow , but I will see you again ; and your heart shall rejoyce , and your joy shall no man take from you . This is the root of all consolation , that God will not forsake for ever : But will at last come again , and have compassion on us , according to the multitude of his mercies . But here some may Object : What ? Doth the spirit never seal but upon some such hard tryals after the witness of our Spirit ? I answer , the sealing of Gods Spirit with our Spirit is not always tyed to hard foregoing tryals immediately , for a man may be surveying Heaven and the glory to come , or praying earnestly with a tender and melting heart , applying the promises , and wrastling with God , and at the same time Gods seal many times may be and is put unto the same . For as the Wind bloweth where it listeth , and no man discerneth the coming thereof : So may the Spirit seal at divers times , and upon divers occasions ; yea and why may it not seal in time of some great suffering for the truth , as we read of the Apostles in 5 Acts 41. Who went away from the Council , rejoycing that they were counted worthy to suffer shame for his name . Lastly for tryal we must now see how to distinguish this Testimony of the true Spirit , from the counterfeit Illumination of the Anabaptists and some Fryars who will have strange suddain Joys , the Devil no question then transforming himself into an Angel of light unto them . This tryall therefore is made by three things going before , and three things following after , For the things that go before . First see that the ground-work be true . If a man be in the faith , and do believe the word , if upon believing and meditation , there be an opening unto the knock of Christ at the first , and not a delaying him like the lazy spouse in the Canticles , if in this case the spirit come and fill the heart with joy , then all is sure and well , it comes with a promise , for then Christ promised to enter , but if a man have a dull dead delaying ear , and therewith great fantastick Joys , he may assure himself the right Spirit hath not wrought them , they are but idle speculations , but if this joy comes upon the surveying of our Charter and evidences , it is sure we may build upon it . Secondly , A man must consider , if he hath as yet overcome strong passions and tentations , and passed thorough much hazard and peril for Christ , having been buffeted with divers temptations of which he hath obtained mastery ; for the seal of Gods Spirit with our Spirit , comes as reward of service done , as you may see Revelat. 3.17 . To him that overcometh will I give to eat of the hidden Manna , and I will give him a white stone , and in the stone a new name written , which no man knoweth saving he that receiveth it . Whereby he means he will give a secret love token to the soul , whereby it rests assured of the unspeakable love of God , and freedom from condemnation . Now what was this white stone ? The Athenians had a custome , when Malefactors were accused and arraigned , to have black and white stones by them , and so according to the sentence given , those condemned had a black , and the acquitted had a white stone given them , unto this the Holy Ghost here alludes , that this stone , this seal shall assure them of absolute acquittance from condemnation , and so free them of the cause of fear . Again he tells us Christ will give a man a new Name , that is , write his Absolution in fair letters in the white stone , with a clear evidence : As if he should say ( when Christ hath seen a man overcoming , and how he hath conflicted with tentations , and yet holds out , pressing for the Crown unto the end of the race . ) Christ will come in then and stroak him on the head , easing him of all his pains and sores with such a sweet refreshing as is unspeakable . When a man hath won it , he shews he then shall wear it . Thirdly , if the Spirit seal after Meditation on the word , it is right , the Apostle says in whom after that ye believed ye were sealed , &c. Examine the root of this joy , the Spirit gives no comfort but by the word . If a man do meditate on the promises , and thereupon have a flame of love kindled , this is sure a man may say , the word did stir it up : if it be Gods Comfort , God will have his word to make way unto it , some there are who find no sweetness in the word , what is the cause thereof ? Because they chew not the word to imprint it on their memories and in their heart . If comfort come whilst a man meditating on the promises doth wedge it home upon his heart ; it is of God , otherwise it is counterfeit and false . These are the forerunners to this seal . In the next place , there are three things that follow after this sealing which the Spirit leaves behind it . As , First , ( humility ) as in his knowledge , so in his sense , it makes a man more humble . There is naturally in all a certain pride , which must be overcome : ( says the Apostle ) What hast thou that thou hast not Received ? But by the contrary the nearer a man comes unto the glory of God , he finds so much the more rottenness in his bones , as we see in Job , I have heard of thee ( say he unto God ) by the hearing of the ear , but now mine eye seeth thee , his inference is therefore I abhor my self and Repent in dust and ashes . Secondly , another thing the Spirit leaves behind it ( if it seals rightly ) is a prevention of security for time to come . In this case we must look for a new encounter , a false perswasion makes a man to fall into security because Satan is then most malicious and busy , a man must stand faster then ever . The Devil hates them most that are most endued with Gods Image , whom because he cannot reach he persecutes in his members . And therefore in this case it must be with us as it was with Elias . 1 Kings 10.8 . After such an enlightning a man must now think that he hath a great Journey to go , and so walk on in the strength of that a long time . The Devil we see watcheth a man , and when he is at the best then endeavours to overcome him . As we may see in Adam and Eve , no sooner were they placed in that estate of Innocency but he tempts them , how much more a man having a sweeter tast of the Spirit , and less strength now , may he look to be set upon . And therefore in these feasting days he had need to be more on his watch and pray more : for we have more given us then Adam had , we have a new Name given us , a secret Love token , further we see Christ says Rev. 3. Behold I stand at the door and knock , if any man will open unto me , I will come in and sup with him and he with me . Now in this case if we be such persons who let our hearts fly open to let him in , we are safe ; as if he should say , if you would be sure of reconciliation to be at peace with me , sup with me and I will sup with you : For we know if men who were enemies be once brought to keep company together and to eat and drink one with another , we use to say all is done and wrapped up in the table cloath , all old reckonings are taken away , now they are certainly become friends . But if like the spouse in the Canticles , we let him stand knocking and will not let him in , we also may have great and sound knocks and blows our selves before we find him again ; as we read it befel the Church there , whom the Watchmen found , beat and took away her veil , as she was seeking Christ. If we would have comfort therefore , let us mark the knocking of the spirit , and not grieve him by withstanding holy motions ; and then we shall find him sealing up our salvation , witnessing with our spirits that we are the children of God. Men you see wait for the wind , and not the wind for them , otherwise they may wait long enough before they reach home : so must we watch the knocking 's of Christ , and let him in , that his spirit may seal us up to the day of Redemption . Thirdly : Another thing the true witness of the spirit leaves behind it is Love. It makes a man more inflam'd with love to God. If a man do not love God more after such an enlightening it is false and counterfeit , Psalm 116. I will love thee dearly , O Lord my God , because thou hast heard my voice . And says the Apostle , 2 Cor. 5.14 . The love of Christ constraineth us . And therefore if we be obedient Sons , we will shew it in loving and honouring our Father more and more , as the Prophet speaks , Malach. 6. A Son honoureth his Father , and a servant his Master , if then I be a Father , where is mine honour ? These are the trials before and after a true illumination to try it from the counterfeit , which that we may always find and observe in our selves , Let us pray , O Lord our God , &c. FINIS . A TABLE TO THE SERMONS . A ACceptation and Affiance two acts of Faith 95 Active Obedience , See Obedience Aggravations of sin , 37 A temporary Believer desires Christ only in Affliction . 119 , 120 Assurance no part of justifying faith , 97. It is attainable , 150. Why so many Christians want it , 141 B. BAptism , what it obliges to , 23. It hath not its full effect till the day of our death , ibid. To believe is a hard matter , 22 , 96 To believe is our duty , 88 Five words ( or Scripture-ways ) that God uses to perswade sinners to Believe in Christ , viz. General Proclamation , 86. Special invitations , 87. Entreaties , 87. Commands , 88. Threatnings , 89 To Believe is to come to Christ , 111 It is exprest by Hungring and Thirsting , 113 A Believer's case like the Beggars , 114 A true Believer distinguished from a Temporary , ( 1. ) by the ground of his desires , 119. ( 2. ) by his desiring Grace as well as Mercy , 122. ( 3. ) by his Love to God. 122 A Believer's privilege . 150 C. GOd Calls sinners to Christ by five words , 86 Christ's equality with God , 68. It renders his Humiliation the greater and more meritorious , 68 Christ's Humiliation ; the extent , degrees and particulars of it , 69 , 72. Part of his Humiliation to be God's Servant , 74. He was a Servant on earth in respect of men , 70. Vsed and valued at the rate of a bondman , 71 Christ's sufferings the more meritorious because voluntary , 74 Christ's Active Obedience in the course of his life , 74. his Humiliation and sufferings from his Conception to his death described , 75 , &c. Christ's death described in the Accursedness of it , 78. in the shame of it , 78. in the painfulness of it , 78 Christ suffered not the pains of Hell , proved , 80. yet he suffered in his Soul immediately from God , 80 Whether Christ takes away all the sins of the world , 83 Christ's being offered for us , no comfort unless he be offered to us , 66 That Christ died sufficiently for all , is an improper speech , 66 To receive Christ what , 84. Christ offered freely , 83 , 86. He that hath a will to receive Christ hath a warrant to receive him , 86 Christ the proper and immediate Object of justifying Faith , 93. Christ loved and valued above all by true believers , 96. Christ and the Cross go together in this life . 96 Christ very compassionaee , 111 Christ is our peace , 149 To be a Christian indeed is no easie ma●ter , 96 Civil Righteousness , See Morality . Men deceived by Comparing themselves with others , 20. and with themselves , 20 The Conditions of Faith and Obedience required hinder not the freedom of Gospel Grace , 80 , 92 Confession of sin necessary , and why , 114 Carnal Confidence as to our spiritual estate dangerous , the vain grounds of it discovered , 19 Conscience one of the Tormentors in Hell , 62 Peace of Conscience , See Peace , Conviction necessary to Conversion , 17 , 33 Conviction a work of Gods Spirit . 109 Two hindrances of Conversion , 2 A limited time for it . 4 Crucifying a Cursed , Shameful , Painful death , 77. The manner of it , 79 The Curse follows sin , 40 The Curses attending an unregenerate man in this life , 48 , &c. The Curses on his Soul , 51 The Curses at his death , 53 Custom in sin hardens the heart , 12 D. DAy of grace limited , 45 , 15. The folly and danger of neglecting it , 13 Death the wages of sin , 45. The comprehensiveness of the word Death , 48 Death terrible , 45. The terribleness of Bodily Death set forth in three particulars , 53 , &c. What the first and second Death is , 48 The Death of Christ described , 78 , &c. Death-bed Repentance , See Repentance . Deferring Repentance dangerous , 7. The reasons of Carnal mens Deferring R●pentance , 9 , &c. The vanity of them , ibid. Desires after Christ may be stronger in T●mporaries , than in true believers , 119 , 120 The Devil takes possession of those whom God leaves , 43 , 44 The Reason of Christians Doubting , 141 E WHat use to make of the Doctrine of Election and Reprobation , 15 Encouragements for sinners to come to Christ , 86 Examination of a mans self . See Self-Examination . F. FAith why required to the receiving of Christ , since he is a free gift , 84 Faith consists not in a mans being perswaded that God is his God , and that his sins are pardoned , 86 , 91. It s proper and immediate Object is not that forgiveness of sins , but Christ , 93 Faith must have a ground for it out of the word , 91. What Faith justifies 118 , &c. Faith justifies not as a vertue , but in respect of its object , 93. Faith justifies not as a Habit , but as an act , 132. The Acts of Faith , 94. By what sins the Acts of Faith are hindred , 92. How those obstructions are removed , ibid. Faith an instrument to receive Justification , not to procure it , 135 , 140 Why Faith chosen for an instrument of justification , rather than any oth●r grace , 141. A weak Faith justifies as much as a strong , 140. yet a strong Faith is to be laboured for , and why , 140 How Faith alone justifies , 140 Faith may be certainly known . There may be Faith where there is no feeling , 90 , 96 , 113 128. Faith strongest when sense least , 147 Encouragements to Faith. 86 Carnal Fear its sinfulness and danger , 56 , 57 Men apt to Flatter themselves as to their spiritual estate , 18 Five false glasses that cause this self - Flattery , 18 , &c. Forgiveness of sins not a distinct thing from Imputation of Righteousness , 85 , &c. Forgiveness is properly of sins past only , 125. It is one continued act , 131. and therefore may be prayed for by a justified person . ibid. Forgiveness frees from guilt and punishment , 133 God forsakes none till they forsake him , 44 True believers forsake all for Christ , 96 , 97 Free grace in bringing sinners to Christ , 84 No Free will to good ▪ 86 G. TO be given up to our selves a more fearful thing than to be given up to Satan , 44 , 52 The Gospel not seasonable , nor savoury , till the Law hath been preached , 33. How the Gospel differs from the Law , 36 The fulness and freedom of the Grace of the Gospel not hindred by the conditions of Faith and Obedience , 84 , 85 Guilt of sin taken away in Justification , 133 , 134 H. HArdness of heart a hindrance to Conversion , 2 , 3 Hell for whom provided , 56 Hell described , 157 , &c. That Christ suffered not the pains of Hell proved , 80 Christians rejoyce in Hope , 151 The Humiliation of Christ , v. Christ. I. IMputation of Righteousness . See Righteousness . To be given up to Insensibleness a woful thing . 52 , 53 Joy in the sense of God's love surpasseth all worldly joy , 98. It is attainable , ibid. The reason why many believers are strangers to it , 98. Some Joy may be in a Temporary , 121. How to try true Joy , 151. Means to get it . 151 , 152 Justification , what it signifies , 123. How the Fathers used the Word , 123. Justification one simple act of God , 124 How we are said to be justified by Faith , and how by Christ's blood , 93 , 134 In what sense we are Justified by Faith according to Paul , and in what sense by Works according to James , 124 Impossible to be justified but by imputed Righteousness , 125 , 129 , 130. In the instant of Justification , no sins are remitted but those that are past , 130. A twofold Justification , 127 Why a justified person may and must pray for the remission of sins past , 131 Justification frees from the punishment and guilt too , 133 , 134 Justification confounded by the Papists with sanctification , 125. The difference between them , 135 , 137 No Justification before Faith , 142 How we are Justified by Faith alone , 141 Judgment in Scripture sometime taken for Righteousness inherent , 139 How men are deceived in Judging of of their spiritual estate , 18 K. KNowledge one act of Faith , 95 L. THe use of the Law , 33 , 65 , 112 It is necessary to be preached before the Gospel , 33 , 112 Men are under the Law till they come to Christ , 35. how fearful a thing it is to be under the Law , 35 , 36. the difference between the Law , and the Gospel in three particulars , 36 Love of God twofold , 91. No temporary believer loves God , 123 To be given up to our own Lusts a more fearful thing , than to be given up to Satan , 43 , 44 M WAnt of Meditation one cause most believers have so little joy in God , 98 Mistakes in judging our spiritual estates . See Judging . Morality too much trusted to , 21. It 's insufficient to bring men to heaven , ibid. N. NAtural reason not to be trusted to , 21. Too short to convince of sin throughly , 22 Mans condition by Nature described , 25. The Natural man dead in sin , 29. His best works cannot please God , and why , 29.30 The Curses attending a Natural man in this world . 49 , & : c. Two blows that God gives a Natural mans soul in this life , the one sensible , 51. the other insensible , 52. The Curses attending him at Death , 53 , & : c. O. CHrists active Obedience mixed with his passive , 73 Wherein his active Obedience consisted , 74 , &c. Wherein his passive , 75 Partial Obedience a false glass to judge our estates by . 21 To design only our Old age for God is dishonourable to him , 9 , 10 Old age most unfit for Repentance , 11 , 12 Men apt to have too good Opinion of themselves , 17. The causes of it , 1● , &c. Men deceived in judging of their estates by the good Opinions of others , 19 P. PArtial Obedience see Obedience . Passive Obedience see Obedience . Peace a fruit of Faith , 143 , 147. Why many Christians want the sense of it , 143 , 144 , 147 The differences between a true and a false Peace , 148 The Causes of a Carnal Peace , 147 , 148 Christ is our Peace , 149 Spirit of Prayer what , 115 , 116 1. The Importunity and efficacy of it , 116 Why a person already justified may and must Pray for the forgiveness of sins past , 130 , 131 R. NAtural Reason see Natural . To Receive Christ what , 85 What Reformation may be in a natural man , 120 , 121 Repentance prevents ruine , 3 Repentance not in our own power but in Gods gift , 6. The sinfulness of deferring it , 5 Death-bed Repentance , the hindrances of it , 13. Not to be trusted to , 14. Hard to prove it sound , 14 Superficial Repentance is vain . 24 Repentance in what respects necessary to justification , 132 Remission of sin . See Forgiveness . Resting , or Relying upon God , a proper Act of Faith , 96 Righteousness two fold , 123 , 129 Imputative Righteousness what it is , 125 , 129. Impossible to be justified without it , and why , 129 , 130 S Sanctification a distinct thing from Justification , 127 Satan . See Devil . A difficult thing to be Saved , 22. Sealing a distinct thing from Faith , 137. The Causes of Security , 149. Self-Examination , necessary to Conversion , 17. a mark of a sound believer , 128. Self flattery : See flattery . Self-Love , how it deceives men in judging their estates , 18. Sin continued in , hastens Gods judgements , 2.3 , Sin compared to a weight , 11. to Cords , 12 , Sin gets strength by continuance . 12. The Sinfulness of Sin set forth in 6. considerations , 37.38 . &c. The dreadful fruits and consequence of Sin. It pollutes the Soul , 41. It makes men loathsom to God , 42 It brings the Devil into the heart , 43. It calls for wages , 45. The greatness of Sin , should be no bar against believing in Christ , 85. No Sin overtops the value of Christs blood , ibid. Encouragements for Sinners to come to Christ , 85. Sin not discovered throughly but by the spirit , 109 Sin may be cast away , and yet no true Conversion , 121 Sin is only a Privation and no positive being . 124 Sins not pardoned before they be committed , 115. The guilt and punishment of Sin taken away in Justification , 133 Spirit of Bondage what , 109 Spirit of Prayer see Prayer . T. A Temporary Faith how far it may go , 117 , &c. How to know it from true faith , 120 Temporary Believers desire Christ only in affliction , 120. They do but only tast of Christ , 121. They desire mercy but not grace , 122. They do nothing out of love to God , 122 The sinfulness of thoughts , 42 The end of Gods Threatnings . 3 U. UNregenerate Men See Natural . Our unworthiness should not keep us from coming to Christ. 84 W. THe Will wrought by God , as well as the deed , 112. The Will more than the Deed , 112. How God takes the Will for the deed , 113 He that hath a Will to receive Christ , hath a warrant to receive him , 86 God alone enclines the Will to receive Christ , ibid. A woful thing to be suffered by God to have our own Wills in this world , 66 Our Wills must be crossed here , or for ever hereafter . ibid. The Willingness of Christs sufferings rendred them the more meritorious , 74 The Word presented to our faith under a double respect , viz. ( 1 ) as a true Word , 94. ( 2 ) as a good Word , 95 Works spiritually good cannot be performed by an unregenerate man , and why , 29 , 30 In what sense we are said by James to be justified by Works , 124 Wrath a Consequence of sin , 40 Y. YOuth the fittest time to Repent and break off sin in . 9 , 10 , 13 , A Catalogue of some Books Printed for , and Sold by Nathanael Ranew , at the King's Arms in St. Paul's Church-yard . Folio's . THe Works of Josephus , with great diligence revised and amended according to the excellent French Translation of Monsieur Arnauld d' Andilly . Also the Embassy of Philo Judaeus to the Emperor Caius Caligula , never translated before ; with the references of the Scripture . A new Map of the Holy Land , and divers Copper Plates serving to illustrate the History . The Principles of Christian Religion ; with a large Body of Divinity , or the Sum and Substance of Christian Religion , Catechistically propounded and explained by way of Question and Answer , Methodically and Familiarly handled . Whereunto is added Immanuel , or the Mystery of the Incarnation of the Son of God. Composed by the Right Reverend James Vsher , Arch-bishop of Armagh . To which is now added twenty Sermons , preached at Oxford before his Majesty , and elsewhere . With the life of the Author , containing many remarkable passages ; and an Alphabetical Table , never before extant . Quarto's . The Harmony of the Divine Attributes , in the Contrivance and Accomplishment of Man's Redemption by the Lord Jesus Christ : Or Discourses wherein is shewed , how the Wisdom , Mercy , Justice , Holiness , Power and Truth of God , are Glorified in that great and blessed Work : By William Bates , D. D. Of Wisdom , three Books written in French ; by Peter Charron , Doctor of Law in Paris : Translated by Sampson Lennard . A Sermon preached at High Wickham , in the County of Bucks : wherein the Minister's Duty is Remembred , their Dignity Asserted , Man's Reconciliation with God urged . By Samuel Gardner , Chaplain to his Majesty . The Norfolk Feast : A Sermon Preached at St. Dunstan's , being the day of the Anniversary Feast for that County . By William Smythes , Minister in that County . The Speech of Sir Audly Mervyn Knight , His Majesty's prime Serjeant of Law , and Speaker of the House of Commons in Ireland : delivered to his Grace the Duke of Ormond , Lord Lieutenant of Ireland , the 13th . of Febr. 1662. in the Presence Chamber in the Castle in Dublin . Octavo's . A Worthy Communicant ; or a Treatise shewing the due order of Receiving the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper . By Jeremiah Dyke . The Way to Salvation , or the Doctrine of Life Eternal : laid down from several Texts of Scripture , opened and applyed ; fitted to the capacity of the meanest Christian , and useful for all Families . By John Hieron . Solitude Improved by Divine Meditation ; or a Treatise proving the Duty , and demonstrating the Necessity , Excellency , Usefulness , Nature , Kinds and Requisites of Divine Meditation . First intended for a Person of Honour , and now published for general use . By Nathanael Ranew some time Minister of Felsted in Essex . Moral Vertues Baptized Christian , or the Necessity of Morality among Christians . By William Shelton of Bursted Magna in Essex . The Burning of London in the Year 1666. Commemorated and Improved in an hundred and ten Meditations and Contemplations . By Samuel Rolle Minister of the Gospel , and sometime Fellow of Trinity College in Cambridge . Natural Theology , or the Knowledge of God from the Works of Creation : Accommodated and Improved to the Service of Christianity . By Matthew Barker . Christ and the Covenant , the Work and Way of Meditation ; God's Return to the Soul or Nation , together with his preventing Mercy . Delivered in Ten Sermons by William Bridge , sometime Minister of Yarmouth . The Sinfulness of Sin , and the Fulness of Christ : Delivered in two Sermons by the same Author . The Vanity of the World. By Ezekiel Hopkins . The Soul's Ascension in the state of Separation . By Isaac Loeffs . An Explication of the Assemblies lesser Catechism . By Samuel Winney . Iter Boreale , with other select Poems : Being an exact Collection of all hitherto extant ; and some added , never before Printed . By Robert Wild , D. D. A Synopsis of Quakerism , or a Collection of the Fundamental Errors of the Quakers . By Thomas Danson . A Poetical Meditation ; wherein the Usefulness , Excellency , and several perfections of Holy Scripture are briefly hinted . By John Clark. Twelves . Correction , Instruction , or a Treatise of Affliction : first Conceived by way of Private Meditation , afterwards digested into certain Sermons , and now published for the help and Comfort of humble suffering Christians . By Thomas Case . The Poor doubting Christian drawn to Christ. By Thomas Hooker of New England . Ovid's Metamorphosis , in English Verse . By George Sandy's . Aesop's Fables , in Prose , with Cuts . The Principles of Christian Religion , with a brief Method of the Doctrine thereof . Corrected and Enlarged by the Reverend James Vsher , Bishop of Armagh . A plain Discourse of the Mercy of having Godly Parents , with the Duties of Children that have such Parents . By M. Goddard . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Novum Testamentum ; huic editioni omnia Difficiliorum vocabulorum Themata , quae in Georgii Passoris Lexico Gramatice resolvuntur in Margine apposuit Carolus Hoole ; in eorum scilicet gratiam qui primi Graecae Linguae Tyrocinia faciunt . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A64687-e220 Lord in special forgive my sins of commission , see Dr. Ber. Life and death of the Arch-Bp . of Armagh , p. 110. * Sheffeild in York-shire . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . James Meath . Anagram , I am the same . See Dr. Bernard , pag. 52. See Dr. Ber. Epist. to the Reader in his life and death , &c. * See the Reduction of Episcopacy to the form of Synodical Government Received in the Ancient Church : published by Doctor Bernard . * 2 Sam. 1.22 . * Isa. 50.4 . * 2 Cor. 3.2 . * Acts 11.21 . * Dan. 12.3 . * Heb. 2.13 . * Tim. 4.12 . * Mark 6.20 . * Acts 1.1 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . * Mat. 7.29 . * 1 Cor. 2.4 , 5. * 1 Cor. 14.24.25 . * Acts 18 . 24· Collatis scripturae locis Probans , nempe sicuti solent artifices aliquid Compacturi , singulas partes inter se comparare , ut inter se alia aliis ad amussim quadrent . Bez. In Act. 9.22 . Efficere condescensionem ut sic dicam id est argumentis propositis efficere , ut aliquis tecum in eandem sententiam descendat . Mr. Leigh . Critic . sacr . In verb. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . * Ser. before K. James , Wansted . June 20. 1629 page 34 , 35. * Ecl. 12.10 , 1● 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 * John 16.5 . * Psal. 16.3 . * Acts 13.22 . * Psal. 119.63 . * Math. 11 , 29 * Mal. 2.4.5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9. * Esay 43.27.28 . * 1 Sam. 2.30 . * Deut. 33.11 . * Math. 5.12 . and 10.25 . * Math. 21.44 . * Rev. 11.11 . * 2 Sam. 6.22 . * Calvino ( illustri viro , nec unquam sine summi honoris praefatione nominando ) non assentior . Bp. Andr●ws . De Usuris . 3 John 12. Notes for div A64687-e4580 Observation . Observation . Observation . Obj. Sol. Obj. Sol. 1. Order of outward things . 2. The nature of sin . Sin is compared to cords . To defer repentance hardens the more The folly of those that defer their repentance till death . Obj. Sol. Trust not to death-bed repentance . I will be hard to prove death-bed repe●tance to be sound . Gen. 6.3 . It s our wisdom to arm against Satans fallacy , and hearken to God in his accepted time . 1 Glass . Self-love . 2 Glass . Others good opinion . 3. Glass . When a man compares himself with others . 4. Glass . Partial Obedience . Obj. Sol. Another false Glass . The Devil transforms himself into an Angel of light . Superficial repentance will not change the nature of a man. No morality , nor external change of life will do , without quickning grace and a new life wrought . Quest. Ans. Obj. Sol. Doct. Obj. Sol. No natural man doth judge himself so bad as he i● . The best works of a natural man cannot please God. Look to the original of duties . Look to the end of duty . It 's necessary to preach the Law before the Gospel . This is the 1 Instance . 2 Instance . 3 Instance . Note well . Our Remedy , or our Redemption by Christ Christ's humiliation in iife and death The second degree of his humiliation , that he might he might become a servant . Christ accounted as a bond-man . Exam. Joseph . fot the calcu . 14400000 drachms . (x) Which were 120000. (z) Have the quotient 120 Drachms . Four Drachms went to a Shekel : so divide 120 by 4 , your quotient is 30 shekels for each man , which was the ordinary rate , &c. Now this Obedience is twofold , 1. Active , 2. Passive . 1. For his active obedience in the whole course of his Life . 2. For his active obedience after his Death . 
A14227	----	An ansvver to a challenge made by a Iesuite in Ireland Wherein the iudgement of antiquity in the points questioned is truely delivered, and the noveltie of the now romish doctrine plainly discovered. By Iames Vssher Bishop of Meath. Ussher, James, 1581-1656. 1624 Approx. 1401 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 280 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2006-02 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A14227 STC 24542 ESTC S118933 99854140 99854140 19547 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A14227) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 19547) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 1041:14) An ansvver to a challenge made by a Iesuite in Ireland Wherein the iudgement of antiquity in the points questioned is truely delivered, and the noveltie of the now romish doctrine plainly discovered. By Iames Vssher Bishop of Meath. Ussher, James, 1581-1656. Malone, William, 1586-1656. [24], 527, [9] p. Printed by the Societie of Stationers [and Eliot's Court Press, London], Dublin : 1624. A printing of and reply to "The Jesuites challenge" by W.B., i.e. William Malone, of which a separate printing is not known. Quires B-3O were printed in Dublin; the rest in London by Eliot's Court Press (STC). The first leaf is blank. The four final leaves contain a list of authors cited. Reproduction of the original in the Henry E. Huntington Library and Art Gallery. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. 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Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Malone, William, 1586-1656. Catholic Church -- Controversial literature -- Early works to 1800. 2005-02 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-08 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2005-10 Andrew Kuster Sampled and proofread 2005-10 Andrew Kuster Text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-01 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion AN ANSWER TO A CHALLENGE MADE BY A IESUITE in JRELAND . WHEREIN THE IVDGEMENT OF ANTIQUITY in the points questioned is truely delivered , and the Noveltie of the now ROMISH doctrine plainly discovered By IAMES VSSHER Bishop of Meath . MATTH . 19.8 . From the beginning it was not so . DUBLIN , Printed by the Societie of Stationers . 1624. TO HIS MOST SACRED MAIESTIE , IAMES BY THE GRACE OF God King of great BRITAINE , FRANCE , and IRELAND , Defender of the Faith , &c. Most Gratious and Dread Soveraigne . WEe finde it recorded for the everlasting honour of Theodosius the yonger , that it was his use a to reason with his Bishops of the things contained in the holy Scriptures , as if he himselfe had beene one of their order : and of the Emperour Alexius in latter dayes ; that b whatsoever time hee could spare from the publike cares of the Common-wealth , hee did wholly employ in the diligent reading of Gods booke , and in conferring thereof with worthy men , of whom his Court was never empty . How little inferiour , or how much superiour rather , your Majestie is to either of these in this kind of praise , I neede not speake : it is acknowledged even by such as differ from you in the point of Religion , as a matter that hath c added more than ordinary lustre of ornament to your Royall estate ; that you doe not forbeare so much as at the time of your bodily repast , to have for the then like feeding of your intellectuall part , your Highnesse table surrounded with the attendance and conference of your grave and learned Divines . VVhat inward joy my heart conceived , as oft as I have had the happinesse to be present at such seasons , I forbeare to utter : onely I will say with Job ; that d the eare which heard you blessed you , and the eye which saw you , gave witnesse to you . But of all other things which I observed , your singular dexteritie in detecting the frauds of the Romish Church , and untying the most knotty arguments of the Sophisters of that side , was it ( I confesse ) that I admired most . especially where occasion was offred you to utter your skill , not in the word of God alone , but also in the Antiquities of the Church : wherein you have attained such a measure of knowledge as ( with honour to God , I trust I may speake it , & without flatterie to you ) in a well studied Divine we would account verie commendable , but in such a Monarch as your selfe almost incredible . And this is one cause ( most Gratious Soveraigne ) beside my generall duty , and the many speciall obligations wherby I am otherwise bound unto your Majestie , which hath emboldned me to intreat your patience at this time , in vouchsafing to be a spectator of this combate , which I am now entred into with a Iesuite , who chargeth us to disallow many chiefe articles , which the Saints and Fathers of the Primitive Church did generally hold to be true ; and undertaketh to make good , that they of his side doe not disagree from that holy Church , either in these , or in any other point of Religion . Now true it is , if a man doe only attend unto the bare sound of the word , ( as in the question of Merit , for example ) or to the thing in generall , without descending into the particular consideration of the true ground thereof ( as in the matter of Praying for the dead ) he may easily be induced to beleeve , that in divers of these controversies the Fathers speake cleerely for them and against us : neither is there any one thing that hath wonne more credit to that religion , or more advanced it in the consciences of simple men , than the conformitie that it retaineth in some words and outward observances with the ancient Church o● Christ. Whereas if the thing it selfe were narrowly looked into , it would be found that they have onely the shell without the kernell , and we the kernell without the shell : they having retained certaine words and rites of the ancient Church , but applied them to a new invented doctrine ; and we on the other side having relinquished these words and observances , but retained neverthelesse the same primitive doctrine , unto which by their first institution they had relation . The more cause have I to count my selfe happy , that am to answer of these matters before a King that is able to discerne betwixt things that differ , and hath knowledge of all these questions . before whom therefore I may speake boldly : because I am perswaded that none of these things are hid from him . For it is not of late daies that your Majestie hath begun to take these things into your consideration : from a childe have you beene trained up to this warfare ; yea before you were twenty yeeres of age , the Lord had taught your hands to fight against the man of sinne , and your fingers to make battell against his Babel . Whereof your Paraphrase upon the Revelation of S. John is a memorable monument left to all posterity : which I can never looke upon , but those verses of the Pöet runne alwaies in my minde : Caesaribus virtus contigit ante diem ; Jngenium coeleste suis velocius annis Surgit , & ignavae fert mala damna morae . How constant you have beene ever since in the profession and maintenance of the truth : your late protestation , made vnto both the houses of your Parlament , giveth sufficient evidence . So much whereof as may serve for a present antidote against that false and scandalous e Oration spread amongst forrainers under your Majesties sacred name : I humbly make bold to insert in this place , as a perpetuall testimony of your integrity in this behalfe . f WHAT my religion is my bookes doe declare , my profession and my behaviour doe shew : and J hope in God , J shall never live to be thought otherwise ; sure I am , J shall never deserve it . And for my part I wish that it might be written in Marble and remaine to posteritie , as a marke upon me , when I shall swerve from my Religion . for he that doth dissemble with God , is not to be trusted by man. My Lords , I protest before God , my heart hath bled , when I have heard of the increase of Popery : and God is my Judge it hath beene so great a griefe unto me , that it hath beene like thornes in mine eies and prickes in my sides ; so farre have I beene and ever shall be , from turning any other way . And my Lords and Gentlemen , you all shall bee my Confessors ; if J knew any way better than other to hinder the growth of Poperie , I would take it : and he cannot be an honest man , who knowing as J doe and being perswaded as I am , would doe otherwise . As you have so long since begun , and happily continued , so goe on ( most renowned King ) and still shew your selfe to be a Defender of the faith . fight the Lords battells couragiously , honour him evermore , and advance his truth . that when you have fought this good fight , and finished your course , and kept the faith ; you may receive the Crowne of righteousnesse , reserved in heaven for you . for the obtaining of which double blessing , both of grace and of glory , together with all outward prosperitie and happinesse in this life ; you shall never want the instant praiers of Your Majesties most faithfull subject and humble servant , IA. MIDENSIS . TO THE READER . IT is now about six yeeres ( as I gather by the reckoning laid downe in the 25 th page of this booke ) since this following Challenge was brought unto me from a Iesuite ; and received that generall Answer , which now serveth to make up the first chapter only of this present worke . The particular points , which were by him but barely named , I meddled not withall at that time : conceiving it to be his part ( as in the 34 th page is touched ) who sustained the person of the Assailant , to bring forth his armes and give the first onset , and mine , as the Defendant , to repell his encounter afterwards . Only I then collected certaine materials out of the Scriptures and writings of the Fathers , which I meant to make use of for a second conflict , whensoever this Challenger should be pleased to descend to the handling of the particular articles by him proposed ; the truth of euery of which he had taken upon him to prove , by the expresse testimonies of the Fathers of the primitiue Church , as also by good and certaine grounds out of the sacred Scriptures , if the Fathers authoritie would not suffice . Thus this matter lay dead for diuers yeeres together : and so would still have done , but that some of high place in both Kingdomes , having beene pleased to thinke farre better of that little which I had done than the thing deserved , advised me to goe forward , and to deliver the iudgement of Antiquitie touching those particular points in controversie , wherein the Challenger was so confident that the whole current of the Doctors , Pastors and Fathers of the Primitiue Church did mainly run on his side . Hereupon I gathered my scattered notes together , and as the multitude of my imployments would give mee leave , now entred into the handling of one point and then of another : treating of each , either more briefly or more largely , as the opportunitie of my present leisure would give me leave . And so at last , after many interruptions , I have made up in such manner as thou seest , a kinde of a Doctrinall History of those seuerall points , which the Iesuite culled out , as speciall instances of the consonancie of the doctrine now maintained in the Church of Rome , with the perpetuall and constant iudgement of all Antiquitie . The doctrine that here I take upon me to defend , ( what different opinions soever I relate of others ) is that which by publike authoritie is professed in the Church of England , and comprised in the booke of Articles agreed upon in the Synod held at LONDON in the yeere 1562. concerning which I dare be bold to challenge our Challenger and all his complices , that they shall never be able to prove , that there is either any one article of Religion disallowed therein , which the Saints and Fathers of the Primitive Church did generally hold to be true , ( I use the words of my challenging Iesuit ) or any one point of doctrine allowed , which by those Saints and Fathers was generally held to be untrue . As for the testimonies of the Authors which I alleage , I have beene carefull to set downe in the margent their owne words in their owne language ( such places of the Greeke Doctors only excepted , whereof the originall text could not be had ) as well for the better satisfaction of the Readers ( who either cannot come by that variety of bookes , whereof use is here made , or will not take the paines to enter into a curious search of every particular allegation ) as for the preventing of those trifling quarrels that are commonly made against translations . for if it fall out , that word be not everie where precisely rendred by word ( as who would tie himselfe to such a pedanticall observation ? ) none but an idle caviller can obiect , that this was done with any purpose to corrupt the meaning of the Author ; whose words he seeth laid downe before his eies , to the end he may the better judge of the translation and rectifie it where there is cause . Againe , because it is a thing very materiall in the historicall handling of controversies , both to understand the Times wherein the severall Authors lived , and likewise what bookes be truly or falsly ascribed to each of them : for some direction of the Reader in the first , I have annexed at the end of this booke , a Chronologicall Catalogue of the Authors cited therein ( wherein such as have no number of yeeres affixed unto them , are thereby signified to be Incerti temporis ; their age being not found by me , upon this sudden search , to be noted by any : ) and for the second , I have seldome neglected in the worke it selfe , whensoever a doubtfull or supposititious writing was alleaged , to give some intimation whereby it might be discerned that it was not esteemed to be the booke of that Author , unto whom it was intituled . The exact discussion as well of the Authors Times , as of the Censures of their workes , I refer to my Theological Bibliotheque : if God hereafter shall lend me life and leasure , to make up that worke , for the use of those that meane to give themselves to that Noble study of the doctrine and rites of the ancient Church . In the meane time I commit this booke to thy favourable censure , and thy selfe to Gods gracious direction : earnestly advising thee , that whatsoever other studies thou intermittest , the carefull and conscionable reading of Gods booke may never be neglected by thee . for whatsoever becommeth of our disputes touching other antiquities or novelties : thou maiest stand assured , that thou shalt there finde so much by Gods blessing , as shall be able to make thee wise unto salvation , and to build thee up , and to give thee an inheritance among all them that are sanctified . Which next under Gods glory , is the utmost thing ( I know ) that thou aimest at : and for the attaining whereunto I heartily wish , that the word of Christ may dwell in thee richly , in all wisedome . THE CONTENTS of the BOOKE . CHAP. I. A Generall answer to the Iesuites Challenge . pag. 1. CHAP. II. Of Traditions . pag. 35. CHAP. III. Of the Real presence . pag. 44. CHAP. IIII. Of Confession . pag. 81. CHAP. V. Of the Priests power to forgive sinnes . pag. 109. CHAP. VI. Of Purgatorie . pag. 163. CHAP. VII . Of Praier for the dead . pag. 182. CHAP. VIII . Of Limbus Patrum ; and Christs descent into Hell. pag. 252. CHAP. IX . Of Praier to Saints . pag. 377. CHAP. X. Of Images . pag. 447. CHAP. XI . Of Free-will . pag. 464. CHAP. XII . Of Merits . pag. 492. THE IESVITES CHALLENGE . How shall I answer to a Papist , demaunding this Question ? YOur Doctors and Masters graunt that the Church of Rome for 400 or 500 years after Christ , did hold the true Religion . First then would I faine knowe , what Bishop of Rome did first alter that Religion , which you commend in them of the first 400 years ? In what Pope his dayes was the true Religion overthrowne in Rome ? Next , I would faine know , How can your Religion be true , which dissalloweth of many chiefe articles , which the Saints and Fathers of that primitive Church of Rome did generally hold to be true ? For they of your side , that have read the Fathers of that unspotted Church , can well testifie ( and if any deny it , it shall be presently shewen ) that the Doctors , Pastors , and Fathers of that Church doe allow of Traditions ; that they acknowledge the real presence of the body of Christ in the Sacrament of the Altar : that they exhorted the people to confesse their sinnes unto their ghostly Fathers : that they affirmed , that Priests have power to forgive sinnes : that they taught , that there is a Purgatory : that prayer for the dead is both commendable and godly : that there is Limbus Patrum , and that our Saviour descended into Hell , to deliver the ancient Fathers of the Old Testament ; because before his Passion none ever entred into Heaven : that prayer to Saints , and use of holy Images was of great account amongst them : that man hath free-will , and that for his meritorious works he receiveth , through the assistance of Gods grace , the blisse of euerlasting happinesse . Now would I faine know whether of both haue the true Religion , they that hold all these above said points , with the Primitive Church ; or they that doe most vehemently contradict , and gaine-say them ? They that doe not disagree with that holy Church , in any point of Religion ; or they that agree with it but in very few , and disagree in almost all ? VVill you say , that these Fathers maintained these opinions , contrary to the word of God ? why you know that they were the pillars of Christianitie , the champions of Christ his Church , and of the true Catholike Religion , which they most learnedly defended against diverse heresies ; and therefore spent all their time in a most serious studie of the holy Scripture . Or will you say , that although they knew the Scriptures to repugne , yet they brought in the aforesaid opinions by malice and corrupt intentions ? VVhy your selves cannot deny but that they lived most holy and vertuous lives , free from all malitious corrupting , or perverting of Gods holy word , and by their holy lives are now made worthy to raigne with God in his glory . In so much as their admirable learning may sufficiently crosse out all suspition of ignorant error ; and their innocent sanctitie freeeth us from all mistrust of malitious corruption . Now would I willingly see what reasonable answer may be made to this . For the Protestants graunt , that the Church of Rome for 400 or 500 yeares , held the true Religion of Christ : yet do they exclaime against the abovesaid Articles , which the same Church did maintaine and uphold , as may bee shewen by the expresse testimonies of the Fathers of the same Church ; and shall be largely laid down , if any learned Protestant will deny it . Yea , which is more , for the confirmation of all the aboue mentioned points of our Religion , wee will produce good and certaine grounds out of the sacred Scriptures , if the Fathers authority will not suffice . And we do desire any Protestant to alleage any one Text out of the said Scripture , which condemneth any of the aboue written points : which wee hold for certaine they shall never be able to doe . For indeed they are neyther more learned , more pious , nor more holy then the blessed Doctors and Martyrs of that first Church of Rome , which they allow and esteeme of so much , and by which we most willingly will be tryed , in any point which is in controversie betwixt the Protestants and the Catholicks . VVhich wee desire may be done with christian charity and sincerity , to the glory of God , and instruction of them that are astray . W. B. AN ANSVVER TO THE FORMER CHALLENGE . TO uphold the Religion , which at this day is maintained in the Church of Rome , and to discredit the truth which we professe : three things are here urged , by one who hath vndertaken to make good the Papists cause against all gainesayers . The first concerneth the originall of the errors wherwith that part standeth charged : the Author and time whereof , he requireth us to shew . The other two respect the testimonie , both of the Primitive Church , & of the sacred Scriptures : which , in the points wherein we varie , if this man may be believed , maketh wholly for them , and against us . First then would he faine know , what Bishop of Rome did first alter that Religion , which wee commend in them of the first 400 yeares ? In what Popes dayes was the true Religion overthrowne in Rome ? To which I answere , First , that wee doe not hold that Rome was built in a day ; or that the great dung-hill of errors , which now wee see in it , was raised in an age : and therefore it is a vaine demand , to require from us the name of anie one Bishop of Rome , by whom or under whom this Babylonish confusion was brought in . Secondly , that a great difference is to be put betwixt Heresies which openly oppose the foundations of our Faith ; and that Apostasie which the Spirit hath evidently foretold should bee brought in by such as speake lyes in hypocrisie . ( 1. Tim. 4.1 , 2. ) The impietie of the one is so notorious , that at the verie first appearance it is manifestly discerned : the other is a mysterie of iniquitie ( as the Apostle termeth it , 2. Thes. 2.7 . ) iniquitas , sed mystica , id est , pietatis nomine palliata , ( so the ordinarie Glosse expoundeth the place ) an iniquitie indeed , but mysticall , that is , cloked vvith the name of pietie . And therefore they who kept continuall watch and ward against the one , might sleepe while the seeds of the other were a sowing ; yea peradventure might at unawares themselves have some hand in bringing in of this Trojan horse , commended thus unto them under the name of Religion , and semblance of devotion . Thirdly , that the originall of errors is oftentimes so obscure , and their breede so base , that howsoever it might be easily observed by such as lived in the same age , yet no wise man will mervaile , if in tract of time the beginnings of manie of them should be forgotten , and no register of the time of their birth found extant . Wee a reade that the Sadducees taught , there were no Angels : is any man able to declare unto us , under what high Priest they first broached this error ? The Grecians , Circassians , Georgians , Syrians , Egyptians , Habassines , Muscovites and Russians , dissent at this day from the Church of Rome in many particulars : will you take upon you to shew in what Bishops dayes these severall differences did first arise ? When the point hath been well skanned , it will be found , that many errors have crept into their profession , the time of the entrance whereof you are not able to designe : and some things also are maintained by you against them , which have not been delivered for Catholick doctrine in the primitive times , but brought in afterwards , your selves know not when . Such , for example , is that sacrilege of yours , whereby you withhold from the people the use of the Cuppe in the Lords Supper ; as also your doctrine of Indulgences and Purgatorie : which they reject , and you defend . For touching the first , b Gregorius de Valentia , one of your principall Champions , confesseth that the use of receiving the Sacrament in one kinde , began first in some Churches , and grew to be a generall custome in the Latin Church not much before the Councell of Constance , in which at last ( to wit , 200 yeres ago ) this custome was made a law . But if you put the question to him , as you doe to us , What Bishop of Rome did first bring in this custome ? he giveth you this answer , that it began to be used , not by the decree of any Bishop , but by the very use of the Churches , and the consent of the faithfull . If you further question with him , quando primum vigere coepit ea consuetudo in aliquibus Ecclesijs ? When first did that custome get footing in some Churches ? he returneth you for answer , Minimé constat : it is more then he can tell . The like doth c Fisher Bishop of Rochester , & d Cardinall Caietan give us to understand of Indulgences ; that no certaintie can be had , what their originall was , or by whom they were first brought in . Fisher also further addeth concerning Purgatorie : that in the ancient Fathers , there is either none at all , or very rare mention of it ; that by the Grecians it is not beleeved even to this day ; that the Latins also , not all at once , but by little and little received it : and that , Purgatorie being so lately knowen , it is not to be mervailed , that in the first times of the Church there was no use of Indulgences ; seeing these had their beginning , after that men for a while had been affrighted with the torments of Purgatorie . Out of which confession of the adverse part , you may observe : 1. What little reason these men have , to require us to set down the precise time wherin all their profane novelties were first brought in : seeing that this is more then they themselves are able to doe . 2. That some of them may come in pedetentim ( as Fisher acknowledgeth Purgatory did ) by little and little , and by very slow steps , which are not so easie to be discerned , as fooles be borne in hand they are . 3. That it is a fond imagination , to suppose that all such changes must be made by some Bishop , or any one certaine author : whereas it is confessed , that some may come in by the tacite consent of manie , and grow after into a generall custome , the beginning whereof is past mans memorie . And as some superstitious usages may draw their originall from the undiscreet devotion of the multitude : so some also may be derived from want of devotion in the people ; and some alterations likewise must be attributed to the verie change of time it selfe . Of the one we cannot give a fitter instance , then in your private Masse , wherein the Priest receiveth the Sacrament alone : which c Harding fetdheth from no other ground , then lacke of devotion of the peoples part . When you therefore can tell us , in what Popes dayes the people fell from their devotion ; wee may chance tell you , in what Popes dayes your private Masse began . An experiment of the other wee may see in the use of the Latin Service , in the Churches of Italy , France , and Spaine . For if wee be questioned , When that use first beganne there ? and further demanded , f Whether the language formerly used in their Liturgie , was changed upon a suddaine ? our answer must be , That Latin Service was used in those countries from the beginning : but that the Latin tongue at that time was commonly understood of all , which afterward by little and little degenerated into those vulgar languages which now are used . When you therefore shall be pleased to certifie us , in what Popes dayes the Latin tongue was changed into the Italian , French , and Spanish ( which we pray you doe for our learning : ) wee will then give you to understand , that from that time forward the language , not of the Service , but of the people , was altered . Nec enim lingua vulgaris populo subtracta est , sed populus ab eà recessit ( saith g Erasmus : ) The vulgar tongue vvas not taken away from the people ; but the people departed from it . If this which I have said , will not satisfie you ; I would wish you call unto your remembrance , the answer which Arnobius sometimes gave to a foolish question , propounded by the enimies of the Christian faith : h Nec si nequivero causas vobis exponere , cur aliquid fiat illo , vel hoc modo , continuo sequitur , ut infecta fiant , quae facta sunt . And consider , whether I may not returne the like answer unto you . If I be not able to declare unto you , by what Bishop of Rome , and in what Popes daies , the simplicitie of the ancient faith was first corrupted ; it will not presently follow , that vvhat vvas done , must needs by undone . Or rather , if you please , call to mind the Parable in the Gospel , where i the kingdome of heaven is likened unto a man , vvhich sowed good seede in his field ; but vvhile men slept , his enemy came and sowed Tares among the Wheat , and went his vvay . These that slept , tooke no notice , when or by whom the Tares were scattered among the Wheat ; neither at the first rising , did they discerne betwixt the one and the other , though they were awake . But k vvhen the blade vvas sprung up , and brought forth fruit , then appeared the Tares : and then they put the question unto their Master ; Sir , didst not thou sow good seed in thy field ? from whence then hath it tares ? Their Master indeed telleth them , it was the enemies doing : but you could tell them otherwise , and come upon them thus . You yourselves graunt , that the seed which was first sowen in this field , was good seed , and such as was put there by your Master himselfe . If this which you call Tares , be no good graine , and hath sprung from some other seed then that which was sowen here at first : I would faine knowe that mans name , who was the sower of it ; and likewise the time in which it was sowen . Now you being not able to shew either the one , or the other : it must needes be , that your eyes here deceive you ; or if these be tares , they are of no enemies , but of your Masters owne sowing . To let passe the slumbrings of former times , wee could tell you of an age , wherein men not only slept , but also snorted : it was ( if you know it not ) the tenth from Christ , the next neighbour to that wherein l Hell broke loose . That m Vnhappie age ( as Genebrard , and other of your owne Writers terme it , ) exhausted both of men of account for vvit and learning , and of vvorthy Princes and Bishops : In which there were n no famous Writers , nor Councells ; then which ( if wee will credite Bellarmine ) there was never age o more unlearned and unhappy . If I bee not able to discover what feates the Divell wrought in that time of darkenesse , wherin men were not so vigilant in marking his conveyances ; and such as might see somewhat , were not so forward in writing bookes of their Observations : must the infelicitie of that age , wherein there was little learning , and lesse writing , yea , which for want of Writers ( as Cardinal p Baronius acknowledgeth ) hath been usually named the Obscure age ; must this ( I say ) inforce me to yeeld , that the Divell brought in no tares all that while , but let slip the opportunitie of so darke a night , and slept himselfe for company ? There are other meanes left unto us , whereby we may discerne the Tares brought in by the instruments of Satan ; from the good seed which was sowen by the Apostles of Christ ; beside this observation of times and seasons , which will often faile vs. Ipsa doctrina eorum ( saith q Tertullian ) cum Apostolicâ comparata , ex diversitate & contrarietate suâ pronuntiabit , neque Apostoti alicujus auctoris esse , neque Apostolici . Their very doctrine it selfe , being compared with the Apostolick , by the diversitie and contrariety thereof , will pronounce , that it had for author , neyther any Apostle , nor any man Apostolicall . For there cannot be a better prescription against Hereticall novelties , then that which our Saviour Christ useth against the Pharisees ; r From the beginning it vvas not so : nor a better preservative against the infection of seducers that are crept in unawares , then that which is prescribed by the Apostle s Iude ; earnestly to contend for the faith vvhich vvas once delivered unto the Saints . Now to the end we t might know the certaintie of those things , wherein the Saints were at the first instructed ; God hath provided , that the memoriall thereof should be recorded in his owne Booke , that it might remaine u for the time to come , for ever and ever . He then who out of that Booke is able to demonstrate , that the doctrine or practice now prevailing , swarveth from that which was at first established in the Church by the Apostles of Christ ; doth as strongly prove , that a change hath beene made in the middle times , as if hee were able to nominate the place where , the time when , and the person by whom any such corruption was first brought in . In the Apostles dayes , when a man had examined himselfe , hee was admitted unto the Lords Table , there to eate of that bread , and drinke of that cup : as appeareth plainly , 1. Cor. 11.28 . In the Church of Rome at this day , the people are indeed permitted to eate of the bread ( if bread they may call it ) but not allowed to drinke of the cup. Must all of us now shut our eyes , and sing , * Sicut erat in principio , & nunc : unlesse we be able to tell by whom , and when this first institution was altered ? By S. Pauls order , who would have all things done to edification , Christians should pray with understanding , and not in an unknowne language : as may be seene in the fourteenth chapter of the same Epistle to the Corinthians . The case is now so altered , that the bringing in of a tongue not understood ( which hindred the edifying of Babel it selfe , and scattered the builders thereof ) is accounted a good meanes to further the edifying of your Babel , and to x hold her followers together . Is not this then a good ground to resolve a mans judgement , that things are not now kept in that order , wherin they were set at first by the Apostles : although he be not able to point unto the first author of the disorder ? And as wee may thus discover innovations , by having recourse unto the first and best times : so may wee doe the like , by comparing the state of things present with the middle times of the Church . Thus I finde by the constant and approved practice of the auncient Church ; that all sorts of people , men , women , and children , had free libertic to reade the holy Scriptures . I finde now the contrary among the Papists : and shall I say for all this , that they have not removed the bounds which were set by the Fathers , because perhaps I cannot name the Pope , that ventured to make the first inclosure of these commons of Gods people ? I heare S. y Hier●me say : Iudith , & Tobiae , & Macchabaeorum libros legit quidem Ecclesia , sed eos inter Canonicas Scripturas non recipit . The Church doth reade indeed the books of Iudith , and Toby , and the Macchabees ; but doth not receive them for Canonicall Scripture . I see that at this day , the Church of Rome receiveth them for such . May not I then conclude , that betwixt S. Hieromes time and ours , there hath beene a change ; and that the Church of Rome now , is not of the same judgement with the Church of God the● : howsoever I cannot precisely lay downe the time , wherein shee first thought her selfe to be wiser herein then her Forefathers ? But here our Adversary closeth with us , and layeth downe a number of points , held by them , and denied by us : which he undertaketh to make good , as well by the expresse testimonies of the Fathers of the Primitive Church of Rome ; as also by good and certaine grounds out of the sacred Scriptures , if the Fathers authoritie will not suffice . Where if hee would change his order , and give the sacred Scriptures the precedency ; hee should therein do more right to God the author of them , who well deserveth to have audience in the first place : and withall ease both himselfe and us of a needlesse labour , in seeking any further authority to compose our differences . For if he can produce ( as he beareth us in hand he can ) good and certaine grounds o●t of the sacred Scriptures , for the points in controversie , the matter is at an end : he that will not rest satisfied with such evidences as these , may ( if he please ) travaile further , and speed worse . Therefore as S. Augustine heretofore provoked the Donatists , so provoke I him : Auferantur chartae humanae , sonent voces divinae : ede mihi unam Scripturae vocem pro parte Donati . Let humane vvritings be removed , let Gods voyce sound : bring mee on●e voyce of the Scripture for the part of Donatus . Produce but one cleere testimony of the sacred Scripture , for the Popes part , and it shall suffice : alledge what authority you list , without Scripture , and it cannot suffice . Wee reverence indeed the ancient Fathers , as it is fit we should ; and hold it our duety to rise up before the hoare head , and to honour the person of the aged : but still with reservation of the respect we owe to their Father and ours , that Ancient of dayes , the hayre of vvhose head is like the pure vvooll . We may not forget the lesson , which our great Master hath taught us : a Call no man your Father upon the earth ; for one is your Father which is in heaven . Him therefore alone doe wee acknowledge for the Father of our Faith : no other Father doe we know ; upon whose bare credite we may ground our consciences , in things that are to be beleeved . And this wee say , not as if wee feared that these men were able to produce better proofes out of the writings of the Fathers , for the part of the Pope , then we can do for the Catholick cause ( when we come to joine in the particulars , they shall finde it otherwise : ) but partly to bring the matter unto a shorter triall , partly to give the word of God his due , and to declare what that rocke is upon which alone we build our faith , even the foundation of the Apostles and Prophets ; from which no sleight that they can devise , shall ever draw us . The same course did S. Augustine take with the Pelagians : against whom he wanted not the authority of the Fathers of the Church . b Which if I vvould collect ( saith he ) and use their testimonies , it would be too long a worke , and I might peradventure seeme to haue lesse confidence then I ought in the Canonicall authorities , from which we ought not to be withdrawen . Yet was the Pelagian Heresie then but newly budded : which is the time wherein the pressing of the Fathers testimonies is thought to be best in season . With how much better warrant may we follow this president , having to deale with such as have had time and leisure enough to falsifie the Fathers writings , and to teach them the learning and the tongue of the Chaldeans ? The method of confuting heresies by the consent of holy Fathers , is by none commended more then by Vincentius Lirinensis who is carefull notwithstanding , herein to give us this caveat . c But neither alwayes , nor all kindes of heresies are to be impugned after this manner , but such only as are new , and lately sprung : namely , when they doe first arise , while by the straitnesse of the time it selfe they be hindred from falsifying the rules of the ancient faith ; and before the time that , their poyson spreading farther , they attempt to corrupt the writings of the ancient . But farre-spred and inveterate heresies are not to bee dealt vvithall this way ; for as much as by long continuance of time , a long occasion hath lyen open unto them to steale away the truth . The heresies with which wee have to deale , have spred so farre , and continued so long , that the defenders of them are bold to make Vniversality and Duration the speciall markes of their Church : they had opportunity enough of time and place , to put in ure all deceiveablenesse of unrighteousnesse ; neither will they have it to say , that in coyning and clipping , and washing the monuments of Antiquitie , they have beene wanting to themselves . Before the Councell of Nice ( as hath beene observed by d one , who sometime was Pope himselfe ) little respect , to speake of , was had to the Church of Rome . If this may be thought to prejudice the dignity of that Church , which would be held , to have sate as Queene among the Nations , from the very beginning of Christianity : you shall have a craftie merchant ( Isidorus Mercator , I trow , they call him ) that will helpe the matter , by counterfeiting Decretall Epistles in the name of the primitive Bishops of Rome , and bringing in thirty of them in a row , as so many Knights of the Poste , to beare witnesse of that great authority , which the Church of Rome enjoyed before the Nicene Fathers were assembled . If the Nicene Fathers have not amplified the bounds of her jurisdiction , in so large a maner as shee desired : shee hath had her well-willers , that have supplied the Councels negligence in that behalfe , and made Canons for the purpose , in the name of the good Fathers , that never dreamed of such a businesse . If the power of judging all others will not content the Pope , unlesse he himselfe may be exempted from being judged by any other : another e Councell , as ancient at least as that of Nice , shall be suborned , wherein it shall be concluded , by the consent of 284 imaginarie Bishops , that No man may judge the first seat . and for fayling , in an elder f Councell then that , consisting of 300 buckram Bishops of the very selfe same making , the like note shall be sung : quoniam prima sedes non judicabitur à quoquam ; The first seat must not be judged by any man. Lastly , if the Pope do not thinke that the fulnesse of spirituall power is sufficient for his greatnesse , unlesse hee may be also Lord paramount in temporalibus : hee hath his followers ready at hand , to frame a faire donation , in the name of Constantine the Emperour , whereby his Holinesse shall be estated , not only in the Citie of Rome , but also in the seigniory of the whole West . It would require a Volume , to rehearse the names of those severall Tractates , which have beene basely bred in the former dayes of darknesse , and fathered upon the ancient Doctors of the Church , who , if they were now alive , would be deposed that they were never privie to their begetting . Neither hath this corrupting humour stayed it selfe in forging of whole Councels , and intire Treatises of the ancient writers : but hath , like a canker , fretted away diverse of their sound parts , and so altered their complexions , that they appear not to be the same men they were . To instance in the great question of Transubstantiation : we were wont to reade in the books attributed unto S. Ambrose , De Sacramentis , libr. 4. cap. 4. Si ergo tanta vis est in sermone Domini Iesu , ut inciperent esse quae non erant : quanto magis operatorius est , ut sint quae erant , & in aliud commutentur ? If therefore there be so great force in the speech of our Lord Iesus , that the things which were not begun to bee ( namely at the first creation : ) how much more is the same powerfull to make , that things may still be that which they were , and yet be changed into another thing ? It is not unknowne , how much those words , ut sint quae erant , have troubled their braines , who maintaine , that after the words of consecration , the elements of bread and wine be not that thing which they were : and what devises they have found , to make the bread and wine in the Sacrament to be like unto the Beast in the Revelation , g that was , and is not , and yet is . But that Gordian knot , which they with their skill could not so readily untye , their masters at Rome ( Alexander-like ) have now cut asunder ; paring cleane away in their Romane Edition ( which is also followed in that set out at Paris , Anno 1603. ) those words that so much troubled them , and letting the rest run smoothly after this maner : quanto magis operatorius est , ut quae erant , in aliud cōmutentur ? how much more is the speech of our Lord powerfull to make , that those things which were , should be changed into another thing ? The author of the imperfect work upon Matthew , homil . 11. writeth thus : Si ergo haec vasa sanctificata ad privatos usus transferre sic periculosum est , in quibus non est verum corpus Christi , sed mysterium corporis ejus continetur : quanto magis vasa corporis nostri , quae sibi Deus ad habitaculum praeparavit , non debemus locum dare Diabolo agendi in eis quod vult ? If therefore it be so dangerous a matter , to transferre unto private uses those holy vessels , in which the true body of Christ is not , but the mysterie of his body is contained : how much more for the vessels of our body , which God hath prepared for himselfe to dwell in , ought not wee to give way unto the Divell , to doe in them what he pleaseth ? Those words ( in quibus non est verum corpus Christi , sed mysterium corporis ejus continetur : in which the true body of Christ is not , but the mysterie of his body is contained ) did threaten to cut the very throat of the Papists real presence ; and therefore in good policie they thought it fit to cut their throat first , for doing any further hurt . Whereupon , in the Editions of this Worke printed at Antwerpe , apud Ioannem Steelsium , anno 1537 : at Paris , apud Ioannem Roigny , anno 1543 : and at Paris again , apud Audoenum Parvum , anno 1557. not one syllable of them is to be seene ; though extant in the ancienter editions , one whereof is as olde as the yere 1487. And to the same purpose , in the 19 Homily , in stead of Sacrificium panis & vini , the sacrifice of bread and vvine , ( which we find in the old impressions ) these latter editions have chopt in , Sacrificium corporis & sanguinis Christi , the sacrifice of the body and blood of Christ. In the yeare 1608. there were published at Paris certaine workes of Fulbertus Bishop of Chartres , * pertayning as well to the refuting of the heresies of this time , ( for so saith the inscription ) as to the cleering of the History of the French. Among those things that appertaine to the confutation of the Heresies of this time , there is one especially , fol. 168. laid downe in these words . Nisi manducaveritis , inquit , carnem filij hominis , & sanguinem biberitis , non habebitis vitam in vobis . Facinus vel flagitium videtur jubere . Figura ergo est , dicet haereticus , praecipiens Passioni Domini esse cōmunicandum tantùm , & suaviter atque utiliter recondendum in memoria , quòd pro nobis caro ejus crucifixa & vulnerata sit . Vnlesse ( saith Christ ) ye eate the flesh of the Sonne of man , and drinke his blood , yee shall not haue life in you . He seemeth to command an outrage or wickednesse . It is therefore a figure , will the hereticke say , requiring us only to communicate with the Lords Passion , and sweetly and profitably to lay up in our memory , that his flesh was crucified and wounded for us . He that put in those words , ( dicet haereticus ) thought hee had notably met with the heretickes of this time : but was not aware that thereby he made S. Augustine an Hereticke for company . For the Hereticke that speaketh thus , is even S. Augustine himselfe : whose very words these are , in his third booke de Doctrinâ Christianâ , the 16. chapter . Which some belike having put the publisher in minde of : he was glad to put this among his Errata , and to confesse that these two words were not to be found in the Manuscript copie which hee had from Petavius ; but telleth us not what we are to thinke of him , that for the countenancing of the Popish cause , ventured so shamefully to abuse S. Augustine . In the yeare 1616. a Tome of ancient Writers , that never saw the light before , was set forth at Ingolstad by Petrus Steuartius : where , among other Tractates , a certaine Penitentiall , written by Rabanus that famous Archbishop of Mentz , is to be seene . In rhe 33. chapter of that booke , Rabanus making answer unto an idle question moved by Bishop Heribaldus concerning the Eucharist , ( what should become of it , after it was consumed , and sent into the draught , after the maner of other meats : ) hath these words . ( initio pag. 669. ) Nam quidam nuper de ipso sacramento corporís & sanguinis Domini non ritè sentientes dixerunt : hoc ipsum corpus , & sanguinem Domini , quod de Mariâ Virgine natum est , & , in quo ipse Dominus passus est in cruce , & resurrexit de sepulcro* — cui errori quantum potuimus , ad Egilum Abbatem scribentes , de corpore ipso quid veré credendum sit aperuimus . For some of late , not holding rightly of the Sacrament of the body and blood of our Lord , have said ; that the very body and blood of our Lord , which was borne of the Virgin Mary , and , in which our Lord himselfe suffered on the Crosse , and rose againe from the grave * — Against which error , writing unto Abbot Egilus , according to our ability , we have declared , what is truly to be beleeved cōcerning Christs body . You see Rabanus tongue is clipt here for telling tales : but how this came to passe , were worth the learning . Steuartius freeth himselfe from the fact , telling us in his margent , * that here there was a blanke in the manuscript copy , and we doe easily beleeve him : for Possevine the Iesuite hath given us to understand , that h Manuscript bookes also are to be purged , as well as printed . But whence was this Manuscript fetcht , thinke you ? Out of i the famous Monastery of Weingart ; saith Steuartius . The Monkes of Weingart then belike must answer the matter : and they ( I dare say ) upon examination will take their oathes , that it was no part of their intention to give any furtherance unto the cause of the Protestants hereby . If hereunto we adde , that Heribaldus and Rabanus both , are k ranked among heretickes by Thomas Walden , l for holding the Eucharist to be subject to digestion and voidance , like other meates ; the suspition will be more vehement : whereunto yet I will adjoine one evidence more , that shall leave the matter past suspition . In the Libraries of my worthy friends , S r. Rob. Cotton , ( that noble Baronett , so renowmed for his great care in collecting & preserving all antiquities ) & D r. Ward , the learned Mast r of Sidney Colledge in Cambridge ; I met with an ancient Treatise of the Sacrament ( beginning thus : Sicut ante nos quidam sapiens dixit , cujus sententiam probamus , licèt nomen ignoremus . ) which is the same with that in the Iesuites Colledge at Lovaine , blindely * fathered upon Berengarius . The author of this Treatise , having first twited Heribaldus for propounding , & Rabanus for resolving this question of the voidance of the Eucharist : layeth downe afterward the opinion of Paschasius Ratbertus , ( whose writing is yet extant ) quòd non alia plané sit caro quae sumitur de altari , quàm quae nata est de Mariâ Virgine , & passa in cruce , & quae resurrexit de sepulcro , quaeqúe & pro mundi vitâ adhuc hodie offeratur . That the flesh which is received at the altar , is no other then that which was borne of the Virgin Mary , suffered on the Crosse , rose again from the grave , and as yet is daily offered for the life of the vvorld . Contra quem ( saith he ) satis argumentatur , & Rabanus in Epistolâ ad * Egilonem Abbatem , & Ratrannus quidam libro composito ad Karolum regem ; dicentes aliam esse . Against whom both Rabanus in his Epistle to Abbot Egilo , and one Ratrannus in a booke which he made to King Charles , argue largely ; saying that it is another kind of flesh . Whereby , what Rabanus his opinion was of this point in his Epistle to Abbot Egilo or Egilus , & consequently what that was which the Monkes of Weingart could not indure in his Penitentiall , I trust is plaine enough . I omit other corruptions of antiquitie in this same question , which I have touched m elsewhere : only that of Bertram I may not passe over , wherein the dishonesty of these men , in handling the writings of the ancient , is laid open , even by the confession of their owne mouthes . Thus the case standeth . That Ratrannus who joined with Rabanus in refuting the error of the carnall presence , at the first bringing in thereof by Paschasius Ratbertus ; is he who commonly is knowen by the name of Bertramus . The booke which he wrote of this argument to Carolus Calvus the Emperour , was forbidden to be read , by order from the Roman Inquisition , confirmed afterwards by the Councell of Trent . The Divines of Doway , perceiving that the forbidding of the booke did not keepe men from reading it , but gave them rather occasion to seeke more earnestly after it : thought it better policy , that Bertram should be permitted to goe abroad , but handled in such sort , as other ancient writers , that made against them , were wont to be . Seeing therefore ( say n they ) we beare with very many errors in other of the old Catholike vvriters , and extenuate them , excuse them , by inventing some device oftentimes deny them , and fayne some commodious sense for them , when they are objected in disputations or conflicts with our adversaries : wee doe not see , why Bertram may not deserve the same equitie , and diligent reviseall . Least the heretickes cry out , that we burne and forbid such antiquity as maketh for them . Marke this dealing well . The world must be borne in hand , that all the Fathers make for the Church of Rome against us , in all our controversies . When we bring forth expresse testimonies of the Fathers to the contrary ; what must then be done ? A good face must be put upō the matter , one device or other must be invented to elude the testimonies objected , and still it must be denied that the Fathers make against the doctrine of the Papists . Bertram , for example , writeth thus . o The things which differ one from another , are not the same . The body of Christ which was dead and rose again , and being made immortall now dyeth not , ( death no more having dominion over it ) is everlasting , and now not subject to suffering . But this which is celebrated in the Church , is temporall , not everlasting ; it is corruptible , not free from corruption . What device must they finde out here ? They must say this is meant of the accidents or p formes of the Sacrament , which are corruptible ; or of the use of the Sacrament , which continueth only in this present world . But how will this shift serve the turne , when as the whole drift of the discourse tendeth to prove , that that which is received by the mouth of the faithfull in the Sacrament , is not that very bodie of Christ which dyed upon the Crosse , and rose againe from death ? Non malé aut inconsulté omittantur igitur omnia haec ; It were not amisse therefore ( say our Popish Censurers ) nor unadvisedly done , that all these things should be left out . If this be your maner of dealing with antiquity , let all men judge whether it be not high time for us to listen unto the advice of Vincentius Lirinensis , and not be so forward to commit the triall of our controversies to the writings of the Fathers , who have had the ill hap to fall into such hucksters handling . Yet that you may see , how confident we are in the goodnesse of our cause : we will not now stand upon our right , nor refuse to enter with you into this field ; but give you leave for this time both to be the Challenger , and the appointer of your owne weapons . Let us then heare your challenge , wherin you would so faine be answered . I would faine know ( say you ) how can your Religion be true , which disalloweth of many chiefe articles , which the Saints and Fathers of that primitive Church of Rome did generally hold to be true ? For they of your side , that have read the Fathers of that unspotted Church , can well testifie ( and if any deny it , it shall be presently shewen ) that the Doctors , Pastors , and Fathers of that Church doe allow of Traditions , &c. And againe : Now would I faine know , whether of both have the true Religion ; they that hold all these abovesaid points with the primitive Church , or they that do most vehemently contradict , and gainsay them ? they that doe not disagree with that holy Church , in any point of Religion ; or they that agree with it but in very few , and disagree in almost all ? And the third time too , for fayling : Now would I willingly see , what reasonable answer may be made to this . For the Protestants graunt that the Church of Rome , for 400 or 500 yeares , held the true Religion of Christ : yet do they exclaime against the abovesaid articles , which the same Church did maintaine and uphold ; as may be shewen by the expresse testimonies of the Fathers of the same Church , and shall be largely layd downe , if any learned Protestant will deny it . If Albertus Pighius had now beene alive , as great a Scholer as he was , he might have learned that he never knew before . Who did ever yet ( saith q he ) by the Church of Rome understand the Vniversall Church ? That doth this man ( say I ) who styleth all the ancient Doctors and Martyrs of the Church Vniversall , with the name of the Saints and Fathers of the primitive Church of Rome . But it seemeth a small matter unto him , for the magnifying of that Church , to confound Vrbem & Orbem : unlesse he mingle also Heaven and Earth together , by giving the title of that unspotted Church , which is the speciall priviledge of the Church triumphant in heaven , unto the Church of Rome here militant upon earth . S. Augustine surely would not have himselfe otherwise understood , whensoever hee speaketh of the unspotted Church : and therefore , to prevent all mistaking , hee thus expoundeth himselfe in his Retractations . r Wheresoever in these bookes I have made mention of the Church not having spot or wrinkle ; it is not so to be taken , as if she were so now , but that she is prepared to bee so , when she shall appeare glorious . For now , by reason of certaine ignorances and infirmities of her members , the whole Church hath cause to say every day : Forgive us our trespasses . Now as long as the Church is subject to these ignorances and infirmities , it cannot be otherwise , but there must be differences betwixt the members thereof : one part may understand that whereof an other is ignorant ; and ignorance being the mother of error , one particular Church may wrongly conceive of some points , wherein others may be rightly informed . Neyther will it follow thereupon , that these Churches must be of different Religions , because they fully agree not in all things : or that therefore the Reformed Churches in our dayes must disclaime all kindred with those in ancient times , because they have washed away some spots from themselves , which they discerned to have been in them . It is not every spot that taketh away the beautie of a Church , not every sicknesse that taketh away the life thereof : and therefore though wee should admit that the ancient Church of Rome was somewhat impaired both in beautie and in health too , ( wherein we have no reason to be sorie , that we are unlike unto her ) there is no necessitie that hereupon presently she must cease to be our sister . S. Cyprian and the rest of the African Bishops that joined with him , held that such as were baptized by heretickes , should be rebaptized : the African Bishops in the time of Aurelius were of another minde . Doth the diversitie of their judgements in this point , make them to have been of a diverse Religion ? It was the use of the ancient Church to minister the Communion unto Infants : which is yet also practised by the Christians in Egypt and Ethiopia . The Church of Rome , upon better consideration , hath thought fit to doe otherwise : and yet for all that will not yeeld , that either she her selfe hath forsaken the Religion of her ancestors , because she followeth them not in this ; or that they were of the same religion with the Cophtites and Habassines , because they agree together in this particular . So put case the Church of Rome now did use prayer for the dead in the same maner that the ancient Church did : ( which we will shew to be otherwise : ) the reformed Churches that upon better advice have altered that usage , need not therefore graunt that eyther themselves hold a different Religion from that of the Fathers , because they doe not precisely follow them in this , nor yet that the Fathers were therefore Papists , because in this point they thus concurred . For as two may be discerned to be sisters by the likenesse of their faces , although the one have some spottes or blemishes which the other hath not : so a third may bee brought in , which may shew like spots and blemishes , and yet have no such likenesse of visage as may bewray her to be the others sister . But our Challenger having first conceited in his minde an Idea of an unspotted Church upon earth ; then being farre in love with the painted face of the present Church of Rome , and out of love with us , because we like not as he liketh : he taketh a view of both our faces in the false glasses of affection , and findeth her on whom he doteth to answer his unspotted Church in all points , but us to agree with it in almost nothing . And thereupon he would faine know , whether of both have the true Religion ? they that doe not disagree with that holy Church in any point of Religion ; or they that agree with it but in very few , and disagree in almost all ? Indeed , if that which he assumeth for granted , could as easily bee proved , as it is boldly avouched : the question would quickly be resolved , whether of us both have the true Religion ? But he is to understand , that strong conceits are but weake proofes : and that the Iesuites have not been the first , from whom such bragges as these have beene heard . Dioscorus the hereticke was as peart , when hee uttered these speeches in the Councell of Chalcedon : s I am cast out with the Fathers . I defend the doctrines of the Fathers , I transgresse them not in any point : and I have their testimonies , not barely , but in their very bookes . Neither need we wonder , that he should beare us down , that the Church of Rome at this day doth not disagree from the primitive Church in any point of Religion ; who sticketh not so confidently to affirme , that we agree with it but in very few , and disagree in almost all . For those few points , wherein hee confesseth wee doe agree with the ancient Church , must either be meant of such articles onely , wherein wee disagree from the now Church of Rome ; or else of the whole bodie of that Religion which we professe . If in the former he yeeld that wee doe agree with the primitive Church : what credite doth he leave unto himselfe , who with the same breath hath givē out , that the present Church of Rome doth not disagree with that holy Church in any point ? If he meanethe latter : with what face can he say , that wee agree with that holy Church but in very few points of religion , and disagree in almost all ? Irenaeus , who was the Disciple of those which heard S. Iohn the Apostle , t layeth downe the articles of that faith , in the unitie whereof the Churches that were founded in Germany , Spaine , France , the East , Egypt , Lybia , and all the world , did sweetly accord : as if they had all dwelt in one house , all had but one soule , and one heart , and one mouth . Is he able to shew one point , wherein we have broken that harmony , which Irenaeus commendeth in the Catholick Church of his time ? But that Rule of faith so much commended by him and Tertullian , and the rest of the Fathers ; and all the articles of the severall Creedes that were ever received in the ancient Church , as badges of the Catholicke profession ( to which we willingly subscribe ) is with this man almost nothing : none must now be counted a Catholicke , but he that can conforme his beliefe unto the u Creed of the new fashion , compiled by Pope Pius the fourth some foure and fiftie yeares ago . As for the particular differences , wherein he thinketh he hath the advantage of us ; when we come unto the sifting of them , it shall appeare how farre he was deceived in his imagination . In the meane time , having as yet not strucken one stroake , but threatned only to doe wonders , if any would be so hardy to accept his Challenge ; he might have done very well , to have deferred his triumph , untill such time as he had obtayned the victory . For as if he had borne us downe with the weight of the authority of the Fathers , and so astonished us therwith , that we could not tell what to say for our selves ; he thus bestirreth himselfe , in a most ridiculous maner , fighting with his owne shadow . Will you say that these Fathers ( saith he , who hath not hitherto layd downe so much as the name of any one Father ) maintained these opinions contrary to the vvord of God ? Why you know that they were the pillers of Christianitie , the champions of Christ his Church , and of the true Catholick Religion , which they most learnedly defended against diverse heresies , and therefore spent all their time in a most serious studie of the holy Scripture . Or will you say that , although they knew the Scriptures to repugne , yet they brought in the aforesaid opinions by malice and corrupt intentions ? Why your selves cannot deny but that they lived most holy and vertuous lives , free from all malitious corrupting or perverting of Gods holy word , and by their holy lives are now made worthy to raigne with God in his glory . Insomuch as their admirable learning may sufficiently crosse out all suspition of ignorant errour ; and their innocent sanctity freeth us from all mistrust of malitious corruption . But , by his leave , hee is a little too hastie . Hee were best to bethink himselfe more advisedly of that which he hath undertaken to performe : and to remember the saying of the King of Israel unto Benhadad ; x Let not him that girdeth on his harnesse , boast himselfe , as he that putteth it off . Hee hath taken upon him to prove , that our Religon cannot be true , because it disalloweth of many chiefe articles , which the Saints and Fathers of that primitive Church of Rome did generally hold to be true . For performance hereof , it wil not be sufficient for him to shew that some of these Fathers maintained some of these opinions : he must prove ( if hee will be as good as his word , and deale any thing to the purpose ) that they held them generally , and held them too , not as opinions , but tanquam de fide , as appertayning to the substance of faith and religion . For ( as Vincentius Lirinensis well observeth ) y the auncient consent of the holy Fathers is with great care to be sought and followed by us , not in every petty question belonging to the Law of God , but only , or at least principally , in the Rule of faith . But all the points propounded by our Challenger , be not chiefe articles : and therefore if in some of them the Fathers have held some opinions , that will not beare waight in the ballance of the Sanctuary ( as some conceits they had herein , which the Papists themselves must confesse to be erroneous ) their defects in that kinde doe abate nothing of that reverend estimation which we have them in , for their great paines taken in the defence of the true Catholick Religion , and the serious studie of the holy Scripture . Neither doe I thinke that he who thus commendeth them for the pillers of Christianitie , and the champions of Christs Church ; will therefore hold himselfe tyed to stand unto every thing that they have said : sure he will not , if he follow the steppes of the great ones of his owne Societie . For what doth hee thinke of Iustin Martyr , Irenaeus , and Epiphanius ? Doth he not account them among those pillers and champions hee speaketh of ? Yet , saith Cardinall Bellarmine , z I doe not see , how we may defend their opinion from error . When others object , that they have two or three hundred testimonies of the Doctors to prove that the Virgin Mary was conceived in sinne : a Salmeron the Iesuite steps forth , and answereth them , first , out of the doctrine of Augustine and Thomas , that the argument drawne from authoritie is weake : then , out of the word of God , Exod. 23. In judicio , plurimorum non acquiesces sententiae , ut á vero devies . In judgement , thou shalt not be ledde with the sentence of the most , to decline from the truth . And lastly telleth them , b that when the Donatists gloried in the multitude of authors , S. Augustin did answer them , that it was a signe their cause was destitute of the strength of truth , which was onely supported by the authority of many , who were subject to error . And when his Adversaries presse him , not onely with the multitude , but also with the c antiquitie of the Doctors alledged , unto which more honour alwayes hath beene given , then unto novelties : he answereth , that indeed every age hath alwayes attributed much unto antiquity ; and every old man , as the Poët saith , is a commender of the time past : but this ( saith he ) vvee averre , that the yonger the Doctors are , the more sharpe-sighted they be . And therefore for his part he yeeldeth rather to the judgement of the yonger Doctors of Paris : d among whom none is held worthy of the title of a Master in Divinitie , who hath not first bound himselfe with a religious oath , to defend and maintaine the priviledge of the B. Virgin. Only he forgot to tell , how they which take that oath , might dispense with another oath which the Pope requireth them to take ; that e they will never understand and interprete the holy Scripture , but according to the uniforme consent of the Fathers . Pererius in his disputations upon the Epistle to the Romans , confesseth that f the Greeke Fathers , and not a few of the Latine Doctors too , have delivered in their writings , that the cause of the predestination of men unto everlasting life is the foreknowledge which God had from eternitie , either of the good workes which they were to doe by cooperating with his grace , or of the faith wherby they were to beleeve the word of God , & to obey his calling . And yet he for his part notwithstanding thinketh , that g this is contrary to the holy Scripture , but especially to the doctrine of S. Paul. If our Questionist had beene by him , hee would have pluckt his fellow by the sleeve , and taken him up in this maner . Will you say that these Fathers maintained this opinion contrary to the word of God ? Why you know that they were the pillers of Christianity , the Champions of Christ his Church , and of the true Catholick religion , which they most learnedly defended against diverse heresies , and therefore spent all their time in a most serious studie of the holy Scripture . He would also perhaps further challenge him , as he doth us : Will you say that , although they knew the Scriptures to repugne , yet they brought in the aforesaid opinion by malice & corrupt intentions ? For sure hee might have asked this wise question of any of his owne fellowes , as well as of us , who doe allow and esteeme so much of these blessed Doctors and Martyrs of the ancient Church ( as he himselfe in the end of his Challenge doth acknowledge : ) which verily we should have little reason to doe , if wee did imagine that they brought in opinions which they knew to be repugnant to the Scriptures , for any malice , or corrupt intentions . Indeed men they were , compassed with the common infirmities of our nature , and therefore subject unto error : but godly men , and therefore free from all malicious error . Howsoever then we yeeld unto you , that their innocent sanctitie freeth us from all mistrust of malitious corruption : yet you must pardon us if wee make question , whether their admirable learning may sufficiently crosse out all suspicion of error , which may arise either of affection , or want of due consideration , or such ignorance as the very best are subject unto in this life . For it is not admirable learning that is sufficient to crosse out that suspicion : but such an immediate guidance of the holy Ghost , as the Prophets and Apostles were led by , who were the penners of the Canocicall Scripture . But this is your old wont , to blinde the eyes of the simple with setting forth the sanctitie and the learning of the Fathers : much after the maner of your grandfather Pelagius ; who in the third of his bookes which hee writ in defence of Free-will , thought he had struck all dead by his commending of S. Ambrose . Blessed Ambrose the Bishop ( saith h he ) in whose bookes the Romane faith doth especially appeare , who like a beautifull flowre shined among the Latin writers , whose faith and most pure understanding in the Scriptures the enemy himselfe durst not reprehend . Vnto whom S. Augustine : i Behold with what and how great prayses he extolleth a man , though holy and learned , yet not to be compared unto the authoritie of the Canonicall Scripture . And therefore advance the learning and holinesse of these worthy men , as much as you list : other answer you are not like to have from us , then that which the same S. Augustine maketh unto S. Hierome . k This reverence and honour have I learned to give to those bookes of Scripture only , which now are called Canonical , that I most firmely beleeve none of their authors could any whit erre in writing . But others I so reade , that with how great sanctitie and learning soever they doe excell , I therefore thinke not any thing to be true , because they so thought it : but because they were able to perswade mee , either by those Canonicall authors , or by some probable reason , that it did not swarve from truth . Yet even to this field also doe our challengers provoke us ; and if the Fathers authority will not suffice , they offer to produce good and certaine grounds out of the sacred Scriptures , for confirmation of all the points of their religion which they have mentioned : yea , further , they challenge any Protestant to alledge any one text out of the said Scripture which condemneth any of the above written points . At which boldnesse of theirs wee should much wonder , but that wee consider that Bankrupts commonly doe then most brag of their ability , when their estate is at the lowest : perhaps also , that Ignorance might be it , that did beget in them this Boldnesse . For if they had been pleased to take the advice of their learned Counsell : their Canonists would have told them touching Confession , ( which is one of their points ; ) that l it were better to hold , that it was ordained by a certaine tradition of the universall Church , then by the authority of the New or Old Testament . Melchior Canus m could have put them in minde , that it is no where expressed in Scripture , that Christ descended into Hell , to deliver the soules of Adam , and the rest of the Fathers which were detayned there . And Dominicus Bannes , n that the holy Scriptures teach , neither expressé , nor yet impressé & involuté , that prayers are to be made unto Saints , or that their Images are to be worshipped . Or , if the testimony of a lesuite will more prevayle with them : that Images should be vvorshipped , Saints prayed unto , Auricular Confession frequented , Sacrifices celebrated both for the quicke and the dead , and other things of this kind ; o Fr. Coster would have to be reckoned among divine Traditions , which be not laid downe in the Scriptures . Howsoever yet the matter standeth , we have no reason but willingly to accept of their challenge : and to require them to bring forth those good and certaine grounds out of the sacred Scriptures , for confirmation of all the articles by them propounded : as also to let them see , whether we be able to alledge any Text of Scripture , which condemneth any of those points . Although I must confesse it will be a hard matter , to make them see any thing , which before hand have resolved to close their eyes ; having their mindes so preoccupied with prejudice , that they professe before ever we begin , they hold for certaine that wee shall never be able to produce any such Text. And why , thinke you ? because , forsooth , we are neither more learned , more pious , nor more holy , then the blessed Doctors and Martyrs of that first Church of Rome . As who should say , we yeelded at the first word , that all those blessed Doctors and Martyrs expounded the Scriptures every where to our disadvantage : or were so well perswaded of the tendernesse of a Iesuites conscience , that because he hath taken an oath never to interpret the Scripture , but according to the uniforme consent of the Fathers , he could not therefore have the forehead to say : p I doe not deny , that I have no author of this interpretation : yet doe I so much the rather approve it , then that other of Augustines , though the most probable of all the rest ; because it is more contrary to the sense of the Calvinists : which to mee is a great argument of probabilitie . Or as if lastly a man might not dissent from the ancient Doctors , so much as in an exposition of a Text of Scripture , but hee must presently make himselfe more learned , more pious , and more holy , then they were . Yet their great Tostatus might have taught them , q that this argument holdeth not : Such a one knoweth some conclusion , that Augustine did not know ; therefore he is wiser then Augustine . Because , as a certaine skilfull Physician said , the men of our time being compared vvith the ancient , are like unto a little man set upon a Giants neck , compared with the Giant himselfe . For as that little man placed there , seeth whatsoever the Giant seeth , and somewhat more ; and yet if he be taken downe from the Giants neck , would see little or nothing in comparison of the Giant : even so we being setled upon the wits and workes of the ancient , it were not to be wondred , nay it should be very agreeable unto reason , that we should see whatsoever they saw , and somewhat more . Though yet ( saith he ) wee doe not professe so much . And even to the same effect speaketh Friar Stella : that though it be farre from him to condemne the common exposition given by the ancient holy Doctors ; r yet he knoweth full well , that Pygmeis being put upon Gyants shoulders , doe see further then the Gyants themselves . Salmeron addeth , s that by the increase of time , divine mysteries have beene made knowen , which before were hid from many : so that to know them now , is to be attributed unto the benefite of the time , not that we are better then our Fathers were . Bishop Fisher , t that it cannot be obscure unto any , that many things , as well in the Gospels as in the rest of the Scriptures , are now more exquisitely discussed by latter wits , and more clearely understood , then they have beene heretofore . Either by reason that the yce was not as yet broken unto the ancient , neither did their age suffice to weigh exactly that vvhole sea of the Scriptures : or because in this most large field of the Scriptures , even after the most diligent reapers , some eares will remaine to be gathered , as yet untouched . Hereupon Cardinall Caietan , in the beginning of his Commentaries upon Moses , adviseth his Reader , u not to loath the new sense of the holy Scripture for this , that it dissenteth from the ancient Doctors : but to search more exactly the text and context of the Scripture ; and if he find it agree , to praise God , that hath not tyed the exposition of the Scriptures to the senses of the ancient Doctors . But leaving comparisons , which , you know , are odious ( the envie whereof notwithstanding your owne Doctors and Masters , you see , helpe us to beare off , and teach us how to decline : ) I now come to the examination of the particular points by you propounded . It should indeed be your part by right , to be the Assailant , who first did make the Challenge : and I , who sustaine the person of the Defendant , might here wel stay , accepting only your challenge , & expecting your encounter . Yet do not I meane at this time to answer your Bill of Challenge as Bills are usually answered in the Chancerie , with saving all advantages to the Defendant : I am content in this also to abbridge my selfe of the libertie w ch I might lawfully take , & make a further demōstration of my forwardnes in undertaking the maintenāce of so good a cause , by giving the first onset my selfe . OF TRADITIONS . TO begin therefore with Traditions , which is your forlorne Hope that in the first place we are to set upon : this must I needes tell you before we begin , that you much mistake the matter , if you thinke that Traditions of all sorts promiscuously are struck at by our Religion . We willingly acknowledge , that the word of God which by some of the Apostles was set downe in writing , was both by themselves , and others of their fellow-labourers , delivered by word of mouth : and that the Church in succeeding ages was bound not only to preserve those sacred writings committed to her trust , but also to deliver unto her children vivâ voce the forme of wholsome words contayned therein . Traditions therefore of this nature , come not within the compasse of our controversie : the question being betwixt us de ipsâ doctrinâ traditâ , not de tradendi modo ; touching the substance of the doctrine delivered , not of the maner of delivering it . Againe , it must be remembred that here wee speake of doctrine delivered as the word of God , that is , of points of religion revealed unto the Prophets and Apostles , for the perpetuall information of Gods people : not of rites and ceremonies , and other ordinances which are left to the disposition of the Church , and consequently be not of divine but of positive and humane right . Traditions therefore of this kinde likewise are not properly brought within the circuit of this question . But that Traditions of men should be obtruded unto us for articles of Religion , and admitted for parts of Gods worship ; or that any Traditions should be accepted for parcels of Gods word , beside the holy Scriptures , and such doctrines as are either expressely therein contayned , or by sound inference may be deduced from thence : I thinke wee have reason to gainsay . As long as for the first wee have this direct sentence from God himselfe ; Matth. 15. In vaine doe they worship me , teaching for doctrines , the Commandements of men . And for the second , the expresse warrant of the Apostle , 2. Tim. 3. testifying of the holy Scriptures , not onely that they are able to make us wise unto salvation ( which they should not be able to doe , if they did not containe all things necessary to salvation ) but also that by them the man of God ( that is , x the minister of Gods word , unto whom it appertaineth y to declare all the counsell of God ) may be perfectly instructed to every good worke : which could not be , if the Scriptures did not containe all the counsell of God which was fit for him to learne , or if there were any other word of God which he were bound to teach , that should not be contained within the limits of the Booke of God. Now whether herein we disagree from the doctrine generally received by the Fathers : we referre our selves to their owne sayings . For Rituall Traditions unwritten , and for doctrinall Traditions written indeed , but preserved also by the continual preaching of the Pastors of the Church successively ; wee find no man a more earnest advocate then Tertullian . Yet hee , having to deale with Hermogenes the hereticke in a question concerning the faith , ( whether all things at the beginning were made of nothing ? ) presseth him in this manner , with the argument ab authoritate negativé ; for avoyding whereof , the Papists are driven to flie for succour to their unwritten verities . a Whether all things vvere made of any subject matter , I have as yet read no where . Let those of Hermogenes his shop shew that it is written . If it be not written , let them feare that Woe which is allotted to such as adde or take away . In the two Testaments , saith Origen , b every word that appertayneth to God may be required and discussed ; and all knowledge of things out of them may be understood . But if any thing doe remaine , which the holy Scripture doth not determine ; no other third Scripture ought to be received for to authorize any knowledge : but that which remaineth we must commit to the fire , that is , we must reserve it to God. For in this present world God would not have us to know all things . Hippolytus the Martyr , in his Homily against the Heresie of Noëtus . c There is one God , whom wee doe not otherwise acknowledge ( brethren ) but out of the holy Scriptures . For as he that would professe the wisedome of this world , cannot otherwise attaine hereunto , unlesse hee reade the doctrine of the Philosophers : so whosoever of us will exercise pietie toward God , cannot learne this elsewhere , but out of the holy Scriptures . Whatsoever therefore the holy Scriptures doe preach , that let us know ; and whatsoever they teach , that let us understand . Athanasius , in his Oration against the Gentiles , toward the beginning : d The holy Scriptures given by inspiration of God , are of themselves sufficient to the discoverie of truth . S. Ambrose : e The things which vve finde not in the Scriptures , how can vve use them ? And againe : f I reade that he is the first , I reade that hee is not the second ; they who say he is the second , let them shew it by reading . It is well , g saith S. Hilary , that thou art content vvith those things vvhich be written . And in another place , h he commendeth Constantius the Emperour , for desiring the faith to be ordered onely according to those things that be vvritten . S. Basil : i Beleeve those things vvhich are written ; the things which are not written seeke not . k It is a manifest falling from the faith , and an argument of arrogancy , either to reject any point of those things that are written , or to bring in any of those things that are not written . He teacheth further , l that every word and action ought to be confirmed by the testimony of the holy Scripture , for confirmation of the faith of the good , and the confusion of the evill ▪ and that it is the propertie of a faithfull man , to bee fully perswaded of the truth of those things that are delivered in the holy Scripture , m and not to dare eyther to reject or to adde any thing thereunto . For if whatsoever is not of faith be sinne , as the Apostle saith , and faith is by hearing , and hearing by the word of God : then vvhatsoever is without the holy Scripture , being not of faith , must needs be sinne . Thus farre S. Basil. In like maner Gregory Nyssene , S. Basils brother , layeth this for a ground , n vvhich no man should contradict ; that in that onely the truth must be acknowledged , wherein the seale of the Scripture testimony is to be seene . And accordingly in another booke ( attributed also unto him ) we finde this conclusion made : o Forasmuch as this is upholden vvith no testimony of the Scripture , as false vve will reject it . Thus also S. Hierome disputeth against Helvidius· p As vvee denye not those things that are written ; so vve refuse those things that are not vvritten . That God was borne of a Virgin we beleeve , because we reade it : that Mary did marry after shee was delivered , wee beleeve not , because wee reade it not . In those things , q saith S. Augustine , vvhich are layd downe plainly in the Scriptures , all those things are found which appertaine to faith and direction of life . And againe : r Whatsoever ye heare from the holy Scriptures , let that savour vvell unto you ; whatsoever is without them , refuse , lest you wander in a cloud . And in another place : s All those things which in times past our ancestors have mentioned to be done toward mankind , and have delivered unto us ; all those things also which we see , and doe deliver unto our posteritie , so farre as they appertaine to the seeking and maintayning of true Religion , the holy Scripture hath not passed in silence . The holy Scripture , t saith S. Cyrill of Alexandria , is sufficient to make them which are brought up in it wise , and most approved , and furnished with most sufficient understanding . And againe : u That which the holy Scripture hath not said , by what meanes should wee receive , and account it among those things that be true ? Lastly , in the writings of Theodoret wee meete with these kinde of speeches . x By the holy Scripture alone am I perswaded . y I am not so bold , as to affirme any thing which the sacred Scripture passeth in silence . z It is an idle and a senselesse thing , to seeke those things that are passed in silence . a Wee ought not to seeke those things which are passed in silence ; but rest in the things that are written . By the verdict of these twelve men , you may judge , what opinion was held in those ancient times of such Traditions as did crosse , either the verity or the perfection of the sacred Scripture : which are the Traditions we set our selves against . If now it be demanded , in what Popes dayes the contrarie doctrine was brought in among Christians : I answer , that if S. Peter were ever Pope , in his dayes it was , that some seducers first laboured to bring in Will-worship into the Church ; against whom S. Paul opposing himselfe , Coloss. 2. counteth it a sufficient argument to condemne all such inventions , that they were the commandements and doctrines of men . Shortly after them , started up other Hereticks , who taught , that b the truth could not be found out of the Scriptures by those to whom Tradition was unknowen . forasmuch as it was not delivered by writing , but by word of mouth : for which cause S. Paul also should say ; Wee speake wisedome among them that be perfect . The verie same Text doe the c Iesuites alledge , to prove the dignitie of manie mysteries to be such , that they require silence ; and that it is unmeet they should bee opened in the Scriptures , which are read to the whole world , and therefore can onely be learned by unwritten Traditions . Wherein they consider not , how they make so neare an approach unto the confines of some of the ancientest Heretickes , that they may well shake hands together . For howsoever some of them were so madde as to d say , that they were wiser then the Apostles themselves ; and therefore made light account of the doctrine which they delivered unto the Church , either by writing or by word of mouth : yet all of them broake not forth into that open impietie ; the same mysterie of iniquitie wrought in some of Antichrists fore-runners then , which is discovered in his ministers now . e They confessed indeed ( as witnesseth Tertullian ) that the Apostles were ignorant of nothing , and differed not among themselves in their preaching : but they say , they revealed not all things unto all men ; some things they delivered openly and to all , some things secretly and to a few . because that Paul useth this speech unto Timothy : O Timothy , keep that which is committed to thy trust . And againe ; That good thing which was committed unto thee , keepe . Which verie Texts the f Iesuites likewise bring in , to prove , that there are some Traditions , which are not contayned in the Scripture . In the dayes of S. Hierome also , this was wont to be the saying of Hereticks : g We are the sonnes of the wise men , which from the beginning have delivered the doctrine of the Apostles unto us . But h those things ( saith that Father ) which they of themselves finde out and faine to have received as it were by Tradition from the Apostles , without the authoritie and testimonies of the Scriptures , the sword of God doth smite . S. i Chrysostome in like maner giveth this for a marke of Antichrist , and of all spiritual theeves : that they come not in by the doore of the Scriptures . For the Scripture ( saith hee ) k like unto a sure doore , doth barre an entrance unto Hereticks , safeguarding us in all things that we will , and not suffering us to be deceived . Whereupon he concludeth , that l who so useth not the Scriptures , but commeth in otherwise , that is , betaketh himselfe to another and an unlawfull way , he is a theefe . How this mysterie of iniquitie wrought when Antichrist came unto his full growth , and what experiments his followers gave of their theevish entry in this kind , was well observed by the author of the book De unitate Ecclesiae ( thought by some to be Waltram Bishop of Naumburg : ) who speaking of the m Monks that for the upholding of Pope Hildebrands faction , brought in schismes and heresies into the Church , noteth this specially of them ; that despising the tradition of God , they desired other doctrines , and brought in maisteries of humane institution . Against whom hee alledgeth the authoritie of their owne S. Benedict , the father of the Monkes in the West ; writing thus : n The Abbot ought to teach , or ordaine , or command nothing , which is without the precept of the Lord : but his commandement or instruction should be spred as the leaven of divine righteousnesse in the minds of his Disciples . Whereunto also hee might have added the testimonie of the two famous Fathers of Monasticall discipline in the East : S. Antony I meane , who taught his Schollers that o the Scriptures were sufficient for doctrine ; and S. Basil , who unto the question , Whether it were expedient that novices should presently learne those things that are in the Scripture ? returneth this answere : p It is fit and necessarie , that every one should learne out of the holy Scripture that which is for his use ; both for his full settlement in godlinesse , and that hee may not be accustomed unto humane traditions . Marke here the difference betwixt the Monkes of Saint Basil , and Pope Hildebrands breeding . The Novices of the former were trayned in the Scriptures , to the end they might not be accustomed unto humane traditions : those of the latter , to the cleane contrarie intent , were kept back from the studie of the Scriptures , that they might be accustomed unto humane traditions . For this , by the foresaid author , is expressely noted of those Hildebrandine Monkes , that they q permitted not yong men in their Monasteries to studie this saving knowledge : to the end that their rude wit might be nourished with the huskes of divels , which are the customes of humane traditions ; that being accustomed to such filth , they might not taste how sweet the Lord was . And even thus in the times following , from Monkes to Friars , and from them to secular Priests and Prelates , as it were by tradition from hand to hand , the like ungodly policie was continued , of keeping the common people from the knowledge of the Scriptures ; as for other reasons , so likewise that by this meanes they might be drawne to humane traditions . Which was not onely observed by r Erasmus , before ever Luther stirred against the Pope : but openly in a maner confessed afterwards by a bitter adversarie of his , Petrus Sutor , a Carthusian Monke ; who , among other inconveniences for which he would have the people debarred from reading the Scripture , alledgeth this also for one . s Whereas manie things are openly taught to be observed , which are not to be expressely had in the holy Scriptures : will not the simple people , observing these things , quickly murmure , and complaine that so great burdens should be imposed upon them , whereby the libertie of the Gospell is so greatly impaired ? Will not they also easily be drawne away from the observation of the ordinances of the Church , when they shall observe that they are not contained in the Law of Christ ? Having thus therefore discovered unto these Deuterotae ( for so S. t Hierome useth to style such Tradition-mongers ) both their grandfathers , and their more immediat progenitors : I passe now forward unto the second point . OF THE REAL PRESENCE . HOw farre the real presence of the bodie of Christ in the Sacrament , is allowed or disallowed by us , I have at large declared in an a other place . The summe is this : That in the receiving of the blessed Sacrament , we are to distinguish betweene the outward and the inward action of the Communicant . In the outward , with our bodily mouth wee receive really the visible elements of Bread and Wine : in the inward , wee doe by faith really receive the bodie and bloud of our Lord , that is to say , wee are truely and indeed made partakers of Christ crucified , to the spirituall strengthning of our inward man. They of the adverse part have made such a confusion of these things , that for the first , they do utterly denie , that after the words of consecration there remaineth anie Bread or Wine at all to be received : and for the second , do affirme , that the bodie and bloud of Christ is in such a maner present , under the outward shewes of bread and wine , that whosoever receiveth the one ( be he good or bad , beleever or unbeleever ) doth therewith really receive the other . We are therfore here put to prove , that Bread is bread , and Wine is wine : a matter ( one would thinke ) that easily might be determined by common sense . That which you see ( saith b S. Augustine ) is the Bread and the Cup : which your very eyes doe declare unto you . But because we have to deale with men , that will needs herein be senselesse ; wee will for this time referre them to c Tertullians discourse of the five senses , ( wishing they may be restored to the use of their five witts againe : ) and ponder the testimonies of our Saviour Christ , in the sixt of Iohn , and in the words of the Institution , which they oppose against all sense , but in the end shall finde to be as opposit to this phantasticall conceit of theirs , as anie thing can be . Touching our Saviours speech , of the eating of his flesh , and the drinking of his bloud , in the sixth of Iohn ; these five things specially may be observed . First , that the question betwixt our Adversaries & us , being not , Whether Christs bodie be turned into bread , but whether bread be turned into Christs bodie ; the words in S. Iohn , if they be pressed literally , serve more strongly to prove the former , then the latter . Secondly , that this Sermon was uttered by our Saviour , above a yeare before the celebration of his last Supper , wherein the Sacrament of his bodie and bloud was instituted : at which time none of his hearers could possibly have understood him to have spoken of the externall eating of him in the Sacrament . Thirdly , that by the eating of the flesh of Christ , and the drinking of his bloud , there , is not here meant an externall eating or drinking with the mouth and throate of the bodie , ( as the d Iewes then , and the Romanists farre more grossely then they , have since imagined : ) but an internall and a spirituall , effected by a lively faith and the quickning spirit of Christ in the soule of the beleever . For e there is a spirituall mouth of the inner man , ( as S. Basil noteth ) wherewith hee is nourished that is made partaker of the Word of life , which is the bread that commeth downe from heaven . Fourthly , that this spirituall feeding upon the bodie and blood of Christ , is not to be found in the Sacrament onely , but also out of the Sacrament . Fiftly , that the eating of the flesh , and the drinking of the b●ood here mentioned , is of such excellent vertue , that the receiver is thereby made to remaine in Christ , and Christ in him , and by that meanes certainly freed from d●ath , and assured of everlasting life . Which seeing it cannot be verified of the eating of the Sacrament ( whereof both the godly & the wicked are partakers : ) it proveth , not onely that our Saviour did not here speake of the Sacramentall eating ; but further also , that the thing which is delivered in the externall part of the Sacrament , cannot be conceived to be really , but sacramentally onely , the flesh and blood of Christ. The first of these may be plainly seene in the Text : where our Saviour doth not onely say , I am the bread of life , vers . 48. and , I am the living bread that came downe from heaven , vers . 51. but addeth also in the 55. verse . For my flesh is meate indeed , and my bloud is drinke indeed . Which words being the most forcible of all the rest , & those wherewith the simpler sort are cōmonly most deluded , might carry some shew of proofe , that Christs flesh & blood should be turned into bread & wine ; but have no maner of colour to prove , that bread and wine are turned into the flesh and blood of Christ. The truth of the second , appeareth by the four●h verse : in which we finde , that this fell out not long before the Passeover ; and consequently , a yeare at least before that last Passeover , wherein our Saviour instituted the Sacrament of his Supper . Wee willingly indeed do acknowledge , that that which is inwardly presented in the Lords Supper , and spiritually received by the soule of the faithfull , is that verie thing which is treated of in the sixth of Iohn : but wee denie that it was our Saviours intention in this place , to speake of that which is externally delivered in the Sacrament , and orally received by the Communicant . And for our warrant herein , wee need looke no further then to that earnest asseveration of our Saviour in the 53. verse : Verily , verily I say unto you ; Except yee eate the flesh of the Sonne of man , and drinke his blood , ye have no life in you . Wherin there is not onely an obligation laid upon them for doing of this , ( which in no likelyhood could be intended of the externall eating of the Sacrament , that was not as yet in being : ) but also an absolute necessitie imposed , non praecepti solùm ratione , sed etiā medij . Now to hold , that all they are excluded from life , which have not had the meanes to receive the Sacrament of the Lords Supper : is as untrue , as it is uncharitable . And therefore manie of the Papists themselves , as Biel , Cusanus , Cajelan , Tapper , Hessels , Iansenius , and others , confesse , that our Saviour in the sixth of Iohn did not properly treat of the Sacrament . The third of the points proposed , may be collected out of the first part of Christs speech , in the 35. and 36. verses . I am the bread of life : hee that commeth to mee , shall never hunger ; and he that beleeveth on me , shall never thirst . But I said unto you , that yee also have seene me , and beleeve not . But especially , out of the last , from the 61. verse forward . When Iesus knew in himselfe that his Disciples murmured at it , hee said unto them ; Doeth this offend you ? What then if you should see the Sonne of man ascend up where hee was before ? It is the spirit that quickneth , the flesh profiteth nothing : the words that I speake unto you are spirit and life . But there are some of you that beleeve not . Which words Athanasius ( or whosoever was the author of the Tractate upon that place ; Quicunque dixerit verbum in filium homi●is ) noteth our Saviour to have used ; that his hearers might learne , f that those things which hee spake , were not carnall but spirituall . For how many could his bodie have sufficed for meat , that it should be made the food of the whole world ? But therefore it was that he made mention of the Sonne of mans ascension into heaven , that he might draw them from this corporall conceit ; and that hereafter they might learne , that the flesh which he spake of , was celestiall meat from above , and spirituall nourishment to be given by him . For the words which I have spoken unto you ( saith he ) are spirit and life . So likewise Tertullian : g Although he saith that the flesh profiteth nothing , the meaning of the speech must be directed according to the intent of the matter in hand . For , because they thought it to be a hard and an intolerable speech , as if he had determined that his flesh should be truly eaten by them : that hee might dispose the state of salvation by the spirit , hee premised ; It is the spirit that quíckneth . and so subjoyned ; The flesh profiteth nothing , namely to quicken . &c. h And because the Word was made flesh , it therefore was to be desired for causing of life , and to be devoured by hearing , and to be chewed by understanding , and to be digested by faith . For a little before he had also affirmed that his flesh was heavenly bread : urging still by the Allegory of necessary food , the remembrance of the fathers , who preferred the bread and the flesh of the Egyptians before Gods calling . Adde hereunto the sentence of Origen : i There is in the New Testament also a letter which killeth him that doth not spiritually conceive the things that be spoken . For if according to the letter you do follow this same which is said ; Except yee eate the flesh of the Sonne of man , and drinke his blood : this letter killeth . And those sayings which everie where occurre in S. Augustines Tractates upon Iohn : k How shall I send up my hand unto heaven , to take hold on Christ sitting there ? Send thy faith , and thou hast hold of him ! l Why preparest thou thy teeth and thy belly ? Bele●ve , and thou hast eaten . m For this is to eate the living bread , to beleeve in him . He that beleeveth in him , eateth . He is invisibly fedd , because he is invisibly regenerated . He is inwardly a b●be , inwardly renewed : where he is renewed , there is he nourished . The fourth proposition doth necessarily follow upon the third . For if the eating and drinking here spoken of , be not an externall eating and drinking , but an inward participation of Christ , by the communion of his quickning spirit : it is evident , that this blessing is to be found in the soule , not onely in the use of the Sacrament of the Lords Supper , but at other times also . It is no wayes to be doubted by anie one ( saith S. n Augustine ) that every one of the faithfull is made partaker of the body and bloud of our Lord , when he is made a member of Christ in Baptisme : and that hee is not estranged from the communion of that bread and cup , although before he eate that bread , and drinke that cup , hee depart out of this world , being setled in the unitie of the body of Christ. For he is not deprived of the participation and the benefite of that Sacrament , when hee hath found that which this Sacrament doth signifie . And hereupon wee see , that diverse of the Fathers doe apply the sixth of Iohn , to the hearing of the Word also : as , o Clemens Alexandrinus , p Origen , Eusebius Caesareensis , and others . We are said to drinke the blood of Christ ( saith q Origen ) not onely by way of the Sacraments , but also when we receive his word , wherein consisteth life . even as hee himselfe saith· The words which I have spoken , are spirit and life . Vpon which words of Christ , Eusebius paraphraseth after this maner : r Doe not thinke that I speake of that flesh wherewith I am compassed , as if you must eate of that ; neither imagine that I command you to drinke my sensible and bodily blood : but understand well , that the vvords which I have spoken unto you , are spirit and life . So that those very words and speeches of his , are his flesh and blood ; whereof who is partaker , being alwayes therewith nourished as it were with heavenly bread , shall likewise be made partaker of heavenly life . Therefore let not that offend you , saith he , which I have spoken of the eating of my flesh and of the drinking of my blood ; neither let the superficiall hearing of those things which were said by me of flesh and blood , trouble you . For these things sensibly heard , profite nothing : but the spirit is it , which quickneth them that are able to heare spiritually . Thus farre Eusebius : whose words I have layd down the more largely , because they are not vulgar . There remaineth the fift and last point : which is oftentimes repeated by our Saviour in this Sermon . as in the 50. verse : This is the bread which commeth downe from heaven , that a man may eate thereof , and not dye , and in the 51 : If any man eate of this bread , hee shall live for ever . and in the 54 : Who so eateth my flesh , and drinketh my blood , hath eternall life . and in the 56 : He that eateth my flesh , and drinketh my blood , dwelleth in mee , and I in him . and in the 58 : This is that bread which came downe from heaven : not as your fathers did eate Manna , and are dead : hee that eateth of this bread , shall live for ever . Whereupon Origen rightly observeth the difference that is betwixt the eating of the typicall or symbolicall ( for so he calleth the Sacrament ) and the true bodie of Christ. Of the former , thus he writeth : s That which is sanctified by the word of God and by prayer , doth not of it own● nature , sanctifie him that useth it . For if that were so , it would sanctifie him also which doth eate unworthy of the Lord : neither should any one for this eating be weake , or sicke , or dead . For such a thing doth Paul shew , when he saith : For this cause many are weake and sickly among you , and many sleepe . Of the latter , thus : t Many things may be spoken of the Word it selfe , which was made flesh , and true meate ; which whosoever eateth , shall certainly live for ever : which no evill person can eate . For if it could be , that he who continueth evill , might eate the Word made flesh ( seeing hee is the word and the bread of life ) it should not have beene written : Whosoever eateth this bread , shall live for ever . The like difference doth S. Augustine , also upon the same ground , make betwixt the eating of Christs bodie sacramentally and really . For having affirmed , that wicked men u may not be said to eate the body of Christ , because they are not to be counted among the members of Christ : hee afterward addeth . x Christ himselfe saying , He that eateth my flesh , and drinketh my bloud , remaineth in mee , and I in him , sheweth what it is , not sacramentally but indeed , to eate the flesh of Christ and drinke his bloud : for this is , to remaine in Christ , that Christ likewise may remaine in him . For hee said this , as if he should have said : He that remayneth not in me , and in whom I do not remaine ; let not him say or thinke , that he eateth my flesh or drinketh my bloud . And in another place , expounding those words of Christ here alledged ; hee thereupon inferreth thus : y This is therefore to eate that meate , and drinke that drinke ; to remaine in Christ , and to have Christ remayning in him . And by this , he that remaineth not in Christ , and in whom Christ abideth not , without doubt doth neither spiritually eate his flesh , nor drinke his bloud : although he do carnally and visibly presse with his teeth the Sacrament of the bodie and bloud of Christ ; and so rather eateth and drinketh the Sacrament of so great a thing for judgement to himselfe , because that being uncleane hee did presume to come unto the Sacraments of Christ. Hence it is that we finde so often in him , and in other of the Fathers , that the bodie and bloud of Christ is communicated only unto those that shall live , and not unto those that shall dye for ever . z He is the bread of life . He therefore that eateth life , cannot dye . For how should he dye , whose meat is life ? how should he fayle , who hath a vitall substance ? saith S. Ambrose . And it is a good note of Macarius : that , as men use to give one kinde of meate to their servants , and another to their children ; so Christ who a created all things , nourisheth indeed evill and ungratefull persons : but the sonnes which he begat of his owne seed , and whom he made partakers of his grace , in whom the Lord is formed , he nourisheth with a peculiar refection and food , and meat and drinke , beyond other men ; giving himselfe unto them , that have their conversation with his Father . as the Lord himselfe saith : He that eateth my flesh , and drinketh my bloud , remayneth in me , and I in him , and shall not see death . Among the sentences collected by Prosper out of S. Augustine , this also is one . b He receiveth the meat of life , and drinketh the cup of eternitie , who remaineth in Christ , and whose inhabiter is Christ. For he that is at discord with Christ , doth neither eate his flesh nor drinke his bloud : although , to the judgement of his presumption , he indifferently doth receive everie day the sacrament of so great a thing . Which distinction betweene the Sacrament and the thing whereof it is a sacrament , ( and consequently betweene the sacramentall and the reall eating of the bodie of Christ , ) is thus briefely and most excellently expressed by S. Augustine himselfe , in his exposition upon the sixt of Iohn . c The sacrament of this thing , is taken from the Lords Table ; by some unto life , by some unto destruction : but the thing it selfe whereof it is a sacrament , is received by every man unto life , and by none unto destruction , that is made partaker therof . Our conclusion therfore is this : The bodie and bloud of Christ , is received by all unto life , and by none unto condemnation . But that substance which is outwardly delivered in the Sacrament , is not received by all unto life , but by manie unto condemnation . Therefore that substance which is outwardly delivered in the Sacrament , is not really the bodie and bloud of Christ. The first proposition is plainly proved by the Texts which have been alledged out of the sixth of Iohn . The second is manifest , both by common experience , and by the testimonie of the Apostle , 1. Cor. 11. vers . 17 , 27 , 29. We may therefore well conclude , that the sixth of Iohn is so farre from giving anie furtherance to the doctrine of the Romanists in this point , that it utterly overthroweth their fond opinion , who imagine the bodie and bloud of Christ to be in such a sort present under the visible formes of bread and wine , that whosoever receiveth the one , must of force also really be made partaker of the other . The like are we now to shew in the words of the Institution . For the better clearing whereof , the Reader may be pleased to consider , first , that the words are not ; This shall be my body : nor , This is made , or , shall be changed into my body : but , This Is my body . Secondly , that the word THIS , can have relation to no other substance , but that which was then present , when our Saviour spake that word ; which ( as wee shall make it plainly appeare ) was Bread. Thirdly , that it being proved that the word This , doth demonstrate the Bread ; it must of necessitie follow , that Christ affirming that to be his BODY , cannot be conceived to have meant it so to be properly , but relatively and sacramentally . The first of these , is by both sides yeelded unto : so likewise is the third . For this is impossible , saith the Glosse d upon Gratian , that bread should be the bodie of Christ. And it cannot be , saith Cardinall e Bellarmine , that that proposition should be true , the former part whereof designeth Bread , the latter the Body of Christ : for asmuch as Bread and the Lords Body be things most adverse . And therefore hee confidently affirmeth , f that if the words , This is my body , did make this sense , This bread is my body : this sentence must either be taken tropically , that bread may be the body of Christ significatively ; or else it is plainly absurd & impossible for it cannot be , saith he , that bread should be the body of Christ. Doctor g Kellison also in like maner doeth freely acknowledge , that If Christ had said , This bread is my body ; wee must have understood him figuratively and metaphorically . So that the whole matter of difference resteth now upon the second point : whether our Saviour , when hee said This is my body , meant anie thing to be his Bodie , but that Bread which was before him . A matter which easily might be determined , in anie indifferent mans judgement , by the words immedia●ly going before . Hee tooke bread , and gave thankes , and brake , and gave it unto them , saying : This is my bodie which is given for you ; this do in remembrance of mee . ( Luk. 22.19 . ) For what did hee demonstrate here , and said was his Body , but that which he gave unto his Disciples ? What did hee give unto them , but what he brake ? What brake hee , but what he tooke ? and doth not the Text expressely say , that he tooke bread ? Was it not therefore of the Bread , he said ; This is my Body ? And could Bread possibly bee otherwise understood to have beene his Bodie , but as a Sacrament , and ( as hee himselfe with the same breath declared his owne meaning ) a memoriall thereof ? If these words be not of themselves cleare enough , but have need of further exposition : can we looke for a better , then that which S. Paul giveth of them , 1. Cor. 10.16 . The bread which we breake , is it not the communion of the bodie of Christ ? Did not S. Paul therefore so understand Christ , as if he had said ; This bread is my body ? And if Christ had said so ; doth not Kellison confesse , and right reason evince , that hee must have beene understood figuratively ? considering that it is simply impossible , that Bread should really be the Bodie of Christ. If it be said , that S. Paul by Bread , doth not here understand that which is properly Bread , but that which lately was bread ( but now is become the bodie of Christ : ) we must remember , that S. Paul doth not onely say The bread , but The bread which vvee breake . which breaking , being an accident properly belonging to the bread it selfe , and not to the bodie of Christ ( which being in glorie , cannot be subject to anie more breaking ) doth evidently shew , that the Apostle by Bread understandeth Bread indeed . Neither can the Romanists well denie this , unlesse they wil denie themselves , and confesse that they did but dreame all this while they have imagined that the change of the bread into the bodie of Christ , is made by vertue of the sacramentall words alone , which have not their effect untill they have all beene fully uttered . For the Pronoune THIS , which is the first of these words , doth point to somthing w ch was then present . But no substance was then present but bread : seeing by their owne grounds , the bodie of Christ commeth not in , untill the last word of that sentence , yea and the last syllable of that word , be completely pronounced . What other substance therefore can they make this to signifie , but this bread only ? In the institution of the other part of the Sacrament , the words are yet more plaine , Matth. 26. vers . 27.28 . He took the cup , and gave thanks , and gave it to them , saying , Drinke yee all of it . For this is my blood of the new Testament : or , ( as S. Paul and S. Luke relate it ) This cup is the new Testament in my blood . That which hee bidd them all drinke of , is that which hee said was his blood . But our Saviour could meane nothing but the Wine , when he said , Drinke ye all of it : because this sentence was uttered by him before the words of consecration , at which time our Adversaries themselves doe confesse , that there was nothing in the cup but wine , or wine and water at the most . It was wine therefore which he said was his blood : even the fruite of the Vine , as he himselfe termeth it . For as in the deliverie of the other cup before the institution of the Sacrament , S. Luke ( who alone maketh mention of that part of the historie ) telleth us , that hee said unto his Disciples ; h I will not drinke of the fruit of the Vine , untill the kingdome of God shall come : so doth S Matthew and S. Marke likewise testifie , that at the deliverie of the Sacramentall cup , when he had said , This is my blood of the new Testament , which is shed for many for the remission of sinnes ; hee also added : i But I say unto you , I will not drinke henceforth of this fruit of the Vine , untill that day that I drinke it new with you in my Fathers kingdome . Now seeing it is contrary both to sense and saith , that Wine or the fruite of the Vine , should really be the blood of Christ ; there being that formall difference in the nature of the things , that there is an utter impossibilitie that in true proprietie of speech the one should be the other : nothing in this world is more plain , than when our Saviour said it was his blood , he could not meane it to be so substantially , but sacramentally . And what other interpretation can the Romanists themselves give of those words of the institution in S. Paul ? k This cup is the new Testament in my blood . How is the cup , or the thing contayned in the cup , the new Testament , otherwise then as a Sacrament of it ? Marke how in the like case the Lord himselfe , at the institution of the first Sacrament of the old Testament , useth the same maner of speech , Genes . 17.10 . l This is my Covenant , or Testament ( for the Greeke word in both places is the same : ) and in the words presently following , thus expoundeth his owne meaning . m It shall be a SIGNE of the Covenant betwixt me and you . And generally for all Sacraments , the rule is thus laid downe by S. Augustine , in his Epistle to Bonifacius : n If Sacraments did not some maner of vvay resemble the things wherof they are Sacraments , they should not be Sacraments at all . And for this resemblance they doe of oftentimes also beare the names of the things themselves . As therefore the Sacrament of the bodie of Christ , is after a certaine maner the bodie of Christ , and the sacrament of Christs blood is the blood of Christ ; so likewise the sacrament of faith , is faith . By the sacrament of faith hee understandeth Baptisme ; of which he afterward alledgeth that saying of the Apostle , Rom. 6.4 . Wee are buried with Christ by baptisme into death : and then addeth . o He saith not , We signifie his buriall ; but hee plainly saith , Wee are buried . Therefore the sacrament of so great a thing hee would not otherwise call but by the name of the thing it selfe . And in his Questions upon Leviticus : p The thing that signifieth ( saith he ) useth to be called by the name of that thing which it signifieth . as it is written : The seven eares of corne , are seven yeares ; ( for hee said not ; they signifie seven yeares : ) and the seven Kine are seven yeares : and many such like . Hence was that saying : The Rocke was Christ. For he said not , The Rock did signifie Christ ; but as if it had beene that very thing , which doubtlesse by substance it was not , but by signification . So also the blood , because for a certaine vitall corpulencie which it hath , it signifieth the soule ; after the maner of Sacraments it is called the soule . Our argument therefore out of the words of the institution , standeth thus : If it be true , that Christ called Bread his bodie , and Wine his blood : then must it be true also , that the things which bee honoured with those names , cannot be really his bodie & blood , but figuratively and sacramentally . But the former is true . Therefore also the latter . The first proposition hath bene proved by the undoubted principles of right reason , and the cleare confession of the adverse part : the second , by the circumstances of the Text of the Evangelists , by the exposition of S. Paul , and by the received grounds of the Romanists themselves . The conclusion therefore resteth firme : and so wee have made it cleare , that the wordes of the Institution do not only not uphold , but directly also overthow the whole frame of that which the Church of Rome teacheth , touching the corporall presence of Christ under the formes of Bread and Wine . If I should now lay downe here all the sentences of the Fathers , which teach that that which Christ called his Body , is Bread in substance , and the Body of the Lord in signification and sacramentall relation : I should never make an end . Iustin Martyr , in his second Apologie to Antoninus the Emperour , telleth us , that the bread and the wine , even that q sanctified food wherewith our blood and flesh by conversion are nourished , is that w ch we are taught to be the flesh and blood of Iesus incarnate . Irenaeus in his 4 th book against heresies , saith , that our Lord r taking bread of that condition which is usuall among us , confessed it to be his body : & s the cup likewise contayning that creature which is usuall among us , his blood . And in his fift book he addeth : t That cup which is a creature , he confirmed to be his blood which was shedde , wherby he increaseth our blood ; and that bread which is of the creature , to be his body , wherby he increaseth our bodies . Therefore when the mixed cup and the broken bread doth receive the word of God , it is made the Eucharist of the blood and body of Christ , whereby the substance of our flesh is increased and doth consist . Our Lord , saith Clemens Alexandrinus , u did blesse vvine , vvhen hee said ; Take , drinke , This is my blood , the blood of the Vine . Tertullian : x Christ taking bread and distributing it to his Disciples , made it his body , saying , This is my body , that is , the figure of my body . Origen : y That meate which is sanctified by the word of God and by prayer , as touching the materiall part thereof goeth into the belly , and is voyded into the draught : but as touching the prayer which is added , according to the portion of faith it is made profitable ; enlightning the minde , and making it to behold that which is profitable . Neyther is it the matter of bread , but the word spoken over it , which profiteth him that doth not unworthily eate thereof . And these things I speake of the typicall and symbolicall bodie ; saith Origen . In the Dialogues against the Marcionites , collected for the most part out of the writings of Maximus ( who lived in the time of the Emperors Commodus and Severus ) Origen , who is made the chiefe speaker therein , is brought in thus disputing against the Heretickes : z If Christ , as these men say , were without bodie and blood : of what kinde of flesh , or of what body , or of what kinde of blood did hee give the bread and the cup to be Images of , when he commanded his Disciples by them to make a commemoration of him ? S. Cyprian also noteth , a that it was Wine , even the fruit of the Vine , which the Lord said was his blood : and that b floure alone , or water alone , cannot bee the bodie of our Lord , unlesse both be united and coupled together , and kneaded into the lumpe of one bread . And againe ; that c the Lord calleth bread his body , which is made up by the uniting of many cornes : and wine his blood , which is pressed out of many clusters of grapes , and gathered into one liquor . Which I finde also word for word in a maner , transcribed in the Commentaries upon the Gospels , attributed unto d Theophilus Bishop of Antioch . Wherby it appeareth , that in those elder times the words of the institution were no otherwise conceived , then as if Christ had plainly said ; This bread is my body , and , This wine is my blood : which is the maine thing that wee strive for with our Adversaries ; and for which the words themselves are plaine enough . the substance whereof we finde thus laid downe in the Harmonie of the Gospels , gathered , as some say , by Tatianus , as others , by Ammonius , within the second or the third age after Christ. e Having taken the bread , then afterward the cup of wine , and testified it to be his body and blood , hee commanded them to eate and drinke thereof ; forasmuch as it was the memoriall of his future passion and death . To the Fathers of the first three hundred yeares , we will now adjoyne the testimonies of those that flourished in the ages following . The first whereof shall be Eusebius : who saith that our Saviour f delivered to his Disciples the symboles of his divine dispensation , commanding them to make the Image of his owne body ; and g appointing them to use Bread for the symbole of his Body . and that we still h celebrate upon the Lords table , the memory of his sacrifice , by the symboles of his body and blood , according to the ordinances of the New Testament . Acacius , who succeeded him in his Bishopricke , saith that i the bread and wine sanctifieth them that feed upon that matter : acknowledging thereby , that the materiall part of those outward elements do still remaine . In the Church , saith k Macarius , is offered bread wine , the type of his flesh and blood : and they which are partakers of the visible bread , doe spiritually eate the flesh of the Lord. Christ , saith S. l Hierome , did not offer water , but wine , for the type of his blood . S. Augustine bringeth in our Saviour thus speaking of this matter . m You shall not eate this bodie which you see , nor drinke that blood which they shall shed that will crucifie mee . I have commended a certaine Sacrament unto you : that being spiritually understood vvill quicken you . The same Father in another place writeth , that n Christ admitted Iudas to that banquet , wherein he commended and delivered unto his Disciples the figure of his body and blood : but ( as he elsewhere o addeth ) they did eate that bread which was the Lord himselfe ; hee the bread of the Lord against the Lord. Lastly : the Lord ( saith p he ) did not doubt to say , This is my body ; when he gave the signe of his body . So the Author of the Homily upon the 22. Psalme , ( among the workes of Chrysostome : ) q This table hee hath prepared for his servants and hand-maydes in their sight : that he might every day , for a similitude of the body and blood of Christ , shew unto us in a sacrament bread and wine after the order of Melchisedec . And S. Chrysostome himselfe , in his Epistle written to Caesarius , against the heresie of Apolinarius : r As before the bread be sanctified , we call it bread ; but when Gods grace hath sanctified it by the meanes of the Priest , it is delivered from the name of bread , and is reputed worthy the name of the Lords body , although the nature of the bread remain still in it ; and it is not called two bodies , but one body of Gods sonne : so likewise here , the divine nature residing in the body of Christ , these two make one sonne , and one person . In the selfe same maner also doe Theodoret , Gelasius , and Ephraemius proceed against the Eutychian heretickes . Theodoret for his part , layeth downe these grounds . That our Saviour s in the deliverie of the mysteries called bread his body , and that which was mixt ( in the cupp ) his blood . That t hee changed the names ; and gave to the body the name of the symbol or signe , and to the symbol the name of the body . That hee u honoured the visible symboles with the name of his bodie and blood ; not changing the nature , but adding grace to nature . And that x this most holy food , is a symbol & type of those things whose names it beareth , to wit , of the body and blood of Christ. Gelasius writeth thus : y The sacraments which we receive , of the body and blood of Christ , are a divine thing , by meanes whereof wee are made partakers of the divine nature : and yet the substance or nature of bread and wine doth not cease to be . And indeed the image and the similitude of the bodie and blood of Christ are celebrated in the action of the mysteries . It appeareth therefore evidently enough unto us , that wee are to hold the same opinion of the Lord Christ himselfe , which we professe , celebrate , and are , in his Image . that as ( those Sacraments ) by the operation of the holy Spirit , passe into this , that is , into the divine substance , and yet remaine in the propriety of their owne nature : so that principall mysterie it selfe , whose force and vertue they truely represent , should be conceived to be . namely , to consist of two natures , divine and humane ; the one not abolishing the truth of the other . Lastly , Ephraemius the Patriarch of Antioch , having spoken of the distinction of these two natures in Christ , and said , that z no man having understanding , could say , that there was the same nature of that which could be handled , and of that which could not be handled , of that which was visible , and of that which was invisible ; addeth . And even thus , the body of Christ which is received by the faithfull , ( the Sacrament he meaneth ) doth neither depart from his sensible substance , and yet remayneth undivided from intelligible grace . and Baptisme , being wholly made spirituall , and remayning one , doth both retaine the propertie of his sensible substance , ( of water , I meane ) and yet looseth not that which it is made . Thus have wee produced evidences of all sorts , for confirmation of the doctrine by us professed touching the blessed Sacrament : which cannot but give sufficient satisfaction to all that with anie indifferencie will take the matter into their consideration . But the men with whom wee have to deale , are so farre fallen out with the truth ; that neither sense nor reason , neither authoritie of Scriptures or of Fathers , can perswade them to be friends againe with it : unlesse we shew unto them , in what Popes dayes the contrarie falshood was first devised . If nothing else will give them content : we must put them in minde , that about the time wherein Soter was Bishop of Rome , there lived a cousening companion , called Marcus ; whose qualities are thus set out by an ancient Christian , a who was famous in those dayes , though now his name be unknowne unto us . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Where first hee chargeth him to have beene an Idolmake● ; then hee objecteth unto him his skill in Astrologie and Magicke , by meanes whereof , and by the assistance of Satan , hee laboured with a shewe of miracles , to winne credite unto his false doctrines , amongst his seduced disciples : and lastly hee concludeth that his father the Divel had imployed him as a forerunner of his antithean craft , or his antichristian deceiveablenesse of unrighteousnesse , if you will have it in the Apostles language . For he was indeed the Divels forerunner , both for the b idolatries and sorceries which afterward were brought into the East , and for those c Romish fornications and inchantments wherewith the whole West was corrupted , by that man of sinne , d whose comming was foretold to be after the working of Satan , with all power and signes , and lying wonders . And that we may keep our selves within the compasse of that particular , which now wee have in hand : wee finde in Irenaeus , that this Arch-heretick made speciall use of his juggling feates , to breed a perswasion in the mindes of those whom hee had perverted ; that in the cup of his pretended Eucharist , he really delivered them blood to drinke . For e fayning himselfe to consecrate the cups filled with wine , and extending the words of Invocation to a great length , he made them to appeare of a purple and redd colour : to the end it might be thought , that the Grace which is above all things , did distill the blood thereof into that cup by his Invo●ation . And even according to this precedent we finde it fell our afterwards , that the principall and most powerfull meanes whereby the like grosse conceit ( of the gutturall ●ating and drinking of the bodie and blood of Christ ) was at the first fastened upon the multitude , and in processe of time more deeply rooted in them , were such delusions and fained apparitions as these : which yet that great Schooleman himselfe , Alexander of Hales , confesseth to happen sometimes , either by f ●he procurement of man , or by the operation of the divell . Paschasius Radbertus , who was one of the first letters forward of this doctrine in the West , spendeth a large chapter upon this point : wherein he telleth us , g that Christ in the sacrament did shew himselfe oftentimes in a visible shape , eyther in the forme of a Lamb , or in the colour of flesh and blood , so that while the hoste was a breaking or an offering , a Lamb in the Priests hands , and blood in the Chalice should be seene as it were flowing from the sacrifice , that what lay hid in a mysterie , might to them that yet doubted be made manifest in a miracle . And specially in that place hee insisteth upon a narration , which he found in gestis Anglorum , ( but deserved well to have been put into gesta Romanorum for the goodnesse of it ) of one Ple●gils or Plegilus a Priest ; how an Angell shewed Christ unto him in the forme of a childe upon the Altar , whom first hee tooke into his armes and kissed , but eate him up afterwards , when he was returned to his former shape again . Whereof arose that jeast which Berengarius was wont to use : h This was a proper peace of the knave indeed , that whom hee had kissed with his mouth , hee would devoure with his teeth . But there are three other tales of singular note ; which though they may justly strive for winning of the Whetstone with anie other , yet for their antiquitie have gained credite above the rest : being devised , as it seemeth , much about the same time with that other of Plegilus , but having relation unto higher times . The first was had out of the English Legends too , as i Iohannes Diaconus reporteth it in the life of Gregory the first : of a Romane Matron , who found a piece of the sacramentall bread turned into the fashion of a finger , all bloodie , which afterwards , upon the prayers of S. Gregory , was converted to his former shape againe . The other two were first coyned by the Grecian lyars , and from them conveyed unto the Latines , and registred in the booke which they called Vitas patrum : which being commonly beleeved to have beene collected by S. k Hierome , and accustomed to be read ordinarily in everie Monasterie ; gave occasion of further spred , and made much way for the progresse of this mysterie of iniquitie . The former of these is not onely related there , l but also in the Legend of Simeon Metaphrastes , ( which is such another author among the Grecians , as Iacobus de Voragine was among the Latines ) in the m life of Arsenius : how that a little childe was seene upon the Altar , and an Angell cutting him into small piec●s with a knife , and receiving his blood into the Chalice , as long as the Priest was breaking the bread into little parts . The latter , is of a certaine Iew , receiving the Sacrament at S. Basils hands , converted visibly into true flesh and blood : which is expressed by Cyrus Theodorus Prodromus , in this Tetrastich . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . But the chiefe author of the fable was a cheating fellow , who , n that hee might lye with authoritie , tooke upon him the name of Amphilochius , S. Basils companion , and set out a booke of his life o fraught with leasings : as Cardinall Baronius himselfe acknowledgeth . S. Augustines conclusion therefore may here well take place . p Let these things be taken away , which are eyther fictions of lying men , or wonders wrought by evill spirits . For eyther there is no truth in these reports , or if there be any strange things done by hereticks , we ought the more to beware of them : because , when the Lord had said , that certaine deceivers should come , who by doing of some wonders should seduce ( if it were possible ) the very elect , he verie earnestly commended this unto our consideration , and said ; Behold , I have told you before . yea and added a further charge also , that if these impostors should say unto us of him , q Behold he is in secret closets , wee should not beleeve it : which whether it be appliable to them who tell us , that Christ is to be found in a Pixe , and thinke that they have him in safe custodie under Locke and Key ; I leave to the consideration of others . The thing which now I would have further observed , is onely this ; that , as that wretched heretick who first went about to perswade m●n by his lying wonders , that he really delivered wine unto them in the cup of the Eucharist , was censured for being 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , an Idol-maker· so in after ages , from the Idol-makers and Image-worshippers of the East it was , that this grosse opinion of the orall eating and drinking of Christ in the Sacrament , drew it first breath ; r God having for their idolatrie , justly given them up unto a reprobate minde , that they might receive that recompence of their errour which was meete . The Popes name in whose dayes this fell out , was Gregory the second : the mans name who was the principall setter of it abroach , was s Iohn Damascen ; one that laid the foundation of Schoole-divinitie among the Greeks , as Peter Lombard afterwards did among the Latins . On the contrarie side , they who opposed the Idolatrie of those times , and more especially the CCCXXXVIII . Bishops assembled together at the Councell of Constantinople , in the yeare 754. maintayned , that Christ t chose no other shape or type under heaven to represent his incarnation by , but the Sacrament ; which u he delivered to his ministers for a type and a most effectuall commemoration therof ; x commanding the substance of bread to be offered , which did not any way resemble the forme of a man , that so no occasion might be given of bringing in Idolatry . which bread they affirmed to be the bodie of Christ , not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , ( as they themselves expound it ) y a holy and z a true image of his naturall flesh . These assertions of theirs are to bee found in the a third Tome of the sixth Action of the second Councell of Nice , assembled not long after for the reestablishing of Images in the Church . where a pratchant deacon , called Epiphanius , to crosse that which those former Bishops had delivered , confidently avoucheth that none of the Apostles , nor of the Fathers , did ever call the Sacrament an image of the bodie of Christ. Hee confesseth indeed that some of the Fathers ( as Eustathius expounding the Proverbs of Salomon , and S. Basil in his Liturgie ) doe call the bread and wine 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , correspondent types or figures , before they were consecrated : b but after the consecration ( saith hee ) they are called , and are , and beleeved to be the body and blood of Christ properly . where the Popes owne followers , who of late published the Acts of the generall Councells at Rome , were so farre ashamed of the ignorance of this blind Bayard ; that they correct his boldnesse with this marginall note . c The holy gifts are oftentimes found to be called antitypes , or figures correspondent , after they be consecrated : as by Gregory Nazianz. in the funerall Oration upon his sister , and in his Apologie ; by Cyrill of Ierusalem in his fifth Cateches . Mystagogic . and by others . And wee have alreadie heard , how the author of the Dialogues against the Marcionites , and after him Eusebius and Gelasius , expressely call the Sacrament an image of Christs bodie : howsoever this peremptorie Clerke denieth , that ever anie did so . By all which it may easily appeare , that , not the oppugners , but the defenders of Images , were the men who first went about herein to alter the language used by their fore-fathers . Now as in the daies of Gregory the third this matter was set afoot by Damascen in the East : so about a hundred yeares after , in the Papacie of Gregory the fourth , the same began to be propounded in the West , by meanes of one Amalarius , who was Bishop , not ( as hee is commonly taken to be ) of Triers , but of Mets first , and afterwards of Lyons . This man writing doubtfully of this point ; otherwhiles followeth the doctrine of S. Augustine , d that Sacraments were oftentimes called by the names of the things themselves , and so the Sacrament of Christs bodie was secundùm quendam modum , after a certaine maner the bodie of Christ : otherwhiles maketh it a part of his e beleefe , that the simple nature of the bread and wine mixed , is turned into a reasonable nature , to wit , of the body and blood of Christ. But what should become of this bodie , after the eating therof , was a matter that went beyond his little witt : and therefore , said he , f when the bodie of Christ is taken with a good intention , it is not for me to dispute , whether it be invisibly taken up into heaven , or kept in our body untill the day of our buriall , or exhaled into the ayre , or whether it go out of the body with the blood , ( at the opening of a veyne ) or be sent out by the mouth ; our Lord saying , that every thing which entreth into the mouth goeth into the belly , and is sent forth into the draught . For this , and another like foolerie de g triformi & tripartito corpore Christi , of the three parts or kindes of Christs body ( which seeme to be those ineptiae de tripartito Christi corpore , that Paschasius in the end of his Epistle intreateth Frudegardus not to follow : ) he was censured in a h Synod held at Carisiacum : wherein it was declared by the Bishops of France , that i the bread and wine are spiritually made the body of Christ ; which being a meat of the mind , and not of the belly , is not corrupted , but remayneth unto everlasting life . These dotages of Amalarius , did not only give occasion to that question propounded by Heribaldus to Rabanus , wherof we have spoken k heretofore ; but also to that other of far greater consequence : Whether that which was externally delivered & received in the sacrament , were the verie same body which was borne of the Virgin Mary , & suffered upon the Cr●sse , & rose again from the Grave . Paschasius Radbertus ( a Deacon of those times , but somewhat of a better and more modest temper then the Greek Deacon shewed himselfe to be of ) held that it was the ve●ie same ; and to that purpose wrote his book to Placidus , of the Body & Blood of our Lord : wherein ( saith a Iesuite ) l he was the first that did so explicate the true sense of the Càtholick Church , ( his owne Romane he meaneth ) that he opened the way to those manie others , who wrote afterwards of the same argument . Rabanus on the other side , in a writing directed to Abbot Egilo , maintayned the contrarie doctrine : as hath before beene noted . Then one Frudegardus , reading the third book of S. Augustin de doctrinâ Christianâ , and finding there , that the eating of the flesh and drinking of the blood of Christ was a figurative maner of speech , began somewhat to doubt of the truth of that which formerly he had read in that foresaid Treatise of Paschasius : which moved Paschasius to write againe of the same argument , as of a question wherein he confesseth m many were then doubtfull . But neither by his first nor by his second writing was hee able to take these doubts out of mens mindes : and therefore Carolus Calvus the Emperour , being desirous to compose these differences , and to have unitie setled among his subjects , required Ratrannus ( a learned man of that time , who lived in the Monasterie of Corbey , whereof Paschasius was Abbat ) to deliver his judgement touching these points . n Whether the body and blood of Christ which in the Church is received by the mouth of the faithfull , be celebrated in a mysterie or in the truth ; and whether it be the same body , which was born of Mary , which did suffer , was dead and buried , & which rising againe and ascending into heaven sitteth at the right hand of the Father ? Whereunto he returneth this answer : that o the bread and the wine are the body and blood of Christ figuratively ; that p for the substance of the creatures , that which they were before consecration , the same are they also afterward ; that q they are called the Lords bodie and the Lords blood , because they take the name of that thing , of which they are a sacrament ; & that r there is a great difference betwixt the mysterie of the blood and body of Christ , which is taken now by the faithfull in the Church , and that which was borne of the Virgin Mary , which suffered , which was buried , which rose again , which sitteth at the right hand of the Father . All which hee proveth at large , both s by testimonies of the holy Scriptures , and by the sayings of the ancient Fathers . Wherupon Turrian the Iesuite is driven for pure need , to shift off the matter with this silly interrogation . t To cite Bertram ( so Ratrannus is more usually named ) what is it else , but to say , that the heresie of Calvin is not new ? As if these things were alledged by us for anie other end , then to shew , that this way which they call heresie is not new , but hath been troden in long since , by such as in their times were accounted good and Catholick teachers in the Church . That since they have been esteemed otherwise , is an argument of the alteration of the times , and of the conversion of the state of things : which is the matter that now we are inquiring of , and which our Adversaries ( in an evill houre to them ) doe so earnestly presse us to discover . The Emperour Charles , unto whom this answer of Ratrannus was directed , had then in his Court a famous countrey-man of ours , called Iohannes Scotus : who wrote a booke of the same argument , and to the same effect that the other had done . This man for his extraordinarie learning , was in England ( where hee lived in great account with King Alfred ) surnamed Iohn the wise : and had verie lately a roome in the u Martyrologe of the Church of Rome , though now he be ejected thence . Wee finde him indeed censured by the Church of Lyons and others in that time , for certaine opinions which he delivered touching Gods foreknowledge and predestination before the beginning of the world , Mans freewill and the concurrence thereof with Grace in this present world , and the maner of the punishment of reprobate Men & Angels in the world to come : but we finde not anie where , that his book of the Sacrament was condemned , before the dayes of x Lanfranc ; who was the first that leavened that Church of England afterward with this corrupt doctrine of the carnall presence . Till then , this question of the reall presence continued still in debate : and it was as free for anie man to follow the doctrine of Ratrannus or Iohannes Scotus therein , as that of Paschasius Radbertus , which since the time of Satans loosing , obtayned the upper hand . Men have often searched , and doe yet often search , how bread that is gathered of corne ; and through fires heate baked , may be turned to Christs bodie ; or how wine that is pressed out of manie grapes is turned , through one blessing , to the Lords blood : saith y Aelfrick Abbat of Malmesburie , in his Saxon Homily , written about 650. yeares agoe . His resolution is not onely the same with that of Ratrannus , but also in manie places directly translated out of him : as may appeare by these passages following , compared with his Latin layd downe in the margent . z The bread and the wine which by the Priests ministery is hallowed , shew one thing without to mens senses , and another thing they call within to beleeving mindes . Without they be seene bread & wine both in figure and in taste : and they be truely after their hallowing Christs body and his blood by spirituall mysterie . a So the holy font water that is called the well-spring of life , is like in shape to other waters , and is subject to corruption : but the holy Ghosts might commeth to the corruptible water through the Priests blessing ; and it may after wash the body and soule from all sinne , by spirituall vertue . Behold now we see two things in this one creature : in true nature that water is corruptible moisture , and in spirituall mysterie hath healing vertue . So also if we behold that holy housel after bodily sense , then see wee that it is a creature corruptible and mutable . If we acknowledge therein spirituall vertue , then understand we that life is therein , and that it giveth immortalitie to them that eate it with beleefe . b Much is betwixt the bodie Christ suffered in , and the body that is hallowed to housel . c The body truely that Christ suffered in , was borne of the flesh of Mary , with blood and with bone , with skin and with sinewes , in humane limbs , with a reasonable soule living : and his spirituall body , which we call the housel , is gathered of many cornes , without blood and bone , without lim , without soule ; and therefore nothing is to be understood therein bodily , but spiri●ually . Whatsoever is in that housel , which giveth substance of life , that is spirituall vertue , and invisible doing . d Certainly Christs body which suffered death and rose from death , shall never dye henceforth , but is eternall and unpassible . That housel is temporall , not eternall , corruptible & dealed into sundry parts , chewed betweene teeth and sent into the belly . e This mysterie is a pledge and a figure : Christs bodie is truth it selfe . This pledge wee doe keepe mystically , untill that we be come to the truth it selfe ; and then is this pledge ended . Christ hallowed bread and wine to housel before his suffering , and said : This is my body & my blood . f Yet he had not then suffered : but so notwithstanding hee turned through invisible vertue , the bread to his owne body , and that wine to his blood : as he before did in the wildernesse , before that he was borne to men , when he turned that heavenly meate to his flesh , and the flowing water from that stone to his owne blood . g Moses and Aaron , and manie other of that people which pleased God , did eate that heavenly bread , and they died not the everlasting death , though they dyed the common . They saw that the heavenly meate was visible and corruptible : and they spiritually understood by that visible thing , and spiritually received it . This Homily was appointed publikely to be read to the people in England , on Easter day , before they did receive the communion . The like matter also was delivered to the Clergie by the Bishops at their Synods ; out of two other writings of the same h Aelfrick : in the one wherof , directed to Wulfsine Bishop of Shyrburne , we reade thus . That housel is Christs bodie , not bodily but spiritually . Not the body which he suffered in , but the bodie of which he spake , when he blessed bread and wine to housel the night before his suffering ; and said by the blessed bread , This is my body : and againe by the holy wine , This is my blood which is shed for many in forgivenesse of sinnes . In the other , written to Wulfstane Archbishop of Yorke , thus . The Lord which hallowed housel before his suffering , and saith that the bread was his owne bodie , and that the wine vvas truely his blood ; halloweth daily by the hands of the Priest , bread to his body and wine to his blood in spirituall mysterie , as wee reade in bookes . And yet notwithstanding that lively bread is not bodily so , nor the selfe same body that Christ suffered in : nor that holy vvine is the Saviours blood which was shed for us , in bodily thing , but in spirituall understanding . Both be truely , that bread his body , and that wine also his blood , as was the heavenly bread , which vve call Manna , that fedde fortie yeares Gods people ; and the cleare water , which did then runne from the stone in the vvildernesse , vvas truely his blood : as Paul wrote in one of his Epistles . Thus was Priest and people taught to beleeve , in the Church of England , toward the end of the tenth , and the beginning of the eleventh age after the Incarnation of our Saviour Christ. And therefore it is not to be wondered , that when Berengarius shortly after stood to maintaine this doctrine , i manie both by word and writing disputed for him : and not onely the English , but also all the French almost & the Italians ( as k Matthew of Westminster reporteth ) were so readie to entertaine that which hee delivered . Who though they were so borne downe by the power of the Pope ( who now was growne to his height ) that they durst not make open profession of that which they beleeved : yet manie continued , even there where Satan had his throne , who privately employed both their tongues and their penns in defence of the truth ; as out of Zacharias Chrysopolitanus , Rupertus Tuitiensis , and others I have l elsewhere shewed . Vntill at length , in the yeare 1215. Pope Innocent the third , in the Councell of Lateran , published it to the Church for an oracle : that m the body and blood of Iesus Christ are truely contayned under the formes ●f bread and wine ; the bread being transsubstantiated into the bodie , and the wine into the blood , by the power of God. And so are wee now come to the end of this controversie : the originall and progresse whereof I have prosecuted the more at large , because it is of greatest importance , the verie life of the Masse and all massing Priests depending thereupon . But this prolixitie shall be some wayes recompensed by the briefer handling of the points following : the next whereof is that OF CONFESSION . OVr Challenger here telleth us , that the Doctors , Pastors and Fathers of the primitive Church , exhorted the people to confesse their sinnes unto their ghostly fathers . And wee tell him againe , that by the publike order prescribed in our Church , before the administration of the holy Communion , the Minister likewise doth exhort the people , that if there be any of them , which cannot quiet his owne conscience , but requireth further comfort or counsell ; he should come to him , or some other discreet and learned Minister of Gods word , and open his griefe : that he may receive such ghostly counsell , advice and comfort , as his conscience may be relieved ; and that by the ministery of Gods word hee may receive comfort , and the benefite of absolution , to the quieting of his conscience , and avoyding of all scruple and doubtfulnesse . Whereby it appeareth , that the exhorting of the people to confesse their sinnes unto their ghostly fathers , maketh no such wall of separation betwixt the ancient Doctors and us , but we may well for all this be of the same religion that they were of : and consequently , that this doughtie Champion hath more will then skill to manage controversies , who could make no wiser choyce of pointes of differences to bee insisted upon . Be it therefore knowne unto him , that no kinde of Confession , either publick or private , is disallowed by us , that is anie way requisite for the due execution of that ancient power of the Keyes which Christ bestowed upon his Church : the thing which wee reject , is that new pick-lock of Sacramentall Confession , obtruded upon mens consciences , as a matter necessarie to salvation , by the Canons of the late Conventicle of Trent . where those good Fathers put their curse upon everie one , that either shall a deny , that Sacramentall confession was ordayned by divine right , and is by the same right necessary to salvation : or shall b affirme , that in the Sacrament of Penance it is not by the ordinance of God necessarie for the obtayning of the remission of sinnes , to confesse all and every one of those mortall sinnes , the memory wherof by due and diligent premeditation may be had ; even such as are hidden and be against the two last Commandements of the Decalogue , together with the circumstances which change the kinde of the sinne ; but that this confession is only profitable to instruct and comfort the penitent , and was anciently observed onely for the imposing of Canonicall satisfaction . This doctrine , I say , wee cannot but reject : as being repugnant to that which wee have learned both from the Scriptures and from the Fathers . For in the Scriptures wee finde , that the confession which the penitent sinner maketh to God alone , hath the promise of forgivenesse annexed unto it : which no Priest upon earth hath power to make voyde , upon pretence that himselfe or some of his fellowes were not first particularly acquainted with the businesse . c I acknowledged my sinne unto thee , and mine iniquity have I not hid : I said , I will confesse my transgressions unto the Lord ; and thou forgavest the iniquitie of my sinne . And lest we should thinke that this was some peculiar priviledge vouchsafed to d the man who was raised upon high , the Anointed of the God of Iacob : the same sweet Psalmist of Israel doth presently enlarge his note , and inferreth this generall conclusion thereupon . e For this shall every one that is godly pray unto thee , in a time when thou mayest be found . King Salomon , in his prayer for the people at the dedication of the Temple , treadeth just in his Fathers stepps . If they turne ( saith f hee ) and pray unto thee in the land of their captivity , saying ; Wee have sinned , we have done amisse , and have dealt wickedly : if they returne to thee with all their heart , and with all their soule ; &c. forgive thy people , which have sinned against thee , all their transgressions wherein they have transgressed against thee . And the poore g Publican putting up his supplication in the Temple accordingly [ God bee mercifull to me a sinner , ] went back to his house justified ; without making confession to anie other ghostly Father , but onely h the Father of Spirits . of whom S. Iohn giveth us this assurance : that i if wee confesse our sinnes , he is faithfull and just , to forgive us our sinnes , and to cleanse us from all unrighteousnesse . Which promise , that it appertained to such as did confesse their sinnes unto God , the ancient Fathers were so well assured of : that they cast in a maner all upon this Confession , and left little or nothing to that which was made unto man. Nay , they doe not onely leave it free for men , to confesse or not confesse their sinnes unto others ( which is the most that we would have : ) but some of them also seeme , in words at least , to advise men not to doe it at all ; which is more then we seeke for . S. Chrysostome of all others is most copious in this argument : some of whose passages to this purpose , I will here lay downe . k It is not necessary ( saith he ) that thou shouldest confesse in the presence of witnesses : let the inquiry of thy offences bee made in thy thought , let this judgement be without a witnesse ; let God onely see thee confessing . l Therefore I intreat and beseech and pray you , that you would continually make your confession to God. For I doe not bring thee into the theater of thy fellow servants , neyther doe I constraine thee to discover thy sinnes unto men : unclaspe thy conscience before God , and shew thy wounds unto him , and of him aske a medicine . Shew them to him that will not reproach , but heale thee . For although thou hold thy peace , he knoweth all . m Let us not call our selves sinners onely , but let us recount our sinnes , and repeate every one of them in speciall . I doe not say unto thee , Bring thy selfe upon the stage , nor , Accuse thy selfe unto others : but I counsaile thee to obey the Prophet , saying , Reveale thy way unto the Lord. Confesse them before God , confesse thy sinnes before the Iudge ; praying , if not with thy tongue , yet at least with thy memory : and so looke to obtayne mercy . n But thou art ashamed to say , that thou hast sinned . Confesse thy faults then daily in thy prayer . For do I say ; Confesse them to thy fellow-servant , who may reproach thee therewith ? Confesse them to God , who healeth them . For , although thou confesse them not at all , God is not ignorant of them . o Wherefore then , tell me , art thou ashamed & blushest to confesse thy sinnes ? For doest thou discover them to a man , that he may reproach thee ? Doest thou confesse them to thy fellow servant , that he may bring thee upon the stage ? To him who is thy Lord , who hath care of thee , who is kinde , who is thy physitian , thou shewest thy wound . p I constraine thee not , saith he , to go into the middest of the theater , and to make many witnesses of the matter . Confesse thy sin to me alone in privat , that I may heale thy sore , and free thee from griefe . q And this is not only wonderfull , that he forgiveth us our sinnes , but that he neither discovereth them , nor maketh them open and manifest , nor constraineth us to come forth in publike and disclose our misdemeanours ; but commandeth us to give an account thereof unto him alone , and unto him to make confession of them . Neyther doth S. Chrysostome here walke alone . That saying of S. Augustine is to the same effect : r What have I to doe with men , that they should heare my confessions , as though they should heale all my diseases ? and that ●ollection of S. Hilary upon the two last verses of the 52 Psalme , s that David there teacheth us to confesse to no other but unto the Lord , vvho hath made the Olive fruitfull with the mercy of hope ( or , the hope of mercie ) for ever and ever . and that advise of Pinuphius the Aegyptian Abbat ( which I finde also inserted amongst the t Canons collected for the use of the Church of England , in the time of the Saxons ; under the title , De poenitentiâ soli Deo cōfitendâ : ) u Who is it that cannot humbly say ? I made my sinne knowne unto thee , and mine iniquity have I not hid . that by this confession he may confidently adjoyne that which followeth : And thou forgavest the impiety of my heart . But if shamefastnesse doe so draw thee backe , that thou blushest to reveale them before men : cease not by continuall supplication to confesse them unto him from whom they cannot be hid , and to say [ I know mine iniquitie , and my sinne is against me alwayes ; To thee onely have I sinned , and done evill before thee ] whose custome is , both to cure without the publishing of any shame , and to forgive sinnes without upbraiding . S. Augustine , Cassiodor , and Gregory make a further observation upon that place of the 32 Psalme : I said , I will confesse my transgressions unto the Lord ; and thou forgavest the iniquity of my sinne . that God upon the onely promise and purpose of making this confession , did forgive the sinne . Marke ( saith x Gregory ) how great the swiftnesse is of this vitall Indulgence , how great the commendation is of Gods mercy ; that pardon should accompany the verie desire of him that is about to confesse , before that repentance doe come to afflict him ; and remission should come to the heart , before that confession did break forth by the voice . So S. Basil , upon those other words of the Psalmist , I have roared by reason of the disquietnesse of my heart ; ( Psalm . 38.8 . ) maketh this paraphrase . y I do not confesse with my lips , that I may manifest my selfe unto many . but inwardly in my very heart , shutting mine eyes , to thee alone who seest the things that are in secret , doe I shew my groanes , roaring within my selfe . For the groanes of my heart sufficed for a confession , and the lamentations sent to thee my God from the depth of my soule . And as S. Basil maketh the groanes of the heart to be a sufficient confession so doth S. Ambrose the teares of the penitent . Teares ( saith z he ) doe wash the sinne , which the voyce is ashamed to confesse . Weeping doth provide both for pardon and for shamefastnesse : teares doe speake our fault without horror , teares doe confesse our crime without offence of our shamefastnesse from whence , he that glosseth upon Gratian ( who hath inserted these words of S. Ambrose into his collection of the Decrees ) doth inferre ; that a if for shame a man will not confesse , teares alone doe blot out his sinne . Maximus Taurinensis followeth S. Ambrose herein almost verbatim . The teare ( saith b he ) washeth the sinne , which the voyce is ashamed to confesse . Teares therefore doe equally provide both for our shamefastnesse and for our health : they neyther blush in asking , and they obtaine in requesting . Lastly Prosper , speaking of sinnes committed by such as are in the ministery , writeth thus c They shall more easily appease God , who being not convicted by humane judgement , doe of their owne accord acknowledge their offence : who eyther do discover it by their owne confessions , or others not knowing what they are in secret , doe themselves give sentence of voluntarie excommunication upon themselves , and being separated ( not in minde , but in office ) . from the Altar to which they did minister , doe lament their life as dead ; assuring themselves , that God being reconciled unto them by the fruits of effectuall repentance , they shall not onely receive what they have lost , but also being made citizens of that citie which is above , they shall come to everlasting joyes . By this it appeareth , that the ancient Fathers did not thinke , that the remission of sinnes was so tyed unto externall confession , that a man might not looke for salvation from God , if hee concealed his faults from Man : but that inward contrition , and confession made to God alone , was sufficient in this case . Otherwise , neyther they nor wee do debarre men from opening their grievances unto the Physicians of their soules : eyther for their better information in the true state of their disease , or for the quieting of their troubled consciences , or for receiving further direction from them out of Gods word , both for the recoverie of their present sicknesse and for the prevention of the like danger in time to come . d If I shall sinne , although it be in anie small offence , and my thought doe consume me , and accuse me , saying ; Why hast thou sinned ? what shall I doe ? said a brother once to Abbat Arsenius . The old man answered : Whatsoever houre a man shall fall into a fault , and shall say from his heart , Lord God I have sinned , grant mee pardon ; that consumption of thought or heavinesse shall cease forthwith . And it was as good a remedie as could be prescribed for a greene wound : to take it in hand presently , to present it to the view of our heavenly Physician , e to prevent Satan by taking his office ( as it were ) out of his hand , and f accusing our selves first , that we may be justified . But when it is not taken in time , but suffered to fester and ranckle ; the cure will not now prove to be so easie : it being found true by often experience , that the wounded conscience will still pinch grievously , notwithstanding the confession made unto God in secret . At such a time as this then , where the sinner can finde no ease at home , what should hee doe but use the best means he can to finde it abroad ? Is g there no balme in Gilead ? is there no physician there ? No doubt but God hath provided both the one and the other , for recovering of the health of the daughter of his people : and S. Iames hath herein given us this direction . h Confesse your faults one to another , and pray one for another , that yee may be healed . According to which prescription , Gregory Nyssen , toward the end of his Sermon of Repentance , useth this exhortation to the sinner . i Be sensible of the disease , vvherewith thou art taken , afflict thy selfe as much as thou canst . Seeke also the mourning of thy intirely affected brethren , to helpe thee unto libertie . Shew me thy bitter and aboundant teares , that I may also mingle mine therewith . Take likewise the Priest for a partner of thine affliction , as thy Father . For who is it that so falsely obtayneth the name of a father , or hath so adamantine a soule , that he will not condole with his sonns lamenting ? Shew unto him without blushing the things that were kept close : discover the secrets of thy soule , as showing thy hidden disease unto thy physician . Hee will have care both of thy credit and of thy cure . It was no part of his meaning to advise us , that wee should open our selves in this maner unto everie hedge-priest ; as if there were a vertue generally annexed to the order , that upon confession made and absolution received from anie of that ranke , all should be straight made up : but he would have us communicate our case both to such Christian brethren , and to such a ghostly father , as had skill in physick of this kinde , and out of a fellow-feeling of our griefe , would apply themselves to our recoverie . Therefore , saith Origen , k looke about thee diligently , unto whom thou oughtest to confesse thy sinne . Try first the physician , unto whom thou oughtest to declare the cause of thy maladie , vvho knoweth to be weake with him that is weake , to weepe with him that weepeth , who understandeth the discipline of condoling and compassionating : that so at length , if hee shall say anie thing , who hath first shewed himselfe to be both a skilfull physician and a mercifull , or if he shall give anie counsaile , thou mayest doe and follow it . For , as S. Basil well noteth , l the verie same course is to be held in the confession of sinnes , which is in the opening of the diseases of the bodie . As men therefore do not discover the diseases of their bodie to all , nor to everie sort of people , but to those that are skilfull in the cure thereof : even so ought the confession of our sinnes be made , unto such as are able to cure them ; according to that which is written . Yee that are strong , beare the infirmities of the weake , that is , take them away by your diligence . He requireth care and diligence in performance of the cure : being ignorant ( good man ) of that new compendious method of healing , invented by our Romane Paracelsians , whereby a man m in confession of attrite is made contrite by vertue of the keyes ; that the sinner need put his ghostly father to no further trouble then this . Speake the word onely , and I shall be healed . And this is that Sacramentall confession , devised of late by the Priests of Rome : which they notwithstanding would faine father upon S. Peter , from whom the Church of Rome ( as they would have us beleeve ) received this instruction . n that if envie , or infidelitie , or anie other evill did secretly creepe into anie mans heart , hee who had care of his owne soule should not be ashamed to confesse those things unto him who had the oversight over him ; that by Gods word and wholsome counsaile , he might be cured by him . And so indeed we reade in the apocryphall epistle of Clement , pretended to be written unto S. Iames the brother of our Lord : where in the severall editions of Crab , Sichardus , Venradius , Surius , Nicolinus , and Binius , wee finde this note also laid downe in the margent ; Nota de confessione sacramentali , Marke this of sacramentall confession . But their owne o Maldonat would have taught them , that this note was not worth the marking : forasmuch as the proper end of sacramentall confession , is the obtayning of remission of sinnes , by vertue of the keyes of the Church ; whereas the end of the confession here said to be commended by S. Peter , was the obtayning of counsaile out of Gods word for the remedie of sinnes . which kinde of medicinall confession wee well approve of , and acknowledge to have beene ordinarily prescribed by the ancient Fathers for the cure of secret sinnes . For as for notorious offences , which bred open scandall , private confession was not thought sufficient : but there was further required publick acknowledgement of the fault , & the solemne use of the keyes for the reconciliation of the penitent . p If his sin do not only redound to his own evill , but also unto much scandall of others , and the Bishop thinketh it to be expedient for the profit of the Church , let him not refuse to performe his penance in the knowledge of manie or of the whole people also , let him not resist , let him not by his shamefastnesse add swelling to his deadly and mortall wound : saith S. Augustine . and more largely in another place ; where he meeteth with the objection , of the sufficiencie of internall repentance , in this maner . q Let no man say unto himselfe : I doe it secretly , I doe it before God ; God vvho pardoneth me doth know , that I doe it in my heart . Is it therefore said without cause ; Whatsoever you shall loose on earth , shall be loosed in heaven ? Are the keyes therfore without cause given unto the Church of God ? Doe we frustrate the Gospell of God ? doe we frustrate the words of Christ ? Doe we promise that to you which hee denieth you ? Do wee not deceive you ? Iob saith : If I was abashed to confesse my sinnes in the sight of the people . So just a man of Gods rich threasure , who was tried in such a furnace , saith thus : and doth the childe of pestilence vvithstand me , and is ashamed to bow his knee under th● blessing of God ? That which the Emperor was not ashamed to doe , is he ashamed of , who is not as much as a Senator , but only a simple Courtier ? O proud neck , ó crooked minde ! perhaps , nay it is not to be doubted , it was for this reason God would that Theodosius the Emperour should doe publick penance in the sight of the people , especially because his sinne could not be concealed : and is a Senator ashamed of that , whereof the Emperour was not ashamed ? is he ashamed of that who is no Senator , but a Courtier onely , whereof the Emperour was not ashamed ? Is one of the vulgar sort , or a trader ashamed of that , whereof the Emperour was not ashamed ? What pride is this ? Were not this alone sufficient to bring them to hell , although no adultery had beene committed ? Thus farre S. Augustine , concerning the necessitie of publike Repentance for knowne offences : which being in tract of time disused in some places , long after this , the r Bishops of France , by the assistance of Charles the great , caused it to be brought in use againe , according to the order of the olde Canons . Neyther is it here to be omitted , that in the time of the more ancient Fathers this strict discipline was not so restrayned to the censure of publicke crimes ; but that private transgressions also were sometimes drawn within the compasse of it . For whereas at first , publike confession was enjoyned onely for publike offences : men afterwards , discerning what great benefit redounded to the penitents thereby , ( aswell for the subduing of the stubburnesse of their hard hearts , and the furthering of their deeper humiliation ; as for their raysing up againe by those sensible comforts which they received by the publike prayers of the Congregation , and the use of the keyes ) some men , I say , discerning this , and finding their owne consciences burdened with the like sinnes , which being carried in secrecie , were not subject to the censures of the Church ; to the end they might obtaine the like consolation and quiet of minde , did voluntarily submit themselves to the Churches discipline herein , and undergoe the burden of publick Confession and Penance . This appeareth by Origen in his second Homily upon the 37 Psalme , Tertullian in his booke de Poenitentiâ , chap. 9. S. Cyprian in his Treatise de Lapsis , sect . 23. ( or 11. according to Pamelius his distinction ) S. Ambrose in his first booke de Poenitentiâ , chap. 16. and others . And to the end that this publication of secret faults might be performed in the best maner : some prudent Minister was first of all made acquainted therewith ; by whose direction the delinquent might understand what sinnes were fit to be brought to the publick notice of the Church , and in what maner the penance was to bee performed for them . Therefore did Origen advise ( as wee heard ) that one should use great care in making choyce of a good and skilfull physician , to whom hee should disclose his griefe in this kinde . and s if hee understand ( saith he ) and foresee that thy disease is such as ought to be declared in the assembly of the whole Church , and cured there , whereby peradventure both others may be edified , and thou thy selfe more easily healed ; with much deliberation , and by the very skilfull counsaile of that physician , must this be done . But within a while ( shortly after the persecution raysed in the dayes of Decius the Emperour ) it was no longer left free to the Penitent to make choyce of his ghostly father : but by the generall consent of the Bishops it was ordayned , that in every Church one certaine discreet Minister should be appointed to receive the confessions of such as relapsed into sinne after Baptisme . This is that addition , which t Socrates in his Ecclesiasticall historie noteth to have beene then made unto the Penitentiall Canon ; and to have beene observed by the governours of the Church for a long time : untill at length in the time of Nectarius Bishop of Constantinople ( which was about CXL . yeares after the persecution of Decius ) upon occasion of an infamy drawne upon the Clergie by the confession of a Gentlewoman , defiled by a Deacon in that citie , it was thought fit it should be abolished , and that u libertie should be given unto everie one , upon the private examination of his owne conscience , to resort to the holy Communion . Which was agreeable both to the rule of the Apostle , 1. Cor. 11.28 . ( Let a man examine himselfe , and so let him eate of that bread and drinke of that cup : ) and to the judgement of the more ancient Fathers , as appeareth by Clemens Alexandrinus , who accounteth a mans owne conscience to be his x best directer in this case . howsoever our new Masters of y Trent have not onely determined that sacramentall confession must necessarily be premised before the receyving of the Eucharist ; but also have pronounced them to be excommunicate ipso facto , that shall presume to teach the contrarie . The case then ( if these mens censures were ought worth ) would goe hard with Nectarius , and all the Bishops that followed him ; but especially with S. Iohn Chrysostom , who was his immediat successor in the See of Constantinople . for thus doth hee expound that place of the Apostle : z Let every one examine himselfe , and then let him come . He doth not bid one man to examine another , but every one himselfe ; making the judgement private , and the tryall without witnesses . and in the end of his second homily of Fasting ( which in others is the eighth de Poenitentiâ ) frameth his exhortation accordingly . a Within thy conscience , none being present but God who seeth all things , enter thou into judgement and into a search of thy sinnes , and recounting thy whole life , bring thy sinnes unto judgement in thy minde : reforme thy excesses , and so vvith a pure conscience draw neare to that sacred Table , and partake of that holy sacrifice . Yet in another place hee deepely chargeth Ministers , not to admit knowne offendors unto the Communion . But b if one ( saith hee ) be ignorant that hee is an evill person , after that hee hath used much diligence ther●in , he is not to be blamed . for these things are spoken by me of such as are knowne . And we finde both in him , and in the practise of the times following , that the order of publick Penance was not wholly taken away ; but according to the ancient discipline established by the Apostles in the Church , open offendors were openly censured and pressed to make publick confession of their faults . Whereby it is manifest , that the libertie brought in by Nectarius , of not resorting to any Penitentiarie , respected the disclosing of secret sinnes only ; such as that foule one was , from whence the publick scandall arose , which gave occasion to the repeale of the former Constitution . For to suffer open and notorious crimes , committed in the Church , to passe without controule , was not a meane to prevent but to augment scandalls ; nay the readie way , to make the house of God become a denne of theeves . Two observations more I will adde upon this part of the historie . The one : that the abrogation of this Canon sheweth , that the forme of Confession used by the ancient , was Canonical , that is , appertayning to that externall discipline of the Church which upon just occasion might be altered ; and not Sacramentall , and of perpetuall right , which is that our Iesuites stand for . The other : that the course taken herein by Nectarius , was not onely approved by S. Chrysostome , who succeeded him at Constantinople ; but c generally in a maner by the Catholick Bishops of other places . howsoever the Arrians , and the rest of the sectaries ( the Novatians onely excepted , who from the beginning would not admit the discipline used in the Church for the reconciliation of Penitents ) retained still the former usage . as by the relation of Socrates and Sozomen more fully may appeare . And therefore when within some XXI . yeares after the time wherein they finished their histories , and about LXX . after that the publication of secret offences began to be abolished by Nectarius , certaine in Italy did so doe their penance , that they caused a writing to be publickly read , containing a profession of their severall sinnes : Leo , who at that time was Bishop of Rome , gave order , that by all meanes d that course should be broken off ; forasmuch as it was sufficient , that the guilt of mens consciences should be declared in secret confession to the Priests alone . For although ( saith he ) the fulnesse of faith may seeme to be laudable , vvhich for the feare of God doth not feare to blush before men : yet because all mens sinnes are not of that kinde , that they may not feare to publish such of them as require repentance , let so inconvenient a custome be removed ; lest many be driven away from the remedies of repentance , vvhile eyther they are ashamed , or afraid to disclose their deedes unto their enemies , whereby they may be drawne within the perill of the lawes . For that confession is sufficient , which is offered first unto God , and then unto the Priest , who commeth as an intercessor for the sinnes of the penitent . For then at length more may be provoked to repentance , if that the conscience of him who confesseth be not published to the eares of the people . By this place of Leo we may easily understand , how upon the removeall of publick Confession of secret faults ( together with the private made unto the Penitentiarie , which was adjoyned as a preparative thereunto ) Auricular confession began to be substituted in the roome thereof : to the end , that by this meanes more might be drawne on to this exercise of repentance ; the impediments of shame and feare , which accompanied the former practise , being taken out of the way . for indeed the shame of this publick Penance was such , that in the time of Tertullian ( when this discipline was thought most needefull for the Church ) it was strongly e presumed , that many did eyther shunne this worke as a publication of themselves , or deferred it from day to day , being more mindefull ( as hee saith ) of their shame than of their salvation . Nay S. Ambrose observed that f some , who for feare of the punishment in the other world , being conscious to themselves of their sinnes , did here desire their penance , vvere yet for shame of their publick supplication drawne back , after they had received it . Therfore the conjecture of g Rhenanus is not to be contemned , that from this publick confession , the private tooke his originall : which by Stapleton , ( in his Fortresse , part . 2. chap. 4. ) is positively delivered in this maner . Afterward this open and sharpe penance vvas brought to the private and particular confession now used ; principally for the lewdnesse of the common lay Christians , which in this open confession began at length to mocke and insult at their brethrens simplicity and devotion . although it may seeme by that which is written by h Origen , that the seeds of this lewdnesse began to sprout long before ; howsoever i Tertullian imagined , that no member of the Church would be so ungracious as to commit such folly . The publick confession therefore of secret sinnes being thus abolished , by Nectarius first ( for the scandall that came thereby unto others ) and by the rest of the Catholick Bishops after him ( for the reproach and danger , whereunto the penitents by this meanes were layd open : ) private Confession was so brought in to supply the defect thereof , that it was accounted no more sacramentall , nor esteemed ( at least generally ) to be of more necessitie for the obtayning of remission of sinnes , then that other . So that whatsoever order afterward was taken herein , may well be judged to have had the nature of a temporall law , which , according to the definition of S. Augustine , k although it be just , yet in time may be justly also changed . Nay we finde that Laurence Bishop of Novaria , in his homily de Poenitentiâ , doth resolutely determine , that for obtayning remission of sinnes , a man needeth not to resort unto anie Priest , but that his owne internall repentance is sufficient for that matter : God ( saith l hee ) after Baptisme hath appoynted thy remedy within thy selfe , hee hath put remission in thine owne power , that thou needest not seeke a Priest when thy necessity requireth ; but thou thy selfe now , as a skilfull and plaine master , mayest amend thine error within thy selfe , & wash away thy sin by repentance . m He hath given unto thee ( saith another , somewhat to the same purpose ) the power of binding and loosing . Thou hast bound thy selfe with the chayn of the love of wealth ; loose thy selfe with the injunction of the love of povertie . Thou hast bound thy selfe with the furious desire of pleasures ; loose thy selfe with temperance . Thou hast bound thy selfe with the misbeleefe of Eunomius ; loose thy selfe with the religious embracing of the right faith . And , that wee may see how variable mens judgements were touching the matter of Confession in the ages following : Bede would have us n confesse our daily & light sinnes one unto another , but open the uncleanenesse of the greater leprosie to the Priest. Alcuinus , not long after him , would have us o confesse all the sinnes that we can remember . Others were of another minde . For some ( as it appeareth by the writings of the same p Alcuinus and of q Haymo ) would not confesse their sinnes to the Priest ; but r said , it was sufficient for them that they did confesse their sinnes to God alone , provided alwayes that they ceased from those sinnes for the time to come . Others confessed their sinnes unto the Priests , but not fully s : as may be seene in the Councell of Cauailon , held in the dayes of Charles the great where , though the Fathers thinke that this had need to be amended : yet they freely acknowledge , that it remained still a question , whether men should only confesse to God , or to the Priests also ; and they themselves put this difference betwixt both those confessions , that the one did properly serve for the cure , the other for direction in what sort the repentance ( and so the cure ) should be performed . Their words are these . t Some say , that they ought to confesse their sinnes onely unto God , and some thinke that they are to be confessed unto the Priests : both of which , not without great fruit , is practised within the holy Church . namely thus , that wee both confesse our sinnes unto God , who is the forgiver of sinnes ( saying with David : I acknowledged my sinne unto thee , and mine iniquity have I not hid . I said , I will confesse against my selfe my transgressions vnto the Lord : and thou forgavest the iniquity of my sinne . ) and according to the institution of the Apostle , confesse our sinnes one unto another , and pray one for another , that we may be healed . The Confession therfore which is made unto God , purgeth sins : but that which is made unto the Priest , teacheth in what sort those sinnes should be purged . For God the author and bestower of salvation and health , giveth the same sometime by the invisible administration of his power , sometime by the operation of Physicians . This Canon is cyted by u Gratian out of the Penitentiall of Theodorus Archbishop of Canterbury : but clogged with some unnecessarie additions . as when in the beginning thereof it is made the x opinion of the Grecians , that sinnes should be confessed onely unto God ; and of the rest of the Church , that they should be confessed to Priests . where those words , ut Graeci , in Gratian seeme unto Cardinall Bellarmine , y to have crept out of the margent into the text ; and to have beene a marginall annotation of some unskilfull man , who gathered by the fact of Nectarius , that Sacramentall Confession was wholly taken away among the Grecians . For otherwise ( saith hee ) in the Capitular it selfe of Theodorus , whence that Canon was transcribed , those two words [ ut Graeci ] are not to be had ; nor are they also to be had in the second Councell of Cauaillon , c. 33. whence Theodorus seemeth to have taken that chapter : neyther yet doth the Master of the Sentences , in his 4. booke and 17. distinction bringing in the same sentence , adde those words [ ut Graeci . ] But the Cardinalls conjecture of the translating of these words out of the margent into the text of Gratian , is of little worth : seeing wee finde them expressely laid downe in the elder collections of the Decrees , made by z Burchardus and a Ivo ; from whence it is evident that Gratian borrowed this whole chapter , as he hath done manie a one beside . For as for the Capitular it selfe of Theodorus , whence the Cardinall too too boldly affirmeth that Canon was transcribed ; as if hee had looked into the booke himselfe : we are to know , that no such Capitular of Theodorus is to be found : onely Burchardus and Ivo , ( in whom , as we said , those controverted words are extant ) setteth downe this whole chapter as taken out of Theodors Penitentiall , & so misguided Gratian. for indeed in Theodorus his Penitentiall ( which I did lately transcribe out of a most ancient copie kept in Sir Robert Cottons Threasurie ) no part of that chapter can be seene : nor yet any thing else tending to the matter now in hand , this short sentence onely excepted . Confessionem suam Deo soli , si necesse est , licebit agere . It is lawfull , that Confession be made unto God alone , if need require . And to suppose as the Cardinall doth that Theodorus should take this chapter out of the second Councell of Cauaillon : were an idle imagination ▪ seeing it is well knowne that Theodore died Archbishop of Canterbury in the yeare of our Lord 690 : and the Councell of Cauaillon was held in the yeare 813. that is , 123. yeares after the others death . The truth is ; hee who made the additions to the Capitularia of Charles the great and Ludovicus Pius , ( gathered by Ansegisus and Benedict ) translated this Canon out of that Councell into his b Collection : which Bellarmine , as it seemeth , having someway heard of , knew not to distinguish between those Capitularia , and Theodors Penitentiall . being herein as negligent , as in his allegation of the fourth book of the Sentences : where the Master doth not bring in this sentence at all , but having among other questions propounded this also for one , c Whether it be sufficient that a man confesse his sinnes to God alone , or whether hee must confesse to a Priest ; doth thereupon set down the diversitie of mens opinions touching that matter , and saith , that unto some it seemed to suffice , if confession vvere made to God onely without the judgement of the Priest or the confession of the Church . because David said ; I said , I will confesse unto the Lord : he saith not , Vnto the Priest ; and yet he sheweth that his sinne was forgiven him . For in these points , as the same author had before noted , d even the learned were found to hold diversly : because the Doctors seemed to deliver diverse and almost contrarie judgement● therein . The diverse sentences of the Doctors touching this question , whether externall confession were necessarie or not , are at large layd downe by Gratian : who in the end , leaveth the matter in suspense , and concludeth in this maner . e Vpon what authorities , or upon what strength of reasons both these opinions are grounded , I have briefly layd open . But to whether of them wee should rather cleave to , is reserved to the judgement of the reader . For both of them have for their favourers both wise and religious men . And so the matter rested undetermined 1150. yeares after Christ : howsoever the Romane Correctors of Gratian doe tell us , that now the case is altered , and that f it is most certaine , and must be held for most certaine , that the sacramentall confession of mortall sinnes is necessary , used in that maner , and at such time , as in the Councell of Trent after other Councels it is appointed . But the first Councell , wherein we finde any thing determined touching this necessitie , is that of Lateran under Innocent the III. wherein wee heard that Transsubstantiation was established ▪ for there it was ordayned , that g Omnis utriusque sexus sidelis , every faithfull one of eyther sex , being come to yeares of discretion , should by himselfe alone , once in the yeare at least , faithfully confesse his sinnes unto his owne Priest ; and indevour according to his strength to fulfill the penance injoyned unto him , receiving reverently at least at Easter the sacrament of the Eucharist : otherwise , that both being alive hee should be kept from entring into the Church , and being dead should want Christian buriall . Since which determination , Thomas Aquinas ( in his exposition of the text of the fourth booke of the Sentences , distinct . 17. ) holdeth h the deniall of the necessitie of Confession unto salvation to be heresie : which before that time ( saith Bonaventure , in his disputations upon the same fourth booke ) was not hereticall , forasmuch as manie Catholick Doctors did hold contrarie opinions therein , as appeareth by Gratian. But Medina will not admit by anie meanes , i that it should be accounted strictly heresie : but would have it said , that it savours of heresie . and for this decree of Confession to be made once in the yeare , hee saith k that it doth not declare nor interpret any divine right of the thing , but rather appointeth the time of confessing . Durand thinketh that it may be said , that this statute contayneth l an holy and wholsome exhortation of making confession , and then adjoyneth a precept of the receiving of the Eucharist backed with a penaltie : or if both of them be precepts , that m the penaltie respecteth onely the precept of communicating ( of the transgression whereof knowledge may be taken ) and not the precept of confession , of the transgression whereof the Church can take no certaine notice , and therefore can appoint no certaine penaltie for it . But howsoever ; this wee are sure of , that the Canonists afterward held no absolute necessitie of obedience to be required therein , as unto a Sacramentall institution ordayned by Christ for obtayning remission of sinnes ; but a Canonicall obedience onely , as unto an usefull constitution of the Church . And therefore where Gratian in his first distinction de Poenitentiâ , had in the 34. chapter and the three next following , propounded the allegations which made for them who held , n that men might obtaine pardon for their sinnes without anie orall confession of them ; and then proceeded to the authorities which might seeme to make for the contrarie opinion : Iohannes Semeca at the beginning of that part , upon those words of Gratian , Alij é contrario tes●antur , putteth too this Glosse . o From this place untill the section His auctoritatib . he alledgeth for the other part , that sinne is not forgiven unto such as are of yeares , without confession of the mouth which yet is false : saith he . But this free dealing of his did so displease Friar Manrique , who by the command of Pius Quintus , set out a censure upon the Glosses of the Canon law ; that hee gave direction these words , which yet is false , should be cleane blotted out . which direction of his notwithstanding , the Romane Correctors under Gregory the XIII . did not follow : but letting the words still stand , give them a check only with this marginall annotation . p Nay it is most true , that without confession , in desire at least , the sinne is not forgiven . In like maner , where the same Semeca holdeth it to be the better opinion , that Confession was q ordayned by a certaine tradition of the universall Church , rather then by the authoritie of the new or old Testament , and inferreth thereupon , that it is r necessarie among the Latins , but not among the Greekes , because that tradition did not spread to them : Friar Manrique commandeth all that passage to be blotted out , but the Romane Correctors clap this note upon the margent for an antidote . s Nay confession was ordayned by our Lord , and by Gods Law is necessary to all that fall into mortall sinne after Baptisme , as well Greekes as Latins . and for this they quote onely the 14. Session of the Councell of Trent : where that opinion is accursed in us , which was held two or three hundred yeares ago by the men of their owne religion . among whom , t Michael of Bononia ( who was Prior general of the order of the Carmelites in the dayes of Pope Vrban the sixth ) doth conclude strongly out of their owne received grounds ; that confession is not necessary for the obtayning of the pardon of our sinne : and Panormitan the great Canonist , u professeth that the opinion of Semeca doth much please him , which referreth the originall of Confession to a generall tradition of the Church : because ( saith he ) there is not anie cleare authority , which sheweth that God or Christ did clearely ordayne that Confession should be made unto a Priest. Yea , x all the Canonists , following their first Interpreter , say that Confession was brought in onely by the law of the Church , and not by anie divine precept : if we will beleeve Maldonat . who addeth notwithstanding , that y this opinion is eyther alreadie sufficiently declared by the Church to be heresie , or that the Church should doe well if it did declare it to be heresie . And we finde indeed , that in the yeare of our Lord 1479. ( which was 34. yeares after the death of Panormitan ) by a speciall commission directed from Pope Sixtus the fourth unto Alfonsus Carillus Archbishop of Toledo , one Petrus Oxomensis , professor of Divinitie in the Vniversitie of Salamanca , was driven to abjure z this conclusion , which hee had before delivered as agreeable to the common opinion of the Doctors ; that confession of sinnes in particular vvas grounded upon some statute of the universall Church , and not upon divine right . and when learned men for all this would not take warning , but would needs be medling againe with that which the Popish Clergie could not indure should be touched , ( as Iohannes de Selva , among others , in the end of his treatise de Iurejurando ; Erasmus in diverse of his workes , and Beatus Rhenanus in his argument upon Tertullians booke de Poenitentiâ : ) the fathers of Trent within 72. yeares after that , conspired together to stop all mens mouthes with * an anathema , that should denie sacramentall confession to be of divine institution or to be necessarie unto salvation . And so we are come to an end of that point . OF THE PRIESTS POVVER TO FORGIVE SINNES . FRom Confession we are now to proceed unto Absolution : which it were pitie this man should receive , before he made confession of the open wrong he hath here done , in charging us to denie that Priests have power to forgive sinnes . whereas the verie formall words , which our Church requireth to be used in the ordination of a Minister , are these : a Whose sinnes thou doest forgive , they are forgiven ; and vvhose sinnes thou doest retaine , they are retained . And therefore if this be all the matter , the Fathers and we shal agree well enough : howsoever this make-bate would faine put friends together by the eares , where there is no occasion at all of quarrell . For wee acknowledge most willingly , that the principall part of the Priests ministerie is exercised in the matter of forgivenesse of sinnes : the question only is of the maner how this part of their function is executed by them , and of the bounds and limits thereof , which the Pope and his Clergie for their owne advantage have inlarged beyond all measure of truth and reason . That wee may therefore give unto the Priest the things that are the Priests , and to God the things that are Gods ; & not cōmunicate unto any creature the power that properly belongeth to the Creator , who b will not give his glory unto another : we must in the first place lay this downe for a sure ground , that to forgive sinnes properly , directly , and absolutely , is a priviledge onely appertayning unto the most High. I , saith he of himselfe , even I am he that blotteth out thy transgressions for mine owne sake , and will not remember thy sinnes . ( Esai . 43.25 . ) Who is a God like unto thee , that pardoneth iniquitie ? saith the Prophet , Micah 7.18 . which in effect is the same with that of the Scribes : ( Mark. 2.7 . and Luk. 5.21 . ) Who can forgive sinnes , but God alone ? And therefore when David saith unto God ; Thou forgavest the iniquitie of my sinne : ( Psalm . 32.5 . ) Gregory surnamed the great ( the first Bishop of Rome of that name ) thought this to be a sound paraphrase of his words . c Thou , vvho alone sparest , who alone forgivest sinnes . For who can forgive sinnes but God alone ? Hee did not imagine that he had committed anie great error in subscribing thus simply unto that sentence of the Scribes : and little dreamed that anie petie Doctors afterwards would arise in Rome or Rhemes , who would tell us a faire tale ; that d the faithlesse Iewes thought , as Hereticks now adayes , that to forgive sinnes was so proper to God , that it could not be communicated unto man ; and that e true beleevers referre this to the increase of Gods honour , which miscreant Iewes and Hereticks doe accompt blasphemie against God , and injurious to his Majestie . whereas in truth the faithlesnesse of the Iewes consisted in the application of this sentence unto our Saviour Christ , whom they did not acknowledge to be God ; as the senslesness of these Romanists , in denying of the axiom it selfe . But the world is come unto a good passe , when we must be accounted hereticks now adayes , and consorted with miscreant Iewes , for holding the selfe same thing that the Fathers of the ancient Church delivered as a most certain truth , whensoever they had anie occasion to treate of this part of the historie of the Gospel . Old Irenaeus telleth us , that our Saviour in this place f forgiving sinnes , did both cure the man , and manifestly discover who he was . For if none ( saith hee ) can forgive sinnes but God alone , and our Lord did forgive them , and cured men ; it is manifest , that he was the Word of God , made the Sonne of man : and that as man hee is touched with compassion of us , as God he hath mercy on us , and forgiveth us our debts which we doe owe unto God our maker . Tertullian saith , that g when the Iewes beholding onely his humanitie , and not being yet certaine of his Deitie , did deservedly reason , that a man could not forgive sinnes , but God alone : he by answering of them , that the Sonne of man had authoritie to forgive sinnes , would by this remission of sinnes have them call to minde that he was h that onely sonne of man , prophesied of in Daniel , who received power of judging , and thereby also of forgiving sinnes . ( Dan. 7.13 , 14. ) S. Hilary commenting upon the ninth of Matthew , writeth thus . i It moveth the Scribes , that sinne should be forgiven by a man. For they beheld a man onely in Iesus Christ ; and that to be forgiven by him , which the law could not release . For it is faith onely that justifieth . Afterward the Lord looketh into their murmuring , and saith that it is an easie thing for the Sonne of man upon earth to forgive sinnes . For it is true , none can forgive sinnes but God alone : therefore hee who remitteth is God , because none remitteth but God. God remayning in man , performed this cure upon man. S. Hierom thus : k We reade that God saith in the Prophet ; I am he that blotteth out thine iniquities . Consequently therefore the Scribes , because they thought him to be a man , and did not understand the words of God , accuse him of blasphemy . But the Lord seeing their thoughts , sheweth himselfe to be God , who is able to know the secrets of the heart : and holding his peace after a sort speaketh ; By the same majestie and power , vvherewith I behold your thoughts , I am able also to forgive sinnes unto men . or , as Euthymius expresseth it in his commentaries upon the same place : l In truth , none can forgive sinnes but one , who beholdeth the thoughts of men . S. Chrysostome likewise in his Sermons upon the same , sheweth that Christ here declared himselfe to be God equall unto the Father : and that m if he had not beene equall unto the Father , he would have said ; Why doe you attribute unto me an unfitting opinion ? I am farre from that power . To the same effect also writeth Christianus Druthmarus , Paschasius Ratbertus , and Walafridus Strabus in the ordinarie Glosse upon the same place of S. Matthew . Victor Antiochenus upon the second of Mark ; Theophylact and Bede upon the second of Mark , and the fifth of Luke : S. Ambrose upon the fifth of Luke . who in another place also bringeth this sentence of the Scribes , as a ground to prove the deitie of the holy Ghost withall : forasmuch as n none forgiveth sinnes but one God ; because it is written , Who can forgive sins but God alone ? as S. Cyril doth to prove the deitie of the Sonne . o For this onely , saith he , did the malice of the Iewes say truely , that none can forgive sinnes , but God alone , who is the Lord of the law ▪ and thence he frameth this argument . p If he alone who is the Lord of all doth free us from our sins , and this agreeeth to no other , and Christ bestoweth this with a power befitting God ; how should he not be God ? The same argument also is used by Novatianus and Athanasius to the selfe same purpose . q For if , when it agreeth unto none but unto God to know the secrets of the heart , Christ doth behold the secrets of the heart ; if , when it agreeth unto none but unto God to forgive sinnes , the same Christ doth forgive sinnes : then deservedly is Christ to be accounted God , saith Novatianus . So Athanasius demandeth of the Arrians : r if the Sonne were a creature , how was he able to forgive sinnes ? it being written in the Prophets , that this is the work of God. For who is a God like unto thee , that taketh away sinnes and passeth over iniquities ? s But the sonne ( saith hee ) said unto whom he would ; Thy sinnes are forgiven thee : when the Iewes murmuring also he demonstrated this forgivenesse in deed , saying to the man that was sicke of the palsie ; Arise , take up thy bedd , and goe unto thine house . And therefore Bede rightly inferreth , that t the Arrians doe erre here much more madly then the Iewes : vvho when they dare not denie , being convicted by the words of the Gospell , that Iesus is both the Christ and hath power to forgive sinnes ; yet feare not for all that to denie him to be God. and concludeth himselfe most soundly : that u if he be God according to the Psalmist , who removeth our iniquities from us as farr as the East is from the West , and the sonne of man hath power upon earth to forgive sinnes ; therefore the same is both God and the sonne of man , that the man Christ by the power of his divinitie might forgive sinnes , and the same Christ God by the frailtie of his humanitie might dye for sinners . Whereunto wee will adde another sweete passage of his ( borrowed from some ancienter author : ) x No man taketh away sinnes ( which the Law , although holy and just and good , could not take away ) but he in whom there is no sinne . Now hee taketh them away , both by pardoning those that are done , and by assisting us that they may not be done , & by bringing us to the life where they cannot at all be done . y Peter Lombard alledgeth this as the saying of S. Augustine : the former sentence only being thus changed . z None taketh away sinnes , but Christ alone , vvho is the Lamb that taketh away the sinnes of the world . agreeable to that , which in the same place he citeth out of S. Ambrose : a He alone forgiveth sinnes , who alone dyed for our sinnes . and to that of Clemens Alexandrinus : b He alone can remit sinnes , who is appointed our Master by the father of all , who alone is able to discerne disobedience from obedience . to which purpose also , S. Ambrose maketh this observation upon the historie of the woman taken in adulterie , Ioh. 8.9 . that c Iesus being about to pardon sin , remayned alone . For it is not the ambassador ( saith hee ) nor the messenger , but the Lord himselfe that hath saved his people . He remaineth alone , because it cannot be common to anie man with Christ to forgive sinnes . This is the office of Christ alone , who taketh away the sinne of the world . Yea S. Chrysostom himselfe , who of all the Fathers giveth most in this point unto Gods ambassadors and messengers , is yet carefull withall to preserve Gods priviledge entire , by often interposing such sentences as these . d None can forgive sinnes , but God alone . e To forgive sinnes , belongeth to no other . f To forgive sinnes , is possible to God onely . g God alone doth this : which also hee worketh in the washing of the new birth . Wherein , that the work of cleansing the soule is wholly Gods , and the minister hath no hand at all in effecting anie part of it ; Optatus proveth at large in his fifth booke against the Donatistes : shewing that h none can wash the filth and sports of the minde , but hee who is the framer of the same minde ; and convincing the hereticks , as by manie other testimonies of holy Scriptur● , so by that of Esai . 1.18 . which he presseth in this maner . i It belongeth unto God to cleanse , and not unto man : he hath promised by the Prophet Esai that hee himselfe would wash , when he saith ; If your sinnes were as scarlet , I will make them as white as snow . I will make them white , he said : he did not say , I will cause them to be made white . If God hath promised this , why will you give that , which is neyther lawfull for you to promise , nor to give , nor to have ? Behold in Esai God hath promised that he himselfe will make white such as are defiled with sinnes ; not by man. Having thus therefore reserved unto God his prerogative royall in cleansing of the soule , we give unto his under-officers their due , when we k account of them , as of the ministers of Christ , and stewards of the mysteries of God. l not as Lords , that have power to dispose of spiritual graces as they please : m but as servants that are tyed to follow their Masters prescriptions therin ; & in following therof do but bring their external ministerie ( n for which it self also they are beholding to Gods mercie & goodnes ) God conferring the inward blessing of his spirit thereupon , when & where he will. o Who then is Paul , ( saith S. Paul himselfe ) and who is Apollo ? but Ministers by whom yee beleeved , even as the Lord gave to every man ? Therfore , saith Optatus , p in all the servants there is no dominion , but a ministerie . q Cui creditur , ipse dat quod creditur , non per quem creditur . It is hee who is beleeved , that giveth the thing which is beleeved , not he by whom we doe beleeve . Whereas our Saviour then saith unto his Apostles , Ioh. 20. Receive the holy Ghost , Whose sinnes you forgive shall be forgiven : r S. Ambrose , s S. Augustine , t S. Chrysostome , and u S. Cyrill , make this observation thereupon ; that this is not their work properly , but the worke of the holy Ghost , who remitteth by them , and therein performeth the worke of the true God. For indeed ( saith S. x Cyrill ) it belongeth to the true God alone , to be able to loose men from their sinns . for who else can free the transgressors of the law from sin , but he who is the author of law it selfe ? y The Lord ( saith S. Augustine ) was to give unto men the holy Ghost , and he would have it to be understood , that by the holy Ghost himselfe sinnes should be forgiven to the faithfull , and not that by the merits of men sins should be forgiven . For what art thou , ô man , but a sick-man that hast need to be healed ? Wilt thou be a physician to me ? Seek the physician together with mee . So S. Ambrose : z Behold , that by the holy Ghost sinnes are forgiven . But men to the remission of sinnes bring their ministery , they exercise not the authoritie of any power . S. Chrysostom , though he make this to be the exercise of a great power ( which also hee a elsewhere amplifieth , after his manner , exceeding hyperbolically ) yet in the maine matter accordeth fully with S. Ambrose ; that it lyeth in b God alone to bestowe the things wherein the Priests service is employed . c And what speake I of Priests ? saith he . Neyther Angell nor Archangell can doe ought in those things which are given by God : but the Father and the Sonne and the holy Ghost doe dispense all . The Priest lendeth his tongue , and putteth too his hand . d His part only is to open his mouth : but it is God that worketh all . And the reasons whereby both he , e and Theophylact after him , doe prove that the Priests of the law had no power to forgive sinnes ; are of as great force to take the same power from the ministers of the Gospell . first , because f it is Gods part onely to forgive sinnes . secondly , because g the Priests were servants , yea servants of sinne , and therefore had no power to forgive sinnes unto others : but the Sonne is the Lord of the house ; who h was manifested to take away our sinnes , and in him is no sinne , saith S. Iohn . upon which saying of his , S. Augustin giveth this good note : i It is he in whom there is no sinne , that came to take away sinne . For if there had beene sinne in him too , it must have beene taken away from him , he could not take it away himselfe . To forgive sinnes therefore being thus proper to God onely and to his Christ : his ministers must not be held to have this power communicated unto them , but in an improper sense ; namely because God forgiveth by them ; and hath appointed them both to apply those meanes by which he useth to forgive sinnes , and to give notice unto repentant sinners of that forgivenesse . k For who can forgive sinnes but God alone ? yet doth he forgive by them also , unto whom hee hath given power to forgive : saith S. Ambrose , and his l followers . And m though it be the proper worke of God to remit sins , ( saith Ferus : ) yet are the Apostles ( and their successors ) said to remit also , not simply , but because they apply those meanes whereby God doth remit sinnes . Which means are , the Word of God and the Sacraments . Whereunto also wee may adde , the relaxation of the Censures of the Church , and Prayer ▪ for in thes● foure the whole exercise of this ministerie of reconciliation ( as the n Apostle calleth it ) doth mainly consist . of each whereof it is needefull that wee should speake somewhat more particularly . That Prayer is a meanes ordayned by God for procuring remission of sinnes , is plaine by that of S. Iames. o The prayer of faith shall save the sicke , and the Lord shall raise him up : and if he have committed sinnes , they shall be forgiven him . Confesse your faults one to another , and pray one for another , that ye may be healed : for the fervent prayer of a righteous man avayleth much . The later of which sentences hath reference to the prayers of everie good Christian , whereunto we finde a gracious promise annexed , according to that of S. Iohn . p If anie man see his brother sinne a sinne which is not unto death , he shall aske , and he shall give him life for them that sinne not unto death . But the former , as the verse immediatly going before doth manifestly prove , pertayneth to the prayers made by the ministers of the Church ; who have a speciall charge to be the Lords remembrancers for the good of his people . And therefore , as S. Augustin out the later proveth , that q one brother by this meanes may cleanse another from the contagion of sinne : so doth S. Chrysostom out of the former , that Priests doe performe this , not r by teaching onely and admonishing , but by assisting us also with their prayers . and the faithfull prayers , both of the one and of the other , are by S. s Augustin made the especiall meanes whereby the power of the keyes is exercised in the remitting of sinnes : who thereupon exhorteth offendors to shew their repentance publickly in the Church , t that the Church might pray for them , and impart the benefite of absolution unto them . In the life of S Basil , fathered upon u Amphilochius , ( of the credite whereof we have before spoken ) a certaine gentlewoman is brought in , comming unto S. Basil for obtayning remission of her sinnes : who is said there to have demanded this question of her . Hast thou heard , ô vvoman , that none can forgive sinnes but God alone ? and shee to have returned him this answer . I have heard it , Father : and therefore have I moved thee to make intercession unto our most mercifull God for mee . Which agreeth well with that which x Alexander of Hales and y Bonaventure doe maintaine : that the power of the keyes extend to the remission of faults , by way of intercession onely and deprecation , not by imparting anie immediate absolution . And as in our private forgiving and praying one for another , S. Augustin well noteth , that z it is our part , God giving us the grace , to use the ministerie of charitie and humilitie ; but it is his , to heare us , and to cleanse us from all pollution of sinnes for Christ , and in Christ ; that what we forgive unto others , that is to say , what wee loose upon earth , may be loosed also in heaven : so doth S. Ambrose shew that the case also standeth with the ministers of the Gospell , in the execution of that commission given unto them for the remitting of sinnes , Ioh. 20.23 . a They make request , ( saith he ) the Godhead bestoweth the gift : for the service is done by man , but the bountie is from the power above . The reason which hee rendreth thereof , is , because in their ministerie it is the holy Ghost that forgiveth the sinne ; and it is God onely that can give the holy Ghost . b For this is not an humane worke ( saith he in another place ) neyther is the holy Ghost given by man , but being called upon by the Priest , is bestowed by God : wherein the gift is Gods , the ministery is the Priests . For if the Apostle Paul did judge , that hee could not conferre the h●ly Ghost by his authoritie ; but beleeved himselfe to be so farre unable for this office , that hee wished wee might be filled with the spirit from God : who is so great as dare arrogate unto himselfe the bestowing of this gift ? Therefore the Apostle did intimate his desire by prayer , hee challenged no right by anie authoritie : hee wished to obtaine it , he presumed not to command it . Thus farre S. Ambrose of whom Paulinus writeth , that whensoever anie penitents came unto him , c the crimes which they confessed unto him hee spake of to none , but to God alone unto whom he made intercession ; leaving a good example to the Priests of succeeding ages , that they be rather intercessors for them unto God , than accusers unto men . The same also , and in the selfe same words , doth d Ionas write of Eustachius , the scholler of Columbanus our famous countrey-man . Hitherto appertaineth that sentence cyted by e Thomas Waldensis out of S. Hieroms exposition upon the Psalmes : that voyce of God f cutteth off daily in everie one of us the flame of lust by confession and the grace of the holy Ghost , that is to say , by the prayer of the Priest maketh it to cease in us and that which before hath been alledged out of Leo ; of the confession offered first to God , and then to the Priest , g vvho commeth as an intreater for the sinnes of the penitent . which hee more fully expresseth in another epistle , affirming it to be h very profitable and necessarie , that the guilt of sinnes ( or sinners ) be loosed by the supplication of the Priest before the last day . See S. i Gregory , in his morall exposition upon 1. Sam. 2.25 . Anastasius Sinaita or Nicaenus , in his answer to the 141. question ( of Gretsers edition : ) and Nicolaus Cabasilas , in the 29. chapter of his exposition of the Liturgie : where he directly affirmeth , that remission of sinnes is given to the penitents by the prayer of the Priests . And therefore by the Order used of old in the Church of Rome , the Priest before hee began his worke , was required to use this prayer . k O Lord God almightie , be mercifull unto me a sinner , that I may worthily give thankes unto thee , who hast made mee an unworthy one , for thy mercies sake , a minister of the Priestly office ; and hast appointed me a poore and humble mediator , to pray and make intercession unto our Lord Iesus Christ , for sinners that returne unto repentance . And therefore , O Lord the ruler , who wouldest have all men to be saved and come to the knowledge of the truth , who doest not desire the death of a sinner , but that he may be reconciled and live : receive my prayer , which I poure forth before the face of thy mercie , for thy servants and handmaydes , who have fledd to repentance and to thy mercy . Yea , in the dayes of Thomas Aquinas there arose a learned man among the Papists themselves , who found fault with that indicative forme of absolution then used by the Priest , I absolve thee from all thy sinnes , and would have it delivered by way of deprecation . alledging , that this was not onely the opinion of Gulielmus Altisiodorensis , Gulielmus Parisiensis , and Hugo Cardinalis ; but also that l thirtie yeares were scarce passed , since all did use this forme onely , Absolutionem & remissionem tribuat tibi omnipotens Deus , Almightie God give unto thee absolution and forgivenesse . What Thomas doth answer hereunto , may be seene in his little treatise of the forme of absolution , which upon this occasion he wrote unto the Generall of his order . This onely will I adde , that aswell in the ancient Ritualls and in the new m Pontificall of the Church of Rome , as in the present practise of the Greek Church , I finde the absolution expressed in the third person , as attributed wholly to God , and not in the first , as if it came from the Priest himselfe . One ancient forme of n Absolution used among the Latins , was this . Almighty God be mercifull unto thee , and forgive thee all thy sinnes , past , present , and to come , visible and invisible , which thou hast committed before him and his Saints , which thou hast confessed or by some negligence or forgetfulnesse or evill vvill hast concealed : God deliver thee from all evill , here and hereafter , preserve and confirme thee alwayes in everie good worke ; and Christ the sonne of the living God bring thee unto the life which remayneth without end : And so among the Grecians : o whatsoever sinnes the penitent for forgetfulnes or shamefastnesse doth leave unconfessed , we pray the mercifull and most pitifull God that those also may be pardoned unto him , and we are perswaded that hee shall receive pardon of them from God ; saith Ieremy the late Patriarch of Constantinople . Where by the way you may observe , no such necessitie to be here held of confessing everie knowne sinne unto a Priest , that if either for shame or for some other respect the penitent doe not make an intire confession , but conceale somewhat from the notice of his ghostly father ; his confession should thereby be made voyde , and hee excluded from all hope of forgivenesse . which is that engine , whereby the Priests of Rome have lift up themselves into that height of domineering and tyrannizing over mens conscience , wherewith we see they now hold the poore people in most miserable awe . Alexander of Hales and Bonaventure in the forme of absolution used in their time , p observe that prayer was premised in the optative , and absolution adjoyned afterward in the indicative mood . whence they gather , that the Priests prayer obtayneth grace , his absolution presupposeth it : that by the former he ascendeth unto God and procureth pardon for the fault , by the later he descendeth to the sinner and reconcileth him to the Church . for q although a man be loosed before God , ( saith the Master of the Sentences ) yet is he not held loosed in the face of the Church but by the judgement of the Priest. And this loosing of men by the judgement of the Priest , is by the Fathers generally accounted nothing else but a restoring of them to the peace of the Church , and an admitting of them to the Lords table againe : which therefore they usually expresse by the termes of r bringing them to the communion , s reconciling them to or with the communion , t restoring the communion to them , u admitting them to fellowship , x granting them peace , &c. Neyther doe we finde that they did ever use anie such formall absolution as this , I absolve thee from all thy sinnes : wherein our Popish Priests notwithstanding doe place the verie forme of their late devised sacrament of Penance , nay hold it to be so absolute a forme , that ( according to Thomas Aquinas his new divinitie ) y it would not be sufficient to say , Almightie God have mercie upon thee , or , God grant unto thee absolution and forgivenesse . because , forsooth , the Priest by these vvords doth not signifie that the absolution is done , but intreateth that it may be done . which how it will accord with the Romane Pontificall , where the forme of Absolution is layd downe prayer-wise , the Iesuites who follow Thomas may doe well to consider . I passe this over , that in the dayes not onely of S. z Cyprian but of a Alcuinus also ( who lived 800. yeares after Christ ) the reconciliation of Penitents was not held to be such a proper office of the Priest ; but that a Deacon , in his absence , was allowed to performe the same . The ordinarie course that was held herein , b according to the forme of the ancient Canons , is thus layde down by the fathers of the third Councell of Toledo . that the Priest should first suspend him that repented of his fault from the communion , and make him to have often recourse unto imposition of hands among the rest of the penitents : then , when hee had fulfilled the time of his satisfaction , as the consideration of the Priest did approve of it , he should restore him to the communion . And this was a Constitution of old fathered upon the Apostles : that Bishops c should separate those vvho said they repented of their sinnes , for a time determined according to the proportion of their sinne ; and afterward receive them being penitent , as fathers would do their children . To this Penitential excommunication and absolution , belongeth that saying eyther of S. Ambrose or S. Augustin ( for the same discourse is attributed to them both : ) d Hee who hath truely performed his repentance , and is loosed from that bond wherewith he was tyed , and separated from the body of Christ , and doth live well after his repentance : whensoever after his reconciliation he shall depart this life , he goeth to the Lord , he goeth to rest , he shall not be deprived of the kingdome of God , and from the people of the Divell he shall be separated . and that which we reade in Anastasius Sinaita : e Binde him , and till thou hast appeased God , doe not let him loose ; that he be not more bound with the wrath of God. for if thou bindest him not ; there remaine bonds for him that cannot be broken . Neither doe we enquire , whither the wound were often bound ; but whither the binding hath profited . If it have profited , although in a short time , use it no longer . Let the measure of the loosing , be the profit of him that is bound . and that exhortation which another maketh unto the Pastors of the Church : f Binde with separation such as have sinned after baptisme ; and loose them againe when they have repented , receiving them as brethren . for the saying is true : Whatsoever you shall loose upon earth , shall be loosed in heaven . That this authoritie of loosing remaineth still in the Church , wee constantly maintaine against the heresie of the g Montanists and h Novatians , who ( upon this pretence among others , that God onely had power to remit sinnes ) took away the ministeriall power of reconciling such penitents as had committed haynous sinnes ; denying that the Church had anie warrant to receive them to her communion againe , and to the participation of the holy mysteries , notwithstanding their repentance were ever so sound . Which is directly contrarie to the doctrine delivered by S. Paul , both in the generall ; that i if a man be overtaken in a fault , they who are spirituall should restore such a one in the spirit of meekenesse : and in the particular of the incestuous Corinthian , who though hee had beene excommunicated for such a crime k as was not so much as named amongst the Gentiles ; yet upon his repentance the Apostle telleth the Church , that they l ought to forgive him and comfort him , lest he should be swallowed up with overmuch sorrow . Where that speech of his is specially noted and pressed against the hereticks by S. m Ambrose : n To whom yee forgive anie thing , I forgive also : for if I forgave anie thing , to whom I forgave it , for your sakes I forgave it , in the person of Christ. o For as in the name , and by the power of our Lord Iesus , such a one was delivered to Satan ; so p God having given unto him repentance , to recover himselfe out of the snare of the Divell , in the same name and in the same power was hee to be restored againe : the ministers of reconciliation standing q in Christs stead , and Christ himselfe being r in the mids of them that are thus gathered together in his name , to binde or loose in heaven , whatsoever they according to his commission shall binde or loose on earth . And here it is to be noted , that Anastasius ( by some called Nicaenus , by others Sinaita and Antiochenus ) who is so eager against them which say that Confession made unto men profiteth nothing at all ; confesseth yet , that the minister in hearing the confession and instructing and correcting the sinner , doth but give furtherance onely thereby unto his repentance , but that the pardoning of the sinne is the proper worke of God. s For man ( saith he ) cooperateth with man unto repentance , and ministreth , and buildeth , and instructeth , and reproveth , in things belonging unto salvation , ( according to the Apostle , and the Prophet : ) but God blotteth out the sinnes of those that have confessed , saying ; I am he that blotteth out thine iniquities for mine owne sake , and thy sinnes , and will not remember them . There followeth now another part of the ministery of reconciliation , consisting in the due administration of the Sacraments : which being the proper seales of the promises of the Gospell ( as the Censures are of the threats ) must therefore necessarily also have reference to the t remission of sinnes . And so we see , the ancient Fathers doe hold , that u the commission , Ioh. 20.23 . Whose sinnes yee remit , they are remitted unto them , &c. is executed by the ministers of Christ , aswell in the conferring of Baptisme , as in the reconciling of Penitents : yet so in both these , and in all the sacraments likewise of both the Testaments , that x the ministerie onely is to be accounted mans , but the power Gods. For , as S. Augustin well observeth , y it is one thing to baptize by way of ministerie , another thing to baptize by vvay of power : z the power of baptizing the Lord retayneth to himselfe , the ministerie hee hath given to his servants : a the power of the Lords Baptisme was to passe from the Lord to no man , but the ministery was ; the power was to be transferred from the Lord unto none of his ministers , the ministery was both unto the good and unto the bad . And the reason which hee assigneth hereof is verie good : b that the hope of the baptized might be in him , by whom they did acknowledge themselves to have beene baptized . The Lord therefore would not have a servant to put his hope in a servant . And therefore those Schoolemen argued not much amisse , that gathered this conclusion thence . c It is a matter of equall power to baptize inwardly , and to absolve from mortall sinne . But it vvas not fit , that God should communicate the power of baptizing inwardly unto any ; lest our hope should be reposed in man. Therefore by the same reason it was not fit , that hee should communicate the power of absolving from actuall sinne unto any . So Bernard , or whosoever was the author of the booke intituled Scala Paradisi : d The office of baptizing the Lord granted unto many , but the power and authoritie of remitting sinnes in baptisme he retayned unto himselfe alone . whence Iohn by vvay of singularitie and differencing said of him ; He it is which baptizeth with the holy Ghost . And the Baptist indeed doth make a singular difference betwixt the conferrer of the externall and the internall baptisme , in saying : e I baptize with water , but it is hee which baptizeth with the holy Ghost . While Iohn f did his service , God did give , who fayleth not in giving : and now when all others doe their service , the service is mans , but the gift is Gods ; saith Optatus . and Arnaldus Bonaevallensis ( the author of the twelve treatises de Cardinalibus operibus Christi , falsely ascribed to S. Cyprian : ) touching the Sacraments in generall : g Forgivenesse of sinnes , whether it be given by Baptisme or by other sacraments , is properly of the holy Ghost ; and the priviledge of effecting this remayneth to him alone . But the word of reconciliation is it , wherein the h Apostle doth especially place that ministerie of reconciliation , which the Lord hath committed to his Ambassadors here upon earth . This is that key of knowledge : which i doth both open the conscience to the confession of sinne , and include therein the grace of the healthfull mysterie unto eternitie ; as Maximus Taurinensis speaketh of it . This is that powerfull meanes , which God hath sanctified for the washing away of the pollution of our soules . Now ye are cleane ( saith our k Saviour to his Apostles ) through the word which I have spoken unto you . And whereas everie transgressor is l holden with the cords of his owne sinnes : the Apostles , according to the commission given unto them by their Master , that whatsoever they should loose on earth should be loosed in heaven , did loose those cords by the word of God , and the testimonies of the Scriptures , and exhortation unto vertues . as m saith S. Hierome : Thus likewise doth S. Ambrose note , that n sinnes are remitted by the word of God , whereof the Levite was an interpreter and a kinde of an executer : & in that respect concludeth , that o the Levite was a minister of this remission . As the Iewish Scribes therefore , by p taking away the key of knowledge , did shut up the kingdom of heaven against men : so q every Scribe which is instructed unto the kingdome of heaven , by r opening unto his hearers the doore of faith , doth as it were unlock that kingdome unto them ; being the instrument of God herein s to open mens eyes , and to turne them from darkenesse to light , and from the power of Satan unto God , that they may receive forgivenesse of sinnes , and inheritance among them which are sanctified by faith in Christ. And here are we to understand , that the ministers of Christ , by applying the word of God unto the consciences of men both in publick and in private , doe discharge that part of their function which concerneth forgivenesse of sinnes , partly operatively , partly declaratively . Operatively : inasmuch as God is pleased to use their preaching of the Gospell as a meanes of t conferring his spirit upon the sonnes of men , of u begetting them in Christ , and of x working faith and repentance in them ; whereby the remission of sinnes is obtayned . Thus Iohn y preaching the Baptisme of repentance for the remission of sinnes , and teaching z the people , that they should beleeve on him which should come after him , that is , on Christ Iesus ; is said to a turne manie of the children of Israel to the Lord their God , and the disobedient to the wisedome of the just , by b giving knowledge of salvation to Gods people , unto the remission of their sins . Not because he had properly anie power given him to turne mens hearts , and to worke faith and repentance for forgivenesse of sinnes when and where he thought good : but because he was trusted with the ministerie of the c word of Gods grace , which is able to convert and quicken mens soules , and to give them an inheritance among all them which are sanctified . by the powerfull application of which word , d he who converteth the sinner from the errour of his way , is said to save a soule from death , and to hide a multitude of sinnes . For howsoever in true proprietie , e the covering of sinnes , the saving from death , and turning of men from their iniquities , is a priviledge peculiar to the Lord our God ; unto whom alone it appertayneth to f reconcile the world to himselfe ▪ by not imputing their sinnes unto them : yet inasmuch as he hath committed unto his ambassadors the g word of reconciliation , they in performing that worke of their ministerie , may be as rightly said to be imployed in reconciling men unto God , and procuring remission of their sinnes ; as they are said to h deliver a man from going downe into the pit , when they declare unto him his righteousnesse , and to i save their hearers , when they k preach unto them the Gospel , by which they are saved . For as the word it selfe which they speake , is said to be l their word , which yet m is in truth the word of God : so the worke which is effectually wrought by that word in them that beleeve , is said to be their worke , though in truth it be the proper worke of God. And as they that beleeve by their word , are said to be their Epistle , 2. Cor. 3.2 . that is to say , the Epistle of Christ ministred by them ( as it is expounded in the verse following : ) in like maner , forgivenesse of sinnes and those other great graces that appertaine to the beleevers , may be said to be their worke , that is to say , the worke of Christ ministred by them . For in verie deed ( as Optatus speaketh in the matter of Baptisme ) n not the minister , but the faith of the beleever and the Trinitie doe bring these things unto every man. And where the preaching of the Gospel doth prove o the power of God unto salvation ; onely the weakenesse of the externall ministerie must be ascribed to men , but p the excellency of the power must ever be acknowledged to be of God , and not of them : q neyther he that planteth , being here any thing , neyther he that watereth , but God that giveth the increase . For howsoever in respect of the former , such as take paines in the Lords husbandry may be accounted 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as the r Apostle termeth them , labourers together with God ( though that little peece of service it selfe also bee not performed by their owne strength , but s according to the grace of God which is given unto them : ) yet t that which followeth , of giving the increase , God effecteth not by them , but by himselfe . This ( saith S. Augustin ) exceedeth the lowlinesse of man , this exceedeth the sublimitie of Angels , neither appertayneth unto anie but unto the husbandman the Trinity . Now as the Spirit of God doth not onely u wo●ke diversities of graces in us , distributing to every man severally as he will ; but also maketh us to x know the things that are freely given to us of God : so the ministers of the New Testament , being y made able ministers of the same spirit , are not onely ordayned to be Gods instruments to worke faith and repentance in men , for the obtayning of remission of sinnes , but also to declare Gods pleasure unto such as beleeve and repent , and in his name to certifie them and give assurance to their consciences that their sinnes are forgiven . they having z received this ministerie of the Lord Iesus , to testifie the Gospell of the grace of God ; and so by their function being appointed to be witnesses rather then conferrers of that grace . For it is here with them in the loosing part , as it is in the binding part of their ministerie ; where they are brought in , like unto those seuen Angels in the book of the Revelation , a which powre out the vialls of the wrath of God upon the earth ; b having vengeance ready against all disobedience , and a charge from God , to c cast men out of his sig●t : not because they are properly the avengers ( for that d title God challengeth unto himselfe ) or that vengeance did anie way appertaine unto them ( for e it is written : Vengeance is mine , I will repay ; saith the Lord ) but because they were the denouncers , not the inflicters of this vengeance . So though it be the Lord that f speaketh concerning a nation , to pluck up and to pull down and to destroy , or on the other side , to build and to plant it ; yet he g in whose mouth God put those words of his , is said to be set by him over the nations and over the kingdomes , to roote out , and to pull downe , and to destroy , and to throw downe , to build and to plant : as if he himselfe were a doer of those great matters , who was onely h ordeyned to be a Prophet unto the nations , to speake the things unto them which God had commanded him . Thus likewise in the thirteenth of Leviticus , where the Lawes are set downe that concerne the leprosie , which was a type of the pollution of sinne , wee meet often with these speeches , i The Priest shall cleanse him , and , k The Priest shall pollute him , and in the 44. verse , l The Priest with pollution shall pollute him : m not ( saith S. Hierome ) that he is the author of the pollution , but that he declareth him to be polluted , who before did seeme unto many to have beene cleane . Whereupon the Master of the Sentences ( following herein S. Hierome , and being afterwards therein followed himselfe by manie others ) observeth , that n in remitting or retayning sinnes the Priests of the Gospell have that right and office , which the legall Priests had of old under the Law in curing of the lepers . These therefore ( saith hee ) forgive sinnes or retaine them , whiles they shew and declare that they are forgiven or retayned by God. For the Priests put the name of the Lord upon the children of Israel , but it was he himselfe that blessed them , as it is read in Numbers . The place that he hath referrence unto , is in the sixth chapter of that booke , where the Priests are commanded to blesse the people , by saying unto them , The Lord blesse thee , &c. and then it followeth ( in the last verse of that chapter : ) So they shall put my Name upon the children of Israel , and I will blesse them . Neyther doe we grant hereupon , ( as the o Adversarie falsely chargeth us ) that a lay-man , yea or a woman , or a childe , or any infidell , or the Divell ( the Father of all calumniators and lyars ) or a Parrat likewise , if hee be taught the words , may aswel absolve as the Priest as if p the speech were all the thing that here were to be considered , and not the power : where we are taught , that the kingdome of God is not in word , but in power . Indeed if the Priests by their office brought nothing with them but the ministerie of the bare letter , a Parrat peradventure might be taught to sound that letter as well as they : but we beleeve , that q God hath made them able ministers of the New Testament , not of the letter , but of the spirit . and that the Gospell ministred by them r commeth unto us not in word onely , but also in power , and in the holy Ghost , and in much assurance . For God hath added a speciall s beautie to the feet of them that preach the Gospel of peace , that howsoever others may bring glad tydings of good things to the penitent sinner as truely as they doe ; yet neyther can they doe it with the same authoritie , neyther is it to be expected that they should doe it with such power , such assurance , and such full satisfaction to the afflicted conscience . The speech of everie Christian ( we know ) should be employed t to the use of edifying , that it may minister grace unto the hearers ; and a private brother in his place may deliver found doctrine , reprehend vice , exhort to righteousnesse , verie commendably : yet hath the Lord notwithstanding all this , for the necessarie use of his Church , appointed publicke officers to doe the same things , and hath given unto them a peculiar u power for edification , wherein they may boast above others ; and in the due execution whereof God is pleased to make them instruments of ministring a more plentifull measure of grace unto their hearers , then may be ordinarily looked for from others . These men are appointed to bee of Gods high commission , and therefore they may x speake , and exhort , and rebuke with all authoritie· they are Gods y Angels and z Ambassadors for Christ , and therefore in delivering their message are to be a received as an Angel of God , yea as Christ Iesus . that looke how the Prophet Esay was comforted , when the Angel said unto him , b Thine iniquitie is taken away , and thy sinne purged ; and the poore woman in the Gospell , when Iesus said unto her , c Thy sinnes are forgiven : the like consolation doth the distressed sinner receive from the mouth of the Minister , when hee hath compared the truth of Gods word faithfully delivered by him , with the worke of Gods grace in his owne heart . according to that of Elihu : d If there be an Angel or a messenger with him , an Interpreter , one of a thousand , to declare unto man his righteousnesse ; then will God have mercy upon him and say , Deliver him from going downe to the pit , I have received a reconciliation . For as it is the office of this messenger and interpreter , to e pray us in Christs stead , that we would be reconciled to God : so when wee have listened unto this motion , and submitted our selves to the Gospell of peace , it is a part of his office likewise to declare unto us in Christs stead , that we are reconciled to God : and f in him Christ himselfe must bee acknowledged to speake , who to us ward by this meanes is not weake , but is mightie in us . But our new Masters will not content themselves with such a ministeriall power of forgiving sinnes as hath beene spoken of ; unlesse we yeeld that they have authoritie so to doe properly , directly , and absolutely : that is , unlesse wee acknowledge that their high Priest sitteth in the Temple of God as God , and all his creatures as so manie demi-gods under him . For we g must say ( if we will be drunke with the drunken ) that in this high Priest there is the fulnesse of all graces ; because hee alone giveth a full indulgence of all sinnes : that this may agree unto him , which we say of the chiefe prince our Lord , that of his fulnesse all we have received . Nay wee must acknowledge , that the meanest in the whole armie of Priests that followeth this king of pride , hath such fulnesse of power derived unto him for the opening and shutting of heaven before men : that h forgivenesse is denyed to them , whom the Priest will not forgive ; and his Absolution on the other side is a sacramentall act , which conferreth grace by the worke wrought , that is , ( as they i expound it ) actively , and immediately , and instrumentally effecteth the grace of justification in such as receive it . that k as the winde doth extinguish the fire , and dispell the clowdes ; so doth the Priests absolution scatter sinnes , and make them to vanish away : the sinner being thereby immediately acquitted before God , howsoever that sound conversion of heart be wanting in him , which otherwise would be requisite . for l a conditionall Absolution , upon such termes as these , If thou doest beleeve and repent as thou oughtest to doe , is ( in these mens judgement ) to no purpose , and can give no securitie to the penitent ; seeing it dependeth upon an uncertaine condition . Have wee not then just cause to say unto them , as m Optatus did unto the Donatistes : Nolite vobis Majestatis dominium vendicare ? Intrude not upon the royall prerogative of our Lord and Master . No man may challenge this absolute power of the keyes , but n he that hath the key of David , that openeth and no man shutteth , and shutteth and no man openeth ; hee to whom o the Father hath given power over all flesh , yea p all power in heaven and in earth ; even the eternall Sonne of God , who hath in his hands q the keyes of death , and is able to r quicken whom he will. The Ministers of the Gospell may not meddle with the matter of soveraignetie , and thinke that they have power to proclaime warre or conclude peace betwixt God and man , according to their owne discretion : they must remember , that they are s Ambassadors for Christ , and therefore in this treatie are to proceed according to the instructions which they have received from their soveraigne ; which if they doe transgresse , they goe beyond their commission , therein they doe not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and their authoritie for so much is plainly voyde . The Bishop ( saith S. Gregory , and the Fathers in the Councell of Aquisgran following him ) t in loosing and binding those that are under his charge , doth follow oftentimes the motions of his owne will , and not the merit of the causes . Whence it commeth to passe , that he depriveth himselfe of this power of binding and loosing , who doth exercise the same according to his owne will , and not according to the manners of them which be subject unto him . that is to say , he maketh himselfe worthy to be deprived of that power , which he hath thus abused ; ( as the u Master of the Sentences and x Semeca in his Glosse upon Gratian , would have S. Gregories meaning to be expounded ) and pro tanto ( as hath beene said ) actually voideth himselfe of this power , this unrighteous judgement of his given upon earth , being no wayes ratified , but absolutely disanulled in the court of heaven . For hee who by his office is appointed to be a minister of y the word of truth , hath no power given him to z do any thing against the truth , but for the truth : neyther is it to be imagined , that the sentence of man , who is subject to deceive and be deceived , should anie wayes prejudice the sentence of God , whose * judgement wee know to be alwayes according to the truth . Therefore doth Pacianus , in the end of his first epistle to Sympronianus the Novatian , shew that at that time , absolution was a not so easily given unto penitents , as now a dayes it is : but b vvith great pondering of the matter and with great deliberation , after manie sighes and shedding of teares , after the prayers of the whole Church , pardon was so not denyed unto tr●e repentance , that Christ being to judge , no man should prejudge him . and a little before , speaking of the Bishop by whose ministerie this was done : c He shall give an account ( saith he ) if hee have done anie thing amisse , or if he have judged corruptly and wickedly . Neyther is there anie prejudice done unto God , whereby he might not undoe the workes of this evill builder : but in the meane time , if that administration of his be godly , he continueth a helper of the workes of God. Wherein he doth but tread in the steps of S. Cyprian , who at the first rising of the Novatian heresie , wrote in the same maner unto Antonianus . d Wee doe not prejudice the Lord that is to judge , but that hee , if he finde the repentance of the sinner to be full and just , he may then ratifie that which shall be here ordayned by us : but if any one doe deceive us with the semblance of repentance , God ( who is not mocked , and who beholdeth the heart of man ) may judge of those things which we did not well discerne , and the Lord may amend the sentence of the servants . Hereupon S. Hierome , expounding those words , Daniel 4.24 . It may be God will pardon thy sinnes ; reproveth those men of great rashnesse , that are so peremptorie and absolute in their absolutions . e When blessed Daniel ( saith he ) who knew things to come , doth doubt of the sentence of God : they do a rash deed , that boldly promise pardon unto sinners . S. Basil also resolveth us , that f the power of forgiving is not given absolutely ; but upon the obedience of the penitent , and his consent with him that hath the care of his soule . For it is in loosing , as it is in binding . g Thou hast begun to esteeme thy brother as a publican , ( saith S. Augustin : ) thou bindest him upon earth . But looke that thou bindest him justly . For unjust bonds justice doth breake . So when the Priest saith , I absolve thee : Maldonat confesseth , that hee meaneth no more thereby but , h As much as in me lyeth , I absolve thee : and Suarez acknowledgeth , that it implicity includeth this condition , i Vnlesse the receiver put some impediment ; for which hee alledgeth the authority of Hugo de S. Victore , lib. 2. de Sacramentis , pa. 14. s. 8. affirming , k that this forme doth rather signifie the power and vertue , then the event of the absolution . And therefore doth the Master of the Sentences rightly observe , that l God doth not evermore follow the judgement of the Church : which sometimes judgeth by surreption and ignorance ; whereas God doth alwayes judge according to the truth . So the Priests m sometime declare men to be loosed or bound , who are not so before God : with the penaltie of satisfaction or excommunication they sometime binde such as are unworthy , or loose them ; they admit them that be unworthy to the Sacraments , and put backe them that be worthy to be admitted . That saying therefore of Christ must be understood to be verified in them ( saith he ) whose merits doe require that they should be loosed or bound . For then is the sentence of the Priest approved and confirmed by the judgement of God and the whole court of heaven , when it doth proceed with that discretion , that the merits of them who be dealt withall doe not contradict the same . Whomsoever therefore they do loose or binde , using the key of discretion according to the parties merits , they are loosed or bound in heaven , that is to say , with God : because the sentence of the Priest proceeding in this maner , is approved and confirmed by divine judgement . Thus farre the Master of the Sentences : who is followed herein by the rest of the Schoolemen ; who generally agree , that the power of binding and loosing committed to the Ministers of the Church , is not absolute , but must be limited with Clave non errante , as being then onely of force n when matters are carried with right iudgement , and no error is committed in the use of the keyes . Our Saviour therefore must stil have the priviledge reserved unto him , of being the absolute Lord over his owne house : it is sufficient for his officers , that they bee esteemed as Moses was , o faithfull in all his house as servants . The place wherein they serve , is a Stewards place : and the Apostle telleth them , p that it is required in Stewards , that the man be found faithfull . They may not therefore carrie themselves in their office , as the q unjust steward did , and presume to strike out their Masters debt without his direction , and contrarie to his liking . Now we know that our Lord hath given no authoritie unto his stewards , to grant an acquittance unto anie of his debtors , that bring not unfayned faith and repentance with them . r Neyther Angell nor Archangell can , neyther yet the Lord himselfe , ( who alone can say ; I am with you ) when we have sinned , doth release us , unlesse vvee bring repentance with us : saith S. Ambrose . and Eligius Bishop of Noyon , in his Sermon unto the Penitents : s Before all things it is necessary you should know , that howsoever you desire to receive the imposition of our hands ; yet you cannot obtaine the absolution of your sinnes , before the divine piety shall vouchsafe to absolve you by the grace of compunction . To thinke therefore that it lyeth in the power of anie Priest truely to absolve a man from his sinnes , without implying the condition of his beleeving and repenting as he ought to doe ; is both presumption and madnesse in the highest degree . Neyther dareth Cardinall Bellarmine , who censureth this conditionall absolution in us for idle and superfluous , when he hath considered better of the matter , assume unto himselfe , or communicate unto his brethren , the power of giving an absolute one . For he is driven to confesse with other of his fellowes , that when the Priest t saith , I absolve thee , he doth not affirme that he doth absolve absolutely ; as not being ignorant , that it may many wayes come to passe that he doth not absolve , although he pronounce those words : namely if hee who seemeth to receive this Sacrament ( for so they call it ) peradventure hath no intention to receive it , or is not rightly disposed , or putteth some blocke in the way . Therefore the Minister ( saith hee ) signifieth nothing else by those words , but that hee , as much as in him lyeth , conferreth the sacrament of reconciliation or absolution , which in a man rightly disposed hath vertue to forgive all his sinnes . Now that Contrition is at all times necessarily required for obtayning remission of sinnes and iustification , is a matter determined by the Fathers of u Trent . But marke yet the mysterie . They equivocate with us in the terme of Contrition : and make a distinction thereof into perfect and imperfect . The former of these is Contrition properly : the latter they call Attrition . which howsoever in it selfe it be not true Contrition , yet when the Priest with his power of forgiving sinnes interposeth himselfe in the businesse , they tell us that x attrition by vertue of the keyes is made contrition : that is to say , that a sorrow arising from a servile feare of punishment , and such a fruitlesse y repentance as the reprobate may carry with them to hell , by vertue of the Priests absolution is made so fruitfull , that it shall serve the turne for obteyning forgivenesse of sinnes ; as if it had beene that z godly sorrow which worketh repentance to salvation not to be repented of . By which spirituall coosenage , many poore soules are most miserably deluded , while they perswade themselves that upon the receipt of the Priests acquittance upon this carnall sorrow of theirs , all skores are cleered untill that day : and then beginning upon a new reckoning , they sinne and confesse , confesse and sinne afresh , and tread this round so long till they put off all thought of saving repentance ; and so the a blinde following the blinde , both at last fall into the pit . b Evill and wicked , carnall , naturall , and divellish men ( saith S. Augustin ) imagine those things to be given unto them by their seducers , which are onely the gifts of God , whether sacraments , or any other spirituall workes , concerning their present salvation . But such as are thus seduced , may doe well to listen a little to this grave admonition of S. Cyprian . c Let no man deceive , let no man beguile himselfe : it is the Lord alone that can shew mercy . He alone can grant pardon to the sinnes committed against him , who did himselfe beare our sinnes , who suffered griefe for us , whom God did deliver for our sinnes . Man cannot be greater then God ; neyther can the servant by his indulgence remit or pardon that which by haynous trespasse is committed against the Lord : lest to him that is fallen this yet be added as a further crime , if hee be ignorant of that which is said ; Cursed is the man that putteth his trust in man. Whereupon S. Augustin sticketh not to say , that good ministers doe consider that d they are but ministers , they would not be held for Iudges , they abhorre that any trust should be put in them : and that the power of remitting and retayning sinnes is committed unto the Church , to be dispensed therein , e not according to the arbitrement of man , but according to the arbitrement of God. Whereas our adversaries lay the foundation of their Babel upon another ground : that f Christ hath appointed Priests to be Iudges upon earth with such power , that none falling into sinne after Baptisme may be reconciled without their sentence ; and hath g put the authoritie of binding and loosing , of forgiving and retayning the sinnes of men , in their arbitrement . Whether the Ministers of the Gospell may be accounted Iudges in some sort , we wil not much contend : for we dislike neyther that saying of S. Hierome , that h having the keyes of the kingdome of heaven , they judge after a sort before the day of judgement ; nor that other of S. Gregory , that the Apostles , & such as succeed them in the governement of the Church , i obtaine a principalitie of judgement from above , that they may in Gods stead retayne the sinnes of some , and release the sinnes of others . All the question is , in what sort they doe judge , and whether the validitie of their judgement doe depend upon the truth of the conversion of the penitent : wherein if our Romanists would stand to the iudgement of S. Hierome or S. Gregory ( one of whom they make a Cardinall , and the other a Pope of their owne Church ) the controversie betwixt us would quickly be at an end . For S. Hierome , expounding that speech of our Saviour , touching the keyes of the kingdome of heaven , in the sixteenth of S. Matthew ; k The Bishops and Priests , saith he , not understanding this place , assume to themselves somewhat of the Pharisees arrogancie : as imagining , that they may either condemne the innocent , or absolve the guiltie ; vvhereas it is not the sentence of the Priests , but the life of the parties that is inquired of vvith God. In the booke of Leviticus vvee reade of the Lepers , vvhere they are commanded to shew themselves to the Priests , and if they shall have the leprosie , that then they shall be made uncleane by the Priest. not that the Priests should make them leprous and uncleane , but that they should take notice who was a leper and who was not , and should discerne who was cleane and who uncleane . Therefore as there the Priest doth make the leper cleane or uncleane ; so here the Bishop or Priest doth binde or loose : not binde the innocent , or loose the guiltie ; but when according to his office hee heareth the variety of sinnes , hee knoweth who is to be bound and who to be loosed . Thus farre S. Hierome . S. Gregory likewise in the very same place from whence the Romanists fetch that former sentence , doth thus declare in what maner that principalitie of iudgement , which he spake of , should be exercised : being therin also followed step by step , by the Fathers of the Councell of Aquisgran . l The causes ought to bee weighed , and then the power of binding and loosing exercised . It is to be seene , what the fault is , and what the repentance is that hath followed after the fault : that such as almightie God doth visite with the grace of compunction , those the sentence of the Pastor may absolve . For the absolution of the Prelate is then true , when it followeth the arbitrement of the eternall Iudge . And this doe they illustrate by that which we reade in the Gospell of the raysing of Lazarus , Ioh. 11.44 . that Christ did first of all give life to him that was dead by himselfe , and then commanded others to loose him , and let him goe . m Behold ( say they ) the disciples doe loose him being now alive ; whom their Master had raysed up being dead . For if the disciples had loosed Lazarus being dead : they should have discovered a stinche more then a vertue . By which consideration vvee may see : that by our Pastorall authoritie vvee ought to loose those , vvhom vvee know that our Authour and Lord hath revived vvith his quickning grace . The same application also doe wee finde made , not onely by n Peter Lombard , and other of the Schoolemen , but also by Iudocus Clichtoveus , not long before the time of the Councell of Trent . o Lazarus ( saith Clichtoveus ) first of all came forth alive out of the sepulchre , and then was commandement given by our Lord that hee should be loosed by the disciples and suffered to go his way : because the Lord doth first inwardly by himselfe quicken the sinner , and afterwards absolveth him by the Priests ministerie . For no sinner is to be absolved , before it appeareth that hee be amended by due repentance , and bee quickned inwardly . But inwardly to quicken the sinner , is the office of God alone , who saith by the Prophet : I am he that blotteth out your iniquities . The truth therefore of the Priests absolution , dependeth upon the truth and sinceritie of Gods quickning grace in the heart of the Penitent : which if it be wanting , all the absolutions in the world will stand him in no stead . For example , our Saviour saith : p If yee forgive men their trespasses , your heavenly Father will also forgive you ; but , if ye forgive not men their trespasses , neyther will your Father forgive your trespasses . and in this respect ( as is observed by Sedulius ) q in other mens persons we are eyther absolved or bound : — r graviusque soluti Nectimur , alterius si solvere vincla negamus . Suppose now , that a man who cannot find in his heart to forgive the wrong done unto him by another , is absolved here by the Priest from all his sinnes ( according to the usuall forme of Absolution : ) are wee to thinke that what is thus loosed upon earth , shall be loosed in heaven ? and that Christ , to make the Priests word true , will make his owne false ? And what wee say of charitie toward man , must much more be understood of the love of God and the love of righteousnesse : the defect whereof is not to be supplyed by the absolution of anie Priest. It hath beene alwayes observed for a speciall difference betwixt good and bad men , that the one s hated sinne for the love of vertue , the other onely for the feare of punishment . The like difference do our Adve●saries make betwixt Contrition and Attrition : t that the hatred of sinne , in the one proceedeth from the love of God and of righteousnesse ; in the other , from the feare of punishment . and yet teach for all this , that u Attrition ( which they confesse would not otherwise suffice to justifie a man ) being ioyned with the Priests Absolution , is sufficient for that purpose : he that was attrite being by vertue of this Absolution made contrite , and iustified , that is to say , hee that was led onely by a servile feare , and consequently was to be rancked among disordered and evill persons , being by this meanes put in as good case for the matter of the forgivenesse of his sinnes , as hee that loveth God sincerely . For they themselves doe graunt , that x such as have this servile feare , from whence Attrition issueth , are to be accounted evill and disordered men , by reason of their want of charitie : to which purpose also they alledge that saying of Gregory , Recti diligunt te , non recti adhuc timent te . Such as be righteous love thee , such as be not right●ous as yet feare thee . But they have taken an order notwithstanding , that non recti shall stand recti in curiâ with them : by assuming a strange authoritie unto themselves of iustifying the wicked ( a thing , we know , that hath the curse of y God and z man threatned unto it ) & making men friends with God , that have not the love of God dwelling in them . For although we be taught by the word of God , that a perfect love casteth out feare ; that wee b have not received the spirit of bondage to feare againe , but the spirit of adoption whereby wee cry Abba , father ; that mount Sinai ( which c maketh those that come unto it to feare and quake ) d engendreth to bondage , and is to be cast out with her children , from inheriting the promise ; & that e without love , both we our selves are nothing , and all that we have doth profit us nothing : yet these wonderfull men would have us beleeve , that by their word alone they are able to make something of this nothing ; that feare without love shall make men capable of the benefite of their pardon , as well as love without feare ; that whether men come by the way of mount Sinai or mount Sion , whether they have Legall or Evangelicall repentance , they have authoritie to absolve them from all their sinnes . as if it did lye in their power , to confound Gods Testaments at their pleasure , and to give unto a servile feare not the benefite of manumission only , but the priviledge of adoption also ; by making the children of the bondwoman children of the promise , and giving them a portion in that blessed inheritance together with the children of her that is free . f Repentance from dead workes , is one of the foundations and principles of the doctrine of Christ. g Nothing maketh repentance certaine , but the hatred of sinne , and the love of God. and without true repentance all the Priests under heaven are not able to give us a discharge from our sinnes , and deliver us from the wrath to come . h Except ye be converted , ye shall not enter into the kingdome of heaven . i Except yee repent , yee shall all perish : is the Lords saying in the new Testament . and in the old : k Repent , and turne from all your transgressions : so iniquitie shall not be your ruine . Cast away from you all your transgressions , whereby yee have transgressed , and make you a new heart and a new spirit : for why will yee dye , O house of Israel ? Now put case one commeth to his ghostly father , with such sorrow of minde as the terrours of a guiltie conscience usually doe produce , and with such a resolution to cast away his sins , as a man hath in a storme to cast away his goods , not because he doth not love them , but because he feareth to loose his life if he part not with them : doth not he betray this mans soule , who putteth into his head , that such an extorted repentance as this , which hath not one graine of love to season it withall , wil qualifie him sufficiently for the receiving of an absolution , by I know not what sacramentall facultie that the Priest is furnished withall to that purpose ? For all doe confesse with S. Augustin , that l this feare which loveth not justice , but dreadeth punishment , is servile , because it is carnall , and therefore doth not crucifie the flesh . For the willingnesse to sinne liveth , which then appeareth in the work , when impunitie is hoped for : but when it is beleeved that punishment will follow , it liveth closely , yet it liveth . For it would wish rather , that it were lawfull to doe that which the Law forbiddeth , and is sorry that it is not lawfull : because it is not spiritually delighted with the good thereof , but carnally feareth the evill vvhich it doth threaten . What man then , doe we thinke , will take the paynes to get him a new heart and a new spirit , and undertake the toylsome worke of crucifying the flesh with the lustes thereof ; if without all this adoe , the Priests absolution can make that other imperfect or rather equivocall contrition , arising from a carnall and servile feare , to be sufficient for the blotting out of all his sinnes ? Or are wee not rather to thinke that this sacramentall penance of the Papists is a device invented by the enemie to hoodwinke poore soules , and to divert them from seeking that true repentance which is onely able to stand them in stead ? and that such as take upon them to helpe lame dogges over the stile after this maner , by substituting quid pro quo , attrition in stead of contrition , servile feare in stead of filiall love , carnall sorrow in stead of godly repentance ; are physicians of no value , nay such as minister poyson unto men under colour of providing a soveraigne medicine for them ? Hee therefore that will have care of his soules health , must consider , that much resteth here in the good choyce of a skilfull physician ; but much more , in the paines that must be taken by the patient himselfe . For that every one who beareth the name of a Priest , is not fit to bee trusted with a matter of this moment ; their owne Decrees may give them faire warning , where this admonition is m twise laid down , out of the author that wrote of true and false repentance . n Hee who will confesse his sinnes , that he may finde grace , let him seeke for a Priest that knoweth how to binde and loose : least , while he is negligent concerning himselfe , he be neglected by him vvho mercifully admonisheth and desireth him , that both fall not into the pit , which the foole would not avoid . And when the skilfullest Priest that is , hath done his best : S. Cyprian will tell them , that o to him that repenteth , to him that worketh , to him that prayeth , the Lord of his mercie can grant a pardon ; hee can make good that which for such men eyther the Martyrs shall request or the Priest shall doe . If we inquire , who they were that first assumed unto themselves this exorbitant power of forgiving sins : we are like to finde them in the Tents of the ancient hereticks and schismaticks ; who p promised unto others libertie , when they themselves were the servants of corruption . q How manie ( saith S. Hierom ) which have neyther bread nor apparell , when they themselves are hungry and naked , and neyther have spirituall meates , nor preserve the coate of Christ intire ; yet promise unto others food and rayment , and being full of wounds themselves bragge that they be physicians : and doe not observe that of Moses , ( Exod. 4.13 . ) Provide another vvhom thou mayest send ; & that other commandement ( Ecclesiastic . 7.6 . ) Doe not seeke to be made a Iudge , lest peradventure thou be not able to take away iniquitie . It is Iesus alone , who healeth all sicknesses and infirmities : of vvhom it is written , ( Psalm . 147.4 . ) He healeth the contrite in heart , and bindeth up their soares . Thus farre S. Hierom. The Rhemists in their marginall note upon Luke 7.49 . tell us , that as the Pharisees did alwayes carp Christ for remission of sinnes in earth , so the Hereticks reprehend his Church that remitteth sinnes by his authoritie . But S. Augustin treating upon the selfe same place , might have taught them , that hereby the bewrayed themselves to be the off spring of Hereticks , rather then children of the Church . For whereas our Saviour there had said unto the penitent woman , Thy sinnes are forgiven ; and they that sate at meate with him began to say within themselves , Who is this that forgiveth sinnes also ? S. Augustin first compareth their knowledge and the knowledge of the woman thus together . r Shee knew that hee could forgive sinnes ; but they knew that a man could not forgive sinnes . And wee are to beleeve that all , that is , both they which sat at table , and the woman which came to our Lords feet , they all knew that a man could not forgive sinnes . Seeing all therefore knew this , shee who beleeved that hee could forgive sinnes , understood him to be more then a man. and a little after : s That doe you know well , that doe you hold well ; saith that learned Father . Hold , that a man cannot forgive sinnes . Shee who beleeved that her sinnes were forgiven her by Christ , beleeved that Christ was not only man , but God also . Then doth hee proceede to compare the knowledge of the Iewes then with the opinion of the Heretickes in his dayes . Herein ( saith t he ) the Pharisee was better then these men : for when he did thinke that Christ was a man , he did not beleeve that sinnes could be forgiven by a man. It appeared therefore that the Iewes had better understanding then the Hereticks . The Iewes said ; Who is this that forgiveth sinnes also ? Dare a man challenge this to himselfe ? What saith the Heretick on the other side ? I do forgive , I doe cleanse , I doe sanctifie . Let Christ answer him , not I : O man , when I was thought by the Iewes to bee a man , I ascribed the forgivenesse of sinnes to faith . Not I , but Christ doth answer thee . O Heretick , Thou when thou art but a man sayest ; Come woman , I doe make the safe . I when I was thought to be but a man said ; Goe woman , thy faith hath made thee safe . The Hereticks at whom S. Augustin here aymeth , were the Donatists : whom Optatus also before him did thus roundly take up for the same presumption . u Vnderstand at length , that you are servants , and not Lords . And if the Church be a vineyard , and men be appointed to be dressers of it : why doe you rush into the dominion of the housholder ? Why doe you challenge unto your selves , that which is Gods ? x Give leave unto God to performe the things that belong unto himselfe . For that gift cannot be given by man , which is divine . If you think so , you labour to frustrate the words of the Prophets , & the promises of God , by which it is proved that God washeth ( away sinne , ) and not man. It is noted likewise by Theodoret , of the Audian hereticks : that y they bragged they did forgive sinnes . The maner of Confession which he saith was used among them , was not much unlike that which Alvarus Pelagius acknowledgeth to have beene the usuall practise of them that made greatest profession of religion and learning in his time . z For scarce at all ( saith hee ) or very seldome doth any of them confesse otherwise then in generall termes : scarce doe they ever specifie any grievous sinne . What they say one day , that they say another , as if every day they did offend alike . The maner of Absolution was the same with that , which Theodoricus de Niem noteth to have beene practised by the pardoners sent abroad by Pope Boniface the ninth : who a released all sinnes to them that confessed , without any penance ( or repentance ; ) affirming that they had for their warrant in so doing , all that power which Christ gave unto Peter of binding and loosing upon earth . just as Theodoret reporteth the Audians were wont to doe : who presently b after confession graunted remission ; not prescribing a time for repentance , as the lawes of the Church did require , but giving pardon by authoritie . The lawes of the Church prescribed a certaine time unto Penitents , c wherein they should give proofe of the soundnesse of their repentance : and gave order that afterwards they should be d forgiven and comforted , lest they should be swallowed up with overmuch heavinesse . So that first their penance was injoyned unto them , and thereby e they were held to be bound : after performance whereof they received their absolution , by which they were loosed againe . But the Audian hereticks , without anie such triall taken of their repentance , did of their owne heads give them absolution presently upon their confession : as the Popish Priests use to doe now a dayes . Onely the Audians had one ridiculous ceremonie more then the Papists ; that having placed the Canonicall bookes of Scripture upon one side , and certaine Apocryphall writings on the other , they caused their followers to passe betwixt them , and in their passing to make confession of their sinnes : as the Papists , another idle practise more then they ; that after they have given absolution , they injoyne penance to the partie absolved , that is to say , ( as they of old would have interpreted it ) they first loose him and presently after binde him . which howsoever they hold to be done in respect of the temporall punishment remayning due after the remission of the fault : yet it appeareth plainly , that the penitentiall workes required in the ancient Church , had reference to the fault it selfe ; and that no absolution was to be expected from the Minister for the one , before all reckonings were ended for the other . Onely where the danger of death was imminent , the case admitted some exception : reconci●iation being not denied indeed unto them that desired it at such a time , yet so granted , that it was left verie doubtfull , whether it would stand the parties in anie great stead or no. f If any one being in the last extremitie of his sicknesse , saith S. Augustin , is willing to receive penance , and ●oth receive it , and is presently reconciled , and departeth hence : I confesse unto you , wee doe not denie him that which hee asketh , but wee doe not presume that he goeth well from hence . I doe not presume , I deceive you not , I doe not presume . g Hee who putteth off his penance to the last , and is reconciled ; whether hee goeth secure from hence , I am not secure . Penance I can give him , securitie I cannot give him . h Doe I say , hee shall be damned ? I say not so . But doe I say also , he shall be freed ? No. What doest thou then say unto mee ? I know not : I presume not , I promise not , I know not . Wilt thou free thy selfe of the doubt ? wilt thou escape that which is uncertaine ? Doe thy penance while thou art in health . i The penance which is asked for by the infirme man , is infirme . The penance which is asked for onely by him that is a dying , I feare lest it also dye . But with the matter of penance we have not here to deale : those formal absolutions and pardons of course , immediately granted upon the hearing of mens confessions , is that which wee charge the Romish Priests to have learned from the Audian hereticks . k Some require penance to this end , that they might presently have the communion restored unto them : these men desire , not so much to loose themselves , as to binde the Priest ; saith S. Ambrose . If this be true , that the Priest doth binde himselfe , by his hastie and unadvised loosing of others : the case is like to go hard with our Popish Priests , who ordinarily in bestowing their absolutions , use to make more hast then good speed . Wherein , with how little judgement they proceed , who thus take upon them the place of Iudges in mens consciences , may sufficiently appeare by this : that whereas the maine ground , whereupon they would build the necessitie of Auricular confession , and the particular enumeration of all knowne sinnes , is pretended to be this , that the ghostly Father having taken notice of the cause may judge righteous judgement , and discerne who should be bound and who should be loosed , the matter yet is so carried in this court of theirs , that everie man commonly goeth away with his absolution , and all sorts of people usually receive one and the selfe same iudgement . l If thou seperate the pretious from the vile , thou shalt be as my mouth : saith the Lord. Whose mouth then may we hold them to be , who seldome put anie difference betweene these , and make it their ordinarie practise to pronounce the same sentence of absolution aswell upon the one as upon the other ? If we would know , how late it was before this trade of pardoning mens sinnes after this maner was established in the Church of Rome : wee cannot discover this better , then by tracing out the doctrine publickly taught in that Church touching this matter , from the time of Satans loosing untill his binding againe by the restoring of the puritie of the Gospell in our dayes . And here Radulphus Ardens doth in the first place offer himselfe : who toward the beginning of that time preached this for sound divinitie . m The power of releasing sinnes , belongeth to God alone . But the ministery ( which improperly also is called a power ) hee hath granted unto his substitutes ; who after their maner doe binde and absolve , that is to say , doe declare that men are bound or absolved . For God doth first inwardly absolve the sinner by compunction : and then the Priest outwardly by giving the sentence doth declare that he is absolved . Which is well signified by that of Lazarus : who first in the grave was raysed up by the Lord , and afterward by the ministery of the disciples was loosed from the bands wherewith he was tyed . Then follow both the Anselmes , ours of Canterbury and the other of Laon in France : who in their expositions upon the ninth of S. Matthew , cleerely teach , that none but God alone can forgive sinnes . Ivo Bishop of Chartres writeth , that n by inward contrition the inward judge is satisfied , and therefore without delay forgivenesse of the sinne is granted by him , unto whom the inward conversion is manifest : but the Church , because it knoweth not the hidden things of the heart , doth not loose him that is bound , although he be raysed up , untill hee be brought out of the tombe , that is to say , purged by publick satisfaction . and if presently upon the inward conversion God be pleased to forgive the sinne : the absolution of the Priest which followeth , cannot in anie sort properly be accounted a remission of that sinne , but a further manifestation onely of the remission formerly granted by God himselfe . The Master of the Sentences after him , having propounded the diverse opinions of the Doctors touching this point , demandeth at last , o In this so great varietie what is to be held ? and returneth for answer . Surely this we may say and thinke : that God alone doth forgive and retayne sinnes , and yet hath given power of binding and loosing unto the Church ; but He bindeth and looseth one way , and the Church another . For he only by himselfe forgiveth sinne , who both cleanseth the soule from inward blot , and looseth it from the debt of everlasting death . But this hath he not granted unto Priests : to whom notwithstanding he hath given the power of binding and loosing , that is to say , of declaring men to be bound or loosed . Wherupon the Lord did first by himselfe restore health unto the leper , and then sent him unto the Priests , by whose judgement he might be declared to be cleansed : so also he offered Lazarus to his disciples to be loosed , having first quickned him . In like maner Hugo Cardinalis sheweth , that it is p onely God that forgiveth sinnes : and that q the Priest cannot binde or loose the sinner , with or from the bond of the fault and the punishment due thereunto ; but onely declare him to be bound or loosed . as the Leviticall Priest did not make nor cleanse the leper , but onely declared him to be infected or cleane . And a great number of the Schoolemen afterward shewed themselves to be of the same judgement : that to pardon the fault and the eternall punishment due unto the same , was the proper worke of God ; that the Priests absolution hath no reall operation that way , but presupposeth the partie to be first justified and absolved by God. Of this minde were , r Guilielmus Altissiodorensis , s Alexander of Hales , t Bonaventure , u Ockam , x Thomas de Argentinâ , y Michael de Bononiâ , z Gabriel Biel , a Henricus de Huecta , b Iohannes Major , and others . To lay downe all their words at large would be too tedious . In generall , Hadrian the sixth ( one of their owne Popes ) acknowledgeth , that c the most appr●ved Divines were of this minde , that the keyes of the Priesthood doe not extend themselves to the remission of the fault : and d Major affirmeth , that this is the common Tenet of the Doctors . So likewise is it avouched by Gabriel Biel , that e the old Doctors commonly follow the opinion of the Master of the Sentences ; that Priests do forgive or retaine sinnes , while they iudge and declare that they are forgiven by God or retained . But all this notwithstanding , Suarez is bold to tell us , that f this opinion of the Master is false , and now at this time erroneous . It was not held so the other day , when Ferus preached at Mentz , that g man did not properly remit sinne , but did declare and certifie that it was remitted by God. so that the Absolution received from man , is nothing else then if he should say : Behold my sonne , I certifie thee that thy sinnes are forgiven thee , I pronounce unto thee that thou hast God favourable unto thee ; and vvhatsoever Christ in Baptisme and in his Gospell hath promised unto us , he doth now declare and promise unto thee by me . Of this shalt thou have me to be a witnesse : goe in peace , and in quiet of conscience . But jam hoc tempore the case is altered : these things must be purged out of h Ferus as erroneous ; the opinion of the old Doctors must give place to the sentence of the new Fathers of Trent . And so we are come at length to the end of this long question : in the handling whereof I have spent more time , th● 〈◊〉 ani● of th● r●st , by reason our Priests doe make this facultie of pardoning mens sinnes to be one of the most principall parts of their occupation , and the particular discoverie thereof is not ordinarily by the writers of our side so much insisted upon . The performance therefore of my promise of brevitie , is to be expected in the briefer treating upon those articles that remaine : the fift whereof we are now to take into our consideration , which is OF PVRGATORIE . FOr extinguishing the imaginarie flames of Popish Purgatory , wee need not goe farre to fetch water : seeing the whole current of Gods word runneth mainly upon this ; that a the blood of Iesus Christ cleanseth us from all sinne ; that all Gods children b dye in Christ , and that such as c dye in him , doe rest from their labours ; that , as they be d absent from the Lord while they are in the bodie , so when they be absent from the bodie they are present with the Lord ; and in a word , that they e come not into judgement , but passe from death unto life . And if wee need the assistance of the ancient Fathers in this businesse : behold they be here readie , with full buckets in their hands . Tertullian , to begin withall , f counteth it iniurious unto Christ , to hold that such as be called from hence by him are in a state that should be pittied . whereas they have obtayned their desire of being with Christ : according to that of the Apostle , Philip. 1.23 . I desire to depart , and to be with Chrest . What pitie was it , that the poore soules in Purgatorie should finde no 〈◊〉 in those dayes to informe men better of their ruefull condition ; nor no Secretarie to draw up such another supplication for them as this , which of late years Sir Thomas Moore presented in their name , g To all good Christen people . In most piteous wise continually calleth and cryeth upon your devoute charitie and most tender pitie , for helpe , comfort and reliefe , your late acquaintance , kindred , spouses , companions , playfellowes , and friends , and now your humble and unacquainted and halfe forgotten suppliants , poore prisoners of God , the sely soules in Purgatorie , here abiding and enduring the grievous paynes and hote clensing fire , &c. If S. Cyprian had understood but halfe thus much : doubtlesse he would have strucken out the best part of that famous treatise which hee wrote of Mortalitie ( to comfort men against death , in the time of a great plague ) especially such passages as these are , which by no meanes can be reconciled with Purgatorie . h It is for him to feare death , that is not willing to goe unto Christ : it is for him to bee unwilling to goe unto Christ , who doth not beleeve that hee beginneth to raigne with Christ. For it is written , that the just doth live by faith . If thou be just and livest by faith , if thou dost truly beleeve in God ; why , being to be with Christ , and being secure of the Lords promise , doest not thou embrace the message whereby thou art called unto Christ , and rejoycest that thou shalt be ridd of the Divell ? Simeon said ; Lord , now lettest thou thy servant depart in peace , according to thy word : for mine eyes have seene thy salvation . i proving thereby , and witnessing that the servants of God then have peace , then injoy free and quiet rest ; when being drawen from these stormes of the world , vvee arrive at the haven of our everlasting habitation and securitie , vvhen this death being ended wee enter into immortalitie . k The righteous are called to a refreshing , the unrighteous are haled to torment : safety is quickly granted to the faithfull , and punishment to the unfaithfull . l Wee are not to put on black mourning garments here , when our friends there have put on white . m This is not a going out , but a passage , and , this temporall journey being finished , a going over to eternitie . n Let us therefore embrace the day that bringeth every one to his owne house ; which having taken us away from hence , and loosed us from the snares of this world , returneth us to Paradise and to the kingdome of heaven . The same holy Father in his Apologie which hee wrote for Christians unto Demetrian the proconsul of Africk , affirmeth in like maner ; that o the end of this temporall life being accomplished , we are divided into the habitations of everlasting eyther death or immortalitie . p When we are once departed from hence , there is now no farther place for repentance , neyther any effect of satisfaction . here life is eyther lost or obtayned . But if q thou ( saith he ) even at the very end and setting of thy temporall life , dost pray for thy sinnes , and call upon the onely true God with confession and faith : pardon is given to thee confessing , and saving forgivenesse is granted by the divine piety to thee beleeving ; and at thy very death thou hast a passage unto immortalitie . This grace doth Christ impart , this gift of his mercy doth he bestow ; by subduing death with the triumph of his crosse , by redeeming the beleever with the price of his blood , by reconciling man unto God the Father , by quickening him that is mortall with heavenly regeneration . Where Salomon sayeth , Ecclesiast . 12.5 . that man goeth to his everlasting house , and the mourners goe about in the street : S. Gregory of Neocaesarea maketh this paraphrase upon those words ; r The good man shall goe rejoycing unto his everlasting house , but the wicked shall fill all with lamentations . Therefore did the Fathers teach , that men should s rejoyce at their death : and the ancient Christians framed their practise accordingly ; t not celebrating the day of their nativitie , which they accounted to be the entry of sorrowes and temptations , but celebrating the day of death , as being the putting away of all sorrowes , and the escaping of all temptations . And so being filled with u a divine rejoycing they came to the extremitie of death as vnto the end of their holy combates : x where they did more clearely behold the way that ledd unto their immortalitie , as being now made neerer ; and did therefore prayse the gifts of God , and were replenished with divine joy , as now not fearing any change to worse , but knowing well that the good things which they possessed shall be firmely and everlastingly enjoyed by them . The author of the Questions and Answeres attributed to Iustin Martyr , writeth thus of this matter . y After the departure of the soule out of the body , there is presently made a distinction betwixt the just and the unjust . For they are brought by the Angels to places fit for them : the soules of the righteous to Paradise , vvhere they have the commerce and sight of Angels and Archangels , &c. the soules of the unjust to the places in hell . That z is not death ( saith Athanasius ) that befalleth the righteous , but a translation : for they are translated out of this world into everlasting rest : and as a man would goe out of a prison , so doe the Saints goe out of this troublesome life unto those good things that are prepared for them . S. Hilary out of that which is related in the Gospell of the rich man and Lazarus observeth ; that a as soone as this life is ended , everie one without delay is sent over either to Abrahams bosome , or to the place of torment , and in that state reserved untill the day of judgement . S. Ambrose in his booke of the good of Death , teacheth us , that death b is a certaine haven to them , who being tossed in the great Sea of this life , desire a rode of safe quietnesse : that it maketh not a mans state worse , but such as in findeth in every one , such it reserveth unto the future judgement , and refresheth with rest . that thereby c a passage is made from corruption to incorruption , from mortalitie to immortalitie , from trouble to tranquillity . Therefore he saith , that where d fooles doe feare death as the chiefe of evills , wise men do desire it , as a rest after labours and an end of their evills . and upon these grounds exhorteth us , that e when that day commeth , wee should goe without feare to Iesus our redeemer , without feare to the Councell of the Patriarches , without feare to Abraham our father ; that without feare wee should addresse our selves unto that assembly of Saints , and congregation of the righteous . forasmuch as we shall goe to our fathers , we shall goe to those schoolemasters of our faith ; that albeit our workes fayle us , yet faith may succour us , and our title of inheritance defend us . Macarius , writing of the double state of those that depart out of this life , affirmeth that when the soule goeth out of the bodie ; if it be guiltie of sinne , the Divell carrieth it away with him unto his place : but when the holy servants of God f remove out of their bodie , the quyers of Angells receive their soules unto their owne side , unto the pure world , and so bring them unto the Lord. and in another place , moving the question concerning such as depart out of this world sustayning two persons in their soule , to wit , of sinne and of grace ; whither they shall go that are thus held by two parts ? hee maketh answere , that thither they shall goe , where they have their minde and affection setled . For g the Lord ( saith hee ) beholding thy minde , that thou fightest , and lovest him with thy whole soule , separateth death from thy soule in one houre , ( for this is not hard for him to doe ) and taketh thee into his owne bosome , and unto light . For he plucketh thee away in the minute of an houre from the mouth of darkenesse , and presently translateth thee into his owne kingdome . For God can easily doe all these things in the minute of an houre ; this provided only , that thou bearest love unto him . then which , what can be more direct against the dreame of Popish Purgatorie ? h This present world is the time of repentance , the other of retribution : this of working , that of rewarding : this of patient suffering , that of receiving comfort : saith S. Basil. Gregory Nazianzen , in his funerall orations , hath manie sayings to the same purpose : being so farre from thinking of anie Purgatorie paynes prepared for men in the other world , that hee plainely denieth , that i after the night of this present life there is any purging to be expected . and therefore hee telleth us , k that it is better to be corrected and purged now , than to be sent unto the torment there , where the time of punishing is , and not of purging . S. Hierome , comforteth Paula for the death of her daughter Blaesilla , in this mater . l Let the dead be lamented ; but such a one , vvhom Gehenna doth receive , whom Hell doth devoure , for whose paine the everlasting fire doth burne . Let us , whose departure a troupe of Angells doth accompanie , vvhom Christ commeth forth to meete , be more grieved , if we doe longer dwell in this tabernacle of death . Because , as long as wee remaine here , vvee are pilgrims from God. By all that hath beene said , the indifferent Reader may easily discerne , what may be thought of the craking Cardinall , who would face us downe , that m all the ancients , both Greek and Latine , from the very time of the Apostles , did constantly teach that there was a Purgatory . whereas his owne partners could tell him in his eare , that n in the ancient writers there is almost no mention of Purgatory , especially in the Greek writers ; and therefore that by the Grecians it is not beleeved untill this day . He alledgeth indeed a number of authorities to bleare m●ns eyes withall : which being narrowly looked into , will be found eyther to be counterfeit stuffe , or to make nothing at all to the purpose ; as belonging eyther to the point of praying for the dead onely , ( which in those ancient times had no relation to Purgatory ; as in the handling of the next article wee shall see ) or unto the fire of affliction in this life , or to the fire that shall burne the world at the last day , or to the fire prepared for the Divell and his Angells , or to some other fire then that which hee intended to kindle thereby . This benefite onely have wee here gotten by his labours : that hee hath saved us the paynes of seeking farre for the forge , from whence the first sparkles of that purging fire of his brake forth . For the ancientest memoriall that he bringeth thereof , ( the places which he hath abused out of the Canonical and Apocryphal scriptures onely excepted ) o is out of Plato in his Gorgias and Phaedo , Cicero in the end of his fiction of the dreame of Scipio , and Virgil in the sixth booke of his Aeneids : and next after the Apostles times , p out of Tertullian in the seventeenth chapter of his booke de Animâ , and Origen in diverse places . Onely hee must give us leave to put him in minde , with what spirit Tertullian was ledd , when hee wrote that book de Animâ : and with what authoritie hee strengtheneth that conceipt of mens paying in hell for their small faults before the resurrection , namely of q the Paraclete ; by whom if hee meane Montanus the arch - hereticke ( as there is small cause to doubt that he doth ) we need not much envy the Cardinal , for raising up so worshipfull a patron of his Purgatory . But if Montanus come short in his testimonie , Origen I am sure payes it home with full measure , not pressed down only and shaken together , but also running over . For he was one of those ( as the r Cardinall knoweth full well ) who approved of Purgatory so much , that he acknowledged no other paines after this life but purgatory penalties onely : and therefore in his iudgement Hell and Purgatorie being the selfe same thing , such as blindely follow the Cardinall may do well to look , that they stumble not upon Hell , while they seeke for Purgatorie . The Grecians professe , s that they are afrayde to tell their people of anie temporary fire after this life ; lest it should breed in them a spice of Origens disease , and put out of their memorie the thought of eternall punishment , and by this meanes occasioning them to be more carelesse of their conversation , make them indeed fit fuell for those everlasting flames . Which feare of theirs , wee may perceive not to have beene altogether causelesse ; when the Purgatorie of Origen resembleth the Purgatorie of the Pope so neerely , that the wisest of his Cardinalls is so readie to mistake the one for the other . And , to speake the truth , the one is but an unhappie sprigge cut off from the rotten trunck of the other : which sundry men long since endevoured to graffe upon other stockes , but could not bring unto anie great perfection ; untill the Popes followers tryed their skill upon it , with that successe which now we behold . Some of the ancient that put their hand to this worke , extended the benefite of this fiery purge unto all men in generall : others thought fit to restrain it unto such as some way or other bare the name of Christians , others to such Christians onely as had one time or other made profession of the Catholick faith , and others to such alone as did continue in that profession untill their dying day . Against all these S. Augustine doth learnedly dispute ; proving that wicked men , of what profession soever , shall be punished with everlasting perdition . And whereas the defenders of the last opinion did ground themselves upon that place in the third chapter of the first Epistle to the Corinthians , which the Pope also doth make the principall foundation of his Purgatory ( although it be a t probatory , and not a purgatory fire that the Apostle there treateth of ) S. Augustine maketh answere , that u this sentence of the Apostle is verie obscure , & to be reckoned among those things which S. Peter saith are hard to be understood in his writings , which men ought not to pervert unto their owne destruction : and freely x confesseth that in this matter he would rather heare more intelligent and more learned men then himselfe . Yet this he delivereth for his opinion : that by vvood , hay , and stubble is understood that over-great love which the faithfull beare to the things of this life ; and by fire , that temporall tribulation which causeth griefe unto them by the losse of those things upon which they had too much placed their affections . But y whether in this life onely ( saith he ) men suffer such things , or whether some such judgements also doe follow after this life ; the meaning which I have given of this sentence , as I suppose , abhorreth not from the truth . And againe . z Whether they finde the fire of transitorie tribulation ( burning those secular affections , which are pardoned from damnation ) in the other world onely , or vvhether here and there , or vvhether therefore here that they may not finde them there ; I gainsay it not , because peradventure it is true . And in another place . a That some such thing should be after this life , it is not incredible , and whether it be so it may be inquired , and either be found or remaine hidden ; that some of the faithfull by a certaine purgatory fire , by how much more or lesse they have loved these perishing goods , are so much the more slowly or sooner saved . Wherein the learned Father dealeth no otherwise , then when in disputing against the same men , he is content , if they would acknowledge that the wrath of God did remaine everlastingly upon the damned , to give them leave to thinke that their paines might some way or other be lightned or mitigated . Which yet notwithstanding ( saith b he ) I doe not therefore affirme , because I oppose it not . What the Doctors of the next succeeding ages taught herein , may appeare by the writings of S. Cyrill , Gennadius , Olympiodorus , and o●hers . S. Cyrill from those last words of our Saviour upon the Crosse , Father into thy hands I commend my spirit , c delivereth this as the certaine ground and foundation of our hope . Wee ought to beleeve that the soules of the Saints , when they are departed out of their bodies , are commended unto Gods goodnesse , as unto the hands of a most deare Father ; and doe not remaine in the earth ( as some of the unbeleevers have imagined ) untill they have had the honour of buriall ; neyther are carried , as the soules of the wicked be , unto a place of unmeasurable torment , that is , unto Hell : but rather flye to the hands of the Father , this way being first prepared for us by Christ. For hee delivered up his soule into the hands of his Father , that from it , and by it a beginning being made , we might have certaine hope of this thing : firmely beleeving , that after death we shall be in the hands of God , and shall live a farre better life for ever with Christ. for therefore Paul desired to be dissolved , and to be with Christ. Gennadius , in a booke wherein hee purposely taketh upon him to reckon up the particular points of doctrine received by the Church in his time , when he commeth to treat of the state of soules separated from the body , maketh no mention at all of Purgatorie ; but layeth down this for one of his positions . d After the ascension of our Lord into heaven , the soules of all the Saints are with Christ , and departing out of the bodie goe unto Christ , expecting the resurrection of their bodie , that together with it they may be changed unto perfect and perpetuall blessednesse : as the soules of the sinners also being placed in Hell under feare , expect the resurrection of their body , that with it they may be thrust unto everlasting paine . In like maner Olympiodorus , expounding that place of Ecclesiastes , e If the tree fall toward the South or toward the North , in the place where the tree falleth , there it shall be ; maketh this inference thereupon . f In whatsoever place therefore , either lightsome or darke , that is , either in the foule station of sinnes or in the honest of vertues , a man is taken when he dyeth , in that degree and order he remaineth for ever . For either hee resteth in the light of eternall felicitie with the just and with Christ our Lord , or is tormented in darkenesse with the wicked and with the Divell the prince of this world . The first whom we finde directly to have held , that g for certaine light faults there is a purgatory fire provided before the day of judgement ; was Gregory the first , about the end of the sixth age after the birth of our Saviour Christ. It was his imagination , that the end of the world was then at hand , and that h as when the night beginneth to be ended and the day to spring , before the rising of the Sunne the darkenesse is in some sort mingled together with the light , untill the remaines of the departing night be turned into the light of the following day ; so the end of this world was then intermingled with the beginning of the world to come , and the very darkenes of the remaines thereof made transparent by a certaine mixture of spirituall things . And this he assigneth for the reason , i why in those last times so many things were made cleare touching the soules , which before lay hid ; so that by open revelations and apparitions the world to come might seeme to bring in and open it selfe unto them . But as we see that he was plainly deceived in the one of his conceits ; so have we just cause to call into question the veritie of the other . the Scripture especially having informed us , that a people for enquiry of matters should not have recourse to k the dead , but to their God , to the Law and to the Testimony : it being not Gods manner , to send men l from the dead to instruct the living , but to remit them unto Moses and the Prophets , that they may heare them . And the reason is well worth the observation which the author of the Questions to Antiochus rendreth , why God would not permit the soule of any of those that departed from hence to returne backe unto us againe , and to declare the state of things in Hell unto us : least m much errour might arise from thence unto us in this life . For many of the Divels ( saith hee ) might transforme themselves into the shapes of those men that were deceased , and say that they vvere risen from the dead ; and so might spred many false matters & doctrines of the things there , unto our seduction and destruction . Neither is it to be passed over , that in those apparitions and revelations , related by Gregory , there is no mention made of any common lodge in Hell appointed for purging of the dead ( which is that which the Church of Rome now striveth for ) but of certaine soules only that for their punishment were confined to n bathes and other such places here upon earth ; which our Romanists may beleeve if they list , but must seeke for the Purgatorie they looke for somewhere else . And yet may they save themselves that labour , if they will be advised by the Bishops assembled in the Councell of Aquisgran ( 240. yeares after these visions were published by Gregory ) who will resolve them out of the word of God , how sinnes are punished in the world to come . o The sinnes of men ( say they ) are punished three maner of wayes : two in this life , and the third in the life to come . Of those two the Apostle saith : If we would judge our selves , we should not be judged of the Lord. This is the punishment , wherewith ( by the inspiration of God ) every sinner , by repenting for his offences , taketh revenge upon himselfe . But where the Apostle consequently adjoyneth ; When we are judged we are chastened of the Lord , that we should not be condemned with this world : this is the punishment , which almightie God doth mercifully inflict upon a sinner , according to that saying ; Whom God loveth , he chasteneth , and he scourgeth everie sonne that hee receiveth . But the third is very fearefull and terrible , which by the most just judgement of God shall be executed , not in this world but in that which is to come , vvhen the just Iudge shall say : Depart from me ye cursed into everlasting fire , which is prepared for the Divell and his angells . Adde hereunto the saying of the author of the booke De vanitate saeculi ( wrongly ascribed to S. Augustine : ) p Know , that when the soule is separated from the body , presently it is eyther placed in Paradise for his good merites , or cast headlong into the bottom of hell for his sinnes . and , that in the dayes of Otto Frisingensis himselfe ( who wrote in the year of our Lord MCXLVI . ) the doctrine of Purgatory was esteemed onely a private assertion held by some , and not an article of faith generally received by the whole Church . ( for why should hee else write of it in this maner ? q That there is in Hell a place of Purgatory , wherein such as are to be saved are either only troubled with darkenesse , or decocted with the fire of expiation , SOM● doe affirme . ) and lastly , that the Purgatorie wherewith the Romish clergie doth now delude the world , is a new devise , never heard of in the Church of God , for the space of a thousand yeares after the birth of our Saviour Christ. For the Gregorian Purgatorie , which reached no further then to the expiation of r small and very light faults , would not serve these mens turne ; who verie providently considered , that little use could be made of that fire , if it had no other fuell but this to maintaine it . For such peccadilloes as these ( they say ) may be taken away in this life s by knocking the breast , by receiving the Bishops blessing , by being sprinkled with holy water , and by such other easie remedies ; that if this were all the matter to be cared for , men needed not greatly to stand in feare of Purgatorie . Yea admit they should be so extremely negligent in their life time , that they forgat to use anie of these helpes : they might for all this at the time of their death be more afraid then hurt ; yea this t feare alone ( if there were nothing else ) might prove a meanes to purge their soules , at the very parting , from th●se faults of the lightest kinde ; if Gregory may be credited Nay , which is more , diverse of their owne u elder Divines ( to whom wee may adjoyne Cardinall x Caietan also in these later dayes ) have taught ; that all the remaines of sinne in Gods children are quite abolished by finall grace , at the verie instant of their dissolution ; so that the staine of the least sinne is not left behinde to be carried unto the other world . Now Purgatory ( as Bellarmine describeth it ) is a y certaine place , in which as in a prison those soules are ●urged after this life , which were not fully purged in this life ; that being so purged they may be able to enter in to heaven , wherein to no uncleane thing can enter . And of this , saith he , is all the controversie . If that be so : their own Doctors , you see , will quickly bring this controversie unto an end . For if the soules be fully purged here from all spot of sinne : what need have they to be sent unto anie other Purgatorie after this life ? Yes , say they , although the fault be quite remitted , and the soule clearely freed from the pollution thereof : yet may there remaine a temporall punishment due for the verie mortall sinnes that have beene committed ; which ( if reliefe doe not otherwise come , by the helpe of such as are alive ) must be soundly layd on in Purgatory . But why in Purgatory , say we ; seeing here there is no more purging worke left ? for the fault and the blot being taken away already ; what remaineth yet to be purged ? The punishment onely they say is left behinde : and punishment , I hope , they will not hold to be the thing that is purged away by punishment . Againe we desire them to tell us , what Father or ancient Doctor did ever teach this strange divinity ? that a man being cleerly purged from the blott of his sinne , and fully acquitted here from the fault thereof ; should yet in the other world be punished for it with such grievous torments as the tongue of man is not able to expresse . And yet , as new and as absurd a doctrine as it is , the Pope and his adherents have builded thereupon both their guilefull Purgatory ( with which it suteth as evill-favouredly as may be ) and their gainefull Indulgences ; which , by their own doctrine , z free not a man from the guilt of anie fault , either mortall or veniall , but onely from the guilt of the temporall punishment , which remayneth after the fault hath beene forgiven . When Thomas Aquinas & other Friars had brought the frame of this new building unto some perfection , and fashioned all things therein unto their owne best advantage : the Doctors of the Greeke Church did publickely oppose themselves against it . Matthaeus Quaestor by name wrote against Thomas herein : whose booke is still preserved in the Emperours Librarie at Vienna . So Athanasius his disputation against Purgatorie is ( or lately was ) to be seen in the French Kings Librarie : and the like of Germanus ( Patriarch of Constantinople ) and others , elsewhere . The Apologie of the Grecians touching the same subject , is commonly to be had : which was penned by a Marcus Eugenicus archbishop of Ephesus , and b presented to Cardinall Cusanus and the deputies of the Councell of Basil , in the yeare MCCCCXXXVIII . the 14 of Iune ; c the verie same day , wherein Bessarion Archbishop of Nice disputed with the Latines of the same matter in the Councell assembled at Ferraria . In that Apologie , the Grecians begin their disputation with this proposition . d A purgatory fire , and a punishment by fire which is temporall and shall at last have an end ; neyther have we received from our Doctors , neyther doe we know that the Church of the East doth maintaine . They adde further . e Neither have we received it from any of our Doctors , and moreover no small feare doth trouble us , least by admitting a temporary fire both penall and purgatory , wee should destroy the full consent of the Church . And thereupon they conclude verie peremptorily . f For these reasons therefore , neyther have we ever hitherto affirmed any such thing , neither will we at all affirme it . Yet within a yeare after , the Pope and his ministers prevailed so farre with them in the Councell at Florence , that they were content for peace sake to yeeld , that g the middle sort of soules were in a place of punishment ; but whether that were fire , or darkenesse and tempest , or something else , they would not contend . And accordingly was the pretented Vnion betwixt them and the Latines drawne up : that , h if such as be truely penitent dye in Gods favour , before they have satisfied for their sinnes of commission and omission by worthy fruits of penance , their soules are purged after death with purgatory punishments ; neither fire , nor anie other kinde of punishment being specified in particular . But neyther would Marcus the Bishop of Ephesus ( who was one of the Legates of the Patriarches of Antioch and of Ierusalem ) consent to this union : neither could the Greeke Church afterwards by anie meanes be drawne to yeeld unto it . And so unto this day , the Romish Purgatorie is rejected as well by the Grecians , as by the Muscovites and Russians , the Cophtites and Abassines , the Georgians and Armenians , together with the Syrians and Chaldaeans that are subject to the Patriarches of Antioch and Babylon , from Cyprus and Palaestina unto the East Indies . And this may suffice for the discoverie of this new-found creeke of Purgatorie . OF PRAYER FOR THE DEAD . PRayer for the dead , as it is used in the Church of Rome , doth necessarily suppose Purgatorie : and therefore whatsoever hath beene alledged out of the Scriptures and Fathers against the one , doth stand in full force against the other . so that here wee need not actum agere , and make a new worke of overthrowing that , which hath beene sufficiently beaten down alreadie . But on the other side , the admittall of Purgatorie doth not necessarily inferre Prayer for the dead : nay , if we shall suppose ( with our Adversaries ) that Purgatorie is the prison , from whence none shall come out , untill they have payde the utmost farthing ; their owne paying , and not other mens praying , must be the thing they are to trust unto , if ever they looke to be delivered out of that jayle . Our Romanists indeed doe commonly take it for granted , that b Purgatory and prayer for the dead be so closely lincked together , that the one doth necessarily follow the other : but in so doing , they reckon without their hoste , and greatly mistake the matter . For howsoever they may deale with their owne devises as they please , and lincke their Prayers with their Purgatorie as closely as they list : yet shall they never be able to shew , that the commemoration and prayers for the dead , used by the ancient Church , had anie relation unto their Purgatorie ; and therefore whatsoever they were , Popish prayers we are sure they were not . I easily foresee , that the full opening of the judgement of the Fathers in this point , will hardly stand with that brevitie which I intended to use in treating of these latter questions : the particulars be so manie , that necessarily doe incurre into the handling of this argument . But I suppose the Reader will be content rather to dispense with that promise , whereby I did abbridge my selfe of the libertie which otherwise I might freely have taken : than be sent away unsatisfied in a matter , wherein the Adversarie beareth himselfe confident beyond measure , that the whole streame of antiquity runneth clearly upon his side . That the truth then of things may the better appeare : we are here prudently to distinguish the originall institution of the Church , from the private opinions of particular Doctors which waded further herein then the generall intendment of the Church did give them warrant ; and diligently to consider , that the memorialls , oblations and prayers made for the dead at the beginning , had reference to such as rested from their labours , and not unto anie soules which were thought to be tormented in that Vtopian Purgatorie , whereof there was no newes stirring in those dayes . This may be gathered , first , by the practise of the ancient Christians , laide down by the author of the Commentaries upon Iob , ( which are wrongly ascribed unto Origen ) in this maner . c Wee observe the memorialls of the Saints , and devoutly keepe the remembrance of our parents or friends which dye in the faith ; as well rejoycing for their refreshing , as requesting also for our selves a godly consummation in the faith . Thus therefore doe we celebrate the death , not the day of the birth : because they which dye , shall live for ever . and we celebrate it , calling together religious persons with the Priests , the faithfull with the Clergie ; inviting moreover the needy and the poore , feeding the orphanes and widowes : that our festivity may be for a memoriall of rest to the soules departed whose remembrance we celebrate , and to us may become a sweet savour in the sight of the eternall God. Secondly , by that which S. Cyprian writeth of Laurentinus and Ignatius : whom he acknowledgeth to have received of the Lord palmes and crownes for their famous martyrdome , and yet presently addeth . d Wee offer sacrifices alwayes for them , when we celebrate the passions and dayes of the martyrs with an anniversarie commemoration . Thirdly , by that which we reade in the author of the Ecclesiasticall Hierarchy , set out under the name of Dionysius the Areopagite . For where the partie deceased is described by him to have departed out of this life e replenished with divine joy , as now not fearing any change to worse , being come unto the end of all his labours ; and to have been both privately acknowledged by his friends , and publickly pronounced by the ministers of the Church to be a happy man , and to be verily admitted into the f societie of the Saincts that have beene from the beginning of the world : yet doth he declare , that the Bishop made prayer for him , ( upon what ground we shall afterward heare ) that g God would forgive him all the sinnes that he had committed through humane infirmitie , and bring him into the light and the land of the living , into the bosomes of Abraham , Isaac and Iacob , into the place from whence paine and sorrow and sighing flyeth . Fourthly , by the funerall ordinances of the Church , related by S. Chrysostome : which were appointed to admonish the living , that the parties deceased were in a state of joy and not of griefe . h For tell me ( saith he ) what doe the bright lampes meane ? doe wee not accompany them therewith as champions ? What meane the Hymnes ? i Consider what thou dost sing at that time . Returne my soule unto thy rest ; for the Lord hath dealt bountifully with thee . and againe : I will feare no evill , because thou art with me . and againe : Thou art my refuge from the affliction that compasseth me . Consider what these Psalmes meane . Fiftly , by the formes of the prayers that are found in the ancient Liturgies . as in that of the Churches of Syria , attributed unto S. Basil : k Be mindefull , O Lord , of them which are dead , and are departed out of this life , and of the orthodoxe Bishops which from Peter and Iames the Apostles untill this day have clearely professed the right word of Faith ; and namely , of Ignatius , Dionysius , Iulius , and the rest of the Saincts of worthy memory . Be mindfull , O Lord , of them also which have stood unto blood for Religion , and by righteousnesse and holinesse have fedd thy holy Flock . and in the Liturgie fathered upon the Apostles : l We offer unto thee for all the Saints vvhich have pleased thee from the beginning of the world , Patriarches , Prophets , Iust men , Apostles , Martyrs , Confessors , Bishops , Priests , Deacons , &c. and in the Liturgies of the Churches of Aegypt , which carry the title of S. Basil , Gregory Nazianzen , and Cyrill of Alexandria . m Bee mindfull , O Lord , of thy Saints : vouchsafe to remember all thy Saints , which have pleased thee from the beginning , our holy Fathers , the Patriarches , Prophets , Apostles , Martyrs , Confessors , Preachers , Evangelists , and all the soules of the just , which have dyed in the faith : and especially , the holy , glorious , the evermore Virgin , Mary the mother of God ; and S. Iohn the forerunner , the Baptist and Martyr ; S. Stephen the first Deacon and Martyr ; S. Marke the Apostle , Evangelist and Martyr ; &c. and in the Liturgie of the Church of Constantinople , ascribed to S. Chrysostom : n We offer unto thee this reasonable service , for those who are at rest in the faith , our Forefathers , Fathers , Patriarches , Prophets , and Apostles , Preachers , Evangelists , Martyrs , Confessors , religious persons , and every spirit perfected in the faith . but especially for our most holy , immaculate , most blessed Lady , the mother of God and aye-virgin Mary . which kinde of oblation for the Saincts sounding somewhat harshly in the eares of the Latines , Leo Thuscus in his translation thought best to expresse it to their better liking after this maner . o We offer unto thee this reasonable service for the faithfully deceased , for our fathers and fore-fathers ; the Patriarches , Prophets , Apostles , Martyrs , Confessors , and all the Saints interceding for them . As if the phrase of p offering for the Martyrs , were not to be found in S. Chrysostoms own workes : and more universally q for the just , both the Fathers , and the Patriarches , the Prophets and Apostles , and Evangelists and Martyrs and Confessors , the Bishops and such as ledd a solitarie life , and the whole order ; in the suffrages of the Church , rehearsed by Epiphanius . yea and in the Western Church it selfe : r for the spirits of those that are at rest , Hilary , Athanasius , Martin , Ambrose , Augustin , Fulgentius , Leander , Isidorus , &c. as may be seene in the Muzarabicall Office used in Spaine . Sixthly , this may be confirmed out of the funerall orations of S. Ambrose : in one whereof , touching the Emperour Valentinian and his brother Gratian , thus he speaketh . s Let us beleeve that Valentinian is ascended from the desert , that is to say , from this dry and unmanured place unto those flowry delights ; where being conjoyned with his brother , hee enjoyeth the pleasure of everlasting life . Blessed are you both : if my orizons shall prevayle anie thing ; no day shall overslip you in silence . no oration of mine shall passe you over unhonoured . no night shall runne by , wherein I will not bestow upon you some portion of my prayers . With all oblations will I frequent you . In another , he prayeth thus unto God : t Give rest unto thy perfect servant Theodosius , that rest which thou hast prepared for thy Saints . and yet hee had said before of him : u Theodosius of honourable memory being freed from doubtfull fight , doth now enjoy everlasting light and continuall tranquillitie ; and for the things which he did in this bodie , he rejoyceth in the fruits of Gods reward : because he loved the Lord his God , he hath obtayned the societie of the Saints . and afterward also . x Theodosius remaineth in light , and glorieth in the companie of the Saints . In a third , he prayeth thus for his brother Satyrus : y Almightie God , I now commend unto thee his harmelesse soule , to thee doe I make my oblation ; accept mercifully and gratiously the office of a brother , the sacrifice of a Priest. although he had directly pronounced of him before , that z he had entred into the kingdome of heaven , because he beleeved the word of God , and excelled in manie notable vertues . Lastly , in one of his Epistles he comforteth Faustinus for the death of his sister , after this maner . a Doe not the carkases of so many halfe-ruined cities , and the funeralls of so much land exposed under one view , admonish thee ; that the departure of one woman , although a holy and an admirable one , should be born with greater consolation ? especially seeing they are cast down and overthrowen for ever ; but she , being taken from us but for a time , doth passe a better life there . I therefore thinke , that she is not so much to be lamented , as to be followed with prayers : and am of the minde , that she is not to be made sadde with thy teares , but rather that her soule should be commended with oblations unto the Lord. Thus farre S. Ambrose . Unto whom we may adjoyne Gregory Nazianzen also : who in his funerall oration that he made upon his brother Caesarius , having acknowledged that he had b received those honours that did befit a new created soule , which the Spirit had reformed by water ( for he had beene but lately baptized before his departure out of this life ) doth notwithstanding pray , c that the Lord would be pleased to receive him . Diverse instances of the like practise in the ages following , I have produced in another d place : to which I will adde some few more , to the end that the Reader may from thence observe , how long the primitive institution of the Church did hold up head among the tares that grew up with it , and in the end did quite choake and extinguish it . Our English Saxons had learned of Gregory to pray for reliefe of those soules that were supposed to suffer paine in Purgatorie : and yet the introducing of that noveltie was not able to justle out the ancient usage of making prayers and oblations for them which were not doubted to have beene at rest in Gods kingdome . And therefore the brethren of the Church of Hexham , in the anniversarie commemoration of the obite of Oswald King of Northumberland , used e to keep their Vigiles for the health of his soule , and having spent the night in praysing of God with psalmes , to offer for him in the morning the sacrifice of the sacred oblation , as Beda writeth : who telleth us yet withall , that f he raigned with God in heaven , and by his praye●s procured manie miracles to be wrought on earth . So likewise doth the same Bede g report , that when it was discovered by two severall visions , that Hilda the Abbesse of Streansheale ( or Whitby in Yorkeshire ) was carried up by the Angels into heaven ; they which heard thereof presently caused prayers to be said for her soule . And Osberne relateth the like of Dunstan : that being at Bathe , and h beholding in such another vision the soule of one that had been his scholer at Glastenbury , to be carried up into the palace of heaven ; he straightway commended the same into the hands of the divine pie●ie , and intreated the lords of the place where he was to do so likewise . Other narrations of the same kind may be found among them that have written of Saincts lives : & particularly in the Tome published by Mosander , pag. 69. touching the decease of Bathildis Queen of France ; & pa. 25. concerning the departure of Godfry Earle of Cappenberg . who is said there to have appeared unto a certain Abbess , called Gerbergis , & to have acquainted her , i that he was now without all delay , & without all danger of any more severe triall , gone unto the palace of the highest King , and as the sonne of the immortall King was cloathed with blessed immortalitie . & the Monk that writ the Legend addeth , that k shee presently thereupon caused the sacrifice of the Masse to be offered for him . which how fabulous soever it may be for the matter of the vision , yet doth it strongly prove , that within these 500. years ( for no longer since it is , that this is accounted to have bene done ) the use of offering for the soules of those that were beleeved to be in heaven was still retayned in the Church . The letters of Charles the great unto Offa King of Mercia are yet extant ; wherein hee l wisheth that intercessions should be made for Pope Adrian then lately deceased : not having any doubt at all ( saith hee ) but that his blessed soule is at rest ; but that we may shew our faithfulnesse and love unto our most deare friend . Lastly , Pope Innocent the third ( or the second rather ) being inquired of by the Bishop of Cremona , concerning the state of a certaine Priest that dyed without Baptisme : resolveth him out of S. Augustine and S. Ambrose , that m because he continued in the faith of the holy mother the Church and the confession of the name of Christ ; he was assoyled from originall sinne , and had attayned the joy of the heavenly country . Upon which ground at last he maketh this conclusion : n Ceasing therefore all questions , hold the sentences of the learned Fathers ; and command continuall prayers and sacrifices to bee offered unto God in thy Church for the foresaid Priest. Now having thus declared , unto what kinde of persons the Commemorations ordained by the ancient Church did extend : the next thing that commeth to consideration is , what we are to conceive of the primarie intention of those prayers that were appointed to be made therein . And here we are to understand , that first prayers of Praise and Thankesgiving were presented unto God for the blessed estate that the partie deceased was now entred upon : whereunto were afterwards added prayers of Deprecation and Petition , that God would be pleased to forgive him his sinnes , to keep him from Hell , and to place him in the kingdome of Heaven . which kinde of intercessions , howsoever at first they were well meant ( as we shall heare ) yet in processe of time they proved an occasion of confirming men in diverse errors ; especially when they beganne once to be applyed not onely to the good but to evill livers also , unto whom by the first institution they never were intended . The terme of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a thankesgiving prayer , I borrow from the writer of the Ecclesiasticall Hierarchy : who in the description of the funerall observances used of old in the Church , informeth us , first , that the friends of the dead o accounted him to be ( as he was ) blessed , because that according to his wish he had obtained a victorious end : and thereupon sent forth Hymnes of thankesgiving to the authour of that victory ; desiring withall , that they themselves might come unto the like end . and then that p the Bishop likewise offered up a prayer of thankesgiving unto God ; when the dead was afterward q brought unto him , to receive as it were at his hands a sacred coronation . Thus at the funerall of Fabiola , the praysing of God by singing r of Psalmes , and resounding of Alleluia , is specially mentioned by S. Hierom : and the generall practise and intention of the Church therein is expressed and earnestly urged by S. Chrysostom in this maner . s Do not we prayse God , and give thankes unto him for that he hath now crowned him that is departed , for that he hath freed him from his labours , for that quitting him from feare he keepeth him with himselfe ? Are not the Hymnes for this end ? Is not the singing of Psalmes for this purpose ? All these be tokens of rejoycing . Whereupon hee thus presseth them that used immoderate mourning for their dead . t Thou sayest ; Returne , O my soule , unto thy rest , for the Lord hath dealt bountifully with thee : and dost thou weepe ? Is not this a stage-play , is it not meere simulation ? For if thou dost indeed beleeve the things that thou sayest , thou lamentest idely : but if thou playest , and dissemblest , and thinkest these things to be fables ; why doest thou then sing ? why doest thou suffer those things that are done ? Wherefore doest thou not drive away them that sing ? and in the end hee concludeth somewhat prophetically ; that he u very much feared , lest by this meanes some grievous disease should creepe in upon the Church . Whether the doctrine now maintayned in the Church of Rome , that the children of God presently after their departure out of this life , are cast into a lake that burneth with fire and brimstone , be not a spice of this disease , and whether their practise in chanting of Psalmes ( appointed for the expression of joy & thankfulnesse ) over them whom they esteeme to be torme●ted in so lamentable a fashion , be not a part of that scene and pageant at which S. Chrysostom doth so take on : I leave it unto others to judge . That his feare was not altogether vaine , the event it selfe doth shew . For howsoever in his dayes , the fire of the Romish Purgatorie was not as yet kindled : yet were there certain sticks then a gathering , which ministred fuell afterwards unto that flame . Good S. Augustin , ( who lived three and twentie years after S. Chrysostoms death ) declared himselfe to be of this minde : that the x oblations and almes usually offered in the Church for all the dead that received baptisme , were thankesgivings for such as were very good , propitiations for such as were not very bad ; but as for such as were very evill , although they were no helpes of the dead , yet were they some kinde of consolations of the living . And although this were but a private exposition of the Churches meaning in her prayers and oblations for the dead ; and the opinion of a Doctor too , that did not hold Purgatorie to be anie article of his Creed : yet did the Romanists in times following greedily take hold of this , and make it the maine foundation upon which they laid the hay and stubble of their devised Purgatorie . A private exposition I call this : not onely because it is not to be found in the writings of the former Fathers , but also because it suteth not well with the generall practise of the Church which it intendeth to interpret . It may indeed fit in some sort that part of the Church-service , wherein there was made a severall commemoration , first of the Patriarches , Prophets , Apostles and Martyrs , after one maner ; and then of the other dead , after another : which , together with the conceit that y an injury was offered to a Martyr , by praying for him , was it that first occasioned S. z Augustin to thinke of the former distinction . But in the a supplications for the spirits of the dead , which the Church under a generall commemoration was accustomed to make for all that we●e deceased in the Christian and Catholicke communion : to imagine , that one and the same act of praying should be a petition for some , and for others a thankesgiving only , is somwhat too harsh an interpretation . especially where we finde it propounded by way of petition , and the intention thereof directly expressed . as in the Greek Liturgie , attributed to S. Iames , the brother of our Lord : b Be mindfull ( O Lord God of the spirits and of all flesh ) of such as vve have remembred and such as we have not remembred , being of right beleefe , from Abel the just untill this present day . Do thou cause them to rest in the land of the living , in thy kingdome , in the delight of Paradise , in the bosoms of Abrahā and Isaac & Iacob , our holy fathers : whence griefe & sorrow & sighing are fledd , where the light of thy countenance doth visit them and shine for ever . and in the Offices compiled by Alcuinus : c O Lord , holy Father , almightie and everlasting God , we humbly make request unto thee for the spirits of thy servants and handmaydes , vvhich from the beginning of this world thou hast called unto thee : that thou wouldest vouchsafe , O Lord , to give unto them a lightsome place , a place of refreshing and ease ; and that they may passe by the gates of hell , and the vvayes of darkenesse , and may abide in the mansions of the Saincts , and in the holy light which thou didst promise of old unto Abraham and his seed . So the Commemoration of the faithfull departed , retained as yet in the Romane Missall , is begun with this orizon : d Eternall rest grant unto them , O Lord : and let everlasting light shine unto them . Whereunto we may adde these two prayers ( to omit a great number more of the like kinde ) used of old in the same Church . e Receive , O holy Trinitie , this oblation , vvhich vve offer unto thee for all that are departed in the confession of thy name : that thou reaching unto them the right hand of thy helpe , they may have the rest of everlasting life ; and being separated from the punishments of the wicked , they may alwayes persevere in the joy of thy praise . and , f This oblation , which we humbly offer unto thee for the commemoration of the soules that sleepe in peace , we beseech thee , O Lord , receive graciously ; and of thy goodnesse grant , that both the affection of this pietie may profite us , and obtaine for them everlasting blisse . Where you may observe , that the soules unto which everlasting blisse was wished for , were yet acknowledged to rest in peace , & consequently not to be disquieted with anie Purgatorie torment . even as in the Canon of the Masse it selfe , the Priest in the Commemoration for the dead praieth thus : g Remember , O Lord , thy servants and handmaydes , vvhich have gone before us with the ensigne of faith , and sleepe in the sleepe of peace . To them , O Lord , and to all that are at rest in Christ , we beseech thee that thou wouldest graunt a place of refreshing , light , and peace . Nay the Armenians in their Liturgie , intreat God to h give eternall peace , not only in generall unto all that have gone before us in the faith of Christ ; but also in particular to the Patriarches , Apostles , Prophets , and Martyrs . which maketh directly for the opinion of those ( against whom i Nicolaus Cabasilas doth dispute ) who held , that these Commemorations contayned a supplication for the Sainctes unto God , and not a thankesgiving only . as also doe those formes of prayer which were used in the Roman Liturgie in the dayes of Pope Innocent the third : k Let such an oblation profit such or such a Sainct unto glory . and especially that for S. Leo , which is found in the elder copies of the Gregorian Sacramentarie . l Grant unto us , O Lord , that this oblation may profit the soule of thy servant Leo. for which the later bookes have chopt in this prayer : m Grant unto us , O Lord , that by the intercession of thy servant Leo this oblation may profit us . Concerning which alteration , when the archbishop of Lyons propounded such another question unto Pope Innocent , as our Challenger at the beginning did unto us ; n vvho it was that did change it , or when it was changed , or why ? the Pope returneth him for answer : o that who did change it , or when it was changed , he was ignorant of ; yet he knew , upon what occasion it was changed . because that , where the authoritie of the Holy Scripture doth say , that he doth injurie unto a Martyr who prayeth for a Martyr , which is a new text of holy Scripture , of the Popes owne canonization ) the same by the like reason is to be held of other Saincts . The Glosse upon this Decretall layeth down the reason of this mutation a little more roundly : p Of old they prayed for him , now at this day hee prayeth for us ; and so vvas the change made . And q Alphonsus Mendoza telleth us , that the old prayer was deservedly disused , and this other substituted in the roome thereof : Grant unto us , we beseech thee O Lord , that by the intercession of thy servant Leo this oblation may profit us . which prayer indeed was to be found heretofore in modernioribus Sacramentarijs ( as Pope Innocent speaketh ) and in the Roman Missalls that were published before the Councell of Trent ( as namely in that which was printed at Paris , an . 1529. ) but in the new reformed Missall ( wherwith , it seemeth , Mendoza was not so well acquainted as with his Scholasticall controversies ) it is put out againe , and another prayer for Leo put in ; that by the celebration of those offices of atonement , a blessed retribution might accompanie him . Neither is there anie more wrong done unto S. Leo , in praying for him after this maner , then unto all the rest of his fellowes in that other prayer of the Romane Liturgie : s We have received , O Lord , the divine mysteries ; which as they doe profit thy Saints unto glory , so we do beseech thee that they may profit us for our healing , and nothing so much as is done unto all the faithfull deceased , when in their Masses for the dead they say daily : t Lord Iesus Christ , king of glory , deliver the soules of all the faithfull that are departed , from the paines of Hell , and from the deepe lake ; deliver them from the mouth of the Lion , that Hell do not swallow them up , that they fall not into darkenesse . So that whatsoever commodious expositions our Adversaries can bring for the justifying of the Romane service : the same may wee make use of , to shew , that the ancient Church might pray for the dead , and yet in so doing have no relation at all unto Purgatorie ; yea and pray for the Martyrs and other Saincts that were in the state of blisse , without offering unto them anie injurie thereby . For the clearing of the meaning of those prayers which are made for Leo , and the other Saincts , to the two expositiōs brought in by Pope Innocent , Cardinall Bellarmine addeth this for a third ; u that peradventure therin the glory of the body is petitioned for , which they shal have in the day of the Resurrectiō . For although ( saith he ) they shal certainly obtain that glory , & it be due unto their merits ; yet it is not absurd to desire & aske this for them , that by more meanes it may be due unto them . Where , laying aside those unsavourie termes of debt and merits ( whereof we shall have occasion to treate in their proper place ) the answer is otherwise true in part , but not full enough to give satisfaction unto that which was objected . For the primary intention of the Church indeed , in her prayers for the dead , had reference unto the day of the Resurrection : which also in diverse places we finde to have beene expressely prayed for . as in the Aegyptian Liturgie , attributed unto S. Cyrill Bishop of Alexandria . x Raise up their bodies , in the day which thou hast appointed , according to thy promises which are true and cannot lye : graunt unto them , according to thy promises , that vvhich eye hath not seene , and eare hath not heard , and which hath not ascended into the heart of man ; which thou hast prepared , O Lord , for them that love thy holy name : that thy servants may not remaine in death , but may get out from thence ; although slouthfulnesse and negligence have followed them . and in that which is used by the Christians of S. Thomas ( as they are commonly called ) in the East Indies : y Let the holy Gh●st give resurrection to your dead at the last day ; and make them vvorthy of the incorruptible kingdome . Such is the prayer of S. Ambrose for Gratian and Valentinian the Emperours : z I doe beseech thee , most high God , that thou wouldest rayse up againe those deare yong men with a speedie resurrection ; that thou mayest recompence this untimely course of this present life vvith a timely resurrection . and that in Alcuinus : a Let their soules sustaine no hurt ; but when that great day of the resurrection and remuneration shall come , vouchsafe to raise them up , O Lord , together with thy Saincts and thine elect . and that in Grimoldus his Sacramentarie : b Almightie and everlasting God , vouchsafe to place the body and the soule and the spirit of thy servant N. in the bosomes of Abraham , Isaac , and Iacob ; that vvhen the day of thy acknowledgement shall come , thou mayest command them to be raysed up among thy Saincts and thine elect . But yet the Cardinalls answer , that the glorie of the body may be prayed for , which the Saincts shall have at the day of the Resurrection , commeth somewhat short of that which the Church used to request in the behalfe of S. Leo. For in that prayer expresse mention is made of his soule : and to it is wished that profit may redound by the present oblation . And therefore this defect must be supplyed out of his answer unto that other praier which is m●de for the soules of the faithfull depa●ted , that they may be delivered out of the mouth of the Lion , and that Hell may not swallow them up . To this he saith ; that c the Church doth pray for these soules , that they may not be condemned unto the everlasting paines of Hell : not as if it were not certain , that they should not be condemned unto those paines , but because it is Gods pleasure that we should pray , even for those things which we are certainly to receive . The same answer did Alphonsus de Castro give before him : that d very often those things are prayed for , which are certainely knowne shall come to passe as they are prayed for ; and that of this there be very manie testimonies . and Iohannes Medina : that e God d●lighteth to be prayed unto , even for those things , which otherwise he purposed to do . For God had decreed ( saith he ) after the sinne of Adam to take our flesh , and he decreed the time , wherein he meant to come : and yet the prayers of the Saincts , that prayed for his Incarnation and for his comming , were acceptable unto him . God hath also decreed to grant pardon unto every repentant sinner : and yet the prayer is gratefull unto him , wherein eyther the penitent doth pray for himselfe , or another for him , that God would be pleased to accept his repentance . God hath decreed also and promised , not to forsake his Church , and to be present with Councells lawfully assembled : yet the prayer notwithstanding is gratefull unto God , and the hymnes , vvhereby his presence , and favour , and grace , is implored both for the Councell & the Church . And whereas it might be obiected , that howsoever the Church may sometimes pray for those things which shee shall certainly receive , yet shee doth not pray for those things which shee hath alreadie received ; and this shee hath received , that those soules shall not be damned , seeing they have received their sentence , and are most secure from damnation : the Cardinall replieth , that this obiection may easily be avoyded . f For although those soules ( saith he ) have received already their first sentence in the particular judgement , and by that sentence are freed from Hell : yet doth there yet remaine the generall judgement , in which they are to receive the second sentence . Wherefore the Church praying , that those soules in the last judgement may not fall into darkenesse , nor be swallowed up of Hel , doth not pray for the thing which the soule hath , but which it shall receive . Thus these men , labouring to shew how the prayers for the dead used in their Church may stand with their conceits of Purgatorie , doe thereby informe us how the prayers for the dead , used by the ancient Church , may stand well enough without the supposall of anie Purgatorie at all . For if we may pray for those things which wee are most sure shall come to passe ; and the Church , by the Adversaries owne confession , did pray accordingly , that the soules of the faithfull might escape the paines of Hell at the generall Iudgement , notwithstanding they had certainly beene freed from them alreadie by the sentence of the particular Iudgement : by the same reason , when the Church in times past besought God to g remember all those that slept in the hope of the resurrection of everlasting life ( which is the forme of prayer used in the Greeke Liturgies ) and to give unto them rest , and to bring them unto the place where the light of his countenance should shine upon them for evermore ; why should not we thinke , that it desired these things should be granted unto them by the last sentence at the day of the Resurrection , notwithstanding they were formerly adiudged unto them by the particular sentence at the time of their dissolution ? For as h that which shall befall unto all at the day of judgement , is accomplished in every one at the day of his death : so on the other side , whatsoever befalleth the soule of everie one at the day of his death , the same is fully accomplished upon the whole man at the day of the generall iudgement . Whereupon wee finde , that the Scriptures everie where doe point out that great day unto us , as the time wherein mercie and forgivenesse , rest and refreshing , ioy and gladnesse , redemption and salvation , rewards and crownes shall be bestowed upon all Gods children , as in 2. Timoth. 1.16 , 18. The Lord give mercie unto the house of Onesiphorus : the Lord grant unto him , that he may finde mercie of the Lord in that day . 1. Cor. 1.8 . Who shall also confirme you unto the end , that ye may be blamelesse in the day of our Lord Iesus Christ. Act. 3.19 . Repent ye therefore , and be converted , that your sinnes may be blotted out , when the times of refreshing shall come from the presence of the Lord. 2. Thessal . 1.6 , 7. It is a righteous thing with God , to recompense unto you which are troubled , rest with us , when the Lord Iesus shal be revealed from heaven , with his mightie Angells . Philip. 2.16 . That I may rejoyce in the day of Christ , that I have not runne in vaine , neyther labou●ed in vaine . 1. Thessal . 2.19 . For what is our hope , or joy , or crowne of rejoycing ? are not even yee in the presence of our Lord Iesus Christ at his comming ? 1. Pet. 1. ● . Who are kept by the power of God through faith unto salvation , readie to be revealed in the last time . 1. Corinth . 5.5 . That the spirit may be saved in the day of the Lord I●sus . Ephes. 4.30 . Grieve not the holy spirit of God , whereby yee are sealed unto the day of redemption . Luk. 21.28 . When these things beginne to come to passe , then looke up , and lift up your heads , for your redemption draweth nigh . 2. Timoth. 4.8 . Henceforth there is laid up for me a crown of righ●eousnesse , which the Lord the righteous judge shall give me at that day . and Luk. 14.14 . Thou shalt be recompensed at the resurrection of the just . And that the Church in her Offices for the dead had speciall respect unto this time of the Resurrection : appeareth plainly , both by the portions of Scripture appointed to be read therein , and by diverse particulars in the prayers themselves that manifestly discover this intention . For there i the ministers ( as the writer of the Ecclesiasticall Hierarchy reporteth ) read those undoubted promises vvhich are recorded in the divine Scriptures of our holy Resurrectiō : and then devoutly sang such of the sacred Psalmes as were of the same subject and argument . And so accordingly in the Romane Missall , the lessons ordained to be read for that time , are taken from 1. Corinth . 15. Behold I tell you a mysterie . Wee shall all rise againe , &c. Ioh. 5. The houre commeth wherein all that are in the graves shall heare his voyce , and they that have done good shall come forth unto the resurrection of life , &c. 1. Thessal . 4. Brethren , we would not have you ignorant concerning them that sleepe , that yee sorrow not , as others which have no hope . Ioh. 11. I am the resurrection and the life : he that beleeveth in me , although he were dead , shall live . 2. Maccab. 12. Iudas caused a sacrifice to be offered for the sinnes of the dead , justly and religiously thinking of the Resurrection . Ioh. 6. This is the will of my Father that sent me ; that every one that seeth the Sonne , and beleeveth in him , may have life everlasting : and I will raise him up at the last day . and , He that eateth my flesh , and drinketh my blood , hath life everlasting : and I will raise him up at the last day . and lastly , Apocal. 14. I heard a voyce from heaven , saying unto me : Write , Blessed are the dead which dye in the Lord , from henceforth now , saith the Spirit , that they may rest from their labours ; for their workes follow them . Wherewith the Sequence also doth agree , beginning k Dies irae , dies illa , Solvet saeclum in favillâ : Teste David cum Sibyllâ . and ending ; Lacrymosa dies illa , Quâ resurget ex favillâ Iudicandus homo reus . Huic ergo parce Deus . Pie Iesu Domine , Dona eis requiem . Tertullian in his booke de Monogamiâ ( which hee wrote after hee had beene infected with the heresie of the Montanists ) speaking of the prayer of a widow for the soule of her deceased husband , saith that l she requesteth refreshing for him , and a portion in the first resurrection . Which seemeth to have some tang of the error of the Millenaries ( whereunto not m Tertullian onely with his n Prophet Montanus , but o Nepos also , and p Lactantius , and diverse other Doctors of the Church did fall ) who misunderstanding the prophecie in the 20. of the Revelation , imagined that there should be a first resurrection of the just that should raigne here a thousand yeares upon earth , and after that a second resurrection of the wicked , at the day of the general judgement . Yet in a certaine Gotthicke Missall I meet with two severall exhortations made unto the people , to pray after the selfe same forme . the one , that God would q vouchsafe to place in the bosome of Abraham the soules of those that be at rest , and admit them unto the part of the first resurrectiō : the other ( which I find elsewhere also repeated in particular ) that r he would place in rest , the spirits of their friends which were gone before them in the Lords peace , and rayse them up in the part of the first resurrection . Which how it may be excused otherwise then by saying , that at the generall resurrection s the dead in Christ shall rise fi●st , and then the wicked shall be raysed after them ; and by referring the first resurrection unto the t resurrection of the just which shall be at that day : I cannot well resolve . For certaine it is , that the first r●surrection spoken of in the 20. chapter of the Revelation of S. Iohn , is the resu●rection of the soule from the death of sinne and error in this world ; as the second is the resurrection of the bodie , out of the dust of the earth , in the world to come . both whi●h be distinctly layd down by our Saviour in the fift chapter of the Gospell of S. Iohn : the first in the 25. verse ; The houre is comming , and now is , when the dead shall heare the voyce of the Sonne of God , and they that heare shall live . the second in the 28. and 29. Marveile not at this : for the houre is comming , in which all that are in the graves shall heare his voyce , and shall come forth , they that have done good unto the resurrection of life , and they that have done evill unto the resurrection of damnation : And to this generall resurrection and to the judgement of the last day , had the Church relation in her prayers : some patternes whereof it will not be amisse to exhibit here , in these examples following ▪ u Although the condition of death brought in upon mankinde doth make our hearts and mindes heavy : yet by the gift of thy clemencie we are raised up with the hope of future immortalitie ; and being mindfull of eternall salvation , are not afraid to sustaine the losse of this light . For by the benefite of thy grace life is not taken away to the faithful , but changed : and the soules being freed from the prison of the body , abhorre things mortall , when they attaine unto things eternall . Wherefore we beseech thee , that thy servant N. being placed in the tabernacles of the blessed , may rejoyce that he hath escaped the straytes of the flesh , and in the desire of glorification expect with confidence the day of Iudgement . x Through Iesus Christ our Lord. whose holy passion we celebrate without doubt for immortall and well resting soules : for them especially , upon whom thou hast bestowed the grace of the second birth ; who by the example of the same Iesus Christ our Lord have begunne to be secure of the resurrection . For thou vvho hast made the things that were not , art able to repaire the things that were : and hast given unto us evidences of the resurrection to come , not onely by the doctrine of the Prophets and Apostles , but also by the resurrection of the same thy onely begotten Sonne our Redeemer . y O God , who art the Creator and maker of all things , and vvho art the blisse of thy Saincts ; grant unto us who make request unto thee , that the spirit of our brother , who is loosed from the knott of his body , may bee presented in the blessed resurrection of thy Saincts . z O almightie and mercifull God , vve doe intreat thy clemency , forasmuch as by thy judgement we are borne and make an end ; that thou wilt receive into everlasting rest the soule of our brother , whom thou of thy piety hast commanded to passe from the dwelling of this world , and permit him to be associated with the company of thine elect , that together with them he may remaine in everlasting blisse without end . a Eternall God , vvho in Christ thine only begotten sonne our Lord hast given unto us the hope of a blessed Resurrection ; grant , we beseech thee , that the soules , for which we offer this sacrifice of our redemption unto thy Majestie , may of thy mercy attaine unto the rest of a blessed resurrection with thy Saincts . b Let this communion , we beseech thee O Lord , purge us from sinne ; and give unto the soule of thy servant N. a portion in the heavenly joy , that being set apart before the throne of the glory of thy Christ with those that are upon the right hand , it may have nothing common with those that are upon the left . c Through Christ our Lord. At whose comming , when thou shalt command both the peoples to appeare , command thy servant also to be severed from the number of the evill . and grant unto him , that he may both escape the flames of everlasting punishment , and obtaine the rewards of a righteous life . &c. In these , and other prayers of the like kind , we may descry evident footsteps of the primarie intention of the Church in her supplications for the dead : which was , that the whole man ( not the soule separated only ) might receive publick remission of sinnes , & a solemne acquitall in the judgement of that great day ; and so obtaine both a full escape from all the consequences of sinne ( d the last enemie being now destroyed , and death swallowed up in victory ) and a perfect consummation of blisse and happinesse . all which are comprised in that short prayer of S. Paul for Onesiphorus ( though made for him while he was alive : ) e The Lord grant unto him , that he may finde mercie of the Lord in that day . Yea diverse prayers for the dead of this kinde are still retained in the Romane Offices : of which the great Spanish Doctor Iohannes Medina thus writeth . f Although I have read manie prayers for the faithfull deceased , which are contayned in the Romane Missall ; yet have I read in none of them , that the Church doth petition , that they may more quickly be freed from paines : but I have read that in some of them petition is made , that they may be freed from everlasting paines . For beside the common prayer that is used in the Masse for the Commemoration of all the faithfull deceased , that Christ would free them from the mouth of the Lion , that Hell may not swallow them up , and that they may not fall into the place of darknesse : this prayer is prescribed for the day wherin the dead did depart out of this life . g O God , vvhose propertie is alwayes to have mercie and to spare ; vve most humbly beseech thee for the soule of thy servant N. which this day thou hast commanded to depart out of this world : that thou mayst not deliver it into the hands of the enemy , nor forget it finally ; but command it to be received by the holy Angels , and brought unto the country of Paradise : that because he hath trusted and beleeved in thee , he may not sustain the paines of Hell , but possesse joyes everlasting . which is a direct prayer , that the soule of him which was then departed might immediatly be received into Heaven , and escape not the temporarie paines of Purgatorie , but the everlasting paines of Hell. for howsoever the new reformers of the Romane Missall have put in here poenas inferni ( under the generalitie peradventure of the terme of the paines of hell intending to shrowde their Purgatorie , which they would have men beleeve to be one of the lodges of Hell ) yet in the h old Missall , which Medina had respect unto , we reade expressely poenas aeternas , everlasting paines ; which by no construction can be referred unto the paines of Purgatorie . and to the same purpose , in the book of the Ceremonies of the Church of Rome , at the exequies of a Cardinall , a prayer is appointed to be read ; that by the assistance of Gods grace he might i escape the judgement of everlasting revenge , who while he lived was marked with the seale of the holy Trinity . Againe , k there be other prayers ( saith Medina ) wherein petition is made , that God would raise the soules of the dead in their bodies unto blisse at the day of judgement . Such , for example , is that which is found in the Romane Missall . l Absolve , vvee beseech thee O Lord , the soule of thy servant from all the bond of his sinnes : that in the glory of the resurrection , being raysed among thy saincts and elect , hee may breath againe , or bee refreshed . and that other in the Romane Pontificall . m O God , unto whom all things doe live , and unto whom our bodies in dying do not perish , but are changed for the better ; we humbly pray thee , that thou wouldest command the soule of thy servant N. to be received by the hands of thy holy Angells , to be carried into the bosome of thy friend the Patriarch Abraham , and to be raysed up at the last day of the great judgement : & whatsoever faults by the deceit of the Divel he hath incurred , do thou of thy pitie and mercy wash away by forgiving them . Now forasmuch as it is most certaine , that all such as depart in grace ( as the Adversaries acknowledge that all in Purgatorie doe ) are sure to escape Hell , and to be raysed up unto glorie at the last day : Medina perplexeth himselfe exceedingly in according these kinde of praiers with the received grounds of Purgatorie ; and after much agitation of the businesse too and fro , at last resolveth upon one of these two desperate conclusions . that touching these n praiers which are made in the Church for the dead , it may first of all be said , that it is not necessary to excuse them all from all unfitnesse . For many things are permitted to be read in the Church , which although they be not altogether true , nor altogether fit , yet serve for the stirring up and increasing the devotion of the faithfull . Many such things ( saith he ) we beleeve are contayned in the histories that be not sacred , and in the Legends of the Saincts , and in the opinions and writings of the Doctors : all which are tolerated by the Church in the meane time , while there is no question moved of them , and no scandall ariseth from them . And therefore it is no marvaile , that somewhat not so fitt should be contayned in the foresaid prayers , and be tolerated in the Church : seeing such prayers were made by private persons , not by Councells , neyther vvere approved at all by Councells . And we easily doe beleeve indeed , that their Offices and Legends are fraught not only with untrue and unfit , but also with farre worse stuffe : neyther is this any newes unto us . Agobardus Bishop of Lions complayned about 800. yeares agoe , that the Antiphonary used in his Church had o many ridiculous and phantasticall things in it : and that hee was faine p to cut off from thence such things as seemed to be eyther superfluous , or light , or lying , or blasphemous . The like complaint was made not long since by Lindanus , of the Romane Antiphonaries and Missals : q wherein not only apocryphall tales ( saith he ) out of the Gospell of Nicodemus and other toyes are thrust in ; but the very secret prayers themselves are defiled with most foule faults . But now that wee have the r Romane Missall restored according to the decree of the Councell of Trent , set out by the command of Pius V. and revised againe by the authoritie of Clemens VIII . I doubt much whether our Romanists will allow the Censure which their Medina hath given of the praiers contained therein . And therefore if this will not please them , he hath another answer in store : of which though his country man s Mendoza hath given sentence , that it is indigna viro Theologo , unworthy of any man that beareth the name of a Divine ; yet such as it is , you shall have it . Supposing then , that the Church hath no intention to pray for anie other of the dead , but those that are detayned in Purgatorie : this he delivereth for his second resolution . t The Church knowing that God hath power to punish everlastingly those soules , by which , when they lived , he was mortally offended ; and that God hath not tyed his power unto the Scriptures , and unto the promises that are contayned in the Scripture ( forasmuch as he is above all things , and a● omnipotent after his promises , as if he had promised nothing at all : ) therefore the Church doth humbly pray God , that he would not use this his absolute omnipotencie against the soules of the faithfull , which are departed in grace ; therefore shee doth pray that he would vouchsafe to free them from everlasting paines , and from revenge and the judgement of condemnation , and that he would be pleased to rayse them up againe with his Elect. But leaving our Popish Doctors with their profound speculations of the not limiting of Gods power by the Scriptures , and the promises which he hath made unto us therein : let us returne to the ancient Fathers , and consider the differences that are to be found among them touching the place and condition of soules separated from their bodies . for according to the several apprehensions which they had thereof , they made different applications and interpretations of the use of praying for the dead : whose particular intentions and devotions in that kinde , must of necessity therefore be distinguished from the generall intention of the whole Church . S. Augustine ( that I may begin with him who was , as the most ingenious , so likewise the most ingenuous of all others in acknowledging his ignorance where hee saw cause ) being to treat of these matters , maketh this Preface before hand unto his hearers . u Of Hell neyther have I had any experience as yet , nor you : and peradventure it may be , that our passage may lye some other way , and not prove to be by Hell. For these things be uncertain . and having occasion to speake of the departure of Nebridius his deare friend : x Now he liveth , saith he , in the bosome of Abraham , whatsoever the thing be that is signified by that bosome ; there doth my Nebridius live . But elsewhere he directly distinguisheth this bosome from the place of blisse into which the. Saincts shall be received after the last judgement . y After this short life ( saith he ) thou shalt not as yet be where the Saincts shall be unto whom it shall be said ; Come ye blessed of my Father , receive the kingdome which was prepared for you from the beginning of the world . Thou shalt not as yet be there : who knoweth it not ? But now thou mayest be there , where that proude and barren rich man in the middest of his torments saw a farre off the poore man , sometime full of ulcers , resting . Being placed in that rest , thou dost securely expect the day of judgement ; when thou mayest receive thy body , when thou mayest be changed to be equall unto an Angell . and for the state of soules , betwixt the time of the particular and generall judgement , this is his conclusion in generall . z The time that is interposed betwixt the death of man and the last resurrection , contayneth the soules in hidden receptacles ; as every one is worthy eyther of rest or of trouble , according unto that which it did purchase in the flesh when it lived . Into these hidden receptacles he thought the soules of Gods children might carry some of their lighter faults with them : which being not removed , would hinder them from comming into the kingdome of heaven ( whereinto no polluted thing can enter ) and from which by the prayers and almes-deeds of the living he held they might be released . But of two things he professed himselfe here to be ignorant . First , a What those sinnes were , which did so hinder the comming unto the kingdome of God , that yet by the care of good friends they might obtaine pardon . Secondly , b Whether those soules did endure anie temporary paines in the Interim betwixt the time of Death and the Resurrection . For howsoever in his one and twentieth book of the City of God , and the thirteenth and sixteenth chapters ( for the new patch which they have added to the foure and twentieth chapter is not worthy of regard ) he affirme , that some of them doe suffer certaine purgatorie punishments before the last and dreadfull judgment : yet by comparing these places with the c five and twentieth chapter of the twentieth booke , it will appeare , that by those purgatory punishments he understandeth here the furnace of the fire of Conflagration , that shall immediatly go before this last judgement , and ( as he otherwhere describeth the effects thereof ) d separate some unto the left hand , and melt out others unto the right . Neither was this opinion of the reservation of soules in secret places , and the purging of them in the fire of Conflagration at the day of iudgement , entertained by this famous Doctor alone : diverse others there were that had touched upon the same string before him . Origen in his fourth book 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as we have him translated by Ruffinus ( for in the e Extracts selected out of him by S. Basil and S. Gregory wee finde the place somewhat otherwise expressed ) saith that f such as depart out of this world after the common course of death , are disposed of according to their deeds and merits , as they shal be judged to be worthy ; some into the place which is called Hell , others into Abrahams bosome , and through diverse eyther places or mansions . and in his Commentaries upon Leviticus , hee addeth further . g Neyther have the Apostles themselves as yet received their joy ; but even they doe expect , that I also may be made partaker of their joy . For the Saincts departing from hence doe not presently obtaine the full rewards of their labours ; but they expect us likewise , howsoever staying , howsoever slacking . Then touching the purging of men after the Resurrection , he thus delivereth his minde in his Commentaries upon Luke . h I thinke , that even after our resurrection from the dead we shall have need of a sacrament to wash and purge us : for none can rise without pollutions . and upon Ieremy : i If any one be saved in the second resurrection , he is that sinner vvhich needeth the baptisme of fire , which is purged with burning ; that whatsoever he hath of wood , hay , and stubble , the fire may consume it . Neither doth Lactantius shew himselfe to varie much from him , in eyther of those points ; for thus he writeth . k When God shall judge the righteous , he will examine them by fire . Then they whose sinnes shall prevaile eyther in weight or number , shall be touched with the fire and burned : but they whom perfect righteousnesse and the ripenesse of vertue hath throughly seasoned , shall not feele that fire . for from thence have they something in them , that will repell & put back the force of the flame : so great is the force of innocency , that that fire shall flye back from it without doing anie harme , vvhich hath received this power from God , that it may burne the wicked and do service to the righteous . Yet notwithstanding let no man thinke , that the soules are presently judged after death . All of them are detayned in one common custodie , untill the time come , wherein the great Iudge doth make tryall of their doings . In like maner doth S. Hilary write of the one part . l All the faithfull , when they are gone out of the bodie , shall be reserved by the Lords custodie for that entry into the heavenly kingdome , being in the meane time placed in the bosome of Abraham ; whither the wicked are hindred from comming , by the gulfe interposed betwixt them , untill the time of entring into the kingdome of heaven doe come . and thus of the other . m Being to render an account of every idle word , shall we desire the day of judgement , wherein that unwearied fire must be passed by us , in which those grievous punishments for expiating the soule from sinnes must be endured ? for n to such as have beene baptized with the holy Ghost , it remaineth that they should be consummated with the fire of judgement . In S. Ambrose also there are some passages to bee found which seeme to make directly for either of these points : as these for the former . o The soule is loosed from the body , and yet after the end of this life it is held as yet in suspence with the uncertainty of the future judgement : so that there is no end , where there is thought to be an end . p We reade in the books of Esdras ; that when the day of judgement shall come , the earth shall restore the bodies of the deceased , and the dust shall restore the reliques of the dead which doe rest in the graves : and the habitacles shall restore the soules which were committed to them ; and the most high shall be revealed upon the seat of judgement . q Also that scripture nameth those habitacles of the soules , Promptuaries ( or secret receptacles : ) and meeting with the complaint of man , that the just which have gone before may seeme to be defrauded ( untill the day of judgement , which is a very long time ) of the reward due unto them ; saith wonderfully , that the day of judgement is like unto a crowne , wherein as there is no slackenesse of the last , so is there no swiftnesse of the first . For the day of crowning is expected by all ; that vvithin that day both they who are overcome may be ashamed , and they who doe overcome may obtaine the palme of victory . r Therefore while the fulnesse of time is expected , the soules expect their due reward . Paine is provided for some of them , for some glory : and yet in the meane time neither are those without trouble , nor these without fruite . and these for the latter . s With fire shall the sonnes of Levi be purged , with fire Ezechiel , with fire Daniel . But these , although they shall be tryed with fire , yet shall say : We have passed through fire and water . Others shall remaine in the fire . t And if the Lord shall save his servants , we shall be saved by faith , yet saved as it were by fire . Although we shall not be burned up , yet shall we be burned . u After the end of the vvorld , when the Angells shall be sent to separate the good and the bad , this baptisme shall be ; when iniquitie shal be burnt up by the furnace of fire , that in the kingdome of God the righteous may shine as the Sunne in the kingdome of their Father . And if any one be as Peter , or as Iohn , he is baptized with this fire . Seeing therefore x he that is purged here , hath need to be purged again there : let him purge us there also , when the Lord may say ; Enter into my rest . that every one of us being burned with that flaming sword , not burned up , when he is entred into that pleasure of Paradise may give thankes unto his Lord , saying : Thou hast brought us into a place of refreshment . Hereunto wee may adjoine that observation of Suarez the Iesuite . y They who thinke , that the soules of men are not judged at their death , nor do receive reward or punishment , but are reserved in hidden receptacles untill the generall judgement ; doe consequently say , that as men do not receive their last reward or punishment , so neyther are they also purged , untill the generall Resurrection and Iudgement do come : from vvhence they might say vvith reasonable good consequence , that men are to be purged with the fire of Conflagration . and with as good consequence also ( may we further adde ) that prayers were not to be made for the deliverie of the soules of the dead from any purgatorie paines , supposed to be suffered by them betwixt the time of their death and their resurrection ; which be the only praiers which are now in question . z In the Resurrection , when our workes , like unto clusters of grapes , shall be cast into the probatory fire as it were into the wine-presse ; every mans husbandry shall be made manifest : saith Gregorius Cerameus , sometime archbishop of Tauromenium in Sicilia . and , a No man as yet is entred eyther into the torments of Hell or into the kingdome of Heaven , untill the time of the resurrection of the bodies : saith Anastasius Sinaita upon whom Gretser bestoweth this marginall annotation : that this is the b Error of certain of the ancient , & of latter Greece . And we finde it to be held indeed both by some of the ancient ( as namely in Caius , who lived at Rome when Zephyrinus was Bishop there , and is accounted to be the author of the treatise falsely fathered upon Iosephus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a large fragment whereof hath beene lately published by Hoeschelius in his notes upon Photius his Bibliotheke : ) and by the latter Grecians ; in whose name , Marcus Eugenicus archbishop of Ephesus , doth make this protestation against such of his countrymen as yeelded to the definition of the Florentine Councell . c We say , that neither the Saincts do receive the kingdome prepared for them and those secret good things , neyther the sinners doe as yet fall into Hell : but that eyther of them doe remaine in expectation of their proper lott ; and that this appertayneth unto the time that is to come after the Resurrection and the Iudgement . But these men , with the Latines , would have these to receive presently after death the things they have deserved : but unto those of the middle sort , that is , to such as dye in penance , they assigne a purgatory fire ( which they faine to be distinct from that of Hell ) that thereby , say they , being purged in their soules after death , they likewise may be received into the kingdome of heaven together vvith the righteous . That barbarous impostor ( as d Molanus rightly styleth him ) who counterfeyted a letter , as written by S. Cyrill Bishop of Ierusalem unto S. Augustin , touching the miracles of S. Hierome , taketh upon him to lay down the precise time of the first arising of this sect among the Grecians in this maner . e After the death of most glorious Hierome , a certaine heresie or sect arose amongst the Grecians , and came to the Latines also , which went about with their wicked reasons to prove : that the soules of the blessed untill the day of the generall Iudgment , wherein they were to be joyned againe unto their bodies , are deprived of the sight and knowledge of God , in which the whole blessednesse of the Saincts doth consist ; and that the soules of the damned in like maner untill that day are tormented with no paines . Whose reason was this : that as the soule did merit or sinne with the body ; so with the bodie was it to receive rewards or paines . Those wicked sectaries also did maintaine , that there was no place of Purgatory wherein the soules , vvhich had not done full penance for their sinnes in this world , might be purged . Which pestilent sect getting head , so great sorrow fell upon us , that we were even weary of our life . Then he telleth a wise tale , how S. Hierome , being at that time with God , for the confutation of this new-sprong heresie , raysed up three men from the dead ( after that hee had first f ledd their soules into Paradise , Purgatory , and Hell ; to the end they might make known unto all men the things that were done there : ) but had not the witt to consider , that S. Cyrill himselfe had need to be raysed up , to make the fourth man among them . for how otherwise should he , who dyed thirtie yeares before S. Hierome ( as is knowne to every one that knoweth the history of those times ) have heard and written the newes which those three good fellowes , that were raised by S. Hierome after his death , did relate concerning Heaven , Hell , and Purgatory ? Yet is it nothing so strange to me ( I confesse ) that such idle dreames as these should be devised in the times of darknesse , to delude the world withall : as that now in the broad day light , g Binsfeldius and h Suarez , and other Romish merchants should adventure to bring forth such rotten stuffe as this , with hope to gaine anie credite of antiquitie thereby unto the new erected staple of Popish Purgatory . The Dominican Friars , in a certaine treatise written by them at Constantinople in the yeare 1252. assigne somewhat a lower beginning unto this error of the Grecians : affirming that they i followed therein a certain inventer of this heresie named Andrew , Archbishop sometime of Caesarea in Cappadocia ; who said , that the soules did wayt for their bodies , that together with them , with which they had committed good or evill , they might likewise receave the recompense of their deeds . But that which Andrew saith herein , he saith not out of his own head ; ( and therefore is wrongfully charged to be the first inventer of it : ) but out of the judgement of many godly fathers that went before him . k It hath been said ( saith he ) by many of the Saincts , that all vertuous men ( after this life ) do receive places fit for them ; whence they may certainly make conjecture of the glory that shall befall unto them . Where Peltanus bestoweth such another marginall note upon him , as Gretser his fellow-Iesuite did upon Anastasius . l This opinion is now expressely condemned , and rejected by the Church . And yet doth Alphonsus de Castro aknowledge , that m the Patrons thereof vvere famous men , renowned as well for holinesse as for knowledge : but telleth us withall , that no man ought to marvaile , that such great men should fall into so pestilent an error ; because ( as the Apostle S. Iames saith ) he that offendeth not in word , is a perfect man. Another particular opinion , which wee must sever from the generall intention of the Church in her oblations and prayers for the dead , is that which is noted by Theophylact upon the speech of our Saviour , Luk. 12.5 . in which he wisheth us to observe , that n hee did not say , Feare him who after hee hath killed casteth into hell ; but , hath power to cast into hell . For the sinners which dye ( saith he ) are not alwayes cast into hell : but it remaineth in the power of God , to pardon them also . And this I say for the oblations and doales which are made for the dead , which do not a little avayle even them that dye in grievous sinnes . He doth not therefore generally , after he hath killed , cast into hell ; but hath power to cast . Wherfore let us not cease by almes and intercession to appease him , who hath power to cast , but doth not alwayes use this power , but is able to pardon also . Thus farre Theophylact : whom our Adversaries doe blindely bring in for the countenancing of their use of praying and offering for the dead ; not considering , that the prayers and oblations which he would uphold , doe reach even unto such as dye in grievous sinnes ( which the Romanists acknowledge to receive no reliefe at all by anie thing that they can doe ) and are intended for the keeping of soules from being cast into Hell , and not for fetching them out when they have been cast into Purgatorie ; a place that never came within the compasse of Theophylacts beleefe . His testimonie will fit a great deale better the prayer of S. Dunstan ; o who ( as the tale goeth ) having understood that the soule of King Edwin was to be carried into Hell , never gave over praying untill hee had gotten him ridd of that danger , and transferred unto the coast of penitent soules : where hee well deserved , doubtlesse , to undergoe that penance which p Hugh Bishop of Coventry and Chester on his death-bed imposed upon himselfe ; even to lye in the dungeon of Purgatory , without bayle or mainprise , untill the generall jayl●-deliverie of the last day . Another private conceyte , intertained by diverse ( as well of the elder as of middle times ) in their devotions for the dead , was ; that an augmentation of glory might thereby be procured for the Saincts , and eyther a totall deliverance , or a diminution of torment at least wise , obtained for the wicked . q If the Barbarians ( saith S. Chrysostom ) do bury with their dead the things that belong unto them : it is much more reason , that thou shouldest send with the deceased the things that are his ; not that they may be made ashes , as they were , but that they may adde greater glory unto him . and , if hee be departed hence a sinner , that they may loose his sinnes ; but if righteous , that an addition may be made to his reward and retribution . Yea in the verie latter dayes , Iuo Carnotensis writing unto Mawd Queene of England , concerning the prayers that were to be made for the King her brother his soule ; saith , that r it doth not seeme idle , if vve make intercessions for those who alreadie enjoy rest , that their rest may be encreased . Whereupon Pope Innocent the third doth bring this for one of the answers , wherewith he laboureth to salve the prayers which were used in the Church of Rome , that such or such an oblation might profite such or such a Sainct unto glory : that s many repute it no indignitie , that the glory of the Saincts should be augmented untill the day of judgement ; and therefore that in the meane time the Church may wish the increase of their glorification . So likewise for the mitigation of the paines of them , whose soules were doubted to be in torment ; this forme of prayer was of old used in the same Church ( as in Grimoldus his Sacramentary may be seen ) and retained in the Romane Missall it selfe , untill in the late reformation thereof it was removed . t O almightie and mercifull God , incline ( vve beseech thee ) thy holy eares unto our poore prayers , which we doe humbly poure forth before the sight of thy Majestie for the soule of thy servant N. that forasmuch as we are distrustfull of the qualitie of his life , by the abundance of thy pitie we may be comforted ; and if his soule cannot obtaine full pardon , yet at least in the midst of the torments themselves , which peradventure it suffereth , out of the abundance of thy compassion it may feele refreshment . which prayer whither it tended , may appeare partly by that which Prudentius writeth of the play-dayes , which he supposeth the soules in Hell sometime do obtaine ; Sunt & spiritibus saepè nocentibus Poenarum celebres sub Styge feriae , &c. Marcent supplicijs Tartara mitibus , Exultatque sui carceris otio Vmbrarum populus , liber ab ignibus ; Nec fervent solito flumina sulphure . partly by the doubtfull conceits of Gods mercifull dealing with the wicked in the world to come , which are found in x others : but especially by these passages that we meet withall in the Sermons of S. Chrysostom . y This man hath spent his whole life in vaine , neyther hath lived one day to himselfe , but to voluptuousnesse , to luxury , to covetousnesse , to sinne , to the Divell . Tell me therefore ; shall we not mourne for him ? shall we not endevour to pull him out of these dangers ? For there be meanes , if we will , whereby his punishment may be made light unto him . If then we doe make continuall prayers for him , if we besto● almes ; although he be unworthy , God will respect us . For z many have received benefite by the almes that have beene given by others for them : and found thereby , although not a perfect , yet some consolation . a This therefore is done , that although we our selves be not vertuous , we may be carefull to get vertuous companions and friends , and wife and sonne ; as looking to reape some fruit even by them also : reaping indeed but little , yet reaping some fruit notwithstanding . b Let us not therefore simply ●eepe for the dead , but for such as are dead in their sinnes : these be worthy of lamentations and bewaylings and teares . For what hope is there ( tell me ) for men to depart with their sinnes , where they cannot put off their sinnes ? for as long as they were here , there was peradventure great expectation , that they would be altered , that they would be bettered . but being gone unto Hell , where there is no gayning of any thing by repentance ( for in hell , saith he , who shall confesse unto thee ? ) how are they not vvorthy of lamentations ? c Let us therefore weepe for such , let us succour them to our power , let us finde out some help for them , little indeed , but yet such as may releeve them . How and after what maner ? both praying our selves , and intreating others to make prayers for them , and giving continually unto the poore for them . for this thing bringeth some consolation . The like doctrine is delivered by d Andrew archbishop of Crete , in his Sermon of the life of man , and of the dead ; and by Iohn Damascen , or whosoever else was author of the book ascribed unto him , concerning them that are departed in the faith : where three notable tales are told , of the benefite that even Infidells and Idolaters themselves should receive by such prayers as these . One touching the soule of the Emperour Trajan , delivered from Hell by the prayers of Pope Gregory : of the truth whereof least anie man should make question , he affirmeth very roundly , that no lesse then e the whole East and West will witnesse that this is true and uncontroulable . And indeed in the East this fable seemeth first to have risen : where it obtayned such credite , that the Grecians to this day do still use this forme of prayer ; f As thou didst loose Trajan from punishment by the earnest intercession of thy servant Gregory the Dialogue-writer , heare us likewise who pray unto thee . And therefore to them doth Hugo Etherianus thus appeale , for justifying the truth of this narration : g Do not , I pray you , say in your hearts , that this is false or fayned . Inquire , if you please , of the Grecians : the whole Greeke Church surely doth testifie these things . He might , if he had pleased , being an Italian himselfe , have inquired neerer home of the Romanes , among whom this feate was reported to have beene acted ; rather then among the Grecians , who were strangers to the businesse . But the Romans , as wee understand by h Iohannes Diaconus in the life of S. Gregory , found no such matter among their records ; and when they had notice given them thereof out of the Legends of the Church of England ( for from thence received they the newes of this and some other such strange acts reported to have beene done by S. Gregory among themselves ) they were not verie hastie to beleeve it : because they could hardly be perswaded , that S. Gregory who had taught them , that i Infidels and wicked men departed out of this life , were no more to be prayed for then the Divell and his angells which were appointed unto everlasting punishment ; should in his practise be found to be so much different from his judgement . The second tale toucheth upon the verie times of the Apostles : wherein the k Apostolesse Thecla is said to have prayed for Falconilla ( the daughter of Tryphaena , whom S. Paul saluteth , Rom. 16.12 . ) l a gentile and an Idolatresse , altogether profane and a servitour of another God , to this effect . m O God , Sonne of the true God , grant unto Tryphaena according to thy will , that her daughter may live with thee time without end . or as Basil Bishop of Seleucia doth expresse it . n Grant unto thy servant Tryphaena , that her desire may be fulfilled concerning her daughter : her desire therein being this , that her soule may be numbred among the soules of those that have already beleeved in thee , and may enjoy the life and pleasure that is in Paradise . The third tale he produceth out of Palladius his historicall book written unto Lausus ( although neither in the Greek set out by Meursius , nor in the three severall Latin editions of that historie published before , the●e bee any such thing to be found ) : touching a dead mans skull , that should have uttered this speech unto Macarius the great Aegyptian anchorer . o When thou dost offer up thy prayers for the dead , then doe wee feele some little cons●lation . A brainlesse answer you may well conceive it to be , that must be thought to have proceeded from a dry skull lying by the highway side : but as brainl●sse as it is , it hath not a little troubled the quick heads of our Romish Divines , and put m●ny an odd cratchet into their nimble braines . Renatus Laurentius telleth us , that p without all doubt it was an Angell that did speake in this skull . And q I say ( quoth Alphonsus Mendoza ) that this head which lay in the way , was not the head of one that was damned , but of a just man remayning in Purgatory : for Damascen doth not say in that sermon , that i● was the head of a Gentile , as it may there be seene . And true it is indeed , he neither saith that it was so , neither yet that it was not so : but the Grecians generally relate the matter thus ; that Macarius r did heare this , from the skull of one that had been a Priest of Idoles , which he found lying in the wildernesse ; that by his prayers such as were with him in punishment received a little ease of their torment , whensoever it fell out that he made the same for them . and among the Latins , Thomas Aquinas , and other of the Schoolemen take this for granted : because they found in the Lives of the Fathers , that the speech which the dead skull used was this . s I was a Priest of the Gentiles ( so Iohn the Roman subdeaco● translateth it ) or , as Rufinus is supposed to have rendred it , I was the chiefe of the Priests of the Idoles , which dwelt in this place : and thou art abbot Macarius , that art filled with the spirit of God. At whatsoever houre therefore thou takest pitie of them that are in torments , and prayest for them ; they then feele som consolation . Well , saith Mendoza then , t if S. Thomas relating this history out of the Lives of the Fathers , doth say that this vvas the head of a Gentile ; he himselfe is bound to untye this knot . And so hee doth : resolving the matter thus ; u that the damned get no true ease by the prayers made for them , but such a phantasticall kinde of joy only , as the Divels are said to have , when they have seduced and deceived any man. x But peradventure , saith Cardinall Bellarmine for the upshott , the things which are brought touching that skull , might better be rejected as false and apocryphall . and Stephen Durant , more peremptorily : y The things vvhich are told of Trajan and Falconilla , delivered out of hell by the prayers of S Gregory and Thecla , and of the dry skull spoken too by Macarius , be fayned and commentitious . Which last answere , though it be the truest of all the rest ; yet is it not to be doubted for all that , but that the generall credite which these fables obtained , together with the countenance which the opinion of the Origenists did receive from Didymus , Euagrius , Gregory Nyssen , ( if he be not corrupted ) and other Doctors , inclined the minds of men verie much , to apply the common use of praying for the dead unto this wrong end of hoping to relieve the damned thereby . S. Augustine doth shew , that in his time not onely z some , but exceeding many also , did out of an humane affection take compassion of the eternall paines of the damned , and would not beleeve that they should never have an end . And notwithstanding this error was publickly condemned afterwards in the Origenists , by the fifth generall Councell held at Constantinople : yet by idle and voluptuous persons was it still greedily embraced ( as a Climacus complaineth ) and b even now also , saith S. Gregory , there be some , who therefore neglect to put an end unto their sinnes , because they imagine that the judgements which are to come upon them shall sometimes have an end . Yea of late dayes this opinion was maintayned by the Porretanians ( as Thomas calleth them ) and some of the c Canonists ( the one following therein Gilbert Porreta Bishop of Poictiers , in his booke of Theological Questions ; the other Iohn Semeca , in his Glosse upon Gratian ) that by the prayers and suffrages of the living the paines of some of the damned were continually diminished ; in such maner as infinite proportionable parts may be taken from a line , without ever comming unto an end of the division : which was in effect to take from them at the last all paine of sense or sense of paine . For ( as d Thomas observeth it rightly , and e Durand after him ) in the division of a Line , at last we must come unto that which is not sensible : considering that a sensible bodie cannot be divided infinitely . and so it would follo● , that after many suffrages that paine remayning should not be sensible ; and consequently should be no paine at all . Neither is it to be forgotten that the invention of All Soules day ( of which you may reade , if you please , Polydore Vergil in his sixth booke of the Inventers of things , and the ninth chapter ) that solemne day , I say , wherein our Romanists most devoutly perform all their superstitious observances for the dead ; was occasioned at the first by the apprehension of this same erroneous conceit , that the soules of the damned might not onely be eased , but fully also delivered by the almes & prayers of the living . The whole narration of the businesse is thus laid down by Sigebertus Gemblacensis in his Chronic●e , at the yeare of our Lord 998. f This time , saith he , a certaine religious man returning from Ierusalem , being intertained for a while in Sicile by the courtesie of a certaine anchoret , learned from him among other matters , that there were places neere unto them that used to cast up burning flames , which by the inhabitants were called the Potts of Vulcan , wherein the soules of the reprobate according to the qualitie of their deserts did suffer diverse punishments ; the Divels being there deputed for the execution therof whose voyces , angers and terrors , and somtimes howlings also he said he often heard , as lamenting that the soules of the damned were taken out of their hands by the almes and prayers of the faithfull ; and more at this time by the prayers of the monkes of Cluny , who prayed vvithout ceasing for the rest of those that were deceased . The abbot Odilo having understood this by him , appointed throughout all the monasteries under his subjection , that as upon the first day of November the solemnitie of all the Saints is observed , so upon the day following , the memoriall of all that rested in Christ should be celebrated . Which rite passing into many other Churches , made the memory of the faithfull deceased to be solemnized . For the elect , this forme of prayer was wont to be used in the Romane Church . g O God , unto whom alone is knowne the number of the elect that are to be placed in the supernall blisse : grant , we beseech thee , that the book of blessed predestination may retaine the names of all those whom we have undertaken to recommend in our prayer , or of all the faithfull , that are written therein . And to pray , that the names of all those that are written in the book of Gods election , should still be retayned therein , may be somewhat tolerable : considering ( as the Divines of that side have informed us ) that those things may be prayed for , which we know most certainly wilcome to passe . But hardly , I think , shall you finde in any Rituall a form of prayer answerable to this of the monkes of Cluny for the reprobate : unlesse it be that , whereby S. Francis is said to have obtained , that friat Elias should be made h ex praescito praedestinatus , an elect of a reprobare . Yet it seemeth , that some were not very well pleased , that what was done so seldom by S. Francis the i Angel of the Friars , ( & that for a reprobate yet living ) should be so usually practised by the followers of S. Odilo the k Archangel of the Monkes for reprobates that were dead : & therefore in the cōmon editions of Sigeberts Chronicle they have cleane strucke out the word damnatorū , & instead of reproborū chopt in defunctorū . which depravatiō may be detected , aswel by the sincere edition of Sigebert published by Aubertus Miraeus out of the Manuscript of Gemblac abbay ( w ch is thought to be the originall copie of Sigebert himselfe ) as by the comparing of him with Petrus Damiani in the life of Odilo , whence this whole narration was by him borrowed . For there also doe we reade , that in those flaming places l the soules of the reprobate according to the qualitie of their deserts did suffer diverse torments : and that the Divels did complaine , m that by the almes and prayers of Odilo and others , the soules of the damned were taken out of their hands . By these things we may see , what we are to judge of that which our Adversaries presse so much against us out of Epiphanius : that he n nameth an obscure fellow one Aërius to be the first author of this heresie ; that prayers and sacrifice profiteth not the departed in Christ. For neyther doth Epiphanius name this to be an heresie : neyther doth it appeare that himselfe did hold , that praiers and oblations bring such profite to the dead as these men dreame they do . He is much deceived , who thinketh everie thing that Epiphanius findeth fault withall in heretickes , is esteemed by him to be an heresie : seeing heresie cannot be but in matters of faith , and the course which Epiphanius taketh in that worke is not only to declare , in what speciall points of faith hereticks did dissent from the Catholicke doctrine , but in what particular observances also they refused to follow the received customes and ordinances of the Church . Therefore at the end of the whole worke hee setteth downe a Briefe , o first of the faith , and then of the ordinances and observances of the Church : and among the particulars of the latter kinde , he rehearseth this : p For the dead , they make commemorations by name , performing ( or , when they doe performe ) their prayers and divine service and dispensation of the mysteries , and disputing against Aërius touching the point it selfe , hee doth not at all charge him with forsaking the doctrine of the Scriptures , or the faith of the Catholick Church concerning the state of those that are departed out of this life : but with rejecting the order observed by the Church in her Commemorations of the dead ; which being an ancient institution , brought in upon wonderfull good considerations , should not by this humorous hereticke have beene thus condemned . q The Church , saith he , doth necessarily performe this , having received it by tradition from the Fathers : and who may dissolve the ordinance of his mother , or the law of his Father ? and againe . r Our mother the Church hath ordinances setled in her , which are inviolable and may not be broken . Seeing then there are ordinances established in the Church , and they are well and all things are admirably done : this seducer is againe refuted . For the further opening hereof , it will not be amisse to consider both of the objection of Aërius , and of the answer of Epiphanius . Thus did Aërius argue against the practise of the Church . s For what reason doe you commemorate after death the names of those that are departed ? He that is alive prayeth , or maketh dispensation ( of the mysteries : ) what shall the dead be profited hereby ? And if the prayer of those here doe altogether profite them that be there : then let no body be godly , let no man do good , but let him procure some friends by what meanes it pleaseth him , eyther perswading them by money , or intreating friends at his death ; and let them pray for him , that he may suffer nothing there , and that those inexpiable sins which he hath cōmitted may not be required at his hands . This was Aërius his argumentation : which would have beene of force indeed , if the whole Church had held , as manie did ; that the judgement after death was suspended untill the generall Resurrection , and that in the meane time the sinnes of the dead might be taken away by the suffrages of the living . But hee should have considered , as Stephanus Gobarus ( who was as great an heretick as himselfe ) did , that the Doctors were not agreed upon the point ; some of them maintayning , t the soule of every one that departed out of this life received very great profite by the prayers and oblations and almes that were performed for him , and others on the contrary side , that it was not so : and that it was a foolish part of him , to confound the private opinion of some , with the common faith of the universall Church . That he reproved this particular error , ( which seemeth to have gotten head in his time , as being most plausible to the multitude , and very pleasing unto the looser sort of Christians ) therein he did well : but that thereupon he condemned the generall practise of the Church , which had no dependance upon that erroneous conceipt , therein he did like unto himselfe , headily and perversely . For the Church in her Commemorations and prayers for the dead had no relation at all unto those that had ledd their lives lewdly and dissolutely ( as appeareth plainly , both by the u author of the Ecclesiasticall Hierarchy , and by diverse other evidences before alledged ) but unto those that did end their lives in such a godly maner , as gave pregnant hope unto the living , that their soules were at rest with God : and to such as these alone did it wish the accomplishment of that which remained of their redemption ; to wit , their publick justification and solemne acquitall at the last day , and their perfect consummation of blisse , both in body and soule , in the kingdome of heaven for ever after . not that the event of these things was conceived to be anie wayes doubtfull ( for wee have beene told , that things may be prayed for , the event whereof is knowne to be most certaine ) but because the commemoration thereof was thought to serve for speciall use , not onely in regard of the manifestation of the affection of the living toward the dead ( he that prayed , as Dionysius noteth , x desiring other mens gifts as if they were his owne graces ) but also in respect of the consolation and instruction which the living might receive thereby ; as Epiphanius in his answer to Aërius doth more particularly declare . The obiection of Aërius was this . The Commemorations and prayers used in the Church bring no profit to the dead : therefore as an unprofitable thing they are to be reiected . To this doth Epiphanius thus frame his answer . y As for the reciting of the names of those that are deceased ; what can be better then this ? what more commodious , and more admirable ? that such as are present do beleeve , that they who are departed do live , and are not extinguished , but are still being and living with the Lord : and that this most pious preaching might be declared ; that they who pray for their brethren have hope of them as being in a peregrination . Which is as much in effect , as if he had denied Aërius his consequence : and answered him , that although the dead were not profited by this action , yet it did not therefore follow that it should be condemned as altogether unprofitable . because it had a singular use otherwise : namely to testifie the faith and the hope of the living , concerning the dead . the faith : in z declaring them to be alive , ( for so doth Dionysius also expound the Churches intention in her publick nomination of the dead ) and as Divinitie teacheth , not mortified but translated from death unto a most divine life . the hope : in that they signified hereby , that they accounted their brethren to have departed from them no otherwise than as if they had beene in a journey , with expectation to meet them afterward ; and by this meanes made a difference betwixt themselves , and a others which had no hope . Then doth Epiphanius proceed further in answering the same objection , after this maner . b The prayer also which is made for them doth profite , although it do not cut off all their sinnes : yet forasmuch as whilest we are in the world , we oftentimes slip both unwillingly and with our will ; it serveth to signifie that which is more perfect . For we make a memoriall , both for the just and for sinners : for sinners , intreating the mercy of God ; for the just , ( both the Fathers and Patriarches , the Prophets , and Apostles , and Euangelists , and Martyrs and Confessors , Bish●ps also and Anchorites , and the whole order ) that vve may sever our Lord Iesus Christ from the ranke of all other men by the honour that we doe unto him , and that we may yeeld worship unto him . Which , as farre as I apprehend him , is no more then if he had thus replyed unto Aërius . Although the prayer that is made for the dead doe not cut off all their sinnes ( which is the onely thing that thou goest about to prove ) yet doth it profite notwithstanding for another purpose : namely to signifie the supereminent perfection of our Saviour Christ above the rest of the sonnes of men , who are subiect to manifold slipps and falls as long as they live in this world . For aswell the righteous , with their involuntarie slipps , as sinners , with their voluntarie falls , doe come within the compasse of these Commemorations : wherein prayers are made , both for c sinners that repent , and for righteous persons that have no such need of repentance . For sinners ; that being by their repentance recovered out of the snare of the Divell , they may finde mercy of the Lord at the last day , and bee freed from the fire prepared for the Divell and his angells : For the righteous ; that they may be recompensed in the resurrection of the iust , and received into the kingdome prepared for them from the foundation of the world . Which kinde of prayer being made for the best men that ever lived ( even the Patriarches , Prophets , Apostles , Euangelists , and Martyrs themselves ) Christ onely excepted ; sheweth that the profite which the Church intended should be reaped therefrom , was not the taking away of the sinnes of the parties that were prayed for , but the honouring of their Lord above them : it being hereby declared , d that our Lord is not to be compared unto any man ; though a man live in righteousnesse a thousand times and more . for how should that be possible ? considering that the one is God , the other man , ( as the praying to the one , and for the other , doth discover ) and the one is in heaven , the other in earth by reason of the remaines of the body yet resting in the earth , untill the day of the Resurrection , unto which all these prayers had speciall reference . This do I conceive to be the right meaning of Epiphanius his answer : as suting best both with the generall intention of the Church , which he taketh upon him to vindicate from the misconstruction of Aërius , & with the application therof unto his obiection , & with the known doctrine of Epiphanius , delivered by him elsewhere in these terms . e After death there is no helpe to be gotten , eyther by godlinesse , or by repentance . For Lazarus doth not goe there unto the rich man , nor the rich man unto Lazarus : neyther doth Abraham send any of his spoyles , that the poore may be afterward made rich thereby ; neyther doth the rich man obtaine that which he asketh , although hee intreat mercifull Abraham ●ith instant supplication . For the Garners are sealed up , and the time is fulfilled , and the combat is finished , and the lists are voyded , and the Garlands are given , and such as have fought are at rest , and such as have not obtained are gone forth , and such as have not fought cannot now be present in time , and such as have beene overthrowne in the lists are cast out , and all things are clearely finished , after that we are once departed from hence . We are to consider then , that the prayers and oblations , for reiecting whereof Aërius was reproved , were not such as are used in the Church of Rome at this day , but such as were used by the ancient Church at that time : and therefore as we in condemning of the one , have nothing to doe with Aërius or his cause ; so the Romanists , who dislike the other as much as ever Aërius did , must be content to let us alone , and take the charge of Aërianisme home unto themselves . Popish prayers and oblations for the dead , we know , do wholly depend upon the beleefe of Purgatorie : if those of the ancient Church did so too ; how commeth it to passe that Epiphanius doth not directly answer Aërius , as a Papist would doe now , that they brought singular profite to the dead , by delivering their tormented soules out of the flames of Purgatorie ? but forgetting as much as once to make mention of Purgatorie ( the sole foundation of these suffrages for the dead , in our Adversaries iudgement ) doth trouble himselfe and his cause , with bringing in such farr fett reasons as these : that they who performed this dutie , did intend to signifie thereby that their brethren departed were not perished , but remained still alive with the Lord ; and to put a difference betwixt the high perfection of our Saviour Christ , and the generall frailtie of the best of all his servants . Take away Popish Purgatorie on the other side , ( which in the dayes of Aërius and Epiphanius needed not to be taken away , because it was not as yet hatched ) and all the reasons produced by Epiphanius will not withhold our Romanists from absolutely subscribing to the opinion of Aërius : this being a case with them resolved ; that f if Purgatory be not admitted after death , prayer for the dead must be unprofitable . But though Thomas Aquinas and his abettors determine so , we must not therefore thinke that Epiphanius was of the same minde ; who lived in a time wherein prayers were usually made for them that never were dreamed to have beene in Purgatorie , and yeeldeth those reasons of that usage , which overthrow the former consequence of Thomas everie whit as much , as the supposition of Aërius . For Aërius and Thomas both agree in this : that prayer for the dead would be altogether unprofitable , if the dead themselves received no speciall benefite thereby . This doth Epiphanius ( defending the ancient use of these prayers in the Church ) shew to be untrue ; by producing other profites that redounded from thence unto the living : partly by the publick signification of their faith , hope , & charitie toward the deceased ; partly by the honour that they did unto the Lord Iesus , in exempting him from the common condition of the rest of mankinde . And to make it appeare , that these things were mainly intended by the Church in her Memorialls for the dead , and not the cutting off of the sinnes which they carried with them out of this life , or the releasing of them out of anie torment : he alledgeth ( as wee have heard ) that not onely the meaner sort of Christians , but also the best of them without exception , even the Prophets and Apostles & Martyrs themselves , were comprehended therein . from whence , by our Adversaries good leave , we wil make bold to frame this syllogisme . They who reject that kind of praying and offering for the dead , which was practised by the Church in the daies of Aërius , are in that point flatt Aërians . But the Romanists doe reject that kinde of praying and offering for the dead , which was practised by the Church in the dayes of Aërius . Therefore the Romanists are in this point flatt Aërians . The assumption or second part of this argument ( for the first we thinke no body will denie ) is thus proved . They who are of the judgement , that prayers and oblations should not be made for such as are beleeved to be in blisse ; doe reiect that kinde of praying and offering for the dead , which was practised by the ancient Church . But the Romanists are of this iudgement . Therefore they reiect that kinde of praying and offering for the dead , which was practised by the ancient Church . The truth of the first of these propositions doth appear by the testimonie of Epiphanius , compared with those manie other evidences whereby we have formerly proved , that it was the custome of the ancient Church to make prayers and oblations for them , of whose resting in peace and blisse there was no doubt at all conceived . The veritie of the second is manifested by the confession of the Romanists themselves : who reckon this for one of their g Catholicke verities ; that suffrages should not be offered for the dead that raigne with Christ. and therefore that ancient h forme of praying for the Apostles , Martyrs , and the rest of the Saincts , is by disuse deservedly abolished ; saith Alphonsus Mendoza . Nay i to offer sacrifices and prayers to God for those that are in blisse , is plainly absurd and impious , in the iudgement of the Iesuite Azorius : who was not aware , that thereby hee did outstrippe Aërius in condemning the practise of the ancient Church , as farre , as the censuring it only to be unprofitable ( for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; what shall the dead be profited thereby ? was the furthest that Aërius durst to goe ) commeth short of reiecting it as absurd and impious . And therefore our Adversaries may doe well , to purge themselves first from the blott of Aërianisme which sticketh so fast unto them , before they be so readie to cast the aspersion thereof upon others . In the meane time , the Reader who desireth to be rightly informed in the iudgement of Antiquitie touching this point , is to remember ; that these two questions must necessarily be distinguished in this inquiry . Whether prayers and oblations were to be made for the dead ? and , Whether the dead did receive any peculiar profite thereby ? In the latter of these , he shall finde great difference among the Doctors : in the former , verie little , or none at all . For k howsoever all did not agree about the state of the soules ( saith Cassander , an indifferent Papist ) vvhich might receive profite by these things : yet all did judge this dutie , as a testimonie of their love toward the dead , and a profession of their faith touching the soules immortalitie and the future resurrection , to be acceptable unto God and profitable to the Church . Therefore for condemning the generall practise of the Church herein , which aymed at those good ends before expressed , Aë●ius was condemned : but for denying that the dead received profite thereby , eyther for the pardon of the sinnes which before were unremitted , or for the cutting off or mitigation of anie torments that they did endure in the other world , the Church did never condemne him . For that was no new thing invented by him : diverse worthy men before and after him declared themselves to be of the same minde , and were never for all that charged with the least suspition of heresie . l The narration of Lazarus and the rich man ( saith the author of the Questions and Answers in the workes of Iustin Martyr ) presenteth this doctrine unto us : that after the departure of the soule out of the body , men cannot by any providence or care obtaine any profite . m Then ( saith Gregory Nazianzen ) in vaine shall anie one goe about to relieve those that lament . Here men may have a remedie , but afterwards there is nothing but bonds , or , all things are fast bound . For n after death the punishment of sinne is remedilesse : saith Theodoret. and therefore S. Hierome doth conclude : o that while we are in this present world , we may be able to helpe one another , eyther by our prayers or by our counsailes ; but when vvee shall come before the judgement seat of Christ , neyther Iob , nor Daniel , nor Noah can intreate for any one , but every one must beare his owne burden . Other Doctors were of another iudgement : that the dead received speciall profite by the prayers and oblations of the living ; eyther for the remission of their sinnes , or the easing of their punishment . but whether this were restrained to smaller offences only , or such as lived and died in great sinnes might be made partakers of the same benefite , and whether these mens torments might be lessened only thereby , or in tract of time quite extinguished ; they did not agree upon . That Stephanus Gobarus , whom before I alledged , made a collection of the different sentences of the Fathers : p whereof some contayned the received doctrine of the Church , others the unallowable opinions of certaine of the ancient that varied therefrom . Of this latter kinde he maketh this sentence to be one : q that such sinners as be delivered unto punishment , are purged therein from their sinnes , and after their purging are freed from their punishment ; albeit not all who are delivered unto punishment , be thus purged and freed , but some onely . whereas the true sentence of the Church was ; that none at all was freed from punishment . If that were the true sentence of the Church , that none of those who suffered punishment in the other world were ever freed from the same : then the applying of prayers to the helping of mens soules out of any such punishments , must be referred to the erroneous apprehension of some particular men , and not to the generall intention of the ancient Church ; from which in this point , as in manie others beside , the latter Church of Rome hath swarved and quite gone astray . The ancient writer of the Ecclesiasticall Hierarchie , handling this matter of praying for the dead professedly , r doth by way of objection move this doubt : to vvhat purpose should the Bishop intreat the divine goodnesse to grant remission of sinnes unto the dead , and a like glorious inheritance with those that have followed God ? seeing by such prayers he can be brought to no other rest , but that which is fitting for him and answerable unto the life which he hath here ledd . If our Romish divinitie had bene then acknowledged by the Church ; there had beene no place left to such questions and doubts as these . The matter might easily have beene answered , that though a man did die in the state of grace , yet was he not presently to be admitted unto the place of rest , but must first be reckoned withall ; both for the committall of those smaller faults , unto which through humane frailtie he was daily subject , and for the not performance of full penance and satisfaction for the greater sinnes into which in this life he had fallen : and Purgatorie being the place wherein he must be cleansed from the one , and make up the iust payment for the other ; these prayers were directed unto God for the deliverie of the poore soule , which was not now in case to helpe it selfe , out of that place of torment . But this author , taking upon him the person of S. Pauls scholler , and professing to deliver herein s that tradition which he had received from his divine Masters ; saith no such thing , but giveth in this for his answer . The divine Bishop , as the Scriptures witnesse , is the interpreter of the divine judgements : for hee is the Angell of the Lord God almightie . He hath learned therefore out of the oracles delivered by God , that a most glorious and divine life is by his just judgement worthily adwarded to them that have lived holily ; his divine goodnesse and kindenesse passing over those blots which by humane frailtie he had contracted : forasmuch as no man , as the Scriptures speake , is free from pollution . The Bishop therefore knowing these things to be promised by the true oracles ; prayeth that they may accordingly come to passe , and those sacred rewards may be bestowed upon them that have lived holily . The Bishop at that time belike did not know so much as our Popish Bishops doe now ; that Gods servants must dearely smart in Purgatorie for the sinnes wherewith they were overtaken through humane infirmitie : he beleeved that God of his mercifull goodnesse would passe by those slipps , and that such after-reckonings as these should give no stoppage to the present bestowing of those holy rewards upon the children of the promise . t Ther●fore the divine Bishop ( saith our author ) asketh those things which vvere promised by God and are gratefull to him and without doubt will be granted : the●eby aswell manifesting his own good disposition , unto God who is a lover of the good ; as declaring like an interpreter unto them that be present , the gifts that shall befall to such as are holy . Hee further also addeth , that the Bishops have a separating power , as the interpreters of Gods judgements : according to that commission of Christ ; Whose sinnes ye remitt , they are remitted unto them , and whose you shall retaine , they are retained . and , Whatsoever thou shalt binde upon earth shall be bound in heaven , and whatsoever thou shalt loose upon earth shall be loosed in heaven . And as in the use of the keyes , the u Schoolemen following S Hierom do account the minister to be the interpreter onely of Gods judgement , by declaring what is done by him in the binding or loosing of mens sinnes : so doth this author he●e give them power onely to x separate those that are al●eady judged of God , and by way of y declaration , and convoy , to bring in those that are beloved of God , and to exclude such as are ungodly . And if the power which the Ministers have received by the foresaid commission doe extend it selfe to any further reall operation upon the living : Pope Gelasius will denie that it may be stretched in like maner unto the dead ; because that Ch●ist saith , Whatsoever thou shalt binde upon earth . z He saith upon earth : for he that dyeth bound , is no where said to be loosed . and , a that which a man remayning in his body hath not received , being uncloathed of his flesh he cannot obtaine : saith Leo. Whether the dead received profite by the prayers of the living , was still a question in the Church . Maximus in his Greeke scholies upon the writer of the Ecclesiasticall Hierarchy , wisheth us to b marke , that even before his time that doubt was questioned . Among the questions wherein Dulcitius desired to be resolved by S. Augustin , we finde this to be one ; c Whether the offering that is made for the dead , did avayle their soules any thing ? and that d MANY did say to this , that if herein any good were to be done after death ; how much rather should the soule it selfe obtaine ease for it selfe , by it owne confessing of her sinnes there , than that for the ease thereof an oblation should be procured by other men . The like also is noted by Cyrill or rather Iohn Bishop of Ierusalem ; that he e knew MANY who said thus . What profite doth the soule get that goeth out of this world ( eyther with sinnes , or not with sinnes ) if you make mention of it in prayer ? and by Anastasius Sinaita ( or Nicaenus : ) f Some doe doubt ; saying that the dead are not profited by the oblations that are made for them . and ( long after them ) by Petrus Cluniacensis in his treatise against the followers of Peter Bruse in France : g That the good deeds of the living may profit the dead , both these hereticks doe deny , and some Catholicks also do seeme to doubt . Nay in the West , not the profite onely , but the lawfulnesse also of these doings for the dead was called in question : as partly may be collected by Boniface archbishop of Mentz his consulting with Pope Gregory , about 730. yeares after the birth of our Saviour ; h Whether it were lawfull to offer oblations for the dead ( which hee should have no reason to doe , if no question had beene made thereof among the Germans ) and is plainly delivered by Hugo Etherianus , about 1170. yeares after Christ , in these words . i I know that many are deformed with vaine opinions , thinking that the dead are not to be prayed for : because that neither Christ , nor the Apostles that succeeded him have intimated these things in the Scriptures . But they are ignorant that there be many things , and those exceeding necessary , frequented by the holy Church , the tradition whereof is not had in the Scriptures : and yet they pertaine neverthelesse to the worship of God , and obtaine great strength . Whereby it may appeare , that this practise wanted not opposition even then , when in the Papacie it was advanced unto his greatest height . And now is it high time , that I should passe from this article , unto the next following OF LIMBVS PATRVM ; And CHRISTS DESCENT INTO HELL . HEre doth our Challenger undertake to prove against us ; not only that there is Limbus Patrum , but that our Saviour also descended into Hell , to deliver the ancient Fathers of the Old Testament ; because before his Passion none ever entred into Heaven . That there was such a thing as Limbus Patrum , I have heard it said : but what it is now , the Doctors varie , yet agree all in this ; that Limbus it may well be , but Limbus Patrum sure it is not . a Whether it were distinct from that place , in which the infants that depart out of this life without baptisme are now beleeved to be received , the Divines doe doubt ; neyther is there any thing to be rashly pronounced of so doubtfull a matter : saith Maldonat the Iesuite . The Dominican Friars , that wrote against the Grecians at Constantinople in the yeare 1252 resolve , that b into this Limbus the holy Fathers before the comming of Christ did descend ; but now the children that depart vvithout baptisme , are detained there : so that in their iudgement , that which was the Limbus of Fathers , is now become the Limbus of Children . The more common opinion is , that these be two distinct places : and that the one is appointed for unbaptized infants , but the other c now remayneth voide , and so d shall remaine , that it may beare witnesse aswell of the justice as of the mercie of God. If you demand , how it came to be thus voyd , & emptied of the old inhabitants : the answer is here given ; that our Saviour descended into Hell purposely ●o deliver from hence the ancient Fathers of the Old Testament . But e Hell is one thing , I ween , saith Tertullian , and Abrahams b●some ( where the Fathers of the old Testament rested ) another : f neyther is it to be beleeved , that the bosome of Abraham , being the habitation of a secret kinde of rest , was any part of Hell ; saith S. Augustin . To say then , that our Saviour descended into Hell , to deliver the ancient Fathers of the old Testament out of Limbus Patrum : would by this construction prove as strange a tale , as if it had beene reported , that Caesar made a voyage into Brittaine , to set his friends at libertie in Greece . Yea , but before Christs Passion none ever entred into Heaven : saith our Challenger . The proposition that Cardinall Bellarmine taketh upon him to prove , where he handleth this controversie , is : g that the soules of the godly were not in Heaven before the As●ension of Christ. Our Iesuite , it seemeth , considered here with himselfe , that Christ had promised unto the penitent theefe upon the crosse ; that not before his ascension only , but also before his resurrection , even h that day he should be with him in Paradise : that is to say , in the kingdome of heaven ; as the i Cardina●l himselfe doth prove , both by the authoritie of S. k Paul , making Paradise and the third heaven to be the selfe same thing , and by the testimony of the ancient expositors of the place . This , belike , stuck somewhat in our Iesuites stomack : who being loath to interpret this of his Limbus Patrum ( as l others of that side had done ) and to maintaine that Paradise , in stead of the third Heaven , should signifie the third or the fourth Hell ; thought it best to shift the matter handsomely away , by taking upon him to defend , that , not before Christs ascension ( least that of the Thiefe should crosse him ) but before his passion none ever entred into Heaven . But if none before our Saviours Passion did ever enter into Heaven : whither shall we say that Elias did enter ? The Scripture assureth us , that he went up into heaven : ( 2. Kings , 2.11 ▪ ) & of this Mattathias put his sonnes in mind upon his death-bedd ; that m Elias being zealous and fervent for the law , was taken up into heaven . Elias and Moses both , before the passion of Christ are described to be n in glory : o Lazarus is carried by the Angells into a place of comfort , and not of imprisonment : in a word , all the Fathers p accounted themselves to be strangers and pilgrims in this earth , seeking for a better countrey , that is , an heavenly , as well as q we doe ; and therefore having ended their pilgrimage , they arrived at the country they sought for , as well as wee . They r beleeved to be saved through the grace of our Lord Iesus Christ , as well as we ; they s lived by that faith , as well as we ; they t dyed in Christ , as well as we ; they received u remission of sinnes , imputation of righteousnes , and the blessednesse arising therefrom , as well as we : and the mediation of our Saviour being of that present efficacie , that it tooke away sinne and brought in righteousnesse from the very beginning of the world , it had vertue sufficient to free men from the penaltie of losse as well as from the penalty of sense , and to bring them unto him in whose x presence is fulnesse of joy , as to deliver them from the y place of torment where z there is weeping and gnashing of teeth . The first that ever assigned a resting place in Hell to the Fathers of the old Testament , was ( as farre as wee can finde ) Marcion the heretick : a who determined that both kinde of rewards , whether of torment or of refreshing , was appointed in Hell for them that did obey the Law and the Prophets . Wherein he was gainsayd by such as wrote against him , not only for making that the place of their eternal rest ; but also for lodging them there at all , and imagining that Abrahams bosome was any part of Hell. This appeareth plainly by the disputation , set out among the workes of Origen , betwixt Marcus the Marcionite , & Adamantius the defender of the Catholicke cause : who touching the * parabolicall historie of the rich man & Lazarus in the sixteenth of S. Luke , are brought in reasoning after this maner . b MARCUS . He saith that A●raham is in hell , and not in the kingdome of heaven . ADAMANTIUS . Reade whether he sayt● that Abraham was in Hell. MARC . In that the rich man and he talked one to the other , it appeareth that they were together . ADAMANT . That they talked one with another , thou hearest ; but the great gulfe spoken of , that thou hearest not . For the middle space betwixt heaven and earth he calleth a gulfe . MARC . Can a man therefore see from earth unto heaven ? it is impossible . Can any man lifting up his eyes behold from the earth , or from hell rather see into heaven ? If not ; it is plain , that a vally only was set betwixt them . ADAMANT . Bodily eyes use to see those things only that are neere : but spirituall eyes reach farre . and it is manifest , that they who have here put off their body , doe see one another with the eyes of their soule . For marke how the Gospell doth say , that he lifted up his eyes . toward heaven one useth to lift them up , and not toward the earth . In like maner doth c Tertullian also retort the same place of Scripture against Marcion , and prove that it maketh a plaine difference betweene Hell and the bosome of Abraham . For it affirmeth ( saith he ) both that a great deepe is interposed betwixt those regions , and that it suffereth no passage from eyther side . Neyther could the rich man have lifted up his eyes , and that afarre off , unlesse it had beene unto places above him , and very farre above him , by reason of the mightie distance betwixt that height and that depth . Thus farre Tertullian : who though he come short of Adamantius , in d making Abrahams bosome not to be any part of Heaven , although no member at all of Hell ; yet doth he concurre with him in this , that it is a place of blisse , and a common receptacle wherein the soules of all the faithfull as well of the new as of the old Testament doe still remaine , in expectation of the generall resurrection ▪ which quite marteth the Limbus Patrum of our Romanists , and the journey which they fancie our Saviour to have taken for the fetching of the Fathers from thence . With these two doth S. Augustin also ioyne , in his 99. epistle to Euodius : concerning whose iudgement herein , I will not say the deceitfull , but the exceeding partiall dealing of Cardinall Bellarmine can verie hardly be excused . e Although Augustin ( saith he ) in his 99. epistle do seeme to doubt , whether the bosome of Abraham , where the soules of the Fathers were in times past , should be in Hell or somewhere else : yet in the 20. booke of the Citie of God , the 15. chapter , he affirmeth that it was in Hell ; as all the rest of the Fathers have alwayes taught . If S. Augustin in that epistle were of the minde ( as hee was indeed ) that Abrahams bosome was no part of Hell : he was not the first inventer of that doctrine ; others taught it before him , and opposed Marcion for teaching otherwise . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : alone he went not , two there were at least ( as we have seen ) that walked along with him in the same way . But for that which he is said to have doubted off in one place , and to have affirmed in another : if the indifferent Reader will be pleased but to view both the places , he shall easily discerne that the Cardinall looked not into these things with a single eye . In his 99. epistle , f from that speech of Abraham ; Betweene you and us there is a great gulfe fixed : he maketh this inference . In these words it appeareth sufficiently , as I thinke , that the bosome of so great happinesse is not any part and member of Hell. These seem unto the Cardinall to be the words of a doubtfull man : with what words then , when he is better resolved , doth he affirme the matter ? With these forsooth . g If it do seem no absurditie to beleeve , that the old Saincts which held the faith of Christ to come , were in places most remote from the torments of the wicked , but yet in Hell ; untill the blood of Christ , and his descent into those places , did deliver them : truely from henceforth the good and faithfull , who are redeemed with that price already shed , know not Hell at all . If , satis ut opinor apparet , [ it appeareth sufficiently , as I thinke , ] must import doubting ; and , si non absurdé credi videtur , [ if it doe seeme no absurditie to beleeve , ] affirming : I know not , I must confesse , what to make of mens speeches . The truth is : S. Augustin in handling this question discovereth himselfe to be neyther of the Iesuits temper nor beleefe . He esteemed not this to be such an article of faith , that they who agreed not therein must needs be held to be of different religions : as he doth modestly propound the reasons which induced him to think that Abrahams bosome was no member of Hell ; so doth he not lightly reiect the opinion of those that thought otherwise , but leaveth it still as a disputable point . h Whether that bosome of Abraham where the wicked rich man , when he was in the torments of Hell , did behold the poore man resting , were eyther to be accounted by the name of Paradise , or esteemed to appertaine unto Hell , I cannot readily affirme : saith he in one place . and in another : i Whether Abraham were then at any certaine place in Hell , we cannot certainly define . and in his 12. book de Genesi ad literam : k I have not hitherto found , and I doe yet inquire , neyther doe I remember that the canonicall Scripture doth any where put Hell in the good part . Now that the bosome of Abraham and that rest , unto which the godly poore man was carried by the Angel , should not be taken in the good part , I know not whether any good man can endure to heare : and therefore how we may beleeve that it is in Hell I doe not see . Where it may further also be observed , that S. Augustin doth here assigne no other place to this godly poore man , then he doth unto the soules of all the faithfull that have departed since the comming of our Saviour Christ : the question with him being alike of them both , whether the place of their rest be designed by the name of Hell or Paradise . Therefore he saith : l I confesse , I have not yet found , that it is called Hell , where the soules of just men doe rest . and againe : m How much more after this life may that bosome of Abraham be called Paradise ; where now there is no temptation , where there is so great rest after all the griefes of this life ? For neyther is there wanting there a proper kinde of light and of it owne kinde , a●d doubtlesse great ; which that rich man out of the torments and darknesse of Hell , ( even from so remote a place , where a great gulfe was placed in the midst ) did so behold , that he might there take notice of the poore man whom sometime he had despised . and elsewhere , expounding that place in the 16. of S. Luke : n The bosome of Abraham , saith he , is the rest of the blessed poore , whose is the kingdome of heaven , in which after this life they are received . Bede in his Commentaries upon the same place , and Strabus in the ordinary Glosse doe directly follow S. Augustin in this exposition : and the Greeke interpreter of S Luke ( who wrongly beareth the name of Titus Bostrensis , and Chrysos●om ) for proofe thereof produceth the testimonie of o Di●nysius Areopagita , affirming that by the bosome of Abraham , Isaac , and Iacob , those most divine and blessed seates are designed , w●ich doe receive within them all just men after their most happy consummation . The words that he hath relation unto , be these , in the 7. chapter of the Ecclesiasticall Hierarchy . p The bosomes of the blessed Pa●riarches and of all the rest of the Saincts are , as I thinke , the most divine and blessed resting places , which doe recei●e all such as are like unto God , into that never-fading and most blessed perfection that is therein . Hitherto appertaine those passages in S. Ambrose . q Come into the bosome of Iacob : that as poore Lazarus did in the bosome of Abraham , so thou also mayst rest in the tranquillitie of the patriarch Iacob . For the bosome of the Patriarches is a certaine retyring place of everlasting rest . r We shall goe where holy Abraham openeth his bosome , to receive the poore , as he did receive Lazarus : in which bosome they doe rest , who in this world have endured grievous and sharpe things . s Into Paradise is a ascent , into Hell a descent . Let them descend , saith he , quick into Hell. And therefore poore Lazarus was by the Angels lifted up into Abrahams bosome . t Behold that poore man abounding with all good things , whom the blessed rest of the holy Patriarch did compasse about . u Lazarus lying in Abrahams bosome , enjoyed everlasting life . S. Chrysostom , or whosoever else was the author of that homily touching the Rich man and Lazarus , upon those wordes of the text , that the rich man lifting up his eyes beheld Lazarus in Abrahams bosome , moveth this question : x Why Lazarus did not see the rich man , as well as the rich man is said to see Lazarus ? and giveth this answer thereunto : because * he that is in the light doth not see him that standeth in the darke , but hee that is in the darke beholdeth him that is in the light ; taking it for granted , that Abrahams bosome was a place of light and not of darkenesse . He that wrote the Homily upon that sentence of the Psalme , What man is he that would have life and desireth to see good dayes ? who is commonly also , though not rightly , accounted to be Chrysostom ; goeth further and saith , that the rich man y lifted up his eyes unto Heaven out of the place of torments , and cryed unto father Abraham : yea he expressely affirmeth there , that z the blessed poore man did go unto Heaven , and the rich man covered with purple did remaine in Hell. which agreeth well with that undoubted saying of S. Chrysostome himselfe : a Lazarus , who vvas worthy of Heaven and the kingdome that is there , being full of sores was exposed to the tongues of doggs , and strove with perpetuall hunger . and with that which he writeth elsewhere : that b after famine , and soares , and lying in the porch , he enjoyed that refreshing which is impossible to be expressed by speech , even c unspeakable good things . Whereunto may be added that collection of his out of the words of our Saviour : Many shall come from the East and West , and shall sit downe with Abraham , and Isaak , and Iacob , in the kingdome of heaven , Matth. 8.11 . that this kingdome is d designed here by a new terme of the bosome of Abraham ; and the e consummation of all good called by the name of the bosomes of the Patriarches . S. Basil in his sermon of Fasting , placeth Lazarus in Paradise . f Dost not thou see Lazarus ( saith he ) how he entred by fasting into Paradise ? and the ancient compiler of the Latin sermon translated from thence , frameth his exhortation accordingly , g Let us therefore use this way , whereby we may returne unto Paradise . Thither is Lazarus gone before us . Asterius Bishop of Amasea placeth him in h a sweet and joyous state : Cyrill Bishop of Alexandria , in i unexpected delights : Salvianus , in blisse and everlasting wealth . k The poore man ( saith he ) bought blisse with beggerie ; the rich man punishment with wealth . The poore man , when he had just nothing , bought everlasting riches with penury . Gregory Nazianzen saith , he l was enriched with refreshment in the bosomes of Abraham , that are so much to be m desired . Prudentius , in his poeticall vaine , describeth him to be there hedged about with floures , as being in the garden of Paradise , even in the same paradise wherein pure soules do now rest since the ascension of Christ. for thus he writeth : n Sed dum resolubile corpus Revocas Deus , atque reformas ; Quânam regione jubebis Animam requiescere puram ? Gremio senis abdita sancti Recubabit , ubi est Eleazar ; Quem floribus undique septum Dives procul adspicit ardens . Sequimur tua dicta Redemptor , Quibus atrâ é morte triumphans , Tua per vestigia mandas Socium crucis ire latronem . So where Iob sayeth ; Naked came I out of my mothers wombe , and naked shall I returne thither : the Greeke scholies expound it thus : Thither : o namely unto God , unto that blessed end and rest . which the author of the Commentaries upon Iob ascribed to Origen , expresseth thus at large . p Thither will I goe , saith he , where are the tabernacles of the righteous , where the glories of the Saints are , where is the rest of the faithfull , where is the consolation of the godly , where is the inheritance of the mercifull , where is the blisse of the undefiled , where is the joy and consolation of such as love the truth . Thither will I goe , where is light and life , where is glory & jocundnesse , where is joy and exultation : whence griefe and heavinesse and groning flie away , where they forgett the former tribulations that they sustayned in their body upon the earth . Thither will I goe , where there is a laying aside of tribulations , where there this a recompense of labors , where is the bosome of Abraham , where the proprietie of Isaac , where the familiarity of Israel ; where be the soules of the Saints , vvhere the quire of Angels , where the voyces of Archangels , where the illumination of the holy Ghost , where the kingdome of Christ , where the endlesse glory and blessed sight of the eternall God the father . What difference I pray you now , is there betwixt this Limbus Patrum and Heaven it selfe ? Of Abrahams bosome Gregory Nyssen writeth after this maner . q As by a certaine abuse of speech we call a baye of the sea an arme or bosome : so it seemeth to me that the word doth signifie the exhibitiō of those unmeasurable good things by the name of a bosome ; into which good bosome , or baye , all men that sayle by a vertuous course through this present life , when they loose from hence , put in their soules as it were into a haven free from danger of waves and tempests . and in another place . r If one hearing of a bosome , as it were a certaine large baye of the sea ; should conceive the fulnesse of good things to be meant thereby where the Patriarch is named , and that Lazarus is therein : he should not thinke amisse . True it is indeed , that diverse of the Doctors who make Abrahams bosome to be a place of glorie , do yet distinguish it from Heaven : but it is to be considered withall that they hold the same opinion indifferently , of the place whereunto the soules of all godly men are received , aswell under the state of the New as of the Old Testament . For they did not hold ( as our Romanistes doe now ) that Christ by his descension emptyed Limbus , & removed the bosome of Abraham from Hell into Heaven : their Limbus is now as full of Fathers as ever it was , and is the common receptacle wherein they suppose all good soules to remaine untill the generall resurrection ; before which time they admit neyther the Fathers nor us unto the possession of the kingdome of Heaven . s For Abraham ( saith Gregory Nyssen ) and the other Patriarches , although they had a desire to see those good things , and never left seeking that heavenly countrey , as the Apostle saith : yet are they notwithstanding that , even yet in expectancie of this favour ; God having provided some better thing for us , according to the saying of S. Paul , that they without us should not be made perfect . So Tertullian : t It appeareth to every wise man , that hath ever heard of the Elysian fields , that there is some locall determination , which is called Ab●ahams bosome , to receive the soules of his sonnes , even of the Gentiles ; he being the Father of many nations that were to bee accounted of Abrahams family , and of the same faith wherewith Abraham beleeved God , under no yoke of the law , nor in t●e signe of Circumcision . That region t●erefore doe I call the bosome of Abraham , although not heavenly yet higher than hell , which shall give rest in the meane season to the soules of the righteous , untill the consummation of thin●s doe finish the resurrection of all , with the fulnesse of reward . And we have heard S. Hilary say before , that u all the faithfull , when they are gone out of the body , shall be reserved by the Lords custody for that entrie into the heavenly kingdome ; being in the meane time placed in the bosome of Abraham , whither the wicked are hindred from comming by the gulfe interposed betwixt them , untill the time of entring into the kingdome of heaven doe come . and againe . x The rich and the poore man in the Gospell do serve us for witnesses : one of whom the Angels did place in the seates of the Blessed and in Abrahams bosome ; the other the region of punishment did presently receive . y For the day of judgement is the everlasting retribution eyther of blisse or paine : but the time of death hath every one under his lawes , while eyther Abraham or punishment reserveth every one unto judgement . The difference betwixt the Doctors in their iudgement concerning the bosome of Abraham , and the resting of the ancient Fathers therein , wee finde noted in part in those expositions upon the Gospell , which goe under the name of Theophilus Bishop of Antioch and Eucherius Bishop of Lyons . z In that the rich man ( say they ) did in Hell behold Abraham , this by some is thought to be the reason : because all the Saints before the comming of our Lord Iesus Christ , are said to have descended into Hell , although into a place of refreshment . Others thinke , that the place wherein Abraham was , did lye apart from those places of Hell , situated in places above : for which the Lord should say of that rich man , that lifting up his eyes when he was in torments , he saw Abraham a far off . The former of these opinions is delivered by some of the Doctors doubtfully , by others more resolutely . Primasius setteth it downe with S. Augustins qualification : a It s●em●th that without absurditie it may be beleeved . The author of the imperfect worke upon Matthew saith , that b peradventure the just did ascend into heave● before the comming of Christ : yet that he doth thinke , ●hat no soule before Christ did ascend into heaven , since Adam sinned and the heavens were shut against him ; but all were detayned in Hell. and , c as I doe thinke , saith the Greeke expositor of Zacharies Hymne likewise , even our fathers Abraham , Isaac , and Iacob , and the whole queere of the holy Prophets and just men , did enjoy the comming of Christ. Of which comming to visite the Fathers in Hell , d S. Hierome , e Ruffinus , f Venantius Fortunatus , g Gregory , h Iulianus Toletanus , and i Eusebius Emissenus ( as he is commonly called ) interpret that question propounded by the Baptist unto our Saviour . k Art thou he that should come , or looke we for another ? which exposition is by S. l Chrysostome iustly reiected , as utterly impertinent and ridiculous . Anastasius Sinaita affirmeth very boldly , that m all the soules aswell of the just as the unjust were under the hand of the Divell , untill Christ descending into Hell said unto those that vvere in bonds , Come forth , and to those that were indurance , Be at libertie . For n he did not only ( saith he in another place ) dissolve the corruption of the bodies in the grave : but also delivered the captive soules out of Hell , vvherein they were by tyrannie detained , and peradventure not by tyrannie neyther , but for many debts . which being payed , he that descended for their deliverie , brought backe with him a great company of captives . and thus was o Hell spoyled , and Adam delivered from his griefes . Which is agreeable to that which we reade in the works of Athanasius : that p the soule of Adam was detayned in the condemnation of death , and cryed continually unto the Lord ; such as had pleased God , and were justified in the law of nature , being detayned together with Adam , and lamenting and crying out with him . and that the Divell , q beholding himselfe spoyled , did bemoane himselfe ; and beholding those that sometime were weeping under him , now singing in the Lord , did rent himselfe . Others are more favourable to the soules of the Fathers , though they place them in Hell : for they hold them to have beene there in a state of blisse , and not of miserie . Thus the author of the Latin homily concerning the Rich man and Lazarus , which is commonly fathered upon Chrysostom , notwithstanding he affirmeth that r Abraham was in Hell , and that before the comming of Christ , none ever entred into Paradise : yet doth he acknowledge in the meane time that Lazarus did remaine there in a kinde of Paradise . For s the bosome of Abraham , saith he , vvas the poore mans Paradise . and againe . t Some man may say unto me : Is there a Paradise in Hell ? I say this , that the bosome of Abraham is the truth of Paradise : Yea and I confesse it to be a most holy Paradise . So Tertullian in the fourth booke of his Verses against Marcion , placeth Abrahams bosome under the earth , but in an open and lightsome seate , farre removed from the fire and from the darknesse of Hell : — sub corpore terrae In parte ignotâ quidam locus exstat apertus , Luce u sua fretus ; Abrahae sinus iste vocatur , Altior á tenebris , longé semotus ab igne , Sub terrâ tamen . Yea he maketh it to be one house with that which is eternall in the heaven , distinguisht onely from it , as the outer and the inner Temple ( or the Sanctum and the Sanctum Sanctorum ) were in the time of the Law , by the Vayle that hung between : which vayle being rent at the passion of Christ , he saith these two were made one everlasting house . Tempore divisa & spatio , & ratione ligata Vna domus , quamvis velo partita videtur . Atque adeò passo Domino velamine rupto , Coelestes patuere plagae , coelataque sancta ; Atque duplex quondam , facta est domus una perennis . Yet elsewhere hee maketh up the partition againe : maintaining very stiffly , that the gates of x Heaven remaine still shut against all men , untill the end of the world come and the day of the last judgement . Only y Paradise he leaveth open for Martyrs ( as that other author of the latin Homily z seemeth also to doe : ) but the soules of the rest of the faithfull he a sequest●eth into Hell , there to remaine b in Abrahams bosome untill the time of the generall resurrection . And to this part of Hell doth he imagine Christ to have descended , not with purpose to fetch the soules of the Fathers from thence ( which is the only errand that our Romanistes conceive he had thither ) but , ut illic Patriarchas & Prophetas compotes sui faceret , that he might there make the Patriarches and Prophets partakers of his presence . S. Hierome saith , that c our Lord Iesus Christ descended into the furnace of Hell , wherein the soules both of sinners and of just men were held shut ; that without any burning or hurt unto himselfe , he might free from the bonds of death those that were held shut up in that place : and that hee d called upon the name of the Lord out of the lowermost lake , when by the power of his divinitie hee descended into Hell , and having destroyed the barres of Tartarus , ( or the dungeon of Hell ) bringing from thence such of his as he found there , ascended conquerour up againe . He saith further , that e Hell is the place of punishments and tortures , in which the rich man that was cloathed in pu●ple is see●e : unto which also the Lord did descend , that he might let forth those that were bound out of prison . Lastly , f t●e Sonne of God ( saith he , following Origen , as it seemeth , too unaduisedly here ) descended into the lowermost parts of the earth , and ascended above all heavens : that he might not only fulfill the law and the prophets , but certaine other hidden dispensations also , which hee alone doth know with the Father . For wee cannot understand , how the bloud of Christ did profite both the Angels and those that were in Hell ; and yet that it did profite them , wee cannot be ignorant . Thus farre S. Hierome ; touching Christs descent into the lowermost Hell : which Thomas and the other Schoolemen will not admitt that hee ever came unto . Yet this must they of force grant , if they will stand to the authority of the Fathers . g It remayned , saith Fulgentius , for the full effecting of our redemption , that man assumed by God without sinne , should thither descend , whither man separated from God should have fallen by the desert of sinne ; that is , unto Hell , where the soule of the sinner was wont to be tormented , and to the Grave , where the flesh of the sinner was accustomed to bee corrupted : yet so , that neyther the flesh of Christ should be corrupted in the Grave nor his soule be tormented with the paines of Hell. Because the soule free from sinne , was not to be subjected to such punishment : neither ought corruption to tainte the flesh without sinne . h And this hee saith was done for this end : that by the flesh of the just dying temporally , everlasting life might be given to our flesh ; and by the soule of the just descending into Hell , the paines of hell might be loosed . It is the saying of S. Ambrose , that i Christ being voyd of sinne , when hee did descend into the lowermost parts of Tartarus , breaking the barres & gates of Hell , called backe unto life out of the jawes of the Divell the soules that were bound with sinne , having destroyed the dominion of death : and of Eusebius Emissenus or Gallicanus ( or who ever was the author of the sixt Paschall homily attributed to him ) that k the sonne of man laying aside his body , pierced the lowest & hidden seates of Tartarus : but where he was thought to have beene detained among the dead , there binding death ; did hee loose the bonds of the dead . Presently l therefore , saith Caesarius ( in his third Paschall homily ; w ch is the same with the first of those that goe under the name of the former Eusebius ) the everlasting night of Hell at Christs descending shined bright : the gnashing of the mourners ceased , the burthens of the chaines were loosed , the bursted bands of the damned fell from them . The tormentors astonished in minde were amazed : the whole jmpious shoppe trembled together , when they beheld Christ suddainly in their dwellings : So Arnoldus Bonaevallensis in his booke de Cardinalibus operibus Christi ( commonly attributed to S. Cyprian ) noteth , that at that time m there was a cessation from infernall torments : which by n Arator is thus more amply expressed in verse . — pavidis resplenduit umbris Pallida regna petens , propriâ quem luce corruscum Non potuit fuscare chaeos . fugere dolores , Infernus tunc esse timet , nullumque coërcens In se poena redit , nova tortor ad otia languet : Tartara moesta gemunt , quia vincula cuncta quiescunt . Mors ibi quid faceret , quò vitae portitor ibat ? S. Augustine doth thus deliver his opinion touching this matter . o That Christs soule came unto those places wherein sinners are punished , that hee might loose them from torments , whom by his hidden justice he judged fit to be loosed ; is not without cause beleeved . p Neyther did our Saviour being dead for us , scorne to visite those parts : that hee might loose from thence such as hee could not bee ignorant , according to his divine and secret justice , were not to bee loosed . q But whether hee loosed all that hee found in those paines , or some whom hee thought worthy of that benefit , I yet enquire . For that he was in hell , and bestowed this benefit upon some that did lye in the paines thereof , I doe not doubt . Thus did S. Augustine write unto Euodias , who inquired of him ; whether r our Saviour loosed all from thence , and emptied Hell ? which was in those dayes a great question : and gave occasion to that speech of Gregory Nazianzen . s If hee descend into Hell , goe thou downe with him ( namely in contemplation and meditation ) learne the mysteries of Christs doings there , what the dispensation and what the reason was of his double descent ( to wit , from heaven unto earth , & from earth unto hell : ) whether at his appearing he simply saved all , or there also such only as did beleeve . What Clemēs Alexandrinus his opinion was herein , every one knoweth , that t our Lord descended for no other cause into Hell , but to preach the Gospell ; and that u such as lived a good life before the time of the Gospell , whether Iewes or Grecians , although they were in hell and in durance , yet hearing the voyce of our Lord ( eyther from himselfe immediatly or by the working of his Apostles ) were presently converted and did beleeve : in a word , that x in Hell things were so ordred , that evē there all the soules , having heard this preaching might eyther shew their repentance , or acknowledge their punishment to be just , because they did not beleeve . Hereupon , when Celsus the Philosopher made this objection concerning our Saviour : y Surely you will not say of him , that when hee could not perswade those that were heere , hee went unto Hell to perswade those that were there . Origen , the scholler of Clemens , sticketh not to returne unto him this answere . z Whether he will or no , wee say this , that both being in the bodie hee did perswade , not a few , but so many that for the multitude of those that were perswaded by him he was layd in wayt for : and after his soule was separated from his body , hee had conference with soules separated from their bodies ; converting of them unto himselfe such as would , or such as he discerned to bee more fit for reasons best knowne unto himselfe . The like effect of Christs preaching in Hell , is delivered by a Anastasius Sinaita , b Iobius or Iovius , c Damascen , d Oecumenius , e Michael Glycas , and his transcriber f Theodorus Metochites . Procopius saith ; that g hee preached to the spirits that were in Hell , restrayned in the prison house , releasing them all from the bonds of necessity . wherein he followeth S. Cyrill of Alexandria , writing upon the same place , h that Christ went to preach to the spirits in Hell , and appeared to them that were detayned in the prison house ; and freed them all f●om bonds and necessitie , and paine , and punishment . The same S. Cyrill in his Paschall homilies affirmeth more directly , that our Saviour i entring into the lowermost dennes of Hell , and preaching to the spirits that were there ; k emptied that unsatiable denne of death , l spoyled Hell of spirits , and having thus m spoyled all Hell , left the Divell there solitarie and alone . n For when Christ descended into Hell , sayth Andronicus , not onely the soules of the Saints were delivered from thence ; but all those that before did serve in the error of the Divell and the worship of idols , being enriched with the knowledge of God , obtayned salvation : for which also they gave thankes , praysing God. Whereupon the author of one of the sermons upon the Ascension , fathered upon S. Chrysostom , bringeth in the Divell complayning , that the sonne of Mary , o having taken away from him all those that were with him from the verie beginning , had left him desolate . whereas the true Chrysostom doth at large confute this fond opinion : censuring the maintayners thereof , as the p bringers in of old wives conceytes and Iewish fables . Yea q Philastrius , & S. r Augustin out of him , doth brand such for hereticks : whose testimonie also is urged by S. Gregory against George and Theodore , two of the clergie of Constantinople ; who held in his time ( as many others did before and after them ) that s our omnipotent Lord and Saviour Iesus Christ descending into Hell , did save all those vvho there confessed him to be God , and did deliver them from the paines that were due unto them . and when Clement our countryman , about 150. years after , did renue that old error in Germanie , that t the sonne of God descending into Hell delivered from thence all such as that infernall prison did detayne , beleevers and unbeleevers , praysers of God and worshippers of idols : the u Romane Synod held by Pope Zacharie condemned him and his followers for it . But to leave Clemens Scotus , and to returne unto Clemens Alexandrinus , at whom Philastrius may seeme to have aymed specially : it is confessed by our Adversaries , that he fell into this error , partly being x deceived with the superficiall consideration of the wordes of S. Pet●r , touching Christs preaching to the spirits in prison , y 1. Pet. 3.19 . partly being deluded with the authority of Hermes , the supposed scholler of S. Paul ; by whose z dreames he was perswaded to beleeve , that not onely Christ himselfe , but his Apostles also did descend into Hell , to preach there unto the dead & to baptize them . But touching the wordes of S. Peter is the maine doubt : whether they are to bee referred unto Christs preaching by the ministerie of Noë unto the world of the ungodly ; or unto his owne immediate preaching to the spirits in Hell after his death upon the Crosse. For seeing it was the spirit of Christ which spake in the Prophets , ( as S. a Peter sheweth in this same Epistle ) and among them was Noë b a preacher of righteousnesse ( as hee declareth in the next : ) even as in S. Paul , Christ is sayd to have c come and preached to the Ephesians , namely by his spirit in the mouth of his Apostles ; so likewise in S. Peter may he be sayd to have gone and preached to the old world , d by his spirit in the mouth of his Prophets ( and of Noë in particular ) when God having said that his Spirit e should not alwayes strive with man , because he was flesh , did in his long suffering wait the expiration of the time which he then did set for his amendment , even an hundred and twentie yeares . For which exposition the Aethiopian Translation maketh something : where the Spirit , by which Christ is sayd to have beene quickned and to have preached , is by the Interpreter termed Manphes Kades , that is , the Holy Spirit . the addition of which epithet wee may observe also to bee used by S. Paul in the mention of the resurrection , and by S. Luke in the matter of the preaching of our Saviour Christ. for of the one we read , Rom. 1.4 . that he was declared to be the Sonne of God , with power , according to the Spirit of Holinesse , ( or , the most holy Spirit ) by the Resurrection from the dead . and of the other , Act. 1.2 . that hee gave commandements to the Apostles by the holy Spirit . Thus doth S. Hierome relate , that f a most prudent man ( for so he termeth him ) did understand this place : g He preached to the spirits put in prison ; when the patience of God did wayte in the dayes of Noë , bringing in the flood upon the wicked . as if this preaching were then performed , when the patience of God did expect the conversion of those wicked men in the dayes of Noë . S. Augustine more directly , wisheth us to h consider , least happily all that which the Apostle Peter speaketh of the spirits shut up in prison , which beleeved not in the dayes of Noë , pertaine nothing at all unto Hell , but rather to those times which hee compareth as a patterne with our times . For Christ ( sayth he ) i before ever hee came in the flesh to die for us , which once he did , came often before in the spirit to such as hee pleased , admonishing them by visions in the spirit as hee pleased : by which spirit hee was also quickened , when in his passion hee was mortified in the flesh . Venerable Bede , and Walafridus Strabus in the Ordinarie Glosse after him , set downe their mindes herein yet more resolutely . k He who in our times comming in the flesh , preached the way of life unto the world , even he himselfe also before the flood , comming in the spirit preached unto them , which then were unbeleevers and lived carnally . For by his holy spirit hee was in Noë , and the rest of the holy men which were at that time ; and by their good conve●sation , preached to the wicked men of that age , that they might bee converted to a better course of life . The same exposition is followed by Anselmus Laudunensis in the Interlineary Glosse , l Thomas Aquinas in his Summe , and diverse others in their Commentaries upon this place . Yea since the Councell of Trent , and in a booke written in defence of the faith of Trent , Doctor Andradius professeth that hee thinketh this to bee the plaine meaning of the place . m In which spirit he himselfe long since comming ( that we may not imagine , that hee now first undertooke the care of his Church ) did preach unto those spirits , which now in prison doe suffer the d●served paines of their infidelitie ; forasmuch as they would not beleeve Noë giving them good counsaile , and building the Arke by Gods appointment , notwi●hstanding the patience of God did wayt for them very long , to wit , a hundred yeares or more . which accordeth fully with that interpretation of S. Peters words , which is delivered by the learned of our side . In which spirit hee had gone and preached ●o them that now are spirits in prison : because they disobeyed when the time was : when the patience of God once wayted in the dayes of Noë , vvhile the Arke was a preparing . ( 1. Pet. 3.19 , 20. ) But there were diverse apocryphall scriptures and traditions afoot in the ancient Church , which did so possesse mens mindes with the conceite of Christs preaching in Hell , that they never sought for anie further meaning in S. Peters words . as that sentence especially , which was fathered upon the Prophet Esay or Ieremy ; and from whence , if Cardinall n Bellarmines wisedome may be heard , it is credible that S. Peter tooke his words . namely : o The Lord the holy one of Israel remembred his dead , which slept in the earth of their graves ; and descended to them , to preach unto them his salvation . and that blinde tradition , which Anastasius Sindita doth thus lay downe , immediatly after his citation of S. Peters text . p It is now related among the old traditions , that a certaine Scholler using many opprobrious speeches against Plato the philosopher ; Plato appeared unto him in his sleepe , and said . Man , forbeare to use opprobrious speeches against mee : for thereby thou hurtest thy selfe . That I was a sinfull man I doe not denie : but when Christ descended into Hell , in verie deede none did beleeve in him before my selfe . Nicetas Serronius reciteth this out of the histories of the Fathers : q which whether it bee to bee beleeved or no , I leave ( saith he ) to be judged by the hearers . as if any great matter of judgement should be requisite , for the discerning of this to be ( as Bellarmine doth censure it ) r a fable , or ( as Dionysius Carthusianus before him ) s an apocryphall dreame . The like stuffe is that also which was vented heeretofore unto the world in the apocryphall gospell of Nicodemus . to say nothing of that sentence which is read in the old Latin edition of the booke of Ecclesiasticus ; t I will pearce all the lower-most parts of the earth , and behold all that are asleepe , and enlighten all them that hope in the Lord. which although it be not now to be found in the Greeke originall , and hath perhaps another meaning then that to which it is applied ; yet is it made by the author of the imperfect worke upon Matthew one of the chiefe inducements , which ledd him to thinke that our Saviour descended into Hell , to visite there the soules of the righteous . The tradition that of all others deserveth greatest consideration , is the article of the Creed touching Christs descent into Hell : which u Genebrard affirmeth to have beene so hatefull to the Arrians , that , as Ambrose reporteth upon the fifth Chapter of the epistle to the Romanes , they struck it quite out of the verie Creed . But neither is there the least footstep of any such matter to be seene in S. Ambrose : and it sufficiently appeareth otherwise , that the Arrians did not onely adde this article unto their Creedes , but also set it forth and amplified it with many wordes ; so farre off were they , from being guiltie of suppressing it . For as the Fathers of the first generall Councell , held in the yeare of our Lord CCCXXV . at Nice in Bithynia , did publish a Creed against the Arrians : so the Arrians on the other side , in the yeare CCCLIX . set out a Creed of their owne making , in a Synod purposely kept by them at Nice in Thracia , x that by the ambiguitie of the Councells name , the simpler sort might be more easily induced , to mistake this Nicene for that other Catholick Nicene Creed . And whereas the true Nicene fathers had in their Creed omitted the article of the descent into Hell ( which , as we shall afterwards heare out of Ruffinus , was not to be had in the Symbols of the Easterne Churches : ) these bastard fatherlings in their Nicene Creed , did not onely insert this clause , y Hee descended to the places under the earth ; but added also for further amplification , Whom Hell it selfe trembled at . The like did they ( with the words a little altered ) in another z Creed set out in a Conventicle gathered at Constantinople : and in a third Creed likewise ( framed by them at Sirmium and confirmed the same yeare in their great Councell at Ariminum ) they put it in with a more large augmentation , after this maner . a He descended to the places under the earth , and disposed things there ; vvhom the keepers of Hell gates seeing , shooke for feare . If therefore any fault were committed in the omission of this article ; it should touch the Orthodoxe Fathers of Nice and Constantinople rather : whom the b Latines , disputing with the Grecians in the Councell of Ferrara , do directly charge with subtracting this article from the Apostles Creed ; although they free them from blame in so doing , because they that tooke it away ( say they ) did not denie it , nor fight against the truth . But first they should have shewed , that the Fathers of Nice and Constantinople did finde this article of Christs descent into Hell in the Apostles Creed : before they excused them from taking it away from thence . For the Creed of the Councell of Constantinople ( which cōmonly goeth under the name of the Nicene Creed ) being nothing else but an explanation & a more ample inlargement of the Creed Apostolicall ; yea and so fully expressing the same , that it selfe hath beene heretofore c accounted and d named the Apostles Creed : it is not to be thought that it would leave out any article eyther unexplained or altogether unnamed , which was then commonly beleeved to have beene any parcell of the Creed received from the Apostles . Adde hereunto the ingenuous confession of Busaeus the Iesuite , in his positions touching Christs descent into Hell. e S. Cyprian , or Ruffinus rather , in his exposition of the Creed denyeth that this article is read in the Creed of the Church of Rome , or the Churches of the East : and some of the most ancient Fathers , while either they gather up the summe of the Christian faith , or expound the Creed of the Apostles , have omitted this point of doctrine . But at what time it was inserted in the Creed , it cannot certainely bee determined . The first particular Church that is knowne to have inserted this article into her Creeed , is that of Aquileia : which added also the attributes of f invisible and impassible , unto God the Father almightie in the beginning of the Creed ; as appeareth by Ruffinus , who g framed his exposition of the Creed according to the order used in that Church . But whether any other Church in the world for 500. yeares after Christ , did follow the Aquileians in putting the one of these additions to the Apostolicall Creed , more then the other ; can hardly , I suppose , bee shewed by any approved testimonie of antiquitie . Cardinall Bellarmine noteth , that S. h Augustine in his booke de Fide & Symbolo , and in his foure bookes de Symbolo ad Catechumenos , maketh no mention of this part , when hee doth expound the whole Creed fiue seuerall times . Nay Petrus Chrysologus , who was archbishop of Ravenna 450. years after Christ , doth i six severall times goe over the exposition of the Creed : and yet never medleth with this article . The like also may be observed in k Maximus Taurinensis his exposition of the Creed . For as for the two l Latin expositions thereof that go under the name of S. Chrysostom ( the latter whereof hath it , the former hath it not ) and the o●hers that are found in the tenth Tome of S Augustins works among the Sermons de Tempore ( m foure of which doe repeat it , & n two doe omitt it : ) because the authors of them , together with the time wherein they were written , be altogether unknowne ; they can bring us little light in this inquiry . Neyther is there heereby any whit more derogated from the credit of this article , then there is from others , whose authority is acknowledged to bee undoubted and ●eyond all exception : as namely that of our Saviours death , and the Communion of Saints . the one whereof as sufficiently implied in the article of the Crucifixion as a consequent , or the buriall as a necessarie antecedent thereof , the other as virtually contayned in the article of the Church ; wee finde omitted not in the Constantinopolitan Symboll alone , and in the ancient Apostolicall Creeds expounded by Ruffinus , Maximus , and Chrysologus , but also in those that are extant in o Venantius Fortunatus 580. and in p Etherius and Beatus , 785. yeares after Christ. In all which likewise may bee noted , that the title of Maker of heaven and earth is not given to the Father in the beginning of the Creed : which out of the Creed of Constantinople wee see is now every where added thereunto . Of which additions as there is now no question any where made : so q by the consent of both sides , this of the descent into Hell also , is now numbred among the articles of the Apostles Creed . For the r Scripture having expressely testified , that the prophecie of the Psalmist , s Thou shalt not leave my soule in Hell , was verified in Christ ; S. Augustins conclusion must necessarily be inferred thereupon . t Who therefore but an Infidell will denie that Christ was in Hell ? Thus u all agree , that Christ did some maner of way descend into Hell : saith Cardinall Bellarmine . But the whole question is touching the exposition of this article . The common exposition which the Romish Divines give thereof , is this : that by Hell is here understood , x not that place wherein the wicked are tormented , but the bosome of Abraham , wherein the godly Fathers of the old Testament rested ; for whose deliverie from thence they say our Saviour tooke his journey thither . But S. Augustin in that same place , wherein he counteth it a point of infidelitie to denie the going of Christ into Hell , gain sayeth this exposition thereof : professing that he could finde the name of Hell no where given unto that place wherein the soules of the righteous did rest . y Wherefore ( saith he ) if the holy Scripture had said , that Christ being dead did come unto the bosome of Abraham , not having named Hell and the paines thereof : I marvayle vvhether any would have beene so bold , as to have avouched that Christ descended into Hell. But because evident testimonies doe make mention both of Hell and paines : I see no cause , why our Saviour should be beleeved to have come thither , but that he should deliver men from the paines thereof . And a therefore , what benefite he brought unto those just men that were in the bosome of Abraham , when he did descend into Hell , I have not yet found . Thus farre S. Augustin . For the better understanding of this , wee are to call unto minde that saying of the b Philosophers : that they who do not learne rightly to understand words , use to be deceived in the things themselves . It wil not be amisse therefore , to consider somewhat of the name of Hell : that the c nature of the word being rightly understood , wee may the better conceive the truth of the thing that is signified thereby . Wee are to know then first of our English word Hell , that the originall thereof is by diverse men delivered diversly . Some derive it from the Hebrew word Sheol : eyther subtracting the first letter , or including it in the aspiration . For d this letter S ( saith Priscian ) hath such an affinitie with the aspiration ; that the Boeotians in some words were wont to write H for S , saying Muha for Musa . Others bring it from the Greeke word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which signifieth a lake : others from the English hole , as signifying a pit-hole ; others from hale , as noting the place that haleth or draweth men unto it . Some say , that in the old Saxon or German , Hel signifieth deepe ; whether it bee high or low . But the derivation given by e Verstegan is the most probable ; from being helled over , that is to say , hidden or covered . For in the old German tongue ( from whence our English was extracted ) f Hil signifieth to hide : and Hiluh in Otfridus Wissenburgensis ; is hidden . And in this countrey , with them that retayne the ancient language which their forefathers brought with them out of England , to hell the head , is as much as to cover the head : and hee that covereth the house with tile or slate , is from thence commonly called a hellier . So that in the originall propriety of the word , our Hell doth exactly answere the Greeke 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which denoteth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the place which is unseene or removed from the sight of man. Wee are in the second place therefore to observe , that the tearme of Hell , beside the vulgar acception , wherein it signifieth that which Luke 16.28 . is called the place of torment ; is , in the Ecclesiasticall use of the word , extended more largely to expresse the Greeke word Hádes and the Latin Inferi , & whatsoever is contayned under them . Concerning which S. Augustine giveth this note : g The name of Hell is variously put in Scriptures , and in many meanings , according as the sense of the things which are entreated of doth require . and Master Casaubon ( who understood the propertie of Greeke and Latin wordes as well as any ) this other . h They who thinke that HADES is properly the seate of the damned , be no lesse deceaved , then they who , when they read INFEROS in Latin writers , doe interpret it of the same place . The lesse cause have wee to wonder , that Hell in the Scripture should bee made the place of all the dead in common , and not of the wicked onely . as in Psalm . 89.47 , 48. Remember how short my time is : wherefore hast thou made all men in vaine ? What man is hee that liveth , and shall not see death ? shall hee deliver his soule from the hand of HELL ? and Esai . 38.18 , 19. HELL cannot prayse thee , death cannot celebrate thee : they that goe downe into the pit cannot hope for thy truth . The LIVING , the LIVING , hee shall prayse thee , as I doe this day . Where the opposition betwixt Hell and the state of life in this world is to be observed . Now as the common condition of the dead is considerable three maner of wayes , eyther in respect of the body separated from the soule , or of the soule separated from the bodie , or of the whole man indefinitely considered in this state of separation : so do we finde the word Hádes ( which by the Latins is rendred Infernus or Inferi , and by the English , Hell ) to be applied by the ancient Greek interpreters of the old Testament to the common state and place of the bodie severed from the soule , by the heathen Greekes to the common state and place of the soule severed from the bodie , and by both of them to the common state of the dead , and the place proportionably correspondent to that state of dissolution . And so the Doctors of the Church , speaking in the same language which they learned both from the sacred and the forraine writers , are accordingly found to take the word in these three severall significations . Touching the first we are to note , that both the Septuagint in the Old Testament , and the Apostles in the i New , doe use the Greeke word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 HADES ( and answerably thereunto the Latin Interpreters the word Infernus or Inferi , and the English the word Hell ) for that which in the Hebrew text is named 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 SHEÓL : on the other side , where in the New Testament the word HADES is used , there the ancient Syriack translator doth put 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Shejul in steed thereof . Now the Hebrew Sheol ( and so the Chaldy , Syriack and Aethiopian words which draw their originall from thence ) doth properly denote the interior parts of the earth , that lye hidden from our sight ; namely whatsoever tendeth downeward from the surface of the earth unto the center thereof . In which respect we see that the Scripture describeth Sheol to be a deepe place ; and opposeth the depth thereof unto the heighth of Heaven . ( Iob. 11.8 . Psalm . 139.8 . Amos 9.2 . ) Againe , because the bodies that live upon the surface of the earth , are corrupted within the bowells thereof ; k the dust returning to the earth as it was : therefore is this word commonly put for the state and the place wherein dead bodies do rest , and are disposed for corruption . And in this respect wee finde that the Scripture doth oppose Sheol not only unto Heaven , but also unto this land of the living wherein we now breathe . ( Esai . 38.10 , 11. Ezech. 32.27 . ) the surface of the earth being the place appointed for the habitation of the living ; the other parts ordayned to be the chambers of death . Thus they that are in the graves ( Ioh. 5.28 . ) are said to sleepe in the dust of the earth ( Dan. 12.2 . ) The Psalmist , in his prophesie of our Saviours humiliation , tearmeth it the dust of death : ( Psal. 22.15 . ) which the Chaldee Paraphrast expoundeth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the house of the grave ; interpreting Sheol after the selfe same maner , in Psa. 31.18 . & 89.49 . R. Mardochai Nathan in his Hebrew Concordance , giveth no other interpretation of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Sheol , but only 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or , the grave . R. Abraham Aben-Ezra in his commentary upon those words , Genes . 37.35 . I will goe downe into Sheól unto my sonne mourning ; writeth thus . l Here the Translator of the erring persons ( he meaneth the Vulgar Latin translation used by the Christians ) erreth , in translating Sheól Hell or Gehenna : for behold , the signification of the word is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or the grave . for proofe whereof he alledgeth divers place of Scripture . Where by the way you may note , that in the last edition of the Masoriticall and Rabbinicall Bible , printed by Bombergius , both this and diverse other passages elsewhere have beene cut out by the Romish Correctors : which I wish our Buxtorfius had understood , when he followed that mangled and corrupted copie in his late renewed edition of that great worke . R. Salomo Iarchi , writing upon the same words , Gen. 37.35 . saith , that m according to the literall sense , the interpretation thereof is the Grave : ( In my mourning I will be buried , and I will not be comforted all my dayes : ) but after the Midrash or Allegoricall interpretation , it is Gehenna . In like maner , R. David Kimchi expounding that place , Psal. 9.17 . The wicked shall turne into Hell , and all the nations that forget God ; acknowledgeth , that by the Derash or n Allegoricall exposition , into Hell is as much to say , as into Gehenna : but according to the literall meaning he expoundeth it , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 into the grave ; intimating withall , that the Prophet o useth here the terme of turning or returning , with reference to that sentence , Gen. 3.19 . Dust thou art , and unto dust shalt thou returne . Out of which observation of Kimchi wee may further note , that the Hebrewes , when they expound Sheol to be the grave , do not meane so much thereby an artificial grave ( to wit , a pit digged in the earth , or a tomb raysed above ground ) as a naturall sepulchre : such as the Poët speaketh of in that verse ; Nec tumulum curo , sepelit natura relictos . and Seneca in his Controversies . p Nature hath given a buriall unto all men : such as suffer shipwrack the same wave doth bury , that cast them away ; the bodies of such as are crucified dropp away from the Crosses unto their buriall ; to such as are burnt alive , their punishment is a funerall . For this is the difference that is made by authors , betwixt burying and interring : that q he is understood to be buried who is put away in any maner , but hee to be interred who is covered with the earth . Hence different kindes of r burialls are mentioned by them , according to the different usages of severall nations : the name of a sepulture being given by them , as well to the s burning of the bodies of the dead , used of old among the more civill nations ; as to the devouring of them by dogges , which was the barbarous custome of the t Hyrcanians . Therefore u Diogenes was wont to say , that if the dogges did teare him , he should have an Hyrcanian buriall : and those beasts which were kept for this use , the x Bactrians did terme in their language Sepulchrall dogges ; as Strabo relateth out of Onesicritus . So in the Scripture , the Prophet Ionas calleth the belly of the Whale , wherein he was devoured , y the belly of Sheol , that is , of Hell or the Grave . For z Ionas ( saith Basil of Seleuciae ) was carried in a living grave , and dwelt in a swimming prison ; dwelling in the region of death , the common lodge of the dead and not of the living , while he dwelt in that b●lly which was the mother of death . and in the prophecie of Ieremy , King Iehojakim is said to bee a buried , ( although with the buriall of an asse , ) when his carkasse was drawen and cast forth beyond the gates of Ierusalem . — b capit omnia tellus Quae genuit ; coelo tegitur , qui non habet urnaem . The earth which begetteth all , receiveth all : and hee that wanteth a coffin , hath the welkin for his winding sheet . c The earth is our great mother ; d Omniparens , eadem rerum commune sepulcrum . the common mother , out of whose wombe as naked we came , so e naked shall we returne thither . according to that , in Psalm . 146.4 . His spirit goeth forth , he returneth to HIS earth . and Psalm . 104.29 . Thou takest away their breath , they die ; and returne to THEIR dust . And this is the Sheol , which Iob wayted for , when he said : f Sheol or the grave , ( for that is the Hell which is meant here : as is confessed not by Lyranus only , but by the Iesuite Pineda also ) is mine house ; I have made my bedde in the darkenesse . I have said to corruption , Thou art my father : to the vvorme , Thou art my mother , and my sister . This is that common sepulchre , non factum sed natum , not made by the hand of man , but provided by nature it selfe : betwixt which naturall and artificiall grave these differences may be observed . The artificiall may be appropriated to this man or that man. The Patriarch David is both dead and buried , and his sepulcher is with us unto this day : saith S. Peter , Act. 2.29 . and , Yee build the tombes of the Prophets , and garnish the sepulchers of the righteous : saith our Saviour Matth. 23.29 . But in the naturall there is no such distinction . It cannot be said , that this is such or such a mans Sheol : it is considered as the common receptacle of all the dead . as wee read in Iob : g I knowe that thou wilt bring mee to death , and to the house appointed for all living . h For to everie man ( as Olympiodorus writeth upon that place ) the earth it selfe is appointed as a house for his grave . i There the prisoners rest together ( saith Iob ) they heare not the voyce of the oppressor . The small and great are there ; and the servant , free from his master . Againe , into a made grave a man may enter in alive and come out alive againe ( as k Peter and Iohn did into the sepulcher of Christ : ) but Sheol eyther findeth men dead when they come into it ( which is the ordinarie course ) or if they come into it alive ( which is l a new and unwonted thing ) it bringeth death upon them ; as wee see it fell out in Korah and his complices , who are said to have gone downe alive into Sheol , when the earth opened her mouth , and swallowed them up . ( Numb . 16.30.33 . ) Lastly , as many living men doe goe into the grave made with hands , and yet in so doing they cannot bee said to goe into Sheol ( beacuse they come from thence alive againe : ) so some dead men also want the honour of such a grave ( as it was the case of Gods servants m whose bodies were kept from burial ) and yet thereby are not kept from Sheol ; which is the way that all flesh must goe to . For all goe unto one place ; all are of the dust , and all turne to dust againe . ( Ecclesiast . 3.20 . ) We conclude therefore , that when Sheol is said to signifie the grave ; the tearme of grave must bee taken in as large a sense , as it is in that speech of our Saviour , Iohn . 5.28 . All that are in the graves shall heare his voyce , and shall come forth ; they that have done good , unto the resurrection of life , and they that have done evill , unto the resurrection of damnation . and in Esai . 26.19 . according to the Greeke reading : The dead shall rise , and they that are in the graves shall bee raised up . upon which place Origen writeth thus . n In this place and in many others likewise , the graves of the dead are to be understood according to the more certaine meaning of the Scripture , not such onely as wee see are builded for the receiving of mens bodies , eyther cut out in stones or digged downe in the earth : but every place wherein a mans bodie lyeth , eyther entire or in any part , albeit it fell out that one body should be dispersed through many places ; it being no absurditie at all , that all those places in which any part of the body lyeth , should bee called the sepulchres of that bodie . For if wee do not thus understand the dead to bee raysed by the power of God out of their graves : they which are not committed to buriall , nor layd in graves , but have ended their life either in shipwrackes or in some desart places , so as they could not be committed to buriall , should not seeme to bee recokoned among them who are said should bee raysed up out of their graves . which would bee a very great absurditie . Thus Origen . Now you shall heare , if you please , what our Romish Doctors doe deliver touching this point . o There be two opinions , saith Pererius upon Genes . 37.35 . concerning this question . The one of the Hebrewes , and of many of the Christians in this our age , but especially of the Heretickes , affirming that the word Sheol signifieth nothing else in the Scripture , but the pit or the grave , and from thence reasoning falsly , that our Lord did not descend into Hell. p The other opinion is of undoubted and certaine truth : that the Hebrew word Sheol , and the Latin Infernus answering to it , both in this place of Scripture and elsewhere oftentimes doth signifie , not the pit or the grave , but the place of Hell , and the places under the earth wherein the soules are after death . q Wheresoever Hi●rome ( saith Augustinus Steuchus upon the same place ) and the S●ptuagint have translated Hell , it is in the Hebrewe , Sheol , that is , the pit or the grave . For it doth not signifie that place , wherein Antiquitie hath thought that the soules of the wicked are received . The Hebrew word properly signifieth the grave : saith Iansenius upon Proverb . 15.12 . the Grave properly , and Hell onely metaphorically ▪ saith Arias Montanus , in his answere unto Leo á Castro . and , r in the old Testament , the name of Hell doth alwayes almost import the Grave : saith Alphonsus Mendoza . The Iesuite Pineda commendeth one s Cyprian a Cistercian monke , as a man famous for learning and pietie : yet holdeth him worthie to be censured , for affirming that Sheol or Hell is in all the old Testament taken for the Grave . Another croaking monke ( Crocquet they call him ) crieth out on the other side , that we shall t never be able to prove by the producing of as much as one place of Scripture , that Sheol doth signifie the Grave . Cardinall Bellarmine is a little ( and but a verie little ) more modest heerein . The Hebrewe Sheol , hee saith , u is ordinarily taken for the place of soules under the earth ; and eyther rarely or never , for the grave : but the Greeke x word Hades alwayes signifieth Hell , never the grave . But Stapleton will stand to it stoutly , y that neyther Hades nor Sheol is in the Scriptures ever taken for the grave , but alwayes for Hell. z The word Infernus , Hades , Sheol , saith hee , is never taken for the grave . The grave is called in Greeke 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in Hebrewe 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Wherefore all the Paraphrastes of the Hebrewes also doe expound that word Sheol by the word Gehenna ; as Genebrard doth shew at large in his third Booke of the Trinity . Where yet hee might have learned some more moderation from Genebrard himselfe , unto whom hee referreth us : who thus layeth downe his judgement of the matter in the place by him alledged . a As they be in an error who contend that Sheol doth never designe the grave : so have they a shamelesse forehead , who denie that it doth any where signifie the region of the damned or Gehenna . It is an error therefore in Stapleton ( by his owne authors confession ) to maintayne that Sheol is never taken for the grave ; and in so doing , hee doth but bewray his old wrangling disposition . But least any other should take the shamelesse forehead from him , hee faceth it downe , that all the paraphrastes of the Hebrewes , do interpret Sheol by the word Gehenna . Whereas it is well knowne , that the two Paraphrastes that are of greatest antiquitie and credit with the Hebrewes , Onkelos the interpreter of Moses , and Ionathan ben Vzziel of the Prophets , never translate it so . Beside that of Onkelos , wee have two other Chaldee Paraphrases which expound the harder places of Moses ; the one called the Targum of Ierusalem , the other attributed , unto Ionathan : in neyther of of these can wee finde , that Sheol is expounded by Gehenna ; but in the latter of them we see it b twise expounded by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the house of the grave . In the Arabicke interpretations of Moses , where c the translator out of the Greek hath 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 al-gehim , Hell ; there d the translator out of the Hebrew putteth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 al-tharai , which signifieth earth or clay . e Iacobus Tawosius in his Persian translation of the Pentateuch , for Sheol doth alwaies put * Gor , that is , the grave . The Chaldee Paraphrase upon the Proverbs keepeth still the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 deflected a little from the Hebrew : the Paraphrast upon Iob useth that word f thrise , but g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( which signifie the grave ) in steed thereof five severall times . In Ecclesiastes the word commeth but i once : & there the Chaldee Paraphrast rendreth it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the house of the grave . R. Ioseph Coecus doth the like in his paraphrase upon Psalm . 31.17 . and 89.48 . In Psalm . 141.7 . he rendreth it by the simple 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the grave : but in the 15. and 16. verses of the 49. Psalme , by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Gehenna . And only there , and in Cantic 8.6 . is Sheol in the Chaldee paraphrases expounded by Gehenna : whereby if we shall understand the place not of dead bodies ( as in that place of the Psalme the Paraphrast maketh expresse mention of the k bodies waxing old or consuming in Gehenna ) but of tormented soules ( as the l Rabbines more commonly doe take it ) yet doe our Romanists get little advantage thereby , who would faine have the Sheól into which our Saviour went , be conceived to have beene a place of rest and not of torment , the bosome of Abraham and not Gehenna the seat of the damned . As for the Greek word Hádes : it is used by Hippocrates to expresse the first matter of things , from which they have their beginning , and into which afterwards being dissolved they make their ending . For having said , that in nature nothing properly may be held to be newly made , or to perish : he addeth this . m But men do thinke , that what doth grow from Hades into light , is newly made ; and what is diminished from the light into Hades , is perished . by light understanding nothing else but the visible structure and existence of things : and by Hádes , that invisible and insensible thing which other Philosophers commonly call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , n Chalcidius the Platonick translateth Sylvam , the Aristotelians more fitly Materiam primam . whence also it is supposed by o Master Casaubon , that those passages were borrowed , which we meet withall in the bookes that beare the name of Hermes Trismegistus . p In the dissolution of a materiall bodie , the body it selfe is brought to alteration , and the forme which it had is made invisible : q and so there is a privation of the sense made , not a destruction of the bodies . r I say then that the world is changed , in as much as every day a part thereof is made invisible , but never utterly dissolved . wherewith wee may compare likewise that place of Plutarch in his booke of living privately . Generation s doth not make any of the things that be , but manifesteth them : neyther is corruption a translation of a thing from being to not being , but rather a bringing of the thing that is dissolved unto that vvhich is unseene . Whereupon men , according to the ancient traditions of their fathers , thinking the sunne to be Apollo , called him Delius and Pythius : ( namely from manifesting of things : ) and the ruler of the contrary destinie ( whether he be a God , or an Angel ) they named Hádes ; by reason that we , when we are dissolved , doe goe unto an unseene and invisible place . By the Latins this Hádes is termed Dispiter or Diespiter : which name they gave unto this t lower ayre that is joyned to the earth , vvhere all things have their beginning and ending ; quorum quòd finis ortus , Orcus dictus , saith Varro . u All this earthly power and nature , saith Iulius Firmicus , they named Ditem patrem ; because this is the nature of the earth , that all things doe both fall into it , and taking their originall from thence doe againe proceed out of it . Whence the Earth is brought in , using this speech unto God , in Hermes . x I do receive the nature of all things . For I , according as thou hast commanded , doe both beare all things , and receive such as are deprived of life . The use which we make of the testimony of Hippocrates , & those other authorities of the heathen , is to shew , that the Greek Interpreters of the old Testamēt did most aptly assume the word Hádes , to expresse that cōmon state & place of corruption which was signified by the Hebrew Sheol . & therfore in the last verse of the 17. of Iob , where the Greeke maketh mention of descending into Hádes ; y Comitolus the Iesuite noteth that S. Ambrose rendreth it , in sepulchrum , into the grave . which agreeth well with the paraphrase that the Greeke Scholiasts make upon that place . z Is it not a thing common unto all mortall men , to die ? is not Hell ( or Hádes ) the house of all ? doe not all finde there an end of their labours ? Yea some doe thinke , that Homer himselfe doth take 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 either for the earth or the grave , in those verses of the eighth of his Iliads . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . — I 'le cast him downe as deepe As Tartarus ( the brood of night ) where Barathrum doth sleepe Torment in his profoundest sinks ; where is the floore of brasse , And gates of iron : the place , for depth as far doth Hell surpasse , As heaven for height exceeds the earth . For Tartarus being cōmonly acknowledged to be a part of Hádes , and to be the very Hell where the wicked spirits are tormented : they thinke the Hell , from whence Homer maketh it to be as farre distant as the heaven is from the earth , can be referred to nothing so fitly as to the Earth or the Grave . It is taken also for a tombe in that place of Pindarus : — a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Other sacred Kings have gotten a tombe apart by themselves before the houses , or before the gates of the Citie . And therefore we see that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is by Suidas in his Lexicon expressely interpreted 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and by Hesychius , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a tombe , or a grave , and in the Greeke Dictionary set out by the Romanists themselves , for the better understanding of the Bible , it is noted , that b Hádes doth not onely signifie that which we commonly call Hell , but the sepulchre or grave also . Of which , because Stapleton and Bellarmine doe denie that any proofe can be brought : these instances following may be considered . In the booke of Tobi , chap. 3.10 . I shall bring my fathers old age with sorrow 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , unto Hell : what can it import else , but that which is in other wordes expressed , chap. 6.14 . I shall bring my fathers life with sorrow 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , unto the grave ? In the 93. and 113. Psalm . according to the Greeke division , or the 94. and 115. according to the Hebrew ; where the Hebrew hath 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the place of silence ( meaning the grave , as our adversaries themselves do grant ) there the Greeke hath Hades or Hell. In Esai . 14.19 . where the vulgar ●atin translateth out of the Hebrew ; Descenderunt ad fundamenta laci , quasi cadaver putridum , They descended unto the foundations of the lake or pit , as a rotten carkeis : in steed of the Hebrew 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which signifieth the lake or pit , the Greeke both there and in Esai . 38.18 . putteth in Hades or Hell. and on the other side Ezech. 32.21 . where the Hebrew saith , The strong among the mightie shall speake to him out of the middest of Sheol or Hell ; there the Greeke readeth , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in the depth of the lake or pit : by Hell , lake and pit nothing but the grave being understood ; as appeareth by comparing this verse with the five that come after it . So in these places following , where in the Hebrew is Sheol , in the Greeke Hades , in the Latin Infernus or Inferi , in the English Hell : the place of dead bodies , & not of soules is to be understood . Gen. 44.31 . We shall bring downe the gray haires of our father with sorrow unto Hell. where no lower Hell can be conceited , into which gray haires may be brought , then the Grave . So 1. King. 2.6 . David giveth this charge unto Salomon concerning Ioab : Let not his hoare head goe downe to Hell in peace . and in the ninth verse concerning Shimei : His hoare head bring thou downe to Hell with bloud . Psalm . 141.7 . Our bones are scattered at the mouth of Hell. Esai . 14.11 . Thy pompe is brought downe to Hell : the worme is spread under thee , and the wormes cover thee . Psal. 6.5 . In death there is no remembrance of thee : in Hell who shall give thee thankes ? of which there can bee no better paraphrase , then that which is given in Psalm . 88.11 , 12. Shall thy loving kindnesse bee declared in the grave ? or thy faithfulnesse in destruction ? Shall thy wonders bee knowne in the darke ? and thy righteousnesse in the land of forgetfulnesse ? Andradius in his defence of the faith of the Councell of Trent , speaking of the difference of reading which is found in the sermon of S. Peter , Act. 2.24 . ( where God is sayd to have raysed up our Saviour , loosing the sorrowes of death , as the Greeke bookes commonly reade , or the sorrowes of Hell , as the Latin ) saith for reconciliation thereof , that c there will be no disagreement betwixt the Latin and Greeke copies , if we do marke that Hell in this place is used for Death and the Grave , according to the Hebrews maner of speaking : as in the 15 th Psalme , which Peter presently after citeth ; Because thou wilt not leave my soule in Hell. and Esai . 38. For Hell cannot confesse unto thee . For when he disputeth ( saith hee ) of the resurrection of Christ ; he confirmeth by many and most evident testimonies of David , that Christ did suffer death for mankinde in such sort , that he could not be overwhelmed with death nor long lye hidden among the dead . And it seemeth to me , that by the sorrowes of Hell or Death , a death full of sorrow and miseries is signified , according to the Hebrewes maner of speaking : as in Matthew . 24. the abomination of desolation is taken for an abominable desolation . Thus farre Andradius : clearely forsaking herein his fellow-defenders of the Tridentine faith , who by the one text of loosing the sorrowes of death , would faine prove Christs descending to free the soules that were tormented in Purgatory ; and by the other of not leaving his soule in Hell , his descending into Limbus to deliver the soules of the fathers that were at rest in Abrahams bosome . The former of these texts , Act. 2.24 . is thus expounded by Ribera the Iesuite . d God raysed him up loosing and making voyde the sorrowes of death , that is to say , that which death by so many sorrowes had effected ; namely that the soule should bee separated from the bodie . His fellow Sà interpreteth the loosing of the sorrowes of death to be the e delivering of him from the troubles of death : although sorrow ( saith hee ) may be the epithet of death . because it useth to bee joyned with death . The Apostles speech hath manifest reference to the wordes of David , 2. Sam. 22.5 , 6. and Psalm . 18. ( al. 17. ) 4 , 5. where in the former verse mention is made of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the sorrowes of death , in the latter of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which by the Septuagint is in the place of the Psalmes translated 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the sorrowes of Hell , in 2. Sam 22.6 . f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the sorrowes of Death ; according to the explication following in the end of the selfe same verse . The sorrowes of Hell compassed me about ; the snares of Death prevented me . and in Psalm . 116.3 . The sorrowes of Death compassed me , & the paines of Hell found me , or , gate hold upon me . where Lyranus hath this note . g In the Hebrew for Hell is put Sheol : which doth not signifie onely Hell , but signifieth also the pit , or the grave ; and so it is taken heere , by reason it followeth upon Death . The like explicatorie repetition is h noted also by the interpreters to have beene used by the Prophet , in that other text alledged out of Psalm . 16.10 . as in Psalm . 30. ( al. 29. ) 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Thou hast brought up my soule from Hell ; thou hast kept me safe ( or alive ) from those that goe downe to the pit . and Iob. 33.22 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . His soule drew neere unto death , and his life unto Hell. whence that in the prayer of Iesus the sonne of Sirach is taken , Ecclesiastic 51. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . My soule drew neere unto death , & my life was neere to Hell beneath . And therefore for Hell doth Pagnin in his translation of the sixteenth Psalme put the Grave ( being therein also followed in the Interlineary Bible i approved by the Censure of the Universitie of Lovaine ) & in the notes upon the same , that goe under the name of Vatablus , the word Soule is ( by comparing of this with Levitic . 21.1 . ) expounded to be the Bodie . So doth Arias Montanus directly interpret this text of the Psalme : k Thou shalt not leave my soule in the grave , that is to say , my body . and Isidorus Clarius in his annotations upon the second of the Acts , saith that , [ My soule in hell , ] in that place is according to the maner of speech used by the Hebrewes , put for [ l My bodie in the grave or tombe . ] least any man should thinke that Master Beza was the first deviser or principall author of this interpretation . Yet him alone doth Cardinall Bellarmine single out here , to try his manhood upon : but doth so miserably acquite himselfe in the encounter , that it may well bee doubted whether he laboured therein more to crosse Beza , then to strive with himselfe in the wilfull suppressing of the light of his owne knowledge . For whereas Beza in his notes upon Act. 2.27 . had shewed out of the 1. and 11. verses of the 21. Chapter of Leviticus , and other places of Scripture , that the Hebrew word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which wee translate Soule , is put for a dead bodie : the Cardinall , to rid himselfe handsomely of this which pinched him very shrewdly , telleth us in sober sadnesse , m that there is a very great difference betwixt the Hebrew 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and the Greeke 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . For 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( saith he ) is a most generall word , and signifieth without any trope as well the soule as the living creature it selfe , yea and the body it selfe also ; as by very many places of Scripture it doth appeare . And therefore in Leviticus , where that name is given unto dead bodies , one part is not put for another , to wit , the soule for the body ; but a word , which doth usually signifie the bodie it selfe : or the whole at leastwise is put for the part , namely the living creature for the body thereof . But in the second of the Acts 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is put , which signifieth the soule alone . Now did not the Cardinall know ( thinke you ) in his own conscience , that as in the second of the Acts 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is put , where the originall text of the Psalme there alledged hath 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , so on the other side , in those places of Leviticus ( which he would faine make to be so different from this ) where the originall text readeth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , there the Greeke also putteth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ? Doe we not there reade , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Levit. 21.1 . and in the 11. verse : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , He shall not goe in to any dead soule , that is , to anie dead bodie ? The Cardinall himselfe bringeth in Num. 23.10 . & 31.35 . & Gen. 37.21 . and Num. 19.13 . to prove that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 doth signifie eyther the whole man , or his verie bodie : and must not the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which the Greek Bible useth in all those places , of necessitie also be expounded after the same maner ? Take , for example , that last place , ( which is most pertinent to the purpose ) Numb . 19.13 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which the vulgar Latin rendreth , Omnis qui tetigerit humanae animae morticinum : and compare it with the 11. verse ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Hee that toucheth any soule of a dead man ( that is , as the vulgar Latin rightly expoundeth the meaning of it , Qui tetigerit cadaver hominis , He that toucheth the dead body of any man ) shall be uncleane seven dayes . and wee shall need no other proofe , that the Greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , being put for the Hebrew 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , may signifie the dead body of a man : even as the Latin Anima also doth , in that place of the heathen Poët , — n animamque sepulchro Condimus . We buried his soule in the grave . The argument therefore drawne from the nature of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , doth no way hinder , that in Act 2.27 . Thou wilt not leave my soule , should be interpreted , eyther Thou wilt not leave me ( as in the 31. verse following , where the Greek text saith that his soule was not left , the old Latin hath , He was not left ) or , Thou wilt not leave my body . as the Interpreters , writing upon that place , Genes . 46.26 . All the soules that came with Iacob into Egypt which came out of his loynes , do generally expound it , eyther by a Synecdoche , whereby the one part of the man is put for the whole person ( as we may see in the commentaries upon Genesis attributed to Eucherius , lib. 3. cap. 31. Alcuinus in Genes . interrog . 269. Anselmus Laudunensis in the interlineary Glosse , Lyranus and others ) or by a Metonymie , whereby that which is contayned is put for that which doth containe it ; for illustration whereof , S. Augustine very aptly bringeth in this example . o As we give the name of a Church unto the materiall building , wherein the people are contayned , unto whom the name of the Church doth properly appertaine ; by the name of the Church , that is , of of the people vvhich are contained , signifying the place which doth contayne them : so because the soules are contayned in the bodies , by the soules here named the bodies of the sonnes ( of Iacob ) may be understood . For so may that also be taken , where the Law saith that he is defiled , who shall goe in to a dead soule ( Levit. 21.11 . ) that is , to the carkase of a dead man ; that by the name of a dead soule , the dead body may be understood which did containe the soule : even as vvhen the people are absent , vvhich be the Church , yet the place neverthelesse is still tearmed the Church . Yea but p the word Hades ( saith Bellarmine ) as vvee have shewed , doth alwayes signifie Hell , and never the Grave . But the bo●y of Christ was not in Hell : therefore his soule was there . If he had said , that the word Hades did either rarely or never signifie the Grave , although he had not therein spoken truely , yet it might have argued a little more modestie in him , and that he had taken some care also , that his latter conceits should hold some better correspondencie with his former . For he m●ght have remembred , how in the place unto which hee doth referre us , he had said , that q the LXXII . Seniors did every where in their translation put Hades in stead of Sheol : which ( as he the●e hath told us ) is ordinarily taken for the place of soules under the earth , and eyther rarely or never for the grave . But wee have shewed not only out of those Dictionaries , unto which the r Cardinall doth referre us ( having forgotten first to looke into them himselfe ) but by allegation of diverse particular instances likewise ( unto none of which he hath made any answere ) that Hades in the translation of t●e LXXII . Seniors is not rarely , but verie usu●lly taken for the place of dead bodies . So for the use of the word Infernus in the Latin translation ; Lyranus noteth , that it is s taken in the Scripture , not for the place of the damned only , but also for the pit wherein dead ●ens carkases were layd . And among the Iesuites , Gaspar Sanctius yeeldeth for the generall , that t Infernus or Hell is frequently in the Scripture taken for buriall : and in particular , Emmanuel Sà confesseth it to be so taken , in Gen. 42.38 . 1. Sam. 2.6 . Iob. 7.9 . and 21.13 . Psalm . 29.4 . and 87.4 . and 93.17 . and 113.17 . and 114.3 . and 140.7 . ( according to the Greek division ) Prov. 1.12 . and 23.14 . Ecclesiast . 9.10 . Cantic . 8.6 . Ecclesiastic . 51.7 . Esai . 28.15 . and 38.10 . Baruch . 2.17 . Dan. 3.88 . ( in the Hymne of the three children ) and 2. Maccab. 6.23 . in all which places , Hádes being used in the Greek , and Inferi or Infernus in the Latin , it is acknowledged by the u Iesuite , that the Grave is meant : which by x Bede also is termed Infernus exterior , the exterior Hell. So Alcuinus , moving the question , how that speech of Iacob should be understood , Genes . 37.35 . I will goe downe to my sonne mourning into Hell. maketh answer : that y these be the words of a troubled and grieving man , amplifying his evills even from hence . Or else ( saith hee ) by the name of Hell he signified the Grave : as if he should have said . I remaine in sorrow , untill the earth doe receive me , as the grave hath done him . So Primasius , expounding the place , Hebr. 13.20 . z God the father ( saith hee ) brought his sonne from the dead , that is to say , from Hell ; or from the Grave : according to that which the Psalmiste had foretolde ; Thou wilt not suffer thine holy one to see corruption . And Maximus Taurinensis saith , that a Mary Magdalene received a reproofe , because after the resurrection she sought our Lord in the grave , and not remembring his words , whereby hee had said that the third day he would returne from hell , shee thought him still to be detayned by the lawes of hell . And therefore ( saith he ) while b shee did seeke the Lord in the grave among the rest of the dead , shee is reprehended , and it is said umto her : Why seekest thou him that liveth , among the dead ? that is to say , Why seekest thou him among them that are in the infernall parts , who is now knowne to have returned unto the supernall ? c For he that seeketh for him eyther in the infernall places , or in the graves , to him it is sayd ; Why seekest thou him that liveth among the dead ? and to the same purpose he applieth those other wordes of our Saviour unto Mary ; Touch me not , for I am not yet ascended unto my Father as if hee had sayd . d Why dost thou desire to touch me , who while thou seekest me among the graves , dost not as yet beleeve that I am ascended to my Father : who while thou searchest for me among the infernalls , dost distrust that I am returned to the celestials ; while thou seekest me among the dead , dost not hope that I doe live with my father ? Where his Inferi and Inferna , doe plainely import no more but tumulos and sepulchra . Heereupon Ruffinus in his exposition of the Creed , having given notice , e that in the Symbol of the Church of Rome there is not added , He descended into hell , nor in the Churches of the East neyther ; adjoyneth presently : Yet the force or meaning of the word seemeth to bee the same , in that he is sayd to have bene buried . For the tearmes of buriall and descending into hell in the Scripture phrase tend much to the expressing of the selfe same thing : but that the bare naming of the one doth lead us only to the consideration of the honor of buriall , the addition of the other intimateth unto us that which is more dishonourable in it . Thus under the buriall of our Saviour may be comprehended his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , his funeration and his interring : which are both of them set down in the end of the 19. chapter of the Gospell according to S. Iohn . the latter in the two last verses , where Ioseph and Nicodemus are said to have laid him in a new Sepulchre , vvherein was never man yet laid : the former in the two verses going before , where it is recorded that they wound his body in linnen clothes , with spices , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as it is the maner of the Iews to bury . for to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or funeratiō belongeth the imbalming of the dead body , & all other offices that are performed unto it while it remaines above ground . So Gen. 50.2 . where the Physiciās are said to have imbalmed Israel ; the Greek translators render it : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and when Mary poured the pretious ointment upon our Saviour ; himselfe interpreteth this to have beene done for his f funeration or buriall . g For it was a custome in times past ( saith Eusebius , commonly called Emissenus ) that the bodies of noble men being to be buried , should first be annointed with pretious ointments , and buried with spices . And h who knoweth not ( saith Stapleton ) that a sepulchre is an honour to the dead , and not a disgrace ? But the mention of Sheol ( which hath speciall relation , as hath beene shewed , to the disposing of the dead body unto corruption ) and so of Hades , Infernus , or Hell , answering thereunto , carrieth us further to the consideration of that which the Apostle calleth the sowing of the body in corruption and dishonour . ( 1. Corinth . 15.42 , 43. ) For which , that place in S. Augustine is worth the consideration . i Did not the Hells ( or , the Grave ) give testimony unto Christ , when loosing their power , they reserved Lazarus ( whom they had received to dissolve ) for foure dayes together ; that they might restore him safe againe , when they did heare the voyce of their Lord commanding it ? where you may observe an H●ll appointed for the dissolution of dead mens bodies : the descending into which ( according to Ruffinus his note ) differeth little or nothing from the descending into the Grave . In the thirteenth of the Acts S. Paul preacheth unto the Iewes , that God raysed up his Sonne from the dead , k not to returne now any more unto corruption : and yet presently addeth , that therein was verified that prophecie in the Psalme ; l Thou wilt not suffer thy Holy one to see corruption . implying thereby , that he descended in some sort for a time into corruption , although in that time he did not suffer corruption . And m doe not wonder ( saith S. Ambrose ) how he should descend into corruption , whose flesh did not see corruption . He did descend indeed into the place of corruption , who pierced the Hells ; but being uncorrupted he shut out corruption . For as the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which the Prophet useth in the Psalm , doth signifie as well the pit or place of corruption , as the corruption it selfe : so also the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , whereby S. Luke doth expresse the same , is used by the Greek Interpreters of the old Testament to signifie not the corruption it selfe alone , but the verie place of it likewise . as where we read in Psalm . 7.15 . He is fallen into the pit which he made . and , Psalm . 9.16 . The heathen are sunke downe in the pit that they made . and , Proverb . 26.27 . Who so diggeth a pit , shall fall therein . Aquila in the first place , the Septuagint in the second , Aquila and Symmachus in the third , retaine the Greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , So that our Saviour , descending into Sheol , Hades or Hell , may thus be understood to have descended into corruption , that is to say , into the pit or place of corruption , ( as S. Ambrose interpreteth it ) although hee were free in the meane time from the passion of corruption . And because 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Hell and Corruption , have reference to the selfe same thing : therfore doth the Arabick interpreter , * translated by Iunius , in Act. 2.31 . ( or , as the Arabian divideth the book , Act. 4.10 . ) confound them together , and retaine the same word in both the parts of the sentence , after this maner . Hee was not left in perdition , neyther did his flesh see perdition . even as in the 29. Psalme ( or the 30. according to the division of the Hebrewes ) the Arabick readeth , n 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 al-gehim , or Hell , where the Greek hath 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Hebrew 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , & the Chaldee paraphrase 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , the house of the grave . Athanasius in his booke of the Incarnation of the Word , written against the Gentiles , observeth that when God threatned our first parents , that whatsoever day they did eate of the forbidden fruite they should die the death ; by o dying the death hee signified , that they should not onely die , but also remaine in the corruption of death : & that our Saviour comming to p free us from this corruption , kept his owne body uncorrupted , as a pledge and an evidence of the future resurrection of us all . which hath wrought such a contempt of death in his disciples , that ( as he addeth afterwards ) wee may q see men which are by nature weake , leaping or dauncing unto death , being not agaste at the corruption thereof , nor fearing the descents into Hell. So the Grecians sing in their Liturgy at this day : r The corruption-working pallace of Hell was dissolved , when thou didst arise out of the Grave , O Lord ▪ and againe . s The stone is rouled away , the grave is emptied . Behold corruption is troaden under by life . That which was mortall is saved by the flesh of God. Hell mourneth . For God ( saith t Origen ) will neyther leave our soules in hell , nor suffer us to remaine for ever in corruption : but he that recalled him after the third day from hell , will recall us also in fit time ; and he who granted unto him , that his flesh should not see corruption , will grant also unto us , that our flesh shall not see corruption , but that in fit time it shall bee freed from corruption . Neyther is it any whit strange unto them that are conversant in the writings of the ancient Doctors , to heare that our Saviour by his buriall descended into Hell , spoyled Hell , and brought away both his owne body and the bodies of the Saints from Hell. Wee finde the question moved by Gregory Nyssen , in his sermon upon the Resurrection of Christ ; u how our Lord did dispose himselfe at the same time three maner of wayes ? both in the heart of the earth , ( Matth. 12.40 . ) and in Paradise with the thiefe , ( Luk. 23.43 . ) and in the hands of his Father . ( Luk. 23.46 . ) x For neither will any man say , ( quoth he ) that Paradise is in the places under the earth , or the places under the earth in Paradise , that at the same time he might be in both ; or that those ( infernall ) places are called the hand of the Father . Now for the last of these , hee saith the case is y plaine , that being in Paradise he must needs be in his Fathers hands also : but the greatest doubt hee maketh to be , z how he should at the same time be both in Hades and in Paradise . for with him , the heart of the earth , the places under the earth , and Hades or Hell , are in this question one and the same thing . And his finall resolution is , that in this Hell Christ remained with his dead body , when with his soule hee brought the thiefe into the possession of Paradise . a For by his body ( saith he ) wherein he sustayned not the corruption that followeth upon death , hee destroyed him that had the power of death : but by his soule he ledd the thiefe into the entrance of Paradise . And these two did worke at the selfe same time , the Godhead accomplishing the good by them both : namely , by the incorruption of the body , the dissolution of death , and by the placing of the soule in his proper seat , the bringing backe of men unto Paradise againe . The like sentence doe wee meet withall in the same Fathers epistle unto Eustathia , Ambrosia , and Basilissa . b His body he caused by dispensation to be separated from his soule : but the indivisible deitie being once knit with that subject , was neyther dis-joyned from the body , nor the soule . but was with the soule in Paradise , making way by the thiefe for an entrance unto mankinde thither ; and with the body in the heart of the earth , destroying him that had the power of death . Wherewith wee may compare that place , which we meet withall in the workes of S. Gregory Bishop of Neocaesarea : wherein our Saviour is brought in speaking after this maner . c I must descend into the very bottome of Hell , for the dead that are detay-there . I must by the three dayes death of my flesh overthrow the power of long continuing death . I must light the lamp of my BODY unto them vvhich sit in darkenesse and in the shadow of death . and that of S. Chrysostom ( who is accounted also to be the author of that other sermon attributed unto S. Gregory : ) d How vvere the brasen gates broken , and the iron barres burst ? By his BODY . For then appeared first a body immortall , and dissolving the tyrannie of death it selfe : whereby was shewed , that the force of death was taken away , not that the sinnes of those who dyed before his comming were dissolved . and that which we reade in another place of his workes : e He spoyled Hell , descending into Hell : hee made it bitter , when it tasted of his flesh . Which Esay understanding before hand , cryed out , saying : Hell was made bitter , meeting thee below . ( so the Septuagint render the words , Esai . 14.19 . ) It was made bitter : for it was destroyed . It was made bitter : for it was mocked . It received a BODY , and light upon God : it received Earth , and met with Heaven : it received that vvhich it saw , and fell from that which it did not see . Thus Caesarius expounding the parable , Luk. 13.21 . wherein the kingdome of God is likened unto leaven , vvhich a woman tooke , and hid in three pecks of floure , till all was leavened : saith that f the three pecks of floure are first the whole nature of mankind , then death , and lastly Hell ; wherein the divine BODY being hidden by BURIALL , did leaven all unto resurrection and life . Whereupon he bringeth in our Saviour in another place speaking thus . g I will therefore be buried , for their sakes that be in Hell : I will therefore as it were a stone strike the gates thereof , bringing forth the prisoners in strength , as my servant David hath said . So S. Basil asketh , h How we do accomplish the descent into Hell ? and answereth , that we doe it in imitating the BURIALL of Christ , in Baptisme . For the bodies of those that be baptized , are as it were buried in the water : saith he . S. Hilary maketh mention of Christs i flesh quickened out of Hell by himselfe . and Arator in like maner : * Infernum Dominus cùm destructurus adiret , Detulit inde suam spoliato funere carnem . When the Lord went to Hell to destroy it , He brought from THENCE his owne flesh , sp●yling the grave . k Philo Carpathius addeth , that in his grave he spoyled Hell. Whereupon the Emperour Leo in his oration upon the buriall of our Saviour , wisheth us to l honour it , by adorning our selves with vertues , and not by putting him in the grave againe . For it behoved ( saith he ) that this should be once done , to the end that Hell might be spoyled : and it was done . And the Grecians retaine the commemoration hereof in their Liturgies unto this day : as their Octoëchon Anastasimon and Pentecostarion do testifie ; wherein such hymnes and prayers as these are frequent . m Thou didst receive death in thy flesh , working thereby immortalitie for us , O Saviour : and didst dwell in the grave , that thou mightest free us from Hell , raysing us up together with thy selfe . n When thou vvast put in the tombe as a mortall man , the keepers of Hell gates shooke for feare : for , having overthrowne the strength of Death , thou diddest exhibite incorruption to all the dead by thy Resurrection . o Although thou didst descend into the grave as a mortall man , ô giver of life , yet didst thou dissolve the strength of hell , ô Christ , raysing up the dead together with thy selfe , whom it had also swallowed ; and didst exhibit the resurrection , as God , unto all that in faith and desire doe magnifie thee . p Thou who by thy three-dayes buriall didst spoyle Death , and by thy life-bringing resurrectiō didst raise up corrupted man ( ô Christ our God ) as a lover of mankinde : to thee be glory . q Thou who by thy three-dayes buriall didst spoyle Hell , and by thy resurrection didst save man ; have mercy upon me . r By thy three-dayes buriall the enemy was spoyled , the dead loosed from the bands of Hell , death deaded , the palaces of hell voyded . Therefore in hymnes doe we honour and magnifie thee , ô giver of life . s Thou wast put in the tombe , being voluntarily made dead ; and didst emptie all the palaces of hell ( ô immortall King ) raysing up the dead with thy Resurrectiō . t Thou who spoyledst hell by thy buriall , be mindfull of me . Hitherto also belongeth that of Prudentius , in his Apotheosis : — tumuloque inferna refringens Regna , resurgentes secum jubet ire sepultos . Coelum habitat , terris intervenit , abdita rumpit Tartara , vera fides , Deus est , qui totus ubique est . where , in saying that our Saviour by his grave did break up the infernall kingdomes , and commanded those that were buried to rise up with him ; he hath reference unto that part of the history of the Gospell , wherein it is recorded , that The graves were opened , and many bodies of the Saints which slept arose , and came out of the graves after his resurrection , and went into the holy citie , and appeared unto many . ( Matth. 27.52 , 53. ) upon which place S. Hilary writeth thus . u Inlightning the darkenesse of death , and shining in the obscure places of Hell ; by the resurrection of the Saints that were seene at the present , he tooke away the spoyles of death it selfe . To the same effect writeth S. Ambrose also . x Neither did his sepulchre want a miracle . For when he was anoynted by Ioseph , and buried in his tombe ; by a new kinde of worke , he that was dead himselfe did open the sepulchres of the dead . His body indeed did lye in the grave ; but he himselfe being free among the dead , did give libertie unto them that were placed in Hell , dissolving the law of death . For his flesh was in the tombe , but his power did worke from heaven . which may be a sufficient commentary upon that sentence , which we reade in the Exposition of the Creed attributed unto S. Chrysostom . y He descended into Hell , that there also he might not want a miracle . For many bodies of the Saints arose with Christ. namely , z HELL rendring up the BODIES of the Saints alive againe : as eyther the same , or another author that goeth under the like name of Chrysostom , doth elsewhere directly affirme . which is a further confirmation of that which we have heard delivered by Ruffinus , touching the exposition of the article of the Descent into Hell ; that the substance thereof seemeth to be the same with that of the Buriall . for what other Hell can we imagin it to be but the Grave , that thus receiveth and giveth up the bodies of men departed this life ? And hitherto also may bee refer●ed that famous saying , of Christs descending alone & ascending with a multitude : which we meet withall in foure severall places of antiquitie . First , in the h●ads of the sermon of Thaddaeus , as they are reported by Eusebius out of the Syriack records of the citie of Edessa . a He was crucified , and descended into Hades or Hell , and brake the rampiere never broken before since the beginning ; and rose againe , and raysed up with him those dead , that had slept from the beginning : and descended alone , but ascended to his Father with a great multitude . Secondly , in the epistle of Ignatius unto the Trallians . b He was truly , and not in opinion , crucified , and died ; those that were in heaven , and in earth , and under the earth , beholding him . those in heaven , as the incorporeall natures . those in earth , to wit the Iewes and the Romanes , and such men as were present at that time , when the Lord was crucified . those under the earth , as the multitude that rose up together with the Lord : for many bodies ( saith he ) of the Saints which slept arose , the graves being opened . And hee descended into Hades or Hell alone , but returned with a multitude , and brake the rampiere that had stood from the beginning , and overthrew the partition thereof . Thirdly , in the disputation of Macarius Bishop of Ierusalem , in the first generall Councell of Nice . c After death wee were carried into Hades or Hell. Christ tooke upon him this also , and descended voluntarily into it ; he was not detayned as wee , but descended onely . For hee was not subjected unto death , but was the Lord of death . And descending alone , he returned with a multitude . For he was that spirituall graine of wheat , falling for us into the earth , and dying in the flesh ; who by the power of his godhead raysed up the temple of his body , according to the Scriptures , which brought forth for fruite the Resurrection of all mankinde . Fourthly , in the Catechises of Cyrill Bishop of Ierusalem : whose wordes are these . d I beleeve that Christ was raysed from the dead . For of this I have many witnesses , both out of the divine scriptures , & from the witnesse and operation even unto this day of him that rose againe : of him ( I say ) that descended into Hades or Hell alone , but ascēded with many . For he did descend unto death ; & many bodies of the Saints that slept were raised by him . which resurrection he seemeth afterward to make common unto all the Saints that dyed before our Saviour . e All the righteous men ( saith he ) were delivered , whom death had devoured . For it became the proclaymed King , to be the deliverer of those good proclaymers of him . Then did every one of the righteous say : O death where is thy victory ? ô Hell , where is thy sting ? for the conqueror hath delivered us . wherewith we may compare that saying of S. Chrysostom . f If it were a great matter , that Lazarus being foure dayes dead should come forth : much more , that all they who were dead of old should appeare together alive . which was a signe of the future resurrection . For many bodies of the Saints which slept arose ; saith the text . and these articles of the Confession of the Armenians . g According to his body , which was dead , he descended into the grave : but according to his divinitie , which did live , he over came Hell in the meane time . The third day he rose againe : but withall rays●d up the soules ( or persons ) of the faithfull together with him ; and gave hope thereby , that our bodies also should rise againe like unto him at his second comming . Of those who arose with our Saviour from the Grave , or ( as anciently they used to speake ) from Hell ; two there be whom the Fathers nominate in particular : Adam and Iob. Of Iob , S. Ambrose writeth in this maner . h Having heard what God had spoken in him , and having understood by the holy Ghost , that the Sonne of God was not onely to come into the earth , but that he was also to descend into Hell to that he might rayse up the dead , ( which was then done , for a testimony of the present , and an example of the future : ) he turned himselfe unto the Lord and said : O that thou wouldest keepe me in Hell , that thou vvouldest hide me untill thy wrath be past , and that thou wouldest appoint me a time in which thou wouldest remember me . ( Iob. 14.13 . ) in which wordes he affirmeth that Iob did prophecie , i that he should be raysed up at the passion of our Lord ; as in the end of this booke , saith he , he doth testifie . meaning the apocryphall Appendix , which is annexed to the end of the Greeke edition of Iob : wherein we reade thus . k It is written , that he should rise againe , with those whom the Lord was to raise . which although it be accounted to have proceeded from the Septuagint ; yet the thing it selfe sheweth , that it was added by some that lived after the comming of our Saviour Christ. Touching Adam , S. Augustine affirmeth that l the whole Church almost did consent , that Christ loosed him in Hell. which we are to beleeve ( saith he ) that shee did not vainely beleeve , whencesoever this tradition came ; although no expresse authoritie of the Canonicall Scriptures be produced for it . The onely place which he could thinke off that seemed to look this way , was that in the beginning of the tenth Chapter of the booke of Wisedome : Shee kept him who was the first formed father of the world , when hee was created alone , and brought him out of his sinne . which would be much more pertinent to the purpose , if that were added , which presently followeth in the m Latin text ( I meane in the old edition : for the new corrected ones have left it out ) Et eduxit illum de limo terrae , and brought him out of the claye of the earth . which being placed after the bringing of him out of his sinne , may seeme to have reference unto some deliverance ( like that of Davids , Psalm . 40 2. He brought me up out of the horrible pit , out of the mirye claye ) rather then unto his first creation out of the dust of the earth . So limus terrae may here answere well unto the Arabians 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 al-tharai : which properly signifying moyst earth or slime or claye , is by the Arabick interpreter of Moses used to expresse the Hebrew n 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which we translate Hell or Grave . And as this place in the booke of Wisedome may be thus applied unto the raysing of Adams body out of the ear●h wh●rein hee lay buried : so may that other tradition also , which was so currant in the Church , be referred unto the selfe same thing ; even to the bringing of Adam out of the Hell of the Grave . The verie Liturgies of the Church doe lead us unto this interpretation of the tradition of the Church : beside the testimony of the Fathers , which discover unto us the first ground and foundation of this tradition . In the Liturgie of the Church of Alexandria , ascribed to S. Marke , our Saviour Christ is thus called upon . o O most great King , and coëternall to the Father , who by thy might didst spoyle Hell , and tread downe death , and binde the strong one , and raise Adam out of the grave by thy divine power and the bright splendour of thine unspeakeable Godhead . In the Liturgie of the Church of Constantinople translated into Latin by Leo Thus●us , the like speech is used of him . p He did voluntarily undergoe the Crosse for us , by which he raysed up the first formed man , and saved our soules from death . And in the Octoëchon Anastasimon and Pentecostarion of the Grecians at this day , such sayings as these are very usuall . q Thou didst undergoe buriall , and rise in glory , and rayse up Adam together with thee , by thy almighty hand . r Rising out of thy tombe , thou didst rayse up the dead , and break the po●er of death , and rayse up Adam . s Having slept in the flesh as a mortall man , ô King and Lord , the third day thou didst arise againe ; raysing Adam from corruption , and abolishing death . t Iesus the deliverer , who raysed up Adam of his compassion , &c. Therefore doth Theodorus Prodromus begin his Tetrastich upon our Saviors Resurrection with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Rise up , thou first formed old man , rise up from thy grave . S. Ambrose pointeth to the ground of the tradition , when he intimateth that Christ suffered in u Golgotha , where Adams sepulchre was , that by his Crosse he might rayse him that was dead ; that where in Adam the death of all men lay , therein Christ might be the resurrection of all . Which he receaved ( as he did many other things besides ) from Origen : who writeth thus of the matter . x There came unto me some such tradition as this , that the body of Adam the first man mas buried there , where Christ was crucified : that as in Adam all doe die , so in Christ all might be made alive ; that in the place which is called the place of Calvarie , that is , the place of the head , the head of mankinde might finde resurrection with all the rest of the people , by the resurrection of our Lord and Saviour , who suffered there and rose againe . For it was unfit , that when many which were borne of him did receive forgivenesse of their sinnes and obtayne the benefit of Resurrection , he who was the father of all men should not much more obtaine the like grace . Athanasius , ( or who ever else was author of the Discourse upon the Passion of our Lord , which beareth his name ) referreth this tradition of Adams buriall place unto the report of the y Doctors of the Hebrewes ( from whom belike hee thought that Origen had received it ) and addeth withall , that it was very fit , that where it was said to Adam , Earth thou art and to earth thou shalt returne ; our Saviour finding him there , should say unto him again . Arise thou that sleepest , and stand up from the dead , and Christ shall give thee light . z Epiphanius goeth a little furthet , and findeth out a mysterie in the water and bloud that fell from the Crosse upon the relicks of our first father lying buried under it : applying thereunto both that in the Gospell , of the arising of many of the Saints , Matth. 27.52 . and that other place in S. Paule , Arise thou that sleepest , &c. Ephes. 5.14 . which strange speculation , with what great applause it was received by the multitude at the first delivery of it , and for how little reason : he that list may reade in the fourth book of S. Hieroms cōmentaries , upon the 27. of S. Matthew , & in his third upon the fifth to the Ephesians , for upon this first point , of Christs descent into the Hell of the grave , and the bringing of Adam and his children with him from thence , we have dwelt too long already . In the second place therefore we are now to consider , that as Hádes and Inferi , ( which we call Hell ) are applied by rhe Interpreters of the holy Scripture , to denote the place of bodies separated from their soules : so with forraine authors ( in whose language , as being that wherewith the common people was acquainted , the Church also did use to speake ) the same tearmes do signifie ordinarily the common lodge of soules separated from their bodies , whether the particular place assigned unto each of them be conceived to be an habitation of blisse or of miserie . For as when the Grave is said to be the common receptacle of dead bodies , it is not meant thereby that all dead carkasses are heaped together promiscuously in one certaine pit : so when the Heathen write that all the soules of the dead goe to Hades , their meaning is not , that they are all shut up together in one and the selfe same roome : but in generall onely they understand thereby the translation of them into the other world , the extreame parts whereof the Poëts place as farre asunder as wee doe Heaven and Hell. And this opinion of theirs S. Ambrose doth well like off ( a wishing that they had not mingled other superfluous and unprofitable conceits therewith ) b that soules departed from their bodies did goe to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , to a place which is not seene : which place ( saith he ) wee in Latin call Infernus . So likewise saith S. Chrysostom . c The Grecians , and Barbarians , and Poëts , and Philosophers , and all mankinde doe herein consent with us , although not all alike ; and say that there be certaine seats of judgement in Hádes : so manifest and so confessed a thing is this . and againe . d The Grecians were foolish in many things ; yet did they not resist the truth of this doctrine . If therefore thou vvilt follow them , they have granted that there is a certaine life after this , & accounts , and seats of judgement in Hádes , and punishments , and honors , and sentences , judgements . And if thou shalt aske the Iewes , or heretickes , or any man ; he will reverence the truth of this doctrine : & although they differ in other things , yet in this doe they all agree and say , that there are accounts to be made there of the things that be done here . Only amōg the Iwes , the Sadducees , w ch e say that there is no resurrection , neyther Angel , nor Spirit ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , take away the punishments , and honours that are in Hádes : as is noted by f Iosephus . For which wicked doctrine they were condemned by the other sectes of the Iewes : who generally acknowledged , that there was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Olam hanneshamoth ( for so doe they in their language untill this day call that , g which Iosephus in Greeke tearmeth Hades ) that is to say , the world of spirits ; into which they held that the soules were translated presently after death , and there received their seuerall judgements . The same thing doth Theodoret suppose to be signified by that phrase of being gathered to ones people , which is so usuall in the word of God. For it being said of Iacob , before he was buried , that he gave up the ghost , and was gathered unto his people , Genes . 49.33 . Theodoret observeth , that Moses h by these words did closely intimate the hope of the resurrection . For if men ( saith he ) had beene wholy extinguished , and did not passe unto another life ; he would not have sayd , Hee was gathered to his people . So likewise where it is distinctly noted of Abraham , Genes . 25.8 , 9. first , that hee gave up the ghost and died , then , that hee was gathered to his people , and lastly , that his sonnes buried him : Cardinall i Cajetan and the Iesuite k Lorinus interpret the first de compositi totius dissolutione , of the dissolution of the parts of the whole-man , consisting of body and soule ; the second of the state of the soule separated from the body , and the third of the disposing of the body parted from the soule . Thus the Scriptures speech of being gathered to our people should be answerable in meaning to the phrase used by the heathen of descending into Hell or going to Hades : which , as l Synesius noteth out of Homer , was by them opposed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to a most absolute extinguishment as well of the soule as of the body . And forasmuch as by that tearme , the immortalitie of the soule was commonly signified : therefore doth Plato in his Phaedo disputing of that argument , make this the state of his question ; m Whether the soules of men deceased be in Hades or no ? and our Ecc●esiasticall writers also doe from thence sometimes fetch a difference betwixt Death and Hades . n You shall finde , saith Theophylact , that there is some difference betwixt Hades and Death : namely that Hades contayneth the soules , but Death the bodies . For the soules are immo●tall . The same we reade in o Nicetas Serronius his exposition of Gregory Nazianzens second Paschall oration . Andreas Caesareensis doth thus expresse the difference . p Death is the separation of the soule and the body . But Hades . is a place to us invisible or vnseene and unknowne , which receiveth our soules when they departe from hence . The ordinary Glosse , following S. Hierome upon the thirteenth of Hosea , thus . q Death is that , whereby the soule is separated from the body . Hell is that place , wherein the soules are included , eyther for comfort or for paine . The r soule goeth to Hádes , saith Nicetas Choniates in the Prooeme of his Historie : but the bodie returneth againe into those things , of which it was composed . Caius , ( or whoe ever else was the author of that auncient fragment , which wee formerly signified to have been falsely fathered upon Iosephus ) holdeth that s in Hades , the soules both of the righteous and unrighteous are contayned : t but that the righteous are led to the right hand by the Angels that awayte them there , and brought unto a lightsome region , wherein the righteous men that have beene from the beginning doe dwell ( and this wee call Abrahams b●some : saith he ) whereas the wicked are drawen toward the left hand by the punishing Angels , not going willingly , but drawen as prisoners by violence . Where you may observe how he frameth his description of Hades , according to that modell wherewith the Poets had before possessed mens mindes . u Dextera , quae Ditis magni sub moenia tendit , Hâc iter Elysium nobis : at laeva malorum Exercet poenas , & ad impia tartara mittit . The right hand path goth underneath the walls of Pluto deepe ; That way we must , if paths to Paradise we thinke to keepe : The left hand leads to paine , and men to Tartarus doth send . For x as Wee doe allot unto good men a resting place in Paradise ; so the Greekes doe assigne unto their Heroës the Fortunate Ilandes , and the Elysian fields : saith Tzetzes . And as the Scripture borroweth the terme of y Tartarus from the Heathen : so is it thought by z Tertullian and a Gregory Nazianzen that the Heathen tooke the ground of their Elysian fields from the Scriptures Paradise . To heape up many testimonies out of the Heathen authors , to prove that in their understanding all soules went to Hades , and received there eyther punishment or reward according to the life that they led in this world ; would be but a needlesse worke : seeing none that hath reade any thing in their writings can be ignorant therof . If any man desire to informe himselfe herein , he may repayre to Plutarches consolatory discourse written to Apollonius : where he shall finde the testimonies of Pindarus and many others alledged , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , touching the state of the godly in Hades . Their common opinion is sufficiently expressed in that sentence of Diphilus , the old Comicall Poet. b In Hades we resolve there are two pathes : the one whereof is the way of the righteous , the other of the wicked . But as in this generall they agreed together both among themselves and with the truth : so touching the particular situation of this Hádes , and the speciall places whereunto these two sorts of soules were disposed , and the state of things there , a number of ridiculous fictions and fond conceits are to be found among them ; wherein they dissented as much from one another , as they did from the truth it selfe . So we see , for example , * that the best soules are placed by some of them in the companie of their Gods in heaven , by others in the Galaxias or milky circle , by others beyond the Ocean , and by others under the earth : c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , yet one Hádes notwithstanding was cōmonly thought to have received them all . Plato relateth this , as a sentence delivered by them who were the first ordayners of the Grecian Mysteries : d Whosoever goeth to Hádes not initiated and not cleansed , shal lye in the mire ; but he that commeth thither , purged and initiated , shall dwell with the Gods. So Zoroaster the great father of the Magi in the East , is said to have used this entrance into his discourse touching the things of the other world . e These things wrote Zoroaster , the sonne of Armenius , by race a Pamphylian , having beene dead in the warre , which I learned of the Gods , being in Hades . as Clemens Alexandrinus relateth in the fifth booke of his Stromata : where he also noteth , that this Zoroaster is that Er the sonne of Armenius , a Pamphylian , of whom Plato writeth in the tenth booke of his Common-wealth ; that being slain in the warre he revived the twelfth day after , and was sent backe as a messenger to report unto men here the things which he had heard and seene in the other world one part of whose relation was this : that he saw certaine f gulfes beneath in the earth , and above in the heaven , opposite one to the other ; and that the just were commanded by the Iudges that sate betwixt those gulfs , to go to the right hand up toward Heaven , but the wicked to the left hand and downeward . which testimonie g Eusebius bringeth in , among many others , to shew the consent that is betwixt Plato and the Hebrewes in matters that concerne the state of the world to come . Next to Zoroaster commeth Pythagoras : whose golden verses are concluded with this distich . h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 · When thou shalt leave the body , and come unto a free heaven ; thou shalt be an immortall God , incorruptible , and not subject to mortalitie any more . So Epicharmus the scholler of Pythagoras : i If thou be godly in minde , thou shalt suffer no evill when thou art dead ; thy spirit shall remaine above in heaven . and Pindarus : k The soules of the ungodly flie under the heaven ( or under the earth ) in cruell torments , under the unavoydable yoakes of evills . but the soules of the godly , dwelling in heaven , doe prayse that great blessed one with songs and hymnes . Ci●ero in his Tusculan questions alledgeth the testimony of l Ennius , approving the common fame , that Romulus did lead his life in heaven with the Gods. and in the sixth booke of his Common-wealth , he bringeth in Scipio teaching that m unto all them which preserve , assist , and enlarge their countrey , there is a certaine place appointed in heav●n , where they shall live blessed world without end . n Such a life ( saith he ) is the way to heaven , and into the company of these , who having lived and are now loosed from their body , doe inhabite that place which thou seest , p●inting to the Galaxiaes or milky circle . whereof we reade thus also in o Manilius : An fortes animae , dignatque nomina coelo Corporibus resoluta suis , terraeque remissa ; Huc migrant ex orbe , suumque habitantia coelum , Aethereos vivunt annos , mundoque fruuntur ? With Damascius the philosopher of Damascus , this circle p is the way of the soules that goe to the Hades in heaven . Against whom Iohannes Philoponus doth reason thus , from the etymologie of the word . q If they passe through the Galaxias or milky circle ; then this should be that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Hades that is in heaven : and how can that be Hades , which is so lightsome ? To which , they that maintayned the other opinion , would peradventure oppose that other common derivation of the word from the Dorick 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which signifieth to please or to delight ; or that which r Plato doth deliver in the name of Socrates , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from seeing or knowing all good things . For , there did Socrates looke to finde such things : as appeareth by that speech which Plato in his Dialogue of the Soule maketh him to use the same day that he was to depart out of this life . s The soule , being an invisible thing , goeth hence into such another noble and pure and invisible place ; to Hades , in truth , unto the good and wise God : whither , if God will , my soule must presently goe . which place is alledged by t Eusebius , to prove that u in the things which concerne the immortalitie of the soule , Plato doth differ in opinion nothing from Moses . The tale also which Socrates there telleth of the x pure land seated above in the pure heaven , though it have a number of toyes added to it ( as tales use to have ) yet the foundation thereof both Eusebius and Origen doe judge to have beene taken from the speeches of the Prophets touching the land of promise and the heavenly Canaan : and for the rest , Origen referreth us to Platoes interpreters , affirming that y they who handle his writings more gravely , doe expound this tale of his by way of allegory . Such another tale doth the same philosoper relate in the Dialogue which he intituleth Gorgias : shewing , that z among men he that leadeth his life righteously and holily , shall when he is dead goe unto the Fortunate Ilands , and dwell in all happinesse , free from evills . but he that leadeth it unrighteously and impiously , shall goe unto the prison of punishment and just revenge , which they call Tartarus . which Theodoret bringeth in , to prove that a Plato did exactly beleeve that there were judgements to passe upon men in Hades . For being conversant with the Hebrewes ( saith he ) in Aegypt , he heard without doubt the oracles of the Prophets : and b taking some things from thence , and mingling other things therewith out of the fables of the Greekes , made up his discourses of these things . Among which mixtures , that which he hath of the Fortunate Ilands , is reckoned by c Theodoret for one : whereof you may reade in d Hesiod , e Pindarus , f Diodorus Siculus , g Plutarch , and h Iosephus also ; who treating of the diverse sectes that were among the Iewes , sheweth that the Essenes borrowed this opinion ( of the placing of good mens soules in a certaine pleasant habitation beyond the Ocean ) from the Grecians . But the Pharisees ( as hee noteth i elsewhere ) held that the place , wherein both rewards were given to the good and punishments to the wicked , was under the earth : which as k Origen doth declare to have been the common opinion of the Iewes , so doth Lucian shew that it was the more vulgar opinion among the Grecians . For among them l the common multitude , whom wise men ( saith he ) call simple people , being perswaded of these things by Homer and Hesiod and such other fabulous authors , and receiving their Poëms for a law ; tooke HADES to be a certaine deepe place under the earth . The first originall of which conceite is by Cicero derived from hence . m The bodies falling into the ground , and being covered with earth , ( whence they are said to be interred ) men thought that the rest of the life of the dead was led under the earth , upon which opinion of theirs ( saith he ) great errors did ensue : which were increased by the Poës . Others do imagine , that the Poets herein had some relation to the n sphericall situation of the world : for the better understanding whereof , these particulars following would be considered by them that have some knowledge in this kinde of learning . First , the materiall Spheres in ancient time were not made moveable in their sockets , as they are now , that they might bee set to any elevation of the Pole : but were o fixt to the elevation of XXXVI . degrees ; which was the height of the Rhodian climat . Secondly , the Horizon which devided this Sphere through the middle , and separated the visible part of the world from the invisible , was commonly esteemed the utmost bound of the earth : so that whatsoever was under that horizon , was accounted to be under the earth . for neyther the common people , nor yet some of the learned Doctros uf the Church ( as p Lactantius , q S. Augustine , r Procopius , and others ) could be induced to beleeve that which our daily navigations finde now to bee most certaine ; that there should bee another southerne hemisphere of the earth , inhabited by any Antipodes , that did walke with their feete just opposite unto ours . Thirdly , the great Ocean was supposed to be the thing in nature which was answerable to this horizon in the Sphere . Therefore it is observed by s Strabo that Homer , and by t Theon , u Achilles Statius , and others that Aratus and the rest of the Poets doe put the Ocean for the Horizon : and thereupon where the astronomers say that the Sunne or the starres at their setting , goe under the horizon the common phrase of the Poets is , that they doe tingere se Oceano , dive themselves into the Ocean . for as they tooke the Earth to be but halfe a globe , and not a whole one : so they imagined that demye globe to be as it were a great mountaine or Iland seated in , and invironed round about with the Ocean . Thus the author of the booke de Mundo , affirmeth that x the whole world is one Iland , compassed about with the Atlanticke sea : and Dionysius Alexandrinus , in the beginning of his Geography , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . wherein he followed Eratosthenes , as his expositor Eustathius there noteth : who compareth also with this , that place of Orpheus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . whereunto answereth that of y Euphorion , or ( as z Achilles Statius citeth it ) of Neoptolemus Parianus in his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . And this opinion of theirs the Fathers of the Church did the more readily entertayne : because they thought it had ground from * Psalm . 24.2 . and 136.6 . and such other testimonies of holy Scripture . a That the whole earth ( saith Procopius Gazaeus ) doth subsist in the waters , and that there is no part of it which is situated under us voyde and clear'd of waters ; I suppose it be knowne unto all . For so doth the Scripture teach : Who stretcheth out the earth upon the waters . and againe : Hee hath founded it upon the seas , and prepared it upon the floods . Neyther is it fit we should beleeve , that any earth under us is inhabited , opposite unto our part of the world . The same collection is made by S. b Hilary , c Chrysostom , d Caesarius , and others . Fourthly , it was thought by the ancient heathen , that the Ocean ( supplying the place of the Horizon ) did e separate the visible world from the kingdome of Hades : and therefore that such as went to Hádes ( or the world invisible to us ) must first passe the Ocean . and that the pole Antarctick was seene by them there , as the Arctick or North pole is by us here : according to that of Virgil in his Georgicks , Hic vertex nobis semper sublimis : at illum Sub pedibus Styx atra videt , manesque profundi . Fiftly , as they held that Hades was for situation placed from the center of the earth downeward ; so betwixt the beginning and the lowest part thereof they imagined as great a space to be interjected , as there is betwixt Heaven and Earth . So saith Apollodorus of Tartarus , the dungeon of torment . f This is a darke place in Hades , having as great a distance from the earth , as the earth from the heaven . and Hesiod in his Theogonia ( agreably to that which before we heard from Homer ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . It is as farre beneath the earth , as heaven is from the earth : for thus equall is the distance from the earth unto darke Tartarus . whereunto that of Virgil may be added , in the ●ixt of the Aeneids : — tum Tartarus ipse Bis patet in praeceps tantum tenditque sub umbras , Quantus ad aethereum coeli suspectus Olympum . — then Tartarus it selfe , that sinke-hole steep Two times as low descends , two times as headlong downright deep As heaven upright ●s hie . that , see how hye the heaven is over us , when we looke upward to it ; the downright distance from thence to Tartarus , should be twice as deepe againe . for so wee must conceive the Poets meaning to bee : if wee will make him to accord with the rest of his fellowes . These observations , I doubt not , will be censured by many to savour of a needlesse and fruitelesse curiositie : but the intelligent reader for all that will easily disc●rne , how hereby he may be led to understand , in what sense the ancient both heathen and Christian writers did hold Hades to be under the earth ; and upon what ground . For they did not meane thereby ( as the Schoolemen generally doe , and as g Tertullian sometime seemeth to imagine ) that it was contayned within the bowels of the earth : but that it lay under the whole bulke thereof , and occupied that whole space , which we now finde to be taken up with the earth , ayre and firmament of the southerne hemisphere . h the inhabitants of which infernall region and vast depth are thereupon affirmed by S. Hilary to be non intra terram sed infra terram , not within the earth but beneath the earth . And this proceeded from no other ground , but the vulgar opinion , that the southerne hemisphere of the earth was not inhabited by living men , as our north●rne is insomuch that some of the heathen atheists , finding the contrary to be true by the discourse of right reason ; endevoured to perswade themselves from thence , that there was no such place as Hades at all . i Lucretius for the greater part , ( saith Servius ) and others fully teach , tha● the kingdomes of Hell cannot as much as have a being . For what place can we say they have ; when under the earth our Antipodes are sayd to be ? and that they should be in the midst of the earth , neyther will the solidity permit , nor the center of the earth . which earth if it be in the middle of the world , the profundity thereof can not be so great , that it may have those Inferos within it , in which is Tartarus : whereof we reade , Bis patet in praeceps tantum , tenditque sub umbras Quantus ad aethereum coeli suspectus Olympum . But Chrstiian men , being better instructed out of the word of God , were taught to answere otherwise . k If thou dost aske me ( saith S. Chrysostom ) of the situation and place of Gehenna : I will answere and say , that it is seated somewhere out of this world ; and that it is not to be inquired in what place it is situated , but by what meanes rather it may be avoyded . In the Dialogue betwixt Gregory Nyssen and that admirable woman Macrina , S. Basils sister , touching the Soule and the Resurrection , this point is stood upon at large : the question being first proposed by Gregory in this maner . l Where is that name of Hádes somuch spoken of ? which is so much treated of in our common conversation , so much in the writings both of the heathen and our owne . into which all men thinke that the soules are translated from hence as into a certaine receptacle . For you will not say that the elements ar● this Hades . whereunto Macrina thus replyeth . m It appeareth that thou didst not give much heed to my speech . for when I spake of the translation of the soule from that which is seen unto that which is invisible ; I thought I had left nothing behinde to be inquired of Had●s . Neyther doth that name , wherein soules are said to be , seeme to me to signifie any other thing eyther in profane writers or in the holy scripture , save onely a removing unto that which is invisible and unseene . Thereupon it being further demanded : n how then doe some thinke that a certaine subterraneall place should be so called , and that the soules doe lodge therein ? for answere thereunto it is said , that there is no maner of difference betwixt the lower hemisphere of the earth , and that wherein we live : that as long as the principall doctrine of the immortalitie of the soule is yeelded unto , no controversie should be moved touching the place therof ; that locall position is proper to bodies , and the soule being incorporeall hath no need to be detained in certaine places . then the place objected from Philip. 2.10 . of those under the earth that should bow at the name of Iesus , being largely skanned : this in the end is laid downe for the conclusion . o These things being thus , no man can constraine us by the name of things under the earth to understand any subterraneall place : forasmuch as the ayre do●h so equally compasse the earth round about , that there is no part thereof found naked from the covering of the ayre . Both these opinions are thus propounded by p Theophylact , and by q Hugò Etherianus after him . What is Hades or Hell ? Some say that it is a darke place under the earth . Others say , that it is the translation of the soule from that which is visible unto that which is unseene and invisible . For while the soule is in the body , it is seene by the proper operations thereof : but being translated out of the body , it is invisible ; and this did they say was Hádes . So where the author of the Ecclesiasticall Hierarchy defineth death to be a separation of the united parts , and the bringing to them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , unto that which is invisible to us : his scholiast Maximus noteth thereupon , that r this invisible thing some doe affirme to be Hádes ; that is to say , an unseene and invisible departure of the soule unto places not to be seene by the sense of man. Hitherto also may be referred the place cited s before out of Origen in his fourth book 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : which by S. Hierome is thus delivered . t They who dye in this world by the separation of the flesh and the soule , according to the difference of their workes obtaine diverse places in Hell. Where by Hádes , Inferi , or Hell he meaneth indefinitely the other world : in which how the soules of the godly were disposed , hee thus declareth in another place . u The soule leaveth the darkenesse of this world , and the blindnesse of this bodily nature , and is translated unto another world : which is eyther the bosome of Abraham , as it is shewed in Lazarus , or Paradise , as in the thiefe that beleeved upon the crosse ; or yet if God know that there be any other places , or other mansions , by which the soule that beleeveth in God passing , and comming unto that river which maketh glad the citie of God , may receive within it the lott of the inheritance promised unto the Fathers . For touching the determinate state of the faithfull soules departed this life , the ancient Doctors ( as we have shewed ) were not so thoroughly resolved . Now , all the question betwixt us and the Romanistes is , whether the faithfull be received into their everlasting tabernacles presently upon their removeall out of the body , or after they have beene first purified to the point ( as Allen speaketh ) in the furnace of Purgatorie : but in the time of the Fathers , as S. Augustin noteth , the x great question was , vvhether the receiving of them into those everlasting tabernacles were performed presently after this life ; or in the end of the world , at the resurrection of the dead , and the last retribution of judgement . And so concerning Hell the question was as great among them , whether all , good and bad , went thither or no ? whereof the same S. Augustin is a witnesse also ; who upon that speech of Iacob , Gen. 37.35 . I will goe downe to my sonne mourning into Hell , writeth thus . y It useth to be a great question , in what maner Hell should be understood : vvhether evill men onely , or good men also when they are dead doe use to goe downe thither . And if evill men only doe ; how doth he say that he would goe downe unto his sonne mourning ? for he did not beleeve that he was in the paines of Hell. Or be these the words of a troubled & grieving man , amplifying his evils frō hence ? and upon that other speech of his , Genes . 42.38 . You shal bring down mine old age with sorrow unto Hell. z Whether therefore unto Hell , because with sorrow ? Or although sorrow were away , speaketh he these things as if he were t● goe down into hell by dying ? For of Hell there is a great question : and what the Scripture delivereth thereof , in all the places where it hath occasion to make mention of it , is to be observed . Hitherto S. Augustin : who had reference to this great question , when he said as hath beene a before alledged . Of Hell neyther have I had any experience as yet , nor you : and peradventure there shal be another way , and by Hell it shall not be . For these things are uncertaine . Neyther is there greater question among the Doctors of the Church concerning the Hell of the Fathers of the Old Testament , then there is of the Hell of the faithfull now in the time of the New : neyther are there greater differences betwixt them touching the Hell into which our Saviour went ( whether it were under the earth or above , whether a darkesome place or a lightsome , whether a prison or a paradise ) then there are of the mansions wherein the soules of the blessed do now continue . S. Hierome , interpreting those words of King Ezechias , Esai . 38.10 . I shall goe to the gates of Hell : saith that this is meant , b eyther of the common law of nature , or else of those gates , from which that he was delivered , the Psalmist singeth ; Thou that liftest me up from the gates of death , that I may shew forth all thy prayses in the gates of the daughter of Sion . ( Psalm . 9.13 , 14. ) Now as some of the Fathers doe expound our Saviours going to Hell , of his descending into Gehenna : so others expound it of his going to Hell according to the common law of nature ; the common law of nature ( I say ) which extendeth it selfe indifferently unto all the dead , whether they belong to the state of the New Testament or of the Old. For as Christs soule was in all points made like unto ours ( sinne onely excepted ) while it was joyned with his body here in the land of the living : so when he had humbled himselfe unto the death , it became him in all things to be made like unto his brethren , even in that state of dissolution . c And so indeed the soule of Iesus had experience of both . For it was in the place of humaine soules , and being out of the flesh did live and subsist . It was a reasonable soule therefore and of the same substance with the soules of men ; even as his flesh is of the same substance with the flesh of men , proceeding from Mary : saith Eustathius the Patriarch of Antioch in his exposition of that text of the Psalme ; Thou wilt not leave my soule in Hell , Where by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Hell , you see , he understandeth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the place of humaine soules ( which is the Hebrewes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or world of spirits ) and by the disposing of Christs soule there after the maner of other soules , concludeth it to be of the same nature with other mens soules . So S Hilary in his exposition of the 138. Psalme . d This is the law of humaine necessitie , saith he , that the bodies being buried , the soules should goe to Hell. Which descent the Lord did not refuse for the accomplishment of a true man. and a little after he repeateth it , that de supernis ad inferos mortis lege descendit , he descended from the supernall to the infernall parts by the law of death . and upon the 53. Psalme more fully . e To fulfill the nature of man he subjected himselfe to death , that is , to a departure as it were of the soule and body ; and pierced into the infernall seates , which was a thing that seemed to be du● unto man. So Leo , in one of his Sermons upon our Lords passion . s Hee did undergoe the lawes of Hell by dying , but did dissolve them by rising againe : and so did cut off the perpetuitie of death , that of eternall hee might make it temporall . So Irenaeus , having said , that our Lord g conversed three dayes where the dead were , addeth that therein he h observed the law of the dead , that hee might be made the first begotten from the dead ; staying untill the third day in the lower parts of the earth , and afterward rising in his flesh . Then he draweth from thence this generall conclusion . i Seeing our Lord went in the midst of the shadow of death , vvhere the soules of the dead were , then afterward rose againe corporally , and after his resurrection was assumed : it is manifest that the soules of his disciples also , for whose sake the Lord wrought these things , shall goe to an invisible place appointed unto them by God , and there shall abide untill the resurrection , wayting for the resurrection ; and afterwards receaving their bodies , and rising againe perfectly , that is to say corporally , even as our Lord did rise againe , they shall so come unto the presence of God. For there is no disciple above his master : but every one shall be perfect , if he be as his master . The like collection doth Tertullian make in his booke of the Soule . k If Christ being God , because he was also man , dying according to the Scriptures , and being buried according to the same , did heere also satisfie the law , by performing the course of an humane death in Hell ; neyther did ascend into the higher parts of the heavens , before he descended into the lower parts of the earth , that he might there make the Patriarches and Prophets partakers of himselfe : thou hast , both to beleeve that there is a region of Hell under the earth , and to push them with the elbowe , who proudly enough doe not thinke the soules of the faithfull to be fit for Hell ; servants above their Lord , and disciples above their Master , scorning perhaps to take the comfort of expecting the resurrection in Abrahams bosome . And in the same booke , speaking of the soule : l What is that , saith he , which is translated unto the infernall parts ( or Hell ) after the separation of the body ? which is detayned there , which is reserved unto the day of judgement , unto which Christ by dying did descend , to the soules of the Patriarches , I thinke . Where he maketh the Hell unto which our Saviour did descend , to be the common receptacle not of the soules of the Patriarches alone , but also of the soules that are now still separated from their bodies : as being the place quò universa humanitas trahitur ( as he speaketh m elsewhere in that booke ) unto which all mankinde is drawne . So Novatianus after him , affirmeth that the very places n which lye under the earth be not voyde of distinguished and ordered powers . For that is the place ( saith he ) whither the soules both of the godly and ungodly are led , receiving the fore-judgements of their future d●ome . Lactantius saith that our Saviour o rose againe ab inferis , from Hell : but so he saith also that the dead Saints shall be p raised up ab inferis at the time of the Resurrection . S. Cyrill of Alexandria saith that the Iewes q killed Christ , and cast him into the deepe and darke dungeon of death , that is , into Hades : adding afterward , that r Hades may rightly be esteemed to be the house and mansion of such as are deprived of life . Nicephorus Gregoras in his funerall Oration upon Theodorus Metochites , putteth in this for one strayne of his lamentation . s Who hath brought downe that heavenly man unto the bottome of Hades ? and Andrew archbishop of Crete , touching the descent both of Christ and all Christians after him even unto the darke and comfortlesse Hades writeth in this maner . t If hee , who was the Lord and master of all , and the light of them that are in darknesse , and the life of all men , would taste death , and undergoe the descent into Hell , that he might be made like unto us in all things , sinne excepted ; and for three dayes went thorough the sad , obscure and darke region of Hell : what strange thing is it , that wee who are sinners , and dead in trespasses ( according to the great Apostle ) who are subject to generation and corruption ; should meete with death , and goe with our soule into the darke chambers of Hell , where we cannot see light , nor behold the life of mortall men ? For are wee above our Master , or better then the Saints , who underwent these things of ours after the like maner that we must doe ? Iuvencus intimateth , that our Saviour giving up the ghost sent his soule unto heaven , in those verses of his : u Tunc clamor Domini magno conamine missus , Aethereis animam comitem commiscuit auris . Eusebius Emesenus collecteth so much from the last words which our Lord uttered at the same time ; Father , into thine hands I commend my spirit . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , saith x he , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . His spirit was above , and his body remayned upon the crosse for us . In the Greeke exposition of the Canticles , collected out of Eusebius , Philo Carpathius and others , that sentence in the beginning of the sixt chapter , My beloved is gone down into his garden , is interpreted of Christs y going to the soules of the Saints in Hádes . which in the Latin collections that beare the name of Philo Carpathius is thus more largely expressed . z By this descending of the Bridegrome , we may understand the descending of our Lord Iesus Christ into Hell as I suppose : for that which followeth proveth this , when he sayeth ; To the beds of spices . For those ancient holy men are not unfi●ly signified by the beds of spices ; such as were , Noë , Abraham , Isaac , Iacob , Moses , Iob , David , Samuel , Elisaeus , Daniel , and very many others before the Law & in the Law : who all of them , like unto beds of spices , gave a most sweete smell of the odours and fruits of holy righteousnesse . For then as a triumpher did he enter into PARADISE , when he pierced into Hell. God himselfe is present with us for a witnesse in this matter , when he answered most graciously to the Thiefe upon the Crosse , commending himselfe unto him most religiously ; To day shalt thou be with me in Paradise . Lastly touching this Paradise , the various opinions of the ancient are thus layd downe by Olympiodorus ; to seeke no farther . a It is a thing worthy of enquirie , in what place under the Sunne the righteous are placed which have left this life . Certaine it is , that in Paradise : forasmuch as Christ said unto the Thiefe ; This day shalt thou be with me in Paradise . And it is to be knowne , that the literall Tradition teacheth Paradise to be in earth . But some have said that Paradise also is in Hell , that is , in a place under the earth : unto which opinion of theirs they apply that of the Gospell ; where the rich man saw Lazarus , being yet himselfe sunke downe in a lower place , when Lazarus was in a place more eminent , where Abraham was . But howsoever the matter goeth ; this without doubt is manifest , aswell out of Ecclesiastes as out of all the sacred Scripture , that the godly shall be in prosperity and peace , and the ungodly in punishments and torments . And others are of the minde , that Paradise is in the Heavens , &c. Hitherto Olympiodorus . That Christs soule went into Paradise , b Doctor Bishop saith , being well understood , is true . For his soule in hell , had the joyes of Paradise : but to make that an exposition of Christs descending into hell , is to expound a thing by the flat contrary of it . Yet this ridiculous exposition , he affirmeth to be received of most Protestants . Which is even as true , as that which he avoucheth in the same place ; that this article of the descent into Hell is to be found c in the old Roman Creed expounded by Ruffinus : where Ruffinus ( as we have heard ) expounding that article , delivereth the flat contrarie , that it is not found added in the Creed of the Church of Rome . It is true indeed , that more than most Protestants do interprete the words of Christ uttered unto the Thiefe upon the Crosse , Luk. 23.43 . of the going of his soule into Paradise : where our Saviour meaning simply and plainly , that hee would be that day in d Heaven ; M. Bishop would have him so to be understood , as if he had meant that that day he would be in Hell. And must it be now held more ridiculous in Protestants , to take Hell for Paradise ; then in M. Bishop , to take Paradise for Hell ? 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , be the wordes of the Apostles Creed in the Greeke : and , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in the Symbol of e Athanasius . Some learned Protestants do observe , that in these words there is no determinate mention made , eyther of ascending or descending , either of Heaven or Hell ( taking Hell according to the vulgar acception ) but of the generall only , under which these contraries are indifferently comprehended : and that the words literally interpreted , import no more but this ; HEE WENT UNTO THE OTHER WORLD . Which is not to expound a thing by the flat contrary of it , as M. Bishop fancieth : who may quickly make himselfe ridiculous , in taking upon him thus to censure the interpretations of our learned linguistes ; unlesse his owne skill in the languages were greater , then as yet he hath given proofe of . Master Broughton ( with whose authoritie hee elsewhere presseth us , as of a man f esteemed to be singularly seene in the Hebrew and Greeke tongue ) hath beene but too forward in maintayning that exposition , which by D. Bishop is accounted so ridiculous . In one place , touching the terme Hell , as it doth answer the Hebrew Sheol and the Greeke Hádes , he writeth thus . g He that thinketh it ever used for Tartaro or Gehenna , otherwise then the terme Death may by Synecdoche import so : hath not skill in Ebrew or that Greeke , vvhich breathing and live Graecia spake , if God hath lent me any judgement that way . In h another place he alledgeth out of Portus his Dictionary , that the Macedonians call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Heaven . And one of his acquaintance beyond the Sea , reporteth that he should deliver , that in i many most ancient Manuscript copies the Lords prayer is found with this beginning : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Our Fat●er which art in Hádes . which I for my part will then beleeve to be true , when I shall see one of those old copies with mine owne eyes . But in the meane time for Hádes , it hath beene sufficiently declared before out of ▪ good authors , that it signifieth the place of soules departed in generall ; and so is of extent large enough to comprehend under it , as well 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( as Damascius speaketh ) that part of Hádes ( or the unseene vvorld ) which is in heaven , as that which by k Iosephus is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the darker Hades , and in the l Gospell 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 outer darknesse . And as for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the other word ; in the Acts of the Apostles it is used ten times : and in none of all those places signifieth anie descending from a higher place unto a lower , but a removing simply from one place unto another . Whereupon the Vulgar Latin edition ( which none of the Romanists m upon any pretense may presume to reject ) doth render it there by the generall termes of n abeo , o venio , p devenio , q supervenio . and where it retayneth the word r descendo , it intendeth nothing lesse , then to signifie thereby the lower situation of the place unto which the removeall is noted to be made . If descending therfore in the Acts of the Apostles imply no such kind of thing : what necessitie is there ; that thus of force it must be interpreted in the Creed of the Apostles ? Menelaus declared unto us , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : saith King Antiochus , in his epistle unto the Iewes , 2. Maccab. 11.29 . Velle vos descendere ad vestros , it is in the Latin edition : whereby what else is meant , but that they had a desire to goe unto their owne ? I omitt the phrases of descending in praelium , in forum , in campum , in amicitiam , in caussam , &c. which are so usuall in good Latin authors : yea and of descending into heaven it selfe ; if that be not a jeast which the Poet breaketh upon Claudius . s Ille senis tremulumque caput descendere jussit In coelum . Others adde unto this , that the phrase of descending ad inferos , is a popular kinde of speech , which sprung from the opinion that was vulgarly conceived of the situation of the recept●cle of the soules under the earth : and that according to the rule of Aristo●le in his Top●cks , we must speake as the vulgar , but thinke as wise men doe . Even as wee use to say commonly , that the Sunne is under a cloude , because it is a vulgar forme of speech : and yet it is farre enough from our meaning for all that , to imagine the cloude to bee indeede higher then the Sunne . So Cicero , they say , where ever hee hath occasion to mention any thing that concerneth the dead , speaketh still of Inferi according to the vulgar phrase : although hee misliked the vulgar opinion , which bred that maner of speaking ; and professed it to bee his judgement , that t the soules when they depart out of the body are carried up on high , & not downward unto any habitations under the earth . So Chrysostom and Theophylact thinke that the Apostle tearmed the Death and Hell unto which our Saviour did descend , the lower parts of the earth , Ephes. 4.9 . u 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , x from the common opinion of men . So in the translation of the holy Scripture , S. Hierome sheweth that wee use the names of Arcturus and Orion , not approving thereby the ridiculous and monstrous figments of the Poets in this matter , but expressing the Hebrew names of these constellations by the vvords of heathenish fables ; because y we cannot understand that which is sayd , but by those words , which we have learned by use , and drunke in by error . And just so standeth the case with this word Hades : which with the G●eeke Poets is the name of Pluto , whom they fayned to be the God of the dead under the earth , & gave a denomination unto 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , from riches ; z because that all things comming to their dissolution , there is nothing which is not at last brought unto him , and made his possession . Thus Homer and Hesiod , with a Plato and others after them , say that Rhea brought forth three sonnes , to Saturne ; Iupiter , Neptune , b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and mightie Hades , who inhabiteth the houses under the earth , having a mercilesse heart : for that attribute doth Hesiod give unto him , because Death spareth no man. So Homer : — c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : which is also the description that Hesiod maketh of him in that verse : d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Hades was afraid , who raigneth over them that lye dead in the earth . Now that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the Creed is a phrase taken from the heathen , and applied to expresse a Christian truth ; the very Grammatica●l construction may seeme to intimate : where the nowne is not put in the accusative case ( as otherwise it should ) but after the maner of the Greekes in the genitive case , implying the defect of another word necessarily to be understood ; as if it had beene said , He went unto the place or house of Hades . as the Poets use to expresse it , sometimes defectively 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and sometimes more fully e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , into the house or chambers of Hádes . Thus then , they that take Hádes for the common receptacle of soules , doe interpret the context of the Creed , as Cardinall Cajetan before did the narration of Moses touching Abrahams giving up the ghost , being gathered to his people , and being buried , Genes . 25.8 , 9. that the article of the death is to be r●ferred to the whole manhood , and the dissolution of the parts thereof ; that of the buriall , to the body s●parated from the soule , and this of the descending into Hádes , to the soule separated f●om the body as if he had said . He suffered death truely , by a reall separation of his soule from his bodie : and after this dissolution , the same did befall him that useth to betide all other dead men ; his livelesse bodie was sent unto the place which is appointed to receive dead bodies , and his immortall soule went unto the other world , as the soules of other men use to doe . Having now declared , how the Greek Hádes ( and so the Latine Inferi , and our English Hell ) is taken for the place of the bodies and of the soules of dead men , severally : it followeth that we shew , how the common state of the dead is signified thereby , and the place in generall which is answerable unto the parts of the whole man thus indefinitely considered in the state of separation . Concerning which , that place of Dionysius , wherein he setteth forth the signification of our being dead and buried with Christ by Baptisme , is to be considered . f Forasmuch as death is in us , not an utter extinguishment of our being , as others have thought , but a separation of the united parts , bringing them unto that which is to us invisible ; the soule as being by the deprivation of the body made unseene , and the body as eyther being covered in the earth , or by some other of the alterations that are incident unto bodies , being taken away from the sight of man : the whole covering of the man in water is fitly assumed for an image of the death and buriall which is not seene . Thus Dionysius , concerning the separation of the united parts by Death , and the bringing of them unto that which is invisible : g according whereunto , as his paraphrast Pachymeres noteth , it is called Hádes , that is to say , an invisible separation of the soule from the body . And so indeed wee finde as well in forraine authors , as in the Scriptures & the writings of the Greek and Latin Fathers , that Hádes and Inferi are not only taken in as large a sense as Death ( and so extended unto all men indifferently , whether good or bad ) but are likewise oftentimes indifferently used for it . For proofe whereof , out of heathen authors these testimonies following may suffice . h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : saith Pindarus . The man that doeth things befitting him , forgetteth Hádes : meaning , that the remembrance of death doth no whit trouble him . and againe : i 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . The sonne of Cleonicus wisheth that with such manners he may meet and receive Hades ( that is , death ) and hoare old age . So another Poet , cyted by k Plutarch : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . O Death , the soveraigne physician , come : for Hádes is in very truth the haven of the earth . So the saying , that the best thing were , never to have been born , and the next to that , to dye quickly ; is thus expressed by Theognis , in his elegies : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Sophocles in the beginning of his Trachiniae , bringeth in D●ianira affirming that , howsoever it were an old saying among men , that none could know whether a man , life were happy or unhappy before he were dead ; yet she knew her own to be heavie and unfortunate before she went to Hádes . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . where 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is the same with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 before death : as both the ancient Scholiast and the matter it selfe doth shew . So in his Ajax : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . He is better that is hidden in Hádes ( that is to say , he that is dead , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as the Scholiast rightly expoundeth it ) then he that is sick past recoverie . and in his Antigone : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . My father and mother being layd in Hádes , it is not possible that any brother should spring forth afterward . Wherwith l Clemens Alexandrinus doth fitly compare that speech of the wife of Intaphernes in m Herodotus : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . My father and mother being now no longer living , another brother by no maner of meanes can be had . So that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , being in Hádes , with the one , is the same with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , not now living , in the other ; or as it is alledged by Clemens , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , not now being : which is the Scripture phrase of them that have left this world , Genes . 5.24 . and 42.36 . Psal. 39.13 . Ierem. 31.15 . and 49.10 . used also by Homer , Iliad . β. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Touching the use of the word Hell in the Scriptures , thus writeth Iansenius , expounding those words , Proverb . 15.11 . Hell and destruction are before the Lord : how much more then , the hearts of the children of men ? n It is to be knowen , that by Hell and destruction ( which two in the Scriptures are often joyned together ) the state of the dead is signified ; and not of the damned only , as wee commonly doe conceave when we heare these words , but the state of the deceased in generall . So o Sanctius the Iesuite , with Sà his fellow , acknowledgeth , that Hell in the Scripture is frequently taken for Death . Therefore are these two joyned together , Revel . 1.18 . I have the keyes of Hell and of Death , or ( as other Greeke copies read ; agreeably to the old Latin and Aethiopian translation ) of Death and of Hell. and Esai . 28.15 . We have made a covenant with Death , and with Hell we are at agreement . where the Septuagint , to shew that the same thing is meant by both the words , do place the one in the room of the other , after this maner : We have made a covenant with Hell , and with Death an agreement . The same things likewise are indifferently attributed unto them both : as that they are unsatiable , and never full ; spoken of Hell , Proverb . 27.20 . and of Death , Haback . 2.5 . So the gates of Hell , Esai . 38 : 10. are the gates of Death , Psalm . 9.13 . and 107.18 . and therefore where we reade in the book of Wisedome ; p Thou leadest to the gates of Hell , and bringest backe againe : the Vulgar Latin translateth it ; q Thou leadest to the gates of Death , and bringest back againe . So the sorrowes of Death , Psal. 18.4 . are in the verse following tearmed , the sorrowes of Hell : and therefore the LXX . ( as hath beene shewed ) translating the selfe same words of David , doe in the Psalme render them the sorrowes of Hell , and in the historie 2. Sam. 22.6 . ( where the same Psalme is repeated ) the sorrowes of Death . Whence also that difference of reading came , Act. 2.24 . aswell in the copies of the text as in the citations of the ancient Fathers : which was the lesse regarded , because that varietie in the words bredd little or no difference at all in the sense . Therefore Epiphanius in one place , having respect to the beginning of the verse , saith that Christ loosed r 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the sorrowes of Death : and yet in another , citing the later end of the verse , because it was not possible he should be holden by it , addeth this explication thereunto , s 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is to say , by Hell. And the author of the Sermon upon Christs passion , among the workes of Athanasius , one where saith that he loosed the sorrowes of t Hell , and otherwhere that he loosed the sorrowes of u Death . unto whom wee may adjoyne Bede , x who is in like maner indifferent for eyther reading . In the Proverbs , where it is said ; There is a way which seemeth right unto a man , but the end therof are the waies of Death : Proverb . 14.12 . and 16.25 . the LXX . in both places for Death put 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the bottome of Hell. and on the other side , where it is said ; Thou shalt beate him with the rod , and shalt deliver his soule from Hell : Proverb . 23.14 . they reade , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Thou shalt deliver his soule from Death . So in Hose . 13.14 . where the Hebrew and Greeke both reade : I will deliver them from the hand of Hell : the Vulgar Latin hath ; De manu mortis liberabo eos , I will deliver them from the hand of Death . which S. Cyrill of Alexandria sheweth to be the same in effect . for y he hath redeemed us ( saith he ) from the hand of Hell , that is to say , from the power of Death . So out of the text , Matth. 16.18 . Eusebius noteth , that the Church doth z not give place to the gates of DEATH , for that one saying which Christ did utter : Vpon the rocke I will build my Church , and the gates of HELL shall not prevaile against it . S. Ambrose also from the same text collecteth thus , that a faith is the foundation of the Church . For it was not said of the flesh of Peter , but of the faith , that the gates of DEATH should not prevaile against it : but the confession ( of the faith ) overcame HELL . So Theodoret noteth , that the b name of Hell is given unto Death , in that place , Cantic . 8.6 . Love is strong as death , jealousie is hard or cruell as Hell. which in the writings of the Fathers is a thing very usuall . Take the Poems of Theodorus Prodromus for an instance : where delivering an historie out of the life of S. Chrysostom , of a woman that had lost foure of her sonnes ; he saith that they foure were gone unto Hádes , — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and relating how S. Basil had freed the countrey of Cappadocia from famine , thus he expresseth it : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and shewing how Gregory Nazianzen , when he was a childe , was recovered from death by being brought to the communion Table ; he saith he was brought unto the Sunne from Hádes : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Gregory himselfe likewise in his Poems , setting out the dangers of a sea-faring life , saith that c the greater part of them that saile the seas is in Hades . Baesil of Seleucia , speaking of the translation of Enoch and Elias , saith in one place , that d Enoch remayned out of Deaths nett , Elias obeyed not the lawes of nature ; and in another , that e Elias remayned superior to death , Enoch by translation declined Hades : making Death and Hades to be one and the same thing . So he maketh Elias to pray thus , at the raysing of the widowes sonne . f Shew , ô Lord , that Death is made gentle towards men , let it learne the evidences of thy humanity ; let the documents of thy goodnesse come even to Hades . And as he there noteth that g Death received an overthrow from Elias : so in another place he noteth that h Hades received a like overthrow , by Christs raysing of the dead . whereupon he bringeth in S. Peter , using this speech unto our Saviour : i Shall Death make any youthfull attempt against thee , whose voyce Hades could not endure ? The other day thou didst call the widowes sonne that was dead ; and Death fled , not being able to accompany him unto the grave whom he had overcome : how shall Death therefore lay hold on him , whom it feareth ? and our Saviour himselfe speaking thus unto his Disciples . k I will arise out of the grave , renewing the Resurrection : I will teach Hades that it must expect the Resurrection to succeed it . For in me both Death ceaseth , and immortalitie is planted . So saith S. Cyrill of Alexandria : l Christ was raysed up for us . for he could not be detayned by the gates of Hades , nor taken at all by the bonds of Death . And therefore Cyrill of Hierusalem having sayd that our Saviour did m descend into Hades , doth presently adde as an explication thereof . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . for he did descend into Death . n He descended into Death as a man : saith Athanasius . o The diuine nature ( saith Ruffinus , meaning the divine person ) by his flesh descended into Death ; not that according to the law of mortall men he should be detayned of death , but that rising againe by himselfe he might open the gates of death . p When thou didst descend into Death , ô immortall Life , ( say the Grecians in their Liturgie ) thou didst then mortifie Hades or Hell with the brightnesse of thy divinitie . And thus , if my memory do not faile me , ( for at this present I have not the booke lying by me ) is the article expressed in the Hebrew Creed , which is printed with Potkens q Aethiopian Syllabarie . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 He descended into the shadow of death . where the Hebrew Interpreter doth render Hades by the shadow of death : as the Greeke Interpreters , in that text ( which by the r Fathers is applied to our Saviours descent into Hell ) Iob. 38.17 . doe render the shadow of death by Hades . for where the Hebrew hath 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the gates of the shadow of death , they ●eade ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the keepers of the gates of Hades seeing thee , shranke for feare . s The resurrection from the dead therefore being the end of our Saviours s●ffering ( as Eusebius notes ) and so the beginning of his glorifying : the first degree of his exaltation would thus very aptly answer● unto the last degree of his humiliation that as his Resurrection is an arising from the dead , so his descending unto Hades or ad inferos should be no other thing but a going to the dead . For further confirmation whereof , let it be considered , that S. Hierome in the vulgar Latin translation of the Bible , hath ad inferos deducentur , Ecclesia●●is 9.3 . where the Hebrew and Greeke reade , to the dead : and in like manner , Proverb 2.18 . he hath ad inferos againe , where 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is in the Hebrew ; which being a word that somtimes signifieth the dead , and somtimes Gyants , the LXX . doe joyne both together and reade , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in Hades ●ith the Giants . So in the Sibylline verses cyted by t Lactantius , — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that he may speake unto the dead ; is in u Prosper translated , Vt inferis l●quatur : and those other ve●ses touching our Saviours Resurrection x 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Then comming forth from the Dead , &c. are thus turned into Latin in Prosper . y Tunc ab inferis regressus , ad lucem veniet primus resurrectionis principio revocatis ostenso . Then returning from Hell , he shall come unto the light first shewing the beginning of the Resurrection unto those whō he shall call back from thence . for z Christ returning backe a conqueror from Hádes unto life ( as Basil of Seleucia writeth ) the dead were taught the reviving againe unto life . His a rising from the Dead , vvas the loosing of us from Hádes : saith Gregory Nazianzen . b He was raysed from Hádes or from the dead ; and raysed me being dead with him : saith Nectarius , his successor in the See of Constantinople . Therefore is he called c the first begotten of the dead , because he was the first that rose from Hádes ; as we also shall rise at his second comming : saith the author of the Treatise of Definitions , among the workes of Athanasius . To lay downe all the places of the Fathers , wherein our Lords rising againe from the Dead , is termed his rising againe from Hádes , Inferi or Hell , would be a needlesse labour : for this we need go no further then to the Canon of the Masse it selfe ; where in the prayer that followeth next after the Consecration , there being a Commemoration made of Christs passion , resurrection , and ascension , the second is set out by the title ab inferis resurrectionis , of the resurrection from Hell. For as the d Liturgies of the Easterne Churches doe here make mention 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the resurrection from the dead : so those of the e West retayne that other title of the resurrection ab inferis , that is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( as it is in the Liturgie that goeth under the name of S. Peter ) or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as it is in the Gregorian Office translated into Greek by Codinus . If then the resurrection frō the dead be the same with the resurrection from Hades , Inferi or Hell : why may not the going unto Hades , Inferi or Hell , be interpreted , by the same reason , to be the going unto the dead ? whereby no more is understood , than what is intimated in that phrase w ch the Latins use of one that hath left this world ; Abijt ad plures : or in that of the Hebrewes , so frequent in the word of God ; He f went or was gathered unto his people , he went or was gathered unto his fathers . which being applied unto a whole generation , Iudg. 2.10 . as well as in other places unto particular persons ; must of necessitie denote the common condition of men departed out of this life . Now , although Death and Hades , dying and going to the dead , be of neere affinitie one with the other : yet be they not the same thing properly , but the one a consequent of the other ; as it appeareth plainely by the vision , Revelat. 6.8 . where Hades is directly brought in as a follower of Death . g Death it selfe , as wise men doe define it , is nothing else but the separation of the soule from the body ; which is done in an instant : but Hades is the continuation of the body and soule in this state of separation , which lasteth all that space of time which is betwixt the day of death and the day of the resurrection . For as the state of h life is comprehended betwixt two extreames , to wit , the beginning thereof and the ending ; and there be i two motions in nature answerable thereunto , the one whereby the soule concurreth to the body , ( which we k call Generation ) the other whereby the body is severed from the soule ( which we call Death : ) so the state of death in like maner is contained betwixt two bounds , the beginning , which is the very same with the ending of the other ; and the last end , the motion whereunto is called the Resurrection , whereby the body and soule formerly separated are joyned together againe . Thus there be three tearmes here , as it were in a kinde of a continued proportion , the middlemost whereof hath relation to eyther of the extremes : and by the motion to the first a man may be said to be natus , to the second denatus , to the third renatus . The first & the third have a like oppositiō unto the middle ; and therefore are like betwixt themselves : the one being a generation , the other a regeneration . For that our Lord doth call the last Resurrection the Regeneration , Matth. 19.28 . l S. Augustine supposeth that no man doubteth . Neyther would our Lord himselfe have beene styled m 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the first borne from the dead ; unlesse the Resurrection were accounted to be a kinde of a new nativitie : whereof he himselfe was in the first place to be made partaker , n that among all or in all things he might have the preeminence ; the rest of o the sonnes of God being to be children of the Resurrection also , but in their due time , and in the order of Post-nati . The middle distance betwixt the first and second terme , that is to say , the space of life which we lead in this world betwixt the time of our birth and the time of our death ; is opposite to the distance that is betwixt the second and third terme , that is to say , the state of death under which man lyeth from the time of his departure out of this life unto the time of his resurrection : and see what difference there is betwixt our birth , and the life which we spend here after wee are borne ; the same difference is there betwixt Death and Hades , in that other state of our dissolution . That which properly we call Death ( which is the parting a sunder of the soule and the body ) standeth as a middle terme betwixt the state of life and the state of death , being nothing else but the ending of the one , and the beginning of the other : and as it were a common meare between lands , or a communis terminus in a Geometricall magnitude , dividing part from part , but being it selfe a part of neyther , and yet belonging equally unto eyther . Which gave occasion to the question moved by Taurus the philosopher : p When a dying man might be said to die ; when he was now dead , or while hee was yet living ? whereunto Gellius returneth an answere out of Plato : q that his dying was to be attributed neyther to the time of his life nor of his death ( because repugnances would arise eyther of those wayes ) but to the time which was in the confine betwixt both ; which Plato calleth r 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a moment or an instant , and denieth to be properly any part of time at all . Therefore Death doth his part in an instant ( as hath beene said ) but Hádes continueth that worke of his , and holdeth the dead as it were under conquest , untill the time of the resurrection ; s wherein shall be brought to passe the saying that is written . O Death , where is thy sting ? O Hades , where is thy victorie ? For t these things shall rightly be spoken then ( saith Irenaeus ) when this mortall and corruptible flesh ( about which Death is , and which is holden downe by a certaine dominion of Death ) rising up unto life shall put on incorruption and immortalitie . for then shall death be truly overcome , when the flesh that is holden by it , shall come forth out of the Dominion thereof . Death then , as it importeth the separation of the soule from the body ( which is the proper acception of it ) is a thing distinguishable from Hades , as an antecedent from his consequent : but as it is taken for the whole state of death , and the domination which it hath over the dead ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Basilius Seleuciensis calleth it , in his oration upon Elias ) it is the selfe same thing that Hades is ; and in that respect ( as we have seene ) the words are sometimes indifferently put , the one for the other . As therefore our Sauiour ( that we may apply this now unto him ) after he was fastned and lifted up on the Crosse , if he had come downe from thence ( as u the standers by in mocking wise did wish him to doe ) might be truly said to have beene crucified , but not to have dyed : so when he gave up the ghost , and layde downe his life , if he had presently taken it up againe , he might truly be said to have dyed , but not to have gone to the dead , or to have beene in Hádes . His remayning under the power of Death untill the third day , made this good . Whom God did rayse up , loosing the sorrowes of death , x forasmuch as it was not possible that he should be holden of it : saith S. Peter . and Christ being raysed from the dead , dyeth now no more , y Death hath no more dominion over him : saith S. Paul. implying thereby , that during the space of time that passed betwixt his death and his resurrection , he was holden by death , and death had some kinde of domination over him . And therefore Athanasius ( or who ever else was author of that writing to Liberius the Roman Bishop ) having reference unto the former text ; affirmeth that z he raysed up that buried body of his , and presented it to his Father , having freed it from Death , of which it was holden . and Maximus ( or he that collected the Dialogues against the Marcionites , under the name of Origen , out of him ) expounding the other text ; a Over whom then had Death dominion ? saith he . For the saying that it hath no more dominion , sheweth that before it had dominion over him . Not that Death could have any dominion over b the Lord of Life , further than he himselfe was pleased to give way unto it : but as , when Death did at the first sease upon him , c his life indeed vvas taken from the earth , yet d none could take it from him , but he layd it downe of himselfe ; so his continuing to be Deaths prisoner for a time , was a voluntarie commitment only , unto which he freely yeelded himselfe for our sakes , not anie yoake of miserable necessitie that Death was able to impose upon him . For e he had power to lay downe his life , and he had power to take it again : yet would he not take it againe , before he had first not layd himselfe downe only upon Deaths bed , but slept also upon it ; that arising afterward from thence , he might become f the first fruits of them that slept . In which respect , the g Fathers apply unto him that text of the Psalme ; I layd me down and slept , I awaked , for the Lord sustained mee . ( Psalm . 3.5 . ) and Lactantius that verse of Sibyll , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , The tearme of death he shall finish , when he hath slept unto the third day . His dying , or his burying at the farthest , is that which here is answerable unto his lying downe : but his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( as h Dionysius calleth it ) his his three-dayes buriall , and his continuing for that time in the state of death , is that which answereth unto his sleeping or being in Hádes . And therefore the Fathers of the fourth Councell of Toledo , declaring how in Baptisme i the death and resurrection of Christ is signified , do both affirme , that the dipping in the water is as it were a descension into Hell , and the rising out of the water againe , a resurrection ; and adde likewise out of Gregory ( with whom many other k Doctors doe herein agree ) that l the three-fold dipping is used to signifie the three-dayes buriall . which differeth as much from the simple buriall or putting into the earth , as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 doth from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the transportation or leading into captivitie from the detayning in bondage , the committing of one to prison from the holding of him there , and the sowing of the seed from the remayning of it in ground . And thus have I unfolded at large the generall acceptions of the word Hádes and Inferi , and so the Ecclesiasticall use of the word Hell answering thereunto : which being severally applyed to the point of our Saviours descent , make up these three propositions that by the universall consent of Christians are acknowledged to be of undoubted verity . His dead body , though free from corruption , yet did descend into the place of corruption , as other bodies doe . His soule , being separated from his body , departed hence into the other world , as all other mens soules in that case use to doe . He went unto the dead , and remayned for a time in the state of death , as other dead men doe . There remayneth now the vulgar acception of the word Hell , whereby it is taken for the place of torment prepared for the Divell and his Angells : and touching this also , all Christians do agree thus farre , that Christ did descend thither at leastwise in a virtuall maner ; as God m is said to descend , when he doth any thing upon earth , which being wonderfully done beyond the usuall course of nature may in some sort shew his presence , or when he otherwise n vouchsafeth to have care of humaine frailtie . Thus when Christs o flesh was in the tombe , his power did worke from Heaven : saith S. Ambrose . which agreeth with that which was before cyted out of the Armenians Confession : p According to his body which was dead , he descended into the grave ; but according to his DIVINITIE , which did live , he overcame Hell in the meane time . and with that which was cyted out of Philo Carpathius , upon Cantic . 5.2 . I sleepe , but my heart waketh : q in the grave spoyling Hell. for which , in the Latin Collections that goe under his name , we reade thus . r I sleepe , to wit on the Crosse , and my heart waketh : vvhen my DIVINITIE spoyled Hell , and brought rich spoyles from the triumph of everlasting death overcome , and the Divells power overthrowne . The author of the imperfect worke upon Matthew , attributeth this to the Divinitie , not cloathed with any part of the Humanitie , but naked , as he speaketh . Seeing the Divels s feared him , ( saith he ) while he was in the body , saying ; What have we to doe with thee , Iesus the sonne of the high God ? art thou come to torment us before our time ? how shall they be able to endure his NAKED DIVINITIE descending against them ? Behold after three dayes of his death he shall returne from Hell , as a conqueror from the warre . This conquest others do attribute to his Crosse , others to his Death , others to his Buriall , others to the reall descent of his soule into the place of the damned , others to his Resurrection : and extend the effect therof not only to the deliverie of the Fathers of the old Testament , but also to the freeing of our soules from Hell. from whence how men may be said to have been delivered , who never were there , S. Augustin declareth by these similitudes . t Thou sayest rightly to the physician , Thou hast freed me from this sicknesse ; not in vvhich thou wast , but in which thou wast like to be . Some bodie else having a troublesome businesse , was to be cast into prison : there commeth another , and defendeth him . vvhat saith he , when he giveth thankes ? Thou hast delivered me from prison . A debtor was in danger to be hanged : the debt is payd for him ; he is said to be freed from hanging . In all these things they were not : but because such were their deserts , that unlesse they had beene holpen , there they would have beene ; they say rightly that they were freed thence , vvhither by those that freed them they vvere not suffered to be brought . That Christ destroyed the power of Hell , u spoyled principalities and powers , and made a shew of them openly , triumphing over them : is acknowledged by all Christians . Neyther is there anie who will refuse to subscribe unto that which Proclus delivered in his Sermon before Nestorius then Bishop of Constantinople ( inserted into the Acts of the Councell of Ephesus . ) x He was shut up in the grave , who stretched out the heavens like a skinne : he was reckoned among the dead , and spoyled Hell. and that which S. Cyrill and the Synod of Alexandria , wrote unto the same Nestorius , concerning the Confession of their faith : ( approved not only by the y third generall Councell held at Ephesus , but also by the z fourth at Chalcedon , and the a fifth at Constantinople . ) b To the end that by his unspeakable power treading down death in his own as the first and principall flesh , he might become the first borne from the dead and the first fruits of those that slept ; and that he might make a way to mans nature for the turning back againe unto incorruption : by the grace of God he tasted death for all men ; and revived the third day , spoyling Hell. All , I say , do agree , that Christ spoyled or ( as they were wont to speake ) harrowed Hell : whether you take Hell for that which keepeth the soule separated from the body , or that which separateth soule and body bothe from the blessed presence of him who is our true life ; the one whereof our Saviour hath conquered by bringing in the Resurrection of the body , the other he hath abolished by procuring for us Life everlasting . Touching the maner and the meanes , whereby Hell was thus spoyled , is all the disagreement . The maner : whether our Lord did deliver his people from Hell by way of prevention , in saving them from comming thither ; or by way of subvention , in helping those out whom at the time of his death he found there . The meanes : whether this were done by his Divinity or his Humanitie or both , whether by the vertue of his sufferings , death , buriall and resurrection , or by the reall descending of his soule into the place wherein mens soules were kept imprisoned . That hee descended not into the Hell of the damned by the essence of his soule or locally , but virtually onely by extending the effect of his power thither : is the common doctrine of c Thomas Aquinas and the rest of the Schoole . Cardinall Bellarmine at first held it to be d probable , that Christs soule did descend thither , not only by his effects , but by his reall presence also : but afterwards e having considered better of the matter , he resolved that the opinion of Thomas and the other Schoolemen was to be followed . The same is the judgement of f Suarez : who concerning this whole article of Christs descent into Hell , doth thus deliver his minde . g If by an Article of faith we understand a truth , which all the faithfull are bound explicitly to know and beleeve : so I doe not thinke it necessarie to reckon this among the Articles of faith . Because it is not a matter altogether so necessary for all men : and because that for this reason peradventure it is omitted in the Nicene Creed ; the knowledge of which Creed seemeth to be sufficient for fulfilling the precept of faith . Lastly for this cause peradventure Augustin and other of the Fathers expounding the Creed , doe not unfold this mysterie unto the people . And to speake the truth , it is a matter above the reach of the common people to enter into the discussion of the full meaning of this point of the descension into Hell : the determination whereof dependeth upon the knowledge of the learned tongues and other sciences that come not within the compasse of their understanding . some experiment whereof they may finde in this ; that whereas in the other questions here handled , they might finde themselves able in some reasonable forre to follow me ; here they leave me , I doubt , and let me walke without their company . It having here likewise beene further manifested , what different opinions have beene entertayned by the ancient Doctors of the Church concerning the determinate place wherein our Saviours soule did remaine during the time of the separation of it from his body : I leave it to be considered by the learned , whether any such controverted matter may fitly be brought in to expound the h Rule of faith by , which being common both to the great and the small ones in the Church , must contayn such verities only as are generally agreed upon by the common consent of all true Christians . and if the words of the article of Christs going to Hades or Hell , may well beare such a generall meaning as this ; that he went to the dead , and continued in the state of death untill the time of his Resurrection : it would be thought upon , whether such a truth as this , which findeth universall acceptance among all Christians may not safely passe for an article of our Creed ; and the particular limitation of the place unto which our Saviours soule went ( whither to the place of blisse , or to the place of torment , or to both ) be left , as a number of other Theologicall points are , unto further disputation . In the articles of our faith common agreement must bee required : which wee are sure is more likely to be found in the generall , than in the particular . And this is the onely reason which moved me to enlarge my selfe so much in the declaration of the generall acceptions of the word Hades , and the application of them to our Saviours descent spoken of in the Creed . wherein if the zeale which I beare to the peace of the Church , and the settlement of unitie among brethren hath carried me too farre , ( as it hath made me indeede quite to forget my intended brevity ) I intreate the Reader to pardon me ; and ceasing to be further troublesome unto him in the prosecution of this intricate argument , I passe to the next question OF PRAYER TO SAINTS . THat one question of S. Paul , Rom. 10.14 . How shall they call upon him , in whom they have not beleeved ? among such as lust not to be contentious , will quickly put an end unto this question . For if none can be invocated but such as must be beleeved in ; and none must be beleeved in but God alone : everie one may easily discerne , what conclusion will follow thereupon . Againe , all Christians have beene taught , that no part of divine worship is to be communicated unto any creature . for a it is written : Thou shalt worship the Lord thy God , and him onely shalt thou serve . But prayer is such a principall part of this service , that it is b usually put for the whole : and the publick place of Gods worship , hath from hence given it the denomination of c the house of prayer . Furthermore , hee that heareth our prayers , must be able to search the secrets of our hearts ; and discerne the inward disposition of our soules . For the pouring out of good words , and the offering up of externall sighes and teares , are but the carkase only of a true prayer : the life thereof consisteth in the d pouring out of the very soule it selfe , and the sending up of those secret e groanes of the spirit which cannot be uttered . But f he that searcheth the hearts , and onely he , knoweth vvhat is the minde of the spirit : he g heareth in heaven his dwelling place , and giveth to every man according to his wayes , whose heart he knoweth . for he even he ONELY knoweth the hearts of all the children of men : as Salomon teacheth us in the praier which he made at the dedication of the Temple . wherunto we may add that golden sentence of his father David for a conclusion : h O thou that hearest prayer , unto thee shall all flesh come . If it be further here ob●ected by us ; that we finde neyther precept nor example of any of the Fathers of the old Testament , whereby this kinde of p●aying to the soules of the Saints departed may be warranted : Cardinall Bellarmine will give us a reason for it . i for therefore ( saith he ) the spirits of the Patriarches and the Prophets before the comming of Christ were neyther so worshipped nor invocated , as we doe now worship and invocate the Apostles and Martyrs : because that they were detayned as yet shut up in the prisons of Hell. But if this reason of his be grounded upon a false foundation ( as we have alreadie shewed it to be ) and the contrary supposition be most true ; that the spirits of the Patriarchs and Prophets were not thus shut up in the prisons of Hell : then have we foure thousand yeares prescription left unto us , to oppose against this innovation . We go further yet , and urge against them , that in the New Testament it selfe we can descry no footsteps of this new kinde of Invocation , more then we did in the Scriptures of the old Testament . For this , Salmeron doth tell us , that k the Scriptures vvhich were made and published in the primitive Church ought to found and explaine Christ , who by the tacite suggestion of the Spirit did bring the Saints with him : and that it would have beene a hard matter to enjoyne this to the Iewes ; and to the Gentiles an occasion would be given thereby to thinke , that many Gods were put upon them in steed of the multitude of the Gods whom they had forsaken . So this new worship , you see , fetcheth his originall neyther from the Scriptures of the Old nor of the New Testament : but from I know not what tacite suggestion , which smelt so strongly of Idolatry , that at first it was not safe to acquaint eyther the Iewes or the Gentiles therewith . But if any such sweet tradition as this were at first delivered unto the Church by Christ and his Apostles : we demand further , how it should come to passe , that for the space of 360. yeares together after the birth of our Saviour , we can finde mention no where of any such thing ? For howsoever our Challenger giveth it out , that prayer to Saints was of great account , amongst the Fathers of the primitive Church , for the first 400. years after Christ : yet for nine parts of that time , I dare be bold to say , that he is not able to produce as much as one true testimonie out of any Father , whereby it may appeare , that any account at all was made of it ; and for the tithe too , he shall finde perhaps before we have done , that he is not like to carry it away so cleerly as he weeneth . Whether those blessed spirits pray for us , is not the question here : but whether we are to pray unto them . That God onely is to be prayed unto , is the doctrine that was once delivered unto the Saints , for which we so earnestly contend : the Saints praying for us doth no way crosse this ( for to whom should the Saints pray , but to the l King of Saints ? ) their being prayed unto , is the onely stumbling block that lyeth in this way . And therefore in those first times , the former of these was admitted by some , as a matter of probabilitie : but the latter no way yeelded unto , as being derogatorie to the priviledge of the Deitie . Origen may be a witnesse of both : who touching the former writeth in this sort . m I doe thinke thus , that all those fathers who are departed this life before us , doe fight with us and assist us with their prayers : for so have I heard one of the elder Masters saying . and in another place . n Moreover if the Saints , that have left the body and be with Christ , doe any thing and labour for us , in like maner as the Angels do vvho are imployed in the ministery of our salvation : let this also remaine among the hidden things of God , and the mysteries that are not to be committed unto writing . But because he thought that the Angels and Saints prayed for us : did he therefore hold it needfull , that we should direct our prayers unto them ? Heare , I pray you , his owne answer ; in his eighth booke against Celsus the philosopher . o We must endevour to please God alone , who is above all things , and labour to have him propitious unto us , procuring his good will with godlinesse and all kinde of vertue . And if Celsus will yet have us to procure the good will of any others , after him that is God over all : let him consider , that as when the body is moved , the motion of the shadow thereof doth follow it ; so in like maner , having God favourable unto us who is over all , it followeth that we shall have all his friends , both Angels and soules and spirits , loving unto us . For they have a fellow-feeling with them that are thought worthy to finde favour from God. Neyther are they only favourable unto such as be thus worthy , but they worke with them also that are willing to doe service unto him who is God over all , & are friendly to them , and pray with them , and intreate with them . So as wee may be bold to say , that when men which with resolution propose unto them selves the best things doe pray unto God , many thousands of the sacred powers pray together vvith them UNSPOKEN to . Celsus had said of the Angels : p that they belong to God , and in that respect we are to put our trust in them , and make oblations to them according to the lawes , and pray unto them , that they may be favourable to us . To this Origen answereth in this maner . q Away with Celsus his counsell , saying that we must pray to Angels : and let us not so much as afford any little audience to it . For we must pray to him alone who is God over all : and vve must pray to the Word of God his onely begotten and the first bornè of all creatures ; and we must intreat him , that he as high Priest would present our prayer ( when it is come to him ) unto his God , and our God , & unto his Father and the father of them that frame their life according to the word of God. And whereas Celsus had further sayd that we r must offer first fruits unto Angels , and prayers , as long as we live ; that we may finde them propitious unto us : answere is returned by Origen in the name of the Christians ; that they held it rather fit to offer first fruits unto him which sayd ; Let the earth bring forth grasse , the herbe yeelding seed , and the fruite tree yeelding fruite after his kinde . s And to whom wee give the first fruites , ( saith he ) to him also doe wee send our prayers ; having a great high Priest that is entred into the Heavens , Iesus the Sonne of God : and we hold fast this confession whiles we live , having God favourable unto us , and his onely begotten Sonne Iesus being manifested amongst us . But if we have a desire unto a multitude , whom we would willingly have to be favourable unto us : we learne that thousand thousands stand by him , and millions of millions minister unto him . who beholding them that imitate their pietie towards God , as if they were their kinsfolkes and friends ; helpe forward their salvation who call upon God , and pray sincerely : appearing also , and thinking that they ought to doe service to them ; and as it were upon one watchword to set forth for the ●enefit and salvation of them that pray to God , unto whom they themselves also pray . For they are all ministring spirits , sent forth to minister for them , who shall be heires of salvation . Thus farre Origen , in his eight booke against Celsus : to which for a conclusion we wil adde that place of the fift booke . t All prayers and supplications and intercessions and thankesgivings , are to be sent up unto God the Lord of all , by the high Priest who is above all Angels , being the living Word and God. For to call upon Angels , we not comprehending the knowledge of them which is above the reach of man , is not agreeable to reason . And if by supposition it were granted , that the knowledge of them ( which is wonderfull , and secret ) might be comprehended : this very knowledge , declaring their nature unto us and the charge over which every one of them is set , would not permit us to presume to pray unto any other but unto God the Lord over all , who is aboundantly sufficient for all , by our Saviour the Sonne of God. Tertullian and Cyprian in the bookes which they purposely wrote concerning Prayer , deliver no other doctrine : but teach us to regulate all our prayers according unto that perfect patterne prescribed by our great Master ; wherein we are required to direct our petitions unto Our Father which is in heaven . ( Matth. 6.9 . Luk. 11.2 ) u These things ( saith Tertullian in his Apologie for the Christians of his time ) I may not pray for from any other , but from him of whom I know I shall obtayne them : because both it is he who is alone able to give , and I am he unto whom it appertayneth to obtayne that which is requested , being 〈◊〉 servant who observe him alone , who for his religion am killed , who offer unto him a rich and great sacrifice , which he himselfe hath commanded , Prayer proceeding from a chaste body , from an innocent soule , from a holy spirit . where he accounteth Prayer to be the chiefe sacrifice , wherewith God is worshipped : agreeably to that which Clemens Alexandrinus wrote at the same time . x We doe not without cause honour God by prayer ; and with righteousnesse send up this best and holyest sacrifice . The direction given by Ignatius unto Virgins in this case , is short and sweete : y Yee Virgins , have Christ alone before your eyes and his Father in your prayers , being inlightened by the Spirit . for explication whereof that may be taken , which we reade in the exposition of the Faith , attributed unto S. Gregory of Neocaesarea . z Whosoever rightly prayeth unto God , prayeth by the Sonne ; and whosoever commeth as he ought to doe , commeth by Christ : and to the Sonne he can not come , without the holy Ghost . Neyther is it to be passed over , that one of the speciall arguments whereby the writers of this time do prove our Saviour Christ to bee truely God , is taken from our praying unto him and his accepting of our petitions . a If Christ be onely man , ( saith Novatianus ) how is he present being called upon every where ; seeing this is not the nature of man , but of God , that he can be present at every place ? If Christ be onely man : why is a man called upon in our prayers as a mediatour ; seeing the invocation of a man is judged of no force to yeeld salvation ? If Christ be onely man : why is there hope reposed in him ; seeing hope in man 〈◊〉 sayd to be cursed ? So is it noted by Origen , that S. Paul b in the beginning of the former epistle to the Corinthians , where he saith , With all that in every place call upon the Name of Iesus Christ our Lord , both theirs and ours ; ( 1. Corinth . 1.2 . ) doth thereby pronounce Iesus Christ , whose Name is called upon , to be God. And if to call upon the Name of the Lord , ( saith he ) and to adore God , bee one and the selfe same thing : as Christ is called upon , so is he to be adored ; and as we do offer to God the Father first of all prayers , ( 1. Tim. 2.1 . ) so must we also to the Lord Iesus Christ ; and ●s wee doe offer supplications to the Father , so doe we offer supplications also to the Sonne ; and as wee doe offer thankesgivings to God , so doe we offer thankesgivings to our Saviour . In like maner Athanasius , disputing against the Arrians , by that prayer which the Apostle maketh , 1. Thessal . 3.11 . God himselfe and our Father , and our Lord Iesus Christ , direct our way unto you ; doth prove the unitie of the Father and the Sonne . c For no man ( saith he ) would pray to receive any thing from the Father and the Angels , or from any of the other creatures : neyther would any man say ; God and the Angell give thee this . And whereas it might be objected , that Iacob in the blessing that he gave unto Ephraim and Manasseh ( Genes . 48.15 , 16. ) did use this forme of prayer : The God which fed me from my youth unto this day ; The Angel which delivered me from all evills , blesse those children . ( which Cardinall d Bellarmine placeth in the forefront of the forces he bringeth forth to establish the Invocation of Saints . ) Athanasius answereth , that e he did not couple one of the created and naturall Angels with God that did create them ; nor omitting God that fed him , did desire a blessing for his nephews from an Angel : but saying , Which delivered me from all evills , hee did shew that it was not any of the created Angels , but the WORD of God ( that is to say , the Sonne ) whom he coupled with the Father and prayed unto . and for further confirmation hereof he alledgeth ( among other things ) that neyther f Iacob , nor David did pray unto any other but God himselfe , for their deliverance . The place wherein we first finde the spirits of the deceased to be called unto , rather then called upon ; is that in the beginning of the former of the Invectives which Gregory Nazianzen wrote against the Emperour Iulian , about the CCCLXIV . year of our Lord. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Heare ô thou soule of great Constantius ( if thou hast any understanding of these things ) and as many soules of the Kings before him as loved Christ. where the g Greek Scholiast upon that parenthesis putteth this note . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . He speaketh according to the maner of Isocrates ; meaning , If thou hast any power to heare the things that are here , and therein he sayeth rightly : for Isocrates useth the same forme of speech , bo●h in his Euagoras and in his Aegineticus . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . If they which be dead have any sense of the things that are done here . The like limitation is used by the same Nazianzen toward the end of the funerall oration which he made upon his sister Gorgonia : where he speaketh thus unto her . h If thou hast any care of the things done by us , and holy soules receive this honour from God , that they have any feeling of such things as these ; receive this Oration of ours , in stead of many and before many funerall obsequies . So doubtfull the beginnings were of that , which our Challenger is pleased to reckon among the chiefe articles not of his owne religion onely but also of the Saints and Fathers of the primitive Church , who ( if his word may be taken for the matter ) did generally hold the same touching this point that the Church of Rome doth now . But if he had eyther himselfe read the writings of those Saints and Fathers with whose mindes he beareth us in hand he is so well acquainted ; or but taken so much information in this case , as the bookes of his owne new Masters were able to afford him : he would not so peremptorily have avouched , that prayer to Saints was generally embraced by the Doctors of the primitive Church as one of the chiefe articles of their Religion . His owne Bellarmine ( he might remember ) in handling this very question of the Invocation of Saints , had wished him to i note , that because the Saints which died before the comming of Christ did not enter into heaven , neyther did see God , nor could ordinarily take knowledge of the prayers of such as should petition unto them ; therefore it was not the use in the old Testament to say , Saint Abraham pray for me , &c. For at that time , saith Suarez , k we reade no where , that any man did directly pray unto the Saints departed , that they should helpe him , or pray for him ; for this maner of praying is proper to the law of Grace , wherein the Saints beholding God , are able also to see in him the prayers that are powred out unto them . So doth Salmeron also teach , l that therefore it was not the maner in the old Testament to resort unto the Saints as intercessors ; because they were not as yet blessed and glorified , as now they be : and therefore so great an honour as this is , was not due unto them . And m in vaine , saith Pighius , should their suffrages have beene implored , as being not yet joyned with God in glory , but untill the reconciliation and the opening of the kingdome by the blood of Christ the redeemer , wayting as yet in a certaine place appointed by God ; and therefore not understanding the prayers and desires of the living . which the blessed doe behold and heare , not by the efficacie of any proper reason reaching from them unto us , but in the glasse of the divine Word ; which it was not as yet granted unto them to behold . But after the price of our redemption was payd , the Saints now raigning with Christ in heavenly glory , do heare our prayers and desires : forasmuch as they behold them all most clearely in the Word , as in a certaine glasse . Now , that diverse of the chiefe Doctors of the Church were of opinion , that the Saints in the New Testament are in the same place & state that the Saints of the Old Testament were in , and that before the day of the last judgement they are not admitted into Heaven and the cleare s●ght of God ( wherein this metaphysicall speculation of the Saints seeing of our praiers is founded : ) hath beene n before declared out of their owne writings . where that speech of S. Augustin ; o Nondum ibi eris : quis nescit ? ( Thou shalt not as yet be there : who knoweth it not ? ) sheweth that the opinion was somewhat generall , and apprehended generally too as more then an opinion . By the Romanists own grounds then , the more generally this point was held by the ancient Fathers , and the more resolvedly : the lesse generally of force , and the more doubtfully must the Popish doctrine of praying to Saints have beene intertayned by them . And if our Challenger desire to be informed of this doubt that was among the ancient Divines ( touching the estate of the Saints now in the time of the New Testament ) by the report of the Doctors of his owne religion , rather than by our allegations : let him heare from Franciscus Pegna , what they have found herein . p It was a matter in controversie ( saith he ) of old , whether the soules of the Saints before the day of judgement did see God , and enjoy the divine vision : seeing many worthy men and famous both for lea●ning and holinesse did seeme to hold , that they doe not see nor enjoy it before the day of judgement , untill receiving their bodies together with them they should enjoy divine blessednesse . For Irenaeus , Iustin Martyr , Tertullian , Clemens Romanus , Origen , Ambrose , Chrysostom , Augustin , Lactantius , Victorinus , Prudentius , Theodoret , Aretas , Oecumenius , Theophylact , and Euthymius are said to have beene of this opinion : as Castrus and Medina and Sotus dorelate . To whom we may adjoyne one more of no lesse credit among our Romanists then any of the others : even Thomas Stapleton himselfe , who taketh it for granted , that q these so many famous ancient Fathers , Tertullian , Irenaeus , Origen , Chrysostom , Theodoret , Oecumenius , Theophylact , Ambrose , Cl●mens Romanus , sss and Bernard , did not assent unto this sentence ( which now , saith he , in the Councell of Florence was at length after much disputing defined as a doctrine of faith ) that the soules of the righteous enjoy the sight of God before the day of judgement ; but did deliver the contrary sentence thereunto . We would intreat our Challenger then , to spell these things and put them together : and afterward to tell us , whether such a conclusion as this may not be deduced from thence . Such as held that the Saints were not yet admitmitted to the sight of God ; could not well hold that men should pray unto them , in such maner as the Romanists use now to do . because the Saints not enjoying the sight of God , are not able ordinarily to take notice of the prayers that are put up unto them . But manie and verie famous Doctors too among the ancient , did hold , that the Saints are not yet admitted to the sight of God. Therefore manie and verie famous Doctors among the ancient , could not well hold , that men should pray unto the Saints in such maner as the Romanists use now to doe . The first proposition is given unto us by Bellarmine and his fellow Iesuites ; the second by Stapleton and other Doctors of the Romish Church : yet all of them with equall boldnesse agree in denying the Conclusion . r It is the certaine and manifest definition of the Councells ( saith a Iesuite ) confirmed by perpetuall use from the times of the Apostles , and by the authoritie of ALL the Greeke and Latin Fathers ; that Saints are to be prayed unto and invocated . s ALL the Fathers Greek and Latin teach this : saith Bellarmine . t ALL the Fathers , aswell Greeke as Latin , perpetually have called upon the Saints : saith Salmeron . and u this is cleere by ALL the writers of the first sixe hundred yeares : quoth Stapleton . for these kinde of men have so enured their tongues to talke of all fathers and all writers ; that they can hardly use any other forme of speech : having told such tales as these so often over , that at last they perswade themselves that they be very true indeed . The memorie of the Martyrs indeed was from the very beginning had in great reverence : and at their Memorialls and Martyria , that is to say , at the places wherein their bodies were layd ( which were the Churches whereunto the Christians did in those times usually resort ) prayers were ordinarily offered up unto that God for whose cause they layd down their lives . Where , the Lord being pleased to give a gracious answere to such prayers , and to doe many wonderfull things for the honouring of that Christian profession which those worthy champions maintayned unto the death men began afterwards to conceive , that it was at their suite and mediation that these things were granted and effected . Which was the rather beleeved , by reason that the Martyrs themselves were thought to have appeared unto diverse that were thus releeved , both at the places of their memorialls and other where . Notwithstanding , in what sort these things were brought about , S. Augustin professeth that it did passe the strength of his understanding to define . x whether the Martyrs themselves were in their owne persons present at one time in such diverse places , so farre distant one from another : or whether they remaining in a certaine place removed from all commerce with the affayres of men here , y but praying in generall for the necessities of suppliants ; God by the ministery of Angels did effect these things when , where , & in what maner he pleased , but z especially at the Memorialls of the martyrs , because he knew that to be expedient to us for the building of the faith of Christ , for vvhose confession they did suffer . a This matter is higher ( faith he ) than that it may be touched by me , and more abstruse than that it can be searched into by me : and therefore whether of these two it be , or whether peradventure both of them be ; that these things may sometimes be done by the very presence of the Martyrs , sometimes by Angels taking upon them the person of the Martyrs , I dare not define . The first of these opinions pleaseth S. Hierome best : who alledgeth for proofe thereof that place in the Revelation ; b These follow the Lambe , whethersoever he goeth . whereupon he inferreth a conclusion , which hath neede of a very favourable interpretation . c If the Lambe be every where : therefore they also that are with the Lambe , must be beleeved to be every where . From whom Maximus Taurinensis seemeth not much to differ , where he sayth : d Although all the Saints be every where , and profit all men : yet they specially doe labour for us , who have also suffered punishments for us . So one Eustratius a priest of Constantinople made a collection of divers testimonies both out of the Scriptures and the writings of the Fathers ; to prove , e that the soules which oftentimes and in different maners appeare unto many , doe themselves appeare according to their proper existence ; and it is not the divine power , assuming the shape of the holy soules , that sheweth forth these operations . And so strongly did this opinion prevayle , when superstition had once gotten head ; that at length this Canon was discharged against those that should hold otherwise . f If any man say , that the Saints themselves doe not appeare , but their Angels onely ; let him be anathema . The author of the Questions to Antiochus , commonly attributed unto Athanasius , thus determineth the matter on the contrary side . g Those adumbrations and visions which appeare at the chappels and tombes of the Saints , are not made by the soules of the Saints ; but by holy Angels transformed into the shape of the Saints . For how otherwise ( tell me ) can the soule of S. Peter or S. Paul , being but one , appeare at the same instant being commemorated in a thousand Churches of his throughout the whole world ? For this can neyther one Angell doe at any time : it being proper unto God alone , to be found at the same instant in two places and in the whole vvorld . And Anastasius Sinaita or Nicanus , in the selfe same maner . h It is fit we should know , that all the visions which appeare at the chappels or tombes of the Saints , are performed by holy Angels , by the permission of God. For how else should it be possible , that the resurrection of the bodies being not yet made , but the bodies and the flesh of the Saints being as yet dispersed ; that these should be seene in shape compleat men , and oftentimes appeare upon horses armed ? And if thou thinkest that thou mayest contradict these things : tell me , how can Paul or Peter , or any other Apostle or Martyr , being but one , appeare oftentimes at the same houre in many places ? For neyther is an Angel able to be at the same instant in diverse places ; but God onely who is uncircumscriptible . Whereunto we may further adde those judicious observations of S. Augustine touching this matter . i If one in his sleepe may see me , telling unto him something that is done , or foretelling also something that is to come ; when I am altogether ignorant thereof , and have no care at all , not onely of what he dreameth , but whether he awaketh I being a sleepe , or he sleepeth I being awake , or whether both of us at one and the some time doe eyther wake or sleepe , when he seeth the dreame in which he seeth me : what marvell is it if the dead , not knowing nor perceiving these things , are yet seene in dreames by the living , and say somewhat which they being awake may know to be true ? k But such is mans weak●esse , that when any one seeth a dead man in his sleepe , he thinketh that he doth see his soule ; but when he dreameth in like maner of one that is alive , he maketh no doubt , that it is neyther his soule nor his body , but a similitude of the man that did appeare unto him : as if not the soul●s but the similitudes of dead men , not knowing it , might not also after the same sort appeare . So he telleth of one Eulogius a rhetorician in Carthage , who lighting upon a certaine obscure place in Ciceroes Rhetorickes which he was the next day to reade unto his schollers , was so troubled therwith that at night he could scarce sleepe . l In which night ( saith S. Augustin ) I expounded unto him while he was in a dreame , that which he did not understand : nay not I , but my image , I not knowing , and so farre beyond the sea eyther doing or dreaming some other thing , and nothing at all caring for his cares . The like he doth also note to happen unto those that are in raptures and extasies . m For unto these also doe appeare images as well of the living as of the dead : but after they have been restored unto their senses , as many of the dead as they say that they have seen , with them they are truely beleeved to have beene : neyther doe they marke who heare these things , that the images of some living men , that were absent and ignorant of these things , were in like maner seene by them . And for the confession of the Divels in parties possessed , he bringeth in a memorable instance , of that which fell out in n Millaine , at the place of the memoriall of the martyrs Protasius and Gervasius . where the Divels did not only make mention of the Martyrs that were dead , but also of Ambrose the Bishop then living ; and besought him that he would spare them : he being otherwise employed , and being utterly ignorant of the thing when it was a doing But as S. Augustin doth put us in minde in that discourse , that o men are sometimes ledd into great errors by deceitfull dreames or visions ; and that it is just , that they should suffer such things . so S. Chrysostom giveth a good admonition , that little heed should be taken of the Divels sayings . p What is it then ( saith he ) that the Divels doe say ; I am the soule of such a Monke ? Surely for this I beleeve it not , because the Divels say it : for they deceive their hearers . And therefore Paul ( Act. 16.18 . ) silenced them , although they spake truth ; least taking occasion from thence , they might mingle false things againe with those truthes , and get credi● to themselves . and touching dreames and apparitions of the dead , he addeth further . q If at this time , the dreames that appeare oftentimes in the shapes of them that have departed this life , have deceived and corrupted many : much more if this were once setled in mens mindes , that many of those that are departed did returne againe unto us ; that wicked Divel would plot a thousand guiles , and bring in much deceit into our life . And for this cause God hath shut up the doores , and doth not suffer any of the deceased to returne back and tell the things that are there : least he , taking occasion from thence , should bring in all his own devices . It was the complaint of Synesius in his time , that there were r many both private men and Priests too , who fayned certaine dreames , which they called Revelations· and in ancient writings we meet with sundry visions , which if they be truely related , may more justly be suspected to have been illusions of deceitfull spirits , than true apparitions of blessed eyther Soules or Angels . He that will advisedly reade over Basilius Seleuciensis his narration of the miracles of S. Thecla ( for example ) must eyther reject the worke as strangely corrupted , or easily be drawne to yeeld unto that which I have said . For who can digest such relations and observations as these ? that s they who watch the night that goeth before her festivitie , doe at that time yearely see her driving a fiery chariot in the ayre , and removing from Seleucia unto Dalisandus , as a place which she did principally affect , in regard of the commoditie and pleasantnesse of the situation . that both shee and other of the Saints deceased do t rejoyce much in solitary places , and doe ordinarily dwell in them . that after her death she should u affect Oratory and P●ëtry , and be continually delighted with such as did more accurately set forth her prayses : ( even as Homer bringeth in Apollo , x tickled at the heart with hearing the songs that were made unto him in the campe of the Grecia●s : ) of which he produceth two speciall instances : the one of Alypius the Grammarian , unto whom being forsaken of the physicians Thecla ( he saith ) did appeare in the night , and demanded of him , what he ayled , and what he would . He , to shew his art , and to win the Virgins favour with the aptnesse of the verse ; returneth for an answer unto her that verse , wherewith Homer maketh Achilles to answer his mother Thetis , in the first of the Iliads : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; Thou knowest why should I tell it thee that knowest all ? Whereat y the Martyr smiling , and being delighted partly with the man partly with the verse , and wondring that he had answered so aptly ; conveyed a certaine round stone unto him , with the touch whereof he was presently set on foot from his long and perillous sicknesse . For ●he other instance the writer reporteth that which happened unto himselfe . For z the Marty● ( saith he ) is such a lover of learning , and taketh such a delight in these oratorious p●ayses ; that I will tell somewhat of those things that were done to my selfe and for my selfe : vvhich the Martyr , who did it , doth know to have beene done , and that I lye not . Then he telleth , how having prepar●d an oration for her anniversarie festivitie , the day before it should be pronounced , he was taken with such an extreame paine in his eare , that the auditorie was like to be quite disappointed : but that the Martyr the same night appeared unto him , and shaking him by the eare tooke all the paine away . He addeth further , that the same Martyr used often to appeare unto him in his studie at other times : but once more specially , while he was in hand with writing this selfe same book . For having begunne to be a weary of the labour , the Martyr ( saith he ) seemed to sit by close in my sight , where I used to be at my booke ; and to take the quaternion out of my hand , in which I transcribed these things out of my table-booke . Yea and she seemed unto me to read it , and to rejoyce , and to smile , and to shew unto me by her looke that she was pleased with the things that were written , and that it behoved me to finish this worke and not to leave it unperfect . These things doe I here repeat , not with any intention to disgrace antiquitie ( whereof I professe my selfe to be as great an admirer as any ) but to discover the first grounds from whence that Invocation of Saints did proceed , whereby the honour of God and Christs office of mediation was afterwards so much obscured . That saying of S. Augustin is very memorable , and worthy to be pondered . b Whom should I finde , that might reconcile me unto thee ? Should I have gone unto the Angels ? With what prayer ? with what sacraments ? Many endevouring to returne unto thee , and not being able to doe it by themselves , as I heare , have tryed these things ; and have fallen into the desire of curious visions , and were accounted worthy of illusions . Whether they that had recourse unto the mediation of Martyrs , in such sort as these had unto the mediation of Angels , deserved to be punished with the like delusions ; I leave to the judgement of others : the thing which I observed was this ; that such dreames and visions as these , joined with the miraculous cures that were wrought at the monuments of the Martyrs , bredd first an opinion in mens mindes of the Martyrs abilitie to helpe them ; and so afterward ledd them to the recommending of themselves unto their prayers and protection . where at first they expected onely by their intercession to obtaine temporall b●essings ( such as those cures were that were wrought at their t●mbes , and other like externall benefites ) but proceeded af●erward to crave their mediation for the procuring of the remission of their sinns and the furthering of their everlasting salvation . c As often , dear brethren , as we do celebrate the solemnities of the holy Martyrs ; let us so expect by their intercession to obtaine from the Lord TEMPORALL benefits , that by imitating the Martyrs themselves we may deserve to receive eternall : saith the author of the sermon of the Martyrs , which is found among the homilies of S. Augustin and Leo , and in the * Romane Breviary is appointed to be read at the common festivall dayes of many Martyrs . d Be mindfull of the Martyr ( saith S. Basil in his Panegyricall oration upon Mamas ) as many of you as have en●oyed him by DREAMES ; as many of you as comming to this place , have had him a helper to your praying ; as many as to whom , being called by name , hee shewed himselfe present by his workes ; as many travailers as he hath brought back againe ; as many as he hath raysed from sicknesse ; as many as he hath restored their children unto being now dead ; as many as have received by his meanes a longer terme of life Here a man may easily discerne the breedings of this disease , and as it were the grudgings of that ague that afterwards brake out into a pestilentiall feaver . The Martyr is here vocatus onely , not invocatus yet : not called upon by being prayed unto , but called to joyne with others in putting up the same petition unto his and their God. For as here in the Church militant we have our fellow-souldiers e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 striving together with us , and f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 helping together with their prayers to God for us ; and yet because we pray one for another , we doe not pray one to another : so the Fathers which taught that the Saints in the Church triumphant doe pray for us , might with S. Basil acknowledge that they had the Martyrs 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 fellow-helpers to their prayer ; and yet pray with them onely , and not unto them . For howsoever this evill weed grew apace , ( among the superstitious multitude especially ) yet was it so cropt at first by the skilfull husbandmen of the Church , that it gott nothing neere that height which under the Papac● we see it is now growen unto . Which that we may the better understand , and more distinctly apprehend , how farre the recommending of mens selves unto the prayers of the Saints , which began to be used in the latter end of the fourth age after Christ , came short of that Invocation of Saints , which is at this day practised in the Church of Rome : these speciall differences may be observed betwixt the one and the other . First in those elder times , he that prayed silently was thought to honour God in a singular maner ; as one that g brought faith with him , and confessed that God was the searcher of the heart and reynes , and heard his prayer before it was powred out of his mouth : the understanding of the present secrets of the heart , by the generall judgement of the Fathers , h being no more communicated by him unto the creatures , then the knowledge of things to come . for before the day wherin the secrets of the heart shall be manifested , i almightie God alone doth behold the hidden things : saith S. Hierome , alledging for proofe of this the text , Matth. 6.4 . Thy Father that seeth in secret . Psalm . 7.9 . God searcheth the hearts and reynes . and 1. King. 8.39 . Thou onely knowest the hearts of all the children of men . But now in the Church of Rome mentall prayers are pre●ented to the Saints , as well as vocall : and they are beleeved to receive both the one and the other . Secondly , in the former times k it was a great question , whether at all , or how farre , or after what maner the spirits of the dead did know the things that concerned us here : and consequently , whether they pray for us onely l in generall , and for the particulars God answereth us according to our severall necessities , where , when , and after what maner he pleaseth . Anselmus Laudunensis in his interlineall Glosse upon that text ; Abraham is ignorant of us , and Israel knoweth us not : ( Esai . 63.16 ) noteth , that m Augustine sayeth , that the dead , even the Saints doe not know what the living doe , no not their owne sonnes . And indeed S. Augustine in his booke of the Care for the dead , maketh this inference upon that place of Scripture . n If such great Patriarches as these were ignorant , what was done toward the people that descended from them , unto whom ( beleeving God ) the people it selfe was promised to come from their stocke : how doe the dead interpose themselves in knowing and furthering the things and actes of the living ? a●d af●erward draweth these conclusions from thence , which o Hugo de Sancto Victore borrowing from him , hath inserted into his booke De Spiritu & animâ , cap. 29. p The spirits of the dead be there , where they doe neyther see nor heare the things that are done or fall out unto men in this life . q Yet have they such a care of the living , although they know not at all what they doe , as we have care of the dead , although we know not what they doe . r The dead indeed doe not know what is done here , while it is here in doing : but afterward they may heare it by such as die and goe unto them from hence ; yet not altogether , but as much as is permitted to the one to tell and is fit for the other to heare . They may know it also by the Angels which be here present with us , and carry our soules unto them . They may know also by the revelation of Gods spirit such of the things done here as is necessary for them to know . Hitherto Hugo out of S. Augustin : who is herein also followed by Gratian , in the second part of the Decrees , caus . 13. quaest . 2. cap. 29. where the Glosse layeth downe his resolution thus . s Gratian moveth a certaine incident question ; whether the dead know the things that are done in this world by the living ? and he answereth , that they doe not : and this he proveth by the authority of Esai . ( vz. Esai . 63.16 . ) The like question is moved by the Master of the Sentences ; t Whether the Saints doe heare the prayers of suppliants , and the desire of petitioners doe come unto their notice ? and this answere is returned thereunto : It is NOT INCREDIBLE , that the soules of the Saints , which in the secret of Gods presence are joyed with the illustration of the true light , doe in the contemplation thereof understand the things that are done abroad , as much as appertayneth eyther to them for joy , or to us for helpe . For as to the Angels , so to the Saints likewise which stand before God , our petitions are made knowne in the Word of God which they contemplate . Upon which place of the Master , Scotus disputing , groweth to this conclusion . u I say , that it is not necessary in respect of the beatitude , that one in blisse should see our prayers : neyther regularly or universally in the Word , because it is not such a thing as is a necessarie sequele of beatitude ; nor yet that they be revealed , because that neyther such a revelation doth necessarily follow upon beatitude . Notwithstanding ( for a reason which we shall heare of afterward ) hee saith , it is PROBABLE , that God doth specially ●eveale unto him that is in blisse such of our prayers as are offered unto him , or unto God in his name . The same conclusion doth Gabriel Biel make in his lectures upon the Canon of the Masse . for having shewed , first , that x the Saints in heaven , by their naturall knowledge , which is the knowledge of things in their proper kinde , know no prayers of ours that are here upon earth , neyther mentall nor vocall , by reason of the immoderate distance that is betwixt us and them . secondly , that y it is no part of their essentiall beatitude , that they should see our prayers or our other actions in the Word ; and thirdly , that z it is not altogether certayne , whether it doe appertaine to their accidentall beatitude , to see our prayers : he thus at length concludeth . a It is therefore sayd PROBABLY , that although it do not follow necessarily upon the Saints beatitude , that they should heare our prayers of congruitie : yet that God doth reveale all things which are offered unto them by men ; whether in magnifying and praysing them , or in praying unto them and imploring their helpe . Cardinall Bellarmine supposeth , that b if the Saints should have neede thus of a new revelation , the Church would not so boldly say unto all the Saints ; Pray for us : but would sometimes intreat of God , that he would reveale our prayers unto them . Yet because c it seemeth unto him superfluous , to desire ordinarily of them that they shoul● pray for us , which cannot ordinarily unde●stand what wee doe in particular , but know onely in generall that we are exposed to many dangers : he resolveth , that d although there may be some doubt , in what maner the Saints may know things that be absent , and which are somtime delivered by the affection of the heart alone ; yet it is certain that they doe know them . And you must e note , saith another Iesuite , that this is to be held for a point of faith , that the Saints doe know the prayers which we poure unto them . So that to make good the Popish maner of praying unto Saints , that which at the first was but probab●e and problematicall , must now be held to be de fide , and an undoubted axiome of Divinitie . Thirdly , in the Popish Invocation , formall and absolute prayers are tendred to the Saints : but the compellations of them used at first , were commonly eyther wishes onely , or requests of the same nature with those which are in this kinde usually made unto the living ; where the requester is oftentimes superior to him whose prayers he desireth ( which standeth not well with the condition of f Prayer properly so called ) and they that are requested , be evermore accounted in the number of those that pray for us , but not of those that are prayed unto by us . Of this you may heare , if you please , what one of the more moderate Romanists writeth . g If it were lawfull for the Prophet to call to the Angels and the whole hoaste of heaven , and to exhort them that they would prayse God , which notwithstanding they doe continually without any one admonishing them , whereby nothing else but a certaine abundance of desire of the amplifying of Gods glory is declared : why may it not be lawfull also , out of a certaine abundance of godly desire to call upon those blessed spirits which by the societie of the same body are conjoyned with us ; and to exhort them , that they should doe that , which we beleeve they otherwife doe of themselves ? That to say ; All ye Saints , pray unto God for me : should import as much , as if it were said ; Would to God , that all the Saints did pray unto God for me ! I wish earnestly , that all the Saints should pray to God for me ! Thus writeth Cassander , in his notes upon the ancient Ecclesiasticall Hymnes , published by him in the yeare 1556. who being challenged for this by some others of that side , added this further to give them better satisfaction . h When I did see that it was not necessary , that we should hold that the Saints doe understand our prayers ; I thought it was sufficient to put backe the calumnies of some , if we should say that these interpellations might be expounded by way of wishing or desiring : which hath lesse absurditie in it , and is agreeable to the examples of the holy Scriptures . But if any man would have such compellations as these to be taken also for an intimation of the desire , and a direct speaking unto them ; I doe not gainesay it . Notwithstanding I would thinke that a tacite condition ought to be understood in such an intimation : such as Gregory Nazianzen doth expresse in the funerall oration of his sister Gorgonia , when he saith . If thou hast any care at all of our speeches , and holy soules receive this honour from God that they have notice of such things as these ; doe thou accept this Oration of ours . Yea in the very darkest times of the Papacie there wanted not some , who for certaine reasons ( recited by Guilielmus Altissi dorensis and Gabriel Biel ) resolved that neyther the Saints doe pray for us , neyther are we to pray unto them . i With these and such like reasons , saith Biel , were the heretickes deceaved : and some Christians in our time are now deceaved . k For these and the like reasons , saith Altissiodorensis , MANY doe say , that neyther we pray unto the Saints , nor they pray for us , but improperly : in respect we pray unto God , that the merits of the Saints may helpe us . according to that : Adjuvent nos eorum merita , &c. where if any poyson doe remayne hidden under the name of merits , ( of which we are to consider in his proper place : ) the Breviarie of the Praemonstratersian Order ministreth unto us this antidote against it . l Adjuvent nos eorum merita , Quos propria impediunt scelera ? Excuset eorum intercessio , Quos propria accusat actio ? At tu qui eis tribuisti Coelestis palmam triumphi , Nobis veniam non deneges peccati . Can their merits helpe us , whom their owne sinnes hinder ? Can their intercession excuse us , whose owne action doth accuse themselves ? But thou , who hast bestowed upon them the palme of the heavenly triumph , deny not unto us the pardon of our sinne . And this many serve to make a. Fourth difference betwixt the Popish prayers and the Interpellations used in the ancient time . for by the doctrine and practise of the Church of Rome , the Saints in heaven are not only made joint petitioners with us ( as the Saints are upon earth ) but also our Atturneyes and Advocates : who carry the suit for us , not by the pleading of Christs merits alone , but by bringing in their owne merits likewise ; upon the consideration of the dignitie or condignitie whereof it is beleeved , that God yeeldeth to the motions they make unto him in our behalfe . m Wee pray unto the Saints ( saith the Master of the Sentences ) that they may intercede for us , that is to say , that their merits may helpe us , and that they may will our good : for they willing it God doth will it , and so it will be effected . n We ought to intreat the Apostles and all the Saints ( saith Hugo Pratensis ) in all our necessities : because they are our advocates , and the meanes betwixt us and God , by whom God hath ordayned to bestow all things upon us . o Because it is a thing fitting ( saith Scotus ) that he that is in blisse should be a coadjutor of God in procuring the salvation of the elect , according to such maner as this may agree unto him ; and to this it is requisite , that our prayers which are offered unto him should specially be revealed unto him , because they leane specially upon the merits of him as of a mediator bringing us to the salvation which is sought for : therefore it is probable that God doth specially reveale unto him that is in blisse such of our prayers as are offered unto him , or unto God in his name . But this is an open derogation to the high prerogative of our Saviours meritorious Intercession , and a manifest incroachment upon the great office of Mediation , which the most religious and learned among those Fathers , who desired to be recommended unto the prayers of the Saints , were so carefull to preserve entire unto him . p For what is so proper to Christ , saith S. Ambrose , as to stand by God the Father for an advocate of the people ? q He is the Priest , saith S. Augustin , who being now entred within the vayle , ALONE there of them that have beene partakers of flesh , doth make intercession for us . In figure of which thing , in that first people and in that first Temple the Priest onely did enter into the Holy of holyes , and all the people stood without . And therefore where S. Iohn saieth ; These things write I unto you , that yee sinne not : and if any man sinne , vvee have an Advocate with the Father Iesus Christ the righteous . ( 1. Iohn . 2.1 . ) S. Augustin in his exposition upon that place maketh this observation thereupon : that S. Iohn being so great a man as he was , r did not say , YEE have , nor Yee have MEE , nor YEE have Christ himselfe : but did both put in Christ , not himselfe ; and also sayd , WEE have , not YEE have . because he had rather put himselfe in the number of sinners , that he might have Christ to be his advocate : than put himselfe for an advocate in steed of Christ , and be found among the proud that should be damned . and from thence draweth this conclusion against Parmenian the Donatist . s If he had sayd thus ; I have written this unto you , that you sinne not , and if any man sinne , you have me a mediator with the Father , I make intercession for your sinnes : ( as Parmenian in one place doth make the Bishop a mediator betwixt the people and God : ) what good and faithfull Christian would endure him ? who would looke upon him as the Apostle of Christ , and not as Antichrist rather ? The doctrine therefore and practise of the Church of Rome in this point , by this learned Fathers judgement , must needes be held to bee ungodly and Antichristian . Fiftly , the recommendation of mens selves unto the prayers of the Saints deceased , which was at first admitted in the ancient Church , did no way impeach ●he confidence and boldnesse which we have gotten in Christ , to make our immediate approach unto the throne of grace : which by the Invocation of Saints now taught in the Church of Rome , is very much impayred . For to induce men to the practise of this , the great Majestie of God and the severity of his Iustice is propounded unto poore sinners on the one hand , and the consideration of their owne basenesse and unworthinesse on the other . whereupon it is inferred , that aswell for the manifesting of their reverence to Gods Majestie , as the testifying of their submissenesse and Humilitie , they should seeke to God by the mediation of his Saints ; like as men doe seeke to the King by the mediation of his servants . which motives can have no more force to encourage men to the Invocation of Saints , then they have to discourage them from the immediate Invocation of God and his Christ. So among the causes alledged by Alexander of Hales , why we ought to pray unto the Saints : one is , t in respect of our want in contemplating ; that we who are not able to behold the highest light in it selfe , may contemplate it in his Saints . another , in respect of our want in loving : because we miserable men ( miserable men indeed that doe so ) or some of us at least are more affected sometimes unto some Saint , than unto our Lord himselfe : and therefore God having compassion on our misery , is pleased that we should pray unto his Saints . and a third , u in respect of the reverence of God : that a sinner who hath offended God , because he dareth not to come unto him in his owne person , may have recourse unto the Saints , by imploring their patronage . The like we read in Gabriel Biel , handling the same argument . x This is a singular consolation ( saith he ) to sinners , who have oftentimes more minde to the interpellation of the Saints then of the Iudge : whose defect of holinesse also other mens goodnesse is able to supply . and it maketh y for the reverence of God : that a sinner who hath offended God , as it were not daring for the drosse of his sinne to appeare in his proper person , before the most high and dreadfull majesty . should have recourse unto the Saints who are most pure and gratefull to God : who may present the sinners prayers unto the most High , and by adjoyning their merits and prayers thereunto , might make the same more fit for audience , more pleasing and more gratefull . Therefore Salmeron the Iesuite sticketh not to deliver his opinion plainely ; that the praying unto God by the Saints seemeth to be better then the praying unto him immediately , as for other reasons , z so because the Church , which hath the Spirit of Christ , ( though S. Augustin surely would have judged such a Church to be led by the spirit of Antichrist rather then of Christ ) most frequently hath recourse unto God by the Saints , but commeth more rarely unto God by it selfe : and also , because the praying of God by the invocations of Saints doth argue greater humilitie ; as may be seene in the Centurion , Luc. 7.6 , 7. whereunto he applieth also the saying of David , a He hath had respect to the prayer of the humble , and did not despise their prayers . and of Iudith : b The prayer of the humble and meeke hath alway pleased thee . Thus in the dayes of the Apostles themselves , under the pretence of c Humilitie some laboured to bring into the Church the worshipping of Angels : which carried with it d a shew of wisedome , ( as S. Paul speaketh of it ) and such a shew as was not farre unlike unto that wherewith our Romish Doctors do cozen simple people now a dayes . For e this ( saith Theodoret ) did they counsell should be done , ( namely , that men should pray unto Angels ) pretending humility , and saying , that the God of all things was invisible , and inaccessible , and incomprehensible ▪ and that it was fit wee sho●ld procure G●ds favour by the meanes of Angels . whereas S Chrysostom treating of Christian hum●litie ●heweth that the faithfull who are furnished with that grace do notwithstanding f ascend beyond the highest toppes of heaven , and passing by the Angels , p●esent themselves before the Regall throne it selfe . yea g by earning thus to speake with God in prayer , he sheweth that the man himselfe is made a kinde of an Angel the soule is so set loos● from the bonds of the body ; the reasoning is raysed up so high ; he is so translated into heaven , he doth so overl●oke these worldly things , he is so placed by the Regall thr●ne it selfe : although he be a poore man , although a servant , although a simple man , although an unlearned Neither is it to be forgotten , that the heathen Idolaters also , to cover h the shame of their neglecting of God , were wont to use this miserable excuse ; that by these they might goe to God , as by officers we goe to the King : which is the very selfe same ragg our Romanists have borrowed from them to cover their superstition with , that the nakednesse thereof might not appeare . But S. Ambrose ( or who ever else was author of those commentaries upon S. Pauls epistles that are found among his workes ) hath mett well with them , and sufficiently discovered the vanitie of these grosse and carnall imaginations . i Go too , ( saith he ) is there any man so mad , or so unmindfull of his salvation , as to give the Kings honour to an officer : whereas if any shall be found but to treat of such a matter , they are justly condemned as guiltie of high treason ? And yet these men thinke themselves not guiltie , who give the honour of Gods name to a creature , and leaving the Lord adore their fellow servants ; as though there were any thing more , that could be reserved to God. For therefore doe men goe to the King by Tribunes or officers , because the King is but a man , and knoweth not to whom he may commit the state of the common-wealth . But to procure the favour of God , from whom nothing is hid ( for he knoweth the merits or workes of all men ) we need no spokes-man , but a devoute minde . For wheresoever such a one shall speake unto him , he will answer him . But of all others , S. Chrysostom is most plentifull in setting out the difference of the accesse which we may have to God & to the great ones in this world . k When we have suit unto men ( saith he in one place ) vve have need of cost and money , and servile adulation , and much going up and downe and great adoe . For it falleth out oftentimes that we cannot go straight unto the Lords themselves and present our gift unto them and speake vvith them ; but it is necessary for us first to procure the favour of their ministers and stewards and officers , both with paying and praying and using all other meanes unto them , and then by their mediation to obtaine our request . But with God it is not thus . For there is no need of intercessors for the petitioners : neyther is he so ready to give a gracious answer being intreated by others , as by our own selves praying unto him . l When thou hast need to sue unto men , ( saith he in another place ) thou art forced first to deale with d●ore-keepers , and to intreat parasites and flatterers , and to goe a long way . But with God there is no such matter : without an intercessor he is intreated , without money without cost he yeeldeth unto thy prayer . It sufficeth only that thou cry in thine heart , and bring teares with thee ; and entring in straightway thou mayest draw him unto thee . m Amongst men ( saith he in a third place ) it behoveth him that commeth unto one , to be a man of speech , and it is required that he should flatter all those that are about the Prince , and to thinke upon many other things , that he may finde acceptance . But here there is need of nothing , save of a watchfull minde onely : and there is nothing that hindereth us from being neare to God. So in his sermon upon the woman of Canaan , which hee made in his latter dayes , after his returne from his first banishment : n God is alwayes neare , saith he . If thou wilt intreat man ; thou askest what he is a doing , and he is asleep , he is not at leisure , or the servant giveth thee no answer . But with God there is none of these things . Whithersoever thou goest and callest , hee heareth : there is no want of leisure , nor a mediatour , nor a servant that keepeth thee off . Say , Have mercy upon me ; and presently God is with thee . For while thou art yet a speaking , saith he , I will say ; Behold here I am . ( Esai . 58.9 . ) And therefore he biddeth us to o marke the philosophy ( as he tearmeth it ) or the wisedome of the woman of Canaan . She intreateth not Iames ( saith he ) she beseecheth not Iohn , neyther doth she come to Peter , but brake through the whole company of them ; saying . I have no need of a mediatour , but taking repentance with me for a spoakes-man , I come to the fountaine it selfe . For this cause did he descend , for this cause did he take flesh ; that I might have the boldnesse to speake unto him . I have no need of a mediatour : have thou mercy upon me . Hitherto S. Chrysostom . Sixthly , the Romanists repose such confidence in the intercession of the Saints ; that they look to receive farre greater benefite by them , then by their own prayers . Which conceit how distastefull it was unto the ancient Doctors , S. Chrysostom may be a sufficient witnesse : who laboured exceedingly to root out this erroneous opinion , when it first beganne to shew it selfe in his time . And therefore hee is bold to affirme , not onely that p vvee have no such need of others , that vve may intreate by them ; but also that God q then doeth most , when we doe not use the intreatie of others . For as a kinde friend , ( saith he ) then blameth he us most , as not daring to trust his love , when we intreate others to pray unto him for us . Thus use we to doe vvith those that seeke to us : then we gratifie them most , vvhen they come unto us by themselves , and not by others . But , thou wilt say , vvhat if I have offended him ? Cease offending , and shedd teares , and so come ; and thou shalt quickly make him appeased for the things that are past . Say onely ; I have offended : say it from thy soule and a sincere mind ; and all is loosed . Thou dost not so much desire to thy sinnes to be forgiven thee , as he doth desire to forgive thy sinnes unto thee . Thus doth S. Chrysostom write upon the 16. of the Acts : and upon the fourth Psalme , to the same effect . r Thou mayest alwayes and continually sollicite him , and thou shalt meet with no difficultie . For thou shalt have no need of any doore-keepers to bring thee in , nor stewards , nor procurators , nor keepers , nor friends : but when thou thy selfe commest by thy selfe , then will he most of all heare thee , even then , when thou intreatest no man. We do not therefore so pacifie him when we intreat him by others , as when we doe it by our own selves . For by reason he loveth our friendship , and doth all things that vve may put our confidence in him : when he beh●ldeth us to do this by our selves , then doth he most yeeld unto our suites . Thus did he deale with the woman of Canaan : when Peter and Iames came for her , he did not yeeld ; but when she her selfe did remaine , he presently gave that which was desired . The same lesson doth he repeat in his 44. homily upon Genesis : that s our Lord being mercifull , doth not so yeeld when he is intreated for us by others , as he doth when he is by our own selves . and for proofe thereof telleth us againe of the woman of Canaan ; that t having the disciples petitioning for her , she could obtaine nothing , untill she by her selfe being instant drew forth the clemency of the Lord : to the end we might thereby learne , that we doe not so prevayle when we intreat by others , as when by our selves ; if we come with fervour and with a vigilant minde . The like observation is made by him and by Theophylact in their expositions upon that part of the Gospell wherein this historie is related . u Marke me , ( saith the one ) how the Apostles being put downe and not prevayling , she her selfe prevayled : of so great force is the assiduity of prayer . For God would be petitioned unto by us that are guiltie , in our owne cause , rather then by others for us . And x observe ( saith the other ) that although the Saints doe pray for us , as the Apostles did for her ; yet we praying for our selves , do prevayle much more . One place more I will yet lay down out of Chrysostoms sermon of the profiting of the Gospell : and so make an end of this observation . y With God ( saith he ) thou hast need of no intercessours , nor of much running about , nor to flatter others : but although thou be alone , and hast no patrone , thou by thy selfe praying unto God shalt certainely obtaine thy request . He useth not to yeeld so soone , being prayed unto by others for us , as when we our selves do pray unto him , although we be replenished vvith a thousand evils . And to prove that z praying by our own selves vve prevayle more with God , then praying unto him by others : he bringeth in againe the historie of the woman of Canaan , and wisheth us to observe , a how , when others intreated , he put her back : but when she her selfe cryed out praying for the gift , he yeelded . and at last concludeth with this exhortation . b Seeing then we have learned all these things , although we be in sinne and unworthy to receive , let us not despaire ; knowing that by perseverance and constancie of minde we may obtaine our request . although we be solitarie and without any patrones , let us not be d●scouraged ; knowing that this is a great patronage , that thou by thine own selfe mayst come to God with much alacritie . Seventhly , and principally it is to be considered , that Invocation is attributed to Saints in the Church of Rome as a part of the worship due unto them : yea as eximium adorationis genus ( for so doth Cardinall c Bellarmin pronounce it to be ) an eminent kind of adoration . For d we do not honour the Saints ( saith Azorius the Iesuite ) with that worship onely , wherewith we do men that excell in vertue , wisedome , power , or any other dignitie ; but also with DIVINE worship and honour , which is an act of Religion . for that worship which is given to men of excellencie , is an act and office , not of Religion , but of another inferiour vertue , which is called Observance . And whereas it is as cleare as the noone day , that the giving of divine honour and worship unto any creature is flat Idolatry : the poore man weeneth that he and his fellowes may be excused from being Idolaters ; because they doe not give divine vvorship and honour unto the Saints for themselves , but for God who hath made them Saints : as if God , who cannot endure that his e glory should be given unto another , wou●d be mocked with such toyes as these . Indeed they were wont heretofore to delude men commonly with an idle distinction of Dulîa and Latrîa ▪ but now f it is the opinion of the most and the wisest of them , that it is one and the selfe same vertue of Religion , which contayneth both Latrîa and Dulîa . Whereas it hath beene the constant doctrine of the ancient Church , that all religious worship ( whereof Prayer by the judgement of all men , as well g Heathen as Christian , hath beene alwayes esteemed to be an especiall part ) is so properly due unto God alone , that without committing of Idolatry it cannot be communicated unto any creature . For h in the Catholick Church it is divinely and singularly delivered , that no creature is to be worshipped by the soule , but he onely who is the creator of all things : saith S. Augustin . And therefore the ancient Doctors who thought it not amisse , that men should recommend themselves unto the praiers of the Saints departed ; held it a thing intolerable notwithstanding , to impart unto any man or Angell the worship of Invocation . for to request the help of the prayers of our fellow-servants , is one thing , and to worship them with the service of Invocation is another ▪ as may be seen in the case of our brethren upon earth , who may not refuse the former without the violation of charitie , nor accept the latter at our hands without an open breach of pietie . Now that the Fathers judged no otherwise of Prayer , then as hath beene said , this may be one good argument ; that when they define it , they doe it with expresse reference to God , and no other : as may be seen in those five severall definitions thereof which i Bellarmine himselfe repeateth out of them . the first whereof is that of Basil : k Prayer is a request of some good thing , which is made by pious men unto GOD. The second , of Gregory Nyssen : l Prayer is a conversing or a conference with GOD. The third , of the same Father : m Prayer is a request of good things , which is offered with supplication unto GOD. The fourth , of Iohn Chrysostom : n Prayer is a colloquy or discourse with GOD. The fifth , of Iohn Damascen : o Prayer is an ascension of the minde unto GOD , or a request of things that are fit from GOD. Therefore where p the names of the Martyrs were solemnly rehearsed in the publick Liturgie of the Church , S. Augustin interpreteth it to be done for an honourable remembrance of them : but utterly denieth , that the Church therein had anie intention to invocate them . So for other particular prayers : q Thou alone art to be invocated O Lord , saith S. Ambrose in his funerall oration upon Theodosius the Emperour ; thou art to be requested , to supply the misse of him in his sonnes . and ; r To whom else should I cry , besides thee ? saith S. Augustin , and it is Gods pleasure , Esse nihil prorsus se praeter ubique rogandum , that nothing beside himselfe should every where be prayed unto : saith Dracontius in his book of the Creation , revised by Eugenius Bishop of Toledo at the command of Chindasuindus King of Spaine . Hereupon S. Chrysostom , upon those words of the Apostle , 1. Corinth . 1.2 . With all that call upon the Name of our Lord Iesus Christ ; giveth this exposition . s Not of this man and that man , but upon the name of the Lord. and he elsewhere telleth us , that it was the DIVELS doing to draw men unto the calling upon Angels ; as envying them the honour of their immediate accesse and admittance unto Gods owne presence . t For this cause ( saith he ) did the Divel bring in this of the Angels ; envying us this honour . These be the enchantments of Divels . Though he be an Angel , though an Archangel , though they be Cherubims ; endure it not . For neyther will these Powers themselves admit it , but reject it ; when they see their Lord dishonoured . I have honoured thee , saith he , and have sayd ; Call upon me , and doest thou dishonour him ? And therefore did the Fathers in the Councell of Laodicea directly conclude that this Invocation of Angels was a secret kinde of Idolatry , by the practise whereof the communion both of Christ and of his Church was forsaken . u For Christians ( say they ) ought not to forsake the Church of God , and depart aside , and invocate Angels , & make meetings : which are things forbidden . If any man therefore be found to give himselfe to this privy Idolatry ; let him be accursed . Because hee hath forsaken our Lord Iesus Christ , the Sonne of God , and betaken himselfe to Idolatry . Pope Adrian , in the Epitome of the Canons which he delivered to Charles the great at Rome in the year of our Lord DCCLXXIII . doth thus abbridge this decree : ut anathema sit , quicunque relictâ Ecclesiâ , Angelos colere , vel congregationes facere praesumpserit . that whosoever , leaving the Church , did presume to worship Angels , or to make meetings , should be accursed . Where Henricus Canisius , who was the first publisher of this Abbridgement in the 6. tome of his Ancient reading , fearing belike that the curse not only of the Fathers of Laodicea , but ( which was more dreadfull ) of Pope Adrian also might light upon him and his companions , who acknowledge themselves to be of the number of those that wo●ship Angels : giveth us warning in his margent , that in steed of angelos here x peradventure should be read , angulos ; that is to say , corners in steed of angels ▪ which although it be a no●e that evill beseemeth a man who would be thought to be conversant in ancient reading , and such a one especially as professeth himselfe to be a chiefe professor of the Canons : yet in that he leaveth the text untouched , and contenteth himselfe with a peradventure too in his marginall annotation , he is more to be excused then his fellowes before him , Carranza , Sagittarius , and Ioverius , who setting forth the Canons of the Councells , without all peradventure corrupted the text it selfe , removing the angels out of their place , and hiding them in corners . Notwithstanding this also may be alledged in some part of their excuse too , that they were not the first authors of this corruption of the Canon : that blame must light eyther upon Isidorous Mercator ( the craftie merchant , with whose dealings I acquainted you y before ) or upon Iames Merlin the Popish Doctor , who first caused his z Collection of Decrees to be printed . But Friar Crabb deserveth no excuse at all : who having store of good copies to direct him , did not onely content himselfe with the retayning of angulos in the text of Isidorus , as he found it printed before him ; but pluckt out angelos , and chopt in a angulos into the old translation of Dionysius Exiguus also , which affoorded no roome for any such corners as these . For howsoever in that version , or perversion rather of the Canon which is extant in the text of Isidorus it might stand with some reason to reade : Non oportet Christianos derelictâ ecclesia abire , & ad angulos idolatriae abominandae congregationes facere . It is not lawfull for Christians , forsaking the Church , to go and make assemblies of abominable idolatry in corners . yet in the old translation of Dionysius , where the Canon was rightly rendred ; Quòd non oporteat ecclesiam Dei relinquere , & abire , atque angelos nominare , & congregationes facere : it was contrary to all sense to thrust this reading upon us . It is now lawfull for Christians to forsake the Church of God , and goe and nominate or invocate CORNERS ( a wise speech no doubt ) and make meetings . But , veritas non quaerit angulos : the truth will admit none of these corners . For the Greek veritie ( aswell in all the editions of the Canons that have come forth by themselves , as in the Collections of Harmenopulus , Zonaras and Balsamon likewise ) expressely readeth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which in that tongue hath no affinitie at all with corners : and the ancient Collectors of the Canons among the Latins , b Cresconius and Dionysius and c Fulgentius Ferrandus , have Angelos : and Theodoret in his exposition of the epistle to the Colossians , doth twice make mention and declare the meaning of this Canon . once , upon those words of the Apostle in the third chapter : Whatsoever yee do in word or deed , doe all in the name of the Lord Iesus , giving thankes to God and the Father by him . d for because they commanded men to worship Angels , ( saith Theodoret ) he injoyneth the contrary ; that they should adorne their words and their deeds with the commemoration of our Lord Christ ▪ and send up thankesgiving to God and the Father by him , saith he , and not by the Angels . The Synod of Laodicea also following this rule , and desiring to heale that old disease , made a law that they should not pray unto Angels , nor forsake our Lord Iesus Christ. and againe , upon the second chapter of the same epistle . e This vice continued in Phrygia and Pisidia for a long time . for which cause also the Synod assembled in Laodicea the chiefe city of Phrygia , forbad them by a Law to pray unto Angels . And even to this day among them and their borderers , there are Oratories of S. Michael to be seene . The like hath Oecumenius after him , upon the same place . f This custome continued in Phrygia : insomuch that the Councell of Laodicea did by a Law forbid to come unto Angels and to pray unto them . from whence it is also , that there be many Churches of Michael , the chiefe captaine of Gods hoste , among them . This Canon of the Laodicean Fathers , Photius doth note to have beene made against the g Angelites : or the Angelickes rather . for so do●h S. Augustin name those heretickes that were h inclined to the worship of Angels : being from thence i called Angelici , as Isidorus noteth , because they did worship Angels . To transcribe here at large the severall testimonies of the Fathers , which condemne this worshipping of Angels or any other creature whatsoever , would be an endlesse worke . Gregory Nyssen in the beginning of his fourth ( or fifth book rather ) against Eunomius , layeth this downe for an undoubted principle . k That none of those things which have their being by creation is to be worshipped by men , the word of God hath by law ordayned : as almost out of all the holy Scripture vve may learne . Moses , the Tables , the Law , the Prophets afterward , the Gospels , the determinations of all the Apostles , doe equally forbid the looking unto the creature . Then having shewed that the neglect of this was the cause of the bringing in of a multitude of Gods among the Heathen : l least the same things should happen unto us , saith he , who are instructed by the Scripture to looke unto the true Deitie ; we are taught to understand that whatsoever is created is a different thing from the divine nature , and that we are to worship and adore that nature only which is uncreated ; whose character and marke is , that it neyther at any time beganne to be nor ever shall cease to be . But our Romanists have long since overthrown this principle : and so altered Moses , and the Tables , and the Law ; that of the m 24. mortall sinnes , whereby they say the first Commandement is broken , they reckon the first to be committed by him , Qui colit extra Deum vel Sanctos quodque creatum , who worshippeth any created thing beside God and the Saints . And whereas n Antonius in his Melissa had set downe the foresaid sentence of Nyssen ; that vve have learned to worship and adore that nature ONELY which is uncreated : the Spanish Inquisitors have taken order , that a peece of his tongue should be cut off ; and given commandement , that o the word ONELY should be blotted out of his writing . not considering that this was the principall word , upon which the whole sentence of Nyssen mainely did depend : and that Nyssen was not the onely man that had taught us this lesson . Athanasius before him had used the very same argument against the Arrians , to prove that the Sonne of God was of an uncreated nature . p For Peter the Apostle ( saith he ) did forbid Cornelius , when he vvould have worshipped him , saying ; Because I my selfe also am a man. ( Act. 10.26 . ) The Angell also did forbid Iohn , when he would have worshipped him in the Revelation , saying : See thou doe it not ; for I am thy fellow servant , and of thy brethren the Prophets , and of them which keepe the sayings of this book : worship God. ( Revel . 22.9 . ) Wherefore it appertayneth to God only to be worshipped . and this doe the Angels themselves know well : that although they doe surpasse others in glory , yet they are all but creatures ; and are in the number , not of those that are to be adored , but of them that adore the Lord. So we have heard S. Ambrose q before reprehending those that doe adore their fellow servants . And Epiphanius refuting the heresie of the Collyridians , concludeth , that r neyther Elias , nor Iohn , nor Thecla , nor any of the Saints is to be worshipped . For that ancient error ( saith he ) shall not prevayle over us , to forsake the living God , and to worship the things that are made by him . for they served and worshipped the creature above the Creator , and became fooles . For if hee will not have the Angels to be worshipped ; how much more would he not have her that was borne of Anna ? s Let Mary then be had in honour : but let the Lord be worshipped . Lastly S. Augustin ( to omit all others ) in the book which he wrote of true religion , delivereth this for one of the maine grounds thereof ; that t the worshipping of men that are dead should be no part of our religion . because ( saith he ) if they did live piously , they are not held to be such as would seeke that kinde of honour ; but would have him to be worshipped of us , by whose enlightening they doe rejoyce that we are made partners of their merit . They are to be honoured therefore for imitation , not to be adored for religion . The same doth he also there say of Angels : that u we doe honour them with love , not with service ; neyther do we build temples unto them . For it is not their desire , that they should be so honoured by us : because they know that we our selves , if wee be good , are the temples of the high God. and therefore it is rightly written , that a man was forbidden by an Angell , that he should nor worship him , but God alone under whom he was his fellow servant . ( Revel . 22.9 . ) But , what saith Cardinall Bellarmine now , thinke you , unto these testimonies of the Fathers ? x I say ( saith he , not knowing indeed what he saith , nor wherof he affirmeth ) that they doe speake against the errours of the Gentiles , who of wicked men did make true Gods ; and did offer sacrifices unto them . wherein you may discerne the just hand of God , confounding the mans witts , that would thus abuse his learning to the upholding of Idolatry . For had he been here his owne man , and not been strangely overtaken with the spirit of slumber , he could no possibly have fayled so fowly , as to reckon the Angels & the Saints , & the verie mother of God her self ( of whom these Fathers do expressely speake ) in the number of those wicked persons whom the Gentiles did take for their Gods. And here also out of Epiphanius we may further observe , who were the masters , or the mistresses rather ( for this was y the womens heresie ) from whom our Romanists did first learne their Hyperdulîa , or that transcendent kind of service wherewith they worship the Virgin Mary . namely , the Collyridians : z so called from the Collyrides or cakes , which at a certaine time of the yeare they used to offer unto the blessed Virgin. against whom Epiphanius doth thus oppose himselfe . a What Scripture hath delivered any thing , concerning this ? Which of the Prophets have permitted a man to be worshipped , that I may not say a woman ? For a choyse vessell she is indeed ; but yet a woman . b Let Mary be in honour ; but let the Father and the Sonne and the holy Ghost be worshipped : let no man worship Mary . This mysterie is appointed , I doe not say for a woman , nor yet for a man neyther , but for God : the Angels themselves are not capable of such kinde of glorifying . c Let none eate of this errour touching holy Mary . for although the tree be beautifull , yet is it not for meate : and although Mary be most excellent , and holy , and to be honoured , yet is she not to be worshipped . d The bodie of Mary was holy indeed , but not God : the Virgin indeed was a virgin and honourable ; but not given unto us for adoration , but one that did her selfe worship him who was borne of her in the flesh and came from heaven out of the bosome of his Father . Thus did this learned Father labour to e cut the roots of this Idolatrous heresie , when it first began to take hold of the feminine sexe : animating all that were of masculine spirits to the extirpatiō therof , in this maner . f Go to then , ye servants of God , let us put on a manlike mind , and beat down the madnes of these women . But when this disease afterwards had gotten a farther spredd , and had once throughly seized upō men as wel as women : it is a most wonderfull thing to consider , into what extremitie this frenzie brake out ; after the time of Sathans loosing especially . For then g there wanted not such as would interprete that speech of the Angel unto the holy Virgin , Haile full of grace , the Lord is with thee ; of the equality of her Empire with her Sonnes . as if it had beene said . Even as he , so thou also dost enjoy the same most excellent dignitie of ruling . h In the redundance and effusion of grace upon the creatures , the Lords power and vvill is so accommodated unto thine , that thou mayest seeme to be the first in that , both diadem , and tribunall . The Lord is with thee : not so much thou with the Lord , as the Lord with thee , in that function . Then it was taught for good Divinitie , that i from the time wherein the Virgin mother did conceive in her wombe the Word of God , she hath obtained such a kind of jurisdiction ( so to speake ) or authoritie in all the temporall procession of the holy Ghost ; that no creature hath obtained any grace or vertue from God , but according to the dispensation of his holy mother . that , k because she is the mother of the sonne of God who doth produce the holy Ghost ; therefore all the gifts , vertues , and graces of the holy Ghost are by her hands administred , to whom she pleaseth , when she pleaseth , how she pleaseth , and as much as she pleaseth . That l she hath singularly obtained of God this office from eternitie ; as her selfe doth testifie Proverb . 8.23 . I was ordained from everlasting , namely , a dispenser of celestiall graces ; and that m in this respect , Cantic . 7.4 . it is said of her : Thy neck is as a tower of Yvorie . because that as by the neck the vitall spirits do descend from the head into the bodie ; so by the Virgin the vitall graces are transmitted from Christ the head into his mysticall body : the fulnesse of grace being in him as in the head from whence the influence cōmeth , & in her as in the necke through which it is transfused unto us . so that n take away the patronage of the Virgin , you stop as i● were the sinners breath , that he is not able to live any lōger . Then men stuck not to teach , that unto her o all power was given in heaven and in earth . So that for heaven , when our Saviour ascended thither , this might be assigned for one reason ( among others ) why he left his mother behinde him : p least perhaps the court of Heaven might have beene in a doubt , whom they should rather go to meet , their Lord or their Lady . & for earth , q she may rightly apply unto her selfe that in the first of Ezra ; All the kingdomes of the earth hath the Lord given unto me . and we may say unto her againe , that in Tobi 14. Thy kingdome endureth for all ages : and in the 144. or 145 Psalme ; Thy kingdome is a kingdome of all ages . That howsoever she was r the noblest person that was or ever should be in the world , and of so great perfection , that although she had not beene the mother of God , she ought neverthelesse to have beene the Lady of the world : yet according to the lawes whereby the world is governed , by the right of inheritance she did deserve the principality and kingdome of this world . That s Christ never made any legacie of this Monarchy : because that could not be done without the prejudice of his mother ; and he knew besides , that the mother could make voyde the Testament of the sonne , if it were made unto her prejudice . And therefore that by all this it appeareth most evidently , that Mary the mother of Iesus , by right of inheritance hath the regall dominion over all that be under God. That t as many creatures doe serve the glorious Virgin Mary , as serve the Trinitie . namely all creatures , whatsoever degree they hold among the things created ( whether they be spirituall as Angels , or rationall as men , or corporall as the Heavenly bodies or the Elements ) and all things that are in Heaven and in Earth , whether they be the damned or the blessed : all which being brought under the governement of God , are subject likewise unto the glorious Virgin. for asmuch as he who is the sonne of God and of the blessed Virgin , being willing as it were to equall in some sort his Mothers soveraigntie unto the soveraignty of his Father ; even he who was God , did serve his mother upon earth . Whence Luke 2.51 . it is written of the Virgin and glorious Ioseph : He was subject unto them . that as this proposition is true ; All things are subject to Gods command , even the Virgin her selfe : so this againe is true also ; All things are subject to the command of the Virgin , even God himselfe . that , u considering the blessed Virgin is the mother of God and God is her sonne , and every sonne is naturally inferior to his mother and subject unto her , and the mother hath preeminence and is superior to her sonne ; it therefore followeth that the blessed Virgin is superior to God , and God himselfe is subject unto her , in respect of the manhood which he assumed from her . that x howsoever she be subject unto God inasmuch as she is a creature ; yet is she said to be superior and preferred before him , inasmuch as she is his mother . Then men were put in minde , that y by sinning after Baptisme they seemed to contemne and despise the passion of Christ : and so that no sinner doth deserve that Christ should any more make intercession for him to the Father ; without whose intercession none can be delivered eyther from the eternall punishment or the temporall , nor from the fault which he hath voluntarily committed . And therefore that it was necessary , that Christ should constitute his welbeloved Mother a Mediatrix betwixt us and him . z and so in this our pilgrimage , there is no other refuge left unto us in our tribulations and adversities , but to have recourse unto the Virgin Mary our mediatrix ; that she would appease the wrath of her Sonne . That a as He is ascended into heaven , to appeare in the sight of God for men ; ( Hebr. 9.24 . ) so Shee ought to ascend thither , to appeare in the sight of her Sonne for sinners : that so mankinde might have alwayes before the face of God a Helpe like unto Christ for the procuring of his salvation . That b this Empresse is of so great authoritie in the palace of Heaven , that it is lawfull to appeale unto her from any grievance , all other intermediall Saints omitted . for howsoever according to the Civill law the due meane must be observed in Appeales : yet in her the style of the Canon law is observed , wherein the Pope is appealed unto , any intermediall whatsoever omitted . That c she is a Chancellour in the Court of heaven : and giveth letters of mercy onely in this present life ; but for the soules that depart from hence , unto some letters of pure gra●e , unto others of simple justice , and unto some mixt of justice and grace . For some ( say they ) were much devoted unto her : and unto them shee giveth letters of pure grace , whereby shee commandeth glory to be given them without any paine of Purgatorie . Others were miserable sinners and not devoted to her : and unto them she giveth letters of simple justice , whereby shee commandeth that condigne punishment be taken of them . Others were lukewarme and remisse in devotion : and unto them she giveth letters of justice and grace together ; whereby shee commandeth that both favour be done unto them , and yet some paine of Purgatorie bee inflicted upon them for their negligence and sluggishnesse . And these things they say are signified in Queene Esther ; who wrote letters that the Iewes should be saved , and the enemies should be killed , and to the poore small giftes should be given . Yea further also , d where King Assuerus did profer unto the said Esther even the halfe of his Kingdome : ( Esth ▪ 5.3 . ) thereby they say was signified that God bestowed halfe of his kingdome upon the blessed Virgin. that having Iustice and Mercie as the chiefest goods of his Kingdome , he retayned Iustice unto himselfe , and granted mercie unto her . & e therefore that if a man do finde himselfe aggrieved in the court of Gods justice , he may appeale to the court of mercie of his mother : ( shee being that f throne of grace , whereof the Apostle speaketh , Hebr. 4.16 . Let us goe boldly unto the throne of grace , that we may receive mercie , and finde grace to helpe in time of neede . They tell us , that g it is for the ornament of an earthly kingdome , that it should have both a King & a Queene : and therefore when any King hath not a wife his subjects often doe request him to take one . Hereupon they say , that the eternall King and omnipotent Emperor minding to adorne the kingdome of heaven above , did frame this blessed Virgin , to the end he might make her the Ladie and Empresse of his kingdome and empyre : that the prophecie of David might be verified , saying unto her in the Psalme ; Vpon thy right hand did stand the Queene in clothing of gold . That h she is an Empresse , because she is the spouse of the eternall Emperor ; of whō it is said , Ioh. 3.29 . He that hath the bride is the bridegrome . and that when God did deliver unto her the empyre of the world and all the things contayned therein ; he sayd unto her that which wee reade in the first of the Aeneids : His ego nec metas rerum nec tempora pono ; Imperium sine sine dedi . That shee is i the Empresse also of heaven and earth , because she did beare the heavenly Emperour : and therefore that shee can aske of him what she will and obtaine it . that this was figured in the historie of the Kings , where the mother of Salomon said unto him : I desire one petition of thee , doe not confounde my face : for then should hee confound her face , if he did denie that which she requested . and that if in respect of her maternall jurisdicton she hath command of her Sonne , vvho was subject unto her : ( as vve reade , Luke 2.51 . ) then much more hath she command over all the creatures that are subject to her Sonne . That this k mightie God did ( as farre as he might ) make his Mother partner of his divine majestie and power : giving unto her of old the soveraignetie both of celestiall things and mortall : ordering at her pleasure ( as the patronage of men did require ) the earth , the seas , heaven , and nature : at her liking , and by her , bestowing upon mortall men his divine treasures and heavenly gifts . So as all might understand , that whatsoever doth flowe into the earth from that eternall and glorious fountayne of good things , doth flowe by MARIE . That l she is constituted over every creature , and whosoever boweth his knee unto Iesus , doth fall downe also and supplicate unto his mother : so that the glory of the Sonne may be judged not so much to be common with the Mother , as to be the verie same . That m so great is her glorie , that she exceedeth the nature of Angels and Men , joyned together , as farre in glorie , as the circumference of the firmament exceedeth his center in magnitude : when shee understandeth her selfe in her Sonne to be , as his other selfe , clothed with the Deitie . That she being n the mother of God , doth assume unto her selfe o● the omnipotencie of her Sonne ( upon which she leaneth ) as much as shee pleaseth . and that shee o doth come before the golden altar of humane reconciliation , not intreating onely , but commanding ; a Mistresse , not a mayde . They tell us , that the blessed Virgin her selfe appeared once unto Thomas Becket , & used this speech unto him . p Rejoyce and be glad , and bee joyfull with mee : because my glorie doth excell the dignitie and joy of all the Saints & all the blessed spirits ; & I alone have greater glorie than all the Angels and Saints together . Rejoyce , because that as the Sunne doth inlighten the day and the world , so my brightnesse doth inlighten the whole celestiall world . Rejoyce , because the whole hoaste of heaven obeyeth me , reverenceth and honoureth me . Rejoyce , because my Sonne is alwayes obedient unto me , and my will , and all my prayers he alwaies heareth . ( or as others doe relate it : * The will of the blessed Trinitie and mine is one and the same ; and whatsoever doth please me , the whole Trinitie with unspeakeable favour doth give consent unto . ) Rejoyce , because God doth alwayes at my pleasure reward my servitors in this world and in the world to come . Rejoyce , because I fit next to the holy Trinitie , and am cloathed with my bodie glorified . Rejoyce , because I am certaine and sure , that these my joyes shall alwayes stand and never be finished or ●ayle . And whosoever by rejoycing with these spirituall joyes shall wo●ship me in this world , at the time of the dep●rture of his soule out of the bodie he shall obtaine my presence : and I will deliver his soule from the malignant enemies , and present it in the sight of my Sonne , that it may possesse joyes with me . They tell us , that manie ( q many whoores for example , that would not sinne on Saturday , for the reverence of the Virgin ; whatsoever they did on the Lords day ) seeme to have the blessed Virgin in greater veneration than Christ her sonne ; moved thereunto out of simplicitie more than out of knowledge . Yet that the Sonne of God doth beare with the simplicitie of these men and women : because he is not ignorant , that the honour of the mother doth redound to the childe ( Prov. 17.6 . ) They argue further , that r if a Cardinall have this priviledge , that if he put his cap upon the head of one that is ledd unto justice , he is freed therby : then by an argument drawn from the stronger , the cloake of the blessed Virgin is able to deliver us frō all evil . her mercy being so large , that if she should see any man who did devoutly make her Crowne ( that is to say , repeate the Rosarie or Chaplet of prayers made for her worship ) to be drawn unto punishmēt in the midst of a thousand Divels ; she would presently rescue him , & not permit that any one should have an evil end , who did study reverētly to make her Crown . They add moreover , that s for every of these Crownes a man shal obtaine 273758. dayes of Indulgence : and that Pope Sixtus the fourth granted an indulgence of twelve thousand years for every time that a man in the state of grace should repeat this short orizon or salutation of the Virgin , which by manie is inserted into her Crowne . Hayle most holy Mary , the mother of God , the Queene of heaven , the gate of Paradise , the Ladie of the world . Thou art a singular and pure virgin : thou didst conceive Christ without sinne : thou didst beare the creator and saviour of the world , in whom I doe not doubt . Deliver me from all evill , and pray for my sinnes . Amen . In the Crowne composed by Bonaventure , this is one of the orizons that is prescribed to be sayd . t O. Empresse and our most kinde Ladie , by the authoritie of a mother command thy most beloved Sonne our Lord Iesus Christ , that he would vouchsafe to lift up our mindes from the love of earthly things unto heavenly desires . which is sutable unto that versicle which wee reade in the 35. Psalme , of his Ladies Psalter . u Incline the countenance of God upon us : compell him to have mercie upon sinners . the harshenesse whereof our Romanists have a little qualified in some of their editions , reading thus , x Incline the countenance of thy Sonne upon us : compell him by thy praiers to have mercie upon us sinners . The psalmes of this Psalter doe all of them begin as Davids doe : but with this maine difference , that where the Prophet in the one aymeth at the advancement of the honour of our Lord , the Fryar in the other applieth all to the magnifying of the power and goodnesse of our Lady . So in the first Psalme : y Blessed is the man ( quoth Bonaventure ) that loveth thy name , O Virgin Marie : thy grace shall comfort his soule . & in the others following . z Lady , how are they multiplied that trouble me ? with thy tempest shalt thou persecute and scatter them . a Ladie , suffer me not to be rebuked in the furie of God ; nor to bee judged in his wrath . b My Ladie , in thee have I put my trust : deliver me from mine enemies , O Ladie . c In our Ladie put I my trust ; for the sweetenesse of the mercie of her name . d How long wilt thou forget me , O Ladie , and not deliver me in the day of tribulation ? e Preserve me , O Ladie , for in thee have I put my trust : and imparte unto me the droppes of thy grace . f I will love thee , O Ladie of heaven and earth : and I will call upon thy name among the nations . g The heavens declare thy glorie : and the fragrance of thine oyntments is spread among the nations . h Heare us , Ladie , in the day of trouble : and turne thy mercifull face unto our prayers . i Vnto thee , O Lady , have I lifted up my soule : in the judgement of God , by thy prayers , I shall not be ashamed . k Iudge me , Lady , for I have departed from mine innocencie : but because I will trust in thee , I shall not be weakned . l In thee , O Ladie , have I put my trust , let me never be confounded : in thy favour receive me m Blessed are they whose hearts doe love thee , ô virgin Marie : their sinnes by thee shall mercifully be washed away . n Lady , judge those that hurt me : and rise up against them , and plead my cause . o Waiting have I waited for thy grace : and thou hast done unto me according to the multitude of the mercie of thy name . p Lady , thou art our refuge in all our necessities ; and the powerfull strength treading downe the enemie . q Have mercie upon me , O Ladie , who art called the mother of mercie ; and according to the bowels of thy mercies , cleanse me from all mine iniquities . r Save me , Ladie , by thy name ; and deliver me from mine unrighteousnesse . s Have mercie upon me , O Ladie , have mercie upon me : because my heart is prepared to search out thy will ; and in the shadow of thy wings will I rest . t Let Marie arise , and let her enemies be scattered : let them all be troaden downe under her feete . u In thee , O Lady , have I put my trust , let me never be put to confusion : deliver me in thy mercie , and cause mee to escape . x Give the King thy judgement , O God , and thy mercie to the Queene his mother . y Lady , the gentiles are come into the inheritance of God : whom thou by thy merits hast confederated unto Christ. z Thy mercies , O Lady , will I sing for ever . a God is the Lord of revenges : but thou the mother of mercie dost bowe him to take pitie . b O come , let us sing unto our Ladie : let us make a joyfull noise to Mary our Queene that brings salvation . c O sing unto our Lady a new song : for shee hath done marveilous things . d O give thankes unto the Lord , for he is good : give thankes unto his mother , for her mercie endureth for ever . e Lady , despise not my prayse : and vouchsafe to accept this Psalter vvhich is dedicated unto thee . f The Lord sayd unto our Lady : sit thou , my mother , at my right hand . g They that trust in thee , O mother of God , shall not feare from the face of the enemie . h Except our Lady build the house of our heart : the building thereof will not continue . i Blessed are all they who feare our Ladie : and blessed are all they who know to doe thy will , and thy good pleasure . k Out of the deepe have I cried unto thee , O Ladie : Ladie , heare my voice . l Ladie , remember David , and all that call upon thy name . m O give thankes unto the Lord , because he is good : because by his most sweete mother the virgin Mary is his mercie given . n Blessed be thou , O Ladie , which teachest thy servants to warre ; and strengthenest them against the enemie . and so the last Psalme is begun with , o Prayse our Ladie in her Saints ; prayse her in her vertues and miracles : and ended accordingly , with , Omnis spiritus laudet Dominam nostram . Let everie spirit ( or , everie thing that hath breath ) prayse our Ladie . To this we may adioyne the p Psalter of the salutations of the Virgin , framed by Iohn Peckham archbishop of Canterburie , which is not yet printed . His preface he beginneth thus : Mente concipio laudes perscribere Sanctae Virginis ; quae nos à carcere Solvit per filium , genus in genere Miri vivificans effectus opere . and endeth with a prayer to the blessed Virgin , that shee would release the sinnes of all those for whom hee prayed , and cause both his owne name and theirs to be written in the booke of life . Nec non & omnibus relaxes crimina , Pro quibus supplicans fundo precamina : Nostrumque pariter & horum nomina Conscribi facias in vitae paginâ . Then followeth his first Psalme ; wherein he prayeth , that she would make us to meditate often Gods Law , and afterwards to be made blessed in the glorie of Gods kingdome . Ave Virgo virginum parens absque pari , Sine viri semine digna foecundari : Fac nos legem Domini crebró meditari : Et in regni gloriâ beatificari . His other 149. Psalmes ( which are fraught with the same kinde of stuffe ) I passe over . But Bernardinus de Senis his boldnesse may not be forgotten : who thinketh that q God will give him leave to maintaine , that the Virgin Marie did more unto him , or at least as much , as he himselfe did unto all mankinde ; and that wee may say for our comfort ( forsooth ) that in respect of the blessed Virgin ( whom God himselfe did make notwithstanding ) God after a sort is more bound unto us , than wee are unto him . With which absurd and wretched speculation Bernardinus de Busti after him was so well pleased : that hee dareth to revive againe this most odious comparison , and propose it a fresh in this saucy maner . r But O most gratefull Virgin , didst not thou something to God ? Didst not thou make him any recompence ? Truely ( if it be Lawfull to speake it ) thou in some respect didst greater things to God , than God himselfe did to thee and to all mankinde . I will therefore speake that , which thou out of thy humilitie hast past in silence . For thou onely didst sing : He that is mightie hath done to me great things . but I doe sing and say : that thou hast done greater things to him that is mightie . Neyther is that vision much better , which the s same author reciteth as shewed to S. Francis , or ( as t others would have it ) to his companion Fryar Lion ; touching the two ladders that reached from earth unto heaven . the one redd , upon which Christ leaned : from whence many fell backward , & could not ascend . the other white , upon which the holy Virgin leaned : the helpe whereof such as used , were by her received with a cheerefull countenance , and so with facilitie ascended into heaven . Neyther yet that sentence , which came first from Anselme , and was after him used by Ludolphus Saxo the Carthusian , and Chrysostomus à Visitatione the Cistercian Monke : that u more present reliefe is sometimes found by commemorating the name of Mary , then by calling upon the name of our Lord Iesus her onely Sonne . which one of x our Iesuites is so farre from being ashamed to defend , that he dareth to extend it further to the mediation of other Saints also : telling us very peremptorily , that as our Lord Iesus worketh greater miracles by his Saints then by himself · ( Iohn . 14.12 ) so often he sheweth the force of their intercession more then of his owne . All which I doe lay downe thus largely , not because I take any delight in rehearsing those things , which deserve rather to be buried in everlasting oblivion : but first , that the world may take notice , what kinde of monster is nourished in the Papacie under that strange name of Hyperdulia : the bare discoverie whereof , I am perswaded , will prevaile as much with a minde that is touched with anie zeale of Gods honour , as all other arguments and authorities whatsoever . secondly , that such unstable soules as looke backe unto Sodome , and have a lust to returne unto Egypt againe , may be advised to looke a little into this sinke , and consider with themselves whether the steame that ariseth from thence be not so noysome , that it is not to be indured by one that hath any sense left in him of pierie . and thirdly , that such as be established in the present truth , may be thankefull to God for this great mercie vouchsafed unto them , and mak● this still one part of their prayers . From all Romish Dulîa and Hyperdulîa , good Lord deliver us . OF IMAGES . WIth prayer to Saints our Challenger joyneth the use of holy Images : which what it hath beene and still is in the Church of Rome , seeing hee hath not beene pleased to declare unto us in particular , I hope he will give us leave to learne from others . a It is the doctrine then of the Romane Church , that the Images of Christ and the Saints should with pious Religion be worshipped by Christians : saith Zacharias Boverius the Spanish fryar , in his late Consultation directed to our most noble Prince Charles , b the Hope of the Church of England , and c the future felicitie of the World ; as even this Balaam himself doth style him . The representations of God , and of Christ , and of Angels , and of Saints , d are not onely painted that they may be shewed , as the Cherubims were of old in the Temple , but that they may be adored ; as the frequent use of the Church doth testifie : saith Cardinall Cajetan . So Thomas Arundell archbishop of Canterbury , in his Provinciall Councell helde at Oxford in the yeare 1408. established this Constitution following . * From henceforth let it be taught commonly and preached by all , that the Crosse and the Image of the Crucifixe and the rest of the Images of the Saints , in memorie and honour of them whom they figure , as also their places and Relickes , ought to be worshipped with processions , bendings of the knee , bowings of the bodie , incensings , kissings , offerings , lighting of candles , and pilgrimages ; together with all other maners and formes whatsoever , as hath beene accustomed to be done in our or our predecessors times . And in the Romane Catechisme set out by the appointment of the Councell of Trent , e the Parish priest is required to declare unto his parishioners , not onely that it is lawfull to have images in the Church , and to give honour and worship unto them , ( for asmuch as the honour which is done unto them , is referred unto the things which they represent ) but also that this hath still beene done to the great good of the faithfull . and that f the Images of the Saints are put in Churches , aswell that they may be worshipped , as that we being admonished by their example , might conforme our selves unto their life and maners . Now for the maner of this worship , we are told by one of their Bishops ; that g it must not onely be confessed , that the faithfull in the Church doe adore before the Images ( as some peradventure would cautelously speake ) but also adore the Image it selfe , without what scruple you will : yea they doe reverence it with the same worship , wherewith they doe the thing that is represented thereby . Wherefore ( saith he ) if that ought to be adored with Latrîa ( or , divine worship ) this also is to bee adored with Latrîa ; if with Dulîa or Hyperdulîa , this likewise is to be adored with the same kinde of worship . And so we see that Thomas Aquinas doth directly conclude ; that h the same reverence is to be given unto the Image of Christ and to Christ himselfe : and by consequence , seeing Christ is adored with the adoration of Latría ( or , divine worship ) that his image it to be adored with the adoration of Latrîa . Vpon which place of Thomas , Fryar Pedro de Cabrera , a great Master of Divinitie in Spaine , doth lay downe these conclusions . I. i It is simply and absolutely to be said , that holy Images are to be worshipped , in Churches & ●ut of Churches : and the contrary is an hereticall doctrine . for explication wherof he declareth , that by this worshipping he meaneth ; that signes of service and submission are to be exhibited unto Images , by embracing , lightes , oblation of incense , uncovering of the head , &c. and that this conclusion is a doctrine of faith collected out of the holy Scripture ; by which it appeareth , that things created yea although they be senselesse , so that they be consecrated unto God , are to be adored . II. k Images are truely and properly to be adored ; and out of an intention to adore themselves , and not onely the samplers that are represented in them . This conclusion ( which he maketh to be the common resolution of the Divines of that side ) he opposeth against Durand & his followers : who helde that Images are adored onely improperly , because they put men in minde of the persons represented by them ; who are then adored before the images , as if they had beene there really present . But this opinion he saith is censured by the latter Divines to be dangerous , rash , and savouring of heresie : yea and by Fr. Victoria to be plainely hereticall . For l if Images be adored only improperly , they are not to be adored simply & absolutely : which is a manifest heresie ; saith Cabrera . And m if Images were onely to be worshipped by way of rememoration and recordation , because they make us remember the samplers , which we doe so worship , as if they had beene then present : it would follow that all creatures should be adored with the same adoration , wherewith we worship God ; seeing all of them doe lead us unto the knowledge and remembrance of God , and God is present in all things . III. n The doctrine delivered by Thomas , that the Image and the sampler represented by it is to be worshipped with the same act of adoration ; is most true , most pious , and very consonant to the decrees of Faith. This he o saith is the doctrine not onely of Thomas , and of all his disciples , but also of all the old Schoole-men almost . and particularly he quoteth for it , Cajetan , Capreolus , Paludanus , Ferrariensis , Antonius , Soto , Alexander of Hales , Albertus Magnus , Bonaventura , Richardus de Mediavilla , Dionysius Carthusianus , Major , Masilius , Thomas Waldensis , Turrecremata , Angestus , Clichtoveus , Turrian and Vazquez . In a word ; p it is the constant judgement of Divines , ( saith Azorius the Iesuite ) that the Image is to be honoured and worshipped with the same honour and worship , wherewith that is worshipped whereof it is an image . Against this use , or rather horrible abuse of Images , to what purpose should we heape up anie testimonyes of holy Scripture ; if the words of the second commandement , uttered with Gods owne mouth with thundring and lightning upon mount Sinai , may not be heard ? Thou shalt not make to thy selfe any graven Image , nor the likenesse of any thing that is in heaven above , or in the earth beneath , or in the water under the earth : Thou shalt not bowe downe to them , nor worship them . Which thunderclap from heaven the guides of the Romish Church discerning to threaten sore that fearefull Idolatrie which daily they commit ; thought fit in wisedome , first to conceale the knowledge of this from the people , by excluding those words out of the Decalogue that went abroad for common use , under pretence ( forsooth ) of including it in the first Commandement : and then afterwards to put this conceite into mens heads , that this first commandement was so farre from condemning the veneration of Images , that it commanded the same , and condemned the contrarie neglect thereof . And therefore Laurence Vaux in his Catechisme , unto this Question ; Who breaketh the first Commandement of God by unreverence of God ? frameth this Answere . q They that doe not give due reverence to God , and his Saints , or to their Relickes and IMAGES . and Iacobus de Graffijs in his explication of the same Commandement specifieth the due reverence here required , more particularly . namely , r that we should reverence everie Image with the same worship that we doe him whose image it is . that is to say , that wee impart Latrîa ( or , divine worship ) to the Image of God ; or of Christ , or to the signe of the Crosse also , in asmuch as it bringeth the Passion of our Lord unto our minde : and that we use the adoration of Hyperdulîa at the Image of the holy Virgin , but of Dulìa at the Images of other Saints . And can there be found ( thinke you ) among men , a more desperate impudencie then this ? that not onely the practise of this wretched Idolatrie should be maintayned against the expresse commandement of almightie God ; but also that hee himselfe should be made the author and commander of it , even in that verie place where he doth so severely forbid it , and s reveale his wrath from heaven against the ungodlinesse and unrighteousnesse of men , which withhold the truth in unrighteousnesse . The miserable shiftes and silly evasions , whereby they labour to obscure the light of this truth , have beene detected by others to the full , and touched also in some part by my selfe in an t other place : where I have shewed out of Deuteronom . 4.15 , 16. and Rom. 1.23 . that the adoring of the verie true God himselfe in or by an Image , commeth within the compasse of that Idolatrie which the word of God condemneth . And to this truth doe the Fathers of the ancient Church give plentifull testimonie : in what great account soever our Challenger would have us thinke that the use of Images was with them . Indeed in so great account was the use of Images among them ; that in the ancientest and best times , Christians would by no meanes permit them to be brought into their Churches ; nay some of them would not so much as admit the art it selfe of making them : so jealous were they of the danger , and carefull of the prevention of the deceite , whereby the simple might anie way be drawne on to the adoring of them . u We are plainely forbidden , saith Clemens Alexandrinus , to exercise that deceitfull art . For the Prophet saith ; Thou shalt not make the likenesse of anie thing , eyther in the heaven or in the earth beneath . x Moses commandeth men , to make no Image , that should represent God by art . y For in truth an Image is a dead matter , formed by the hand of an artificer . But we have no sensible Image made of any sensible matter , but such an Image as is to be conceived with the understanding . So his scholler Origen , writing against Celsus the philosopher : z Who having his right wits ( saith he ) will not laugh at him , who after such great philosophicall discourses of God or Gods , doth looke on Images ; and eyther presenteth his prayer to them , or by the sight thereof offereth it to him who is conceived thereby , unto whom he imagineth that he ought to ascend from that which is seene and is but a signe or symbol of him ? And whereas Celsus had brought in that speech of Heraclîtus ; a They pray unto these Images , as if a man should enter into conference with his house : and demanded ; b Whether any man unlesse he were a verie childe , did thinke these things to be Gods , and not monuments and images of the Gods ? Origen replyeth , that c it is not a thing possible , that one should know God , and pray to Images : and that Christians d did not esteeme these to be divine Images , who used not to describe any figure of God who was invisible and without all bodily shape ; e nor could endure to worship God with anie such kinde of service as this was . In like maner , when the Gentiles demanded of the ancient Christians , f why they had no knowne Images ? Minutius Felix returneth them for answere againe . g What Image shall I make to God ; when man himselfe , if thou rightly judge , is Gods Image ? h These holy Images ( saith Lactantius ) which vaine men serve , want all sense ; because they are earth . Now who is there that understandeth not , that it is unfit for an upright creature to be bowed downe , that he may worship the earth ? which for this cause is put under our feete , that it may be troden upon , not worshiped by us . i Wherefore there is no doubt , that there is no religion , wheresoever there is an Image . For seeing Religion consisteth of divine things ; and nothing divine is to be found but in heavenly things : Images therefore are voyde of religion ; because nothing that is heavenly can be in that thing , which is made of earth . When k Adrian the Emperour had commanded that temples should be made in all cities without Images ; it was presently conceived , that he did prepare those temples for Christ : as Aelius Lampridius noteth in the life of Alexander Severus . which is an evident argument , that it was not the use of Christians in those dayes to have anie Images in their Churches . And for keeping of Pictures out of the Church , the Canon of the Eliberine or Illiberitane Councell ( helde in Spaine , about the time of Constantine the great ) is most plaine . l It is our minde , that pictures ought not to be in the Church ; lest that which is worshipped or adored , should be painted on walles . which hath so troubled the mindes of our latter Romanistes ; that Melchior Canus sticketh not to charge the Councell m not onely with imprudencie , but also with impiety , for making such a law as this , n The Gentiles ( saith S. Ambrose ) worship woode , because they thinke it to be the image of God : but the image of the invisible God is not in that which is seene , but in that which is not seene . o God would not have himselfe worshipped in stones : saith the same Father in another place . and , p The Church knoweth no vain ideaes and diverse figures of Images ; but knoweth the true substance of the Trinitie . So S. Hierome : q We worship one Image , which is the image of the invisible and omnipotent God. and S. Augustine : r In the first commandement , any similitude of God in the figments of men is forbidden to be worshipped . not because God hath not an image ; but because no image of him ought to be worshipped , but that which is the same thing that he is , ( Coloss. 1.15 . Hebr. 1.3 . ) nor yet that for him , but with him . As for the representing of God in the similitude of a man : he resolveth , that s it is utterly unlawfull to erect any such image to God in a Christian Church . and touching the danger of Images in generall , and the practise of the Church in this matter , thus he writteth . t The Gentiles worship that , which they themselves have made of Gold and silver . But even vve also have diverse instruments and vessels of the same matter or metall , for the use of celebrating the sacraments : which being consecrated by this very ministerie are called holy , in honour of him who for our salvation is served thereby . And these instruments and vessels also , what are they else but the worke of mens hands . Yet have these any mouth , and will not speake ? have they eyes , and will not see ? Doe we supplicate unto these , because by these wee supplicate unto God ? That is the greatest cause of this madd impietie , that the forme like unto one living which maketh it to be supplicated unto , doth more prevaile in the affections of miserable men ; than that it is manifest it doth not live at all , that it ought to be contemned by him who is indeed living . For Images prevayle more to bowe downe the unhappy soule , in that they have a mouth , they have eyes , they have eares , they have nosthrillés , they have hands , they have feete ; than to correct it , that they will not speake , they will not see , they will not heare , they will not smell , they will not handle , they will not walke . Thus farre S. Augustine . The speech of Amphilochius Bishop of Iconium to this purpose is memorable : u We have no care to figure by colours the bodily visages of the Saints in tables , because we have no need of such things ; but by virtue to imitate their conversation . but the fact of Epiphanius , rending the vayle that hung in the Church of Anablatha , is much more memorable : which he himselfe in his epistle to Iohn Bishop of Ierusalem ( translated by S. Hierome out of Greeke into Latin ) doth thus recount . x I found there a vayle hanging at the doore of the Church dyed and painted , and having the image as it were of Christ or some Saint : for I doe not well remember , whose image it was . When therefore I saw this ; that contrarie to the authoritie of the Scriptures the image of a man was hanged up in the Church of Christ : I cut it , and gave counsell to the keepers of the place , that they should rather wrappe and burie some poore dead man in it . and afterwards he intreateth the Bishop of Ierusalem ( under whose government this Church was ) y to give charge hereafter , that such vayles as these which are repugnant to our religion , should not be hanged up in the Church of Christ. Which agreeth verie well with the sentence attributed to the same Father in the Councell of Constantinople : z Have this in minde beloved sonnes , not to bring Images into the Church , nor into the Coemiteries of the Saints , no not into an ordinarie house : but alwayes carie about the remembrance of God in your hearts . For it is not lawfull for a Christian man to be caried in suspense by his eyes and the wandrings of his minde . and with his discourse against the heresie of the Collyridians , which made an Idol of the Virgin Mary ( as in the former question hath more largely beene declared . ) to which he opposeth himselfe in this maner . a How is not this course Idolatrous , and a Divelish practise ? For the Divell stealing alwayes into the minde of men under pretence of righteousnesse , deifying the mortall nature in the eyes of men , by varietie of artes framed Images like unto men . And they truely who are worshipped are dead , but their Images that never yet were alive ( for they cannot be sayd to be dead that never were alive ) they bring in to be worshipped , by a minde going awhoring from the one and onely God : as a common harlot , stirred with a wicked desire of promiscuous mixture , and rejecting the sobrietie of the lawfull marriage of one man. If it be inquired who they were that first brought in this use of Images into the Church : it may well be answered , that they were partly lewd Heretickes , partly simple Christians newly converted from Paganisme , the customes whereof they had not as yet so fully unlearned . Of the former kinde the Gnostique heretickes were the principall : who b had Images , some painted in colours , others framed of gold and silver and other matter ; which they sayd were the representations of Christ , made under Pontius Pilate , when he was conversant here among men . Whence Carpocrates , and Marcellina his disciple ( who brought this Idolatrous heresie first to Rome in the dayes of Pope Anicetus ) c having privily made Images of Iesus , and Paul , and Homer , and Pythagoras , did cense them , and worship them : as Epiphanius and Augustine doe report . To the latter that observation of Eusebius may be referred concerning the Image of Christ , thought to be erected by the woman that was cured of the bloudy issue . d It is no marvell ( saith he ) that those of the Heathen who of old were cured by our Saviour should doe such things : seeing we have seene the Images of his Apostles Paul and Peter , yea and of Christ himselfe , kept painted with colours , in tables : for that of old they have beene wont by a Heathenish custome thus to honour them whom they counted to be their Benefactors or Saviours . But by whomsoever they were first brought in , certaine it is that they proved a dangerous snare unto the simple people , who quickely went a whooring after them : contrarie to the doctrine which the Fathers & Doctors of the Church did deliver unto them . And therefore S. Augustine writing of the maners of the Catholicke Church against the Manichees , directly severeth the case of such men from the common cause , and approved practise of the Catholicke Church . e Doe not collect unto me ( saith he ) such professors of the name of Christ , as eyther know not or keepe not the force of their profession . Doe not bring in the companies of rude men , which eyther in the true religiō it selfe are superstitious , or so given unto their lusts that they have forgottē what they did promise unto God. Then for an instance of the first , he alledgeth that he himselfe did know many which were worshippers of graves and Pictures : and at last concludeth . Now this I advise you , that you cease to speake evill of the Catholicke Church , by upbrayding it with the maners of those men , whom shee her selfe condemneth , and seeketh everie day to correct as naughtie children . This also gave occasion to Serenus Bishop of Marsiles 200. yeares after , to breake downe the Images in his Church , when hee found them to be thus abused : which fact of his though Pope Gregory disliked , because he thought that Images might profitably be retayned as lay-mens bookes ; yet in this he commended his zeale , that he would by no meanes suffer them to be worshipped . f I certifie you ( saith he ) that it came of late to our hearing , that your brotherhood , seeing certaine worshippers of Images , did breake the said Church-images and threw them away . And surely we commended you that you had that zeale , that nothing made with hands should be worshipped : but yet we judge that you should not have broken those images . For painting is therefore used in Churches , that they which are unlearned , may yet by sight read those things upon the walles , which they cannot reade in bookes . Therefore your brotherhood ought , both to preserve the images , and to restraine the people from worshipping of them : that both the ignorant might have had , whence to gather the knowledge of the historie ; and the people might not sinne in worshipping the picture . There would be no end , if we should lay downe at large the fierce contentions that afterwards arose in the Church touching this matter of Images : the Greeke Emperours , Leo Isaurus , Constantinus Caballinus , Nicephorus , Stauratius , Leo Armenus , Michael Balbus , Theophilus , and others , opposing them in the East ; and on the other side , Gregory the second & third , Paul the first , Stephen the fourth , Adrian the first and second , Leo the third , Nicholas the first , & other Popes of Rome as stiffely upholding them in the West . In a Councell of CCCXXXVIII . Bishops helde at Constantinople in the yeare of our Lord 754. they were solemnely condemned : in another Councell of CCCL . Bishops helde at Nice in the yeare 787. they were advanced againe , and the veneration of them as much commended . This base decree of the second Nicene Councell , touching the adoration of Images , although it were not by the hundreth part so grosse , as that which was afterwards invented by the Popish Schoolmen : yet was it reiected as repugnant to the doctrine of the Church of God ; by the Princes and Bishops of England first , about the yeare 792. and by Charles the great afterward , and the Bishops of Italy , France & Germany , which by his appointment were gathered together in the Councell of Frankford , the yeare of our Lord. 794. The foure bookes , which by his authoritie were published against that Nicene Synod , and the adoration of Images defended therein , are yet to be seene : as the Resolution also of the Doctors of France assembled at Paris by the command of his sonne Ludovicus Pius , in the yeare 824. and the booke of Agobardus Bishop of Lions concerning Pictures and Images , written about the same time ; the argument whereof is thus delivered by Papirius Massonus the setter out of it . g Detecting most manifestly the errors of the Grecians touching images and pictures , he denieth that they ought to be worshipped : which opinion all wee Catholickes doe allowe ; and follow the testimonie of Gregory the great concerning them . This passage , together with the larger view of h the contents of this Treatise following afterwards , the Spanish Inquisitors in their Index Expurgatorius commande to be blotted out : which wee finde to be accordingly performed by the Divines of Cullen , in their late corrupt edition of the i great Bibliothecke of the ancient Fathers . Gretser professeth , that he k extreamely vvondereth , that this judgement of the booke of Agobardus should proceed from a Catholicke man. For Agobardus ( saith he ) in that w●ole booke doth nothing else , but endevour to demonstrate ( although with a vaine labour ) that images are not to be worshipped . l And who be these Grecians , whose errors touching images Agobardus doth refell , as this Publisher saith ? Surely these Grecians are the Fathers of the Nicene Councell , who decreed that Images should be adored and worshipped . Against whom whosoever disputeth , doth mainely dissent from right beleevers . To which blinde censure of the Iesuite we may oppose , not onely the generall judgement of the ancient m Almaines his owne countriemen , who within these foure or five hundred yeares did flatly disclayme this Image-worship ( as by Nicetas Choniates is witnessed : ) but also the testimonie of the Divines and Historians of England , France , and Germanie touching the Nicene Councell in particular ; rejecting it as a n Pseudo-synode , because it concluded o that Images should be worshipped : which thing ( say our Chroniclers ) the Church of God doth utterly detest . And yet for all that , we have newes lately brought us from Rome : that p it is most certaine , and most assured , that the Christian Church , even the most Ancient , the Whole , and the Vniversall Church , did with wonderfull consent , without any opposition or contradiction , worship statues and images . Which if the cauterized conscience of a wretched Apostata would give him leave to utter : yet the extreame shamelessenesse of the assertion might have withhelde their wisedomes whom he sought to please thereby , from giving him leave to publish it . But it may be I seeke for shamefastnesse , in a place where it is not be founde : and therefore leaving them to their Images , like to like , ( for q they that make them are like unto them ; and so is every one that trusteth in them ) I proceede from this point unto that which followeth . OF FREE-VVILL . THat man hath Free-will , is not by us gainesayd : though wee dare not give him so large a freedome as the Iesuites presume to doe . Freedome of will wee knowe doth as essentially belong unto a man , as reason it selfe : and he that spoyleth him of that power , doth in effect make him a verie beast . For this is the difference betwixt reasonable and unreasonable creatures : as Damascen rightly noteth . The unreasonable are rather ledd by nature , then themselves leaders of it : and therefore doe they never contradict their naturall appetite , but as soone as they affect any thing , they rush to the prosecution of it . But man , being indued with reason , doth rather lead nature , then is ledd by it : and therefore being moved with appetite , if he will , he hath power to restraine his appetite , or to follow it . Hereby he is inabled to doe the things which he doth , neither by a brute instinct of nature not ye● by any compulsion , but by advise and deliberation : the Minde first taking into consideration the grounds and circumstances of each action , & freely debating on eyther side what in this case were best to be done or not done ; and then the Will inclining it selfe to put in execution the last and conclusive judgement of the practicall Vnderstanding . This libertie we acknowledge a man may exercise in all actions that are within his power to doe : whether they be lawfull , unlawfull , or indifferent ; whether done by the strength of nature or of grace . for even in doing the workes of grace , our free-will suspendeth not her action , but being moved and guided by grace , doeth that which is fit for her to doe : grace not taking away the libertie , which commeth by Gods creation , but the pravitie of the Will , which ariseth from Mans corruption . In a word , as we condemne b Agapius and the rest of that mad sect of the Manichees , for bringing in such a kinde of necessitie of sinning , whereby men were made to offend against their wils : so likewise with Polychronius and other men of understanding we defend , that c vertue is a voluntarie thing , and free from all necessitie ; and with the author of the bookes De vocatione Gentium ( attributed unto Prosper ) d we both beleeve and feele by experience that Grace is so powerfull , that yet we conceive it no way to be violent . But it is one thing to inquire of the nature , another to dispute of the strength and abilitie of Free-will . We say with Adamantius ( in the Dialogues collected out of Maximus against the Marcionites ) that e God made Angels and Men 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : hee indued them with freedome of Will , but not with abilitie to doe all things . And now since the fall of Adam wee say further , that freedome of Will remayneth still among men ; but the abilitie which once it had , to performe spirituall duties and things pertayning to salvation , is quite lost and extinguished . For f vvho is there of us ( saith S. Augustine ) which would say , that by the sinne of the first Man Free-will is utterly perished from mankinde ? Freedome indeed is perished by sinne : but that freedome which was in Paradise , of having full righteousnesse with immortalitie . for vvhich cause Mans nature standeth in neede of Gods grace , according to the saying of our Lord ; If the Sonne shall free you , then yee shall be free indeed : namely free to live well and righteously . For free-will is so farre from having perished in the sinner ; that by it they sinne , all they especially who sinne with delight , and for the love of sinne , that pleaseth them which liketh them . When we denie therefore that a naturall man hath any free-will unto good : by a naturall man , wee understand one that is without Christ , and destitute of his renewing grace ; by free-will , that which the Philosophers call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a thing that is in our owne power to doe ; and by good , a Theologicall not a Philosophicall good , bonū veré spirituale & salutare , a spirituall good and tending to salvation . This then is the difference which Gods word teacheth us to put , betwixt a regenerate & an unregenerate man. The one is g alive unto God , through Iesus Christ our Lord ; and so inabled to h yeelde himselfe unto God , as one that is alive from the dead , and his members as instruments of righteousnesse unto God : i having his fruite unto holinesse , and the end everlasting life . The other is a meere k stranger from the life of God , l dead in trespasses and sinnes ; and so no more able to lead a holy life acceptable unto God , then a dead man is to performe the actions of him which is alive . He may live indeed the life of a naturall and a morall man , and so exercise the freedome of his Will , not onely in naturall and civill , but also in morall actions , so farre as concerneth externall conformitie unto those notions of good and evill that remaine in his minde : ( in respect whereof the verie m Gentiles themselves which have not the Law , are said to doe by nature the things contayned in the Law : ) he may have such fruite , as not onely common honestie and civilitie , but common giftes of Gods spirit likewise will yeelde , and in regard thereof hee may obtaine of God temporall rewards appertayning to this transitorie life , and a lesser measure of punishment in the world to come : yet untill he be quickened with the life of grace , & n married to him who is raysed from the dead , he cannot bring forth fruite unto God , nor be accepted for one of his servants . This is the doctrine of our Saviour himselfe , Iohn . 15.4 , 5. As the branch cannot beare fruite of it selfe , except it abide in the vine ; no more can yee , except yee abide in me : I am the Vine , yee are the branches : He that abideth in me , and I in him , the same bringeth forth much fruite : for without me yee can doe NOTHING , that is , nothing truely good and acceptable unto God. This is the lesson that S. Paul doth everie where inculcate . o I know , that in me , that is in my flesh , dwelleth no good thing . p The naturall man perceiveth not the things of the spirit of God , for they are foolishnesse unto him : neyther can he understand them , because they are spiritually discerned . q Without faith it is impossible to please God. r Vnto them that are defiled and unbeleeving is nothing pure : but even their minde & conscience is defiled . Now seeing s the end of the commandement is charitie , out of a pure heart , and of a good conscience , and of faith unfained ; seeing the first beginning , from whence every good action should proceed , is a sanctified heart , the last end the seeking of Gods glorie , and faith working by love must intercurre betwixt both : the morall workes of the unregenerate fayling so fowly both in the beginning , middle and end , are to be accounted breaches rather of the Commandement then observances , depravations of good workes rather then performances . For howsoever these actions be in their owne kinde good and commanded of God , yet are they marred in the carriage , that which is bonum being not done bene : and so though in regard of their matter they may be accounted good , yet for the maner they must be esteemed vitious . The Pelagian heretickes were wont here to object unto our forefathers ( as the Romanistes doe now a daies unto us ) both the examples of the Heathen , t vvho being strangers from the faith , did notwithstanding ( as they said ) abound with vertues : and S. Pauls testimonie also concerning them , Rom. 2.14 , 15. by which they laboured to prove , u that even such as were strangers from the faith of Christ , might yet have true righteousnesse ; because that these , as the Apostle witnessed , naturally did the things of the Law. But will you heare how S. Augustine tooke up Iulian the Pelagian , for making this ob●ection ? x Herein hast thou expressed more evidently that doctrine of yours , wherein you are enemies unto the grace of God which is given by Iesus Christ our Lord , who taketh away the sinne of the world : bringing in a kinde of men , which may please God without the faith of Christ , by the law of nature . This is it , for which the Christiā Church doth most of all detest you : & again . y Be it farre from us to thinke , that true vertue should be in any one , unlesse he were righteous . And as farre , that one should be truly righteous , unlesse he did live by faith : for the just doth live by faith . Now which of them , that would have themselves accounted Christians , but the Pelagians alone , or even among them , perhaps thou thy selfe alone , would say that an infidell were righteous , would say that an ungodly man were righteous , would say that a man mancipated to the Devill were righteous ? although he were Fabricius , although hee were Fabius , although hee were Scipio , although he were Regulus . And whereas Iulian had further demanded : z If a Heathen man doe cloath the naked , because it is not of faith , is it therefore sinne ? Saint Augustine answereth absolutely , in as much as it is not of faith , it is sinne : not because the fact considered in it selfe , which is to cloath the naked , is a sinne ; but of such a worke not to glory in the Lord , none but an impious man will deny to be a sinne . For howsoever , a in it selfe , this naturall compassion be a good worke ; yet hee useth this good worke amisse , that useth it unbeleevingly , and doth this good work amisse , that doth it unbeleevingly : but who so doth any thing amisse , sinneth surely . From whence it is to be gathered , that even those good workes which unbeleevers doe , are not theirs , but his who maketh good use of evill men : but that the sinnes are theirs , whereby they doe good things amisse ; because they doe them not with a faithfull , but with an unfaithfull , that is , with a foolish and naughtie will. Which kinde of will no Christian doubteth to be an evill tree , which cannot bring forth but evill fruits , that is to say , sinnes only . For all that is not of faith , whether thou wilt or no , is sinne . This and much more to the same purpose , doth Saint Augustine urge against the Heretike Iulian : prosecuting at large that conclusion which hee layeth downe in his booke of the Acts of the Palestine Councell against Pelagius . b How much soever the works of unbeleevers be magnified , we know the sentence of the Apostle to be true and invincible ; Whatsoever is not of faith is sinne . Which maketh him also in his Retractations to correct himselfe , for saying in one place , c That the Philosophers shined with the light of vertue , who were not endued with true pietie . The like sentence doth Saint Hierome pronounce against those , d who not beleeving in Christ , did yet thinke themselves to be valiant and wise , temperate or just : that they might know that no man doth live without Christ , without whom all vertue is accounted vice . And Prosper against Cassianus , a Patron of the free-will of the Semipelagians : e It appeareth ( saith he ) most manifestly , that there dwelleth no vertue in the minds of the ungodly , but that all their workes be uncleane and polluted ; who have wisdome not spirituall , but animall , not heavenly but earthly , not Christian , but Diabolicall , not from the Father of light , but from the Prince of darknesse ; while by those very things which they should not have had but by Gods giving , they are made subject to him , who did first fall from God. f Neither ought we therefore to imagine , that the beginnings of vertues be in the treasures of nature , because many commendable things are found in the mindes of ungodly men , which doe proceed indeed from nature ; but because they haue departed from him that made nature , can not be accounted vertues . For that which is illuminated with the true light , is light ; and that which wanteth that light , is night : because the wisdome of this world is foolishnesse with God. And so that is vice , which is thought to be vertue : as that is foolishnesse , which is thought to be wisdome . Hitherto also pertaineth that sentence , produced by him out of S. Augustines workes : g The whole life of unbeleevers is sinne ; and there is nothing good without the chiefest good . For where there is wanting the acknowledgement of the eternall and unchangeable truth , there is false vertue even in the best manners . Which he elegantly expresseth in verse , as well in his 81. Epigramme , as in his Poëme against the Pelagians , wherein of naturall wisdome he writeth thus : h Et licèt eximias studeat pollere per artes , Ingeniumque bonum generosis moribus ornet : Coeca tamen finem ad mortis per deuia currit , Nec vitae aeternae veros acquirere fructus De falsâ virtute potest ; unamque decoris Occidui speciem mortali perdit in aevo . Omne etenim probitatis opus , nisi semine verae Exoritur fidei , peccatum est , inque reatum Vertitur , & sterilis cumulat sibi gloria poenam . The Author of the booke De Vocatione Gentium ( by some wrongly attributed to S. Ambrose , to Prosper by others ) delivereth the same doctrine in these words : i Although there have beene some who by their naturall understanding have endevoured to resist vices ; yet have they only barrenly adorned this temporall life , but not profited at all unto true vertues and everlasting blisse . For without the worship of the true God , even that which seemeth to be vertue is sinne : neither can any man please God , without God. And he that doth not please God , whom doth hee please but himselfe and the Devill ? By whom when man was spoiled , he was deprived not of his will , but of the sanitie of his will. k Therefore if God doe not worke in us , we can be partakers of no vertue . For without this good , there is nothing good ; without this light , there is nothing lightsome ; without this wisdome , there is nothing sound ; without this righteousnesse , there is nothing right . So Fulgentius , in his booke of the Incarnation and Grace of Christ. l If unto some who did know God , and yet did not glorifie him as God , that knowledge did profit nothing unto salvation : how could they be just with God , which doe so keepe some goodnesse in their manners and workes , that yet they referre it not unto the end of Christian faith and charitie ? In whom there may be indeed some good things that appertaine to the equitie of humane societie : but because they are not done by the love of God , profit they cannot . And Maxentius in the Confessio● of his Faith : m We beleeve that naturall Free-will hath abilitie to nothing else , but to discerne and desire carnall or secular things only ; which not with God , but with m●n peradventure may seeme glorious : but for the things that pertaine to everlasting life , that it can neither thinke , nor will , nor desire , nor effect , but by the infusion and inward operation of the Holy Ghost . and Cassiodorus , in his exposition of the Psalmes . n On the evill part indeed there is an execrable freedome of the will , that the sinner may forsake his Creator , and convert himselfe to wicked vices : but on the good part , by Adams sinning , we have lost free-will , unto which otherwise than by the grace of Christ we cannot returne : according to the saying of the Apostle ; It is God which worketh in you , both to will and to doe , of his good pleasure . ( Philip. 2.13 . ) The first presumptuous advancer of free-will , contrary to the doctrine anciently received in the Church , is by Vicentius Lirinensis noted to be Pelagius the hereticke . For o who ever ( saith he ) before that profane Pelagius , presumed the vertue of free-will to be so great ; that he did not thinke the grace of God to be necessarie for the helping of it in good things at every act ? For maintaining of which ungodly opinion , both he and his disciple Celestius were condemned by the censure of the CCXLIII . Bishops assembled in the great Councell of Carthage ( anno Dom. 418. ) p untill they should acknowledge by a most open confession , that by the grace of God through Iesus Christ our Lord , we are holpen not onely to know but also to doe righteousnesse at every act : so that without it we can have , thinke , say , doe , nothing that belongeth to true and holy piety . Wherewith Pelagius being pressed , stucke not to make this profession : q Anathema to him , who either thinketh or saith , that the grace of God , whereby Christ came into this world to save sinners , is not necessarie , not onely at every houre or every moment , but also at every act of ours : and they who goe about to take away this , are worthy to suffer everlasting punishment . Foure bookes also did he publish in defence of Free-will ; to which he thus referreth his adversaries , for further satisfaction in this matter : r Let them reade the late worke , which we were forced to set out the other day for Free-will ; and they shall perceive how uniustly they goe about to defame us with the deniall of Grace , who thorowout the whole context almost of that worke doe perfectly and entirely confesse both Free-will and Grace . Yet for all this he did but equivocate in the name of Grace : s under an ambiguous generalitie hiding what he thought , but by the tearme of Grace breaking the envie , and declining the offence which might be taken at his doctrine , as S. Augustine well observeth . For , by Grace , he did not understand , as the Church did in this question , the infusion of a new qualitie of holinesse into the soule , whereby it was regenerated , and the will of evill made good : but first , t the possibilitie of nature , that is to say , the naturall freedome of will which every one hath received from God by vertue of the first creation . Against which S. Augustine thus opposeth himselfe : u Why is there so much presumed of the possibilitie of nature ? It is wounded , it is maimed , it is vexed , it is lost . It hath need of a true confession , not of a false defence . And Prosper , speaking of the state of mans free-will after Adams fall ; — x hinc arbitrium per devia lapsum Claudicat , & caecis conatibus inque ligatis Motus inest , non error abest . manet ergo voluntas Semper amans aliquid quò se ferat ; & labyrintho Fallitur , ambages dubiarum ingressa viarum . Vana cupit , vanis tumet & timet : omnimodaque Mobilitate ruens , in vulnera vulnere surgit . Secondly , by grace he understood the grace of doctrine and instruction , whereby the minde was informed in the truth out of the word of God. Which by Prosper is thus objected to his followers : — y aliud non est vobiscum gratia , quàm lex , Quamque Propheta monens , & quàm doctrina ministri . Unto whom S. Augustine therefore saith well : z Let them reade and understand , let them behold and confesse , that not by the law and doctrine sounding outwardly , but by an inward and hidden , by a wonderfull and unspeakable power , God doth worke in the hearts of men , not only true revelations , but good wills also . And thereupon the African Fathers in the Councell of Carthage , enacted this Canon . a Whosoever shall say , that the grace of God by Iesus Christ our Lord , doth for this cause only helpe us not to sinne , because by it the understanding of the commandements is revealed and opened unto us , that we may know what we ought to affect , what to shunne ; & that by it there is not wrought in us , that we may also love and be inabled to doe that , which we know should be done ; let him be anathema . Thirdly , under this grace he comprehended not only the externall revelation by the word , but also the b internall by the illumination of Gods Spirit . Whereupon he thus riseth up against his adversarie . c We confesse that this grace is , not ( as thou thinkest ) in the Law only , but in the helpe of God also . For God doth helpe us by his doctrine and revelation , whilest he openeth the eyes of our hearts ; whilest he sheweth us things to come , that we be not holden with things present ; whilest he discovereth the snares of the Devill ; whilest he enlightneth us with the manifold and unspeakable gift of his heavenly grace . He that saith these things , doth he seeme unto thee to denie grace ? or doth he confesse , both the free-will of man , and the grace of God too ? And yet in all this ( as S. Augustine rightly noteth ) d he doth but confesse that grace , whereby God doth shew and reveale what we ought to doe ; not that , whereby he doth grant and helpe that we may doe . And therefore , e in other places of his writings he plainly affirmeth , that our very prayers are to be used for nothing but this , that the doctrine may be opened unto us by divine revelation ; not that the minde of man may be holpen , that he may also accomplish by love and action that which he hath learned should be done . Fourthly , to these he further added the grace of remission of sins . For the Pelagians said , f that mans nature which was made with free-will , might be sufficient to enable us , that we might not sinne , and that we might fulfill righteousnesse : and that this is the grace of God , that we were so made that we might doe this by our will , and that he hath given us the helpe of his law and commandements , and that he doth pardon the sinnes past to those that are converted unto him : that in these things only the grace of God was to be acknowledged , and not in the helpe given unto all our singular actions . And so they g said , that that grace of God which is given by the faith of Iesus Christ , which is neither law nor nature , is effectuall only to his , that sinnes past may be remitted , not that sinnes to come may be avoided , or when they make resistance may be vanquished . Whereupon S. Augustine thus encountreth Iulian the Pelagian hereticke . h Thou ( according to your custome , which descendeth from your error ) dost not acknowledge grace , but in the remission of sinnes ; that now from henceforth a man himselfe by his free-will may make himselfe righteous . But so saith not the Church , which all cryeth that which it hath learned from a good master : Lead us not into temptation . Lastly , this was the common doctrine of the i Pelagians , and accounted to be one of the principall k blasphemies of that sect : that they held the grace of God to be given according to mens merits . Which was l so abhorring from the Catholicke doctrine , and opposite to the grace of Christ , that when it was objected to Pelagius in the Diospolitan Synod , held in Palaestina by the Bishops of the East , he durst not avow it ; but was forced to accurse it , lest otherwise he should have beene accursed himselfe . But that he deceitfully cursed it , the books wri●ten by him afterwards doe shew ; wherein he defendeth nothing else , but that the grace of God is given according to our merits . which Prosper treading in S. Augustines steps , doth thus expresse : m Objectum est aliud ; ipsum dixisse magistrum Quòd meritis hominum tribuatur gratia Christi , Quantum quisque Dei donis se fecerit aptum . Sed nimis adversum hoc fidei , nimiumque repugnans Esse videns , dixit se non ita credere , & illos Damnari dignos quorum mens ista teneret . Quo cernis , cum Iudicibus damnantibus ista Consensisse reum : nec quenquam haec posse tueri . Quae tamen ipse suis rursum excoluisse libellis Detegitur , reprobum in sensum fallendo reversus . And in this also did the Pelagians betake themselves unto their old coverts of the grace of nature , the grace of mercy in forgiving of sinnes , the grace of instruction and revelation , and such other shifts . For n when it is demanded of them ( saith S. Augustine ) what grace Pelagius did thinke was given without any precedent merits : when he anathematized those , who say that the grace of God is given according to our merits : they answer , that the grace which is without any precedent merits , is the humane nature it selfe wherein we are created . forasmuch as before we were , we could not deserve any thing , that we might be . Then afterward perceiving what an idle thing it was to confound grace and nature thus together ; o they said , that the only grace which was not according to our merits , was that whereby a man had his sinnes forgiven him . for they did not thinke , that a sinner could rightly be said to merit any thing save Gods displeasure . But that at which they all aymed in generall was this , p that Grace was only a kinde of Mistresse to Free-will ; and that by exhortations , by the law , by doctrine , by the creatures , by contemplation , by miracles , and by terrors outwardly , it shewed it selfe to the judgement thereof : whereby every man according to the motion of his will , if he did seeke , might finde ; if he did aske , might receive ; if he did knocke , might enter in . And thus ( saith Pelagius ) doth God q worke in us to will that which is good , to will that which is holy ; whilest finding us given to earthly lusts , and like bruit beasts affecting only present things , he inflameth us with the greatnesse of the glory to come , and with promise of rewards ; whilest by the revelation of his wisdome he raiseth up our stupified will to the desire of God ; whilest he perswadeth us to all that good is . To this instructing and perswading grace doth Pelagius attribute the exciting of the Will : but the converting of it unto God ( which followeth afterward ) hee ascribeth wholly to the freedome of the will it selfe . r He that runneth unto God , ( saith he ) and desireth to be ruled by God , hanging his will upon Gods wil ; he who by adhering unto him continually , is made , according to the Apostle , one spirit with him : doth not this but out of the freedome of his will. Which freedome who so useth aright , doth so commit himselfe wholly to God , and mortifieth all his owne will , that he may say with the Apostle ; I live now , yet not I , but Christ liveth in me : and doth put his heart into Gods hand , that God may incline it whither it shall please him . Here have you the full platforme laid downe of Pelagius his doctrine touching the conversion of a sinner . First , he supposeth a possibilitie in nature ; whereby a man may will and doe good . secondly , a corruption in act ; whereby a man doth will and doe the contrary . thirdly , an exciting grace from God ; whereby the minde is inlightned , and the will perswaded ( upon consideration of the promises and threats propounded ) to forsake that lewd course of life , and to will and doe the things that are good and holy . fourthly , an act of the free-will , thus prepared by Gods exciting grace : whereby a man ( without any further helpe from God ) doth voluntarily yeeld unto these good motions ; and so runneth unto God , desireth to be ruled by him , hangeth his will upon Gods will , and by adhering unto him is made one spirit with him . fifthly , an assisting grace ; whereby God guideth the will thus converted , and inclineth the heart whither it pleaseth him . We see three kindes of Grace here commended unto us by Pelagius . the first , a naturall grace ( as he fondly tearmed it ) bringing with it a bare possibilitie only to will and doe good : which he said was not given according to merits , because he held it to be given at the very beginning of mans being , before which he could not possibly merit any thing . the second , an ex●iting or perswading grace , imparted unto such as were given to earthly lusts , and like bruit beasts affected only present things ; who being in that case , were far from meriting any good thing at Gods hands : and in that regard he affirmed , that this grace likewise was given without any respect to precedent merits . the third , an assisting grace , by which God doth guide and incline the heart of the converted sinner , to the doing of all good : and this he maintained to be given as a reward to that act of the free-will , whereby it yeelded to the perswasions of the former exciting grace , and so did actually convert it selfe to God. Now this is s the presumption which S. Augustine condemneth so much in these men ; that they durst say : We worke to merit that God may worke with us . that they t would first give to God , that it might be recompensed to them againe : namely , they first give somewhat out of their free-will , that grace might be rendred to them againe for a reward . that they were of opinion ; u that our merit consisted in this , that we were with God , and that his grace was given according to this merit , that he should also be with us : that our merit should be in this , that we doe seeke him ; and according to this merit his grace was given that we should finde him . For they that followed Pelagius , ( refining herein a little the doctrine of their Master , and delivering it in somewhat a more plausible manner ) declared that x the merits which they held to goe before grace and to procure grace , were , asking , seeking , and knocking : and that y grace was given , not according to the merit of our good workes , ( which they did acknowledge to be an effect , and not a cause of this grace ) but of our good will only . because ( said they ) the good will of man praying went before , and the will of man beleeving went before that : that according to these merits the grace of God hearing might follow after . And all this they did under colour of maintaining free-will against the Manichees : for which they urged much that testimony of the Prophet , Esa. 1.19 , 20. If yee be willing and hearken unto me , yee shall eat the good things of the land : but if yee refuse and will not hearken unto me , the sword shall consume them . But z what doth this profit them ? ( saith S. Augustine ) seeing they doe not so much defend free-will against the Manichees , as extoll it against the Catholickes . For so would they have that understood which is said ; If yee be willing and hearken unto me : as if in that very precedent will there should be the meriting of the subsequent grace ; and so grace should be now no grace , which is no gratuitie , when it is rendred as due . But if they would so understand that which is said , If yee be willing ; that they would also confesse that he doth prepare that good will , of whom it is written , The will is prepared by the Lord : they should use this testimonie like Catholickes ; and not only vanquish the old heresie of the Manichees , but also crush the new of the Pelagians . Beside the professed Pelagians , who directly did denie Originall sinne ; there arose others in the Church in S. Augustines daies , that were tainted not a little with their errors in this point of Grace and Free-will ; as namely one Vitalis in Carthage , and the Semi-pelagians ( as they are commonly called ) in France . For the first held , that a God did worke in us to will by his Scriptures either read or heard by us : but that to consent unto them or not consent is so in our power , that if we will it may be done , if we will not , we may make the operation of God to be of no force in us . For God doth worke ( said he ) as much as in him is that we may will , when his word is made knowne unto us : but if we will not yeeld unto it , we make that his operation shall have no profit in us . Against him S. Augustine disputeth largely in his 107. Epistle ; where he maketh ●his to be the state of the question betwixt them ; b Whether Grace doth goe before or follow after the Will of man , that is to say , ( as he further explaineth it ) Whether it be therefore given us , because we will ; or by it God doth worke even this also , that we doe will. The worthy Doctor maintaineth that Grace goeth before , and worketh the will unto good : which he strongly proveth , both by the word of God and by the continuall practise of the Church , in her prayers and thanksgivings for the conversion of unbeleevers . c For if thou dost confesse ( saith he ) that we are to pray for them , surely thou dost pray that they may consent to the doctrine of God , with their will freed from the power of darknesse . And thus it will come to passe , that neither men shall be made to be beleevers but by their free-will ; and yet shall be made beleevers by his grace , who hath freed their will from the power of darknesse . Thus both Gods grace is not denied , but is shewed to be true without any humane merits going before it : and free-will is so defended , that it is made solide with humilitie , and not throwne downe headlong by being lifted up ; that he that rejoyceth , may not rejoyce in man , either any other or yet himselfe , but in the Lord. and againe : d How doth God expect the wills of men that they should prevent him , to whom he might give grace : when we doe give him thanks not undeservedly in the behalfe of them , whom not beleeving , and persecuting his doctrine with an ungodly will , he hath prevented with his mercy , and with a most omnipotent facilitie converted them unto himselfe , and made them willing of unwilling ? Why doe we give him thanks for this , if he himselfe did not this ? e Questionlesse we doe not pray to God , but faine that we doe pray , if we beleeve that not he , but our selves be the doers of that which we pray for . Questionlesse we doe not give thanks to God , but faine that we give thanks ; if we doe not thinke that he doth the thing , for which we give him thanks . If deceitfull lips be found in any other speeches of men , at leastwise let them not be found in prayers . Farre be it from us , that what we doe beseech God to doe with our mouthes and voices , we should denie that he doth it in our hearts : and , which is more grievous , to the deceiving of others also , not conceale the same in our disputations ; and whilest we will needs defend free-will before men , we should leese the helpe of prayer with God , and not have true giving of thanks , whilest we doe not acknowledge true grace . If we will truly defende free-will , let us not oppugne that by which it is made free . For who so oppugneth grace , whereby our will is made free to decline from evill and to doe good ; he will have his will to be still captive . Thus doth S. Augustine deale with Vitalis : to whom he saith , f I doe not beleeve indeed that thou art a Pelagian hereticke ; but so I would have thee to be , that no part of that error may passe unto thee , or be left in thee . The doctrine of the Semi-pelagians in France is related by Prosper Aquitanicus and Hilarius Arelatensis , in their severall epistles written to S. Augustine of this argument . g They doe agree ( saith Hilarius ) that all men were lost in Adam , and that from thence no man by his proper will can be freed : but this they say is agreeable to the truth , or answerable to the preaching of the word ; that when the meanes of obtaining salvation is declared to such as are cast downe and would never rise againe by their owne strength , they by that merit , whereby they doe will and beleeve that they can be healed from their disease , may obtaine both the increase of that faith , and the effecting of their whole health . And h that grace is not denied , when such a will as this is said to goe before it , which seeketh only a Physitian , but is not of it selfe otherwise able to doe any thing . For as touching that place , As he hath distributed to every one the measure of faith ; and other like testimonies : they would have them make for this , that he should be holpen that hath begun to will ; but not that this also should be given unto him , that he might will. Prosper in his Pöems doth thus deliver it . i Gratia quâ Christi populus sumus , hoc cohibetur Limite vobiscum , & formam hanc asseribitis illi : Ut cunctos vocet illa quidem , invitetque nec ullum Praeteriens , studeat communem adferre salutem Omnibus , & totum peccato absolvere mundum . Sed proprio quemque arbitrio parere vocanti , Iudicioque suo , motâ se extendere mente Ad lucem oblatam ; quae se non subtrahat ulli , Sed cupidos recti iuvet , illustretque volentes . Hinc adjutoris Domini bonitate magistrâ Crescere virtutum studia ; ut quod quisque petendum Mandatis didicit , jugi sectetur amore . Esse autem edoctis istam communiter aequam Libertatem animis , ut cursum explere beatum Persistendo queant : finem effectumque petitum Dante Deo , ingenijs qui nunquam desit honestis . Sed quia non idem est cunctis vigor , & variarum Illecebris rerum trahitur dispersa voluntas : Sponte aliquos vitijs succumbere , qui potuissent A lapsu re vocare pedem , stabilesque manere . Against these opinions , S. Augustine wrote his two bookes , of the Predestination of the Saints , and of the gift of Perseverance : in the former whereof he hath this memorable passage among divers others . k Many heare the word of truth ; but some doe beleeve , others doe contradict . Therefore these have a will to beleeve , the others have not . Who is ignorant of this ? who would denie it ? But seeing the will is to some prepared by the Lord , to others not , we are to discerne what doth proceed from his mercy , and what from his iudgement . That which Israël did seeke ( saith the Apostle ) he obtained not : but the election hath obtained it , and the rest were blinded , ( Rom. 11.7 . ) Behold mercy and judgement ; mercy in the election which hath obtained the righteousnesse of God , but judgement upon the rest that were blinded : and yet the one because they would , did beleeve ; the others because they would not , did not beleeve . Mercy therefore and judgement were executed even upon the wills themselves . Against the same opinions divers treatises were published by Prosper also ; who chargeth these men with l nourishing the poyson of the Pelagian pravitie , by their positions : inasmuch as 1. the beginning of salvation is naughtily placed in man by them . 2. the will of man is impiously preferred before the will of God : as if therefore one should be holpen because he did will , and did not therefore will because he was holpen . 3. a man originally evill is naughtily beleeved to begin his receiving of good , not from the highest good , but from himselfe . 4. it is thought that God may otherwise be pleased , than out of that which he himselfe hath bestowed . But he maintaineth constantly , that both the beginning and ending of a mans conversion is wholly to be ascribed unto grace : and that God effecteth this grace in us , not by way of counsell and perswasion only , but by an inward change and reformation of the minde ; making up a new vessell of a broken one , by a creating vertue . m Non hoc consilio tantùm hortatuque benigno Suadens atque docens , quasi normam legis haberet Gratia : sed mutans intus mentem , atque reformans , Vasque novum ex fracto fingens , virtute creandi . The Writers of principal esteeme on the other side , were n Iohannes Cassianus , and Faustus Regiensis or Reiensis : the former of which was encountred by Prosper ( in his booke Contra Collatorem ) the latter by Fulgentius , Ioh. Maxentius , Facundus , Caesarius , Iohannes Antiochenus : as also by Gelasius and his Romane Synod of LXX . Bishops , the writings of them both were rejected amongst the bookes Apocryphall . And lastly by the joint authoritie both of the See of Rome , and of the French Bishops assembled in the second Councell of Orange , in the yeare of our Lord DXXIX . sentence was giuen against the Pelagians and Semi-Pelagians in generall , that their opinions touching Grace and Free-will , were not agreeable to the rule of the Catholike faith : and these conclusions following , among sundrie others , determined in particular . o If any doth say , that by mans prayer the grace of God may be conferred ; and that it is not grace it selfe which maketh , that God is prayed unto by us : he contradicteth the Prophet Esay , or the Apostle saying the same thing ; I was found of them that sought me not , and have beene made manifest to them that asked not after me , ( Esai . 65.1 . Rom. 10.20 . ) p If any man defend , that God doth expect our will , that we may be purged from sinne ; and doth not confesse , that this will of ours to be purged , is wrought in us by the infusion and operation of the holy Ghost : he resisteth the holy Ghost , saying by Salomon ; The will is prepared by the Lord , ( Prov. 8.35 . according to the LXX . ) and the Apostle preaching wholesomely ; It is God which worketh in you , both to will and to doe , of his good pleasure : ( Phil. 2.13 . ) q If any man say , that to us , without grace , beleeving , willing , desiring , endevouring , labouring , watching , studying , asking , seeking , knocking , mercie is conferred by God ; and doth not confesse , that it is wrought in us by the infusion and inspiration of the holy Ghost , that we may beleeve , will , or doe all these things as we ought ; and doth make the helpe of grace to follow after mans either humilitie or obedience , neither doth yeeld that it is the gift of grace it selfe , that we are obedient and humble : he resisteth the Apostle , saying ; What hast thou , that thou hast not received ? ( 1 Cor. 4.7 . ) and , By the grace of God I am that I am , ( 1 Cor. 15.10 . ) r It is of Gods gift , both when we doe thinke aright , and when we hold our feet from falshood and unrighteousnesse . For as oft as we doe good things , God worketh in us , and with us , that we may worke . s There are many good things done in man , which man doth not . But man doth no good things , which God doth not make man to doe . t This also doe we wholesomely professe and beleeve , that in every good worke we doe not beginne , and are holpen afterwards by the mercie of God ; but hee first of all , no good merits of ours going before , inspireth into us both faith and the love of him : that we may both faithfully seeke the Sacrament of Baptisme , and after Baptisme with his helpe , we way fulfill the things that are pleasing unto him . Touching which last Canon we may note : First for the reading , that in the Tomes of the Councels set out by Binius , it is most notoriously corrupted . For where the Councell hath , Nullis praecedentibus bonis meritis , No good merits going before ; there wee reade , u Multis praecedentibus bonis meritis , Many good merits going before . Secondly , for the meaning , that x the Fathers understand grace to be given according to merits ; when any thing is done by our owne strength , in respect whereof grace is given , although it be no merit of condignitie : as both Bellarmine him selfe doth acknowledge in the explication of the determination of the Palaestine Synod against Pelagius ; and in the case of the Semi-Pelagians , as it is delivered by Cassianus , is most evident . For y the grace of God ( saith he ) doth alwaies so cooperate to the good part with our Free-will , and in all things helpe , protect and defend it , that sometime it either requireth , or expecteth from it some endevours of a good will ; that it may not seeme to conferre its gifts upon one that is altogether sleeping , and given to sluggish idlenesse : seeking occasions after a sort , whereby the dulnesse of humane slothfulnesse being shaken off , the bargenesse of its bountie may not seeme to be unreasonable , while it imparteth the same under the colour of a kinde of desire and labour . Yet so notwithstanding that grace may alwaies continue to be gratious and free ; while to such kinde of small and little endevours , with an inestimable largesse it giveth so great glory of immortalitie , so great gifts of everlasting blisse . z Let humane frailtie therefore endevour as much as it will , it cannot be equall to the retribution that is to come ; neither by the labours thereof doth it so diminish Gods grace , that it doth not alwaies continue to be given freely . Where you may observe , from what fountaine the Schoole-men did derive their doctrine of workes preparatorie , meriting grace by way of congruitie , though not of condignitie . For Cassianus ( whom a Prosper chargeth , notwithst●nding all this qualifying of the matter , to be a maintainer in very deed of that damned point of Pelagianisme ; that the grace of God was given according to our merits ) Cassianus , I say , was a man that bare great sway in our Monasteries , where his writings were accounted as the Monkes generall Rules : and untill the other day , Faustus him selfe ( who of all others most cunningly opposed the doctrine of S. Augustine touching grace and free-will ) was accepted in the Popish Schooles for a reverend Doctor and a Catholike Bishop . Yea the workes of Pelagius himselfe were had in such account , that some of them ( as his Epistle ad Demetriadem for example , and his Exposition upon S. Pauls Epistles , which are fraught with his hereticall opinion● ) haue passed from hand to hand , as if they had beene written by S. Hierome ; and as such , have beene alledged against us by some of our Adversaries in this very question of Free-will . The lesse is it to be wondered , that three hundred yeares agoe in the mid-night of Popery , the profound Doctor Thomas Bradwardin ( then Chancellor of London , and afterwards Archbishop of Canterbury ) should beginne his Disputations , Of the cause of God against Pelagius with this lamentable complaint . b Behold , ( I speake it , with griefe of heart touched inwardly ) as in old time against one Prophet of God , there were found eight hundred and fiftie Prophets of Baal ; unto whom an innumerable company of people did adhere : s● at this day , in this cause , how many ( O Lord ) doe now fight with Pelagius for Free-will against thy free grace , and against Paul , the spirituall Champion of grace ? c For the whole world almost is gone after Pelagius into error . Arise therefore , O Lord , judge thine owne cause ; and him that defendeth thee , defend , protect , strengthen , comfort . To whose judgement I also now leave these d Vaine defenders , or ( as S. Augustine rightly censureth them ) deceivers , and puffers up , and presumptuous extollers of Free-will . OF MERITS . IN the last place we are told , that the Fathers of the unspotted Church of Rome did ●each , Tha● man for his meritorious workes receiveth , through the assistance of Gods grace , the blisse of everlasting happinesse . But our Challenger , I suppose , will hardly finde one Father either of the spotted or unspotted Church of Rome , that ever spake so babishly herein , as he maketh them all to doe . That man , by the assistance of Gods grace , may doe meritorious workes , we have read in divers Authors , and in divers meanings . But after these workes done , that a man should receive through the assistance of Gods grace the blisse of everlasting happinesse , is such a peece of gibbrish , as I doe not remember that before now I have ever met withall even in Babel it selfe . For with them that understand what they speake , assistance hath reference to the doing of the worke , not to the receiving of the reward : and simply to say , that a man for his meritorious workes ( taking merit here as the Romanists in this question would have it taken ) receiveth through Gods grace the blisse of everlasting happinesse ; is to speake flat contrarieties , and to conjoine those things , that cannot possibly be coupled together . For that conclusion of Bernard is most certaine : a There is no place for grace to enter , where merit hath taken possession . because it is grounded upon the Apostles determination , Rom. 11.6 . If it be of grace , it is no more of workes : or else were grace no more grace . Neither doe we therefore take away the reward , because we deny the merit of good workes . Wee know , that in the keeping of Gods Commandements there is great reward ; Psal. 19.11 . and that unto him who soweth righteousnesse , there shall be a sure reward ; Prov. 11.18 . But the question is , whence he that soweth in this manner , must expect to reape so great and so sure a harvest ? Whether from Gods justice ; which he must doe if hee stand as the Iesuites would have him doe upon merit : or from his mercie ; as a recompence freely bestowed out of Gods gracious bountie , and not in justice due for the worth of the worke performed . Which question , we thinke , the Prophet Hosea hath sufficiently resolved ; when he biddeth us sow to our selves in righteousnesse , and reape in MERCIE , Hose . 10.12 . Neither doe we hereby any whit detract from the truth of that axiome , That God will give every man acccording to his works : for still the question remaineth the very same ; whether God may not judge a man according to his workes , when he sitteth upon the throne of grace , as well as when he sitteth upon the throne of justice ? and wee thinke here , that the Prophet David hath fully cleared the case , in that one sentence , Psal. 62.12 . With thee , O Lord , is MERCY : for thou rewardest every one according to his worke . Originally therefore , and in it selfe , we hold that this reward proceedeth meerely from Gods free bountie and mercie : but accidentally , in regard that God hath tied himselfe by his word and promise to conferre such a reward , we grant that it now proveth in a sort to be an act of justice . even as in forgiving of our sins ( which in it selfe all men know to be an act of mercie ) he is said to be faithfull and just , 1 Ioh. 1.9 . namely , in regard of the faithfull performance of his promise . For promise , we see , amongst honest men is counted a due debt . but the thing promised being free , and on our part altogether undeserved , if the promiser did not performe , and proved not to be so good as his word ; he could not properly be said to doe me wrong , but rather to wrong himself , by impairing his own credit . And therfore Aquinas himselfe confesseth , b that God is not hereby simply made a debter to us , but to himselfe ; in as much as it is requisite that his owne ordinance should be fulfilled . Thus was Moses carefull to put the children of Israel in minde touching the Land of Canaan ( which was a type of our eternall habitation in Heaven ) that it was a Land of promise , and not of merit : which God did give them to possesse , not for their righteousnesse , or for their upright bea rt , but that he might performe the word which he sware unto their Fathers , Abraham , Izhak , and Iacob , ( Deut. 9.5 . ) Whereupon the Levites say , in their praier unto God , Nehem. 9.8 . Thou madest a covenant with Abraham , to give unto his seed the Land of the Canaanites ; and hast performed thy word , because thou art IUST . Now because the Lord had made a like promise of the Crowne of life to them that love him : ( Iam. 1.12 . ) therefore S. Paul doth not sticke in like manner to attribute this also to Gods justice . Henceforth ( saith he , 2 Tim. 4.8 . ) is laid up for me the crowne of righteousnesse , which the Lord , the righteous Iudge , shall give me at that day : and not to me only , but unto all them also that love his appearing . Upon which place , Bernard , in his booke of Grace and Free-will , saith most sweetly . c That therefore which Paul expecteth , is a crowne of righteousnesse , but of Gods righteousnesse , not his owne . For it is just that he should give what he oweth , and he oweth what he hath promised : and this is the right●●usnesse of God , of which the Apostle presumeth , the promise of God. But this will not content our Iesuites , unlesse wee yeeld unto them ; d that wee doe as properly and truly merit rewards , when with the grace of God we doe well , as we doe merit punishments , when without grace we do evill . So saith Maldonat . that is to say , unlesse we maintaine , e that the good workes of just persons doe merit eternall life condignely , not only by reason of Gods covenant and acceptation , but also by reason of the worke it selfe : so that in a good worke proceeding from grace , there may be a certaine proportion and equalitie unto the reward of eternall life . So saith Cardinall Bellarmine . For the further opening whereof , Vasquez taketh upon him to prove in order these three distinct Propositions . First , f that the good workes of just persons are of themselves , without any covenant and acceptation , worthy of the reward of eternall life ; and have an equall value of condignitie to the obtaining of eternall glorie . Secondly , g That no accession of dignitie doth come to the workes of the just by the merits or person of Christ ; which the same should not have otherwise , if they had beene done by the same grace bestowed liberally by God alone without Christ. Thirdly , h That Gods promise is annexed indeed to the workes of just men , yet it belongeth no way to the reason of the merit ; but commeth rather to the workes , which are alreadie not worthy only , but also meritorious . Unto all which hee addeth afterwards this Corollary . i Seeing the works of a just man doe condignely merit eternall life , as an equall recompence and reward : there is no need that any other condigne merit , such as is the merit of Christ , should come betweene , that eternall life might be rendred unto them . Yea the merit of every just man hath somewhat peculiar in respect of the just man himselfe , which the merit of Christ hath not : namely , to make the man himselfe just , and worthie of eternall life , that hee may worthily obtaine the same . But the merit of Christ , although it be most worthie to obtaine glory of God for us , yet it hath not this efficacy and vertue , to make us formally just , and worthy of eternall life : but men by vertue derived from him , attaine this effect in themselves . And so we never request of God by the merits of Christ , that the reward of eternall life may be given to our worthy and meritorious workes : but that by Christ grace may be given unto us , whereby we may be enabled worthily to merit this reward . In a word : k Our merits ( saith hee ) have this force in us , that they make us formally worthy of eternall life : the merits of Christ doe not make us worthy formally ; but Christ is worthy , in regard of them , to impetrate unto us whatsoever he requesteth for us . Thus doth Vasquez the Iesuite discover unto us to the full the mysterie of this iniquitie : with whom ( for the better information of the English Reader ) wee joine our Rhemists , who deliver this as their Catholike doctrine . l that all good workes done by Gods grace after the first justification , be truly and properly meritorious , and fully worthy of everlasting life : and that thereupon heaven is the due and just stipend , crowne , or recompence , which God by his justice oweth to the person so working by his grace . ( For he rendreth or repayeth heaven , say they , as a just Iudge , and not only as a mercifull giver : and the crowne which he payeth , is not only of mercy , or favour , or grace , but also of justice . ) And againe . m that mans workes done by Christs grace , doe condignely or worthily deserve eternall joy : so as n works can be none other but the value , desert , price , worth , and merit of the same . Whereupon they put us in minde , o that the word , Reward , which in our English tongue may signifie a voluntarie or bountifull gift , doth not here so well expresse the nature of the Latine word , Merces , or the Greeke 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : which are rather the very stipend that the hired work-man or journey-man covenanteth to have of him whose worke he-doth ; and is a thing equally and justly answering to the time and weight of his travels and workes , rather than a free gift . This is that doctrine of merits , which from our very hearts we detest and abhorre ; as utterly repugnant to the truth of God , and the common sense of all true-hearted Christians . The lesson which our Saviour taught his disciples , is farre different from this , Luk. 17.10 . When ye have done all those things which are commanded you , say : We are unprofitable servants ; we have done that which was our dutie to doe . And p if he be unprofitable ( saith S. Hierome ) who hath done all : what is to be said of him , who could not fulfill them ? So likewise the Romanes themselves might remember , that they were taught by S. Paul at the beginning : that there is no proportion of condignitie to be found betwixt not the actions only but the passions also of the Saints , and the reward that is reserved for us in the world to come . For I reckon , that the sufferings of this present time , are not worthy to be compared with the glory which shall be revealed in us : saith he , Rom. 8.18 . and Bernard thereupon : q Concerning the life eternall we know , that the sufferings of this time are not worthy to be compared with the future glory ; no , not if one man did sustaine them all . For the merits of men are not such , that for them eternall life should be due of right ; or God should doe any iniurie , if he did not give it . For , to let passe that all merits are Gods gifts , and in that respect a man is for them made a debter to God , more than God to man : what are all merits in comparison of so great a glory ? and S. Ambrose long before him : r All those things which we suffer , are too little and unworthy , fot the paines whereof there should be rendred unto us so great reward of good things to come , as shall be revealed in us , when being reformed according to the image of God we shall merit ( or obtaine ) to see his glory face to face . Where for the better understanding of the meaning of the Fathers in this point , we may further observe , that merits in their writings doe ordinarily signifie nothing but workes ( as in the alleaged place of Bernard : ) and s to merit , simply to procure or to attaine , without any relation at all to the dignitie either of the person or the worke ; as in the last words of Ambrose is plainly to be seene . And therefore as Tacitus writes of Agricola , that t by his vertues he merited ( that is to say , incurred ) the anger of Caius Caesar : so S. Augustine saith , that he and his fellowes for their good doings at the hands of the Donatists , u in stead of thanks merited ( that is , incurred ) the flames of hatred . On the other side the same Father affirmeth , that S. Paul x for his persecutions and blasphemies merited ( that is , found the grace ) to be named a vessell of election ; having reference to that in 1 Timoth. 1.13 . Who was before a blasphemer , and a persecuter , and injurious ; but I obtained mercy . where in stead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which the vulgar Latine translateth Misericordiam consecutus sum ; y S. Cyprian readeth , Misericordiam merui , I merited mercy . Whereunto we may adde that saying which is found also among the workes of S. Augustine : that z no sinner should despaire of himselfe , seeing Paul hath merited pardon . and that of Gregory : a Paul when he went about to extinguish the name of our Redeemer upon earth , merited to heare his words from heaven . as also that other straine of his concerning the sin of Adam ; which is sung in the Church of Rome at the blessing of the Taper : b O happy sinne , that merited ( that is , found the favour ) to have such and so great a Redeemer . Howsoever therefore the ancient Doctors may seeme unto those that are not well acquainted with their language , to speake of merits as the Romanists doe : yet have they nothing common with them but the bare word ; in the thing it selfe they differ as much from them every way , as our Church doth . c I can hardly be perswaded , saith Origen , that there can be any worke , which may require the reward of God by way of debt : seeing this very thing it selfe , that we can doe or thinke or speake any thing , we doe it by his gift and largesse . d Wages indeed , saith Saint Hilary , there is none of gift , because it is due by worke : but God hath given the same free to all men , by the justification of faith . e Whence should I have so great merit , seeing mercy is my Crowne ? saith S. Ambrose . and againe , f Which of us can subsist , without the mercy of God ? What can we doe worthy of the heavenly rewards ? Which of us doth so rise up in this bodie , that he doth elevate his minde , in such sort as he may continually adhere unto Christ ? By what merit of man is it granted , that this corruptible flesh should put on incorruption , and this mortall should put on immortality ? By what labours , or by what enduring of injuries , can we abate our sinnes ? The sufferings of this time are unworthy for the glory that is to come . Therefore the forme of heavenly decrees doth proceed with men , not according to our merits , but according to Gods mercy . S. Basil expounding those words of the Psalmist , Behold the eye of the Lord is upon them that feare him ; upon them that hope in his mercy , ( Psalm . 33.18 . ) saith , that he doth hope in his mercy , g who not trusting in his owne good deeds , nor looking to be iustified by workes , hath the hope of his salvation only in the mercies of God. and in his explication of those other words , Psalm . 116.7 . Returne unto thy rest , O my soule ; for the Lord hath dealt bountifully with thee . h Everlasting rest ( saith he ) is laid up for them that strive lawfully in this life ; not to be rendred according to the debt of workes , but exhibited by the grace of the bountifull God to them that trust in him . i If we consider our owne merits , we must despaire , saith S. Hierome . and , k When the day of judgement or death shall come , all hands will faile ; because no worke shall be found worthy of the justice of God. Macarius the Aegyptian Eremite in his 15. homily writeth thus . l Touching the gift which Christians shall inherit , this a man may rightly say ; that if any one from the time wherein Adam was created unto the very end of the world , did fight against Satan , and undergoe afflictions , he should doe no great matter in respect of the glory that he shall inherit . for he shall reigne together with Christ world without end . His 37. homily is in the Paris edition of the workes of m Marcus the Eremite set out as the Prooeme of his booke of Paradise and the spirituall law . There Macarius exhorteth us , that n beleeving in almighty God , we should with a simple heart and void of scrupulositie come unto him who bestoweth the communion of the spirit according to faith , and not according to the proportion of the workes of faith . Where Ioannes Picus the Popish interpreter of Marcus , giveth us warning in his margent , that this clause is to be understood of a lively faith : but concealeth his owne faithlesnesse in corrupting of the text , by turning the workes of faith into the workes of nature . for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is by his Latine translation ( which is to be seene in o Bibliothecâ Patrum ) as much to say as , Non ex proportione operum naturae . There is a treatise extant of the said Marcus ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , touching those who thinke to be justified by their workes : where he maketh two sorts of men , p that misse both of them the kingdome of heaven . the one , such as doe not keepe the commandements , and yet imagine that they beleeve aright : the other , such as keeping the commandements , doe expect the kingdome as a wages due ●nto them . For q the Lord ( saith he ) willing to shew , that all the comm●ndements are of dutie to be performed , and that the adoption of children is freely given to men by his bloud , saith ; When you have done a●l things that are commanded you , then say ; We are unprofitable servants , and we have done that which was our dutie to doe . Therefore the kingdome of heaven is not the hire of works , but the grace of the Lord prepared for his faithfull servants . This sentence is repeated in the very selfe same words , by r Hesychius in his booke of Sentences written to Thalassius . The like sayings also hath S. Chrysostome . s No man sheweth such a conversation of life , that he may be worthy of the kingdome ; but this is wholly of the gift of God. Therefore he saith ; When yee have done all , say , We are unprofitable servants ; for what we ought to doe , we have done . t Although we did die a thousand deaths , although we did performe all vertuous actions ; yet should we come short by farre of rendring any thing worthy of those honours which are conferred upon us by God. u Although we should doe innumerable good deeds , it is of Gods pitie and benignitie that we are heard . although we should come unto the very top of vertue , it is of mercy that we are saved . x for although we did innumerable workes of mercy , yet would it be of the benignitie of grace , that for such small and meane matters should be given so great a heaven and a kingdome , and such an honour : y whereunto nothing we doe can have equall correspondence . z Let the merit of men be excellent , let him observe the rights of nature , let him be obedient to the commandements of the Lawes ; let him fulfill his faith , keepe justice , exercise vertues , condemne vice , repell sinnes , shew himselfe an example for others to imitate : if he have performed any thing , it is little ; whatsoever he hath done is small : for all merit is short . Number Gods benefits , if thou canst : and then consider what thou dost merit . Weigh thine owne deeds with the heavenly benefits , ponder thine owne acts with the divine gifts : and thou wilt not judge thy selfe worthy of that which thou art , if thou understandest what thou dost merit . Whereunto we may adde the exhortation made by S. Antony to his Monkes in Aegypt . a The life of man is most short , being measured with the world to come : so that all our time is even nothing , in comparison of everlasting life . And every thing in this world is sold for that which it is worth , and one giveth equall in exchange of equall : but the promise of everlasting life is bought for a very little matter . Wherefore , my sonnes , let us not wax weary ; nor thinke that we stay long , or performe some great thing : for the sufferings of this present time are not worthy to be compared with the glory which shall be revealed on us . Neither when we looke upon the world , let us thinke that we have forsaken any great matters . For all this earth is but a very little thing , in comparison of the whole heaven . Therefore although we had beene lords of the whole earth , and did forsake the whole earth ; that would be nothing worthy to be compared with the kingdome of heaven . For as if one would neglect one peece of brasse , that he might gaine a hundred peeces of gold : so he who is lord of the whole earth and forsaketh it , should but forgoe a little , and receive a hundred fold . Such an other exhortation doth S. Augustine also make unto his hearers . b When thou dost consider ( saith he ) what thou art to receive ; all the things that thou sufferest will be vile unto thee , neither wilt thou esteeme them worthy for which thou shouldst receive it . Thou wilt wonder , that so much is given , for so small a labour . For indeed , brethren , for everlasting rest everlasting labour should be undergone : being to receive everlasting felicitie , thou oughtest to sustaine everlasting sufferings . But if thou shouldst sustaine everlasting labour ; when shouldst thou come to everlasting felicitie ? So it commeth to passe , that thy tribulation must of necessitie be temporall ; that it being finished , thou maist come to infinite felicitie . But yet , brethren , there might have beene long tribulation for eternall felicitie . that , for example , because our felicitie shall have no end ; our misery , and our labour , and our tribulations should be of long continuance . For admit they should continue a thousand yeere : weigh a thousand yeeres with eternitie . Why dost thou weigh that which is finite , be it never so great , with that which is infinite ? Ten thousand yeeres , ten hundred thousand , if we should say , and a thousand thousand , which have an end , cannot be compared with eternitie . This then thou hast , that God would have thy labour to be not only temporall , but short also . And therefore doth the same Father every where put us in minde , that God is become our debtor , not by our deservings , but by his owne gratious promise . c Man ( saith he ) is faithfull , when he beleeveth God promising : God is faithfull , when he performeth that which he hath promised unto man. Let us hold him a most faithfull debtor , because we have him a most mercifull promiser . For we have not done him any pleasure , or leant any thing to him that we should hold him a debtor ; seeing we have from himselfe whatsoever we doe offer unto him , and it is from him whatsoever good we are . d We have not given any thing therefore unto him ; and yet we hold him a debtor . Whence a debtor ? because he is a promiser . We say not unto God ; Lord , pay that which thou hast received , but , pay that which thou hast promised . e Be thou secure therefore . Hold him as a debtor , because thou hast beleeved in him as a promiser . f God is faithfull , who hath made himselfe our debtor ; not by receiving any thing from us , but by promising so great things to us . For to men hath he promised divinitie , to those that are mortall immortalitie , to sinners justification , to abjects glorification . Whatsoever he promised , he promised to them that were unworthy ; that it might not be promised as wa●es for workes , but being grace , might according to the name be graciously and freely given : because that even this very thing , that one doth live justly ( so farre as a man can live justly ) is not a matter of mans merit , but of the gift of God. Therefore , g in those things which we have alreadie , let us praise God as the giver : in those things which as yet we have not , let us hold him our debtor . For hee is become our debtor , not by receiving any thing from us , but by promising what it pleased him . For it is one thing to say to a man , Thou art debtor to me , because I have given to thee : and another thing to say , Thou art debtor to mee , because thou hast promised me . When thou sayest . Thou art debtor to me , because I have given to thee : a benefit hath proceeded from thee , though lent , not given . But when thou sayest , Thou art debtor to me , because thou hast promised me : thou gavest nothing to him , and yet requirest of him . For the goodnesse of him that hath promised , will give it , &c. h The salvation of men depends upon the sole mercy of God : saith Theodoret. for we do not obtaine it as the reward and wages of our righteousnes : but it is the gift of Gods goodnesse . i The crownes doe excell the fights , the rewards are not to be compared with the labours : for the labour is small , but great is the gaine that is hoped for . And therefore the Apostle , Rom. 8.18 . called those things that are looked for , not wages , but glory . and Rom. 6.23 . k not wages , but grace . For although a man should performe the greatest and most absolute righteousnesse : things eternall doe not answer temporall labours in equall poise . The same for this point is taught by S. Cyrill of Alexandria : that l the crowne which we are to receive , doth much surpasse the paines which we take for it . And the Author of the booke of the calling of the Gentiles ( attributed unto Prosper ) observeth out of the Parable , Matth. 20.9 . that God bestoweth eternall life on those that are called at the end of their daies , as well as upon them that had laboured longer : m not as paying a price to their labour , but powring out the riches of his goodnesse upon them whom he had chosen without works ; that even they also who have sweat with much labour , and have received no more than the last , might understand , that they did receive a gift of grace , and not a due wages for their workes . This was the doctrine taught in the Church for the first five hundred yeeres after Christ : which wee finde maintained also in the next five hundred . n If the King of heaven should regard my merit ( saith Ennodius , Bishop of Pavîa ) either I should get little good , or great punishments ; and judging of my selfe rightly , whither I could not come by merits , I would not tend in desire . But thankes be to him , who , that we may not be extolled , doth so cut off our offences , that he bringeth our hope unto better things . Our glorification , saith Fulgentius , o is not unjustly called Grace : not only because God doth bestow his owne gifts upon his owne gifts ; but also because the grace of Gods reward doth so much there abound , as that it exceedeth incomparably and unspeakably all the merit of the will and worke of man , though good , and given from God. For p although we did sweat ( saith he who beareth the name of Eusebius Emissenus , or Gallicanus ) with all the labours of our soule and bodie , although we were exercised with all the strength of obedience : yet shall not we be able to recompence and offer any thing worthie in merit for the heavenly good things . The offices of this present life cannot be compared with the joyes of the life eternall . Although our members be wearied with watchings ; although our faces wax pale with fastings : yet the sufferings of this time will not be worthy to be compared with the future glory which shall bee revealed in us . Let us knocke therefore , dearely beloved , as much as we can , because we cannot as much as we ought : the future blisse may be acquired , but estimated it cannot be . q Albeit thou hadst good deeds equall in number to the starres , ( saith Agapetus the Deacon , to the Emperour Iustinian ) yet shalt thou never goe beyond the goodnesse of God. For whatsoever any man shall bring unto God , he doth but offer unto him his owne things , out of his owne store . and as one cannot outstrip his own shadow in the Sunne , ( which preventeth him alwaies , although he make never so much speed : ) so neither can men by their good doings , outstrip the unmatchable bountie of God. r All the righteousnesse of man , saith Gregory , is convicted to bee unrighteousnesse , if it be strictly judged . It needeth therefore prayer after righteousnesse ; that that which being sifted might faile , by the meere pitie of the Iudge might stand for good . Let him therefore say : Although I had any righteous thing , I would not answer , but I would make supplication to my Iudge . ( Iob 9.15 ) as if he should more plainly confesse , and say : Albeit I did grow up unto the worke of vertue , I should be enabled unto life , not by merits , but by pardon . But you will say , s If this blisse of the Saints be mercie , and is not obtained by merits ; how shall that stand which is written : And thou shalt render unto every one according to his workes ? If it be rendred according to workes ; how shall it be accounted mercie ? But it is one thing to render according to workes ; and another thing to render for the works themselves . For when it is said , According to works ; the qualitie it selfe of the worke is understood : that whose workes appeare good , his reward way be glorious . For unto that blessed life , wherein wee are to live with God , and by God , no labour can be equalled , no workes compared : seeing the Apostle saith , The sufferings of this present time are not worthy to be compared with the glory which shall be revealed in us . t By the righteousnesse of works no man shall be saved , but only by the righteousnesse of faith : saith Bede . and therefore u no man should beleeve , that either his freedome of will , or his merits , are sufficient to bring him unto blisse ; but understand , that he can be saved by the grace of God only . The same Author , writing upon those words of David , Psalm . 24.5 He shall receive a blessing from the Lord , and righteousnesse from the God of his salvation : expoundeth the blessing to be this ; x that for the present time he shall merit ( or worke ) well , and for the future shall be rewarded well . and that , not by merits , but by grace only . To the same purpose Elias Cretensis , the interpreter of Gregory Nazianzen , writeth thus . * By mercy we ought to understand that reward , which God doth repay unto us . For wee as servants doe owe vertue , that the best things , and such as are gratefull , wee should pay and offer unto God as a certaine debt : considering that wee haue nothing , which we have not received from him : and God on the other side , as our Lord and Master , hath pitie on us , and doth bestow rather , than repay unto us . y This therefore is true humilitie , ( saith Anastasius Sinaita or Nicaenus ) to doe good workes , but to account ones selfe uncleane and unworthy of Gods favour , thinking to be saved by his goodnesse alone . For whatsoever good things we doe ; wee answer not God for the very aire alone which we doe breathe . And when we have offered unto him all the things that we have , he doth not owe us any reward for all things are his : and none receiving the things that are his owne , is bound to give a reward unto them that bring the same unto him . In the booke set out by the authoritie of Charles the Great against Images ; z the Arke of the Covenant is said to signifie our Lord and Saviour , in whom alone we have the Covenant of peace with the Father . Over which the Propitiatory is said to be placed : because aboue the Commandements either of the Law , or of the Gospell , which are founded in him , the mercy of the said Mediator taketh place ; by which , not by the workes of the Law which we have done , neither willing , nor running , but by his having mercy upon us , we are saved . So Ambrosius Ansbertus , expounding that place , Rev. 19.7 . Let us be glad and rejoyce , and give glory to him ; for the mariage of the Lambe is come , and his wife hath made her selfe readie . a In this , saith he , doe we give glory to him ; when we doe confesse , that by no precedent merits of our good deeds , but by his mercie only , we have attained unto so great a dignitie . And Rabanus in his Commentaries upon the Lament . of Ieremie : b Lest they should say , Our Fathers were accepted for their merit , and therefore they obtained such great things at the hand of the Lord ; he adjoyneth , that this was not given to their merits , but because it so pleased God , whose free gift is whatsoever he bestoweth . Haymo writing upon those words , Psalm . 132.10 . For thy servant Davids sake refuse not the face of thine Anointed , saith that , c For thy servant Davids sake , is as much to say as , For the merit of Christ himselfe : and fro● thence collecteth this doctrine ; that none ought to presume of his owne merits , but expect all his salvation from the merits of Christ. So in another place : d When we performe our repentance , ( saith he ) let us know that we can give nothing that is worthy for the a●peasing of God ; but that only in the bloud of that immaculate and singular Lambe we can be saved . And againe , e Eternall life is rendred to none by debt ; but given by free mercie . f It is of necessitie that beleevers should be saved only by the faith of Christ : saith Smaragdus the Abbot . g By grace , not by merits , are we saved of God : saith the Author of the Commentaries upon S. Marke , falsely attributed to S. Hierome . That this doctrine was by Gods great mercie preserved in the Church the next 500. yeares also , as well as in those middle times : appeareth most evidently by those Instructions and Consolations , which were prescribed to be used unto such as were readie to depart out of this life . h This forme of preparing men for their death , was commonly to be had in all Libraries , and particularly was found inserted among the Epistles of Anselme Archbishop of Canterbury ; who was commonly accounted to bee the Author of it . The substance thereof may be seene ( for the copies varie , some being shorter , and some larger than others ) in a Tractate written by a Cistercian Monke , of the Art of dying well ( which I have in written hand , and have seene also printed in the yeere 1483. and 1504. ) in the booke called , Hortulus animae ; in Cassanders Appendix to the booke of Iohn Fisher , Bishop of Rochester , de fiduciâ & misericordiâ Dei ; ( edit . Colon. An. 1556. ) Caspar Vlenbergius his Motives ; ( caus . 14. pag. 462.463 . edit . Colon. An. 1589. ) in the Romane Sacerdotall ( part . 1. tract . 5. cap. 13. fol. 116. edit . Venet. An. 1585. ) in the booke intituled , Sacra institutio Baptizandi juxta ritum Sanctae Romanae Ecclesiae , ex decreto Concilij Tridentini restituta , &c. printed at Paris , in the yeere 1575. and in a like booke intituled Ordo Baptizandi , cum Modo visitandi , printed at Venice the same yeere . out of which the Spanish Inquisitors , as well in their New , as in their Old Expurgatory Index ( the one set out by Cardinall Quiroga in the yeere 1584. the other by the Cardinall of Sandoval and Roxas , in the yeere 1612. ) command these interrogatories to be blotted out . i Dost thou beleeve to come to glory , not by thine owne merits , but by the vertue and merit of the passion of our Lord Iesus Christ ? and , Dost thou beleeve , that our Lord Iesus Christ did die for our salvation : and that none can be saved by his owne merits , or by any other meanes , but by the merit of his passion ? Whereby we may observe how late it is , since our Romanists in this maine and most substantiall point ( which is the very foundation of all our comfort ) have most shamefully departed from the faith of their fore-fathers . In other copies of this same Instruction ( which are followed by Cassander , Vlenbergius , and Cardinall Hosius himselfe ) k the last question propounded to the sicke man is this . Dost thou beleeve that thou canst not be saved , but by the death of Christ ? Whereunto when he hath made answer affirmatively : he is presently directed to make use thereof , in this manner . Goe too therefore , as long as thy soule remaineth in thee , place thy whole confidence in this death only ; have confidence in no other thing : commit thy selfe wholly to this death , with this alone cover thy selfe wholly , intermingle thy selfe wholly in this death , fasten thy selfe wholly ; wrap thy whole selfe in this death . And if the Lord God will judge thee , say : Lord , I oppose the death of our Lord Iesus Christ betwixt mee and thy judgement : no otherwise doe I contend with thee . And if he say unto thee , that thou art a sinner , say : Lord , I put the death of the Lord Iesus Christ betwixt thee and my sinnes . If he say unto thee , that thou hast deserved damnation , say : Lord , I set the death of our Lord Iesus Christ betwixt me and my bad merits ; and I offer his merit in stead of the merit which I ought to have , but yet have not . If he say , that he is angrie with thee , say : Lord , I interpose the death of our Lord Iesus Christ betwixt me and thine anger . Adde hereunto the following sentences of the Doctors of these latter ages . l We cannot suffer or bring in any thing worthy of the reward that shall be : saith Oecumenius . So Petrus Blesensis Archdeacon of Bathe . m No trouble can be endured in this vitall death , which is able equally to answer the joyes of heaven . and Anselme Archbishop of Canterbury more fully , before him . n If a man should serve God a thousand yeeres , and that most fervently ; he should not deserve of condignitie to be halfe a day in the Kingdome of heaven . Radulphus Ardens , expounding those words of the Parable , Matth. 20.13 . Didst not thou agree with me for a peny ? o Let no man out of these words , saith he , thinke that God is , as it were , tied by agreement to pay that which he hath promised . For as God is free to promise , so is he free to pay : especially seeing as well merits as rewards are his grace . For God doth crowne nothing else in us but his owne grace : who if hee would deale strictly with us , no man living should be justified in his sight . Whereupon the Apostle , who laboured more than all , saith : I reckon that the sufferings of this time are not worthy to be compared with the glory which shall be revealed in us . Therefore this agreement is nothing else , but Gods voluntary promise . And p doe not wonder ( saith he , in another Sermon ) if I call the merits of the just graces . for as the Apostle witnesseth , we have nothing which we have not received from God , and that freely . But because by one grace we come unto another ; they are called merits , but improperly . For as Augustine witnesseth : God crowneth only his owne grace in us . So Rupertus Tuitiensis : q The greatnesse or the eternitie of the heavenly glorie , is not a matter of merit , but of grace . The same doth r Bernardus Morlanensis expresse in these rhythmicall verses of his : Vrbs Sion inclyta , * patria condita littore tuto ; Te peto , te colo , te flagro , te volo , canto , saluto . Nec meritis peto , nam meritis meto morte perire : Nec reticens tego , quòd meritis ego filius irae . Vita quidem mea , vita nimis rea , mortua vita : Quippe reatibus exitialibus obruta , trita . Spe tamen ambulo , praemia postulo speque fideque : Illa perennia postulo praemia nocte dieque . But Bernard of Claraevalle aboue others delivereth this doctrine most sweetly . s It is necessary ( saith hee ) that first of all thou shouldest beleeve , that thou canst not have remission of sinnes , but by the mercie of God : then , that thou canst not at all have any whit of a good worke , unlesse he likewise give it thee : lastly , that by no workes thou canst merit eternall life , unlesse that also be freely given unto thee . t Otherwise , if wee will properly name those which wee call our merits : they be certaine seminaries of hope , incitements of love , signes of secret predestination , foretokens of future happinesse , the way to the kingdome , not the cause of reigning . u Dangerous is the dwelling of them that trust in their merits : dangerous , because ruinous . x For this is the whole merit of man , if hee put all his trust in him who saveth the whole man. y Therefore my merit is the mercy of the Lord. I am not poore in merit , so long as he is not poore in mercie : and if the mercies of the Lord be many , my merits also are many . With which that passage of the Manuall , falsly fathered upon S. Augustine , doth accord so justly ; that the one appeareth to be plainly borrowed from the other . z All my hope is in the death of my Lord. His death is my merit , my refuge , my salvation , life and resurrection . My merit is the mercy of the Lord. I am not poore in merit , so long as that Lord of mercies shall not faile : and as long as his mercies are much , much am I in merits . Neither are the testimonies of the Schoolemen wanting in this cause . For where a God is affirmed to give the kingdome of heaven for good merits or good works : some made here a difference betwixt pro bonis meritis and propter bona merita . The former , they said , did note , a signe , or a way , or some occasion : and in that sense they admitted the proposition . But according to the latter expression , they would not receive it ; because propter did note an efficient cause . And yet for the salving of that also , the Cardinal of Cambraye , Petrus de Alliaco delivereth us this distinction : b This word Propter is sometimes taken by way of consequence ; and then it noteth the order of the following of one thing upon another : as when it is said , The reward is given for the merit . For nothing else is signified thereby , but that the reward is given after the merit , and not but after the merit . Sometimes againe it is taken causally . And c forasmuch as a cause also is accounted that , upon the being whereof another thing doth follow : a thing may be said to be a cause two manner of waies . One way properly ; when upon the presence of the being of the one , by the vertue thereof and out of the nature of the thing there followeth the being of the other : and thus is fire the cause of heat . Another way improperly ; when upon the presence of the being of the one there fo●loweth the being of the other , yet not by the vertue thereof nor out of the nature of the thing , but only out of the will of another : and so a meritorious ●ot is said to be a cause in respect of the reward ; as caussa sine quâ non also is said to be a cause , though it be none properly . Among those famous Clearkes that lived in the familie of Richard Angervill Bishop of Durham in the daies of Edward the third ; Thomas Bradwardin who was afterward Archbishop of Canterbury , Richard Fitzraufe afterward Archbishop of Armagh , and Robert Holeot the Dominican , were of speciall note . The first of these , in his Defense of the cause of God against the Pelagians of his time , disputeth this point at large : shewing , d that Merit is not the cause of everlasting reward ; and that when the Scriptures and Doctors doe affirme , that God will reward the good for their good merits ( or workes , ) Propter did not signifie the cause properly ; but improperly , either the cause of knowing it , or the order , or the disposition of the subject thereunto . Richard of Armagh ( whom my countrymen commonly doe call S. Richard of Dundalke , because he was there borne and buried ) intimateth this to be his minde ; that the reward is here rendred , e not for the condignitie of the worke , but for the promise and so for the justice of the rewarder : as heretofore we have heard out of Bernard . Holcot , though in words he maintaine the merit of condignitie ; yet he confesseth with the Master of the Sentences , that God is hereby made our debtor , ex . naturâ sui promissi , non ex naturâ nostri commissi , out of the nature of his owne promise , not out of the nature of our doing : and that our workes have this value in them , not naturally , as if there were so great goodnesse in the nature or substance of the merit that everlasting life should be due unto it , but legally , in regard of Gods ordinance and appointment . even f as a little peece of copper , of it owne nature or naturall value , is not worth so much as a loafe of bread ; but by the institution of the Prince is worth so much . And in this manner g we may say ( saith he ) that our workes are worthy of life everlasting by grace , and not by the substance of the act . For God hath ordained , that he that worketh well in grace should have life everlasting : and therefore by the law and grace of Christ our Prince we merit condignely everlasting life . Whereby we may see , how rightly it hath beene observed by Vasquez ; h that divers of those whom he accounteth Catholickes , doe differ from us only in words , but agree in deed . Of which number he nameth i Willielmus Parisiensis , k Scotus , l Ockam , m Gregorius Ariminensis , n Gabriel Biel with his o Supplement , the Chanons of Culleyn in their p Antididagma and q Enchiridion , r Ioh. Bunderius , s Alphonsus de Castro , and t Andreas Vega who was present at the handling of these matters in the last Tridentine Councell . All these , and sundry others beside them , hold that the dignitie of the good workes done by Gods children doth not proceed from the value of the workes themselves , but only from the gratious promise and acceptation of God. Yea Gregorius Ariminensis , u that most able and carefull defender of S. Augustine ( as Vega stileth him ) concludeth peremptorily , x that no act of man , though issuing from never so great charitie , meriteth of condignitie from God , either eternall life , or yet any other reward whether eternall or temporall . The same conclusion is by Durand the most resolate Doctor ( as y Gerson tearmeth him ) thus confirmed : z That which is conferred rather out of the liberalitie of the giver than out of the due of the worke , doth not fall within the compasse of the merit of condignitie , strictly and properly taken . But whatsoever we receive of God , whether it be grace or whether it be glory , whether temporall or spirituall good , whatsoever good worke we have before done for it , yet we receive the same rather and more principally out of Gods liberalitie , than out of the due of the worke . Therefore nothing at all falleth within the compasse of the merit of condignitie , so taken . And a the cause hereof is , ( saith he ) because both that which we are and that which we have , whether they be good acts or good habits , or the use of them , is wholly in us by Gods liberalitie freely giving and preserving the same . Now because none is bound by his owne free gift to give more , but the receiver rather is more bound to him that giveth : therefore by the good habits , and by the good acts or uses which God hath given us , God is not bound to us by any debt of justice to give any thing more , so as if he did not give it he should be unjust ; but we are rather bound to God. And to thinke or say the contrary , is rashnesse or blasphemie . Of the same judgement with Durand , was Iacobus de Everbaco , as Marsilius witnesseth , who delivereth his owne opinion touching this matter in these three conclusions . I. b If we consider our workes in themselves , or as they proceed also from cooperating grace , they are not such workes as deserve eternall life of condignitie . for proofe whereof hee bringeth in many reasons ; and that of Durands for one . c If for the workes wrought by grace and free-will although never so great , eternall life should be due unto any by condignitie : then God should doe him injurie , if he did not give eternall life unto him . and so God by those great good things which he had given , should be constrained in way of justice to adde more great thereunto ; which reason doth not comprehend . II. d Such workes as these may be said to merit eternall life of condignitie , by divine acceptation , originally proceeding from the merit of the passion of Christ. III. e Workes done by grace doe merit eternall life by way of congruitie ; in respect of Gods liberall disposition , who hath so purposed to reward them . Afterwards he proveth out of the Apostle , Rom. 6.23 . that f eternall life is given out of Gods grace , not out of our righteousnesse , and that God in thus rewarding us , doth neither exercise commutative justice , g because in our good workes we give nothing unto God , for which by way of commutation the reward should be due unto us ; nor yet distributive , h because no man by working well , in regard of himselfe and in regard of the state wherein he is , doth merit any thing of condignitie , but is bound to God rather by a greater obligation , because he hath received greater good things from him . And i thereupon at last concludeth , that God is just in rewarding , because by his just disposition he hath ordained by the grace of acceptation to crowne the lesser merit with the greater reward ; not by the justice of debt , but by the grace and disposition of the divine good pleasure . But the sentence of the Chancellour and the Theologicall facultie of Paris in the yeere 1354. against one Guido an Austin Fryar , that then defended the merit of condignitie , is not to be overpassed . For by their order , this forme of recantation was prescribed unto him . k I said against a Bachelour of the order of the Fryars Preachers in conference with him , that a man doth merit everlasting life of condignitie , that is to say , that in case it were not given , there should injurie be done unto him . I wrote likewise , that God should doe him iniurie : and approved it . This I revoke as FALSE , HERETICALL , and BLASPHEMOVS . Yet now the times are so changed , and men in them that our new Divines of Rhemes stick not to tell us , that it l is most cleare to all not blinded in pride and contention , that good workes be meritorious , and the very cause of salvation , so far that God should be unjust , if he rendred not heaven for the same . where to the judgement of the indifferent Reader I referre it , whether side in this case is more likely to have beene blinded in pride : ( we who abase our selves before Gods footstoole , and utterly disclaime all our owne merits ; or they who have so high a conceit of them , that they dare in this presumptuous manner to challenge God of injustice , if he should judge them to deserve a lesse reward than Heaven it selfe : ) and whether that sentence of our Saviour Christ be not fulfilled in them , as well as in the proud and blinde Pharisees their predecessors . m For judgement I am come into this world , that they which see not might see , and that they which see might be made blinde . And so leaving these blinde leaders of the blinde , who say they n see ( by that meanes making their sinne to remaine ) and say they o are rich and increased with goods ( not knowing that they are wretched , and miserable , and poore , and blinde , and naked : ) I proceed , and out of the fifteenth Century or Hundred of yeeres after Christ produce other two witnesses of this truth . The one is Paulus Burgensis ; who expounding those words of David , Psalm . 36.5 . Thy mercy , O Lord , is in heaven , ( or , reacheth unto the heavens ) writeth thus : p No man according to the common law can merit by condignitie the glory of heaven . whence the Apostle saith in the 8. to the Romans , that the sufferings of this time are not worthy to be compared with the future glory which shall be revealed in us . and so it is manifest that in heaven most of all the mercy of God shineth forth in the blessed . The other is Thomas Walden , who living in England the same time that the other did in Spaine , professeth plainly his dislike of that saying ; q that a man by his merits is worthy of the kingdome of heaven , or this grace or that glory : howsoever certaine Schoolemen , that they might so speake , had invented the tearmes of Condignitie and Congruitie . But r I repute him ( saith he ) the sounder Divine , the more faithfull Catholicke , and more consonant with the holy Scriptures , who doth simply denie such merit , and with the qualification of the Apostle and of the Scriptures confesseth , that simply no man meriteth the kingdome of heaven , but by the grace of God or will of the giver . s as all the former Saints , untill the late Schoolemen , and the universall Church hath written . Out of which words of his you may further observe both the time when , and the persons by whom this innovation was made in these latter daies of the Church : namely , that the late Schoolemen were they , that corrupted the ancient doctrine of the Church , and to that end devised their new termes of the merit of congruitie and condignitie . I say , in these latter daies : because if we looke unto higher times , Walden himselfe in that same place doth affirme that it was a branch of the t Pelagian heresie to hold , that according to the measure of meritorious workes God will reward a man so meriting . Neither indeed can this proud generation of Merit-mongers be derived from a more proper stocke , than from the old either Pelagians or Catharists . For as these doe now adaies maintaine , that they doe u worke by their owne free-will , and thereby deserve their salvation : so was this wont to be a part of Pelagius his song ; x No man shall take away from me the power of free-will : lest if God be my helper in my workes , the reward be not due to me , but to him that did worke in me . And to y glory of their merits , was a speciall property noted in the Catharists or ancient Puritans : who standing thus upon their owne puritie , z doe thereby declare ( as Cassiodorus noteth ) that they have no portion with the holy Church , which professeth that her sinnes are many . Nay , a while these men call themselves Puritans , ( saith Epiphanius ) by this very ground they prove themselves to be impure . for whosoever pronounceth himselfe to be pure , doth therein absolutely condemne himselfe to be impure . For , as S. Hierome in this case disputeth against the Pelagians ( and so against the Puritan and Pelagian Romanists ) b then are we righteous , when we confesse our selves to be sinners ; and our righteousnesse consisteth not in our owne merits , but in Gods mercy . with whose resolution against them , we will now conclude this point against their new off-spring ; that c the righteous are saved , not by their owne merit , but by Gods clemencie . And thus have I gone over all the particular articles propounded by our Challenger : and performed therein more a great deale , than he required at my hands . That which he desired in the name of his fello●es , was ; that we would alleage but any one Text of Scripture , which condemneth any of the above written points . He hath now presented unto him not texts of Scripture only , but testimonies of the Fathers also , justifying our diss●nt from them not in one but in all those points , wherein he was so confident , that they of our side that had read the Fathers could well testifie , that all antiquitie did in judgement concurre with the now Church of Rome . And if he looke into every one of them more neerely ; he may perhaps finde , that we are not such strangers to the originall and first breedings of these Romish errors , as he did imagine . It now remaineth on his part , that he make good what he hath undertaken : namely , that for the confirmation of all the above mentioned points of his Religion , he produce both good and certaine grounds out of the sacred Scriptures , and the generall consent likewise of the Saints and Fathers of the Primitive Church . Wherein , as I advise him to spare his paines in labouring to prove those things , which he seeth me before hand readily to have yeelded unto : so I wish him also not to forget his owne motion , made in the percloase of his Challenge ; that all may be done with Christian charity and sincerity , to the glory of God , and instruction of them that are astray . FINIS . Faults escaped . PAge 10. line 15. for once reade one . p. 18. l. 8. ( as also p. 19. l. 1. and 113. l. 2. ) Radbertus . p. 30. l. 9. Canonicall . p. 63. l. 28. bread and wine . p. 67. l. 9. or . p. 71. l. 12. for wine . reade bloud . ibid l. 21. for second reade third . p. 77. in t●e marg●nt , at the very beginning , adde x. Lanfranc . lib. de Sacram. Eucharist . contra Berengar . pag. 85. lin . 15. for he read God. p. 103. l. 20. sett . p. 163. lin . 12 , 13. crosse out those words : then in any of the rest . pag. 271. in the margent , lin . 16. for Id. put Hieronym . pag. 326. in the margent , lin . 17. Marcellam . pag. 341. lin . 5. Christian. pag. 352. l. 5. crosse out 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . pag. 405. l. 20. put out the word Iesuite : and in the last line of the margent , aft●r quaest . 12. adde , artic . 10. disput . 7. conclus . 6. p●g . 444. lin . ul● . Pitsio . pag. 449. in marg . l. 35. Naclantus . pag. 448. at the ast●risc * . lin . 14. adde in the margent . Ab omnibus deinceps doceatur communiter atque praedicetur , Crucem & Imaginem Crucifixi ceterasque Imagines Sanctorum , in ipsorum memoriam & honorem quo● figurant , ac ipsorum loca & reliquias processionibus , gen● flexionibus , inclinationibus , thurificationibus , deosculationibus , oblationibus , luminarium accensionibus , & peregrinationibus , nec non alijs quibuscunque modis & formis quibus nostris & predecessorum nostrorum temporibus fieri consuevit , venerari debere . Gu●lh●lm . Lyndewode Provincial . lib. 5. de Haeretic . cap. Nullus quoque . pag. 451. l. 12. M●rsilius . pag. 453. in the margent . lin . 12. and 26. and pag. 454. l. 9. for Pr●phetic . reade Protreptic . pag. 456. marg . lin . 38. manuum . pag. 463. marg . lin . 9. Patres . A CATALOGVE OF THE AVTHORS HERE alleaged ; disposed according to the order of the times , wherein they are accounted to have lived . Anno Domini : 40 NIcodemus . The author of the counterfeit Gospell , attributed unto him , lived within the first 600. yeeres : being cited by Gregorius Turonensis . 43. Thaddaeus ; vouched by Eusebius . 70. Clemens I. Romanus episc . Counted the author of the Apostolicall Constitutions . 70. Dionysius Areopagita . The bookes that beare his name , seeme to be written in the fourth or fifth age after Christ. 100. Ignatius Antiochenus . 120. Hermes . 163. Iustinus Martyr . 170. Theophilus Antiochenus . 180. Irenaeus Lugdunensis . 180. Tatianus . 190. Maximus . out of whom the Dialogues against the Marcionists , attributed to Origen , are collected : as appeareth by the large fragment cited out of him by Eusebius in the end of the seventh booke de Praeparatione Euangelicâ . 200. Clemens Alexandrinus . 200. Tertullianus . 210. Caius . 220. Hippolytus Martyr . 230. Origenes . 230. Ammonius . 230. Minutius Felix . 240. Novatianus . 250. Gregorius Neocaesareensis . 250. Cyprianus . 260. Zeno Veronensis . 270. Victorinus Pictaviensis . 290. Pamphilus Martyr . 300. Arnobius . 300. Lactantius . 303. Concilium Sinuessanum , supposititium . 310. Concilium Eliberinum , seu Illiberitanum . 325. Concilium Romanum sub Silvestro , supposititium . 325. Concilium Nicaenum , univ●rsale I. 325. Macarius Hierosolymitanus . 330. Eusebius Caesareensis . 330. Juvencus . 340. Eusebius Emesenus . 340. Athanasius Alexandrinus . 350. Eustathius Antiochenus . 350. Julius Firmicus Maternus . 350. Acacius Caesareensis . 359. Conciliabula Arrianorum , Nicaen . Constantinop . Sirmiens . & Ariminens . 360. Didymus . 360. Hilarius Pictaviensis . 360. Titus Bostrensis . 364. Concilium Laodicenum . 370. Macarius Aegyptius . 370. Cyrillus Hierosolymitanus . 370. Asterius Amaseae episc . 370. Optatus . 370. Ambrosius Mediolanensis episc . 370. Basilius Caesareensis . 370. Gregorius Nazianzenus . 370. Aerius haereticus . 380. Caesarius . 380. Gregorius Nyssenus . 380. Nectarius . 380. Pacianus . 380. Prudentius . 380. Philastrius . 380. Euagrius Ponticus . 380. Amphilochius . 381. Concilium Constantinopolitanum , universale II. 390. Hieronymus . 390. Paula & Eustochium , apud eund . 390. Epiphanius . 390. Ruffinus . 390. Coelius Sedulius . 390. Paulinus Mediolanensis . 400. Io. Chrysostomus . cujus epistolam ad Caesarium monachum ( quam in quaestionem vocant pontificij ) citatam invenio in Collectaneis contra Severianos , quae ex Fr. Turriani versione habentur in 4. tomo Antiquae lectionis Henr. Canisij , pag. 238. & in fine libri Io. Damasceni contra Acephalos ; ibid. pag. 211. ubi postrema verba testimonij á nobis citati ( pag. 64.65 . ) Turrianus ita transtulit : Sic etiam híc , divinâ naturâ in ipso insidente , unum Filium , unam Personam utrumque constituit . 400. Marcus eremita . 400. Polychronius . 400. Hesychius presbyter . 410. Palladius , Lausiacae histostoriae author . 410. Pelagius haereticus . 410. Augustinus . 410. Philo Carpathius . 410. Synesius . 414. Theodorus Daphnopatus . by Henr. Oraeus referred to this yeere : I know not by what warrant . 418. Concilium Africanum universale Carthagine habitum contra Pelagium . 420. Maximus Taurinensis . 424. Hilarius Arelatensis . 430. Io. Cassianus . 430. Vincentius Lirinensis . 430. Author Operis imperfecti in Matthaeum . 430. Cyrillus Alexandrinus . 430. Synodus Alexandrina , contra Nestorium . 430. Theodoretus . 430. Proclus Cyzicenus . 431. Concilium Ephesinum , universale III. 440. Prosper Aquitanicus . 440. Socrates historicus . 440. Sozomenus . 440. Eucherius Lugdunensis . 440. Petrus C●rysologus . 450. Leo. I. 450. Primasius . 451. Concilium Chalcedonense , universale IIII. 460. Basilius Seleuciensis . 460. Victor Antiochenus . 460 Salvianus Massiliensis . 476. Gelasius Cyzicenus . 490. Faustus Regiensis , seu Reiensis . 490. Gennadius Massiliensis . 490. Gelasius Papa I. 494. Concilium Romanum I. sub Gelasio . 500. Paschasius Romanae ecclesiae diaconus . 500. Olympiodorus . 500. Andreas Caesareensis . Stephanus Gobarus haereticus . 507. Laurentius Novariensis . 510. Ennodius Ticinensis . 520. Aurelius Cassiodorus . 520. Eusebius Gallicanus . 520. Caesari●s Arelatensis . 520. Fulgentius Ruspensis episc . 520. Iohannes Maxentius . 527. Ephraem Antiochenus . 527. Agapetus diaconus . 529. Concilium Arausican . II. 530. Fulgentius Ferrandus . 530. Dionysius Exiguus . 530. Benedictus Monachus . 530. Procopius Gazaeus . 540. Arator . 553. Concilium Constantinopolitanum , universale . V. 560. Andreas Hierosolymitanus , Cretensis archiepisc . 560. Dracontius . 570. Cresconius . 580. Venantius Fortunatus . 580. Iohannes Climacus . 589. Concil . Toletan . III. 600. Gregorius I. 600. Iohan. Nesteuta . Agapius Manichaeus . 610. Eustratius Constantinopolitanus . 630. Isidorus Hispalensis . 633. Conciliū Toletanū . IIII. 640. Maximus Monachus . 640. Ionas . 640. Anastasius Sinaita . 660. Eligius Noviomensis . 680. Iulianus Toletanus . 690. Theodorus Cantuar. archiepisc . 700. Liber Canonum Ecclesiae Anglo-Saxonicae ; MS. in Bibliothecâ Cottonianâ . Nico. 710. Isidorus Mercator . 720. Beda . 720. Germanus Constantinop . 730. Bonifacius Moguntinus . 740. Gregorius III. 740. Io. Damascenus . 740. Antonius author Melissae 745. Synodus Romana sub Zachariâ . 750. Ambrosius Ansbertus . 754. Constantinopolitanum Concilium contra Imagines . 773. Hadrianus I. 780. Iohannes Hierosolymitanus . 785. Etherius & Beatus . 787. Concilium Nicaenū II. 787. Epiphanius Diaconus . 790. Elias Cretensis . 790. Alcuinus . 794. Conciliū Francofurtense . 800. Carolus Magnus . 813. Conciliū Arelatense IIII. 813. Concil . Cabilonense II. 816. Concil . Aquisgranense sub Ludovico Pio. 824. Synodus Parifiensis , de Imaginibus . 830. Christianus Druthmarus . 840. Amalarius Lugdunensis . 840. Paschasius Radbertus . 840. Rabanus Maurus . 840. Haymo Halberstattensis . 840. Agobardus Lugdun . episc . 840. Walafridus Strabus . 842. Concil . Aquisgranense sub Pipino . 850. Synodus Carisiac . 850. Iohannes Scotus . 850. Ecclesia Lugdunens . contra eund . 850. Grimoldus . 850. Hincmarus Rhemensis . 860. Photius , 860. Iohannes Diaconus . 870. Otfridus Wissenburgensis . 876. Ratrannꝰ , vulg . Bertramus . 890. Leo Imperator . 890. Michael Syncellus . 890. Ado Viennensis . 890. Nicetas Serronius . Gregorius Cerameus . 920. Regino Prumiensis . 950. Smaragdus . 975. Aelfrick . 1000. Fulbertus Carnotensis . 1020. Burchardus . 1030. Simeon Metaphrastes . 1050. Petrus Damiani . 1050. Oecumenius . 1050. Berengarius . 1058. Hermannus Contractus . 1060. Radulphus Ardens . 1060. Lanfrancus Cantuariensis archiepisc . 1060. Algerus . 1070. Osbernus . 1070. Theophylactus . 1080. Euthymius Zigabenus . 1080. Anselmus Cantuariensis archiepisc . 1090. Waltramus Naumbergensis . 1100. Sigebertus Gemblacensis . 1100. Conradus Bruwilerensis . 1100. Zacharias Chrysopolitanus . 1100. Ivo Carnotensis . 1110. Anselmus Laudunensis . 1120. Eadmerus . 1120. Michael Glycas . 1120. Iohannes Zonaras . 1120. Rupertus Tuitiensis . 1130. Hugo de S. Victore . 1130. Guilielmus Malmesburiensis . 1130. Innocentius II. 1130. Bernardus Claraevallensis . 1140. Petrus Lombardus . 1140. Gilbertus Porretanus . 1146. Otto Frisingensis . 1150. Petrus Cluniacensis . 1150. Constantinus Harmenopulus . 1150. Bernardus Morlanensis . 1154. Leo Thuscus . 1160. Arnaldus Carnotensis , abbas Bonaevallis . Opus de Cardinalibus Christi operib . Cypriano perperàm adscriptum , huic authori in exemplaribus MSS. tribuitur : quorum duo Oxonij ipsi vidimus ; in Bo●lci●na Bibliothecâ unum , in Collegij Omnium Animarum Biblioth . alterum . 1160. Petrus Blesen●is . 1160. Iohannes Tzetzes . 1170. Hugo Etherianus . 1170. Gratianus . 1180. Theodorus Balsamon . 1180. Simeon Dunelmensis . 1200. Cyrus Theodorus Prodromus . 1200. Innocentius III. 1204. Rogerus Hoveden . 1206. Guillermus Altissiodorensis . 1210. Nicetas Choniates . 1215. Concilium Lateranense . 1220 Jacobus de Vitriaco . 1230. Guilielmus Aluernus , Parisiensis episc . 1240. Alexand. de Hales . 1240. Albertus Magnus . 1250. Matthaeus Parisiensis . 1250. Hugo Cardinalis . 1252. Dominicani contra Graecos . 1260. Thomas Aquinas . 1260. Bonaventura . 1270. Jo. Semeca . 1280. Richardus de Media villa . 1280 Aegidius Romanus , à Trithemio author fuisse dicitur Compendij Theologicae veritatis , quod pag. 179. Alberti Magni nomine citavimus . Idem opus Bonaventurae nomine legitur in Appendice septimi tomi operum ejus Romae edit . 1283. Iohan. Peckham Cantuar. archiepisc . 1300. Iohannes Duns , Scotus . 1300. Georgius Pachymeres . 1300. Athanasius Constantinopolitanus . 1300. Nicolaus Cabasilas . Matthaeus Quaestor . 1310. Hugo de Prato . 1310. Guilielmus Nangiacus . 1320. Guilielmus Ockam . 1320. Durandus de S. Porciano . 1320. Petrus Paludanus . 1320. Theodorus Metochita . 1320. Nicolaus Lyranus . 1327. Andronicus . 1330. Alvarus Pelagius . 1340. Thomas Bradwardin . 1340. Nicephorus Gregoras . 1350. Richardus Armachanus . 1350. Robertus Holcot . 1350. Thomas de Argentina . 1354. Guido Augustinianus . Germanus Patriarcha Constantinop . 1370. Matthaeus Westmonasteriensis . 1370. Henricus de Iota vel Huecta . 1386. Gregorius Ariminensis . 1390. Michael Angrianus de Bononia . 1400. Petrus de Alliaco , Cameracensis . Iohannes Herolt , author Sermonum Discipuli . Iacobus de Everbaco . 1410. Iohannes Gerson . 1414. Constantiense Concilium . 1420. Theodoricus de Niem . 1430. Paulus Burgensis . 1430. Alphonsus Tostatus Abulensis episc . 1430. Thomas Walden . 1430. Bernardinus Senensis . 1438. Graecorum Apologia ad Basileense Concil . de igne Purgatorio . 1438. Concilium Ferrariense . 1439. Concilium Florentinum . 1439. Eugenij IIII. Bulla Unionis . 1440. Nicolaus Tudeschius , Abbas Panormitanus . 1440. Marcus Eugenicus , Ephesius . 1450. Gennadius Scholarius . 1460. Aeneas Sylvius . 1460. Dionysius Carthusianus . 1479. Congregatio Complutensis . 1480. Bernardinus de Busti . 1480. Iohannes Capgravius . 1480 Gabriel Biel. 1490. Marsilius de Inghen . 1490. Iacobus Perez de Valentia . 1500. Iohannes Major . 1500. Raphael Volaterranus . 1500. Iohannes de Selva . Erasmus , Adrian the sixth , Cardinall Cajetan , and the other writers of this last age , I passe over ; as also the Hebrewes and Heathen writers , cited in the question of the Descent into Hell : because the designing of the precise time wherein they lived , serveth to little use . Only I thinke it not amisse to adde here a list of the Liturgies and Rituall bookes , which I have had here occasion to make use of . Liturgiae . Graecae , nomen praeferentes Iacobi . Petri. Marci . Clementis . Basilij . Chrysostomi . Gregorij Romani ; à Codino Graecé reddita . Liturgia Ecclesiae Constantinopolitanae , Latiné á Leone Thusco edita . Graecorum Euchologium . Menaea . Octoëchum Anastasimum . Pentecostarium . Novum Anthologium Graecé editum Romae an . 1598. Basilij Anaphora Syriaca , ab Andr. Masio conversa . Missa Angamallensis , Christianorum S. Thomae , ex Syriaco conversa . in Itinerario Alex●j Menesij . Armenorum Liturgia , ab Andrea Lubelczyck Latine conversa . Liturgiae Aegyptiacae Basilij á Victorino Scialach ex Arabico conversae . Gregorij Nazianzeni á Victorino Scialach ex Arabico conversae . Cyrilli Alexandrini á Victorino Scialach ex Arabico conversae . Missa Ambrosiana . Gregorij I. Antiphonarium & Sacramentarium . Officium Muzarabum in Hispaniâ . Missale Gotthicū ; tomo 6. Bibliothec . Patr. edit . Paris . an . 1589 & 15. edit . Colon. an . 1622. Ordo Romanus antiquus . Missa Latina antiqua , edit . Argentinae an . 1557. Baptizatorum & Confi●entium Ceremoniae antiquae : uná cum praefationibus vetustis , edit . Colon. an . 1530. Alcuini Sacramentorum liber ; & Officium per ferias . Grimoldi Sacramentorū liber . Preces Ecclesiasticae v●ter●s , á Georgio Cassandro editae . Pontificale Romanum vetus , edit . Venet. an . 1572. & reformatum , Clementis VIII . jussu Romae edit . an . 1595. Missale Romanum vetus , edit . Paris . an . 1529. & jussu Pij V. & Clementis VIII . reformatum , edit . Romae an . 1604. Breviarium Romanum . Sacerdotale Romanum , edit . Venet. an . 1585. Caeremoniale Romanum , edit . Colon. an . 1574. Ordo Baptizandi , cum modo visitandi infirmos . Vener . 1575. Sacra institutio Baptizandi juxta ritum S. Romanae Ecclesiae , ex decreto Concilij Tridentini restitur . Paris . 1575. Breviarium Praemonstratensiū . FJNJS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A14227-e110 a Socrat. lib. 7. hist. cap. 22. b Suthym . Zigaben . in Praefat. Dogmaticae Panopliae . c Io. Brereley , in his Epistle before S. Augu●tines Religion . d Iob 29.11 . Act. 26.26 . Ovid. e Merc. Gallobelgic . ann . 1623. f His Majesties Answer to the Petition of the Parliament touching Recusants , 23. April . 1624. 2 Tim. 4.7.8 Notes for div A14227-e660 2 Tim. 3.15 . Acts 20.32 . Coloss. 3.16 Notes for div A14227-e1620 a Act. 23.8 . b Valent. de legit . usu Euchar. cap. 10. c Roffens . Assert . Lutheran . confutat . artic . 18. d Caietan . Opusc. tom . 1. tract 15. de Indulgent . cap 1. c Hard. answer to the first Article of Iuels challenge , fol. 26. b. Edit . Ant●erp . Ann. 1565. f Allen. artic . 11. demand . 9. g Erasm. in declarationib . ad censuras Parisiens . tit . 12. sect . 41. h Arnob lib. 2. contra Gentes . i Matth. 13.24 , 25. k Ibid. v. 26 , 27. l Apoc. 20.7 . m Infelix dicitur hoc seculum , exhaustum hominibus ingenio & doctrinâ claris , sive etiam claris principibus & pontificibus . Genebrard . Chro●● . libr. 4. n Bellarm. in Chronol . an . 970 o Idem , de Rom. Pon●if lib. 4. cap. 12. p Baron . Annal. tom . 10. an . 900. sect . 1. q Tertull. Praescript . advers . Haeret. cap. 32. r Matth. 19.8 . s Iude , v. 3 , 4. t Luke 1.4 . u Esai . 30.8 . * As it was in the beginning , ●o now . x Ledesim . de Scriptur . quâvis lingud non legendis , cap. 17. Bellarm. lib. 2. de Verbo Dei , cap. 15 y Hieronym . Praefat in libros Salomon . Epist. 115. Aug. de Pastorib . cap. 14. Levit. 19.32 . Dan. 7.6 . a Matth. 23.9 . Ephes. 2 20. b Quos si colligere , & eorū testimoniis uti velim , & nimis longum erit , & de canonicis authoritatibus , à quibus non debemus averti , minùs fortasse videbor praesumpsisse quàm debui . Aug. de nupt . & concupiscent . lib. 2. cap 29. c Sed neque semper , neque omnes haereses hoc modo impugnandae sunt , sed novitiae recētesque tantummodo , cùm primùm scilicet exoriū tur ; antequàm infalsare vetustae fidei regulas , ●p●●us temporis vetantur angustiis , ae priusquàm manante latiùs veneno majorū volumina vitiare cone●tur Caeterùm dilatatae & inveteratae haereses nequaquā hâ● viâ adgrediēdae sunt , eò quòd proli●o temporum tractu longa his furandae veritatis patu●rit occasio . V●ncent . de Heres . cap. 39. d Aeneas Sylvius , Epist. 288. e Con●il . Roman . sub Syl●estr . cap. 20. Nem● enim judicabi● primam sedem . f Concil . Sinuessan . circa fin . g Apoc. 17.8 . * Quae tam ad refutandas haereses huius temporis , quàm ad Gallorum Hist. pertinent . Vide Tom. 11. Bibliothecae Patrum , edit . Colon. pag. 44. b. * Lacuna hîc est in MS exemplari . h Ad istos enim quoque purgatio pertinet . Possevi● . lib. 1. Bibliothec● select . cap. 12. i Ex MS. Cod. celeberrimi Monasterii Weingartensis . k Wald. tom . 1. Doctrinal . in Prolog . ad Martinum V. l Id. tom . 2. cap. 19. & 61. * Ant. Possevin . Apparat. sac . in Berengario Turon . * al. Elgionem , & , Helgimonem . m De Christian. Eccles. success . & statu , Edit . ann . 1613. pag. 45. & 198. n Quum igitur in Catholicis veteribus aliis plurimos feramus errores , & extenuemus , excusemus , excogitato cōmento persaepe negemus , & commodū iis sensū affingamus , dū opponuntur in disputationibus , aut in conflictionibus cū adversariis : non videmus cur non eandē aequitatem & diligentem recognitionem mereatur Bertramus . ne haeretici ogganniant , nos antiquitatem pro ipsis facientem exurere & prohibere . Index Expurg . Belg●c . pag. 5. edit . Antuerp . ann . 1571. o Quae á se differunt , idem non sunt . Corpus Christi quod mortuū est & resurrexit , & immortale factū jam non moritur , & mors illi ultrà nō dominabitur , aeternū est , nec jā passibile . Hoc autē quod in Ecclesiâ celebratur , tēporale est , non aeternum ; corruptibile est , non in corruptum . B●rtram . de corp . & sang . Dom. p Secundùm species Sacramenti corruptibiles : aut de re ipsâ & usu sacramenti , qui non contingit , nisi praesenti in saeculo . Index expurg . pag. 7. q Quis per Romanā Ecclesiam unquam intellexit aut universalem Ecclesiam , aut generale Concilium ? Pigh . Eccles. Hierarch . lib. 6. cap. 3. r Vbicunque in his libris cōmemoravi Ecclesiam non habentem maculam aut rugam ; non sic accipiendum est quasi jam sit , sed quae praeparatur ut sit quando apparebit etiam gloriosa . Nunc enim propter quasdam ignorantias & infirmitates membrorum suorū habet unde quotidie tota dicat : Dimitte nobis debita nostra . August . Retractat . lib. 2. cap. 18. s 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Concil . Chalced . Act. 1. pag. 97. edit . Rom. t Irenae . lib. 1. cap 2.3 . Epiphan . haeres . 31. u Forma professionis fidei , in Bullâ Pij IV. edit . ann . 1564. x 1. King. 20.11 . y Antiqua sanctorum patrū consensio , non in omnibus divinae legis quaestiunculis , sed solùm , certé praecipué , in fidei regulâ magno nobis studio & investiganda est , & sequenda . Vinc●n● ▪ contra haer●s . cap. 39. z Iustini , Irenaei , Epiphani● atque Oecumenii sententiā non video , quo pacto ab errore possimus defendere . Bellarmin . lib. 1. de Sanctor . Beatit . cap. 6. a Primó quid● agunt multitudine Doctorū , quos errare in re tanti momenti non est facilè admittendum . Respondemus tamen ex Augustini libro 1. de Morib . Eccles c. 2. tùm ex B. Thomae doctrinâ , locum ab authoritate esse infirmum . Salmer . in Epist. ad Rom. libr. 2. disput . 51. b Cúm Donatistae in autorū multitudine gloriarentur ; respondit Augustinus , signū esse causae á veritatis nervo destitutae , quae soli multorum autoritati , qui errare possunt , innititur . Ibid. c Tertio argumenta petunt á Doctorum antiquitate , cui semper major honor est habitus , quàm novitatibus . Respondetur , quamlibet aetatem antiquitati semper detulisse : & quilibet senex , ut quidam Poëta dixit , laudator tēporis acti . Sed illud asserimus : quo juniores , eo perspicaciores esse Doctores . Ibid. d Nam in celeberrimâ Parisiorum Academiâ nullus Magistri in Theologiâ titulo dignus habetur , qui priùs etiam iuris iurandi religione non se adstrinxerit ad hoc Virginis privilegium tuendum , & propugnandum . Ibid. Vid. & Laur. Sur. commentar . rer . in orbe gestar . ann . 1501. e Nec eam unquam nisi juxta unanimem consensum Patrum accipiam , & interpretabor . Bulla Pij IV. pag. 478. Bullarij á Petro Matthaeo edit . Lugdun . ann . 1588. f Graeci Patres , nec pauci etiam Latinorum Doctorum arbitrati sunt , idqúe in scriptis suis prodiderunt ; causam praedestinationis hominum ad vitam aeternam , esse praescientiā quam Deus ab aeterno habuit , vel bonorum operum quae facturi erant cooperando ipsius gratiae , vel fidei quâ credituri erant verbo Dei & obedituri vocationi ejus . Perer. in Rom. 8. sect . 106. g Sed hoc videtur contrariū divinae Scripturae , praecipué autē doctrinae B. Pauli . Jdem ibid. sect . 111. At enimveró praesciētiā fidei non esse rationem praedestinationis hominum , nullius est negotii multis & apertis Scripturae testimoniis ostendere . Ibid. sect . 109. h Beatus Ambrosius Episcopus , in cuius praecipué libris Romana ●lucet fides , qui scriptorum inter Latinos flos quidam speciosus enituit , cuius fidē & purissimum in Scripturis sensum ▪ ne inimicus quidem ausus est reprehendere . i Ecce qualibus & quantis praedicat laudibus , quamlibet sanctum & doctum virum , nequaquam tamē authoritati Scripturae canonicae comparandum . August . de gratiâ Christi ▪ cont . Pelag . l●b . 1. cap. 43. k Solis eis Scripturarum libris , qui iam Canonici appellantur , didici hunc timorē honoremqúe deserre , ut nullum eorum authorem scribēdo aliquid errâsse firmissimé credam &c. Alios autem ita lego , ut quantalibet sanctitate doctrinaqúe praepolleant , non ideò verū putē , quia ipsi ita senserunt : sed quia mihi vel per illos authore● canonicos , vel probabili ratione , quòd á vero nō abhorreat , persuad●●e potuerūt . Aug. ep . 19. l Gloss. in Gratian . de Poeniten . dist . 5. cap. 1. In poenitentia . m Can. lib. 3. loc . Theolog. cap. 4. n Bannes , in 2.2 qu. 1. artic . 10. col . 302. o Coster in compendiosâ orthodoxae fidei Demonstrat . propos . 5. cap. 2 pag. 162 edit . Colon. ann . 1607. p Non nego me huius interpretationis authorem neminē habere : sed hanc eò magis probo quàm illam alteram Augustini , caeterarum alioqui probabilissimam ; quòd haec cum Calvinistarū sensu magis pugnet : quod mihi magnum est probabilitatis argumentum . Maldonat . in Io●an . 6.62 . q Sed nec ista argumentatio valet , se. Iste homo s●it aliquam conclusionem , quam nescivit Aug. e●go est sapientior Aug. Et sicut quidam peritus medicus dixit , homines nostri temporis ad antiquos comparantur , sicut pusillus homo positus collo Gigantis ad ipsum Gigantē Nam pusillus ibi positus videt quicquid vidit Gigas , & insuper plus ; & tamen si deponatur de collo Gigantis , parùm aut nihil videbit ad Gigantem collatus . Ita & no● firmati super ingenia antiquorum & opera eorum , non esset admirandum , immo foret valde rationabile , si videremus quidquid illi viderunt , & insuper plus : licèt hoc adhuc non profitemur . Abulens . 2. part . D●fensor . cap. 18. r Bene tamen sci●us , Pygmaeos Gigantum humeris impositos , plusquam ipsos Gigantes videre . Stella , enarrat . in Luc. cap. 10. s Per incrementa temporum nota facta sunt divina mysteria , quae tamen anteà multos latuerunt : ita ut hoc loco nôsse , beneficium sit temporis , non quòd nos meliores simus , quàm Patres nostri . Salmeron . in epist. ad Roman . lib. 2. disput . ●1 . t Neque cuīquā obscurum est , quin posterioribus ingeniis multa sint , tam ex evangeliis , quàm ex scripturis caeteris , nunc excussa luculentiùs , & intellecta perspicaciùs , quàm fuerant olim . Nimirum , aut quia veteribus adhuc non erat perfracta glacies , neque sufficiebat illorum aetas , totū illud scripturarū pelagus ad amussim expendere : aut quia semper in amplissimo scripturarū cāpo post messores quantumvis exquisitissimos , spicas adhuc intactas licebit colligere . Rossens confutat . Assert . Lutheran . artic . 18. u Nullus itaque detestetur novū sacrae scripturae sensum ex hoc quod dissonat á priscis doctoribus ; sed scrutetur perspicaciùs textum ac contextum scripturae : & si quadrare invenerit , laudet Deum , qui non alligavit expositionem scriptura●um sacrarum priscorum doctorum sensibus . Caietan . in Genes . 1. x 1. Tim. 6.11 . y Act. 20.27 . a An autem de aliquâ subjacenti materiâ facta sint omnia , nusquam adhuc legi . Scriptum esse doceat Hermogenis officina . Si non est scriptum timeat Vae illud adjicientibus aut detrahentibus destinatum . Tertull . advers Hermogen . cap. 22. b In quibus licèat omne verbum quod ad Deum pertinet requiri & discuti ; atque ex ipsis omnem rerum scientiam capi . Si quid autem superfuerit quod non divina Scriptura decer●at , nullam aliam debere tertiam Scripturam ad authoritatem scientiae suscipi : sed igni tradamus quod superest , id est , Deo reservemus . Neque enim in proesenti vitâ Deus scire nos omnia voluit , Orig. in Levit. hom . 5. c Vnus Deus est , quem non aliunde , fratres , agnoscimus , quàm ex sanctis Scripturis . Quemadmodum enim si quis vellet sapientiam hujus saeculi exercere , non aliter hoc cōsequi poterit , nisi dogmata Philosophorū legat : sic quicunque volumus pietatem in Deū exercere , non aliunde discemus , quàm ex Scripturis divinis . Quaecunque ergo sanctae Scripturae praedicant , sciamus ; & quaecunque docent , cog●noscamus Hippolyt . tom . 3. Biblioth . Pat. pa. 20.21 . edit . Colon. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Athanas. e Quae in Scripturis sanctis non reperimus , ea quemadmodum usurpare possumus ? Ambros. Offic. lib. 1. cap. 23. f Lego quia primus est , lego quia non est secundus ▪ illi qui secundum aiunt , doceant lectione . Id in Virginis instit . cap. 11. g Bene habet , ut iis quae sunt scripta contentus sis . Hilar. l. 3. de Trinit . h In quantum ego nūc beatae religiosaeque voluntatis veré te Domine Constanti Imperator admiror , fidem tantùm secundùm ea quae scripta sunt desiderantem . Id. lib. 2. ad Constantium . Aug. i 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Basil. hom . 29. advers . calumniantes S. Trinitat . k 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Idem de Fide. l 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Idem , in Ethicis , Regul 26. m 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Id. ibid. reg . 80. ca. 22. n 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Gregor . Nyssen . Dialog . de Animâ & Resurrect . tom . 2. edit . Grae●olat . pag. 639. o Cùm id nullo Scripturae testimonio suffultum sit , ut falsum improbabimus . lib. de Cognit Dei , citat . ab Euthymio in Panoplia , Tit. 8. p Vt haec quae scripta sunt non negamus ; ita ea quae non sunt scripta renuimu● . Natum Deum esse de Virgine credimus , quia legimus : Mariam nupsisse post partum non credimus , quia non legimus . Hieron . advers . Helvid . q In iis quae aperté in Scripturâ posita sunt , inveniuntur illa omnia quae continent fidem moresque vivendi . August . de doctrinâ Christian . li. 2. cap. 9. r Quicquid inde audieritis , hoc vobis bene sapiat : quicquid extra est respuite , ne erretis in nebulâ . Id. in li. de Pastor . cap. 11. s Omnia quae praeteritis tēporibus erga humanū genus majores nostri gesta esse meminerunt , nobisque tradiderunt ; omnia etiam quae nos videmus , & posteris tradimus , quae tamen pertinent ad veram religionem quaerendam & tenendā , divina scriptura non tacuit . Idem , ep 42. t Sufficit divina Scriptura ad faciendum eos qui in illâ educati sunt sapientes , & probatissimos , & suffientissimam habentes intelligentiam : Cyril . li. 7. cont Iulian. u 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Cyril Glaphyrorū , in Gen. l. 2. x 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Theod. dialog . 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . y 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Id. dial . 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . z 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Id. in Exod. quaest . 26. quod in Graecorum Catenâ in Pentateuchum , à Franc. Zephyro editâ , ita expositū legimus : Impudentis est , quod á Scripturâ reticetur , velle inquirere . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Theodoret. in Genesim . quaest . 45. b Quia non possit ex his inveniri veritas ab his , qui nesciant Traditionem . Non enim per literas traditam illam , sed per vivam vocem : ob quam causam & Paulum dixisse ; Sapientiam autem loquimur inter perfectos . Irenae . contr . hares . lib. 3. cap. 2. c Bellarmin lib. 4. de Verbo Dei , cap. 8. d Dicentes , se non solum Presbyteris , sed etiam Apostolis existente● sapientiores , since●am invenisse veritatem . &c. Evenit itaque neque Scripturis jam neque Traditioni consentire eos . Iren. ut sup . e Confitentur quidem nihil Apostolos ignorâsse , nec diversa inter se praedicâsse , sed non omnia illos volunt omnibus revelâsse : quaedam enim palam & universis , quaedam secretó & paucis demandâsse . quia & hoc verbo usus est Paulus ad Timotheum : O Timothee , depositum custodi . Et rursum : Bonum depositum custodi . Tertull. de praescript . advers . haeret . cap. 25. f Bellar. lib 4. de Verbo Dei , cap. 5. g Filii sumus sapientium , qui ab initio doctrinam nobis Apostolicam tradiderunt . Hieron . lib 7. in Esa. ca. 19. h Sed & alia , quae absque auctoritate & testimoniis scripturarū , quasi traditione Apostolicâ spōte reperiūt atque cōfingūt , percutit gladius Dei. Id. in Agg● . c. 1. i Chrysost. in Iohan 10. homil . 59. tom . 2. edit . Savil. pag. 799. k 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ibid. l 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ibid. m Quale mysterium iniquitatis praetendunt plures Monachi in veste suâ , per quos fiunt , & facta sunt schismata atque haereses in Ecclesiâ : qui etiam á matre filios segregant , oves á pastore ●ollicitant , Dei sacramenta disturbant : qui etiam Dei traditione contēptâ , alienas doctrinas appetunt , & magist●ria humanae institutionis inducunt Lib de unitat . Eccl●s . Tom. 1. Script . Germanic . á M. Fre●ero edit . pag 233. n Ideoque nihil debet Abbas extra praeceptum Domini quod sit , aut docere , aut constituere , vel jubere : sed jussio ejus vel doctrina , ut fermentum divinae justitiae in discipulorum mentibus conspergatur . Benedict . in Regulâ . o 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Athanas in Vitae Antonij . quod Evagrius Antioch●nu . presbyter redaidie : Ad omnem mandatorum disciplinam Scripturas posse sufficere . p 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Basil . in Reguiis br●viorib . op . 95. q Qui ne pueros quidem vel adolescentes permittunt in monasteriis habere studium salutaris scientiae : ut scilicet rude ingenium ●utriatur siliquis daemoniorum , quae sunt consuetudines humanarum traditionum : ut ejusmodi spurcitiis assuefacti , non possint gustare quam suavis est Dominus . Lib. de Vnitat . Eccles. pag. 22● . r Verùm enimveró vereor , ne isti qui velint populum nihil attingere , non tam periculo commoveantur illorum quàm sui respectu : videlicèt ut ab istis solis , velut ab oraculis petantur omnia . Quid hâc de rescriptum est ? hoc scriptum est Quem habet sensum , quod scriptum est ? Sic intellige , sic senti , sic loquere . Atqui istuc est bubalum esse , non hominem . Fortassis movet & nonnullos , quoniam animadvertunt divinam scripturam parùm quadrare ad vitam suam . malunt eam antiquari , aut certé nesciri ; ne quid hinc jaciatur in os . Et ad humanas traditiunculas populum avocant , quas ipsi ad suam commoditatem probé commenti sunt . E. asm in ena●rat . 1. Psalmi , edit . ann . 1515. s Cùm multa palàm tradantur observanda , quae sacris in literis expressé non habentur : nónne idiotae haec animadvertentes facilè murmurabunt , conquerentes cur tantae sibi imponantur sarcinae , quibus & libertas Evangelica ita graviter elevatur ? Nónne & facilè retrahentur ab observantiâ institutionum Ecclesiasticarum , quando ●as in lege Christi animadverterint non contineri ? Sutor de tralatione Bibliae cap. 22. fol. 96. ed●t . Paris . an . 1525. t Hieronym . lib. 2. Comment . in Esai . cap. 3. & lib. 9. in Esai . cap. 29. a Serm. a● Westminst . before the house of Commons . ann . 1620. b Quod ergo vidistis , Panis est & Calix : quod vobis etiam oculi vestri renunciant . August . in Sermone de sacram . apud Bedam ▪ in 1. Cor. 10. & Ratrannum de corp . & sangu . Dom. vel in Sermone de Verbis Domini : ut citatur ab Algero , lib. 1. de Sacram. cap. 5. c Tertull. in lib. de Animâ , cap. 17. cui titulus : De quinque sensibus . d Ioh 6.52 . e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Basil. in Psalm . 33. f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . A●hanas . g Etsi carnem ait nihil prodes●e , ex materiâ dicti dirigendus est sensus . Nam quia durum & intolerabilē existimaverunt sermonem ejus , quasi veré carnem suam illis edendam determinâsset : ut in spiritu disponeret slatum salutis , praemisit ; Spiritus est qui vivificat . atque ita subjunxit : Caro nihil prodest , ad vivificandum scilicèt . Tertull de Resurrect . carnis . cap. 37. h Quia & sermo caro erat factus , proinde in causam vitae appetendus , & devorandus auditu , & ruminandus intellectu , & fide digerendus . Nam & paulò antè carnem suam panem quoque coelestem pronuntiârat ; urgens usquequaque per allegoriam necessariorum pabulorum , memoriam patrum , qui panes & carnes Aegyptiorum praeverterant divinae vocationi . Idem ibid. i Est & in novo Testamento litera quae occidit eum , qui non spiritualiter ea quae dicuntur adverterit . Si enim secundùm literam sequaris hoc ipsum quod dictum est ; Nisi manducave●itis carnem meam , & biberitis sanguinem meum occidit haec litera . Orig. in Levit. cap. 10. ●om 7. k Quomodo in coelum manū mittā , ut ibi sedentē teneā ? Fidē mitte , & tenuisti . Aug. in Evang. Iohan. Tract . 50. l Vt quid paras●dentes & ven●rem ? C●ede , & manducàsti . Id. ibid. Tracta● . 25. m Credere enim in eum , hoc est mandu●a●e panem vivum . Qui credit in eum , manducat . Invisibiliter saginatur , quia invisibiliter renascitur . Infans intus est , novus intus est : ubi novellatur , ibi satiatur . Id. ibid. Tractat. 26. n Nulli est aliquatenùs ambigendum , tunc unumquemque fidelium corporis sanguinisque Dominici participem fieri , quando in baptismate membrum Christi efficitur : nec alienari ab illius pan●s calicisque consortio , etiamsi antequàm panem illum comedat & calicem bibat , de hoc seculo in unitate corporis Christi constitutus abscedat . Sacramenti quippè illius participatione ac beneficio non privatur , quando ipse hoc quod illud sacramentum significat , invenit . August . in Serm ad in●ante● ▪ de sacram . apud Bedam , in 1. Cor. ●0 . o Clem. Ale●andr . P●dagog . lib 1. cap. 6. p Origen . in L●vit . cap. 10 homil . 7. q Bibere autem dicimur sanguinem Christi , non solùm sacramentorum rit● , sed & cùm sermones ejus recipimus , in quibus vita consistit sicut & ipse dicit : Verba quae locutus sum , spiritus & vita est . Origen . in Numer . cap. 24 hom . 16. r 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Euseb. lib. 3. Ecclesiasticae Theologiae , contra Marcellum Ancyranum . MS. in publicâ Oxoniensis Academiae Bibliothecâ : & in privatis virorum doctissimorum , D. Richardi Montacutij & M. Patricij Iunij . s Quod sanctificatur per verbum Dei & per obsecrationem , non suápte naturâ sanctificat utentem . Nam id si esset , sanctificaret etiam illum , qui comedit indigné Domino : neque quisquam ob hunc esum infirmus aut aegrotus fuisset , aut obdormisset . Nam tale quiddā Paulus demōstrat , quū ait : Propter hoc inter vos infirmi , & male habētes , & dormiunt multi . Origen . in Matt. 15. t Mult● porrò & de ipso Verbo dici possent , quod factum est caro , verusque cibus , quē qui comederit , omnino vivet in aeternum ; quem nullus malus potest ed ere . Etenim si fieri possit , ut qui malus adhuc perseveret , edat Verbum factum carnem , quum sit verbum & panis vivus , nequaquàm scriptum fuisset : Quisquis ederit panem hunc , vivet in aeternum Id. ibid. u Nec isti dicendi sunt manducare corpus Christi . quoniam nec in membris computandi sunt Christi . August . de Civit. Dei , lib 21. cap. 25. x Denique ipse dicens , Qui manducat carnem meam , & bibit sanguinem meum , in me manet , & ego in eo ; ostendit quid sit non sacramento tenus , sed reverà manducare corpus Christi , & ejus sanguinem bibere : hoc est enim in Christo manere , ut in illo maneat & Christus . Sic enim hoc dixit , tanquàm diceret : Qui non in me manet , & in quo ego non maneo , non se dicat aut existimet manducare corpus meum , aut bibere sanguinem meum . Id. ibid. y Hoc est ergo manducare illam escam , & illum bibere potum ; in Christo manere , & illum manentem in se habere . Ac per hoc qui non manet in Christo , & in quo non manet Christus , proculdubio nec manducat spiritaliter carnē ejus , nec bibit ejus sanguinē , licèt carnaliter & visibiliter premat dentibus sacramentum corporis & sanguinis Christi : sed magis tantae rei sacramentū ad judicium sibi manducat et bibit , quia immundus praesumpsit ad Christi accedere sacramenta . Id. in Evangel . Iohan. Tract . 26. z Hic est panis vitae . Qui ergò vitam manducat , mori non potest . Quomodo enim morietur , cui cibus vita est ? Quomodo deficiet , qui habuerit vitalem substantiam ? Ambr. in Psal. 118. octonar . 18. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Macar . Aegypt . homil . 14. b Escam vitae accipit , & aeternitatis poculum bibit , qui in Christo manet , & cujus Christus habita●or est . Nam qui discordat à Christo , nec carnem ejus manducat , nec sanguinem bibit : etiamsi tantae reisacramentum ad judicium suae praesumptionis quotidie indifferenter accipiat . Prosp. senten● . 339. c Hujus rei sacramentum de mensâ Dominicâ sumitur ; quibusdam ad vitam , quibusdam ad exitiū . Res veró ipsa , cujus sacramētum est , omni homini ad vitam , nulli ad exitium , quicunque ejus particeps fuerit August . in Iohan . tractat . 26. d Hoc tamen est impossibile , quòd panis sit corpus Christi . De consecrat . dist . 2. cap 55. Panis est in altari . Gloss. e Non igitur potest fieri , ut vera sit propositio , in quâ sub●ectum supponit pro pane , praedicatum autem pro corpore Christi . Panis enim & corpus Domini res diversissimae sunt . Bellarmin . de Eucharist . lib. 3. cap. 19. f Ibidē scripsi● Lut●erus , verba Evangelistae , Hoc est corpus meum , hunc facere sensum , H●● panis est corpus meum : quae sententia aut accipi debet tropicé , ut panis sit corpus Christi significativé ; aut est plané absurda & impossibilis . nec enim fieri potest ut panis sit corpus Christi . Id. lib. 1. de Eucharist . cap 1. g Matth. Kellison , Survey of the new Religion , lib. 8. chap. 7. sect 7. h Luk. 22.18 . i Matth. 26.29 . Mark. 14.25 . k 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 1 Cor. 11.25 . l 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Gen. 17.10 . m 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( vel , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Gen. 17.11 n Si enim Sacramēta quandam similitudinem earum rerum quarum sacramenta sunt non haberent , omninò Sacramēta non essent Ex hâc autem similitudine plerumque etiam ipsarum rerum nomina accipiunt . Sicut ergo secundùm quendam modum sacramentum corporis Christi corpus Christi est , sacramentū sanguinis Christi sanguis Christi est ; ita-sacramentū fidei fides est . Aug. epist. 23. o Non ait , Sepulturā significamus : sed prorsus ait , Consepulti sumus . Sacramentū ergo tantae rei non nisi ejusdē rei vocabulo nuncupavit . Id ibid. p Solet autē res quae significat , ejus rei nomine quā significat nuncupari . sicut scriptum est : Septē spicae , septē anni sunt ▪ ( non enim dixit ; Septem annos significant ) & , septem bo●es , septem anni sunt : & multa hujusmodi . Hinc est quod dictū est : Petra erat Christus Non enim dixit , Petra significat Christū ; sed tāquā hoc esset , quod utique per substantiā non hoc erat , sed per significationē . Sic & sanguis , quoniā propter vitalē quandā corpulentiā animā significat , in sacramentis anima dictus est Aug. in Levit. quaest 57. q 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Iustin. Apolog . 2. r Quomodo autem justé Dominus , si alterius patris existit , hujus conditionis , quae est secundùm nos , accipiens panem , suum corpus esse confitebatur ; & temperamentum calicis suum sanguinem confirmavit . hen . lib. 4 cap 57. s Calicem , qui est ex eâ creaturâ quae est secundùm nos , suum sanguinē confessus est . Id lib. 4. cap. 32. t Eum calicem qui est creatura , suum sanguinem qui effusus est , ex quo auget nostrùm sanguinem ; & eum panem qui est á creaturâ , suum corpus confirmavit , ex quo nostra auget corpora . Quando ergo & mixtus calix & fractus panis percipit verbum Dei , fit Eucharistia sanguinis & corporis Christi , ex quibus augetur & consistit carnis nostrae substantia . Id. lib. 5. cap 2. edit . Colon an . 1596. u 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Clem. Alexand. Paedagog . lib. 2. cap. 2. x Acceptum panem & distributum discipulis , corpus suum illum fecit , Hoc est corpus meum dicendo , id est , figura corporis mei . Tertull. advers . Marci●n . lib. 4. cap 40. y Ille cibus qui sanctificatur per verbum Dei , perque obsecrationem , juxta id quod habet materiale , in ventrem abit , & in secessum ejicitur : caeterùm juxta precationem quae illi accessit proportione fidei fit utilis , efficiens ut perspicax fiat animus , spectans ad id quod utile est . Nec materia panis , sed super illum dictus sermo est , qui prodest non indigné Domino comedenti illum . Et haec quidem de typico symbolicóque corpore . Origen . in Matth. cap. 15. z 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; Orig. Dial. 3. a Quâ in parte invenimus calicem mixtū suisse quem Dominus obtulit , & vinum suisse , quod sanguinem sun̄ dixit . Cypr. epist. ●● . sect . 6 , b Nec corpus Domini potest esse fa●ina sola , aut aqua sola ; nisi utrumque adunatum fuerit & copulatū , & panis unius compage solidatum . Id. ibid. sect . 10. c Nam quando Dominus corpus suum panem vocat de multorum granorum adunatione congestum ; populum nostrum , quem portabat , indicat adunatū : & quando sanguinem suum vinum appellat , de botris atque acinis plurimis expressum atque in unum coactum , gregem item nostrū significat , cōmixtione adunatae multitudinis copulatum . Id. epist. 76. sect . 4. d Theoph. Antioch . in Evang. lib. 1. pag. 152. tom . 2 Bibliothec. Patr. edit . Colon. e Mox acceptopane , deinde vini calice , corpus esse suum ac sanguinem testatus , manducare illos jussit & bibere ; quòd ea sit futurae calamitatis suae mortisque memoria . Ammon . harmon . Evang. tom . 3. Biblioth . Patr. pag. 28. f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Euseb. lib. 8. Demonstrat . Evangel . in fine cap. 1. g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Id. ibid. h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Id. l●b . 1. Demonstr . cap. ult . i Panis vinumque ex hâc materiâ vescentes sanctificat . Acac. in Gen. 2. Graec. caten . in Pentate●ch Zephyro interp . k 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Macar . Aegypt . homil . 27. l In typo sanguinis sui non obtulit aquam , sed vinum . Hieronym . lib. 2. advers . Iovinian . m Non hoc corpus quod videtis manducaturi estis , & bibituri illum sanguinem , quem susu●i sunt qui me crucifigent . Sacramentum aliquod vobis commendavi : spiritualiter intellectum vivisicabit vos . Augustin . in Psalm . 98. n Adhibuit ad convivium , in quo corporis & sanguinis sui figuram discipulis commendavit & tradidit . Id. in Psal. 3. o Illi manducabant panem Dominum : ille panem Domini contra Dominum . Id. in Evang. Iohan. tract . 59. p Non enim Dominus dubitavit dicere , Hoc est corpus meum ; cùm signum daret corporis sui . August . contr . Adimant . cap. 12. q Istam mensam praeparavit servis & ancillis in conspectu corum , ut quotidie in similitudinem corporis & sanguinis Christi , panem & vinum secundùm ordinem Melchisedec , nobis ostenderet in sacramento In Psal 22 Chrysost. tom . 1 r Sicut enim antequàm sanctificetur panis , panem nominamus : divinâ autem illum sanctificante gratiâ , mediante sacerdote , liberatus est quidem ab appellatione panis , dignus autem habitus est Dominici corporis appellatione , etiamsi natura panis in ipso permansit : & non duo corpora , sed unum Filii corpus praedicatur sic & hîc divinâ i●undante corporis naturâ ( vel potiùs , divinâ naturâ in corpore insidente : Graecé enim 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hîc legitur ▪ in MS. Bibliothecae Florentinae exemplari , unde ist●●ranstulit Perus Martyr ) unum filium , unam personam , ●traque haec fecerunt . Chrysost. ad Caesarium monachum . s 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Theod. dialog . 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , fol. 8. edit . Rom. ann . 1547. t 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ibid. u 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ib. x 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ib. y Certa sacramenta quae sumimus corporis & sanguinis Christi , divina res est , propter quod , & per eadem divinae efficimur consortes naturae ; & tamen esse non desinit substantia , vel natura panis & vini . Et certé imago & similitudo corporis & sanguinis Christi , in actione mysteriorum celebrantur . Satis ergo nobis evidenter ostenditur , hoc nobis in ipso Christo Domino sentiendum , quod in ejus imagine profitemur , celebramus , & sumus : ut sicut in hanc , scilicèt in divinam transeant , sancto spiritu perficiente substantiam , permanente tamen in suae proprietate naturae ; sic illud ipsum mysterium principale , cujus nobis efficientiam virtutemque veraciter repraesentant , &c. Gelas. de duab . natur . in Christo , contra Eutychen . z 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( Schottus the Iesuite translateth this , & sensibilis essentiae non cognoscitur : which is a strange interpretation , if you marke it ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ephraemius de sacris Antioch●ae legib . lib. 1. in Pho●ij Bibliothecâ , cod . 219. a Vet. author , citatus ab Irenaeo , lib 1. cap. 12 b Apoc. 9.20 , 21. c Apoc. 18.3 , 23. d 2. Thess. 2.9 . e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Irenaeus , lib. 1. cap. 9. f Humanâ procuratione , vel fortè diabolicâ operatione . Alex. Halens . Summ. Theolog. part . 4. quaest . 11. memb . 2. artic . 4. sect . 3. g Nemo , qui Sanctorum vitas & exempla legerit , potest ignorare , quòd saepè haec mystica corporis & sanguinis sacramenta , aut propter dubios , aut certé propter ardentiùs amantes Christum , visibili spécie in agni formâ , aut in carnis & sanguinis colore monstrata sint : quatenùs de se Christus clementer adhuc non credentibus fidem faceret : ita u● dum oblata frangitur , vel offertur hostia , videretur agnus in manibus & crnor in calice , quasi ex immolatione profluere . ut quod latebat in mysterio , patesceret adhuc dubitantibus in miraculo . Paschas . de corp . & sangu . Dom. cap. 14. h Speciosa certé pax nebulonis ; ut cui o●is praebuerat basium , dentiū inferret exitiū . Guilielm . Malmesbur . de gestis Reg. Anglor . lib. 3. i Io Diac. vit . Greg. lib. 2. cap. 41. k Sanctus Hieronymus presbyter , ipsas Sanctorum Patrum Vitas Latino edidit sermone . Paschas . Radbert . in epist. ad Frudegard . Consule libros Carolinos , de Imaginib . lib. 4. cap. 11. l Inter sententias Patrum , áe P●●agio Roman●e ecclesiae d●acono Latiné versas , libell . ●8 . cui ●i●●lus de Providentiâ vel Proevidentiâ : sive , ut in P●o●ij ●iblio●hecâ habetur , ●od . 98. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . m Tom. 4. Surij , pag 257. edit . Colon an . 1573. n Nomen Amphilochii ad mentiendum accepit . Baron . tom 4. an . 369. sect . 43. o Scatens mēdaciis , Id. ibid. an . 363. sect . 55. p Removean●ur ista vel figmenta mendacium hominū , vel portenta fallacium spirituū . Aut enim non sunt vera quae dicuntur , aut si haereticorum aliqua mira facta sunt , magis cavere debemus : quòd cùm dixisset Dominus quosdā futuros esse fallaces , qui nonnulla signa faciendo etiam electos si fieri posset fallerent ; adjecit vehementer commendans , & ait , Ecce praedixi vobis . August . de unitat . Eccles. cap. 16. q Matt. 24.26 . r Rom. 1.27 , 28. s Damascen . Orthodox . sid . lib. 4. cap. 14. t 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . u 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . x 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . y 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . z 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. So a little after it is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . a Concil . gener . tom . 3. pag. 599.600 . edit Rom. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ib. pag. 601. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ibid. in margine . d Amalar. de Ecclesiastic . offic , lib. 1. cap. 24. e Hic credimus naturam simplicem panis & vini mixti , verti in naturam rationabilem , scilicèt corporis & sanguinis Christi . Id. li. 3. cap. 24. f Ita veró sumptum corpus Domini bonâ intentione , non est mihi disputandū utrùm invisibiliter assumatur in coelum , aut reservetur in corpore nostro usque in diem sepulturae , aut exhaletur in auras , aut exeat de corpore cū sanguine , aut per os emittatur ; dicente Domino , Omne quod intrat in os in ventrem vadit & in secessum emittitur . Idem , in epistolâ ad Guitardum , MS. in Biblioth . Colleg. S. Benedict . Cantabrig . cod . 55. g Id. de Ecclesiastic . offic . lib. 3. cap. 35. h Florus in Actis Synod . Carisiac . MS. apud N. Ranchinum , in Senatu Tolosan● Regium Consiliarium . Vid. Phil. Morn . de Miss . lib. 4. cap. 8. i Panis & vinū efficitur spiritualiter corpus Christi . &c. Mentis ergo est cibus iste , non ventris : nec corrumpitur , sed permanet , in vitam aeternam . Ibid. k Supr . pag. 16. l Genuinū Ecclesiae Catholicae sensum ita primus explicuit , ut viam caeteris aperuerit , qui de eodē argumento multi postea scripsere . Iac. Sirmond . in vitâ Radberti . m Quaeris enim de re ex quâ multi dubitant and againe . Quamvis multi ex hoc dubitent , quomodo ille integer manet , & hoc corpus Christi & sanguis ●sse possit . Paschas . epist. ad Frudegard . n Quod in Ecclesiâ ore fidelium sumitur corpus & sanguis Christi , quaerit vestrae magnitudinis excellentia , in mysterio fiat , an in veritate , &c. & utrùm ipsum corpus sit , quod de Mariâ natum est , & passum , mortuum & sepultum , quodque resurgens & coelos ascendens , ad dextram Patris consideat ? Ratrann . sive Bertram . in lib. de corp . & sangu . Dom. edit . Colon. ann . 1551. pag. 180. o Panis ille vinumque , figuraté Christi corpus & sanguis existit . Ibid. pag. 183. p Nam secundùm creaturarum substantiam quod fuerunt ante consecrationem , hoc & posteà consistunt . Ib. pag. 105. q Dominicum corpus & sanguis Dominicus appellantur ; quoniam ejus sumunt appellationem , cujus existunt sacramentum . Ibid. pag. 200. r Videmus itaque multâ differentiâ separari mysterium sanguinis & corporis Christi , quod nunc á fide●ibus sumitur in Ecclesiâ , & illud quod natū est de Mariâ virgine , quod passum , quod sepultum , quod resurrexit , quod coelos ascendit , quod ad dextram Patris sedet . Ibid. pag. 222. s Animadvertat ( clarissime Princeps ) sapientia vestra , quòd positis sanctarū Scripturarum testimoniis , & sanctorum Patrū dictis evidentissimé monstratum est ; quòd panis qui corpus Christi , & calix qui sanguis Christi appellatur , figura sit , quia mysterium : & quòd non parva differentia sit inter corpus quod per mysterium existit , & corpus quod passum est , & sepultum , & resurrexit . Ibid. pag. 228. t Caeterùm , Bertramum ci●are , quid aliud est , quàm dicere , haeresim Calvini non esse novam ? Fr. Turrian . de Eucharist . contra Volanum , lib. 1. cap. 22. u Martyrolog . Rom. IV. ID . Novemb. edit . An●uerp . ann . 15●6 . y Homilia Paschalis , Anglo-Saxonicé impressa Londini , per Io. Daium : & MS. in publicâ Cantabrigiensis Academiae Bibliothecâ . z Ille panis qui per Sacerdotis ministeriū Christi corpus efficitur , aliud exteriùs humanis sensibus ostendit , & aliud interiùs fidelium mentibus clamat . Exteriùs quidē panis , quod antè fuerat , forma praetenditur , color ostenditur , sapor accipitur : ast interiùs Christi corpus ostenditur . Ratrann . sive Bertram . de corp . & sangu . Dom. pag. 182. a Consideremus fontem sacri baptismatis , qui fons vitae non immerito nuncupatur . &c. In eo si consideretur solummodo quod corporeus aspicit sensus , elementum fluidum conspicitur , corruptioni subjectum , nec nisi corpora lavandi potentiam obtinere . Sed accessit sancti Spiritus per Sacerdotis consecrationem virtus ; & efficax facta est non solùm corpora verumetiam animas diluere , & spirituales sordes spirituali potentiâ dimovere . Eccè in uno eodemque elemento , duo videmus inesse sibi resistentia . &c. Igitur in proprietate humor corruptibilis , in mysterio veró virtus sanabilis . Sic itaque Christi corpus & sanguis superficie tenus considerata , creatura est , mutabilitati corruptelaeque subjecta : si mysterii veró perpendis virtutem , vita est , participantibus se tribuens immortalitatem Ibid. pag. 187 188. b Multâ differentiâ separantur , corpus in quo passus est Christus , et hoc corpus quod in mysterio passionis Christi qu●tidiè à fid●libus celebratur ●bid . pag. 212. & 22● . c Illa namque caro quae c●ucifixa est , de Virginis carne facta est , ossibus & nervis compacta , & humanorum membrorum lineamentis distincta , rationalis animae spiritu vivificata in propriam vitam & congruentes motus . At veró caro spiritualis , quae populum credentem spiritualiter pascit , secundùm speciem quam gerit exteriùs , frumenti granis manu artificis consistit , nullis nervis ossibusque compacta , nullâ membrorum varietate distincta , nullâ rationali substantiâ vegetata , nullos proprios potens motus exercere . Quicquid enim in eâ vitae praebet substantiam , spiritualis est potentiae , & invisibilis efficientiae , divinaeque vi●tutis . Ibid. pag. 214. d Corpus Christi quod mortuum est & resurrexit , & immortale factum , jam non moritur , & mors illi ultrà non dominabitur , aeternum est , nec jam passibile . Hoc autem quod in Ecclesiâ celebratur , temporale est , non aeternum ; corruptibile est , non incorruptum , &c. dispartitur ad sumendum , & dentibus commolitum , in corpus trajicitur . Ibid. pag. 216.217 . e Et hoc corpus , pignus est & species : illud veró ipsa veritas . Hoc enim geritur , donec ad illud perveniatur : ubi veró ad illud perventum fuerit , hoc removebitur . Ib. pag. 222. f Videmus nondū passum esse Christum , &c. Sicut ergo paulò antequàm pateretur , panis substantiam & vini creaturam convertere potuit in propriū corpus quod passurum erat , & in suum sanguinē qui pòst fundendus extabat : sic etiā in deserto manna & aquam de petrâ in suam carnē & sanguinem convertere praevaluit &c. Ibid. pag. 193. g Manducavit & Moses manna , manducavit & Aaron , manducavit & Phinees , manducaverunt ibi multi qui Deo placuerunt ; & mortui non sunt . Quare ? Quia visibilem cibum spiritualiter intellexerunt , spiritualiter esurierunt , spiritualiter gustaverunt , ut spiritualiter satiarentur . Ibid. pag. 217. ex August . in Evang. Iohan. tractat . 26. h Im●ress . Londini cum Homiliâ Paschali : & MS. in publicâ Oxoniensis Academiae Bibliothecâ ▪ & Colleg. S. Benedict . Cantabrig . i Sigebert . Gemblac . & Guiliel . Nangiac . in Chron. an . 1051. Conrad . Bruwilerens . in vitâ Wolphelmi , apud Surium , April . 22. k Flor. histor . ann . 1087. l De Christian. Eccles. success . & stat . edit . ann . 1613. pag. 190.191.192 . et 208. m Cujus corpus & sanguis in sacramento altaris sub speciebus panis & vini veraciter continentur ; trāssubstantiatis pane in corpus , & vino in sanguinem potestate divinâ . Concil . Lateran . cap. 1. a Si quis negaverit Confessionem sacramentalem vel institutam , vel ad salutem necessariam esse jure divino : &c. Anathema sit . Concil . Trident . Sess. 14. Can. 6. b Si quis dixerit , in sacramēto Poenitentiae ad remissionē peccatorum necessarium non esse jure divino , confiteri omnia & singula peccata mortalia , quorū memoria cū debitâ & diligenti praemeditatione habeatur , etiam occulta & quae sunt contra duo ultima Decalogi praecepta , & circumstantias quae peccati speciem mutant : sed eam confessionem tantùm esse utilem ad erudiendum & consolandum poenitentem , & olim observatam fuisse tantùm ad satisfactionem canonicam imponendam ; &c Anathema sit . Ibid. can . 7. c Psalm . 32.5 . d 2. Sam. 23.1 . e Psalm . 32.6 . f 2. Chronic. 6.37.39 . 1. Kin. 8.47 , 50. g Luk. 18.13 , 14. h Hebr. 12.9 . i 1. Ioh. 1.9 . k Nunc autem neque necessarium praesentibus testibus confiteri : cogitatione fiat delictorum exquisitio , absque teste sit hoc judicium . Solus te Deus confitentem videat . Chrysost. homil . de Poenitent . & Confession . tom . 5 edit . Latin. col . 901. edit . Basil. an . 1558. l 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Id. circa finem homiliae 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , de incomprehensib . Dei natur . tom . 6. edit . Graec. D. Hen. Savil. pag. 424. & tom . 5. pag 262.263 . m 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Id. in epist. ad Hebr. cap 12. homil . 31. tom . 4. Savil. pag. 589. n 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Id. in Psalm . 50. hom . 2. tom . 1. Savil. pag. 708. o 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Id. homil . 4. de Lazaro , tom . 5. Savil . pag. 258. p 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Id ibid. q 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Id. in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ad pop . Antiochen . homil 2● . ●om . 6. Savil. pag. 608. r Quid mihi ergo est cum hominibus ut audiant confessiones meas , quasi ipsi sanaturi sint omnes languores meos ? Aug. Confess . lib. 10. cap. 3. s Confessionis autem caussam addidit , dicens : Quia fecisti . au●orem scilicèt universitatis hujus Dominum esse cōfessus ; nulli alii docens cōsitendū , quàm qui fecit Olivā fructife●am spei mise●icordia in seculum seculi . H. lar . in Psal. 51 t Antiqu. lib. Canon . 66. titulorum , MS. in Bibliot●ecâ Cottoni●nà . u Quis est qui non possit suppliciter dicere ? Peccatum meū cognitum tibi feci , & in●ustitiam meam non operui ut per hanc con●essionem etiā illud confidenter subjungere mereatur : Et tu remisisti impietatem cordis mei . Quòd si verecundiâ retrahente revelare ea coram hominibus erubescis , illi quem latere non possunt , confiteri ea jugi supplicatione non desinas , ac dicere [ Iniquitatem meam ego cognosco , & peccatum meum contra me est semper : tibi soli peccavi , & malum coram te feci : ] qui & absque ullius verecundiae publicatione curare , & sine improperio peccata donare consuevi● . Io. Cassiar . Collat. 20 cap 8 x Attende quanta sit indulgentiae vitalis velocitas , quan●a misericordiae Dei commendatio : ut confitentis desiderium comitetur venia , antequàm ad cruciatum perveniat poenitentia ; antè remissio ad cor perveniat , quàm confessio in vocem ●rumpat . Gregor . exposit . 2. Psal. Poenit●ntia al. y 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Basil. in Psalm . 37. z Lavant lachrymae delictum , quod voce pudor est cōfiteri . Et veniae fletus consulūt , & verecundiae : lachrymae sine horrore culpā loquuntur ; lachrymae crimen sine offensione verecundiae confitentur . Ambros. lib. 10. commentar . in Luc. cap. 22. a Vnde etsi propter pudorem nolit quis confiteri ; solae lachrymae delent peccata . Gloss. de Poenit. d●stinct 1. cap. 2. Lachrymae b Lavat lachryma delictum , quod voce pudor est confiteri . Lachrymae ergo verecundiae consulunt pariter & saluti ; nec erubescunt in petendo , & impetrant in rogando . Maxim. homil . de Poenitent . Petri. Tom. 5. Biblioth . Pat● . part . 1. pag. 21. edit . Colon. c Deum sibi faciliùs placabunt illi , qui non humano cōvicti judicio , sed ultrò crimē agnoscunt : qui aut propriis illud confessionibus produnt , aut nescientibus aliis quales occulti sunt , ipsi in se voluntari●e excommunicationis sententiam ferūt , & ab altari cui ministrabant , non animo sed officio separati , vitam tanquā mortuam plangunt ; certi , quòd reconciliato sibi efficacis poenitentiae fructibus Deo , non solùm amissa recipiant , sed etiā cives supernae civitatis effecti , ad gaudia sempiterna perveniant . Prosper , de vitâ contemplativâ , lib 2. cap. 7. d Si peccavero , etiam in quocunque minuto peccato , & consumit me cogitatio mea , & arguit me , dicens : Quare peccâsti ? quid faciam ? Respondit senex : Quacunque horâ ceciderit homo in culpam , & dixerit ex corde , Domine Deus peccavi , indulge mihi ; mox cessabit cogitationis vel tristitiae illa consumptio , Respons . Patr. Aegypt . á Pas●hasio diacono Latiné vers . cap. 11. e Novit omnia Dominus , sed expectat vocē tuam ; non ut puniat , sed ut ignoscat : non vult ut insultet tibi Diabolus , & celantē peccata tua arguat . Praeveni accusatorem tuum : si te ipse accusaveris , accusatorem nullum timebis . Ambr. de Poenitent . lib. 2. cap. 17. f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . LXX . in Esa. 43.26 . & P●overb . 18 17. g Ierem. 8.22 . h Iam. 5.16 . i 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Greg. Nyssen . de Poenitent . in Operū Appendice , edit . Paris . an . 1618. pag. 175.176 . k Tantummodò circumspice diligentiùs , cui debeas confiteri peccatum tuum Proba priùs medicum , cui debeas caussam languoris expone●e , qui sciat infirmari cum infirmante , fle●e cum flente , qui condolendi & compatiendi noverit disciplinam : ut ita demùm si quid ille dixerit , qui se priùs & eruditum medicū ostenderit & mise●icordem , si quid consilii dederit , facias , & sequaris Origen . in Psal. 37. homil . 2. l 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Basil. in Regul . breviorib . resp . 229. m Secundùm Archiepisc. imò sanctum Thomam , & alios Theologos , in confessione fit quis de attrito contritus , virtute clavium . Summa Sylvestrina : de Confess Sacramental . ca. 1. sect . 1. n Quòd si fortè alicujus cor vel livor , vel infidelitas , vel aliquod malum latenter irrepserit ; non erubescat , qui animae suae curam gerit , confiteri haec huic qui prae est , ut ab ipso per verbū Dei & consilium salubre curetur . Clem. epist. 1. o Maldonat . Disputat . de Sacrament , tom . 2. de Confessionis origine cap. 2. p Si peccatum ejus non solùm in gravi ejus malo , sed etiā in tanto scandalo est aliorū , atque hoc expedire utilitati Ecclesiae videtur Antistiti , in notitiâ multorum , vel etiā totius plebis agere poenitentiam non recuset , non resistat , non lethali & mortiferae plagae per pudorē addat tumorē . August . in lib. de Poenitentiâ : quae postrema est homilia ex 50. in 10. Tom. q Nemo sibi dicat , Occulté ago , apud Deū ago ; novit Deus qui mihi ignoscit , quia in corde ago . Ergo sine caussâ dictum est : Quae solveritis in terrâ , soluta erunt in coelo ? Ergo sine caussâ sunt claves datae Ecclesiae Dei ? Frustramus Evangelium Dei : frustramus verba Christi ? Promittimus vobis quod ille negat ? Nónne vos decipimus ? Iob dicit : Si erubui in conspectu populi confiteri peccata mea . Talis justus thesauri divini obryzi , tali camino probatus , ista dicit : & resistit mihi filius pestilentiae , & erubescit genu figere sub benedictione Dei ? Quod non erubuit Imperator , erubescit nec senator , sed tantùm curialis ? Superba cervix , mens tortuosa . fortassis , imò quod non dubitatur , proptereà Deus v●luit ut Theodosius Imperator ageret poenitentiam publicam in conspectu populi , maximé quia peccatum ejus celari non potuit : & erubescit Senator , quod non erubuit Imperator ? erubescit nec Senator , sed tantùm curialis , quod nō erubuit Imperator ? Erubescit plebeius sive negotiator , quod nō erubuit Imperator ? Quae ista superbia est ? Nónne sola sufficeret gehēnae , etiamsi adulteriū nullū esset . Id. hom . 49. ex 50. ca. 3. r Concil . Arelat . IV cap 26 & Cabilonens . II. cap. 25. s Si intellexerit , & praeviderit talem esse languorem tuū qui in conventu totius Ecclesiae exponi debeat , & curari , ex quo for●assis & caeteri aedificari poterunt , & tu ipse facilè sanari : multâ hoc deliberatione , & satis perito medici illius consilio procurandū est . Origen . in Psal. 37. h●mil . 2. t 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Socrat. hist. lib. 5. cap. 19. u 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Socrat. ibid. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Sozomen . lib. 7. histor . cap. 16. x 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Clem. Alexandr . lib. 1. S●rom . y Concil . Trid●t . Sess. 13. Can. 11. z 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Chrysost. in 1. Cor. 11. homil . 28. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Id. tom . 6. Savil. pag. 837. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Id. in fine hom . 82 in Matt. ●dit . Graec. vel 83 Latin. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Sozom . lib. 7. cap. 16. d Ne de singulorum peccatorum genere libellis scripta professio publicé recitetur : cùm reatus cōscientiarum sufficiat solis sacerdotibus indicari confessione secretâ . Quamvis enim plenitudo fidei videatur esse laudabilis , quae propter Dei timorem apud homines erubescere non veretur : tamen quia non omnium hujusmodi sunt peccata , ut ea , quae poenitentiam poscunt , non timeant publicare , removeatur tam impro babilis consuetudo ; ne multi á poenitentiae remediis arceantur , dum aut crubescunt , aut metuunt inimicis suis sua facta referare , quibus possint legum constitutione percelli . Sufficit enim illa confess●o , quae primùm Deo offertur , tum etiam Sacerdoti , qui pro delictis poenitentium precator accedit . Tunc enim demùm plures ad poenitentiā poterunt provocari si populi aur●bus non publicetur conscientia confitentis . Leo , epist. 80. ad Epis●opos Campaniae , Samnij & Pi●●ni . e Plerosque tamen hoc opus ut publicationē sui aut suffugere , aut de die in diem differre , praesumo ; pudoris magis memores quàm salutis . Tertull. de Poenit cap. 9. f Nam plerique futuri supplicii metu , peccatorū suorum conscii , poenitentiam petunt : & cùm acceperint , publicae supplicationis r●vocantur pudore . Hi videntur malorū petisse poenitentiam , agere bonorū , Ambr. de poenitent . lib. 2. cap 9. g Porrò non aliam ob caussam compluriū hîc testimoniis usi sumus , quàm ne quis admiretur Tertullianum de clanculariâ istâ admissorum confessione nihil locutum : quae , quantum conjicimus , nata est ex istâ Exomologesi per ultroneam hominum pietatem , ut occultorum peccatorum esset & Exomologesis occulta . Nec enim usquàm praeceptam olim legimus . B. Rhenan . argument . in lib. Tertullian . de Poenitent . h Si ergo hujusmodi homo memor delicti sui , confitea tur quae commisit , & humanâ ▪ confusione parvi pendat eos qui exprobrant eum confitentem , & notant vel irrident : &c. Origen . in Psalm . 37. homil . 2. i Certé periculum ejus tunc si fortè onerosum est , cùm penes insultaturos in risiloquio consistit , ubi de alterius ruinâ alter attollitur , ubi prostrato superscenditur . Caeterùm inter fratres atque cons●rvos , ubi communis spes , metus , gaudium , dolor , passio : quid tuos aliud quàm te opinaris ? Quid consortes casuum tuorum , ut plausores fugis ? Non potest corpus de unius membri vexatione laetum agere : Tertullian . de Poenitent . cap 9. k Appellemus istam legem , si placet , temporalem , quae quamvis justa sit , commutari tamen per tempora justé potest . August . de lib. arbitr . lib. 1. cap. 6. l Post Baptisma , remedium tuum in teipso statuit , remissionem in arbitrio tuo posuit , ut non quaeras Sacerdotē cùm necessitas flagitaverit : sed ipse jam acsi scitus perspicuusque magister , errorem tuum intra te emendes , & peccatum tuū poenitudine abluas La●r . Nouar ●om . 6. Biblioth . Patr. part . 1. pag. 337. a edit . Colon. m 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Author homiliae in illud ; Quaecunque ligaveritis &c. inter opera Chrysostomi , tom . 7. edit . Savil. pag. 268. n In hâc sententiâ illa debet esse discretio ; ut quotidiana leviá que pecca●a alteru●um coaequalibus confiteamur , corumque quotidianâ credamus oratione salvari . Porrò gravioris leprae immūditiā juxta legem sacerdoti pandamus , atque ad ejus arbitrium qualiter & quanto tempore jusserit , purificari curemus . Bed. in Iacob . 5. o Volens dimittere omnia his qui in se peccaverunt , confiteatur omnia peccata sua , quae recordari potest . Alcuin . de divin . offi● . cap 13 in capite Iejunii . p Id. epist. 26. q Haymo in Evangel . Dominic . 15. post Pentecost . Ite ostēdite vos Sacerdotib . r Dicentes , sibi sussicere , ut soli Deo peccata sua confiteātur ; si tantùm ab ipsis peccatis in reliquo cessent . Haymo , ut supra . s Sed & hoc emendatione egere perspeximus , quòd quidā dū cōfitentur peccata sua sacerdotibus , non plené id faciūt . Concil . C. bilo● . II. cap. 32. t Quidā solūmodò Deo cōfiteri debere dicūt peccata , quidā veró Sacerdotibus confitēda esse percensent : quod utrūque non sine magno fructu intra sanctam fit Ecclesiā ita duntaxat , ut & Deo , qui remissor est peccatorū , confiteamur peccata nostra , ( & cum David dicamus : Delictū meū cognitū tibi feci , & injustitiā meam non abscōdi , Dixi , Cōfitebor adversùm me injustitias meas Domino , & tu remisisti impietatē peccati mei . ) et secundùm institutionē Apostoli , cōfiteamur alterutrū peccata nostra , & oremus pro invicem ut salvemur . Confessio itaque quae Deo fit , purgat peccata : ea veró quae Sacerdoti fit , docet qualiter ipsa purgētur peccata . Deus namque salutis & sanitatis author & largitor , plerūque hāc praebet suae potētiae invisibili administratione , plerūque Medicorū operatione . Ibid. cap. 33 u Grat. de Poenit . distinct . 1. cap. ult . Quidā Deo. x Quidā Deo solummodò cōfiteri debere peccata dicūt , ut Graeci : qui dam veró Sacerdotibus cōfitenda esse percensent , ut tota feré sancta Ecclesia . Ibid. y Videtur irrepsisse in textum ex margine : & marginalem annotationem imperiti alicujus fuisse , qui ex facto Nectarii collegit sublatam omnino Confessionem Sacramentalem apud Graecos . Nam alioqui in ipso capitulari Theodori , unde canon ille descriptus est , non habentur duae illae voces [ ut Graeci , ] neque etiam habentur in Concilio II. Cabilonensi , c. 33. unde Theodorus Capitulum illud accepisse videtur : sed nec Magister Sentent . in 4. lib. dist . 17. eandem sententiam adducens , addidit illud , [ ut Graeci . ] Bellarmin . de Poenitent . lib. 3. cap. 5. z Burchard . Decret . lib. 19 cap. 145. a Ivo Decret . part . 15. cap. 155. b Ad. lit . 3. cap. 31. edit . Pi●●ae● , & Lindenbrogij . c Vtrum sufficiat peccata confiteri soli Deo , an op●rteat confiteri Sacerdoti Quibusdam visum est sufficere , si soli Deo fiat confessio sine judicio Sacerdotali & confessione ecclesiae . quia David dixit ; Dixi Confitebor Domino , &c. non ait , Sacerdoti : & tamen remissum sibi peccatum dicit . Petr. Lombard . lib. 4. Senten● dist . 17. d In his enim etiam docti diversa s●ntire inveniuntur : quia super his varia ac pené adversa tradidisse videntur doctores . Ibid. e Quibus auctoritatibus , vel quibus rationū firmamentis utraque sententia innitatur , in medium breviter exposuimus . Cui autem harum potiùs adhaerendum sit , lectoris judicio reservatur . Vtraque enim fautores habet sapientes , & religiosos viros , De P●●ie . dist . 1. cap. 29 ▪ Quamvis . f Certissimum est . & pro certissimo habendum peccati mortalis necessariam esse cōfessionem sacramentalem eo modo , ac tēpore adhibitā , quo in Concilio Tridentino post alia Concilia est constitutum . Rom. C●rrect . ibid. g Omnis utriusque sexus fidelis , postquàm ad annos discretionis pervenerit , omnia sua solus peccata confiteatur fideliter saltem semel in anno proprio sacerdoti ; & injunctam sibi poenitentiam studeat pro viribus adimplere , suscipiens reverenter ad minùs in Pascha Eucharistiae sacramentum : &c. alioquin & vivens ab ingressu Ecclesiae arceatur , & moriens Christianâ careat sepulturâ . Concil . Lateran . cap 21. h Magister & Gratianus hoc pro opinione ponunt Sed nunc post determinationem Ecclesiae sub Inn. 111. factam , haeresis reputanda est . Thom. i Ideò dicendum , quòd praesata assertio non est stricté haeresis , sed sapit haeresim . Io. Medina . tractat . 2. de Confessione , quaest . 4. k Nam illud , quod illic dicitur de confessione semel in anno , non procedit declarando , nec divinū jus interpretādo , sed potiùs tempus confitendi instituendo . Id. ibid. quaest· 2. l In quo praemittitur exhortatio sancta & salubris de cōfessione faciendâ , & subjungitur praeceptū de perceptione Eucharistiae vallatum poenâ . Durand . in lib. 4. Sentent . distinct . 17. quaest . 14. m Et ob hoc posset rationabiliter videri alicui , quòd praedicta poena illius statuti respicit solum praeceptum de communione de cujus transgressione constare potest , & non praeceptum de confessione . Id. ibid. n Vnde datur intelligi , quòd etiam ore tacente , veniam consequi possumus . De Poenit. dist . 1. cap. 34. Convertimini . Vid. initium eiusd . distinct . & Glossam . ibid. verb. Sunt enim . o Ab hoc loco usque ad sect . His auctoritatib . pro aliâ parte allegat , quòd scilicèt adulto peccati● non dimittitur sine oris confessione . quod tamen falsum est G●oss . p Imó verissimum sine confessione in voto non dimitti peccatum . Rom. Correct . ibid. in marg . q Meliùs dicitur ea● institutam fuisse à quadam universalis Ecclesiae traditione , potiùs quàm ex novi v●l veteris Testamēti auctoritate , Gloss. de Poenitēt . init . distinct . 5. In poenitentia . r Ergo necessaria est confessio in mortalibus apud nos , apud Graecos non : quia non emanavit apud illos traditio talis Ibid. s Imò confessio est instituta à Domino , & est omnibus post Baptismum lapsis in mortale peccatū , tam Graecis quàm Latinis , jure divino necessaria . Rom. Correct . ibid. in marg . t Michael Angrianus in Psal. 29. u Multùm mihi placet illa opinio : quia nō est aliqua authoritas aperta , quae innuat Deū seu Christum aperté instituisse confessionem fiendā Sacerdoti . Panorm . in 5. Decretal . de Poenit. & remiss . cap. 12. Omnis utriusque . sect . 18. x Omnes juris Pontificii periti , secuti primū suum Interpretem , dicunt Confessionem tantùm esse introductam jure Ecclesiastico . Maldonat . Disp. de Sacrament . Tom. 2. de Confess . orig . cap. 2. y Sed tamen haec opinio , aut jam declarata est satis tanquā haeresis ab Ecclesiâ ; aut faceret Ecclesia operae pretium , si declararet esse haeresim . Id. ibid. de praecepto Confess . cap 3. z Quòd confessio de peccatis in specie suerit ex aliquo statuto universalis Ecclesiae , non de jure divino . Congregat . Complutens . sub Alfonso Carillo : apud Ca●ranzam in Summâ Concil . sub Sixto IV. * Concil . Trident . S●ss . 14. Can. 6. a The forme of ordering of Priests . b Esai . 48.11 . c Tu qui solus parcis , qui solus peccata dimittis . Quis enim potest peccata dimittere , nisi solus Deus ? Gregor . exposit . 2. Psalmi Poenittential . d Rhemists , annot . in Matt. 9.6 . e Rich. Hopkins , in the Memoriall of a Christ. life , pag. 179. edis , ann . 1612. f Peccata igitur remittens , hominem quidem curavit , semetipsum autem manifesté ostendit quis esset . Si enim nemo potest remittere peccata , nisi solus Deus ; remittebat autē haec Dominus , & curabat homines : manifestum est , quoniam ipse erat Verbum Dei , Filius hominis factus , &c. , & quomodo homo compassus est nobis , tanquam Deus misereatur nostri , & remittat nobis debita nostra , quae factori nostro debemus Deo. Irenaeus advers . haeres . lib. 5. cap. 17. g Nam cùm Iudaei solummodò hominem eius intuentes , needum & Deum certi , quâ Dei quoque filium , meritò retractarent , non posse hominem delicta dimittere , sed Deum solum , &c. Tertullian . lib 4 , advers . Marcion . cap. 10. h Illum scilicèt solum filium hominis apud Danielis Prophetiam , consecutum iudicandi potestatem , ac per eam utíque & dimittendi delicta . Id. ibid. i Movet Scribas remissum ab homine peccatum Hominem enim tantùm in Iesu Christo contuebantur ; & remissum ab eo , quod l●x laxare non poterat Fides enim sola justificat . Deinde mu●murationē eorum Dominus introspicit , dicitque facile esse filio hominis in terraâ peccata dimittere . Verum enim , nemo potest dimittere peccata , nisi solus Deus : ergo qui remittit Deus est , quia nemo remittit nisi Deus . Deus in homine manens curationem homini praestabat . Hilar . in Matth. Canon . 8. k Legimus in Prophetâ dicentem Deū : Ego sum qui deleo iniquitates tuas . Consequenter ergo Scribae , quia hominem putabant , & verba Dei non intelligebant , arguunt eum blasphemiae . Sed Dominus videns cogitationes eorum , ostendit se Deum , qui possit cordis occulta cognoscere : & quodammodo tacens loquitur ; Eâdem majestate & potentiâ , quâ cogitationes vestras intueor , possum & hominibus peccata dimittere . Hieronym . lib. 1. Commentar . in Matth. 9. l Veré nullus potest remittere peccata , nisi unus , qui intuetur cogitationes hominum . Euthym. cap. 13. in Matth. m 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Chrysost. in Matth. 9. hom 20. Graec. 30. Latin. n Peccata nemo condonat , nisi unus Deus : quia aequé scriptum est ; Quis potest peccata donare nisi solus Deus ? Ambros. de Spir. sanct . lib. 3. cap. 19. o Istud enim solum malicia Iudaeorum veré di ebat , quòd nullus potest dimittere peccata , nisi solus Deus , qui legis Dominus est Cyrill . Alexandr . Thesaur . lib. 12. cap. 4. p 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; Id. in lib. de rectâ fide ad Reginas . q Quòd si cùm nullius sit nisi Dei , cordis nosse secreta , Christus secreta conspicit cordis : quòd si , cùm nullius sit nisi Dei , peccata dimittere , idem Christus peccata dimittit : &c. meritò Deus est Christus Novatian de Trinitat . cap. 13. r 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; Athanas. orat . 3. contra Arian . pag. 239. tom . 1. edit . Graecolat . s 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Id. in epist. de Synodis Arimin . & Seleuc. pag. 712. Vid. etiam Orat. 4. contra Arrian . pag. 254. & 281. t Sed multo dementiùs errant Arriani , qui cùm Iesum & Christum esse , & peccata posse dimittere , Evangelii verbis devicti negare non audeant ; nihilominus Deum negare non timent . Bed. in Marc. lib. 1. cap. 10. u Si & Deus est iuxta Psalmistam , qui quantum distat oriens ab occasu elongavit á nobis iniquitates nostras , & filius hominis potestatem habet in terrâ dimittendi peccata : ergo idem ipse & Deus , & filius hominis est ; ut & homo Christus per divinitatis sure potentiam peccata dimittere possit , & idem Deus Christus per humanitatis suae fragilitatem pro peccatoribus mori . Id. ibid. x Nemo tollit peccata ( quae nec Lex , quamvis sancta & iusta & bona , potuit auferre ) nisi ille in quo peccatum non est . Tollit autem , & dimittendo quae facta sunt , & adiuvando ne fiant , & perducendo ad vitam ubi fieri omnino non possint . Bed. in 1. Iohan. 3. y P Lombard . lib. 4. Sentent . distinct . 18 D. z Nemo tollit peccata , nisi solus Christus , qui est agnus ●ollens peccata mundi . August . a Ille solus peccata dimittit , qui solus pro peccatis nostris mortuus est . Ambros. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Clem. Alexandr . Paedaegog . lib. 1. cap. 8. c Donaturus peccatum , solus remanet Iesus . &c. Non enim legatus neque nuncius , sed ipse Dominus salvum fecit populum suum . Solus remanet , quia non potest hoc cuiquā hominum cum Christo esse commune ut peccata condonet . Solius hoc munus est Christi , qui tulit peccatum mundi . Ambros. epist. 76. ad Studium . d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Chrysost. in 2. Corinth . 3. homil . 6. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Id. in Iohan 8. homil . 54. edit . Graec. vel 53. Latin. f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Id in 1. Corinth . 15 homil . 40. g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Id. ibid. h Sordes et maculas mentis lavare non potest , nisi qui ejusdem fabricator est mentis Optat ▪ lib. 5. i Dei est mundare , non hominis : ipse per Prophetam Esaiam promisit se loturū , dum ait ; Et si ●uerint peccata vestra velut coccum , ut nivem inalbabo . Inalbabo dixit ; non dixit , faciam inalbari . Si hoc Deus promisit : quare vos vultis reddere , quod vobis nec promittere licet , nec reddere , nec habere ? Ecce in Esaiâ fe promisit , Deus inalbare peccatis affectos , non per hominem . Id. ibid. k 1. Cor. 4.1 , 2. l Chrysost. in 1. Cor. 4. hom . 10. m Id. in 2. Cor. 4. homil . 8. circa init . n 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Id. ibid. o 1. Cor. 3.5 . p Est ergo in universis servientibus non dominium , sed ministerium . Optat. lib. 5. q Id. ibid. simili●er & ●hrysostom . in 1. Cor. 3. homil . 8 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . r Ambros. de Spir. sanct . lib. 3. cap. 19. s August . contr . epist. Parmenian . lib. 2. cap. 11. & homil . 23. ex 50. t Chrysost. in 2. Corin. 3. homil . 6. u Cyrill . Alexandr . in Io●an . lib. 12. cap. 56. x Et certé solius veri Dei est , ut possit à peccatis homines solvere . Cui enin alii praevaricatores legis liberare à peccato licet , nisi legis ipsius autori ? Id. ibid. y Daturus erat Dominus hominibus Spiritum sanctum ; & ab ipso Spiritu sancto fidelibus suis dimitti peccata , non meritis hominum volebat intelligi dimitti peccata . Nam quid es homo , nis● aeger sanandus ? Vis mihi esse medicus ? mecum quaere medicum . Augustin . homil . 23. ex . 50. z Ecce quia per Spiritum sanctum peccata donantur . Homines autem in remissionem peccatorum ministerium suum exhibent , non jus alicujus potestatis exercent . Ambros. de Spir. Sanct. lib. 3. cap. 19. a Chrysost. lib. 3. de Sacerdotio . b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Id. in Iohan. 20. homil . 86. edit . Graec. v●l 85. Latin. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Id. ibid. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Id. in 2. Tim. cap. 1. homil . 2. e Id. in Iohan. 8. homil . 54 Graec. vel 53. Latin. f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Theophylact. in Iohan. 8. g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Id. ibid. h 1. Ioh. 3.5 . i In quo non est peccatum , ipse venit auferre peccatū . Nam si esset & in illo peccatum , auferendum esset illi , non ipse auferret , August . tract . 4. in I. Iohan 3. k Quis enim potest peccata dimittere nisi solus Deus ? qui per eos quoque dimittit , quibus dimittendi tribuit potestatem Ambros. lib. 5. commentar . in Luc. 5. l Beda . & Strabus in Marc. 2. & Luc. 5. m Quamvis Dei proprium opus sit , remittere peccata : dicuntur tamē etiam Apostoli remittere , non simpliciter , sed quia adhibent media , per quae Deus remittit peccata . Haec autem media sunt , Verbum Dei & Sacramenta , Io. Ferus , annota● . in Iohan 20. Item , lib. 3. Comment . in Matth. cap. 16. n 2. Cor. 5.18 . o Iam. 5.15 , 16. p 1. Ioh. 5.16 . q Quòd etiam frater fratrem á delicti poterit contagione mundare . Aug. in Evangel . Iohan . tract . 58. r 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Chrysost . lib. 3. de Sacerdot . tom . 6. edit . Savil pag. 17. s Augustin . de Baptismo contra Donatist . lib. 3. cap. 17.18 . t Id. homil . 49. ex 50. Agite poenitentiam qualis agitur in Ecclesiâ , ut oret pro vobis Ecclesia . u Tom. 2. Vit. Sanct. ab Aloysio Lipomano edit . Vene● . ann . 1553. fol. 298. Vit. Patrum , ab Her. Rosweydo edit . Antuerp . an . 1615. pag. 160. Miscellan . á Gerardo Vossio edit . Mogunt . an . 1604 pag. 136. x Alex. in Sum. part . 4 quaest . 21. membr . 1. y Bonaventur . in lib. 4. Sent. dist . 18. art . 2. quaest . 1. z Nostrum est donante ipso ministerium charitatis & humilitatis adhibere : illius est exaudire , ac nos ab omni peccatorum contaminatione mundare per Christum , & in Christo ; ut quod aliis etiam dimittimus , hoc est in terrâ solvimus , solvatur & in coelo . Augustin in fine tractat . 58. in evangel . Iohann . a I●●i rogant , divinitas donat . Humanum enim obsequium , sed munificentia supernae est potestatis . Ambros. de Spir. sanct . lib. 3. cap. 19. b Non enim humanum hoc opus , neque ab homine datur ; sed invocatus á Sacerdote , á Deo traditur : in quo Dei munus , ministeriū Sacerdotis est . Nam si Paulus Apostolus judicavit , quòd ipse donare Spiritum sanctum suâ authoritate non posset ; & intantum se huic officio imparē credidit , ut á Deo nos spiritu optaret impleri : quis tantus est , qui hujus traditionē muneris sibi audeat arrogare ? Itaque Apostolus votum precatione detulit , non jus authoritate aliquâ vindicavit : impetrare optavit , non imperare praesumpsit . Id. ibid. lib. 1. cap. 7. c Caussas autem criminum , quas illi confitebantur , nulli nisi Domino soli , apud quē intercedebat , loquebatur : bonū relinquens exemplū posteris sacerdotibus , ut intercessores apud Deū magis sint , quàm accusatores ●pud homines . Paulinus , in vitâ S. Ambrosij . d Iona● , in vitâ S. Eustachij Luxovi●nsi● abbatu , cap. 1. apud Surium , tom . 2. Mart. 29. e Tho. Waldens . tom . 2. de Sacramentis , cap. 147. f Quotidie in unoquoque nostrûm flammam libidinis per confessionē & gratiam Spiritus sancti intercidit , id est , per orationem Sacerdotis facit cessare . Hieronym . in exposit . Psalm . 28. inedit . g Qui pro delictis poenitentium precator accedit Leo , in fin . epist. 80. ad episc . Campan . h Multū enim utile ac necessarium est , ut peccatorū reatus ante ultimū diem sacerdotali supplicatione solvatur . Id. epist. 91. ad Theodor. episc . i Gregor . in 1. Reg. lib 2. cap. 3. ad illud : Si peccaverit vir in virum , &c. k Domine Deus omnipotens , propitius esto mihi peccatori , ut condigné possim tibi gratias agere , qui me indignum propter tuam misericordiam ministrum fecisti sacerdotalis officii , & me exiguum humilemque mediat rem constituisti ad orandum & intercedendum ad Dominum nostrū Iesum Christum , pro peccatoribus ad poenitentiam revertentibus . Ideoque dominator Domine , qui omnes homines vis salvos fieri , & ad agnitionem veritatis venite , qui non vis mortem peccatoris , sed ut convertatur & vivat : suscipe orationem meam , quam fundo ante conspectum clementiae tuae , pro famulis & famulabus tuis , qui ad poenitentiam & misericordiam tuam confugerunt . Ordo Roman . antiqu . de officijs divinis , pag. 18. edit . R●m . ann 1591. Baptizatorum & Confitentiū Ceremonia antiquae , edit . Colon. an . 1530. Alcuin . de divin . offic . cap. 13 in capite Iejunii . l Addit etiam objiciendo , quòd vix 30. anni sunt , quòd omnes hâc solâ formâ utebantur ; Absolutionem & remissionem &c. Thom. Opusc. 22. cap. 5. m Pontificale Roman . edit . Rom an . 1615. pag. 567.568 . n Absolutio Criminum . Misereatur tui omnipotens Deus , & dimittat tibi omnia peccata tua , praeterita , praesentia & futura , quae commisisti coram eo & sanctis ejus , quae confessus es , vel per aliquam negligentiam seu oblivionem vel malevolentiam abscondisti : liberet te Deus ab omni malo , hîc & in futuro , conservet & confirmet te semper in omni opere bono : & perducat te Christus filius Dei vivi ad vitam sine fine manentem . Confitentium Ceremoniae antiqu . edit . Colon. an . 1530. o 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ierem. Patriarch . C. P. respons . 1. ad Tubingenses , cap. 11. p Secundùm quod ascendit , habet se per modum inferioris & supplicantis : secundùm quod descendit , per modum superioris & judicantis . Secundùm primum modum potest gratiam impetrare , & ad hoc est idoneus : secundùm secundum modum potest Ecclesiae reconciliare . Et ideò in signum hujus , in formâ absolutionis praemittitur oratio per modum deprecativum , & subjungitur absolutio per modum indicativum : & deprecatio gratiam impetrat , & absolutio gratiam supponit . Alexand. Halens . Summ. part . 4. quaest . 21. membr . 1. & Bonaventur . in 4. Sentent . dist . 18. art . 2. quaest . 1. q Quia etsi aliquis apud Deum sit solutus , non tamē in facie Ecclesiae solutus habetur , nisi per judicium Sacerdotis . Petr. Lombard . lib. 4. Sentent . distinct . 18. Vid. Ivon . Carnotens . epist. 228. & Anselm . in Luc. 17. r 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Concil . Laodicen . can . 2. s Communioni , vel communione reconciliari . Concil . Eliberitan can 72. t Reddi ei● cōmunionē . Amb. de Poenitent . lib. 1. cap. 1. & lib. 2. cap 9. u Ad communicationem admittere . Cypr. epist. 53. communicationem dare . Id. epist. 54. tribuere communicationem . Id. de lapsis . x Pacem dare . concedere pacem . Id. ibid. y In sacramentali absolutione non sufficeret dicere , Misereatur tui omnipotens Deus , vel , Absolutionem & remissionem tribuat tibi Deus : quia per haec verba Sacerdos absolutionem non significat fieri , sed petit ut fiat . Thom. part . 3. quaest . 84. art . 3. ad 1. z Cyprian . epist. 13. a Alcuin . de divin . offic . cap. 13. in capite Iejunii . b Vt secundùm formam Canonum antiquorū dentur poenitentiae , hoc est , ut priùs eum , quem sui poenitet facti , á communione suspensum , faciat inter reliquos poenitentes ad manus impositionem crebrò recurrere ; expleto au●em satisfactionis tempore , sicuti Sacerdotalis contemplatio probaverit , eum communioni restituat . Concil . Toletan . III. cap. 11. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Constitut. Apostolic . lib. 2 cap. 16. d Qui egerit veraciter poenitentiam , & solutus fuerit á ligamento quo erat constrictus , & á Christi corpore separatus , & bene post poenitentiam vixerit : post reconciliationem cùm desunctus fuerit , ad Dominum vadit , ad requiem vadit , regno Dei non privabitur & á populo Diaboli separabitur . Ambros. in Exhortat . ad Poenitent . Augustin . homil . 41. ex 50. & inter Caesarij Arelat . sermones homil . 43. & 44. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . &c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Anastas . Sinait . quaest . 6. f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Homil. in illud . Quaecunque ligaveritis , &c. inter opera Chrysost. tom . 7. edit . Savil . pag. 268. g Hieronym . epist . 54. contra Montanum , & lib. 2. adversus Iovinian . Tertullianus Montanizans , in lib. de Pudicitiâ , cap. ult . h Ambros. lib. 1. de Poenitent . cap. 2. Socrat. lib. 1. histor . cap. 7. Sozomen . lib. 1. cap. 21. i Galat. 6.1 . k 1. Cor. 5.1 . l 2. Cor. 2.7 . m Ambros. de Poenit. lib. 1. cap. 16. n 2. Cor. 2.10 . o 1. Cor. 5 4 , 5. p 2. Tim. 2.25 , 26. q 2. Cor. 5.20 . r Matth. 18.18 , ●0 . s 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Anastas . quaest . 6. t Act. 2.38 . Matth. 26.28 . u Cyprian . epist. 76 ( sect . 4. edit . Pamelij , 8. Goulaertij . ) Cyrill . Alexandr . in Ioann . lib. 12. cap 56. Ambros. de Poenitent . lib. 1. cap. 7. Chrysost. lib. 3 de Sacerdot . tom . 6 edit . Savil. pag. 17. lin . 7.5 . Vid. & tom . 7. pag. 268. lin . 37. x August . quaest . in Levitic . cap. 84. Optat. lib. 5. contra Donatist . Chrysost. in Mat. 26. homil . 82. ( edit . Graec. vel 83. Latin. ) in 1. Cor. 3. homil . 8. & in 2. Tim 1. homil . 2. ( circa finem ) y Aliud enim est baptizare per ministeriū , aliud baptizare per potestatem . Aug. in Evang. Ioan. tract . 5. z Sibi tenuit Dominus baptizandi potestatem , servis ministerium dedit . Id. ibid. a Potestatem dominici baptismi in nullum hominem á Domino transituram , sed ministerium plané transiturum ; potestatem á Domino in neminem ministrorum , ministerium & in bonos & in malos . Id. ibid. b Hoc noluit ideò , ut in illo spes esset baptizatorum , á quo se baptizatos agnoscerent . Noluit ergo servum ponere spem in servo . Id. ibid : c Paris potestatis est interiùs baptizare , & á culpâ mortali absolvere . Sed Deus non debuit potestatem baptizandi interiùs cōmunicare ; ne spes poneretur in homine : Ergo pari ratione nec potestatem absolvendi ab actuali . Alexand. de Hales . Summ. part . 4. quaest . 21. memb . 1. d Officium baptizādi Dominus concessit multis , potestatem veró & authoritatem in baptismo remittendi peccata sibi soli retinuit : unde Ioannes antonomasticé & discretivé de eo dixit ; Hic est qui baptizat in Spiritu sancto . Seal . Paradis . cap. 3 tem . 9 operum Augustini . e Mark. 1.8 . Ioh. 1.26 , 33. f Illo operante dabat Deus , qui dando non deficit . Et nunc operantibus cunctis , humana sunt opera , sed Dei sunt munera . Optat. lib. 5. contra Donatist . g Remissio peccatorum , sive per baptismum sive per alia sacramenta donetur proprié Spiritus sancti est ; & ipsi soli hujus efficientiae privilegium manet . Arnald . abbas Bonaevallis , tract . de Baptismo Christi . h 2. Cor. 5.18 , 19. i Clavis , quae & conscientiā ad confessionē peccati aperit , & gratiam ad aeternitatem mysterii salutaris includit . Maxim. Taurin . de natali Petri & Pauli . hom 5. k Ioh. 15.13 . Vid. Eph●s . 5.26 . & August . in Evangel . Iohann . tract . 80. l Proverb . 5.22 . m Funibus peccatorum suorū unusquisque constringitur . Quos funes atque vincula solvere possunt & Apostoli , imitantes magistrum suum qui eis dixerat : Quaecunque solveritis super terram , erunt soluta & in coelo . Solvunt autem eos Apostoli sermone Dei , & testimoniis scripturarum , & exhortatione virtutum . Hieronym . lib. 6. comment . in Esai . cap. 14. n Remittuntur peccata per Dei verbum , cujus Levites interpres & quidam executor est . Ambros. de Abel & Cain , lib. 2. cap. 4. o Levites igitur minister remissionis est . Id. ibid. p Luk. 11.52 . compared with Matth. 23.13 . q Matth. 13.52 . r Act. 14 27. s Act. 26.18 . t Act. 10.44 . Gal. 3.2 . 2. Cor. 3 6. u 1. Cor. 4.15 . Gal. 4.19 . x Rom. 10.17 . Ioh. 17.20 . 1. Cor. 3.5 . Act. 14.27 . and chap. 26. ver . 18 , 20. y Mark. 1.4 . z Act. 19.4 . a Luk. 1.16 , 17. b Ibid. vers 77. c Act. 20.32 . Psal. 19.7 . and 119. vers . 50 , 93. d Iam. 5.20 . e Rom. 4.6 , 7. Ierem. 31.18 . Revel . 1.18 . 1. Thess. 1.10 . Act. 3.26 . Matth. 1.21 . f 2. Cor. 5.19 . g Ibid. h Iob. 33.23 , 24. i 1. Tim. 4.16 . k 1. Cor. 15.1 , 2. Act. 11.14 . l Ioh. 17.20 . m 1. Thess. 2.13 . n Has res unicuique , non ejusdem rei operarius , sed credentis fides & Trinitas praestat . Optat. lib. 5. contra Donatist . o Rom. 1.16 . 1. Cor. ● . 18 . p 2. Cor. 4.7 . q 1. Cor. 3.7 . r Ibid. vers . 9. s Ibid. vers . 10. t Iam veró quod sequitur , Sed Deus incrementum dedit ; non per illos , sed per seipsum facit . Excedit hoc humanam humilitatem , excedit angelicam sublimitatem , nec omninò pertinet , nisi ad agr●colam Trinitatem , Aug. in Evangel . Ioann . tract . 80. u 1. Cor. 12.11 . x 1. Cor. 2.12 . y 1. Cor. 3.6 . z Act. 20.24 . a Revel . 16.1 . b 2. Cor. 10.6 . c I●rem . 15.1 . d Psal. 94.1 . e Rom. 12.19 . Hebr. 10.30 . f Ierem. 18.7 , 9. g Ierem. 1.9 , 10 h Ibid vers . 5 , ● . i 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . k 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . l 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . m Contaminatione contaminabit eum , haud dubium quin Sacerdos : non quo contaminationis author sit , sed quo ostendat eum contaminatum , qui priùs mundus plurimis videbatur . Hieronym . lib. 7. in Esai . cap 23. n In remittendis vel in retinendis culpis id juris & officii habent Evangelici sacerdotes , quod olim habebant sub lege legales in curandis leprosis . Hi ergo peccata dimittunt vel retinent , dum dimissa á Deo vel retenta indicant & ostendunt . Ponunt enim sacerdotes nomen Domini super filios Israel , sed ipse benedixit ; sicut legitur in Numeris . Petr. Lombard . lib. 4. Sentent . dist . 14. f. o Bellarmìn . de Poenitent . lib 3. cap. 2. sect . ult . p 1. Cor. 4.19 , 20. q 2. Cor. 3.6 . r 1. Thess. 1.5 . s Rom. 10.15 . t Ephes. 4.29 . u 2. Cor. 10.8 . & 13.10 . x Tit. 2.15 . y Revel . 1.20 . z 2. Cor. 5.20 . a Gal. 4.14 . b Esay . 6.7 . c Luk. 7.48 . d Iob. 33.23.24 . e 2. Cor. 5.20 . f 2. Cor. 13.3 . g Oportet dicere , in summo Pontifice esse plenitudinem omnium gratiarum ; quia ipse solus confert plenam indulgentiam omnium peccatorum . ut competat sibi , quod de primo principe Domino dicimus ; quia de plenitudine ejus nos omnes accepimus . De regimine Principum , lib. 3. cap. 10 inter opuscula Thomae , num . 20. h Negatur remissio illis , quibus noluerint Sacerdotes remittere . Bellar. de Poenit. lib. 3. cap. 2. i Activé , & proximé , atque instrumentali●er efficit gratiam jus●ificationis . Id. de Sacrament . in genere , lib. 2. cap. 1. k Vt flatus extinguit ignem , & dissi●at n●bulas ; sic etiam Absolutio Sacerdotis peccata dispergit , & evanescere facit . Id. de Poenitent . lib. 3. cap. 2. l Id. ibid. sect . penult . m Optat. lib. 5. n Revel . 3.7 . o Ioh. 17.2 . p Matth. 18.18 . q Revel . 1.18 . r Ioh. 5.21 . s 2. Cor. 5.20 . t Saepè in solvendis ac ligandis subditis suae voluntatis motus , non autem caussarum merita sequitur . Vnde fit ut ipsâ hâc ligandi & solvendi potestate se privet ; qui hanc pro suis voluntatibus , & non pro subjectorum moribus exercet . Gregor . in Evangel . homil . 26. Concil . Aquisgran sub Ludovico Pio , cap. 37. u Qui indignos ligat vel solvit , propriâ potestate se privat , id est , dignum privatione se facit . Petr. Lombard . lib. 4. Sentent . dist . 18. C. x Privat , id est , meretur privari . ●o . Semeca . Gloss. Grat. caus . 11. quaest 3. cap. 60. Ipse ligandi . y Ephes. 1.13 . Iam. 1.18 . z 2. Cor. 13.8 . * Rom. 2.2 . a Scio frater , hanc ipsam poenitentiae veniam non passim omnibus dari , &c. Pacian . epist. 1. b Magno pondere magnoque libramine , post multos gemitus effusionemque lachrymarū , post totius Ecclesiae preces , ita veniā verae poenitentiae non negari , ut judicaturo Christo nemo praejudicet . Ibid. c Reddet quidem ille rationem , si quid perperàm fecerit , vel si corrupté & impiê judicârit . Nec praejudicator Deo , quo minùs mali aedificatoris opera rescindat : intereà , si pia illa administratio est , adjutor Dei operum perseverat , Id. ibid. d Neque enim praejudicamus Domino judicaturo , quo minùs si poenitentiam plenā & justam peccatoris invenerit , tunc ratum faciat quod á nobis fuerit hîc starutum . si veró nos aliquis poenitentiae simulatione deluserit ; Deus qui non deridetur , & qui cor hominis intuetur , de his quae nos minùs perspeximus judicet , & servorum sententiam Dominus emendet . Cypr. epist. 52. sect . 11. ( edit Goulart . ) e Cum beatus Daniel , praescius futurorum , de sententiâ Dei dubitet : rem temerariā faciunt , qui audacter peccatoribus indulgentiam pollicentur . Hieronym . in Daniel . cap. 4. f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Basil regul . brevior . qu. 25. g Coepisti habere fratrem tuum tanquam publicanum : ligas illum in terrâ . Sed ut justé alliges , vide . Nam injusta vincula dirumpit justitia . August . de ve●bis Domini , serm . 16. cap. 4. h Quantum in me est , ego te absolvo . Maldonat . tom . 2. de poenitent . part . 3. thes . 5. i Nisi suscipiens obicem ponat . Fr. Suarez . in Thom. tom . 4. disp . 19 sect . 2. num . 20. k Hanc formā magis significare virtutem suam , quàm eventum . Hugo . l Ita & hîc aperté ostenditur , quòd non semper sequitur Deus Ecclesiae judicium : quae per surreptionem & ignorantiam interdum iudicat ; Deus autem semper iudicat secundùm veritatē . Petr. Lombard . Sentent . lib. 4. distinct . 18. f. m Aliquando enim ostendunt solutos vel ligatos , qui ita non sunt apud Deum : & poenâ satisfactionis vel excommunicationis interdum indignos ligant vel solvunt ; & indignos sacramentis admittunt , & dignos admitti arcent . Sed intelligendum est hoc in illis , quorum merita solvi vel ligari postulant . Tunc enim sententia Sacerdotis iudicio Dei & totius coelestis curiae approbatur & confirmatur , cùm ita ex discretione procedit , ut reorum merita non contradicant . Quoscunque ergo solvunt vel ligant , adhibentes clavem discretionis reorum meritis , solvuntur vel ligantur in coelis , id est , apud Deum : quia divino iudicio Sacerdotis sententia sic progressa approbatur & confirmatur . Id. ibid. h. Vid Gabriel Biel , in eand . distinct . 18. quaest . 1. lit . b. n Quod in terrâ Sacerdos clave non errante , & recto iudicio procedens retinet , nec dimittit ; Deus etiam in coelo retinet , nec dimittit . Tolet. comment . in Iohan. 20. o Hebr 10.5 , 6. p 1. Cor. 4.2 . q Luk. 16.6 , 7 , 8. r Nec angelus potest , nec archangelus : Dominus ipse , ( qui solus potest dicere ; Ego vobiscum sum ) si peccaverimus , nisi poenitentiam deferentibus non relaxat . Ambr. epist. 28. ad Theodosium Imp. s Ante omnia autem vobis scire necesse est ; quia licèt impositionem manuum nostrarum accipere cupiatis , tamen absolutionem peccatorum vestrorum consequi non potestis , antequàm per compunctionis gratiam divina pietas vos absolvere dignabitur . Eligius Nouiomens . homil . 11. tom . 7. Biblioth . Patr. pag. 248. edit . Colon. t Nam qui dicit ; Ego te baptizo , vel absolvo , non affirmat se absoluté baptizare vel absolvere , eùm non ignoret , multis modis fieri posse , ut neque baptizet neque absolvat , licèt ea verba pronunciet : nimi●um si is , qui Sacramentum suscipere videtur , fortè non habeat suscipiendi intentionem , vel non sit ritè dispositus , aut obicem ponat . Igitur Minister illis verbis nihil aliud significat , nisi se , quod in se est , Sacramentum reconciliationis vel absolutionis impendere , quod vim habet in homine disposito peccata omnia dimittendi . Bellarmin . de Poenitent . lib. 2. cap. 14. sect . penult . u Concil . Tridentin . sess . 14. cap. 4. x A●t●i●io virtute clavium sit contritio . Romani Corrector●s Gloss. Gratiani , De poeni●ēt . d●stinct . 1. in principi● : & alij passi●n . y Matth. 27.3.4.5 . z 2. Cor. 7.10 . a Matth. 15.14 . b Mali & facinorosi , carnales , animales , diabolici , á seductoribus suis sibi da●i arbitrantur , quae non nisi munera Dei sunt , sive sacramenta sive spiritales aliquas operationes , circa praesentem salutem . August . de Baptism . contra Donatist lib. 3. cap. ult . c Nemo se fallat , nemo se decipiat : solus Dominus misereri potest . Veniam peccatis , quae in ipsum commissa sunt , solus potest ille largiri , qui peccata nostra portavit , qui pro nobis doluit , quem Deus tradidit pro peccatis nostris . Homo Deo esse non potest major ; nec remittere aut donare indulgentiâ suâ servus potest , quod in Dominum delicto graviore commissum est : ne adhuc lapso & hoc accedat ad crimen , si nesciat esse praedictum ; Maledictus homo qui spem habet in homine . Cyprian . de Lapsis ( sect . 7. edit . Pamel . 14. Goulart . ) d Ministri enim sunt , pro ●udicibus haberi nolunt , spem in se poni exhorrescunt . August . in Evangel . Iohan. tract . 5. e No secundùm arbitrium hominum , sed secundùm arbitrium Dei. August . de Baptism . contra Donatist . lib. 3. cap. 18. f Christus instituit Sacerdotes iudices super terram cum eâ potestate , ut sine ipsorum sententiâ nemo post Baptismū lapsus reconciliari possit . Bellarm . de Poenit. lib. 3. cap. 2. g Igitur in horum a●bitrio munus solvendi & ligandi , remittendi & retinendi peccata hominum , á Christo Domino , per Spiritum sanctum fuisse positum , liquido constat . Baron . An●al . tom . 1. ann . 34. s●ct . 197. h Qui claves regni coelorum habentes , quodammodo ante iudicii diem iudicant . Hieronym . epist. 1. ad Heliodorum . i Principatum superni iudicii sortiuntur , ut vice Dei quibusdam peccata retineant , quibusdam relaxent . Gregor . h●mil . 26. in Evangel . k Istum locū Episcopi & Presbyteri non intelligentes , aliquid sibi de Pharisaeorum assumunt supercilio : ut vel damnent innocentes vel solvere se noxios arbitrentur : cùm apud Deū non sententia Sacerdotum , sed reorum vita quaer●tur Legimus in Levitico de leprosis , ubi iubentur , ut ostendant se Sacerdotibus , & si lepram habuerint , tunc á Sacerdote immundi fiant : non quò Sacerdotes leprosos f●ciant & immundos : sed quò habeant notitiam leprosi & non leprosi , & possint discernere , qui mundus quive immundus sit . Quomodo ergo ibi leprosum Sacerdos mundum vel immundum facit : sic & hî alligat vel solvit Episcopus & Presbyter , non eos qui insontes sunt vel noxii , sed pro officio suo , cùm peccatorum audierit varietates , scit qui ligandus scit quive solvendus , Hieronym . commentar . in Matth. cap. 16. l Caussae ergo pensandae sunt , & tunc ligandi atque solvendi potestas exercenda . Videndū est quae culpa , aut quae sit poenitentia secuta post culpam : ut quos omnipotens Deus per compunctionis gratiam visitat , illos Pastoris sententia absolvat . Tunc enim vera est absolutio praesidentis : cùm aeterni arbitrium sequitur Iudicis . Gregor . in Evangel . homil . 26. Concil . Aquisgran . cap. 37. m Ecce illum discipuli iam viventem solvunt : quem magister resuscitaverat mortuum . Si enim discipuli Lazarum mortuum solverent : foetorem magis ostenderent quàm virtutem . Ex quâ consideratione intuendum est : quòd illos nos debemus per pastoralem auctoritatem solvere , quos auctorem nostrum cognoscimus per suscitantem gratiam vivificare . ●idem ibidem . & El●gius Noviomens homil . 11. tom . 7 : Bibliothec. Pa●r . pag. 248. ●dit . Colon. n P. Lombard . lib. 4. Sent. dist . 18. lit . f. Alexand. de Hales , Summ. part . 4. quaest . 2● . membr . 1. &c. o Sed ante prodiit redivivus Lazarus ex s●pulchro , & deinde ut solveretur á discipulis & sineretur abire á Domino jussum est : quia peccatorem etiam consuetudine committendi reatus gravatū , priùs Dominus intrinsecus per seipsum vivificat , postea veró eundem per Sacerdotum ministeriū absolvit . Nullus quippe peccator absolvendus est , antequam per dignam poenitentiam correctus , & intrinsecùs appareat vivificatus . Vivificare autem interiùs peccatorē solius Dei munus est , qui per Proph●tam dicit : Ego sum qui deleo iniquitates vestras . Clichtov . in Evangel . Ioann . lib. 7. cap. 23. inter opera Cyrilli . p M●tth . 6.14 , 15. &c. 18.35 . q In aliorum personis aut absolvimur aut ligamur . Sedul . lib. 2. Paschalis Operis , cap. 11. r Id. lib. 2. Paschal . Carm. s Odetunt peccare boni virtutis amore . Horas . lib. 1. epist. 16. t Fatemur enim perfectum odium peccati esse illud , quod ex amore Dei , justitiaeque procedit ; & ideò dolorem , sive odium ex timore poenae conceptū , non Contritionem , sed Attritionē nominamus . B●llarm . lib. 2. de Poenitent . cap. 18. u Id. ibid. x Argumentū recté probat eos , qui timorem servilem habeat , inordinatos ac malos esse &c. Id. ibid. y Prov. 17.15 . z Prov. 24.24 . a 1. Ioh. 4.18 . b Rom. 8.15 . c Heb. 12.18 , 21. d Gal. 4.24 , 25 , 31. e 1. Cor. 13.2 , 3. Vid. authorem libri de verâ & fal â poenitentiâ cap. 17 inter opera Augustini , tom . 4. f Hebr. 6.1 . g Poenitentiā certam non facit , nisi odium peccati , & amor Dei. August serm . 7. de Tempore . h Matth. 18.3 . i Luk. 13.3 , 5. k Ezech. 18.30 , 31. l Timor namque iste quo nō amatur justitia , sed timetur poena , servilis est , quia carnalis est , & ideò non c●ucifigit carnem . Vivit enim peccandi voluntas , quae tunc apparet in opere , quando speratur impunitas . Cùm veró paena c●editur secutura , latenter vivit , vivit tamen . Mallet enim licere & dolet non licere quod lex vetat : quia non spiritaliter delectatur ejus bono , sed carnaliter malum meruit quod minatur . August . in Psalm . 118. conc . 25. m Decret . de Poenit. distinct . 1. ca. 88. Quem poenitet . & dist . 6. ca. 1. Qui vult n Qui confiteri vult peccata , ut inveniat gratiam , quaerat sacerdotem scientem ligare & solvere : ne , cùm negligens circa se extiterit , negligatur ab illo , qui eum misericorditer monet , & petit , ne ambo in foveam cadāt , quam stultus evitare noluit . Lib. de ver . & fals . poenitent . cap 10. inter opera . Augustini , tom . 4. o Poenitenti , operanti , roganti potest clementer ignoscere ; potest in acceptum referre , quidquid pro tasibus & petierint martyres , & fecerint sacerdotes . Cyprian . de Lapsis . ( sect . 13. edit . Pamel . 29 Goulart . ) p 2 Pet. 2.19 . q Quanti panem non hab●n●es & vestimen●a , cùm ipsi esuriant & nudi sint , nec habeant spirituales cibos neque Christi tunicā integram reservârint ; aliis & alimonia & vestimenta promittunt , & pleni vulneribus medicos esse se jactant : nec servant illud Mosaicu , Provide alium quē mittas ; aliud que mandatū , Ne quaeras judex fieri , ne fortè non possis aufe●re iniquitates . Solus Ie●us omnes 〈…〉 scriptum est ▪ Qui sanat contritos corde , & alligat contritiones eorum . H●● . onym. lib. 2. co●●ent . in Esaei . cap. 3. r Noverat ergo illum poste dimittere peccata : illi autem noverant hominem non posse peccata dimittere . Et credendum est , quòd omnes , id est , & illi discumbentes , & illa mulier accedens ad pedes Domini , omnes hi nōverant hominē non posse peccata dimittere . Cùm ergo omnes hoc nossent : illa quae credidit eum posse peccata dimittere , plus quàm hominē esse intellexit . August . hom . 23. ex . 50. cap. 7. s Tamen illud bene nost●s , bene tenetis Tenete , quia homo non potest peccata dimittere . Illa quae sibi á Christo peccata dimitti credidit , Christū non hominē tantùm , sed & Deū credidit Id. ibid. t Sed in eo melior Pharisaeus ; quia cùm putaret hominē Christū , non credebat ab homine posse dimitti peccata . Melior ergo Iudaeis quàm haereticis apparuit intellectus . Iudaei dixerunt , Quis est hic qui etiam peccata dimittit ? Audet sibi homo usurpare ? Quid contrà Haereticus ? Ego mundo , ego sanctifico . Respondeat illi , non ego , sed Christus . O homo , quando ego á Iudaeis putatus sum homo , dimissionem peccatorum fidei dedi . Non ego , respondet tibi Christus . O Haeretice , tu cùm sis homo , dicis ; Veni mulier , ego te salvam facio . Ego cùm putarer homo , dixi , Vade mulier , fides tua te salvam fecit . Id. ibid. cap. 8. u Intelligite ves vel seró operarios esse , non dominos . Et si Ecclesia vinea est , sunt homines & ordinati cultores . Quid in dominium patrisfamilias irruistis ? Quid vobis , quod Dei est , vindicatis ? Optat. lib. 5. contra Donatist . x Concedite Deo , praestare quae sua sunt . Non enim potest munus abhomine dari , quod divinum est . Si sic putatis , Prophetarū voces , & Dei promissa inanire contenditis , quibus p●obatur , quia Deus lavat , non homo Id. ibid. y 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Theodoret. haeretic . fabul . lib. 4. z Vix enim aut rarissime aliquis talium confitetur nisi per verba generalia : vix unquam aliquod grave specificant . Quod dicunt unâ die , dicunt & alterâ : ac si in omni die aequaliter offendant . Alvar. de Planct . eccles . lib. 2. artic . 78. A. a Omnia peccata etiam sine poenitentiâ ipsis confitentibus relaxârunt ; super quibuslibet irregularitatibus dispensârunt inte●ventu pecuniae : dicentes se omnem potestatem habere super hoc , quam Christus Petro ligandi & solvendi contulisset in terris . Niem de schismaete , lib. 1. cap. 68. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Theodor. haer . lib. 4. c August . En●birid ad Laur. cap. 65. d 2. Cor. 2.7 . e Vid. Nomocanonem Nesteutae in Theod. Balsamonis coll●ct . Canon . edit . Paris . an . 1620. pag. 1101. lin . ult . & Niconis epist. ad . Enclistium , ibid. pag. 1096 1097. & Anast●s . Sinait . quaest . 6. pag. 64. edit . Graecola● . Gretseri . f Si quis positus in ultimâ necessitate aegritudinis suae , voluerit accipere poenitentiam & accipit , & mox reconciliatur , & hinc vadit : fateor vobis , non illi negamus quod petit , sed non praesumimus quia bene hinc exit . Non praesumo , non vos fallo , non praesumo . August . homil . 41. ex 50. Ambros. exhort . ad poenitent . g Agens poenitentiam ad ultimum & reconciliatus , si securus hinc exit , ego non sum securus . &c. Poenitentiam dare possum , securitatē dare non possum . Ibid. h Nunquid dico , damnabitur ? Non dico Sed dico etiam , liberabitur ? Non. Et quid dicis mihi ? Nescio : non praesumo , non promitto nescio . Vis te de dubio liberare ; vis quod incertum est evadere ? Age poenitentiam dum sanus es . Ibid. i Poenitentia quae ab infirmo petitur , infirma est . Poenitentia quae á moriente tantùm petitur , timeo ne ipsa moriatur . Augustin . serm . 57. de Tempore . k Nonnulli ideo poscunt poenitentiam , ut statim sibi reddi communionem velint : hi non tam se solvere cupiunt , quàm Sacerdotem ligare . Suam enim conscientiam non exuunt , Sacerdotis induunt . Ambros. de Poenit. lib. 2. cap. 9. l Ierem. 1● . 19 . m Potes●as peccata relaxandi solius Dei est . Ministerium veró , quod improprié etiam potestas vocatur , vicariis suis concessit ; qui modo suo ligant vel absolvunt , id est , ligatos vel absolutos esse ostendunt . Priùs enim Deus interiùs peccatorē per cōpūctionem absolvit ; Sacerdos veró exteriùs , sententiam proferendo , eum esse absolutum ostendit . Quod bene significatur per Lazarū , qui priùs in tumulo á Domino suscitatur , & pòst , ministerio discipulorum , á vitiis ( f●r● . vittis ) quibus ligatus fuerat absolvitur . Rad. A. den● , homil . Dominic . 1. post Pascha . n Per internum gemitum satisfit interno judici , & id●irco indilata datur ab eo peccati remissio , cui manifesta est interna conversio . Ecclesia veró , quia occulta cordis ignorat non solvit ligatum , licèt suscitatum , nisi de monumento elatum , id est , publicâ satisfactione purgatum . Ivo Carnotens . epist. 228. o In hâc tantâ varietate quid tenendum ? Ho● sané dicere ac sentire possumus ; quòd solus Deus dimittit peccata & retinet , & tamen Ecclesiae contulit potestatem ligandi & solvendi : sed aliter ipse solvit vel ligat , alit●r Ecclesia . Ipse enim per se tantùm dimittit peccatum ; qui & animam mundat ab interiori maculâ , & á debito aeternae mortis solvit . Non autem hoc Sacerdotibus concessit : quibus tamen tribuit potestatem solvendi & ligandi , id est , ostendendi homines ligatos vel solutos . Vnde Dominus leprosum sanitati priùs per se restituit , deinde ad Sacerdotes misit , quorum judicio ostenderetur mundatus . Ita etiam Lazarum jam vivificatum obtulit discipulis solvendum . Petr. Lombard . lib. 4. S●ntent . distinct . 18. e f. p Solius Dei est dimittere peccata . Hugo Card. in Luc. 5. q Vinculo culpae & poenae debitae , non potest eum Sacerdos ligare vel solvere ; sed tantùm ligatum vel absolutum ostendere . Sicut Sacerdos Leviticus non faciebat vel mundabat leprosum ; sed tantùm infectum vel mundum ostendebat . Id. in Matth. 16. r Altissiodorens . Summ. lib. 4. cap. de generali usu clavium . s Alexand. Haelens . Summ. part . 4. quaest . 21. membr . 1. t Bonavent . in 4. dist . 18. art . 2. quaest 1. & 2. u Gu●l Ockam . in 4. Sent. quaest . 9. li● . Q. x Argentin . in 4. Sent. dist . 18. art . 3. y Mi●h . Angrian . in Psal. 29. & 31. z Biel. in 4. Sent. dist . 14. quaest . 2. d. n. & dist . 18. quaest . 1. k. a H●nr . de Oyta ( al. lu●a ) in propositionib apud Ill●ricum , in Catal . ●est . veritat . b Ma●or in 4. Sent di●t . 18. quaest . 1. c Hadrian in Quodliberic . quaest ● art . 3 b. d Maior in 4. dist . 14. qu. 2. concl . 3. e Et illam opinionem communiter sequuntur doctores antiqui . Biel. in 4. dist . 14. quaest . 2. d. f Veruntamen haec sententia Magistri salsa est , & jam hoc tempore erronea . Fr. Suar●z . in Thom. tom . 4. disp . 19 s●ct 2. num 4. g Non quòd homo proprié remittat peccatum ; sed quòd ostendat ac certificet á Deo remissum . Neque enim aliud est Absolutio , quam ab homine accipis , quam si dicat : En sili , certifico te t●bi remissa esse peccata , annunc●o tibi te habere propitiū Deum ; & quaecunque Christus in Baptismo & Evangelio nobis promisit , tibi nunc per me annunciat & promittit . Io. Ferus , lib. 2 comment . in Matth. cap. 9. edit . Mogunt . an . 1●●9 . h Fer. in Matth. edit . Antuerp . an . 1559.1570 . &c. a 1. Ioh. 1.7 . b 1. Cor· 15 . 1● . 1. Thess. 4.16 . c Revel . 14 13. d 2. Cor. 5.6 , 8. e Ioh. 5.24 . f C●ristum laedimus , cùm evocatos quosque ab illo , quasi miserandos non aequanimiter accipimus . Cupio , 〈…〉 jam , & 〈◊〉 cum Christo quantò melius ostendit votum Christianorū . Ergo votum si alios consequutos impatienter dolemus , ipsi consequi no●umus . ●er●ull . lib. ●e Patient . cap. 9. g The Supplication o● soules , made by Sir Tho Moore . h Ejus est mortem timere , qui ad Christum n●lit ire : ejus est ad Christū nolle ire , qui se non credat cum Chr●sto incipere regnare . Scriptum est enim , justū fide vivere . Si justus es , & fide vivis , si vere in Deum credis : cur non cum Christo futurus , & de Domini pollic tatione securus , quòd ad Christum voceris , amplecteris , & quòd Diabolo careas , grat●la●is ? Cyprian , de Mortalit . sect . 2. edit . Goulart . i Probans scilicèt , atque cōtestans ●unc esse servis Dei pacem , tunc liberam tunc tranquillam quietē ; quādo de istis mundi turbinibus ▪ 〈◊〉 tracti , sedi● & securitatis aeternae portum petimus , quando expunctâ hâc morte ad immortalitatē venimus . Ibid. k Ad refrigerium justi vocantur , ad suplicium rapiuntur injusti : datur velociùs tutela fidentibus , perfidis poena . Ibid. sect . 11. l Nec accipiendas esse hîc atras vestes , quando illi ibi indumenta alba jam sumpserint . Ibid sect . 14. m Non est exitus iste , sed transitus , & , temporali itinere decurso , ad aeterna transgressus . Ibid. sect . 15. n Amplectamur diem , qui assignat singulos domicilio suo ; qui nos istinc ereptos , & laqueis secularibus exsolutos paradiso restituit & regno coelesti . Ibid. sect . 18. o Donec aevi temporalis fine completo , ad aeternae vel mortis vel immortalitatis hospitia dividamur . Id. ad Demetrian . sect . 16. p Quando istinc excessum fuerit , nullus jam poenitentiae locus est , nul●us satisfactionis effectus : hîc vita aut amittitur , aut tenetur Id. ibid. sect . 22. q Tu sub ipso licet exitu & vitae temporalis occasu , pro delictis roges : & Deum , qui unus & verus est , confessione & fidè agnitionis ejus implores venia confitenti datur , & tredenti indulgentia salutaris de divinâ pictate conceditur ; & ad immortalitatem sub ipsâ morte transitur . Hanc gratiam Christus impertit , hoc munus miscricordiae sua● tribuit ; subigendo mortem tropha●o crucis , redimēdo credentē pretio sanguinis sui , reconciliādo hominē Deo Patri , vivificādo mortalē regeneratione coelesti . Ib. r 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Greg. Neocaesar . metaphras . in Ecclesiast . s 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Anton. Meliss . part . 1. serm . 58. &c. t Nos non nativitatis diem celebramus ; cùm sit dolorum atque tentationum introitus : sed mortis diem celebramus ; utpote omnium dolorum depositionem , atque omnium tentationum effugationem . Author ●ib . 3. in Iob , inter opera Origenis . Vide S. Basil. homil . in Psalm . 115. pag. 318. edit . Graecolat . u 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & paulo pòst . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Dionys . Ecclesiast . hierarch . cap. 7. x 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ibid. y 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Iustin. resp . ad Orthodox . quaest . 7 5. z 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Athanas. de Virginitate . a Nihil illic dilationis aut morae est . Iudicii enim dies , vel beatitudinis retributio est aeterna vel poenae : tempus veró mortis habet unumquenque suis legibus , dum ad judicium unumquenque aut Abraham reservat aut poena . Hilar. in Psalm . 2. b Et quia portus quidam est eorū qui magno vitae istius jactati salo , sidae quietis stationem requirunt : & quia deteriorem statum non efficit , sed qualem in singulis invenerit , talem judicio futuro reservat , & quiete ipsá fovet , &c. Ambros. de bono mortis , cap. 4. c Transitur autem á corruptione ad incorruptionem , á mortalitate ad immortalitatem , á perturbatione ad tranquillitatē . Ibid. d Insipientes mortem quasi summum malorum reformidant : sapientes quasi requiem post labores & finem malorum expetunt . Ibid. cap. 8. e His igitur freti , intrepidé pergamus ad redemptorem nostrum Iesum , intrepidé ad Patriarcharum Concilium , intrepidé ad patrem nostrum Abraham , cùm dies advenerit , proficiscamur : intrepidé pergamus ad illum sanctorum caetum , justorumque conventum . Ibimus enim ad patres nostros , ibimus ad illos nostrae fidei praeceptores : ut etiamsi opera desint , fides opituletur , defendat haereditas . Ibid. cap. 12. f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Macar . Aegypt . homil . 22. g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Id. homil . 26. h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Basil Pr●●m . in Regulas fusiùs disputat . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Greg. Nazianzen . orat . 9 ad Iulianum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Nazianz . orat . 42 in Pascha . k 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Id. orat . 15. in plagam grandinis . indeque in locis communib . Maximi , serm . 45. & Antonij , part . 2. serm . 94. l Lugeatur mortuus ; sed ille , quem gelienna suscipit , quem tartarus devorat , in cujus poenam aeternus ignis aestuat . Nos , quorum exitum Angelorum turba comitatur , quibus obviam Christus occurrit , gravemur magis , si diutiùs in tabernaculo isto mortis habitemus . Quia quamdiu hîc moramur , peregrinamur á Domino . Hieronym . epist. 25. m Omnes veteres Graeci & Latini ab ipso tempore Apostolorum constanter docuerunt Purgatorium esse . Bellarmin . de Purgator . lib. 1. c. 15. n Alphons . de Castro advers . haeres . lib. 8. tit . Indulgentia . Io. Roffens . Assert . Lutheran . Confutat . artic . 18. Polydor. Vergil . de invent . ●er . lib. 8. cap. 1. o Bellarmin . de Purgator . lib. 1. cap. 11. p Id. ibid. cap. 7. & 10. q Hoc etiam Paracletus frequentissimé commendavit ; si quis sermones ejus ex agnitione promissorum charismatum admiserit . Tertullian . de Animâ , cap. ult . r Non defuerunt , qui adeò Purgatorium probârint , ut nullas poenas nisi purgatorias post hanc vitam agnoverint . Ita Origenes sensit . Bellarmin . de Purgator . lib. 1. cap 2. s 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Gra●ci . in lib. de Purgatorio igne , á Bon. Vulcanio edit . t Vniuscujusque opus quale sit , ignis probabit . 1. Cor. 3.13 . u Augustin . de fide & operib . cap. 15. x Id ibid. cap. 16 y Sive ergo in hâc vitâ tantùm homines ista patiuntur , sive etiam post hanc vitam talia quaedam iudicia subsequuntur ; non abhorret , quātum arbitror , á ratione veritatis iste intellectus huius sententiae . Id. ibid. c. 16. z Sive ibi tantùm , sive hîc & ibi , sive ideò hîc ut non ibi , secularia ( quāvis á damnatione venialia ) concremantem ignem transitoriae tribulationis inveniāt ; non redarguo , quia forsitan verum est . Id. lib. 21 de Civit. Dei , cap. 26. a Tale aliquid etiā post hanc vitam fieri incredibile non est , & utrum ita sit quaeri potest , & aut inveniri aut latere ; nonnullos fideles per ignem quēdam purgatoriū , quanto magis minúsve bona pereuntia dilexerunt , tanto tardiùs citiusque salvari . Id. in Euchirid . ad Laurent . cap. 69. b Quod quidem non ideo confirmo , quoniam non refello . Id. de Civit . Dei , lib. 21. cap. 24. c Quod nobis magnae spei fundamentum a●que originē praebet . Credere namque deb●mus , quū á corporibus sanctorum animae abierint , tanquam in manus charissimi patris , bonitati divinae cōmendari ; nec , ut quidam infidelium crediderunt , in terris conversari , quousque sepulturae honoribus affectae sint ; nec , ut peccatorum animae , ad immensi cruciatus locum , id est ad Inferos , deferri : itinere hoc nobis á Christo primùm praeparato , sed in manus potiùs patris evolare . Tradidit enim animam suam manibus genitoris , ut ab illâ & per illam facto initio , certam huius rei spem habeamus : firmiter credentes , in manibus Dei nos post morlem futuros , vitamque multo meliorem ac perpetuò cum Christo victuros . ideò enim Pau●us desideravit resolvi , & esse cum Christo. Cyrill . Alexandr . in Iohann . lib. 12. cap. 36. d Post ascensionem Domini ad coelos , omnium sanctorū animae cum Christo sunt , & exeuntes de corpore ad Christum vadunt , expectantes resurrectionem corporis sui , ut ad integram & perpetuam beatitudinem cum ipso pariter immutentur : sicut & peccatorum animae in inferno sub timore positae , expectant resurrectionem sui corporis , ut cum ipso ad poenam detrudantur aeternam . Gennad . de Ecclesiastic . dogmatib . cap. 79. e Eccles. 11.3 . f In quocunque igitur loco seu illustri seu tenebroso , hoc est , sive in turpi scelerum statione sive in honestâ vi●tutum , deprehendatur homo cùm moritur , in eo gradu atque ordine permanet in aeternum . Nam vel requiescit in lumine felicitatis aeternae cum justis & Christo Domino , vel in tenebris cruciatur cum iniquis & principe mundi huius Diabolo . Olympiodor . in Ecclesiast . cap. 11. g Sed tamen de quibusdam levibus culpis esse ante judiciū purgatorius ignis credendus ●st . Gregor . Dialog . l●b . 4. cap. 39. h Quemadmodū cùm nox finiri & dies incipit oriri , ante Solis o●tū simul aliquo modo tenebrae cum luce commixtae sunt , quousque discedentes noct●s reliquiae in luce diei subsequentis perfectè vertantur : ita huius mundi finis jam cum futuri saeculi ex ordio permiscetur , atque ipsae reliquiarum tenebrae quâdam iam rerum spiritalium permixtione translucent . Id. ibid. cap. 41. i Quid hoc est quaeso te , quòd in his extremis temporibus tam multa de animabus clarescunt , quae antè latuerunt ; ita ut apertis revelationibus atque ostensionibus venturū saeculū inferre se nobis , atque aperire videatur . Ibid. cap. 40. k Esai . 8.19 , 20. l Luc. 16.29 , 30. m 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ad Antioch . quaest . 35. inter opera Athanasij . n Gregor . Dialog . lib. 4. cap. 40. & 55. o Tribus itaque modîs peccata mortaliū vindicantur : duobus in hâc vitâ , tertio in futurâ vitâ . De duobus ita Apostolus inquit : Si nosmetipsos judicaverimus , á Domino non judicabimur . Haec est vindicta , quam inspirante Deo omnis peccator , pro suis admissis poenitendo , in seipso vindicat . Quod autem prosecutus idem Apostolus infert ; Cùm judicamur autem , á Domino corripimur , ut non cum mundo damnemur : haec est vindicta quam omnipotens Deus misericorditer peccatori irrogat , iuxta illud : Deus quem amat , corripit , flagellat autem omnem filiū quem recipit . Tertia autem extat valde pertimescenda atque terribilis , quae non in hoc sed in futuro , iustissimo Dei iudicio , fiet saeculo , quando justus iudex dicturus est : Discedite á me maledicti in ignem aeternum , qui paratus est diabolo & angelis eius . Capitul . Aquisgran . Concil . ad Pipinum miss . lib. 1. cap. 1. p Scitote , quòd cùm anima á corpore evellitur , statim aut in paradiso pro me●itis bonis collocatur , aut certè pro peccatis in infer●i tartara praecipitatur . Lib. de vanit . saeculi , cap. 1. tomo 9. Operum Augustini . q Esse apud inferos locum purgatorium , in quo salvandi vel tenebris tantùm afficiantur , vel expiationis igne decoquantur , QVIDAM asserunt . Otto Frising lib. 8. Chron. cap. 26. r Sed tamen hoc de parvis minimisque peccatis fieri posse credendū est ; sicut est assiduus otiosus sermo , immoderatus risus , &c. Gregor . Dialog . lib. 4. cap. 39. s Sext. Proaem . in Glos●â . verb. Benedictionem . Francisc á Victoriâ in Summâ sacramentor . Eccles. num . 110. Iacob . de Graffijs , decis . cas . conscient . part . 1. lib. 1. cap. 6. num . 10. t Sed plerumque de culp●s minimis ipse solus pavor egredientes i●storu● animas purgat . Gregor . Dialog . lib. 4. cap 46. u Dele● gra●ia sinalis peccatū veni●le in ipsâ dissolutione corporis & animae , &c. Hoc ab antiquis dictum est . sed nunc communiter tenetur , quòd peccatū veniale cùm hinc deferatur á multis , etiam quantum ad culpam , in Pu●gatorio purgatur . Albert Magn. in Compend . Theologicae veritat . lib. 3. c. 11. Vid. Alexand. Halen● Summ. part . 4. quaest . 15. memb● . ● . artic . 3. Du●and . lib 4. dist . 46. quaest . 1. &c. x Caietan . Opusc . tom 1. tract . 23. de Purgator . quaest . 1. y Locus quidā , in quo tanquā in carcere post hanc vitā purgātur animae , quae in hâc non plené purgatae fuerunt ; ut nimirùm sic purgatae in coelum ingredi valeant , quò nihil intrabit coinquinatum . De hoc est tota controversia . Bellarmin de Purgator . lib. 1. cap. 1. z Id. de Indulgent . lib. 1. cap. 7. propos . 1. a Sixt. Senens . lib. 6. Bibliothec. Sanct. annotat . 259. b Responsio Graecorum ad positionē Latinorum , opinionem ignis purgatorii fundantium & probantium . Quae lecta & data fuit reverendiss . & reverendis patribus , & Dominis deputatis , die sabbati , XIIII . mensis Iunii , 1438. in sacristiâ frarrum minorum , Basileae Praesentata Nicolao Cusano . Mar●in . Crusius in Turco-Graeciâ , pag. 186 , ex libro MS. Ioan. Capnionis . c Ast. Concil . Florentin . d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Apolog Graecor . de Purgator . á Bonav . Vu●can . edit . e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ibid. f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ibid. g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Concil . Florentin . Sess 25. h Si veré poenitentes in Dei charitate decesserint , antequàm dignis poenitentiae fructibus de commissis satisfecerint & omissis ; eorum animas poenis purgatoriis post mortem purgari . Eugenij IV. Bulla Vnionis . ibid. Cuius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etiam inter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Cotteniana vidimus . Matth. 5.26 . b Bishop against Perkins reform . Catholicke , part . 2. pag. 149. c Proptereà & memorias sanctorū sacimus & parentum nostrorum vel amicorum in fide morientium devoté memoriam agimus ; tam illorum refrigerio gaudentes , quàm etiam nobis piam consummationem in fide postulantes . Celebramus nimirum , religiosos cum sacerdotibus convocantes , fideles unâ ●um clero ; invitantes adhuc egenos & pauperes , pupillos & viduas saturantes : ut fiat festivitas nostra in memoriā requiei defunctis animabus , nobis autem efficiatur in odorem suavitatis in conspectu aeterni Dei Lib. 3. commentar . in Iob , inter opera Origenis . d Sacrificia pro eis semper , ut meministis , offerimus ; quoties martyrum passiones & dies anniversariâ commemoratione celebramus . Cyprian . epist. 34. e Vid. supr . pag. 167. f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Dionys. Ecclesiact . hierarch . cap 7. g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ibid. h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; Chrysost . in epist. ad H●br . homil . 4. i 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Id. ibid. k Memento etiam Domine eorum qui decesserunt migraruntque ex hâc vitâ & Episcoporum orthodoxorum qui inde á Petro & Iacobo Apostolis ad hunc usque diem , rectū Fidei verbū claré sunt professi ; & nominatim Ignatij , Dionysij , Iulij , ac reliquorū Divorū laudabilis memoriae . Memento Domine eorū quoque qui usque ad sanguinem pro Religione steterūt , & Gregem tuū sacrum per justitiā & sanctitatem paverunt , &c. Basilij Anaphora , ab Andr. Masio . ex Syriaco conversa . l 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , etc. Conctitus . Apostolic . lib. 8. cap. 12. m Memento Domine sanctorum tuorū : dignare ut recorderis omniū sanctorum tuorum , qui tibi placuerunt ab initio , Patrum nostrorum sanctorum , Patriarcharum , Prophetarum , Apostolorum , Martyrū , Confessorum , Euangelizantium , Euangelistarū , & omnium spirituum justorū , qui obierunt in fide : & inprimis sanctae , gloriosae semperque virginis Dei genitricis Mariae ; & sancti Ioannis Praecursoris , Baptistae & Martyris ; Sancti Stephani protodiaconi & protomartyris ; Sancti Marci Apostoli , Euangelistae & Martyris ; &c. Liturg. Aegyptiac . Basilij , Gregorij ▪ & Cyrilli , á Victorio Scialach ex Arabico convers pag. 22.47 . & 60. ed●t . August ann . 1604. n 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Chrysost. Li●urg . Graec. o Adhuc offerimu● tibi rationabile hoc obsequium pro fideliter dormientibus , pro patribus & proavis nostris ▪ intervenientibus Patriarchis , Prophetis , Apostolis , Martyribus , Confessoribus , & omnibus Sanctis . Chrysost. Liturg. Latin. p 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; Chrysost. homil . 21. in Act. tom . 4. edit . Sávil . pag. 736. & tom . 7. pag. 928. q 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Epiphan . haeres . 75. r Pro spiritibus pausantiū Hilarij , Athanasij , Martini , Ambrosij , Augustini , Fulgentij , Leandri , Isidori , &c. Offic. ●●zarab . apud Eugen. R●bi●sium , in vi●â Francis●i Ximenij . s Credamus quia ascendit á deserto , hoc est , ex hoc arido & inculto loco ad illas florulentas delectationes , ubi cum fratre conjunctus aeternae vitae fruitur voluptate . Beati ambo : si quid meae orationes valebunt ; nulla dies vos silentio praeteribit . Nulla inhonoratos vos mea transibit oratio . Nulla nox non donatos aliquâ precum mearum contextione transcurret Omnibus vos oblationibu● frequentabo . Ambros. ●e obitu Valentinians Imp. t Da requiem perfecto servo tuo Theodosio , requiem quam praeparasti sanctis tuis . Id. de obitu Theodosij Imp. u Absolutus igitur dubio certamine fruitur nunc augustae memoriae Theodosius luce perpetuâ , tranquillitate diutu●nâ ; & pro ijs quae in hoc gessit corpore , munerationis divinae fructibus gratulator . Ergo quia dilexit augustae memoriae Theodosius Dominum Deum suum , meruit sanctorū consortia . Id. ibid. x Manet ergo in lumine Theodosius , & sanctorum caetibus gloriatur . Ibid. y Tibi nunc omnipotens Deus innoxiam commendo animam , tibi hostiam meam offero : cape propitius ac serenus fraternum munus , sacrificiū sacerdotis . Id. de obi●u fratris . z Intravit in regnum coelorum , quoniam credidit Dei verbo , &c. Id. ibid. a Tot igitur semirutarum urbium cadavera , terrarumque sub eodem conspectu exposita funera ; non te admonent unius , sanctae licèt & admirabilis ▪ foeminae decessionem consolabiliorem habendam ? praesertim cùm illa in perpetuum prostrata ac ●iruta sint ; haec autem ad tempus quidem erepta nobis meliorem illic vitam exigat . Itaque non tam deplorandam , quàm prosequendā orationibus reor : nec moestificandā lachrymis ●uis , sed magis oblationibus animam ejus Domino cōmendandam arbitror . Id. epist. 8. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Greg. Nazianz in fun . Caesarij , orat . 10. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ibid. d Discourse of the Religion prof●ssed by ●he ancient I●ish . pag. 21.22.23 . e Vigilias pro salute animae ejus facere , plurimaque psalmorum lande celebratâ , victimā pro eo manè sacrae oblationis offerre . Bed ▪ lib. 3. histor . Ecclesiast . cap. 2. f Id. ibid. cap. 12. & 14. g Id. lib. 4. hist. cap. 23. h Repentè ad superna rap●us cujusdam discipuli nobiliter á se apud Glestoniam educati animam innumerâ Angelorū frequentiâ hinc inde stipatam , atque immensi luminis sulgore perfusam , ad coeli palatium provehi conspexit . Moxque in manus divi●ae pietatis eā commendans , dominos quoque loci ad commendandum invitat . Osbernus , in vitâ S. Dunstani , MS. in Bibli●thec . Cottonianâ & ●odl●ianâ . Notandum veró , in Io. Capgravij Legendâ ( in quâ prior narrationis huius pars ad verbum ex Osberno , ut alia de Dunstano complura , descripta cernitur ) p●steriorem hanc sententiam omit●i peni●ùs : in Eadm●ro veró ( ex quo , non autem ex Osberno vel O●berto , Vita Dunstani quae Mai. 19. apud Surium legitur est desumpta ) ita tantummodò ref●rri . Qui pro tantâ gloriâ fratris ultrà quàm dici queat exultans , & immensas corde & ore Deo cunctipotenti gratias agens ; socijs quid acciderit manifestâ voce exposuit , & diem ac horam transitus ejus notari praecepit . i Noveris , ait , me modo sine ullâ dilatione , aut ullo severioris examinis periculo ad summi Regis palatium commigrâsse , atque tanquàm Regis immortalis filium beatâ immortalitate vestitum . Vit. Godefrid . cap. 13. á Iac. Mosandro edit . Colon. an . 1581. k Mox fratribus Cappenbergensibus indicavit beati viri obitum , & pro eo Missae sacrificium offerendum curavit . Ibid. l Deprecantes ut pro eo intercedi jubeatis : nullam habentes dubitationē , beatam illius animam in requie esse ; sed ut fidem & dilectionem nostram ostendamus in amicum nostrum charissimum . Carol. M. apud Guil. Malmesburiens . de g●st . reg . Anglor . li. 1. cap. 4. m Quia in sanctae matris Ecclesiae fide , & Christi nominis confessione perseveravit ; ab originali peccato solutum , & coelestis patriae gaudium esse adeptum , asserimus incunctanter . Decretal . lib. 3. tit . 43. de presbytero non baptizato , cap. 2. Apostolicam . & Collect. 1. Bernardi Papiensis , lib. 5. ●it . 35 cap. 2. n Sopitis igitur quaestionibus , docto●um patrū sententias teneas : & in Ecclesiâ tuâ juges preces hostiasque Deo offerri jubeas pro presbytero memorato . Ibid. o 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Dionys. Ecclesiast . Hierarch . cap. 7. p 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ibid. q 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ibid. r Sonabant Psalmi ; & aurata tecta templorum , reboans in sublime qua●icbat alleluia . Hieronym . inepitaphio Fabiola , epist. 30. s 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Chrysost. in epist. ad Hebr. homil . 4. t 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; Id. ibid. u 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ibid. x Cùm sacrificia sive altaris sive quarumcunque eleemosynarum pro baptizatis defunctis omnibus offeruntur ; pro valde bonis gratiarum actiones sunt , pro non valde malis propitiationes sunt , pro valde malis etsi nulla sunt adjumenta mortiorum , qualescunque vivorū consolationes sunt . Augus●in . En●h●rid . ad Laurent . cap. 110. y Augustin . de Verbis Apostoli , serm . 17. z Id. ibid. & in Euang. Iohan. tracta● . 84. a Non sunt praetermittendae supplicationes pro spiritibus mortuorum : quas faciendas pro omnibus in Christianâ & Catholicá societate defunctis , etiam tacitis nominibus quorumque , sub generali commemoratione suscepit Ecclesia . Id. de Curâ pro mortuis , cap 4. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Iacob . Liturg. c Te , Domine sancte Pater omnipotens aeterne Deus , supplices deprecamur pro spiritibus famulorum & famu●arum tuarum , quos ab origine seculi hujus ad te accersire praecepisti : u● digneri● , Domine , dare eis locum luc●dum , locum refrigerij & quietis ; & ut liceat eis transire portas infernorum , & vias tenebrarum , maneantque in mansionibus Sanctorum , & in luce sanctâ quam olim Abrahae promisisti & semini ejus Alcuin . Offic. per ferias . col . 228. Oper. edit . Pa●is . ann . 16.7 . d Requiem aeternam dona eis Domine : et lux perpetua luceat eis . Intruitus Missae , in Commem●ratione omnium fidelium defunctorū . Agēda mortuorū . in Antiphonario Gregorij , circ fin . e Suscipe , sancta Trinitas , hāc oblationē , quā tibi offerimus pro omnibus in tui nominis confessione defunctis : ut te dexterā auxilij tui porrigente , vitae perennis requiē habeāt ; & á poenis impiorū segregati , semp●r in tuae laudis laetitiâ perseverēt . Miss●● Latinae antiqua , edit . A●gentin . an . 1557. pa● . 52. f Hanc igitur oblationē , quā tibi pro cōmemoratione animarū in pace dormientiū suppliciter immolamus , quae sumus , Domine , benignus accipias ; & tuâ pietate cōcedas , ut & nobis proficiat hujus p●etatis affectus , & illis impetret beatitudinem sempiternam . Offic. Gregorian . tom . 5. Oper. Gr●gor . edit Paris an . 1605. col . 235.236 . Tom. 2. Li●urgic . Pamelij pag. 610 & Praefation . verust ●●it . Colon an . 1530. num . 111. g Memento etiam , Domine , famulorū famularamque tuarum , qui nos praecesserunt cum signo fidei , & dormiunt in somno pacis . Ipsis Domine , & omnibus in Christo quiescētibus , locū refrigerij , lucis & pacis , ut indulgeas , deprecamur . Canon . Missae , in Officio Ambrosiano & Gregoriano , & Missa● . Roma●o in Graecâ tamen Li●urgiâ B. Petro at●ributâ pro Cōmemoratione defunctorū posita ●îc cernitu● Comm●mora●io viventium ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ) & in vetustissimis quibusdā Romanis Missalibus manuscriptis , haec mortuorū cōmemorationi● formula nusquā extat : ( P. 〈…〉 lib 5. de adultera● . Coen . Dom. & Misse myst●r cap. 48. ) a●nominatim in votust●ssimo Canone Gregoriano , qu● in Tigurinae Abbatiae Biblioth●câ habebatur , ex authentico libro Bibliothecae cubiculi descriptus , ( apud Henric. Bullinger lib. 2. de Origine erroris , cap. 8. ) h P●r han● etiam obl●tionē da aeternā pa●ē omnibus . qui nos praece●serunt in fide Christi , ●anctis patribus , Patriarchis , Apostolis , Prophetis , Martyribus , &c. Litu●g . Armen . edi● . Cra●●viae , Andreâ Lubel●z●ck interp● . i S●d hîc nonnulli decepti sunt , non gratiarum actionem , sed pro sanctis ad Deū supplicationē , eorum memoriam esse putantes . Cabasil . exposit . Liturg. cap. 49. k Prosit vel proficiat , huic sancto vel illi , talis oblatio ad gloriam . Innocent . III. epist. ad archiep . Lugdun . lib. 3. Decretal tit . 41. de celebrat . missar . cap. 6. Cùm Marthae . l Annue nobis , Domine , ut animae famuli tui Leonis haec prosit oblatio . Gregor . oper . tom 5. edit . Paris . an . 1●05 . col 135 d. m Annue nobis Domine , ut intercessione famuli tui Leonis haec nobis prosit oblatio . Liturgic . Pamelij , tom . 2. pag. 314. n Tertio loco tua fraternitas requirit , quis mutaverit , vel quando fuit mutatum , aut quare , quod in secretâ beati Leonis , secundum quod antiquiores codice● cont●nent , &c. Inno●ent . ●11 . in Collect. 3. De●retal . ( Petri Beneventam ) l●b . 3. tit 33 cap. 5. o Super quo ribi taliter respondemus : quòd quis illud mutaverit , aut quando mutatum fuerit , ignoramus ; scimus tamen , quâ fuerit occasione mutatum . quia cùm sacrae scripturae dicat auctoritas , quòd injuriam facit martyri , qui orat pro martyre : idem est ratione consimili de sanctis alijs sciendum . Ibid. p Olim orabatur pro ipso : hodie ipse orat pro nobis . et ita mutatum est . Cap. Cùm Marthae . Extra . de celebr . Missar . in Glossa . q Alphons . Mendoz Controvers . Theolog. quaest . 6. scholastic . ●um . 7. Vt per haec piae placationis officia , et illum beata retributio comitetur , & nobis gratiae tuae dona conciliet . Missal . Roman . ex decreto Concil . Tridentin . restitut . in festo S. Leonis . s Sumpsimus , Domine , divina mysteria : quae sicut Sanctis tuis prosunt ad gloriam , ita nobis , quaesumus , proficiant ad medelam Bellarmin . de Purgator . lib. 2. cap. 18. Six● , Senens . lib. 6. Bibliothec. Sanct. annotat . 47. ex Gregorij Sacramentario . t Domine Iesu Chris●e , rex gloriae , libera animas omniū fidelium defunctorum de poenis inferni , & de profundo lacu : liberae eas de ore leonis , ne absorbeat eas Tartarus , ne cadant in obscurum . Missa in Commemorat . omniū fidelium defunctorum . & in Missi● Quotidianis defunctorū . in Offertorio . u Adde tertio , fortasse peti gloriam corporis , quam habebunt in die resurrectionis . Nam etiamsi gloriam illam ce●tó consequentur , & debetur eorum meritis ; tamen non est absurdum hoc illis desiderare & petere , ut pluribus modis debeatur . Bellarmin de Purgator . li. 2. ca. 18. x Resuscita corpora eorū , in die quem constituisti , secundum promissiones tuas veras & mendacij expertes : concede eis secundùm promissa tua , id quod non vi●it oculus , & auris non audivit , & quod in cor hominis no● ascendi● , quod praeparasti Domine amatoribus nominis ●ui sancti ; ut samuli tui non p●rmaneant in morte , sed ut inde emigrent , etiamsi p●rsecuta sit eos pigritia aut negligentia , &c Cyrill . Liturg. á Victorio Sci●la●h . ex Arabico convers . pag. 62. y Resurrectionē faciat defunctis vestris in die novissimo ; & dignos faciat illos regno incorruptibili Spiritus sanctus Missa Angamaliensis ex Sy●iaco convers in Itinerar . Alexij . Menesij . z Te quaeso ; summe Deus , ut charissimos juvenes maturâ resurrectione suscites & resuscites ; ut immaturū hunc vitae istius cursū maturâ resurrectione compenses . Ambros. de obit Valentin●ani : in ipso fine . a Nullā laesionē sustineāt animae eorū ; sed cùm magnus ille dies resurrectionis ac remunerationis advenerit , resuscitare eos digneris , Domine , unâ eū Sāctis & electis tuis . Alcuin Offi● per f●rias ; Oper. col 228 Prece● . Eccl●siast . á Georg. Cassan●ro colle●t . pag. ●84 oper . b Omnipotens sempiterne Deus , collocare dignare corpus & animā & spiritū famuli tui N. in sinibus Abrahae , Isaac , & Iacob ; ut cùm dies agnitionis tuae venerit , inter sanctos & electos tuos eū resuscitari praecipias G●imola Sac●am●nt . tom . 2. Liturgi● Pamel . pag. 456.457 . Habetur eadem o●atio in Missali R●mano nondùm reformato ( nam in novo ex de●reto Con●ilij ●●ridentini restituto nusquā com●are● ) corporis ta●tùm mentione omissâ : & tomo 5. oper . Gregorij edit . Paris . an . 1605. col . 234. corporis simul & spiritus nominibus praetermissis . c Eccl●sia orat pro animabus , quae in Pu●gatorio degu●● , ne damn●●tur ad poenas Gehennae sempirernas ; non quid●m quòd certū non sit , eas non damnandas ad eas poenas , sed quia vult Deus , no● orare etiā pro ijs rebus , quas certó accepturi súmus . Bellarm. de Purgator . l●b . 2 cap. 5. d Saepissimè petuntur illa quae certó sciuntur eventura ut petuntur : & hujus rei plurima sunt testimonia . A●●h●ns Caestr . contr haeres . lib. 12. de Purgator . haer . 3. e Gaudet Deus orari , etiam pro his , quae alioqui facturus esset . Decreverat enim Deus post peccatum Adae , carnem sumere ; decrevitque tempus , quo venturus erat : & gratae illi fuerunt orationes Sanctorū pro sua incarnation● , & adven●u orantium Decrevit etiam Deus omni peccatori poenitenti veniā dare & tamen grata est illi oratio , quâ vel ipse poenitens pro se , vel aliu● pro illo o●at , ut ejus poenitentiā Deus acceptare dignetur . Decrevit etiam Deus , & promisit Ecclesiā●uā non deserere , & Concilijs legit●mè congregatis adesse : & tamen grata est Deo o●atio , & hymni , quibus ejus praese●tia , & favor , & gratia ipsi Concilio , & Ecclesiae implora●ur . Io● . Medin . de Poe●it . tra●t . 6. quaest . 6. Codicis de Oratione . f Nam etsi animae Purgatorij jam acceperint primam sententiam in judicio particulari , eaque sententiâ liberae sint á Gehennâ : tamen adhuc superest judicium generale , in quo secundam sententiam accepturae sunt . Quocirca Ecclesia orans , ne in judicio extremo animae illae cadant in obscurum , nevé absorbeantur á tartaro , non orat pro eâ re , quam accepit , sed pro eâ quam acceptura est anima , Bellarmin . ut suprae . g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Liturg. Basil. & Chrysost . h Quod enim in die judicij futurū est omnibus , hoc in singulis die mortis impletur . Hieronym . in Ioel. cap. 2. i 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . D●onys . 〈◊〉 . Ecclesiaest . ●ap . 7. k Missal . Rom. in Commemorat , omnium fideliū defunctor , l Enimveró & pro animâ ejus orat , & refrigerium interim ad postulat ei , & in primâ resurrectione consortium . Tertull. de Monogam . cap. 10. m Id de Resurrect . carnis , c. 25. n Id. advers . Marcion . lib. 3. cap. ult . o Sicut Nepos docuit , qui primam justorum resurrectionē , & secundam imp●orum confinxit . Gennad . de Ecclesiast . dogmat . cap. 55. p Lactant. Institut . divin . li. 7. cap. 21.24 . et 26. q Quiescentiū animas in sinu Abrahae collocare dignetur , & in partem primae resurrectionis admittat . Missal . Gottic . tomo 6. Biblioth . Patr edit . Paris . an . 1589 col . 251. r Deū judicem universitatis , Deū coelestium & terrestrium & i●fernorū , fratres dilectissimi , deprecemur pro spiritibus charorum nostrorum , qui nos in ●ominicâ pace praecesserunt ; ut cos Dominus in requie collocare dignetur , & in parte pr●mae resurrectionis resuscitet . Ibid. col . 257. Gr●gor . Oper. tom . 5. col . 228. edit . Paris . Preces . Eccl●●iast . á Georg. Cassandro ●ollect . pag. 385. Operum . s 1. Thess. 4.16 . t Luk. 14.14 . u Quamvis humano generi mortis illata conditio pectora nostra mentesque contristet ; tamen clementiae tuae dono spe futurae immortalitatis erigimur , ac memores salutis aeternae , non timemus lucis hujus sustinere jacturā . quoniam beneficio gratiae tuae fidelibus vita non tollitur , sed mutatur : atque animae corporeo ergastulo liberatae , horrent mortalia , dum immortalia consequuntur Vnde quaesumus , ut famulus ●uus N. in tabe●naculis beatorum constitutus , evasisse se carnales glorietur angustias , diemque iudicij cum fiduciâ voto glorificationis expectet . Pr●f●t antiqu edit . Colon. a● . 1530. num . 106. Tom. 2. Liturgi● . Pamel . pag. 608. & Tom. 5. Oper. G●egorij . edit . Paris . col . 233. Habetur & prior Praefat. huius pars in M●ssâ Ambro●ianâ , tomo 1. Liturg. Pamel . pag. 450.451 . posterior in alterâ praefat . ibid. pag. 449. & Oper. Gregor . col 232 a. x Per Christū Dominum nostrum . Cujus sacram passionem pro immortalibus & bene quiescentibus animabus sine dubio celebramus : pro his praecipue , quibus secundae nativitatis gratiam praestitisti ; qui exemplo ejusdem Iesu Christi Domini nostri coeperunt esse de resurrectione securi . Quippè qui fecisti quae non erant , potes reparare quae fuerant : & resurrectionis futurae nobis documenta non solùm per Propheticam & Apostolicam doctrinam , sed per ejusdem unigeniti tui Redemptoris nostri resurrectionem dedisti . Praesat . antiqu . 112. & 107. G●imold . Sacramentar . tom . 2. Liturg. Pamel pag 460.461 & tom . 5. Oper. Gregor . col . 235. y Deus , qui universorū es Creator & conditor , quique tuorum es beatitudo Sanctorum ; praesta nobis petentibus , ut spiritum fratris nostri corporis nexibus absolutum in beatâ resurrectione facias praesentari . Prec . Ecclesiast Cassandr . Oper. pag. 385. Tom. 5. Gregor . col . 228 e. z Omnipotens & misericors Deus , tuam deprecamur . clementiam , quia judicio tuo & nascimur & finimur ; ut animam fratris nostri , quem tua pietas de incolatu hujus mundi transue praecepit , in requiem aeternam suscipias , & in consortio electorum tuorum in resurrectione sociari permittas , ut in aeternâ beatitudine unâ cum illis sine fine permaneat . Alcuin . Offic. per f●rias , Oper. pag. 230.231 . collat . cum simili , tomo 5. Gregor , col . 228. c. d. & in Operib . Cassandr . pag. 385. a Aeterne Deus , qui nobis in Christo unigenito filio tuo Domino nostro spem beatae Resurrectionis concessist● ; praesta , quaesumus , ut animae , pro quibus hoc sacrificium redemptionis nostrae tuae offerimus majestati , ad beatae resurrectionis requiem , te miserante , cum sanctis tuis pervenire mereantur . Praefat. antiqu . 110. edit . Colon. an . 1530. Tom. 2. Liturg. Pamelij pag. 609. Tom. 5. Gr●gor . col . 236. e. b Haec nos communio , quaesumus Domine , purget á crimine : & animae famuli tui N. coelestis gaudij tribuat consortium , ut ante thronum gloriae Christi tui segregata cum dextris , nihil commune habeat cum sinistris . Tom. 5 Gregor . col 33. c. c Per Christum Dominum nostrum . In cujus adventu , cùm geminam jusseris sist●re plebem , jubeas et famulum tuum á numero discerni malorum . Quem unâ tribuas poenae aeternae evadere flammas , & justae potiùs adipisci praemia vitae . &c. Offic. Ambrosian . tomo 1. Liturgic . Pamel pag 450. d 1. Cor. 15.26 , 34. e 2. Tim. 1.18 . f Etsi quamplures orationes fidelium defunctorum legerim , quae in Missali Romano continentur ; in nullâ tamen earum legi , per Ecclesiam pe●i , ut citiùs á poenis liberentur : legi tamē in nonnullis peti , ut , ab aeternis poenis liberentur . Io. Medin . in Codice de Oratione , quaest . 6. g Deus , cui propriū est misereri semper & parcere ; te supplices exoramus pro animâ famuli tui N. quam hodie de hoc seculo migrare jussisti : ut non tradas eam in manus inimici , neque obliviscaris in finem ; sed jubeas eam á sanctis Angelis suscipi , & ad patriam paradisi perduci : ut qu●a in te speravit & credidit , non poenas inferm sustineat , sed gaudia aeterna possideat . Orat. in die obitus s●u d●positionis ●efuncti : in Missali Romano reformato . h Missal . Rom. edit . Paris . an . 1529. i Gratiâ tuâ illi succurrente , mereatur judicium evadere ultionis aeternae , qui dum víveret insignitus est signaculo sanctae Trinitatis Lib. 1. sacr . Ceremoniar . Rom. Eccles sect . 15. ca. 1. fol. 152. b. edit . Colon. an . 1574. k Sunt aliae orationes , in quibus petitur , ut Deus animas defunctorū in corporibus ad beatitudinem in die judicii suscitet Io. Medin . ut suprà . l Absolve , quaesumus Domine , animam famuli tui ab omni vinculo delictorum : ut in resurrectionis gloriâ , inter sanctos & electos tuos resuscitatus respiret . Orat. p●o d●funct . in Missali Ro●ano , v●tere & novo . nec non in Gregorij Sacramentario , tom . 2. Liturgic . Pam●lij , ●ag . 386. & tom . 5. oper . Gregor edi● . Paris . col . 229 , 230. Similis etiam oratiuncula habetur in G●egorij Antiphonario , pag. 175. Pamel●● , col . 62. ed●● . Paris Erue Domine animas eorum ab omni vinculo delictorum : ut in resurrectionis gloriâ inter sanctos tuos resuscitari mereantur . m Deus , cui omnia vivunt , & cui non pereunt moriendo corpora nostra , sed mutantur in melius ; te supplices deprecamur , ut suscipi jubeas animā famuli tui N. per manus sanctorum Angelorū tuorū deducēdā in sinū amici tui Abrahae Patriarchae , resuscitandamque in novissimo judicij magni die : & quicquid vitiorum , Diabolo fallente , contraxit , tu pius & misericors abluas indulgendo . Pontifical . Roman . Clem. VIII . iussu edit . Romae an . 1595. pag. 685. & Venet. an . 1572. fol. 226. col . 4. Lib. 1. sacr . Ceremon . Rom. Eccles. sect . 15. ca. 1. fol. 153 b. edit . Colon. Tom. 5. Oper. Gregorij , col . 227. edit . Paris . Prec . ●cclesiastic . á G. Cassandro edit . pag 384. Operum . n Respondetur , quantum ad orationes quae pro defunctis in Ecclesiâ fiunt , posse primò dici , non esse necessarium omnes eas ab omni ineptitudine excusare . Multa enim in Ecclesiâ legi permittuntur , quae quamvis non omnino vera sint , vel omnino apta , conferunt tamen ad fideliū devotionē excitandam & augendam . Talia multa credendū est contineri in historijs non sacris , & in Legēdis Sanctorū , & in opinionibus Doctorū , & Scripturis , quae omnia tolerantur in Ecclesiâ interim , dum super illis nulla movetur quaestio , nullumque insurgit scandalum . Ac proinde non mirum , in orationibus praedictis aliquid minùs aptum contineri , & ab Ecclesiâ tolerari : cùm tales orationes factae sint á personis privatis , non á Concilijs , nec per Concilia omnino sint approbatae . Io. Medin . ut supr . o Multa ridiculosa et phantastica . Agobard . ad Cantores Iugdunens de Correct . Antiphonarij , pag. 396. edit . Paris . p Hâc de causâ & Antiphonarium pro viribus nostris magnâ ex parte correximus : amputatis his , quae vel superflua , vel levia , vel mendacia , aut blasphema videbantur . Id. ibid. pag. 392. q Vbi non apocrypha modó ex Euang. Nicodemi & aliis nugis sunt infarta ; sed ipsae adeò secretae preces ( imo ipse , prò pudor & dolor , Canon & varians & redundans ) sunt mendis turpissimis conspurcatae . Wil. Lindan de opt . gen . interpr . script . lib. 3. ca. 3. r Missale Romanum ex decreto sacrosancti Concilii Tridentini restitutum , Pij V. Pont. Max jussu editum , & Clementis VIII . auctoritate recognitum . Rom. an . 1604. Paris . 1605. s Alphons . Mendoz . Controvers . Theologic . quaest . 6. scholastic . num . 5. t Sciens Ecclesia Deum potestatem habere puniendi aeternaliter animas illas , per quas , cùm viverent , fuerat mortaliter offensus ; quodque Deus potestatē suam non alligaverit Scripturis , & promissis quae in Scripturâ con●inentur ; quan●oquidem ipse super omnia est , & tam omnipotens post promissa , acsi nil promisisset : ideò Ecclesia simpliciter Deum orat , ne illâ absolutâ omnipotentiâ contra animas fidelium , qui in gratiâ decesserunt , utatur ; ideò orat , ut eas ab aeternis poenis , & á vindictâ , & judicio condemnationis liberare , & ut eas cum suis electis resuscitare , dignetur . Io. Medina , ut supr . u Infernum nec ego expertus sum ad●uc nec vos : & fo●tassis alia via erit , & non per i●fe●num erit . Incerta sunt enim haec . Augustin . in Psal. 85. x Nunc ille vivit in sinu Abraham , quicquid illud est quod illo significatur sinu ; ibi Nebridius meus vivit . Id. Confession . lib. 9. cap. 3. y Post vitam istam parvam nondum eris ubi erunt Sancti quibus dicetur ; Venite benedicti Patris mei , percipite regnum quod vobis paratum est ab initio mundi . Nondum ibi eris : quis nescit ? Sed jam poteris ibi esse , ubi illum quondam ulcerosum pauperem dives ille superbus & sterilis in medijs suis tormentis vidit à longe requiescentem . In illâ requie positus , certé securus expectas judicii diem ; quando recipias & corpus , quando immuteris ut angelo aequeris . Id. in Psalm . 36. conc . 1. z Tempus au●em quod inter h●minis mortem & ultimam resurrectionem inter positum est , animas abditis receptaculis continet ; sicut unaquaeque digna est vel requie vel aerumnâ , pro eo quod sortita est in carne cùm viveret . Id. Enchirid . ad Laurent . ●ap . 108. a Sed quis iste sit modus , & quae sint ipsa peccata , quae ita impediunt perventionem ad regnū Dei , ut tamen sanctorum amicorum meritis impetrent indulgentiam ; difficilimum est invenire , periculosissimū definire . Ego certé usque ad hoc tempus , cùm inde satagerem , ad eorū indaginem pervenire non potui . Id. lib. 21. de Civit. Dei , cap. 27. b See before , pag. 173. c Ex his quae dicta sunt videtur evidentiùs apparere , in illo judicio quasdam quorundam purgatorias poenas futuras . &c. Verùm ista quaestio de purgatorijs poenis , ut diligentiùs pertractetur , in tempus aliud differenda est . nempe , ubi ad librum 21. perventum fu●rit . d Hoc aget caminus : alios in sinistram separabit , alios in dexteram quodammodo eliquabit . Aug. in Psalm . 103. conc . 3. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Origenis Philocalia cap. 1. f De hoc mundo secundùm communem mortem istam recedentes , pro actibus suis & meritis dispensantur prout digni fuerint judicati ; alii quidem in locum qui dicitur Infernus , alij in sinum Abrahae , & per diversa quaeque vel loca , vel mansiones . Origen . de Principijs lib. 4. cap. 2. cum quo conferendus similis eiusdem locus in Numer . 31. homil 26. g Nondum receperunt laetitiam suam , ne Apostoli quidem ; sed & ipsi expectant , ut & ego laetitiae eorum particeps fiam . Neque enim decedentes hinc Sancti , continuò integra meritorum suorum proemia consequuntur ; sed expectant etiam nos licèt morantes , licèt desides . Jd. hom . 7. in Levit. cap. 10. h Ego puto , quòd & post resurrectionem ex mortuis indigeamus sacramento eluente nos atque purgante : nemo enim absque sordibus resurgere poterit . Id. in Luc. homil . 14. i Si quis in secundâ resurrectione servatur , iste peccator est qui ignis indiget baptismo ; qui combustione purgatur , ut quicquid habuerit lignorū , foeni , & stipulae , ignis consumat . Id. in Ierem. homil . 13. k Sed & justos cùm judicaverit , etiam igni eos examinabit . Tum quorum peccata vel pondere vel numero praevaluerint , perstringentur igni , atque amburentur : quos autem plena justitia & maturitas virtutis incoxe●it , ignem illum non sentient . habent enim in se aliquid inde , quod vim flammae repellat ac respuat . Tanta est vis innocentiae , ut ab eâ ignis ille refugiat innoxius , qui accepit á Deo hanc potestatem . ur impios urat , just●s obtemperet . Nec tamen quisquam putet , animas post mortem protinùs judicari . Omnes in unâ , communique custodiâ detinentur , donec tempus adveniat , quo maximus Iudex meritorum faciat examen . Lactant. institut . divin . lib. 7. cap. 21. l Exeuntes de corpore , ad introitum illum regni coelestis , per custodiam Domini fideles omnes reservabuntur , in sinu scilicèt interim Abrahae collocati : quò adire impios interjectū chaos inhibet , quousque introeundi iursum in regnū coelorum tempus adveniat . Hilar. in Psal. 120. m An cùm ex omni otioso verbo rationē simus praestituri , diem judicii concupiscemus , ●n quo nobis est ille i●defessus ignis obeundus , in quo subeunda sunt gravia illa expiandae á peccatis animae supplicia ? Id. in Psal. 118. octonar . 3. n Salutis igitur nostrae & judicii tempus designat in Domino dieens ; Illé baptizabit vo● in Spiritu sancto & igni : quia baptizatis in Spiritu sancto , reliquum sit consummari igne judicii . Id. in Ma●●h . canon . 2. o Solvitur corpore anima , & post finem vitae hujus , adhuc tamen futuri judicii ambiguo suspenditur . Ita finis nullus , ubi finis putatur . Ambr. de Cain & Abel , lib. 2. cap. 2. p Siquidem & in Esdrae libris legimus ; quia cùm venerit judicii dies , reddet terra defunctorum corpora , & pulvis reddet eas quae in tumulis requiescunt reliquias mortuorum . Et habitacula , inquit , reddent animas quae his commendatae sunt : & revelabitur altissimus super sedem judicii . Ambros. de bono mortis , cap. 10. ex 4. Esdr. 7.32 , 33. q Denique & scriptura habitacula illa animarum promptuaria nuncupavit : quae occurrens querelae humanae , eo quòd justi qui praecesserunt videantur usque ad judicii diem , per plurimum scilicèt temporis , debitâ sibi remuneratione fraudari ; mirabiliter ait Coronae esse similem judicii diem , in quo sicut novissimorum tarditas , sic non priorum velocitas . Coronae enim dies expectatur ab omnibus ; ut intra eum diem & victi erubescant , & victores palmam adipiscantur victoriae . Id. ibid. ●u 4. Esdr. 4.35 . & 5.41 , 42. r Ergo dum expectatur plenitudo temporis , expectant animae remunerationem debitam . Alias manet poena , alias gloria : & tamen nec illae interim sine injuriâ , nec istae sine fructu sunt . Ibid. s Igne ergo purgabuntur filij Levi , igne Ezechiel , igne Daniel . Sed hi etsi per ignē examinabuntur , dicent tamen : T●ansivimus per ignē & aquam . Alij in igne remanebunt . Id. in Psalm . 36. t Et si salvos faciet Dominus servos suos ; salvi erimus per fidem , sic tamen salvi quasi per ignem . Etsi non exuremur , tamen uremur . Id. ibid. u Siquidem post consummationem seculi , missis angelis qui segregent bonos & malos , hoc futurum est baptisma ; quando per caminū ignis iniquitas exuretur , ut in regno Dei fulgeant justi sicut Sol in regno patris sui . Et si aliquis ut Petrus sit , ut Ioannes , baptizatur hoc igni Id in Psalm . 118. serm 3. x Sed quia hîc purgatus , iterùm necesse habet illic purificari : illic quoque nos purificet , quando dicat Dominus ; Intrate in requiem meam . ut unu●quisque nostrûm ustus romphaeâ illâ fiammeâ non exustus , introgrestus in illam paradisi amoenitatem , gratias agat domino suo , dicens : Induxisti nos in ref●igerium Id. ibid. Vid. & scim . 20. i● cund . Psal. 118. y Qui opinantur , animas hominum non judicari in morte , nec proemiū aut poenam recipere , sed reservari in abditis receptaculis usque ad judicium universale ; consequenter dicunt , sicut non accipiunt homines ultimum proemium vel poenam , ita neque etiam purgari , donec sit facta generalis Resurrectio , & Iudicium : ex quo satis consequenter dice●e potuerunt , purgandos esse homines igne conflagrationis . Fr. Suarez , in 3 part Thom. quaest . 9 a●t . 6. d●sput . 57. sect . 1. z 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Gregor . Ceram . h●mil . in Indictionis sive novi anni principium . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Anastas . Sinait . ( al. N●can . ) quaest . 91. b Error veterum quorundam , & recentioris Graeciae . Grets●r . ibid. in marg . pag. 501. edit . Ing●lstad . c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Marc. Ephesius , in Epistolâ Encyclicâ contra Concil Florentin . Vid. & Gennadium Scholarium , in Defens . Concil . Florentin . cap. 3. sect . 2. d Io. Molan . histor . Imag. lib. 3. cap 36. e Postobitu● gloriosissimi Hieronymi , qua●dam haeresis inter Graecos , id est , secta surrexit , quae ad Latinos usque devenit , quae suis nefandis nitebatur rationibus probare : quòd animae beatorū usque ad universalis judicii diē , in quo eorum corporibus erant iterum conjungendae , visione & cognitione divinâ , in quâ tota constitit beatitudo sanctorū , privabuntur ; & damnatorū animae similiter ad diem illum nullis cruciabuntur poenis . Quorum ratio talis erat ; Sicut anima cum corpore meruit vel peccavit , ita cum corpore recipit proemia sive poenas . Asserebant etiam illius sectae nequissimi , nullum fore purgatorij locum in que animae , quae nondum de suis peccatis in mundo plenam egissent poenitentiam , purgarentur . Quâ quidem sectaâ pestiferâ crebrescente , tantus in nos dolor irruit , ut nos ampliùs pigeret vivere . Pseudo-Cyrillus , tom . 2. operum Augustini , epist 206. & sub finem tomi 4. operum Hieronymi edit . Basil. vel 9. ut á Mariano Victorio ●omi sunt dispositi . f Nam ( ut mihi postmodùm interroganti dixerunt ) beatus Hieronymus eos conduxerat secum in Paradisum , Purgatorium , & Infernum : ut quae ibi agebantur , patefacerent universis . Ibid. g ●i●sfeld . de condition animr . post mortē , sect 5. h Fran. Suarez in 3 part . Thom. tom 4. disput . 45. sect . 1. num . 1. i Sequentes quendā hujus haereseos invēto●em Archiepiscopū quondam Caesareae Cappadociae , Andream nomine ; qui dicit , propria corpora praestolari , ut cum cis , cum quibus bona vel mala cōmiserint , retributiones similiter factorū recipiant . Tractat . contra Graecos : in tomo auctorum á Petro Steuartio edit . Ingelstad . an . 1616. pag. 562. k 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Andr . Caesar. cap. 17. commentar . in Apocalyps . l Haec sententia diserté est jam condemnata ; & ab Ecclesiâ proscripta . Theod. Peltan . ad marginem Latinae sua versionis . m Sunt adhuc alij hujus erroris patroni , viri quidem illustres , sanctitate perinde ac scientiâ clari : Irenaeus videlicèt beatissunus pro Christo martyr , Theophylactus Bulgariae episcopus , beatus Bernardus . Nec mirari quisquam debet , si tanti viri in tam pestiferum erro●ē sunt lapsi : quoniam ( ut beatus Iacobus Apostolusait ) qui non offendit in verbo , hic perfectus est vir . Alphons . Castr. lib. 3. advers . haereses ; verbo , Beatitudo , haer . 6. n 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Theophylact. in Luc. 12. o O●bern . & Eadmer . ( & ex ●is , Capgrav . & Suriu● ) in vitâ Dunstani . Vid. Gulielm . Malme●buriens . de gestis Regum Anglor . lib. 2. fol. 30. b. & lib. 1. de gestis Pontific . Anglor . fol. 115. ● . edit . Londin . p Injungatis mihi , ut secundùm voluntatē Dei sim in poenis Purgatorij usque in diem ●ud●cii . Matth. Paru hist. Angl. an . 1198. q 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Chrys●st . in Ma●th . homil . 31. Graec. ( 32. Latin. ) indeque homil . 69. pe●pe●àm insc●ipted populum Antiochen . r Non vid●tur otiosum , si pro his intercedimus , qui jam requie perfruūtur , ut eorum requies augeatur . Iuo , ep . 174. s Licèt plerique reputent non indignum , Sanctorum gloriā usque ad judicium augmentari : & ideò Ecclesiam interim sané posse augmentum glorificationis eorum optare . Innoc. 111. epist. ad archiep . Lugdun . Cap. Cùm Marthae Extr● . de celebr . M●ssar . t Omnipotens & misericors Deus , inclina , qua sumus , venerabiles aures tuas ad exiguas preces nostras , quas ante conspectum majestatis tuae p●o animâ famuli tui N. humiliter fundimus : ut quia de qualitate vitae ejus diffidimus , de abundantiâ pietatis tuae consolemur ; & si plenam veniam anima ipsius obtinere non potest , saltem vel inter ipsa tormenta quae forsitan patitur , refrigerium de abundantiâ miserationum tuarum sentiat . Orat. pro defunc● . in M●ss●li Romano , edit . Parisan . 1529. Grim●ld . Sacramentar . tom . 2. Liturgic . Pamelij , pag. 457. Prudent . lib. Cathem●riu●̄n , ●ymn . ● . x August . E●chirid . ad Laurent . cap. 110.112.113 . Hieronym . lib. 1. contra Pelag. & in fine Commenta●ior . in Esai . Gregor . Nazianz orat . 40. de Baptismo . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . y 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; ( the Latin ●dition r●ndreth this , not very faithfully : Hoc igitur non plorabimus , dic , oro ? non tentabimus nos ab his periculis eripere ? ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Chrysost. in Act. hom . 21. z 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ibid. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ibid. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; Id. in epist. ad Philip. hom . 3. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ibid. d Andr. Hierosolymitan . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . pag. ●9 . edit . Meursij . e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Damascen . serm . de Defunctis . f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Eucholog . Grae● . cap. 19. g Nolite quaeso dicere in cordibus vestris , falsum hoc aut fictum esse . Quaerite , si placet , apud Graecos : Graeca certé omnis testatur haec Ecclesia . Hug. Etherian . de regr●ssu animar . ab Inferis , cap. 15. h Io. Diacon . Vit. Gregor . li. 2. cap. 44. i Gregor . Moral . in Iob , lib. 34. cap. 16. quod pen● ad verbum descriptum etiam habetur lib. 4. Dialogor . cap. 44. k 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Basil. Seleuc . in ipso initio Commentarij de vitâ Theclae . l 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Damascen . m 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Simeon . Metaphrast . in vitâ Theclae , n 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Basil. Sel●us . lib. 1. de vitâ The●lae o 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Damas●en . p Non est dubium quin Angelus fuit qui in cranio loquebatur Renat . ●au●ent . annotat . in ●er●ullian de Aniwâ . cap. 33. q Ad rem itaque dico , caput illud , quod , ut habetur in D. Damasceno , in viâ jacebat , nō fuisse hominis damnat● , sed justi existentis in Purgatorio : nam Damascenus non dicit in illo sermone , quòd fuerit hominis Gentilis , ut ibi patet . Alp●o●s Mend●z . Controv T●eolo● qu● scholast ●e●t 5 r 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . M●na . Graec. Ian●ar . 19. s Vit. Paltum . edit . Lugdun . an . 1515. f●l 105. col . 3.4 . & fol. 143. col . 1.2 . & edi . Antuerp . an . 1615. pag. 526. & 656. t Quòd si D. Tho. hanc historiam referens ex Vitis patrum , dicit fuisse caput Gentilis , ipse nodum hunc tenetur enodare . Alphons . Mendoz ut supr . u Thom. Aquin. in lib. 4. Sentent . distinct . 45. quaest . 2. artic . 2 ad 4. & Durād . in eand . quaest . num . 15. x At fortasse meliùs rejicerentur , ut falsa & apocrypha , quae afferuntur de illo cranio . Bellarmin . de Purgator . lib. 2. cap. ●8 . y Quare quod de Trajano & Falconillâ ( quos liberatos ex inferno orationibus S. Gregorij & Theclae , ex Damasceno , & quibusdam alijs , vulgò fertur : ) quae item de Cranio arido interrogato á Macario , ex historiâ Pailadij ad Lausum referuntur , ficta & commentitia sunt . Steph. Durant . de ritib. Eccles. lib. 2. cap. 43. sect . 12. z Frustrà itaque nonnulli , imò quamplurimi , aete●nam damnatorum poenam , & cruciatus sine intermissione perpetuos , humano miserantur affectu ; atque ita futurū esse non credunt . Augustin . Enchirid . ad Laurent cap. 112. a Ioh●n . Climac . in fine 5. gradus Scalae suae . b Sunt enim nunc etiam , qui ideirco peccatis suis ponere finem negligunt , quia habere quandoque finem futura super se judicia suspicantur . Gregor . Moral . in Iob , lib. 34. cap. 16. c Gloss. in Graetian caus . 13. quaest . 2. cap. 23 Tempus . Durand in lib. 4. Sentent . dist . 45. quaest . 2. num . 7. Haec est sententia aliquorum Iuristarum . d Quia in divisione lineae tandem pervenitur ad hoc quod non est sensibile : corpus enim sensibile non est in infinitum divisibile . Et sic sequeretur , quòd post mu●ta suffragia poena reman●●s propter sui parvitatem non sentiretur ; & ita non esset poena . ●hom in 4. Sentenl . dist . 45. qu. 2. art . 2. e Durand , in 4. d 45. q. 2. num 8. f Hoc tempore quidam religiosus ab Hicrosolymis re diens in Siciliâ reclusi cujus●ā humanitate a liquandiu recreatus , didicit ab eo intercete●● , quòd in illâ v●●iniâ essent 〈◊〉 ●ructantia flammarum incendia , quae ●oca vocantur ab incolis O●lae Vulcani , in quibus animae reproborū luant diversa pro meritorū qualitate supplicia ; ad ea exequ●nda d●pu●atis ibi daemonibus , quorum se crebrò voces , iras , & terrores , saepè etiam ●julatus 〈◊〉 dicebat , plangen●ium quòd animae damnatorū eriperentur de manibus eorum per 〈◊〉 & preces fideliū ; & hoc tempore magis per orationes Cluniacens●um , orantiū indefessé pro defunctorum requie . Hoc per ipsum Abbas Odilo compe●o , constituit per omnia monasteri● sibi ●ubjecta , ut sicut primo die Novembris solemnitas omniū Sanctorum agitur , ita s●quē●i die memoria omniū in Christo quies ētiū celebretur Quiritus ad multas Ecclesias transions , fideliū defunctorū memoriā solemnizari fecit . Sigeberi . Ch●on . an . 998. g Dues , cui soli cognitus est numerus electorū in supernâ felicitate locandorum : tribue quaesumus , ut universorū , quos in oratione commendatos suscepimus , vel omnium sideliū nomina , beatae praedestinationis liber asscripta retineat . Gregor . Oper. tom . 5. col . 226. Alcuin . lib. Sacramentor . cap. 18. Oper. col . 1190. Missal . Roman . edit . Paris●an . 1529. inter Orationes commun●s . h Raphäel Volater●an . Commentar . Vrban . lib. 21. i Bonaventur . in Prelogo Vitae Francisci . Bernardin . d● Busto , Rosar tom . 2. serm . 27. ●a . 1.2 . k Fulbert . Carnot●●s . epist. 66. l In quibus etiam locis a●in●e reproborū d●versa luunt pro meritorum qualitate tormenta . Petr. Dami●n in vit . Odd. ●omo . 1. Suri● , Ianuar. 1. m Quòd orationibus & eleemosynis quorundam , adversus eos infoe derabiliter concertantiū , frequenter ex eorum manibus eriperentur animae damnatorum . Inter caetera de Cluniacensium caetu permaximā & eorum abbate querimoniam faciunt , quia quàm sae pè per eos sui ●uris vernaculos perdunt . Ibid. n Allen of Purgatory and prayer for the dead , lib. 2. cap. 14. o 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Epiphan . infine Panarij . pag. 465. p 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ibid. pag. 466. q 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Id. haeres . 75. pag. 388. r 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ibid. s 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Aërius , apud Epiphan . ib. pag. 386. t 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Gobar in Photij Bibliothe : â vel . 232. u 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Di●nys . Eccles. Hierarch . cap. 7. init E● postea : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . x 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Id. ibid. y 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Epiphan . haeres . 75. z 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Dionys. Eccl●s . Hierarch . cap. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Clem. Consti●ut Apost . lib. 6. cap. 29. a 1. Thess. 4.13 . b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ( f. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Epiphan haer . 75. c Luk. 15 ●● . d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Epiphan . contra Aëri . haer . 75. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Id. cont . Cathar . haer . 59. f Ad hoc etiā est univ●rsalis ●cclesiae consue●udo , quae p●o defunctis o●at : quae quidem oratio inu●ilis esset , si Purgatorium post mortem non ponatur . Thom. contr . Gentiles , lib. 4. cap. 91. g Fr. Suaerez , tom 4. in 3. part . Thom. disp . ●8 . sect . 4. ●um . 10. h Illa formula precandi pro Apostolis , Martyribus & caet . meritò per des●etudinem exolevit . Alphons . Mend●z . Controvers Theologic . quaest . 6. s●holast . s●ct . 7. i Graeci sacrificia & preces offerunt Deo pro mortuis ; non beatis certé , neque damnatis ad inferos , quod plané esset absurdum & impium . Io. Azor. Institut . moral . tom . 1. lib. 8. cap. 20. k Quamvis de statu illo animarum , quibus haec prodessent , non satis constaret , nee inter omnes conveniret : omnes tamen hoc officium , ut testimonium charitatis erga defunctos , & ut professionē fidei de immortalitate animarum & futurâ resurrectione , Deo gratum & Ecclesiae utile esse judicârunt . Cassand . Consultat . ad Fe●dinand . l. & Maximilian . II. artic . 24. l 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Iustin. r●sp . ad Orthod . quaest . 60. m 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Greg. Nazianz in Ca●m . de rebus suis. n Post mortē poena peccati est immedicabilis . Theodoret. quaest . in lib. 2. Reg. cap 18.19 . o Obscuré licèt docemur , per hanc sententiolam , novum dogma quod la●tat : dum in praesenti saeculo sumus , sive orationibus sive consilijs invicē posse nos coadjuvari ; cùm autem ante tribunal Christi venerimus , non Iob , non Daniel , nec Noe rogare posse pro quoquam , sed unumquemque portare onus suum . Hieronym . lib. 3. Comm●ntar in Galat. cap. 6. p 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Phot. Bibliothec. volum . 232. q 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ibid. r 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Dionys. Eccles. Hierarch . cap. 7. s 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Id ibid. t 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , etc. Id ibid. u See above , pag. 135.161.162 . x 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Dionys●u● . suprà . y 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ●d ibid. z Super ter●ā inquit nam in hâc ligatione defunctum nusquam dixit absolvi . Gelas in Commonitorio ad 〈◊〉 . a Quod manens in corpore non receperit , consequi exutus carne non poterit . Leo , epist 89. v●l 91. ad Th●od●rimo . b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Maxim. schol . in Eccles. Hierarch cap. 7. c Virum oblatio , quae sit pro quiescentibus , aliquid eorum conserat animabus ? Augustin ad Dul●it . qu●est . 2. d Ád quod multi dicunt , quòd si al. quis beneficij in hoc locus possit esse post mortem ; quanto magis sibi anima ferret i●sa refr●geria , sua per s● illic confitendo peccata , quàm in eorum refrigeriū ab alijs oblatio procuratur . Ibid. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; Cyr●ll . Cateches . 5. My●tagogic . f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Anastas . sin . pag. 540 edit . Graecolat . g Quòd bona vivorum mortuis prodesse valeant , & hi haeretici negant , & ●uidam etiam Catholici dubitare videntur . Petr. Cluniac . ●p●st . contra Petrobrusianos . h Pro obeuntibus quoque consul●isse dignosceris , si lice at oblationes offerre . Gregor . II. vel III. epist. ad Bonifac. in tomis Conciliorū . i Scio plerosque vanis opinionibus defor●ari , putantes non esse orandum pro mortuis ; eo quòd neque Christus , neque Apostoli ejus successores haec scriptis intimaverint . Nesciūt quidem illi plura esse , ac persummé necessaria , quae sancta Ecclesia frequentat , quorum traditio ex scripturis non habetur : nihilo tamen minus ad cultum Dei pertinent , & vigorem maximum obtinent . Hug. Etherian . de Animar . regr●ss . ab infer . cap. 13 a An ab eo loco distinctus fue●it , in quo nunc in●a●tes sine baptismo de vitâ decedent●s recipi creduntu● , Theologi dubitan● ; nec est qui●quam de re dubiâ temerè pronuntiandum ●o . Maldon . ●omment . in Luc. ●6 . 22 . b In quem ( limbum ) aute adventū Christi sancti Patres descendebant : nunc vero pueri , qu● absque baptismo decedunt , sine poenâ sensibili , detinentur . ●act . contr . Graec. in tomo auctorum á P. Situartio edit . pag. 565. c Nunc vacuus remanet . Bell●r . de Purgator . lib. 2 cap. 6. d Manet autem , manebitque , licèt vacuus , hic infernus ; ut testimonium perhibeat tùm justitiae , tùm misericordiae Dei. Henric. Vicus , de ●es●ensu Christi ad inf●ros , sect . 41. Vi● . Abu●●us . Paradox 5 cap. 183. e Aliud enim Inferi ; ut puto , aliud quoque Abrahae sinus . Tertull . advers . Mar●ion lib. 4. ca● . 34 f Non utique sinus ille Abrahae , id est , secret●● cujusdā quietis habitatio , aliqua pars Inserorum esse credenda est . Augustin epist. 99. ad Euodium . g Quòd animae piorum nō fuerint in coelo ante Christi ascensionem . Be●larmin . de Ch●ist . lib. 4. cap. 11. h Luk. 23.43 . i Vera ergo expositio est Theophylacti , Ambrosij , Bedae , & aliorum , qui per paradisum intelligunt regnum coelorum . Bellarm. de Sanct Beatit . lib. 1. cap. 3. k 2. Cori● . 12.2.4 . l Henr. Vic. de des●ens . ad infer . sect 41 pag. 129. Vide Thom. in 3. part . Sum quaest . 52. art . 4. . ad ● . & Lyranu●s in Luc. 23.43 . m 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ 1. Maccab. 2.58 . n Luk. 9.31 . o Luk. 16.22 , 25. p Hebr. 11 . 1● , 14 , 16. q Hebr. 13.14 . r Act. 15.11 . s Habak 2 4. Rom 1.16 , 17. t 1. Thess. 4.16 . u Rom. 4.6 , 7 , 8 , 9. Gal. 3.8 , 9. x Psal. 16 11. y ●uk . 16.28 . z Matth. 8.11 , 12. a Sed Marcion aliorsum cogit , scilicet utramque mercedem Creatoris , sive tormēti sive refrigerij , apud inferos determinet eis positam qui Legi & Prophetis obedierint ; Christi veró & Dei sui coel●stem desiniat sinum & portum . Tertullian . lib. 4. contra Marcion . cap. 34. Vid. etiā lib. 3. cap. 24. * In D. Bez●● Grae●olitino Euangeliorum ve●e●and●e vit●statis e●emplari , quod in pu●licâ Cant●brigie●sis academi●e Bibliothecâ asservatur ; historiae h●ic praet●●i●t●tur i●●a pr●es●tio . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 ●imilis e●iam in Missali R●m●no ●feriâ 5 post Dominicam 2. Quadragesimae ) legebatur : Dixit Iesus discipulis suis parabolam hanc . Verùm in Missali reformato duae po●teriores voces sublatae nuper sunt . b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ori●en . Dialog . 2. contra Marcion . c Respondebimus , & hâc ipsâ scripturâ revincente oculos ejus , quae ab infernis discernit Abrahae sinum pauperi . Aliud enim Inferi , ut puto , aliud quoque Abrahae sinus . Nam & magnum ait intercedere regiones istas prosundum , & transitum utrinque prohibere Sed nec allevâsset dives oculos , & quidem de longinquo , nisi in superiora , & de altitudinis longinquo per im●ensam illā distantiam sublimitatis & profunditatis . Tertull. advers . Marcion , lib. 4 cap 34. d Eam itaque reg●onem sinū dico Abrahae , etsi non coelestem , sublimiorem tamen inferis , interim refrigeriū , praebituram animabus justorū , donec consummatio rerum resurrectionem omnium p●●nitudine mercedis expungat . I● . I●id . e Augustinu● , etsi in epist. 99. ambigere videtur , an sinus Abraham , ubi erant animae Patrum olim , in inferno esset an alibi : tamē lib. 20 de civit . Dei , cap 15. affi●at in inferno fuisse ; ut caeteri omnes Patre● semper docuerunt . Bellarmin de Christ. lib. 4. cap. 11. in fine . f Quanquam in his ipsis tanti magistri verbis , ubi ait dixisse Abraham , Inter vos & nos chaos magnum firmatum est ; satis , ut opinor , appareat non esse quandam partē & quasi membrum Inferorum tantae illius felicitatis sinum . Aug●st . epist 99. g Si enim non asburdé credividetur , antiquos etiam sanctos , qui venturi Christi ténuerunt fidē , locis quidem á tormentis impiorum remotissimis , sed apud inferos fuisse , donec eos inde sanguis Christi , & ad ea loca descensus c●ueret : profectò deinceps boni fideles effuso illo pretio jam redempti , prorsùs inferos nesciunt , do●ec etiam receptis corporibus bona recipiant quae merentur . Id. de Civit. Dei , lib. 20. cap. 15. h Vtrùm sinus ille Abrahae ubi dives impius , cùm in tormentis esset inferni , requiescentem pauperem vidit , vel paradisi censendus vocabulo , vel ad inferos pertinere existimandus sit ; non facilè dixerim . I● . epist 57. i Etenim apud inferos ut●ùm in locis quibusdā fuisset jam Abraham ; non satis possumus definire . Id. in Psal. 85. k Proinde , ut dixi , nondū inveni , & adhue quaero nec mihi occurrit inferos alicubi in bono posuisse Scripturā duntaxat Canonicam . Non autē in bono accipiendum sinum Abrahae , & illam requiem , quò ab angelis pius pauper ablatus est , nescio utrum quisquam possit audire : & ideò quo modo eum apud inferos credamus esse , non video . Id. de Gen ad lit . l●b . 12. cap. 33. l Quanquam & illud me nondum invenisse confiteor , inferos appellatos , ubi justorum animae requiescunt . Id. ibid. m Quanto magis ergo post hanc vitam etiam sinus ille Abrahae Paradisus dici potest ; ubi jam nulla tentatio , ubi tanta requies post omnes dolores vitae hujus ? Neque enim & lux ibi non est propria quaedam & sui generis , & profectò magna ; quam dives ille de tormentis & tenebris inferorū , tam u●ique de longinquo cùm magnū chaos esset in medio , sic tamen vidit ut ibi illu quondā contemptū pauperē agnosceret . Id. ibid. cap. 34. n Sinus Abrahae , ●equies ●st bea●on●● pauperum , quorū est r●gnu coelotum , in quo post hanc vitā recipiuntur . Id. Quaestion . Eli●●●el . lib. 2. cap. 38. o Per sinum Abrahae , Isaac , & ●acob , sanctus Dionysius Areopagita divinissimas illas fo●tunatasque sedes designatas asserit , quae omnes justos post ●ehe●ssimā consummationem intia sese recipiunt . ●it . Bo●●r . in Luc. cap. 16. in ipso fine . p 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Diot●●● Eccl Hi●r cap. 7. q Veni in gremium Iacob : ut sicut Lazarus p●uper in Abrahae simi , ita etiam tu in Iacob patriarchae tramquillitate requiescas . Sinu● enim Patriarcharum recessus quidam est quietis aeternae . Ambros. orat . de obitu Valentinian● Imp. r Ibimus ubi sinum suum Abrahā sanctus expandit , ut suscipiat pauperes , sicur suscepit & Lazarū : in quo sinu requiescunt , qui in hoc seculo gravia atque aspera pertulerunt . Id de bono mortis . cap. 12. s In Paradisum ascenditur , in Infernū descenditur . Descendant , inquit , in infernum viventes . Ideoque Lazarus pauper per angelos in Abrahae sinum est elevatus . Id. in Psalm . 48. t Vide illuna pauperem bonis omnibus abundantem , quem sancti Patriarchae requies beata circumdabat . Id. ibid. u Lazarus in Abrahae sinu recumbens , vitam carpebat aeternam . Id. in Psal. 118. serm . 3. x 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Chrysost. homil . in Divit . & Lazar. tom . 5. edit . Savil. pag. 730. * Etenebris autem quae sunt in luce tuemur . Quod contrà facere in tenebris é luce nequimus . Lucret. de rer . nat . lib. 4. y Erexit oculos in coelum de loco tormentorum , & clamavitad patrem Abraham . Homil. in illud Psalm . 33. Quis est homo . tom . 1. Oper. Chrysost. z Beatus pauper migravit ad . oelum ; & dives pu●pu●â tectus mansit in inferno . ● . id . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Chrysost. lib. 1. de Provident . ad Stager . tom . 6. ●dit Savil. pag. 96. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Id. in illud : Intrate per ang●st port . t●m . 5. edit . Savil. pag. 179. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ibid. pag. 180. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Id. in Matth. homil . 26. edit . Graec. 27. Latin. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , etc Ibid. f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; Basil. homil . 1. de Ieiunio . g Vtamur ergo & nos hâc viâ quâ rediri ad Paradisum potest . etc. Illuc praecessit Lazarus Serm de Ieiunio , Zenoni Veronensi perpe●àem attributus . h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Asterius , in homil . de divite & Lazaro . i 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Cyrill . Alexandr . homil . Paschal . 11. k Pauper beatitudinem emit mendicitate ; dives suppliciū facultate . Pauper cum pen●tus nil haberet , emit a●ternas divitias egestate . Salvian . Massil . lib. 3. ad Eccles. Catholic . advers . avaritiā . Prior e●iam sententiae habetur apud authorem serm . 227. de Tempore , tom . 10. Oper. Augustini . l 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Gregor . Nazianz. orat . 16. de pauperum amore , pag. 262. edit Graecolat . m 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Id. orat . 44. in Pentecost . pag. 714. n Prudent . Cathemerin●● . Hymn . 10. o Nimirum ad Deum ; ad illum , inquam , beatum finem & requietem . Catena Graec. in Iob. cap. 1. à P. Comitolo conversa . p Illo , inquit , ibo , ubi sunt tabernacula justorū , ubi sunt sanctorum gloriae , ubi est fidelium requies , ubi est piorum consolatio , ubi est misericor dium ha●reditas , ubi est immaculatorum beatitudo , ubi est veracium laetitia & consolatio . Illuc ibo , ubi est lux & vita , ubi est gloria & jucunditas , ubi est laetitia & exultatio ; vel unde aufugit dolor , tristitia & gemitus , ubi obliviscuntur priores tribulationes has quae sunt in corpore super terram . Illuc ibo , ubi est tribulationum depositio , ubi est remuncratio laborum , ubi Abrahae sinus , ubi Isaac proprietas , ubi Israel familiaritas , ubi sanctorum animae , ubi angelorum chori , ubi archangelorum voces , ubi spiritus sancti illuminatio , ubi Christi regnum , ubi aeterni Dei patris infecta gloria atque beatus conspectus . Origen . in Iob. lib. 1. q 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Gregor . Nyssen . Dialog de Animâ & Resurrect . tom . 2. Oper. pag. 651. r 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Id tractat . 2. de Psalm . inscript . cap. 6. ( tom . 1. Oper. pag. 304. ) s 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Id. de Hominis Opificio , cap. 22. t Vnde apparet sapienti cuique qui aliquando Elysios audierit , esse aliquam localem determinationem , quae sinus dicta sit Abrahae , ad recipiendas animas filiorum ejus etiam ex Nationibus , patris scilicèt multarum Nationum in Abrahae censum deputandarum , & câdē fide quâ & Abraham Deo credidit , nullo sub jogo legis , nec in signo circumcisionis . Eam itaque regionem sinum dico Abrahae , etsi non coelestem sublimio●em tamen inferis , interim refrigeriū praebiturā animabus justorū , donec consummatio rerum resurrectionem omniū plenitudine mercedis expungat . Tertullian . lib. 4. coutr . Marci●n . cap. 34. u Exeuntes de corpore ad in●io●tum illum regni coelestis per custodiam Domini fideles omnes reservabuntur : in sinu scilic●t interim Abrahae collocati , quò adire impios interjectum chaos inhibet , quousque introeundi rursum in regnum coelorum tempus adveniat . Huar . in Psalm 120. x Testes nobis Euangelicus dives & pauper : quorum unu ●angeli in sedibus beatorum & in Abrahae sinu lo●averunt , aliū statim poenae regio suscepit . id . in Ps●lm . 2. y Indicij enim dies , vel beatitudinis retr●butio est aeterna vel po●na● Tempus veró mortis habet unumquemque suis legibus , dum ad judi●ium unumqu●● q●e aut Abraham reservat aut poena . Jd. ibid. z In hoc quod apud ●nfe●●●● Abrahamum vidit , haec subesse á quibusdā ratio putatur ; quòd omnes Sancti ante adventum Domini nostri Iesu Christi etiam ad inserna , licet in r●f●igerij locum , descendisse dicuntur . Alij opinantur locum illum in quo Abraham erat , ab illis inferni locis seorsim in superioribus fuisse cōstitutum : propter quod dicat Dominus de illo Divite , quòd elevans oculos suos cùm esset in tormentis , vidit Abraham de longé . Theophil . Antioch . Allegor . in Johann . lib. 4. ●ucher . Lugd. de quaestionib . novi Testam in Lucâ . a Si non absurdé credi videtur Primasius , lib. 5 in Apocalyps . cap 20 secutus Augustinum , lib. 20. de Civil . Dei , cap. 15. b Vis autem manifesté scire , quoniam ante Christum coeli si aperiebantur , iterùm claudebantur Na● justi quidem forsitan ascendebant in coelum ; peccatores autem nequaquam . Ideò autem dixi , forsitan , ne quibusdam placeat etiam ante Christi adventum justorum animas ascendere potuisse in coelum Alioqui nullam animam ante Christum arbitror ascendisse in co●lum , ex quo peccavit Adam , & clausi sunt ei coeli : sed omnes in inferno detentas . Op. imper● . in Matt● . homil . 4. int●r Opera Ch●ysostomi . c Vt enim arbitror , etiam patres nostri Abraham , Isaac , & Iacob , & totus chorus sanctorum Vatum & justorum , Christi adventu perfru●ti sunt Catena Graeca in Cantica utriusque Testamenti , ab Ant. Carafâ convers . tom . 1. Operū Theo●oreti , pag. 729. edit . Colon. 1573. d Hieronym . ep . 151. ad Algas . quaest . 1. & lib. 2. ●ommentar . in Matth. cap. 11. e Ruffin . in exposit . Symboli . f Ven. Fortunat. in exposit . Symboli . g Gregor . lib. 1. in Ezechiel . homil . 1. & in Euangel . hom . 6. h Julian . Tolet. lib. 2. contra Iudaeos . i Euseb. Homil. in Euangel . Dominic . 3. Adventus . k Matth. 11.3 . Luk. 7.19 , 20. l Chrysost. in Matth. 11. hom . 36. edit . Graec. vel 37. Latin. m 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Anastas . Sinait . ( al. Nicaenus ) quaest . 112. n Non enim solùm interitū corporū dissolvit in sepulchro ; sed & captivas animas ex inferno , in quo per tyrannidem detinebantur , liberavit , & fortasse non per tyrannidem , sed pro multis debitis detinebantur : quibus persolutis , qui propter liberationem descenderat , reduxit magnam copiam captivorum . Anastas . Sinait . de rect . dogmatib . o●at . 5. o In eo spoliati sunt Inferni . In eo liberatus est Adamus ex moeroribus . Id. in Hexaemer . l●b . 7. p 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( sive 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Athanas. de sa●utari adventu Christi , advers . Apollinar . q 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Author ser●onis in Passionem & Crucem Dom. inter opera Athanasij . r Simulque considerandum , quód Abrahā apud inseros erat : necdum enim Christus resurrexerat , qui illum in Paradisum duceret . Antequàm Christus moreretur , nemo in Paradisum conscenderat , nisi latro . Rhomphaea illa flammea , & vertigo illa claudebat paradisum . Non poterat aliqui● intrare in Paradisum , quem Christus clauserat : latro primus cum Christo intravit . Homil. in Luc. 16. de Divit . tomo 2. Oper. Chrysost. Lati● . s Paradisus pauperis , sinus erat Abrahae , Ibid. t Dicat mihi aliquis : In inferno est Paradisus ? Ego hoc dico , quia sinus Abrahae Paradisi veritas est : sed & sanctissimum Paradisum fateor . Ibid. u Confer locum ex Augustino , de Genesi ad li●et . lib. 12. cap. 34. suprà citatum , in fine pag. 259. x Nulli patet coelum t●r●á a●huc salvâ , ne dixerim clau●â . Cum transactione enim mundi reserabuntur regna coelorum . Tertull. de A●imâ , cap. 5● . y Q●omodo Perpetua for●issima martyr sub die passionis in revelatione Paradisi , solos illic commartyre● suos ridit ; nisi quia nullis romphaea Paradisi janitrix cedit , nisi qui in Christo decesse●i●t ? Tota Paradisi clavis tuus sanguis est . Ibid. Vid. etiā lib. de Resurrect . carn cap. 4● . z Si persecutio venerit , imitemur latronem : si pax fuerit , imitemur Lazarum Si martyrium fecerimus , statim intrabimus Paradisum : si paupertatis poenam sustinuerimus , statim in sinum Abrahae . Habet & sanguis , habet & pax loca sua : habet & paupertas martyrium suum , & egestas benè tolerata facit marty●ium ; sed egestas propter Christum , non propter necessitatem . Homil. de Divite . inter ●pera Chrysost. a Habes etiam de Paradiso á nobis libellum , quo constituimus o●nem animam apud inferos sequestrari in diem Domini . Tertull. de Ani● cap. 55 Omnes ergo animae penes inferos ? inquis , Velis ac nolis , & supplicia jam illic & refrigeria habes , pauperem & divitem . &c Cur enim non p●tes animam & puniri & fov●ri in inferis , interim sub expectati●ne utriusque judicij in quâdam usurpatione & candidâ ejus ? Ibid. cap ult . b Quòd si Christus Deus , quia & homo , mortuus secundùm scriptu●as , & sepultus secundùm ea dem , hic quoque legi satisfecit , formâ humanae mortis apud inferos functus ; nec antè ascendit in sublimiora coelorum , quàm descendit in inferiora terrarum , ut illic Patriarchas & Prophetas compotes sui faceret : habes , & regionem inferûm subterraneam credere , & illos cubito pellere , qui satis superbé non putent animas fidelium inferis dignas ; servi super magistrum , aspernati si fortè in Abrahae sinu , expectandae resurrectionis solatium earpere . Ibid. cap. 55. c Dominus noster Iesus Ch●istus ad forna●em descendit inferni , in quo cla●s●● , & p●ccatorum . & justo●um animae ten●bantur . ut absq●e executi●ne & noxâ ●ui , ●os qui tenebantur in●lusi , m●rtis vinculi lib raret . Id lib. ● in Dan●el cap. 3. d Invo●avit ergo rede●ptor ●oster nomen Domini d● lacu nov●ssimo , cùm in virtute divinitatis descendit ad inferos , & destructis claustris Tartari , suos quos ibi reperit eruens , victo● ad superos ascen●it . Id. lib. 2. in Lament . Ierem. cap. 3. e Infernus locus suppliciorum atque cruciatuum est , in quo videtur dives purpuratus : ad quem descendit & Dominus , ut vinctos de carcere dimitteret . Id. lib. 6 in Esai . cap. 14. f Descendit ergo in inferiora terrae , & ascendit super omnes coelos filius Dei : ut non tantùm legem prophetasque compleret , sed & alias quasdam occultas dispensationes , quas solus ipse novit cum patre . Neque enim scire possumus , quomodo & angelis & his qui in inferno erant , sanguis Christi profuerit ; & tamen quin profuerit , nescire non possumus . Id. lib. 2. in . phes . cap 4. g Restabat tamen ad plenū nostrae redemptionis effectū , ut illuc usque homo sine peccato á Deo susceptus descenderet , quousque homo separatus á Deo , peccati merito cecidisset ; id est , ad Infernum , ubi solebat peccatoris anima torqueri , & a● Sepulchrū , ubi consueverat peccatoris caro corrumpi : sic tamen , ut nec Christi caro in sepulchro corrumperetur , nec inferni doloribus anima torqueretur . Quoniam anima immunis á peccato , non erat subdenda supplicio : & carnem sine peccato nō debuit vitiare corruptio Fulgent ad Trasimund lib. 3. cap. 30. h Hoc autem ideò factum est , ut per morientem temporaliter carnem justi , donaretur vita aeterna carni ; & per descendentem ad infernum animam justi , dolores solverentur inferni Ibid. i Expers pec●ati Christus , cùm ad tartari●ma descendens , seras inferni januasque confringens , vinctas peccato animas mortis dominatione destructâ , é diaboli faucibus revocavit ad vitam . Ambros. de mysterio Paschae , cap 4. k Deposito quidem corpore imas atque abditas Tartari sedes filius hominis penetravit : sed ubi retentus esse inter mortuos putabatur , ibi vincula mortuorum ligatâ morte laxavit . Euseb. homil . 6. de Pas●ha . l Confestim igitur aeterna nox inferorum Christo descendente resplenduit : siluit stridor lugentium ille , soluta sunt onera catenarū , dirupta ceciderunt vincula damnatorum . Attonitae mentis obstupue●e tortores : omnis simul impia officina contremuit , cùm Christum repenté in suis sedibus vidit . Ib. homil . 1. Caesarius Arelatens . de Pasch. hom . 3. m Ab inferna . lib. tormentis cessatum est . Arnald . abb . Bonaevallis , tract . de Vnctione Chrismatis , in fine . n Arator , historiae Apostolicae lib. 1. o Christi animam venisse usque ad ea loca , in quibus peccatores cruciantur , ut eos solveret á tormentis , quos esse solvendos occultâ nobis suâ justitiâ judicabat , non immeritò creditur . Augustin . de Genesi ad literam , lib. 12. cap. 33. p Nec ipsam tamen rerum partem noster salvator mortuus pro nobis visitare contempsit ; ut inde solveret quos esse solvendos secundùm divinam secretamque justitiam ignorare non potuit . Jbid. cap. 34. q Sed quia evid●ntia testimonia & infernum commemorāt & dolores ; nulla causa occurrit , cur illò credatur venisse salvator , nisi ut ab ejus doloribus salvos faceret . Sed utrùm omnes quos in eis inven●t , an quosdam quos illo beneficio dignos judicavit , adhuc requiro . Fuisse tamē cum apud inferos , & in eorū doloribus constitutis hoc beneficiū praestitisse , non dubito . Id. epist. 99. ad Euodium . r Si omnes inde solvit salvator , & sicut ●equirens scripsisti , exinanivit inferna . Item : Si , ut quaerēdo dicis , exinaniti sunt inferi . Jb. s 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Greg Nazianz orat . 42. quae est 2. in Pascha . t 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , etc. Clem. Alexandr . lib. 6. Strom. u 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( leg . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ibid. x 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Ibid. y 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Cels. z 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Origen . lib. 2. contra Celsum . a Anastas Sinait . vel Nicaen . quaest 111. b Iobius , de V●rbo inca●natio lib 9. cap. 38. in Photij Bibliothecâ , volum . 222. c Io. Damascen . de Or●hodoxâ fide , lib. 3. cap ult . & in Serm. de Defunct . d Oecumen . in 1. Petr. 3. e Mich. Glyc . part . 2. Annalium . f Theodor. Metochit . in Historiâ Romanâ , á Meursio nuper editâ : quae ex Glycâ tota est de sumpta . g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Procop. in Esai . cap. 42. h Quòd spiritibus in inferno praedicatum abierit , & detentis in domo custodiae apparuerit Christus , & omnes vinculis liberaverit , & necessitate , & poenâ , & supplicio Cyrill . Ale●andr . fin . lib. 3. in Esai . cap. 42. i 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Id. Homil. Paschal . 20. k 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Id. hom . 11. l 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Id. hom . 6. m 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Id. homil . 7. n Nam Christo ad inferos descendente , non sanctorum animae tantùm liberatae sunt inde ; sed omnes adeò priùs in Diaboli errore , & simulachro●ū cultu servitutem servientes , aucti agnitione Dei , salutem sunt consecuti : quare & gratias agebant , Deum laudantes . Andronic . Dialog . contra Iudaeos , cap. 60. o Omnibus , qui jam inde ab initio apud me fuerant , tanquam accipiter celeriter advolans , abrep●is ; desertum me reliquit . Chrysost. in Ascens . Domini , serm . 8. á Ger. Vossio edit . p 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Chrysost. in Matth. cap. 11. homil . 36. edit . Graec. vel 37. Latin. q Alij sunt haeretici , qui dicunt Dominum in infernum descendisse , & omnibus post mortem etiam ibidem renunciâsse ( se nunciâsse , corrigendum est ex Gregorio ) ut confitentes ibidē salvarentur . Philastr . Bri●ciens . de Haeresib . ca● . 74. r Alia ( haeresis ) descendente ad inferos Christo credidisse incredulos , & omnes inde existimat liberatos . Augustin . de Haeresib . cap. 79. s Omnipotentem Dominum salvatorem nostrum Iesum Christū ad inferos descendentē , omnes qui illic confiterentur eū Deū , salvâsse atque á poenis debitis libe●âsse Vid. Gregor . lib. 6. epist. 15. & in Euangel . hom . ●2 . t Qui contra fidem sanctorū contendit , dicens ; quòd Christus filius Dei descendens ad inferos , omnes quos inferni carcer detinuit inde liberâsset , credulos & incredulos , laudatores Dei simul & cultores idolorum . Bonifa● . Moguntin . ad Zachariā P. e●ist . 135. u Dominum Iesum Christū descendentem ad inferos , omnes pios & impios exinde praedicat abstraxisse , ab omni sit sacerdotali officio nudatus , & anathematis vinculo obligatus ; pariterque Dei judicio condemnatus , vel omnis qui ejus sacrilegis consenserit praedicationibus . S●nod . Romana sub Zachariâ P. an . 745. ha●ita : Ibid. & Concilior tom . 3. x Deceptus fuit superficie verborū Petri ; quem non animadvertit longé distinctiù loqui , atque primâ facie videatur . Henric. Vicus , d● D●s●ens . Christi ad inferos . sect . 43. y Delusus authoritate Hermetis , putat Christū euangeliū praedicâsse damnatis , & eorum aliquos liberâsse , qui ex gentilibus sancté vixerant . Alphons . Mendoz. in Controvers . Theologic . quaest . 1. positiv . sect . 4 secu●us And●adium lib. 2. Defens fidei Tridentinae . z 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . He●mes in Past●re , lib. 3. simili●ud . 9. Citatur á Clemen . Al●xandrino , lib. 2. Stromat . a 1. Pet. 1.11 . b 2. Pet. 2.5 . c Ephes. 2.17 . d Nehem. 9.30 . Zachar. 7.12 . 1. Sam. 23.2 . e Genes . 6.3 . f Vir prudentissimus . Hiero●ym . lib. 15. in Esai . cap. 54. g Praedicavit spiritibus in carcere constitutis , quando Dei patientia expectabat in diebus Noë , diluviū impijs inferens . Jbid. h Considera tamen ne fortè totum illud , quod de conclusis in carcere spiritibus , qui in diebus Noë nō crediderāt , Petrus Apostolus dicit , omnino ad inferos non pertineat ; sed ad il●a potiùs tempora , quorum formam ad haec tempora translit . August . ●p 99 i Quoniam priusquàm veniret in carne pro nobis moriturus , quod semel fecit , saepè anteà veniebat in spiritu ad quos volebat , visis eos admonens sicut volebat utique in spiritu ; quo spiritu & vivificatus est , cùm in passione esset carne mortificatus . Ibid. k Qui nostris temporibus in carne veniens iter vitae mundo praedicavit , ipse etiam ante diluvium eis qui tunc increduli erant & carnaliter vivebant , spiritu veniens praedicavit . Ipse enim per spiritum sanctum erat in Noë , caeterisque qui tunc fuere sanctis ; & per eorum bonam conversationem , pravis illius aevi hominibus , ut ad meliora converterentur praedicavit . Bed. in 1. Pe● . 3. & Gloss. ordinar . ibid. l Thom. 3. part . Sum. quaest . 52. artic . ● . ad 3. m In quo spiri●u jam olim ipse veniens ( ne nunc primùm Eccl●siae curā eum suscepisse arbitraremur ) praedicavit spiritibus illis , qui nunc in carcere meritas jam infidelitatis suae poenas luunt ; quippe qui Noë ●ecta monenti , & arcam Dei jussu construenti , fidem habere nunquàm voluerunt , quamvis Dei illos patientia diutissimè , hoc est , centum aut eo ampliùs annos expectaret . Andrad . Defens . Tridentinae fidei , lib. 2. n Bellarm. lib. 4. de Christo , c●p . 13. o 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Citatur á Iustino Mart. in Dialog . cum Tryphone : & Irenaeo , lib. 3. cap. 23. lib. 4. cap. 39. & lib. 5. cap. 31. p 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Anast. Sin. vel Nican . qu. 111. q Hoe de Platone commemoratur : quod credendum sit necne , auditoribus judicandum relinquo . Nicet . commentar . in Gregor . Nazianz orat . 2. de Pascha . r Quare inter fabulas numeranda est illa narratio , quam in historijs Patrum circumferri dicit Nicetas , etc. Haec quidem fabula est , Bellarm. lib. 4 de Christo , cap. 16. s Istud inter Apocryphorū computandū est somnium . Dionys. Carthusian . in 1. Pet. 3. t Penetrabo omnes inferiores partes terrae , & inspiciā omnes dormiētes , & illuminabo omnes sperantes in Domino . vel ut ab authore Operis imperfecti in Matth. ( inter opera Chrysostomi ) homiliâ 4 citatur . Descendā ad inferiores partes terrae , & visitabo omnes dormientes , & illuminabo sperantes in Deum . Ecclesiastic . 24.45 . u Gilbert . Genebrard . lib. 3. de Trinitate . x Sozomen . lib. 4. hist. cap. 18. y 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Theodoret. lib. 2. hist. cap. 21. z 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Athanas. in epist. de Synodis Arimini & Selenciae . Socrat. lib. 2. hist. cap. 41. edit . ●raec . vel 32. Latin. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Athanas . ibid. Socrat . lib. 2. cap. 37. edit . Graec. vel 29. Laetin . The speech is taken from Iob 38 17. in the Septuagint . b Constat ex hoc , nihil esse de Symbolo Apostolorum subtrahendum . Subtractum tamen est illud : Descendit ad inferos . Verùm qui detraxerūt , id non negabant neque cum veritate pugnabant . Ioann . F●roli viensi● episc . in Session . 10. Concil . Ferrar. c Epiphaen . in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . pag. 518. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . d In Misiâ Latinâ antiquâ , ●dit . Argentin . an . 1557. pag. 41. post ●ecitatū Symbolum Constantinopolit . subijcitur . Finito Symbolo Apostolorum dicat Sacerdos . Dominus vobiscū . e Beatus Cyprianus , vel potiùs Ruffinus , in expositione symboli negat hunc articulū legi in Ecclesiae Romanae Symbolo , & Orientis Ecclesijs : et vetustissimi patres quidā , dum vel summam fidei Christianae , vel symbolum Apostolicū exponunt , hoc dogma praetermiserunt . Quando autem insertum s●t Symbolo , certé constitui non potest . Io. Busae . de descensu Christi●ad inferos , Thes. 33. f Omnipotentem . ] His additur : Invisibilē & impassibilē . Sciendū quoòd duo isti sermones in Ecclesiae Romanae symbolo non habētur Constat autem apud nos additos haereseos causâ Sabelij . Ruffin . in exposit . Symb. g Nos tamen illum ordinem sequimur , quē in Aquileiensi Ecclesiâ per lavacri gratiam suscepimus Id. ibid. h Augustinus in libro de Fide & Symbolo , & quatuor libris de Symbolo ad Catechumenos , non meminit hujus partis , cùm totum Symbolum quinquies . exponat . B●llarm . de Christo , lib. 4. cap. 6. i Pe●r . Chrysolog . serm . 57.58.59.60.61.62 k Maxim. Homil . d● traditione Symboli . l Tom. 5. Oper. Ch●ysost . Latin. m S●rm . de Tempore , 115.131.181 195. n Serm. 119. & 123. o Fortunat. lib. 11. num . 1. in Exposit. Symbol . p Ether et Beat. lib. 1. contra Elipandū Tol●tan . pag. 51. edit . Ingo●sta● . q Descensum ad inferos nūc , consentientibus sectarijs , inter germanos Symboli Apostolici articulos numeramus . Io. Busaeus , de descens . thes . 33. r Act. 2.27 31. s Psalm . 16.10 . t Quis ergo nisi infidelis negaverit fuisse apud Inferos Christum ? Augustin . epist. 99. u Ac primùm omnes cōveniunt , quòd Christus aliquo modo ad . inferos descenderit . etc. At quaestio tota est de explicatione hujus articuli . Bellarm. de Christo. lib. 4. cap. 6. x In 3. Sent. dist . 22. D. Thom. Bonavent . Richard. Gab. Palud . & Marsil . quaest . 13. & reliqui in hoc cōveniūt , quòd ad locū damnatorū non descendit . Fr. Suarez tom . 2. in 3. part . Thom. disp . 43. sect . 4. Non descendit ad inferos reproborum ac in perpetuum damnatorum , quoniam ex eo nulla est redemptio : igitur ad eum locum descendit , qui vel Sinus Abrahae , vel cōmuniter Limbus Patrum appellatur . Fr. Feuardent Dialog . 6. contr . Calvinian . pag. 509 edit . Colon. y Qua propter si in illum Abrahae sinum Christum mortuum venisse sancta scriptura dixisset , non nominato inferno ejusque doloribus : miror si quisquā ad inferos eum descendisse asserere auderet . Sed quia evidentia testimonia & infernū commemorant & dolores ; nulla caussa occurrit , cur illò credatur venisse salvator , nisi ut ab ejus doloribus salvos faceret . August . ep . 99. a Vnde illis justis qui in sinu Abrahae erant , cùm ille in inferna descenderet , nondum quid contulisset inveni ; á quibus eum secundùm beatificam praesentiam suae divinitatis nunquam video recessisse . Id. ibid. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Plutarch . in lib. de Jside & Osiride . c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Plato , in Cratylo . d Adeò autē cognatio est huic literae , id est S , cū aspiratione ; quòd pro eâ in quibusdam dictionibus solebant Boeoti pro S , H scribere Muha pro Musa dicentes . Priscian . lib. 1. e R●ch . Ve●sl●g . Restitution of English antiquiti●s , chap. 7. f Vid. Goldasti animadvers . in Winsbekij Paraeneses , pag. 400. g Varié in Scripturis & sub intellectu multiplici , sicut re●um de quibus agitur sensus exigit , nomen ponitur inferorum . Augustin . quaest . super Numer . cap. 29. h Qui 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 proprié sedem damnatorum esse existmant , non minùs hallucinantur , quàm illi qui cùm legunt agunt apud Latinos scriptores , Inferos , de eodem loco interpretantur . Casaub. in Gregor . Nyssen . epist. ad Eustath . Ambros. & Basiliss . no● . 116. i Act. 2.27 . 1. Cor. 15.55 . k Ecclesiast . 12.7 . Iob. 34.15 . l 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Aben Ezra , in Genes . 37. m 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Salom. Iarchi , in Genes . 37. n Elias in Tisc●bi , ●erb . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . o 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Kimchi in Ps. 9. p Omnibus natura s●pulturam dedit . naufragos idē fluctus qui expulit , sepelit . suffixorum corpora crucibus in sepulturam suam defluunt : eos qui vivi uruntur , poena funerat . Senec. lib. 8. Controvers . 4. q Sepultus intelligitur quoquo modo cōditus : humatus veró humo cont●ctus . Plin. lib. 7. na● . hist. cap. 54. r 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Lucianu● . de luctu . s Nec dispersis bustis humili sepulturâ crematos . Cicer. Philippic . 14. t Eamque optimam illi censent esse sepulturam . Jd. lib. 1. Tuscul. quaest . u 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Stobaeus . x 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Strabo Geograph . lib. 11. y Ion. 2.2 . z 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Basil. Seleuc orat 12. quae in Ionam est 1. a Ier●m . 22.19 . b Lucan . lib. 7. c Magna parens terra est . Ovid. 1. Metam . d Lucret. de rernatur . lib. ● . e Iob. 1.21 . f Iob. 17.13 , 14. g Iob. 30.23 . h Cuilib●t enim homini domus pro sepulchro ipsa terra est constituta . Olymp●odor . Ca●en . Gr●c . in I●b 30. i Iob. 3.18.19 . k Joh. 20.6 , ● . l Num. 16.30 . m Psal. 79.2.3 . Revel 11.8 , 9. n Sepulchra autem mortuorum in hoc loco , similiter & in multis alijs secundùm ce●tiorē Scripturae sensum accipiēda sunt , non solùm ea quae ad depositionem humanorum corporū videntur esse constructa , vel in saxis excisa , aut in terrâ desossa ; sed omnis locus in quocunque vel integrum humanū corpus , vel ex parte aliquâ jacet : etiā si accidat ut unum corpus per loca multa dispersum sit , absurdum non erit omnia ea loca in quibus pars aliqua corporis jacet , sepulchra corpor●● ejus dici . Si enim non ita accipiamus resurgere de sepulchris suis mortuos divinâ virtute : qui nequaquam sunt sepulturae mandati , neque in sepulchris depositi , sed sive naufragijs ▪ sive in desertis aliquibus defuncti sunt locis , ita ut sepulturae mandari non potuerint ; no● videbun●ur annumerari inter eos , qui de sepulchris resuscitandi dicuntur . Quod utique valde absurdū est . Origen . in Esai . lib. 28. citatu● á Pamphilo , v●l ●usebio potiùs , in Apologia pro Origene . o Duae super hâc questione sunt sententiae . Vna est Hebraeorum , & d● Christianis multorum in hâc aetate nostrâ , maximè verò Haereticorum affirmantium vocem Sceol non significare aliud in Scripturâ nisi fossam sive sepulchrum , & ex hoc falso argumentantiū . Dominum nostrum non descendisse ad Infernū . Per●● . in Genes . 37. sect 92. p Altera est sententia exploratae certaeque veritatis ; vocem Hebrae● Sceol , & Latinam ei respondentem Infernus , & in hoc loco Scripturae , & alibi saepenumerò significare non fossam vel sepulchrū , sed locū inferorum , & subterranea loca , in quibus sunt animae post mortē . Ibid. sect . 96. q Hebraicè , ubicunque ; Hieronymus ac Septuaginta infernū interpretati sunt , est Sheol , hoc est , fossa sive sepulchrū Neque enim significat cum locum , ubi sceleratorū animas recipi antiquitas opinata est . Aug. Steuch . in Gen. cap. 37. r Feré semper Inferni nomen sepulchrum sonat in veteri Testamento . Alphons . Mendoz Controvers . Theologic . quaest . 1. ●●sitiv sect . 5. s Illud non praeteribo , parùm consideratè ( ne graviori inuram notâ ) Cyprianū Cisterciensem ( virum alioqui doctrinâ & pietate conspicuum ) affirmâsse , Sheol , id est , inferos vel infernum in toto veterà Testamento accipi pro sepulchro . Io. Pinea . in Iob. cap. 7. vers . 9. num . 2. t Et ne vehementiùs sibi placeant ob suum illud Sheol : nunquam efficient ut uno saltem Scripturae loco prolato praeclaram illā interpretationē sepulchri confirment Andr. Crocquet . Caeteches . 19. u Ordinarié accipitur pro loco animarū subterranco ; & vel raró vel nunquam , pro sepulchro . Bella●min . lib. 4. de Christo , cap. 10. x Vox 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 significat semper infernum , nunquam sepulchrum . Ibid. cap. 12 y Contra Bezam laté ostendimus , nec 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , nec 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pro sepulchro unquam , sed pro inferno semper in Scripturis accipi . Stapleton . Antidot in 1. Corinth . 15.55 . & Act. 2.27 . z Caeterùm pro sepulchro vox infernus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , nuuquam accipitur . Sepulchrū Graecé 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Hebraicé 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vocatur . Quare & omnes paraphrastae Hebraeorum illam voce●● 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 explicant per vocem gehennae ; urlaté ostendit Genebrardus lib. 3. de Trinitate . Ibid. in Act. 2.27 . a Quemadmodum in errore versantur qul Sheol nunquam sepulchrū designare contendunt : sic fronte sunt perfrictâ , qui uspiam gehennae regionem negant significare . Genebrard . de Trinitat . lib. 3. b Genes . 37.35 . & 44.29 . c Ibidem ( in Genesi , quam cum Commentaerio Arabico MS penes me habeo ▪ & D●uteron●m . ) 32.22 . d Pentateuch ▪ Arabic . ab Erpenio , edi● . an 1622. e Pentateuch . Quadrilingue á Iudaeis . Constantinopoli encus . * Ier apud . Armenios & Turcas terram significat . f Iob. 11.8 . & 24.19 . & 26.6 . g Iob. 21.13 . h Iob. 7.9 . & 14.13 . & 17.13 , 16. i Ecclesiast . 9.10 . k 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Psal. 49.15 . Chald. l Elias in Tisch●● , verb. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . m 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Hippocrat . de d●a●â , sive vi●tus ratione , lib. 1. n Chalcid in Timaum Plato●n . o Casaub. in Baron . exercit . 1. cap. 10. p 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Merm . P●●mandr . serm . 1. q 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Jd. serm . 8. r 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Id. serm . 11. s 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Plutarch . in illud 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . t Idem hic Diespiter dicitur , infimus aër , qui est conjunctus terra● , ubi omnia oriuntur , ubi aboriuntur : quorū quòd finis ortus , Orcus dictus , Varro , de linguâ Latin. lib. 4. cap. 10. u Terrenam vim omnem atque naturam , Ditem patrem dicunt : quia haec est natura terrae , ut & recidant in eam omnia , & rursus ex eâ orta procedant . Iul. Firmic . Matern . de errore profan . relig . ex Ciceron . lib. 2. de natur . Deor. x 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Herm. Minerva Mundi . apud . lo. Stebaum in Eclogis Physicis , pag. 124. y Paul. Comitol . Caten . Graec. in Iob. 17. ult . z An non cōmune est mortalium omniū mori ? an non Infernus est omnium domicilium ? an non illic omnes suorum laborum exitum invenitunt ? Polychronius , vel Olympiodorus , in Catenâ , ibid. a Pindar . Pyth. Od. 5. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Orcu● , Tartarus , sepulchrū . Lexic . Graecolat . in saecro Apparatu Biblior . Regior . edit . Antuerp . an . 1572. c Nullum erit inter Latina Graecaque exemplaria dissidiū , si animadvertamus infernū hoc loco pro morte atque sepulchro , Hebraeorum dicendi more , usurpari : ut Psal. 15. quem mox Petrus citat ; Quoniam non dereliquisti animā meā in inferno . & Esai . 38. Quia non infernus cōfitebitur tibi . Nam cùm de Christi resurrectioned disserat ; multis atque apertissimis Davidis testimonijs confirmat , ita pro humano genere mortem Christū obijsse . ut morte obrui & delitescere inter mortuos diu non posset . Videtur autem mihi per dolores inferni sive mortis , mortem doloris atque miseriarum plenam , Hebraeorum dicendi more , significari : sicut Matthaei c. 24. abominatio desolationis accipitur pro desolatione abominandâ Andrad . desens . Tridentin fid . lib. 2. d Suscitavit illum Deus , solvens & irritans dolores mortis , hoc est , quod per tot dolores mors effecerat , ut scilicèt anima separareturá corqore . Fr. Ribera , in Hose . cap. 13. num . 23. e Quasi dicat , Ereptū á mortis molestijs : has enim dolores vocat . quāquàm mortis epitheton pos sit esse dolor ; quoòd morti conjungi soleat . Emman Sá . No●at . in Act. 24. f Inedit , Aldinâ & Vaticanâ nam Complutensis h●bet 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . g In Hebraeo pro inserno ponitur Sheol ; quod non solùm significat infernum , sed etiam significat fossam , sive sepulturam ; & fic accipitur hîc , eò quòd sequitur ad mortem . N●c . de Lyra , in Psalm . 114. h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 R. Dav Kimchi in Psal. 16.10 . Hoc meliùs ex suâ consuetudine explicans , exaggeransque ; Nec dabis sanctū tuū videre corruptionem . Aug. Steuchus . i Censorum Lovauiensium judicio examiminata , & Academiae suffragio comprobata . Biblia interlineat . edit . an . 1●72 . k Nō relinques animam meam in sepulchro . Psal. 16.10 . id est , Corpus meum , Ar. Mont. in Hebraicae linguae Idiotismis , voc . Anima . in sacr Bibl. Appaerat . edit . an . 1572. l Heb. pro , Corpus meum in sepulchro vel tumolo , Isid. Clarius , in Act. 2. m Dico , multū inter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 interesse . Nam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 est generalissima vox , & significat sine ullo tropo tam animam , quàm animal , immò etiam corpus ; ut patet ex plurimis Scripturae locis . etc. Itaque in Levitico non ponitur pars pro parte , id est , anima pro corpore ; sed vocabulū , quod ipsum corpus significare solet : aut certé ponitur totum pro parte , id est , vivens pro corpore . At Actor . 2. ponitur 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , quae animā solam significat . Bellarm. de Christ lib. 4. cap. 12. n Virgil. Aeneid . 3. o Sicut ergo appellamus Ecclesiam basilicam , quâ continetur populus , qui veré appellatur Ecclesia ; ut nomine Ecclesiae , id est , populi qui continetur , significemus locum qui continet : ita quòd animae corporibus continentur , intelligi corpora filio●ū per nominatas animas possunt . Sic enim meliùs accipitur etiam illud quod Lex inquinari dicit cū , qui intraverit super animā mortuam , hoc est , super defuncti cadaver ; ut nomine animae mortuae , mortuum corpus intelligatur , quod animā continebat : quia & absente populo , id est Ecclesiâ , locus tamen ille nihilominus Ecclesia nun●upatur . Augustin . epist. 157. ad Optat. p Vox 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ut supra ostencimus , significat semper infernū , nunquā sepulch●um . At corpus Christi non fuit in inferno : ergo anima ibi fuit . Bellarm. l●b . 4. de Christo , cap. 12. q Jd. ibid. cap. 10. r Consulantur omnia dictionaria . I●id . cap. 12. s Accipitur Infernus in sc●ipturâ dupliciter . uno modo pro fossâ , ubi ponuntur mortuorum cadavera A●io modo pro loco , ubi descendunt animae damnato●um ad purgandū , & generaliter illorū , qui non admittuntur statim ad gloriam . Lyran. in ●sai . 5. t Est in Scripturâ frequens infernum pro sepulturâ , atque adeò pro morte sumi . Gosp. S●nct . commentar . in Act. 2. sect . 56. u Emm. Sà , Notat . in Scriptur . x Bed. in Psalm . 48. y Perturbati & dolentis verba sunt , mala sua etiam hinc exaggerantis . vel etiā inferni nomine sepulchrum significavit , quasi diceret : In luctu maneo donec . me terra suscipiat , sicut illū sepulchrum . Aleuin . in Gen. Jnterrog . 256. z Deus ergo pater eduxit filium suum de mortuis : hoc est , de inferno , vel de sepulchro , juxta quod Psalmista praedixerat : Non dabis sanctum tuum videre corruptionem . Primaes . in Hebr. 13. a Maria Magdalene non leviter fuit objurgata , cur post resurrectionem Dominum quaereret in sepulchro ; & non reminiscens verborum ejus , quibus se ab inferis tertiâ die rediturum esse dixerat , putaret eum inferni legibus detineri . Maxim. Taurin . de sepultur . Dom. homil . 4. b Vnde & illa Maria Magdalene , quae Dominum inter caeteros defunctos in sepulchro quaerebat , arguitur , & dicitur illi : Quid quaeris viventē cum mortuis ? hoc est , Quid quaeris apud inferos , quem redijsse jam constat ad superos ? Id. de eâd. homil . 3. c Nam qui eū aut in infernis requirit , aut tumulis , dicitur ei ; Quid quaeris viventē cum mortuis ? Ibid. d Quid me cōtingere cupis , quae me dum inter tumulos quaeris , adhuc ad Patrem ascendisse non credis : quae dum me inter inferna scrutaris , ad coelestia redijsse diffidis ; dum inter mortuos quaeris , vivere cū Deo patre meo non speras ? Id. de sepul●ur . Dom. hom . 4. e Sciendum sané est , quòd in Ecclesiae Romanae Symbolo non habetur additum ; Descendit ad inferna : sed neque in Orientis ecclesijs habetur hic sermo . vis tamen verbi eadem videtur esse in eo quod sepultus dicitur . Ruffin . in exposit . Symbol . f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Matth. ●6 . 12 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Marc 14.8 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ioh. 12.7 . g Mos enim antiquitùs fuit , ut nobiliū corpora sepelienda unguentis pretiosis ungerentur , & cum a●omatibus sepelirentur . Euseb . Emiss . homil . Dominic . in Ramis Palmarum . h Quis nescit sepulchrum mortuo honori esse , non dedecori ; & quorundam sceleribus sepulchra negari ? Stapleton . Antid●t . in 1. Corinth . 15.55 . i Nónne inferna Christo testimonium perhibuerunt , quando jure suo perdito Lazaru● , quē dissolvendum acceperant , integrū per quatriduum reservaverunt ; ut incolumē redderent , cùm vocem Domini sui jubentis audirent ? O●at . c●ntra Iudaeos . Pagan . & Arrian cap. 17. tom . 6. Oper. Augustin . k 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Act. 13 34. l 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibid. vers . 35. ex Psal. 16.10 . m Ne mireris quomodo descenderit in corruptionem ; cujus caro non vidit corruptionem . Descendit quidem in locum co●ruptionis , qui penetravit inferna ; sed corruptionem incorruptus exclusit . Ambros. de Virginib . lib. 3. * an . 1578. although in the Arabi●k Testament , printed by Erpenius ann . 1616. the termes be varied : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 al-hawita being put for Hell , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 phasada for corruption . n Psalter . Arabic . edit . Genuae , an . 1516. & Romae , an . 1619. Verúm in duobus meis MSS. exemplarib . habetur hîc 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 alhalaci , quod perditionē vel interitū notat . o 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; Athanas. de Incarnat . Verbi , tom . 1. Oper. Graecolat . pa. ●9 . p 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ibid. pag. 54. q 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . etc. Ib. pag. 59. r 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Graeci in Octoëcho Anastasimo . s 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . etc. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Cumûlas , in Graecorum Pentecostario . t Neque nostras animas derelinquet in inferno , nec dabit nos in corruptione in perpetuū manere : sed qui illum post diē tertium revocavit ab inferis , & nos revocabit in tempore opportuno ; & qui illi donavit , ut nō videat caro ejus corruptionem , nobis donabit , non quidem ut non videat caro nostra corruptionem , sed ut liberetur á corruptione tempore opportuno . Origen . tractat . 3● . in Matth. cap. 27. u 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . G●eg . Nyss in Pascha & Christi Resurrect . t●m . 2. Oper. Graecolat pag. 823. x 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ibid. y 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ib. pag. 825. z 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; Ibid. pag. 824. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ib. pag. 825. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Id. in Epist. ad Eustath . ibid. pag. 1093. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Gregor . Neocaesar . serm . in Theophanta , pag. 111. Oper. edit . Mogunt . & inter Opera Chysostomi , tom . 7. edit . Savilian . pag. 660. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Chrysost in Matth. cap. 11. homil . 36. edit . Graec. vel 37. Latin. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 reponendum , ex MS. Constantinopolitano ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Orat. Catechetic . in S. Pascha ; tom . 5. oper . Chrysostom . edit . Savilian . pag. 916. & in Graecorum Pentecostario : ubi pro primâ voce 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , rectiùs habetur 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . f Farinae autē sata tria , primū quidem universa mortalium natura , deinde mors , postea orcus ; in quo absconditū per sepulturā divinū corpus , fermētavit omnia in resurrectionē & vitam Caesarius , Dialog . 4. g Idcirco sepeliar , propter eos qui in Orco sunt : idcirco veluti saxum aliquod percutiā illius portas , educens vinctos in fortitudine , quemadmodū inquit Davides servus meus . Id. Dialog 3. h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Basil. de Spiritu sancto . cap. 15. i Et haec vermis , vel non ex cōceptu cōmuniū originū vivens , vel é profundis terrae vivus emergens , ad significationē assumptae & vivificatae per se etiā ex inferno carnis professus est . Hilar. de Trinitat . lib. 11 , * Arator . Histor. Apostolic . lib. 1. k Philo. in Cantic . 5.2 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . inter fragmenta Eusebij in Cantic . á Men●sio edita pag. 52. l 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Leo Imp. homil . 1. m 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . n 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . o 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . q 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . r 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . s 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . t 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Tom. 6. Bibliothec. Pair . edit , an . 1589. col . 128. u Illuminans enim mortis tenebras , & infernorum obscura collustrans ; in sanctorum ad praesens conspicatorum resurrectione mortis ipsius spolia detrahebat . Hilar . in Matth. Canon . 33. x Sed nec sepulchrum quidem ejus miraculo caret . Nam cùm esset unctus á Ioseph , & ●n ejus monumento sepultus ; novo opere quodam , ipse defunctus defunctorum sepulchra reserabat . Et corpus quidem ejus jacebat in tumulo , ipse autem inter mortuos liber , remissionem in inferno positis , solutâ mortis lege donabat . Erat enim caro ejus in monumento , sed virtus ejus operabatur é coelo . Ambros ●e●●ura . nat , ●ap . 5 y Descendit ad infernum , ut & ibi á miraculo non vacaret . Nam multa corpora sanctorum resurrexerunt cum Christo. Homil. 2. in Symbol . tom . 5. Latin. Oper. Chrysostom . z Reddunt inferi corpora rediviva sanctorum : & in occur●um authoris inferos penetrantis , temporalem accipiunt beatae animae commeatum Homil. 4 de P●oditore , & Pass . Dominic . tom . ● . Latin. Oper Chrysost. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Thaddaeus , ●pud Euseb . lib. 1. histor . Ecclesiast . ca. ult b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ignat. epist. 2. ad Trallian . c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Macar . Hierosolymit . apud Gelasium Cyzicen . in Act. Concil . Nicaen . lib. 1. ca. 23. al. 24. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Cyrill . Hierosol cateches . 14. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Id. ibid. f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ch●ysost . in Matth 27. homil . 88. edit . Graec. vel 89. Latin ubi tamen Interpres vertit : Multo majus profectò est multos jam olim mortuos in vitā reduxisse . g Ergo & in sepulcrum quoad corpus , quod mo●tuū erat , descendit : juxta veró divinitatem , quae vivebat , infernu● intereà devicit . Te●tio die resurrexit : sed & animas fideliū secum unâ suscitavit ; & dedit spem corporibus etiā á morte resurgendi sib similiter in secundo adventu Con●ess . A●men . artic . ●22 . 123.124 . h Audito igitur quod locutus esset in eo Deus , & cognito per Spiritum sanctum quòd filius Dei non solùm veni●et in terras , sed etiam descensurus esset ad inferos , ut mortuos refuscitaret , ( quod tunc quidē factum est ad testimonium praesentium , & exemplum futurorū ) conversus ad Dominum ait : Vtinam in inferno conservares , absconderes autem me donec desinat ira tua , & statuas mihi tempus in quo memoriam mei facias . Am●ros . de Int●rpellatio●● , lib. 1. cap. 8. i Quòd in passione Domini resuscitandus foret ; sicut in fine hujus libri testatur . Ibid. k 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Append . ad Iob. l Et de illo quidem primo homine patre generis humani , quòd eum ibidem solverit , Ecclesia feré tota consentit : quod eam non inaniter credidisse credendum est , undecunque hoc traditum sit , etiamsi canonicarum scripturarum hinc expressa non proferatur authoritas . Aug. epist. 99. m In Biblijs Regijs , edit . Antuerp . an . 1572 & magnis Latinis Biblijs edit Venet. an . 1588. ubi in hanc particulam habentur notae Glossae interlinealis & Nic. Lyrani . n Fr. Rapheleng in Lexico Arabico , pag 53. & 55 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Sepulcrum , infernus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Malé : inquit Erpenius , in observation . ad hunc locum . significat terram humidam . Verúm Raphelengium ab hâc reprehensione vindicat Arabs Pentateuchi interpres ab ipso Erpenio editus : qui Sheol vertit Tharai , Genes . 37.35 . & 44.29 , 31. item Num. 16.30 , 33. & Deut. 32.22 . o 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Marc. Liturg. p Crucem sponte pro nobis subijt , per quam resuscitavit protoplastum , & á morte animas nostras salvavit . Chrysost. Liturg. Latin. q 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Nov. Autholog . Graec. edit . Romae , an . 1598. pa. 23. b r 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ibid. fin . pa. 239. s 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ibid. pag. 262. b. t 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ib. pag. 278. b. u Quam suscepit in Golgothâ Christus , ubi Adae sepulchrum , ut illū mortuū in suâ cruce resuscitaret . Vbi ergo in Adam mors omnium , ibi i● Christo omniū resurrectio . Ambros. lib. 5. epist. 19. x Venit ad me traditio quaedā talis , quòd corpus Adae primi hominis ibi sepultum est ubi crucifixus est Christus : ut sicut in Adam omnes moriuntur , sic in Christo omnes vivificentur ; ut in loco illo qui dicitur Calvariae locus , id est locus capitis , caput humani generis resurrectionem inveniat cum populo universo per resurrectionem Domini Salvatoris , qui ibi passus est , & resurrexit . Inconveniens enim erat , ut cùm multi ex eo nati remissionem acciperent peccatorum , & beneficium resurrectionis consequerentur ; non magis ipse pater omnium hominum hujusmodi gratiam consequeretur . Origen . in tractat . 35. in Matth. cap. 27. y 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Athanas. in passion . & crucem Domini . z Epiphan . cont . Tatian . haeres . 46. Vide etiam Paulae & Eusto●hij epist. ad Marcellami , tomo ● . oper . Hieronymi , epist. 17. a Atque utinā non superflua his & inutilia miscuissent . Ambros. de bono mortis , cap. 10. b Satis fuerat dixisse illis , quòd liberatae animae de corporibus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 peterent , id est , locum qui non videtur . Quem locum Latiné infernum dicimus Jbid. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Chrysost. in 2. Corinth . homil . 9. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Chrysostom . de fato & providentiâ , orat . 4. tom . 6. edit . Savil. pa. 874. e Act. 23 8. f Ioseph de Bello Iudaic. lib. 2. cap. 12. circa finem . g ●lia● Levita in Tis●hbi , verb. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ●heodoret . in Genes . quaest . 109. i Caietan . on Genes . 25. k Lorin . in Act. 13.36 . l Syn●s . epist. 4. m 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Plat. Phaedoa . pag. 81. edit . Graecolatin . an . 1590. n Comperies aliquod esse inferni & mortis discrimen : videlicèt quòd animas infernus contineat , mors veró corpora . Nam immortales sunt animae . Theophylact . in 1. Corinth . 15. o Hoc differunt mors & infernus : quòd illa corpora , hîc animas detineat . Nicet . in Gregor . Nazianz. orat 42. p 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Andr. Caesareens . in Apocalyps . commentar . cap. 64. edit . Graec. 63. Latin. q Mors est , quâ separatur anima á corpore . Infernus est locus ubi recluduntur animae , vel ad refrigerium , vel ad poenam . Strabus in Gloss. ordinar . ●n Hieronym . lib. 3. in Ose. cap. 13. r 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Nicet init . Historiae . s 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Caius , in fragmento de Caussâ sive essentiâ Vniversi : de quo suprà , pag. 222. t 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ibid. u Virgil A●neid . 6. conferēd . cum Platonis narratione lib. 10. de Republ. paulò pòst citandâ x 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Io. Tzetz . in Hesiodi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . y 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 2. Pet. 2.4 . z Tertullian . Apologetic . cap. 47. a Greg. Nazianz . orat . 20 in laud. Basilij . b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . D●phil . apud Clement . Alexandr . lib. 5. Stromat , ind●que apud Euseb. Praeparat . Euangeli● . lib. 13. pag. 400. edit Grae● . & Theodoret. in Therapeutic . ad Graec. lib. 8. pag. 88.89 . who commendeth this for true , philosophy indeed . * Vid. Tertullian . de Animâ cap. 54.55 . & Macrob. in Somn. Scipionis . lib. 1. cap. 9.10.11.12 . c Antholog . lib. 1. cap. 37. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Plat. Phaedon . pag. 380. f. & 386. a. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Zoroaster . apud . Clement . Alexandr . lib. 5. Stromat . indeque apud Euseb . Praeparat . Euangel . lib. 13 . 39● . f Plato , lib. 10. de Republ. pag. pag. 518. g Euseb. Praeparat . Euangel . lib. 11. pag. 330. h Phytag●r●aur . Ca●m . cum commentar . H●er●cli● ▪ pag 310. i 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Epicharm . apud Clement . Alexandr . lib. 4. stro●● . k 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Pindar . ibid. & apud Theodore● . in Therapeutic . ad Grae●os , lib. 8. l Romulus in co●lo cum dijs agit aevum : ut famae assentiens dixit Ennius . Cic Tus●ul . quaest . lib. 1. m Omnibus , qui patriam conservârint , adjuverint , auxerint , certum esse in coelo ac definitum locum , ubi beati aevo sempiterno fruantur . Id. in Som●o Scipionis . n Ea vita , via est in coelum , & in hunc coetum eorum , qui jam vixerunt , & corpore laxati , illum incolunt locum quem vides ( erat autem is splendidissimo candore inter flammas elucens circulus ) quem vos , ut á Graijs accepistis , orbem lacteum nuncupatis Ibid. o Manil. lib. 1. Astronom . p 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Damasc . q 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; Philopon in 1. Mettor . fol. 104. b. r 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Socrat . apud Platonem in Cra●ylo . pag 265. s 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Id. apud . eund . in Phaedone . pag. 385. g. t Euseb. Praepar . Euangel . lib. 11. pag. 325. u 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ibid. pag. 323. x Plat. Phaedon . pag. 39● . 399 . y 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Origen lib 7. contra Celsum , pag. 362. z 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Plato , in Gorg. pag. 312. c. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Theodoret. Therapeutic . ad Graec. lib. 11. pag. 155. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ibid. pag. 166. c Ibid. pag. 157. d Hesiod . in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . e Pindar . Olymp. Od. 2. f Diodor . Bibliothec. lib. 3. g Plutarch . in vitâ Serlorij . h Ioseph . de bello Iudaico , lib. 2. cap. 12. pag. 730. edit . Graec. i 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Jd. lib. 18. Antiquit. cap. 2. pag. 548. k 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Origen cont●a Celsum , lib. 5 pag. 267. l 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Lucian . de luctu . m In terram enim cadentibus corporibus , hisque humo tectis , ex quo dictum est humari ; sub terrâ censebant reliquam vitam agi mortuorum . quam ●orum opinionem magni errores consecuti sunt : quos auxerunt Poëtae . Cic. Tuscul. quaest . lib. 1. n Hera●lid Pontic de Allegor . Homer . Servius , in Virgil. Ae●e●d . lib. 6. o 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . G●minus , in Phaenomen . cap. 13. p Lactant Institut . lib. 3. cap. 23. q Augustin . de Civit. De● . lib. 16. cap. 9. r Procop. in Genes . cap. 1. s Strabo , Geograph . lib. 1. ad quem doctiss . Casauhonus hane ex Grammaticis Oceani definitionem producit . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . t 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Theon in Arat. pag. 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ibid. pag. 59. edit . Paris . u 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ach●l . Stat. in Ar●● . pag. 93 ●dit . Florentin . ubi etiam alius scholiastes , pag. 115. de horizonte similiter notat . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . x 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Aristot. de Mundo , cap. 3. y Citat ab Arati scholiaste , edit . cum Hipparcho , Florent . an . 1567. pag. 115. z Achil. Stat. in Arateis , ibid. pag 93. * Vid. Augustin . Quaest. 132. in Genesim . a Quòd autē universa terra in aquis subsistat , nec ulla sit pars ejus , quae infra nos sita est , aquis vacua & denudata , omnibus notum reor . Nam sic docet Scriptura : Qui expandit terram super aquas . Et iterùm : Quia ipse super maria fundavit eam , & super flumina praeparavit eam . &c. Nec decet ut credamus aliquam terram infra nos coli nostro orbi oppositam . Procop. in Genes . cap. 1. b Hilari . in Psalm . 2. c Chrysostom . in Genes . cap. 2. homil . 12. d Caesar . Dialog . 1. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Proclus Diadoch . in Hesiodi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ab Hugone Sanfordo citatus ; qui complura Veterum testimonia huc facientia diligenter congessit . f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Apollodor . Bibliothec. lib. 1. g Nobis inferi , non nuda cavositas , nec subdivalis aliqua mundi sentina credūtur : sed in fossâ terrae & in alto vastitas , & in ipsis visceribus ejus abstrusa profunditas . Tertull. de anima , cap. 55. h Esse autem hujus infernae regionis vas●aeque abyssi incolas pl●res , beati Ioannis Apocalypsi docemur . e●c . Hila●● . ●n P●alm . 2. i Lucretius ex majore part● , & alij integré docent , inferorum regna ne esse quidem posse . Nam locum ipso●um quem possumus dicere ; cùm sub ●erris d●●a●●ur esse Antipodes ? in mediâ veró terrâ eos esse , nec soliditas patitur , nec centrum terrae , quae terra si in ●●edio mundi est ; tanta ejus esse profunditas non potest , ut in medio sui habeat inferos , in quibus est Tartarus : de quo legitur , Bis patet in praeceps tantum , etc. Servius , in Aen●i● . 6. k Si de situ & loco quaesieris , respondebo , dicamque extra terra●ū orbē hunc aliquo esse positam . Non ergo erit , quo fuerit haec loco sita , quin magis quo pacto evitari possit , quaerendū● Chrysostom de p●aemij . sanctor . tom . 3. Oper. Lae●in . l 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Gregor . N●ssen . in Macrin●s , tom . 2 Oper. pag 641. m 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ( fort . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ) Ibid. pag. 641.642 . n 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; etc. Ibid. pag. 642. o 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ibid , pag. 644. p 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Theophylact. in Luc. cap. 16. q Infernum autem hi quidem putant regionem sub terrâ caliginis & tenebrarum . &c. Alij veró Infernum ex apparitione ad disparitionem animae nominaverunt . Quandiu anima est in corpore , per proprias videtur actiones : sed ubi á corpore discessum est , omnibus modis incognita nobis existit . Hugo . Etherian . de animar . regress . ab Inferis , cap. 11. r 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Maxim . in Dionys. Ecclesiast . Hi●rarch . cap. 2. s Suprá , pag. 217. t In isto mundo qui moriuntur separatione carnis & animae , juxta operum differentiā diversa apud Inferos obtinēt loca . Origen . de Prin●ipijs , lib. 4. apud Hieronym . epist. 59. ad Avitum . u Relinquit anima mundi hujus tenebras , ac naturae corporeae caecitatem , & transfertur ad aliud seculum : quod vel sinus Abrahae , ut in Lazaro , vel Paradisus , ut in latrone qui de cruce credidit , indicatur ; vel etiam si qua novit Deus esse alia loca , vel alias mansiones , per quae transiens anima Deo creden● , & perveniens usque ad flumen illud quod laetificat civitatem Dei , intra ipsum sortem promissae patribus haereditatis accipiat . Origen . in Numer . 31. homil . 2● . x Illa receptio utrùm statim post istam vitam flat , an in fine suculi in resurrectione mortuorum , atque ultimâ retributione judicij ; non minima quaestio est . August . Quaestion Euange● lib. 2. cap. 38. y Solet esse magna quaestio , quo modo intelligatur infernus : u●rùm illuc mali tantùm , an etiam boni mortui descendere soleant . Si ergo tantùm mali : quo modo iste ad filium suum se dicit lugentem descendere ? Non enim in poenis inferni eum esse credidit . An per turbati & dolentis v●rba sunt , mala sua etiam hinc exagggerantis ? Id. Quaestio . 126 , in Genesim . & Eucher . in Genes . l●b . 3. cap. 18. z Vtrùm ideò ad infernum , quia cum tristitiâ ? An etiam si abesset tristitia , tanquam ad in●ernum moriendo descensurus haec loquitur ? De inferno enim magna quaestio est : & quid inde Scriptura sentiat , locis omnibus ubi fortè hoc commemoratum fuerit , observandum est . Augustin . Quaest. 142. in Genes●m . & Eucher . in Genes . lib. 3. cap. 27. a Supr . pag. 215. b Vel communi lege naturae , vel●illas portas , de qu●bus quòd liberatus sit , Psalmista decantat : Qui exaltas me de portis mortis , ut annunciem omnes laudationes tuas in portis filiae Sion Hi●ronym . lib. 11. in Esai . cap. 38. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Eustathius Antiochen . in Psal. 15. citatus á ●heodoreto in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . dialog . 1. d Humanae ista lex necessitatis est , ut consepultis corporibus ad inferos animae descendant . Quam descensionem Dominus ad consummationem veri hominis non recusavit . Hilari . in Psal. 138. e Ad explendam quidem hominis naturam etiā morti se , id est , discenssioni se tanquam animae corporisque subjecit ; & ad infernas sedes , id quod homini debitum videtur esse , penetravit . Id. in Psalm . 53. s Leges inferni moriendo subijt , sed resurgendo dissolvit : & ita perpetuitatem mortis incîdit , ut eam de aeternâ faceret temporalem . Leo de passion . serm . 8. g Nunc autem tribus diebus conversatus est ubi erant mortui . Irenaeus , lib. 5. cap. ult . h Dominus legem mortuorū servavit , ut fieret primogenitus á mortuis , et commoratus usque ad te●tiā diē in inferioribus terrae , pòst deinde surgens in carne , ut etiā figuras clavorū ostenderet discipulis , sic ascendit ad patrem . Ibid. i Cùm enim Dominus in medio umbrae mortis abierit , ubi animae mortuorum erant , post deinde corporaliter resurrexit , & post resurrectionē assumptus est : manifestū est quia & discipulorum ejus , propter quos & haec operatus est Dominus , animae abibunt in invisibilem locum , definitū eis á Deo , & ibi usque ad resurrectionem commorabuntur , sustinentes resurrectionem ; pòst recipientes corpora & perfecté resu●gentes , hoc est corporaliter , quemadmodum & Dominus resurrexit , sic venient ad conspectum Dei. Nemo enim est discipulus super magistrum : perfectus autem omnis erit , sicut magister ejus . Ibid. k Tertullian de Animâ , cap. 55. vid. supr . pag. 270. ad liter . b. l Quid est illud quod ad inferna transfertur post divortium corporis , quod detinetur illic , quod in diem judicij reservatur , ad quod & Christus moriendo descendit , puto ad animas Patriarcharum . Jbid. cap. 7. m Ibid. cap. 58. n Quae infraterram jacent , neque ipsa sunt digestis & ordinatis potestatibus vacua . Locus enim est , quò piorum animae impiorumque ducuntur , futuri judicij pra●judicia sentientes Novatian . de Trinitat . cap 1. o Lactant. Justitut . lib. 4. cap. 19. p I● . lib. 7. cap. 24. vid. & cap. 22. q 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Cyrill . Glaphyr . in Genes . lib. 6. pag. 154. r 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ibid. pag 155. s 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; Niceph. G●egor . histor . Roman . lib. 10. t 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; Andre . Hierosolymitan . serm . in vitam humanam , & in Defunctos . u Juvenc . Histor. Euangel . lib. 4. x Euseb. Em●sen . á Theodore●o citatus in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . dialog . 3. y 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Euseb . in Cantic . pag. 68. z Per descensum Sponsi quem patruelem appellat , Domini nost●i Iesu Christi descensum ad inferos possumus intelligere , ut arbitror : nam & haec sequentia probant , cùm dixit ; Ad aromatum phialas sive areolas . Prisci enim illi sanctissimi viri , per phialas aromatum non inepté significantur ; quales fuere , Noë , Abraham , Isaac , Iacob , Moses , Iob , David , Samuel , Elisaeus , Daniel , alijque quamplurimi ante Legem & in Lege : qui quidem omnes , veluti aromatum phialae sive areolae , sanctissimae justitiae odores ac fructus suavissimé oluerunt . Tunc enim Paradisum triumphator ingressus est , cùm ad inferos penetravit . Adest nobis ipse Deu● hâc in re testis , cùm in Cruce Latroni ( sese illi ipsi religiosissime commendanti ) clementissimé respondit ; Hodie mecū eris in Paradiso . Philo Carpath in Canti● . 6. a Digna fané inquisitu res est , ubinā sub Sole justi vitâ functi collocentur . Constat autem quòd in Paradiso : cùm dixerit Christus Latroni ; Hodie mecum eris in Paradiso . Sciendumque est , quòd literalis Traditio Paradisum docet esse in terrâ . Nonnulli veró dixerunt , quòd Paradisus etiam est in inferno , id est , subterraneo loco : ad quam suam opinionem illud accommodant Euangelium . Dives Lazarum vidit , ipse tamen in inferiore demersus , cùm Lazarus eminentiore esset in loco , ubi esset Abraham . Verùm quomodocumque se habeant ; illud proculdubio constat , tum ex praesenti Ecclesiastae nostri loco , tum ex omni ●acrâ ●cripturâ , futuros pios in prosperitate ac pace , in●ustos veró in supplicijs ac tormentis . Alijs autem placuit Paradisum esse in coelis : bonus autem ac ingenuus Ecclesiastes historiae sensum potiùs consectabitur . Olympiodor . in Ecclesiast . cap. 3. b Bishop answer to Perkin● advertisement , pag. 9. c Ibid. pag. 8. d Suarez . tom . 2 in 3. part . Thom. quaest . 46. art . 11. & quaest . 52. art . 8. disp . 43. sect . 4. Bellarmin de Sanctor . Beatitud . lib. 1. cap. 3. testim . 4. See before , pag. 254. e Tom. 2. Oper. Athanas pag. 39. edit . Graecolat . f Bishop . Preface to the second part of his Reformat . of Perkins Catholick pag. 19. g Brought . in his epistle to the Nobilitie of Engl. edit . an . 1597. pag. 38. h Id. in alio Opusculo , edit . an . 1604. i Inveniri insupe● asserit in multis vetussissimis exemplaribus MS● . orationem Dominicam in hunc modum ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Pater noster qui es in inferno etc. Veteres quoque Macedones aliter orationem Dominicam nunquam precatos fuisse . Io. Rodolph . Lavator . de descensu ad inferos , lib. 1. part 1. cap 8. k Ioseph . de Bello Iudaic. lib. 3. cap. 25. pag. 785. l Matth 8.12 . & 22.13 . & 25.30 . m Nemo illam rejicere quovis praetextu audeat , vel praesumat . Conci● . Tridentin . sess . 4. n Act. 13.4 . o 18.5 . et 27.5 . p 9.32 . q 11.27 . & 21.10 . r 8.5 . & 12.19 . & 15.1 . & 18.22 . s Iuvenal . Satyr . 6. t Animos cùm é corpore excesserint , in sublime ferri . Cic lib 1. Tusculan . quaest . u Chrysost. in Ephes . homil . 11. x Theop●●lact . in Ephes. cap. 4. y Qui non possumus intelligere quod dicitur , nisi per ea vocabula , quae usu didicimus , & errore combibimus . Hieronym . lib. 2. in Amos cap. 5. z Phurnutus de naturâ D●or . in Plutone . a Plato , in Gorgia . b Hesiod . in Theogoniâ . c Homer . Iliad . 15. d Hesiod . Theog●n . e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Pindar . Phyth . od . 3. f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Homer . Iliad . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Dionys. Ecclesiastic . Hierarch . cap. 2. g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Georg pachymer thid . h Pindar . Olymp . od . 8. i Id. Isthm. Od. 6. k Plutarch . de consolat ad Apollon . l Clem. Strom. lib. 6. m Herodot . histor . lib 3. n Sciendum quòd per Infernum ( pro quo dictio Hebraica proprié significat sepulchrum ) & perditionem , quae duo in scripturis saepè conjunguntur , significatur status mortuorum ; & non solùm damnatorum , ut nos feré ex his vocibus auditis concipimus , sed in genere status defunctorum . Cornellansen . in Proverb 15. o Gasp. ●anct . in Act. 2. sect . 56. p 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Sapient . 16.13 . q Deducis ad portas mortis , & reducis . Lat. ibid. r Epiphan in Anacephalaeosi , pag. 531. edit . Graec. s Id. in Anchora●o , pag. 484. Vid. etiam eund . contra Ariomani● . haeres . 69. pag. 337. t Athana● . Oper . Gra●olat . tom . 1. pag. 801. u Ibid. pag. 805. x Solutos per Dominū dicit dolores inferni , sive mortis . Bed. Retract . in Act. cap. 2. y 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Cyrill . in Hoseam . pag. 371. z 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Euseb . lib. 1. Praeparat . Euangelic . pag. 7. a Fides ergo est Ecclesiae fundamentū . Non enim de carne Petri , sed de fide dictum est , quia portae mortis ei non praevalebunt ; sed confessio vicit infernum . Ambros. de Incarnat . sacrament . cap. 5. b Infernum autem ex opinione , quae invaluit , usurpavit ; hoc etiam morti nomen imponens . Theodoret. in Cantic . 8. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Nazianz. Carm. 15. de Vitae itinerib . tom . 2. edit . Graecolat . pag. 91. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Basil. Se●enc . in Ionam orat . 2. pag. 114. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Id in illud : Ecce as●endimus Hierosolym . pag. 268. f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Id. in Eliam . pag. 97. g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ibid. h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Id. in illud : Ecc● ascendimus Hierosolym . pag. 265. i 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; ●b . pag. 268. k 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ibid. pag. 267. l 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Cyrill . Alexand● . Glaphyr . in Genes . lib. 5. pag 121. m Cyrill Hierosolym . Cateches . 14. n 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Athanas. de Incarnat . Verbi , contra Gentes , pag. 77. o Divina natura in mortem per carnem descendit ; non ut lege mortalium detineretur á morte , sed ut per se resurrecturus januas mortis aperiret . Ruffin . in exposit . Symbol . p 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Octoēch . Anastas . Graec. & Li●urg . Chr●sost . Latin. á ●eone Thus●o edit . q Syllabar . Aethiopic . ad calcem Psalterij , edit . Hebraic . Graec. Latin. & Aethiopic . in fol. r Athanas. ●rat . 4. contra Arian . tom . 1. edit Graecolat . pag. 291. serm . in passion . & Cruc . Dom. ibid. pag. 801. quaest . ad Antio●h . tom . 2 pag. 321. Euseb. lib. 5. Demonstrat . Euangeli● . pag. 155. & lib. 10. pag. 313. edit . Graec. Caesarius . Dialog . 3. pag. 1132. edit . Basil. See before , pag. 282. s 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Euseb. Demonstrat . Euangelic . lib. 10. pag. 307. t Lactant. Institut . lib. 4. cap. 18. u Prosper de promiss & praedict part . 3. cap. 20. x Lactāt ut sup . cap. 19. y Prosp. ut sup . cap. 29. z 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Basil. Seleuc . in Ionam , orat . 2. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( leg 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Gregor . Nazianz. in Definitionib . Jambic . 15. tom . ● . edit . Graecolat . pag. 201. b Excitatus est ab infe●is , meque mortuum simul excitavit . Nectar . ●rat . in Theodor. martyr . á Perionio convers . c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Tract . de Definitionib tom . 2. Oper. Athanas. Graecolat . pag. 59. d Liturg. Ia●obi , Marci , Clementis , Basilij , & Gregorij Theologi . e Ambros. de Sacrament . lib. 4. cap. 6. Offic. Ambrosian . tom . 1. Liturgic . Pamelij . pag. 302. Sacramentar . Gregorian . tom . 2. pag. 181. f Genes . 25.8 . compared with 15.15 . Numb . 20.24 . and 27.13 . &c. g Mortem nihil aliud esse definiunt sapientes , nisi separationem animae á corpore . Origen . tractat . 35. in Matth. cap. 27. Vid. Tertullian . de Animâ , cap. 27. & 51. & August . de Civit. Dei. lib. 13. cap. 6. h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Gregor . Nyssen . orat . Catechetic . cap. 27. i 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ibid. cap. 16. k 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ibid. l Regenerationem quippe hoc loco , ambigente nullo , novissimam resurrectionem vocat . August . contra duas epist. Pelagian . lib. 3. cap. 3. m Revel . 1.5 . n 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Coloss. 1.18 . o Luc. 20.36 . p Quando moriens moreretur ; cùm jam in morte esset , an tum etiam cùm in vitâ foret . Taur . q Plato neque vitae id tempus , neque morti dedit ( vidit quippe utrumque esse pugnans ) sed tempori in confinio . A. Gell. N●ct . Attic. lib. 6. cap. 13. r 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ( al. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ) Plat● . in Parmenide , pag. 67 , s 1. Corinth . 15.54 , 55. t Haec justé dicentur tunc , quando mortalis haec & corruptibilis caro ( circa quam & mors est , quae & quodam dominio mortis pressa est ) in vitam conscendens , induerit incorruptelam & immortalitatē . Tunc enim veré erit victa mors , quando ea quae continetur ab eâ caro , exierit de dominio ejus . Irenae . lib. 5. cap. 13. u Matth. 27.40 , 41 , 42. x 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Act. 2.24 . y 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Rom. 6.9 . z 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Athanas. Rescript . ad Liberium , tomo 1. pag. 397. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Origen . Dialog . 3. b Act. 3.15 . c Act. 8.33 . d Ioh. 10.18 . e Ibid. f 1. Cor. 15.20 . g Cyprian testimon . advers . Iudaeos , lib. 2. sect . 24. Lactant. Institut . lib. 4. cap. 19. Ruffin . in exposit . Symbol . h Dionys Ecclesiast . Hierarch . cap. 2. i Et ne fortè cuiquam sit dubium hujus simpli mysteriū sacramenti ; videat in eo mortem & resurrectionem Christi significari . Nam in aquis mersio , quasi in infernum descensio est ; & rursu● ab aquis emersio , resurrectio est . Concil . Toletan . IIII. cap. 5. ( al. 6. ) k Dionys ut sup . Cyrill . vel Iohan. Hierosolymitan . Cateches . 2. Mystagogic . Petrus Chrysologus , serm . 113. Leo I. epist 4. cap. 3. Paschasius de Spiritu S. lib. 2. cap. 5. Io. Damascen . Orthodox . fid . lib. 4. cap. 10. Germanus in rer . Ecclesiast . Theoria . Walafrid , Strab. de reb . Ecclesiastic . cap. 26. Theophylact. in Iohan. cap. 3. l Nos autem quòd tertiò mergimus , triduanae sepulturae sacramenta signamus : ut dum tertiò infans ab aquis educitur , resurrectio triduani temporis exprimatur , Concil . Toletan . ex Gregorio , lib. 1. Registri , epist. 41. m Descendere dicitur , cùm aliquid facit in terrâ , quod praeter usitatū naturae cursum mirabiliter sactum praesentiam quodam modo ejus ostendat . August . de Civit. Dei , lib. 16. cap. 5. n Descendere dicitur Deus ; quando curam humanae fragi litatis habere dignatur . Aug. serm . 70. de Tempore . o Erat caro ejus in monumento ; sed virtus ejus operabaturé coelo . Ambros. de Incarnat . cap. 5. p Supr . pag. 3 22 q Supr . pag. 317 r Ego dormio , in Cruce scilicèt , & cor meū vigilat : cùm divinitas Tartara spoliavit , & opima spolia retulit de triumpho superatae mortis aeternae , atque dejectae diabolicae potestatis . Philo Carpath . in Cantic . 5. s Quem in corpore constitutum timuerunt , dicentes ; Quid nobis & tibi , Iesu fili Dei excelsi ? venisti ante tempus torquere nos ? quomodo nudam ipsam divinitatem contra se descendentem pote●unt sustinere ? Ecce post tres dies mortis suae revertetur ab inferis , quasi victor de bello . Op. imperfect . in Matth. homil . 35. tom . 2. Chr●sost●m . t Recté dicis medico , Liberâsti me ab aegritudine ; non in quâ jam eras , sed in quâ futurus eras . Nescio quis habens caussā molestam , mittendus erat in carcerem : venit alius , defendit eum . gratias agens , quid dicit ? Eruisti animam meam de carcere Suspendendus erat debitor : solutum est pro eo ; liberatus dicitur de suspendio In his omnibus non erant : sed quia talibus meritis agebantur , ut , nisi subventum esset , ibi essent ; inde se recté dicunt liberari , quò per liberatores suos non sunt permissi perduci . Augustin . in Psalm . 85. u Ephes. 2.15 . x 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Procli C●ziceni episc . homil . de Nativitate Domini , in Act. Concil . ●phes . part . 1. cap. 1. edit . Rom. y Act. Concil . Ephesin . pa●t . 1. cap 26. edit . Rom. z Concil . Chalced . Act. 5. a Quint. Synod . Constantinop . Collat. 6. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Synod . Alexandrin epist. ad Nostorium . c Thom. in Sum. part . 3. quaest 62. art . 2. d Bellarm lib. 4. ●e Ch●isto , cap. 16. e Re meliùs conside●atá , sequendam esse existimo sententiā S. Thoma● , quae estaliorum Scholastico●um in 3. Sent dist . 22. Id. in Recognitione Op●rum . f Suarez . tom . 2. in ● . part . Thom. disput . 43. sect . 4. g Si nomine articuli intelligamus veritatem , quam omnes fideles explicité scire ac c●edere teneantur : sic non existimo necessarium hunc computare inter articulos fidei . Quia non est res ad modùm necessaria singulis hominibus : & quia ob hanc fortassè caussamin symbolo Niceno omittitur cujus symboli cognitio videtur esse sufficiens ad praeceptum fidei implendum . Denique proptero● fortè Aug. & alij Patres in principio citati exponentes symbolum , non explicant populo hoc mysterium . Id. ibid. sect . 2. h Regulam fidei pusillis magnisque communem in Ecclesiâ perseveranter tenent . August . epist. 57. ad Dardaenum . a Matth. 4.10 . b Ierem. 10 . 25● Ioel. 2.32 . Act 9.14 . 1. Corinth . 1.2 . Sic apud Optatum , lib 3. contr . Donatist . Vt negaretur Christus & Idola rogarentur . Item : Testamentum divinum legimus pariter ; unum Deum rogamus . c Esai . 56.7 . Matth. 21.13 . d Psalm . 62.8 . 1. Sam. 1.13 , 15. e Rom 8.26 . f Rom. 8.27 . g 1. Kings . 8.39 . 2. Chron. 6.30 . h Psalm . 65.2 . i Nam id circò ante Christi adventum non ita colebantur , neque invocabantur spiritus Patriarcharū et Prophetarū , quemadmodū nunc Apostolos & Martyres colimus & invocamus : quòd illi adhuc inferni carceribus clausi detinebantur . Bellarmin . fin . Praefat. in Controvers . de Ecclesiá triumphante , in Ord. disputat . k Quia Scripturas conditas & publicatas in primitivâ Ecclesiâ oportebat Christū fundare , & explicare , qui per tacitam suggestionem Spiritus Sanctos secum adducebat : & durum esset id Iudaeis praecipere ; & occasio daretur Gentibus put●ndi sibi exhibitos multos Deos pro multitudine Deorum quos relinquebant . Alphons . Salmer . in 1. Timoth. 2. disput . 8. l Revel . 15.3 . m Ego sic arbitror , quòd omnes illi qui dormierunt ante nos patres , pugnent nobiscum & adjuvent nos orationibus suis Ita namque etiā quendam de senioribus magistris audivi dicentē . Origen . in Iosue . homil . 16. n Iam veró si etiam extra corpus positi sancti , qui cum Christo sunt , agunt aliquid , & laborant pro nobis ad similitudinem angelorum qui salutis nostrae ministeria procurant . etc. habeatur hoc quoque inter occulta Dei , nec chartis committenda mysteria . Id. lib. 2. in epist. ad Roman . cap. 2. o 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Origen . lib. 8. contra Cels pag. 432.433 . p 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Celsus , ibid. pag. 406. q 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Origen ibid. r 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Celsus , ibid. pag. 411. s 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Origen . ibid. pag. 411.412 . t 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . etc. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( fort . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Jd. lib. 5. pag. 239. u Haec ab alio orare non possum , quàm á quo me scio consecuturum : quoniam & ipse est qui solus praestat , & ego sum cui impetrare debetur ; famulus ejus qui eum solum observo , qui propter disciplinam ejus occidor , qui ei offero opimam & majorem hostiam , quam ipse mandavit , orationem de carne pudicâ , de animâ innocenti , de spiritu sancto profectam . Tertullian . Apologetic . cap. 30. x 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Clem. Alexandr . lib. 7. Stromat . y 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ignat . epist. 6. ad Philadelph . z Qui recté invocat Deum , per Filium invocat : & qui proprié accedit , per Christū accedit . Accedere autem ad Filium non potest sine Spiritu Sancto . Gregor . Neocaesar . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . á Fr. Turriano convers . a Si homo tantummodo Christus ; quomodo adest ubique invocatus , cùm haec hominis naturae non sit , sed Dei , ut adesse omni loco possit ? Si homo tantummodò Christus ; cur homo in orationibu● mediator invocatur , cùm invocatio hominis ad praestandam salutem inefficax judicetur ? Si homo tantummodò Christus ; cur spes in illum ponitur , cùm spes in homine maledicta referatur ? Novatian . de Trinitat . cap. 14. b Sed & in principio epistolae quam ad Corinthios scribit , ubi dicit ; Cum omnibus qui invocan● nomen Domini Iesu Christi in omni loco , ipsorum & nostro : eum , cujus nomen invocatur , Deum , Iesum Christum esse pronuntiat . Si ergo & Enos & Moses & Aaron & Samuel invocabant Dominum , & ipse exandiebat eos , sine dubio Christum Iesum Dominum invocabant : & si invocare Domini nomen , & adorare Deū , unum atque idem est , sicut invocatur Christus & adorandus est Christus : & sicut offerimus Deo Patri primò omniū orationes , ita & Domino Iesu Christo : & sicut offerimus postulationes Patri , ita offerimus postulationes & Filio : & sicut offerimus gratiarum actiones Deo , ita gratias offerimus Salvatori . Origen . lib. 8. in epist. ad Roman . cap. 10. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Athanas. orat . 4. contra Arian . pag. 259. d Bellarm. de Eccles. triumph . lib. 1. cap. 19. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Athanas. ut supr . pag. 260. f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Id. ibid. g Schol. Graec. in priorem Nazianzeni Jnvectivam , pag. 2. edit . Rtonens . h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Greg. Nazianz. orat . 11. in Gorg●n . i Notandum est quia ante Christi adventum Sancti , qui moriebantur , non intrabant in coelum , nec Deum videbāt , nec cognoscere poterant ordinarié preces supplicantiū : ideò non fuisse consuerum in Testamento veteri , ut diceretur ; Sancte Abraham , ora pro me , &c Bellarmin de Sanct. Beatit . lib. 1. cap. 19. k Quòd autē aliquis directé oraverit Sanctos defunctos , ut se adjuvarent , vel prose orarent , nusquam legimus . Hic enim modus orandi est proprius legis gratiae , in quo Sancti videntes Deum , possunt etiam in eo videre orationes , quae ad ipsos funduntur . Fr Suarez . in 3. part . Thom. tom . 2. disput 42. sect . 1. l Dicendum est , ideò non fuisse morem in Veteri Testamento adeundi Sanctos intercessores , quia nondum erant beati & glorificati , ut modò sunt : ideò non debebatur eis tantus honos , quantus est iste . Alphons . Salmer . in 1. Timoth. 2. disput . 8. m Ant●à frustrà fuissent implorata ipso●um suffragia , utpote nondum conjunctorum cum Deo in gloriâ , sed ad reconciliationem usque & regni apertionem per sanguinem redemptoris Christi , loco quodam ordinato á Deo adhuc expectantium : & proptereà non percipientium orationes & vota viventium , ut quae , non propriâ rationis ad nos usque pertingentis efficaciâ , sed in verbi divini speculo ( quod intue●i ipsis nondum datū erat ) beati intuentur & audiunt . At post persolutum redemptionis nostrae pretium , sancti jam regnantes cum Christo in coelesti gloriâ , etiā nostras preces votaque exaudiunt : ut quae universa , in verbo , clarissimé intuentur , velut quodam speculo . Albert. Pigh . Controvers . 13. n See above , from pag. 215. to 225. item pag. 259.260.265.266.270.343.344 . &c. o Augustin . in Psalm . 36. conc . 1. p Olim controversum fuit , num animae S●nctoru● usque ad diem judicij De●m viderent , & divinâ visione frueren●ur : cùm multi insignes viri & doctrinâ & sanctitate clari tenere viderentur , eas nec videre nec frui usque ad diem judicij , donec receptis corporibus unâ cum illis divinâ beatitudine perfruantur . nam Irenaeus , Iustinus martyr , Tertullianus , Clemens Romanus , Origenes , Ambrosius , Chrysostomus , Augustinus , Lactantius , Victorinus , Prud●ntius , Theodoretus , Aretas , Oecumenius , Theophylactus , & Euthymius hujus referuntur fuisse sententiae : ut commemorant , Castrus , & Medina , & Sotus . ●r . Pegna , in ●art . 2 D●re●io● Inquisitor comment 21. q Tot illi & tam celebres antiqui patres , Tertu●lianus , Irenaeus , Origenes , Chrysostomus , Theodoretus , Oecumenius , Theophylactus , Ambrosius , Clemens Romanus , D Bernardus , huic sententiae ( quae nunc in Concilio Florentino magnâ demùm conquisitione factâ ut dogma fidei definita est ) quòd justorum animae ante diem judicij Dei visione fruuntur , non sunt assensi ; sed sententiam contrariam tradiderunt . S●ap●eton . Desens . Ecclesiastic . authorit . cont●a Whitake● . lib. 1. cap. 2. r Certa est & manifesta Conciliorum definitio , perpetuo ab Apostolorum temporibus usu , & omnium Graecorum & Latinorum patrū authoritate firmata ; Sanctos esse orandos et invocandos . Jo. Azor. Insti●ut . Moral . tom . 1. lib. 9. cap. 10. s Omnes Patres Graeci & Latini docent , Sanctos esse invocandos . Bellarmin . de Eccles . triumph . lib. 1. cap. 6. t Patres universi , tam Graeci quàm Latini , perpetuò Sanctos interpellârunt Alphons Salmer . tit 1. Timoth. 2. d●sput . 7. u Stapleton , Forness . part . 1. chap. 9. x Vtrùm ipsi per seipsos assint uno tempore tam diversis locis , & tantâ inter se longinquitate discretis , etc. Augustin . de Curâ pro mortuis , cap. 16. y Et tamen generaliter orantibus pro indigentiâ supplicantium . ibid. z maximeque per eorum memorias ; quoniam hoc novit expedire nobis ad aedificandam f●dem Christi , pro cujus illi confessione sunt passi . I●si● . a Res haec altior est , quàm ut á me possit a●ting● , & abstrusior quàm ut á me valeat perscrutari : & ideò quid ho●ū duoru● sit , an veró fortassis utrumque sit , ut aliquando ista fiant per ipsam praesentiā martyrum , aliquando per Angelos suscipientes personam martyrū , definere non audeo . Ibid. b Revel . 14.4 . c Si agnus ubique : ergo & hi , qui cum agno sunt , ubique esse credendi sunt . Hieronym . advers . Vigilant . d Licèt universi Sancti ubique sint , & omnibus prosi●t : specialiter illi tamen pro nobis interveniunt , qui & supplicia pertulêre pro nobis . Maxim. homil . in Natali Taurinorum martyrum . e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Eustrat . in Photij Bibliothecâ , cod . 171. f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Canon . Synodi á Michaële Syncello citat . in Ignatij Patriarch . C.P. Encomio . g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Athanas. quaest 26. ad Antioch . h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Anastas . Sinait . Quaest. 89. i Si ergo me potest aliquis in somnis videre , sibi aliquid quod factum est indica●tem , vel etiam quod futurum est praenu●ciantem ; cùm id ego prorsus ignorē , & omninò non curem , non solùm quid ille somniet , sed utrùm dormiēte me vigilet , an vigilante me dormiat , an uno eodemque tempore vigilemus ambo sive dormiamus , quando ille som●ium videt & in quo me videt : quid mirum si nescientes mortui , nec ista sentientes , tamen á viventibus videntur in somnijs , & aliquid dicunt , quod evigilantes verum esse cognoscant ? August de curâ pro mortuis , cap. 10. k Sic autem infirmitas humana sese habet , ut cùm mortuum in somnis quisque viderit , ipsius animam se videre arbitretur ; cùm autē vivum similiter somnia verit , non ejus animam , neque corpus , sed hominis similitudinem sibi apparuisse non dubitet : quasi non possint & mortuorum hominum , eodem modo nescientium , non animae sed similitudines apparere dormientibus . Ibid. cap. 11. l Quâ nocte somnianti , ego illi quod non intelligebat exposui : immò non ego , sed imago mea nesciente me , & tam longé trans mare aliquid aliud , sive agente , sive somniante , & nihil de illius curis omnino curante . Ibid. m Et his enim apparent imagines vivorum atque mortuorū : sed cùm fuerint sensibus redditi , quoscunque mortuos vidisse se dixerint , veré cum eis fuisse creduntur : nec attendunt qui haec audiunt , similiter ab eis absentium atque nescientiū quorundam etiam imagines visas esse vivorum . Ibid. cap. 12. n Nam Mediolani apud sanctos Protasium & Gervasium martyres , expresso nomine , sicut defunctorum quos eodem modo commemorabant , adhuc vivum daemones Episcopum confitebantur Ambrosium , atque ut sibi parceret obsecrabant ; illo aliud agente , atque hoc cùm ageretur omnino nesciente . Ibid cap. 17. o Aliquando autem fallacibus som●ijs ( al. visis ) hi homines in magnos mittuntur errores : quos talia perpeti justum est . Ibid. cap. 10. p 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ●hrysost . de Lazaro , conc . 2. tom . 5. edit . Savil . pag. 235.236 . q 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Id. de Lazar. conc . 4. ibid pag 256. r 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Synes . epist. 54. s Basil. Sele●e . de miraculus S. Theclae , lib. 2. cap. 10. t 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ibid. cap. 21. u 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ib. cap 24. x 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Hom. Iliad . ● . y 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Basil Seleuc. ut supr . cap. 24. z 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ibid. cap. 27. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Ibid. cap. 16. b Quem invenirem , qui me reconciliaret tibi ? An e●ndum mihi fuit ad Angelos ? Quâ prece ? quibus sacramentis ? Multi conantes ad te redire , neque per seipsos valentes , sicut audio , tentave●unt haec ; & incid●●unt in deside●ium curiosaru● visionū , & digni habiti sunt illusionibus Augustin . Confes● lib. 10. cap. 42. c Quotiescumque , Fratres charissimi , sanctorum Martyrum solennia celebramus ; ita ipsis intercedentibus expectemus á Domino consequi temporalia beneficia , ut ipsos Martyres imitando accipere mereamur aeterna . Serm. de Martyrib . ad calcem fe●monum Leonis 1 & tom . 1. Oper. Augustin . serm . 47. de Sanctis . * Breviar . Roman . in Communi plurimorum Martyrum extra tempus Paschale , lect . 4. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Basil homil . 26 de S. Mamante . e Rom. 15.30 . f 2. Cor. 1.11 . g Qui in silentio orat , sidem defert , & confitetur quòd Deu● scrutator cordis & renis sit , & orationem tuā antè ille audiat , quàm tuo ore fundatur . Ambros. de Sacrament . lib. 6. cap. 4. h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Quaest. 99. ad Antioch . tom . 2. Oper Athanasij , pag. 303. edit . Graecolat . i Et priùs quidem solus omnipotens Deus cernit occulta , dicente sermone Euange●ico ; Et pater qui videt in abscondito . Et in alio loco : Scrutans corda & renes Deus . Et in Regum volumine . Tu solus nosti corda cunctorum filiorū hominū . Hi●ronym . lib 5· in Ezech. ca. 16. Vid. eund . lib. 4. in Ezech. ca. 14. li. 4 ▪ in Ierem. cap. 20. & lib. 1. in Matth cap. 9 ( suprá . pa. 112. ) lo. Chrysost. in Matth homil . 29 ▪ edit Graec. vel 30. Latin. Gennadium de Ecclesiasticis dogmatib . cap. 81. Jo Cassian . Collat. 7. cap. 13. Sedulium in Rom. 2. Paeschasium de Spiritu Sancto , lib 2. cap. 1. & alios possim . k Respondeo magnā quidē esse quaestionē , nec in praesentia disserendam , quòd sit ope●is prolixioris ; utrum , vel quatenus , vel quomodo ea quae circa nos aguntur noverint spiritus mortuorum . Augustin . in Psal. 108. ●narrat . 1. l Vid. eund . de Curâ pro mortuis , cap. 16 suprá citatum , initio pag. 392. Sanctos in genere sollicitos esse pro Ecclesiâ , & orare posse , atque etiam reipsâ orare ; fatentur Philippus in Apologiâ Confessionis Augustanae , articulo de invocatione Sanctorum , Brentius in Confessione Wirtembergensi , capite de invocatione Sanctorum , Kemnitius in tertiâ parte Examinis Concilij Tridētini : Calvinus quoque lib●o t●rtio Institut . cap. 20. sect . 21. & 24. non repugnat huic sententiae . Bellarmin . de Missa , lib 2. cap. 8. m Augustinus dicit : Quia mortui nesciunt , etiā sancti , quid agant vivi , etiā eorū filij Gloss. inte●lineal in Esai 63. n Si tanti Patriarchae quid erga populum ex his procreatū ageretur , ignoraverunt , quibus Deo credentibus populus ipse de illorū stirpe promissus est : quo modo mortui vivorum rebus atque actibus cognoscendis adjuvandisque miscentur ? Augustin . de Curâ pro mo●tuis , cap. 13. o Lib. de Spiritu & Animâ , tom . 3. operum August qui idē est cū libro 2. de Animâ , inter opera Hugonis Victorint . p Ibi sunt spiritus defunctorum , ubi non vident quaecunque aguntur , aut eveniunt in istâ vitâ hominibus . ●ugustin . de Curâ ●ro mortuis , cap. 13. q Ita illi ( Diviti ) fuit cura de vivis , quanvis quid agerent , omnino nesciret : quemadmodum est nobis cura de mortuis , quanvis quid agant , omnino utique nesciamus . Ibid. cap. 14. r Proínde fatendum est , nescire quidem mortuos quid hîc agatur , sed dum hîc agitur ; posteà veró audire ab eis , qui hinc ad eos moriendo p●rgunt . Non quidē omnia , sed quae sinuntur indicare , qui sinuntur etiam ista meminisse ; & quae illos , quibus haec indicant , oportet audire . Possunt & ab Angelis , qui rebus quae aguntur hic praesto sunt , audire aliquid mortui , quod unumquenque illo●um audire debere judicat cui cuncta subjecta sunt . etc. Possunt etiam spiritus mortuorum aliqua quae hîc aguntur , quae necessarium est eos nosse , & quae necessarium non est eos non nosse , non solùm praeterita vel praesentia , verumetiam futura spiritu Dei revelante cognoscere . Ibid. cap. 15. s Facit Grat. quamdam incidentem quaestionem ; utrùm defuncti sciunt quae in mundo geruntur á viris ? & respondet , quòd non : & hoc probat auctoritate Isaiae . Gloss. in 13. q. 2. De mortuis . t Sed fortè quaeris ; Nunquid preces supplicantium Sancti audiunt , & vota postulantium in eorum notitiam perveniunt ? Non est ineredibile , animas Sanctorum , quae in abscondito faciei Dei veri luminis illustratione laetantur , in ipsius contemplatione ea quae foris aguntur intelligere , quantum vel illis ad gaudium , vel nobis ad auxiliū pertinet . Sicut enim Angelis , ita & Sanctis qui Deo assistunt , petitiones nostrae innotescunt in Verbo Dei quod contemplantur . Petr. Lombard . Sentent . lib. 4. distinct , 45. u Dico , quòd non est necesse ex ratione beatitudinis , quòd beatus videat orationes nostras : neque regulariter sive universaliter in Verbo , quia non est aliquid quasi necessaria sequela beatudinis ; neque quòd revelentur , quia neque talis revelatio nec●ssariò sequitur beatitudinem . etc. Tamē probabile est , quòd Deus beatis revelat de orationibus sibi , vel ●eo in nomine ejus oblatis . Io. Scotus , in 4. dist 45. quaest . 4. x Dicendum , quòd Sancti in patriâ qui de facto in coelis sunt , naturali cognitione putà vespertinâ , quae est cognitio rerum in proprio genere , nullas orationes nostrum in terrâ consistentium , neque mentales n●que vocales cognoscunt propter immoderatam distantiam inter nos & ipsos Gabr. Biel , in Canon Miss . ●ect 31. y Non est de ratione beatitudinis essentialis ; ut nostras orationes , aut alia facta nostra , matutinâ cognitione videant in verbo . Ibid. z Vtrùm autem videre nostias orationes pertineat ad eorum b●atitudinem accidentalem ; non per omnia certum est . I●id . a Vnde probabili●e● dicitur , quòd licèt non necessariò sequitur ad s●nctorum beatitudinem , ut orationes nostras audiāt de co●gruo : tamē Deu● eis revelat omnia quae ipsis ab h●minib●s off●runtur , si●e ipsos magnificando & la●dando , sive eos orando & auxili● implorando Ibid. b S● indigerent Sancti novâ revelatione , Ecclesia non diceret ita audacter omnibus Sanctis ; Orate ●ro nobu : sed peteret aliquando á Deo , ut & rev●laret preces nostras . Bellarm. de Eccles . triumph . lib. 1. cap 20. c Superfluum videtur ab eis ( qui sunt in Purgatorio ) ordinarié petere , ut pro nobis orent : quia non possunt ordinarié cognoscere quid agamus in particulari , sed solùm in genere sciunt nos in multis periculis versari Id de Purgator . lib. 2. cap. 15. d Etsi dubitatio esse possit , quemadmodum cognoscant absentia , & quae solo cordis affectu interdum proferuntur ; tamen certum est eos cognoscere Id de Eccles. triumph . lib. ca● . ●0 . e Notandum est , quod est de fide , beatos cognoscere orationes quas ad eos fundimus . Pesa●t . in 1. part . Thom. quaest . 1● . f Est enim oratio actus quidam rationis , quo unus alteri supplicat , inferior videlicèt superiori . Bella●min . de bonis operib . in particulari , lib. 1. cap. 7. g Si Prophetae licuit appellare Angelos , & universum coelestem exercitum , eosque hortari ut Deū laudent , quod tamen nullo etiam monente assidué faciunt ; quo sané nihil aliud quàm abundantia quaedam studij divinae gloriae amplificandae declaratur : cur etiam non liceat beatos illos spiritus ejusdem corporis societate nobiscum conjunctos , ex quâdam pij desiderij redundantiâ compellare , atque exhortari , uti id faciant , quod eos ultro facere credimus ? ut perinde valeat ; Omnes Sancti orate Deum pro me : ac si dicatur . Vtinam omnes Sancti Deum orent pro me quàm velim ut omnes Sancti Deum orent pro me Georg. Cassand . Schol. in Hymn . Ecclesiastic . Op●rum pag. 242. h Cùm viderē non necessarium , ut statuamus Sanctos intelligere nostras preces ; credebam ad calumnias nonnullorum repellendas satis esse si dicamus per modū desiderij eas inter pellationes explicari posse : quod minus habet absurditatis , & divinarum literarum exemplis congruit . Si quis autem hujusmodi compellationes pro intimatione quoque desiderij , & directâ ( ut ita loquamur ) alloquutione haberi velit ; non repugno . Crediderim tamen hujusmodi intimationi tacitam conditionem subesse debere ; qualem Gregorius Nazianzenus in oratione funebri sororis Gorgoniae exprimit , cùm ait . Proinde si nostri sermones vel parumper tibi curae sint , honorque talis sanctis á D●o debetur animabus , ut talia resciscant ; suscipe & tu sermonem nostrum . Id. epist. 19. ad Io. Molinaeum . pag. 1109. i His & similibus rationibus decepti sunt dicti hae●etici . Decipiuntur & nunc nonnulli nostro tēpore Christiani . Gabr. Biel , in Canon . Miss . lect . 30. k Propter istas rationes & consimiles dicunt multi , quòd nec nos oramus Sanctos , nec ipsi orant pro nobis , nisi improprié : ideò sc. quia oramus Deum ut Sanctorum merita nos juvēt unde : Adjuvent nos eorum merita . etc. Guillerm . Altissiodor . in Summ. part . 4 lib. 3. tract . 7. cap. de Orat. quaest . 6. l Breviar Praemo . str●teus . in Ommum Sanctorum officio . Vid. Poëmata De corr●pto Ecclesiae statu , edit . Basil. an . 155● pag. 28.29 . & Catalog . test . veritat . edit . ibid. an . 1562. pag. 390. m Oramus Sanctos , ut intercedant pro nobis , id est , ut merita eo●um nobis suffragentur , & ut ipsi velint bonum nostrum : quia eis volentibus Deus vult , & ita fiet . Petr. Lombard . Sentent . lib. 4. distinct . 45. & Iacobus de Vitriaco , in Litaniâ maiori . n Rogare debemus Apostolos & omnes Sanctos in omni necessitate nostrâ : quia ipsi sunt advocati nostri , & medij inter nos & Deum , per quos Deus ordinavit nobis omnia largiri . Hug. Prate●s . sermon . 35. o Qui congruum est beatum esse coadjutorem Dei in procurando salutem electi , eo modo quo hoc sibi potest cōpetere ; & ad iflud requiritur sibi revela●i orationes nostras specialiter , quae sibi offeruntur , quia illae specialiter innituntur meritis ejus tanquam mediatoris perducentis ad salutem , quae petitur : ideò probabile est , quòd Deus beatis revelat de orationibus sibi , vel Deo in nomine ejus oblatis . Io. Scot. in 4. Sent. d●st . 45. quaest . 4. p Quid enim tam proprium Christi , quàm advocatum apud Deum patrem adstare populorum ? Ambros. in Psalm . 39. q Ipse Sacerdos est , qui nunc ingressus in interiora veli , solus ibi ex his qui carnem gestaverunt interpellat pro nobis . In cujus rei figurâ in illo primo populo , & in illo primo templo unus sacerdos intiabat in sancta sanctorum , populus omnis foras stabat . August . in Psam . 64. r Non dixit , habetis , nec me habetis dixit , nec ip●um Christū habetis , dixit : sed & Christum posuit , non se , & habemus dixit , non habetis . Maluit se ponere in numero peccatorum , ut haberet advocatum Christum : quàm ponere se pro Christo advocatum , & inveniri inter damnandos superbos . Augustin . tractat . 1. in 1. epist. Iohan. cap. 2. s Si ita diceret ; Hoc scripsi vobis ut non peccetis , & si quis peccaverit , mediatorē me habetis apud Patrem , ego exoro pro peccatis vestris : ( sicut Parmenianus quodam loco mediatorem posuit Episcopum inter populum & Deum : ) quis eum ferret bonorum atque fidelium Christianorum ? Quis sicut Apostolum Christi , & non sicut Antichristum intueretur ? Id. lib. 2. contr . epist. Parmenian . cap. 8. t Vlteriùs propter nostram inopiam in contemplādo : ut qui non possumus summā lucem in se aspicere , eam in suis Sanctis contemplemur . Tertió , propter inopiam in amando : quia nos miserabiles homines , vel plerique nostrûm magis afficimur circa Sanctum aliquem aliquando , quàm etiā circa Dominū ; & ideò Dominus eompastus nostrae miseriae , vult quòd oremus Sanctos suos . Alexand. de Hales , Summ. part . 4. quaest . 26. memb . 3. artic . 5. u Propter Dei reverentiam : ut peccator , qui Deum offendit , quia non audet in propriâ personâ adire , recurrat ad Sanctos , eorum patrocinia implorando . Id. ibid. x Peccatoribus singularis est consolatio , qui ad Sanctorum interpellationem quandoque magis animantur quàm Iudicis : quorum etiam sanctitatis defectum supplere potest probitas aliena . Gabr. Biel in Can●n . M●ss lect . 30. y Propter Dei reverentiam : ut sc. peccator qui Deum offendit , quasi non audens in personâ propriâ , propter peccati scoriā , coram majestate altissimâ pariter & tremendâ apparere , recurreret ad Sanctos purissimos & Deo gratos ; qui peccatoris pr●ces altissimo praesen●●●ent , easqu suis adjunctis meritis & precibus magis redderent ex●udib les , placidas . atque gratas . Ibid. lect . 31. z Tertió , quia Ecclesia quae Christi Spiritum ha●er , f●equent●ssimé pe● Sanctos recurrit ad Deum , rariùs per se ad Deum accedit Quartò , precatio Dei per invocationem Sanctorum arguit majorem humilitatem ; sicut videre est in Centurione . Alph. Salmer . in 1. Timoth. 2. d●spu● . 7. sect . ult . a Psalm . 102.17 . b Judith ● . 16 . c Coloss. 2.18 . d Ibid. vers . 23. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ●heodoret . in Coloss. cap. 2. f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ch●ysostom . in Matth. homil . 65 edit . Graec. 66 Latin. g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Id in Psalm ● . h Solent tamen pudorem passi neglecti Dei , miserâ uti excusatione , dicentes per istos posse ire ad Deum , sicut per comites pervenitur ad Regem , Ambros. in Rom. cap. 1. i Agè , nunquid tam demens est aliquis , aut salutis suae immemor , ut honorificentiam Regis vindicet comiti ; cùm de hâc re si qui etiam tractare fuerint inventi , jure ut rei damnentur majestatis ? Et isti se non putant reos , qui honorem nominis D●i deferunt creaturae , & relicto Domino conservos adorant ; quasi sit aliquid plus quod servetur Deo. Nam & ideò ad Regem per tribunos aut comites itur , quia homo utique est Rex , & nescit quibus debeat Rēpublicam credere . Ad Deum anté ( quem utique nihil latet , omnium enim merita novit ) promerendum suffragatore non opus est , sed mente devotâ . Vbieunque enim talis locutus fuerit ei , respondebit illi . Ibid. k 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Chrysost. in Matth. citat . á Theodoro Daphnopat . in Eclogis ( tom . 7. edit . Savil. pag. 768. ) Maximo , in loc . commun . serm . 14. & Io Damasceno in Parallel . lib 2. cap. 15. ubi ab editore Pontificio ad marginem appositum est hoc pharmacum : Haec 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dicuntur non 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . l 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Chrysost . serm . 7. de Poenitent . tom . 6. edit . Savil. pag. 802. qui in alijs editionib . est serm . 4. de Poenitent . m 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Id. in Psalm . 4. n 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Id. in d●mission . Chananaeae . tom 5. edit . Savil. pag. 195. o 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ibid pag. 190. p 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Chrysost. in Act. 16. homil . 36. q 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Id. ibid. r 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Id , in Psalm . 4. s 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Id. in Genes cap. 19. homil . 44. t 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Id ibid. u 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ●d . in Matth 15. homil . 52. edit . Graec. vel 53. Latin. x 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Theophylact. in Matth. cap. 15. y 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Chrysostom . serm . in Philip. 18. de p●ofectu Euangel . tom . 5. edit . Savil. pag. 416. z 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ibid. pag. 416. & paulo pòst . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; pag. 417. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; Ibid. pag. 417. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ibid. c Bellarmin . Praefat. in controvers de Eccles triumphant . in Ord●ne disputat . d Sanctos non solùm honoramus eo cultu , quo viros virtute , sapientiâ , potentiâ , aut qualibet aliâ dignitate praestantes ; sed etiam Divino cultu , & honore , qui est religionis actus nam ille cultus , qui viris primarij● defertur , non est religionis ; sed alterius longé inferioris virtutis , quae observantia vocatur , actus & officium . Sed divinos cultus & honores Sanctis non damus propter ipsos ; sed propter Deum , qui eos Sanctos effecit . Io. Azor. Institut . Moral . tom . 1. lib. 9. cap. 10. e Esai . 428. & 48.11 . f Quid si & una religionis virtus sit , quae latriam , duliamque contineat ? Certé plurimis atque sapientissimis ea est opinio . Nicol. Serarius , in Litaneutico 2. Quaest. 27. in fine g Virgil. Aeneid . 3. Iunonis magnae primùm prece numen adora . Ovid . T●ist . lib. 1. eleg . 3. Hâc prece adoravi superos ego , pluribus uxor . D●natus in ●eren●ij Phormion . act . 2. scen. 1. ad il●ud : At ego Deos penate●● hinc salutatum domum D●vortar Salutatum . ] Adoratum primâ post reditum prece . h Ideoque divine ac singulariter in Ecclesiâ catholicâ traditur , nullam creaturam colendam esse animae ( libentius enim loquor his verbis quibus mihi haec insinuata sunt ) sed ipsum tantummodò rerum quae sunt omnium creatorem Augustin . lib. de Quantitate animae , cap. 34. Vid. eund . de morib . Eccles. Catholicae & Manich. lib. 1. cap. 30. i Bellarm. de bonis operib . in particular . lib. 1. cap. 1. k 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Basil. orat . in Iu●itiam martyr . l 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Gregor . Nyssen . orat . 1. de Oratione . m 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Id. orat . 2. de Orat . Dòminic . vel , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Id. tractat 2. de inscriptionib . Psalmor . cap. 3. n 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Chrysost. in Genes . homil . 30. Vid. eiusd . lib. 1· de Orando Deū , tom . 6 edit . Savil. pag. 754. o 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Damascen . de fide Orthodox . lib. 3. cap. 24. p Ad quod sacrificium , sicut homines Dei , qui mundum in ejus confessione vicerunt , suo loco & ordine nominantur : non tamen á sacerdote , qui sacrificat , invocantur . Aug. de Civit. Dei , lib. 22. cap. 10. q Sed tamē tu solus , Domine , invocādus es ; tu rogādus , ut eū in filijs repraesentes . Ambr. de obit . Theodos. r Cui alteri praeter te cla mabo ? August . Confess . lib. 1. cap. 5. s 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ch●ysost . in 1 Corinth . homil . 1. t 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; Jd. in Coloss . 3. homil . 9. u 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Concil . Laödicen . can . 35. x Angulos fortè legendū . pag. 424. tom . 6. Antiquae lectionis Henr. Canisij . SS . Canonum in A●adem Ingolstad . professoris primarij . y Supr . pag. 12. z Tom. 1. Concil . edit . Colon. an . 1530. & Paris . an . 1535. a Tom. 1. Concil . edit . Colon. an . 1538. b De his qui Angelos co●ūt . Cres●on . Breviar . Canon . sect . 90. Dionys. Exig . in Codice Canonū , num 138. c Vt nullus ad Angelos congregationem faciat . Fulgent . Ferrād . Breviat . Canon . sect . 184. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Theodoret. in Coloss. 3. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Id. in Coloss. 2. f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Oecumen . MS. in Coloss. 2. ab Hoeschelio citatus in notis ad Origenis libros contra Celsum , pag. 483. g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Phot. Nomocanon tit . 12. cap. 9. h Angelici , in angelorum cultu inclinati . Augustin . de haeresi ca. 39. i Angelici vocati , quia an gelos colunt . Isido● . Or●gin . lib. 8 cap. 5. k 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Gregor . Nyssen . con●r . Eunom . oras . 4. tom 2 edit . Graecolaetin . pag. 144. l 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Id. ibid. pag. 146. m Hieronym . Zanctinus , de foro conscientiae & cont●ntioso , sect . 1●8 . n A●ton . Meliss . lib. 1. serm 1. o Deleatur dictio , SOLUMMODO . Index Expurgator . Gasp Quiroga Ca●dinalis iussis editus ; de consilio supremi Senatus Generalis Iniquisit . Madrit . an . 1584. p 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Athanas . orat . 3. contra Arrian . q Ambros. in Rom. cap. 1. supr . pag. 414. r 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , etc. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; Epiphan . haeres . 79. pag 448. s 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Id. ibid pag. 450. t Non sit nobis religio cultus hominum mortuorum : quia si pié vixerunt , non sic habentur ut tales quaerant honores ; sed illum á nobis coli volunt , quo illuminante laetantur meriti sui nos esse consortes . Honorandi ergo sunt propter imitationem , non adorandi propter religionem . Augustin . de verâ relig . cap. 55. u Quare honoramus eos charitate , non servitute . Nec eis templa construimus . Nolunt enim ●● sic honorari á nobis ; quia nosipsos cùm boni sumus , templa summi Dei este noverunt . Recté itaque scribitur , hominem ab angelo prohibitum ne se adorar●t , sed unum Deum sub quo ei esset & ille conservus . Id. ibid. x Dico eos loqui contra errores Gentiliū , qui ex hominibus sceleratis veros Deos faciebant ; eisque sacrificia offerebant . B●llarm . de Eccles. triumphant . lib. 1. fine . cap. 14. collat . cum fine cap. 11. y 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Epiphan . haeres . 79. pag. 445. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; Ibid. pag. 446. z Id. in Anacephalaeosi , pag. 529. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( hoc vocabulum enim ibi addendum ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Id. haeres . 1● . pag. 448. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Id. ibid. pag. 449. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Id. ibid. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Id. ibid. pag. 447. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Id. ibid. pag. 446. f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Id. ibid. g De cujus Imperij ad similes effectus aequalitate cum filio , non desunt , qui construant illud ab Angelo ipsi praenunciatū ; Ave gratiâ plena , Dominus tecum . id est , Sicut & ipse , ita & tu eâdem dominandi excellentissimâ dignitate perfiueris . Emanuel de Valle de Moura , Doct. Theol. ac Inquisitionis Deputa●us Lusitan . Opusc. 1. de Incantationib . seu Ensalmis , sect . 1. cap. 1. num . 46. h Ad quem sensum facilè accommodari possunt praecitata Angeli verba ; Dominus tecum , gratiâ plena . Id est , in gratiae plenitudine redundantiae , & effusione in creaturas , ita Domini potentia ac voluntas ad tuam accōmodatur , ut tu prior in eo , & diademate , & tribunali esse videaris . Dominus tecum : non tam tu cum Domino , quàm tecum Dominus in eo munere . Ibid. i A tempore enim quo Virgo mater concepit in utero Verbum Dei , quandam ( ut sic dicam ) jurisdictionem seu auctoritatem obtinuit in omni Spiritus sancti processione temporali ; ita quòd nulla creatura aliquam á Deo obtinuit gratiam vel virtutem , nisi secundùm ipsius piae matris dispensationem . Bernardin . Senens serm . 61. artic . 1. cap. 8. k Et quia talis est mater filij Dei qui producit Spiritum sanctum ; ideò omnia dona , virtutes & gratiae ipsius Spiritus sancti quibus vult , quando vult , quomodo vult , & quantum vult , per manus ipsius administrantur . Id. ibid. l Nulla gratia de coelo nisi eâ dispensante ad nos descendit . Hoc enim singulariter officium divinitùs ab aeterno adepta est ▪ sicut Proverb . 8. ipsa testatur , dicens . Ab aeterno ordinata sum ; sc. dispensatrix coelestiū gratiarum . Id. ibid. artic . 3. cap. 3. m In Christo fuit plenitudo gratiae , sicut in capite in fluēte ; in Mariâ veró sicut in collo transfundente . Vnde Cantic 7. de Virgine ad Christum Salomon ait : Collum tuum sicut turris eburnea . Nam sicut per collū vitales spiritus á capite descendunt in corpus ; sic per ●irginē á capite Christo vitales gratiae in ejus corpus mysticum transfunduntur . Id. ibid. artic . 1. cap. 8. & artic . 2. cap. 10. ex Pse●d . Hieronymi sermone de assump● . Ma●iae . Sicut enim á capite , mediante collo , descendunt omnia nutrimenta corporis : sic á Christo per beatā Virginem in nos veniunt omnia bona , & beneficia , quae Deus nobis confert . Nam ipsa est dispensatrix gratiatū & beneficiorum Dei. Ioan Herolt . in Sermon . Discipuli de Tempore , serm . 16● . Per Collum , Virginis apud Deum gratia , & intercessio intelligitur : ita ut ejus intercessio sit veluti collū , per quod á Deo omnes gratiae , praesidiaque in homines transfunduntur Blas . Viegas in Apo●al●ps cap. 12 cōment . 2. s●ct . 10. num . 1. Collū enim dicitur ; quia per Virginē universa in nos á Deo tanquā á capite beneficia derivantur Id. ibid. num . 2. n Quasi sublato Virginis patrocinio , perinde a●que halitu intercluso , peccator vivere diutiùs non possit . Viegas ibid. sect . 2. num . 6. o Data est tibi omnis potestas in coelo & in terrâ . Petr. Dami●n serm . 1. de nativit . B. Mariae . tom . 5. Surij , Septemb. 8. p Fortassis Domine , ne tuae coelesti Curiae veniret in dubiū , cuj potiù● occurreret ; tibi videlicèt Domino suo , regnū tùū in assumptâ carne petenti , an ipsi Dominae suae , ipsum regnū jam suū materno jure effectū ascendenti . Anse●● . Cantuar. de excellentiâ B. Virginis , cap. 7. & eum secuti , Bernard . de Busti in Mariali , part 11. serm . 1. part . 3. & Sebast. Barrad . Iesuit . Concord . Euangel lib. 6. cap. 11. q O igitur Regina nostra serenissima , profectò tu dicere potes illud , 1. Esdrae 1. Omnia regna terrae dedit mihi Dominus . Et nos tibi dicere possumus illud Tobi 13 In omnia secula regnū tuū . & Psal 144. Regnū tuū regnū omniū seculorum &c. & . Dan. 2. Regnū quod in aeternū non dissipabitur . Veni ergo , & super nos regnum accipe , Iudic. 9. De regno enim tuo dici potest illud , Psalm . 103. Et regnum ipsius omnibus domi●abitur . & Luc. 1. Et regni eju● non erit finis . Bernardin . de Bust. Marial . part . 12. serm . 1. part . 1. r Quamvis autem benedicta Virgo fuerit nobilior persòna quae fuerit vel futura sit in orbe terrarum , tantaeque perfectionis , quòd etiamsi non fuisset mater Dei , nihilominùs debuisset esse Domina mundi : tamen secundùm leges quibus regitur mundus , jure haereditario omnem mundi hujus meruit principatum & regnum . Bernardin . Senens . se●m 61. artic . 1. cap. 7. s De monarchiâ autem universi nunquam Christus testatus est : eo quòd sine matris pra judicio nequaquam fieri poterat . Insuper noverat , quòd potest mater filij irritare testamentum , si in sui praejudicium sit confectum . Ex his omnibus apertissimé claret , quòd mater Iesu Maria haereditario jure omnium qui sunt infra Deum habet regale dominium & inclytum obtinet principatum Id ibid. t Tot creaturae serviunt gloriosae Virgini Mariae , quot serviunt Trinitati . Omnes nempè creaturae , quemcunque gradum teneant in creatis , sive spirituales ut Angeli , sive rationales ut homines , sive corporales ut corpora coelestia vel elementa , & omnia quae sunt in coelo & in terrâ , sive damnati sive beati , quae omnia sunt divino imperio subjugata , gloriosae Virgini sunt subjecta . Ille enim qui Dei filius est & Virginis benedictae , volens ( ut sic dicam ) paterno principatui quodammodo principatum aequiparare maternum ; ipse qui Deus erat matri famulabatur in terrâ . Vnde Lucae 2. scriptum est de Virgine & glorioso Ioseph : Erat subditus illis . Praetereà haec est vera : Divino imperio omnia famulantur & Virgo . & iterùm haec est vera : Imperio Virginis omnia famulantur & Deus . Id. ibid. cap. 6. u Cùm beata Virgo sit mater Dei , & Deus filius ejus ; & omnis filius sit naturaliter inferior matre & subditus ejus , & mater praelata & superior filio : sequitur quòd ipsa benedicta Virgo sit superior Deo , & ipse Deus sit subditus ejus ratione humanitatis ab eâ assumptae . Bernardin . de Bust. Marial . part . 9. serm . 2. x Ipsa benedicta Virgo , licèt sit subjecta Deo inquantū creatura ; superior tamen illi dicitur & praelata , inquantū est ejus mater . Vnde Luc. 2. de Christo Daeo & homine scriptū est , quòd erat subditus illi . O ineffabilis dignitas Mariae , quae imperatori omnium meruit imperare . Id. part . 12. serm . 2. y Peccando post Baptismum videntur contemnere & despicere passionem Christi : & sic nullus peccator meretur quòd Christus ampliùs intercedat pro ipso apud Patrem ; sine cujus intercessione nemo potest liberari á poenâ aeternâ , nec temporali , nec culpâ quam ipse voluntarié perpetravit . Et ideo fuit necesse ut Christus constitueret matrem suam praedilectam mediatricem inter nos & ipsum . Iacob . de Valentiâ episc . Christopolitan . in exposit . ●antic . virg . Mariae . Magnificat . z Et sic in hâc peregrinatione non relinquitur nobis aliud refugium in nostris tribulationibus & adversitatibus ; nisi recurrere ad virginem Mariam mediatricem , ut velit placare ira● Filij . Id. ibid. a Sicut ille ibi ascendit ut continué appareat vultui Dei pro hominibus ; Hebr. 9 it● ego debeo ibi ascendere , ut appaream vultui ipsius filij pro peccatoribus : & sic humanum genus habeat semper ante faciem Dei adjutorium simile Christo ad procurandam suam salutem . Bernardin . de Bust. Marial . pa●t . 11. serm . 2. membr . 1. b Tantae autē auctoritatis in coelesti palatio est ista Imperatrix , quòd omnibus alijs Sanctis intermedijs omissis , ad ipsam licet ab omni gravamine appellare . Licèt enim secundùm jura civilia debitum medium servetur in appellationibus : ( l. Imperatores ff . de appel . reci . ) tamē in ipsâ servatur stylus juris Canonici , quo omisso quolibet medio appellatur ad summū Pontificem . ( C. si duobus . extra . de appel ) Id. part . 3. serm . 3. in excellent . 4. c Nos autem dicere possumus , quòd beatissima Virgo est Cancellaria in coelesti curiâ . Nam videmus quòd in Cancellariâ Domini Papae conceduntur tria genera literarū . etc. Istas autē literas misericordiae dat ( B. Virgo ) solùm in praesenti vitâ . Nam animabus decedētibus quibusdā dat literas purae gratiae : alijs veró simplicis justitiae , & quibusdā mixtas , sc. justitiae & gratiae . Quidā enim fuerunt sibi valdè devoti : & istis dat literas purae gratiae , per quas mandat ut detur eis gloria sine aliquâ Purgatorij poenâ . Alij autem fuerunt miseri peccatores & ejus indevoti : & istis dat literas simplicis justitiae , per quas mandat ut eis fiat condigna vindicta . Alij veró fuerunt in devotione tepidi & remissi : & istis dat literas justitiae & gratiae simul ; per quas mandat ut & gratia eis fiat , & tamen illis infera●ur aliqua Purgatorij poena propter negligentiā & torporē . Et ista significantur in Hester reginâ , quae ( ut habetur Hest. 8. ) scripsit li●eras ut Iudaei salvarētur , & hostes interficerentur , & pauperibus munuscula darentur . Id. part . 12. serm . 2. membr . 1. in excellent . 12. d Confugimus autem primò ad beatissimā Virginem coelorum Reginā : cui Rex regū , pater coelestis , dimidiū regni sui dedit . Quod significatū est in Hester reginâ : quae cùm ad placandum Assuerum regē accessisset , dixit ei Rex ; Etiam si dimidiam partem regni mei petieris , dabitur tibi . Sic pater coelestis , cùm habeat justitiam & misericordiam tanquā potiora regni sui bona ; justitiâ sibi retentâ , misericordiam matri Virgini concessit Gabr. Biel in Canon Missae , lect . 80. Vide Iohan. Gerson . tract . 4. super Magnificat . e Ista imperatrix figuravit imperatricem coelorum , cum quâ Deus ●egnum suum divisit . Cùm enim Deus habeat justitiam & misericordiam : justitiam sibi in ●oc mundo exercendam retinuit , & misericordiam matri concessit . Et ideò si quis sentit se gra●a●i á foro justitiae Dei , appellet ad forum misericordiae matris ejus . Bernar●in . de Bust. Marial part . 3. serm . 3. in excellent . 4. f Id. ibid. excellent . 5. & part . 5. serm . 7 in fine . g Ad ornamētum regni terren● est , quòd habeat Regem & Reginā . Et propter hoc quando aliquis rex non habet uxorem , ejus subditi plerumque ei supplicant ut eam accipiat . Supernum ergo coelorum regnum volens Rex aeternus & Imperator omnipotens decorare ; fabricavit hanc beatissimam Virginē , ut illam regni & imperij sui faceret Dominam & Imperatricem : ut verificaretur prophetia David , Psal 44. ei dicentis ; Astitit regina á dextris tuis in vestitu deaurato , circundatavarietate Jd. part . 9. serm . 2. h Est etiam Imperatrix , quia aeterni Imperatoris est sponsa ; de quo dicitur Iohan. 3. cap. Qui habet sponsam , sponsus est . Quando veró Deus illi tradidit imperium orbis & omnium contētorū in eo : dixit ei illud quod habetur 1. Aeneid . Id. part . 3. serm . 3. in excellent 4. i Beata Virgo est imperatrix coeli & terrae : quia ipsa genuit coelestem Imperatorem . et ideò potest ab eo petere quicquid vult et obtinere . quod figuratum fuit 3. Reg. 2. ubi mater Salomonis dixit ei : Petitionem unam pero á te ; ne confundas faciem meam . tunc enim faciem suam confunderet , quando illud quod peteret denegaret . Si ergo imperat filio ratione maternalis jurisdictionis , qui fuit subditus illi ( ut habetur Luc. 2. ) multo magis imperat omnibus creaturis filio suo subjectis . Id. ibid. k Matrem quippe suam praepotens ille Deus divinae majestatis potestatisque sociam , quatenus licuit , adscivit . Huic olim coelestium , mortaliumque principatum detulit : ad hujus arbitrium ( quoad hominum tutela postulat ) terras , maria , ●oelum , naturamque moderatur : hâc annuente , et per hanc divinos thesauros mortalibus , et coelestia dona largitur . Vt omnes intelligant , quicquid ab eaterno illo augustoque bonorum fonte in terras profluat , fluere per MARIAM . Horat. Tursellin . Iesuit . in epist. dedicator . Historiae Lauretanae ad Cardinalem Aldobrandinum . l Constituta quippe est super omnem creaturam ; & quicumque Iesu curvat genu , matri quoque pronus supplicat : & filij gloriam cum matre non tam communem judico , quàm eandem . Arnold . Carnotens tract . de laudib . Virginis . m Tanta est gloria Virginis matris Dei ; quòd tantum excedit in gloriâ naturam angelicam & humanam simul junctam , quantum circumferentia firmamenti excedit in magnitudine suum centrum : cùm intelligat in filio suo se quasi alterum ipsum Deitate vestitam . Bernardin . de Bust. Marial . part . 12. serm . 2. in excellent . 21. n Qui enim alicui rei innititur , virtutem ejus sibi assumit , & eâ sicut vult utitur . Et similiter ipsa Dei mater de omnipotentiâ filij sui cui ●st innixa , quantum vult sibi assumit . Id. part . 12. serm . 2. in excellent . 28. o Accedis ante illud aurei● humanae reconciliationi● altare , non solùm rogans , sed imperans ; Domina , non ancilla . Petr. Damian se●m . 1. de nativit . B. Mariae . p Gaude & laetare , ac exulta mecum ; quia gloria mea excellit dignitatem & laetitiam omnium sanctorum & cunctorum spirituum beatorum , & majorem gloriam habeo ipsa sola quàm omnes simul Angeli & Sancti . Gaude . quia sicut Sol illuminat diem ac mundum , sic claritas mea illuminat totū orbem coelestē . Gaude , quia tota militia coeli mihi obedit , me veneratur & honorat . Gaude , quia filius meus mihi semper est obediens , & meam voluntatem , & cunctas preces meas semper exaudit . Gaude , quia Deus semper ad beneplacitum meū remunerat servitores meos in hoc seculo & in futuro . Gaude , quia proxima sedeo sanctae Trinitati , & vestita sum corpore meo glorificato . Gaude , quia certa sum & secura , quòd haec mea gaudia semper stabunt & nunquam finientur vel deficient . Et quicumque cum his gaudijs spiritualibus laetando in hoc seculo me venerabitur , in exitu animae suae de corpore praesentiam meam obtinebit ; & ipsam animam ab hostibus malignis liberabo , & in conspectu filij mei ut meeum gaudia possideat praesentabo . Bernardin . de Bust. Marial . part . 10 serm . 2. sect . ult . * Quòd summae Trinitatis & mea est una voluntas ; & quodcunque mihi placuerit , tota Trinitas ineffabili favore consentit . Promptuar . Discipuli , de miraculi B. Mari● , exempl . 14. ( pag. 8. edit . Mogunt . ann . 1612. ) q M●ltae meretri●es in die Sabbati●on pecca●ent propter reverentiā Virginis Et multi videntur beatam Virginem in majori veneratione habere , quàm Ch●istum filiū ejus ; magis ex simplicitate moti quàm scientiâ . Sed quia honor matris redundat in filium , Prov. 17. patientiam habet filius Dei , de hâc quorundam virorū & mulie●um simplicitate . Bernardin . de Bust. pa●t . 6. serm . 2. memb . 3. r Si hoc privilegium habet Cardinalis , quòd si ponat pileum sive cape●lum suum super●caput illius qui ducitur ad justitiam , liberatur : ( secundùm Baldū & Paulū de Castro , in ●addictos . C. de appel . ) á fortiori , pallium beatae . Virginis potest nos ab omnibus malis liberare . Tam lata enim est ejus misericordia , quòd si aliquem devoté facientem Coronam suam viderit in medio millium daemonū trahi ad supplicium ; eum protinùs liberabit : nec permittet aliquem malé finiri , qui ejus Coronā reverenter studuerit facere . Id. part . 12. serm . 1. mem●r . 3. s Sic in summâ erunt ducenta septuaginta tria millia septingenti quinquaginta octo dies indulgentiae pro qualibet coronâ . Felicis autē recordationis Sixtus Papa quartus , omnibus dicētibus in statu gratiae infrascriptā orationē sive salutationē ipsius Virginis , quae á multis dicitur in Coronâ , concessit indulgentiā duodecim millium annorū pro qualibet vice quâ dicitur . Ave sanctissima Maria , mater Dei , regina coeli , porta para disi , domina mundi . Singularis & pura tu es virgo . Tu concepisti Christū sine peccato . Tu peperisti creatorē & salvatorem mundi , in quo non dubito , Libera me ab omni malo ; & orapro peccatis mei● Amen . Jbid. t Imperatrix & Domina nostra benignissima , iure matris impera tuo dilectissimo Filio Domino nostro Iesu Christo , ut mentes nostras ab amore terrestrium ad coelestia desideria erigere dignetur . Bonaventur . Corona B Mariae Virginis , Operum tomo 6. edit . Rom. an . 1588. u Inclina vultum Dei super nos : coge illū peccatoribus misereri . Id. in Psalterio B. Mariae Virg. ibid. x Inclina vultum filij tui super nos : coge illum precibus nobis peccatoribus misereri Psalt●r . Bonaventur seorsim . edit . Parisijs , an . 1596. in Capeleto Dominicae 2. y Beatus vir qui diligit nomen tuū Maria virgo : gratia tua animam ejus confortabit . Psalm . 1. z Domina , quid multiplicati sunt qui tribulant me ? in tempestate tuâ persequêri● & dissipabis eos . Psalm . 3. a Domina , ne in furore Dei sinas corripi me : neque in ira ejus judicari . Psalm . 6. b Domina mea , in te speravi : de inimicis meis libera me Domina . Psalm 7. c In Dominâ confido ; propter dulcedinē misericordiae nominis sui . Psalm . 10. d Vsquequo Domina oblivisceris me ; & non liberas me in die tribulationis ? Psal. 12. e Conserva me Domina , quoniam speravi in te : mihique tuae stillicidia gratiae impartire . Psalm . 15. f Diligam te , Domina coeli & terrae : & in gentibus nomen tuū invocabo . Psalm . 17. g Coeli enarrant gloriam tuam : & unguentorum tuorum fragrantia in gentibus est dispersa . Psalm . 18. h Exaudias nos Domina in die tribulationis : & precibus nostris converte clementem faciem tuā . Psalm . ●9 . i Ad te Domina levavi animā meā : in judicio Dei , tuis precibus non erubescam . Psalm . 24. k Iudica me Domina , quoniā ab innocentiâ meâ digressus sum : sed quia sperabo in te , non infirmabor . Psalm . 25. l In tè Domina speravi , non cōfundar in aeternum : in gratiâ tuâ suscipe me . Psal. 30. m Beati quorum corda te diligunt , virgo Maria : peccata ipsorum á te misericorditer diluentur . Psalm . 31. n Iudica Domina nocentes me : & contra eos exurge , & vindica causam meam , Psalm . 34. o Expectans expectavi gratiam tuam : & fecisti mihi secundùm multitudinem misericodiae nominis tui . Psal. 39. p Domina refugium nostrū tu es in omni necessitate nostrâ ; & virtus potentior conterens inimicū . Psalm . 45. q Miserere mei Domina , quae mater misericordia● nuncuparis : & secundùm viscera misericordiarum tuarum , munda me ab omnibus iniquitatibus meis . Psal. 50. r Domina in nomine tuo● salvum me fac : & ab in●ustitijs meis libera me . Psalm . 53. s Miserere mei Domina , miserere mei : quia paratū est cor meū exquirere voluntatē tuā : & in umbrâ alarū tuarum requiescā . Ps. 56. t Exurgat Maria , & dissipentur inimici ejus : conterantur omnes sub pedibus ejus . Psal. 67. u In te Domina speravi , non cnfundar in aeternum : in tuâ misericordiâ libera me , & eripe me . Psalm . 70. x Deus judicium tuum Regida ; & misericordiam tuam Reginae matri ejus . Psal. 71. y Domina , venerunt gentes in haereditatem Dei : quas tu meritis tuis Christo confoederâsti . Psalm . 78. z Misericordias tuas , Domina , in sempiternum decantabo . Psalm . 88. a Deus ultionum Dominus : sed tu Mater misericordiae ad miserandum inflectis . Psalm ●93 . b Venite , exultemus Dominae nostrae : jubilemus salutiferae Mariae Reginae nostrae . Psal. 94. c Cantate Dominae nostrae canticū novū : quia mirabilia fecit . Psal. 97. d Confitemini Domino , quoniā bonus : cōfitemini matri ejus , quoniā in saeculū misericordia ejus . Ps. 106. & 117. e Domina , laudem meā ne despexeris : & hoc dedicatum tibi Psalterium digneris acceptare . Psal. 108. f Dixit Dominus Dominae nostrae : sede mater mea á dextris meis . Psalm . 109. g Qui confidunt in te , mater Dei , non timebunt á facie inimici . Psal. 124. h Nisi Domina aedificaverit domum cordis nostri : non permanebit aedificium ejus . Psalm . 126. i Beati omnes qui timent Dominam nost●ā : & beati omnes qui sciunt facere voluntatem tuam , & beneplacitum tuū . Psalm . 127. k De profundis clamavi ad te Domina : Domina exaudi vocem meam . Psalm . 129 l Memento Domina David ; & omnium invocantium nomen tuum . Psalm . 131. m Confitemini Domino quo●iam bonus est : quoniam per suam dulcissimam matrem Virginem Mariam datur misericordia ejus . Psalm . 135. n Benedicta si● Domina , quae instruis servos tuos ad praelium : & eos roboras contra inimicum . Ps. 143. o Laudate Dominā in sanctis ejus : laudate eam in virtutibus & miraculis ejus . Psal. 150. p Psal●erium meditationum B. Mariae , vocatur á Io Pithio , de illustr . An●l . Scriptorib . pag. 380. q Sola benedicta virgo Maria plus fecit Deo vel tantùm ( ut sic dicam ) quàm fecit Deus toti generi humano . C●edo etenim certé quòd mihi indulgebit Deus , si nunc pro Virgine loquar . Congregemus in unum quae Deus homini fecit : & consideremus quae Maria virgo Domino satisfecit &c. Reddendo ergo singula singulis , sc. quae fecit Deus homini , & quae fecit Deo beata Virgo ; videbis quòd plus fecit Maria Deo , quàm homini Deus : ut sic pro solatio dicere liceat , quòd propter beatam Virginem , quam tamen ipse fecit , Deus quodammodo plus obligetur nobis , quàm nos sibi . Bernardin . Senens . serm . 61. artic . 1. cap. 11. r Sed ô virgo gratissima , nunquid tu aliquid ●ecisti Deo ? Nunquid vicem ei reddidis●i ? Profectò ( si fas est dicere ) tu secundùm quid majora fecisti Deo , quàm ipse Deus tibi & universo generi humano . Volo ergo ego dicere , quod tu exhumilitate reticuisti . Tu enim solùm cecinisti ; Quia fecit mihi magna qui potens est : ego vero cano & dico ; Quia tu fecisti majora ei qui potens est . Bernardin . de Bust. Marial . part . 6. serm . 2. membr . 3. s Id. part . 9. serm . 2. assimilat . 2. t Speculum vitae Francisci & fociorum eius : part . 2. c. 45. edit . Guilielmi Spoelberch . Item , Speculum Exemplorum , dist . 7. exempl . 41. u Velocior est nonnunquam salus memorato nomine Mariae , quàm invocato nomine Domini Iesu unici Filij sui . Anselm de excellentiâ B. Virginis , cap. 6. Ludolph . Carthusian de Vitâ Christi , part . 2. cap. 68. & Chrysostom . á Visitatione , de Verbis Dominae , tom . 2. lib. 2. cap. 2. x Henr. Fitz-Simon , of the Masse . lib. 2. part . 2. chap. 3. a Doctrina ost Romanae Ecclesiae , Christi & Sanctorum Imagines piâ Religione á Christianis colendas esse . Zac. Bo●erius , in Orthodoxâ Consultat , de ratione verae Fidei & Religionis ample●tenda . part . 2. Regul . 1. pag. 189. edit . Matrit . an . 1623. b Serenissime Carole , spes Anglicanae Ecclesiae . Id. part . 1. Regul . 4. pag. 58. c Princeps futura orbis foelicitas Id part . 2. Regul . 2. pag. 196. d Non solùm pinguntur , ut ostendantur , sicut Cherubim olim in templo , sed ut adorentur : ut frequens usus Ecclesiae testatur . Caietan in 3. part . Thomae , quaest . 25. artic . 3. e non solùm autem licere in Ecclesiâ imagines habere , & illis honorem & cultum adhibere , ostendet Parochus ( cùm honos qui illis exhibetur , referatur ad prototypa ) verum etiam maximo fidelium bono ad hanc usque diem factum declarabit . Catechism . Roman . part . 3. cap. 2. sect . 14. f Sanctorum quoq , imagines in templis positas demonstrabit ; ut & colantur , & exemplo moniti , ad eorum vitam ac mores nos ipsos conformemus Ibid. g Ergo non solùm fatendū est , fideles in Ecclesiâ adorare coràm imagine , ut nonnulli ad cautelam forté loquuntur , sed et adorare imaginem , sine quo volueris scrupulo quin & eo illam venerantur cultu , quo & prototypon ejus : propter quod , si illud habet adorari latría , & illa latrîa ; si dulia vel hyperdulia , & illa pariter , ejusmodi cultu adoranda est . Iacob . Nactantius , in epist. ad Roman . cap. 1 f●l 42. edit . Venet. an . 1557. h Sic sequitur , quòd eadem reverentia exhibeatur imagini Christi & ipsi Christo Cùm ergo Christus adoretur adoratione latriae ; consequens est , quòd ejus imago sit adoratione latriae adoranda . Thom Summ. part . 3. quaest . 25. artic . 3. i Simpliciter & absoluté dicendum est , sacras imagines esse venerandas in templis , & extra templa : & contrarium est dogma haereticum . Hoc est , imaginibus exhibenda esse signa servitutis & submissionis , amplexu , luminaribus , oblatione suffituum , capitis nudatione , &c. Ilaec conclusio est dogma fidei collectum ex Sanctâ Scripturâ , ex quâ constat , res creatas etiā inanimes , dummodò Deo sint sacratae , esse adorandas . Petr. de Cabrera , in 3. part . Thom. quaest . 25 , ●rt . 3. disput . 2. num . 15. k Imagines sunt veré & proprié adorandae , & ex intentione ipsas adorandi , & non tantùm exemplaria in ipsis repraesentata . Haec conclusio est contra Durandum & sectatores illius ; quorum sententia á recentioribus censetur periculosa , temeraria , & sapiens haeresim : & M. Medina hîc refert , Magistrū Victoriam reputâsse il●am haereticam . Sed nostra conclusio est communis Theologorum . Ibid. num . 32. l Si imagines improprié tan tùm adorantur ; simpliciter & absoluté non ado●antur , neque sunt adorandae : quod est haeresis manifesta Ibid. num . 34. m Si imagines solùm adorantur rememorativé , & recordativé , quia recordari nos faciunt exempla●ium ; quae ita adoramus , ac si essent praesentia ●equeretur eâdem adoratione , quâ colimus Deum , esse adorandas omnes c●eaturas ; cùm omnes in Dei cognitionem & recordationem nos dacant , & Deus sit in omnibus rebus . Sed consequens est absurdum . Ergo. Ibid. num . 35. n Sententia Divi Thomae , quatenùs docet eodem actu adorationis coli Imaginem , & exemplar per illam representatum ; est verissima , pijssima , & fidei decretis admodùm consona . Ibid. disput . 3. num . 56. o Id ibid. num . 30. p Constans est Theologorum sententia ; Imaginem eodem honore & cultu honorari & coli , quo coli tur id cujus est Imago Io. Azor. Institut . moral . tom . 1 lib. 9. cap. 6. q Vaux Catechism . chap. 3. r Vt unamquamque imaginem eodem cultu , quo ille , cujus imago est , venetemur . id est , ut imagini Dei , vel Christi , vel etiā Crucis signo , prout Dominicam passionem ad mentem revocat , atriam impartiamur : ad sacrae Virginis imaginem hyperduliae , aliorum veró Sanctorum duliae adoratione adoremus . Iacob . de Graff●s , Decision , aure . casuū cons●ient . part . 1 lib. 2. cap. 2. s●ct . penult . s Rom. 1.18 . t Serm. at Westminst . before the house of Comons . u 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Clem. Alexand●· Prophetie . ad Gentes . x 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Id Paedagog . lib. 3. cap. 2. y 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Id. in Prophetic . z 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Origen . contra Cels. lib. 7. pag. 373. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Hera●li● . Ephes. ibid. pag. 384. et apud Clem. Alexandr . in Prophetic . ad Gent. pag. 25. edit . Graecolat . ubi statim subiungitur : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; An non enim sunt prodigiosi qui lapides adorant ? b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Celsus , apud Origen . ut supr . pag 384. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Origen . ibid. pag. 386. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( lege , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : ut in verbis Celsi , pag. 384. lin . 24. ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Id. ibid. pag 387. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . hoc est , ( ut ex verbis subseque●tib . intelliigitur ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Id. ibid. pag. 385. f Cur nullas aras habent , templa nulla , nulla nota simulacra ? Minut. Feli● in Octavio . g Quod enim simulacrum Deo fingam ; cùm si recté existimes , sit Dei homo ipse simulacrum ? Ibid. h Ipsae imagines sacrae , quibus inanissimi homines , serviunt , omni sensu carent , quia terra sunt . Quis autem non intelligat , nefas esse rectum animal curvari , ut adoret terram ? quae id circo pedibus nostris subjecta est , ut calcanda nobis , non adoranda sit . Lactant. divin . I●stitut . lib. 2. cap. 17. i Quare non est dubiū , quin religio nulla sit , ubicunque simulacrum est . Nam si religio ex divinis rebus est ; divini autē nihil est nisi in coelestibus rebus : carent ergo religione simulacra ; quia nihil potest esse coeleste in eâ re , quae fit ex terrâ . Ib. cap. 18. k Alexander Imp. Christo templum facere voluit , eumque inter Deos recipere . Quod & Adrianus cogitâsse fertur , qui templa in omnibus civitatibus sine simulacris jusserat fieri ; quae hodie id circo quai non habent numina , dicuntur Adriani : quae ille ad hoc paráffe dicebatur . sed prohibitus est ab ijs qui consulentes sacra , repererant omnes Christianos futuro● si id optatò evenisset , & templa reliqua deserēda . Lamprid . in Alexandro . l Placuit , picturas in Ecclesiâ esse non debere ; ne quod colitur aut adoratur , in parietibus depingatur . ●oncil El b●r . cap. ●6 . m Illa ( lex ) non imprudenter modò , verumetiam impié , á Concilio Elibertino lata est de tollendis imaginibus . Canus . loc . Theologic . lib. 5. cap. 4. conclus 4. n Gentiles lignum adorant , quia Dei imaginem putant : sed invisibilis Dei imago non in eo est quod videtur , sed in eo utique quod non videtur . Ambros. in Psal. 118. octo●ar . 10. o Non vult se Deus in lapidibus coli . Id. epist. 31. ad Valen●inianum Imp. p Ecclesia inanes ideas & varias nescit simulacrorum figuras ; sed veram novit Trinitatis substantiam . Id. de fugâ saecui● , ca , 5 q Nos unum habemus virū , & unam veneramur imaginem , quae est imago invisibilis & omnipotentis Dei. Hieronym . lib. 4. in Ezech. cap. 16. r In primo praecepto prohibetur coli aliqua in figmētis hominum Dei similitudo : non quia non habet imaginē Deus , sed quia nulla imago ejus coli debet , nisi illa quae hoc est quod ipse ; nec ipsa pro illo , sed cum illo . Augustin . epist. 119. ad Ianuar. cap. 11. s Tale simulacrum Deo nefas est Christiano in templo collocare . Id. de Fide & Symbol . cap. 7. t Hoc enim venerantur , quod ipsi ex auro argentoque fecerunt . Sed enim & no● pleraque instrumenta & vasa ex hujusmodi materiâ vel metallo habemus in usum celebrandorū sacramentorū ; quae ipso ministerio consecrata sancta dicuntur , in ejus honorē cui pro salute nostrâ inde servitur . Et sunt profectò etiā ista instrumenta vel vasa , quid aliud quàm opera manū hominū ? Veruntamen nunquid os habent , & non loquentur ? Nunquid oculos habent , & non videbunt ? Nunquid eis supplicamus , quia per ea supplicamus Deo ? Illa caussa est maxima impietatis insanae , quòd plus valet in affectibus miserorū similis viventi forma quae sibi efficit supplicari , quàm quòd eam manifestū est non esse viventē , ut debeat á vivente contemni . Plus enim valent simulacra ad curvandā infelicē animā , quòd os habent , oculos habent , aures habēt , nares habēt , manus habent , pedes habēt ; quàm ad corrigendā , quòd non loquentur , non videbunt , non audient , non odorabunt , non contrectabunt , non ●●bulabunt . Id , in Psal. 113. cons. 2. u 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Amphiloch . citatus á Patrib Concilij Constantinop . an . 754. x Inveni ibi velum pendens in foribus ejusdem Ecclesiae tinctum atque depictum , & habens imaginem quasi Christi , vel Sancti cujusdā : non enim satis memini , cujus imago fuerit . Cùm ergo hoc vidissem , in Ecclesiâ Christi contra auctoritatem Scripturarum hominis pendere imaginem , scidi illud ; & magis dedi consilium custodibus ejusdem loci , ut pauperem mortuum eo obvolverent & efferrent . Epiph●n . epist ad Ioann ▪ Hierosolym . tomo 1. oper . Hieronym . epist. 60. y Deinceps praecipere , in Ecclesiâ Christi istiusmodi vela , quae contra religionē nostrā veniunt , non appēdi . Id. ibid. z 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Epiphan . citat á Concil . Constantinop . in Act. 6. tom . 5. Concil N●caen . II. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Epiphan . in Panar . haeres 79. pag. 447. b Imagines quasdam quidē depictas , quasdam autē & de reliquâ materiâ fabricatas habent : dicentes formam Christi factam á Pilato , illo in tempore quo fuit Iesus cum hominibus . Irenaeus , lib. 1. adve●s . haeres . cap. 24. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 potiù● ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Epiphan . in Panar . haeres . 27 pag 52. c Id. Epiphan in Anacephalaeosi , pag 525. de Carpocrate . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Sectae ipsius fuisse traditur socia quaedam Marcellina ; quae colebat imagines Iesu , & Pauli , & Homeri , & Pythagorae , adorando incensumque ponendo Augustin . de haeres . cap. 7. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Euseb. lib. 7. histor . Ecclesiastic . cap. 18. e Nolite mihi colligere professores nominis Christiani , nec professionis suae vim aut scientes aut exhibentes . Nolite consectari turbas imperitorum , qui vel in ipsâ verâ religione superstitiosi sunt , vel ita libidinibus dediti , ut obliti sint quic quid promiserint Deo Novi multos esse sepulchrorum & picturarum adoratores . &c. Nunc vos illud admoneo , ut aliquando Ecclesiae catholicae maledicere desinatis , vituperando mores homnum , quos & ipsa condemnat , & quos quotidie tanquam malos filios corrigere studet . Augustin . de moribus Ecclesiae Catholicae , cap. 34. f Praetereà indico dudū ad nos pervenisse , quòd fraternitas vestra quosdā imaginū adoratores aspiciens , easdē Ecclesiae imagines confregit , atque projecit . Et quidē zelū vos , ne quid manufactū adorari possit , habuisse laudavimus : sed srangere easdē imagines non debuisse , judicamus Id circo enim pictura in Ecclesi●s adhibetur , ut hi qui literas nes●iunt , saltem in parietibus videndo legant quae legere in codicibus non valent . Tua ergo fraternitas & illas servare , & ab earū adoratu populū prohibere debuit : quantenus & literarū nescij haberent unde scientiā historiae colligerent ; & po●ulus in picturae adoratione minimé pecc●ret . Gregor . Registr . lib. 7. epist. 109. ad Serenum . Vide ●●am lib. 9. epist. 9. ad eundem . g Graecorum errores de imaginibus & picturis manifestissimé detegens , negat eas adorari debere : quam sententiam omnes Catholici probamus , Gregorijque Magni testimoniū de illis sequimur . Papir . Masson . Praefat. in Agobardi Opera , edit . Paris . an . 1605. h Expungantur omnia , quae sub hoe titulo ( De Imaginibu● ) continentur . Jndex librorum expurgatorum . Bernardi de Sandoval & Roxas Card. de consilio senatus generalis Inquisit . Hispan . excus . Madriti , an . 1612. i Magn. Bibliothec. Veter . Patrum , tom . 9. part . 1. edit . Colon. ann . 1618. pag. 548. & 551. k Vehementer profectò hoc judicium de libro . Agobardi ab homine Catholico profectū . miratus sum . nam Agobardus toto libello , nihil aliud facit , quàm quòd demonstrare nititur ( quamvis casso conatu ) imagines non esse adorandas . Jac. Gretser . lib. 1. de Cruc● . ●ap . 58. l Et quinam sunt Graeci , quorū de imaginibus er●ore Agobardus refellit , ut Editor ait ? Nimirum Graeci isti sunt Petres Nicaeni Concilij ; qui sanxerunt , imagines adorandas & colenda● esse . Contra quos qui disputat , is ab orthodoxis toto coelo discordat . Ibid. m 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Nicet . Choniat . Annal. lib. 2. n Hincmar . Rhemens . lib. contr . Hincmar . Laudunens . cap. 20. Egolismens . monach . in vitâ Caroli Magni . Annal. Fuldens . Ado , Regino , & Hermann , Contract . in Chronic. an . 794. o Imagines adorari debere : quod omninò Ecclesia Dei execratur , Simeon Dunelmens . Roger. Hoveden . & Matth. Westmonaster . histor . ann 792. vel 793. p Ecclesiam porrò Christianam , etiam Antiquissimam , Totam , ac Vniversalem , summo consensu , absque ullâ oppositione , aut contradictione , Statuas ac imagines veneratam esse , est certissimum ac probatissimum . M. Anton. de Dominis , De consilio sui reditus , sect . 23. q Psal. 115.8 . & 135.18 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Io. Damascen . Orthodox . fid . lib. 2. cap. 27. edit . Graec. vel . 44. Latin. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Pho● . Bibliothec. num . 179. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Polychron . in Cantic . pag. 93. edit . Meursij . d Hanc quippe abundantiorem gratiam ita credimu● atque experimur potentem , ut nullo modo arbitremur esse violentam . Prosp. de vocat . Gent. li. 2. cap 26 e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Orig. Dial. 3. contr . Marcion . f Quis autem nostrûm dicat , quòd primi hominis peccato perierit liberū arbitrium de humano genere ? Libertas quidē perijt per peccatū ; sed illa quae in Paradiso fuit , habēdi plenā cū immortalitate justitiam : propter quod natura humana divinâ indiget gratiâ , dicente Domino ; Si vos Filius liberaverit , tunc veré liberi critis ; utique liberi ad bene justeque vivendū Nam liberū a●b●triū usque adeò in peccatore non perijt ; ut per illud peccēt , maximé omnes qui cum delectatione peccāt , & amore peccati , hoc eis placet quod eis libet . Aug. contr , duas e●ist . Pelagian . li. 1. cap. ● . g Rom. 6. vers . 11. h ibid. vers . 13. i ibid. vers . 22. k Eph●s . 4.18 . l Ephes. 2.1 , 5. m Rom. 2 . 1● . n Rom. 7.4 . o Rom. 7.18 . p 1. Cor. 2.14 . q Hebr. 11.6 . r Tit. 1.15 . s 1. Tim. 1.5 . t Sed acerbissimi gratiae hujus inimici , exempla nobis opponitis impiorum , quos dicitis alienos á fide abundare virtutibus . Aug. contr . Iulian . lib. 4. cap. 3. u Per hos enim probare conatus es , etiam alienos á fide Christi , veram posse habere justitiam ; eo quòd isti , teste Apostolo , naturaliter quae legis sunt faciunt . Ibid. x Vbi quidem dogma vestrū quo estis inimici gratiae Dei , quae datur per Iesum Christum Dominum nostrū , qui tollit peccatum mundi , evidentiùs expressisti ; intro ducens hominum genus , quod Deo placere possit sine Christi fide , lege naturae . Hoc est unde vos maximé Christiana detestatur Ecclesia . Ibid. y Sed absit , ut sit in aliquo vera virtus , nisi fuerit justus . Absit autē ut sit justus veré , nisi vivat ex fide : Iustus enim ex fide vivit . Quis porrò eorū , qui se Christianos habe●i volunt , nisi soli Pelagiani , aut in ipsis etiā fortè tu solus , justū dixerit infidelē justū dixerit impiū , justū dixerit Diabolo mancipatū ? sit licèt ille Fabricius , sit licèt Fabius , sit licèt Scipio , sit licèt Regulus . I●id . z Si gentili● ( inquis ) nudum operuerit , nunquid quia non est ex fide , peccatum est ? Prorsus in quantum non est ex fide peccatum est : non quia per seipsum factum , quod est nudum operire , peccatum est ; sed de tali opere non in ●omino gloriari , solus impius negat esse peccatum . Ibid. a Quod si & ipsa ( misericordia ) per seipsam naturali compassione opus est bonum ; etiam isto bono malé utitur qui infideliter utitur , & hoc bonum malé facit qui infideliter facit : qui autem malé facit aliquid , profectò peccat . Ex quo colligitur , etiam ipsa bona opera quae faciunt infideles , non ipsorum esse , sed illius qui bene utitur malis . Ipso●um autem esse peccata , quibus & bona malé faciunt ; quia ea non fideli , sed infideli , hoc est , stultâ & noxiâ faciunt voluntate . qualis voluntas , nullo Christiano dubitante , arbor est mala , quae facere non potest nisi fructus malos , id est , sola peccata . Omne enim , velis nolis , quod non est ex fide , peccatum est . Ibid. b Quantumlibet opera infidelium praedicentur : Apostoli sententiam veram novimus & invictam ; Omne quod non est ex fide , peccatum est . Id. de gestis c●ntra Pelag●um , cap. 14. c Quòd Philosophos non verâ pietate praeditos , dixi virtutis lu●e fulsisse . Id. R●tract . l●b . 1. cap. 3. d Sententiam proferamus adversus eos , qui in Christū non credentes , fortes & sapientes , temperantes se putant esse & justos : ut sciant nullum absque Christo vivere , sine quo omnis virtus in vitio est . Hieronym . in Galat. cap. 3. e Manifestissimè patet , in impiorum animis nullam habitare virtutem : sed omnia opera eorum immunda esse atque polluta ; habentium sapientiam non spiritualem sed animalem , non coelestem sed terrenam , non Christianam sed Diabolicam , non à Patre luminum , sed à Principe tenebrarum ; dum per ea ipsa quae non haberent nisi dante Deo , subduntur ei qu● primus recessit à Deo. Prosper . contra Collator . cap. 13. f Nec ideo existima●e debemus , in naturalibus thesauris principia esse virtutum , quia multa laudanda reperiuntur etiam in ingenijs impiorum : quae ex naturâ quidem prodeunt ; sed quoniam ab eo qui naturam condidit recesserunt , virtutes esse non possunt . Quod enim vero illuminatum est lumine , lumē est ; & quod eodem lumine caret , nox est : Quia sapientia hujus mundi stultitia est apud Deum . Ac sic vitium est quod putatur esse virtus : quandoquidem stultitia est , quod putatur esse sapientia . Ibid. g Omnis infideliū vita peccatum est : & nihil est bonum sine summo bono . Vbi enim deest agnitio aeternae & incommutabilis veritatis , falsa virtus est , etiam in optimis moribus . Id. ex Augustino Sentent . 106. & Epigram . 81. h Id. de Ingratis , cap. 16. i Etsi fuit qui naturali intellectu conatus sit vitijs reluctari ; hujus tantùm temporis vitam steriliter ornavit , ad veras autem virtutes aeternāque beatitudinem non profecit . Sine cultu enim veri Dei , etiā quod virtus videtur esse , peccatū est : nec placere ullus Deo sine Deo potest . Qui verò Deo non placet , cui nisi sibi & Diabolo placet ? A quo cùm homo spoliaretur ; nō voluntate , sed voluntatis sanitate privatus est . Prosp. de Vocatione Gent. lib. 1. cap. 7. k Qui si non operatur in nobis , nullius possumus esse participes virtutis . Si● noe quippe bono , nihil est bonum : sine hâc luce , nihil est lucidum : sine hâc sapientiâ , nihil sanum ; fine hac justitiâ , nihil rectum . Ibid. cap. 8. l Quòd si quibusdam cognoscentibus Deum , nec tamen sicut Deum glorificantibus , cognitio illa nihil profuit ad salutem : quomodo hi potuerunt justi esse apud Deum , qui sic in suis moribus atque operibus bonitatis aliquid servant , ut hoc ad finem Christianae fidei charitatisque non referant ? Quibus aliqua quidem bona , quae ad societatis humanae pertinent aequitatem , inesse possunt : sed quia non charitate Dei fiunt , prodesse non possunt . Fulg. de Incarn . & Grat. Christi , c. 26. m Liberum naturale arbitrium ad nihil aliud valere credimus , nisi ad discernenda tantùm & desideranda carnalia sive secularia ; quae non apud Deum , sed apud homines possunt fortassis videri gloriosa . Ad ea verò quae ad vitam aeternam pertinent , nec cogitare , nec velle , nec defiderare , nec perficere posse , nisi per infusionem & inoperationem intrinsecus Spiritus Sancti . Io. Maxent . in Confessione suae fidei . n Est quidem in malâ part● execrabilis libertas arbitrij , ut praevaricator creatorem deserat , & ad vitia se nefanda convertat : in bonâ verò parte arbitrium liberū , Adā peccante , perdidimus ; ad quod nisi per Christi gratiam redire non possumus : dicente Apòstolo ; Deus est enim qui operatur in vobis , & velle , & perficere , pro bonâ voluntate . Cassiodor . in Psalm . 117. o Quis unquā ante profanum illum Pelagium tantam virtutē liberi praesumpsit arbitrij ; ut ad hoc in bonis rebus per actus singulos adjuvandum , necessariam Dei gratiam non putaret ? Vincent . Lirinens . Commonitor . 1. advers . haeres . cap. 34. p Donec apertissimâ confessione fateantur , Gratiâ Dei per Iesum Christum Dominum nostrum , non solùm ad cognoscendam verumetiam ad faciendam justitiam , nos per actus singulos adjuvari ; ita ut sine eâ nihil verae sanctaeque pietatis habere , cogitare , dicere , agere valeamus . Synod . African . Epist. ad Zosimum Pap. apud Prosperum contra Collator . cap. 5. & Respons . ad object . 8. Gallorum : ubi addit hanc constitutionem contra inimicos gratiae Dei totum mundum amplexum esse . q Anathema qui vel sentit vel dicit , gratiam Dei , quâ Christus venit in hunc mundum peccatores s●lvos facere , non solùm per singulas horas aut per singula momenta , sed etiam per singulos actus nostros non esse necessariam : & qui hanc conantur auferre , poenas so●tiuntur aeternas . Pelag. apud Augustin . lib. 1. de gratiâ Christi , con●r . Pelag. & Celest. cap. 2. r Legant etiam recens meum opusculū , quod pro libero nuper arbitrio edere compulsi sumus ; & agnoscent quàminiquè nos negatione gratiae infamare gestierint ; qui per tutom penè ipsius textum operis perfectè atque integrè & liberum arbitrium confitemur & gratiam . Id. ibid. cap. 41. s Sub ambiguâ generalitate quid sentiret abscondens ; gratiae tamen vocabulo frangens invidiam , offensionemque declinans . Augustin . ibid. cap. 37. t Pelag. apud Augustin . de gostis contra Pelag. cap. 10. & in epist. 95. Vid. eund . Augustin . de grat . & lib. arbitr . cap. 13. & serm . 11. de verbis Apostoli . u Quid tantum de naturae possibilitate praesumitur ? Vulnerata , sauciata , vexata , perdita est . Verâ confessione , non falsâ defensione opus habet . Augustin . de natur . & grat . cap. 53. x Prosp. de Ingratis , cap. 27. y Id. ibid. cap. 20. Vid. eund . in epist. ad Ruffinum , non procul ab initio : & Augustin . de haeres . cap. 88. & lib. 1. de gratiâ Christi contra Pelag. cap. 8 , 9 , 10. z Legant ergo & intelligant , intueantur atque fateantur , non lege atque doctrinâ insonante forinsecùs , sed internâ atque occultâ , mirabili ac ineffabili potestate operari Deum in cordibus hominum , non solùm veras revelationes , sed etiam bonas voluntates . Augustin . ibid. cap. 24. a Quisquis dixerit gratiam Dei per Iesum Christum Dominum nostrum , propter hoc tantum nos adjuvare ad non peccandum , quia per ipsam nobis revelatur & aperitur intelligentia mandatorum , ut sciamus quid appetere , quid vitare debeamus ; non autem per illam nobis praestari , ut quod faciendum cognoverimus , etiam facere diligamus atque valeamus : anathema sit . African . Patr. in Synod . Carthagin . can . 4. b Augustin . lib. 1. de grat . Christ. contr . Pelag. cap. 7. & 41. c Quam ( gratiam ) nos non , ut tu putas , in lege tantummodo , sed & in Dei esse adjutorio confitemur . Adjuvat enim nos Deus per doctrinam & revelationē suam , dum cordis nostri oculos aperit ; dum nobis , ne praesentibus occupemur , futura demonstrat ; dum Diaboli pandit insidias ; dum nos multiformi & ineffabili dono gratiae coelestis· illuminat . Qui haec dicit , gratiam tibi videtur neg●re ? An & liberum hominis arbitrium , & Dei gratiam confitetur ? Pelag. ibid. cap. 7. d Hinc itaque apparet , hanc eum gratiam confiteri , quâ demonstrat & revelat Deus quid agere debeamus ; non quâ donat atque adjuvat ut agamus ; cùm ad hoc potiùs valeat legis agnitio , si gratiae desit opitulatio , ut fiat mandati praevaricatio . Augustin . ibid. cap. 8. e Ipsas quoque orationes ( ut in scriptis suis apertissimè affirmat ) ad nihil aliud adhibendas opinatur , nisi ut nobis doctrina etiam divinâ revelatione aperiatur ; non ut adjuvetur mens hominis , ut id , quod faciendum esse didicerit , etiam dilectione & actione perficiat . Id. ibid. cap. 41. f Ut non pec●emus , impleamusque justitiam , posse sufficere naturam humanam quae condita est cum libero arbitrio : eamque esse Dei gratiam , quia sic conditi sumus , ut hoc voluntate possimus ; & quòd adjutorium Legis mandatorumque suorum dedit ; & quòd ad se conversis peccata praeterita ignoscit : in his solis esse Dei gratiam deputandam , non in adjutorio nostrorū actuum singulorum . Id. de gestis contra Pelagium , cap. 35. g Dicunt gratiam Dei quae data est per fidem Iesu Christi , quae neque lex est neque natura , ad hoc tantùm valere , ut peccata praeterita dimittantur , non ut futura vitentur , vel repugnantia superentur . Id. de gratiâ & libero arbitrio , cap. 13. Vid. eiusd . lib. 1. de grat . Christi contr . Pelag. cap. 2. h Tu vest●o more , qui de vestro descendit errore , non agnoscis gratiam , nisi in dimissione peccatorum ; ut jam de caetero per liberum arbitrium ipse homo se ipsum fabricet justum . Sed non hoc dicit Ecclesia , quae clamat ●ota , quod didicit à Magistro bono : Ne nos inferas in tentationem . Id. lib. 2. postremi operis contra Iulianum ; à Claud. Menardo edit . non procul à fine . i Id. De dono Perseverant . cap. 2. & 20 De gratiâ & lib. arbitr . cap. 5. De haeresib . cap. 88. &c. k Ex his una est blasphemia , nequissimum & subtilissimum germen aliarum , quâ dicunt , Gratiam Dei secundùm merita hominum dari . Prosper . in epist. de grat . & lib. arbitr . ad Ruffinum . l Quod sic alienū est á Catholicâ doctrinâ , & inimicum gratiae Christi ; ut nisi hoc objectū sibi anathematizâsset , ipse inde anathematizatus exîsset . Sed fallaciter eum anathematizâsse posteriores ejus indicant libri ; in quibus omnino nihil aliud defendit , quàm gratiam Dei secundùm merita nostra dari . Augustin . de grat . & lib. arbitr . cap. 5. m Prosp. de Ingratis , cap. 9. n Cùm ab istis quaeritur , quā gratiam Pelagius cogitaret sine ullis praecedentibus meritis dari , quando anathematizabat eos , qui dicunt gratiam Dei secundùm merita nostra dari : respondent , sine ullis praecedentibus meritis gratiam , ipsam humanam esse naturam , in quâ conditi sumus . Neque enim antequàm essemus , mereri aliquid poteramus , ut essemus . Augustin . epist. 105. ad Sixtum . o Dicunt Pelagiani , hanc esse solam non secundùm merita nostra gratiam , quâ homini peccata dimittuntur . Id. de grat . & lib. arbitr . cap. 6. p Intellectum est enim , saluberriméque perspectum , hoc tantùm eos de gratiâ cōfiteri , quòd quaedam libero arbitrio sit magistra ; seque per cohor●ationes , per legem , per doctrinam , per creaturam , per contemplationem , per miracula , perque terrores extrinsecùs judicio ejus ostendat : quo unusquisque secundum voluntatis suae motum , si quaesierit , inveniat ; si petierit , recipiat ; si pulsaverit , introcat . Prosper . in epist. ad Ruffin . de grat . & lib. arbitr . q Operatur in nobis velle quod bonum est , velle quod sanctum est ; dum nos terrenis cupiditatibus deditos , & mutorum more animalium tantummudò praesentia diligentes , futurae gloriae magnitudine & praemiorum pollicitatione succendit ; dum revelatione sapientiae in desiderium Dei stupentem suscitat voluntatem ; dum nobis suadet omne , quod bonum est . Pelag. apud Augustin . lib. 1. de grat . Christi contra Pelag. cap. 10. r Qui currit ad Deum , & á Deo se regi cupit , id est , voluntatem suam ex ejus voluntate suspendit ; qui ei adhaerendo jugiter , unus , secundùm Apostolum , cum eo fit spiritus ; non hoc nisi de arbitrij efficit libertate . Q●â qui bene utitur , ita se totum tradit Deo , omnemque suam mortificat voluntatem , ut cum Apostolo possit dicere ; Vivo autem jam non ego , vivit autem in me Christus : ponitque cor suum in manu Dei , ut illud quò voluerit Deus ipse declinet . Pelagius , apud Augustin . de gratia Christi , lib. 1. cap. 22 , 23. s N●hil sic evertit hominum praesumptionem dicentium ; Nos facimus , ut mereamur cum quibus faciat Deus . Augustin . c●ntra duas epist. Pel●gian . lib. 4. cap. 6. t Priores volunt dare Deo , ut retribuatur eis : priores utique dare quodlibet ex libero arbitrio , ut sit gratia retrib●enda pro praemio . Ibid. u Meritum nostrum in eo esse , quòd sumus cum Deo : ejus autem gratiam secundùm hoc meritum da●i , ut sit & ipse nobiscum . Item meritum nostrum in eo esse , quòd quaerimus : & secundùm hoc meritum dari ejus gratiam , ut inveniamus eum . Id. de grat . & libero arbitr . cap. 5. x Ibi enim vos ut video , ponere jam coepistis merita gratiam praecedentia , quod est petere , quaerere , pulsare ; ut his meritis debita illa reddatur , ac sic gratia inaniter nuncupetur . Id. contra Iulian. Pelagian . lib. 4. cap. 8. y Dicunt enim , etsi non datur gratia secundùm me●ita bonorum ope●um , quia per ipsam bene operamur , tamen secundùm meritum bonae voluntatis datur . quia bona voluntas ( inquiunt ) praecedit orantis , quam praecessit voluntas credentis ; ut secundùm haec merita gratia sequatur exaudientis Dei. Id. de grat . & lib. arbitr . cap. 14. z Quid eis hoc prodest ? quando quidem non tam contra Manichaeos defendunt , quàm contra Catholicos extollunt liberum arbitrium . Sic enim volunt intelligi quod dictum est ; Si volueritis & audiveritis me : tanquam in ipsâ praecedente voluntate sit consequentis meritum gratiae ; ac si gratia jam non sit gratia , quae non est gratuita , cùm redditur debita . Si autem sic intelligerent quod dictum est , Si volueritis ; ut etiam ipsam bonam voluntatem illum praeparare confiterentur , de quo scriptum est , Praeparatur voluntas á Domino : tanquam Catholici ute●entur hoc testimonio ; & non solùm haeresim veterem Manichaeorum vincerent , sed novam Pelagianorum contererent . Id. contr . duas epist. Pelagian . lib. 4. cap. 6. a Per legem suam , per Scripturas suas Deum operari ut velimus quas vel legimus vel audimus : sed eis consentire vel non consentire ita nostrum est , ut si velimus fiat ; si ●utem noli●us , nihil in nobis operationem Dei valere facia●u● . Operatur quippe ille , dicis , quantum in ipso est ut velimus , cùm nobis nota siunt ejus eloquia : sed si eis acquiescere nolumus , nos ut operatio ejus nihil in nobis prosit efficimus . Id. epist. 107. ad Vital●m . b Utrum praecedat haec gratia an subsequatur hominis voluntatem , hoc est , ( ut planiùs id eloquar ) utrum ideò nobis detur , quia volumus , an per ipsam Deus etiam hoc efficiat ut velimus . Ibid. c Si fateris pro eis orandum , id utique orandum fateris , ut doctrinae divinae arbitrio liberato á tenebrarum potestate consentiant . Ita fit ut neque fideles fiant nisi libero arbitrio ; & tamen illius gratiâ fideles fiant , qui eorum á potestate tenebrarum liberavit arbitrium . Sic & Dei gratia non negatur , sed sine ullis humanis praecedentibus meritis vera monstratur : & liberum ita defenditur , ut humilitate solidetur , non elatione praecipitetur arbitrium ; & qui gloriatur , non in homine , vel quolibet alio vel seipso , sed in Domino glorietur . Ibid. d Quomodo Deus expectat voluntates hominum , ut praeveniant eum , quibusdet gratiam : cùm gratias ei non immeritò agamus de ijs quibus non ei credentibus , & ejus doctrinam voluntate impiâ persequentibus misericordiam praerogavit ; eosque ad seipsum omnipotentissimâ facilitate convertit , ac volentes ex nolentibus fecit ? ut quid ei inde gratias agimus , si hoc ipse non fecit ? Ibid. e Prorsus non oramus Deum , sed orare nos fingimus ; si nos ipsos non illum credimus facere quod oramus . Prorsus non gratias Deo agimus , sed nos agere fingimus ; si unde illi gratia● agimus , ipsum facere non putamus . Labia dolosa si in hominum quibus●unque sermonibus sunt , saltem in orationibus non sint . Absit , ut quod facere Deum rogamus oribus & vocibus nostris , eum facere negemus cordibus nostris : & , quod est gravius ad alios decipiendos , hoc non taceamu● disputationibus nostris : & dum volumus apud homines defendere liberum arbitrium , apud Deum perdamus orationis auxilium , & gratiarum actionem non habeamus veram , dum veram non agnoscimus gratiam . Si veré volumus defendere liberum arbitri●m ; non oppugnemus unde fit liberum . Nam qui oppugnat gratiam , quâ nostrum ad declinandum á malo , & faciendum bonum liberatur arbitrium , ipse arbit●ium suum adhuc vult esse captivum . Ibid. f Ego haereticum quidem Pelagianum te esse non credo : sed ita esse volo , ut nihil illius ad te transeat , vel in te relinquatur erroris . Ibid. g Consentiunt omnem hominem in Adam periisse , nec inde quenquam posse proprio arbitrio liberari : sed id conveniens asserunt veritati , vel congruum praedicationi , ut cùm prostratis & nunquam suis viribus surrecturis annunciatur obtinendae salutis occasio ; eo merito , quo voluerint & crediderint á suo morbo se posse sanari , & ipsius fidei augmentum , & totius sanitatis suae consequantur effectum . Hilar. epist. ad Augustin . h Nec negari gratiam , si praecedere dicatur talis voluntas , quae tantùm medicum quaerat ; non autem quicquam ipsa jam valeat . Nam illa testimonia , ut est illud , Sicut unicuique partitus est mensuram fidei , & similia , ad id volunt valere , ut adjuvetur qui coeperit velle ; non ut etiam donetur , ut velit . Ibid. i Prosp. de Ingratis , cap. 10. k Multi audiunt verbum veritatis ; sed alij credunt , alij contradicunt . Volunt ergo isti credere , nolunt autem illi . Quis hoc ignoret ? quis hoc neget ? Sed cùm alijs praeparetur , alijs non praeparetur voluntas á Domino : discernendum est utique quid veniat de mise●icordiâ ejus , quid de judicio . Quod quaerebat Israel , ait Apostostolus , hoc non est consecutu● : electio autem consecuta est , caeteri veró excoecati sunt , &c. Ecce misericordia & judicium ; misericordia in electione quae consecuta est justitiam Dei , judicium veró in caeteros qui excoecati sunt : & tamen illi quia voluerunt , crediderunt ; illi quia noluerunt , non crediderunt . Misericordia igitur & judicium in ipsis voluntatibus facta sunt . Augustin . d● Praedestinat . Sanctor . cap. 6. l In istis Pelagianae pravitatis reliquijs non mediocris virulentiae fibra nutritur , si principium salutis malé in homine collocatur ; si divinae voluntati impié voluntas humana praefe●tur , ut ideò quis adjuvetur quia voluit , non ideò quia adjuvatur velit ; si originaliter malus receptionem boni non á summo bono , sed á semetipso inchoare male-creditur ; si aliunde Deo placetur , nisi ex eo quod ipse donaverit . Prosp. in epist. ad Augustin . m Id. de Ingratis , cap. 14. n Opuscula Cassiani , Presbyteri Galliarum , apocrypha . Opuscula Fausti Rhegiensis Galliarum , apocrypha . Concil . Roman . 1. sub Gelasio . o Si quis invocatione humanâ gratiam Dei dicit posse conferri ; non autem ipsam gratiam facere , ut invocetur á nobis : contradicit Esaiae Prophetae , vel Apostolo idem dicenti ; Inventus sum a non quaerentibus me , palám apparui ijs qui me non interrogabant . Concil . A●ausican . 11. Can. 3. p Si quis , ut á peccato purgemur , voluntatem nostram Deum expectare contendit ; non autem ut etiam purgari velimus per sancti Spiritus infusionem & operationem in nobis fieri confitetur : resistit ipsi Spiritui sancto , per Salomonem dicenti ; Praeparatur voluntas á Domino . et Apostolo salubriter praedicanti ; Deus est qui operatur in nobis & velle & perficere pro bonâ voluntate . Ibid. can . 4. q Si quis sine gratiâ Dei , credentibus , volētibus , desiderātibus , conantibus , laborantibus , vigilantibus , studētibus , petētibus , quaerentibus , pulsantibus nobis misericordiam dicit cōferri divinitùs ; non autē ut credamus , velimus , vel haec omnia sicut oportet agere valeamus , per infusionē & inspirationem sancti Spiritus in nobis fieri confitetur ; & aut humilitati aut obedientiae humanae subjungit gratiae adjutorium , nec ut obedientes & humiles simus ipsius gratiae donum esse consentit : resistit Apostolo dicenti ; Quid habes , quod non accepisti ? et , Gratiâ Dei sum id quod sum . Can. 6. r Divini est muneris , cùm & recté cogitamus , & pedes nostros á falsitate & injustitiâ tenemus , Quoties enim bona agimus , Deus in nobis atque nobiscum , ut operemur , operatur , Can. 9. s Multa in homine bona fiunt , quae non facit homo . Nulla veró facit homo bona , quae non Deus praestet , ut faciat homo . Can. 20. t Hoc etiam salubriter profitemur & credimus , quòd in omni opere bono non nos incipimus , & postea per Dei misericordiam adjuvamur ; sed ipse nobis , nullis praecedentibus bonis meritis , & fidem & amorem sui priùs inspirat , ut & baptismi sacramenta fideliter ●equiramus , & post baptismum ●um ipsius adjutorio ea quae sibi sunt placita implere possimus . Can. ult . u Concil . tom . 2. part . 1. pag. 639. edit . Colon. an . 1618. x Gratiam secundùm merita nostra dari intelligunt Patres , cùm aliquid fit proprijs viribus , ratione cujus datur gratia , etiamsi non sit illud meritum de condigno . Bellarm . de Grat. & l●b . Arbitr . lib. 6. cap. 5. y Ita semper gratia Dei nostro in bonam partem cooperatur arbitrio , atque in omnibus illud adjuvat , protegit ac defendit , ut nonnunquam etiam ab eo quosdam conatus bonae voluntatis vel exigat , vel expectet ; ne penitùs dormienti aut inerti otio dissoluto , sua dona cōferre videatur : occasiones quodammodo quaerens , quibus humanae segnitiei torpore discusso , non irrationabilis munificentiae suae largitas videatur , dum eam sub colore cujusdam desiderij ac laboris impartit . & nihilominus gratia Dei semper gratuita perseveret ; dum exiguis quibusdam parvisque conatibus tantam immortalitatis gloriam , tanta perennis beatitudinis dona , inaestimabili tribuit largitate . Io. Cassian . Collat. 13. cap. 13. z Quantumlibet ergo enisa fuerit humana fragilitas , futurae retributioni par esse non poterit ; nec ita laboribus suis divinam imminuit gratiam , ut non semper gratuita perseveret . Ibid. a Prosp. cont● . Collator . cap. 3. & 17. Tom. 7. Op●r . Augustini . b Ecce enim ( quod non nisi tactus dolore cordis intrinsecus refero ) sicut olim contra unicum Dei Prophetam octingenti & quinquaginta Prophetae Baal , & similes sunt reperti , quibus & innumerabilis populus adhaerebat : ita & hodiè in hâc caussâ ; quot , Domine , hodie cum Pelagio pro libero Arbitrio contra gratuitam Gratiam tuam pugnant , & contra Paulum pugilem gratiae spiritualem ? Tho. Bradwardin Praefat. in libros de Caussâ Dei contra Pelag. c Totus etenim penè mundus post Pelagium abijt in errorem . Exurge igitur Domine , judica caussam tuam ; & sustinentem te sustine , protege , robora , consolare . Ibid. d Liberi arbitrij defensores , imó deceptores quia inflatores , & inflatores quia praesumptores . August●n . Epist. 105. ad Sixtum . Vani , non defensores , sed inflatores liberi arbitrij . Id. in opere postremo c●ntra Iulian . Pelagian . lib. 2. Non defensores , sed inflatores & praecipitatores liberi arbitrij . Id. de Grat. & lib. arbitr . cap. 14. a Non est in quo gratia intret , ubi jam meritum occupavit . Bernard . in Cantic . Ser. 67. b Non sequitur , quòd Deus efficiatur simplicitèr debitor nobis , sed sibi ipsi ; in quantum debitum est , ut sua ordinatio impleatur . Thom. 1.2 . Quaest. 14. art . 1. ad 3. c Est ergo quā Paulus expectat , corona justitiae , sed justitiae Dei , non suae . Iustum quippe est ut reddat quod debet ; debet autem quod pollicitus est . Et haec est justitia Dei , de quâ praesumit Apostolus , promissio Dei. Bern. li. de Gratia , & libero arbitrio . d Nos tam proprié ac veré cum gratiâ Dei bene agentes praemia mereri , quàm sine illâ malé agentes supplicia meremur . Io. Maldonat . in Ezech. 18.20 . e Opera bona justorum meritoria esse vitae aeternae ex condigno , non solùm ratione pacti & acceptationis , sed etiam ratione operis ; ita ut in opere bono ex gratiâ procedente , sit quaedam proportio & aequalitas ad praemium vitae aeternae . Bellar. de Iustis . l. 5. c. 17. f Opera bona justo●um ex seipsis , absque ullo pacto & acceptatione , digna esse remuneratione vitae aeternae ; & aequalem valorem condignitatis habere ad consequendam aeternam gloriam . Gabr. Vasquez . Commentar . in 1 am . 2 ae . qu. 114 disp . 214 ca. 5. ●nit . g Operibus justorum nullum dignitatis accrementum provenire ex meritis aut personâ Christi , quod aliâs eadem non haberent , si fierent ex eâdem gratiâ á solo Deo liberaliter sine Christo collatâ . Ibid. init . cap. 7. h Operibus justorum accessisse quidem divinam promissionem : eam tamen nullo modo pertinere ad rationem meriti ; sed potiùs advenire operibus , non tantùm jam dignis , sed etiam jam meritorijs . Ibid. init . cap. 8. i Cùm opera justi condigné mereantur vitam aeternam , tanquam aequalem mercedem , & praemium : non opus est interventu alterius meriti condigni , quale est meritum Christi , ut eis reddatur vita aeterna . quinimo aliquid habet peculiare meritum cujuscunque justi respectu ipsius hominis justi , quod non habet meritum Christi : nempe reddere ipsum hominem justum , & dignum aeternâ vitâ , ut eam digné consequatur . meritum autem Christi licè● dignissimum sit , quod obtine at á Deo gloriam pro nobis ; tamen non habet hanc efficaciam & virtutem , ut reddat nos formaliter justos , & dignos aeternâ vitâ : sed per virtutem ab ipso derivatam hunc consequuntur effectum homines in seipsis . Et ita nunquam petimus á Deo per merita Christi , ut nostris dignis operibus & meritorijs reddatur merces aeternae vitae : sed ut per Christum detur nobis gratia , quâ possimus digné hanc mercedem promereri . Id. ibid. disput . 222. cap. 3. num . 30.31 . k Merita nostra in nobis hanc vim habent , ut reddant nos formaliter digno● v●●â aeternâ : merita autem Christi non reddunt no● dignos formaliter ; sed Christus dignus est , qui propter illa nobis impetret quicquid ipse pro nobis petierit . Ibid. num . 32. l Rhem. annotat . in 2 Tim. 4.8 . m Iidem in Luc. 20.35 . n Iid. in 1. Corinth . 3.8 . o Ibid. p Si inutilis est , qui fecit omnia : quid de illo dicendum est , qui explere non potuit ? Hieronym . ad Ctesiphōt . contr . Pelag. q De aete●nâ vitâ scimus , quia non sunt condignae passiones hujus temporis ad futuram gloriam ; nec , si unus omnes sustineat . Neque enim talia sunt ●ominum merita , ut propter ea vita aeterna deberetur ex jure ; aut Deus injuriam aliquam faceret , nisi eam donaret . Nam , ut taceam quòd merita omnia dona Deis sunt , & ita homo magis propter ipsa Deo debitor est , quàm Deus homini : quid sunt merita omnia ad tantam gloriam ? Bernard . serm . 1. in Annuntiat . B. Mariae . r Omnia quae patimur minora sunt & indigna quorum pro laboribus tanta rependaturfuturorum merces bonorum , quae revelabitur in nobis , cùm ad Dei imaginem reformati gloriam ejus facie ad faciem aspicere meruerimus . Ambros. ●pist . 22. s Verum quidem est , neque id me fugit , usurpari nonnunquam nomen meriti , ubi nulla est ratio meriti , neque ex congruo , neque de condigno . Andr. Vega defens . Concil . Tridentin . de Iustificat . lib. 8. cap. 8. Si aliquis vocabulo promerendi usus est ; aliter non intellexit , quàm consecutionem de facto . Stapleton . Promptuar . Catholic . fer . 5. post Dominic . Passion . Vocabulum merendi apud veteres Ecclesiasticos scriptores feré idem valet quod consequi , seu aptum idoneumque fieri ad consequendum . G●org . Cassand . Schol. in Hymnos Ecclesiastic . pag. 179. Oper. Vid. Cochlaeum in Discuss . ●onfess . & Apolog. artic . 20. t Iis virtutibus iram Caij Caesaris meritus . Tacit. in vit . Iul. Agricolae . u Pro actione gratiarum flammas meruimus odiorum . Augustin . contr . liter . Petilian . lib. 3. cap. 6. x Pro persecutionibus & blasphemijs vas electionis meruit nominari . Id. de Praedestinat . & gratiâ . y Cypri . epist. 73. sect . 11. Augustin . de Bapt●sm . contr . Donatist . lib. 4. cap. 5. z Ut omnis ●eccator propterea de se non desperet , quia Paulus meruit indulgentiam . Augustin . se●m . 49. de Tempore . a Quid quòd Paulus , cùm Redemptoris nomen in ter●â conaretur extinguere , ejus v●rba de coelo meruit audire ? Greg. Moral . in Iob. lib. 9. cap. 17. b O felix cu●pa , quae talem ac tantum meruit habere Redemptorem . Vid. Iodoc. Cl●cthovei lib. de duab . propositionib . Cer●i Pas●halis . c Vix mihi suadeo quòd possit ullum opus esse , quod ex debito remunerationem Dei deposcat : cùm etiam hoc ipsum , quòd agere aliquid possumus , vel cogitare , vel proloqui , ipsius dono & largitione faciamus . Origen . lib. 4. in ●pist . ad Rom. cap. 4. d Merces quidem ex dono nulla est , quia debetur ex opere : sed gratuitam Deus omnibus ex fidei justificatione donavit . Hilar. in Matth. Can. 20. e Unde mihi tantum meriti , cui indulgentia pro coronâ est ? Ambros. in Exhortat ad Virgines . f Quis nostrûm fine divinâ potest miseratione subsistere ? Quid possumus dignum praemijs facere coelestibus ? Quis nostrûm ita assurgit in hoc corpore , ut animum suum clevet , quo jugiter adhaereat Christo ? Quo tandem hominum merito defertur , ut haec corruptibilis caro induat incorruptionem , & mortale hoc indua● immortalitatē ? Quibus laboribus , quibus injuriis possumus nostra levare peccata ? Indignae sunt passiones hujus temporis ad superventuram gloriam . Non ergo secundùm merita nostra , sed secundùm misericordiam Dei , coelestium decretorum in homines forma procedit . Id. in Psal. 118. oct●nar . 20. Vid. eund . de bono mortis , cap. 11. g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Basil. in Psalm . ●2 . h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Id. in Psalm . 114. & apud Anton. Meliss . part . 2. serm . 93. i Si nostra consideremus merita , desperandum est . Hieronym . lib. 17. in Esai . cap. 64. k Cùm dies judicij vel dormitionis advenerit , omnes manus dissolventur , &c. quia nullum opus dignum Dei justitiâ reperietur . Id. lib. 6. in Esai . cap. 13. l 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Macar . homil . 15. m Marc. erenit . edit . Paris . an . 1563. Nam in Micropr●sbytico Prooemium illud non habetur : quippe quod Maca●i● constel . esse , non Marci . n 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Macar . homil . 37. o B●blioth●c . Patr. tom 4. pag. 935. B. ●dit . Colon . p 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Marc. Eromit . de his qui putant ex operib . justificari , cap. 17. & ex eo Anastasius Sinaita , vel Nicaenus , quaest . 1. pag. 16. edit . Ingolstad . q 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Id. ibid. cap. 2. r Hesyc . Presb. in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Centur. 1. s●ct . 79. s 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ch●ysost . in epist. ad Colos● . homil . 2. t 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Id. de compunctione , ad Stelech●um , tom . 6. edit . Savil. pag. 157. u 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Id. in Psalm . 4. x 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Id. in Matth. Homil. 79. edit . Graec. vel 80. Latin. y 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Id. in Psal 5. z Sit licèt excellens hominum meritum , sit naturae jura conservans , sit legum jussisobtemperans ; impleat fidem , justitiam teneat , virtutes exerceat , damnet vitia , peccata repellat , semet exemplum imitantibus praebeat : si quid gesserit , parū est ; quicquid fecerit , minus : omne enim meritum breve est . Numera beneficia , si potes ; & tunc considera quid mereris . Cum beneficijs caelestibus tua facta perpēde , cū divinis muneribus actus proprios meditare : nec dignū te judicabis eo quod fueris , si intelligas quid mereris . Serm. de primo homine praelato omni creaturae ; tom . 1. oper . Chrysost. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . &c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Athanas. Vit. Antonij , pag. 25. b Cùm attenderis quid sic accepturus ; omnia tibi erunt vilia quae pateris , nec digna aestimabis pro quibus illud accipias . Miraberis tantum dari pro tanto labore . Nam utique fratres , pro aeternâ requie labor aeternus subeundus erat . Aeternam felicitatem accepturus , aeternas passiones sustinere deberes . Sed si aeternum sustineres laborem ; quando venires ad aeternam felicitatem ? Ita fit , ut necessariò temporalis sit tribulatio tua , quâ sinitâ venias ad felicitatem infinitam . Sed plané , fratres , posset esse longa tribulatio pro aeternâ felicitate . Verbi gratiâ , ut quoniam felicitas nostra finem non habebit ; miseria nostra , & labor noster , & tribulationes nostrae diuturnae essent . Nam etsi mille annorum essent , appende mille annos contra aeternitatem . Quid appendis cum infinito quantumcunque finitum ? decem millia annorum , decies centena millia , si dicendum est , & millia millium , quae finem habent , cum aeternitate comparari non possunt . Huc accedit , quia non solùm temporalem voluit laborem tuum Deus , sed etiam brevem . August . in Psal. 36. Conc. 2. c Fidelis homo est credens promittenti Deo ; fidelis Deus est exhibens quod promisit homini . Teneamus fidelissimum debitorem , quia tenemus misericordissimum promissorem . Neque enim aliquid ei commodavimus , ●ut mutuum commendavimus , ut teneamus eum debitorem : cùm ab illo habeamus quicquid illi offerimus , & ex illo sit quicquid boni sumus . Id. in Psal. 32. Conc. 1. d Ergo non ei al quid dedimus : & tenemus debitorem . Unde debitorem ? Quia promissor est Non dicimus Deo ; Domine redde quod accepisti , sed redde quod promisisti . Id. ibid. & in Psal. 83. e Secu●us ergo esto . Tene debitorem , quia credidisti in promissorem . Id. in Psal. 83. circa finem . f Fidelis Deus qui se nostrum debitorē fecit : non aliquid á nobis accipiendo , sed tanta nobis promittendo , &c. Promisit enim hominibus divinitatem , mortalibus immortalitatem , peccatoribus justificationem , abjectis glorificationē . Quicquid promisit , indignis promisit ; ut non quasi operibus merces promitteretur , sed gratia á nomine suo gratis daretur : quia & hoc ipsum quòd justé vivit , inquantū homo potest justé vivere , non merit● h●mani , sed beneficij est divini . Id. in Psal. 109. circa init : g In his quae jam habemus , laudemus Deum la●gitorem : in his quae nondum habemus , teneamus debitorem . Debitor enim factus est , non aliquid à nobis accipiendo , sed quod ei placuit promittendo . Aliter enim dicimus homini , Debes mihi quia dedi tibi : & aliter dicimus , Debes mihi quia promisisti mihi . Quādo dicis , Debes mihi quia dedi tibi ; á te processit beneficium , sed mutuatum non donatum . Quando autem dicis , Debes mihi quia promisisti mihi ; tu nihil dedisti , & tamen exigis . Bonitas enim ejus qui promisit dabit , &c. Id. de Verbis Apostoli , Serm. 16. h Hominum salus ex solâ Dei misericordiâ pendet . neque enim hanc adipiscimur praemium & mercedem justitiae : sed Dei bonitatis donum est . Theodoret. in Sophoni . cap. 3. i Superant certamina coronae , non comparantur cum laboribus remunerationes : labor enim parvus est , sed magnum lucrum speratur . Et p●opte●ea non mercedem sed gloriam vocavit ea quae expectantur . Id. in Roman . 8.18 . k Hîc non dicit mercedeni , sed gratiam . Etsi quis enim summam & absolutam justitiam praestiterit : temporali●us laboribus aeterna in aequilibrio non respondent . Id. in Roman . 6. ult . l 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Cyril . Alexandrin . homil . Paschal . 4. m Non labori pretiū solvens , sed divitias bonitatis suae in eos , quos sine operibus elegit , effundens : ut etiam hi● qui in multo labore sudârunt , nec amplius quàm novissimi acceperunt ; intelligant donum se gratiae , non operum accepisse mercedem . Prosp. de Vocat . Gent. lib. 1. cap. 17. n Meritum meum regnator coelestis si attenderet , aut exigua bona adipisce●er , aut magna supplicia ; & mei idoneus aestimator , quo meritis pervenire non poteram , voto non tenderē . Sed gratias illi , qui delicta nostra sic ne extollamur resecat , utspem ad laetiora ( al. latiora ) perducat . Enned . Ticinens . l. 2. ep . 10. ad Faust. o Gratia autem etiā ipsa ideo nō injustê dicitur , quia nō solùm donis suis Deus dona sua reddit : sed quia tantū etiā ibi gratia divinae retributionis exuberat , ut incōparabiliter atque ineffabiliter omne meritū , quamvis bonae & ex Deo datae , humanae voluntatis atque operationis excedat . Fulg. ad Monimum , l. 1. c. 10. p Totis licèt & animae & corporis laboribus desudemus , totis licèt obedientiae viribus exerceamur : nihil tamen condignum merito pro coelestibus bonis compensare & offerre valebimus . Non valent vitae praesentis obsequia aeternae vitae gaudijs comparari . Lassescant licèt membra vigilijs ; pallescant licèt ora jejunijs : non erunt tamen condignae passiones hujus temporis ad futuram gloriam , quae revelabitur in nobis . Pulsemus ergò , charissimi , in quantum possumus ; quia non possumus quantū debemus : futura beatitudo acquiri potest , aestimari non potest . Euseb. Emiss . vel . Gallican . ad Monachos , ser. 3 q 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Agap●t . Diacon . Paraenes . ad Iustinian . sect . 43. r Ut enim saepe diximus : Omnis humana justitia , injustitia esse cōvincitur , si districté judicetur . Prece ergo post justitiam indiget ; ut quae succumbere discussa poterat , ex solâ judicis pietate cōvalescat . &c. Dicat ergo : Qui etiamsi habuero quippiam justum , non respondebo , sed meum judicem deprecabor . Velut , si apertiùs fateatur , dicens : Etsi ad opus virtutis excrevero , ad vitam non ex meritis , sed ex veniâ convalesco . Gregor . Moral . in Iob. lib. 9. cap. 14. s Quòd s●illa sanctorum felicitas misericordia est , & non meritis acquiritur : ubi erit quod scriptum est ; Et tu reddes unicuique secundùm opera sua ? Si secundùm opera redditur ; quomodo misericordia a●stimabitur ? Sed aliud est secundùm opera reddere , & aliud propter ipsa opera reddere . In eo enim quòd secundùm opera dicitur , ipsa operum qualitas intelligitur ; ut cujus appa●uerint bona opera , ejus sit & retributio glo●iosa . Illi namque beatae vitae in quâ cum Deo , & de Deo vivitur , nullus potest aequari labor , nulla opera comparati : praesertim cùm . Apostolus dicat ; Non sunt condignae passiones hujus temporis ad futuram gloriam quae revelabitur in nobis . Id. in Psal. Poenitent . 7. vers . 9. t Per justitiam factorum nullus salvabitur , sed per solam justitiam fidei . Bed. in Psalm . 77. u Instruit videlicèt , ut nemo vel libertatem arbitrij , vel merita sua sufficere sibi ad beatitudinem credat ; sed solâ gratiâ Dei se salvari posse intelligat . Id. in Psalm . 31. x Accipiet benedictionem , id est , multiplicationem á Domino ; hanc scilicèt ; ut in praesenti bene promereatur , & in futuro bene remuneretur . Et hoc non ex meritis , sed ex solâ gratiâ . Id. in Psalm . 23. * Debemus per misericordiam intelligere mercedem illam , quam nobis Deus rependit . Nos enim tanquam servi , virtutèm debemus , ut optima quaeque Deo & grata tanquam debitum quoddam exsolvamus ac offeramus : quippe quum nihil habeamus , quod non ab ipso acceperimu● . Deus autem velut Dominus & herus noster miseretur , nobisque potiùs dona● , quàm rependit . Elias in Nazianzeni Orat. habit . in elect . Eulalij . y 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Anastas quaest . 135. z Arca foederis secundùm quosdam Dominum & Salvatorem nostrum , in quo solo foedus pacis apud Patrem habemus , designat , &c. Cui propitiatorium superponitur , quia scilicèt legalibus sive euangelicis praeceptis , quae in eo fundata sunt , supereminet misericordia ejusdem mediatoris ; per quam non ex operibus legis quae fe●imus nos , neque volentes , neque currentes , sed ejus miseratione salvamur . Opus Carolin . de Imaginib . lib. 1. cap. 15. ● a In eo autem damus illi gloriam , quo nullis praecedentibus bonorum actuum meritis , sed solâ nos ejus misericordiâ , ad tantam dignitatē pervenisse fateamur . A●bros . Ansbert . lib. 8. in Apocaly●s . c. 19. b Ne dicerent , Patres nostri suo merito placuerunt , ideò tanta sunt à Domino consecuti : intulit non meritis d●tum , sed quia ita sit Deo pl●citum ; cujus est gratuitum omne quod praesta● . R●b●n . in Ierem. lib. 18. cap. 2. c Propter David servum tuum , id est , propter meritū ipsius Christi . & hî● datur planè intelligi , nullum de meritis suis debere praesumere ; sed omnem salvationem ex Christi meritis expectare . Haymo in Psal. 131. d Sed & nos agentes poenitentiam , sciamus nihil nos dignum dare posse ad placandum Deum ; sed solummodo in sanguine imm●culati & singularis Ag●i nos posse salvari . Id. in Micheae cap. 6. e Vita aeterna nulli per debitum redditur ; sed per gratuitam misericordiam datur . Id. Homil. in Dominic . Septuagesimae . f Necesse est solâ fide Christi salvari credentes . Smaragd . in Galat. cap. 3. g Gratiâ , non meritis , salvati sumus à Deo. Comment●r . in Marc. cap. 14. inter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Hieronym . h Formula illa infirmos jam animam agentes interrogandi , in Bibliothecis passim obvia ; qu●e & separatim Anselmo Cantuariensi inscribitur , & operi Epistolarum inserta reperitur . Georg. Cassand . in Appendic . ad Opusc. Io. Roffens . de fiduciâ & miseric●rd . â Dei. i SACERDOS . Credis non proprijs meritis , sed passionis Domini nostri Iesu Christi virtute & me●ito , ad gloriam pervenire ? R●spond●at infirmus : Credo . SACERDOS . Credis , quòd Dominus noster Iesus Christus pro nostrâ Salute mortuus sit : & quòd ex proprijs meritis , vel alio modo nullus possit salvari , nisi in merito passionis ejus ? Respondeat infirmus : Credo . Ordo baptizandi , & visitandi , edit . Venet. an . 1575. fol. 34. & Institut . Baptiz●ndi , edit . Paris . an . 1575. fol. 35. a. & Sacerdotal . Rom. edit . Venet. an . 1585. fol. 116. b. k Sed & Anselmus Archiepiscopus Cantuari●nsis inte●rogationes quasdam praescripsisse d●citur infi●mis in extremis constitutis : inter quas extrema est . Credis te non posse nisi per mortem Christi salvari ? Respondet infirmus : Etiam . Tum illi dicitur . Age ergò , dum superest in ●e anima , in hâc solâ morte fiduciam tuam constitue ; in nullâ aliâ re fiduciam h●be : huic morti te totum committe , hâc solâ te totum contege , totum immisce te in hâc morte , totum confige ; in hâc morte te totum involve . Et si Dominus Deus voluerit te judicare , dic : Domine , mortem Domini nostri Iesu Christi objicio inter me & tuum judicium : aliter tecum non contendo . Et si tibi dixerit , quia peccator es , dic : Domine , mortem Domini Iesu Christi pono inter te & peccata mea . Si dixe●it tibi , quòd meruisti damnationem , dic : Domine , mo●tem Domini nostri Iesu Christi obtendo inter me , & mala merita mea ; ipsiusque meritum offero pro me●ito , quod ego debuissem habere nec habeo . Si dixerit , quòd tibi ●st iratus , dic : Domine , mortem Domini nostri Iesu Christi oppono inter me & iram tuam . Hosius in Confessione P●tricoviens . cap. 73. l 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . O●cum●n in Roman . 8. pag. 312. m Nihil molesté potest sustineri in hâc morte vitali , quod coelestibus gaud●js ex aequo respondere sufficiat . Petr. Blesens . in Iob , cap. ult . n Si homo mille annis serviret Deo , etiam ferventissimé ; non mereretur ex condigno , dimidiam diem esse in regno coelorum . Ans●lm . in lib. de Mensuratione Crucis . o Nemo , fratres , ex his verbis putet Deum quasi ex conventione astrictum esse ad reddendum promissum . Sicut enim Deus est liber ad promittendum , ita est liber ad reddendum : praesertim cùm tam merita quàm praemia sint gratia sua . Nihil enim aliud quàm gratiam suam coronat in nobis Deus : qui si vellet in nobis agere districté , non justificaretur in conspectu ejus omnis vivens . Unde Apostolus qui plus omnibus laboravit , dicit : Existimo quòd non sunt condignae passiones hujus temporis ad futuram gloriam quae revelabitur in nobis . Ergo haec conventio nihil aliud est , quam voluntaria Dei promissio . Rad. Ardens . Dominic . in Septuagesima , Homil. 2. p Ne miremini , f●atres , si merita justorum gratias voco : teste enim Apostolo , nihil habemus quod non à Deo & gratis accepimus . Sed quoniam per unam gratiam pervenimus ad aliam , merita dicuntur & improprié . Teste enim Augustino , solam gratiam suam coronat in nobis Deus . Id. Dominic . 18 post Trinitat . Homil. 1. q Res est non meriti , sed gratiae , magnitudo vel aetern●tas coelestis glo●iae R●pert Tuit . in Iohan. lib. 1. cap. 1. r Bernard . Cl●niacens . de Contemptu mundi , lib. 1. * al. turris & edita . s Necesse est primò omnium credere , quòd remissionem peccatorum habere non possis , nisi per indulgentiam Dei : deinde quòd nihil p●orsus habere queas operis boni , nisi & hoc dederit ipse : postremò quòd aeternam vitam nullis potes operibus promereri , nisi gratis detur & illa . Bernard . S●rm . 1. in Annuntiat . B. Mariae . t Alioquin si proprié appellentur ea quae dicimus nostra merita : spei quaedam sunt seminaria , charitatis incentiva , occultae praedestinationis indicia , futurae felicitaris praesagia , via regni , nō caussa regnandi . Id. in fine libri de Gra● . & lib. Arb. u Periculosa habitatio eorum qui in meritis suis sperant : periculosa , quia ruinosa . Id. in Psal. Qui habitat . Serm. 1. x Hoc enim totum hominis meritum , si totam spem suam ponat in eo qui totū hominem salvum facit . Ibid. Serm. 15. y Meum proinde meritum , miseratio Domini . Non planê sum meriti inops , quandiu ille miserationum non fuerit . Quòd si misericordiae Domini multae , multis nihilo minus ego in meritis sum . Id. in Cant. serm . 61. z Tota spes mea est in morte Domini mei . Mors ejus meritum meum , refugium meum , salus , vita & resurrectio mea . Meritum meum miseratio Domini . Non sum meriti inops , quamdiu ille miserationum Dominus non defuerit : & misericordiae Domini multae , multus ego sum in meritis . Manual . cap. 22. tom . 9. Operum Augustini . a Nota quòd cùm dicitur , Deus pro bonis meritis dabit vitam aeternam ; Pro , primo notat signum , vel viam ; vel occasionem aliquam : sed si dicatur , Propter bona merita dabit vitam aeternam ; Propter , notat caussam efficientem . Ideò non recipitur á quibusdam : sed hanc recipiunt , Pro bonis meritis , & consimiles earum ; assignantes differentiam inter Pro , & Propter . Georg. Cassander , epist. 19. ad Io. Molinaeum ( Oper. pag. 1109. ) ex libro MS. vetusti cujusdam Scholastici . b Haec dictio Prop●er quandoque capitur consecutivé ; & tunc denotat ordinem consecutionis unius ●ei ad alia● : ut cúm dicitur , Praemium datur propter meritum . Nihil enim aliud signifa●atur , nisi quòd post meritum datur praemium , & non nisi post meritum : sicut aliâ , patebit in materiâ de merito . Quandoque verá capitur caussaliter . Pet. Cameracens . in 1. Sentent . dist . 1. quaest . 2. DD. c Qu●a enim caussa est illud ad cujus esse sequitur aliud ; dupliciter potest al●quid dici Caussa . Uno modo proprié ; quando ad praesentiam esse unius , virtute ejus & ex naturâ rei sequitur esse alterius : & sic ignis est caussa caloris . Alio modo improprié ; quando ad praesentiam esse unius sequitur esse alterius , non tamen virtute ejus nec ex naturâ rei , sed ex solâ voluntate alterius : & sic actus meritorius dicitur caussa respectu praemij . Sic etiam caussa sine quâ non dicitur caussa . Ex quo sequitur , quód caussa sine quâ non , non debet absoluté & simpli●iter dici caussa : quia proprié non est caussa . Id. in 4 Sent●quaest . 1. ●ctic . 1. D. d Is in laudatissimâ illâ Summâ contra Pelagianos copiosé & erudité disputat , Meritum non esse caussam aeterni praemij : cumque Scriptura & Doctores confirment , Deum praemiaturum bonos propter merita sua bona ; propter , non significare caussam proprié , sed improprié , vel caussam congnoscendi , vel ordinem , vel denique dispositionem subjecti . Georg. Cassand . epist. 19. ut suprá . Vid. ipsum Bradwardini opus , edit . Lond. an . 1618. á pag. 350. ad 353. e Non propter condignitatem operis , sed propter promissionem & sic propter justitiam praemiantis . Armachan . in Quaest. Armenorum , lib. 12. cap. 21. f Sicut parva pecunia cupri , ex naturâ suâ sive naturali vigore ; non valet tantum , sicut unus panis ; sed ex institutione principis tantum valet . Rob. Holcot . in lib. Sapient . cap. 3. lect . 36. g Possumus dicere , quòd opera nostra sunt condigna vitae aete●nae ex gratiâ , non ex substantiâ actus . Statuit enim Deus quòd bene operans in gratiâ habebit vitam aeternam . Et ergo per legem & gratiam principis nostri Christi meremur de condigno vitam aeternam . Ibid. h Contingere enim potest , ut si veram caussam & rationem meriti non assignemus ; verbis solùm ab haereticis dissidentes reipsâ cum eis conveniamus , atque in eorum sententiam velimus nolimus , consentire cogamur : quod sané aliquibus Catholicis in hâc controversiâ accidisse , non obscuré inferiùs patebit . Gabr. Vasquez , in 1 am . 2. ae . quaest . 114 disput . 214. cap. 1. i Guilielm . Parisiens . tract . de Meritis . k Scotus in 1. Sont . dist . 17. quaest . 3. sect . Hîc potest dici . Id. in 4. distinct . 49. quaest . 6. Loquendo de strictâ justitiâ , Deus nulli nostrum propter quaecunque merita est debitor perfectionis reddendae , tam intensê ; propter immoderatum excessum illius perfectionis ultra illa merita . l Guilielm . Ockam , in 1. Sent. distinct . 17. quaest . 2. sect . Ideò dico aliter . m Gregor , in 1. Sent. distinct . 17. quaest . 1. artic . 2. in confirmationibus secundae conclusion●s & solutione quarto argumenti contra eand . n Gabriel . in 1. Sent. dist . 17. quaest . 3. artic . 3. dub . 2. & in 2. dist . 27. quaest . 3. arti . 3. dub . 2. o Supplement . Gabriel . in 4. distinct . 49. quaest . 4. artic . 2. conclus . 3. p Antididagm . Coloniens . cap. 12. de praemio & retribut . bonorum operum . q Enchirid. addit . Concilio Coloniensi , tit . de Iustific . sect . Et ut semel hunc articulum . r Io. Bunder . Compend . Concertationis , tit . 6. artic . 5. s Alphons . contr . haeres . lib. 10. tit . Meritum , & lib. 7. tit . Gratia. t Vega in Opusc. de Iustif. quaest . 5. ad . 1. & 3. u Valens ille Gregorius Ariminensis , maximus & studiosissimus Divi Augustini propugnator . Id. ibid. quaest . 6. x Ex hoc ulteriùs infero ; quòd nedum vitae aeternae , sed nec alicujus alterius praemij aeterni vel temporalis , aliquis actus hominis ex quacunque charitate elicitus , est de condigno meritorius apud Deum . Gregor . in 1. dist . 17. quaest . 1. art . 2. y Durandus utique resolutissimus . Jo. Gerson . epist. ad studentes Collegij Navarrae . z Quod redditur potiùs ex liberalitate dantis quàm ex debito operis ; non cadit sub merito de condigno stricté & proprie accepto , ut expositum est . Sed quicquid á Deo accipimus , sive sit gratia , sive sit gloria , sive bonum temporale vel spirituale , praecedente in nobis propter hoc quocunque bono opere ; potiùs & principaliùs accipimus ex liberalitate Dei , quàm reddatur ex debito operis . Ergo nihil penitùs cadit sub merito de condigno sic accepto . Durand . in 2. distinct . 27. quaest . 2. sect . 12. a Caussa autem hujus est , quia & illud quod sumus , & quod habemus , sive sunt boni actus , sive boni habitus seu usus ; totum est in nobis ex liberalitate divinâ gratis dante & conservante . Et quia ex dono gratuito nullus obligatur ad dandum amplius , sed potiùs recipiens magis obligatur danti : ideò ex bonis habitibus , & ex bonis actibus sive usibus nobis á Deo datis , Deus non obligatur nobis ex aliquo debito justitiae ad aliquid amplius dandum , ita quòd si non dederit sit injustus ; sed potiùs nos sumus Deo obligati . Et sentire , seu dicere oppositum , est temerarium seu blasphemum . Ibid. sect . 13.14 . b Considerando opera nostra secundùm se , vel etiam prout sunt ex gratiâ cooperante ; non sunt opera meritoria vitae aeternae de condigno . Ma●sil . de I●ghen , in 2. Sent. quaest . 18. art . 4. c Si de condigno ex operibus gratiâ & libero arbitrio e●iam quantumlibet magnis operatis deberetur vita aeterna : tunc Deus illi injuriam faceret , si sibi vitam aeternam non tribueret . & sic Deus ex magnis datis bonis cogeretur sub justit●â addere ampliora : quod ratio non capit . Ibid. d Hujusmodi opera poss●nt dici vitae aeternae meritoria de condigno ; ●x acceptatione divinâ originaliter procedente ex merito passionis Christi . Ibid. e Opera facta ex gratiâ merentur vitam a●ternam de congruo ex liberali Dei dispositione , quâ disposuit ea sic praemiare . Ibid. f Non ex nostrâ justitiâ sed ex Dei gratiâ datur vita aeterna : juxta illud ad Rom. 6. Gratia Dei vita aeterna . Ibid. g Cùm in operibus nostris bonis nihil Deo demus , pro quo per commutationem debeatur nobis praemium . Ibid. h Cùm nullus bene operando se●undùm se & secundùm statum aliquid de condigno me●eatu● , s●d pot●ùs Deo majori obligatione astringitu● , q●ia majora bona recep●● Ib●d . i Ex quibus concluditur , quòd justus sic in remunerando : quia justâ dispositione suâ disposuit ex gratiâ a●ceptationis minus meritum majori praemio coronare ; non justitiâ debiti , sed g●atiâ & dispositione beneplaciti d●vini . Ibid. k Dixi contra Bacchalarium Praedicatorum conferendo cum ipso ; quòd homo meretur vitam aeternam de condigno ; id est , quòd , si non daretur , o● si●ret injuria . Et scripsr quòd Deus faceret sibi injuriam : & hanc probavi . Istam revoco tanquam falsam , haereticam & blasphemam . Guid. Revocat . errorum fact . Paris . an . 1354. tom . 14. Bibliothec. Pa●● . edit . Colon. pag. 347. l Rhem. annotat . in Hebr. 6.10 . m Ioh. 9.39 . n Ioh. 9.41 . o Revel . 3.17 . p Gloriam coelestem nullus de condigno secundùm legem communem meretur . unde Apostolus ad Rom. 8. Non sunt condignae passiones hujus seculi ad futuram gloriam , quae revelabitur in nobis . & sic manifestum est , quòd in coelo maximé relucet misericordia Dei in beatis . Paul. Burg●ns . addit . ad Lyran. in Psa. 35. q Quòd homo ex meritis est dignus regno coelorum , aut hâc gratiâ vel illâ gloriâ . quamvis quidam Scholastici invenerunt ad hoc dicendum terminos de condigno & congruo . Waldens . tom . 3. de Sacramentalib . tit . 1. cap. 7. r Reputo igitur saniorem Theologum , fideliorem Catholicum , & Scripturis sanctis mag●s concordem ; qui tale meritum simpliciter abnegat , & cum modificatione Apostoli & Scripturarum concedit quia simpliciter quis non meretur regnum coelorum , sed ex gratiâ Dei aut voluntate largitoris . Ibid. s Sicut omnes sancti priores usque ad recentes Scholasticos & communis scripsit Ecclesia . Ibid. t Pelagiana est haeresis quòd Deus secundùm mensuram operum meritorioru● praemiabit hominem sic merentem . Ibid. u R●em●s●s an not . in Rom. 9.1 . x Mihi nullus auferre poteri● liberi arbitrij potestatem : ne si in operibus meis Deus adjutor extiterit , non mihi debeatur merces , sed ei qui in me operatus . Pelag. apud Hieronym . in Dialog . advers . Pelag. lib. 1 y Gloriantes de suis m●ritis . Isidor . lib. 8. Origin . cap. 5. de Catharis . z Et memoriâ reconde , quòd Ecclesia dic●t pro parte membrorum , copiosa sua esse peccat : ut qui se praedicant esse mundos ( si●ut Ca●h●ristae ) intelligant se portionem cum sanctâ Ecclesiâ nō h●bere . Cass. in Ps. ●4 a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Epiph. haeres 59. pa● . 216 , 2●7 . b Tunc ergo justi sumus , quand● nos peccatores fatemu● : & justiti● nostra non ex proprio merito , se ex Dei consistit miseri●ord●â . Hieron . Dialog . adve●s . Pelag. lib. 1. c P●o n●●●lo ( inquit ) salvos faciet eos : h●ud dubium quin j●st●s , qui non prop●io meri●o , sed Dei salvantur cle●en●●â Id. ib●d . l●b . 2. 
A12211	----	A friendly advertisement to the pretended Catholickes of Ireland declaring, for their satisfaction; that both the Kings supremacie, and the faith whereof his Majestie is the defender, are consonant to the doctrine delivered in the holy Scriptures, and writings of the ancient fathers. And consequently, that the lawes and statutes enacted in that behalfe, are dutifully to be observed by all his Majesties subjects within that kingdome. By Christopher Sibthorp, Knight, one of his Maiesties iustices of his court of chiefe place in Ireland. In the end whereof, is added an epistle written to the author, by the Reverend Father in God, Iames Vssher Bishop of Meath: wherein it is further manifested, that the religion anciently professed in Ireland is, for substance, the same with that, which at this day is by publick authoritie established therein. Sibthorp, Christopher, Sir, d. 1632. 1622 Approx. 1483 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 305 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2005-12 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A12211 STC 22522 ESTC S102408 99838193 99838193 2558 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A12211) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 2558) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 1083:5) A friendly advertisement to the pretended Catholickes of Ireland declaring, for their satisfaction; that both the Kings supremacie, and the faith whereof his Majestie is the defender, are consonant to the doctrine delivered in the holy Scriptures, and writings of the ancient fathers. And consequently, that the lawes and statutes enacted in that behalfe, are dutifully to be observed by all his Majesties subjects within that kingdome. By Christopher Sibthorp, Knight, one of his Maiesties iustices of his court of chiefe place in Ireland. In the end whereof, is added an epistle written to the author, by the Reverend Father in God, Iames Vssher Bishop of Meath: wherein it is further manifested, that the religion anciently professed in Ireland is, for substance, the same with that, which at this day is by publick authoritie established therein. Sibthorp, Christopher, Sir, d. 1632. Ussher, James, 1581-1656. [48], 418, 100 p. Printed by the Societie of Stationers, Dublin : 1622. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. 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Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Catholic Church -- Ireland -- Early works to 1800. Royal supremacy (Church of England) -- Early works to 1800. 2005-02 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-05 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2005-06 Judith Siefring Sampled and proofread 2005-06 Judith Siefring Text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A FRIENDLY ADVERTISEMENT TO the pretended Catholickes of IRELAND : Declaring , for their satisfaction ; That both the Kings SUPREMACIE , and the FAITH whereof his Majestie is the Defender , are consonant to the doctrine delivered in the holy Scriptures , and writings of the ancient Fathers . AND CONSEQVENTLY , That the Lawes and Statutes enacted in that behalfe , are dutifully to be observed by all his Majesties subjects within that Kingdome . By CHRISTOPHER SIBTHORP , Knight , one of his Majesties Iustices of His Court of Chiefe Place in IRELAND . IN THE END WHEREOF , IS ADDED An Epistle written to the Author , by the Reverend Father in God , IAMES VSSHER Bishop of Meath : wherein it is further manifested , that the Religion anciently professed in Ireland is , for substance , the same with that , which at this day is by publick Authoritie established therein . DUBLIN , Printed by the Societie of Stationers . 1622. TO THE HIGH AND MIGHTY KING , IAMES , BY THE GRACE OF GOD , KING OF GREAT Britanne , France , and Ireland , Defender of the FAITH , &c. CIvill Iustice ( most Gracious Soveraigne ) and Externall Peace , be , as all confesse , two things , in everie Common-weale , much to be honoured and highly respected : but they are then , doubtlesse , of best and worthiest esteeme , and most blessed of GOD , when , together with them , Gods Religion flourisheth , and the Supremacie of Kings and Princes , within their owne Dominions , is also , as one of his sacred ordinances , duly reverenced and obeyed . For , in the diligent observance of Gods ordinances , added to civill Iustice and externall Peace , it is ( as your Majestie best knoweth ) that the solid , durable , and complete Happinesse of every Kingdome , especially that professeth God and his word , consisteth . Howbeit , concerning points of civill Iustice , and , externall Peace , I shall not neede , here , to speake anie thing : because in those two points , and generally in all matters Temporall ( as they be called ) the pretended Catholicks of this your Majesties Kingdome , doe already , of themselves , willingly professe and yeeld a very good conformitie , without any opposition or contradiction . I wish , they did also shew , ( as of right they ought , and upon better information received , I trust they will ) the like good conformity , as touching the two other points ( which be , indeed , points of the greatest & highest importance ) namely , concerning your Majesties Supremacie , and the Religion : in which two points , it is , that their great defect , and unconformitie , appeareth . The cause hereof , they alledge to be their Conscience , and so I also conceive it : But what maner of conscience it is , themselves should more seriously consider . For if it be ( as it is indeed ) not a right , but a wrong and an erring conscience , all men will grant , that such a conscience ought to be rectified and reformed , and not persisted in . If then , matter sufficient to satisfie their consciences , in these points , shall be shewed unto them , it is as much as they can desire : and from thenceforth , they must eythe● be conformed , or else be held utterly unexcusable , as having after that , nothing further left to alledge or pleade for themselves in the case . This therefore is the thing that I have here attempted & endevoured to do & perform , as I was able , and as my other imployments in the affaires of the Cōmon-weale , would permit me . I confesse , that it might have been much better done by sundry , and innumerable others , that be farre more learned , and have also much more leisure for these things then I : and that much more might likewise have beene spoken in every severall and particular point , then is here by mee delivered : But as I could not , nor desired to speake all , but so much as might suffice ; so neyther doe I doubt but there will here be found matter sufficient , ( if not redundant ) to give contentment & satisfaction to the conscience of any , that will be reasonable and equall , and not suffer himselfe to be transported or caried away with prejudice , or with perverse or partiall affection . The VVorke , is , I grant , in respect of mee , in no sort worthy your Majesties view or patrocinie : yet in respect of the matter therein handled , it being the cause of no lesse then of God himselfe , and of his Church , and of all Christian Kings in generall ( if they all knew , or would take notice , of that which of right belongeth to them ) and it being your Majesties owne cause more specially and particularly : I thought it meetest , and my bounden duetie , to dedicate it ( as here in all humble submission I doe ) to your most excellent Majestie . The Almightie evermore keepe and preserve your Highnesse , to the great glory of his Name , the further comfort of his Church , and of all your Majesties Dominions , the most ample propagating of his religion , and the confusion of all false and Antichristian Doctrines , and to your owne everliving honour in this world , and everlasting felicitie in the world to come , through Iesus Christ. AMEN . Your Majesties most humble subject , and servant , ( though unworthy ) Christopher Sibthorp . The Preface , TO THE HONORABLE , VVORSHIPfull , and the rest of the pretended Catholikes within the Realme of Ireland . IT is cleere , and out of all question ( noble Lords , and worthy Gentlemen ) that the one side , namely , either the Protestants , or , the Papists , be , and must needs be , mightily mistaken , and strongly deluded ; whilst they be both so confident , and yet so contradictorie and repugnant in their severall Religions & opinions : but where , and on which side , this strong Delusion is , S. Paul hath foretold long agon , and it will hereafter be more fully declared . In the meane time , some peradventure will take exception to this Work , for that it is not done by a professed Divine , but by one of another profession : Indeed , I must confesse , that in respect of learning , and all other abilities , and conveniences , it might , by manie degrees , have beene much better performed by such a one , then by mee , who am the meanest of manie thousands . For which cause it was , that I sollicited , and that verie earnestly , a learned professed Divine of my acquaintance , to have undertaken the Worke ; but Hee whom I thus requested , finding himselfe to be otherwise much busied and employed , had no leisure to intend it : by reason whereof , the burthen of it then returned and rested upon my weake selfe . Howbeit , as I presume nothing of my selfe ( for neither is there anie cause I should ) so neither doe I distrust or despaire of the strength of the Almightie : whose direction and assistance I therefore most humbly implore to enable mee , in this so weighty a businesse , wherein I am , otherwise , of my selfe , utterly unable , and altogether defective . Now then , howsoever it is granted , that it might have beene much better done by a learned professed Divine : yet thereupon it followeth not , that therefore it is either unlawfull or unbeseeming Mee , or a man of another profession , to intermeddle in it . For , first , it is well knowne that manie ( with whom neverthelesse I neither doe , nor is it meet I should , compare my selfe ) have written , and that verie commendably , even concerning Divinitie , who were themselves no professed Divines . Secondly , I must crave leave to say , that I find not Popery , how subtill or sophisticall soever it be , to be of anie such puissance , but that a man of meane learning , armed with the strength of the divine Scriptures , may easily ruinate and overturne it . Thirdly , those that oppugne the Religion , & His Majesties Supremacie , what doe they else but oppugne therewithall ( as they must needs , at least inclusively ) the Lawes and Statutes of the Kingdome , whereby they are both established ? And what reason then , can bee shewed , why hee that is a Lawyer by profession , may not defend and maintaine the Lawes and Statutes of the Realme , in those two great points especially , wherein they be so unjustly and causelessely oppugned ? But when I consider my selfe further to be a servant ( though unworthy ) to his most excellent Majestie , and that in so high and eminent a Court as His Maiesties Bench is ; beside my profession , the duetie of my place also tyeth mee to defend his Maiesties Supremacie , as being a thing properly app●rtayning to his verie Crowne and Regall dignitie . And doth not , moreover , the Oath of Supremacy to His Majestie , which I have taken , necessarily binde mee hereunto ? Yea even for this verie cause , that I am a subiect to his Maiestie , though there were no other reason , doe I hold my selfe in duetie , tyed , to my power , to uphold and maintain that his Regall Supremacie . For if everie good childe will maintaine the right and Authoritie of his Father , and everie good servant the right and Authoritie of his Lord and Master , ought not everie good subiect to maintaine the right and Authoritie of his Soveraigne Lord and King ? And as touching the Religion , if there were no other reason but this , that I am a Christian by profession ( though no professed Divine ) doe I hold it for that verie cause , not onely well beseeming mee , but my duetie likewise , according to such measure of knowledge and abilitie as God hath given mee , to defend and maintaine the true and Christian Religion I professe , against that which is untruly called the Christian and Catholike , and is , indeed the false , erroneous , and Antichristian . For whereas some have a conceit , that not Lay men at all , but Clergie men only , and such as be of the Ecclesiastical Ministerie , should meddle with the Scriptures , and matters of Religion , it appeareth to be a verie vaine conceit , and an untrue opinion : because S. Paul directly requireth , even of Lay Christians ( as well as of others ) that the Word of Christ should Dwell in them , and that not poorely , or in a small or slender measure , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , richly , plentifully , or abundantly . Whereupon Primasius saith , that , Hence wee learne , that the Lay people ought to have the knowledge of the Scriptures , and to teach one another , not onely sufficiently , but also abundantly . And therefore are they further expressely charged , to admonish , exhort , and edifie one another : yea , to contend , and not onely to contend , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , earnestly to contend for that faith which was once given unto the Saints . And doth not God himselfe also command thus ? Thou shalt not hate thy brother in thy heart , but Thou shalt in anie wise rebuke thy neighbour , and not suffer sinne to be upon him . Agreeably wherunto , would not S. Iames likewise have all Christians to labour the conversion of such as be in error , and goe astray ? telling them for their better encouragement in this matter , that , if any doe erre from the truth , and another convert him , let such a one know , that he which converteth a sinner from the error of his way , shall save a soule from death , and cover a multitude of sinnes . You see then what duties , in respect of the good of others , as well as of himselfe , be required even of a lay person , in matters concerning God and his religion . And indeede , verie strange it were , if lay Christians should be tyed in charitie to take care of mens bodies , and yet should in no sort be permitted to have anie care , or to shew anie Christian charitie or affection , in respect of their soules , and the good and safetie of them . It is true , that no man may take upon him the office and function of Bishops , Pastors , or other Ministers of the Word , without a lawfull calling or ordination first had and obtayned : but although a lay man may not therfore preach , minister the sacraments , nor do anie such acts as be proper and peculiar to those that be Ecclesiasticall Ministers , yet in such things as be not proper and peculiar unto them , but be acts and duties common with them , to other Christians , a Lay man may lawfully intermeddle . It is likewise true , that the knowledge of Gods Word ( and consequently of Divinitie ) doth in a more exact , and more plentiful , and fuller maner and measure , and chiefly , belong to those that be professed Divines and of the Ecclesiasticall Ministery : but thereupon it followeth not , that therefore it belongeth onely to them . As also , although those of the Ecclesiasticall Ministery , are to teach and instruct the Lay people out of the Scriptures , and that the Lay people are to learne what they rightly teach from thence : yet neither doth it thereupon follow , nor is that anie argument , or impediment , but that the Lay people may neverthelesse reade , and get knowledge in the Scriptures , and thereout learne what good they can also , even by their owne industry , diligence , and endevour . We reade of Aquila , and Priscilla his wife , that they were by their Trade , Tentmakers : and that Apollos was a man eloquent and mightie in the Scripture● ▪ yet so skilfull , learned & expert were those two , name●ly , not onely Aquila , but Priscilla also his wife , in the Word of God , as that they tooke unto them the same Apollos , and expounded unto him The Way of God more perfectly . All men know , that Kings , Princes , and such like civill Magistrates , be none of that Order of the Ecclesiasticall Ministery , and yet of them it is specially required , that they reade the Scriptures & Book of God , and that they be verie diligent and conversant in it . For God expressely requireth of a King , that , When hee shall sit upon the Throne of his Kingdome , He get him the Book of his Law , and chargeth him to reade therein , all the Dayes of his Life , that he may learne to feare the Lord his God , and to Keepe All his Words and ordinances , not turning from them , eyther to the right hand or to the left : That so he may prolong his Dayes in his Kingdome , Hee and his Sonnes after him . And to Iosuah , a civill Magi●●●ate , hee likewise giveth this charge and commandement , saying : Let not This Booke of the Law , depart out of thy mouth , but Meditate therein Day and Night , that thou maist Observe and Doe according to All that is written therein : for then shalt thou make thy Way prosperous , and then shalt thou have good successe . Was not the Treasurer to Candace ( Queene of the Ethiopians ) also a Lay man , and not of the Order of the Ecclesiasticall Ministerie ? and yet did he reade Esaias the Prophet , ( which is a part of the holy Scriptures ) as hee was returning homeward , and sitting in his Chariot , and was in no sort reproved for the same , but well allowed therein , and had a blessing therupon sent unto him from God. Is it not likewise recorded of those noble Christians at Berea , to their great honour , that they received the Word of God with all readinesse of minde , quotidie scrutantes Scripturas , searching the Scriptures Daily ? And were not Lay persons also comprised amongst those to whom Christ Iesus himselfe said thus ? Scrutamini Scripturas : Search the Scriptures . Yea , doth not God himselfe further give a direct commandement that the Booke of his Law , and of the Religion and ordinances therein conteyned , should be read , published and made knowne to All , even to Men , Women , and Children ? And doth hee not moreover say , of that his Word , commandements , and ordinances , in this sort ? They shall be in thy heart : and thou shalt teach them diligently unto thy children : and shalt talke of them , when thou sittest in thine house , and when thou walkest by the way , and when thou liest downe , and when thou risest up . Yea , is he not pronounced blessed , that hath his delight in the Law of the Lord , and that doth meditate therin Day & Night ? Timothy , even whilst he was a childe , was conversant in this Booke of God , the holy Scriptures : for so S. Paul expresly testifies of him , that he knew the holy Scriptures of a childe , and for his further encouragement therein , saith , that those holy Scriptures be able to make him Wise unto Salvation . S. Iohn also writeth one of his Epistles ( which is a part of the sacred and canonical Scriptures ) expressely and by name , to an elect Lady and her children : which hee would never have done , if it had not beene both lawfull and laudable , even for vvomen and children also that be of capacitie , as well as for others , to reade the Scriptures , and to know them . How shall a young man clense his Way ? even by taking heed thereunto according to Gods Word , saith the Psalmist . According whereunto , it is againe required of all , that they remember their Creator in the dayes of their youth . Origen also , from his childehood was taught in the Scriptures , and learned them without Booke , and questioned with his father , Leonides , an holy Martyr ( who ioyed therin ) about the difficult sentences of the same . Macrina , S. Basils Nurse , likewise taught him the Scriptures , of a childe . And S. Hierome writeth of Paula a Gentlewoman , how shee set her maides to learne the Scriptures . Yea , manie of his writings be directed to women , commending their diligence and labour in the Scriptures , and encouraging them therein , as namely to Paula , Eustochium , Salvina , Celantia , &c. Theodoret also testifieth of the Christians that lived in those ancient times , thus : You shall everie where see ( saith he ) these points of our faith to be knowne and understood , not onely by such as be Teachers in the Church , but even by Coblers , and Smiths , and Websters , and all kinde of Artificers . Yea , all our vvomen , not onely they which are Booke-learned , but they also that get their living with their Needle : yea , ●●●id-servants , and vvaiting vvomen , and not citizens onely , but husbandmen also of the countrey , be verie skilful in these things . Yea , you may heare amongst us , Ditchers , and Neatheards , and Wood-setters , discoursing of the Trinitie , and of the creation &c. S. Chrysostome likewise exhorteth all sorts of men , to reade the Scriptures , and to call their neighbours to the hearing of them . Hee also taketh away the vaine pretences and excuses of them , who alledged that they were secular and Lay men , and had wife , children , and family to looke to , and desireth them that they would not so deceive themselves , saying : that They which be entangled with such cares , have the more need to seeke remedie by reading the holy Scriptures . Againe , he saith : It is no excuse , but a fault , to say , I have not read what S. Paul saith . And therefore hee saith further : Audite , obsecro , seculares omnes &c. Heare , I beseech you , all yee that be secular or lay-men : provide you Bibles , which be medicines of the soule : if you will nothing else , yet , at least wise , get the New Testament , the Apostle , the Acts , the Gospels , which be continuall and diligent Teachers . It is then more then manifest , that the reading , searching , and knowledge of the Divine Scriptures , is permitted and belongeth not only to those that be of the Order of the Ecclesiasticall Ministerie , but even to those also that be not of that Order : as namely , to Kings , Princes , civill Magistrates , to old , to yong , to men , to women , to children , and generally to all sorts of people , and that to this end , to benefite others , aswell as themselves , as they shall be able . For , as God giveth not worldly wealth or earthly blessings and gifts , to anie man for his owne private use and behoofe onely , but that he should communicate and distribute of the same unto others : so neither doth hee give his spirituall gifts or graces to anie , to hide or keepe the● only to himselfe , but to extend and impart them to the profit also of others . As likewise no man lighteth a candle , to put it under a bushell , but on a candlestick , that it may give light to others that be in the house , aswell as to himselfe . Yea , the manifestation of the Spirit is given to everie one , to this verie end , to profit others withall aswell as himselfe , as S. Paul again directly teacheth . Although then everie man cannot be a professed Divine , yet it is evident , that eveey man ought to be a professed Christian . Yea , Whosoever shall be ashamed of mee and of my words ( saith Christ ) of him shall the Sonne of man be ashamed , when he shall come in his own glory , and in the glorie of his Father , and of the holy Angells . And S. Paul saith likewise , that , With the heart man beleeveth unto righteousnesse , and with the mouth confesseth unto salvation . So that we must not onely beleeve in Christ with our heart , but wee must also confesse or professe him and his religion , with our mouth , and ( which is yet more ) we must practise Christianitie in our lives and conversations , and endevour also so much as in us lyeth , to have the same observed and practised by others . Wherein there is no cause to feare those proverbes , of , Ne sutor ultra crepidam , and , Tractant fabrilia fabri , and such like , which cannot here be rightly used or applied : because the knowledge of God , and of his Word and Religion , is not like the case of other arts , sciences , trades , and occupations in the world , but is a thing to be learned and professed by all sorts of people , of what worldly calling or profession soever they be , as now I trust you sufficiently perceive . But consider yet further , by the controversies that are betweene the Protestants and the Papists , how much even the learned professed Divines themselves , be divided in opinions : In this case , what shall we doe that be Lay-men ? shall wee bee of no religion , untill these be agreed ? But when will that be ? or , what if in the interim , anie of us in such a case should die ? were it not extreamely perillous ? or , shall a man at all adventures , betake himselfe to one of the two Religions , not caring , or , not knowing whether it be right or wrong which he betaketh himselfe unto ? were not that over-great levitie , a blinde resolution , and a strange inconsiderate rashnesse ? Yea , doe we not all say and hold , that extra veram Ecclesiam non est salus , out of the true Church there is no salvation ? There is then ( so farre as I perceive ) a direct necessitie laid upon as manie of us as be able to make search , not onely to search , but to finde out also , whether of these be the true Teachers , and which is the right faith , and the true Church , and to ioyne our selves thereunto . For which purpose , ought wee not studiously and diligently to reade and revolve the Scriptures ? For is there anie other sure rule of truth , beside them ? or , anie other infallible or better Iudge , for the deciding of these controversies , then God himselfe , speaking unto us in those his sacred and divine Writings ? But to take away all doubts , let it be examined ; Would anie then have the Church to be the Iudge ? Why the Church it selfe is the thing that is chiefly in question : the grand and principall Question betweene the Protestants and the Papists , being , Whether of them is the true Church : and when the Church it selfe is in question , she is not to iudge , but to be iudged , as even Bellarmine also himselfe declareth . Or , would anie have Councils to be this Iudge ? Godly Councils that be assembled in the name of Christ , and aime onely at truth , and that have the Word of God onely for their rule and direction , be , I confesse , much to be honoured and respected : but Councils , at all times follow not , nor doe according to that rule ; whereupon it commeth to passe , that they sometimes erre and goe astray , and consequently cannot be infallible Iudges . For , first , it is granted aswell by Papists , as by Protestants , that Provinciall Councils may erre , even in matters of faith : and why then may not generall Councils also possibly erre in matters of faith sometimes ? For is not the holy Ghost , the spirit of truth , ( if he so please ) as well able to keepe a Provinciall Councill at all times , from erring , as a generall ? What then is the difference ? or wherein doth it consist ? Will anie say , it consisteth in this , that in a generall Councill there is a greater number or multitude , then is in a Provinciall ? But truth goeth not alwayes by multitudes , or the greatest number , but is somtimes found in the lesser number , and in few against manie , as in times past it was found in one Michaiah , against foure hundreth . For which cause it is also written : Thou shalt not follow a multitude to doe evill , nor agree in a controversie , to decline after manie , to overthrow the truth . Neyther indeed do the Popish Teachers themselves hold , the reason of their supposed non-errabilitie of general Councils , to be , because of the greater number or multitude , but because of the promise of the holy Ghost made unto them : which holy Ghost they neverthelesse cannot denie to be promised aswell to a Provinciall as to a generall Councell : yea , Where but Two or Three be gathered together in my Name ( saith Christ ) there am I in the midst of them . Seeing then it is granted that a Provinciall Councill may erre , notwithstanding this promise of the holy Ghost , it must be granted , that a generall Councill may sometime also erre , by the same reason that a Provinciall may , notwithstanding that promise . For as touching the reason that some bring , that if a general Councill may erre then the whole Church may erre & faile in faith ; it is no consequent : inasmuch as all the Bishops and Pastors within Christendome ( without exception ) be not alwayes present at a generall Councill , much lesse be all the faithfull throughout the whole world there present : and therefore also doth even Panormitan himselfe reiect that reason and inference , as frivolous ; For ( saith he ) though a generall Councill represent the whole universall Church , yet , to speake truth , the universall Church is not there precisely , but by representation : because the universall Church consisteth of All the Faithful ; and this ( saith he ) is the Church which cannot erre . Wherby , it is not un-possible that the true faith of Christ may abide in one person onely : therefore the Church is said , not to faile , or , not to erre , if the true faith remaine in anie one . And thus saith Pighius also , though an Arch-Papist ; Certum est , Concilia non esse universalem Ecclesiam : it is a thing certaine , that Councils be not the vvhole , or , universall Church . Where he further affirmeth those two Councils of Constance and Basil , to have erred , notwithstanding they were generall Councils . Yea this is so cleere a case with him , that Generall Councills may erre , even in matter of Faith , that hee saith againe most directly and expressely , thus : In fidei definitionibus , errasse etiam universalia sanctorum Patrum Concilia comperimus . Testimonio sunt de universalibus Concilijs , imprimis Ariminense , Vniversale haud dubie , &c. Insuper Ephesinum secundum , & ipsum Vniversale , &c. Testimonio , inquam , haec sunt , errare posse etiam universalia Concilia , etiam legitimè congregata . We finde that even generall Councils , of holy Fathers , have erred in their decrees or determinations of matters of faith . Witnesse hereof concerning generall Councils , is especially the Councill of Arimine , a generall Councill without doubt , &c. And moreover , the second Ephesine Councill , which was likewise a generall Councill , &c. These , I say be Witnesses , that even generall Councils may erre , though they be never so lawfully assembled . For , although most true it is , that the holy Ghost cannot possibly erre , and that the same holy Ghost is promised and given to godly Councills , as likewise he is to everie godly man & faithfull member of Christ : yet it pleaseth the holy Ghost , not to extend and shew forth his vigor , force , and power at all times , but sometimes to withhold it , and so to leave men to themselves : in which case it is then , a verie easie matter , for Councils either Generall or Provinciall , as also for anie other godly man , or particular member of Christ , to erre , sinne , or goe astray ; neither is it Gods Spirit which doth disagree from his Word . And consequently , whosoever teacheth anie thing concerning Faith and Religion , not according to Gods Word , but out of his owne braine and fancie , must be supposed , to speake , not by Gods spirit ( whatsoever he pretendeth ) but by his owne , as S. Chrysostome also informeth us . Wherefore , in vaine it is , for men , or , Councils , to say , they be undoubtedly guided by the holy Ghost , the spirit of truth , unlesse they have the Word of truth , for their rule and direction , and can so prove the spirit , whereby they speake and decree , to be Gods Spirit , and not their owne . But againe , yee know , that in Councills ( aswell Generall as Provinciall ) things be caryed and over-ruled by the most Voyces : and where things be so caried and ruled by the greater number of voyces , there it is experimentally found to be a thing verie easily possible , for the most voyces or greater number , sometimes to over-rule the better part , being the lesser . and consequently , Councils , whether generall or particular , because they may sometime possibly erre , can not be held for anie absolute and infallible Iudge , or , infallible rule of truth , in these controversies . Or , would anie think the Bish. & Pope of Rome to be an infallible Iudge ? Why in the glosse upon the Popes owne Law , that opinion also is reiected , saying thus : Quaero de qua Ecclesia , intelligas , quod hic dicitur , quod non possit errare ? Si de ipso Papa , certum est quod Papa errare potest . Respondeo : Ipsa congregatio Fidelium , hic dicitur Ecclesia . I demand of what Church it is meant , when it is said , as here , That the Church cannot erre ? If of the Pope himselfe , it is certaine he may erre . I therefore answer , that the whole company of the Faithful is here meant by the Church . Where , beside that you see what Church it is that cannot erre , you see it directly affirmed , that certum est quod Papa errare potest : it is a thing certaine , that the Pope may erre . Gerson also , the Chancellor of Paris , telleth us , that , tam Papa quam Episcopus , deviabiles à fide , aswell the Pope as anie other Bishop , may go out of the way of Faith. Alfonsus , that wrote so earnestly against Luther , yet touching this point , said thus : Non credo aliquem esse adeo impudentem Papae assentatorem , ut ei tribuere hoc velit , ut nec errare possit . I doe not beleeve that any man is such an impudent flatterer of the Pope , as to attribute this unto him , that he cannot erre . Which words were in his first edition , but are not now in the last : but yet even in his new copies , although he qualifie his termes , he holdeth the same opinion , verie directly , saying : Omnis homo errare potest in fide , etiamsi Papa sit : Every man may erre in faith , yea even the Pope himselfe . And againe he saith : that , Papa in fide errare potest , ut melius sentientes tenent , etiam ex hijs qui Papatui plurimùm favent : inter quos est Innocentius ejus nominis quartus , in cap. 1. de Summa Trinitate : The Pope may erre in matter of faith , as the better opinion is , even of them that favour the Papacie most of all : amongst whom is Pope Innocentíus the fourth of that name , writing upon the first chapter De Summa Trinitate . Well therefore doth Erasmus also , confute this new conceit & strange opinion . For , If it be true ( saith he ) which some say , that the Bishop of Rome can never erre , Iudicially : vvhat neede is there then of Generall Councils ? Why are men skilfull in the Lawes , and learned in Divinitie ; sent for to Councils , if he , in his speakings , cannot erre ? To what purpose be so manie Vniversities troubled with handling Questions of faith , when thc truth may be had from his mouth ? Yea , how commeth it to passe , that the Decrees of one Pope be repugnant to the Decrees of another ? What Wresters of Scripture then , do some Papists in these later times , here appeare to be , that abuse it to give an infallibilitie of judgement , and an immunitie or priviledge from error , to the Pope of Rome ? Arboreus , a Doctor of Paris , and one not of the meanest Sorbonists , confesseth likewise and teacheth this truth , saying : Papa in fide errare potest : Et tota mihi aberrare via videtur qui aliter sentit . Assentantur sanè Romano Pontifici , qui faciunt eum immunem à lapsu haereseos & schismatis . The Pope may erre in faith : And he seemeth to mee to be in an extreame error that thinketh otherwise . Surely , they doe but flatter the Bishop of Rome , that make him free from falling into heresie and schisme . And how can it in reason be otherwise ? For if Provinciall Councils ( wherein be manie Bishops ) may erre in matter of Faith ( which is a thing that the Popish Writers themselves do grant ) : yea , if Generall Councils may possibly erre in matter of Faith ( which is also a thing confessed by some of the Popish Divines , and cannot iustly be denied by anie ) is there anie likelyhood that any one Bishop , singly considered by himselfe , should be so priviledged , as that he could not possibly erre ? Yea , even a general Councill , namely the Councill of Basil , saith : Saepe experti sumus & legimus Papam errasse : Wee have often found it by experience , and know it also by reading , that the Pope hath erred . And againe they say : Cum certum sit Papam errare posse . Forasmuch as it is a thing certaine , that the Pope may erre . Whereupon it must be concluded , that therefore the Pope also cannot be held for an unerrable , or infallible Iudge . Shall then the ancient Fathers , be this Iudge ? They are , I grant , in all respects , to have that due reverence that belongeth to them : but themselves will by no meanes assume that high honour to themselves , to be infallible Iudges , or such as cannot possibly erre . Yea , they acknowledge that they may erre , and therefore would have no man further to beleeve them , then there is warrant for what they write and speake , in the Canonicall Scriptures . I cannot denie ( saith S. Augustine ) but that there be many things in my Workes , as there be also in the Writings of my predecessors , vvhich justly and without anie rashnesse may be reproved . And when S. Cyprian was obiected against him , hee answered thus : I am not bound by his Authoritie : For I doe not account Cyprians Writings as Canonicall , but weigh them by the Canonicall Scriptures : and that , in them , which agreeth with the Canonicall Scriptures , I allow to his praise ; but that which agreeth not , by his favour I refuse . Againe he saith : If anie thing be proved by the manifest Authoritie of the divine Scriptures , which in the Church be called canonicall , it must be beleeved without any doubting : but as for other testimonies , thou mayst beleeve them , or not beleeve them , according as thou shalt see cause to trust them . And therefore he giveth this prerogative to the sacred and canonicall Scriptures , that , amongst all the Writings in the world , they onely cannot erre ; and that all other may erre . For which cause he saith againe thus : Solis eis Scripturarum libris , qui jam canonici appellantur , didici hunc timorem , honoremque deferre , ut nullum eorum Authorem scribendo aliquid errasse firmissimè credam . I have learned to yeeld this reverence and honour to the canonicall Scriptures Onely , that I most firmely beleeve , no Author of them to have erred any thing in their Writing . Yea , the Writings of all others , he saith , are to be read , non cum credendi necessitate , sed cum judicandi libertate , not with a necessitie to beleeve them , but with a libertie to judge of them . For , The Authoritie of the sacred Scriptures cannot deceive . And by those Bookes ( saith hee ) de caeteris literis fidelium , vel Infidelium liberè judicemus . We may freely judge of the Writings of all other men , whether they be Christians or Infidels . And this freedome or libertie S. Augustine againe challengeth to himselfe , in quorumlibet hominum Scriptis , in the Writings of all men vvhosoever , and addeth this reason once more , Quia solis canonicis debeo sine ulla recusatione consensum : because I owe my consent without any refusall ( saith hee ) to the canonicall Scriptures onely . Yea , it is manifest , that not onely singly or severally , but iointly also with one consent , manie ancient Fathers together , have erred . For example , with S. Cyprian , in his error of rebaptization , manie of the ancient Fathers then living , yea even great Councils also tooke part . Againe , did not all these , Iustine , Irenaeus , Papias , Tertullian , Victorinus , Lactantius , Severus , Apollinaris , and others , hold the Chiliastick error , otherwise called the Error of the Millenarians ? In the Question also concerning Antichrist , although verie manie ancient Fathers , with one ioynt consent , held , he should come of the Tribe of Dan , yet doth Bellarmine himselfe , for all that , hold this to be an opinion not certaine , because it is not well and sufficiently proved by the Scriptures : for , the texts of Scripture which are wont to be alledged for maintenance of that opinion , himselfe answereth , and sheweth that they prove no such matter . And therefore Turrecremata also saith thus : The Writings of the Doctors are to be received vvith reverence ; yet they binde us not to beleeve them in all their opinions , but wee may lawfully contradict them , vvhere by good reason it appeareth that they speake against the Scripture , or the truth . And thus also speaketh Marsilius : that he will receive whatsoever they bring consonant to the Scripture ; but what they bring dissonant from it , hee will reject , with reverence , upon the Authoritie of Scripture , vvhereunto he will leane . Yea , whereas some suppose , that the ancient Fathers ( because they lived much neerer to the times of the Apostles , then the late Writers ) did therefore see more and further into truth then the late Writers : Andradius holdeth the contrarie , saying ; God hath revealed manie things to us that they never saw . Agreeably whereunto , Dominicus Bannes , another learned Popish Writer , likewise saith thus : It is not necessarie , that by how much the more the Church is remote from the Apostles times , by so much there should be the lesse perfect knowledge of the mysteries of faith therein : because after the Apostles time , there were not the most learned men in the Church , which had dexteritie in understanding and expounding the matters of faith . We are not therefore involved in the more darkenesse , by how much the more , in respect of time , vve be distant from them : but rather the Doctors of these later times , being godly and insisting in the steps of the ancient Fathers , have attained more expresse understanding in some things then they had : for , these , be like children standing on the shoulders of Giants , vvho being lifted up by the tallnesse of the Giants , no marvaile though they see further then they . Seeing then the ancient Fathers have erred , and may erre , even in the opinion of Papists as well as of Protestants , it must be concluded , that therefore they also cannot be this infallible Iudge . What then ? May-Traditions not written , or not specified in the sacred Scriptures , alledged to be Apostolicall , be held to be anie infallible Iudge , or anie infallible rule of Faith ? I answer , no. For , first , how can a man be assured that those Traditions be Apostolical , which be alledged and affirmed so to be , when he seeth no proofe or evidence for them , in anie of the Writings of the Apostles , or in anie of the sacred and canonicall Scriptures ? If you say , that some of the ancient Fathers do testifie them to be Apostolicall : That is no sufficient proofe , that therefore they came originally , and assuredly from the Apostles : because even those ancient Fathers themselves , taking them upon report of others , might possibly be deceived : And so pretious is mens faith , and so deare unto them , is , and ought to be , the salvation of their soules , as that , in those regards , no Authoritie or testimonie of men , without the Authoritie and testimonie of God therewith concurring , can give them an undoubted or assured satisfaction . For our Faith is not to be builded upon the credite , Authoritie , or testimonie of men , but upon the testimonie and Authoritie of God himselfe . Irenaeus , in Eusebius , declareth what maner of Traditions , those were which Polycarpus delivered , and said , he had heard and received , from the Apostles , and testifieth of them , that they were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , all consonant to the Scriptures . Traditions of this sort , namely which be consonant and agreeable to the holy Scriptures , we refuse not , but willingly embrace : but such Traditions as be dissonant and repugnant to those holy Scriptures , there is ever iust reason to refuse : or , if they be not thereby warranted , none is necessarily tyed or bound to beleeve them to be undoubtedly divine and Apostolicall . It was not therefore without good cause , that S. Paul himselfe gave caveats even touching Traditions , and matters delivered as comming originally from the Apostles : because sometimes some things were reported to come originally from them , which indeed did not so come . A cleere example wherof , Eusebius sheweth in Papias , who was himselfe so deceived , under the name and supposition of Apostolicall Traditions , and thereby also occasioned others to be deceived . This Papias was schollar to Iohn the Apostle , & schoole-fellow to Polycarpus before mentioned , and for the credit of his Traditions , said thus : I am not delighted with them that make mention of strange precepts and commandements , but in them that teach those things that be true , and bring such things as are delivered by the Lord to our fidelitie , and came from the truth it selfe . So vvhen anie came that was a Disciple of the Elders , I enquired the vvords of the Elders ; What , Andrew , What , Philip , What , Thomas , or anie other of the Disciples of the Lord said : and he saith moreover , that hee laid up all those things well in his remembrance . Howbeit ( notwithstanding all this his care , diligence , and vigilancie about Apostolicall Traditions ) he brought in ( as Eusebius saith ) sundry paradoxes , and strange opinions , and such as vvere full of fables , amongst which was the Chiliastick opinion . Yea , this great liking and affection to unwritten Traditions , deceived not onely Papias , but ( as Eusebius witnesseth ) it gave occasion of the Chiliastick error unto divers Ecclesiasticall persons also after him . And he addeth the reason : because , saith he , they pretended the antiquitie of that man. Clemens Alexandrinus also was much addicted to unwritten Traditions , and therewith likewise much deceived : affirming and teaching , by reason therof , verie erroneous , strange , and untrue opinions : as namely , that Philosophy did in times past , justifie or save the Greekes : that Christ preached onely one yeare : that the Apostles after their death preached unto the dead , which with the Apostles descended into the vvater , and being made alive , ascended thence againe : that Christians may not contendin judgment , neither before the Gentiles , nor yet before the Saints : and sundry other errors . Yea he there further mentioneth a certaine kinde of Gnostici , of whom hee delivereth this description , saying : that the knowledge which maketh a true Gnostick , is that which commeth by succession unto few from the Apostles , and is delivered vvithout vvriting &c. Where may appeare , whence the heresie of the Gnosticks ( which was afterward condemned by the Church ) did spring and had his original , namely out of unwritten Traditions supposed to be Apostolicall . Yea , sundry other Hereticks also , boasted of their doctrines and opinions , as if they had received them by tradition from the Apostles . For Valentinus alledged himselfe to be schollar to Theodatus , who was familiarly acquainted with S. Paul : The Marcionites boasted , that they had the Disciples of Matthias , to their Master , and taught the doctrine by them delivered . Artemon likewise boasted of his doctrine , as if it had come unto him undoubtedly by tradition Apostolicall : But Eusebius , for all that , sheweth that it was not so . Excellent therefore , and ever memorable , is that speech of Irenaeus touching this point , where hee granteth , that The Apostles did , indeed , at the first , preach the Gospel , by vvord of mouth , but afterward ( saith hee ) by the vvill of God , they delivered it in vvriting , that so being committed to writing , it might be for ever after that , the foundation and pillar of our faith . So that now , and ever since that time , wee must hold as S. Hierome also teacheth and holdeth , saying thus : That which hath no Authoritie of the holy Scriptures , is as easily contemned as allowed . And againe hee saith directly , that such things as men invent and devise of themselves , without the Authoritie and testimonie of the Scriptures , as it vvere by Tradition Apostolicall , the Sword of God striketh downe . Yea some Traditions mentioned in ancient Fathers to be Apostolicall , even the Papists themselves doe not observe : as namely , the temper of Milke and Hony given to them that be newly baptized : abstayning from washing an whole vveeke after : oblations for the Birth-day , yearely : not to fast , nor kneele ( in prayer , or worshipping of God ) on the Lords day , nor betweene Easter and Whitsontide . All which be mentioned in Tertullian . S. Basil likewise mentioneth it , as an Apostolicall tradition , for Christians , betweene Easter and Whitsontide , to pray standing : S. Hierome also mentioneth it , as an Apostolicall Tradition , the Temper of Milke and Hony , as also on the Lords-day , and throughout everie Pentecost , neyther to pray on the knees , nor to fast . If then some Traditions affirmed by ancient Fathers to be Apostolicall , be neverthelesse not observed in the Popish Church it selfe , which is a thing very manifest : why should anie Traditions be urged or obtruded upon the Protestants , under the name of Apostolicall , and by them necessarily to be held and beleeved , which be not found specified in the undoubted Word of God , the sacred and canonicall Scriptures , but have onely the Authoritie of some men , without the Authoritie of Gods word to testifie the same ? Yea as touching all points necessarie to salvation , the holy Scriptures themselves be abundantly sufficient : so that , for that purpose , there is no need of anie unwritten Traditions , as even the ancient Fathers themselves doe also testifie . The holy Scriptures inspired from heaven ( saith Athanasius ) be sufficient for all instruction of truth . Whatsoever is requisite to salvation ( saith Chrysostome ) all that is fully laid downe in the Scriptures . In the two Testaments ( saith Cyril ) everie vvord ( or thing ) that pertaineth to God , may be required and discussed . There vvere chosen to be vvritten ( saith Augustine ) such things as vvere thought sufficient for the salvation of the faithfull . The Canon of the Scriptures ( saith Vincentius Lirinensis ) is sufficient , and more then sufficient for all matters . What need then is there of anie more speech in a matter so cleere and evident ? Concerning this point therefore , Inasmuch as it is verie apparant , that some errors & heresies have arisen out of Traditions , said and supposed to be Apostolical , and that under that pretence and name , sundry men in ancient and former times have beene deceived , and may now , much more , by that meanes , in these later times ( so farre remote from the times of the Apostles ) possibly be deceived : it must be concluded , that Traditions Apostolicall ( as they be called ) not warranted nor specified in the divine Scriptures , cannot be held for anie infallible Iudge , or , infallible rule of truth , in this case . Seeing then , the Church , who is her selfe in question , may not be the Iudge , but must be iudged of , and that by the Scriptures : for in such a case where the Church it selfe is in question , even by Bellarmines own acknowledgement , the Scripture is better knowne then the Church , and therefore must be the Iudge of it : and seeing also , that , not Councils ( whether Generall or Provinciall ) nor Popes of Rome , nor ancient Fathers , nor unwritten Traditions said to be Apostolicall , can be this infallible Iudge ; what remaineth , but that God himselfe , speaking unto us in his sacred and canonicall Scriptures , is , and must be held to be the only infallible Iudge , in this case ? Or ( which commeth all to one effect ) if we will have visible and mortall men to be the Iudges , The infallible Rule , whereby they are to iudge , and to be directed , appeareth to be the verie same sacred and canonicall Scriptures , wherein God speaketh . And this also doe the ancient Fathers themselves , yet further directly teach and affirme : For S. Augustine saith ; The Scripture pitcheth downe the Rule of our Faith. Tertullian likewise calleth the Scriptures , the Rule of faith . S. Chrysostome calleth them , a most exquisite Rule , and exact Square and Ballance to trie all things by . And Gregory Nyssen also , calleth them , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a straite and inflexible Rule . By this Rule of the Scripture then it is , that not only Bishops , Pastors , and Clergie-men , but even everie man else that is able to make search and tryall , is to trie and examine these differing and contradictorie doctrines and positions , betweene the Protestants and the Papists . For how otherwise shall we certainly know , what is right , & what is wrong in them ? or how otherwise shall we be able to discerne the true Teachers ( which wee are to reverence , honour , and embrace ) from the false Teachers , ( which we are to renounce and detest ) ? Neither is this anie disorderly , immodest , or unseemely course ( whatsoever Rhemists or other Papists say to the contrarie ) but verie requisite and necessarie , as you see , in this case especially , where the learned professed Divines themselves be at such variance : Yea , it is a thing not onely permitted and allowed , but commended and commanded also in Gods owne Booke . For , when Christ Iesus biddeth aswell lay persons , as others , for tryall and finding out the truth , in a doubtfull matter , to Search the Scriptures , is not that a sufficient commandement ? And when those noble-Christians at Berea , did 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , search the Scriptures , ( and that daily ) thereby to trie and judge , whether those things were so or no , which their Preachers & Teachers had taught & delivered unto them , & be , for the same , so highly commended by the holy Ghost ; Shall anie be so unadvised , rash , or presumptuous , as to say or thinke it to be , either unlawful or unlaudable for them that be learners and hearers , so to doe ? Is not all the immodestie , pride , & arrogancie in them rather , which will not suffer or allow their Doctrines to be thus tryed and examined by the Scriptures , but ( as if they were Lords over mens faith ) will have men to beleeve them , whatsoever they teach ( be it right or wrong ) without anie further search , enquirie , or examination ? May not men most easily be thus deluded & deceived ? Against which , doth not Christ himselfe say ? Take heed that no man deceive you . Againe doth hee not say ? Take heed and beware of the Leaven of the Pharisees and Sadducees , that is , of their Doctrine , as it is expounded in the same chapter . And doth not S. Paul likewise bid the people , to Try or examine all things , touching mens doctrines , and to hold fast that which is good ? Doth not S. Iohn againe say thus unto them in plaine termes ? Beleeve not everie Spirit , but try the Spirits whether they be of God or no : for many false Prophets be gone out into this world ▪ Chrysostome in his dayes , answering the obiection of such as said , they could not tell what religion to be of , because there were so manie differing opinions of it , saith : that seeing they have the Scriptures vvhich be so true and plaine , it will be an easie matter , thereby for them to judge : for , tell me ( saith he ) hast thou anie understanding or judgement ? for it is not a mans part barely to receive vvhatsoever he heareth . Say not then , I am a learner , and may be no Iudge : for that is but a shift . And this also S. Basil teacheth . Origen likewise teacheth the same , saying : Me dicente quod sentio , Vos discernite & examinate si quid rectum est , aut minus rectum . Whilst I speake what I thinke , Doe you judge and examine , vvhat is right , and vvhat is not right in it . S. Ambrose likewise saith thus : Wee justly condemne all new things vvhich Christ hath not taught : for , Christ is the Way to the faithfull : If therefore vvee our selves preach anie thing vvhich Christ hath not taught , Doe you ( saith hee ) judge that abominable . In like sort speaketh S. Cyril , saying : Concerning the holy and heavenly mysteries of faith , vvee must not deliver anie thing , though never so small , vvithout the holy Scriptures : neither may vve be led away with probabilities , and shew of vvords : nor yet beleeve me ( saith hee ) barely saying these things unto you , unlesse you also receive the demonstration thereof from the Scripture . For , the securitie of our faith ariseth from the demonstration of the holy Scripture . Here then you plentifully perceive , that even lay persons are to judge and discerne of the Doctrines of men , although not by anie private spirit of their owne , yet by that divine Spirit that speaketh in the holy Scriptures , the onely infallible rule of true Religion : the voice and iudgement of which divine Spirit there speaking , we ought to obey and yeeld unto . Let not therefore anie reason drawne from possibilitie of errors or heresies , which men may fall into , by misunderstanding of the Scriptures , & taking them in a wrong sense , alienate you from reading of them : for if this should passe currant , and be held for a good and sufficient reason , then neither should Clergie-men , or , Ecclesiasticall Ministers be permitted to reade the Scriptures , because there is a possibilitie for them also , in the reading of them , to misunderstand them , and to take them in a wrong sense , and so to fall into errors or heresies , as we see indeed , that some of them heretofore have done , and still doe . And as for the obiection of difficultie or obscuritie in the Scriptures , S. Chrysostome hath answered it long agone , saying : that therefore God penned the Scriptures , by the hands of Publicanes , Fishermen , Tentmakers , Sheepheards , Neatheards , and unlearned men , that none of the simple people might have anie excuse to keepe them from reading them : and that so they might be easie to be understood of all men ; the Artificer , the housholder , the vviddow-woman , and him that is most unlearned . And further hee saith : that , the Scripture when it speaketh anie thing obscurely , expoundeth it selfe in another place . And so also saith S. Augustine : that ▪ there is almost nothing in these Obscurities , but in other places a man may finde it plainly delivered . In like sort speaketh S. Hierome , saying : It is the maner of the Scripture , after things obscure , to set downe things manifest , and that which they have first spoken in parables , to deliver afterward in plainer termes . And so testifieth S. Basil also : that , the things that be doubtfull , and in some places of Scripture seeme to be spoken obscurely , be made plaine by those things vvhich be evident in other places . And therefore none of us that be lay-men , upon anie pretences of difficultie or obscuritie whatsoever , must be deterred or discouraged from the diligent reading and searching of these sacred , divine & canonical scriptures , that so we may at last , therby finde out the certain and undoubted truth in these Controversies that so deepely concerne us , and be of so great and high importance . But these things be more fully handled afterward , and therfore I here forbeare to speake any further of them . In the meane time , you see that which I cannot conceale or denie , namely , that in these Controversies I hold with the Protestants against the Papists ▪ which neverthelesse I hope ye will conceive that I do , not in anie partiall , worldly , or sinister regards , but for that upon triall and examination of these matters by the rule of the divine and canonicall Scriptures , I finde the truth to be on their side : and so I rest assured , that even your selves also will finde it , if all partialitie and preiudicate conceits being laid aside , yee will be pleased to ●udge of them ( as of right yee ought , and in reason I hope ye will be moved to do ) by that only infallible rule I grant , that the name of Protestants is not verie ancient , as being given of later times to those Christians that have protested against the errors & abuses in Poperie : yet that hindreth not , but that the Faith & Religion by them professed , may be nevertheless ( as it is ) the most ancient , Apostolick , Catholick , Christian , & Divine . As likewise the name of Papists is not verie ancient , as being also of later times given by their adversaries unto them ( for that they depend so much upon the Pope ▪ & his doctrine , decrees , & designes ) : yet do the Papists neverthelesse hold , the faith and religion which they professe to be verie ancient , yea the most ancient , and the Apostolick , Catholick , and Christian. Howbeit , both these Religions ( they being so repugnant & contradictorie one to the other ) cannot be right , but one of them must needs be wrong , and that is Poperie , as this Booke declareth : That which wee meane and comprehend under the name of Poperie , being nothing else but the errors , heresies , and corruptions which the Church of Rome holdeth , and be accrued and growen unto it , since the first institution and planting of it by the Apostles . For what the Church of Rome rightly holdeth or beleeveth , the Protestants impugne not , nor have cause to impugne , but they onely impugne her errors , heresies , and corruptions . As for the terme of Catholicks , which Papists have put upon themselves , their calling themselves so , doth not therfore prove them to be so : for the Arrians in times past , likewise called themselves Catholicks , who were neverthelesse not so , but Hereticks in verie deed . But as we dislike not , but well approve of that name of Catholicks , when it is rightly used and applyed , and given to those to whom it properly belongeth : so doe wee preferre the name of Christians , before it , as being indeed the more ancient , and the more honourable name , it being derived from Christ himselfe , the Head of his Church , and the Author of the Christian religion . Who be the right Catholicks , and the true-Christians , & who not , yea , which be the Christian , and which be the un-Christian , and which be the Antichristian people , doth afterward appeare , that so every man may know , what name doth rightly & properly belong unto him , and may ranke himselfe in his due place . For whosoever knoweth Antichrist well , wil abhorre & detest him , and will love , honour , and adhere unto Christ & the puritie of his religion , so much the more . If then the Pope of Rome shall here appeare unto you to be ( as hee is ) the grand Antichrist foretold in the Scriptures , I doubt not but you wil speedily renounce him , & his Antichristian Supremacie , & his Antichristian Religion , together with all his seducing and Antichristian Teachers , and wicked and Antichristian courses against the Church of God. For no true-Christians ought , nor will , give anie better respect to Antichrist , especially after that they once know him & have him discovered & manifested unto them . God therefore open & reveale his truth , more & more unto us all , and incline all our hearts and affections to embrace it , & evermore to walke in the wayes of it . AMEN . An Alphabeticall Table of the principall matters handled in this Worke , following . A ANtichristianisme , a mysterie of iniquitie , and not any open hostilitie , or professed enmitie against Christ and Christianitie , pag. 208. pag. 39. & p. 61.62 . pa. 285.286 . pag. 394 395. &c. Antichristianisme , began in the Apostles dayes ▪ pag. 280.321 . VVhat maner of adversarie , the speciall and grand Antichrist is , pag. 285.286 . and pag. 394 , 395.396 . pag. 334.335 Antichrist is the false●Prophet amongst Christians , and not amongst the Turkes , and other Infidels of the world . pag. 341. &c Miracles , signes and wonders , done in the Antichristian Church , to seduce and deceive people with all . pag. 280.281 VVhat maner of miracles or vvonders they be , that be done in the Antichristian Church . pag. 280.281.282 . pag. 306.307 . pag. 341. pag. 98.99 A difference betweene Christian , un-Christian , and Antichristian people . pag. 286 Antichrist is not one singular or particular man , that shall continue iust three yeares and an halfe : but is a State or succession of men , that is to have continuance for many hundreth yeares in the world pag. 312.313.314 ▪ 315.316.317.318.319.320.321 . &c. Antichrist is to sit in the Temple of God , that is , in the Church , and amongst those that professe Christ and Christianitie ▪ p. 283.284 The speciall and particular place vvhere the grand Antichrist is to sit , is not Constantinople , nor Hierusalem , nor any other Citie , but Rome . pag. 283.284.285 . pag. 246.247.248 . p. 377. &c That the Pope of Rome is the grand Antichrist , shewed out of 2. Thes. 2. pag. 279.280.281 . &c The Pope of Rome further shewed to be Antichrist , out of Rev. 13. pag. 325.326.327.328.329.330.331.332 &c Againe , the Pope shewed to be Antichrist , and the Popish Church to be the Antichristian , out of 1. Tim. 4. verses 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5. pa. 353 354.355 . &c Sundry obiections of the Papists , concerning Antichrist , answered . pag. 377.378.379 ▪ 380 , 381.382 , &c. That Papall or Popish Rome is the vvhore of Babylon , shewed out of Revel . 17 , pag. 244.245.246 . &c The Romane Empire , standing in the height and glory , vvas the let or impediment , that Antichrist could not shew himselfe in his height untill that impediment vvas removed , pag. 304.305 . pag. 391.392 393 That Antichrist is come long sithence , pag. 391.392.393 , 394. pag. 43.44 &c. pag. 61.62 Antichrist , the man of sinne , the sonne of perdition , pag. 396.397.398 ▪ 399.400 &c. The reason vvhy men are so seduced and misled by Antichrist . pag. 307.308 The most fearefull and vvofull estate of those vvho receiving many admonitions to the contrary , vvill neverthelesse live and dye in obedience to Antichrist , and his religion , pag. 309 ▪ and p. 397 , &c. Assurance of salvation in this life , and how it is 〈…〉 , and m●y be obteyned . pag. 158.159 ▪ 160.161 . &c B IN vvhat sense some ancient Fathers call Peter Bishop of Rome , and vvhether he vvere properly so to be called . pag. 90 , 91 , 92 How unlike the Bishop of Rome is to S. Peter . pag 92 93 , 94 ▪ &c VVho that Beast is , that is mentioned in Rev. 13 ▪ and in diverse other places of the Revelation . pag 308.309 . pag 325 , 326 , 327 328 , &c. and pag. 249.250.251.252.253 C WHere our Church vvas during the raigne of Poperie , pag. 36.37 , 38 Councels , aswell generall , as Provinciall , may erre in matter of Faith , as vvell as in matter of fact . pag. 50 , 51 , 52 , 54 &c. See also the Preface . VVhat Church that is vvhereof it is said , that it cannot erre : and vvhen , and how farre it may erre , and how farre not . pag. 81 82. See also the Preface . Concerning universalitie , antiquitie , perpetuitie , visibilitie unitie , succession of Bishops , and doing of miracles : vvhether all these be in the Popish Church , and vvhether they be inseparable markes of the true Church . pag. 83.84 85. &c. to the end of that chapter . Chastisements and afflictions in this life , be sent of God upon his children , out of his love toward them , for other good ends and purposes , and not to satisfie the severity of his Iustice by that meanes , for their sinnes and the punishment thereto belonging . p. 125. &c There is no iust cause to be shewed , vvhy the pretended Catholicks should refuse to take the oath of Supremacy , or refuse to come to our Churches . Their obiections and reasons answered , p. 1 , 2 , &c p. 407 , &c. See also throughout the vvhole booke for this purpose . Concerning auricular Confession , and to vvhom confession of sinnes is to be made , and that it ought to be free and voluntarie , and not forced or compelled . pag. 302 , 303 , &c. pag. 253 , 254 D FOr vvhom Christ Dyed , and to vvhom hee is a Redeemer . pag. 187 , 188 , 189 , &c Every sinne Deadly in his owne nature , although all sinnes be also veniall and remissible in respect of Gods mercie , grace , and bounty , except the sinne against the holy Ghost . pag. 114 , 115 E THe Emperor in ancient time , had the Supremacy , and not the Pope . pag. 30 The Emperor in times past , had power to place and displace Popes . pag. 27 The Emperor in ancient time , banished , imprisoned , and otherwise punished , aswell Bishops of Rome , as other Bishops . pag. 22 Hee did make Lawes concerning Ecclesiasticall causes , and religion . pag. 24 As also Commissioners in an Ecclesiasticall cause , and the B. of Rome himselfe vvas one of those Commissioners . pag. ibid. An appeale to the Emperor in an Ecclesiasticall cause , pag 24 Generall Councils in ancient times , called by the Emperor and his Authoritie . pag. 24 The Christian Emperor did , and vvas to meddle in matters of the Church , and concerning Religion , pag. 25 The Christian Emperor in ancient time , did nominate and appoint Bishops of Diocesses and Provinces , and even the Bishop of Rome himselfe . pag. 25 Emperors in ancient time , did ratifie the decrees of Councils , before they vvere put in execution . pag 28 Miltiades , Leo , and Gregory , all Bishops of Rome , in their severall times , subiect to the Emperor , and at his command . pag 24.26 Ancient Fathers , Popes of Rome , and Councils ( aswell generall as provinciall ) may erre , even in matter of faith , aswell as in matter of fact . pag. 49 , 50 , 51 , 52. &c See also the Preface for this point . The Romane Empire , dissolved , ever since the Emperors have ceased to have the soveraigne command and rule of Rome , and that the Popes have gotten to be the heads and supreme Rulers of that City , and to be above the Emperors . pa. 331.332 , and pag. 391.392.393 The Pope of Rome hath no power or authoritie from Christ , to Excommunicate any . pag. 299 &c Excommunications ( be they never so iust and lawfull ) be , by Gods law and appointment , of no force to depose from Earthly kingdomes , or to dissolve the dutie and allegeance of subiects . pag. 299 , 300 , 301 , &c F OVr Forefathers and ancestors , not to be followed in any vices or errors they held . pag 34 35 Foretold , in the Booke of God , that an apostacie from the right faith , and a mysterie of iniquitie ( otherwise called an Antichristianisme ) should come upon the Church : and that so the Church by degrees , should grow corrupted and deformed . pag. 35 , 36 ▪ 280 Foretold also how long the Church should lye in those her corruptions and errors , and vvhen she should begin to be clensed and reformed . pag. 35 , 36 VVhat is to be thought of our Forefathers that lived and dyed in the time of Popery . pag 39.40 41 , 42 Foretold that a strong delusion to beleeve lyes shou●d possesse them of the Antichristian Church , because they received not the love of the truth , extant in the divine Scriptures . pag. 307 , 308 Men are iustified in Gods sight and before his tribunall , by Faith only ; and good vvorkes be the fruits and declarations of that faith pag. 99 , 100 , 101 , &c. to the end of that chapter , and pag. 116 , 117 , 118 , &c. to the end also of that chapter . G God is not the author of sinne , pag. 168 , 169 , &c. H NOt Protestants , but Papists , be the Heretickes , pag. 72. and Schismaticks . pag. 37 , 38. pag. 413.414 , &c Not the Pope , but Christ onely , is the Head of the universall militant Church , as well as of the triumphant . pag 94 95 , 96 , 97 , 98 I VVHo is to be the infallible Iudge of controversies in religion : or ( vvhich commeth all to one effect in the conclusion ) vvhat is the infallible Rule , vvhereby men must iudge , and be directed for the finding out of truth in those controversies . pag. 49 , 50 , 51 , &c. See also the Preface for this matter . The Implicita fides of Papists reproved . pag 78 79 , 80 K KIngs have the Supremacie over all maner of persons , aswell Ecclesiasticall as Civill , vvithin their own Dominions . pa. 1. to p. 5 Their Supremacie in all kinde of causes , aswell Ecclesiasticall as Civill . pag. 5 , &c Kings and Princes , although they have the Supremacie , yet thereby claime not , nor can claime , to preach , to minister the Sacraments , to excommunicate , absolve , or to consecrate Bishops , or to doe any other act proper to the function of the Ecclesiasticall ministers , pag. 32 &c Kings and Princes be , notwithstanding their Supremacies , under God , and subiect to him and his vvord . pag. 33 Even heathen Kings may command and make Edicts and Proclamations , for God and his service . pag. 7. &c Christian Kings and Queenes are by Gods appointment to be nursing fathers , and nursing mothers to his Church and Religion . p. 7. The authoritie of a Christian King in respect of contemptuous , disorderly , and unruly persons , requisite and necessary in the Church as vvell as in the Common-weale . pag. 6 , &c Kings and Princes may command and compell their subiects to externall obedience , for God. pag. 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 10 Christian Kings may make lawes about matters Ecclesiast . p. 7 , 8.24 Hee may make Commissioners in Ecclesiasticall causes . pag. 24 He may have Appeales made unto him in a cause Ecclesiastical ib. He may nominate and appoint Bishops of Diocesses and Provinces , pag. 27. Councels and Convocations to be assembled by his authoritie , and the decrees thereof , by him to be ratified and confirmed , before they be put in execution . pag. 26 , 27 , 28 Christian Kings doe punish offendors in Ecclesiasticall causes , not Ecclesiastically , but Civilly . pag. 6 7.32 Subiects ought not to rebell against their Kings and Princes , though they be adversaries to the Christian Religion , and though subiects have power & force enough to do it . pa. 20 , 21 , 22.299 , 300 Kings of Rome did sometimes send the Bishops of Rome , as their Ambassadors . pag. 22 How thankefull subiects ought to be unto God , for Christian Kings and Princes . pag. 33 The power of the Keyes most grossely abused by the B of Rome , to vvorke his owne exaltation above Kings and Princes pag 299 , 300 , 301 , &c The Keyes of the kingdome of heaven no more given to S. Peter , then to the rest of the Apostles . pag. 292 , 293 , 294 , 295 L NO Licentiousnesse or impiety in the doctrine of Iustification by faith , or in the doctrine of predestination , or assurance of salvation , or in the doctrine of redemption , or in any point of the religion of the Protestants , but the cleane contrary , pag. 99 , 100 , &c pag. 153 , 154. &c. pag. 125 , &c pag. 404 , &c Lay persons may and ought to reade the Scriptures , and thereby to examine and try the doctrines of men , vvhether they be right or no pag. 73 , 74 , 75 , 76. &c. See also the Preface . It is impossible for meere men , by and in their owne persons , perfectly to fulfill the Law of the ten Commandements , and so to be iustified : yea , the Law vvas given to other uses and ends . pag. 108 , &c No such place as Limbus Patrum . pag. 130 , 131 , 132 M MIracles , signes , or vvonders done in the antichristian Church pag. 98 , 99 pag 306 , 307 , pag 280 , 281 Mens Merits deserve not salvation , but damnation , p. 110 , 111 , 112 113 , &c. pag 366 , 367 N THe Name of Christians , the most ancient and the most honourable . See the Preface , toward the end . The Name of Catholicks , to vvhom it rightly and properly belongeth . pag. 63 , 64 O THe Oath of Supremacie to the King , explaned and declared to be iust and lawfull . pag 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , &c. to the end of that chapter . P THe Pope got his supremacie over Emperors and Kings , partly by fraude , and partly by force . pag. 27 , 28 The Ecclesiasticall supremacie , vvhen it vvas first affected by a Bishop , vvas oppugned even by some of the B. of Rome themselves , p. 13 , 14 , 15. Divers generall Councils also against it . p 16 , 17 The Popes Supremacie , vvhat a vvicked founder it had , and how vvickedly it is still maintayned and upheld . pag. 12 Three Texts of Scripture usually alledged , for maintenance of the Popes supremacie , abused , & answered . p. 11 , 12 , p. 291 , 292 , &c Excommunication , and the power of the K●yes , abused by the Pope , for establishing & maintenance of his supremacie . p. 299 , 300 , 301 Divers vvritings forged under the names of Clemens , Anacletus , Evaristus , and other ancients , for the upholding of the Popes new Supremacie . pag. 12 The Donation of Constantine also forged for that purpose . ibid. Miracles , signes , or wonders also done for that end . p. 341 , 342 , &c Poperie is a corruption of the most ancient and Christian Religion , and is to the Church , as an infection or disease is to the body of a man , or as a plague or pestilence is to a Citie . pag. 38 Pope and Poperie exclaymed against long before Luther or Calvin vvere borne . pag. 42 , 43 , 44 , 45 , 46 , &c The Popes excommunications and curses to be contemned . pag. 44 , 45 299 Popes of Rome have erred and may erre , even in matter of faith and iudicially . pag 51 , 52 , 53 , 54. See the Preface also . No such place as Popish Purgatorie . pag. 125 , 126 , &c. to the end of that chapter . That there is a Predestination is confessed both by Protestants and Papists : the doctrine vvhereof being rightly understood , is verie sweet and comfortable , and is so farre from introducing any inconvenience , licentiousnesse , or impiety , as that it inferreth the cleane contrary . pag. 153 , 154 , 155 , 156 , 157 , 158 Predestination dependeth not upon the vvill of men , but upon the vvill of God. pag. 178.179 , 180 , &c Vocation , iustification , sanctification , and all saving graces , be consequents and effects of Election or Predestination to life everlasting . pag. 154 , &c pag. 198 , &c Predestination dependeth upon Gods foreknowledge : and vvhat that foreknowledge is . pag. 194 , 195 , 196 , &c Faith foreseene , and good vvorkes foreseene , be not the cause of Predestination , but the effect and a consequent thereunto . ibid. The doctrine of Predestination teacheth no dissoluten●sse or carelesnesse , but the cleane contrary . pag 154 , 155 , &c. p. 199 , 200 , &c Predestination teacheth no man utterly to despaire , though he be exceedingly vvicked and impious for the present ( inasmuch as there is a possibilitie to be converted , so long as life lasteth ) as likewise it teacheth no man rashly or unadvisedly to presume . p. 157 , 158 , 198 , 200 , &c The Popish Masse , and Popish Priesthood thereto belonging , both abominable . pag. 217 , 218 , 219 , &c VVhat maner of Primacie it vvas , that Peter had amongst the Apostles . pag. 295 , 296 , &c Popish Priests be not the Ministers of Christ , but of Antichrist , and therefore to resort to them , as if they had commission or authoritie from Christ to give absolution or forgivenesse of sins , is vvicked and in vaine . pag. 302. &c. Q ALl Questions and controversies concerning faith and religion , to be decided and determined by the sacred and canonicall Scriptures , pag. 49 , 50 , &c. See also the Preface , throughout . R THat there is a Reprobation , aswell as an Election , and vvhat it is . pag. 165 , &c Reprobation and Election , both at one time : and the cause vvhy this man in particular vvus chosen , and that man refused , is Gods own meere will and pleasure . pag. 196 , 197 , 198 None can certainly determine of himselfe before-hand , that hee is a reprobate , though he be for the present exceedingly vvicked and ungodly , because God may possibly call and convert him , before hee dye . p. 157.158 . p 199 , 200 Rome apparantly proved to be the vvhore of Babylon . p. 246 , & o. Bellarmine himselfe & other Papists , confesse Rome to be the whore of Babylon . pag. 247 The evasion they make , that onely heathen Rome is there intended , is shewed to be very vaine and false . pag. 247 , 248 , 249 , &c Some special spiritual whoredomes , that is , Idolatries of the Romish Church . p●g . 258 , 259 , 260 , &c VVho is the Rock and foundation , vvhereupon the Church is builded pag. 292 , 293. &c. S THe Spirit that speaketh in the sacred Scriptures , is not a private or humane spirit , but a divine spirit , even the Spirit of God. And by this Spirit speaking in those Scriptures , is every spiri● speaking in men , to be tryed . pag. 53 , 54 Exposition of one place of Scripture , must be such as agreeth vvith the rest of the Scriptures . pag. 58 59 A rule to k●ow , vvhen a man speaketh by a private Spirit of his owne , and vvhen not . pag. 53.54 The true Church to be tried and knowne by the sacred and canonical Scriptures . pag. 59 , 60 , 61 , 62 Some bookes held by the Papists to be canonicall Scriptures which the ancient Church held not to be so . pag. 65 66 The publicke prayers and Service in the Church , should be in such a tongue as the people might understand . pag 67 The originals of the Scripture incorrupt , and to be preferred before that vvhich is called S Hieromes Translation , and all other Translations vvhatsoever . pag. 67 68 69.70 The English Translation of the Scripture is rightly iustified , against the uniust exceptions of Papists . pag. 71 Not any humane learning , or private spirit of any man , but God only and his Spirit , is the opener and unfolder of the true sense of the divine Scriptures . pag. 73 , 74 Lay people may and ought to reade the Scriptures . pag. 73 , 74 , 75 76 , 77. See also the Preface . That there be but two Sacraments of the new Testament properly so called : and that Confirmation , Penance , Mariage , Orders , and Extreme unction ▪ be not Sacraments , properly . pag. 204 , 205 , 206 , 207 208 , 209 , 210 , &c That the Sacraments doe not give grace ex opere operato , by the verie vvorke or action done by the Minister , but grace commeth and is given another vvay . pag. 215 , 216 T TRaditions not specified in the Scriptures , affirmed to be Apostolicall , there being no assured proofe that they came undoubtedly and originally from the Apostles , be not to be urged or imposed upon the faith of men . pag. 57 , 58 , &c How men in ancient time vvere deceived by Traditions , said and supposed to be Apostolicall . See the Preface . That these Traditions be needlesse , because the sacred and canonicall Scriptures , vvithout them , be perfectly and completely sufficient for all instruction of truth , concerning divine and heavenly matters . pa. 57 , 58.64 , &c. See also the Preface . V THat the Bishop of Rome , if hee vvere a good and orthodoxe Bishop , is no more the Vicar of Christ then other Bishops are . pag. 97 To vvhat Vse and end God gave his Law of the Ten Commandements , pag. 151.152 . it being impossible to be exactly and perfectly fulfi●led by men , by reason of the vve●kenesse that is in all flesh : and ●hat God therein is neither cruell , tyrannicall , or uniust . p. 151 , 152. and pag. 108 , 109 , &c W GOod Workes , be the effect and fruite of a iustifying faith , and doe not iustifie in Gods sight . pag. 101 , &c. p 112 &c There is a reward belonging to good Workes , but it is a reward of bountie and grace , and not of merit or due desert by men , pag. 113 , 114 , &c. Good Workes be the vvay that men must vvalke in , towards the kingdome of God , but they be not the cause of their comming thither . pag. 105 , &c. Good Workes , and a good life , and godly conversation must be observed , but not to purchase or merit heaven thereby ( for it cost a greater price ) but for other godly uses and ends . pag. 110.111 . 112 , &c. pag. 121.122.123 , 124 ▪ pag. 151.152 ●o good Workes in Gods sight and censure before faith received . pag , 147 ●●od Works done after faith received , do not merit at Gods hands , ●or iustifie in his sight . pag. 148.149.150 ●orkes of supererogation most abominable . pag. 151.152 ●orkes of mens owne invention and devising done for and in the ●way of Gods service and religion , not commanded by him , nor warranted by his VVord , whatsoever good intention is pretended , ●e neverthelesse not good nor approved in his sight and censure . pa. 145.146 FINIS TABULAE . ERRATA . PAg 1 in marg . 1. Pet. 5.12 . for 1. Pet. 5.1 , 2. pag. 3. l. 1. audiens , for erudiens . p. 10. l. 6. kno● for knew . p. 11. l. 17. otger for other , p. 27. l. 25. Grantzius , for Crantzius . p. 74. l. 10. hirdly for thirdly . p. 96. l. 19. ( alwayes ) to be blotted out . p. 109 l. 22. Clesiphontem , for Ctesipho●●●● p. 111. l. 29 manifested , for magnified p. 116. l 18. reade , in this sense p. 128. l. 28. able to dye , 〈◊〉 able to doe it p. 130. l. 31. highest , for highest . p. 139. l. 37. ( himselfe ) to be blotted out . p. 148. ● marg . Psal 3.12 for Phil 3.12 . & ib. Gal. 5 . 1● . for Gal. 5.17 . p. 159 l 4. sim , for sum . p. 177. l ● h●●gh , for though p. 190. l. 28. bloud , for beloved p. 193 l. 1. sinnes , for sinne . p. 200. l. 14 ( of ) to 〈◊〉 blotted . p. 207. l. 13. outward , for inward . p. 211. l 31. end , for and p. 212. l. 25 popist , for ●●●pish . p. 216. l. 1. in marg . Graces , for Grace . p 222. l. 7 member , for members . p. 231. l. 25. Tra●●substation , for Transubstantiation . p. 232. l. 6. aswell sense , for aswell as sense . & l. 7. Transubsta●●tiation , for Transubstantiation . p 239. l. 30. manet , for manent . p 43. l 13. ef , for of . p. 184. ● marg ▪ Io● . 4.10 . for 1. Ioh. 4.10 . & Ioh. 4.19 . for 1. Ioh. 4.19 . p. 253. l. 8. it , for is and l. 26. & ● ( in good measure ) to be blotted p 254. l. 26. Espencaelus , for Espencaeus . p. 256 l. 6. continua●●● for c●●ntenance . p 263. in marg . Exod. 23.8 . for Exod 32.8 p. 271 l. 28 due , for done . p. 283. l. ● reade , Titus Vespasian and the rest , &c p. 296. l. 1 ▪ althought , for although & l. 25. Legall , 〈◊〉 Regall . p. 318. l. 3. fable , for fables . p. 331. l. 31. Imperio , for l. 'imperio . & l 37. had led , for han●● p. 332 l 1. for , for so p. 341. l. 6 no , for not . p. 343 l. 11. redigerint , for redegerint . and l. 9 , & ● qurdringentos , for quadringentos , & l. 23 Empires , for Empire . p. 361 l 9 Doranus , for Dor●●nus p. 380. l. 15 & 21. et , for est p 387. l. 25. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 39● . l 5. Apostles , for Ap●●stle . p. 393 l. 26. or three ) to be blotted p. 395. l. 1 , 2. ( in the Church , relation to Antichrist , 〈◊〉 whose spirit they speake , as S. Iohn affirmeth ) to be blotted . p. 400. l. 20. true-Christians , 〈◊〉 true-Christian . p. 410. l 22. bni ▪ for bin . p. 243. l 4. heree , for here p. 296 in marg l 6. petrus ●●●spondet , for unus respondit . p. 380. l. 20. Theodorum . for medorum . p 48 Finis libri primi ▪ 〈◊〉 Finis primae partis hujus libri p. 63 l 26. that , for the. & l. 5. uphold , for hold . p. 64. l. 37. pr●●structae , for praestructa p. 27. l. 21. Minister , for Ministers . p. 69. l. 1. perish , for passe . p. 119. l ● for not p 16 l. 15. by them , for to them . p. 88. l. 4. strang , for strange p. 100. l. 5 truth , for trut●● p. 113. l. 26. ( to ) superfluous . p. 38● . l. 34. odoravit , for adoravit . p 345. l 19. velunt , for velut 〈◊〉 358. l 24. Apostolici , for Apostoli . p. 365. l. 3. after peace , add , and ioy . p 375. l. 32. of prohibi●●●on , for of a prohibition p. 40. in marg . for , Cyprian in psalmo , ad quid Iustificationes meas 〈◊〉 assumis Testamentum meum per os tuum . read , Cyprian lib. 2. Epist. 3. ad Caecilium . p. 3●● l. 1. ( howres ) to be blotted . p. 401. l 26. licentiousnes , for , covetousnes . Other faults may also escape in the printing , which I desire the Reader to correct wit● his pen. THE FIRST PART of the BOOKE . CAP. I. Concerning the Kings Supremacie , and the Oath in that behalfe to be taken . HIS MAIESTIES Supremacie is chiefly considerable in two respects : namely , in respect of Persons , and in respect of Things or Causes . First then concerning his Supremacy in respect of Persons ( Ecclesiasticall as well as Civill ) within his owne Dominions , who can iustly denie it him ? Doth not S. Peter expresly require of all Christians that live within the Dominion of anie King , that they should submit themselves unto him , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as unto the chiefe , or supreame person , over them ? It is evident , that hee calleth the King chiefe or supreame , not onely in respect of Dukes , Earles , or other temporall Governors ( as the Rhemists would have it ) but in respect of all the rest likewise , were they Bishops , Pastors , Clergie men , or whosoever : for , hee writeth that his Epistle , not to Heathens , but to Christians ; and amongst them , not to the Lay people onely , but to such also as were Presbyters ▪ and did 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Doe the office of Bishops amongst them ; requiring even them , as well as the rest , to yeeld their subiection and submission unto him . And doth not S. Paul also require the same subiection and obedience to be performed , by all maner of persons , to their King ▪ and Princes ? For thus he saith : Let every soule be subiect to the higher Powers ; for there is no power but of God : and , the powers that be , be ordayned of God. VVhosoever therefore resisteth the power , resisteth the ordinance of God : and they that resist , shall receive to themselves Iudgement , or , Condemnation . And againe hee saith : VVherefore ye must be subiect , not onely because of vvrath , but also for Conscience sake . Now then , if every one must be subiect to Kings , Princes , and these higher Powers , which thus beare the civill sword ( as both these Apostles of Christ doe here cleerly testifie ) it is apparant , that Kings and Princes , and these higher powers , be , and must needs be granted to be supreame , to whom all the rest , within their Dominions , be thus required to be subiect . Yea , S. Paul writing that his Epistle to the Church of Rome , and requiring every Soule therein , to bee subiect to these higher Powers , sheweth , that not onely Lay people , but all within the Ecclesiasticall order also , even as manie as have soules , should be subiect to these higher powers . And therefore S. Chrysostome , upon this place , saith directly : Sive Apostolus , sive Evangelista , sive Propheta , sive quisquis tandem fueris , &c. Everie soule must be subiect to the higher powers , yea , though you bee an Apostle , or an Evangelist , or a Prophet , or whosoever you be . And he further addeth , saying ; Neque enim pietatem subvertit ista subiectio : For neither doth this subiection overthrow pietie or godlinesse . And so saith Theodoret likewise upon this Text : Sive est Sacerdo● aliquis , sive Antistes , sive Monasticam vitam professus , us cedat quibus sunt mandati Magistratus ; whether he be a Priest or a Prelate , or professe a Monasticall life , hee must submit himselfe to those , to whom Magistracie is committed . Theophilact upon the same Text , speaketh in like sort ; Vniversos erudit , sive Sacerdos sit ille , sive Monachus , sive Apostolus , ut se principibus subdant , cuiusmodi subiectio nil prorsus est Dei sublatura cognitionem : S. Paul instructeth all ( saith he ) whether he be a Priest , or a Monke , or an Apostle , that they should subiect themselves to Princes ; which kind of subiection will in no sort take away the knowledge of God. Likewise speaketh Oecumenius : Instruens omnem animam , & audiens , ut licet Sacerdos quispiam sit , licet Monachus , licet Apostolus , potestatibus subijciatur ; That S. Paul teacheth and instructeth everie soule , that though he be a Priest , though a Monke , though an Apostle , he must be subiect to these higher Powers . Bernard also , writing to the Archbishop of Senona , alleageth this Text , Let every soule be subiect to the higher powers : and addeth further , Si omnis anima , & vestra : Quic vos excepit ab universitate ? If everie soule must be subiect , then must your soule also : for who hath excepted you from this universalitie ? Yea Aeneas Silvius ( who was himselfe afterward a Pope of Rome , called Pope Pius the second ) alleaging this Text , saith , Omnis anima potestatibus sublimioribus subdita sit ; nec excipit animam Papae : Let everie soule be subiect to the higher powers ; neither ( saith hee ) doth he except herein , the soule of the Pope himselfe . And Gregory ( who was also himselfe a Pope of Rome ) in an Epistle to the Emperor Mauritius , in the person of Christ , saith thus unto him , Sacerdotes meos manui tuae commisi ; I have committed my Priests to thy hand . And in another Epistle hee saith , that Dominari non solum militibus ; sed etiam sacerdotibus concessit : God hath made the Emperor , ruler , not only over Souldiers , but over Priests also . Hee further calleth the Emperors , his Lords , & saith , that Potestas super omnes homines , dominorum meorum pietati , coelitus data est : Power over all men , is given from heaven , to the pietie of my Lords . And this supremacie doth also Optatus expresly acknowledge , saying , Super Imperatorem non est , nisi solus Deus , qui fecit Imperatorem : Above the Emperor is not anie but God onely , that made the Emperor . And this againe did all the ancient Christian Church acknowledge in Tertullians time , saying thus , Colimus Imperatorem , ut hominem à Deo secundum , & solo Deo minorem : Wee Christians honour our Emperor , as the man next unto God , and inferior onely to God. Againe hee saith , that they held their Emperors to be under the power of God onely : à quo sunt secundi , post quem primi , from whom they bee the second , and after whom they be the first . Kings therefore , who have the like preeminence & authoritie within their kingdomes , that the Emperors had within their Empire , must , of all that will be right and Orthodox Christians bee acknowledged to have the Supremacie , or ( which is all one ) the supreme government , over all persons , within their own kingdomes and dominions , of what sort soever , whether they be Lay or Ecclesiasticall . And this is further confirmed by the sixt Toletan Councel , which speaking of Chintillanus the King , saith thus ; Nefas est in dubium deducere eius potestatem , cui omnium gubernatio superno constat delegata Iudicio : It is an heinous offence to call his power into doubt , to whom it is apparant that the governement of all is committed by Gods appointment . How intollerably iniurious then , is the Popish Clergie , which will not acknowledge this subiection ? but if it so fall out that anie of them be Robbers , Traytors , Rebels , Murtherers , or how great offendors soever in a Commonweale , yet hold themselves neverthelesse free , by reason of their Order , from ●riall , for those offences , in Kings Courts . This , you see , is directly repugnant to the Institution and word of God , and to the opinion and practise of the Primitive and ancient Church , and was moreover long sithence condemned ( as it was well worthie ) by Marsilius of Padua ▪ as a new devise , and not so new as pestiferous , occasioning the ruine of States , and inducing a plurality of Soveraignties in one kingdome : yea , from hence all scandals grow , and which standing ( saith he ) civill discord shall never have an end . Is not then the position of such Priests and Iesuites as Emanuel Sa is , iustly to bee condemned ; who , in his Aphorismes , at the word Clericus , affirmeth , that , Clerici rebellio in Regem non est Crimen loesae Maiestatis , quia non est subditus Regis : The Rebellion of a Clergie man against the king , is no Treason , because he is not the kings subiect . And so likewise saith Bellarmine ; Non sunt amplius Reges Clericorum Superiores : Kings be no longer Soveraignes or superiors to Clergie men . Doe not these appeare to bee most grosse , disloyall , and detestable opinions ? But thus a New King is raised over the Popes Clergie , that the Scripture might be fulfilled , which saith , They have a King over them , vvhich is the Angel of the bottomlesse pit , who in Hebrew is called Abaddon , and in Greeke Apollyon , that is in English , a Destroyer : namely , the degenerate Bishop of Rome , ( that grand 〈◊〉 , as 〈…〉 proved ) who hath thus bereaved and robbed King● of 〈◊〉 naturall borne subiects , and of their ancient Supremacie , and most rightful authoritie over them . 2 That the King is a Governour within his owne kingdomes and dominions , is a matter so evident , as that it needeth no proofe : for he is called Rex à Regendo , ● King in respect of his rule and governement . And S. Peter ( agreeing hereunto ) teacheth , that not onely the King , but even other Magistrates also that be under the King , be Governours ▪ and instituted for the punishment of evill doers , & for the praise of them that doe well : S. Paul also speaketh the like of Princes or Governours that beare the sword , that , They are not to be feared for good vvorkes , but for evill : vvilt thou then be vvithout feare of the power ? Doe vvell ( saith hee ) so shalt thou have praise of the same : for he is the minister of God for thy good : But , if thou doe evill , then feare , for he beareth not the sword in vaine : for he is the minister of God , to take vengeance on him that doth evill . You here then cleerely perceive , that Kings and Princes bee Governors : and 〈…〉 before that they be supreme ; which being put together , necessarily concludeth them to be , under God , the supreme Governors , within their owne Dominions . Now that their governement and authoritie extendeth to causes Ecclesiasticall as well as 〈…〉 ▪ is a thing likewise verie manifest : for as there is here no exception of anie person , so is there also no exception or difference put , of anie cause ; but whosoever transgresseth or offendeth , or doth evill , be it in what kinde of cause soever , hee is here made subiect to this sword , power , and authoritie of Kings and Princes , and punishable by it . And doth not verie reason it selfe also perswade this ? For even in Christian States , it is possible for Bishop● and other Ecclesiasticall ministers , to transgresse and offend , as touching the execution and administration of their Ecclesiasticall offices and functions , as well as other men may in their offices and places . As for example , If they or anie of them would not suffer a childe , or anie other , to bee baptized which were not to be denied baptisme ; or if they should excommunicate anie , upon meere spleen and malice , without anie iust cause ; or if after a iust excommunication , the person excommunicate should afterward publiquely testifie his repentance , and thereupon desire to be reconciled and received againe into the Church , and yet for all that , should most uniustly be held out , and be denied absolution or reconciliation : Do not these and such like offences , though committed by Ecclesiasticall persons , and in causes Ecclesiasticall , deserve punishment by the Civill Sword , and authoritie of a Christian King ? If you say , That such an offendor may be censured by such as be Clergie men , and have Ecclesiasticall authoritie over him : That hindreth not , but that a King may neverthelesse punish him also civilly , especially where the Lawes of the kingdome do so permit or appoint : For in such cases , without anie wrong or iniurie , may one and the selfe same offence be punished both wayes , viz. both Civilly , and Ecclesiastically . Your selves doe know , that Bishops and Clergie men cannot ( by vertue of that their Ecclesiasticall office and authoritie ) punish anie offendors civilly , but onely Ecclesiastically , as namely , by deprivation , or excommunication , or such like censures of the Church : But Kings and Princes punish offendors in ecclesiasticall causes , after another sort , namely , not ecclesiastically , ( as Bishops doe ) but Civilly , as by corporall imprisonment , pecuniarie punishment , and such like temporall paines belonging to their authoritie . So that both Civill and Ecclesiasticall authoritie , doe and may well stand together , without doing anie wrong , yea , as friends and helpers the one to the other . But to illustrate this matter yet further ; Admit Clergie men have excommunicated a man , or sentenced him to be deprived , or pronounced him to be an Hereticke , or done all they can , against him , by the power of the keyes , and of the Church censures , and that neverthelesse he still , and evermore , persisteth a scorner and contemner of all that they can doe against him : Is it not meete and requisite ( thinke you ) that such a one should be punished civilly , and by the Kings authoritie ? For what other remedie is there left in such a case ? You see then , how expedient and necessarie the governement and authoritie of a Christian King is , even in respect of the Church , and Church affaires ; as well as of the Common-weale , and Common-weale causes : and that in respect of offend●rs in Ecclesiasticall causes that be unruly , wilfull , obstinate , and contemptuous , the Church hath as much neede of him , as the Common-weale . Whilest therefore the king punisheth offendors in Ecclesiasticall causes , not ecclesiastically and by Church censures ( as Clergie men doe ) but civilly , and by a regall power and authoritie , it is such a cleere & evident a right , as none can with anie colour of reason gainsay or disallow . Yea , even Heathen and Pagan Kings have this power and authoritie , to make lawes and proclamations for the worship and service of the true GOD , and to inflict punishment upon the breakers & violaters of those their lawes and proclamations ; although they doe not alwayes put that their power and authoritie in execution for God , as they ought , but most commonly abuse it against him : And yet sometime , we see , they doe extend it , and put it in execution for God , as it is evident in the examples of Artashast King of Persia , Nebuchadnezar King of Babell , and Darius King of the M●des ; as also by some other Heathen Emperors mentioned in Eusebius . If then ( as is manifest ) Heathen and Pagan kings have this power and authoritie ( albeit they doe no● alwaies extend it , and put it in execution for God ) : by what right or reason can it be denied to Christian Kings and Princes , so to doe ? Yea , by Gods owne most gracious providence , Christian Kings and Queenes are to be nursing fathers and nursing mothers to his Church and Religion : for so the Prophet Esay directly witnesseth . And therefore is it , that they not onely may make Lawes for Christ ( for so S. Augustine likewise saith , that , Serviunt reges Christo , leges ferendo pro Christo , Kings serve Christ , by making lawes for Christ ) but they may also command , and externally compell , their subiects , if they stubbornly be Re●●sants and wilfull , to become obedient in that behalfe . For so did the godly and religious Kings of Iudah : as for example , King Asa , King Manasseth ▪ and king Iosiah . The Donatists , were the first , that denied this authoritie of Kings in matters Ecclesiasticall : Against whom therefore S. Augustine disputeth at large in sundry places . VVhy doe the Donatists ( saith he ) acknowledge the force of the laws to be iustly executed against other malefactors , and deny the same to be done against heretickes and schismaticks ; seeing that by the authoritie of the Apostle , they be alike reckoned with the same fruits of iniquity ? yea if a King should not regard such things , why then ( saith he ) doth he beare the sword ? Againe hee saith : Mirantur quia commoventur potestates Christianae adversus detestandos dissipatores Ecclesiae : Si non ergo moverentur , quo modo redderent rationem de Imperio su● Deo ? They marvaile that these Christian Powers be moved against the detestable wasters of the Church : If they should not be moved against such , how should they render an account to God of their rule or governement ? Thinkest thou ( saith he to Vincentius ) that no man ought to be forced to righteousnesse , vvhen as thou readest , that the Master said unto his servant , Compell all that you finde to come in ▪ &c. Where is now ( saith he to Bonifacius ) that vvhich these Donatists harpe at so much , viz. That it is free for a man to beleeve ▪ or not to beleeve ? what violence did Christ use ? whom did hee compell ? Behold Paul for an example : Let them marke in him , first , Christ compelling , and afterward teaching ; first striking , and then comforting . Let them not mislike that they be forced , but examine whereto they be sorted ▪ And cyting that part of the second Psalme ( Be vvise ye kings , understand yee that iudge the earth , Serve the Lord in feare ) hee saith thus : How doe kings serve the Lord in feare , but when they forbid and punish vvith a religious severitie , those things which be done against the commandements of God ? As Ezechias did serve him , by destroying the groves and Temples , builded against the precept of God : As Iosiah did in like maner : As the king of Nineveh also did , forcing the vvhole City to please God : As Nebuchadnezar likewise did , restraining all his subiects from blaspheming God , with a dreadfull law . 3 As for the reason of Gaudentius : that the peace of Christ invited such as were willing , but forced no man unwilling ▪ the same S. Augustine again answereth it , & speaketh on this manner ▪ VVhere you thinke ( saith he ) that none must be forced to truth against their wils , you be deceived , not knowing the Scriptures , nor the power of God ; vvhich maketh them willing afterward , vvhich were unwilling at the first . Did the Ninivites repent against their will , because they did it at the compulsion of their king ? VVhat needed the kings expresse commandement that all should humbly submit themselves to God , but that there were some amongst them , vvhich never vvould have regarded nor beleeved Gods message , had they not beene terrified by the kings Edict ? This princely power and authoritie , giveth many men occasion to be saved , vvhich though they vvere violently brought to the feast of the great Housholder , yet being once compelled to come in , they finde there good cause to reioyce , that they did enter , though at first against their wills . And when Petilian also obiected that no man ought to be forced by lawes , to godlinesse , S. Augustine still answereth , and saith , Preposterous vvere discipline , to revenge your ill living , but vvhen you first contemne the doctrine that teacheth you to live vvell : And even those that make lawes to bridle your headinesse , are they not they that beare the sword ( as Paul speaketh ) not in vaine , being Gods ministers and executors of wrath on him that doth ill ? Yea S. Augustine teacheth further directly , that it is the office & dutie of Kings and Princes , to compell their subiects , although not to faith , yet to the outward meanes of faith ; which is comming to the Churches and assemblies of Gods people , there to heare the word of God read and preached , and to doe other Christian dueties there used : For howsoever , it be granted that God only worketh faith in mens soules , and not Men , nor the power of Kings ; yet thereupon it followeth not , but that Kings may neverthelesse command and compell them to external obedience , and cause them to present their bodies , in those Churches and assemblies where the ordinarie meanes of faith and salvation is to be had . And as for Gods inward working upon their soules , and his blessing upon that outward meanes , when they be in those Assemblies , Kings and Princes doe , and must , leave those things unto God alone , as being things not included within their power to give , nor within the power of anie earthly creature whosoever . Some of the Donatists , in ancient time , rather then they would be forced from their fancies , were so wilful , unnaturall , and impious , as that they slew themselves : yet did this nothing hinder the Church of God , but that Donatists for all that , were compelled , by vertue of Princes lawes , to their due obedience , without anie respect , or regard had , to such their wicked and desperate doings . I vvas once so minded ( saith S. Augustine ) that I thought no man ought to be forced to Christian unity , but that vvee should deale by perswasion , strive by disputing , and conquer by reasoning , lest they proved dissembling Catholickes vvhom we know to be professed Heretickes : But afterward , as himselfe sheweth , he altered this opinion , upon better advisement ; teaching , That as it is fit , that men that be in error touching Religion , should be admonished , instructed , and dealt withall by perswasion : so , if they neglect , scorne , or contemne admonitions , and instructions , or doe grow wilfull , stubborne , perverse , and obstinate , upon no ground of reason , they are iustly worthie to be punished according to the lawes . For , what a vaine & idle thing is it for anie to say . It is against their conscience to come to our Churches , there to heare Gods word read and preached , to pray unto God with us , to thanke him for all his benefites , to be present and partakers of his Sacraments , and of other godly and religious exercises there used ; and yet can shew no reason at all for this their doing ? A blinde conscience ( such as this , and every other is , that hath not anie good reason to shew for it selfe ) is to be corrected and reformed , and not to be followed . And therfore doth S. Augustine yet further , say expresly , touching this matter : That it is enioyned Kings from God , ut in Regno suo bona iubeant , mala prohibeant , non solum quae ad humanam societatem pertinent , verum etiam quae ad Divinam Religionem : that in their Kingdomes , they should command good things , & forbid evill things ; not onely such things as belong to humane societie , but such things also as belong to Gods Religion . Can anie thing be more plainely , or more directly spoken for this purpose ? 4 It is true , that the Oath of Supremacy , conteyneth in it , not onely an affirmative clause ▪ that The King is the onely supreme Governor of this Realme , and of all other his Highnesse Dominions and countreyes , &c. but a negative clause also , viz. that No forraine Prince , person , Prelate , State , or Potentate hath , or or ought to have , anie Iurisdiction , power , superioritie , preeminence , or authoritie Ecclesiasticall or Spirituall , within this Realme &c. And why should wee not all frankely and freely acknowledge this ? For ( beside that the effect of this negative clause , is included in the former affirmative ) what hath anie forraine Prince or Prelate to doe , within anie the Kings Dominions , without his leave and licence ? For , as touching the Bishop of Rome ( otherwise called the Pope ) concerning whom all the scruple is made : his authoritie is by Act of Parliament directly banished and abolished out of all his Maiesties Dominions . So that by anie humane Law , or constitution , of force in this kingdome , he neither hath , nor can challenge anie authoritie at all ; much lesse a supremacy , amongst us . How then doth he claime it ? Or which way can he have it ? Is it by anie Divine Institution ? That hath been often pretended ( I know ) but could never yet be proved , nor ever will be . For as for those three Texts of Scripture which be usually alledged , namely , the one in Matth. 16 ▪ Tu es Petrus & super hanc Pet●●● &c. and Luk. 22. Ora●i pro te Petre , &c. and Ioh. 21. Pasce oves meas &c. They have beene often heretofore , as they be againe afterward , examined , and cleerely shewed , to make nothing for him , in respect of anie supremacy , eyther Civill or Ecclesiasticall . In the meane time , will you be pleased to heare , what some great learned men , even of former times ( when Poperie was not altogether so grosse and bad as it is in these daies ) have written of this matter ? Cusanus a Cardinall did himselfe dispute in his time , against them that thought the Pope to have more power and authoritie then otger Bishops ; Oportet primum , si hoc verum foret , Petrum aliquid à Christ● singularitatis recepisse , & Papam in hoc successorem esse ; sed scimus quod Petrus nihil plus potestatis à Christo accepit , alijs Apostolis : First , if this were true , then must Peter have received something singular from Christ , and that the Pope be his successor therein : but we know ( saith he ) that Peter received from Christ no more power or authoritie , then the rest of the Apostles . Aeneas Silvia● likewise , who was afterward himselfe a Pope of Rome , hath written a Booke of the Acts and proceedings of the Councell of Basil : and first handling that Text , Tu es Petrus , & super hanc petram , &c. he saith thus ; A quibus verbis ideo placuit e●ordiri , quod aliqui verba haec ad extollendam Romani Pontificis authoritatem , solen● 〈…〉 sed , ut statim patebit , alius est verborum Christi sensus : Of which words , it therefore pleased mee to begin , for that some are wont to alledge these words for the extolling of the authoritie of the Pope of Rome : but , as shall by and by appeare , there is ( saith he ) another sense or meaning of those words of Christ. Iohn Gerson also , Chancellor of the Vniversitie of Paris , inveighing against flatterie and flatterers of the Pope , saith , That this offence was given by such , as would prove his Iurisdiction from certaine Texts of Scripture ; as , Tu es Petrus , super hanc Petram , &c. and , Oravi pro te Petre , &c. and such like : which Texts ( saith he ) bee taken by these flatterers , grosse , & non secundum regulam Evangelicam , grossely , and not according to the rule of the Gospell . Observe well these speeches ; for they tell you , how much these Texts of Scripture , both heretofore have beene , and still be , herein abused : it being indeed a thing certaine , that neither to the civill Supremacie , nor yet to the ecclesiasticall , the Pope can make anie good title . In times past he claimed the one , or , at least a great part of the Empire , by a pretended gift or donation of Constantine the Emperor . But that supposed donation and conveyance , hath beene long since shewed to be a forged and counterfeit thing , and that , not onely by Protestants , but by Papists also : as namely , by Valla , by Volateran , by Antoninus , Catalanus : by Canus also , loc . Theol. lib. 1. cap. 5. and by Pope Pius the second , as Balbus witnesseth , and by sundrie others . In like manner he claimed , in ancient time , an ecclesiasticall supremacie , by a supposed Canon of the Councell of Nice : but that was also , upon examination , found to be a forged and counterfeit Canon ; and so discovered and made evident to the world , by the sundrie Bishops of those times , assembled in Councels . And divers other forged Authors , they likewise alledge for this purpose : as for example , certaine Decretall Epistles under the name● of Clemens , Anacletus , Evaristus , Sixtus , Tele●phorus , Higi●s , Pius , Anicetus , Victor , &c. of which Epistles , Bellarmine himselfe speaking , saith , Nec indubitatas esse affirmare audeam , that neither durst he affirme them to be undoubted or uncounterfeit . Such forged , suspicious , and counterfeit writings therefore can make no good or sure title to the Pope , but , contrariwise , doe make the matter the more evident and the more odious against him . Yea , even the title & appellation of universall Bishop ( wherin consisteth the summe and substance of the ecclesiasticall Supremacie he claimeth ) did two Bishops of Rome themselves in ancient time , oppugne & stand against , when it was first affected by Iohn , the Bishop and Patriarch of Constantinople : for , first , Pelagius , and then Gregory the great ( both Bishops of Rome ) withstood it . Let no Patriarch ( saith Pelagius ) use so prophane a Title . Againe ( he saith ) God forbid that it should ever fall into the heart of a Christian , to assume any thing unto himselfe , vvhereby the honour of his brethren may be debased : for this cause , I , in my Epistles , never call any by that name , for feare lest by giving him more then is his due , I might seeme to take away even that which of right belongeth to him . For ( saith he ) The Divell our adversary goeth about like a roaring Lyon , exercising his rage upon the humble and meeke hearted , and seeking to devoure , not now the sheepe-coats , but even the principall members of the Church . And againe ( hee saith ) Consider ( my brethren ) vvhat is like to ensue , &c. For he commeth neere unto him , of whom it is written , This is he which is King over all the children of Pride : which words I speake , with griefe of mind , in that I see our brother and fellow Bishop , Iohn , in despite of the commandement of our Saviour , the precepts of the Apostles , and Canons of the Church , by this haughty name , to make himselfe his forerunner , that is , the forerunner of the King of Pride , ( namely , of Antichrist . ) And he further addeth , that hereby Iohn went about to attribute to himselfe , those things , which properly belong to the head himselfe , that is , to Christ , and by the usurpation of this Pompous Title , to bring under his subiection ▪ all the members of Christ. And therefore ( hee saith ) They must beware that this Tentation of Satan prevaile not over them , either to give , or to take this title of universall Bishop . Gregory the great , was likewise verie vehement and earnest against it . By this Arrogancy and Pride , ( saith he ) what else is portended , but that the time of Antichrist is now at hand ? in that he imitateth him , who making light of that happinesse which he possessed in common with the whole army of Angels , would needs aspire to a singularitie above all the rest . Againe hee saith , All those that have read the Gospel , know well , vvhat the Lord said unto Peter , &c howbeit , he is not called the universall Apostle : and yet behold , my fellow Priest , Iohn , seeketh to be called the universall Bishop . I am now forced to cry out , O the times , and ô the maners of men . Europe is now exposed for a prey to the Barbarians : and yet , the Priests , vvho should lye along in the dust , upon the Pavement , vveeping and rowling themselves in ashes , seeke after names of vanity , and boast themselves of their new found prophane Ti●les . And againe he saith : VVhat vvilt thou answer unto Christ , vvho is the true head of the universall Church , in that day of Iudgement , seeing that by this name of universall Bishop thou seekest to bring under , all the members of his body , unto thy selfe ? whom dost thou imitate herein , save onely him , vvho in contempt of those legions of Angels , vvhich vvere his fellowes sought to mount aloft to the Top of Singularity , vvhere he might be subiect to none , and all others subiect unto him ? Againe , he saith , The king of Pride is at hand , and ( vvhich I dread to speake ) an army of Priests standeth ready to receive him : For they that vvere appointed to chalke out the vvay of meekenesse , and of humblenesse , doe now become souldiers unto that ne●ke of Pride , vvhich lifteth it s●lfe up . And againe , he saith , Not to speake of the vvrong , vvhich he hereby doth unto other Bishops ; If there be one called universall Bishop ▪ then must the universall Church goe to the ground , if he vvhich is universall happen to fall : but never may such foolery befall us , never may this vveakenesse come unto my eares . And againe , he sai●h , I speake ●t confidently , that vvhosoever calleth himselfe , or des●reth to be called universall Priest is , in that his elation of minde , the forerunner of Antichrist . And , a great deale more doth he write to this effect , against it . But notwithstanding that both these Bishops of Rome , were herein thus earnest and vehement , yet neverthelesse after the death of this Gregory the great , Sabinianus succeeded , who was Bishop but for a verie little space ; & then came in Boniface the third , to be Pope of Rome , who obteyned of Phocas the Emperor ( who was a Traytor and murtherer of his predecessor , and liege Lord , the Emperor Mauritius ) that new and proud title of universal Bishop , or headship , over the whole Church : For so also testifieth Paulus Diaconus , Abbas Vspergensis , Platina , Otho Frisingensis , Marianus Scotus , Sabellicus , Blondus , and other Historians . So that this appeareth to be , then and in those times , a verie new device , and a new matter , not heard of before in the Church , and consequently could not be a declaration of a thing ever before acknowledged , as Bellarmine would most strangely perswade . Howbeit , he alledgeth , that before that time , Iustinian called the Church of Rome , the head of all the Churches : And this is true , but , in that sense in which he called also that other , namely , the Church of Constantinople , by the same name , saying likewise , that Constantinople is the head of all other Churches ▪ both which he so calleth , in respect they were Patriarchall Sees , and consequently everie of them , Head of all the other Churches that were under them , in those their severall Patriarchships . But ( saith Bellarmine ) the Patriarch and Bishop of Rome , was called Vniversall or Oecumenicall Bishop , before Phocas his time : whereunto is answered , that so were also the other Patriarchs , as well as he : for so did Iustinian , call Epiphanius ( the Bishop of Constantinople ) sometimes oecumenicall , and sometimes ( which is all one ) universall Patriarch . So doth he also call Anthemius , and Menna , in his Novels . And the Councell of Calcedon likewise , in sundry places , calleth Menna , oecumenicall Patriarch : And so were other of the Patriarchs also , called , in respect of the generall charge which iointly together they had over all the Churches , and in respect also of all those particular Churches which were severally belonging to each of them , in right of those their severall Patriarchships . Wherefore the taking of this Title from the rest of the Patriarches , within their severall Patriarchships , and the peculiarizing and appropriating of it to one Bishop or Patriarch alone , as namely to the Bishop of Rome , thereby to give him the headship , and supremacie over all the Bishops in the world , doth still appeare to be , not untill this time of that abhominable Traytor and murtherer , Phocas , who bestowed it upon him , about the yeare of our Lord 606. Such a wicked Founder , and Author of it , hath the Popes Ecclesiasticall Supremacy : which as it had his originall from a Traytor ; so is it still continued , upheld , and maintained ( if ye well observe it ) by Treason and Rebellion . But to make this yet more manifest , ye may remember , that the Christian Churches were , in ancient times , divided amongst foure or five Patriarches : as , of Rome , Constantinople , Alexandria , Antioch , and Hierusalem : who , in those ancient times , were all of equall authoritie amongst themselves , and had everie one their severall bounds & limits , beyond which they might not goe . This is evident , even by divers generall Councels : and first , by the first generall Councell of Nice , holden anno 325. wherein were 318. Bishops . The words of that Councell ( Can. 6. ) be these : Let the ancient customes continue in force , that are in Egypt , Libia , and Pentapolis , That the Bishop of Alexandria have the governement of all these : for as much as , the Bishop of Rome also hath the like custome . And so likewise throughout Antioch , and in other Provinces , let the Churches have their Prerogatives upholden by them . Where , we see , that the severall Patriarches , and by name , the Bishop of Alexandria , and the Bishop of Rome , had their limits and bounds set them , which they might not exceed : for , the ancient rights and customes , touching the bounds & limits of Alexandria , be there confirmed , because the Bishop of Rome ( who was another of the Patriarches ) had the like custome , as touching bounds and limits set and appointed to him , within his Patriarchship . This then sheweth , That the Bishop of Rome his government , in those times , extended but to the precincts of his owne Province likewise , and no further : For had it stretched over all the world , then could not from thence anie good patterne have beene drawne to confirme and fortifie the like at Alexandria ; which was not to extend it selfe , over all the world , but to keepe it selfe within certaine limits and bounds onely . Yea , what resemblance or parilitie , was there , or could there be , betweene him that is an universall Bishop , and a Provinciall ? So that , if you will make the Bishop of Rome at that time to have an universall governement over all the Christian world : you must conclude the same also for the Bishop of Alexandria , that hee had so likewise ; for there was parilis mos , the like usage , in both , as the very words of the Canon it selfe affirme . But if you will say ( as you must needs ) that by this Councell of Nice , the Bishop of Alexandria had his limits and bounds confirmed to him , by the patterne and example of the Bishop of Rome ( for , that , is the patterne there proposed , for Alexandria ) : then must you also grant ( according to right and truth , ) that the Bishop of Rome , aswell as the Bishop of Alexandria , and the rest of the Patriarchall Bishops in those times , had likewise everie one of them their severall limits , bounds , and precincts , set them , beyond which they might not passe , nor extend their authoritie . And this you may yet further see by Ruffinus , lib. 1. cap. 6. and by the Councell of Africa , cap. 92. & 105. &c. verie cleerely , for your better satisfaction . Againe , the first generall Councell of Constantinople , held about anno 381. and consisting of 150. Bishops ( Can. 2. & 3. ) And the Councel of Ephesus also , held about ann 431. ( Ca. 8. ) doe both shew , that the Provinces of the world were in those times distinguished and distributed , and the Bishops and Patriarches so restrained to their owne severall precincts and limits , ut nullus Episcoporum alienam invadat provinciam , that no Bishop or Patriarch might invade or intrude upon anothers Province or precinct . It is true that the Bishop of Rome had the honour of the first place : the Bishop of Constantinople had the second place : the Bishop of Alexandria the third : the Bishop of Antioch , the fourth : and the Bishop of Hierusalem , the fift . But this precedencie or prioritie of place ( all men know ) is such , as may be among those that be otherwise Equals amongst themselves , and proveth only a prioritie of order , but no prioritie of Dominion , or of a Princely power , or Monarchicall authority , in anie one of them , over the rest . Yea , the generall Councell of Calcedon also , held about ann . 451 , wherein were 630 Bishops ( Act. 16. ) hath these words : Following the Decrees of the holy Fathers , and of those 150 Bishops assembled under Theodosius the elder , of blessed memory , in the royall Citie of Constantinople , and acknowledging the same : VVee also Decree and ordaine the same things , concerning the priviledges or preeminences of the said Church of Constantinople , vvhich is new Rome . For our fathers gave those preeminences to the seate of Elder Rome , because that City had the Empire : And the 150 Bishops , moved vvith the same consideration , gave the same preeminences to the most sacred seate of New Rome ; thinking it reason , that the citie vvhich is honoured vvith the Empire and Senate , should have equall preeminences vvith Elder Rome , and in Ecclesiasticall matters , should be advanced Equally vvith her , being ( in place ) the next unto her . It is true , that the then Pope of Rome , by his Legats or Vicegerents , did what hee could , to withstand and hinder this Decree : but , for all that , it prevayled and was of force , as even Cardinal Cusanus himselfe affirmeth ; thereby proving a Generall Councell to be above the Pope , and the Decrees thereof to be good and avayleable , though the Pope never give his consent unto them . Yea , the sixt generall Councell of Constantinople ( Can. 36. ) did also long after , confirme and ratifie this Decree , and accordingly made another Decree to the same effect , saying thus : Renuing the Decrees of the 150 Fathers , that met in this royall City of Constantinople , and of the 630 Bishops assembled at Chalcedon : vvee likewise decree that the Sea of Constantinople , have equall Priviledges vvith the seate of Elder Rome , and in Ecclesiasticall matters , be advanced equally vvith Rome ▪ being the next unto it . By all which , it is apparant , that the Bishop or Patriarch of Constantinople , was , within his Patriarchship , to have as great priviledges , preeminences , and authorities , as touching Church affaires , as the Bishop of Rome was to have within his Patriarchship . And as you may observe by these Councels , that the Primacie , which the Bishop of Rome at the first had and obteyned , was onely a Primacie of honour , or of Order , or , of place ; and not anie Primacie of Princely or Regall power over the rest of his fellow Patriarches : so you may also perceive , that even that Primacy was not given him , as belonging to him in anie right from S. Peter , ( as hee now strangely claimeth ) but by reason onely of the Citie or place whereof he was Bishop ; namely , for that Rome was then the Imperiall Citie , or , seate of the Emperors . But the Bishop of Rome contented not himselfe with this Primacie of honour , or of order , or precedencie of place , but afterward clymbed higher , even to a Primacie of Princely power and Monarchicall authoritie , and that not onely over his fellow-Patriarches and Bishops , but over all Emperors also , and Kings and Princes which be his Superiors : and over all Generall Councels likewise ( his Pride , and ambition , having no meane , nor measure , in it ) . And yet is this his claymed Supremacie over Councels also , but a new devise , and of a verie late standing in the world . For , Councels , untill of verie late times , were held , both for opinion and practise , to be above the Pope , and the Popes authoritie : as is apparant by the Councell assembled at Pisa , about the yeare of our Lord 1408. two striving at that time , for the Popedome , viz. Gregory the 12 , and Benedict the 13. This Councell proceeded against both these Popes , deposed them , condemned them both for hereticks and schismaticks , and required all Christians , not to take them for Popes , or to yeeld obedience to them : which Councell is also by Io : Gerson much commended . Likewise in the Councell of Constance ( which was called about Ann. 1414. ) was Pope Iohn the 23th deposed : and for confirmation thereof , it declareth the right and authoritie of a Councell , to be above the Pope . The Councell of Basil likewise deposed another Pope , namely , Eugenius the fourth , where againe the authoritie and power of a Councell above the Pope , is expresly ratified and confirmed , and he affirmed to be an hereticke , that shall say to the contrarie . How then can Iesuites , and others , avoid the note and name of hereticks , which , in these latter times , contrarie to the practise and decrees of these former generall Councels , dare and doe affirme , the Pope to be above all general Councels , to be supreme Iudge over all , and not subiect to the iudgement of anie , upon earth ? Is not this intolerable pride , and most abhominable licentiousnesse and lawlesnesse in the Pope of Rome ? and most grosse , notorious , and palpable flatterie , in his followers ? The Popes Supremacie ecclesiasticall then , which he claimeth over all Bishops and Councels , and the civill Supremacie , which he likewise claimeth over all Kings and Emperors , appeareth to be not onely a meere Noveltie , but a thing also extreamely iniurious to all Bishops and Councels , and to all Kings , Princes , and Emperors also ; and is therefore iustly worthie of all to be detested and reiected . 6 For , must not the Supremacie civill , which hee also claimeth over Emperors , Kings , and Princes , to depose them from their Crownes and Kingdomes , and to assoile their subiects of their allegeance , be a most strange and a most damnable impietie ? when God himselfe saith thus : By mee , Kings raigne , and not by the commission or permission of anie Pope : and when , in Daniel , a voice from heaven , proclaimeth , That it is not the Pope , but , The most high , that beareth rule over the kingdome of men , and giveth it to vvhomsoever hee vvill : and when moreover , not the Pope , but God himselfe , is hee , that is intituled , King of kings , and Lord of lords ? Besides , it is a thing cleerely out of the commission of the Apostles , and consequently out of the commission of all Bishops , and other Ministers of the Gospel ; for they be the Keyes of the kingdome of heaven , ( and not of earthly kingdomes ) that bee committed unto them : And therefore it is not within the compasse of this their Divine and Ecclesiastical commission , to meddle with anie earthly matters ; much lesse , with earthly kingdomes , or to depose anie Kings from their Thrones , or to give away their kingdomes , or to disanull the duetie and allegeance of subiects , which by the law of God and Nature they owe unto their Soveraignes . Did anie Apostle , yea or all the Apostles together , in ancient time , take upon them , to depose Nero , or anie other Emperor , were he never so great a persecutor , or were hee never so wicked ? Or did anie Bishops in the ancient Church , take upon them , to depose anie of them that were hereticall Arrian Emperors in their times , and persecuters of the Oxthodox and right beleeving Christians ? Yea , did anie Bishop , or all the Bishops in the world together , take upon them to depose the Emperor Iulian , though an Apostata , though a man Anathematized , though a most impious person , and a scorner of Christ , and of all Christian Religion ? By this one president then of Iulian the Apostata , ( if there were no other ) you may easily perceive , that no excommunication , or , Anathematization , nor anie power of the Keyes whatsoever ( committed by Christ to Bishops & Ministers of the Gospel ) have anie force included in them to depose Emperors , Kings , and Princes , be they never so wicked , or adverse to Christ or Christianitie : yea , that Bishops in no sort , neither directly , nor indirectly , or , in ordine ad Spiritualia ( as they speake ) or for advancement of anie pretended , or Revera Catholike cause , have anie such authoritie . For Iulian still remained an Emperor , and his Christian souldiers and subiects ( notwithstanding that he was so great an enemie to their Religion ) were neverthelesse obedient , dutifull , and serviceable unto him , as S. Augustine also sheweth and affirmeth . So farre off were they from rebelling , or withdrawing their allegeance from him : and so farre off also were the Bishops of those times , from perswading , abetting , or counselling anie such wicked matter unto them Yea , whereas Bellarmine , and some other Papists , affirme , that the Christians in the primitive and those ancient Churches , were therefore obedient , because they wanted sufficient power and force to withstand , their wicked Emperors : doe they not herein speake , more like politicke Atheists , then Christian Divines ? Where is Obedience for conscience sake , ( which God requireth of all Christians , as S. Paul witnesseth ) if such Popish doctrine as this , were true ? But besides , Tertullian expressely confuteth it , witnessing , that such was the affection and disposition of the Christians in those times , being ledde thereunto by dutie & conscience , as that they neither taught nor put in practice , any course of disloyaltie or disobedience , or bare armes against their Emperor , albeit they had ( as he there sheweth ) sufficient force to have done it . Yea , the Christians in those times , notwithstanding all their great number & strength , & their sufficient power to rebel ( if they had bin so ill disposed ) were neverthelesse so farre from rebelling , or procuring rebellions to be made , against the Emperor of their times , that contrariwise , they were quiet , and suffered all things patiently , and prayed for him , that Almightie God would grant unto him ▪ A long life , a secure raigne , safetie in his Court , valiant Souldiers , a faithfull Counsell , dutifull subiects , a quiet kingdome , and all those blessings and comforts , that his heart could desire . Sigebert , mentioning the Popes proceedings against Henry the Emperor , divers hundred yeares since , saith thus : Bee it spoken vvith the leave of all good men ; This novelty , that I say not , heresie , had not as yet sprung up in the vvorld , that Gods Priests should teach the people , that they owe no subiection to evill Princes : and , though they have sworne allegeance to him , yet they owe him no fidelitie ; nor shall be counted periured , that devise against the King : yea , That hee that obeyeth him , shall be counted for excommunicate ; and he that doth against the King , shall be absolved from the guilt of vvrong and periurie . Vincentius likewise testifieth the same matter . Where you see , how directly they both condemne these trayterous and rebellious positions of Poperie , which be , at this day , by too manie amongst them , cherished and maintained for points of Catholike doctrine : and that , notwithstanding the pretence of the Popes authoritie , and of a Catholike cause , they be long since condemned , and accounted and recorded to be meere Novelties , if not Heresies . Now then you perceive , I trust , that as the Pope hath no Supremacie lawfull , in Ecclesiasticis ; so , much lesse hath he anie Supremacie lawfull , in Temporalibus , within the Kings Dominions , or elsewhere , within the Dominions of anie other King. And I assure my selfe , that such are your loyalties , and such the odiousnesse and apparant untruth of the trayterous and rebellious positions , delivered in these later times by Iesuites and such like Popish Teachers , against Kings , for maintenance of the Popes pride ; that yee unfainedly and utterly abhorre & detest those positions of theirs , together with their practises , as they are indeed iustly worthie : I would yee did also detest the rest of their false doctrines , as I hope , upon better information , ye will , even for truths sake , and the safetie of your owne soules . 7 But to proceed : what cleerer or greater argument can there be against the Popes Supremacie , and to declare the Supremacie of the Emperor , then this , that the Emperor , in ancient time , exiled , banished , imprisoned , and otherwise also by his Authoritie , punished , even some of the Bishops of Rome themselves , as well as other Bishops ? and when the Emperor said moreover thus : that , If anie did grow tumultuous or unruly , Illius statim audacia , Ministri Dei , hoc est mea executione coercebitur , his boldnesse shall forthwith be repressed by the sword or execution of Gods Minister , that is , of my selfe . For , as S. Paul saith , the Emperor , King , or Prince , or anie of those higher powers that beare the civill sword , is Gods Minister , and a revenger unto VVrath , to him that doth evill , whosoever he be . Yea , such was the demeanour and loyaltie , which even Gregory the Great , Bishop of Rome , performed to the Emperor , that when the Emperor had commanded a law to be published , which Gregory himselfe misliked , yet neverthelesse he obeyed the Emperors commandement , as a good subiect unto him : Ego quidem iussioni tuae subiectus , eandem legem per diversas Terrarum partes transmitti feci : I being subiect to your command , ( saith hee ) have caused the same law to bee transmitted through diverse parts of the earth . By which one example of Gregory ( if there were no more spoken ) you may perceive , that for the space of manie hundred yeares after Christ , even unto his time , and in his time , the Bishops of Rome themselves were subiect to the Emperors , and at their commands . Which doth yet further appeare by this , tha● even Kings of Rome did also sometimes send the Bishops of Rome , as their Embassadors : as for example , King Theodorick sent Iohn Bishop of Rome , Embassador to the Emperor Iustinian . And King Theodatus , about the yeare 537 , sent Pope Agapetus , as his Embassador , likewise to the Emperor , about a Treatie of peace . But yet , together with the Supremacie of Emperors , let me shew unto you more fully , their Authoritie in Ecclesiasticall things or causes ( for , of their Authoritie in civill or temporall causes , there is no question made ) . 8 When the Donatists therefore alledged , that Emperors were to meddle onely with civill causes , and not with Ecclesiasticall , or concerning Gods Religion : Optatus held this to be a point of madnesse , in Donatus , and those his followers ; Ille solito furore accensus , in haec verba prorupit : Quid Imperatori cum Ecclesia ? Donatus , inflamed with his accustomed furie or Madnesse , ( saith he ) brake forth into these words ; What hath the Emperor to doe with the Church ? Where you see , he calleth it expressely , a Madnesse , to hold that opinion . And this S. Augustine likewise censureth and condemneth , accounting it an absurd thing , for anie to say thus , unto kings : Take yee no care in your kingdomes , vvho oppugneth the Church , and vvho defendeth it : vvho is religious , and vvho sacrilegious , &c. For if the King be to regard and punish by civill punishment , the offences done against the second Table , as disobedience to parents , murder , theft , trespasses , wrongs and iniuries done by one man against another ; is hee not much more to regard and punish by civill punishment , the greater offences , namely , those that be done immediately against God , being breaches of the first Table , as Atheisme Idolatry , false vvorship , vvrong rel●gion , heresie , schisme , blasphemy , breach of the Sabbath , and such like ? For is there anie comparison or proportion betweene Man and God ? But to declare this matter yet further by some particulars : The Christian Emperors , in ancient time , made lawes for God and his Religion , and caused them to be executed , and so dealt in matters Ecclesiasticall as well as civill ; as , beside that which is before spoken , is further evident , even by the Titles of the Civil law it selfe : viz. De summa Trinitate & fide Catholica : De sacrosanctis Ecclesijs : De Episcopis & Clericis : De Haereticis , &c. They likewise made Commissioners in Ecclesiasticall causes . For when Caecilianus , Bishop of Carthage , was accused by Donatus and some other of that faction , Constantine the Emperor commanded Caecilianus to come to Rome , with a certaine number of Bishops that accused him : And by his Commission ( extant in Eusebius ) authorised and appointed Miltiades , the then Bishop of Rome , and some others with him , for the hearing and ending of that matter . These Commissioners condemned Donatus , who appealed from their sentence , to the Emperor himselfe : which Appeale also , the Emperor , at last , received . Where , beside that you see , that this Christian Emperor made Commissioners in this Episcopall and Ecclesiasticall cause , observe withall , that Miltiades , the then Bishop of Rome , was one of those Commissioners , ( and therewithall you may note , that the Bishops of Rome , were then verie cleerely subiect , and not superior , to the Emperor ) . So that a Christian King or Prince , not only may make Commissioners in Ecclesiasticall causes , but may also have Appeales made unto him , as is here apparant . Yea , even S. Paul himselfe Appealed , not unto Peter , ( which no doubt , hee would have done , if Peter had then had the Supremacie ) but unto Caesar. The Councell also of Affrick would allow of no Appeales to the Pope of Rome , or beyond the Sea , but made a Decree directly against it , appointing Presbyters , Deacons , or other inferior Clerkes , if they were grieved with the sentence of their owne Bishop , to resort to the next Bishops : Quod si & ab●ijs provocandum putaverint , non provocent nisi ad Affricana Concilia ; vel ad Primates Provinciarum suarum ? Ad Transmarina autem , qui putaverit appellandum , à nullo intra Affricam in Communionem suscipiatur ; And if they shall think fit to Appeale from them , let them not appeale but to Councels within Affrick , or to the Primates of their owne Provinces : But he that shall thinke it fit to appeale beyond the Sea , let him be admitted to the Communion by none within Affrick . This Canon , which was thus established in the Affrican Councell , purposely for the defeating and disanulling of the ambitious courses and claimes of the Bishops of Rome ▪ is againe repeated and confirmed in the Milevitane Councell . In the time likewise of King VVilliam Rufus , Anselmus the Archbishop of Canterbury , would have appealed to Rome : But not onely the King , but the Bishops of England also , were therein against him . And afterwards in the dayes of Henry the second , King of England , this Law was made : Si quis inventus fuerit , &c. If anie shall be found bringing letters or a mandate from the Pope &c. Let him be apprehended , and let Iustice be done upon him vvithout delay , as upon a Traytor to the Law and kingdome . Againe , it is there said , Generaliter interdictum est ne quis appellet ad Dominum Papam : That it was generally given in charge , that none should Appeale to the Pope . Moreover , the Christian Emperors in ancient time had the authoritie of summoning and calling Councels : as for example , the first generall Councel of Nice , was assembled by Constantine : the second at Constantinople , was called by Theodosius the elder : the third at Ephesus , by Theodosius the yonger : the fourth at Calcedon , by Valentinian and Martian . And this is so manifest a truth , that Cardinall Cusanus , confesseth , and affirmeth , that the first eight generall Councells , were called by the Emperors . And so also witnesseth Socrates : that , Since Emperors became Christians , the businesses of the Church have seemed to depend upon their vvill : and therefore the greatest Councels ( saith he ) have beene , and still are , called , by their appointment . But here Bellarmine steppeth in , and would perswade , that howsoever Emperors did call Councels , yet it was done authoritate Papae , by authoritie of the Pope . A verie strange assertion , and untrue : for even Leo himselfe , Bishop of Rome , in his time , made supplication to the then Emperor ( Theodosius the yonger ) : Supplicationi nostrae dignetur a●nuere , That hee vvould be pleased to yeeld to his Supplication , for the calling of a Councell in Italy . But the Emperor , for all that , contrarie to the Popes will and desire , and notwithstanding that his humble petition , caused the Councell to bee called and assembled , not in Italy , as the Pope desired , but at Ephesus . Afterward againe the same Leo Bishop of Rome , made a second supplication , alledging withall , the sighes and teares of all the Clergie , for the obtayning of a Councell in Italy : He sollicited the Princesse Pulcheria , to further his supplication to the Emperor : He wrote to the Nobles , Clergie and people of Constantinople , to make the like supplication to the Emperor : and yet , for all this , he could not obtaine it this second time neither ; For although then a Councel were granted , yet it was not in Italy , as the Pope would have had it , but at Calcedon . It is then more then manifest , by this example of Leo , that Councels in those times were assembled and convocated , not by the commandement and authoritie of the Popes , but of Emperors . Yea , by the subscription also to those constitutions , you may further discerne , that the Pope in those times , had no authoritie to command the Emperor , but contrariwise the Emperor had to command the Pope : for thus saith the same Leo to the then Emperor ; Because ( saith he ) I must by all meanes obey your sacred and religious vvill , I have set downe my consent in writing to those Constitutions . If then there were no other evidences or proofes , doe not these three former examples , viz. of Miltiades , Leo , and Gregory , ( all Bishops of Rome in their severall times ) make plaine demonstration , and openly proclaime to the world , that in those dayes , the Bishops of Rome , were , without all question or contradiction , inferior , obedient , and subiect to the Emperors , and not superior to them ? But yet further , ye know , that King Solomon removed the high Priest Abiathar , and put Zadoc in his place . The Emperor , Theodosius the elder , did likewise nominate and appoint Nectarius , to be Bishop of Constantinople . Honorius also appointed Boniface , to be Bishop of Rome . And other Emperors did the like . Is it not then lawfull for King IAMES , our Soveraigne Lord , likewise to nominate & appoint a Bishop of a Diocesse or Province , and upon iust cause againe to remove and displace him ? For as touching the sacration or consecration of Bishops , or other Minister ecclesiasticall , otherwise called , the ordination of them by imposition of hands , the King medleth not , but leaveth those kind of Acts , to be done by Bishops , and such to whom they belong . Yea , King VVilliam Rufus likewise in his dayes , nominated & appointed Anselmus to be Archbishop of Canterburie . And before him , King VVilliam the Conqueror used the like authority , nominating and appointing Lanfrancus to be the Archbishop , as is also testified by the same Author . And even before the Conquest , King Edward the Confessor , appointed one Robert , first Bishop of London , and afterward an Archbishop . And before that , King Alfred , nominated and appointed Asserio Bishop of Sherborne : and Denewulfus , Bishop of Winchester . And more then 200. yeres before that , Edelwalk King of the South Saxons , appointed VVilfred to an Episcopall Sea. Grantzius speaking of the ancient times , saith thus : The Emperor placed a Bishop in Monster . And mervaile not ( saith he ) that a Bishop vvas appointed by the Emperor : for this vvas the Custome of those times , vvhen Emperors had power to place and displace Popes . And further , he saith : That vvhomsoever the Prince did nominate , that man vvas to be consecrated a Bishop by the next adioyning Bishops . And he addeth further : That concerning this Iurisdiction , there vvas a long contention betweene the Papacy , and the Empire : This vvas the Iurisdiction vvhich the Two Henries , the father and the sonne , and vvhich the Two Fredericks likewise , the grandfather and the grandchilde , sought long to Defend and maintaine : but the sword of the Church ( saith he ) prevayled , and forced the Emperors , to relinquish their right to the Church . Thus you see how , namely , That partly by fraude , and partly by force , the Popes , after much striving and contending , prevayled at last against the Emperors , and made them to loose their rights . And therefore , worthily , is that Statute , which giveth these rights againe , to our Kings and Princes , entituled , An Act restoring to the Crowne , the ancient Iurisdiction over the state Ecclesiasticall and Spirituall , and abolishing all forraine power repugnant to the same . The premisses then well and advisedly considered , what is there in all the authoritie concerning Ecclesiasticall causes , attributed or belonging to the King , that can iustly offend anie of you ? For , I doubt not , but such authorities in Ecclesiasticall causes , as were , in ancient time , yeelded to the godly Kings of Iudah , or unto the godly & Christian Emperors , yee will well allow ( as in all right and reason ye ought ) unto Christian kings & Princes , within their dominions . And amongst the rest of their rights and authorities , this also was one , that the Emperors approved , ratified , and confirmed even the Constitutions and Decrees of Councels , before they were promulged or put in execution . For so did Constantine , that Christian Emperor , confirme 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Decrees of the Councell . Againe , Rogamus clementiam tuam ( saith the Councell to the Emperor Theodosius ) ut per Literas tuae pietatis ratum esse Iubeas confirmesque Concilij Decretum : Wee beseech your clemencie , that by your Letters you will ratifie and confirme the Decree of the Councell . Sacro nostrae Serenitatis Edicto ( saith also Martian the Emperor ) venerandam Synodam confirmamus : We by the sacred Edict of our Serenity , doe confirme the reverend Synod . This then is a right which must likewise be acknowledged due , and to belong to King IAMES our Soveraigne Lord. What obiection then , or exception , can be taken against his Maiesties Supremacie in any point ? or why should not all his subiects most readily and willingly acknowledge it , and in testimonie thereof take the Oath concerning the same , whensoever they bee thereunto lawfully required ? For , if anie suppose ( as some have done ) that the King is therein called Supreme head of the Church , they are deceived : The words of the Oath at this day ( to take away all offence that any might conceive in that point ) being not supreme HEAD , but supreme GOVERNOR . And as touching this Title of Governor , within his owne Dominions , none can , with anie reason , gainesay it : inasmuch as , beside that which is before spoken , King Alfred , reigning long sithence , was likewise called , Omnium Britanniae Insulae Christianorum Rector : The Governor of all the Christians vvithin the Isle of Britanny . The Councell also held at Mentz in Germanie , the yeare 814 , in the time of the Emperor Charles the great , and Pope Leo the third , calleth likewise the Christian Emperor , ( Carolus Augustus ) Governor of the True Religion , and Defendor of the holy Church of God , &c. And a little after they say thus : VVee give thankes to God the Father almighty , because he hath granted unto his holy Church , a Governor so godly , &c. In the yeare 847. there was also held another Councel at Mentz in the time of Leo the fourth , and Lotharius the Emperor : where they againe call the Emperor , Verae Religionis strenuissimum rectorem , a most puissant Governor of the true Religion . The like was ascribed to King Reccesumthius , in a Councell held at Emerita , in Portugale , about the yeare 705 , in these words : VVhose vigilancie doth governe both secular things vvith very great piety , and ecclesiasticall by his vvisedome plentifully given him of God. Where you see it expressely acknowledged that the King is a Governor , both in causes secular , and ecclesiasticall . And this Councell of Emerita had also good allowance of Pope Innocent the third , in his Epistle to Peter , Archbishop of Compostella , as Garsias witnesseth . So that the Title of Governor , even as touching matters ecclesiasticall , as well as civill or secular , attributed to the King ( he governing in them , after a Regall manner , and not in that Ecclesiasticall manner which Bishops and Clergie men use ) can no way justly be misliked , but must , in all reason , be well approved and allowed . Howbeit , I grant , that King Henry the eight , and King Edward the sixt , had that Title of ( Head ) in their times given unto them , but not , of the universal Church upon earth ( as the Pope hath ) but of the Church onely within their owne Dominions : and not within their owne Dominions neither , in such sort and sense as the Pope taketh upon him to be Head over all the Churches in the world ; that is , to rule and governe them at his own pleasure , and as he lift himselfe . Indeed Stephen Gardner , Bishop of Winchester , when he was in Germanie , upon the Kings affaires , was there a very ill Interpretor of that Title ( Supreme head of the Church , vvithin his owne Dominions ) given to King Henry the eight : reporting that the King might thereby , prescribe and appoint new ordinances in the Church , concerning faith and doctrine , as namely , forbid the marriage of Priests ; and take away the use of the Cup in the Sacrament of the Lords Supper , and in things concerning Religion , might do what he listed . This manner of declaring the Kings power and authoritie under that Title , did so much offend the reformed Churches , that Calvin , and the writers of the Centuries , did complaine of it ( and that iustly and worthily ) bearing that sense , but in no other sort or sense , did they dislike it . Yea , even that Title of Supreme head , being rightly understood , needed not to have offended anie : for they had i● in no other sort or sense , then the King of Israel likewise had the title , of Head , of the Tribes of Israel ; of which Tribes , the Leviticall Tribe , was one . Or , then Theodosius , that Christian Emperor , had the like within his Empire ▪ of whom Saint Chrysostome saith , that , non habet parem super terram , He hath no peere or equall upon earth : and affirmeth moreover of him , that hee was summitas & Caput omnium super terram hominum , the Head , and one that had the Supremacy , over all men , upon earth . Yea , by the Title of supreme Head , attributed to King Henry the eight , and King Edward the sixt , was no more meant , but the verie same , that was afterward meant to the late Queene Elizabeth of blessed memorie , or to King Iames our now Soveraigne Lord , under the title of Supreme Governor : for that they are both to be taken & intended in one & the selfe same sense , is verie manifest , even by a direct clause in an Act of Parliament , viz. the Statute of 5. Eliz. cap. 1. in which also , is declared , how the Oath of Supremacie , is to be expounded . And the words of that Statute , be these : Provided also , that the Oath ( viz of Supremacie ) expressed in the said Act made in the said first yeare ( of her raigne ) shall be taken and expounded in such forme , as is set forth in an Admonition annexed to the Queenes Maiesties Iniunctions , published in the same first yeare of her Maiesties raigne : that is to say , to confesse and acknowledge in her Maiestie , her heyres and successors , none other authoritie , then that vvhich vvas challenged and lately used by the noble king Henry the eight , and king Edward the sixt , as in the said Admonition more plainly may appeare . Where first , you may observe , the Authoritie attributed to King Henry the eight , and to King Edward the sixt , and to Queene Elizabeth , as touching this point , intended and declared , to be all one . And secondly , you see it enacted , how the Oath of Supremacy , is to bee expounded , namely , that it is to be taken & expounded , in such forme as is set forth in an Admonition annexed to the Queens Majesties Iniunctions , published in the same first yeare of her Raigne : The words of which Admonition therefore , as more amply conteyning the explanation of the same Oath , I have here thought good to adde , for your better and most full satisfaction in this matter . The Title whereof , is this : An Admonition to simple men , deceived by the malicious . HEr Maiesty forbiddeth all her subiects , to give eare or credite to such perverse and malicious persons , vvhich most sinisterly and maliciously labour to notifie to her loving subiects , how by the vvordes of the Oath of Supremacy , it may be collected , that the Kings or Queenes of this Realme , possessioners of the Crowne , may challenge authoritie and power of Ministery of Divine offices , in the Church ; vvherein , her said subiects be much abused , by such evill disposed persons : for certainly , her Maiestie neyther doth , nor ever vvill challenge , any other authority , then that vvhich vvas , of ancient time , due to the Imperiall Crowne of this Realme : that is to say , under God , to have the Soveraignety and rule over all maner of Persons borne vvithin these her Maiesties Dominions and Countries , of vvhat estate eyther Ecclesiasticall or Temporall , soever they be : So as no forraine Power , shall or ought to have any superioritie over them . And if any person that hath conceived any other sense of the forme of the said Oath , shall accept of the same Oath vvith this interpretation , sense or meaning ; her Maiestie is vvell pleased to accept every such , in that behalfe , as her good and obedient subiects , and shall acquite them of all maner penalties contayned in the said All , against such as shall peremptorily or obstinately refuse to take the same Oath . The words of that Admonition , being thus set downe , I shall need to say no more . For hereby you see , I trust , verie fully , the true , certaine , and undoubted sense , scope , meaning , and interpretation of the Oath . Why therefore should anie be so contentious , or malicious , as to wrest , or wring it , to a contrarie meaning , or such as it never intended ? For hereby appeareth , that , although the king be supreme Governor within his owne Dominions , yet it is explained , That he is supreme Governor , under God : so that by reason thereof , the King neither doth , nor can take upon him , anie authoritie over Gods word or ordinances , to devise , alter , or frame religion as he list , as some verie odiously and no lesse strangely , have inferred . Such thoughts be farre from his godly minde . Neither when it is said at anie time , That the King hath Authoritie or Iurisdiction ecclesiasticall , is anie other thing meant thereby , but his Iurisdiction or Authoritie in Ecclesiasticall causes , and over ecclesiasticall persons : and thereby is not meant or intended , ( as some againe verie absurdly and malignantly have imagined ) That the King hath anie such authoritie as is meerely Ecclesiasticall , and proper to Bishops , Pastors , and such like Ministers of the Church , ( as namely , to preach , to minister the Sacraments , to excommunicate , to absolve , to consecrate Bishops , or such like ) : for the exposition of the Oath ( which is before delivered in the Admonition , and ratified by an expresse Act of Parliament ) directly declareth the contrarie to that conceit . And therefore his Majesties authoritie in Ecclesiasticall causes , must not be conceived to be anie such , as is properly Sacerdotall or Episcopall ; but such as is , rightly and properly , Regall and Imperiall . Which Regall and Imperiall Authoritie , ought no more to be denied unto him , then that which is meerely and properly Sacerdotal or Episcopal , may be denied to Priests or Bishops . What should hinder then , but that yee all may ( as ye ought ) utterly renounce and forsake for ever , the Papall , and all forraine Iurisdictions whatsoever , and further also promise ( according to the tenor of the Oath ) , to your power , to assist and defend all jurisdictions , priviledges , preeminences , and authorities , granted or belonging to the King , his heires , and successors , or united and annexed to the Imperiall Crowne of this Realme : considering that there is no Authoritie in these matters ecclesiasticall , granted or belonging to the King , or united or annexed to his Crown , but such as appeareth to be lawfull , and is rightly Regall and Imperiall ; and which , withall , in no sort wrongeth the authoritie of anie other Church governors of Gods institution whosoever . Yea , the King is so farre from encroching , or intruding upon , or impugning , or hindering anie of the offices or authorities granted or belonging unto them from God , that contrariwise , he leaveth all those rights and authorities wholly and entirely unto them to be executed : and ( which is more ) such is his most godly and Christian disposition , that to that their divine Calling , Ambas●age , and Ministerie , enioyned them from God , and by them sincerely and faithfully administred , himselfe , in his ow●● person , most readily , and willingly , yeeldeth both reverence , and , obedience ; as wel knowing , that in respect of God ( whose Ambassadors , and Ministers they be , and whose word and will onely , they are to teach and deliver ) the greatest King is but a subiect : Howbeit , neverthelesse , otherwise , and in respect of their owne persons , it must be confessed , that they be subiect unto him , and owe him obedience , and are in all dutie and humilitie , to performe the same unto him . So that , I hope you now sufficiently perceive , that his Maiesties Supremacie under God , & his government and authoritie as touching causes & persons ecclesiasticall ( being such as is only Regal and Imperial , and no way derogatorie , preiudiciall , or iniurious , to anie Bishops , Pastors , or Ministers that be of divine Institution , or to their offices and functions , but rather verie much helpfull to them in their places ) is so farre from being to be disliked , that contrariwise being rightly understood , it is ever to be allowed , and that with much praise & thanks unto God for the same , whose gracious ordinance it is , for the further good , & greater comfort and benefit , of his Church and Religion . CAP. II. Wherein is shewed ; That our Church was in the Apostles dayes , and in all times and ages since : howsoever , that which we call Popery , did as an Infection , or , Corruption , grow unto it , whereof , it was againe to be purged , and so to become ( as we call it ) a reformed Church : and that all these things came thus to passe , in the Church , according to the Prophecies thereof formerly delivered in Gods owne Booke . AND , What is to be thought of those forefathers of ours , that lived and dyed in the time of Poperie : AS ALSO , That long before the Dayes of King HENRY the eight , and long before LUTHER or CALVIN were borne , the Pope of Rome was complayned of , and exclaymed against , and affirmed and published to be Antichrist : as also Popish Rome affirmed to be the whore of Babylon , mentioned in the Revelation of S. Iohn . BEfore I enter to speake of the other particular points hereafter mentioned , it will not be amisse here to speake something , in a generall sort , concerning Gods Church and his Religion . For how confident and resolute soever , some take upon them to be , in that Popish Religion they hold and professe ; yet is that no proofe , that therefore they be right : for not only those of a right Religion , but those also of a wrong , be verie resolute and confident , as appeareth by all Sectaries , Heretickes , and Schismatickes , who be verie pertinacious and resolute for the maintenance of their severall errors and opinions . Neither is it a reason sufficient for them , to say , they follow the waies of their forefathers and ancestors , except they be sure that they went the right way : for we are not to follow our forefathers and ancestors , in anie vices or errours they held , be they otherwise never so deare unto us . VValke not yee ( saith God ) in the ordinances of your fathers , nor observe yee their maners , nor defile your selves vvith their Idols : I am the Lord your God : vvalke yee in my statutes , and keepe my Iudgements , and doe them . Yea , ye may remember , that it is written thus of some people ( who are therefore much reproved ) : So did their children , and their childrens children : As did their fathers , so doe they unto this day . Where further it is said : that notwithstanding this following of their forefathers , and doing after their old custome , yet they obeyed not God. Nor is it sufficient for them to say , they follow the doctrine or direction of their Priests , Teachers , and Leaders , unlesse they be sure that they direct , and teach aright : for there be false Teachers as well as true Teachers , and some that be blinde leaders of the blinde , who cannot therein excuse the People , because , They both ( as Christ himselfe affirmeth in that case ) doe fall into the Ditch . Neither is it a sure or sufficient ground for anie of them to build upon , to say , that their Religion of Popery , is of a great & long continuance in the world . For , Paganisme , and Mahometisme , have beene likewise of verie great and long continuance in the world , and yet are they never the truer , for all that . A Custome therefore ▪ or Prescription , or Continuance , though it be for manie hundreth yeares in the world , nor anie Antiquity ye can alledge , though you could alledge it never so truely , is not sufficient in this case , unlesse it be the most ancient antiquitie , extant in the daies of the Apostles , and from their times deduced , and in the sacred and Canonical Scriptures to be seene , and there approved . For there is an Antiquitie in Error , and wickednesse , as well as in Pietie and right Religion : and a Mysterie of Iniquitie , as well as a Mysterie of Godlinesse : and , an Antichristianisme , as well as a Christianisme ; and a growth , succession , and proceeding in them both : they both growing together , as Wheate and Tares doe in a field , untill they be separated . Which Mystery of Iniquity , otherwise called Antichristianisme ( that yee may know of what Antiquitie it is ) S. Paul telleth you , that it began to work in the Apostles daies , even in his time : And so also doth S. Iohn expresly testifie , although it then climbed not to that great growth and height , that afterward , by little and little , and by degrees , it ascended unto . So that Mysticall Iniquity , or ( which is all one ) Antichristian Errors and heresies , began ( as you see ) verie early , and went on forward , endevoring to corrupt and infect Gods Church , and his Religion ; and in continuance of time so encreased and prevailed , as that at last , like a Leprosie , it overspread the whole Body : miserably defiling , polluting , and deforming it , and that for sundrie Ages ; even untill the time appointed of God , came , wherein Antichrist , and that mysterie of Iniquitie , were to be discovered , and that the Church and Religion thereupon were to be reformed by the Booke of the Holy Scriptures opened , and the true doctrine thereout , once againe , preached and delivered to the world : which was not to come to passe , untill the Sixt Angell had begun to blow his Trumpet ( as is shewed in the Revelation of S. Iohn ) ; that is , not till toward the latter end of the world . For under the blowing of the Trumpet , by the seventh Angell , the world is to end , ( as appeareth in the same Revelation ) . Now then , what cause hath anie , ( knowing and considering these Prophesies in the Booke of God , concerning the state of the Church ) to marvaile or wonder , that the Church and religion had such corruptions , and so manie errors , by degrees , accrued unto it , and continued so long in them : or , where , our Church and Religion was , all that while ? For this Prophecy and foretelling of these things , thus to come to passe , ( namely , that the Church was to have these corruptions to grow upon it , and to be continued therein , for so long a time , and that , it was not to begin to be reformed or purged of them , untill the blowing of the Trumpet by the sixt Angell ) giveth a full answer , solution , and satisfaction , to all those demands , and requireth everie one to cease questioning , marvailing , or wondering anie longer in that behalfe . Would anie then know , where our Church was all that while , and untill they made an actuall separation from the Popish Assemblies ? The answer is verie easie and apparant , namely , that it was , where those corruptions were , and even where the Papacy and Antichristianisme was . For Gods people doe sometimes dwell and be , even where Sathans Throne is : yea , Antichrist himselfe , being , at length , mounted aloft , and placed in his Throne , did then ( as was foretold he should doe ) sit in the Temple of God , domineering over it . So that Protestancie and Poperie , that is , true Christianitie and Antichristianisme , were then mingled together , with much griefe and sorrow to the true Christians , untill they , afterwards , through the crueltie and persecution of their enemies , and in detestation of their abhominations , were forced to make , and did make an actuall separation from them . Which thing also was foretold , that so it should come to passe : for a voice sounding from heaven , commanded them to , Come from them , to a more pure and heavenly-minded Church , and to Goe out from amongst them , lest being partakers of their sinnes , they should also receive of their plagues . When they were thus commanded to depart , and to separate themselves , and to goe out from amongst them , it is evident , that , before , and untill this their departure , and going out from them , they were amongst them , and intermingled with them . Yea even in those times , namely , under the blowing of the Trumpet by the sixt Angell , when the Temple came to be measured , it is apparant , that the false Christians ( there noted under the name of Gentiles ) were the most and greatest number , and did tread the rest that were the true Christians , under foot : so that , even then , ( as there appeareth ) there were some that were right and true worshippers of God , in that Temple . Yea , euen during the time that they were thus intermingled together , did God , neverthelesse distinguish , & put a difference betweene them : for he would have one part , namely Atrium , that is , The Court , or , outer part , ( under which those false Christians , that is , the Antichristian people , are comprehended , which outwardly pretended to worship God aright , and yet were not the right and true worshippers of him indeed ) to be excluded , and not to be measured , or reckoned as anie part of the holy Citie , or holy Temple , that is , of the true Christian Church . Which I here observe , the rather , because some ▪ upon this , That Antichrist was to sit in the Temple of God , verie inconsequently , and no lesse untruely , inferre , that therefore the Popish or Antichristian Church or people , be the true Church . For you see them here , directly excluded , from being anie part of the holy Citie , or true Church . Albeit therefore both Protestants and Papists were in those times , thus , intermingled together , yet was not the Papacie the true Church , as is here apparant . For , indeed , Poperie , to the Church is but as a corruption , contagion , or disease , is , to the bodie of a man , or as a plague or pestilence is to a Citie : and therefore they that made a separation from Poperie , separated themselves , not from the Church of God , but from the disease , corruption , and contagion of the Church , and from the plague and pestilence in that Citie ; and consequently cannot , but most uniustly , be termed Schismatickes : especially considering , that they also made this their separation , by the warrant of Gods owne voyce , and commandement from heaven , enioyning them thereunto , as is before declared . Neither would they have departed or gone out from them , that is , from the Papists , but that they , namely the Papists , had first departed , and gone , from the soundnesse , truth , and sinceritie of the most ancient , primitive , and Apostolike Churches . Well therefore doth one use this similitude , that as when a faire poole of water , becommeth , in time , corrupted , weedes doe grow , mudde increaseth , and Frogs be ingendred in it , the owner thereof cutteth a channel , and leaving the corruption , drawes the water to another place , and so useth it , without danger ; and the Frogs remaining , can take no iust exception for this departure and separation of the water from them , nor can claime the water to be theirs : so neither can the Papacie accuse us for our departure or going out of their defiled and deformed Church , sith God ( the Lord and owner of his Church ) would have us so to doe , and so long as we left nothing behinde us , but the mudde , frogges , and weedes ; and that which was the cleere and pure water , before their comming , we still possesse , hold and retaine . You now see then , I hope , where our Church was , in all times and ages , even during all the time of the raigne of the Papacie , and untill wee made an actuall separation from it : And much more , I trust , you perceive it , since our separation . For the Protestants reformed Churches , have ever sithence that time , been verie visible , and still be ( thanks be to God ) verie splendent , even to the eyes of the most malignant world . 2 If anie doe further aske , as they are sometime wont to doe , what is become of our forefathers and ancestors , that lived and died in the time of Poperie : As wee doe and must leave them unto God , whose secret counsels and judgements , it is not fit for us to search into , or to determin of ; yet this we say , That we hope well , and make no doubt of the salvation of manie of them . First , because , for a long time , there were in the Papacie , both true Christians and false Christians , right worshippers of God and false worshippers , intermingled together , namely , untill that time aforesaid of an actuall separation : yea , the holy Scriptures , and Sacraments , ( the publique Ensignes of Gods Church ) were there , though much corrupted , & abused ▪ Which Ensignes being displayed in the Popish Church ▪ & nothing but Christianitie there pretended ( though indeede there was also direct Antichristianisme intermingled ) it was an easie matter ▪ for manie simple soules , that were not able to iudge and discerne of these things , thereby to be deceived . For ( as Chrysostome , or , whosoever was the Author of the imperfect worke , saith ) Antichrist sitting in the holy places of the Church , and possessing the Churches , vvas to have all that in shew , vvhich the Church of Christ hath in Truth : viz. Churches , Scriptures , Bishops , Clerkes , Baptisme , Eucharist , &c. So that manie , no doubt , in those dayes , under colour of those Ensignes and shewes , were ( as they be also at this day ) deceived ; and , thinking all to be well , followed the Pope and Papacie : like those two hundreth , who in simplicitie of heart , followed Absolon from Hierusalem , knowing nothing of his treason and rebellion intended . Or , like as if a close and hidden Traytor , being once , and of a long time formerly , in good grace and esteeme with his King , should under colour and pretence of the King his Maisters service , summon all his true subiects to follow him ▪ pretending a Commission from him , for that purpose , which neverthelesse included no such matter in it , as he pretended : In this case , even some good subiects , not knowing of his treason , and beleeving his Commission to be true , and to import as much as he divulged it for , and the pretender of it to be a right honest and loyall man , and to be still in good grace & esteeme with his King ; receiving no advertisement to the contrarie , might possibly so farre be deceived , as to follow him for a while , untill the Treason were discovered , and therein might , so farre forth , in some sort be held pardonable . So concerning such , as in those times followed the Bishop of Rome ( who was once a good Bishop ) pretending himselfe to be made Head , Ruler , and Monarch of the whole and universall Church upon earth , and that by warrant and Commission from Christ ; when indeed , whatsoever hee pretended , hee had no such Commission from him : In this case , so long as they followed him , but in ignorance and simplicitie , thinking all things to be right and well , and as they ought to be , and receiving no advertisement to the contrarie ; God might , and we hope he did , receive manie of those to mercie . But such as knew the Pope to be an usurper , and a traytor to Christ , the onely and true King and Head of the universall Church , or being advertised thereof , would neverthelesse make no regard of anie such advertisement or admonitions , but would , maugre all admonitions , wilfully persist and adhere unto him , and to his false and Antichristian doctrine , and designes ; be not so excusable . And this kind of difference S. Cyprian maketh , when he saith thus : If any of our predecessors or Ancestors , either of ignorance or of a simplicity , have not held and kept that which our Lord taught them by his authoritie and example , him the mercy of our Lord might have pardoned and forgiven : But vve ( saith hee ) for our parts may not hope for the like favour , because vvee are now admonished and instructed by him . But secondly wee answer , That though this mysterie of Iniquity , did cast into the doctrine and Religion of Christ , a great deale of Poyson , so that it hath infected with his venome , the most daintie meates , that God hath given for the spirituall nourishment of his people ; yet did God give grace to some to abstaine from it , to some others to cast it up againe , to others to dissever it from the sound meate , to others to overcome it : 〈◊〉 that manie escaped the danger of it . For example , how manie of the common people were , in those times , never acquainted with those pestiferous distinctions of Merits , de Congruo , and de Condigno : or , with that distinction of Doulia , and latria , and huper doulia , &c : or understood them not , or else beleeved them not ? For even at this day , they understand not these distinctions . Yea manie of the common people will at this day say , that they serve God onely , and not Images in anie sort , howsoever their great Rabbies and Maisters ( in these distinctions ) doe otherwise teach : As likewise manie of them at this day , will say , that they doe not beleeve to be saved by anie merits of their owne , but by Gods mercie onely ; whatsoever Friers , Monkes , Priests , or Iesuites , teach or write to the contrarie . Yea , even amongst the learned themselves also , as well as amongst the vulgar and common people , there were some that held that fundamentall point of their salvation , to be onely of Gods meere mercie , and through faith in Christ , and not of their owne inherent righteousnesse , or through their owne merits or workes in anie sort . An example whereof we have in S. Bernard himselfe , who though hee lived in the times of Poperie , and was himselfe an Abbot , yet in the extremitie of his sickenesse , and the end of his dayes , this was his refuge : I confesse ( saith hee ) I am not vvorthy , neyther can I obteyne the kingdome of heaven by mine owne merits : But my Lord obtayning it by a double right ; by inheritance from the father , and by the merit of his Passion : he being content vvith the one , giveth me the other ; and clayming it by the gift vvhich he hath made me thereof , I shall not be confounded . Againe he saith : My merit , is the Lords mercie : I am not poore in merits , because he is rich in mercies : I have greatly sinned , but I vvill remember the vvounds of my Lord , &c. Contarenus a Cardinal , did also in that time , hold justification by faith in Christ : and so did sundry others in those dayes . Now so long as a man holdeth the foundation , though he erre in other points that be not fundamentall , he may be saved ▪ as S. Paul sheweth , and S. Augustine , & Gregory Nyssen , doe also declare . But thirdly , if it were so , that some of our forefathers and ancestors were in their life time , ( as likely enough it is , that too manie of them were ) horribly polluted & defiled with the corruptions of those times , yet who can tell how they dyed ? For sundrie live wickedly , who neverthelesse may dye verie godly and penitently , as did that good Theefe at Christ his Crucifixion . It is therefore no good argument , to say , They lived in the profession of Poperie : Ergo they died so : for diverse , we see , die otherwise then they lived ▪ and God was as well able to give them a right faith , and repentance , and to convert them unto himselfe before their death , or at the instant of their death ; as anie others . Yea , I thinke , that few or none that be well advised or considerate persons , whatsoever they professe at other times , will dare to dye Papists , that is , in a beleefe and confidence to be saved by their owne workes and merits , or by a righteousnesse inherent in their owne persons , but that they will then , at that time of their death , relye , wholly and altogether , upon Gods mercie , and Christ his merits , renouncing utterly their owne , as S. Bernard did . For even Bellarmine himselfe also , writing in these late times , notwithstanding whatsoever he had said before in defence of merits , yet concludeth against them , and teacheth , that , Tutissimum est , fiduciam totam in sola Dei misericordia & benignitate reponere : It is the safest vvay , to put our vvhole confidence , onely in the mercy of God and his bounty . But , fourthly , manie and sundrie , living in those times , and being much grieved , and groning under the Popes tyrannie , made hold to utter their complaints , and to cry out as loud as they could , or at least , as they durst , against both Pope & Poperie : Amongst whom was the forenamed , S. Bernard , who calleth the Popes doctrines or pastures , Daemonum potius quam ovium pascua , Pastures rather for Divels then for sheepe : where hee further inveigheth against the Pope and his Clergie , saying , Omiserandam sponsam talibus creditam paranymphis : O miserable spouse , vvhich art committed to such Leaders or such Overseers . And againe he saith : O good Iesus , all Christendome seemeth to have conspired against thee : they are chiefe in persecuting of thee , vvhich seeme to hold the Primacy , and to beare principality in the Church . Iniquitie is come from thy Vicars , even from those that seeme ▪ to governe thy people : They have possessed the Fort of Sion , seised upon the munitions , and they burne vvith all their power the vvhole City : Miserable is their conversation , and miserable is the subversion of thy people , &c. They doe wickedly against Christ , and there be many Antichrists in our times . A stinking infection this day creepeth over all the body of the Church : and , the Deeper it is , so much the more desperate : and the more Inward that it is , so much the more perillous : for if it vvere an open Enemy , he might be cast out , and he vvould wither : or , if it were a violent Enemy , a man might hide himselfe from him : But vvhat is now to be done ? vvhither shall the Church drive him ? or vvhere shall she hide her selfe from him ? All friends , and yet all enemies : all kinsfolkes , and yet all adversaries : They are ( in pretence ) the Ministers of Christ , and yet they serve Antichrist : VVoe ( saith he ) to this generation , because of the leaven of the Pharisees , vvhich is Hypocrisie : If yet it be to be Termed Hypocrisie , vvhich is not able to hide is selfe , it is so abundant : nor yet seeketh to conceale it selfe , it is so impudent . And in another place he saith further : That the Beast spoken of in the Revelation ( cap. 13. ) to vvhich a mouth is given to speake blasphemies , and to make vvarre with the Saints of God , is now gotten into Saint Peters chayre , as a Lyon prepared to his prey . 4 You see then , that manie hundreth yeares before the daies of King Henry the eight , and before Luther or Calvin were borne , the Pope of Rome and his Clergie , were complained of , and exclaimed against . But this shall yet further appeare , for your better satisfaction . For under the raigne of Hugh Capet in France , about the yeare of our Lord 1000 , there was held a Nationall Councell at Rhemes , wherein was President , Arnold , that famous Bishop of Orleance : It was there handled and proved by the Canons of former Councels , That the Bishop of Rome had nothing to doe in France : That a Councel vvas more to be respected then his Sea : That the time was vvhen Rome brought forth good or tolerable Bishops , but now alas ( saith this Arnold ) in place of these , shee bringeth forth nought else but Monsters . And there reckoning up diverse wicked Bishops of Rome , and among the rest , one Boniface , a Monster , exceeding in wickednesse , and having his hands imbrued in his predecessors bloud : ( he addeth ) : And must so many the good servants of God over all the world , needs be subiect to such Monsters ? and then concludeth : Reverend Fathers , vvhom doe you thinke this man to be which sitteth upon the high Throne , glittering in gold and scarlet ? For vvhom doe you take him ? Verily , if he be vvithout the love of God , and be puffed up and extolled for his knowledge onely , he is Antichrist sitting in the Temple of God , shewing himselfe as if he vvere God : But if he be neyther founded in love , nor set up for knowledge , he is an Image , and as an Idoll , in Gods Temple , and to goe to him to aske counsell or for answers , is to aske counsell of a stone . And therefore he cryeth out : O Lugenda Roma , O Rome to be lamented . Againe , about the yeare of our Lord , 1100 , the whole Church of Liege , uttered the like voice : For where Pope Paschall the second , would have warre made upon the Emperor , promising to give remission of sinnes and assurance of everlasting life , to all that would doe it , and on the other side , to excommunicate all those that would shew obedience to him , They say thus : Because VVee keepe the Law of God , they obiect against us , that vvee transgresse their new Traditions . But God saith unto them , vvhy do you transgresse the commandements of God by your Traditions ? God commandeth to give unto Cesar , the things vvhich are Cesars , and to God that which is Gods : which S. Peter and S. Paul doe l●kewise teach ▪ honour the King : let every soule be subiect to the h●gher powers . Hee that commands every soule to doe this , whom doth hee exempt from this earthly power ? Because therefore wee honour the King , and serve our Lords and Maisters , in the simplicitie of our hearts , are wee therefore excommunicated , & c ? vvho can reprehend a Bishop for keeping his faith and loyaltie to his Prince ? and yet they that teare in sunder the kingdome and Priesthood , with new Schismes , and new Traditions , promise to absolve them from the sinne of periurie , that breake their faith to their king . Suppose ( say they ) our Emperor vvere an hereticke : yet is he not to be repelled as such a one , by us , by taking armes against him : yea , they alledge that the Prophet Ieremy praied for Nebuchadnezzar ; and S. Paul for Nero : and adde further ; VVhich of the Popes of Rome hath by his Decrees , given authoritie , that a Bishop should use the sword of vvarre against any offendors ? All from Gregory the first , used the spirituall sword alone , unto the last Gregory , vvho was the first that armed himselfe ( and by his example , others ) vvith the sword of warre , against the Emperor , &c , You say , that if a man be excommunicate , for vvhat cause soever , if he dye in that estaete , hee is damned : But the Authoritie of the Church of Rome ( say they ) helpeth us in this point , vvho teach , that the Bishop of Rome hath power to absolve any that is uniustly excommunicated by others : If then the Bishop of Rome may doe this , vvho will say , that God cannot absolve , whomsoever the Pope hath uniustly excommunicated ? yea , the Popes curse of Excommunication , they make no reckoning of , but contemne and despise it : but above all ( say they ) vvee feare that which the spirit of God by the mouth of the Psalmist hath said , viz. Cursed are all they that decline from his commandements . That Curse of excommunication , vvhich Pope Hildebrand , Odoardus , and this Third , have by a new Tradition indiscreetely brought in , vvee vvholly reiect : and vvee hold and reverence those first holy Fathers , unto this day , vvho by the motion of Gods spirit , not carried vvith their owne affections , have otherwise ordeyned , &c. forasmuch therefore , as vvee sticke to the Ancient rule , and are not carried away vvith every winde of Doctrine : we are called Excommunicates , false Clerkes , &c. Howbeit , let Pope Paschall , lay aside his spirit of presumption , and let him advisedly consider vvith his Counsaylors , how from Silvester , to Hildebrand , the Popes have obtayned the chaire at Rome : vvhat , and how manie outrages have beene committed by the Ambition of that Sea , &c. As for those Legats à latere , vvho run through the world , to fill their purses , vve ( say they ) wholly reiect them , according to those Councels of Affricke , held in the times of Zozimus , Caelestinus , and Boniface : for , that vve may know theraby their fruits , there proceeeds from their legations , no correction of manners or amendment of life , but the slaughters of men , and the spoyle of Gods Church , &c. That there should be such desolation of the Church , such oppression of the poore and vvidowes , such crueltie , such rapine , and ( vvhich is worse ) such effusion of bloud , without respect of good and evill , and all this , and worse then all this , Done , by the Commandement of the Pope , vvho would beleeve it , if his owne mouth had not spoken it ? VVee remayne astonished at the novelty of these things , and vvee enquire from vvhence this new Example should come : That , the Preacher of peace with his owne mouth , and the hand of another man , should make vvarre against the Church of God , &c. Where further they directly affirme Rome to be Babylon , and say , that the Apostle so calleth it , as foreseeing by a Propheticall spirit , The confusion of that dissention vvherewith the Church at this day , is torne in pieces &c. And a great deale more is spoken in that Epistle of theirs , which though it be long and large , is worthie the reading over . And this , no doubt , moved the Bishop of Florence also , in the yeare 1106 , publiquely to preach , that Antichrist was borne , and then in Esse : which Pope Paschall understanding of , and being much grieved therewith , tooke the paines to goe himselfe in person , to Florence , to stop the mouth of this Bishop : And ( fearing , as it seemes , to stirre in the matter , too much ) contented himselfe onely to admonish him , to desist from this bold enterprise , lest otherwise , indeed , the truth of that matter , should more strongly breake out . But yet further , about the yeare 1150. The letters of the Emperor , Fredericke Barbarossa , to the Princes of Germany , be sufficiently knowne : wherein he sheweth unto them , that the Pope had no other drift , but to set his foot upon the Emperors head , that so hee might the more easily overcome the members : And upon this it was , ( saith Radevicus ) That the Pope vvas not ashamed to maintaine , that the Emperor vvas his man , and held the Empire of him . Yea , the Popes are gone so farre ( saith Aventinus ) that they affect both domination and deitie : so that they vvill be feared of all , as God , yea , more then God : pretending that they are not bound to give account of their Actions to any : That amongst them be many Antichrists , and that indeede there be none more pernicious to the Christian Religion , then the Popes . The same Emperor , in his letters to King VVencislaus , saith , that the high Bishops of Babylon , that is , of Rome , doe sit long over the Temple of God , and seise upon the divinity : that to please the desire of these false Christs , th● Princes doe ruinate one another , and all states be in a combustion : That they be blinde vvhich see not , that they be cruel vvolves , which under sheepes cloathing , spoyle the flocke of Christ. And that this was the Iudgement also even of sundry of the Germane Church , as wel as of the Emperor , appeareth by the oration of an Archbishop to the States of the Empire : for ( saith he ) He that is the servant of servants , as if he vvere God , coveteth to be the Lord of Lords : hee disclaymeth the counsell of his brethren , or rather of his Lords : He feareth lest hee should be forced to give account of that vvhich he doth , and usurpeth every day , over the lawes : Hee uttereth great things , as if he vvere God : Hee coyneth new devises in his minde , to appropriate the Empire to himselfe ; he changeth the good lawes , and establisheth his owne : he prophaneth , he raveneth : he spoyleth , he defraudeth , he massacreth : even that man of perdition doth this , vvhom they are wont to call Antichrist : in vvhose forehead , this name of blasphemy is written ; I am a God , I cannot erre . He sitteth in the Temple of God , and Ruleth farre and wide , &c. Petrus Blessensis , likewise , verie earnestly adviseth all good men to depart from Rome , as from the midst of Babylon : And Sigebertus also , witnesseth , that for the most part , all that were good , just , open hearted , ingenuous , and plaine-dealing men , held , That the kingdome of Antichrist vvas then , and in those dayes . About which time also the VValdenses and Albigenses in France , did openly sequester themselves from the Romish Church , holding and maintayning amongst other articles ( as the bookes of their adversaries themselves doe witnesse ) That Popish Rome is the Babylon mentioned in the Revelation , and that the Pope is the very Antichrist , foretold in the Scriptures . And about the yeare 1230 , one VVilliam Bishop of Paris , likewise feared not to call Rome , Babylon , Egypt , Sodome : and her Prelates , Profaners and spoylers of the True Spouse of Christ , that established Lucifer againe in the heaven of Christs Church ▪ Robert Grosthead Bishop of Lincolne , Sebaldus Archbishop of Yorke , and Probus Bishop of Thoul , did in their times also , mightily inveigh against the Pope . One Haiabalus , a Franciscan , preached openly in Avinian , That the Pope and his Cardinals were Antichrist , and that the Popish Church was the VVhore of Babylon , mentioned in the Revelation : And being sent for by Pope Clement the sixt , he affirmed , that he was commanded from God to publish it , and that hee could not otherwise doe . Francis Petrarch ( Archdeacon of Parma , and a Chanon of Padua ) who lived about the yeare 1350 , and who for all kinde of learning might be called the light of his age , not onely in his Sonnets , but even in his Epistles also , exclaimeth against the Pope , his Court , and Church , saying : That the Popes Chayre , is the Chayre of lying ; that it is a Defection , a Revolt , an Apostasie of a people , that under the Standard of Christ , rebell against Christ , and fight for Sathan : That the Papacy , and no other , is the Babylon , the mother of all the vvhoredomes of the earth , &c. Nicholaus Oresmus also , ( who lived about the yeare 1364. ) feared not to say , before Pope Vrban the fift , That the Church of Rome vvas vvorse , then vvhilom vvas the Iewish Synagogue : That the Time of Antichrist ( spoken of in 2. Thess. 2 , ) vvas come , seeing the Romane Empire vvas desolated : and that betweene the desolation thereof , and the comming of Antichrist , there vvas no middle time : thereby signifying plainely enough , that Antichrist then was in being , and had his seate in Rome . Which thing also , Iohannes de Rupe scissa , a Franciscan Frier , was bold to affirme , before Pope Vrban the sixt : for which , hee was prisoner a long time in Avinion . These ( to pretermit sundrie other Authorities and Testimonies , which might be further cited , if need were ) sufficiently declare , that manie hundreth yeares before King HENRY the Eight , or LUTHER , or CALVIN were borne , the Pope of Rome was held & published to be Antichrist , and the Beast spoken of in the Revelation ; and that Popish Rome , was the Whore of Babylon : as also , they shew , where our Church was all that while , untill they made an actuall separation from the Pope and Poperie . And where it hath been ever since , is a thing so well knowne , and apparant , that it needeth not to be shewed . And thus much may suffice to have spoken generally . Now let us proceede to other matters . FINIS LIBRI PRIMI . THE SECOND PART of the BOOKE . CHAP. I. Wherein that point , concerning the infallible Iudge of these controversies , is amplified , and further debated and declared . And , what Scriptures be Canonical , and what not : Of the perfection and sufficiencie of the Scriptures , without Traditions : That the Church , is to be tryed and decided by the Scriptures . And who be the right Catholikes : That the Scriptures in their originals be incorrupt , and to be preferred before that which is called S. Hieromes Translation , and before all other Translations , whatsoever : That the publique Service should be in such a Tongue as the people ▪ may understand : That Lay-people may and ought to reade the Scriptures : And whence all right exposition of them is to be had . AS wee are all under one God , and under one King ; and the same a most worthie , learned , vertuous , and Christian King : so were it very consonant and convenient ( if by anie good meanes it might be brought to passe ) that we did all hold and professe one and the selfe same true faith & Christian Religion . For , indeed , not anie unitie or agreement in falshood or errors , but an unitie or agreement in the truth and true Religion , is the thing that ought of all to be sought after and desired . But now which is that one true Christian Religion , which all ought to embrace , is that which is made the great Question : namely , whether it be Protestancy , or Papistry , inasmuch as both these , lay claime unto it . Wherein , if God , speaking in his owne sacred and Canonicall Scriptures , may be ( as is most fit he should be ) allowed to bee the Iudge , then is this which is made so great a question , soone decided and at an end : it being by him there cleerely resolved , that not that which is called Papistry , but that which is called Protestancy , is the right and true Christian Religion . For what be Protestants ( as they be in this Controversie distinguished against Papists ) but such as professe to build their Faith and Religion wholly and altogether upon that undoubted word of God , the sacred and Canonical Scriptures ? And what is Papistry on the other side , but a profession of such a Faith and Religion as is not so grounded , but relieth partly upon unwritten Traditions , partly upon the determination of the Popes , & partly upon the Decrees of their Councels and voice of their owne Church and Teachers , and upon such like strengthes and staies , as whereby they may easily be deceived . Howbeit , what cause is there , why the pretended Catholicks should not allow God , speaking in his divine and Canonical Scriptures , to be the Iudge , in these Controversies ? For is there , or can there be anie higher , better , juster , or surer Iudge to trust unto , then hee ? or is there anie equall to him , or comparable with him ? What meane they herein ? Would they have their owne Church , Clergie , Councels , and Pope to be the Iudge ? That were not fit , nor equall , yee know , that such as be parties , should also be the Iudges in their owne cause . Yea if their Councell of Constance , and Councell of Trent , or anie other of their Councels , were much better then they be , ( as they be , indeed , none of the best sort ) yet were they not to be held for sure or infallible Iudges in this case , for anie to build his faith upon , or to trust unto them , without further search and examination . For all their Councells , bee they never so generall , consist of men , and of such men , as may possibly fall into error , and be themselves deceived , either through ignorance and want of sufficient knowledge , or through corruption , partialitie , or through some one meanes , or other . Their Councels , I am sure , are not better then those that were in Gregory Nazianzens time , nor altogether so good : and yet he saith , out of his owne observation , of the Councels of his time ; that , The lust of strife , and desire to beare rule , did raigne there , many times . And Eusebius saith likewise of those times , that , The chiefe Rulers of the Church ▪ forgetting Gods commandements , vvere enflamed one against another , vvith contention , emulation , pride , malice , and hatred . And therefore , it appeareth to be a thing possible enough , even for general Councels , ( aswell as for Provincial ) sometime to erre and goe astray . For example , They remember the general Councels wherein the Arrian heresie was established , whereof that of Arimine was one : as also the second Ephesine Councell , which decreed for the Nestorians : Did not these generall Councels erre , & that even in matters of Faith ? I am sure , they will grant that they did : for so the Rhemists and other Papists themselves confesse . Why then may not their generall Councels likewise erre which make decrees in maintenance of their Poperie , as those other did which decreed in maintenance of their Arrianisme , and Nestorianisme ? The Rhemists answer , That those Councels wanted the Popes assent , assistance , or confirmation , and therefore they erred : howbeit , that is not the reason why they erred ; but the true reason and cause of their error was , because they decreed not according to the holy and Canonical Scriptures , but contrarie thereunto : For even Councels also which had the Bishop of Romes assent , were not therefore priviledged from error ; as appeareth by the second Councell of Nice , which decreed , that Angels , and mens soules also , be corporeall : for this the Papists themselves cannot denie to be an error . Yea how is it possible , that by the Popes assent or confirmation anie Councell should or can be ever the more priviledged from error , when even the Popes themselves have no such priviledge in that behalfe ? For it is well knowne , that Pope Liberius erred , and that not onely personally , but iudicially also , and defin●tively , and in a matter of Faith , when hee subscribed to the Arrian heresie : as testifieth Athanasius Apolog. 2. ad solitariè vitam agentes , S. Hierome in Catalogo , Damasus in Pontificali , Marianus Scotus , Petrus Damianus , epist. 5. cap. 16. &c. Honorius also ( Pope of Rome ) was a Monotbelite , and did not onely fall into that heresie , but in a Decretal Epistle , did also publish and confirme the same ; as is proved by the Councel of Constantinople the sixt , where he was condemned , Constant. 6. act . 13. Pope Innocentius likewise erred in a matter of Faith , when he held , that Infants could not bee saved , unlesse they received the Communion : for this , the Papists themselves confesse to be an error : and yet Pope Innocentius held it , as S. Augustine witnesseth , cyting the Decretal Epistle of the same Pope , to the Bishops of Numidia , for proofe thereof ; cont . duas epistol . Pel. ad Bonifac. lib. 2. cap. 4 & cont . Iul. lib. 1. cap. 2. If Popes then may erre , and become Heretickes , as both here , and before , and afterwards also , is verie evident : it is thereby manifest , that their assenting , subscribing , or confirming of Councels , can give the same Councels , no more priviledge from error , then formerly they had . But they then alledge , that the Holy Ghost is promised to Councels , and therefore they cannot erre : I demand of them , whether the Holy Ghost is not promised to Provincial Councels , as well as to General ? They cannot denie , but he is : And yet the Rhemists and other Popish Teachers grant , that a Provincial Councel may erre in matter of Faith , notwithstanding this promise of the Holy Ghost : whence , is rightly inferred , that a General Councell may , by the same reason , likewise erre in matter of Faith , as well as a Provincial , notwithstanding that promise . For you must ever remember , that it is not , in respect of a greater Number or Multitude , but in respect of the promise of the Holy Ghost , that this priviledge from Error is pretended and supposed . But yet further , observe , that the holy Ghost , the spirit of truth , is promised and given to everie particular godly Pastor , Doctor , and Minister of Christ , as well as to Councels : yea everie true Christian , and faithfull member of Christ , hath also the holy Ghost to guide and direct him , as the Scriptures doe plainly testifie . By vertue then of this reason drawn from the promise or giving of the holy Ghost , I may as well conclude , that no godly particular Pastor , or Doctor , or other Minister of Christ , can possibly erre in a matter of Faith : yea , inasmuch as the holy Ghost , the spirit of sanctification , is also promised and given to everie godly man , I may aswell conclude that no godly man therefore can possibly erre , at any time , as touching life & conversation : for the holy Ghost is as well able to guide a man continually in a good and not erring life , as in a right & not erring faith . But touching this matter , S. August . saith : That evē general Councels which are gathered out of all the Christian world be oftentimes corrected , the former by the latter , when by any triall of things , that is opened which before was shut , & that is known which before lay hidden . And therefore also was it appointed , that even in a general Councel it selfe , they should pray unto God , that hee would Ignorantiae ipsorum parcere , & errori indulgere , spare their ignorance , and pardon their error . Doth not this cleerly declare , that even a General Councell may also possibly erre , as well as a Provinciall . Yea , your selves doe grant , that a Generall Councell may erre in matters of fact notwithstanding this promise : & why then wil you not grant , that it may , by the same reason , possibly erre also in a matter of faith ? For is not the holy Ghost ( promised to a General Councel ) as powerfull to preserve and keepe from error , in the one case as in the other ? No question but hee is . Concerning this point therefore , ye must not forget that which I said before : namely , that although most true it is , that the Holy Ghost cannot possibly erre , nor anie men , or Councels , so long as he guideth them , & that they follow his directions : yet because Men and Councels , be not alwaies guided and directed by him , but be suffered sometime to follow their owne concei●s , fancies , and affections , ( for the Holy Ghost may at his owne good pleasure , and doth sometimes leave men to themselves , not extending nor shewing forth his strength , vertue , force , and efficacie at all times ) : In such cases , and at such times , it is a most easie matter ▪ for men , and Councels , to erre , sinne , and goe astray . Wherefor S. Chrysostome herein giveth us an excellent rule , saying : Si quem videritis dicentem , spiritum sanctum habeo , & non loquentem evangelica , sed propria , is à seipso loquitur , & non est spiritus sanctus , in ipso : If ( saith hee ) yee shall see anie man , that saith , I have the holy Ghost , and doth not speake things agreeable to the Gospel , but his owne , that man speaketh of himselfe , and the holy Ghost is not in him . And againe he saith ; Si quis eorum , qui dicuntur habere spiritum , dicat aliquid de seipso , & non ex Evangelio , ne credite : If anie of them which are said to have the spirit , speake anie thing of himselfe , and not forth of the Gospel , beleeve him not . So that , it still appeareth that the Gospel of Christ , and divine Scriptures , is the thing whereby men are to trie and examine all spirits , and their doctrines , and decrees , and to determine , who they be that speake and decree by the guidance and direction of the holy Ghost , and who not . And therefore doth S. Augustine also take it , that , no man , is absolutely bound by the authoritie of Councels , though they be generall : for thus hee saith to one that obiected a generall Councell against him ; Neyther ought I to alledge the Councell of Nice , nor thou the Councell of Arimine , as thereby to preiudicate one another : for neyther am I bound by the authoritie of this or thou of that : but let matter vvith matter , cause vvith cause , and reason vvith reason , make the Tryall , by the authoritie of Scriptures , not proper vvitnesses to any of us , but indifferent to us both . And concerning the Pope : that he may erre , as well as anie other Bishop , in matter of Faith ; beside that which is before spoken , it further appeareth even by Gratian himselfe , dist . 40. where it is taken for granted , that the Pope may be , à fide Devius , a goer out of the way of faith . Lyra affirmeth expresly ; that manie Popes have beene found , Apostotasse à Fide , To have been Apostotates , or departers from the faith . The Councell of Constance calleth Pope Benedict , a Schismaticke , and an Hereticke , and a departer from the faith . The like is said of Pope Iohn the 23. Catharinus saith directly ; Nihil prohibet Papam errare , etiam in fide , & deficere , etiamsi quidam novitij Scriptores ausi sint oppositum defendere , praeter communem sensum Doctorum : Nothing withstandeth , but that the Pope may erre , even in faith , and faile ; albeit some late writers have dared to defend the contrarie , against the common opinion of the Doctors . And so likewise testifieth Alphonsus de Castro ; Papam posse in ijs , quae ad fidem spectant , errare : immo aliquos Pontifices summos , errasse in fide , compertum est : That the Pope may erre even in matters of faith : yea it is found ( saith he ) that some Popes have erred in faith . And againe he saith ; Omnis homo errare in fide potest , etiamsi Papa sit : Nam de Liberio Papa , refert Platina , eum sens●sse cum Arrianis : Everie man may erre , in point of faith , though hee be a Pope : For of Pope Liberius , Platina reporteth , that he held the Arrian heresie . Yea Panormitan saith , that a Councell may depose the Pope for Heresie , ut in cap Si Papa ▪ dist . 40. where it is likewise said , That the Pope may be an Hereticke , and iudged of Heresie . Yea , In concernentibus fidem , etiam dictum unius privati esset praeferendum dicto Papae , si ille moveretur melioribus Authoritatibus novi & veteris Testamenti quam Papa : In things concerning faith ( saith hee ) the saying even of one private man is to be preferred before the saying of the Pope ▪ if he be moved by better authoritie of the old and new Testament , then the Pope . It is therefore evident , that neither the Pope by himselfe , nor yet ioined in Councel with others , is , or , can be held to be an unerrable or infallible Iudge , in this case . What then ? Would anie have the old Doctors , and ancient Fathers to be this Iudge ? But they also may erre , and doe sometimes taxe one another for errors . Yea themselves ( as before is shewed ) doe humbly and reverently submit , all their doctrines , positions , and opinions , to the judgement of the Canonicall Scriptures ; not desiring to be further credited , or , beleeved , then there is warrant , for what they speake , or write , within those sacred writings . Whereby they sufficiently give us to understand , that God onely , speaking in these his Scriptures , is to be held for the only Infallible Iudge , for the determining and deciding of every controversie in Religion . Ista controversia Iudicem inquirit . Iudicet ergo Christus : This controversie enquireth after a Iudge : Let Christ then be Iudge , saith S. Augustine . Iudicet cum illo & Apostolus , quia in Apostolo ipse loquitur Christus : Let also ( saith hee ) the Apostle iudge with him , because in the Apostle , Christ himselfe speaketh . And againe he saith ; Sedeat inter nos Iudex Apostolus Iohannes : Let the Apostle Iohn , sit Iudge betweene us . In like sort speaketh Optatus : Quaerendi sunt Iudices : In terris , de hac re , nullum poterit reperiri Iudicium : de coelo quaerendus est Iudex ; sed ut quid pulsamus ad coelum , cum habeamus hic in Evangelio Testamentum , &c. Iudges are to be sought for : In earth ( saith hee ) none can be found for this matter : from heaven therefore , is the Iudge to be sought ; but vvhy doe vve knocke at heaven , vvhen we have here upon earth , a Testament in the Gospel ? An earthly father , vvhen he feeleth himselfe neere death , fearing lest after his death , the brethren , breaking peace , should fall at variance , calling witnesses unto him , out of his breast ready to dye putteth his vvill into a vvritten Testament , that shall long continue : And if variance grow amongst the brethren , they goe not to the grave , but the Testament , or last vvill is demanded : and hee which resteth in the grave , speaketh out of that his speechlesse Testament , vvith a lively voyce . ( viz. that voice , which he uttered , whilst he lived ) He vvhose Testament it is , is in heaven : therefore as in a Testament , so in the Gospel , let his will be enquired . To the same effect S. Augustine saith : VVho is he that knoweth not that the Canonicall Scripture is so conteyned vvithin his certaine bounds of the old and new Testament , and is so to be preferred , before all other vvritings of Bishops , that a man may not at all either doubt or dispute , vvhether any thing be right or true , that he is sure , is vvritten in it : but the vvritings of all other Bishops , which eyther are , or hereafter shall be vvritten ( beside the Canonicall Scriptures alreadie confirmed ) may be reproved , eyther by more grave authority of other Bishops , or learned men , or by the vvords of any man that is better seene in the matter . Again he saith thus : Gather not ( my Brother ) against so many , so cleere , and so undoubted , testimonies of the Scriptures , sentences misunderstood , out of the vvritings of Bishops , eyther of ours , or of Hillary , or of Cyprian Bishop and Martyr of the Church : for , vve must put a difference betwixt this kinde of vvriting , and the Canonicall Scriptures : for these are not so to be read , as though a Testimony might be alledged out of them , in such sort , as that no man might thinke otherwise , if they happen to iudge otherwise , then the truth requireth . And againe he saith : VVe ought not to allow the reasonings of any men , whatsoever they be , be they never so Catholike and Prayse-worthy , as the Canonicall Scriptures , so that it shall not be lawfull for us , ( saving the reverence that is due to those men ) to reprove and refuse any thing in their writings , if it fall out that they have iudged otherwise , then the truth is , the same Truth being by Gods helpe , understood either of other men , or of us . For I am even such a one in other mens vvritings , as I vvould men should be in mine . And againe he speaketh thus : If any question be eyther concerning Christ , or concerning his Church , or concerning any other matter vvhatsoever , which belongeth to our faith , and life : I will not say ( If vvee ) but that which the Apostle further addeth ( in Gal. 1. 8.9 . ) If an Angel from heaven ▪ should preach unto you any other thing , praeterquam quod in scripturis legalibus & Evangelicis accepistis , Anathema sit ; Beside that which ye have received in the scriptures of the Law and the Gospel , let him be accursed . Ambrose likewise upon that Text before mentioned ( of Gal. 1.8.9 . ) giveth this observation : The Apostle ( saith he ) doth not say , If they preach contrary , but , if they preach any thing beside that which vve have preached , that is , if they adde any thing to it at all , hold him accursed And therefore , Si quid dicatur absque Scriptura , Auditorum cogita●io claudicat : If any thing be spoken vvithout the Scripture , the cogitation of the Hearer halteth , saith Chrysostome . Yea , To leane to the Divine Scriptures ( which is the certaine and undoubted Truth ) is ( saith Irenaeus ) to build a mans house , upon a sure and strong Rocke : But to leave them , and to leane to anie other Doctrines vvhatsoever they be , is to build a ruinous house upon the shattering gravell , vvhereof the overthrow is easie . Here then you may prrceive , that even those unwritten Traditions also ( which yee obtrude unto us under the name of Apostolicall ) that bee not specified nor found written in Gods booke , the sacred and Canonicall Scriptures , are iustly refusable , as being unassured , uncertaine , and unwarranted stuffe . For so also doth S. Ierome say , All that ever vvee speake wee ought to prove it by the Scriptures . And so also speaketh Chrysostome , saying , Therefore neither are they to be beleeved at all , except they speake those things which be agreeable to the Scriptures . To that which Faustus put forth upon the birth of Mary , that shee had a certaine Priest to her father , named Ioachim . S. Augustine answereth : Because it is not Canonicall ( saith he ) it doth not bind mee . The like answer giveth Tertullian to Appelles , which said , that the Angels had a bodily substance , which they tooke of the Stars : There is no certaintie ( saith he ) in this matter , because the Scripture declareth it not . And indeed , who can assure such Traditions to be undoubtedly Divine , or to be originally and infalibly Apostolicall , which have onely Men for the witnessing of them , and whereof there is no testimonie in the Apostles writings , or in Gods booke to be found ? For if they be not there specified , who ( as S. Augustine speaketh ) can say , That these and these they are ? Or if he dare be bould to say so , hovv will he prove it ? But moreover , we neede none of those Traditions , as I said before ; inasmuch as the Scriptures themselves bee fully sufficient , for us and for our direction and instruction in all things necessarie , & expedient for us . For , beside the Scriptures which declare so much , Tertullian likewise saith , Adoro scripturae plenitudinem : I adore the compleatnes or the fulnes of the Scriptures . And S. Basil also saith , Manifestum est infidelitatis & arrogantiae crimen , vel reijcere aliquid quod scriptum est , vel addere aliquid quod non est scriptum , That it is a manifest fault of infidelitie and arrogancie , either to reiect anie thing of that which is written , or to bring in anie thing of that which is not written . Yea , such is the sufficiencie , fulness , perfection , and compleatness of the Scriptures in all points and respects , that as you heard before , S. Augustine denounceth him accursed that shall preach or teach anie thing beside them , or which is not therein conteined , or thereby warranted . And therefore also doth Scotus himselfe say : Patet quod scriptura sufficienter continet doctrinam necessariam viatori ; It is evident the Scripture sufficiently conteineth all doctrine necessarie for a wayfaring man : that is , for a man whilst he liveth and travelleth in this world . 2 But moreover , even expositions also of Scripture , are to be framed & warranted by the Scriptures , & to be found consonant with them , or otherwise they are likewise refusable : For it is not any humane or private spirit ( as S ▪ Peter sheweth ) but it must be a divine spirit , even the Spirit of God ( the holy Ghost ) from whence all true sence and right interpretation of the Scriptures is to be derived . And this S. Paul also declareth , saying ; that As no man knovveth the things of a man , but the spirit of man vvhich is in him : so no man knoweth the things of God but the Spirit of God. If therefore wee would know who they be that have this onely right interpreting Spirit , that is , the holy Ghost for their guide in that behalfe : wee may know it by this , If their expositions be such as bee sutable and agreeable to the Canonicall Scriptures , without repugnancie of anie one place to another . Therefore also doth Origen speake thus : VVee must needes ( saith he ) call the holy Scriptures to vvitnes , because our sences and expositions vv●thout those vvitnesses , have no credite . And so saith Irenaeus : Secundum scripturas expositio , legitima , et diligeus , & sine periculo & sine blasphemia est . That is the right and legitimate exposition , and the diligent , and vvithout danger , and vvithout blasphemie , vvhich is according to the Scriptures . Chrysostome likewise saith : Scriptura seipsam exponit , & auditorem errare non sinit : The Scripture expoundeth it selfe , and suffereth not the learner to erre . And this rule , namely to expound Scripture by Scripture , and by conferring one place with another , giveth also S. Augustine : Darke places ' are to be expounded by plainer places : This is ( saith he ) the sure vvay to expound one scripture by another . The same doth S. Augustine againe teach in other places : as namely , De doctrina lib. 2. cap. 6. & 26.27.28 . &c , And Clemens Epist. 5. and Dist. 37.6 . Relatum ; where it is said , Non enim sensum extrinsecus alienum & extraneum , debetis quaerere : Sed ex ipsis Scripturis , sensum capere veritatis oportet : For yee ought not to seeke for a strange and forraine sence from vvithout , but out of the verie Scriptures themselves , yee must take the sence of the truth . So that although the Church of Christ , and the Bishops , Pastors , and Ministers therein be to expound the Scriptures , yet wee see by what rule they are to be directed , namely , by the Scriptures themselves ( and not to expound it at randome , or as they list ) If they wil have their expositions to be right and sound , and such as shall be deemed to come from the holy Ghost . 3 Yea the verie Church it selfe is also thus to be tried and decided , namely , by the Scriptures : For so S. Augustine holdeth directly , saying thus : Let us not heare , I say , and thou sayest : but let us heare , Thus saith the Lord. There are verily the Lords bookes , to the authoritie vvhereof vvee both consent , vvee both beleeve , vvee both serve : There let us search the Church , there let us discusse our cause . And againe he saith , That all that should be remooved , vvhatsoever is alleaged on eyther side against other , saving that vvhich commeth out of the Canonicall Scriptures . And againe he saith : Let them shevv their Church , if they can , not in the sayings and fame of the Affricanes , nor in the determinations of their Bishops , nor in any mans reasonings , nor in false signes and vvonders , ( for against all these vvee be vvarned and armed by Gods VVord ) but in the things appointed in the Lavv , spoken before by the Prophets in the Songs of the Psalmes , in the voyce of the Shepheard himselfe , and in the preachings and painefulnesse of the Evangelists , that is , in the authoritie of the bookes Canonicall . And a little after he saith againe thus : To that eternall salvation commeth no man , but he that hath the head Christ : and no man can have the head Christ , vvhich is not in his bodie , the Church : vvhich Church , as also the head it selfe , vvee must knovv by the Canonicall Scriptures , and not seeke it in divers rumors and opinions of men , nor in facts , reports , and visions &c. Let all this sort of them be chaffe , and not give sentence before hand against the vvheat , that they bee the Church . But this point ( viz. vvhether they be the Church or no ) Let them shevv no other vvay but by the Cononicall bo●kes of the holy Scriptures . For neither doe vvee say that men ought to beleeve vs , because vvee are in the Catholike Church of Christ : or because Optatus Bishop of Millevet ▪ or Ambrose Bishop of Millain , or innumerable other Bishops of our Communion , doe all●w this doctrine that vvee hold : or beca●se in Churches of our Companions , it is preached : or , because that through the vvhole world , in those holy places , vvhere our Congregations resorted , so manie wonders , either of hearings , or of healing , be done : vvhatsoever such things be done in the Catholicke Church , the Church is not th●refore proved Catholicke , because these things bee done in it . The Lord Iesus himselfe , vvhen he vvas risen from death , and offered his ovvne bodie to be seene vvith the eies , and handled vvith the hands of his Apostles , least , they should for all that , thinke themselves to bee deceaved , hee rather iudged , that they ought to bee established by the testimonie of the lavv , Prophets , and Psalmes : shevving those things to be fulfilled in him , that were there spoken so long before of him . And hereupon a little after he saith againe : These are the doctrines , these are the stayes of our cause : vvee read in the Acts of the Apostles , of some faithfull men , that they searched the Scriptures , vvhether the things vvere so or no , vvhich they had heard preached : vvhat scriptures , I pray , did they search , but the Canonicall of the Lavv , and of the Prophets ? To these are ioyned the Gospels , the Epistles of the Apostles , the Acts of the Apostles , The Revelation of S. Iohn . Search all these , bring forth some plaine thing , out of them , vvhereby you may declare that the Church hath remained onely in Affricke . So farre Augustine . Chrysostome also speaketh to the same effect , saying : VVhen you shall see the abhominable desolation stand in the holy place ; that is ( as he expoundeth it ) VVhen you shall see vngodly Heresie ( vvhich is the army of Antichrist ) stand in the holy places of the Church : in that time , let them which are in Iurie , flie vnto the hills : that is ( saith hee ) Let them , that are in Christendome , resort vnto the Scriptures : for like as the true Ievv , is a Christian , ( as the Apostle saith , he is not a Ievv , vvhich is one outvvard ) in like manner , the verie Ievvrie is Christianitie , the hills are the Scriptures of the Apostles and Prophets . But why doth hee command all Christians at that time to resort to the Scriptures ? Because in this time , sithence Heresie hath prevailed in the Church , there can bee ( saith hee ) no proofe , nor other refuge for Christian men , ( desirous to knovv the truth of the right Faith ) but onely by the Scriptures . And the reason hereof he further sheweth : For ( saith he ) such things as pertaine to Christ , the Heretickes also have in their schisme : They have likevvise Churches , likevvise the Scriptures of God ; Bishops also , and other orders of Clerkes , and likevvise Baptisme , and the Sacrament of the Eucharist , and to conclude , Christ himselfe : vvherefore , he that vvill knovv vvhich is the true Church of Christ in this so great confusion of things , being so like , hovv shall he knovv it , but onely by the Scriptures ? And afterward againe he saith thus : For if they shall looke upon anie other thing , but onely the Scriptures , they shall stumble and perish , not perceiving vvhich is the true Church : and so fall into the abhominable desolation , vvhich standeth in the holy places of the Church . So farre he . Now then , these being times of Schisme , and heresie , and of much contention , and variance betweene the Protestants and the Papists , and the great question betweene them being , VVhether of them is the true Church : Yea , these being the times , wherein the verie grand Antichrist himselfe , with his armie of Bishops , Priests , and Clerkes , hath place in the world ( as before in some sort , but afterwards is more fully declared ) It followeth necessarily by this rule of his , as also by the former Rule and direction of S. Augustine likewise , that all people that bee desirous to know the truth in these times , and which is the true Church , must resort and betake themselves for the true tryall , discerning and deciding hereof , vnto the holy Scriptures only , for all other waies and courses be , uncertaine and unsure , and such as whereby a man may possibly and easily be deceived , as those ancient Fathers do there expresly teach and affirme . And to give you some little tast here also that these be the times of Antichrist , and that Antichrist is long sithence come ▪ and that the Pope of Rome is he : besides that which is before spoken , doe but consider what the Abbot Ioachim long sithence told King Richard the first , King of England , namely , that Antichrist was then alreadie borne , and had his seat at Rome , and was to be advanced in that Apostolicall Sea. And he further saith : Non nulli sub specie sedis Dei , id est● , universalis Ecclesiae , Facti sunt sed●s Bestiae , quae est regnum Antichristi , regnantis ubique in membris suis &c. Sundrie ( saith he ) under pretence of Gods seat , that is , of the universall Church , are become the seat of the Beast , vvhich is the Kingdome of Antichrist , raigning everie vvhere in his members : consisting ( as he there further saith ) in the Cleargie men , & in the Monkes , and Monasteries . Againe he saith , that : Rome est in spiritu Babylon : Rome is the spirituall Babylon . And againe he saith : Negotiatores terrae , sunt ipsi sacerdotes , qui vendunt orationes & missas pro Denarijs , facientes domum orationis , Apothecam Negotiationis : The Merchants of the earth be the Priests themselves , vvho sell Prayers and Masses for money , making the house of Prayer a shop of Merchandize : Yea sundrie both Princes , and Bishops , of Germanie long agon , have affirmed and published the Pope , to be Antichrist , as appeareth in Aventinus . But I leave this to be as I said more fully handled afterward . In the meane time , if anie would know who be the right Catholikes ( as Papists verie boldly , but verie uniustly , take upon them that title ) let him consider these two sentences of Vincentius , and conferre and ioyne them together : The first is this : Id teneamus quod VBIQVE , quod SEMPER , quod ab OMNIBVS , creditum : hoc est enim verè proprieque Catholicum : Let us uphold that vvhich hath beene beleeved everie vvhere , and at all times , & of all persons , for this is rightly and properly Catholicke . The second is this , where he saith : Ille est verus & Germanus Catholicus , qui quidquid universaliter ANTIQVITVS ▪ ecclesiam Catholicam tenuisse cognoverit , id solum sibi tenendum creder dumque decernit : He is the true and right Catholicke , who iudgeth that he is to hold & beleeve , onely that which he knoweth the Catholicke Church to have formerly held universally , in the old time . This Vincentius lived above 1200. yeares sithence : so that , this Antiquitùs , this old time whereto he referreth everie man , that will be a right Catholicke , cannot be intended the age and time , wherein himselfe lived ( much lesse can it he supposed , anie of those manie hundreth yeares , that came after him , and are sithence his time gone and past ) but it must needs be intended of an old time , passed long before the time , wherein hee lived and wrote these things ; which old time therefore , which he so called , what can it be , but the Primitive and Apostolicke times ? If then yee will prove your selves to bee Catholickes , and your Church to bee the Catholike Church , by this rule and definition of Catholikes , out of Vincentius , then must you not take your patterne and proofe , from that Councell of Trent , nor from the late Councell of Constance , nor anie of the times after Vincentius , but you must transcend , and goe to the times that were in the old Time long before the daies of this Vincentius , even to the primitive and Apostolike times ( which were indeed , the best and purest times ) and from thence must you take the patterne of your Church and Religion . For that , which alwayes formerly , and every vvhere , and of all Christians , in That Old Time , was held and beleeved , is the thing that he accounteth and defineth to be Catholicke ; and such to be Catholickes ; which hold and beleeve only so much , and no more . Which faith , doctrine , and religion of those old , Primitive , and Apostolicke times , was at first delivered by word of mouth by the Apostles , but was afterwards ( as Irenaeus hath before enformed us ) committed to VVriting , that so it might be for ever that , The foundation and pillar of our Faith. Yea , this , even Vincentius also himselfe teacheth , saying : Scripturarum canon sufficit ad omnia satis superque ; the canon of the Scriptures , doth suffice for all matters , sufficiently and more then sufficiently , that is , abundantly and overflowingly . By this rule then and definition of a Catholike , given so long agon by Vincentius , it is evident , that , not yee , but wee , are to be held for the right and true Catholikes : inasmuch as not yee , but wee , doe beleeve and hold that faith , doctrine , and Religion , which those old and first Christians universally held in those ancient , primitive , and Apostolick times , and which was afterwards written , and is omni-sufficiently conteined in that written word of God , the sacred and canonicall Scriptures : Yea that , and onely that , wee hold and beleeve , as Vincentius saith , right and true Catholikes ought to doe , and so doe not you : therefore , whether yee , or wee , be the right Catholiks , is a verie easie and apparant matter to be decided . Aufer Haereticis , quae cum Ethnicis sapiunt , ut de scripturis solis Quaestiones suas sistant , & stare non poterunt : Take from the Heretickes ( saith Tertullian ) those things , wherein they savour of Heathen wisedome , so as that they bring their Controversies to bee decided onely by the Scriptures , and they be not able to stand . In which wordes , men that will not suffer their Controversies to bee decided onely by the Scriptures , may see themselves ranged within the compasse of Hereticks and so termed and entituled by him : so farre are they off from being the right and true Catholikes . And yet , Papists have , I grant , for some of their errors , a kinde of Antiquitie ; but it is an Antiquitie of a later date , and it is not that most ancient Antiquitie , which Vincentius , and the rest of the ancient Fathers direct you unto , and which should be in request : For that is the True , whatsoever is the first : and that which is later or , commeth in after the first , is the adulterate or corrupted , as Tertullian againe expressely affirmeth . Yea , he saith further : Hoc mihi proficit Antiquitas , praestructae divinae Literaturae : Herein doth Antiquitie availe me , if it be builded upon the divine Scripture . Wherefore , if yee will be good and right Catholikes , ye must go and take the patterne and president of your Faith and Religion , from those most ancient , primitive , and Apostolike times , as we doe : because ( as Eusebius , also , out of Egesippus , noteth ) the Church so long as the Apostles lived , remayned a pure Virgin : for that if any vvent about to corrupt the holy rule vvhich was preached , they did it in the Darke , and as it vvere underneath the earth : But after the death of the Apostles , and that generation was past , which God vouchsafed to heare the divine wisedome with their own eares , the placing of wicked error ( saith he ) began to come into the Church . For which purpose , & to shew that corruptiō grew in those after & succeeding times , Clemēs also alledgeth the proverb , That there were few sons like their fathers . 4 And here whilest I am speaking of the Canonicall Scriptures , I must crave leave to tell you , that the Popish Church holdeth divers Bookes to be Canonical Scripture , which the old and ancient Church , held not to be Canonicall : as namely , Tobias , Iudith , VVisedome , Ecclesiasticus , ( otherwise called , Iesus the sonne of Sirach ) , the Maccabees , and the rest , which the Protestants , with that old & ancient Church , hold , not to be Canonicall : for so doth Athanasius affirme of them , that non sunt Canonici ; they be not Canonicall . Cyrill calleth them Apocryphall , & biddeth men reade those XXII . bookes of the old Testament ; Cum Apocryphis vero nihil habeas negotij : But with the Apocryphall bookes ( saith hee ) have nothing to doe . Cyprian , or , if you will have it so , Ruffinus , after he had rehearsed the Canonicall Bookes of the old Testament , saith : Haec sunt quae ▪ Patres inim Canonem concluserunt : ex quibus fidei nostrae assertiones constare voluerunt . S●●on●dunt tamen est , quod & alij libri sunt qui non sunt Canonici , sed ecclesiastici à maioribus appellati sunt , ut est sapientia Solomonis , & alia sapientia quae dicitur filij Sirach : Eiusdem ordinis est liber Tobiae , & Iudith & Macchabeorum libri — Quae omnia legi quidem in Ecclesus voluerum , non tamen proferri ad authoritate 〈◊〉 fidei confirmandam : These be they ( saith he ) which our Fathers have included within the Canon : out of which they would have the assertions of our faith to appeare : But yet we must know , that there be also other Bookes which be not Canonical , but be called of our Ancestors , Ecclesiasticall ; as is , the wisedome of Solomon , and the other wisedome which is called the sonne of Sirach ( otherwise termed Ecclesiasticus ) — of the same sort is the Booke of Tobias , and Iudith , and the Bookes of the Maccabees : All which , they will indeed have to be read in the Church , but not to be alledged to confirme out of them the authoritie of Faith. Epiphanius likewise of the Booke of Wisedome , and Ecclesiasticus , saith : that , Howsoever they have use and profit in them , yet in numerum receptorum non referuntur : they are not reckoned in the number of the received books . S. Hierome likewise saith ; that the bookes of VVisedome , Iudith , Ihesus the sonne of Sirach , and Tobias , non sunt in Canone , be not Canonicall . And , againe , in another place , he saith thus : Sicut ergo Iudith , & T●biae , & Maccabaeorum libr●s , legit Ecclesia , sed eos inter Canonicas Scripturas non recipit : sic & haec duo volumina ( sapientiae Solomonis , & Syrach ) legit ad aedificationem plebis , non ad authoritatem Ecclesiasticorum Dogmatum confirmandam : As therefore the Church readeth Iudith and Tobias , and the bookes of the Maccabees , but receiveth them not for canonicall Scriptures : so these two Bookes likewise , namely , the Wisedome of Solomon , and Ihesus the sonne of Syrach , doth the Church also reade , for the edification of the people , but not to confirme thereby the authoritie of anie Doctrines or positions in the Church . And so also doth Lyranus , & Hugo the Cardinal , affirme . Yea , and Gregory the great also , of the Bookes of Macchabees , saith , That they be not canonicall . And these bookes doth likewise the Councell of Laodicea , repell , and reiect , from being canonicall . Whereby observe , that when you , or anie of your Church , alledge anie saying , or sentence out of Tobias , Ecclesiasticus , or the Maccabees , or out of anie other Apocryphall writing , which is not Canonicall , to confirme thereby anie point of Faith or Doctrine that is in question , yee doe that which the old and ancient Church alloweth not , but utterly disalloweth you to doe , as is apparant . But moreover , the primitive and ancient Church would have the common Praiers , and publique Service , and Liturgie , not in such a tongue as the people understood no● , but in such a tongue as they might and did understand . For , Origen saith : Graeci Graecis , Romani Romanis , singulique precantur in propria lingua , Deumque celebrant pro viribus : The Grecians use Greeke words , and the Romanes Romane wordes , and men of everie Nation pray , and praise God with all their might , in their owne mother tongue . Yea , it was the doctrine of that hereticke Elxay , to teach praier , in such words , or , in such a tongue , as was not understood : Nemo quaerat interpretationem , sed solum in oratione haec dicat &c. Let no man ( saith he ) seeke for the interpretation or understanding of the words , but only in his praier let him say these words , &c. Chrysostome also saith ; that unlesse the unlearned understand vvhat thou prayest , he is not edified , nor can give consent to thy prayer . But herein I shall not need to spend more time : for Lyran himselfe acknowledgeth this point , saying ; In primitiva Ecclesia , benedictiones & ●aetera communia fiebant in vulgari lingua : In the primitive Church , blessings , and the rest of the common or publique Services , were done in the vulgar tongue . And , accordingly , wee all know that it is the rule of the Apostle Saint Paul , that all things in the Church , should be done to the instruction and edification of the people : But in praiers , or Service , said or celebrated in Latin , to such as understand not Latin , or in Greeke to such as understand not Greeke , or in anie tongue to such as understand not the tongue , is no profite , instruction , or edification at all to the people , unlesse it be afterwards interpreted unto them in such a tongue as they understand . And yet whensoever it is so interpreted , being so done , it is but double labour , and needlesse expence of time , which might better be done , and easily remedied , by having at first ( as were fittest ) the Praiers and Service , aswell as the Sermons , in such a tongue as the people might understand . 5 But why doth your Church of late times further proceed and accuse the holy , divine , and canonicall Scriptures themselves , ( whereby all questions and controversies in Religion , are to be decided and determined ) of falshood , or , corruption in the Originals , and therefore preferreth the Latin translations , which yee call S. Hieromes , before those Originals of the Hebrew and the Greeke ? Be not these strange accusations ? And doe they not lay a foundation and ground-worke , for Atheisme , Nullifidianisme , and all irreligion ? For if the Originals be corrupted , false , and untrue , what certaintie is there then left for men ▪ on earth to build their faith upon ? Or can either your Translation which you call S. Ieromes , or anie other Translation of the Scriptures , be then assured to be right and sound ? For if the Fountaine de defiled , and poisoned , how shall cleere , pure , and sound water , run and be found in the rivers that issue and streame from thence ? If you will say , as Gregory Martin , and other of your Teachers say , that the Greeke Hereticks have corrupted the Greeke text , and the Hebrew Heretickes , the Hebrew text : wee may as well say unto you , that the Latin Hereticks have corrupted the Latin text ; and so by such kind of reasoning , no Scripture should be found pure , sound , and sincere . But thankes be to God ( who so preserved them ) the Scriptures in their originals , remained pure amongst the Iewes , unto the verie time of Christ , and were not corrupted by anie of those Hebrew Heretickes , as some Papists affirme of them : for otherwise it had beene in vaine , for Esay , or anie other of the Prophets of God , to bid the people goe , for their assured direction , To the Law , and to the Testimony : or , for Christ himselfe to bid the people , as hee did , To search the Scriptures , for their assured guidance in the truth . Yea S. Peter would then never have said , as he did ; VVee have a most sure vvord of the Prophets : to the vvhich , yee doe vvell , that yee take heed , as to a Light that shineth in a darke place . For , if it had beene corrupted , and falsified , it had not beene a sure vvord to trust unto . Arias Montanus himselfe affirmeth and maintaineth the puritie and incorruption of the Hebrew originals : saying further , that there was no word , nor letter , nor point , but it was reserved in that Treasory , which they call Mazzoreth ; and therefore hee calleth that Treasorie , fidam custodiam , a faithfull or sure keeper of them . Iohn Isaac likewise , and Franciscus Lucas Burgensis , as well as Arias Montanus , doe also uphold , maintaine , and defend , even unto their times , the puritie and incorruption of those Hebrew Originals : alwaies preferring them before all Latin Translations whatsoever . And must it not needs bee so , when as Christ Iesus himselfe saith , that , Till heaven and earth perish , one Iot , or one Tittle of the Law shall not perish , till all things be fulfilled ? Yea , what doth Christ Iesus else , but further shew the puritie and incorruption of the Hebrew originals unto his time , when it is written of him thus : that , He began at Moses , and at all the Prophets , and interpreted unto them , in all the Scriptures , the things that vvere vvritten of him ? And when againe after his resurrection ▪ likewise hee saith in the same Chapter , thus : These are the words that I spake , unto you , whilst I was yet with you , that all must be fulfilled which are vvritten of me in the law of Moses , and in the Prophets , and in the Psalmes ? Yea , the originals in the old Testament , be and remaine pure and incorrupt , to this day : and so doe also the originals of the new Testament : insomuch that S. Hierome , as in one place , he derideth them , which said the Hebrew books were falsified , so doth he in another place pronounce them to be impudent and foolish people , that affirme the same of the Greeke originals : For thus he writeth unto one ; Tibi stultissime persuasisti , Graecos codices esse falsa●os : Thou hast most foolishly perswaded thy selfe , that the Greeke bookes bee falsified . And againe he saith : Tu mira impudentia haec in Graecis cod cibus falsata esse dicis : Thou with vvonderfull impudency affirmest , that th●se thin●s be fals●fied in the Greeke Bookes . And as this was the error of Helvidius , against whom S. Hierome writeth ; so was it also the error of the Manichees , against whom S. Augustine writeth : And is it not now g●owne to bee the error or heresie of Papists ? But what reason have you to preferre that Latine Translation which yee call Saint Hieromes , before the Originals of the Hebrew and Greeke ? For first y●e cannot proove that Translation to bee S. Hieroms , which yee so boldly affirme to be his : And secondly , what likelihood is there it should be his ? considering that in divers and sundrie places , S. Hierome readeth otherwise then that Translation is ▪ yea sometimes he findeth fault with that Translation , and reproveth it ▪ as for example , the word , ●say , that is found in that translation in Marke the 1. verse 2. he thinketh to bee added by the negligence of the Librarie keepers : and , vpon Math. 6 ▪ he correcteth the word ( exterminant ) which neverthelesse is also in that vulgar translation . And divers other such faults S. Hierome espieth , and findeth in that which you call his Translation ; wherefore there is no likelihood it should be his . And that it is not S. Hieroms translation , may further appeare by the discourse which Munster hath set upon it . Yea , Erasmus also doth flatly affirme , that this translation is neither Cyprians , nor Hillaries , nor Augustines , nor yet Hieroms , seeing his reading is divers from it ; and that it is much lesse that which he corrected , seeing there be found in this , things that hee condemneth , not onely as touching the words , but as touching the sence also . But admit it were S. Hieroms translation ( whereof neverthelesse there is no likelihood ) yet thereupon it followeth not , that therefore it is to be preferred before the originals of the Greeke and Hebrew . For as there were manie translations in S. Hieroms time , which were not so well liked , so even of that translation which S. Hierome himselfe made , and was the Author of , himselfe speaketh thus : I doe not thinke ( saith he ) that the Lords words are to be corrected ▪ but I goe about to correct the falsenesse of the Latin bookes ( which is plainly proved by the diversitie of them ) and to bring them to the originall of the Greeke , from which they doe not denie , but they were translated : who if they mislike the water of the most pure fountaine , they may drinke of the myrie puddles . And againe he saith ; That , as the bookes of the old Testament are to be examined by the Hebrew , so the bookes of the new Testament require the triall of the Greeke . And in divers other places ▪ he likewise preferreth the originals of the Hebrew and Greeke , before all Latine translations whatsoever . And to this effect doth Gratian also cite a sentence , as ●f it were S. Augustines : And indeede , S. Augustine speaketh to that very purpose , saying directly : that VVee ought rather to beleeve , that tongue , from which it is by Interpretors translated into another . And Lodovicus Vives also , upon this place declareth the same . And agreeably hereunto , speaketh also S. Ambrose , saying expresly : That the authority of the Greeke bookes is to be preferred . Bee not those men then much deluded which , contrarie to the direction and iudgement of the old Church , and ancient fathers , and also of all right reason , doe preferre that Latin translation before the originals of the Greeke and Hebrew ? Yea , even Lyndanus , a popish Bishop , writeth of that latin translation , that it hath manie and sundrie corruptions in it , and therefore it cannot be the best and safest way to trust unto it . 6 But when they must needs yeeld ( if they will be reasonable ) to the preferring of the originals of the Hebrew and Greeke , before all latine translations , yea and before all translations whatsoever : Then they fall to another course , accusing our English translations to be false , and untrue , and not according to these originals . And herein , Gregorie Martin , and the Rhemists , have chiefely shewed their skill ; but Doctor Fulke , that great Linguist , and excellent Scholler in all kinde of learning , especially in Theologie , hath fully and sufficiently answered them both , in his defence of the English Translations against Gregorie Martin , as also in his Answer to the Rhemists , and their Annotations . Wee defend not anie translations in anie point , wherein they can be shewed to be wrong , and not according to those originals : ( For wee abhorre such wilfull and wicked perversnesse ) but wherein soever , our translations be right and true and according to those originals , we have ever good reason , so far forth , to defend and maintaine them against the frivolous and vaine exceptions , either of Gregorie Martin , the Rhemists , or of anie other whosoever . And I could wish , and doe indeed , wish , and earnestly desire you , that as yee read the Rhemes Testament , so ye would also read the Answer unto it , and to the severall Annotations of it : And as ye read anie Popish Writer in anie point of controversie whatsoever , you would likewise search and see , what Answer the Protestants make unto it : that so seeing and hearing both sides , without partialitie , and without preiudice , yee may bee the better able to iudge iustlie and rightly in the cause , and to give both to your selves and others , a sufficient and sound satisfaction : For so long as yee heare and read but one side onely , and will not heare and read the other side , to understand what answer is made thereunto , it is impossible ye should be held for good , indifferent or equall Iudges or Censurers , or that you can give , either to your selves or others , anie sufficient resolution , or sound satisfaction in that case . 7 But you will say peradventure that your Church alloweth you not to read the Bookes of Protestants , whom therefore they call and account to be Heretickes . As for their accounting and reckoning us Heretickes , we regard it not : For wee know how far their iudgments are blinded , and , that they mightily mistake , and misreckon ; because not we , but they , in verie deede be the Heretickes , if they had eies to see it . But it is no marvaile , that the true , most ancient , Catholicke , and Apostolicke faith and religion , conteined in the sacred and Canonicall Scriptures , ( which wee professe & hold ) should be by them tearmed . Heresie : for we finde that it was so likewise reputed and tearmed , Heresie , even in Saint Pauls time : Such hath ever beene the wickednesse both of unchristian and Antichristian Spirits against it . But whilst your Church is so politicke , and wily , for her selfe , and her owne safetie , as to forbid you the reading of Protestant Bookes , ( lest ye thereby discerning her errors , and heresies , should be mooved to turne from her , unto us ) : haue yee not good cause at the least to suspect and mistrust such a Church ? For if their cause were the truth truth is ever able to stand against all encounters , and needeth not to feare the opposition of anie adversaries . But , indeed , their cause appeareth to be naught : For , what is Poperie ( if it bee well considered ) but an Hotchpot , or Bundle of errors , and heresies , aggregate and patched together , to make one bodie of that profession ? Yea , what is their whole Church , and religion , if ye rightly consider it all together , but , revera the Antichristian , as this Booke , amongst others , doth sufficiently declare . And will anie then be so unwise as to subiugate hin selfe , and to yeeld his obedience to the voice , decrees , statutes , and commandements of such a Church ? I would wish you to be more considerate , and better advised , then to be so farre deceived . For the difference between a Protestant and a Papist , is not small , being no lesse then this : that , the one holdeth of Christ wholly and altogether ; and the other of Antichrist : which being a difference so great , and of such importance , it standeth upon the salvation of Soules , for all persons duely to consider it . But yet further , why will not your Church permit the lay people to reade the holy Scripturs themselves , without a speciall licence from their Priests , or Bishops : For , is not Gods licence sufficient for them in this case ? Chysostome exhorteth all people , and even secular men ( by name ) to get them Bibles , and at least the new Testament . And S. Hierome likewise saith : that Married men , Monkes , and silly Women , in his time , used to strive and contend , who should learne most Scripture without booke . S. Augustine also exhorteth all men in their private houses , either to read the Bible themselves , or to get some other to read it for them . Is not your Church then herein , directly contrarie to the ancient Church ? Yea , wherfore is it , that God hath given unto men , that precious Pearle , and inestimable Iewel of his will and word in the Scriptures conteined , but to the end they should take notice of it , and be directed by it ? so that it is to be ( as the Psalmist speaketh ) a Lanterne unto their feet , and a light unto their paths . Doth not S. Peter speake , even to the lay people , as well as to others , telling them , that they doe well to take heede to the most sure word of God , as unto a light that shineth in a darke place . Will anie earthly King , forbid his Subiects , the reading of his lawes and Statutes , whereby they are to bee ruled and governed ? Doubtles , if ever it were necessary for men to read , search , studie , and often , and againe , and againe , to revolue the Scriptures , and booke of God , now is the time in the midst of so manie errours : and diversities of opinions , as be in the world , to be most diligent in that behalfe . For , amongst them all , there can be but one right religion , and how shall wee , yee , or anie other know , for certaine , which is that one right religion , which God hath instituted , and allowed of , but by the Scriptures ? Let no man therefore forestall , or preiudicate himselfe , with supposing that he cannot understād the Scripturs : For first , how can he tell , whether he can understand them , or no , untill he have made tryall ? Secondly , it is well known , that God helpeth forward a willing and industrious minde , that is earnestly desirous to know his will , and religion therein delivered , and seeketh it out in his feare , and with an humble affection , and a sincere purpose to observe it , and to walke in the waies of it . For so the Psalmist witnesseth : That them that be meeke , God vvill guide in iudgement , and teach the humble his vvay . And againe , he saith : VVhat man is hee that feareth the Lord , him shall hee teach , the vvay that he shall choose . And againe , he saith : The secret of the Lord , is revealed to them that feare him , and his covenant to give them understanding . And againe it is said : that , God resisteth the proude , but giveth grace to the humble . And againe : To him will I looke ( saith God ) even to him that is poore , and of a contrite spirit , and that trembleth at my vvords . But thirdly , be not Lay-men of the Church of God , aswel as those that be Church-Ministers ? And may not these be Theodidactoi , that is , taught of God , and instructed by his spirit , aswell as others , for the right understanding of the Scriptures , especially in all points necessarie to salvation ? Yea , doe wee not see , and finde experimentally , that manie great Scholers , and learned men , doe , notwithstanding all their learning , erre verie much in the exposition and understanding of the Scriptures ? ( for why else doe they differ so much , and hold contrarie opinions ? ) All which , what else doth it shew , but that , indeed , not anie humane spirit ( how learned soever ) but a divine spirit onely , is the opener , and the right expositor and understander of those sacred and divine writings . And this , S. Paul also hath before assured us , that the things of God , no man knoweth , but the spirit of God. Now this Spirit of God , none can denie to be grantable , as well to lay-men , as to those that be of the Ecclesiasticall Ministerie . Yea , everie childe of God hath Gods Spirit given unto him , For if any man hath not the Spirit of Christ , the same is none of his , as S. Paul witnesseth . Inasmuch therefore , as lay persons have received , or may receive the spirit of GOD , ( whereby it is that the Scriptures be rightly understood ) , and are of the number of Gods Church and people : no reason can be shewed , why they should be debarred by others , or why they should debarre themselves , from the reading and searching of those Scriptures , which they may possibly understand by the grace & power of Gods Spirit within them , aswell as others ; especially if they reade and search them ( as I said before ) in the feare of God , and with all humble reverence , and with often and earnest praiers unto God , for the right understanding of them , and with a godly purpose of minde , to beleeve , follow , and doe thereafter . For as S. Paul saith againe : The spirit of God , searcheth all things , even the deepe things of God. If anie finde difficultie and hardnesse in some places of the Scriptures , he must not thereby be discouraged , but provoked rather to use so much the more diligence in them . For , that which is difficult and hard in one place , is ( as the ancient Fathers themselves have told us ) made more plaine and easie by another . And touching such places of difficultie , beside praier unto God , and conference of Scriptures together ; it will be good also to reade Interpreters , and to consult with godly and learned Pastors and Teachers , and use all such good meanes for the understanding of them , as God hath allowed . For the godly , and learned Pastors and Teachers , be Gods own ordinance in his Church , & to them , usually above others , doth he give more speciall gifts , for the edifying and instruction of his people , and for the opening and unfolding of those harder and difficulter places of the Scripture : so that they are not to be neglected , but to be resorted unto , and to be evermore much honored , & reverently esteemed . If peradventure , by all meanes used , a lay-man , or an ecclesiasticall Minister , shall not understand some hard and obscure Scripture , yet let him reverence ( as becommeth him ) that which he understandeth not , and therein suspend his judgement and opinion , untill it please God further to enlighten him , For whereas some alledge , that lay persons should not reade the Scriptures , lest through misunderstanding of them , they might possibly fall into some errors , or heresies : it hath beene before answered , that such a reason , is verie feeble , and of no weight ; inasmuch as it may as well serve to disswade Pastors , Doctors , and Ministers of the Church , from reading the Scriptures , because there is , also , a possibilitie for them as well as for lay persons , in the reading of them , to misunderstand them , and so to fall into errors and heresies , as wee finde experimentally , that sundry of them , heretofore have done , and still doe . And whereas some , againe , imagine , and feare not to say , that the permitting of the Scriptures to bee read of the lay people in the vulgar tongue , is the cause of all the schismes , sects , errors , and heresies , that now flow in the world : they are herein mightily deceived , ( by mistaking the cause ) ; for , not the reading of the Scriptures , either by lay persons , or ecclesiasticall Ministers , but the misunderstanding , and misapplying of them , through the frailtie and corruption that is in mens minds , wresting and forcing them , to serve their owne humors , fancies , and conceits , is the cause of all those schismes , sects , heresies , and errors : and this is not the right using , but abusing of the Scriptures . Now , even Reason and Philosophie doe teach , as well as Divinitie , that , Of vvhat things there may be an use , of the same things there may be also an abuse : and it is a Ma●●ime with all , that abusus rei , non tollit usum , an abuse of a thing , doth not take away the lawfull use of it . Manie men ( you know ) doe abuse meate , and drinke , to surfetting , gluttony , and drunkennesse ; shall that be therefore made an argument , to perswade anie from all eating , or drinking ? or is therefore eating and drinking the cause of mens gluttonie and drunkennesse ? or is not their owne excesse , and intemperate humor the cause of it ? So albeit manie abuse the Scriptures , wresting and wringing them to a wrong sense , and to their owne humors , and fantasies ( as doe Papists , Anabaptists , and other Sectaries , and Heretickes ) yet must that bee no argument therefore to disswade anie from the reading of them , or from taking that lawfull use , comfort , profit , and benefite that may be had out of them , and for which they were ordeined . Yea the true cause , both of the beginning and continuance of all the schismes , sects , errors , and heresies that now be in the world , is in verie deed , for that men will not suffer themselves to be over-ruled by the Scriptures , but will , contrarie to the Scriptures and to the true sense of them follow their owne waies , conceits , and inventions , or the devises of other men . Let none therefore pretend , or alledge excuses for their owne sloth or negligence in this case but with all alacritie ▪ betake your selves , even ye that be lay persons , as well as the rest , to the reading of the Scriptures , with reverence , humilitie , praier , and a right inclined minde and affection , to beleeve , live , and doe thereafter : And then shall yee not need to make anie doubt of Gods blessing , or good successe and profit unto you , by the reading of them : yea then shall yee see and discerne the errors , heresies , Idolatries , filthinesse , and other abhominations of the Popish Church and Religion , which otherwise ye will not be able to discerne . This is the condemnation ( saith Christ ) that light is come into the vvorld , and men loved darkenesse , rather then light , because their deeds vvere evill : for every one that evill doth , hateth the light , neyther commeth hee to the light , lest his deedes should be reproved : But hee that doth truth , commeth to the light , that his deeds might be made manifest , that they are vvrought according to God. Yea , most lamentable is his estate , that will neither reade , nor heare , the Word of God : for Christ himselfe saith thus ; Hee that is of God , heareth the vvords of God : yee therefore heare them not , because yee are not of God. Observe well those words . But againe , he saith : My sheepe heare my voyce ; and I know them , and they follow mee . And yet further he saith : Hee that refuseth mee , and receiveth not my vvords , hath one that iudgeth him : The vvord that I have spoken , that shall iudge him in the last day . Together with the rest , let this last alledged saying of Christ , be ever remembred : For if Christ will iudge men in the last day , according to his owne word , ( as is here expressely evident , ) and not according to the word , doctrine , decrees , canons and constitutions of the Pope , or of anie men mortall whosoever ; is it not good reason , and a point of wisedome , in the meane time , for everie one , willingly , desirously , and earnestly , to reade , search , and studie the Scriptures , and to suffer himselfe , and his opinions , to be over-ruled , and iudged by that word , which must iudge him at the last day . CHAP. II. Of Fides Implicita , that is , of the Infolded saith , of Papists : What Church may erre , and when , and how far : Of those which the Papists commonly call the markes of the Church ; and that it is not so visible , as to bee alwayes openly seene , and knowne , to the wicked world : That Peter was not a Bishop of Rome in that sense the Papists make him : That the Pope is nothing like S. Peter : That the Pope is not the head of the universall militant Church , but Christ onely . THe Premises considered , doe you not perceive , of what little availe : the Papists Implicita fides , infolded faith is ? which consisteth onely in assenting to the Churches Faith , though it know not what the Churches faith is , nor what it beleeveth , nor be able to distinguish the right Church from the wrong . Is it sufficient for the salvation of a man , to say , hee beleeveth as the Church beleeveth , without knowing what it is the Church beleeveth ? Can such a sottish and blinde kind of beleeving , which hath reference onely to the faith of others , bring a man to everlasting happinesse ? Is not everie man to live by his owne faith ? or shall anie man be saved by the faith of another ? or shall knowledge be excluded from the nature of Religion ? or Religion be placed onely , in an ignorant assenting to that which others beleeve ? Is not this a devise , notoriously tending to the maintenance of ignorance , blindenes , idlenes , sloath , and negligence in the people ? It were a most easie way for all lay people to come to heaven , if such a blind , sluggish , idle , imaginarie , and absurd faith as this were sufficient : They shall neede to take no great paines for it , by this doctrine . But Christ teacheth , that it is not such a broad and easie way , to come to heaven ; but that it is a narrow way , and requireth much diligence , labour , striving , and contending to attaine unto it . Yea , he sheweth directly , that Ignorance will not excuse a man in the day of Iudgment , or free him from punishment : and that it is so farre from being the mother of anie good Devotion , that , contrariwise , he declareth it to be the mother of Error , saying : Erratis nescientes scripturas ; yee erre , because ye know not the Scriptures . S. Paul also requireth , not onely some knowledge , but even plenty , or , abundance of knowledge , in the people . And therefore hee saith unto them : Let the vvord of Christ dwell in you plentifully , or , abundantly . And , indeed , how shall anie of us , be able , certainely to know the doctrine of our Teachers , whether it be true or false , or to discerne true Teachers from false , or the true Church from the false , unlesse we grow acquainted with the Scriptures , and be diligent and conversant in them ? The blinde man ( they say ) eateth manie a flie : and no marvaile then is it , if poore ignorant soules , that be so hoodwinked , and kept blinde in Poperie , receive and swallow downe anie doctrine and opinion of their Teachers , be it never so grosse , false , or erroneous : especially when they are withall taught , as Bellarmine teacheth them , that they must reverence the doctrine of their Teachers , but not examine it . In this case , I would demand of him , or of anie other , What if the blinde leade the blinde ? doe they not both fall into the ditch ? Or what if they be false Teachers , or false Prophets ? must their hearers reverence , & receive their doctrine , whatsoever it be ? Christ biddeth the people to beware of the doctrine of the Pharisees and Saducees of those times . And againe he saith to all Christians : Beware of false Prophets , vvhich come to you in sheepes clothing , but inwardly they are ravening vvolves . How shal they beware of them , if they may not examine their Doctrines ? It is true , that Christ saith ; Yee shall know them by their fruits . But , by what fruits ? For false doctrines , be chiefly the fruits of false Teachers : inasmuch as they be properly called false-Prophets , in respect of their false doctrine . For as touching their life and conversation , we see that Christ himselfe here telleth us , that , how wicked soever they be inwardly , yet outwardly , they will put on sheepes-clothing , and so make faire shewes , externally , of innocencie , sanctitie , and pietie , to entangle and deceive people withall . Not without good cause therefore , did S. Basil say : that , It behoveth the hearers that be learned in the Scriptures , to try those things vvhith are said by their Teachers , and receiving that vvhich agreeth with the Scriptures , to reiect the contrary . And this also Gerson affirmeth , saying : that the examination and triall of doctrines concerning faith , belongeth not only to a Councell , and to the Pope , but to every one also that is sufficiently learned in the Scriptures : because every man is a sufficient Iudge of that he knoweth . Neither ought anie Teacher to be hereat offended : for was not Saint Paul himselfe , though an Apostle , content to have his doctrine , thus tried and examined by his hearers ? And are not they much commended that made that search , and examination of it , by the Scriptures ? Yea , ( which is more ) was not even Christ Iesus himselfe ( who is incomparably greater then anie Apostle , or then all the Apostles put together , yea then the whole world , & consequently farre greater then all that be the Bishops , Pastors , and Doctors in the same ) content neverthelesse , to have himselfe tried by the Scriptures , whether he were the Messias or no ? Seeing then , Christ , the Head of his Church , was thus content to be tried , sha●l the Church , or anie Bishops , Pastors , or Doctors , which be his servants , yea servants to the Church , scorne , or , disdaine it , or take it ill ? For when mens Doctrines bee thus brought to bee tried and examined by the sacred and canonicall Scriptures : this is not ( as Papists affirme ) to make a private spirit , or anie private man , but a Divine spirit , even God himselfe speaking in those his sacred and canonicall Scriptures , to be the Iudge in the matter : To whose voice , and judgement , all Churches , Men , Angels , and all creatures , must stoope and obey . And therefore ( as I said before ) all the insolencie , and most intollerable pride and arrogancie , that is in this case , is not in those who for their owne safetie and securitie , make search and examination , but in such Bishops , Pastors , and Teachers as will not endure this triall , and examination of their doctrines by those Scriptures . Pure and uncounterfeit gold , will endure the Touch-stone : but no marvaile though the drossie , corrupt ▪ and unsound doctrine of Poperie , will not admit of such a course . 2 But you say , the Church cannot erre , & that therefore you may boldly and confidently relie and build thereupon , without anie further search or examination : Howbeit , you should first find out and know , which is the Church that cannot erre , before you relie so confidently upon it . For you will easily and readily grant , that the false Church may erre . And indeed the Text that you alledge , where S. Paul calleth the Church , Columnam & firmamentum veritatis , the Pillar and ground of Truth , sheweth , that he speaketh not of anie false , but of the True Church , namely , ( as himselfe expresseth ) of that which is the Church of the living God. His words put all together , be thus : These things I vvrite unto thee , ( saith hee to Timothy ) trusting to come shortly unto thee : But if I tarry long , that thou mayest yet know how thou oughtest to behave thy selfe in the house of God , vvhich is the Church of the living God , the pillar and ground of Truth . In these words , thus rehearsed by mee , that ye might the better observe them , consider , that Timothy , who was the Teacher and overseer of this Church at Ephesus , had his direction and instruction , from the writings of S. Paul the Apostle : for so he saith ; These things I vvrite unto thee , &c. The Church then , which is the ground and Pillar of Truth , appeareth even by this verie Text , to be such a one as receiveth her instructions and directions from the sacred and canonicall Scriptures : whereof those Apostolicall writings of S. Paul to Timothy , be a part . From whence , therefore , you may rightly conclude this , which we hold , namely , that so long as anie Church followeth and is guided by these holy and canonicall Scriptures , it is the pillar and ground of Truth , and doth not erre or goe astray : but if it decline from them , and goe another way , it doth and must then needs fall into error . Howbeit , if when you say ( The Church cannot erre ) you meane it of the whole universall Church of Christ , that is , of all and everie one of the faithfull members thereof , it is true , that cannot erre , totally , nor fundamentally ; that is to say , All and everie one of those faithful members of Christ , ( as Panormitan , and the Glosse also upon the Canon Law , have before told us ) cannot erre , in such points as be necessarily required to salvation : for Gods Church shall never utterly perish or be extinguished , but that in some or other , it shall continue to the worlds end ; and consequently so must the saving faith thereto belonging . But if you meane it of anie visible particular Church ( such as is the church of Rome , the Church of Ephesus , the Church of Corinth , or anie such like ) it is as cleere , that may erre , and goe astray , yea and fall from God to Idolatry , and false worship . Were not the people of Israel , in times past , the true Church of God ? and yet did even that Church , erre & fal verie grievously , even unto Idolatrie and false worship , when they and Aaron also the high Priest with them , made the Golden Calfe , and did worship before it . And manie s●ch declinings and falls from God to Idolatrie and false worship , in that people , are sundrie other times likewise to be found in the old Testament . But besides , what is now become of the seven Churches in Asia , mentioned in the Revelation of S. Iohn , which were once the true Churches of Christ ? Hath not Turcisme and Paganisme overflowed and drowned manie that in former times were famous Christian Churches ? Yea did not God himselfe also sometime complaine , even of that Church and Citie of Ierusalem , saying thus : How is the faithfull Citie , become an Harlot ? No marvaile then is it , though Rome , which was once a faithfull Citie , and a true spouse of Christ , be now long since , fallen away , and become an Harlot , even the vvhore of Babylon : as was long agon prophesied and foretold of her , that she should be . For neither was it anie more impossible , for her to degenerate into Antichristianisme , then it was for sundrie other Christian Churches and cities , to degenerate , and to be turned into Turcisme or Paganisme . Yea S. Paul also , hath long since prophesied , and foretold of this great Apostasie or departure from the right faith and religion , which hath now of a long time so amply prevailed in the world , under the head of that Apostaticall and Antichristian kingdome , the Pope of Rome : and therefore this ought not now , to seeme anie new or strange thing unto anie Christian. 3 Howbeit , ye usually alledge these , namely , universalitie , antiquitie , perpetuitie , unitie , succession of Bishops , and doing of Miracles or vvonders amongst you , to bee markes of the true Church . But first , if by universalitie , ye meane that faith , doctrine , and religion , which was taught universally in the world , by the Apostles of Christ , and at his appointment : Wee tell you , that yee are farre from that universalitie : For that faith , doctrine , and religion , which was taught universally in the world by the Apostles , is comprised in the sacred and canonicall Scriptures , and is the same that wee hold , and not you : as appeareth by conferring and comparing both the religions with those Scriptures . But moreover , remember that the great Whore of Babilon ( as shee is called ) sate upon many waters , that is , ruled over manie people , and multitudes , and nations , and tongues , as the text it selfe expoundeth it . And it is further said ; that , with that VVhore , the Kings of the earth have committed fornication , & that the Inhabitants of the earth were drunken with the wine of her fornication . Yea , it is again said , That all Nations have drunke of the vvine of the vvrath of her fornication , & the Kings of the earth have committed fornication vvith her . Behold here the universalitie belonging to your Church , which being thus foretold , & the event being correspondent , none should with such universality be any longer deluded . As for Antiquitie , unlesse truth and true religion be ioyned with it ( which is not in the Popish Church ) it is but Vetustas erroris , Antiquitie of errors , as S Cyprian rightly calleth it . Yea , Antiquity of the ancientest date , our religion hath , and not yours : for yee cannot so much as shew the points of your religion wherein yee differ from us ( by the testimonie of the sacred and Canonicall Scriptures ) to have beene in the Apostles times , and taught or approved by them as wee can doe ours . And as touching Perpetuitie , your Church hath it not , but ours verie clearely hath it , as having beene , not onely in the times of the Apostles : but in all succeeding ages also , and posterities , as is before sufficiently and plainely declared in the first part of this booke , Chap. 2. For the true Church is builded upon so strong and invincible a Rocke ( namely upon Christ Iesus himselfe , whom Peter confessed ) as that the gates of hell shall not prevaile against it . If all the power of hell and divels ( as is here manifest ) cannot prevaile against the Church of God , that is , the companie of Gods Elect , and the number of his true and right Worshippers : It is evident , that this Church , that is , a companie of right and true worshippers of him , must be granted to be perpetuall , and to have continued throughout all ages and generations : especially considering what God himselfe further speaketh , saying thus : I will mak● this my covenant with them : my spirit that is vpon thee , and my words which I have put in thy mouth , shall not depart out of thy mouth , nor out of the mouth of thy Seede , nor out of the mouth of thy Seedes seede , saith the Lord , from henceforth even for ever . Yea , that our Church was in Esse , and had continuance even during the hottest rage of the raigne of that Romish Antichrist , besides all other arguments , this is a manifest one , namely , because the Popish Church still molested , pursued , and persecuted our Church , under the names of Berengarians , VValdenses , Albigenses , VVick●evists , Lutherans , Calvinists , Lollards , Heretickes , Scismatickes , and such like . And yet very true it is that such may be sometime , in some place , the state of the Church , by reason of rageing persecution against it , as that even a right godly man , and true worshipper of God , may thinke himselfe to bee left alone , without anie followers or copartners with him , there , in the right service of God : As for example , Elias complained in his time , and of that place where he then lived , that hee was left alone , and That they sought to take avvay his life also : And yet for all that was not Elias left alone , although he so supposed and spake ; for God told him , that he had even there , namely in Israell , where Elias then was , reserved unto himselfe , Seven thousand right worshippers of him , which had not bowed their knee to Baal . If the Companie of Gods chosen Church , and elect people , and right Worshippers of him , be ( as is here evident ) sometime , in some place , unknowne , even to a right godly man and Prophet of God : no marvell is it , though they sometimes lye hid , and be unknowne to their enemies and persecutors , to whose devowring pawes and bloodie hands ( without urgent cause ) they had no reason to shew themselves . It is therfore no good argument which Papists make , when they say , that at some times during the raigne of Poperie , they neither saw , nor knew , nor could heare of anie Protestants : for if it were so as they say , that they could finde none , nor knew of anie , at sometimes , yet even then might there bee , and were there also , some such true and right worshippers of God , albeit they lay hid from them , and kept themselves ( as they had reason ) from their knowledge and mercilesse crueltie . The reason then which they make against the continuance and perpetuitie of our Church , because it was not ( as they say ) at all times seene of the world , nor had their exercises of Religion at all and singular times publikely knowne to the world , appeareth to be verie idle , and of no force . As for the answer which the Rhemists make to the former complaint of E●ias , that the faithful in his time , were forced to keep close , by reason of the persecution of Achab & Iesabel , which was onely in the Kingdome of the ten Tribes , that is , in Israell : and yet neverthelesse , that at the verie same time , in Ierusalem , and in all the Kingdome of Iudah , the externall worship and profession of faith , was openly observed , & well known even to Elias himselfe . Admit all this were true ( which is not proved ) yet what will they then say to this , that the Church at other times , hath beene so hidden , that there was no open or publike exercise of Religion to be s●ene , no not in Iuda , or Ierusalem it selfe , no more then in those ten Tribes of Israell ▪ as namely in the daies of Ahas , the sonne of Iotham , King ●f Iuda , of whom it is said , that hee walked in the way of the Kings of Isra●ll , yea and made his Sonne to goe through the fire , after the abhominations of the Heathen , and in whose time the Altar of God was removed , and an Idolatrous altar , by the high Priests consent , 〈…〉 Yea , in the daies also of Hoseah , King of Israell , it is testified , that not onely Israell , but Iuda also , kept not the Commandements of the Lord their God , but walked according to the fashion of Israel vvhich they vsed How was the Church then visible in that sort and sense that wee speake of ? that is to say , was it such a Church as had publike exercises of Gods religion splendently seene , and openly apparant to the world ? Againe , in the daies of Manasseth . King of Iuda : when Hee did evill in the sight of the Lord , after the abhomination of the Heathen , and erected altars for Baall , and worshipped all the hoast of heaven , and served them : and when hee also built Idolatrous altars in the house of the Lord : yea , when it was recorded , that this King Manasseh , led the people out of the way to doe more wickedly , then did the heathen : and made Iuda also sinne , vvith his Idols : I say , when Iuda became thus corrupted and Idolatrous , aswell as Israell , Had then the Church her outward practise of Religion , according to Gods commandement and appointment , to bee openly seene of the world ▪ And was it not so likewise in the daies of Amon , King of Iuda , Sonne and successor to Manasseh ? vvho did evill in the sight of the Lord , as his father Manasseh did : for he walked in all the waies his father walked in , and served the Idols that his father served , and worshipped them . Thus you see , that the Church of God , was sometimes not openly seene , but lay hidden , and that as well in Iuda and Ierusalem , as in the ten Tribes . But perceiving this Church of Iuda , and Israell , to make against them , then they flie to another devise , and say , that the Christian Church hath better promises then the Church of the Iewes . Howbeit , they can shew none , as touching this point , better for the one then for the other : Yea , for the Church of the Ievves , to continue untill the first comming of Christ , there be as strong & as good promises to be seene , as for the Church of the Gentiles to continue untill the second comming of Christ. It is true , that the Church of Christ shall never bee extinguished . But is there anie such promise , that the Church of Christ shall never be hidden ? For persecutions even of the Christian Church , have sometimes beene so great and cruell , as that the Christians , by reason thereof , have beene enforced to lye hid and to be unseene and unknowne to the wicked world : as in the daies of Dioclesian and Maximian , persecuting Emperors : who impiously boasted , that they had utterly abolished the superstition of Christ , and name of Christians . The like divelish boasting , also made Nero in his time Yea , it is indeed , expresly foretold in the Scriptures , that such should be the state of the church sometime , as that shee should be enforced to flie into the desert or wildernesse , where shee should have a place prepared of God , to cherish , hide , and keepe her from all her persecutors . And therefore the church is not alwaies conspicuous , and openly shining and shewing her selfe to the malignant world . Neither doth that Text which yee alledge , of Dic Ecclesiae , tell it to the Church , prove the church to bee alwaies openly conspicuous to the ungodly world : It onely sheweth an order of Ecclesiasticall discipline , for sinnes and offences ▪ how they should be proceeded in , amongst brethren , and such as professe one and the selfe same religion of Christ : which order of discipline may well be observed even in a Christian church , and among themselves , though the wicked world neither see them , nor the exercises of their religion , nor know where they are . But you say , that if they make profession of their faith and religion ( as all Christians ought ) then the world cannot choose but take notice of them : It is true , that they are to make profession of their faith with their Mouth , when cause so requireth , aswell as to beleeve with their heart , yea and to answer everie one in authoritie , before whom they shall be convented and called , and that with mildenesse and reverence , concerning the same their faith and hope , as S. Peter declareth . But it doth not continually & evermore so fal out , that Christians be brought before Kings , Princes , and Magistrates of the earth , to be examined , and to make answer of their faith : but at sometimes it so falleth out , and at some other times againe , it sufficeth that they make profession of their faith among themselves . Neither were it indeed safe , or a pointe of christian wisdome in them ( whom Christ willeth , To bee as wise as Serpents , though as innocent as Doves , and to whom hee giveth an expresse caveat , to take heede of men ) rashly , or unadvisedly , or without good and urgent cause , to manifest and lay open themselves unto the view , rage , and furie of the malicious and persecuting world . But you alledge further , that Christ said to his Disciples : Yee are rhe light of the world : A Cittie that is set on a hill cannot be hid . Neither doe men light a candle and put it under a Bushell , but on a candlesticke , and it giveth light to all that are in the house . But none of these words doe proove the Church to be alwaies and evermore apparant to the eies of the wicked world , though sometimes it bee . For first , though it be called the Light of the world , yet thereupon it followeth not , that therefore it is alwaies , and at all times to bee seene : Inasmuch as the Sunne and the Moone , which be the great lights of the World , and so appointed of GOD in the begining , be not alwaies brightshining and appearing unto us , but are sometimes unseene , and covered with clouds , and darkened , and suffer strang Eclipses . And therefore doth S. Augustine compare the Church to the Moone , which is often obscured and hid : yea he acknowledgeth , that the Church may be so hid and secret , as that the very members therof shal not know one another . And whereas ye further alledge , that it is like a Citty set upon a hill , neither doth it thereupon follow , that it is alwayes to be seene : For in a great Mist , or a darke night , an Hill or Mountaine , be it never so great , will not be seene : So if men be stricken with blindnesse , it cannot be seene of them , as the Aramites were , that could not see the mountaine , that was full of horses and chariots of fire , round about Elisha , nor knew that they were in the midst of Samaria , till God opened their eies . Likewise , though a Candle be set on a Candlesticke , and giveth light to all that are in that house : yet neither doth it give light to them that be in another house , nor to anie that be blinde , or shut their eies against it . And yet the candle-light it selfe also will somtimes be much dimmed & darkned with sundrie occurrents & accidents that doe befall it . When therfore the world , either by reason of their own blindnesse , or by reason of fierce and terrible persecutions , or by reason of clowdie , smoakie , and mistie errors , raised up , bee not able to see and discerne the Church of Christ : Is that anie iust cause for anie to quarrell against her , as if therefore she had no being at all ? Yea , when the fift Angell blew the Trumpet , and the Bishop of Rome ▪ being in that time , as a Starre fallen from heaven to the earth , had no longer the keies of heaven in his custodie , but the keies of hell , even of the bottomlesse pit , and that the smoake of the pit arose as the smoake of a great furnace , so that the Sunne and the ayre were darkened by reason of the smoake : Is it anie marvaile that the Church was then obscured ? Your selves doe grant , that in the daies and times of the grand Antichrist , foretold by S. Paule , the church should lye obscured , and be hidden : And wee say , and proove vnto you , that those daies and times be come long since , and therefore this ought not to seeme anie new or strange thing unto anie in these dayes . Yea , in the Revelation of S. Iohn , you further reade , that the Temple of God , that is , his Church , ( which is there said to be in heaven , because from thence she is descended , and hath her minde , treasure , and affection there , with Christ her head , Phil. 3.20 . Coloss. 3.1.2 . ) was sometime shut , and sometime opened . For in that it is there said , sometime to be opened , therein is included that it was at other sometimes shut and closed , and not open to the view of the world . So that the Church of God is not alwaies openly and splendently seene to the persecuting World , but is sometimes patent , and sometimes latent as I trust you now sufficiently perceive : and withall , I trust you perceive , that the Church was then in esse , and had a continuance , even when it was most latent . For , unlesse they even then had been in esse , and in being , they could not have beene , à latent , oppressed , or persecuted Church . Now as touching unitie , I must tell you ▪ that unlesse you ioine veritie , and the truth of Gods Religion with it , ( which is not in the Popish Church ) it is no better then a wicked and plaine conspiracie against the Truth : which kind of unitie , being amongst them , is indeed a marke , not of the true , but of the false , erring , and Antichristian Church . For so is it accordingly recorded of those that followed the Beast : That they were of one minde , or of one consent . 4 And as for the Succession , ye talke so much of , That Succession in place , to so manie good Bishops of Rome , which were Orthodoxe and of the right Religion , can no way serve to iustifie and defend those degenerate and Apostaticall Bishops of Rome , which have sithence that time for the space of manie hundreth yeares succeeded : no more then the Succession of manie wicked and Idolatrous Kings in a kingdome , unto divers godly , vertuous , & rightly religious Kings , which were their predecessors , is able to iustifie and defend those ungodly and degenerate successors . Those high Priests which conspired and consented to put Christ to death , were never the lesse wicked , nor anie jot the more to be commended or allowed , because they succeeded diverse godly Priests which were their predecessors . The vertue then , and right religion of anie predecessors , can , no way , serve to countenance and defend the vice and false religion of the successors . Non locus sanctificat hominem nec Cathedra facit Sacerdotem : The place sanctifieth not the man , nor doth the Chaire make the Priest , saith Chrysostome . Neque sanctorum filij existimandi sunt , quicunque tenent loca sanctorum , sed qui exercent opera eorum : Neyther are they to be esteemed the children of the Saints , vvhosoever hold the places of the Saints , but they vvhich exercise their vvorkes , saith Hierome . Qui praesunt ecclesijs , non ex loci , aut generis dignitate , sed morum nobilitate ▪ non ex urbium claritate , sed fidei puritate , debent innotescere : They vvhich be rulers of the Churches , ought to be knowne , not by the dignitie of their place or ancestors , but by the noblenesse of their manners , not by the famousnesse of their Cities , but by the puritie of their faith , saith Gregory . Albeit therefore , the Pope , otherwise called the Bishop of Rome , succeedeth in place , to manie godly and vertuous Bishops that were his predecessors in former and ancient times : yet what doth all this make for him , except he were like unto them , and did succeed them in veritie , pietie , humilitie , right faith and true religion , aswell as in place ? The local succession , without the other is nothing worth , but serveth rather to shame , reprove , and condemne the successors , then anie way to commend or allow of them , when they be so exceedingly degenerate , and unlike to those their good and godly predecessors . 5 And here they are wont to alledge , that Peter was Bishop of Rome , and that the Pope is his Successor : But first , it is not true that Peter was Bishop of Rome in that sense they speake of , that is to say , He was not tied , limited , and restrained to that citie of Rome as to his particular Diocesse or Province , as Bishops in these daies be : for it is cleere that S. Peter was , by his proper office and function , one of the Apostles of Christ , who by their office of Apostleship , were not restrained to anie particular place , as a Bishop is to his Diocesse or Province , but were permitted to goe into anie part of the world , and to preach the Gospel , as the verie commission given unto them from Christ Iesus himselfe , doth plainly declare . Againe , it is well knowne , that ancient Writers doe also call S. Paul , Bishop of Rome , as well as S. Peter ▪ and therefore Peter , is in no other sense to be accounted Bishop of Rome , then S. Paul was . Yea S. Ambrose calleth all the Apostles , Episcopos , that is , Bishops . And Iudas the Apostle , is also said in the verie Scripture it selfe , to have , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Episcopatum , that is , a Bishoprick . You see then , that whosoever , either in the Scripture , or in the ancient Fathers , is said to be a Bishop , is not by and by to be supposed , a Bishop restrained to a particular place , as a Bishop of a Diocesse or Province is . For this word , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in Greeke , and , Episcopus , in Latin , ( commonly Englished , a Bishop ) signifieth in the originall , nothing else but an Overseer , or one that hath anie charge to looke to : in which ample and generall signification , it is rightly attributed , to anie of the Apostles whosoever ; and consequently well might S. Peter ( though he were , by his proper office and function , an Apostle ) be called by some of the ancient Fathers a Bishop , in respect of that his Apostolicall charge and Ministerie , which he performed . But thereupon to inferre , that he was Bishop of Rome , in this sense , namely , as a Bishop affixed and restrained to that place , as to his proper and peculiar Diocesse or Province , and as though he might not goe from thence , into other parts of the world , to performe the Office of an Apostle , aswell as thither , is , besides the inconsequencie of it , verie absurd . Whatsoever stay or abode then , either S. Peter , or S. Paul , made at Rome , or elsewhere , or wheresoever they lived or died , it is manifest that they were Apostles , and executed everie where , that their Apostolicall office and function , and lived and died Apostles , and therefore are not ( in proper and strict appellation ) to be termed , and deemed , Bishops of Diocesses and Provinces . For neither can he that is by Christ ( his Lord and Maister ) designed and appointed to be an Apostle , lawfully forsake that his office and calling of Apostleship , and at his owne , or other mens pleasure , become of another , and that an inferior degree and calling , as namely to be a Bishop tied & restrained to a Diocesse or Province . But , admit , Peter had beene Bishop of Rome in that strict signification of the word , yet then secondly was he farre from being Bishop of the whole world : for , to be Bishop of one Citie in the world , or of one particular Diocesse , or Province in the world , is not all one with this , namely to be Bishop of the whole world , or to be universall Bishop over all the Churches in the world : for Episcopus orbis and urbis , doe farre differ . Yea , thirdly , let us admit , if you will , that S. Peter was Bishop of Rome , and that by being Bishop of Rome , he was also Bishop of the whole world , or of all the Christian Churches in the whole world , ( which neverthelesse is verie absurd to be admitted ) yet what would all this advantage the Bish. of Rome that now is , or any other of the Bishops of Rome , that have beene in these later times , for the space of diverse hundreth yeares , that they be successors to him , in place , whom they are nothing like unto in conditions and vertues , humilitie , faith , and religion ? For how unlike the Pope is to S. Peter , iudge yee . First , it is well knowne , that S. Peter was a contemner of the pompe and pride of the world , and a disregarder of the wealth & riches thereof , insomuch that hee said to one that asked almes of him , that he had neither silver nor gold : but the Pope of Rome is not so , but ( contrariwise ) hath the pompe , pride , glorie ▪ and riches of the world , in verie high and chiefe esteeme , and aboundeth with them . Againe , Peter was subiect to Emperors , Kings , and Princes , and taught all Christians to be likewise subiect to them : but the Pope is so far from being subiect to them , that contrariwise hee claimeth soveraignetie and supremacie over them all , and taketh upon him to depose Kings , Princes and Emperors at his pleasure , and to disannull and dissolve the allegeance of subiects , when and as often as he listeth . Peter would not allow Cornelius , though but a Captaine of the Italian band , to fall downe at his feete , but bad him arise : but the Pope of Rome doth well allow , not only Captaines , but Kings , Princes , and Emperors , to fall downe and kisse his feet . Yea hee hath not beene ashamed , with his feete , to tread upon the necke of some of the Emperors . Peter was a godly , earnest , and diligent Preacher of the Gospel in his owne person , according to that commandement of Christ , so often repeated , & saying unto him : Pasce , Pasce , Pasce , feed my lambes feed my sheepe ▪ feed my sheepe . But the Pope of Rome , like an idle , pompous , and slothfull man , in his owne person , seldome or never Preacheth . Peter was content , and well endured to be reproved at the hands of S. Paul when there was cause : He also patiently suffered himselfe to be accused and contended against , by certaine Christians and mildely ▪ and modestly answered to those their exceptions against him , for their satisfaction . But the Pope of Rome , though he be never so worthie of reproofe , will neverthelesse not suffer himselfe to be reproved , nor accused , or contended against , nor will have his doings examined , questioned , censured , or iudged by anie men : such is his unmeasurable pride , and unmatchable loftinesse . Againe , S. Peter did acknowledge S. Paul , S. Matthew , S. Andrew , S. Iames , and the rest of the twelve , to be Apostles , aswell as himselfe ; albeit they had no ordination or calling , to that their Office of Apostleship , from him : ( for that they all had an immediate calling to that their Apostleship , from Christ Iesus himselfe , and not from Peter , is a thing undeniably manifest . ) But the Pope ( contrariwise ) acknowledgeth none to be a Bishop , except he be ordeyned and made a Bishop by him , or by his authoritie . Moreover , they were accounted and held to be Presbyters , and Ministers of the Church , which were made and ordeyned by other Apostles , though they were not made or ordeined by Peter , nor by anie authoritie derived from him : But the Pope of Rome acknowledgeth none to be Presbyters or Ministers of the Church , which be made by other Bishops , except they be made and ordeined by him , or by authoritie originally derived from him . Yea S. Peter did acknowledge the rest of the Apostles to be his fellowes or Equals , as , well knowing that Christ Iesus himselfe did directly forbid them to beare Princely authoritie one over another : insomuch that Peter , aswell as Iohn , was content to bee sent by the rest of the Apostles into Samaria , and did goe thither at their sending : But the Bishop of Rome acknowledgeth not other Bishops to be his fellowes or Equalls , nor will be content to be sent , as their Messenger , to anie place , but most proudly challengeth a Princely Primacie , and king-like superioritie over them all . If the Pope will needes be Peters successor , it were reason and a thing equall and iust , that he should claime no more authoritie over other Bishops , then Peter had over the rest of the Apostles : yea if hee will make Peter , his patterne and president to follow , ( as it were a happie thing for him , if he were in verie deed , so wel affected ) he must then utterly give over his triple Crowne , and all his Papal worldly pompe and pride , and be cleane reformed , and become altogether another man , in all respects wherein he is so exceedingly degenerated and unlike unto him . And then , together with the relinquishing of his most proud Popedome , he must also , forsake , renounce , and detest his Poperie , and Popish Religion : for S. Peter cleerely was such a one , as we call a Protestant , that is to say , one that both held and taught that Religion that wee hold , namely that , which is conteined in the Booke of GOD , the sacred and canonicall Scriptures . Yea S. Peter died a Martyr for the testimonie of this faith and religion : and the Pope of Rome is , contrariwise , a persecutor of those that professe this faith and religion . For that the Papists be the cleere and undoubted persecutors of the Saints and Martyrs of Iesus , is afterward manifested by a direct and most evident testimonie thereof , in the Revelation of S. Iohn ; to the end ye should not hereafter bee mistaken in that point ( as usually yee be ) nor deceive your selves anie longer therein . Furthermore , S. Peter was content , and held it honour enough , to be a member of the bodie of Christ , which is his Church , acknowledging with S. Paul and the rest of the Apostles , that Christ onely was , and is , the head therof : But the Pope of Rome , is not content , unlesse he intrude himselfe into this his verie royal prerogative , taking upon him to be the verie head of the whole militant church . We know that the Church of Christ is but one body ( as the Scripture speaketh and witnesseth ) though there be manie members of it ; and one bodie is to have but one head : why then , or by what right or reason , doe they make this bodie of Christ ( which is his Church ) to have two heads , namely one in heaven , which is Christ Iesus , & another on earth , which , they say , is the Pope ? They confesse that of the Church in heaven which is to us invisible , Christ is indeed the head ; but of the visible Church on earth , the Pope ( say they ) is the head , and that such a visible head , for the visible church , is requisite and necessarie : And here they have a distinction , that Christ is indeed , Caput vitale , the vital head , from whence all his members have and derive their life , but that the Pope is Caput ministeriale , & visibile , the ministeriall and visible head : And thus they boldly speake , frame , and devise matters and distinctions , according to the fancie of their owne braines ▪ But first , what Patent , conveyance , warrant , or commission from God , can the Pope of Rome shew , whereby he is thus authorized to be either Christ his special or onely Vicar , Deputie , or Lievetenant , over his whole universall church here upon earth , or to be this speciall and onely visible and ministeriall head ? Iust none at all , doe they , or can they shew for it . And is it not then a shame for him ( if he had any shame in him ) thus to intrude himselfe into such an high , and soveraigne Authoritie , without anie commission or warrant from Christ , the King of his church ? Besides , themselves acknowledge , and that rightly ▪ that the companie of the glorious , and invisible Saints in heaven , and the companie also of the visible Saints on earth , do all make but one church , and one Bodie to Christ Iesus , though their states be differing , that is to say , though the one sort be triumphant , and the other militant : Inasmuch then , as they all make but one church , & one bodie unto Christ Iesus , how can it be shifted or avoided , but that Christ Iesus must be the head , aswell of the saints on earth , as of the saints in heaven , & aswell of the visible & militant company , as of the invisible & triumphant ? Yea , Bellarmine himselfe will not allow anie Christian , to bee tearmed or called a member of the Pope : How then can the Pope rightly be the head of the church ? for if all true Christians vpon earth , bee , and be to be termed , the members of Christ , and not of the Pope , it must be granted , that not the Pope , but Christ onely , is their head ; for the head and the members be relatives . And whereas in this matter , they talke of a ministeriall head , which is not vitall , it is also but a phantasticall and vaine distinction : For there can be no head , in true and proper appellation to this one bodie of Christ ( which is his Church ) but that which is vitall . The Pope ( as appeareth , even by this their owne distinction ) is but a dead head , and hath no life in him , to give to anie of the members of Christ , or wherby vertue , grouth , nourishment , or increase may distil or be derived from him , as from the head , to anie of the members : What then should the bodie of Christ doe with such a livelesse and dead head ? or what good , profit , or benefite , can anie reape or receive from thence ? A dead bodie is fittest for such a dead head , but the living and mysticall bodie of Christ , hath , and requireth , another manner of head , namely that which is vitall , which is Christ Iesus onely , of whose fulnesse they have all received , as S. Iohn speaketh . Neither is there anie such necessitie , as they also vainely fancie , for the visible and militant Church , to have such a visible head : for albeit Christ Iesus be absent from his church militant here upon earth , in respect of his bodily presence , which he hath carried with him into heaven ; yet in his Deitie , and by the power of his spirit , is he alwaies present with the same his church : For so himselfe witnesseth saying , I am with you alwayes unto the end of the world . And therefore alwaies doth S. Iohn testifie , that notwithstanding the manhood and bodily presence of Christ be in heaven , and there remaining , yet neverthelesse by his almightie power and spirit , he walketh , and is in the midst of the seven golden Candlestickes , that is , In the midst of the seven Churches : for so the text it selfe expoundeth the Candlestickes saying thus : The seven Candlestickes , be the seven Churches . Vnder the name of which seven churches , be also all other churches upon earth shadowed out unto us , as Augustine , Primasius , Haymo , Beda , Thomas Aquinas , and others affirme . Seeing then that Christ Iesus , notwithstanding his bodily presence remaining in heaven , is neverthelesse by his almightie power and spirit , present with all the true Christian churches in the world , and walketh in the midst of them , to guide , governe , comfort , teach , order , rule , susteine , uphold , and direct them , and give all gifts and graces requisite : It is manifest , that he is sufficiently present with them in the church militant , to doe all the offices of an head unto them , so that they need not in anie sort , the Pope to become an head unto them , for anie of those uses or ends . Yea , is it not a verie great absurditie , for anie to suppose or imagine , that the Pope , or anie one man mortall whosoever , being on earth , can better rule , order , guide , and governe the whole militant church , then Christ Iesus himselfe can doe , being in heaven , by his wisdome , almightinesse , and power of his Spirit ? But yet further , when Christ in his manhood was to ascend up into heaven , he promised neither the Pope , nor anie one Bishop over all the rest , to be his Vicar on earth , or to supplie his roome and absence , but the holy Ghost onely : For thus he saith , I tell you the truth , It is expedient for you , that I goe away : for if I goe not away , that Comforter will not come unto you . And this comforter is the Holy Ghost , the spirit of truth , as is there expresly affirmed . And againe he saith : that , After his departure they shall have another Comforter that shall abide with them for ever , even the spirit of Truth , vvhom the vvorld cannot receive , because it seeth him not , neither knoweth him . Doe not these texts verie plainely shew , that the holy Ghost , is , and is to be accounted Christs Vicar upon earth , ever since his departure into heaven ? that is to say , is in his stead and place unto the militant Church , and to abide with it for ever ? And therefore doth Tertullian say accordingly , that Christus misit Vicariam vim spiritus sancti , qui credentes agat : Christ sent the power of the holy Ghost to be his Vicar , or in his steed , to leade and direct the beleevers . Howbeit , if some Bishop will needes be so intituled ▪ namely Christs Vicar , as being an Ambassador for Christ , and in Christs steade , yet let him then know , that he is not so alone , but that all godly and faithfull Bishops and Ministers be so likewise : For which cause it is , that the ancient Fathers doe call them all alike , Vicarios Christi , the Vicars of Christ : But S. Paul yet further sheweth , that not Christ himselfe tooke upon him this honour , to be head of the church , without his fathers appointment and constitution . If therefore the Pope will take it upon him , it is good reason he should likewise shew , where God hath so constituted and appointed him ; which he is not able to doe . Yea S. Paul sheweth againe , That onely he is head of the Church , vvhich is farre above all principalitie , and povver , and dominion , and might , and every name that is named , not onely in this vvorld , but in the vvorld to come : And therefore this is such a high , peerelesse , and supereminent an honour and prerogative , as that it is proper to Christ Iesus onely , and not communicable to anie creature . Lastly , you may perceive by S. Paul , that Christ is so the head of the Church , as the husband is the head of his wife : And is there anie honest wife , that will bee content to have two heads , that is , two husbands ; though ( for distinction sake ) you should terme the one a ministeriall head , or howsoever else you would please to call him ? 6 Now touching Miracles , signes , or vvonders : wee say , that , those which were done by Christ and his Apostles , and in those ancient and primitive Churches , be sufficient for the confirmation of that most ancient primitive , Christian , and Apostolicke faith and religion ( conteined in the booke of God ) which wee professe . Yea , now in these daies ( saith S. Chrysostome ) the vvorking of miracles is ceased , and they be rather counterfeit miracles ( saith he ) vvhich be found amongst them that be false Christians . Againe he saith , There be some that aske , vvhy men vvorke not miracles novv , in these dayes : If thou bee beleeving ( saith he ) as thou oughtest to be , and if thou lovest Christ , as he should be loved , thou needest no miracles : for signes be given to unbeleevers , and not to beleevers . Againe , S. Cyrill saith : that , to vvorke miracles , maketh not a man one iot the more holy , seing it is common to evill men , and to such as he obiects , or reprobates : For so the Lord himselfe witnesseth , saying : Manie shall say unto mee in that day ; Lord , Lord , have not vvee prophesied in thy name , and in thy name cast out divels , & in thy name done manie great vvorks ? And yet will he neverthelesse professe unto them : I never knevv you , depart from me ye vvorkers of iniquitie . And on the other side , working of no miracles hindereth not a mans holinesse : for Iohn wrought neither signe nor miracle , and yet was this no derogation to his holinesse : for amongst them that are borne of vvomen , arose there not a greater then hee , as Christ himselfe testifieth . Yea , that miracles , signes , or wonders may be done by false Prophets , and false teachers , is further manifest , for even Christ himselfe saith : that , There shall arise false Christs , and false Prophets , and they shall shevv great signes and vvonders , so that , if is vvere possible , they should deceive the very Elect. S. Paul also directlie testifieth : that , in the Antichristian Church there shall be , the vvorking of Sathan , vvith all power , and signes , and lying VVonders . Which ( saith S. Augustine ) be called lying signes and VVonders , for this cause ; that either mens senses be deceived , thinking that to be done which revera is not done : or else , because , if they be done in deed , they draw men to beleeve that they could not be done but by the power of God , whereas they know not the power of the Divell . For S. Iohn in the Revelation , mentioneth spirits of Divels , vvorking Miracles , to deceive those that be of the Antichristian Church . By all this then , you see , that the Miracles wrought in Poperie , be no argument or proofe , that therfore it is the right or true Church , or that the Teachers therein , be the right and true Teachers : for they may be false Prophets , and false Teachers , and the Popish Church may be ( as indeed it is ) the false and Antichristian Church , all these their Miracles notwithstanding . But hereof I shall have occasion to speake more fullie afterward , when I come to speake of Antichrist and his Miracles . In the meane time , concerning this point , thus much may suffice . CAP. III. Of Iustification by Faith onely : The right sense and meaning of that position ; and of the truth of it : And that being rightly understood , it excludeth not good workes , nor importeth anie licentiousnesse at all in it , but the cleane contrarie . IT is a thing well knowne , how busie , and earnest , Popish Teachers be , not only by word of mouth , but by their books & writings also , to perswade you ( all that ever they can ) against ours , the most ancient , most pure , and only right Religion : and amongst other their bad devises ( which they plot & contrive for their owne advantage and behoofe ) this is not the least , that they accuse our Religion to be a doctrine and religion of much licentiousnesse , and that in sundrie points , which therefore must be answered . And manie there be also that be too hastie , and over credulous to beleeve them , as if all that they speake and write , were to be held for undoubted truth and oracles without further enquirie or examination . But howsoever they thus boldly presume , they , for all that , be not able to take anie iust exception against our Religion , or to shew or prove it , in anie point whatsoever , to be an allower of anie the least impietie , or licentiousnesse , if it be rightly understood . It is true , that sundrie that professe Protestancie , live licentiously , and wickedly : and so doe manie also , that professe Poperie , likewise live wickedly & licentiously . If therefore they allow not this for an argument sufficient to convince their religion of wickednesse & licentiousnesse , which is taken from the wicked lives , manners , and conversations of men : Why will they be so unequall , as to make it of anie force against our religion ? Wise men can easily distinguish inter vitium rei , & personae , betweene that which is the fault of the thing , and the fault of mens persons : For the religion may be good , though some persons that professe it , live not answerably thereunto : yea the Protestant ( that is , the Christian ) Religion which we professe , is so good , godly , divine , holy , and pure , as that it neither alloweth nor tolerateth the filthie Stewes , nor anie other impuritie , nor anie treasons , or rebellions , nor perjuries , nor lying , or deceitfull equivocations , nor anie other wickednesse or impietie whatsoever , but utterly condemneth them all . So that for true pietie , puritie , integritie , and all manner of good life and godly conversation , the religion of Poperie commeth farre short of it , and is in no sort to be compared with it . If then anie professing our religion live wickedly or licentiously , ( as too manie do ) it is the fault of the men that live so dissolutely , and not of the religion , which requireth and commandeth the cleane contrarie , at their hands . But , for all that , they persist and say , that even the Protestants religion it selfe , is licentious , because it teacheth and holdeth , that men are justified in Gods sight , and before his Tribunall , onely by faith in Iesus Christ : which doctrine ( say they ) maketh men licentious , and carelesse of doing good workes . Howbeit , both they and you must understand , that when the Protestants doe say , or have said at anie time , that Faith onely iustifieth in Gods sight : it is and ever was meant and intended ( howsoever some seeme purposely to mistake it ) not of anie dead faith , ( which hath no life in it , to bring forth anie good workes ) , but of a true and lively faith , which is accompanied with good works , and is fruitfull and working by love , ( as S. Paul , and S. Iames , and S. Peter , and the rest of the holy Scriptures , cleerly declare ) . Whilst therefore they teach both in their Sermons , & writings , with S. Iames , and the rest of the Scriptures , That the faith that is vvithout vvorks , is dead , and that such a faith cannot save or iustifie a man , but that it must be a true and lively faith , that is , such a faith as produceth & bringeth forth good workes : I hope you sufficiently perceive , that the doctrine of the Protestants concerning iustification by this lively faith , and not by anie dead faith , is such , as you can no way dislike ; & that it is so far from making anie carelesse of doing good works that contrariwise , it urgeth , abetteth , perswadeth , and provoketh men unto them , if they meane , or desire to have such a faith , as whereby they may be saved . But now although the Protestants doe thus rightly teach , that this faith and good workes goe together , and be inseparable in respect of the person , so that he that hath this faith , hath also good workes : yet in the point of our Iustification in Gods sight , and before his Tribunall , they are to be distinguished , and to be considered apart , and not confusedlie : because it is Faith onlie , and not Workes , whereby we apprehend and applie Christ Iesus unto us , as our Righteousnesse . To understand this the better , you must ever remember , that Christ Iesus , is , in verie deed , our Righteousnes ; for so the scriptures doe plentifullie teach and proclaime : Our faith is , but the hand or instrument , whereby we apprehend and applie that righteousnesse unto us : and our good workes be the fruits , testimonies , and declarations , both to our selves , and other men , of that faith in Christ , which iustifieth us before God. And therefore it is not enough , for a man to say , hee hath faith , but if hee have that true , livelie , and iustifying faith , which he pretendeth , he must declare & shew it by his workes : for so S. Iames saith ; Ostende mihi fidem tuam ex operibus tuis : shew me thy faith by thy vvorkes . And agreeablie hereunto , S Paul calleth good workes , and a sanctified course of life , fructus Iustitiae , the fruits of righteousnesse . So that wee are first righteous by faith in Christ , before wee doe or can bring forth these fruits of righteousnes . And so S. August . likewise teacheth : affirming directly , that , Opera sequuntur Iustificatum , non praecedunt Iustificandum : Good vvorkes doe follow him that is formerly iustified , and doe not goe before him that is afterward to be iustified . And this , even Christ Iesus also himselfe declareth , namelie , that , the tree must first be good , before it can bring forth good fruit . By all which it is verie manifest , that good works , be not causes , but fruits , effects , and consequents , of that faith which iustifieth us before God. But this is yet further evident , because S. Paul saith expresselie , that wee are Iustified by faith , and so have peace vvith God : Hee further , excludeth Workes verie directlie , and by name , from having anie thing to doe , in that act of our Iustification . Therefore vve conclude , ( saith he ) that a man is Iustified by faith , vvithout the vvorkes of the Law. And againe he saith : that , God imputeth , righteousnes , vvithout vvorks . Againe he saith : It is by grace , and not of works , Rom. 11.6 . And againe he saith : It is not of vvorkes , Rom. 9.11 . And againe hee saith : By grace are yee saved through faith , ( and that not of your selves , for it is the gift of God ) and not of vvorkes , lest any man should boast himselfe . In all which places , yee may perceive , that how requisite or commendable soever good workes be , and what good use soever they have , yet they bee directlie excluded from being anie cause of our Iustification and salvation in Gods sight and censure . And with this also agreeth that saying of S. Paul , in his Epistle to the Galathians , where he giveth this conclusion , saying : Yee are all the sonnes of God , by faith in Christ Iesus . And so also testifieth S. Iohn , saying : That as many as received Christ , to them he gave this prerogative , to be the sonnes of God , even to them that beleeve in his name . Where , you may observe , that beleefe , or , faith , is reckoned as the hand or instrument whereby Christ is apprehended , or received . Againe he saith : That God so loved the vvorld , that he gave his onely begotten Sonne , that vvhosoever beleeveth in him , should not perish , but have everlasting life : In which words , you may observe againe , the first and originall cause of our salvation , to be the meere grace and love of God. Secondly , the materiall cause , to be , Christ the Sonne of God , with his obedience and righteousnesse : And thirdlie , the instrumentall cause , to be , faith , or beleefe , in that his Sonne and our Saviour Iesus . For he ( saith the text ) was sent into the world to this end , that vvhosoever beleeveth in him , should not perish , but have everlasting life . But consider , that he saith yet further : That , as Moses lift vp the Serpent in the vvildernesse , so must the sonne of man be lift vp , that whosoever beleeveth in him , should not perish , but have eternall life . Some of you , no doubt , remember the storie of the Serpent there mentioned , which is in the booke of Numbers : for after that the people of Israel had wickedly spoken and murmured against God , and against Moses : The Lord sent fierie Serpents among the people , which stung the people , so that manie of the people of Israel died : Therefore the people came to Moses and said : VVe have sinned , for we have spoken against the Lord , and against thee : pray to the Lord , that he take away the Serpents from us . And Moses prayed for the people , And the Lord said unto Moses : make thee a fierie Serpent , and set it up for a signe , that as many as are bitten , may looke upon it and live : So Moses made a Serpent of brasse , and set it up for a signe : and when a Serpent had bitten a man , then he looked to the Serpent of brasse , and lived . As therefore Moses lift up this brazen Serpent in the wildernes , to the end , that whosoever was stung by those fierie Serpents , and did looke upon that brazen Serpent , might be cured ▪ & live , and was cured , and did live accordingly : So was also the Sonne of man , Christ Iesus , lift up upon the Crosse , where he was crucified , to the end , that whosoever is stung with the deadly stings of sinne , or of that old Serpent , the Divell , and doth , with the eies of his faith applying him , looke upon Christ Iesus , so lifted vp , and crucified for him , should bee healed , and have eternall life . Where you may againe perceive , that as Christ is compared to that brazen Serpent : so is our beliefe , or , faith in him , compared to their looking upon the brazen Serpent : so that still it appeareth , that , faith , is as the eie , or instrument , whereby wee behold , apprehend , and apply Christ crucified , as a salve unto us , for all our sores . For in him is comprehended , whatsoever is necessarie or fit to cure us . When therefore wee say and speake in this sort , that , Sola fides iustificat , Faith onely iustifieth , wee meane not that this faith is so sole or alone , as that it is without good works , but that in the act of our iustification , before God , and in his sight , and as it respecteth and apprehendeth Christ the obiect of it , it is sole and alone , workes having no part with it in that apprehensive facultie . Where also you may understand , how S. Iames , & S. Paul be cleerly reconciled ( between whom neverthelesse , there neither is , nor ever was , anie variance , being rightly understood ) namely , even by that evident , common , and knowne distinction : that , CHRISTVS iustificat effectivè : Fides instrumentaliter , sivè apprehensivè : Opera declarativè , CHRIST is he that iustifieth in verie deede effectually , Faith iustifieth instrumentally or apprehensively : and workes iustifie declaratively , that is , they doe declare or shew forth unto men , the goodnesse and livelinesse of that faith , whereby , as by an instrument , apprehending Christ our righteousnesse , wee are iustified in the sight of God. And this is the reason that S. Iames spake in that sort before mentioned , ( viz ) Declare , or , Shew me thy faith by thy vvorkes , and I will shew thee my faith by my workes . In which sense also , he further saith : that , Abraham was iustified , ( that is ) was shewed or declared to be iust , by his workes , when he offered Isaac his sonne upon the Altar . Likewise hee saith , that Rahab , the harlot , vvas iustified , ( that is , was shewed , or declared to be iust ) through workes , when she received the messengers and sent them out another vvay . So that to bee iustified by workes , in S. Iames , is nothing else , but thereby to be shewed or declared to be iust . For all S. Iames his dispute , in that place ( if you well observe it ) is , directly and expresly against a Dead faith , which hath no good workes with it , and against that vaine man , that shall say or thinke , that he hath a faith good enough to save him , when as , being without workes , it was indeede , but an idle brag and conceite , and not a lively , or saving faith , but like a bodie without a soule ( as he there resembleth it ) for that it hath not the action of a living thing appearing in it . The iustification therefore by faith , without workes , ( whereof S. Paul speaketh ) and the iustification by workes , and not by faith onely : that is , when faith onelie is pretended , or alledged , which is destitute of good workes , ( whereof S. Iames speaketh ) appeare to have no contradiction , or contrarietie at all , but a verie plaine , evident , and cleare consent , and agreement . For both those Apostles doe teach alike , and concurre in this , that the iustifying and saving faith , is not an idle or dead faith , but such a one as is livelie and operative , working by love , and bringing forth the fruites of good workes . And therefore doth also S. Paul aswell as S. Iames , require of all beleevers in Christ , that they be carefull to shew forth good vvorkes : and of as manie as be redeemed by him , and iustified by faith in him , that They should bee zealous of good vvorkes . Yea , although hee teacheth , that wee are iustified in Gods sight , and saved by grace through faith , and not by workes : yet he further addeth and saith neverthelesse : that , VVee are his vvorkemanship , created in Christ Iesus unto good vvorkes : and that God hath before ordained those good vvorkes , that vvee should vvalke in them . So that good workes , be , as S. Bernard also witnesseth of them : Via regni , non causa regnandi : The way , vvherin men must vvalke tovvards Gods kingdome , but they be not the cause of their raigneing , or , of their comming thither . As for that they obiect , touching the Heresie of faith only iustifying or saving , which S. Augustine saith , was held by some in the Apostles time ; the same S. Augustine himselfe there plainely declareth , that the heresie was of them , that thoght they might be iustified or saved by such a faith as was void of good works : which is indeed , an heretical or erroneous opiniō , which nothing toucheth us : yea , which we likewise condemne & detest as much as anie : ever holding with the same S· August . & with S. Paul , & S. Iames , and the rest of the Scriptures , that a iustifying , or saving faith , will produce good workes , and a care to live well , and in obedience to all Gods commandements . Here then you may see , the unsoundness of that distinction which the Rhemists and other Papists , use , viz. that workes done before Faith received , that is , whilst men be Infidels , and unbeleevers , do not ( indeed ) Iustifie : but works done after faith received , that is , after that men be beleevers , do ( say they ) iustifie in Gods sight . For , doth not S. Paul in that his dispute concerning Iustification , expressely mention the example of Abraham , as being the father of the faithfull in that case ? And doth he not say of that beleeving and godlie man , Abraham , that his Faith was imputed to him , for righteousnesse before God , and not his Works ? And doth he not further say ; that David likewise describeth the blessednesse of a man , to consist , not in anie workes , or inherent righteousnesse of his owne , but in remission of his sinnes , and in Gods not imputing sinne unto him : yea , unto whom , God imputeth righteousnesse , without workes , as he there directlie speaketh . Was not S. Paul also , a godlie and faithful man , and one that had received grace from God , and done manie good workes , after that faith and grace received ? and yet he saith thus of himselfe : Doubtlesse , I thinke all things but losse for the excellent knowledg sake of Christ Iesus my Lord : for whom I have counted all thi●gs l●sse , & do iudge them to be dung , that I might win Christ , & might be found in him , that is , not having mine owne righteo●snes , vvh●ch is of the Law , but that righteousnes , which is through the faith of Christ , even the righteousnes which is of God through faith In which words ye see , that S. Paul ▪ thogh a godly man , yet disclaimeth all his own works and inherent righteousnesse whatsoever , accounting it as Dung , and altogether unmeet , to stand in Gods presence , and before his Iudgement seate , to claime Iustification by ; & that all his ioy , delight and desi●e was to goe out of himselfe , and to be found In h●m : that is , in Christ , and so to have his righteousnesse , and not his owne , imputed to him : For in Christ it is , that the Father is vvell pleased : and in Christ it is , and for his sake ▪ and not for our owne , that vvee are accepted As hee likewise saith againe : There is no condemnation to them that be in Christ Iesus . And againe he saith : God hath made him to bee sinne for us , vvhich knew no sinne , that we should be made the righteousnesse of God , in him . Where you also see , that Christ Iesus , our most kinde Suertie , and most loving Saviour , though hee had not anie the least speck or spot of sinne , but was most holie , most pure , and in all compleate fulnesse and perfection , righteous in himselfe , had neverthelesse our sinnes imputed to him , that wee might be made the righteousnesse of God , In him , ( as this Text speaketh , ) and not in our selves . As Christ then , became sinne , in respect of the imputation of our sinnes unto him : so are we iudged righteous in Gods sight , not by anie righteousnesse of our owne , or inherent in our owne persons , but by that immaculate and spotlesse righteousnesse of his , imputed unto us . So that , In him it is ( as this Text most plainlie sheweth ) and not in our selves , that wee are deemed righteous in Gods sight . Yea , here consider further , what righteousnesse also it is that God approveth , and will have to stand for the Iustification of sinfull men in his sight : for it must be a righteousnesse transcendent , and going farre beyond the righteousnesse of anie sinfull creatures ; namelie , it must be that , which S. Paul here calleth the righteousnesse of God , that is , a most pure , perfect , and complete righteousness , wherein must not be , anie the least spot , speck , or staine to be found , as S. Chrysostome also declareth : Which kind of most pure and spotlesse righteousnesse , because no other man hath but Iesus Christ only , the second Adam ( who is both God and Man ) , therefore in his person only , and not in ours , it is to be both sought and found . For which cause also it is , that the Church and people of God , ( considered , not in themselves , but in Christ ) are by the Apostle , S. Paul , said to have not so much , as a spot or vvrinckle , or any such thing in them . Well therefore doth S. Augustine make this double observation upon this Text ( of 2. Cor. 5.21 . ) saying : Vide●e duo : Iustitiam Dei , & non nostram ; In ipso , non in nobis : Behold and consider two things ( saith he ) : first , That vvee are made the righteousnesse of God , and not our owne righteousnes ; and secondly , In him , and not in our selves . The same observation , likewise giveth S. Hierome , upon the same Text , saying : Christus pro peccatis nostris oblatus , peccati nomen accepit , ut nos efficeremu● Iustitia Dei , in ipso : non nostra , nec in nobis : Christ being offered for our sinnes , tooke the name of sinne , that vve might be made , the righteousnesse of God , in him : not our owne righteousnesse , nor in us . And therefore doth S. Paul againe , not onlie for himselfe , but in the behalfe of other Christians also , speake in this sort ( even after faith and grace received ) : VVe vvhich are Iewes by nature , and not sinners of the Gentiles , doe know , that a man is not Iustified by the vvorkes of the Law , but by the faith of Iesus Christ : even vve I say , have beleeved in Iesus Christ , that vvee might be Iustified by the faith of Christ , and not by the vvorkes of the Law , because that by the works of the Law , no flesh shall be iustified . Be not these wordes verie direct for this purpose , shewing , that even those that be Christians , and beleevers in Christ , doe neverthelesse expect Iustification by Faith in Christ , and not by the Workes of the Law ? Yea , what man ever yet ( Christ Iesus onely excepted ) did fully and perfectlie keepe the whole Law , and commandements of God , in his owne person ? For which cause it is , that none can be Iustified in Gods sight by anie works or observance of the Law , which he by and in his owne person can doe or performe . If the●e had beene a Law given , vvhich could have given life , then indeed , righteousnes should have beene by the Law , as S. Paul affirmeth : But the Scripture ( saith he ) hath concluded all under sinne , that the prom●se by the faith of I●sus Christ should be given to them that beleeve ▪ In which words you see , he sheweth it verie significantlie , to be a thing Impossible for anie that be but meere men , to keep the Law of God , in that full measure and perfection , which the Law re●uireth ; and therefore that they must seeke to be Iustified in Gods sight , and to have eternall life , another way , namelie , by Faith in Iesus Christ. Againe , he saith thus : Be it knowne unto you , men and Brethren , th●t through this man ( Iesus ) is preached unto you the forgivenes of sinnes : and by him , every one , that beleeveth is Iustified from all those things from vvhich yee could not be Iustified b● the Law of Moses . Here also observe , that hee saith , they could not be Iustified by the Law , as noting it likewise , to bee a thing Impossible . But hee speaketh yet further , saying : That vvhich vvas Impossible to the Law , inasmuch as it vvas vveake , because of the flesh ; God sent his owne Sonne in ●he similitude of sinfull flesh , & for sinne condemned sinne in the flesh , th●t the righteousaesse of the Law might be fulfilled in us , vvhich vvalke not after the flesh , but after the spirit . Where you may againe perceive , that he teacheth it constantly , & expresly , to be a thing impossible , by reason of the vveakenesse that is in all flesh , for the most godly person upon earth , being but a meere man , fullie & exactly to keepe and performe the law , and that therefore the Son of God , Christ Iesus himselfe , was sent into the world , and became Man , for our sakes , that so the righteousnesse of the Law , which hee in his humane nature , in all points and perfection , fully performed , might by our faith apprehending and applying it , bee made ours , and so be fulfilled in us , namelie , by imputation , and application , and not by anie inherent and actual performance of it , by & in our owne persons ( for this , he , before , affirmed to be impossible ) . And this also do the ancient Fathers themselves affirme and teach . S. Ambrose saith : That the commandements of God bee so great , vt impossibile sit servare ea , as that it is impossible to keep them . S. Chrysostome , speaking of the Law , and performance of it , saith : Id vero nemini possibile est : That it is poss●ble to no man. S. Hierome saith : That no man can performe the Lavv , S. Bernard saith : that , God commanding things impossible , made not men transgressors , but made them thereby humble . Yea , it was the heresie of the Pelagians ( as S. Hierome sheweth , ad Clesiphontem ) to hold ( as the Papists also hold ) that Mandata dei sunt possibilia : The Commaundements of God are possible . And they went about to prove it ( as the Papists likewise doe ) by these Texts , viz. My yoake is easie , and my burthen light . in Mat. 11.30 . And his commandements be not burdenous , in 1. Ioh. 5.3 . wheras they did not rightly understand those speeches , no more then the Papists , their followers , doe . For it is true , that none of the commandements of God be grievous , heavie , or burthensome , to a regenerate , godly , and sanctified minde , which is ever desirous , endeavoring , and delighting to keepe them , and to walke in the obedience of them , though hee shall never be able , during this mortall life , fully and perfectly to keepe and performe them . And therefore , thus saith S. Hierome to the Pelagian ( and we also say the same to the Papists ) ●acilia dicis dei mandata , & tamen nullum proferre potes , qui universa compleverit , Thou saist , the commandements of God be easie , and yet thou canst bring forth none , that hath kept them all . Againe he saith : Tunc ergo iusti sumus , quando nos peccatores fatentur : & iustitia nostra non ex proprio constat merito , sed ex dei misericordia : dicente scriptura , Iustus est accusator sui . Then therefore are wee iust , vvhen wee confesse our selves sinners , and that our righteousnesse , consisteth not upon our owne merits , but upon Gods mercie : the Scripture affirming , that the Iust man is the accuser of himselfe . The like whereunto S. Augustine also speaketh , saying in this wise : Omnia mandata dei facta deputantur , quando quicquid non fit , ignoscitur . All the commaundements of God bee then accounted to be done , when vvhat soever is not done , is pardoned . Yea , this is so cleare a truth , that Thomas Aquinas also saith : that , Implere totam legem est impossibile : To performe the vvhole law , is a thing impossible . And Cusanus likewise saith : Nemo unquam ad implevit legem , quae in dilectione consistit , nisi Christus , qui nonvenit solvere legem , sed implere : No man ever yet performed the law , which consisteth in love , but onely Christ , which came , not to breake the lavv , but to fulfill it . And therefore is it further said by S. Paul in another place : That Christ is the end , accomplishment , or fulfilling of the lavv , for righteousnes , unto everie one that beleeveth . S. Chrysostome likewise saith : Quid lex vult ▪ hominem iustum facere ? sed non potest : nemo siquidem illam implevit : VVhat meaneth the lavv ? doth it meane to make a man Iust ? but it cannot doe that : for no man hath fulfilled it . Yea the law was not given ( as S. Paul also teacheth us ) to anie such end , as thereby to iustifie us in Gods sight , but to shew us our weaknes , our sinnes and transgressions , and our guiltinesse , and the wrath and curse of God , due unto us for the same , and so to drive us unto Christ our Saviour : by whose obedience , and fulfilling of the law for us , applied unto vs by faith , it is that wee are iustified , and compleatly righteous even before the Throne of God. Howbeit , as touching the law ; it is true , neverthelesse , that wee must all endeavor to walke in the waies of it , and in obedience to all Gods commandements , to shew our subiection to God , and to declare the dutie , tokens , and fruites of Gods children , in us , but not to the end , to obtaine righteousnesse and iustification thereby in Gods sight , and censure . Yea , S. Paul telleth you directly , that as manie as are of the workes of the law , thinking thereby to be iustified , they are under the curse . So far are they of from obtaining righteousnesse or blessednesse , by that meanes . Will you have the reason of it ? himselfe delivereth it in the next words , by a sentence and testimonie out of the law it selfe . For it is vvritten· ( saith he ) Cursed is everie one that continueth not in all things , vvhich are vvritten in the booke of the lavv to doe them . And so likewise speaketh S. Iames : That vvhosoever keepeth the vvhole lavv , and yet faileth in one point , he is guiltie of all : because he offendeth the Maiestie of the Lavv-giver , and by committing , though it be , but one offence , or sinne , during his whole life , hee hath made himselfe subiect to the curse of the law . By the sentence then of the law , yee see ▪ that everie man is accursed ; and lieth inthralled and subiect , unto all manner of punishment , and even to everlasting horrour , and eternall condemnation . What then shall a man doe , that is by the law , thus sentenced , and brought to this wofull estate and perplexitie ? and what course shall he take ? or what meane is there to be freed , and delivered from this direfull sentence , the Curse of the Law ? The Apostle answereth , and sheweth , that there is no other way but one , namely , Christ Iesus , who hath for us , and in our steede , borne the wrath of God , and curse due unto us for our sinnes : for so he saith in the same Chapter : Christ hath redeemed us from the Curse of the lavv , being made a Curse for us . O the unspeakeable love of Christ ! who was thus content to be made a Curse for us , to the end to free us from that Curse , and to purchase unto us , Eternall blessednes and felicitie : His love towards us , can never be sufficientlie manifested . For it is hee , that with his most bitter passion , and sufferings , hath satisfied Gods wrath , and iustice , in our behalfe ; and by whom it is , that wee have remission and forgivenes of all our sinnes : and he it is that is made of God to be our righteousnes . Wherfore , being by him freed from the guiltinesse of sinne , and the punishment of it , and having withall , his most pure , cleare , compleate , and spotlesse righteousnesse , imputed to us by faith , what is it that wee neede to feare ? Or how can wee choose , but ioy , and reioyce , againe , and againe , in the sense and feeling of so great and incomparable a benefite . Yea , even this verie point , namelie , that faith only doth iustifie us in Gods sight ( as being the onely instrument to apprehend and apply Christ , with his satisfaction and righteousnes unto us ) and not workes , though done after grace received , the ancient Fathers also themselves doe againe cleerely testifie . S. Augustine saith : Quantaelibet iustitiae , sancti praedicentur , vel novi , vel veteris Testimenti , tamen , non eos salvos fecit nisi fides Mediatoris , qui in remissionē peccatorum sanguinem fudit : Of hovv great righteousnes soever , the holy men either of the old or nevv Testament are said to be , yet nothing saved them but the faith of the Mediatour , vvhich shed his blood for the remission of their sinnes . S. Basil saith : Hoc est in domino gloriari , quando quis non effertur sua iustitia , sed agnoscit se destitutum vera iustitia , & sola fide in Christum iustificari : This is to glorie in the Lord , when a man is not lifted up with his ovvne righteousnes , but acknowledgeth himselfe destitute of true righteousnes , and that he is iustified onely by faith in Christ. In like sore , speaketh S. Hillarie , saying : that , Sola fides iustificat : Faith onely iustifieth . S. Ambrose also saith : Hoc constitutum est a deo , ut qui credit in Christum , salvus sit , sine opere , sola fide gratis accipiens remissionem peccatorum : This is determined vvith God , that he that beleeveth in Christ ▪ should be saved , without workes , by faith onelie , freely receiving remission of sinnes . S. Chrysostome likewise saith : Sed unum illud a severarim , quod sola fides per se salvum fecerit : This one thing I will affirme , that faith onely by it selfe saveth . Therefore also it is , that the Church and people of God , doe ever disclaime their owne merits , and their owne righteousnes , so often as they duely consider themselves , and come into Gods presence : saying in Esay : that , All their righteousnes is as filthy clovvtes : for the best righteousnes , that is inherent in earthly Saints , hath some defect , staine , or imperfection in it . And so likewise doth the Church and people of God in Daniels time , disclaime all merite , and conceite of inherent righteousnes in themselves , as appeareth by their praier , which they make unto God , saying : VVee do not present our supplications before thee , for our ovvne righteousnesse , but for thy great tender mercies : O Lord , heare : O Lord , forgive , O Lord , consider , and doe it . That holy man Iob , likewise , speaketh to the same effect : If man ( saith hee ) dispute vvith God , hee cannot answer him one thing of a Thousand . And againe he saith : If I vvould Iustifie my selfe , mine owne mouth shall condemne mee : and , If I vvould be perfect , hee shall Iudge mee vvicked . But now although the Protestants doe thus , rightly teach , Iustification by Faith onely , and not by Workes , or by anie Inherent righteousnesse in men , & therewithall condemne the doctrine of mens merits most justly : yet doe they confesse , that there is a reward in Scripture promised to them that doe good workes ▪ But Reward and Merit doe differ , and be not all one : For it is a Reward , not of merit or desert of mens behalfe , but of meere grace , favour , and bountie , in God , farre above the merits and deserts of anie men , and performed , given , and bestowed , for Gods promise sake , and for the merits onely and mediation of Iesus Christ. There is Merces ex gratia , a Reward counted by favour , aswell as ex debito , of Debt , or Due desert , as S. Paul himselfe distinguisheth even in this verie case . Yea Saint Paul saith againe , that though Christ paid a price , and ransome for us , yet in respect of our selves , vve are Iustificati gratis , Iustified frankely and freely , without our paying or performing anie thing toward it , or in that behalfe . What could be spoken more plainely , or more forcibly , to quell the swelling pride of men , and to dash all conceit of their merit , at GODS hand ? It is true , which is written in the Epistle to the Hebrewes , where it is said thus : To doe good , and to to Distribute forgett not : for vvith such sacrifices God is vvell pleased . The Papists translate it ( for maintenance of their meritts ) that with such Hosts or Sacrifices , God is promerited : for so is their Latin Translation , Promeretur Deus : Which word , in Latin , as it is not used passively , as the Rhemists in their English have translated it ; so neither is that Latin translation , which they follow , right in that point , being not answerable to the originall in Greeke , according whereunto , the ancient Fathers would have all translations to be reformed , and framed , as before is declared : for the Greek word , in that Text , is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which signifieth ( as our Translation hath it ) is wel pleased , or , is delighted : but it importeth no such thing , as matter of merit in it . And therefore you must hereby learne to take heed of your false translations . Yea the Parable in the Gospel , of the Servant , that did the commandement of his Maister , plainlie and purposelie sheweth , that we deserue no thankes , or recompence , at Gods hand , for anie duetie or obedience , we performe to him : For ( saith Christ ) doth the Maister thanke that servant , because hee did that vvhich vvas commanded him ? I trow , not . So likewise yee , vvhen yee have done all those things that are commanded you , yet say , VVe are unprofitable servants : vvee have done no more but that vvhich was our duety to doe . It is here then verie manifest , that no men by anie duetie or obedience they performe to God , can possiblie merit or deserve anie benefite at Gods hand , much lesse Eternall Heavenlie happinesse . And yet you have a conceit , that so long as yee acknowledge those vertues and good workes , to come , not from your selves , but from God , & from his gift , ye may repose confidence in them , & matter of merit : but what is this ( if yee well consider it ) but plaine Pharisaisme for all that ? For did not the Pharisee in the Gospel say , O God I thanke thee , & c. ? acknowledging therein the vertues and workes which he had , to come from God and to be of his gift , and therefore gave him thankes ; and yet for reposing confidence therein , & for being proud of Gods gifts , he is disliked and reproved . Bernard saith : Meritum meum , miseratio Domini : The merit I relye upon , is the Lords mercy . Againe he saith : Non est quo gratia intret , ubi meritum occupavit : There is no place for grace to enter , vvhere merit hath taken possession . Againe he sheweth ; That men can by no manner of meanes , possiblie deserve or merit eternall life and salvation . And so teacheth Anselmus likewise : and Cusanus . Yea both wee , and yee , be so farre from meriting and deserving salvaon , that contrariwise wee all , in respect of our owne merits , must confesse , that we deserve damnation . For yee , for your parts , aswell as wee , cannot denie , but yee sometimes sinne and goe astray : and if you did sinne but once in all your life time , yet were that sufficient in the sentence of Gods Law , and the severitie of his Iustice , to make you subiect to his curse , and to throw you down to hell , and eternall torments . Never therefore sooth nor flatter your selves , with that your distinction , of some Veniall , and some , deadlie sinnes . For although it be true that some sinnes be greater , then other some are , and that all sinnes be , in respect of Gods mercie , veniall , that is , remissible , and may be forgiven , ( except the sinne against the Holie Ghost , of which it is directlie said , that it shall never be forgiven ) yet is it also as true , that everie sinne , even the least that can be named , is , in his owne nature , deadlie , and maketh a breach and transgression of Gods Law , and consequently deserveth his curse and condemnation : for so have S. Paul and S. Iames , before instructed us ; whereunto the rest of the Scriptures doe accord . So that even those which you call small and veniall sinnes , if they should be laid to your charge , and should not be forgiven you through Christ the Saviour and Redeemer , they be of weight sufficient , to presse you downe to hell , there to be everlastinglie tormented . And yet , it is true , that in respect of the quantitie and qualitie of sinnes committed by reprobates , and according to the difference of them , shall be the diversitie of their punishments in hell ; some being there to be tormented more , and some lesse . Doe ye not then , all this while , perceive , in what a wofull and damnable estate , they all be , that stand upon their owne deservings , merits , and workes , and looke to bee Iustified before Gods tribunall by a righteousnesse inherent in their owne persons , and not by the righteousnesse onlie of Iesus Christ apprehended and applied by faith ? Well therefore did S. Bernard say ; that , Assignata est homini aliena Iustitia , quia caruit sua : There is assigned to a man , another mans righteousnesse , because he vvanted his owne . Pigghius likewise speaketh , teaching , that we are Iustified by the righteousnesse of Christ imputed to us by faith . And so also doe the Divines of Coleyn teach , that we are Iustified by the righteousnesse of Christ , not as it is without us , abiding in him , but as the same being apprehended by faith , is imputed to us . CHAP. IV. Certaine objections of the Adversaries , answered , concerning this matter of Iustification . FIrst , the ambiguitie of this word , Iustificare , seemeth much to misleade you in this point : for you will have it to signifie and import , to make a man iust ( who before was uniust ) by a quality of Iustice inherent in his owne person : And true it is , That whosoever is Iustified , is also sanctified ; so that hee hath in some sort , a Sanctitie , or , Iustice inherent in his owne person , by the operation of Gods spirit within him . This then which you call Inherent Iustice in a man , is the same that wee call Sanctification , and is not all one with Iustification , but is a fruit , effect , and consequent of it . Neither doth the word , Iustificare , ( to Iustifie ) evermore so signifie , but sometimes it signifieth , to declare or approve one to be Iust : as in Psal. 51.4 . and Rom. 3.4 . where it is thus said , to God himselfe ; That thou mayest be iustified in thy sayings : meaning , that thou maist bee declared , or , approved to be Iust. And so in the first of Tim. 3.16 . Christ is said , to be Iustified that is , declared , or approved to be iust . And this sense also doth S. Iames in his second Chapter of his Epistle , say , That a man is Iustified by vvorkes , that is , declared or approved to be Iust by them , as being the fruits and declarations of his faith . And sometimes againe , it signifieth , by a Iudgement , or , sentence to absolve , and acquit a man of faults and crimes laid to his charge , & of all punishments to the same belonging : as in Pro. 17.15 . it is said , Hee that Iustifieth the vvicked , and hee that condemneth the Iust , even they both are an abhomination unto the Lord : that is , hee that absolveth , or acquiteth a wicked man in Iudgement , when contrariwise , he should be condemned ; and he that condemneth a Iust and innocent person , who should of right be acquited . both these are abhominable in Gods sight . Where you see , that , to Iustifie the wicked , is not by alteration of qualities , actuallie to make a man Iust , who before was unjust , but it signifieth , by sentence and Iudgement , to acquit and free him that is accused . And thus , is the word , Iustifie , taken in S. Pauls discourse touching this matter : as , to omit all other places , is manifest by that one place of Rom. 8.33 , 34 where it is said thus : VVho shall lay anything to the charge of Gods elect ? It is God that Iustifieth , who is he that condemneth ? Where you see , that the word , Iustifie , is set as opposite to the word , Condemne , and consequently signifieth , an acquiting , cleering , freeing , or discharging ▪ of whatsoever may bee laid to the charge of anie of Gods elect , and chosen children . 2 Neither can anie rightly conclude , because this righteousnesse of Christ is thus said to be imputed by faith , that therefore it is onely an imaginarie and phantasticall Iustice , and no Iustice or righteousnesse indeed : yea , such blasphemies must be detested . For the word , Imputed , doth not diminish or detract , from the truth of the Iustice , as though it were imputed or reputed for Iustice , which were none revera : but it signifieth , that as it is in it selfe , a most pure , full , perfect , and complete righteousnesse , ( being farre , above the best righteousnesse , that is to be found in anie earthly Saints , or such as be meere men ) so doth God , accordingly reckon and esteeme of it . So that although we be most uniust , in respect of our selves , yet by having Christs righteousnesse imputed to us , we are , in him , really and truely Iust & righteous , and without all spot , staine , or imperfection : For Christ , with all his merits , righteousnesse , satisfaction , and obedience , is , not by way of fancie , opinion , conceit , or imagination , but revera , actuallie , and verilie , bestowed and given of God , to all his faithfull and beloved children . Vnto us , a childe is borne : unto us , a sonne is given , saith Esay the Prophet . And againe it is said ; That God so loved the vvorld , that he gave his onely begotten Sonne &c. And it is said againe , that , He vvas given of God his Father to the Elect : and that those Elect were likewise given of God , to him . Agreeably whereunto speaketh also S. Paul , saying : that , Christ is made unto us , of God , vvisedome , and righteousnesse , and sanctification , and redemption : that as it is vvritten , vvhosoever glorieth , should glory in the Lord. Seeing therefore Christ , with all his obedience and righteousnesse , is given unto us of God , and that wee take and receive him by faith , there can be no doubt , but that he is as verilie and reallie become ours , as anie mans lands , possessions , or goods become his , which he hath by lawfull conveyance or gift , from another man. 3 But when we say , that Faith only Iustifieth in Gods sight , you further obiect , that this word , Onely , is more then is in the Scripture to be found : Howbeit , you may observe , that in the Gospel of S. Marke , Christ said thus to one ; Be not afraid , onely beleeve . But neither are these words , Trinity , Consubsta●tiall ▪ &c. expressely found in the Scripture , but so long as the effect and equivalencie of them , is there found , it sufficeth . In like sort , if words equipollent , or , equivalent to this word , Onely , be found in the Scripture , it sufficeth . What is then the sense of this word , onely , in this position , Faith onely iustifieth ? it is added , to exclude vvorkes , and their merit , from being anie cause of that our Iustification in the sight of God. Now then , when the Scriptures expresly and plentifully affirme , that , vvee are Iustified by faith , vvithout vvorkes ; and , by faith , and not by vvorkes : is it not as much , as if they had said in plaine termes , that wee are Iustified by faith onely ? Againe , when the Scriptures say , and teach : that vve are Iustificati gratis , and ex gratia , and per gratiam ; Iustified franckely and freely , ( that is , for nothing paid or performed , on our parts ) and of grace , and by grace : Doe not these words fully import , and cleerly shew , that we are Iustified , without anie merits , or workes of our owne deserving it ? Can anie thing be more plainely declared ? 4 Neverthelesse , they still seeke refuges , and therefore sometimes say , that , When S. Paul speaketh of the Workes of the Law ( excluding them from Iustifying in Gods sight ) , he meaneth only the vvorkes of the Ceremonial Law , and not the vvorkes of the Morall Law. But indeed S. Paul , speaking of the Workes of the Law , verie apparantly meaneth , as well the Workes of the Morall law , as of the Ceremoniall : for when he saith , that , Not the hearers of the Law , but the doers of the Law shall be Iustified : can this be intended onely of the Ceremoniall law , without anie regard at all had to the Morall ? Or when he speaketh of the whole Booke of the Law , saying that It is written ; Cursed is every one that continueth not in all things that be vvritten in the booke of the Law , to doe them : doth not this extend to the Morall Law ? or can these words be restrained only to the Ceremoniall ? Yea , when he further saith thus : I had not knowne sinne , but by the Law : for I had not known lust , or concupiscence to be sinne , except the Law had said , Non concupisces , Thou shalt not covet , or , Thou shalt no lust : doth not everie one hereby most plainly perceive , of what Law it is , that he chiefly speaketh & meaneth ? namely , that it is principally of the Morall Law , that is , of the Decalogue , or Law of the Ten Commandements : For to what other end else , is it , that he there expresly , and by name , rehearseth and bringeth in , one of those ten Commandements ? But yet further , he sheweth , that there be but two waies of righteousnesse ( namely the righteousnes that is of the Law , and the righteousnes which is of faith ) and saith : that , Moses describeth the righteousnesse which is of the Law , in this sort , viz. That the man vvhich doth those things , shall live by them : But the righteousnesse vvhich is of faith , speaketh after another manner : and he sheweth it , to consist , not in anie doubtfull questioning , but in a firme beleeving in Christ ; vvho is the end of the Law for righteousnesse , to every one that beleeveth . When therefore he here againe , saith , touching the vvorkes of the Law , and the righteousnesse compassable that way ; That the man that doth those things , shall live by them : is it his meaning , thinke you , that hee that observeth the workes of the Ceremonial Law only , without observing or doing anie of the workes of the Moral Law , shall live thereby , and enioy everlasting happinesse ? I presume , none can be so absurd , or unwise , as to thinke it . It is then a thing verie manifest , that hee speaketh not onely of the workes of the Ceremonial Law , but of the workes also of the Morall Law , and of these chiefly , excluding aswell the works of the one , as of the other , from being anie cause of our Iustification in Gods sight . And this is so much the more evident , because S. Paul yet further , in that his dispute of Iustification , excludeth not only the Iewes , but the Gentiles also , from all hope of Iustification by the Law : teaching , that they both , are to expect iustification in Gods sight , Not by the vvorkes of the law , but by faith in Iesus Christ. Now yee know , that the Gentiles be not bound to the observation of the ceremonial law , as the Iewes were : but the Gentiles ( aswell as the Iewes ) bee bound to the observation of the moral law , of the ten Commandements . When therefore S. Paul teacheth , that aswell the Gentiles as the Iewes are to expect Iustification , not by the workes of the law , but by faith in Christ : it is apparant , that he must needes meane to exclude herein , aswell the workes of the Moral law , whereto the Gentiles are bound , as the workes of the Ceremoniall law , whereto the Iewes onelie were bound , and not the Gentiles : for otherwise , you will make him a verie vaine and idle disputer , in this point , as in respect of the Gentiles . 5 Howbeit , being thus repulsed from this hold , they then retire , and returne to their old , wonted , and ordinarie nold , wherein they seeme to repose their greatest strength : and that is the same which is before mentioned ; namely , that S. Paul. when he excludeth workes , from being anie cause of Iustification in Gods sight , meaneth it , of vvorkes done before faith received , and whilst a man is an unbeleever , and not of workes done after faith received : Which works done by a beleeving person , doe , as they suppose , Iustifie before God , and in his sight . This hath beene before sufficiently answered , yet because they so often and usuallie urge it , I hope it will not be offensive , that I also here , once againe , make answer unto it . First therefore it might suffice , to call to your remembrance , that which hath been spoken , concerning those two faithfull & godlie men , Abraham , and David : who albeit they had , after faith & grace received from God , lived well , and done sundrie good workes , ( for which they might deserve praise and glorie amongst men ) yet , for al that , they deserved no praise , nor glorie , with God ( as S. Paul witnesseth ) nor were thereby iustified in his sight . Yea , as touching Abraham , he saith : that notwithstanding all that he did , not his vvorkes , but his Faith vvas imputed to him for righteousnesse before God. And as touching David , though he were a man likewise , verie faithfull , and godly , and did manie good workes ; yet by his godlie life , and good workes , he never thought to be iustified before Gods tribunall , but found all the godlines , and goodnes that was in him , to bee too defective , and to come too short for that purpose ; and therefore also he crieth out thus , unto God , saying : Enter not into iudgement vvith thy servant , for in thy sight shall no man living be iustified . Yea , hee discribeth the blessednesse of everie man , even of the holiest man that liveth , to consist , not in his owne sanctitie or righteousnesse , but in this , that , His sinnes be forgiven , or , not imputed to him . And so doth S. Paul inferre , and teach , out of this example of David : That God imputeth righteousnesse , vvithout vvorkes . So that neither the workes which David did , nor the workes which Abraham did , nor consequently the workes , that anie other godly or holie man doth , after grace and faith received , be sufficient to Iustifie in Gods presence : For , I knovv nothing by my selfe ( saith S. Paul ) yet am I not thereby iustified . I might here further desire you , to call to your remembrance , that holie man Iob , and that holy Prophet of God , Daniel ; yea all that godlie companie and Church of God , in Daniels time , and Esaies time : who all did ( as themselves testifie ) renounce all their owne inherent righteousnes , as too insufficient , and unmeet to stand before Gods most pure eies , to claime Iustification thereby , in his sight . Yea , if God should looke narrowlie , to see what is said , & done amisse , and to recompence it , in the rigor and severitie of his Iustice , according to mens merits and deserts : VVho ( as the Psalmist speaketh ) should bee able to stand , or to abide it . Yea , I might here moreover desire you , to remember , whatsoever is conteined in the former Chapter , touching this matter . For not the workes , even of a iust man , doe iustifie in Gods sight : as S. Paul prooveth by an expresse testimonie out of the Prophet Abacuk , where he saith , even of the iust man : that , He liveth by his faith , ( and not by his Workes ) . And this he urgeth and enforceth againe , in his Epistle to the Galathians , saying thus : But that no man is iustified by the lavv in the sight of God , it is evident : for ( saith he ) The iust shall live by faith . And thus himselfe , being otherwise dead , did live , or had life in him , namely , by faith in the Sonne of God , and not by the workes of the law . Yea , he further excludeth , even the workes of righteousnes , in expresse termes , saying thus : Not by the vvorkes of righteousnesse vvhich vve have done , but according to his mercie he hath saved us . Observe that he here directlie affirmeth , of himselfe , & of all the rest that shall be saved , that they are saved , not , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by vvorkes done by them in righteousnes , but of Gods meere mercie and grace , through Christ Iesus . And againe observe , that speaking not to unbeleevers , but to beleevers , Saints , and sanctified people , living in Ephesus , he saith thus : By grace are ye saved through faith , ( and that not of your selves , it is the gift of God ) not of vvorkes , lest anie man should glorie : for vvee are his vvorkemanship , created in Christ Iesus , unto good vvorkes , vvhich God hath before ordained that vvee should vvalke in them . Heere also you see infalliblie , that workes , though done by such as be sanctified and regenerate persons , be neverthelesse excluded from being anie cause of their salvation : yea , by the verie words themselves of the text , you perceive , that he speaketh expresly , and by name of good vvorkes , vvhich God hath before ordained , that vvee should vvalke in them : denying them neverthelesse to be anie cause of salvation But here , why doe they speake of anie good workes done by Infidels , or before faith received ? For to speake properlie and truely , none doe , or can doe good workes ( so allowed to be in Gods censure ) but beleeving persons onely : inasmuch as the best workes of Infidels , and before a man hath received faith , be not allowed for good in Gods sight , but bee , as S. Augustine affirmeth of them : Splendida peccata : Glittering sinnes . Howbeit , here remember , that although those which be Saints upon earth , that is , which bee regenerate and sanctified people , be thus expresly affirmed to be saved by their faith , and not by their good workes : yet have they neverthelesse , these good workes appointed for them to walke in , so long as they live in this world ( for so this text to the Ephesians , directlie sheweth ) to the end , their faith should not be idle , but working through love , as S. Paul speaketh in another place , and that so , it might appeare to bee , not a vaine and a dead faith , but a sound and a lively faith , and such as will save a man , as S. Iames , and the rest of the Scriptures have also before declared . Yea , this point ▪ even Christ Iesus also himselfe , by his last Iudgement , in the end of the world doth declare , namely , that the iustifying and saving faith is not voide of good workes , but furnished with them ; and yet that Gods people doe not relye upon them : For thus will hee say to his faithfull and elect ones : Come ye blessed of my father , inherite yee the kingdome , prepared for you , from the foundation of the vvorld : for I vvas hungrie , and yee gave me meate : I was thirstie , and yee gave me drinke : I was a stranger , and yee tooke mee in : naked , and ye clothed mee : I vvas sicke , and yee visited mee : I vvas in prison , and yee came unto me . But now observe , that although these elect and righteous persons had these good workes , yet doe not they so much as take notice of them , much lesse stand upon the merite of them ; and therefore doe they answer , and say : Lord , when savv vvee thee hungrie , and fed thee ? or thirstie , and gave thee drinke ? vvhen saw vvee thee a stranger , and tooke thee in ? or naked , and clothed thee ? sicke , or in prison , and came unto thee ? Reade further the rest of the Chapter , to the end of it : And by all of it , considered together , ye may verie easilie perceive ; first , that they bee not the elect and righteous people , but the reprobates , that stand upon their workes , & obiect their workes to plead for them : And secondlie , that Christ their Lord , taketh notice of the good works of the elect , although themselves take no notice of them , nor doe so much as once mention or alledge them . Where Christ , by alledging their good works , would have the world also to take notice , and to be advertised , that it was not a vaine , idle , or dead faith , but a iustifying , and saving faith , which these men had . For their good workes be there mentioned , as testimonies , fruites , and declarations of their faith , and as being , Via regni , non causa regnandi : The vvay vvherein they walked toward this kingdome , but not as being the cause of their enioying of that kingdome , as S. Bernard also himselfe hath before taught & affirmed . Yea , in verie deede , the primarie and original cause of their enioying of that most happie kingdome , is there delivered in the former words , where Christ calleth them , the Blessed of his father ; and telleth them moreover directlie , that they are to possesse this kingdom , not by anie purchase or desert of their owne , but , by way of Inheritance : ( for the word is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , Inherite yee , or possesse yee it by waie of Inheritance ) . And further , he there telleth them , that this kingdom was prepared for them , long before they were borne , or had done anie good workes at all , namelie , even from the foundation of the world . So that this glorious and heavenlie kingdome , is given them of Gods meere bountie , and grace , and is unto them , a Revvard according to their vvorkes , ( as the Scripture speaketh ) , but not for their workes , as though their workes deserved it , or were the meritorious cause of their salvation . Yea , it is a reward of grace and favour , and not of debt or due desert ( as S. Paul hath also before testified ) and a revvard of Inheritance , ( as the same S. Paul , againe expresly affirmeth it ) . In vaine therefore also , is that your distinction , of the first Iustification , which you make to be by faith without vvorkes , and of the second Iustification ▪ which , you say , is by workes , and by living an holie and godlie life : for the Scriptures speake but of one Iustification in Gods sight , availeable to salvation . As for that which you call the second Iustification , consisting in doing good workes , and in holinesse of life and conversation , it is ( as I said before ) more properlie and rightly , to be tearmed ( as the Scripture calleth it ) Sanctification ; it being an effect , declaration , fruite , and consequent of that Iustification , we have before by faith , as S. Iames , and S. Paul , and the rest of the Scriptures , doe manifestly teach . CHAP. V. That Christ is our onely and all-sufficient Redeemer , and hath fully satisfied Gods Iustice for our sinnes , and the punishment thereto belonging : against mens merits and satisfactions , in that behalfe ; and against Popish Purgatorie . And that there is no licentiousnesse in this doctrine , but the cleane contrary . BVt they further accuse our Religion to be licentious , because , relying wholly upon Christ , our Redeemer , and his satisfaction , we make no satisfaction our selves , for our sinnes , to the Iustice of GOD. Howbeit , yee are , first of all , to know , that this doctrine and faith of ours , concerning Christ his redemption and satisfaction all-sufficient , made to Gods Iustice , for our sinnes , inferreth no such matter as licentiousnesse , but the cleane contrarie . For , wee are redeemed , not to the end to live dissolutely or carelesly , but to the end wee should , for so great and unspeakeable a benefite , obey and serve God in holinesse and righteousnesse before him , and that , all the dayes of our life , as the Scr●ptures teach . And secondly , as touching the truth of this matter , Saint Peter telleth us , that , Christ his owne selfe , bare our sinnes , in his bodie , on the tree . Againe , S. Iohn saith : that , the blood of Iesus Christ , the Sonne of God , doth purge us from all sinne : and , clense us , from all iniquity . S. Paul also saith : VVee have redemption through , his blood , even the remission of sins . Yea , this the Scriptures doe almost everie where teach and testifie . How then can your conceit of mens satisfactions to Gods Iustice for sinnes , be otherwise accounted of , then as a thing apparantly iniurious to that satisfaction , and redemption , and ( consequently ) to that free and full discharge , and remission of all our sinnes , and of the guiltinesse and punishment thereto belonging , which we have in Christ ? For , guiltinesse being taken away , the punishment also is taken away , saith Tertullian . And so also saith S. Augustine ; that , Christ by taking upon him the punishment , and not the fault , hath done away both the fault and the punishment . And in all reason it must be so , that when a fault or sinne is forgiven , the punishment thereto belonging , is forgiven also : for to what other end else is the fault or sinne forgiven and remitted ? But against this , they alledge the example of King David , and of other the children of God , who notwithstanding that they had their sins forgiven them , had neverthelesse , afflictions & chastisements sent them from God , even in this life . Whereunto they have beene often answered , that God sendeth not these chastisements and afflictions upon his children , to that end , thereby to satisfie his wrath and iustice for their sinnes ( for his wrath is appeased , and his Iustice satisfied in their behalfe another way , namely in the passion and obedience of Iesus Christ ) but by that meanes , to put them in remembrance of their sinnes formerly committed , and to bring them to repentance for the same , and to make them stand in more feare and awe of God , for the time to come , and to walke more warily , & circumspectly , and with better obedience before him , as the Psalmist declareth . So that these be sent of God for other ends and purposes , and come from him , not as from an angrie and revengefull Iudge , but out of his kinde provident care , and fatherly affection , and love , toward them . Which thing S. Paul also witnesseth ; shewing , that these corrections and chastisements , be sent upon them to the end , they might thereby be advertised to call themselves , and their sinnes , to a better remembrance , even so farre as to Iudge and condemne themselves for the same , and so be admonished not to runne anie longer a riotous and wicked course , with the damnable world . The same is further testified in the Epistle to the Hebrewes : for there it is said thus ; VVhom the Lord loveth , he chasteneth , and scourgeth every sonne that he receiveth . And hee saith againe , If yee endure chastening , God offereth himselfe unto you , as unto sonnes : for , vvhat sonne is it , vvhom the father chasteneth not ? And againe he saith ; If therefore ye be vvithout correction , vvhereof all ( sonnes ) are partakers , then are ye bastards , and not sonnes . Moreover ( saith he ) vve have had the fathers of our flesh , vvhich corrected us , and wee gave them reverence : should vvee not much more be in subiection , unto the father of spirits , that vvee might live ? for they verily , for a few dayes , chastened us , after their owne pleasure : but he chasteneth us ▪ for our profit , that vve might be partakers of his holinesse . The like speaketh S. Augustine , saying ; Prosunt ista mala quae fideles piè perferunt , &c. These evils or afflictions vvhich faithfull people in godly wise suffer , doe profite eyther to the amendment of their sinnes , or for the exercise and triall of their righteousnesse , or to shew the misery of this life : That , that life vvhere there shall be true and perpetuall blessednesse indeed , both may more ardently be desired , and more instantly be sought after . It appeareth then , that chastisements and afflictions , be sent of God , in this life , upon his children , out of his Love , and not out of his furie and unappeased displeasure : so that they serve not to anie such end as to have the severitie of his wrath and Iustice , to be , by such meanes , satisfied and appeased ; yea how can the greatest afflictions or miseries that be , or can be imagined , in sinfull men , during this life , satisfie Gods heavie and infinite wrath and justice , for sinnes ? Or , how can they merit heaven and heavenly glorie ? when S. Paul himselfe saith expressely , thus : I suppose , that the afflictions of this present time , are not vvorthy of the glory that shall be shewed unto us . But yet for all this , ( such is the strength of error ) they strangely suppose , that they doe Christ no wrong , because it is through his merits , ( as they say , ) that they be enabled to merit and to make this satisfaction to Gods iustice , for their sinnes : Howbeit , this is but a meere conceit and imagination . For there is no word of God , to warrant or prove it : nay , the Scripture teacheth , that Christ died , not for our good workes , to make them able to merit at Gods hand , but for our sinnes , that they might be pardoned . Againe , it is said , that Christ hath by himselfe ( and not by us , or , in our persons ) purged our sinnes . He is , our 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 platamentum , & , propitiatio , reconciliation , and , propitiation . Yee are bought vvith a price ( saith S. Paul ) therefore glorifie yee God , both in your bodie , and in your spirit : for they are Gods. Christ is hee that paide this price , for them , as S. Peter also sheweth . And therefore , not VVee , but Hee , is affirmed to be our 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , price , & , the price of Redemption , paide for us : and that we are for our parts , Iustified , gratis , that is , franckly and freely , and for nothing by us paide , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by the redemption vvhich is in Christ Iesus , and not in us , or , in our persons . Yea , in that Christ was to come downe from heaven , and to be incarnate for this purpose , and to suffer , and so to satisfie Gods wrath and Iustice , in our behalfe , he sufficiently sheweth , that none of us were able , in our owne persons , to performe so great a worke . Yea they may by as good right and reason say , that hee by the vertue and merit of his death and passion , hath enabled men , to be The Saviour and Redeemer of the VVorld , in their owne persons , or to be the Mediator betwixt God and them , or challenge anie other right or prerogative whatsoever , that properly belongeth to Christ Iesus . For , what may not men frame , fancie , or devise , out of this , if they be so disposed , and care not to imagine things at their owne pleasure , without anie warrant from God , or his word ? Is it not then a most intolerable boldnesse , for anie meere mortal and sinfull men , to be so presumptuous , as to dare to stand in Christ his place , or to challenge to themselves , anie part of that high , incomparable , and peculiar honour , that properly belongeth to him , who is both God and man , and our whole , onely , and perfect Redeemer ? I pray tell me , what imperfection doe you finde , in his satisfaction , that it should not content you ? Are your selves better able to make satisfaction to Gods Iustice for sinnes , then hee ? or is his most precious bloud , passion , and obedience , able to satisfie for eternall paines and punishments , and not for temporall ? Shall he be able to satisfie the greater , and not be able to satisfie the lesse ? or if ye grant him to be able to die , doe yee doubt of his willingnesse , in that behalfe ? And if hee were both willing and able ( neither of which yee can denie ) what question then should be made in this matter ? It is true , that , as touching the ungodly reprobates , that be without Christ , all calamities , afflictions , miseries and punishments of this life , and even the bodily death it selfe , remaine to them , in their owne nature , and be to them , tokens of Gods wrath , and of his curse and unappeased displeasure , and forerunners of their future certaine and undoubted damnation : But to the godly Elect , that be in Christ Iesus , and that have peace with God , and with whom hee is reconciled through Christ , no afflictions , of this life , have in them anie token , at all , of his irefull and revengefull displeasure , or of his unsatisfied Iustice , but they are , contrariwise , tokens of his great love , and fatherly affection toward them , ( as is before shewed ) , and are to them forerunners of their future certaine and undoubted salvation . For toward Gods children , the nature of these things is changed , through Christ , having no Curse at all , but blessednesse , in them : Insomuch that , even death it selfe also , which to flesh and bloud seemeth most bitter , to them neverthelesse , is a most welcome and blessed thing , as having the sting of it ( which is sinne ) taken away in Christ their Saviour , and as being the doore that openeth an immediate passage and entrance to an everlasting life , in eternall happinesse . For vvee know ( saith S. Paul , in the person of all Gods children ) that if our earthly house of this Tabernacle be destroyed , vvee have a building given of God , that is , an house not made vvith hands but eternall in the heavens : for therefore vvee sigh , desiring to be clothed vvith our house which is from heaven . And Christ Iesus himselfe speaketh likewise thus : Verily , verily , I say unto you ; Hee that heareth my vvord , and beleeveth him that sent mee , hath everlasting life , and commeth not into Iudgement , but is passed from death into life . If then ( which is a thing here evident ) assoone as this earthly Tabernacle of their bodies is dissolved , all Gods children , goe to an eternall heavenly habitation : and againe , if the godly and faithfull man after the death of the bodie , doth in his soule immediatly passe to an eternall life : which you likewise here see to be verie manifest ( for , the word is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the preterperfect tense ) what is then become of your supposed Purgatorie ? Doe you not , by these Texts , perceive , that even that also , is to bee utterly banished and abolished , as a thing fabulous , impious , and untrue , and not to be beleeved ? 2 But your Church , for all that , striveth and strugleth to uphold it : as being indeed , one of the best fires , that ever the Pope and his Clergie have had for the heating of their Kitchins , and which , in respect of the people who are miserably abused with it , is , not unfitly , called Purgatory-Pickepurse , inasmuch as it robbeth them of their wealth and substance . But let us see , what texts of Scripture , they chiefelie alledge , and relie upon , for this purpose . First , they alledge , Mat. 5.25 , 26 , where Christ saith thus : Agree with thine adversarie quickl●e , whilst thou art in the way vvith him : lest at anie time thine adversarie deliver thee to the Iudge , & the Iudg deliver thee to the officer , & then thou be cast into prison : verily I say unto thee , thou shalt not come out from thence , until thou hast paid the uttermost farthing . Howbeit , this text is an exhortation & perswasion to peace , reconciliation , concord , & agreement , betwixt man and man , in this life : least for not observing of this concord , & agreement , it so fall out ( as often it doth in the world ) that the debtor be cast into Prison , and depart not from thence , untill he have paide the utmost farthing . But , if by this Prison be meant ( as they would have it ) a place of punishment after death : yet then , is there no necessitie , for all that , to expound it of their Purgatorie : for well may it then bee taken for Hell , the place of the damned : yea , then it must needs be so taken : inasmuch as there be but two sorts of people , namely , Elect , and Reprobate : and answerably to them , there bee but two places , after death , viz. Heaven and Hell ▪ for , that the soules of Gods Elect , goe immediately after their death , not into anie such tormenting place , as your supposed Purgatorie , but into Heaven , is , beside the former texts , evident , even by the president , of the good Theefe , that was crucified with Christ : to whom Christ said thus : This day shalt thou be with me in Paradise , that is , in Heaven , the place of blessednesse for all Gods Saints and people . That this Theefes soule , went that verie day into Paradise , is a thing expreslie apparant in the Text : and that Paradise is Heaven , even the Third and higest Heaven , ( the place of glory ) is also verie manifest , because S. Paul himselfe , so declareth and expoundeth it . What doubt then can there bee in this matter ? But it is yet further evident , by the example of the Rich man and Lazarus : For when the Rich man died , hee went to Hell , the place of Torments for the Reprobate , & when poore Lazarus dyed , he was carried by Angells , into Abrahams Bosome , that is , into Heaven , the place of comfort , ioy , and happinesse , for all God elect . For that Abrahams bosome , must be taken for Heaven ( and not for that fained place of Limbus Patrum , which Papists make to be a part of hell ) is manifest by this , that , beside the solace , ioy , and comfort that is shewed to be in it , it is further mentioned , and set in the Text it selfe , as directlie opposite to Hell. Now , what is so directly opposite to Hell , as Heaven is ? & consequentlie , what must Abrahams bosome bee , but Heaven , and no part of Hell , against which , in the Text it selfe , it is so directlie opposed ? S. Augustine saith plainely , it is no part of Hell : I could never finde in the Scriptures ( saith he ) that Hell is taken for good : And if it be never so reade in the Divine authoritie , verily , that bosome of Abraham ( that is , an habitation of a certaine secret rest ) is not to bee beleeved to be anie part of Hell. To the same effect , hee speaketh in another place , where he affirmeth , Abrahams bosome , expresly , to bee Paradise , that is , Heaven : Quanto magis &c. How much more ( saith hee ) may the bosome of Abraham , vvhich is after this life , bee called Paradise ? S. Crysostome also ( against the conceite of such as supposed it to be Hell , or a part of it , ) saith : that , the Bosome of Abraham was the poore mans Paradise , yea , I say this , that the Bosome of Abraham , is the truth of Paradise ; yea , I confesse it to bee the most holie Paradise . But moreover , considering that Christ is the slaine Lambe , from the beginning of the world : and that , Hee vvas yesterday , and to day , and is the same for ever : ( as the Scripture speaketh ) The force & vertue of that his death , must needs extend unto all times , as touching the elect , to redeeme and save them : And consequently , what doubt can there bee , but that Abraham , Isaac , Iacob ; and all the rest of Gods people , that lived and died , before Christ his Incarnation , and Passion , went after their death , as directly into Heaven , as those godlie and faithfull people doe , that have died since his Incarnation , Passion , and Ascention ? for as for that Text , which yee alledge of Heb. 9.8 . where it is said : that , The way of the Holies , vvas not yet manifested , or opened , whilst as yet the first Tabernacle vvas standing . The meaning and scope of that place , is no more , but that the way to Heaven was not opened , by vertue of anie sacrifices of the first Tabernacle vnder the Law , but by vertue of the Sacrifice and passion of Christ , which those old sacrifices did prefigure : the vertue of which Sacrifice , and sufferings of Christ , extending it selfe , from the beginning of the world , to the end thereof , as touching all the faithfull ( to take away all their sinnes , and to worke their full redemption ) is ever sufficient to give those olde godly Fathers , rest and felicitie in Heaven , in their soules , after their bodilie death . Yea , where else doth Christ himselfe , place Abraham , Isaac , and Iacob ( even before his Passion ) but in the kingdome of Heaven ? Your supposed Limbus Patrum therefore hath no ground to relie upon , nor your supposed Purgatorie neither , but are both to vanish as smoake , being not onelie phantasticall , but untrue , and ungodlie conceits . But to answer yet further , to the text alledged for your imagined purgatorie : Why should that Prison , before mentioned ( being admitted to be a place of punishment for sinne , after death ) be supposed your Purgatorie , rather then Hell , the place of the Damned ? For , doe yee allow him to be sent to Purgatorie , that is never reconciled to a man , but dieth out of Charitie ? doth not such a one live and die in deadly sinne , and consequently deserve hell fire and damnation ? Ye say , that the words of the Text affirme , that after hee is committed to the prison , there mentioned , he is not to come out from thence , untill hee hath paid the utmost farthing : This worde , untill , say you , importeth ; that after payment once fullie made by him , he is to come out againe : and therefore that it is to be intended , not a perpetuall and everlasting prison , such as Hell is , but a Temporarie prison , such as you suppose your Purgatorie to bee . But deceive not your selves with an argument , drawne from this word ( untill ) in the Text : for it necessarilie enforceth no such matter , as you would deduce out of it . For example , in Matth. 1. vers . 25. it is said : that , Ioseph knevv not Marie , untill she had brought forth her first borne Sonne , and called his name Iesus : will you therefore , with Helvidius , because of this word ( untill ) inferre , that therefore afterward Ioseph knew her ? I am sure ye will not : and yet by force of that word , if yee were so disposed , might yee inferre , aswell the one as the other . But , as that word ( untill ) in the last alledged place , inferreth no such consequent , but rather , that hee never knew her : so in the other place , where it is said , That he shall not goe out of that Prison , untill he hath paid the utmost farthing , is likewise meant , that he shall never come out . And so , in verie deede , doth Ferus , the Iesuite , expound it . And the reason for it , is verie good , and apparant : for , seeing he is there to continue , untill he paie the utmost farthing ; and that hee , for his part , after he is dead , and committed to this Prison , is never able to make payment ; how can it be shifted , but that he must lie there perpetually ? For , the conceite , that one man may make payment and satisfaction for the sinnes of another ▪ when hee cannot so much as make payment and satisfaction to Gods Iustice , for his owne sinnes , is a most vaine and idle conceit . Yea , thus also doth S. Augustine expound this Prison , of the place of the Damned , namely of Hell , and eternall paines : Serm. Dom. in monte . And so doth S. Hierome also expound it , in Lamen . lib. 1. cap. 1. and Eusebius Emissenus in Domi 6 p●st . Pent. saying : Carcer iste , infernus est : This prison is Hell. And so Theophilus Antiochenus : in Carcerem , id est , in Gehennam : Into Prison , that is , Into Hell , the place of the damned . And Cromatius likewise upon this place , and divers others . But lastly , what reason have they to suppose , that anie faithfull godlie soule should , after death , bee cast into anie Prison , for anie debt , or sinne whatsoever , there to continue for anie time at all , when as all their debts , or sinnes , be fullie paid , satisfied for , and discharged by Iesus Christ , their suertie , Saviour , and Redeemer , in their behalfe ? How oft must they be told of these things ? 3 The next place they alledge , to prove their Purgatorie , is Matth. 12. vers . 32. where because it is said , that the Blasphemie , or sinne against the holie Ghost , shall not bee forgiven , neither in this world , nor in the vvorld to come . Ergo , say they , some sinnes be forgiven in the world to come . But , first : this is a non sequitur , & followeth not by the rules of Logicke , as even Bellarmine himselfe confesseth . And secondly , admit that some sinnes be forgiven in the world to come ; yet doth it not follow , that your Purgatorie is thereby proved : for your Purgatorie , is such a place and prison ( by your owne teaching ) not where anie forgivenesse of sinnes is to bee obtained , but where perfect satisfaction , even to the utmost farthing , is to be paide , and that for sinnes , which were ( as your doctrine teacheth ) committed by the offendor in this life , and forgiven before he came into that place : for so you say , that the sinne is forgiven , but the Temporall punishment notwithstanding , is to be satisfied for , and to be endured and performed for it , in Purgatorie . If the sinne be forgiven before he come there , ( as your selves doe hold ) Ergo , say I , it remaineth not to be forgiuen , or to receive anie forgivenesse in that place : for what is once forgiven , needeth not anie second forgivenesse . Againe , if it bee a place onelie to endure punishment for sinnes , untill Gods Iustice be there fullie satisfied , ( as yee likewise affirme ) then must it follow also , that it is no such place , as wherein anie forgivenesse of the sinne is granted , or obtained , or so much as to be expected . But moreover , when God hath received satisfaction to his Iustice , for the sinnes of all his people , and for the punishment due unto the same , in the Person of his Sonne Iesus , their Redeemer , Suretie , and Saviour : should anie bee so iniurious , either to God , or himselfe : or so unwise in his thoughts , as to imagine , that God would exact , or require , a second payment , or another satisfaction to bee made unto him ? yea , when he hath not onelie received satisfaction in his Sonne , but hath moreover therupon given , a full release , remission , and discharge for all their sinnes , and that , for ever ; Can hee after that , in Iustice , call them to a new reckoning , for them , to make another payment ▪ or another satisfaction , in their owne persons ? It is true , that Christ their suertie and redeemer , paid deerely for them , enduring the most bitter wrath and curse of God , for their sakes : but yet in respect of themselves , they are gratis , that is , frankelie and freelie remitted , and forgiven , as I have often said ; they paying nothing in their own persons of this price and satisfaction . Yea , as S. Paul , speaking of Christ , saith directlie : that , In him , wee have redemption through his blood , even the remission of sinnes . So in the Epistle to the Hebrevves , is this expresly affirmed to be , an Eternall redemption , and consequentlie an , eternall remission of sins . And therefore , Gods children have ( as you see ) their sinnes forgiven them , both in this world , and in the world to come . But reprobate sinners , ( of which sort be such as sinne against the holie Ghost , and of whom it is , that Christ speaketh in that place by you alledged ) shall not have forgivenesse , neither in this world , where remission of sinnes is preached , and pronounced to the faithfull and repentant people ; nor yet in the world to come , when Christ himselfe shall personally sit in Iudgement upon them . You perceive then , that sinnes may bee granted to bee forgiven , both in this world , and in the world to come ; that is to say , to have an Eternall forgivenes : And again , that some sins be not forgiven , but remaine liable to Gods wrath , to be punished , either in this world , or in the world to come , or in both : and yet your Purgatory is therby in no sort proved , or can be concluded . But yet further , when Christ saith of this Blasphemie , and Sinne against the holy Ghost , that it shall not bee forgiven , neither in this vvorld , nor in the vvorld to come : it is but an earnest , vehement , or an emphaticall kinde of speech , therby to declare , that such is the heinousnesse of that sinne , and the implacable vengeance and wrath of God against it , as that the committer of it , shall never have forgivenesse , but is liable to an everlasting punishment , or an everlasting condemnation . And for assurance , that this is the verie and true meaning of those words , S. Mark doth manifestly so expound & declare them : for in steade of those words of S. Matthevv , S. Marke reciteth it thus : that he that committeth that sinne against the holie Ghost , shall never have forgivenes , but is guiltie of eternall condemnation . Would you have a better expositor of S. Matthews words , then S. Marke , who wrote after him ? Hee sheweth you plainely , that the meaning of those words is no more but this , viz. to declare , that it shall never be forgiven , and therfore therewith ( if there were no more spoken ) yee ought to rest fully satisfied and contented . 4 But yet a third Text they alledge , in 1. Cor. 3. where S. Paul saith thus : According to the grace of God given mee , as a skilfull master builder , I have laide the foundation , and another buildeth thereupon : But let everie man take heede hovv he buildeth upon it : for other foundation can no man lay , then that vvhich is laide alreadie , vvhich is Iesus Christ : And if anie man build on this foundation , gold , silver , precious stones , vvood , hay , or stubble , every mans vvorke shall bee made manifest : for the day shall declare it because it shall be revealed by fire , and the fire shall try everie mans vvorke of vvhat sort it is . If anie mans vvorke that hee hath built thereupon abide , he shall receive a revvard : If anie mans vvorke burne , he shall suffer losse , but himselfe shall be saved ; yet as it were by the fire . Here is fire mentioned , and what fire should it be , say they , but Purgatorie fire ? S. Gregorie himselfe answereth and telleth you , that there is no necessitie to expound it of Purgatorie fire : for he saith , it may be understood of the fire of tribulation , left unto us in this life . S. Augustine thinketh , that not onelie it may , but ought to be understood of the fire of tribulation in this life : and he giveth his reason for it , saying thus : The fire , vvhereof the Apostle speaketh in this place , must be understood to be such , that both doe passe through it , that is , both he vvhich buildeth upon this foundation , gold , silver , precious stones ; and he also that buildeth wood , hay , stubble : for vvhen he had said thus , he added : The fire shall trie everie mans vvorke , of vvhat sort it is : If anie mans vvorke shall remaine , vvhich hee hath built upon that foundation , he shall receive revvard : If anie mans vvorke shall bee burnt , hee shall suffer losse ; but hee himselfe shall bee saved , yet as it vvere by fire : Therefore this fire shall trie , not the vvorke of one of them , but of them both : And this fire verily , is the tentation of Tribulation , of vvhich in another place it is vvritten plainely : The furnace doth proove the potters vessell , and tentation of Tribulation , iust men &c. Remigius , who lived after Gregorie , understandeth this fire to bee God himselfe ; inasmuch as God himselfe , is , in Scripture called a Consuming fire . S. Ambrose interpreteth this Text , of Doctrine & Teachers in the Church ; and so doe divers others also : And indeed , the scope and circumstances of the text , being well considered , doe shew , that it is most rightly and fitly so to be expounded ; because S. Paul had before , affirmed Gods Church and people , to be this building : and that hee , as an excellent Master-builder , had laid for a foundation in this work and building , him that is the onely foundation , namely Iesus Christ. And he there proceedes in that similitude , shewing , that all the rest of the building , should be sutable and correspondent to this foundation , whosoever were the builders or workemen in that worke : and therefore he biddeth everie workeman and builder , in this worke , that is , everie Teacher and Minister of the Gospell , to take heed bovv he buildeth vpon that foundation : for if anie of them build upon it , gold , silver , or precious stones ; that is pure and sound doctrine , sincerely delivered , he shall receive a reward at Gods hand : But if anie of them build wood , hay , stubble , ( all which be combustible matter , and upon triall by fire , will soone bee burnt up , and consumed ( whereby unsound doctrine , or such as is not soundly and sincerely delivered , is understood ) This man , in respect of his unsound combustible stuffe , is therein to suffer losse , yet himselfe shall bee saved , because he holdeth the foundation , namely , Iesus Christ , and the iustifying faith in him : Yet as it vvere through the fire ; because , though himselfe be saved , holding the foundation , yet the frothie , unfound , and vanishing stuffe , which he builded thereupon , must perish and bee lost , as wood , hay , and stubble perish , and bee consumed , when they come once to the fire . Gods word is in the Scripture resembled to fire : and when mens doctrines , both for matter and manner , shall be brought to be examined and tried by this fire ; then , as in a cleere day ( the darkenes of the night being dispelled ) things appeare evident and manifest : so will it also by that triall , cleerely appeare and be manifested ( howsoever before they lay hid , and obscure ) what doctrines bee sound , and what unsound , what be firme , substantiall , and permanent , and will ( like gold and silver ) endure tryall by the fire , and what be like wood , hay , stubble , and such combustible matter , as when it commeth to bee tried by fire , ●s found vanishing stuffe , and soone consumed and abolished . You see then , the true sense and meaning of this Text , and that it no way enforceth or inferreth your Purgatorie fire : Yea it speaketh not one word of purgeing by fire , but of trying by the fire and that also , not of mens persons , ( as you suppose ) but of their workes . For all which causes , it neither doth , nor can possiblie make anie proofe at all , for your so much fancied and imagined Purgatorie . 5 These which be your chiefe Texts , being answered , let me now desire you to consider further , the fourteenth chapter of the Revelation of S. Iohn , where it is written thus : Blessed are the dead vvhich dye in the Lord , forthwith : Even so ●aith the spirit , that they rest from their labours , and their vvorkes follow them : which words are not onelie to be understood of Martyrs , but of all other also that die in the faith of Christ : for as all the godlie are said , to live in Christ ( 2. Tim. 3..12 . ) so are they likewise said to die in Christ , or to be the dead in Christ , ( 1. Thess. 4.16 . ) . All godlie and faithfull people then ( and not Martyrs onelie ) be such as die in the Lord , and consequently be here affirmed and pronounced , to be blessed forthwith , even presentlie after their death and departure out of this world , for the Text saith they be Beati à modò , blessed forthwith , or immediately after their death : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( as it is in the Greeke ) that is , from that verie present time , forward . Seeing then , they be in the state of blessednesse , forthwith , and have rest from all paines and labours , and have also the reward of their workes accompanying them , and bestowed upon them : it must needs be granted , that they come into no such painefull , terrible , and tormenting place , as your supposed Purgatorie is . The Rhemists hereunto answere , that , being in Purgatorie , they are blessed , and rest in peace , in respect they be discharged of the labours and afflictions of this life , and ( which is more ) from the daily dangers of sinne and damnation , and be put into infallible securitie of eternall joy , with unspeakable comfort of conscience . But , first a poor blessednes , & miserable cōfort , must it be , to be freed from the miseries & calamities of this life , & to be cast into much greater miseries & calamities afterward , namelie into those hote burning & fierie flames of Purgatorie , there to be tormēted , for I know not how manie hundreds or thousands of yeares . For , ye say , That such & so great be the paines of Purgatorie , that there is no difference between them , and the verie pains of Hell it selfe , but only in respect of the continuance of the time ; viz. that Purgatorie paines be temporarie and not lasting ever , whereas Hell torments , be everlasting . Which being so , I would faine learne , how the Soules departed , that suffer paine after this life ended , can certainly tell whether , for the present , they be in Hell , or in Purgatory ? for the paine and torment being alike in both , and no difference betweene them , in respect of the degree of pain , but of the continuance onely , those that after their death suppose themselves to be in Purgatory , may possibly be in Hell ( the place of the damned ) for ought they , for the present , there know , finde , or feele to the contrarie . But secondly , it is but a meere fancie and imagination , when they say , that they have there , unspeakeable comfort of conscience : for how can they have such unspeakeable comfort of minde , where they have such intolerable torments , as be equall , for the time they be there , to the verie paines and torments , which the damned soules suffer in Hell ? And where they say , that being in Purgatorie , they have infallible securitie of eternall Ioy , this is likewise another meere imagination and dreame : for what proofe or warrant from God , or his Scriptures , can they shew for these things ? None at all doe they , or can they shew , but their owne , or other mens conceits and supposals . Themselves doe say , that none in this life can be infalliblie assured of his salvation , without a speciall revelation from God : which way , I pray you , come those soules to be so assured which be in Purgatorie ? Have they anie revelation of this matter , there given them from God ? Or if yee say they have , How doe ye prove it ? for the wiser sort of people will no longer be fed with bare words , opinions , conceits , or imaginations of your deceived Church . But yet further , what need anie of Gods children goe to this your Purgatorie , there to bee put in infallible securitie of eternall Ioies , when as they may have that benefite , even in this life ? Yea they actuallie have that unspeakeable solace and benefite , namelie an infallible assurance of their salvation in this ve●ie life , ( as afterward in his due place is declared ) L●ying therein with a ioy that is unspeakeable and glorious , as S. Peter also himselfe speaketh , and himselfe witnesseth . Howbeit , I grant , that in S. Augustines time , some opinion of such a kind of matter appeared , insomuch that S. Augustine himselfe sometime speaketh Doubtfully of it , and , with a peradventure , there is some such thing : But at other sometimes againe , he is verie confident , and resolute , that there is no such third place : and therefore in one place , hee affirmeth it expresselie to be the faith of the Catholikes in that time , to beleeve onelie these two places , namelie , Heaven , and Hell. But a third place ( saith hee ) vvee are utterly ignorant of : Neyther doe vvee finde it to be in the holy Scriptures . And againe he saith : Duae quippè habitationes : una in igne ●terno , alia in regno aeterno : For there be two habitations or dwelling places , the one in everlasting fire , the other in an everlasting kingdome . Agreeablie wherunto , the scripture that speaketh of fire for the punishment of people after their death , expreslie affirmeth it , to be , an everlasting fire , and , unquenchable fire : which is sufficient to take away all conceit of your temporarie and quenchable fire , in your vainelie supposed Purgatorie . Yea , S. Augustine saith further : In requie sunt animae piorum à corpore separatae , &c. The soules of the godly separated from their bodies , be in rest , or quietnesse , and the soules of the ungodly suffer punishments , untill the bodies of those doe rise againe unto life everlasting , and the bodies of these unto eternall death , vvhich is called the second death . And so speaketh also S. Cyprian , saying : Quando isthinc excessum fuerit , nullus iam poenitentiae locus , nul●us satisfactionis effectus : Hic vita aut amittitur , aut tenetur : Hic sa●uti aeternae , cultu Dei & fructu fidei providetur : VVhen men bee once departed out of this life , there is no more place for repentance , there is no more vvorke or effect of any satisfaction : Here in this vvorld , ( saith he ) life is eyther lost or got : Here it is that provision is made for eternall salvation , by the worshipping of God , and the fruits of faith . And again he there saith : Then shall be vvithout fruit of repentance , all griefe of paine , & inanis ploratio , & inefficax deprecatio : and in vaine shall vveeping be then , and prayers shall then be also , uneffectuall , and of no force . 6 To what end then , is also your praier for the dead , or the Popes pardons and indulgences , or singing or saying of Masses , Trentals , Requiems , or anie other your workes satisfactorie or helpefull ( as you call them ) for the soules of the dead ? for in the place vvhere the Tree falleth , there it lyeth , whether it be toward the South , or toward the North , saith Ecclesiastes : appointing likewise , as here you see , but two places in that behalfe . Agreeably whereunto hee saith againe , that when a man dieth , his bodie , as Dust returneth to the earth , from vvhence it came : and his soule or spirit , returneth to God that gave it . And againe he saith : after that men are dead , They have no more portion for ever , in all that is done under the Sunne . What part or portion then can they have in your praiers , or in anie other works done by men that be living in this world ? Wee know and beleeve , there is a communion of Saints , and that the charitie and love of the Saints , one towards another , is verie great : but yee see , that the Saints , and godlie Elect , goe not after their death , to anie place of Torment , but into a place of blessednesse and heavenlie happinesse , where they stand not in need of anie mortall mens praiers , or other their workes whatsoever . On the other side , the soules of the ungodlie reprobates goe to Hell , the place of the damned , so that no praiers or other works whatsoever , can doe them anie good , for their ease or deliverance from thence . And as for anie third sort of people , that be neither Elect nor Reprobates , such are not to be found . It is true , that in this life wee may beare one anothers burden , and one may paie a debt for another , and the abundance of one mans wealth may supplie the defect or want of another : But as touching the next world , it is not so : for the Scripture saith ; that , The Iust man shall live , not by anie other mans , but by his owne faith . Againe , it saith : The soule that sinneth , that shall dye . And againe : The righteousnesse of the righteous shall be upon himselfe , and the vvickednesse of the vvicked shall be upon himselfe : So that , neither the righteousnesse , nor the wickednesse of one , shall bee imparted to another , to save or condemne him . Yea though these three men , Noah , Daniel , and Iob , were amongst them , they should deliver but their owne soules by their righteousnesse , saith the Lord God. And againe the Psalmist saith : A man can by no meanes redeeme his brother , nor give to God a ransome for him : It cost more , to redeeme soules , and therefore he must let that alone for ever . Neither hath anie that is but a meere man , anie such abundance of holinesse , or righteousnesse in him , as to be therewith able to supplie the defects or wants of others in that behalfe . Yea all is little enough for himselfe , when hee once commeth to stand in Gods presence , and before his tribunall . For even the holiest and iustest man that is , must then say with King David , Enter not , O Lord , into iudgement vvith thy servant : for in thy sight shall no man living be iustified . Yea , even the blessed Virgin Mary her selfe , though a most godly and holy woman , yet had not such abundance of holinesse in her , as to be able thereby to be her owne Saviour , much lesse to be able to merit the salvation of others : for that she was , in respect of her selfe , a Sinner , and consequently had need of Christ Iesus to bee her Saviour , as well as other people , her selfe plainely declared , when shee said : My soule doth magnifie the Lord , and my spirit reioyceth in God my Saviour . If she had had no sinne at all in her , ( as some Papists affirme ) what need had she of a Saviour , or how could Christ Iesus have beene her Saviour , as shee calleth and affirmeth him ? For he is in no other respect , called , Iesus , that is , a Saviour , but because he shall save his people from their sinnes , as the Angel testifieth . Againe , doth not the Scripture say expressely , that , All have sinned , and that vvhosoever be iustified , be iustified freely , by the grace of God , through the redemption that is in Christ Iesus ? The Papists also talke much of the vertues and sufferings of S. Paul , as though they were meritorious and satisfactorie , as well for others , as for himselfe : when as nevertheles himselfe sheweth , they were not sufficient for his owne salvation . It is true that he saith in his Epistle to the Colossians , that He reioyced in his sufferings , for them , that is , for their sakes , who thereby were to be encouraged , strengthned , and confirmed , in the faith of Christ : and that Hee did fill up , or accomplish that which was yet behinde of the afflictions of Christ , in his flesh , for Christs bodies sake , vvhich is the Church : that is , whatsoever yet wanted or remained for him to suffer , ( in whose sufferings or afflictions , Christ himselfe is said to suffer , and to be afflicted and persecuted , ( for what affliction , or persecution , is done to anie of his members , hee accounteth it as done to himselfe ) all those sufferings , and afflictions whatsoever they were , that yet remained for him to beare , he was readie willingly to undergoe , for Christs bodie sake , which is the Church : that is , for the profit and edification of the Church , that it might thereby receive encouragement , comfort , confirmation , strength , and boldnesse , in the profession of the Gospel . I say , all this being thus to be intended and understood : how iniurious and impious be the Rhemists , and other Papists , which wrest this Text of S. Paul , to prove that one man may merit and satisfie for the sinnes of another , & supplie his defects , in that point ? As though the sufferings of Christ in his owne person for our sinnes , had anie want , defect , or imperfection in them : or , as though the sufferings of S. Paul , or of S. Peter , or of anie other Saints , or Martyrs , and their bloudshed , could or did doe that which the bloud and sufferings of Christ could not , or did not doe . Is it not a shame , and a most monstrous shame , for anie so to speake , thinke or teach ? 7 But they here alledge , that praier for the dead , is mentioned in the booke of Macchabees ; and consequently , that they be tormented in Purgatorie : for why else should they be praied for ? I answer first , that praying for the dead , is there mentioned , as the fact of one particular man onely , namely , of Iudas , which can make no generall law or rule in this case : And secondly , there is likewise mentioned , as by way of approbation , in the same booke of the Macchabees , the fact of one Razis , that killed himselfe ; and yet for all that , it is not of anie godly man to be followed or imitated . And therefore as the one is disallowable , so likewise may the other be disallowable notwithstanding the Approbation of it in that booke . Thirdly , Iudas himselfe did not there pray for the dead , as thinking their soules to be punished and tormented in Purgatorie ( there is no such thing mentioned , or appearing in the text ) : but to shew , that he had hope , that they which were slaine and dead , should rise again ; for to that end it was , as the Text it selfe declareth . But fourthly I answere , that the book of the Macchabees is not canonicall Scripture , and therefore is not of authoritie sufficient , to prove a point of faith necessarily to be beleeved , because that booke speaketh it . That it is not canonicall , appeareth before by the testimonie of the old Church : and it doth also appeare by the testimonie even of the Author himselfe that wrote the Booke ; in that , in the end of it , he excuseth himselfe , and as it were craveth pardon , if he have written slenderly & meanely . Which apparantly sheweth , that hee wrote by an humane , and not by an undoubtedly divine spirit . For the spirit of God is not wont , nor needeth to crave pardon , nor to excuse himselfe , as though he wrote slenderly or meanely . Lastly , against that your conceit , of tormēting Purgatorie , grounded out of that Booke , I may and doe oppose the Booke of VVisedome , where it is said directly : The soules of the righteous are in the hand of God , and no torment shall touch them : If no torment shall touch them , then doe they not come into anie of your supposed Purgatorie torments . Yea although S. Augustine praied for his mother , and some other also for their friends departed : it is no proofe of your Purgatory ; inasmuch as such praiers do manie times proceed out of natural & humane affection only , & be used as a token of love & wel-wishing to friends departed , without anie such beleefe of Purgatorie . Which may & doth appeare even by S. Augustine himselfe : who , though he praied for his mother , beleeved neverthelesse that she was in peace , and rest , free from all paine and torment . S. Ambrose likewise praied for Theodosius , Valentinian , and Gratian , whom neverthelesse he beleeved to be in peace and rest , and in heavenly happinesse . You see then , that praying for the dead , is no proo●e for your Purgatorie . Howbeit , this praying for the dead , hath also no commandement , example , or warrant for it , in anie of the canonicall Scriptures : and besides , it appeareth by the premisses , that it can doe the dead no good ; and therefore it is in vaine , in respect of anie good , thereby to be done to the dead . As for the apparitions of soules , which they likewise somtimes alledge , to prove their Purgatorie , it is a verie Toy , and a fable . For , S. Chrysostome saith : it is not the soule of anie dead person , but a Divel , which faineth himselfe to be the soule of such a one , to deceive those to whom he appeareth ; and he calleth them , Vetularum verba , & P●erorum ludibria , Old womens Tales , and Childrens toyes . And so S. Augustine likewise telleth you , that it was not Samuel in verie deed , but a Divell in his likenesse , which appeared to the witch in King Sauls time : And therfore he pronounceth of these things , that they be either the Cousenages of Deluding men , or vvonders of Deceitfull Devils , with which therefore , none ought anie longer to be bewitched or deluded , CAP. VI. Of workes , done upon a good Intention ( as they be called ) without a commandement or warrant from God , or his word : Of workes , de Congruo ; and de Condigno : And , of workes of Supererogation : and how unpleasing they all bee in Gods sight and censure ; howsoever in respect of men , that have use and profit by them , they be , and may be called , good , and beneficiall workes . SVndrie there be , who thinke anie worke of their owne Invention , or of others devising , to bee a good worke , acceptable to God , and a point of good service performed to him , so long as they have a good meaning , or a good intention in it ; though the worke bee not commanded from God , nor warranted by his word . But God will not have everie man to doe , what seemeth to himselfe good , or right in his owne Eyes : But vvhatsoever I command you , that ( saith he ) observe to doe . Yea , that , and That onely , must yee doe , ( as your owne latine Translation is . ) Againe , he saith : I am the Lord your God , vvalke yee in my statutes , and k●epe my iudgments , and doe them . And nothing doth he more dislike or condemne , in his service , or worship , then when men will be so presumptuous , as out of their owne imaginations , to suppose , and devise , what shall bee well pleasing to him . For , what is this else , but for people to goe a vvhoring vvith their ovvne inventions , as the Scripture speaketh ? My thoughts , are not your thoughts : nor your vvayes , my vvaies , saith the Lord : for as the heavens are higher then the earth , so are my vvayes higher then your vvaies , and my thoughts , then your thoughts . Yea , what are they else , but superstitious vvorkes , which are done by the will and pleasure of men , without the Commandement of God , or his rule and direction , for so Isidorus giveth the Etymologie of that word , superstition , to be a thing done , supra-statut●m , more then is appointed by the law of God , upon mens pleasures and devisings . May not God say in these cases , as sometime he spake , Quis requisivit haec de vobis , VVho hath required these things of you ? A good Intention therefore is not sufficient to prove , or make the worke to be good in Gods sight , unlesse it bee a worke or action commanded from God , or by his word approoved . For , King Saul had a good intention , or meaning , when being sent against the Amal●kites , and commanded from God to kill , both man and woman , infant and suckling ; oxe and sheepe , camell and asse ; hee , neverthelesse spared some of the Cattell , suffering the people to take Sheepe , and Oxen , to this intent , to sacrifice to the Lord. But notwithstanding this his good intention , the fact was odious in Gods sight , and because he had thus reiected the vvord of the Lord , not suffring his actions to be thereby squared and ruled , therfore also did the Lord reiect him from being King over Israel . So likewise had Vzzah a good meaning , or a good intention , when driving the Cart wherein the Arke of God was , and the Arke being shaken , and in danger of falling , hee put forth his hand to the Arke , and tooke hold of it to keepe it , from falling : yet because it belonged not unto him , so to doe with the Arke , and that he therein did an action not commanded , nor warranted unto him from God , or his word ▪ therefore , notwithstanding this his good intention , God was offended with him , and hee smote Vzzah there for his error , and there hee died by the Arke of God. The workes then which men doe of their owne heads and devisings , without Gods commandement , or approbation by his word , be not to be accounted amongst the number of good workes , in Gods censure , what faire shew soever they make amongst men , or what good meaning or intention soever they have . For , that , which is highly esteemed amongst men , is oftentimes abhomination in the sight of God , as Christ himselfe also teacheth and affirmeth . 2 But yee have further in the Papacie , workes preparative , or workes , or merits de Congruo , as yee call them , such as bee done by a man before faith received ; which ye also account good workes But , first , How can a man that is not himselfe as yet made good , bring forth any good vvorks ? for , The tree must first bee good , before it can bring forth good fruit , as Christ himselfe teacheth . Yea , good workes , and a sanctified course of life , be the fruites of righteousnesse , as S. Paul declareth : and therefore , before that a man be made righteous , and iustified by faith , hee cannot possibly bring forth these fruites of righteousnesse . Againe , the Scripture witnesseth expresly : that , VVithout faith , it is impossible to please God : How then can the workes of anie man , before faith received , please God ▪ be accepted of him , or merit anie grace or favour at his hands ? The Heart is the fountaine of all mens actions : and by faith it is ▪ that mens hearts be purified , and cleansed , as S. Peter witnesseth . Vntill such time therefore , that mens hearts bee thus clensed and purified by faith in Christ , they can bring forth no good , cleane , or pure vvorkes , but works like themselves , that is , most impure , and uncleane . For , to them that be uncleansed , and unbeleevers , nothing is pure , but even their minde and conscience is defiled , as S. Paul also directly affirmeth . And so hee saith againe of all the corrupt naturall men in the world , untill they bee regenerated , converted , and iustified in Gods sight by faith , they be such as have all gone out of the way , they are all become unprofitable , there is none that doth good , no not one . Not without good cause therefore , hath S. Augustine before told us , that all the workes of Infidels , and Heathens , and even the Morall vertues of the Philosophers , as they were done , and performed by them that had no beliefe in Christ , were no good workes in Gods sight , but Splendida peccata , glittering sinnes : Yea , hee hath told us expreslie : that , Good vvorkes do follow him that is before iustified , and doe not goe before him that is aftervvard to be iustified . And againe he saith : that , faith goeth before , that good vvorkes may follow : neither are there ( saith he ) anie good vvorkes , but those that follovv faith going before . And therefore touching Cornelius the Centurion , whose praiers to God , and Almesde●des , be much commended , before he was baptised , ( whose example , the Rhemists , and other Papists , alledge in this case ) the same S. Augustine giveth a sufficient answere thereunto , saying : That hee did not give Almes and Pray , without some faith . So likewise testifieth Beda , and that out of Gregorie : that , Non virtutibus ad fidem , sed fide pertingitur ad virtutes &c. Men attaine not to faith by vertues , but to vertues by faith , as S. Gregorie expoundeth it : For Cornelius ( saith he ) vvhose almes before baptisme ( as the Angell witnesseth ) be praised , came not by vvorkes to saith , but by faith to vvorkes . And againe he saith : Hee had faith , vvhose prayers and almesdeeds could please God. So that at this verie time of his Prayers and Almesdeedes , hee beleeved in the Messias , albeit , most true it is , that hee did not then so well know Christ , or so firmely beleeve in him , as hee did afterward by the ministerie of Peter . 3 The merits also de Candigno ( as the Popish Church calleth them ) be not to be reckoned in the number of good works : yea , this conceit and opinion of Merit , is it that poysoneth and marreth the vvorkes , so that they are not reputed in Gods sight and censure to be good , but bad and odious vvorks , that be done with that affection , and to that end . For , even those good workes that be done , after grace and faith received , and by a man regenerate and Iustified , doe not merit or deserve salvation , or eternall life : because in the best works , that men regenerate , or sanctified persons doe , is some humane frailtie , defect , or imperfection intermingled ; for which defects , they are to crave pardon at Gods hand , and not to stand upon the merit of them . VVee are all ( saith Esay ) as an uncleane thing , and all our righteousnesse is as filthy raggs . If thou , O Lord , shouldst straitely marke iniquitie ( saith the Psalmist ) O Lord , vvho shall stand ? But there is mercie vvith thee that th●u maist be feared . In many things vvee all offend . ( saith S. Iames ) And therefore well saith S. Augustine ; Vae universae iustitiae nostrae si remota misericordia Iudicetur : VVoe to all our righteousnesse , if it be iudged , mercie being laid aside . The vvages of sinne ( saith S. Paul ) is death : But the gift of God is eternall life , through Iesus Christ our Lord. Note that hee calleth Eternall l●fe , not the wages , or merit of Men , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , The free gift of God , bestowed gratis , without anie purchase , merit , or desert of ours : albeit ▪ Iesus Christ our Lord , purchased it for us , and paid a great price for it in our behalfe : through vvhom , and whose merits it is , that we obtaine it . Hearing ( saith S. Augustine ) that death is the vvages of sin , vvhy goest thou about , O Thou , not Iustice of man , but plaine pride , under the name of Iustice , vvhy goest thou about to lift up thy selfe , and to demand Eternall life ( vvhich is contrarie to death ) as a vvages due ? Chrysostome also upon this place speaketh thus : Hee saith not eternall life is the revvard of your good vvorkes ▪ but eternall life is the gift of God : That he might shevv , that they are delivered , not by ●heir ovvne strength or vertues , and that it is not a debt , or vvages , or a retribution of labours , but that they have received all those things freely of the gift of God. Theodoret likewise , upon this place observeth , that the Apostle saith not here , revvard , but , gift , or grace : for eternall life is the gift of God : for although a man could performe the highest and absolute Iustice , yet eternall ioyes , being vveighed vvith temporall labours , there is no proportion . And so saith S. Paul himselfe , that , The afflictions of this life , non sunt Condignae , are not vvorthy the glorie that shall be shevved unto us . It is true , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , merces , a revvard , is promised to those that doe good workes , but it is ( as before is shewed ) merces ex gratià non ex debito , a revvard of grace or favour , and not of debt or desert , as even S. Paul himselfe distinguisheth . So that God giveth the Crowne of righteousnesse , not to the merit or worthines of our workes , but to the Merit or Worthines of Christ , and as due to us by his promise onely freely made unto us in Christ. The Crowne therefore of eternall life , is of mercie and favour in respect of us , but of Iustice and desert , in respect of Christ , who hath purchased it for us by his merits and worthines . Wherefore S. Augustine saith well : that fidelis dominus , qui se nobis debitorem fecit , non aliquid a nobis accipiendo , sed omnia nobis promittendo : The Lord is faithfull , who hath made himselfe a debtor unto us , not by receiving anie thing of us , but by promising all things unto us . Againe he saith : Non dicimus Deo , Domine redde quod accepisti : sed redde quod promisisti : VVee say not to God , Render that , O Lord , vvhich thou hast received of us , but render or give that vvhich thou hast promised , Againe he saith : That God crovvneth his ovvne gifts , not our merits , vvhen he crovvneth us . What vvorthinesse soever then is in us , it is by Gods acceptation , and his accounting of us to bee such , in , & through Christ , & not by reason , or in respect of any of our owne personall merits , or worthinesse . For , vvhat hast thou ( saith S. Paul ) that thou hast not received ? and if thou hast received it , vvhy dost thou glorie , as though thou hadst not received it ? The gifts and graces of God in a man , should make him humble , and thankefull ; and not make him proud , as though he deserved them , and a great deale more , by reason of them . If a man give another 100. l. which hee useth well ; doth hee thereby deserve , or can hee therefore claime , as of merit or dutie , to have at that mans hand , 100000. l. ? Men , for good works and benefits done , may deserve praise and thankes amongst men : but what man , by doing of his dutie , deserveth praise or thankes at Gods hand ? or , What Servant , for doing his Masters service and commandement , can thereupon claime to be his Masters heire ? VVhosoever glorieth , should glorie in the Lord : as S. Paul teacheth . But if men doe merit , then have they somewhat of their owne , wherein to glorie : But God alloweth no matter of glorie in men , with him , or in his sight : neither have they , indeed , anie matter of glory in them : because , whatsoever graces , or goodnes men have , they have received it of God , to whom they ought to bee thankefull , and for which they stand bound to performe all manner of dutie unto him . So that how much merit men take to themselves , so much doe they detract from the merits of Christ , and so much praise , glorie , and thankes doe they pull from God , to whom all praise , glorie , honour , and thankes rightly and properly belong , and are to be rendred . Yea , the Kingdome of heaven is a reward , infinitely above the value of all mens workes , and therefore must needes bee given of grace , and cannot be merited by men . But against mens merits , and their workes of satisfaction , whereby they intend to satisfie Gods wrath and Iustice for sinnes ( which is onely satisfiable by the death and sufferings of that Immaculate Lambe , Christ Iesus ) enough hath beene before spoken , and therefore I here forbeare to speake anie further of them . 4 But in this matter of vvorkes , this is not to be passed over , or omitted , that they also hold workes of Supererogation , ( as they call them ) whereby they say , Men doe more then they are bound unto by Gods Commandements , and so doe merit , not onely their owne salvation , but the salvation also of others , or something toward it . Can these be accounted good vvorkes , or that be held for a good and right religion , wherin such monstrous things be taught and maintained ? It is more then anie meere man is able to doe , perfectly and exactly to keepe and performe the vvhole lavv and Commaundements of God : for so S. Paul himselfe expreslie affirmeth it , to be a thing impossible , because of the vveakenesse that is in all sinnefull flesh : and so have the ancient Fathers likewise before testified and taught . Why then doe these men talke of doing all , and more then all the Commaundements of God ? Indeed , if anie thinke to come to heaven by Doeing ( as he in the Gospell did ) the Ansvvere which Christ gave in that case is right and fit for him : that , Hee must keepe the Commandements : for Moses describing the righteousnesse vvhich is of the Lavv , saith : That the man vvhich Doth those things shall live by them : But the righteousnesse vvhich is of faith , speaketh ( as S. Paul sheweth ) on another fashion , and consisteth in a firme beleeving in Christ : For Christ , who performed the law for us ( it being a thing impossible for us to doe ) is the End , or accomplishment of the Lavv , for righteousnesse to everie one that beleeveth , as hee there againe affirmeth . And yet must none therefore hereupon conclude God to bee Cruell , Tyrannicall , or uniust , in giveing such a Law as is impossible for men to keepe : for at the first , before the fall and transgression of Adam , it was possible , and the Impossibilitie that is now of it , is not through anie default of the Law , or of God , the giver of it , but through the imbecillitie and weakenesse , which men have brought upon themselves , by meanes of that Transgression . Neither was the law afterward given to anie such end , that men should be able exactly and perfectly to fulfill it : and by such fulfilling of it , to have eternall life : but to shewe us how farre wee are fallen from that ability and puritie wee received in our first Creation , and to discover and make knowne our sinnes and transgressions , both originall and actuall , and the wrath and curse of God due unto us for the same ; and so to drive and bring us unto Christ the Saviour and Redeemer . This is one chiefe use of the Law , as S. Paul hath before declared . Another use of the Law , as touching the tenne Commandements , is , that wee should walke in the obedience of it , to the uttermost of our power ; although we shall never be able , during this life , fully and absolutely to keepe and performe it , by , and in our owne persons . In all this , I am sure , there is no crueltie , tyrannie , or iniustice . Yet , we must , as I said before , endeavour to the uttermost of our powers ▪ to walke in it , and to doe all manner of good workes , although not to that end , to expect Iustification or salvation , by that meanes , yet to other ends and purposes : as namely , first , to shew our obedience , dutie , and thankefulnesse to God , for all his favours and benefits bestowed upon us : For as S. Paul saith : God hath ordained good workes , that vvee should walke in them . Secondlie , that by those good workes , and a Godly conversation , VVe may make our calling and election sure to our selves , as S. Peter teacheth . Thirdly , that , Other men , seeing our good workes , may thereby be also occasioned and moved , to glorifie God our heavenly father , as Christ himselfe declareth . So that there bee , as you see , other good ends , why men should observe ( so much as is possible ) Gods Law and Commandements , and why they should doe all manner of good workes , though they repose no confidence of merit , or hope of Iustification or salvation therein . Howbeit , the Rhemists endeavour to prove workes of Supererogation : First , by that which was laid out , over and beside the two pence , for the recovery of the vvounded man ( in Luk. 10.35 . ) but the doing of that was cleerely a worke and dutie of Charitie , and therefore commanded , and consequently , could not bee a worke of Supererogation . And as touching the other Text of 1. Cor. 9 ( which the Rhemists likewise alledge ) where S. Paul would not bee burthensome or chargeable to the Church of Corinth , for preaching the Gospell unto them , which neverthelesse he might have charged : himselfe sheweth the reason why he did forbeare , and abridge himselfe of the use of that power and libertie amongst them : namely , because hee vvould not give anie hindrance to the Gospell of Christ. Vers. 12. and because hee vvould not abuse his povver in the Gospell , vers . 18. and because a necessitie vvas also put vpon him to preach the Gospell , ( vers . 16. ) whether he had allowance of the Church , or no allowance . This therefore was also a dutie in S. Paul the Apostle , in this case , to preach the Gospell thus frankely and freely , rather then it should not be preached at all : or , rather then the Gospell should be hindred , or receive obloquy anie way : and consequently , they appeare to bee intolerable , and super-arrogant vvorkes , of Supererogation , which bee maintained in the Papacie . CHAP. VII . Concerning Predestination , and assurance of Salvation : and that being rightly understood , they Inferre no manner of Licentiousnesse , or Impietie , but the cleane contrary . BVt they proceede , challenging our Religion further , to be a religion tending to licentiousnesse , for that it teacheth Predestination , and assurance of Salvation in some persons : which they also call , Presumptuous Doctrine . But , first , even the Papists themselves , aswell as the Protestants , doe teach , that there is a Predestination Secondly , in the Doctrine of Predestination , it being rightly and discreetely delivered , there is no danger , or inconvenience , but much conveniencie , sweetnesse , comfort , and profit comprised . Yea , why hath God revealed , & published it in his word , but to the end it should be knowne ? And ( that no man might carpe against it ) S. Paul sheweth , that which all reason , as well as Religion alloweth : namely , that God , the maker of us all , hath ( at least ) as much authoritie and power , over all men , his Creatures , to doe , dispose , and ordaine of them , at his pleasure , as the Potter hath over his Pots , or over the clay , whereout he frameth or maketh them , especially after that the whole lump of mankind was fallen in the transgression of Adam . Hath not the Potter ( saith he ) povver of the clay , to make of the same lumpe , one vessell to honour , and another to dishonour ? And hee further addeth , saying : VVhat if God vvilling to shevv his vvrath , and to make his povver knovvne , suffer vvith long patience the vessels of vvrath , fitted to destruction ? and that he might declare the riches of his glorie , upon the vessels of mercie vvhich he had before prepared unto glorie ? In which words yee see , that some , upon the fall of Adam were left in their sinnes , and so bee vessels of vvrath , fitted to destruction , through their owne sin and corruption : and that other some be vessels of mercie , and such as God , notwithstanding their fall and corruption , hath prepared to glorie . But to shew this matter further , and withall to cleare it of all licentiousnes , and impietie : doth not S. Paul say thus ? VVhom God hath predestinated , them also hee called : and vvhome he called , them also he iustified : and vvhom he iustified , them also he glorified . Here you see expresse mention made of Predestination of some unto glorie : and withall you see that those which be thus predestinated unto glorie , bee the men , that be afterward at some one time or other of their life , effectuallie called and Iustified ( and consequentlie sanct●fied ) and at last , come to be glorified : and therefore they bee , and must needs be , such as live , not a wicked , dissolute , and licentious , but a good , godly , and holie life , after that they bee once so effectually called . But yet further , S. Paul speaketh thus to the chosen people of God : Yee are all the children of light , and the children of the day : vvee are not of the night , neither of darkenesse : Therefore let us not sleepe , as doe other , but let us vvatch and be sober : for they that sleepe , sleepe in the night , and they that be drunken , be drunken in the night : but let us that are of the day be sober , putting on the brestplate of faith , and loue ; and the hope of salvation for an helmet : For ( saith hee ) God hath not appointed us unto vvrath , but to obtaine salvation , by the meanes of our Lord Iesus Christ , vvhich died for us . In which words you see , that although some bee appointed to wrath , yet othersome bee appointed to obtaine salvation , by the meanes of their Lord Iesus Christ , vvhich died for them : and these which were thus predestinated , and appointed , not to wrath , but to Salvation , he sheweth , that even for this verie cause , they should be the more vigilant , warie , and circumspect , ( as touching their lives and conversations ) to walke as Children of the light , and of the day , and not to be like unto those that be appointed to wrath , and be of the night , and of darknesse . Againe , S. Paul in his second Epistle to the Thessalonians , speaking of some , To whom God sent strong delusion to beleeve lies ( that they might all be damned which beleeved not the truth , but had pleasure in unrighteousnes ) distinguishing those that were of the Elect number from them , he saith thus : But wee ought to give thanks alway for you , brethren , beloved of the Lord , because that God hath from the beginning chosen you to salvation : And there hee sheweth further , how after this their election , they be brought to salvation , namely , through sanctification of the spirit , and beleefe of the truth . So that you here still perceive , that all bee not elect to salvation , but some onely : and that those that be thus elected , bee such as bee afterward sanctified by the spirite of God , and beleeve the Gospell and word of truth , and so come in the end to the salvation appointed for them . S. Paul againe , to the same effect , in his Epistle to the Ephesians , saith thus : Blessed be God , even the father of our Lord Iesus Christ , which hath blessed us with all spirituall blessings , in heavenly things in Christ : as he hath chosen us in him , before the foundations of the world , that wee should be holy , and without blame before him , in love . In which words you likewise see , that not all in a generalitie , but some onelie bee elected : and that those which be thus ordained , and elected to life and salvation , were ( in Gods purpose and decree ) so ordained , and elected , antequam iacerentur fundamenta mundi : before the foundations of the world were laid : But then here observe withall , that those which be thus elected , and predestinated of God to Salvation , bee not so predestinate , and elected , to the end , they should live licentiously , wickedly , or carelesly ; but to the end , They should be holy , and without blame before him , in love : for so be the very direct words of the Apostle . Wherefore it is apparant , that S. Paul , from this matter and doctrine of Predestination , and electing of men to salvation , gathereth , not anie argument of Licentiousnesse ( for neither can such argument from thence be rightly deduced , what soever Atheists , Papists , or others thereupon untruly inferre ) but cleane contrariwise , from hence , he gathereth ( as likewise all the rest of Gods children doe ) matter to blesse , praise , and thanke God , for ever , and ever ▪ and therby provoketh men , to shew forth the fruites of that their thankefulnesse , by a continuall godly life , and an holy conversation . For , indeed , what will move a man to thankfulnesse , and to shew his obedience towards God , both in his thoughts and affections , and in his words , and in his workes , and everie manner of way , if his election to salvation , decreed and purposed with God before the foundations of the world were laid , will not moove him unto it ? seeing hee was then in Gods hand , to have disposed of him , as of a vessell , either to honour , or dishonour , at his owne good and free pleasure ? there being then no matter of merit or desert in him , why God should cho●se him more then another ? yea , at that time of his ordaining and appointing of him to salvation , hee might , if hee had so pleased , have otherwise disposed of him , and might have left and refuse● him ( as he did others ) to goe with them to everlasting wrath , and eternall horrour and damnation . Infinite and unspeakeable therefore must such a one needes conceive the love of God to be towards him , in this case , and such as can never be suficiently magnified . Yea , thus againe from this predestination and election of God , doth S Paul in his Epistle to the Colossians likewise inferre , ( as it is indeed most forcible thereunto ) matter of argument to perswade to all Christian vertues , and to all godlines and holines of life : for thus he saith : Novv therefore as ●he elect of God : holie , and beloved , put on tender mercie , kindenes , humblenes of minde , meekenes , long suffering , forbearing one another , and forgiveing one ano●her , if anie man have a quarrell to another : even ●s Christ forgave you , even so doe yee &c. Marke here also , how from this that they were the Elect of God , he gathereth this Argument to perswade to all goodnes , godlines , and Christian vertues . And so likewise doth S. Peter also frame an Argument from thence to perswade to all holinesse of life . Yee ( saith hee ) are a chosen generation , a royall Priesthood , an holy nation , a peculiar people , that ye should shevv forth the vertues of him , that hath called you out of darkenes , into his marveilous light . By all which you see , I hope , sufficiently , that out of this doctrine of Predestination , can no Argument for licentiousnes , or carelesnes of life , be rightly deduced , but the cleane contrarie . For although God hath predestinated and foreordained , what shall become of all men , as he hath likewise of all things else , wee are not therefore to grow carelesse and dissolute , but , all our chiefe care , studie , & endeavour should be this , namly to examin our selves , our harts & waies , affections & works , & thereby see , whether we be of the number of those that be elected & predestinated to salvation , yea , or no : And if wee finde that we are , therin to reioyce , with powring forth everlasting praise and , thankes unto God , for so speciall , ineffable and incomparable a favour , and during all our life , to shew forth the fruites of that thankefulnes , by a continual endeavour to walke in the waies of God , & godlines . And if anie , upon examination of himselfe , doe not yet finde the marks & tokens of Gods children within him , and of such a one as is predestinated to salvation , hee is not therefore to be discouraged utterly , or to dispaire , but to know , that he may be for all that , of the number of Gods Children ( if hee neglect not to use the meanes , which God hath appointed in that case ) inasmuch , as , God may hereafter , at some one time or other , before his death , call him to faith , and repentance , and regenerate and sanctifie him by his spirit , & so testifie and make known the same unto him . For as it is true , that VVhom God hath predestinated , them also hee calleth : so no lesse true is it , that God hath also set his appointed times and meanes , when and how he will call them unto himselfe , whom hee hath so predestinated : which thing , Christ Iesus also himselfe sheweth , in the Parable , namely , that some were called verie soone , and at the third hower , some at the sixt houre , some at the ninth , and some at the eleventh hower : and some are called , even at the last houre , as was the Theefe , crucified with Christ. So that God calleth some earely and betimes in their youth , and some in their riper , and elder yeares , and some not till their old age , and latter dayes of their life , and some not till the verie last houre of their daies : and consequentlie , so long as life remaineth , there is a possibilitie for men to be called : and therefore no reason is there why anie should despaire , ( as likewise , none ought rashlie , or unadvisedly to presume ) upon this doctrine . 2 Now then to shew unto you the truth of that other point ( as being an appendant hereunto , namely , that even in this life , a man may come to be assured , that hee is one of the number of those that be elected and predestinated to eternal life and salvation : consider first , what S. Peter writeth , saying : Brethren , give diligence to make your calling and election sure : for if yee doe these things , yee shall never fall . Here you see it precisely and directly taught by S. Peter , that men not onely may , but ought so farre to endeavour , namely , to make their calling and election sure to themselves : And he there further sheweth them , how they may attaine unto this assurance , namely , by having , doing , and using of those excellent christian vertues , and courses he there mentioneth . Againe , doth not S. Paul speake thus in plaine tearmes ? Try your selves , vvhether yee bee in the faith or no : Examine your selves , Knovv yee not that Christ Iesus is in you except yee he reprobates ? Where hee likewise declareth , that all that be sound Christians may , by good triall and examination of themselves , finde , perceive , and Know , that Christ Iesus is in them , and that they belong unto him . This confidence , knowledge , and assurance had that holy man Iob , for thus he saith : I am sure that my redeemer liveth &c. & though , af●er my skin , vvormes destroy this bodie , yet shall I see God in my flesh : vvhom I my selfe shall see , and mine owne eies shal behould , and none other for me . Yea , this perswasion , and assurance had also S. Paul , and not only He , but all the rest of Gods Children have likewise this confidence and assurance : for thus hee speaketh in the name of them all : VVho shall separate us from the love of Christ ? shall tribulation , or anguish , or persecution , or famine , or nakednes , or perill , or sword ? as it is vvritten ; For thy sake are vvee killed all the day long : vvee are counted as sheepe for the slaughter : neverthelesse , in all these things , vve are more then Conquerors , through him that loved us : For , I am perswaded ( the words of your Translation , declaring the same thing , be , Certus sim , I am sure , or I am assured ) that neither death , nor life , nor Angels , nor Principalities , nor powers , nor things present , nor things to come , nor height , nor depth , nor any other creature , shall be able to separate us , from the love of God , which is in Christ Iesus our Lord. In these words you see , that S. Paul speaketh not onely in the singular , but in the plurall number , and consequently , of others aswell as of himselfe , even of all the elect people of God , that they all , aswell as he , at some one time or other of their life , have this strong confidence , and unremoveable assurance , that nothing shall be able to separate Them from Gods love toward them in Christ. For he saith againe , that as many as are led by the spirit of God , they are the sonnes of God. And againe he saith : That spirit beareth vvitnesse with our spirit , that we are the children of God. Who then having that spirit within him for a Witnesse , can make anie doubt of it ? Likewise speaketh S. Iohn , saying , Hereby know vvee , that vvee dwell in him , and hee in us , because hee hath given us of his spirit . For by that spirit it is , that VVee know ( as S. Paul againe witnesseth ) the Things that bee given to us of God. But S. Iohn saith againe thus : Dearely beloved , Now are vve the sonnes of God , but yet it doth not appeare , vvhat we shall be : But vvee know , that when he shall appeare , vve shall be like him : for vvee shall see him , as he is : and every man that hath this hope in him , purgeth himselfe , even as He is pure . Marke here still , that hee saith , they Know it : and therefore it is no uncertaine opinion , or doubtfull hope , but an assured hope , or hope with assurance . Which assured hope , or knowledge of their owne salvation , whosoever have by the testimonie of Gods spirit within them , wee see here by this expresse testimonie of S. Iohn , that they are not idle , negligent , carelesse , and licentious persons , but such as continually labour & strive against their owne corruptions , and defilements , and so to be purged more and more from them . Farre therefore from carelesnesse , and licentiousnesse , doth also this doctrine touching assurance of salvation , appeare to be . For not everie one that saith he is assured of it , is , by and by assured , but this is a matter , as you see , that requireth a great triall and examination of a mans selfe , and is ioined with a continuall care , desire , striving , and endevouring , to walke in the commandements , and waies of God : it being in verie deed , the most comfortable ▪ ioyfullest , and highest step of Christianitie , and the Summum bonum , or chiefest felicitie , that anie man can reach to , in this life : For , this causeth a Ioy , even a True Ioy to the heart and soule of a man , and such a Ioy as cannot be expressed . But then you aske , how he is sure of continuing & persevering in the way of godlinesse , unto the end : for you obiect , that the godliest man that is , often sinneth , and may fall . Whereto , I answer , that most true it is , he often sinneth and falleth , but God still rais●th him up after his falls , by a godly sorrow and a true Christian repentance for those sinnes , and by amendment of life afterward : so that such a one neither doth , nor can finally fall , or perish : for as it is written in the Psalme , Though he fall , he shall not be cast off : for the Lord putteth under his hand . to raise him up againe . And so saith Solomon also , that the lust man falleth seven times , but , he riseth againe . And these things be spoken of him that is a lust and righteous person indeede , and not of an Hypocriticall and counterfeit person , or of such a one , as onely in his owne opinion , or in the opinion of others , is a righteous person , and not so in verie deed , nor in the sight of God. For he that is a righteous person , onely in his owne opinion , or in the opinion of other men , and not so in verie deed , may fall utterly and finally away , and then shall not all his former righteousnesse , that hee had in his owne supposall , or the supposall of others , be mentioned or regarded , as the Prophet Ezechiel sheweth . And so also doth Christ himselfe speake of s●me , which when they have heard the word of God , receive it , at the first , with a kinde of Ioy , & for a while beleeve , but in time ostentation , they go away , because the word of God was sown in them , as in stonie ground , which , for want of sufficiēt moisture , & deep rooting , withered , & in fine utterly decaied . But this temporarie faith which lasteth but for a while , is not the faith of Gods elect , nor the true , lively , iustify●ng faith , heretofore mentioned . For this true , lively , iustifying faith , never utterly fadeth , nor falleth away , but the man that hath it , is like a Tree planted by the rivers of vvaters , that will bring forth her fruit in due season , vvhose leafe shall not fade , as it is said in the Psalme : and he is the good ground , into which the seed of Gods word is not onely sowen , and received with Ioy , but kept also , and which having moisture sufficient , and being deepely rooted , persevereth and continueth unto the end , bringing forth fruit with patience . And therefore also doth S. Paul say , that , Men continue or persevere , that be grounded and stablished in the faith : which kinde of grounded , stablished , and iustifying faith , whosoever have , most certaine it is , that they shall be glorified and saved ; ( for so S. Paul hath before expressely told us , that vvhom God iustifieth , he also glorifieth ) and consequently , they must needes have perseverance unto the end . This is also further witnessed , where S. Paul saith againe expresly of them : that Iesus Christ shall confirme them unto the end . And againe hee saith : Faithfull is he that hath called you , vvhich vvill also doe it . And so likewise testifieth S. Peter , that all Gods elect , are kept by the power of God , through faith , unto salvation . They then having so strong a Keeper , as the power of God , to support , uphold , and preserve them , untill they arrive at the Haven of all happinesse , namely everlasting salvation : what doubt can bee made of their perseverance and continuance to the end ? for none can pull them out of his hand , as Christ himselfe witnesseth . And therefore doth S. Paul speake confidently in the person of all Gods elect , being iustified and sanctified persons , in this sort : VVe know , that if our earthly house of this Tabernacle vvere dissolved , vvee have a building from God , that is an house not made vvith hands , but eternall in the heavens . Marke that he saith , they Know it . And thus againe it is said in the Epistle to the Hebrewes : Call to remembrance , the dayes that are passed , in vvhich after that yee had beene enlightened , yee endured a great fight in afflictions , partly vvhilest yee vvere made a gazing stocke , both by rep●●ches and afflictions , and partly , vvhilest ye became companions of 〈◊〉 vvhich vvere so tossed too and fro : For both yee sorrowed vvith me for my bonds , and suffered vvith Ioy the spoyling of your goods : knowing in your selves , that ye have in Heaven , a better and an enduring substance . Observe here still , that hee saith , they Knew by a testimonie within themselves , ( namely by the testimonie of Gods spirit within them , ( which is therefore called the Earnest of that their Inheritance ) that the same heavenly Inheritance , and ever enduring substance ▪ did belong unto them . And so againe testifieth S. Iohn , saying thus : These things have I vvritten unto you , th●● beleeve in the name of the Sonne of God : that yee may know , that yee have eternall life . Note that he here againe saith , that Gods people are to Know , that they shall have Eternal life . And he further saith : that , If vve receive the witnesse of men ▪ the witnesse of God is greater : For this is the witnesse of God ▪ which he testifieth of his Sonne : He that beleeveth in the Sonne of God , hath the witness in himselfe : He that beleeveth not God , hath made him a lyar , because hee beleeved not the record , that God witnessed of his Sonne . And this is the record , that God hath given unto us eternall life , and this life is in his Sonne : Hee that hath the Sonne , hath life , and he that hath not the Sonne of God , hath not life . And againe it is written : that , Hee that beleeveth in the Sonne , hath everlasting life : and hee that obeyeth not the Sonne , shall not see life , but the vvrath of God abideth on him . And againe , Christ Iesus himselfe saith : Verily , verily , I say unto you : Hee that beleeveth in mee , hath everlasting life . And sundrie other such promises there be . That man then which considereth these promises of Eternall life , to as manie as be Beleevers in Iesus Christ , and that withall by good examination findeth himselfe firmely to beleeve in him , and to have that true , lively , and iustifying faith , can no way doubt of his everlasting salvation , except ( which were most impious and detestable ) he will doubt of the truth of that which God hath spoken , and promised , and that so often , and so earnestly , yea , as with an Oath , & with so vehement an asseveration . For , ( as it is further written , in the Epistle to the Hebrewes ) God vvilling more abundantly to shew unto the heyres of promise , the stablenesse of his Counsel , bound himselfe by an oath : that by two immutable things ( vvherein it is impossible that God should lye ) vve mig●●● have strong consolation , vvho have our refuge to hold fast the hope that is set before us , which vve have as an Anchor of the soule , both sure and stedfast . Where , beside all the former testimonies , you perceive verie plainly , that the hope of Gods elect , in this life , is not an uncertaine or doubtfull maner of hope , ( as the Rhemists and other Papists would make it ) , but an assurance , or hope without anie doubting or feare of being frustrated : for it is here called , Animae Anchora tuta , ac firma : The Anchor of the soule , and such and Anchor , as is Sure and stedfast : so that there is no feare or doubt to be had of it . Yea what feare , or doubt , can there be of this matter , when it here appeareth , that , GOD , both by promise , and , oath ( two immutable things , in either of which it is impossible that he should lie ) hath tied and bound himselfe unto us , to the end wee should have this assured and strong consolation . And therefore would S. Iames also have the faith of a Christian , to be without anie doubting , or , wavering at all . And likewise the Epistle to the Hebrews , and to the Romans , requireth in everie true Christian , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ an Assurance of faith , and such a strong faith , as is without anie doubting , staggering , distrust , or wavering : for so S. Paul sheweth by the example of Abraham . I grant that if a man looke but upon himselfe , and go no further then to himselfe , and his owne demerits , hee shall therein finde matter sufficient and abundant , to condemne himselfe : but if , renouncing all confidence in himselfe ( as he ought ) he finde himselfe to be a firme beleever in Christ , and so consider himselfe as he is in Christ Iesus , the Saviour , and remembreth withall , Gods immutable promise of eternall life , to as manie as have that firme , true , and lively faith , in him ; hee cannot ( as I said before ) but rest assured of his salvation , except ( which were most abominable ) he will make God a liar . It is true , that even Gods children , sometimes , are cast into Dumps , and very great perplexities , and have not their consolation and faith , at all times strong alike : but yet as God still raiseth them after their falls , so doth he also , in his good time , remove againe , all those doubtfull perplexities , distrusts , and dismayes , and maketh their faith , at last , so strong and eminent , as that the power and gates of Hell it selfe , be not able to prevaile against it . For , Gods children ( which not onely heare the word of God , but be carefull also to doe it ) be , by Christ Iesus himselfe , likened to the vvise man , that built his house upon a Rocke , and the raine fell , and the floods came , and the vvindes blew , and beat upon the house , but it fell not , because it vvas builded ( not upon the sands , but ) upon a sure Rocke . Whereby we see , that whatsoever stormes doe arise , or windes and tempests doe come upon Gods children , yet God supporteth them , and maketh them to stand , for all that , invincible . Yea , they are , in the end , more then Conquerors ( as S. Paul speaketh ) through him that loved them . Howbeit , it is a good Caveat and admonition against rash Presumption , and arrogant and deceitfull confidence , which S. Paul giveth , saying ; Let him that thinketh he standeth , take heed lest he fall : for a man may thinke himselfe to stand , when he standeth not , & so may easily deceive himselfe , if he take not verie good heed . And therefore doe both those Apostles , S. Paul , & S. Peter , require a great search , triall , and examination , diligence , and endevour , to be used in this matter , that so , men , through an overweening conceit , or false perswasion , deceive not themselves . It is true likewise , that Gods elect and sanctified people , are to vvorke out , that is , to proceed , or , to goe on forward , in the race of their salvation , vvith feare and trembling , ( as S. Paul admonisheth ) to make them the more carefull and watchfull over themselves : but this trembling in the presence of Gods great , powerfull , and incomparable Maiestie , and this awfull feare , which they beare , and are to beare unto him , doth not hinder , but doth rather affirme , and confirme , this assurance of salvation before spoken of , within themselves . For the feare toward God , which all Gods children have , and are to have , is not a slavish or servile feare , such as Reprobates and Divels have , which is onely in respect of punishment , torments , and of condemnation ●nor anie such feare , as is ioyned with a continuall distrust , and doubting of Gods love : but it is a filial feare , such as kinde , well natured , and dutifull children beare to their fathers , and such a feare as is mingled with faith , and with a sense and feeling of the love , even of the everlasting love of God toward them , in Christ Iesus . For which cause , S. Paul saith expressely : that , They have not received the spirit of Bondage , to feare any more , but the spirit of Adoption , vvhereby they cry , Abba , Father . So that such is the feare ( ioyned with faith and love ) that is in Gods Children , as that they have neverthelesse in the end , Bouldnesse , even in the day of Iudgement , as S. Iohn expreslie testifieth : for , if God be on their side , vvho can be against them ? And sith God hath iustified them , who can condemne them ? Yea , who can lay anie thing to their charge , as S. Paul speaketh ▪ and in an holy and heavenly sort , exulteth and triumpheth ? But all this while , doe you not perceive how miserable the popish Church is , wherein no such faith or confidence is to be found , but at the most , no better but doubtfull or uncertaine hopes , which yeeld a verie poore , or no comfort to the soule of a man ? CHAP. VIII . Concerning Reprobation : wherein Gods doings , and the Doctrine of the Protestants , bee justified , against Objections , Cavills , and Calumnies of Adversaries . THat there is a Reprobation , aswell as an Election , is a thing manifest : for , S. Paul saith of some : that , God hath delivered them up unto a Reprobate minde , to doe those things vvhich are not convenient , being full of all unrighteousnes , fornication , wickednes , covetousnes , malitiousnes &c. Hee saith againe of some : that they bee abhominable , and disobedient , and to everie good worke reprobate . And again he saith of some , that they be men of corrupt mindes , and reprobate concerning the faith . Yea ( if there were nothing else ) the verie terme of Electing some unto salvation , importeth that there is a Reprobation , or refusal of the rest that were not Elected . For what is Election ( if you well observe the force and nature of the word ) but the choosing or singling out of some from the rest ? so that Reprobation , is the opposite or contrarie to Election , as Damnation is the opposite or contrarie to Salvation . To be a Reprobate then is nothing else , but to be refused or reiected as touching salvation , or not to bee elected thereunto . For the better understanding whereof , wee must know , that God made Adam , good and righteous , in the beginning ; but he afterward , through the temptation of the Divell , and his owne consent thereunto , fell from that his Integrity and puritie , and so all Mankind , being inclosed in his loynes , fell togethet with him and in him : for , In him all sinned , as S. Paul expreslie affirmeth , and were all by nature ( thus corrupted ) become the Children of vvrath , as hee likewise speaketh in another place . God beholding this fallen Lumpe of Mankind , who by this their sinne and transgression , had , all alike , deserved condemnation , was pleased neverthelesse , to take & elect some of them to salvation in Christ , and to relinquish the rest , leaving them in that their sinfull estate to goe to condemnation . And therefore be the Elect ( upon whom God was thus pleased to shew mercie ) called Vasa misericordiae , The vessells of mercie : as contrariwise , the rest , which were not so Elected , but relinquished and reiected , that is to say , the Reprobates be called , Vasa Irae , the vessells of vvrath , fitted ( as S. Paul speaketh : through their owne sinne and corruption ) to destruction . So true is it , that their perdition or destruction is of themselves : and that the salvation of the rest , namely of the Elect , is of God , and of his meere grace and bountie . For , as the Elect , bee elected in Christ , and given to him , to bee redeemed and to bee saved from Wrath , and the curse of the Law : and bee therefore in the times appointed of God , quickened , renevved , regenerated , iustified and sanctified , and so come in the end to bee glorified : So on the other side , those that bee the Reprobates doe , after their transgression in Adam , lye dead in their sinnes ▪ without being quickened , renewed , or , regenerated , and without having anie Saviour or Redeemer appointed for them , and bee blinded in their errors , and hardened in their transgressions , untill they come at last ( through their owne default ) to their due and deserved iust Condemnation . For , as touching saving graces , the Elect onely have obtained them , but , the rest have beene hardened , as S. Paul expresly affirmeth . There is then a Remnant ( as he againe speaketh ) according to the election of grace . And consequently , not all in a generalitie be chosen , but some onely . Yea , Manie bee called ( externally , and by the outward preaching and ministerie of the word ) but for all that , few be chosen , as Christ himselfe also witnesseth . And for further proofe hereof , it is expresly said of some kinde of sinners , namely , of Reprobate sinners , that , it is a thing impossible that such should bee renewed by repentance : for which cause , it is also said of Esau , that , He found no place for repentance , though he sought the blessing with teares : And againe it is said of some : that they did not beleeve : yea , that , non poterant credere , they could not beleeve : And the reason is there yeelded : because God had blinded their eyes ( by his not giving them light ) and hardened their hearts ( by his not mollifying of them ) so that by reason of their owne naturall blindenesse and corruption ( attracted to themselves by the fall of Adam ) remayning unaltered , they could neither see with their eies , nor understand with their hearts , nor be Converted , that hee might heale them . Wherefore , not of Reprobate sinners , but of such as be unfained , true , and sound converts unto God and godlines , ( which none be , but the Elect ) is that sentence in the Prophesie of Ezechiel meant , and to be intended , which saith : that , God willeth not the death of a sinner . For if he bee not such a true convert , but a counterfeit , or one that continueth to the end in his wickednes , and unrighteousnes , shall he live ? he shall not live , sith he hath done all these abhominations , but he shall die the death , and his blood shall be upon him , saith God himselfe , by the same Prophet Ezechiel , in the verie same Chapters . In those two Chapters then of Ezechiel ( if you well consider them ) you may readily and easilie finde two sorts of sinners to be comprised and mentioned : namely , the one sort , such as turned from their righteousnes , that is , from that course of righteousnesse and godlinesse , which they seemed at first to hold , to a course of unrighteousnesse , and ungodlinesse , continuing in that wicked course unto the end : such sinners , saith God in those places , shall surely die : and the other sort of sinners , such as repent and returne by a sound conversion unto God , and unto the waies of righteousnesse persevering in those good & godly waies , unto the end , ( which none doe , but such as be the Elect ) such sinners shall not die the death , but such shall surely live , as is likewise said in the same Chapters . So that even by those two Chapters , it appeareth , that God doth will the death and destruction of some kinde of sinners . But this is yet further evident , by those wicked and ungodly sonnes of Eli the Priest : who , when their father gave them good counsell , and godly admonition , they neverthelesse , obeyed not the voyce of that their Father : because ( saith the Text ) the Lord vvould Destroy them . Observe well those words . Agreeably whereunto , S. Peter also , speaking of certaine , which stumbled at the vvord , and vvere disobedient , saith : that , they were thereunto even ordayned ▪ Againe , speaking of certaine godlesse men , hee saith : they were as bruite beasts led vvith sensuality , and made to be taken , and to be destroyed . Wherewith agreeth that of Solomon also , in his Proverbs , saying : The Lord hath made all things for his owne sake , yea even the wicked for the day of evill . And so likewise testifieth S. Iude : for , speaking of certaine ungodly men , that turned the grace of God into vvantonnesse , he saith : that , they were before of old ordeyned 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to this Iudgement , or , to this condemnation . By all which , it is infallibly manifest , that God seeing all men to have sinned in the transgression of Adam , hath ordained and decreed , to permit and suffer , some of them to run on in the course of wickednesse and ungodlinesse , untill they come , in the end , to their iustly deserved destruction and perdition . 2 In vaine then , and most untruly is it obiected against the Protestants , that they make God the Author of sinnes and high time it is , for all to cease their slandering of them in that behalfe . For the Protestants in their doctrine , cleane contrariwise , doe teach , that although God decreed to permit sinne , to come into the world , yet he never made it , nor was the Author or worker of it : yea God made man good at the first ; yea , all things that he made , were in their creation , very good , as is expressely written in Genesis . The corruption of man , and the sinne that came unto him , was brought in , and procured another way , namely , after his creation , by the perswasion and temptation of the Divell , that subtill Serpent , and by mans will consenting thereunto , as is likewise declared in Genesis : so that , not God , but the Divell , and man together , consenting to that temptation and perswasion of the Divell , were the Author and efficient cause of sinne in man , at the first , and so continue Authors and workers of sinne in men unto this day . And therefore is it said : that , Sathan entred into Iudas Iscariot , to stirre him up , to betray Iesus . And likewise doth S. Iames write thus : Let no man say vvhen he is tempted ; I am tempted of God , for God cannot be tempted vvith evill , neither tempteth he any man , &c. Yea it is the Divell , even that wicked Spirit , That vvorketh in the children of disobedience , as S. Paul witnesseth . And againe he saith : that , Men are ensnared by the Divell , and held captive by him , to doe his vvill , untill such time as God set them free , and doe deliver them by his grace and power . For God doth not put , instill , or infuse wickednesse into anie , but withholdeth his graces from Reprobates , and so they not onely sinne by reason of their owne concupiscence , and nature corrupted and depraved thorough the transgression of Adam , but doe further , by degrees , grow obdurate in their sinnes , and so in the end come to their iust condemnation . Wherefore , God appeareth to be , in sinnes committed , not a cause efficient , but deficient , or , wanting , in that he leaveth some men to themselves , and giveth not unto them , those sanctifying and saving graces which he giveth to his elect : For neither indeed is hee bound or compellable to give those graces to anie , but to whom he pleaseth , nor doe they properly , or , by his appointment , belong to anie but to the elect . It is true neverthelesse ▪ that God ordereth , disposeth and useth , ( as lawfully hee may ▪ ) all mens sinnes to serve his owne glorie , and good pleasure ▪ And herein is his power and wisedome highly to be admired , who can thus one of the sinnes of men , and Divels , draw matter serving for his owne glorie : as likewise most admirably he made the light to shine forth out of darkenesse . How great glorie did God get to himselfe , by that proude and mightie King ▪ Pharao , whose heart was so much and so long hardened against the people of God ? Insomuch , that himselfe saith thus of him : For this cause , have I appointed thee , to shew my power in thee , and to declare my Name throughout all the vvorld , Exod. 9.16 . Rom. 9.17 . In like sort may it be said , that for this cause , God hath appointed Divels , and reprobate men , to shew his glorie by their destruction , and in the meane time , to use their wickednesse to serve his owne ordinance . Sometimes , therefore , ( as the Schoolemen themselves doe also say ) Deus vult peccatum , n●n quatenus est peccatum , sed quatenus est poena peccati : God vvill have sinne to be done by men , not simply for the sinnes sake , but as it is to be a punishment for another sinne , formerly committed . Which point , namely , that God will sometime have one sinne punished with another , is verie evident : for God punished the Adulterie of King David , with another like sinne of Absolon his sonne , who lay openly with his fathers Concubines , and in the sight of Israel : And the Text witnesseth that God himselfe would raise up this Evill against King David ; for David did this wickednesse secretly , but I ( saith God ) vvill do this thing , before all Israel , and before the Sunne . In which Act of Absolon therefore , it is apparant , that God had to do , though not simply for the sinne sake , yet so farre forth , as it served for a requitall , or , punishment , of the sinne and adulterie committed formerly by King David , with Vriahs wife . S. Paul saith likewise , that the Gentiles when they knew God by the creation of heaven and of earth , & of all the things which they saw visibly before their eyes : yet they glorified him not as God , neyther vvere thankefull , but became vaine in their Imaginations , and their foolish heart vvas darkened : vvhen they professed themselves to be vvise , they became fooles for they turned the glory of the incorruptible God , to the similitude of the Image of a corruptible man , and of birds and foure-footed beasts , and of creeping things ▪ VVherefore God gave them up to their owne hearts lusts , unto uncleanenesse , to defile their owne bodies , betweene themselves . And he further saith : For this cause God gave them up to vile affections ; for even their vvomen did change the naturall use into that vvhich is against nature : and likewise also the men left the naturall use of the vvomen , and burned in their lust one toward another , and man vvith man vvrought filthinesse , and received in themselves such recompence of their error , as vvas meete : For , as they regarded not to acknowledge God , even so God delivered them up into a reprobate minde , to doe those things vvhich are not convenient , being full of all unrighteousnesse , fornication , vvickednes , covetousnes , maliciousnes , full of Envie , of Murder , of Debate , of Deceipt , &c. Where you plainly perceive , how even amongst the Gentiles , their not glorifying of the Creator of heaven & earth , as God , ( according to such knowledge of him , as by the creation of all things , they had received ) was punished by divers and sundrie other sinnes , into which they fell and wherin God himselfe had an hand , so farre forth as they served for recompences , requitals , or punishments , for former sinnes committed : for it is said in the Text ; For this cause , God gave them up to their owne hearts lusts &c. And againe : For this cause , God gave them up to vile affections , &c. And againe : As they regarded not to acknowledge God , so God delivered them up into a reprobate mind , to doe th●se things vvhich are not convenient , &c. In like sort it is said of some living in the daies of Antichrist , that , because they received not the love of the truth , that they might be saved , therefore God sent them strong Delusion , that they should beleeve lyes , that they all might be damned vvhich beleeved not the truth , but had pleasure in unrighteousnesse . Where you see againe , that he punisheth one sinne with another , in that he will have them , to have this strong delusion to beleeve lies , and false doctrines : For it is expressely said , that God sent this strong delusion upon them ; namely , as a punishment ( as it is indeed a most iust , and grievous one ) for their contempt of his Gospel , & neglect of his word and truth . Sometimes againe , God permitteth a sinne to be done , for the triall & proofe of his own servants and children : as was the sinne of the Shabaeans , and Chaldaeans , in the violent taking away of Iobs goods ▪ for the further triall and proofe of Iobs faith , vertue , and patience : and as is the sinne of persecution , of Gods servants , for their better triall and proofe likewise ; for so S. Peter declareth , & withall sheweth , that , Ita vult Dei voluntas : Gods vvill , vvill have it so . And sometimes againe , God permitteth sinnes to be done and multiplied by men , thereby to heape up to themselves wrath against the day of vvrath , and against the day of the declaration of the iust iudgement of God , and thereby to procure to themselves the greater damnation , as the Scriptures speake : and thus 〈◊〉 all Reprobates commit their sinnes . But sometime againe , did God permit a sinne , to the end , there might be a way made and opened , for declaration both of his Iustice , and Mercie , toward mankinde : and thus he permitted the sinne and fall of Adam , our first father . For , if Adam had not sinned , but had alwaies remained in his estate of puritie and innocencie wherein he was created , neither could Gods mercie towards anie , nor yet his iustice towards anie , have appeared in the race of mankinde : inasmuch as , where no sinne , no● sinner is , there can be no condemnation for sinne in iustice ; neither can anie mercie be shewed or exercised , but towards the miserable , and such as s●and in neede of it , and have transgressed . Although therefore God made Adam good in the creation of him , yet hee made him mutably good , that is , in such an estate , as that he might possibly fall . For which cause , he gave him free-vvill , either to stand or to fall , at his owne election . So that , there was in him a possibility to fall ; as also a possibility to have stood , if he had would : but the Divel tempting him , and he yeelding and consenting to the temptation , he then fell , thorough his owne default , as appeareth . Wherupon S. Augustine saith : that , Homo libero arb●trio malè us●● , & se , & illud perdidit : Man having ill used his free-vvill , destroyed both himselfe , and it . So that now since the fall of Adam , liberum arbitrium captivatum , non nisi 〈◊〉 peccandum valet : free vvill being captivated , i● of no force but to sinne , as the same S. Augustine affirmeth . Againe he saith : Quia peccavit voluntas , secu●a est peccantem , peccatum habendi dura necessitas ; Because the vvill had offended , there followed the sinner , an hard necessity of having sinne . And againe , he saith : that , Naturae nostrae dura necessitas , merito praecedentis iniquitatis ex●rta est : The hard necessity of our nature , arose out of the merit or desert of the before going transgression . Since the fall of Adam then ( as the same S. Augustine further saith ) Voluntas in tantum est libera , in quantum est liberata : Mans vvill is so farre forth free , as it is made free by God : For as hee saith againe ; Hominis , non libera , sed à Deo liberata , voluntas , obsequitur : Mans vvill , not free of it selfe , but so farre forth as it is made free by God , doth yeeld obedience . But yet howsoever mans Will is now become thus thrall , and captive unto sinne : yet is it free from constraint . And of this freedome in respect of constraint , it is , that S. Augustine is ever to be intended , wheresoever hee acknowledgeth men to have free VVill : and therefore doe not mistake or misunderstand him in this point . For , indeed , it is not by forcing , violence , constraint , or compulsion , but by his sweet internall motions and perswasions , that God , ex nolentibus facit volentes , of unwilling maketh men willing , as S. Augustine himselfe teacheth and affirmeth . Now , that out of the fallen Lumpe of mankinde , it was , that God shewed his Mercie to some , in Electing them to salvation , and his Iustice to othersome , in not Electing them : this is apparant ; because S. Paul saith directly , that Election is neither of the vviller , nor of the Runner , sed miserentis Dei , but of God that sheweth mercy . For which cause also , the Elect , upon whom GOD thus shewed Mercie , be called the vessels of mercy : and the rest upon whom hee shewed not this mercie , but left them ( as hee then saw them ) in their sinne and transgression , be said to be the vessels of vvrath . But as nothing commeth to passe in this world , but what God , before the world was made , decreed and determined with himselfe , either to doe , or to permit to be done : so accordingly hee decreed and determined before the foundations of the world , to permit this sinne and fall of Adam , and thereout to make this his Election of some unto glorie and salvation , in and through Christ , and to leave the rest in their sinne unto condemnation . For , that , God did decree , or , purpose to permit Adam to fall , beside the event of it , ( which doth sufficiently declare it , ) it is further evident , because S. Peter also , writing to the Elect , saith : that they were redeemed vvith the precious blood of Christ , as of a Lamb undefiled and without spot : and that he , namely Christ , vvas ordeyned before the foundation of the vvorld , but was manifested in the last times , for their sakes . S. Paul likewise testifieth the same , in his Epistle to Timothy . Inasmuch then , as both these Apostles doe thus cleerely affirme , that Christ was ordeyned before the foundation of the vvorld , to be , as he is , a Redeemer and Saviour , of all the elect , from their sinnes : ( for , for this cause it was , that he had the name of Iesus , which signifieth a Saviour , given unto him , because hee was to save his people from their sinnes , as the Angel himselfe witnesseth ) : I say , seeing Christ , was thus ordeyned , before the vvorld vvas made , to be a Redeemer and Saviour of people from their sinnes ; it must of necessitie be granted , that the fall of Adam was also decreed to be permitted , whereby men might become sinners : for by the fall of Adam it was , and not otherwise , that sinne entred and was to enter into all mankinde . Neither , indeed , needed there , nor possibly could there have beene anie Redeemer , Saviour , or deliverer from sinne ▪ unlesse sinne had first beene , and had made an entrance into the world . And therefore well doth S. Gregory say : Et quidem nisi Adam peccasset , Redemptorem , nostrum carnem suscipere nostram non oportuisset — Dum pro peccat●ribus . Deus homo , nasciturus erat : That verily if Adam had not sinned , our Redeemer should not h●ve taken our flesh upon him — Sith that for sinners it vvas , that God vvas to be become man. And to the same effect speaketh also Saint Augustine , saying : that , Melius Iudicavit de malis benefacere , quam mala nulla esse permittere : God iudged it better , out of evill , to vvorke good , then to suffer no evill at all to be . And this is further declared : for Saint Paul saith expressely ; That the Scripture hath concluded all under sinne : that the promise by the faith of Iesus Christ , should be given to them that beleeve . Againe hee saith : That , ●ll , both Iewes and Gentiles , bee under sinne &c. that everie mouth may be stopped , and that all the vvorld might be made subiect to the iudgement of God. And again , he saith : There is no difference ▪ for all have sinned , and come short of the glory of God : being Iustified freely by his grace , through the redemption that is in Christ Iesus : vvhom God hath set forth to be a propitiation , through faith in his blood , to declare his righteousnesse . Againe he saith : that , God hath shut up all in unbeleefe , that hee might have mercy on all , even upon all those , whether they were Iewes or Gentiles , whom hee so purposed to take to mercie , in and through CHRIST . By all which , you may perceive , that GOD did purpose , or , decree to permit , the sinne and fall of Adam , and for what cause and reason it was so permitted , as likewise that hee permitteth other sinnes also ; in which permission of his , his vvill is alwaies included : for against his vvill hee permitteth nothing , neither can anie thing come to passe against his will , that is , whether he will , or no : But he it is that ruleth , ordereth , and governeth the whole world ; & all things therin , and doth , both in heaven and in earth , whatsoever he pleaseth . Yea , Bonum est ut mala sint : alioquin non s●●eret deus , ut mala sint : Non sinit autem nolens utique sed volens : It is good ( saith S. Augustine ) that there should be evill or sinne : otherwise God would not suffer or permit it to bee : And verily , he permitteth it ( saith he ) not against his will , but vvith his will. Againe , hee saith : Non fit aliquid , nisi omnipotens fieri VELIT , vel sinendo ut fiat , vel ipse faciendo : There is nothing done , unlesse God WILL have it to bee done , either by suffering it to be done , or by doing of it himselfe . In like sort saith Hugo : that when God doth good , and permitteth evill , his will appeareth in both : Quoniam esse vult quod facit , aut permittit : Because he will have that to be : vvhich hee either doth , or permitteth to be done . Deus vult esse malum , & in eo , non nisi bonum vult : God doth vvill evill to bee , and therein hee vvilleth not but vvhat is good , saith the same Hugo . For what is ill done as it commeth from men , is vvell done so far forth as God hath to doe in it , hee being the orderer and ruler of it , and the disposer of it to good uses , and ends in his purpose . And therefore doth S. Augustine say againe : that Deus quas● dam voluntates suas , utique bonas , implet per malorum hominum voluntates malas : God doth accomplish his ovvne vvill , being verily good , by the evill vvils of evill men . Although then , God moveth and ruleth all men , and their wils , affections , and actions ( because in him it is , that all doe live , move , and have their being ) yet is he not for all that , the Author of the pravi●ie , or wickednesse that is in those men , or in their wils , affections , or actions : no more then he that moveth , stirreth , or rideth upon a Lame Horse , or that ruleth and governeth him , can be therefore said to bee the cause , or Author of his lamenesse , or of any other his defects As touching the fall of Adam then ▪ and originall sinne , you see how it was caused without anie coaction , or compulsion from God : and as touching actuall sinnes , they flowe and come from that corruption of mens nature , accrued unto them by reason of that first transgression . If therefore anie here obiect , in defence or excuse of Reprobates , that since the transgression of Adam , they sinne necessarily , and cannot but sinne by reason of their Nature corrupted , and remaining in them , unaltered , and uncleansed . I answer , first , that they have drawne upon themselves , this Corruption , and necessitie of sinning , by that their fall and transgression in Adam . And secondly , although God doth not cleanse , purge , sanctifie , or purifie them , nor doth give those saving graces to them , which he doth to the Elect : yet he is not therfore to be taxed , or quarrelled against : because , God is debtor to no man : but may at his owne most free pleasure , out of that fallen lumpe of mankinde , choose whom he would to salvation , and refuse whom he would , and accordingly , give , or withhold his saving graces . Thirdly , consider , that there bee also Elect Angels , aswell as Elect Men : and consequently , Reprobate Angels , aswell as reprobate men : Now the Angels , that fell from their first estate , and are become Divels , doe sinne ( as all men know ) necessarily , and cannot but sinne : and yet are they not therefore excused . If then a necessitie of sinning , in Divels , will not serve to excuse them : how can it serve to excuse reprobate men ? wherein , the difference is ever to be remenbred , betweene necessitie , and coaction . For howsoever reprobate men , aswell as D●vels , doe sinne necessarily , yet doth not God force or compell them to sinne , but as they have brought sin upon themselves , through their owne default : so by reason of their depraved natures , they still sin , and that willingly , and readily , & of their owne accords , without any enforcing , coaction , or compulsion from God. Yea , fourthly , a necessitie of a thing to bee done , in respect of Gods purpose , will , and decree , doth not excuse him that doth it to an other end and purpose , as namely , to satisfie his owne lewd minde and wicked will and affection . This appeareth , and that verie specially and particularly , in Iudas Iscariot : who , together with his Complices , did nothing in that his sinfull and detestable act , of betraying Iesus , but what the hand and counsaile of God had before ordained to be done : ( for so the Scripture expresly and directly witnesseth ) : and yet did not this counsaile , purpose , or decree of God , excuse the sinner . For Christ Iesus himselfe saith : that , A vvoe , neverthelesse belonged , to that man by whom the Sonne of man was betrayed : and that , it had beene better for that man , if he had never beene borne . Christ Iesus againe saith thus : It must needs be that offence ; come : but woe to that man by whom the offence commeth . Where you likewise see , a necessitie of sinning and of offences , and yet that this will not excuse the sinner or offendour for all that . God saith againe , hee would send proud Ashur ( the rod of his wrath ) against his people , the Ievves : so that it was Gods decree and purpose , which Ashur therein executed : yet because he executed this will and decree of God , with another meaning , and to another end , and purpose , namely , to satisfie his owne cruell , proud , and ungodly minde , therefore he , for his part , sinned and deserved punishment . The Brethren of Ioseph also , sold Ioseph into Egypt , and it was Gods will , providence , and purpose , that it should be so : But God had one purpose and meaning in it , and they another : for God thereby meant to provide for his Church and people , and for the good of Ioseph : and they on the otherside , did it , as being mooved with envie , and of an evill meaning toward him , and therefore were guiltie of sinne , even in their owne consciences , notwithstanding that Gods dscree and purpose was therein also executed , Shimei likewise rayled upon King David , and cursed him , and it was Gods decree and purpose that it should be so : for the Lord had bidden him to curse David , as David himselfe confessed : yet hough he therein executed the wil and decree of God , was not he therefore for his part excused ; because God had one meaning in it , and he another : For God meant so to put David in remembrance of some sinne , and thereby to checke and humble him : but Shimei did it , so to satisfie his owne wicked and malicious minde , and therefore was guiltie of sinne , for which also he was afterward punished . Thus you see , I hope , that Gods decreeing , and purposing ( in his own hidden counsell and secret will ) to permit sinnes to bee committed , will not serve to excuse sinners , sith they commit their sinnes , not to anie such end , or , with anie such minde or purpose , as thereby to doe and performe Gods will , or any of his secret , and sacred decrees , ( which be things , for that present , unknowne unto them ) but to another end and purpose , namely , to satisfie their owne lewd , licentious , and wicked wills : which is alwaies matter sufficient to make them inexcusable . And therefore , well may that saying of S. Bernard , be applied to a reprobate man : that , Voluntas inexcusabilem , & incorrigibilem necessitas facit : His will doth make him Inexcusable , and a necessitie of sinning Incorrigible . 3 But against this matter of Gods reprobating , or refusall of anie , as touching salvation , is obiected that place of S. Paul to Timothie , where he saith thus : I exhort therefore , that first of all , supplications , prayers , intercessions , and giving of thankes be made for all men , for Kings , and all that are in authoritie &c. for God vvill have all men to be saved . But the meaning of these words is evident , that he will have of all sorts and degrees of men that shall be saved , even Kings and Princes , aswell as of anie other sort : for of them , you see , hee specially speaketh . And so doth S. Augustine and Gregorie also expound those words . And indeede , what other sence ( all circumstances of the Text being well considered ) can be set upon them ? For to set this sence upon them , namely , that God will have all to bee saved in a generalitie , without any exception , were directly contrarie to the rest of the Scriptures , which witnesse directly , that God will have some to bee damned . Yea , if God would have all to be saved , in a generality , what should , or can hinder , but that all , without exception , should be saved accordingly ? For , who was ever able to resist his will , or to hinder the execution thereof , that it should not come to passe ? Howbeit , they say , That God would , and men will not , and that this is the reason why some are damned , because themselves will not be saved . But what is this else , but to make Gods will subiect to mens will , and to be as it were , a waiting servant , and attendant upon their pleasures ? so that hee shall will their salvation , when they will it themselves ; and shal also nill it , when they nill it : which , beside that it maketh Gods will , as variable and mutable as mens wills , ( a thing dishonourable unto him , and untrue ) it maketh also mens salvation , and damnation , to consist in their owne power and pleasures : which is as absurd , as if you should say , it is in the power and will of the lumpe of Clay , to choose of what sort and fashion it shall bee , and to what use it shall bee applied , and what part thereof shall bee a vessell to honour , and what to dishonour . For a Potter hath not more full , or more absolute power , over the Clay , and the Pots which hee maketh thereout , then God hath over all Men , and Angells , and over all other his creatures , to doe , ordaine , and dispose of them , and everie of them , at his owne most free and uncontrollable pleasure : as the Scriptures doe clearely testifie , often using , and as it were delighting themselves with this comparison , & resemblance . It is true , that no father hath such an high and absolute power over his Children , nor King over his Subiects , nor Master over his Servants : the reason is apparant , because these be not the makers of their Children , nor of their Subiects , nor of their Servants , but God was the maker of them all , as of all things else : and therefore as touching this point , the cases be not like . And yet , if Children offend , it is in the power and pleasure of the father , to correct which of them hee will : or if Subiects offend , the King may punish , or pardon whom soever of them he pleaseth : and if Servants offend , it is also in the power and pleasure of the Master , to punish , or to spare whom he list . Doth it not then consist much more in the will and pleasure of God , the Creator and maker of all men , especially , after that all mankind was fallen in the transgression of Adam , to choose , or refuse whom hee pleased ? If then you doe but observe this comparison and similitude of the Potter , which the Scripture so often useth , or some such like , wherein there is a Maker , considered , with such power and authoritie , as he hath over the thing , made by him , being the worke of his owne hands : This matter will then bee so plaine and evident unto you , as that even by light and force of reason , you will be compelled to confesse , that the thing made , is ever subiect to the will , ordering and disposing of him that is the maker , and not the maker , to the will of the thing made . And even this doth also S. Paul himselfe acknowledg and teach in this verie particular matter , and thereupon he further saith expresly of God : that He hath mercie upon whomsoever he will , and whomsoever he will he hardeneth . And againe hee saith , that God spake thus : I vvill have mercie , on whomsoever my pleasure is to have mercie : and I vvill have compassion on whomsoever my pleasure is to have compassion . So then ( saith he againe ) it is not in him that vvilleth , nor in him that runneth , but in God that shevveth mercie . By all which is most manifest , that this great matter concerning the salvation and damnation of men , consisteth not in the will and pleasure of men , but in the will and pleasure of God , and in his ordering and disposing . Would you have this matter yet further declared ? then call to your remembrance what is written of Esau : namlie , that he would have inherited the blessing , and yet was reiected , for he found no place to repentance , though he sought the blessing with teares . Here you see , that Esau would faine have inherited , and fought it even with teares , and yet was reiected , and had this speciall grace of a true repentance not yeelded unto him . Againe , did not wicked Balaam desire to die the death of the righteous , and that his last end might be like his ? Moreover , did not the foolish Virgins , aswell as the wise , desire to enter in , unto the Wedding , and say : Lord , Lord , open to us , and yet were excluded ? Againe , doth not Christ Iesus himselfe say to some : Yee shall se●ke mee , and yet yee shall dye in your sinnes , and whether I goe , thither can yee not come ? And againe , doth he not say thus ? Strive to enter in at the straite gate : for manie , I say unto you , shall seeke to enter in , and shall not be able . You see then , that manie and sundrie persons , would attaine to the everlasting felicitie of Gods people , and to a most blessed happinesse , and salvation , and yet cannot , because God will not , as having otherwise ordayned of them : And so againe witnesseth S. Paul , saying thus : Israel hath not obtained that he sought : but the Election hath obtained it , and the rest have beene hardened . Againe , Yee beleeve not ( saith Christ to some ) because yee are not of my sheepe . And againe it is written Crediderunt quotquot erant ordinati ad vitam aeternam : Onely so many beleeved as vvere ordained to eternall life . And therefore also is this faith called , fides Electorum Dei , the faith of Gods Elect , as being proper & peculiar unto them . Againe , it is written of some people : that , To them it is given , to know the mysteries of the kingdome of heaven , but to others it is not given . Yea and Christ Iesus himselfe speaketh thus unto God his Father , saying : I give thee thankes , O Father , Lord of heaven and earth , because thou hast hid th●se things from the vvise , and men of understanding , and hast opened them , unto Babes : It is so , O Father , because such vvas thy good pleasure . Againe , it is written of some : that , The Gospel and vvord of God preached unto them , and which they heard , profited them not : why ? because it vvas not mixt vvith faith in them that heard it . Which faith is Gods gift , and bestowed where hee pleaseth . Againe it is written : that at the word and preaching of Christ Iesus , and most wonderfull and mightie Miracles , which hee did , manie beleeved , yet some beleeved not : yea , They could not beleeve , saith the Text. Againe , it is written of some men : that they have such hardnesse of heart , that it is a thing impossible for them to be renewed by repentance . And what is the great and supreme reason of all this difference amongst men , but this , that some are Elect , and some Reprobate , some are ordeyned to salvation , and some to damnation , and according to that diversitie of men , God either giveth or withholdeth his saving graces ? 4 It is a thing well knowne to all true Christians , that none can be saved , unlesse they have an unfained and heartie repentance , and a true and lively faith in Christ Iesus ( which is alwaies accompanied with a care to walke in Gods waies , and in obedience to his commandements ) . Now , this repentance , and faith , be both the gift of God , and be not in mens powers to have them at their owne commands , or at their owne wills and pleasures , and consequently it must be granted , that Mens salvation doth consist , not in their owne wills and pleasures , but in Gods will and pleasure . That , Repentance , is the gift of God , S. Peter and the rest of the Apostles expressely witnesse , affirming that it is God that gave repentance to Israel , and remission of sinnes . And so againe doth S. Paul expressely declare : that , Repentance is the gift of God. Therfore is it said also in the Lamentations of Ieremy : Turne thou us , O Lord , unto thee , and we shall be turned : And likewise in the prophecie of Ieremy , thus : Convert thou mee , and I shall be converted . And that , Faith also , is the gift of God , the Scriptures doe cleerely witnesse . For which cause , S. Paul saith expressely : that , Not by vvorkes , but by grace , men are saved , through faith : and that they have this faith , not of themselves : for it is ( saith he ) the gift of God. Seeing then that none can be saved without this faith , and , repentance : and that faith , and repentance , be both the gift of God , and that men have them not of themselves , nor within their owne power , it must of necessitie be granted , that mens salvation consisteth not in the power & will of men , but in the power and will of God , who is the giver of those saving graces . Where , withall , you may perceive , how erroneous and false , that doctrine and conceit of mens free-will is , as touching things celestiall and divine . For , what freedome of will , in things appertaining to Gods service and kingdome , can he have , that is ensnared by the Divell , and held captive by him , to doe his will , ( as Saint Paul speaketh ) , untill it please God to deliver , and set him free ? Or , what freedome or forwardnesse hath anie man ( since the fall of Adam , and mans nature corrupted and depraved by that meanes ) to come unto God , or godlinesse , of his owne naturall powers , and abilities , especially when Christ Iesus himselfe also saith thus ; No man can come unto mee , except the father which sent mee , doe draw him ? For , if he must be drawne before he can come ( as here it appeareth that hee must ) it sheweth that hee hath backwardnesse enough , but no forwardnesse , at all , of himselfe to come unto God. And this againe the Scripture witnesseth , in Gen. 6.5 . and Gen. 8.21 . that ( untill God worke in a man ) the imaginations of the thoughts of his heart , be only evill continually . And so also witnesseth S. Paul , saying ( in 2. Cor. 3.5 . ) that vvee are not sufficient of our selves to thinke any thing , as of our selves , but our sufficiencie is of God. Yea S. Paul saith further expressely : that , The naturall man perceiveth not the things of the spirit of God : for they are foolishnesse unto him ; neyther can he know them , because they are spiritually discerned . If the corrupt naturall man cannot so much as perceive or understand the things of God , untill hee be enlightned by Gods Spirit , and have received from him supernaturall grace , how can he possibly will , or affect those things , which he understandeth not ? For the understanding power or facultie , must goe before , as being the directer of the will and affections . Againe , doe not the Scriptures require , the old man to be put off , and the new man to be put on ? and men to be regenerate and borne anew ? to become new creatures ? to be enlightned ? to be changed by the renewing of their mindes ? and such like ? What doe all these phrases and manner of speeches , declare , but that mans nature , since the transgression of Adam , is horribly polluted , defiled , and corrupted , and that they have , now none of these supernatural qualities , within them , by vertue of their owne natural powers and abilities ? S. Paul againe , directly sheweth , that these and all other good graces and Christian vertues , whatsoever , be wrought in a man by Gods spirit , and be the fruits of the same his spirit . And S. Iames also teacheth the same , as likewise all the rest of the Scriptures doe ▪ Yea , S. Paul saith expressely : that Men are dead , through their sinnes and corruptions , untill they be quickned and made alive by the operation and working of God , within them . If then since the fall of Adam , we be all Dead men , in respect of our owne selves , untill God by his spirit , worke in us , to quicken us : it is cleere , that in respect of our owne natural abilities , wee have no more power to come unto God , then a dead man hath power in himselfe , to rise againe , or to walke , stirre , move , go , or to doe anie action of life : for which cause also , Regeneration , is called The first resurrection , Rev. 20.6 . It is true , that men have an understanding , and a will : but to understand well and rightly , the word of God , and things perteyning to Gods kingdome , or to will and affect the same divine things , commeth not from men , but from God , who enlightneth that their understanding which was before darke , and maketh their will and affections enclined and to consent unto godlinesse , which were before perverse , and enclining another way . And therefore doth S. Paul say againe , most plainely , thus : It is God , which vvorketh in you , both the vvill , and the deed , even of his owne good pleasure . Agreeably whereunto , God himselfe also speaketh thus : A new heart vvill I give you , and a new spirit vvill I put vvithin you , and I vvill take away the stonie heart out of your body , and I vvill give you an heart of flesh , that is , a soft and mollified heart , and I vvill put my spirit vvithin you , and cause you to vvalke in my Statutes , and ye shall keepe my Iudgements , and doe them . Where , likewise you see , that Gods working , and grace , doth frame & make mens wills and affections good , before they have anie goodnesse in them , or readinesse to obey him , and before that they can give consent to his motions or walke in his wayes . And thus is it a thing evident , that Gods Love , and good Will , toward us , is antecedent , and goeth before our love and good affection toward him : for so Christ Iesus himselfe also witnesseth , saying ; Yee have not chosen mee , but I have chosen you . And so also witnesseth S. Iohn , saying expressely : Herein is love , not that vvee loved God , but that he loved us , and sent his Sonne to be a reconciliation for our sinnes . And againe he saith expresly : VVe love him , because he loved us first . Now then seeing it is manifest throughout the whole course of mens salvation , that Gods love , and his good will , and working , is first , precedent , and goeth before all good wills and loves of men , toward him againe : and that mens good wills , consents , loves , and affections , towards him , are caused , wrought , and procured , by himselfe , and come in the second place , as a thing following after : it must needs be granted , that Gods will , doth not depend upon mens will , as an attendant thereupon , to follow it ; but contrariwise , that mens will doth depend upon Gods will , for him to order , frame , and dispose it , as pleaseth him . And therefore you now perceive , I trust , that this great matter of Salvation ▪ dependeth not upon the will of men ( for if it did , who would be damned ? ) but upon the will of God , who giveth those his saving graces of a lively faith , and of a true Christian repentance and conversion , to whom hee pleaseth . For as S. Paul saith againe expressely : Hee doth all things according to the counsell of his owne vvill . Howsoever then men are bidden in the Scripture to repent , convert , return , to walk in Gods wayes , and to keepe his commandements , and such like ; yet thereupon it followeth not , that men have free will and power of themselves , to doe these things : for it is before proved unto you , that it is God , that by his grace , and spirit , working in men , maketh them both willing , and able , to doe these things , and to consent to his divine motions , before they can doe it . Yea , albeit they are bidden to choose life : yet it is God that must teach and direct them , before they can make a right choyce in that case : And therefore doth the Psalmist say , Shevv mee thy vvaies , O Lord , and teach me thy pa●hes : Lead me forth in thy truth , and teach me : for thou art the God of my salvation : And againe he saith : VVhat man is he that feareth the Lord ? Him will he teach the way that hee shall choose . But to conclude , How can mens salvation depend upon their owne wills , when as long before they were borne , or had anie being in the world , or anie will at all , they were ( with GOD , and in his counsell , determination , and purpose ) elected thereunto , namely , even before the foundations of the world : as the Scriptures doe clearely and directly testifie ? 5 But then they further obiect , that S. Paul saith thus : VVhom God foreknew , them hee did predestinate &c. moreover , whom he predestinated , them also he called : and whom hee called , them also he iustified : and whom he iustified , them also he glorified . Here Gods foreknowledge is mentioned , as going in order , before his predestination : and this his foreknowledge ( say they ) sheweth , that God did foresee , and foreknowe , what men would bee , and what workes and merits they would doe , when they should be living in this world , and that according thereunto he made his predestination : and so they make , not Gods will and pleasure , but mens future wills , workes , and merits , so long before foreseene , & foreknown , the Cause of Gods predestinating them to salvation . It is true in verie deed , that God did foresee , & foreknow , what men would and should bee , as likewise hee foresaw , and foreknewe whatsoever was afterwards to happen or bee in the world : but thereupon it followeth not , that the good workes of men which hee so foresaw , and foreknew , were the original and antecedent cause of his Predestination of them to eternali life : for they might be a consequent , and an effect of his predestination of them , for all that , ( as indeed they were ) and not the Cause . For Christ himselfe saith : They vvere ordained , to this end , to bring forth fruite , and that their fruite should remaine . And so also testifieth S. Paul : that they bee Gods vvorkemanship , created in Christ Iesus , unto good vvorkes , vvhich God had before ordained , that they should vvalke in them . Neither could God foresee , or foreknow , any merit of salvation to bee in mens workes , whereto no such merit belongeth : Neither could hee foresee , or foreknowe , any free or foreward Will in men , after the fall of Adam , of their owne naturall abilities , for the walking in the waies of God , as is also before declared . But this he might , and did , indeed , foresee , and foreknow , namely , the fall of Adam , whereby all mankinde was ( in respect of themselves ) most miserable wretches , liable to the wrath of God , and eternall condemnation : Hee did also foresee , and foreknow , Christ Iesus his Incarnation , Passion , Satisfaction , Righteousnesse , and Obedience , and that he should be the Saviour and Redeemer of all his Elect , For which cause it is said by S. Paul : That they which bee Elected , were elected in him , that is , in Christ , the mediatour , and their head , and appointed Saviour , and Redeemer : who being the second Adam , did interpose himselfe , and as their suertie , did undertake for them , to answer whatsoever Gods Iustice , would demaund to be performed by him , in their behalfe . And as for the rest which were not Elected to salvation , but refused , they being not so beheld , nor considered in Christ , but as being out of him , ( and consequently , as they were , in , and after the transgression of the first Adam ) they lye still in that their most wofull estate , as ▪ having no Suertie to undertake for them , nor Saviour , appointed to deliver them from the wrath and curse of God , to them , for their sinnes , in his Iustice belonging . And therefore doth the Scripture speake in this sort of them : namely , that , The vvrath of God abideth upon them , as being never taken away in Christ. And as they were borne in sinne , and live in sinne , so Christ Iesus himselfe saith : that they die in their sinnes . So that they never had , nor shall have remission of their sinnes , nor deliverance from the curse and wrath of God , through the death and satisfaction of Christ Iesus . 6 For wheras some here obiect , that Christ died for all , in a generally , the Schoolmen answer it with a distinction , namely , that Christ died for all , sufficienter , but not efficienter , that is , sufficiently , but not efficiently , that is to say , his death , ( in respect of the greatnesse , vvorth , and value of it , hee being the Sonne of God , aswell as Man ) was sufficient for all in a generalitie , and is therefore propounded as a salve to all if all can take hold of him , and apply him unto themselves as a Saviour , by a true and lively faith : But because all cannot doe this , ( for none have this true , lively , and iustifying faith , but Gods elect onely ) therefore he died efficiently , that is , his death was effectuall and beneficiall only to Gods Elect. Wherfore also well doth he distinguish , whether it were Augustine or Prosper : Qui magnitudinem pretii , distinguit a proprietate redemptionis : vvhich distinguisheth the greatnes or sufficiencie of the price , from the proprietie of redemption . Agreably whereunto S. Ambrose likewise saith : that , Etsi Christus pro omnibus passus est : specialiter tamen pro nobis passus est , quia pro Ecclesia passus est : Although Christ suffered for all , ( excluding none from the benefite of his death , if they beleeve in him ) yet specially , or in a speciall manner , hee suffered for us that doe beleeve in him , because for his Church it was that hee suffered . And so likewise testifieth S. Hierome : that Christ gave his life , a redemption , not for all , but for manie , that is , ( saith hee ) for them that beleeve . In like manner doth S. Paul say : that , God gave him to death for us all : that is , for all Gods elect , whereof hee was one : For so also S. Augustine interpreteth it ( in Ioh. tract . 45. ) Pro nohis omnibus tradidit illum , Sed pro quibus nobis praescitis , Praedestinatis , Iustificatis , Glorificatis : Hee gave him to death , for us All : But for vvhich Vs ? namely , for them ( saith hee ) vvhich are the foreknovvne , the Predestinate , the Iustified , and the Glorified persons . Againe , in the Epistle to the Hebrevves , it is said , that , Christ , Tasted death for all : but in the verses that follow , he sheweth the speciall meaning of those words , viz. that those All , vvere sanctified persons , the brethren of Christ , the Children vvhich God had given him , and the Children which hee , by that his death , and passion , was to bring unto glory : For which cause , he is also there called , the Prince of their salvation . In like sort it is said in the second Epistle to the Corinths ▪ that Christ dyed for all : but in the words following , he explaineth the matter , and sheweth , that hee died for all such , as finding themselves dead in themselves , should afterwards live , not unto themselves , anie longer , but unto him that died for them , and rose againe : which kinde of godly and new life , none doe live , but the elect onely . Againe , in his Epistle to the Thessalonians , he speaketh thus : God hath not appointed us unto wrath , but to obtaine salvation , by the meanes of our Lord Iesus Christ , which dyed for us . Observe here likewise , that he maketh Christ Iesus , in a speciall and peculiar manner , to die onely for those which bee appointed to obtaine salvation , by the meanes of him , and not for the rest , which were appointed unto Wrath : for he there manifestly distinguisheth betweene those two sorts of people . Againe , S. Paul in his Epistle to the Ephesians , speaketh thus : Husbands love your vvives , even as Christ loved the Church , and gave himselfe for it . Where you see also , that he appropriateth the benefit of the death of Christ , to his Church , which he so entirely loved . Yea , Christ Iesus himselfe affirmeth the same , saying : that , Hee is that good Shepheard , which giveth his life for his Sheepe . And againe hee saith : Greater love hath no man then this : that a man bestovv his life for his friends : yee are my friends , if yee doe whatsoever I command you . By all which appeareth , that Christ , in respect of the proprietie of redemption , gave his life , and died onely for his Church , for his Sheepe , for his Friends , that would obey him : which is as much to say , as that hee died specially and properly for the Elect. Yea , he was , in Gods purpose , intended , and ordayned to come into the world , for the redemption of the Elect. So S. Peter likewise testifieth directly : for writing his Epistle to the Elect of God ( 1. Pet. 1.2 . ) he saith : that , They were redeemed with the pretious blood of Christ , as of a Lambe undefiled , and without spot : and hee there further saith expresly : that , Christ was ordained before the foundation of the world , but was declared in the last times for their sakes . Where you see it precisely affirmed , that Christ was ordained to come , and did come into the world , for the Elect sake . And so also doth S. Paul declare , in his Epistle to Timothy . And this likewise doth Esay shew , in his Prophesie , saying ; Vnto us a Childe is borne , & unto us a Son is given , that is , unto the Church and people of God , of which number the Prophet was one , that so speaketh . Againe , S. Paul , writing to the Church and people of God , distinguishing them from the rest , saith thus unto them : Yee are not your owne , for yee are bought with a price : Therefore glorifie yee God , in your bodie , and in your spirit , for they are Gods. Againe , in the Acts of the Apostles , it is said to bee , The Church of God , which Christ hath purchased with that his blood . Yea , this is so evident , that by the All , for whom Christ died , is , in respect of redemption and remission of sinnes , meant all the elect onely , that for the clearer illustrating of it to be so , the Scripture it selfe often useth in stead thereof , this word , Manie : As in the Gospell according to S. Matthew , Christ Iesus himselfe saith thus : This is my blood of the nevv Testament , that is shed for manie , for the remission of their sinnes . Againe hee saith : The sonne of man came not to be served , but to serve , and to give his life a redemption for manie . Marke that in both those places , he saith , That he gave his life to be a ransome or redemption , not of all in a generalitie , but of Manie , that is , as I said before , of the Elect onely . So likewise it is said in the Epistle to the Hebrevves : Christ vvas once offered , to take avvay the sinnes of manie . And againe it is said by S. Paul : that , By the ●bedience of one ( namely of Christ ) manie shall be made righteous . And so againe it is said in Daniel : that , The Messias should be slaine , and that he should confirme the covenant vvith manie . But beside all this , S. Paul speaketh yet further , verie plainely , thus : God setteth out his love tovvard us , seeing that vvhilst vvee vvere yet sinners . Christ died for us : much more then being novv iustified by his blood , vvee shall be saved from vvrath , through him . Observe here , first , that he saith , Christ died for us , that is , for us that be of Gods Church and people , for he speaketh in the person of them , and in their behalfe : and secondly , observe , that he maketh this an argument ( as it is indeede ) of Gods great and speciall love towards them , that he sent his sonne to die for them : what can be more plaine to shew , that , in Gods purpose & intention , Christ dyed , not for the redemption of all in a generalitie , but of the Elect only , whom he so especially and entirely loved ? In like sort testifieth S. Iohn , saying : In this appeared the love of God toward us ( marke still that word , Vs ) that God sent his onely begotten Sonne into the vvorld , that vve might live through him . And againe he saith : Herein is love , not that vve loved God , but that he loved us , and sent his Sonne to be a reconciliation for our sinnes . Here you likewise see , that the sending of his sonne is an effect and argument of his most deare and speciall love toward his Church and people . If then this be ( as indeed it is ) an argument of such high , speciall , and incomparable love , in Christ , to give himselfe to death , and likewise in God his Father , to send him into the world to that end , and that this special and incomparable love belongeth onely to the Elect , it must needes be granted , that Christ his death , being an argument of such unspeakeable and especial love , was only for the Elect , in Gods intention and purpose : for those onely be the men whom he so entirely and unspeakeably loved , and not the other . But consider what Saint Paul yet further writeth , saying thus : Blessed bee God even the Father of our Lord Iesus Christ , vvhich hath blessed us vvith all spiritual blessings , in heavenly things , in Christ , as hee hath chosen us in him , before the foundation of the vvorld : that vvee should be holy and vvithout blame before him in love . VVho hath predestinated us to be adopted through Iesus Christ , in himselfe , according to the good pleasure , of his owne vvill , to the praise of the glory of his grace , vvhereby hee hath made us accepted in his bloud : by vvhom , vve have redemption , through his bloud , even the forgivenesse of sinnes , according to his rich grace , vvhereby he hath beene abounding toward us . In which words you may againe perceive , that those onely that were Elect before the foundation of the world , be the men that be there said to have redemption through Christs bloud , even the forgivenesse of sinnes : and that for these two incomparable benefits , namely of their Election before the foundations of the world , and of their Redemption through the bloud of Christ , they can never blesse God sufficiently , nor yeeld him sufficient thankes . Yea , the Redemption , which Christ by his bloud hath purchased for anie , is an Eternall Redemption , as the Epistle to the Hebrewes expressely affirmeth it : and therefore if all in a generalitie , aswel bad , as good , and Reproprobate aswell as Elect , should have redemption by the death of Christ , it should be an Eternall redemption , ( as here you see ) even an everlasting discharge and forgivenesse of all their sinnes , and so then should none be damned at all , but all , aswell one sort as another , should be saved : which if it be grosse and absurd , false and untrue ; that also must be held grosse , absurd , and untrue , whereupon this followeth . But consider yet further , that the bloud of Christ Iesus , the Sonne of God , is not dumbe , dead , vaine , idle , or ineffectual bloud , but it is ever powerfull and effectuall , to all those for whose benefit it was intended to be shed : and therefore , beside that , it is called by S. Peter , precious bloud , or the bloud of price , and value , whereby Gods Church and people were bought and purchased , it is further said in the Epistle to the Hebrews , to be speaking blood , and that it speaketh better things then that of Abel . For , indeed , the bloud of Abel , spake and cried for revenge against a Malefactor : but contrariwise , the bloud of Christ , speaketh for mercie , peace , love , reconciliation , and attonement , towards sinners , and malefactors . Yea the bloud of Christ hath these vertues , attributed unto it , namely to clense from all sinne , to reconcile , to iustifie , to sanctifie , and to save sinners . Seeing then the bloud of Christ is of that great force , vertue , and efficacie , and that none are cleansed , from their sinnes , reconciled , iustified , sanctified , and saved , but the elect onely , it is apparant , that , that so precious , prevalent , powerfull , and saving bloud of his , was shed for the redemption of the Elect only , and not of the Reprobate . And therefore doe the Saints and elect people of God , in the Revelation , sing this Song , unto that Immaculate Lamb , Christ Iesus , saying thus : Thou art vvorthy to take the Booke , and to open the seales thereof , because thou vvast killed , and hast redeemed us , to God , by thy bloud , out of every kinred , and tongue , and people , and nation . Yea , by the efficacie and vertue of Christ his death , his buriall , and his resurrection , it is , that Gods elect dye to sinne , and burie sinne , and be quickned , and rise to newnesse of life : which thing Reprobates cannot doe . Againe , it appeareth , that Christ in his death , suffering , and satisfaction , which hee made to the law , and to Gods wrath and iustice , bare the person only of the Elect , to cleere and set them free : insomuch that of them only , it is said , that they be In Christ , and that they vvere circumcised ●n him , or in his circumcision : that they dyed together with him in his death : that they rose together with him in his resurrection : that they ascended with him into heaven , and there sit vvith him in heavenly places . By all which manner of speeches , it is evident , that the Elect , and Elect onely , be accounted his members , and knit , and conioined unto him . Yea such is this neere coniunction and union , betweene Christ the head , and the Elect his members , that considered together , they be called , verie Christ , by S. Paul. And therefore it is apparant , that the Reprobates , which are to bee damned , were never In Christ Iesus , nor made satisfaction to Gods Iustice in him , for their sinnes , nor died with him , nor rose againe with him , nor ascended with him into heaven , nor have anie union or communion with him . And this is further yet more evident by this , that Christ Iesus himselfe doth directly disclaime all Reprobates , in the praier which he maketh in the behalfe of all the Elect , which his Father gave him , saying thus : I pray for them : I pray not for the vvorld : but for them vvhich thou hast given mee , for they are thine . Observe this well : for here you see that Christ praieth and maketh intercession onely for the elect , and utterly disclaymeth to pray for the world , that is , for the Reprobates of the world . Sith then the Reprobates have no part nor portion in the praier and intercession of Christ : by what right shall they have anie part or portion , in his death or sacrificing himselfe , upon the Crosse ? For the Priesthood of Christ , consisteth , chiefly , in these two points : namely , in his oblation or sacrificing of himselfe upon the Crosse , & in his prayer or intercession : and seeing the Reprobates never had nor have anie interest in the one , neither can they have in the other . And therefore also , is Christ recorded to be an High Priest , only to the house of God. 7 But against this is obiected , that of S. Iohn , where hee saith thus , of Christ : Behold the Lambe of God vvhich taketh away the sinnes of the vvorld . Howbeit , you are to understand , that the word , vvorld , as it is sometimes taken , for the Reprobates in the world , as in that speech of Christ before going , where he saith : I pray not for the vvorld : ( and in other places likewise ) : so it is sometimes also taken in the Scriptures , to signifie Gods elect in the world . As for example , in the Gospel according to S. Iohn , it is said thus : God so loved the world ( namely , the Gentiles as well as the Iewes , ) that he gave his only begotten Sonne , that vvhosoever , ( whether Iew , or Gentile , ) beleeveth in him , should not perish , but have everlasting life : for God sent not his Sonne into the vvorld , that he should condemne the world , but that the vvorld through him should be saved . Here , by the World which is to be saved ▪ cannot be understood anie Reprobates , but Gods elect onely ; for they onely be those that are to be saved , through him . For as for such as be Reprobates , all men know that they are to be damned , and not to be saved . And therefore also doth S. Augustine so expound that place . Againe , S. Paul saith : that , God vvas in Christ reconciling the vvorld unto him ▪ not imputing their sinnes unto them , and hath committed unto us the vvord of reconciliation . Where likewise by this word ( World ) are meant onely Gods elect in the world : inasmuch as they onely be those blessed ones , which be reconciled unto God , & which have not their sinnes imputed to them : For , as for the Reprobates , they are the accursed ones , and were never reconciled unto God , but have their sinnes imputed unto them , and charged upon them , and for which therefore they are condemned in the end , to everlasting torments . And so doth S. Augustine expound that place also . Againe , S. Iohn saith thus : Hereby know vvee that vve dwell in him , and he in us , because hee hath given us of his spirit , and vvee have seene and doe testifie , that the Father sent the Sonne to bee the Saviour of the vvorld . Here likewise , by the World that is to be saved , cannot be understood Reprobates , but Gods Elect onely : because to these onely is Christ a Saviour , and to these onely doth salvation belong . And so againe S. Iohn saith : that , Christ is the Reconciliation for our sins , and not for our sinnes only , but for the sinnes also of the vvhole world : that is , not only for the sinnes of Gods people , which then lived in the daies of S Iohn , whereof himselfe was one , but for the sinnes of all Gods elect , wheresoever , or whensoever living , from the beginning of the world , to the end thereof . And so doth S. Augustine againe expound that place likewise : And in this sence , it is , that the word , vvorld , is used by S. Iohn , in the place before obiected , where he saith : that , Christ is the Lambe of God , that taketh avvay the sinne of the vvorld , that is to say , of all Gods Elect in the world , at what time or age soever they lived , from the beginning of it , to the end . Neither in this case can the reprobates complaine of anie iniustice offered them , from God : because , Mankinde being fallen from that integritie wherein he was created , it was in Gods power and pleasure , to provide a suertie and Saviour , for whom hee would , and to shew mercie to whom he would , and to withhould his mercie also from whom hee would . As likewise , if divers have committed treason or rebellion in a kingdome against their King , it is in the power of the King , to shew mercie , and to give a pardon to whom he will , and to withhold his mercie and pardon from such as he pleaseth , and to leave them in their offences unto condemnation , and to be executed . 8 Now then ( the former point being cleared ) let me returne , and come to answere more succinctly , to that text before alledged , where S. Paul saith : VVhom God foreknevv , them he predestinated &c. First , it is evident , that he with approbation foreknevv the Elect in Christ Iesus , their appointed Saviour , but the reprobate , he never knew in that manner , but as being extra Christum , out of Christ , and consequently , as they were in their transgression , by , and after the fall of Adam ( wherein they bee liable to condemnation ) having no suertie , or Saviour for them prepared or appointed . Secondly , when he there teacheth , that Men were predestinated according to Gods foreknowledge : The same S. Paul ▪ to declare and expound those words , saith in another place : that they vvere predestinate according to his purpose : by conferring of which places together , you may easily perceive , that by Gods foreknovvledge , his purposing to predestinate those whom he did predestinate , is understood . For ( saith hee in this place to the Ephesians ) Men vvere predestinate according to the purpose of him , that doth all things by the counsaile of his owne will. And againe he there saith : that they were predestinate , according to the good pleasure of his owne WILL. Gods foreknowing of them then in this case , appeareth to bee , his fore-purposing to approove of them , and to account of them , as of his Elect and predestinate people to eternal salvation . Which may yet further appeare by the contrary , namely , by the Reprobates , whom hee never so foreknew ▪ or knew at all , with that approbation ; and therefore will hee say unto them in the last day : Nunquam novi vos &c. I never knevv you . Sicut enim quos reprobat Dominus , nescire dicitur : Ita , quos ad salutem praedestinavit & praeordinat cognoscere rectè dicitur : For as the Lord , vvhom he reprobateth , is said , not to knovv : so those , vvhom hee hath predestinated , and preordained to salvation , hee is rightly said , to knovv , saith S. Cyril . And so saith Thomas Aquinas , that , Quos praescivit scientia approbationis , hos & praedestinavit : VVhom God foreknevve , vvith his knovvledge of Approbation : them hee did also predestinate . To come then to the point : Sunt praesciti , ut crederent : Men vvere foreknovvne that they might beleeve : saith Iustin Martyr . Non eliguntur , qui● credituri : sed eliguntur ut credant : Men vvere not elected , because they did aftervvard beleeve , but they vvere elected that they might beleeve , saith S. Augustine . And so saith S. Paul also expresly : that they were predestinate , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ to the adoption of Sonnes : vvhich adoption , or , being made the Sonnes of God , is by faith in Iesus Christ , as himselfe in another place directly witnesseth . And so S. Peter also saith : that men vvere elected 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. unto obedience , and unto the sprinkling of the blood of Iesus Christ. Againe , S. Paul hath before told us : That God hath chosen or elected us in Christ , before the foundation of the vvorld , that vvee should bee holy , and vvithout blame before him in love : Non quia futuros tales , nos esse pr●scivit , sed ut essemus tales , per ipsam ▪ Electionem gratiae : Not because he foreknevv that vve should be such , but that vvee might be such , by the verie election of grace , saith S. Augustine . By all which you cleerely may perceive , that , not foreseene , or foreknowne faith in Christ , not anie foreseene good vvorkes , ( the fruites of the same faith ) nor anie sanctitie , or obedience that men have , or performe unto God , bee the cause of their predestination to eternall life , but a consequent , and an effect of it . And this , S. Paul also , yet further and fully sheweth , where he maketh mens effectual Calling and Iustification ( and consequently , Sanctification ) and Glorification also it selfe , to depend all upon this , that , God hath predestinated them . And even this predestination likewise , he maketh to depend upon his fore-knovvledge , that is , upon his fore-purposing of them , to this eternal glory in his owne secret approbation of them , and Counsell had with himselfe , before the world was made . And againe S. Paul yet further declareth it , saying : that , God hath saved us , and called us vvith an holy calling , not according to our vvorkes , but according to h●s ovvne purpose and grace , vvhich vvas given to us through Christ Iesus , before the vvorld vvas . Be not these words , most plaine , direct , and expresse , for this purpose ? But yet againe he saith : There is a remnant , through the election of grace : and if it be of grace , it it is no more of vvorkes : o●hervvise , grace vvere no more grace : But if it be of vvorkes , then is it no more grace , othervvise vvorke vvere no more vvorke . Yea , againe , speaking of the two Children of Rebecca , Iacob , and Esau ▪ he saith , that , the one was loved , and the other hated , and that before they vvere borne , and vvhen they had done neither good , nor evill : That the purpose of God according to election , might stand , and not of workes &c. What would you have more ? For by all these Texts ( and sundrie other , which might bee cited if neede were ) it is abundantly manifest , that not future faith , or future good workes , but the meere good pleasure and will of GOD , and his owne most free purpose , and Counsaile , had with himselfe , ( otherwise termed , his fore-knovvledge ) was , and is the first primarie , and original cause of mens predestination to eternal life . And consequently , you may withall perceive , that not future unbeleefe , or future bad works , but Gods owne meere pleasure , vvill , and purpose , was , and is likewise , the original cause of the Reprobation , or refusal of them , that were refused , or not elected . For the Election of the one sort from the rest ▪ and the reprobation , that is , the preterition , or refusall of the rest , that were not elected , being done , both at one time , must needs both have one and the selfe same primarie and originall cause , namely , the free and uncontrollable vvill , purpose , and pleasure of the Almightie . 9 For , indeed , beside the will of God ( which is ever Iust , and the highest and supreame cause of all things ) what cause or reason can be shewed on mens behalfe , why God should Elect and choose that particular man to salvation , and refuse this ? why he should choose Iacob , and refuse Esau ? or why hee should choose Paul , and refuse Iudas Iscariot ? If you answer and say , that originall sinne was , and is the cause of that difference : Doe you not consider , that Iacob had original sinne , aswell as Esau ? and that Paul had it aswell as Iudas ? and that all the Elect have it , aswell as the Reprobate . So that if Original sinne ( wherewith , all , are infected alike ) had beene the cause of Reprobation , then should all have beene reprobated , one aswell as another . And this even Bellarmme himselfe saw , affirming that the cause why God hated Esau before he was borne , was not original sinne : for if that had beene the cause , he should for that cause ( saith he ) aswell have hated Iacob ▪ as Esau. Yea , Gods electing of some , ( and consequently , his reprobating or refusing of the rest , whom he did not elect ) was ( in respect of the purpose and decree of it ) before the foundations of the world were laid : howsoever in respect of the manifestation of it , it was not til after the Creation , and fall of Adam : How then could anie sinne , either Or●g●nal , or Actual , be the cause , when at the time of the purposing , of this reprobation , as also of Election , neither men , nor Angels , nor world was made , nor anie sinne committed ? If you answer , that although sinne were not then committed , yet God foresaw it should afterward bee committed , and that sinne thus foreseene , was the cause of the decree or purpose of reprobation : you know that God did foresee sinne , aswell in the Elect , as in the Reprobate : and therefore , if sinne foreseene , should be che cause , of the purpose or decree of reprobation , then again should all have beene purposed or decreed to bee reprobated , in as much as , sinne was foreseene , to be in all the people of the world . If you reply , and say , that although sinne was foreseene in all , yet it was with a difference : because some , namely ( the Elect ) were foreseene to bee beleeving , and repentant sinners , new Creatures , mortified , regenerated , iustified , and sanctified persons ; and so were not reprobates : I answer , that this faith , repentance , effectuall calling , mortification , regeneration , iustification , sanctification , and all saving graces whatsoever , were so foreseene in the Elect , not as antecedent causes , but as consequents and effects of that their predestination , and election , and as dependants thereupon : for so is it before proved , and apparant , and therefore the Reprobats , on the otherside must be deemed to have their occecation , and obduration in their sinnes , and their vnregeneration , unmortification , unsanctification , uneffectual calling , and the absence , defect , or want of saving graces , not as Antecedents , but as Consequents likewise , and Events following that Decree of their not Election , otherwise called their Reprobation . And this will be yet the more evident , if we enquire & search whence this difference of sinners ariseth , namely , that some bee mollified , repentant , regenerate , iustified , and sanctified persons , and that some others be not so : Is it not because God doth bestowe those his saving graces upon the one sort , and not upon the other ? And why doth hee bestow them upon the one sort , and not upon the other ? Is it not because the one sort be Elect , and the other Reprobate ? And why be the one sort Elect , and the other Reprobate ? can anie other reason be yeelded for it , but Gods owne meere will and pleasure ? You see then , that in the conclusion , you must bee forced in this case , to have recourse , to the meere pleasure and will of God , and to make that ( as indeed it is ) the true , highest , and supreame cause , why God chooseth this man , and refuseth that man , and accordingly giveth his sanctifying , and saving graces , to the one , and not to the other . It is true neverthelesse , that Reprobation hath an eye , relation , or respect unto sinne ( for no man is damned , or decreed , or intended to bee damned , but in respect of sinne ) but thereupon it no more followeth , that sinne , was the cause of the reprobation of the one , then of the election of the other : For Election , ( aswell as Reprobation ) was made with an eye , relation , or respect unto sinne , it being made in mercie , and mercie evermore presupposeth miserie : and misery , evermore presupposeth sinne , and transgression , beginning and arising , by , and in the fall of Adam : whose fall , God then beheld , when he made this his decree . Sinne then gave the occasion , but was not the cause of the decree , either of election , or reprobation . Wherefore , mankinde , considered as he was fallen , was indeede , Subiectum circa quod , the subiect matter , about which , Gods predestination , or preordination of men ( either to salvation , or damnation ) wrought , and was imployed : but it neither was , nor could be , Causa propter quam : the cause , why amongst men so fallen , this particular man was chosen , and that particular man was refused , but it was Gods meere will and pleasure onely , that made that difference : For which therefore , the Elect are everlastingly to praise , magnifie , and thanke God : and the Reprobate , who through their owne default , have procured their owne deserved perdition , and damnation , have no cause to complaine of anie but of themselves , in respect of that their fall in Adam , and other their transgressions , since that time added thereunto . 10 But there yet remaine some to be answered , who upon this doctrine of Predestination , reason thus : That if they be ordained to salvation , they shall be saved whatsoever they doe : and if they bee ordained to damnation , they shall bee damned , whatsoever they doe : and therefore they will bee carelesse of all Rel●gion , and without regard of anie thing that is good , or godly . But whilst these men talke thus licentiously , and dissolutely , and seeme by such speeches , to have as yet little or no feare of God , or care of his religion : yet doe they not know , for all that , whether they belong to the number of Gods elect , or to the number of the reprobate , and so long it will bee good for them , in the meane time , to use the meanes which God hath in that case provided , to bring men unto salvation , and to eschewe those waies that lead to damnation : For howsoever as yet , anie have not the markes and tokens of Gods children , appearing in them , ( that is , faith in Iesus Christ , repentance , godlinesse , regeneration , and sanctification ) yet for all that , possibly they may have them , hereafter , before they die , if they neglect not the meanes , which God hath appointed in that behalfe . If a man lye sicke , and good wholsome physick , and meates , and drinkes , should be proffered unto him , for preserving of his life , and he should refuse all and answer thus : if God have ordeyned mee to live , I shal live , though I take neither physick , nor meate , nor drinke : and if hee hath ordeyned me to die , I shall die , what physicke , meate , or drinke , soever , I take : and therefore I will be carelesse of all , and take nothing . Would not everie man , that hath his right wits , hold this for a verie foolish speech , and an absurd maner of inference ? And is not then the other of speech , and inference , touching Predestination , as ridiculous , foolish , and absurd ? Questionlesse it is , as everie man of understanding , easily perceiveth . These kinde of senselesse , wicked , and licentious inferences , therefore the Protestants , in their doctrine of Predestination , abhorre , and detest , as they are , indeede , iustly worthie . For as God hath ordeined men to salvation , so hee hath ordeined waies and meanes , that bring thereunto , which must not be neglected . Some man , againe , is so blasphemous , and bold , as that he dare barke and raile against God , and his doings in this matter , as though he were uniust , or partiall , for that he is reprobated , and not ordained to salvation , aswell as another : sith at the time of that his reprobation , or refusall , he no more deserved to be refused , then others , whom neverthelesse it pleased him to elect and ordeine to salvation . To whom I answer , first , that he which thus speaketh , knoweth not , ( as I said bsfore ) nor can tell for certaine , as yet , whether he be of the reprobate number , yea , or no : for he may be , for all that , of the number of Gods elect , for ought that , as yet , he knoweth to the contrarie : for so long as a man liveth in this world , God hath his times , to call men , unto himselfe , and to repentance , and to a true lively faith in Iesus Christ , the Saviour . So that none , during this life , ought to preiudice himselfe , with despairefull conceipts , or to give a finall sentence of condemnation , before hand , against himselfe : for it is a thing which lieth not in his power , so to doe , nor in his knowledge , so to determine of himselfe , before the time . But , secondly , I answer , that there is no partialitie or iniustice in this case . Indeed there might be partialitie and iniustice , if both beleeving well , and rightly , and living good and godly lives alike , the one should neverthelesse be saved , and the other damned : but in this case , where both after the fall of Adam , be sinners alike , and no more merit in the one , then in the other , there it was a most free thing in God , to give mercie and pardon to the one , and not to the other . And herein is no more partialitie or iniustice , then when two have committed felonie or treason alike , the King pardoneth the one , rnd not the other : or when a man hath two debtors , that be alike bound unto him in severall bonds , he forgiveth his debt to the one , and challengeth it of the other . Is there anie iniustice in this ? If you goe higher , and say , that God decreed to permit the fall of Adam , you have beene before answered , that his decree or purpose to permit him to fall , did not compell or enforce him to fall , but left him still to his owne free will he received in the creation , whereby he was enabled to stand if he had would . It therefore still appeareth , that the fault is to be ascribed , and to rest wholly and altogether upon themselves , in respect of their fall in Adam and other their sinnes , since that time , added thereunto . Can anie then , accuse God of anie iniustice ? For shall not the Iudge of all the vvorld doe right ? Or , can hee doe wrong or iniustice to anie man , or in anie thing he doth ? Or do not they iustly deserve their damnation , which are damned for their sinnes & due deserts ? Or was it not a most free thing in God , to doe , and determine of all his creatures , which way soever it pleased him ? especially of men , after their fall ? For all being fallen in the transgression of Adam all might iustly have beene condemned : and it was of his meere mercie , that hee was pleased to save anie . But , againe , shall men challenge , this authoritie over all the things themselves doe make , & whatsoever is the worke of their owne hands , to doe , ordeine , and dispose of it , at their owne will ? And shall not God the maker and creator of all things , be allowed the like authoritie , over all and singular men , to doe , decree , purpose , ordeine , and dispose of them , and everie of them ( being his creatures ) even as pleaseth himselfe ? What a grosse , strange , iniurious , and unreasonable dealing were this , in men , not to allow that in God , which they allow in themselves ? Doth not Christ Iesus himselfe , yet further give a full and sufficient answer in this case , saying thus : Is it not lawfull for mee to doe as I vvill vvith mine owne ? is thine eye evill , because I am good ? Consider well these words : for they shew plainly , that God may doe with all his creatures as pleaseth himselfe : and , that , if God bestow , mercie , kindnesse , love , and favour , toward one , which he bestoweth not upon another ; for this goodnesse and liberalitie of God , no other should have an evill eye , or envious heart , or a murmuring or blasphemous tongue . Besides , God is Debtor to no man. Why then should anie exclaime against God , for that he was not elected to salvation , nor had saving graces given unto him whilest he lived ? For is God compellable , or standeth he tied and bound to give anie men salvation , and saving graces , whether he will or no ? or otherwise then at his owne pleasure ? Againe , VVho hath been his Counsailer , saith the Apostle ? Was it fit , or meet , thinke you , that God , the creator of all , should not doe and determine of all his workes and creatures which he made , without calling silly men , or other the worke of his hands , to counsaile ? Doe or will men hold it reasonable , to aske counsell or advise of the things ●hemselves doe make , what use it shall serve for , or what shall become of it ? or doe not men first purpose and determine of everie thing they make , before it be made , to what use it shall serve , and to what end it shall be ? And if these things be thus amongst men , shal not the like be allowed unto God ? O the intolerable audaciousnesse of men , that dare thus stand in contention , against God their maker ! Although therefore it be true , that by the transgression of Adam , the Elect and the Reprobate were both sinners alike , and in respect of themselves , both worthie of condemnation alike ; yet it pleased God ( who hath full and free power in himselfe , to doe whatsoever hee will ) to put a difference betwneene them , and to shew mercie to the one sort and not to the other . Yea in verie deed , how could it be otherwise , seeing both Iustice and Mercie were thus determined of God , to be shewed among the children of men , upon their fall ? For if all had beene saved , where had beene his Iustice ? And againe , If all had beene damned , where had beene his Mercie ? To the end therefore , that both his Iustice and Mercie , might appeare to sinfull men , it is , that some men , upon the fall of Adam , be thus to goe to damnation , and other some to salvation . If as yet anie man conceive not the depth of this high point of Gods predestination , let him not reiect , nor monster-like blaspheme , that , which hee understandeth not , but let him , in all humilitie , reverence and iustifie God , in all his words and workes ; admiring and wondring at the height and depth of that wisedome , which hee is not able to reach unto : And let him , in this matter , doe as S. Paul did , crying out thus : O the depth of the riches , both of the vvisedome , and the knowledge of God! How unsearchable are his Iudgements , and his vvayes past finding out ? And let him also stay with patience , untill the day of the declaration of the iust iudgement of God : for such a day there is , as S. Paul expressely affirmeth . So that , howsoever wicked , blasphemous , and ungodly men , doe sometimes speake most impiously , of God and of his doings herein : yet at that day of the declaration of the iust Iudgement of God ( if not sooner ) it will be manifested , that all the Iudgements , decrees , and doings of God , are iust , and such as no exception can be taken against . And let men learne in the meane time , to accuse and condemne themselves , and their owne wayes , as uniust , and unequall , and ever iustifie God , and acknowledge his wayes and workes , to be ( as they are ) most holy , most iust , and most equall , as God himselfe also declareth by his Prophet Ezechiel . And let us all confesse , that according to his owne vvill he vvorketh , in the army of Heaven , and in the Inhabitants of the earth : and that none can stay his hand , nor may say unto him , vvhat dost thou ? as it is written in the Prophesie of Daniel . And let us likewise say , as the Saints speak in the Revelation , saying thus : Thou art vvorthy , O Lord , to receive glory , and honour , and power , for thou hast created all things , and , for thy vvills sake , they are , and have beene , created . CAP. IX . Concerning the Sacraments : and that there be but two Sacraments of the New Testament , properly so called , namely Baptisme and the Lords Supper : and that , Confirmation , Pennance , Marriage , Orders , and Extreme unction , be no Sacraments , properly . And that the Sacraments administred ▪ doe not give grace ex opere operato , by the vvorke or action wrought or done , but grace commeth and is given another way . THe word , SACRAMENT , is sometimes taken in a generall or large sense : and so it may comprehend all manner of Signes , which God gave men , at anie time , to assure them of the undoubted truth of his promise , in anie matter whatsoever : In which sense , the Tree of life in the Garden , may be said to be , to Adam , a Sacrament , or , signe , of his life received from God , and that he should not die , so long as he continued in his obedience . The Rainebow also , in this sense , might be termed a Sacrament , that is , a signe to Noah , and his posteritie , that the world shall never more be destroyed with a floud of waters : and sundrie such like . But we here speake not of Sacraments in such a general signification , or large acception of the word , but as it is strictly and properly taken : viz. of such Sacraments as God hath left to be usual and ordinarie in the New Testament , and appointed to be signes and scales of our communion with Christ , and of that righteousnesse we have by faith in him . In this sense , a Sacrament being taken , is a visible signe and seale , ordayned of God , vvhereby Christ , and all his saving graces , by certaine outward rites are signified , exhibited , and sealed up unto all the faithful : of which sort there be two , namely Baptisme and the Lords Supper . Baptisme succeedeth in the place of Circumcision , and the Lords Supper , in the place of the Passeover : And as Circumcision was not onely a visible signe , but also a seale , to Abraham , of the righteousnesse he had by faith in Christ : so is Baptisme likewise , & the other Sacrament also of the Lords Supper , not only a signe , but a seale also , to everie several & particular faithfull man , of the full and free remission of all his sinnes , and of that immaculat , perfect , & complete righteousnesse , which hee hath by and in Christ Iesus . Where , therefore , you may note by the way , that the Doctrine , of Assurance of Salvation , is a most certaine , true , and undoubted doctrine , inasmuch as these verie Sacraments themselves , doe assuredly testifie , and seale up the same , even to everie several and particular faithfull , and godly person , that receiveth them . S. Augustine , somtimes , useth the word , in the large sense and acception : but when hee speaketh of Sacraments in the more proper and strict sense , he reckoneth them , as wee doe , saying : Haec sunt Ecclesiae gemina Sacramenta : These be the two Sacraments of the Church . And againe he saith : that , Christ and his Apostles , have delivered unto us , a few Sacraments , in stead of many : Baptisme , and , the Lords Supper . So S. Ambrose likewise , treating purposely of the Sacraments , speaketh of two , as the reformed Churches doe . Yea ▪ Innocentius the third , speaking of them , maketh mention of these two which we receive , not of the rest which we refuse . And even Cardinal , Bessarion , also , saith : Haec duo sola Sacramenta , in Evangelijs manifestè tradita legimus : VVee reade these two●Sacraments onely , to be manifestly delivered in the Gospel . It is true , that Bellarmine proveth the word ( Sacrament ) to be sometime given in some writers , to the other five : but that is , as I said before , when the word is taken in a general or large signification ( for anie Signe or token ) in which case it may indeed more properly be called a Signe , then a Sacrament . These five therefore , namely , Confirmation , Pennance , Matrimony , Orders , and Extreame unction , wee reject from being Sacraments , properly , and strictly , so called : the other two , ( namely Baptisme and the Lords Supper ) wee embrace , as being altogether perfect and sufficient , not onely to enter and plant a man into the Church , but also to cherish , increase , confirme , strengthen , and maintaine , him in it , unto the end ; and therefore no need is there of anie moe , to be Sacraments , for anie of those uses , ends , or purposes . 2 First then touching Confirmation . It is granted that the Christians in the ancient Church , caused their Children , after that they came to yeares of discretion , to come before the Bishop , who examined them in the principles and fundamental points of Religion , and instructed them further , for their confirmation therein : and that this action might have the more reverence and esteeme , hee laid his hands upon them , and praied unto God for them , that hee would encrease and continue the good things , that hee had begun in them . But howsoever this was a laudable usage , yet doth it not follow , that therefore it was a Sacrament . Yea , your maner of Confirmation , with Chrisme , or , Oyle , ( for you make , this Oyle , to be the outward signe of this your supposed sacrament ) hath no institution or commandement from Christ , & therfore it can be no Sacrament : for it is well knowne , that everie sacrament must have an outward visible signe , or element , ordained and appointed of God , for that purpose : as in Baptisme , the outward visible signe , or element , is water : and in the Lords Supper , the outward visible signes or elements , be bread and wine : and all these , of Gods owne instituting , and appointing . But what institution or appointment from God , can be shewed , for this your Chrisme , or , oyle , to be used , as a visible signe , in Confirmation ? Iust none at all in Gods booke . Inasmuch therefore as this outward visible signe of Chrisme , or Oyle , used in Popish Confirmation , is none of Gods instituting , it can be no sacrament . It is true , that wee , finde in the Scripture , that the Apostles , sometimes used Imposition , or , laying on of hands : but , therein wee reade of no Oyle , or , Chrisme , they used . Yea moreover , by that their imposition or laying on of hands , the miraculous gifts of the holy Ghost were given ( as appeareth in the same places of Act. 8.17.18.19 . &c. Act. 19.6 . ) which power of giving the miraculous gifts of the Holy Ghost by that meanes , is now ceased , and is not to be found in the Popish Church at this day , nor in anie other Church , and therefore should not be attempted . Howbeit , as touching another kinde of Imposition of hands , used in the ordination of Ministers , shall be afterwards spoken . 3 Concerning Pennance . The Papists call it Pennance , which the Greekes call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and the Latines , Poenitentia , or rather Resipiscentia , and wee call it , Repentance : which consisteth properly in the change of the mind and affections , and , not so much , in the outward afflicting and punishing of the bodie . Yea , the outward afflicting and punishing of the bodie anie manner of way howsoever , is to no purpose , if there be not , inwardly , a true change of the minde and affections . You may call it Pennance , if you will , externally so to punish the bodie : but allowable or good Christian repentance , it will never be , without a change of the minde , and alteration of affections , and becomming a new man. For , Repentance , is an outward , true , godly sorrow for sinnes committed , ioyned with fervent prayer unto God , for the forgivenesse of them , and hath in it , an earnest desire , purpose , and endevour , not to commit them anie more : and is indeede , a dying to sinne , and a walking in newnesse of life : and is testified , by fasting , weeping , and mourning , and by such outward tokens , and declarations of it , as wee reade of in holy Scripture to be approved . Now that this which wee call Repentance , and the Papists call Penitencie or Pennance , is no Sacrament proper to the New Testament , is hereby manifest : First , because it was in the time of the Old Testament , and ever since the time of mans fall and transgression , required in all ages , and of all persons , that they should repent for their sinnes committed . Secondly , it wanteth a visible signe instituted of God , for this purpose , to make it a Sacrament : such as water is in Baptisme , and such as bread and wine is in the Lords Supper : and for want of this outward signe also , it can therefore bee no Sacrament . But Bellarmine saith that Christ instituted the Sacrament of Pennance , when after his resurrection , he said to his Apostles : VVhose sinnes yee remit , they are remitted , and vvhose sinnes yee retaine , they are retayned : and he saith further , that the vvords of absolution , be the outward signe , and that the remission of sinnes , is the grace therby signified . This is farre fetcht to prove it a Sacrament . But first , I demand of Bellarmine , or of anie other , How words of Absolution , or anie words whatsoever , uttered and spoken , can be an outward and visible signe ? Words be audible , I know , when they be uttered and spoken , but how are they visible , when they cannot be seene ? for not audible , but visible signes , be required to a Sacrament . Yea , if words uttered by a Pastor or Minister , be , a sufficient outward signe , to make a sacrament , then should the preaching of the Gospel , and ministerie of the word , be also a sacrament , which hath that outward signe , & the grace also of reconciliation , unto God , ( wherein absolution and remission of sinnes is included ) thereunto belonging . And by such reckoning , would there be no difference , betweene the ministerie of the Word , and the ministerie of Sacraments . But , as I said before , not an audible voice uttered , but a visible signe , and that of Gods owne instituting and appointing , is required to make a Sacrament . Yea , although Christ in Ioh. 20.23 . gave authoritie to his Apostles and Ministers of the Gospel , to declare and pronounce absolution , and remission of sinnes to beleeving and repentant persons ; yet thereupon it followeth not , that therefore Repentance should be a Sacrament : for everie good , godly , and allowable thing , is not , by and by , to be called a Sacrament , in that sense of the word , that we here speake of . Yea you may by as good reason , aswell make faith , and beleefe , a Sacrament , as repentance : for , Faith , is also necessarie and requisite for the remission of sinnes , as well as Repentance . But there is , indeed , no cause , or , necessitie , that Repentance , or , Penance ( as yee call it ) should be made a Sacrament , for this purpose : because Christ hath appointed other to be Sacraments , serving to this use and end , namely , to testifie and seale up , remission of sinnes , to everie faithfull and repentant sinner , viz. Baptisme , and the Lords Supper . For , Baptisme , is expressely affirmed to be the Baptisme , of repentance , for remission of sinnes , Mark 1.4 . And so saith S. Peter also : Repent , and let every one of you be baptized in the Name of Iesus Christ , for the remission of sinnes . So that Baptisme is a Sacrament and seale unto us of the remission of all our sinnes , as well actual , as original , upon our faith and repentance And so is also the Lords Supper , another Sacrament , given for the same use , end , and purpose , viz. to signifie , testifie , assure , and seale up unto us , the remission of all our sinnes , whatsoever , or whensoever committed , upon our repentance , & faith in Christ : Which thing , Christ himselfe also declareth , when he teacheth it to be a Sacrament of that blood of his , which was shed for manie , for remission of sinnes . 4 And that Marriage , or Matrimony , is also no Sacrament , proper to the new Testament , and the Christian Church , is a thing verie evident : First , because it was a thing instituted in Paradise , and was before the Law , and under the Law ; and in the times of the old Testament , used and observed , aswell as under the new Testament . Secondly , because Marriage , may be ( as it is ) amongst Infidels , and unbeleevers , and such as be out of the Church & societie of the faithfull . For the Matrimonie of Infidels is lawfull , God instituting it for all mankind : and therefore it cannot bee a Sacrament , proper to the Christian Church , and to the members of Christ onely . Thirdly , because it is not common , and commanded to all Christians : For it is not required , nor of necessitie , that all in the Church should be married : for everie one hath his proper gift of God , some one way , some another . Fourthly , it hath no promise of remission of sinnes , or of salvation annexed unto it , as Sacraments ought to have , being strictly , and properly taken . Fiftly , it hath no outward visible signe nor word of Institution from Christ , to make it a Sacrament , and therefore it can bee none . For whereas Bellarmine saith ; that the word of Institution , is : I take thee &c. and the externall signe , bee the persons that be married . These bee strange conceites : For , first , these words , I take thee &c , be words devised of men , and not of Christ his institution , and be words only expressing the mutuall consent of the parties that are to bee married . Againe , the outward visible signe in a Sacrament , must bee material , and real ( and not personal ) as water is in Baptisme , and bread and wine in the Lords Supper : and therefore the persons married , cannot be the outward visible signe . Besides , the married persons , be the receivers of this pretended and supposed Sacrament , so that they cannot bee also the signe : For the signe , and the receiver , in every Sacrament , must needs bee divers , and distinguished . If anie obiect , and say , that Marriage is the signe of an holy thing , namely , of the spirituall coniunction betweene Christ and his Church : I demand , who instituted it to bee so ? Yea , it was not instituted to that end , to bee a Sacrament of our coniunction with Christ ( howsoever it may resemble it ) but for other ends and purposes , as namely , to avoide fornication , and adulterie &c. But further , all signes , comparisons , or resemblances of holy things , must not bee counted Sacraments , in that sense of the word wee speake of : For then , how manie Parables , comparisons , or similitudes there be of holy and heavenly things , in Scripture , so manie Sacraments should wee have : and then the Rainebow , the Sabboth , a graine of Mustard-seede , Leaven , a Draw-net , a Vine , a Doore , and sundrie such other things , should wee make Sacraments . But the greatest reason , whereof they are most confident , is out of Ephes. 5.32 . which their vulgar translation , and the Rhemists read thus : This is a great Sacrament . Howbeit , in the Original ( which is ever to be followed ) the words bee these : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : This is a great mysterie . Now everie thing that is a mysterie , is not , by and by , to be concluded to be a Sacrament ; for then godlines shold be a sacrament , because it is said to be a misterie . 1. Tim. 3.16 . Gods wil is also said to be a misterie . Ephes. 1.9 . The obstinate unbeleefe of the Iewes , untill the fulnes of the Gentiles be come in , is likewise called a misterie . Rom. 11.28 . That all shall not die , but that some shal be changed at the cōming of Christ to Iudgment , is also affirmed to be a misterie . 1. Cor. 15.51 . Yea , Iniquitie is also called a misterie . 2. Thes. 2.7 . And yet none , I thinke , will be so unwise as to conclude all these to be therfore sacraments . But the Apostle himselfe preventeth & answereth this obiection , affirming ▪ that this great misterie he speaketh of , consisteth , not in carnal Matrimonie , but in the spiritual coniunction betweene Christ and his Church : This is a great mysterie , but I speake ( saith hee ) concerning Christ and his Church . So that the marriage betweene Christ and his Church , and the coniunction and knitting of them together ( which is not natural , and carnal , as that of the husband and the wife is , but spiritual ) is the great misterie , or secret , he there expresseth himselfe , to meane & speake of . And therefore doth Cardinal Caietane ingenuously confesse , ( upon this text of Ephes. 5.32 . ) that these words prove not Matrimonie to be a Sacrament . And indeed , it is verie evident to all that duly consider that text , and the circumcumstances of it , that the Apostle bringeth not marriage in that place , as a similitude , to represent the neere coniunction betweene Christ and his Church : but contrariwise , hee bringeth , and mentioneth the great love of Christ , and the neere , & mistical coniunction between him and his Church , as a similitude and argument , to declare and enforce the love that shold be of the husband toward his wife : For that is the maine matter , scope , and point of exhortation , the Apostle there aymeth at , as is expresse and apparant by the 25. Verse . and so from thence to the end of that Chapter . 5 Now concerning Orders . By Orders , wee understand , the ordination of Ecclesiastical Ministers to their ministery , by Imposition , or laying on of hands . Here then I would be glad to know , why , or for what reason they should hold this to be a Sacrament ? Is it , because it is a good worke , and an holy action ? But it is answered before , that everie good worke , and godly , and holy action , is not to bee reckoned for a Sacrament : Or , doe they make it a Sacrament , because it hath in it an outward signe of an holy thing , accounting the ordination , or , consecration to the ministerie , to bee the holy thing , and the imposition , or laying on of hands , in that action , and for that purpose , to bee the outward signe ? But hereunto is answered , that everie outward signe of an holy thing , or of an holy action , is not sufficient to make a Sacrament : for then Prayer , with lifting up of hands , should bee likewise a Sacrament ; end sundrie such like . But it must be an outward signe of this particular holy thing , namely , of the remission of our sins , and of our coniunction , and communion with Christ , or otherwise , it is no Sacrament , in that sense of a Sacrament which wee speake of . Yea , it must bee not onely a signe , but a seale also of that our uniting and coniunction with Christ , as is before declared : which thing , because the act of Ordination of Ministers , by imposition of hands , is not , therefore it can be no Sacrament . Againe , the Sacraments be such as bee common , & belong to all sorts and degrees of Christians ; aswell to the lay sort , as to Ecclesiasticall Ministers : as appeareth by the example of these two confessed and undoubted Sacraments , viz of Baptisme , and the Lords Supper : but these orders be proper and peculiar unto those onely that bee of the Ecclesiasticall Ministerie , and extend no further ; and therefore they can bee no Sacraments in that sense of Sacraments that wee speake of . 6 The last supposed Sacrament in the Popish Church , is , Extreme unction , or last anointing , or annealing , as they cal it . But how do they prove this to be a sacrament ? We reade indeed , in Mark 6.13 . that the Apostles of Christ being sent abroad , did cast out Divels , and annointed manie that were sicke , with oyle , and healed them : But wee see this reckoned amongst the rest of the miracles , which those Apostles had power given them to doe , in those times of the first preaching and planting of the Gospell , to win the greater credit unto it . Agreeably whereunto it is said : that , They went forth and preached everie where , the Lord working with them , and confirming the word with signes following . But , beside , that it is thus reckoned among the rest of the miracles , the effect , or event did also declare it to bee miraculous : because , as manie as were in those daies annointed by them , were healed , as the Text it selfe affirmeth . Now , can , or doe Popist Priests in like sort , in these daies , by their annointing with oyle , cure and heale the sicke and diseased , as they in the Primitive and Apostolicke Church , miraculously did ? All men know , they neither doe , nor can . S. Iames likewise saith to the Christians of those Primitive and Apostolicke times , in this sort : Is anie sicke among you , let him call for the Presbyters ( or , Elders ) of the Church , and let them pray for him , and annoint him with oyle , in the name of the Lord : and the prayer of faith shall save the sicke , and the Lord shall raise him up : and if he have committed sinnes , they shall be forgiven him : For Sinnes , commonly , bee the cause of mens sicknesses and diseases . And because God pardoneth such as repentantly acknowledge and confesse their sinnes , and faults , and not such as hide them , and will iustifie themselves therein ; hee addeth further , saying thus : Acknowledge your faults , one to another , and pray one for another , that yee may bee healed : for the prayer of a righteous man availeth much , if it bee fervent : teaching them hereby , that they ought freely to conferre one with another , touching their diseases and sicknesses , & to confesse the sins which bee the cause of them , one to another , that so they might helpe one another with their praiers unto God for their recoverie : for S. Iames doth not say , that it was the bare anointing with oyle , that did heale or save a man from death , or raise him up from that his sicknesse , wherewith hee was visited , but it was , Annointing with oyle , in the name of the Lord , that is , such as had prayer , invocation , and calling upon the name of the Lord , ioyned with it : And therfore in the next words he sheweth , that praier was added , and that it was the prayer of faith , that did preserve or save the sicke , and that recovered , and raised him up againe . What then is there in all this , to prove this Vnction , or , the annointing with oyle to bee a Sacrament ? Is it because in this healing , there was used , an external ceremonie , or an outward visible signe ▪ but it is before shewed , that , that is not sufficient to make a Sacrament : yea , then might the curing of the diseased by the water of the Poole of Bethesda ( Ioh : 5.2 , 3 , 4. &c. ) be called a sacrament : & the annointing of the blind mans eies , with clay , made with spittle , together with his washing in the Poole of Siloam ( Ioh. 9.6.7 . ) might also , by as good reason , bee termed a Sacrament : and sundrie other such actions , wherin outward visible signes were used , should become Sacraments ; which it were absurd to affirme , in that sense of the Sacraments we here speake of . But this Vnction , or annoynting with oyle , in the Apostles times , can be no Sacrament , in that sense of a Sacrament , that wee speake of , for sundry reasons . First , because it served , onely for the healing and curing of the bodie : For , as for the forgivenesse of sinnes , there mentioned , and prayer used for that purpose , they tended all , in this case , to this end , to worke the effect of healing : for the cause of the sicknesse , ( which was sinnes ) being remooved by the prayers of the faithfull , the effect ( which was the sicknesse , or disease , caused by those sinnes ) was also remooved . Secondly , it was a gift of healing , that was in those daies miraculous , to cure and heale the sicke in that manner : which miraculous , and extraordinarie power of healing , is now long since ceased : and because it was a thing miraculous , and extraordinarie , and is not ordinarie and perpetual , it therefore can be no Sacrament . For , who is hee , at this day , that hath this miraculous gift of healing the sicke , by annointing them with oyle ? I Popish Priests had it , it would appeare in their extreame unctions , and annointings , but no such thing appeareth : For what sicke man doe they recover , or restore to health , by that meanes ? Yea , they use not this their unction , and annoyling , but when the sicke partie lyeth in extreamitie of sicknesse and is no way likely to recover , and indeed , most usually dieth , notwithstanding these their annointings , and whatsoever else they doe . Thirdly , the Sacraments whereof wee speake , be such as bee common , and appliable to all the members of Christ , aswell when they bee well and in health , as at other times : But this their extreame Vnction , belongeth , and is applied onely to those that bee sicke , and at such times as they be in their extreamest sicknesse , and therefore it can bee no Sacrament . Fourthly , they use this forme of words in it : By this annointing , and his most holy mercie , God doth forgive thee whatsoeuer thou hast offended , by seeing , hearing , smelling , tasting , and touching . Whereby appeareth , that they make this their extreame Vnction , to extend , but onely to such sinnes , as the man hath committed , by seeing , hearing , smelling , tasting , & touching , that is to say , by those his exterior five senses : But those that bee true Sacraments indeed ( as is evident by Baptisme , and the Lords Supper ) bee not so particularly limited , or restrained , but be Sacraments to a faithfull and godly man , of the full remission and forgivenesse of all sinnes , committed not onely , by those his five outward senses , but anie other waie else whatsoever , either by thought , word , or deede . And therefore , this their extreame Vnction , can bee no Sacrament , rightly and properly so called . 7 Now remaineth to be shewed , that even those that be the verie true Sacraments indeede , doe not give grace , ex opere operato : For they verie erroneously , attribute remission of sinnes , to the Sacraments administred , as namely , to Baptisme , and the Lords Supper , ex opere operato , even by the verie worke done and performed : whereas it is not , in verie deede , the external water in Baptisme administred , that hath this power and vertue in it , to take awaie sinnes , or to cleanse and purge them : neither is it the consecrated bread and wine , in the Lords Supper , that hath this power and vertue in it : For so to suppose and imagine , were to ●ttribute that to the outward signes or Sacraments , which rightly and properlie belongeth to Christ Iesus : inasmuch as hee onelie is the Lambe of God , that taketh away the sinnes of the world : and , it is his blood onely , that cleanseth us from all sinne , as S. Iohn expresly witnesseth , and all the rest of the Scripturs accord . For which cause it is againe said in the Revel . of S. Iohn : that it is Christ , that hath washed us from our sinnes in his blood . Seeing then it is Christ and his blood onely , that washeth , purgeth , and cleanseth , in verie deede , and materially , from all sinnes : the water in Baptisme administred , must not have this power and vertue attributed unto it , nor also the consecrated bread and wine , in the Lords Supper , received . You will then demand , why , or in what sense it is , that in the scripture , the water in Baptisme , is said , to cleanse , to sanctifie , to regenerate : I answere , that it is said so to doe , not that it hath these vertues inclosed in it , or did these things efficiently , or materially , but for that it doth them sacramentally , and significatively , : that is to say in plainer termes , because the water in Baptisme , is a Sacrament , signe , and seale unto us , of that regeneration , sanctification , and cleansing , which wee have through Christ : For it is Gods spirit , that efficiently worketh faith , repentance , regeneration , sanctification , or whatsoever other supernatural grace in a man , and not the element of water . And therefore also did S. Iohn Baptist , say to those whom he baptized , thus : I Baptise you with vvater unto repentance : but hee that commeth after mee , is mightier then I , whose shooes , I am not worthie to beare : he shall baptise you with the holy Ghost . Where you plainely see , that S. Iohn Baptist acknowledgeth , that he , in his Baptisme administred by him , gave but water , and that it was Christ that gave the holy Ghost : and consequently that in the elemental water the holy Ghost was not conteined , nor included ; but was to come another way . Saint Peter hath a like speech , saying : That , Baptisme doth save us : not that it is the material cause of our salvation ( for Christ Iesus only , is our Saviour in that sort ) but for that it is a sacrament , signe and seale , of that salvation which we have by Iesus Christ. And thus you see , how all the scriptures stand well together , and be rightly reconciled : whereas , otherwise , according to their sense , there would be a confusion and repugnancie . Yea , if it were true , that the verie external act of Baptisme performed , did , ipso facto , regenerate , clense , sanctifie , and save : then should all without exception , that be baptised , be also regenerated , clensed sanctified , and saved soules : But this you neither do , nor will affirme , and therefore no reason have you to affirme the other , whereupon this must necessarily follow . In like sort ▪ if consecrated bread and wine , externally distributed and received in the Lords Supper , did , ipso facto , give grace and remission of sinnes , then might Iudas that Traytor , or anie other the most wicked and ungodly reprobate , that externally receiveth that bread and wine , receive also grace and remission of sinnes thereby : which it were verie grosse and absurd for anie to affirme . Yea S. Paul himselfe sheweth , that there be some unworthy receivers , that be so farre from receiving grace and remission of sinnes by it , that contrariwise , They eate and drinke Iudgement , or condemnation , to themselves , as hee speaketh and directly witnesseth . CHAP. X. Concerning the Popish Masse , and the Popish Priesthood thereto belonging . NOw give mee leave to tell you how detestable a thing your Popish Masse is , which ye neverthelesse so much and so highly reverence , being misled by the doctrine of your Teachers : For yee say , that your Priests doe therein , offer up Christ Iesus , everie day , or often , to his Father , and that in a bodily manner , and affirme it moreover , to be a sacrifice propitiatorie for the sins of men . What ? can anie that professe Christ , or Christianitie , be so absurd as to beleeve , that Christ is often , or daily , offered up , in a bodily manner , to his Father , for the sinnes of men ? Doe not the Scriptures themselves proclaime , that Christ Iesus was , in that his bodily sacrifice , to be offered but Once , and not often ? and doe they not withall expressely testifie , that with that one Oblation or offering , He hath consecrated for ever , them that are sanctified ? What needeth then , or how can there be anie more bodily offerings of him , then that one , whereby hee offered himselfe , once , upon the Crosse ? Your selves ( againe ) doe say , that this bodily offering up of Christ in your Masse , is unbloudie , and consequently , hath in it no effusion of bloud : whereupon it must needs be granted , that therefore it cannot possibly be a propitiatorie sacrifice , or take away the sinnes of men : For , the Scripture saith expressely , that without effusion of bloud , there is no remission of sinnes . But beside all this , there is also no other Priest appointed of God , for the offering up of Christ Iesus in a bodily sacrifice , but Christ Iesus himselfe only : who therefore did performe it , in his owne most sacred person , and is also the only Priest according to the order of Melchisedech . For , yee must be put in minde , that the Scripture mentioneth not , Priests , plurally , according to the order of Melchisedech , as though there were , or might be manie or sundrie , according to that order , but it mentioneth onely One according to that Order ; affirming this one , to be Iesus Christ , as the Epistle to the Hebrewes , manifestly declareth . Yea , verie plainely , doth that Epistle shew , that though there were in the Old Testament , under the Levitical and Aronical Priesthood , many , that were Priests in succession , one after another , the death of the one , causing the other so to succeede : yet is it not so , in the New Testament , under that Priesthood which is according to the Order of Melchisedech : where is shewed , that Christ Iesus , who is the only Priest according to that Order , hath neither Vicars , nor successors , in that his Priesthood , nor possibly can have ; because himselfe never dieth , but liveth and continueth a Priest for ever according to that order . For which cause , it is there further said directly , that he hath 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , such a Priesthood , as doth not passe ▪ goe , or , is convaied from him , to anie other . Seeing then there neither be , nor ought to be anie moe Priests according to the Order of Melchisedech , but only One , which is Christ Iesus : and that this Christ Iesus , was in bodily sacrifice to be offered also but Once , and not oftner : and that himselfe is also the sole and onely Priest allowed and appointed of God to make that bodily oblation : which bodily oblation of his , is also only propitiatorie . How intolerably blasphemous , and abominable , be and must needs be , those Popish Priests , that dare arrogate to themselves that particular honor , office , place , and person of Iesus Christ , and say , that they offer him up , in a bodily manner , and that often , and that their sacrifice of the Masse , is a propitiatory sacrifice ? We know , that Christ instituted a Sacrament , in bread and wine , in commemoration and remembrance of his bodie crucified and his bloud shed for our sinnes : But that bodily sacrifice of his was not performed by anie but by himsefe , nor was it done at this time of his instituting of this Sacrament , but afterward , when actually , and in verie deed , he made that sacrifice of himselfe upon the Crosse , and said Co●summatum est , It vvas then finished . And therefore when Christ said at his last Supper , to his Apostles , and consequently to the rest of his Ministers , their successors , Hoc facite &c. Doe this in remembrance of me , hee bad them to administer that Sacrament in such maner and sort as he did it , but hee did not thereby make them Priests to offer him up in a bodily and propitiatorie sacrifice , as is by Popish Priests most impiously and absurdly suggested and surmised . And yet it is granted , that ancient Fathers do cal this supper of the Lord , a sacrifice : but they so call it a sacrifice , in respect it is a memorial of that bodily sacrifice of Christ performed upon the Crosse , as even Peter Lombard himselfe expressely telleth you . As also , it may be called a sacrifice , in respect of the sacrifice of praise and thankesgiving , and other spiritual sacrifices , which at these times , the godly offer up unto God. For which cause , those ancient Fathers doe also call it , an Eucharist , that is , a Thanksgiving : noting it , even thereby also , to be , not a Propitiatorie , but an Eucharistical sacrifice . A memory of this sacrifice of Christ upon the Crosse , vve have received ( saith Eusebius ) , to celebrate at the Lords Table , by the signes of his body , and of his healthfull bloud , according the divine Lawes of the New Testament . Christ ( saith S. Augustine ) is our Priest for ever , according to the order of Melchisedech , vvho offered himselfe a sacrifice for our sinnes , and hath commended the similitude of that sacrifice to be celebrated in the remembrance of his passion . VVee keepe ( saith Theophilact ) a remembrance of the Lords death . And againe : VVee keepe a memory of that Oblation vvherein he offered himselfe . Our high Priest ( saith Chrysostome ) is he vvhich offered the sacrifice that purgeth us , &c. But this vvhich vvee doe , is done in remembrance of that vvhich was done by him : for doe yee this ( saith Christ ) in remembrance of mee . And againe he saith : VVee celebrate the remembrance of a sacrifice . By all which , and sundrie , other sayings which might be cited ( if need were ) out of ancient Fathers , you may easily perceive , that howsoever they call this Sacrament a sacrifice , they meane it not to be anie Propitiatorie or Bodily sacrifice , but that ( in the proper appellation ) , it is rather to be termed ( as themselves here declare ) a similitude , memorial , or remembrance , of that sacrifice of Christ , which himselfe performed upon the Crosse. 2 And yet the Rhemists , and other Popish Teachers say , that Christ is called a Priest for ever after the order of Melchisedech , specially in this respect of the sacrifice of his bodie and bloud instituted at his last supper , in the formes of bread and wine : in which things , they say , Melchisedech did sacrifice . But first , they cannot prove , that Christ instituted this sacrament of his last supper , to be his verie bodily sacrificing of himselfe : yea it is before apparantly disproved : for his verie bodily sacrifice was done only by himselfe , upon the Crosse , and that but once , and that sacrifice only is propitiatory , and no other . And how is it possible , that that which is a representation , similitude , remembrance , and sacrament of that sacrifice , should be the verie sacrifice it selfe ? But secondly , why doe they or anie other , talke of fo●●es of bread and wine ? for yee know , that they were not the formes , or accidents of bread and wine , but verie substantial bread and wine , which Melchisedech brought forth to Abraham , and his people , for their refreshing after their battell and slaughter of the kings . Yea if they had beene bare formes and accidents of bread and wine , and not verie bread and wine in truth and in substance , they would have given Abraham and his companie , but verie small and slender refreshing . This example therefore of Melchisedech ▪ in giving , not the formes or accidents of bread and wine , without the substance , but verie bread and wine substantially , to Abraham and his souldiers , for their refreshing , doth prove strongly , against them , that in this sacrament of the Lords Supper , not the bare formes or accidents of bread and wine , but the verie substance it selfe of bread and wine , doth remaine . But thirdly , why doe they say , that Melchisedech sacrificed in bread & wine , when there is no such thing in the Text ? Hee offered no sacrifice of bread and wine , but brought forth bread and wine , for the refreshing of Abraham , and his Armie . And so saith Iosephus : Melch●sedech gave liberal entertainment to the Souldiers of Abraham , and suffered them to vvant nothing for the sustenance of their life . This another writer likewise approveth , saying : Melchisedech , king of Salem , offered unto him , bread and vvine : which Iosephus , as it were expounding , saith : he ministred to his Armie the dueties of hospitaliti● , and gave him great plentie of things necessarie : and , besides , he blessed God , vvhich had subdued to Abraham , his enemies : for Hee vvas a Priest of the highest God. Yea , even the Hebrew word also , ( which signifieth not , obtulit , or , sacrificavit , but protulit or eduxit ) declareth the same : for the word is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , hotsi , quod perinde sonat ac si dicas , exire fecit , hoc est , eduxit , seu , protulit : which is asmuch , as that Melchisedech caused bread and wine to come forth , or to be brought out to Abraham and his companie : but it hath no such sense in it , as that he sacrificed bread and wine . Whereupon , the Greekes have also translated it , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , protulit , hee brought forth . But yet further to shew unto you , that Christ , is the only Priest according to the order of Melchisedech , and in what sense he is so , that Epistle to the Hebrewes , thus compareth Christ , and Melchisedech , together : That as Melchisedech was both a King and a Priest , so likewise is Christ ; And as Melchisedech was a King of righteousnesse and of peace , so is Christ : for he brought in everlasting righteousnesse ( as it is said in Dan. 9.24 . ) and is also the true King of peace , as having by his mediation , made peace betweene God and Vs. Yea , as Melchisedech was not only a King , but a Priest also of the most high God : so is Christ , who with the sacrifice of himselfe upon the Crosse , hath redeemed all his people , and blesseth them , and maketh intercession for them . Againe Melchisedech , is said to be without father , without mother , without kinred , having neither beginning of dayes , nor end of life , ( which things be thus affirmed of Melchisedech , because in the Scriptures , neither his father , nor his mother , nor his ancestors , nor his death , are recorded ) : And such a one is Christ , the sonne of God , without a father as he is Man , and without mother as he is God , being Eternal , without beginning of daies , or end of life . And as Melchisedech is said to be and continue a Priest for Ever : so is Christ , who liveth and continueth ever , a Priest , by reason of that his everlasting and unremoveable Priesthood , perpetually resident , and inherent in his owne person . Thus , Melchisedech , ( a Type and figure of Christ ) and Christ himselfe , be resembled and compared together . By all which , you may infallibly perceive , that Christ onely , and none but he , is or can be , a Priest according to the order of Melchisedech , and consequently , that Popish Priests be extremely audacious and impudently impious , that dare and doe challenge to themselves , to be Priests according to that order . 3 Howbeit , there be Priests , neverthelesse , under the New Testament : for , all true Christians whosoever , be Priests , and are expressely so entitled in the holy Scriptures ; not , that anie of them , are to offer up Christ in a bodily sacrifice , but that they are to sacrifice their owne bodies ( as S. Paul declareth , ) by killing and mortifying their owne lusts and concupiscences , and other their vile affections , and consecrating themselves wholly unto God and his service . Christ hath made us ( saith S. Iohn ) Kings and Priests , even to God his Father . S. Peter likewise saith thus : Yee are a chosen generation , a royal Priesthood , an holy Nation , a peculiar people , set at libertie , that ye should shew forth the vertues of him , that hath called you out of Darkenesse , into his marveylous light . And againe , he saith : Ye , as lively stones , be made a spiritual house , an holy Priesthood , to offer up spiritual sacrifices , acceptable to God by Iesus Christ. In which places , you see , that All generally whosoever , that bee the member of Christ , are , and be termed Priests : and withal you see the reason , why they are so entitled ; namely , not because they are to offer anie bodily sacrifice of Christ , but in respect of spiritual sacrifices ( as S. Peter here expressely calleth them ) which they are to offer up unto God. Of which sort is the sacrificing of their owne bodies , before mentioned by S. Paul , and the sacrifices likewise of praises , and thankesgivings , and of praier which ascendeth up like incense unto God , the sacrifice also of righteousnesse , of doing good , and giving almes , and distributing to those that be in necessitie , and such like : for , all these be called sacrifices . And hereby also is verified the Prophecie in Malachy , where God saith thus : From the rising of the Sunne unto the going downe ●f the same , my Name is great among the Gentiles , and in every place , Incense shall be offered to my Name , and a pure offering : for my Name is great among the Gentiles , saith the Lord of Hosts . I say , this Prophecie is verified , not by anie supposed carnal or bodily sacrificing of Christ , in the Popish Masse ( which is a most ungodly and impure thing ) but by those spiritual sacrifices before mentioned , which All Christians everie where are to offer up unto God. Neither ought it to seeme strange to anie , that all the Members of Christ generally , be they men , or women , be thus termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Sacerdotes , that is , Priests : for yee see it is by the Scriptures cleere , and evident , and therefore must be confessed . Wherefore also Tertullian saith : Nonne & Laici , Sacerdotes ? Be not Lay people also Priests ? As for those that beare Ecclesiastical office in the Christian Church , they have no where throughout all the New Testament , this terme , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Sacerdotes , that is , Priests , specially , or properly , given unto them , but they are , there , evermore called by other names : as , Bishops , Pastors , Doctors , Presbyters , Deacons , Ministers , and such like : so carefully doth the whole New Testament , shunne that word , Sacerdotes , that is , Priests , from being attributed to the Ministers of the Gospel , speciallie , or peculiarlie , but useth it as a name general , and common to all Christians . It is true neverthelesse , that in the ancient Fathers they bee sometimes called Sacerdotes , and the Lords ●able also is sutably , in the same ancient Fathers , sometimes called an Altar : Howbeit , these be not proper , but alluding and tropical speeches , signifying that as in the Iewish Church they had an Altar , and Priests to offer sacrifices thereupon ; so in the Christian Church they have a Communion Table , and Christian Ministers , and Christian people , who are there to celebrate the memorie of Christs bodily sacrifice , and to offer up the sacrifice of praier , praise , and thankesgiving , and such other spiritual sacrifices , as belong to Christian Ministers and Christian people , to offer . But none of these things doe prove anie bodilie sacrifice of Christ , to be actuallie and reallie performed in the Sacrament : yea , if , that , in the Sacrament , were his verie bodilie sacrifice , what was , or needed that , which was performed on the Crosse , the next day ? or what name will you give unto it ? Was not that which was performed on the Crosse , the verie true Propitiatorie bodilie sacrifice ? You cannot denie but it was . What other thing then can this Sacrament be , but a Sacrament , that is , a similitude , representation , and remembrance of that propitiatorie bodilie sacrifice of Christ , once done and performed in his owne person , upon the Crosse , for all the Elect ? 4 But you alledge , that Christ having taken the bread , said ; This is my Body : Howbeit you should consider withall , that after that he had taken the Cup , he said likewise ▪ This is my bloud : and yet , for all that , was not the verie Cup , his verie bloud . If then in these words , ye admit ( as yee doe ) a figure or figurative speech ; why should yee not likewise in the other words , ( of , This is my body ) admit a figure or figurative speech ? Yea , if by reason of these words , This is my Body , you will inferre , that the verie substance of the bread is changed into the verie substance of the natural body of Christ ( which change , yee therefore call Transubstantiation ) : then may I by force of these words uttered of the Cup , This is my bloud , inferre likewise , that the verie substance of the Cup is changed into the verie substance of the natural blood of Christ : or , if you will take the words as they be recited by S. Paul , and S. Luke , namely thus : This Cup is the new Testament in my blood : I may aswell conclude , that the verie substance of the Cup is turned and changed into the verie new Testament , or new Covenant , which were verie absurd . Wee grant , that the bread is Christs bodie , and the wine is his blood , in a Sacramental phrase , and sacramentally , but not litterally , and substantially , or , by waie of Transubstantiation , as yee most strangely imagine . So that the Argument appeareth to bee fond and vaine , when men reason thus : Christ said of the consecrated Bread , that it is his bodie : Ergo , it is his Bodie , naturallie , substantiallie , and by way of Transubstantiation : For this is more then ever CHRIST spake : and it may bee ( as indeed it is ) his Bodie otherwise , namely , Sacramentally , Figurativelie , and Significatively . And so also doe the ancient Fathers themselves expresly declare , and expound it : as namely , Tertullian saith thus : Hoc est corpus meum , id est figura corporis mei : This is my bodie , that is ( saith he ) a figure of my bodie . And S. Augustine saith likewise : Non dubitabit Dominus dicere , hoc est corpus meum , cum daret signum corporis sui : The Lord doubted not to say , this is my bodie , when he gave a signe of his bodie . And yet wee grant , that after consecration , there is a change ( as the ancient Fathers also affirme ) but that is as touching the use , and end , and not as touching the substance : For , that which was before common bread , and common wine , is now , after consecration , become sacramental bread , and sacramental wine , signifying , and figuring out unto us , another thing : namely , the bread doth then signifie , and figure out unto us , the bodie of Christ , which was broken and crucified for us : and the wine signifieth & figureth out unto us , the blood of Christ , which was powred out and shed for us . So that , the Bread , and the Wine , which in common and ordinarie use , serve onely for sustenance of the bodie , now , after consecrasion , signifie , and represent unto us , that which is the verie true foode of our soules , and the sustenance of them to eternal life : and doe import unto us , that as verily as wee receive the Bread , and Wine , outwardly , with our bodilie mouth : so verily , and certainely doe wee also receive Christ Iesus , and the benefite of his death and passion , inwardly , by our faith , which is the mouth of the soule . For , as bodily meate , must have a bodily mouth , to receive it : so that which is spiritual meat , and sustenance for the soule , must have a spiritual mouth to receive it by . And this is that eating of Christs flesh , & drinking of his blood , which is spoken of in S. Iohns Gospell , when hee is thus received and applied , not by a carnal , or corporal , but by a spiritual mouth , namely , by faith . For , whereas some , in that sixt Chapter of S. Iohns Gospell , hearing Christ speaking of eating of his flesh , and drinking of his blood , said , it was an hard speech , & grew offended at it : Christ , to remove all that conceited hardnesse , and offence , taken at those his words , answered , and said : that , It is the spirit that quickeneth ; the flesh profiteth nothing : the vvords that I speake unto you , are spirit and life : So that yee must take the words which Christ there spake unto them , concerning the eating of his flesh , and drinking of his blood , not litterally , grosly , and carnally , as the Capernaits did , but in a spiritual sense , and meaning . And so doth S. Augustine , in divers places tell you , that they are to be expounded . For he saith expreslie : that , Credere in eum , est manducare , To beleeve in Iesus Christ , is , in that place of S. Iohn , to eate his flesh . Yea , to shew that the words bee not to be taken litterallie , or carnallie , but figuratively , the same S. Augustine giveth this reason , saying : that otherwise by commanding , to Eate the flesh of a man , and to drinke his blood , he should seeme to command an heinous or wicked thing : Figura est ergo , praecipiens passioni dominica esse communicandum , & suaviter atque utiliter recondendum in memoria , quod pro nobis caro eius crucifixa , & vulnerata sit . It is therefore ( saith he ) a figure , or figurative speech , commanding that we must communicate with the Lords passion , & sweetly , & profitably keep in memory that His flesh vvas crucified and wounded for us . When he saith expreslie , that it is a figure , or figurative speech , what doubt should yee make of it ? But yet further , upon the 98. Psalme , hee bringeth in Christ , speaking thus to his Disciples ; Spiritualiter intelligite quod locutus sum : non , hoc corpus quod videtis , manducaturi estis , & ●ibituri illum sanguinem , quem fus●ri su●t , qui me crucifigent : Sacramentum aliquod vobis commendavi : Spiritualiter intellectum , vivificabit vos . Vnderstand yee spiritually that which I have spoken : yee are not to eate this very bodie which yee see , and to drinke that blood which they shall shed , which shall crucifie mee : It is a Sacrament that I have commended unto you : it being spiritually understood , shall quicken you . What can bee spoken more plainely ? yea , this point , Christ himselfe cleareth yet further in the 51. Verse of that Chapter , saying : The Bread that I will give , is my flesh , which I will give for the life of the world . Where wee must of necessitie understand , not the bread in the Sacrament , but himselfe , and his flesh and Bodie crucified , and sacrificed upon the Crosse , to bee that Bread he there speaketh of . So that to applie Christ crucified by faith , unto a man , as his Saviour and Redeemer ( whether it bee in the Sacrament , or at anie other time , without receiving the sacrament ) is to eate his flesh , and to drinke his blood , as S. Augustine againe expoundeth and declareth it , De Doct. Christ. lib. 3. cap. 21. & de Civit. lib. 21. cap. 21. And this is yet further manifest , by conferring the 54. Verse of that Chapter , with the 40 Verse : For whereas Christ in the 54. Verse , speaketh thus : VVhosoever eateth my flesh , and drinketh my blood , hath eternall life , and I vvill raise him up at the last day : to declare the true meaning of those words , he speaketh after this sort , in the 40. Verse , producing the same thing in effect , and saying thus : Every man which seeth the Sonne , and beleeveth in him , shall have everlasting life , and I will raise him up at the last day . By comparing of which two verses together , it appeareth , that , to eate the flesh of Christ , and to drinke his blood , is in that place , nothing else , but for a man to beleeve in him , and so to apply him as a Redeemer and Saviour , to himselfe in particular , for eternal life . Which thing he againe declareth in the 47. Verse , saying thus : Verily , verily , I say unto you , hee that beleeveth in me , hath everlasting life . But hee yet further explicateth the matter , in the 56. Verse . and sayeth thus : Hee that eateth my flesh , and drinketh my blood , dwelleth in mee , and I in him . Whereby appeareth , that , to eate Christs flesh , and to drinke his blood , is all one with this , to have Christ dwelling in us , and us in him . Now then , how doth Christ dwell in us ? S. Paul answereth , and telleth us directly : that Hee dwelleth in us by faith . It is then still undeniably manifest , that , the eating of Christs flesh , and drinking of his blood , is nothing else , but , as I said before , to beleeve in Christ , or , to have a true & livelie faith in him , wherby we apprehend and applie him as a Redeemer & Saviour unto our selves , in particular , and whereby it is , that hee dwelleth in us , and wee in him , and so are united unto him , not by a carnal , but by a spirituall meane and union . And so S. Paul againe sheweth , that the union or coniunction which wee have with Christ , is not by anie bodilie , but by a spirituall meane , and manner : for , hee that is ioyned unto the Lord , is one spirit , saith he : and therefore also doth S. Paul , call Christ , spirituall meate , and spirituall drinke , and saith , that even those Ancestors of the Ievves , which lived in Moses time , long before the Incarnation of Christ , did all eate the same spirituall meate , and did all drinke the same spirituall drinke , for they dranke of the spirituall Rocke that follovved them , and that Rocke vvas Christ. These Ancestors of the Ievves , that thus did eate Christ , and drinke Christ , so long before his Incarnation , aswell as we , could not possibly eate him in a bodilie manner , or carnall fashion ( for Christ as yet , in their times , had not taken his humanitie , or manhood , nor was incarnate ) it remaineth then , that they did eate him , and drinke him by their faith , and after a spiritual manner : for in a carnal , or bodilie sort , ( as is apparant ) they could not possiblie eate or drinke him . And seeing that they did eate the same spirituall meate , and did drinke the same spiritual drinke that wee doe , it must be granted , that wee likewise doe not otherwise eate Christ , or drinke Christ , but in the same manner , namely , spiritually , and by faith . But againe , if those words of Christ in that sixt Chapter of S. Iohns Gospell , were to bee understood as yee suppose , then it would also follow , that Iudas , that traytor , or anie other Reprobate whosoever , that did receive that sacramental Bread and Wine , should also bee saved , and have eternal life : for in that Chapter , Christ saith expreslie , thus : VVhosoever eateth my flesh , and drinketh my blood , hath eternal life . But whosoever externally eateth the Sacramental bread , and drinketh the Sacramental wine , hath not eternal life ( for as S. Paul sheweth , There bee some that eate of that bread , and drinke of that Cup unworthily , and so eate and drinke Iudgement to themselves ) and therefore the external eating of the sacramental bread , and drinking of the sacramental wine , is not the eating of the flesh of Christ , nor the drinking of his blood , which is spoken of , and intended in that place . Yea , at that time when these words were spoken , the Sacrament of the Lords Supper was not yet instituted , as Lyra also well observeth . These reasons then may suffice to satisfie reasonable men , for answer to that sixt Chapter of S. Iohn , which yee so often urge in vaine , because by this time , I trust , you perceive , how that your supposed bodilie presence of Christ in the Sacrament , by waie of Transubstantiation , cannot thereout possiblie be forced , or concluded . But yet further , to the end it may not seeme strange unto you , that Christ should call the bread his bodie , when it was not in very deed , his bodie naturally and substantially , but a signe , remembrance , and figure of that his bodie : you are to understand , that it is an usuall and ordinarie phrase , and speech in Sacraments , and namelie , aswell in Sacraments of the old Testament , as of the new , to call the signe by the name of the thing signified . As for example ; Circumcision was one of the Sacraments among the Iewes : and the Paschal Lambe was another , under the old Testament . Now , Circumcision , was directly called the Covenant : which neverthelesse , was not the verie Covenant it selfe , but a signe of the Covenant : For , the Covenant it selfe was this : that , In Abrahams seed , all nations should be blessed , and that God would be their God , and they his people . So againe , the Paschall Lambe , was directlie called the Passeover : when as neverthelesse , it was not the verie Passeover it selfe , but a signe and token of the Passeover : For the verie Passeover it selfe , was this : that an Angell passed over the houses of the Israelits , sparing them , and smote the Egyptians , their enemies : and this is also called , eating the Passeover , when as , but the signe of the Passeover onely , namely , the Paschall Lambe was eaten . In steede of Circumcision , Baptisme succeedeth amongst Christians : and in the place of the Passeover , succeedeth the Lords Supper : What marvaile then can it bee , or should it bee , to anie Christian , that Baptisme should bee termed Regeneration : which is not the verie Regeneration it selfe , but a signe and token of regeneration : for the Regeneration it selfe , is the renewing of the man , to the Image of God , wherin hee was at first created , which is a thing , begun to bee wrought in him in this life , not by the verie externall act of Baptisme , performed and administred , but inwardlie , by the operation of the holy Ghost . And likewise , it ought for the same cause , to seem nothing strange to anie , that the Bread , in the Sacrament of the Lords Supper , is called his bodie , when as neverthelesse , it is not his verie natural and substantiall bodie , but a figure , signe , and token of that his bodie . As for the reason which yee draw from the omnipotencie , or almightinesse of Christ , whereby hee is able , as yee saie , to make his verie essentiall , and naturall bodie , out of bread : you must first proove , that it is his will to have it so made , before ye dispute of his power , or omnipotencie . For , no man doubteth , but that he can doe manie things , which neverthelesse hee doth not doe , nor will doe . It is an Axiome in the Art and rule of reasoning , that a Posse ad Esse , non valet argumentum : and therefore that God can doe such a thing , and such a thing , ergo , hee hath done it , is no good argument . But that you may the better conceive , the weakenesse of this your argument , grounded upon Gods omnipotencie in this matter , take another like unto it in this sort : Christ saith of the Cup : This is my blood : And he by his omnipotencie , is aswell able to make the very Cup , his verie essentiall and natural blood , as the bread his bodie : ergo , the verie Cup is his verie essentiall and natural blood . Againe , Christ saith , that hee is a Vine , and that hee is also Bread : and by his omnipotencie , hee is aswell able to make himselfe , a verie Materiall Vine , or , verie materiall Bread , as he is to make bread his natural bodie , ergo , hee is a verie Materiall Vine , or , verie Materiall Bread. These arguments bee like yours , when you say thus : Christ saith , the Bread is his body : and he is by his omnipotencie able to make it his verie essential and natural bodie ; Ergo , it is his verie essential and natural bodie . I hope , by this time , yee see the vanitie and absurditie of this maner of reasoning . But you still urge the words of Christ , and say , that hee saith ; It is his bodie : and wee must not ( say you ) make him a Liar , and therefore it is his verie essential and natural bodie . God forbid , that anie of us should goe about to make Christ a liar , who is all Truth , and the teacher of all Truth , neither doth anie of us go about it : but we say , that Christ is true in those his words , but men speake more then is true , when out of those words of his , they teach and affirme , that the bread is become ( by way of Transubstantiation ) his verie essential and natural bodie : For Christ doth not say so , that it is his verie essential and natural bodie by way of Transubstantiation ( as they inferre ) but his wordes are onelie , that it is his bodie . And it may bee and is his bodie , as I said before , though it be not his bodie by way of Transubstantiation . For if it be ( as it is ) his bodie figuratively , sacramentally , and significatively , I trust his words are found true enough , without anie such Popish grosse supposition . Because Christ saith , the Cup is his bloud ; shall he therefore be supposed , a liar , or , untrue , except the verie material Cup , be beleeved , in verie deed , to be his verie essential and natural bloud by way of Transubstantiation ? or because Christ saith that he is a Vine , shall he by and by be concluded to be false or untrue , unlesse it be beleeved that therefore he is turned and transubstantiated into a verie natural and substantial Vine ? But moreover , if it be Christs natural and substantial bodie in verie deed ( as you say it is ) shew us some way , how we may be induced to beleeve it , or how it may be proved or appeare to be so : you answer , that Christ his body , is there , miraculously . But I replie againe , that if it be there miraculouslie , it must be there visibly , and so appeare to the outward senses : for it is of the propertie of everie miracle , to be visible , and to appeare to be so , to the eie , & to the rest of the outward senses : as when Christ turned water into wine , it did appeare to be no longer water , but wine to the outward senses . So likewise when Moses rod was turned into a serpent , it appeared to the eie & outward senses , to be no longer a Rod , but a Serpent . If therefore the bread be turned ( as yee say ) miraculouslie , into the verie natural bodie of Christ , it must likewise appeare visiblie to the eie , and to the outward senses , so to be : namelie , no appearance of bread must anie longer be there , and on the other side , onlie the verie natural bodie of Iesus Christ must appeare to the eye , and the outward senses of the Receiver : but cleane contrariwise , there is no natural bodie of Christ Iesus , appearing to the eie and outward senses of the receiver , after consecration , but bread onlie : ergo the verie natural bodie of Iesus Christ is not there miraculouslie , as Papists most absurdly affirme . But although they cannot shew Christ his verie natural bodie to be there by way of transubstantiation , yet ( say they ) they doe beleeve it to be so : and they say withall , that it is as well to be beleeved , as the creation of the world , the resurrection of the dead , a virgin to beare a childe ▪ namely Christ Iesus , & such like . But whilst they speake thus , I pray let them tell mee , can their supposed real bodilie presence of Christ in the Sacrament , by way of Transubstantiation , be as well proved by the Scriptures , as the creation of the world , the resurrection of the dead , the bearing of a childe by a virgin , or as the rest of the things which they meane , and are directlie found in the Scriptures ? I am sure it cannot : for all that can be said , for your Transubstation , hath beene examined againe and againe , but no such matter can be proved or appeare . Why then doe they match those things together , which be nothing like ? Yea , why be anie so unwiselie confident , as to say , they beleeve , and verilie beleeve , this real bodilie presence of Christ in the Sacrament , by way of transubstantiation , when they can no way shew it by anie maner of proofe , or probabilitie ? What ? will men beleeve , & unremoveably beleeve , things without wit , sense , reason or religion , & for which they have no maner of colour or warrant at all in Scripture , from God , or his word ▪ If they be such credulous people , they may beleeve , if they will , anie thing whatsoever , be it never so incredible , or absurd : for if their will and fancie , shall be held for a sufficient r●●son , who shall be able to diswade them ? Howbeit , I would desire you to be better advised , and though it be to the utter overthrowing of your fancies and wills , to yeeld to that puissant , and unvanquishable truth , which not onlie reason , but all right faith and religion also , requireth at your hands : for even faith and religion , aswell sense and reason , perswadeth , against that monstrous conceipt of Transubstatiation , and of the natural bodie of Christ to be eaten with the bodilie mouth . For further declaration whereof , doe but consider some absurdities and inconveniences , wherewith it is accompanied . First , you thereby make the Lords Supper to be no Sacrament : for if it be a Sacrament , it must of necessitie have aswel an outward visible signe , of an holie thing , as the holie thing it selfe . The outward visible signe in this point , is the bread , and the holie thing whereof it is a signe , is the verie natural bodie of Christ , which was crucified for us . Now , you s●y , That after consecration , there is no bread at all remaining , but onlie the verie natural bodie of Iesus Christ , and so making no bread at all to be there , you also make no outward visible signe to be there , and consequentlie make it no Sacrament . Secondlie , if there be no bread remaining , but onlie the Accidents of bread , that is , whitenesse , roundnesse , and such like , without a substance , as yee hold ▪ then , beside that it is most absurd by the rules of reason , to hold that anie accidents can be without their substance I pray further tell me , what it is that the communicant receiveth and eateth ? for we thinke everie man should be ashamed to say , that he eateth bare accidents , and not the substance of bread : But for cleere proofe , S. Paul affirmeth it expreslie to be still bread ( after consecration ) and that accordinglie the communicant eateth bread : neither will the bare accidents of bread , without the substance , nourish anie man Thirdlie , how absurd and unseemlie a thing is it , for one man to eate up another ? as if it became Christians to be Caniballs , or Anthropophagi , that is , such as were eaters of men : and yet if this Popish opinion were true , should Christians be eaters even of the bodie of a man , and of the best m●n that ever lived , even of their owne Saviour and Redeemer , Iesus Christ , both God and man , and that in a most grosse and carnal manner , which is a most impious , and most inhumane barbarous conceit . Fourthlie , it is well knowne , that Christ Iesus is true man , and hath all the properties of one , that is a true man , being like unto man in all things ( sinne only excepted ) as the Scripture witnesseth : And therefore as he is a true man , and hath a true humane bodie , like other men ( sinne onelie excepted ) , that his humane bodie cannot possiblie be in two , or manie places at once , no not after his resurrection , as S. Augustine expresly witnesseth , no more then the bodies of other men . For which cause the Angel said of Christ , Non est hic ; surrexit enim : He is not here ; for he is risen ▪ This speech of the Angel , sheweth , ( contrarie to your conceit ) that the humanitie and bodie of Christ , even after his resurrection , is not in diverse places at once , as his Deitie and Godhead is , and that it cannot be in anie more places then one at a time : because when his bodie was in the grave , it was not anie where else ; and when it was risen ou● of the grave then it was not there , but in another place , as the Angel declareth . Yea whilest you make his humanitie to be multi-present , what doe yee else but confound his humanitie , and fall into as manifest an errour , as is the Heresie of the ubiquitares . If anie alledge , that the humanitie of Christ and his Deitie be inseparable , and that therefore wheresoever his Deitie is , there is also his humanitie , and consequently because his Deitie or Godhead is everie where , his humanitie also , or manhood , must be likewise everie where . This is but a sophistical and deceitfull kinde of reasoning , wherewith none should be ensnarled : for , although it be true , that the Deitie and humanitie of Christ , be inseparable in him in respect of his person , in whom they are united , both together making but one Christ ▪ yet are they not so inseparable , but that the one may be , and is , namelie his Deitie or Godhead , where the other is not . For example : the Deitie or Godhead of Christ is indeed everie where , and filleth heaven and earth , as it is said in the Prophet : yea the heaven of heavens , cannot conteine him , as Solomon saith , and consequently that Deitie was also , even in the grave of Christ after he was risen from death : and yet was not his humanitie or manhood there , as the Angel himselfe hath before assured us . So that although wheresoever his humanitie or manhood is , there is also his Deitie or Godhead : yet it followeth not contrariwise , that wheresoever his Deitie or Godhead is , there also is his humanitie or manhood . Again , doth not Christ Iesus himselfe say thus : The poore ye have alwayes with you but me ye shall not have alwayes ? How could these words be true , except wee confesse that he may be , and is absent from us , in his humanitie and manhood ; although he be alwaies present with us in respect of his Deitie , and by his power and spirit ? In which respect he hath also said : that , Hee vvill be vvith his Church to the end of the vvorld . You perceive then , how Christ is present , and how absent , namelie , that he is alwaies present everie where , in his Deitie , but not so in his humanitie or manhood . And for further proofe hereof , doth not Christ Iesus say againe expressely thus : It is expedient for you that I goe away : for if I goe not away , the Comforter will not come unto you ? Againe he saith : I leave the vvorld and goe to the Father . And againe he saith : Now am I no more in the vvorld : but these are in the world , and I come to thee . Holy Father keepe them in thy Name , even them vvhom thou hast given mee . What meaneth all this , but that Christ Iesus after his resurrection , was to ascend into heaven , and so to goe away , to depart , to leave the vvorld , and to be ( as himselfe there speaketh ) no more in the vvorld ? Must not this needs be intended in respect of his manhood and bodily presence ? for most certaine it is , that in respect of his Deitie , power , and spirit , he is with us , to the worlds end , and for ever , as before is said . And therefore also doth S. Peter witnesse , that in respect of that his manhood or humanitie , the Heavens must conteyne him , untill the time that all things be restored , vvhich God hath spoken by the mouth of all his holy Prophets , since the vvorld began . For which cause also , we beleeve ( according to our Creede ) that from thence , hee shall come to iudge both the quicke and the dead . If then ever since his ascention , hee be in respect of his bodily presence and manhood , departed from the world , and in that respect is ( as himselfe affirmeth ) no more in the vvorld , but in heaven , untill the day of the general judgement , as S. Peter also , and our Creede doe teach us : how grosse and absurd , yea what misbeleevers , be Papists , that dare affirme him ( cleane contrarie to his owne testimonie , and the testimonie of S. Peter , and the rest of the Scriptures , and contrarie also to the verie Creed it selfe ) to be still in the world in that his manhood and bodily presence ? It is high time therefore for all , to renounce and forsake this monstrous and detestable errour , if they will be right Christians , and right beleevers . As for that Text where it is said : No man ascendeth up to heaven ; but he that descended from heaven , even the sonne of man , vvhich is in heaven : It is easily answered and resolved : for most true it is , that the Sonne of man , Christ Iesus , was even then in heaven , in his Deitie , at such time , when hee was also upon the earth , in his humanitie : So that in respect of that his Deitie or Godhead , it is , that being upon the earth , he was neverthelesse also in heaven , and not in respect of his manhood or humanitie : for his manhood or humanitie , or ▪ bodily presence , was then on the earth , and could not also be in heaven , at one and the selfe same time , as is before declared . S. Iohn saith : that , Every spirit , vvhich confesseth not , that Iesus Christ , is come in the flesh , is not of God , but this is the spirit of Antichrist . Now , what is it else to denie Iesus Christ to be come in the flesh , but to denie him to be true man , and like unto men , in all things , sinne onely excepted ? Whilest men therefore thus denie Christ to be come in the flesh , that is , to have all the properties of a True man , and to be like unto other men in all things , sinne onely excepted : how can they cleere themselves , but that they must be enforced to yeeld and confesse , that they be , herein , led , not by the spirit of Christ , but by the spirit of Antichrist ? Yea whilest they thus say : that Christ is in his manhood and natural bodie , present upon earth , what doe they else , but denie or impugne , not onely those Articles of the Creed , viz. that Christ is ascended into heaven , and that there hee sitteth at the right hand of God his Father , and that from thence he shall come to iudge the quicke and the dead ? But this Article also , that Iesus Christ vvas borne of the Virgin Mary , and was incarnate and made man , of her substance ? For this doubtlesse , is the right Iesus Christ , in whom wee are to beleeve : but ( by this their doctrine ) they contrariwise beleeve in another Iesus Christ , namely in such a one , as they affirme ( by this their Transubstantiation ) to be made of another substance , namelie , out of the substance of a piece of bread . And how can such a Christ , so made of the substance of a piece of bread , be , the true Christ ? Of which , and of all other sorts of false Christs , the true Christ Iesus himselfe , hath given us sufficiēt forewarning ▪ Fiftly , they herein make their Massing Priest , after their words of consecration uttered , to be the maker of his Maker , namelie , of Iesus Christ : And that Iesus Christ is thus made anew everie day , or so oft ▪ as their Masse is celebrated . How manie thousand Iesus Christs , by this meanes , will they have in the world ? But can anie be so absurdlie impious , as to beleeve or suppose , that Christ Iesus can be made , out of the substance of a piece of bread , by a Priest by vertue of anie words of consecration uttered , or by anie devise whatsoever ? Can anie creature possibly make his Creator ? or the thing made , make his maker ? Fie on these , and all other such senselesse detestable abominations . Diverse other absurdities also of the Papists might here be further alledged , but these before mentioned , will , I hope , suffice , to declare , the most grosse and most notorious false exposition of the Popish Church , concerning those wordes of Christ ( This is my Body ) in the Lords Supper , wherby they strangely suppose a Transubstantiation , and a carnal eating of Christ his ver●e natural bodie ; contrarie to the Scriptures , and contrarie to all sense , reason , right faith , and true Religion . For ye must learne so to expound Scripture , as that yee make all the rest of the Scriptures , to stand and agree with that sense you set upon it , so that there may be no repugnancie . But the sense and exposition which the Popish church setteth upon those words of Christ , ( namely , This is my Body ) , is cleerely repugnant to other Scriptures , and even to the verie Articles also of the Creede , aswell as to all sense and reason ( as is before apparant ) : and therefore it cannot possibly be the right sense , nor true exposition . What remaineth then , but that the right and true sense and meaning of those words , is , and must needs be , the same , which the Protestants set upon them ? because that their exposition is consonant & agreeing to the rest of the Scriptures , and to all the Articles of the Creede , aswell as to all sense and reason : and is also sutable and correspondent to the like usuall & ordinarie phrase and manner of speech , in other and former Sacraments , amongst the Iewes , the old people of God , under the old Testament : according to which maner of speech , Christ also spake , when he instituted this Sacrament of his Supper , under the new Testament ; calling ( according to the usuall Sacramental phrase ) the signe by the name of the thing signified : Which thing , I trust , is now so cleare and evident , as that none can iustly anie longer make anie doubt or question of it . 5 But yet for the fuller discussing hereof , it will not be amisse , here to speake a few words touching Consecration : because upon Consecration it is , that they seeme to build their before mentioned error of Transubstantiation . Let us therfore consider what Consecration is , and what it importeth , or worketh . To Consecrate then , is to take a thing from the prophane , or ordinarie and common use , and to destinate , or appoint it to some holy use , and end . And if wee would know , how things come to bee consecrate , or sanctified , S. Paul saith , that everie Creature of God , is good , and nothing to bee refused , if it bee received with thankesgiving : For it is sanctified ( saith hee ) by the word of God , and prayer . Sanctification then , or Consecration of a thing , doth here appeare to bee , by the institution and word of God , and by praier , or invocation , whereof thankesgiving is a part . And therefore the Lord Iesus , before he brake the bread , and gave it , hee Blessed , that is , he gave thankes to his Father , that hee , out of his love to men , had appointed him to bee the Redeemer , for the satisfying of his Iustice , in the behalfe of his elect , and had given him authoritie to institute this Sacrament , in remembrance of that his death and passion . For whereas in Matth. 26.26 . it is said , that , when Christ had taken bread , hee blessed ▪ S. Marke , S. Luke , and S. Paul ( all three of them ) as it were expounding what that meaneth , in steede of those words ( hee blessed ) doe say , that , Hee gave thankes . Mar. 14 22. Luk. 22.19 ▪ 1. Cor. 11.24 ▪ By the word , blessing , then , mentioned in S. M●thew , is meant , Thankesgiving , as by conferring him with the other three , doth plainely appeare . Yea , this doth also appeare , even by S. Mathew himselfe : For whereas S. Mathew saith . That Iesus tooke the Bread , and when hee had blessed , hee brake it , and gave it &c. hee saith likewise , that hee tooke the Cup , and when hee had given thankes , hee gave it &c. Mat. 26.26.27 . thereby shewing , that to blesse ( in S. Mathew ) and to give thankes , is all one . And this also serveth well , to declare and expound those other words of S. Paul , concerning the Cup , in 1. Cor ▪ 10.16 . where he saith thus : The Cup of blessing , which wee blesse , is it not the Communion of the blood of Christ ? He calleth it , the Cup of blessing , which we blesse ( saith Chrysostome ) because when wee have it in our hands with admiration , and a certaine horrour of that unspeakeable gift , wee praise and blesse Him , for that hee hath shed his blood , that wee should not remaine in errour , and hath not onely shed it , but made us all partakers of it . And so doth also Photius , and OEcumenius expound those words : The Cup of blessing which vvee blesse : that is ( say they ) vvhich having in our hands , vvee blesse Him , vvho hath gratiously given us his blood , that is , vvee give him thankes . Iustin Martyr , toward the end of his 2. Apologie , saith thus : VVee receive vvith the action of thankesgiving , the consecrated mea●e , blessed by prayer . S. Augustine , in his third Booke of the Trinitie , Cap. 4. saith : VVee call that the bodie and blood of Christ Iesus , vvh●ch vvee receive for the health of our soules , it being taken from the fruits of the earth , and consecrated by mystical prayer . And Gregorie the first , Bishop of Rome , in his 7. Booke of Epistles , Epist. 63. saith : that , The Apostles did consecrate by prayer . Yea , Pope Innocentius the third also , in his third Booke of the Mysteries of the Masse , doth himselfe hold , that Christ did not consecrate by these words ( Hoc est corpus meum , This is my bodie ) but that hee had consecrated before those words were uttered . Consecration then in a Sacrament , is of no such nature , operation , or force , as to make anie change or alteration in the substance of a thing , but onely in the qualitie ▪ use , or end . And this you may verie clearely and demonstrativelie perceive , by the vvater , consecrated and applied in Baptisme : for before it be consecrate to that use , it is but common and ordinarie water : But after it is consecrate , it is then become another thing , namely , a sacred signe of the washing and cleansing wee have by Christ : and yet neverthelesse it is still water , as touching the substance of it ▪ as it was before , although in the qualitie and use , it bee altered : So likewise is it of bread and wine , in the other Sacrament of the Lords Supper ▪ before Consecration , it is but ordinarie and common bread , and wine : but after Consecration , they are become holie signes , of the bodie and blood of Christ , and yet are they still bread and wine , as touching the substance of them , as before ; though they bee thus altered in the use , and qualitie . And so saith Ambrose : Sunt quae erant , & in aliud commutantur : They are the same things still ( for matter and substance ) vvhich they vvere before , and yet be changed into another thing ( in respect of the use , and qualitie . ) An example , for better explications sake , and to take away all doubt in this matter , he giveth in a man , before he be consecrate , and sanctified , and after he is sanctified : Tu ipse eras &c. Thou thy selfe vvast ( faith he ) ( before thou vvast sanctified ) but thou vvast an old Creature ▪ But after thou vvast sanctified , or consecrated , thou begannest to be a nevv Creature . So that he is the same man still , as touching matter and substance , after his consecration , or sanctification , that hee was before , albeit in qualitie , hee bee thus altered and changed . And this also witnesseth S. Chrysostome : Panis sanctificatus , dignus est dominici corporis appellatione , etsi natura panis in illo remanserit . The bread , after it is sanctified , or , consecrated , hath this dignity ▪ to bee called , the Lords Bodie , although ( saith he ) the nature of bread still remaine in it . Theodoret , likewise , most plainelie telleth us , that , Signa mystica , post sanctificationem , non recedunt a natura sua , manet enim in priori substantia , & figura , & forma : The mystical sign●s , after sanctification , or consecration , doe not depart from their ovvne nature , for they still remaine in their former substance , figure , and forme , Yea even Gelatius himselfe , a Bishop of Rome , saith also : that after consecration , Non desinit esse substantia panis , & natura vini : There ceaseth not to bee the substance of bread , and the nature of vvine . These so direct , and expresse speeches , and most evident testimonies of the ancient times , concurring with the Scriptures , bee they not sufficient to satisfie all that bee reasonable , and equal christians , that there is no transubstantiation in this Sacrament , or real bodily presence of Christ , to the bodily Mouth of the Receiver ? For , that there is a real bodilie presence of Christ , to bee apprehended by the mouth of the Soule , that is , by the faith of the Receiver , is a thing granted , and so affirmed by S. Augustine , who expreslie saith : that Faith is the mouth , vvherby vvee eat and drinke Christ , and the hand , vvhich vve stretch to heaven , to lay hold upon him sitting there ▪ And so saith S Ambrose also : Fidei tactus est , qu● tangitur Christus : It is by faith that vvee touch Christ. Yea , this is so cleare , as that the verie Church of Rome it selfe , in ancient and former times , beleeved heerein , as wee doe : as is manifest at large , in the second distinction of Consecration , and in the glosse likewise upon the Canon hoc est : where it is said : that the consecrated bread is called the Bodie of Christ , Non propriè , sed impropriè , nec rei veritate , sect significante mysterio : Not properly , but improperly , and not in the truth of the thing , but in a mysterie , signifying it . Thus then , as touching this point , it is more then evident , that Rome is departed from that shee was in former times But hence arose ( moreover ) their adoration of the bread ( at their elevation ) wherein most grosse Idolatrie is committed , inasmuch as it still remaineth Bread , after consecration , as you see . And I wonder they tremble not at this their most horrible Idolatrie , so often as they thinke upon it , or use it : For , even the rudest , and most barbarous Heathens , were never such grosse Idolaters , as to worship a peece of ●read , for God : Yea , even that Heathen man Cicero , could say : Quem tam amentem esse putas , qui id quo vesc●tur , Deum creda esse ? VVhom doe you thinke to be so mad , as to beleeve that which he eateth to be God ? Is it not then high time for all that love their owne salvation , utterly to forsake that monstrous and Idolatrous Church of Rome , which is become thus extreamely degenerate , and deformed ? 6 But the Popish Church hath yet further mangled , and maime● this sacrament of the Lords supper most audaciously , and Sacrilegiously : in that , contrarie to the Institution of Christ , and practise of the Apostolicke & primitive Church , it depriveth the Laie people of receiving anie consecrated wine . As though the Laie people might not receive aswell the consecrate wine , as the consecrate bread . Did not Christ say , Drinke yee all of this ? and doth not S. Paul shew directly , that the Laie people in his time , did aswell drinke of that Cup , as eate of that Bread ? Yea , the late Councell of Constance , doth confesse , that in the Primitive Church , the Laie people did communicate in both kindes , and received aswell the wine as the bread , and yet for all that , doe they there decree against it . Must not this needs b● the spirit of Antichrist , which dareth thus , in their Councells , to contradict , and decree against the Institutions of Christ , and the manifest , and confessed practise of the primitive Church ? For feare of spilling ( some of them say ) the Laie people may not receive the consecrated wine : As though the Priest might not also sometimes spill it , upon some accident , aswell as they : or , as though the like inconvenience of letting fall of the consecrated bread , by some accident , might not aswell bee feared . But how commeth it to passe , that the Popish Councell , and Church , taketh upon them to bee , herein , wiser then Christ , and all his Apostles , and then the Primitive churches ? For Christ ordained and so the Apostolicke , and Primitive churches practised , and observed , that the Laie people should aswell drinke of the consecrated wine , as eate of the consecrated bread , without anie such feare of inconvenience , or inconveniences as the Popish church hath , sithence that time , found out & devised . But they say , that , per concomitantiam , by a concomitancie , forsooth , the blood is included in the bodie of Christ ▪ so that if the lay people receive the bread , which ( say they ) after consecration , is the verie natural bodie of Christ , they do therein withall , receive the blood of Christ , because in the bodie ( say they ) the blood also is included . And thus hath one error begotten another with them , as is indeed , the fashion of all errors to do : for , Vno absurdo dato , sequuntur infinita But if this their doctrine of concomitancie be true , then by the same reason also , it may suffice , the Priest to receive likewise the consecrated bread onely , without the wine . And why then doth the Priest drinke of the consecrated wine ? for , is not the blood of Christ , per concomitantiam , by their concomitancie , aswell included in the bread ( which they say , is the body of Christ ) to him , as to the lay people ? Can anie tolerable , or allowable reason be yeelded by your Priests , or Church , for these things ? May they not then all bee ashamed , thus grosly to abuse , and delude the world ? But now , if that which is confessed to bee the Primitive , and Apostolike Church , administred the Lords supper , to Laie people , in both kinds , namely , aswell in wine , as in bread : How can anie suppose the Popish church , which hath decreed , and observeth the cleane contrarie , to be herein like unto that Primitive and Apostolicke Church ? And if that primitive and Apostolicke Church , were ( as questionlesse it was ) guided by the holie Ghost , the Spirit of Truth : must not your Priests , Teachers , and Church , observing , teaching , and decreeing the contrarie , needs bee supposed ●o be led , not by that , but by another spirit ? And what other spirit then can it be , but the spirit of Error & of opposition to Christ , even the spirit of Antichrist ? Yea ▪ farre degenerate , even in this point also , is the Church of Rome , from that it was in the daies of Pope Gelasius , in whose time it was decreed , that , All they should be excommunicated , that would receive but in one kinde . 7 But yet a further wound also hath the Papacy given to this Sacrament of the Lords Supper , by diverting and turning it from a communion of the faithfull , into a private Masse , or into such an action , as wherein the Priest eates and drinkes alone , without anie Communicants with him : the people onely looking on . Did Christ thus celebrate his Supper alone ? and did the rest that were his Disciples , onely looke on , and not communicate ? Wee know , that Christ willeth them , both to eate , and to drinke , at that Table , and not to bee lookers on onely . And so in the Primitive , and Apostolicke Churches , not the Pastor alone , but the people also together with him , did communicate . And , in verie deede , what is more absurd , then to bid men to a Supper , to looke on onelie , and neither to eate , nor drinke ? S. Chrysostome complaineth of this corruption , beginning to creepe in , in his time : O custome ( saith hee ) O presumption . In vaine is the daily Sacrifice offered , in vaine doe wee stand at the Altar , seeing no bodie communicateth . And a little after , hee saith thus : The Lord saith these things to us all , who stand by heree , unwisely , and rashly : for everie one that partakes not of the Mysteries , is unwise , and rash , in standing by . And hee addeth further , saying : Tell mee , If a man that is bidden to a feast , wash his hands , a●d be placed at the table , and yet eates not , doth hee not wrong him that ●ad him ? vvere it not better that such a one were not present ? So thou art present , thou hast sung the Hymne , and in that thou hast not retyred thy selfe with them that are unworthy , thou hast made profession , that thou art of the number of those that are vvor●hie : Hovv then dost thou stay , and not partake ef the Table ? thou art therefore unvvorthy also to partake of the Prayers . Yea , the rule even of the Church of Rome it selfe , in ancient time said to bee Pope Agapets ( which is Dist. 2. de Consecra Can. peracta ) is delivered in these words : VVhen Consecration is finished , all that vvill not bee put out of the Church dore , must Communicate : for so the Apostles ordained , and so the Church of Rome observeth . Marke well these words , for thereby you see , how farre differing at this day , the deformed and new Church of Rome , is , in this point also , from that it was in former , and ancient time . But againe , can anie be so besotted , as to thinke , that onely by looking on , hee communicateth , or that by the eating and drinking of another ( as namelie of the Priest ) himselfe can bee fed or nourished ? Can the eating or drinking of another preserve your life , if your selfe neither eate nor drinke ? Bee not such grosse impieties , and palpable absurdities , iustlie worthie , for ever to be abhorred and detested . FINIS SECVNDAE PARTIS . THE THIRD PART of the BOOKE . CHAP. I. That the Authoritie of the Church is not above the Authoritie of the Scriptures : That Popish Rome , is the Whore of Babylon ; and therein , of some special spiritual Whoredomes , or Idolatries , of the Romish Church . BVt yet when they further say , that the Authoritie of the Church is above the authoritie of the holy Scriptures : what is this but to exalt men & their authoritie , above the authoritie of God himselfe , and to magnifie the creature above the creator , and to advance the wife in authoritie above her husband , and his will , and commandement ? The Church is the spouse of Christ , and therefore is to be in subiection to him , as to her head and husband , as the wife is to be in subiection to her head and husband ; for so S. Paul declareth . If then the Church be , ( as is evident ) in subiection to Christ , it is cleere , shee can claime no superioritie or authoritie over him , or his will , or word , in the Scriptures conteined : yea , it is the note and marke of an harlot , and dishonest woman , to challenge and usurpe authoritie over her husband . And therefore what doth this position else prove , but that the Romish Church , is , and must needs be , the proud , insolent , false , and dishonest Church , even the vvhore of Babylon , as shee is called in the Revelation of S. Iohn ? For what may not that Church doe , or dare to doe , be it never so wicked , or ungodly , which holdeth her authoritie , to be above the authoritie of the Scriptures ? Is not this a dore , that openeth a way to all licentiousnesse , and wickednesse , and to devise , decree , and doe , in matters concerning Religion , whatsoever pleaseth her selfe ? The right and true Church , is of another , and a better disposition , and is ever content and desirous , to live in subiection , and in obedience to Christ , and to his word , will , and pleasure , and accounteth that , as indeed it is , her greatest honour . And so also Christ Iesus himselfe sheweth , that this is her chaste and godly disposition : for thus he saith ; My sheepe heare my voyce , and I know them , and they follow mee , and I give unto them eternal life , and they shall never perish , neither shall any plucke them out of my hands . Marke that hee saith , that his sheepe heare His voyce , and , follow Him : and therefore they follow not others , nor their owne unbridled humors lusts , or pleasures , but desire and endevour evermore to obey him , and to doe as he hath willed and commanded them . Againe , the Church of Christ , is expressely charged to observe all those things , which Christ Iesus her Lord , head , and husband ▪ h●th commanded ; and therefore is to keepe her selfe , within those her limits and bounds , and not licentiously to wander , or to goe beyond them . Wherefore S. Paul also saith thus : that , the Lord Iesus , shall shew hims●lfe from heaven , vvith his mightie Angels , in flaming fire , rendring vengeance unto them that know not God , and vvhich obey not the Gospel of our Lord Iesus Christ : vvhich shall be punished with everlasting perdition , from the presence of the Lord , and from the glory of his power , vvhen hee shall come to be glorified in his Saints , and to be made marvailous in all them that beleeve . Doe you not here likewise see , how great subiection and obedience unto the Gospel of Iesus Christ , and to his word , and will , is required of all men ? Yea , what great peril , and punishment , they are to undergoe , which will not subiect themselves unto it : namely , that such shall be punished with everlasting perdition ? Take heed therefore , and with as much good hast as ye can , declare your subiection and obedience to the Gospel , and word of God , in the sacred Scriptures conteyned , without anie further neglect of it , or opposition to it . As for the reason that some make , that because the Church telleth us , that This is the Scripture ; therefore the Authoritie of the Church is above the Scripture : it is but a verie weake and an idle reason ; and no better then if it should be said , that you had not knowne that this were the King , but that such a man told you , and shewed him to you : Ergo this man is above the King. Were not this a verie ridiculous and a most absurd inference ? The Church is , by her Ministerie , bound , and according to her duetie , ought , to tell , testifie , and declare the word of God , and what Scriptures be canonical , and what not , & to teach the truth in those Scriptures conteyned : but this office sheweth rather service and subiection in the Church , then anie Soveraigntie or Superioritie , in her , above the Scriptures . Schollers in a Schoole , can tell a stranger , who is the Master of the Schoole : yet is not their authoritie therefore , above the authoritie of their Maister . Whilest then the Popish Church holdeth , that her authoritie , is above the authoritie of the Scriptures , it is manifest , she is not guided ( as shee vanteth ) by the holy Ghost , but , contrariwise , with a spirit of pride , and licentiousnesse , and of opposition against God , and his authoritie , word and will in those his Scriptures declared . And what then can such a spirit be , but the spirit , in verie deed , of Antichrist ? and consequently , what can such a Church be , but the erring and Antichristian Church ? 2 For further proofe whereof , give mee leave now , to shew unto you , that The Popish Citie of Rome ( from whence , as from their mother Church , all Papists receive their bane ) is that very vvoman , even that VVhore of Babylon ( as I said before ) , which is mentioned in the Revelation of S. Iohn : with vvhom the Kings of the earth have committed fornication , and vvith the wine of vvhose fornication , the Inhabitants of the earth , have beene made drunken . Which Woman , is there further said to be arayed in purple , and scarlet , and gilded vvith gold , and pretious stones , and to have also , outwardly , a Cup of gold in her hand ( full neverthelesse , within , of abominations and filthinesse , of her fornications ) , and all this , to entise and allure Lovers and friends unto her . Now , if wee would know certainely , and assuredly , who this woman was , which S. Iohn thus saw in vision , the Angel telleth us precisely , saying : The vvoman vvhich thou sawest , is the great Citie , that raigneth over the Kings of the earth : But the great Citie , that then raigned over the Kings of the earth , in the daies of S. Iohn , and had the Empire , was not Constantinople , nor anie other citie , but only the citie of Rome , as all men know ; and therefore only the citie of Rome , and not anie other citie , is , and must needs be there meant , under the name of the woman , there otherwise called the VVhore of Babylon . But , for more explication who this woman was , it is there further said : that , there were seven hills or Mountaines , vvhereon the vvoman sate : Now it is cleere , that there was , then , no citie in the world , noted & knowne , by these seven hills or mountaines , but Rome onely ; and therefore doth Virgil say of it : Pulcherrima Roma , Septem quae una sibi muro circumdedit arces , That Rome onely , hath seven hills vvithin her vvall . For which cause also , it is commonly termed Septicollis , that is , the seven hild City . And Propertius also saith of it , that it is : Septem urbs alta Iugis , toti quae praesidet orbi ; A City high vvith seven Hills , that ruleth over all the world . The names also of the seven hills , are to this day knowne , namely , Palatinus , Caelius , Capitolinus ( otherwise called , Ianiculus ) , Aventinus , Quirinalis , Viminalis , and Esquilinus . Seeing then there was , in that time of S. Iohn , no citie in the world , that was noted and knowne by the seven Hills , and which also in those daies , raigned over the Kings of the earth , and had the Empire , but Rome onely : even by these two markes and demonstrations conioyned , it is infalliby manifest , that not anie other citie in the world , but Rome onely , is , and must needs be the Woman and vvhore of Babylon , there described . And this is so cleere and evident , that the Papists themselves confesse it to be Rome . But then for an evasion , Bellarmine , & some other Papists , say , that , thereby onely Heathenish Rome , and such as it was in the time of Infidelitie ▪ and before it embraced the Gospel and Religion of Christ , is signified and intended : but how untrue and vaine an evasion this is , let all men iudge , that have anie iudgement or indifferencie in them . For first , why is that woman , that is , the citie of Rome , there called an Whore , but to shew , that shee was once an honest , chaste , and obedient spouse of Christ , and that she afterward revolted and became an Whore , and so fell from that obedience , saith , and true Religion , which shee had formerly professed , and embraced ? For is anie called an Whore , but shee that was once an honest woman ? And doth not that word , Whore , import , that shee was now at this time , when shee thus became an Whore , departed from that her former faith , and fidelitie ? And indeed , most true it is , that the citie of Rome , did once embrace the faith and religion of Christ , and was an honest , dutifull , and true spouse , unto him , as S. Paul himselfe , and other Ecclesiastical Histories doe witnesse : But , afterward , in processe of time , Ambition , Pride , Covetousnesse , and Licentiousnesse , growing in the Church , and Church●men ▪ ( and an Apostasie , or departure , from the right faith and religion , being also foretold to come into the world , for the neglect and contempt of the Gospel ) it came to passe , that the once faithfull and Christian citie of Rome , departed from that her former true faith and obedience , and became an Harlot , or Whore : so that now , and long sithence , it may be said of Rome , as God himselfe sometime spake of Hierusalem , saying ; How is the faithfull City , become an Harlot ? It being therefore manifest , and a thing confessed , even by the Papists themselves , that by this Woman , the citie of Rome is intended : thereupon must needs be further granted , that , inasmuch as the Woman afterward became an Whore , that is , that , Rome , afterward became an Adulteresse , against Christ , her head , and husband ; not the Heathen and Infidell citie of Rome , but Rome , after it had once received the Christian faith and religion , and afterward fell from it , to follow her owne false doctrine and religion , is to be understood . For how could the citie of Rome whilest it was Heathenish , and before it ever embraced Christianitie , be properly or rightly termed , an Harlot , or Whore , that is , a violater or breaker of anie faith , formerly plighted by her unto Christ Iesus , when as yet ( whilest shee was Heathen ) shee had plighted no such faith unto him ? The citie of Rome therefore , which S. Iohn thus saw , beforehand in vision , to be such a one as should afterwards become an Whore , and a great VVhore , even the vvhore of Babylon , ( as shee is entitled ) must needs be intended of Papal , or , Popish Rome : for with the Heathen Rome ( that had never betrothed her selfe to Christ , and consequently could , for that time , be no Whore or violater of her faith unto him ) it hath no fit or apt coherence and agreement . Secondly , as touching the Heathenish estate of Rome , in that respect , and for that purpose , S. Iohn needed not anie Revelation at all : for he knew it otherwise , sufficiently , ( even by his owne banishment into Pathmos , and other daily experiments ) that Rome , was then Heathenish , and governed by Heathen Emperors , and was , by that meanes , a great persecutor of the Saints and Martyrs of Iesus : but that the same citie , should be afterward governed by Popes , and so fall into the spiritual whoredome of Poperie , that hee could not foresee , or foreknow , or foretell , without a Revelation , and therefore hath he a Revelation given him of that matter . And hereat the Text also saith ; that He vvondred , and that , with great marvaile . This great vvondering of S. Iohn , also , Thirdly , declareth what maner of Rome , this was : for , even thereby likewise appeareth , that not the Heathen citie of Rome , ( at whose persecutions , they being so frequent and common in those dayes , he had no cause at all to wonder ) but the once true Christian citie of Rome , which afterward revolted from that her true Christianitie , to her Antichristian and persecuting courses , ( whereat there was , indeed , iust cause to wonder ) is the thing there meant and intended . Fourthly , Rome governed by the Emperors , is , in that Chapter , distinguished from Rome as it was afterward governed by the Popes : yea , Rome , as it was governed by the seven heads , or principal Rulers of it ( from the beginning of it , to the end ) is there decyphered . For this vvhore , or , vvhorish vvoman , is not onely there said , to sit upon a scarlet coloured beast ( with which kinde of colour , the Romish Popes , aswell as the Romane Emperors , were and are delighted , as appeareth in the Decret . dist . 96. ) but it is there further said : that this beast , that is , this State , or , Dominion ( for so by the Beast , is understood , a State or Dominion , as afterward is shewed ) which thus bare up and supported this woman , ( the citie of Rome ) had seven Heads , & ten Hornes : The seven Heads , be , in the Text it selfe , expounded to be , seven Hills or mountaines , which are before named and mentioned : And they be also there further said , to be seven Kings , that is , seven sorts of principal or soveraigne Rulers , whereby Rome hath beene governed ; namely , by Kings , Consuls , Decemvirs , Dictators , Tribunes Militarie with consular Authoritie , Emperors , Popes . Five of these , were fallen ( saith the Text ) in the dayes of S. Iohn ; namely , Kings , Consuls , Decemvirs , Dictators , Tribunes : and one is ( saith hee ) that is , the governement by Emperors : For then , in S. Iohns time , was Rome governed by Emperors : and one is yet to come , ( saith the Text ) that is , the governement by Popes . For as yet , the governement of the citie of Rome by Popes , was not come to passe in the dayes of S. Iohn , but came in , afterward . And for the better comfort of Gods people , that should be molested , disquieted , and persecuted , by this seventh head , that is , by the governement of Rome by Popes ▪ it is said , that he shall continue but a short space : For although the government of Rome by Popes , be and hath continued divers hundreth yeares , which may seeme to flesh and bloud , and to a carnal and worldly understanding , to be verie long , yet in Gods reckoning and esteeme , it is but short , and of little continuance ; inasmuch as , a thousand yeares , with God , are but as one day , as S. Peter , and the Psalmist , doe both witnesse : as also they are said to be but short , in respect of Eternity , which Gods children doe chiefly respect , and in comparison whereof they set light by , and little esteeme all worldly things . As for the tenne Hornes , they bee also expressely expounded in the Text it selfe to be tenne Kings , which having formerly given the helpe and power of their Kingdome unto the Beast , and in defence of the VVhore , should afterward dislike , abhorre and hate her , make her desolate and naked , and burne her with fire . Who these tenne Kings be in particular , the Event will best declare , when this Prophesie , in this point , shall be actually accomplished . In the meane time , observe , that this verie Beast vvith seven heads , and ten hornes , which S. Iohn saw in vision , is now , at this time , in this chapter of Rev. 17. considerable as hee was the eight head , and one of the seaven : for so it is directly manifest by the verie wordes of the Text it selfe , saying thus to S. Iohn : The Beast that thou hast seene , vvas , and is not &c. And the Beast that vvas , and is not , is the Eight , and is one of the Seaven . You see then , that this Beast , with seaven heades , and ten hornes , was now at this time , much wasted in the number of his heads , they all being spent gone , and abolished , except onelie , this One , vvhich is the E●ght , and one of the seaven : for the VVhole Beast is here reckoned , and expreslie affirmed to bee at this time onelie , hee which was this Eight Head. Let us then consider , who is the eight Head of the Beast , that is , of the Romane State , or State of the Citie of Rome . The Text it selfe telleth us , that it is one of the seaven . And indeede it is one of the seaven , and the verie seaventh . For. Popes , who be the seaventh Head , ( wherby that Citie of Rome , now is , and of long time hath beene governed ) is also the eight : because the Pope comprehend●●● in himselfe , a double Princehood , or Soveraignetie : For he , 〈◊〉 ( as Bellarmine , and other Papists affirme of him ) Summus Princeps spiritualis , and , Summus Princeps temporalis ▪ a Soveraigne Spiritual Prinee , and , a Soveraigne Temporal Prince . And the one , namelie , his temporal principalitie or Soveraignetie , some of them say , hee hath directlie from Christ : and othersome of them ( as namelie Bellarmine , and those that take part with him ) doe hold , that he hath it not directly , but indirectly , and in ordine ad spiritualia , as they speake : that is , so far forth , as it is for the good of Soules , and for the advancement of a Catholicke cause . But whether directly , or indirectly , it is agreed by them all , that he hath it . And consequentlie , Popes , in respect of this their double Soveraignetie , appeare to bee both the seaventh and eight head of the Beast . By the power of which two Swords , which hee hath gotten , in the highest , and supreamest degree , it is that hee is the better able , and verie sufficientlie furnished , to bee ( as hee is also called ) the Bea●t , that beareth up , or supporteth that VVhore of Babylon . Yea , all those sixe heades of Rome ( namelie , Kings , Consuls , Decemvirs , Tribunes , Dictators , and ●mperors ) being gone and past ( for the Emperors also have ceased long since , to have anie headship , or Soveraigne rule there ) what remaineth , but that the Popes ( who have succeeded the Emperors , at Rome , and bee the present Head of it , bearing the Soveraignetie there ) bee , and must needs bee , the seaventh , and therewithal the eight and last Head of the Beast ? All this while then , I trust yee perceive , that seeing Rome is here discribed , onely as it was under the governement of him that is the eight Head , therefore it cannot possiblie be intended of Heathen Rome : for Rome , whilst it was heathen , was under the governement of the heathen Emperors , and far remote from the times of the government of it , by this eight Head. Yea , seeing Rome is here discovered , and described as it was under the Popes , who be the seventh , and the eight , and so the last head of that Citie : It must needs be granted , that not Heathen , but Papal Rome , is there clearelie , and undoubtedlie intended . And it is there further said to bee the Beast , that vvas , and is not , and yet Is : because , whilst the Emperors were Heads of Rome , the Imperial , and supreame Authoritie , vvas , in the Emperors : but afterward , the Emperors ceased to be heads of Rome , or to have anie Soveraignetie or Supreamacie there , and then it vvas not in them . But , in conclusion , the Popes became the Head of Rome , exercising there the Soveraignetie ; & then it vvas in them , and so continueth , and yet is : So that in respect of the divers changes , and mutations that it had , it is said to be the Beast that vvas , and Is not , and yet Is. Fiftlie , remember , that it is confessed by the Adversaries themselves , that by Babylon , mentioned in the Revelation , the Citie of Rome is understood : Whereupon must further bee granted , that it is that Babylon , that is , that Rome , in whose forehead was a name written , A Mystery &c. which mysterie , S. Paul calleth , A Mysterie of Iniquity : And it is so called , because it should hardly bee discerned to be Iniquitie , inasmuch , as it should outwardly carrie such a goodlie face , pretence , and shew of pietie , sanctitie , and christianitie with it . But the Heathen Citie of Rome , had not this mystical , hidden , and covert Iniquitie in it , but professed open enmitie , and direct hostilitie against Christ , and christianity : and therefore also , not the Heathen and Infidell Rome , but the Papal or , Popish Rome , is , and must needs bee there intended . Sixtly , the Babylon , that is , the Rome , there spoken of , is said , to have Merchants that sould their wares , and amongst the rest of their merchandizes , and wares , there is expresse mention made , not onely of temporal commodities , & of the Bodies of men , but of spiritual also , namelie , even of the Soules of men : that they also are there to be boght & sold. For there it a plain & evident distinction , in the text it selfe , betweeen the Bodies & Soules of men , and therfore they must not be confounded , or supposed all one . Now then , I pray tell mee , did ever heathen Rome use this trade , of merchandizing mens Soules ? or , in what other Rome , then the Popish , have the soules of men bin bought & sold ? For , be not their Priests , Iesuits , Friers , and such other of that counterfeit holie order , the men that are imployed , as Merchants & Factors , in such wicked merchandizes ? Yea , doth not everie 〈◊〉 among them , take upon him to forgive sinnes , verie boldli● ? I know , that the Ministers of Christ , have power and authorite given them , to remit , and forgive sinnes : But these Priests of theirs , bee not the Ministers of Christ ( whatsoever they pretend ) but the Ministers of Antichrist : and therefore they have no such authoritie from Christ , to forgive sinnes , but doe onely cousen and abuse mens soules therein . For the Pope , from whom they derive their authoritie , and ordination to that their Priesthood , is the verie grand Antichrist , as doth alreadie , but yet more fullie afterward , in good measure , shal appeare . And yet , even the authority also which Christs Ministers themselves have received herein , is to forgive sins , not absolutelie , & as pleaseth themselves , but ministerially only , and declaratively , & that to such persons , as by warrant from Gods word be allowed to receive it : that is to say , they are to declare & pronounce remission of sins , to all and everie such person , or persons , as unfainedlie beleeve in Iesus Christ , as in their whole and onely Saviour and Redeemer , renouncing utterlie , all confidence in their owne merits , and righteousnesse , and together with a true and livelie faith , have an earnest sorrow and repentance for their sinnes formerlie past , and a purpose and endeavour of amendment for the time to come . And so S. Hierome ( upon Matth. 16. ) expoundeth it , and saith : that the Ministers of Christ have received power to binde , and to loose , that is , ( saith he ) to shew or declare , who they bee that bee bound , or loosed , in the sentence of God , and before his Tribunal , and Iudgement seat ▪ And so doe the Schoolemen also interpret it : and in all reason it must be so . For if anie Minister shall declare or pronounce remission of sinnes , to an ungodlie , and impenitent , or unbeleeving person , or to anie whosoever , whom Gods word doth not warrant remission of sinnes unto , everie man will grant , that such a one hath not remission of sinnes at Gods hand , notwithstanding the Ministers such pronouncing of remission of them . So that , if they will have that to bee bound in heaven , which they doe binde on earth , and that to bee loosed in heaven , which they doe loose on earth , they must bee carefull to pronounce , both remission , and reteyning of sinnes , to such persons onely , as they bee due unto , by the warrant of Gods word , For if they shall binde the godlie , penitent , and beleeving Soule , whom God looseth , and absolveth : or if they shall loose or absolve , the wicked , ungodlie , impenitent , and unbeleeving person , whom God , by the tenor of his word , bindeth , and forgiveth not : such binding and loosing , is not warranted , nor ratified in heaven . Howbeit , most unreasonable , and unsatiable hath beene the covetous merchandizing , of mens soules , in the Popish Rome , not onelie this waie , and by buying and selling of Pardons , & Indulgences ; but by buying and selling also of Popedomes , Bishoprickes , Cardinalships , Abbathies , Benefices , and such like . Yea , from whence else arose the Proverbe , so long used in Poperie , viz. No penie , no Pater noster , but from the intolerable greedie covetousnesse of the Popish Priests , and Clergie , who would doe nothing without money , and for money seemed to doe anie thing ? So that these Romish Merchants bee those , that through covetousnesse , with fained words , doe merchandize men , as S , Peter foretold they should ; and as Claudius Espencaelus himselfe declareth . But moreover , whilst those their filthy Stewes , be by publicke authoritie allowed or tolerated amongst them , for rent , or money : do they not sell and merchandize , both bodies and soules of men and women ? Be not also Masses , Trentals , Dirges , Requiems , Orizons , and Praiers , deliverance from supposed Purgatorie paines , the supposed merits of the Saints and Martyrs , the merits of Christ , dispensations against Gods word , yea , and the Ioyes of heaven , and all to be bought and sold in the Popish Church ? S. Bernard ( treating of the Psalme , which beginneth , VVhoso dwelleth ) speaketh on this manner , of that Church : The dignities and promotions of the Church , are sought after , for filthie lucres sake , and to keepe revell-rout withall : and for these roumes , and their revenues , they labour and contend in verie shamelesse manner . And againe , in his Sermon of the Conversion of Paul , treating of the governement of the Church , under the Pope of Rome , hee uttereth the like matter . And upon the Canticles , Sermon 33. speaking further of the Romish Prelates , and Clergie , he saith thus of them : They beare out themselves ( saith hee ) i● an honourable port , with the goods of the Church : vvhereunto notwithstanding , themselves bring no credit , or worship at all . Hence commeth that whorish tricking , that Stage-like attire ▪ that Prince-like pompe , vvhich dayly vvee see in them . Hence proceeds the gold they use , in their Bridles , Saddles , and Spurres , insomuch as their Spurres are more glittering , then their Altars . Hence came their stately Tables , their varietie of Dishes , and qu●ffing Cups . Hence issued their Iunk●tting Bankets , their Drunkennesse , and Surfeits . Hence followed their Viols , Harps , and Shawmes . Hence flovved their Cellars , and Pantries , so stuffed vvith vvines , and Viands of all sorts . Hence gat they their Lee pots , and painting Boxes : And hence had they their Purses , so vvell lined vvith coyne . Oh , such men they vvill needs bee , and yet they are our great Masters in Israel , as Deanes , Archdeacons , Bishops , and Archbishops : These vvorkes of theirs , are little inferior to that filthinesse , vvhich they commit in Darkenesse . And in his 4. Booke , De Consideratione , unto Eugenius , Bishop of Rome , after that hee hath described and detested the pompe of Romish Bishops , hee shutteth up the matter , in these words , saying thus unto him : Herein thou shevvest thy selfe to have succeeded , not Peter , but Constantine the Emperor . Peter is hee , vvho never knevv , vvhat belonged to such solemne shewing of himselfe abroad in braveries of precious stones , or silkes , or gold , or riding upon a vvhite Palfrey , or being guarded vvith a troupe of attendants , &c. Agreeably also whereunto speaketh S. Hillary ( contra Auxentium ) of the state of Antichrist , saying thus : These fellowes , doe ambitiously affect the continuance and maiestical port of the secular power : and so thinke to uphold the flourishing estate of the Church , by a shew of vvorldly Pompe . Againe , he saith : They make great account of this , to be greatly accounted of in the vvorld . And therefore doth S. Bernard , againe , in his Epistle 230 , further make this accusation , and exclamation , against those Bishops of Rome , saying thus unto them : At first , indeed , yee began to play the Lords over the Clergie , contrary to the counsell of Peter : And vvithin a vvhile after , contrary to the advise of Paul ( Peters fellow-Apostle ) ye would have dominion over the faith of all men . But yee stay not there , yee have taken upon you more , namely , to have a peremptory power in religion it selfe . VVhat more remaineth , wherein ye migh further encroach , except yee will go about to bring the very Angels also , under your subiection &c. Now , how should all this pomp , & pride , in the Pope and Popish Clergie ▪ & so much licentiousnes withall permitted to the people of their Church , be maintained and upheld , without this covetous and greedie kinde of merchandizing ? Who then doth not see , that this Rome mentioned in the Revelation , to be such a one , as did merchandize the soules of Men , must needs be intended of Popish Rome , and not of Heathen Rome ? For all men know , that the Heathen Rome , never used this kinde of Trade , namely , of merchandizing mens soules . Seventhly , the Rome there mentioned , is shewed to be such a one as caused or made the Kings and inhabitants of the earth , to drinke of the vvine of her fornication , that is , of the pleasant seeming , but indeed filthie and poysoned Religion , and so to take upon them the Marke of the Beast : But the Heathenish Rome , where she conquered , and prevailed , and brought people in subiection under her , urged not nor enforced her religion , upon those nations or people , which shee subdued , but gave leave unto them still to retaine and hold that religion of their owne , which formerly they had ; as even Leo Bishop of Rome , himselfe declareth , and as is apparant by the countrey of the Iewes , and by other countries also , which shee brought into subiection . Whereupon followeth , that not the Heathenish Rome , which allowed the religion of other countries beside her owne , but the Papal Rome , which alloweth no other religion but her owne , is , & must needs be there intended . Eightly , the Babylon , that is , the Rome , there mentioned , is such a Rome that shall be so desolated and destroyed , as that it shall never be builded againe , or inhabited anie more , as is verie fully evident by the 18. chapter of the Revelation : And this is so cleere , that Suarez himselfe confesseth and teacheth it . But the Heathenish Rome , governed by Heathen Emperors , was never yet so destroyed : yea , after that the citie of Rome was destroied by the Gothes , and Vandals , and others , yet it was rebuilded againe and reinhabited , and as yet it continueth , a citie builded and inhabited , to this day . The Rome therefore , that is here described and shewed to be such a Rome , as shall be so desolated and destroied , as that it shall never be inhabited anie more by men , cannot possibly be imagined to be Heathen Rome , but contrariwise , must needs be supposed that which is now the Papal or Popish Rome : for there is no Heathen Rome remaining so to bee destroyed . I hope therefore by this time , ye fully perceive , that it is not the Heathen Rome ( as Bellarmine and some other of your Teachers , would blindfold the world ) but the Papal , or Popish Rome , which in that place of the Revelation of S. Iohn ▪ is intended and described . Yea further , if yee would have Heathen Rome to be there described , then must ye make Antichrist to bee , come , in the daies and times of the Heathen Emperors : which is contrarie to your owne positions , and opinions , who say and hold ( though most untruly ) that hee is not yet come . Lastly , remember , that these things which be mentioned concerning the Whore of Babylon , be brought in , and mentioned , after that the seventh Angel had blowne his Trumpet : and therefore also , were long after the time of the Heathen Emperors . An Appendix to the former Chapter . NOw because Popish Rome is so directly affirmed to be an VVhore , and a great VVhore , and the mother of whoredomes , and abominations of the earth : not to speake anie more of her grosse bodily whoredomes & filthinesses , wherein she doth excell : give me leave here to speake a few words of some of her spiritual whoredomes and adulteries , that is to say , of some of her Idolatries , that so the truth of this matter may the better appeare . First then as touching her most detestable Idolatry , committed in adoring and worshipping of a peece of bread , I meane their consecrated bread , in stead of the true God , that made heaven and earth , I have before spoken , and I doe here only put you in remembrance of it againe , that yee may for ever hereafter tremble , and feare to commit it . For whereas ye say , that yee take it not for bread anie longer after consecration , but for Iesus Christ his verie natural bodie , by way of Transubstantiation , consider that , that will not be sufficient to cleere you : yea , it is before shewed unto you , that in so taking it , yee doe utterly and most grossely mistake , contrarie not onely to all sense and reason , but contrarie to all right faith and true religion also ▪ And therefore your sinne of a most abominable Idolatry , cannot be so execused , but is rather so much the more aggravated by such an untrue and a most ungodly construction and supposition . Ea demum est miserabilis animae servitus , signa pro rebus accipere : That is ( saith S. Augustine ) a miserable servitude of the soule , to take the signes , for the things signified by them . 2 A second Idolatrous point in the Popish Church , is the making of Images or visible formes of God. For what ? Is not God a spirit ? How then can anie fashion him by anie bodily shape , or visible likenesse ? Is hee not also an eternal and invisible Spirit ? What man then can make an Image and visible similitude of him that is eternal , and whom he never saw ? Againe , is not God incomprehensible , and infinite ? Doe not I fill heaven and earth , saith the Lord ? And doth not King Solomon say : That the heaven of heavens , are not able to conteyne him ? And yet will silly men , in the vanitie of their foolish thoughts , presume to comprehend so almightie and incomprehensible a Maiestie , within the narrow compasse of an Image made by themselves ? S. Paul sheweth it to be the error of the Heathen , to take upon them , to make Images of God , and calleth them fooles for their labour : VVhen they professed themselves to be wise , they became fooles ( saith hee ) : for they turned the glory of the incorruptible God , to the similitude of an Image of a corruptible man , and of birds , and of foure footed beasts , and of creeping things . If the Heathens were counted and called , Fooles , ( as yee see they were ) for taking upon them to make Images or visible similitudes of the invisible and incorruptible God , and iustly did deserve to be so called and reputed for that high indignitie , and dishonour , offered to so great and incomparable a Maiestie : what ought Papists to thinke of themselves , in this case ? Notwithstanding they say , they doe it , for a remembrance , and to put them in minde of God , and notwithstanding whatsoever devotion , or good intent or meaning they pretend . For no doubt , even those Heathens likewise pretended a devotion , and a good intent , and meaning in this matter , aswell as Papists : otherwise they would never have done it . But yet further , even God himselfe doth expressely dislike , that anie should be so bold as to attempt to make anie Image or visible shape of him at all ; reproving the Iewes , for so doing , & saying for that end and purpose , thus : VVho is like unto mee ? And againe hee saith : To vvhom vvill yee make me like , or make me equal , or compare mee that I should be like him ? All they that make an Image ( saith he ) are vanitie , and their delectable things shall nothing profit . And againe he saith : All that are of the fellowship thereof , shall be confounded : for the vvorkemen themselves are men . In vaine therefore , is that distinction , yee have , betweene an Idoll and an Image , saying : That , an Idoll , is , of a false or fained thing , or which revera is not , or hath no being at all : and that , an Image , is of a true thing , or of such a thing as revera is . For , you see by the premisses , that even the portraiture or fashioning of a true thing , as namelie , even of the true God , by anie similitude or likenesse whatsoever made by men , is utterly cōdemned . Yea , S. Stephen also confuteth that distinction : for , even the golden Calfe , which the Israelites made , althogh they made it to worship the true God by , is by him expresly called , an Idoll , Act. 7.41 . Againe , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 graecè formam sonat : ab eo , per diminutionem , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , deductum , aeque apud nos , formulam facit . Igitur , omnis forma , vel formula , Idolum , se dici exposcit . Idos in Greeke ( saith Tertullian ) signifieth a forme , or figure : from whence the diminutive ▪ Idolon , is derived : vvhich signifieth , a little forme or figure . Every forme therefore , or figure , requireth to be called an Idoll . Howsoever then , in French , or English speech , the words , Idol and Image , may , by reason of use and custome , sometime differ : yet in the Greek tongue from whence the word , Idoll , is originally derived , there appeareth to bee no such d●fference . But hereof there needeth not to be anie further dispute , because God himselfe hath directly forbidden , not only Idols , but all Similitudes also , or , Likenesses , whatsoever , made and erected by men , in the way of Religion . Thou shalt make thee , ( saith he ) no graven Image , nor any similitude of things that are in heaven above , nor that are in the earth beneath , nor that are in the vvaters underneath the Earth . Thou shalt not bow downe thy selfe to them , nor serve them . In which words , you see two things directly enioined : the one , that no man presume to make anie Images or similitudes , of God : the other , that if he have made anie such Image or similitude , that he proceed not further in sinning , by bowing downe to them , or serving them . Agreeably whereunto , is likewise that which Moses spake , as it were expounding that Commandement unto the Israelites , and saying thus unto them : The Lord spake unto you out of the middest of the fire , and yee heard the voyce of the vvords , but saw no similitude , save a voyce : Then hee declared unto you his Covenant , vvhich he commanded you to doe , even the Ten Commandements , and vvrote them upon two Tables of stone . And the Lord commanded me that same time , that I should teach you ordinances , vvhich yee should observe in the land vvhither yee goe to possesse it : Take therefore good heed unto your selves , ( for yee saw no Image in the day that the Lord spake unto you , in Horeb ▪ out of the midst of the fire ) that yee corrupt not your selves , and make not a graven Image , or representation of any figure , vvhether it be the likenesse of male , or female the likenesse of any beast that is on the earth , or the likenesse of any feathered soule that flyeth in the ayre , or the likenesse of any thing that creepeth on the earth , or the likenesse of any fish that is in the vvaters beneath the earth . Marke well this reason of Moses , that because they onely heard a voice of God , but saw no Image or Similitude , of him , therefore they should take heed that they be not so presumptuous , as to make anie visible Image or similitude of him . Theodoret also saith : Deus ab ijs fieri , qui u●l●us creaturae imagine , effingunt Creatorem : that they make gods , vvhich fashion the Creator , by the image or likenesse of any creature . And S. Augustine saith likewise : that , Dei praecepto prohibetur aliqua , in figmentis hominum , Dei similitudo : By Gods commandement is forbidden , any similitude of God , devised by men . Although therefore yee alledge and say , that God in ancient time , appeared in the similitude of a Man ; and that the Holy Ghost also appeared upon Christ , in the similitude of a Dove ; all this maketh nothing for you : for God might appeare in what similitude he pleased ; and who shall or can forbid him , by anie law , to doe whatsoever he pleaseth ? But he hath given a law , and a commandement to us ( his creatures ) whereby wee stand bound ( though hee be free ) tha● wee shall not make anie Image , or , similitude of him : and therefore our dutie is , and accordingly our care must be , to doe as he hath enioined and commanded us , and not licentiously , in matters concerning him and his religion , to devise , invent , and doe as we list our selves . 3 But they not onelie make Images , or visible shapes , of the everie where present , invisible , and incomprehensible God : but they proceed further in this their boldnesse , and do also worship God in , or , by , those Images , after that they have made them . It was one great wickednesse , to be so audacious as to make an Image , or similitude of God , and it is another to worship him after that sort , in or by an Image after it is made . So this is a third point of Idolatrie , wherein the Popish Church is intolerablie faultie . For , God will be worshipped as himselfe hath prescribed in his word , and not according to mens fancies and devises . Yea S. Paul expressely condemneth all ethelothreskeian , that is , vvill-worship , or worshipping of God according to mens pleasures and conceits . And therefore , Vetuit Deus , non solum Imaginem aliquam adorari , sed etiam seipsum adorari in Imagine : God hath forbidden not onely an Image to be vvorshipped , but himselfe also to be vvorshipped , in an Image , saith Abulensis . Agreeably whereunto , S , Ambrose also saith : Non vult se Deus in lapidibus coli : God vvill not have himselfe to be vvorshipped in stones : For ( as Christ himselfe also teacheth ) God is a spirit , and they that worship him , must vvorship him in spirit and in truth . Yea , their doings in this point , be as grosse Idolatrie , as was that of the Israelites in the time of Moses , when they together with Aaron the high Priest , made the golden Calfe , and worshipped God in that Image , which themselves had made . For yee must not thinke them to be so senselesse , or sottish , as that they did beleeve , that verie Image , it selfe to be God. I hope yee will suppose , that Aaron the high Priest , being one of them , and the rest being the people of God , that had so lately , even a little before , heard God speaking unto them , were at least as wise as yee are , to know , that the Image which themselves had made , could not be God : and therefore albeit they fell downe before that Image , yet they worshipped not the verie Image for God , but God in the Image , as yee likewise say yee doe . Your cases then being both alike , how can yee choose but confesse , that yours is as plaine and as flat Idolatrie , as was theirs ? The Scripture calleth all Idols , or , Images , that are made to worship God in , by the name of Gods : thereby declaring , how odious a thing in Gods sight this is : whilest he accounteth it , a forsaking of him the true God , and a betaking of themselves to other gods , to deale with him in that sort ; taking it for no worshipping of him at all , whatsoever men pretend , or say they doe intend , in that case . And indeed when GOD will have no such worshipping of him , in and by an Image , but reiecteth and refuseth to take it , for anie worship of him : the worship that in that case is performed , then remaineth and resteth ( as it must needs ) wholly , and entirely upon the Image it selfe : For which cause it is , that they are called Gods , as I said before . And therefore also doth God , bring in the people of Israel , after the making of that their Image , and their intending to worship him in that sort , as if they had said , These be thy gods , O Israel , which brought thee out of the Land of Egypt . For , in Gods esteeme , they worshipped not him , nor offered unto him , but worshipped their Moulten Calfe , and offered thereunto , whatsoever they pretended , or intended . For , that Aaron , the high Priest , and the rest of the people of Israel , did , for their parts , intend to worship , by that meanes , the true God , vvhich brought them out of the land of Egypt : besides these words , which declare so much : it is further manifest , by that speech of Aaron , which hee uttered , saying : To morrow , shall bee the holy day unto Iehovah : For thereby is evident ( inasmuch , as Iehovah , is the name proper to the true God , Exod. 15.3 . Esay 42.8 . ) that the worshipping , and offering of burnt Offerings , and peace Offerings , the next day , before that Idoll , or Image , namelie , before the moulten , and golden Calfe , was in their purposes , and intentions , meant , and intended to the true God , IEHOVAH : albeit , God , for his part , did not so account of it , nor take it so ; but refused it , as a thing odious , and abhominable in his sight : Insomuch , that this their pretended worship of God , by an Image , is called in the Text , A grievous crime , a great sinne , a corrupting of their waies , a making of themselves gods of gold , and a thing , so highly offensive unto him , as that hee was exceedinglie kindled in wrath against them , and sent deserved punishment upon them for the same . Take heed therfore of this grievous sinne , and know , that your pretended good meanings , and intentions , be in this case , no more allowable in Gods sight , nor can anie more serve to excuse or free you from Idolatrie , or from incurring Gods iust displeasure for the same , then did , or could the same pretences , & intentions in the Israelites . Yea , your Idolatrie herein , is not onely as grosse , and as inexcusable , as that of the Israelites ; but as grosse also , as was that which was amongst some of the Heathens themselves : for even they ( aswell as Papists ) could , and did say ( as Clemens relateth their words ) Nos ad honorem invisibilis Dei , visibiles Imagines adoramus . VVee , in honour of the invisible God , doe worshippe visible Images . And S. Augustine againe , bringeth in the Heathen man , speaking thus : Non simulachrum colo , sed per effigiem corporalem eius rei signum intueor quam colere Debeo : I worship not the Image , but by a bodily shape , I behold the signe of that which I ought to worship . Yea , even Peresius , though a Popish Bishop , yet affirmeth expreslie , that , not all the Idols amongst the Heathen , did signifie a false god : and for proofe of it , hee alledgeth that Text of Act. 17.23 , 24. &c. where , at Athens , S. Paul , finding an Altar , with this Inscription : To the unknowne God : hee tooke occasion to preach unto them , that God , whom hee there saith , they ignorantlie worshipped . Some then there were ( as appeareth ) even amongst the verie Heathens themselves , that in those their Idols or Images , worshipped not the verie Image it selfe , but God , in those their purposes and intentions , as the Papists likewise say they doe . Where is then the difference of their Idolatrie ? 4 But they have yet , a fourth point of very grosse Idolatrie in their Church , and that is in their Invocations or prayers to the blessed Virgin Marie , and to other Saints departed this life , and unto Angells also . For doth not S. Paul plainely tell you , that men are to pray , or call upon none , but him in whome they are to beleeve . How shall they call upon him ( saith he ) in whom they have not beleeved ? But none may beleeve in anie , but in God , as , beside the Scriptures , the verie Creede it selfe also teacheth you . And therefore , none may pray to anie , or call upon anie in praier , but upon God onely . Againe , when Christ Iesus taught his Disciples to pray , Did hee teach them to praie to anie Saints , or Angells ? No : but , saith hee , VVhen yee pray , say thus : Our father which art in heaven &c. therby teaching them , that when they pray , they must pray unto God onely , their heavenly Father , and not to anie creatures , be they Saints , or Angels , or whosoever . And this againe , God himselfe expreslie willeth & commandeth , saying : Call upon mee in the d●y of trouble , so will I deliver thee , and thou shalt glorifie mee . And againe , in another Psalme , it is written thus : Therefore shall everie one that is godly , make his prayer unto thee : that is , unto God. The Psalmist saith againe : VVhom have I in heaven but thee ? And againe , he saith thus : My soule , waite thou onelie upon God : for my expectation is from him : Hee onely is my Rocke , and my Salvation . ( Observe well that word , onely , for so it is in the nevv Translation , according to the Hebrew Original ) . Now then , if ( as here appeareth ) godlie men waite onely upon God , and that Hee onely , is their Rocke , their Salvation , their strength , their refuge , stay , and helpe , bee not all other hereby directly excluded ? Bus yet further , Epiphanius saith expresly thus : Let no man worship the Virgin Marie . Yea , hee sheweth it to bee the heresie of the Collyridians , to vvorship her . But consider yet moreover , that it is a chiefe part of Gods worship , and glorie , to call upon him in Prayer : for thereby wee declare , that he is the only knower of our hearts , & discerner of our thoughts , and affections , and feacher of the reines : as also , that he is onely powerfull to yeed helpe , and to give all gifts and graces requisite unto men : Inasmuch then , as it is a part , and a chiefe part of Gods glorie , to call upon him in prayer : and that God himselfe saith thus : I am Iehovah , this is my name : and my glorie will I not give to any other : How can men bee excused of robbing GOD of his honour and glorie , when they praie not unto him , but unto Saints , or Angells , or such as bee but creatures ? Yea , why should anie pray unto anie Saints or Angells , or such as bee but meere creatures , when they know not the secret intentions , affections , thoughts and hidden closets , and corners of their hearts ? For it is God only that knoweth the hearts of all the children of Men , as Solomon expresly witnesseth . Besides , yee cannot finde so much as one president , or example , throughout the whole Booke of God , either in the old Testament , or in he new , of anie godlie man , that made his prayer at anie time to anie deceased Saints , or to Angells , or to anie other , but to God onely . What strange people then bee they , that both contrarie to the Scriptures , and without anie president , or example , in those Scriptures to be found , will dare to invocate and call upon Saints , and Angells in their praiers ? Let the blessed Virgin Marie , and other Saints & Angels , have their due regard , and reverence that belongeth to them : But let them not have that glorie , honour , and worship , that belongeth onelie and properlie unto God. Honorandi ergò sunt propter imitationem , non Adorandi propter religionem : Saints and Martyrs therefore , are to bee honoured for imitation ( saith S. Augustine ) but they bee not to bee adored or worshipped for religion . Sanctos Martyres neque Deos esse dicimus , neque adorare consuevimus : laudamus autem eos potius summis honoribus , quòd pro verite strenuè certarunt , & fidei sinceritatem servarunt : VVee ( saith S. Cyril ) neither say , the holy Martyres are gods , neither are vvee vvont to worship them : wee rather commend them verie highly , that they have so stronglie stood for the truth , and kept the sinceritie of faith . Yea , as touching the worshiping of Angells , S. Paul also expreslie condemneth it . Whereupon it was decreed ( as Theodoret witnesseth ) in the Councell of Laodicea , that men should not pray unto Angells . And therefore doth Saint Augustine , likewise reckon amongst Heretickes , a Sect , called Angelici , which were inclined to the worshipping of Angels . And Epiphanius also , amongst other wicked opinions and doings , noteth the Ca●anes , for invocation of Angells : Yea , wee may ( as S. Augustine againe sheweth ) learne of the Angells themselves , not to worship them . And so , indeede , doth it appeare : For when S. Iohn himselfe fell downe before the Angell ( that shewed him the Revelation ) to worship him : the Angell said unto him : See thou doe it not , for I am thy fellow-servant , and fellow-servant of thy brethren , which have the Testimonie of Iesus : worship God. Where you see plainely , that the Angell refuseth to bee worshipped , and biddeth to worship God onely , as being himselfe , a fellow-worshipper of God , with the rest of his servants . If then the Angels of heaven , bee not to bee worshipped ( which thing you see here manifest ) I hope you will soone conclude , that then the Saints in heaven also are not to bee worshipped . I know that yee have a distinction betweene Latria , & Doulia , saying , that yee give , Latrian , that is , worship unto God , but Doulian , that is , service unto Saints , and Angells . So that the effect of this your speech and distinction , appeareth to bee this , that yee worship God , but serve Saints , and Angells . As though yee were not bound to serve God , aswell as to worship him . S. Paul sheweth , that yee are , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to serve him , aswell as to worship him . Yea , doth not Christ Iesus himselfe say , that it is thus written ? Dominum Deum tuum adorabis , & illi soli servies : Thou shalt worship the Lord thy God , & him onely shalt thou serve . ( For so is your owne latin Translation ) . Whereby you see it evident , that yee are aswell to serve God , as to worship him : yea , that yee are to serve him , and to serve him onely in the waie of religion . And so also doth Samuel the Prophet , further expreslie teach . And therefore wee may not serve anie Saints , or Angells , or Images , or anie other creatures whatsoever , in waie of Religion , as the Popish Church most wickedly teacheth , and practiseth . But againe , even in those verie prayers which they make to God himselfe , they also verie impiously , have divers Mediators : & , therein also , they seeke refuge by another , as vaine a distinction as the former , saying : that they , in their praiers , make the Saints and Angells Mediators of Intercession , but not of Redemption : as though Christ Iesus , were not aswell our advocate , medi●atour , and intercessor , betweene God and us , as our Redeemer . S. Iohn saith thus : These things I write unto you , that ye sinne not : and if anie man doe sinne , wee have an advocate with the father , even Iesus Christ the righteous . Againe S. Paul saith : That Christ is at the right hand of God , and maketh intercession for us . Againe , it is written : that Christ is able , perfectly to save them that come unto God , by him , seeing hee ever liveth , to make Intercession for them . And divers other Texts of Scripture doe manifestlie proove , that Christ is aswell our Mediatour , and Intercessor , as our Redeemer : insomuch , that unto him onely , is given this title , To bee the Mediatour of the new Testament . Yea , S. Paul hath further directly tould us : that , as , There is but one God , so there is but one Mediatour betweene God and men , namely , the man Christ Iesus . Why then , or for what cause , or reason , will you have other Mediators or Intercessors ? Is not Christ Iesus sufficient to prevaile with his Father for us ? Or , bee anie Saints or Angells , in greater grace or favour with God , then his owne Sonne , whom hee hath also appointed to this verie office , to bee the Mediator , and Intercessor for us ? Why then , without warrant from God , yea , contrarie to the expresse tenor of the Scriptures , and contrarie to Gods owne appointment , will yee take upon you , to have other Mediators , and Intercessors , beside Christ Iesus , as namelie , the blessed Virgin Marie , and other Saints , and Angells ? this is no small , or slender impietie . But you answer , that wee bee not worthie to come directlie and imediatelie to God , without a Mediator , neither may wee bee bold so to doe . This is verie true which yee thus say , in respect of our selves , and our owne unworthinesse . But therefore it is , that hee hath given us a Mediator , namelie , Christ Iesus , his owne most deerely beloved Sonne , in whose name & mediation , we are allowed ( though most unworthie in respect of our selves ) to have accesse unto God , and may , with an humble reverence , bee bold , to approch unto him , and to aske of him whatsoever is necessarie , or expedient for us . By whom ( saith S. Paul , speaking of Christ Iesus our Mediatour ) VVee have boldnesse , and entrance , with confidence , through faith in him . Againe , it is written thus : Let us therefore goe boldly unto the Throne of grace , that wee may receive mercie , and finde grace , to helpe in time of neede . And againe it is said : That by the blood of Iesus Christ , wee may bee bold to enter into the holy place . Observe in all these places , that through Christ , his mediation , wee have boldnesse , and may bee bold to come unto God. As touching that reason , which yee draw from the manner of earthlie Kinges & Princes , to whom , you say , men usuallie have not accesse , without some friend to be their mediator unto him : Although the cases be verie unlike between God , and an earthly man , yet it is before answered , that wee have a friend , to bee our Mediatour unto God , in the Court of heaven , and that a most assured and especial friend , namelie , Iesus Christ , whose love hath shewed it selfe to bee farre greater toward us then the love of anie Saints ▪ or Angells , is , or can bee , in bearing the wrath of God for us , due to our sinnes , and being made a curse for us , to deliver us from that Curse of the Law , which wee most iustly had deserved to beare , and must have borne for ever in our owne persons , to our owne everlasting woes , and confusion , had not hee interposed himselfe , as our most loving and kinde suertie , and Saviour . Can anie have , or desire to have , a better , or more assured friend , then this ? But you further alledge , that the Saints deceased , and Angells doe pray for us : What of that ? For thereupon it followeth not , that therefore wee must , or maie praie to them . Everie good and godly Christian doth pray one for another , whilst they live together in this world : yet for all that , it were monstrous , and intolerable impietie , for anie one of them , to fall downe before another of them , and to direct his prayer unto him , as he doth unto God. But you say , that it is lawfull in this life , for one Christian to desire another to pray unto God for him : and why then should it not bee lawfull to desire the Saints in heaven to pray for us ? I answer , that the cases bee nothing like , and that there is that reason for the one , which is not for the other : For first , when I desire a man living with mee in this world , to pray for mee , I am sure , that hee heareth mee , when I thus request him , for otherwise , I speake in vaine unto him : But you are not sure , that the Saints in heaven , which bee departed this life , doe heare you , when yee speake unto them , and desire them to pray unto God for you . You may peradventure suppose , conceit , and imagine , that they heare you : but assurance thereof , or undoubted proofe , yee can produce none . And S. Augustine telleth you plainelie , that they doe not heare your praiers : for thus hee saith : Ibi siquidem sunt spiritus defunctorum , ubi nec vident , neque audiunt &c. The soules of the dead ( saith hee ) bee there , where they doe neither see , nor heare , what is done , or happeneth to men in this life : yet such care they have of the living , ( although they bee utterlie ignorant , what they doe here on earth ) as our care is for the dead , albeit , what they doe , wee likewise knovv not . How vaine a thing then is it , when you have no assurance , that the Saints departed heare you , for you , neverthelesse , ●o make praiers , and petitions unto them , as if you were sure that they heard you ? Secondlie , there is manifest warrant , yea , and a commandement , in the Scriptures , for one Christian to praie for another , whilst they bee living in this world : but there is no commandement , warrant , or example to bee found in the Scripture , which requireth , or alloweth Christians , to praie unto Saints , departed this life . Thirdlie , yee , in your praiers to Saints in heaven , doe sometimes begge , immediately , even of them , & at their hands , assistance , help , protectiō , defence , & such other things , as be indeed properly & onely in the power & hands of God to give . Fourthly , what do you else , but attribute , an omni-presence , & omni-science , & even a knowledge of the thoughts , & affections also of mens harts , unto the Saints , when so manie thousands of you , in such a number of distant places , and at several times , doe pray unto them ? which things , namelie , omni-presence , that is , to be present everie where : and omni-science , that is , to know all things , and even the thoughts and affections of mens hearts , be proper and peculiar to God alone . But lastlie , if the Saints in heaven did heare us , yet were that no argument therefore to Invocate or pray unto them , no more then wee may pray unto the Angels that stand about us , and be able to heare our praiers : For , although wee may praie to none but him that can heare us : yet may wee not exhibite Invocation or praier to everie one , or to anie whosoever that can or is able to heare us . For God onlie , is , in the way of religion , to be invocated and praied unto , and that onelie through the Mediation and Intercession of Iesus Christ , and of no other , as before appeareth . 5 But there is yet further , ( if we may beleeve their doctrine ) a fift point of a most grosse Idolatrie in the Popish Church . For Bellarmine teacheth that even the verie Images themselves of Christ , and of the Saints , are to bee vvorshipped , and that , not by accident onely , or improperly , but properly also , and by themselves : so that the worship of them is determined in the Images , as they be considered in themselves , and not onely for or in respect of the things vvhich they represent . Yea it is the constant opinion of Popish Divines ( saith Az●rius the Iesuite ) that the Image is to be vvorshipped and honoured with the same honour and vvorship , vvherewith that is to be vvorshipped vvhose Image it is . And Thomas Aquinas likewise teacheth , saying : Cum Christus latriae adoratione , sit adorandus : Imago quoque eius , eadem adoratione adoranda est : That , seeing Christ is to bee vvorshipped vvith Latria , that is , vvith that worship that is proper unto God : His IMAGE also is to be vvorshipped vvith the very same vvorship . But touching Christ : First , how doe they prove it lawfull , to make an Image of Him , sith hee is not man onelie , but God also ? for can anie make an Image or representation of him that is both God an man ? That image then which ye say , ye make of Christ , in respect of his humanitie onelie , consider whether it be anie more the picture or image of Christ , then of anie other man. Secondlie , how do ye prove it to be the true Image of Christ , in respect of his humanitie ? Thirdlie , admit it were the verie picture and Image of Christ , ( made either in wood , stone , brasse , silver , gold , or howsoever ) is it fit that this Image made of Mettal , or wrought in anie sort , by mans hand , should be worshipped , Adoratione latriae , with that worship that is properlie belonging to God himselfe ? May not those men that be thus enamored with Images , and that hold these opinions , be therein supposed , to be as senselesse , as the verie Images themselves ? For what is this else , but to worship stockes and stones , and the worke of mens hands , with divine honour ? And can there be a greater , or a more grosse Idolatrie committed ? Yea S. Augustine noteth it , as the heresie of the Carpocratians , that they vvorshipped the Images of Iesus , and of Paul. Whereas some therefore say , that the honor which is given to the signe or Image , doth ever redound and is given to the Prototypon , to that whose signe or Image it is : and consequentlie that the honour given to the image of God , and of Christ , is honour done to God himselfe , and to Christ himselfe , this appeareth not to be true . Yea , even amongst men , if the respect that is yeelded to the picture , or Image of a friend , or of anie great man , shall be accepted as honour due to the man himselfe , whose picture and Image it is intended to be ; it must be , with these conditions , viz. first , that it be a right and true picture , and image of the man : for if it be nothing like him , but more like some other man , or some other creature , hee hath no reason to take it for his picture , or image , much lesse to thinke himselfe thereby honored . Secondlie , it must have an allowance , or at least no disallowance , in respect of him to whose honour he intendeth to make it , if he meane that the other shall accept and take it , as an honour done unto him : for if he to whose honor it is intended , disallow it , or signifie his minde , that he will not have his picture drawne , or his image made , to be so honoured , it can be no honour acceptable to him in that case , but it will rather move offence , and be ill taken , if it be done . How much more then will God be offended with these things ? For beside , that no man can make a true and perfect picture or Image of him that is both God and Man , God hath further directlie disallowed and forbidden these Images , and all Images and Similitudes whatsoever , to be vvorshipped . In Gregories time , Images were not allowed to be worshipped : yea , Pope Gregory himselfe , well liked of Serenus , Bishop of Massilia , in this point , viz. for that , he forbad Images to be vvorshipped . As for that second Councell of Nice therefore , which was after Pope Gregories time , gathered under Irene the Empresse , inasmuch as it was assembled to overthrow the former godlie Councels of Constantinople and Ephesus , ( which decreed against Images , and the worshipping of them ) it ought to carrie no credite , or esteeme : and the rather , because that second Councell of Nice was also afterward againe further condemned in the West , by another Councell held at Frankford . Which thing Carolus Magnus himselfe , in his booke made against Images , doth also testifie . The same is likewise testified , by sundrie other Authors . Yea Epiphanius , in his daies , would not allow so much as an Image of Christ , or of anie Saint , to be , at all , in Churches : for , comming to a Church at Anablatha , and there seeing in a Vaile , an Image painted , as it vvere of Christ , or of some Saint , he affirmed it to be contrary to the Authority of the Scriptures , to have anie such Image , in a Christian Church , and therefore caused it to be taken down : And the Councell of Eliberis also decreed the like , against the having of Images in Churches . How much more then would these men have condemned the Worship of the verie Images themselves ? 6 A sixt point of Idolatrie in the Popish Church , is , that they worship the Crosse also , and pray unto it , saying : O Crux , ave Spes unica , hoc passionis tempore , auge pijs iustitiam , reisque dona veniam : Hayle O Crosse , our onely hope in this time of the passion , Increase righ●eousnesse to the god●y , and give pardon to the guilty . Yea , Thomas Aquinas their Angelical Doctor ( as they call him ) saith , the Crosse is to be worshipped with latria , and giveth two reasons of this Adoration , saying thus : Crux Christi , in qua Christus crucifixus est , tum propter repraesentationem , tum propter Membrorum Christi contactum latria , adoranda est : The Crosse of Christ , vvhereon Christ vvas crucified , both because of the representation , and also for that it touched the members of Christ , is to be vvorshiped with latria , that is , with that vvorship that is proper and due unto God. But be these reasons sufficient in this case ? The Gospel was so cleerely preached to the Galathians , as if there had beene a lively Image of Christ crucified , set before their eies : was therefore the verie Ministerie or Preaching of the Gospel , whereby Christ crucified was thus depainted out , to be adored or worshipped with that worship that is due and proper to God ? The breaking of the Bread in the Sacrament of the Lords Supper , doth represent unto us , the breaking & crucifying of Christ his Body upon the Crosse● and the pouring out of the wine , in the same Sacrament , representeth also the shedding or effusion of his Bloud , upon the same Crosse for us : shall therefore the breaking of the Bread , or the pouring out of the vvine , be adored and worshipped with that worship that is due unto God ? And yet is the Preaching and Ministerie of the Gospel , as likewise the administration of the Sacraments , of Gods owne institution : but no institution , commandement , or warrant from him , can be shewed , for making a wooden Crosse , or anie kind of Crosse , to be a representatiō of Christ crucified . And yet , if such an institution could be shewed for the Crosse , it followeth not that therfore it is to be worshipped , with that worship that is proper and due unto God : no more then VVater in Baptisme , or Bread and VVine in the other Sacrament of the Lords Supper , are so to be worshipt , although they be Gods institutions : or no more then the Brazen Serpent , which was also Gods institution in times past , amongst the Iewes , was therefore so to be worshipped . What ? Is the vvooden Crosse , or anie Crosse whatsoever , become a God , that it should thus be worshipped ? As for the other reason , if because the Crosse touched Christ , it be therefore to be worshipped : why should not also the Nailes , and the Crowne of Thornes , and the Speare , or Lance wherewith he was pierced , be likewise so adored or worshipped ? or why should not Iudas Iscariot , who likewise touched Christ , betraying him with a Kisse , and those wicked Iewes that apprehended and tooke him , and that Woman also that vvashed Christs feet with her teares , and wiped them with the haires of her head : yea and the Pinnacle of the Temple whereon Christ was set , and all those manie places of ground whereon Christ stood , and all those sundrie persons which he touched , and which likewise touched him : I say , why should not all and euerie of these , be , by the same reason , worshipped and adored with divine honour ? You see then , what weake & most poore reasons , Papists have for this their Idolatry , in worshipping a wooden Crosse , in stead of the true God that made heaven and earth . S. Ambrose directlie brandeth it , and calleth it an Heathenish error , to vvorship the Crosse vvhereon Christ dyed . And yet neither are yee able to prove that all and everie of those severall Crosses , which in so manie distant places of several Kingdomes and Countries , amongst Papists , be thus worshipped , bee that verie Crosse , whereon Christ our Saviour died , and was crucified . Yea it is a thing impossible , that they all , and everie of them , ( they being so manie and diverse ) should or can bee that verie Crosse. 7 I shall not neede , here to shew how the Pope of Rome , is made a god , or rather exalted above God himselfe , in the Papacie : because this is declared partlie before , and partlie and more fully afterward . But yet consider here , whether they make not also the Church , a God ; whilst they not onelie beleeve it , but beleeve in it . For , accordinglie the Rhemists teach it to be lawfull , to beleeve in Men , and , in the Church . The Creede , contrariwise , teacheth us : Credere sanctam Ecclesiam Catholicam : to beleeve that there is an holy Catholik Church , but it doth not bid us to beleeve , in the holy Catholike Church . Yea it teacheth everie Christian , to beleeve , onelie In God : for thus it saith : I beleeve in God the Father , &c. and in Iesus Christ his only Sonne &c. and I beleeve in the holy Ghost . And this distinction of creatures , and mysteries , ( in the Creede ) from the Creator , by the preposition , In , is likewise so observed , and taught by the Ancient Fathers . For Ruffinus saith thus : Non dixit ▪ in sanctam Ecclesiam &c. He said not , I beleeve In the Catholicke Church : nor , In the remission of sinnes : nor , In the resurrection of the Body : for if he had added the preposition , In , there should have beene the same force of meaning , vvith that vvhich went before : But now in those vvords , in vvhich , is set forth our faith of the Godhead , it is said , In God the Father ; and , In Iesus Christ his Sonne : and , In the Holy Ghost . But , in the rest , vvhere the speech is , not of the Godhead , but of Creatures and Mysteries , the preposition , In , is not added : that it should be said , In the holy Church : but , that vvee should beleeve , that there is an holy Church , not as God , but as a Church gathered unto God : And men should beleeve , that there is a remission of sinnes , but not , In the remission of sinnes : and they should beleeve the resurrection of the Body , but not , In the resurrection of the Body . Therefore by this syllable of Preposition , the Creator is distinguished from the Creatures , and things pertayning to God , from things belonging to men . Agreeablie to him , writeth also Eusebius Emissenus , saying : Aliud est credere Deo , aliud In Deum credere &c. It is one thing to beleeve God , and another thing to beleeve In God : we ought of right to beleeve both Peter and Paul ; but to beleeve In Peter and Paul , that vvere to bestow upon the servants , the honour due to the Lord , vvhich vve ought not to doe : To beleeve him , that is , to give credite to him , every one may doe it to a man : but this , to beleeve In him , know , that thou owest onely to the Divine Maiestie . And this also is to be marked : It is one thing , Credere Deum , to beleeve that there is a God ; and another thing , Credere in Deum , to beleeve in God : for the Divel is found to beleeve that there is a God ; but to beleeve In God , none is found to doe this , but he vvhich hath devoutely trusted in him : And therefore to beleeve , that there is a God , is to know naturally : but to beleeve in God , is faithfully to seeke him , and vvith our vvhole love , to passe into him . So likewise , touching the Articles , of the Catholicke Church , Remission of sinnes , Resurrection , &c. he saith ▪ Let us beleeve In God : These other things vve doe rehearse , vve doe not beleeve in them : but vve beleeve them : These things , I say , vvee confesse , not as God , but as the benefites of God. Primasius also observeth this distinction , saying : Fides perfecta est , non solum Christum sed etiam , In Christum credere : It is perfect faith , not onely to beleeve that Christ is , but to beleeve In Christ. If you would know what it is to beleeve In God ; S. Cyprian will further informe you : Non credit In Deum , qui non in eo solo collocat totius foelicitatis suae fiduciam : He doth not beleeve In God , ( saith hee ) vvhich doth not repose in him alone , the confidence of his vvhole felicity . Credere in Creaturam , est divinitatis offensio : To beleeve in a Creature , is an offence against the Deity , saith Greg. Baeticus , ad Gallam & Placidiam . Yea , Cursed is the man , that putteth his trust in man , saith the Lord God himselfe . Thus then you see a difference , betweene Credere Deum , and Credere Deo , and Credere in Deum : namelie , that Credere Deum , is to beleeve that there is a God , and Credere Deo , is to beleeve all that God speaketh , to be true ; and thus farre Divels and Reprobates may goe : but Credere in Deum , to beleeve in God , that is , to repose the confidence of a mans whole felicitie , not in his owne , or in other mens merits , nor in Saints , or Angels , or in the Church , or in anie creatures , but in God onlie , is the faith and beleefe proper and peculiar to the true Christian. And , herewithall , you may perceive , that Credere Ecclesiam Catholicam , is to beleeve that there is a Catholike Church : and Credere Ecclesiae Catholicae , is to give credite to the Catholik-Church ; that is , to beleeve that to be true , which the Catholike Church teacheth : and that Credere in Ecclesiam Catholicam , is to repose , a mans trust , affiance , faith , and confidence in the Catholike Church : which , what is it else , but to make a god of it , and so to have moe gods then One , and consequentlie to commit a most grosse Idolatrie ? For what greater dishonor , or wrong , can be done , then to put the Church in the place of God , or to attribute that to men , or Angels , or to anie creatures , which properlie belongeth to the Creator ? But the Rhemists alledge three Texts of Scripture , to prove it lawfull , to beleeve in men . The one is , in the Epistle to Philemon , where S. Paul speaketh thus unto him : Hearing of thy love and faith vvhich thou hast toward the Lord Iesus , and toward all the Saints , &c. But reddendo singula singulis , it is easie to be perceived , that Faith is there to be referred to Christ , and , Love , to all the Saints : for S. Paul himselfe ( who is the best expositor of his owne words ) doth in other places declare , that they are so to be referred and expounded : saying thus in his Epistle to the Ephesians ; Having heard of the Faith vvhich ye have in the Lord Iesus , and love toward all the Saints , &c. So againe hee speaketh in his Epistle to the Colossians : Having heard of your faith in Christ Iesus , and of your love toward all the Saints . By conferring of which two Texts , with that to Philemon , it is verie evident to everie one that is not wilfully contentious or perverse , that Faith , is as well in the one place , as in the other , to be attributed to Christ , and Love to all the Saints . The other Text they alledge , is Exod. 14.31 . where the wordes are not : They beleeved in God , and in Moses ; but the words be thus : The people feared the Lord , and beleeved the Lord , and his servant Moses . And so is your owne translation : Crediderunt Domino , & Mosi , servo eius : They beleeved the Lord and Moses , his servant . The third Text they alledge , is 2. Paral. 20.20 . where your owne translation likewise is thus : Credite in Domino Deo vestro & securi eritis : Credite Prophetis eius , & cuncta evenient prospera : Beleeve in the Lord your God , and yee shall bee sure : Beleeve his Prophets , and all things shall fall out prosperously . But the Rhemists here seeme to appeale to the Hebrew Text , because they see , their owne Latin Translation to make against them : and yet the Hebrew Text will also nothing helpe them : inasmuch as it herein agreeth with the same their owne Latin Translation . But yet they further alledge , that ancient Fathers did reade indifferently , I beleeve in the Catholicke Church , and I beleeve the Catholicke Church . It is granted , that some of them did so : and therefore to beleeve in the Catholicke Church , was with them , and in that speech of theirs , all one with this , to beleeve that there is a Catholike Church : ( as they said likewise : I beleeve , in one Baptisme : I beleeve in the Resurrection of the dead : & , in the life to come ) . So that although their speech herein , was somwhat improper , as appeareth by that which is before delivered by the ancient Fathers upon the Creede , yet their meaning in those wordes , being ( as is evident ) no more , but to beleeve , that there is a Catholike Church , and not that wee should put our trust , faith , and confidence in the Church : it maketh nothing against that which is here intended and spoken . And therefore still for anie to beleeve in the Church , in this sense , viz. to put his faith , affiance , t●ust and confidence in the Church , is to attribute that to the Church which rightly and properly belongeth unto God , & consequently is to make a god of it , which is abominable Idolatrie . 8 I here forbeare to speake of their superstitious reserving and worshipping of Reliques , that is , of dead bodies , and insensible bones of Saints and Martyrs ( which it were far more meet , honestly and decently to burie , then so to abuse ) : yea , of some , that are by Papists supposed to be Saints and Martyrs , and yet are not so . For all be not Saints , nor the Martyrs of Iesus , that are supposed to bee so : neither doe all die ●or religion , that are supposed by Papists to die for that cause . As for example there was a Booke set forth of late , entituled , Martyrium &c. The Martyrdome of Conoghor O Deveny , ( which was a Popish Bishop ) and of Gilpatrick Ologran , ( which was a Popish Priest ) : which two neverthelesse , were not put to death for the cause of Religion , ( as that Booke would perswade ) , but for Treason , as the Enditements against them both , extant of Record in the Kings Bench of Ireland , doe expresly and openly testifie : and as all the multitude of people then present at their arraignement , can also witnesse . Which is ever sufficient to confute the most slanderous and most notorious untruth of that Booke . But Popish Rome being before verie evidently proved , to be the vvhore of Babylon , and consequently the Persecutor of the Saints and Martyrs of Iesus : it is thereby an easie matter to collect , who be the Saints , and , Martyrs of Iesus , and who not : namelie , that the Protestants be the Saints and Martyrs of Iesus ; and that the Papists be the persecutors : So that if anie be so wilfull , as to die in defence of the Pope , or Popish Religion , they appeare to be , therein , no Martyrs of Christ , but of Antichrist . And therefore also as touching this point of martyrdome , let them be no longer mistaken , as heretofore they have beene . CHAP. II. Wherein is further shewed , that the Pope of Rome , is the Grand Antichrist , out of 2. Thess. 2. BVT concerning this point , that the Pope of Rome is that verie grand Antichrist , and consequentlie , that the Popish Church , ruled and governed by him , is the very undoubted Antichristiā Church , and therefore of everie one to bee utterlie forsaken , and detested : Although that cleere and evident testimonie , before going , of S. Iohn , in his Revelation , discovereth the same sufficientlie : yet shall you , have it manifested further , by the direct testimonie also of S. Paul , for your better , and fuller satisfaction . S. Paul therefore , in his second Epistle to the Thessalonians , foretelling of the great Apostacie , or departure from the right faith and religion , which was then to come , writeth thus : Let no man deceive you by anie meanes : for that day , ( namelie , of Christ to Iudgement ) shall not come , except there come a departure first , and that , that man of sinne bee disclosed , even the sonne of perdition , which is an Adversarie , and exalted above all that is called God , or that is worshipped : so that hee doth sit in the Temple of God , as God , shewing himselfe that hee is God. Remember yee not , that when I vvas yet vvith you , I told you these things ? and now yee knovv , what withholdeth , that hee might be revealed in his time : for the mysterie of iniquitie doth already worke : Onely be vvh●ch now vvithholdeth , shall let , untill hee bee taken out of the vvay , and then shall that vvicked man bee revealed : vvhom the Lord shall consume vvith the spirit of his mouth , and shall abolish with the brightnesse of his comming : even him , whose comming is by the vvorking of Sathan , with all povver , and signes , and lying vvonders , and in all deceaveablenesse of unrighteousnesse , amongst them that perish , because , they received not the love of the truth , that they might bee saved : And therefore , God shall send them s●rong delusion , to beleeve lies : that they all might be damned , vvhich beleeved not the truth , but had pleasure in unrighteousnesse . In these words ye see , first , that S. Paul fortelleth of an Aposta●y , or Departure from the right faith and religion , which should come and bee in the world ( which apostacie , or departure , namelie , from the faith , hee al●o mentioneth in his Epistle to Timothie . 1. Tim. 4.1 . ) And this Apostacie , or departure from the faith , least wee should be mistaken in it , hee sheweth that it should bee , A mystery of Iniquity : thereby declaring , that it shall not bee anie open hostilitie , or professed Enmitie , against Christ , and his Gospell ( such as is amongst Turkes , and Iewes , and other Infidells of the world ) but an hidden , close , and covert Iniquity , not easie to be discerned to be Iniquitie , it should carrie , and convey it selfe so subtillie , and under such shewes and pretences of godlinesse , and Christianitie . And least wee should deceive our selves in the time , or thinke that this Mysterie of Iniquitie ▪ vvas to rise to his height and fulnesse , on a sodaine , or all at once , or not till some few yeares be●ore the end of the world : behold , S. Paul telleth us , that it was then , in working , evē in his daies : so that even then , namelie , in S. Pauls time , it began to worke , in such sort , as it could , going on , and creeping forward , by little and little , and by degrees , untill at last , it came to his full stature , and highest , & tallest growth . And further the text sheweth , that in this Apostacie , or mystical Iniquitie , there should bee signes , vvonders , and lying Miracles , wrought for the better prevailing , and fortification of it , and for the stronger alluring of people thereunto and confirming them therin . Now they bee called lying Miracles , or lying wonders : partlie , for that they bee false , and counterfeit , and partlie , for that they lead men into falshood and errors , as Chrysostome expoundeth those words . And likewise S. Augustine sheweth , that they be called lying signes , and wonders , either because hee shall deceive the senses of mortal men , by counterfeit shewes , and apparances , that he may seeme to do that which hee doth not : or else , because they shall draw unto lies , such as shall beleeve , that they could not be done but by the power of God ; they not knowing the power of the Divell . For the Divell sometimes interposeth himselfe , to worke these miracles . And even in this verie place also to the Thessalonians , they are said to bee done , by the operation , or , vvorking of Satan . Consider then , whether these things bee not found verified in the Papacie . As touching the Miracles , which are said to bee done in Poperie , there be ( as that learned and reverend Bishop D. Dovvnam hath distinguished , & set them downe ) three degrees , or three sorts of them : the one , such as bee merelie fabulous , and devised by lying Companions , whereof their Legends , & Festivalls , and other their Bookes , have good store of examples : some of them being so notoriouslie incredible , as that none , except he were miserablie intoxicated and bewitched , could , or would beleeve them : which lowd and lewd lies , and no better then Poetical Fictions ▪ were neverthelesse in so high esteeme in the Popish Church , that they were both publickelie , and privatelie read in the vulgar tongue , when as the sacred and Canonical Scriptures were closed up , and kept from the people in an unknowne language . And as this first degree of Miracles , is of such , as never were indeede , not so much as in apparance , but in the opinion onelie of men besotted , and given over to beleeve incredible untruths : So the second degree , or second sort of their Miracles , is of such , as be in shew or apparance onelie , or artificial conveiances of deceitful men , or iugling trickes of Legerdemaine : of which sort are the nodding , or moving , the smiling , or frowning , the sweating , or speaking of Images , and such like . The third sort of their Miracles , bee such as bee done by the power of the Divell , working by natural causes , and naturall meanes , although so closelie , covertlie , stilie , and speedilie , sometimes , as that they draw ignorant people , that perceive not the reason of those things , into a great admiration and conceit , that they are true miracles indeed : when as neverthelesse , though they bee done , yet they surpasse not the strength of nature , as those doe that bee true and divine Miracles : For those that bee true Miracles indeed , bee supernatural , and beyond the power of all natural causes whatsoever , and are done onelie by the omnipotent power of God. Neither is the Pope , nor all his partakers able to produce anie one such true Miracle , wrought by a Divine power , and by the finger of God , for confirmation of anie pointe of their New Religion , wherein they differ from us , although they pretend divers . Yea , some of their owne writers , doe ingenuouslie confesse , that sometimes , there is verie great deceiving of the people , by Miracles , fayned by the Priests , or their adherents for temporal gaine sake . And another of them , saith directly thus : That in the Sacrament appeareth flesh , sometime by the conveyance of men , & sometime by the operation of the divell . Another of them saith likewise : that , Miracles bee sometimes done to men that flocke to Images , by the operation of Divells , to deceive inordinate worshippers , God permitting it , and the infidelitie of such men requiring it . Irenaeus , even in his time also , telleth of a certaine man called Marke , which in the Sacrament of the Eucharist , mightilie deceived the people , by changing the colour of the wine , in such sort , as that it seemed to bee blood . All which kinde of deceiveable practises , it is good , that all those , that bee so much devoted , and wedded to Poperie , and to listning after Miracles , should take special notice of , and thereby learne to take heede of such Impostors , and Deceivers , in time . All the great , wonderfull , and supernatural Miracles , which have beene done by Christ , and his Apostles , and in those ancient , former , and elder times , be sufficent for confirmation of that old and most ancient faith , and religion , which wee hold ( namely , which is conteined in the sacred and Canonical Scriptures ) neither doe wee desire anie moe , or thinke anie more requisite , or necessarie : For , as S. Augustine saith : Quisquis adhuc prodigia , ut credat inquirit magnum est ipse prodigium , qui mundo credente , non credit : VVhosoever still seeketh after wonders , that hee might beleeve , is himselfe a great wonder , who , when the world beleeveth , beleeveth not . Yea , if the Papists had not these their signes , wonders , and miracles amongst them , they could not bee ( as here wee see ) the Antichristian Church : But there bee no people of the world , that so much obiect , and boast of them , as they : As for the Iewes , they have them not . The Turkes , and Mahometists , disclaime them : professing , that their religion is to bee propagated , and promoted , not by miracles , but by force , and armes , and by the sword : The true Christians , which bee the Protestants , urge them not , nor require them : onelie , the false Christians , that is , the Antichristians , which bee the Papists , doe urge and require them , and glorie and vaunt of them , and none so much as they , nor anie like to them : and therefore this note ▪ or marke of Antichristianisme , touching Miracles , is verie evident , and most apparant amongst them . 2 Againe , this text of S. Paul sheweth , that this great Antichrist , ( who is the head of this Apostatical Church , which thus aboundeth with false and lying Miracles , and Wonders ) should sit in the Temple of GOD , that is , in the Church , namelie , amongst such as professe Christ , and Christianitie , and consequently , not amongst Iewes , Turkes ▪ and other Infidels of the world . For S. Paul is not wont to call anie Infidells , The Temple of God : but , to Christians onely , and such as professe Christ , and Christianitie , hee applieth , and giveth this terme , saying unto them expreslie : Vos estis Templum Dei : Yee are the Temple of GOD : and againe , Templum Dei sanctum est , quod estis vos : The Temple of God is holie , which yee are . The Papists therefore are deceived who would have this place understood of a material Temple , which they suppose , Antichrist shall build at Ierusalem , to raigne in : & this they thus expound to shift it from their Pope of Rome , that hee might not bee supposed Antichrist : But what saith S. Hierome ? Antichrist ( saith he ) shall sit , in Templo Dei , id est , vel Hierosolimis ut quidam putant : vel , in Ecclesia , ut verius arbitramur : In the Temple of God , that is , either at Hierusalem , as some thinke , or in the Church , as wee more truly hold . So that the truer opinion , and righter exposition of these words , hee holdeth to bee this , that by the Temple , there is meant , not anie Temple at Hierusalem , but the Church of Christians , namelie , of such as professe Christ , and Christianitie . Yea , that conceipt of the Papists , whereby they suppose , that the Temple of Ierusalem , ( which now lieth wast , and ruinated under the dominion of the Turkes ) shall bee reedified , and builded up againe , S. Hierome reckoneth for a meere Iewish fable : And so doth Origen also . And indeed , after that the Temple was once destroyed by Titus & Vespasian , the rest of the Romans , ( according to the Prophesie of Christ , in Mat. 24. ) the vulgar translation ( which the Papists hold for the only Authenticke text ) in Daniel , chap. 9.27 . doth shew , that it is never to be reedified , but that it is to remaine in perpetual desolation , to the end : for the words are : Et erit in Templo abominatio desolationis , & usque ad consummationem & finem perseverabit desolatio : And there shall bee in the Temple , the abhomination of desolation , and unto the consummation and end , shall the desolation continue . And S. Hierome , interpreting it , speaketh yet more plainelie , saying : Vsque ad consummationem & finem mundi , perseverabit desolatio : The desolation shall continue unto the consummation , & end of the world . And so doth S. Chrysostome also declare : & Nazianzen also . Theodoret , Socrates , Sozomen , and Ruffinus also do likewise declare , that the Temple at Hierusalem , is never to bee reedified : for ( say they ) when Iulian the Apostata endeavoured to reedifie the Temple , to the end hee might falsifie ( if he had could ) the Prophecie , and preaching of Christ , concerning the said Temple : Our Saviour Christ , by fier , first , from heaven , and after out of the earth , and by a fearefull earth-quake , hindred this enterprise : thereby proving his Godhead , & the truth of his Prophesie : and shewing , that hee was not pleased as Sozemen saith , with the renewing of the Temple . Now how could Iulian the Apostata , by this action of his , and by this his attempt , in going about to reedifie the Temple , thinke to falsifie the words of Christ , and likewise the opinion of Christians in that time , touching this matter , unlesse Christ had taught , and the Christians in that time , had held and beleeved , that it was never to bee rebuilded , or reedified ? And therefore by the temple of God , wherin Antichrist shall sit , cannot be meant anie Temple at Ierusalem ( which is never to have anie rebuilding ) but the Church of professed Christians , over whom hee was to rule and raigne . Which thing is so evident , that besides S. Hieroms exposition of it , in that sort , Chrysostome also doth so expound it . Hee shall sit ( saith he ) in the Temple of God not in that Temple at Ierusalem , but in the Churches . And so the Greeke Scoliast also ( who usuallie reporteth word for word out of Chrysostome ) explaineth it , and saith likewise : That hee shall sit in the Temple of God , Ou ton en Hierousalem alla eis ecclesias tou The●u , not in the Temple at Ierusalem , but in the Churches of God. And so doth Theophilact also expound those words : That hee shall sit , not in the Temple at Ierusalem , but simplie in the Churches , & in every Temple of God. Yea , that not Ierusalem , but the VVhore of Babylon , namelie , the Papall , or Popish Citie of Rome , is the special place and seat , for the great Antichrist to raigne in , is before declared verie evidentlie , and at large out of the Revelation of S. Iohn , Chap. 17. So that all these Scriptures do well and rightlie accord together , and agree in this , that the grand Antichrist , is not to have his seate or place at Ierusalem , to raigne over , either Iewes , or Turkes , or other Infidells of the world , but at Rome speciallie , & generallie in the Temple of God , that is , in the churches of Christians , that is , amongst such as professe Christ , and Christianitie : All which ( as is apparant ) doth verie fitlie and fullie agree to the Pope of Rome . 3 Here then you may perceive , what manner of adversarie , or opposite , Antichrist is to bee supposed : ( for S. Paul saith of him , that hee is , ho Ant●keimenos , an Adversarie , or opposite ) namelie , that hee is not to bee supposed , anie open and professed enemie against Christ and Christianitie , but a mystical , secret , hidden , and disguised enemie , and such a one as shall outwardlie pretend to bee ( as S. Hierome sheweth ) the head , or chiefe of the Covenant , that is , a chiefe and principall friend of Christ , and Christianitie , and yet revera shall be an oppugner of him , and an abuser of his name , and of the name of the Church , to serve his owne wicked plots , and designes . And this is yet further hereby manifest , because this verie word Antichrist , is no where , throughout the whole new Testament , expreslie found , but only in the Epistles of S. Iohn : where S. Iohn doth not call him an Antichrist , that openlie , & professedly , denieth , or oppugneth Christ , but such as in his time were , Cerinthus , Ebion , and the like , who making profession of Christ , outwardly , and in words , doe neverthelesse hold , teach , or preach , false , erronious , or heretical doctrins , & opinions . Agreablie whereunto , S. Hillary also speaketh , saying , It is the propertie of Antichrists name , to be contrary unto Christ : This is practised ( saith he ) under the opinion of counterfeit pietie . This , under a shew of preaching the Gospel , is practized , that our Lord Iesus Christ may be denied , vvhilest hee is thought to be preached . And so also testifieth S. Hierome , saying : Antichristus est , quisquis sub nomine Christi ea docet , quae contraria sunt Christo : Hee is Antichrist , vvhosoever teacheth under the name of Christ , those things that bee contrary unto Christ. And therefore you must ever remember , to observe a difference betweene Christian , Vnchristian , and Antichristian people , ( into which three sorts of People , all the people in the world may aptlie be divided ) . The Vnchristian people , be those that make no profession at all of Christ , or Christianitie : of which sort be Iewes , Turkes , and other Infidels of the world . The Christian people revera , and indeed , of which in this distribution , I speake , be those , that professe Christ , and beleeve in him , and addict themselves onelie to his religion , and the rules and waies of it , as it is described and set downe in the sacred and canonical Scriptures . The Antichristian people , be those that professe Christ in words , & in outward shewes , and semblance , but yet neverthelesse denie or oppugne him in deeds , or in doctrine , or in both . Whence is concluded , that neither the Turke , nor Mahomet ( as I said before ) nor anie of the rest of the Infidells of the world , can properly and according to the Scripture phrase and sense , bee tearmed Antichrists , or Antichristians , ( fith they make no profession of Christ at all ) but such are properly to be termed , Vnchristian , and not Antichristian people : and consequently it remaineth that Antichrist , and Antichristian people , bee onely to bee found within Christendome , and amongst those that professe Christ. And who these be within Christendome , is easily to be discerned : for , that the Pope of Rome and his followers , be this kinde of covert , masked , and disguised adversaries , and opposites to Christ , and that under the name and profession of Christ , his church , and religion , I thinke there is none but doth , or may verie readilie perceive . But would you know it further , and in some particulars ? For you must indeed , come to particulars with them , inasmuch as , otherwise , in general termes , and words , they will make great profession of Christ , and of the rights , honors , & prerogatives , to him & his Church , belonging , and yet in the meane time , in particulars , and indirectlie , and by consequent , they will oppugne him . Inasmuch therefore , as he hath the name of Antichrist chiefelie by reason of his opposition unto Christ ( in this covert and disguised manner : ) let us see , how that is verified in the Pope , and Papacie . For which purpose , let us consider our Lord Iesus Christ , as he is to be considered : namelie , in respect of his person , and in respect of his offices , committed to him from his Father . In respect of his person , he is both God and Man : in respect of his offices , he is a Prophet , a Priest , & a King , unto us : Now , in everie of these respects , doth the Pope and Papacie oppugne Christ. For , first , what a God doe they make Christ to be , when they preferre the Virgin Mary above him , and acknowledge authoritie in her to command him ? For thus they speake unto her : Iube natum , & Iure Matris Impera redemptori : & , monstra te esse Matrem . That is , Command thy Sonne , and by thy motherly authority command the Redeemer : and , shew thy selfe to be a mother . Is he God , and the creator and supreame commander of all things , that is thus made subiect to the authoritie and commandement of a creature ? But doe they not further oppugne his Godhead verie manifestlie , when they hold , that everie Priest of theirs , after breathing of a few words out of his mouth , can create and make Iesus Christ , his maker ? for so they say ( as is before shewed ) that , Sacerdos est Creator creatoris sui : The Priest , is the Creator or maker of his maker . Now then , is he a God , that can be thus made by men ? And what doe they else but oppugne his Manhood also , verie manifestlie , whilest they make his bodie to be multi-present , that is , present in manie places at one time ? For , they say , it is both in heaven , and in earth at once , yea in so manie places as their Masse is celebrated , or their Host reserved , at one and the selfe same time : which is contrarie to the nature and propertie of a true bodie , which we are sure Christ Iesus hath . Yea , as they hold his Body to be carnallie eaten in the Sacrament , with the bodily mouth , so doe they hold it also to be void of dimensions , and quantitie , and to be uncircumscribed , and invisible , and no way sensible : which is , likewise , as much , as to make him to have no true bodie at all . When , againe , they hold , that his bodie is made out of the substance of a peece of bread ( for , so much , that their verie word , of Transubstantiation , importeth ) which was , indeed , not so made , but of the substance of the Virgin Mary , doe they not verie cleerelie oppugne his humanitie , and the veritie of his bodie ? You see then , how they doe oppugne the person of Christ , both in respect of his Deitie and also of his humanitie , verie apparantlie . Let us now likewise briefelie consider , how they oppugne Christ , in his three offices , namelie , as he is a Prophet a Priest , and a King , unto us . The Prophecie of Christ ( whose voice and instruction , as of a Prophet and Teacher all-sufficient , we are commanded to heare and obey ) they oppugne : first , by teaching that the sacred and Canonical Scriptures , be imperfect and insufficient , for a Christian mans instruction and salvation , without their Traditions : secondlie , by adding , not onlie their owne Traditions , but the Apocryphal Bookes and Decretal Epistles also , to the Canon of the Bible , and stablishing them to be , of equall authoritie & reverence with the Canonical Scriptures themselves : thirdlie , by equaling also the determinations of their Popes , and the Decrees of their Councels , and Church , ( which they say , cannot erre ) unto the divine and canonical Scriptures ; they holding them to be as undoubtedlie the voice & oracle of the Holie Ghost , as anie thing is , which is contained in those Scriptures : fourthlie , not onlie in equaling , but ( which is more , and much worse , ) in preferring , magnifying , and advancing of their Pope and Church , and their authoritie , above the authoritie of the Scriptures : and therefore doth Silvester Prierias , Master of the Popes Palace , affirme , that Indulgences bee warranted unto us , not by the authoritie of Scripture , but by the authoritie of the Church and Pope of Rome , which ( saith hee ) is a greater Authority . Againe hee saith : Whosoever resteth not on the doctrine of the Roman Church , and Bishop of Rome , as the infallible rule of God , à qua , sacra Scriptura robur trabit & authoritatem , from which , the sacred Scripture draweth her strength and authoritie , hee is an Heretick . And so saith Eckius likewise : that , Scriptura nisi Ecclesiae authoritate , non est authentica : The Scripture is not authenticall , but by the authoritie of the Church ▪ and sundry such waies doe they oppugne the all-sufficient written word , doctrine , and instruction of Christ , our Prophet . His Priesthood they also oppugne , which consisteth chiefly in these two things : viz. in sacrificing himselfe once for all his people , upon the Crosse , to take away their sinnes : and , in making intercession for them . Now this his onely-propitiatory , and only-bodily , and all-sufficient Sacrifice , they oppugne by erecting of another Sacrifice in their abominable Masse : wherein they say , their Priests offer up Christ everie day , or often , and that in a bodily manner ▪ and this sacrifice so offered by them , they also say is propitiatorie , and taketh away the sinnes of men : which is most intolerably blasphemous against that sacrifice of Christ. His all-sufficient mediation and intercession they also oppugne , by making manie Mediators and Intercessors beside him : as namely the Virgin Mary , and other Saints and Angells , for whose intercession sake , they desire God to heare them , and to grant their requests . The Kingdome of Christ , the Papacie likewise oppugneth : for they will not suffer his Church to be ruled and governed by his owne Word , and by such orders , rules and lawes , as hee in his Scriptures hath ordained ; but according to the canons , rules and pleasure of the Pope , and according to his constitutions and ordinances . Yea , as for the lawes and ordinances of God , the Pope partly dispenseth with them , and partly abrogateth them , making them at his pleasure , of no effect by his constitutions , traditions , and devises : yea , hee taketh to himselfe , to be king and head of the whole militant Church , and all the authoritie to the head and king of the Church belonging , and that without anie warrant at all from Christ , like a notable traytor and usurper . For which cause it is , that he also destroyeth , so much as he can , all the good subiects of this kingdome of Christ , even his best Saints and servants , be they Kings , Princes , or whosoever . And thus you see , how he oppugneth Christ , everie maner of way , both in respect of his Person , and in respect of his Offices : and that not openly and professedly , but in a cunning , close , and covert manner , that is , in such a sort , as belongeth to Antichrist , and Antichristian people to doe . 4 It is further said in this Text , where Antichrist is described ; that , Hee shall be exalted above all that is called God , or that is worshipped . Observe , that he doth not say ▪ that he shal be exalted above God , but , above every one that is called God. For it is one thing to be God essentially , and another thing to be called God , or to have the name of God or Gods attributed to him . Who then be the men that be in Scripture , called God , or Gods ? It is evident that they be Kings , Princes , & other such like Rulers and Magistrates . Now it is manifest , that , above all these the Pope is exalted ; yea even above the Emperors themselves . for he claimeth a Supremacie above them all : taking upon him , to depose Kings , Princes and Emperours , and to give away their Kingdomes , Empires and Dominions at his pleasure . O damnable and intolerable pride in a Bishop : Did ever S. Peter ( whose successor he pretendeth to be ) thus detestably magnifie and exalt himselfe ? All the Christian world knoweth , that S Peter was of another and more humble spirit : not exalting himselfe above , but subiecting himselfe evermore unto and under the authoritie of Kings , Princes and Emperors , and taught all people likewise this duety of subiection and obedience . And so did S. Paul also . Yea all Bishops , and even the Bishops of Rome themselves , aswell as the rest , were , in ancient time , subiect to the Emperors ; and the Emperors commanded over them . The Emperors Writ ( saith Hierome ) caused the Bishops , aswell of the East , as of the West , to draw to Rome . This is ( saith Eusebius ) a copie of the Emperors Writ , whereby hee commandeth a Councell to be kept in Rome . Note that he saith , he commanded it . Yea hee so commanded a Councell , that Pope Leo himselfe excused his absence before the Emperour . The Emperor Constantine ( saith Sozomen ) sent out his Letters unto all the Rulers of the Churches , that they should all meete at Nice upon a day : Vnto the Bishops of the Apostolicke Sees , unto Macarius the Bishop of Hierusalem , and unto Iulius the Bishop of Rome , &c. VVee command ( saith Iustinian the Emperour ) the most holy Archbishops and Patriarchs of Rome , of Constantinople , of Alexandria , of Antioch , and of Hierusalem , &c. Seeing then , that all Bishops , and even the Bishop of Rome , aswell as the rest , were in ancient time , subiect to Kings , Princes , and Emperors , as to the higher powers , so ordeined of GOD , over them : What monstrous pride is it now , in the Bishop of Rome , so highly to magnifie and advance himselfe , as to claime and arrogate to himselfe , a Supremacie and authoritie over them all ? Insomuch that it is registred of him in his owne Records , that hee is so manie times greater then the Emperor , as the Sunne is greater then the Moone . Is it not then , high time and more then time , for all , to renounce and to be ashamed of such an unholy Father , whose pride , by no pretences , can be excused , and is so superlatively ill , as that it is unmatchable ? 5 For , indeed , long before this his usurping and taking to himselfe a Supremacie over all Kings , Princes , and Emperors , to whom of right and duetie he ought to be subiect , did his pride appeare , and shew it selfe , in taking upon him a Supremacie over all Bishops and Patriarches , who were his equals : so that he would be called Vniversal Priest , or Vniversal Bishop , chiefest Bishop , & head of the whole universal Church of Christ upon earth , and by other such like loftie and supereminent titles . And yet when Iohn , the Patriarch of Constantinople , affected that title , of Vniversal Bishop over all , you may remember , what Gregory himselfe , the then Bishop of Rome spake , namely thus : I speake it confidently , that vvhosoever calleth himselfe the universal Bishop , or desireth to be so called , he is , in that his Elation , the forerunner of Antichrist , because in that his pride , he setteth himselfe before others . Againe , he saith : None of my Predecessors , Bishops of Rome , ●ver consented to use this ungodly name : No Bishop of Rome over tooke upon him , this name of singularitie : vvee the Bishops of Rome , vvill not receive this honour , being offered unto us . Againe , writing unto Eulogius , hee saith thus : Behold even in the preface of your letter , you have written the word of a proude appell●tion , naming mee the universal Pope , notwithstanding I have forbidden it : I beseech your holinesse to doe so no more : For whatsoever is given to any other above reason , the same is taken from your selves . Yea , it is further recorded even in Gratian himselfe , that , The Bishop of Rome may not bee called universal Bishop . Here then you may perceive , how shamelesly , the Popish Church abuseth some places of Scripture , wresting them , for the maintenance of this their Popes claimed Supremacie and universalitie over all Bishops , and the whole Church of Christ. As first , they alledge that saying of Christ to Peter ; where ( after that Christ had demanded of his Apostles : VVhom doe yee say that I am ? and that Peter had answered in the name of them all , saying , Thou art Christ the Sonne of the living God ) : Christ said unto him : Blessed art thou Simon the sonne of Ionas , for flesh and bloud hath not revealed this unto thee , but my Father vvhich is in heaven : And I say unto thee , Thou art Peter : and upon this Rocke vvill I build my Church : and the gates of hell shall not overcome it : And I will give unto thee , the Keyes of the Kingdome of heaven : and vvhatsoever thou shalt binde on earth shall be bound in heaven , and vvhatsoever thou shalt loose on earth , shall be loosed in heaven . Howbeit , first , you must be put in mind , that the confession which Peter here made , of Christ to be the Sonne of the living God , was likewise the confession and acknowledgement of the rest of the Apostles , aswel as of Peter : so that Hee for his part was , therin , but as the Mouth of the rest , or like the Foreman of a Iurie , pronouncing that verdict and confession for them all . For which cause also , the Keyes of the Kingdome of Heaven , and the power of binding and loosing of sinnes , bee there promised to be given to Peter , not as to him alone , but to him as bearing and representing at that time the person of them all . For , that Peter at that time , represented the person of them all , is manifest , by these reasons . First the question was demanded , not of Peter alone , but of the rest of the Apostles aswell as of him , ( for the words be not in the singular , but in the plural number : Vos autem quem me esse dicitis ? But VVhom doe yee say that I am ? ) and consequently , the answer that was given , must consonantly thereunto , be supposed to be the answer of them all . For it were a verie uncivill and unseemely part , beside undutifull , if the rest being demanded and asked the question aswell as Peter ; should give no maner of answer to their Lord and Master demanding it of them . Which they must needs be held guiltie of , unlesse their answer be taken to bee included , and comprehended in that answere of Peter . Secondly , when this promise made to S. Peter , came to bee performed , it was performed to them all alike : as you may see in that place of Ioh. 20.22 , 23. where that promise was performed , and accomplished . Which also sheweth , that the promise made to S. Peter , was not made as to him alone , but to him , as representing at that time the person of them all . For the promise , and the performance of that promise , must of necessitie have coherence , and bee made to agree together , as most aptlie and rightly expounding one an other . And according hereunto , doe the Ancient Fathers likewise expound it : Origen saith : This saying of Christ to Peter ( I will give unto thee the keyes of the Kingdome of heaven ) is common also to the rest of the Apostles : and the words that follow , as spoken to Peter , bee also common to them all . Again he saith : Shall we dare to say , that the gates of hell shall not overcome onely Peter ? and that the same gates shall prevaile against all the other Apostles ? And againe hee saith : If wee speak● the same thing that Peter spake , wee are become Peter , and unto us it shall bee said : Thou art Peter : for hee is a Rocke , whosoever is the disciple of Christ. And againe hee saith : If thou thinke that the whole Church was builded only upon Peter : what wilt thou then say of Iohn , the son of Thunder : and of everie of the Apostles ? Cyprian speaketh in like sort , upon these words of Christ to Peter . In the person of one man ( saith hee ) the Lord did give the Keies to all the Apostles , to signifie the unitie of them all : for verilie the rest of the Apostles , were the same that Peter was , endued with equal f●llowship both of honour and power ; But hee did begin with unitie , that is to say , with one , that thereby it might be signified , that there is but one Church of Christ. In like sort doth S. Augustine expound it , saying : VVhen they vvere all asked , Peter alone maketh the Ansvver : and it is said unto him : I vvill give unto thee the Keies of the kingdome of heaven : as though hee alone had received authoritie to binde and to loose : whereas HE had spoken THAT , for them All , and received THIS , as representing , or bearing in himselfe the person of unitie . And againe hee saith : If there were not a mystery of the Church in Peter , The Lord would not have said , I will give to thee the Keyes of the Kingdom of heaven : for if this were said onely to Peter , then the Church hath them not : And if the Church hath them , then when hee received the Keyes , hee signified the whole Church . So likewise testifieth S. Hierome : Yee will say ( saith hee ) that the Church is builded upon Peter : hovvbeit in another place , the same thing is done upon all the Apostles : and all receive the Keyes of the Kingdome of heaven , and the strength of the Church , is founded equally upon them all . Beda doth likewise so expound it , saying thus : The power of binding and loosing , notwithstanding it seeme to bee given onely to Peter , yet , without all doubt , wee must understand , that it was given also to the rest of the Apostles . Haymo doth also so affirm : This authoritie ( saith hee ) the Lord gave not onely to Peter , but also to all the Apostles : because Peter expressed the faith of all the Apostles , when he said , Thou art Christ , the Sonne of the living God : So that vvhat the Lord said to Peter , he said unto all his Apostles : as appeareth , Ioh. 20.23 . where hee saith thus unto them all alike : VVhose sinnes yee remit , they are remitted unto them : and whose sinnes yee reteine , they are reteyned . Wherefore the Keyes , whereby the Kingdome of heaven , is opened and shut to sinners , and the power of binding and loosing sinnes , appeare to be , no more specially , or principallie given to Peter , then to the rest of the Apostles , but they all received that power & athority , equally , & alike . And here withal you may perceive , that the verie person of Peter , is not the Rocke , or foundation , whereupon the Church of Christ is builded ( for then , upon the death of Peter , the church , for want of a rocke or foundation , to uphold it , would have come to ruine ) but it is Christ Iesus himselfe ( whom Peter there , for himself , & in the name of the rest , confessed ) that is the Rocke , and foundation , to support and uphold the Church , and whereupon it is builded . For so also doth S. Paul expound and declare it , saying in precise termes , thus : Other foundation can no man lay , then that vvhich is layd alreadie , vvhich is Iesus Christ ▪ where you see , that hee expresly affirmeth , the Church to have no other foundation , but Christ onely . And in another place , hee also calleth Christ Iesus , the Rocke , in expresse termes : for he saith : That Rocke was Christ : yea , and Christ himselfe saith : Hee that heareth my vvordes , and doth them , is the vvise man , that buildeth his house upon the Rocke , What better expositors then these would you have , to expound and declare these words ? By the Rocke then , not Peter , but Christ is to be understood . Yea , howsoever Christ spake in the Syriacke tongue , using the word Cepha , in both places , yet in the Greek text , ( which taketh away all ambiguitie , & declareth the verie true sense of those words ) as also in the latin translations , there is a cleer & expresse difference , and distinction made , inter Petrum , & Petram , betweene Peter , and the Rocke : for the words bee not , as you suppose : Thou art Peter , and upon thee vvill I build my Church : but thus : Thou art Peter , and upon this Rocke I will build my Church : that is , upon my selfe , whom thou hast thus confessed to bee the Messias , or Christ , the Sonne of the living God , will I build my Church . So that howsoever the Church is builded upon Christ , and such faith in him , and confession of him , as S. P●●er had , and delivered , yet it is not builded upon the person of S. Peter , as is apparant . And so also doth S. Augustine teach and expound those words : Thou art Peter ( saith hee ) and upon this Rocke vvhich thou hast confessed , upon this Rocke vvhich thou hast acknowledged , in saying ( Thou art Christ , the Sonne of the living God ) I vvill build my Church : that is upon my selfe , being the Sonne of the living God. I vvill build my Church : I vvill build thee , upon mee , and not mee upon thee . For men , vvilling to build upon men , said , I hold of Paul , I of Apollo , and I of Cephas , that is , of Peter : but others , that would not build upon Peter , but upon the Rocke , said , I holde of Christ. Be not these things , then verie plaine and evident ? It is true , that in the numbring of the names of the Apostles , Peter is reckoned , first : but as they could not all be reckoned at once , but that of necessitie , some must bee reckoned before the other , so Theophilact telleth you the reason of it , to bee , namely , because hee , and Andrevv his brother , were the first , that were called by Christ , to the Apostleship : as is , indeed , manifest , in Mat. 4.18 , 19. &c. And therefore doth S. Ambrose also acknowledge , that Paul was not interiour to Peter , or to anie of the rest of the Apostles ( that went before him ) in Dignitie , but in Time. And in his Booke De Incarnat . Domini cap. 4. hee affirmeth , the Primacie of Peter , to bee Primatum confessionis &c. A. Primacie of confession verely , but not of honour : a primacie of faith , but not of Degree . And likewise doth S. Augustine say of him , that hee was ordine primus , the first , in order or reckoning . Although then , Peter bee granted to have a Primacie , yet you see what manner of Primacie it was , & that it was not anie King-like , or Emperour-like primacie , but a Primacie onelie of order , or of Excellencie in other respects . For Christ Iesus himselfe , when the Apostles contended for a Maioritie , one over another , sheweth directly , that they might not expect to raigne , or beare Domination , one over another , although they saw Kings and Princes , to doe so over the people of those nations that were subiect to them : Vos autem non sic : Yee may not doe so . Agreeablie whereunto , S. Cyprian also hath told us , that Christ gave to all his Apostles the same , or , equal authoritie : And againe hee saith , that Peter tooke nothing proudlie upon him , as to say , That hee had a Primacie , whereby others that were his after-commers , should bee obedient to him . And so likewise testifieth the Greeke Scoliast of him , saying thus : Behold hovv hee doth all things vvith common consent : And further , hee saith of him : that hee did nothing Archicos , that is , Imperiously , or with Commanding authoritie : Much lesse did hee anie thing , Monarchicos , that is , like a Monarch , or King over all . So that Peter had no more primacie , in respect of anie Legal , Princely , or Monarchical authoritie over the rest of the Apostles , then the rest had over him : nor was anie more the Rocke , or foundation of the Church , then the rest were . Yea , when S. Paul sheweth , that the Church is built upon the foundation of the Apostles , and Prophets , Iesus Christ himselfe , being the chiefe Corner-stone : and when it is likewise said in S. Iohn , to haue tvvelve foundations , and in them , the names of the Lambes tvvelve Apostles : It is by both those places verie apparant , that Peter , by being a foundation , hath therein , no more preeminence , or prerogative then the rest , inasmuch as the rest bee there expresly said to bee foundations , as well as hee : The Church being founded , aswell upon the rest of the Apostles , as upon Peter : and the strength of the Church , being equally builded upon them all , as S. Hierome hath also before affirmed . But then secondly , they alledge , Luk. 22.31 , 32. where Christ saith thus unto Peter : Symon , Symon , behold , Satan hath desired you , to vvinnow you as vvheat : But I have prayed for thee , that thy faith fayle not , therefore when thou art converted , strengthen thy brethren . In which words , Christ foreseeing , how Satan would sift and shake them all , but especiallie Peter ( who by thrice denying him , and forswearing of him , was to fall more grievouslie , and dangerously then the rest ) therefore telleth him , that hee had praied for him especiallie , that his faith faile not , that is , ( as Beda expoundeth it ) That after hee vvas fallen by denying Christ , hee might rise again by repentance : and being so raised up to repentance , by Gods special grace , and Christs prayer , hee might bee afterward able , even by his owne example and experience , to comfort & strengthen others , in the like case . S. Chrysostome likewise so expoundeth it : Oravi pro te ne deficeret , fides tua , hoc est , ne in fine pereas : I have prayed for thee , that thy faith fall not , that is ( saith hee ) that thou finallie perish not . Againe , hee sheweth you the true cause , why Christ did there so speciallie mention Peter by name : If ( saith hee ) Satan desired to sift the miall , vvhy did not Christ pray for them all ? It is evident , as I said before , that to touch him the more deepely , and to shevv his fall to bee farre more grievous , then anie of the rest , Christ turned his speech to him in particular . Againe he saith thus : I have praied for thee particularly , that thy faith faile thee not . This Christ spake , to touch Peter the more vehemently , signifying , that his fall should be much fouler , then of his fellovves , and therefore that hee needed the more helpe . This text then sheweth a greater weaknesse in Peter , and a greater danger towards him , then toward the rest , and from whence it was , that hee had his strength and stabilitie , whereby hee was kept , that hee did not utterlie perish , in that his so grievous and dangerous a fall : but it is far from proving or intending , anie Monarchical , or Princelie rule or authoritie in him over the rest : It hath no such scope , purpose or meaning in it . And here also is answered the third Text they cyte , of Ioh. 21.15 , 16 , 17. where Peter having formerly denied Christ thrice , and yet having his sinnes forgiven him ( and therefore being bound to love Christ , more then the rest , because more was forgiven him ) Christ thrice requireth of him , to manifest and declare that his greater love , by so much the more diligenter feeding of his Sheeepe : for this is the verie drift , true scope , and meaning of Christ , in that place . As S. Cyrill doth also declare in these wordes : Because Peter ( saith he ) being enobled , from Christ himselfe , with the name of the Apostleship with others , did thrice deny Christ , in the time of his passion : now by right is required of him , three confessions of his love : that three denials , might be countervayled , and recompensed , vvith an equal number of confessings , &c. Christ asked of him vvhether he loved him , more then the rest did ? for he that had experience of the greater clemency of the Lord towards him , ought of right to be affected with greater love : for although generally all the Disciples were stricken vvith great feare , vvhen the Lord vvas betrayed : yet the fault of Peter vvas greater then of the rest : vvho so denyed Christ in so short a time . Because therefore hee obteyned remission of sinnes by greater clemency of the Saviour : greater love of right is required of him : for he to vvhom more is forgiven , ought more to love . S. Augustine also , upon this Text likewise , inferreth , saying : Let the duty of love be , to feed the Lords flocke . And Chrysostome likewise saith : Ter interrogat &c. Christ asketh thrice , and he alwayes commandeth the same thing : that hee might shew how great care he hath of his sheepe , and that the feeding of them is the greatest argument of love . To the like effect speake other also of the ancient Fathers : declaring that , the speech of Christ to Peter , touching the feeding of his sheepe , belongeth not onely to Peter , but to all Bishops , Pastors , and Ministers of the word also . Wherefore S. Basil saith thus : Christ said unto Peter ; Lovest thou mee ? Feede my sheepe . And in like sort unto all Pastors , and Doctors hee gave the same power : a Token vvhereof is this , that they doe All equally binde and loose , aswell as Peter . In like sort speaketh againe S. Augustine , saying : The vvords of Christ , Lovest thou mee ? and , Feed my sheepe : vvhen they are spoken unto Peter ; they are spoken unto all . And so witnesseth S. Ambrose also , saying : Our Lord said unto Peter , Feede my sheepe : vvhich sheepe and flocke , not only Peter then received , but he receiveth the same together vvith us : and all vvee have received the same together with him . So that Peter , neither in respect of feeding the flocke of Christ , nor in anie other respect , can be shewed to have , or to have exercised anie imperious or Princely primacie , or Monarchical superioritie , over the rest of the Apostles , but was , in respect of rule , power , and authoritie , equal with the rest , & the rest with him . And this also further appeareth , by the verie Commission it selfe ( if you look upon it ) which was given to them , when they were sent out into all the world : for therein , is no more principalitie , power , or authority given or appointed to the one , then to the other . But now here , lastly observe withall , that they be the Keyes of the Kingdome of heaven , ( and not of Earthly kingdomes ) which Christ hath committed to his Ministers . So that neither Excommunication , nor anie other power of the Keyes ( be it never so lawfully or iustly administred or executed ) is of force , to depose anie man from an earthly kingdome , though it be of force , being rightly used , to seclude a man from the kingdom of God , if he repent not . And therfore here I must crave leave to tell you ; that most wickedly & intolerably , hath the Pope of Rome abused excommunication and the power of the Keyes , whilst he hath used them for the pulling down of Kings and Princes from their Thrones , and thereupon hath moved subiects to revolt from their Soveraignes , & to rebell against them . Is not this sweet doctrine , and an holy religion , that upon no warrant at all , yea contrarie to the rule & commandement of God , shall presume to perswade subiects , to rebell against their lawfull Soveraignes , because forsooth , the Pope hath excommunicated them ? For consider well the matter . First , it appeareth that the Pope is no Minister at all of Christ , but the verie Grand Antichrist ( as this Booke cleerely manifesteth ) and hath therefore no authoritie from Christ , to excommunicate anie Christians at all , much lesse to excommunicate Christian Kings and Princes . But secondly , if he had that authority , & that Princes were excommunicated by him , yet is excommunication of no force ( be it never so rightly done , or , used ) to dissolve the duetie and allegeance of anie subiects , or to depose from earthly kingdomes : inasmuch as excommunication , and the whole power of the Keyes ( as is here apparant ) stretcheth onlie to the Kingdome of Heaven , and not to earthly Kingdomes . I know they alledge , that we are to account an excommunicate person , as a Publican or Heathen . What of this ? Admit , if you will , that hee were thereby , become actually , and in all respects , a very Heathen : yet I pray tell mee ; be not Heathen Kings Kings , aswell as those that be Christian ? Yea , were they not , manifestly , Heathen Kings and Princes , whom neverthelesse S. Paul , and S. Peter also , commanded obedience and subiection to be yeelded unto ? Were not all those , Heathen Emperors likewise , to whom the first Christians that lived under their persecutions , were neverthelesse obedient ? You see then , that if it were so , that excommunication did ( as it doth not ) make a christian King to become a verie heathen King in all points and respects , yet still neverthelesse hee remaineth a King , and consequently is still to be honoured and obeyed , as a King , of all his subiects . They alledge secondly , that the familiars and wonted companions of a man excommunicated , are to withdraw their companie from him , to the end hee may be ashamed of his sinne , and so be brought to repentance : but doth this inferre , that therefore subiects may or ought to withdraw their obedience and allegeance from their King ? No such matter . For subiects cannot be termed or held , for familiars or companions to those Kings and Princes under whom they be , but the Kings and Princes of other Nations , and such as be forreiners , if anie . If the Father be excommunicated , though others withdraw their companie from him , to the end hee may be ashamed of his sinne committed , yet may not his sonne , that oweth special dutie to him as to his father , therefore withdraw his duetie and obedience . For though excommunication make him , as an Heathen and a Publican , yet it maketh him not , no father , but hee still remaineth a father as he was before : and therefore of all his children , is to be reverenced , honoured , and obeyed , as a father . So likewise if the Husband , be excommunicate , and that others therefore are to withdraw themselves from him , yet neverthelesse hee still remaineth an husband , and consequently whatsoever others doe , his wife , that oweth him special duetie and respect , is not to withdraw her duetie and obedience , but is still to performe it unto him , as to her husband . If the Master be excommunicate , and that others therefore doe withdraw their companie from him ; yet is not his servant to withdraw his duetie and service from him : for notwithstanding excommunication hee still is and remaineth a Master to his servant ; and consequently notwithstanding excommunication , he is still of all his servants to be obeyed as a Master . In like sort , if a King be excommunicate , and that therefore other Kings and Princes , and such as owe him no subiection , doe withdraw themselves from him , yet may not his owne subiects , withdraw their subiection , duetie , and obedience : inasmuch as notwithstanding excommunication , hee still is , and remaineth a King , to his subiects , and consequently is of them , still to be honoured , and obeyed , as their King. But so as the Pope may serve his owne turne , and erect and stablish to himselfe , a Throne and Kingdome upon earth , above all Kings , Princes , and Emperors of the world , ( which is the chiefe , or onely marke , he shot at ) what careth hee , what , or whom , or how he doth abuse , be they Kings , or subiects , or whosoever . Yea , it is too well knowne to the world , that some of his Cardinals , Priests , and Iesuites , have been so monstrous , as to perswade subiects to lay violent hands upon , and to murther their owne Soveraignes , accounting it , forsooth , to be a matter meritorious , to commit such abominable and lothsome villanie , in their pretended Catholicke , but indeed most divellish and Antichristian cause . If anie make doubt hereof , let Parry , Ballard , Babington , and sundrie others executed in the late Queene ELIZABETHS dayes , be witnesses hereof . And let also that late most execrable plot and intention of theirs , to blow up the Parliament house in England , and all that should be in it , with Gunpowder , likewise beare witnesse hereof to all posterities . How then can such a Religion , which under colour of being Catholike , and under pretence of a Catholike cause , ( when neverthelesse it is nothing so , but the cleane contrarie ) alloweth , warranteth , commandeth and commendeth rebellion , treason , and murther of Christian & Protestant Kings and Princes , and their people , as a matter good and meritorious , be , but most detestable and damnable ? And what can the Pope , being the approver , allower , and chiefe , in this businesse , and for whose sake all this is done , be , but the Grand Antichrist ? Where also you may further understand , that the Popish Priests , Iesuites , and the rest of that order , being ( as they are ) no Ministers of Christ , but of Antichrist , can therefore give to none of you , anie absolution or remission of your sinnes , but doe rather augment , enlarge , and increase your sinnes so much the more , ( as they must needs ) by such your unlawfull resorting to them . So that hereafter ye shal doe well , to forbeare , and leave off your Eare-Christ , or , Auricular Confession to them : which hath also no commandement , or institution from Christ , but is onely an humane devise , whereunto none is necessarily tied . Which thing is so cleere that their owne Canon Law affirmeth : that , It vvas taken up onely by a certaine Tradition , and not by any au●horitie of the Old or New Testament . Panormitan likewise saith : That opinion of the Canon Law , greatly pleaseth him , because he findeth no manifest authoritie , that ever God , or Christ , commanded us to confesse our sinnes to a Priest. And Rhenanus , and , Erasmus , also , affirme , that Christ ordeined it not . M●ctarius Bishop of Constantinople , upon an accident that fell out at Confession , put it cleane downe in his Church : and the Bishops of the East did the like in theirs . Which those godly ancient Bishops would never have done , nor lawfully could have done , if it had beene Gods owne ordinance and institution . As for the confession of sinnes which they made , that came to be baptised of S. Iohn Baptist ; it was voluntarie , and publike , and no private , or , auricular confession : and so was also their confession , voluntarie and publike , and not secret or auricular , which is mentioned in Acts 19. It is true , that S. Iames saith : Confesse your faults one to another , and pray one for another , that yee may be healed . But this no more tyeth you to confesse your faults , or sinnes , to a Priest , then to another man : yea , it no more tieth you ( if yee well observe the words ) to confesse your sinnes to a Priest , then ●t t●eth a Priest to confesse his sinnes to you : for by these words ▪ Christian● bee charged to confesse their sinnes one to another : as they be likewise there charged , to pray one for another . I grant , that in the ancient Church , such as were publike offenders , did , for those their open and publike offences , publike pennance , by publike and open confession of them , in the Congregation , with sorrow for the same , and asking forgivenesse first of God , then of the Church or congregation which they had so offended : After which publike confession , and pennance , and satisfaction so made to the Church or Congregation , where the offence was committed , they were againe reconciled , and received absolution by a publike pronouncing of it upon that their repentance declared . Which kinde of publike confession , and open pennance , and absolution thereupon , is also observed in the reformed & Protestant churches . But this no way serveth to prove your private , secret , and auricular confession ; yea it rather maketh against it , because this was publike . Yet if anie thinke , that a private confession to a Minister of Christ , is , sometime , and in some cases , convenient and meet to be used : the Protestants in their learned and godly workes , against the Papists , have told you , that they doe not dislike it , but well allow and commend it , so often as burthen of conscience oppresseth anie man , for anie sinne by him committed , to utter those his griefes , and confesse his sinnes which wound him so sore , either to anie faithfull Minister of Christ , or to anie other skilfull , godly , and discreet Christian whosoever , thereby to receive helpe , remedie , and consolation . Caietan himselfe , though hee like well , with us , of a voluntarie confession which is not forced or commanded , yet expressely denieth this Popish manner of Auricular Confession to be of Christs institution . And indeed the Ministers of Christ may verie well pronounce absolution or forgivenesse of sinnes upon a free and voluntarie confession , though they binde not men , by a law of necessitie , at certaine times of the yeare , to make such a confession unto them , as is used and urged in the Papacie , after a tyrannical manner . This Christian , moderate , and allowable course , doe the Protestant Ministers hold , in their receiving of anie Confessions : as also they forgive not sinnes absolutely , and at pleasure , but onely ( as is before said ) ministerially and declaratively , and with a limitation , viz. so as they have a right and lively faith , and a true repentance , to whom they pronounce their absolution . But to proceede , and to shew how the other words in the Text , be also verified in the Pope : whilest he taketh upon him to forgive sinnes , as fully & absolutely as God himselfe : whilest he taketh upon him to depose Kings , and to dispose of their kingdomes at his pleasure : whilest he taketh upon him , not onely to order and dispose of earthly kingdomes , but also to rule and order the whole Church of God upon earth , at his owne will : what doth hee else , but sit in the Temple of God , as God , and so shew himselfe as if be vvere God ? yea , whilest he advanceth himselfe , above all Bishops , Kings , Princes , and Emperors of the World , and above all general Councels also , so that hee will not be censured or controlled by anie of these , or by anie of their lawes or constitutions , and ( which is yet more ) whilest hee advanceth himselfe even above the divine Scriptures then selves , dispensing with them at his pleasure : what doth he else , but so carrie himselfe as if he were God , or rather above God ? But , againe , what doth he else but sit in the Temple of God as God , and so shew himselfe as if he were God , whilest he ruleth and raigneth in mens consciences , like God , yea or rather above God himselfe ? for common experience sheweth , that the men and women that be under his subiection , and of his Church and superstition , be more devoted , and more regardfull , to know and obey his will , and his ordinances , and constitutions , then they be to know and obey God , & his word , and commandements . It is then verie evident that the Pope , is , at the least , as a God unto them , and that upon him they as confidently relie , as upon God himselfe , affirming and supposing him to have an infallibilitie of iudgement , and such a special direction by the Holy Ghost , as that he cannot possibly erre , in anie thing he teacheth , decreeth , or determineth . Yea doth he not sit in the Temple of God as God , & so shew himselfe as if he were God , when he not onely taketh upon him , the proper and peculiar powers , honours , preeminences , rights , and authorities , belonging unto God , as is before declared , but even the verie title and name also of God ? For , with a verie bould face , hee acknowledgeth himselfe to be called God , urgeth the title , and challengeth it : and further , they say of him , that he is , Dominus deus noster Papa , Our Lord God the Pope . And doe not also these Verses , dedicated to him , and accepted of him , sufficiently declare the same ? Oraclo vocis mundi moderaris habenas , Et meritò in terris crederis esse Deus . That is , By Oracle of thy voyce , thou rul'st and govern'st all , And vvorthily a God on earth , men deeme and doe thee call . 6 But S. Paul proceedeth , and saith thus : Remember yee not , that vvhen I vvas yet vvith you , I told you these things ? and novv yee knovv , vvhat vvithholdeth , that hee might bee revealed in his time : for the mysterie of iniquitie alreadie vvorketh : only bee vvhich novv vvithholdeth , shall let , untill hee bee taken out of the vvay , and then shall that vvicked ( or , lavvlesse ) ●an bee revealed . Here hee sheweth , what it was that did withhold and keepe backe Antichrist , that hee did not appeare in his colours , in those times of the Apostles : albeit , the Mystery of that Iniqui●y was not then altogether idle , but was even then a working , in such close manner as it could . This same , To chatechon , vvhich vvithholdeth , and letteth , and hindereth Antichrist , that hee could not then appeare , was the Romane Empyre , as Tertullian , Chrysostome , Augustine , Hierome , and others doe expound it . For so long as the Romane Empyre stood in his full and florishing estate , Antichrist could not rise to that his power and height . And therefore that Antichrist might appeare , and shew himselfe in his glorie and greatnesse , it was requisite , that the Emperour of Rome , should give place and depart from that Cittie , where the seate of the Empyre then was , that so the Pope might possesse it , and make it his seat : according to that prophesie in the Revelation of S. Iohn before mentioned : where it is foretold , that , that great City of Rome , was to become the head and Metropolitan Citie , for the Antichristian Kingdome . And the issue and event hath shewed it selfe answerable . For the Emperor Constantine , removed and translated the seat of the Empire , from Rome in Italy , unto Bizantium , ( otherwise called Constantinople ) in Greece : and after that began the Emperors , by little , and little , to loose their right in Italy : so that at the last , Rome , the ancient seate of the Empyre , with a great part of Italy , fell into the Bishop of Rome his hands : and now , and for the space of manie hundred yeares , hath the Bishop of Rome , otherwise called the Pope ( & not the Emperour ) there had his seate . This is so evident , as that it needeth no further declaration . Wherefore to goe forward , S. Paul saith : that , The comming of Antichrist , shall bee by the vvorking of Satan , vvith all povver , and signes , and lying vvonders , and in all deceivablenesse of unrighteousnesse , amongst them that perish , because they received not the love of the truth &c. This is before shewed , to agree verie fitly to the Kingdome of Poperie . For who boast so much of Miracles , as they ? And yet , even touching the Miracles in their Legends , Claudius Espencaeus himselfe saith : No Stable is so full of dung , as their Legends are full of fables . Canus also taxeth , even Gregories Dialogues , and Bedaes Historie in this point . And Caietan further taxeth , as uncertaine , the Miracles done , even by those that bee the Canonized Saints in Poperie . Why then will they still bee so credulous , as to beleeve their Miracles , to obiect them , or to rely upon them ? For if you doubt of the reall bodily presence of Christ in the Sacrament , they will tell you , that it hath beene confirmed by Miracle . If you doubt of Purgatorie , and whether Masses , Trentalls , Praiers , or such like , do the Soules of the dead anie good , they will also tell you of a Miracle , or of some strange Vision , Revelation , or Apparition of some dead person , to prove the same : And so ( to comprehend all in few words ) for the confirmation of their whole religion , they will tell you strange tales of Miracles , Apparitions , and wonders , wrought by their Popes , Priests , Iesuites , Monkes , and other their supposed holy men , and holy women of their religion . Howbeit , God himselfe hath herein given us a good rule , and direction , saying thus : If there arise among you , a Prophet , or a Dreamer of Dreames , and give thee a signe or vvonder ( and the signe , and the vvonder , vvhich hee hath told thee , come to passe ) saying : Let us goe after other gods , vvhich thou hast not knovvn , and let us serve them : thou shalt not hearken to the vvords of that Prophet , or unto that Dreamer of dreames : for the Lord your God proveth you , to knovv , vvhether you love the Lord your God , vvith all your heart , and vvith all your soule : yee shall vvalke after the Lord your God , and feare him , and shall keepe his commandements : and hearken unto his voyce , and yee shall serve him , and cleave unto him : But that Prophet , or , that Dreamer of dreames , hee shall bee slaine , because hee hath spoken to turne you avvay from the Lord your God , ( vvhich brought you out of the Land of Egypt , and delivered you out of the house of Bondage ) to thrust thee out of the vvay , vvherein the Lord thy God commanded thee to vvalke . Wherby we are admonished , that if anie Miracle be wrought , or wonder done , to leade a man out of the right way from God , and his religion , or for the confirmation of anie Idolatrous , erroneous , or false religion , or of anie point of Error , or Vntruth : wee must not regard it , or bee moved by it . And therefore wee are first to examine , whether that point of faith , and religion , which in these daies , is so attempted , or intended to bee proved by Miracle , or Wonder , bee consonant and agreeable to the word of God , delivered unto us in the holie and Canonical Scriptures : For , if it be not found to bee thereby warranted , the Miracle , or wonder , wrought for the confirmation of that untruth , must beare no sway with us , how great soever it seeme , but must be reiected , as here you see . And this is one cause , amongst the rest why they bee called , Lying Miracles , and wonders , which are done in Poperie , the Antichristian Church , because they bee done to this end , to maintaine lyes , and lying doctrines , and an untrue and false religion : whereby they deceive men , and bring them , first to Impietie , and misbeleefe , and afterward to utter ruine and destruction . 7 For as this Antichristian Poperie was to prevaile , by the subtiltie , and deceiveablenesse therof , and by the working of Satan , and by the lying miracles and wonders that be therin : so S. Paul further sheweth , amongst vvhom it should prevaile , namelie , Amongst them that perish , because they received not the love of the truth , that they might be saved : and that therefore God did sent them strong delusion , that they should beleeve lyes : that they all might be damned , vvhich beleeved not the Truth , but had pleasure in unrighteousnesse . In which words you see , first , the cause and reason , which God had to punish the world , with this great plague of Antichristian Popish blindenesse , namely , the neglect and contempt of his Word and Gospell , and their preferring mens traditions , doctrines , lies , and devises , before his truth in his Scriptures contained : For ( saith he ) because they received not the love of the Truth , that they might bee saved ; therefore it is , that Satan with his fraudes and deceiptfull practises , should so prevaile among them . Againe hee saith : And therefore shall God send them strong delusion , that they should beleeve lyes , that they all might be damned vvhich beleeved not the truth , but had pleasure in unrighteousnesse . Observe here well , that hee calleth it ( as most apparantly it is indeede ) a strong delusion , wherewith Papists are possessed , and carried ; and that it is also a strong delusion to beleeve lyes , and such , as that they take pleasure in that unrighteousnesse . Doe not all devoted Papists finde this to be true ? And is not Popish Antichristianisme , also rightly & worthily called , Iniustice , or , unrighteousnesse ? when most iniuriously it hath robbed God and men , Christ and his Church , and the sacred and canonical Scriptures , and not only Bishops and Clergie men , but Kings , Princes , and Emperors also , and people , of the rights , and dues to them belonging ? Yea , it breaketh the strength and sinewes of Common weales also , aswell as of the Church , by lying and deceiptfull equivocations : by dispensing with oathes , and with other things : by their doctrine and Decree , that Faith is not to be kept vvith Heretickes : by their dissolving of the allegeance of subiects : by their doctrine of deposing Kings : by their Gun-powder plots , and most detestable devises of treasons , rebellions , murders , and massacres of Christian and Protestant Princes , and their people : and by sundrie other wayes , rufull to be told , and most shamefull to be either professed or put in execution . Can there be greater points of iniustice or unrighteousnesse then these ? But all this while , forget not , I beseech you , amongst what manner of people it is , that this Antichristian Poperie prevaileth namely , that it is amongst them that perish , that all they might be damned vvhich beleeved not Gods truth , ( extant in his Scriptures ) but take pleasure in that unrighteousnesse : For , doe you not hereby perceive , the most fearefull estate , and most wofull condition , that all Papists be in , that notwithstanding , they be often admonished , will not , for all that , forsake Antichrist , and his religion , to embrace the truth , and the most pure religion of Christ , taught in the holy Scriptures ? Bee they not here expressely affirmed to be such as perish , and are to be damned , if they persist obstinate , and will not be reclaimed or converted ? Agreeably hereunto is also , that which is written in the Revelation of S. Iohn , where the Angel uttered it with a lowd voice ( to the end that all men should take notice of it ) saying : If any man vvorship the beast , and his image , and receive his marke in his forhead , or on his hand , the same shall drinke of the vvine of the vvrath of God , yea of the pure vvine that is poured into the cup of his vvrath , and hee shall be tormented with fire and brimstone , before the holy Angells , and before the Lambe : and the smoake of their torment , shall ascend up evermore , and they shall have no rest , day nor night , vvhich worship the beast , and his image , and whosoever receiveth the print of his name . Consider these things seriously , yee that are wont to say and hold , that None can be saved but he that is a pure Papist : Doe yee not see the cleane contrarie here directly affirmed , and that by warrant from God himselfe , that whosoever is a pure Papist , and in contempt of all admonitions , will so live and die , is not a saved but a damned soule ? Wee wish your salvation , and if your selves wish it likewise , ( as no doubt ye doe ) , yee will then take the right course for it , and be content not onely patiently , but thankefully also , to receive these christian and friendly admonitions , and so be moved in time to relinquish , and utterly to detest and abandon this Antichristian Poperie , that thus directly and certainely leadeth to Hell , and damnation . 8 But consider yet further , the other words of S. Paul , where he saith of Antichrist , thus : VVhom the Lord shall consume vvith the spirit of his mouth , and shall abolish with the brightnesse of his comming . For hereby appeareth , that Antichrist , and his religion , shall be consumed by the voice and preaching of the word of God , ( which he calleth the spirit of his mouth ) , and that hee shall be utterly abolished at the bright and glorious comming of Christ to iudgement : so that here you may observe the decay and destruction of that Antichristian monster ; namely , that though hee shall not be utterly destroied in all points and respects , untill the comming of Christ to iudgement , but that some remnants of him will be till then , yet he shall in the meane space , be mightily decayed , wasted , and consumed , by the voice and preaching of the pure , strong , powerfull , and prevalent word of God : which is able to cast downe strong holds , and imaginations , and every high thing , that is exalted against the knowledge of God , and to bring into captivity every thought , to the obedience of Christ. The truth of this wasting and consuming of Antichrist , by the powerfull preaching of the Gospell and word of Truth , wee see apparant before our eyes : for who knoweth not , how since the preaching of the Gospell , by those manie excellent instruments of God , whom he was pleased to raise up , in the later age of the world for that purpose ; Pope and Poperie hath come downe in diverse kingdomes and dominions of Europe , and hath beene much and mightily wasted and consumed , and must yet consume more and more , untill at last he be utterly destroyed and abolished , according to this Prophecie of S. Paul ? And agreeably hereunto , S. Iohn also in his Revelation , telleth us , of seven Angels that were to blow their Trumpets , and that under the blowing of the Trumpet by the seventh Angel , there shall be no more time , but the mysterie of God shall be finished , and the world have his end . Now after that the sixt Angell had began to blow , and before the blast of the seventh Angell , there is a little Booke opened ( namely , the booke of the holy Scriptures ) which had before lien closed and shut up in Poperie ) which booke is there delivered to S. Iohn , representing the person of Christs faithfull Ministers , with a commandement given unto them , that they should take it , and eate it up , and that it should make th●ir belly bitter , but should , be in their mouth , as sweet as honey : and that thereout they should preach , and prophecie againe , among the people , and nations , and tongues , and to many Kings . And this , in another place , is called the Everlasting Gospel , committed to Christ his Ministers and servants , to preach unto them , that dwel on the earth , and to every nation , and kinred , and tongue , and people . This Booke ( of the Everlasting Gospel , and Scriptures of God ) is called little , in respect of the great volumes of the Popes lawes , and decrees , and constitutions of men , and is commanded to be taken and eaten up by the Ministers and servants of Christ , because they were eagerly and earnestly , and with a vehement appetite , to reade and studie it , and to digest , muse , and meditate upon it : and it is said , to make the belly bitter , though in their mouth it vvas as sweet as honey : because such was the exceeding great contentment and abundance of solace and ioy , which they received thereby to themselves , as that tasting and finding the incomparable sweetnesse of it , and letting it , as it were downe into their stomacks , and filling their bellies with it , they were not able to conteine it within themselves , but must needs utter and declare the same unto others , whatsoever bitter troubles , afflictions , persecutions , or calamities , should or did thereupon ensue : which molestations , their enemies would bring upon them , purposely , to hinder the preaching and publishing of Gods religion , and truth , conteined in that Booke , & for the maintenance of the Popes law , religion , & constitutions , which had so long before prevailed in the world . You see then , how after that this Antichristian Poperie , had corrupted & oppressed the most ancient & true religion of Christ , once planted & stablished by the Apostles , & conteined in that Book of the Scriptures : the verie same book of the Scriptures , & the truth therout , being ( as was foretold it shold be ) once again , preached & published , hath begun to spread his beames , & taken in hand , the discoverie and conquest of that secret , hidden , & subtil traytor , the Antichristian Poperie : having alreadie much wasted and consumed it by the power thereof , in divers parts of Europe , & still more and more must wast & consume it , until at last it be utterly abolished . So that we may observe here , for the better confirmation of us in our faith and religion , that all things fall out , in their iust times and seasons , foretold and before appointed of God ; namely , that this wasting and consuming of the Pope and Poperie , by the preaching and publishing of Gods truth and religion , in that booke of the Scriptures conteined , came not to passe , nor was to come to passe , till after the time that the sixt Angell had begun to blow his Trumpet , that is , not untill toward the latter end of the world : for under the blowing of the Trumpet by the seventh Angell , the world is to end , as is before declared . 9 ▪ But now against this position of the Pope to be Antichrist , is obiected , that Antichrist shall be only one particular man in certain , which shall raign , iust three yeres & an halfe , and no longer : And so Bellarmine also teacheth , & for proofe of this opinion , he citeth diverse Texts of Scripture , out of Daniel , and the Revelation : as namely Dan. 7.25 . and Dan. 12.7 . where mention is made of a Time , and times , and halfe a time : and of Rev. 11.3 . where mention is made of the two vvitnesses , that they did prophesie 1260 dayes : and Rev. 12.6.4 . where mention is againe made of 1260 dayes : and of a Time , and Times , and halfe a Time : and Rev. 11.2 . and Rev. 13.5 . where mention is also made of 42 Moneths . All which times , hee maketh to be one and the same : and , accounting 30 daies to everie moneth , hee saith , they conteine iust three yeares and an halfe , and that this is the precise and full time of Antichrist his Raigne . Neyther is it ( saith hee ) against this , that in Dan. 12.11 . Antichrist is said to raigne , 1290 dayes : that is , 30 dayes more , then S. Iohn mentioned : for S. Iohn ( saith he ) speaketh of the two witnesses , vvhich shall be slaine by Antichrist , one moneth before Antichrist himselfe perish . But , how can these things stand together , wherein there is such a palpable and manifest contradiction ? For , first , if it be true which he saith , that Antichrist shall raigne onely 1260 daies that is , iust three yeares and an halfe ( as he expoundeth it ) how can it be true , which hee afterward saith , that Antichrist shall raigne 1290 daies , which is one moneth longer , consisting of 30 daies ? Is there no difference betweene 1260 daies , and 1290 daies ? Bellarmine himselfe confesseth , that there is a moneths difference ( consisting of 30 daies ) , betweene them . And is the difference of a moneth , or 30 daies , nothing in the account of time ? Do not 1290 daies , by Bellarmines own reckoning , conteine three yeares and seven moneths ? and is three yeares and sixe moneths , and three yeares and seven moneths , all one ? Yea , the verie reason which Bellarmine bringeth to reconcile the difference of the times , will not agree with himselfe . For you see , that hee here teacheth , 1290 daies , to be the time allotted to Antichrist : & a part of this time , namely , 1260 daies , he sheweth that the two VVitnesses lived together with Antichrist : and the residue of that time ( which is 30 daies more , that is , one moneth after the death of those VVitnesses ) he saith , that Antichrist lived . If then , those two Witnesses did accompanie Antichrist , that is , came , when he came , and did prophesie 1260 daies , that is , iust three yeares and an halfe before they died , and that after their death , Antichrist still lived , and that by the space of a moneth : how can it be shifted , but that Antichrists raigne must be granted to continue longer then that time aforesaid , of iust three yeares and an halfe ? If you answere ( as one Master Christopherson , in defence of Bellarmine , doth ) that this last moneth is not to be accounted of , because Antichrist during that his last moneth , raigned not so strongly , and firmely , as hee did before , and that his kingdome was then weake and declining : This hindreth not but that his raigne and kingdome did , for all that , still continue , even during that moneth , aswell as during anie of those former moneths , daies , or later times , wherein he was in his declination . For a man ceaseth not to be a King , because he at some time ruleth and raigneth more feebly and weakely , then at other-some times . And therefore even this last moneth , aswell as anie of the rest of the later moneths or daies , is to be reckoned & accounted part of Antichrist his raign : for else you may as well exclude the sixt moneth , or at least some part of it , or the last day of the sixt moneth , as the seventh moneth , or the first day of the same seventh moneth : because in those daies also , Antichrist was declining . But what ? Shall not the raigne of Antichrist , or of anie King whosoever , be said and supposed to continue , so long as he liveth , whilest hee is neither deposed , nor surrendreth , nor yeeldeth up his kingdome to anie other , nor hath done , nor suffered to be done , anie act to the contrarie ? yea , Bellarmine himselfe doth expressely account this last moneth , aswell as anie of the former , as a part of Antichrist his raigne , using the verie word , and saying : that he is , Regnaturus mille ducentis nonaginta diebus , to Raigne 1290 dayes . Here then you see by this incurable contradiction and repugnant doctrine of Bellarmine and other Papists , that the long reteined opinion of Antichrist his raigning iust three yeares and an halfe , is either utterly uncertaine , or utterly untrue . And that you may yet better perceive the uncertaintie , or rather untruth of that opinion : consider , that the Prophet Daniel also mentioneth 2300 daies : which text & time , diverse also of the ancient Fathers ( as S. Hierome witnesseth ) did applie unto Antichrist . Which opinion of those ancient Writers , if a man should hold , then must Antichrists raigne , be yet of much longer continuance , then either 1260 daies , or then 1290 daies , that is , much longer then either three yeares and sixe moneths , or three yeares and seven moneths . Such uncertaintie there is , even in ancient Fathers , as well as in other writers , when they goe by coniectures or suppositions , without sufficient warrant of the divine Scriptures . But Bellarmine yet further proceedeth , and saith thus : that The Prophet Daniel after he had said cap. 12.11 . that Antichrists kingdome should endure 1290 dayes , addeth vers . 12. Blessed is hee vvhich expecteth , and commeth to 1335 dayes : that is , to 45 dayes after Antichrists death : for then vvill our Lord come to iudgement , and render the crownes of righteousnesse to the Conquerors . Observe this well also : for , if this opinion of his , concerning Antichrist , were true ; namely , that hee shall raigne iust three yeares and an halfe , and yet that hee shall continue one moneth longer ( consisting of 30 daies ) , to make up the full number of 1290 daies , and that 45 daies after , shall be the time of Christs comming to iudgement , and of eternal Blessednesse , as he there teacheth : who seeth not , that anie man living in that time of the raigne of Antichrist , may , before hand , by this reckoning , certainely know , the verie Day of the end of the world , and of Christ his comming to iudgement ? But of That day , and houre , knoweth no man , no not the Angels of Heaven , but my Father only ▪ saith Christ : and therefore that opinion cannot possibly be true . But moreover , sundrie learned men doe say , that the Prophesie of Daniel touching the little horne there mentioned , and the times ascribed to him , concerneth not Antichrist at all , directly & properly , but onely Antiochus Epiphanes , ( that cruell tyrant , and great persecutor , and afflicter of those Saints and ancient people of God , the Iewes ) in vvhom , and vvhose history , they affirme , that all those several times , mentioned in Daniel , received their full and due accomplishment . But you alledge , that even some Protestant Writers doe also expound the Time , and Times , and halfe a Time , mentioned in Daniel , as also the 1260 dayes mentioned in the Revelation ( there otherwise called 42 moneths , and , a Time , and Times , and halfe a Time ) , to belong to Antichrist . Howbeit , you should remember withall , that even those Protestants that so expound it , doe teach , that those daies and times for all that , are not to be taken literally ( as you take them ) , but mystically and Prophetically , and namely , not for so manie common and natural daies , but for so manie yeares , that is to say , for 1260 yeares , accounting everie day for a yeare : for so they say , that , in the Scripture , it is sometimes used : as in Ezechiel , where God saith thus unto him : Thou shalt beare the iniquitie of the house of Iudah , forty dayes : I have appointed thee , a day for a yeare . So in the Booke of Numbers , God speaketh thus : After the number of the dayes , in vvhich yee searched out the Land , even forty dayes , every day for a yeare , shall yee beare your Iniquity for forty yeares , and yee shall feele my breach of promise . So againe doth the Scripture mention a weeke of daies , and a vveeke of yeares According whereunto , the seventie weekes mentioned in Daniel , be also expounded , not of seventie weekes of daies , but of seventie weekes of yeares , that is to say , seventie times seven yeares , which make 490 yeares , everie day being reckoned for a yeare : ( for according to this computation , and reckoning of a day for a yere , is it , that , that Prophecie , had his accomplishment ) . Whereupon they conclude , that Antichrists persecution , and raigne , ( being limited to a time , and times , and halfe a time , expounded by 1260 daies , everie day being to bee reckoned for a yeare , ( as they take it ) is to have continuance , for much longer time , then you suppose , namely , for 1260 yeares : which is farre from your exposition and opinion , who hold , that Antichrist should raigne but iust three yeares and an halfe . But if this exposition , of reckoning a day for a yere , seemeth ( as to some it doth ) to search too neere into Gods secrets , and to know the times and the seasons , vvhich the Father hath put in his owne power : There is another exposition , which the Protestants deliver unto you , touching the 42 moneths , and 1260 daies ( otherwise called a Time , and Times , and halfe a Time , ) mentioned in the Revelation , which is this : namely , that times , in Gods appointment certaine , of the several persecutions and molestations of the Church , be therein limited and prescribed ; albeit to us , they be uncertaine , untill the event doe declare them . For , that , a time certaine , even in the Revelation of S. Iohn , may be thus put for a time uncertaine , the Rhemists themselves doe sufficiently declare : who expound the Thousand yeares , wherein the Divell is said to be bound , ( which in it selfe , is a time certaine ) to be neverthelesse the whole time ( how long , or short , soever it be ) of the New Testament , untill Antichrists time . If then , the certaine time of a Thousand yeares , signifie no certaine number of yeares , but are put for an indefinite and an uncertaine time , as the Rhemists , and other Papists also , teach : what marvell is it , or what iust exception can they take against us , if wee likewise expound the 42 moneths , and 1260 daies ( otherwise called a Time , and Times , and halfe a Time ) for a time indefinite , and uncertaine , to us , untill it be accomplished , though God in his foreknowledge hath certainely limited it ? Yea , according hereunto Beda saith : By the number of these dayes ( vvhich make three yeares and an halfe ) the Holy Ghost comprehendeth all the times of Christianitie : because Christ ( vvhose body the Church is ) preached so long in the flesh . To the same effect he saith ( upon the 14 verse ) : Hee designeth the vvhole time of the Church , comprehended before in the number of Dayes . Ambrosius Ansbertus likewise saith : The number of 1260 dayes , in vvhich the woman tarieth , and is fed in the vvildernesse , doth so signifie the course of Preaching , or end of Persecution , ( in vvhich the old enemy is permitted to rage , against the holy Church , by that damned man , vvhom he shall possesse ) that neverthelesse it comprehendeth the beginning , either of the preaching or of the persecution , in vvhich Christ began to preach and suffer : yea , the vvhole time of this present life , which is betweene the beginning , and the end . Rupertus also expoundeth these daies , for so long time , as the Church , being a stranger in the vvorld , suffereth persecution . Haymo likewise saith : It may be referred unto all the time , from the ascention of Christ , unto the end of the vvorld . Thus you see , that even these ancient Expositors expound it , not for iust three yeares and an halfe , as yee doe , but as comprehending , in it , a much longer time , and as being a time certaine put for an uncertaine , as wee doe . But yet , to answere more particularly to those Texts . And first to that Text of Revelat. 11. It is there said : That the Gentiles shall tread under foot , the holy Citie ( that is , the true Church of God ) two and forty moneths : But I will give power unto my two vvitnesses , and they shall prophecy ( saith the Text ) 1260 dayes , clothed in Sackcloth : These are two Olive Trees , and two Candlestickes standing before the God of the earth . And if any man vvill hurt them , fire proceedeth out of their mouthes , and devoureth their enemies : For if any man vvould hurt them , thus must he be killed . These have power to shut heaven , that it raine not in the dayes of their prophecying , and have power over vvaters to turne them into bloud , and to smite the earth vvith all maner of plagues as often as they vvill : And vvhen they have finished their Testimony , the Beast that commeth out of the bottomlesse pit , shall make vvarre against them , and shall overcome them , and kill them , &c. You suppose , that by these two witnesses here mentioned , be meant Enoch and Elias ; who , as you imagine , shal come againe personallie , into this world , to encounter and oppose themselves against Antichrist . But first , how doe yee prove these two Witnesses , to be Enoch and Elias ? for yee finde them not so named , in the Text. And indeed it is but an imagination or surmise , which hath no sufficient ground , or certaintie in it . Yea S. Hierom reiecteth it , & saith , that they be Iudei & Iudaizantes haeretici &c. Iewes and Iudaizing hereticks , that looke for a corporal or personal comming of Elias . And in another place he reckoneth such maner of expectation and opinion touching Enoch and Elias , as also the opinion touching the building againe of the material Temple at Hierusalem , in the number of Iewish Fable . Arethas indeed saith of these two Witnesses , that it was constantly received , that they should be Enoch and Elias : but Victorinus ( who was more ancient , then Arethas ) telleth us otherwise : Many thinke ( saith hee ) that one of these two vvitnesses is Elias , the other eyther Elizeus or Moses : but they are both dead : Howbeit the death of Ieremy , is not found : And all our Ancients have delivered ( saith hee ) that , that other , is Ieremy . And S. Hillary thinketh them to be Elias and Moses . Such uncertaintie there is , even in ancient Fathers , as well as in other Writers , when they goe by coniectures , ghesses , and imaginations onely , without sufficient warrant from the word of God. It is therefore to be observed , that the Revelation , is full of mystical , prophetical , and alluding speeches : As for example , where these two Witnesses , be called two Olive trees , and Candlesticks , he alludeth unto that prophecie in Zachary , chap. 4.1.2.3.4.5.6 . &c. Which witnesses of divine Truth , and Preachers and Ministers of the Gospel , be not unfitly called Candlesticks , inasmuch as they beare and hold out , the light of Gods word , unto the people : as also they be well resembled to Olive trees , inasmuch as by the meanes of their Ministerie and Preaching of the Gospell , the Oyle of Gods grace , and of his spirit , is powred into mens hearts , to mollifie and to convert them unto God. Againe , in that hee mentioneth two witnesses , hee alludeth unto the Law , which requireth the Testimonie of two witnesses : the testimonie of which number of witnesses , is held sufficient , to ratifie and confirme a matter . So that by these two witnesses , he meaneth that hee will ever have , even in the greatest furie and rage of Antichrist , a competent and sufficient number to beare witnesse of his truth , and religion , conteined in the two Testaments of the holy Scriptures . Likewise hee alludeth partlie unto the times of Elias , and partlie unto the times of Moses , when hee saith : that If any vvill hurt the two vvitnesses fire proceedeth out of their mouthes to devoure their enemies , and that these have power to shut heaven that it raine not in the dayes of their prophecying : and have power over vvaters to turne them into bloud &c. For so in Moses time , in the land of Egypt , vvere the vvaters in the River turned into Bloud : and sundrie other plagues brought upon that land of Egypt , for molesting of Gods people , and not suffering them to goe out , that they might serve him . As also in the daies of Elias it was , that fire came downe from heaven , to consume and devoure certaine Captaines and their Companies of fifties , that came to apprehend , and disturb him . And so againe at the praier of Elias , heaven was shut : so that it rained not on the earth , for the space of three yeares and sixe moneths . Wherefore here is a manifest allusion , in some of these speeches , unto the times of Moses ▪ and in othersome of them , to the times of Elias : signifying thereby , that God will ever be the revenger of such , as shall oppresse , molest , or wrong anie of these witnesses of his truth , and religion . Now , as the famine , or grievance for want of raine , in those daies of the prophecying of Elias , was verie great , continuing three yeares and sixe moneths : so the oppression or grievance of the Church , in this place , is answerably thereunto , limited to 42 moneths , as it is likewise in Rev. 13.5 . Which 42 months conteine the verie same time of three yeares and sixe moneths , mentioned in Elias time : and be likewise all one with the 1260 daies , mentioned in this Chapter of Rev. 11.3 . and Rev. 12.6 . reckoning thirtie daies , to everie moneth , according to the Grecian manner , as is fittest : this Revelation being written in Greeke , and directed to the Greeke Churches . But now , although these 42 moneths , otherwise called 1260 daies , being thus reckoned , doe arithmetically conteine iust three yeares , and an halfe : yet being ( as they are ) here spoken by way of allusion , ( whether it be to those three yeres & six moneths , in Elias time ; or to the three yeares and sixe moneths , employed about the siege and taking of Ierusalem , by Vespasian and Titus ; or to the three yeares and an halfe , of Christ his preaching in the flesh ) : they are not to be taken literally , to conteine , during all the times of the Church her persecutions , iust , three yeares and an halfe , and neither more , nor lesse : ( for her persecutions , everie one knoweth , were of much longer continuance then three yeares and an halfe ) . But , as I said before , they import unto us , by that allusion , that there is a certaine set time appointed of God , how long those grievances and persecutions of the Church should continue : albeit we , for our parts , know it not , till the event hath declared it . Although then , by the Gentiles , in this Text of Rev. 11. the false and Antichristian Church , be understood : as , by Iewes , likewise mentioned in the Revelation , the true Church of Christ , is intended : yet , the 42 moneths , and , 1260 ▪ daies , being to bee expounded not literally , but mystically , allegorically , and by way of allusion , can make no proofe at all , for your purpose . Yea Arethas saith , that those Dayes and Times , so reckoned in the Revelation , be , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Brevitatis Declarativum , to declare brevitie , or the shortnesse of the time of the persecution of the Church , by Antichrist . And indeed so it seemeth to be expounded in the Revelation it selfe , where speaking of this Antichrist , ( being the seventh head of the Beast ) it is said , that he shall continue but a short time . So that the one place in this Revelation , serveth well to expound the other . And it is thus reckoned by daies , and times , and moneths , that is , by a short time , for the comfort of Gods people , against those persecutions of Antichrist , and that they should not thinke it long , as I said before , how long soever otherwise it might seeme to worldly-minded men . And even Hentenius also , though a Papist , reiecteth this conceit of yours , that Antichrist should raigne but iust three yeares and an halfe , alledging this for a reason , that it is impossible , that in so short a time as three yeares and an halfe , Antichrist should obtaine so manie Kingdomes , and Provinces , as it is said hee shall conquer and subdue . 10 But to make this yet more manifest unto you , & that yee may certainlie know , the length and continuance of the time of Antichrist , and not be led by uncertaine coniectures , imaginations , or conceipts of men : you must resort to the sacred and canonical Scriptures , for your direction and assurance in this point , as likewise in all other . For which purpose you must consider Antichrist , in his beginning , and in his proceeding increase , and growth , untill he came at length to his highest step : and then , being at the highest , you must consider him againe , in his declination and consumption , untill his final destruction and utter abolishing . That Antichrist , even , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , had his beginning in the Apostles time , S. Iohn is a manifest witnesse . And so also witnesseth S. Paul , saying expressely : that , the Mysterie of that his Iniquitie , already vvrought , even then , in his daies . And withall he sheweth , that more or lesse , he should continue , and not be utterly abolished untill the bright & glorious comming of Christ to Iudgement : Now then , seeing that Antichrist began in the Apostles times , ( albeit neither ●hen , nor long after , hee came to his full growth and highest step of pride ) and seeing also that after he came ( by degrees , and by little , and little ) to the superlative degree , he is not utterly to be abolished , untill the comming of Christ to Iudgement ( although in the meane space , he be alreadie much consumed , and is yet more and more to be consumed ) : what one man , shall , or , can be named , that ever lived so long a time ▪ as this Antichrist , who beginning in the Apostles daies , is to have continuance , notwithstanding his consumption , to the end of the world ? Can anie reasonable man , imagine , that anie of that long continuance , should be but one singular and particular person ? Yea , must not everie well-advised man , hereupon , needs conceive , that Antichrist must be , not one singular and particular man , but manie , and a succession of men , that is thus to have continuance for the space of so manie hundreth yeares , in the world ? Another argument and proofe thereof , is this . That which , in the Prophecies of the Scripture , is described under the name and figure of a Beast , is not one singular person , but an whole State or succession : As for example , the foure Beasts , mentioned in Dan. 7. whereof one was as a Lyon , the second like a Beare , the third like a Leopard , the fourth was unlike to the former , and had ten horns . None of these foure Beasts betoken anie singular or particular man , but everie one of them betokeneth a State or Dominion , wherein there was a succession of men . For the Beast that was like unto a Lyon , signified the Empire or Kingdome of the Assyrians and Babylonians : the Beast like unto the Beare , signifieth the Empire or Kingdome of the Medes and Persians : the Beast likened to a Leopard , signifieth the Empire or Dominion of the Greekes and Macedonians : and by the fourth Beast , with ten hornes , is the Kingdome of the Seleucidae and Lagidae understood ( as some suppose ) or of the Romane Empire ( as some others understand it ) . So likewise is Antichrist , described under the name & figure of a Beast ( as is also confessed even by the adversaries themselves ) : and therefore neither can hee be supposed one singular and particular person , but a State and Dominion , wherein a succession of sundrie persons , one after another , is admitted . For whereas Bellarmine answereth , that in the Prophecie of Daniel , sometimes , by Beasts , are signified whole States , and Kingdomes : and sometimes , particular persons , as in the eighth chapter , he saith , that by the Ramme , is understood one particular King , namely Darius , the last King of the Persians ; hee is much deceived : and the Text it selfe directly confuteth him : affirming this Ramme , to be , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Reges , not one particular King , but the Kings of the Medes and Persians . So likewise by the Goate in Daniel , is not meant one singular person , namely Alexander , ( as Bellarmine againe mistaketh ) but the verie Kingdome or kingly state of Grecia : and the great horne betweene his eyes , is , in the Text it selfe , expounded to be the first King of that Empire or Kingdome of Grecia , which was Alexander : which horne being broken off , foure other stand up in the stead of it . So that by every Beast in Daniel , you see , that not any one particular person , but an whole State , Empire , Kingdome , or Dominion is signified and intended : and consequently Antichrist , being in the Revelation of S. Iohn , described under the name of a Beast , must needs likewise be supposed , not one singular and particular person , but an whole State , Kingdome , or Dominion , which admitteth manie persons , to rule and raigne in it , one after another , in succession . A third argument to prove this , is the exposition and acknowledgement of the Rhemists themselves : for touching the seven heads of the Beast , ( that is , of the Latin or Romane State ) , the sixt head thereof , is ( as themselves doe shew ) not one singular and particular person , but a State , Kingdome , or Empire , namely the Romane Empire , wherin were divers , that ruled and raigned in succession , one after another . Now then , if the sixt head of the Beast , be not one singular and particular man ( which themselves declare , and affirme ) but a State and succession of men : why should they not grant , Antichrist ( whom themselves also affirme to be the seventh head of the Beast ) to be likewise , not one singular and particular person , but a State and succession of persons ? for they are both called Heads alike , and there is no reason of difference that can be shewed , more for the one then for the other . A fourth argument is out of Revelation the 20 : where the Divell being bound for a thousand yeares , S. Iohn saw in Vision , the soules of them that vvere beheaded for the vvitnesse of Iesus , and for the vvord of God , and vvhich had not vvorshipped the Beast , nor his Image , nor had taken his marke upon their foreheads , nor in their hands , and they lived and raigned vvith Christ , those thousand yeares : But the rest of the dead lived not againe , untill the Thousand yeares vvere finished . This is the first Resurrection . Blessed and holy is hee that hath part in the first resurrection , for , on such , the second Death , hath no power , &c. In which wordes , you see mention made of a Thousand yeares , expressely , in which this Antichristian Beast , was in Esse : some all that while lying dead in their sinnes and Antichristian Errors : and othersome rising from their sinnes and errors , to newnesse of life , and to true Christianitie , ( which is there called the first resurrection ) : and these are said to live ( and not to be dead ) and to raigne with Christ , subduing and getting victorie over themselves , and over this Antichristian Beast , like Kings & Conquerors , during all that time . When therefore there is expresse mention made of a Thousand yeres , in which this Antichristian Beast had to do : who doth not perceive , that Antichrist cannot be one singular and particular man , that shall raigne onely three yeares and an halfe , but that hee is , and must needs be , a State and succession of persons , that is thus directly discovered to have had a continuance in the world , for at least , a Thousand yeares . A fift argument is this , that S. Iohn saith thus : It is the last time : and as ye have heard that ▪ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Antichrist commeth : even now there be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , many Antichrists : whereby vvee Know , that it is the last time . Where you may easily observe , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Antichrist , is not one particular person , but manie : and that manie Antichrists , be this Antichrist : for so the Text it selfe declareth . In like sort , he speaketh in his second Epistle : Many Deceivers be entred into this vvorld , which confesse not that Iesus Christ is come in the flesh : This is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the deceiver , and the Antichrist . Where againe you see , that not onely One , but many Deceivers , be this Deceiver , and , the Antichrist . Whereunto adde also the opinion of diverse of the ancient Fathers , as of Irenaeus , Origen , Chrysostome , Hierome , Ruffinus , Primasius , Augustine , expounding that place of Matt. 24. which speaketh of manie false Christs and false Prophets , that should arise and shew great signes and wonders ( so that , if it were possible , they should deceive the verie Elect ) as spoken of Antichrist : for thereby also they give us to understand , that Antichrist is to be conceived to be manie , and not one singular person . A sixt argument , is taken from the Apostasie it selfe , which S. Paul speaketh of : which Apostasie , whether you expound it of the revolt and departure of so manie multitudes of people , from the right faith and religion of Christ , or of a revolt from the Romane Empire by the Kings and Princes of the earth , or from both : it cannot be otherwise intended , then the worke of manie ages . Bellarmine saith , that thereby , wee may , rectissimè , most rightly , understand , Antichrist himselfe : and he cyteth diverse ancient Fathers , for the proofe of that opinion . Now then , if by the Apostasie , Antichrist himselfe be , most rightly , understood ( as Bellarmine teacheth ) , and that this Apostasie cannot in reason be otherwise supposed , then the Worke of Manie ages , ( as hee also sheweth ) : especially considering , that the Mysterie of that Iniquity , or Apostasie , began to vvorke even in S. Pauls daies : how can Antichrist bee rightly conceived , to be one singular man , that shall raigne onely three yeares and an halfe , and no longer ? Yea it is manifest , that even in the false teachers , and heretickes , which were in the Apostles daies , and which were helpers , and workers in this Apostasie and Mysterie of Iniquitie , Antichrist was : for so hath S. Iohn before assured us . Neither , indeed , could he afterward have beene revealed , disclosed , detected , or discovered , unlesse he had bin in Esse before , in som secret , hidden , close , & covert sort . For which cause Theodoret also saith : that , Defectionem appellat A , ntichristi praesentiam : S. Paul calleth The Apostasie , or , defection , the presence of Antichrist . In that Apostasie then , or Mysterie of Iniquitie , which began to vvorke , even in S. Pauls , and S. Iohns time , it is apparant , that Antichrist was , and consequently even then , had his beginning . And therefore , whilest you suppose , that Antichrist is not yet come , and that all this while , namely for the space of above 1600 yeares , there hath beene but a preparation made for him , and who when he commeth shall also continue , but iust three yeares and an halfe : doe yee not perceive the unlikelyhood and utter incredibilitie of these conceits ? Yea , the premisses considered , do you not perceive the manifest falsehood and evident untruth of them ? Why then should anie be anie longer deluded with them ? CHAP. III. Where the Pope is further shewed to be Antichrist , out of the thirteenth chapter of the Revelation . THere be two Beasts mentioned in this thirteenth chapter of the Revelation : and what those two Beasts be , must be enquired . Wherein , the knowledge of the one , will give a great light , for the understanding of the other . First , therefore , by a Beast , in this place , according to the like phrase and manner of speech in Daniel , is not anie singular or particular man , but a State , Kingdome , or Dominion , to be understood as I said before : for so are the foure Beasts , mentioned in Daniel , expounded , in the Text it selfe , to be foure Kings : and those Kings , be againe expressely expounded , to be Kingdomes , in the 23 verse of the same chapter . The next thing then , to be enquired of , is , what Kingdome , State , or , Dominion , that is , which is here meant , by the Beast with seven heads , and ten hornes : The most certaine , and undoubted exposition whereof , wee must fetch ( as I shewed before ) from the seventeenth chapter of the Revelation , where this Beast with seven Heads , and ten Hornes , is expounded & declared : for there , the seven heads be expounded to be seven Hills , or Mountaines , whereupon Rome is seated . They be further also there affirmed , to bee seven Kings : not ruling all at once , but successively , one after another ; as appeareth by the Text which saith : that , five of these were fallen , one is , and another is not yet come . These seven Kings , be those seven sorts of supreme or Princely governement , wherewith Rome hath beene governed : namely , Kings , Consuls , Decemvirs , Tribunes , Dictators , Emperors , and Popes : whereof five were fallen , in the daies of S. Iohn , namely Kings , Consuls , Decemvirs , Tribunes , Dictators : One is , that is , the governement of Rome by Emperors , which was then in Esse , in the daies of S. Iohn : And another is not yet come , that is , the governement of Rome by Popes : for the governement of Rome by Popes , was not then come to passe , in the daies of S. Iohn , but came in afterward . Which governement by Popes , is there said to be of a short continuance ; both , for the comfort and encouragement of all Gods children , against their fraudes and persecutions : as also , in respect of Gods account , with whom a thousand yeares , are but as one day ( as S. Peter saith ) : and , in respect also of eternitie , and everlasting happinesse , which Gods children doe chiefly regard , and in comparison whereof , they make little or no reckoning of the continuance of anie time in this world , how long soever otherwise it seeme . The ten Hornes be likewise , there , expounded , to be ten Kings : which , at that time ( namely , in the daies of S. Iohn ) had not received a Kingdome , but should afterward receive absolute power , as Kings . Which ten Kings , howsoever they had formerly given their helpe , strength , and power to the advancing , maintenance , and defence of the Whore of Babylon , that is , of Popish Rome , yet should they afterward be alienated from her , & abhorre her , and make her desolate , and naked , and consume her with fire . And it is said to be the Beast , that vvas , and is not , and yet is : in respect of the diverse changes and mutations , whereto that Citie of Rome hath beene subiect , being in several times ruled by several heads , and sundrie sorts of governors . The description then of this Beast with the seven heads , sheweth it to be the State of Rome , or the Romane State , which is there purtrayed and decyphered . But , because the Text it selfe saith , that , five of those , were gone and past , in the daies of S. Iohn , so that there needed to be , no further medling with them , and that onely one was in Esse and being , in that time , ( namely the gouernement of Rome by Emperors ) , and that another was to come , ( which was the governement of that Citie of Rome , by Popes ) , it must therefore here be , more specially , and more strictly , conceived and taken : namely , in respect of that one Head , then present : and , of that other , which was afterward to come . The then present governement of the Citie of Rome all men know , was by Emperors : and the governement of it , after the Emperors , was by Popes . So that the Beast there more specially intended , is the Romane State , considered in the two last Heads thereof , viz. the Emperors , and the Popes . And therefore the Text saith : that , One of these Heads ( that is , the sixt Head of it , viz. the governement of Rome , by Emperors ) was as it were wounded to death , but his deadly vvound vvas healed , and so healed , as that all the Earth vvondred , or was in admiration , after the Beast . That the Romane State governed by Emperors , received a wound , is apparant , not onely by that which the Gothes , Hunnes , Vandals , and others did unto it , but especially by that which was done unto it afterward , in the time of the Lombards : So that at last , the Romane Empire was as it were vvounded to death : but yet afterward , that deadly wound was healed againe , namely in the Popes ; viz. when the Popes had gotten the Headship , Imperial Maiestie , and Monarchical and Soveraigne rule of that Citie , and therein were set and stablished above all Emperors , Kings , Princes , and people . For then was the time , when all the Earth had this Beast in so high admiration ; and then did they say : VVho is like unto the Beast ? vvho is able to vvarre with him ? Yea of this Beast , it was then further said : That to him vvas given power over every kinred , and tongue , and nation : and that all that dwelt upon the earth , did vvorship him , vvhose names vvere not vvritten in the booke of life of the Lambe , &c. Which speeches , voices , and admirations , so great and so general , and in that maner and sort produced , doe not so well and fitly , agree to Charlemaigne , or to anie other whosoever , as to the Pope of Rome ; as may appeare , by further examination of it , in the particulars . For although the Beast here , as it is taken , specialius , more specially , comprehendeth the Romane State , as it was governed both by Emperors and Popes , successively , one after another : yet , being taken ( as sometime it is ) specialissimè , that is , most specially , and most restrictively , it betokeneth the Romane State onely , as it was at last translated , and setled in the Popes . First then , by this Beast cannot be intended , the Romane Heathen Empire , ( although that was also , a verie great persecutor of the Saints and peole of God ) : because the Romane Heathen Empire , was in Esse and being , ( as everie one knoweth ) , in S. Iohns time , and at the time of this Revelation given : and so was not this Beast , there most specially taken , and intended : For it is said of this Beast , that , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ascensura est , it should afterward arise . Secondly , this Beast , there , most specially spoken of , and intended , ( to take away all maner of doubt in the case ) is expressely notified , and affirmed , in the verie Text it selfe , to be the Eight head of the Beast : ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : Is octavus est . s. Rex ) and therefore is he farre remote , from the time of those old Heathen persecuting Emperors . Thirdly , consider , that this Beast is said to come ex abysso , out of the bottomlesse pit : and therefore it is the same Beast , that is likewise mentioned to come out of the same bottomlesse pit , in Rev. 11.7 . which persecuted the two witnesses there spoken of , and put them to death , after the blowing of the Trumpet by the sixt Angell . This circumstance of time , wherein this Beast was , and persecuted the two witnesses , being after the blowing of the Trumpet by the sixt Angell , even so neere toward the end of the world , ( for under the blowing of the seventh Angell , the world is to end , Rev. 10. and 7. Rev. 11.15 . &c. ) doth also declare , that it cannot be intended the Romane Heathen Empire , which was before the blowing of the sixt Angell , and is so long since ended , and expired . For the Emperors ceased to be Heathens , and became Christians , about 300 yeares after Christ , in the daies of Constantine , the first Christian Emperor . Fourthly , consider , that the second Beast , under which Antichrist ( in respect of his false doctrine , counterfeit holinesse , miracles , and other his spiritual actions ) is more specially described , is all one with him , which is often , otherwise called , in the same Revelation , the false-Prophet : and remember withall , that both the first Beast , and this second Beast ( otherwise called the false-Prophet ) , lived together , and were both destroyed together . So that the first Beast appeareth to be such a one , as is to have a continuance in the world , untill the destruction of the second Beast , which is the false-Prophet , ( Antichrist ) : and therefore hee cannot possibly be intended the old Roman Heathen Empire , no , nor yet the hereticall Arian Empire : for neither of these were of that long continuance , yea they both be long since ended and determined , and yet is not Antichrist , that false-Prophet , destroied . Fiftly , here observe , that this chapter of Rev. 13. and the things therein conteined , concerning the Beast , be brought in , and mentioned , after that the seventh Angell had blowne his Trumpet : during the continuance of whose blowing , the Church of Christ is mightily to prevaile , and to be reformed , and the Gospell of the kingdome of Christ to flourish , and get the upper hand , against all adversaries , ( to the conversion , at length , both of Iewes and Gentiles , unto Christ and his religion ) . Wherewithall , you may perceive , what is the chiefe drift , and scope of the whole Booke of the Revelation , as touching things future , in the Church : namely , that it is , to discover these two things : first , the estate of the Church , as it grew by degrees deformed , and corrupted , ( comprised in the blowings of the Trumpets by the first five Angels , and untill the sixt Angell also had begun to blow his Trumpet ) : and secondly , the estate of the Church , as it grew againe by degrees reformed , and restored , to her first and most ancient puritie : Which happie reformation , and cleansing of the Church ( after so long a deformitie , and corruptions growne in it ) did not begin , nor was to begin , ( as this Prophecie sheweth ) untill after the time that the sixt Angel had begun to blow his Trumpet : for then , and not untill then , was the book of the holy scriptures , & everlasting Gospel , opened , & the truth of Gods religion , ( therin conteined ) preached Once againe , in the world , to discover & detect the before-hidden fraudes , false doctrines , and impieties of Antichrist . Whereupon followed , a measuring of Gods Temple , and of the right worshippers therein , and some VVitnesses also , of Gods truth , and religion , which did openly shew themselves , and were put to death , for profession and defence of the same truth . After which , and after the blowing of the Trumpet by the seventh Angell , the reformation and restoring of the Church , formerly begun , is prosecuted , and further augmented , and much more and mightily enlarged , and to be enlarged : Insomuch that the Church of Christ , is , after this blowing of the Trumpet by the seventh Angell , verie splendently described , and that shee brought forth masculine and strong children , unto God , ( of whom shee travailed in birth , untill Christ were formed in them ) such , as neither fraude , nor furie , of the great red Dragon ( the Divell ) could daunt , dismay , or discourage : of which sort , were the Albigenses , in whose times , were verie famous , and splendent Churches , of valiant and couragious Christians , that tooke part with Michael , and fought against the Dragon , and his Angels , in the warres of those times . Yea , notwithstanding all , that those great malignant adversaries of the Church , ( namely , the Dragon , the Beast , and the false-Prophet ) , did , or could devise to doe ; yet for all that , did the Church of Christ , continue still , and encrease , and with the Lamb Christ Iesus , were there seene standing upon mount Sion , 144000 , which took part with him , and would not remove their station , nor be withdrawne from him . And after this againe , is there record and mention made , of these increasing and couragious Christians , that still got the victorie over the Beast , and his Image , and his marke , and the number of his name : and that sung the song of Moses , with much praise , and thankesgiving , unto God therefore . And in the rest of the Chapters following , namely in the 16 , 17 , 18 , 19 , of the Revelation , not onely the true Church is shewed to prosper and prevaile , but to the enemies and adversaries thereof , be threatned , and doe befall , the Viols of Gods wrath , calamities , miseries , and destruction , in their appointed times . But thus it appeareth ( which was my purpose to shew ) that the Beast here mentioned ( as it is , most specially , and , most restrictively taken ) cannot be meant of the old Romane Heathen Empire , nor yet of the hereticall Arrian Empire , because both these kind of Empires ceased , and were ended , long before this time of the blowing of the Trumpet by the seventh Angell . Now let us see , whether the Germane Empire , can be here intended : and it is verie manifest also , that it cannot : for , although the Emperor of Germanie be called King of the Romanes , and hath the title of Emperor , yet hath he not Rome ( the seate of the old Romane Empire ) neither hath hee anie Principalitie , Headship , or Soveraignetie , there . How then can he be the Head of Rome , that is not the principal and soveraigne Ruler of it ? Yea , no manner of likelyhood is there , that the Emperor of Germanie should be this Beast , seeing he hath not only no Headship or Soveraigne authoritie over Rome , but sendeth also to Rome , to tender his submission , and obedience to him , that beares the sway and principalitie there , namely , to the Pope : to whom , for that purpose , he giveth an Oath of Homage , Allegeance , or , fealtie ; thereby declaring himselfe to be , in respect of the Pope , but as an inferiour to a superiour , or as a subiect to a soveraigne Lord. The old famous Romane Empire then , and the ample Maiestie of it , here appeareth to be now long sithence abolished . Which thing even Machiavell himselfe also witnesseth , in the first booke of his Florentine History , dedicated to Pope Clement the seventh , saying : Imperio è tutto in terrâ , the Empire is fallen flat upon the ground . And so doth Lipsius also likewise testifie , ( who spent a great part of his studie to attaine to an exact knowledge of the Romane State ) . So also doth Augustinus Stenchus , the Popes Library-keeper , in his first booke of Constantines Donation , pag. 3. For , howsoever Charlemaigne , and his successors , were stiled Kings of Rome and for a while had led the Popes , as their subiects , yet this lasted not long : but the Pope , at last , found a meanes for to free himselfe from being under their dominion , that hee made the Emperors , in the conclusion , to be his vassals , and at his command , and to yeeld him the Soveraignetie . And all this have the Popes done under pretence of being Christs Vicars , and of the Keyes of the Kingdome of heaven , and of S. Peters Chaire : Which things , have beene also noted by Guicciardine , in the fourth booke of his Historie : where , after a long discourse of the rising and advancement of the Popes , hee shutteth up all with these words : The Popes ( saith he ) upon these foundations , and by these meanes being exalted to an earthly dominion , having by little and little neglected the salvation of soules , and cast aside the remembrance of Divine instructions , bending their mindes how to attaine to vvorldly greatnesse ; and using spiritual authoritie no further , but as it vvas an Instrument to helpe forward the temporal , did beginne to shew more like secular Princes , then Bishops . These words , as not pleasing them , have the Romish Expurgators , razed cleane out of the last Editions of Guicciardine : as likewise they have done manie more out of sundrie other Authors , where they make against them . But thus it appeareth , that not the Heathen Romane Empire , nor the Arrian , nor the Germane , but the Romane State , as it is setled in the Popes of Rome ( the now Head and soveraigne Ruler of that Citie , ) is the Beast there , as it is most specially meant and intended . And this is the Beast , whereupon the vvhore of Babylon , that is , Popish Rome , sitteth , and whereby she is supported : for , as his Spiritual authoritie , and pretence of the power of the Keyes , helped to raise him to his Imperial greatnesse , and Temporal Monarchie : so this Temporal Monarchie ioined to his Spiritual , doe , both together , make him a complete Beast , for the bearing up and supporting of that Strumpet . 2 Let us therefore now come to the other Beast , mentioned in this thirteenth chapter of the Revelation , & see what it is , and wherein it differeth from the former . For a difference there must be betweene them , in some respect , because it is called another Beast . In this verie chapter , yee finde , that one of the heads of the Beast , ( namely , that which was , as it were vvounded to death , and afterward had his Deadly vvound cured againe ) , is expressely called a Beast , by it selfe . For , upon the curing of this head , that was before so deadly wounded , it is said : that , All the earth vvondred after the Beast . Againe , it is said : that the Inhabitants of the earth did vvorship the first Beast , vvhose deadly vvound vvas healed . And againe , that they were willed to make an Image to the Beast , vvhich had the vvound of a sword and did live . By all which , wee see , that this Head of the Beast , which was so vvounded and healed againe , is called a Beast , by it selfe , and by name and expressely the verie first Beast . Now the Head that was so vvounded , is before shewed to be the sixt head of the Beast , namely , the governement of the Romane State , by Emperors : for you heare before , that the Imperial State received a deadly wound , in the time of the Lombards : and that , that deadly wound , was afterward healed , and cured againe in the Popes , in whom the Maiestie and splendor of the Romane Empire , was againe revived . So that , the first Beast is considerable in a double respect : first , as it was vvounded in the sixt head ( which were the Emperors ) , and secondly , as it was afterward healed againe in the seventh head ( which were the Popes ) : ( for , the Head , vvounded , and cured , maketh the first Beast ) . Now in the second Beast , is shewed , How , and by vvhose meanes , that recoverie and cure was wrought and performed . In the first Beast then , Antichrist , that is , the Pope of Rome , is described , as having both the Episcopal and Imperial Principalitie , conioined together , in his person : which made him so great and mightie , and so much to be admired at , in the world , and for which cause , he is also said , to be , both the Seventh and the Eighth Head of the Beast : but in the second Beast , Antichrist is described in his Episcopal consideration only , and as he is the false-Prophet . For , he which in this place is called the second Beast , is ( as I said before ) in other places of the Revelation , called the false-Prophet : thereby declaring them ( namely , the second Beast , and , the false-Prophet ) to be all one . Yea , even the Rhemists also themselves , doe expound this second Beast to be a false-Prophet , but they will have him to be a false-Prophet , inferior to Antichrist . But , first , he is not onely a false Prophet , but , by way of excellencie and eminencie above all others , hee is called , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , The false-Prophet , Rev. 19.20 . Rev. 20.10 . Rev. 16.13 . And secondly it appeareth that he is not Inferior to Antichrist , but Equal with him : for in the first Beast , is Antichrist comprehended , as even the Rhemists , and other Papists also , doe themselves affirme : now it is evident by the Text it selfe , that this second Beast , that is , this false-Prophet , did all that the first Beast could doe , or ( which is all one ) exercised all the power of the first Beast ( Rev. 13.12 . ) : and therefore , as touching authoritie and power , hee appeareth to be , not inferior to him , but equall with him . If you say , that the first Beast , and the second Beast , otherwise called the false-Prophet , be mentioned sometimes as if they were two : it is true . But the reason of it is , because this grand Antichrist is considered in a double respect : namely , in respect of his Temporal or Imperial Monarchy , & in respect of his Episcopal or Spiritual . And for this cause also , the one , is said to arise out of the Sea , and the other , out of the Earth , Rev. 13.1.11 . for , in respect of his Episcopal supremacie , and Pseudoprophetical demeanour , hee arose from the Earth , it receiving his original from below , and from the Earth , and not from Heaven : and in respect of his Imperial dominion , hee arose out of the Sea ; because the Ruines of the Empire , by meanes whereof hee arose to that his Imperial Greatnesse , were not otherwise wrought , but by the wavering and disquiet turbulencies that were in the World in those daies . So that , howsoever it is called the first Beast , and the second Beast , in distinct considerations , yet upon the matter they both make but one Antichrist . And therefore in Rev. 17. is there mention made but of One Beast only , which supported the Whore of Babylon . Yea , Fatentur omnes pertinere omnino ad Antichristum verba illa Iohannis , &c. All men confesse ( saith Bellarmine himselfe ) that those vvords of Iohn ( in Rev. 13.11 . &c. ) doe undoubtedly belong to Antichrist . Now then let us examine and see , if they be not all verified in the Pope and Papacy . First , it is said , that this second Beast , had two hornes like a Lamb but he spake like the Dragon : Duo Cornua similia Agni , scilicet Christi : cuius duo Cornua , sunt duo Testamenta : He shal have two Hornes , like to those of the Lambe , that is , like to those of Christ : vvhose two Hornes , be the two Testaments , as Lyranus , Primasius , and Augustine also , expound them . Whereby appeareth , that Antichrist shall outwardly pretend great sanctitie , sinceritie , humilitie , and simplicitie , and as if hee did all things by good authoritie and strength of the holy Scriptures , the two Testaments , the Old and the New : and yet , in verie deed , his voice and speech , that is , his doctrines , decrees , lawes , canons , and constitutions , should bewray and discover him , to be but a Wolfe in Sheepes clothing , and no lesse cruell , and malignant against the true Church of God , then the verie Dragon . Doth not everie man perceive , that these things doe rightly fit the Pope ? For who maketh a greater outward shew of sanctitie , pietie , and Christianitie , then he ? and what doth he else , but pretend the strength and authoritie of the two Testaments , namely , of the holy Scriptures , for warrant and maintenance of the false doctrines , errors , & heresies , hee teacheth and holdeth ? Can anie man outwardly pretend greater humi litie , then he , when he entitleth himselfe , Servus servorum Dei , a servant of Gods servants ? and yet for all that , he taketh upon him , by his claimes and actions , to be , Rex Regum , & Dominus Dominantium , the King of Kings , and Lord of Lords . So that , howsoever hee pretendeth humilitie , yet wee see hee is farre from it . And howsoever hee pretendeth the authoritie of the holy Scriptures , viz the two Testaments , ( for the strengthning and confirmation of his religion , doctrine , and doings ) alledging them to be shadowed out , and figured , in the two Hornes of his Myter : yet , partly , by reason of the unsound and false translations of those Scriptures , which he defendeth and authorizeth against the truth of the Originals : and partly , whilest he perverteth and misinterpreteth the true Scriptures themselves , and equalleth also his Traditions unto them , and moreover dispenseth with them , at his pleasure , and preferreth his owne authoritie , and the authoritie of his Church , above them , and so maketh them to speake in another sense , and otherwise then ever they meant : it is apparant , that being thus used , and abused , they be , at the most , but like the two Hornes of the Lambe , ( as this Text speaketh ) and be not the verie two hornes themselves : that is , they be not the pure , incorrupt , and undoubtedly true Scriptures themselves , but corrupted & differing from them . Pope and Popery then , appeareth to consist all in shewes , semblances , and likenesses of veritie , sanctitie , and pietie , and have it not in verie deed and substance . And therefore , not without good cause , did diverse Bishops make their complaint , long sithence , in their Epistle to Pope Nicholas , recorded in Aventine , saying in this sort , unto him : Thou bearest the person of a Bishop , but thou playest the Tyrant : under the habite and attyre of a Pastor , vvee feele a VVolfe : It is , a lying Title , that calleth thee Father : thou in thy deeds shewest thy selfe to be another Iupiter : being the servant of servants , thou strivest to be the Lord of Lords &c. But moreover , doth not the Pope speake like the Dragon , that is , like the Divell , ( for by the Dragon , in the Revelation , is the Divell understood ) when he saith , that the Kingdomes of the world be his , and that he hath power to dispose and give them to whomsoever hee will ? For , did not the Divell speake the verie same to Christ in the Gospel ? Yea , the Pope is ( as they write ) Totius orbis Dominus . The Lord of the vvhole vvorld , and hath Coelestis & terrestris potestatis Monarchiam : The Monarchy or soveraignetie both of the heavenly and earthly power : and to him , forsooth , they apply that Prophecie , Dominabitur à mari ad mare , & à flumine , usque ad terminos orbis , He shall rule from sea to sea , and from the river , to the ends of the vvorld . Yea , they attribute that unto him , which Iesus Christ spake of himselfe , saying : that , All power is given unto him , both in heaven and earth , Matth. 28.18 . Be not these , most abominable , blasphemous and divelish speeches , being attributed to the Pope ? But yet further , what doth hee else , but speake like the Dragon , that is , like the Divell , whilest he teacheth that doctrine of Divells , mentioned in the Epistle to Timothy , as shal afterward appeare ? and whilest he maintaineth a wrong worship of God , a false faith , and an Apostatical and Antichristian religion , against the right , most pure , and onely true religion of Christ , extant in the booke of God , the holy and canonical Scriptures . 3 Againe it is said : that this second Beast , did exercise all the power of the first Beast , and that , before him . And who is so ignorant , but hee knoweth , that the Pope exerciseth all the power of the first Beast , that is , of the Latine , or , Romane State , and that before him , or before his face , that is to say , even at Rome , and in the presence of the Romane State ? For hath not the Pope gotten that which was the seate of the Emperor , namely Rome , and made it his seate ? And is not the Emperor , put downe , from having anie Headship , or Soveraigne Authoritie there ? Yea , doth not the Pope there take upon him , to exercise all the Imperial power & authoritie , tamen sine nomine Romani Imperatoris , yet vvithout the name of the Emperor of Rome , as Bellar. himself also saith , that Antichrist must doe ? For this Imperial Authoritie , aswell as his Ecclesiastical , that is to say , both his supremacies ( as before is shewed ) hee claimeth and holdeth , under the name and title of being Pope and Bishop of Rome , and not under anie name or title of being the Emperor . For they hold ( as Antoninus writeth ) that , Potestas Papae maior est omni alia potestate creata : The power of the Pope , is greater then all other created powers . But , to conclude , what doth he else , but exercise this Imperial Authoritie before his face , whilest he domineereth over him that is now called Emperor of Rome , and Germanie , and maketh him his vassall , and at his command ? Yea , not only hath the Pope for his part , thus disloyally and uniustly depressed and subiugated the Emperor , exercising , and that verie impudently , all his authoritie before his face , but hee did so worke and perswade , with the inhabitants of the earth , that they also were content at last to vvorship the first Beast , vvhose deadly vvound vvas healed : that is , to honour and submit themselves to that Imperial State , whereof himselfe , after the overthrow of the Emperors , became the Monarch . For it was an Imperial Monarchie , ( to be ioyned to his Episcopal ) which he so much desired , and thirsted after . 4 Wherefore , to compasse and effect this , which hee so much affected , it is said , that Hee did great vvonders , so that hee made fire to come downe from heaven on the earth , in the sight of men , and deceived them that dwell on the earth , by the signes which vvere permitted him to doe , in the sight of the Beast : saying to them that dwell on the earth , that they should make an Image to the Beast vvhich had the vvound of a sword and did live : And it vvas permitted to him , to give a spirit unto the Image of the Beast , so that the Image of the Beast , should speake , and also should cause that vvhosoever vvould not vvorship the Image of the Beast , should be killed . If you remember who this Beast is , that had the deadly vvound by the sword , namely , that it was the Romane State , wounded in the sixt head , viz. in the Emperors , you will the better perceive , that the Image of that Beast , is , and must needs be , some State , or , forme of government , erected , like unto that of the Imperial : for , what is an Image , but a likenesse , or resemblance of that whereof it is an Image ? Now then , what is , or can bee , this Image of that Beast , but the Popedome , erected in lieu of that Empire , at Rome ? This doth Augustinus Steuchus himselfe , though a great Papist , sufficiently declare , in these words : In Pontificatu , etsi non illa veteris Imperij magnitudo , species certè non longè dissimilis , renata est : Qua Gentes omnes , ab ortu & occasu , band ●ecus Romanum Pontificem venerantur , quam omnes Nationes Olim , Imperatoribus obtemperabant . In the Popedome ( saith he ) there arose , if not the greatnesse of the ancient Empire , yet verily a forme , not much unlike to it : VVherby all Nations , from East and VVest , doe in like manner , VVorship the Pope of Rome , as they did , in times past , obey the Emperor . And therefore a little after , the same Steuchus calleth the Popedome , an Empire , and , a Maiestical Royaltie , in expresse termes . Blondus likewise , comparing Rome restored under the Pope , with Rome flourishing under the Emperors , saith : that , Habet Roma in Regna & Gentes Imperium . — Dictatorem nunc perpetuum , non Caesaris sed Piscatoris Petri successorem , & Imperatoris praedicti ( id est , Christi ) Vicarium , Pontificem summum , Principes Orbis adorant & colun● , &c. Quid ? quòd maiora , vel c●rtè paria priscorum temporum Vectigalibus , Europa pene omni● tribu● a Romam mittit : Rome hath an Empire over Kingdomes and Nations . The Princes of the VVorld doe now adore and vvorship the Pope of Rome , being the perpetual Dictator and successor ( not of Caesar , but ) of Peter the Fisherman , and the Vicar of Christ , &c. Yea , in a maner , all Europe , sendeth greater tribute to Rome , or at least , Equal , to that of the old times . And with this agreeth that also of Bellarmine , where he saith : Antichristum fore ultimum , qui tenebit Romanum Imperium ; tamen sine nomine Romani Imperatoris : that , Antichrist shall be the last head of Rome , vvho shall hold the Romane Empire , but yet vvithout the name of the Romane Emperor . For the name and title , of being Pope of Rome , and of Christs Vicar , and Peters successor , ( under which , hee exerciseth all his authoritie , both Imperial and Episcopal , Spiritual & Temporal ) is better pleasing and more beneficial to him , then the name and title of Emperor . Yea , it is this spiritual power , that animates , and gives life and spirit ( as the Text speaketh ) unto the temporal , and which maketh it to be of so great , so glorious , and so high esteeme : for , this opens the peoples hearts and purses unto him , and brings in , and heapes up , abundance of wealth and treasure : this causeth Kings to stoupe and bow unto him , and his censures and thunderbolts of Excommunication , to be so dreadfull : causeth men to repaire from all quarters to Rome , to partake of the spiritual liberalities of his Holinesse : and yet hee is ever a gainer by that meanes , notwithstanding all that his bountie and liberalitie . Neither did this second Beast , the false-Prophet , Antichrist , cause onely the Image of the Beast , that is , the Papal Empire , to be thus made and erected , nor did only put a life or spirit into it , whereby it did speake , that is , give forth Edicts , Lawes , Sentences , and Decrees , but did further so speake ( as this Text sheweth ) that vvhosoever vvould not VVorship the Image of the Beast ( that is , this Papal-Empire ) should be killed , and put to death , namely as an Heretick or schismatick , or as a seditious person . These things be so plaine and evident , as that they need no further explication , or proofe . For to what other end , tend all their cruell persecutions , their bloudie Inquisitions , their detestable Massacres , their abominable Leagues , Conspiracies , and Warres , against Protestant , Kings , Princes , & people , but that none might live or breath ( if they might have their wills ) which would not worship and become obedient to it ? Yea , not onely would they have them to be deprived of their lives , but of houses also , lands , goods , libertie , & whatsoever other solace of humane societie . For thus did Pope Alexander the third , decree , in the Councel of Turon , against such as would not subiect themselves to the Sea of Rome : Ne , ubi cogniti fuerint , receptaculum quisquam eis in terra sua praebere , aut praesidium impertiri praesumat : sed nec in venditione & emptione , aliqua cum ijs communio habeatur : ut solatio humanitatis amisso , ab errore viae suae resipiscere compellantur . Quisquis autem contra haec venire tentaverit , tanquam particeps iniquitatis eorum , anathemate feriatur : Illi vero si deprehensi fuerint , per Catholicos principes , custodiae mancipati , omnium ●onorum amissione mulctentur . That , after they be knowne , no man presume to give them any receipt upon his land , or harbour them : neither in buying and selling , let any communion be had vvith them : that , loosing the solace of humanitie , they may be compelled to returne from the error of their vvay . And vvhosoever shall doe the contrary , let him , as being a partaker of their iniquitie , be sentenced to be Anathema : and they , if they be taken , by Catholike Princes , let them be committed to prison , and loose all their goods In the Councell of Lateran likewise , assembled against the Albigenses , ( whom they call Cathari and Pat●rini ) it was said thus : Eos & defensores eorum , & r●ceptores , Anathemati decernimus subiacere : Et sub Anathemate prohibemus , ne quis eos in domibus , vel in terra sua , tenere , vel fovere , vel negotiationem cum ijs exercere praesumat : VVee decree , Them , and their defenders and receivers , to bee under the sentence of Anathema : And under the same curse , VVee forbid , that no man presume to keepe or harbour them in their houses , or upon their land , or to negotiate vvith them . In like sort did Pope Martin the fift , in his Bull of condemnation against Iohn Husse and Hierome of Prage ( annexed to the Acts of the Councell of Constance ) straightly charge and command , that such as they were , which would not be obedient to the Sea of Rome , nor hold communion with that Church , should not be permitted , Domicilia tenere , larem fovere , contractus inire , negotiationes & mercantias quaslibet exercere , aut humanitatis solatia cum Christi fidelibus habere : to have any house or home ▪ to make any contracts , or to use any trade or trafficke , or to enioy any solace or comforts of humanitie vvith the faithfull of Christ. And , as if all this were too little , Pope Boniface the eight , did further say and decree , that it was , de necessitate salutis , subesse Romano pontifici , of the necessitie of salvation , for everie man , to be subiect to the Pope of Rome . Thus you see , that this Image of the Beast ( that is , the Emperor-like State , and governement of Rome by the Popes ) was able to speak : for her owne exaltation and advancement , amongst the Inhabitants of the earth , and what manner of speeches they were , and how terible , dammageable , and in conclusion , deadlie , to all that would not worship it , and become obedient thereunto . But no onely by words , speeches , sayings , perswasions , doctrines , and decrees , but by miracles , signes , or wonders also , was this Image of the beast to bee erected : For the Text saith , that this second Beast ( the false-prophet , Antichrist ) did great Wonders , so that he made fire come downe from heaven on the earth , in the sight of men , and deceived them that dwell on the earth , by the signes which were permitted him to doe , in the sight of the Beast : saying to them that dwell on the earth , that they should make the Image of the Beast &c. So that the drift of all these Miracles , was but to make the Image of the Beast . And this agreeth with that of S. Paul , where hee saith : that , the comming of Antichrist , shall bee , by the working of Satan , with all power , and signes , and lying vvonders : and with that also of the False-prophet ( mentioned in this Revelation of S. Iohn ) that hee did Miracles . Which False-prophet , cannot be understood of Mahomet the False-prophet , amongst the Turkes , and Sarazens , for hee did no miracles , but prevailed with his religion an other way , and especiallie by force of Armes , and dint of Sword. Yea , Mahomet openlie protested , saying : Non sum miraculis , aut indicijs , ad vos missis : I am not sent unto you vvith miracles , or signes . And so also doth Dionysius Carthusianus testifie , that , Mahometes asserebat , Deum sibi dixisse , quod non permisit eum Miracula facere : Mahomet affirmed , that God said unto him , that hee permitted him not to doe miracles . But againe , the Myracles which this false Prophet mentioned in the Revelation , did , hee did them , before the Beast , and in his ●ight and presence , ( Rev. 13.14 . Rev. 19.20 . ) that is , at Rome , and in the view of the Romane State , and not amongst Turkes or Sarazens . The false Prophet then , here mentioned in this Revelation , which did these Miracles , appeareth to bee such a false Prophet , as is among Christians , to delude and deceive them , and not any such as is amongst the Turkes , or other Infidels of the World. Now , amongst the rest of the miracles , which this second Beast ( that is , this false Prophet amongst Christians , viz. Antichrist ) was to doe , this is speciallie mentioned , that hee made fire come downe from heaven on the earth , in the sight of men . Bellarmine , and some other Papists , would have this to bee understood , litterally , of materiall fire . And yet , if they will needes have it so to bee taken , it will advantage them nothing . For in the Papacie , they have made fire come downe from heaven on the earth , as even their owne writings doe declare : As for example , in their Legend for the feast of Corpus Christi , to confirme their error of Transubstantiation , and the adoration of their consecrated Bread in the Sacrament , they report , that a Priest , carrying the Host to a Sicke man , lost it by the way , and being perplexed for so great a losse , there appeared a Pillar of fire , shining like the Sunne , from heaven to the earth , pointing to the verie place where the Bodie of Christ lay : attended with a companie of devout Beasts● , which falling downe upon their knees , adored it . Yea , Bellarmine alledgeth no lesse then seven miracles for confirmation of this error . Likewise , to confirme another error of theirs , concerning the worship of Saints , they alledge sundrie miracles , and amongst the rest , they fetch fire from heaven for that purpose : For of Thomas , they say , that a burning light descended fower times , and kindled the Tapers in honour of that Saint . In the Legend of Iacinth and Eugenne , they also fetch fire from heaven , to consume Melance , the false accuser of Eugenne . Againe , in the Legend of Edward the Martyr , there is a Piller of fire brought from heaven to the earth , to shew the place of his buriall . In the Legend of S. George , they also fetch fire from heaven , to burne Dacianus , who had be headed him . In the Legend likewise of S. Barbara , they fetch fire from heaven , wherewith her Father that persecuted her , was consumed . In the Legend of S. Martyn , they , to make him like to the Apostles , doe say , that the holy Ghost descended upon him in the forme of Fire , as it did upon the Apostles . But to leave all other errors of Poperie , which want no Miracles amongst them , to confirme them , and to come to this verie point in hand , touching this Image of the Beast , that is , touching the Papall Empire , or , Emperor-like State , erected in the Popes at Rome , upon the subversion of the Emperors : Was not Pope Hildebrand , otherwise called , Pope Gregorie the seventh , the first , that is most famous ( or rather most infamous ) for resisting and weakening the Emperor of his time , by rebelling , and making Warre against him ? Doth not Aventinus write directly thus of him ? Hildebrandus , qui & Gregorius septimus , primus Imperium , pontificium condidit : quod successores per qurdringentos quinquaginta continenter annos invito mundo , invitis Imperatoribus , adeo duxere , ut inferos superos , in servitutem redigerint atque sub iugum miserint : Pope Hildebrand , who vvas also called Gregorie the seventh , is the first that founded the Papall Empire : which his successors , for fovver hundreth and fiftie yeares together , have so managed , in despite of th VVorld , and in despite of the Emperors , that they have brought inferiours , and superiors into subiection , and under the yoake . The like speaketh Eberard : Hildebrandus ante annos centum atque septuaginta , primus , specie regligionis , ANTICHRISTI Imperii fundamenta iecit . Hec Bellum nefandum , primus auspicatus est , quod per successores hucusque continuatur : Pope Hildebrand , saith hee , an hundred and seaventie yeares past , was the first , vvho under pretence of religion , laid the foundation of the Empires of Antichrist . Hee first began this wicked vvarre , vvhich by his successors , is hitherto continued . And even Onuphrius also , a great favorer and maintainer of the Papal authoritie , saith : Huic vni &c. To this man onely ( viz. to Pope Hildebrand ) all the Latine Churches , but especially the Church of Rome ought to attribute it , that shee is free , and pulled out of the hand of the Emperors , that shee is enriched with so much riches and vvealth , and temporal Dominion : that shee is ruler over Kings , Emperors , and all Christian Princes : from vvhom , lastlie , it is ( that I may comprehend all in one vvord ) that this most great & excellent state floweth , that Rome is the Ladie , or , Mistres , of all the Christian vvorld : vvhereas before , as a base handmaide , shee vvas kept under , not onely by the Emperors , but by anie Prince ayded by the Romane Emperor . From him it is , that the right of that greatest , and , in a manner , infinite , and in all ages terrible , and venerable povver of the pope of Rome , hath issued . For , although formerlie , the Popes of Rome vvere respected as heads of the Christian religion , and Vicars of Christ , and the Successors of Peter : yet did not their Authoritie stretch anie further , but to defend or maintaine opinions of faith . Yea , they vvere subiect to Emperors : al things vvere done at their becke : by them vvere the Popes made , neither durst the Pope of Rome iudge or determine anie thing of them . Of all the Popes of Rome , it is Gregorie the seaventh , that is the FIRST , vvho having the assistance of the Normans , strengthened by the helpe of the Countesse Matildes ( a VVoman verie potent in Italy ) and inflamed through the discord and civill warre of the Germane Princes , was bould ( beyond the manner of his predecessors , and contemning the Authoritie and power of the Emperor ) after that hee had obtained the Popedome , I doe not say , onely to excommunicate , but also to deprive the Emperor himselfe of his Kingdome and Empyre . A thing , before those times unheard of . For those Fables which are reported , and carried about , concerning Arcadius , Anastasius , and Leo Iconomachus , I regard not . VVhereupon Oth● Frisingensis , a VVriter of those times , saith also thus : I read , and I read againe , the gests of the Romane Kings and Popes , and no where doe I finde anie of them , before this Emperor Henrie , to bee excommunicate by a Pope of Rome , or by him deprived of his Kingdome . So farre Onuphrius . Gotfridus Viterbiensis , likewise testifieth , that , this Emperor , Henrie the fourth , was the first that was deprived of his Empire by the Pope . Trithemius also witnesseth the same , saying : Ipse primus est , inter omnes Imperatores , per Papam depositus : Hee is the first amongst all the Emperors , that was deposed by a Pope . By these Writers , and Historiographers , it then appeareth , that although , before the times of Hildebrand , the Popes of Rome , had an Episcopal , or Ecclesiastical supremacie , or Headship over all other Bishops ( which also began not , till about the yeare 606. in the time of Boniface the third ) yet a temporal supremacy , or , Imperial Monarchy over Emperors , Kings , & Princes , they never fully compassed & effected , until the daies of this Pope Hildebrād which was above a 1000. yeares after Christ. And thus you see the original of both the Supremacies of the Pope . But what ? were there anie Miracles , signes , or wonders done at this time when the Imperial Monarchy ( wherein , the Image of the Beast , chiefly consisteth ) was thus sought to be brought in , and setled in the Pope ? especially , was there anie Miracle , or Wonder , by fire , then to be seene ? It is manifest there were . For thus Aventinus writeth : Falsi tum Prophetae , falsi Apostoli , falsi Sacerdotes emersere , qui simulata religione populum deceperunt , magna signa atque prodigia ediderunt , &c. False Prophets , false Apostles , false Priests , did Then arise , vvho under pretence of Religion deceived the people , and did great signes and VVonders , &c. And amongst other Miracles , they alledge this for one , that a certaine Bishop , whilest hee was preaching against Pope Hildebrand , fulmine tactum esse , vvas smitten vvith lightning . What is this , but fire from heaven ? Yea , Pope Hildebrand himselfe being a Magitian and Necromancer , would no doubt , not faile to doe such miracles and wonders , as by divelish device and helpe he could , for the bringing of his designes and purposes to passe . And amongst the rest of his Wonders , Cardinal Benno saith : that , VVhen hee listed , hee vvould shake his sleeves : and fire , like sparkles , did flye out : & ijs Miraculis , oculos simplicium , volunt signo sanctitatis , ludificabat : and vvith those Miracles ( saith he ) as it vvere vvith a signe of sanctity , did he delude the eyes of the simple . Paulus Bernriedensis also , rehearseth divers Miracles or Wonders of Pope Hildebrand , done by fire , and therefore often resembleth him to Elias , in whose time , fire came down from heaven . So that if these words in the Revelation , of fire comming downe from heaven on the earth , were to be taken literally , you see , how they may be verified in the Papacie , inasmuch as , in the Papacie , they have made fire come down from heaven on the Earth , in the sight of men , that is , as they made men to beleeve and thinke : for so also doth Arethas , expound those words . But indeed those words in the Revelation , be rather mystically and allegorically to be taken : for S. Hierome saith , Apocalypsim , tot habere sacramenta quot verba , that the Revelation hath as many mysteries in it , as vvords : and againe he saith , totum esse spiritualiter intelligendum , that the whole booke is spiritually to be understood . They seeme therefore to be words alluding to the times of Elias , and signifying , that as in his daies , God miraculously sent fire from heaven , thereby to certifie the people of the true God , and of the truth of his religion : so would Antichrist , by the miracles done in his Church , worke so powerfully and effectually in the mindes of his followers , as that they should beleeve his Supremacie and Religion to be as undoubtedly true and right , as if the same had beene approved and ratified by fire , sent downe from God out of heaven , for that purpose . And they may allude to the times of Elias in another sense also , signifying , that as in his daies , fire came downe from heaven , to consume certaine Captaines vvith their fifties , which came to molest and disquiet him : so if anie molest , interrupt , or disturb the Pope , in anie point touching his Supremacie , and the Religion thereunto belonging , that he can likewise cause a Divine revenge , like fire from heaven , to fall upon them , which hee would perswade them , they shall not escape . Thus by words and deedes , perswasions and threats , fraude and force , by doctrines , decrees , and constitutions by rewards and punishments by false miracles , and by all the wayes hee could devise , hath the Pope endevoured to erect unto himselfe a Throne upon earth , and to have a Monarchie , not only Episcopal & Ecclesiastical ( for that would not content him , though it were too much ) but Civil and Imperial also , that so , in Him , as being the Head and supreme governor of Rome in lieu of the Emperors , the Image of the Beast might appeare . Yea , to make himselfe yet more like to the Emperor , he hath also taken the Emperors habite which was of Skarlet , together with shooes of Skarlet , which were proper to the Emperors . And as the Emperor had a Senate clad in Skarlet : so hath the Pope also a Senate of Cardinalls , clad in cloth of the verie same colour . Inasmuch then as the Pope , and his Cardinals , ( which make the State , whereby Rome is ruled and governed ) be thus all of them , clad in Skarlet : you therein , not onely see the Image of the Beast , but therewithall the verie skarlet coloured Beast , which was so long agone prophecyed of and foretold , that the VVhore of Babylon should sit upon : for , a Prophecie , is of things to come , and not of things present : and so is it , accordingly , expressely said , of that prophecie in the Revelation of S. Iohn , that it was to shew him things future ▪ and which afterward should be done ( Rev. 4.1 . ) and not things present , and in esse , at that time . 5 In the three last verses of the chapter ; it is further said : that this second Beast , caused all both small and great , rich and poore , free and bond , to receive a marke in their right hand , or in their foreheads : and that no man might buy or sell , but hee that had the marke or the name of the Beast , or the number of his Name . Here is vvisedome : let him that hath understanding , count the number of the Beast : for it is the number of a man ▪ and his number is 666. In which words , you see , that this second Beast , was to cause men to receive a marke , in their right hand , or in their forehead : and there he sheweth , what marke this is , namely , that it is the marke of the Beast , whose deadly wound was healed , viz. in the Pope , in whom , the ancient Imperial dignitie was restored , and revived at Rome . So that the marke of the Beast , here , that is , of the Latine or Romane State , as it was and is in the hands of the Popes , and managed and ruled by them , ( in respect of Religion ) is , and must needs be Poperie , or ( which commeth all to one reckoning ) , subiection and obedience to the Pope , and to his decrees , and determinations . And , this marke , hee causeth all to receive in their right hands , or in their foreheads , that is , either by the manner of their actions , life , and conversation , to shew it , or , by their open and outward profession , to declare it . For so doth S. Augustine , Primasius , Lyranus , Haymo , Richardus de S. Victore , and the ordinarie Glosse likewise expounds those words . Yea , none ( saith the Text ) might buy or sell , save he that had the marke , or the name of the Beast , or the number of his name : that is , none was to trade , or to be a Merchant of the Popes Pardons , Indulgences , or such like Romish Merchandizes , unlesse hee either professed subiection to the Pope and Popish Religion , or unlesse hee had the name of a Romanist ; or were at least , reckoned , or numbred amongst them , as if he were a verie true Romanist , indeed . Yea , even concerning temporal Merchandizes also , did Pope Martin the fift ( in his Bull annexed to the Councell of Constance ) and divers other Popes also ( as before appeareth ) give straight charge and commandement , that none which will not acknowledge subiection to the Pope and his Religion , should buy or sell , or make my contracts , or exercise any trafficke or merchandize , or have any comforts of humane societie , vvith faithfull Christians . Although therefore Bellarmine obiecteth , that there be manie within the dominion of the Pope , which not professing the Popes Religion , doe neverthelesse , buy and sell , as namely the Iewes : thereunto is answered , first , that Antichrist ( the Pope ) is properly the King and Head , not of Vnchristian , but of Antichristian people , and therefore is to exercise that his Papal and Antichristian Authoritie onely amongst that kinde of people , and not over Iewes , and such like Infidels , which make no profession at all of Christ , or Christianitie . Now as touching such as professe the name of Christ , it is before shewed that hee suffereth none of them , where he hath to doe , by his good will , to buy or sell , or to exercise anie trade of merchandizing : yea , or to enioy the comforts of humane societie , unlesse he live in subiection to him , and hold communion with his Church . But secondly , Iewes , that live within the dominion of the Pope , be not within the compasse of such Merchants , as be here specially intended , viz. to buy and sell the Popes Pardons , Indulgences , and such like Antichristian wares , wherein the chiefe merchandizing of Papal Rome consisteth , and whereat this Text principally aimeth . For not Iewes , but pretended Christians , and those of the forwarder sort of their Religion , be the men used to bee imploied in this kinde of trafficke . What have Iewes to doe , with this kinde of Romish ware , or to deale with such merchandize in the Church of Rome , concerning the soules of men , whereunto they be altogether strangers , and which Church , together with the orders , and religion thereof , they utterly disclaime and disavow ? And yet , thirdly , even the Iewes themselves , that trafficke and trade , temporal commodities and merchandizes , doe it , by Letters Patents , Rescripts , Warrant , or , Licence from the Pope of Rome , or his lawes , ( for otherwise they could not doe it ) : and so ( upon the matter ) have they also the name of the Beast to allow and authorize them therein . And therefore even the verie Iewes themselves , which doe not otherwise trade , trafficke and merchandize worldly commodities , but by the Popes , authoritie , permission , or allowance , within his Dominions , doe no way confute , but rather confirme this point . 6 Here is vvisedome , ( saith the Text ) : let him that hath understanding , count the number of the Beast , for it is the number of a man , ( that is , such , as a man by his understanding , may possibly attaine unto ) and his number is 666. That which is here called the number of the Beast , is in the verie next verse going before , and elsewhere also , called the number of the Name of the Beast . Now although it might be an hard and difficult matter before the accomplishment of this Prophecie , to finde out , this number of the name of the Beast : yet after the accomplishment of it , it is not so hard a matter . First therefore , they be much deceived who take this to be the proper name of some one particular man , or singular person : for the Text it selfe sheweth it , to be the name , not of anie particular man , but of a Beast , that is , of a State , Kingdome , or Dominion : and declareth it also to be the name of the Beast , that had seven heads ; that is , of the Latine or Romane State. The Beast then being now found out , and knowne to be the Latine or Romane State , it is so much the more easie to search , and finde out , whether , the number of this Beasts name , that is , of the Latine or Romane State , doe in the numeral letters thereof , conteine iust 666. For if it conteine iust that number , then for that cause also , will this matter , be so much the more apparant . In what language then are wee to reckon it ? Most likely , either in the Hebrew , because the Revelation ( as some thinke ) was given in Hebrew , to S. Iohn , being an Hebrew borne : or else in Greeke , because the Revelation was written in Greeke , and that also to the Greeke Churches : and all the letters in both these languages , be also numeral : whereas the letters in the Latine tongue be not all numeral , though some be . If then you aske in Hebrew , what Malcuth , that is , what Kingdome , this is , which is here spoken of ? A fit , and congruous answer , is made in the same Hebrew language , that it is , Romijth , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which signifieth Romane , denoting it thereby to be the Romane State , or Romane Kingdome : which word , in Hebrew , doth in the numeral letters thereof , conteine the iust number of 666. If againe you aske , in Greeke , what Basileia , that is , what Kingdome it is : it is likewise fitly and fully answered in Greek , that it is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Latine Kingdome , or , the Latine State : which name of the Beast so produced in Greeke , doth also in the numeral letters thereof , conteine the iust number of 666. Or , if you will thinke it fit to reckon it in the Latine tongue , which is the proper tongue of the Beast ( as possibly it is so to be reckoned , for in the Latine tongue , some letters be also numeral , though all be not ) what name or title hath the Pope , who hath gotten to himselfe this headship , and soveraigne rule of Rome ? Is hee not usually called , Vicarius Generalis Dei in terris ? Gods Vicar general upon Earth ? And doe not these words thus produced in Latine , conteine , in them , in the numeral letters or characters , the iust number of 666 ? It is cleere and apparant , that they doe . So that , whether you consider the Latine or Romane State , simply by it selfe , or as it is long sithence translated , or brought to the Pope of Rome , the last head thereof : you finde , in all the three languages , both of Latine , Greeke , and Hebrew , ( which be counted the three learned languages of the world ) the number of the Beast , fitly to agree : yea these verie words ( Latinus status , ad Papas allatus , ) directly signifying , the Latine State , as it is ( now long since ) translated and brought unto the Popes , conteineth in the numeral letters thereof , the iust number of 666 ; which is therefore a thing , not unworthie the noting and observing . Irenaeus ( whose Maister was Polycarpus , Disciple to S Iohn , that received this Revelation ) saith : that the number of the name of the Beast , should conteine 666 , according to the computation of the Greekes , by the Letters that be in it . He therefore reckoning other names ( as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in neither of which , there is anie likelyhood , that anie of them should be this name , seeing none of these , is the name of a Beast , that is of a Kingdome , or State ) setteth downe the name , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , whereof he writeth thus : Sed & , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , nomen sexcentorum sexaginta sex , numerum : & valde verisimile est : quoniam verissimum Regnum , hoc habet vocabulum : Latini enim sunt , qui nunc regnant : But the vvord , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( lateinos ) conteyneth also the number of 666 : and this is very likely ( saith he ) to be the name : because the most true Kingdome , hath this name : for they be Latines , vvhich now raigne . Where you see , even by Irenaeus his testimonie , first , that the Beast here mentioned , signifieth a Kingdome , or State : secondly , that his name , conteyning the number of 666 , must bee in Greeke , and reckoned by the numeral letters of the name , in that language . And thirdly hee saith , that it is verie likely , to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . All which verie fitly agreeth ( as is apparant ) to the Latine State , not onely as it was ruled by Emperors , but as it is sithence also ruled by Popes . For in the Papacie also , Latine , is in chiefest request , and preferred before all other languages . All their Service is in Latine : the people be taught to pray in Latine : the Scriptures be not allowed of , but according to their Latine translations : and it is commonly and vulgarly called , the Latine Religion &c. What therefore Irenaeus in those ancient times affirmed to be verie probable , and likely , Wee , living so manie hundred yeares after him , and seeing the accomplishment of this Prophecie , doe and must conclude it , by the event , to bee not onely probable and likely , but necessarily true and undoubted , That it is the Latine Kingdome , or Romane State which is there intended and described . As for that Bellarmine , and some other Papists say , that the word , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , may not be written with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but with a simple Iota , it is too vaine a cavill : for Irenaeus , being a Grecian borne , knew how to write Greeke , I hope , aswel as Bellarmine , or anie other that taketh the exception . Secondly , even meane Scholers in that tongue , doe know , that it may be written both wayes , and that it is no new or strange thing , with them , to write , I , long , by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : as Atrides , and Aristides , be written in Greeke , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . So Nilus , Epirus , and Mithras , be written in Greeke , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : especially , when N followeth I long , it is the observation of Ioseph Scaliger himselfe , ( in his Notes upon Eusebius Chronicle , pag. 106 ) that the Grecians doe turne the I of the Latines , into 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : as in these words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . This therefore appeareth to bee , a verie frivolous and idle exception . And as touching that they further obiect , that there bee manie names , which make that number of 666. and thereupon would inferre , that anie of those , may be the name there spoken of , aswell as Latine , or Romane ; they talke likewise very idely , and to no purpose : for although there bee many names , that conteine that number of 666 , yet none of them , conteyning that number , can be the name there spoken of , unlesse it bee the name , first , of a Beast , that is , of a State , or Kingdome : secondly , unlesse it be the name of that verie Beast with seven heads , there mentioned : nor thirdly , unlesse it bee such a name , as agreeth with that Beast , in every other respect and circumstance : of which sort , none is , or can bee shewed to bee , but onely that which is the Latine , or Romane State. Inasmuch then , as the Pope of Rome counterfeiteth the Lambe , but acteth the Dragon , in verie deede : and exerciseth all the power and authoritie of the first Beast , that is , of the Romane State , and that before his face : and seeing that the deadlie wound , given to the Empire , was cured and healed in him : and that hee with his Clergie , and holie men , and holy women , hath by their Miracles , done in the sight and viewe of the Romane . State , together with his doctrine , and other his devises , so bewitched , and inchanted the Inhabitants of the Earth , that they have as verily beleeved the Popes Supremacie , and his religion to be of God , as if they had beene ratified , and approoved from God himselfe , by some miraculous sending of fire from heaven , for the confirmation of them : and hath also caused an Image of the Beast , to be made , namely , the Papall State , in lieu of the Imperial , whereof himselfe is now the Head and Monarch : & hath moreover , put such a spirit into this Image of the Beast , so that it did speake , and give forth such terrible Edicts & Iudgments , that whosoever did not obey it , & the decrees therof , should be put to death ; and hath also caused , and commanded all professors of Christianitie , under his rule and dominion , to receive the Marke of the Beast , which , in respect of Religion , is manifestly , Poperie : and hath willed also , and ordained , that none within his Dominions , professing the name of Christ , should buy , or sell , or use the trade of Merchandizing , unlesse hee have the marke of the Beast , that is , unlesse hee professe the religion of Poperie : or have his name , which is to bee a Romanist , or Latine man , that is , a man of the Romane , or Latine Religion , professing subiection to him : or have the number of his name , that is , unlesse hee so carrie and demeane himselfe , as that hee bee numbred , and reckoned amongst them , as if he were a verie true Latine , or true Romane indeed : and seeing that the number of the name of the Beast , conteyning 666. doth also fitly and fully agree to the Latine , or Romane State : yea , seeing the Pope hath all the Markes whatsoever , mentioned in the holy Scriptures , to belong to Antichrist ( for no instance can be given to the contrarie ) I conclude that hee is , and must needs be helde to bee , the verie undoubted Grand Antichrist , and that there is no other to bee expected . CHAP. IIII. Shewing also the Pope to bee Antichrist , and the Popish Church , to be the Antichristian , out of the 1. Tim. 4. Vers. 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5. THE words of this Text bee these : But the spirit speaketh evidently , that in the latter times , some shall depart from the faith , giving heede to spirits of error , and doctrines of Divells , which speake lyes in hypocrisie , having their consciences seared , with an hot Iron : forbidding to marrie , and commanding to abstaine from meates , vvhich God hath created to bee received with thankesgiving , of them which beleeve and know the truth : for every Creature of God is good , and nothing to bee refused , if it be received vvith thankesgiving : for it is sanctified by the word of God and prayer . Beside the former notes and markes of the Antichristian and Apostatical Church , the Apostle here hath , for our fuller , and better satisfaction in that point , notified also , and set downe unto us , two other marks , and those not the worst , but the most sensible , nor the most wicked ( though wicked enough ) but the most easie to bee knowne , that none might anie longer erre , or goe astray therein . The two markes , whereby to discerne and know this Antichristian Church , which hath made an Apostacie , or departure from the right faith ( and whose teachers , bee false teachers ) hee specifieth to bee these : namely , 1. Forbidding people to Marrie , which by Gods law bee not prohibited . 2. A commanding to abstaine from meates , for religion sake , which God hath created to be received with thanksgiving . Which two notes , or markes , bee apparantly found in the Papacie ▪ For there , namely in the Papacie , are divers persons forbidden to marrie , which by Gods law be not forbidden , as namely their Bishops , Deacons , Priests , Monkes , Friers , Nunnes &c. And there also is a commanding to abstaine from some kinde of meates , for religion sake , as is sufficiently knowne , and as shall afterward appeare : and therefore in the Papacie it is , that the Church is Apostatical and Antichristian . But touching the point of Marriage , the Rhemists , and other Papists answer , that S. Paul here speaketh onely of the Manichees , Encratites , Marcionites , of the heretickes , called Apostoloci , Ebionitae , and the like , whose heresie about Marriage was ( say they ) that , to marrie , or to use the Act of Matrimonie , is of Satan , and that the distinction of Male and Female , came of an ill God. And thus would they have the old Heretickes onely to be branded , and themselves noe way to bee touched herein . But indeede ( if you well observe the words ) not so much those old heretickes , as the later hereticks , namely , the Papists , bee there noted and branded : yea , these chiefely , and especially , if not altogether . For those old hereticks that attributed the institution of Matrimonie , to Satan , and the distinction of male and female , and procreation of Children to the Divel , did not speake lies or falshood in hypocrisie ( as these are here said to doe ) but in palpable , and open blasphemie , which might therefore easily bee discerned of Christians , and avoided . But the Papists , that ( under pretence of holinesse , religion , puritie , and chastitie ) forbid Marriage , bee those that utter this their doctrine in hypocrisie : and therefore bee such , of whom the Apostle here speaketh , and had the more neede to give the Church a forewarning , that they might beware of them , and bee the better armed against them . But because they confesse , the old Heretickes , to be here condemned , let them tell mee , how much differeth in this point , the Church of Rome from those old Heretickes , the Manichees ? For even the Manichees permitted marriage to the Lay people , which they called their hearers : but in no wise to their Clergie , which they called their Elects , or chosen men , as S. Augustine declareth . Seeing then they are in the same heresie with them , in this very point , how can they avoide from themselves herein , the note and brand of those old Heretickes ? But they say , that their Clergie men , Monkes , Nunnes , and the rest of their religious orders , be Votaries , and have vowed continencie , and therefore it is not lawfull for them to marrie , because of their Vowes . But I demand , What if they bee not able to keepe this vow , but that notwithstanding their Vowes , Praiers , Fastings , and other meanes , by them used , they still burne in lust ? For , in these cases , concerning marriage , or single life , Everie one hath his proper gift of God● one after this manner , and another after that : as S. Paul himselfe directlie teacheth and affirmeth . So that Continencie from Marriage , is a gift , not common to all , but proper to some , as here appeareth , and therefore , every one that Fasteth , or that Prayeth , or laboureth after it , doth not alwaies attaine unto it : yea , Christ Iesus himselfe , expresly telleth us , that , All doe not receive it , but they onely to whom it is given . It must therefore , first of all bee confessed , that it was a verie presumptuous , rash , and unadvised Vow , which such men and women make , as at the time of their Vow-making , neither were , nor could bee assured of that speciall gift , nor yet afterward , have it given them from God : For which they are therefore to repent . And secondly , their vow thus appeaing to bee rash , and unadvised , and such as they finde themselves not able to keepe , it were much better for them to marrie , then continually to burne in Lust , and so to fall possibly , into fornication , or adulterie , or other more lewd and abhominable sinnes . For it is the expresse rule of S. Paul , that , It is better to marrie , then to burne . Yea , Marriage was instituted of God , for this verie end , to prevent and● void fornication , and adulterie , and all other uncleannesse : For so S. Paul againe saith and requireth : that to Avoid fornication , every man should have his owne wife , and everie woman her owne husband . And againe hee saith : that , Marriage is honourable amongst all men , and the Bed undefiled , but VVhoremongers and Adulterers God will iudge . And therefore if such persons as have made vowes , in this case , finde themselves not able to keepe them , and thereupon doe afterward Marry , S. Augustine himselfe condemneth not their Marriage : Non quia ipsae Nuptiae vel talium &c. Not that the Marriage it selfe , even of such persons ( saith hee ) is iudged to bee condemned Yea , hee further speaketh thus : They which say , that the marriage of such persons , is no Marriage , but rather Adulteries , seeme to mee ( saith hee ) not to conside● throughly , and diligently , what they say . Yea , it was indeede the direct heresie of those old Heretickes , called Apostolici , not to permit such to marrie as had made the vow of chastitie , and were not able to keepe it . And 〈◊〉 is further declared to bee , contrarie to the Doctrine of the Catholicke Church , which ( as Epiphanius also there testifieth ) iudged , it was better for such to marry openlie , then to burne privilie . Whilest therefore they suffer not such to marrie , as have made a vowe of Continency , and bee not able to keepe it , what doe they else , but , contrarie to the doctrine of the Catholicke church , ioyne with those old heretickes , called Apostolici , and consequently cannot herein avoide the same Antichristian note and brand imposed upon them ? But now ( if a man should further expostulate the matter with them ) what good or sufficient reason can they shew , why Bishops , Pastors , and Ministers of the Church , may not aswell bee allowed to bee married persons , as the Priests in the old Testament ? For it cannot bee denied , but the Priests in the old Testament did Marrie . If you say , that Bishops and Ministers should bee holie men : beside that marriage hindereth not holinesse in them , that have not the gift of Continency ( yea , it rather helpeth holinesse , making them to live honest ; and holy lives , who otherwise burning in lust , were likely to live verie impurelie and unholily ) , might not likewise the same obiection bee made , touching those Priests of the old Testament , in whom , holinesse was aswell required , as in the Ministers of the new Testament ? Yea , if marriage were against holinesse , or did hurt or hinder it , God would never have allowed it to anie kind of people : For even of Lay people , aswell as of Ecclesiastical Ministers , doth God require sanctitie , or holinesse , saying thus unto them : As hee which called you is holy : even so bee yee also holie , in all manner of conversation : because it is vvritten , bee yee holy , for I am holy . It is therefore a verie prophane speech of Papists , or of anie whosoever , that say , that Marriage is a prophanation of holie orders , or that in his owne nature , it prophaneth anie Christian , of what sort soever , it being a sacred and holie Institution , and appointed of God , as a remedie against sinne , and to preserve men in honestie , goodnesse , and sanctitie . Yea , some of the Apostles themselves were married men , as S. Peter ( otherwise called Cephas ) and some of the rest : and even those Apostles also that were unmarried , had the freedome and libertie , neverthelesse , to have beene married , notwithstanding the sacred function of the Apostleship . For so S. Paul witnesseth of himselfe and Barnabas , that it was lawfull and free for them , if they had beene so disposed , to have taken wives , and to have led them about with them , as they travelled in the execution of the office of their Apostleshippe . Have wee not power ( saith hee ) to lead about a Sister , A VVife , asvvell as other Apostles , and the brethren of the Lord , and Cephas ? The Rhemists hereunto answer , that the words in the Text , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , should not bee translated , a Sister , a Wife , but a Woman a Sister : and say , that the Apostle meaneth plainly , the devout women , that after the manner of Ievvry , did serve the Preacher of necessaries , of which sort , manie followed Christ , and sustained him , and his , of their substance . But first they transpose , and misplace the words in that text , For the words be not ( as they in their Translation suppose ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a VVoman , a Sister , but , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , a Sister , a VVife : For no man of understanding , would translate it , a Sister , a VVoman , because the word Sister , implieth a woman , of it selfe . And therefore this latter word , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , must of necessitie signifie , a VVife : For to translate it otherwise , namely , a Sister , a VVoman , were to make the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to bee superfluously added , and to no purpose . Besides , the word used in the text of leading about , declareth , that they were Wives , and not other Women : For it is a word , importing authoritie in it , as of the husband over his wife , or of the master over his servant , or such like : Neither had the Apostles any such command , or authority over other women . Wee reade indeed , of certaine women , that followed our Saviour Christ , but wee read not that hee did leade them about . But lastly , the verie scope of the Text , is also directly against this their conceit , and exposition , which expound it of such rich weomen , as did minister of their substance to the Apostles necessitie : For by such rich weomen , the Church could not bee charged , but was rather helped and relieved by them : whereas with the Apostles wives , that were poore as their husbands , the Churches might lawfully have beene charged : For this is the verie scope & purpose of the Apostle , in that place , to shew to the Corinthians , that in this point , Hee and Barnabas , used not that power and libertie , which freely and lawfully they might have done , in leading about a Sister , a Wife with them ( aswell as Cephas , that is Peter , and some other of the Apostles did ) . And even S. Hierome against Helvidius , to the same effect , citeth this text also , thus : Numquid non habemus potestatem uxores circumducendi , sicut & caeteri Apostolici . Have vve not power to lead about vvives , aswell as the rest of the Apostles ? And Tertullian likewise , according to this Text , saith : Licebat & Apostolis nubere , & uxores circumducere : It was lavvfull for the Apostles to marrie , and to lead about their vvives . Clemens Alexandrinus also , by this Text , doth proove , that the Apostles had Wives , and did lead them about : Doe they also ( saith hee ) reiect the Apostles ? For Peter and Philip did beget Children : Philip also , did give his Daughter in marriage . And therefore Paul saith in a certaine Epistle : Have vvee not povver to lead about a Sister , a VVif● , asvvell as the rest of the Apostles &c. 2 Yea , that Bishops , and Deacons , may be maried men , and have wives , S. Paul himselfe , further cleerely witnesseth : shewing , both what maner of men , Bishops and Deacons should be , and likewise what manner of weomen , their wives should be . A Bishop ( saith he ) must be blamelesse , the husband of one vvife , vvatching , sober , comely , a lover of hospitality , apt to teach , not given to vvine , no striker , not greedy of filthy lu●re , but gentle , abhorring fighting , abhorring covetousnesse , one that ruleth vvell his owne house , having children in subiection , vvith all honesty : For if a man know not how to rule his owne house , how shall hee care for the Church of God ? Where first you may observe , that a Bishop is expressely allowed to be the husband of one wife . Some Papists , hereunto answere , that by being the husband of one wife , is meant , that a Bishop must have but one wife before his admission to that his Episcopal office : but after his admission to that office , he must have none at all . It is a verie strange answer , and untrue . For first they hereby expound these words , ( a Bishop must be , &c. ) by these ; A Bishop must be such a one , as hath beene , &c. And so by this exposition of theirs , which will have it expounded of the time past onely , but not of the time present , they make the Apostle to speake , as if he had said thus : Let such a one be ordeined a Bishop , as hath heretofore beene blamelesse , but now at the time of his ordination , and after , is not so : such a one must be made a Bishop , as before he was a Bishop , was watchfull , sober , apt to teach , &c. But now after that hee is a Bishop , hee may have none of these vertues or good qualities , in him . Is not such an exposition senselesse , impious , and absurd ? And yet if they will expound the one clause of the sentence , touching a Bishop to be the husband of one wife , ( as they doe ) of the time past onely , and in no sort of the time present , they must likewise expound all the rest of the members and clauses of the same entire sentence , in the same manner , and so runne into those senselesse , and impious absurdities , before mentioned . But the Apostle himselfe , to put the matter further out of all controversie , speaking of Deacons , saith in the present tense : Diaconi sint unius uxoris viri ; Let the Deacons , be the husbands of one vvife . Now , as touching the meaning of these words , that a Bishop , or , Deacon , must be the husband of one wife , it is not to tye him necessarily to have a wife , but to this , that if he have anie , care must be taken , that hee have no more then one at a time . So that this Text maketh against Diga●y , or Bygamie , ( as wee call it ) or Polygamie , that is ▪ against the having of two , or more wives at once , and not ( as some take it ) against the having of several wives , one succeeding after the death of the other . And so doth S. Chrysostome expound this Text , speaking thus : He saith not this , as making a law , that none without a vvife may be made a Bishop , but appointing a measure of that matter : for it vvas lawfull for the Iewes to be ioyned in the second marriage , and to have two vvives at once . Theodoret likewise upon these words , The husband of one vvife , saith thus : The preaching then began , and neither the Gentiles did exercise virginitie , nor the Iewes admit it : for they esteemed the procreation of children , to be a blessing : therefore , forasmuch as at that time , they vvere not easily to be found , vvhich exercised continencie , he commandeth of such as had married vvives , to ordeyne them vvhich honoured temperance . And concerning that saying , The husband of one vvife , I thinke ( saith he ) certaine men have vvell said : for of old time both Greekes , and Iewes , vvere vvont to be maried ▪ and that vvith two , three , or moe vvives , at once . And even now also , vvhen the Imperial lawes , forbid men to marry two vvives at once , they have to doe with Concubines and Harlots . They have said therefore , that the holy Apostle saith , That he vvhich dwelleth honestly vvith one vvife onely , is vvorthy to be ordeyned a Bishop : for ( say they ) hee doth not reiect the second marriage , vvho hath often commanded that it should be used . Theophilact doth also so expound these words , the husband of one vvife . He spake this ( saith he ) because of the Iewes , for to them vvas permitted Polygamy , that is , to ioyne marriage vvith many at one time . Yea even S. Hierome , though no great favourer of marriage , and being himselfe inclined to that opinion , that he which hath beene twice married , should not be ordeined : yet in his Commentary upon the Epistle to Titus , confesseth and declareth , that sundrie did interprete the Text otherwise , namely , as wee doe : Some Interpreters of this place ( saith he ) doe give this sense . It vvas of the Iewish custome ( say they ) that men had two vvives , or moe at once , as vvee reade in the old Law , of Abraham , and Iacob : and this they will have to be the Apostles commandement in this place , that he vvhich is to be chosen a Bishop , have not two vvives together at one time . The sense and meaning then of those words , is evident and plaine enough , viz. that hee which is blamelesse or unreproveable , that is the husband of one wife , and of no mo at once , that is watchfull , sober , apt to teach , & hath all those other vertues and good qualities mentioned in that Text , is the man , that is meete to be made a Bishop . S. Ambrose ( in 2. Cor. 11. ) saith : That all the Apostles , except Iohn and S. Paul , had vvives . Chaeremon Bishop of Nilus , fled with his wife in persecution , Euseb. lib 6. cap. 42. Demetrianus an excellent Bishop of Antiochia , had a sonne , called Doranus , that was made Bishop , in stead of Paulus Samosatenus the Heretique , Euseb. lib. 7. cap. 30. Spiridion was a famous Bishop in the Councel of Nice , that was married ▪ and had a daughter , called Irene , Ruffin . lib. 1. cap. 5. Gregory Bishop of Nazianzen , was a notable Bishop , and father of the other Gregory that succeeded him , as appeareth by the Oration he made , in praise of his father . Gregory Bishop of Nissa , was an excellent Bishop , and was also married , Niceph. lib. 11. cap. 19. S. Germanus , was a notable Bishop , in Africa , and was likewise married , having a daughter called Leontia , that was afterward martyred by the Arrians , Victor . Vticens ▪ hist. lib. 3. Yea Fabianus , and , Hormisda , Bishops of Rome , were married : and manie other Bishops of Rome were Priests sonnes , as Pope Damasus himselfe in his Pontifical , doth testifie . And although it be true , that manie holy men , were unmarried also : yet you see it to be untrue which the Rhemists say , that no holy men ever used their wives after they were in holy Orders : For Socrates further mentioneth divers holy Bishops of the East Church , in his time , that begat lawfull children of their lawfull wives , after that they were Bishops , Socrat. lib. 5. cap. 22. And so doth Athanasius ( ad Dracontium ) affirme , that hee knew manie Bishops unmaried , and againe , Monkes , to be fathers of children : as on the other side , you may see ( saith he ) Bishops to be fathers of children , and Monke● that have not sought libertie of generation . And good it had beene , if this freedome and libertie to marry as it was left by God , had so continued to all sorts of men and women , without anie restraint or prohibition : for be not the Clergie men in Poperie , that be thus restrained , and prohibited to marrie , and likewise the Monkes , Friars , Nunns , and the rest , thereby , occasioned , or may they not thereby , be occasioned , to be like those old hereticks , called Origeniani turpes , Filthy Originists ? Who , as Epiphanius testifieth of them , Reiected mariage , yet lust ceased not amongst them , but they defiled their body and minde vvith wantonnesse : for some of them be in the habite of Monkes that live solitarily ; and some of the vvomen , are in the habite of women that live solitarily : but they are , for all that , ( saith he ) corrupt , performing their lust in their bodies . And againe he saith of them : that , They studie not for chastitie , but for fained chastitie , and that which hath the name onely of Chastitie . Clemangis a Doctor of Paris , that lived above two hundred yeares agon , concerning Monkes , and Abbeyes , speaketh thus : VVhat can I say of them that is commendable ? they being so slippery , indisciplinated , dissolute , unquiet , running up and downe , into common and dishonest places . And touching Friars , hee saith : They be worse then the Pharisees , ravening VVolves in Sheepes ●●othing , who in words pretend the forsaking of the world , and in deedes vvith all possible fraudes , deceipt , and lying , hunt after it : making semblance in outward shew , of austeritie , chastitie , humility , holy simplicitie , but , secretly , in exquisite delicates and variety of pleasures , going beyond the luxuriousnesse of all vvorldly men : and , though not vvith their wives , yet vvith their Bratts , filling themselves greedily vvith wine , and good cheere , and polluting every thing vvith lust , whose heate burneth them . And concerning Nunnes , hee saith : Shame forbiddeth me to speake of them , lest I should mention , not a companie of Virgins dedicated to God , but stewed , deceiptfull , impudent vvhores , with their fornications , and incestuous vvorkes . For vvhat , I pray you , are Nunneries now-adayes , but the execrable Brothel-houses of Venus ? the harbours of vvanton men , where they satisfie their lusts ? that now , the veyling of a Nunne , is all one , as if you prostituted her openly to be a VVhore . So farre Hee . 3 The sixt general Councel therefore , assembled at Trulla , to make Canons , hath an expresse ordinance concerning this point , of the mariage of Ministers , ( in the 13 Canon ) in these words ▪ Forasmuch as vvee have understood , that it hath bin ordeyned for a rule in the Church of Rome that ▪ vvhosoever vvill be a Deacon or Priest , must first protest that he vvill never 〈◊〉 more after that , have to doe vvith his vvife ▪ 〈◊〉 following the Apostolical order and discipline , vvill , that the lawfull marriage of Clergie men , be for ever avayleable : by no meanes separating them from their vvives , nor forbidding them to come together at convenient times . VVherefore , if any one shall be thought vvorthy to be chosen a Subdeacon , Deacon , or , a Priest : let him not be hindred from mounting to this degree , because he dwells together vvith his lawfull vvife : and let it not be exacted of him in the day of his election , to renounce the company of his lavvfull vvife : lest , by this meanes , vvee be constrayned to disgrace mariage , vvhich vvas first in instituted by God , and blessed by his presence : seeing that the Gospel cryes out , that no man should separate that vvhich God hath ioyned together . The prohibition of mariage then , in the Popish Church , to such as by Gods law be not prohibited , yea , which are directly allowed ▪ yea which are required and commanded ( in case they have not the gift of continencie ) to marrie , rather then to burne , appeareth verie cleerely to be wicked , and abominable ; and consequently , the Popish Church , as touching this point , must bee concluded , to be the undoubted Antichristian Church . And so much the rather ; for that , they have made this prohibition , in meere hypocrisie : they pretending that they doe it for religion sake , and that Clergy-men should be the more holy and chaste : when the cause thereof , indeed , is another matter , namely the preservation of Church goods , and lest a Bishop or Priest , if he were married , should pare away something from them , and employ it to the use of his wife and children : for this , a Pope of Rome himselfe , hath discovered and manifested in the 28. Distinction and Canon de Syracusanis ; where he saith : that the reason , why hee did refuse to admit of a certaine Bishop , was , because hee had a wife and children , by whom the Church goods use to be endangered : And yet notwithstanding at the urgent request of the people of Syracusa , he did receive him , upon condition , that his wife and children , should not have to doe with the goods or profits of the Church . Let them not therefore blind the eies of the world anie longer , as though care of chastitie , sanctitie , and holinesse , in Clergie-men , were the cause of this prohibition , when the true cause in verie deed , appeareth to be meerely politicke , worldly , and earthly , namely a respect and care for the preservation of the Church goods , wholly , and entirelie to themselves . But againe , is it not grosse hipocrisie , and dissimulation , for them to pretend Chastitie , in this matter , wherein there appeareth to bee none at all , but the cleane contrarie ? For , how can the forbidding of Mariage to such as have not the gift of Continency , tend to chastitie ? Yea , how can it otherwise tend , but to unchastitie , filthinesse , dishonestie , and uncleannesse ? Yea , what a great affecter of chastitie the Popish Church is , may appeare by the Canon , Is qui , in the 34 Distinction : the inscription whereof is this : Hee that hath no vvife , let him , in stead of a vvife , have a Concubine . The Canon following , is this : It is not lavvfull for a Christian to have , I doe not say , manie vvives , but not so much as tvvo vvives , but onely one vvife , or in defect thereof , a Concubine . Likewise , the Canon , Dilectissimis , in the 12 cause , and the first question , doth approove of Platoes opinion , the wisest among the Greekes , which saith : All things should bee common amongst friends : Novv , under this name of all things ( saith this Canon ) mens vvives also bee comprehended . But I shall need to say no more herein , because the premises , as touching this point of forbidding marriage , under pretence of chastitie , and religion ( when there is neither chastitie , nor religion in it , but the cleane contrary ) doe sufficiently declare , the Popish Church , to bee , verie clearely and undoubtedly Antichristian . 4 The second marke of the Apostatical , and Antichristian Church , out of this Text , is , a commanding to abstaine from Meates , for Religion sake . And this note , or marke , is also found verie evidently to be in the popish Church : For in the Papacie , the people are enioyned , and that not for politicke , or civill respects , but for pietie and religion sake , to abstaine from flesh-meates , and other meates , on certaine daies , and times , by them appointed : although neverthelesse , on the same daies , and times , they permit fish of all sorts , to be eaten , and wine also to bee taken . Yea , they not onely account it a sinne against God , to eate flesh on those dayes , but doe also repose matter of merit , and satisfaction to Gods Iustice for their sinnes , in that their abstinence , and in such their obedience , performed to their Mother , the Church of Rome . Howbeit , S. Paul ( contrariwise ) saith : that , The kingdome of God , is not meate nor drinke , but righteousnesse , and peace in the holy Ghost . And againe hee saith : If any of them vvhich beleeve not , bid you to a feast , and if you vvill goe , vvhatsoever is set before you , eate , asking no question for conscience sake . Yea , Christ Iesus himselfe sheweth , that they bee not meates and drinkes , moderately taken , but other things that defile a man , for , saith hee : Perceive yee not , that vvhatsoever entreth into the mouth , goeth into the belly , and is cast out into the draught ? But those things vvhich proceede out of the mouth , come from the heart , and they defile a man : for out of the heart come evill thoughts , murders , adulteries , fornica●ions , thefts , false testimonies , slanders ; these bee the things that defile a man. And againe hee saith expreslie : That vvhich goeth into the mouth , defileth not a man , but that vvhich commeth out of the mouth , that defileth a man. Doe not these testimonies manifestlie proove , that good and true Christian Religion , and the kingdome of God , consisteth not in these outward things , of meat and drinke , but in things inward , seated in the heart of a man , as namely , in righteousnesse , in peace , and in ioy of the holy Ghost , and such like ? Yea , when God thus permitteth , aswell flesh as fish to bee eaten , and saith expresly , that , the Eating of it defileth not a man : can anie Popish Prohibition make it to defile a man , or to bee sinne in his sight , which himselfe affirmeth to bee none ? For they say , that though God hath not forbidden it , yet their Mother , the Church of Rome , hath forbidden it upon paine of deadly sinne , and damnation . Howbeit this excuseth not : yea , herein it is , that their church doth disclose and declare her selfe , to bee in verie deede , Antichristian , in thus exalting herselfe against God , and daring to forbid that in the way of Religion , which hee hath not forbidden , but ( contrariwise ) hath allowed in his religion . The true Church hath but one Lavv-giver ( as S. Iames speaketh ) and that is God , to make and give Lawes , to binde the soule and consciences , and to certificus , what is sinne , and what is not sin , in his sight . How then can any Prohibition of the Pope , or Popish Church , make that to bee sinne against God and his religion , which God himselfe affirmeth not to bee so , yea , the contrarie whereof , hee teacheth and affirmeth ? But consider yet further , what Mother it is that they bee so carefull to obey , and whether shee bee not the Mother of VVhoredomes and abhominations of the earth , and even the Whore of Babylon , as shee is before declared to bee , out of the Revelation of S. Iohn . For it will bee small honour , ioy , or comfort , for anie , to shew or performe obedience to such a Mother . Yea , all Gods people bee expresly commanded by a voyce from heaven , to forsake that Mother , and to goe out of her : lest being partakers of her sinnes , they also receive of her plagues . And therefore , whilst they doe it in obedience to such a Mother , their sinne is not thereby lessened , but is so much the greater . Yea , whilst your Church is thus bold to give this Prohibition , S. Paul , even in this place to Timothie , telleth you , that God is so farre from prohibiting , or forbidding anie Meates , in his religion , that contrariwise , he hath created them to that verie end , to bee received , and that with thankesgiving : and hee there further teacheth , that , they are so farre from having anie sinne , pollution , or uncleannesse in them , to a faithfull and well perswaded Christian , as that they are to him ( cleane contrariwise ) sanctified by the word of God , and prayer . Can anie thing bee more forciblie spoken , to confute that Prohibition ? But amongst the rest , this is most intolerable , that they place remission of sinnes , or matter of merit , or satisfaction to Gods Iustice for their sinnes , in this their abstinence from flesh , and betaking themselves to fish , and other meates , which they also call fasting : For , first , did ever anie true christian Religion teach a Fast , acceptable to God , and allowed of him , to consist in difference of meates , or , ( which is all one ) in absteyning from some kinde of meate , and eating of othersome , as namely , in absteyning from flesh , and eating of fish , or such like ? A true christian Fast , whether it be publike , or private , is , to eate neither flesh , nor fish , nor anie thing at all , for that day , or time , that is so dedicated for humiliation , in Gods sight : and besides , it hath alwaies , humble , earnest , fervent , and repentant prayers , ioyned with it , and a serious and deep meditation and contemplation , of divine & heavenly things . Yea , this kinde of fasting , without praier , and without other divine exercises , ioyned therewith , is nothing else , but a meere bodilie diet , and altogether a corporal , and no spirituall exercise . But were fasting never so truly and rightly performed , yet why should you account it meritorious , or of merit sufficient to take away sinnes , or to satisfie Gods Iustice for your sinnes ? Did it not cost more to redeeeme soules , and to satisfie Gods Iustice for them , then so ? have wee not beene often told , that it is the Sonne of God , and our all-sufficient Saviour , and Redeemer , that hath with his most bitter suffrings , and most perfect obedience , satisfied Gods Iustice for our sinnes , which wee , for our parts , were never able to satisfie ? But againe yee know , that true , right , and christian fastings , prayers , humiliation , mortification , and all other duties of obedience , wee owe unto God , as a debt : And how then can the payment , or performance of these debts , be a satisfaction to Gods Iustice , for other debts , which wee did likewise owe , and have not performed ? Yea , moreover , all the duties of obedience , which wee owe unto God , wee performe with much weakenesse , and imperfection , ioyned and mixed therwithall , and therfore even all our best works and actions bee so farre from meriting , or deserving anie grace or ●avour at Gods hands , that contrariwise , in that respect , we had neede to crave mercie and forgivenesse of him , even for those defects , frailtie , weaknesse , and imperfections , that is intermingled in them . 5 As for Christ his fasting fortie daies and fortie nights , hee eating nothing all that while , as S. Luke testifieth , it was Miraculous , and therefore not to bee made an example for Christians to imitate . For what christians can fast in that sort and live ? The Rhemists from hence would deduce the Lent Fast , or Fast before Easter , calling it , an Apostolical tradition : But this opinion is confuted , first , by Eusebius , who in the fift booke of his historie , reciteth an Epistle of Irenaeus , to Victor , Bishop of Rome , mentioning how diversly of divers persons it was observed in that ancient time . There bee some ( saith he ) vvhich thinke they must not fast but one day ▪ others there bee , that fast two daies some more , and some forty hovvers , day and night . And this diversitie of fasting ( saith he ) commendeth the unitie of faith and religion . Dionysius Alexandrinus also sheweth , that some fasted sixe dayes , before Easter some two daies , some three , some fower , some none . S. Basil , in his two Sermons of fasting , speaking of the fast before Easter , telleth us often , that this fast lasted not aboue five dayes . S. Ambrose , in his 34 Sermon , saith : That in his time , there were some , which made their Lent to last twentie daies , other thirtie , by interchangeable weekes . But the Church disputing against the Montanists ( in the tenth chapter of Tertullians Booke of fasts ) saith : That those daies in the Gospel , are marked out for fasting daies , in which the Bridegrome was taken away : that is to say , the daies , in which Iesus Christ suffered , and was in his grave : and that all other dayes bee in a mans owne libertie . Againe , Socrates saith : that , At Rome they did not ●ast , but three weekes before Easter , excepting Saturday , and Sunday : That in Sclavonia , Greece , and Alexandria , they fasted six : That in other places , they fasted three times five dayes , at three several times , and that yet neverthelesse , they did call this , Lent ; everie one alledging a divers reason . That there was also a difference in their fasting , touching their meat : some absteyning from all living creatures : others feeding upon fish onely : others eating fowle , together with fish : and some abstaining from the fruites of trees , and from Eggs : and some which tied themselves to eate nothing but bread : and some that eate no bread at all . Whence hee collecteth , and inferreth , that this fasting is a matter voluntarie , and left free to bee used , at such times , and in such order , as everie man shall thinke best and fittest . His words for this purpose , bee these : Since no man can shew anie expresse commandement , as concerning this : It is evident , that the Apostles did leave it to every mans ovvne vvill , and pleasure , to the end , everie man might doe good , but not through feare , or by constraint . And so S. Augustine likewise teacheth , and testifieth , saying thus : I see vvell , that fasting is commanded , in the Evangelical , and Apostolicall vvritings : and throughout all the nevv Tastament : But upon vvhat dayes vvee should fast , or not fast , I see no commandement for this , neither of Christ nor of his Apostles . And so also did the Catholikes tell the Montanists , in ancient time , saying : The Law and the Prophets lasted but till Iohn , after which time , men fasted as they thought best : not for that they vvere so commanded by the Imposition of a new discipline , but according as everie man saw his occasion , and that the Apostles used to doe thus , imposing no burden of solemne and set fasts . Yea , Montanus the hereticke , ( as Eusebius also noteth out of Apollonius ) was the first that prescribed Lawes of Fasting . You see then that this Lent-fast , or fast before Easter , is neither a divine ordinance , nor an Apostolical tradition . Yea Damasus Bishop of Rome , in his Pontifical , affirmeth , that Telesphorus , Bishop of Rome , did institute it : and Telesphorus also himselfe , in his Decretal Epistle , testifieth the same . 6 But touching this matter , the storie of Spiridion related by Sozomen , is also not unmeet to be remembred : to whose house , a stranger comming suddenly upon him , he commanded his daughter to cover the Table , and to set something upon it for the stranger to eate : and shee at that time setting certaine flesh-meate upon the Table for him to eate , hee answered , that he would not as then eate of it , because hee was a Christian : Then Spiridion replied , saying , that for this reason he should the rather eate of it : for God saith , Vnto the cleane , all things be cleane : and he did eate thereof himselfe , to give the other , an example to follow . Hee did not say eate of it , for I have nothing else in the house , and so necessitie may excuse you : but he alledged a Text of Scripture , to assure him of the lawfulnesse to eate of it , as being no offence against the Christian Religion : and hee himselfe in eating thereof , did likewise declare so much . The Text which this godly man , Spiridion , cited , is S. Pauls , in his Epistle to Titus , who saith accordingly : that , Vnto the cleane , all things be cleane . But the Rhemists take upon them to answer this Text , and say , that S. Paul speaketh not of their Churches abstaining from meates , which is not for anie uncleanenesse in the creatures , but for chastening their bodies : and that hee speaketh against the Iewish superstition , who now being Christians , would not , for all that , cease to put difference of cleane and uncleane , according to the old Law But first , whereas they say , that this abstinence from flesh-meate , in their Church , is and serveth for chastisement of their bodies , and for repressing of lust , what is this else , but speaking an untruth , or a lye , ( as S. Paul calleth it ) in Hypocrisie , and so a cleere fulfilling of this Prophecie ? For , abstinence from flesh , can have no such vertue in it , when as all other kindes of meates , and drinkes , are permitted them , which procure lust , as much , if not more , then flesh meate which they are prohibited . Secondly , the Iewish abstinence from some kind of meates , was not for anie uncleanenesse by them supposed to be in the creatures by Gods creation , but onely in respect of Gods prohibition by his law : Now , if notwithstanding Gods prohibition in his law , the Iewish superstition in abstaining from some kinde of meates be condemned , ( as the Rhemists themselves affirme ) , much more is the Popish superstition in their abstinence from some kinde of meates , to be condemned , who knowing that Christ hath made all things cleane to the cleane , yet cease not to put difference of meates cleane and uncleane , holy and unholy , not according to Gods law , as the Iewes did , ( which therefore might seeme the more tolerable ) but according to mans law , even the law of the Pope , which is Gods adversarie ( and therefore the more intolerable ) . Thirdly , they make the creatures of God , uncleane , although not in respect of their creation , yet in respect of their Antichristian prohibition , it being given under pretence and colour ( forsooth ) of a great deale of sanctitie , pietie , and religion , by them supposed and taught , to be therein . For if you reade the Disputations of the Schoole-Doctors , as of Durandus , and Alensis , and others , you shall finde , that the reasons , which they give , why flesh is forbidden , and not fish , doe presuppose some uncleanenesse in flesh , more then in fish . For some of them say ( as namely Durandus ▪ lib. 6. cap. de alijs Ieiunijs ) that the reason is , because the creatures of flesh , were accursed and drowned in the general deluge , in the daies of Noah : others of them , alledge the reason to be , because , Christ did never eate anie thing but fish , after his resurrection . Againe , What needeth that custome of carrying their flesh-meate , after Lent , to the Priest , for him to say his Exorcismes over it , if they did not thinke , that some wicked Spirits lay lurking in it , all the Lent ? or that it had some pollution in it , whereof it had need to be purged ? or why else are they accounted the most holy , and the most religious men , amongst them , which most abstaine from flesh , as the Benedictines and Charterhouse-Monkes , which abstaine from flesh all their life long , and eschue the touching or tasting of it , as an unholy & prophane thing ? Or why else doth the Church of Rome , inflict a greater punishment upon him that doth eate flesh in Lent , then on him that hath committed fornication ? For doth it not hereby appeare , that they take the eating of flesh in Lent to be a more uncleanenesse , and a greater sinne , then fornication ? But yet further S. Paul hath an excellent Text , touching this matter , in his Epistle to the Colossians , where he writeth thus : VVherefore if yee bee dead vvith Christ from the ordinances of the vvorld , vvhy , as though yee lived in the vvorld , are yee burdened vvith Traditions ? as Touch not ▪ Tast not , handle not : vvhich all perish with the using , and are after the commandements and doctrines of men : vvhich things , have , indeed , a shew of vvisedome , in voluntary religion , and humblenesse of minde , and in not sparing the body : vvhich are things of no value , seth they belong to the filling of the flesh . Observe here first , that he reproveth such superstitious people , as put pietie , religion , and Gods worship , in abstinence from some kinde of meates , by reason of a prohibition of men : for these words ( Touch not , Taste not , Handle not ) be plaine and direct words of prohibition . And observe withall , that these people used this abstinence ( even as the Papists also say they doe ) for humiliation of themselves , and for afflicting and chastening of the flesh , or ( which is all one ) for not sparing the Body , as the Text here speaketh . But howsoever these things have a shew of vvisedome ( as he calleth it ) they have not , for all that , the substance of true wisedome in them : because religion , and the right worship and service of God , and his kingdome , consisteth not in meates and drinkes , and such external things as perish vvith the using , and belong onely to the nourishment of our flesh and bodies ; but in those things that be spiritual and concerne the soule , and life everlasting . Yea observe further , that he calleth them , things of no value : and that by these prohibitions , there is a Burden imposed upon Christians , even a burden of Mens Traditions and inventions : and therefore hee utterly disalloweth them , as being no commandements of God , or anie of his doctrines , but as being the commandements and doctrines of men . So that they cannot shift this Text , by saying that he speaketh here onely of the Iewes , or , of Iewish superstition : for it before appeareth , that the Iewes , did not abstaine from certaine kindes of meate , to subdue their bodies , but to obey the law of God , given them by Moses , in that case . Yea you see plainely , that S. Paul reproveth these observations , as being the commandements of men : but the Iewes kept theirs , as being the commandements of God. And therefore in that place he speaketh against anie sort of superstitious people whosoever , who being Christians would neverthelesse suffer themselves to be thus yoaked and burdened with mens Traditions and commandements , in the way of Religion . Although then the Rhemists , and other Papists , answer , aswell to this Text ( of 1. Tim 4.1.2 , 3 ▪ 4 ▪ 5. ) as also to that other Text ( of Tit. 1.15 . ) that S. Paul in both those places , speaketh only against such Hereticks , as abstained , in respect of an impuritie of an uncleanenesse supposed to be in the meates , by nature and creation : it appeareth by that which is before spoken , that even they also that hold no impuritie in the meates by creation , but abstaine from them , in this respect , of not sparing their Bodies , or , for chastening and subduing the flesh ( by reason of Mens commandements , given for religion sake , in that case ) be taxed , and reproved . For , In vaine do they vvorship mee ( saith Christ ) teaching for doctrines , the commandements of men . Yee have heard before , that the Montanists were condemned by the ancient Church , because they forbad flesh to be eaten : whether they did this , out of an opinion that flesh was defiled and polluted , or for discipline and exercise sake , to represse the bodie , and subdue lust , who can better resolve us then Tertullian , who himselfe was stained with this error ? Now , he reciting the obiections and arguments of the Catholikes , against these Montanists , they appeare to be such and the same , that wee also use against the Church of Rome , herein . But , lastly , whilst the Popish Church forbiddeth flesh , permitting neverthelesse fish , and wines of all sorts , and all maner of confections , and banquetting stuffe , to be taken : who seeth not , that such a kinde of fast or abstinence , pretended to be for religion sake , to keepe downe the bodie , and to suppresse lust , is meerely hypocriticall , and a verie mockerie ? serving for nothing so well , as to declare it selfe , to be an apparant , direct , and demonstrative note , of Antichristianisme . For , to absteine from flesh , and to fill the belly with fish , and wine , and other dainties and delicates , or , to have a law permitting this ; Can anie that hath but common understanding suppose it , to be availeable to the chastening of the bodie , taming of the flesh , and subduing of lust ? Must not he needs be verie senselesse , that shal beleeve it , and verie shamelesse , that shall affirme it ? 7 Touching that they alledge , of the Rechabites absteyning from drinking Wine , at the commandement of their father : they did therein well , to obey the lawfull commandement of their father , whom Gods law also requireth to honour and obey ; but this is no warrant for anie , to obey an unlawfull commandement of an unlawful and wrong mother , namely of the Church of Rome : which is before evidently proved unto you , to be the vvhore of Babylon , whom all Gods people be required , not to obey , but to depart from , and to renounce , and forsake . And as touching that they alledge of the Nazarites , that they also absteined from wine ; they had Gods expresse commandement , requiring them to do so , and therefore might not omit it . But have they likewise Gods expresse commandement to absteine from flesh in their fasts , with an allowance and permission , neverthelesse , to eate fish , and other meates , during the same daies , and that also for religion sake ? If there be anie such expresse commandement from God for this , as is for the other , let them bring it forth , that it may appeare : but if they can shew none such ( as wee are sure they cannot ) in vaine doe they make those cases like , that doe so farre differ , and have no resemblance . As for the Fast of the Ninevites , Moses , Elias , Anna , or of anie other godly persons , mentioned in the holy Scriptures ( their fastings , not consisting in difference of meates , but in an abstinence from all kinde of meates , for the time ) : they be so apparantly unlike to your Fasts , as that it were but labour vainely bestowed , to take paines to make anie further answer to them . Touching that you say , that in England Fish-dayes be observed and commanded to be observed , and therein an abstinence from flesh required , during those times : you are to know , that it is no constitution , or decree of the Church , for religion sake , but a Statute of the commonweale , made onely in politicke and civill respects , namely for the maintenance of Navigation , and Fishermen , and for the breed of yong cattell , and such like civill uses and ends . And so much the verie Statute it selfe made in that behalfe , doth tell you , if you please to reade it . But for your better and easier satisfaction , I will here recite unto you , one clause of the same Statute , which is this : Because no manner of person shall mis-iudge of the intent of this Statute , limiting orders to eate fish , and to forbeare eating of flesh , but that the same is purposely intended and meant politickely , for the increase of Fishermen , and Mariners , and repayring of Port-townes and Navigation , and not for any superstition to be maintayned in choyse of meates : Be it enacted , that vvhosoever shall by preaching , teaching , vvriting , or open speech , notifie , that any eating of fish , or forbearing of flesh , mentioned in this Statute , is of any necessity for the saving of the soule of man , or that it is the service of God otherwise then as other politicke Lawes are , and be , that then such persons shall be punished , as spreaders of false newes are , and ought to be . Whereby you see , that the Statute and Law of England , is so farre from favouring their opinion , touching abstinence from flesh , and eating of fish , ( by reason of prohibition given in the way of religion , or otherwise then in politicke , and common-weale respects ) upon fish daies ( for so the Statute also calleth them fish-daies , and not fasting daies ) that contrariwise it inflicteth a punishment upon those , that shall spread or publish anie such opinion . 8 Now then , forasmuch as these two notes and markes of the Apostatical and Antichristian Church , viz. forbidding of Marriage , under colour and pretence of chastitie and holiness : and commanding to abstaine from some kinde of meates , for Religion sake , and under pretence to chasten the bodie , and subdue lust , ( when neverthelesse Fish , and other kinde of meates be permitted ) bee cleerely and undeniably found in the Church of Rome : it followeth that the Church of Rome , is and must needes be concluded to be , not the Christian and Apostolicall , but the Apostaticall and Antichristian Church : and consequently that the Pope of Rome , being the Head and Ruler thereof , is and must needs be the Grand Antichrist . For howsoever the Rhemists and other Papists , to shift these things from their Church , would have , this Text of S. Paul , to Timothy , expounded onely of the hereticks in old time , that utterly condemned both marriage and meates as things in themselves , and by nature and creation , polluted and uncleane : you perceive , that it much more fitly agreeth to the later heretickes , namely the Papists . First , because the Text it selfe sheweth , that it is most properly to be intended , of such false Teachers , as speake lies or falshood in Hypocrisie : but those old Heretickes , that utterly condemned Marriage and Meates , as things in themselves and by creation polluted and uncleane , did not speake lies in Hypocrisie , but in plaine , manifest , palpable , and open blasphemie : On the other side , the later Heretickes , namely , the Papists , be such as speake these lies or falshood , in Hypocrisie ; inasmuch as they forbid Marriage and Meates , not in respect of anie supposition that they be in themselves or by creation polluted or uncleane : but upon pretence of much chastitie , ( forsooth ) sanctitie , and religion , therein to be conteyned . And therefore these later , rather then those old Heretickes , be here to be intended . Secondly , this Prophecie is of such as did make the Apostacie or departure from the faith : Now , this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Apostasie , or departure from the right faith , ( being the same that is mentioned in 2. Thess. 2.3 . ) doth for that cause also , rightly and fitly agree to the Papacie . Thirdly observe , that he saith , this Apostacie or departure from the right faith , and this attending to spirits of error , and doctrines of Divels , ( by meanes of such persons , as speaking lies , in hypocrisie , should forbid Marriage and Meates ) was to come to passe , neither in the first or elder times , not yet in the last times , but in the later times : for wee must note , that Saint Paul in these his Epistles to Timothy , speaketh distinctly of two times ; shewing him , what shall come to passe , not onely in the later , but in the last times also . Seeing therefore hee hath expressely distinguished these times , wee must not confound them : and consequently this Apostacie , and prohibition of Meates and Marriage , in hycrisie ( that is , under colour and pretence of sanctitie , pietie , and religion , when revera there appeareth to be no sanctitie , pietie , or good religion in them ) being to fall out and to be accomplished , neither in the primitive , first , or elder times , nor yet in the last times , but in the latter times , as it were betweene them both , doth , for that reason also , more aptly and fitly agree to these latter Hereticks , the Papists , then to those old and ancient Heretickes , before mentioned . And therefore it still appeareth by this Text and Prophecie of S. Paul to Timothy , that the Church of Rome , is the undoubtedly Apostaticall , and Antichristian Church , and consequently , that the Pope , the head thereof , is the undoubted grand Antichrist . CHAP. V. Answering certaine Objections of the Adversaries , concerning Antichrist . OBIECTION . I. THE Bodies of the two witnesses that were slaine , did lie in the streets of the great Citie , which spiritually is called Sodome , and Egypt , where also our Lord was crucified . Rev. 11.8 . Ansvver . By the great Citie , there is meant , not Hierusalem , ( as you suppose ) but Rome , otherwise called Babylon , which throughout the whole Booke of the Revelation , is called the great Citie , ( as namely , Rev. 14.8 . Rev. 16.19 . Rev. 18.10.16.18 , 19.21 . and Rev. 17.18 . &c. except onely once , that this Title is given to Hierusalem , but then also , not to the earthly , but to the new and heavenly Ierusalem , which will advantage your cause nothing at all Rev. 21.10 . Neither indeed , was our Lord crucified within the Citie of Hierusalem , but without . Heb. 13.12 . Now Rome is said to bee the City where our Lord was crucified , both because , by Authoritie of that City it was , that Christ himselfe was put to death ( for hee suffered under Pontius Pilate , the Romane Emperors Deputie , and also because , there , and from thence it is , that hee still suffereth , and is persecuted in his Members : For , the persecution done to anie of his members , is by him accounted as done to himselfe , Act. 9.4 . And therfore also be those two Martyres , or witnesses of Christs Truth , said to be slaine , and to have their bodies lye in the streets of the great City , that is , within the compasse and precincts of Romes authoritie and dominion . Againe , that great Citie ( Rome ) is there called Sodome , for her pride , and monstrous vncleannes : and Egypt , for her Idolatrie , and crueltie towards Gods people : and Babylon , for her so long and miserable deteyning them , in spiritual captivitie . S. Hierome also herein is directly against you : who ( Ep. 17. & , ad Marcellam ) earnestly contradicteth your opinion , contending and maintaining , that it cannot bee meant of Hierusalem in Iewry . It therefore still remaineth firme , that not Hierusalem , but Rome , is the Seat of Antichrist . Obiect . 2. I am come ( saith Christ to the Iewes ) in my fathers nume , and yee receive mee not : If an other come in his ovvne name , him yee vvill receive . Ioh. 5.43 . Ans. This Text also maketh nothing for you : For you expound it , as if Christ had spoken definitely , of one singular man ( to bee Antichrist ) whom the Iewes should receive : whereas Christ speaketh indefinitely , of any False-teacher , whosoever , that should come in his owne name , that is , not sent of God. And sure it is , that the Iewes have received more then one , of such as have come in their owne name : as namely , Theudas , Iudas Galilaeus , Barcocabas , &c. In the text it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , indefinitely , and not , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , definitely ( as it is used in Ioh. 18.16 . and Ioh. 20.2 , 3 , 4 , ) And therfore also doth Nonnus , in his paraphrase upon this place , expound those words thus : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , But if anie other come , whosoever hee bee &c. Yea , the very words of Christ bee directly Hypothetical , or conditional : If another come : and not Categorical , or affirmative , of Antichrist , or of anie other in particular , as ye conceive and mistake . And further , whereas Christ speaketh of those Iewes that were then and there present , to heare those his words : you understand him to speake of such Iewes , as should bee , by your opinion , a little before the end of the world : at which time it is , and not before , that you suppose Antichrist shall come . Howbeit , the purpose of Christ in that place , is not to foretell , what manner of people the Iewes should bee so long after , namely , toward the end of the world , but how , in respect of their present disposition , they were then , at that time affected : namely , that him that came in his fathers name , that is , that was sent from God , they refused , and yet , if anie should come in his owne name , that is , not sent of God , him they were readie to receive . But lastly , why should you thinke , that the Iewes before the end of the world , shall receive Antichrist for their Messias , when as S. Paul ( contrariwise ) hath foretold and assured us , that the Iewes , before the end of the world , shall bee converted to Christ , and his religion . Yea , it is before verie evident , that Antichrist , shall not bee a Iewe , nor an observer of the Iewish religion , but a pretended Christian , and such a one as shall sit in the Temple of God , and bee the head of the Apostacie , & apostated and revolted Christians : of which sort and number , the Infidels , and unbeleeving Iewes cannot be . For how can they bee said to bee Apostataes , or to make anie apostacy , or departure from Christ , who never formerly embraced him , nor received the profession of him ? Obiect . 3 Christ is one certaine and singular man , therefore Antichrist must bee so also . Ans. It followeth not : yea , howsoever there is but one true Christ , yet are there many Antichrists , as S. Iohn expreslie affirmeth : 1. Iob. 2.18 . and many false Christs , and false Prophets ( as Christ himselfe declareth ) which shal Shew great signes and wonders , insomuch , that if it were possible , they should deceive the very elect . Mat. 24.24 . And yet also , since the time that the Pope got the headship and Soveraignetie of Rome , is Antichrist one , as the Pope of Rome is one : that is , not in number and nature , as one certaine and singular man , but one , at once , by law and institution : though successively , so manie , as since that time have enioyed the same Popedome . Obiect . 4. Hee is Antichrist , which denieth the Father and the Sonne . 1. Ioh. 2.22 . Ans. The Pope and Popish Church also , denie the Father and the Sonne , in such sort , as belongeth to Antichrist and Antichristian people to doe : that is to say , not openlie and professedly , but in a covert and disguised manner . For , VVhosoever denyeth the Sonne , the same hath not the Father : saith the same S. Iohn . 1. Io● . 2.23 . The like testifieth Christ Iesus himselfe , in Iob. 5.23 . So that to denie the Sonne , is to denie the Father also : inasmuch as the one cannot be denied without denial of the other . And that the Pope and Papacie do denie the Sonne , namely , Christ Iesus , ( viz. in respect of his Person , and in respect of his office● ) though not directly , yet indirectly , and by way of Consequent , and in such manner and forme as becommeth Antichristianisme , is before shewed in divers particulars . Obiect . 5 Antichrist is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( in 2. Thes. 2. ) The man of sinne , the Sonne of perdition , and the lawlesse person : This Greeke article 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , doth shew him to bee some one singular man , or particular person onely , and no moe . Ans. You are much deceived in so concluding or thinking , by reason of the Greeke Article : For , although it bee true , that the Greeke Article there , hath his Emphasis , or force , to point at some certaine thing , yet this certaine thing , may be aswell , a certain kinde of men ( as namely of Popes , going in succesiō one after another ) as one singular or particular person . Neither doth Epiphanius ( haeresi 9 , quae est samaritanorū ) teach otherwise concerning this Greeke article , then other learned men doe . For thus he saith : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. Vbi enim adiungitur articulus , ad unum aliquod definitū & clarissimū , omnino & quaedam Emphasis propter articulum : sine verò articulo , sumendum est vocabulum indefinitè de re aliqua vulgari . Quemadmodum si dixerimus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , nomen quidem expressimus , sed non perspicuè monstravimus definitum aliquem : Regem enim dicimus , & Persarum , & Thedorum , & Elamitarum . Sin verò , cum appositione ar●iculi , dixerimus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ extra dubium & , quid significetur : subindicatur enim per articulum , ipse Rex quaesitus , vel de quo sermo fuit , vel qui notus est , vel qui dominatur in Regione aliqua &c. So that it is true , that Epiphanius will , by the Greeke Article added , have some certaine or definite thing , to bee noted , or pointed out : and so say wee also : but what that certaine or definite thing is , before appeareth . Learned men doe wonder , that so learned a man as Bellarmine is , should so farre bee mistaken in so plaine a matter . For , doth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( in Ioh. 10.10 12.13 . ) because of the Greeke Article added , denote onely one particular man , and no more ; that is to say , but onelie one in all the world , to bee a Theese , or an hireling ? or when Christ saith : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. ( in Mat. 12.35 . ) doth hee meane , that onely some one good m●n , out of the good treasure of his heart , bringeth forth good things ? and that onely , one evill man , out of the evill treasure of his heart , bringeth forth evill things ? or doth hee not rather meane , in a generalitie , or communitie , every , or anie good man whosoever , or anie evill man whosoever , in that case . Againe , when it is said ( in Luk. 4.4 . ) that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , liveth not by bread onely , but by every word that proceedeth out of the mouth of God : It is not meant of one Individuum , or singular person onelie , but in a generalitie or communitie of anie or every one , that hee liveth by that meanes . So againe S. Paul would , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the man of God should be perfect , & instructed to every good work ( 2. Tim. 3 17 ) he doth not meane because of the Greeke article added , that only one man of God , but in a generality or community , that everie , or anie man of God whosoever , should bee so perfect , and so well instructed . Againe , when it is said , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the high Priest alone , went once everie yeare into the second Tabernacle : it is meant , not of one particular high Priest onely , but of the whole order of high Priests . And so by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the hinderer , and that which hindered Antichrist from appearing in his height , is not meant , because of the addition of the Greeke article , that onelie one Emperour , but the whole succession of the Emperors of Rome , even the State of the Romane Emperors , which was then florishing , was the hinderer of that his revealing or appearing : and so also doe the ancient fathers themselves expound it , as is before declared . Neither is this anie unwonted , or unusual speech : For wee speake so commonly , and say , that the Emperor goeth before Kings : meaning thereby , not one particular Emperor onely , but the whole State and succession of Emperors : And when wee say likewise , The King goeth before all Dukes and Earles , it is not meant onely of this King , or that King , but generallie , of all Kings , & of the verie State and succession of Kings . So also , when our Adversaries themselves doe say , The Pope is head of the Church , they meane not this Pope , or that Pope onely , in Individuo , but , generally , the whole Order , State , and succession of Popes . And therfore , when the grand Antichrist , that is , the Pope of Rome , is thus called , The man of sinne &c. Thereby likewise is , and may verie well bee intended not one singular man onely , or this Pope , or that Pope in Individuo , but generally , the whole State , Ranke , & Order of the Popes , succeeding one another . Obiect . 6. Antichrist shall call himselfe in expresse termes , god : ostendens se 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , quod sit Deus , shewing himself that he is God , as it is in the Greeke . Ans. But your latin translation , which you hold for the only Authentical , & which agreeth in sense with our translation , is , Ostendens se , tanquam sit Deus , shewing himself as though he were God. Howbeit , beause you urge the Greeke Text , which we ever allow : We therunto answer , first , with Aecumenius : that , Non ait , Dicens , sed , ostendens hoc est , operibus signis , ac miraculis , nitens ostendere quod sit Deus : The Apostles words , concerning Antichrist , be not ( as you suppose ) That hee shall say , that hee is God , but shewing , that is , by his workes , signes , and miracles , endeavouring to shew , that hee is god . And secondly , wee answer , that the Pope is in expresse termes called god , well alloweth of that title , and thereby proveth , that hee cannot bee iudged by men ; in the Canon , Satis , the 96 Distinct. Againe , the Glosse of the Extravagant , Cum inter , hath these words : To thinke , that our Lord God the Pope , the author of the foresaid Decretal , & of this , had no power to decree , as he hath decreed , would bee iudged an heresie . Here likewise you see , that they call him , Our Lord God the Pope , in expresse termes . In Italy also , upon the gate of Tolentum , is this inscription : To Paul the third , the most high and migh●ie God upon earth . In the Councell of Lateran , and 9 Session , in the yeare 1514 , one of the Secretaries of the Popes chamber , speakes thus to Leo the 10 : The lookes of your Divine Maiestie , with the beame-darting splendor , of which , my weake eyes are dimmed . Stapleton , in the Preface of his Booke , of the Principles of the doctrine of faith , calleth Pope Gregory the 13 , Supremum , planè Supremum in terris Numen : The supreme , verily the supreme god upon earth . And Steuchus , the Popes Librarie keeper , in his Booke of the Donation of Constantine , saith : that Constantine the Emperor , held Pope Silvester for a god , & ●doravit ut Deum , and worshipped him as God. And the Councell of Lateran ▪ in the 3 and 10 Sessions , further telleth you , saying : The Pope ought to be worshipped of all people , and is most like unto God : and least you should thinke , that he speaketh of a civill kinde of worship , it is there told you , what manner of worship it is : namely , that it is with that kinde of worship or adoration , that is mentioned in the 72 Psalme : Adorabunt eum , omnes Reges terrae : All the Kings of the earth shall worship him : where by worship , the highest kinde of worship is meant , which is due to the Sonne of God : as Tertullian also teacheth , in his 5 Booke , and 7 Chapter , against Marcion . Againe , Leo the 10 ( in the Councell of Lateran , before cited ) is called the Lyon of the Tribe of Iudah , the roote of David , the Saviour of Sion . And Bellarmine , in the Preface of his Book , calleth the Pope , the Corner-stone , a tried stone , a precious stone : All which bee titles , proper and peculiar to the Son of God. And in the 25 Cause , 1 quaest . it is said : that to violate his Canons and ordinances , is to blaspheme against the holy Ghost : which is a sinne , not to bee forgiven in this world , nor in the world to come . Againe , he calleth his decrees and Canons , by the name of Oracles . Now an Oracle signifieth an heavenly answer , proceeding from the mouth of God. Rom. 3.2 . & 11.4 . Sutably whereunto hee saith : That his decretal Epistles , are to bee numbred amongst the Canonical Scripturs , in the 19 distinction , in the Canon , In Canonicis . Againe , what can bee more said of God , then that which the before cited Councell of Lateran , in the 9 , and 10 Sessions attributeth to the Pope ? namely , that hee hath all power , aboue all Powers , both in heaven & earth . And himselfe speaketh asmuch of himselfe , in the first Booke of holy Cerimonies , saying thus : This Pontifical Sword , representeth the Soveraigne temporal power , that Christ hath given the Pope , his Vicar upon earth : as it is written : All power is given mee , both in heaven , and in earth , and elsewhere , His dominion shall bee from Sea , to Sea , and from the River , to the ends of the earth . And Pope Paul the 5. in his holy Register , calleth himselfe a Vice-god , the Monarch of the Christian world , and the upholder of the Papal Omnipotencie : So that if the words of S. Paul in 2 Thes. 2. concerning Antichrist , had beene ( as they are not ) that hee should expresly say and affirme , that hee is god , you perceive by that which is before spoken , how it might have beene verified , and withall , in what sort and sence it is , that the Pope hath the verie name of God , given unto him . For , it appeareth to bee given him in a farre other sense , then it is to Kings and Princes : and yet in verie deede , Kings and Princes , and such like Magistrates of the earth ( and not Bishops ) bee the men , that in Scripture bee called Elohim , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , Gods. And they are called Gods ( as Christ himselfe declareth , in respect that the word of God was committed to them , not as it is to Bishops , and Pastors , publikely to preach in the Congregations , but by their authoritie to establish and promote it , to command obedience to it , and to punish the violators of it , and to countenance and encourage the professors and observers of it : For to this end is it committed to their charge and custodie : And for this cause are they called , Custodes utriusque Tabulae , The keepers of the two Tables , wherein the Lawes of God were written . And for this cause also , was it an Institution from God , and accordingly , an observation in the Church of the Iewes , that at the Coronation of a King , the Booke of Gods Law should bee delivered unto him . When therefore the Bishops of Rome , take upon them this title , to be called gods , they take that which God in his Scriptures , doth no where give them : but when further they take upon them , to be adored as God , they doe that which is in them most intolerably bl●sphemous . And when you suppose , out of this Text , that Antichrist shall call himselfe God , you see how much you are mistaken , and that the Text affirmeth it not . Obiect . 7. Yea , Antichrist must bee exalted , even above God himselfe . 2. Thes. 2.4 . Ans. How proove you that ? For , in the verie Text it selfe , the highest degree and step , of the pride and aspiring minde of Antichrist , is discribed and set forth in these words : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. So that hee shall sit in the Temple of God , as God , shewing himselfe that hee is God. Hee doth not say , that such shall bee his pride and elation , as that he shall sit in the Temple of God , aboue God , or so shew himselfe , as if hee were aboue God , but onely , that hee doth sit in the Temple of God , as God , and so shew himselfe , as if hee were God. The pride of the Divell himselfe , is noted to be such , as that he would bee onely as God , or , like the most high , but not above Him. And when the Divell tempted the first man , Adam , ( being in state of Innocencie and Integritie ) unto pride , and ambition , it was not to anie such pride or elation , as to be above God , but to be onely , as God , knowing good and evill . It were therefore strange , if the pride of Antichrist , should be supposed to exceed or goe beyond the pride of the Divell , his Master . Yea , indeed , how can it enter into the conceit of anie creature , to thinke it anie way possible for him , to be exalted above God , his creator ? when nothing can be conceived or imagined , greater , nobler , or higher , then Hee : who is God over all , blessed for ever . But secondly , observe , that the words be , not as you suppose , viz. that Antichrist shall be exalted above God , but above all , or everie one , that is called God : for the words ( in the Greeke Text ) be , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , super omnem qui dicitur Deus , aut Sebasma : that is , above everie one that is called God , and above every one also , that is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Sebasma , .i. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , hoc est , Augustus , ( for so Pausanias interpreteth that word , and so is it likewise taken and used in the New Testament it selfe . ) So that the meaning of those words , is , that the grand Antichrist , should be exalted , not only above Kings , Princes , and other Magistrates , but even above those also that be Emperors , and have an Imperial command and authoritie . For it was , indeed , this Imperial State that was the hinderance or impediment that Antichrist could not ( so long as that flourished ) appeare in his height . And therefore well saith Optatus : Cum super Imperatorem non sit nisi solus Deus , qui fecit Imperatorem , certè qui se super Imperatorem extollit , iam quasi hominum excesserit metas , se , ut Deum , non Hominem aestimat : Seeing there is None above the Emperor , but God only , which made the Emperor , certainly he that exalteth himself above the Emperor , as one that hath gone beyond the bounds of men , esteemeth himselfe , not now any longer as a Man , but , as God. You must then , ever remember to distinguish betweene these two , which Irenaeus also observeth : namely , betweene him that is God indeed and essentially , and those that be called Gods. Non super hunc extolletur Antichristus , sed super eos , qui dicuntur quidem , uon autem sunt Dij : Not above Him , that is God indeed , shall Antichrist be exalted ( saith he ) , but above those that he called Gods , and are not . Anselmus doth also so distinguish , and saith : Antichrist shall be exalted , super omne quod dicitur Deus : id est , super illos qui nuncupativè , non essentialiter sunt Dij : Deus enim dici aliquando & homo potest &c. above all that is called God , that is ( saith he ) above those that be Gods , nuncupatively , but not essentially . For , even a man , may sometime be called God. And so likewise doth Remigius Remensis , Peter Lombard , Bruno , Thomas Aquinas , and Dionysius Carthusian●● , distinguish , writing upon this Text of 2. Thess. 2. And therefore observe well the difference , and forget not withall , that the Pope is exalted above all these , namely , above all Emperors , Kings , Princes , and other Potentates of the earth . But you will say , that not onely Princes on earth , but Angels also in heauen , be , in Scripture , called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is Gods , as appeareth by conferring Psal. 8.5 with Heb. 2.7 . and Psal. 97 7. with Heb. 1.6 . &c. and that therefore the Pope must have an exaltation above Angels also , if he shal be Antichrist . But , first , what necessitie is there , that these words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , super omnem , should extend anie further , then to Every man ? for he is but a man himselfe of whom that Text speaketh , namely Antichrist , the man of sinne : and is it not sufficient to declare his pride and elation , that he is exalted above everie one of his owne kinde , that is , above Every Man on Earth , be he never so sacred , regal , or Imperial , or never so high or Maiestical ? But if these words be to be extended to Angels in heaven also , then hath Innocentius the fourth , told you , that to the Pope , subdita est omni● creatura , Every creature is subiect Antoninus saith : that , His power is greater then all other created powers ; extending it selfe to things celestial , terrestrial and infernal . Augustinus Triumphus likewise saith : that , All knees must how unto him , both of things in heaven , and things in earth , and things infernal . Againe it is said , that the Pope , Vicariatum Christi gerit , non tantum in terrenis , coelestibus , & infernis , sed etiam in & super Angelos bonos & malos , beareth the Vicarship of Christ , not onely in earthly , heavenly , and infernal things , but also over and above the Angels both good and bad . Yea , it is there said , that Potestatem habet maiorem quam omnes Angeli , adeo ut ipsos excommunicare possit : He hath greater power then all Angels , so that he may excommunicate them . And therefore it is further said , that Papa Angelis habet imperare , the Pope hath to doe , to command the Angels . And againe : Papa habet Imperium in Angelos & Daemonas , The Pope hath command over Angels and Divels . And againe : Papa Angelis praecipit : The Pope commandeth the Angels . And the Pope hath ( accordingly ) actually commanded the Angels . For Pope Clement the sixt , in that his indulgent Bull , in the yeare of Iubiley , commandeth the Angels that they should carrie the right way to heaven , the soules of them that purposed to goe on pilgrimage to Rome , if being confessed , they chanced to die by the way : Mandamus prorsus Angelis paradisi , quatenus animam à purgatorio penitus absolutam , in paradisi gloriam introducant : VVee straightly command the Angels of Paradise ( saith he ) that they bring the soule being altogether absolved , from Purgatory , into the glory of Paradise . So that you see , the Pope of Rome , is exalted even above the Angels also ▪ which be in Scripture called Gods. What then now hindreth but that he should be the undoubted grand Antichrist ? Yea by thus exalting himselfe above the Angels , what doth he else , but so shew himselfe , as if he were God ? For by this argument doth the Apostle prove Christ to be God , in that he is superior to the Angels . As for the Idolls or gods of the Gentiles , if anie doe vilipend and contemne them , it is not to be imputed to him for a fault : for all those Gods , be ( as the Psalmist saith of them ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , res nihili , things of no account or esteeme . Yea the sacrifices which the Gentiles offered unto them , were made , not unto God , but unto Divels , as S. Paul affirmeth . And therefore when the Apostle saith of Antichrist , ( as taxing , therein , his pride , and alledging it as a matter highly faultie and blame-worthie in him ) that he did exalt himselfe above all that is called God : it is manifest that it cannot be meant of the Idols , or false gods of the Gentiles ( which it is no fault for anie man to debase , or depresse ) but it must be intended of his exaltation above such as be called gods , by Gods own good liking and approbation : of which sort , are Kings , Princes , and the other Potentates of the earth . And so also for the same reason must the Sebasma , mentioned in this Text , be intended , not of the Idols or superstitious worship used amongst the Pagans , Heathens , or Gentiles ( although they be also called Sebasmata ) but of such a Sebasma , as God in his censure and word , alloweth . Now it is expressely evident , that the Emperor is called , and that by way of approbation , in Gods Booke , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. Sebastos , Augustus , & consequently the reverence , worship , and honour , that was given unto him , might well be called Sebasma . And yet , if this Text were to be understood of anie false gods , or superstitious Sebasmata , used in the Popish Church , we see , that the Pope is , in that Church , exalted above them all . Is not the Altar a sacred and venerable thing unto them ? Yet when the Pope is once chosen , he is exalted above the Altar , and the Altar is made his seate to sit upon . Is not the Crosse also another great and venerable Sebasma amongst them ? They say , it is to be worshipped with divine honour , even with Latria , that is , with that worship that is due and proper unto God : and yet is this Crosse laid under the Popes feete , and carried before him , as an Ensigne of honour , and as the Sword is before a King , to waite and attend upon him . So that he is also exalted above this Sebasma . Yea what say yee to this , that he is exalted even above their consecrated Host , which they so devoutely worship , accounting it their God and their Maker , and affirme to be the verie Body of Christ ? is not this the greatest & highest Sebasma , or , the most venerable thing in their Service and Religion ? and yet is even this their god , and body of Christ ( as they call it ) as well as the Crosse , made to waite and attend upon the Pope ▪ Ante Pontificem semper praefertur Crux : & post Crucem portatur corpus Christi super equum album cum campanella : The Crosse is alwayes carried before the Pope ( saith the Booke of Ceremonies ) and after the Crosse , is the Body of Christ carried , upon an vvhite horse vvith a little Bell &c. Yea , the fact of Pope Gregory the seventh declareth , how much the Pope , when he listeth , esteemeth this breaden God and consecrated Host ▪ and how farre , when he pleaseth , he exalteth and magnifieth himselfe above it : for He consulting with that breaden god , and demanding answers of it , for that it gave him no answer , he tooke it , and threw it into the fire . And therefore you perceive how the Pope is exalted & advanced , even above the greatest & highest Sebasmata in the Romish church , aswell as above those amongst the Gentiles , if the text were of them to bee understood . Yea , if you would further force the words of the Text , and make the meaning of them to bee , that Antichrist should bee exalted , even above the true God himselfe , you may see , how even that also is found verified in the Pope . For doth not hee exalt himselfe , even above the true God , which holdeth his Authoritie , and the Authoritie of his Church , to be greater then the authority of the holie Scripture ? That without the Authoritie of the Church , the Scripture is not authentical ? Yea , that the Scripturs be of as much worth as Aesops fables if they be destitute of the authoritie of the church ? Doth not Pighius also teach : Authoritatem Ecclesiae , & in ea pontificis , maiorem esse quam Scripturae : That the authoritie of the Church , and therein of the Pope , is greater then the authority of the Scripture ? Doth not Stapleton likewise teach , and defend the same , and sundry other Popish writers ? Againe , when the Pope dispenceth with the Law , Commandements , and Precepts of God , what doth he else , but advance and exalt himselfe above God ? For , In praecepto superioris , non debet dispensare inferior : VVith the precept of a superior , an inferior ought not to dispense . Now , the Pope boasteth , that by that fulness of power which he hath , he may lawfully dispence above the Law. And they say , that the Pope may dispense against the Apostle : and against the Canons of the Apostles : and , in matters of Oathes , Vowes , Marriages , obedience of Subiects , and such like : and against the Old Testament and the New. Yea , they say : Papam posse mutare Evangelium , eique pro loco & tempore alium sensum tribuere : That the Pope may change the Gospell , and give unto it another sence , as time and place requireth . And that the Scripture , and sense of it , is to bee fitted to the time , and as the practise of the Church is : so that it is sometimes to bee taken in one sense , and sometimes in an orher : and that the Scripture , is not otherwise to be accounted the word of God , then in that sense , or interpretation , which the Pope , or Church of Rome approoveth and setteth upon it : and that if it bee in anie other sense , it is not the Word of God , but the word rather of the Divell . Observe then , that they say ; first , that the authority of the Church , is above the authoritie of the Scriptures : and secondly , that the Popes authoritie is above the authoritie of the Church : so , by this rekoning , they make the Pope to be two degrees above God , speaking in his Word : seeing hee is above the Church , & the Church above the Scriptures . But yet further , who knoweth not that an offence against the Pope , and his constitutions , and the commandements of his Church , is , amongst them , more heedefully regarded , and more severely censured , and punished , then an offence against God and his Commandements ? Wherby doth likewise appeare , that the Pope beareth sway , amongst his followers , more then God , and consequently , that he is amongst them exalted , even above God himselfe . But now , lastly , consider , how much you be here againe mistaken , whilst you thinke , that Antichrist shall bee exalted above God , which the words of the Text doe not affirme . Obiect . 8. The whore of Babylon , in the Revelation of S. Iohn , may bee interpreted for the universal Corps , or Company of all the wicked in the world . Answ. It cannot bee so taken , or interpreted : For then upon the burning and destruction of that Whore of Babylon , should all the ungodly & wicked of the world , come also to confusion , and bee destroyed : but it is evident , that after her burning and destruction , sundrie wicked and ungodly people of the world , doe live , lamenting that her ruine . Rev. 18.9 , 10 , 11.15 , 16. &c. Yea , the very description of that Whore of Babylon , in Rev. 17 , and al the circumstances , to her belonging , doe shew , that it is meant of a particular Cittie , and even of that particular City , which then raigned over the Kings of the earth , and was situate upon seven hills , namely Rome . And therefore doth Bellarmine himselfe confesse , that the better exposition , even in his iudgement , is : Per Meretricem , intelligi Romam : That by the VVhore , Rome is understood . And againe , Cap. 5 , he saith : Explicat Mulierem esse urbem magnum quae sedet super septem colle● , id est , Romam : The Angell Explaineth that woman to be the great Citie , which fitteth upon seven hills , that is , Rome . Other Iesuits that have written Commentaries upon the Revelation , as namely , Ribera , and Viegas , doe also expresly affirme , that it is to bee understood of a particular Citie , and namely , of Rome . Yea , whereas Bellarmine , for an evasion , would have it vnderstood onely of Heathen Rome . Ribera , against that conceit , saith : VVee are to understand it , not onely of Rome , as it was long sithence , under the heathen Emperors , but also , as it shall bee in the end of the world . And Viegas likewise speaketh after the same manner , saying : All that which is spoken in those Chapters , doth most manifestly agree to Rome . And againe he saith : The name of Babylon . is to bee applyed to Rome , which served Idols before ever it received the faith of Christ , and to Rome also , as it shall bee in the time of Antichrist . And thus you see , that not onely the Adversaries themselves , do confesse this VVhore of Babylon , to be Rome , but further also , some of them , against Bellarmine acknowledge and teach , that it is to be understood , not onely of heathen Rome , but of Rome also , after it had forsaken heathenisme , and had received the faith of Christ , and turned againe from that , unto Antichristianisme . Obiect . 9. But although those Iesuits do meane , that Rome shall become Antichristian , and bee ruled by Antichrist , yet they doe not meane that it shall bee so , untill some few yeres before the end of the world . Ans. They meane ( as they must needs ) that Rome should become Antichristian , in the dayes and times of the Grand Antichrist , who is come long sithence . For wheras they have a conceit , that this Antichrist is not yet come , and that when hee commeth , hee shall raigne but three yeares and a halfe , therein is their great error , and mistaking . For , what was it that hindred , or letted his appearing ? was it not the Romane Empire ? Onely bee which now letteth , shall let , untill hee bee taken out of the way : and then shall that wicked man bee revealed : saith S. Paul. Hereupon Tertullian , in his Booke of the Resurrection of the flesh : Chapt. 24 , saith thus : Onely hee which now letteth , must let , till hee bee abolished : VVhat is this but the Romane Empire ? Chrysostome in his fourth Sermon upon the second to the Thessalonians , is of the same opinion , and so is the Greeke Scholiast : And so doth S. Augustine also expound it , in his twentieth Booke , and ninteenth Chapter , of the Citie of God : and Primasius also . S. Hierome likewise saith the same , in th 11 Question to Algasia , and addeth : That the Apostles durst not say , in expresse termes , that the Romane Empyre should be abolished , for feare of drawing persecution upon the Church . Howbeit , this needeth no proofe at all , because the Adversaries themselves doe also teach , that the impediment to Antichrist , mentioned by S. Paul , was the Romane Empire . But the Romane Empire ( which was the Onely let , or impediment , of Antichrist his appearing ) is now long sithence taken out of the way : Ergo , long since , was the time of Antichrist his comming and appearing . That the Romane Empire , which was so flourishing in S. Pauls time , is now long sithence abolished , or taken out of the way , is before prooved by the expresse testimony of the Historiographers themselves , affirming the same : as namely by Machiavell , who dedicateth his Florentine Historie to Pope Clement the seventh : by Guicciardine , in the fourth Booke of his history : and by Augustinus Steuchus : and by Lipsius &c. And so also is it testified in Synodo Reginoburgensi , that Romani Maiestas Populi , qua olim orbis regebatur , Sublata est de terris : Imperator , vana apellatio , & sola umbra est : The Maiestie of the Romane people , whereby the world in times past was governed , is taken from the earth . The Emperor is now a vaine title , and a shadow onely . And so likewise affirmeth Lyranus : that , Ab Imperio Romano , recesserunt quasi omnia Regna , negantia ei subijci , & redditionem Tributi : All Kingdomes , in a manner , have departed from the Romane Empyre , denying to bee subiect to it , and to pay it tribute . And hee further addeth , saying : I am a multis annis , Imperium illud caruit Imperatore : Now manie yeares sithence , hath that Empyre wanted an Emperor . This also appeareth by Sigonius , in his historie of the Kingdome of Italy , lib. 3. where , shewing by what meanes it was , that the Emperors lost all their right in Rome : hee concludeth thus , saying : By this meanes , Rome , and the Dukedome of Rome , came to be in the Popes power . But what neede anie proofes by histories , or Authors , of a matter so cleere and evident ? For , doth not everie mans knowledge , eies , and eares , tell and testifie unto him , without anie more adoe , that he that is called the Emperor at this day , is the Emperor of Germanie , and that the Emperor of Germanie , ( howsoever hee bee entitled ) is not , for all that , Emperor of Rome ? For , hee hath not the headship , or Soveraigne rule there . Yea , the Pope is hee , that now is , & long hath beene ( to the eies and view of the whole world ) the head and Soveraigne ruler of that Citie . If then the Pope be at this day ( as none is so simple or ignorant , but he knoweth it ) the head and Soveraigne Ruler of Rome , then is not the Emperor of Germanie , nor anie other , the head & supreame Governour of it . Yea , the Emperor of Germanie , is so farre from having anie chiefe , or supreame rule there , that cleane contrarywise , hee acknowledgeth subiection to him that hath the Headship and Soveraignetie there , namely , to the Pope , to whom , for that purpose , he giveth an oath of homage , fealtie , or allegeance . The ample and Soveraigne rule of the Emperors , then , which they had , appeareth to bee long sithence abolished , and taken away , and the Popes have succeeded in their place , at Rome , and have gotten the headship and Soveraigne rule there . And therefore also the grand Antichrist , who by this direct Prophesie of S. Paule , was then to appeare , hath accordingly appeared long sithence , even ever since the time , that the headship and supreame rule and government of that City , was taken from the Emperors , and exercised by the Popes . For there bee two or three degrees of the appearing of that grand Antichrist : the one , when hee became an universal Bishop , over all Bishops , and was made head over all the Christian Churches in the world . The second , when after that his Episcopal , and Ecclesiastical supremacie obtained , he attained to a Temporal supremacie , or terrestrial Monarchie , which hee also got , by the decay and ruins of the Empire . But an other cleere and demonstrative argument of this matter , hath also S. Iohn given us ( in Rev. 17.3.7.9 , 10 , &c. ) Shewing , that the state of Rome , from the beginning of it , to the end of it , is to have but seven sorts of Soveraigne Rulers , or Heads of it , which bee , Kings Consulls , Decemvirs , Tribunes , Dictators , Emperors , and Popes , ( For though an eight head bee there mentioned , yet is that eight expresly affirmed to bee one of the seven , Rev. 17.11 . Rev. 13.3 . ) Now then , if Rome be to have , in all , but these seven heads , as is apparant : and that Rome , at some one time or other , before the end of the world , is to become Antichristian , and to bee ruled and governed by Antichrist , as the Adversaries also themselves confesse : How can they choose but grant , that Antichrist is alreadie come , , and hath long since ruled and raigned in Rome , and at this day there ruleth and raigneth ? inasmuch , as the Popes , visibly , and undeniably , appeare to bee the seventh , and consequently , the last head of that Citie . Yea , this the Rhemists themselves , confesse , and doe say : the seventh head , is Antichrists state , which shall not come , so long as the Empire of Rome stande●h . And Bellarmine likewise writeth : Antichristum fore ultimum , qui tenebit Romanum Imperium , tamen sine nomine Romani Imperatoris : That Antichrist shall bee the last head , who shall hold the Empyre of Rome , and yet vvithout the name of the Romane Emperor . Seeing then the Empire of Rome is dissolved , ever since the Emperor ceased to have any Soveraigne command in that Citie , and that the Pope hath gotten the soveraigne rule and command there , & is apparantly become the seventh , & so the last Head of Rome ; How can it bee avoided , but that Antichrist must needs be come long sithence , and that the Pope of Rome undoubtedly is hee , and that there is none other to bee expected ? Obiect . 10. Antichrist is to be an open oppugner of Christ , and a direct and professed enemie to all manner of Christianitie . Ans. You are mightilie deceived , if you thinke so . For , first , the Scripture telleth us of manie Antichrists , & of one grand Antichrist above the rest . According whereunto Origen saith : Generaliter unus est Antichristus , species illius multae &c. Generally there is one Antichrist , but there bee manie sorts of him &c. For as all the true Prophets had relation to Christ , By whose spirit they spake ( as S. Peter sheweth ) : so have all the false teachers , and false prophets , in the Church , relation to Antichrist , by whose spirit they speake ( as S. Iohn affirmeth ) in the Church , relation to Antichrist , by whose spirit they speake ( as S. Iohn affirmeth ) . For which cause , S. Cyprian saith : that Novatianus the Schismatick , is to be reckoned amongst the Antichrists . And so saith S. Hierome : that all Arch ▪ Hereticks , be Antichrists : and againe , there bee so manie Antichrist● ( saith hee ) as there be teachers of false doctrine in the Church . Yea , this they might learne of S. Iohn himselfe , in his Epistles , who likewise calleth those that were hereticks , and false Teachers in the Church , so manie Antichrists . And this also Saint Augustine teacheth , saying : Hide quibus Iohannes , Epist. 1 , Antichristi , sunt ad illum novissimum pertinentes &c. These Antichrists of vvhich Saint Iohn speaketh in his first Epistle , be belonging to that last , the grand Antichrist . Againe , Quisquis Christum , qualis est ab Apostolis praedicatus , negat , Antichristus est . VVhosoever ( saith Saint Hillary ) denyeth Christ to be such a one , as he vvas preached to be by the Apostles , is an Antichrist . Irenaeus affirmeth , that Valentinus , Basilides , and C●rinthus , vvere Antichrists . Antichrist ( saith Origen ) hath nothing but the name of Christ : for hee neyther doth the vvorkes of Christ , nor teacheth his doctrine . Christ is the very Truth ▪ and Antichrist is the disguiser or counterfeyter of Truth . The mysterie of that Antichristian Iniquitie , wrought even in S. Pauls time , as hee himselfe affirmeth . He vvell calleth it ( saith S. Chrysostome ) a mysterie of Iniquitie : because he shall not come like a Nero , by open force , and vvithout all maner of shame &c but entisingly , and underhand . This Mysterie ( saith Theodoret ) signifieth the heresies , by vvhich the Divell maketh vvay for Antichrist . S. Gregory saith , that Antichrist seduceth the people , by his Preachers , the ministers of lying . He hath two hornes like to those of the Lamb ( Rev. 13.11 . ) that is , ( saith S. Augustine ) hee hath the two Testaments , like to those of the Lamb : inasmuch as under the name of Christ , he doth covertly infuse the venome of the Dragon . And for this cause , is he called the false-Prophet , diverse times , in the Revelation , by reason of the false Religion , and false doctrines he teacheth in the world , under the name of Christ and Christian verities . Yea , this Antichrist must sit in the Temple of God , amongst Christians , & within Christendome ( and not without it , amongst Turkes , Iewes , and such like Infidels of the world ) for he must pretend himselfe to be a chiefe Christian ( as S. Hierome also sheweth ) : which , none of those so much as pretend themselves to be : yea they utterly disclaime to be anie Christians at all : so that those be rightly and properly to be termed unchristian , but not Antichristian people . Within Christendome then , and no where else , is Antichrist to be sought and found . Now then within Christendome , where shall we finde him ? Can Protestants be hee ? No : for they professe not to confirme their doctrine and religion , nor any point thereof , with miracles , signes , and wonders done by them , as this Antichrist and his complices doe : neither doe anie of their Bishops or Pastors , exalt themselves against or above all Kings , Princes , Emperors & Magistrates of the earth , ( which be called gods in the Scripture ) as this Antichrist also doth : neither doe they teach that doctrine of Divels ( as S. Paul calleth it ) , which consisteth in prohibiting of Meates , and Marriages , for conscience and religion sake , as this Antichristian and Apostaticall Church likewise doth . Protestants then , verie cleerely appeare to be such as belong not to this Antichristian crew or companie . Who then within Christendome , or outwardly professing Christianitie , is more likely , or so likely to be , or possibly can be , this grand Antichrist , but he onely that exalteth himselfe , not onely against , but above all Kings , Princes , Emperors , and Potentates of the world ? and that obtrudeth , vaunteth , and boasteth of so manie miracles , signes , and wonders , done in his Church , and by him , and his Clergie , and people , for confirmation of his religion ? and that teacheth also that doctrine of Divels aforesaid , consisting in prohibition of Meates and Marriage , that is to say , the Pope of Rome ? For there is no other within Christendome to be named , to whom these things doe thus fitly agree . Yea Hee , and onely hee , in all the world , hath all the markes of the grand Antichrist , upon him . And therefore he , and onely he , and no other , is to be held of all , for the undoubted grand Antichrist . Obiect . 11. The grand Antichrist , is , The man of sinne , the sonne of perdition , 2. Thess. 2.3 . But shall anie be so bold to affirme these things of the Pope of Rome ? especially doth it not seeme to be a rash and uncharitable thing to affirme of him , that he is the sonne of perdition ? Answ. It is never anie rashnesse , or uncharitablenesse , to affirme , what God in his word affirmeth . It were rather incredulitie not to beleeve it , and impietie not to affirme , it . For if the Pope of Rome be that grand Antichrist , and the man of sinne , doth it not well agree , unto him , that he should also be the sonne of perdition ; as well as Iudas Iscariot , who likewise pretending to be a friend to Christ , did neverthelesse betray him ? He that under the like pretence of being a special friend to Christ , and under colour of Christianitie , destroieth himselfe and others , and that without check of conscience , remorse , or repentance , at anie time shewed , is he not worthily and iustly called the sonne of perdition ? Yea , doth not the Scripture directly say of him , that hee is in Hebrew , Abaddon , and in Greeke , Apollyon , that is , in English , a destroyer . And must not hee needs be deemed : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , The sonne of Perdition ▪ who , together with himselfe , thus destroyeth others ? For , all those , that be led by him , and maugre all admonitions , will neverthelesse irremoveably adhere unto him and follow him , be ( answerably thereunto ) expressely said to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , such as perish , and are to goe ( with him ) to destruction . Can anie thing then be more evident ? Now , that the Pope of Rome , is The man of sinne , that is , according to the Hebrew phrase , a verie notorious sinner , or , a most sinfull man ( and consequently well deserveth to be called the sonne of perdition ) who can doubt of it ? inasmuch as he is in Christendome , like Ieroboam in Israel , who not onely was a great sinner in his owne person , but caused also Israel to sinne : or like Ahab , with his Iezabel , who did exceed Ieroboam in wickednesse : or worse then these . For must not hee needs be a verie notorious wicked man , who being at first a Bishop equal with the rest of his fellow Bishops , was not so content , but with his wings of pride and ambition , would mount above them all ? Yea who , with that his unmeasurable pride , hath exalted himselfe , not onely above all those his fellowes , but even above his superiors also , namely above all Kings , Princes , and Emperors of the world ? nor yet so content , proceeded further , claiming authoritie also even over the Angels of heaven : for so it appeareth by the Bull of Pope Clement the sixt , before mentioned , where hee saith : Mandamus prorsus Angelis Paradisi &c VVee straightly command the Angels of Paradise , &c. And in another place , he forbiddeth Hell also from taking anie hold of those , that should crosse themselves for the holy warres . But hath hee here ceased ? No : for he hath gone yet further , clayming the power and authoritie of God himselfe , and even the name of God also , to be given him : and ( which is yet a further degree , beyond all degrees ) he hath exalted himselfe even above God himselfe , amongst his followers , as before appeareth . But to shew this matter yet further by some other particulars . And , to begin with the word of God , the sacred and canonical Scriptures : doth not Hee , and his Clergie , extremely dishonour and vilipend them ? 1. In that they preferre their corrupt Latine translation , before the originals of the Greeke and Hebrew . 2. In that they make Apocryphal bookes , to be of equall authoritie , with the Canonicall . 3. In that they equall their Traditions , with the Canonicall Scriptures . 4. In that they number their Decretall Epistles also , amongst the canonical Scriptures . 5. In that they accuse the holy Scriptures , as not conteining sufficient matter of instruction , for a mans salvation , without their Traditions . 6. In that they take upon them to expound those Scriptures according to their owne fancie , sense , and pleasure , and as they list themselves . 7. In that they preferre the authority of their Church , before the authoritie of the scriptures , and the Popes authoritie above both . Concerning the Sacraments also : how have they perverted those Two , which be of Christ his institution ? and have added to the number of them , making seven in all ? And this is one note of Antichrist ( as S. Hierome upon 2. Thess. 2. observeth ) that he should change , & attempt to increase the Sacraments of the Church . The Sacraments they also strangely hold to give grace , ex opere operato , by vertue of the verie worke done and performed . And touching Baptisme , have they not horribly polluted and abused it ? And concerning the other Sacrament of the Lords Supper , have they not also taken away the one halfe of it from the people , and moreover turned it into such a fearefull and abominable Idolatrie , viz. of adoring and worshipping a peece of bread , for God , as that amongst the verie Pagans and Heathens , the like hath not beene seene ? The vertue also , efficacie , end , fruit , and benefit of Christ , his comming into the world , they have likewise cleane overturned , debased , or diminished : 1. in that themselves take upon them , either in the whole , or in part , to be their owne Saviours and Redeemers , by their owne merites , and workes of satisfaction , ( as they call them ) to Gods Iustice : as also by suffering satisfactorie punishments in their owne persons , for their sinnes , after this life ended , in their supposed Purgatorie : 2. for that in their detestable Masse , their Priests take upon them , to offer up Christ everie day , or often , in a bodily maner , and that as a sacrifice propitiatory for the taking away of the sinnes of men : when in verie deed , that Bodily propitiatorie sacrifice , was offered but Once , and that by Christ himselfe onely , and namely upon the Crosse. 3. In that they hold not Iustification in Gods sight , to be by faith in Christ , but by a righteousnesse inherent in their owne persons ▪ nor will allow a man to make a particular application of Christ to himself to be his Saviour & Redeemer : or anie way to be , & rest so assured : which what is it else , but to bereave a man of all sound comfort and benefit by Christ ? For what profite , comfort , or benefit , is it , to anie , to know and beleeve that Christ is a Saviour and Redeemer indefinitely , or to others , if he know not , or beleeve not , that he is a Saviour and redeemer to himselfe , in particular ? For so farre even the Divels themselves doe goe , beleeving all to be true that God speaketh in his word , and that Christ is a Saviour and Redeemer to others , and hereat they tremble , as S. Iames speaketh . It is not enough therefore for men that desire to be saved , to beleeve ( historically ) all the Articles of the Creed to be true , or whatsoever God speaketh in his word , to be true , or , that Christ is a Saviour and Redeemer to others ( for thus farre , as is evident , even Divels , and , Reprobates , may goe ) but they must goe further , by applying the truth of all the Articles of the Creede , and of the promises of salvation , made in Gods word , and of Christ Iesus , to bes a Saviour and Redeemer , in particular , to themselves , by a speciall faith . 4. In that they allow not Christ to bee the sole and onely Mediator and Intercessor betweene God and his People , but will needs have other Mediators , and Intercessors for them , besides him , namely , the blessed Virgin Marie , and other Saints , and Angels . The Ecclesiastical discipline likewise , especiallie in the point of Excommunication , they have extreamely perverted , abusing it most grosly , impiously , and traiterously , to the deposing of Kings and Princes , from their Thrones and Kingdomes , and to the disanulling of the subjection and loyaltie of Subiects , and to the raysing of treasons and rebellions within their Kingdomes . And as touching Prayer , Almesdeeds , Fasting , and all the chiefe duties , & workes of Christianitie , they have also utterly marred & corrupted them : For their usuall fasting , is not an abstinence from all kinde of meates and drinkes , ioyned with fervent and repentant Prayers unto God , and other holy exercises & divine meditations , during that time or day of the fast ( as true Christians , and rightly religious fasts ought to bee ) but consisteth in a difference of meates , as namely , in an abstinence from flesh , and eating fish , and whit-meates . Yea , all their Fastings , Almes-deeds , and the rest of their best works they doe , be , in them , turned to sinne , as being poysoned with a conceit of their owne merits , and of making satisfaction to Gods Iustice for their sins , by that means . And be not even their Praiers also , and Invocations , which they make unto GOD , poisoned , & become wicked and abhominable , whilst they pray to bee heard , and their petitions to bee granted them , for the merit , or merits of such a Saint , or such a Saint , or of all Saints ? or for the Intercession-sake of such a Saint or such a Saint , or of all Saints ? and not for the merit , or Intercessions sake of Iesus Christ only ? Yea , doe they not direct , and make their praiers , manie times , and too often , not unto God himselfe ( as they ought ) but to his Creatures , as namely , to the blessed Virgin Mary , and to other Saints , and to Angells , which is a most intolerable impietie ? Yea , doe they not also suffer and allow a Psalter , commonly called the Psalter of Bonaventure , made in honour of the Virgin Marie . For , in that Booke , sundrie parts of the Psalmes of David , bee applied to the Virgin , and her name put in the place of Gods name , most audaciously , & blasphemously . As for example , in the 110 Psalme , where it is said in Davids Psalter , The Lord said unto my Lord , sit thou at my right hand &c. In that Psalter , it is thus : Dixit Dominus Dominae nostrae &c. The Lord said to our Ladie , sit thou at my right hand &c. Againe , the words in 130 Psalme , be in that Psalter made thus : De profundis cla●●avi ad te Domina , &c. Out of the deepe places have I cryed unto thee , O Ladie : O Ladie , heare my voyce , &c. and sundrie such like : whereby doth appeare , that they not onelie ( verie dishonourablie , and iniuriouslie to God ) praie to the Virgin Marie , but further also falsifie , and misturne the words of holy Scripture , to serve their own bad humors and fancies . There is moreover a Booke , called Liber Taxarum , or Taxa Cancellariae Apos●●lica , their Taxe-booke , ( Printed at Paris with priviledge , sub sole aureo ) which sheweth , what intolerable Licentiousnes and Wickednesse , is permitted and dispensed with in the Papacie . For , even Murthers , Incests , Sodomitrie , and other most grosse sinnes , be there rated and taxed at a certaine price : which being paid , the Popes Pardons , Indulgences , Licenses , & dispensations bee permitted to have passage in those cases . Where , together with this licentiousnesse permitted , you may observe a most horrible licentiousnesse in the Pope , and his Clergy : For poore men that have not wherewithall to pay , may not bee partakers of anie of those favours : as appeareth by a note in the 23 leafe of that Booke , in the Chapter of Matrimoniall causes , where it is said thus : Nota diligenter &c. Note diligently , that these favours , and dispensations , are not granted to the poore , because they have not wherewithall , and therfore they cannot receive consolation . And there you may observe further , that even the most monstruous sinnes , as Incest , Sodomitry , Dealing with beasts , ( sins , not meet to be named , or heard of amongst Christians ) bee not taxed at so high a rate , as those bee , that bee committed against the Popes lawes , and the Commandments of his Church , as the eating of White-meates , of Butter , of Flesh upon daies and times , by them forbidden , &c. So that intolerable pride & ambition , ioyned with unmeasurable avarice , and covetousnesse , in the Pope and his Clergy , together with abhominable licentiousnesse , permitted to the people , by reason of the Stewes , Priests absolutions , Popes pardons , Indulgences , Dispensations , and such like , and a great deale of Hipocrysie also , under pretext of Pietie , therewithall intermingled , may and doe appeare , to be the Founders , Pillers , Supporters , and Vpholders of all Popery . If a man feared Purgatorie , either for himselfe or his friends , though hee had done all the villanies of the world ; yea , though hee had deflowred the Virgin Marie ( for such were the wicked and execrable speeches of Teceleus , and other Preachers of the Popes Indulgences , in times past ) yet so soone as ever hee had cast the money into the Bason , the Soules were presently said to bee set at libertie . The Abbot of Vsperge ( in the life of Philip the Emperor , pag. 321 ) writeth in this sort : Scarce is there ( saith hee ) any Bishopricke , or Ecclesiastical dignitie , or Parish Church , remayning , that is not made litigious , and the cause by an appeale , brought to be heard at Rome : But it is in vaine to goe thither with an emptie hand . Reioyce , O Mother Rome , because the floudgates of earthly treasures bee laid open unto thee , that whole Rivers and heaps of silver might come flovving upon thee , in great aboundance . Reioyce thou , because of the iniquities of the sons of Men : for they pay thee a price , in recompence of all their transgressions . Reioyce thou , because of Discord , which is profitable for thee , shee comming out of the bottomelesse Pit , to beape store of money upon thee . Thou hast that now which thou hast desired a long time : Sing a Song , because that by the wickednesse of men , and not by any vertue of thy religion , thou hast overcome the world . Theodorick de Nihem also ( in his 6 Tractat. chap. 32 ) speaketh to the like purpose , saying thus : The Apostolicke Chamber is like to the Sea , into which all Rivers doe runne , and yet it doth never overflow : For thither , from most parts of the vvorld , are there great su●●es of gold , caried by thousands , and yet it is never full . There is a generation in that place , that have svvords , instead of teeth , for to dev●ure the poore of the earth . There are also many H●rsleeche● , vvhich cry , Bring , Bring . And a little after , hee saith thus ▪ O iust Men , vvho if you had your right , should have your portion with the Harpies , infernal Furies , and T●●tal●● , that can never be satisfied . Likewise Aeneas Sylvi●● ( afterward called , Pope Pius Secundus ) in the 66 Epistle to Iohn Peregall , speaketh to the same effect : The Court of Rome ( saith he ) gives nothing vvithout m●ny : yea , the impos●●ion of hands , & the gif●s of the holy Ghost , hee sold : And the remission of s●nnes is communicated to none , 〈◊〉 haue not vvherevvithall to pay for it . Never was there man that did more prostitute himselfe , to uphold the ruinous and tottering Papacie , then Baronius : & yet , behold his owne words , upon the yeare 912 , and 8 Article : VVith vvhat face ( saith hee ) did the Church of Rome then looke , and hovv ill-favouredly ? Then , vvhen famous Que●nes , & levvde Strumpets , did domineer●● Rome , at vvhose pleasure , Church livings vvere bestovved , Bishoprickes vvere given , and that vvhich is horrible to heare , and not to bee spoken , their Lovers , false Popes , thrust into the seate of Peter . And then afterward hee addeth , saying : VVhat Priests & Deacons Cardinal , doe yee thinke , vvere chosen by these Monsters ? There hee complaineth , that Iesus Christ did sleepe . But he speaketh of such a number of vitious and wicked Popes ▪ that it should seem by his reckoning , that Iesus Christ slept a long time : For from the yeare 870 , to the yeare 1050 , whom doe you see but Necromancers , but Adulterers , and Murtherers , and Infamous persons , pr●ferred to the Papacie ? Platius , in the life of Benedict the fourth , speaketh the like , and giveth the reason of all this , saying thus : This libertie of sinning ( saith hee ) hath begotten us these Monsters and Prodigies , vvho by ambition and corruption , have rather usurpt , then possest the holy chaire of Peter : there being no Prince to represse the vvickednesse of these men . Yea , Platina , though the Popes Servant and Secretarie , yet well knowing their vices , and the vices of the people under his government , doth in a manner speake , as if himselfe despaired of their salvation ; for thus bee his words : Our vices ( saith hee ) bee grovvne to tha● height , that they vvill hardly ever finde mercie in the sight of God. But observe yet further , how horrible and wicked their reproachings , slanderings , and defamings , heretofore have beene , and yet still bee , of Gods church & people , & their religion : calling them usually Heretickes , Schismatickes , and by such other odious names , & laying sometimes , most notorious slanders , and most impious false accusations to their charge : & perswading , as if our religion , were a religion allowing licentiousnesse , a condemner and disallower of all good works , and as though wee approoved of all dissolutenesse , and were enemies to the Virgin Marie , & to all Saints , & as though we made God the Author of sinne and evill , & other such like things , which we utterly detest , dislike , and abhorre , and which hee cleane contrary to our opinion , and to the doctrine of our Religion . Yea , they not onely thus dishonour & wrong the true Church , and people of God , upon earth , but even the Church triumphant and Saints also in heaven . For , is it not a great wrong and dishonour to the glorified Saints in heaven , to turne them into Idols , or to make them instruments of Idolatry , or , of dishonouring God , by invocating & praying unto them ? when as Praier and Invocation , is a service , worship , and honour , properly and onely belonging to God ? Againe , do they not much dishonour the Saints , when they imploy them about base offices ? commending the keeping of their Hogs to one , of their horses to another , the curing of the Scurffe to a third , &c. Yea , even concerning that most chast , blessed , & glorious Virgin Mary , Doe they not extreamely dishonour her , when they make her to favour Immodestie , & uncleanenesse ? For there is an Italian book , entituled : Miracoli d●ella glorios● Virgine Maria , printed at Millan , in the yere 1547 , which saith : that , a certaine Abbesse , being with Child , the holy Virgin , being willing to cover her crime , did in her stead , present her selfe before the Bishops in forme of the Abbesse ▪ and shewed him by an ocular demonstration , that shee was not with Child . Caesarius also , in his seventh Booke , Chapt. 35 ▪ reports : that the Virgin Marie , for twelve whole yeares , did supplie the place of a certaine Nun●● , called Beatrice , whilst shee lay in the S●ewes : till at last she came backe again to take her place , and freed the Virgin from being in her roome any longer . But consider yet further , the most terrible , cruell , barbarous , and bloodie persecutions of Gods Church and people , committed by Papists About 400 yeares since , Pope Innocent the third , within the space of a few monthes , made more then 200000 of the faithfull to bee slaine , whom they called Albigenses . In S. Bartholomewes Massacre , in the yeare 1572 , more then 80000 men were slaine , in cold blood . In a Massacre in France , within a few dayes , were murthered , 70000 persons . And how execrable , & beyond all measure abhominable , and damnable , was that their late Plot of Gunpowder-Treason , for the overthrow of the whole State of England , in Parliament at a blow , and God knoweth , of how many States and Kingdomes beside ▪ Yea ▪ what meaneth their Holy League , ( as they call it ) not long since made , for the extirpation , and rooting out of all Protestancie ? Doe they not by all these , shew themselves to bee utter enemies , and that in the worst sort that can bee , to all Civill States , Kings , and Kingdomes , which reiect the Popes usurped Supremacie , and his depraved and Antichristian Religion . Why else , also , have they decreed , that , Faith is not to be kept with Heretickes ? And why else doe they hold , that , before Hereticall Iudges , and Magistrates , ( as they call them ) it is lawfull for them to sweare with Equivocations , and Mental reservations , and in a false , deluding , and deceitfull manner ? And why else doe they dislike , and disallow Subjects , not onely to take the Oath of Supremacie , but the Oath also of Allegeance , when , in very deede , and of right , neither of both ought to bee refused ? What also meaneth , the resort and comming of Popish Priests , and Iesuits , into Protestant Kingdomes , under colour and pretence of Religion ? Is it not to make a partie for the Pope , or some of his confederates , against a fit time ? And doth it not also tend to sedition and treason in a Common-weale ? What doth the Popes claime , to depose Kings , and to give away their Kingdomes , when , and to whom hee list , tend unto , but to the setting of Princes together by the Eares , aswell as Subiects to rebell against their lawfull Soveraignes ? Doe not all these things tend to the overthrow , aswell of civill States , and civill Iustice , as of Religion ? and of Kingdomes and Common-weales , aswel as of Gods Church ? and ( which maketh the matter yet more , and indeede , most odious ) all this they doe , under pretence of Christianitie , and of a Catholicke cause , when it is nothing so , but , cleane contrarywise , extreamely divelish and Antichristian . Let then everie equal person now judge , whether the Pope of Rome , that thus wrongeth God , his Church , and Religion ; and not onely Bishops , but all Kings , Princes , and Emperors also , their People , Kingdomes , and Common-wealths , and that thus intolerably abuseth the whole Christian world , and yet for all that , inflexibly persisteth therein , without anie remorse , or repentance shewed , yea , which with all his power and strength , iustifieth , upholdeth , & defendeth , all those his wrongs errors , abuses , and impieties , boasting , glorying , and delighting in them , bee not rightly affirmed to be , The Man of sin , the Sonne of perdition , and the verie undoubted Grand Antichrist , in all respects . THE CONCLVSION , to the same pretended CATHOLIKES . NOw then , it appearing verie cleerely by the premisses , that the Pope of Rome , ( whom his blinded followers so much adore and reverence ) is the verie grand Antichrist : and that the Popish Citie of Rome , whereof he is the Head and Ruler , is undoubtedly the VVhore of Babylon , mentioned in the Revelation of S. Iohn : What scruple or doubt should you , or anie of you , conceive , to make all the good hast yee may , to forsake that grand Antichrist , & that his Concubine the whore of Babylon , and all his Priests , Iesuites , Bishops , Monks , Friars , Nunns , and the rest of that his Antichristian rabble , and to betake and apply your selves , with us , to the embracing and following of Christ , and of his most holy and most pure Religion , and ordinances , delivered in the sacred and canonical Scriptures , the Infallible rule of Truth ? For doe you thinke , that ever Christ and Antichrist , will agree together ? VVhat hath the chaffe to doe vvith the vvheate ? saith the Lord. Or , VVhat fellowship ( as S. Paul speaketh ) hath righteousnesse vvith unrighteousnesse ? vvhat communion hath light vvith darkenesse ? vvhat concord hath Christ vvith Belial ? vvhat part hath the Beleever vvith the Infidel ? vvhat agreement hath the Temple of God , vvith Idols ? In some things , I grant , the Popish Church holdeth rightly , and in all things ( such is the mysterie of Iniquitie ) maketh a semblance and pretence of pietie and Christianitie . But take heed , and be not here with deceived : for ( beside that it is the nature and maner of Hypocrisie , so to doe ) you now , I hope , doe sufficiently understand , that neither the Pope of Rome could be Antichrist , nor his Church be the Antichristian , vnlesse they did make this semblance of pietie , & outward sh●w and pretence of Christianitie : yea , cleerely , they should be altogether Vnchristian , and not Antichristian people , if they made no semblance or profession at all of Christ. But all is not gold that glistereth : nor that ever right and true Christianitie , that seemeth to be so . The Divell himselfe will hold some things rightly , and will sometimes utter and tell some truths : but it is to the end , to gaine credite and beleefe to himselfe , at other times , and in other things , when and wherein he speaketh lies . And this craft and subtiltie , have all Antichristian and false teachers , learned , and do practise : being ( as S. Paul calleth them ) False-Apostles , deceiptfull vvorkmen , transforming themselves into the Apostles of Christ : And no marvaile ( saith he ) : for Satan also himselfe is transformed into an Angel of light . Therefore it is no great thing , though his ministers transforme themselves , as though they vvere the Ministers of righteousnesse : vvhose end shall be according to their vvorkes . Now then , concerning the Kings Supremacy , and his Authoritie , in all kinde of causes , and over all sorts of people , aswell Ecclesiasticall , as Civill , you see what it is , and you understand , I trust , the cleere lawfulnesse of it , within his owne Dominions . For , a time there was ( as before is shewed ) when the Bishop of Rome was limited his precincts and bounds , aswell as other Bishops , and had no more Supremacy or Authoritie over other Bishops , then they had over him ▪ Yea a time there was when Bishops in a Councell assembled , had authoritie over the Pope of Rome , and might and actually did depose him : and when also the Bishops of Rome were subiect to the Emperor , and at his command , as is likewise before declared . So that the best title , which the Bishop of Rome at anie time had to his Supremacie , within anie Kingdome , appeareth to be , not by anie institution or law of God , but by an humane constitution onely , and a positive law : And seeing that this his Supremacie was afterward put downe againe , dissolved , and abolished , within this Kingdome , as also in all the rest of his Maiesties Dominions , by as high and as good authoritie , as at anie time it was erected and established in the same , namely by Act of Parliament , made within those Realmes : Everie subiect to his Maiestie now standeth tied and bound in duetie , utterly to renounce and forsake it . If yet yee alledge ( as ye sometimes doe ) that for the space of divers hundreth yeares , in the later times , the Kings and Princes in Christendome , submitted themselves to this Supremacie of the Pope : I answer , first , that it is apparant , that , Non fuit sic , ab initio , it vvas not so , from the beginning : and , that the most ancient Precedents be to the contrarie . Secondly , that this was to fulfil a prophecie in the Scripture , which foretold that so it should come to passe , namely , that , these Kings should , vvith one consent , submit , or give their Kingdome , unto the Beast , untill the vvords of God vvere fulfilled . Yea , these Kings not onely submitted themselves , and their Kingdomes , to this Supremacie of the Pope , but to the adulterated Religion likewise of that Whore of Babylon , the Papal Citie of Rome , to fulfill the like Prophecie , which saith , that vvith her have committed fornication , the Kings of the earth , and the Inhabitants of the earth have beene made drunken , vvith the vvine of her fornication . Inasmuch then , as these things be thus foretold in holy Scripture to come to passe , what marvell should it now be to anie , to see and know them to have beene accomplished accorcordingly ? But yet thirdly , observe that although these kings did for so long time yeeld and submit themselves , and the people of their kingdomes , to this Beast & vvhore of Babylon , yet the later part of this Prophecie , remaineth to be fulfilled , which is this : that Tenne of these Kings , that were so long enchanted and bewitched with this Whore , and seduced and abused by her , shall afterward discerne and espie her fraudes and wickednesse , and thereupon shall detest and hate her , make her desolate and naked , eate her flesh , and shall burne her vvith fire . Which Prophecie , as it is alreadie begun to be performed , in some of these Kings which have fallen from her , hating and detesting both her authoritie , and her adulterated religion : so , shall it , in all the parts and points of it , in the due time appointed of God , be fully and actually performed , and accomplished . The long continuance then of Pope and Poperie in the world , is no argument or proofe of the lawfulnesse or allowablenesse of them : for ( beside that it was foretold to be of that long continuance ) Mahometisme , Paganisme , heresie , and error , drunkennesse , adulterie , and sundrie other sinnes , and vices , be also verie ancient , and of long continuance , in the world , yet doth not that make them therefore to be ever the more lawfull , or allowable . Yea , the longer the Popes Supremacie , and his adulterated Religion , have continued , the greater wrong and iniurie hath been done , all that while , not onely to all other Bishops in the world , and to all Emperors , Kings , and Princes likewise , but also to the whole Church and religion of God , and even to God himselfe . And therefore this maketh not for the upholding or confirmation , but for the further and greater detestation and condemnation of them both . 2 So that , no sufficient cause or reason can anie of you shew , why ye should refuse to be of our Religion , or why yee should not all come to our Churches & assemblies , and ioine with us in the right and true service of God. For first , where yee suppose Ours , the Protestant Religion ( as it is called ) to be false and heretical , and yours , the Popish , to be the onely Catholike & right : it hath before bni made verie manifest unto you , cleane contrariwise , that Ours is the right , Apostolike , Catholike , & most ancient religion , & that yours , comming in afterward , is the new , adulterate , heretical , false , & Antichristian : and that those be not the children of the right and true Church , but of the whore of Babylon , which submit themselves , and yeeld their obedience to the Pope , and Popish Rome . And whereas , secondly , ye obiect , that it would move scandal and offence to others , if yee came to our Churches : What need yee care that others , without cause , be offended , so long as God is well pleased . For in such a case , it is an offence not given , but taken . And when there is , no iust cause given , why anie should be offended , the fault is theirs that be so causelesly offended , and not yours . A man must never forsake God , and Gods religion , nor absent himselfe from the true Church of God , because some seduced or ill-disposed people , will finde fault with it . Thirdly , yee obiect , that it were but a point of dissembling to come , if your mind stand against it : But this allegation is soone answered , if yee please to come ( as ye may , and ought ) that is , with sincere hearts , and unfained affections , and without anie such wicked Hypocrisie , and Dissembling : For , indeed , all halting , dissembling , and counterfeyting , especially in matters of Gods service , and religion , is ever to be eschued and detested . Fourthly , ye obiect , that the Translation of the holy Scriptures amongst us , is not right : But it hath before beene shewed unto you , that our Translations , being according to the originals of the Hebrew and Greek , must needs be right : whereas contrariwise , your Translations , not being according to those originals , be , and must needes be untrue , in all those sundrie and manie places ( detected and discovered at large , by the Protestants ) , wherein they differ from those originalls . Fiftly , yee say , that our Church-Service , and Liturgie , is disallowable , for that it wanteth your Popish Masse , and sacrificing Priesthood : But to that we answer , that our Church-Service is so much the better , and the more to be liked , for that it hath abolished ( as it ought ) that Idolatrous Popish Masse , and that abominable Priesthood , thereto belonging , which , fearelesly and impiously , presumeth to offer up , and that in a bodily manner ( as they say ) Christ Iesus , againe , and againe , and often , and that also as a Sacrifice propitiatorie for the taking away of mens sinnes : whereas all true Christians doe knowe , contrariwise , that Christ Iesus , was in a Bodily manner to bee offered up in sacrifice to his Father but once , and that was upon the Crosse : and that himselfe was the onely Priest allowed and appointed of God , to make that Bodily oblation , and no other : and that this Bodily oblation and sacrifice by himselfe performed upon the Crosse , is the onely propitiatorie Sacrifice , and onely availeable , and effectual , to clense and take away the sinnes of men . So that our Church and Church-Service were , indeed , iustly worthie to be abhorred , detested , and condemned , ( as now yours is , for the same cause ) if such blasphemous , and intolerable monstrous abominations , were suffered or allowed in it . And wee are highly and everlastingly to thank● God , that they be removed ▪ and abolished . Sixtly , yee alledge , that in a Psalme or Hymne which wee sometimes sing in our Churches , wee pray unto God , to keepe and defend us from the Pope and Turke : and why should we not doe so ? It is plainly and cleerely proved before , that the Pope is the grand Antichrist , and that hee , not openly and professedly ( as the Turke doth ) but closely and covertly ( and therefore in a more subtill , and more dangerous manner ) oppugneth Christ and his religion , and ordinances : deceiving under the name of Catholikes , and of the Catholike Church , and pretence of the Holy Ghost ruling that Church of his , so that it cannot erre , as hee suggesteth to his credulous and blinded followers : whereunto he hath also added all maner of impostures , and deceiveable and lying signes and wonders , to enchant and seduce the people , and to allure them to himselfe , and to confirme them in their misbeleefe and errors . Wherefore , not without good cause , doe wee pray God to keepe and defend us from him , especially now in this later age of the world , wherein he useth not only secret sleights and fraudes , but open warres also and rebellions , when he seeth fit time for them , and murthers and massacres of Protestant Princes and people , Gunpowder villanies , and such like hellish abominations . Who then can iustly blame us , for praying against him that doth thus abound with these his wicked and mischievous plots , fraudes , forces , treacheries and conspiracies ? Lastly , yee alledge it to bee against your conscience to come to our Churches : But herein I desire you , to consider better and more seriously , whether this will stand , or bee allowed for a good excuse or plea for you , in the day of Iudgement . For may not Turks , Iewes , Pagans , hereticks , schismaticks , or whatsoever other erroneous , deceived , and misbeleeving persons , make the like excuse , and pleade the same plea , and say , that it is against their conscience , to become Christians , or to come to their assemblies , or to be Orthodox and right-beleeving people ? Or , if they make that plea , doe you thinke it will passe for good and allowable , before Gods Iudgement seate in the last day ? But yee , I pray , shew some cause , or reason , ( if yee can ) why your ●●●science wil not give you leave , to come to our Churches ? Is there anie thing in our Church-Service that may iustly offend ▪ anie of you ▪ ●f there be , declare it . But you were 〈◊〉 yet able to shew it , and I assure my selfe you never will be able . If then , your Conscience be ( as in this case , it appeareth to be ) not , a right but a wrong and an erring and missed conscience , you must endevour to rectifie and reforme this kinde of conscience , and not be guided or carried anie longer by it ▪ For so also ●tacheth Si●●●●●● Pri●rias ( in●●●●●●●scientia ) that a man is bound to forsake his erroneous conscience , and not to follow it . 3 But consider yet further , how manie Martyrs also , there have bin , that have died for & in defence of several points of our religion : and how few , or rather none at all , there be , that have bin put to death , for & in defence of anie one particular point of Popish religion against Protestantie : unless you wil account denying the Kings Supremacie , and such like points of treason , disloyaltie ▪ and contempt against Princes , the●● Common●weales , and Kingdomes , to be points of that Religion . For example , that I may be the better understood , What man amongst them , was ever put to death for that their Article of Transubstantiation : or for their opinion of Purgatorie ▪ or for their opinion of praying to Saints and Angels ▪ or for their opinion of me●● meri●● ? or for anie other such like point of their religion ? for of such it is , that I speake and meane . Can ye name or produce anie one man that ever since the world began died for anie of these articles ? If you say ( 〈◊〉 some amongst you have beene bold to say ) that there neither was , nor is , anie Law amongst us to put Papists to death for anie point of their religion , are you not , therein , much deceived ? For may not Hereticks , by the Law of the Realme , bee put to death ? or was there a Law , in former times , when Poperie raigned , to put Protestants to death , under the 〈◊〉 of Heretickes , which were in verie died no Heretickes , but of the most ancient religion , and the Orthodox and right beleeving Christians ? and is there not a Law now , when Protestancie reigneth to put Papists to death for heresie , who be Hereticks reve●● , and in verse deed ? For you must 〈…〉 it is not the Determination of a Councell , without app●●bation of Gods word , that is sufficient to prove a man an Hereticke : because then should that renowned , famous , & godly Bishop Athanasius , ( who was condemned in the Councels of Tire and Antioch ) bee held and concluded to bee an Hereticke , Which God forbid . Yea , if ( as is evident ) the determination of Councells , bee not sufficient , to convince or proove , Athanasius , Iohn Chrysostome , and other Orthodox Bishops , in that time , to bee Heretickes : much lesse is the determination of the Bishop of Rome , and of his Councells , in these latter times , ( when both hee and they bee so farre revolted and degenerate ) able to convince the Orthodox Protestants , of Heresie . The strength , force , and authoritie of the holy & Canonical Scriptures , must be produced to convince a man to be an Hereticke : For an Hereticke is hee , that stifly and obstinately holdeth & maintaineth an error in matter of Faith , against the manifest authoritie of the Canonical Scriptures . So that , not what men hold , but what God holdeth to be error & heresie , is so to be reputed ? And by this rule , namely , by sufficient evidence and warrant of the Canonical Scriptures , it was , that the Bishops & their Councels , in ancient time , convinced the Arrian● , Nestorian● ▪ E●t●chians , & the other Heretickes of their dayes . Which rule of iudging , and convincing Hereticks , by the Canonical Scriptures , if it had beene held , as evermore it ought : it is thereby evident , that Protestants never were , nor ever rightly could have beene concluded to bee Hereticks . Yea , by this rule , Papists cleerely are to bee iudged the Hereticks : as appeareth by examining and trying their severall and particular Doctrines , and Opinions ( wherein they differ from us , and wherein they bee so wilfull and pertinacious ) by the same Canonical Scriptures . And how should it , or can it be otherwise ? For , must not the doctrin of the g●and Antichrist , & of his Concubine the Whore of Babylon , bring adulterate , erroneous , and Antichristian , needs be concluded , if it be wilfullie and obstinately persisted in , to be cleere Heresie ? If then our Bishops should , as they might ( if they were so disposed , and that His Maiestie would give ●●ave thereunto ) censure some points of Poperie to be heresie , being 〈…〉 , and obstinately persisted in , and thereupon should cyte some Papists to come before them to answer as for heresie , and did upon hearing and examining of the cause , by sentence defi●●tive , declare and pronounce them to bee Hereticks : What should , or can hinder , but that the Kings Writ , de Haeretic● Comburendo , ( after all due circumstances observed ) might issue , and be awarded for the putting of them to death ? Doth not the Law of the Realme apparantly warrant this ? For the Lawyers of your owne Religion can tell you , that even by course of Common Law , those that bee convicted and condemned of heresie , may bee put to death . And this it further evident , even by those verie Statutes themselves , viz. of 2. H. 4. cap. 1.5 . and 2. H. 5. cap. 7. and 25. H. 8 , cap. 14. which , although they were afterward repealed in England , yet do they sufficiently shew & declare , both what was & yet stil is , the Common-law in that case : namely , that Bishops in their several Diocesses , and Provinces , ( aswell as in their Convocations ) might , and therfore still may , even by course of Common-law , ( notwithstanding the repeale of those Statutes ) by their Iurisdiction ordinarie , cite Heretickes , censure , and sentence them , and so leave them to the Lay power , to bee executed . And this also , is learned and judicious Writer , in his Apologie of certaine proceedings , by Iurisdiction Ecclesiasticall , doth tell you , and testifieth ( against Fitzherberts opinion , who seemeth to put a difference in this point , betweene the Bishop of a Diocesse , and the Convocation ) that hee hath heard the two Chiefe Iustices , the Lord chiefe Bar● 〈◊〉 some other Iudges , and the Queenes learned Councell , resolve ( against that difference ) in a speciall consultation , held about the matter of Heresie : viz that Every Bishop within his owne Diocesse● as well as the Convocation , might , at the Common-law , and still may , ●●● demne an Hereticks : Yea , hee hath made a whole Chapter , affirming this verie point , viz. that , Iudgement of Heresie ▪ still re●aineth at the Common-law , in Iudges Ecclesiastical : and that the Provise , in the Statute of 1 Fliz. cap. 1 , ( which is in Ireland 2 Eliz. cap. 1. ) touching Heresie , is onely spoken of the Ecclesiastical Commissioners , and such as bee authorized by that Statute . So that the authoritie and Iurisdiction of Bishops , in their severall Diocesses & Provinces , as also in their Convocations , notwithstanding that , or anie other Stat. still remaineth such as it was at the Common-law , namely , of force sufficient for the citing , censuring , & sentencing of Heretickes : whereupon , Execution of death by burning , may ensue . All which , neverthelesse , I speake not to anie such end , as to incense or exasperate anie in authoritie , so farre against papists , but only to answer , and disanull their untrue conceits , and so to represse and remove the insolencie of some of them , and to shew them , that if our Protestant princes pleased , and were so disposed , they might have found , as still also they may , a way and meane , and law sufficient to put Papists to death for Heresie . Wherefore it is no defect of matter of Heresie in Poperie ( wherewith it doth abound ) nor anie defect of law ( which sufficiently warranteth the putting of Heretickes to death ) but it is the meere mercie and clemencie of His Maiesty , and of other Protestant Princes , his Predecessors , that doth thus spare and forbeare them . Whereby , as they may all learne to be highly thankfull unto God , for such mercifull & gratious Princes to whom they are so much beholding , for not executing the severitie of their lawes upon them , in this case : so is it their parts to give no occasion , further to incense , or anie way to provoke them thereunto . Where also you may observe to put a difference betweene the two Religions , viz. of Protestancie , and Poperie : considering how milde , gentle , and mercifull the one is , namely , Protestancie , in comparison 〈◊〉 the other , which is , and ever hath beene ( where it is predominant , and beareth rule ) against Protestants , most terrible , cruel , inhumane , and extreamely Bloodie : and so bee mooved to affect and imbrace the one , and to abhorre and detest the other , as it deserveth . But as touching these points , I shall not neede to use manie words to men of understanding , learning , and iudgement : especiallie when the thing desired of you , tendeth to your owne good , not onely in respect of this world ▪ but chiefly in respect of the world to come . For it hath ( as you see ) Gods owne expresse commandement , bidding all his people to depart from that mysticall Babylon , Popish Rome . When therefore God himselfe thus speaketh , and would have none that bee his people , to adhere to such a Mother , as the Whore of Babylon is , but cleane contrariwise , would have them to depart from her , and utterly to renounce , abhorre , and detest her , as being indeed , the Mother of VVhoredomes , and abhominations of the Earth : ( as she is intitled ) is it not good reason , and your bounden dutie , to give eare unto him , and to obey his voyce herein , as you tender your owne salvations , and desire to be His People ? It appeareth that ye have been of a long time mistaken , as touching the right Mother-Church : For not Popish Rome , but Hierusalem , which is from above , is the Mother of us all , as S. Paul expressely witnesseth : Yea , what maner of Mother Popish Rome is , I trust yee now sufficiently perceive . Bee no longer therefore so much abused , or so extreamely deluded , as to take the wrong Mother for the right : and him that is the grand Antichrist , to bee Christs Vicar , the head of his Church , S. Peters successor , and the Bishop that cannot erre , in matter of Faith : For what christian , charitable , and good minde , doth not grieve to see so manie honourable , and honest-hearted men ▪ to bee so farre carried away , and misled , to their owne perdition ? Howbeit , if anie amongst you rest not satisfied herewith , but thinketh that hee can answer this Booke , and will take upon him so to doe : I desire him , first , that hee will doe it , not by parts or peece-meales , but wholly and entirely , from the beginning of it to the end . Secondly , I desire him to doe it , not superficially , or sophistically , but substantially , soundly , and satisfactorilie , if hee can . Thirdly , as I would haue him to doe it in love and charity , and with an affection onely to follow Gods truth ; so doe I also desire him to set his name unto it , as I have done here to this . But if none amongst you , can make anie solid , sound , sufficient , and satisfactorie Answere unto it , ( as I rest assured before hand , none can , or will bee able : For , who was , or ever will be able to Answer or confute that Word of God , whereupon the Protestants Doctrine & Religion is apparantly grounded ? ) then is there so much the more reason , for you all , to yeeld to that which you see to bee evident , unanswerable , and irrefutable . God Almightie ( if it bee his will ) open all your eies to see his splendent and invincible truth , in his sacred & Canonical Scriptures conteined ; and grant both to you and to us , that wee may all acknowledge , professe , and observe it to his glorie , the discharge of our duties , and our owne everlasting comforts , and salvation , through Iesus Christ. Amen . VVisdome is iustified of all her Children . Luk. 7.35 . Vnto the King everlasting , Immortal , Invisible , unto GOD onely wise , be honor , and glorie , for ever , and ever . AMEN . 1. Tim. 1.17 . FINIS . AN EPISTLE VVRITTEN BY THE REVEREND FAther in God , James Vssher Bishop of Meath , concerning the religion anciently professed by the IRISH and SCOTTISH ; Shewing it to be for substance the same with that which at this day is by publick authoritie established in the Church of ENGLAND . WORTHY SIR : I Confesse , I somewhat incline to be of your minde , that if unto the authorities drawen out of Scriptures and Fathers ( which are common to us with others ) a true discoverie were added of that religion which anciently was professed in this kingdome ; it might prove a speciall motive to induce my poore countrey-men to consider a little better of the old and true way from whence they have hitherto beene misledd . Yet on the one side , that saying in the Gospell runneth much in my minde ; a If they heare not Moses and the Prophets , neyther will they be perswaded , though one rose from the dead : and on the other , that heavie judgement mentioned by the Apostle ; b because they received not the love of the truth , that they might be saved , God shall send them strong delusion , that they should beleeve lyes . The wofull experience whereof , wee may see daily before our eyes in this poore nation : where , such as are slow of heart to beleeve the saving truth of God delivered by the Prophets and Apostles , doe with all greedinesse imbrace , & with a most strange kinde of credulitie intertaine those lying Legends , wherwith their Monks & Friars in these latter dayes have polluted the religion and lives of our ancient Saints . I doe not denie but that in this countrey , as well as in others , corruptions did creepe in by little and little , before the Divell was let loose to procure that seduction which prevayled so generally in these last times : but as farre as I can collect by such records of the former ages as have come unto my hands ( eyther manuscript or printed ) the religion professed by the ancient Bishops , Priests , Monkes , and other Christians in this land , was for substance the verie same with that which now by publick authoritie is maintayned therein , against the forraine doctrine brought in thither in later times by the Bishop of Romes followers . I speake of the more substantiall points of doctrine , that are in controversie betwixt the Church of Rome and us at this day ; by which only wee must judge , whether of both sides hath departed from the religion of our ancestours : not of matters of inferior note , much lesse of ceremonies and such other things as appertaine to the discipline rather than to the doctrine of the Church . And whereas it is knowne unto the learned , that the name of Scoti in those elder times ( whereof we treate ) was common to the inhabitants of the greater and the lesser Scotland ( for so heretofore they have beene distinguished ) that is to say , of Ireland , and the famous colonie deduced from thence into Albania : I will not follow the evill example of those that have of late laboured to make dissension betwixt the daughter and the mother , but accompt of them both , as of the same people . Tros Rutulúsve fuat , nullo discrimine habebo . That wee may therefore fall upon the matter in hand , without further preambles : two excellent rules doth S. Paul prescribe unto Christians for their direction in the wayes of God : the one , that they c be not unwise , but understanding what the will of God is ; the other , that they d be not more wise then behoveth to be wise , but be wise unto sobriety , and that wee might know the limits , within which this wisedome and sobrietie should be bounded ; hee elsewhere declareth , that not to be more wise then is fitting , is e not to bee wise above that which is written . Hereupon Sedulius ( one of the most ancient writers that remaineth of this countrey birth ) delivereth this for the meaning of the former rule ; f Search the Law , in which the will of God is contayned : and this for the later ; g He would be more wise then is meet , who searcheth those things that the Law doth not speake of . Vnto whom wee will adjoyne Claudius another famous Divine , ( counted one of the founders of the universitie of Paris ) who for the illustration of the former , affirmeth that men h therefore erre , because they know not the Scriptures ; and because they are ignorant of the Scriptures , they consequently know not Christ , who is the power of God and the wisedome of God : and for the clearing of the latter , bringeth in that knowne Canon of S. Hierome ; i This , because it hath not authoritie from the Scriptures , is with the same facilitie contemned , wherewith it is avowed . Neither was the practise of our ancestours herein different from their judgement . For as Bede touching the latter , recordeth of the successors of Colum-kille the great Saint of our countrey ; that they k observed onely those workes of pietie and chastitie , which they could learne in the Propheticall , Evangelicall and Apostolicall vvritings : so for the former , he specially noteth of one of the principall of them , to wit Bishop Aidan ; that l all such as went in his companie , whether they were shorne or laymen , were tyed to exercise themselves , eyther in the reading of Scriptures or in the learning of Psalmes . For the m continuall meditation of the Scriptures was held to give speciall vigour and vegetation to the soule ( as wee reade in the book attributed unto S. Patrick , of the abuses of the world : ) and the holy documents delivered therein , were esteemed by Christians as their chiefe riches ; according to that of Columbanus , n Sint tibi divitiae , divinae dogmata legis . In which heavenly riches our ancient Scottish and Irish did thrive so well , that manie worthie personages in forraine parts were content to undergoe a voluntarie exile from their owne countrey ; that they might more freely traffick here for so excellent a commoditie . And by this meanes Altfrid king of Northumberland , purchased the reputation of o a man most learned in the Scriptures . Scottorum qui tum versatus incola terris , Coelestem intento spirabat corde sophiam . Nam patriae fines & dulcialiquerat arva , Sedulus ut Domini mysteria disceret exul . as Bede writeth of him , in his Poëme of the life of our countreyman S. Cuthbert . So when wee reade in the same Bede of p Fursaeus , and in another ancient author of q Kilianus , that from the time of their very childehood , they had a care to learne the holy Scriptures : it may easily be collected , that in those dayes it was not thought a thing unfit , that even children should give themselves unto the studie of the Bible . Wherein how greatly some of them did profite in those tender yeares , may appeare by that which Boniface the first archbishop of Mentz , relateth of Livinus ( who was trained , up in his youth by Benignus in r the singing of Davids Psalmes , and the reading of the holy Gospells , and other divine exercises ) and Ionas of Columbanus ; in whose s brest the threasures of the holy Scriptures were so layd up , that within the compasse of his youthfull yeares he set forth an elegant exposition of the book of the Psalmes . by whose industrie likewise afterward , the studie of Gods word was so propagated ; that in the monasteries which were founded t according to his rule beyond the Seas , not the men onely but the religious women also did carefully attend the same , that through patience and comfort of the Scriptures they might have hope . See for this , the practise of the virgin u Bitihildis lying upon her death-bed ; reported by the same Ionas , or whosoever else was the author of the life of Burgundofora . As for the edition of the Scriptures used in these parts at those times : th● Latin translation was so received into common use among the learned , that the principall authoritie was still reserved to the originall fountaines . Therefore doth Sedulius in the Old Testament commend unto us x the Hebrew veritie ( for so with S. Hierome doth hee style it : ) and in the New correct oftentimes the vulgar Latin according to the truth of the Greeke copies . For example : in 1. Cor. 7.34 he readeth as we doe , There is difference betweene a wife and a virgin ; and not as the Rhemists have translated it out of the Latin. Rom. 12.19 . hee readeth , Non vosmetipsos vindicantes , not avenging your selves : where the vulgar Latin hath corruptly , Non vosmetipsos defendentes , not defending your selves . Rom. 3.4 . where the Rhemists translate according to the Latin , God is true : hee sheweth that in the Greek copies it is found , Let God be true , or , let God be made true . Rom. 15.17 . he noteth that the Latin bookes have put glory for gloriation . Galat. 1.16 . where the Rhemists have according to the Latin , I condescended not to flesh and blood : he saith , that in Graeco meliùs habet ( for so must his words be here corrected out of S. Hierome , whom he followeth ) the Greeke hath it better , I conferred not . Rom. 8.3 . where the Rhemists say of God , according to the Latin translation , that of sinne hee damned sinne in the flesh : Sedulius affirmeth , that veriùs habetur apud Graecos , it is more truely expressed in the Greek bookes ; that for sinne he damned sinne in the flesh . Lastly , where the Rhemists translate after their Latin copie , Gal. 5.9 . A little leaven corrupteth the whole paste : hee saith it should be , leaveneth , ( as we have it ) and y not , corrupteth , as it is ill read in the Latin bookes . So where they translate by the same authoritie , Gal. 6.1 . Instruct such an one in the spirit of lenitie : z Claudius , following S. Hierome , affirmeth that it is better in the Greeke , Restore or perfect him . and where they make S. Peter say , Matth. 16.22 . Lord , be it farre from thee : a he noteth , that it is better in the Greek ; Lord , favour thy selfe . The doctrine which these worthie men observed out of the Scriptures and the writings of the most approved Fathers , was this . that God b by his immoveable counsaile ( as Gallus speaketh in his Sermon preached at Constance ) ordained some of his creatures to prayse him , and to live blessedly from him and in him , and by him : namely , c by his eternall predestination , his free calling , and his grace which was due to none . that d hee hath mercie with great goodnesse , and hardneth without any iniquitie : so as neyther hee that is delivered can glory of his owne merits , nor hee that is condemned complaine but of his owne merits . forasmuch as grace onely maketh the distinction betwixt the redeemed and the lost ; who by a cause drawne from their common originall , vvere framed together into one masse of perdition . For e all mankinde stood condemned in the apostaticall roote ( of Adam ) with so just and divine a judgement ; that although none should be freed from thence , no man could rightly blame the justice of God : and such as were freed , must so have beene freed , that by those many which were not freed but left in their most just condemnation it might be shewed , what the whole lumpe had deserved . that the due judgement of God should have condemned even those that are justified , unlesse mercie had relieved them from that which was due : that so all the mouthes of them , which would glory of their merits , might be stopped ; and he that glorieth , might glorie in the Lord. They further taught ( as S. Augustin did ) that f Man using ill his Free will , lost both himselfe & it . that , as one by living is able to kill himselfe , but by killing himselfe is not able to live , nor hath power to rayse up himselfe when he hath killed himselfe : so when sinne had beene committed by freewill , sinne being the conqueror freewill also was lost ; forasmuch as of whom a man is overcome , of the same is he also brought in bondage ( 2. Pet. 2.19 . ) that unto a man thus brought in bondage and sold , there is no libertie left to do well , unlesse he redeeme him , whose saying is this ; If the Sonne make you free , yee shall be free indeed . ( Ioh. 8.36 . ) that g the minde of men from their very youth is set upon evill : there being not a man which sinneth not . that a man h hath nothing from himselfe , but sinne . that i God is the author of all good things , that is to say , both of good nature , and of goodwill ; which unlesse God do worke in him , man cannot doe . because this good will is prepared by the Lord in man ; that by the gift of God hee may doe that , which of himselfe hee could not doe by his owne free-will . that k the good will of man goeth before many gifts of God , but not all : & of those which it doth not go before , it selfe is one . For both of these is read in the holy Scriptures ; His mercie shall goe before me , and , His mercie shall follow me : it preventeth him that is unwilling that hee may will , and it followeth him that is willing , that hee will not in vaine . and that therefore vvee are admonished to aske that we may receive ; to the end , that what we doe will may be effected by him , by whom it was effected that vvee did so will. They taught also , that l the Law was not given , that it might take away sinne , but that it might shut up all under sinne : to the end that men , being by this meanes humbled , might understand that their salvation was not in their owne hand , but in the hand of a Mediator . that by the Law commeth , m neyther the remission nor the removeall , but the knowledge of sinnes : that it n taketh not away diseases , but discovereth them ; o forgiveth not sins , but condemneth them . that p the Lord God did impose it , not upon those that served righteousnesse , but sin ; namely by giving a just law to unjust men , to manifest their sinnes , and not to take them away : forasmuch as nothing taketh away sinnes but the grace of faith which worketh by love . That our q sinnes are freely forgiven us ; r without the merit of our workes : that s through grace wee are saved , by faith , and not by workes ; and that therefore we are to rejoyce , t not in our owne righteousnesse , or learning , but in the faith of the Crosse , by which all our sinnes are forgiven us . That u grace is abject and vaine , if it alone doe not suffice us : and that wee x esteeme basely of Christ , when we thinke that hee is not sufficient for us to salvation . That y God hath so ordered it , that he will be gracious to mankinde , if they doe beleeve that they shall be freed by the blood of Christ. that , as z the soule is the life of the bodie , so faith is the life of the soule : and that wee live a by faith only , as owing nothing to the Law. that b he who beleeveth in Christ , hath the perfection of the Law. For whereas none might be justified by the Law , because none did fulfill the Law , but only he which did trust in the promise of Christ : faith was appointed , which should be accepted for the perfection of the Law , that in all things which were omitted faith might satisfie for the whole Law. That this righteousnesse therefore is c not ours , nor in us , but in Christ ▪ in whom wee are considered as members in the head . That d faith , procuring the remission of sinnes by grace , maketh all beleevers the children of Abraham : and that e it was just , that as Abraham was justified by faith onely , so also the rest that followed his faith should be saved after the same maner . That f through adoption we are made the sonnes of God , by beleeving in the Sonne of God : and that this is g a testimonie of our adoption , that we have the spirit ; by which we pray , and cry Abba Father ; forasmuch as none can receive so great a pledge as this , but such as be sonnes onely . That h Moses himselfe made a distinction betwixt both the justices , to wit of faith and of deedes : that the one did by workes justifie him that came , the other by beleeving only . that i the Patriarches and the Prophets were not justified by the workes of the Law , but by faith . that k the custome of sinne hath so prevayled , that none now can fulfill the Law : as the Apostle Peter saith , Act. 15.10 . Which neyther our fathers nor wee have beene able to beare . But if there were any righteous men which did escape the curse : it was not by the workes of the Law , but for their faithes sake that they were saved . Thus did Sedulius and Claudius , two of our most famous Divines deliver the doctrine of free-will and grace , faith and workes , the Law and the Gospell , Iustification and Adoption ; no lesse agreeably to the faith which is at this day professed in the reformed . Churches , then to that which they themselves received from the more ancient Doctors , whom they did follow therein . Neyther doe wee in our judgement one whit differ from them , when they teach that l faith alone is not sufficient to life . For when it is said , that Faith alone justifieth : this word alone may be conceived to have relation either to the former part of the sentence , which in the schooles they terme the Subject ; or to the latter , which they call the Predicat . Being referred to the former , the meaning will be ; that such a faith as is alone ( that is to say , not accompanied with other vertues ) doth justifie : and in this sense wee utterly disclaime the assertion . But being referred to the latter , it maketh this sense ; that faith is it which alone or only iustifieth : and in this meaning onely doe wee defend that proposition ; understanding still by faith , not a dead carkase thereof ( for how should the iust be able to live by a dead faith ? ) but a true and lively faith , m which worketh by love . For as it is a certaine truth , that among all the members of the bodie , the eye is the only instrument whereby wee see ; and yet it is as true also , that the eye being alone , and seperated from the rest of the members , is dead , and for that cause doth neyther se● onely , nor see at all : so these two sayings likewise may stand well enough together , that among all the vertues in the soule , faith is the onely instrument whereby we lay hold upon Christ for our iustification ; and yet , that faith being alone , and disioyned from the societie of other graces , is dead in it selfe , ( as S. n Iames speaketh ) and in that respect can neyther only iustifie , nor iustifie at all . So though Claudius doe teach , as we doe , that o faith alone saveth us ; because by the workes of the law no man shall be justified : yet hee addeth withall this caution . p Not as if the workes of the law should be contemned , and without them a simple faith ( so hee calleth that solitarie faith whereof we spake , which is a simple faith indeed ) should be desired ; but that the workes themselves should be adorned with the faith of Christ. For that sentence of the wise man is excellent ; that the faithfull man doth not live by righteousnesse , but the righteous man by faith . In like maner Sedulius , acknowledgeth with us , that God q hath purposed by faith onely to forgive our sinnes freely , and r by faith onely to save the beleevers ; and that , when men have fallen , they are to be renewed s onely by the faith of Christ , which worketh by love . intimating by this last clause , that howsoever faith only be it which iustifieth the man , yet the worke of love is necessarily required ( for all that ) to iustifie the faith . And this faith ( saith t he ) when it hath beene justified , sticketh in the soyle of the soule like a root , which hath received a showre : that when it hath begun to be manured by the law of God , it may rise up againe into bowes , which may beare the fruit of workes . Therefore the root of righteousnesse doth not grow out of workes , but the fruit of workes out of the root of righteousnesse ; namely out of that roote of righteousnesse , which God doth accept for righteousnesse without workes . The conclusion is : that saving faith is alwaies a fruitfull faith ; and though it never goe alone , yet may there be some gift of God , which it alone is able to reach unto . as u Columbanus also implieth in that verse : Sola fides fidei dono ditabitur almo . The greatest depressers of Gods grace , and the advancers of mans abilities , were Pelagius and Celestius : the one borne in Brittaine ( as appeareth by Prosper Aquitanus ) the other in Scotland or Ireland ; as x Mr. Persons doth gather out of those words of S. Hierome in one of the Prefaces of his commentaries ( not upon Ezechiel , as he quoteth it , but ) upon Ieremy . y Hee hath his off-spring from the Scottish nation , neere to the Britans . Against these Palladius and Patricius , z sent into these parts by Celestinus Bishop of Rome , bent their forces : by whose meanes , the grounds of sound doctrine in these great points were well setled among the Scottish and Irish. And when the poyson of the contrarie heresie , about two hundred yeares after that , beganne to breake out among them againe : the Clergie of Rome in the yeare of our Lord DCXXXIX . ( during the vacancie of the See , upon the death of Severinus ) directed their letters unto them , for the preventing of this growing mischiefe . Wherein among other things they put them in minde , that a it is both blasphemy and folly to say , that a man is without sinne : which none at all can say , but that one mediator betwixt God and man , the man Christ Iesus , vvho was conceived and borne without sinne . Which is agreeable , partly to that of Claudius ; that b it is manifest unto all wise men , although it be contradicted by heretickes , that there is none who can live upon earth without the touch of some sinne : partly to that of Sedulius , that c there is none of the elect so great , whom the Divell doth not dare to accuse , but him alone who did no sinne , and who said ; The Prince of this world commeth now , and in me he findeth nothing . For touching the imperfection of our sanctification in this life , these men held the same that wee doe : to wit , that the Law d cannot be fulfilled ; that e there is none that doth good , that is to say , perfect and intire good . that f Gods elect shall be perfectly holy and immaculate in the life to come , where the Church of Christ shall have no spot nor wrinkle : whereas in this present life they are righteous , holy , and immaculate , not wholy , but in part only . that g the righteous shall then be without all kinde of sinne , vvhen there shall bee no law in their members , that shall resist the law of their mind . that although h sinne do not now raigne in their mortall body to obey the desires thereof : yet sinne dwelleth in that mortall body , the force of that natural custome being not yet extinguished , which we have gotten by our originall and increased by our actuall transgressions . And as for the matter of merit : Sedulius doth resolve us out of S. Paul , that wee are Saints i by the calling of God , not by the merit of our deed ; that God is able to doe exceeding aboundantly above all that we aske or thinke , k according to the power that worketh in us , not according to our merits ; that l whatsoever men have from God , is grace , because they have nothing of due ; and that m nothing can be found worthy or to be compared with the glory to come . The next point that offereth it selfe unto our consideration , is that of Purgatory . Whereof if anie man doe doubt ; n Caesarius ( a Germane Monke of the Cistercian order ) adviseth him for his resolution to make a iourney into Scotland ( the greater Scotland he meaneth ) and there to enter into S. Patricks Purgatory : and then he giveth him his word , that he shall no more doubt of the paines of Purgatory . If Doctor Terry ( who commendeth this unto us as the testimonie of o a most famous author ) should chance to have a doubtfull thought hereafter of the paines of Purgatory : I would wish his ghostly Father to injoine him no other penance , but the undertaking of a pilgrimage unto S. Patricks purgatorie ; to see whether he would prove any wiser when he came from thence , than when hee went thither . In the meane time , untill he hath made some further experiment of the matter , he shall give me leave to beleeve him that hath beene there , and hath cause to know the place as well as anie ( the Iland wherein it is seated , being held by him as a part of the inheritance descended unto him from his ancestors ) and yet professeth that he found nothing therein , which might afford him anie argument to thinke there was a Purgatorie . I passe by , that Nennius , and Probus , and all the elder writers of the life of S. Patrick that I have met withall , speake not one word of anie such place ; and that p Henry the monke of Saltrey , in the dayes of king Stephen , is the first in whom I could ever finde anie mention thereof . this onely would I know of the Doctor , what the reason might be , that where he bringeth in the words of Giraldus Cambrensis touching this place , as q an authenticall authoritie ; hee passeth over that part of his relation , wherein hee affirmeth , that S. Patrick intended by this meanes to bring the rude people to a perswasion of the certaintie r of the infernall paines of the reprobate , and of the true and everlasting life of the elect after death . The Grecians alledge this for one of their arguments against Purgatorie : that whereas s their Fathers had delivered unto them manie visions and dreames and other vvonders concerning the everlasting punishment wherewith the wicked should be tormented in Hell ; yet none of them had declared any thing concerning a purgatorie temporarie fire . Belike the Doctor was afraid , that wee would conclude upon the same ground ; that S. Patrick was carefull to plant in mens mindes the beleefe of Heaven and Hell , but of Purgatory taught them never a word . And sure I am , that in the book ascribed unto him , De tribus habitaculis , ( which is to be seene in his Majesties Librarie ) there is no mention of anie other place after this life , but of these two only . I will lay down here the beginning of that treatise ; and leave it to the iudgement of anie indifferent man , whether it can well stand with that which the Romanistes teach concerning Purgatorie at this day . t There be three habitations under the power of almightie God : the first , the lowermost , and the middle . The highest whereof is called the kingdome of God or the kingdome of Heaven , the lowermost is termed Hell , the middle is named the present World or the circuit of the Earth . The extremes whereof are altogether contrary one to another : ( for what fellowship can there be betwixt light and darkenesse , betwixt Christ & Belial ? ) but the middle hath some similitude with the extremes . For in this world there is a mixture of the bad and of the good together , whereas in the kingdome of God there are none bad , but all good : but in Hell there are none good , but all bad . And both those places are supplied out of the middle . For of the men of this world , some are lifted up to Heaven , others are drawne downe to Hell , namely , like are joyned unto like , that is to say , good to good , and bad to bad : just men to just Angells , wicked men to wicked Angels ; the servants of god to God , the servants of the divell to the Divell . The blessed are called to the kingdome prepared for them from the beginning of the world : the cursed are driven into the everlasting fire that is prepared for the Divell and his angels . Thus farre there : Hitherto also may be referred that ancient Canon of one of our Irish Synods , wherein it is affirmed , that the soule being separated from the bodie is u presented before the judgement seat of Christ , who rendreth it owne unto it , according as it hath done : and that neyther the Archangel can leade it unto life , untill the Lord hath judged it ; nor the Divell transport it unto paine , unlesse the Lord doe damne it . as the sayings of Sedulius likewise ; that after the end of this life , x eyther death or life succeedeth , and that y death is the gate by which wee enter into our kingdome : together with that of Claudius ; that z Christ did take upon him our punishment vvithout the guilt , that thereby he might loose our guilt , and finish also our punishment . Cardinall Bellarmine indeed alledgeth here against us the vision of Furseus : who a rising from the dead , told many things , which hee saw concerning the paines of purgatory ; as Bede , he saith , doth write . But , by his good leave , we will be better advised , before we build articles of faith upon such visions and dreames as these : manie wherof deserve to have a place among b the strange narrations of soules appearing after death , collected by Damascius the heathen Idolater ; rather than among the histories & discourses of sober Christians . As for this vision of Furseus : all that Bede relateth of it to this purpose , is concerning certaine great fires above the ayre , appointed to c examine every one according to the merits of his workes . which peradventure may make something for Damascius his Purgatorie in Circulo lacteo ( for in that circle made he d a way for the soules that went to the Hades in heaven ; and e would not have us wonder , that there they should be purged by the way : ) but nothing for the Papists Purgatorie , which Bellarmine by the common consent of the Schoolemen determineth to be within the bowels of the earth . Neyther is there anie thing else in the whole book of the life of Furseus ( whence Bede borrowed these things ) that looketh toward Purgatorie : unlesse peradventure that speech of the Divell may be thought to give some advantage unto it . f This man hath not purged his sinnes upon earth ; neyther doth he receive punishment for them here . Where is therefore the justice of God ? as if Gods justice were not sufficiently satisfied by the sufferings of Christ ; but man also must needes give futther satisfaction thereunto by penall workes or sufferings , either here or in the other world . which is the ground , upon which our Romanists doe lay the rotten frame of their devised Purgatorie . The latter visions of Malachias , Tundal , Owen , and others that lived within these last five hundred yeares ; come not within the compasse of our present inquirie : nor yet the fables that have bene framed in those times , touching the lives and actions of elder Saints ; whereof no wise man will make anie reckoning . Such ( for example ) is that which we reade in the life of S. Brendan : that the question being moved in his hearing , g Whether the sinnes of the dead could be redeemed by the prayers or almes-deeds of their friends remayning in this life ( for that was still a question in the Church : ) he is said to have told them , that on a certaine night , as he sayled in the great Ocean , the soule of one Colman h ( who had beene an angry Monke , and a sower of discord betwixt brethren ) appeared unto him ; who complained of his grievous torments , intreated that prayers might be made to God for him , and after sixe dayes thankefully acknowledged that by meanes thereof he had gotten into heaven . Whereupon it is concluded , i that the prayer of the living doth profit much the dead . But of S. Brendans sea-pilgrimage , we have the censure of Molanus a learned Romanist ; that there be k many apocryphall fooleries in it : & whosoever readeth the same with anie judgement , cannot choose but pronounce of it , as Photius doth of the strange narrations of Damascius , formerly mentioned ; that it containeth not onely apocryphall but also l impossible , incredible , ill-composed , and monstrous fooleries . Whereof though the old Legend it selfe were not free ( as by the heads thereof , touched by Glaber Rodulphus and Giraldus Cambrensis , may appeare ) yet for the tale that I recited out of the m New Legend of England , I can say , that in the manuscript books which I have met withall here , in S. Brendans own countrey , ( one whereof was transcribed for the use of the Friars minors of Kilkenny , about the yeare of our Lord 1350. ) there is not the least footstep thereof to be seene . And this is a thing verie observable in the ancienter lives of our Saints ( such I meane , as have beene written before the time of Satans loosing ; beyond which we doe not now looke : ) that the prayers and oblations for the dead mentioned therein , are expressely noted to have been made for them , whose soules were supposed at the same instant to have rested in blisse . So Adamnanus reporteth , that S. Colme ( called by the Irish , both in n Bedes and our dayes , Colum-kille ) o caused all things to be prepared , for the sacred ministerie of the Eucharist ; when he had seene the soule of S. Brendan received by the holy Angells : and that hee did the like , when Columbanus Bishop of Leinster departed this life . for I must to day ( saith S. Colme p there ) although I be unworthy , celebrate the holy mysteries of the Eucharist , for the reverence of that soule which this night , carried beyond the starry firmament betwixt the holy quires of Angells , ascended into Paradise . Whereby it appeareth , that an honourable commemoration of the dead was herein intended , and a sacrifice of thanksgiving for their salvation rather then of propitiation for their sinnes . In Bede also wee finde mention of the like obsequies celebrated by S. Cuthbert for one Hadwaldus ; after q he had seene his soule carried by the hands of Angells unto the joyes of the kingdome of heaven . So Gallus and Magnus ( as Walafridus Strabus relateth in the life of the one , and Theodorus Campidonensis or whosoever else was author of the life of the other ) r said Masse ( which what it was in those dayes , wee shall afterward heare ) and were instant in prayers for the commemoration of abbat Columbanus their countreyman ; s frequenting the memory of that great Father , with holy prayers , and healthfull sacrifices . Where that speech of Gallus unto his deacon Magnus or Magnoaldus , is worthie of speciall consideration : t After this nights watch , I understood by a vision , that my master and father Columbanus is to day departed out of the miseries of this life unto the joyes of Paradise . For his rest therefore I ought to offer the sacrifice of salvation . In like maner also , when Gallus himselfe died ; u Iohn Bishop of Constance prayed to the Lord for his rest , and offered healthfull sacrifices for him : although he were certainly perswaded that hee had attained the blessing of everlasting life ; as may be seene in Walafridus . And when Magnus afterwards was in his death-bed , he is said to have used these words unto Tozzo Bishop of Ausborough , that came to visite him . x Doe not weepe , reverend Prelate , because thou beholdest me labouring in so manie stormes of worldly troubles : because I beleeve in the mercie of God , that my soule shall rejoyce in the freedome of immortalitie . yet I beseech thee , that thou wilt not cease to helpe me a sinner and my soule with thy holy prayers . Then followeth : that at the time of his departure , this voice was heard ; y Come , Magnus , come , receive the crowne vvhich the Lord hath prepared for thee . and that thereupon Tozzo said unto Theodorus ( the supposed writer of this historie ) z Let us cease weeping , brother ; because wee ought rather to rejoyce , having heard this signe of the receiving of his soule unto immortalitie , than to make lamentation . but let us goe to the Church , and be carefull to offer healthfull sacrifices to the Lord for so deare a friend . I dispute not of the credite of these particular passages : it is sufficient , that the authors from whom wee have received them , lived within the compasse of those times , whereof we now doe treate . For thereby it is plaine enough ( and if it be not , it shall elsewhere be made yet more plaine ) that in those elder dayes it was an usuall thing , to make prayers and oblations for the rest of those soules , which were not doubted to have beene in glorie : and consequently , that neyther the Commemoration nor the Praying for the dead nor the Requiem Masses of that age , have anie necessarie relation to the beleefe of Purgatory . The lesson therefore which Claudius teacheth us here out of S. Hierome , is verie good : that a while wee are in this present world , we may be able to helpe one another , eyther by our prayers or by our counsailes , but when vvee shall come before the judgement seat of Christ , neyther Iob nor Daniel nor Noah can intreate for any one , but every one must beare his owne burden . and the advise which the no lesse learned then godly abbat Columbanus giveth us , is verie safe : not to pitch upon uncertainties hereafter , but now to trust in God , and follow the precepts of Christ ; while our life doth yet remaine , and while the times , wherin we may obtayne salvation , are certaine . Vive Deo fidens ( saith b he ) Christi praecepta sequēdo ; Dum modò vita manet , dum tempora certa salutis . Touching the worship of God ( that I may now come to that point ) Sedulius delivereth this generall rule : that to c adore any other beside the Father , and the Sonne , and the holy Ghost , is the crime of impietie ; and that d all that the soule oweth unto God , if it bestow it upon any beside God , it committeth adultery . More particularly , in the matter of Images , e he reproveth the wise men of the heathen , for thinking that they had found out a way , how the invisible God might be worshipped by a visible image : with whom also accordeth Claudius ; that f God is to be knowen , neyther in mettle nor in stone . and for Oathes , there is a Canon ascribed to S. Patrick ; wherein it is determined , that g no creature is to be swor●e by , but onely the Creator . As for the forme of the Liturgie or publick service of God , which the same S. Patrick brought into this countrey : it is said , that he received it from Germanus and Lupus ; and that it originally descended from S. Marke the Evangelist . for so have I seene it set down in an ancient fragment , written wellnigh 900. yeares since : remayning now in the Library of Sir Robert Cotton , my worthy friend ; who can never sufficiently be commended , for his extraordinarie care , in preserving all rare monuments of this kinde . Yea S. Hieroms authoritie is there vouched for proofe hereof . Beatus Hieronymus adfirmat , quòd ipsum cursum , qui dicitur praesente tempore Scottorum , beatus Marcus decantavit . which being not now to be found in anie of S. Hieroms workes , the truth thereof I leave unto the credite of the reporter . But whatsoever Liturgie was used here at first : this is sure , that in the succeeding ages no one generall forme of divine service was retayned , but diverse rites and maners of celebrations were observed in diverse parts of this kingdome ; untill the Romane use was brought in at last by Gillebertus and Malachias and Christianus , who were the Popes Legates here about 500. yeares agoe . This Gillebertus ( an old acquaintance of h Anselme Archbishop of Canterbury ) in the Prologue of his booke De usu ecclesiastico , directed to the whole Clergie of Ireland , writeth in this maner . i At the request , yea and at the command of manie of you ( dearely beloved ) I indevoured to set downe in writing the canonical custome in saying of Houres , and performing the Office of the whole Ecclesiasticall Order ; not presumptuously , but in desire to serve your most godly command : to the end that those diverse and schismaticall Orders , wherewith in a maner all Ireland is deluded , may give place to one Catholick and Romane Office. For vvhat may bee said to be more undecent or schismaticall ; then that the most learned in one order , should be made as a private and lay man in another mans Church ? These beginnings were presently seconded by Malachias : in whose life , written by Bernard , wee reade as followeth . k The Apostolicall constitutions , and the decrees of the holy Fathers , but especially the customes of the holy Church of Rome , did he establish in all Churches . And hence it is , that at this day the canonicall Houres are chanted and song therein , according to the maner of the whole earth : whereas before that , this was not done , no not in the citie it selfe . ( the poore citie of Ardmagh he meaneth . ) But Malachias had learned song in his youth , and shortly after caused singing to be used in his owne Monasterie ; when as yet , aswell in the citie as in the whole Bishoprick , they eyther knew not , or would not sing . Lastly , the work was brought to perfection , when Christianus Bishop of Lismore , as Legate to the Pope , was President in the Councell of Casshell : wherein a speciall order was taken for l the right singing of the Ecclesiasticall Office ; and a generall act established , that m all divine offices of holy Church should from thenceforth be handled in all parts of Ireland , according as the Church of England did observe them . The statutes of which Councell were n confirmed by the Regall authority of King Henry the second ; o by whose mandate , the Bishops that met therein were assembled , in the yeare of our Lord 1172. as Giraldus Cambrensis witnesseth , in his historie of the Conquest of Ireland . And thus late was it , before the Romane use was fully settled in this kingdome . The publick Liturgie or service of the Church , was of old named the Masse : even then also , when prayers only were said , without the celebration of the holy Communion . So the last Masse that S. Colme was ever present at , is noted by p Adamnanus to have beene vespertinalis Dominicae noctis Missa . He dyed the midnight following ; whence the Lords day tooke his beginning ( 9º viz. Iunij , anno Dom. 597. ) according to the account of the Romanes : which the Scottish and Irish seeme to have begunne from the evening going before ▪ and then was that evening Masse said : which in all likelyhood , differed not from those 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 mentioned by q Leo the Emperour in his Tacticks , that is to say , from that which wee call Even-song or Evening prayer . But the name of the Masse was in those dayes more specially applied to the administration of the Lords Supper : and therefore in the same r Adamnanus we see that Sacra Eucharistiae ministeria and Missarum solemnia , the sacred ministerie of the Eucharist and the solemnities of the Masse , are taken for the same thing . So likewise in the s relation of the passages that concerne the obsequies of Columbanus , performed by Gallus and Magnoaldus ; we finde that Missam celebrare and Missas agere , is made to be the same with Divina celebrare mysteria and Salutis hostiam ( or salutare sacrificium ) immolare : the saying of Masse , the same with the celebration of the divine mysteries and the oblation of the healthfull sacrifice ▪ for by that terme was the administration of the sacrament of the Lords Supper at that time usually designed . For as in our t beneficence , and communicating unto the necessities of the poore ( which are sacrifices wherewith God is well pleased ) we are taught to give both our selves and our almes , first unto the Lord , and after unto our brethren by the will of God : so is it in this ministerie of the blessed Sacrament . the service is first presented unto God , ( from which , as from a most principall part of the dutie , the sacrament it selfe is called the Eucharist ; because therein we u offer a speciall sacrifice of praise & thankesgiving alwayes unto God ) and then communicated unto the use of Gods people . in the performance of which part of the service , both the minister was said to give , and the communicant to receive the sacrifice : as well as in respect of the former part , they were said to offer the same unto the Lord. For they did not distinguish the Sacrifice from the Sacrament , as the Romanists doe now adayes : but used the name of Sacrifice indifferently , both of that which was offered unto God , and of that which was given to and received by the communicant . Therefore we read of offering the sacrifice to God : as in that speech of Gallus to his scholler Magnoaldus ; x My master Columbanus is accustomed to offer unto the Lord the sacrifice of salvation in brasen vessels . Of giving the sacrifice to man : as when it is said in one of the ancient Synods of Ireland , that y a Bishop by his Testament may bequeath a certain proportiō of his goods for a legacie to the Priest that giveth him the sacrifice . and of receiving the sacrifice from the hands of the minister : as in that sentence of the Synod attributed unto S. Patrick ; z He who deserveth not to receive the sacrifice in his life , how can it helpe him after his death ? and in that glosse of Sedulius upon 1 Cor. 11.33 . a Tarry one for another , that is , ( saith he ) untill you doe receive the sacrifice . Whereby it doth appeare , that the sacrifice of the elder times was not like unto the new Masse of the Romanists , wherein the Priest doth eate and drinke alone , the people being only lookers on ; but unto our Communion , where all that are present at the holy action do b eate of the Altar , as well as they that serve the Altar . Againe , they that are communicants in the Romish sacrament , receive the Eucharist in one kinde onely : the Priest in offering of the sacrifice receiveth the same distinctly , both by way of meate and by way of drinke ; which they tell us c is chiefely done , for the integritie of the Sacrifice and not of the Sacrament . For in the Sacrifice , they say , d the severall elements be consecrated , not into Christs whole person as it was borne of the Virgin or now is in heaven : but the bread into his body apart , as betrayed , broken , and given for us ; the wine into his blood apart , as shed out of his body for remission of sinnes and dedication of the new Testament , which be conditions of his person as he was in sacrifice and oblation . But our ancestours , in the use of their Sacrament , received the Eucharist in both kindes : not being so acute as to discerne betwixt the things that belonged unto the integritie of the sacrifice & of the sacrament ; because , in verie truth , they tooke the one to be the other . Thus Bede relateth , that one Hildmer , an officer of Egfrid king of Northumberland , intreated our Cuthbert e to send a Priest that might minister the sacraments of the Lords body and blood unto his wife that then lay a dying : and Cuthbert himselfe , immediately before his owne departure out of this life , received the communion of the Lords body and blood ; as f Herefride abbat of the monasterie of Lindisfarne ( who was the man that at that time ministred the sacrament unto him ) made report unto the same Bede . who elsewhere also particularly noteth , that he then tasted of the cuppe . g Pocula degustat vitae , Christique supinum Sanguine munit iter . least anie man should think , that under the formes of bread alone he might be said to have beene partaker of the body & blood of the Lord , by way of Concomitance : which is a toy , that was not once dreamed of in those dayes . So that we need not to doubt , what is meant by that which we reade in the booke of the life of Furseus ( which was written before the time of Bede ) that h he received the communion of the holy body and blood ; and that he was wished to admonish i the Pastors of the Church , that they should strengthen the soules of the faithfull with the spirituall food of doctrine , and the participation of the holy body and blood . or of that which Cogitosus writeth in the life of S. Brigid , touching the place in the Church of Kildare ; k whereunto the Abbatesse with her maidens and widdowes used to resort , that they might enjoy the banquet of the body and blood of Iesus Christ. which was agreeable to the practise , not only of the Nunneries founded beyond the seas according to the rule of Columbanus ; where the Virgins l received the body of the Lord , and sipped his blood ( as appeareth by that which Ionas relateth of Domna , in the life of Burgundofora : ) but also of S. Brigid her selfe , who was the foundresse of the monasterie of Kildare ; one of whose miracles is reported , even in the later Legends , to have happened when she was about to drinke out of the Chalice , at the time of her receiving of the Eucharist . which they that list to looke after , may finde in the collections of Capgrave , Surius , and such like . But , you will say ; these testimonies that have beene alledged , make not so much for us , in proving the use of the communion under both kindes , as they make against us , in confirming the opinion of Transubstantiation : seeing they all specifie the receiving , not of bread and wine , but of the body and blood of Christ. I answer , that forasmuch as Christ himselfe at the first institution of his holy Supper did say expressely ; This is my body , and , This is my blood : hee deserveth not the name of a Christian , that will question the truth of that saying , or refuse to speake in that language , which hee hath heard his Lord and Master use before him . The question onely is , in what sense , and after what maner , these things must be conceived to be his body & blood . Of which there needed to be little question : if men would be pleased to take into their consideration these two things ; which were never doubted of by the ancient , and have most evident ground in the context of the Gospell . First , that the subject of those sacramentall propositions delivered by our Saviour ( that is to say , the demonstrative particle THIS ) can have reference to no other substance , but that which he then held in his sacred hands , namely , bread and wine : which are of so different a nature from the body and blood of Christ , that the one cannot possibly in proper sense be said to be the other ; as the light of common reason doth force the Romanists themselves to confesse . Secondly , that in the predicate , or later part of the same propositions , there is not mention made onely of Christs body and blood ; but of his body broken , and his blood shedd : to shew , that his body is to be considered here apart , not as it was borne of the Virgin or now is in heaven , but as it was broken and crucified for us , and his blood likewise apart , not as running in his veynes , but as shedd out of his body ; which the Rhemists have told us to be conditions of his person , as he was in sacrifice and oblation . And least we should imagine , that his bodie were otherwise to be considered in the sacrament then in the sacrifice ; in the one alive , as it is now in heaven , in the other dead , as it was offered upon the crosse : the Apostle putteth the matter out of doubt , that not only the minister in offering , but also the people in receiving , even m as often as they eate this bread and drinke this cup , doe shew the Lords death untill he come . Our elders surely , that held the sacrifice to be given and received ( for so we have heard themselves speake ) as well as offered ; did not consider otherwise of Christ in the sacrament then as he was in sacrifice and oblation . If here therefore , Christs body be presented as broken and livelesse , and his blood as shedd forth and severed from his body ; and it be most certaine , that there are no such things now really existent anie where ( as is confessed on all hands : ) then must it follow necessarily , that the bread and wine are not converted into these things really . The n Rhemists indeed tell us , that when the Church doth offer and sacrifice Christ daily ; he in mysterie and sacrament dieth . Further then this they durst not go : for if they had said , he died really ; they should thereby not only make themselves daily killers of Christ , but also directly crosse that principle of the Apostle , Rom. 6.9 . Christ being raysed from the dead dyeth no more . If then the bodie of Christ in the administration of the Eucharist be propounded as dead ( as hath bin shewed ) & die it cannot really but only in mysterie and sacramēt : how can it be thought to be contayned under the outward elements , otherwise then in sacramēt & mysterie ? and such as in times past were said to have received the sacrifice from the hand of the Priest ; what other body and blood could they expect to receive therein , but such as was sutable to the nature of that sacrifice , to wit , mysticall and sacramentall ? Coelius Sedulius ( to whom Gelasius Bishop of Rome , with his Synod of LXX . Bishops , giveth the title of o venerable Sedulius ; and Hildephonsus Toletanus of the p good Sedulius , the Evangelicall poët , the eloquent orator , and the catholick writer ) is by Trithemius and others supposed to be the same with our q Sedulius of Scotland ( or Ireland ) whose Collections are extant upon S. Paules Epistles : although I have forborne hitherto to use anie of his testimonies , because I have some reason to doubt , whether he were the same with our Sedulius or no. But Coelius Sedulius ( whatsoever countreyman he was ) intimateth plainly , that the things offered in the Christian sacrifice , are the fruit of the corne and of the vine : ( r Denique Pontificum princeps summusque Sacerdos Quis nisi Christus adest ? gemini libaminis author , Ordine Melchisedech , cui dantur munera semper Quae sua sunt , segetis fructus , & gaudia vitis . ) or , as he expresseth it in his prose , s the sweet meate of the seed of vvheat , and the lovely drinke of the pleasant vine . Of Melchisedek ( according to whose order Christ , and he onely , was Priest ) our owne Sedulius writeth thus : t Melchisedek offered wine and bread to Abraham , for a figure of Christ , offering his body and blood unto God his father upon the Crosse. Where note , that first hee saith , Melchisedek offered bread and wine to Abraham , not to God : and secondly , that he was a figure of Christ offering his body and blood upon the crosse , not in the Eucharist . But we ( saith u he ) doe offer daily , for a commemoration of the Lords passion ( once performed ) and our own salvation . and elsewhere , expounding those words of our Saviour , Do this in remembrance of me ; he bringeth in this similitude , used before and after him by others . x He left a memory of himselfe unto us : even as if one that were going a farre journey , should leave some token with him whom he loved ; that as oft as he beheld it , he might call to remembrance his benefites and friendshippe . Claudius noteth , that our Saviours y pleasure was , first to deliver unto his disciples the sacrament of his body and blood ; and afterwards to offer up the body it selfe upon the altar of the crosse : thereby plainely distinguishing the sacrament from the body represented thereby . and for the sacramentall relation betwixt the one and the other , he yeeldeth this reason . z Because bread doth confirme the body , and wine doth worke blood in the flesh : therfore the one is mystically referred to the body of Christ , the other to his blood . Which doctrine of Claudius Scotus ( that the sacrament is in it owne nature bread and wine , but the body and blood of Christ by mysticall relation ) was within fiftie or threescore yeares afterwards so fully maintayned by Iohannes Scotus in a booke that he purposely wrote of that argument : that when it was alledged and extolled by Berengarius ; Pope Leo ( the ninth ) with his Bishops assembled in Synodo Vercellensi , ano. Domi. 1050. ( which was 235. yeares after the time that Claudius wrote his commentaries upon S. Matthew ) had no other meanes to avoyde it , but by flatt a condemning of it . Of what great esteeme this Iohn was with king Alfred , may be seene in William of Malmesbury , Roger Hoveden , Matthew of Westminster and other writers of the English historie . The King himselfe , in the preface before his Saxon translation of S. Gregories Pastorall , professeth that hee was holpen in that worke by b Iohn his Masse-priest . By whom if he did meane this Iohn of ours : you may see , how in those dayes a man might be held a Masse-priest , who was farre enough from thinking that he offered up the very body and blood of Christ really present under the formes of bread and wine ; which is the onely Masse that our Romanists take knowledge of . Of which wonderfull point how ignorant our elders were , even this also may be one argument : that the author of the book of the wonderful things of the holy Scripture ( who is accounted to have lived here , about the yeare of our Lord DCLVII . ) passeth this quite over , which is now esteemed to be the wonder of all wonders . And yet doth he professe , that hee c purposed to passe over nothing of the wonders of the Scripture , wherein they might seeme notably to swerve from the ordinary administration in other things . Only when he commeth to the apocryphall additions of Daniel he telleth us , that what is reported d touching the lake ( or denne ) and the carrying of Abackuk , in the fable of Bel and the Dragon , is not therefore placed in this ranke , because these things have not the authoritie of divine Scripture . as also , when he commeth to the Maccabees : e In the books of the Maccabees , saith he , howsoever some wonderfull things be found , which might conveniently be inserted into this ranke ; yet will vvee not weary our selves with any care thereof : because we onely purposed to touch in some measure a short historicall exposition of the wonderfull things contayned in the divine Canon . Which two last sentences I thought good not to pretermitt : because thereby men may see , that in the distinction of the apocryphall books from the Canonicall , wee still retaine the tradition of our ancestours ; which the late Romanists have openly forsaken . Who , as they have increased the Canon of the divine Scriptures , by addition of other books not received into that ranke by the ancient Church : so have they augmented the number of the Sacraments , by intruding into that reckoning five new ones ; to wit , Confirmation , Penance ( which carrieth sacramentall Confession and Absolution with it ) Matrimony , Orders , and Extreme Vnction . Of the last of which I finde no mention at all , of the next to that , very frequent mention , but no where as of a sacrament ; in anie of our writings , that may appeare to have beene written before the Hildebrandine times . Touching the rest , Bernard reporteth , that Malachias in his time ( which was after Hildebrands dayes ) did f of the new institute the most wholsome use of Confession , the sacrament of Confirmation , and the contract of marriages : all which he saith the Irish before were eyther ignorāt of , or did neglect . Which , for the matter of Confession , may receive som further confirmation frō the testimonie of Alcuinus : who writing unto the Scottish ( or , as other copies read , the Gothish ) & cōmending the religious conversation of their laity , who g in the midst of their worldly employments were said to leade a most chaste life ; condemneth notwithstanding another custome , which was said to have continued in that countrey . For h it is said ( quoth he ) that no man of the la●tie will make his confession to the Priests ; whom we beleeve to have received from the Lord Christ , the power of binding and loosing , together with the holy Apostles . They had no reason indeed to hold ( as Alcuinus did ) that they ought to confesse unto a Priest all the sinnes they could remember : but upon speciall occasions , they did ( no doubt ) both publikely and privately make confession of their faults ; aswell that they might receive counsaile and direction for their recoverie , as that they might be made partakers of the benefite of the keyes , for the quieting of their troubled consciences . Whatsoever the Gothish did herein : sure we are , that this was the practise of the ancient Scottish and Irish. So we reade of one Fiachna or Fechnau● , that being touched with remorse for some offence committed by him , he fell at S. Colmes feet , lamented bitterly , and i confessed his sinnes before all that were there present . Whereupon the holy man , weeping together with him , is said to have returned this answer : k Rise up , Sonne , and be comforted , thy sinnes which thou hast committed are forgiven ; because ( as it is written ) a contrite and an humbled heart God doth not despise . Wee reade also of Adamanus , that being verie much terrified with the remembrance of a grievous sinne committed by him in his youth ; he l resorted unto a Priest , by whom he hoped the way of salvation might be shewed unto him , he confessed his guilt , and intreated that hee would give him counsel , whereby he might flee from the wrath of God that was to come . Now the counfell commonly given unto the Penitent after Confession , was ; that he should m wipe away his sinnes by meet fruits of repentance : which course Bede observeth to have beene usually prescribed by our Cuthbert . For penances were then exacted , as testimonies of the sinceritie of that inward repentance which was necessarily required for obtayning remission of the sinne : and so had reference to the taking away of the guilt , and not of the temporall punishment remayning after the forgivenesse of the guilt ; which is the new found use of penances , invented by our later Romanists . One old Penitentiall Canon we finde laid downe in a Synod held in this countrey about the yere of our Lord CCCCXL. by S. Patrick , Auxilius , and Isserninus : which is as followeth . n A Christian who hath kild a man , or committed fornication , or gone unto a southsayer after the maner of the Gentiles , for every of those crimes shall doe a yeare of Penance : when his yeare of penance is accomplished , he shall come with witnesses , and afterward he shall be absolved by the Priest. These Bishops did take order ( we see ) according to the discipline generally used in those times , that the penance should first be performed ; and when long and good proofe had beene given by that meanes of the truth of the parties repentance , they wished the Priest to impart unto him the benefit of Absolution ▪ whereas by the new devise of sacramental penance the matter is now far more easily transacted : by vertue of the keyes the sinner is instantly of attrite made contrite , and thereupon as soone as he hath made his Confession he presently receiveth his Absolution : after this , some sorie penance is imposed , which upon better consideration may be converted into pence ; and so a quick end is made of manie a foule businesse . But for the right use of the keyes , wee fully accord with Claudius : that o the office of remitting and retayning sinnes which was given unto the Apostles , is now in the Bishops and Priests committed unto every Church . namely , that having taken knowledge of the causes of such as have sinned , as many as they shall behold humble and truely penitent , those they may now vvith compassion absolve from the feare of everlasting death ; but such as they shall discerne to persist in the sinnes which they have committed , those they may declare to be bound over unto never ending punishments . And in thus absolving such as be truely penitent , we willingly yeeld , that the Pastors of Gods Church doe remit sinnes after their maner , that is to say , ministerially and improperly : so that the priviledge of forgiving sinnes properly and absolutely , be still reserved unto God alone . Which is at large set out by the same Claudius ; where he expoundeth the historie of the man sicke of the palsey , that was cured by our Saviour in the ninth of S. Matthew . For following Bede , upon that place , he writeth thus . p The Scribes say true , that none can forgive sinnes but God alone ; vvho also forgiveth by them , to vvhom he hath given the power of forgiving . And therefore is Christ proved to be truely God ; because hee forgiveth sinnes as God. They render a true testimony unto God : but in denying the person of Christ , they are deceived . and againe . q If it be God that , according to the Psalmist , removeth our sinnes as farre from us , as the East is distant from the West ; and the Sonne of man hath power upon earth to forgive sinnes : therefore hee himselfe is both God and the Sonne of man. that both the man Christ might by the power of his divinitie forgive sinnes ; and the same Christ being God , might by the frailtie of his humanitie dye for sinners . and out of S. Hierome : r Christ sheweth himselfe to be God , vvho can know the hidden things of the heart ; and after a sort holding his peace he speaketh . By the same majestie & power , wherby I behold your thoughts , I can also forgive sinnes unto men . In like maner doth the author of the booke of the wonderfull things of the Scripture observe these s divine workes in the same historie : the forgiving of sinnes , the present cure of the disease , and the answering of the thoughts by the mouth of God who searcheth all things . With whom , for the propertie of beholding the secret thoughts , Sedulius also doth concurre , in those sentences . t God alone can know the hidden things of men . u To know the hearts of men , and to discerne the secrets of the minde , is the priviledge of God alone . That the contract of Marriages , was either unknown or neglected by the Irish , before Malachias did institute the same anew among them ( as Bernard doth seeme to intimate ) is a thing almost incredible . although x Giraldus Cambrensis doth complaine that the case was little better with them after the time of Malachias also . The licentiousnesse of those ●uder times , I know , was such , as may easily induce us to beleeve , that a great both neglect and abuse of Gods ordinance did get footing among this people . Which enormities Malachias , no doubt , did labour to reforme : and withall peradventure brought in some new matters , not knowne here before ; as he was very desirous , his countrymen should generally conforme themselves unto the traditions and customes of the Church of Rome . But our purpose is here onely to deale with the doctrine and practise of the elder times : in which , first , that Marriage was not held to be a sacrament , may be collected from y Sedulius , who reckoneth it among those things , which are gifts indeed , but not spirituall . Secondly , for the degrees of Consanguinitie hindering marriage , the Synod attributed unto S. Patrick seemeth to referre us wholly unto the Leviticall law ; prescribing therein z neyther lesse nor more then the Law speaketh : and particularly , against matching with the wife of the deceased brother ( which was the point so much questioned in the case of King Henry the eight ) this a Synodicall decree is there urged . The brother may not ascend into the bed of his deceased brother : the Lord having said , They two shall be one flesh . Therefore the wife of thy brother , is thy sister . Yet how farre this abuse prevayled afterward in this countrey , and how foule a crime it was esteemed to be by others abroad ( notwithstanding the Pope doth now by his Bulls of dispensation take upon him to make a faire matter of it ) may easily be perceived by this censure of Giraldus : b Moreover , saith he , which is very detestable , and most contrarie not onely to the faith but also unto common honestie ; brethren in many places throughout Ireland doe , I say not marry , but marre rather and seduce the wives of their deceased brothers , while in this sort they filthily and incestuously have knowledge of them : cleaving herein not to the marrow but to the barke of the old testament , and desiring to imitate the ancient in vices more vvillingly then in vertues . Thirdly , touching divorces , we reade in Sedulius ; that c it is not lawful , according to the precept of our Lord , that the wife should be put away , but for the cause of fornication . and in the Synod ascribed to S. Patrick . d It is not lawfull for a man to put away his wife , but for the cause of fornication , as if he should say ; for this cause , he may . Whence if he marry another , as it were after the death of the former , they forbid it not . Who they were , that did not forbid this second marriage , is not there expressed : that S. Patrick himselfe was of another minde , would appeare by this constitution following ; which in another ancient Canon-book I found cited under his name . e If any mans wife have committed adulterie with another man : hee shall not marry another wife , as long as the first wife shall be alive . If peradventure she be converted , and doe penance : hee shall receive her ; and she shal serve him in the place of a mayd servant . Let her for a whole yeare doe penance in bread and water , and that by measure : neyther let them remaine in the same bedd together . Fourthly , concerning single life , I doe not finde in anie of our records , that it was generally imposed upon the Clergie ; but the contrarie rather . For in the Synod held by S. Patrick , Auxilius , and Isserninus ; there is a speciall order taken , f that their wives shall not walke abroad , with their heads uncovered . And S. Patrick himselfe confesseth ( at leastwise the Confession which goeth under his name saith so ; and Probus , Iocelinus , and others that write his life , agree therewith ) that he g had to his father Calpurnius a Deacon , and to his grandfather Potitus a Priest. True it is , that for the most part the Clergie here did live unmarried : but the speciall reason thereof was , because h almost all the prelates of Ireland were chosen into the Clergie out of monasteries , not because that secular Priests were by any law debarred from marriage . For our monasteries in ancient time were the seminaries of the ministerie : being as it were so many Colledges of learned divines , whereunto the people did usually resort for instruction , and from whence the Church was wont continually to be supplied with able ministers . The benefite whereof was not onely contayned within the limits of this Iland , but did extend it selfe to forraine countries likewise . For this was it that drew i Egbert and Ceadda ( for example ) into Ireland ; that they might there leade a monasticall life in prayers and continencie and meditation of the holy Scriptures : and hence were those famous monasteries planted in England by Aidan , Finan , Colman , and others ; unto which k the people flockt apace on the Lords day ; not for the feeding of their body , but for the learning of the word of God , as Beda witnesseth . Yea this was the principall meanes , whereby the knowledge both of the Scriptures and of all other good learning was preserved , in that inundation of babarisme , wherewith the whole West was in a maner overwhelmed . Hitherto ( saith l Curio ) it might seeme that the studies of wisedome should quite have perished ; unlesse God had reserved a seed in some corner of the world . Among the Scottish and the Irish something as yet remayned of the doctrine of the knowledge of God and of civill honestie ; because there was no terrour of armes in those utmost ends of the world . And we may there behold and adore the great goodnesse of God ; that among the Scotts , and in those places where no man would have thought it , so many great companies should be gathered together under a most strict discipline . How strict their discipline was , may appeare partly by the Rule & partly by the Daily penances of Monkes ; which are yet extant of Columbanus his writing . In the later of these , for the disobedience of Monkes these penances are prescribed . m If any brother be disobedient ; he shall fast two dayes , with one bisket and water . If any say , I will not doe it ; three dayes , with one bisket and water . If any murmure ; two dayes , with one bisket and water . If any doe not aske leave , or tell an excuse ; two dayes , with one bisket and water . and so in other particulars . In his Rule , these good lessons doth hee give unto his Monkes , among manie others . That n it profited them little , if they were virgins in body , and were not virgins in minde . that they o should daily profite , as they did daily pray , and daily reade . that p the good things of the Pharisee being vainly praised were lost , and the sinnes of the Publican being accused vanished away : and therfore that a great word should not come out of the mouth of a Monke , least his great labour should perish . They were not taught to vaunt of their state of perfection , and workes of supererogation : or to argue from thence ( as Celestius the Pelagian monke sometime did ) that q by the nature of their free will they had such a possibilitie of not sinning , that they were able also to doe more then was commanded ; because they did observe perpetuall virginitie which is not commanded , whereas for not sinning it is sufficient to fulfill the precepts . It was one of the points which Gallus ( the scholler of Columbanus ) delivered in his sermon preached at Constance ; that our Saviour r did so perswade the Apostles and their followers to lay hold upon the good of virginitie ; that yet they should know , it was not of humane industry , but of divine gift . and it is a good observation which we reade in Claudius : that s not only in the splendor of bodily things , but also in mournefull abasing of ones selfe , there may be boasting ; and that so much the more dangerous , as it deceiveth under the name of the service of God. Our Monkes were religious in deed , and not in name only ; farre from the hypocrisie , pride , idlenesse and uncleanenesse of those evill beasts and slouthfull bellies that afterward succeeded in their roome . Under colour of forsaking all , they did not hooke all unto themselves ; nor under semblance of devotion did they devoure widdowes houses : they held begging to be no point of perfection ; but t remembred the words of our Lord Iesus , how he said , It is a more blessed thing to give rather then to take . When King Sigebert made large offers unto Columbanus and his companions , to keepe them within his dominions in France : he received such another answer from them , as u Thaddaeus in the Ecclesiasticall historie is said to have given unto Abgarus the governour of Edessa : x We who have forsaken our owne , that according to the commandement of the Gospell we might follow the Lord , ought not to embrace other mens riches ; least peradventure we should prove transgressors of the divine commandement . How then did these men live ; will you say ? Walafridus Strabus telleth us , that y some of them wrought in the garden , others dressed the orchard ; Gallus made netts and tooke fish , wherewith he not only relieved his owne companie , but was helpefull also unto strangers . So Bede reporteth of Cuthbert , that when he retired himselfe unto an anchoretical life , he z first indeed received a little bread from his brethren to feed upon , and drank out of his owne well ; but afterwards hee thought it more fit to live by the worke of his owne hands , after the example of the Fathers : and therefore intreated , that instruments might be brought him wherewith he might till the earth , and corne that he might sowe . a Quique suis cupiens victum conquirere palmis ; Incultam pertentat humum proscindere ferro , Et sator edomitis anni spem credere glebis . The like doth he relate of b Furseus ; and Bonifacius of c Livinus ; and Theodorus Campidonensis ( or whosoever else wrote that book ) of d Gallus , Magnoaldus , and the rest of the followers of Columbanus ; that they got their living by the labour of their owne hands . And the e Apostles rule is generally laid down for all Monks , in the life of Furseus : f They vvhich live in monasteries should worke with silence , and eate their owne bread . I passe by a like sentence , which we reade in the life of S. Brendan ; g A Monke ought to be fedd and cloathed with the labour of his owne hands : that is more memorable , which others do write of the same Brendan ; that he h governed three thousand Monkes , who by their owne labours and handy-worke did earne their living . Such was the monasterie of Magio , founded in this countrey by Bishop Colman for the intertainment of the English : where they i did live , according to the example of the reverend Fathers ( as Bede writeth ) under a rule and a● canonicall abbot , in great continencie and sinceritie , with the labour of their owne hands . Such also was the monasterie of Mailros planted by Bishop Aidan and his followers in Northumberland ; where S. Cuthbert had his education : who affirmed , that k the life of such monkes was justly to be admired , which were in all things subject to the commands of their Abbot ; and ordered all the times of their watching , praying , fasting , and working , according to his direction . l Excubiasque , famemque , preces , manuumque laborem Ad votum gaudent proni fraenare regentis . As for their fasting ( for of their watching and praying there is no question made ; and of their working we have alreadie spoken sufficiently ) by the rule of Columbanus , they were m every day to fast , and every day to eate : that by this meanes , n the enabling of them for their spiritual proficiency might be retayned , together with the abstinence that did macerate the flesh . Hee would therefore have them o every day to eate , because they were every day to profite ; and because p abstinence , if it did exceed measure , would pro●e a vice and not a vertue . and he would have them to fast everie day too , that is , not to eate anie meate at all ( for other fastes were not known in those dayes ) untill evening . Let the food of Monkes ( saith q he ) be meane , and taken at evening ; flying satietie , and excesse of drinke : that it may both sustaine them , and not hurt them . This was the daily fasting and feeding of them that lived according to Columbanus his rule . Such as followed the instructions of Bishop r Aidan , observed this kinde of fast on Wednesdayes & Fridayes only : upon which dayes they forbare eating of anie meate untill the ninth houre , that is to say , untill three of the clock in the afternoone , according unto our account . So Bishop Cedd ( who was brought up at Lindisfarne with Aidan and Finan ) keeping a strict fast , upon a speciall occasion , in the time of Lent , did s every day , except the Lords day , continue his fast , ( as the maner was ) untill the evening ; and then also did eate nothing but a smal pittance of bread , & one egge , with a little milke mingled with water . Where by the way you may note , that in those dayes egges were eaten in Lent , and the Sondayes excepted from fasting , even then when the abstinence was precisely and in more then an ordinarie maner observed . But generally for this point of the difference of meals , it is well noted by Claudius out of S. Augustin , that t the children of wisedome doe understand , that neyther in abstayning nor in eating is there any vertue ; but in contentednesse of bearing the want , and temperance of not corrupting a mans selfe by aboundance , and of opportunely taking or not taking those things , of which not the use but the concupiscence is to be blamed . and in the life of Furseus , the hypocrisie of them is justly taxed , that being u assaulted with spirituall vices , doe yet omit the care of them , and afflict their body with abstinence : who x abstayning from meates , which God hath created to be received with thankesgiving , fall to wicked things , as if they were lawfull ; namely to pride , covetousnesse , envy , false witnessing , backbiting . And so much for that matter . Now concerning the Catholick Church , our Doctors taught with S. Gregory ; that God y hath a vineyard , to wit , the universall Church , which from just Abel untill the last of the elect that shall be borne in the end of the world , as many Saints as it hath brought forth ▪ so many branches ( as it were ) hath it budded . that z the congregation of the just is called the kingdome of heaven ; which is the Church of the just . that a the sonnes of the Church be all such as from the beginning of mankinde untill now ▪ have attayned to be just and holy . that b what is said of the body , may be said also of the members ; and that in this respect , as well the Apostles and all beleevers , as the Church it selfe , have the title of a pillar given them in the Scriptures . that c the Church may be considered two maner of wayes : both that which neyther hath spot nor wrinkle and is truly the body of Christ , and that which is gathered in the name of Christ vvithout full and perfect vertues ; which notwithstanding by the warrant of the Apostle , may have the name of the Church given unto it , although it be depraved with errour . that d the Church is sayd not to have spot or wrinkle , in respect of the life to come . that when the Apostle saith ; In a great house there are not only vessels of gold , &c. but some to honour and some to dishonour : ( 2. Tim. 2.20 . ) by this e great house he doth not understand the Church ( as some have thought ) which hath not spot nor wrinkle : but the world , in which the tares are mingled with the vvheate . that yet in f the holy Church also , the evill are mingled with the good , and the reprobate with the elect : and that in this respect it is resembled unto the wise and foolish virgins ; as also to g the Kings marriage , by which this present Church is designed , wherein the good and the bad doe meet together . So that h in this Church , neyther the bad can be without the good , nor the good without the bad : whom the holy Church notwithstanding doth both now receive indifferently , and separate afterwards at their going from hence . They taught further , that i the Church sometimes is not only afflicted but also defiled with such oppressions of the gentiles ; that if it were possible , her redeemer might seeme for a time utterly to have forsaken her : and that , in the raging times of Antichrist , k the Church shall not appeare ; by reason that the wicked persecutors shall then exercise their cruelty beyond all measure . that in those l times of Antichrist , not onely more often and more bitter torments shall be put upon the faithfull , then before were wont to be ; but ( which is more grievous ) the working of miracles also shall accompany those that inflict the torments : as the Apostle witnesseth , saying ; Whose comming is after the working of Satan , with all seduction , signes , and lying wonders . namely , m juggling ones : as it was foretold before ; They shall shew such signes that , if it were possible , the very elect should be deceived by such a phantasticall power , as Iamnes and Mambres wrought withall before Pharao . n What unbeleever therefore ( say they ) will then be converted unto the faith ? and who is hee that already beleeveth , whose faith trembleth not and is not shaken ? vvhen the persecuter of piety is the worker of wonders : and the same man that exerciseth crueltie with torments , that Christ may be denyed ; provoketh by miracles , that Antichrist may be beleeved ? And o vvhat a pure and a single eye is there need of , that the way of wisdome may be found ; against which , so great deceivings and errors of evill and perverse men , doe make such a noyse ? all which notwithstanding men must passe through ; and so come to most certaine peace , and the unmoveable stabilitie of vvisedome . Hence , concerning Miracles , they give us these instructions . First , that p neyther if an Angell should shew himselfe unto us to seduce us , being suborned with the deceipts of his father the Divell , ought he to prevayle against us ; neyther if a miracle should be done by any one , as it is sayd of Simon Magus that he did flye in the ayre : q neyther that signes should terrifie us , as done by the Spirit ; because that our Saviour also hath given us warning of this before hand . ( Matth. 24.24 , 25. ) Secondly , that r the faith having increased , miracles were to cease ; forasmuch as they are declared to have been given for their sakes that beleeve not . and therefore that s now when the number of the faithfull is growen , there be many within the holy Church that retayne the life of vertues , and yet have not those signes of vertues : because a miracle is to no purpose shewed outwardly , if that be wanting which it should worke inwardly . For according to the saying of the Master of the Gentiles ; Languages are for a signe , not to the faithfull but to infidells . ( 1. Cor. 14.22 . ) Thirdly , that the working of miracles is no good argument to prove the holinesse of them that be the instruments thereof : and therefore t when the Lord doth such things for the convincing of infidels , hee yet giveth us warning that vvee should not be deceived thereby , supposing invisible wisedom to be there , where we shall behold a visible miracle . For he saith : Many shall say unto me in that day , Lord , Lord ; have we not prophecyed in thy name , and in thy name cast out Divels , and in thy name done many miracles ? ( Matth. 7.22 . ) Fourthly , that u hee tempteth God , who for his own vaine glory will make shew of a superfluous and unprofitable miracle . such as that ( for example ) was , whereunto the Divel tempted our Saviour , Matt. 4.6 . to come downe headlong from the pinnacle of the Temple unto the plaine . x every miracle being vayne , vvhich vvorketh not some profite unto mans salvation . Whereby wee may easily discerne , what to judge of that infinite number of idle miracles , wherewith the lives of our Saints are everie where stuffed : manie wherof we may justly censure ( as y Amphilochius doth the tales that the Poëts tell of their Gods ) for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Fables , of laughter worthy , and of teares ; Yea some of them also we may rightly brand , as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Vnseemely fables , and Divells documents . For what ( for example ) can be more unseemely , and tend further to the advancement of the doctrine of Divels , then that which Cogitosus relateth in the life of S. Brigid ? that she , for saving the credite of a Nunne that had been gotten with childe , z blessed her faithfully forsooth ( for so the author speaketh ) and so caused her conception to vanish away , without any deliverie and without any paine . which for the saving of S. Brigids owne credit , eyther a Hen. Canisius or the friars of Aichstad ( from whō he had his copie of Cogitosus ) thought fit to scrape out , and rather to leave a blanke in the book , then to suffer so lewd a tale to stand in it . But I will not stirre this puddle anie further : but proceede on , unto some better matter . And now are we come at last to the great point , that toucheth the Head and the foundation of the Church . Concerning which Sedulius observeth , that the title of b foundation is attributed both to Christ , and to the Apostles and Prophets . that where it is said , Esai . 28.16 . Behold , I lay in Sion a stone etc. c it is certaine , that by the rock or stone Christ is signified . that , in Ephes. 2.20 . d the Apostles are the foundation , or Christ rather the foundation of the Apostles . For Christ ( saith he ) is the foundation , who is also called the corner stone , joyning and holding together the two walls . Therefore is he the foundation and chiefe stone ; because in him the Church is both founded , and finished . and we are to account the Apostles e as ministers of Christ , and not as the foundation . The famous place , Matth. 16.18 . ( whereupon our Romanists lay the maine foundation of the Papacie ) Claudius expoundeth in this sort . f Vpon this rock will I build my Church , that is to say , upon the Lord and Saviour , vvho granted unto his faithfull knower , lover , and confessor the participation of his own name ; that from petra ( the rock ) he should be called Peter . The Church is builded upon him : because only by the faith and love of Christ , by the receiving of the sacraments of Christ , by the observation of the commandements of Christ , vve come to the inheritance of the elect and eternall life , as witnesseth the Apostle who saith ; Other foundation can no man lay beside that which is laid , which is Christ Iesus . Yet doth the same Claudius acknowledge , that g S. Peter received a kinde of primacie for the founding of the Church ( in respect whereof he termeth him h Ecclesiae principem and i Apostolorum principem , the prince of the Church and the prince or chiefe of the Apostles ) but he addeth withall , that S. Paul also was chosen in the same maner , to have the primacie in founding the Churches of the Gentiles . and that he k received this gift from God , that he should be worthy to have the primacie in preaching to the Gentiles , as Peter had it in the preaching of the Circumcision . and therefore that l S. Paul challengeth this grace as granted by God to him alone , as it vvas granted to Peter alone among the Apostles ▪ and that he esteemed himselfe m not to be inferiour unto S. Peter , because both of them were by one ordayned unto one and the same ministerie . and that writing to the Galatians , n he did in the title name himselfe an Apostle of Christ , to the end that by the verie authoritie of that name he might terrifie his readers ; judging , that all such as did beleeve in Christ , ought to be subject unto him . It is furthermore also observed by Claudius , that o as when our Savior propounded the questiō generally unto all the Apostles , Peter did answer as one for all ; so what our Lord answered unto Peter , in Peter he did answer unto all . & therfore p howsoever the power of loosing & binding might seeme to be given by the Lord unto Peter alone , yet without all maner of doubt it is to be knowne , that it was given unto the rest of the Apostles also : as himselfe doth witnesse , who appearing unto them after the triumph of his passion and resurrection , breathed on them , and said unto them all ; Receive the holy Ghost , whose sinnes ye remit , they are remitted unto them , and whose sinnes yee retayne , they are retayned . Lastly , as Claudius noteth , that q the foundation of the Church was laid not only upon S. Peter , but also upon S. Iohn : so in a certaine Hymne supposed to be written by Secundinus ( knowne in this country commonly by the name of S. Schachlin ) in the yeare of our Lord CCCCXLVIII . S. Patrick also is thus commended . r He is constant in the feare of God , and unmoveable in the faith , upon whom the Church is builded as upon Peter ; whose Apostleship also hee hath obtained from God , and the gates of Hell shall not prevayle against him . yea s Christ is there said to have chosen him for his Vicar upon earth . and as for the titles of t Summus Sacerdos and u Summus Pontifex , the highest Priest and the highest Bishop ; we finde them in Cogitosus attributed unto the Bishop of Kildare himselfe . those titles and prerogatives , which the Pope now peculiarly challengeth unto himselfe , as ensignes of his Monarchy , being then usually communicated unto other Bishops , when the universal Church was governed by an Aristocraty . Master Campion , I know , telleth us ; that x vvhen Ireland first received Christendome , they gave themselves into the Iurisdiction both spirituall and temporall of the See of Rome : but therein hee speaketh without book ; of the spirituall jurisdiction untruly , of the temporall absurdly . For from the first legation of Palladius and Patricius , who were sent to plant the faith in this country , it cannot be shewed out of anie monument of antiquitie , that the Bishop of Rome did ever send anie of his Legats to exercise spirituall jurisdiction here ( much lesse anie of his Deputies to exercise jurisdiction temporall ) before Gillebertus , quem aiunt primà functum legatione Apostolicae sedis per universam Hiberniam ; saith one that lived in his owne time , even Bernard himselfe in the life of Malachias . One or two instances peradventure may be alledged out of som obscure authors , whose names and times and authoritie no man can tell us newes of : but unlesse that which is delivered by Bernard , as the tradition that was current in his time , can be controlled by some record that may appeare to have beene written before his dayes ; we have small reason to detract anie thing from the credit of so cleare a testimonie . This countrey was heretofore , for the number of holy men that lived in it , termed the y Iland of Saints : of that innumerable companie of Saints , whose memorie was reverenced here ; what one received anie solemne canonization from the Pope , before Malachias archbishop of Ardmagh and Laurence of Dublin ? who lived , as it were , but the other day . We reade of sundry Archbishops that have beene in this land : betwixt the dayes of S. Patrick and of Malachias , what one of them can be named , that ever sought for a Pall from Rome ? Ioceline indeed a late Monke of the abbey of Furnesse , writeth of S. Patrick ; that the Bishop of Rome z conferred the Pall upon him , together with the execution of legatine power in his roome . But he is well knowne to be a most fabulous author : and for this particular , Bernard ( who was his ancient ) informeth us farre otherwise ; that a from the very beginning untill his time , the metropoliticall see of Ardmagh wanted the use of the Pall. And therefore Giraldus Cambrensis , howsoever he acknowledgeth that S. Patrick did b choose Ardmagh for his seate , and did appoint it to be as it were a metropoliticall see , and the proper place of the primacie of all Ireland ; yet doth he affirme withall , that in verie deed c there were no Archbishops in Ireland , but that Bishops onely did consecrate one another , untill Iohannes Paparo the Popes legate brought foure palls thither , in the yeare of our Lord 1152. Gelasius was then arcbishop of Ardmagh , who dyed in the yeare 1174. at which , wee finde this note in our Annales . d This man is said to be the first Archbishop , because he used the first Pall. But others before him were called Archbishops and Primates in name only ; for the reverence and honour of S. Patrick , as the Apostle of that nation . The same time that the foure Archbishopricks were established by Iohannes Paparo ; our Bishopricks also were limited , & reduced unto a fewer number : whereas at the beginning they were verie many ( for we reade in Nennius , that S , Patrick e founded here 365. Churches , and ordayned 365. Bishops , beside 3000. Presbyters ) and in processe of time were daily f multiplied according to the pleasure of the Metropolitan , so farre that every Church almost had a severall Bishop ; whereof Bernard doth much complaine in the life of Malachias . For in erecting of new Bishopricks the Pope was no more sought unto here , then in the nomination and confirmation of the Bishops themselves : all matters of this kinde being done at home , without relation to anie forraine authoritie . The ancient forme of making a Bishop , is thus laid downe by Bonifacius archbishop of Mentz , in the life of Livinus . g When Menalchus the Archbishop vvas dead , Calomagnus the King of Scotts , and the troupe of his Officers with the under-courtiers , and the concourse of all that countrey , with the same affection of heart cryed out , that the holy Priest Livinus was most worthily to be advanced unto the honour of this order . The King ( more devoute then all of them ) consenting thereunto , three or foure times placed the blessed man in the chayre of the Archbishoprick with due honour , according to the will of the Lord. In like maner also did h king Ecgfrid cause our Cuthbert to be ordayned Bishop of the Church of Lindisfarne ; and king Pipin i granted the Bishoprick of Salzburg to our Virgilius : & Duke Gunzo would have k conferred the Bishoprick of Constance upon our Gallus ; but that hee refused it , and l caused another upon his recommendation to be preferred thereunto . As the Pope intermedled not with the making of our Bishops : so neyther can we finde by any approved record of antiquitie , that anie Visitations of the clergie were held here in his name ; much lesse that any Indulgences were sought for by our people at his hands . For as for the m Charter of S. Patrick ( by some intituled , De antiquitate Avalonicâ ) wherein n Phaganus and Deruvianus are said to have purchased ten or thirtie yeares of Indulgences from Pope Eleutherius ; and S. Patrick himselfe to have procured twelve yeares in his time from Pope Celestinus : it might easily be demonstrated ( if this were a place for it ) that it is a meere figment , devised by the Monkes of Glastenbury . Neyther doe I well know , what credite is to be given unto that stragling sentence , which I finde ascribed unto the same author ( for I will still deale fairely , and conceale nothing that I meet withall in anie hidden part of antiquitie , that may tend to the true discoverie of the state of former times ; whether it may seeme to make for me , or against me . ) o If any questions doe arise in this Iland , let them be referred to the See Apostolick . Onely this I will say , that as it is most likely , that S. Patrick had a speciall regard unto the Church of Rome , from whence he was sent for the conversion of this Iland : so if I my selfe had lived in his dayes , for the resolution of a doubtfull question I should as willingly have listened to the judgement of the Church of Rome , as to the determination of anie Church in the whole world ; so reverend an estimation have I of the integritie of that Church , as it stood in those good dayes . But that S. Patrick was of opinion , that the Church of Rome was sure ever afterward to continue in that good estate , and that there was a perpetuall priviledge annexed unto that See , that it should never erre in judgement , or that the Popes sentences were alway to be held as infallible Oracles ; that will I never beleeve : sure I am , that my countreymen after him were of a farre other beleefe ; who were so farre from submitting themselves in this sort to whatsoever should proceed from the See of Rome , that they oftentimes stood out against it , when they had little cause so to do . For proofe whereof I need to seeke no further , then to those verie allegations which have beene lately urged for maintenance of the supremacie of the Pope and Church of Rome . First Mr. Coppinger commeth upon us , with this wise question . p Was not Ireland among other countries absolved from the Pelagian heresie by the Church of Rome , as Cesar Baronius writeth ? then he setteth downe the copie of S. Gregories q epistle , in answer unto the Irish Bishops that submitted themselves unto him and concludeth in the end ( according to his skill ) that the Bishops of Ireland being infected with the Pelagian errour , sought absolution first of Pelagius the Pope : but the same was not effectually done , untill S. Gregory did it . But in all this , the silly man doth nothing else but bewray his owne extreme ignorance . For neyther can he shew it in Cesar Baronius or in anie other author whatsoever , that the Irish Bishops did ever seek absolution from Pope Pelagius ; or that the one had to deale in any businesse at all with the other . Neyther yet can he shew that ever they had to doe with S. Gregory in anie matter that did concerne the Pelagian heresie . for these be dreames of Coppingers own idle head . The epistle of S. Gregory dealeth onely with the controversie of the three chapter● , which were condemned by the fifth generall Councell ; whereof Baronius writeth thus . r All the Bishops that were in Ireland , with most earnest studie , rose up jointly for the defence of the Three Chapters . And when they perceived that the Church of Rome did both receive the condemnation of the Three chapters , and strengthen the fifth Synod with her consent : they departed from her , and clave to the rest of the schismaticks , that were eyther in Italy or in Africk or in other countries ; animated with that vaine confidence , that they did stand for the Catholick faith , while they defended those things that were concluded in the Councell of Chalcedon . s And so much the more fixedly ( saith he ) did they cleave to their error , because whatsoever Italy did suffer by commotions of warre , by famine or pestilence , all these unhappy things they thought did therefore befall unto it , because it had undertaken to fight for the Fift Synod against the Councell of Chalcedon . Thus farre Baronius : out of whose narration this may be collected , that the Bishops of Ireland did not take all the resolutions of the Church of Rome for undoubted oracles ; but when they thought that they had better reason on their sides , they preferred the judgement of other Churches before it . Wherein how peremptorie they were , when they wrote unto S. Gregory of the matter ; may easily be perceived by these parcells of the answer , which he returned unto their letters . t The first entry of your epistle hath notified , that you suffer a grievous persecution : which persecution indeed , when it is not sustayned for a reasonable cause , doth profite nothing unto salvation . and u therefore it is verie unfit , that you should glory of that persecution , as you call it , by which it is certaine you cannot be promoted to everlasting rewards . x And whereas you write , that since that time among other provinces Italy hath beene most afflicted ; you ought not to object that unto it as a reproach : because it is written ; Whom the Lord loveth hee chasteneth , and scourgeth every sonne that he receiveth . Then having spoken of the booke that Pope Pelagius did write of this controversie ( which indeed was penned by Gregory himselfe ) he addeth . y If after the reading of this book , you will persist in that deliberation , wherein now you are ; without doubt you shew , that you give your selves to be ruled not by reason , but by obstinacie . By all which you may see , what credite is to be given unto the man , who would beare us in hand , that this epistle of S. Gregory was sent as an answer unto the Bishops of Ireland , that did submit themselves unto him : whereas the least argument of anie submission of theirs doth not appeare in anie part of that epistle ; but the whole course of it doth clearely manifest the flat contrary . In the next place steppeth forth Osullevan Beare , a wilde Beare indeed rather then a Christian man ; who in his Catholick Historie of Ireland ( for so he stileth his trayterous and barbarous Collections ) lately published , would have us take knowledge of this , that z when the Irish Doctors did not agree together upon great questions of faith , or did heare of any new doctrine brought from abroad , they were wont to consult with the Bishop of Rome the Oracle of truth . That they consulted with the Bishop of Rome , when difficult questions did arise , wee easily grant : but that they thought they were bound in conscience to stand to his judgment , whatsoever it should be , and to intertaine all his resolutions as certaine Oracles of truth ; is the point that we would faine see proved . For this he telleth us , that a when questions and disputations did arise here concerning the time of E●ster and the Pelagian heresie ; the Doctors of Ireland referred the matter unto the See Apostolick . Whereupon , the error of Pelagius is reported to have found no patron or maintayner in Ireland : and the common course of celebrating Easter was embraced both by the Northren Irish , and by the Pictes and Britons , as soone as they understood the rite of the Romane Church . Which ( saith hee ) doth not obscurely appeare by the two heads of the Apostolick letters , related by Bede , lib. 2. cap. 19. But that those Apostolick letters ( as he calleth them ) had that successe which he talketh of , appeareth neither plainly nor obscurely by Bede , or anie other authoritie whatsoever . The error of Pelagius , saith he , is reported to have found no patron or maintayner in Ireland . But who is he that reporteth so , beside Philip Osullevan ? a worthy author to ground a report of antiquity upon : who in relating the matters that fell out in his owne time , discovereth himselfe to be as egregious a lyar , as anie ( I verily thinke ) that this day breatheth in Christendome . The Apostolick letters he speaketh of , were written ( as before hath beene touched ) in the yeare of our Lord DCXXXIX . during the vacancie of the Romane See , upon the death of Severinus . Our countreyman Kilianus repayred to Rome 47. yeares after that , and was ordayned Bishop there by Pope Conon in the yeare DCLXXXVI . The reason of his comming thither , is thus laid downe by Egilwardus or who ever else was the author of his life . b For Ireland had beene of old defiled with the Pelagian heresie , and condemned by the Apostolicall censure , which could not be loosed but by the Romane judgement . If this be true : then that is false which Osullevan reporteth of the effect of his Apostolicall Epistle , that it did so presently quassh the Pelagian heresie , as it durst not once peepe up within this Iland . The difference betwixt the Romanes and the Irish in the celebration o● Easter , consisted in this . The Romanes kept the memorial of our Lords resurrection upon that Sonday , which fell betwixt the XV. and the XXI . day of the Moone ( both termes included ) next after the XXI . day of March ; which they accounted to be the seat of the Vernall aequinoctium , that is to say , that time of the Spring wherein the day and the night were of equall length . and in reckoning the age of the Moone they followed the Alexandrian cycle of XIX . yeares ( whence our golden number had his originall ) as it was explained unto them by Dionysius Exiguus : which is the account that is still observed , not only in the Church of England , but also among all the Christians of Greece , Russia , Asia , AEgypt , and AEthiopia ; and was ( since the time that I my selfe was borne ) generally received in all Christendome , untill the late change of the Kalendar was made by Pope Gregory the XIIIth . The Northren Irish and Scottish , together with the Pictes , observed the custome of the Britons : c keeping their Easter upon the Sonday that fell betwixt the XIIII . and the XX. day of the Moone ; and following in their account thereof , not so much the XIX . yeares computation of Anatolius , d as Sulpicius Severus his circle of LXXXIIII . yeares . for howsoever they extolled Anatolius e for appointing the bounds of Easter betwixt the XIIII . and the XX. day of the Moone ; yet Wilfride in the Synod of Strenshalch chargeth them utterly to have rejected his cycle of XIX . yeares : from which therefore Cummianus draweth an argument against them ; that f they can never come to the true account of Easter , who observe the cycle of LXXXIIII . yeares . To reduce the Irish unto conformitie with the Church of Rome in this point , Pope Honorius ( the first of that name ) directed his letters unto them : g Exhorting them , that they would not esteeme their owne paucitie , seated in the utmost borders of the earth , more wife then the ancient or moderne Churches of Christ through the whole world ; and that they would not celebrate another Easter contrary to the Paschall computations , and the Synodall decrees of the Bishops of the whole world . and shortly after , the clergie of Rome ( as we have said ) upon the death of Severinus , wrote other letters unto them to the same effect . Now where Osullevan ( pardon me , if I honour the rake-hell too much , in naming him so often ) avoucheth , that the common custome● sed by the Church in celebrating the feast of the Lords resurrection was alwayes observed by the Southerne Irish ; and now embraced also by the Northren , together with the Pictes and Britons ( who received the faith from Irish Doctors ) when they had knowledge given them of the rite of the Church of Rome : in all this ( according to his common wont ) hee speaketh never a true word . For neyther did the Southerne Irish alwayes observe the celebration of Easter commonly received abroad : neyther did the Northren Irish , nor the Pictes , nor the Britons , manie yeares after this admonition given by the Church of Rome , admit that observation among them . to speake nothing of his folly in saying , that the Britons received the faith from the Irish : when the contrarie is so well knowne , that the Irish received the same from the Britons . That the common custome of celebrating the time of Easter was not alwayes observed by the Southerne Irish , may appeare by those words of Bede , in the third booke of his historie and the third chapter . Porrò gentes Scottorum , quae in australibus Hiberniae insulae partibus morabantur , jamdudum ad admonitionem Apostolicae sedis antistitis Pascha canonico ritu observare didicerunt . For if ( as this place clearely proveth ) the nations of the Scotts , that dwelt in the Southerne parts of Ireland , did learne to observe Easter after the canonicall maner , upon the admonition of the Bishop of Rome : it is evident , that before that admonition they did observe it after another maner . The word jamdudum , which Bede here useth , is taken among authors oftentimes in contrarie senses : eyther to signifie a great while since , or else , but lately or erewhile . In the former sense it must be here taken , if it have relation to the time wherein Bede did write his book : and in the latter also it may be taken , if it be referred to the time whereof he treateth , ( which is the more likely opinion ) namely to the comming of Bishop Aidan into England ; which fell out within a yeare or little more , after that Honorius had sent his admonitorie letters to the Irish. who , as hee was the first Bishop of Rome we can reade of , that admonished them to reforme their rite of keeping the time of Easter : so that the Irish also much about the same time conformed themselves herein to the Romane usage , may thus be manifested . When Bishop Aidan came into England from the iland Hy , now called Y-Columkille ; h the colledge of monkes there was governed by Segenius , who in the i inscription of the epistle of the clergie of Rome sent unto the Irish , is called Segianus . Now there is yet extant in Sir Robert Cottons worthy librarie , an epistle of Cummianus directed to this Segienus ( for so is his name there written ) abbot of Y-Columkille : wherein he plainly declareth , that the great cycle of DXXXII . years , and the Romane use of celebrating the time of Easter according to the same ; was then newly brought in into this countrey . k For the first yeare ( saith he ) wherein the cycle of DXXXII yeares began to be observed by our men ; I received it not , but held my peace , daring neyther to commend it nor to disprayse it . That yeare being past , he saith he consulted with his ancients ; who were the successors of Bishop Ailbeus , Queranus Coloniensis , Brendinus , Nessanus and L●●gidus . who being gathered together in Campo-lene , concluded to celebrate Easter the yeare following together with the universall Church . l But not long after ( saith he ) there arose up a certaine whited wall , pretending to keepe the tradition of the Elders ; which did not make both one , but divided them , and made voyde in part that which vvas promised : whom the Lord ( as I hope ) will smite , in whatsoever maner he pleaseth . To this argument drawne from the tradition of the elders , he maketh answer : that m they did simply and faithfully observe that which they knew to be best in their dayes , without the fault of anie contradiction or animositie , and did so recommend it to their posteritie . and opposeth thereunto n the unanimous rule of the Vniversall Catholick Church : deeming this to be a very harsh conclusion . o Rome erreth , Ierusalem erreth , Alexandria erreth , Antioch erreth , the whole world erreth : the Scottish only and the Britons doe alone hold the right . but especially he urgeth the authoritie of the first of these Patriarchicall Sees , which now ( since the advancement therof by the Emperour Phocas ) began to be admired by the inhabitants of the earth , as the place which God had chosen ; whereunto , if greater causes did arise , recourse was to be had , according to the Synodicall decree , as unto the head of cities and therefore he saith , that they sent some unto Rome : who returning backe in the third yeare , informed them , that they met there with a Grecian , and an Hebrew , and a Scythian , and an AEgyptian in one lodging , and that they all , and the whole world too , did keepe their Easter at the same time , when the Irish were disjoyned from them by the space of a whole * moneth . p And vve have proved ( saith Cummianus ) that the vertue of God was in the relicks of the holy martyrs and the scriptures which they brought with them . For we saw with our eyes , a mayde altogether blinde opening her eyes at these relickes , and a man sicke of the palsie walking , and manie divells cast out . Thus farre hee . The Northren Irish and Albanian Scottish on the other side , made little reckoning of the authoritie , either of the Bishop or of the Church of Rome . And therefore Bede , speaking of Oswy king of Northumberland , saith that ▪ q notwithstanding hee was brought up by the Scottish , yet hee understood that the Romane was the Catholick and Apostolick Church ( or , that the Romane Church was Catholick and Apostolick ) intimating thereby , that the Scottish , among whom he received his education , were of another minde . And long before that , Laurentius , Mellitus and Iustus ( who were sent into England by Pope Gregory to assist Augustin ) in a letter which they sent unto the Scotts that did inhabite Ireland ( so Bede writeth ) complayned of the distaste given unto them by their countreymen , in this maner . r When vve knew the Britons , vve thought that the Scotts were better then they . But we learned by Bishop Daganus comming into this Iland , and abbot Columbanus comming into France ; that the Scotts did differ nothing from the Britons in their conversation . For Daganus the Bishop comming unto us , would not take meate with us , no not so much as in the same lodging wherein we did eate . And as for miracles , wee finde them as rife among them that were opposite to the Romane tradition , as upon the other side . If you doubt it , reade what Bede hath written of Bishop Aidan ( s who of what merit hee was , the inward Iudge hath taught , even by the tokens of miracles ; saith he ) and Adamnanus of the life of S. Colme or Columkille . Whereupon Bishop Colman in the Synod at Strenshalch frameth this conclusion . t Is it to be beleeved , that Colme our most reverend father , and his successors , men beloved of God , which observed Easter in the same maner that we do , did hold or doe that which was contrary to the holy Scriptures ? seeing there were very many among them , to whose heavenly holinesse the signes and miracles vvhich they did , bare testimony : whom nothing doubting to be Saints , I desist not to follow evermore their life , maners , and discipline . What Wilfride replyed to this , may be seene in Bede : that which I much wonder at , among the many wonderfull things related of S. Colme by Adamnanus , is this . that where he saith , that this Sainct , during the time of his abode in the abbay of Clone ( now called Clonmacnosh ) did u by the revelation of the holy Ghost prophecie of that discord , which after many dayes arose among the Churches of Scotland ( or Ireland ) for the diversity of the feast of Easter : yet he telleth us not , that the holy Ghost revealed unto him , that he himselfe ( whose example animated his followers to stand more stiffely herein against the Romane rite ) was in the wrong , and ought to conforme his judgement to the tradition of the Churches abroad ▪ as if the holy Ghost did not much care , whether of both sides should carrie the matter away in this controversie : for which ( if you please ) you shall heare a verie prettie tale out of an old Legend , concerning this same discord whereof S. Colme is said to have prophecyed . x Vpon a certaine time ( saith my Author ) there was a great Councell of the people of Ireland in the White field : among whom there was contention about the order of Easter . For Lasreanus , the Abbot of the monastery of Leighlin , unto whom there were subject a thousand and five hundred monkes , defended the new order that lately came from Rome : but others defended the old . This Lasreanus or Lazerianus is the man , who in other Legends ( of no greater credite then this wee now have in hand ) is reported to have beene the Bishop of Romes legat in Ireland ; and is commonly accounted to have beene the first Bishop of the Church of Leighlin . His principall antagonist at this meeting was one Munna , founder of the monastery which from him was called Teach-munna , that is , the house of Munna ( in the Bishoprick of Meath : ) who would needs bring this question to the same kinde of triall here , that Augustin is said to have done in England . In defence of the Roman order , Bede telleth us that Augustin made this motion to the Brittish Bishops , for a finall conclusion of the businesse . y Let us beseech God , which maketh men to dwell of one minde together in their fathers house ; that he will vouchsafe by some heavenly signs to make known unto us , what traditiō is to be followed , & by what way we may hasten to the entry of his kingdome . Let some sick man be brought hither ; and by whose prayers he shall be cured , let his faith and working be beleeved to be acceptable unto God , and to be followed by all men . Now Munna , who stood in defence of the order formerly used by the Brittish and Irish , maketh a more liberall proffer in this kinde , and leaveth Lasreanus to his choyce . z Let us dispute briefely , ( saith he ) but in the name of God let us give judgement . Three things are given to thy choyce , Lasreanus . Two bookes shall be cast into the fire , a booke of the old order and of the new ; that wee may see whether of them both shall be freed from the fire . Or let two Monkes , one of mine and another of thine , be shut up into one house : and let the house be burnt , and wee shall see which of them will escape untouched of the fire . Or let us goe unto the grave of a just Monke that is dead , and rayse him up againe : and let him tell us , after what order we ought to celebrate Easter this yeare . But Lasreanus being wiser then so , refused to put so great a matter to that hazzard : and therefore returned this grave answer unto Munna ; if all be true that is in the Legend . a We will not goe unto thy judgement : because we know that , for the greatnesse of thy labour and holinesse , if thou shouldest bid that mount Marge should be changed into the place of the White field , and the White field into the place of mount Marge ; God vvould presently doe this for thy sake . So prodigall doe some make God to be of miracles , and in a maner carelesse how they should fall ; as if in the dispensing of them , he did respect the gracing of persons rather then of causes . In what yeare this Councell of the White field was held , is not certainly known : nor yet whether S. Munna be that whited wall , of whom we heard Cummianus complaine . The Synod of Strenshalch ( before mentioned ) was assembled long after , at Whitby ( called by the Saxons Streanesheale ) in Yorkeshire , the b yeare of our Lord DCLXIIII . for the decision of the same question . Concerning which , in the life of Wilfrid ( written at the commandement of Acca , who in the time of Bede was Bishop of Hangustald or Hexham , in Northumberland ) we reade thus . c Vpon a certaine time in the dayes of Colman metropolitan Bishop of the citie of Yorke , Oswi and Alhfrid his sonne being Kings ; the Abbots and Priests and all the degrees of Ecclesiasticall orders meeting together at the monastery which is called Streaneshel , in the presence of Hilde the most godly mother of that abbay , in presence also of the Kings and the two Bishops Colman & Aegelberht , inquiry was made touching the observatiō of Easter , what was most right to be held : whether Easter should be kept according to the custome of the Brittons and the Scottes and all the Northren part , upon the Lords day that came from the XIIII . day of the Moone untill the XX. or whether it were better , that Easter Sonday should be celebrated from the XV. day of the Moone untill the XXI . after the maner of the See Apostolick . Time was given unto Bishop Colman in the first place , as it vvas fit , to deliver his reason in the audience of all . Who with an undaunted minde made his answer , and sayd . Our fathers and their predecessors , who were manifestly inspired by the holy Ghost , as Columkille was , did ordayne that Easter should be celebrated upon the Lords day that fell upon the XIIII . Moone ; following the example of Iohn the Apostle and Evangelist , who leaned upon the brest of our Lord at his last Supper , and was called the lover of the Lord. He celebrated Easter upon the XIIII . day of the Moone : and we with the same confidence celebrate the same , as his disciples Polycarpus and others did ; neyther dare we for our parts , neyther will we change this . Bede relateth his speech thus . d This Easter which I use to observe , I received from my elders , who did send me Bishop hither : which all our fathers , men beloved of God , are knowne to have celebrated after the same maner . Which that it may not seeme unto any to be contemned and rejected : it is the same which the blessed Evangelist Iohn , the disciple specially beloved by our Lord , with all the Churches which he did oversee , is read to have celebrated . Fridegodus ( who wrote the life of Wilfride at the command of Odo archbishop of Canterbury ) expresseth the same in verse , after this maner . e Nos seriem patriam non frivola scripta tenemus , Discipulo * eusebij Polycarpo dante Iohannis . Ille etenim bis septenae sub tempore Phaebae Sanctum praefixit nobis fore Pascha colendum , Atque nefas dixit , si quis contraria sentit . On the contrarie side Wilfride objected unto Colman and his clerkes of Ireland ; that they with their complices , the Pictes and the Brittons , f out of the two utmost Iles , and those not whole neyther , did with a foolish labour fight against the whole world . g And if that Columb of yours ( saith he ) yea and ours also if he were Christs , was holy and powerfull in vertues : could he be preferred before the most blessed prince of the Apostles ? unto vvhom the Lord said : Thou art Peter , and upon this rock will I build my Church , and the gates of Hell shall not prevayle against it ; and I will give unto thee the keyes of the kingdome of heaven . Which last words wrought much upon the simplicitie of King Oswy ; who feared , that h when he should come to the doors of the kingdome of heaven , there would be none to open , if he were displeased who was proved to keepe the keyes : but prevayled nothing with Bishop Colman ; who i for the feare of his country ( as the ancient author of the life of Wilfride writeth ) contemned the tonsure and the observation of Easter used by the Romanes ; and k taking with him such as would follow him , that is to say , such as would not receive the catholick Easter and the tonsure of the crowne ( for of that also there was then no small question ) returned backe againe into Scotland . In his roome was Wilfride chosen archbishop of Yorke : who had learned at Rome from archdeacon Boniface , l the course of Easter , vvhich the schismaticks of Brittaine and Ireland did not know ( so goe the words of the ancient writer of his life : ) and afterward did brag , m that he was the first which did teach the true Easter in Northumberland ( having cast out the Scotts , ) which did ordayne the Ecclesiasticall songs to be parted on sides , and vvhich did command S. Benetts rule to be observed by Monkes . But when he was named to the Archbishoprick , n he refused it at the first ( as William of Malmesbury relateth ) least he should receive his consecration from the Scottish Bishops , or from such as the Scotts had ordayned , vvhose communion the Apostolicke See had rejected . The speech which hee used to this purpose , unto the Kings that had chosen him , is thus laid downe by the writer of his life . o O my honourable Lords the Kings ; it is necessary for us by all meanes providently to consider , how with your election I may ( by the helpe of God ) come to the degree of a Bishop , without the accusation of catholick men . For there be many Bishops here in Brittayne , none of whom it is my part to accuse , ordayned within these foureteene yeares by the Brittons and Scotts , whom neyther the See Apostolick hath received into her communion , nor yet such as consent with the schismaticks . And therefore in my humility I request of you , that you would send me with your warrant beyond the Sea , into the countrey of France , where many Catholick Bishops are to be had ; that without any controversie of the Apostolick See I may be counted meet , though unworthy , to receive the degree of a Bishop . While p Wilfride protracted time beyond the Seas , King Oswy ledde by the advise of the Quartadecimans ( so they injuriously nicknamed the Brittish and Irish , that did celebrate Easter from the fourteenth to the twentieth day of the moone ) appointed q a most religious servant of God and an admirable Doctor that came from Ireland , named Ceadda , to be ordayned Bishop of Yorke in his roome . Constituunt etenim perverso canone Coeddam , Moribus acclinem , doctrinae robore fortem , Praesulis eximij servare cubilia : sicque Audacter vivo sponsam rapuere marito , saith Fridegodus . This Ceadda , being the scholler of Bishop Aidan , was farre otherwise affected to the Brittis● and Irish then Wilfride was : and therefore was content to receive his ordination from r Wini Bishop of the West-Saxons and two other Brittish Bishops that were of the Quartadeciman partie . For at that time ( as Bede noteth ) there was not in all Brittaine any Bishop canonically ordayned ( that is to say , by such as were of the communion of the Church of Rome ) except that Wini onely . But shortly after , the opposition betwixt these two sides grew to be so great , that our Cuthbert ( Bishop of Lindisfarne ) upon his death bedd required his followers ; that they should s hold no communion with them which did swerve from the unitie of the catholick peace , eyther by not celebrating Easte● in his due time , or by living perversely : and that they should rather take up his bones and remove their place of habitation , then anie way condescend to submit their neckes unto the yoake of schismatickes . And among the decrees made by some of the Saxon Bishops ( which were to be seene in the librarie of Sir Thomas Knevet in Northfolke , and are still , I suppose , preserved there by his heyre ) this is laid downe for one . t Such as have received ordination from the Bishops of the Scotts or Brittaynes , who in the matter of Easter and Tonsure are not united unto the Catholick Church , let them be againe by imposition of hands confirmed by a Catholicke Bishop . In like maner also let the Churches that have bin ordered by those Bishops , be sprinkled with exorcized water , & confirmed with some service . We have no licence also to give unto them Chrisme or the Eucharist , when they require it ; unlesse they doe first professe , that they will remaine with us in the unitie of the Church . And such likewise as either of their nation , or of any other , shall doubt of their baptisme , let them be baptized . Thus did they . On the other side , how averse the Brittish and the Irish were from having anie communion with those of the Romane partie ; the u complaint of Laurentius , Mellitus and Iustus before specified , doth sufficiently manifest . But above all others , the Brittish Priests that dwelt in West-wales abhorred their communion beyond all measure : as Aldhelme abbot of Malmesbury declareth at large in his Epistle sent to Geruntius king of Cornewall . where among manie other particulars he sheweth , that x if anie of the Catholicks ( for so he calleth those of his own side ) did go to dwell among them ; they would not vouchsafe to admit them unto their companie and societie , before they first put them to fortie dayes penance . Yea y even to this day ( saith Bede , who wrote his historie in the yeare DCCXXXI . ) it is the maner of the Brittons , to hold the faith and the religion of the English in no account at all , nor to communicate with them in any thing more then with Pagans . Whereunto those verses of Taliessyn ( honoured by the Brittains with the title of Ben Beirdh , that is , the chiefe of the Bardes or wisemen ) may be added : which evidently shew , that he wrote after the comming of Austin the monke into England , and not 50. or 60. yeares before , as others have imagined . Gwae'r offeiriad byd Nys angreifftia gwyd Ac ny phregetha : Gwaeny chèidw ey gail Ac ef yn vigail , Ac nys areilia : Gwae ny cheidw ey dheuaid Rhac bleidhie , Rhufeniaid A'i ffon gnwppa . which Humfrey Lhoyd doth thus English. VVo be to that priest yborne , That will not cleanly weed his corne And preach his charge among : VVo be to that shepheard ( I say ) That will not watch his fold alway , As to his office doth belong : VVo be to him that doth not keepe From Romish wolves his sheepe VVith staffe and weapon strong . By all that hath beene said , the vanitie of Osullevan may be seene , who fayneth the Northren Irish , together with the Pictes and the Britons , to have beene so obsequious unto the Bishop of Rome ; that they reformed the celebration of Easter by them formerly used , as soone as they understood what the rite of the Romane Church was . Whereas it is knowne , that after the declaration thereof made by Pope Honorius and the clergie of Rome ; the Northren Irish were nothing moved therewith , but continued still their owne tradition . And therfore Bede findeth no other excuse for Bishop Aidan herein ; but that z eyther hee was ignorant of the canonicall time , or if he knew it , that he was so overcome with the authoritie of his owne nation , that he did not follow it : that he did it , a after the maner of his owne nation ; and that b he could not keepe Easter contrary to the custome of them which had sent him . His successor Finan c contended more fiercely in the businesse with Ronan his countryman , and declared himselfe an open adversary to the Romane rite . Colman that succeeded him , did tread just in his steppes so farre , that being put downe in the Synod of Streanshal , yet for feare of his countrey ( as before we have heard out of the ancient writer of the life of Wilfride ) hee refused to conforme himselfe ; and chose rather to forgoe his archbishoprick , then to submit himselfe unto the Roman laws . Colmanusque suas inglorius abjicit arces , Malens Ausonias victui dissolvere leges : saith Fridegodus . Neither did hee goe away alone : but d took with him all his countrymen that he had gathered together in Lindisfarne or Holy Iland : the Scottish monkes also that were at Rippon ( in Yorkeshire ) e making choyse rather to quit their place , then to admit the observation of Easter and the rest of the rites according to the custome of the Church of Rome . And so did the matter rest among the Irish about forty yeares after that : untill their own countreyman f Adamnanus perswaded most of them to yeeld to the custome received herein by all the Churches abroad . The Pictes did the like not long after , under king Naitan : who g by his regall authoritie commanded Easter to be observed throughout all his provinces according to the cycle of XIX . yeares ( abolishing the erroneous period of LXXXIIII . yeares which before they used ) and caused all Priests and Monkes to be shorne croune-wise , after the Romane maner . The monkes also of the Iland of Hy or Y-Columkille , h by the perswasion of Ecgbert ( an English Priest , that had beene bredd in Ireland ) in the yeare of our Lord DCCXVI . forsooke the observation of Easter & the tonsure which they had received from Columkille a hundred and fiftie yeares before , and followed the Romane rite ; about LXXX . yeares after the time of Pope Honorius , and the sending of Bishop Aidan from thence into England . The Brittons in the time of i Bede retained still their old usage : untill k Elbodus ( who was the chiefe Bishop of Northwales , and dyed in the yeare of our Lord DCCCIX . ) brought in the Romane observation of Easter . which is the cause , why l his disciple Nennius , designeth the time wherein he wrote his historie , by the character of the m XIX . yeares cycle , and not of the other of LXXXIV . But howsoever Northwales did ; it is verie probable that West-wales ( which of all the other parts was most eagerly bent against the traditiōs of the Roman Church ) stood out yet longer . For we finde in the Greeke writers of the life of Chrysostome , that certaine clergie men which dwelt in the Iles of the Ocean , repayred from the utmost borders of the habitable world unto Constantinople , in the dayes of Methodius ( who was Patriarch there , from the yeare DCCCXLII . to the yeare DCCCXLVII . ) to enquire of n certaine Ecclesiasticall traditions , and the perfect and exact computation of Easter . Whereby it appeareth , that these questions were kept still a foot in these Ilands ; and that the resolution of the Bishop of Constantinople was sought for from hence , as well as the determination of the Bishop of Rome , who is now made the only Oracle of the world . Neyther is it here to be omitted , that whatsoever broyles did passe betwixt our Irish that were not subject to the See of Rome , and those others that were of the Romane communion : in the succeeding ages , they of the one side were esteemed to be Saincts , as well as they of the other ; Aidan for example and Finan , who were counted ringleaders of the Quartadeciman party , as well as Wilfride and Cuthbert , who were so violent against it . Yet now a dayes men are made to beleeve , that out of the communion of the Church of Rome nothing but Hell can be looked for ; and that subjection to the Bishop of Rome , as to the visible Head of the Universall Church , is required as a matter necessarie to salvation . Which if it may goe currant for good Divinitie : the case is like to goe hard , not only with the o twelve hundred Brittish Monkes of Bangor , who were martyred in one day by Edelfride king of Northumberland ( whom our Annales style by the name of p the Saincts ; ) but also with S. Aidan and S. Finan , who deserve to be honoured by the English nation with as venerable a remembrance , as ( I doe not say , Wilfride and Cuthbert , but ) Austin the monke and his followers . For by the ministery of q Aidan was the kingdome of Northumberland recovered from paganisme : ( whereunto belonged then , beside the shire of Northumberland and the lands beyond it unto Edenborrow Frith , Cumberland also and Westmoreland , Lancashire , Yorkeshire , and the Bishopricke of Durham : ) and by the meanes of r Finan , not only Essex and Middlesex regained , but also the large kingdome of Mercia converted first unto Christianitie ; which comprehended under it , Glocestershire , Herefordshire , Worcestershire , Warwickshire , Leicestershire , Rutlandshire , Northamptonshire , Lincolneshire , Huntingtonshire , Bedfordshire , Buckinghamshire , Oxfordshire , Staffordshire , Darbyshire , Shropshire , Nottinghamshire , Chesshire , and halfe Hertfordshire . The Scottish that professed no subjection to the Church of Rome , were they , that sent preachers for the conversion of these countries ; and ordayned Bishops to governe them : namely s Aidan , Finan and Colman successively for the kingdome of Northumberland ; t for the East-Saxons , Cedd brother to Ceadda the Bishop of Yorke before mentioned ; u for the Middle-Angles and the Mercians , Diuma ( for x the paucitie of Priests , saith Bede , constrayned one Bishop to be appointed over two people ) and after him Cellach and Trumhere . And these with their followers , notwithstanding their division from the See of Rome , were for y their extraordinarie sanctitie of life and painfulnesse in preaching the Gospell ( wherein they went farre beyond those of the other side , that afterward thrust them out and entred in upon their labours ) exceedingly reverenced by all that knew them : Aidan especially , who z although he could not keep Easter ( saith Bede ) contrary to the maner of them which had sent him ; yet he was carefull diligently to performe the workes of faith and godlinesse and love , according to the maner used by all holy men . Whereupon hee was worthily beloved of all , even of them also who thought otherwise of Easter then he did : and was had in reverence not only by them that were of meaner ranke , but also by the Bishops themselves , Honorius of Canterbury , and Felix of the East-Angles . Neyther did Honorius and Felix anie other way carry themselves herein , then their predecessors Laurentius , Mellitus and Iustus had done before them : who writing unto the Bishops of Ireland , that dissented from the Church of Rome in the celebration of Easter and manie other things ; made no scruple to prefixe this loving & respectfull superscription to their letters . a To our Lords and most deare brethren , the Bishops or Abbots throughout all Scotland ; Laurentius , Mellitus and Iustus Bishops , the servants of the servants of God. For howsoever Ireland at that time b received not the same lawes wherewith other nations were governed : yet it so flourished in the vigour of Christian doctrine , ( as Abbot Ionas testifieth ) that it exceeded the faith of all the neighbour nations ; & in that respect was generally had in honour by them . It now remaineth that in the last place we should consider the Popes power in disposing the temporall state of this kingdome : which either directly or indirectly , by hook or by crook , this graund Usurper would draw unto himselfe . First therefore Cardinall Allen would have us to know , that c the Sea Apostolick hath an old claime unto the soverainty of the countrey of Ireland ; and that before the covenants passed betweene king Iohn and the same Sea. Which challenges ( saith hee ) Princes commonly yeeld not up , by what ground so ever they come . What Princes use to yeeld or not yeeld , I leave to the skanning of those , unto whom Princes matters doe belong : for the Cardinalls Prince I dare be bold to say , that if it be not his use to play fast and loose with other Princes , the matter is not now to do ; whatsoever right he could pretend to the temporall state of Ireland ▪ he hath transferred it ( more then once ) unto the Kings of England . and when the ground of his clayme shall be looked into ; it will be found so frivolous and so ridiculous , that wee need not care three chippes , whether he yeeld it up or keep it to himselfe . For whatsoever become of his idle challenges : the Crowne of England hath otherwise obtained an undoubted right unto the soveraintie of this countrey ; partly by Conquest , prosecuted at first upon occasion of a Sociall warre , par●ly by the severall submissions of the chieftaines of the land made afterwards . For d whereas it is free for all men , although they have beene formerly quitt from all subjection , to renounce their owne right : yet now in these our dayes ( saith Giraldus Cambrensis , in his historie of the Conquest of Ireland ) all the Princes of Ireland did voluntarily submitt , and binde themselves with firme bonds of faith and oath , unto Henry the second King of England . The like might be said of the generall submissions made in the dayes of King Richard the second and King Henry the eighth : to speake nothing of the prescription of diverse hundreds of yeares possession ; which was the plea that e Iephte used to the Ammonites , and is indeed the best evidence that the Bishop , of Romes owne f proctors doe produce for their Masters right to Rome it selfe . For the Popes direct dominion over Ireland ; two titles are brought forth ; beside those covenants of King Iohn ( mentioned by Allen ) which hee that hath anie understanding in our state , knoweth to be clearly void and worth nothing . The one is taken from a speciall grant supposed to be made by the inhabitants of the countrey , at the time of their first conversion unto Christianity : the other from a right which g the Pope challengeth unto himselfe over all Ilands in generall . The former of these was devised of late by an Italian , in the raigne of King Henry the eighth ; the later was found out in the dayes of King Henry the second : before whose time not one footsteppe doth appeare in all antiquitie of anie clayme that the Bishop of Rome should make to the dominion of Ireland ; no not in the Popes owne records , which have beene curiously searched by Nicolaus Arragonius , and other ministers of his , who have purposely written of the particulars of his temporall estate . The Italian of whom I spake , is Polydore Vergil ; he that composed the booke De inventoribus rerum , of the first Inventers of things : among whom he himselfe may challenge a place for this invention ; if the Inventers of lyes be admitted to have anie roome in that companie . This man being sent over by the Pope into England h for the collecting of his Peter-pence , undertook the writing of the Historie of that nation ; wherein he forgatt not by the way to doe the best service hee could to his Lord that had imployed him thither . There he telleth an idle tale ; how the Irish being moved to accept Henry the second for their King , i did deny that this could be done otherwise then by the Bishop of Romes authority : because ( forsooth ) that from the very beginning , after they had accepted Christian religion , they had yeelded themselves and all that they had into his power . and they did constantly affirme ( saith this fabler ) that they had no other Lord , beside the Pope : of which also they yet do bragge . The Italian is followed herein by two Englishmen , that wished the Popes advancement as much as he ; Edmund Campian and Nicholas Sanders . the one whereof writeth , that k immediatly after Christianitie planted here , the whole Iland with one consent gave themselves no● only into the spirituall , but also into the temporall Iurisdiction of the See of Rome . the other in Polydores own words ( though he name him not ) that l the Irish from the beginning , presently after they had received Christian religion , gave up themselves and all that they had into the power of the Bishop of Rome ; and that untill the time of King Henry the second , they did acknowledge no other supreme Prince of Ireland , beside the Bishop of Rome alone . For confutation of which dreame , we need not have recourse to our owne Chronicles : the Bull of Adrian the fourth , wherein he giveth libertie to King Henry the second to enter upon Ireland , sufficiently discovereth the vanitie thereof . For hee there shewing what right the Church of Rome pretended unto Ireland , maketh no mention at all of this ( which had beene the fairest and clearest title that could be alledged , if anie such had beene then existent in rerum natura ) but is faine to flie unto a farre fetcht interest which he saith the Church of Rome hath unto all Christian Ilands . m Truly ( saith he to the King ) there is no doubt , but that all Ilands unto which Christ the Sunne of righteousnesse hath shined , and which have received the instructions of the Christian faith , doe pertaine to the right of Sainct Peter and the holy Church of Rome : which your Noblenesse also doth acknowledge . If you would further understand the ground of this strange clayme , whereby all Christian Ilands at a clap are challenged to be parcell of S. Peters patrimonie : you shall have it from Iohannes Sarisburiensis , who was most inward with Pope Adrian , and obtayned from him this verie grant whereof now wee are speaking . n At my request ( saith he ) he granted Ireland to the illustrious King of England Henry the second , and gave it to be possessed by right of inheritance : as his owne letters doe testifie unto this day . For all Ilands , of ancient right , are said to belong to the Church of Rom● , by the donation of Constantine , who founded and endowed the same . But will you see , what a goodly title here is , in the meane time ? First , the Donation of Constantine hath beene long since discovered to be a notorious forgerie , and is rejected by all men of judgement as a senselesse fiction . Secondly , in the whole context of this forged Donation I finde mention made of Ilands in one place onely : o where no more power is given to the Church of Rome over them , then in generall over the whole Continent ( by East and by West , by North and by South ) and in particular over Iudaea , Graecia , Asia , Thracia , and Aphrica ; which use not to passe in the account of S. Peters temporall patrimonie . Thirdly , it doth not appeare , that Constantine himselfe had anie interest in the kingdome of Ireland : how then could he conferre it upon another ? Some words there be in an oration of p Eumenius the Rhetorician , by which peradventure it may be collected , that his father Constantius bare some stroke here : but that the Iland was ever possessed by the Romanes , or accounted a parcell of the Empire , cannot be proved by any sufficient testimonie of antiquitie . Fourthly , the late writers that are of another minde , as Pomponius Laetus , Cuspinian & others , do yet affirme withall , q that in the division of the Empire after Constantines death , Ireland was assigned unto Constantinus the eldest sonne : which will hardly stand with this donation of the Ilands supposed to be formerly made unto the Bishop of Rome and his successors . Pope Adrian therefore , and Iohn of Salisbury his so●licitor , had need seeke some better warrant for the title of Ireland , then the Donation of Constantine . Iohn Harding in his Chronicle saith , that the Kings of England have right r To Ireland also , by king Henry ( le fitz Of Maude , doughter of first King Henry ) That conquered it , for their great heresie . which in another place he expresseth more at large , in this maner . s The King Henry then , conquered all Ireland By Papall dome , there of his royaltee The profytes and revenues of the land The domination , and the soverayntee For errour which agayn the spiritualtee They held full long , and would not been correct Of heresyes , with which they were infect . Philip Osullevan on the other side , doth not only denie t that Ireland was infected with any heresie : but would also have us beleeve , u that the Pope never intended to conferre the Lordship of Ireland upon the Kings of England . For where it is said in Pope Adrians Bull ; x Let the people of that land receive thee , and reverence thee as a Lord : the meaning therof is , saith this Glozer , y Let them reverence thee , as a Prince worthy of great honour ; not as Lord of Ireland , but as a Deputie appointed for the collecting of the Ecclesiasticall tribute . It is true indeed that King Henry the second , to the end hee might the more easily obtaine the Popes good will for his entring upon Ireland , did voluntarily offer unto him the payment of a yearely pension of one penny out of every house in the countrey : which ( for ought that I can learne ) was the first Ecclesiasticall tribute that ever came unto the Popes coffers out of Ireland . But that King Henry got nothing else by the bargaine but the bare office of collecting the Popes Smoke-silver ( for so wee called it here , when wee payed it ) is so dull a conceit ; that I do somewhat wonder how Osullevan himselfe could be such a blockhead , as not to discerne the senselesnesse of it . What the King sought for and obtained , is sufficiently declared by them that writt the historie of his raigne . z In the yeare of our Lord MCLV. the first Bull was sent unto him by Pope Adrian : the summe wherof is thus laid downe in a second Bull , directed unto him by Alexander the third , the immediat successor of the other . a Following the stepps of reverend Pope Adrian , and attending the fruite of your desire ; we ratifie and confirme his grant concerning the dominion of the KINGDOME of Ireland conferred upon you : reserving unto S. Peter and the holy Church of Rome , as in England so in Ireland , the yearly pension of one penny out of every house . In this sort did Pope Adrian , as much as lay in him , give Ireland unto King Henry , haereditario jure possidendam , to be possessed by right of inheritance ; and withall b sent unto him a ring of gold , set with a faire Emerauld , for his investiture in the right thereof : as Iohannes Sarisburiensis , who was the principall agent betwixt them both in this businesse , doth expressely testifie . After this , in the yeare MCLXXI . the King himselfe came hither in person : where the Archbishops and Bishops of Ireland c received him for their KING and Lord. The King ( saith Iohn Brampton ) d received letters from every Archbishop and Bishop , with their seales hanging upon them in the maner of an Indenture ; confirming the KINGDOME of Ireland unto him and his heyres , and bearing witnesse that they in Ireland had ordayned him and his heyres to be their KINGS and Lords for ever . At Waterford ( saith Roger Hoveden ) e all the Archbishops , Bishops , & Abbots of Ireland came unto the King of England , and received him for KING and Lord of Ireland ; swearing fealtie to him and to his heyres , and power to raigne over them for ever : and hereof they gave him their Instruments . The Kings also and Princes of Ireland , by the example of the clergie , did in like maner receive Henry King of England for Lord and KING of Ireland ; and became his men ( or , did him homage ) and swore fealtie to him and his heyres against all men . These things were presently after confirmed in the Nationall Synod held at Casshell : the Actes whereof in Giraldus Cambrensis are thus concluded . f For it is fit and most meet , that as Ireland by Gods appointment hath gotten a Lord and a KING from England ; so also they should from thence receive a better forme of living . King Henry also at the same time g sent a transcript of the Instruments of all the Archbishops and Bishops of Ireland , unto Pope Alexander : who by his Apostolicall authoritie ( for so was it in those dayes of darkenesse esteemed to be ) did confirme the KINGDOME of Ireland unto him and his heyres , ( according to the forme of the Instruments of the Archbishops and Bishops of Ireland ) h and made them KINGS thereof for ever . The King also i obtained further from Pope Alexander , that it might be lawfull for him to make which of his sonnes he pleased , KING of Ireland , and to crowne him accordingly ; and to subdue the Kings and great ones of that land , vvhich would not subject themselves unto him . Whereupon , in a graund Councell held at Oxford in the yeare of our Lord MCLXXVII . k before the Bishops and Peeres of the kingdome he constituted his sonne Iohn KING of Ireland ; l according to that grant and confirmation of Pope Alexander . And to make the matter yet more sure , in the year MCLXXXVI . he obtained a new licence from Pope Vrban the third ; m that one of his sonnes , whom he himselfe would , should be crowned for the KINGDOME of Ireland . And this the Pope did not only confirme by his Bull : but also the yeare following purposely sent over Cardinall Octavian and Hugo de Nunant ( or Novant ) n his legates into Ireland , to crowne Iohn the Kings sonne there . By all this we may see , how farre King Henry the second proceeded in this businesse : which I doe not so much note , to convince the stoliditie of Osullevan , who would faine perswade fooles , that he was preferred only to be collector of the Popes Peter-p●nce ; as to shew , that Ireland at that time was esteemed a Kingdome , and the Kings of England accounted no lesse then Kings thereof . And therefore Paul the fourth needed not make all that noyse , and trouble o the vvhole Court of heaven with the matter : when in the yeare MDLV . hee took upon him by his Apostolicall authoritie ( such I am sure , as none of the Apostles of Christ did ever assume unto themselves ) to erect Ireland unto the title and dignity of a Kingdome . Whereas he might have found , even in his own Romane Provinciall , that Ireland was reckoned among the Kingdomes of Christendome , before hee was borne . Insomuch , that in the yeare MCCCCXVII . when the legates of the King of England and the French Kings ambassadours fell at variance in the Councell of Constance for precedencie ; the English Orators , among other arguments , alledged this also for themselves . p It is well knowne , that according to Albertus Magnus and Bartholomaeus in his booke de proprietatibus rerum , the whole world being divided into three parts ( to witt , Asia , Africk and Europe ) Europe is divided into foure Kingdomes : namely , the Romane for the first , the Constantinopolitane for the second , the third the kingdome of Ireland which is now translated unto the English , and the fourth the kingdome of Spaine . Whereby it appeareth , that the king of England and his kingdome are of the more eminent ancient Kings and Kingdomes of all Europe : which prerogative the kingdome of France is not said to obtaine . And this have I here inserted the more willingly , because it maketh something for the honour of my country ( to which , I confesse , I am verie much devoted ) and in the printed Actes of the Councell it is not commonly to be had . But now commeth forth Osullevan againe , and like a little furie flyeth upon q the English-Irish Priests of his owne religion , which in the late rebellion of the Earle of Tirone did not deny that Hellish doctrine , fetcht out of Hell for the destruction of Catholicks , that it is lawfull for Catholicks to beare armes and fight for Heretickes against Catholickes and their country . or rather ( if you will have it in plainer termes ) that it is lawfull for them of the Romish religion , to beare armes and fight for their Soveraigne and fellow subjects that are of another profession , against those of their owne religion that trayterously rebell against their Prince and countrey . and to shew , r how madde and how venemous a doctrine they did bring ( these be the caitiffes own termes ) that exhorted the laity to follow the Queens side : he setteth down the Censure of the Doctors of the Universitie of Salamanca and Vallodilid , published in the yeare MDCIII . for the justification of that Rebellion , and the declaration of Pope Clement the eights letters touching the same ; wherin he signifieth that s the English ought to be set upon no lesse then the Turkes , and imparteth the same favours unto such as set upon them , that he doth unto such as fight against the Turks . Such wholsome directions doth the Bishop of Rome give unto those that wil be ruled by him : farre different ( I wisse ) from that holy doctrine , wherewith the Church of Rome was at first seasoned by the Apostles . t Let every soule be subject unto the higher powers ; for there is no power but of God : was the lesson that S. Paul taught to the ancient Romanes . Where if it be demanded ; u whether that power also , vvhich persecuteth the servants of God , impugneth the faith , and subverteth religion , be of God ? our countreyman Sedulius will teach us to answer with Origen ; that even such a power as that , is given of God , for the revenge of the evill , and the prayse of the good . although he were as wicked , as eyther Nero among the Romanes or Herod among the Iewes : the one whereof most cruelly persecuted the Christians , the other Christ himselfe . And yet when the one of them swayed the scepter , S. Paul told the Christian Romanes ; that they x must needs be subject , not only for wrath , but also for conscience sake : and of the causelesse feare of the other , these verses of Sedulius are solemnely song in the Church of Rome , even unto this day . y Herodes hostis impie , Christum venire quid times ? Non abripit mortalia , Qui regna dat coelestia . Why , wicked Herod , dost thou feare And at Christs comming frowne ? The mortall he takes not away , That gives the heavenly crowne . a better paraphrase whereof you ca●not have , then this which Claudius hath inserted into his Collections upon S. Matthew . z That King which is borne , doth not come to overcome Kings by fighting , but to subdue them after a wonderfull maner by dying : neyther is he borne to the end that he may succeed thee , but that the world may faithfully beleeve in him . For he is come , not that he may fight being alive , but that he may triumph being slayne : nor that he may with gold get an army unto himselfe out of other nations , but that he may shed his precious blood for the saving of the nations . Vainly didst thou by envying feare him to be thy successor , whom by beleeving thou oughtest to seeke as thy Saviour : because if thou diddest beleeve in him , thou shouldest raigne with him ; and as thou hast received a temporall kingdome from him , thou shouldest also receive from him an everlasting . For the kingdome of this Childe is not of this world ; but by him it is that men doe raigne in this world . He is the Wisedome of God , which saith in the Proverbes : By me Kings raigne . This Childe is the Word of God : this Childe is the Power and Wisedome of God. If thou canst , thinke against the Wisedome of God ▪ thou workest thine owne destruction , and dost not know it . For thou by no meanes shouldest have had thy kingdome , unlesse thou hadst received it from that Childe which now is borne . As for the Censure of the Doctors of Salamanca and Vallodilid : our Nobility and Gentry , by the faithfull service which at that time they performed unto the Crowne of England , did make a reall confutation of it . Of whose fidelitie in this kinde I am so well perswaded , that I doe assure my selfe , that neyther the names of Franciscus Zumel and Alphonsus Curiel ( how great Schoole-men soever they were ) nor of the Fathers of the Societie ( Iohannes de Ziguenza , Emanuel de Roias , and Gaspar de Mena ) nor of the Pope himselfe , upon whose sentence they wholly ground their Resolution ; either then was or hereafter will bee of any force , to remove them one whit from the allegeance and duetie which they doe owe unto their King and Countrey . Nay I am in good hope , that their Ioyall mindes will so farre distaste that evill lesson , which those great Rabbies of theirs would have them learne ; that it will teach them to unlearne another bad lesson , wherewith they have beene most miserably deluded : namely , that a in the doctrine of Religion vvee are to attend , not what the thing is that is said , but what the person is that speaketh it . But how dangerous a thing it is , to have the faith of our Lord Iesus Christ in respect of persons ; and to give entertainement to the truth , not so much for it selfe as for the regard that is had to the deliverer of it : I wish men would learne otherwise , then by wofull experience in themselves . b The truth ( saith Claudius ) is to be loved for it selfe , not for the Man , or for the Angell , by vvhom it is preached . For hee that doth love it in respect of the preachers of it , may love lyes also , if they peradventure shall deliver any . as here , without all peradventure , the Pope and his Doctors have done : unlesse the teaching of flatt Rebellion and high Treason may passe in the account of Catholicke verities . The Lord of his mercie open their eyes , that they may see the light and give them grace to receive the love of the truth , that they may be saved . The Lord likewise grant ( if it be his blessed will ) that Truth and Peace may meet together in our dayes , that we may be all gathered into c one fold under one shepheard , and that d the whole earth may be filled with his glory . Amen , Amen . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A12211-e140 Rom. 13 1.2 . Tit. 3.1 . Matth. ●2 . 21 . Deut. ●8 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 &c. Levit. 26 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , &c. Deut. 7.11 , 12 , 13 , 14 , &c. 1. King. 2. ● , 4. 1 Chron. 8.7 , 8 , 9 , 10. Notes for div A12211-e310 2. Thess. 2.11 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Coloss. 3.16 . Primas . in hunc locum . Heb. 5.12 . Heb. 3.13 . Rom. 15.14 . 1. Thess. 5 11. Iude vers . 3. Levit. 19.17 . Iam. 5.19 , 20. Act. 18.2 , 3.24 , 25 , 26. Deut. 17 , 18 , 19 , 20. Iosh. 1.8 . Act. 8.27 , 28 , 29 , 30. &c. Act. 17.11 . Ioh. 5.39 . Deu. 31.11 , 12. ●3 . Et Iosh. 8.34 , 35. Deut. 6.6 , 7. Psal. 1.2 . 2. Tim 3 14 , 15 , 16 , 17. The second Epistle of S. Iohn , vers . 1. Psal. 119 9. Eccles. 12.1 . Euseb. lib. 6. cap. 3. Basil. epist. 74 ▪ Theodor. de curand . Graecorum affect . lib 5. Chrysost in Gen. hom 7. In Gen hom . 21 Comment ▪ in Matth hom . 2. In Epist. ad Heb Hom. 17. In Epist. ad Coloss. Hom. 9. Coloss 3.16 . Hebr 5.12 . Heb , 3.13 . Rom 15.14 . 1. Thess. 5.11 . Levit. 19.17 . Iam. 5.19 , 20. Luk. 8.16 . 1. Cor 12.7 . Luke 9 26. Rom. 10.10 . Bellar. de no● . Eccl. cap. 2. 1. King. 22.5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 10 , 11 , &c Exod. 23.2 . Matt. 18 20. Panor de elect . & electi potestate ¶ significasti . Pigh hierar . Ecclesiast lib. 6. cap 5. & 4. Lib. 6. cap. 7. Lib. 6. cap. 13. Chrysost de sancto & adorando Spiritu . Caus 24. quest . 1. § à recta in gloss , ¶ Novitatibus . Gers in tract . an liceat in causa fidei , a Pontifice appellare . Alfons . advers . haeres lib. 1 c. 4. Sul. praelo Ascentiano , An. Dom. 1534. Alfons lib. 1. cap. 4. Alfons . lib. 1. cap. 2. Erasm. annot . in 1. Cor. ex cap. 7. Arboreus , in Theosoph . li. 4. cap. 32. Concil . Basil. epist. Synodal . 3. de authorit . Consil. supra Papam . Dist 9. negare . Aug ad Vinc. Vict. Aug cont . Crescon . lib. 2. c 32. Aug Epist. 112. ●d Paulin. August . cont . Faust. Manich. lib. 11. cap. 5. Aug Epist. 119. August cont . Faust. li. 11. c. 5. Epist. 48. Depecca . merit & remiss li 1 ca. 22. cont . Crescon . lib. 2. cap. 31. Aug. de nat . & gra . cont . Pelag . cap. 61. Euseb lib. 7. cap. 5. Bellarm. de Antichristo cap. 12. Turrcer . in C. Sanct Rom. d. 15. n 12. Marsil . Defens . p. 413. Andrad Defens . Trid. l. 2. Do●● . Ba●n . 22. pag 58. & 59. Euseb lib. 5. cap. 20. Coloss. 2.8 . 2. Thess. 2.1 , 2 , 3. Euseb lib 3. cap. 19.33 39. Clem. Strom. lib. 1. & 6. Clem Strom. lib. 2. Lib. 7. Lib. 6. Clem. Strom. lib. 7. Euseb. lib. 5. cap. 28. Iren. lib. 3. ca. 1. Hieronym . in Matth. 23. Hieronym . in Agg. cap. 1. Tertull. de c●rona Militis nu . 3. Basil. de Spiritu sancto . c. 29. Hieronym . in Dialog . cont . Lucif . c. 4. Athan. contra gentes . Chrysost. hom . 1. ad Tit. & oper . imperf . in Matt. hom . 41. Cyril . in Levit. lib. 5. Aug. in Ioh. tract . 44. Vincent . adver . haeret . Bellarm. de no●is Eccl. cap. 2. De Bono Viduit . c. 1. tom . 4. Tertull. cont . Hermog . Chrysost hom . 13. in 2. cor . Gre● . Nyss. Orat . de iis qui adeunt Hieros . Ioh. 5.39 . Act. 17.11 . 2. Cor. 1.24 . & 4.5 . Matth. 24.4 . Mat. 16.6.12 . 1. Thess. 5.21 . 1. Ioh. 4.1 . Chrysost. in Act. Hom. 33. Basil. Ethic. de sin 72 pag. 432. Orig. in Iesu Nave , Hom 21. Ambr. de Virgin . lib. 3 cap. 1. Cy●●l . catech . 4. Chrysost Hom. 3. in Laz. Chrysost Hom. 9. in 2. cor . Aug de doct . christ . lib. 2. cap. 6. Hieronym . com in Esai· c. 19. Basil. Regul . contract . qu. 167. Sl●id commentat . Act. 11.26 . Notes for div A12211-e10810 1. Pet. 2.13 . The Kings Supremacie over persons Ecclesiasticall , as well as Civill , declared . 1. Pet. 1 , 2.3 . &c. 1. Pet. 5.12 . &c. Rom 13.1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5. Rom. 1 7. Rom. 13.1 . Chrysost. in Rom. 13. Hom. 23. Theodor. in Rom. 13. Theoph in Rom. 13. Oecumenius in Rom. 13. Bernard . Ep. 42. Aen●s Silvius lib. 1. de gestis Basil. Concil . Gregor . epist. li. ● . C. 100.103 . Optat. contra Parm lib. 3. Tert. ad Scapul . Tert. Apolog. cap 30. Concil . Tolet. 6. cap. 14. Defensor . pacis part . 2. ca. 23. Ema . Sa. Aphor. Bellarm. de Cler. cap 28. Rev. 9.11 . 1. Pet. 2.13 , 14. Rom. 13.3 , 4. The authority of Kings in matters Ecclesiasticall , declared . Rom. 13.4 . Even Heathen and Pagan Kings have the authoritie to cōm●nd , & to make lawes & proclamations for God & his service : albeit they doe not alwaies extend it ▪ and use it accordingly . Esra 7.1.21.23.26.27 . Dan. 3.29 . Dan. 6.26 . Euseb lib 8. c. 19 & lib. 9. c. 9. &c. Esay 49.23 . Aug. epist. 50. 2. Chro. 14.4.2 . 2. Chr 33.16 . 2. Chr 34.33 . Aug. in li. 1. ca. 6. cont . Epist. Parmenian . Aug. in Evang. Ioan. tract . 2. Aug. epist. 48. Luke 14.23 . Aug. epist. 50. Act. 9.4.19 . Acts 22.7 . &c. Psal. 2.10 , 11 ▪ 2. Kin. 18 4. 2. Kin. 23.3 , 4 , 5 , 6. &c. Ion. 3.6 , 7 , 8 , 9. Dan. 3.28.29 . Dan. 6.26 . &c. August . cont . 2 Gaudent . epist. lib. 2. cap. 17. Ion. 3.6 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 10. Luke 1● . ●3 . August . contra litera● Petiliani lib. 2 cap. 38. Aug. ad Vincen. Epist. 48. Retract 2.5 . Christian kings may compell their subiects , though not to faith , yet to the outward meanes of faith . And it is the body only , and not the soule or conscience , that they cōmand and compell . August . in Epist. 50. & 204. August . Epist. 48. & Retract . lib. 2. cap. 5. August contra Crescon . lib. 3. cap. 51. Se● these Texts fully answered in the third part of this booke , Cap. 2. sect . 5. Cusanus de Cath. Concord . lib. 2. cap. 13. Aeneas Sil. li. 1. de gestis Basil. Concil . Gerson Serm. pro viagi● Reg. Rom. direct . 1. Valla. Cont. Don. Constant. Volateran . in vita Const. Antonin . 1. part l. 8. c. 2. Ser. iniquit . Catal. in practic . cancel . Apostol . Balbus de Coron . ad Carol. 5. Concil . Carthag . 6. c. 3. Concil . Aff●is . c. 101. & 105. & 92. Concil . Milevit . c. 22. Bellarm de Rom. pont . lib. 2. cap. 14. 2. Tom. Concil . in Decret . Pelag : 2. Tom. 2 Concil . edit . Bin. pa. 693. Gregor . lib. 4. Epist. 34. ●pist . 32. Epist. 36. Epist. 34. & 38. Epist. 24. Observe well this reason , amongst the rest . Lib. 6. Ep. 30. Paul. Diacon . lib 4. de gestis Longobard cap. 37. Ab. Vsperg . Chronic. Platin. Boniface 3. Otho : Frising . li. 5. c. 8. Chron. &c. Bellarm. de pont . Rom. cap. 17. Iustinian . in Epist. ad Ioh. 2. Idem Co : de sacros . Ecc. Iustin. Co : de summa Trinit . lib. 7. De Episcop . audientia 2. certissime & Novel . 3.5.7 . Idem Novel 2. & sequent . Concil Calced . Concil Nic. 2. Act. 2. Conc. Nic. ca. 6.7 Conc. Constant. 1. can . 5. Conc. Chalced. Actio . 16. The Decrees of ancient generall Councels , against the Popes Supremacie . Concil . Constantinopol . 1. canon . 5. & Concil . Constantinopol . 6. canon . 36. Cusan . Concord . li. 2. c. 34. & 20. The Popes Supremacie over Councels , is of a verie late standing , condemned by Councels . Naucl. gener . 47 Gerson de Au : Papae . C●●●il . Constan. Sess. 5. Concil . Basil. Sess. 38. & 33. The Popes Supremacie over Kings & Princes , most abhominable . Prov. 8.15 . Dan. 4.29 . Revel . 19.16 . Matth. 16.19 . Aug in Psa. 124. Bellarm lib 5. ca. 7. de R●m . Pont. R●m . 13.5 . Tertull. in Apolog . cap. 37. Tertull. Apolog. cap. 30. Sigebert . Chron. An. Dom. 1088. New & Trayterous opinions . Vincent . in spec . Histor. lib. 15. cap. 84. Gre. Vesper . haeretico polit . pag. 159. Marian. de rege & regis Institut . cap. 6. &c. Theod. hist. lib 2. ca. 16. Niceph. lib. 26. ca. 17. Platina . Sige●ertus & t. Theodor. lib. 1. cap. 19. Rom. 13.4 . Grego Ep. lib. 2. cap. 100. & 10● Gregory the great , Bishop of Rome , subiect to the Emperor , and at his command . Anastatius . Platina . Lib. pontif . Diaconus . Optat. contra Parm. l●b 3. It is a point of madnesse to say or hold , that a Christian King may not deale in matters Ecclesiastical , by the testimonie of Optatus . August . Ep. 50. A Christian King ma● make Lawes concerning matters Ecclesiasticall . A Christian King may make Cōmissioners in Ecclesiasticall causes Optat. lib. 1. August . Ep. 162. & 16● . Euseb. lib. 10. cap. 5. A Christian King may have Appeales made unto him in a cause Ecclesiasticall . Miltiades , a Bishop of Rome , subiect to the Emperor , & at his command . Act. 25.11 , 12. Concil . Affrican . cap. 92. Appeales in ancient time , not allowed to be made to the Bish. of Rome . Concil . Milevit . cap. 22. Malmesbury lib. 1 de gest . pont . Angliae . Hoveden . Hen. 2. Theod. lib. 5. c. 7. Sozom. lib. 7. c. 7. Theod. li. 1. c. 7. General Councels called in ancient time , by the Christian Emperors , and not by the Popes . Evagr. l. 1. c. 3. Conc. Calc . Act. 1. zon . tom . 3. pag. 39. Cusan . de Concor . lib 2. cap. 25. Socrat. lib ▪ 5. in Prooemio . Bellar. de Concil . lib. 1. cap. 13. Leo Epist. 9. Leo Epist. 24. Epist. 26. Epist. 23. Leo Epist. 59. Leo a Bishop of Rome subiect to the Emperor , and at his command . 1. Kin 2.27.35 . Zozom . l. 7. c. 8. Plat. Sigeb . A Christian King may nominate & appoint Bishops of Diocesses & Provinces . Malmesbur . de gestu Pont. Angl. lib. 1. pag. 205. Ibidem lib. 1. pag 205. Lib. 1. pag 204. Malmesb. de gest . Reg. Angl. lib. 2. pag 45. De gestis Pont. Angl. lib. 2. pag. 242. & p. 257. Metrop . Grantz . lib. 2. cap. 29. The Christian Emperors , in ancient time , had power to place and displace Popes . The Act is of 1. Eliz cap. 1 in England , and of 2. Eliz. cap. 1. in Ireland . Euseb. in vitae Const. lib. 3. Conc. Const. 5. Conc. Chalced. Actio . 3. Emperors , and consequently Kings within their Dominions , are to ratifie and confirme the Decrees of Councels before they be put in execution . Aser . Menevensis praefat ▪ ad Alfred . Concil . Mogunt . in praefat . Bin. t. 3. p 462. Bin. t. 3. p. 631. Concil . Emerit . ex Garsia Louisa sect . 23. Bin. t. 2. pag. 1183. Gars . in not in Concil . Emer . Calvin . in Amos 7.13 . Praefat. in Centur . 1 ▪ Sam. 15.17 . Chrysost. ad pop . Antioch . hom . 2. Statute of 5. Eliz cap 1. Ract . Crowne 8. 1. Thess. 5 12. Heb 13.17 . 2. Cor 5.20 . Matth. 28.20 . Ezech. 20.18 , 19. 2. Kin. 18.40 , 41. Matth. 7.15 . 1 Ioh. 4.1 . Matth. 15.14 . 2. Thess. 2.3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8. 1. Tim. 3.16 . Matth. 13.30 . 2. Thess. 2.7 . 1. Ioh. 2.18 . 1. Ioh. 4.3 . 2. Ioh. 7. 2. Thess. 2.8 . Revel . 10.2.8 , 9 , 10 , 11. Rev. 9.13 . &c. Rev. 10.2.8 , 9 , 10 , 11. Rev. 10.7 . Rev. 11.15 , 16 , 17 , 18. Revel . 2.13 . 2. Thes. 2.4 . Revel . 11.12 . Rev. 18.4 . Rev. 11.12 . &c. Rev. 11.2 . M White , in his his Booke , called , The way to the true Church . In opere imperf . in Matth. 49. 2. Sam. 16.11 . 1. Tim. 1.13 . Cyprian in Psalmo , Ad quid justificationes meas , & assumis testamentū meum per os● tuum &c. In vita Bernard . Bern. in Cantic . Card Contaren . Tract . de Iustificatione . Pig● . de fide & Iustificatione . Colon. in Antidag . 1. Cor. 3.10 , 11 , 12 , 13 , 14 , 15. Aug. lib. 1. cont . Iulian. Pelag. cap. 6. Greg Niss . de hom . opific. ca. ult . Luke 23.40 , 41 , 42 , 43. Bellar. de Iustificat . lib. 5. c. 7. Bern. de cons. ad Eugen. lib. 2. cap. 2 & lib. 6. cap. 3 ▪ & cap. 8. Epist 42 ad Hen. Archiepisc. Se●onensis ▪ & apud Hugon . in postill super Iohan . cap. 1. Epist. 125. Concil . Rhemens . sub Capeto , & eius filio . Epist. Leodiensis Ecclesiae . ad Paschalem . 2. in 2. volumine Conciliorum . Acta vita Paschalis . Sigon lib. 9. de regno It●l . Radevie . in Appendice Frisingensis . Avent . in Boi●rum histor . In oratione Archimistae ad Proceres Imperij . Petrus Blessens . in Epist. ad quēdam officialem . Sigeb . ●onach . Gemblacens . apud Aventin . de Tyran Pontifici● . Guilielm . Episc. Paris . lib. de Collat. Benefic . Henric. de Erphordia , de Haiabal● circa Ann. 1345. Petrarch . lib. Epist . 14 epist. 17. epist. 19. Nicho. Oresmus in Orat. habit coram Papa : Vrban . 5. Iohan. de rup . sciss . in lib. prophetico cui Titulus , Vade mecū . Notes for div A12211-e23960 Nazianzen ▪ ad Procop. Euseb. Eccles. hist. lib. 1. cap. 8. R●em . Annotat . upon Act. 15.7 . 2 Concil . Nice . Actio . 5. Ioh. 14.16 , 17. Ioh. 16.13 . Luke 11.13 . Rom. 8.9.14.15.27 . &c. Aug. contra Donatist . lib. 2. cap. 3. Concil . Tom. 1. de ord ▪ Celeb. Concil . Chrysost. de sancto & adorando spiritu . A rule wherby to know , who they be that speake by the direction of the Holy Ghost , & who not . August . contra Maximin . lib. 3. cap. 4. Dist. 40. C si Papa . Lyra. in Mat. 16 Concil . Constant. Sess. 37. Cat●ar . C●ment . in Gal. 2. Alphons . cont ▪ Heres . lib. 1. cap 2. Cap. 4. Panorm . de election . Section . significasti . Aug. de Nuptijs & Concupisc . lib. 2. cap. 33. August . de gra . & liber ▪ arbit . cap. 18. Optat. contra Par. lib. 5. August . de baptis . con . Dona● . lib. 2. cap. 3. August . ad Vincent . Epist. 48. August . ad fortunat . Ep. 198. The ancient Fathers are to be reverenced in their places : as likewise all other godly men are ; but yet so , as wee may lawfully dissent from thē , whereinsoever they speak not according to the Canonical Scriptures . August . cont . lit . Pe●●l lib. 3. cap. 6. Ambr. in Gal. 1. Chrysost. in Ps●l . 95. Irenaeus lib. 2. cap. 42. All such Traditions as be not warranted in the Canonicall Scriptures , be refusable . Hierom. in Psal. 98 Chrysost. in 2. Tim. 3. Aug. cont . Faust. lib. 23. cap. 9. Tertul. de Carne Christi . August . in Ioh. 16. verse 12. There is no neede of Traditions . 2. Tim. 3.15.16 17. Ioh. 20 31 Ioh. 20.31 . Iosuah 1.8 Deut. 4.5.6 . Tertul. con● . Hermog . Basil. tract . de fide . Aug. cont . lit . Peti●ian . lib. 3. cap. 6. Scot. in praefat . Lomb. All right exposition of Scripture is framed by and according to the Scriptures . 2. Pet. 1.20 , 21. 1 Cor. 2.11 Orig. in Ier. hom . 1 Irenaeus lib. 4. ca. 63. & lib. 2. ca. 46 & 47. Chrysost. homil . 13. in Genes . August . de doct . christiana lib. 3 cap. 26. A●g . de unitat . Eccle. cap. 3. The Church is to be tried and knowne by the Scriptures . Aug. de unitat . Eccles. cap. 3. Luk. 24.27.44 , 45. Acts 17 11. Chrysost. in Mat 24. homil . 49 Rom. 2.28 , 29. Rog. Hoveden . lib. 2. Anno● 1190. Ioachim Alba● in Reve. lib. 10. part . 5. Aventin . annal . lib. 5. & 7. Who bee the right Catholickes . Vincen. cont . Herg c. 3. Cap. 25 Irenaeus lib. 3. cap. 1. Vincent . cap. 41. Tertull. lib. de resurr . carnis . Tertull. ad Praxeam . Tertull. Apolog. in fine . Euseb. lib. 3. cap. 32. Clemens lib. stromat . ca. 11. Athanas. in Synops. Cyrill Hieros . cateches . 4. Cyprian . sive Ruff. inexph . Symboli . Epiphan . lib. de mens . & pond . Hieronym . in Prologo Galeat . in lib. Reg. Hieronym in praefat . in li●ros Solomonis . Lyran. prolog . in Apocrypha . Hugo Card. prolog . in Iosuam . Gregor . in Iob. lib. 19. cap. 17. Conc. Laodicens . cap. 59. Origen contrae Celsum lib. 8. Epiphan . haeres . 14. Chrysost. in 1. Cor. 14. Lyr● . in 1. Cor. 14. 1. Cor. 14.4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 10 , 11. &c. Esa. 8.20 . Ioh. 5.39 . 2. Pet. 1.19 . Ar. Mont. in praefat . Tom. 1. Ioh Isaac against Lyndanus . Franc. Luc Burg Annot. in sacra Biblia . Matth. 5.18 . Luke 16.17 . Mat. 24.35 . Mar. 13.31 . Luk. 24.27 . Vers. 44. In cap. 6. Isaiae . Jeronym . ad Helvid . August . 1 de moribus . cap. 29. Hieron . comment . in Matt. 13. Hierony in Comment . in Mat. 6 ▪ vers . 16. Munster ad Convers . vet . Test. Erasm. epist. N ▪ amico ex animo dilecto & in alijs in epist ▪ Hieronym . a● Pamach . lib. 1. ad Iovinian . 〈◊〉 . ad Marcel . Tom. 2. epist. ult . Hieron . ad Livi●m epist. ad Lucra●um de optimo gener . interpret . in c. 3. Malach. epist. ad Aug. 89. praefat . in 4. Evang. Dist. 9 ad veter . Aug. de civitat . dei . lib. 15. c 13. ●t epist. 108. & in Ioh. tract . 3. de doct . christian . lib. 2. cap. 11. Ambros lib. 2. ca. 6. de spirit . sanct . Lyndan . de opt . gen . interpret . lib. 3. cap. 1.2.3 , 4. Acts 24.24 . Chysost . ad Collos . hom . 9. & in Matth. hom . 2. & Concion . 3. de Lazaro . Hieron . in Psal. 133. & in Psal. 86. August . de tempo . sern. 55. Deut. 29.29 . Deut. 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9. Psal. 119.105 . 2. Pet. 1.19 . Psal. 25.9 . Verse 12. Verse 14. Iam. 4.6 . 1. Pet. 5.5 . Esay 66.2 . Ioh. 6.45 . Luke 24.45 . 1. Cor. 2.11 . Luke 11.13 . Rom. 8.9 . 1. Cor. 2.10 . Ephes 4.8.11 , 1● ▪ Rom. 15.4 . 2. Tim. 3.15 , 16 , 17. Ioh. ● . 19 , 20 , 21. Ioh. 8.47 . Ioh. 10.27 . Ioh. 12.48 . Christ will iudge according to his owne word in the last day , & not according to the word of the Pope , or of the Priests , or of other men . Abac. 2.4 . Rom. 1.17 . Gal. 3.11 . Matth. 13.44 , 45 , 46. Mat. 7.13 , 14. Luk. 13.24 . Ioh. 6.27 . Iude , vers . 3. Luk. 12.47 , 48. 2. Thess. 1.18 . Matt 22.29 . Coloss. 2.2 . 2. Cor. 8.7 . Coloss 1.9 , 10. Coloss. 3.16 . Matth. 15.14 . Luke 6.39 . 1. Ioh. 4.1 . 1. Thess. 5.21 . Matth. 16 . 6.1● . Matt. 7 15 , 16. Ethic. defin 72. pag. 432. De exand . Doct. part . 1. confess . 5. Acts 17.11 . Ioh. ● . 39 . 1. Tim. 3.14 , 15 Panormitan . de elect . pot . significasti . caus . 24. quaest . 1. §. à recta in Gloss. novitatib . Exod. 32 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 , &c. Esa. 1.21 . Reve. 17.9.18 . 2. Thess. 2.3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 10 , 11 , 12. Mat. 28.19 , 20. Rev. 17 . 1.1● . Rev. 11. ● . Rev. 18. ● . Cyprian ad Pompei . 1. Cor. 3.11 . 1. Cor. 10.4 . Matth. 16.18 . 〈◊〉 . 59.21 . ● . Kin. 19 10 ▪ 14.18 . Rom. 11.3 , 4 Rhem. Annot. upon Rom. 11. 2 , King 16.2 , 3 , 4.10 . &c. 2. King. 17.19 . 2. King. 21.2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 10 , 11. &c. 2. King. 21.19 , 20 , 21 , 22. Inscriptio salman tuae in monte Bartholomaei . Inscriptio in ruinis Pagi Macanezac . Rev. 12.6.14 . Mat. 18.15 , 16 , 17. Rom. 10.10 . 1. Pet. 3.15 . ●● Mat. 10.16 , 17. Mat. 5.14 , 15. August . in Psal. 10. de Baptis . cont . Donatist . lib. 6. cap. 4. 2. Kin. 6.17 , 18 , 19 , 20. Rev. 9.12 . &c. ● . Thes. 2 , 3 , 4. &c. Reve. 11.19 . Psal. 2.1 , 2 , 3 , 4 ▪ Vnitie without veritie , is not to be regarded , but to be detested . Reve. 17.17 . Crysost . Dist 40. Hieronym . ad Helvid . Dist. 40. Dist. 4. non est facile ibidem nos qui. Luk. 6.13.14 . &c. Matth. 10.2 . Mark 3.14 , 15 , 16 , 17 &c. Mark. 16.15 . Mat. 28.19 , 20 , Ambr. in Eph. 4. Acts 1.20 . Apostles be , & may rightly be called Bishops in the generall and large acception of the word . Peter and the Pope be nothing alike as is apparant by cōparing them together . Acts 3.6 . 1. Pet. 2.13 , 14. Act. 10.26 . Ioh. 21.15 , 16 , 17. Gal 2.11 . Act. 11. ● , 3 , 4. Part. 1. dist 4. Ca. Si Papa . Extravag ▪ de concess pr●●end . Tit. 4. cap. 2. ad Apostol in gloss . Luk. 6.13 , 14 , 15 , 16. Matth 4.18 , 19 , 20 , 21 , 22 ▪ Gal. ● . 1 . Act. 14.28 . Ioh. 21.15 , 16 , 17. Luke 22.14 , 25 , 26. Matt. 20.25 , 26. Mar. 10.42 , 4● . Act. 8 . 14· S Peter a Protestant , 〈◊〉 not a Papist . Reve. 17. ● . 1. Cor. 12.12 , 13 , 14. &c. Ephes. 1.22 ▪ 23. Col. 1 18. Col. 2.10 . 1. Cor. 12.12 , 13.14.17 . Ephes 4.15 , 16. Ioh. 1 ▪ 16. Mat. 28.20 . Rev. 1.11 , 12 , 13. &c. Rev. 1.20 . Ioh. 16.7 . Vers. 13. Ioh. 14.16 , 17. 2. Cor. ● . 20 . Cypr. l. 4. & 3. & l 3. ep . 13. & de simpli . praelat . Ambr. in 1. Tim. 5. & in 1. Cor. 11. Chrysost. ho. 17. in Mat. &c. Eph. 1.22 . Heb. 5.5 . Ep. 1.21 , 22 , 23. Coloss. 1.18 . Eph. 5.23 . Mar. 1● . 20 . Chrysost in Mat. 24. hom . 49. In Ioh. ca. 2. hom . 22 in fine 1. Cor. 14.22 . Cyril in Joh. lib. ● . cap. 13. Mat. 7.22.23 . Ioh. 10.41 . Matth. 11.11 . Matth. 24 . 24· 2. Thess. 29. August . de civ●● Dei lib. 20. ca. 19. Rev. 16.14 . Rev. 13.13 , 14. Tit. 3.8 . Gal. 5.6 . Iam 2.14 . 2. Pet. 1.5 , 6 , 7 , 8 Rom. 9 30. Rom. 10.3 , 4. Rom. 1.17 . Gal. 3.11 . Gal. 2.19 , 20. Iere. 23.6 . & 33.16 . 1. Cor. 1.30 . 2. Cor. 5.21 . Rom. 5.19 . Ioh. 3.14 , 15 , 16 , 17 , 18. Rom. 5.1 . Gal 3.26 . Rom. 3.20.28 . Iam. 2.18.20.26 . &c. Iam. 2.18 . Phil. 1.11 . August . de fide & oper . ca. 14. Matth. ● 33. Luke 6.43 , 44. Rom 5.1 . Rom. 3.28 . Rom. 4.6 . Rom. 11.6 . Rom 9 11. Ephe. 2.8 , 9 , 10. Gal. 3.26 . Ioh. 1.12 . Ioh. 3.16 . Ioh. 3.14 , 15. Num 21.5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9. Iam. 2.18 . Iam. 2.14 , 15 , 16 , 17 , 18 , 19.20 . &c. Iames 2.24 . Gal. 5.6.22 , 23 , 24. Tit. 3.8 . T●● . 2.14 . Eph. 2.8 , 9.10 Bernard de gra . & liber . arbis . August . de fide & operib . cap. 14 Rom. 4.1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9. &c. Vers. 6 , 7 , 8. Phil. 3.8 , 9. Matth. 3.17 . Ephes. 1.6 . Rom. 8.1 . 2. Cor. 5.21 . Chrysost. in 2. Cor. 5. Ephe. 5.27 . Aug. de verb. Apost . Ser. 6. Hieronym . in 2. Cor. 5. Gal. 2.15 , 16. Gal. 3.21 , 22. Acts 13.38 , 39. Rom. 8 3 , 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Impossible . Ambr. in Gal. 3. Chrysost. homil . in epist. ad Rom. Hierom in Gal 3 Bernar. serm . 50. in Cantic . Hironym lib. 2. Hironym . lib. 1. cap. 3. cont . Pel● . Tho. Aqui. in Gal. 3. Cusan . excit . li. 10 Rom. 10.3.4 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Gal. 3.18 , 19.21 22. Rom. 3.20 , 21 , 22. Rom. 4.14 , 15 , 16. Gal 3.9 , 10.11 , 12 , 13 , 14.24 . Act. 13.38 , 39. Act. 10.43 . Rom. 10.3 , 4. Rom. 3.31 . Psal. 1.1 , 2. Psal. 119.136 . Gal. 3 10. Gal 3.10 . Deut. 27.26 . Iam. 2.10 . Ga. l 3.13 . Act. 10 43. Act. 13.38 , 39. 1. Cor. 1.30 . Rom. 10.3 . 2 Cor. 5.21 . Iere. 23.6 . Ier. 33.10 . August . con . 1. ep . Pelag. lib. 1. cap. 21. Basil. serm . de humilit . Hillar . in Mat. 8. Ambr. in 1. Cor. 1. Chrysost homil . de fide & lege naturae . Esay 64.6 . Dan. 9.18 , 19. Iob 9.3 . Verse 20. Matth 5.4 18. Rom. 2.6 , 7 , 8 , 9 Heb 11.6 &c. Reward and Merit differ , and be not all one . Rom. 4.4 . Rom. 3.24 . Heb. 13.16 . Luke 17.7 , 8 , 9 , 10. Luke 18.9 , 10 , 11 , 12 , 13 , 14. Bern. Serm. 61. in Cant. Bern. Serm. 67. in Cant. Bern. Serm. 1. de Anx. Ansel. de mens . Crucis . Cusan . lib. 9. excis . Gal. 3.10 . Iam. 2.10 . Rom. 6 23. Ezek 18.20 . Everie sinne ( even the ●east that can be named ) is deadly in his owne nature . Bern. Epist. 190. Pigghius de fide & Iustifi● . Colon. in Antidag . Esa. 9.6 . Ioh. 3.16 . Ioh. 17.6.12.24 . Ioh 6.37.39 . 1. Cor. 1.30.31 . Mark. 5.36 . Rom 3.28 . Gal 2 . 16· Rom. 11.6 . Ephe. 2.8 , 9 , 10. Rom. 4.1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6. Tit. 3.5 , 6 , 7. Rom 3.24 , 25 , 26 , 27. Rom. 4.14 , 15 , 16. Gal. 3.10 . Rom. 7.7 . Rom. 10.2 , 3 , ● ▪ 5 , 6 , 7 , &c. Rom. 3 9.20 , 21 , 22 , 23 , 24.29 , 30. Rom. 4.2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 10 , 11 , 12.16 . Gal. 2.15.16 . Rom. 3.31 . Eph. 2.8 , 9 , 10. Rom. 4.2 , 3 , 4 , 5. Rom. 4.6 , 7 , 8. Psal. 143.2 . Rom. 4.6 , 7 , 8. Psal. 32.1.2 . Rom. 4.6 . 1. Cor. 4.4 . Iob 9 3 20. Dan 9 18 , 19. Esay 64 6. Psal. 130. ● . Abac. 2.4 . Rom 1.17 . Gal. 3.11 . Gal. 2.19 , 20 , T it 3.5 . Ephes. 1.1 . Ephes. 2.8 , 9.10 . Heb. 11.6 . Rom. 14.23 . Tit. 1.15 . August . con . Iulian . lib. 4. cap 3. cont . dua● ep . Pelag ad Bonif. lib. 3. cap. 5. Ephes. 2.8 , 9 , 10 Gal 5.6 . Iam. 2.14 , 15 , 16 , 17. &c. Mat. 25.34 , 35 , 36 , 37 , 38 , 39 , 40. &c. Verses 41 , 42 , 43 , 44. &c. They be not the elect , but the reprobates , that stand up on their works , as appeareth by the finall Iudgment . Bern. d. 〈…〉 lib. 〈◊〉 . Mat. 25.34 , Rom. 64 ●3 . Eph. 2.8 , 9.10 . Rom. 11.6 . Rom. 2.6 . Mat. 16.27 . Rom. 4.4 ▪ Coloss. 3.24 . Rom. 5.1 . Rom. 8.30 . Rom. 6.22 . Phil. 1.11 . 1. Cor. 6.11 . Iam. 2.18 . Gal. 5.6 . Luc. 1.74 , 75. 1. Pet. 2.24 . Rom. 6.22 . 1. Pet. 2.24 . Ioh. 1.7.9 . Ephes. 1.7 . Heb. 9.12 . Matth. 20.28 . 1. Tim. 2.5 , 6. Col 2.13 , 14 , 15. 1. Ioh. 2.1 , 2. Col. 1.14 . Acts 13.38 . Acts 10.43 . Tertull de Bapt. Aug. de verb. Apost . Ser. 37. Rom 5. ● . Rom. 3.24 , 25. 1 Ioh. 2.1 , 2. Col. 1.19 , 20 , 21. Psal. 119 67.71 . 1. Cor. 11.31.32 . Heb. 12.6 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 10. August . de Trinit . lib. 13. ca. 15. Rom. 8.18 . 1. Ioh. 2.2 . Rom. 3.25 . 1. Cor. 6.20 . 1. Pet. 1.18 , 19. Matth. 20.28 . 1. Tim. 2.6 . Rom. 3.24 . Heb. 10.14 . Rom. 5.1 . Coloss. 2. ●0 . Rom. 8.1 . 1. Thes. 5.9.10 . Rom. 8.28 . Heb. 12 6 9 , 10 , 11. 2. Cor. 4.17 . Gal. 3.13 , 14. Phil 1.21.23 . Reve. 14 13. 1. Cor. 15.56 , 57. 2. Cor. 5.1 , 2. Ioh. 5.24 . Luk. 23.43 . 2. Cor. 12.2 , 3 , 4 Luk. 16 22 , 23 , 24 , 25. Rhem. Annot. in Luk 16 ▪ ●2 . Gregor● Martin against the English translations , upon Purgatorie . Aug. epist. ●9 . Evodio . de gen . ad lit . lib. 1● . cap. 33. & 34 Chrysost. in Luc. hom . de divite . Revel . 13.8 . 1. Ioh. 2.2 . Heb. 13.8 . Iohn 8.56 . 1. Cor. 10.1 , 2 , 3 , 4. Act. 4.12 . Heb 9.15 . Heb. 9. vers . 8. Heb. 13.8 . Rev ▪ 13.8 . 1. Cor 10.1 , 2 , 3 , 4. Heb. 9 15. Mat. 8.11 . Mat. 1 . 2● . Ferus in hunc locum . Bellarm. de purg . lib. 1. cap. 4. Coloss. 1.14 . Ephes. 1.7 . Ier. 31.34 . Heb. 8.12 . Gal. 3.13 . Rom. 3.24 . Ephes 1.6 , 7. 1. Cor 6.20 . 1. Pet. 1.18 , 19. Coloss. 1.14 . Heb. 9.12 . Ier. 31.34 . Mark. 3.29 . 1· Cor. 3.10 , 11 , 12 , 13 , 14 , 15. Greg. lib. 4. Dial. ca. 39. Enchirid ad Laurentium ● p. 68. in Psal. 5. Heb. 12.29 . Ambrose upon this Text. 1. Cor 3.9 , 10 , 11 , 12. &c. Ier. 5.14 . & Ier. 23.29 . Rev. 14 13. 1. Pet. 1.8 . Hipognost . cont . Pelag. lib. 5. De verb. Apost . Serm. 14. & 18. Matt 25 41. Mat. 3.12 . D ▪ Civitat . Dei lib. 13. cap. 7. Cyprian . cont . Demetrian . Eccles. 11.13 . Eccles. 12 . 7· Eccles. 9.15 . Abac. 2.4 . Rom. 1.17 . Ezech. 18.20 . Ezech. 14.14 . Psal. 49.7 , 8. Matt. 25.8 , 9. Psal. 143.2 . Luk. 1.46 . Matt. 1.21 . Rom. 3.23 , 24. Rom. 8.18 . Rom. 7.14 , 15.19 23 , 24 , 25. 1. Cor. 4.4 . Phil 3.8 , 9. Gal. 2.19 , 20. Colos. 1.24 . Act 9 4 , 5. 2. Tim 2 10. 2. Cor. 1.5 , 6 , 7. &c. 2. Macc. 12.44 ▪ 2. Macc. 14.41 . 2. Macc. 12. ●● ▪ 2. Macc. 15.38 . Wisd. 3.1 . Ambr. in Orat. de obit . Theo. & de obit . Valent. Chrysost. in Mat. cap. 8. hom . 29. August . lib. 2. quaest . 3. ad Simplician . Aug. de Vnit. eccl . ca. 16. Deut. 12.8.32 . Ezech. 20.19 . Levit. 18.4 . Psal 106.39 . Esai 55.8.9 . Isidor . orig . lib. 8. cap. 3. Esai . 1.12 . 1. Sam. 15.2 ● . 21 , 22 , 23 , 24 , 25 , 26. 2. Sam. 6 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7. Luk. 16.15 . Mat. 12.13 . Phil. 1.11 . Heb. 11.6 . Act. 1● . 9 . Tit. 1.15 . Rom. 3.12 . Aug. cont . Iulian li. 4. c 3. & cont . 2. Epist. Pelag. ad Bonif. li. 3. ca. 5. August . de fide & oper . cap. 14. August . in Psal. 67. Act. 10.1 , 2. &c August . de praed . Sanct. lib. 1. c. 7. Introducis hominum genus , quod placere Deo possit sine fide Christi , lege naturae : Hoc est unde vos maximè Christiana detestatur Ecclesia August . cont . Iulian. Gal. 5 19. Rom. 7.19 , 20 , 21 , 22 , 23 , 24. Psal 3.12 . Esa 64 6. Psal. 130.3.4 . Iam. 3.2 . Agust . lib. 6. conf . Rom. 6.23 . Act. 20 28. 1. Cor 6.20 . Rom. 8 . 1● . Rom. 4. ● . August . in Psal. 83 Aug. in Psal. 32. August . in Psal. 101. 1. Cor. 4.7 . Luk. 17.7 , 8 , 9 , 10 ▪ 1. Cor. 1.31 . Rom 4.3 . Rev. 4.11 . Rev. 5.12.13 , 14 Rev. 19.1.3 . Rom. 8.3 . Act. 13.38.39 . Mat. 19.16 . &c. Mar. 10.17 . &c. Luk 10.25 26 , 27 , 28. Luk. 18.18 . &c. Rom. 10.5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 10 , 11. Rom , 10.4 ▪ Gal. 3.19.21.24 . Rom. 5.20.21 . Rom. 7.13.24 , 25. Rom. 7.7 , 8. Rom. 4 15 , 16. Gal 3.11 , 12 14 15 , 16 , 17 , 18. 22.24 . Rom. 3.31 . Matth. 5.17 . Psal. 1.1 , 2. Psal. 119.165 . The reasons why men shold do good works and walke in Gods law and commandem●nts . Ephe 2 8 , 9 , 10 2. Pet. 1.10 . Mat. 5 16. Luk. 10.35 . 1. Cor. 9.12.16.18 . &c. Deut. 29. ●● Act. 28.27 . Mat. 28.20 . Rom. 9.21.22 . Rom. 9.22.23 . Rom. 8.30 . 1. Thes. 5.5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 10. 2. Thes. 2.9 , 10 , 11 , 12 , 13 , 14. Ephes. 1.3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8. &c. The end of Predestination is , that men should live godly and holy lives : and not that they shold live licentiously or as they list . Colos. 3.12 , 13. 1. Pet. 2.9 . Luk. 10.20 . Ephes. 1.3 , 4 , 5 , 6. & ● ▪ The right use of the doctrine of predestination . Rom. 8.30 . Mat. 20.1.2 , 3.4 5 , 6 , 7. The doctrine of predestination teacheth no mā to despaire so long as life lasteth , but to use the meanes which God hath appointed to bring men to salvation . Touching assurance of salvation . 2. Pet. 1.10 . 2. Pet. 1.5 , 6 , 7 , 8 9 , 10. 2. Cor. 13.5 . Iob. 19.25 , 26 , 27. Rom. 8 35 , 36 , 37 , 38 , 39. Data sunt signa quaedam & Indicia manifesta s●lutis , ut indubitabile sit cum esse de numero Electorum , in quo ea signa per manserint Bernard ▪ in Septuag . Serm. 1. Rom ▪ 8.14 . Rom 8 14. Rom. 8.16 . 1. Ioh. 4.13 . 1. Cor. 2.12 . 1. Ioh 3.2 , 3. 1. Pet. 1.8 . Concerning Perseverance unto the end . Psal. 37.24 . Pro. 24.16 . Ezech. 18.24 . Luke 8.13 . Mat. 13.20 , 21. Ma● . 4.5 . ●6 ▪ ●7· Psal. 1.3 . Luke 8.15 . Matth 13.23 . Mark 4.8.20 Coloss. 1.23 . Rom. 8.30 . 1. Cor. 1.8 . 1 ▪ Thess. 5.24 . 1. Pet. 1.5 . Ioh. 10.28 , ●9 . 2. Cor. 5.1 . Heb. 10.32 , 33 , 34. Rom 8.16 . Ephe. 1.13 , 14. 1. Ioh 5.13 . 1. Ioh. 5.9 , 10 , 11 , 12. Ioh 3.36 . Ioh. 6.47 . Deus tibi de hoc mundo recedenti immortalitatem pollicetur : & tu dubitas & fluctuas : hoc est Christum credentium magistrū peccato incredulitatis offendere &c. Cyp● . de mor●al . Heb. 6.17 , 18 , 19. Regnū coelorū vult Dominus sine aliqua incertae voluntatis ambiguitate sperari : Alioquin Iustificatio ex fide nulla erit , si fides ipsa sit Ambigua . Hillar . in Matth. cap. 5. Iam. 1.6 , 7. Heb. 10.22 . Rom. 4.18 , ●9 , 20 , 21 &c. Presumere non de operatione tua sed de Christi gratia &c. bona presumptio . Ambr. de Sacram. lib. 5. cap. 4. Tota presumptio tua , Deus sit Aug●st . in Psal. 85. Psal. 42.5.11 . Psal. 43.5 . Rom. 7.24 , 25. Gal. 5.17 . 2. Cor 4 ▪ 8 , 9 , 10 &c. Ps 46.1 , 2 , 3. &c Psal 27.14 . Matth. 16.18 . Matt. 7.24 , 25. Rom. 8.37 . 1. Cor. ●0 . 12 . 2. Cor. 13.5 . 2. Pet. 1.5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 10. Phil. 2.12 . Rom. 8.15 . 1. Ioh. 4.17 . Rom. 8.31 , 32 , 33 , 34. &c. Rom 1.28 ▪ 29. &c. Tit. 1.16 . 2. Tim. 3.8 . Ge● ▪ 1.26 ▪ 31. Ecclesiastes 7.31 . Gen. 3.1 , 2 , 3 , 4. &c. Rom. 5.12 . Eph. 2.3 . Rom. 9.15 , 16 , 17 , 18. Eph. 1.3 , 4 , 5 , 6. Rev. 20 . 1● . Rom. 9.22 , 23. Hos 1● . 9 . Lam. 3.22 . Eph. 1.4 . Ioh 17.6.9 . Ioh 6.37.39 . Rom. 5 ▪ 9. Gal. 3.13 . Eph. 2.1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5. 2. Cor. 4.3 ▪ 4. Rom 11.5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 10. Rom. 11.7 . Rom 11.5 . Mat. 20.16 . Heb. 6.4 , 5 , 6. Rom. 2.5 . Heb. 12.17 . Ioh. 12.37.39.40 . Deut. 29.4 . Ezech. 36 26.27 . Ezech. 18 23. Ezech 33.11 . Ezech. 18.13 . Ezech 33.9 . &c. 1. Sam. 2.25 . 1. Pet. 2.8 . 2. Pet. 2.12 . Pro. 16.4 . Iude , vers . 4. God is not the Author of sin . Gen. 1 31. Gen 3.1 , 2 , 3 , &c. Ioh. 13.27 . Iam. 1 . 1● . Ephe. 2.2 . 2 Tim 2.26 . God withholdeth his grace from some , but infus●●h not wickednesse into any . Iam. 1. ●4 . Ephes. 2.3 . Rom. 17. Non f●cit voluntates malas , sed utitur iis , ut voluerit . lib● cap. 3.2 . Cor 46. Gen 1.2 , ● , 4. Divinae sapientiae virtutis , & potenti●e , est , non solum bene facere , quae natura Dei est , - sed etiam illud maximè , ut id quod per malos excogitatum est , ad bonum aliquē finē , & utilum , de ducat & utiliter iis quae videntur mala , utatur . Clemens Alexand. strom . lib. 1. Si peccaveris ne putes hominem fecisse quod voluit , & Deo accidisse quod noluit . August . in Psal. 110.2 . 2. Sam 12.9 , 10 , 11 , 12. 2. Sam ●6 . 21 , 22. Quis non ista iudicia contremiscat , in quious agit Deus in cordibus malorum hominū , quicquid vult : reddens eis secundum merita illorū . Et : manifestū est Deum operari in cordibus hominum , adinclinandas , illorum voluntates , quocunque voluerit , si●e ad bona pro misericordia , sive ad mala , pro , meritis , illorum : Iudicio utique suo , aliquando aperto , aliquando occulto , semper autem Iusto . Aug. de gra . & lib. arb . ca 21. Rom. 1 20 , 21 , 22 , 23 , 24 , 25 , 26 , 27 , 28 , 29 , 30. Intelligendum est . Omnia vel adjuvante Domino perfici , vel deserente permitti : ut intelligas tamen , Nolente Deo , nihil prorsus admitti . August . de praedestinatione & gra . cap. 15. Rom. 1 . 2● . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ver●● 24. Verse 26. Verse 28. 2. Tess. 2 10 , 11 , 12. Iob 1.13.17 . Iam. 5.11 . 1 Pet. 4.12.19 . 1. Pet. 3.17 . Rom. 2.5 . Matt. 23.14.33 , 34 , 35. Iam 3.1 . August . in Enchir . C. 30. de verb. Apost . ser. 2. degra . & lib. arbit . Retract . lib. 2. cap. 8. &c. De perfect . Iustie . ●at . 9. Retract . lib. 1. cap. 1. Aug. cont . 2. ●p . Pel. l. 1. c. 19. Rom ● . 16 . Rom 9.22 , 23 ▪ Iere 10.23 . Pro. 21.1 . Ephe. 1.11 . Lam. 2.17 . Eph. 1.3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 ▪ 9 , 10 , 11. &c. Psal. 115.3 . Psal 135.6 . Eph. 3.4 , 5.9 11 Rom. 16.25.26 . Col. 1.26 , 27. T it 1.2 , 3. 1. Ioh 4.9 . 1. Pet 1.1 , 2. 1. Pet. 1.18 , 19. 1. Pet. 1.20 . 2. Tim. 1.9 , 10. Matt. 1.21 . Rom. 5.11 , Greg exposit . in 1. Reg. cap. 4. Aug Enchir. cap. 27. Gal 3.22 . Rom 3.9 ▪ &c. Rom. 3.19 . Rom 3.23 , 24 , 25 , 26. Rom. 11 32. Prov. 21.1 . Ier. ●0 . 23 . Act. 17.28 . Psal. 135.6 . August . in Enchirid . c. 98. & in Psal. 110.2 . August . Enchir. c. 95. Hugo de Sacr. lib. 1. c. 12. par . 4. Deus est vitiorum nostrorum ●on Author sed Ordinator· August . in Ench●rid . cap. 99. August . Enchir. ad Lam. c. 101. Act. 17.28 . Rom 5.12 . 2. Tim. 2.26 . ●phes . 2.3 . ● . Tim. 5 ▪ ●1 . Mat. 25.41 . 2. Pet 2.4 . Iude vers . 6. Ioh. 8.44 . Act 2.23 . Act. 4.27 ▪ 28. Mat. 26 . 2● . Mat. 18.7 . Ier. 10.5 , 6 , 7. &c. Gen. 45.4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 &c ▪ Gen. 50.15 , 16 ▪ 17 , 18 , 19 , 20 , ● 21. Act 7. ● . 2. Sam. 16.5 , 6 , 7 , 8. &c. 1. King. 2.44 45 46. Bernard . in Can. Serm. 81. 1. Tim. 2● 1 , 2 , 3 , 4. August . Enchir. cap. 103. Greg. in 1. Reg. lib. 5. c. 4. Mat. 24.40 . Mat. 25.41 . Rom. 9.19 . Iam. 1.17 . Mal. 3.6 . Rom 9.20 , 21. Ier. 18.1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6. Esay 45.9 . Rom. 9.21 . &c. Rom. 9.18 . Vers. 15. Vers. 16. Heb. 12.17 . Mens salvation dependeth not upon the will of men , but upon the will and pleasure of God. Num. 23.10 . Mat. 25.11.12 . Ioh. 8 21. Luk. 13.24 . It is a most manifest truth , that manie cannot be saved , not because themselves will not : but because God will not , saith Augustine , Epist. 107. ad Vital . Rom 11.7 . Ioh. 10.26 . Act. 13.48 . Tit. 1.1 . Matt. 13.11 . Voluntas Dei omnium , quae sunt ipsa est causa . Aug. de gen . cont . Manich . lib 1. cap. 2. Mat. 11.25 . Heb. 4.2 . Ioh. 12.37.39 . Heb. 6.4 , 5 , 6. Rom. 2.5 . Acts 5.31 . 2. Tim. 2 . 2● . Lam. 5.21 . Iere. 31.8 . 1. Cor. 12.9 . Eph. 2.8 , 9 Against the free will of men , in things belonging to Gods ki●gdom . 2. Tim 2.26 . Ioh. 8.36 . Ioh. 6.44 . Deus facit , ut velimus : Ille facit utfaciamus : It is God that maketh us to wil , and it is he that maketh us to doe , saith S. Aug. de gra . ●t lib. arb . ca. 16 1. Cor. 2.14 . Col. 3.9 , 10. Ioh 3 6 , 7 , 8. Gal. 6.15 . Heb. 6.4 . Rom. 12.2 . Iam. 1.5 , 6. 1 Cor. 12.4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 10 , 11. Gal. 5.16 , 17 , 18 , 19 , 20 , 21 , 22 , 23 , 24. Iam. 1.17 , 18. Eph. 2.1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7. Quid tantum de Naturae possibilitate praesumitur ? vulnerata , sauciata , vexata , perdita est : vera confessione non falsa defensione opus habet . August . de nat . & gra . cap. 53. Wee have Will in our selves : but to will well , or to will that which is good & godly , is of God , saith Bernard de gra . & liber . arbi● . Phil. 2.13 . Ezec. 36.26 , 27. God must cause & make men to c●nsent to his wayes , and to walke therein , before they can doe it . Ioh. 15.16 . Ioh. 4.10 . Ioh. 4.19 . Pro. 21.1 . Iere. 10.23 . Ephe. 1.11 . Deus facit volentem , hoc est voluntati suae consentientem : Bernard de gra . & lib. arb . Deut. 30.19 . Psal. 25.4 , 5. Vers. 1● . Ephes. 1 4. 2. Tim 1.9 , 10. 1. Pet. 1·19 , 20. Mat. 25.34 . Rom. 8.29 , 30. Touching the foreknowledg of God. Act. 15.18 . Ioh. 15.16 . Eph. 2.10 . Eph. 1.4 . 1 Cor 15.45 . Heb 7.22 . 1. Tim. 2.5 . Phil. 2.6 , 7 , 8. Ioh. 3.36 . Ioh. 8.21.24 . Ad artic sibi faliò impositos art . 1. Ambros. in Luc. cap. 7. lib. 6. Hironym . in Matth. 20.28 . Rom. 8 . 3● . Heb. 2.9 , 10 , 11 , 12 , 13 , 14. &c. 2. Cor. 5.14 , 15. 1. Thes. 5.9 , 10. ●phes . 5. ●● . Ioh. 10.11 , 12. Ioh. 15.13.14 . 1. Pet. 18 , 19 , 20. 2. Tim. 1.9 , 10. Esay 9.6 . 1. Cor. 6.19 ●● . Act. 20.28 . Mat. 26.28 . Mat. 20.28 . Heb. 9.28 ▪ Rom. 5.19 . Dan. 9.26.27 . Rom. 5.8 . ● ▪ Ioh. 4.9 . Verse 10. Ephe. 1.3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8. Heb 9 . 1● . 1. Pet. 1 ▪ 19. Heb. 2.24 . 1. Ioh. 1.7 . Coloss. 1.20 . Rom. 5.9 . Heb. 10.10 . 1. Tim. 1 ▪ 15. Rev. 5. ● . Rom. 6.3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9.11 . Col 3.1 , 2 , 3. Phil. 3.9 , 10. Rom. 8.1 . 1 Cor. 1.30 . Phil. 3.8 , 9. Col. 2.10 , 11 , 12 , 13. Rom. 6.3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8. Col 3.1 . Eph. 2.5 , 6. 1. Cor. 12.12 . Ioh. 17.9 . Heb. 10.21 . Ioh. 1.29 . Reconciliatus mundus , ex Inimico liberabitur mundo . Aug Tract . in Ioh. 1 ●1 . Mundus igitur odit mundū : Inimicus , Reconciliatum : Damnatus , salvatum : Inquinatus mundatum . August . Tract . 87. in Ioh. & Epist. 48. Ioh. 3 16 , 17. Sed iste mundus quē Deus in Christo reconciliat sibi , & qui per Christum salvatur , & cui per Christum omne peccatū donatur , De mundo electus est inimico , Damnato , contaminato . August . Tract . 87. in Ioh. August . colla● 3. Carthag . cum Donat. cap. 265. ibidem cap. 273. 2. Cor. 5.19 . Rom 4 ▪ 6 , 7 , 8. Matt. 25.41 . Ioh. 4.13 , 14. There is Mundus salvandorum : and Mundus Damnandorum . August . in Ioh. Tract . 87. & epist 48. Matth. 1.21 . 1. Ioh. 1.2 . August . in Tract . 87. in Ioh. Christus passus est pro salute mundi salvandorum . Euseb. hist lib. 4. c. 15. Rom. 9.15.16 . Rom. 8.29.30 . Eph. 1 4. Ephes. 1.11 . Ephes. 1. ver . 11. Eph. 1.5 . Mat. 7.23 . Mat. 25.12 . Cyril . expos . in Joh. 7. c. 6. Thom. in Rom. 8. Iustin. Mar● . cont . Triph●n . Aug. de prad . ca. 5. & 17. Ephes. 1.5 . Gal 3.26 . 1. Pet. 1.1.2 . August . Enchir. cap. 19 & . cap. 98. & de prad . cap. 8. Rom. 8.30 . Eph. 1 11. Rom. 8. ●8 29. 2. Tim. 1.9 . Rom. 11.5.6 . Rom. 9.11.12.13 Dei voluntas , rerum est necessitas . August . de civit . Dei. lib. 5. c. 8.9.10 . & de gen . ad l●t . lib 5. cap. 5. Bellarm de gr● . & lib. arbit . lib. 2. cap. 16. Ephes 14. 2. Tim. 1.9 . 1. Pet. 1.20 . Rom. 16.25 26. Colos 1.26 , 27· Eph. 3.8 , 9 , 10 , 11. Tit. 1.2 , 3. Act. 13.48 . Ephes. 1.4.5 . Ioh. 15.16 . Eph. 2.10 . Mat. 25.34.35.36 . Rom. 8.30 . Mat. 11.25 , 26. Ephe 1.5.9 . Rom. 9.16 . Ephes. 1.4.5.6 . Hoseah . 13.9 . Rom. 3.4 , 5 , 6. Rom. 9.20 . Esa 45.9 . Ier. 18.6 . Matt. 20.15 . Rom. 11.35 . Rom. 11.34 . Rom 11 22. Rom. 9.18.22 , 23. Ro● . 11.33 . Rom. 2.5 . Ezech. 18.25.29.30 . Dan. 4.32 . Rev. 4.11 . Gen. 17.11 . Rom. 4.11 . Act. 2.38 . Gal. 3.27 . Mat. 26.26 , 27 , 28. Aug. de Symb. ad Cathe●a . Aug. de doctrin . Christi lib. 3. cap. 9. Ambr. lib. 1. de Sacram. cap. 1. Bessar . de Sacr. Eucharist . Act. 8.17 . Act. 19.6 . Ioh. 20 . 2● . Bellar de Poenit. lib. 1. cap. 10. 2. Cor 5.18 , 19 , 20. Rom. 1.16 . 1. Cor. 1.21 . Mark. 1.4 . Act. 2. ●8 . Mat. 26.28 . ● . Co●●7 . 7 . Mat. 19.10 , 11 , 12. Bellarm. de matr . lib. 1. cap. 6. 1. Cor. 7.2 . Ephes 5.32 . Ephes. 5.32 . Caietan . in Eph. 5. 1. Tim. 2.8 . 1. Cor. 10.16 ▪ Rom. 4.11 . Mar 6.13 . Mar. 16.15 , 16 , 17 , 18 , 19 , 20. Mar. 6.13 . Iam. 5.14 , 15 , 16. 1. Cor. 12.30 . Mar. 6 . 1● . Ioh. 1.29 . Ioh. 1.17 . Heb. 9.28 . Heb 1.3 . Rev. 1.5 . Ephes 5.26 . Tit. 3.5 . 1. Cor. 12.11 . Ioh. 3.6 , 7 , 8. Gal. 5.22.23 , 24 25 , 26. Mat. 3.11 . Man gives water : but God gives the holy Ghost : saith H●erome upon Esay 14. Graces is not from the nature of the water , but ●rom the presence of the spirit , saith Basil. lib. de spiritu sanct . ca. 15. 1. Pet. 3 21. There is one water of the Sacrament an other of the Spirit : The water of the Sacrament , is visible : the water of the S●irit is invisible : That washeth the bodie , and signifieth what is done in the soule : By this , the soule is clensed and healed , saith Aug. Tract . 6. in Epist Ioh. 1. Cor. 11.29 . Heb. 9 25 , 26.28 . Heb. 10.14 . Heb. 9.22 . Heb. 5.5 , 6 ▪ 9 , 10. Heb. 5.5 , 6.10 . Heb. 7.15 , 16 , 17. Heb 7.23.24 . Heb. 7.20 , 21 , 22 , 23. Ver. 24. Vocatur Sacrificium & oblatio , quia memoria est & represen●atio veri Sacrificii & sanctae Immolationis factae in ara Crucis . Lomb. lib 4. dist . 12. Euseb. Demonstr . Evang. lib. 1. cap. 10. August . octog . trium quaest . 61. Theoph. in Heb. ●● . Chrys●st . hom . 17. ad Hebr. Gen. 14.18 . Ioseph . Antiquit. lib. 1. cap. 10. Petrus Comest . hist. Shil . in Gen. 45. Heb. 7.1 , 2 , 3. Rom. 12.1 . Rev. 1.6 . 1. Pet. 2.9 . 1. Pet. 2 5. Rom. 17.1 . Heb. 13.15 . Psal. 141.2 . Psal. 4.5 . Heb. 13.16 . Rom. 12 . 1● ▪ Mal. 1.11 . Rev. 1.6 . 1. Pet. 2.5.9 . Exhort . ad Castitatem . Let a man so esteeme of us ( saith S. Paul ) as of the Ministers of Christ. 1. Cor. 4. ● . So that the terme of a Minister of Christ , or of the Gospel , is to be reverenced , and not to be scornfully , or skoffingly mentioned , as it is by sundry in the Papacie ▪ Mat. 26.27 , 28. Mar. 14.23 , 24. Luk. 22.20 . 1. Cor. 11.25 . Tertul cont . Mar. lib. 4 August . in Psal. 3. & cont . Adimantum manichaeum cap. 12. Ioh. 6 53 , 54 ▪ 55.56 . August . de doct . Christ. lib. 3. c. 16. in Ioh. 6. tract . 26. & tract . 25. August de doct . Christ. lib 3. c. 16 Aug. in Psal 98. Ioh. 6 . 5● . Ioh. 6.33.35.48 5● , 51.58 ▪ Ioh. 6.54 . Ioh. 6.40 . Ioh. 6.47 . Ioh. 6.56 . Ephes 3.17 . 1. Cor ▪ 6.17 . 1. Cor. 10.1 , ● , ● 4. Ioh. 6.54 . 1. Cor 11.27 . Lyra. in Psal. 110. Gen. 17.13 . Gen 12.13 . Gen. 17.1 , 2 , 3 , 4. &c. Exod. 12.11 . Mat. 26.17 . Mat. 26 17. Tit. 3. ● . Mat. 22.27.28 . Mar. 14.23 , 24. Ioh. 15.1 . Ioh. 6.58 . Ioh. 2.1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5. Exod. 4.1 , 2 , 3. 1. Cor. 11.26 , 27 , 28. Heb 2 17. Au●ust . in Ioh. Tra●t . 3● . & Ep. 57. ad Bar●an . Matt 2● . 6 . Christus est ubique per id quod Deus est : In coelo autē per id quod homo est . August Epist. 57. ad Dardan . Caro Christi , quando in terra fuit , non fuit in coelo : & nunc quia in coelo est , non est utique in terra Vigil . cont . Eutich . lib. 1. Iere 23 24. 1. King. 8.27 . Matt. 26.11 . Matt. 28 . 2● . Io● . ●● . 7 . Ioh. 16.28 . Ioh. 17.11 . Act. 5.22 . Ioh. 17.11 . Act. 3.22 . Ioh. 3.13 . 1. Ioh. 4.3 . Matt. 24.24 . Sacerdos est creator creatoris sui : Qui creavit vos , dedit vobis creare se. Stella Cl●●icorū . Serm. 〈…〉 . 1. Tim. 4 4 , 5. Ambros. de Sacram . lib. 4. cap ▪ ● Ambros de ijs qui M●ster . ca. 9. Chrysost. ad Casarium in Mat. hom . 15. Theod. dialog . 1.2 . G●las . cont . E●●tych . August . in Ioh. tract . 26. & tract . 50. & tract . 25. Ambros. in Psal. ● ▪ ●3 . Ci●er . de Nat. Deorum . Mat 26.27 . 1. Cor. 11.26.27 28 , 29 , 30 , 31. Concil Const. sess . 13. Comperimus de consecra . dist . 2. 1. Cor. 10.17 . 1. Cor. 11.20 , 21 , 22 , 23 , 24 , 25 &c. Chrysost. homil . 3. in Eph. Notes for div A12211-e67640 Plggh. hierar . lib. 1. cap 2 3 4. Cusan . Epist. 2. ad Bohemos . Confess . Patrocen●ens . cap. 15. Ephe 5 23 , 24. Rev. 17.18 . Ioh. ●● ▪ 27 , 18. Matt. 28.20 . 2. Thess. 1.7 , 8 , 9 , 10. Rev. 17.1 . Verse 2. Verse 4. Rev. 17. v. 18. Rev. 17. ver . 9. Geor● 〈…〉 lib. 5. de ●●ng lat . calleth it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Eleg ▪ 10. lib. 3. Bellarmine him●selfe lib. 3. de Pont. Rom. cap. 13. confesseth per Meretricē intelligi Romā , that by the whore of Babylon Rome is understood . & lib. 2. c. 2. & Lessius pag. 73. & 82. & Riber . in Apoc. 14 n. 27.28.29.30 . & Viegas in Apoc. 17 comment . 1. sect . 3. Maluenda de Antich . lib. 4. c. 3. &c. Rom. 1.7 ▪ 2. 〈◊〉 ▪ 3 &c. Esa. 1.21 . Rev. 17. ● . Rev. 17.3 ▪ Rev. 17.3.7 . Rev. 17 9. These five , doth Livy thus reckon , initio libri sexti And Messala Corvinus lib. de progen . August . Caesar . And C●●nelius Tacitus , Annaliū initio , lib. 1. And Onuphrius also praefat 〈…〉 Fast. lib. 〈…〉 Augustinum . R●v . 17.10 . 2. Pet. 3.8 , 9. Psal. 90.14 . Rev. 17.12.16 , 17. Rev. 17.11 . Rev. 17.3.7.8.11 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Is octavus est . s. Rex . hee is the eight , that is , the eight King , or the eight head . Bellarm. de Rom pont . lib. 5. ca. 1. Bellarm. de Rom. pont . lib. 5. cap ▪ 6. Rev. 17 3·7 . Rev. 17.8 . Bellarm. de Rom. pont . lib. 2. c. 2. Less . pag. 72. Rib. in Apoc. 14.11.27 , 28 , 29 , 30. V●●g . in Apoc. 17 com . 1. sec. 3. M●luend . de Anti●h . lib. 4. c. 3. Rev. 1● . 5 . 2. Thes. 2.7 . &c. Rev. 18.11 , 12 , 13. &c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 2. Pet 2 . 1.2·3 . Claud. Espenc . in Tit. 1. 1. Pet. ● . 3 . 2. Cor. 1.24 . Rev 18.15 . Rev. 14.8 . Rev. 17.2 . Rev. 13.16 . De Pet. & Paul. S●r●● . 1. Rev. 18.14.21 , 22 , 23. Suarez . lib. 5. cap. 7. nu . 11. & cap. 21. nu . 6. Rev. 11.15 . Rev. 17.1 . Aug. de doctrin . Christiana lib. 3. cap. 9. & 10. & 16. Ioh. 4.24 . Ioh. 1.18 . Iere. 23.24 . 1. Kin 8.27 . Rom. 1.22.23 . Esay 44.7 . Esay 46.5 . Esay 44.9 . Esay 44.11 . Act. 7 41. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Tertull. lib. de Idolat . cap. 3. Exod. 20.4 . Deut. 4.12 , 13 , 14 , 15 , 16 , 17 , 18 Theod in Deu● . quaest . 1. August Ep. 119. ad Iannar . Col. 2.23 . Abulens . in Deut. 4. Ambr. Epist. 31. ad Valentinian . Ioh. 4.24 . Exod. 32.1 , 2 , 3 , 4. &c. Exod. 2●●● . Psal. 106.20 . Nehem. 9.18 . Exo● ▪ 32.4 , 5. Ferus the Iesuite confesseth and teacheth , that the Israelites intended to worship the 〈◊〉 God , in the Calfe which Aaron made , & sheweth his reasons for it , upon Act. 17. Exod. 32.7.30 , 31. Exod. 32.10 , 11 12. &c. In the two Calves likewise made by Ieroboam ( in 1. Kin. 12.28 . ) was the true God also intended to be worshipped : as Iosephus himselfe testifieth . Antiquit. Iud. li. 8. c. 3. and yet was it Idolatry for all that . Clem. Recog . ad ●ac . lib. 5. August . in Psal 113. concion . 2. Peres . de Tred . part . 3. Rom. 1 . 2● , 21 , 22 , 23. &c. Act. 17.23 . &c. Rom. 10.14 . Luk. 11.2 . Mat. 6.9 . Psal. 50.15 . Psal. 32.6 . Psal. 73.25 . Psal. 62.5 , 6 , 7 , 8 Epiphan . haeres . 79. Esay 42.8 . 1. King. 8. ●● . August . de vera Relig. cap. 55. Cyril . cont . Iulian . lib. 6. Colos. 2.18 . Theodo . in Colos. 2.18 . Aug. ad quod vult Deum , haer . 39. Epiphan . haeres . 38. Aug. in Psal. 96. Rev. 19.10 . Rev. 22.8 , 9. 1. Thes. 1.9 . Rom. 1.9 . Act. 20.19 . Mat. 4.10 . 1. Sam. 7.3 . 1. Ioh. 2.1 . Rom. 8.34 . Heb 7.25 . Heb. 9.15 . 1. Tim. 2.5 . Ioh. 16.23 . Ephes. 3.12 . Heb. 4.16 . Heb. 10.19 . This reason was also alledged in S. Ambrose time , but he likewise answereth it : in Epist. ad Rom. cap. 1. Ioh. 15.13 , 14 , 15. ● . Pet. 2.24 . 2. Cor. 5.21 . Gal. 3.10.13 . August . de spirit . & anima cap. 26. Rom. 1. ● . 10 . 1. Thes 5.25 . Iam. 5.26 . 2. Chr. 6.30 . Bellar. lib. de Imag. cap. 21. Azor. instit . mor. part 1. lib. 9. cap. 6. § tot● haec . Tho Aquin. Sum. par . 3. quaest . 25. art . 3. Aug. hares . 7. Exod 20.4 , 5. Matth. 4.10 . Lib. 7. epist. 119. & lib. 9. epist. 9. Ado● . Chron ▪ in Ann. 795. Abbas usperg in Ann 793. Hincmar . Remens . lib. 20. cont . Episc . landanens . Matth. Westmonaster . hist. in Ann. 793. &c. Epiphan . Epist. ad Iohan. Hiero. Concil . Eliber . can . 36. The Aquin. par . 3. Summ. quaest . 25. art . 4. Gal. 3.1 . Num. 21.8.9 . 2. King 18.4 . Ambr. de Obitu Theodosij . Rhem. Annot. upon Rom. 10.14 . Ruffinus in Symbolum . Euseb. Emiss . de Symb. hom . 2. Primas . com . Gal. 3. Cypr. de duplici Martyrio . Iere. 17.5 . Philem. ver . 5. Ephe. 1.15 . Coloss. 1. ● . Rev. 17.6 . Papists , if anie of them die in defence of the Pope , or Popish religion , be therein no Martyrs of Christ , but of Antichrist . Rev. 17.1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7.8 . &c. 2. Thes 2.3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 10 , 11 , 12. 2. Thes. 2.7 . Mysticam Iniquitatem ▪ id est Pietatis nomine palliatam : ut velint haberi ministri Christi qui sunt pseudapostoli Glossa . ordin . in 2. Thes. 2 Dicitur Mysterium , quia videtur occultum : Quia tales operarii ostendunt se velut Ministros aut samulos Christi , cum revera sint Ministri Antichristi . Anselm . in 2. Thes. 2. 2. Thes. 2.7 . 2. Thes. 2.9 . Chrysost. in 2. Thes. 2. August . de Civit . Dei ▪ lib. 20. cap. 19. & d●●nitat . Eccl. ca. 16 Rev 16.14 . 2. Thes. 2.9 . In his Booke concerning Antichrist , in English , and also in his latin booke . Nicho. Lyran. in Dan. 14. Alexander de Hale● . in 4. sent . q 53. Gabriel . Biel in Can. miss . lect . 49 Iren lib. 1. cap. 9. Mar. 16.20 . Aug de Civit. dei lib. 22. cap. 8. 2. Thes· 2. ● 1. Cor. 3.16 , 17. 2 Cor. 6.16 . Ephes 2 21. Rev. 3.12 . Hieronym ad Algas . quaest . 11. Hieronym . ad Marcell . Orig. tract . 29. in Matth. Hieron . in Dan. 9 Chrysost. orat . 2. con● . Iudaeos . Naz. orat . 2. con . Julian . Theo. lib. 3. c. 20. Socrat. li. 3. c. 20. Sozom. lib. 5. cap. ult . Ruffin . lib. 1. cap. 37 , 38.39 . Chrysost. in 2. Thes ▪ 2. Oecumen . in 2. Thes. 2. Theophi . in 2. Thes. 2. Dei templum appellavit Ecclesias , in quibus primam ●edem a●●piet . Theod. in 2. Thes. 2. 2. Thes. 2.4 . Hier. in Dan. 11. Simulabit se ducem Faederis hoc est , Legis & Testamenti Dei. Duo usurpabit Testamenta . Primas . & glos . ordin . in Rev. 13 11. 1. Ioh. 2.18.22 . 2 Ioh. ver 7. & 1. Ioh. 4.3 . Hillar . ad Auxe●tium ▪ In explicat . super Matth. ad Euseb . lib. 4. cap. 24. Cassand . Consult . ar● ▪ 21. Breviar . Rom. & Offic. B. Mar. refor . Missal . Parisiens ▪ Deut. 18.18.19 Act. 3.22.23 . Matt. 17.5 . Dist 19. cap. Si Romanorum . Contr● . Lutheri conclus . de potestate Papae . Eck. de Ecclesia . 2. Thess. 2.4 . Psal 82.1.6.7 . Exod 7.1 ▪ Exod. 22.28 . 1. Pet. 2.13 , 14. Rom. 13.1 . &c. Tit. 3.1 . Hieron . in Epita . Paul● . Euseb. lib. 10. cap. ● . Leo , Epist. 12. & 17. Sozom. lib , 1. cap. 17. A●then . Consti . T●t . 15. Rom. 1● . 1 . Cae. Extravag . de maiorit . Et obed . C. 5. & seg . extr de Translat . Epis● . Gregor . lib. 4. Epist. 30. Lib. 4. Epist. 32. & 36. Ad Eulog . Gratian dist . 99. pr●● . sed . Mat. 16.15 , 16 , 17 , 18 , 19. Ioh. 6.67 ▪ 68. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Theoph. in Luc. 21. & , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Euseb. lib. 2. cap. 14. Petrus , pro omnibus dixit , & cum omnibus accepit . Orig. Tract . 1. in Mat. Origen . in Ma● . Tract . 1. Cyprian . de simplicit . Pr●lat . August . in Ioh. tract . 124. August . in Ioh. tract . 50. Hiero. cont . Iovinian . lib. 1. Beda upon Mat. 16. Haymo . in his Homily , upon the feast of Peter and Paul. ● Cor. 3.11 . 1. Cor. 10.4 . Mat. 7.24 . Aug. in Mat. Serm 13. de verbi● Domini . Matth. 10.2 . Ambr. in 2. Cor. 12. Petrus in Apostolorum ordine primus , in Christi amore promptissimus , Petrus respondet pro omnibus ▪ Aug. de verb. Dom. ser. 13. cap. 1. Vt Plat● princeps Philosophorum ita Petrus Apostolorum ●uit . Hironym . advers . Pelag. lib. 1. Luk 22.24 , 25 , 26. Cyprian . de simplicit . Praelat . Cyprian . ad Quirin , in Act. 2. Ephes. 2.20 . Rev. ●1 . 14 . Hieronym . ad Iovinian . lib. 1. cap. 14. Luk. 22.31 , 32. Satanas expetivit vos ▪ ut cribraret sicut triticum : Ego autem rogavi pro te &c. Beda . in Luk. 22. Chrysost. in Ioh. homil . 72. Chrysost. in Mat. homil . 83. Ibidem Paulo aute . Luke 7.41.42.43.47 . Cyrill . in Ioh. lib. 12. cap. 46. Aug. tract . 123. in Ioh. Chrysost. hom . 87. 〈◊〉 Ioh. Basil. de so . lib. visa cap. 23. Aug. de ag●ne Christi cap 30. Ambr. de dignit . Sacerd. cap. 2. Matt 28.19 20. Mar. 16.15.16 . Matth. 16.19 . Matt. 18.17 . Rev. 13.1 . T it 3.1 . 1. Pet. 2.13 . 2. Thess 3.14 . De poenit . d 5. in poenitent . gloss . Super. 5. de poenit . & remiss C. omnes utriusque . Rhenan . Annot. ad Tertul. de poenit . Erasmus annot . ad Hiero. de obit . Fabiol . Socrat. li. 5. c. 10. Sozom. li. 7. c. 16. Tripart . Hist. lib. 9. c. 35. Niceph. lib. 12. c. 28. Mat. 3.6 . Act. 19.18 . Iam. 5.16 . Caietan . upon Ioh. 20. 2. Thess. 2.4 . Distinct. 21. & dist 96 C satu evidenser . Christoph Marcell . in Concil . la. ●eran . sess . 4. In the glosse of the Extravant . cum inter . In archa triumphali . Impress . Lugduni . in Anno 1555. 2. Thes. 2 5 ▪ 6 , 7 , 8. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Tertul. de resur ▪ carnis . Chrysost. in 2. Thess. 2. Aug. de Civit. Dei. li. 20 c 19. Hicronym ad Algas . quaest . 11. Cyrill . Catech. 15. Primasius , Theophilact , Ambr. in 2. Thes. 2. Rev. 17.18 . ● . Thes. 2.9.10 . Esp. 2 Tim. 4. digr . 21. Can. loc . lib. 11. cap. 6. Caiet . opusc . de concep . Vir. c. 1. Deut. 13.1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5. 2 Thes. 2.9 . 2. Thess. 1.10.11.12 . 2. Thess. 2.10.11 , 12. Rev. 14.9.10 , 11. 2. Thess. 2.8 . Heb. 4.12 ▪ 2. Cor. 10.4 5. Rev. 10.5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 10 , 11. Rev 10.2 . ● , 9 , 10 , 11. Rev. 14.6 . Rev. 10.11 . Bellarm. in his fift Demonstration touching Antichrist . Dan. 8.14.15 . Hieronym ▪ in Dan. cap. 8. Bellarm. in his sixt Demonstration touching Antichrist . Matth 24.36 . Mat. 13.32 . Ezech. 4.6 . Numb . 14 34. Dan. 10 2.3 . Levit. 25.8 . Dan 9.24 . Act. 1.17 . Rhem upon Rev. 20.2 . Beda upon Rev. 12. Ambrosius Ausbertus upon this place . Rupertus upon this place . Haymo upon this place . Rev. 11.2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7. &c. In Mal. 4. Ad Marcellam . Areth. in Apoc. 11. Victorin . in Apoc . 11. Hillar in Matth. can 20. Deut. 19.15 . Ioh. 8.17 . Matt. 18.16 . Exod. 7.20.21 . &c. 2. King. 1.9.10 , 11 , 12. Iam. 5.17 . Luk. 4.25 . Ios. Scaliger . lib. de emend . temp . Rev. 11.2 . Rev. 3.9 . Areth. in Apoc. Rev. 17.10 . He●ten . praefat . ad Comment . Arethae , in Apoc. 1. Ioh. 2.18 . 2. Ioh. 7. 1. Ioh. 4.3 . 2. Thess. 2.7 . Verse 8. Dan. 7 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7. Rev. 13. Rev. 17. Dan. 8.20 . Dan. 8.21 . Rev. 13. Rev. 17. Rhemists in their Annotat. upon Rev. 17.9 . Rev. 20.2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6. &c. 1. Ioh. 2.18 . 2. Ioh. 7. Matt. 24.24 . 2. Thess. 2.3.7 . 2. Thess. 2.7 . 1. Ioh. 2.18 . 1. Ioh. 4.3 . 2. Ioh. 7. 2. Thess. 2.8 . Theod. in 2. Thess. 2. Dan. 7.3.17.23 . Rev. 13.1 . Rev. 17. verses 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 10 , 11 , 12. &c. Rev. 17.9 , 10. Rev. 17.10 . 2. Pet. 3.8 . Rev. 17.12 , 13 , 14 , 15 , 16 , 17 , 18. Rev. 17.8 . Rev. 17.10 . Rev. 13.3.4 . Rev. 13.3.4 . Rev. 17.8 . Rev. 17.11 . In the vulgar Latin translation , it is : Ipsa octava est : as though Eight Beasts had bin there mentioned : which is a most manifest-false Translation . Rev. 17.8 . & 11.7 . Rev. 13.11 , 12 , 13 , 14. &c. Rev. 16.13 . Rev. 19.19 , 20. Rev. 20.10 . Rev. 19 20. Rev. 10.7 . Rev. 11.15 . &c. The chiefe drift & scope of the Revelation , touching things future in the Church . Rev. 8.6 , 7 , 8. &c. Rev. 9.1.2.3.4 , 5. &c. Rev. 9.13 . &c. Rev. 10.2.10.11 . Rev. 11.1.2.3.4 ▪ 5. &c. Rev. 11.15 . &c. Rev. 12.1.2.3.4 . &c. Gal. 4.19 . Rev. 14.1.2.3 . &c. Rev. 15.1.2.3 . &c. Rev 17.3.7.8.11 . Rev. 13.11 . Rev. 13.3 . Verse 12. Verse 14. Rev. 17.8.11 . Rev. 19.20 . Rev. 16.13.14 . Rev. 20.10 . Rev. 16 . 1● . Rev. 19.20 . Rev. 17.1 , 2 , 3 , 4 &c. Bellar. lib. 3. de pont . Rom. c. 10. Rev. 13.11 . Lyra in Apo. 13. Primas . ibidem . August in Apoc . Hom. 11. Annal. Bo●or . lib. 4. Rev. 12 9. and Rev. 20.2 . Luk. 4.5.6 . Epist. ded . Antic . ad Gregor . 13. praef●● . Capistr . De Maior . C. unam Sanctam . Extra de Statut. Regular . pericul . in Glossa . Concil . Lateran . sub Leone 10. Sess. 10. 1. Tim 4 1.2 , 3 , 4 , 5. Rev. 13.19 . Bellar. cap. 15. de miraculis Antichristi . A●●onin . Sum. part . 3. cap. 5. Rev. 13.12 . Rev. 13. verses 13 , 14 , 15. Aug. Stenchus , de Donatione Constantini . Blond . Rom. inst●ur . lib. 3. num . 16. &c. Bellar. cap. 15. de Miraculis Antichristi . Rev. 13 . 1● . Rev. 13.15 . Guil. Neubrig . rerum Angl. lib. 2. cap. 15. inter decreta Turonensis Concilij . Neubrig . lib. 3. cap. 3. & Decret . Greg. lib. 5. tit . 7. de haeret . cap. 8. Epist. mart . 5. Ext. de maior . & obe● . C. unam ● . Rev. 13.13 , 14. 2. Thess. 2.9 . Rev. 19.20 . Rev. 16.13 , 14. Matth. Paris Hist. in Angl. in Hen. 3. Dionys. Carth. in Apoc. 13. Rev. 13.13 . In Festival● quodam Anglico . De Sacram. Euchar . lib. 3. c. 8. Portifor sive Breviar . ad usum Ecclesiae Sarisburg in festo Thom● Cautuar . Aventin . Annal . Boiorum . li. ● Apud Aventin . An. Boio . l. 1 ▪ Onuphr . in vita Greg 7. col . 271.272 . Oth● Frising . Chronic. lib. 6. cap. 35. Gotfrid . Viterb . Chron part 17. Trithem . Chron. Hirsa●g . An. 1106. Avent . Ann. Boior . lib. 5. edit . Ingol●●ed . Ann. 1554. pag. 591. Avent . lib. 5.470 . Benno , in vita Hildebrandi . Paul. Bernried . in vita Greg. 7. pag. 20.22 . Rev. 13.13 . Areth. in Apoc. 13. Hieron . epist. ad Paulin. Epist. de 5. quast ▪ Marcell . 1. Kin. 18.21.22.23.24.25 . &c. 2. Kin. 1.9.10.11.12 . Rev. 17.3 . Rev. 13.16.17.18 . In fronte , per professionem : in manu , per operationem , Aug. de Civit. Dei lib. 20. cap. 9. Lyran. in Apoc. 13. Richard de S. Vict. in Apoc. lib 4. cap. 7. Apoc. 13.17 . Rev. 13.18 . Rev. 13.17 . Rev. 15.2 . Malcuth , which signifieth a Kingdome , in Hebrew , is of the feminine gender : wherwith therefore Romijth , doth fitly agree , being of the same gender . Irenaeus lib. 5.335 . De nomine Bestiae , omnes docent , tale futurum esse , ut ex literis constet , quae ad rationē numerorum , iuxta Graecae linguae morem redactae , numerum 666 contineant . Suarez lib. 5. cap. 19. n. 11. & 29. 1. Tim. 4.1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5. Aug. de haeres . ad quod vult Deum haeres . 46. 2. ●or . 7.7 . Mat. 19.11 , 12. 1. Cor. 7.9 . 1. Cor. 7.2 . Heb. 13.4 . August . de bono vidu●at . cap. 9. Cap 10. Epiphan . har . 61 1. Pet. 1.14.15 . 1. Cor. ● . 5 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Tertul. exhort . ad Cast. Clemen stromat lib. 3. 1 Cor. 9.5 . 1. Tim. 3.2.3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 10 , 11 , 12. &c. Tit. 1.5.6.7.8 . &c. 1. Tim. 3.12 . Chrysost. upon this place . Theod. upon his Text. Theophilact upon this Text. Hier. Commēt . upon Titus . Epiphan haeres . 63. Clemang . de stat . Eccles. pag. 47. & inde . Pag. 53. Pag 56. 1. Tim. 4.3 . Rom 14.17 . 1. Cor. 10 . 2● . Mat. 15.17 , 18 , 19 , 20. Mat. 15.11 . Rom. 14.17 . Iam. 4.12 . 1. Ioh. ● . 4 . Rev. 17.5 . &c. Rev. 18.4 . 1. Tim. 4 4 , 5. Mat ▪ 4 2. Luk. 4 2. Euseb. lib. 5. cap. 26. Dionys. Alex. Ep. ad Ba. Soc. lib. 5. c. 22. Soc. lib. 5. ca. 22. August . epist. 86 Tertull. advers . Psychico● cap. 2 ▪ Euseb. Eccles. hist. lib. 5. c. 18. Sozom. lib. 1. ca. ● . 11 . Tit. 1.13 . Coloss. 2.20.21.22.23 . Col. 1.20 21.22.23 . Matth. 15.9 . Tertull. advers . Psychicos cap. 2. & cap. 15. Ier. 35.14 . Rev. 18.4 . Num. 6.1.2.3.4 . &c. Statute 5. Eliz. cap. 5. 1. Tim. 4.1.2 . 1. Tim. 4.1 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 1. Tim. 4.1 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 2. Tim. 3. ● . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Rom. 11.11 , 12 13 , 14 , 15 , 16 , 17 , 18 , 19 , 20. &c. Heb. ●7 . 25 . 2. Thes. 2.6.7 . Rev. 5.5 . Esa. 28.16 . 1. Pet 2.6 . Act. 4.11 . Psal. 118.22 . Mat. ●1 . 4● . Psal. 82.1.6 . Exod. 22.28 . Ioh. 10.34 35. Ioh. 10.34.35 . Deut. 17.14 ▪ ●8 19 , 20. 2. Kin. 11.12 2. Thes. 2.4 . Esai . 14 14. Gen. 3.5 . Rom. 9.5 . 2. Tess. 2 4. Pausan. Act. 25.21.25 . Optat. lib. 5. p. 85. Iren. lib. 3. c. 6. Anselm . in 2. Thess. 2. c. in canonem de constit . Conditori canonis omnis creatura subjicitur . Dec●us in Decret . de constit . C. Canonum . so . 5. n 14 Antonin . sum . p. 3. tit . 22. c. 5. Aug. Tr. ep . dedic . ad Ioan. 22. Felin . extr . de constitut . Statuta canonum & alij canonista apud Phil morn . myster . Iniquit . sub Ioan. 22. ●dit . in 8. pag 991. Greg. Halmburg . in appell . Sigism . Duc. Austr . Nichol. Egmundan apud . Bal. de vit . pont ▪ in Clem ▪ 8 in fine . C. Agrip. de vanit . scient . ex car . notensi . Clem. 6. in Bulla super An. 1350. Jub . Ba● . in vit . Clem. 6. Vid. etiā Myst. Iniquit . seu histor . Papatus sub Clem. 5. & 6. & Cor. Agri , ●de vanit . scient . obi . Morton . Apol. cathol . l. 1.249 . Heb. 1.4.5 . Psal. 96.5 . 1. Cor. 8.4 . 1. Cor. 10.20 . Psal. 82.1.6 . Exod. 22.28 . Act. 17.23 . Wisd. 15.17 . Act. 25.21.25 . Lib. Carem . 1. fol. 16. & lib. e● em . 3. sect 4. ca. 1. fol. 296. Lib. carem . 1. sect ▪ 12. c. 4. ● . 112 Lib. 1 ▪ sect . 12. c. 4. fol. 112 & fol 34. ●eno . Card. in vita Greg. 7. seu Hildebr . Cardinal . Cusan epist. 2. ad Bohem . Dist. 40. c. 51. papa . Eckins Enchir. loc . 1. de Eccles. Pist●rius Archim . cont . disp . 1. Mentz . 898 Pigh ▪ hier . Eccl. lib , 1. c. 2 , 3. & 4. Staplet . controv . 5. lib. 9. c. 14. Antonin . p. 3. ● . 22 ▪ c. 6. §. 2. De conces . pr●bend . cap. proposuit . decret . Greg. l. 3. tit . 8. cap. 4. vid. glos . Hostiens . in c. proposuit . de concess . praebend . num . 12. Bertach . repert . dictione papa . Henric. Doct. Magister sacr . pala . Card. Cusan . ep . 2. ad Bohem. p. 833 & ep ▪ 7.857 . Hosius de expresso Dei verbo . Bellar. de ●ont . Rom. lib. 3. c. 13. Ribera in Apoc. cap. 14. numb . 4● Vieg . in Apoc. 17. Com. 1. sect . 3. 2. Thes. 2.7.8 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. 2. Thes. 27. Avent . Annal. lib. 7. Lyran in 2. Thes. cap. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 2. Thes. 2.8 . Rhem. Test. upon Rev. 17 9 Bellar. cap. 15. de miracu . Antichrist . 1. Ioh. 2.18 . 2. Thes. 2.3 , 4. Orig. in Math. tract . 30. 1. Pet. 1.11 . 1. Ioh. 4.3 . Cypr. epist. 75. Hier. in Matth. c. 24. & in Nahum . cap. 3. 1. Ioh. 2.18.19 . 2. Ioh. 7. 1. Ioh. 4 3. Aug de Civit. Dei l. 20. c. 29. Hillar contr . Auxentium . Iren. li. 3. cap 17. Origen . in Matt. Tract . 24. 2. Thess ▪ 2.7 . Chrysost. in 2. Thess. 2. Theod. in 2. Thess. 2. Greg. in Moral . lib. 33. cap. 26. August . in Apoc . hom . 11. Rev. 16.13 . Rev. 19.20 . Rev 20.10 . 2. Thess. 2.4 . Hieronym . in Dan. 11. A difference Betweene unchristian and Antichristian people , is ever to be observed . 2. Thess. 2.9 . 2. Thess. 2.4 . 1. Tim 4.1 2 ▪ 3.4.5 . 2. Thess. 2.3 . Ioh. 17.12 . Rev 9.11 . 2. Thess. 2.10 . Rev. 19.20 . Rev. 20.10 . Rev. 14.9.10.11 . 1. Kin. 15.30 . 1. Kin. 16 30.31 . &c. Iam. 2.19 . Mar. 1.24 . Luke 4.34 . Act. 19.15 . Prov. 15.8 . Sleid. Comment . Christoph. Massaeut in Chron. Anno 1515. Notes for div A12211-e103890 Ier. 23.28 . 2. Cor. 6.14.15.16 . 2. Cor. 11.13.14.15 . Rev. 1● . 13.17 . Rev. 17.2 . Rev 18.3 . Rev. 14.8 . Rev. 17.16 . Rev. 18.1.2.3.4.5.6.7.8.9 . &c. 2. Thess. 2.8 . Fitzherb . not . brev . fol. 269. 10 H. 7. fol. 17. Apolog. part . 1. cap. 12. pag. 81 , 82. & cap. 8. pa. 47. Apolog part . 1. cap. 13. pag. ●9 . Rev. 18.4 . Rev. 17.5 . Gal. 4.26 . Notes for div A12211-e105340 a Luk. 16.31 . b 2 ▪ Thess. 2.10 , 11. c Ephes. 5.17 . d Rom. 12.3 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . e 1. Cor. 4.6 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . f Scrutamini legem , in quâ voluntas ejus continetur . Sedul . in Ephes. 5. g Plus vult sapere , qui illa scrutatur qu●e Lex non dicit . Id. in Rom. 12. h Proptereà errant , quia scripturas ne sciunt : & quia scripturas ignorant , consequenter nesciunt virtutem Dei , hoc est , Christum , qui est Dei virtus & Dei sapientia . Claud. in Matth. lib. 3. i Hoc , quia de scripturis non habet authoritatem , eâdem facilitate contemnitur quâ probatur . Id. ib. k Tantùm ea qua● in Propheticis , Evangelicis & Apostolicis literis discere poterant , pietatis & castitatis opera diligenter observantes . Bed. lib. 3. histor ecclesiast . cap. 4. l In tantum autem vita illius á nostri temporis segniciâ distabat ; ut omnes qui cum eo incedebant , sive adtonsi sive laici , meditari deberent , id est , aut legendis Scripturis aut Psalmis discendis operam dare . Id. ibid. cap 5. m Bonis semper moribus delectatur & consentit ; & assiduis scripturarum meditationibus & eloquiis animam vegetat . Patric . de abusionibus saculi , cap 5. de Pudi●itiâ . n Columban . in Mon●stichis ; & in epistolà ad Hunaldum . o Successit Ecgfrido in regnum Altfrit , vir in scripturis doctissimus . Bed. lib. 4. hist. cap. 26. p Ab ipso tempore pu●ritiae suae curam non modicam lectionibus sacris , simul & monasticis exhibebat disciplinis . Bed. lib. 3. hist. cap. 19. q A pucrili aetate magnum habet studium sacras discere literas . Tom. 4. Antiqu. lect . Henr. Canis . pag. 642. r Davidicis psalmorum melodiis , & sanctorum Evangeliorum mellifluis lectionibus , atque caeteris divinis exercitationibus . Bonifac. in Vitâ Livini . s Tantum in eius pectore divinarum thesauri scripturarum conditi tenebantur ; ut intra adolescentiae aetatem detentus , Psalmorum librum elimato sermone exponeret . Ionas , in Vitâ Columbani , cap. 2. t B Burgundofora monasterium quod Euoriacas appellatur , &c. secundùm regulam S. Columbani instituit . Id. in Vitâ Burgundof . u Cùm ●am in extremis posita posceret per successiones noctium lumen coram se accendi , & sacrae lectionis praeconia ante se legi , &c. Id. ib. x Hebraicam veritatem . Sedul . in Gal. 3. & Hebr. 7. y Non , ut malé in Latinis codicibus , corrumpit . Sedul . in Gal. 5. z Instruat ; sive , ut meliùs habetur in Graeco , perficiat in spiritu lenitatis . Claud. in Gal. 6. a Absit á te Domine : vel , ut meliùs habetur in Graeco ; Propitius esto tibi , Domine . Id. lib. 2. comment . in Matth. Habetur MS. Romae in Bibliothecâ Vallicellanâ & Cantabrigia in Bibliothec. Colleg . Benedict . & Aula Pembrochianae . b Praescitam & praedestinatam immobili consilio creaturam , ad se laudandum , & ex se & in se & per se beate vivendū . S. Gallus in serm . habit . Constant. c Praedestinatione scilicèt aeternâ , non creatione temporariâ , sed vocatione gratuitâ , vel indebitâ gratiâ . Id. ib. d Miseretur magnâ bonitate , & obdurat nullâ iniquitate : ut neque liberatus de suis meritis glorietur , neque damnatus nisi de suis meritis conqueratur . Sola enim gratia redemptos discernit á perditis ; quos in unam perditionis concreaverat massam , ab origine ducta caussa communi Sedul . in Rom. 9. e Videt universum genus humanum tam justo judicio divinoque in apostaticâ radice damnatū ; ut etiamsi nullus inde liberaretur , nemo recte posset Dei vituperare justitiam : & qui liberantur , sic oportuisse liberari , ut ex pluribus non liberatis , atque damnatione justissimâ de●elictis , ostenderetur quid meruisset universa conspersio . quòd etiam justos debitum judicium Dei damnaret , nisi in ejus debitū miscricordia subveniret : ut volentium dei suis meritis gloriari , omne os obstruatur ; & qui gloriatur , in Domino glorietur . Id. ibid. f Libero arbitrio malé utens homo , & se perdidit , & ipsum . Sicut enim qui se occidit , utique vivendo se occidit , sed se occidendo non vivit , neque seipsum poterit resuscitare cùm occiderit : ita cùm libero arbitrio peccaretur , victore peccato amissum est & liberū arbitrium . á quo enim quis devictus est , huic & servus addictus est . sed ad bene faciendum ista libertas unde erit homini addicto & vendito , nisi redimat , cujus illa vox est ; Si vos Filius liberaverit , veré liberi eritis ? Id. ib. g Quòd ab adolescentiâ mens hominū apposita sit ad malitiam : non est enim homo qui non peccet . Id. in Ephes. 2. h Quid habes ex ●eipso nisi peccatum ? Id. in 1. Cor. 4. i Deus author est omnium bonorum , hoc est , & naturae bonae , & voluntatis bonae ; quam nisi Deus in illo operetur , non facit homo . quia praeparatur voluntas á Domino in homine bona ; ut faciat Deo donante , quod á seipso facere non poterat per liberi arbitrii voluntatē . Claud. lib. 1. in Matth. k Praecedit bona voluntas hominis multa Dei dona , sed non omnia : quae autem non praecedit ipsa , in eis est & ipsa . Nam utrumque legitur in sanctis eloquiis ; & misericordia eius praveniet me , & misericordia eius subsequetur me : nolentē praev●●it ut velit , volentem subsequitur , ne frustrà velit . Cur enim admonemur petere ut accipiamus ; nisi ut ab illo fiat quod volumus , á quo factum est ut velimus ? Sedul . in Rom. 9. l Non ergo lex data est , ut peccatum auferret , sed ut sub peccato omnia concluderet . Lex enim ostendebat esse peccatum , quod illi per consuetudinem caecati possent putare justitiam : ut hoc modo humiliati cognoscerent non in suâ manu esse salutem suam , sed in manu mediatoris . Id. in Gal 3. m Non remissio , nec ablatio peccatorum , sed cognitio . Id. in Rom. 3. n Lex , quae per Moysen data est , tantùm peccata ostendit , non abstulit Claud. in Gal. 2. Perque illam legem morbos ostendentem non auferentem , etiam praevaricationis crimine contrita superbia est . Id. in Gal. 3. o Lex non donat peccata , sed damnat . Sedul . in Rom. 4. p Dominus Deus imposuerat non justitiae servientibus sed peccato : justam scilicèt legem iniustis hominibus dando , ad demonstranda peccata eorū , non auferenda . Non enim aufert peccata nisi gratia fidei quae per dilectionem operatur . Claud in argument . epist. ad Galat. q Gratis nobis donantur peccata . Sedul . in Gal. 1. A morte redemptis gratis peccata dimittuntur . Id. in Ephes. 1. r Absque operum merito , & peccata nobis concessa sunt pristina , & pax indul●a post veniam . Claud. in Gal. 1. s Gratiâ estis salvati per fidem , id est , non per opera Sedul . in Ephes. 2. t Non in propriâ iustitiâ , vel doctrinâ , sed in fide crucis , per quam mihi omnia peccata dimissa sunt . Sedul . & Claud. in Gal. 6. u Abiecta & irrita gratia est , si mihi sola non sufficit . Sedul . in Gal. 2. x Christum vilem habetis , dum putatis eum vobis non sufficere ad salutē . Id. in Gal. 3. y Disposuit Deus propitium se futurum esse humano generi , si credant in sanguine eius se esse liberandos . Id. in Rom. 3. z Vita corporis anima , vita animae fides est . Id. in Hebr. 10. a In fide vivo filii Dei , id est , in solâ fide , qui nihil debeo legi . Id. in Gal. 2. b Perfectionem legis habet , qui credit in Christo. Cùm enim nullus iustificaretur ex lege , quia nemo implebat legem , nisi qui speraret in promissionem Christi : fides posita est , quae cederet pro perfectione legis ; ut in omnibus praetermissis fides satisfaceret pro totâ lege . Id. in Rom. 10. c Non nostra , non in nobis , sed in Christo , quasi membra in capite . Id in 2 Cor. 5. d Fides , dimissis per gratiam peccatis , omnes credentes filios efficit Abrahae . Id. in Rom 4. e Iustum fuerat , ut quo modo Abraham credens ex gentibus per solam fidem iustificatus est ; ita caeteri fidem eius imitantes salvarentur . Id. in Rom. f Per adoptionem efficimur filii Dei , credendo in Filiū Dei. Claud. lib. 1. in Matth. g Testimoniū adoptionis , quòd habemus spiritum , per quem ita oramus : tantam enim arram non poterant , nisi filii accipere ▪ Sedul . in Rom. 8. h Ipse Moses distinxit inter utramque iustitiam , fidei scilicet atque factorum : quia altera operibus , altera solâ credulita●e iustificet accedentem ▪ Id. in Rom. 10. i Patriarchae & Prophetae non ex operibus legis , sed ex fide iustificati sunt . Id. in Gal. 2. k Ita praevaluit consuetudo peccandi , ut nemo iam perficiat legem : sicut Petrus Apostolus ait ; Qu●d neque nos neque patres nostri portare potuimus . Si qui veró iusti non erant maledicti ; non ex operibus legis , sed fidei gratiâ salvati sunt . Id. in Gal. 3. l Hoc contra illos agit , qui solam fidem posse sufficere dicunt . Sedul in Eph●s . 5 ▪ Non ergo sola ad vitam sufficit fides . Claud in Gal. 5. b● . Haec sententia illos revincit , qui solam fidem ad salutem animarum suarum sufficere arbitrantur . Id. ibid. in fine . m Gal. 5.6 . n Iam. 2.17 . o Si gentes fides sola non salvat , nec nos : quia ex operibus legis nemo iustificabitur . Claud. in Gal. 2. p Non quò legis op●ra contemnenda sint , & absque eis simplex fides adpetenda ; sed ipsa opera fide Christi adornentur . Scita est enim sapientis viri illa sententia ; non fidelem vivere ex iustitiâ , sed iustum ex fide . Id. in Gal. 3. q Gratis proposuit per solam fidem dimittere peccata . Sedul . in Rom ▪ 4. r Vt solâ fide salvarentur credentes . Id. in Gal. 3. s Per solam fidem Christi , quae per dilectionem operatur . Id. in Heb 6. t Haec fides cùm iustificata fuerit , tanquam radix imbre suscepto haeret in animae solo ; ut cùm per legem Dei excoli caeperit , rursùm in cam surgant rami , qui fructus operum ferant . Non ergo ex operibus radix iustitiae , sed ex radice iustitiae fructus operum crescit : illâ scilicèt radice iustitiae , cui Deus acceptam fert iustitiam sine operibus . Id. in Rom. 4. u Columban . in Monoslichis . x Pers. three Convers. part . 1. chap. 3. s●●t . 10. y Habet enim progeniē Scoticae gentis , de Britannorum viciniâ . Hieronym pro●●m●i● . 3. commentar . in Ierem. z Prosp. Aquitan . advers Collator . circa finem . a Blasphemia & stultiloquiū est dicere , esse hominem sine peccato : quod omnino non potest , nisi unus mediator Dei & hominum homo Christus Iesus , qui sine peccato est cōceptus & partus . Epist. Cler. Roman . apud Bedam , lib. 2. hist. cap. 19. b Quja , ( quod omnibus sapientibus patet , licèt haeretici contradicant ) nemo est , qui sine adtactu alicuius peccati vivere possit super terram . Claud. lib. 2. in Matth. c Nullus electus et ita magnus , quem Diabolus non audeat accusare : nisi illum solum , qui peccatum non fecit , qui & dicebat ; Nunc venit princeps huius mundi , & in me nihil invenit . Se●ul . in Rom. 8. d Non potest impleri . Id. in Rom. 7. e Non est qui faciat bonum , hoc est , perfectum & integrum bonum . Id. in Rom. 3. f Ad hoc nos elegit , ut essemus sancti & immaculati , in futurâ vitâ ; quoniam Ecclesia Christi non habebit maculam neque ●ugam Licèt etiam in praesenti vitâ iusti , & sancti , & immaculati , qu●●is non ex toto , tamen ex parte , non inconvenienter dici possunt Id in Ephes. 1. g Tunc erit iustus sine ullo omnino peccato , quando nulla lex erit in membris eius , repugnans legi mentis eius Claud. in Gal 5. h Non enim iam regnat peccatum in eorum mortali corpore ad obediendum desideriis eius : quamvis habitet in eodem mortali corpore peccatum , nondum extincto impetu consuetudinis naturalis , quâ mortaliter natisumus , & ex propriis vitae nostrae , cùm & nos ipsi peccando auximus quòd ab origine peccati humani damnationis trahebamus . Id. ibid. i Vocatione Dei , non merito facti Sedul . in Rom. 1. k Secundùm virtutem quae operatur in nobis ; non secundùm merita nostra . Id. in Ephes. 3. l Sciendum est , quia omne quod habent homines á Deo , gratia est : nihil enim ex debito habent . Id. in Rom. 16. m Nihil dignū inveniri vel cōparari ad futuram gloriam potest Id. in Rom. 8. n Qui de Purgatorio dubitat , Scotiam pergat , Purgatorium sancti ▪ Patricii intret , & de Purgatorii poenis ampliùs non dubitabit . Caesar. Heisterbach . Dialog . lib. 12. cap. 38. o Cuius loci fama , ita sparsim per omnes ▪ Europae partes volare visa est ; ut Caesarius celeberrimus auctor , de eo nihil dubitans sic scribat . Guil. Thyram , in Discurs . Panegyrie . de S. Patric . pag. 151. p Hem. Sal●●reyens . in lib. de Visione Oëul militis . MS. in publicâ Cantabrigiensi● academiae Bibliothec● ; & privatâ viri doctiss . M. Thoma Alani Oxoniensis ; & in Nigro libro Ecclesia S. Trinitat . Dublin . q De posteriori non minùs auctentica videtur auctoritas Geraldi Cambrensis , rerum Ibernicarum diligentissimi investigatoris , qui taliter loquitur . Thyr. Discurs . Panegyric . pag. 153. r De infernalibus namque reproborum poenis , & de verâ post mortem perpetuaque electorum vitâ vir sanctus cum gente incredulâ dum disputâsset : ut tanta , tam inusitata , tam inopinabilis retū novitas rudibus infidelium animis oculatâ fide certiùs imprimeretur : efficaci orationū instantiâ magnam & admirabilem utriusque rei notitiam , duraeque cervicis populo perutilem , meruit in terris obtinere . Giral . Cambrens . T●pograph . Hibern . distinct . 2. cap. 5. s 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Marcus Ephesius , in Gratorum Apolog. de igne Purgatori● ad Concil . Florentin . t Tria sunt sub omnipotentis Dei nutu habitacula : primū , imum , mediū . Quorum summum , regnum Dei vel regnū Coelorum dicitur , imum vocatur Infernus , medium Mundus praesens vel Orbis terrarum appellatur . Quorum extrema omnino sibi invicem sunt contraria , & nullâ sibi societate conjuncta : ( quae enim societas potest esse luci ad tenebras , et Christo ad Belial ? ) medium veró nonnullam habet similitudinem ad extrema . &c. Commixtio namque malorum simul & honorum in hoc mundo est . In regno autē Dei nulii mali sunt , sed omnes boni : at in Inferno nulli boni sunt , sed omnes mali . Et uterque locus ex medio suppletur . Hominū enim hujus mundi alii elevātur ad Coelū , alii trahuntur ad Infernū . Similes quippe similibus junguntur , id est , boni bonis , & mali malis ; justi homines justis angelis , transgressores homines transgressoribus angelis ; servi dei Deo , servi diaboli Diabolo . Benedicti vocantur ad regnū sibi paratū ab origine mundi : maledicti expellūtur in ignē aeternū , qui praeparatus est Diabolo & angelis ejus . Patrie de trib . habitac . MS. in Bibliotheâ Regiâ Iacobaeâ . u Custodit animā usque dum steterit ante tribunal Christi ; cui refert sua prout gesserit propria . Nec archangelus potest ducere ad vitam , usque dum judicaverit cam Dominus ; nec Z●bulus ad poenā traducere , nisi Dominus damnaverit eā . Synod . Hibern . in vet . cod . Canonū , titulorū 66. MS. in Bibliothecâ D. R●ber●i Cottoni . x Finem dixit exitum vitae & actuum ; cui aut mors , aut vita suceedit . Sedul . in Rom 7. y Mors porta est , per quam itur a● regnū . Id. in 1. Cor. 3. z Suscepit Christus sine reatu suppliciū nostrum ; ut inde solveret reatum nostrū , & finiret etiā supplicium nostrum . Claud. in Galat. 3. a Beda lib. 3. hist. Anglor . cap. 19. scribit , B. Fursaeum á mortuis resurgentem narrâsse multaquae vidi● de purgatoriis poenis . Bellarm. de Purgator . lib. 1. cap. 11. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ph●● Bibliothec. num . 130. c Etsi terribilis iste & grandis rogus videtur , tamen juxta merita operum singulos examinat : quia uniuscujusque cupiditas in hoc igne ardebit . Bed. lib. 3. ca. 19. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Damasc. apud . lo. Philoponum . in 1. Meteor . fol. 104. b. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Id. Ibid. f Hic homo non purgavit delicta sua in terrâ ; nec vindictam h●c recipit . Vbi est ergo justitia Dei ? Lib. vitae Fursai . g Si peccata mortuorum redimi possunt ab amicis suis remanentibus in hâc vitâ ; orando , vel eleemosynas faciendo . Vit. Brendani , in Legendâ Io. Capgravij . h Colmannus , inquit , vocor ; qui fui monachus iracundus , discordiaeque seminator inter fratres . Ibid. i In hoc ergo , dilectissimi , apparet : quòd oratio vivorum multùm mortuis prodest . Ibid. k Multa apocrypha deliramenta . Molan . in Vsuard . martyrolog . Mai. 26. l 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Phot. Bibliothec. num . 130. m Nova Legenda Angliae . impress . Londin . an . 1516. n Qui videlicèt Columba nunc á nonnullis , composito á cella & Columba nomine , Colum-celli vocatur . Bed. lib. 5 hist. cap. 10. o Adamn●n . Vit. Columb . lib. 3. cap. 15. p Meque ( ait ) hodie , quamlibet indignus sim , ob venerationem illius animae , quae hâc in nocte inter sanctos Angelorum choros vecta ultra siderea caelorū spatia ad Paradisum ascendit , sacra oportet Eucharistiae celebrare mysteria . Ib. cap. 16. q Vidi , inquit , animam cujusdam sancti manibus Angelicis ad gaudia regni coelestis ferri . Bed. in vit . Cuthbert . cap. 34 r Coeperunt missas agere , & precibus insistere pro commemoratione B Columbani . Walafrid . Vit. Gall. lib. 1. cap. 26. Theodor. Vit. Magni , lib. 1. cap. ult . edit . Goldasti , cap. 12. Canisij . s Deinde tanti patris memoriam precibus sacris & sacrificiis salutaribus frequentaverunt . Ibid t Post hujus vigilias noctis , cognovi per visionē , Dominū & patrem meū Columbanū de huius vitae angustiis hodie ad Paradisi gaudia con migrâsse . Pro eius itaque requie sacrificium salutis debeo immolare . Ibid. u Presbyter cum ut surgeret monuit , & pro requie defuncti ambitiosiùs Dominum precaretur : intraverunt itaque ecclesias , & Episcopus pro carissimo salutares hostias immolavit amico . Finito autem fraternae cōmemorationis obsequio , &c. Walafrid Strab. Vit. Gall. lib. 1. cap. 30. qui etiam addit postea , Discipulos eius , pariter cum Episcop● orationē pro illo fecisse . cap. 33. x Noli ●lere , venerabilis Praesul , quia me in tot mundialium perturbationum procellis laborantem conspicis : quoniam credo in misericordiâ Dei , quòd anima mea in immortalitatis libertate sit gavisura . tamen deprecor , ut orationibus tuis sanctis me peccatorem & animam meam non desinas adjuvare ▪ Theodor . Campidon . vel quicunque author fuit Vitae Magni , lib. 2. cap. 13. edit . Goldasli , cap 28. Canisij . y Veni , Magne , veni ; accipe coronam , quam tibi Dominus praeparatam habet . Ibid. z Cessemus flere , frater ; quia potiùs nos oportet gaudere de animae eius in immortalitate sumptae in hoc signò audito , quàm luctum facere : sed ●amus ad Ecclesiam , & pro tam charissimo amico salutares hostias Domino immolare studeamus . Finito itaque fraternae commemorationis obsequio , &c. Ibid. a Dum in praesenti seculo sumus , sive orationibus sive consiliis invicē posse nos adiuvari ▪ cùm autem ante tribunal Christi venerimus , nec Iob , nec Daniel , nec Noe , rogare posse pro quoquam ; sed unumquemque porta●e onus suum . Claud. in Galat. 6. b Columban . in epist ▪ ad Hunaldum . c Adorare alium praeter Patrem , & Filiū , & Spiritum sanctum , impietatis crimē est . Sedul . in Rom. 1. d Totū quod debet Deo anima , si alicui praeter Deum reddiderit , moechatur . Id. in Rom. 2. e Recedentes á lumine veritatis sapientes ; quasi qui invenissent , quo modo invisibilis Deus per simulacrum visibile coleretur . Id. in Rom. 1. f Deus non in manufactis habitat , nec in metallo aut saxo cognoscitur . Claud. lib. 2. in Matth. g Non adiurandam esse creaturam aliam , nisi creatorem . Syno● . Patricij . can . 23. MS. h Anselm . lib. 3. epist. 143. i Episcopis , presbyteris totius Hiberniae , infimus praesulum Gille Lunicensis in Christo salutē . Rogatu , nec non & praecepto multorum ex vobis ( Charissimi ) canonicalem consuetudinem in dicendis Horis , & peragendo totius Ecclesiastici ordinis officio , scribere conatus sum ; non praesumptivo , sed vestrae cupiens piissim● servire jussioni : ut diversi & schismatici illi Ordines , quibus Hibernia pené tota delusa est , uni catholico & Romano cedant officio Quid enim magis indecens aut schismaticū dici poterit ; quàm doctissimum unius ordinis in alterius Ecclesiâ idiotam & laicum fieri ? etc. Prolog . Gille sive Gilleberti Lumnicensis episc . De usu Ecclesiastic . MS. in Bibliothec. Colleg. S. Benedict . Cantabrig . k Apostolicas sanctiones ac decreta sanctorum patrū , praecipueque consuetudines sanctae Romanae ecclesiae in cunctis ecclesiis statuebat . Hinc est quòd hodieque in illis ad horas canonicas cantatur & psallitur juxta morem universae terrae : nam minimé id antè fiebat , ne in civitate quidem . Ipse veró in adolescentiâ cantum didicerat , & in suo coenobio mox cantari fecit ; cùm necdum in civitate seu in episcopatu universo canta●e scirent , vel vellent . Bernard . in vitâ Malachia . l Officium etiam Ecclesiasticum ritè modulandum statuerunt . Iohan. Brampton , in ●oralanensi historiâ . MS. m Omnia divina ad instar sacrosanctae Ecclesiae , iuxta quod Anglicana observat Ecclesia , in omnibus partibus Hiberniae amodo tractentur . Girald . Cambr. Hibern . ex pugna● . lib. 1. cap. 34. n Concilii statuta subscripta sunt , & Regiae sublimitatis authoritate firmata . Id. ib. o Ex ip sius triumphatoris mandato , in civitate Cassiliensi convenerunt Id. ibid. p Adamnan . Vit. Columb . lib. 3. cap. 31. q Leon. Tacti● . cap. 11. sect . 18. r Adamnan . Vit. Columb . lib. 3. cap. 15. s Walafrid . Strab. Vit. Galli , lib. 1. cap. 26. Theodor. Campidonens . vel quicunque auth●r fuit Vit. Magni , lib. 1. cap. 9. edit . Goldast . cap. 12. Canisij . t Hebr. 13.16 . 2. Cor. 8.5 . u Hebr. 13.15 . x Praeceptor meus B. Columbanus in vasis aeneis Domino solet sacrificium offerre salutis . Walaf . id . Strab. Vit. Gall. lib. 1. cap. 19. y Testamentū Episcopisive principis est ; 10. scripuli Sacerdoti danti sibi sacrificium . Synod . Hibern . in vet . lib. Canonum Cottoniano , titulorum 66. z Qui in vitâ suâ non merebitur sacrificiū accipere : quomodo post mortem illi potest adjuvare ? Synod . Patric . cap. 12. a Invicem expectate , id est , usque quo sacrificium accipiatis . Sedul . in 1. Cor. 11. b Hebr. 13.10 . c Id fit potissimùm ob Sacrificii , non ob Sacramenti integritatem . Bellarmin . de sacrament Eucharist . lib. 4. cap. 22. in fine . d Rhem. Annotat . in Matth. 26.26 . e Mittas presbyterum qui illum , priusquam moriatur , visitet ; cique Dominici corporis & sanguinis sacramenta ministret . Bed. de Vit. Cuthbert . pros . cap. 15. f Acceptis á me sacramentis salutaribus exitum suum , quē jam venisse cognovit , Dominici corporis & sanguinis communione munivit Ibid. cap. 39. g Bed. de Vit. Cuthbert . carm . cap. 36. h Petivitque & accepit sacri corporis & sanguinis communionem . Author antiqu . Vita Fursai . i Principes & doctores Ecclesiae Christi , animas fideliu ad poenitentiae lamentum post culpas provocent ; & eas spirituali pastu doctrinae , ac sacri corporis & sanguinis participatione solidas reddant . Ibid. k Per alterū ostium Abbatissa cum suis puellis & viduis fidelibus tantùm inerat , ( leg . intrat ) ut convivio corporis & sanguinis fiuantur Iesu Christi , Cogitos . rit . Brigid . l Quaedam ex his nomine Domna , cùm iam corpus Domini accepisset , ac sanguinem libâsset . Ion. Vit. Burgundofor . m 1. Cor. 11.26 . n 1. Rhem. in Matth. 26.26 . o Venerabilis viri Sedulii Paschale opus , quod heroicis descripsit versibus , insigni laude praeferimus . Synod . Roman . sub Gelasio . p Bonus Sedulius , poëta Evangelicus , orator facundus , scriptor catholicus . Hildephons . Toletan . serm . 5. de assumpt . Mariae . q Sedulii Scoti Hiberniensis , in omnes epistolas Pauli Collectan : excus . Basil. an . 1528. r Sedul . Carm. Paschal . lib. 4. s Triticeae sementis cibus suavis , & amaenae vitis potus amabilis . Id. pros . lib. 4. cap. 14. t Melchisedech vinum & panē obtulit Abraham , in figurā Christi , corpus & sanguinem suum Deo patri in cruce offerentis . Sedul . in Hebr. 5. u Nos veró in commemorationem Dominicae semel passionis quotidie nostraeque salutis offerimus . Id. in Hebr. 10. x Suam memoriam nobis reliquit : quēadmodum si ▪ quis peregrè proficiscens , aliquod pignus ei quem diligit derelinquat ; ut quotiescunque illud viderit , possit eius beneficia & amicitias recordari . Id. in 1. Cor. 11. y Voluit antè discipulis suis tradere sacramentū corporis & sanguinis sui , quod significavit in fractione corporis ( so it is in my transcript : but it should doubtlesse ●e panis ) & effusione calicis ; & posteà ipsum corpus immolari in ara Crucis . Claud. lib. 3. in Matth. z Quia panis corpus confirmat , vinū veró sanguinē operatur in carne : hic ad corpus Christi mysticé , illud refertur ad sanguinem . Id. ibid. a Iohannis Scoti liber de Eucharistiâ lectus est , ac damnatus . Lanfranc . de Eucharist . contr . Berengar . b Iohanne 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Aelfred . prafat . in Gregor . Pastorall Saxoni● . c Praesertim cùm ex mirabilibus Scripturae Dominicae nil ▪ praeterire disposui , in quibus á ministerio quotidiano excellere in aliis videntur . Lib. ● . de mirabilib . Scriptur . cap. 21. ( inter opera B. Augustini , tom . 3. ) d De lacu veró iterùm & Abacuk translato in Belis & Draconis fabulâ , id circo in hoc ordine non ponitur ; quòd in authoritate divinae Scripturae non habentur . Ibid. cap. 32. e In Macca baeorum ibris etsi aliquid mirabilium numero inserendū conveniens fuisse huic ordini inveniatur ; de hoc tamen nullâ curâ fatige bimur : quia tantum agere proposuimus , ut de divini canonis mirabilibus exi guam ( quamvis ingenioli nostri modulum excedentem ) historicam expositionem ex parte aliquâ tangeremus . Ibid. cap. 34. f Vsum saluberrimū Confessionis , sacramentum Confirmationis , contractum con●ugiorum ( quae omnia aut ignorabant aut negligebāt ) M●lachias de novo instituit . Bernard in Vit. Mala●●iae . g Inter mundanas occupationes castissimam vitam ratio●abili consideratione degere dicuntur . Alcuin . epist. 26. edit . H. Can s●● , 71. Andreae Quercetani h Dicitur veró neminem ex Laicis suam velle Confessionem sacerdotibus dare : quos á Deo Christo cum sanctis Apostolis ligandi solvendique potes●a emaccepisse credimus . Ibid. i Coram omnibus qui ibidē erant peccata sua confessus est , Adamnan . Vit. Columb . lib. 1. cap. 16. ( vel 20. in MS. ) k Surge fili , & consolare : dimissa sunt tua , quae cōmisisti , peccamina . quia sicut scriptū est ; Cor contritū & humiliatū Deus non spernit . Ibid. l Accedens ad Sacerdotem , á quo sibi sperabat iter salutis posse demonstrari ; confessus est r●atum suum , petiitque ut consilium sibi daret , quo posset fugere á venturâ Dei irâ . Bed. lib. 4. histor . cap. 25. m Confessa dignis ( ut imperabat ) poenitentiae fructibus abstergerent . Id. ibid. cap. 27. n Christianus qui occiderit , aut fornicationem fecerit , aut more Gentilium ad aruspicem meaverit ; per singula crimina annū poenitentiae agat , impleto cum testibus veniat anno Poenitentiae , & posteà resolvetur á Sacerdote . Synod . Patricij , Auxilij & Issernini MS. in Bibliothecâ Collegij Benedict . Cantabrig . o Necnon etiam nunc in Episcopis ac Presbyteris omni Ecclesiae officium idem committitur : ut videlicèt agnitis peccantiū caussis , quoscunque humiles ac vere poenitentes aspexerint , hos jam á timore perpetuae mortis miserantes absolvant ; quos vero in peccatis quae egerint persistere cognoverint , illos perennibus supplicus obligandos insinuent . Claud in Matth. lib. 2. p Verum dicunt Scribae , quia nemo dimittere peccata nisi solus Deus potest ; qui per eos quoque dimittit , quibus dimittendi tribuit potestatē . Et ideò Christus veré Deus esse probatur ; quia dimittere peccata quasi Deus potest . Verum Deo testimonium reddunt ; sed personā Christi negando falluntur . Id. in Matth. lib. 1. q Si & Deus est , juxta Psalmistam , qui quantum distat Oriens ab occasu elongavit á nobis iniquitates nostras ; & silius hominis potestatem habet in terrâ dimittendi peccata : ergo idem ipse & Deus & filius hominis est . ut & homo Christus per divinitatis suae potentiam peccata dimittere possit ; & idem Deus Christus per humanitatis suae fragilitatem pro peccatoribus mor● . Ibid. r Ostendit se Deum , qui potest cordis occulta cognoscere ; & quodam modo tacens loquitur . Eâdem majestate & potentiâ quâ cogitationes vestras intucor , possum & hominibus delicta dimittere . Ibid. s In paralytico á quatuor viris portato , quatuor divina opera cernuntur . Dum dimittuntur ei peccata , & praesentis aegritudinis plaga verbo tunc solvitur , & cogitationibus in ore Dei omnia scrutantis respondetur . Auth. lib. de Mirabilib . S. Scriptur . lib. 3. cap. 7. t Deus solus potest occulta hominum scire . Sedul . in Rom. 2. u Corda hominum nôsse solius Dei est , & mentis secreta agnoscere . Id. ibid. x Nondum decimas vel primitias solvunt : nondum matrimonia contrahunt ; non ince●●us vitant . Girald . Cambr. Topograph . Hibern . distinct . 3. cap. 19. y Videtur indicare , esse aliquid quod donum quidem ●it , non tamen spirituale : ut Nuptiae . Sedul . in Rom. 1. z De consanguinitate in coniugio . Intelligite quid Lex loquitur , non minùs nec plus . Quod autem observatur apud nor , ut quatuor genera dividantur ; nec vidisse dicunt nec legissae . Synod . Patrie . cap 29. a Audi decreta Synodi super istis . Frater thorum defuncti fratris non ascendat : Domino dicente , Erunt duo in carne unâ . Ergo uxor fratris tui soror tua est . Ibid. cap. 25. & in Excerpti● é Iure Sacerdotali Egber●i archiepiscoper Hucarium Levitam . MS. b Quinimo ( quod valde detestabile est , & non tantùm fidei , sed & cuilibet honestati valde contrarium ) fratres pluribus per Hiberniam locis fratrum defunctorum uxores , non dico ducunt , sed traducunt , imo veriùs seducūt ; dum turpiter eas , & tam incestuosé cognoscunt : vetoris in hoc testamenti non medullae sed cortici adhaerentes , veteresque libentiùs in vitiis quàm virtutibus imitari volente● . Girald . Cambr. Topograph . Hibern . distinct . 3. cap. 19. c Non licet secundùm proeceptum Domini ut dimittatur conjunx , nisi caussâ fornicationis . Sedul . in 1. Cor. 7. d Non licet viro dimittere uxorem nisi ob caussam fornicationis . ac si dicat , ob hanc caussam . Vnde si ducat alteram , velut post mortem prioris , non vetant . Synod . Patric . cap. 26. e Si alicujus uxor fornicata fuerit cum alio viro : non adducet aliam uxorem , quandiu viva fuerit uxor prima . Si fortè conversa fuerit , & agat poenitentiam , suscipiet eam ; & se●●iet ei in vicem ancillae : & annum integrum in pane & aquâ per mensuram poeni●eat ; nec in uno lecto permaneant . Ex libro Canonum Cottoniano , titulorum 66. f Quicunque Clericus , ab Ostiario usque ad Sacerdotē , sine tunicâ visus fuerit , etc. & uxor ejus si non velato capite ambulaverit : pariter á laicis contemnentur , & ab Ecclesiâ separentur . Synod . Patric . Auxil . Issernin . g Patrem habui Calpornium Diaconem , filium quondam Potiti presbyteri . S. Patricij Confessio . MS. h Feré omnes Hiberniae praelati de monasteriis in clerum electi sunt . Girald . Cambren . Topograph . Hibern . distinct . 3. cap. 29. i Ecgbertus cum Ceadda adolescente & ipse adolescens in Hiberniâ monasticam in orationibus & continentiâ & meditatione divinarum scripturarum vitā sedulus agebat . Bed. lib. 4. ●ist . cap. 3. k Sed & diebus Dominicis ad ecclesiam sive ad monasteria certatim , non reficiendi corporis , sed erudiendi sermonis Dei gratiá confluebāt . Id. lib. 3. cap. 26. l Hactenus videri poterat actum esse cum sapientiae studiis ; nisi semen Deus servâsset in aliquo mundi angulo . In Scotis & Hibernis haeserat aliquid adhuc de doctrinâ cognitionis Dei & honestatis civilis , quòd nullus fuerit in ultimis illis mundi finibus armorū terror . etc. Et summā possumus ibi conspicere & adorare Dei bonitatem ; quòd in Scotis , & locis , ubi nemo putâsset , tam numerosi coaluerint sub strictissimâ disciplinâ caetus Iacob . Curio , lib. 2. rerum Chronologie . m Si quis frater inobediēs fuerit ; duos dies uno paxmate & aquâ . Si quis dicit , Non faciam ; tres dies uno paxmatio & aquâ . Si quis murmurat ; duos dies , uno paxmatio & aquâ . Si quis veniam non p●tit , aut dicit excusationē ; duos dies , uno paxmatio & aquâ . Columban . lib de quotidianis Poenitemijs monachor . cap. 10. n Quid prodest , si virgo corpore sit , & non sit virgo mente ? Id. in Regulâ monachor . cap. 8. o Quotidie proficiendum est : sicut quotidie orandum , quot ●●ieque est legendum . Ibid. cap. 5. p Bona vané laudata Pharisaei perierunt : & peccata publicani accusata evanuerunt Non exeat igitur verbum grande de ore Monachi : ne suus grandis pereat labor . Ibid. cap. 7. q Tantam nos habere per naturam liberi arbitrii non peccandi possibilitatem : ut plus etiā quàm praeceptum est , faciamus : quoniam perpetua servatur á plerisque virginitas , quae praecepta non est ; cùm ad non peccandum praecepta implere sufficiat Augustin . de gestis Pelagij . cap. 13. r Ipsis Apostolis & eorum sequacibus ita bonum virginitatis arripiendum persuasit : ut hoc scirent non humanae industriae , sed muneris esse divini S. Gallus , in serm . habit Constant. s Non in solo rerum corporearum nitore , sed etiam in ipsis sordibus luctuosis esse posse jactantiam : & eo periculosiorem , quo sub nomine servitutis Dei decipit . Claud. lib. 1. in Matth. t Act. 20.35 . u 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; Euseb l●b . 1. hist. cap. ult . x Qui nostra reliquimus , ut secundùm Evangelicam ●ussionem Dominum sequeremur , non debemus alienas amplecti divitias ; ne fortè praevaricatores simus divini mandati . Walafrid . Strab. Vit. Galli , lib. 1. cap. 2. y Alii hortum laboraverunt , alii arbores pomiferas excoluerunt : B. veró Gallus texebat retia , etc. & de eodē labore assiduas populo benedictiones exhibuit . Ibid. cap. 6. z Et primùm quidē permodieum ab eis panē , quo vesceretur accipiebat , ac suo bibebat é sonte : postmodùm veró proprio manuū labore juxta exempla patrū vivere magis apt● ducebat . Rogavit ergo afferri sibi instrumēta quibus terram exerceret , & triticum quod sereret . Bed Vit. Cuthbert . prof . cap. 19. Vid. lib. 4. hist. eccles . cap. 28. a Id. in Car● . de vis . Cuthbert . cap. 17. b Id. lib. 3. hist. eccles . cap. 19. c Bonifac. in Vitâ lavini , pag. 240. d Theod. Campid . Vit. Magni , lib. 1 cap. 5. edit . G●ldasti , 6. Canisij . e 2. Thess. 3.12 . f Qui in monasteriis degūt , cum silentio operantes , suum panem manducent . Vit. Fursei . g Monachum oporter labore man●um suar● vesci & vestiri . Vit. Brendani . h Tribus monachorum ( quā suis , sibi ipsi laboribus victū , manibus operando suppeditabant ) millibus praefuisse creditur . Nicol. Harpifeld . histor . Ecclesiast . Angl. lib. 1. cap. 25. i Ad exemplum venerabilium patrum , sub regulâ & abbate canonico , in magnâ continentiâ & sinceritate proprio labore man●um vivunt . Bed. li. 4. hist. ecclesiast . cap. 4. k Iure , inquit , est coenobitarū vita miranda , qui Abbatis per omnia subjiciuntur imperiis ; ad ejus arbitrium cuncta vigilandi , orandi , jejunādi , atque operandi tempora moderantur . Bed. Vit Cuthbert . pros cap. 22. l Id. Carm. cap. 20. m Quotidic● jeiunandū est , sicut quotidie reficiendū est . Columban . Regul cap. 5. n Quia haec est vera discretio , ut possibilitas spiritalis profectus cum abstinentiâ carnem macerante retentetur . Ibid. o Ideò quotidie edendum est , quia quotidie proficiendum est . Ibid. p Si enim modum abstinentia excesserit , vitium non virtus erit . Ibid. q Cibus sit vilis & vespertinus Monachorum , satietatem fugiens & potus ebrietatem ; ut & sustineat , & non noceat . Ibid. r Cuius exemplis informati , tempore illo , religiosi quique viri ac foeminae , consuetudinem fecerunt per totum annum , ( exceptâ remissione quinquagesimae Paschalis ) quartâ & sextá sabbati i●iunium ad nonam usque horam protelare . Bed. lib. 3. hist. eccles . cap. 5. s Quibus diebus cunctis , exceptâ Dominicâ , i●iunium ad vesperam iuxta morem protelans ; nec tunc nisi panis permodicum , & unum ovum gallinaceum , cum parvo lacte aquâ mixte percipiebat . Ibid. cap. 23. t Ostendens evidenter , filios sapientiae intelligere , nec in abstinendo nec in manducando esse iustitiam ; sed in aequanimitate tolerandi inopiam , & temperantiâ per abundantiam non se corrumpendi , atque opportuné sumendi vel non sumendi ea , quorum non usus sed concupiscentia reprehendenda est . Claud. lib. 2. in Matth. u Sunt nonnulli , qui spiritualibus vitiis impugnantur ; sed his omissis , corpus in abstinentiâ affligunt . Vit. S. Fursei . x Multi enim cibis , quos Deus ad percipiendum cum gratiarum actione creavit , abstinentes , haec nefanda quasi licita sumunt ; hoc est , superbiam , avaritiam , invidiam , falsum testimonium , blasphemiam . Ibid. y Habet vineā , universam scilicèt Ecclesiam ; quae ab Abel justo usque ad ultimum electum qui in fine mundi nasciturusest , quot sanctos protulit , quasi tot palmites misit , Claud. lib. 2. in Matth. z Congregatio quippe iustorū , regnum coelorum dicitur ; quod est Ecclesia iustorum . Id lib. 3. in Matt. a Ecclesiae filii sunt omnes ab institutione generis humani usque nunc , quotquot iusti et sancti esse potuerunt . Id ▪ lib. 2. in Matth. b His & caeteris instruimur , tam Apostolos omnesque credentes ▪ quàm ipsam quoque Ecclesiam , columnā in Scripturis appellari ; & nihil interesse de corpore quid dicatur an membris , cùm & corpus dividatur in membra , & membra sint corporis . Id. in Gal. 2. ex Hieronymo . c Ecclesias vocat , quas posteà errore arguit depravatas . Ex quo noscendum , dupliciter Ecclesiam posse dici : & eam , quae non habeat maculam aut rugam , & veré corpus Christi sit ; & eam , quae in Christi nomine absque plenis perfectisque virtutibus congregetur Id. in Galat. 1. ex eodem . d Ecclesiam non habituram maculam neque rugam dicitur , respectu futurae vitae Sedul . in Ephes. 1. e Magnam domum non Ecclesiam dicit ( ut quidam putant ) quae non habet maculam neque rugam : sed mundum , in quo zizania sunt mixta tritico . Id. in 2. Tim. 2. f Sancta Ecclesia decem Virginibus similis denuntiatur : in quâ quia mali cum bonis & reprobi cum electis admixti sunt , recté similis virginibus prudentibus & fatuis esse perhibetur . Claud. lib. 3. in Matth. g Per has Regis nuptias praesens Ecclesia designatur ; in quâ cum bonis & mali conveniunt . Id. lib. eod . h In hâc ergo Ecclesiâ , nec mali esse sine bonis , nec boni esse sine malis possunt : quos tamen sancta Ecclesia & nunc indiscretê suscipit , & postmodùm in egressione discernit Id. ibid. i Nonnunquàm Ecclesia tantis gentilium pressuris , non solùm afflicta , sed & faedata est ; ut , si fieri possit , redēptor ipsius eam prorsus deseruisse ad tempus videretur . Id. lib. 2. in Matt. k Ecclesia non apparebit ; impiis tunc persecutoribus ultra modum saevientibus . Id. lib. 3. in Matth. l Temporibus Antichristi non solùm tormenta crebriora & acerbiora , quàm priùs consueverant , ingerenda sunt fidelibus ; sed ( quod gravius est ) signorum quoque operatio eos qui tormenta ingerunt , comitabitur : teste Apostolo , qui ait ; Cuius est adventus secundùm operationem Satanae , in omni seductione , signis , & prodigiis mendacii . Id. lib. cod . m Praestigiosis sicut antè praedictum est ; Dabunt signa , ita ut seducantur , si fieri porest , etiam electi . per phantasticam virtutem : sicut Iamnes & Mambres coram Pharaone fecerunt . Sedul . in 2. Thess. 2. n Quis ergo ad fidem convertitur incredulus ? cuius iam credentis non pavet & concutitur fides ? quando persecutor pietatis fit etiam operator virtutis : idemque ipse qui tormentis saevit ut Christus negetur , provocat miraculis ut Antichristo credatur . Claud. lib. 3. in Matth. o Quàm ergo mundo & simplici oculo opus est , ut inveniatur via sapientiae , cui tantae malorum & perversorum hominum deceptiones erroresque obstrepunt ? quas omnes necesse est evadere , hoc est , venire ad certissimam pacem , & immobilem stabilitatem sapientiae . Id. lib. 1. in Matth. p Nec si s● Angelus nobis ostendat ad seducendos nos subornatus fallaciis patris sui Diaboli , praevalere debebit adversum nos : neque si virtus ab aliquo facta sict , sicut dicitur á Simone Mago in aëre volâsse . Sedul . in Rom. 8. q Neque signa vos terreant , tanquam per Spiritum facta : quia hoc & Salvator praemonuit . Id. in 2 Thessal . 2. r Hic ostenditur , crescente fide signa cessare : quando fidelium caussâ danda esse praedicantur . Id. in 1. Cor. 14. s Vnde nunc cùm fidelium numerositas excrevit , intra sanctam ecclesiam multi sunt qui vitam virtutum tenent & signa virtutum non habent : quia frustrà miraculum foris ostenditur , si deest quod intùs operetur . Nam iuxta Magistri gentium vocē : Li●guae in signum sunt , non fidelibus sed infidelibus . Claud. lib. 1. in Matth. t Qualia propter infideles cùm fecerit Dominus , monuit tamen ne talibus decipiamur , arbitrantes ibi esse invisibilem sapientiam , ubi miraculum visibile viderimus . Adiungit ergo & dicit . Multi dicent mihi in illâ die , Domine , Domine : nónne in nomine tuo prophetavimus , & in tuo nomine daemonia ejecimus , & in tuo nomine virtutes multas fecimus ? Id. lib. eod . u Ille Deum tentat , qui iactantiae suae vitio , superfluam & inutilem vult ostentare virtutem . Quid enim utilitatis habet , quid cōmodi confert ; si praeceps hinc in plana descendero ? etc. Id lib. eod . x Inane est enim omne miraculum , quod utilitatem saluti non operatur humanae Ib. d. y Amphiloch . in Iambi● ad Selencum . z Cogitos . Vit. Brigid . in exemplari MS. antiquiss . Bibliothec. Cottonianae . a Tom. 5. Antiqu . lection . in lacunâ , sub finem pag. 629. b Fundamēta . ] Christum , & Apostolos , & Prophetas . Sedul . in Hebr 11. c Compertum est in petrâ vel lapide Christū esse significatū . Id. in Rom. 9. d Apostoli fundamentum sunt , vel Christus fundamentum est Apostolorum . Christus est fundamentum , qui etiam lapis dicitur angularis , duos conjungens & continens parietes . Ideò hic fundamentum & summus est lapis ; quia in ipso & fundatur , & consùmmatur Ecclesia . Id. in Ephes. 2. e Vt ministros Christi : non ut fundamentum ▪ Id. in 1. Cor. 4. f Super hanc petram aedificabo Ecclesiam meam , id est super Dominū salva●orem , qui fideli suo cognitori , amatori , confessori , participium sui nominis donavi● ut scilicèt á petrâ Petrus vocaretur . Aedificatur Ecclesia : quia non nisi per fidem & dilectionem Christi , per susceptionem sacramentorum Christi , per observantiam mandatorum Christi , ad sortem electorum & aeternam pertingitur vitam Apostolo attestante qui ait ; Fundamentum enim aliud nemo potest ponere praeter id quod positum est , qui est Christus Iesus . Claud. lib. 2. in Matth. g Petrum solum nominat , & sibi comparat : quia primatum ipse accepit ad fundandam Ecclesiam : se quoque pari modo electum , ut primatum habeat in fundandis Gentium Ecclesiis . Id. in Gal. 2. h Id in Gal. 5. i Id. in Gal. 2. k Ab his itaque probatum dicit donū quod accepit á Deo , ut dignus esset habere primatū in praedicatione Gentium , sicut & habebat Petrus in praedicatione Circumcisionis . Id. in Gal. 2. l Gratiam sibi soli primus vendicat concessam á Deo , ficut & soli Petro concessa est inter Apostolos , Id. ibid. m Non illi sum inferior ; quia ab uno sumus ambo in unum ministerium ordinati . Id. ibid. n Apostolum se Christi titulo praenotavit , ut ex ipsâ lecturos nominis auctoritate terreret ; iudicans omnes , qui in Christo crede rent , debere sibi esse subiectos . Id. in Gal. 1. o Nam sicut interrogatis generaliter omnibus , Petrus respondit unus pro omnibus : ita quod Petro Dominus respondit , in Petro omnibus respondit Id. lib. 2. in Matth. p Quae solvēdi ac ligandi potestas , quāvis soli Petro data videatur á Domino ; absque ullâ tamen dubietate noscendū est , quia & ceteris Apostolis datur : ipso teste , qui post passionis resurrectionisque suae triumphū apparens eis insufflavit , & dixit omnibvs : Accipite Spiritū sanctū , quorū remiseritis peccata , remittūtur eis , & quorū retinueritis , retēta sunt Id. lib. cod . q Super ipsos Ecclesias sit positū fundamentū . Id. in Gal. 2. r Constans in Dei timore , et fide immobil●● , super quē aedificatur ut Petrum Ecclesia : cuiusque Apostolatū á Deo sortitus est , & inferni portae adversus cū nō praevalebūt . Hymn . in land . S. Patric● . s Christus illum sibi elegit in terris Vicarium . Ibid. t Cogitos . in vit . Brigid . tom . 5. antiqu . lect . Henr. Canisij . pag. 625. lin ult . u Ibid. pag. 640. lin . 2. x Edm. Camp. Historie of Ireland , lib. 2. cap. 2. y Sanctus pater Columbanus ex Hiberniâ insulâ Sanctorum cum sancto Gallo aliisque probatis discipulis venit in Burgundiam . Ma●ian . Scot. Chronic . MS. ad an . Dom. 589. secundùm Dionysium . z Pallio decoravit , illique vices suas committens atque legatum suum constituens , quaecunque in Hiberniâ gesserat , constituerat , disposue rat , auctoritatis suae munimine confirmavit . Iocelin . vit . Patric . cap. 166. a Metropoliticae sedi decrat adhuc , & defuerat ab initio pallii usus . Bernard . Vit. Malach . b Apud Ardmacham sibi sedem elegit ; quam etiam quasi metropolim constituit & proprium totius Hiberniae primatiae locum . Girald . Cambr. Topograph . Hibern . distinct . 3. cap. 16. c Archiepiscopi veró in Hiberniâ nulli fuerant ; sed tantùm se Episcopi invicem consecrabant : donec Iohannes Papyrio Romanae sedis legatus , non multis retró annis advenit . Hic quatuor pallia in Hiberniam portavit , &c. Ibid. cap. 17. d Hic primus Archiepiscopus dicitur , qui primo pallio usus ▪ est . Alii veró ante ipsum solo nomine Archiepiscopi & Primates vocabantur ; ob reve●●ntiam & honorem Sancti Patricii , tanquam Apostoli illius gentis . Annal. Hib●●n . á Guil. Camdeno edit . & MS. abbatiae B. Mariae iuxta Dublin . e Ecclesias eodem numero fundavit CCCLXV . Ordinavit Episcopos eodem numero CCCLXV Presbyteros autem usque ad tria millia ordinavit . Nenn. histor . Brit. MS. f Mutabantur & multiplicabantur Episcopi pro libitu metropolitani ; ita ut unus Episcopatus uno non esset contentus , sed singulae pené Ecclesiae singulos haberent Episcopos ▪ Bernard V●t . Malach. g Illo defuncto , Rex Calomagnus , & eius Palatinorum chorus cum suis subaulicis , totiusque regionis illius confluentiâ , pari cordis affectu conclam●verunt , sanctum Sacerdotem Livinum in honorem hu●us ordinis dignissimé sublimandū fore . His Rex omnibus devotior consentiens , ter quaterque beatum virum in cathedrâ Archiepiscopatus debito honore , Domino jubente , collocavit . Bonifac. Vit. Livin . h Rex Ecgfridus episcopum fecit ordinari Lindisfarnensium ecclesiae virum sanctum et venerabilem Cudbertum . Bed. lib. 4. hist. cap. 27. & Vit. Cuthbert . cap. 24 i Episcopatum Salzburgēsem , pro debito regiae magnificentiae , sancto concessit Virgilio . Vit. Epis● . Salisburgens . tom . 2. Antiqu. lect . Henr. Canis . pag. 259. & ●●m . 6. pag. 1174. k Walafrid . Strab. Vit. Gall. lib. 1. cap. 16.17.19.20 . l Theodor. Campidonens . vel quicunque author fuit vitae Magni , lib. 1. cap. 8. edit . Goldasti , 10. Canisij . m Charta S. Patricii . in Guilielmi Malmesburiensi● libello , de Antiquitate Glastoniensis ecclesiae . MS. n In scriptis recentioribus inveni , quòd sancti Phaganus & Deruvianus perquisierant ab Eleutherio papâ , qui eos miserat , X. ( al. XXX . ) annos indulgentiae . Et ego frater Patricius á pi● memoriae Celestino Papâ XII . annos tempore meo acquisivi . Ibid. o Patricius ait . Si quae quaestiones in hâc Insulâ oriantur , ad sedem Apostolicam referantur Vet. Collect . Canonum , Biblioth●ca Co●tonian● . p Copping . Mn●m●synum to the Catholicks of Ireland , lib. 2. cap. 3. q Gregor . lib. 2. epist. 36. Iudict . 10. r Ardentissimo studio pro triū capitulorum defensione , junctis animis , omnes qui in Hiberniâ erant Episcopi , insurrexere Addiderunt & illud nefas , ut cùm percepissent Romanā Ecclesiam aequé suscepisse Trium damnationem capitulorum , atque suo consensu Quintam Synodum roborâsse : ab eâdē pariter resilierint , atque reliquis qui vel in Italiâ vel in Africâ aliisve regionibus erant ▪ schismaticis inhaeserint ; fiduciâ illâ vanâ erecti , quòd pro fide Catholicâ starent , cùm quae essent in Concilio Chalcedonensi statuta defenderent . Baron . Annal. tom . 7. ann ▪ 566. numer . 21. s Sed eo fixiùs inhaerent errori , cùm quaecunque Italia passa sit bellorum motibus , fame , vel pestilentiâ , eâ ex caussâ illi cuncta infausta accidisse putarent , quòd pro Quintâ Synodo adversus Chalcedonense Concilium praelium suscepisset . Ibid. t Prima itaque epistolae vestrae frons , gravem vos pati persecutionē innotuit . Quae quidem persecutio dum non rationabiliter sustinetur , nequaquam proficit ad salutē . Gregor . Regest . lib. 2. epist. 36. u Dum igitur ita sit , incongruum nimis est de eâ vos , quam dicitis , persecutione gloriari , per quam vos constat ad aeterna praemia minimé provehi . Ibid. x Quod autem scribitis , quia ex illo tempore inter alias provincias maxime flagelletur Italia ; non hoc ad e●us debetis intorquere opprobrium : quoniam scriptum est ; Quem diligit Dominus , castigat , flagellat autem omnem filium quem recipit Ibid. y Porro autem si post hujus libri lectionem in eâ , quâ estis , volueritis deliberatione persistere ; sine dubio non rarioni operam , sed obstinationi vos dare monstratis . Ibid. z Quando veró Doctores Ibernici de gravibus fidei quaestionibus minimé consentiebant , v● aliquid novi dogmatis peregrè allati audiebant ; soliti erant Romanū Pontificem veritatis Oraculū consulere . Philip . Osullevan . Bearr . Histor. Catholic . Ibern. tom . 1. lib. 4. cap. 6. a Namque de tempore agendi Paschatis solemnia ( de quo aliae quoque Catholicae gentes saepè ambegerunt ) & de Pelagianâ haeresi ubi fuit in quaestionem disputationemque deducta ; Doctores Iberni ad Sedem Apostolicam retulerunt . Ac ita miseri Pelagii error nullum in Iberniá patronum vel assertorem invenisse fertur ; vel insulae aditu interclusus , vel ab eâ protinùs explosus , ubi contagiosam faciem aperuit , seseque cognoscendum praebuit : & ratio communis & ab Ecclesiâ usitata celebrandi redivivi Domini festum ab Australibus Ibernis fuit semper observata ; & á Septentrionalibus quoque & Pictis & Britonibus , qui Doctoribus Ibernis fidem acceperunt , amplexa , ubi Ecclesiae Romanae ritum cognoverunt . Quod ex Apostolicarum literarum duplici capite á Bedâ relato non obscuré constat . Ibid. b Hibernia siquidem olim Pelagianâ faedata fuerat haeresi , Apostolicaque censurâ damnata , quae nisi Romano judicio solvi non poterat . Author antiqu . Vit. Kilian . c Non enim Paschae diem Dominicum suo tempore , sed á decima ▪ quartâ usque ad vicesimam Lunam observabant Quae computatio 84. annorum circulo continetur Bed. lib. 2. hist. cap. 2. d Porrò isti secundùm de cennem novennemque Anatolii computatum , aut potiùs juxta Sulpicii Severini regulam , qui LXXXIV , anno rum cursum descripsit , XIV . Luná cum Iudaeis Paschale sacramentum celebrant : cùm neutrum Ecclesiae Romanae Pontifices ad perfectam calculi rationem sequantur . Aldelm . epist. ad Geruntium regem & Demnonie● : inter epistolas Bonifacq̄ , num . 44. e Bed. lib. 3. hist. cap. 3. & 25. f Ad veram Pascha● rationem nunquam pervenire eos , qui cyclum LXXXIIII annorum observant , Cummian . epist. ad Segien● abbat . de Dispu●atione Lunae . MS. in Bibliothec . Cottonian . g Exhortans , ne paucitatem suam in extremis terrae finibus constitutā , sapientiorem antiquis sive modernis , qu● per Orbem terrae erant , Christi ecclesiis aestimarent : néve contra Paschales computos , & decreta synodalium totius Orbis Pontificum aliud Pascha celebrarent . Bed. lib. 2. cap. 19. h Bed. lib. 3. hist. cap. 5. i Id. lib. 2. cap. 19. k Ego enim primo anno quo cyclus DXXXII anno . rum á nostris celebrari orsus est ; non suscepi , sed silui , nec laudare nec vituperare ausus . Cummian . epist. ad Segienum . l Se● non post multum fuirexit quidam pa●ies de albatus , traditionem seniorum servare s● simulans ; qui utraque non fecit unum sed divisit , & ir●itum ex parte fecit quod promissum est : quem Dominus , ut spero , percutiet quoquo modo voluerit . Ibid. m Seniores veró , quos in velamine repulsionis habetis , quod optimum in diebus suis esse noverunt simpliciter & fideliter sine culpa contradictionis ullius & animositatis observaverunt , & suis posteris sic mandaverunt Ibid. n Vniver●alis Ecclesiae Catholicae unanimē regulam . Ibid. o Roma errat , Hierosolyma errat , Alexandria errat , Antiochia errat , totus mundus errat ; soli tantùm Scoti & Britones rectū sapiunt . Ibid. * This seemeth to have fallen out , eyther in the yeare 634. or●4● ●4● . wherein Easter was solemnized at Rome the 24. day of Aprill , and it appeareth by our Annales , that Segenius was abbot of Y-Columkille from the yeare 624. untill 652. p Vidimus oculis nostris puellā coecam omnino ad has reliquias oculos aperientem , & paralyticum ambulantem , & multa daemonia eiecta . Cummian . q Intellexerat enim veraciter Oswi , quamvis educatus á Scotis , quia Romana esset Catholica & Apostolica ecclesia , Bed. lib. 3. hist. cap. 29. r Sed cognoscentes Britones , Scottos meliores putavimus . Scottos veró per Dagamum episcopū in hanc insulā , & Columbanū abbatem in Galliis venientem , nihil discrepare a Britonibus in eorū conversatione didicimus Nā Dagamus episcopus ad nos veniens , non solùm cibum nobiscum , sed nec in eodem hospitio quo vescebamur , sumere voluit . Laurent epist. apud Bed. lib. 2. cap 4. s Qui cujus meriti fuerit , etiam miraculorum signis internus arbiter edocuit . Bed. lib. 3. hist. cap. 15. item 16. & 17. t Nunquid reverendissimum patrem nostrum Columbam , & successores ejus , viros Deo dilectos , qui eodem modo Pascha fecerunt , divinis paginis contraria sapuisse vel egisse credendum est ? cùm plurimi fuerint in eis , quorum sanctitati coelesti signa & virtutum quae fecerunt miracula , testimonium praebuerunt : quos ut ipse sanctos esse non dubitans semper eorum vitam , mores & disciplinam sequi non desisto . Colman . apud Bed. lib. 3. hist. cap. 25. u Revelante Spiritu Sancto prophetavit de illâ quae post dies multos ob diversitatem Paschalis festi orta est inter Scotiae Ecclesias discordiâ . Adamnan . Vit. Columb . lib. 1. cap. 3. x Quodam tempore erat magnum Concilium populorum Hiberniae in Campo albo : inter quos erat contentio circa ordinem Paschae . Las●eanus enim abbas monasterii Leighlinne , cui suberant mille quingenti monachi , novum ordinem defendebat qui nuper de Româ venit : alii veró veterem defendebant . Vit. S. Munn● abbatis MS. y Obsecremus Deum , qui habitare facit unanimes in domo patris sui , ut ipse nobis insinuare coelestibus signis dignetur , quae sequenda traditio , quibus sit viis ad ingressum regni illius properandum . Adducatur aliquis aeger ; & per cuius preces fuerit curatus , huius fides & operatio Deo devota atque omnibus sequenda credatur . Bed. lib. 2. hist. cap. 2. z Breviter disputemus : sed in nomine Domini agamus judicium . Tres optiones dantur tibi , Lasreane . Duo libri in ignē mittentur , liber veteris ordinis & novi ; ut videamus , quis eorū de igne liberabitur ▪ Vel duo monachi , unus meus alter tuus , in unam domum recludantur , & domus comburatur : & videbimus , quis ex eis evadat intactus igne . Aut eamus ad sepulcrū mortui iusti monachi , & resuscitemus eum ; & indicet nobis , quo ordine debemus hoc anno Pascha celebrare Vit. S. Munnu . a Non ibimus ad judiciū tuū quoniā scimus quòd , pro magnitudine laboris tui & sanctitatis , si diceres ut mons Marge commutaretur in locum Campi albi & Campus albus in locum montis Mairge ▪ hoc propter te Deus statim faceret . Ibid. b Bed. lib. 3. hist. cap. 26. c Quodam tempore in diebus Colmanni Eboracae civitatis episcopi metropolitani , regnantibus Oswi & Alhfrido filio eius , Abbates & Presbyteri omnesque Ecclesiasticae disciplinae gradus simul in unum convenientes , in coenobio quae Streaneshel dicitur ; praesente sanctimoniale matre piissimâ Hilde , praesentibus quoque Regibus & duobus Colmanno & Aegelberhto Episcopis , de Paschali ratione conquirebant , quid esset rectissimum , utrum more Bryttonum & Scottorum omnisque aqui●●nalis partis á XIIII . Lunâ Dominicâ die veniente usque ad XXII . ( leg . XX. ) Pascha agendum ; an melius sit ratione Sedis Apostolicae , á XV. Lunâ usque XXI Paschalem Dominicam celebrandam . Tempus datum est Colmanno episcopo primum , ut dignum erat , audientibus cunctis reddere rationem . Ille autem intrepidâ mente respondens , dixit . Patres nostri & antecessores eorum manifesté Spiritu sancto inspirati , ut erat Columcille , XIIII . Lunâ die Dominicâ Pascha celebrandum sanxerunt : exemplum tenentes Iohannis Apostoli & Evangelistae , qui supra pectus Domini in Coenâ recubuit , & amator Domini dicebatur . Ille XIIII . Lunâ Pascha celebravit ; & nos , sicut discipuli eius Polycarpus & alii , celebramus : nec hoc audemus pro patribus ( fort . partibus ) nostris , nec volumus mutare . Vit. Wilfrid . cap. 10. MS. in Bibliothecâ Cottonianà . d Pascha hoc quod agere soleo , á majoribus meis accepi , qui me huc Episcopum miserunt : quod omnes patres nostri viri Deo dilecti eodem modo celebrâsse noscuntur . Quod ne cui contemnendū & reprobandum esse videatur : ipsum est quod beatus Evangelista Ioannes , discipulus specialiter Domino dilectus , cum omnibus quibus praeerat Ecclesiis , celebrâsse legitur . Colman . apud Bedam , lib. 3. hist. cap. 25. e Fridegod . Vit. Wilfrid . MS. in Bibliothec. Cottonian . * i. Sancti vel Beati . f Cum quibus de duabus ultimis Ocea●i insulis , his non totis , contra totum Orbem stulto labore pugnant . Wilfrid . apud Bed● lib. 3. cap. 25. g Et si sanctus erat ac potens virtutibus ille Columba vester , imo & noster si Christi erat : num praeferri potuit beatissimo Apostolorum principi ? cui Dominus ait : Tu es Petrus , & super hanc petram aedificabo Ecclesiam meam & portae inferi non praevalebunt adversus eam ; Et tibi dabo claves regni coelorum . Ibid. h Ne fortè me adveniente ad feres regni coelorum , nen sit qui reseret , averso illo qui claves tenere probatur . Ibid. i Tonsuram & Paschae rationem propter timorem patriae suae contempsit . Vit. Wilfrid . cap. 10 k Colman videns spretā suam doctrinā , sectamque esse despectā ; assumptis his qui se sequi voluerūt , id est , qui Pascha catholicū & tonsurā coronae ( nam & de hoc quaestio non 〈◊〉 erat ) recipere ●olebāt , in Scotiā regressus est . Bed. li. 3. hist. cap. 26. Vide etiā lib. 4. cap. 4. l Paschalem rationem , quā schismatici Brittanniae & Hiberniae non cognoverunt ; & alias multas Ecclesiasticae disciplinae regulas Bonifacius archidiacon●● quasi proprio filio suo diligenter dictavit Vit. Wilfrid . cap 5. See also Bede , lib. 5. cap. 20. m Se primum fuisse , qui verū Pascha in Northanimbriâ Scotis eiectis docuerit , qui cantus Ecclesiasticos antiphonatim instituerit , qui sanctissimi Benedicti regulā á monachis observari jusserit . Guili●lm . Malmesbur lib. 3. de gest . Pontific . Angl. n Sed perstitit ille negare ; ne ab Episcopis Scottis , vel ab iis quos Scotti ordinaverant , consecrationem susciperet , quorum communionem sedes aspernaretur Apostolica . Id ibid. o O Domini venerabiles Reges ; omnibus modis nobis necessarium est providè considerare , quomodo cum electione vestrâ , sine accusatione catholicorum virorum , ad gradum Episcopalem cum Dei adiutorio venire valeam . Sunt enim hîc in Brytanniá multi Episcopi , quorū nullum meum est accus●re , quamvis veraciter sciam , quòd aut quatuordecim anni sunt , ut Brytones & Scotti ab illis sunt ordinati , quos nec Apostolica sedes in communionem recepit , neque eos qui schismaticis consentiunt . Et ideò in meâ humilitate á vobis posco , ut me mittatis cum vestro praesidio ●ans mare ad Galliarum regionem , ubi catholici Episcopi multi habentur : ut sine controversiâ Apostolicae sedis , licèt indignus , gradum Episcopalem merear accipere . Vit. Wilfrid . cap. 12. p Quo ultra mare moras nectente , Oswius rex , praeventus consiliis Quartadecimanorum ( qui vocabātur ita , quia Pascha in quartadecima Lunâ cum Iudaeis celebrabant ) Ceddam virum sanctissimum , tamen contra regulas , intrusit tribunali Eboracensi . Guilielm . Malmesbur . lib. 3. de gest . Pontif . Angl. q Ordinantes servum Dei religiosissimum & admirabilem Doctorem , de Hiberniâ insulâ venientem nomine Coeodda , adhuc eo ignorante , in sedem episcopalem Euroicae civitatis indocté contra canones constituerunt . Vit. Wilfrid . cap 14. r Ab illo est consecratus antistes , assumptis in societatem ordinationis duobus de Britonum gente Episcopis , qui Dominicum Paschae diem secus morem canonicum á XIIII . usque ad XXI . Lunam celebrant . Non enim erat tunc ullus , excepto illo Wini , in totâ Britanniá canonicé ordinatus episcopus . Bed. lib. 3. hist. cap. 28. s Cum illis autem qui ab unitate catholicae pacis , vel Pascha non suo tempore celebrando , vel perverse vivendo aberrant , vobis sit nulla communio : etc. Id. in V●● . Cuthbert . cap. 39. t Qui ordinati sunt á Scottorum vel Brittanorum Episcop●● , qui in Paschâ vel Tonsurâ Catholicae non sunt adunati Ecclesiae ; iterùm á Catholico Episcopo manus impositione confirmentur . Similiter & Ecclesiae quae ab illis Episcopis ordinantur , aquâ exorcizatâ aspergantur , & aliquâ collectione confirmentur . Licentiam quoque non habemus eis poscentibus Chrismam vel Eucharistiam dare , ni antè confessi fuerint velle se nobiscum esse in unitate Ecclesiae . Et qui ex horum similiter gente , vel quacunque , de baptismo suo dubitaverint , baptizentur . Decret . Pontific . MS. cap. 9. De cōmunicatione Scottorū & Brittonū , qui in Paschâ & tonsurâ catholici nō sunt . u Bed. l●b . 2. hist. cap 4. x Si quilibet de nostris , id est , Catholicis ad eos habitandi gratiâ perrexerint , non priùs ad consortiū sodalitatis suae adsciscere dignantur , quàm quadraginta dierum spatia in poenitendo peragere compellantur . Aldhelm . epist. ad Domnoni●s . y Quippe cùm usque hodie moris sit Britonum , fidē religionemque Anglorum pro nihilo habere , neque in aliquo eis magis communicare quàm paganis . Bed. lib. 2. hist. cap. 20. z Quòd autē Pascha non suo tempore observabat , vel canonicū eius tempus ignorans , vel suae gentis auctoritate , ne agnitum sequeretur , devictus ; non approbo nec laudo ▪ Bed. lib. 3. hist. cap. 17. a More suae gentis . Ibid. cap. 3. b Pascha contra morem eorum qui ipsum miserant , facere non potuit . Ibid. cap. 25. c Id. ibid. d Colmanus qui de Scotiâ erat episcopus , relinquens Britanniam , tulit secum omnes quos in Lindisfarorum insulâ congregaverat Scotos . Bed. lib. 4. cap. 4. e Optione datâ , maluerunt loco cedere , quàm Pascha catholicum , caeterosque ritus canonicos juxta Romanae & Apostolicae Ecclesiae consuetudinem recipere . Id. lib. 5. cap. 20. See also lib. 3. cap. 25. where Humpū seemeth to be put for Hrippun . f Ibid. cap. 16. & 22. g Nec mora , quae dixerat , regiâ autoritate perfecit . Statim nanque jussu publico mittebantur ad transcribendū , discendum , observandum per universas Pictorum provincias circuli Paschae decennovennales ; obliteratis per omnia erroneis octoginta & quatuor annorum circulis . Attondebantur omnes in coronam ministri altaris ac monachi . etc. Ibid. cap. 22. h Id. lib. 3. cap. 4. & lib. 5. cap. 23. i Id. lib. 5. cap. 23. & 24. k See the History of Wales ; after the year ▪ 755. and 808. l Ego Nennius sancti Elbodi discipulus , aliqua excerpta scribere curavi . Nen● . MS. in publicâ Cantabrig . academ . Bibliothecâ ubi alia exemplaria haben● : Ego Nennius ( vel Ninnius ) Elvodugi discipulus . m Ab adventu Patricii in jam dictam insulam ( Hiberniams● . ) usque ad cyclū decennovennalem in quo sumus , 22. sunt cycli , id est , 421 & sunt duo anni in Ogdoa ▪ de usque in hunc annum . id . n 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Tom. 8. Chrysost. edit . Henr. Savil. pag. 321.6 . & in Notis ▪ col . 966.5 ▪ o Bed. lib. ●hist . cap 2. p An. Dom. 612 ( vel 613. ) Bellum Cairelegion , ubi Sancti occisi sunt . Anual . Vlton . MS. q Bed. lib. 3. hist. cap. 3. & 6. r Ibid. cap. 21.22.24 . s Ibid. cap 3.5.17.25.26 . t Ibid. cap. 22.25 . u Ibid cap. 21.24 . x Paucitas enim Sacerdotū cogebat unum antistitem duobus populis praefici . Ibid. cap. ●1 . y Ibid. cap. 3.4.5.17.26 . z Etsi Pascha contra morem eorum qui ipsum miserant , facere non potuit ; opera tamen fidei , pietatis & dilectionis , juxta morem omnibus sanctis consuetum diligenter exequi curavit . Vnde ab omnibus , etiam his qui de Pascha aliter sentiebāt , meritò diligebatur : nec ●olùm á mediocribus , verùm ab ipsis quoque episcopis , Honorio Cantuariorū & Felice Orientalium Anglorum , venerationi habitus est Ibid. cap. 25. a Dominis charissimis fratribus , Episcopis vel abbatibus per universam Scotiam ; Laurentius , Mellitus & Iustus episcopi , servi servorum Dei. Id. lib. 2. cap. 4. b Gens quanquam absque reliquarū gentium legibus ; tamen in Christiani vigoris dogmate florens , omnium vicinarum gentium fidē praepollet . Io●● it . Columban . cap. 1. c Allen. Answere to the Execution of Iustice in England . pag. 140. d Cùm juri suo renuntiare liberum sit cuilibet ( quanquā subjectionis cujuslibet hactenus immunes ) his tamen hodie nostris diebus , Anglorum Regi Henrico secundo omnes Hiberniae principes firmis fidei sacramentique vin●ulis se sponte submiserūt . G●rald . Cambrens Hibern exp●gnat . lib. 2. cap. 7. e Iudg. 11.26 . f Genebrard . Chronograph . lib. 3. in Sylvest . I. Bellarmin . de Roman . Pontis . li. 5. cap. 9. in fine . g Insulas omnes sibi speciali quodam jure vendicat . Girald . Cambrens . Hibern . expugnat . lib. 2. cap. 7. h Nos hanc olim quaesturam aliquot per annos gessimus ; eiusque muneris obeundi caussâ , primùm in Angliam venimus . Polydor. Vergil Anglic. histor lib. ● i Id Hiberni posse fieri , nisi autoritate Romani Pontificis negabant ; quòd iam inde ab initio , post Christianam religionem acceptam , sese ac omnia sua in eius ditionem dedidissent : atque constanter affirmabāt , non alium habere se Dominum , praeter ipsum Pontificem ; id quod etiam nunc jactitant Id. lib. 13. eiusd . histor . k Camp. History of Ireland . lib. 2. cap. 1. l Hiberni initio statim post Christianam religionem acceptam , se suaque omnia in Pontificis Romani ditionem dederant ; nec quenquam alium supremum Hiberniae Principem ad illud usque tempus praeter unum Romanū Pontificem agnoverunt . Sander . de schism . Anglican . lib. 1. ad an . 1542. m Sané omnes Insulas , quibus Sol justitiae Christus illuxit ▪ & quae documenta fidei Christianae susceperunt , ad jus S Petri & sacrosanctae Romanae Ecclesiae ( quod tua etiam Nobilitas recognoscit ) non est dubium pertinere . Bull. Adrian . IV. ad Henr. l l. Angl. reg . n Ad preces meas illustri Regi Anglorū Henrico secundo concessit & dedit Hiberniā iure haereditario possidendā : sicut literae ipsius testantur in hodiernum diem . Nam omnes insulae , de iure antiquo , ex donatione Constantini , qui eam fundavit & dotavit , dicuntur ad Romanam Ecclesiam pertinere . Iohann . Saruburiens . Metalogic . lib. 4. cap. 42. o Per nostram Imperialem iussionem sacram , tam in Oriente qu●m in Occidente , vel etiam septentrionali & meridianâ plagâ , videlicèt in Iudaeâ , Graeciâ , Asiâ , Thraciâ , Aphricâ & Italiā , vel diversis Insulis nostrâ largitate eis libertatem concessimus : eâ prorsus ratione , ut per manus beatissimi patris nostri Sylvestri Pontificis successorumque eius omnia disponantur . Edict . Constantin p Vltra Oceanum veró quid erat praeter Britanniam ? Quae á vobis ita recuperata est ut illae quoque nationes terminis eiusdem insulae cohaerentes vestris nutibus obsequantur . Eumen. Panegyric . ad Constant. q Pomp. Lat. in Roman . histor . Compend . Io. Cuspinian . in Caesarib . Seb. Munster . in lib. 2 Cosmograph . r Harding . Chronic . cap. 241. s Ibi● . cap. 1●● . t Osullevan . Histor . Catholic . Iberniae , tom . 2. lib. 1. cap 7. u Ibid. cap. 4.5.9 . & lib 2. cap. 3. x Illius terrae populus te recipiat , & sicut Dominum veneretur . Bull Adrian . IV. y Sicut Dominum veneretur , id est , ut Principem dignum magno honore ; non Dominum Iberniae , sed praefectum caussâ colligendi tributi Ecclesiastici . Osullevan . Histor. Ibern. fol. 59. ● . in ma●gine . z Robert. de Monte. Matth. Paris . & Nico● . Trivett . in Chronic . an 1155. a Venerabilis Adriani Papae vestigiis inhaerentes , vestrique desiderii fructum attendentes ; concessionem●eiusdem super Hibernici regni domini vobis indulto ( salvâ Beato Petro & sacrosanctae Ecclesiae Romanae , sicut in Angliâ sic in Hiberniá , de singulis domibus annuâ unius denarii pensione ) ratam habemus & confirmamus . Bull. Aleuandri I ll . apud Giraldum Cambrens . lib. 2. Histor . Hibern . expugnat . cap. 6. in codicibus . MS. ( in edito enim caput hoc mancum est ) & Io. Rossum Warvicensem , in tract . De terris Çoronae Angliae annexis . b Annulum quoque per me transmisit aureum , smaragdo optimo decoratum , quo fieret investitura iuris in gerenda Hibernia : idemque adhuc annulus in curiali archîo publico custodiri jussus est . Io. Sarisbur . Metalogic . lib. 4. cap ▪ 42. de quo consulendus etiam est Giraldus Ca●hrens . lib. 2. Hibern . expugnat . cap. 6. c In Regem & Dominum receperunt . Matth Paris . in Historiâ maiori . an . 1171. Roger. Hoveden ▪ in posteriore parte Annalium . Iohan. Brampton in Historiâ Ioralanensi . MS. d Recepit ab unoquoque Archiepiscopo & Episcopo literas , cum sigillis suis in modum Chartae pendentibus ; regnum Hiberniae sibi & haeredibus suis confirmantes , & testimonium perhibentes ipsos in Hiberniâ eum & haeredes suos sibi in Reges & Dominos in perpetuū constituisse . Io. Brampton ibid. e Venerunt ibidem ad regem Angliae omnes Archiepiscopi , Episcopi , Abbates totius Hiberniae , & receperunt eum in Regem & Dominum Hiberniae ; iurantes ei & haeredibus suis fidelitatem , & regnandi super eos potestatem in perpetuum : & inde dederunt ei chartas suas . Exemplo autem clericorum , praedicti Reges & principes Hiberniae , receperunt simili modo Henricum regem Angliae in Dominum & Regem Hiberniae ; & homines sui devenerunt , & ei & haeredibus suis fidelitatem iuraverunt contra omnes homines Rog Hoveden . ad an . 1171. f Dignum etenim & iustissimum est , ut sicut Dominum & Regem ex Angliâ sortita est divinitùs Hibernia ; sic etiam exinde vivendi formam accipiant meliorem . Girald . Cambrens . Hibern . Expugnat lib. 1. cap. 34. g Rex Angliae misit transscriptum Chartarum universorum Archiepiscoporum & Episcoporum Hiberniae , ad Alexandrum Papam : & ipse authoritate Apostolicâ confirmavit illi & haeredibus suis regnum Hiberniae , secundùm formam Chartarum Archiepiscoporum & Episcoporum Hiberniae . Rog. Hoveden . h Nam summus Pontifex regnum illud sibi & haeredibus suis auctoritate Apostolicâ confirmavit ; & in perpetuum eos cōstituit inde Reges . Io. Brampton . i Perquisierat ab Alexandro ▪ summo Pontifice , quòd liceret ei filium suum quem v●●let Regem Hiberniae facere , & similiter coronare ; ac Reges & potentes eiusdem terrae , qui subiectionē ei facere nollent , debellare . Id. ad an . 1177. k Iohannem filium suum coram Episcopis & regni sui principibus Regem Hiberniae constituit . Id. ibid & Gualterus Co●entrensis , in eiusdem anni histori● . l Constituit Iohannem filiū suum Regem in Hiberniâ , concessione & confirmatione Alexandri summi Pontificis . Rog. Hoveden Annal part . 2 a● an 1177. m Ab co imp●travit ; quòd unus quem vellet de filiis suis coronaretur de regno Hiberniae . & hoc confirmavit ei Dominus P●pa Bullâ suâ : & in argumentum voluntatis et confirmationis suae , misit ei coronam de pennâ pavonis auro contextam ▪ Id. ad an . 1185. n Quibus ipse commisit legatiam in Hiberniam , ad coronandum ibi Iohannem filium Regis . Sed Dominus Rex coronationem illam distulit . Id. ad an . 1187. o Ad Dei omnipotentis laudem & gloriā , ac gloriosissimae eius genitricis Virginis Mariae , totiusque Curiae coelestis honorem , & fidei Catholicae exaltationem , Philippo Rege & Mariâ Reginâ nobis super hoc humiliter supplicantibus , de fratrū nostrorum consilio & Apostolicae potestatis plenitudine , Apostolicâ authoritate Regnum Hiberniae perpetuò erigimus ; ac titulo , dignitate , honore , facultatibus , iuribus , insigniis , pr●rogativis , antelationibus , praeeminentiis regiis , ac quibus alia Christi fidelium Regna utuntur , potiuntur , & gaudent , ac uti , potiri , & gaudere poterunt , in futurum insignimus & decoramus . Bulla Pauli IV. in Rotu●o Patentium , ann . ● & 3. Philippi & Mariae , in Cancellariâ Hiberniae . p Satis constat , secundùm Albertum Magnū & Bartholomaeum de proprietatibus rerum , quòd toto Mundo in tres partes diviso ( videlicèt Asiam , Africam & Europam ) Europa in quatuor dividitur regna : primum videlicèt Romanum , secundum Constantinopolitanum , tertium regnum Hiberniae quod iam translatum est in Anglicos , & quartum regnum Hispaniae . Ex quo patet , quòd rex Angliae & regnum suum sunt de eminentioribus antiquioribus Regibus & Regnis totius Europae : quam praerogativam regnum Franciae non fertur obtinere . Act. Concil . Constant. Sess. 28. MS. in Bibliothecâ Regiâ Iacobaeâ . q Cuius mali maxima culpa in aliquot Angloibernos Sacerdotes iure transferenda est ; qui tartareum dogma ab Orco in Catholicorū per niciem emissū non ●●egabant , licere Catholicis contra Catholicos & suā patriam pro Haereticis gerere arm● & dimicare , Philip. Osullevan . Hist. Catholic . Iberniae , tom . 4. lib. 3. cap. ● . fol. 263. edit . Vlyssipon . an . 1621. r Haec est Academiarum censura ; quâ liquidó cōstat , quantâ ignoratione & caligi ne erraverint illi Iberni , qui in hoc bello ▪ Protestantibus opem tulerunt , & Catholicos oppugnârunt : quamque insanam & venenosam doctrinā attulerint nonnulli doctiores vulgò habiti , qui saeculares homines ad Reginae partes sequendas exhortati , á fide tuendâ averterunt . Id. tom . 3. lib. 8. cap. 7. fol. 204. s Cùm enim Pontifex dicat Anglos adversus Catholicam Religionē pugnare , eosque non minus ac Turcas oppugnari debere ; eisdemque gratiis eos oppugnantes prosequatur , quibus cōtra Turcas pugnantes prosequitur : quis dubitet , bellū ab Anglis adversus exercitū Catholicū omninò iniquū geri ? Censur . Doct. Salmantic . et Vallisolet . de Hibernia bello . t Rom. 13.1 . u Quid , & illa potestas , quae servos Dei persequitur , fidem impugnat , religionem subver●it , á Deo est ? Ad quod respondendum , quòd etiam talis potestas á Deo data est , ad vindictam quidem malorum , laudem veró bonorum . Sedul . in Rom. 13. x Rom. 13.5 . y Sedul in Hymno acrostich . de Vi●â Christi . z Rex iste qui natus est , non venit Reges pugnando superare , sed moriendo mirabiliter subiugare : neque ideo natus est ut tibi succedat , sed ut in eum mu●dus fideliter credat Venit enim , non ut regnet viva● , sed ut triumphet occisus : nec ut sibi de aliis gentibus auro exercitū quaerat ; sed ut pro salvandis gentibus preti osum sanguinē fundat . Inaniter invidendo timuisti successorem , quem credendo debuisti quaerere salvatorem : quia si in eum crederes , cum eo regnares ; & sicut ab illo accepisti temporale regnum , acciperes etiam sempiternum . Hujus enim pueri regnum non est de hoc mundo ; sed per ipsum regnatur in hoc mundo . Ipse est etiam Sapientia Dei , quae dicit in Proverbiis : Per me Reges regnant . Puer iste Verbum Dei est , puer iste Virtus & Sapientia Dei est . Si pot●s , contra Dei sapientiam cogita : in tuam perniciem versaris , & nescis . Tu enim regnum nullatenus habuisses , nisi ab isto puero qui nunc natus est accepisses . Claud. lib. 1. in Matth. a In doctrinâ religionis non quid dicatur , sed quis loquatur attendendum esse . Tho. Stapleton . De●ens . Ecclesiastic . a●thoritat . lib. 3. cap. 7. & Demonstrat . Principior . Doctrinal . lib. 10. cap. 5. b Veritas propter seipsam diligenda est , non propter hominem , aut propter Angelum , per quem adnunciatur . Qui enim propter adnuntiatores eam diligit , potest & mendacia diligere , si qua fortè ipsi sua protulerint . Claud. in Galat. 1. c Ioh. 10.16 . d Psal. 72.19 . 
A64622	----	A body of divinitie, or, The summe and substance of Christian religion catechistically propounded, and explained, by way of question and answer : methodically and familiarly handled / composed long since by James Vsher B. of Armagh, and at the earnest desires of divers godly Christians now printed and published ; whereunto is adjoyned a tract, intituled Immanvel, or, The mystery of the incarnation of the Son of God heretofore writen [sic] and published by the same authour. Body of divinity Ussher, James, 1581-1656. 1645 Approx. 1588 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 252 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2005-12 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A64622 Wing U151 ESTC R19025 12171713 ocm 12171713 55421 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A64622) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 55421) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 618:2) A body of divinitie, or, The summe and substance of Christian religion catechistically propounded, and explained, by way of question and answer : methodically and familiarly handled / composed long since by James Vsher B. of Armagh, and at the earnest desires of divers godly Christians now printed and published ; whereunto is adjoyned a tract, intituled Immanvel, or, The mystery of the incarnation of the Son of God heretofore writen [sic] and published by the same authour. Body of divinity Ussher, James, 1581-1656. Downame, John, d. 1652. [8], 451, [15], 24 p. Printed by M.F. for Tho. Downes and Geo. Badger ..., London : 1645. Errata: p. [13] following p. 451. First edition. "To the Christian reader" signed: John Downame. Imperfect: "Immanuel" with special t.p. and separate paging, is lacking in filmed copy. Reproduction of original in Union Theological Seminary Library, New York. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). 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Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Christianity. 2005-02 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-03 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2005-04 Emma (Leeson) Huber Sampled and proofread 2005-04 Emma (Leeson) Huber Text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A BODY OF DIVINITIE , OR THE SVMME AND SVBSTANCE OF Christian Religion , Catechistically propounded , and explained , by way of Question and Answer : Methodically and familiarly handled . Composed long since by JAMES VSHER B. of ARMAGH . And at the earnest desires of divers godly Christians now Printed and Published . VVhereunto is adjoyned a Tract , intituled IMMANVEL , OR THE MYSTERY OF THE Incarnation of the SON OF GOD ; Heretofore writen and published by the same Author . JOHN 17. 3. This is life eternall , that they might know thee the onely true God , and Jesus Christ whom thou hast sent . LONDON , Printed by M. F. for THO : DOVVNES and GEO : BADGER , and are to be sold in S. Dunstans Church-yard in Fleetstreet . MDCXLV . To the Christian Reader . CHristian Reader , I doe here present and commend unto thee a booke of great worth and singular use , which was written and finished about twenty years since : the Author whereof is well knowne to bee so universally eminent in all Learning , and of that deepe knowledge , and judgement in sacred Divinity , that he transcendeth all elogies and praises which I can give him . I commend it unto the ( Christian Reader ) under a two-fold notion ; the first respecteth the subject matter of this whole Work , which is of greatest excellency , ad being The summe and substance of Christian Religion , upon which as a most sure foundation we build our faith , ground all our hopes , and from which we reap , and retain all our joy and comfort in the assurance of our salvation ; which as at all times it is most profitable to be read , studied and known , so now ( if ever ) most necessary in these our days , wherein men never more neglected these fundamentall principles , as being but common and ordinary truths , and spend their whole time , study , and discourse about Discipline , Ceremonies , and circumstantiall points ; and herein also not contenting themselves with those common rules , and that clear light which shineth in the Word ; they are onely led by their own phantasies , daily creating unto themselves diversity of new opinions : and so falling into sects and schismes they break the bond of love , and fall off from the communion of Saints , as though it were no Article of their Creed ; and being in love with their own new Tenets , as being the conception and birth of their own brains , they contend for them more then for any fundamentall truths ; and not onely so , but also hate , maligne , and most bitterly , and uncharitably censure all those that differ from them in their opinions , though never so conscientious and religious , as though they professed not the same faith , yea , served not the same God , nor beleeved in the same Christ ; but remain still Aliens from the Common-wealth of Israel , and in comparison of themselves no better then Papists , or at the best but carnall Gospellers . The second notion under which I commend it respecteth the Work it self , or the manner of the Authors handling it , which is done so soundly and solidly , so judiciously and exactly , so methodically and orderly , and with that familiar plainnesse , perspicuity and clearnesse , that it giveth place to no other in this kind either ancient or modern , either in our own , or any other Language which ever yet came to my view ; in which regard I may say of it , as it is said of the vertuous woman ; Many have done excellently , but this our Author exceedeth them all . I will adde no more in the deserved praises of this Worke , but leave it ( Christian Reader ) to thy self to peruse and judge of it , commending thee to the Word of Gods grace and the good guidance of his holy Spirit , who is able to build thee up in fruitfull knowledge , to lead thee into all truth , to direct and support thee in the wayes of godliness , and to give thee an everlasting inheritance amongst the blessed . Thine in the Lord Jesus Christ , JOHN DOWNAME . The Connexion of these Points together , and Dependence of them one upon another . IN Christian Religion wee are to consider the Ground thereof , contained in the Scripture . Parts , which treat of Gods Nature , in his Essence , considered absolutely in it selfe : where , the doctrine of divine Attributes which respect either His perfection , in his Simplenesse , whereby he is exempted from Composition and division . Infinitenesse , wherby he is exempted from all measure of Time , by his eternity . Place , by his immensity . Life , whence he is called The living God , Considered in his All-sufficiency Al-seeing wisdom Foreknowledge . Counsell . Almighty power . Holy will , wherein is seen , his Goodnesse , and therein his love unto his creatures . mercy or grace shewed them in their misery . Iustice , in his word , called his Truth . deeds disposing of all things rightly . rendring to the creatures according to their works . Persons , subsisting in one and the same undivided Essence . Kingdome , in his Eternall decree which men must not curiously prie into , but content themselves with what is made manifest . Execution thereof , in the workes of Creation of things Invisible The highest Heavens . Angels . Visible Unreasonable . Reasonable man : consisting of Body . Soule . Providence , Common unto all creatures , Proper , respecting the everlasting condition of principall Creatures . Angels Good. Bad. Men , who are ordered in This life , by the tenor of a two-fold Covenant : Nature or Workes , where we are to consider the Conditions , and Events , Shame Primary , the fall of our first parents . Secondary , the corruption of Nature , originall Actions , actual , of omission . commission . Death , comprehending all the curses of the Law whereunto the nature of man standeth subject . Grace , wherein we are to consider the state of Christ the Mediator , in his Person , and there in his Natures and their Union : where , of his Conception Nativity . Distinction . Two fold state of Humiliation , Exaltation . Office , with his Calling thereunto , Execution thereof , concerning , God the party offended , wherein his priestly office is exercised , the parts whereof are Satisfaction , giving contentment to Gods Iustice by his Obedience to the Law , Suffering for our sinne . Intercession , soliciting Gods mercy for those he hath redeemed . Man the party offending , to whom he communicates the grace , by him purchased , by his Propheticall office Kingly office The rest of mankind , who are called by participation of his grace : where we are to consider , 1. The company thus called out of the world , The Catholike Church of Christ , where such as obey this calling in Outward profession alone , hold onely externall communion with it . Inward affection also , internall with the Head Christ Iesus , there being a Mutuall donation , whereby the Father gives Christ to them . them to Christ. Mysticall union , whereby they are knit together by Gods quickning Spirit . The rest of mankind , whence ariseth the Communion of Saints . 2. Grace whereunto they are called . Reconciliation Iustification : where , of Iustifying Faith. Adoption , and therein of Hope . Sanctification , and therein of Love : here consider the Rule of Holines , the morall law , contained in the ten Commandements , wherein are to be considered , Generall rules to be observed in the exposition of them . Distinction of them into two tables containing the duties we owe unto , God : namely , Having the true God , and entertaining him in all the powers of the soule . Com. 1. Honoring him with that worship which is to be given from men to him , Every day as occasion requireth , either in Solemne worship , prescribed in the 2. Com. Glorifying his name in the common course of our life , in the 3. Com. One day certain in the week , prescribed in the 4. Com. Man respecting , Such acts as are joyned with advised consent in duties which we owe unto , Speciall persons in regard of some particular relation which we beare unto them , prescribed in the 5. Com. All men in generall , for the preservation of their Safety , in the 6. Com. Chastity , in the 7. Com. Goods , in the 8. Com. Good name , in the 9. Com. The first thoughts and motions of evill towards our neighbour that doe arise from the corruption of our nature , in the 10. Com. Exercise thereof Repentance . Fruits thereof , in Resistance of sinne by Christian warfare , where , of the spirituall Armour : Conflict with the World Flesh Devill in prosperity adversity : here , of bearing the crosse , Abounding in good workes , especially towards God in Praier , the rule whereof is contained in the Lords Prayer , wherein are to be considered the 1 Preamble . 2 Petitions 3 concerning Gods glory : 3 touching our necessities . 3 The Conclusion , and there , of thanksgiving . Fasting . Our brethrens Edification , in respect of their soules . Almsgiving , for the good of their bodies , 3 Meanes , whereby they are called : The outward ministery of the Gospell , wherein consider 1 Minister . 2 Parts of the ministery , Word . Seales annexed thereunto , viz. Sacraments for confirming the promises to the obedient , which are either of Initiation or Admission into the Church . Continuall nourishment . Censures for ratifying of threatnings towards the disobedient in , Word , by admonition . Deed , by Suspension . Excommunication . 3 The kinds thereof : namely , the Old ministery before Christ , called The old Testament ; where , of the 1 Word of the Gospell more sparingly , and darkly delivered . 2 Types and Ceremonies . 3 Sacraments Initiation ; Circumcision . Nourishment ; Paschall Lambe . New , from the comming of Christ unto the end of the world , called The new Testament , wherein is to be considered the cleernes and efficacy of the Word Sacraments Initiation ; Baptisme . Nourishment ; The Lords Supper . 4 Divers states of the Church . The world to come , by the sentence of a twofold Iudgement , Particular , upon every soule as soon as it departs from the body . Generall , upon all men at once both in soule and body : therein is to be considered 1 Iudge , Christ comming with the glory of his Father . 2 Parties to be judged Quick , of whom there shall be a change . Dead , of whom there shall be a resurrection . 3 Sentence and execution thereof : where , of the The torments of the Damned . The joyes of the Blessed . THE HEADS OF THE BODY OF DIVINITY DIVIDED INTO Two and fifty Heads . 1. OF Christian Religion , and the grounds thereof ; Gods Word contained in the Scriptures . 2. Of God and his Attributes , Perfection , Wisdome , and Omnipotency . 3. Of Gods Goodnesse and Justice , and the Persons of the Trinity . 4. Of Gods Kingdome , and the Creation of all things . 5. Of the Creation of man in particular , and the Image of God according to which he was made . 6. Of Gods Providence , and continuall government of his creatures . 7. Of the good Angels that stood , and the evill Angels that forsooke their first integrity . 8. Of the Law of nature , or the Covenant of works made with man at his Creation , and the event thereof in the fall of our first Parents . 9. Of Originall and Actuall sinne , whereunto all mankind by the fall is become subject . 10. Of Gods curse , and all the penalties due unto sinne , whereunto man is become subject as long as he continueth in his naturall estate . 11. Of the Covenant of Grace , and the Mediator thereof , Jesus Christ our Lord , his two distinct natures in one Person , together with his Conception and Nativity . 12. Of the state of Humiliation and Exaltation of our Saviour , his office of Mediation , and calling thereunto . 13. Of his Priestly office , and the two parts thereof , Satisfaction and Intercession . 14. Of his Propheticall and Kingly office . 15. Of the calling of men to partake of the grace of Christ both outward and inward , and of the Catholick Church thus called out of the world , with the members and properties thereof . 16. Of the mutuall donation whereby the Father giveth Christ to us and us unto Christ : and the mysteriall union whereby we are knit together by the band of Gods quickning spirit , with the Communion of Saints arising from thence , whereby God for his Sons sake is pleased of enemies to make us friends . 17. Of Justification , and therein of justifying faith and forgivenesse of sinnes . 18. Of Adoption , whereby in Christ we are not only advanced into the state of friends , but also of sons and heires , and therein of the spirit of Adoption and Hope . 19. Of Sanctification , whereby the power of sin is mortified in us , and the image of God renued ; and therein of love . 20. Of the direction given unto us for our sanctification , contained in the Ten Commandements ; with the rules of expounding the same , and of distinction of the Tables thereof . 21. The first Commandement , of the choice of the true God , and the entertaining him in all our thoughts . 22. The second Commandement , of the solemn worship that is to be performed unto God ; and therein of Images and Ceremonies . 23. The third , of the glorifying of God aright in the actions of our common life ; and therein of swearing and blaspheming . 24. The fourth , of the certain time set apart for Gods service , and therein of the Sabbath and Lords day . 25. The fift , of the duties we owe one unto another , in regard of our particular relation unto such as are our Superiours , Inferiours , and equals . 26. The sixt , of the preservation of the safety of mens persons , and therein of peace and meeknesse . 27. The seventh , of the preservation of chastity , and therein of temperance and mariage . 28. The eight , of the preservation of our own and our neighbours goods , and therein of the maintaining of justice in our dealing one with another . 29 The ninth , of the preservation of our own and our neighbours good name , and the maintaining of truth in our testimony , and truth . 30 The tenth , of contentednesse : the first motions of concupiscence which doe any way crosse that love we owe to our neighbour : whereto for conclusion may be added the use of the Law. 31 Of Repentance . 32 Of the spirituall warfare and Christian armour . 33 Of resistance of the temptations of the Devill . 34 Of resisting the temptations of the world , both in prosperity and adversity ; and here of patient bearing of the Crosse. 35. Of resisting the temptations of the flesh . 36. Of new obedience and good works , and necessity thereof . 37. Of Prayer in generall , and the Lords Prayer in particular , with the Preamble thereof . 38. Of the three first Petitions which concern Gods glory . 39. Of the three latter which concern our necessities . 40. Of the conclusion of the Lords Prayer , wherewith is to be handled the point of praise and thanksgiving . 41. Of fasting . 42. Of mutuall edifying one another , and liberality towards the poor . 43. Of Ministers , and ministery of the Gospel ; and therein of preaching and hearing the Word . 44. Of the Appendants of the Word , Sacraments , which are the seals of the promises , and Ecclesiasticall censures , which are the seals of the threatnings of the Gospel . 45. Of the ministery of the old Testament , before the comming of Christ , with the Word , Types , and Sacraments thereof . 46. Of the ministery of the new Testament , and comparing the Word and Sacraments thereof with the old . 47. Of Baptisme . 48. Of the Lords Supper . 49 : Of the divers estates of the Church in prosperity and under persecution , in integrity and corruption , and the rending thereof by schismes and heresies . 50. Of death , and the particular Judgement following . 51. Of the generall Judgement , and therein of the Judge Christ Jesus his comming in glory : and the parties to be judged , both quick and dead ; with the resurrection of the one , and the change of the other . 52. Of the last sentence and the execution thereof ; of the torments of the damned , and joyes of the blessed . A LARGE EXPLICATION OF THE BODY OF CHRISTIAN RELIGION . 1 TIM . 4. 15. Meditate upon these things , give thy self wholly to them , that thy profiting may appeare to all . WHat is that which all men especially desire ? Eternall Life and Happinesse . How doe men look to obtain Happinesse ? By Religion , which is a thing so proper to man , that it doth distinguish him more from beasts then very Reason , that is made his form ; for very beasts have some sparkles or resemblance of Reason , but none of Religion . Is Religion generally to bee found in all men ? Yes ; for the very heathens condemned them to death that denyed all Religion : and there is no people so barbarous , but they will have some forme of Religion , to acknowledge a God ; as all India , East and West , sheweth . May a man bee saved by any Religion ? No ; but onely by the true , as appeareth , Joh. 17. 3. This is life eternall to know thee , and whom thou hast sent , Jesus Christ : and He that knoweth not the Son , knoweth not the Father . Which bee the chiefe false Religions that are now in the world ? Heathenisme , Turkisme , Judaisme , Papisme . What doe you observe out of this diversity of Religions in the world ? The misery of man when God leaveth him without his Word ; an example whereof may bee seen in the Idolaters , 1 King. 18. 27. and Rom. 1. 22 , 23. and some making a stick or a straw , othersome a red cloth for their God , as the Lappians . Seeing then there are so many Religions in the world , and every one looketh to obtain happinesse by his own Religion ; of ( what Religion are you ? I am a Christian. What is Christian Religion ? It is the acknowledging of the onely true God , and of Jesus Christ whom hee hath sent . How prove you that ? By that saying of our Saviour Christ , Joh. 17. 3. This is life everlasting ( which is the reward of Christian Religion ) that they may know thee to bee the onely true God , and Jesus Christ whom thou hast sent : where hee meaneth not a bare contemplative knowledge , but a thankfull acknowledging , which comprehendeth all Christian duties , consisting in faith and obedience ; for hee that being void of the feare of God , which is the beginning and chiefe point of knowledge , Prov. 1. 7. abideth not in God , but sinneth : dwelleth in darknesse , who hath neither seen God , nor known him , 1 Joh. 3. 6. What doe you call the Doctrine which sheweth the way unto everlasting life and happinesse ? It is commonly termed Theologie or Divinity , and the familiar Declaration of the principles thereof ( for the use especially of the ignorant ) is called Catechising , Heb. 5. 12 , 13 , 14. 1 Tim. 6. 1 , 2. What is Catechising ? A teaching by voyce and repetition of the grounds of Christian Religion , Gal. 6. 6. Act. 18. 23. 26. 1 Cor. 14. 19. Where should it bee used , and by whom ? Both at home by the Master of the House , and in the Church likewise by the Minister . Why at home ? Because houses are the Nurseries of the Church . Shew some reasons and arguments to prove the necessity of Catechising and instructing in Religion . First , God accounteth of Abraham for his care in this duty , Gen. 18. 19. Secondly , Hee commandeth all parents to perform this duty to their children , Deut. 6. 6 , 7. Ephes. 6. 4. Thirdly , all children are made blinde in the knowledge of God and of Religion by Adams fall , and consequently they must bee inlightened and informed by teaching , if they will not dye , which Solomon therefore commandeth , Prov. 22. 6. and our Saviour Christ biddeth children bee respected , Mark. 10. 14 , 15 , 16. Fourthly , the examples of the godly for this duty , in bringing their children with themselves to holy exercises : So Hannah brought up Samuel to the Tabernacle , 1 Sam. 1. 24. and Mary Jesus to the Temple , when hee was twelve yeeres old , Luk. 2. 42. by which wee perform the effect of consecrating our children to God , Exod. 13. 2. Fifthly , common equity should move Parents to this duty , for as their children receive from them originall sin , by which they are made so blinde in Gods matters , it is equity they should labour to remove that blindnesse by teaching them after Gods Word . Sixthly , God promiseth as the greatest blessing to men , that their children should speak of him under the Gospel , Joel 2. 28. Act. 2. 17. But is it not some disgrace and basenesse that men of yeers and place should bee Catechised ? If men will bee Christians , which is their greatest honour , they must hold it no disgrace to learn Christ : Noble Theophilus held it none , who was thus catechised , as Luke sheweth Chap. 1. 4. likewise Apollos , Act. 18. 28. To come then to the declaration of Christian Religion ; tell mee wherein doth the happinesse of man consist ? Not a in himself , nor in any other created thing , but only in God his Creator , who alone being infinite , is able to fill the heart of man. How may wee come to injoy God ? By being joyned unto him , and so partaking of his goodnesse ; for happinesse is to bee found by b acquaintance and fellowship vvith him vvho is the foundation of blessednesse , man so c knowing him , or rather being known of him , that hee d may serve him and bee e accepted of him , honour him and bee f honoured by him . By what means come wee to the knowledge of God ? By such means as hee hath revealed in himself ; for God dwelleth in the light that no man can come unto , vvhom no man hath seen , nor can see , 1 Tim. 6. 16. except hee shew himself unto us : not that hee is hidden in the darknesse , for hee dwelleth in the light , but that the dulnesse of sight , and blindnesse of our hearts cannot reach unto that light , except hee declare himself unto us ; like as the Sunne is not seen , but by his own light , so God is not known but by such means as hee hath manifested himself . By what means hath God revealed himselfe ? By his Divine works and by his holy Word , as the Prophet David plentifully and distinctly expressed in the nineteenth Psalm , The Heavens declare the glory of God , and the firmament shewth his handy work , and so continuing unto the seventh verse touching his Works , and from thence to the end of the Psalm , touching his Word ; The law of the Lord is perfect converting the Soule , the testimony of the Lord is sure making wise the simple . What gather you of this ? That all curious searching to know more of God then hee hath shewed of himself is both vain and hurtfull to the searchers , especially seeing by his Works and Word hee hath declared as much as is profitable for men to know , for his glory and their eternall felicity . Therefore Moses saith , Deut. 29. 29. The secret things belong unto the Lord our God , but those things which are revealed , belong unto us , and to our children for ever . What bee the Divine works whereby God hath shewed himself ? The Creation , and preservation of the world , and all things therein ; so the Apostle to the Romans saith , That all men are inexcusable , seeing that which may bee known of God , is made manifest within them ; for God hath made it manifest unto them . For the invisible things of God while they are understood in his works by the Creation of the world , are seen , even his eternall power and Godhead , Rom. 1. 19 , 20. Also preaching amongst the grosse Idolatrous Lystrians , Act. 14. 17. hee saith , that God hath not left himself without Testimony , bestowing his benefits , giving rain and fruitfull seasons from heaven , filling our hearts with food and gladnesse . And preaching among the learned , and yet no lesse superstitious Athenians , hee citeth and canonizeth the Testimony of the Poets , to shew that God is not farre from every one of us , for in him wee live , move , and have our beeing , Act. 17. 27 , 28. For whosoever amongst the Heathen Poets , and Philosophers , which professed wisdome , hath not been wilfully blinde , have learned by contemplation of the Creatures of the world , that God is the Maker and preserver of the same . What use is there of the knowledge obtained by the Works of God ? There is a double use , the one , to make all men void of excuse , as the Apostle teacheth , Rom. 1. 20. and so it is sufficient unto condemnation . The other is to further unto salvation , and that by preparing and inciting men to seek God , If happily by groping they may finde him , as the Apostle sheweth , Act. 17. 27. whereby they are made more apt to acknowledge him when he is perfectly revealed in his Word , or after they have known God out of his Word , by contemplation of his infinite power , wisdome , and goodnesse , most gloriously shining in his Works , to stirre them up continually , to reverence his Majesty , to honour and obey him , to repose their trust and confidence in him ; and so the Children of God doe use this knowledge of God , gathered out of his Divine Works , as appeareth in many places of the Scriptures , and especially of the Psalmes , which are appointed for the exercise of the whole Church , Psal. 8. Psal. 19. Psal. 95. Psal. 104. & 136. &c. Are not the Works of God sufficient to give knowledge of the onely true God , and the way unto everlasting happinesse ? They may leave us to bee without excuse , and so are sufficient unto condemnation , but are not able to make us wise unto Salvation , because of things which are necessary unto Salvation , some they teach but imperfectly , others , not at all , as the distinction of the Persons in the Godhead , the fall of man from God , and the way to repaire the same . Where then is the saving knowledge of God to bee had perfectly ? In his holy Word , for God according to the riches of his Grace , hath been abundant towards us in all wisdome and understanding , and hath opened unto us the Mystery of his will , according to his good pleasure , which hee hath purposed in himself , as the Apostle teacheth , Ephes. 1. 7 , 8 , 9. What course did God hold in the delivery of his Word unto men ? In the beginning of the world hee delivered his Word by Revelation , and continued the knowledge thereof by Tradition , while the number of his true worshippers were small , but after hee chose a great and populous Nation , in which hee would bee honoured and served , hee caused the same to bee committed to writing for all ages to the end of the world : for about the space of two thousand five hundred yeeres from the Creation , the people of God had no writen Word to direct them ; Thence for the space of three thousand one hundred yeers , unto this present time , the Word of God was committed unto them in writing , yet so that in half that time Gods will was also revealed without writing extraordinarily , and the holy books indited one after another , according to the necessity of the times , but in this last half , the whole Canon of the Scriptures being fully finished , wee and all men , unto the worlds end , are left to have our full instruction from the same without expecting extraordinary revelations , as in times past . Were these Revelations in times past delivered all in the same manner ? No ; for ( as the Apostle noteth , Heb. 1. 1. ) at sundry times , and in divers manners God spake in times past unto the Fathers by the Prophets . The diverse kindes are set down in Numb . 12. 6. and 1 Sam. 8. 6. and may bee reduced to these two generall heads , Oracles , and Visions . What call you Oracles ? Those Revelations that God , as it were , by his own mouth delivered to his servants , and that ordinarily by Vrim and Thummim , or by Prophets extraordinarily called . What doe you understand by Visions ? Those Revelations whereby God signified his will by certain images and representations of things offered unto men , as may bee seen in the Visions of Daniel , Ezekiel , Jeremie , &c. How were these Visions presented unto men ? Sometime to men waking , sometime to men sleeping , sometime to the mind , sometime by the eyes , to the imagination of men sleeping were offered divine dreams , in expounding whereof we read that Joseph and Daniel excelled ; but now they together with all other extraordinary Revelations are ceased . Where then is the Word of God now certainely to be learned ? Onely out of the Book of God contained in the holy Scriptures , which are the onely certain testimonies unto the Church of the Word of God , 1 John 5. 9. 2 Tim. 3. 15. Why may not men want the Scriptures now as they did at the first , from the Creation untill the time of Moses , for the space of 2513. years ? First , because then God immediately by his voice and Prophets sent from him , taught the Church his truth , which now are ceased , Heb. 1. 1. Secondly , traditions might then be of sufficient certainty by reason of the long life of Gods faithfull witnesses ; for Methusalem lived with Adam the first man 243. years , and continued unto the Flood : Shem lived at once with Methusalem 98. years , and flourished above 500. yeares after the Flood : Isaac lived 50. years with Shem , and died about 10. years before the descent of Israel into Aegypt : So that from Adams death unto that time , three men might by tradition preserve the purity of Religion ; but after the comming of Israel out of Aegypt mans age was so shortened , that in the dayes of Moses ( the first Penman of the Scriptures ) it was brought to 70. or 80. years , as appeareth by the Psal. 90. 10. Thirdly , God saw his true religion greatly forgotten in Aegypt ; ( Israel then falling unto Idolatry , Ezekiel 20. 8. ) and having brought Israel then his people from thence , did not onely restore , but also encreased the same , adding thereunto many more particulars concerning his service , which were needfull for mens memories to be written . Fourthly , God having gathered his Church to a more solemn company then before , it was his pleasure then to begin the writings of his will , and therefore first with his own finger he wrote the ten Commandements in two Tables of stone , and then commanded Moses to write the other words which he had heard from him in the Mount , Exod. 34. 27 , 28. Fiftly , thus God provided that the Churches of all ages and times might have a certain rule to know whether they embraced sound Doctrine or no ; and that none should be so bold as to coin any new Religion to serve him with , but that which he had delivered in writing . What is Scripture then ? The Word of God written by men inspired by the holy Ghost for the perfect building and salvation of the Church : or holy Books written by the inspiration of God to make us wise unto salvation , 2 Tim. 3. 15 , 16. 2 Pet. 1. 21. 1 Pet. 20. 21. Joh. 20. 31. If that the Scriptures be written by men which are subject unto infirmities , how can it be accounted the Word of God ? Because it proceeds not from the wit or mind of men , but holy men set apart by God for the work of God spake and writ as they were moved by the holy Ghost ; therfore God alone is to be counted the Author therof , who inspired the hearts of those holy men whom he chose to be his Secretaries , who are to be held only the Instrumentall cause thereof . When Jeremy brought the Word of God to the Jews they said it was not the Word of the Lord , but he spake as Baruc the son of Neriah provoked him , Jer. 43. 2. and so some perhaps in these days are so ungodly as to take the Jews part against Jeremy and all his fellowes : How may it appeare therefore that this Book which you call the Book of God , and the holy Scriptures is the Word of God indeed , and not mens policy ? By the consonant testimony of men in all ages from them that first knew these Penmen of the holy Ghost with their writings untill our time ; and reasons taken out of the Word themselves , agreeable to the quality of the writers ; both which kind of arguments the holy Scriptures have as much and far more then any other writings ; wherefore as it were extream impudency to deny the works of Homer , of Plato , Virgil , Tully , Livy , Galen , &c. when as consent of al ages have reached & delivered them unto us , which also by the tongue , phrase , matter , and all other circumstances agreeable are confirmed to be the works of the same Authors whose they are testified to be ; so it were more then brutish madnesse to doubt of the certain truth and authority of the holy Scriptures , which no lesse , but much more then any other writings for their Authors are testified and confirmed to be the sacred Word of the ever-living God ; not onely testified I say by the uniform witnesses of men in all ages , but also confirmed by such reasons taken out of the writings themselves , as doe sufficiently argue the Spirit of God to be the Author of them ; for we may learn out of the testimonies themselves as David did , Psa. 119. 125. That God hath established them for ever . Let me hear some of those reasons which prove that God is the Author of the holy Scriptures ? First , the true godlinesse and holinesse wherewith the writers of the Scriptures shined as Lamps in their times , and far surpassed all men of other religions , which sheweth the work of Gods Spirit in them , and how unlikely it is that such men should obtrude into the Church their own inventions in stead of Gods Word . Secondly , the simplicity , integrity , and sincerity of these Writers in matters that concern themselves & those that belong unto them , doing nothing by partiality , 1 Tim. 5. 21. neither sparing their friends nor themselves ; so Moses , for example , in his writing spared not to report the reproach of his own Tribe , Gen. 34. 30. & 49. 5. 7. nor the incest of his parents of which he himself was conceived , Exod. 6. 20. nor the Idolatry of his brother Aaron , Exod. 32. nor the wicked murmuring of his sister Miriam , Numb . 12. nor his own declining of his vocation by God to deliver the Children of Israel out of Egypt , Exo. 4. 13 , 14. nor his own murmuring against God in his impatiency , Num. 11. 11 , 12 , 13 , 14. nor his want of faith after so many wonderfull confirmations , Num. 20. 12. & 27. 14. Deut. 32. 51. And though he were in highest authority , and having a promise of the people to beleeve whatsoever he said , Exod. 19. 8. & 20. 19. & 24. 3. he assigneth no place for his own sons to aspire either to the Kingdome or to the high Priesthood ; but leaveth them in the mean degree of common Levites : all which things declare most manifestly that he was void of all earthly and carnall affections in his writings , as was meet for the Penman and Scribe of God ; hereunto also may be added that he writeth of himself , Numb . 12. 3. that he was the meekest of all the men that were upon the face of the whole earth , which no wise man would in such sort report of himself ; if he were left to his own discretion . Thirdly , the quality and condition of the Penmen of these holy writings , some of whom were never trained up in the school of man , and yet in their writings shew that depth of wisdome , that the most learned Philosopers could not attain unto . Some also were before professed enemies to the truth , whereof afterwards they were Writers : Amos was no Prophet but an Heard-man and a gatherer of wilde figges , Amos 7. 14. Matthew a Publicane , employed onely in the gathering of Toll , Matth. 9. 9. Peter , James & John , Fishermen , whose liberty of speech when the chief Priests & the Elders of Jerusalem beheld and understood , that they were unlettered and ignorant men , it is recorded , Acts 4. 13. that they marvelled and took knowledge of them that they had been with Jesus : Paul from a bloody persecuter converted to be a Preacher and a writer of the Gospel , shewed by that sudden alteration , that he was moved by a command from heaven to defend that Doctrine which before he so earnestly impugned . Fourthly , the matter of the holy Scripture being altogether of heavenly Doctrine , and savouring nothing of earthly or worldly affections , but every where renouncing and condemning the same , declareth the God of heaven to be the onely inspirer of it . Fiftly , the Doctrine of the Scripture is such as could never breed in the brains of man ; three Persons in one God ; God to become man ; the Resurrection , and such like ; mans wit could never hatch , or if it had conceived them , could never hope that any man could beleeve them . Sixtly , the sweet concord between these writings , and the perfect coherence of all things contained in them , notwithstanding the diversity of persons by whom , places where , times when , and matter whereof they have written ; for there is a most holy and heavenly consent and agreement of all parts thereof together , though writen in so sundry ages , by so sundry men , in so distant places , one of them doth not gain-say another , as mens writings doe ; as our Saviour Christ confirmeth them all , Luke 24. 44. Seventhly , a continuance of wonderfull prophesies foretelling things to come so long before , marked with their circumstances ; not doubtfull like the Oracles of the Heathen , or Merlins prophesies , but such as expressed the things and persons by their names , which had all in their times their certain performance , and therefore unto what may we attribute them but to the inspiration of God ? Vide Calvins Institut . lib. 1. cap. 8. Thus was the Messias promised to Adam 4000. years before he was born , Gen. 3. 15. and to Abraham 1917. years before the accomplishment , Gen. 12. 3. The deliverance of the Israelites from Egypt , to the same Abraham 400. years before , Gen. 15. 13 , 14. The prophesies of Jacob , Gen. 49. concerning the twelve Tribes , which were not fulfilled till after the death of Moses , and that of the continuance of the Tribes and Kingdomes of Judah held untill the comming of Christ : In the first Book of Kings , the 13. ch . 2 , 3. there is delivered a prophesie concerning Josias by name 331. years , Esa. 45. 1. concerning Cyrus 100. years before he was borne ; Daniels prophesies , and that especially of the 70. weeks , Dan. 9. 24. are wonderfull ; so likewise are those of the rejection of the Jews , the calling of the Gentiles , the kingdome of Antichrist , &c. some of which now we see fulfilled . Eightly , the great Majestie , full of heavenly wisdome and authority , such as is meet to proceed from the glory of God , shining in all the whole Scripture ; yea , oftentimes under great simplicity of words , and plainnesse and easinesse of style , which neverthelesse more affected the hearts of the hearers , then all the painted eloquence and lofty style of Rhetoricians and Oratours ; and argueth the holy Ghost to be the Authour of them , 1 Cor. 1. 17. & 21. 24. & 2. 15. Ninthly , in speaking of the matters of the highest nature they go not about to perswade men by reasons , as Philosophers and Orators , but absolutely require credit to bee given to thē , because the Lord hath spoken it : they promise eternall life to the obedient , and threaten eternall woe to the disobedient ; they prescribe Laws for the thoughts , to which no man can pierce ; they require sacrifice , but they preferre obedience ; they enjoin fasting , but it is also from sin ; they command circumcision , but it is of the heart ; they forbid lusting , coveting , &c. which is not to be found in any Laws but in his that searcheth the heart . Tenthly , the end and scope of the Scriptures is for the advancement of Gods glory , and the salvation of mans soule ; for they intreat either of the noble acts of God and of Christ , or the salvation of mankind , and therefore by comparing this with the former reason we may frame this argument ; If the Author of the Scripture were not God , it must be some creature ; if he were a creature , he were either good or bad ; if a bad creature , why forbiddeth he evill so rigorously , and commands good so expresly , and makes his mark to aim at nothing but Gods glory , and our good ? if he were a good creature , why doth he challenge to himself that which is proper to God onely , as to make Laws for the heart , to punish & reward eternally , & c ? if it were no creature good nor bad , it must needs be God. Eleventhly , the admirable power and force that is in them to convert and alter mans mind , and to encline their heart from vice to vertue ( Psal. 19. 7 , 8. Psal. 119. 111. Heb. 4. 12. Acts 13. 12. ) though they be quite contrary to mens affections . Twelfthly , the Writers of the holy Scriptures are the most ancient of all others : Moses is ancienter then the gods of the heathen , that lived not long before the wars of Troy , about the time of the Judges ; and the youngest Prophets of the Old Testament , match the antientest Philosophers and Historians of the heathen . Thirteenthly , the deadly hatred that the devill and all wicked men carry against the Scriptures , to cast them away and destroy them , and the little love that most men doe bear unto them , prove them to bee of God ; for if they were of flesh and blood , then flesh and blood would love them and practise them , and every way regard them more then it doth , for the world loveth his own , as our Saviour Christ saith , Joh. 15. 19. But wee ( being but carnall and earthly ) savour not the things that bee of God , as the Apostle saith , 1 Cor. 2. 14. and untill the Lord open our hearts , and we bee born again of Gods Spirit , and become as new-born babes , wee have no desire unto them , 1 Pet. 2. 2. Fourteenthly , the marvellous preservation of the Scriptures ; though none in time bee so ancient , nor none so much oppugned , yet God hath still by his providence preserved them , and every part of them . Fifteenthly , the Scriptures , as experience sheweth , have the power of God in them , to humble a man , when they are preached , and to cast him down to hell , and afterward to restore and raise him up again , Heb. 4. 12. Shew now how the holy Scriptures have the consonant testimony of all men at all times since they were writen , that they are the most holy word of God. First , Joshua the servant of Moses , the first Scribe of God , to whom God spake in the presence and hearing of six hundred thousand men , besides women and children , who was an eye-witnesse of many wonders , by which the Ministery of Moses was confirmed , testifieth his writings to bee the undoubted Word of God ; the same doe the Prophets which continued the History of the Church in the time of the Judges , both of Moses & Joshua . Likewise all the Prophets which successively recorded the holy Story , and Prophesies , by divine Revelation , from Samuel unto the Captivity , and from the Captivity to the building again of the Temple , and of the City , and sometimes after , receiving the same book of heavenly Doctrine from the former age , delivered them to their posterity : And Malachi , the last of the Prophets , closeth up the Old Testament with a charge and an Exhortation from the Lord to remember the Law of Moses delivered in Horeb , and to use the same as a Schoole-master to direct them unto Christ , untill hee came in person himself , Mal. 4. 4. Finally , from that time the Church of the Jews , untill the comming of Christ in the flesh , imbraced all the former writings of the Prophets as the book of God ; & Christ himself appealeth unto them as a sufficient testimony of him , Joh. 5. 39. The Apostles and the Evangelists prove the writings of the New Testament by them , and the Catholike Church of Christ , from the Apostles time untill this day , hath acknowledged all the same writings both of the Old and New Testament , to bee the undoubted Word of God. Thus have wee the testimony both of the Old Church of the Jews , Gods peculiar people and first-born , to whom the Oracles of God were committed , Act. 7. 38. Hos. 8. 12. Rom. 3. 2. & 9. 4. and the view of Christians , together with the generall account which all the godly have made at all times of the Scriptures , when they have crossed their natures and courses , as accounting it in their soules to bee of God , and the speciall testimony of Martyrs , who have sealed the certainty of the same , by shedding their blood for them : Thereunto also may bee added the testimony of those which are out of the Church , Heathens , ( out of whom many ancient testimonies are cited to this purpose , by Josephus contra Appion . ) Turks , and Jews ( who to this day acknowledge all the books of the Old Testament ) and Hereticks , who labour to shroud themselves under them , &c. Are there not some divine testimonies which may likewise bee added to this ? Yes ; first , the known Miracles ( which the devill was never able to doe ) that did so often follow the writers and teachers of the Scriptures . Secondly , the manifold punishments , and destruction of those that have reviled and persecuted the same . Are these motives of themselves sufficient to work saving faith , and perswade us fully to rest on Gods Word ? No ; besides all this , it is required , that wee have the Spirit of God , as well to open our eyes to see the light , as to seale up fully into our hearts that truth which wee see with our eyes : for the same holy Spirit that inspired the Scripture ( 1 Cor. 2. 10. & 14. 37. Ephes. 1. 13. ) inclineth the hearts of Gods children to beleeve what is revealed in them , and inwardly assureth them above all reasons and arguments , that these are the Scriptures of God ; therefore the Lord , by the Prophet Isaiah , promiseth to joyn his Spirit with his Word , and that it shall remain with his children for ever : Esa. 59. 21. The same promiseth our Saviour Christ unto his Disciples , concerning the Comforter , which hee would send , to leade them into all truth , and teach them all things , and to put them in minde of all things which hee had said unto them , Joh. 14. 26. & 15. 26. The Lord by the Prophet Jeremiah also promiseth to give his Law into their mindes , and to write them in the hearts of his children , Jer. 31. 33. And S. John saith to the faithfull , that by the anointing of the holy Spirit which is on them , they know all things , 1 Joh. 2. 20. This testimony of Gods Spirit in the hearts of his faithfull , as it is proper to the Word of God , so it is greater then any humane perswasions grounded upon reason or witnesses of men , unto which it is unmeet that the Word of God should bee subject as Papists hold , when they teach that the Scriptures receive their authority from the Church ; for by thus hanging the credit and authority of the Scriptures on the Churches sentence , they make the Churches work of greater credit then the Word of God , whereas the Scriptures of God cannot bee judged or sentenced by any ; and God onely is a worthy witnesse himself in his Word , and by his Spirit , which give mutuall testimony one of the other , and work that assurance of Faith in the Elect , that no humane demonstrations can make , nor any perswasions or inforcements of the world can remove . Shew some further reasons that the authority of the Scriptures doth not depend upon the Church . First , because wee beleeve the Scriptures is a work of Faith , but the Church cannot infuse Faith. Secondly , any authority that the Church hath , it must prove it by the Scriptures , therefore the Scripture dependeth not upon the Church . Thirdly , if an Infidell should ask the Church how they are sure that Christ dyed for them , if they should answer because themselves say so , it would be ridiculous ; when they should say , because the Scripture teacheth so , &c. What books are the holy Scriptures , and by whom were they writen ? First , The books of the Old Testament , in number nine and thirty , ( which the Jews according to the number of their letters , brought to two and twenty ) writen by Moses and the Prophets . Rom. 3. 2. who delivered the same unto the Church of the Jews . Secondly , the books of the New Testament , in number seven and twenty , writen by the Apostles and Evangelists , Rom. 1. 16. Rev. 1. 11. who delivered them to the Church of the Gentiles . What language were the books of the Old Testament writen in ? In Hebrew , which was the first tongue of the world , and the most orderly speech , in comparison of which , all other languages may bee condemned of barbarous confusion , but chosen especially because it was the language of that time , best known unto the Church , teaching that all men should understand the Scriptures ; onely some few portions by the later Prophets were left writen in the Chaldean tongue , ( understood by Gods people after their carrying away into Babylon ) namely , the 11 verse of the 10 chap. of Jer. six chapters in Daniel ( from the 4 ver . of the 2 chap. to the end of the 7 chapter . ) and three in Ezra . ( the fourth , fifth , & sixth . ) Had the Hebrew Text vowels , or points from the beginning as now it hath ? Our Saviour saith , Matth. 5. 18. that not one jot or prick of the Law shall perish , whereby it should appeare that the Law and the Prophets ( for of both hee speaketh immediately before ) had vowels and pricks : God also by Moses commanded the Law to bee writen upon two great stones at the entrance of the people into the Land of promise , that all strangers might reade and know what Religion the children of Israel professed ; and hee commanded that it should bee writen well and plainly , or cleerly , Deut. 27. 8. which could not bee performed , except it were writen with the vowelling points , vvhereunto also belong all those places of Scripture , which testifie of the cleernesse , and certainty of the Scripture , which could not at all bee , if it lacked vowels . What are the books of the Old Testament ? The books of Moses ( otherwise called the Law ) and the Prophets ; for so are they oftentimes divided in the New Testament , as Mat. 5. 17. & 7. 12. & 22. 40. Luk. 16. 29. & 24. 27. Joh. 1. 45. Act. 13. 15. & 24. 14. & 26. 22. & 28. 23. Where it is to bee understood , that the Law is taken for the vvhole Doctrine of God , delivered by Moses , which containeth not only the Law , but also promises of mercy in Christ , as hee himself saith , Joh. 5. 46. If yee did beleeve Moses , you vvould also beleeve me , for Moses wrote of me : and vvhereas our Saviour Christ , Luk. 24. 44. unto the Law and the Prophets , addeth the Psalmes , which are a part of the Prophets , it is because they were most familiar to the godly , and generally known of the people by the daily exercise of them , the former division notwithstanding being perfect . Which are the books of Moses ? Five in number , vvhich are called Genesis , Exodus , Leviticus , Numbers , Deuteronomie . How are the books of these Prophets distinguished ? Into Historicall , and Doctrinall ; the former vvhereof contain the explication of the Law , by practise principally , the latter by Doctrine chiefely . How many Historicall books bee there ? Twelve in number , viz. the book of Joshua , the book of Judges , the book of Ruth , the two books of Samuel , the two books of Kings , the two books of Chronicles , the book of Ezra , the book of Nehemiah , and the book of Ester . How are the Doctrinall books distinguished ? Into Poeticall , and Prosaicall ; which distinction is thought of many to bee observed by our Saviour Christ , Luk. 24. 44. where he under the name of Psalmes comprehendeth all those books that are writen in the holy Poeticall style . Which are the Poeticall books ? Such as are writen in Meeter or poesie , containing principally , wise , and holy sentences , ( whence also they may bee called Sententiall ) and they are five in number , viz. The book of Job , the Psalmes , and Solomons three books , the Proverbs , Ecclesiastes , and the Canticles . Which are the Prosaicall books ? Such as are for the most part writen in prose , and foretell things to come ; ( whence also more especially they are termed Propheticall , or vaticinall ) of which kinde are sixteen writers in number , foure whereof are called the greater Prophets , viz. Isaiah , Jeremiah , ( to whose prophesies is annexed his book of Lamentations , though writen in Meeter ) Ezekiel , and Daniel , and twelve are called smaller Prophets , viz. Hosea , Joel , Amos , Obadiah , Jonah , Micah , Nahum , Habakkuk , Zephaniah , Haggai , Zacharie , Malachi ; which twelve of old were reckoned for one book , and therefore Act. 7 ▪ 42. Stephen citing a place out of Amos 5. 25. useth this forme ; As it is writen in the book of the Prophets . Bee there no other Canonicall books of the Scripture of the Old Testament besides these that you have named ? No ; for those other books which Papists would obtrude unto us for Canonicall , are Apocryphall , that is to say , such as are to lye hid , when there is proof to bee made of Religion . How prove you that those Apocryphall books are no part of the Canonicall Scriptures ? First , they are not writen first in Hebrew , the Language of the Church before Christ , which all the books of the Old Testament are originally writen in . Secondly , they were never received into the Canon of the Scripture by the Church of the Jews before Christ , ( to whom alone in those times the Oracles of God were committed , Rom. 3. 2. ) nor read and expounded in their Synagogues . See Josephus contra Appion . lib. 1. Eusebius lib. 3. cap. 10. Thirdly , the Jews were so carefull to keep Scripture intire , as they kept the number of the verses and letters , within which is none of the Apocrypha . Fourthly , the Scripture of the Old Testament was writen by Prophets , Luk. 24. 27. 2 Pet. 1. 19. But Malachi was the last Prophet , after whom all the Apocrypha was vvriten . Fifthly , they are not authorised by Christ and his Apostles , who doe give testimony unto the Scriptures . Sixthly , by the most ancient Fathers , and Councels of the primitive Churches , ( after the Apostles ) both Greek and Latine , they have not been admitted for tryall of Truth , though they have been read for instruction of manners , as may appear by Euseb. lib. 6. cap. 18. ( out of Origen ) the Councell of Loadicea , Can. 59. vvhich is also confirmed by the sixt generall Councell of Constantinople , Can. 2. and many other Testimonies of the ancient Fathers . Seventhly , There is no such constant Truth in them , as in the Canonicall Scriptures , for every book of them hath falsehood , in Doctrine , or History . Shew some of those errors in the particular books . In the book of Tobie , the Angel maketh a lie , saying that hee is Azariah the son of Ananias , Tob. 5. 12. which is farre from the Spirit of God , and the nature of good Angels that cannot sin : There is also the unchaste Devill Asmodeus , the seven Angels which present the prayers of the Saints , Tob. 12. 15. and the magicall toyes of the fishes heart , liver and gall , for driving away of Devils , and restoring of sight , not savouring of the Spirit of God. Judith in her prayer commendeth the fact of Simeon , Gen. 34. which the Holy Ghost condemneth , Gen. 49. 5. and prayeth God to prosper her feigned tales and lies , Jud. 9. 13. & 18. Baruch saith , hee wrote this book in Babylon , Chap. 1. whereas it appeareth by Jeremiah 43. 6. that hee was with Jeremiah at Jerusalem , and went not from him . Likewise hee writeth for offerings , and vessels , after the Temple was burned : and in the 6 Chapter , v. 2. Jeremiah writeth that the continuance of the Jews in Babylon shall bee for seven Generations , whereas the Canonicall Jeremiah Prophesieth but of 70. yeers , Chap. 29. 10. For ten yeers cannot make a Generation , neither is it ever so taken in the Canonicall Scriptures . The story of Susanna maketh Daniel a young childe in the dayes of Astyages , and to become famous among the people by the judgement of Susanna , whereas Daniel himself writeth otherwise of his carriage into Babylon , in the dayes of Jehoiakim , under Nebuchadnezzar , and of the means by which hee was known first to bee a Prophet , Dan. 1. 2. The story of Bell and the Dragon speaks of Habakkuk the Prophet , in the dayes of Cyrus , who prophesied before the captivity of Babylon , which was 70 yeers before Cyrus . The first book of Maccabees , writing an History of things said , and done , doth not much interlace his own judgement : and therefore doth erre the lesse , yet in his Narration , contrary to the second book of Maccabees , in many places , and to Josephus in somethings : For example , The first book of Maccabees saith , that Antiochus dyed at Babylon in his bed , beeing grieved in minde for tidings brought to him out of Persia , 1 Mac. 6. ver . 8. & 16. But in the first chapter of the second book of Maccabees , it is said , that hee was cut in peeces in the Temple of Nanea , and in the ninth chapter of the same book , that hee dyed of a grievous disease of his bowels , in a strange Country , in the Mountaines , 2 Mac. 9. 28. The second book of Maccabees is farre worse , for the abridger of Jasons Chronicle , which did set it forth , doth not onely confound and falsifie many stories , ( as it is easie to bee proved out of the first book of Maccabees , Josephus , and others ) but also whilst he giveth his sentence of divers facts , doth more bewray the weaknesse of his judgement : as hee commendeth Razis for killing himself , 2 Mac. 14. 42. and Judas for offering sacrifice for the dead , that were polluted with Idolatry , 2 Mac. 12. 45. whereas it is to bee thought rather , that the sacrifice was offered to pacifie the wrath of God for them that were alive , that they should not bee wrapped in the curse of the wicked , as in the story of Achan , Josh. 7. yet hee is the more to bee born withall , because hee confesseth his insufficiency ( 2 Mac. 15. 38. ) which agreeth not with the Spirit of God. The additions unto Ester are fabulous , convinced of many untruthes by the Canonicall book ; as namely , first , in the Apocryphall Ester . Mordecai is said to dream in the second yeer of Ahashueros , ( chap. 11. 2. ) but in the Canonicall , the seventh yeer ( Ester 2. 16. ) And Bellarmine making the dream in the seventh yeer , and the conspiracy in the second , maketh five yeers difference , and is contrary to Chap. 11. 2. The true saith that Mordecai had no reward , ( Ester 6. 3. ) the false saith hee had , ( Chap. 12. 5. ) Thirdly , and the false also , Chap. 12. 6. The true calleth , and the false also , Haman an Agagite , Ester 3. 2. that is , an Amalekite ; the false calleth him a Macedonian , Chap. 16. 10. Also the authour of those additions , describeth the countenance of the King to bee full of cruelty , and wrath , ( Chap. 15. 7. ) yet hee maketh Ester to say it was glorious , like an Angel of God , and full of grace , ( Chap. 13. 14. ) either lying himself , or charging Ester with impudent lying and flattering . The Book of Wisdome is so farre off from being any book of the Old Testament , that it is affirmed by divers ancient Writers , that it was made by Philo the Jew , which lived since Christ , as S. Jerome witnesseth , preface in Proverbs : howsoever the Authour would fain seem to bee Solomon , Chap. 9. 8. See his cruell sentence against Bastards in the end of the third Chapter . Jesus the son of Syrach , sheweth the frailty of man in divers places of Ecclesiasticus , and namely Chap. 46. 20. where hee acknowledgeth that Samuel indeed , and not a wicked spirit in the shape of Samuel , was raised by the Witch of Endor , 1 Sam. 28. also Chap. 48. 10. hee understandeth the Prophesie of Malachi , of the personall comming of Elias , which our Saviour Christ doth manifestly referre to John the Baptist , Matth. 11. 14. The third book of Esdras is full of impudent lies , and fables , convinced by the book of Ezra , Nehemiah , Haggai , and Ester ; For example , Ezra saith , that all the vessels of gold and silver which Cyrus delivered to Sheshbazzar , were by Sheshbazzar carried from Babylon to Jerusalem , Ezr. 1. 11. This Esdras saith , they were onely numbred by Cyrus , not sent , but afterwards Darius delivered them to Zerubbabel , and by him they were brought to Jerusalem , Esdras 4. 44. 57. The fourth book of Esdras is now rejected of the Papists themselves , as it was of Hierome , containing also many falsities , dreams , and fables , Chap. 6. 49 , 50. Chap. 13. 6. 4. 44. &c. and Chap. 14. 21 , 22 , &c. Thus much for the books of the Old Testament , in what language were the books of the New Testament writen ? In Greek , because it was the most common language , best known then to the Jews and Gentiles , teaching that all Kingdomes should have the Scriptures in a language which they understand . How are the Books of the New Testament distinguished ? They are of things revealed Before the writing of them ; which are either Historicall , five in number , containing the History of Christ , the 4 Gospels according to Matthew Mark Luke John. His Apostles , viz. the Acts. Doctrinall , 21 Epistles of Paul to the Romans Corinthians 1 2 Galatians Ephesians , Philippians . Colossians Thessalonians 1 2 Timothy 1 2 Titus Philemon Hebrewes . James Peter 2. John 3. Jude . After the writing of them , as the Apocalyps , or Revelation of S. John which is the Propheticall Book of the New Testament . Is it agreed that all these books , and they alone , are the holy Scriptures of the New Testament ? Yes ; howsoever in ancient time they have not been all received with like consent , yet they have the Testimony of all ages , and there is nothing in any of them repugnant to the rest of the Canonicall Scriptures . Were there never any Books of the Canonicall Scriptures lost ? No ; Heaven and Earth shall perish , before one jot or tittle of them shall perish . What say you to the Book of Gad and Nathan , 2 Chro. 9. 29. of Ahijah and Iddo , ( 2 Chro. 9. 29. ) and Pauls Epistle to the Laodiceans , Col. 4. 16 ? These books often mentioned in the Old Testament , were not Canonicall Scripture , but civill Chronicles wherein the matters of the Common-wealth were more largely writen , as the Chronicle of the Medes and Persians , Esther 10. 2. and the Epistle mentioned , Col. 4. was rather of the Laodiceans to Paul , then of Paul to the Laodiceans . What bee the properties of the holy Scripture ? First , they are perfectly holy in themselves and by themselves , whereas all other writings are prophane , further then they draw some holinesse from them , which is never such , but that their holinesse is imperfect . Secondly , the authority of these holy writings , inspired of God , is highest in the Church , as the authority of God , whereunto no learning or degree of Angels or men , under what name or colour soever it bee commended , may bee accounted equall , Gal. 1. 8 , 9. 2 Thess. 2. 2. neither can they bee judged or sentenced by any . Thirdly , the bookes of holy Scripture are so sufficient for the knowledge of Christian Religion , that they doe most plentifully contain all Doctrine necessary to salvation , they being perfectly profitable to instruct to salvation in themselves , and all other imperfectly profitable thereunto , further then they draw from them ; whence it followeth , that wee need no unwriten verities , no traditions or inventions of men , no Canon of Councels , no sentences of Fathers , much lesse Decrees of Popes , for to supply any supposed defect of the writen Word , or for to give us more perfect directions in the worship of God , and the way of life , then is already expressed in the Canonicall Scriptures , Mat. 23. 8. Joh. 5. 39. Mat. 15. 9. Finally , these holy Scriptures are the rule , the line , the square , and light , whereby to examine and try all judgements and sayings of men and Angels , Joh. 12. 48. Gal. 1. 9. All traditions , revelations , decrees of Councels , opinions of Doctors , &c. are to bee imbraced so farre forth as they may bee proved out of the Divine Scriptures , and not otherwise , so that from them onely all Doctrine concerning our salvation must bee drawn and derived , that onely is to bee taken for truth in matters appertaining to Christian Religion , which is agreeable unto them , and whatsoever disagreeth from them is to be refused . How doe you prove that the Scripture is such a Rule ? Since God hath appointed the holy Scriptures which beare witnesse of Christ ( Joh. 5. 39. ) to bee writen for our learning ( Rom. 15. 4. ) hee will have no other Doctrine pertaining to eternall life to bee received , but that which is consonant unto them , and hath the ground thereof in them , therefore unto them onely is the Church directed for the saving knowledge of God , Esa. 8. 20. Luk. 16. 29. 31. Insomuch that all Prophesies , Revelations , and Miracles , are to bee judged by their consent with the Law of God writen by Moses , to which nothing is to bee added , nor any thing to bee taken away from it , ( Deut. 12. 13. 1 , 2. ) yea , Christ himself appealeth to the triall of those things which Moses did write of him ( Joh. 5. 46. ) being none other in any respect , but even the same whom Moses in the Law and the Prophets ( which were the interpreters , and commentaries upon the Law writen by Moses ) did write of , John 1. 45. and his Apostles preaching the Gospel among all Nations , taught nothing beside that which Moses and the Prophets had spoken to bee fulfilled in Christ , as S. Paul testifieth , Act. 26. 22. saying , as he taught , all the rest of the Apostles did teach . Where doe you finde that the Scriptures are able to instruct us perfectly to salvation ? The Apostle Paul , in 2 Tim. 3. 15. doth expressely affirm it ; and reasons which may bee gathered out of the two Verses following , doe plainly prove it . What are those Reasons ? 1. God being author of these books , they must needs be perfect , as he himself is , who being for his wisdome able , and for his love to his Church willing to set down such a rule as may guide them to eternall life , hath not failed herein . 2. They are profitable to teach all true doctrine , and to confute the false ; to correct all disorder private and publique , and to inform men in the way of righteousnesse . 3. The man of God , that is , the Preacher and Minister of the Word , is thereby made compleat and perfect , sufficiently furnished unto every good work or duty of the Ministery . How doth this last reason hold ? Most strongly , for the people being to learn of the Minister , what to beleeve and what to doe , and more being required of him that must be the eye and mouth of all the rest , if he may be perfectly instructed by the Scriptures , they are much more able to give every common man sufficient instruction . Again , seeing the Minister is bound to disclose the whole counsell of God to his people , ( Acts 20. 27. ) he being thereunto fully furnished out of the treasury of the Word of God ; it followeth that by him out of the Scriptures they may also be abundantly taught to salvation . What further proof have you of the sufficiency of the Scriptures ? The five Books of Moses , which was the first holy Scripture delivered to the Church , was sufficient for the instruction of the people of that time , in all that God required at their hands , as appeareth by that they were forbidden to adde any thing unto it , or to take any thing from it , but to doe that onely which was prescribed by the Law , ( Deut. 12. 32. ) The Prince and the people are commanded to be directed thereby altogether , and not to depart from it , either to the right hand or to the left , ( Deut. 17. ) How much more the Law and the Prophets ( which did more at large set forth the Doctrine delivered by Moses both in precepts and promises , in practice and example ) was sufficient for the time that succeeded untill John the Baptist ? Mat. 11. 12. Luk. 16. 16. What more can you alledge for this purpose ? Psal. 19. 7. David saith , the Law of the Lord is perfect , converting the soul ; and Psal. 119. 96. I have seen an end of all perfection , but thy Commandement is exceeding large . Luk. 16. 29. Abraham in the Parabolicall story testifieth that Moses and the Prophets were sufficient to keep men from damnation . John 5. 39. Our Saviour Christ affirmeth of the Scriptures of the old Testament , that they were witnesses of him in whom our salvation is perfect . Acts 17. 11. The Bereans are commended for examining the Doctrine of the Apostles by the Scriptures of the old Testament . Acts 26. 22. Paul taught nothing but that which Moses and the Prophets had written of Christ to be fulfilled . 1 Joh. 1. ver . 1 , 2 , 3 , John saith what they have heard and seen that they delivered . Gal. 1. 8 , 9. Paul wisheth that if an Angel from heaven came and taught any other Doctrine we should hold him accursed . Apoc. 22. 18 , 19. there is a curse pronounced against him that addeth any thing or taketh away any thing from Scripture . 1 Cor. 4. 6. Paul saith , that no man must presume above that which is written . John 20. 31. S. John saith , that these things are written that we might beleeve that Jesus is the Christ the Son of God , and that beleeving , we might have life through his name ; where he speaketh not onely of his Gospel , but ( being the surviver of the rest of the Apostles ) of all their writings : Seeing then that faith by those things that are written , and eternall salvation by faith may be attained , it ought to be no controversie amongst Christians , that the whole Scripture of the old and new Testament doth most richly and abundantly contain all that is necessary for a Christian man to beleeve , and to doe for eternall salvation . Obj. 1. Yet our adversaries quarrell against this most rich and plentifull treasure of the holy Scriptures , alledging that we receive many things by tradition which are not in Scriptures , and yet we beleeve them ; as Maries perpetuall Virginity , and the baptisme of Infants ? We make not Maries perpetuall Virginity any matter of religion , but a likely opinion so far as it can be maintained ; that it were an unseemly and unfitting thing for a sinfull man to use to the act of generation the vessell which was chosen and consecrated by the holy Ghost to so high an use as was the bringing forth of the Saviour of the world ; it hath warrant from the Apostles charge , Phil. 4. 8. of doing whatsoever is honest , whatsoever is of good report , whatsoever is praise-worthy , &c. As for baptisme of Infants it is sufficiently warranted by reasons of Scripture , though not by example . Obj. 2. They object that it is by Tradition , and not by Scripture , that we know such and such Books to be Scripture ? Though new beginners doe first learn it from the faithfull , yet afterwards they know it upon grounds of Scripture ; as an ignorant man may be told of the Kings Coin , but it is not the telling , but the Kings stamp that maketh it currant and good Coin. Obj. 3. It is objected , that it was by Tradition , and not by Scripture that Stephen knew Moses to be 40 years old when he left Pharaoh , Acts 7. 23. That Luke knew a great part of the Genealogie of Christ , Luk. 3. That Jude knew Satans striving for Moses body , Jude v. 9. and the Prophesie of Enoch , ver . 5. 14. That Paul knew Jannes and Jambres , 2 Tim. 3. 8. and the saying of Christ , that it is more blessed to give then to receive . Acts 20. 35. Such particular Histories or speeches might be received from hand to hand , but no different Doctrine from that which was written . Obj. 4. The Apostles testimony is objected , 1 Cor. 15. 3. 2 Thess. 2. 15. Hold the traditions which you have been taught , whether by word or our Epistle . He meaneth the doctrine he delivered unto them which was nothing different from that which is contained in the Scriptures . The Scriptures you say are a rule and a line , but are they not ( as the Church of Rome imagineth ) like a rule of lead which may be bowed every way at mens pleasures ? They are as a rule of steel that is firm and changeth not ; ( Matth. 5. 18. Psal. 19. 9. ) for seeing they are sufficient to make us wise unto salvation , ( as is before proved ) it followeth of necessity that there is a most certain rule of faith for instruction both of faith and works , to be learned out of them by ordinary means of reading , prayer , study , the gifts of tongues and other sciences , to which God promiseth the assistance of his grace ( Joh. 5. 39. Jam. 1. 5. ) And this sword of the Spirit , which is the Word of God written , ( as the example of Christ our generall Captain sheweth , Mat. 4. ) is delivered unto us by the holy Ghost , both to defend our faith , and to overcome all our spirituall enemies , which are the Devil and his instruments , false Prophets , Hereticks , Schismaticks , and such like , Eph. 6. 17. Therefore the holy Scriptures are not as a nose of wax , or a leaden rule , ( as some Papists have blasphemed ) that they may be so writhen every way by impudent Hereticks , but that their folly and madnesse , as the Apostle saith , 2 Tim. 3. 9. may be made manifest to all men . Are the Scriptures then plain and easie to be understood ? There are some hard things in the Scripture that have proper relation to the time in which the Scripture was written or uttered , or which are prophesies of things to be fulfilled hereafter , which if we never understand we shall be never the worse for the attaining of everlasting salvation : there are other things in Scripture belonging to the saving knowledge of God , all which are dark and difficult unto those whose eyes the God of this world hath blinded , ( 2 Cor. 4. 4. 2 Pet. 3. 5. Joh. 8. 43. ) but unto such as are by grace enlightened and made willing to understand , ( Psal. 119. 18. ) howsoever somethings remain obscure ( 2 Pet. 3. 16. ) to exercise their diligence , yet the fundamentall Doctrine of faith , and precepts of life are all plain and perspicuous ; for all Doctrine necessary to be known unto eternall salvation , is set forth in the Scriptures most clearly and plainly even to the capacity and understanding of the simple and unlearned : so far is it that the Scriptures should be dangerous to be read of the Lay folks , as Papists hold . How prove you this which you have said ? Deut. 30. 10. 11 , &c. Moses taketh heaven and earth to witnesse that in the Law which he had written , he hath set forth life and death , and that they can make no excuse of difficulty or obscurity . This Commandement which I command thee this day is not hidden from thee , neither is it far off , &c. which Paul also , Rom. 10. 16. applieth to the Gospel . Psalm . 19. 8. the Prophet David testifieth that the Law of the Lord is perfect , converting the soul ; the testimonies of the Lord are true , giving wisdome to the simple ; and Psalme 119. 105. Thy Word is a Lampe or Candle unto my feet , and a Light unto my pathes . Prov. 1. 4. It giveth subtilty to the simple , and to the young man knowledge and discertion ; and Prov. 8. 9. All the words of wisdome are plain to them that will understand . Esa. 45. 19. The Lord saith , I have not spoken in secret , in a dark place of the earth , I have not said in vain to the seed of Jacob , Seek mee . 2 Cor. 4. 3. Paul saith , If our Gospel be hid , it is hid to them that are lost , &c. 2 Pet. 1. 19. S. Peter commendeth Christians for taking heed to the word of the Prophets as unto a light that shineth in a dark place , &c. The Scripture is our Fathers Letter to us , and his last will to shew us what inheritance he leaveth us , but friends write Letters , and Fathers their wils plain . It were to accuse God of cruelty or desire of mans destruction , for to say that he should make the means of their salvation hurtfull unto them . Women and children have read the Scriptures , 2 Tim. 3. 15. Saint Paul affirmeth that Timothy was nourished up in the Scriptures from his infancy ; namely , by his Grandmother Lois , and his Mother Eunice , whence the same Apostle commendeth , chap. 1. 5. If little children are capable of the Scriptures by the small understanding they have , and lesse judgement , there is none so grosse ( which hath the understanding of a man ) but may profit by it , comming in the fear of God , and invocation of his name . Obj. 1. But here the Papists have many things to object against you , to prove that the Scriptures are darke and hard to be understood : and First , that the matters contained in them are Divine , high and beyond mans reason ; as the Trinity , the Creation of nothing , &c. These matters indeed are above humane reason , and therefore are we to bring faith to beleeve them ; not humane reason to comprehend them : but they are delivered in Scripture in as plain tearms as such matter can be . Obj. 2. Peter saith , that something in Pauls Epistles be hard , and wrested by men , 2 Pet. 3. 16. First , he saith not that all Pauls Epistles are hard , but something in them , which we grant . Secondly , they are the wicked and unsetled in knowledge that wrest them , as the Gluttons and Drunkards abuse meat and drink . Obj. 3. If Scriptures were not dark , what need so many Commentaries upon them , and why are they so full of Parables and Allegories as they are ? The whole Doctrine of salvation is to be found so plain , that it needeth no Commentary ; and Commentaries are for other places that be dark , and also to make more large use of Scripture then a new beginner can make of himself , which we see necessary in all humane Arts and Sciences . Further , though speech of Scripture seem hard at first , yet by custome it becommeth easie , as reading doth to children . Obj. 4. The godly Eunuch could not understand the Scripture without an Interpreter , Acts 8. 31. Though he understood not some harder places , yet that hindered him not from reading plainer places . Obj. 5. The multitude of learned men that fall into heresies , which they labour to confirm by Scripture , proveth that the Scripture is dark . It is their naughty hearts that come not with an humble and godly affection that maketh them doe so . Obj. 6. But now we see by experience that there are many that daily reade the Scriptures , and yet understand not the thousandth part of them ? They reade them not with care and conscience , with prayer and study , but like the women who are always learning , but never come to the knowledge of the truth , 2 Tim. 3. 7. Obj. 7. If the Scriptures then be so plain and perspicuous , what need is there of an Interpreter ? First , to unfold obscure places , Acts 8. 31. Secondly , to inculcate and apply plain Texts , 2 Pet. 1. 10. 1 Cor. 14. 3. Why did God leave some places obscure in the Scriptures ? First , that we might know that the understanding of Gods Word is the gift of God , and therefore might beg it of him by continuall prayer . Secondly , lest we should flatter our wits too much , if all things could presently be understood by us . Thirdly , that the Word , for the high and heavenly mysteries contained therein , might be accompted of , which for the plainnesse might be lesse esteemed . Fourthly , that prophane dogs might be driven away from these holy mysteries , which are pearls prized highly by the Elect alone , Matth. 13. 45. but would be trodden down by swine , Mat. 7. 6. Fiftly , that wee might be stirred up to a more diligent search of the same . Sixtly , that we might esteem more of the Ministery which God hath placed in the Church , that by the means thereof we might profit in the knowledge of these mysteries . What assurance may be had of the right understanding of the Scriptures ? For the words it is to be had out of the originall Text or Translations of the same ; for the sense or meaning onely out of the Scriptures themselves , ( Nehem. 8. 8. ) which by places plain and evident doe expresse whatsoever is obscure and hard touching matters necessary to eternall salvation . Why must the interpretation of words be had out of the originall Languages ? Because in them onely the Scriptures are for the letter to be held authenticall ; and as the water is most pure in the Fountain by the springing thereof , so the right understanding of the words of the holy Scriptures is most certain in the originall tongues of Hebrew and Greek , in which they were first written , and delivered to the Church , out of the which Languages they must be truly translated for the understanding of them that have not the knowledge of those tongues . What gather you from hence ? That all Translations are to be judged , examined , and reformed according to the Text of the ancient Hebrew and originall Chaldee , in which the old Testament was printed , and the Greek Text , in which the new Testament was written ; and consequently that the vulgar Latin Translation approved by the Tridentine Councell for the onely authenticall Text , is no further to be received of true Christians then it agreeth with the originall of the Hebrew and Greek Text. But what say you of the Greeke Translation of the old Testament , commonly called the Septuagint , approved by the Apostles themselves ? The same as we say of other Translations ; for although the Apostles used that Translation which was commonly received and read among the Gentiles and Jews that dwelt amongst them , where it differed not in sense from the true Hebrew , yet where it differed from it they left it , as by many examples may be confirmed , ( vide Hieron . Prolog . in Matth. ) How can the certain understanding of the Scriptures be taken out of the originall tongues , considering the difference of reading in divers Copies both of Hebrew and Greek : as also the difficulty of some words and phrases , upon which the best Translators cannot agree ? Although in the Hebrew Copy there hath been observed by the Nazarites some very few differences of words by similitude of letters and points ; and by the Learned in the Greek tongue there are like diversities of reading noted in the Greek Text of the new Testament , which came by fault of writers ; yet in most by circumstance of the place and conference of other places , the true reading may be discerned ; and albeit in all it cannot , nor the Translator in all places determine the true interpretation , yet this diversity or difficulty can make no difference or uncertainty in the sum and substance of Christian religion , because the Ten Commandements and the principall Texts of Scripture on which the Articles of our faith are grounded , the Sacraments instituted , the form of prayer taught , ( which contain the sum or substance of Christian religion ) are without all such diversity of reading or difficulty of translating , so plainly set down , and so precisely translated by consent of all men learned in the tongues , that no man can make any doubt of them , or pick any quarrell against them . Why must the true sense or meaning of the Scriptures be learned out of the Scriptures themselves ? Because the Spirit of God alone is the certain interpreter of his Word written by his Spirit ; for no man knoweth the things pertaining to God , but the Spirit of God , 1 Cor. 2. 11. and no prophesie of Scripture is of any mans own interpretation ; for prophesie was not brought by the will of man , but the holy men of God spake as they were led by the holy Ghost , 2 Pet. 1. 20 , 21. The interpretation therefore must be by the same Spirit by which the Scripture was written , of which Spirit we have no certainty upon any mans credit , but onely so far forth as his saying may be confirmed by the holy Scriptures . What gather you from hence ? That no interpretation of holy Fathers , Popes , Councels , Customs , or practise of the Church , either contrary to the manifest words of the Scriptures , or containing matters which cannot necessarily bee proved out of the Scriptures , are to bee received as an undoubted Truth . How then is Scripture to bee interpreted by Scripture ? According to the Analogie of Faith , Rom. 12. 6. and the scope and circumstance of the present place , and conference of other plain , and evident places , by which all such as are obscure and hard to bee understood , ought to bee interpreted ; for there is no matter necessary to eternall life , which is not plainely , and sufficiently set forth in many places of Scripture , by which other places that are abused by the Devill or his ministers may bee interpreted , as our Saviour Christ giveth example , Mat. 4. 6. when the Devill abused the Text of Scripture , Psal. 91. 11. declaring that this place must bee so understood , as it may agree with that most evident and expresse Commandement writen in Deut. 6. 16. Thou shalt not tempt the Lord thy God. What bee the speciall uses of the Scripture rightly understood ? Two : First , to teach Doctrine , by laying out the Truth , and confuting errours . Secondly , to exhort out of it , by stirring us to good , and turning us back from evill ; whereunto belong those foure uses mentioned by the Apostle , in 2 Tim. 3. 16. Two whereof are Theoricall , pertaining to the information of our judgement in matters of Doctrine , viz. first , teaching of Truth ; secondly , reproving or convincing of Errours . Two are practicall , pertaining to the direction of our life and actions , viz. first , reformation or correction of Vice , under which is comprehended , first , Admonition , secondly , instruction , or direction to good life ; under which is comprehended Exhortation , and Consolation , which is a speciall instruction to patience in adversities , Rom. 15. 4. What persons are meet to read or heare the Scriptures ? The holy Scriptures are reverently and profitably to bee read and heard of all sorts and degrees of men and women , and therefore to bee truely translated out of the originall Tongues into the language of every Nation which desireth to know them : For the Lay people as well as the learned must read the Scriptures , or heare them read , both privately , and openly , so as they may receive profit by them , and consequently in a tongue they understand , 1 Cor. 14. 2. How doe you prove that the Scriptures ought to bee read and heard of all sorts of people ? First , Deut. 31. 11 , 12. Moses commanded the book of the Law to bee read to all the children of Israel , Men , Women , Children , and Strangers , that dwelt amongst them , that they might thereby learn to feare the Lord their God , and diligently to observe all the words of the Law. Secondly , Joshua 8. 34. there was not a word , of all which Moses commanded , that Joshua read not before all the Congregation of Israel , with the Women , and little ones , and Strangers , that were conversant among them ; so likewise did Josiah , 2 King. 23. 2. 2 Chro. 34. 30. and Ezra , Nehem. 8. 2 , 3. Thirdly , Psal. 1. 2. David sheweth this to bee the property of a godly man , and pronounceth him to bee happy whose delight is in the Law of the Lord , and studieth therein day and night . Fourthly , Matth. 22. 29. our Saviour teacheth that ignorance of the Scriptures , is the mother of errour , not the mother of devotion , as the Papists have affirmed . Fifthly , Joh. 5. 39. Christ commandeth all men that seek eternall life in him , to search the Scriptures ; Search the Scriptures , for in them yee think to have eternall life , &c. Sixthly , Act. 17. 11. the Bereans are commended for searching the Scriptures . Seventhly , 2 Tim. 3. 15. the Apostle Paul approved in Timothy , that hee had learned the holy Scriptures from a young childe . Eighthy , 2 Pet. 1. 19. the Apostle Peter commendeth the faithfull for taking heed to the Scriptures of the Apostles . Ninthly , Rev. 1. 3. Blessed is hee that readeth , and they that hear the word of this Prophesie . Tenthly , Col. 3. 16. Let the Word of Christ dwell richly in you , in all wisdome . Eleventhly , Rom. 15. 4. Whatsoever things were writen afore time , were writen for our learning , that wee through patience , and comfort of the Scriptures might have hope ; if the Scriptures bee writen for our learning , they are necessarily to bee read by us . Twelfthly , Rom. 7. 7. Paul saith , hee knew not sin but by the Law ; but the knowledge of sin is necessary for all that will repent and bee saved , therefore also is the knowledge of the Law necessary . Thirteenthly , Luke saith , that hee wrote the Gospel to Theophilus , that hee might know the certainty of those things , which before hee was catechised in , Luk. 1. 4. but every one ought to labour to be most certain of their salvation , &c. Divers things are opposed by the adversaries , against the necessity of the Scriptures , and the reading of them by all sorts ; as first , there were many beleevers amongst the Gentiles in the time of the Old Testament , who yet wanted the Scriptures , ( which was kept in Jury ) as Job and his friends . Those ( if any such were after the Law ( for Job was before ) were bound to have the Scripture when it was delivered by God , and the Eunuch had it and read it , Act. 8. 28. Object . 2. The book of the Law was lost for many yeers , as appeareth by 2 King. 22. 8. and yet the Church was then ; therefore it may want it . The losse of that book doth argue rather the carelesnesse of the Priests , in not keeping it , and the sins of the people , in that God for a time deprived them of it . Object . 3. The Church of Christians many yeers after Christ , wanted the Scriptures of the New Testament , and contented themselves with bare teaching . First , though the Church for certain yeers then had not the New , yet they had the Old. Secondly , there passed not many yeers , before the Gospels , and Epistles of the Apostles were writen , and in the mean time , their heavenly Doctrine inspired from God , sufficed till they wrote . Object . 4. There bee many poore Country-men , as Plough-men , and Shepherds , which never learned to read , which yet are saved , though they never read Scripture . They ought to have learned to read , and being not able to read , they might heare the Scriptures read by others . Object . 5. If all ought to read Scriptures , then should they understand Hebrew and Greek , wherein the Scripture was writen . It were happy if they could understand Hebrew and Greek , but howsoever they may read Translations . Will it not follow hereof , that preaching and expounding of the Scriptures , may bee neglected as unnecessary ? No , for God hath appointed not onely reading , but also preaching of his Word , especially to apply it to the use of all sorts of men to their eternall salvation , Rom. 10. 13 , &c. So were the Prophets , Interpreters of the Law , ( as is before shewed ) the Scribes and Pharisees taught in the Chaire of Moses , Matth. 23. 2. The Eunuch could not understand the Prophesie of Isaiah without an interpreter , Act. 8. 31. The Ministery of the Word therefore is necessary , as the ordinary means unto salvation , 1 Tim. 4. 16. and the people by reading and hearing of the Scriptures are better prepared to receive profit by preaching , not discharged from hearing the Preacher . What is the summe of all that hath been delivered hitherto ? That wee should labour for a due knowledge of the true God , that wee may know what wee worship , and worship what wee know , 1 Chron. 28. 9. Joh. 4. 22. & 17. 3. That this knowledge of God is to bee had partly by his Works , namely , so much as may serve to convince man , and make him unexcusable , Rom. 1. 19 , 20. Act. 14. 15. but most sufficiently by his Word contained in the holy Scriptures , which therefore are called his Testimonies , Psal. 119. 14. because they testifie of God , Joh. 5. 39. what hee is , and how hee will bee served of us . Lastly , that forasmuch as all that is writen in the Word of God , is writen for our instruction , and learning , Rom. 15. 4. therefore we being prepared by true Prayer , sanctified by Faith , and seasoned with the Spirit of sobriety and humility , may safely learn so much as is revealed in the Scripture for our profiting in the knowledge of God. What is the first point of Religion that wee are taught in the Scriptures ? That there is a God. Why doe you make this the first point ? Because the Scripture saith , hee that commeth to God , must beleeve that hee is , Heb. 11. 6. Have any called this into question at any time ? Yea , so saith the Prophet David , but hee sheweth also that it was by wicked , proud , and foolish men , ( Psal. 14. 1. ) whose lives were nothing else but abomination and corruption , ( Psal. 10. 4. ) What pretence of reason might they have for this wicked imagination ? Because no man ever saw God yet , by which foolish argument they may deny also that there is any wind , or that man hath a soule , for no man yet ever saw them . But how come you to perswade your selfe that there is such a God ? Beside infinite testimonies of the Scriptures , as Gen. 1. 1. Psal. 19. ▪ the common consent of all Nations approveth this Truth , who rather worship any God , or gods , then none at all ; and though man by nature doth desire to bee exalted , and in respect of himself despiseth all other creatures , as Wood and Stone , yet when a peece of wood is framed out like a man , and set in the Temple , and man conceiveth an opinion , that it is a God , hee falleth down and worshippeth it , ( Esa. 44. 15. 17. ) How then commeth it to passe that the wicked say there is no God ? ( Psal. 14. 1. ) First , though upon a sudden passion they may seem to say so , as the Devill laboureth to tempt them , yet their very Conscience after doth check them . Secondly , they deny rather Gods providence , then his beeing , as appeareth by Psal. 10. 4. 11. What other reasons have you to prove that there is a God ? Gods works of Creation and Providence , both ordinary and extraordinary ; For , first , the glorious frame of the World , the Heavens , and the Earth , and the Sea , and all that is in them , must needs argue that their Maker was God ( Rom. 1. 19 , 20. Act. 14. 17. Zach. 12. 1. ) it being evident that the world could not bee made by the Creatures that are in it , neither could it make it self : as when a man comes into a strange Countrie , and sees faire and sumptuous buildings , and findes no body there but birds , and beasts ; hee will not imagine that either birds or beasts reared those buildings , but hee presently conceives , that some men either are , or have been there . The Creation of the Soule of man , indued with Reason and Conscience , doth specially prove the same , Zach. 12. 1. The preserving of things Created together with the wonderfull and orderly government of the world , Day and Night , Sommer and Winter , &c. manifestly convince the same : For example , Bread is no better in it self then Earth , yet man is preserved by Bread , and if hee eate Earth , hee dyeth ; the reason whereof must bee attributed to the blessing of God , giving to the one force and power to nourish more then to the other . By the order of causes , even the heathen men have found out that there must bee a God , seeing that of every effect there must needs be a Cause , untill we come to the first Cause , which is the universall Cause of the being of all things , and is caused of none . If we shall observe in Gods Works an infinite multitude , a wonderfull variety ; ( Psal. 104. 24. ) as amongst so many millions of men , never a one like another in the compasse of the face , a most constant order , a seemly agreement , and an endlesse continuance , or pleasant intercourse , of things comming and going , and what exceeding Majesty is in them , we must needs attribute these things to a God. The consciences of wicked men after sin , are perplexed with feare of being punished by some supreme Judge , who disliketh and detesteth dishonest things , and exerciseth judgements upon the mind , which maketh the most ungodly miscreants , will they nill they , to acknowledge and tremble at him , &c. ( Rom. 2. 15. Esa. 33. 14. & 57. 20 , 21. & 66. 24. Psal. 14. 5. & 53. 5. ) for a man that commits any sin , as murder , fornication , adultery , blasphemy , &c. albeit he conceale the matter never so close ( Gen. 38. 10. 13 , 14. ) that no man living know of it , yet oftentimes he hath a griping in his conscience , and feares the very flashing of hell fire ; which is a strong reason , to shew that there is a God , before whose Judgement seat he must answer for his fact . There is a devill that suggesteth a temptation against God , into the mindes of men , and sometimes also really possesseth their bodies , which is a sufficient argument to prove that there is a God. The death of the wicked with Gods apparent Judgements upon them , ( besides the terrour of their conscience ) and the dreadfull punishment executed even in this world upon many Atheists that have laboured to deny it , ( Psal. 58. 10 , 11. ) prove that there is a God ; this is Davids argument , Psal. 9. 16. The same appeareth by the rewards of the godly , and the mercifull preservation of those the trust in God , above and against naturall means . By the wonderfull miracles which God hath wrought for his Church . By the foretelling of things to come so many thousand yeers before they were accomplished . By the divers revelations he hath made of himself to men , as to Adam , Noah , Moses , &c. This ground being now laid , that there is a God , what doth Christian Religion teach us concerning him ? It informeth us , first , concerning his nature ; ( Act. 8. 12. ) Secondly , concerning his Kingdom ; and that respectively as they have relation one to the other , Act. 28. 23. What is to been known concerning his nature ? First , vvhat his Essence is ; secondly , to whom or what persons it doth belong ; In the first he is considered in his unity , in the second , in the Trinity ; the former whereof , in the Hebrew tongue is noted by the singular name of Jehovah , betokening the simplicity of Essence , the latter by the plurall term of Elohim , importing a distinction of Persons in the God-head . Can wee understand what the Essence of God is ? Very imperfectly , for all nature is not able to teach us what God is in himself , neither can man in nature comprehend him , Job 36. 26. 1 Tim. 6. 16. Why is not all nature able to teach us what God is ? Because no work is able perfectly to expresse the worker thereof , but all nature is a thing wrought by God , therefore it cannot perfectly teach us what God is . How prove you that man cannot comprehend him ? The lesse cannot comprehend the greater , but every man is lesse then God , therefore no man can comprehend God. We cannot know the things created , much lesse can we know the Creator : as for example , we know that there be Angels , and that every man hath a soule , but what manner of things they be we know not . The Scripture saith , the Judgements of God are past finding out , Rom. 11. 33. therefore much more is God himself past finding out ; and the joyes of Heaven are unspeakable , much more therefore is God himself unspeakable . How then can hee bee known of us , being incomprehensible ? Though his substance be past finding out of man or Angels , Amos 4. 13. yet may he be known by his properties , and actions , and we may conceive of him by his name , Exod. 33. 19. & 34. 5 , 6. Psal. 145. 1 , 2 , &c. expressing what a one he is to us , though we be not able to know him according to the excellency of his glorious nature , onely known unto himself , ( Jud. 13. 18. ) Therefore he said to Moses , Exod. 33. 20. My face , that is , the glory of my Majesty ( he doth not say , thou mayst not , or thou shalt not , but ) thou canst not see , for there shall no man see me and live , but thou shalt see my back parts , that is , ( vers . 23. ) some small measure of my glory , so farre as thou art able to comprehend it : And even as Princes have their secrets , whereunto all their Subjects are not made privy , neither is it lawfull for them to search into them , and yet doe they so far forth publish their Commandements , as is profitable for them to know : So the Prince of all Princes hath his secrets , unto which we are not privy , and into which we may not search ; yet he hath so farre revealed himself unto us ( by his Works and Word ) as is necessary , and profitable for us to know , Deut. 29. 29. What doth the Scripture teach us concerning the name of God ? Exod. 3. 13. Moses asketh this question of God , Behold , when I shall come unto the children of Israel , and shall say unto them , The God of your Fathers hath sent me unto you , if they say unto me , What is his name ? what shall I say unto them ? Whereunto God returneth this answer in the next verse , I am that I am , Thus shalt thou say unto the children of Israel , I am hath sent me unto you . What learn you out of Moses his question ? First , that we be carefull to be instructed in all things concerning our calling , therby to be able to answer all doubts that may be moved ; Secondly , that asking any thing concerning God , as of his name or nature , we must ask it of himself , who because now he speaketh not but by his Ministers , Interpreters of the Scriptures , ( 2 Cor. 5. 20. Hosea 12. 10. ) we must have our recourse unto them . What learn you out of Gods answer ? That the proper name of God is I am that I am , or ( as the Hebrew soundeth ) I will be what I will be ; the Hebrews using the future time for the present as that which noteth a continuance . What is meant by these words ? Hereby is set forth the manner of the beeing and essence of God , far otherwise then the proper names of men , which declare either nothing of their nature and beeing , or else not the whole and full thereof . Is there nothing of God to be known besides his name ? Nothing as touching his beeing , falling under our weak and shallow capacity . What names of God in the Scripture are derived from these words ? Two , the name Jehovah , and the name Jah , both which being drawn from this description of God , doth set forth his essence and beeing , teaching us , that his eternall and almighty beeing ( whom no creature is able to conceive ) dependeth of no other cause , but standeth of himself . How is God onely said to be , seeing the creatures have their beeing also ? God is said onely to be , because he onely is of himself , and all other things have their beeing from him , so that in comparison nothing hath a beeing but God. Therefore the Prophet saith , Esa. 40. 17. that all nations before him are nothing , yea to him lesse then nothing ; and if men be nothing , for whom the world vvas made , hovv much more are all creatures in heaven and earth nothing before him , and to him lesse then nothing ? Can you from hence define what God is ? He must have the art and logick of God himself , that must give a perfect distinction of God , but he may in such sort be described as he may be discerned from all false gods , and all creatures whatsoever . Why can there no perfect definition of God be given ? Forasmuch as God is in himself eternall , infinite , and incomprehensible , the first cause of all causes and effects , there can no definition be given of him ; seeing every definition is an explication of the nature of the thing defined by words expressing the materiall and formall cause thereof , but of the first cause there can be no causes , therefore no words to expresse them ; for these over-reaching tearms of thing , beeing , somewhat , nature , &c. which seem to contain the Word of God as well as all other things created by him , doe not expresse any materiall cause of God , neither doe they contain these words God and creature , as the generall doth his specials or kinds , but are spoken of them equivocally , so that the tearm onely , and not the definition of the tearm doth agree to them ; for in the kinds or specials of one generall there is no priority of nature , as is between the cause and effect , neither is this word Cause affirmed of God , but as a tearm of the art of Logick ; and if substance be that which upholdeth accidents , as Aristotle teacheth , neither may God be called a substance , for that in him are no accidents , but if substance be taken generally for a beeing , it may be said that God is a substance , yet none otherwise then as he is a beeing , thing , nature , &c. And if there be no materiall cause , there can be no formall cause of God ; for although we reade in the Scripture the form of God , Phil. 2. 6. yet the form is not there taken for any cause of God : but either for that which God indeed is , or for that glory which of right belongeth unto him ; for in speaking of God , whom no words of man are able to expresse , the holy Ghost oftentimes condescending to the weaknesse of our understanding , useth such tearms , as being known to men , doe signifie something that is like to that , which God indeed is of himself , that we may understand so much as is expedient for us to know of him . Whence may the description of God be taken ? From the things whereby he doth manifest himself , called in Scripture his name , Psal. 145. 1 , 2 , 3. among which the chief and principall are his Attributes or Properties . What are the Properties or Attributes of God ? They are essentiall faculties of God according to the diverse manner of his working , 1 Joh. 4. 16. Psal. 145. Are they communicable with the creatures ? No ; yet of some of them there are some shadows and glimpses in Men and Angels ; ( as Wisdome , Holinesse , Justice , Mercy , &c. ) other some are so peculiar to the divine Essence , that the like of them are not to be found in the creatures , ( as simplenesse , infinitenesse , eternity , &c. ) How may these Properties be considered ? They may be considered either in themselves , as they are essentiall , or in their works , or effects , which are all perfect either as they be absolute , or as they be actuall ; absolute in himself , by which he is able to shew them more then ever he will ; ( as he is able to doe more then ever he will doe , Mat. 3. 9. God is able of stones to raise children unto Abraham ) actuall , is that which he sheweth in the Creation and government of the vvorld ( as Psal. 135. 7. All things that he will he doth , &c. ) Again , something we may conceive of his Essence affirmatively , knowing that all perfections which vve apprehend must be ascribed unto God , and that after a more excellent manner then can be apprehended ; as that he is in himself , by himself , and of himselfe , that he is one true God and holy ; but much more by deniall or by removing all imperfections whatsoever , as of composition by the titles of simple , spirituall and incorporeall ; of all circumscription of time , by the title of eternall ; of all bounds of place , by that of infinite ; of all possibility of motion , by those titles of unchangeable , incorruptible , and such like . What description can you make of God by these Properties ? God is a Spirit eternall ; or more fully , God is a spirituall substance , having his beeing of himself , infinitely great , and good , Joh. 4. 24. & 8. 58. Exod. 3. 14. & 34. 6 , 7. Ps. 145. 3. 8 , 9. What learn you hence ? To acknowledge both my beeing and wel-beeing from him , and for him alone , Acts 17. 28. 1 Cor. 10. 30. Eph. 2. 10. What mean you when you say that God is a substance ? God is such a thing as hath a beeing in himself , of himself , and which giveth a beeing to all other things . What mean you by that addition Of himself ? It hath a secret opposition to all creatures , which have a beeing , but not of themselves , whereas God alone is he in whom we live , and move , and have our beeing , Acts 17. 28. which proveth that he alone hath his beeing of himself . How many things conceive you of God , when you say that he is a Spirit ? Sixe things . First , that he is a living substance . Secondly , that he is incorruptible . Thirdly , that he is incorporeall , without body , flesh , bloud , or bones , for a spirit hath no such matter , Luke 24. 39. Fourthly , that he is invisible , ( i. ) he cannot be seen with any mortall eye , neither can any man possibly see him . Fiftly , that he is intangible , not felt . Sixtly , that he is indivisible , ( i. ) he cannot be divided . How prove you that God is invisible , and not to be seen with carnall eyes ? That no man hath seen God , is plainly set down , 1 Joh. 4. 12. that no man can see God , is as plainly proved , Exod. 33. 20. 1 Tim. 6. 16. and besides Scripture , the same is also manifest by reason , for we cannot see our own souls which are ten thousand times a more grosse substance then God , much lesse can we see God which is a most pure and spirituall substance . Obj. 1. We read , Gen. 18. 1. that God appeared to Abraham , and Deut. 5. 24. that he shewed himself to the Israelites . God gave them indeed some outward sights whereby they might be certain of his presence , and therefore it is said , that the Lord appeared unto them , but his substance or essence they saw not ; for to know God perfectly , is proper to God onely , Joh. 6. 46. Obj. 2. We read , Gen. 1. 26. that man was made according to the image of God : It would seem therefore that God is corporeall and visible as man is . The image of God consisteth not in the shape and figure of his body , but in the mind , and integrity of nature , or ( as the Scripture saith ) in wisdome , righteousnesse , and holinesse , Col. 3. 10. Eph. 4. 24. Obj. 3. Why then doth the Scripture attribute unto him hands , feet , & c ? The Scripture so speaketh of him as we are able to conceive thereof , and therefore in these and such like speeches humbleth it self to our capacity , attributing members unto God to signifie the like actions in him . To what use serveth this doctrine , that God is a Spirit ? It teacheth us , first , to worship him in spirit and in truth , Joh. 4. 23 , 24. Secondly , to drive away all fond imaginations and grosse conceipts of God out of our hearts , and all pictures & similitudes of God out of our sights : that we frame not any image of him in our minds , as ignorant folks doe , who think him to be an old man sitting in heaven , &c. For seeing that God was never seen , wherunto shall he be resembled ? Moses urgeth this point hard and often to the Israelites , saying , Deut. 4. 12. they heard a voice but saw no similitude ; and addeth , ver . 15. Take ye therefore good heed unto your selves ; he saith not only take heed , but take good heed , and therefore take good heed ; for ( saith he again ) ye saw no manner of similitude on the day that the Lord spake unto you in Horeb out of the midst of the fire ; then he commeth in the next four verses to the thing that they must therefore take heed of , that ye corrupt not your selves and make you a graven Image , the similitude of any figure , the likenesse of male or female , &c. Rom. 1. 23. How may the Attributes or Properties of God be distinguished ? Some doe concern the perfection of his essence , some his life , which in God be one and the same thing , distinguished onely for our capacity . What call you the perfection of Gods essence ? His absolute constitution by which he is wholly compleat within himself , and consequently needeth nothing without himself , but alone sufficeth himself , having all things from himself , and in himself ; Or thus , perfection is an essentiall property in God , whereby whatsoever is in God is perfect , Gen. 17. 1. Psa. 16. 2. & 50. 12. Rom. 11. 35 , 36. What ariseth from hence ? All felicity and happinesse , all endlesse blisse and glory . What is the felicity of God ? It is the property of God , whereby he hath all fulnesse of delight and contentment in himself . What learn you from the perfection of God ? That he is to seek his own glory , and not the glory of any in all that he willeth , or willeth not , doth , or leaveth undone . What gather you thereof ? They are confuted that think God is moved to will or nill things in respect of the creatures , as men that seeing a miserable man are moved to pity ; whereas God of himself , and in himself is moved to save or reject , ( we speak here of reprobation , not of condemnation ) to receive some , and to cast away others . What else ? That all which he doth is perfect , howsoever he deals with us . Wherein doth the perfection of Gods essence principally consist ? In simplenesse , or singlenesse , and infinitenesse . Why be these two counted the principall properties of God ? Because they are not onely incommunicable themselves , ( whereas those which concern the life of God have some resemblance in the creature ) but also make all other properties of God incommunicable . What is simplenesse or singlenesse in God ? It is an essentiall property in God , whereby every thing that is in God is God himself ; therefore without parts , mixture , or composition , invisible , impassible , all essence , whence he is not called onely holy , but holinesse , not onely just , but justice , &c. Exod. 33. 19 , 20 What gather you from hence ? First , that God hath no qualities nor adjuncts in him as the creatures have , but such as are attributed unto him for our capacity , when it is his nature this is such , 1 John 1. 5. 7. John 5. 26. John 14. 6. Secondly , that Gods essence or substance cannot be augmented or diminished , that his nature and will cannot be changed ; but he remaineth constant without shadow of change , and will be always such as he hath been from all eternity , Numb . 23. 19. James 1. 17. Psal. 33. 11. Esa. 46. 10. By what light of reason may it be proved that God is thus unchangeable ? Whatsoever is changed , must needs be changed either to the worse , or to the better , or in a state equall to the former : but God cannot be changed from the better to the worse , for so hee should become of perfect , imperfect ; and to exchange from the worse to the better , it is impossible also , for then he should have been imperfect before . Lastly , if he should alter from an equall condition to an equall , so that he should forgoe some good which before he had , and assume some other which before he had not , both before and after this change he should be imperfect , being destitute of some part of that good which appertained to him , which to affirm is high blasphemy . Obj. 1. But divers things are objected against that immutability of Gods nature and will : as first , that in the mystery of incarnation , God was made man , which before he was not . That was done not by any conversion or change of the divinity , but by the assumption of the humanity . Obj. 2. If God cannot change his mind , why is it said , that he repented that he made man ? The repentance attributed so often to God in the Scriptures , signifieth no mutation in Gods nature , but in his actions , mutably decreed from all eternity ; and the Scripture in this speaketh after our manner , that we may better understand what is the nature of God against sin . Declare how that is . When we are grieved with any thing , we doe then repent us that ever we did that thing for which we are grieved ; and so is God said to repent him that ever he made man , with whom he was angry , to shew that he was unfainedly and highly displeased with the evill ways of mankind . Did not God then change his mind when he drowned the world ? No ; but then he did execute that which from everlasting he had decreed . Obj. 3. It is said , Exod. 32. 14. The Lord changed his mind from the evill which he threatned to his people . That is still after the manner of men ; for man , because he is but man , cannot speak unto God but as a man : and therefore Gods speaks again unto man like a man , because else man should not understand what God is , nor what his will is . Shew me one example hereof in the Scripture . When Moses prayed for the Israelites he used many reasons to perswade the Lord , ( but especially to confirm his own hope ) at the last he said thus , Turn from thy fierce wrath , and change thy mind from this evill towards thy people ; thus did Moses speak to God , and if he had spoken to a mortall man he could have said no more nor no lesse , for mans speech is according to his capacity , and both are limited , and beyond himself he cannot goe : therefore when he shews what the Lord did , he saith , he changed his mind , which was as much as he could conceive of God concerning that matter . Thus we speak as well as we can , yet in a broken and imperfect manner to God , as little children speak to their nurses ; and Almighty God speaks in a broken and imperfect language to us again , for our weaknesse and understandings sake , as the nurse doth to the child : for if the nurse should speak so perfectly to the child , as she could to one of greater capacity , the child would not understand her : so if God should speak unto us as he could , and according to his own nature , we were never able to understand him , nor conceive his meaning . Obj. 4. The promises and threatnings of God are not always fulfilled ; therefore it seemeth that sometimes he changeth his mind . His promises are made with condition of faith and obedience , Deut. 28. 13. and his threatnings with an exception of conversion and repentance , Psal. 7. 12. What use may we make of this doctrine , of the simplenesse and unchangeablenesse of Gods nature ? First , it ministreth comfort unto the faithfull for strength of their weak faith , whilest they consider that the mercy and clemency of God is in all perfection , and without change unto them ; for this is the foundation of our hope and comfort in this life , that he doth not now love , and now hate , but whom he loveth , to the end he loveth them , Joh. 13. 1. Secondly , it giveth matter of terror unto the wicked , whilest they consider his wrath and severity against them to be in most ful measure , the one and the other being God himself . It may also make us fear to offend him , because all his threatnings are unchangeable except we repent . What is infinitenesse ? It is an essentiall property of God , whereby all things in his essence are signified to be without measure & quantity , & consequently , that the substance of God , his power and his wisdome , and whatsoever is in him , is incomprehensible , Psal. 139. 1 Kings 8. 27. John 11. 7 , 8 , 9. Rom. 11. 33. Wherein doth the infinitenesse of Gods essence especially consist ? In immensity or exceeding greatnesse and eternity , or everlastingnesse . What is his immensity or exceeding greatnesse ? It is an essentiall Attribute or property in God whereby he contains all things , and is contained of nothing , that either is or may be imagined ; and consequently is free from increasing or decreasing , and all comprehension of place , being present every where , both within and without the world , and filling all places wholly at all times with his presence , for he is in all places , in heaven and in earth , and the sea and hell , & all at one time ; neither can he be contained in any compasse of place , ( as is a man or Angel or any other creature ) but he is in all places , and filleth all places at once , and is beyond all compasse of place that we can imagine , 1 King. 8. 27. Ps. 139. 7. & 145. 3. Job 9. 7. Esa. 66. 1. & 40. 12. Jer. 23. 24. Is God every where bodily ? No , for he hath no body . Is God every where in speculation only ? No , for he worketh in every thing which he beholdeth . How then is he every where ? He is every where essentially , for his essence is not contained in any place , because he is incomprehensible . Doth he not remove himselfe from place to place ? He filleth heaven and earth and all places , therefore he can neither depart from any place , nor be absent from any place . Is he not half in one half of the world , & half in the other half of the world ? No , but as the whole soul is in the whole body and every part thereof , so God is whole and wholly in every part of the world . Obj 1. If God be every where essentially , then he is in the most filthiest sink and puddle . It is no abasing of the glory of his Majesty to say that he is there , no more then it is to the Sun whose beams and light are there , or to a Physitian to be amongst those that are sick . All the creatures of God in themselves are exceeding good , and when he is in the most filthiest sink in the world , he is not in a more filthy then our selves , whether we be sick or sound . They are his workmanship , and it is no abasement of the workmaster to be amongst his works . Obj. 2. If God be every where , why is it said he dwelleth in the heavens ? Psal. 2. 4. Because his glory and Majesty which is every where alike , shineth most perspicuously and visibly in heaven . Obj. 3. It is said , Numb . 14. 42. he is not amongst the wicked . He is not amongst them with his grace and favour to protect and defend them , but otherwise by his power and providence he is amongst them to bridle their raging affections , to plague their furious obstinacie , and dispose of their desperate attempts to his own glory , and good of his people . Obj. 4. If God be every where at the same instant of time , how is he said to be sometimes near , sometimes farther off ▪ Esa. 56. 6. God is said to be near unto us , when by his word or any other means he offereth us grace and favour by them ; and when he heareth and granteth our prayers , as Moses saith , Deut. 4. 7. What nation is there so great who have God so nigh unto them , as the Lord God is in all things that we call upon him for ? Obj. 5. If God be in hell , then all goodnesse is there , for he is all goodnesse ; and so consequently there is no want of joy in the damned . The damned in hell feel no part of his goodnesse , that is , of his mercy and loving favour ; but of his power and justice . So that God is in hell by his power and in his wrath . To what purpose and use serveth this doctrine of the immensity or infinite greatnesse of God ? The consideration thereof should put us in mind , that nothing which is vile and base should be offered unto God in the worship of him . Secondly , it serveth to drive all grosse and idolatrous conceits of God out of our minds , and to detect and bewray the impiety and blasphemy of those persons , who either by making of pictures ( as they thought ) of God , or by maintaining of them , being made ; or by suffering them to stand still without defacing , ( especially if it be known ) have thereby denied God to be incomprehensible . For those pictures and resemblances of God which ignorant men have forged in their own brain doe tell us , and say , that God may be comprehended and contained within a place , yea , in a small place , or in any place , as a man or other creature , which is most high blasphemy against the Majesty of Almighty God. What is his eternity ? It is an essentiall property of God whereby his essence is exempted from all measure of time , and therefore is the first and the last , without either beginning or end of dayes . 1 Tim. 1. 17. Esa. 41. 4. & 44. 6. Psal. 90. 2. Rev. 1. 8. 11. In what respect is God called eternall in the Scriptures ? That he hath been from all eternity without beginning , is now , and shall be for all eternity without end . That all times are present with him continually , and so nothing former nor latter , nothing past , nor to come . That he is the Author of everlastingnesse unto others , because he hath promised to give his children of his eternall goodnesse , and to have a continuall care of them through all eternity , and will have a Kingdome in Angels and men whereof shall be no end . Is it necessary that we should know this ? Yea , that we may here stay our selves with the certain hope of eternall life grounded upon his eternity . How may that hope be grounded upon his eternity ? Very well ; for God being eternall , he can for ever preserve us , and seeing he hath promised , he will for ever preserve us , Ps. 48. 14. & 103. 17. Hereby likewise are we strengthned not only in the immortality of our soule , but also in the immortality of our bodies after the resurrection , considering that by his everlastingnesse he giveth continuall beeing to such of his creatures , as he is pleased to give a perpetuall continuance unto . Why else is God said to be eternall ? That so he might be discerned from all other things created ; for nothing is like unto God , as the Scriptures testifie : Esa. 40. 18. Psalm . 113. 45. How is God said to be alone everlasting , seeing Angels and soules of men shall be also everlasting ? In regard of the time to come they are everlasting , but not in regard of the time past ; for though they shall continue alwayes , yet they had their beginning , which cannot be said of God ; who therefore is called Alpha and Omega , Rev. 1. 8. Their continuance is such as it is not absolute and by it selfe , but proceeding from the power of God who is able if so he pleased to give unto them an end as well as a beginning , in which respect God is said onely to have immortality , 1 Tim. 6. 16. Is it necessary we hold God to be eternall , that so he may be discerned from all things created ? Yea , we hold it in that respect for two causes . First , because certain hereticks have thought either all the creatures , or some of the creatures at least , to be derived from the very nature and essence of God by propagation , as children from their mothers womb . Secondly , that all idolatrous cogitations of God may be excluded out of our minds . What is the life of God ? It is an essentiall property of God , whereby the divine nature is in perpetuall action , living and moving in it selfe ; hereof is that speech in the Scripture so often used , The Lord liveth : hereof likewise is that form of asseveration or oath used so often both by God , Num. 14. 21. Rom. 14. 11. and by man , 1 Sam. 19. 6. Jer. 4. 2. As the Lord liveth ; and hereof it is , that the Lord so ordinarily in the Scriptures hath the name of the living God , Psal. 42. 2. Jer. 10. 10. Heb. 3. 12. & 10. 31. Why is God called a living God ? For four causes ; first , because he only hath life in himselfe and of himselfe , and all other creatures have life from him ; Psalm . 35. 10. & 36. 9. 1 Tim. 6. 16. John 5. 26. Because he is the onely giver of life unto man , Genes . 2. 7. Acts 17. 28. Because he is the God especially ( not of the dead , but ) of the living ; Mat. 22. 32. for all live unto him . To distinguish him thereby from all the false Gods of the heathen , which have no life in them . Psal. 115. 5 , 6. What may be known as touching the life of God ? As all life is active in it self , so the chief life ( such as is in the highest degree to be attributed unto God ) is operative in three faculties and operations ; viz. in understanding , in power , and will. What then be the attributes whereby this life of God is signified ? His all-sufficiencie , and his holy will ; the former whereof comprehendeth his omniscience or all-knowing wisdom , and his omnipotence or almighty power . What is the knowledge or wisdome of God ? It is an essentiall property of God whereby hee doth distinctly and perfectly know himselfe , and of and by himselfe all other things that are , were , or shall be , or can be ; understanding all things aright , together with the reason of them : Mat. 11. 27. Heb. 4. 13. Job 12. 13. Psal. 139. 11. John 21. 17. 1 Tim. 6. 16. How many things doe you conceive of God by his attributes ? Four things . 1. That he knoweth all things . 2. That he can be deceived in nothing . 3. That he most wisely hath disposed and ordered all things , insomuch that he cannot justly be reproved in any of them . 4. That he keepeth not his wisdom to himselfe , but bestoweth it upon his creatures , so that whatsoever wisdom they have , they have it from God. After what sort doth God understand and things ? Not by certain notions abstracted from the things themselves , but by his own essence ; nor successively ( remembring one thing after another ) or by discourse of reason , but by one and the same eternall and immutable act of understanding , he conceives at once all things , whether they have been or not . How great is this wisdom of God ? It is infinite even as God is infinite Psal. 147. 5. Esa. 40. 28. What be the branches thereof when it is referred to Gods actions ? Fore-knowledge and counsell , Acts 2. 23. What is the fore-knowledge of God ? That by vvhich he most assuredly foreseeth all things that are to come , Acts 2. 23. 1 Pet. 1 , 2. Though this be not properly spoken of God , but by reason of men to vvhom things are past , or to come . Is this fore-knowledge of God the cause why things are done ? No , but his vvill . What is the Counsell of God ? That by vvhich he doth most rightly perceive the best reason of all things that are or can be , Job 12. 12 , 13. Prov. 8. 14. Eph. 1. 9. For the clearer knowledge of this wisdom of God , what is there further to be considered ? For the better understanding of this attribute , vve must consider that the vvisdom of God is tvvo-fold . First , it is absolute , and vve doe so tearm it , because by it God can , and doth simply and absolutely knovv all things from all eternity : Heb. 4. 13. Psalm . 94. 11. Secondly , it is speciall , vvhereby he doth not only knovv his elect children as he knovveth all things else , but also he doth acknovvledge them for his ovvn , and doth discern them from others , and love them before others ; 2 Tim. Of which doe the Scriptures properly speak , when they attribute wisdome to God ? They speak then of his absolute knovvledge , vvhereby he doth not only knovv alvvayes , and most perfectly himselfe and the vvhole order of his mind , but also understandeth and knovveth all his vvorks , and the vvorks of all his creatures , past , present , and to come ; vvith all the causes and circumstances of all . How doe the Scriptures speak of this absolute knowledge ? The Scriptures speak of it two wayes , either of the knowledge it self , or else of the things known , and so they shew first , what and what manner of thing it is , and secondly , what things are known of God. Now tell me what knowledge is in God , and what wisdom doth best agree to his divine nature . The best way to find out that , is first to consider what wisdom and knowledge doth not agree with his nature and essence : for his knowledge and wisdom are infinitely greater than any we can affirm to be in God. How shall we find what knowledge is not agreeing with his divine nature ? This is the best way ; we must consider and set before us all the kinds of knowledge , and all the wayes and means whereby any knowledge is to be attained unto amongst men and Angels , then shall we see that the wisdome and knowledge of God are farre more excellent every way , then the most excellent that can be found or thought upon amongst men and Angels . Declare then by what wayes and means we know a thing . By two wayes or means we doe know all that we doe know ; one way is by our senses , viz. by hearing , seeing , feeling , smelling and tasting ; another way is by our understanding . Whether doth God know any thing by senses or no ? He cannot , because he is not as man , but is a Spirit , and bodilesse ; and therefore hath no senses . Why then doe the Scriptures speak of the eyes , eares , &c. of God ? Although the Scriptures doe attribute eyes to God whereby he beholdeth all things , and eares whereby he heareth all things , &c. yet indeed he hath none of all these , but these be figurative speeches used for our capacity and understanding , signifying that nothing is hidden from the Lord. Whether then doth God know things by understanding , or no ? Yea , but not as we doe . Why , what manner of knowledge is that which we have by our understanding ? It is either an opinion , or a beleefe , or a skill and learning . What is an opinion ? An opinion is no certain and evident knowledge of a thing , but is still doubtfull what to affirm or deny ; and therefore such a knowledge is not in God , for he knoweth certainly . What manner of thing is beleefe or faith ? It is a certain , but not an evident knowledge ; for look what we beleeve onely , that we doe not see nor know by the light of naturall understanding , therefore it is no evident knowledge ; but it is a certain and true knowledge , because he is most true which revealed it unto us ; for faith or beleefe is a most certain knowledge grounded upon the report of another . Whether doth this kind of knowing things agree with the nature of God or no ? No , for God knoweth all things in himselfe and of himselfe ; but not by the report of another . What say you to skill and learning , that is both a certain and evident knowledge of things ; doth not that agree with the nature of God ? Such knowledge doth not agree with his nature . Why so ? Because it cometh by knowledge that went before , and it is gotten by reasoning and debating of things , by defining and dividing , and by searching out the causes of things ; but in God is neither before , nor after ; first , nor last ; and God hath no knowledge after such a sort . Again , our knowledge which way soever it be considered , whether it be a habit in us , or an action in us , is imperfect ; for we know not all things , and those things which we doe know we know not all at once , but one thing after another , and yet still but in part . Declare then in a word , how God doth know all things . God doth most perfectly know and understand all things at one instant ; without any conceipt of mind , altering this way or that way . All our knowledge is a thing distinguished from our mind and understanding ; is it so in God ? No , for the knowledge or wisdom of God is a most simple and perfect essence , yea , it is his very essence and substance , and God is all knowledge , all wisdom , and all understanding , infinitely more then all men and Angels can conceive . Doth God know and understand every thing particularly ? Yea , he knoweth the natures and properties of every particular thing . How prove you that ? By the Scripture , and by reason , for the Scripture saith , that God saw every thing that he made that it was good ; this is not spoken generally of all , but especially of every one creature . Again , reason makes it manifest by three examples in the Scriptures , Gen. 1. First , Adam gave to every living thing a proper name , Gen. 2. 20. according to its proper nature ; whereby it appeareth that Adam had a distinct and particular knowledge of every thing : how much more then had God this especiall knowledge of every particular thing , who gave to Adam whatsoever wisdom and knowledge he had ? Secondly , Solomons wisdom and knowledge was so great that he was able to dispute , and did thereby dispute of the nature of all trees , plants , fishes , fowl , worms , beasts , and all naturall things ; as one that was most skilfull in them : how much more then doth God know all things and their natures particularly , who gave such wisdom to Solomon ? Thirdly , our Saviour Christ saith of the Father , that all our haires be numbred by him , and that a Sparrow falleth not to the ground without the will of our heavenly Father ; if not without his will , then not without his knowledge . Whether doth God know all the motions of our wills and our thoughts ? Yea , God doth certainly know the motions of the will , and the thoughts of the heart in all men , and the issue of them all , which is manifest by these places of Scripture following ; Gen. 6. 5. Psa. 94. 11. Pro. 21. 1. Jer. 17. 9 , 10. Hereof it is that we cite him to be the witnesse of our hearts when we swear by him . Whether hath God the knowledge of all evils or no ? God knoweth all evils and sins which lie lurking in all mens hearts , and this is manifest by these places of Scripture following , Gen. 6. 5. Psal. 69. 6. Job 11. 11. Psal. 90. 8 , 9. What if he did not know all these evils ? It is impossible but he must know them for two causes : First , if he did not , his knowledge would be imperfect . Secondly , if he did not know them , he could not be a just Judge , neither could he reward every one according to his works and thoughts , which to affirm were ungodly and blasphemous . Obj. That which is nothing cannot be known , but sinne and evill is nothing , ( for it is nothing else but a taking away , or failing of good , and it is a meer corruption ) and therefore sin and evill cannot be known of God. We know vvhat is evill , and vve know evill things , and vve doe discern them from good things , but we know evill onely by his contrary , that is good ; as vve know nothing by something , darknesse by light , death by life , sicknesse by health , vice by vertue ; thus by the knowledge of good evill is known unto us , and therefore seeing as God ( vvho is the chiefe good ) he doth by himself know all good things , he must of necessity also know and understand all the evill that is in all good things . Whether may God know those things which are not ? God knoweth the things vvhich are not , and he doth also truly know the things which shall never come to passe . What reason can you yeeld for this ? The reason is , because he knoweth all things by his essence , therefore he knoweth all things which are subject to his divine essence and power , and therefore also are possible , but shall never come to passe . But doth he know them eternally , or in time ? He knoweth them all eternally ; that is , for ever and ever , he knew , & doth know them , as the Scripture doth testifie , Eph. 1. 4. 2 Tim. 2. 19. Can you make this manifest by any earthly comparison ? Yea ; a builder by vertue of his art doth conceive in his mind the form of a house , which house he will never build ; how much more can God doe the same , for God can make more worlds , and he knoweth that he can , and yet he doth it not . Again , although there were never an Eagle in the City , yet we can conceive in our minds what an Eagle is : much more doth God know all things vvhich are not in act , and vvhich never shall be . Obj. This is something which you say , but your last similitude of the Eagle doth not hold ; for therefore we keep the knowledge of an Eagle in our minds , though all be gone , because the similitude of the Eagle which was sometimes in the City doth stil remain in our minds and understandings : But what similitude can there be in the mind of God , of those things which are not , which never were , and which never shall be ? Yes ; the very essence and similitude of God is a similitude of all those things that may be if he will , which he must needs know , for he doth most perfectly know himself . And thus if we consider his power or almighty essence , all things should be done which he can doe and doth know . Then whether is his knowledge & power the cause of all things , which are , which have been , and which shall be ? The onely fore-knowledge of God alone which the Grecians call Theoreticascientia , that is , a knowledge beholding all things , is not the cause of things , but his fore-knowledge with his will which the Grecians call Practicascientia , that is , a working knowledge , that is the cause of things . Whether may the knowledge or wisdome of God faile or be deceived at any time , or no ? The knowledge of God is most certain , and cannot any way be deceived , for all things are known of God as they are ; and all things are , as they are known of God , and therefore his knowledge cannot any way be deceived , Heb. 4. 13. Obj. But things doe often change and alter , and therefore they are not always as they are known ? Although things be changed and altered , yet God doth know thereof ; and although they change and alter , yet his knowledge doth never alter , nor change , neither is it uncertain . Whether may the knowledge which God hath , be encreased , diminished , or altered ? No , it cannot , it is always the same , firm and constant , and can by no means be encreased , diminished , nor altered ; for he neither forgetteth any thing , nor is ignorant of any thing , neither is any thing new unto him , for the Scripture saith , all things are always manifest in his sight ; S. James saith ( 1. 17. ) with God is no change nor shadow of change , therefore his knowledge is always one and the same . Solomon saith , Many devices are in a mans heart , but the Lords counsell shall stand , Prov. 19. 21. But if his knowledge be always one and the same , why doth the Scripture say that the Lord will forget our sins , and blot them out of his remembrance , and remember them no more . These and such like phrases of speech are not to be understood of the simple knowledge of God , as though he should know them no more , but of his judiciall knowledge unto punishment ; for although hee doth know and remember our sinnes always most perfectly , yet he will not know them nor remember them to bring them into Judgement , and so to punish us for them when we doe truly repent ; that is , they shall be no more judged or punished , or laid to our charge if we be in Christ , then if he had quite and clean forgotten them , and never did remember them ; and these speeches serve to arm us against the despair and doubting of our salvation being truly in Christ. Where is the wisedome of God specially of us to be considered ? The wisdome of God shineth unto us most cleerly in his works of Creation and preservation in the vvorld ; and not onely in his vvorks , but also in his Gospel , vvhereby he calleth and gathereth his Church out of the vvorld to be saved by his Son our Mediator Jesus Christ , Eccl. 3. 11. Psal. 104. 24. 1 Cor. 1. 21. Was this saving wisdome of God known to the Philosophers and naturall wise men in the world ? No , it vvas not , but only to the elect children of God. Is the wisdome of God to be perfectly conceived of us ? Matth. 11. 25. No ; neither is it communicated to any creature , neither can be , for it is unconceiveable , as the very essence of God himself is unconceivable and unspeakable as it is , and his vvisdome as vve have heard before , is his very essence , that is , his very Godhead or God himself , and that it is unconceivable the Scriptures doe testifie , Psal. 147. 5. ●om . 11. 33. What use may we make of this doctrine ? First , by this doctrine of Gods unspeakable knowledge and vvisdome , the true God is discerned from all false gods , and from all things made ; for that is no God vvhich hath not this divine knowledge and wisdome which the Scripture ●oe attribute to God. Secondly , seeing our God is such a God as knovveth all things that are done , said , or thought , and seeth into the most hidden corners and thoughts of our hearts , we must study and learn thereby to drive all hypocrisie and dissembling from us , and to open our hearts to God of our own accord , and to beseech him in his own Sons name to cleanse us from our secret faults . Thirdly , it must make us to vvalk always before the Lord according to his vvill revealed in his Word , vvith great fear and reverence , as men always in his sight and knowledge . Fourthly , it serveth to confirm our faith and trust in the providence of God , for although vve know not vvhat to doe , nor hovv to doe , nor what shift to make in dangers and necessities ; yet God doth , and he hath knowledge enough for us , though vve be ignorant , and his vvisdome shall succour our foolishnesse if vve doe truly and faithfully serve him , Psa. 103. 13 , 14. Fiftly , this should be our consolation against the fear of hell and despair , and should uphold in us the certainty of our salvation , because this knowledge and vvisdome of God , joyned vvith his vvill to save us , is firm and constant , and he knowing all his elect vvill not lose one of them that are in Christ his Son , Joh. 17. 12. 2 Tim. 2. 19. Joh. 10. 27 , 28 , 29. What is the omnipotency or almighty power of God ? It is an essentiall property in God , vvhereby he is able to effect all things , being of power sufficient to doe vvhatsoever he vvilleth or can will , Gen. 35. 11. Deut. 10. 17. Nehem. 1. 5. Job 8. 3. & 9. 4. & 11. 7. & 42. 1 , 2. Psal. 115. 3. Deut. 4. 35. Mat. 19. 26. Luk. 1. 37. Are there any things which God cannot will , or doe ? Yea , three kind of things . Such things as are contrary to his nature , as to destroy himself , and not to beget his Son from eternity . Those things whose actions argue impotency , and are a signe of weaknesse , as to lie , Tit. 1. 2. to deny himself , 2 Tim. 2. 13. to allow wickednesse , Hab. 1. 13. to be forgerfull , to doe the works of a increated nature , &c. for the disability of such things confirmeth , not weakneth Gods Omnipotency . Such things as imply contradiction , for God cannot make a truth false , or that which is , when it is , not to be ; or a man to be a man and a stone at one and the same time ; or Christs body to be a true body , and yet to be in all places or divers places at once , and to be without circumscription and occupying of a place , which is the essentiall property of a body ; for one of these being true , the other must be false , and God who is the truth it selfe cannot work that which is false and untrue ; So that Gods omnipotency must always teach us that he is glorious , and true , and perfect , and not the contrary . In what respects then is God said to be almighty ? Because he is able to perform vvhatsoever he vvill , or is not contrary to his nature , Psal. 135. 6. Esa. 40. 28. He can doe all things vvithout any labour , and most easily , Psa. 33. 9. & 148. 5. & 143. 5. He can doe them either with means , or without means , or contrary to means , as pleaseth him . There is no povver vvhich can resist him . All power is so in God onely , that no creature is able to doe any thing but as he doth continually receive power from God to doe it , Acts 17. 28. Esa. 40. 29. so that there is no power but is from God. What mean you when you say , all power is in God ? It should seeme by that speech that there are more powers in God then one ? That we may rightly understand what power is in God , it were very requisite that we did first consider hovv many vvays this vvord Povver is taken in the Scriptures . Declare then how or in what sense it is taken in the Scriptures . In the Scripture this vvord Povver is taken tvvo vvays , or in two senses , sometimes for authority which is grounded upon law , by which authority one may doe this or that if he be able to doe it ; sometimes it is taken for might and strength , or ability to doe a thing if one hath authority to doe it : and these are distinguished by two vvords amongst the Grecians and the Latins . For vvhen the Grecians speak of power that signifieth authority and right , Mat. 28. 18. then it is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , when they take povver for strength , then it is termed by them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 amongst the Latines being taken the first vvay , it is called potestas , being taken the second vvay , that is , for might or strength , it is called potentia , and in English vve call them both povver . It seemeth by your speech that they are not onely distinguished , but that they may also be separated the one from the other . It is true , for so they are ; as for example , a King may have great force and strength , and by his great povver he may be able to overthrow and destroy a vvhole Country or Kingdome over vvhich he hath no authority . Again , some King hath power , that is , authority over his rebels , and yet hath not power , that is , strength enough to subdue them ; so some perhaps have might and strength enough to govern and rule another mans wife , another mans children , or another mans servant , over which he hath no power , that is , authority . And again , fathers have authority over their own children ; all husbands over their own wives ; and all masters over their own servants ; and yet all have not power , that is , strength and ability to rule them . I perceive by this which you have said , that in creatures these two may be separated one from the other , and many times are , but what are they in God ? In God they are not divided , but distinguished ; for he hath all power , that is , all authority over all things ; and he hath all power , that is , all strength , force , might , and ability to doe all things with all things at his good pleasure ; and this power is not given him , but he hath it in himself , and of himself , most perfectly , absolutely , and eternally . But of what power doe we speak when we say that God is almighty ? whether doe you mean his right and authority , or his strength and ability , or both ? Both are in God essentially , but when the Scripture speaketh of Gods omnipotency it meaneth ( and so doe we ) his strength and ability , whereby he is able to doe whatsoever he will , not excluding his right . If all power or might be in God , tell me how manifold is this power which is attributed to God in the Scriptures . To speak simply , the power of God is but onely one , and a most simple and single thing , which is his essence and substance , yet for divers respects it is said to be manifold ; and it may be considered tvvo wayes . As it worketh always , and can work in God himself ; for God in himself doth always understand , will , love , &c. As it worketh out of God himself in the creatures , as when he created all things , and doth now work in governing all things , and can work , if it please him , infinite things ; and of this vvorking of Gods power , do the Scriptures properly speak when they call God almighty . How many ways may Gods power be considered , as it worketh in himselfe ? Two ways : First , as it is common to all the three Persons in the Trinity , that is , a power whereby God the Father , the Son , and the holy Ghost doth understand himself , love himself , and work in himself ; and these actions doe not differ from the essence of God , for that in God there is nothing which is not his substance . Secondly , the other working in God himself , is that by which the Father doth beget eternally a Son of his own nature and substance equall to himself : and this power of begetting the Son of God is proper onely to the Father , and not to the Son and holy Ghost . How many ways do you consider the power of God working out of himselfe ? That power which hath relation or respect to things created is twofold ; the first is a power absolute , whereby he is able to doe whatsoever he will , the other is a power actuall , whereby he doth indeed whatsoever he will. Where doth the Scripture speak of the absolute power of God , by which he can doe more then he doth if he would ? Yea , of such a power speaketh our Saviour Christ , I could pray to my Father , and he could give me more then twelve Legions of Angels : but he would not ask it , and his Father would not give it : see Mat. 26. 53. Phil. 3. 21. How doth the Scripture speak of Gods actuall power ? Of this power the Prophets and Apostles make mention , when they join his power and his promises together , that is , when they say he is not onely able to perform , but doth and will perform indeed whatsoever he hath promised : and of this power Paul doth speak when he saith , That God will have mercy upon whom he will ; and every where in the Scriptures we read , that God hath done what he would , given to whom he would ; whereby we see that God could and can doe more then he would or will , Psal. 135. 6. How great is this working , or mighty power of God ? It must needs be high and very great , for it is infinite & hath no end . Declare how it is infinite . It is infinite two ways , or in two respects : First , in it self , and of it self it is infinite . Secondly , as it is extended to the creatures , which may be called the object of Gods power , it is also infinite . Why doe you say it is infinite in it self or of the own nature ? Because the power of God is nothing else but his divine essence , and the essence of God is of his own nature , by it self , and of it self infinite . Shew how Gods power is infinite as it is extended to the creatures . Because the power of God doth extend it self to infinite things , therefore we say that it infinite . Declare how that is . I mean the things which God can perform or bring to passe by his power are infinite , and therefore his power is infinite ; for God never made so many , nor so great things , but he could have made more , and greater if he would : as for example , he adorned the Firmament with an innumerable company of Stars , and yet he could have decked it with more ; and to speak in a word , God can always perform infinite things more then he doth , if he will , and therefore both in it self , and out of it self , it is infinite . Whether can this Omnipotency of God be communicated to any creature ? No , it cannot ; for to be truly and essentially omnipotent , is proper to God onely , and omnipotency is Gods essence , and therefore whosoever is God is omnipotent , and whosoever is omnipotent must needs be God , whose power is a chief power and infinite ; and the power of any creature is not infinite , but finite , and so consequently no creature can be omnipotent , except vve vvould say that a creature or a thing created can be both a creature and a God , or a Creator too ; which is both absurd and blasphemous . If God can doe all things , whether can hee sinne or no ; as to lye and to be unfaithfull in his promises , &c. God cannot sin , and yet for all that he is still omnipotent , for to sin is no part or point of omnipotency , but of impotencie : to sin is nothing else but to leave the right and perfect vvay , or to fall from a right and perfect action , vvhich shevveth vvant of povver to uphold himselfe that doth so ; vvhich power is not wanting in God , for he is omnipotent ; and being omnipotent , he cannot goe from strength to weaknesse , and from perfection to imperfection , &c. and therefore he cannot sinne . By what Scripture can you prove this that you say ? The Apostle Paul is of that mind that God cannot doe all things : his words be these , ( 2 Tim. 2. 13. ) If we beleeve not , yet abideth he faithfull , he cannot deny himselfe ; he doth not say he will not deny himselfe , but he cannot deny himselfe ; and his reason is , because ( as he saith himselfe ) God is faithfull not onely in his will , but also by his nature ; and therefore sith God is faithfull , by nature he cannot but stand to his promises which he made according to the good pleasure of his will , and by nature he is omnipotent , therefore he cannot be impotent : by nature he is good and the chiefe good , therefore he cannot become evill , nor doe evill . But whether can God be moved , or be subject to passions or sufferings or no ? He cannot , for the power whereof we speak , when we say that God is omnipotent , is altogether active and not passive ; neither can any passive power be in God : and to this effect speaketh Saint Augustine , when he saith , Discitur Deus omnipotens faciendo quod vult , non patiendo quod non vult ; that is , God is called omnipotent in doing what he will , not in suffering what he will not . Some say that God can sinne , but he will not , and that he can be subject to passions , but he will not , and that he can doe whatsoever can be imagined or thought , but he will not ; what say you to those ? Of them I say nothing , but their opinion is both foolish and ungodly ; for God cannot doe any thing which disagreeth from his nature , and therefore he cannot sin , &c. Rom. 19. 15. not because his will is against it , but because it is against his nature and naturall goodnesse ; 1 John 1. 5. Deut. 32. 4. Heb. 1. 13. therefore doe the Scriptures deny any iniquity to be in God , and Saint Augustine saith to that effect , Deus injusta facere non potest , quia ipse est summa justitia ; that is , God cannot be unjust , because he is most just and righteous it selfe . Obj. But yet for all this , God doth in some sort will sinnes , for he doth not permit it against his will ; and besides that , he commanded some things which were sinnes , as Abraham to kill his innocent sonne , and Shimei to curse David ; did he not ? So far forth as God doth command , or will , or work any thing , that thing is not sin in God , for he both willeth and worketh in great wisdome , and according to his most holy will ; and therefore no action can be sin in God , but every action of God is most holy and good , and so saith the Scripture , Psal. 145. 17. To what use serveth the doctrine of Gods omnipotencie ? The use of this doctrine are many . It serveth , To sustaine and strengthen our faith in Gods promises that we should not doubt of our salvation , because God can doe , and he will doe vvhat he hath promised , and he hath promised eternall life to the faithfull . To teach us that vvee should not despaire of the things that God doth promise , either in respect of our ovvne vveaknesse , or in respect of the apparent weaknesse of the things that God hath sanctified for our good : for whatsoever God as a Father hath promised , that same as Almighty , he can and vvill see performed ; Jos. 23. 14. Num. 23. 19. This did strengthen Abrahams faith greatly ; for Paul saith thus of him , he did not doubt of the promise of God through unbeleefe , but vvas strengthned in the faith , and gave the glory to God ; being fully assured that he which had promised , was also able to doe it . Rom. 4. 20 , 21. To stirre us up to pray , and to call for those things which God hath promised without any doubting ; for in our prayers we ought alwayes to have before our eyes the promises of God , and the Almightinesse of God. The Leaper was perswaded onely of Christs power , he knevv not his vvill ; and therefore he said , Lord if thou wilt thou canst make me clean , and he vvas made clean ; Mat. 8. 2. How much more shall vve obtain those things vvhich vve aske , if vve be persvvaded of his povver , and doubt not of his promises ? It serveth both for a spurre to doe vvell , considering that God is able to save ; and a bridle to restraine from evill , seeing he hath povver to destroy : Fear not them , saith our Saviour , that can kill the body , &c. It serveth in prosperity to continue us in our duties , that vve abuse not Gods blessings , because as he gave them , so he is able to take them avvay again ; as Job acknovvledge , Job 1. 21. To make us undergoe the Crosse vvith patience and cheerfulnesse , and to hope for help in the midst of adversitie and death , because he which hath promised to heare and help us is also able to doe it , though vve see not hovv ; for he is omnipotent , and therefore able to deliver us out of all our troubles . Ps. 50. 15. Joh. 10. 29. Dan. 3. 17 , 18 , & 4. 32. To keep us from despairing of any mans salvation , although he seem to be rejected of God , and to make us walk in faith and fear , because God is able to raise him up that is down , and to cast us down that stand ; and so Paul doth reason from Gods omnipotency , about the rejection and election of the Jewes and Gentiles ; Rom. 11. 23. 25. It serveth to confirm all the Articles of our Christian Faith , the summe whereof is contained in the Creed . Thus much concerning the all-sufficiencie of God , what is his will ? It is an essentiall property of God , whereby o● himselfe and with one act he doth most holily will all things , approving or disapproving whatsoever he knovveth , Rom. 9. 18. James 4. 15. Eph. 1. 5. What learn you of this ? First , that nothing cometh to passe by meer hap or chance , but as God in his eternal knowledg and just vvill hath decreed before should come to passe . Secondly , that vvhatsoever cometh to passe , though we know not the causes thereof , and that it be contrary to our wills , yet we should bear it patiently , and therein submit our wills to the good will and pleasure of God. How is the will of God distinguished ? Into his secret or hidden , and his revealed or manifest will ; the former is known to himselfe , by which he willeth divers things of which man neither doth know , nor is to aske a reason of ; and of this the Scripture speaketh thus , If so be the will of God , 1 Pet. 3. 17. The latter is the guide of man in al his actions containing Gods Commandements , wherein is set down what we ought to doe or leave undone ; as also his promises which wee ought to beleeve , Deut. 29. 29. Is not the secret will of God contrary to his revealed will ? No , in no wise ; It differeth in some respects , but it is not another will , much lesse contrary . How differeth it ? The secret will of God considereth especially the end , the revealed will the things that are referred to the end ; and the secret will of God is the event of all things , where the revealed will is of those things only which are propounded in the word , as to beleeve in Christ , and to be sanctified , &c. John 14. 1. 1 Thess. 4. 3. It may seem that the revealed will of God is sometimes contrary to it selfe , as when God forbiddeth murder and theft , yet God commandeth Abraham to kill his Sonne , and the Israelites to take the goods of the Egyptians . Here is no contrariety ; because God in giving a Lavv to man giveth none to himself , but that he may command otherwise : therefore the Lavv hath this exception , that it is alwayes just , unlesse God command otherwise . But it seemeth that the secret will of God is often contrary to the revealed will , seeing by the former many evill things are committed , and by the other all evill is forbidden . In as much as by the providence of God evill things come to passe , it is for some good , as Gods glory , or good of the Church , or both ; in vvhich only respect they by the providence of God are done , or suffered to be done . How then doth God will that which is good , and that which is evill ? He vvilleth all good so far as it is good , either by his effectuall good pleasure , or by his revealed approbation ; and that which is evill , in as much as it is evill , by disallowing and forsaking it : and yet he voluntarily doth permit evill , because it is good , that there should be evill ; Acts 14. 16. Psal. 81. 12. Is there any profit of this knowledge of Gods will ? Yea , great profit for us to knovv what God will have us to doe , and what he will doe with us , and for us , is a thing wherein standeth our salvation , therefore vve are vvilled by the Apostle to enquire diligently after the same , Rom. 12. 2. But the same Apostle in the eleventh Chapter , vers . 34. before saith , Who hath known the mind of the Lord , or who was his Counsellour ? that is to say , none : therefore it seemeth that the will of God cannot be known ; and consequently , that it may not be sought after . Indeed by that we learn not to search into the secret counsels of God , which he never revealed in his word , neither hath promised to reveale in this world ; but after the revealed will of God , which he hath vouchsafed to make known in his word , we may and ought to enquire of God ; as for the wil and counsel which he hath kept to himself , we may admire and adore it with Paul and David ; but that we may not search after it , is manifestly proved by these places following : Acts 1. 7. Exod. 33. 18 , 19 , 20. Job . 21. 23. Whether can Gods secret will be known or no ? If he doth reveale it , it may . How doth God reveale his secret will ? Two wayes . First , sometimes by his Spirit , as when he shewed his Prophets many of his judgements that were to come . Secondly , sometime by the thing it self which he willeth , or by the effects of his will ; as when a thing doth fall out which was before unknown : as for example , a man doth not know before it come , whether he shall be sick or not , or of what disease , or when , or how long , but when all these things are come to passe , then it is manifest what was Gods will before concerning that matter . Shew me what is our duty in respect of this secret will of God. Our duty is two-fold : First , we must not curiously search after the knowledge of it , but worship and reverence it . Secondly , before it be made manifest by the effects , we must generally rest quietly in the same . Shew me how , by an example . Thus a Christian must resolve with himselfe , Whatsoever the Lord vvill doe with me ; whether I live or die , whether he make me rich or poor , &c. I rest content with his good will and pleasure . What must we doe when his will is revealed unto us ? Then much more must we rest in it , and be thankfull for it , as Iob was , who said , The Lord hath given and taken , even as it pleaseth the Lord , &c. Job 1. 21. What call you the revealed will of God ? The revealed will of God is two-fold : the one is that which is properly revealed in the Law , that is , what God requireth to be done of us ; and therefore it is called the Law : and after this we must enquire . The other is in the Gospell , which sheweth Gods will towards us , and what hee hath decreed of us in his eternall counsell as touching our salvation . God indeed by his Law hath made it known what his will is , that of us must be done and fulfilled ; but hath he revealed in his word what is his will and pleasure towards us ? Yea , he hath so , and that is proved by these places of Scripture following , John 6. 40. Ephes. 1. 5. Matth. 3. 17. John 5. 39. and after the knowledge of this will of God we must diligently enquire . But whether may this will of God be known of us or no ? Yes , it may , for as it is revealed in the Scripture , so it is also confirmed and sealed before our eyes in the Sacraments , and the dayly benefits which we receive from the Lord. And is this sufficient to perswade us to beleeve his will ? No , for except the Lord doth perswade us by his holy Spirit we shall neither beleeve it , nor know it , as appeareth by these places of Scripture , 1 Cor. 2. 16. Mat. 11. 25. but if we have the Spirit of God , there is no need to goe up into heaven , or to goe beyond the Sea to know it , because the word is near unto us , in our hearts ; as Paul saith , Rom. 10. 6 , 7 , 8. For touching the matter of our salvation , the will of God is so clearly laid open in the preaching of the Gospell , that it needs not to be more cleare . If at any time we cannot know nor understand this will of God , as touching our salvation , in whom is the fault ? The fault is in our selves , and the reason is because we are carnall and naturall , and destitute of the Spirit of Christ ; for Paul saith , The carnall and naturall man cannot perceive the things of God ; but if the Spirit of Christ doth come and open our understanding , and correct our affections , we can no longer doubt of his will ; and therefore the Apostle immediately after addeth , and saith , but we have the mind of Christ. Whether is this will of God made known to every one of Gods children particularly or no ? Yes , it is , for Paul having the Spirit of Christ saith , that this will of God was manifested unto him , when he saith , Gal. 2. 20. Christ loved me , and gave himselfe for me ; and to the Corinthians he saith , but God hath revealed them : that is , the joyes of heaven to us by his Spirit , 1 Cor. 2. 9. How doth this prove that we can have this knowledge ? Very well , for if all the Elect are led by the same Spirit that Paul had , it will also perswade them of this will of God as well as Paul. But how prove you that they have the same Spirit ? That the same Spirit is given to all the elect , I prove it out of the Prophet Esay , who saith thus ; My word and my Spirit shall not depart from thy mouth , nor from thy seed for ever : Esa. 59. 21. which is such a blessing , as no blessing can be desired in this world greater , more excellent or more heavenly : for when we are once armed with the knowledge of this will of God , we shall passe through fire and water without any danger , Esa. 43. 2. we shall overcome the world and death , and triumph over our enemies , as Paul did , Rom. 8. 38 , 39. Whether are there more wills in God then one , or no ? The will of God , in some respects is but one , and in some respects it is manifold . How is it but one ? For the better determining of this point , we must first consider how many significations there be of this word , Will , in God. It signifieth the faculty or ability of willing in God , and so it is God himself , and the very essence of God , and so his will is but one . It signifieth the act it self of willing , and if it be so taken it is all but one , for God doth that in one and that eternall act , will whatsoever he will. It signifieth the free decree of his will , concerning either the doing or the suffering of any thing to be done ; if we take it in this sense the will of God is still but one , and that eternall and immutable . May we call the decree of Gods will , the will of God ? Yea , very well ; as the Testament of one that is deceased is called the last will of the Testator , because it is the firm and last decree of the Testators will , and mind , concerning the disposing of his goods ; and the Scriptures doe make the will of God and the counsell or decree of his will to be all one , as appeareth in these places following , Esa. 46. 10. Acts 4. 27 , 28. Joh. 6. 40. How is the will of God manifold ? There be two respects chiefly for which the will of God is said to be manifold , or more then one . First , for the divers kinds of things which God doth will ; and hereof it is , that it is called sometime the will of God concerning us , and sometime the will of God done by us ; The first is his favour and love towards us in Christ Jesus , in which he willeth and decreeth that we shall be saved through his Son : of this Christ speaketh , Joh. 6. 40. The other which he will have done of us , is that which is expressed in his Word , and that is to beleeve in Christ , and to walk in his laws , Psal. 143. 10. of which David saith thus , Teach me to doe thy will , because thou art my God , and Paul saith , Rom. 2. 18. Thou knowest his will , that is , his law . Which is the other respect for which God is said to have many wils ? The will of God is said to be manifold and divers , for that those things which he doth seem to will them after divers sorts , and not after one and the same manner ; first , after one manner he doth will good things , and after another manner he doth will evill things . Shew how that is . He willeth good things properly and absolutely by themselves and for themselves ; he willeth evill things for another end , Rom. 12. 2. and that is for good too : and the first is called the good will of God , and acceptable to himself ; the latter is called the permissive will of God , or a voluntary permission in God , because he is not compelled or constrained against his will , to will them . Again , sometime he willeth simply and absolutely , sometimes he seemeth to will conditionally , and some things he revealeth at one time , some at another , and some things he doth for which he giveth a reason , and the reasons of some things are secret to himself only and for ever . Why then belike you grant that in God there be many wils ? No , I deny that ; for although in those aforesaid respects the will of God is said to be manifold for our understanding , yet for all that indeed and in truth the will of God is but one onely , and that most constant , eternall , and perpetuall : as for example , he willed some things in the old Testament , he hath willed other things in the new Testament , yet one and the same will in God decreed both . Again , his will was that some things in the old Testament should last for a time , that is , to the comming of Christ ; or , as the Apostle saith , to the time of reformation , Heb. 9. 10. But he willeth that the things of the new Testament shall last to the end of the world , and yet one will in God decreed both these from everlasting . Again , although God seemeth to us to will some things absolutely and simply , & some things conditionally , yet in truth to speak properly , all things whatsoever God willeth , he willeth absolutely and simply ; and whereas he is said to will some things conditionally , that is to be referred to the manifestation of his will , for there is not in God any conditionall will , but only that which openeth his will in this or that , or on this or that condition ; for a condition in God is against the nature of his eternall kingdome and knowledge . Obj. God commandeth many things to be done which are not done , so that there is a will declared in his word , and there is another in him forbidding or hindering that which he commandeth in his Law , and therefore there are in God many wils . The things which God commandeth are of two sorts : some are absolutely commanded , without any condition expressed or concealed ; as that Moses should cause all things about the Tabernacle to be made according to the pattern given him in the Mount ; other some things are commanded and set down with condition , as when Christ said , Marke 10. 17. 19. If thou wilt inherit eternall life keep the Commandements , and the Law saith , Doe this and this , if thou wilt live ; and these are propounded conditionally to all , as well the elect as the reprobate ; God his absolute will is always one and the same . And are they propounded to both after one sort ? No , not so ; for although they be given to the elect with condition , yet the will of God to them is absolute ; for Gods will simply is , that all his elect shall be saved , if not always , yet at the last ; and because of their own strength they cannot doe the Commandements of God , therefore God doth give them strength by his Spirit ; and because by this strength they cannot doe Gods will perfectly , therefore it is fulfilled for them by Christ , which is made theirs by faith , and in whom God doth accept their broken and imperfect obedience , as if it were whole and perfect . But as for the wicked and reprobates it is not so with them , for although God doth give them a law to obey , and doth promise them life if they doe obey it , yet his will to them is not so absolute , that they shall keep it , neither shall they obtain the promises either in themselves or in Christ. But doth not God mock and delude the Reprobate , when he willeth them in his law to doe this and that which yet is not his will to be done ? No , he doth not delude them ; for although he doth not shew what he will absolutely have done of them , which is properly his will indeed , yet by his law he doth teach what is their duty , and the duty of all men , adding moreover that whosoever shall neglect and fail in this their duty , he sinneth grievously against God , and is guilty of death . Can you make this plain by some instance , or example , or any Parable in the Scripture ? Yea , it is manifest in the Parable of the Kings supper , and the bidden guests ; they which were first bidden and came not , were not deluded by the King , because he signified unto them what he liked , and what was their duty , but yet he did not command that they should be compelled to come in , as the two sorts which were bidden afterwards : where we see that the Kings will was not alike in bidding the first as it was in the second , for in calling the latter sort his will was absolute that they should come indeed , and so caused , that they did come ; but to the first he onely signified what he liked if they had done it . How doe you apply this to the matter in question ? I apply it thus , as it cannot be said that the first bidden guests were mocked by the King , although his will was not so absolute for their comming , as it was in calling and commanding the second sort of guests ; so it cannot be said that God doth delude and mock the Reprobate in giving them a law to obey , although it be not his absolute will that they should come and obey the law ; for it is sufficient to leave them without excuse , that they know what is acceptable to God , and what is their duty to God , who hath absolute authority and power over them and over all . Obj. God commandeth Pharaoh to let Israel goe , and yet his will was to the contrary , therefore there were two contrary wils in God , one revealed , the other concealed . It followeth not , for the will of God was one onely , and most constant , and that was that Israel should not be sent away by Pharaoh , and so that was fulfilled ; as for the Commandement given to Pharaoh , it was a doctrine to teach Pharaoh what he must have done if he would avoid so many plagues , and yet shewed him his duty , and what was just and right to be done , but it was no testimony of the absolute will of God. Whether doth God will evill or sin , or no ? Before we can answer to this question , we must consider of three things . How many ways sin may be considered . How many things are to be considered in sin . How many ways one may be said to will a thing . Go to then , shew first how many ways sin is to be considered ? Sin is to be considered three ways . As it is of it self sin , and striving against the law of God. As it is a punishment of sin that went before , for God doth oftentimes punish one sin with another . As it is the cause of more sin following , Rom. 1. 26. for one sin doth beget another , as one Devil calleth seven Devils , 2 Thess. 2. 11. Now declare how many things you doe consider in sin . In every sin there be three things . The action , and that is either inward , or outward : the action which we call inward is threefold ; either of the mind , as evill thoughts ; or of the heart , as evil affections and desires ; or of the will , as an evill choice , or consent to sin : The actions which we call outward , are the actions or work of the senses fighting against the law of God. The second thing in every sin , is the deformity or corruption of the action ; that is , when the action doth decline from the rule of Gods law , and this properly is sin , or the form of sin . The third thing in every sinne , is the offence or guiltinesse thereof , whereby the party offending is bound to undergoe punishment ; this guiltinesse and obligation whereby we are bound to undergoe the penalty of sin , hath its foundation in sin it self , but it ariseth from the justice of God , Rom. 6. 23. who in his justice rewardeth sin with death , as justice indeed giveth to every one his due . Now come you to your third point , and shew how many ways one is said to will a thing . We are said to will a thing two ways ; either properly , for it self ; or improperly , for another end . What mean you by a proper willing of a thing ? We doe will a thing properly for it self , or for it own sake , when the thing which we will or desire is of its own nature to be wished and desired ; as for the body , health , food , apparell , and such like ; or for the soul , faith , repentance , patience , &c. We doe will a thing improperly , when the thing which we will is not of it self to be wished ; but yet we will have it for some good that may come thereof : as for example , we will the cutting off some member of the body , not because of it self it is to be wished , but for the health of the body which doth follow that cutting . What difference is there between these two wils ? There is great difference ; for those things which we will properly , we love & approve them , we encline unto them , & we delight in them ; but that which is known of it self to be evill , our will is not caried unto that with love and liking , but doth decline from it ; and whereas a man willeth a member of his body to be cut off , we may rather call it a permission then a willing , and yet a vvilling permission . You have shewed how many ways sin is to be considered ; how many things are to be considered in every sin , and how we are said to will a thing : Now let me hear what you say to the matter in question ; that is , whether God doth will sin or no ? Before I answer directly to your question , I think it is not amisse to shew what every one must carefully take heed of in answering to this question , for in answering there is danger . Let me hear what dangers must be avoided in answering ? There are two ; and every one must avoid them , and sail between them as between two dangerous rocks . The first is this , we must take heed lest we make God the author of sin by affirming that he willeth sin , as the Libertines do , & as Adam did , Gen. 3. 12. for that were the next vvay not only to put off our sins from our selves , and lay them upon God , but also to cast off all conscience of sin , and all fear of God , then the which nothing can be more blasphemous against God and pernicious to our selves . What is the second thing to be avoided ? The other is this , we must take heed that we affirm not any evill to be in the world which God knoweth not of , or whether God vvill or no , for that vvere to deny Gods omnipotency , and al-knowledge . These are two dangerous rocks and heresies indeed , but now I expect a direct answer to the question . That cannot be at once , but by going from point to point according to our former distinction of sin , and vvilling . Very well then ; declare first of all , what things God doth properly will which of themselves are to be willed . God doth first and chiefly vvill himself ; that is , his own glory and Majesty , as the end for vvhich all things are ; and this he is said to vvill properly ; that is , he loveth it , advanceth it , and delighteth in it : and to this purpose serve all those Scriptures vvhich command us to sanctifie his name , and to adore his glory , as in Esa. 48. 11. Pro. 16. 4. Rom. 11. 36. Besides himselfe he doth properly vvill all other things vvhich he made , and vvhich he doth himself , insomuch as he doth approve them , and love them , as appeareth by these places following , God saw all that he made , and it was good , and therefore gave a Commandement that one should preserve another , by multiplying and encreasing . Again , it is said , whatsoever the Lord will that he doth , therefore whatsoever he doth that he wils , and although he hateth evill , yet he doth properly will and love that good which commeth of evill ; that is , his own glory , and the salvation of his people . Whether doth God will punishments or no ? Yea , his will is the first and efficient cause of all punishment : which is proved by this reason and argument ; every good thing is of God , every punishment being a work of justice is a good thing , therefore every punishment is of God , and he doth will it . What say you to the words in Ezekiel 18. 23. 32. I will not the death of a sinner ? That place is to be understood onely of the elect , for properly indeed , God doth not will their death , and therefore to keep them from death , meaning eternall death , he giveth them repentance . Whether doth God will sin as it is a punishment of sin that went before ? Yes , he doth , and it usuall with God to punish one sin with another : as for example , the hardning of Pharaohs heart was a sin in Pharaoh , and God brought it upon him not as a sin , but as a punishment of his former sins . You say that in every sin is an action or deed , which is either inward or outward ; whether doth God will that or no ? So far forth as it is an action only God doth will it , but not the corruption & deformity of the action , for in him we live , move , and have our beeing , Acts 17. 28. But whether doth God will sin properly , as it is a transgression of the law , and a corruption in the action or no ? No , he doth not , neither can be , for it is against his nature , and to this effect serve these places of Scripture following , Psal. 5. 5. Heb. 1. 15. 1 Joh. 1. 4. and reason doth confirm it many vvayes ; for looke vvhat God doth vvill properly , he loveth and alloweth it , but God hateth and damneth sin as the Scriptures vvitnesse , and therefore he doth not vvill it properly , Zach. 8. 17. Again , he hath sent his Son to take away the sins of the vvorld , and to destroy the vvorks of the Devill , therefore he doth not vvill them . Lastly , if God should properly vvill sin , then he must be the author of sin , but he is not the author of sin , for the Scriptures doe never attribute sin unto God , but unto the devil & unto men , Ro. 9. 14. 1 Ioh. 2. 16. But although God doth not properly will sin , yet he doth willingly permit sin ; doth he not ? Yes ; but for the better understanding how God doth permit sin vve must consider hovv many vvays , or in hovv many senses one is said to permit a thing , and that is three vvays . To permit is sometime of two good things , to grant that vvhich is lesse good , although it vvere against our vvill : as for example , a man vvould bring up his son in learning , rather then in vvarfare or in any other occupation ; but because his son hath more mind to an occupation then to learning , and doth crave of his father to go to some occupation , or to be a Soldier rather then a Doctor , his father doth grant him his desire , but he had rather have him to be a Scholar : And this is a kind of permission and suffering , but this permission ought rather to be called a will indeed , for that which is lesse good , ( yet because it is good ) he doth will it , and approve it , and it is a true object of his will , and it may be called a permission in respect of that will which had rather have had the greater good . And is thus God said to permit sin in this sense ? No , by no means ; for sin ( as it is sin ) hath no shew of good in it which may be compared with a greater good . Which is your second way of permitting ? Sometimes to permit is to grant one evill to goe unpunished , that many & more grievous evils thereby may be prevented ; as many times Princes & Magistrates are wont to doe : and so some do think that God hath granted some sin to be done without danger or threatning of punishment , lest more and more hainous mischiefs should ensue . And are not you of that mind ? No , God forbid I should ; for the Apostles rule is both generall and true , we must not doe evill that good may come thereof , lest we be damned justly , therefore no man may by the law of God admit any sin to avoid another , Rom. 3. 8. What is your third way of permitting ? To permit , doth sometime signifie not to hinder and stop evil when we may and so God is said to permit sin , because he could by his grace hinder and prevent sins that none should be committed ; and yet he doth willingly permit us in our nature to sin : That God doth thus permit sin , it is evident by these places of Scripture , Psalm . 81. 11 , 12. Acts 14. 16. That he doth permit them willingly and not constrained thereunto , these places doe shew , Rom. 9. 19. Esa. 46. 10. For what cause doth not God hinder sin , but permit it ? Not without cause , but that he may use our sins ( which is his infinite goodnesse and wisdome ) to his own glory : for hereby his justice in punishing of sin , and his mercy in pardoning of sin is made manifest and known , to the great glory of God and praise of his Name . Whether doth God alter his will at any time or no ? For the better understanding of this question , we must consider two things . First , how many ways our will is changeable . Secondly , the causes that move us to change our wils . Very well ; declare the first , how many ways our wils are changeable ? The will of a man is changeable two ways : First , when we begin to will a thing which we did not will before . Secondly , when wee leave to will that vvhich vve vvilled before . Now shew what be the causes thereof ; and first why a man doth will that which he willed not before . The causes of these be two ; first our ignorance , because we do know that to be good afterward vvhich vve knew not before to be good , and then we vvill that vvhich we could not before ; for ignoti nulla cupido , for of that vvhich is unknown there is no desire . The second cause ariseth from the alteration of nature , as if that vvhich vvas hurtfull to us at one time became profitable to us at another time , then we will have that at one time , which we would not another : as for example , in summer our will is inclined to cold places , but in winter our will is altered , and doth affect and desire the warm . Whether is there any such cause in God to make him change his will , or not ? No , neither of these causes can be in God ; not the first , for he doth most perfectly know all things from all eternity ; not the second , for there is nothing in God for which any thing may be found to be profitable or hurtful , he is always the same , having need of nothing , and therefore he cannot will any thing that is new to him , and consequently his will is not changeable . But what say you to the second way of changing our wils ; that is , of leaving to wil that which before we had determined , wherof cometh that ? For this there may be yeelded two reasons . 1. We do change our wils of our own accord , because the latter thing doth seem to us to be better then the former . 2. Being constrained or against our minds we doe oftentimes change our wils , because our first counsell was hindred by some crosse event , that it could not have his due effect . Whether are any of these two causes in God , that for those he should change his will ? No , God doth neither of his owne accord , nor yet by constraint change his will , but his decrees are , and ever have been , and always shall be fulfilled , and none shall hinder the will of God , for it doth always remain one and the same ; and this doctrine is most strong●y guarded and fenced with these places of Scripture , Num. 23. 19. 1 Sam. 15. 19. Mal. 3. 6. Esa. 46. 10. Rom. 11. 29. Paul saith , 1 Tim. 2. 4. It is the will of God that all men should be saved , and come to the knowledge of the truth , and yet all are not saved ; therefore Gods will is mutable . If this place be under stood of Gods revealed will , then the sense is this , that God doth call all men by the preaching of his word to the knowledge of his truth , and to eternall salvation , if they will beleeve in Christ : but if it be understood of the secret will of God , the sense may be three-fold ; First , all men , that is , of all sorts and degrees , he will have some . Secondly , so many as are saved , all are saved by the will of God. Thirdly , God willeth that all shall be saved ; that is , all the Elect : for in the Scriptures , this word all , is put sometimes for the Elect , without the Reprobate ; as Rom. 5. 18. Cor. 15. 22. What is there comprehended under the holinesse of Gods will ? Holinesse is a generall attribute of God , in respect of all the speciall properties of his nature , in respect whereof hee most justly loveth , liketh , and preferreth himselfe above all : unto which most holy will must be referred both affections , ( to speak according unto man ) as love and hatred ; with their attendants , goodnesse , bounty , grace and mercy on the one side ; displeasure , anger , grief and fury on the other : and also the ordering of those affections , by justice , patience , long-suffering , equity , gentlenesse , and readinesse to forgive . What instructions doe you draw from the holinesse of God ? That as every one cometh nearer unto him in holinesse , so they are best liked and loved of him , and consequently it should breed a love in our hearts of holinesse and hatred of the contrary . That this ought to kill in us all evill thoughts and opinions which can rise of God in our hearts , seeing that in him that is holinesse it self , there can be no iniquity . Wherein doth the holinesse of God especially appeare ? In his Goodnesse and Justice , Exod. 20. 5. 6. & 34. 6 , 7. Nahum 1. 2 , 3. Jer. 32. 18 , 19. What is Gods goodnesse ? It is an essentiall property in God , whereby he is infinitely good in and of himselfe , and likewise beneficiall to all his creatures ; Ps. 145. 7. Mark. 10. 18. James 1. 17. Mat. 5. 45. Psal. 34. 9. How many wayes then is the goodnesse of God to be considered ? Two wayes : either as he is in his own nature of himself simply good and goodnesse it selfe , ( i. so perfect , and every way so absolute , as nothing can be added unto him ) or else as he is good to others : both waies God is in himself a good God , but especially for his goodnes towards us , he is called a good God , as a Prince is called a good Prince . Shew how that is . A Prince may be a good man if he hurt no man , and liveth honestly , &c. but he is not called a good Prince except he be good to his subjects , that is , if he be not milde , gentle , liberall , just , a defender of the godly , a punisher of the wicked ; so that the good may live a quiet and a peaceable life in all honesty and goodnesse : so the Scriptures call God a good God , because he is not only good in himself , yea and goodnesse it self , but also because he is good to others ; that is , milde , gracious , mercifull , his nature is not cruell , savage , nor bloody towards us , but most mild , pleasant , sweet , and such as may allure all men to trust in him , to love him , to call upon him , and to worship him . Psalm . 16. 11. 34. 9. Is nothing good but God ? Nothing of it selfe , and perfectly , Matth. 19. 17. howbeit , by him , and from him , doe come good things . Gen. 1. ult . which have not their goodnesse of themselves ; for whatsoever goodnesse is in the creatures , it is of God the Creatour ; and they are so farre forth good , as they are made good by God , and are made partakers of his goodnesse . 1 Cor. 4. 7. James 1. 17. Again , that goodnesse which is in the things created , whether it be naturall or supernaturall , is imperfect and finite , but the goodnesse of God is most perfect and infinite ; and therefore onely God is truly good , and goodnesse it selfe : yea , he is Summum bonum , that chief good of all to be desired . Is the goodnesse of God extended unto all creatures ? Yea , it is so ; and as this is known by dayly experience , so it is witnessed by the Scriptures following , Psal. 119. 64. & 145. 15. Mat. 5. 45. Hath God shewed his goodnesse to all alike ? No , for the things created are of two sorts ; either invisible , or visible ; invisible as Angels , unto whom the Lord hath given more excellent gifts then to the other . And was his goodnesse parted equally among them ? No , for some he suffered to fall into sin , for which they were thrust down from heaven to hell , 2 Pet. 2. 4. others he hath preserved by his grace , that they should not fall away from him . Is his goodnesse alike to his visible creatures ? No , for of them some are endued with reason , as mankind , some are void of reason , and therefore is man called a Lord over the rest of the creatures . Is the goodnesse of God alike to reasonable creatures ? No , for of them God in his mercy hath chosen some to eternall life , whom he hath purposed to call effectually in his time , that they may be justified and glorified by Christ ; others he hath in his justice left to their sins without any effectuall calling , to perish for ever . What testimony of Scripture have you that Gods goodnesse is farre greater to the Elect , then to the Reprobate ? It appeareth by the words of our Saviour Christ , Mat. 13. 11. and of the Prophet Asaph , Ps. 73. 1. yet God is good , that is , singularly good , to Israel , even to the pure in heart , but God makes his Elect onely to be pure in heart , Psal. 51. 10. Doth the goodnesse of God towards all men turn to the good of all men ? No , for in the Reprobate Gods goodnesse is turned into evill , and serveth to their destruction , 2 Cor. 2. 15. and that is through their own fault , for they doe contemne and altogether abuse the goodnesse of God , and for all his goodnesse bestowed upon them continually , they never trust him , nor trust in him . Rom. 2. 4. Psal. 106. 13. How may we use the goodness of God to our good , and to our salvation ? If we have the goodnesse of God in a true and worthy estimation , if we use it with feare and reverence , and thereby learn to repent us of our sins , and to repose all our trust and confidence in the Lord for his goodnesse , then shall all things , yea , even our sinnes work for our good ; Rom. 8. 28. What use must we make of Gods goodnesse ? It teacheth us that we have and doe serve a true God , for he is no true God , that is not so good as our God is . We learn hereby , that by this goodnesse of his , he useth all things well . If our God be so good , we should be ashamed to offend him , as it is intolerable to hurt an infant that is innocent and harmlesse , so it is most intolerable to requite the Lords goodnesse with evill . If God be so good , and goodnesse it selfe , we must trust him , and trust in him ; for we will repose trust in good men , and shall we not much more in our good God ? It teacheth us never to lay the fault upon God for any thing , nor to complain of Gods dealing , for he is alwayes perfectly good ; and all that he doth is perfectly good , whatsoever men judge of it . Seeing God is good to us , we ought to be good one towards another . To what end is it , that the goodnesse of God is not to all alike ? 1 Tim. 2. 9. It serveth to the adoring and beautifying of Gods Church , 1 Tim. 2. 9. It serveth to the maintenance of mutuall love , and society amongst men ; for if the goodnesse of God were to all alike , then one could not help another , and to this end serves the variety of gifts , 1 Cor. 12. 20. Eph. 4. 7. 12. It maketh to the greater manifesting of the glory of the goodnesse of God ; for if all had alike , we would contemn this goodnesse , thinking that he were bound to be good to us of necessity . From the consideration of Gods speciall goodnesse towards us his Elect by Christ to salvation , we must arise to the study of good works , whereby Gods goodnesse may be glorified , Tit. 2. 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8. What be the severall branches of the goodnesse of God ? His graciousnesse , his love , and his mercy ; Tit. 3. 3 , 4 , 5. What is the graciousnesse of God ? It is an essentiall property whereby he is of himselfe most gracious and amiable , and freely declareth his favour unto his creatures above their desert , Psal. 145. 8. 15 , 16. Rom. 11. 6. Tit. 2. 11. Is he only gracious ? Only in and of himselfe , for that whatsoever is gracious and amiable , it is from him . What learn you from this ? That we ought to love and reverence God above all ; for seeing gracious and amiable men doe winne love and reverence from others , in whose eyes they appear gracious and amiable , who is able more to winne this at our hands , then God who is the fountain of all graciousnesse and amiablenesse ? For the better understanding of this attribute , shew how this word Grace is used in the Scripture . It is used in three severall significations , sometimes it is put for comelinesse , stature , meeknesse , or mildnesse ; Luk. 2. 25. sometime for free favour whereby one embraceth another , pardoning former injuries , and receiving the partie offending into favour again . Gen. 6. 8. Thirdly , it is taken for all kind of gifts and graces , which of his free favour are bestowed ; whether temporall or eternall : Acts 2. 23. Eph. 4. 7. Whether is there grace in God according to the first signification of grace or no ? Yea , for God is of his own nature most gracious , and grace it selfe , which grace was in Christ Jesus from his infancie , ( as he was man ) and did every day more and more increase , Luke 2. 52. Psal. 45. 9. And amongst all things that were created , there was nothing indued with such grace , as was the humane nature of Christ , and that was by the fulnesse of the Godhead which dwelt bodily in him , Coloss. 2. 9. Whether is grace properly attributed to God in the second sense or no ? Yea , most properly ; for God doth justifie us : that is , he doth account us for just through his Sonne Jesus Christ , and that of his free grace and favour , without any desert of our parts or any thing in us , Rom. 3. 20. 24. & 4. 16. What be the causes of this grace or favour of God ? The efficient cause is his goodnesse and free will ; the finall cause cause thereof is the salvation of his chosen children , and the glory of himselfe , and of his Son Christ Jesus . What be the effects of Gods grace to us wards ? In generall , the grace of God ( whereof there is no cause in us but onely his own goodnesse and will ) is the first cause , the middle cause , and the the last cause , and the onely cause of all that belongs to our salvation . Rom. 9. 11. And particularly , it is the cause of our Election , of our Redemption , of the sending of Christ into the world , of our Calling , of the preaching of the Gospell ; Eph. 1. 4. John 3. 11. 34. Rom. 5. 8. It was the cause why the Apostles were called to the preaching of the Gospell , Gal. 1. 15 , 16. Eph. 3. 8. 9. It is the cause of our Faith , of the forgivenesse of our sinnes , of our whole justification , of our regeneration , of our renovation , of our love to God and our neighbour , of the Holy Ghost in us , of our good works , of our obedience , of our perseverance , of the feare of God , of eternall life , and of life it selfe . 2 Tim. 1. 9. Phil. 2. 13. Rom. 12. 6. 1 Cor. 12. 9. Rom. 3. 24. Tit. 3. 5. 1 John. 4. 9. Ezek. 36. 27. Jerem. 32. 40. and in a word , the begining , the continuance , and the accomplishment of our whole salvation , doth depend wholly upon the grace and favour of God ; and what good thing soever we have , or have had , or may have , belonging either to this life or to the life to come , is to be attributed wholly to the grace and favour of God. What is the love of God ? It is an essentiall property in God whereby he loves himselfe above all , and others for himselfe , 1 John 4. 16. Rom. 5. 8. John 3. 16. Tit. 3. 4. Mal. 1. 2 , 3. What learn you from hence ? That wee should love him dearely , and other things for him . That we may the better know what the love of God is , declare first what love is in our selves . It is a passion of the mind whereby we are so affected towards the party whom we love , that we are rather his then our own , forgetting our selves to doe him good whom we so love . And is love such a thing in God ? No , the true love of God is not such as our love is . What difference is there ? There is great difference two wayes ; First , in time , for love was in God before it was in us , or in any thing created ; for he loved himselfe and us also before the world was . John 17. 23. Secondly , they differ in nature and quality , for that love which is in God is most perfect and pure , Rom. 9. 13. without passion ; but in us it is imperfect , and matched with passions , with impure affections and grief of the mind . After what manner doth the Scripture expresse the love of God ? In the Scriptures God doth compare himselfe to a father and to a mother loving their children , to a hen gathering her chickens together under her wings , to a good shepherd seeking up his sheep , and to divers other things . And wherefore serve these comparisons ? They are for our profit two wayes . First , to shew us that Gods love towards us is most vehement and sincere . Secondly , to make us bold in coming to him , and calling upon him ; so for this love Christ Jesus calleth us by all the names of love , as his servants , his kinsmen , his friends , his spouse , his brethren ; and by many names moe : to shew , that he loveth us with all loves , the fathers love , the mothers love , the masters love , the husbands love , the brothers love , &c. and if all loves were put together , yet his love exceedeth them all , for all could not doe so much for us , as he alone hath done . If love doth not signifie any affection or passion in God , as it doth in us , what then doth it signifie ? In God it signifieth three things most perfect ; first , the eternall good will of God towards some body ; for the love of God , ( supposed towards the Elect ) is his everlasting good will , or his purpose and determination to shew them mercy , to doe them good , and to save them ; as in Rom. 9. 11. 13. Secondly , the effects themselves of his love or good will , whether they be temporall , concerning this life , or eternall , concerning the life to come ; as in the 1 John 3. 1. Thirdly , the pleasure and delight which he taketh in that which he loveth , and so it is taken in Psal. 45. 7. 23. What things doth God love besides himselfe ? Besides himselfe God loveth all things else , whatsoever he made , but he loveth not sinne and iniquity , for he never made it , as Saint John saith , 1 John 2. 16. Again he loveth his Son being manifested in the flesh , and he loveth his chosen children for his Sons sake , with whom he is well pleased ; Mat. 3. last verse . Obj. 1. The Scripture saith that God doth hate all that work iniquity , how then can God both hate and love one and the same man ? In every wicked man we must consider two things : First , His nature ; Secondly , his sinne . His nature is the work of God , and that he loveth , but his iniquity is not of God , and that he hateth . Obj. 2. God doth afflict his children , therefore he doth not love them . Whom he loveth he correcteth , and therefore he correcteth them because he loveth them , even as a gold-smith tryeth his gold in the fire , because he loveth it . Whether doth God love all alike or no ? No , he preferreth mankind before all his other creatures , for which cause God is called Philanthropos , that is , a lover of men ; and this appeareth by three effects of his love . First , he made him according to his own Image , that is , in righteousnesse and true holinesse . Gen. 1. 26. Eph. 4. 24. Secondly , he made him Lord over all his creatures , Psal. 8. 5 , 6. Thirdly , he gave his own Son to death for his ransom . Doth God love all men alike ? No , for he loveth his Elect better then the Reprobate ; for the Elect he calleth effectually by his Spirit in their hearts , when he calleth others but by the outward voyce of the Gospell , &c. Again , amongst the Elect themselves , some are actually wicked , and not yet reconciled nor called , as was Paul before his conversion ; but the rest are called and already made holy by Faith in Christ , as Paul was after his conversion ; and of these , he loveth the latter sort with a greater measure of love then the former ; as the Scripture testifieth in Prov. 8. 17. What manner of love doth God beare to his elect ? It hath three adjuncts or properties ; First , it is free without desert . Secondly , it is great without comparison . Thirdly , it is constant without any end . How is the love of God said to be free ? It is free two wayes : first , because nothing caused God to love us , but his own goodnesse and grace , and therefore Saint John saith that his love was before ours , 1 John 4. 7. Secondly , it is free , because God in loving us , did not regard any thing that belonged to his own commodity ; for as David saith , he hath no need of our goods , but onely to our owne salvation he loved us , Psal. 162. Wherein doth the greatnesse of Gods love appear to his Elect ? It appeareth two wayes : First , by the meanes which God useth to save us by , that is , the death of his Son , and so John setteth forth his love , 1 John 3. 16. when he saith , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , as if he should say , so vehemently , so ardently , so earnestly , so wonderfully did he love us , that for our salvation he spared not his own only begotten Son , but gave him to the death of the Crosse for our salvation . What else doth set forth the greatnesse of Gods love towards us ? The consideration of our own selves , for he did not only give his only Son to death for us , but it was for us being his enemies ; and this circumstance is used by the Apostle to expresse the same , Rom. 5. 7 , 8. Where find you it written that Gods love is constant and perpetuall ? That is manifestly shewed in these Scriptures following , Hos. 11. 9. John 13. 1. Rom. 11. 29. for God is unchangeable in his love which is his essence and nature , and therefore is God called love in the Scriptures , 1 John 4. 8. What use must we make of Gods love ? First , it filleth our hearts with gladness , when we understand that our God is so loving , and love it self , and what is this but the beginning of eternall life , if eternall life consist in the true knowledge of God as our Saviour Christ saith , John 17. 3 ? Secondly , out of the knowledge of this love , as out of a fountain springeth the love of God and our neighbour ; for S. John saith , he that loveth not , knoweth not God , for God is love , 1 Joh. 4. 8. Thirdly , when we consider that God loveth all his creatures which he made , it should teach us not to abuse any of the creatures to serve our lusts and beastly affections , for God will punish them which abuse his beloved , as he punished the rich glutton which abused the creatures of God , Luk. 16. Fourthly , we are taught to love all the creatures , even the basest of all , seeing that God loveth them , and for the love he beareth to us , he made them , and we must ( if we love them for Gods sake ) use them sparingly , moderately , and equally or justly ; to this end we are commanded to let our cattell rest upon the Sabbath day as well as our selves ; to this end we are forbidden to kill the damme upon her nest , and to this end we are forbidden to musle the mouth of the Oxe which treadeth out the Corn , Deut. 25. 4. 1 Cor. 9. 9. Fiftly , we are taught from hence to love mankind better then all other creatures , because God doth so ; and therefore we must not spare any thing that we have that may make for the safety of his body , and the salvation of his soul. And for this cause we are commanded to love our enemies , and to do them good , because our good God doth so . Sixtly , from Gods love we learn to preferre the godly brethren and those that professe sincerely the same religion that we professe , before other men , because Gods love is greater to his elect then to the reprobate , and this doth the Apostle teach us , Gal. 6. 10. Seventhly , whereas Gods love is freely bestowed upon us , this teacheth us to be humble , and to attribute no part of our salvation to our selves , but only to the free love of God. Eightly , from hence ariseth the certainty of our salvation ; for if Gods love was so free & great when we were his enemies , much more will it be so and constant also to us being reconciled to God by Jesus Christ , Rom. 5. 10. What is the mercy of God ? It is his mind and will always most ready to succour him that is in misery ; or an essentiall property in God , whereby he is meerly ready of himself to help his creatures in their miseries , Esa. 30. 18. Lam. 3. 22. Exod. 33. 19. Why adde you this word meerly ? To put a difference between the mercy of God and the mercy that is in men , for their mercy is not without some passion , compassion , or fellow-feeling of the miseries of others , but the mercy of God is most perfect and effectuall , ready to help at all needs of himself . But seeing mercy is grief and sorrow of mind conceived at anothers miseries , how can it be properly attributed to God in whom are no passions nor griefs ? Indeed in us mercy may be such a thing , but not in God ; mercy was first in God , and from him was derived to us , and so he is called the Father of mercies , 2 Cor. 1. 3. and when it came to us , it was matched with many infirmities and passions , but it is improperly attributed to God from our selves as though it were first in us . Declare then briefly what things of perfection are signified by this word [ mercy ] in God ? By the name of [ mercy ] two things are signified in God properly . First , the mind and will ready to help and succour . Secondly , the help it self , and succour or pity that is then shewed . Where in the Scripture is mercy taken the first way ? Those places of Scripture are so to be understood wherein God doth call himself mercifull ; and saith , that he is of much mercy ; that is , he is of such a nature as is most ready to free us from our evils . Where is it taken in the other sense for the effects of mercy ? In Rom. 9. 15. where it is said , God will have mercy on whom hee will have mercy ; that is , he will call whom he will call ; hee will justifie whom hee will ; hee will pardon whom he will ; and will deliver and save from all their miseries and evils whom he will ; and these be the effects of Gods mercies . Again , in Exod. 20. 6. it is so taken . From whence springeth this mercy of God ? The essence and beeing of God is most simple without any mixture or composition ; and therefore in him there are not divers qualities and vertues as there be in us , whereof one dependeth upon another , or one differs from another , but for our capacity and understanding , the Scripture speaketh of God as though it were so , that so we may the better perceive what manner of God , and how good our God is . Well then , seeing the Scriptures doe speak so for our understanding , let us hear whereof this mercy commeth . The cause is not in us , but only in God himself , and mercy in God doth spring out of his free love towards us . Why doe you say out of the free love of God ? are there more loves in God then one ? There are two kinds of love in God : one is wherewith the Father loveth the Son , and the Son the Father , and which the holy Ghost beareth towards both the Father and the Son ; and this love I call the naturall love of God , so that the one cannot but love the other ; but the love wherewith he loveth us is voluntary , not being constrained thereunto , and therefore is called the free love of God , and thereof it commeth to passe that mercy is also wholly free , that is , without reward or hope of recompence , and excludeth all merit . How prove you that the mercy of God ariseth out of his love ? That the love of God is the cause of his mercy , it is manifest in the Scriptures , 1 Tim. 1. 2. Paul saluteth Timothy in this order , Grace , mercy and peace from God the Father , and from the Lord Jesus Christ , to shew that that peace which the world cannot give , the mercy of God is the cause of it , and the cause of his mercy is his grace , and his grace is nothing else but his free favour and love towards us . The same order doth Paul observe in Titus 3. 4 , 5. where he saith , when the goodnesse and love of God our Saviour appeareth not by the works of righteousnesse , which we had done , but according to his mercy he saved us . First , he sets down the goodnesse of God as the cause of his love . Secondly , his love as the cause of his mercy . And thirdly , his mercy as the cause of our salvation ; and our salvation as the effect of all : and therefore there is nothing in us which may move the Lord to shew mercy upon us , but only because he is goodnesse it self by nature ; and to this doth the Psalmist bear witnesse , Psal. 100. 5. saying , that the Lord is good , his mercy is everlasting , and his truth is from generation to generation . Towards whom is the mercy of God extended or shewed ? For the opening of this point we are to consider that the mercy of God is twofold : First , generall ; Secondly , speciall . God as a God doth shew mercy generally upon all his creatures being in misery , and chiefly to men , whether they be just or unjust , Psal. 140. & 147. and so doth succour them , either immediately by himself , or else mediately by creatures : as by Angels or Men , by the Heavens , by the Elements , and by other living creatures , and this generall mercy of God is not extended to the eternall salvation of all , but is only temporary and for a while . Of this read Luk. 6. 36. What say you to the speciall mercy of God ? That I call the speciall mercy of God , which God as a most free God hath shewed to whom he would , and denyed to whom he would : and this pertaineth only to the elect , and those which fear him , Psal. 103. 11. for he sheweth mercy upon them to their eternall salvation , and that most constantly , while he doth effectually call them unto himself , while he doth freely and truly pardon their sins , and justifie them in the bloud of the Lamb Jesus Christ ; while he doth sanctifie them with his grace , and doth glorifie them in eternall life : and of this speciall mercy we may read in Eph. 2. 4 , 5 , 6. How great is the mercy of God ? It is so great that it cannot be expressed nor conceived of us : and that is proved by these Scriptures following , Ps. 145. 9. James 2. 13. 1 Cor. 11. 32. Psal. 57 10. How long doth the mercy of God continue towards us ? Although the mercy of God be great and infinite in Christ , yet for that mercy which pardoneth our sins and calleth us to faith and repentance by the Gospel , there is no place after death , but onely while we live in this world , which is warranted by these places ensuing , Gal. 6. 10. Let us doe good whilest we have time ; to shew , that a time will come when we shall not be able to doe good . Apoc. 7. 17. Be faithfull unto the death , and I will give thee a Crown of life , to shew , that the time which is given unto death is a time of repentance , and of exercising of faith and of works , but after death there is no time but to receive either an immortall Crown if we have been faithfull , or everlasting shame if we have been unfaithfull : Besides these , see Apoc. 14. 13. Mark. 9. 45. Esa. ult . 24. Luk. 16. 24 , 25 , 26. Mat. 15. 11 , 12. John 9. 4. What uses may we make of Gods mercies ? First , it serveth to humble us ; for the greater mercy is in God , the greater misery is in us . Secondly , we must attribute our whole salvation unto his mercy . Thirdly , we must flee to God in all our troubles with most sure confidence . Fourthly , we must not abuse it to the liberty of the flesh to sin , although we might find mercy with God after death , for the mercy of God specially appertains to those that fear him , Psal. 103. 11. Fiftly , the meditation of Gods mercies towards us should make us to love God , Psa. 116. 1. Luk. 7. 47. fear God , Psa. 130. 4. praise God , Ps. 86. 12 , 13. & 103. 2 , 3 , 4. Sixtly , it must make us mercifull one to another , Luk. 6. 36. Matth. 18. 32 , 33. What is the justice of God ? It is an essentiall property in God , whereby he is infinitely just in himself , of himself , for , from , by himself alone , and none other , Psalm . 11. 7. What is the rule of this justice ? His own free will , and nothing else , for whatsoever he willeth is just , and because he willeth it , therefore it is just , not because it is just , therefore he willeth it , Eph. 1. 11. Psal. 115. 3. Mat. 20. 15. which also may be applied to the other properties of God. Explain this more particularly ? I say , that God doth not always a thing because it is just , but therefore any thing is just , that is just , because God will have it so ; and yet his will is joyned with his wisdome : as for example , Abraham did judge it a most just , and righteous thing to kill his innocent son , not by the law , for that did forbid him , but only because he did understand it was the speciall will of God , and he knew that the will of God was not only just , but also the rule of all righteousnesse . That wee may the better understand this attribute , declare unto mee how many manner of wayes one may be just or righteous . Three manner of ways ; either by nature , or by grace , or by perfect obedience . How many ways may one be just by nature ? Two ways : First , by himself , and of himself , in his own essence and beeing ; thus we say , that in respect of this essentiall righteousnesse , there is none just but God onely , as Christ saith , none is good but God only . Secondly , derivatively by the benefit of another , to be either made righteous , or born just ; and in respect of this naturall gift of righteousnesse we say , that in the beginning Adam was made just , because he was created just , and in his whole nature was righteous and good , but this righteousnesse was derived from God. Whom doe you call just by grace ? All the elect which are redeemed by the death of Christ , and that in two respects . First , because the righteousnesse of Christ is imputed unto them , & so by grace and favour in Christ their head they are just before God. Secondly , because of grace and favour they are regenerated by the holy Ghost , by the vertue of whose inherent righteousnesse and holinesse they are made holy and just , and whatsoever they doe by it is accepted for just for Christs sake . Whom doe you call just and righteous by yeelding perfect and willing obedience to God and his law ? No man in this world after the fall of Adam ( Christ only excepted ) ever was , or can be just after that manner . What say you of Christ ? how was he just ? Our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ is most perfectly just and righteous every manner of way . First , as he is God he is in his own essence , of himself , and by himself most just , even as the Father is eternall righteousnesse it self . Secondly , as he was Man he was just by nature , because he was conceived without sinne , and so was borne just and righteous . Thirdly , by vertue of his union with his divine nature , which is eternall righteousnesse it self , he is most just . Fourthly , by receiving the gifts of the holy Ghost without measure he is most just , Psal. 45. 7. Fiftly , he did most perfectly obey the law of God , and kept it most absolutely , therefore that way also he is most just and righteous . What conclude you upon all this ? That forasmuch as God onely is in his own essence and nature by himself , and of himself , eternall justice and righteousnesse , therefore this attribute of justice or righteousnesse doth most properly agree to God. In how many things is God just ? In three things : First , in his Will. Secondly , in his Word . Thirdly , in his Works . What mean you when you say that God is just in his Will ? That whatsoever he willeth is just , his will ( as hath been declared ) being the rule of justice . What mean you when you say that God is just in his Word ? That whatsoever he speaketh is just . What are the parts of Gods Word ? Four : First , the History , which is all true . Secondly , the Precepts and the Laws , which are perfect . Thirdly , Promises and Threatnings , which are accomplished . Fourthly , Hymnes and Songs , which are pure , and holy , and undefiled . In what respect is God just in his Word ? First , he speaketh as he thinketh . Secondly , he doth both as he speaketh and thinketh . Thirdly , there is no part of his Word contrary to another . Fourthly , he loveth those that speak the truth , and hateth those that are liers . What are the Works of God ? 1. His eternall decree whereby he hath most justly decreed all things , and the circumstances of all things from all eternity . 2. The just execution thereof in time . What justice doth God shew herein ? Both his disposing and his rewarding justice . What is Gods disposing justice ? That by which he as a most free Lord ordereth all things in his actions rightly , Psal. 145. 17. In what actions doth that appear ? First , he hath most justly and perfectly created all things of nothing . Secondly , he hath most wisely , justly , and righteously disposed all things being created . What is Gods rewarding justice ? That whereby he rendreth to his creatures according to their works . Wherein doth that appear ? First , he doth behold , and approve , and reward all good in whomsoever . Secondly , he doth behold , detest , and punish all evill in whomsoever ; to which justice both his anger and his hatred are to be referred . What must we understand by anger in God ? Not any passion , perturbation , or trouble of the mind as it is in us , but this word Anger when it is attributed to God in the Scriptures signifieth three things . First , a most certain and just decree in God to punish and avenge such injuries as are offered to himself , and to his Church ; and so it is understood , Joh. 3. 36. Rom. 1. 18. Secondly , the threatning these punishments and revenges , as in Psal. 6. 1. Hos. 11. 9. Jonah 2. 9. Thirdly , the punishments themselves , which God doth execute upon ungodly men , and these are the effects of his anger , or of his decree to punish them ; so it is taken in Rom. 2. 5. Mat. 3. 7. Eph. 5. 6. What use may we make of this Attribute ? First , it teacheth us that anger of it self is not simply evill , but then it is good , when it is such as the Scripture attributeth to God , and commendeth to men ; when it saith , Be angry and sin not , Eph. 4. 26. Secondly , Gods anger seemeth to raise us up from security . Thirdly , we must not be slothfull when we see the signs of Gods wrath comming , but use ordinary means to prevent it . What is that hatred that is attributed to God ? Not any passion , or grief of the mind as it is in us , but in the Scriptures these three things are signified thereby . First , his deniall of good will and mercy to eternall salvation , as Rom. 9. 13. I have hated Esau ; that is , rejected him , and have not vouchsafed him that favour and grace which I have shewed upon Jacob ; and we also are said to hate those things which we neglect , and upon which we will bestow no benefit nor credit , but doe put them behind other things , and therefore it is said , If any man come unto me , and hate not his father and mother , and wife and children , &c. he cannot be my Disciple ; that is , he that doth not put all these things behind me , and neglect them for me , so that the love which he beareth to them , must seem to be hatred in comparison of the love which he must bear to me ; and in this sense it is properly attributed to God. Secondly , the decree of Gods just will to punish sin , and the just punishment it selfe which he hath decreed , as in Psal. 5. 6. & Job 30. 21. Thou turnest thy selfe meerly against me , and art an enemy unto me with the strength of thine hand ; that is , thou dost so sore chasten me , as if thou didst hate me ; and in this sense also it is properly attributed to God , for it is a part of his Justice to take punishment of sinners . Thirdly , Gods displeasure , for those things which we hate doe displease us , and in this sense it is also properly attributed to God , for it is the part of a most just Judge , to disallow and detest evill , as well as to allow and like that which is good . By what reason may this be confirmed ? It is the property of him that loveth , to hate and detest that which is contrary to himselfe , and that which he loveth . For love cannot be without his contrary of hatred ; and as therefore the love of good things doth properly agree to God ; so doth also the hatred of evill things , as they are evill things . Secondly , it is manifest by David , that it is no lesse vertue to hate the evill , then it is to love the good ; and this hatred of sinne as it is a vertue , and perfect hatred cannot be in us but by the grace of God ; for every good gift is from above , &c. and there can be no good thing in us , but it is first in God after a more perfect manner then it is in us . What are we to learn thereby ? First , that it is a great vertue , and acceptable to God to hate wickednesse , and wicked men themselves , not as they are men , but as they are wicked ; and as David did , Psal. 139. 21 , 22. And we are no lesse bound to hate the enemies of God , as they are his enemies , then to love God , and those that love him . And if we doe so , then we must also flee their company , and have no friendship or fellowship with them . Secondly , that we must distinguish betwixt mens persons and their sins , and not to hate the persons of men , because they are the good creatures of God , but their sinnes we must hate every day more and more , 2 Thess. 3. 6. 14 , 15. Having spoken of the essence and the essentiall proprieties of God , tell me now how many Gods are there ? There is onely one God , and no more . How may this unity of the Godhead be proved ? By expresse testimonies of Gods word ; by reasons grounded thereon ; and by nature it selfe guiding all things to one principle . What expresse testimonies of Gods word have you for this ? Deut. 6. 4. Heare Israel , the Lord our God is one Lord : so in the 1 Sam. 2. 2. Psal. 18. 31. Esa. 44. 6. & 46. 9. Mark. 12. 29. 32. 1 Cor. 8. 4. 6. What reasons have you to prove that there is but one God ? First , we are charged to give unto God all our heart , and all our strength , and all our soule . Deut. 6. 4 , 5. Mark. 12. 29 , 30. If one must have all , there is none left for any other . Secondly , God is the chiefest good , Psal. 144. 15. the first cause , and the high governour of all things , Acts 17. 28. Psal. 19. 1. but there can be but one such . Thirdly , the light of reason sheweth that there can be no more but one that is infinite , independent and Almighty : if God be infinite and omnipotent that doth all things , there can be but one , for all the rest must be idle . How doth nature guide all things to one principle ? The whole course of the world tendeth to one end , and to one unity , which is God. How can that be , when there be so many sundry things of divers kinds and conditions , and one contrary to another ? That is true indeed , but yet they all together serve one God. Is that possible , can you give an instance thereof , in some familiar resemblance ? Yea , very well ; in a field there are divers battells , divers standards , sundry liveries , and yet all turn head with one sway at once , by which we know that there is one Generall of the field which commands them all . What makes this to confirm your assertion that there is but one God over so many divers and contrary things in the world ? Yes , for even so in the world we see divers things not one like another ; for some are noble , some are base , some hot , some cold , some well , some lame , yet all serve to the glory of God their maker , and the benefit of man , and the accomplishment of the whole world . And what gather you from all this ? That there is but one God which commandeth them all , like the Generall of a field . If one God be the Authour of all , why are there so many poysons and noysome beasts ? They were not created noysome and hurtfull at the first , but the sinne of Adam brought the curse upon the creatures , Genes . 3. 17. 18. Secondly , although God hath cursed the creatures for mans sinne , yet in his mercy hee doth so dispose and order them that they are profitable for us , for poysons wee use them for Physick , and the skins of wild beasts serve against the cold , &c. Thirdly , the most hurtfull things that are might benefit us if we knew how to use them ; and whereas they annoy us , it is not of their own nature so much as of our ignorance . And what doe you conclude by all this ? That they have not two beginnings , one good and another bad , as some would imagine , but one Authour thereof , which is God himselfe , alwayes most good and gracious . If there be but one onely God , how is it in the Scripture that many are called Gods , 1 Cor. 8. 5. as Moses is called Pharaohs God , Exod. 7. 1. and Magistrates are called Gods , Psal. 82. 6. as Idols , and the belly , Phil. 3. 19. yea , and the Devill himselfe is called God of this world , 2 Cor. 4. 4 ? The name Elohim or God , is sometimes improperly given to other things , either as they participate of God his communicable attributes , as in the two first instances ; or as they are abusively set up by man in the place of God ( as in the other ; ) but properly it signifieth him , who is by nature God , and hath his beeing not from any thing but himself , and all other things are from him , and in this sense unto us there is but one God and Lord , 1 Cor. 8. 6. unto whom therefore , the name Jehovah is in Scripture incommunicably appropriated . Why then are Magistrates called Gods ? For foure causes : first , to teach us that such must be chosen to beare rule , which excell others in godlinesse , like Gods among men . To encourage them in their offices , and to teach them that they should not feare the faces of men ; like Gods , which feare nothing . To shew how God doth honour them , and how they must honour God again , for when they remember how God hath invested them with his own name , it should make them ashamed to serve the Devill or the world , or their own affections ; and move them to execute Judgment justly , as if God himselfe were there . To teach us to obey them as we would obey God himselfe , for he which contemneth them , contemneth God himselfe ; Rom. 13. 2. and we must not dishonour those , whom God doth honour . Why are Idols called Gods ? Not because they are so indeed , but because Idolaters have such an opinion of them . Why is the belly called a God ? Because some make more thereof then of God and his worship , for all that they can doe and get is little enough for their bellies , and when they should serve God , they serve their bellies and beastly appetites . And why is the Devill called the God of this world . Because of the great power and Soveraignty which is given him over the wicked , whom God hath not chosen out of this world . There being but one simple and individed Godhead , to whom doth this divine nature belong ? is it to be attributed to one , or to many persons ? We must acknowledge and adore three distinct persons subsisting in the unity of the Godhead . But doe you not beleeve the Godhead is to be divided , whilst you beleeve that in one God are three persons ? No , not divided into divers essences , but distinguished unto divers persons , for God cannot be divided into severall natures , nor into severall parts ; and therefore must the persons which subsist in that one essence be onely distinct and not separate one from another , as in the example of the Sun , the beames and the heat . What be those resemblances that are commonly brought to shadow out unto us the mystery of the Trinity ? First , the Sun begetteth his own beams , and from thence proceeds light and heat , and yet is none of them before another , otherwise then in consideration of order and relation , that is to say , that the beams are begotten of the body of the Sun , and the light and heat proceed from both . Secondly , from one flame of fire proceed both light and heat , and yet but one fire . Thirdly , in waters there is the well-head and the spring boyling out of it , and the stream flowing from them both , and all these are but one water ; and so there are there persons in one Godhead , yet but one God. Fourthly , in man the understanding cometh from the soul , and the will from both . May it be collected by naturall reason , that there is a Trinity of Persons in the Vnity of the God-head ? No , for it is the highest mystery of Divinity , and the knowledge thereof is most proper to Christians , for the Turkes and Jewes doe confesse one God-head , but no distinction of persons in the same . How come we then by the knowledge of this mystery ? God hath revealed it in the holy Scriptures unto the faithfull . What have we to learn of this ? That those are deceived who think this mystery is not sufficiently delivered in the Scripture , but dependeth upon the tradition of the Church . That sith this is a wonderfull mystery which the Angels doe adore , we should not dare to speak any thing in it farther then we have warrant out of the word of God , yea , we must tye our selves almost to the very words of the Scripture , lest in searching we exceed and goe too farre , and so be overwhelmed with the glory . How doth it appear in the holy Scripture , that the three Persons are of that divine nature ? By the divine names that it giveth to them ; as Jehovah , &c. By ascribing divine attributes unto them ; as Eternity , Almightinesse , &c. By attributing divine works unto them , as creation , sustentation , and governing of all things . By appointing divine worship to be given unto them . What speciall proofes of the Trinity have you out of the old Testament ? First , the Father is said by his word to have made the world , the Holy Ghost working and maintaining them , as it were , sitting upon them , as the hen doth on the egges she hatcheth , Gen. 1. 2 , 3. Gen. 1. 26. The Trinity speaketh in the plurall number , Let us make man in our Image after our likenesse . Gen. 19. 24. Jehovah is said to rain upon Sodom from Jehovah out of heaven , that is , the Sonne from the Father , or the Holy Ghost from both . 2 Sam. 23. 2. The Spirit of Jehovah , ( or the Lord ) spake by me , and his Word by my tongue ; there is Jehovah the Father with his Word ( or Sonne ) and Spirit . Prov. 30. 4. What is his name , and what is his Sonnes name , if thou canst tell ? Isa. 6. 3. The Angels in respect of the three Persons doe cry three times , Holy , Holy , Holy. Isa. 42. 1. Behold my servant whom I uphold , mine elect in whom my soule delighteth , I have put my Spirit up on him . Hag. 2. 5. The Father with the Word and his Spirit make a Covenant . What are the proofes out of the new Testament ? As all other doctrines , so this is there more cleare , as Matth. 3. 16. 17. at the Baptisme of Christ the Father from heaven witnesseth of the Sonne , the Holy Ghost appearing in the likenesse of a Dove ; John Baptist saw the Sonne in his assumed nature going out of the water , ( there is one Person ) he saw the Holy Ghost descending like a Dove upon him , there is another Person , and he heard a voyce from heaven saying , This is my beloved Son , there is a third Person . Matth. 17. 5. At the transfiguration , the Father in like manner speaketh of his Son. Matth. 28. 19. We are baptized into the name of the Father , the Son and the Holy Ghost . John 14. 16. 26. & 15. 26. & 16. 13 , 14 , 15. The Father and Son promise to send the Holy Ghost . Luke 1. 35. The Holy Ghost shall come upon thee ; and the power of the Highest shall over-shadow thee , therefore that holy thing which shall be born of thee , shall be called the Son of God. Acts 2. 33. Therefore being by the right hand of God exalted , and having received of the Father the promise of the Holy Ghost , he hath shed forth this which you now see and heare . 2 Cor. 13 , 14. The grace of our Lord Jesus Christ , and the love of God , and the communion of the Holy Ghost be with you all . Gal. 4. 6. God hath sent forth the Spirit of his Son into your hearts . Tit. 3. 4 , 5 , 6. God saved us by the washing of the new birth , and renewing of the Holy Ghost , which he shed on us abundantly through Jesus Christ our Saviour . What clear proof have you that these three are but one God , and so that there is a Trinity in Vnity ? 1 Joh. 5. 7. It is expresly said , there are three that bear Record in heaven , the Father , the Word , and the Holy Ghost ; and these three are one . What learn you of that the Apostle saith they are three ? Wee learne that the word Trinity although it bee not expresly set down in the word , yet it hath certaine ground from thence . What learn you of that that they are said to be three witnesses ? The singular fruit that is in the Trinity of persons in one unity of the Godhead , whereby great assurance is brought unto us of all things that God speaketh in promise or threat , seeing it is all confirmed by three witnesses , against whom no exception lyeth . What are they said here to witnesse ? That God hath given eternall life unto us , and that this life is in that his Sonne , 1 John 5. 11. How are these being three , said to be but one ? They are one in substance , beeing , or essence , but three persons distinct in subsistence , Acts 20. 28. 1 Cor. 12. 4 , 5. Deut. 6. 4. Mark. 12. 32. 1 Cor. 8. 4 , 5 , 6. Joh. 14. 16. & 15. 26. & 17. 1. If three persons among men be propounded whereof every one is a man , can it be said that these three are but one man ? No , but we must not measure Gods matters by the measure of reason , much lesse this which of all others is a mystery of mysteries . For the better understanding of this mystery , declare unto me what a person is in generall , and then what a person in the Trinity is . In generall , a person is one particular thing indivisible , incommunicable , living , reasonable ; subsisting in it selfe , not having part of another . Shew me the reason of the particular branches of this definition . I say that a person is first one particular thing , because no generall notion is a person . Indivisible , because a person may not be divided into many parts . Incommunicable , because though one may communicate his nature with one , he cannot communicate his person-ship with another . Living and reasonable , because no dead or unreasonable thing can be a person . Subsisting in it self , to exclude the humanity of Christ from being a person . Not having part of another , to exclude the soule of man separated from the body , from being a person . What is a person in the Trinity ? It is whole God not simply or absolutely considered , but by way of some personall proprieties , it is a manner of being in the God-head , or a distinct substance , not a quality , as some have wickedly imagined , for no quality can cleave to the God-head , having the whole God-head in it , Joh. 11. 22. & 14. 9. 16. & 15. 1. & 17. 21. Col. 2. 3. 9. In what respect are they called Persons ? Because they have proper things to distinguish them . How is this distinction made ? It is not in nature , but in relation and order . Declare then the order of the persons of the blessed Trinity . The first in order is the Father , then those that come from the Father , the Sonne who is the second , and the holy Ghost who is the third person in Trinity . How are these three distinguished by order and relation ? The Father is of himself alone and of no other , the Son is of the Father alone begotten , the holy Ghost is of the Father and the Son proceeding ; and the Father is called a Father in respect of the Son , the Son in respect of the Father , the holy Ghost in respect that he proceedeth from the Father and the Son ; but the one is not the other , as the fountain is not the stream , nor the stream the fountain , but are so called one in respect of another , and yet all but one water . What then is the Father ? The first person of the Trinity , who hath his beeing and foundation of personall subsistence from none other , and hath by communication of his essence eternally begotten his only Son of himself , Joh. 5. 27. & 14. 11. & 20. 17. Psal. 2. 7. Heb. 1. 3. How is it proved that the Father is God ? By expresse testimonies of the Scriptures , and by reason drawn from the same . What are those expresse testimonies ? John 17. 3. This is life everlasting to know thee to be the only God. Rom. 1. 7. Grace and peace from God the Father . Eph. 1. 3. Blessed be God the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ , &c. What are the reasons drawn from the word of God ? That we are bidden to pray to him , Mat. 6. 6. 9. that he revealeth the mysteries , Mat. 11. 25. 27. suffereth his Son to shine , &c. Mat. 5. 45. How is it shewed that he begat his Son of himself ? In that he is called the brightnesse of his glory , and the engraven form of his person , Heb. 1. 3. and in that his generation being from eternity , there was no creature who might beget him . In what respects is he called the Father ? 1t. In respect of his naturall Son Jesus Christ , begotten of his own nature and substance , Mat. 11. 27. 1 Joh. 1. 14. 1 Joh. 4. 14. whence he is called the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ , Eph. 1. 3. 2ly In respect of his adopted sonnes whom he hath chosen to be heirs of heaven through the mediation of his naturall Son Jesus Christ , Ephes. 3. 14. John 1. 12. Rom. 8. 14 , 15. Mat. 6. 9. for as he is by nature the Father of Christ , so is he by grace to us that beleeve our Father also . What learn you from hence ? To honour and obey him as a Father , and to be followers of God as dear children , Mal. 1. 6. 1 Pet. 1. 14. Eph. 5. 1. What other names are given in the Scripture to the first Person ? The Father spake most commonly in the old Testament , for in these last times he hath spoken by his Son , and he is called by these names . Jehovah ; that is , I am that I am , without beginning or ending . Esa. 42. 8. Elohim ; that is , mighty and strong . Adonah ; that is , Judge , or in whose Judgement we rest . Lord of Hosts , because he hath Angels and men , and all creatures at command to fight for him , 1 Kings 19. 14. The God of Jacob or of Israel , because he made a promise to Abraham , that he would be his God , and the God of his seed , and the Israelites were the seed of Abraham , Act. 3. 13. Hitherto of the Father ; doe the other Persons that are of the Father receive their essence or Godhead from him ? They doe , for howsoever in this they agree with the Father , that the essence which is in them is of it selfe uncreated and unbegotten , yet herein lieth the distinction that the Father hath his essence in himself , or originally , and from none other ; the Son and the holy Ghost have the self-same uncreated and unbegotten essence in themselves as well as the Father , ( otherwise they should have had no true Godhead ) but not from themselves . Essentia Filii est à seipso , & hac ratione dici potest Autotheos , persona tamen Filii non est à seipso , ideoque non potest hac ratione dici Autotheos : persona enim ejus genita est à Patre accipiendo ab eo essentiam ingenitam ; that is , the essence of the Son is of himself , and for this cause he may be said to be God of himself ; notwithstanding the person of the Son is not of himself , and therefore for this cause he cannot be said to be God of himself ; for his person is begotten of the Father by receiving from him an unbegotten essence . If these Persons that come from the Father have a beginning , how can they be eternall ? They have no beginning of time or continuance , but of order , of subsistence and off-spring , and that from all eternity . Are you able to set down the manner of this eternall off-spring ? We find it not revealed touching the manner ; and therefore our ignorance herein is better then all their curiosity , that have enterprized arrogantly the search hereof ; for if our own generation and frame in our mothers womb be above our capacity , Ps. 139. 14 , 15. it is no marvell if the mystery of the eternall generation of the Son of God cannot be comprehended . And if the winde which is but a creature be so hard to know , that a man knoweth not from whence it commeth , and whither it goeth , John 3. 8. it is no marvell if the proceeding of the holy Ghost be unsearchable . Thus much in generall touching the Persons which come from the Father : Now in speciall what is the Son ? The second Person of the Trinity , having the foundation of personall subsistence from the Father alone , of whom by communication of his essence he is begotten from all eternity , Joh. 5. 26. Psalm . 2. 7. Prov. 8. 22 , &c. Prov. 30. 4. What names are given unto him in this respect ? First , the only begotten Son of God , Joh. 1. 14. & 3. 18. because he is only begotten of the nature and substance of the Father . Secondly , first-begotten , Heb. 1. 6. Rom. 8. 29. not as though the Father begat any after , but because he begat none before . Thirdly , the Image and brightnesse of his Fathers glory , Heb. 1. 3. because the glory of the Father is expressed in the Son. But why is he called the Word ? 1 Joh. 5. 7. & John 1. 1. He is called the Word , or speech , for so doth Logos more properly signifie . First , because as speech is the birth of the mind , so is the Son of his Father . Secondly , as a man revealeth the meaning of the heart by the words of his mouth , so God revealeth his word by his Son , Joh. 1. 18. Heb. 1. 2. Thirdly , he is so often spoken of , and promised in the Scriptures , and is in a manner the whole subject of the Scriptures , Joh. 1. 45. How prove you that the Son is God ? He is in the Scriptures expresly called God , and Jehovah , and likewise the essentiall properties , the works & actions of God are given to him , Esa. 9. 6. & 25. 9. Zach. 2. 10 , 11. Prov. 1. 22. Joh. 1. 1. & 20. 28. Rom. 9. 5. Phil. 1. 6. Heb. 1. 8. 10. 1 John 5. 20. How doe you prove it by his Works ? His works were such as none could doe but God ; for , he made the world , which none could doe but God , Heb. 2. 2. He forgave sins , which none can doe but God , Mat. 9. 2. He giveth the holy Ghost , which none can do but God , Joh. 15. 26. He maintaineth his Church , which he could not doe if he were not God , Eph. 4. 11 , 12. Can you prove the Son to be God by comparing the old Testament ▪ and the New together ? Yes ; for what the old Testament speaks of Jehovah , which is God , that the new Testament applieth to Christ ; as , First , David saith , Jehovah went up on high , and led Captivity captive , Psal. 68. 16. Paul applieth it to Christ , Eph. 4. 18. Secondly , the Psalmist saith , Jehovah was tempted , Psalm . 95. 9. which Paul applieth to Christ , 1 Cor. 10. 9. Thirdly , Esay saith , Jehovah is the first and the last , Psal. 41. 4. this is also applied to Christ , Apoc. 21. 6. Fourthly , Esay saith , Jehovah will not give his glory to any other then to himself , Esa. 42. 8. but it is given to Christ , Heb. 1. 6. therefore Christ is Jehovah . For the understanding of the generation of the Son , shew me the divers manners of begetting . There is two manners of begetting : the one is carnall and outward ; and this is subject to corruption , alteration and time ; the other is spirituall , and inward , as was the begetting of the Son of God , in whose generation there is neither corruption , alteration , nor time . Declare then after what manner this spirituall generation of the Son of God was , and yet in sobriety , according to the Scriptures . For the better finding out of this mystery , we must consider in God two things : First , that in God there is an understanding , Psal. 139. 2. Secondly , we must consider how this understanding is occupied in God. Declare after what manner it is in God. This understanding is his very beeing , and is everlastingly , and most perfectly occupied in God. Whereupon doth Gods understanding work ? Upon nothing but it self , and that I prove by reason , for God being infinite and all in all , it cannot meet with any thing but himself . What work doth this understanding in God effect ? It doth understand and conceive it self : for as in a glasse a man doth conceive and beget a perfect image of his own face , so God in beholding and minding of himself , doth in himself beget a most perfect and most lively image of himself , which is that in the Trinity which we call the Son of God. Where doe you finde that the Sonne is called the perfect Image of God ? Heb. 1. 3. He is called the brightnesse of his glory , and the engraven form of his Person , which is all one . What mean you by engraven Image ? That as wax upon a seal hath the engraven forme of the seal , so the Sonne of God which his Father hath begotten of his own understanding , is the very form of his Fathers understanding , so that when the one is seen , the other is seen also . Why then he is Vnderstanding it self , for so is his Father ? Yea , he is so , and he saith so of himself ; I have Counsell and Wisdome , I am Understanding , Prov. 8. 14. But where finde you that he was begotten ? He saith so himself , in the name of Wisdome , in these words , When there was no depths then was I begotten , before the Mountains and Hils were setled was I begotten , Prov. 8. 24 , 25. Yea , he was made the Son of God when he was born of the Virgin Mary ; was he not ? He was indeed then the Son of God , but he was not then made the Son of God. When then was he made the Son of God ? He was never made in time , for he was begotten of the substance of his Father from all eternity without beginning or ending . How prove you that the Son of God was not made , but begotten eternally of the substance of his Father ? I prove it , first , by scripture , for he saith no lesse himself ; I was set up from everlasting , from the beginning and before the earth , Prov. 8. 23. and therefore he prayed that he might be glorified of his Father with the glory which he had with his Father before the world . Secondly , I prove it by reason , for Gods understanding is everlasting , therefore the second Person which it begetteth , is so too ; for the Father in his understanding did not conceive any thing lesse then himself , nor greater then himself , but equall to himself . Although the Sonne of God be from everlasting , yet he is not all one with the Father , is he ? Yes that he is , and yet not joyned with his Father in heaven as two Judges that sit together on a Bench , or as the seal and the wax , as some doe grosly imagine , but they are both one without parting ( John 10. 30. ) or mingling , whereupon I conclude , that whatsoever the Father is , the Son is the same , and so consequently that they be co-eternall , co-equall , and co-essentiall . Men by reason doe conceive , and beget reason , what difference is there between the conceiving of understanding in men , and the conceiving of understanding in God ? There is great difference ; for , first , this conceiving in men proceedeth of sense or outward imagination , which is an outward thing for reason to work upon , as wood is to fire , but God the Father of himself , begetteth and conceiveth himself , and still in himself , as John saith , the only begotten Son which is in the bosome of the Father , Joh. 1. 18. Secondly , in men , the thing which is understood , and the understanding it self is not all one , but in God it is all one . What reason have you for this ? The reason is , because only God is altogether life , and his life is altogether understanding , and his understanding is the highest degree of life , and therefore he hath his conceiving and begetting most inward of all . What mean you when you say most inward of all ? I mean that the Father conceiveth of himself , and in himself , and his conceiving is a begetting , and his begetting abideth still in himself , because his understanding can no where meet with any thing , but that which he himself is , and that is the second subsistence in the Trinity which we call Everlasting Son of God. Now let me hear what the holy Ghost is , and how he proceedeth from the Father and the Son. For the understanding of this matter wee must consider two things . First , that in the essence of God besides his understanding there is a will. Secondly , what be the properties of this will in God , Esa. 46. 10. What are the properties of Gods will ? First , it applieth his power when , where , and how he thinks good , according to his own mind . Secondly , it worketh everlastingly upon it self as his understanding doth . What doe you gather by this ? That because it hath no other thing to work upon but it self , it doth delight it self in the infinite good which it knoweth in it self , for the action of the will is delight and liking . And what of that ? That delight which God or his will hath in his own infinite goodnesse doth bring forth a third Person or subsistence in God , which we call The holy Ghost . What is that same third subsistence in God ? The mutuall kindnesse and lovingnesse of the Father and the Son. What mean you by this mutuall lovingnesse and kindnesse ? The Father taketh joy and delight in the Son or his own Image conceived by his understanding , and the Son likewise rejoyceth in his Father as he saith himself ; and the reason thereof is this , the action of the will when it is fulfilled is love and liking . What resemblance can you shew thereof in some thing that is commonly used amongst us ? When a man looketh in a glasse , if he smile , his image smileth too , and if he taketh delight in it , it taketh the same delight in him , for they are both one . If they be all one then there are not three beeings ? The face is one beeing , the image of the face in a glasse is another beeing , and the smiling of them both together is a third beeing ; and yet all are in one face , and all are of one face , and all are but one face . And is it so in God ? Yea , for even so the understanding which is in God is one beeing , the reflection or image of his understanding which he beholdeth in himself as in a glasse is a second beeing , and the love and liking of them both together by reason of the will fulfilled is a third beeing in God , and yet all are but of one God , all are in one God , and all are but one God. Which of these three is first ? There is neither first nor last , going afore or comming after , in the essence of God , but all these as they are everlasting , so they are all at once and at one instant , even as in a glasse the face and the image of the face , when they smile , they smile together , and not one before , not after another . What is the conclusion of all ? As we have the Son of the Father by his everlasting will in working by his understanding ; so also we have the holy Ghost of the love of them both by the joint working of the understanding and will together ; whereupon we conclude three distinct Persons or in-beeings ( which we call the Father , the Son , and the holy Ghost ) in one spirituall , yet unspeakable substance , which is very God himself . But what if some will be yet more curious to know how the Son of God should be begotten , and how the holy Ghost should proceed from the Father and the Son , how may we satisfie them ? Well enough ; for if any will be too curious about this point , we may answer them thus , Let them shew us how themselves are bred and begotten , and then let them aske us how the Son of God is begotten ; and let them tell us the nature of the spirit , that beateth in their pulses , and then let them be inquisitive at our hands for the proceeding of the holy Ghost . And what if they cannot give us a reason for the manner of their own beeing , may they not be inquisitive for the manner of Gods beeing ? No ; for if they must be constrained to be ignorant in so common matters which they daily see and feel in themselves , let them give us leave to be ignorant not only in this , but in many things moe which are such as no eye hath seen , nor ear hath heard , nor wit of man can conceive . Let us now hear out of the Scriptures what the holy Ghost is ? He is the third Person of the Trinity by communication of essence , eternally proceeding from the Father and from the Son. Are you able to prove out of the Scripture that the holy Ghost is God ? Yes ; because the many properties and actions of God are therein given to him as to the Father and to the Son. Let us hear some of those proofs . 1t. Gen. 1. 2. the work of Creation is attributed to the Spirit of God. 2ly . Esa. 61. 1. the Spirit of the Lord God is said to be upon Christ , because the Lord anointed him , &c. 3ly . 1 Cor. 3. 17. and 2 Cor. 6. 16. Paul calleth us Gods Temples , because the Holy Ghost dwelleth in us , Saint Augustine in his 66. Epistle to Maximinus saith it is a cleare argument of his God-head , if we were commanded to make him a Temple but of timber and stone , because that worship is due to God only , therefore now we must much more think that he is God , because we are not cōmanded to make him a temple , but to be a temple for him our selves . What other reason have you out of the Scripture ? Peter reproving Ananias for lying to the Holy Ghost , said , that he lyed not to men , but to God , Acts 5. 3 , 4. Have you any more reasons from the Scripture ? Yea , two more , one from Saint Paul , and another from Saint Paul and Esay together . What is your reason from Saint Paul ? When he sheweth how many sundry gifts are given to men , he saith that one and the selfe-same Spirit is the distributer of them all , therefore he is God , for none can distribute those gifts which Paul speaks of but God , 1 Cor. 12. ver . 6. 11. What is your reason from Esay and Saint Paul together ? Esay saith in the Chapter 6. 9. I heard the Lord speaking , which place Paul expoundeth of the Holy Ghost , Acts 28. 25. But how can you prove out of the Scriptures that the Holy Ghost is God proceeding from the Father and the Sonne ? First , John 15. 26. When the Comforter is come whom I will send unto you from the Father , even the spirit of truth which proceedeth from the Father , he shall testifie of me : That he proceedeth from the Father is here expresly affirmed , that hee proceedeth from the Sonne is by necessary consequence implyed , because the Sonne is said to send him , as John 14. 26. The Father is said to send him in the Sonnes name , by which sending the order of the persons of the Trinity is evidently designed , because the Sonne is of the Father , and the Father is not of the Sonne ; therefore we find in Scripture that the Father sendeth his Sonne , but never that the Sonne sendeth his Father . In like manner because the Holy Ghost proceedeth from the Father and from the Son , we find that both the Father and the Son doe send the Holy Ghost , but never that the Holy Ghost doth send either Father or Sonne . Secondly , John 16. 15. the Sonne saith of the Holy Ghost , all things that the Father hath are mine , therefore said I that he shall take of mine , and shall shew it unto you . All things that the Father hath , the Sonne receiveth from him as coming from him , and so whatsoever the Holy Ghost hath , he hath it not of himselfe vers . 13. but from the Sonne , and so from the Father , as a person proceeding as well from the one as from the other . Thirdly , Gal. 4. 6. God hath sent forth the Spirit of his Sonne into your hearts : As the Holy Ghost is called the Spirit of the Father , Esa. 48. 16. The Lord and his Spirit hath sent me ; so is he here also called the Spirit of the Son , and Rom. 8. 9. the Spirit of God , and the Spirit of Christ. Now , if the spirit of man in whom there is no perfection be all one with man , much more the Spirit of the Father is all one with the Father , and the Spirit of the Sonne is all one with the Sonne , and so the Holy Ghost with the Father and the Sonne is the same in deity , dignity , eternity , operation , and will. Why is the third Person called the Spirit ? Not onely because he is a spirituall ( that is ) an immateriall and pure essence , ( for so likewise is the Father a Spirit , and the Sonne as well as he ) but first in regard of his person , because he is spired , and as it were , breathed both from the Father and the Sonne , that is to say , proceedeth from them both . Secondly , in regard of the creatures , because the Father and the Sonne doe work by the Spirit , who is , as it were , the breath of grace which the Father and the Sonne breatheth out upon the Saints , blowing freely where it listeth ; and working spiritually for manner , means , and matter , where it pleaseth , John 20. 22. Psal. 33. 6. John 3. 8. Acts 2. 2 , 3 , 4. 1 Cor. 2. 12 , 13. Why is he called the Holy Ghost ? Not onely because of his essentiall holinesse as God , ( for so the Father and the Sonne also are infinitely holy as he ) but because he is the authour and worker of all holinesse in men , and the sanctifier of Gods children . Why doth not the Father and the Sonne sanctifie also ? Yes verily , but they doe it by him , and because he doth immediately sanctify , therefore he hath the title of Holy. What other titles are given unto him in the word of God ? The Holy Ghost ( who is the Spirit of the Father ) speaking in the old Testament , hath these names and properties . First , the good Spirit , because he is the fountain of goodnesse , Psal. 143. 10. Secondly , the Spirit of God , because he is God , 1 Sam. 11. 6. Thirdly , the finger of God , because God worketh by him as a man by his hand , Luke 11. 20. Fourthly , the Comforter , because he strengthneth the weak hearts of his Saints , John 20. 26. Fiftly , the spirit of Adoption , because he assureth our hearts , that we be the adopted Saints of God. Rom. 8. 15. Sixtly , the spirit of love , power , sobriety , wisdome , &c. because it worketh all these things in us , 2 Tim. 1. 6 , 7. Esa. 11. 2. What are the speciall comforts which the children of God receive from the holy Ghost ? He is in their hearts the pledge of Christs presence , Ioh. 14. 16 , 17 , 18. 26. The witnesse of their Adoption , Rom. 8. 15 , 16. The guide of their life , Joh. 16. 13. The comforter of their soule , Joh. 14. 26. & 15. 26. & 16. 13. The seale of their Redemption , Eph. 1. 13. & 4. 30. And the first fruits of their salvation , Rom. 8. 23. But how are you assured that you have the Spirit ? Because it hath convinced my judgement , Joh. 16. 18. converted my soul , Act. 26. 18. Esa. 61. 1. and having mixed the word with my faith , Heb. 4. 2. it is become as life to quicken me , Joh. 6. 63. as water to cleanse me , Ezek. 36. 25. as oyle to cheer me , Heb. 1. 9. as fire to melt and refine me , Mat. 3. 11. And how may you keep the Spirit now you have it ? By nourishing the good motions and means of it , 1 Thess. 5. 17 , 18. 20. being fearfull to grieve , quench , resist , or molest it , Eph. 4. 30. 1 Thess. 5. 19. Acts 7. 51. and carefull to be led by it , and shew forth the fruits of it , Rom. 8. 1. 14. Gal. 5. & 18. 22. Thus much of the three Persons severally , what now remaineth more to be spoken of the mystery of the Trinity ? To set down briefly what be the things common wherein the three Persons agree , and what be the things proper to each of them , whereby they are distinguished one from another . What are the things wherein the three Persons doe communicate ? They are considered in regard either of themselves , or of the creatures . What are they in regard of themselves ? They agree one with another in nature , beeing , life , time , dignity , glory , or any thing pertaining to the divine Essence ; for in all these they are one and the same , and consequently , Co-essentiall , Co-equall , and Co-eternall . What mean you when you say they be Co-essentiall ? That they be all the self-same substance or beeing , having one individuall essence or deity common to them all , and the self-same in them all . VVhat mean you when you say they be Co-equall . That as they agree in deity , so they agree in dignity , being of one state , condition , and degree ; and the one having as great excellency and Majesty every way as the other : therefore their honour and worship is equall and alike ; and one of them is not greater nor more glorious then another , John 5. 18. 23. Apoc. 5. 12 , 13. What mean you when you say that they be Co-eternall ? That one was not before another in time , but that one hath been of as long continuance as another , and all of them have been and shall be forever ( as being all of one self-same everlasting continuance . ) How prove you this ? John 1. 1. In the beginning was the word , &c. and at that time the three Persons spake , Gen. 1. 26 Let us make man , &c. Heb. 13. 8. Jesus Christ yesterday , to day , and the same for ever . How can there be this equality betwixt the three Persons of the Trinity , seeing the Father is the first , the Sonne the second , the Holy Ghost the third ? Because every one of them is perfect God , who is infinite , eternall , and incomprehensible . Have they all three one will likewise ? They have , and therefore they will all one and the same thing without any crossing , contradiction or varying in themselves , as the Sonne himselfe said , John 8. 29. I doe alwayes those things that please him , viz. the Father . Is there nothing else to be said of the Communion of the three Persons betwixt themselves ? Yes , that first one is in another and possesseth one another ; the Father remaineth with the Sonne , the Sonne with the Father , the Holy Ghost in and with them both . Prov. 8. 22. John 1. 1. & 14. 10. 14. 20. They have glory one of another from all eternity . John 17. 5. They delight one in another , and infinitely rejoyce in one anothers fellowship , the Sonne being the delight of his Father , the Father of the Sonne , and the Holy Ghost of both . Prov. 8. 30. What things have they common in regard of the creatures ? All outward actions , as to decree , to create , to order , govern , and direct , to redeem , to sanctifie , are equally common to the three Persons of the Trinity ; for as they are all one in nature and will , so must they be also one in operation , all of them working one and the same thing together , Gen. 1. 26. John 5. 17. 19. What are the things proper to each of them ? They likewise are partly in regard of themselves , and partly of the creatures , whereby the distinction of them is conceived ; partly in relation and order of subsistence betwixt themselves , and partly in order and manner of working in the creatures . What things are proper to each of them in regard of themselves ? First , in manner and order of beeing , the Father is the first Person , having his beeing from himself alone , and is the fountaine of beeing to the other Persons ; the Sonne is the second , having his beeing from the Father alone , and in that respect is called the Light , the Wisdom , the Word , and the Image of the Father . The Holy Ghost is the third , having his beeing from them both ; and in that respect is called the Spirit of God , of the Father , and of Christ. Secondly , in their inward actions and properties , the Father alone begetteth ; and so in relation to the second Person is called the Father ; the Sonne is of the Father alone begotten ; the Holy Ghost doth proceed both from the Father and the Sonne . What is proper to each of them in regard of the creatures ? First , the originall of the action is ascribed to the Father , John 5. 17. 19. the wisdome and manner of working to the Sonne , John 1. 3. Heb. 1. 2. the efficacy of operation to the Holy Ghost , Gen. 1. 2. 1 Cor. 12. 11. Secondly , the Father worketh all things of himselfe in the Sonne by the Holy Ghost , the Sonne worketh from the Father by the Holy Ghost , the Holy Ghost worketh from the Father and the Sonne . Having spoken of the first part of Divinity , which is of the nature of God , it followeth that we speak of his Kingdome , which is the second . What is the Kingdom of God ? His universall dominion over all creatures , whereby he dispenseth all things externally according to his own wisdome , will and power : or an everlasting Kingdome appointed and ruled by the counsell of his own will , Luke 1. 33. Esa. 9. 7. Dan. 2. 44. Es. 40. 13. Psal. 99. 1. & 115. 3. Rom. 11. 34 , 35 , 36. Eph. 1. 11. Esa. 44. 24. & 45. 27. Wherewith doth he reign and rule ? Principally by his own powerfull Spirit , which none can resist . What end doth he propound unto himselfe in his Kingdome ? His own glory , Rom. 11. 36. Psal. 97. 6. Esa. 48. 11. Eph. 1. 12. 14. What is that about which his Kingdome is occupied ? All things visible and invisible . When shall it end ? Never , either in this world or in the world to come , Psal. 145. 13. What manner of Kingdome is it ? A righteous Kingdom , Psal. 45. 6 , 7. & 97. 2. What instructions are you to gather out of the doctrine of the Kingdome of God ? They are expressed in the 99. Psalme ; in the beginning whereof the Prophet speaketh in this manner ; 1. The Lord reigneth , which teacheth us that God alone hath , and exerciseth soveraign and absolute Empire over all ; and that he admitteth no fellow-governour with him . Let the people tremble , shewing that all nations and sorts of people should tremble , forasmuch as he alone is able to save and to destroy ; for if men tremble under the Regiment and Kingly rule of men , how much more ought they to tremble under the powerfull Kingdome of God , which hath more power over them then they have over their Subjects ? This trembling , doth it stand onely in feare ? No , but in reverence also , that that which we comprehend not in this Kingdome with our reason , we reverence and adore . What learn you thereby ? That we submit our selves to his Kingdome erected amongst us . That we presume to know nothing but that he teacheth us ; to will nothing but what he biddeth us ; to love , hate , feare , and affect nothing but what he requireth . What doth follow in this 99. Psalme ? Vers. 1 , 2. He sitteth between the Cherubims , let the earth be moved ; the Lord is great in Sion , and he is high above all the people . Whence we learn , that although all the world roare and fret , yet we should not feare , because the Lord is greater ; ( Ps. 39. 1. 4. & 97. 1. ) Vers. 3. They shall praise thy great and fearfull name , for it is holy : which sheweth that God ought to be magnified because he is great and fearfull , and yet holy , and holinesse it selfe . Ver. 4. The Kings strength also loveth Judgment , Thou dost establish Equity , Thou executest Judgement , and Righteousnesse in Jacob : whereby we learn this comfort from Gods reigning , that when we are wronged and oppressed by tyranny of men , we may have our recourse to the just and righteous Judgment of God which is the righteous Judge of the world . ( Eccl. 5. 7 , 8. ) Vers. 5. Exalt ye the Lord our God &c. out of the might , and Majesty , and holinesse of the Lord , we should learn to extoll him with praises . Ps. 145. 11 , 12. Seeing God is without beginning , what did he in that infinite space , which was ere the world was made ; it being unbeseeming the Majesty of God to be idle and unoccupied all that time ? It behoveth us to think that he did things agreeable to his divine nature , but we should be evill occupied in the search of them further then himselfe hath made them known , which made an ancient Father to give this answer to a curious inquirer of Gods doings before he made the world , That he was making hell for those that should trouble themselves with such vain and idle questions . August . lib. 1. Confess . Chap. 12. What is that he hath revealed unto us concerning that he did before the beginning of the world ? Besides the inward works of the three Persons of the blessed Trinity ( whereof we have spoken ) and the mutuall delights which they took one in another , and glory which they gave one to another ; this externall act of his is revealed unto us in the Scriptures , that he hath in himselfe decreed all things ; together with all the circumstances of all things which have or shall be done from the beginning of the world unto the end thereof . What then be the parts of Gods Kingdome ? The decree determining all things from all eternity , and the execution thereof fulfilling the same in time ; for as from eternity he decreed , so in time and everlastingly he accomplisheth all things unto the full execution of that his decree . 1 Cor. 2. 16 Eph. 1. 11. Acts 4. 28. Psal. 99. 4. & 135 ▪ 6. So that the first is an eternall , the second a temporall work of God. What is the decree ? It is that Act whereby God from all eternity according to his free will did by his unchangeable counsell and purpose , fore-appoint and certainly determine of all things together with their causes , their effects , their circumstances and manner of being , to the manifestation of his own glory , Psal. 99. 4. Mat. 10. 29. Rom. 9. 20 , 21. & 11. 36. Prov. 16. 4. Eph. 1. 4. 11. Acts 2. 23. Jer. 1. 5. 15. What gather you of this , that Gods decree is defined by his most perfects w●ll ? First , that the things which he decreeth are most perfectly good . Secondly , that we must not subject his decree to our shallow and base capacity , or measure it by our reason , considering that the will of God from whence the decree cometh , is unsearchable . What be the parts or kinds of Gods decree ? That which God hath decreed concerning all his creatures generally for the declaration of his power , wisdome , and goodnesse in their creation and preservation ; and that which he hath decreed specially touching the good or evill of the chief or reasonable creatures , Angels and Men , to declare the glory of his grace and justice . What note you in the former ? That God according to his good pleasure hath most certainly decreed every ( both ) thing and action , whether past , present , or to come ; and not onely the things and actions themselves , but also all their circumstances of place and time , meanes , manner , and end ; so that they shall not come to passe in any other place or time then he hath ordained ; and then and there , they shall come to passe necessarily : Psalm . 99. 4. Acts 27. 20 , 21 , 22 , 23 , 24 , 25 , 26 , 27. 31 , 32 , 33 , 34. Doth this necessity take away freedome of will in election , or the nature and property of second causes . No , but onely brings them into a certain order , that is , directeth them to the determined end , whereupon the effects and events of things are contingent or necessary , as the nature of the second cause is ; so Christ according to his Fathers Decree dyed necessarily , Acts 17. 3. but yet willingly , and if we respect the temperature of Christs body , he might have prolonged his life , and therefore in this respect may be said to have died contingently . What consider you in the especiall decree , which concerneth the good or evill of the principall creatures ? The fore-appointment of their everlasting estate and of the means tending thereunto , the former whereof is called Predestination . What is Predestination ? It is the speciall decree of God , whereby he hath from evelasting freely and for his own glory fore-ordained all reasonable creatures to a certain and everlasting estate of glory in heaven , or shame in hell . What creatures come within this decree ? Both Angels , 1 Tim. 5. 21. Matth. 25. 41. and Men , 1 Thess. 5. 9. Rom. 9. 13. 22 , 23. 1 Pet. 2. 8. Eph. 1. 5. John 17. 12. 22. Exodus 33. 14. What is the cause of this decree ? Only the meer will and free pleasure of God to dispose of his own work as he will , Rom. 9. 21. Jer. 5. 14. & 18. 22. Esay 64. 8. What manner of decree is this ? It is a deep and unsearchable , an eternall and immutable decree , Rom. 11. 32. Eph. 1. 4. Is this decree certain and unchangeable ? Yea , it must needs be so , because it is grounded on the eternall and unchangeable will of God , and therefore there is a certain number of the elect and reprobate known only to God which cannot possibly be encreased or diminished , John 13. 18. 2 Tim. 2. 19. How then doth Moses wish himselfe to be blotted out of the book of life ? Exod. 32. 32. He speaketh conditionally , if it were possible , to declare his love to Gods glory and his people as Paul did , Rom. 9. 3. But if Gods decree cannot be altered , then we may be secure , and not care how we live ? No more then we may neglect and forsake our meat and drink , because the tearm of our life is fore-appointed : the end and the means are joyned together of God , and cannot be separated by any man. What are the parts of Predestination ? Election and Reprobation , 1 Thess. 5. 9. Rom. 9. 13. 22 , 23. VVhat is Election ? It is the everlasting predestination or fore-appointing of certain Angels and Men unto everlasting life and blessednesse for the praise of his glorious grace , and goodnesse , 1 Tim. 5. 21. Joh. 15. 16. Rom. 9. 22 , 23. Eph. 1. 4 , 5 , 6. 9. Is there no cause , reason , or inducement of election in the elected themselves ? None at all ; it is wholly of free-grace , without respect of any goodnesse that God fore-saw in us , 2 Tim. 1. 9. Rom. 9. 16. Phil. 2. 13. Eph. 1. 9. for otherwise man should have whereof he might glory in , and of himself , as having discerned himself from others , and God should not be the cause of all good , nor should his counsell be incomprehensible . Is not Christ the cause of our Election ? No ; not of Gods decreeing of it , ( for that he did of his own free-will ) but of the execution of it ; that is , our salvation is for and through Christ. What tokens have we of our Election ? A true faith and a godly life . What use are we to make of our Election ? First , it is our great comfort , that our salvation standeth by Gods eternall decree that cannot be changed , and not in our selves that daily might lose it . Secondly , it sheweth Gods infinite mercy , that before we were , or had done good or evill , he elected us rather then others as good as wee . Thirdly , it should make us love God all our life to our uttermost , for his love to us . Fourthly , it is a help against al temptations of Satan , or our doubting nature , and also against all afflictions and contempt of the world , Rom. 8. 38 , 39. Fiftly , it serveth to humble us , that we had nothing of our selves for our salvation , but it freely came from God. What is Reprobation ? It is the eternall predestination or fore-appointment of certain Angels and men unto everlasting dishonour and destruction ; God of his own free-will determining to passe them by , refuse or cast them off , and for sin to condemn and punish them with eternall death , Prov. 16. 4. Exod. 9. 16. Rom. 9. 17. 22. 2 Tim. 2. 20. Mat. 25. 41. Is not sin the cause of Reprobation ? No ; for then all men should be reprobate , when God foresaw that all would be sinners ; but sin is the cause of the execution of Reprobation , the damnation whereunto the wicked are adjudged being for their own sin . Is there no cause then of Reprobation in the Reprobate ? None at all , in that they rather then others are passed by of God ; that is wholly from the unsearchable depth of Gods own free-will and good pleasure . But is not God unjust in reprobating some men , and electing others , when all were alike ? No ; for he was bound to none , and to shew his freedome and power over his creatures he disposeth of them as he will for his glory ; as the Potter is not unjust in making of the same clay sundry vessels , some to honour , and some to dishonour . Doth Predestination only come within the compasse of Gods decree , and not the means also of accomplishing the same ? Yes ; the means also comes within this decree , as the Creation and the fall of the reasonable creatures . If God hath decreed the works of the wicked , must not he of force be the author of sin and evill ? God is not the cause of sinne and evill which he forbiddeth and condemneth , but Satan and man ; yet God in his secret will hath justly decreed the evill works of the wicked ( for if it had not so pleased him , they had never been at all ) for most holy ends , both of his glory and their punishment , as may be seen in the Jews crucifying of Christ , Acts 2. 23. and Josephs selling into Egypt , Gen. 45. 7. & 50. 20. For the thing that in it self by reason of Gods prohibiting of it is sin ; in respect of Gods decreeing of it for a holy end , comes in the place of a good thing , as being some occasion or way to manifest the glory of God in his justice and mercy ; for there is nothing sin as God decreeth it or commandeth it , neither is there any thing of it selfe absolutely evill ; ( 1 Pet. 3. 17. ) But because God hath forbidden it , therefore it is evill , and only unto them unto whom God hath forbidden it : as Abraham killing of Isaac being commanded of God was to be obeyed , and sin it were to have disobeyed it , which otherwise by reason of Gods commandment forbidding to kill was a sin ; for God forbiddeth not things , because they are of themselves , and first evill , but therefore are they to man evill , because God hath forbidden them ; for all sin is a transgression of a law , and God doth in heaven and in earth whatsoever pleaseth him , neither is there any greater then he to command him . So much of the decree or purpose of God ; what is the execution of it ? It is an action of God effectually working all things in their time according to his decree , Eph. 1. 11. Acts 4. 28. What are the parts of the execution ? Creation , and Providence , Psal. 33. 6 , 7. 9. 10 , 11. & 146. 6 , 7. Jer. 10. 12. What is Creation ? It is the execution of Gods decree , whereby of nothing he made all things very good , Gen. 1. 1. 7. Heb. 11. 3. How many things in generall are you to know concerning the Creation ? The causes , and the adjuncts ; in the former whereof we are to consider the authour or efficient cause , the matter , the form or manner , and the end ; in the latter the goodnesse of the creatures , and the time of their Creation . Who is the Authour of this wonderfull work ? God alone . How doth that appear ? Not only by the plain and manifold testimonies of holy Scripture , but also by light of reason well directed ; for reason teacheth , that there must needs be a first cause of all things , from whence they proceed , not only as they are this or that , but simply as they are ; that all perfections which are in other things by participation should be in it essentially , and that the same must be of infinite wisdome in that all things are made and ordered unto so good purposes as they are , none of which things can agree to any but to God alone , whence it is that the Apostle Paul , Acts 14. 15. & 17. 24. doth point out God to the Heathen by his work above other . Is not Creation then an article of faith above reason ? Yes ; in regard of the time and manner of it , as likewise in respect of a full and saving assent unto it with comfort . Is the Father alone to be held the Creator of all things ? No ; but together with him the Son also , and the holy Ghost , for so S. John testifieth , that by Christ the eternall Word and Wisdome of God al things were made , & without him was made nothing , Joh. 1. 3. In like manner S. Paul teacheth , that by him all things were created in heaven and in earth , both things visible and invisible , whether they be Thrones , or Dominions , or Principalities , or Powers , by him , and for him they were all created , Col. 1. 16. Moses also declareth , that the Spirit of the Lord moved upon the waters , sustaining and holding up , and as it were brooding ( for that metaphor he useth ) the unformed matter to bring forth the most comely and beautifull forms of all things , Gen. 1. 2. Did not the Angels create some creatures at the beginning ? or cannot Man or the Devils now create creatures ? No ; Creation is a work of God which only he is able to doe , and therefore whatsoever the Devill or Judges like the Sorcerers of Egypt , seem to doe , it is nothing but a delusion of the senses , as the Devill himself confesseth , Mat. 4. and the Sorcerers , Exod. 4. What , was there not something before the Creation , as the first matter of all things , or space , or the time , in which this world was made ? No ; for then there should be something eternall as well as God. Whereof then were all things made ? Of nothing , that is , of no matter which was before the Creation . How doth that appear ? Because they are said to have been made in the beginning , Gen. 1. 1. that is , when before there was not any thing but God the Creator , and before which there was no measure of time by men or Angels . How and in what manner did God create all things ? By no means or instruments , ( which he needeth not as man doth ) but by his powerful word , that is , by his only will , calling those things that are not as though they were , Heb. 11. 3. Rom. 4. 17. Ps. 148. 5. Was that Word by which he made all things , Christ his Son ? All things indeed that were made were made by the Son , the second Person of the Trinity , Joh. 1. 3. Col. 1. 16. Heb. 1. 2. yet that word mentioned in the 1. Gen. where it is written , that the Lord said , Let there be light , &c. was Gods command , which then had beginning , whereas the Son was from all eternity . To what end were all things created ? For Gods glory , Prov. 16. 4. How doth the glory of God appear in them ? First , his eternall power and Godhead is seen in raising all things out of nothing by his word alone , Esay 40. 12. Rom. 1. 20. Jer. 10. 12. & 51. 15. Secondly , his infinite wisdome is made known by them , Psal. 104. 24. Jer. 10. 12. & 51. 15. Thirdly , his goodnesse unto all his creatures is hereby manifested , which is very excellently set out by the Prophet in the 104. Psalm . Fourthly , his infinite authority doth appear by them . What uses then are we to make of the Creation ? First , we are thereby taught to discern the true God from all Heathen and Idoll gods in the world , Esay 45. 6 , 7. Jer. 10. 11 , 12. for nothing in heaven and earth can give a beeing to a creature but God. Secondly , we are to weigh them and learn their properties , Eccles. 7. 25. Thirdly , we should learn to give God glory for them , Rev. 4. 11. Psal. 92. 5. where it is made one end of the Sabbath , Ps. 104. throughout . Fourthly , we are to gather comfort to our selves from hence , That resting upon this faithfull Creator our hope needs not fail us so long as either heaven or earth have any help for us , 1 Pet. 4. 19. Esa. 37. 16 , 17. What doth the Scriptures teach us concerning the goodnesse of the creatures ? That God made all them in such excellency of perfection for their beeing , working , order and use , that himself did fully approve of them , and so establish them , Gen. 1. 31. which established order is that which is called Nature . In how many things doth the goodnesse of the creatures consist ? In three : First , in perfection of their nature . Secondly , in their properties and qualities , whereby they are able to doe those things for which they were created . Thirdly , in their uses unto man. How manifold is that good which men receive by them ? Threefold : First , profitable good . Secondly , pleasant good . Thirdly , honest and Christian good . How were all things made good when we see there be divers kinds of Serpents , and noysome and hurtfull beasts ? That they are hurtfull , it commeth not by the nature of their creation , in regard whereof they at the first should only have served for the good of man. What doe you note in the time of their Creation ? The beginning and the continuance thereof . Might not the world have been before all time even from eternity ? No , for absolute eternity belongeth only to God , neither could any thing that is subject to time be after an infinite succession of other things . What say you then to Aristotle accounted of so many the Prince of Philosophers , who laboureth to prove that the world is eternall ? Wherein he laboureth to finde out a point of wisdome which he had learned of none other that was before him , he therein bewrayeth his greatest folly ; for his chiefest reason being grounded upon the eternity of the first mover , is of no force to prove his most absurd position , seeing God as he is Almighty , and always able to doe what he will , so is he most free , and not bound to doe all that he can , but what , when , and how it pleaseth him . But seeing Aristotle was enforced by reason to acknowledge God to be the first mover , even against his will , ( for it seemed that he endevoured as much as he could to quench the light of divine knowledge shining in his face , or obstinately to close his eyes against the same ) and yet not onely spoiled God of the glory of his Creation , but also assigneth him to no higher office then is the moving of the sphears , whereunto he bindeth him more like to a servant then a Lord , the Judgement of God uttered by S. Paul , Rom. 1. 21. is most notoriously shewed upon him , in that he knowing God , did not glorifie him , nor give him thanks , but became vain in his disputations , and his foolish heart was darkned ; while he professed wisdome , he was made a fool , approving Idolatry , and that wickednesse which the Apostle there sheweth to be a just punishment of Idolatry , and nature it self abhorreth ; Arist. Polit. lib. 7. cap. 6. & lib. 2. cap. 8. How long is it since God did create the world ? Four thousand years before the birth of our Saviour Christ , and so about 5614 years before this time . Why is the order of the years of the world so carefully set down in the Scripture ? To convince all Heathen that either thought that the world was without beginning , or that it began Millions of years before it did . To give light to all sacred Histories of the Bible . To shew the time of the fulfilling of the Prophecies which God foretold . But why was not the world made sooner ? Saving the hidden wisdome and free pleasure of the Maker therein appeareth the free power of God to make or not to make , and his absolute sufficiency within himself , as having no need of any externall beeing , only creating that he might communicate & manifest his goodnes . How long was God creating the world ? Six days and six nights . Why was he creating so long , seeing he could have perfected all the creatures at once and in a moment ? First , to shew the variety , distinction and excellency of his severall creatures . Secondly , to teach us the better to understand their workmanship , even as a man which will teach a child in the frame of a letter , will first teach him one line of the letter , and not the whole letter together . Thirdly , to admonish us , that we are bound to bestow more time in discerning and knowing them then we doe . Fourthly , that we might also by his example finish our work in six days . Fiftly , that we might observe , that many of the creatures were made before those which are ordinarily their causes , and thereby learn , that the Lord is not bound to any creature , or to any means : thus the sunne was not created before the fourth day , and yet dayes which now are caused by the rising of the sunne were before that ; so trees and plants were created the third day , but the Sun , Moon , and Stars , by which they are now nourished and made to grow , were not created till after the third day . Hitherto of the creation in generall , what are the particular creatures ? The world and all things therein , Acts 17. 24. or the heavens , and the earth , and all the host of them . Gen. 2. 1. How many heavens are mentioned in the Scriptures ? Three : the first is the ayre wherein we breathe , the birds doe fly , and the snow , rain , frost , haile and thunder are begotten , Matth. 6. 26. Gen. 7. 11. The second is the sky , wherein the Sun , the Moon , and the Starres are placed ; Gen. 1. 14 , 15. Deut. 17. 3. The third , wherein the Angles , and the soules of the Saints from hence departed are now in ; 2 Cor. 12. 2. Mat. 18. 10. Mark. 12. 25. What understand you by the earth ? The lowest part of the world , containing the globe of the land and the waters . What mean you by the host of them ? All the creatures which the Lord made to have their beginning and being in them , Psal. 103. 20 , 21. 148. 2. &c. Deut. 17. 3. Joel 2. 10 , 11. How are the creatures distinguished ? Into visible , and invisible ; Col. 1. 16. What are the things invisible ? The third heaven , and the Angels placed therein . Why is there no more expresse mention in the first of Genesis , of the creation of these , especially being creatures in glory so farre passing others ? 1. They are not expresly mentioned , because Moses setteth forth the things that are visible ; and therefore doth not only passe them by , but also minerals and other things inclosed in the bowels of the earth . 2. Some respect also might be had of the weaknesse and infancie of the Church at that time ; God did first teach them more plain and sensible things , and as they grew in knowledge , he afterwards revealed other things unto them ; but that they were ( in one of the six dayes ) created , it is most evident by Heb. 11. 10. Psal. 103. 20. & 148. 2. 5. Col. 1. 16. In which of the six dayes were they created ? Though it be not so plainly revealed in Scripture , yet it may be gathered by Gen. 1. 1. ( where under the term of heavens , these glorious creatures may be also comprehended ) and Job 38. 6 , 7. that they were created the first day . Of what nature are the Angels ? They are substances wholly spirituall ; ( not in parts as man is ) and in respect of their simple essence in the Scripture , they are called spirits . How many things conceive you of the Angels , when you say that they are spirits ? Six . 1. That they are living substances . 2. That they are incorruptible . 3. That they are incorporeall . 4. That they are indivisible . 5. That they are intangible . 6. That they are invisible . Have they any matter ? They have their spirituall matter , ( as mans soule hath ) but not any earthly or corporall matter . They are not then fantasies , as some doe wickedly imagine ? No , but they are substances and beings , for some are said to have fallen , others to appeare unto men . How many of them were created at the beginning ? They were all created at once , and that in an innumerable multitude . How did God create them ? He made them all at the first very good and glorious spirits , yet mutable ; Gen. 1. 31. Job 4. 18. VVith what other properties are the Angels especially endued ? With greater wisdome , power , swiftnesse and industry , then any man. VVhere is the creation of things visible , especially taught ? In the first and second chapters of Genesis , where Moses declareth at large , how God in the beginning created the world and all things therein contained , every one in their severall nature and kinds . VVhat doth Moses note of these creatures generally ? Three things : first , that they are all said to be good , which stoppeth the mouthes of all those that speak against them . Secondly , that their names are given them . Thirdly , that their uses and ends are noted . In what order did God create them ? First , the dwelling places were first framed , then the creatures to dwell in them , and provision was made for the inhabitants of the earth before they were made , as grasse for the beasts , and light for all living and moving creatures , and all for man. Secondly , God proceedeth from the things that are more imperfect , to those that are perfecter , untill he come to the perfectest ; as from the trees , corne , herbes , &c. which have but one life , that is , whereby they increase and are vegetative , unto the beasts which have both an increasing and feeling , or sensitive life ; as fishes , fowles , beasts , &c. and from them to man which hath besides them a reasonable soule . What learn you from the first ? Not to be carking for the world and things of this life , nor to surfeit with the cares thereof , seeing God provided for the necessity and comfort of the very beasts , ere he would bring them into the world . What from the second ? That we should therein follow the example of the Lord , to goe from good to better , untill we come to be perfect . What are the visible creatures in particular ? Two : first , the rude masse or matter of the world made the first night , wherein all things were confounded and mingled one in another . Secondly , the beautifull frame thereof which were made the rest of the six dayes and nights . What are the parts of that rude masse ? Heaven and earth ( for so the matter whereof all the bodily creatures were made , seemeth by a Trope , Gen. 1. 1. to be signified ) as it were the Center and circumference . For as the Arch-builders first shadow out in a plot the building they intend , and as the Painters draw certain grosse lineaments of that picture , which they will after set forth and fill up with orient colours ; so the Lord our God in this stately building , and cunning painting of the frame of the world , hath before the most beautifull frame set out as it were a shadow , and a common draught thereof . It seemeth that the rudenesse was in the earth onely , containing the water and the dry land , because the Prophet saith , that the earth was void , and without shape . It is true that Moses giveth this to the earth , rather then the masse of the heavens ; because the confusion and rudenesse was greater there then in the masse of the heavens , for the water and dry land being mingled together , there was no form or figure of them . It being without form and void , how was it kept ? Gen. 1. 2. By the holy Ghost , which ( as a bird setting over her egges ) kept and preserved it . What were the things which were made of this rude masse ? The beautifull frame and fashion of this world , with the furniture thereof . What doe you consider in the frame and fashion of the world ? Two things : first , the Elements , which are the most simple bodies , by the uneven mixture whereof all bodies are compounded . Secondly , and the bodies themselves that are compounded of them . How many Elements are there ? There are commonly counted foure . First , the fire , which some think to be comprehended under the term of light , Gen. 1. vers . 3 , 4. because it is a quality of the fire . The second is the ayre , which some would have signified by the spirit or wind of God moving upon the waters , vers . 2. others by the Firmament , vers . 6. 7. set between the clouds and the earth , to distinguish between water and water , and to give breath of life to all things that breath . 3dly , The waters v. 2. severall from the mass called the earth , v. 9. 10. 4thly , The earth , vers . 2. called the dry land , vers . 9 , 10. which remaineth , all other being sent of God to their proper places . What are the mixt or compounded bodies ? Such as are made of the four Elements , equally mingled together . How many kinds be there of them ? The things that have 1. A being without life . 2. A being , and life without sense . 3. A being , life and sense without reason . 4. A being , life , sense , and reason , ( as man ) What is common to the three last kinds ? That together with life there is power and vertue given unto them to bring forh the like unto themselves for the continuance of their kind , which blessing of multiplication is principally in the two last sorts of creatures , ( that have the life of sense , beside the life of increase ) and therefore the Lord is brought in to speak to them in the second person , Gen. 1. 22. 28. which he did not to the grasse , corne , and trees , which are creatures of the second kind . What learn you from hence ? That the chiefe and speciall cause of the continuance of every kind of creature to the worlds end , is this will and word of God , without the which they or sundry of them would have perished ere this , by so many means as are to consume them . Declare now in order the severall works of the six dayes , and shew first , what was done the first day ? The rude masse or matter of heaven and earth being made of nothing the first night of the world , as hath been declared ; God did afterward create the light , and called it day . Gen. 13 , 4 , 5. What note you hereof ? The wonderfull work of God not onely in making something of nothing , but bringing light out of darknesse , 2 Cor. 4. 6. which are contrary , and distinguishing betwixt day and night , before either Sun or Moon were created . What was the work of the second day ? The Firmament was created to divide the waters above , from the waters below . What was done the third day ? The third night ( as it seemed ) God caused the waters to retire into their vessels , and severed them from the dry land , calling the one seas , the other earth . Then in the third day which followed that night , he clad the earth with grasse for the use of beasts only , corn and trees for the use of man also . What shape is the water and earth of ? They both together make a round globe . Whether is the water or the earth bigger ? The water . Why then doe they not overwhelme the earth ? They are restrained and kept in by the mighty power of God. How many sorts of waters be there ? Two , salt waters ( as the sea ) and fresh waters , as floods , springs , lakes , &c. What be the parts of the earth ? First , Hills . Secondly , Valleys , and Plaines . How many benefits doe you receive by the earth in generall ? Foure ; First , we are made of the earth . Secondly , we dwell on the earth . Thirdly , it giveth fruits and nourishment to all living creatures . Fourthly , it is our bed after death . What benefit receive you by the hills ? They are a shadow against storms and heat , they be fit for grasing of cattle , they are fit places to set Beacons on , to shew that the enemies are at hand , &c. What benefits receive you by the Valleyes and Plaines . 1. They receive water to water the earth . 2. They are most fit places to bring forth all kind of fruit , and herbes , and grasse . How cometh it to pass that God first maketh the grass , corne , and trees , ere he made the heavenly bodies of the Sunne , Moon , and Starres ; from whose influence the growth of these proceedeth ? To correct our errour which tye the increase of these so to the influence of the heavenly bodies , even to the worshipping of them therein ; forgetting the Lord who thereby sheweth that all hang upon him , and not on them , forasmuch as he made them when the heavenly bodies were not . What doe you gather from hence ? That the fruitfulness of the earth standeth not so much in the labour of the husband-man , as in the power which God hath given the earth to bring forth fruit . Thus much of the works of the 3d. day , what was made the 4th . day ? Lights , which are as it were certain vessels wherein the Lord did gather the light which before was scater'd in the whole body of the heavens . How are these lights distinguished ? Although they be all great in themselves , to the end they might give light to the dark earth that is farre removed from them , yet are they distinguished into Great Small . Sunne Moon Starres . Why doth Moses call the Sun and Moon the greatest lights , when there are Starres that exceed the Moon by many degrees ? First , because they are greatest in their use and vertue that they exercise upon the terrestriall bodies . Secondly , because they seem so to us , it being the purpose of the Holy Ghost by Moses to apply himselfe to the capacity of the unlearned . What is the use of them ? First , to separate the day from the night . Secondly , to be signs of seasons and dayes and yeares . Thirdly , to send forth their influences upon the whole earth , and to give light to the inhabitants thereof . How are they signs of times and seasons ? First , by distinguishing the time , spring , summer , autumne , winter , by their work and naturall effect upon the earthly creatures . Secondly , by distinguishing the night from the day , the day from month , the month from the yeare . Have they not operation also in the extraordinary events of singular things and persons for their good and evill estate ? No verily , there is no such use taught of them in the Scriptures . What creatures were made the fift day ? Fishes and birds . What were the fishes made of ? Of all four Elements , but more ( it seemeth ) of the water then other living things , Gen. 1. 20. VVhat were the birds made of ? Of all foure Elements , yet have more of the earth ; ( Gen. 2. 19. ) and therefore that they are so light , and that their delight is in the ayre , it is so much the more marvellous . VVhat did God make in the sixt and the last day of Creation ? It is probable that he made in the Night thereof the beasts of the earth . going creeping Tame or home-beasts . Wilde or field-beasts . Day , man in both sexes , that is , both man and woman , the history of whose creation is set down Gen. 1 ▪ 26 , 27. in the discourse of the sixt days work , and repeated in cap. 2. v. 7. and more at large after the narration of the Lords rest in the seventh day , vers . 18 , 19 , 20 , &c. Why was man last made of all the creatures ? 1. Because he was the most excellent of all the works of God in this inferiour world . 2. Because he was the end of all unreasonable creatures , and therefore that he might glorifie God for all the creatures that he saw the world was furnished with for his sake . 3. Because God would have him first provided for , ere he brought him into the world ; that so he might have this world , for which God had made him Prince , as it were , his Palace , furnished with all things convenient : and if he had care of him before he was , how much more now he is ? What note you thereof ? That man hath not to boast of his antiquity , all the creatures being made before him even to the vilest worm . What is to be observed in his creation ? That here for the excellency of the work , God is brought in , as it were , deliberating with himselfe , the Father with the Sonne and the Holy Ghost , and they with him ; the whole Trinity entring into a solemn counsell to make man after their Image , ( Gen. 1. 26. ) which is not said of any other creature ; for whereas the other creatures were made suddenly , man was ( as we shall see ) not so , but with some space of time : hitherto also belongeth , that the Holy Ghost standeth longer upon his creation then upon the rest . What learn you from hence ? That we should mark so much the more the wisdome and power of God in the creation of him , thereby to imitate God in using most diligence about those things which are most excellent . What parts doth he consist of ? Of two parts ; of a body and a soule , Gen. 2. 7. Job 10. 11 , 12. Whereof was his body made ? Of the very dust of the earth , Gen. 2. 7. in which respect the work of God in making him is set forth by a similitude of the potter which of his clay maketh his pots ; Rom. 9. 21. and the name of Adam is from hence in the Hebrew given unto man , to put him in mind not to bee proud , nor to desire to be like God ; which God foresaw he would doe , through Satans temptations . What learn you from hence ? That seeing it pleased God to make mans body more principally of the basest Element , that thereby he would give man to understand of what base matter his body was framed , that so hee might have occasion of being lowly and humble in his owne sight ; according as the Scripture it self directeth us to this instruction , Gen. 18. 27. Jer. 2. 2. 29. What else learn you ? The absolute authority that God hath over man , as the Potter hath over his pots and much more , Rom. 9. 21. How was the soul made ? His soul was made a spirituall substance , which God breathed into that frame of the earth to give it a life , whereby man became a living soul , ( Gen. 2. 7. Mal. 2. 15. ) Why is it called the breath of God ? Because God made it immediately , not of any earthly matter ( as he did the body ) nor of any of the elements , ( as he did the other creatures ) but of a spirituall matter , whereby is signified the difference of the soul of man which was made a spirituall and divine , or everlasting substance , from the soul or life of beasts , which commeth of the same matter whereof their bodies are made , and therefore dieth with them ; whereas the soul of man commeth by Gods creation from without , ( in which respect God is said to be the Father of our spirits , Heb. 12. 9. ) and doth not rise as the soul of beasts doe , of the temper of the elements , but is created of God , free from composition , that it might be immortall and free from the corruption , decay , and death that all other creatures are subject unto ; and therefore as it had life in it self when it was joyned to the body , so it retaineth life when it is separated from the body and liveth for ever . What other proofs have you of the immortality of the soul besides the divine nature thereof ? Eccl. 12. 7. It is said that at death the dust shall return to the earth as it was , and the spirit unto God who gave it . Our Saviour Christ , Luk. 23. 46. and his servant Stephen , Acts 7. 59. at their death commend their souls unto God. Luk. 23. 43. The theeves soul after separation from the body is received into Paradise . Mat. 10. 28. The soul cannnot be killed by them that kill the body . Psal. 49. 14 , 15. Mat. 22. 32. Rev. 6. 9. & 7. 9. The guiltinesse of the Conscience , and feare of punishment for sin , proveth the same . Otherwise all the comfort of Gods children were utterly dashed ; for if in this life only we have hope in Christ , we are of all men most miserable , 1 Cor. 15. 15. Why is it said , that God breathed in his face or nostrils , Gen. 2. 7. more then in any other part ? To put man in mind of his frailty , whose breath is in his nostrils , Esay 2. 22. Because the soul sheweth her faculties most plainly in the countenance , both for outward senses and inward affections . But is the head the seat of the soul ? It is thought that in regard of the essence of it , all of it is over all and every part of the body , as fire is in hot iron ; but howsoever the severall faculties thereof appear in the severall parts of the body , yet the heart is to be accompted the speciall seat of the soul , not only in regard of life being the first part of man that liveth , and the last that dieth , but for affections also and knowledge , as appeareth by 1 Kings 3. 9. 12. Mat. 15. 18 , 19. Rom. 2. 15. & 10. 10. 1 Pet. 3. 4. Is there many or one soul in man ? There is but one , having those faculties in it of vegetation and sense that are called souls in plants and beasts . What reason have you for this saying ? Otherwise there should be divers essentiall forms in man. God breathed but one breathing , though it be called the breathing of lives , Gen. 2. 7. for the divers lives and faculties . In all Scripture there is mention but of one soul in man , Mat. 26. 38. Acts. 7. 59. When may the soul be truly said to come or be in the body of a child ? When in all essentiall parts it is a perfect body , as Adams was when God gave him his soul. What be the faculties of the soul ? The Understanding , under which is the Memory ( though it be rather one of the inward senses , then one of the principall faculties of the soul ) and the Conscience . The Will , under which are the Affections ; So there be five speciall faculties . What is meant by the image of God , after which man was made ? Gen. 1. 26 , 27. Not any bodily shape , ( as though God had a body like man ) but the divine state wherein his soul was created . How many ways is the image of God taken in Scripture ? Either for Christ , as Col. 1. 15. Heb. 1. 3. Joh. 12. 45. & 14. 9. or for the glory of mans lively personage , as Gen. 9. 6. or for his authority over the woman , as 1 Cor. 11. 7. or for the perfection of his nature , indued with reason and will , rightly disposed in holinesse and righteousnesse , wisdome and truth , and accordingly framing all motions and actions both inward and outward , Col. 3. 9 , 10. Eph. 4. 24. How is it here then to be taken ? It may be taken either strictly and properly , or more largely and generally . What is the strictest and most proper acception of it ? When it is taken for that integrity of nature which was lost by Adams fall , and is contrary to originall sin . Wherein standeth that integrity of nature ? In the whole perfections of vertues appearing in the five faculties , as 1. In the understanding , true wisdome and heavenly knowledge of Gods will and works . 2. In memory , all holy remembrance of things we ought . 3. In will , all cheerfulnesse to obey Gods command . 4. All moderation and sanctity of affections . 5. All integrity of Conscience . Is any part of Gods Image in the body ? No , but as originall sin in our corrupt estate ; so in the state of integrity these vertues shine and are executed by the body . But is not man the Image of God in respect of the essentiall faculties of the soul , his mind and will , and in the immortatality thereof ? Not in this strict and proper acception of Gods Image , whereof now we speak ; for the essentiall faculties of the soul are not lost by Adams fall , and the immortality remaineth still . What is the larger acception of Gods Image ? When it is taken for that dignity and excellency given unto man in his creation ; which is partly inward , and partly outward . Wherein doth his inward excellency consist ? Both in his substance and in his qualities . Wherein standeth the excellency of his substance ? In that he only of all the creatures of the visible world hath a reasonable and immortall soul given unto him , ( as hath been declared ) and in respect of this spirituall nature resembleth God who is a Spirit . What is the excellency of man consisting in qualities ? Knowledge and wisdome in the understanding , Psal. 51. 6. Col. 3. 10. Righteousnesse and holinesse in the free-will , Eph. 4. 24. 1 Pet. 1. 15 , 16. and herein , as hath been shewed , did man especially resemble his Maker . Wherein standeth the excellency of the understanding ? In knowledge of all duties either concering God , his neighbour , or himself ; unto which knowledge may be referred Wisdome to use knowledge , to discern when , where , and how every thing should be done : Conscience to accuse or excuse , as his doings should be good or evil ; Memory to retain , Providence to foresee what is good to doe it , what is evill to avoid it ; Reason to discusse of the lawfulnesse or unlawfulnesse of every particular action of a mans own self ; hitherto refer the knowledge of the natures of the creatures , whereby he was able to name them according to their nature . VVherein standeth the excellency of mans will ? In holinesse ( as hath been said ) and righteousnesse , or uprightnesse of desires and affections ; holinesse comprehending all the vertues of the first , and justice or righteousnesse containing all the vertues of the second Table imprinted in the soul of man at his Creation . VVhat were the outward gifts wherein mans excellency did consist ? God gave him a body answerable to his soul , endued with beauty , strength , immortality , and all gifts serving to happinesse , 1 Cor. 11. 7. God set such a grace and majesty in the person , especially in the face of man , as all the creatures could not look upon without fear and trembling , as appeareth when they all came before man to receive their names . God gave him dominion and rule over all creatures of the world , which were made to serve him , being by this excellent Creation made and adopted to be , as it were , the son and heir of God , who is the absolute Lord over all , Psal. 8. 6 , 7. Gen. 1. 26. 28. of which dominion the authority to name them was a sign , Gen. 2. 19. 20. What are the ends and uses of the making of man according to Gods Image ? That God who is in himself invisible and incomprehensible , might in some measure be known of man ; as a picture or image sheweth the person whom it representeth . To move man to love God , that hath so gloriously made him like himself . That men between themselves might love one another , as like doth like . How many of mankind did God create at the first ? Only one man , Adam , Gen. 2. 7. Out of him , and for him , one woman Evah , Gen. 2. 21 , 22. Mal. 2. 15. so made he them male and female , Gen. 1. 27. & 5. 2. How doth God say , Gen. 2. 18. It is not good for man to be alone ; did he make any thing that was not good ? God forbid ; by good it is not meant , that which is set against sin or vice , but in saying ( it is not good for man to be alone ) he meaneth it is not so convenient and comfortable . What learn you from hence ? How foully they have been deceived , that upon the words of the Apostle , 1 Cor. 7. 1. It is not good for man to touch a woman , have gathered , that mariage is little better then whoredome ; Considering that as here , so there , by good is meant only that which is convenient and commodious . That man is naturally desirous of the society of woman , and therefore that Munkeries , Nunneries , and Hermitages are unnaturall , and consequently ungodly . What is meant by these words in the same place , Gen. 2. 18. [ as before him ? ] That she should be like unto him , and of the same form , for the perfection of nature and gifts inward and outward . What is the end why she was made ? To be a help unto man. Wherein ? First , in the things of this life by continuall society , 1 Pet. 3. 7. Secondly , in this life , for generation , Gen. 1. 28. Thirdly , in the things of the life to come , even as they which are heirs together of the grace of life . And now a fourth use is added , to be a remedy against sin , which was not from the beginning , 1 Cor. 7. 9. What reason is there brought to prove that God was to make a woman an help unto man ? Either he must have an help or companion , but there is none fit among the creatures , therefore I must create one ; the first proposition being evident , the second is proved by Gods own testimony , and Adams experience , who having given names to all the creatures truly , and according to their natures , yet found none fit for his company , Gen. 1. 20. What learn you from thence , that the Lord would have Adam see whether there were a helper amongst the other creatures which he knew well to be unfit ? To teach us , that ere we enter into mariage we should have a feeling of our own infirmity and need of a wife , whereby that benefit may become more sweet , and we more thankfull unto God ; which if it be true in a man , it ought to be much more in a woman , which is weaker , and much more insufficient then he . What else ? That it is a perverse thing to love any creature so well as mankind , against those men that make more of their Horses and Hounds then of their wives ; and against those women which make more of a Monky , or of a Parrat , or of a Spaniel , then of their husbands . VVhat note you of that , that when Adam was asleep his wife was made ? That the Lord is the giver of the wife without our care , and that besides our prayers to God for one , the care is to be laid upon the Lord , and upon our parents , which are to us as God was to Adam , to direct us therein , Prov. 19. 14. VVhy was not Evah made of the earth as Adam was , but of a Rib of her husband ? To admonish her of her subjection and humility , as the Apostle teacheth ; The man was not of the woman , but the woman of the man , 1 Cor. 11. 8. Which subjection also appeareth in this , that Adam gave her the name . To put them in mind of the neer conjunction that should be between the man and his wife in love and affection . VVherefore doth God bring the woman to Adam ? To note that how fit soever a woman be , yet she should not be received to wife untill God gave her , and when he giveth her by his Ordinance that he hath appointed , that then he should receive her . VVhereof dependeth this , that a man shall leave father and mother and cleave to his wife ? Gen. 2. 24. Of this , that she was flesh of his flesh , and bone of his bone , and that God did give her unto man , and he accepted her . The Creation which is the former part of the execution of Gods Decree being ended , what is the other ? Providence . How may it appear that there is a providence ? Partly by the word of God , Matth. 10. 30. Prov. 16. 33. Partly by reason . VVhat reasons have you to prove that there is a Providence ? The agreement of things which are most contrary in the world , and which would consume one another , if they were not hindred by the providence of God. The subjection of may men and women unto one person , both in Common-wealths and families . The means of our preservation and nourishment ; for meat , drink and clothing , being void of heat and life , could not preserve the life of man and continue heat in him , unlesse there were a speciall providence of God to give vertue unto them . Those beasts that are hurtfull unto man , though they encrease more and no man kill them , yet are fewer then those that are profitable unto man. The feeding of the young Ravens in the nest when the damme forsaketh them . The hatching of the Ostriches egge . The Lord hath so disposed of the wilde beasts , that they go abroad in the night time to seek their prey , and lie in their dens in the day time , that men may goe abroad to their work . God doth preserve his Church from the Devill and the wicked , so that though they be stronger then it , yet they cannot hurt it . Obj. 1. But it seemeth that the inequality holden in the government of men should prove , that all things are not governed by the Lord , for the worst are richest oftentimes , and the best poor ? His government in all things whatsoever , is good ; for he is no lesse good in his government then in his Creation . Obj. 2. If God doe guide all things , we should have no Serpents and other noysome and hurtfull things ; no war , no sicknesse ? They are the instruments and means of the execution of Gods justice and vengeance upon men that offend against him , in which respect the Prophet saith , there is no evill in the City which the Lord hath not done , Amos 3. 6. Obj. 3. How commeth it then to passe if these be instruments of vengeance for sin , that they fall upon the good , and rather upon them then upon the wicked ? The most godly having the remnant of sin that dwelleth in their mortall bodies , deserve everlasting condemnation , and therefore in this life are subject to any of the plagues of God ; as for that they are sharplier handled oftentimes then the wicked , it is to make triall of their patience , and to make shew of the graces he hath bestowed upon them , which he will have known , and that it may be assured that there is a Judgement of the world to come , 2 Thess. 1. wherein every one shall receive according to his doing in this life , either good or evill . Having shewed that there is a Providence ; declare now what it is . It is a temporary action of God , whereby he moveth and directeth all things after the counsell of his own will to their proper ends . Or thus , It is the second part of the execution of Gods decree , whereby he hath a continuall care over all his creatures once made , sustaining and directing them with all that , that belongeth unto them , and effectually disposing of them all to good ends , Eph. 1. 11. Rom. 11. 36. Zach. 4. 10. Prov. 15. 3. Jer. 23. 23. Col. 3. 11. Psalm . 139. 2. & 119. 91. Why say you it is an action ? To distinguish it from the essentiall Attributes of God. Why say you that it is temporary ? To distinguish it from the eternall decree of God. Why say you , [ whereby he moveth and directeth all things ? ] To shew first , that God is not idle in heaven , as Epicures doe dream . 2ly . That nothing can come to passe without the providence of God. Why say you [ after the counsell ? ] To shew that God doth nothing unadvisedly and rashly , but useth , first , his knowledge , whereby he perfectly understandeth all things ; Secondly , his wisdom , whereby he doth dispose all things being known . Why say you [ of his own free will ? ] To shew first , that God is not compelled to doe any thing , but whatsoever he doth , he doth it voluntarily , without compulsion . 2ly , That the Lord in the dispensation and government of all things , doth not follow the advice and counsell of any other ; neither regardeth any thing without himselfe . Why say you [ to their proper end ? ] To shew that the Lord doth not only govern things generally , but every thing particularly together with their properties , qualities , actions , motions , and inclinations . Is Gods providence then extended unto all his creatures ? Yea , unto all persons , things , actions , and qualities , and circumstances , how usuall soever they seem to be ; God exercising his providence about all things in generall , and every thing in particular ; for not one sparrow , whereof two are sold for a farthing , falleth without the providence of our heavenly Father , not so much as a haire of our heads , Mat. 10. 29 , 30. no ( it may truly be said ) not the bristle of a swine falleth without the providence of God. But it seemeth a thing unworthy of Gods great and infinite Majesty to deale and have a hand in small matters , as for a King to look to the small matters of his houshold . No more then it is a disgrace to the Sun that shineth in the foulest places . How is that to be understood then that the Apostle saith , 1 Cor. 9. 9. Hath God care for Oxen ? It is spoken only by way of comparison , having regard to the great care he hath of men : for in respect he commanded they should not muzzle the mouth of the Oxe that did tread out the corn , by the care he hath of Oxen , he would shew that his care is much more for men ; especially for the Ministers of his Gospell . What other things be there from which some doe exclude the providence of God ? Things done by 1. Necessity . 2. Art. 3. Nature . 4. Fortune and luck . 5. Casualty and chance . 6. Destiny . 7. Free-will . How manifold is Necessity ? Two-fold . 1. Absolute necessity , the contrary whereof cannt be . 2. Necessity with a condition , which is such as puts down the cause , the effect followeth ; but take away the cause , the effect ceaseth . How prove you that God hath a government in things that come by chance and casualtie ? Prov. 16. 33. The lots are cast in the bosome , yet the issue of them , and their event hang upon the Lord. Exod. 21. 13. Deut. 19. 13. Is there not then any fortune or chance of things in the world ? Not in respect of God , by whose appointment the very haires of our heads are governed and numbred , but in respect of man that knoweth not future things , the Scripture useth such words , to shew the suddennesse and uncertainty of a thing , Exod. 21. 13. Eccl. 9. 11. Luk. 10. 31. Doe the creatures ever since the first six dayes continue of themselves being onely governed of God ? No , the creation still is after a manner continued , in that all things are sustained by the same power whereby they were made : for God is is not like a builder , that is the cause onely of the making , and not of the being of his building ; but he is such a cause of being to all creatures , as the Sunne is of light unto the day , so that without his continuall working , all would return to nothing . What proofe have you of this continuall working of God ? Our Saviour saith , John 5. 17. my Father worketh untill this time , and I also work ; meaning in continuance and preservation of all creatures ; For in him we live , move , and have our being : Acts 17. 25 , 26 , 27 , 28. And the Apostle testifieth , Heb. 1. 3. That our Saviour Christ by whom the world were made , beareth up all things , and upholdeth them in their being with the word of his power , his mighty word . Thus Moses teacheth how the Lord established the continuance and preservation of all the creatures in the world both living and void of life , Gen. 1. So doth the Prophet also in the 104. Psal. 119. 91. How doth God sustain all creatures ? Partly , by the continuation of particulars , either for the whole time of this world , as heaven and heavenly bodies , earth and other Elements , &c. 2 Pet. 3. 4. or for the time of life allotted , as all living creatures , Psal. 36. 6. Psal. 104. 27 , &c. Partly , by propagation of kind , whereby creatures even of shortest continuance , doe successively abide unto the end of the world , Gen. 7. 3. 8. 21 , 22. Thus God sustaineth and preserveth all that he hath made : how doth he govern and dispose of them ? God ordereth all his creatures according to his pleasure , guiding and imploying them and their natures to those severall ends and uses whereby they may best serve unto his glory , Ps. 119. 91. Dan. 4. 34 , 35. and the good of themselves and of their fellow creatures , especially of man ; Ps. 8. but he hath one generall manner of government belonging to all ; and another speciall , which is proper to the principall creatures . How doth God work in all the creatures generally ? First , he doth move and stirre up that power which he hath given the creatures unto working . Secondly , he doth assist , direct , and help it in working of that which is good . Thirdly , he doth work together , and give being unto that which is wrought . What are the principall creatures you speak of ? The reasonable creatures , Angels , and Men , which were created like unto God in a high estate of holinesse and happinesse , Psal. 8. 4 , 5. & 103. 20. & 104. 4. Luke 2. 13. Mat. 25. 31. How commeth it to passe that there is a particular kind of government for the reasonable creatures above others ? Because that they are creatures of another nature then the rest , being not only acted and moved in one course as the other are , but having a power of understanding what doth concern them , and of moving themselves accordingly . What government doth follow hereupon ? That which is by teaching , and answerable fulfilling of that which is taught . How by teaching ? By instructing , commanding , praising , forbidding , promising , threatning , and permitting . How by fulfilling ? Especially , by blessing and cursing . What is the manner of Gods working in his providence ? It is sometimes ordinary , other times extraordinary . What is the ordinary course of Gods providence ? When he bringeth things to passe by ordinary meanes , and that course which he hath setled in nature . Esa. 55. 10. What is the extraordinary ? When he bringeth things to passe either without meanes , or by means of themselves too weak , or beside the course of such means , and course of nature ; which works are usually called Miracles . May we indifferently expect Gods extraordinary working , as we may his ordinary ? No , where ordinary means be had , we cannot look for an extraordinary work . What doe they that run unto the immediate and extraordinary providence of God , without necessary occasions ? They doe tempt God. How many wayes is God tempted ? First , by distrust : Secondly , by presumption . When is God tempted by Distrust ? When men think that God either cannot , or will not fulfill his promises . When is God tempted with Presumption ? When men depend upon the immediate providence of God without any warrant of the word so to doe . How many sorts of men doe thus tempt God ? First , they that doe wastfully mis-spend their goods . Secondly , they that having received gifts of mind and strength of body , doe not use them in some lawfull calling for the maintenance of them , but doe live idlely . Thirdly , they that make an occupation of dicing and carding , and such like . Fourthly , they that thrust themselves upon unnecessary dangers . Fifthly , they which take pains for the maintenance of their bodies in this life , but have no care of those things which belong to the salvation of their soules in the life to come . What are the means by which God doth use to exercise his providence ? Two , the first passive , the second active . What call you passive means ? Those which although the Lord doth use them , yet have no knowledge nor understanding to move or direct themselves , but are wholly moved and directed by God. What call you active meanes ? Those which although God useth , yet have reason , knowledge , and understanding in themselves how to move or direct themselves , such are men and Angels , whether they be good or evill . Doth God work after the same manner by the wicked , that he doth by the godly ? No , for God worketh by the wicked , but not in them ; as for the godly , he worketh not only by them , but also in them : wherby it cometh to passe , that the work of the godly is acceptable unto God , but the work of the wicked is not acceptable unto God , although they doe the same thing , which the godly doth . How can it be shewed out of the Scriptures , that God hath a hand whereby he governeth even the transgressor against his holy will ? Gen. 45. 8. Is is expresly said that God did send Joseph before into Egypt , and that his brethren did not send him , wherein God is said to have had a further and a stronger hand in his sending into Egypt then his brethren , and therefore it is manifest that God did that well , which the Patriarchs did sinfully , Gen. 50. 20. Exod. 7. 3. God hardened Pharaohs heart . 2 Sam. 16. 10. It is said that God had commanded Shimei to curse David . 2 Sam. 24. 1. God moved David to number the people . 2 Chron. 10. 15. It is said that it was of God that Rehoboam harkened not to the people . 1 Kings 22. 19. 20. 23. It is said that the Devill was bidden of God sitting in the seat of his righteous judgement to be a lying spirit in the mouthes of the false Prophets , 1 Kings 22. Esa. 19. 14. God mingled amongst them the spirit of error . Esa. 42. 24. Who gave Jacob for a spoile , and Israel to the Robbers ? did not the Lord ? Esa. 63. 17. Why hast thou made us to erre out of thy way , and hardened our heart from thy feare ? Rom. 1. 26. God gave them up to vile affections . 2 Thess. 2. 11. God sent them strong delusions . And to be content with one more testimony among many , let us consider how the most vile and horrible act that ever was done , upon the face of the earth , the Lord God is said to have wrought most holily : for as Judas , the Jewes and Pilate are all said to have given Christ to death ; so the Father and Christ are said to have done the same , and that in the same words , though the manner and purpose are diverse , Acts 2. 23. & 4. 28. Rom. 8. 32. Doth not God then suffer such things to be done ? He suffereth indeed , yet this is not an idle permission , as some imagine , but joyned with a very and active doing or work of God , as in the crucifying of Christ , it is said that they did nothing but that which the hand of God had determined before ; Acts 2. 23. & 3. 18. & 4. 28. for God is not only a bare permitter of the evil works , but a powerfull governour of them to his glory , and an effecter also of it so far as it hath any good in it . But doth not this draw God to some stain of sin from which he is most free , as being that which he punisheth ? In no wise , for that which is evill , hath some respect of goodnesse with God. First , as it is a meer action , God being the Authour of every action ; Acts 17. 28. but the Devill and our concupiscence , of the evill in it : as he that rideth upon a lame horse causeth him to stirre , but is not the cause of his halting . Secondly , as it is the punishment of sin , for punishment is counted a morall good , in that it is the part of a just Judge to punish sinne ; and thus God willeth the sin of the wicked , for their punishment , without sin in himselfe ; Rom. 2. 26. & 3. ult . Thirdly , as it is a chastisement , a triall of our faith , as martyrdome ; or propitiation for sin , as the death and passion of Christ , Acts 2. 23. & 4. 27 , 28. where although the giving of Christ to the death of the Crosse be attributed in the same words to God and Christ , to Judas , Pilate , and the Jewes ; yet diversly , and in severall respects , they are declared to meet in one and the same action , whereby there appeareth no lesse difference between God and Christs purpose , and theirs , then between light and darknesse . Declare how God can have a hand in these things , and yet be free from sin . He is a cunning workman which with an ill toole will work cunningly , and as a most excellent Apothecary maketh a medicine of the mixture of poyson in it , which is not yet poysenous , but rather medicinall ; so the Lord in guiding and managing the poyson of sin , draweth treacle from the sins of men , as it were the poyson , in such sort as they turn to his glory , and good of his Church ; and cannot be charged with sin no more then the Apothecary with poysoning , in so ordering the poyson , as it doth the contrary , by his skill , unto that which by nature it would doe : and as in painting , the black colour giveth grace to other beautifull colours in making them shew better ; so it is in this work of God , in which the sin and untruth of men ( as by a black and dark colour ) causeth the truth and righteousnesse of God ( as the white ) to be more commended and to appeare better . But how are these actions of the wicked discerned from the work of God in them ? First , by the cause from whence the action commeth : for Josephs brethren of envie sent him into Egypt , but God in mercy . Shimei cursed David of malice , but God of justice against Davids murther and adulterie . Rehoboam out of the unadvisednesse of his heart refused the request of his people ; but God by his wise Counsell did so dispose of it . The Devill from hate to Ahab was a laying spirit in the mouth of all his Prophets , but God in justice against his idolatrie . Pilate of ambition and feare , the Jewes of malitious envie , and ignorance , Judas of covetousnesse , but God of love gave Christ ; and Christ himselfe in obedience to his Father ; and therefore that action as it was from God and Christ was most just and righteous , as from the other , most wretched and abominable . Secondly , by the end whither they tend : for Josephs brethren sent him to the end he should not come to the honour foretold out of his dreame , but God sent him to provide for his Church , and to fulfill that that was foretold . Shimei cursed to drive David to despaire , but God directed him for exercise of Davids patience . The Devill lied in the false Prophets to ruine Ahab , but God justly to punish him for his idolatry . Rehoboam to satisfie the desire of his young beardlesse Counsellours , but God to perform the word that he had spoken by his Prophets . Pilate to please the people , and to keep his credit with Caesar , Judas for obtaining of the mony he desired , and the Jewes that our Saviour Christ should not reigne over them : but God and Christ to save his people . But were it not better to say that these things were done by Gods permission rather then by his providence and government , thereby to avoid an absurdity in Divinity , that God is the Authour of evill ? It is most truly said , that God is not the Authour of sin , whereof he is the revenger ; and also that it is done by Gods permission : but it is not an idle permission separated from the providence and government of God , and therefore a distinction of Gods permission separated from his government of sin is not good ; especially considering that the distinction of such a permission doth not defend the justice of God , for the which it is devised . How may that appeare ? It he permit sin , he doth it against or with his will ; if he doe it against his will , then is he not Almighty ; as one that cannot let that he would not have done ; if with his will , how can his justice be defended , if they were not some good things for which hee doth willingly permit it ? For if a Captain should willingly suffer his souldiers to be murthered when he might hinder the slaughter of them , although he put no hand to the murther , he is not therefore excusable , and free from the blood of his souldiers . What else can be alledged against the permission that is separated from the government of the providence ? For that by this means God should bee spoyled of the greatest part of the government of the world , seeing the greatest part and most of the world are wicked , all whose actions are ( as they themselves are ) wicked . Is there yet any other matter against this distinction ? If in that God doth permit sin he should have no hand in guiding and governing it , then he should have no hand in guiding and governing of good things ; for as it is said that he permitteth sin , so it is also said that he permitteth the good , Heb. 6. 3. What use is to be made of the doctrine of Gods Providence ? First , as in the Creation , so in the continuation , preservation and government of all things , the power , wisdome , and goodnesse of the only true God is set forth ; and therefore in all things is he to be glorified , Rom. 11. 36. yea even in the sins of men for the good things he draweth forth from their evill . Secondly , the consideration of this , that nothing can come to passe without the Providence of God , should move us to fear God , and make us afraid to commit any sin ; far otherwise then the wicked , who upon that , that it is taught that all things come to passe by the Providence of God according to that he hath decreed , Eccl. 3. 11. 14. would conclude that then a man may give himself liberty to doe any thing , considering that it must needs be executed , that God hath decreed . Thirdly , we must banish all slavish fear out of our hearts , knowing that nothing can come to passe without the Providence of God. Fourthly , this should breed thankfulnesse to God in prosperity , and in all things that come unto us according to our desire ; whatsoever blessing we receive , we must acknowledge it to come from God , and give him the praise and glory , Rom. 11. 36. not sacrifice to our own nets , Hab. 1. 16. or stay our minds in the instruments thereof , without looking upto him by whose speciall providence and government we obtain our desires . Fiftly , this should cause humility under the hand of God when things come otherwise then we desired . Sixthly , in adversity we should patiently suffer whatsoever affliction the Lord layeth upon us : for this consideration hath wrought patience in Gods servants , It is the Lord , let him doe whatsoever pleaseth him , 1 Sam. 3. 18. Seventhly , we must mark and observe the providence of God in former times , that thereby vve may gather arguments of his goodnesse unto us in the time to come . Having thus spoken generally of the Providence of God ; we are now to descend unto the speciall consideration of that which doth concern the principall creatures , upon whom God hath declared the glory of his mercy and justice : and first to begin with Angels : Shew how they are upheld in their beeing . They are all sustained by the power of God , so that they shall never die , or return to nothing , Luk. 20. 36. How doth God dispose of them ? First , concerning their everlasting condition , they had a law given them in their Creation , which the elect observe , and are established in their perfection : but the reprobates sinning against it have lost their first estate , and are reserved unto further Judgement : for all being by God created good at the first , Gen. 1. 31. some continued in humility and obedience according to that dignity in which they were created : others continued not in the truth , Joh. 8. 44. and so kept not their beeing or excellency in which they were created of God , ( by whom nothing could be made but good ) but trangressed and fell from it by their sin and wickednesse becomming Devils , Jude ver . 6. Secondly , for their employment God useth them all , both good and evill Angels , as his servants and ministers for the accomplishment of his will and work , Job 1. 6. How are the good Angels called in the Scripture ? 1. Elohim , or gods , for their excellency and power , Psal. 8. 5. compared with Heb. 2. 7. Psal. 97. 7. with Heb. 1. 6. 2. Sons of God , Job 1. 6. 3. Angels of Light , 2 Cor. 11. 14. 4. Elect Angels , 1 Tim. 5. 21. 5. Heavenly Souldiers , Luk. 2. 13. 6. Men of God for their Office. 7. Principalities , and Powers , and Dominions . 8. Seraphims and a flame of fire for their swift zeal to doe Gods will. 9. Cherubims from the form of young men , wherin they appeared . Have they any proper names ? Some for our capacity have names given unto them , as Gabriel , &c. How many are there of them ? They be innumerable , Mat. 22. 30. Heb. 12. 22. Dan. 7. 10. Psal. 61. 15. 17. Are there divers degrees of Angels ? Yes ; for some are Principalities , and Powers , and Dominions , and Thrones , Col. 1. 16. which sheweth not so much a difference in nature as in diverse employment in office : But what those degrees are , it is not observed out of Scripture , and therefore to us is unknown . With what properties are these Angels specially endued ? They are endued with wisdome , holinesse , willingnesse to put in execution the will of God ; power , swiftnesse , industry , glory , &c. far above any man. What measure of knowledge have they ? Very great in comparison of man , both by Creation and otherwise . How many sorts be there of their knowledge ? Three : first , naturall , which God endued them with at ther Creation , far above any man , as their nature is more heavenly . Secondly , experimental , which they doe mark and observe farre more carefully then man , in Gods government of the world , and out of all creatures , Eph. 3. 10. Luk. 15. 10. Thirdly , Divine , of which God informeth them according to the severall matters that he sendeth them about , and hereby they know things to come , as Dan. 9. the Angel telleth before to Daniel the time of Christs death , and Matth. 1. God telleth the Angel Josephs thoughts . Doe not Angels of themselvess know the thoughts of men ? No ; for that is Gods property only , 1 Kings 8. 39. 2 Chro. 6. 30. But in some messages , as that in the first of Matthew , God is pleased to manifest it unto them . Have they not knowledge then of all things done here upon earth ? No ; for all things are only known to God alone , Heb. 4. 13. yet they know the matters of those men and places where God appointeth them a message , as Cornelius his alms , Acts 10. 4. and the uncomlinesse of women in the Congregation where they are , 1 Cor. 11. 10. Can the good Angels fall at any time ? No ; God hath confirmed them in their well beeing that they might never fall by sin from their first blessed estate , Matth. 18. 18. Whence commeth this ? Not from their own nature ( which was subject to mutability ) but from Gods mercy : for seeing those Angels are elect of God , 1 Tim. 5. 21. it followe●h of necessity that they are kept and upholden only by his grace and mercy , whereupon his election is grounded . Now for the employment of these Angels , what are you to note therein ? Their apparitions , and the offices which they perform . In how many sorts have Angels appeared ? In as divers as it pleased God to send them , but specially in two ; namely , in visions , and true bodies . What mean you by Visions ? Their appearing in some extraordinary sort to the mind and inward senses , either in the night by dreams , as to Joseph , Matth. 2. 13. or in the day by some strange shows , as they did to the Prophets , Zach. 2. 3. How manifold was their apparition in body ? In the true bodies , either of men , or of other creatures . What examples have you of their apparition in the bodies of men ? Gen. 19. 2. two Angels ( beside Christ ) appeared to Abraham ; so did two likewise to the Apostles , Act. 1. 10. and Gabriel to the Virgin Mary , Luk. 1. 26. Were these bodies of living men , who had souls : or bodies created upon occasion ? They were bodies extraordinarily created upon that occasion by God having no souls , but the Angels to give them motions ; and after were dissolved by God to nothing , having neither birth nor buriall . Did they move from place to place in these bodies ? Yes ; and did many other actions proper to man : the Angels appearing to Abraham did truly eat and drink , though without need ; the Angels did truly speak and touch Lot , pulling him : but these actions were done by them in an extraordinary speedinesse and manner , more then any man can doe . Have Angels ever appeared in the bodies of other creatures ? Yes ; for therefore are they called Cherubims of creatures that have wings , Satan spoke in the body of a serpent to Evah , and so to the Heathen in sundry other creatures . With what feeling did the godly finde the apparition of the Angels ? Many times with great fear and terror ( as may be seen in Daniel 7. 7 , 8 , 9 , 10 , &c. ) which was caused by the small glimpse of glory that God vouchsafed to them , which man for his sin could not bear . What learn we by that ? To know our misery and corruption , and that in comparison of Gods appearing , we should be ready to turn to dust . How many are the Offices the good Angels perform ? Twofold : First , in respect of God. Secondly , in respect of the creatures . How many are their duties concerning God ? Three : 1. They doe continually praise and glorifie God in Heaven . 2. They do always wait upon the Lord their God in heaven , to expect what he would have them doe . 3. They knowing his will doe put it in execution . How manifold are their duties concerning the creatures ? Twofold : either generall , in respect of all the creatures ; or speciall , in respect of man. What is the generall dutie ? That they are the Instruments and Ministers of God for the administration and government of the whole world . What are the Offices which they perform towards Man ? They are either in this life , or in the life to come . How manifold are the Offices which they perform towards man in this life ? Twofold : either such as respect the godly , the procuring of whose good is their speciall calling , Heb. 1. 14. Mat. 4. 11. Ps. 104. 4. or such as respect the wicked . How many good Angels hath every one attending upon him in this life ? hath he one alone , or hath he many ? That is as the glory of God and the necessity of the Saints requireth ; sometimes there doe many attend upon one , sometimes one upon many . What are the good offices which the Angels perform towards the godly in this life ? They are used as Instruments , 1. To bestow good things upon them . 2. To keep them from evill . How manifold are those good things which by the ministery of the Angels are bestowed upon the godly ? They partly concern the body , partly the soul. What are the good things that concern the body ? 1. They are used as Instruments to bestow things needfull for the preservation of it , and to bring necessary helps to men in their distress , as to Elias and Hagar . 2. They are appointed of God to be as a guard and garrison unto his children to comfort and defend them walking in their lawfull callings , Psal. 34. 7. & 91. 11. 3. They give an happy successe to them in the good things they go about , Gen. 24. 7. 40. ver . 4. They are appointed as watchmen over the Saints , that by their presence they might keep their bodies in shamefastnesse , holinesse and purity , 1 Cor. 11. 10. What are the good things of the soul which the Lord doth bestow upon the Saints by the ministery of the good Angels ? 1. To reveal the will of God to them , and to inform them in things which he would have done , Act. 10. 5. 2. To stir up good motions in their hearts . 3. To comfort them in sorrow , as Christ was comforted being distressed in soul , Luk. 22. 43 , 44. and Paul , Acts 27. 23 , 24. 4. To rejoyce at the conversion of the Saints , Luk. 15. 10. How manifold are the evill things from which the good Angels doe keep the godly ? They likewise doe partly concern the body , partly the soul. What are the evils of the body ? They are either without , or within us . From what evils without us are we preserved by the ministery of the Angels ? 1. From those dangers that one man bringeth upon another . 2. From those that they are subject unto by reason of wilde beasts . 3. From those evils whereunto we are subject by reason of other creatures without life . 4. They doe not only preserve the bodies of the Saints , but also all things that are theirs as their goods , wife , children and families . What are the evils within us from which the Angels doe keep us ? First , sicknesse . Secondly , famine . Thirdly , death . VVhat are the evils of the soule from which the Angels doe keep us ? From sin , and that two ways , 1. By their continual presence . 2. By their power . What are the actions which the good Angels perform towards wicked men in this life ? 1. They restrain and hinder them from many wicked things which they would bring to passe . 2. They execute judgements upon the wicked , and punish them for their sins committed , 2 Kings 19. 35. Gen. 19. 11. What are the offices which the good Angels are to perform towards man after this life ? First , they carry the souls of the godly , being separated from the body , with comfort into heaven , ( as Lazarus , Luk. 16. 22. ) and thrust the wicked into hell . Secondly , they wait upon Christ at the day of Judgement , to gather all the faithfull unto him , and to separate the wicked from among them , ( Matth. 24. 31. & 51. ) and to rejoyce at the sentence which he shall give . Are we not to worship the blessed Angels for the good offices which they perform towards man , and to unto them ? Not in any case ; for , 1. They themselves refuse it , Rev. 19. 10. 2. They are but Gods messengers and our fellow brethren . 3. God is only to be worshipped , Jud. 13. 16. Mat. 4. 10. Col. 2. 18. Thus much concerning the good Angels ; what are you to know concerning the evil ones ? First , their sin or fall . Secondly , the evill offices they perform . How many things are we to consider in their fall ? Two : 1. The manner . 2. The backsliding it self . What must be considered in the manner ? Four things . 1. They were created , though good , yet mutable , so as they might fall . 2. Being created mutable , they were tryed whether they would fall or not . 3. Being tryed , they were forsaken of God , and left to themselves . 4. Being left to themselves , they committed all sin even with greedinesse . How many things must be considered in the fall it self ? Three : 1. From whence they fel. 2. Whereunto they fell . 3. The punishment God laid upon them for their fall . From whence fell they ? First , from their innocency and estate which God had set them in , Job 4. 18. Joh. 8. 44. 2 Pet. 2. 4. Jude ver . 6. Secondly , from God , and thereby from fulnesse of joy and perfection of happinesse . Whereunto fell they ? God suffered them voluntarily and maliciously without any outward temptation to fall into that unpardonable sin of Apostasie , and into the most grievous sins that could be committed . What was the principall sin that the Angels committed ? Howsoever some think it was pride , abusing the place of Isaiah , 14. 13 , 14. which is meant of the King of Babylon ; others envy towards man , as in the book of Wisdome , 2. 24. others lying , out of John 8. 44. yet it comprehended all these and more too , being an utter falling away from God , and that holy standing God placed them in , especially to minister for mans good . How commeth it to passe that the fall of Angels is without hope of restitution , since Man is recovered after his fall ? The Devill committed the sin against the holy Ghost , Matth. 12. 31. 1 John 5. 16. sinning wilfully and maliciously , which is proved by his continuall dealing against God , and therefore he shall never be restored . Were there many Angels that did thus fall ? Yes , as appeareth by Rev. 12. 7. & Mat. 8. 30 , 31. where a legion possessed one man. What punishments were laid upon the Angels for their fall ? First , the fearful corruption of their nature from their first integrity , and losse of Gods image , so that they can never repent . Secondly , the casting of them out from the glory of heaven , and the want of the comfortable presence of God for evermore , 2 Pet. 2. 4. Thirdly , a griefe and vexation at the prosperity of the Saints . Fourthly , a limitation of their power that they cannot doe what hurt they would . Fifthly , horrour and feare of the judgement of the great day ; whereunto they are reserved in everlasting chaines under darknesse , 2 Pet. 2. 4. Jude , vers . 6. Sixthly , a more heavy torment after the day of judgement in hell fire , where they are to feel the infinite wrath of God world without end . Mat. 8. 29. Luke 8. 31. Mat. 25. 41. Apoc. 20. 10. Can the Devill work miracles , and tell things to come ? No , but God onely ; Mat. 4. 3. Esay 41. 23. What power have they to hurt man ? They have no more power then is under nature , ( for above nature they cannot work ) and yet they can doe nothing by that power , but what God appointeth ; not so much as the entring into hogges . Matth. 8. 31. How are they affected towards man ? Very maliciously , as their severall names given them doe declare . What be those names ? First , Satan , because they mortally hate men . Secondly , Devill , because they slanderously accuse them to God and man , Job 1. 11. & 2. 5. Rev. 12. 8 , 9 , 10. Thirdly , the old Serpent , for their subtile temptation . Fourthly , the great Dragon , for their destroying of many , Rev. 12. 8 , 9 How many of them doe attend upon every man ? Sometimes many upon one , and one upon many . What be the evill offices they perform against man ? Some are common to the godly with the wicked , others are proper to the wicked alone . Have they a like power over the godly and the wicked ? No , for though God permitteth them often to try and exercise the godly , 2 Sam. 1. compared with 1 Chron. 1. Eph. 6. 12. both in body and in mind , ( as Satan afflicted Job both outwardly with grievous sores , and inwardly with dreams and visions ; and sometimes buffeted Paul , 2 Cor. 12. 7. sometimes hindered him from his journey , 1 Thess. 2. 18. ) yet he limiteth them , and turneth their malice to the good of his children , Luk. 22. 31. How manifold are the evill offices which they perform in common against the godly and the wicked ? Two-fold ; either such as respect the body , and the things belonging thereunto , or such as respect the soule . How doe they hurt the body or the things belonging to the body ? They are permitted by God for mans sinne : First , to hurt the creature , that should serve for our comfort , as the Ayre , Sea , Trees , &c. Rev. 7. 2 , 3. Secondly , to abuse the bodies both of men and beasts , for the effecting of their wicked purposes . Thirdly , to delude the senses , making men to beleeve things to be such as they are not , as the Devill did by Jannes and Jambres in Egypt , and by the witch of Endor . Fourthly , to inflict sicknesse and evills upon the bodies of men , and to torment and pain them , as in Job , and the Egyptians . Fiftly , to strike some dumb . Sixtly , to enter into , and really to possesse the bodies of men , using them in most fearfull sort , as Matth. 8. 16. & 12. 28. Seventhly , to inflict death upon the bodies both of men and beasts . How doe they hurt the soule ? First , by depriving some of the use of their reason by frensie and madnesse . Secondly , by troubling and tormenting some with griefe and vexation of soule . Thirdly , by abusing some with passions and melancholy fits , as Saul , 1 Sam. 16. 14. Fourthly , by seducing others , 1 King. 22. 21 , 22. 2 Cor. 4. 4. Fiftly , by manifold and fearfull temptations to sin and wickednesse . Sixthly , by prevailing in such temptations . Seventhly , by accusing before God those with whom they have so prevailed . Eightly , by hindring men from doing good things . What are the offices of the evill Angels that respect the wicked alone ? First , to rule and reign in them without controlment , and to finish his work in them . Secondly , to murther and destroy them in this world , and in the world to come to torment soule and body in hell for ever . What use are we to make of this doctrine , concerning the evill Angels ? First , to tremble at the Lords severity towards them , 2 Pet. 2. 4. and to be thankfull for his bounty and mercies towards our selves , Psal. 8. 1. 4 , 5. Eph. 1. 3 , 4. Secondly , to remember that if God spared not those spirituall creatures sinning against him , neither will he spare us rebelling against his Majesty , 2 Pet. 2. 4. Thirdly , to feare to offend God , that hath such messengers to send at his command . Fourthly , to learn to arm our selves with the shield of faith and fear of God , since we have such great enemies to fight against , Eph. 6. 11. 1 Pet. 5. 9. Fifthly , to be comforted , that though the Devill be powerfull and most malicious against us , yet Christ hath broken his head , Gen. 3. 15. and at last will tread Satan under our feet , Rom. 16. ●0 . Thus much of the providence that concerneth Angels . Shew now how God doth deale with man. As with that creature in whom above all other , he intendeth to set forth the glory of his Wisdome , Power , Justice , and Mercy ; Prov. 8. 31. Psal. 8. 3. &c. 1 Cor. 9. 9 , 10. and therefore the Scriptures doe most plentifully declare the dealing of God with man , both in the time of this world , and for ever hereafter . How is man upheld in his being ? Two wayes . First , as all other bodily creatures : partly by maintenance of every mans life here on earth , for the time alotted by God himselfe . Acts 17. 28. Ps. 36. 6. 1 Tim. 4. 10. Partly , by propagation of kind unto the end of the world , through the blessing of procreation . Gen. 1. 28. Eccl. 1. 4. Secondly , as Angels after a sort ; God so providing , that though the body of man returneth to the earth from whence it was taken , yet the soule perisheth not , but returneth to God that gave it ; Eccl. 12. 7. yea , that the same body also and every part thereof is preserved in the grave , and shall be joyned intire to the soule at the last day , so to continue for ever . Job 19. 26 , 27. How manifold is the state wherein man is to be considered ? Threefold : first , the state of innocencie , commonly had and lost of all mankind , both elect and reprobate , without difference , Eccl. 7. Secondly , the state of corruption and miserie seising on all men naturally , but abiding without recoverie only in the Reprobate , Rom. 3. 23. Thirdly , the state of Redemption proper to the elect , 1 Pet. 2. 9. Psal. 130. 8. All which doe make way unto that finall and everlasting estate of honour or dishonour fore-appointed unto all men , beginning at the end of this life , perfected at the day of judgement , and continuing for ever in the world to come . And thus touching this part of Gods providence the Scriptures doe teach us , both the benefits of God bestowed upon man before his fall ; and likewise his justice and mercy towards him after his fall : his justice upon the Reprobate , who are left without hope of restitution , and reserved together with the Devills unto everlasting punishment , Matth. 25. 41. Rev. 20. 10. 15. His mercy upon the elect who notwithstanding their fall , are restored again by grace , Gen. 3. 15. Is it not likely that all the visible world together with man , is fallen without hope of restitution by mercy ? Yes , for it standeth well with the justice of God , that seeing the visible world was made for the use of man , Gen. 2. 9. that with the fall of man it should be punished , Gen. 3. 17 , 18. and with his raising up be restored , Rom. 8. 20 , 21 , 22. What is that speciall order of government which God useth towards mankind in this world , and in the world to come ? In this world he ordereth them according to the tenor of a two-fold Covenant , in the world to come according to the sentence of a two-fold judgement . What understand you by a Covenant ? An agreement which it pleaseth Almighty God to enter into with man concerning his everlasting condition . What be the parts of this agreement ? Two : the one is the Covenant that God maketh with us ; the other is the Covenant that we make with God : the summ of the former is , that he will be our God , of the latter , that we will be his people . Jer. 31. 33. What gather you from the former ? The sir-name of God , as it is in divers places of Scripture , and namely , Exod. 3. 15. where it is said , The Lord God of your Fathers , the God of Abraham , the God of Isaac , the God of Jacob , hath sent me unto you ; this is my name for ever , and this is my memoriall unto all generations : from whence we may observe the singular glory and priviledge of Gods people , in that God is content to take his sir-name of them , Heb. 11. 16. Why is this sir-name added ? For that it is a fearfull thing to think of the proper name of God alone , unlesse this be added to it , whereby he declareth his love and kindnesse to us . What gather you from the latter ? That man standeth bound by these Covenants of agreement , to perform that duty which God requireth at his hands . How many such Covenants be there ? Two : First , the Law and Covenant of works ; Secondly , the free promise or Covenant of grace , which from the comming of Christ is called the Gospell . Rom. 10. 5 , 6. Gal. 3. 11 , 12. Which of them was first ? The Law , for it was given to Adam in his integrity , when the promise of grace was hidden in God. How so , since it is said that the Law was first given to Moses ? That is to be understood of the written Law , as it was written by Moses , and ingraven in tables of stone by the finger of God , otherwise the same was imprinted in the beginning in the hearts of our first parents , and therefore it is called the Law of nature , Rom. 2. 14. How was this Law given unto Adam in the beginning ? It was chiefly written in his heart at his creation , and partly also uttered in his eare in Paradise ; for unto him was given a will both to good and also to evill , and also to be inclined thereto with ability to perform it . There was something likevvise outwardly revealed , as his duty to God in the sanctification of the Sabbath , to his neighbour in the institution of marriage , and to himselfe in his dayly working about the garden . How doth it appeare that the substance of the Morall Law was written in the hearts of Adam and Eve ? First , by the effect of it in them both , who immediately after their fall were forced by the onely guilt of conscience ( not yet otherwise charged ) to hide themselves from Gods presence . Gen. 3. 8. Secondly , by the remainders thereof in all mankind , who even without the Law , are by light of nature a Law unto themselves . Gen. 4. 6. Rom. 2. 14 , 15. How hath the Morall Law been delivered since the fall ? The summe thereof was comprised in ten words , Exod. 34. 28. Deut. 4. 13. commonly called the Decalogue or ten Commandements , solemnly published and engraved in tables of stone by God himself , Deut. 10. 4. Afterwards the same was more fully delivered in the books of holy Scripture , and so committed to the Church for all ages , as the Royall Law for direction of obedience to God our King ; Jam. 2. 8. and for the discovery of sin and punishment due thereto . Deut. 27. 26. Rom. 1. 31. & 3. 20. What then doth the Law now require of us ? All such duties as were required of Adam in his innocency , Levit. 18. 5. and all such as are required since by reason of his fall ; Deut. 27. 26. binding us to eternall death for our least defect therein . Declare now out of that which hath been said what the Covenant of works is . It is a conditionall Covenant between God and man , whereby on the one side God commandeth the perfection of godlinesse and righteousnesse , and promiseth that he will be our God if we keep all his Commandements : and on the other side man bindeth himselfe to perform intire and perfect obedience to Gods Law , by that strength wherewith God hath endued him by the nature of his first creation . What was done in this Covenant on Gods part ? There was his Law backed with promises , and threatnings , and unto them were added outward seales . What was the summe of this Law ? Doe this , and thou shalt live ; if thou dost it not , thou shalt dye the death . What is meant by Doe this ? Keep all my Commandements in thought , word , and deed . What is meant by life promised to those that should keep all the Commandements ? The reward of blessednesse and everlasting life , Levit. 18. 5. Luke 10. 28. What is meant by death threatned to those that should transgresse ? In this world the curse of God and death with manifold miseries both of body and soule , and ( where this curse is not taken away ) everlasting death both of body and soule in the world to come , Deut. 27. 26. & 29. 19. 20. & 32. 22. Levit. 26. Deut. 28. What were the outward seales added hereunto ? The two trees planted by God for that purpose in the midst of the garden , Gen. 2. 9. 3. 3. that Adam before and in the sight of them might resort to some speciall places to serve God in , and might by the sight of them be put in mind of those things whereof they were signs and seales . What did the tree of life serve for ? It sealed up happinesse , life , and glory unto man , upon condition of obedience ; that by tasting thereof ( which no doubt , according to the manner of Sacramentall signes , was a tree of marvellous comfort and restoring ) he might be assured he should live in Paradise for ever , if he stood obedient to Gods Commandements , Gen. 2. 9. Prov. 3. 18. Revel . 2. 7. Was this tree able to give everlasting life to man , or otherwise , why did God after the fall shut man from it ? It was no more able to give everlasting life , then the bodily eating of any other Sacrament ; but Adam having by sin lost that which was signified hereby , God would have him debarred from the use of the Sacrament . What did the tree of the knowledge of good and evill serve for ? Both for triall of obedience , and also for a warning of their mutability , and of what would follow upon sin ; so sealing death and damnation in case of disobedience , not as though the tree was able to give any knowledge , but that by tasting of it contrary to Gods command they should have experimentall knowledge of evill in themselves , which before they had of good only , and by wofull experience should learn what difference there was between knowing and serving God in their integrity and being ignorant of him by their sin , Gen. 2. 17. What was done in this Covenant on mans part ? Man did promise by that power which he had received , to keep the whole law , binding himself over to punishment in case he did not obey . In what state is man to be considered under this Covenant ? In a twofold estate . 1. Of Innocency . 2. Of Corruption and misery . What things are you to note in the innocent estate of man ? First , the place where he was seated . Secondly , the happy and glorious estate he there enjoyed both in soul and body . Where did God place man when he created him ? In a most glorious , pleasant and comfortable Garden , which is called Paradise , or the Garden of Eden for pleasantnesse , Gen. 2. 8. What doth the Scripture teach concerning it ? The place where it was ; and the commodities thereof . Where , and in what part of the world was it ? In Asia neer the meeting of Euphrates and Tygris , those two famous Rivers . What commodities had it ? All the principall creatures of God did adorn it , and therefore it is said to be more extraordinarily then the rest of the world planted by God : There are set down also the precious stones thereof under the Sardonyx ; pure metals under the gold ; precious woods under the Bdelium , and so all other living things and growing creatures , that it might be as it were a shop furnished for man to see in , and learn by it Gods Wisdome , Power and Majesty . Doth this place now continue ? The place remaineth , but the beauty and commodities be partly by the Floud , partly by mans sin ( for which the whole earth is cursed ) almost abolished , though ( as may be observed out of good Authors ) it is a very fruitfull place still . What happinesse did man enjoy , thus placed in Paradise ? It was partly inward , partly outward . Wherein did the inward appear ? First , in his wonderfull knowledge , whereby he made use of all the creatures of God , as the greatest Philosopher that ever was . Secondly , in that holy and heavenly image of God , of which Adam had the use and comfort before his fall , it shining in him without tainture or blemish , and he thereby being without all sin or punishment of sin . Thirdly , in the full fruition and assurance of the favourable and blissefull presence of his Creator , Matth. 5. 8. Psal. 17. 15. and his heavenly company and conference with God , without all fear , as a subject with his Prince , Gen. 3. 8. Fourthly , in his joyfull serving God , together with absolute contentment in himself , Gen. 2. 25. Wherein did the outward appear ? First , in having so comely , perfect and glorious a body , in which there was no infirmity , pain nor shame , though naked , Gen. 2. 25. Secondly , in his dominion over all the creatures , that submitted themselves and did service unto him , to whom also as their Lord he gave their originall names , Gen. 2. 19 , 20. Thirdly , in the comfortable state and sense , not of Paradise alone , but of all the world round about him , having neither storm , winter , nor extremity in any creature . What employment had man in this estate ? A twofold employment ; the first outward , to till and dresse the Garden , Gen. 2. 15. the other spirituall , to worship and serve God his Creator , and to procure his own everlasting blessednesse , whereto he was fitted with freedome of will and ability for perfect obedience unto God according to the tenor of the Covenant of works . What use are we to make of the knowledge of mans happinesse before his fall ? First , to admire and praise the great goodnesse and favour of God in so dealing with man , a clod of the earth . Secondly , to bewail the losse of that happy estate , with blaming our selves for our sin in Adam . Thirdly , to learn how grievous a thing sinne is in Gods sight , that procured man this dolefull change . Fourthly , to labour and gasp to be heirs of the heavenly Paradise purchased for the elect by Christ ; by which we shall eat of the Tree of life , Rev. 2. 7. Thus far of the state of innocency ; what is the state of corruption and misery ? The fearfull condition whereinto in Adam all mankind fell , Eccles. 7. 29. by transgressing and violating that Covenant of works which God made with him at the beginning : For man continued not in his integrity , but presently transgressed that holy law which was given unto him , willingly revolting from Gods command through Satans temptation into many sinnes by eating the forbidden fruit , and so by the disobedience of one , sin reigned unto death , and death went over all , Rom. 5. 12. 18. What are we then to consider herein ? First , Adams fall ; Secondly , the wretched estate he threw all his posterity into . In what place of Scripture is the History of Adams fall handled ? In the third Chapter of Genesis , the six former verses whereof setteth out the transgression of our first parents , ( which was the original of all other transgressions ) the rest of the Chapter declareth at large the things that followed immediately upon this transgression . How was the way made unto this fall of man ? By Gods permission , Satans temptation , mans carelesnesse and infirmity in yeelding thereunto . What action had God in this businesse ? He permitted the fall of man , not by instilling into him any evill , Jam. 1. 13. 1 John 2. 16. or taking from him any ability unto good ; But first suffering Satan to assail him ( 2 Sam. 24. 1. with 1 Chron. 21. 1. ) Secondly , leaving man to the liberty and mutability of his own will , and not hindring his fall by supply of further grace , 2 Chro. 32. 31. Was then God no cause of the fall of our first Parents ? None at all ; but as hath been said , having created them holy he left them to themselves to fall if they would , or stand if they would in respect of their ability ; as a staffe put on an end right , doth fall without the furtherance of the man that setteth it right ; yet came it to passe not only by the permission of God , but also by his secret Decree , thereby to make way for the manifestation of his Power , Justice and Mercy : for being able to bring good out of evill , as light out of darknesse , he ordereth in his great Wisdome the fall of man to the setting out of the glory , both of his mercy in those that shall be saved in Christ , and of his Justice in those that shall perish for their sins , Rom. 11. 32. yet without wrong to any , being not bound to his creature to uphold him by his grace from falling , Rom. 11. 35. What hand had Satan in procuring the fall of man ? Being himself fallen , upon a proud , envious and murtherous mind , he deceived our first parents by tempting them to sinne , to the end he might bring them into the like estate with himself ; and as in this respect he is said to have been a murtherer from the beginning , Joh. 8. 44. so doth he ever since seek to do what hurt he can to mankind , moving them still to sin against God , and labouring to bring them to damnation . What doe you observe herein ? His envy of Gods glory and mans happinesse , together with his hatred and malice against mankind , whom ( as a murtherer doth his enemy ) he hateth and laboureth to destroy . What gather you from this attempt of his against our first parents in the state of Innocency ? That Satan is most busie to assail them in whom the image of God in knowledge and holinesse doth appear ; not labouring much about those which either lie in ignorance , or have no conscience of walking according to knowledge , as those that are his already . What Instrument did Satan use in tempting man ? He used the Serpent as an Instrument to deceive the woman , and the woman for an Instrument to tempt the man , Gen. 3. 1. 2 Cor. 11. 3. 1 Tim. 2. 14. Why did he use those outward Instruments , and not rather tempt their fancy and affection inwardly ? It seemeth that in their integrity he could not have that advantage against them in those things whereunto they were made subject by their fall . Why did he chuse rather to speak by a Serpent then by any other Beast ? Because it was the fittest that God permitted him , and wisest of all the beasts of the earth , especially possessed by him to deceive man , Gen. 3. 1. It was of all other beasts the subtillest and fittest to creep into the Garden unseen of Adam , ( who was to keep the beasts out of it ) and to remain there without being espyed of him , and creep out again when he had done his feat . If there were craft before the fall , then it seemeth there was sinne ? Craft in beasts is not sin , although the word here used signifyeth a nimblenesse and slinesse to turn and wind it self any way , in which respect it seemeth the Devill chose this beast before any other . What learn you from thence ? That the Devill to work his mischief is exceedingly cunning to make his choice of his Instruments , according to the kind of evill he will solicite unto , Matth. 7. 15. 2 Cor. 11. 13 , 14. 1 Tim. 2. 14. But wee doe not see that hee commeth any more in the body of Serpents ? He may , and in the body of any other beast which the Lord will permit him to come in : Howbeit our case in this is more dangerous then that of our first parents ; for now he useth commonly for Instruments men like unto us and familiar with us , which he could not doe before the fall , Eph. 6. 12. Rev. 2. 10. Why did Satan assail the woman rather then the man ? Because she was the weaker vessel , which is his continuall practice , where the hedge is low there to goe over , ( Luk. 5. 30. Mar. 2. 16. Mat. 9. 11. 2 Tim. 3. 6. ) and might afterwards be a fitter means to deceive and draw on her husband . What are we to consider in his tempting of the woman ? First , the time which he chose to set upon her . Secondly , the manner of the temptation . What note you of the time ? First , that it was immediately , or not long after the placing of them in that happy estate : which teacheth how malicious the wicked one is , who if he could let , would not suffer us to enjoy any comfort either of this life or of that to come , so much as one poor day . Secondly , that he came unto her when she was some space removed from her husband , that hee that should have helped her from and against his wiles might not be present to heare their conference : whence we learn , that the absence of wives from their husbands , who should be a strength unto them , is dangerous , especially that we absent not our selves from the means of spirituall strength , the hearing of the Word , the receiving of the Sacraments , and Prayer . Thirdly , that shee was neere to the Tree of knowledge at the time he set on her : which sheweth his watchfulnesse in taking advantage of all opportunities that might further his temptations . VVhat was the manner of the temptation ? First , he subtilly addressed himself to the woman , and entred into conference with her . Secondly , he made her doubt whether the Word of God was true or not . Thirdly , he offered her an object . Fourthly , he used all the means he could to make her forsake God , and yeeld unto him , pretending greater love and care of mans well doing , then was in God , and bearing them in hand that they should be like unto God himselfe if they did eat of the forbidden fruit , Gen. 3. 5. What was the Devils speech to the woman ? Is it even so , that God hath said , Yee shall not eat of all the fruit in the Garden ? Gen. 3. 1. What doe you note in this ? That it is likely there had been some communication before between the Serpent and the woman , that Satan had asked why they did not eat of the forbidden fruit , seeing it was so goodly and pleasant to behold , and that the woman had answered that they were forbidden , whereupon he inferreth this that Moses setteth downe , wherein we may observe , First , the Devils sophistry , who at first doth not flat contrary Gods command , but to bring her to doubting and conference with him asketh this question , whether God hath forbidden to eat of all the trees in the Garden . Secondly , the wicked spirits malicious and subtile suggestion , in that passing by the great bountifulnesse of the Lord in the grant of the free use of all the fruits in the Garden , he seeks to quarrell with the Lords liberality . Thirdly , we learn from hence to take heed lest for want of some one thing which God withholdeth from us , which we gladly would have , we be not unthankfull to the Lord for his great kindnesse and liberality , and enter further into a mislike of him for that one want , then into the love and liking of him for his innumerable benefits we enjoy , especially it being for our good that he withholdeth it , and that being not good which we desire . What did follow upon this question of Satan ? The woman answering thereunto , not as God had spoken , that surely they should die if they did eat of the forbidden fruit , but by a tearm of doubting , lest ye die ; Satan by this conference and doubting , taketh advantage and assureth them that they shall not die , but have their eies open and receive knowledge . What observe you in this reply of the Devill ? First , his craft in applying himself to the woman , whom he seeing to be in doubt of the punishment , contents himself with it , and abstaineth from a precise deniall , whither he would willingly draw her , because he deemed that the woman would not come so farre , and that in a flat deniall he should have been bewrayed , which notwithstanding in the latter end of this sentence he doth by implication flatly doe : whence we learn , that the Devill proceedeth by degrees , and will not at the first move to the grossest : as in Idolatry he laboureth to draw man first to be present , after to kneel only with the knee , keeping his conscience to himselfe ; lastly , to the greatest worship : In whoredome , first to look , then to dally , &c. and therefore wee must resist the evill in the beginning . Secondly , that hee is a calumniator or caviller , whereof he hath his name Diabolus Devill , and an Interpreter of all things to the worst ; and it is no marvell though he deprave the best actions of good men , seeing hee dealeth so with God , surmising that God had forbidden to eat of the fruits , lest they should know as much as he . Thirdly , that knowing how desirous the nature of man ( especially they of best spirits ) is of knowledge , he promiseth unto them a great encrease thereof ; whereas wee ought to remember that which Moses saith , that the secrets of the Lord are to himself , and that the things that he hath revealed are to us and to our children , Deut. 29. 29. Hitherto of Satans temptation , the cause of the fall without man : What were the causes arising from our first parents themselves ? Not any of Gods creation , but their carelesnesse to keep themselves intire to Gods command : for though they were created good , yet being left by God to the mutability of their own will , they voluntarily enclined and yeelded unto that evill , whereunto 〈◊〉 were tempted , and so from one degree unto another were ●rought unto plain rebellion , Gen. 3. 6. Eccl. 7. 29. What was their first and main sin ? In generall it was disobedience , the degrees whereof were first infidelity , then pride , and lastly , the dis●vowing of subjection by eating the forbidden fruit , which they imagined to be the means whereby they should attain to an higher degree of blessednesse , but proved to be the sin that procured their fall , Gen. 2. 16 , 17. & 3. 6 , 7. Did not Adam conferre with Satan , and take the fruit from the tree ? No ; he received it from his wife , and by her was deceived , and she by Satan , Gen. 3. 4. 17. 1 Tim. 2. 14. Satan indeed was the outward cause of Eves fall , but what are the causes arising from her self ? They are either outward things of the body , or the inward affections of the mind moved by them . What are the outward things of the body ? They are the abuse of the tongue , of the ears , of the eyes , and of the tast : for in that she entertained conference with the Devill , the tongue and ears ; in that it is said that the fruit was delectable to look on , the eyes : and in that it was said it was good to eat , the tast is made to be an instrument of this sin . What learn you from hence ? That which the Apostle warneth , Rom. 6. 13. that we beware that we make not the parts of our bodies weapons of iniquitie : for if without a circumspect use of them they were instruments of evill before there was any corruption or any inclination at all to sin ; how much more dangerous will they be now after the corruption , unlesse they be wel looked unto ? What doe you observe in Eves conference with the Devill ? First , her folly to enter into any conference with Satan , for shee might have been amazed that a beast should speak unto her in a mans voice , but her carelesnesse and curiosity moved her to it . Secondly , her boldnesse in daring to venture on such an adversary without her husbands help or advice . Thirdly , her wretchednesse in daring once to call in question the truth of Gods command , or to dispute thereof , or then to doubt of it . What instruction gather you from her entertaining conference with Satan ? That it is dangerous to talk with the Devill , so much as to bid him to depart , if the Lord to try us , should suffer him to tempt us visibly as he did Eve , unlesse we have a speciall calling of God thereunto . 1. Because he is too subtile for us , we being simple in regard of him . 2. Because he is so desperately malicious , that he will give place to no good thing we can alledge to make him leave off his malicious purpose . What shall we then doe ? We must turn our selves unto God , and desire him to command him away , at whose only Commandment he must depart . Is there any thing blame-worthy in Eves answer to the question of the Serpent ? Notwithstanding that so far she answered truly , that God had forbidden them to eat of the fruit of that tree , and telleth also the punishment truly that would follow thereof , yet began she to slip in the delivery both of the charge and of the punishment : for where she saith they were forbidden to touch it , it is more then the Lord made mention of , and she thereby seemeth to insinuate some rigour of the Lord forbidding even the touch of the fruit ; and where the Lord had most certainly pronounced , that they should die if they eat of the forbidden fruit , she speaketh doubtfully of it , as if they should not certainly die . What learn you from this latter Observation ? That albeit men are oft perswaded they sin , yet that they are not perswaded of the Justice of God against it , whereby the door is opened to sin , which is to make God an Idoll , in spoiling him of his Justice , as if he were so all mercy , as he had forgotten to be just , when as he is as well justice as mercy , as infinite in the one as in the other , which correcteth sharply the sins of such as he will save . What learn you of the abuse of the tongue in this conference ? That as the tongue is a singular blessing of God , whereby man excelleth all the creatures upon the earth , so the abuse of it is most dangerous , because it setteth on fire the whole course of nature , and it is set on fire of hell , Jam. 3. 6. What observe you of that it is said , that Eve saw the fruit was delectable to look on ? Her lustfull and wicked eye in suffering her mind to be allured to look on the beauty of the fruit with a purpose to affect the eating of it . How is it said , that she saw it was good to eat , when shee had never tasted of it ? Shee knew by the beautifull colour it was so ; for if we are able in this darknesse ( we are fallen into ) to discerne commonly by the sight of the fruit whether it be good , and the skilfull in Physick by the colour onely of the hearb , to tell whether it be hot or cold , sweet or sowre , how much more were Adam and Eve , who had the perfection of the knowledge of those things , more then ever Solomon himselfe ? What learn you by the abuse of these outward senses ? That they are , as it were , windowes whereby sin entred into the heart , when there was no sin , and therefore will much more now , the heart being corrupted . What instructions gather you from thence ? First , that we must shut them against all evill and unlawfull use of their objects , and open them to the use of good things , make a Covenant with them as Job did with his eyes , Job 31. 1. by a strong and painfull resistance of the evill that commeth by the abuse of them , as it were , and cut them off , and throw them away , as our Saviour giveth counsell , Mat. 5. 29 , 30. Secondly , that as the senses are more noble , as the hearing and sight , called the senses of learning , so there should be a stronger watch set upon them ; those being the senses that Adam and Eve were especially so deceived by . What observe you of that it is said , shee saw that it was desirable for knowledge ? That was only her errour , which shee having begun to sip of by communication with the Devill , did after drink a full draught of , by beholding the beauty of the fruit , and receiving the delicate tast thereof ; and withall observe how we can heap reasons true and false to move us to follow our pleasures . What learn you from thence ? That the heart inclining to errour , doth draw the senses to an unlawfull use of them , and that the abuse of the senses doth strengthen the heart in errour . What gather you hereof ? That before the heart was corrupted , there was no abuse of these outward senses . But that being corrupt , the abuse thereof doth settle the heart deeper in errour . What was the effect of all these outward and inward meanes ? First , Eve yeelded to Satan , and put his will in execution in eating of the fruit that was forbidden . Secondly , shee gave it also to Adam to eat . What force hath the word also here used by the holy Ghost ? Thereby as by a speciall word of amplification the sin is aggravated against her , to shew her naughtines ; not only in committing the sin her selfe , but also in alluring the husband to doe as she had done . What learn you from thence ? 1. The nature of sinners to draw others to the condemnation they are in , as Satan Eve , and Eve her Husband , even those that are nearest them ; whose good they should procure . 2. That we should take heed of that the Apostle warneth us , not to be partakers of other mens sins , as if we had not enough of our own to answer for ; which especially belongeth unto those in charge , 1 Tim. 5. 22. 3. How dangerous an instrument is an evill and deceived wife , which the Lord commandeth men should beware to make choice of , and if the man which is strong , much more the woman . What learn you of that Adam eat forthwith ? First , that which hath been before noted , that the Devill by one of us tempteth more dangerously then in his own person ; so that Satan knew he could not so easily have deceived Adam by himself , as by Eve. Secondly , for that in excesse of love he yeelded ; it teacheth husbands to love their wives , but it must be in the Lord , as the wives must doe their husbands . How doth it agree with the goodnes , or with the very justice of God , to punish mankind so fearfully for eating of a little fruit ? Very well , for first , the heynousnesse of an offence is not to be measured by the thing that is done , but by the worthinesse of the person against whom it is committed . And how much more the Commandement our first parents brake was easie to be kept , ( as to abstain from one onely fruit in so great variety and plenty ) so much more grievous was their sin by breaking it . Secondly , though God tryed their obedience in that fruit especially , yet were there many other most grievous sinnes , which in desiring and doing of this they did commit : Insomuch that we may observe therein , the grounds of the breach in a manner of every one of the ten Commandements . For the transgression was horrible , and the breach of the whole Law of God ; yea , an Apostasie whereby they withdrew themselves from under the power of God , nay , rejected and denied him ; and not so little an offence as most men think it to be . What breaches of the first Commandement may be observed in this transgression ? First , infidelity , whereby they doubted of Gods love towards them , and of the truth of his word . Secondly , contempt of God , in disregarding his threatnings , and crediting the word of Satan , Gods enemy , and theirs . Thirdly , hainous ingratitude and unthankfulnesse against God for all his benefits , in that they would not be beholding unto him for that excellent condition of their creation ( in respect whereof they ought unto him all fealty ) but would needs be his equall . Fourthly , curiosity in affecting greater wisdome then God had endued them withall by vertue of their creation , and a greater measure of knowledge then hee thought fit to reveale unto them . Fiftly , intolerable pride and ambition , not onely desiring to be better then God made them , but also to be equall in knowledge to God himselfe , and aspiring to the highest estate due to their Creatour . How did our first parents break the second Commandement ? Eve , by embracing the word of the Devill , and preferring it before the word of God ; Adam , by hearkning to the voyce of his wife , rather then to the voyce of the Almighty . Gen. 3. 17. What were the breach of the third ? First , presumption in venturing to dispute of Gods truth , and to enter in communication with Gods enemy , or a beast who appeared unto them , touching the word of God , with whom no such conference ought to have been entertained . Secondly , reproachfull blasphemy , by subscribing to the sayings of the Devill , in which he charged God with lying , and envying their good estate . Thirdly , superstitious conceit of the fruit of the tree , imagining it to have that vertue which God never put into it , as if by the eating thereof , such knowledge might be gotten as Satan perswaded . Fourthly , want of that zeale in Adam for the glory of God which he ought to have shewed against his wife , when hee understood shee had transgressed Gods Commandements . How was the fourth Commandement broken ? In that the Sabbath was made a time to conferre with Satan in matters tending to the high dishonour of God. If it be true that on that day man fell into this transgression , as some not improbably have conjectured ; for at the conclusion of the sixth day , all things remained yet very good , Gen. 1. 31. and God blessed the seventh day , Gen. 2. 3. Now it is very likely Satan would take the first advantage that possibly he could to entrap them , before they were strengthened by longer experience , and by partaking of the Sacrament of the tree of life , ( whereof it appeareth by Gen. 3. 22. that they had not yet eaten ) and so from the very beginning of man , became a manslayer . John 8. 44. Shew briefly the grounds of the breach of the Commandements of the second table in the transgression of our first parents . The fifth was broken , Eve giving too little to her husband in attempting a matter of so great weight without his privity , and Adam giving too much to his wife in obeying her voyce rather then the Commandement of God , and for pleasing of her , not caring to displease God. Gen. 3. 17. The sixth , by this act they threw themselves and all their posterity into condemnation and death , both of body and soule . The seventh , though nothing direct against this Commandement , yet herein appeared the root of those evill affections which are here condemned , as not bridling the lust , and wandring desire of the eyes , as also the inordinate appetite of the tast , Gen. 3. 6. in lusting for and eating that onely fruit which God forbad , not being satisfied with all the other fruits in the garden . The eighth ; first , laying hands upon that which was none of their own , but by a speciall reservation kept from them . Secondly , discontent with their present estate , and covetous desire of that which they had not . The ninth , judging otherwise then the truth was of the vertue of the tree , Gen. 3. 6. and receiving a false accusation against God himselfe . The tenth , by entertaining in their minds Satans suggestions , and evill concupiscence appearing in the first motions leading to the forenamed sinnes . Thus much of our first parents sinne , and the causes thereof . Now let us come to the effects of the same ; shew therefore what followed in them immediately upon this transgression . Three fruits were most manifest : namely , guiltinesse of conscience , shame of face , and feare of Gods presence . Did any punishment follow upon this sinne ? Sinne , guiltinesse , and punishment doe naturally follow one upon another ; otherwise the threatning , that at what time soever they did transgresse Gods Commandement , they should certainly dye , should not have taken effect . Declare how that threatning took effect . They were dead in sinne , which is more fearfull then the death of the body , as that which is a separation from the favour of God : for there came upon them the decay of Gods glorious image in all the faculties of their soule , and also a corruption of the powers of their body , from being so fit instruments to serve the soule as God made them ; and this in them is signified by nakednes ; Gen. 3. 7. And in their children called originall sin . Then there issued from thence a streame of actuall sinnes in the whole course of their life ; which appeared in Adam even upon his fall , by his flying from Gods presence , and affirming that it was his nakednesse that made him flye , his excusing of his sin , and laying it on the woman , &c. By sin an entrie being made for death , Rom. 5. 12. they became subject to the separating of the soul from the body , which is bodily death ; and of both from God , which is spirituall death , signified by expelling them out of Paradise , and debarring them of the sacramentall tree of life , Gen. 3. 22. &c. And thus by the just sentence of God being for their sin delivered into the power both of corporall and of eternall death ; they were already entred upon death and hell , to which they should have proceeded untill it had been accomplished both in body and soule in hell , with the Devill and his Angels for ever , if the Lord had not looked upon them in the blessed Seed . For the fuller understanding of the things that immediatly followed the transgression of our first parents ; let us consider more particularly what is recorded in the 3d. ch . of Gen. And first shew what is meant by that in v. 7. that their eyes were opened , & they saw themselves naked . were they not naked before , and having the eye sharper then after the fall , must they not needs see they were naked ? It is true ; howbeit their nakednesse before the fall was comely , yea more comely then the comeliest apparell we can put on ; being clad with the robe of innocency , from the top of the head unto the sole of the foot : wherefore by nakednesse he meaneth a shamefull nakednesse both of soule and body , as the Scripture speaketh elsewhere ; Rev. 3. 17 , 18. Exod. 32. 25. What gather you from hence ? That the loathsomenesse of sin is hidden from our eyes untill it be committed , and then it flasheth in the faces of our conscience , and appeareth in its proper colours . Was that well done that they sewed fig-tree leaves to hide their nakednesse ? In some respect : forasmuch as they sought not remedy for the nakednesse inward , it was not well ; but that they were ashamed to behold their own nakednesse of the body , it was well : for in this corrupt and sinfull estate , there is left this honesty and shamefastnesse , that neither we can abide to look on our own nakednesse , and shamefull parts , much lesse upon the shamefull parts of others ; although it be of those that are nearest joyned unto us . What gather you from thence ? First , that those that can delight in the beholding either of their own nakednesse , or the nakednesse of any other , have lost even the honesty that the sinfull nature of man naturally retaineth . Secondly , that such as for customes sake have covered their nakednesse with clothes , doe notwithstanding with filthy words , as it were , lay themselves naked , are yet more wretched , and deeplier poysoned with the poyson of the unclean spirit , and have drunk more deeply of his cup. Seeing our nakednesse commeth by sin , and is a fruit thereof , it may seem that little infants have no sinne , because they are not ashamed . So indeed doe the Pelagian hereticks reason ; but they consider not that the want of that feeling is for the want of the use of reason ; and because they doe not discerne between being naked and clothed . What followeth ? That at the noyse of the Lord in a wind , they fled from the presence of God , and hid themselves where the trees were most thick . What gather you from thence ? First , that the guilt of an evill conscience striketh horrour into a man ; and therefore it is said , that terrours terrifie him round about , and cast him down , following him at the heeles , and leave him not till they have brought him before the terrible King : Job 18. 11. 14. Thereof it is , that the feast of a good conscience is so extolled , as to be a continuall feast . Prov. 15. 15. Secondly , the fruit of the sinne comming from the feare , which is to flye from God as from an enemy , whereof it is that the Apostle affirmeth , That having peace of conscience , we have accesse and approach to God. Rom. 5. 2. Their blindnesse , which esteemed that the shadow or thicknesse of trees would hide them from the face of God , whereas if we goe up into heaven he is there ; if into the deep , he is there also , Psal. 139. 7. 13. he being not so hidden in the trees , but that a man might find him out . What followeth ? That God asketh where he is , which knew well where he was . What learne you from hence ? First , that we would never leave off running from God , untill we come to the depth of hell , if God did not seek us , and follow us , to fetch us as the good shepheard the lost sheep . Esa. 65. 1. Luk. 15. 4. Secondly , that the means of calling us home , is by the word of his mouth . What followeth ? That Adam being asked , assigneth for causes things that were not the causes , as namely , the voyce of the Lord , his feare , and his nakednesse , which were not the true causes , considering that he had heard the voyce of God , and was naked when he fled not ; dissembling that which his heart knew to be the true cause . viz. his sin . What learn you from thence ? That it is the property of a man unregenerate to hide and cloake sinne , and therefore , that the more we hide and cloak our sinnes , when we are dealt with for them , the more we approve our selves the children of the old man , the cursed Adam . Job 31. 33. What followeth ? The Lord asketh how it should come that he felt his nakednesse as a punishment , and whether he had eaten of the forbidden fruit . What note you from thence ? That before that our sinnes be knowne in such sort as the deniall of them is in vaine and without colour , we will not confesse our sinnes . What learn you out of Adams second answer unto God ? That the man unregenerate dealt with for his sinnes , goeth from evill to worse ; for the sin that he did before , and now cannot hide , he excuseth , and for excusing it , accuseth the Lord ; as those doe which when they heare the doctrine of predestination and providence , thereupon would make God partie in their sins . What learn you further ? That howsoever Adam alledgeth it for an excuse , because he did it by perswasion of another , yet God holdeth him guilty , yea dealeth vvith him as vvith the principall , because his gifts vvere greater then his vvifes . What learn you from the answer of Eve , to the Lords question ; why she did so ? The same vvhich before , that the unregenerate man doth goe about to excuse the sinne he cannot deny ; for shee casteth her sinne upon the Serpent , and said that which was true , but kept back the confession of her Concupiscence , without which the Serpent could not have hurt her . How commeth it to passe that the old Serpent the Authour of all is not called to be examined ? Because that the Lord would shew no mercy to him , wherefore he only pronounceth Judgement against him . What learn you from thence ? That it is a mercy of God when we have sinned to be called to accompt , and to be examined either by the Father of the houshold , or by the Magistrate , or by the Governour of the Church ; and a token of Gods fearfull Judgment when we are suffered to rest in our sins without being drawn to question for them . What observe you in the sentence against the Serpent ? That the first part contained in the 14. ver . is against the Instrument of the Devil ; and that the other part contained in the 15 ver . is against the Devil . What learn you of this proceeding to sentence ? That after the cause well known , Judgement should not be slacked . Why doth God use a speech to the Serpent that understandeth it not ? It is for mans sake , and not for the beasts sake . Why for mans sake ? To shew his love to mankind by his displeasure against any thing that shall give any help to doe hurt unto him ; in which respect he commandeth that the Oxe that killeth a man should be slain , and that the flesh thereof should not be eaten ; ( Exod. 21. 28. ) like a kind Father that cannot abide the sight of the knife that hath maimed or killed his child , but breaketh it in peeces . What manner of curse is this , when there is nothing laid upon the Serpent , but that he was appointed to at the beginning , before he became the Devils Instrument to tempt Eve ? It is true , that he crept upon his belly before , and eat dust before , as appeareth in the Prophet , Esay 65. 25. but his meaning is , that he shall creep with more pain , and lurk in his hole for fear , and eat the dust with lesse delight and more necessity . What learn you from thence ? Not to suffer our selves to be instruments of evill to any in the least sort , if we will escape the curse of God ; for if God did punish a poor worm , which had no reason or will to chuse or refuse sin , how much lesse will he spare us which have both ? What is the sentence against the Devill ? The Ordinance of God , That there shall be always enmity between the Devil and his seed on the one side , and the woman and her seed on the other , together with the effect of this enmity . VVhat doe you understand by the seed of the Devill , seeing there is no generation of the Devils , for that there is no male nor female among them , neither have they bodies to engender ? The seed of the Devill are all both wicked men and Angels , Joh. 8. 44. which are corrupt and carry his image , 1 Joh. 3. 8. In which respect the wicked are called the children of the Devil , and every where the sons of Belial , Act. 13. 10. What learn you from thence ? That the war of mankind with the Devill is a lawfull war proclaimed of God , which is also perpetuall and without any truce , and therefore that herein it is wherein we must shew our choler , our hate , our valour , our strength , not faintly and in shew only , but in truth , whereas we being continually assaulted with our enemy , leave our fight with him to fight against our brethren , yea against our own soules ; he continually and without ceasing fighting with us , and not against his own , as the blasphemous Pharisees said , Mat. 12. 24. VVhat is the sentence against the Woman ? First , in the pain of conception and bearing child . Secondly , in the pain of bringing forth ; wherein is contained the pain of nursing and bringing them up . Thirdly , in a desire to her husband . Fourthly , in her subjection to her husband . Was she not before desirous and subject to her husband ? Yes ; but her desire was not so great , through conscience of her infirmity , nor her subjection so painfull , and the yoake thereof so heavy . What is the sentence against Adam ? First , his sin is put in the sentence , and then his punishment . What is his sin ? One , that he obeyed his wife whom he should have commanded ; then , that he disobeyed God , whom he ought to have obeyed ; the first being proper to him , the other common to his wife with him . What was the punishment ? A punishment , which although it be more heavy upon Adam , yet it is also common to the woman ; namely , the curse of the earth for his sake , from whence came barrennesse by Thistles and Thorns , &c. whereof , first , the effect should be sorrow and grief of mind . Secondly , labour to the sweat of his brows , to draw necessary food from it , and that as long as he lived . Lastly , the expulsion out of Paradise , to live with the beasts of the earth , and to eat of the hearb which they did eat of ? What learn you from thence ? That all men , from him that sitteth on the Throne , to him that draweth water , are bound to painfull labour , either of the body , or of the mind , what wealth or patrimony soever is left them , although they had wherewith otherwise plentifully to live . What observe you else ? I observe further out of this Verse and out of the two next , that in the midst of Gods anger he remembreth mercy : for it is a benefit to Adam , that he may live of the sweat of his brows ; to Eve , that she should bring forth , and not be in continuall travell ; unto them both , that he taught them wisdome to make leather Coats . What learn you from that it was said , God made them Coats ? That in every profitable invention for the life of man , God is to be acknowledged the Authour of it , and have the honour of it , and not the wit of man that invented it , as is the manner of men in such cases to sacrifice to their nets , Hab. 1. 16. When there were better means of clothing , why did they weare Leather ? It seemeth that thereby they should draw themselves the rather to repentance and humiliation by that course clothing . What learn you from thence ? That howsoever our condition and state of calling afford us better array ; yet we learn even in the best of our clothes to be humbled by them , as those that are given us to cover our shame , and carry always the mark and badge of our sinnes ; especially when these which were , even after the fall , the goodliest creatures that ever lived , learned that lesson by them . What followeth ? A sharp taunt that the Lord giveth Adam , ver . 22. further to humble him , as if he should say , Now Adam dost thou not see and feel how greatly thou art deceived in thinking to be like God in eating of the forbidden fruit ? What learn you from it ? That by the things we think to be most esteemed contrary to the will of God , we are most subject to derision ; and that it must not be a plain and common speech , but a laboured speech that must bring us to repentance . Why doth God banish him out of Paradise , lest he should live if he should eat of the tree of Life , seeing there is no corporall thing able to give life to any that sinne hath killed ? It is true that the eating of the fruit of the Tree of life would not have recovered him , but the Lord therefore would have him banished from it , lest he should fall into a vain confidence thereof , to the end to make him seek for grace . Wherefore are the Angels set with a glittering sword to keep them from the Tree of life ? To encrease their care to seek to Christ , being banished from it , without hope of comming so much as to the sign of life . What learn you from hence ? The necessary use of keeping obstinate sinners from the Sacraments and other holy things in the Church . Thus much of the miserable and unhappy condition which our first parents brought upon themselves . Did this estate determine in their persons , or was it derived from them to all their posterity ? It was ; for their sinne in eating the forbidden fruit was the sin of all men , and we therein became sinners and guilty of eternall Condemnation : So that they by this first transgression did not onely lose for themselves the Image and favour of God , but withall all deprived their posterity of that blessed estate , Rom. 3. 23. and plunged them into the contrary , Rom. 3. 12. bringing damnation upon themselves and us all : wherefore this cursed estate of mankind is called in the scriptures the image of Adam , Gen. 5. 3. the old man , Ephes. 4. 22. the flesh , Gen. 6. 3. John 3. 6. &c. And the Apostle teacheth expresly , Rom. 5. 12. That by one man sinne entred into the world , and death by sinne : and so death went over all men , forasmuch as all men have sinned . How doth the Apostle here call this the sinne of one man , seeing both Adam and Eve sinned which are two , and that Eve sinned before Adam ? In the name of Adam was comprehended the man and the woman , for by mariage two are made one ; and Moses calleth both the man and the woman Adam , Gen. 5. 2. and last of all , the Apostle used the word here signifying both man and woman . What reason is there that all their posterity should take part with them both in their fall and in the wofull effect thereof ? It seemeth not to stand with the Justice of God to punish us for the sin that we never did . Our first parents by Gods appointment were to stand or fall in that triall , not as singular persons only , but also as the head and root of all mankind , representing the persons of all that should descend from them by naturall generation ; and therefore for the understanding of the ground of our participation with Adams fall , two things must be considered . First , that Adam was not a private man in this businesse , but sustained the person of all mankind , as he who had received grace and strength for himself and all his posterity , and so lost the same for all : For Adam received the promise of life for himself and us with this condition , if he had stood , but seeing he stood not , he lost the promise of life both from himself and from us ; and as his felicity should have been ours if he had stood in it , so was his transgression and misery ours : So that as in the second Covenant , the righteousnesse of the second Adam ( Christ Jesus the Mediatour ) is reckoned to those that are begotten of him by spirituall regeneration ( even those that beleeve in his name ) although they never did it : so in the first Covenant , the sinne of the first Adam ( who herein sustained a common person ) is reckoned to all the posterity that descend from him by carnall generation , because they were in him , and of him , and one with him , Rom. 5. 15 , 16 , 17 , 18 , 19. Secondly , that we all who are descended from Adam by naturall generation , were in his loyns and a part of him when he fell , and so by the law of propagation and generation sinned in him , and in him deserved eternall condemnation ; therefore as two Nations are said to be in the womb of Rebekah , Gen. 25. 23. and Levi to have paid tithes to Melchisedec in the loins of Abraham , Heb. 7. 9 , 10. who was not born some hundred years after , so is it here . Thus we see that as by the act of generation in leprous parents , the parents Leprosie made the childrens , and the slavish and villanous estate of the parents is communicated unto all the off-spring , ( for a man being a slave , his progeny unto the hundred generation , unlesse they be manumitted shall be slaves ) even so the naturall man howsoever he thinketh himself free , yet in truth he is sold under sin , and is the very servant of corruption , and in that state shall for ever remain , unlesse the Son doe make him free , Joh. 8. 33 , 34. 36. Rom. 6. 17. 19 , 20. & 7. 14. 2 Pet. 2. 19. We see also that great Parsonages rebelling against the King , do not only thereby hurt and disgrace themselves , but also stain their whole bloud , and lose their honour and Inheritance from themselves and from their children ; for by our Law a man being attainted of High treason , the attaint of bloud reacheth to his posterity , and his children as well as he lose the benefit of his Lands and Living for ever , unlesse the King in favour restore them againe , as God in his mercy hath done unto us . Then it appeareth , that by propagation from our last parents we are become partakers of the sin of our first parents ? Even so , and for the same transgression of our first parents , by the most righteous Judgement of God , we are conceived in sin , and born in iniquity , and unto misery , Ps. 51. 5. for men are not now born as Adam was created , but death doth reign over them also that sinned not after the like manner of the transgression of Adam , Rom. 5. 14. that is , over infants , who are born in sin , & not by imitation , but by an inherent corruption of sin , even as we see the young Serpents and Wolves that never stung men or devoured sheep , are notwithstanding worthy to die , because there are principles of hurtfulnesse and poysonsomnesse in them . How is it shewn , that babes new born into the world have sin ? In that they are afflicted sundrily , which they bewray by their bitter cries , and in that they comming out of the mothers womb goe straight into the grave . What is then the naturall estate of man ? Every man is by nature dead in sin as a loathsome carrion , or as a dead corps , and lieth rotting and stinking in the grave , having in him the seed of all sins , Eph. 2. 1. 1 Tim. 5. 6. For the fuller understanding of the state of sin and the consequents thereof , declare first what sin is . It is defined in one word , 1 Joh. 3. 4. to be the transgression of the law ; namely , a swerving from the law of God , making the sinner guilty before God , and liable to the curse of the law , Gen. 4. 7. Seeing by the law sinne is , and the law was not before Moses , Rom. 5. 13. it seemeth there is no sin untill Moses ? When it is said the law was not before Moses , it is to be understood of the law written in the Tables of stone by the finger of God , and other laws Ceremoniall and Politicall written by Moses at the commandement of God : for otherwise the law ( the Ceremoniall law excepted ) was written in the heart of man , and for the decay therof through sin taught by those to whom that belonged from the fall unto Moses . Is every breach of the Law of God sin ? Yea , if it be no more but the least want of that God requireth , Rom. 7. 7. Gal. 3. 10. And doth every sin , the very least , deserve the curse of God and everlasting death ? Yes verily , because God is of infinite Majesty and dignity , and therefore what so toucheth him deserveth endlesse wrath : wherefore Purgatory , and our owne satisfaction for small sinnes is vain . How many sorts of sins are there ? Sin is either imputed , or inherent ; the one without us , and the other within us . What is the sin Imputed ? Our sin in Adam , in whom as we lived , so also we sinned ; for in our first parents ( as hath been shewed ) every one of us did commit that first sinne which was the cause of all other , and so we all are become subject to the imputation of Adams fall , both for the trasgression and guiltinesse , Rom. 5. 12. 18. 19. 1 Cor. 15. 22. What sins are Inherent in us ? They doe either defile our nature , or our actions , the one called Originall sin , the other Actuall , Col. 3. 9. For every one naturally descending from Adam , beside the guilt of that first sin committed in Paradise ; first , is conceived and born in original corruption , Ps. 51. 5. Secondly , living in this world sinneth also actually , Gen. 6. 5. Esay 48. 8. yea , of himself he can doe nothing but sin , Jer. 13. 23. neither is there any thing pure unto him , Tit. 1. 15. What is Originall sin ? It is a sin wherewith all that naturally descend from Adam are defiled even from their first conception , infecting all the powers of their souls and bodies , and thereby making them drudges and slaves of sin , for it is the immediate effect of Adams first sin , and the principall cause of all other sins . How is this sin noted out unto us ? In that other sinnes have their speciall names , whereas this is properly called sinne , because it is the puddle and sinke of other sinnes , and for that also the more it is pressed , the more it bursteth forth , as mighty streams are , that cannot be stopped , till God by his holy Spirit restrain it . Wherein doth it specially consist ? Not only in the deprivation of justice , and absence of good , but also in a continuall presence of an evill principle and wicked property , whereby we are naturally inclined to unrighteousnesse , and made prone unto all evill , Jam. 1. 14. Rom. 7. 21. 23. For it is the defacing of Gods Image consisting chiefly in wisdome and holiness , whereof we are now deprived , and the impression of the contrary image of Satan , John 8. 41 , &c. called Concupiscence , Rom. 7. 7. Jam. 1. 14. consisting , first , in an utter disability and enmity unto that which is good , Rom. 7. 18. & 8. 7. Secondly , in pronenesse to all manner of evill , Rom. 7. 14. which also every man hath at the first minute and moment of his conception , contrary to the opinion of the Pelagians , who teach that sinne commeth by imitation . Is the Image of God wholly defaced in man ? No , if we take it in a large acception : For man remaineth still a reasonable creature , and capable of grace , having the same parts and faculties he had before ; and in them some reliques of Gods Image , Gen. 9. 6. Jam. 3. 9. As in the understanding some light , John 1. 9. in the conscience sometimes right judgement , Rom. 2. 15. in the will some liberty to good and evill in naturall and civill actions : Rom. 2. 14. and freedome in all things from compulsion , &c. Is there not a power left in man , whereby he may recover his former happinesse ? Man hath still power to perform all outward actions , but not to change himselfe , untill he be changed by the grace of God. Is man then able to perform the Law of God perfectly ? They that are not born again of God , a cannot keep it all , b nor in any one point as pleasing to God thereby , in respect of themselves . For except a man bee borne of God , hee cannot see the Kingdome of heaven , nor enter therein ; neither can he keep the Commandements of God. Moreover , all men by nature being conceived and born in sinne , are not onely insufficient to every good thing , but also disposed to all vice and wickednesse . Can man in this estate doe no good thing to please God , to deserve at least something of his favour ? We have lost by this sinne all the righteousnesse we had in our creation , so as now if God should say to us , Think but a good thought of thy selfe , and thou shalt be saved ; we cannot : but our nature is as a stinking puddle , which within it selfe is loathsome , and being moved is worse . But doth not God wrong to man , to require of him that he is not able to performe ? No ; for God made man so , that he might have performed it , but he by his sins spoiled himselfe , and his posterity of those good gifts . Is this corruption of nature in all the children of Adam ? Yea , in all and every one that are meer men , none excepted ; Rom. 3. 10. & 5. 15. All children since Adams fall being begotten in it , Ps. 51. 5. How then doth the Apostle say , that holy parents beget holy children ? Parents beget children as they are by nature , not as they are by grace . How is originall sin propagated and derived from the Father to the Sonne ? Wee are not to bee so curious in seeking the manner how , as to marke the matter to bee in us : even as when a house is on fire , men should not be so busie to enquire how it came , as seeing it there , to quench it : But this we may safely say , that what effect the committing of the first sinne wrought in the soule of Adam , the same it doth by the imputation of it work in the soules of his posterity ; as therefore the committall of that sin left a staine behind it in his nature , being like a drop of poyson that being once taken in , presently infecteth the soundest parts ; or like the dead flye that marreth the most precious ointment of the Apothecary : so in the creation and infusion of our soules into our bodies , God justly imputed the same transgression unto us , the same corruption of nature ( as the just punishment of that sin ) must ensue in the like manner . Hath this inbred sin , wherein every one is conceived , equally polluted all men ? Yes , though not altogether alike for disposition and motion to evill ; for experience teacheth us that some are by nature more milde , courteous , and gentle then others , which difference notwithstanding is not so much in the natures of men , as in the Lord who represseth these sins in some , which he suffereth to rise up in others . In what part of our nature doth this our corruption abide ? In the whole man from the top to the toe , and every part both of body and soule , Gen. 6. 5. 1 Thess. 5. 23. Like unto a leprosie that runneth from the crowne of the head to the sole of the foot : but chiefly it is the corruption of the five faculties of the soule , which are thereby deprived of that holinesse wherein God created them in Adam . Is not the substance of the soule corrupted by this sinne ? No , but the faculties onely depraved and deprived of originall holinesse . For first , the soule should otherwise be mortall and corruptible . Secondly , our Saviour took our nature upon him without this corruption . To come then to the speciall corruptions of the five faculties of the soul. Then first how this sin is discerned in the Vnderstanding . The mind of man is become subject to blindnesse in heavenly matters . First , Darknesse and ignorance of God , of his will , and of his creatures ; 1 Cor. 2. 14. Eph. 4. 17 , 18 , 19. Rom. 8. 5. Secondly , uncapablenesse , unablenesse , and unwillingnesse to learn though a man be taught , Rom. 8. 7. Luk. 24. 45. Thirdly , unbeleefe and doubting of the truth of God , taught and conceived by us . Fourthly , vanity , falshood and error ; to the embracing whereof , mans nature hath great pronenesse : Esa. 44. 20. Jer. 4. 22. Prov. 14. 12. & 16. 25. What use make you of this corruption of the understanding ? That the originall and seeds of all heresies and errors are in mans heart naturally without a teacher , and therefore we should distrust our own knowledge , to lead us in the matters of God and Religion ; and onely be directed by Gods holy word . How is the Memory corrupted ? First , with dulnesse and forgetfulnesse of all good things that we should remember , notwithstanding we have learned them often . Secondly , with readines to remember that we should not , and to retain errors and vanities ( as tales and playes ) much more then godly matters . What use make you hereof ? As , first , to bewaile the defects of our understanding , so to lament our forgetfulnesse of good things . Secondly , to distrust the faithfulnesse or strength of our memories in hearing and learning good things , and to use all good helps we can , as often repeating them , writing , and meditating on them . Thirdly , not to clogge our memories with vanities , for which we should rather desire the art of forgetfulnesse . How is the Will corrupted ? First , with a disablenesse and impotency to will any thing that is good in it selfe , Rom. 5. 6. Phil. 2. 13. Secondly , with slavery to sin and Satan , the will being so enthralled , Rom. 6. 20. & 7. 23. and hardened , Eph. 4. 18. that it onely desireth and lusteth after that which is evill , Gen. 6. 5. Job 15. 16. Thirdly , with rebellion against God and any thing that is good . Rom. 8. 7. What use are we to make hereof ? First , that we have no free will left in us since Adams fall for heavenly matters . Secondly , that for the conversion either of our selves or any other , we must not look for it from man , but pray to God to convert man , who worketh in us both the will and the deed , Phil. 2. 13. Heb. 2. 5. as the Prophet saith , Convert thou me , and I shall be converted . Lam. 5. 21. How are the affections corrupted ? The affections of the heart which are many , as love and hatred , joy and sorrow , hope and feare , anger , desire , &c. are subject to corruption and disturbance . Gal. 5. 24. James 4. 15. Job 15. 16. First , by being set upon unmeet objects , in affecting and being inclined to the things they should not be , and not to those they should ; thus we hate good and love evill , 1 Kings 22. 8. And in a word , our affections naturally are moved and stirred to that which is evill to embrace it , and are never stirred up to that which is good , unlesse it be to eschew it . Secondly , by disorder and excesse , even when we doe affect naturally good things ; as for our own injuries , we are more angry then for Gods dishonour ; when we are merrie , we are too merrie ; when sad , too sad , &c. What use make you of the disorder of the affections ? First , to keep our selves from all occasions to incense them to sinne , whereunto they are as prone as the tinder to the fire . Secondly , to labour to mortifie them in our selves , that we may be in regard thereof pure Nazarites before God , Gal. 5. 24. Col. 3. 5. How is the conscience corrupted ? It is distempered and defiled , Tit. 1. 15. both in giving direction in things to be done , and in giving judgment upon things done . How in the former ? It sometime giveth not direction at all , and thereupon maketh a man to sin in doing of an action otherwise good and lawfull , Rom. 14. 23. sometime it giveth direction , but a wrong one ; and so becometh a blind guide , forbidding to doe a thing which God alloweth , and commanding to doe things which God hateth . 1 Cor. 8. 7. Col. 2. 21. John 16. 2. How in the latter ? When it either giveth no Judgement at all ; being left without feeling ; or when it hath an evill feeling and sense . How is it left without feeling ? When it is so senselesse and benummed with sin , that it never checketh a man for any sin , Eph. 4. 18 , 19. called a cauterized conscience , 1 Tim. 4. 2. which reseth from the custome of sinning , Heb. 3. 13. How doth it faile , when it hath a feeling , but a naughty one ? Sometimes in excusing , sometimes in accusing . How in excusing ? First , when it excuseth for things sinfull , making them no sinnes , or small sins , and so feeding the mind with vain comforts . Mark. 10. 20. Gen. 3. 10. 12. Secondly , when as it excuseth us for having a good intent without any warrant of Gods word , 1 Chron. 13. 9. How in accusing ? First , when for want of time , direction , and lightening , it condemneth for doing good , ( as a Papist for going to Sermons ) condemning where it should excuse , and so filling the mind with false feares . Secondly , when accusing for sin it doth it excessively , turmoyling a man with inward accusations and terrors , Esa. 57. 20. and drawing him to despair by such excessive terror , as may be seen in Cain and Judas . What use are we to make of this confusion of the conscience ? First , seeing it doth thus abuse us , we are never to make it a warrant of our actions , unlesse it be directed by Gods word . Secondly , we are to feare the terror of the great Judge of heaven and earth , when we are so often , and so grievously terrified with our little Judge that is in our soul. What corruption hath the body received by originall sinne ? It is become a ready instrument to serve the sinfull soule , having both a pronenesse to any sin the soul affecteth , and likewise an eagernes to commit it and continue in it , Rom. 6. 12. 19. whereby it is come to passe , that the bodily senses and members are , 1. As Porters to let in sin , Job 31. 1. Psal. 119. 37. Matth. 5. 29 , 30. 2. The instruments and tooles of the mind for the execution of sinne , Rom. 3. 13 , 14 , 15 , & 6. 13. VVhat use are we to make of this doctrine of originall sinne ? First , the due knowledge thereof serveth to humble the pride of man remembring that he is conceived in so sinfull a sort , that howsoever the branches of his actions may seem green , yet is he rotten at the root . Secondly , it should move him with all speed to seek for regeneraon by Christ , seeing he hath so corrupt a generation by Adam . VVhat is actuall sinne ? It is a violation of Gods Commandements done by us after the manner of Adams transgression , Rom. 5. 14. to wit , a particular breach of Gods Law in the course of our life , which proceedeth as an evill fruit from our naturall corruption , and leaveth a stain in the soule behind it , Jer. 13. 23. which polluteth the sinner , and disposeth him to further evill . How is such sin committed ? Either inwardly , or outwardly . How inwardly ? First , by evill thoughts in the mind , which come either by a mans own conceiving , Gen. 6. 5. Matth. 15. 19. or by the suggestion of the Devill . John 13. 2. Acts 5. 3. 1 Chron. 21. 1. Secondly , by evill motions and lusts stirring in the heart against the righteousnesse of the Law , which condemneth the very first motions of evill that arise from our corrupt nature . How outwardly ? By evill words and deeds , Esa. 3. 8. which arise from the corrupt thoughts and motions of the heart when any occasion is given , Matth. 15. 19. So that the imagination of mans heart , the words of his mouth , and works of his hands , are all stained with sin . Be not outward sins more grievous then inward ? Some be , and some be not ; for if they be against the same Commandement , and the same branch thereof , they are much more wicked and evill ; because , first , God is more dishonoured outwardly ; Secondly , other men are offended , if godly , or inticed by their example , if wicked ; Thirdly , a man doth more ingrosse himselfe in sin outward , then in a bare thought , that he restraineth from outward action . But how may some thoughts be more evill then actions ? If they be of more wicked matters : as the denying of God in heart , is worse then an idle word . What use are we to make thereof ? It serveth , first , to condemn the common sort , that say , and hold that thoughts are free , which are oft so sinfull ; Secondly , to assure us that many though they lead an outward civill life in actions , yet if their hearts be not cleansed by faith , may be more odious in Gods sight that knoweth their thoughts , then a godly person that may be left to some outward weaknesses in his life . What be the degrees by which men doe proceed in the committing of actuall sin ? Out of James 1. 14 , 15. these foure degrees may be observed . First , temptation to sin , James 1. 14. 2 Sam. 11. 12. which then only is sin to us , when it either ariseth from our own corruption , or from outward occasions to which we have offered our selves carelesly . For if every temptation to sin offered unto us should be sin simply , then our Saviour that was tempted should have sinned . Therefore the outward or inward temptations that Satan may offer be not sins to us , till they get some hold in us , which is , when we are the occasion of them our selves , by inward corruption or outward carelesnesse in venturing upon temptations . Secondly , concupiscence bringing sinne to conception , James 1. 15. which is done by these degrees : First , entertaining the sinne whereunto we are tempted , and suffering it to have abode in the mind or thought . Secondly , withdrawing the heart from God ( whom we ought to feare with all our hearts ) and his Commandements , Jam. 1. 14. Thirdly , consulting whether that sinne which we ought to hate may be done or no. 3. Consent of the mind to commit sinne , whereupon ensueth the birth of sin , Jam. 1. 15. by which it is brought forth into act against God or man. 4. Often repetition of sin , by custom and continuance , wherein the heart finally is hardened , Heb. 3. 13. and sinne is come to a perfection or ripenesse , Jam. 1. 15. which is the strength that sin getteth over man , whom it ruleth , as a Master doth a slave ; in which estate who so continueth must look for eternall death , Jam. 1. 15. for sin then reigneth , which it never doth in the godly . Are these actuall transgressions all of one sort ? No , for they are diversly considered , in respect of the Commandement broken , the object offended , the disposition followed , and the degrees attained . How for the Commandement ? The breach of a Commandement that biddeth , is a sin of omission , but of one that forbiddeth , is a sin of conversion ; the one is an omission of duty required , the other a Commission of evill forbidden ; by the one we offend in omitting those things which we should doe , by the other in committing those things which we should not doe . Which be the inward sins of omission ? The not thinking so often or religiously of heavenly things , ( respecting the first table ) or of good duties to man as we should , but suffering our minds to be a through-fare for vaine or wicked thoughts to passe through more then good : which sinne , if it were thought of well , would make men more humble before God , and to make more conscience of their houres , dayes , and nights , to mark how their mind is occupied . What be inward sins of Commission ? All actuall sins of the mind and thoughts , whether we be awake dealing with God or man , or asleep dreaming . Examples of the first against God , are to think there is no God , Psal. 10. 45. or to have vile and base conceipts of him or his government , Psal. 10. 41. 1 Cor. 2. 14. And towards man , every inward breach of the second table . But doth man commit sin in the night when he dreameth ? Yes surely , the soule is never idle , but when it thinketh not of good , it thinketh of evill : and the godly may mark that after they have had any dreams of things unlawfull , their heart is in a measure wounded , till they obtaine peace and pardon from God. What use are we to make thereof ? To pray earnestly that God would sanctifie our corrupt hearts , that it may be a fountaine of holy and not sinfull thoughts ; and in the night , 1. To commit our selves specially to God , that because we having our Senses and Judgement bound and silent , are lesse able to resist and judge our sinfull thoughts , God would preserve us from them by his grace ; And , 2. That we avoid all occasions thereof in the day . What be the outward sins of Commission ? Such as to the committing of them beside the thought of our mind any part of our body doth concurre ; as our tongue to words , and other parts to deeds . How are sinnes distinguished in regard of the object offended ? Some sins are more directly against God , some against men , either publique or private , and others against a mans self . How in regard of the disposition followed ? Either as we partake with others sins , Esa. 6. 5. or as we commit the sin in our own person . What be the differences of partaking with others sins ? First , when we conceal and winke at other mens sins which we ought to reveal and rebuke , as Magistrates and Ministers oft doe . 1 Sam. 3 13. Secondly , when we further it by our consent , presence , or counsell , Act. 7. 58. & 8. 1. & 22. 20. & 23. 14 , 15. Rom. 1. 32. Thirdly , when we provoke others to sin , Mark 6. 25. VVhat difference of disposition is there in those sins which a man doth commit in his own person ? Some sins are committed of Ignorance , 1 Tim. 1. 13. Ps. 19. 12. or of an erring conscience , 1 Cor. 8. 7. which a man doth either not know , or not mark : others are done of knowledge . Doth not Ignorance excuse ? Affected Ignorance doth rather increase then diminish a fault . VVhat be the differences of sins of knowledge ? 1. Some are of infirmity and temptation , for feare of evill or hope of good , Rom. 7. 19. Mat. 26. 69 , 70. 2. Some of presumption , obstinacy , and stubbornesse in sinning , against which David earnestly prayed , Ps. 19. 13. & 50. 21. Eccles. 8. 11. and this may proceed ( if men have not the grace of God ) to obstinate and wilfull malice against God and his truth , and to the unpardonable sinne against the holy Ghost , Heb. 6. 4 , 5 , 6. & 10. 29. Mark 3 29 , 30. What is the sin against the holy Ghost , the highest of all sins ? It is a wilfull and malicious falling from , and resisting of the Gospell , after a man hath been enlightned with it , and felt a taste thereof ; manifested in outward action by some blasphemous oppugning the truth of set hatred , because it is the truth . What are you to consider in this sin ? The nature thereof , and the deadlinesse of the same . What note you in the nature ? The reason why it is so called , and the quality thereof . Why is it called the sin against the holy Ghost ? Not because it is committed against the third Person only , ( for it is committed against all three ) but because it is committed against the light of knowledge with which the holy Ghost hath enlightned the heart of him that committed it , and that of set malice : for every one that sinneth against his knowledge may be said to sin against the holy Ghost , as Ananias and Sapphira were said to doe , Act. 5. 3. But that is not this great sin of malice , resisting the truth , because it is the truth , but of infirmity . What qualities and properties hath this great sin ? First , it must be in him that hath known the truth , and after falleth away , Heb. 6. 5. therefore Infidels and Heathens doe not sin this sinne ; neither any that are ignorant , though maliciously they blaspheme the truth . Secondly , it must be done of set malice , because it is the truth , as the Pharises did , Mat. 12. 31. Heb. 6. 6. Therefore Peter that cursed himself , and denyed that he knew Christ , to save his life , did not sinne this sin ; nor Paul that did persecute him doing it of ignorance . Thirdly , it must be against God himself directly & his Son Christ Jesus , Mat. 12. 31. Heb. 6. 6. Therefore it is not any particular breach of the second Table , nor a slip against any speciall sin of the first . Can these qualities at any time befall the elect or children of God ? No : and therefore they that feel in themselves the testimony of their election , need not fear their falling into this sin , nor despair . VVhat is the deadlinesse of this sin above other sins ? First , God hath pronounced it shall never be pardoned ; not because God is not able to pardon it , but because he hath said he will not forgive it . Secondly , this sin is commanded not to be prayed for , when persons are known to be guilty of it , 1 Joh. 5. 16. whereas we are bound to pray for all other persons . Thirdly , this is the ordinary and first sin of the Devill , and therefore is he never received into mercy , no more then those that are guilty of it . Thus much of the sinne against the holy Ghost : Shew now the differences of actuall sins in regard of the degrees attained . Some are only sins , but others are wickednesses , and some beastlinesses , or devilishnesses ; for though originall sin be equall in all Adams children , yet actuall sins be not equall , but one much greater then another . Are not sins well divided into Veniall , and Mortall ? None are Veniall of their own nature , but only to the faithful they are so made by the mercy of God in Christ. Doe all naturall men alike commit all these kinds of sin ? No : for though all are alike disposed unto all manner of evill , Rom. 7. 14. having in their corrupt nature the seeds of every sin ; yet doth God for the good of humane society restrain many from notorious crimes , by fear of shame and punishment , desire of honour and reward , &c. Rom. 13. 3 , 4 , 5. How doth God employ men in this state of sin ? First , he guideth them partly by the light of nature , Rom. 2. 14 , 15. Joh. 1. 9. and partly by common graces of the Spirit , Esa. 44. 28. unto many actions profitable for humane society , and for the outward service of God. Secondly , he over-ruleth their evill and sinful actions , so that thereby they bring to passe nothing but what his hand and counsell had before determined for his own glory , Act. 3. 16. & 4. 27 , 28. What are the things that generally follow sin ? They are two : Guilt and punishment ; both which doe most duly wait upon sin to enter with it , and cannot by any force or cunning of man or Angel be holden from entring upon the person that sin hath already entred upon ; both likewise doe increase as the sinne increaseth . What is the guilt of sin ? It is the merit and desert of sin , which is as it were an obligation to the punishment and wrath of God , whereby we become subject to Gods debt or danger ; that is , to condemnation , Rom. 2. 15. & 3. 9. & 10. 19. For every man by reason of his sin is continually subject to the curse of God , Gal. 3. 10. and is in as great danger of everlasting damnation , as the Traitour apprehended is in danger of hanging , drawing and quartering . Is there any evill in the guilt before the punishment be executed ? Very much ; for it worketh unquietnesse in the mind , as when a man is bound in an obligation upon a great forfeiture , that very obligation it self disquieteth him ; especially if he be not able to pay it ( as we are not . ) And yet more , because where other debts have a day set for payment , we know not whether the Lord will demand by punishment his debt this day before to morrow . What learn you from this ? That sith men doe shun by all means to be in other mens debt or danger ( as also the Apostle exhorteth , Rom. 13. 8. Owe nothing to any man ; and Solomon also counselleth in the matter of suretiship , Prov. 6. 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5. ) we should more warily take heed that we plunge not ourselves over head and ears in the Lords debt ; for if it be a terrible thing to be bound to any man in stature Staple , or Merchant , or recognizance , much more to God who will be paid to the uttermost farthing . How else may the hurt and evill of the guilt of sinne be set forth unto us ? It is compared to a stroake that lighteth upon the heart and soul of a man , where the wound is more dangerous then when it is in the body , Gen. 44. 16. 1 Sam. 24. 4 , 5 , 6. and so it is also a sting or a bite worse then of a viper , as that which bringeth death . Have you yet wherewith to set forth the evill of the guilt ? It seemeth when the Lord said to Cain , if he sin against his brother , his sin lyeth at the door , Gen. 4. 7. that he compareth the guilt to a dog that is always snarling and barking against us ; which is confirmed by the Apostle , who attributeth a mouth to his desert of sin to accuse us , Rom. 2. 15. What is the effect of this guilt of Conscience ? It causeth a man to flie when none pursueth , and to be afraid of the fall of a leaf , Prov. 28. 1. Levit. 26. 36. VVhen a man doth not know whether he doth sin or no , how can he be smitten , or bitten , or barked at , or flie for feare ? therefore against all this evill ignorance seemeth to be a safe remedy ? No verily ; for whether we know it or no , his guilt remaineth : as a debt is a debt , though a man knoweth it not ; and it is by so much the more dangerous , as not knowing it , he will never be carefull to discharge it , till the Lords arrest be upon his back , when his knowledge will doe him no good . VVe may see many which heap sinne upon sinne , and know also that they sinne , and yet for all that cease not to make good cheer , and make their hearts merry . The countenance doth not alwayes speake truth , so that sometimes under a countenance in shew merry there are stings and pricks in the Conscience , Rom. 2. 15. which yet is oftentimes benummed , and sometimes through hypocrisie it is seared , as it were with a hot iron , 1 Tim. 4. 2. but the Lord will find a time to awaken and revive it , by laying all his sinnes before his face , Psal. 50. 21. VVhen it is known what is the remedy of it ? It were wisdome not to suffer our guilt to run long on the score , but reckon with our selves every night ere we lie down to sleep , and look back to the doings of the day , that in those things which are well done we may be thankefull and comfort our own hearts , and in that which passeth otherwise from us , we may call for mercy , and have the sweeter sleep ; for if Solomon willeth us in that case of debt by suretyship to humble our selves to our Creditor , and not to take rest untill we have freed our selves , Prov. 6. 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6. much more ought we to haste the humbling our selves unto God , sith the bloud of Christ is the onely sacrifice for sinne . Is the guilt of sin in all men alike ? No : for as the sin encreaseth , so doth the guilt , both in regard of the greatnesse and of the number of our sins , as appears out of Ezra 9. 6. where as sin is said to be gone above their heads , so the guilt to reach up to the heavens . VVhen the sin is gone and past , is not the guilt also gone and past ? Christ taketh away both the guilt and the sin of the godly , ( except originall sin which continueth during life ) but in the wicked when the act of sin is gone , the guilt remaineth always ; as the strong savour of garlick , when the garlick is eaten , or as the scarre of a wound , or the mark of a burning , when the wound or burning is past . VVhat is contrary to the guilt of sin ? The testimony of a good Conscience , which is a perpetuall joy and comfort , yea and a heaven to him that hath walked carefully in Gods obedience , as the other is a torment of hell . So much of the guilt , what is the punishment ? It is the wages of sin sent for the guilt , Rom. 6. 23. namely , the wrath and curse of God , by whose just sentence man for his sinne is delivered into the power both of bodily and spirituall death , begun here , and to be accomplished in the life to come , Gen. 2. 17. John 3. 18 , 19. & 5. 24. & 28. 29. Lamen . 3. 36. Esa. 64. 5 , 6. Rom. 6. 12. Gal. 3. 10. VVhat do you understand by bodily and spirituall death ? By the one I understand the separation of the soule from the body , with all personall miseries and evils that attend thereon , or make way thereto ; by the other the finall separation of both from God , together with present spirituall bondage , and all forerunners of damnation . Are all the particular punishments expressed in the word which shall come for sin ? They cannot wholly be laid down , they be so manifold and so divers , and therefore it is said they shall come written and unwritten , Deut. 29. 20. & 28. 61. Against whom are these punishments addressed ? Against the whole estate of him that sinneth : For whereas executions upon obligations unto men are so directed as they can charge either the person alone , or his goods and lands alone , so as if the Creditor fall upon the one he freeth the other , as if he fall upon the person he cannot proceed further then unto his body : the execution which goeth out from God for the obligation of sin is extended to the whole estate of the sinner , both to the things belonging unto him , and likewise to his own person . VVhat be the punishments that extend to the things belonging to him ? Calamities upon his family , wife , children , servants , friends , goods and good name , the losse and curse of all these , and unhappy and miserable posterity , ( Matth. 15. 22. Psalme 109. 12. ) hinderances in goods , Deuter. 28. in name , ignominy and reproach , Matth. 7. 12. Job 18. 17. Prov. 10. 7. losse of friends , acquaintance , &c. What are the judgements executed upon his person ? They are executed either in this life , or in the life to come . What punishments are inflicted in this life ? They be partly outward , partly inward . What be the outward punishments ? 1. His want of dominion over the creatures , and the enmity of the creatures against him , calamities by fire , water , beasts , or other means , disorder in the world , in summer , winter , heaven , earth , and all creatures . 2. Shame for the nakednesse of body . 3. All hunger in extremity , thirst , nakednesse , penury , poverty of estate , and want of bodily necessaries . 4. Wearinesse in following his calling with sweat of his browes , with trouble and irksomnesse , Gen. 3. 19. 5. Outward shame and infamy . 6. Servitude . 7. Losse of limbs , or of the use of his senses , deformities in body . 8. Weaknesse of beeing , want of sleep , pains of body , aches , soars , sicknesses and diseases of all sorts , Deut. 28. Mat. 9. 2. even to the itch , which few make accompt of ; therby to feel the anger of God and punishment of sin : hither is to be referred pain in Child-bearing , Gen. 3. 16. What be the inward punishments in this life ? 1. Sorrow and anguish of soul for these plagues and the like . 2. Madnesse , frenzy , and foolishnesse . 3. Blindnesse and distemper of the soul , when God striketh it with an ignorant spirit , with want of judgement to discern between good and bad , with forgetfulnesse of holy things , or hardnesse of heart , Eph. 4. 17 , 18 , 19. which although for the time they be least felt , yet are they more fearfull and dangerous , then those whereof the sense is presently sharp . 4. Terrour and vexation of spirit , driving into hell , guiltinesse and horrour of Conscience , the fury of a despairing soul , beginning even in this life to feel hell torments , Deut. 28. 28. Heb. 10. 27. Esa. 33. 14. 5. Strangenesse and alienation from God. 6. Spirituall bondage , whereby sinfull man is become subject to the lust of the flesh , the curse of the Law , the rule of Satan , and the custome of the world ; yea , even blessings are cursed , Malac. 2. 2. and prosperity causeth ruine , Psal. 69. 22. In what sort is man in bondage unto Satan ? Both soul and body is under the power of the Prince of darknesse , whereby man becommeth the slave of the Devil , and hath him to reign in his heart as his God , till Christ deliver him , Col. 1. 13. Ephes. 2. 2. 2 Tim. 2. 26. 2 Cor. 4. 4. Heb. 2. 14. Luke 11. 21 , 22. How may a man know whether Satan be his God or no ? He may know it by this , if he give obedience to him in his heart , and expresse it in his conversation . And how shall a man perceive this obedience ? If he take delight in the evill motions that Satan puts into his heart , and doth fulfill the lusts of the Devil , Joh. 8. 44. 1 Joh. 3. 8. What is that slavery whereby a man is in bondage to the flesh ? A necessity of sinning ( but without constraint ) untill he be born again by the grace of God , Mat. 12. 33 , 34 , 35. If we sin necessarily , and cannot but sin , then it seemeth we are not to be blamed ? Yes , the necessity of sin doth not exempt us from sin , but only constraint . What punishments are inflicted upon sinfull man after this life ? A twofold death . Which is the first death ? Bodily death in the severall kindes ; namely , the separation of the soul from the body , Gen. 3. 19. Eccl. 12. 7. Rom. 5. 12. Wherein consisteth the second death ? 1. In an everlasting separation of the whole man from the favourable presence and comfortable fellowship of Gods most glorious Majesty , in whose countenance is fulnesse of joy . 2. Perpetuall imprisonment in the company of the Devill and Reprobates damned in hell . 3. The most heavy wrath of God and unspeakable torments to be endured in hell fire world without end , 2 Thess. 1. 9. How doth this death seize upon man ? 1. After this life is ended , the soule of the wicked immediately is sent unto hell , there to be tormented unto the day of Judgement , Luk. 16. 22 , 23. 2. At the day of Judgement the body being joyned to the soule againe , both shall be tormented in hell everlastingly , Matth. 10. 28. so much also the more as they have had more freedome from pain of body , and anguish of soule , and losse of outward things in this life . Is the punishment of all sins alike ? No ; for as the guilt increaseth , so doth the punishment ; and as the smallest sin cannot escape Gods hand , so as we heap sins , he will heap his judgements , John 19. 11. Mat. 11. 20 , 21 , 22 , 23 , 24. But God is mercifull ? He is indeed full of mercy , but he is also full of righteousnesse , which must fully be discharged , or else we cannot be partakers of his mercy . Cannot we by our own power make satisfaction for our sins , and deliver our selves from the wrath of God ? We cannot by any meanes , but rather from day to day increase our debt ; for we are all by nature the sons of wrath , and not able so much as to think a good thought ; therefore unable to appease the infinite wrath of God conceived against our sins . Could any other creature in heaven or earth ( which is onely a creature ) perform this for us ? No , none at all ; for first God will not punish that in another creature , which is due to be paid by man. Secondly , none that is onely a creature can abide the wrath of God against sinne , and deliver others from the same . Thirdly , none can be our Saviour but God. Could man by his own wisdome devise any thing whereby he might be saved ? No ; for the wisdom of man can devise nothing but that which may make a further separation betwixt God and him . VVhat then shall become of man-kind ? is there no hope of salvation , shall all perish ? then surely is a man of all creatures most miserable ; when a dog or a toad die , all their misery is ended , but when a man dieth , there is the beginning of his woe . It were so indeed if there were no meanes of deliverance , but God in his infinite wisdome and mercy hath found out that which the wisdome of man could not , and provided a Saviour for mankind . How then is man delivered from this sinfull miserable estate ? Sinne is repressed , and misery asswaged , by many meanes naturall and civill , but they are not removed , nor man restored , but onely by a new Covenant ; the old being not now able to give life unto any , by reason of the infirmity of our flesh . VVhy is the former Covenant of works called the old ? Because we not onely cannot doe it , but through the perversenesse of our nature ( and not by the fault of the Law ) it maketh our old man of sin elder , and we more hasting to destruction . How are they convinced that seek righteousnesse by this Covenant ? Because thereby they make God unjust , and that he should thus give the Kingdome of heaven to wicked men , as to those that cannot fulfill the Law. Seeing the nature of a Covenant is to reconcile and joyne those together that are at variance ( as we see in the example of Abraham and Abimelech , Laban and Jacob ) why is this called a Covenant , that can make no reconciliation betwixt God and us ? Although it be not able to reconcile us , yet doth it make way for reconciliation by another Covenant : neither is it meet strictly to bind Gods Covenant with men to the same Lawes , that the Covenants of one man with another are bound unto : For amongst men the weaker seeketh reconciliation at the hand of the mightier , Luk. 14. 31 , 32. But God neither able to be hurt , or benefitted by us , seeketh unto us for peace , 2 Cor. 5. 20. VVhether of these two Covenants must be first in use ? The Law ; to shew us , first , our duty what we should doe . Secondly , our sin , and the punishment due thereunto . How is that other Covenant called whereby we are reconciled unto God , and recovered out of the state of sin and death ? The new Covenant , ( so called , because by it we are renued ) the Covenant of grace , of promise , of life and salvation ; the new Testament , the Gospell , &c. Ier. 31. 31 , 32. Rom. 3. 23 , 24. What is the Covenant of grace ? Gods second contract with man-kind after the fall , for restoring of him into his favour , and to the estate of happinesse by the meanes of a Mediatour , Gal. 3. 21 , 22. and it containeth the free promises of God made unto us in Jesus Christ , without any respect of our deservings . VVho made this Covenant ? God alone : for properly man hath no more power to make a spirituall Covenant in his naturall estate , then before his creation he had to promise obedience . How are they convinced by the giving of this second Covenant , which seek righteousnesse in the Law or old Covenant ? Because thereby they make God unwise that would enter into a new and second Covenant , if the former had been sufficient . Heb. 8. 7. When was this Covenant of Grace first plighted between God and man ? Immediately after his fall in Paradise , in that promise given concerning the womans seed , Gen. 3. 15. God in unspeakeable mercy propounding the remedy before he pronounced sentence of Judgment . Was it once only published ? It was sundry wayes declared in all ages , partly by ordinary means , and partly by Prophets extraordinarily sent and directed by God. What is the foundation of this Covenant ? The meer mercy of God in Christ , whereby grace reigneth unto life through the obedience of one , which is Jesus Christ. Rom. 5. 21. For there being three persons of the Trinity , the Father sent his Son to accomplish the work of our Redemption , and both of them send the Holy Ghost to work saving grace in our hearts , and apply unto our soules the holinesse purchased by the Son of God. What is promised therein ? The favour of God and everlasting salvation , with the means thereof , as Christ , and in him Conversion , Justification and Sanctification . What is the condition on mans part ? The gift being most free on Gods part , nothing is required on mans part but the receiving of grace offered ; which is done in those that are of capacity by Faith in Christ : John 1. 12. 14 , 15. Acts 16. 31. whence followeth new obedience , whereby the faithfull walk worthy of the grace received ; and this also is by Gods grace . What then is the summe of the Covenant of grace ? That God will be our God and give us life everlasting in Christ , if we receive him ; being freely by his Father offered unto us . Jer. 31. 33. Acts. 16. 30 , 31. John 1. 12. How doth this Covenant differ from that of works ? Much every way ; for , first , in many points the Law may be conceived by reason ; but the Gospell in all points is farre above the reach of mans reason . Secondly , the Law commandeth to doe good , and giveth no strength , but the Gospell enableth us to doe good , the Holy Ghost writing the Law in our hearts ; Jer. 31. 33. and assuring us of the promise that revealeth this gift . Thirdly , the Law promised life onely ; the Gospell righteousnesse also . Fourthly , the Law required perfect obedience , the Gospell the righteousnesse of Faith. Rom. 3. 21. Fifthly , the Law revealeth sin , rebuketh us for it , and leaveth us in it : but the Gospell doth reveale unto us the remission of sins , and freeth us from the punishment belonging thereunto . Sixthly , the Law is the ministery of wrath , condemnation , and death : the Gospell is the ministery of grace , Justification and life . Seventhly , the Law was grounded on mans own righteousnesse , requiring of every man in his own person perfect obedience ; Deut. 27. 26. and in default for satisfaction everlasting punishment , Ezek. 18. 14. Gal. 3. 10. 12. but the Gospell is grounded on the righteousnesse of Christ , admitting payment and performance by another in behalfe of so many as receive it , Gal. 3. 13 , 14. And thus this Covenant abolisheth not , but is the accomplishment and establishment of the former , Rom. 3. 31. 10. 4. Wherein doe they agree ? They agree in this , that they be both of God , and declare one kind of righteousnesse , though they differ in offering it unto us . What is that one kind of righteousnesse ? It is the perfect love of God , and of our neighbour . What thing doth follow upon this ? That the severe Law pronounceth all the faithfull righteous , forasmuch as they have in Christ all that the Law doth aske . But yet those remaine transgressors of the Law ? They are transgressors in themselves , and yet righteous in Christ , and in their inward man they love righteousnesse and hate sin . What are we to consider in the Covenant of Grace ? The condition , 1. Of the Mediatour . 2. And then of the rest of mankind . In the former consisteth the foundation of this Covenant . The performance whereof dependeth on Christ Jesus , Acts 10. 43. & 3. 24. Rom. 1. 3. 4. To the latter belongeth the application thereof for salvation , unto all that will receive it , 2 Cor. 5. 20. Mat. 6. 33. When was the Mediatour given ? 1. If we regard Gods decree , from all eternity , Eph. 1. 4. 2. If the vertue and efficacie of his Mediation , as soon as need was , even from the beginning of the world , Rev. 13. 8. 3. If his manifestation in the flesh , in fulnesse of time , Gal. 4. 4. 1 Tim. 2. 6. from whence we reckon now , 1643. yeares . Who is this Mediatour between God and man ? Jesus , Luk. 2. 11. Mat. 1. 21. 1 Tim. 2. 5. the Son of the Virgin Mary , the promised Messias , or Christ , whom the Fathers expected , the Prophets foretold , John 1. 45. & 8. 56. Whose life , death , Resurrection , & Ascension the Evangelists describe , Joh. 1. 1. Act. 1. 1. Whose word preached unto this day subdueth the world , 1 Tim. 3. 16. 2 Cor. 10. 4. 5. Finally , whom wee look for from heaven to bee the Judge of quick and dead . Acts 10. 42. What doe the Scriptures teach us touching Christ our Mediatour ? Two things , first his person , Joh. 1. 14. & 3. 33. Secondly , his office . Esa. 61. 1 , 2. Luk. 4. 18. What is his Person ? The second Person in the Godhead , made man. John 1. 14. What have we to consider herein ? First the distinction of the two natures . Secondly the hypostaticall or personall union of both into one Immanuell . What be those two natures thus wonderfully united in one person ? First , his divine nature or Godhead , which maketh the person . Secondly his humane nature or Manhood , which subsisteth and hath his existence in the person of the Godhead , and so we beleeve our Saviour to be both the Son of God , and the son of man. Gal. 4. 4. Luk. 1. 31 , 32. Rom. 1. 3 , 4. & 9. 5. 1 Tim. 3. 16. Mat. 26. 24. What say you of him touching his Godhead ? I beleeve that he is the only begotten Son of the most high and eternall God his Father : His Word , Wisdome , Character , and Image ; begotten of his substance before all worlds , God of God , Light of Light , very God of very God : begotten , not made : finally God , coessentiall , coeternall , and coequall with the Father , and the Holy Ghost . Why call you him the onely begotten Sonne of God ? Because he is the alone Son of God by nature , even the onely begotten of the Father full of grace and truth , John 1. 14. & 3. 18. For though others be the Sons of God by Creation , as Adam was and the Angels . Job . 1. 6. Others by Adoption and Regeneration , as the Saints , and the man Christ Jesus in another respect by hypostaticall union ; yet none is his Son by naturall generation , but the same Christ Jesus ; and that in regard of his Godhead , not of his Manhood ; according to the Apostle , who saith , that he is without Father according to his Manhood , and without Mother according to his Godhead . Heb. 7. 3. But it seemeth that he is called the Sonne of God in respect of the generation of his humane nature , wherein it is said that the Holy Ghost did that which Fathers doe in the naturall generation ; especially seeing he is therefore said to be the Sonne of the Highest , Luk. 1. 35. He is the naturall Sonne of God onely in regard of the eternall generation , otherwise there should be two Sonnes , one of the Father , and another of the Holy Ghost ; but he is therefore called the Sonne of the Highest , for that none could be so conceived by the Holy Ghost , but he that is the naturall Son of God. How is he said to be conceived by the Holy Ghost ? Because the holy Ghost by his incomprehensible power wrought his conception supernaturally , which Fathers doe naturally in the begetting of their children ; not that any of the substance of the Holy Ghost , which is indivisible , came to his generation in the womb of the Virgin. Why is he called the Word ? John 1. 1. As for other reasons declared in the doctrine of the Trinity , so also because he is he whom the Father promised to Adam , Abraham , and all the holy Patriarchs , to make his promises of salvation sure unto them , as a man that hath ones word , thinketh himself sure of the matter that is promised . Why is the Word said to have been in the beginning ? Joh. 1. 1. Not because he began then to be , but that then he was , and therefore is from all eternity . What gather you of this that he is the Wisdome of God ? That our Saviour is from everlasting as wel as his Father : for it were an horrible thing to think that there were a time when God wanted Wisdome . Why is he called the Character or Image of his Father ? Because God by him hath made himselfe manifest to the world in the Creation , and especially in the Redemption of it . What learn you from hence ? That whosoever seeketh to come to the knowledge of God , must come to it by Christ. How is the Godhead of Christ proved ? Not onely by abundant testimonies of Scripture , Esa. 7. 14. & 9. 6. & 25. 9. John. 1. 1. & 20. 28. Rom. 9. 5. 1 Joh. 5. 20. But also by his miracles , especially in the raising of himselfe from death , Rom. 1. 4. together with the continuance and conquest of the Gospell , Acts 5. 39. and that not by carnall power or policie , but onely by the power of his Spirit , Zach. 4. 6. and patient suffering of his Saints , Rev. 12. 11. Why was it requisite that our Saviour should be God ? Because , first , none can satisfie for sin , nor be a Saviour of soules , but God alone ; Psal. 49. 7. 1. Thess. 1. 10. For no creature though never so good , is worthy to redeem another mans sin , which deserveth everlasting punishment . Secondly , the satisfaction for our sins must be infinitely meritorious , otherwise it cannot satisfie the infinite wrath of God that was offended ; therefore that the work of our Redemption might be such , it was necessary our Saviour should be God , to the end his obedience and sufferings might bee of an infinite price and worth , Acts 20. 28. Heb. 9. 14. Thirdly , No finite creature was able to abide and overcome the infinite wrath of God , and the sufferings due unto us for our sins ; Therefore must our Saviour be God , that he might abide the burthen of Gods wrath , in his flesh , sustaining and upholding the man-hood by his divine power , and so might get again , and restore to us the righteousnesse and life which we have lost . Fourthly , our Saviour must vanquish all the enemies of our salvation , and overcome Satan , Hell , Death , and Damnation , which no creature could ever doe . Rom. 1. 4. Heb. 2. 14. Fifthly , he must also give efficacie to his satisfaction , raising us up from the death of sin , and putting us in possession of eternall life . Sixthly , he must give us his Spirit , and by it seale these graces to our soules , and renew our corrupt nature , which only God can doe . What comfort have we then by this that Christ is God ? Hereby we are sure that he is able to save by reconciling us to the Father . And what by this that he is the Sonne ? That uniting us unto himselfe , he may make us children unto his heavenly Father . Heb. 2. 10. Being God before all worlds , how became he man ? He took to himselfe a true body and a reasonable soule , being conceived in time by the Holy Ghost , and born of the Virgin MARY . Heb. 1. 6. Joh. 1. 14. Matth. 1. 18. 20. Luk. 1. 31 , 32. & 2. 7. and so became very man , like unto us in all things ; even in our infirmities ( sin onely excepted . ) Heb. 5. 7. In which respect he hath the name of the Sonne of man given unto him , Matth. 26. 24. because he was of the nature of man according to the flesh , and the Sonne of David , Mat. 9. 27. because he sprang of the linage and stock of David . How doth it appeare that he was true man ? Besides manifold predictions and cleare testimonies of Scripture , Gen. 3. 15. Heb. 2. 17. 1 Tim. 2. 5 , &c. it is abundantly proved by plentifull experiments , especially by his partaking of humane infirmities , his Conception , Birth , Life , and Death ; 1 Pet. 3. 18. Joh. 4. 6 , 7. Luk. 1. 31. & 2. 7. Heb. 2. 9. 14 , 15. How by his Conception ? Because according to the flesh he was made of a woman , and formed of her onely substance ( she continuing still a pure Virgin ) by the power of the most High. Rom. 1. 3. Gal. 4. 4. Luk. 1. 34 , 35. Why is he said to be born ? Mat. 2. 1. To assure us of his true humanity , even by his infancie and infirmitie . Luk. 2. 7. Why was he born of a Virgin ? Luk. 1. 27. That he might be holy and without sin , the naturall course of originall corruption being prevented , because he came not by naturall propagation . What learn you from hence ? That God is faithful as well as merciful , ever making good his word by his work in due season , Luk. 1. 20. 45. Act. 3. 18. 24. Why is there mention of the Virgin by her name Mary ? Luc. 1. 27. For more certainty of his birth and linage , Mat. 1. 16. Heb. 7. 14. 2 Tim. 2. 8. as also to acquaint us with his great humility in so great poverty , Luk. 2. 24. compared with Lev. 12. 8. What gather you from hence ? The marvellous grace of Christ , who being rich , for our sakes became poor , that we through his poverty might be made rich , 2 Cor. 8. 9. Did he not passe through the Virgin Mary ( as some say ) like as saffron passeth through a bag , and water through a Pipe or Conduit ? God forbid : he was made of the seed of David , and was a plant of the root of Jesse , for he took humane nature of the Virgin , and so the Word was made flesh . If he was only made flesh , it would seem that the Godhead served instead of a soul unto him ? Flesh is here taken according to the use of Scripture for the whole man , both body and soul , otherwise our Saviour should not have been a perfect man , and our souls must have perished everlastingly , except his soul had satisfied for them . Was not the Godhead turned into flesh , seeing it is said he was made flesh ? In no wise , no more then he was turned into sin , or into a curse , because it is said , He was made sin , and made a curse for us , 2 Cor. 5. 21. Gal. 3. 13. If the Godhead be not changed into the Manhood , is it not at least mingled with it ? Nothing lesse , for then he should be neither God nor man ; for things mingled together cannot retain the name of one of the simples , as hony and oyle being mingled together , cannot be called hony , or oyle . 2. The properties of the Godhead cannot agree to the properties of the Manhood , nor the properties of the Manhood to the Godhead : For , as the Godhead cannot thirst , no more can the Manhood be in all or many place at once ; therefore the Godhead was neither turned nor transfused into the Manhood , but both the divine nature keepeth entire all his essentiall properties to it selfe ; so that the humanity is neither omnipotent , omniscient , omnipresent , &c. and the humane keepeth also his properties and actions , though oft that which is proper to the one nature is spoken of the person denominated from the other ( which is by reason of the union of both natures into one person . ) The glory of the Godhead being more plentifully communicated with the Manhood after his resurrection , did it not then swallow up the truth thereof , as a whole sea one drop of oyle ? No , for these two natures continued still distinct , in substance , properties and actions , and still remained one and the same Christ. Why did he not take the nature of Angels upon him ? Heb. 2. 16. Because he had no meaning to save Angels , for that they had committed the sin against the holy Ghost , falling maliciously into rebellion against God without temptation . Are not the elect Angels any way benefited by the humane nature of Christ ? No , his humanity only reacheth to sinfull mankind , for if he had meant to have benefited Angels by taking another nature , he would have taken their nature upon him . How is it then said , Eph. 1. 10. & Col. 1. 20. that he reconciled things in heaven ? That is to be understood of the Saints then in heaven , and not any way of the Angels , although by the second Person of the Trinity the Angels were elected , and are by him confirmed , so that they shall stand for evermore . Why was it requisite that our Mediatour should be Man ? was it not sufficient that he was God ? No , it was further requisite that he should be man also ; because 1. Our Saviour must suffer and die for our sins , which the Godhead could not doe . 2. Our Saviour also must perform obedience to the law , which in his Godhead he could not doe . 3. He must be man of kin to our nature offending , that he might satisfie the justice of God in the same nature wherein it was offended , Rom. 8. 3. 1 Cor. 15. 21. Heb. 2. 14 , 15 , 16. For the righteousnesse of God did require , that the same nature which had committed the sin , should also pay and make amends for sin , and consequently that onely nature should be punished which did offend in Adam : Man therefore having sinned , it was requisite for the appeasing of Gods wrath , that man himself should die for sin ; the Man Christ Jesus offering up himself a sacrifice of a sweet smelling savour unto God for us , 1 Tim. 2. 5. Heb. 2. 9 , 10. & 14. 15. Rom. 5. 12. 15. Eph. 5. 2. 4. It is for our comfort , that thereby we might have free accesse to the throne of Grace , and might find help in our necessities , having such an high Priest as was in all things tempted like unto our selves , and was acquainted with our infirmities in his own person , Heb. 4. 15 , 16 , & 5. 2. 5. As we must be saved , so likewise must we be sanctified by one of our own nature ; that as in the first Adam there was a spring of humane nature corrupted , derived unto us by naturall generation : so in the second Adam there might be a fountain of the same nature restored , which might be derived unto us by spirituall regeneration . What comfort then have you by this , that Christ is man ? Hereby I am assured that Christ is fit to suffer the punishment of my sin , and being man himselfe is also meet to be more pitifull and mercifull unto men . What by this , that he is both God and man ? By this I am most certainly assured that he is able most fully to finish the work of my salvation ; seeing that as he is man , he is meet to suffer for sin ; as he is God , he is able to bear the punishment of sin and to overcome the suffering ; being by the one fit , and by the other able to discharge the office of a Mediatour : Mans nature can suffer death , but not overcome it ; the divine nature cannot suffer , but can overcome all things ; our Mediatour therefore being partaker of both natures , is by the one made fit to suffer , by the other able to overcome whatsoever was to be laid upon him for the making of our peace . Are these his natures separated ? No verily , for though they be still distinguished ( as hath been said ) in substance , properties and actions , yet were they inseparably joyned together in the first moment the holy Virgin conceived , and made not two , but one person of a Mediatour , 2 Cor. 13. 4. 1 Pet. 3. 18. 1 Cor. 15. 27 , 28. The holy Ghost sanctifying the seed of the woman ( which otherwise could not be joyned to the Godhead ) and uniting two natures in one person , God and man in one Christ , Luc. 1. 35. 42. Rom. 9. 5. 1 Tim. 2. 5. Joh. 1. 14. a mystery that no Angel , much lesse man is able to comprehend . Why so ? For that the manhood of our Saviour Christ is personally united unto the Godhead ; whereas the Angels of much greater glory then men , are not able to abide the presence of God , Esa. 6. 2. Was this union of the body and soul with the Godhead , by taking of the manhood to the Godhead , or by infusing the Godhead into the manhood ? By a divine and miraculous assuming of the humane nature ( which before had no subsistence in it self ) to have his beeing and subsistence in the divine ; leaving of it one naturall personship which otherwise in ordinary men maketh a perfect person ; for otherwise there should be two Persons and two Sons , one of the holy Virgin Mary , and another of God , which were most prejudiciall to our salvation . What then is the personall union of the two natures in Christ ? The assuming of the humane nature ( having no subsistency in it selfe ) into the person of the Son of God , Joh. 1. 14. Heb. 2. 16. and in that person uniting it to the Godhead , so making one Christ God and man , Mat. 1. 23. Can you shadow out this conjunction of two natures in one person by some earthly resemblance ? We see one tree may be set into another , and it groweth in the stock thereof , and becommeth one and the same tree though there be two natures or kind of fruit still remaining : So in the Son of God made man though there be two natures , yet both being united into one person there is but one Son of God and one Christ. What was the cause that the person of the Sonne of God did not joyn it self to a perfect person of man ? 1. Because that then there would not be a personall union of both to make but one perfect Mediatour . 2. Then there should be four persons in the Trinity . 3. The works of each of the natures could not be counted the works of the whole person , whereas now by this union of both natures in one person , the obedience of Christ performed in the manhood is become of infinite merit , as being the obedience of God : and thereupon , Act. 20. 28. God is said to have purchased his Church with his own blood . What gather you hence ? That his name is wonderfull , Esa. 9. 6. and his sacrifice most effectuall , offering himselfe without spot unto God for us , Heb. 9. 14. 26. What further fruit have we by this conjunction ? That whereas God hath no shape comprehensible either to the eye of the body or of the soule , and the mind of man cannot rest but in a representation of something , that his mind and understanding can in some sort reach unto ; considering God in the second person in the Trinity , which hath taken our nature , whereby God is after a sort revealed in the flesh , he hath whereupon to stay his mind . How did the Jewes then before his comming which could not doe so ? They might propose to themselves the second Person that should take our nature , and the same also that had appeared sundry times in the shape of a man , Gen. 18. 1 , 2. & 19. 1 , 2. Albeit our priviledge is greater then theirs , as they that behold him as he is ; where they did behold as he should be . Hitherto of the Person of Christ , what is his Office ? To be a Mediatour betwixt God and man , and so to discharge all that is requisite for the reconciling of us unto God , and the working of our salvation , 1 Tim. 2. 5. Heb. 9. 15. Joh. 14. 6. whence also he is called an Intercessor and an Advocate , because he prayeth for us to the Father , and pleadeth our cause before his Judgement seat . What a one must he be that should undertake this mediation ? One which is in very deed a man , Heb. 2. 14 , 15. and perfectly righteous without exception , 1 Joh. 3. 5. and more mighty then all creatures ; that is , he which also is the very true God , Act. 20. 28. Can no bare man be Mediatour betwixt God and Man ? No verily , for Eli saith , 1 Sam. 2. 25. that a man offending a man it may be accorded by the Judges , but if he offend against God there is no man can make his peace . Is there then any other Mediatour to be acknowledged besides our Lord Jesus Christ ? None but he ; because , 1. There is but one God , and therefore but one Mediatour between God and man , 1 Tim. 2. 5. 2. He only is fit , as he only that partaketh both the natures of God and man , which is necessary for him that should come between both . 3. That is declared by the Types of Moses , who alone was in the Mountain , of Aaron or the high Priest , who only might enter into the ( Sanctum Sanctorum ) holy place of holy places . 4. The same appeareth by the similitudes wherewith he is set forth : Joh. 10. 9. I am the door , by me if any man enter in , he shall be saved , &c. and Joh. 14. 6. I am the way , no man commeth to the Father but by me . 5. He alone hath found sufficient salvation for all those that come unto him , Heb. 7. 9. Joh. 10. How commeth it then to passe that this office is given to Moses and unto others ? Gal. 4. 19. Deut. 5. 31. They are only Ministers of the Word , not authors of the work of Reconciliation , 2 Cor. 5. 19. Job 33. 23. But is there no need of any other Mediatour for us unto Christ ? No : for he is the next of kinne , Joh. 19. 25 , 26. most mercifull , most faithfull , Heb. 2. 17. and able perfectly to save all those that come to God through him ? How is our Saviour graced by God and commended unto us in his office of Mediation ? First , in that he came not to it but being called of God his Father in a speciall sort , Esa. 42. 1 , 2 , &c. Heb. 5. 4 , 5. Secondly , in that being called he discharged it most faithfully , in which respect he is compared to Moses , faithful in all the house of God , & preferred before him as the Master before the servant , Heb. 3. 2 , 3. 5 , 6. What use are we to make of his calling by God ? 1. Hereby we learn that none should presume to take a charge in Gods Church without a calling since he did it not , Heb. 5. 4 , 5. Esa. 42. 1. 2. 2. There ariseth hereby great comfort unto us , in that he thrust not himself in , but came in by the will of God and his appointment . For hereby we are more assured of the good wil of God to save us , seeing he hath called his Son unto it , and that he will accept of all that he shall doe for us as that which himself hath ordained . What learn you from his faithfulnesse ? That he hath left nothing undone of things that belong to our reconciliation . What names are given him in regard of his office of Mediation ? The name of Jesus and of Christ , Luk. 2. 21. 26. Matth. 16. 16. Why is he called Jesus ? He is called Jesus , that is , a Saviour , because he came to save his people from their sins , Mat. 1. 21. and there is no other means whereby we may in part or in whole be delivered from them . What comfort have you by this ? 1. My comfort is even the same which I have said , and the rather , because God from heaven gave him his name , and the Church on earth hath subscribed thereunto . 2. That nothing can hurt me so long as my faith doth not fail me . Why is he called Christ ? He is called Christ , that is , Anointed , because he was anointed of God to be a Prophet , Priest , and King , for all his people , and so for me , Esa. 61. 1 , 2 , 3 , 4. Act. 4. 26 , 27. Luk. 4. 18. Ps. 45. 7. & 110. 1 , 2 , 3 , 4. Heb. 1. 9. & 7. 1 , &c. Who was he that was thus anointed ? Christ , God and man ; though the outward anointing together with the name of Christ appertained to all those that represented any part of the office of his Mediatorship ; namely , to Prophets , Priests and Kings which were figures of him . Was Christ anointed with materiall oyle as they were ? No : but he was anointed with all gifts and graces of the Spirit of God needfull for a Mediatour , and that without measure , Esay 61. 1. What learn you from hence ? That all fulnesse of grace dwelling in Christ , all true Christians shall receive of his fulnesse , grace for grace , 1 John 1. 14. 16. Whereunto was Christ anointed ? Unto the office of his Mediation , by discharging whereof he might be made an al-sufficient Saviour . Wherein standeth his Mediation , and what are the parts thereof ? Being to be a Mediatour between God and man , 1 Tim. 2. 5. the first part of his mediation must be exercised in things concerning God , wherein consisteth his Priestly office ; Heb. 2. 17. & 5. 1. & 7. 24. The second in things concerning man , wherein he exerciseth his Propheticall and Kingly function . Why must he be a Priest ? To offer sacrifice for his Church and to reconcile us unto God , Psa. 110. 4. Heb. 3. 1. & 4. 14. & 5. 5 , 6. &c. & 7. 3. 17. & 8. 2 , 3. & 9. 11. 14. otherwise we should never have been justified , nor sanctified , and so not have been at peace with God. Why must he be a Prophet , Doctor or Apostle ? To teach his Church , Deut. 18. 15. 18. Act. 3. 22. & 7. 37. Luke 4. 18. otherwise we should never have known God nor the things that belong unto him , Joh. 1. 18. Why must he be a King or Prince ? To rule and govern his Church , Psal. 110. 1 , 2 , 3. Luk. 1. 33. otherwise we should never have been delivered from the captivity of sin and Satan , nor be put in possession of eternall life . What is his Priesthood ? It is the first part of his mediation , whereby he worketh the means of salvation in the behalf of mankind , and so appeaseth and reconcileth God to his elect , Heb. 5. 5 , &c. and 7. 1. & 3. 13. 17 , &c. and 13. 11 , 12. Where is the doctrine of Christs Priesthood especially handled ? In the Epistle to the Hebrews , and namely in the 7 Chapter , from the 13. ver . to the end , wherein is contained a declaration of his office of Priesthood , being compared with the Priesthood of Aaron ; the Apostle shewing , 1. What manner of one he ought to be that hath this office . 2. How he executeth it . Wherein standeth the manner of him that shall have this office ? Partly without him , and partly within himself ; without him , as first that he was chosen of the Tribe of Judah , and not of Levi ; to shew that he was not successor of Aaron , but rather was to abolish all those Ceremoniall services and offices . Secondly , that the Priests of Levi were appointed by the law of the fleshly commandement , whereas Christ was appointed by the law of the power of life . Thirdly , that he was installed in it by his Father , and appointed by an oath for ever , to be a Priest after a new order of Melchisedec . What benefit ariseth to us in that this was confirmed by an oath ? It giveth unto us comfortable assurance , that all the parts of his Priesthood be performed unto us , and that he paid the ransome for our sins . Was not the Word of God sufficient for the performance of this promise , without the binding of it with an oath ? Yes , doubtlesse , but the Lord in this promise having to deal with weak man , and willing more abundantly to shew unto the heires of promise , the stablenesse of his Counsell , bound himself by an oath , Heb. 6. 17. Whereby is the perpetuity thereof confirmed ? In that it did not proceed by succession , as from Aaron to Eleazar , from Eleazar to Phinehas , and so by descent ; but is everlasting , always abiding in him ; which is another difference of their Priestly office . What profit comes to us by the perpetuity of his Priesthood ? That he continually maketh intercession for us to God , and of himself alone is able to save us comming to the Father through him . So much of the quality of him that is to be Priest , which is without him ; what is the part that is within him ? 1. That in himself he is holy . 2. To others harmlesse and innocent . 3. Undefiled of others , or of any thing ; and to speak in a word , he is separated from sinners : in all which , he differeth from that of Aaron ; for they are neither holy in themselves , nor innocent ; neither undefiled , but polluting and being polluted by others . What is the fruit we gather of this his holinesse , innocency and undefilednesse ? That he being holy , innocent , undefiled , and so consequently separated from sinners , the same is attributed to the faithfull , and these his properties imputed for theirs ; and therefore he freeth them both from originall and actuall sins : Contrary to their doctrine , who say , that he delivereth us from originall sin onely , and that we must make satisfaction for actuall . What is the difference touching the execution of this office ? 1. That they offered first for themselves , he for the people only ; for himself he needed not . 2. He but once , they many times . 3. He offered himself , they something else then themselves . What is the use of this ? To prove the absolutenesse , perfection and excellency of this his Priesthood . May not the Priesthood of the Papists be overthrown by all these arguments , and proved to be a false Priesthood ? Yes verily ; for 1. They are not of the Title of Judah , and so cannot succeed our Saviour . 2. They are not confirmed by an oath from God , and therefore not perpetuall . 3. They are not ( as he was ) holy in themselves , but unholy ; neither innocent , nor undefiled , but defiling others , and being defiled of them ; and so not separated from sinners , but altogether sinfull and set in sin . 4. They offer first for themselves , then for the people , likewise many times . 5. They offer sacrifices which are not themselves . 6. They bring a great disgrace to the Priesthood of Christ , by preferring themselves to him as the sacrificer to the sacrifice , whom they say they offer . 7. Christ hath a Priest hood that passeth not away . What comfort have we by the Priesthood of Christ ? Hereby we are assured that he is our Mediatour , and that we also are made Priests . VVhat need was there of such a Mediatour ? Between parties so disagreeing , the one of finite nature offending , the other of infinite nature offended ; the one utterly disabled to do any the least good , 2 Cor. 3. 5. or satisfie for the least sin , Job 9. 3. the other requiring perfect obedience , Deut. 27. 26. and satisfaction , Mat. 18. 34. what agreement could there be without a Mediatour ? In this case what was this Mediatour to doe ? He was to work the means of our salvation and reconciliation to God. 1. By making satisfaction for the sin of man. 2. By making intercession , Mat. 20. 18. Joh. 17. 19 , 20. Heb. 7. 24 , 25 , 26 , 27. therefore Jesus Christ our high Priest became obedient even unto the death , offering up himself a sacrifice once for all , to make a full satisfaction for all our sins , and maketh continuall intercession to the Father in our name , whereby the wrath of God is appeased , his Justice is satisfied , and we are reconciled . VVherein then stands his satisfaction to Gods Justice , which is the first part of his Priesthood ? In yeelding that perfect obedience whereupon dependeth the whole merit of our salvation , Dan. 9. 24. Eph. 1. 2. 14 , 15 , 16. VVhat is the effect thereof towards us ? Redemption , Luc. 1. 69. Heb. 9. 24 , 25. which is a deliverance of us from sin , and the punishment thereof , and a restoring of us to a better life then ever Adam had , Rom. 5. 15 , 16 , 17. 1 Cor. 15. 45. For our Saviour Christ hath first redeemed us from the power of darknesse , Col. 1. 13. namely , that wofull and cursed estate which we had justly brought upon our selves by reason of our sins . Secondly , translated us into his own kingdome and glory , Col. 1. 12 , 13. 1 Cor. 2. 9. a far more glorious and excellent estate then ever our first parents had in Paradise . How hath Christ wrought this Redemption ? Having taken our nature upon him , he hath in the same as a surety in our stead made full satisfaction to God his Father , by paying all our debts , and so hath set us free , Heb. 7. 22. What is this debt which we owe to God , that he hath paid for us ? This debt is twofold : one is that perfect obedience which we owe unto God in regard of that excellent estate in which we were created , Deut. 12. 32. The other is the punishment due unto us for our sins in transgressing and breaking Gods Covenants , which is the curse of God and everlasting death . Deut. 27. 26. Rom. 6. 23. Mat. 5. 17. Gal. 3. 13. & 4. 4 , 5. 2 Cor. 5. 21. All which is contained in the law of God , which is the hand-writing between God and us concerning the old Covenant , Col. 2. 15. How was our Saviour to make satisfaction for this our debt ? 1. By performing that perfect obedience which we did owe. 2. By suffering that punishment due unto us for our sins , that so he might put out the hand-writing between God and us , and set us free . What then be the parts of Christs obedience and satisfaction ? His sufferings , and his righteousnesse , Phil. 2. 5 , 6 , 7 , 8. 1 Pet. 2. 24. for it was requisite that he should first pay all our debt , and satisfie Gods justice , Esa. 53. 5 , 6. Job 33. 24. by a price of infinite value , 1 Tim. 2. 6. 2ly . Purchase and merit for us Gods favour , Eph 1. 6. and kingdome by a most absolute and perfect obedience , Rom. 5. 19. By his suffering he was to merit unto us the forgivenesse of our sins , and by his fulfilling the law he was to merit unto us righteousnesse , both which are necessarily required for our Justification . But how can one save so many ? Because the Manhood being joyned to the Godhead , it maketh the passion and righteousnesse of Christ of infinite merit , and so we are justified by a Man that is God. How hath Christ made satisfaction for our sins by his suffering ? He endured most grievous torments , both of body and soul , offering up himself unto God his Father as a Sacrifice propitiatory for all our sinnes , 2 Cor. 5. 21. In this oblation who was the Priest or Sacrificer ? None but Christ , Heb. 5. 5 , 6. and that as he was both God and man. VVho was the sacrifice ? Christ himself as he was man , consisting of body and soul. VVhat was the Altar upon which he was offered ? Christ as he was God , was the Altar on which he sacrificed himself , Heb. 9. 14. & 13. 10. Rev. 8. 3. How often was he offered ? Never but once , Heb. 9. 28. VVhereunto was he offered ? Unto the shame , pain , torment , and all miseries which are due unto us for our sins ; he suffering whatsoever we should have suffered , and by those grievous sufferings making payment for our sins , Esa. ch . 53. Mat. 26. 28. VVhat profit commeth by this sacrifice ? By his most painfull sufferings he hath satisfied for the sins of the whole world of his elect , Esa. 53. 5. 1 Pet. 2. 24. 1 John 2. 2. and appeased the wrath of his Father : so that hereby we receive at onement and reconciliation with God , our sins are taken away , and we are freed from all those punishments of body and soul , which our sins have deserved , Heb. 9. 26. How commeth it then that Christ having borne the punishment of our sins , the godly are yet in this world so often afflicted for them with grievous torments both of body and soul , and that for the most part more then the ungodly ? The sufferings of the godly are not by desert any satisfaction for their sins in any part , but being sanctified in the most holy sufferings of Christ they are medicines against sin ; neither is their affliction properly a punishment , but a fatherly correction , and chastisement in the world that they should not perish with the world , whereas the wicked the longer they are spared and the lesse they are punished in this life , their danger is the greater , for God reserveth their punishment for the life to come . What gather you of this ? That we should not grudge at the prosperity of the wicked , when we are in trouble : for as the sheep and kine are put in full pastures to be prepared to the Shambles ; so they , the more they receive in this life , the neerer and the heavier is their destruction in the life which is to come , Jer. 12. 3. What are the more generall things which he suffered in this life ? Infirmities in his flesh , indignities from the world , and temptations from the Devill ( Mat. 4. 2. Joh. 4. 6 , 7. & 8. 48. 52. Luc. 4. 2. ) Hitherto belong those manifold calamities which he did undergoe , poverty , hunger , thirst , wearinesse , reproach , &c. What benefits doe the godly reap hereby ? All the calamities and crosses that befall them in this life are sanctified and sweetned to them , so that now they are not punishments of sin , but chastisements of a mercifull Father . What are the more speciall things which he suffered at or upon his death ? The weight of Gods wrath , the terrours of death , sorrows of his soul , and torments of his body , Esa. 53. 4. 10. Mat. 26. 37 , 38. Luc. 22. 44. Mat. 26. 67. What learn you hence ? To admire and imitate the love of Christ , who being the Son of God , became a man of sorrows even for the good of his utter enemies , Eph. 5. 2. 1 Joh. 3. 16. Rom. 5. 7 , 8. What did our Saviour Christ suffer in soul ? He drank the full cup of Gods wrath filled unto him for our sakes , the whole wrath of God due to the sin of man being poured forth upon him ( Mat. 26. 27 , 28. Luc. 22. 44. Rev. 19. 15. Joh. 12. 2. Esa 53. 5. ) and therefore in soul he did abide most unspeakable vexations , horrible griefs , painfull troubles , fear of mind , feeling as it were the very pangs of hell ; into which both before , and most of all when he hanged upon the Crosse , he was cast ; which caused him before his bodily passion so grievously to complain . What benefit and comfort receive you by this ? Hereby we have our souls everlastingly freed from Gods eternall wrath , and herein are comforted , because in all our grievous temptations and assaults we may stay and make sure our selves by this , that Christ hath delivered us from the sorrowfull griefs and pains of hell . Now for our Saviours bodily sufferings , why is it said that he suffered under Pontius Pilate ? 1 Tim. 6. 13. For the truth of the story , and fulfilling of his own prophecy , foretelling his suffering under a forain jurisdiction and authority , Mat. 20. 19. Joh. 18. 31 , 32. as likewise to teach us that he appeared willingly and of his own accord before a mortall Judge , of whom he was pronounced innocent , and yet by the same he was condemned . What comfort have you hereof ? That my Saviour thus suffering , not any whit for his own sins , but wholly for mine and for other mens sins , before an earthly Judge , I shall be discharged before the heavenly Judgement seat . What did he chiefly suffer under Pontius Pilate ? He was apprehended , accused , arraigned , mocked , scourged , condemned and crucified ( Mat. 26. 27. and 28. chapters . ) What learn you here ? That he that knew no sin was made sin for us , that we might be made the righteousnesse of God in him . 2 Cor. 5. 21. 1 Pet. 2. 24. Did Christ suffer these things willingly , as he suffered them innocently ? Yes ; he laid down his life meekly as the sheep doth his fleece before the shearer , being obedient even unto the death , Luc. 23. 41. 1 Pet. 2. 22. Esa. 53. 7. Phil. 2. 8. Heb. 5. 8. Vnto what death was he so obedient ? Even unto the most reproachfull , painfull and dreadfull death , the death of the Crosse , Mat. 27. 30. 38. Phil. 2. 8. Why was Christ put unto this death of the Crosse ? Because it was not a common death , but such a death as was accursed both of God and man , that so he being made a curse for us , he might redeem us from a curse due unto us , Deut. 21. 23. Gal. 3. 13. What comfort have you by this ? I am comforted in this , because I am delivered from the curse which I have deserved by the breach of the law , and shall obtain the blessing due unto him for keeping of the same . Why was it requisite that our Saviours soul should be separated from his body ? Because we were all dead , that so he might be the death of death for us , 2 Cor. 5. 14 , 15. Heb. 2. 14. 1 Cor. 15. 54 , 55. for by sin death came into the world , and therefore the Justice of God could not have been satisfied for our sins , unlesse death had been joyned with his sufferings . How could the death and sufferings of Christ , which were but for a short time , be a full satisfaction for us , which have deserved eternall death ? Although they were not everlasting , yet in regard of the worthinesse of the person who suffered them , they were equivalent to everlasting torments ; forasmuch as not a bare man , nor an Angel did suffer them , but the eternall Son of God , ( though not in his Godhead , but in our nature which he assumed ) his person , Majesty , Deity , Goodnesse , Justice , Righteousnesse , being every way infinite and eternall , made that which he suffered of no lesse force and value then eternall torments upon others , yea even upon all the world besides . For even as the death of a Prince ( being but a man ? and a sinfull man ) is of more reckoning then the death of an Army of other men , because he is the Prince ; much more shall the death and sufferings of the Son of God the Prince of all Princes , not finite , but every way infinite , and without sin ; much more I say shall that be of more reckoning with his Father then the sufferings of all the world , and the time of his sufferings of more value ( for the worthinesse of his person ) then if all the men in the world had suffered for ever and ever . What use are we to make of Christs death and passion ? 1. The consideration hereof may bring us to a sound perswasion and feeling of our sins , because they have deserved so grievous a punishment , as either the death of the Son of God , or hell fire . 2. Hereby we reap unspeakable comfort , forasmuch as by his stripes we are healed , by his bloud washed , by his sacrifice God is satisfied , and by his death we are saved and redeemed , 1 Pet. 2. 24. Rev. 1. 5. Heb. 10. 10. 12. Rom. 5. 8 , 9 , 10. 3. We learn from hence to die to our sins , and to live henceforth unto him that hath dyed for us , Rom. 6. 2. 6. 2 Cor. 5. 15. What befell our Saviour after his soule was separated from his body ? He was buried , Act. 13. 29 , 30. and went to Hades , or as we commonly speak , descended into hell , Act. 2. 31. Why was it needfull that Christ should be buried ? 1. To assure us more fully that he was truly dead , Mat. 27. 59 , 60. 94 , 65 , 66. Act. 2. 29. 2. That even in the grave , the very fortresse of death , he might loose the sorrows and bands of death , Act. 2. 14. 1 Cor. 15. 55. What is meant by his descending into Hell ? Not that he went to the place of the damned , but that he went absolutely unto the estate of the dead , Rom. 10. 7. Eph. 4. 9. What doe you call the estate of the dead ? That departing this life he went in his soul into heaven , Luc. 23. 43. and was in his body under the very power and dominion of death for a season , Acts 2. 24. Heb. 2. 14. Rom. 6. 9. What comfort have you by Christs death , buriall , and lying under the power of death ? 1. I am comforted , because my sinnes are fully discharged in his death , and so buried , that they shall never come into remembrance . 2. My comfort is the more , because by the vertue of his death and buriall sin shall be killed in me and buried , so that henceforth it shall have no power to reign over me . 3. I need not to fear death , seeing that sin which is the sting of death is taken away by the death of Christ , and that now death is made unto me an entrance into his life . Hitherto of his sufferings , what is the other part of his satisfaction ? His perfect righteousnesse , whereby he did that which we were not able to doe , and absolutely fulfilled the whole law of God for us , Ps. 40. 7 , 8. Rom. 3. 19. & 5. 19. Why was it necessary that Christ should as well fulfill the Law , as suffer for us ? Because as by his sufferings he took away our unrighteousnesse , and freed us from the punishment due to us for our sins : so by performing for us absolute obedience to the whole law of God , he hath merited our righteousnesse ( making us just and holy in the sight of God ) and purchased eternall happinesse for us in the life to come , 2 Cor. 5. 21. Gal. 4. 4 , 5. 1 Cor. 1. 30. Rom. 8. 3 , 4. For as we are made unrighteous by Adams sinne , so are we made fully and wholly righteous , being justified by a man that is God. How manifold is the righteousnesse of our Saviour ? Two-fold : Originall , & Actuall . VVhat is his originall righteousnesse ? The perfect integrity and purenesse of his humane nature , which in himselfe was without all guile , and the least staine of corruption . Heb. 7. 26. Being very man , how could he be without sin ? The course of naturall corruption was prevented , because he was not begotten after the ordinary course by man , but was conceived in the wombe of a Virgin without the help of man , by the immediate power and operation of the holy Ghost ; forming him of the onely substance of the woman , and perfectly sanctifying that substance in the Conception . Luk. 1. 34 , 35. 42. So was hee borne holy , and without sinne ; whereunto all other men by nature are subject . VVhy was it necessary that Christ should bee conceived without sinne ? First , because otherwise the God-head and Man-hood could not be joyned together , for God can have no communion with sinne , much lesse bee united unto it , which is sinfull , in a personall union . Secondly , being our Priest he must be holy , harmlesse , undefiled , and perfectly just ; without exception . Heb. 7. 26. 1 Joh. 3. 5. For if he had been a sinner himselfe , he could not have satisfied for the sinnes of other men , neither could it be , that an unholy thing could make us holy . VVhat fruit then and benefit have we by his originall righteousnesse ? First , his pure Conception is imputed unto us , and the corrupruption of our nature covered from Gods eyes , whiles his righteousnesse as a garment is put upon us . Secondly , our originall sinne is hereby dayly diminished , and fretted away ; and the contrary holinesse increased in us . VVhat is his actuall holinesse ? That absolute obedience whereby he fulfilled in act every branch of the Law of God , walking in all the Commandements , and perfectly performing both in thought , word , and deed , whatsoever the Law of God did command : and failing in no duties , either in the worship and service of God , or duty towards men . Matth. 3. 15. Rom. 5. 18. & 4. 8. VVhat benefit have we hereby ? 1. All our actuall sins are covered while we are cloathed by faith with his actuall holinesse . 2. We are enabled by him dayly to dye unto sinne , and more and more to live unto righteousnesse of life . But receive we no more by Christ , then those blessings which we lost in Adam ? Yes , we receive an high degree of felicity by the second Adam , more then we lost by the first , Rom. 5. 1. for being by faith incorporated into him , and by communication of his Spirit unseparably knit unto him , we become the children and heires of God , and fellow-heires with Christ Jesus , Gal. 4. 6 , 7. 1 Cor. 12. 12 , 13. Rom. 8. 9 , 10. who carrieth us as our head unto the highest degree of happinesse in the Kingdome of heaven , where we shall lead , not a naturall life , as Adam did in Paradise , with meat , drink , and sleep ; but a spirituall life in all unspeakeable manner and glory . There remaineth yet the second part of Christs Priesthood , namely , his Intercession , what is that ? It is that work whereby he alone doth continually appeare before his Father in heaven , to make request for his elect in his own worthinesse , making the faithfull and all their prayers acceptable unto him by applying the merits of his own perfect satisfaction unto them , and taking away all the pollution that cleaveth to their good works , by the merits of his passion ; Rom. 8. 34. Heb. 9. 24. & 12. 24. 1 Joh. 2. 1 , 2. 1 Pet. 2. 5. Exod. 28. 36 , 37 , 38. In how many things doth his intercession consist ? In five . 1. In making continuall request in our name unto God the Father , by the vertue of his own merits . Secondly , in freeing us from the accusations of our adversaries . Thirdly , in teaching us by his Spirit , to pray , and send up supplications for our selves and others . Fourthly , in presenting our prayers unto God , and making them acceptable in his sight . Fifthly , in covering our sins from the sight of God by applying unto us the vertue of his mediation . What fruit then have we by his intercession ? 1. It doth reconcile us to the Father , for those sins which we doe dayly commit . 2. Being reconciled in him , we may pray to God with boldnesse , and call him Father . 3. Through the intercession of our Saviour Christ , our good works are of accompt before God. How are we made Priests unto God by our communion with Christ ? Being sanctified by him , and our persons received into favour , Ephes. 1. 6. we have freedome and boldnesse to draw neare and offer our selves , soules , and bodies , and all that we have , as a reasonable sacrifice to God the Father ; and so we are admitted as a spirituall Priesthood ( 1 Pet. 2. 5. ) to offer up the sacrifices of our obedience , prayers , and thanksgiving ; which howsoever imperfect in themselves , ( Esa. 64. 6. ) and deserving rather punishment then reward ; ( Psalm . 143. 2. Tit. 3. 5. ) are yet , as our persons , made acceptable unto God , and have promise of reward , ( Matth. 10. 41 , 42. ) by the onely merit and intercession of the same our high Priest. So much of our Saviours Priestly-office which is exercised in things concerning God : how doth he exercise his office in things concerning man ? By communicating unto man that grace and redemption which he hath purchased from his Father . Rom. 5. 15. 17. 19 Joh. 5. 21. 17. 2. 6. Luk. 4. 18 , 19. What parts of his office doth he exercise therein ? His Propheticall and Kingly office . Acts 3. 22 , 23. Psal. 2. 6 , 7 , 8. What is this Propheticall office ? The office of instructing his Church , by revealing unto it the way and meanes of salvation , and declaring the whole will of his Father unto us , in which respect he was , he is , and ever shall be our Prophet , Doctor , or Apostle ; Esa. 61. 3 , 4. Psal. 2. 6. 7. Luk. 4. 18. Mat. 17. 5. 23. 8 , 9 , 10. Heb. 3. 1 , 2. For what reasons must Christ be a Prophet ? First , to reveale and deliver unto his people so much of the will of God as is needfull for their salvation . Secondly , to open and expound the same being delivered . Thirdly , to make them understand and beleeve the same . Fourthly , to purge his Church from errors . Fifthly , to place Ministers in his Church to teach his people . In what respect doe you say that he is the onely teacher of his Church ? 1. In that he only knowing the Fathers as his Sonne , hath the prerogative to reveale him of himselfe , and others by him to us : for no man knoweth the Father but the Sonne , and he to whom the Sonne will reveale him , Mat. 11. 27. 2. In that he is onely able to cause our hearts to beleeve and understand the matter he doth teach and reveale . What were then the Prophets and Apostles ? They were his Disciples and servants , and spake by his Spirit . 1 Pet. 1. 10 , 11. & 3. 19. Nehemiah 9. 30. Eph. 2. 17. What difference is there between the teaching of Christ , and of the Prophets and Ministers sent from him ? 1. Christ taught with another authority then did ever any other Minister before , or after him . Mat. 5. 22. 28. 32. 34. 44. & 7. 28 , 29. Mark. 1. 22. 2. By vertue of his Propheticall office , he did not only bring an outward sound unto the eare , but wrought ( as he did before his comming , and as he doth now by the ministery of his word ) an alteration of the mind so farre as to the clearing of the understanding . How then doth our Saviour perform his Propheticall office ? Two wayes , outwardly , and inwardly . How inwardly ? By the teaching and operation of his holy Spirit , Ioh. 6. 45. Act. 16. 14. How outwardly ? By opening the whole will of his Father , and confirming the same with so many signes and wonders . How did he this ? Both in his own person when he was upon the earth , Heb. 2. 2 , 3. as a Minister of the circumcision , Rom. 15. 18. but with the authority of the Law-giver , Mat. 7. 29. and by his servants the Ministers , Mat. 10. 40. Luk. 10. 16. from the beginning of the world to the end thereof ; before his incarnation by the Prophets , Priests , and Scribes of the old Testament ; Heb. 1. 1. 1 Pet. 1. 11 , 12. & 3. 18 , 19. 2 Pet. 1. 19. 20 , 21. Hos. 4. 6. Mat. 2. 5. & 6. 17. & 23. 37. And since to the worlds end by his Apostles and Ministers called and fitted by him for that purpose ; 2 Cor. 4. 6. & 5. 19 , 20. Eph. 4. 8. 11 , 12 , 13. How doth it appeare that he hath opened the whole will of his Father unto us ? Both by his own testimony , Joh. 15. 15. I call you no more servants , because the servant knoweth not what his Master doth , but I call you friends , because all which I have heard of my Father , I have made knowne unto you ; and by the Apostles comparison , Heb. 3. preferring him before Moses , though faithfull in Gods house . In what respect is our Saviour preferred before Moses ? 1. As the builder to the house , or one stone of the house . 2. Moses was only a servant in the house , our Saviour Master over the house . 3. Moses was a witnesse only , and writer of things to be revealed , but our Saviour was the end and finisher of those things . What learn you from hence ? 1. That it is a foul errour in them that think of our Saviour Christ ( so faithfull ) hath not delivered all things pertaining to the necessary instruction and government of the Church , but left them to the traditions and inventions of men . 2. That sith our Saviour was so faithfull in his office , that he hath concealed nothing that was committed to him to be declared ; the Ministers of the word should not suppresse in silence for feare or flattery the things that are necessarily to be delivered , and that are in their times to be revealed . 3. That we should rest abundantly contented with that Christ hath taught , rejecting whatsoever else the boldnes of men would put upon on us . Did he first begin to be the Prophet , Doctor , or Apostle of his Church , when he came into the world ? No , but when he opened first his Fathers will unto us by the ministery of his servants the Prophets , 1 Pet. 1. 10 , 11. & 3. 19. Heb. 3. 7. Is his Propheticall office the same now in the time of the Gospell , that it was before and under the Law ? It is in substance one and the same , but it differeth in the manner and measure of revelation : for the same doctrine was revealed by the ministery of the Prophets before the Law , by word alone , after by word written , and in the time of the Gospell more plainly and fully by the Apostles and Evangelists . What have we to gather hence , that Christ taught and teacheth by the Prophets , Evangelists , and Apostles ? 1. In what estimation we ought to have the books of the old Testament , sith the same Spirit spake then that speaketh now , and the same Christ. 2. We must carry our selves in the hearing of the word of God not to harden our hearts , Heb. 3. 8. 15. For as much as the carelesse and fruitlesse hearing thereof , hardeneth men to further Judgement : for it is a two-edged sword to strike to life , or to strike to death ; it is either the favour of life to life , or the savour of death to death ; 2 Cor. 2. 16. How doth the Apostle presse this ? Heb. 3. verse 8 , 9 , 10. &c. First , he aggravateth the refusall of this office of our Saviour against the Israelites by the time , forty yeares ; by the place , the wildernesse , and by the multitude of his benefits ; then he maketh an application thereof , verse 12 , 13. consisting of two parts . 1. A removing from evill . 2. A moving to good . What comfort have we by the Propheticall office of our Saviour ? 1. Hereby we are sure that he will lead us into all truth revealed in his word , needfull for Gods glory , and our salvation . 2. We are in some sort partakers of the office of his prophecie by the knowledge of his will : for he maketh all his to prophecie in their measure , enabling them to teach themselves and their brethren , by comforting , counselling , and exhorting one another privately to good things , and withdrawing one another from evill as occasion serveth . Acts 2. 17 , 18. So much of the Propheticall office of our Saviour Christ , what is his Kingly office ? It is the exercise of that power given him by God over all , ( Ps. 110. 1. Ezek. 34. 24. ) and the possession of all ( Mat. 28. 18. Psalm . 2. 8 , &c. ) for the spirituall government and salvation of his elect , ( Esa. 9. 7. Luk. 1. 32 , 33. ) and for the destruction of his and their enemies ; Psalm . 45. 5. For what reasons must Christ be a King ? 1. That he might gather together all his Subjects into one body of the Church out of the world . 2. That he might bountifully bestow upon them , and convey unto them all the aforesaid meanes of salvation , guiding them unto everlasting life by his Word and Spirit . 3. That he might appoint Lawes , and Statutes , which should direct his people , and bind their consciences to the obedience of the same . 4. That he might rule and governe them , and keep them in obedience to his Lawes . 5. That he might appoint officers , and a setled government in his Church , whereby it might be ordered . 6. That he might defend them from the violence and outrage of all their enemies , both corporall and spirituall . 7. That he might bestow many notable priviledges , and rewards upon them . 8. That he might execute his judgements upon the enemies of his subjects . How doth he shew himselfe to be a King ? By all that power which he did manifest as well in vanquishing death and hell , as in gathering the people unto himselfe which he had formerly ransomed , and in ruling them being gathered , as also in defending of them , and applying of those blessings unto them , which he hath purchased for them . How did he manifest that power ? First , in that being dead and buried he rose from the grave , quickned his dead body , ascended into heaven , and now sitteth at the right hand of his Father with full power and glory in heaven , Act. 10. 30. Eph. 4. 8. Secondly , in governing of his Church in this world , ( 1 Cor. 15. 25 , 26 , 27 , 28. ) continually inspiring and directing his servants by the divine power of his holy Spirit , according to his holy word , Esa. 9. 7. 30. 21. Thirdly , by his last judgement in the world to come . Why is Christ Jesus also called our Lord ? Because he is the Lord of glory and life that hath bought us , ( 1 Cor. 1. 2. ) our head that must govern us ; and our Soveraigne that subdues all our enemies unto us , Act 3. 15. 1 Cor. 2. 8. 1 Pet. 1 , 19. Eph. 1. 22. Joshua 5. 14 , 15. Dan. 12. 1. Heb. 1. 10. 14 , 15. How hath he bought us ? Not with gold or silver , but with his precious blood he hath purchased us to be a peculiar people to himself , 1 Pet. 1. 18. What comfort have you by this ? Seeing he hath paid such a price for us , he will not suffer us to perish . What learn you from hence , that Christ is our head to govern us ? To obey his Commandements , and bear his rebukes and chastisements , Luk. 6. 46. John 14. 15. Col. 3. 23 , 24. In what place of Scripture is the doctrine of Christs Kingdome specially laid down ? In Esa. 9. vers . 6 , 7. For unto us a child is born , and unto us a son is given , and the government is upon his shoulder , and he shall call his name Wonderfull , Counsellour , The mighty God , The everlasting Father , The Prince of Peace . The increase of his government and peace shall have none end , and he shall sit upon the throne of David , and upon his Kingdome to order it and to establish it with Judgement , and with Justice , from henceforth even for ever ; the zeale of the Lord of hosts will perform this , Psal. 110. 1 , 2. &c. What are we here taught concerning Christs Kingdome ? The benefit that we receive by it , and the cause of it . How is the former set forth ? By declaration , First , of his person , that he is a child born , namely God made man , whereof hath been spoken . Secondly , of his properties , with the effects of the same . How are his properties here expressed ? They are first generally set forth by comparison of the unlikelihood of his Kingdome , with the Regiments of worldly Potentates . VVhat difference or inequality is there ? That whereas other Kings execute matters by their Lievtenants and Deputies armed with their authority ; In our Saviours Kingdome although there be used instruments , yet do they accomplish his will and purpose , not only by his authority , but also by his strength and vertue . VVhat further doctrine doe you note hence ? That the man of sin ( or Pope of Rome ) is not the ministeriall head of the Church , which is Christs Kingdom , sith he is himselfe present , yea , and that most notably by his Spirit , and more to the advantage of his Church , then when he was bodily present , Ioh. 16. 7. How are his properties set forth more particularly ? First , that he should be called Wonderfull , not that it should be his proper name , which was only Jesus : But that he should be as renownedly known to be Wonderfull , as men are known by their names . How is he Wonderfull ? Partly in his person , as is before said , and partly in his works ; namely , First , in the creation of the world ; Secondly , in the preservation , and especially in the redemption of it . VVhat is the next that followeth ? It is shewed more particularly wherein he is Wonderfull , and first , that he is Wonderfull in counsell , and The Counsellour . VVhat is here to be observed ? First , in the government of a Kingdom , counsell and wisdom are the chief ; as that which is preferred to strength , Esa. 9. 15. 2 Sam. 20. 16. Eccl. 7. 19. 9. 16. Prov. 21. 22. 24. 5. and therefore that we may assure our selves , that in the Kingdom of Christ all things are done wisely , nothing rashly , in which respect he is said to have a long stoal and a white head , Rev. 1. 13 , 14. Secondly , a great comfort for the children of God , that our Saviour Christ is our Counsellour who giveth all sound advice . Thirdly , that when we are in any perplexity and know not which way to turn , yet we may come to our Saviour Christ who is given unto us for a Counsellour . By what means may we come to him for advice ? By our humble supplications and prayers to him . How may we receive advice from him ? By the doctrine of God drawn out of his holy word , which is therefore termed the man of our counsell , Psal. 119. 24. VVhat is the next property ? That he is wonderfull in might , and the strong God , having all sound strength . VVhat have we here to learn ? 1. That as he is wise and doth all things pertaining to the good of his Church , so he is of power to execute all that he adviseth wisely . 2. That as there is in us no advice of our selves , so there is in us no sound strength to keep us from any evill , but that as he giveth good advice to his , so doth he with his own power perform and effect it . Phil. 2 13. And therefore although we be as the vine , of all other trees the weakest , or as the sheep , of all other beasts the simplest , yet we have for our vine a gardner , and for our shepherd Christ Jesus the mighty strong God. 3. That we should take heed how we depart from his obedience , for he will do what he listeth ; for if to obey be a good means to help us into the favour of our earthly Princes , it will much more help us in the favour of the King of Kings . VVhat other properties follow ? Two other , which are , as it were , the branches and effects of the former . 1. That he is the Father of eternities . 2. The Prince of Peace . Sith he is called the Father of eternities , is there not a confusion of persons ? In no wise , for it is a borrowed speech , signifying that he is the authour of eternity . VVhat doe you here gather ? That where other Kingdomes alter , his is everlasting , Dan. 2. 44. What doctrine is thereof to be gathered ? First , that the Kingdom of our Saviour Christ being perpetuall , he dasheth & crushes in peeces al other mighty Monarchies & Regiments that shall rise up against him ; and therfore , that his Church & subjects generally , and every particular member need not to feare any power whatsoever . Secondly , that whatsoever we have by nature or industry , is momentany , like unto the grasse that fadeth away ; and whatsoever durable thing we have , we have it from Christ. What is the second property arising out of the former ? That he is the Prince of peace ; that is , the procurer , cause and ground of peace , that causeth his subjects to continue in peace and quietnesse . Of what nature is this peace ? It is spirituall , Rom. 5. 1. Eph. 2. 14 , 15 , 16 , 17 , 1. When we have peace with God. 2. When we have peace in our Consciences . 3. When there is peace between men and men , which ariseth out of both the former . Where should this peace be established ? Upon the throne of David : that is , in the Church of God. What is the cause of all this ? The love and zeal of God , breaking thorough all lets , either inward , from our selves and our own sins ; or outward , from the enmity of the Devill and the world , Esa. 9. 7. What fruit receive we by the Kingly office of our Saviour Christ ? By it all the treasures brought in by his Priestly and Propheticall office , are dealt to us continually . For , from it all the means of applying and making effectuall unto us Christ and all his benefits doe come ; yea , without it all the actions of his other offices are to us void , fruitlesse , and of none effect . What comfort have we by this ? Hereby we are assured , that by his Kingly power we shall finally overcome the flesh , the world , the devill , death and hell . To whom will this blessed King communicate the means of salvation ? He offereth them to many , and they are sufficient to save all mankind ; but all shall not be saved thereby , because by faith they will not receive them , Matth. 20. 16. Joh. 1. 11. 1 Joh. 2. 2. Are not the Faithfull in some sort also made partakers of this honor of his Kingdome ? Yes verily : For they are made Kings to rule and subdue their stirring and rebellious affections , and to tread Satan under their feet , Rom. 6. 12. 16. 20. Rev. 1. 6. 5. 10. You have spoken of the two natures , and three offices of our Saviour : Shew now in what state did Christ God and man perform this three-fold office . In a two-fold estate : 1. Of abasement and humiliation , Phi. 2. 7 , 8. 2. Of advancement and exaltation , Ph. 2. 9. Col. 2. 15. Eph. 1. 20 , 21. In the former he abased himself by his sufferings for sin ; whereof we have heard largely in the declaration of his Priesthood : In the latter he obtained a most glorious victory , and triumphed over sin , thereby fulfilling his Priesthood , and making way to his Kingdome . What was his estate of Humiliation ? It was the base condition of a servant , whereto he humbled himself from his Conception to his Crosse , and so untill the time of his resurrection , Phil. 2. 7 , 8. Wherein did this base estate of the Son of God consist ? In his Conception , Gestation , and Birth , and in his Life diversly ; as in his Poverty , Hunger , Thirst , Wearinesse and other Humiliations even unto death , of which heretofore hath been spoken . What learn you from this , that Christ first suffered many things before he could enter into his Glory ? Luk. 24. 26. 46. That the way to reign with Christ , is first to suffer with him , and such as bear the Crosse constantly , shall wear the Crown eternally , Rom. 8. 17 , 18. 2 Tim. 2. 12. 4. 8. James 1. 12. What is his estate of Exaltation ? His glorious condition , Phil. 2. 9. Heb. 2. 9. beginning at the instant of his Resurrection , Acts 2. 24 , 31 , 36. and comprehending his Ascension , Eph. 4. 8. Acts 2. 34. Heb. 9. 24 , 25. Sitting at the right hand of God his Father , Psal. 110. 1 , 2 , 5 , 6. Mark 16. 9. 1 Pet. 3. 22. and the second comming in glory to judge the world , Mat. 25. 31. What is the first degree of this estate ? His glorious Resurrection ; for after he had in his manhood suffered for us , he did in the third day rise again by his own power from the dead , Eph. 1. 19. Luc. 24. 7. 1 Cor. 15. 4. What it needfull that Christ being dead should rise again ? Yes ; it was for his own glory and our good , Acts 2. 24. 1 Cor. 15. 21 , 22. How for his glory ? That being formerly abased as a servant , and crucified as a sinner , he might thus be declared to be the Son of God , and exalted to be a Prince and a Saviour , Phil. 2. 7. Luc. 23. 33. Esay 53. 12. Rom. 1. 4. Act. 5. 30 , 31. How for our good ? That having paid the price of our redemption by his death , we might have good assurance of our full Justification by his life , 1 Pet. 1. 19. Acts 20. 28. Rom. 4. 23. 1 Cor. 15. 17. What speciall comfort ariseth from this , that the Lord of life is risen from death ? 1. It assureth me that his righteousnesse shall be imputed unto me for my perfect Justification , that he that had the power of death is destroyed , Heb. 2. 14. his works dissolved , 1 Joh. 3. 8. and that all our misery is swallowed up in Christs victory , 1 Cor. 15. 54. 2. It comforteth me , because it doth from day to day raise me up to righteousnesse and newnesse of life in this present world . 3. It ministreth unto me a comfortable hope , that I shall rise again in the last day from bodily death . What fruits then are we to shew from the vertue of his resurrection ? We are to stand up from the dead , to awake to righteousnesse , to live unto God , and dying in him or for him , to look for life again from him , Eph. 5. 14. 1 Cor. 15. 34. Rom. 6. 4. 11. Phil. 3. 20. 1 Thes. 4. 14. 1 Cor. 15. 22. Col. 3. 4. Why is Christ said to raise himself ? To let us know that as he had power to lay down his life , so he had also to take it up again , Joh. 10. 18. What gather you hence ? That being Lord both of quick and dead , he can and will both quicken our souls here to the life of grace , and raise our bodies hereafter to the life of glory , Rom. 14. 9. John 5. 21. Phil. 3. 21. Why did he rise the third day ? Because the bands of death could no longer hold him , this being the time that he had appointed , and the day that best served for his glorious resurrection , Act. 2. 24. Mat. 20. 17. & 12. 40. Why did he not rise before the third day ? Lest rising so presently upon his death , his enemies might take occasion of cavill , that he was not dead , Mat. 27. 63 , 64. & 28. 13 , 14. And why would he not put it off untill the fourth day ? Lest the faith of his Disciples should have been weakned , and their hearts too much cast down and discouraged , Mat. 28. 1. Luc. 24. 21. What gather you hence ? That as the Lord setteth down the tearm of our durance , so doth he chuse the fittest time of our deliverance , Rev. 2. 10. Mat. 12. 40. Dan. 11. 35. Hosea 6. 2. What is the second degree of his Exaltation ? His Ascension , Mark 16. 19. Ephes. 4. 8 , 9. For we beleeve that Christ in his humane nature ( the Apostles looking on ) ascended into heaven . What assurance have you of Christs Ascension ? The evidence of the Word , the testimony of heavenly Angels and holy men , Luc. 24. 51. Acts 1. 9. Wherefore did Christ ascend into heaven ? Because he had finished his Fathers work on earth , Joh. 17. 3 , 4 , 5. and that being exalted in our nature , he might consecrate a way , prepare a place , Joh. 14. 2 , 3. and appear in the presence of God to make intercession for us , Heb. 4. 29. & 9. 24. VVhat benefits did he bestow upon his Church at his Ascension ? He triumphed over his enemies , gave gifts to his friends , and taking with him a pledge of our flesh , he sent and left with us the earnest of his Spirit , Eph. 4. 8. Heb. 10. 12. 20. 2 Cor. 5. 5. Acts 2. 33. VVhat comfort doth hence arise to Gods children ? 1. That our head being gone before , we his members shall follow after ; Christ having prepared a place for us in heaven , which now we feel by faith , and hereafter shall fully enjoy , Eph. 1. 22 , 23. 1 Cor. 15. 49. Joh. 14. 3. & 13. 23 , 24. 2. That having such a friend in heaven we need not fear any foes on earth , nor fiends in hell , Heb. 7. 25. Phil. 1. 28. Rom. 16. 20. Acts 20. 24. Rev. 2. 10. What fruits are we to shew in our lives from the vertue of his Ascension , in our hearts ? 1. To have our conversation in heaven whilest we be on earth , placing our hearts where our head is , Col. 3. 1 , 2. Phil. 1. 23 & 3. 20. 2. To look for the presence of Christ by faith , not by sight , in spirituall , not in carnall things , Mat. 28. 20. 2 Cor. 5. 7. Joh. 6. 63. What is the third degree of his Exaltation ? That he sitteth at the right hand of God , the Father Almighty , Mar. 11. 19. Eph. 1 20 , 21 , 22. What is meant by this ? That Christ in our nature is worthily advanced by the Father to the height of all Majesty , Dominion , and Glory , having authority to rule all things in heaven and in earth , Eph. 4. 10. Heb. 1. 3 , 4 , 5. & 8. 13. Mat. 28. 18. How may this appear ? Because he is hereby exalted to be the Kings of Saints , Rev. 15. 3. the Judge of sinners , Act. 17. 31. the Prince of our salvation , Act. 5. 31. and the high Priest of our profession , Heb. 8. 1. What comfort ariseth hence to all true Beleevers ? That 1. as our King he will govern us , Heb. 1. 8 , 9. Luc. 1. 33. and that from him we shall receive all things needfull for us under his gracious government . 2. As our Judge he will avenge us , Rev. 6. 10. & 16. 5 , 6. and as our Prince defend us , Dan. 12. 1. subduing all our enemies by his power , treading them under our feet . 3. As our Priest he will plead our cause and pray for us , Heb. 7. 25. Rom. 8. 34. Why is he said in the Creed to sit at the right hand of God , the Father Almighty ? That we may know he enjoyeth both the favour and power of God in full measure ; the Father having committed all Judgement to the Son , Heb 1. 13. Mat. 28. 18. Joh. 5. 22. What duties are here required ? To honour the Son as we do the Father , to cast our Crowns at his feet , stoop to his Scepter , live by his Laws ; so to follow him here , that we may sit with him in his throne hereafter , Joh. 5. 23. Rev. 4. 10. Psal. 2. 10. Jam. 4. 12. Rev. 3. 21. Doth he not now thus reign for the raising of his friends , and the ruine of his enemies ? Yes ; he doth graciously by his Word and Works , Heb. 1. 8. Rom. 10. 15 , 16. But he shall more gloriously when he commeth again to judge the quick and the dead , 2 Thess. 1. 10. Rom. 14. 9. Having thus declared that which concerneth the Mediatour of the New Testament ; what are you now to consider in the condition of the rest of mankind which hold by him ? Two things : 1. The participation of the grace of Christ , and the benefits of the Gospel . 2. The means which God hath ordained for the offering and effecting of the same . To whom doth God reveal and apply the Covenant of Grace ? Not to the world , but to his Church called out of the world , John 14. 22. & 17. 9. Mat. 11. 25. 1 Cor. 2. 8. &c. that is , not to the reprobate , appointed from everlasting to be vessels of wrath , but to the Elect and chosen ; For howsoever the light is come into the world , yet most men rather love darknesse then light , Joh. 1. 5. And though the proclamation of Grace be generall , 1 Tim. 2. 4. yet most men refuse or neglect Gods goodnesse by reason of the naughtinesse of their hearts ; neither are any saved but such as God draweth to imbrace his mercy , and casteth as it were into a new mould , Joh. 6. 44. It would seem by this , that the most part of the world be in no better estate then the Devill himself . Most men questionlesse abide without recovery in the state of sin and death , 1 Joh. 5. 19. because the Lord doth not grant unto them the benefit of Redemption , and grace of Faith and Repentance unto life , but suffers them to run on in sin deservedly unto condemnation . How doth God suffer them to run into Condemnation ? In a divers manner ; some Reprobates dying infants , other of riper years , of which last sort some are not called , others called . How doth God deal with Reprobates dying infants ? Being once conceived , they are in the state of death , Rom. 5. 14. by reason of the sin of Adam imputed , and of originall corruption cleaving to their nature , wherein also dying they perish ; as for instance , the children of Heathen Parents ; for touching the children of Christians we are taught to accompt them holy , 2 Cor. 7. 14. How doth God deal with those of riper years uncalled ? Being naturally possessed with ignorance and vanity , Eph. 4. 18 , 19. he giveth them up to their own lusts to commit sin without remorse , with greedinesse in a reprobate mind , Rom. 1. 26. 28. untill the measure of sin being fulfilled , they are cut off , Gen. 15. 16. Ps. 69. 27. How doth God deal with such Reprobates as are called ? He vouchsafeth them outward means of salvation , Heb. 4. 1 , 2. 1 Cor. 10. 1 , 2. &c. giving farther to some of them some illumination , Heb. 6. 4 , 5. A temporary faith , Acts 8. 13. some outward holinesse and tast of heaven , whom he yet suffereth to fall away , and the means of grace to become a favour of death unto them , 2 Cor. 2. 16. yea some of these doe fall even to the sin unpardonable , Heb. 6. 6. So much of the company of the Reprobates , which are not made partakers of the benefit of Redemption ; what is the Church of Christ , which enjoyeth this great benefit ? A company of men and women called out of the world to believe and live in Christ , and indued accordingly with spirituall graces for the service of God , Gal. 3. 26 , 27 , 28. John 1. 12. 17. 14 , 16. Eph. 2. 10. 1 Tim. 3. 15. Tit. 2. 14. or rather the whole number of Gods elect , which are admitted into fellowship with Christ Jesus : for all these being taken together , are called the Church ; that is , Gods assembly , or congregation , which in the Scripture is likened to the Spouse of Christ , Cant. 4. 9. Eph. 5. 32. 25. which in the Creed we professe to believe under the title of The holy catholick Church , Heb. 12. 22 , 23. Eph. 5. 27. Doe you beleeve in the Catholick Church ? No , I believe that God hath a certain number of his chosen children which he doth call and gather to himself , that Christ hath such a flock selected out of all nations ages , and conditions of men , Eph. 5. 23. Ioh. 10. 16. Gal. 3. 28. Rev. 7. 9. 17. and that my self am one of that company , and a sheep of that fold . Why say you that you beleeve that there is a Catholick Church ? Because that the Church of God cannot be alwayes seen with the eyes of man. Why is this Church called holy ? Because she hath washed her robes in the blood of the Lamb , and being sanctified and cleansed with the washing of water by the word , is presented and accepted as holy before God , Rev. 7. 14. Eph. 5. 26 27. Col. 1. 21 , 22. for though the Church on earth be in it selfe sinfull , yet in Christ the head it is holy , and in the life to come shall be brought to perfection of holinesse . What learn you hence ? That if ever we will have the Church for our Mother , or God for our Father ; we must labour to be holy , as he is holy . What is meant here by catholick Church ? The whole universall company of the elect that ever were , are , or ever shall be gathered together in one body ; knit together in one Faith , under one Head Christ Jesus ; Eph. 4. 4 , 5 , 6. 12. 13. Col. 2. 19. Eph. 1. 22 , 23. For God in all places , and of all sorts of men had from the beginning , hath now , and ever will have an holy Church ; that is , Gods whole or universall Assembly , because it comprehendeth the whole multitude of all those that have , doe , or ever shall believe unto the worlds end . Doe all those make one body ? The whole number of believers and Saints by calling make one body , the Head whereof is Christ Jesus , Eph. 1. 10. 22 , 23. Col. 1. 18. 24. Having under him no other Vicar ; and so the Pope is not the Head of the Church , for neither property nor office of the head can agree unto him . What is the property of the Head ? To be highest , and therefore there can be but one , even Christ. What is the office of the Head ? First , to prescribe lawes to his Church , which should bind mens consciences to the obedience of the same , and of such law-givers there is but one , James 4. 12. Secondly , to convey the powers of life and motion into all the members , by bestowing spirituall life and grace upon them . For the naturall members take spirit and sense from the head , so the Church hath all her spirituall life and feeling from Christ , who is only able ( and no creature beside ) to quicken and give life . Thirdly , to be the Saviour of the body . Eph. 5. 23. But Christ Jesus only is the Saviour of the Church , whom by this title of the head of the Church , Paul lifteth up above all Angels , Archangels , Principalities , and Powers . And therefore if the Pope were the successour of Peter and Paul , yet should he not therfore be the head of the Church , which agreeth to no simple creature , in heaven or under heaven . So much of the Head ; where be the members of this holy Catholick Church ? Part are already in heaven triumphant , part as yet militant here upon earth . VVhat call you the Church triumphant ? The blessed company of those that have entred into their Masters joy , Heb. 12. 23. Rev. 7. 14. 16. waiting for the fulfilling of the number of their fellow-members , and their own consummation in perfect blisse , Rev. 6. 7. VVhy is it called Triumphant ? Because the Saints deceased have made an end of their pilgrimage , and labours here on earth , and triumph over their enemies , the world , death and damnation . Are the Angels of the Church triumphant ? No ; First , because they were never of the Church militant . Secondly , because they were not redeemed , nor received benefit by the death of Christ ; and therefore it is said , that He took not on him the nature of Angels , but the seed of Abraham , Heb. 2. 16. VVhat is the speciall duty which the Church triumphant in heaven doth perform ? Praise and thanksgiving to God. VVhat is the Church militant ? It is the society of those that being scattered through all the corners of the world , are by one faith in Christ conjoyned to him , and fight under his banner against their Enemies , the World , the Flesh , and the devill ; continuing in the service and warfare of their Lord , and expecting in due time also to be crowned with victory and triumph in glory with him , Rev. 1. 9. 12. 11. 2 Tim. 4. 7 , 8. Who are the true members of the Church militant on earth ? Those alone who as living members of the mysticall body , Eph. 1. 22 , 23. Col. 1. 18. are by the Spirit and Faith secretly and inseparably conjoyned unto Christ their head . Col. 3. 3. Psalm . 83. 3. In which respect the true militant Church is both visible , Mat. 16. 18. and invisible , Rom. 2. 29. 1 Pet. 3. 4. the elect being not to be discerned from the reprobates till the last day . But are none to be accompted members of this Church , but such as are so inseparably united unto Christ ? doubtlesse many live in the Church who are not thus united unto him , and shall never come to salvation by him ? Truly and properly none are of the Church , saving only they which truly beleeve and yeeld obedience , 1 John 2. 19. all which are also saved ; howbeit God useth outward meanes with the inward for the gathering of his Saints , and calleth them as well to outward profession among themselves , as to inward fellowship with his Sonne , Act. 2. 42. Cant. 1. 7. whereby the Church becommeth visible . Hence it commeth , that so many as partaking the outward means , doe joyn with these in league of visible profession , Act. 8. 13. are therefore in humane judgment accompted members of the true Church , and Saints by calling ; 1 Cor. 1. 2. untill the Lord , who only knoweth who are his , doe make known the contrary , as we are taught in the Parable of the tares , the draw-net , &c. Mat. 13. 24. 47. Thus many live in the Church as it is visible and outward , which are partakers onely outwardly of grace ; and such are not fully of the Church that have entred in but one step , Cant. 4. 7. Eph. 5. 27. 1 John 2. 19. That a man may be fully of the Church , it is not sufficient , that he professe Christ with his mouth ; but it is further required , that he believe in him in heart ; These doe the one , but not the other ; or if they believe in heart , they believe not fully : For they may generally believe indeed that Christ is the Saviour of mankind , but they know not whether themselves have part in him ; yea , by their works they disclaim any interest in him . VVhat say you then of such ? They are partakers of all good of the outward or imperfect Church , and therefore their children also are baptized and admitted as members of Christs Church . These are like evill citizens ( as indeed the Church is Gods city ) who are in truth but citizens in profession and name only ; For they as yet want the chiefest point , which onely maketh a man to deserve the true name of a citizen ; which is to use the place aright . And therefore have no part in those rewards that are proposed for good , and perfect citizens ; though they enjoy what outwardly belongeth to the city . Are we then to acknowledge one Church , or many ? One alone , as there is but one Lord , one Spirit , one Baptisme , one Faith ; Eph. 4. 4. Cant. 6. 8. Gal. 3. 28. Howsoever ( as hath been said ) there is a begun , and a perfect Church ; For the Church of God is one in respect of that inward nature of it , having one Head , one Spirit , and one finall state : But outwardly there be as many Churches , as there be congregations of Believers knit together by speciall bond of order , for the religious expressing of that inward nature . Rom. 1. 11. Yet , though there be many visible Churches , there is but one Catholick and Universall Church , of which not one shall be lost , and out of which not one shall be saved . Acts 2. 47. Ephes. 5. 23. John 17. 12. 20. VVhat gather you hence ? That the Church of Rome is not the Catholick Church , because it is particular , not universall ; and because out of it many have been saved , and in it some shall be damned , Rev. 18. 4. 19. 20. 2 Th. 2. 11 , 12. What are the speciall prerogatives whereof all Gods children , the true members of the Catholick Church , are made partakers ? Joh. 1. 12. In the Creed there are some principall notes rehearsed . 1. The Communion of Saints , Heb. 12. 22 , 23. Eph. 2. 19. 2. The forgivenesse of sins , Rom. 8. 33. 3. The Resurrection of the body , 1 Cor. 15. 52. Act. 24. 15. 4. Life everlasting , Rom 6. 23. There are four also recorded by the Apostle Paul in that golden sentence , 1 Cor. 1. 30. Ye are of him in Christ Jesus , who of God is made unto us , Wisdom and Righteousnes , Sanctification , and Redemption . VVhy is Wisdome here set down by the Apostle as necessary to our salvation ? Because it was necessary that having absolutely lost all godly and saving wisdom wherein we were first created , that it should be againe repaired ere we could be partakers of life eternall . Why ? have we no true wisdome naturally able to bring us unto it ? No verily : for although we have wisdome naturally ingraffed in us to provide for this present life , and sufficient to bring us to condemnation in the life to come ; yet we have not one grain of saving wisdom able to save us , or to make us step one foot forward unto eternall life . Where is this wisdom to be found ? In the word of God. How come we to it ? By Christ ; for God dwelleth in light which no man hath approached unto , 1 Tim 6. 16. only the Sonne which was in the bosome of his Father he hath revealed him , Joh. 1. 18. What doth the Apostle mean by Righteousnesse ? As by the chief part thereof , our whole justification , which consisteth of the remission of our sins , and the imputation of Christs righteousnesse . How doe you prove this righteousnesse here , to be meant of the righteousnesse that is in Christ ? Because he speaketh afterward of sanctification , which is the righteousnesse within us . What is Sanctification ? It is freedome from the tyranny of sin into the liberty of righteousnesse , begun here , and increased dayly , untill it be fully perfected in the life to come , Rom. 6. 14. Psal. 19. 14. VVhat is Redemption ? It is the happy estate that the childrē of God shal have in the last day . VVhat is the ground of all these spirituall blessings ? The whole work of our salvation must be ascribed to the grace of God alone . VVhat is meant by the grace of God ? First and principally , that free favour with God doth bear towards us : 2. Those gifts and helps that are in us , arising from that fountain . Is man idle in this work of grace ? Man also worketh with Gods grace , but first he receiveth from God not only the power to work , but also the will and the deed it selfe , Phil. 2. 13. Is this work of God only an offering of good things unto us ? God doth not only offer grace unto us , but causeth us effectually to receive it , and therefore is said not only to draw us , Cant. 1. 3. Joh. 6. 44. but also to create a new heart in us , whereby we follow him , Ps. 51. 10. What profit hath every one of Gods elect in Christ the Mediatour , by the application of the covenant of grace ? Union and communion both with Christ himselfe and with his whole Church , whence ariseth the communion of Saints , whereby nothing else is understood , but that heavenly fellowship which all the faithfull have with Christ their head , & with the members of his body , all true Christians , the whole Church thus communicating with Christ and every member one with another , Heb. 3. 14. 12. 22. 23. Eph. 2. 19 , 20. 4. 12. 1 John 1. 3. What are the bands of this fellowship , and who is the author of it ? The Spirit knits the body to the head by faith , and the members one unto another by love . 1 Cor. 12. 11. 27. Col. 3. 14. 1 Cor. 6. 17. What comfort have we by this ? 1. That we are justified by that faith whereby Adam and Abraham were justified , which is tyed to no time or place , and excludeth no person . 2. That we are made partakers of Christ and all his merits by faith , and of all the blessings of the Church by love . What are the speciall comforts of this communion with Christ ? That wee are sure to have all graces and all good things from him , and that both our persons are beloved , and our services accepted in him and for him ; John 1. 16. 17. 1 Cor. 1. 30. Eph. 2. 4 , 5 , 13. 1 Pet. 2. 5. And what especiall comforts doe arise out of our communion with Christians ? That we have a portion in their prayers , Act. 1. 2. 15. a share in their comforts , Rom. 12. 15. a room in their hearts , 2 Thess. 1. 3. mutually bearing infirmities , Gal. 6. 1 , 2. furthering duties , Heb. 10. 24. and relieving necessities . What duty doth this communion of Saints require of us ? Eph. 4. 3. To renounce all fellowship with sin and sinners , 2 Cor. 6. 17 to edifie one another in faith and love , Iude 5. 20. to delight in the society of the Saints , Ps. 16. 3. and to keep the unity of the Spirit in the bond of peace . Why are all Beleevers called Saints ? Because they are partakers of Christs holinesse , dayly growing and increasing in the same ; and to let us know that none shall ever bee Saints in heaven , but such as are first Saints on earth . Heb. 12. 10. 2 Pet. 1. 14. 2 Cor. 7. 1. 2 Thess. 1. 10. Forasmuch as the point of our union and communion with Christ , is of great importance , and the very foundation of allour comfort , it is more largely to be stood upon ; First therefore shew how the elect are united to Christ his person . They are incorporated and made members of the mysticall body , whereof Christ is head , Eph. 5. 30. which the Scripture figureth , as by other resemblances , so especially under the similitude of marriage , Eph. 5. 2. and the whole book of the Canticles . How may we conceive of this our marriage with Christ ? We are to conceive therein as in outward marriage , first , the consent of parents and parties , secondly , the manner of conjunction . What consent of parents is there in this marriage ? Only Gods donation , who being the alone parent of both parties , as in the marriage of the first Adam , Gen. 2. 22. giveth first Christ to us as a Saviour , John 3. 16. 17. 6. Secondly , us to Christ as a people to be savedby him , Heb. 2. 13. What consent of parties is there ? First , Christ consenteth to take us for his own spouse , which hee witnesseth especially by taking our flesh upon him , Heb. 2. 14. that he might be our Emmanuel , God with us ; Mat. 1. 23. Secondly , we being drawn of God , John 6. 44. and prepared by the freeing of the Bridegroom , 2 Cor. 11. 2. doe consent to take Christ as our Lord and Husband , Cant. 7. 10. as we professe by taking his name , Esa. 44. 5. and yoake , Math. 11. 29. upon us . What is the manner of this our Conjunction ? Mysticall , that is to say , reall in respect of the things conjoyned , our very nature , body , and soule , being coupled to the body and soule of Christ , so that we are members of his body , of his flesh , of his bones ; Eph. 5. 30. thereby also to the divine nature , 2 Pet. 1. 4. Yet not corporall , but spirituall , in regard of the meanes whereby this conjunction is wrought . What be the meanes of the spirituall conjunction ? On Christs part , his only Spirit , 1 John 4. 15. Rom. 8. 9. given by him to every member of his body in the very moment of Regeneration , Gal. 4. 6. 1 John 3. 24. 4. 13. as the soule of spirituall life , and fountaine of supernaturall grace , Gal. 5. 25. 1 Cor. 15. 45. in which respect he that is joyned to the Lord , is said to be one Spirit , 1 Cor. 6. 17. What is the Spirit of Christ ? The Holy Ghost truly residing , 1 Cor. 3. 16. and powerfully working in all those that are Christs , Rom. 5. 5. derived unto them from him , Rom. 8. 2. and knitting them inseparably unto him , 1 Cor. 12. 13. Eph. 2. 18. 4. 4. Is the holy Ghost given to none but such as are thus joyned to Christ ? The Holy Ghost is considered three wayes : first , as the Authour of all excellence , even in common gifts of nature and reason ; as strength and courage , Judg. 14. 6. Arts and Sciences , Exod. 31. 31. Policy and government , 1 Sam. 11. 6. &c. in which sense he is given to many which never heard of Christ. Secondly , as the Authour of spirituall gifts , 1 Cor. 1. 4. so called , because being sanctified they are means of edification ; As the power of working Miracles , Healing , Languages , &c. yea a tast of the heavenly gift , and of the good word of God , and of the powers of the world to come , Heb. 6. 4 , 5. in which sense he is given to sundry reprobates that are called , as hath been shewed . Thirdly , as the Authour of the perpetuall , effectuall , and virtuall influence of saving grace from Christ the head to every true member of his body , John 6. 51. 57. 63. in which sense the world cannot receive or know him , John 14. 17. but he is bestowed on the elect only , 1 Pet. 1. 2. and those truly regenerated and converted to the Lord. But on our part what meanes is there of this conjunction ? Onely faith , which yet is not of our selves , but the gift of God ; Eph. 2. 8. and of all other , the first and more generall effect and instrument of the Spirit of Christ , 2 Cor. 4. 13. Gal. 5. 5. disposing and enabling us so to embrace and cleave unto him , Eph. 3. 16. 17. as first to receive from God by him , whatsoever benefits and graces ; Rom. 5. 2. Secondly , to returne to God in him all holy and thankfull obedience , Cor. 2. 7. Gal. 5. 6. Is faith absolutely required in every one that is united unto Christ ? It is absolutely required of all those that are of discretion and capacity , but in those that are not capable of knowledge ( without which there can be no faith ; as some naturally fooles and infants , which are within the covenant ) we are not to proceed farther then Gods election , and the secret operation of his Spirit , Act. 2. 39. 1 Cor. 7. 14. 12. 13. So much of our union with Christs person : what is our communion with him ? It is our participation with him in the benefits flowing from his severall offices , whereby he is made to us of God , wisdome , righteousnesse , sanctification , and redemption . 1 Cor. 1. 30. So we also by him after a sort become Prophets , Acts 2. 17 , 18. Priests and Kings , 1 Pet. 2. 9. Rev. 5. 10. as in the unfolding of the severall functions of our Saviour Christ , hath been more fully declared : for being made one with him , we are thereby possessed of all things that are his , Rev. 2. 28. Col. 2. 10. as the wife of the wealth of her husband , the branch of the sap of the root , John 15. 5. and the members of sense and motion from the head , Eph. 4. 15 , 16. in which regard the whole Church is also called Christ , 1 Cor. 12. 12. Gal. 3. 16. and the severall members Christians , Acts 11. 26. What are the main benefits which Christians receive by their communion with Christ ? Justification and glorification , Rom. 8. 30. By the one whereof we have our persons accepted , and new relations between God and us established ; By the other , our nature reformed , and new obedience infused : which latter is but begun in this life , and is called Sanctification , and perfected in the life to come ; which most usually hath the terme of Glorification , of which in its proper place . VVhat is Justification ? Justification is the sentence of God , whereby he of his grace for the righteousnesse of his Son , by him imputed unto us , and through faith apprehended by us , doth free us from sin and death , and account us righteous unto life . Rom. 8. 30. 33 , 34. 1 Cor. 1. 30. Phil. 3. 9. For hereby we both have a deliverance from the guilt and punishment of all our sins , and being accompted righteous in the sight of God by the righteousnesse of our Saviour Christ imputed unto us , are restored to a better righteousnesse then ever we had in Adam . I perceive your Answer needs further explaining ; first , why call you Justification a sentence ? That thereby we may be informed , that the word to justify doth not in this place signify to make just by infusing a perfect righteousnes into our natures ; ( that comes under the head of sanctification begun here in this life , which being finished , is Glorification in heaven ▪ but here the word signifieth to pronounce just , to quit and discharge from guilt and punishment ; and so it is a judiciall sentence opposed to condemnation . Rom. 8. 34 , 35. Who shall lay any thing ( saith Paul ) to the charge of Gods elect ? It is God that justifieth , who shall condemn ? Now as to condemn is not the putting any evill into the nature of the party condemned , but the pronouncing of his person guilty , and the binding him over unto punishment : so justifying is the Judges pronouncing the Law to be satisfied , and the man discharged and quitted from guilt and judgement . Thus God imputing the righteousnesse of Christ to a sinner , doth not account his sins unto him , but interests him in a state of as full and perfect freedom and acceptance , as if he had never sinned , or had himselfe fully satisfied . For though there is a power purging the corruption of sin , which followeth upon justification , yet it is carefully to be distinguished from it , as we shall further shew hereafter . This for the name of Justification , but now for the thing it selfe ; what is the matter first of our justification ? The matter of justification , or that righteousnesse whereby a sinner stands justified in Gods sight , is not any righteousnesse inherent in his own person and performed by him , but a perfect righteousnesse inherent in Christ and performed for him . What righteousnesse of Christ is it whereby a sinner is justified ? Not the essentiall righteousnesse of his divine nature , but , First , the absolute integrity of our humane nature , which in him our head was without guile . Heb. 7. 6. Secondly , the perfect obedience which in that humane nature of ours he performed unto the whole law of God , both by doing whatsoever was required of us , Mat. 3. 15. and by suffering whatsoever was deserved by our sins , 1 Pet. 2. 24. for he was made sin and a curse for us , that we might be made the righteousnesse of God in him . What is the forme or being cause of our justification , and that which makes this righteousnesse so really ours , that it doth justifie us ? The gracious imputation of God the Father , accounting his Sons righteousnesse unto the sinner , and by that accounting , making it his to all effects , as if he himselfe had performed it . But how can Christs righteousnesse be accompted ours ? is it not as absurd to say that we are justified by Christs righteousnesse , as that a man should be wise with the wisdom of another , or live and be in health by the life and health of another ? No doubtlesse , because this righteousnesse is in Christ , not as in a person severed from us , but as in the head of the Church , the second Adam ; from whom therefore it is communicated unto all who being united as members unto him doe lay claim thereunto , and apply it unto themselves , Rom. 5. 19. Rom. 10. 4. For if the sin of Adam were of force to condemn us all , because we were in his loynes , he being the head of our common nature ; why then should it seem strange that the righteousnesse of our Saviour Christ both God and man , should be availeable to justifie those that are interessed in him , especially considering that we have a more strict conjunction in the Spirit with him , then ever we had in nature with Adam ? And though it be not fit to measure heavenly things by the yard of reason , yet it is not unreasonable that a man owing a thousand pound , and not being able to pay it , his creditor may be satisfied by one of his friends . If Christ have paid our debt , how are we then freely justified by grace ? It is of grace that Christ is given unto us , and also that his righteousnesse apprehended by faith is accounted ours ; It is true that the justification of a sinner , considering the case as it is between the Father and Christ , no man dare call it free ; no , the price of our Redemption was the deepest purchase that the world ever heard of ; but what ever it cost Christ , it cost us nothing : and so to us it is freely of grace from Christ , yea and to us it is freely grace from God the Father too ; not because he acquits us without a full satisfaction to his Justice , or accepts that for perfect righteousnesse which is not perfect righteousnes ; but because he receives full satisfaction from the hands of a surety , and that surety being his own Son ; when as he might have challenged the uttermost farthing at our hands , which were the principals ; and then there had been no possibility for us to have been delivered . What gather you from this doctrine of Justification by Christs righteousnesse ? 1. To condemn the proud opinion of Papists , who seek Justification by their owne workes and righteousnesse inherent in themselves ; whereas though being accepted , we must in thankfulnesse doe all we can for God , yet when all is done , we must acknowledge our selves unprofitable servants : the onely matter of our joy and triumph both in life and death , must be the imputation of Christs righteousnes ; not our persons , nor the best actions of the holiest men dare appeare in Gods presence , but in his name and merit ( who consecrates all ) the Lords Jesus . 2. We may here take notice , that there is no comfort to a Christian soule like that which floweth from this Well of salvation , this sweet doctrine of Justification . 1. Here we have assurance of the sufficiencie of our Redemption : that soule must be throughly acquited that is stated in such a righteousnesse , that debt must be fully discharged that hath such a price laid down for it ; our sinnes though never so great , cannot weigh down his righteousnesse and merit , Rom. 8. 33. and God having accepted his Sons righteousnes for us , will not hold us any longer trespassers , but he disables his own Justice from making any further demand . 2. Hence there is nothing comes upon the Saints from Gods revenging Justice , but all our corrections are medicinall from Gods Fatherly love ; to purge out that sin out of our nature , which he hath already pardoned to our persons . 3. Lastly , this doctrine may be great comfort to weak Christians in the midst of their troublesome imperfections , and sense of their weak measures of Sanctification ; To consider that the righteousnesse that is inherent in themselves , is not the matter of their Justification , or that which must appear before Gods presence to be pleaded : the righteousnesse of Christ is compleat and perfect ; that is our main joy and crown of rejoycing to be found in Christ , not having our own righteousnesse , but that which is in him , and made ours by Gods gracious account . But how is this great benefit of Justification applyed unto us , and apprehended by us ? This is done on our part by faith alone , and that not considered as a vertue inherent in us , working by love ; but only as an instrument or hand of the soule stretched forth to lay hold on the Lord our righteousnesse . Rom. 5. 1. & 10 10. Jer. 23. 6. So that faith justifieth onely Relatively , in respect of the object which it fasteneth on ; to wit , the righteousnesse of Christ by which we are justified : Faith being onely the instrument to convey so great a benefit unto the soule , as the hand of the begger receives the Almes . Forasmuch as it standeth us much in hand to know what this faith is , whereby we have profit by Christs Redemption , declare how many wayes the word Faith is taken in the Scriptures . Sometimes it is taken for true and faithfull dealing between man and man both in word and deed , called Fidelity or Faithfulnesse , ( as Mat. 23. 23. Acts 2. 10. 1 Tim. 5. 12. 1 Pet. 5. 12. ) but of that faith we are not here to speak . Sometimes it is taken for the faith ( or fidelity ) of God towards man , but that also is besides our purpose . Here we are to intreat of mans faith towards God , and that word Faith is also taken two wayes . 1. For the object to be apprehended , or things to be beleeved , even the whole doctrine of faith , or points of Religion to be beleeved . ( as Acts 6. 7. & 13. 8. Rom. 1. 5. & 3. 31. & 12. 3. 6. & 16. 26. Gal. 1. 22. & 3. 2. & 5. 23. 1 Tim. 1. 2. & 4. 1. Jude vers . 3. 2. For the action apprehending or beleeving the same , viz. that work of God in man whereby he giveth assent or credence to God in his word ; yea , and applyeth that which any way concerneth him in particular , how otherwise generall soever it be , ( as Rom. 10. 7. &c. ) And this faith is set out by two names , Heb. 11. 1. The substance of things hoped for , and the evidence of things not seen ; by the first meaning , that whereas God in his word hath made promise of things which are not presently enjoyed , but onely hoped for ; they being not in esse , but in posse : yet faith doth after a sort give them a present subsisting or being , as if they were in esse . By the second meaning , that whereas many of the promises are of things so farre out of the reach of man , that they are both invisible to the eye , and unreasonable or impossible to the sense or understanding of man ; yet faith is the very evidence of them , and that which doth so demonstrate them unto us , that by it ( as through a prospective glasse ) we as clearly discern them , as if they were even at hand . How many kinds of faith be there ? Although there be but one true saving faith , ( Eph. 4. 5. ) yet of faith there are two sorts . 1. Such as is common to all , which all men have , or may have . 2. That which no man hath or can have but the elect , it being proper to them . 2 Thess. 3. 2. Rom. 11. 32. Tit. 1. 1. 2 Cor. 13. 5. How many sorts be there of the common faith ? Two ; ordinary and extraordinary : and of the ordinary two also , that which we call historicall , and that wee call temporarie faith . What is an historicall faith ? It is a knowledge and perswasion of the truth of Gods word concerning the letter and story of it : as that there is one onely God , and in the God a Trinity in Unity ; that Jesus Christ is the Saviour of the world , &c. What is a temporary faith ? It is a joyfull entertaining of the promises of the Gospell with some seeming confidence , which yet is but vanishing , uncertain , and not rooted ; lasteth but for a time , and then comes to nothing . Mat. 13. 20 , 21. Luk. 18. 3 , 14. What is that common faith which you call extraordinary ? It is the faith of miracles , which is the cleaving to some speciall and singular promise ; either for the doing of some extraordinary effect , or for the receiving of some outward good , after an extraordinary manner . 1 Cor. 13. 2. Mat. 21. 2. & 7. 22. Mark. 9. 3. Acts 14. 9. Luk. 17. 19. By this kind of faith , Judas might work miracles as well as the other Disciples ; and by this Faith , many might bee healed by our Saviour in their bodies , who were not healed in their soules . What now is true saving faith , which none have but the elect , it being proper to them ? It is such a firme assent of the mind to the truth of the word , as flowes into the heart , and causeth the soule to embrace it as good , and to build its eternall happinesse on it . What is that which you make the object of saving Faith ? The generall object of true saving Faith , is the whole truth of God revealed ; but the speciall object of Faith as it justifieth , is the promise of remission of sinnes by the Lord Jesus : For as the Israelites , by the same eyes by which they looked upon the brasen Serpent , they saw other things ; but they were not healed by looking upon any thing else , but onely the brasen Serpent : So , though by the same Faith whereby I cleave to Christ for remission of sinnes , I beleeve every truth revealed ; yet I am not justified by beleeving any truth but the promise of grace in the Gospell . Open the nature of this saving and justifying Faith , somewhat more fully . Justifying Faith may bee considered two wayes , either as God works it in mans heart , or else as mans heart works by it towards God againe . For first God enables man to beleeve , and then he beleeves by Gods enabling . In the first respect , Faith is said to be Gods gift . Eph. 2. 8. Phil. 1. 29. And it is the greatnesse of Gods power , that raiseth mans heart unto it . Eph. 1. 19. In the second respect man is said to beleeve , Rom. 10. 10. and to come to Christ. But he beleeves by Gods enabling him to beleeve , and he comes by Gods causing him to come , Joh. 6. 44. No man can come unto me except the Father draw him , saith our Saviour . What doth God work in man when he gives him Faith ? First , hee enlighteneth the understanding to see the truth and preciousnesse of the rich offers of grace in the Lord Jesus . 1. Cor. 2. 11 , 12. 14. John 1. 5. John 12. 39. John 6. 45. Matth. 16. 17. Acts 26. 18. Secondly , he enables the will to embrace them , and reach all the desires of the soule after them , and rest and build eternall comfort on them . The things of God as they are foolishnesse to mans naturall Judgement ; so they are enmity to his naturall will. And therefore when God gives faith , he gives a new light to the understanding , and new motions and inclinations to the heart . As the Covenant of Grace is , I will give them a new heart , Ezek. 36. 26. It must be a mighty power to turne the heart of man upside downe , and cause him to pitch all the desires of the soule upon a supernaturall object . Joh. 6. 44. What gather we from hence ? First , the monstrous wickednesse of the Popish Doctors , who perswade the multitude to rest in a blind faith , which they call implicite and folded up , telling them that it is enough for them to beleeve as the Church beleeves , though they know not what the Church beleeves , nor who the Church is , whereas the Scripture teacheth us that Faith comes by hearing ; that is , by hearing the blessed promises of grace offered to the people : Rom. 10. 14. 17. Faith doth not consist in darknesse and ignorance , but knowledge is of the ingredience of it , John 12. 39. and therefore sometimes put for it . John 17. 3. Esa. 53. 11. Where God doth work Faith , there he gives a saving light to the understanding , though in divers measures and degrees ; as there are weak measures of Faith , so weak measures of knowledge and apprehensions in saving mysteries : But no man can build upon Gods gracious word and promise for the truth and reality of what he speaks , without he know what he speaks . Secondly , we may here learne that Faith doth not consist onely in the understanding , or onely in the will , but in the whole soule ; the whole intelligent nature is the seat of Faith : And therefore either Faith is not a supernaturall gift of God , or else they speak ungraciously of Gods grace in the work of Faith , who attribute no more to God then the renovation of mans understanding , and revealing those things to him , which by nature he could not see ; leaving the action of consenting and embracing by faith the things revealed to mans free-will , so sharing the businesse of beleeving between God and man ; the enlightning of the understanding shall be Gods , but the inclining the will must be a mans own , any further then it may be invited by morall perswasion . But the Scripture every where shews faith to be such a transcendent and supernaturall gift , as far exceeds all naturall power to produce or reach unto ; God doth all in this high businesse by his powerfull Spirit and supernaturall grace . But how then is it said , that man beleeveth , man receiveth Christ , man comes unto him ? These phrases and the like shew what man doth when faith is wrought in him , how his soul acts by it , and exerciseth this excellent habit received . And it is thus : 1. By Gods teaching him he understands ; by Gods enlightning his mind he sees the excellency of the Lord Jesus , and firmely assents unto the word of grace as true ; that indeed Christ is the only blessed Saviour , and that all the promises of God in him are yea and amen . 2. By Gods changing and enabling his will he wils ; by Gods sanctifying his affections he loves and embraceth ; by Gods printing and sealing them on his heart he possesseth and closeth with Christ , and the precious promises of mercy in him , and embraceth the tenure of the Gospel as the sweetest and happiest tidings that ever sounded in his eares , and entertains it with the best welcomes of his dearest heart , and placeth his eternall happinesse on this Rock of salvation . Put now all these things together . They all shew that faith is nothing else but a supernaturall action and worke of God in man , whereby mans heart , ( that is ) all the powers of mans soule move as they are first moved by God : So that the action of man in beleeving , is nothing but his knowing of heavenly things by Gods revealing them and causing him to know them ; his willing them and embracing them by Gods enabling him to will and embrace them : Thus the motion of mans heart to Christ being moved by God is called mans beleeving with the heart : even as a wheel which of it self cannot move , yet being moved by a higher wheel doth move ; which motion though it be but one , yet is said to be the motion of two , that is , of the Mover and of the thing moved . It seemes then that justifying faith consists in these two things ; viz. in having a mind to know Christ , and a will to rest upon him . Yes ; whosoever sees so much excellency in Christ that thereby he is drawn to embrace him as the onely Rock of salvation , that man truly beleeves to Justification . But is it not necessary to Justification to be assured that my sinnes are pardoned , and that I am justified ? No , that is no act of faith as it justifieth , but an effect and fruit that followeth after Justification : for no man is justified by beleeving that he is justified , for he must be justified before he can beleeve it : and no man is pardoned by beleeving that he is pardoned , for he must be pardoned before he can beleeve it . But faith as it justifieth , is a resting upon Christ to obtain pardon , the acknowledging him to be the only Saviour , and the hanging upon him for salvation , Mat. 16. 16. John 20. 31. Acts 8. 37. Rom. 10. 9. 1 John 4. 15. & 5. 1. 5. It is the direct act of faith that justifieth , that whereby I doe beleeve ; it is the reflect act of faith that assures , that whereby I know I doe beleeve , and it comes by way of argumentation thus , Maj. Whosoever relyeth upon Christ the Saviour of the world for Justification and pardon , the word of God saith , that he by so doing is actually justified and pardoned . Min. But I doe truly relie upon Christ for Justification and pardon . Concl. Therefore I undoubtedly beleeve that I am justified and pardoned . But many times both the former propositions may be granted to be true , and yet a weak Christian want strength to draw the conclusion ; for it is one thing to beleeve , and another thing to beleeve that I doe beleeve : It is one thing for a man to have his salvation certain , and another thing to be certain that it is certain . How then doth the soul reach after Christ in the act of justifying ? Even as a man fallen into a river and like to be drowned , as he is carried down with the floud espies the bough of a tree hanging over the river , which he catcheth at and clinges unto with all his might to save him , and seeing no other way of succour but that , ventures his life upon it : this man so soon as he had fastned upon this bough is in a safe condition , though all troubles , fears & terrours are not presently out of his mind , untill he comes to himself and sees himself quite out of danger , then he is sure he is safe , but he was safe before he was sure . Even so it is with a Beleever ; Faith is but the espying of Christ as the only means to save , and the reaching out of the heart to lay hold upon him . God hath spoke the word and made the promise in his Son , I beleeve him to be the only Saviour , and remit my soul to him to be saved by his mediation : So soon as the soul can doe this , God imputeth the righteousnesse of his Son unto it , and it is actually justified in the Court of Heaven , though it is not presently quieted and pacified in the Court of Conscience : that is done afterwards , in some sooner , in some later , by the fruits and effects of Justification . What are the Concomitants of Justification ? Reconciliation , and Adoption , Rom. 5. 1. Joh. 1. 12. What is Reconciliation ? It is that grace whereby we that were enemies to God are made friends , Rom. 5. 10. we that were rebels are received into favour ; we that were far off , and aliens from God , are now brought neer through Christ , Eph. 2. 12 , 13. & 18. 19. 1 Joh. 1. 3. Heb. 12. 22 , 23. What is Adoption ? Adoption is the power and priviledge to be the sons of God , Joh. 1. 12. Eph. 1. 5. derived unto us from Christ , who being the eternal Son of God , became by Incarnation our brother , that by him God might bring many sons and daughters unto glory , Heb. 2. 10. What are the benefits that flow to us from our Adoption ? 1. Some are privative immunities , and freedome from many grievances ; as 1. We are freed from the slavery of sin , Rom. 6. 14. 2 From condemnation , Rom. 8. 1. 3 From all slavish fears and terrors , Rom. 8. 15. We have not received the spirit of bondage to fear again , but the spirit of adoption . 4 From the law , not Ceremoniall only , Gal. 5. 1. but Moral ; freed I mean from the curse of it , freed from the condemning power of it , freed from the coaction and compulsion of it , freed from the rigorous exaction & inexorable demands of it , as it is a Covenant of works : But not freed from the doctrine of holinesse contained in it ; the justified and adopted are every way freed from the Law , as it was an enemy and against us , Luc. 1. but not freed as it is our guide and director , containing the rule of Gods holy will. Our Sonship doth not free us from service , but from slavery , not from holinesse , but to holinesse : There is a free service which benefits the condition of a son , Gods service is perfect freedome . 2. Some are positive dignities ; as , 1. Free accesse to the throne of Grace , that we may come to God in prayer as to a Father . Gal. 4. 6. Rom. 8. 15. 2 We have an Interest in Gods particular and speciall Providence , 2 Cor. 6. ult . Rom. 8. 28. 3 We by our adoption have a free and sanctified use of all God● creatures restored , the right unto which we forfeited in Adam ; for no man hath any true right to any thing now by nature ; he may have the use of Gods creatures by Gods patience & forbearance , but not by Gods licence and allowance , untill he be in Covenant with God in Christ , and made a son and heir with him , and then all things are restored , 1 Cor. 3. 21. Rom. 8. 32. 4 From Adoption flows all Christians joy , which is called the joy in the holy Ghost , Rom. 14. 17. unspeakable and glorious , 1 Pet. 1. 8 , 9. Rom. 5. 2. For the spirit of Adoption is , first , a witnesse , Rom. 8. 16. 2ly . A seale , Eph. 4. 30. 3ly . The pledge and earnest of our Inheritance , Eph. 1. 14. setling a holy security in the soul , whereby it rejoyceth even in affliction in hope of glory . Doe the Justified children of God always then rejoyce ? Joy considered as a delightfull apprehension of the favour of God gladding the heart , though it ought continually to be laboured for , Phil. 4. 4. and preserved , yet it may be at times not only darkned and daunted , but for a time even lost , and to be restored , Psal. 51. 12. yet it is as all spirituall gifts of God , perpetuall and without repentance , if we regard 1. The matter of rejoycing , which is Gods unchangeable love and grace , Mal. 3. 6. 2. The causes and fountains of joy in the regenerate , which are the never failing graces of Faith , Luk. 22. 32. Hope , Rom. 5. 5. and Love towards God in Christ , 1 C●● 8. 3. The valuation ( even in the deepest dismay ) of our part and hope in Christ above the pleasures of ten thousand worlds . 4. The pretence and claim of a faithfull heart promising and challenging unto it self a comfortable harvest of joy for the present seed-time of sorrow , Psal. 42. 5. Psal. 126. 5. & 57. 11. So much of the first main benefit which Christians receive by their communion with Christ , viz. Justification . Now what is the second benefit which is called Glorification and Sanctification ? It is the renewing of our nature according to the Image of God , in righteousnesse and true holinesse , which is but begun in this life , and is called Sanctification , and perfected in the life to come , which therefore is most strictly called Glory . How far forth is our nature renewed in this life by Sanctification ? This renewing is of our whole nature , 1 Thess. 5. 23. Rom. 12. 2. the understanding being enlightned , the will rectified , the affections regulated , the outward man reformed . But not wholly in this life ; and this is done by the powerfull operation of the Spirit of God , who having begun a good work in us , will perfect it unto the day of the Lord , Joh. 13. 6. Psal. 51. 10. Ezek. 36. 26. What be the parts of our Sanctification ? Two , answerable to the two powerfull meanes whereby they are wrought ; First , Mortification , or dying unto sin , and thereby freedome from the dominion thereof by the death of Christ , Rom. 6. 6 , 7. Secondly , Vivification , or quickning unto newnesse of life , by the power of the resurrection of Christ ; In regard whereof it is also called our first resurrection , Rev. 20. 6. How doth Sanctification differ from the former grace of Justification ? In many main and materiall differences ; as , 1. In the order , not of time , wherein they goe together , Rom. 8. 30. nor of knowledge and apprehension , wherein this latter hath precedency , 1 Cor. 6. 11. but of nature , wherein the former is the ground of this latter , 2 Cor. 7. 1. Secondly , in the Subject : the righteousnesse whereby we are justified being inherent in Christ for us ; but this of Sanctification in our selves from him , Rom. 8. 10. Thirdly , in the cause : our Justification following from the merit ; our Sanctification from the efficacy of the death and life of Christ. Fourthly , in the Instrument ; Faith , which in Justification is only as an hand receiving , in Sanctification is a co-working vertue , Acts 15. 19. Gal. 5. 6. Fiftly , in the measure ; Justification being in all Beleevers , and at all times alike ; but Sanctification wrought differently and by degrees . Sixtly , in the end ; which being in both eternall life , Rom. 6. 23 , 24. yet the one is among the causes of reigning , the other onely as the high-way unto the kingdome . What is the rule and square of our Sanctification ? The whole word of God , Joh. 17. 17. Ps. 119. 9. as containing that will of his , Rom. 12. 2. which is even our Sanctification , 1 Thess. 4. 3 , &c. How doe you prove that Gods word is such a rule ? 1. By expresse warrant of Scripture , ( 2 Tim. 3. 14. 17. 2. By the resemblances and things whereunto it is compared , as to the way we walk in , ( Jer 6. 16. Mark 12. 14. Act. 18. 24 , 25. ) to a Light and a Lanthorn in a dark place , to guide our feet into the way of peace , Psa. 119. 105. Prov. 6. 23. 2 Pet. 19. 20. Luc. 1. 77. 79. to a Glasse , Jam. 1. 25. to a Rule , Line , Square , Measure , and Ballance , whereby must be framed , ordered , measured , and pondered . Isa. 28. 17. Gal. 6. 16. 3. Because they only are commended for a holy and righteous life , who have framed it according to the Word , Luc. 1. 6. and all others secluded , Isa. 8. 19 , 20. Mat. 22. 29. 4. Because nothing can be counted holy and righteous which God doth not so accompt , and that in his Word , so as he only is righteous , and maketh this or that to be holy and righteous . So his Word only sheweth us what that is which he so accompteth , and therefore it is called his holy Word , holy Scriptures , righteous Laws , &c. Deut. 4. 8. VVhat mean you here by the holy Word of God ? Both the Law and the Gospel , the Old Testament & the New. How is the Gospel a rule of obedience being the rule of faith ? As the Law requireth obedience , Jam. 12. 1. so the Gospel directeth the faithful how to perform it , 1 Tim. 1. 9 , 10 , 11. only with difference , 1. Of the manner ; the Law propounding God to be worshipped of us in himself as our Creator , the Gospel in Christ as our Saviour * . 2. Of the end ; The Law requiring all duties , as for the procurement of our own salvation : The Gospel in way of thankfulnesse , for salvation in Christ already bestowed , 1 Thess. 5. 18. 3. Of the effect ; the Law ( like Pharaoh , that required brick , but allowed no straw ) demanding obedience , but vouchsafing no assistance ; ( supposing man as in the state of Creation ) The Gospel both offering and conferring to the regenerate that which it requireth , Rom. 10. 5 , 6. 8. for it both requireth and confirmeth faith unto the Elect , and that not only as a hand to lay hold on Christ , but also as a chief vertue working by love in all parts of obedience ; without which even the Gospel is a Law , that is , a killing letter , 2 Cor. 3. 6. to the unregenerate , and with which the Law becommeth as it were Gospel to the regenerate , even a law of liberty , Jam. 1. 25. & 2. 12. For as the Law saveth us not without the Gospel , so the Gospel saveth us not without the Law. Doth not the Gospel add other Precepts or Counsels to those of the Law ? Not any other in substance of action , but only reneweth and enforceth those of the Law , 1 Joh. 2. 7 , 8. and specifieth some duties , as of faith in the Messias , of the Sacraments , &c. which have their generall ground from the Law. As for those that are propounded in form of counsell , and doe concern things indifferent , they are not therefore arbitrary courses , Rev. 3. 18. of higher perfection , much lesse meritorious of greater glory , but as they are applyed with due circumstances , necessary precepts referred to some or other Commandement of the Law , the neglecting whereof excludeth from the kingdome of God. VVhat is that law which with the direction of the Gospel is the rule of Sanctification ? The Morall law , or law of nature engraven by God himself first in the heart of man in his Creation , after in Tables of stone * , in the days of Moses , and so published and committed to the Church for all ages as the royall Law , for obedience to God our King ( Jam. 2. 8. ) Why did God write that law in Tables of stone ? Partly to signifie the perpetuall use and continuance of them to the end of the world : Partly to shew the stony hardnesse of our hearts , in which this law was to be written , and to declare how hard it is to bring us to obedience of them . VVhy did none but God write this Law in Tables of stone ? Because none but God can write his Law in our hearts . How was this Law delivered ? To shew the gloriousnesse of it God delivered it in fire , for the Mountain burned , the Trumpet sounded , the people fled , and Moses himself trembled . What did this signifie to them , and teach us ? 1. That without Christ the Law is but death . 2. That we should be very careful to perform obedience to the same . Did God give no other law but the Morall law onely ? Yes , he added the Ceremoniall and Judiciall laws , as speciall explications and applications of the law Morall , unto that present Church and people the Israelites . What was the Ceremoniall law ? That law which did set down orders for direction in rites of outward worship , shadowing the grace of the Gospel ( Heb. 10. 1 , &c. ) Are we bound to keep and observe those laws ? No , for the substance being now exhibited , those shadows are utterly abolished by the death of Christ , and therefore the use of them now , would be a kind of denyall of his death . What call you the Judiciall law ? That wherein God appointed a form of Politique and Civill government of the Common-wealth of the Jews , which therefore is ceased with the dissolution of that State , for which it was ordained ; saving only in the common equity . Is this law utterly revoked and abolished by Christ ? No ; for he came not to overturn any good government of the Common-wealth , much lesse that which was appointed by God himself . May not Christian Magistrates then swerve any thing from those laws of government , which were set down by Moses ? In some circumstances they may , but in the generall equity and substance they may not . What Judiciall laws are immutably to be observed now of Christian Magistrates ? Those which have reasons annexed unto thē , & specially those wherin God hath appointed death for the punishment of hainous offences . VVhat is the Morall law ? That which commandeth the perfection of godlinesse & righteousnesse , and directeth us in our duties to God and man , Deut. 5. 32. 12. 32. Are we not delivered from this law by the means of Christ ? From the burthen of the law exacting in our own persons perfect obedience , & from the curse of that law due unto disobedience , we are delivered by Christ , Gal. 3. 10 , 11 , 12 , 13. But from the Commandment as a rule of life , we are not freed , Jam. 2. 8. but contrariwise are inclined & disposed by his free Spirit to the willing obedience therof , Ps. 51. 12. & 119. 32. 45. 1 Joh. 5. 3. To what end serveth the Law ? First , it is a Glasse , to discover our filthinesse , and to shew us our sinnes , and the punishment thereof , that thereby we may be driven unto Christ , to be purged by him , ( Gal. 3. 24. Rom. 3. 20. 27. ) For it layeth open all the parts of our misery , both sinfulnesse , accursednesse , and impotency , or unablenesse to relieve our selves ; so whipping us , and chasing us to Christ , that in him we may finde deliverance . Secondly , when we are come to Christ , and feele our selves saved by him , it is a guide to direct us in the way we have to walke in all our life after , Matth. 5. 17. Luke 1. 6. Deut. 6. 6. For after the Law hath brought us to Christ , the feeling of the love of God within us , maketh us to strive towards the obedience of it , and then it is a rule to direct us how to behave our selves in all things that we doe , teaching us how we are to live , in such sort as whosoever walketh not accordingly , cannot be saved . What further use hath the Law in the Regenerate ? First , as a light it directeth us , for the world being a darke wildernesse , and we being naturally blinde , are in continuall danger of falling , unlesse our steps be guided by the Lampe of the Law. Secondly , as a prick it inciteth us to obedience , because God commandeth them . Thirdly , it frameth us to humility whilst by it wee understand that we are farre from fulfilling it . What gather you of this ? First , what great reason there is , that we should be well acquainted with the Law of God , seeing it is of so great use . Secondly , that every one should have a warrant of all his doings out of this Law of God ; whereby all the creatures are sanctified for mans use . What is the contrary vice ? Ignorance ; whereof Christ saith , that the blinde fall into the ditch . Matth. 15. 14. So much of the use of the Law : What is required for our profiting therein ? In the first place it is required , that we have the right understanding of the Law , without which it is impossible to reap any of the former fruits ; for how can a man acknowledge the breach of that Law , which he knoweth not ? or how can he serve God in the endeavour of the performance of it , unlesse he understand his Masters will ? What Rules are principally to be observed for the understanding and right interpreting of the Law ? Three especially . What is the first ? That the Law is spirituall , reaching to the soule and all the powers thereof , and charging as well the heart and thoughts , as the outward man. Rom. 7. 14. Deut. 6. 5. Matth. 22. 37. Mark 12. 30. Luke 10. 27. How doth the Law shape all the powers of the soule ? It shapeth the understanding to know every duty , even all the will of God : It chargeth the judgement to discerne between good and evill ; and between two good things which is the better : It chargeth the memory to retain : It chargeth the will to chuse the better , and to leave the worse : It chargeth the affections to love things to be loved ; and to hate things to be hated . Doth the Law require these alike of all ? No ; but according to the Sex , growth in age , and difference of calling ; as more of a man than of a woman ; of a young man than of a childe ; of a publike person , than of a private man. What is the second Rule ? That the Law is perfect . Psal. 19. 7. Not onely binding the soule ; but also the whole soule , the severall functions of her faculties , perfectly ; as the understanding to know the will of God perfectly ; the judgement to discerne perfectly betwixt good and evill ; the memory to retain , and remember all perfectly ; the will to chuse the good , and leave the evill perfectly ; the affections to love the one , and hate the other perfectly . So in condemning evill , it condemneth all evill : and in commanding good , it commandeth all good , charging man to practise the good , and refuse the evill perfectly ; and that not only as it was commanded Adam before his fall ; but also according to the severall times , before , in , and after the Law. What is the third ? That in every Commandement there is a borrowed Speech , whereby more is commanded or forbidden than is named . What speciall Rules are comprehended under this third ? These three following . 1. Whatsoever the Law commandeth , it forbiddeth the contrary ; and whatsoever it forbiddeth , it commandeth the contrary . Matth. 5. 21 , 23 , 24 , 25. So where any duty is enjoyned as in the affirmative Commandements , there we must understand the contrary sinne to be forbidden . Matth. 4. 10. 1 Cor. 15. 34. And where any sinne is forbidden , as in the negative , there must we know the contrary duty is required . Eph. 4. 28. 2. Whatsoever the Law commandeth or forbiddeth in one kinde , it commandeth or forbiddeth all of the same kinde , and all the degrees thereof : for under the kinde , manifest , and plaine , are understood all things of like sort , and under one maine duty , or crime expressed all degrees of good or evill in the same kinde are either commanded , or forbidden . Matth. 5. 21 , 22 , &c. 1 Ioh. 3. 10. Thirdly , whatsoever the Law commandeth or forbiddeth , it commandeth or forbiddeth the causes thereof , and all meanes whereby that thing is done , or brought to passe : So that with the thing forbidden , or the duty enjoyned , all occasions , and provocations , or furtherances thereto , are consequently condemned , or required . 1 Thes. 5. 22. Heb. 10. 24 , 25. Matth. 5. 27 30. Besides the true knowledge , what is further required for a profitable course in the Law. First , remembrance , without which our knowledge is nothing , as that which is powred into a riven Vessell . And therefore in the fourth Commandement , God using this word Remember , teacheth us how deeply negligence and forgetfulnesse , ( although not alike ) in all , are condemned . Secondly , judgement to take heed , that we doe nothing rashly and suddenly , but ever to examine our wayes . Thirdly , the will and affections must be formed to an obedience of the Commandements : whereto also it may helpe to consider , that God propoundeth the ten Commandements in the second person of the singular number , saying , Thou shalt not , &c. Why are the Commandements uttered in this sort ; rather than by yee , or no man , or every man ? &c. First , because God being without partiality , speaketh to all men alike ; as well the rich as poore , high as low . Secondly , because no man should put the Commandements of God from himselfe , as though they did not concerne him : but every particular man should apply them to himselfe , as well as if God had spoken to him by name . What gather you of this ? That God wisely preventeth a common abuse amongst men , which is to esteeme that spoken to all men , to be , as it were , spoken to none : as you shall have it common amongst men , to say and confesse , that God is good , and mercifull , and that he commandeth this , and forbiddeth that ; and yet they usually so behave themselves , as that they shift the matter to the generall , as if it did nothing belong to them in particular ; and as if they notwithstanding might live as they list : and therefore every man is to judge and esteeme that God speaketh in the Law to him in particular ; and is accordingly to be affected therewith . That this obedience may be more willing and cheerefull ; what is further to be thought upon ? We must set before our eyes Gods benefits bestowed upon us , as the Lord did before the Israelites , in the Preface to the ten Commandements . What benefits ought we chiefely to call to minde ? First , those which God doth generally bestow upon all his Children , as our Election , Creation , Redemption , Vocation , Iustification , Sanctification , continuall Preservation ; and then particularly , such blessings as God hath severally bestowvd upon every one of us . Are not the judgements of God also to be thought upon for furtherance to this obedience ? Yes verily , to make us feare to offend in our wayes . Exod. 20. 5. 7. Psal. 119. 120. Remaineth there yet any more ? Good company , which with David wee must cleave unto . Psalme 119. 63. Prov. 13. 20. not the noblest , or of greatest account , but the godliest : for if we will avoyd such a sinne , we must avoyd all company that doth delight therein ; which is no lesse dangerous , than good company is profitable . What gather you of this ? That whosoever maketh no choyce of company , maketh no conscience of sinne : as those that dare keepe company familiarly with Papists , and prophane persons , thinking that they may keep their Conscience to themselves . Hitherto of the helpes both of the knowledge and practice : In what part of the Scripture is the Morall Law of God contained ? It is handled at large throughout the whole Scripture ; but is summarily first contrived into ten words , or ten Commandements , Exod. 20. Deut. 4. 13. & 10. 4. and then into two , Matth. 22. 37. 40. Luke 10. 27. comprehending the summe of the whole Law , which are now to be spoken of . Why hath God given ten Commandements , and no more ? Deut. 5. 22. First , that no man should either adde any thing to , or take any thing from the Lawes of God. Secondly , that we might be left without excuse , if we learned them not ; seing they be but ten , and no more . How are these ten Commandements propounded ? Sometime affirmatively , as the fourth and fift : Others negatively , as all the rest . Some with reasons annexed , as the five first : Some without , as the five last : and all of them in the time to come , and in the second person singular . Why they are layd downe in the second person singular , you have shewed before , and why some have reasons added unto them , you shall heare a little after : Declare now why God hath propounded all the Commandements in the time to come , saying , Thou shalt not &c. Because it is not enough for us that wee have kept the Commandements of God heretofore , except we continue in keeping of them to the end of our lives . Why are there more of the Commandements negative , telling us what we should not doe , then affirmative , telling us what we should doe , all of them except two , being set downe negatively ? 1 To put us in minde of our corruption , which needeth greatly to be restrained , whereas if Adam had continued in integrity , sinne had not beene knowne , and then vertue onely had beene propounded to us to follow . 2 Because our soules being full of sin , must have them plucked forth , before we can do any thing that is good . 3 Because the negative bindeth more strongly ; for the negative precept bindeth alwaies , and to all moments of time , the affirmative bindeth alwayes , but not to all moments of time . How are the Ten Commandements divided ? Into two Tables , Deutero . 4. 13. 10. 1 , 4. which Christ calleth the two great Commandements , Mat. 22. What doth the first containe ? Our duty to God in the foure first Commandements . What doth the second ? Our duty to man in the six last . What is the summe of the first ? Thou shalt love the Lord thy God with all thy heart , and with all thy Soule , and with all thy strength , and with all thy minde , Deutero . 65. Mat. 22. 37 , 38. Luke 10. 27. What is the summe of the second ? Thou shalt love thy Neighbour as thy selfe , Luke 19. 19. Matth. 22. 39 Luke 10. 27. What is the summe of this summe ? Love , which consisteth in two heads ( as we have heard ) to wit the love of God , and of our neighbour , Luk. 10. 27. 1 Iohn 5. 2. 1 Tim. 1. 4 , 5. What use is there of this short summe ? Very great ; both to shew the marvellous wisdome of God , and also for singular profit that redoundeth to us thereof . Wherein appeareth the wisdome of God ? That sith it was great cunning to contrive the whole will of God into Ten words , it must needes bee more wonderfull to bring all into two . What is the profit that redoundeth unto us ? It furthereth us unto that two-fold use of the Law before spoken of : for , first , it is a means the more to humble us , and so the more effectually to drive us unto Christ ; secondly , it helpeth us much in our obedience to Christ and his Commandements . What profit ariseth of the first use concerning humiliation ? That men being brought to a neerer sight of their sins , might bee the more earnest to come unto Christ. How shall that bee ? That when all our sinnes are gathered into one heape , and mustered into one Troope , they may appeare the greater , and cast us downe the more : as a man owing sundry debts unto dives , or unto one man , in the particulars is confident of his ability to pay all , as long as he heareth they are but small summes , but hearing the whole summe , despaireth of the payment of it : or when as there bee many Souldiers comming against their enemy , but yet here and there scattered , they doe not affect us with so great feare , as when they bee gathered and ranged in order , and are all under one sight or view . How is this shewed in our love towards God ? In that it should be done in simple obedience of the whole man , that is , of all the powers both of body and soule , which is impossible for any man to doe . What are they of the soule ? Two , of the Minde , and of the Will. What are they of the Minde ? The Vnderstanding and Iudgement , unto both which Memory is annexed . How are these charged ? Our understanding should perfectly comprehend all thing that God would have us to know ; in Iudgement we should thinke aright of them , and the Memory accordingly should retaine them ; but wee are ignorant of many things , and those which we know , wee know but in part , and that which wee know , wee judge not aright of , nor remember as wee ought . How stand the Will and Affections charged ? Hereby must we love perfectly all knowne good , and perfectly hate all knowne evill , of which wee come a great deale shorter , then of the other . What are they of the body ? All the Members , parts and graces of the body ( as beauty , strength , &c ) should bee wholly imployed in the Service of God , and doing of His Will ; but the wandering of our eyes in the hearing of the Word , and other parts of Gods Service , doth easily bewray our great negligence , and the small obedience and conformity of the rest of the Members and parts of the body . Shew the same in our love towards our Neighbour . In that we must love him as our selfe , which as it is so much the lesse then the former , as man is inferior to God ; so we being not able to accomplish it , are much lesse able to fulfill the other . How shall that bee tryed ? By examination of our selves in some particulars : as for example ; whether we love a stranger , or our utter and most deadly enemy , as our selves , which no man ever did , nay a common Man , or to bee plainer , even our dearest friend , as we doe our selves , which cannot bee found , Deut. 28. 53 , 56. &c. and therefore the righteousnesse of the Papists is a rotten righteousnesse , and such as will never stand with the righteousnesse of God. What profit ariseth of the second use ? That by it , as by a glasse , wee may the easier see , and being shortly contrived , we may the better remember our whole duty both to God and man ; it being as a Card or Mappe of a Countrey easier carried about with us . Seeing then that the whole summe and maine end of the Law is Love , what gather you thereof ? That which the Apostle exhorteth unto , ( viz. ) To leave all idle questions as unprofitable , and to deale in those matters onely which further the practise of love . 1 Tim. 1. 4 , 5. Why is the love of God called the first and greatest Commandement ? Matth. 22. 38. Because we should chiefely , and in the first place , regard our duties to God , and be most carefull to understand his will , and to worship him . 1 John 4. 20. In which respect the first Table is put before the second , as being the principall . How may it appeare that our duties to God are to be preferred before the other towards our Neighbour ? First , by the inequality of the persons offended ; because it is worse to offend God than man. Acts 4. 19. Secondly , by the punishment assigned in the Scriptures : For the breaches of the first Table are to be more severely punished than the breaches of the second : As he that revileth the Magistrate shall beare his sinne ; but hee that blasphemeth God shall bee stoned to death . 1 Sam. 2. 25. Num. 24. 11. 14. What gather you of this ? The crafty practices of Papists , who would make men beleeve , that the chiefest godlinesse , and most meritorious good workes of all required in the Law of God , are the workes of the second Table ; as Charity , Almes-deeds , &c. thereby deceiving the people to enrich themselves . Are all the duties of the first Table greater than all the duties of the second ? No , unlesse the comparison be equally made : for the morall duties of the second Table being perpetuall , are greater than the Ceremoniall duties of the first being temporall : whereunto agreeth , That God will rather have mercy than sacrifice . Hos. 6. 6. Matth. 9. 13. When doe you count the comparison equall ? When they are compared in like degrees , as the chiefe Commandement of the first Table , with the chiefe of the second , the middle duties of the one , with the middle duties of the other ; and the last and least of the former , with the last and least of the latter : Thus if we compare the greatest with the greatest , and the meanest with the meanest , the duties and breaches of the first Table are greater than the duties and breaches of the second . But though the principall service of the one be greater than the principall service of the other ; if the comparison be not made in the same degrees : as if ( for example ) the murther of a man be compared with the least abuse of the name of God ; or Adultery , with the least breach of the Sabbath ; these of the second Table are greater . Why is the second Table said to be like unto the first ? Matth. 22. 39. For that they goe so hand in hand together , that no man can performe the one , unlesse the other , as St. John teacheth . So Ephes. 1. 2. chap. fourth and fift . For whosoever keepeth the first Table well , cannot but keep the second : and whosoever keepeth the second , must needs keep the first . What is to be said of those , that seeme to keep the one , and care not for the other ? If they will seeme to serve God , and are not in Charity , they are meere hypocrites ; and if they will seeme to deale uprightly with their neighbour , and have not the love of God in them , they are prophane Hypocrites , and very Atheists . Wherein else doe the Tables agree ? First , in that they are both perpetuall . Secondly , in that they are both perfect . Wherein doe the Commandements of the first Table agree ? In this principally , that they concerne the worship of God , and containe our whole duties towards him . How are they divided ? They either respect the root of this worship , as the first ; or the branches thereof , as the three following : For the fountaine worship of God is prescribed in the first Commandement ; the meanes of this service in the other three . Why did God enjoyne his worship in foure Commandements ? That we might the better know and retaine them in mind , or otherwise might be left the more without excuse . What is common to these foure Commandements of the first Table ? That every one hath his severall reason annexed , yet with this difference , that the first hath his reason going before the Commandement , and the other three have it following . Have not the Commandements of the second Table their reasons also ? Yes verily in the Scriptures ; but for brevity they are omitted in the Decalogue . Why are the reasons of the Commandements of the first Table rather set down then of the second ? First , that we might know , that there is no lesse light left in us of the worship of God , then of the duties wee owe to our neighbours . Secondly , to teach us , that as all obedience should bee grounded upon Reason and Knowledge , so especially that which concerneth Gods worship . What gather you of this ? That those are greatly deceived who thinke it sufficient , if they have the Commandements by heart , or can say them by roat . Why is the reason of the first Commandement set before , which in all the other commeth after ? Because it serveth not onely for a reason of this Commandement , but also for a Preface to all the ten ; for it hath a reference to them all , and is a reason to urge the observance to every one of them . In what words is it expressed ? In these words of God , Exod. 20. 2. I am the Lord thy God which brought thee out of the Land of Egypt , and out of the house of Bondage . How prove you this to be a Reason , and not a Commandement , as some doe thinke ? First , because it is commonly used for a reason of other Commandements . Exod. 20. 5. 7. Lev. 19. 36. 37. Secondly , because it hath not the forme of a Commandement . Thirdly , sith the other three Commandements have their reasons added , it is unlikely ▪ that the first and chiefest should have none . How is this Preface set as a reason to enforce the observation both of the first Commandement , and of all the rest ? Thus : If I bee the Lord , the God which brought thee out of the land of Egypt , thou must take me for the Lord thy God alone , and keep all my Commandements . But I am the Lord thy God which brought thee out of the land of Egypt : therefore thou must take mee for thy God alone , and keep all my Commandements . What ground of obedience is there laid in this Reason ? That this Law is to be obeyed , because it proceedeth from him ; who is not onely the Lord our Maker , Psal. 100. 3. but also our God and Saviour , 1 Tim. 4. 10. Psal. 36. 6. Whence is the latter ? From the Covenant of grace , whereby he is our God , and Saviour of them that believe , 1 Tim. 4. 10. assuring them of all gracious deliverances by vertue of his Covenant , from all evills and enemies , both bodily , and especially spirituall : a proofe whereof is laid downe in that famous deliverance of the people of Israel out of the slavery of Egypt , which was so exceeding great , that by reason thereof they were said to be in an Iron Furnace ; Deut. 4. 20. How can this belong to us which are no Israelites ? Though we be not Israel in name , or according to the flesh , yet wee are the true Israel of God according to the spirit and promise . Why doth the Lord make choyse of that benefit which seemeth nothing at all to belong unto us , rather then of any other , wherein we communicate with them ? 1. Because it is the manner of God to allure the Israelites , to whom the Law was given at first , as children with temporall benefits , having respect to their infirmity and child-hood : whereas wee are blessed of God with greater knowledge , and therefore in respect of them are ( as it were ) at mans estate , Deut. 28. 13. 2. Because it was fittest to expresse the spirituall deliverance from Satan by Christ , which was thereby figured and represented ; and so it belongeth no lesse , if not more , to us than to them . 3. Because we being freed from the slavery of our bloody enemies , whereunto we were so neere , more than once , and unto whom we justly have deserved to have beene enthralled , and it being the common case of all Gods Children to bee in continuall danger of the like , and to feele the like goodnesse of God towards them ; we may also make use of this Title , and esteeme it a great Bond also of us unto God. 4. Because it was the latest benefit , the sweetnesse whereof was yet ( as it were ) in their mouth : and herein the Lord had respect unto our corrupt nature , who are ready to forget old benefits , how great soever . What is there is this reason to set forth the true God whom we worship , and to distinguish him from all Idolls whatsoever ? 1. The name Jehovah , which betokeneth that hee onely is of himselfe , and all other things have their being of him : whereby wee are taught , that there is but one true God , whose being there is no creature able to conceive , and that hee giveth being to all other things , both by creating them at first , and by preserving and directing of them continually . 2. The name Elohim , or God ; which in the Hebrew is of the plurall number , to signifie the Trinity of the Persons in the Vnity of the God-head . 3. That he is both Omnipotent , and is able to do all things , and also willing to imploy his power to the preservation of his people , proved from an argument of the effects , in the deliverance of the Israelites out of Egypt . So much of the Preface . What are the words of the first Commandement ? Thou shalt haue no other Gods before Me. Or , Thou shalt not haue any strange God before My Face . Exo. 20. 3. What is the scope and meaning of this Commandement ? 1. That this Jehovah , one in substance , and three in persons , the Creator , and Governour of all things , and the Redeemer of his people , is to be entertained for the onely true God , in all the powers of our soule , Matth. 22. 33. 2. That the inward and spiritual worship of the heart , Prov. 23. 26. wherein God especially delighteth , Deut. 5. 29. and which is the ground of the outward , Prov. 4. 23. Matth. 12. 35. is to be given to him , and to none other , and that sincerely without hypocrisie as in his sight , who searcheth and knoweth the heart , Jer. 17. 10. For this word , Before me , or , Before my face , noteth that inward entertainment & worship wherof God alone doth take notice : and thereby God sheweth that he condemneth as well the corrupt thoughts of mans heart , concerning his Majesty , as the wicked practice of the body ; for our Thoughts are before his face . What is forbidden in this Commandement ? Originall corruption , so farre forth as it is the fountaine of impiety against God , Rom. 8. 7. with all the streames thereof . What is required in this Commandement ? That we set up , imbrace and sanctifie the Lord God in our hearts , Isa. 8. 13. yeilding to him in Christ , that inward and spirituall worship which is due unto his Majesty . Wherein doth this consist ? 1. In knowing of God in himselfe , in his properties , and in his workes ; for it should be the joy of every Christian soule , to know the true God , and whom he hath sent , Christ Iesus . Io. 17. 3. 2. In cleaving unto him . Deut. 11. 22. Josh. 23. 8. Acts 11. 23. How is that to be done ? 1. We must be perswaded of Gods love to us , and so rest upon him for all we want ; being assured , that he both can and will abundantly provide for us here and for ever . 2. We are to love him so heartily as to be loath to offend him , and delight to please him in all things . So much of the Commandement in generall : What are we to consider of it in particular ? First , the severall branches of it . Secondly , the helpes , and hinderances of the obedience thereof . What be the severall branches of this Precept ? There is here commanded : 1. The having of a God ; and herein Religion . 2. The having of one onely God and no more ; and herein unity . 3. The having of the true God , and none other for our God ; and herein truth . To what end doth God command us to have a God ; seeing wee cannot chuse but have him for our God , whether we will or not ? Because albeit all men of necessity must have a God above them , yet many either know him not , or care not for him ; and so make him no God , as much as in them lyeth . What is it then to have a God ? To know and worship such an infinite Nature as hath his being in himselfe , and giveth being to all other things , wholly to depend upon him , and to yield absolute obedience to his will. What is it to have no God ? In heart to deny either God himselfe , or any of his properties , or so to live as if there were no God at all . What things are to be considered in this first branch of this Commandement ? Such as doe concerne the faculties of the soule , and the severall powers of the inward man ; namely , the Vnderstanding , Memory , Will , Affections , and Conscience . What is the Vnderstanding charged with , in being commanded to have a God ? 1. To know God as hee hath revealed himselfe in his Word , and in his Works . 1 Chron. 28. 9. John 17. 3. 2. To acknowledge him to be such an one , as we know him to be . 3. To have faith both in believing the things that are written of him , and applying to our selves his good promises . What are we to consider in the knowledge of God ? First , the knowledge of God himselfe . Secondly , of the things belonging unto him . Wherein is God himselfe to be considered ? In the Vnity of his Essence ; and Trinity of his Persons . What are the things belonging unto God ? His properties and his actions , whereby onely we can know him , his substance being past finding out of man or Angel. What are his properties ? His Wisedome , Omnipotence , Iustice , Goodnesse , &c. which are in him all essentiall . What are his actions ? His determining , and executing of all things . What are the things forbidden in this Commandement , as repugnant to this knowledge of God ? They either faile in defect , or in excesse . What are those that faile in defect ? 1. Ignorance of God , and of his will , which being a breach of Gods Commandement , doth therefore deserve damnation , 2 Thes. 1. 8. Hos. 4. 16. 2. Vncapablenesse of knowledge . 3. Atheisme , which is a denyall of God. How many sorts of ignorance be there ? Three : 1. Simple ignorance , such as children and fooles have . 2. Wretchlesse ignorance , when a man may learne , and will not . 3. Wilfull ignorance , when a man would faine be ignorant of that he knowes . What is that which faileth in excesse . Curious searching into the secrets of God , Deut. 29. 29. What vice is contrary to that faith which is here commanded ? Infidelity and doubtfulnesse , Psal. 116. 11. Hitherto of the Vnderstanding : what is required in the Memory ? The remembrance of God and good things , especially of those which most concerne us , and chiefly at that instant , when we should make use of them . What is the contrary vice ? Forgetfulnesse . What is required in the Will ? That we serve God with a perfect heart , and with a willing minde . 1 Chron. 28. 9. What is the contrary to this ? Vnwillingnesse to good things , principally the best . What affections be there here ordered ? 1. Affiance . 2. Love and Hatred . 3. Feare . 4. Ioy and Sorrow . What are we commanded in regard of the first of these . To put our whole trust and confidence in God , and continually to depend upon him , Psalme 22. 4 , 5 , 8 , 9. 73. 25. Eph. 4. 14. What vices are coudemned repugnant to this ? 1. In defect , want of dependance upon God , and distrust of his power , mercy , promises , and providences . 2. In excesse , presuming of Gods mercies , though we live as wee list . And tempting him when we so depend upon him , that we neglect the use of the meanes , which he hath appointed , Matth. 4. 6 , 7. What vertues doe arise of this affiance and trust in God ? Patience and Hope . What is Patience ? That vertue whereby we willingly submit our selves to the pleasure of God in all things , and with alacrity goe through those troubles which he sendeth upon us like obedient children , meekly enduring the correction of our heavenly Father , 1 Sam. 30. 6. Heb. 12. 7 , 8 , 9. &c. What vices are condemned as repugnant to Patience ? 1. In defect ; murmuring and impatiency in grudging to beare whatsoever crosse the Lord shall lay upon us . 2. In excesse ; stupidity in not being touched , nor profiting by the hand of God being layd upon us . What is Hope ? That vertue whereby we expect all good things from God , and patiently attend for all things that we need at his hands ; not onely when wee have the meanes , but also when we want all apparent meanes , ( as the Israelites did in the Desert . Yea , when the meanes seeme contrary , as the three companions of Daniel , and Daniel himselfe did , Dan. 3. 17 , 18. and Job profest he would do ; I will trust in God , though he kill me , Job 13. 15. Psal. 22. 4 , 5. & 57. 7. & 37. 7. What is contrary to this ? Despaire of Gods mercies . Gen. 4. 13. What is required in the affections of Love and Hatred ? First , that we love God above all , and all things that are pleasing unto him . Secondly , that we hate ungodlinesse , and every thing that God hateth . Upon what is our love of God grounded ? That we know and believe that he is good , yea the chiefest good , and that we love him above all things , Deut. 6. 5. which is so excellent a vertue that it is accounted the end of the Law. VVhat contrary vices are here condemned ? Coldnesse of affection towards God , and little love of goodnesse , of Gods Servants and Service . 2 Want of hatred against our owne and others sinnes . 3 Hatred of God and godlinesse , Psal. 10. 3 , 4. Rom. 1. 30. It is possible that any man should be a hater of God ? None indeed will confesse this ; yet by this marke he may be known , when he is a despiser of the Worship and Service of God. And how may one that loveth God be discerned ? When a childe doth love his father , his only desire will be to do such things as please his father , and to abstaine from those things which might displease him , yea , his chiefest felicity will be , to bee alwayes in his favour , and in his presence ; and in his absence hee will be alwaies thinking and speaking of him . Such then as bee the Children of God , by grace , as long as they are absent from their father will talke , and muse , and meditate upon him , in all things they doe , they will desire to be well thought of by him , they will bee alwayes carefull to please him , and by their honest callings to glorifie him . What duties then doe arise from the love of God ? 1 To love his Word and Commandements , Iohn 14. 15. and ver . 21. 23. Psal. 119. 97. 2 To yeild absolute obedience to his whole Will. 3 To bestow all our care , paines and diligence in pleasing him , and so to consecrate our selves to him , never being weary of his Service . What vices are repugnant to this ? 1 In defect , Profanenesse , when a Man is without all care and conscience of glorifying God. 2 In excesse , Superstition , when a man would give more Worship unto God then he requireth . What other duties appertaine to the love of God ? 1 To esteeme of his favour above all things . 2 To give him the praise of all his benefits , bestowed upon our selves and others , and to bee thankefull unto him for the same , 1 Thes. 5. 18. What is contrary to this ? Ingratitude , and unthankefulnesse unto God , for all his benefits , Romans 1. 21. Upon what is our feare of God grounded ? Because wee know and believe that he is most powerfull , and just above all , wee stand in such a godly feare , as not to doe any thing , but that which maketh for his glory , ( Mat. 10. 28. 1 Pet. 1. 17. & 3. 2. Heb. 12. 28. Psal. 103. 13. Isa. 66. 2. ) For this is not a servile feare , ( whereby one is afraid to be damned ) but an awfull feare , whereby we are afraid to offend our Maker . What then is required in this feare ? That we doe not the good wee doe onely or principally for feare of danger from men , but for feare of God. What is the vice contrary to this ? The want of the feare of God , and contempt of his Majesty . What sin is joyned with the want of the feare of God ? Carnall security , whereby a man doth flatter himselfe in his owne estate , be it never so bad . What vertues arise from the feare of God ? Reverence and Humility . What is the former ? The Reverence of the Majesty of God , in regard whereof we should carry such an holy shamefastnesse in all our actions , that no unseemely behaviour proceed from us , that may any wayes be offensive unto him ; Heb. 12. 28. Of which if Men be so carefull in the presence of Princes , who are but mortall Men ; how much more carefull ought wee to bee thereof in the presence of the Almighty , and most glorious God ? How was this prefigured in the Ceremoniall Law ? That when Men would ease themselves ( according to the course of nature ) they should goe without the Hoast , and carry a paddle with them to cover their filth ; because , saith the Lord , I am in the midest of you ; whereby the filthinesse and impurity of the minde was forbidden more then of the body , and the equity hereof reacheth also unto us , Deut. 23. 12 , 13 , 14. What is contrary to this Reverence of the Majesty of God ? Irreverence and Prophanenesse of Men to God-ward . What is Humility ? That vertue whereby we account our selves vile and unworthy of the least of Gods mercies , and casting our selves downe before his Majesty doe acknowledge our owne emptinesse of good , and insufficiency in our selves ; for so all our behaviour should be seasoned with humility . What sinnes are repugnant to this vertue ? 1 Counterfeit humility , when a man would seeme more lowly then he is . 2. Pride , vaine glory , and presumption , whereby we boast and glory of our selves , and our owne strength and goodnesse . Who are to be accounted proud ? 1 They that would bee thought to have those good things in them which they want . 2 They that having a little goodnes in them , would have it seem greater then it is . 3 They that having any goodnsse in them , doe thinke that it commeth from themselves . 4. They that thinke they can merit from GOD , and deserve his favour . VVhat is the godly sorrow which is required in this Commandement ? Spirituall griefe and indignation against our owne and others transgressions , and also lamenting for the calamities of Gods people , private and publique , the want of both which is here condemned . VVhat spirituall joy is there here injoyned ? Ioying in God , rejoycing in all our afflictions , with consideration of the joy prepared for us before the beginning of the world , Luke 1. 47. Rom. 5. 3. James 1. 2. the defect of which spirituall joy is here condemned . So much of the Affections ; what is required of us in respect of our Conscience ? That we live in all good conscience before God , Acts 23. 1. Heb. 13. 8. What sins are here condemned ? 1. Hardnesse of heart , and benummednesse of conscience . 2. Hellish terros and accusations , proceeding from doing things either without or against the rule of the Word . So much of the first branch of this Commandement , what is required in the second branch thereof ? Vnity in Religion , because we are commanded to have but one God and no more . What things are required of us that we may come to this unity ? Foure principally . 1. An upright and single heart , ready to embrace the true Religion and no other . 2. Constancy and continuance in the truth . 3. A godly courage to stand to the truth , and withstand the enemy . 4. An holy zeale of the glory of God. What contrary vices are forbidden ? 1. Indifferency in Religion , when a man is as ready to embrace one Religion as another . 2. Inconstancy and wavering in Religion . 3. Obstinate and wilfull continuance in any Religion without any good ground . 4. Rash and blinde zeale , when a man without knowledge or judgment will earnestly maintaine either falshood or truth by wicked meanes . To what end doth God will us to have no other God but himselfe , seeing no man can have any other God , though he never so much desire it ? Because howsoever there be but one God , yet many doe devise unto themselves divers things which they place in Gods stead , and to which they give that honour which is proper to God , 1 Cor. 8. 4 , 5. 10. 20. What sin then doth God condemne by forbidding us to have many gods ? All inward idolatry , whereby men set up an Idoll in their heart in stead of God , Ezek. 14. 3. ascribing thereunto that which is proper to him , and giving it any part of spirituall adoration . Shew how this is done in the Understanding . When men doe thinke that other things have that which is proper unto God : as Papists when they beleeve ; That the Sacrament is their maker ; That the Saints know their hearts ; That the Pope can forgive sins , which none can doe but God. How doth the Memory faile herein ? In remembering of evill things , especially of those which most corrupt us , and chiefly then , when we should be most free from the thoughts of them . What is the fault of the Will ? Readinesse unto , and wilfulnesse in evill , especially the worst . Shew the like in the Affections , first in sinfull confidence . There is here condemned trust in the Creatures more then in God , and all fleshly confidence in our selves , or in our friends , honour , credit , wit , learning , wisdome , wealth , &c. thinking our selves the better or more safe simply for them , Prov. 18. 11. Psa. 62. 10. Jer. 17. 5. 2 Chron. 16. 12. whence ariseth pride , Acts 12. 23. and security . VVhat is our duty concerning these things ? 1. To esteem of them only as good means given us of God , whereby to glorifie him the better . 2. To trust in God lesse when we have them , then when we want them , Job 13. 15. VVhat is further here condemned ? 1. To ascribe the glory of any good thing , either to our selves , or any other then the Lord. 2. To seeke for help of the Devill by Witches or Wise men . VVherein standeth inordinate love ? In loving of evill , or in loving of our selves , or any other thing more then God , of whose favour we ought more to esteem , then of all the world besides . Here therfore is condemned all carnall love , of our selves , our friends , our pleasure , profit , credit , or any worldly thing else , for whose sake we leave those duties undone which God requireth of us , 2 Tim. 3. 4. 1 John 2. 15. 1 Sam. 2. 29. whereas the true love of God will move us with Moses and Paul , to wish our selves accursed , rather then that the glory of God should any thing at all be stained by us , Exod. 32. 32. Rom. 9. 3. VVhat feare is here condemned ? All carnall feares , and especially the fearing of any thing more then God , Isa. 7. 2. 8. 12 , 13. 51. 12 , 13. Mat. 10. 28. How may a man know that he is more afraid of God then of any other thing ? If he be more afraid to displease God then any other , and this feare of God be stronger to move us to good then the feare of men to move us to evill . VVhat disorder in joy and sorrow is here condemned ? 1. Immoderate carnall mirth . 2. Abundance of worldly sorrowes , shame and discontentments . VVhat is required in the third and last branch of this Commandement ? True Religion , because we are commanded to have the true God , and none other for our God. What is contrary to this ? The having of a false God , and a false Religion . How many things are required of us , that we may come to true Religion ? Three . 1. We must labour earnestly to find out the truth . 2. We must examine by the Word , whether it be the truth which we have found . 3. When by tryall we have found the truth we must rest in it . What is here forbidden ? 1. All errors and heresies , especially concerning God and his properties , and the three Persons in the Trinity ; where we must take heed , we imagine no likenesse of God , for as much as wee set up an Idoll in our hearts , if we liken him to any thing whatsoever , subject to the sense or imagination of man ; for the better avoydance whereof we must settle our mindes upon Christ , in whom onely God is comprehensible . 2. To believe any Doctrine concerning God without any tryall . 3. Not to believe that which he hath revealed concerning himselfe in his Word . We have spoken hitherto of the severall branches of the first Commandement . What are the helpes of the obedience thereof ? The onely meanes to settle and uphold us in this spirituall worship of God , is to endeavour to attaine and increase in the knowledge of him in Iesus Christ , 2 Pet. 3. 18. to consider what great things he hath done for us , Psalme 116. 12. 1 Jo. 3. 1. Yea , in all our wayes to take knowledge of his presence , promises , and providence , Prov. 3. 6. What are the meanes whereby we may attaine to the knowledge of God ? Principally twelve . 1. Prayer . 2. A simple heart desirous of knowledge . 3. Hearing of the Word . 4. Reading of the Word and holy Writings . 5. Meditation in the Word . 6. Conference . 7. Diligence in learning . 8. Remembrance of that we learne . 9. Practice of that we learne . 10. Delight in learning . 11. Attentive marking of that which is taught . 12. Meditation on the Creatures of God. What are the hindrances of the obedience of this Commandement ? The neglect of the knowledge of God. Hos. 4. 1. & 8. 12. and not considering his words and workes , Esa. 5. 12. & 26. 10. 11. are the ground of all impiety , and spirituall Idolatry here forbidden , Esa. 1. 3. 4. What things are forbidden as meanes of this ignorance ? Five . First , Curiosity , when a man would know more then God would have him know . Secondly , Vanity of minde , when the minde is drawne away and occupied upon vaine and unprofitable things . Thirdly , Pride our owne knowledge , when we think we know enough already . Fourthly , Forgetfulnesse of God and his Will. Fiftly , Wearinesse in learning , and talking of God and his Will. Hitherto of the first Commandement , concerning the entertaining of of God in our hearts : What is injoyned in the other three ? The meanes of his service : for as in the first Commandement we are required to have , so in the other wee are required to serve the Lord our God. What be the branches of this service ? Either they are such as are to be performed at all times , as occasion shall require ; or such as concerne a certain day , wholly set apart for his worship . The duties of the former kind are prescribed in the second and third , of the latter in the fourth and last Commandement of the first Table . How are the duties of the former kind distinguished ? They doe either concerne the solemne worship of Religion prescribed in the second Commandement , or the respect we should carry to God in the common course of our lives laid downe in the third . What doe you consider in the second Commandement ? Two things . 1. The Injunction . 2. The Reasons brought to strengthen the same . What are the words of the Injunction ? Thou shalt not make to thy selfe any grauen Image , nor any likenesse of things , that are in Heauen aboue , nor in the Earth beneath , nor in the Waters under the Earth ; thou shalt not bow downe to them , nor worship them , Exod. 20. 4 , 5. VVhat is the scope and meaning of this Commandement ? To binde all men to that solemne forme of religious Worship which God himselfe in his Word prescribeth , that we serve him , not according to our fancies , but according to his owne will , Deut. 12. 32. VVhat is generally forbidden herein ? Every forme of Worship , though of the true God , Deut. 12. 31. contrary to , or diverse from the prescript of Gods Word , Mat. 15. 9. called by the Apostle Will-worship , Col. 2. 23. together with all corruption in the true Worship of God , 2 King. 16. 10. and all lust and inclination of heart unto superstitious Pomps , and Rites in the service of God. VVhat are the parts of that Will-worship ? Either the worship of any besides God , or of God himselfe , any other waies then he hath commanded ; for both vices are here forbidden , either to worship the true God falsly , or to worship those things that are not God at all . VVho doe chiefly off end in this kinde ? The Papists , which give religious worship unto Creatures , and serve God , not according to his will prescribed in the Word , but according to the Popes will , and the Traditions of men . VVhy doth the Lord forbid all these Corruptions , under one instance of Images ? Because therein he foresaw there would be greatest abuse . What doth he expresly forbid concerning them ? 1. That we make no Image to worship it . 2. That we worship it not when it is made . What is meant by making of Images ? All new devices , and inventions of men in the service of God , whereby we are forbidden to make any new Word , new Sacraments , new Censures , new Ministries , new Prayers , new Fastings , or new Vowes , to serve him withall : also all representations of any grace of God , otherwise then God hath appointed , or may be allowed by his Word ; as Christ condemned the Pharisees washing . What by worshipping of them ? All use in Gods Service of any new devised Inventions , or practising of them , and all abuse of things commanded . What is generally required in this Commandement ? That we worship and serve God in that holy manner which he in his Word requireth . How is that to be done ? First , we must use all those holy exercises of Religion , publike and private , which he commandeth . Secondly , we must perform all the parts of Gods Worship prescribed with Reverence and Diligence , using them so carefully as may bee to Gods glory , and our good . Eccles. 4. 17. and 5. 1. What observe you by comparing the second Commandement with the first ? That the inward and outward worship of God ought to goe together : For as in the first Commandement , the Lord requireth that we should have no other Gods before him : that is , in the secret of our heart , whereof he alone taketh notice : So in the second ; by the words Make , Bow , Worship , he forbiddeth any outward service of Religion to any other . Wherefore must God be worshipped both by our bodies and our soules ? Because he is the Lord and Maker of them both . 1. Cor. 6. 20. What gather you from hence ? That such as dare to present their bodies to a Masse , or to any other grosse Idolatry , and say that they keep their hearts to God , are here convicted of falsehood and hypocrisie . So much of the second Commandement in generall : what are the particular branches of it ? There is here first required , that all solemne religious Worship should be given to the true God : and secondly , that it be given to him alone , and not communicated to anything which is not God. So that the summe of the first part is ; Thou shalt worship the Lord thy God , and him onely shalt thou serve . Matth. 4. 10. How are we to worship the Lord our God ? By those meanes onely which himselfe approveth in his Word : according to the saying of Moses : Doe that which I command thee , and doe no more , Deut. 4. 2. & 12. 32. What is here required ? First , that we give unto God that Worship which hee himselfe hath prescribed in his Word . Secondly , that we give him that alone without addition or alteration . What is forbidden ? First , the neglect of Gods Worship or any of his Ordinances , when we contemne , or despise , or leave undone that service , which hee hath commanded us to performe unto him . Secondly , the adding any thing unto , or taking any thing from the pure Worship , when we serve him by any other meanes , then that which he himselfe hath commanded . What are we to consider in the pure worship of God , which he hath prescribed in his Word ? 1. The parts of it . 2. The right manner of using of it . What be the parts of it ? They are partly such as we give unto God , and partly such as God giveth unto us . What is required of us touching these kinds ? 1. That we use these things that God hath given us , to that end that God hath given them for . 2. That neither in giving to God , nor taking from him , we devise any thing of our owne to serve him withall . What are the things God giveth us to serve him by ? His Creatures in the first place , and his Word , Sacraments , Ministery , Discipline and Censures of the Church , which we must use according as they are instituted of God. What duties are here required ? Our presence at the exercise of Religion , the preaching , hearing , and reading of the Word of God , together with meditation , conference , and all other means of increasing our knowledge therein , the administring and receiving of the Sacraments , &c. Acts 2. 42. How doe you worship God in these ? In the Creatures , by beholding his glory in them ; in his VVord , by diligent hearing of it , and carefull beleeving and practising of it ; in his Sacraments , by receiving them duely ; in the Ministery , and Censures , by submitting our selves to them . VVhat are the things that we give unto God ? They are either more or lesse ordinary . VVhat are the more ordinary ? 1. To pray to God , both publickly and privately . 2. To praise God , both alone and with others . Are these duties required of all Christians ? Yea , every true Christian must offer this Sacrifice to the Lord every day : For in all ages , and at all times , it hath been the practise of Gods Saints , to offer unto God the Sacrifice of Prayer and Praise ; as we may see by the practise of Daniel , and Peter , who went up at noone to pray , Acts 10. 9. and Isaac , who went out at Eventide to pray in the Fields , Gen. 24. 63. What are the parts of Prayer ? Three . 1. Confession , which is the Sacrifice of a broken Heart and wounded Soule . 2. Petition for such things as we lack . 3. Thanksgiving for such things as we have received . What are the things lesse ordinary ? 1. Fasts , publicke or private , Joel 2. 12 , 15. 2. Solemne Thanksgiving for speciall Blessings , Psal. 50. 14. whereunto Feasting also is joyned , when speciall occasion of joy is given us . 3. Making and performing holy Vowes unto God. What is Fasting ? And abstinence for a time from all the commodities and pleasures of this life , so farre as comelinesse and necessity will suffer , to make us more apt to Prayer , and more able to serve God. What is a Vow ? A solemne promise made unto God of some things that are in our power to performe , which we do to declare out thankfulnesse , to strengthen our faith , and to further us in doing of good duties , wherein we are backward : our abstaining from some evill , whereunto we finde our selves especially inclined . So much of the parts of Gods solemne Worship : What is required to the right manner of using of the same ? Our carefull , sincere , and diligent behaviour in all his Service ; that every thing may be done as he hath appointed , and no otherwise . What are the things required hereunto ? They are partly inward , partly outward ; the former whereof concerne the Substance ; the latter the Circumstance of Gods worship . What are the inward ? As all the powers of the soule are charged to joyne together ( by the first and great Commandement ) in the entertaining and loving ; so by this , in performing all acts of solemne worship to the true God ; therefore herein there must bee a concurrence as well of the understanding , that we have knowledge of the particular service which wee doe , Romans 14. 5. 1 Cor. 14. 14 , 15. as of the will and affection , that we may worship God in Spirit and in Truth . Joh. 4. 22. What things are requisite to the performance of this ? Three . 1. A diligent Preparation and advisednesse before we come to any holy exercise . 2. A right disposition of the minde in the action of it selfe . 3. A comfortable departure , upon the sensible feeling of the fruit thereof . What is required in the Preparation before the Action ? That wee bethinke our selves before-hand , about what things wee come , and dispatch our selves of all the things that hinder us in the service of God : which sith we must doe in things otherwise lawfull , much more in things unlawfull . What is further to be observed herein ? That every Preparation be answerable to the exercise whereunto wee are called : as in the parts of Prayer , for example . 1. In Confession we must have a true feeling of our former sinnes . 2. In Petition , we must have the like sense of our wants , and bethink our selves what need we have of the things we aske , and strive against our staggering , and doubting of Gods promises . 3. In Thanksgiving we must call to minde at least Gods benefits bestowed upon us , and consider the greatnesse of them . And so in all other Services of God. VVhat Disposition of the minde is required in the Action ? 1. A reverent , diligent , and earnest attentivenesse to the thing , withall the powers of our soules , thereby to fasten our mindes , and so to hold them during the exercise , that no idle or vaine thoughts withdraw us from the same . 2. Zeale in the Action , with such Affections as are answerable to the matter in hand : as in Prayer we must have a sure confidence in God , that we shall obtaine the things we aske agreeable to his will : In thanksgiving we must have a sweet feeling of the benefits that God hath given us : in the Word and Sacraments , we must come with affection to them . What is required of us after the Action ? That we feele the fruit of it ; that is , some increase , either of knowledge , of true feare , or comfort for the strengthning of us in the duties we performe : So also every one must examine themselves herein , and all those that belong unto them ; else they are like unto them , that having eaten a good meale , by warme water doe give it up again . What be the outward things that doe accompany Gods Worship ? 1. Ecclesiasticall Ceremonies , making for Order and Decency , 1 Cor. 14. 40. which are left to the appointment of the Church , being of that nature , that they are varied by Times , Places , Persons , and other Circumstances . 2. All comely and reverend gestures of the body ; as kneeling , lifting up the hands and eyes to Heaven , silence in the service of God , and such like : For the gestures of religious Adorations being here forbidden to be given unto Images , are therein commanded to be given unto the God of Heaven . Is there any use of our bodily behaviour , sith he is a Spirit , and looketh to the Heart ? Yes verily : For , 1. The whole Man ; and consequently , the Body it selfe oweth duty unto God. 2. It is a Glasse , wherein the affections of the Mind are beheld . 3. The Mind is the better holden in the thing affected , and the better holpen , and furthered in the inward Worship , when both Body and Mind are joyned together ; notwithstanding the Mind must alwayes proceed in Affection , else it is shamefull hypocrisie . What gestures are most convenient for the Body ? Divers , according to the divers Exercises of Religion ; as at the reading of the Word , standing ; at prayer , kneeling , and therein to witnesse our humility , by casting downe our eyes ; our confidence , by lifting them up ; or with the Publicane , to knock our breasts , except our infirmities , or the like Le ts hinder us herein . So much of the right use of Gods Ordinances . Wherein standeth the abuse of them ? 1. In rash , negligent , and carelesse dealing in any particular point of the worship of God. 2. In using any thing that God hath commanded for his worship otherwise then he himselfe hath appointed , 1 Chron. 15. 13. For the brasen Serpent abused , was worthily broken in pieces , 2 Kings 18. 4. and the Israelites , for carting the Arke , were worthily punished , 2 Sam. 6. 3 , 7 , 8. What speciall abuses of the Word are here condemned ? To hang pieces of Saint Johns Gospell about Mens necks , or to use any other Gospell to heale the diseases , as for any man to charge a Devill to goe out of one , as the Apostles did . VVhat may be lawfully done in this cause ? We must and may pray onely unto God , that he would command the Devill to depart : for he is the Master that authorised him to goe thither . VVhat speciall abuses of the Sacraments are condemned ? The receiving of them unworthily , making them to bee Sacrifices . 1 Cor 11. 27. 29. as is done in Popery . VVhat of the Ministerie ? The turning of that which is given to edifie in Christ to other ends then those for which it was ordained , and when Ministers exercise Tyrannicall Lordship over their flock , or their fellow servants , as the Bishops of the Church of Rome use to doe . Luke 22. 25. 1 Pet. 5. 2 , 3. Or when in the execution of their function , they seek themselves , and not the edification of Gods people . What of the Discipline and Censures ? When they are used in another manner , and for other causes then God hath ordained . Esa. 66. 5. VVhat of Prayer ? To aske evill things , or to pray for such things as God hath made no promise of ; or for such persons as he hath made no promise unto ; as when men pray for soules departed ; or for those that sinne to death . 1 Ioh. 5. 14 , 15 , 16. To pray in a strange tongue which we doe not understand ; to pray on Beads , and use much babling ; as also to ayme more in our requests at the relieving of our necessity , then at the advancement of Gods glory . VVhat of thanksgiving ? To thanke God for things unlawfully gotten , or come unto us . VVhat of Fasting ? To make it a matter of merrit , or to use superstitious choyce of meats , as is done in Popery . VVhat of Vowes ? To undertake rash Vowes , to break , or else to delay and deferre the paying of our lawfull Vowes ; as also to performe Vowes that are unlawfull , Psal. 66. 13. & 76. 11. Eccles. 5. 1. 5. Gen. 35. 1. VVhat defects are condemned that concerne the inward things required in the performance of all these parts of Gods worship ? 1. Want of understanding , when we doe good duties ignorantly , or thinke that we can please God by meaning well , when that which wee doe is evill . 2. Want of Zeale and Affection in performing God service . 3. Hypocrisie , when men make a greater shew of the service of God outwardly , then they have a desire to serve him inwardly . 4. Hearing , Reading , Meditating , Conferring , singing of Psalmes , and receiving the Sacraments without Preparation , Attention , Reverence , Delight , and Profit . 5. Praying without Faith , Feeling , Reverence , Fervency , not waiting for answer . VVhat defects concerne the outward worship ? 1. All unreverent , and unbeseeming Gestures . 2. All Ecclesiasticall Ceremonies , and Rites of Religion , which are pugnant to Gods Word , or not warrantable by the generall grounds thereof ; such as are not for Order , and Comelinesse , and Edification . So much of the parts of Gods Worship prescribed , together with the right use and abuse thereof . What say you of such formes of Worship as are not prescribed by God in his Word ? We are commanded to serve God , not according to the Traditions of men , but according to his Will revealed in the Scripture , Col. 2. 18. Mat. 15. 9. What followeth hereupon ? That no Power must be admitted in the Church , to prescribe other formes of Worship not appointed by God himselfe in his Word . What is then to be observed herein ? We must observe the Apostles rule and practise , 1 Cor. 11. 28. where he saith , That which I have received , I have delivered unto you : For if he might adde nothing to Gods Ordinances , much lesse may we . What is here forbidden ? In generall , all VVill-worship , whereby we make any thing a part of Gods service , which he hath not commanded : For how great a shew soever it have ; yet in that it leaneth to mans wisdome , it is unlawfull , Col. 2. 23. In particular , to ordaine any other VVord , or Sacraments , then those which God hath appointed ; to devise any other Ministery , then that which God hath ordained ; to place any Religion in Meat , Drinke , Apparell , Time , Place , or any other indifferent things . What Caution must we keep in the use of things indifferent ? 1. VVe are to maintaine that Christian Liberty which Christ hath purchased for us . 2. VVe must yet be carefull not to abuse the same ; to the hardening , insnaring , perverting , or just grieving of any . Remaineth there any thing else to be spoken of the first maine branch of this Commandement ? Yes , the helps that may further us in performing this pure worship of God. What be they ? 1. That all men labour for knowledge of the expresse VVill of God , touching all parts of his VVorship , Mich. 6. 6 , 7 , 8. and that they increase therein every day more and more , by reading the Scriptures ; using also for that end , meditation , conference , good Books , and good company . 2. That they marry , and make leagues of Friendship only with such as professe the true God ; and therefore no Professor of the true worship of God may joyne himselfe in Marriage with one of another Religion , or an apparent , prophane , and irreligious person ; but with such only as are godly , at least in shew . 3. That we give no toleration to superstition , 2 Chron. 15. 13. but shew our hatred and reluctation of all false Worship , so far as we may within our Calling . 4. That we joyne together with order and decency in the performance of Gods Worship , 1 Cor. 14. 40. 5. That such whom it concerneth , take care that faithfull and able Ministers be ordained in every Congregation , Tit. 1. 5. & that sufficient maintenance for encouragement be allotted them , 1 Tim. 5. 17 , 18. 2 Chron. 31. 4. 6. That places for publicke Assemblies be erected and preserved , Luke 7. 5 , 6. 7. That Schooles and Vniversities be founded and maintained , 2 King 6. 1. 8. That Books of necessary use and edification , especially , the holy Booke of God , be set forth and divulged , Rev. 1. 3. 9. That as occasion requireth , Synods and Councels be called and assembled , Acts 15. 6. 10. That such whose Calling and abilitie reacheth no further , doe yet affoord the help of their prayers unto all these , Mat. 9. 38. What is required in the second maine branch of this Commandement ? That all religious Worship and Reverence be given unto God alone , and not imparted to those things which are not Gods at all . What sins are here condemned ? Magicke and Idolatry , both which are condemned by the name of spirituall Adultery , Lev. 20. 5 , 6. Who are guilty of the first of these sins ? 1. The practisers of all diabolicall Arts , Lev. 20. 27. Deut. 18. 10 , 11. 2. Such as seeke after them , Lev. 20. 6. Isa. 8. 19 , 20. 1 Sam. 28. 7. 1 Chron. 10. 13 , 14. by going to Witches , or consulting with Star-gazers , or the like ; to whom Moses opposeth a Prophet , as the only lawfull Minister of God : and warrantable meanes to know his will , by signifying thereby , that to seeke secret things of strange Ministries is abominable . Who are guilty of the latter of these sins ? 1. Such as worship those things that are not God. 2. Such as countenance them , or doe any thing that may tend to the furtherance of Idolatry . What Worship is here forbidden to be given unto those that are not God ? All Religious service ; as , 1. Praying , Isa. 44. 17. 2. Thanksgiving , Judg. 16. 23 , 24. Dan. 5. 4. 3. Offering of Sacrifice , 2 King. 17. 35. 4. Burning of Incense , Jer. 18. 15. & 44. 17. 5. Vowing . 6. Fasting . 7. Building of Temples , Altars , or other Monuments unto them , Hos. 8. 14. & 11. 12. 8. Erecting of Ministers , 1 King. 12. 31 , 32. or doing any Ministeriall Worke for their Honour , Amos 5. 26. with Numbers 4. 24 , 25. 9. Preaching for them , Jer. 2. 8. 10. Asking counsell of them , Hos. 4. 12. 11. Outward religious Adoration of them , Acts 10. 25 , 26. Rev. 22. 8 , 9. To whom must this Worship be denyed ? To every thing that is not God , as the Sunne and Moone , Angels , Saints , Reliques , Images , and such trash , as Rome alloweth , Deut. 4. 17. 19. Col. 2. 18 , Rev. 19. 10. & 22. 8 , 9. Acts 10. 25 , 26. What is here in this Commandement expressely forbidden concerning Images ? First , the making of them . Secondly , the bowing unto them , or worshipping them . Why is the first of these so largely set forth ? To meet with the corruption of men that by nature are exceeding prone unto Idolatry . What men are forbidden to make Images ? All men which have not some special warrant from God to make them . But though I doe not make Images my selfe , may I worship them that another man makes ? No : For that is likewise forbidden , Exod. 32. 1. Is it not lawfull to put them in Churches , or in publick places , if they be not worshipped ? No. Why then did Moses make the Cherubims , and the brazen Serpent ? For so doing he had a speciall Commandement from God , who may dispence with his owne Lawes when he will. To what end did God command them to be made ? The one , to signifie the crucifying of Christ , Iohn 3. 14. The other , to signifie the Angels readinesse to helpe Gods children in all distresses . Is all manner of making of Images forbidden ? No : but onely in matters of Religion , and Gods Service : for in civill matters they have a lawfull and commendable use , Matthew 22. 20. But to make them for religious ends and uses , is altogether unlawfull , Amos 5. 26. with Acts 7. 43. What gather you of this ? That the Popish Doctrine of Images ; that they are Lay-mens bookes , is directly contrary to the word of God , and therefore as false and erronious , to be detested of all Gods Children , Hab. 2. 18. Ierem. 10. 14. Esa. 44. 10. What kinde of Images are we forbidden to make ? All kindes , whether hewen or ingraven , cut or carved , ( which in the Commandement is expressed , Molten , Imbroydered , Painted , Printed , or Imagined , Hosea 13. 2. Ezekiel 8. 10. Acts 17. 25. 29. Of what things are we forbidden to make Images ? Of all things which are in the heavens above ; or in the earth beneath , or in the waters beneath the earth . What is meant by things which are in the heavens ? GOD , CHRIST , the Angels , and the Saints which are in the Highest ; the Sunne , Moone , and Starres , which are in the middle , and the Fowles , which are in the lowest heaven , Deut. 4. 27. 19. Is it not lawfull to make the Image of God ? To represent him by any shape is most of all forbidden and condemned : for it is a great sinne , to conceive or imagine in our heart that hee is like any thing , how excellent soever we thinke it , Acts 17. 29. but it is much worse to set him out to the view of others , considering that the minde can conceive a further beauty then the hand of the Artificer can expresse : and therefore the children of Israel did sinne grievously , and were worthily condemned for making God like a Calfe , Exod. 32. 4 , 9 , 10 , 27 , 28. How may it further appeare , that it is unlawfull to make the Image of God ? First , because God being Infinite and Invisible , cannot without a lye bee resembled by any Finite or visible thing , Acts 17. 20. Secondly , God by such Images is , as it were , mocked , Rom. 1. 23. Thirdly , when the Law was delivered by God himselfe unto the Israelites , he appeared in no shape unto them , lest they should make a likenesse of him , and fall to Idolatrie . And therefore Deut. 4. 10. 12. hee forewarned them , that as they saw no Image of him , when he gave the Law , but onely heard a voyce , they should learne that the knowledge of God commeth by hearing , and not by seeing , Esa. 40. 17 , 18. where the matter is laid downe at large . But what moved the Papists to paint God like an old man ? The false expounding of that place in Daniel , where God is described to be that Ancient of dayes , Dan. 7. 13. whereby is meant his Eternity , that he was before all times , Deut. 27. 15. But whatsoever property in God it bee , that they should set it forth by an Image , it is execrable so to doe . May we then paint Christ for remembrance of his death ? No verily . For , 1. It is a part of the worship here forbidden , because his body is a creature in Heaven , therefore not to be represented by an Image in the service of God. 2. An Image can onely represent the man-hood of Christ , and not his God-head , which is the chiefest part in him . Both which Natures being in him unseparable , it were dangerous by painting the one apart from the other , to give occasion of Arianisme , Apollinarisme , or other Herisies . 3. Sith that in all the Scriptures , which speake so much of him , there is no shew of any portrayture or lineament of his body : it is plain that the wisedome of God would not have him painted . 4. Sith by Preaching of the Gospell , and Administration of the Sacraments , Christ is as lively painted , as if hee were crucified againe amongst us , Gal. 3. 1. it were to no purpose to paint him to that end . What lastly may be added to these former Reasons ? That although the painting of Christ were both lawfull to doe , and profitable for remembrance , yet because it hath been so much abused , and no where in the Scripture commanded , it is not now to be used : As Ezechias worthily brake the Brazen Serpen , being abused , although Moses had set it up at the Commandement of the Lord , and might have served for a singular Monument of Gods mercies , after the proper use thereof , had not the superstitious opinion thereof been . What is meant in this Commandement , by things in the Earth ? The likenesse of man , or woman , or or beasts , or creeping things , Ezek. 23. 14. Deut. 4. 16 , 17 , 18. Isa. 44. 13. Rom. 1. 23. What by things in the Waters under the Earth ? The resemblance of any Fish , or the like , Deut. 4. 18. So much for the making of Images . What is meant by the bowing unto them , and worshipping them ? That we must not give the least token of Reverence ; either in Body , or in Soule , unto any religious Images , Psal. 97. 7. Hab. 2. 18. Isa. 44. 15. Exod. 32. 4. For that is a further degree of Idolatry ; as to shrine , elothe , and cover them with precious things ; to light Candles before them ; to kneele and creep to them , or to use any gestures of religious Adoration unto them , 1 King. 19. 18. wherein , although the grosse Idolatry of Popery be taken away from amongst us ; yet the corruption cleaveth still to the hearts of many , as may be seen in them that make curtesie to the Chancell where the High Altarstood , and gave the Right hand unto standing Crosses and Crucifixes , &c. But though we doe not reverence the Images themselves , may we not worship God in or by the Images ? No : For the Israelites are condemned , not for the worshipping the golden Calfe as a God , but for worshipping God in the Calfe . How doth that appeare ? In that they said , Let us make a Feast to morrow to Iehovah , Exod. 32. 5. And that Moses otherwise might seem , not to have done well , in making them to drinke that against their conscience , which they judged to be God , ver . 20. Wherein did they sinne so grievously ? In tying the presence of God to the worke of their owne hands , and coupling him with their Idols , which he cannot endure : For God saith by his Prophet Hosea , You shall no more call me Baal , Hos. 2. 16. So impossible it is truly to serve God by an Idoll , as the Papists doe . What kind of Images are here forbidden to be worshipped ? All kinds ; whither , such as are made with mans hands , of which Esay speaketh , saying ; One peece of wood is cast into the fire , and another of the same Tree is made an Idoll , Isa. 44. 15 , 17. or such as in themselves are the good Creatures of God , as those which Hosea speaketh of , saying ; They worship their Gold and Silver , Hos. 8. 4. Yea of whatsoever things it may be said , That they have eyes and see not , eares and heare not , noses and smell not , feet and goe not , Psal. 115. unto them is this Worship forbidden to be performed . What gather you of this ? That the Popish Idolatry is here flatly condemned : For although they worship not Jupiter , Mars , and such like Heathen Idols , but the holy Saints ( as they say ) in and by their Images ; yet that worship of theirs is alike with the other , because these places of Scripture doe agree as well to the one as to the other ; and therefore it is impious and abominable Idolatry . So much for the practising of Idolatry What is forbidden in the countenancing of it ? All the meanes and occasions of and to Idolatrie , and giving the least allowance , or liking that can be thereunto . As , 1. Vrging by Authority , or tolleration of Idolatry , 2 Chron. 15. 16. 2. Approbation thereof by speech ; praising and extolling these inventions of men by silence , or any gesture . 3. Presence at Idolatrous worship ; as going to Masse , and communicating with false Service . 1 Cor. 10. 18. 20 , 21. & 2 Cor. 6. 16 , 17. 4. Contributing towards the maintenance thereof . Num. 7. 3. 5. Nehem. 32. 39. 5. Making a gaine thereby ; as those Merchants do which sell Beads , and Crosses ; and those Painters , which take money for religious Images , Acts 19. 24 , 25. 6. Retaining and preserving any superstitious Reliques or Monuments of Idolatry , as Images , 2 Kings 18. 4. Books , Acts 19. 19. Names , Psalme 16. 4. and such like . 7. Keeping company with teachers of Idolatry , 2 Epistle of Iohn ver . 10 , 11. 8. Making leagues of familiarity , society , and friendship with Idolators , 2 Chron. 19. 2. 9. Ioyning in marriage , and affinity with them , 2 Cor. 6. 14. Neh. 13. 23. 26 , 27. Deut. 7. 3 , 4. What Reasons doth God use to strengthen this Commandement withall ? They are taken partly from his Titles , and partly from his Works . What have we to learne from hence ? That if we consider aright of the Titles and Works of God , it will be a notable meanes to keep us from sinne . How is the reason drawne from Gods Titles laid downe ? In these words ; For I the Lord thy God am a jealous God. Which is the first Title that is mentioned here ? Iehovah , which noteth the Essence of God , and the perfection thereof . What have we to learne from thence ? That Idolaters are so farre from worshipping the true God ; that they deny his Being and Perfection . What is the second Title ? Thy God ; whereby the Covenant of grace is signified , which on our part is by no sinne so directly violated as by Idolatry ; called therefore in Scripture , Spirituall Adultery , Ier. 3. 8. What doth this teach us ? That Idolaters are most miserable in forsaking the true God , who is all happinesse to his people . What is the third Title ? El ; That is , a mighty and strong God ; and therefore perfectly able to save and destroy . VVhat doth this teach us ? That there is no power so great which can deliver Idolaters , or any sinners from the wrath of God. VVhat is the fourth Title ? Iealous : whereby the nature of God is signified , loving chastity in his Spouse , with a most fervent love ; and abhorring spirituall whoredome , with most extreame hatred . What are we to learne from hence ? That the Lord can no more abide Idolatry , then a married man can brooke it , that his Wife should commit adultery : For his wrath is compared to the rage of a jealous Husband , upon unchaste behaviour of his Wife , Prov. 6. 34 , 35. Declare this Comparison more at large . The jealous man finding the Adulterer with his Wife , spareth neither the one nor the other : So if any that by profession hath been espoused to Christ , and joyned unto God in him , and hath promised in Baptisme to serve him alone ; yet notwithstanding shall forsake him , and worship others : How good soever they be ( whether Saints or Angels ) they shall not escape Gods wrath : For if corporall Adultery be so severely punished , much more shall spirituall . What doe the reasons drawne from the Works of God containe ? A just recompence to the breakers of this Law , and a gracious reward to them that keep it ; God shewing himselfe in this case to be jealous , 1. By punishing sin in many generations . 2. By extending his mercy in a far more abundant manner to them that keep his Law. So the former reason containeth a threatening to restraine from disobedience ; the latter , a promise to allure to obedience . How is the former of these reasons laid downe ? In these words : Visiting the iniquities of the Fathers upon the Children , unto the third and fourth generation of them that hate me . What is the summe of this reason ? That he will visit such as ( howsoever pretending love ) doe thus declare their hatred of him , and punish them both in themselves , and their Children , to many generations . What doth God meane , when he saith , That he will visit the sins of the Fathers upon the Children ? Two things . 1. That he will enquire and search , whether he can find any of the Parents sins ; and especially , their Idolatry in their Children , continuing in their Fathers sins ; and that if he doe , he will remember the same in the punishment of them . What are we to learne from hence ? 1. That howsoever God for a time doth seeme not to regard our sins ; yet he doth both see them , and in his due time will punish them , if we doe not repent . 2. That neither the example of our Parents , nor any other that doe amisse , can be sufficient warrant to us to commit any sin . 3. That all Parents are carefull to take heed how they commit any sin ; because in so doing , they bring Gods Iudgements , not only upon themselves , but also upon their Children . 4. That Children are to sorrow for being borne of Idolatrous Forefathers . But how doth that agree with the Righteousnesse of God , to punish the Children for the sins of their Fathers ? Very well : for if Princes ( whose judgements are shallow in comparison of Gods , the depths whereof are past finding out ) doe with equity dis-inherit and put to shame the posterity of Traytors ; the Lord may much more justly doe the like with the wicked childe which followeth his Fathers steps , and is a Traytor himselfe , having both his Fathers sinne and his owne upon his head : for God here onely threatneth to punish those children which continue in their Fathers sinnes ; and therefore as they have part in their fathers sinnes , so it is reason they should have part in their Parents punishments . What doth God meane by the third and fourth generation ? He meaneth that not onely the next children , but the children of divers and many generations shall smart for their fathers sinnes : As in Amos ; for three transgressions and for foure : that is , for many . Why then doth he specially name three or foure Generations ? Because Parents live so long oft-times , that they see their Posterity for foure Generations following punished for their sinnes . Why doth God say , Of them that hate me ? To shew , that not all the sonnes of the wicked , but onely such as continue in their Fathers wickednesse shall be punished for their sinnes ▪ Ezek. 18. 4. 10. 13 , 14. 17. But is there any that hate God ? Yes verily , so many as worship him otherwise then himselfe hath commanded , doe hate him : for although every Idolater will say , that he loveth God ; yet here God witnesseth of him , that he is a lyer , and that he hateth God , in that he hateth the worship that he commandeth ; in the love whereof , God will have the experience of his love , 2 Chron. 19. 2. Mic. 2. 8. John 15. 18. Rom. 1. 29 , 30. & 5. 10. & 8. 7. Col. 1. 21. In what words is the second reason laid downe , which is drawn from the clemency of God ? Wherere it is said , that he sheweth mercy unto thousands of them that love him , and keep his Commandements . What is the summe of this reason ? That God will blesse the obedient unto many generations ; both in themselves , their children , and posterity , and in whatsoever belongeth unto them : thus extending his mercy unto thousands of such as shew their love of him by obedience to this his Law. Why doth the Lord say , that he will shew mercy to them that love him , and keep his Commandements ? To teach us that the best deeds of the best men , cannot merit or deserve any thing at Gods hands , but had need to bee received of him in mercy . Wherefore doth hee say , that he will have mercy to thousands , seeing he said , that he would visit onely the third and fourth Generation of them that hate him ? Because he is more willing and ready to exercise his mercy then his anger . But what will God be mercifull to all the Children of the godly ? No : But onely such as love him , and keep his Commandements . Is this Blessing proper to the Godly ? Not altogether neither : For God rewardeth the posterity of the wicked , with outward benefits oftentimes , according to their outward service , as appeareth by the succession of Iehu . So much of the second Commandement . What is the third ? Thou shalt not take the Name of the Lord thy God in vaine , For the Lord will not hold him guiltlesse that taketh his Name in vaine , Exod. 20. 7. What is contained in these words ? 1. The Commandement . 2. The Reason . What is the summe of the Commandement ? That we impeach not , but by all meanes advance the glorious Name of God in all things , whereby he maketh himselfe knowne to men , Psal. 29. 2. and carefully endeavour in our whole life to bring some honour to God , Mat. 5. 16. What doe you observe herein ? The high honour that God sheweth unto us , who being able without us , to maintaine his owne Name and glory ; either by himselfe , or by his Angels , hath notwithstanding committed the maintenance thereof unto us , which should teach us to be very chairy of it ; and carefull to discharge our duty faithfully , in walking worthy of this honour and defence of his Name , which he vouchsafeth us . What is the meaning of those words : Thou shalt not take ? Thou shalt not take up upon thy lips or mouth , as this phrase is opened , in Psal. 16. 4. and 50. 16. that is , not speake , use , or mention : for the tongue is here specially bound to the good abearing . Why was it needfull to have a speciall Commandement for the direction of the tongue in Gods service ? Because it is an untamed evill , and unbridled , Iam. 3. 8. and therefore a whole Commandement cannot be imployed amisse , for the direction of it in the use of the Name of God. And seeing in the second Table there is a Commandement , tending almost wholly , to restraine the abuses of our tongues towards our neighbours , there is much more need of a Precept , both for direction and restraint of it , in the matters concerning God , and his most glorious Name . What are we to understand by the Name of God ? The speech is taken from the manner of men , who are knowne by their Names , to signifie God himselfe , both in his Essence and Majesty , Isa. 26. 8. Exod. 3. 13 , 14. & 34. 5 , 6 , 7. And in all things whereby he hath made himselfe knowne unto us , as he is holy . 1. Titles and proper names ; as Iehovah , Elohim , Iesus . 2. Properties and Attributes ; as Love , Wisdome , Power , Iustice , Exod. 33. 18 , 19. & 34. 5 , 6 , 7. & 14. 3. Works and Actions , Psal. 8. 1 , 9. & 14. 5 , 10. 4. Word ; both Law and Gospell , Psalme 138. 2. Deut. 18. 19. 22. 32. 3. Acts 9. 15. Whence the Law of Christ , Esa. 42. 4. is expounded to be his name , Matth. 12. 21. 5. Sacraments , Matth. 28. 18 , 19. Acts 2. 38. 6. Censures , 1 Cor. 5. 4 , 5. Matth. 18. 20 7. Prayer . Gen. 4. 26. 8. The whole worship of God , with all the Ordinances pertaining thereto , and whatsoever he honoured , reverenced , and glorified , Deut. 5 , Mal. 1. 11 , 12. Mich. 4. 5. Acts 21. 13. What is meant by this word in vaine ? All abuse of them , and all rash , negligent and carelesse dealing therein ; where mentioning the smaller fault , he declareth the hainousnes of the greater : For if the taking of his name in vaine only be a sinne ; how hainous a sin is it when it is blasphemed or used for confirmation of a lye ? What is then forbidden in the Commandement ? Every wrong offered to the glory of God , and doing of ought that may any way reproach the Lord , to cause him to be lesse esteemed , Mal. 1. 6. 12. All unreverent and unholy use of his name , and prophaning of his Titles , Properties , Actions , and Ordinances , either by mouth or by action , Lev. 21. 32. What are the parts of the Prohibition ? Two. 1. The mentioning or using of Gods name , in word , or in deed , when it should not be used ; and when there is no just cause so to doe . 2. The using of it amisse , and abusing it when duty bindeth us to use it with feare and holinesse . What is required in this command ? 1. That we sanctifie Gods Name , as it is holy and reverend , Matth. 6. 9. Psal. 111. 9. and labour by all we can to lift it up , that others may be moved by us more to love , serve , and honour him . 2. That we use the things aforesaid with all reverence and circumspection , to such uses as they are appointed unto by God : In a word , that we have a carefull and a heedy watch to all things that may advance Gods glory , and use all sincere and diligent behaviour therein . What is that wherein this our carefulnesse is required ? 1. A diligent preparation and advisednesse before we meddle with any of these holy things , that we bethinke our selves before hand what we are to doe ; and consider both of the cause that should move us to speake of them , and of the reverent manner of using them . 2. A reverent disposition in the action it selfe , that wee use earnest attentivenesse therein , and seriously thinke how powerfull God is to punish the taking of his name amisse : as also how able and ready to blesse them who shall reverently and holily behave themselves in the right use thereof ; for which cause we are to remember , that the Name of God is fearefull , as it is written , Psal. 99. 3. Deut. 28. 58. Declare now what particular duties are contained in this Commandement ? 1. The honouring of God and his Religion by our holy conversation , Mat. 5. 16. Tit. 2. 10. The contrary whereof is profession joyned with hypocrisie , Tit. 1. 16. Mat. 15. 7 , 8 , 9. prophanenesse and an evill life , whereby the Name of God , and profession of Religion is dishonoured , Rom. 2. 24. 2. Confession of Christ unto suffering , yea , martyrdome if cause be , Rev. 2. 13. the contrary whereof , is , shrinking in case of perill , and denying God the honor of our suffering for him , Mat. 10. 33. 3. Honourable and reverent mention of God and his Titles , Properties , Attributes , Works , Word and Ordinances , Psal. 19. 1 , 2. & 71. 15. Prov. 31. 26. What vices are repugnant to this ? An unreverent mention , or an unadvised , sudden , and causelesse speaking of any of these , and all abusing of the Names and Titles of God. How is that done ? 1. By saying in our common talke ; O Lord , O God , O Jesus , &c. or in wondring wise ; good God , good Lord , &c. in matters of light and no moment ; and for such foolish admirations , and taking Gods Name lightly upon every occasion is here condemned . 2. By idle wishes . 3. By imprecations and cursings , Gen. 16. 5. 2 Sam. 16. 8 , 9. 4. By Blaspheming . 5. By the abuse of Oathes , Jam. 5. 12. Is there any true use of Oathes ? Yes , in matters of importance , that cannot be decided but by an Oath , it is good and lawfull to sweare by the Name of God , and a duty specially commanded , Deut. 6. 13. and 10. 20. so that it be done truly , advisedly , and rightly ; for so is the Commandement , Jer. 4 2. Thou shalt sweare in righteousnesse . How are we to sweare in truth ? Affirming what we know to be true , and verifying by deed what we undertake , Psal. 15. 4. & 24. 4. What is here meant by Judgement ? A due consideration both of the nature and greatnesse of an Oath , wherein God is taken to witnesse against the soule of the swearer , if he deceive , 2 Chron. 1. 23. and of the due calling and warrant of an Oath ; whether publicke , being demanded by the Magistrate ; whether perill to the swearer , Gen. 43. 3. 2 Sam. 24. 22 , 23. or private , in case of great importance , when the truth cannot otherwise be cleared , Exod. 22. 11. 1 Sam. 20. 17. 2 Cor. 1. 23. What Considerations are then to be had in taking of an Oath ? 1. Whether the Party we deale with , doubt of the thing we speake of or no. 2. If the Party doubt whether the matter whereof we speake , be weighty and worthy of an Oath . 3. If it be weighty , whether the question or doubt may be ended with truly and verily , or such like naked asseverations , or by doubling our asseverations , as our Saviour Christ did : for then by his example we ought to forbeare an Oath , Mat. 5. 37. 4. Whether there be not yet any other fit meanes to try out the matter before we come to an Oath . 5. Whether he for whose cause we give the Oath , will rest in it , and give credit unto it ; for otherwise the Name of God is taken in vaine , Heb. 6. 16. 6. Whether the matter is of importance , and there is no other tryall , but an Oath . And then we must have our minds wholly bent to sanctifie the Name of God by the Oath we take ; and thinke upon the greatnesse of Gods power to punish Oathes taken amisse , and to blesse the true use of them . How are we to sweare in Righteousnesse ? 1. In a due forme , which must be no other then Gods Word alloweth ; viz. by God alone , not by any creature or Idoll , Deut. 6. 13. Isa. 65. 16. Zeph. 1. 5. Jer. 12. 16. Mat. 5. 34 , &c. Although in lawfull Contracts , with an Infidell , or Idolater , we may admit of such Oathes , whereby he sweareth by his false Gods. 2. To a right end , which is the glory of God , Isa. 45. 23. with Phil. 2. 11. the good of the Church , and peace amongst men , Heb. 6. 16. What Persons may lawfully take an Oath ? Such only as have weighty matters to deale in ; and therefore it is altogether unlawfull for Children to sweare ; as also , because they cannot thinke sufficiently of the dignity of an Oath . No Atheist or prophane man should sweare , because either they beleeve not , or they serve not God , Rom. 1. 19. In women Oathes should be more seldome then in men ; in Servants then in Masters ; in poore then in rich , because they deale not in so weighty matters . What are the speciall abuses of an Oath ? 1. The refusing of all Oathes as unlawfull , which is the errour of the Anabaptists . 2. A rash and vaine Oath , where there is no cause of swearing , when upon every light occasion we take up the name of God , and call him for a witnesse of frivolous things by usuall swearing , Mat. 6. 24. Jam. 5. 12. Jer. 23. 10. 3. Superstitious or Idolatrous Oathes , when we sweare by an Idoll , or by Gods creatures , Zeph. 1. 5. Amos 8. 14. as by the masse , our Lady , bread , salt , fire , and many fond trashes , whereas God never appointed the creatures for such uses . 4. A counterfeit and mocking Oath . 5. A passionate swearing , whereby we call God for a witnesse of our furious anger , 1 Sam. 14. 39. 2 King 6. 31. 6. Outragious and blasphemous swearing . 7. Perjury , when God is called for a witnesse of an untruth , by forswearing , Isa. 48. 1. Zach. 5. 4. which is , 1. When one sweareth , that which he himselfe thinketh to be false , Lev. 19. 12. Secondly , When he sweareth , and doth not performe his Oath , 2 Chron. 36. 13. 8. Taking a lawfull Oath , without due reverence and consideration . So much for the right use and abuse of an Oath . Declare now further , how the Name of God is taken in vaine , in regard of his Properties and Attributes ? 1. By seldome or never breaking forth into such Confession or declaration of Gods power , wisdome , justice , mercy , &c. as our selves and others might thereby be stirred up the more to be thankfull unto him , and to stay upon him , Psal. 40. 9. 2. By abusing his Properties ; and by carnall , carelesse , and contemptuous speaking of them , 2 King. 7. 2. How is Gods Wisdome touched here ? By calling it into question , and by prying into the hidden Counsels of God ; as when a man undertaketh to foretell future things and events . How is his Justice ? 1. By passing over his Iudgements without notice . 2. By Cursings and imprecations , wherby we make our selves Iudges , and attribute that to our selves which is due to God. 3. By misconstruing and perverting his Iudgements . How is his Mercy ? 1. By passing over of his benefits without due notice taken ; and not observing , and recounting what speciall mercies he hath vouchsafed us in particular , Psal. 66. 16. & 103. 2 , 3 , &c. How is the Name of God taken in vaine , in respect of his Works and Actions ? 1. By not seeing God in his Works , Acts 17. 27. 2. By lightly passing over of Gods great Works , of Creation , Preservation , Redemption ; as also of other his Mercies , and Iudgements , and not glorifying God for that which may be seen in them . 3. Vaine and foolish thoughts concerning the Creatures , whereby a vertue is attributed unto them which God never gave unto them : as all ghessing of future things by the Stars ; by a mans face and hands ; the counting it a prodigious token , that a Hare should crosse our way , &c. 4. Not using the Creatures as we ought , nor receiving them to Gods glory with thanksgiving : As when a man giveth not thanks to God for his meat and drinke , but doth thinke them to come without Gods providence , which is a fearfull taking of Gods Name in vaine . 5. Cavilling at the Doctrine of Predestination , Rom. 9. 19 , 20. and not admitting the depth of his Counsels , Rom. 11. 33 , 34. 6. Murmuring at Gods Providence , under the names of Fortune , chance , and fate , &c. Job 3. 23 , &c. 7. Evill thoughts towards our brethren , which are afflicted ; as when we see one visited by God , either in body , goods , or both , we are alwayes ready to thinke the worst of him ; viz. That God executeth these punishments on him for his sins , when as God may doe it either to exercise the faith and patience of the party afflicted , as in Job ; or to stirre others to compassion and pity ; or else to set forth his owne glory , as we may see verified in the example of the blind man in the Gospell , Joh. 9. 2 , 3. 8. Abuse of Lots , Esther 3. 7. Prov. 16. 33. How is Gods Name taken in vaine in regard of his Word ? 1. By not speaking of it at all . Deut. 6. 7. Psal. 37. 30. 2. By foolish and fruitlesse speaking of it , or abusing any part thereof unto idle and curious questions , 2 Pet. 3. 16. 3. By abusing it to prophane mirth , by framing jests out of it , or against it , Psal. 22. 13. Also by making Playes and Enterludes thereof . 4. By maintaining Errour , sinne , and prophanenesse by it , Mat. 4. 6. Isa. 66. 5. 5. By applying it to Superstition , and unlawfull Arts , to Magicall spels , Sorceries , and Charmes , for the healing of diseases , finding out of theft , &c. Deut. 18. 11. Acts 19. 13. How is Gods Name taken in vaine , in regard of the Sacraments , and other holy Mysteries and Ordinances of God ? When they are unworthily received , and prophanely used , Mal. 1. 11 , 12. 1 Cor. 11. 27. 29. Jer. 7. 4 , 10. So much of the chiefe particulars forbidden in this Commandement . What are the helps or hinderances of the obedience thereof ? 1. That we both inure our hearts to feare and reverence the great and dreadfull Name of the Lord our God , Deut. 28. 58. Eccles. 9. 2. and keep a carefull watch over our lips and lives , lest by any meanes we dishonour him , Psal. 39. 1. 2. That we avoid both the company of prophane persons , who set their mouth against Heaven , Psal. 73. 9. and all unnecessary dangers , wherby divers have been occasioned to deny the Lord , Mat. 26. 69 , &c. What is contained in the Reason annexed to the Commandement ? A dreadfull penalty : That the Lord will not hold him guiltlesse that taketh his Name in vaine . What is the summe of this threat ? That God will not leave this sin unpunished , 1 King. 2. 9. but will grievously punish the breach of this Commandement ; whereby he threatneth extreme miseries and judgements to the Transgressors : For it being our happinesse to have our sins covered , and not imputed , Psal. 32. 2. it must needs be extreame unhappinesse , to have it reckoned and imputed unto us . What is implyed herein ? A fit opposition : That howsoever mans Lawes take not hold of offending in this kind ; yet God will not acquit them , Psal. 1. 5. nor suffer them to escape his righteous and fearefull Iudgements , Zach. 5. 3. Jer. 5. 12. Neither shall the Transgressor scape unpunished , although the Magistrate and the Minister also would pronounce him innocent ; and although the Malefactor flatter himselfe , as if all dangers were past ; nay , the more free , that ( usually ) he escapes the Iudgements and punishments of men ; the more heavy plagues , and vengeance will surely light upon him from God , except he repent . Hitherto of the Commandements concerning that service which is to be performed to God at all times , as occasion shall require ; which is that which concerneth the speciall time , wholly to be bestowed in his Worship ? The fourth and last Commandement of the first Table , which setteth forth a certain day , especially appointed by the Lord himselfe , to the practise of the Worship , prescribed in the three former Commandements : for therein consisteth the chiefe point of the sanctifying of that day . What are the Words of this Commandement ? Remember that thou keep holy the Sabbath day , &c. Exod. 20. 8 , 9 , 10 , 11. What are we to observe in these words ? First , the Commandement , and then the Reasons annexed thereunto . What is the meaning of the Commandement ? It challengeth at the hand of every man one day of seven in every week , to be set apart unto a holy rest , and requireth all persons to separate themselves from their ordinary labour , and all other exercises , to his service on the same , that so they being severed from their worldly businesses and all the works of their labour and callings , concerning this life , they may wholly attend to the worship of God alone , Neh. 13. 15 , 16. Esa. 58. 13 , 14. Why doe you adde these words [ apart ] and [ separate ? ] To make a difference between the Sabbath dayes , wherein wee must wholy and only serve God , and the exercises of the other six days wherein every man must serve him in his lawfull calling . What need is there of one whole day in every week to serve God , seeing we may serve him every day ? That is not enough : For , 1. To the end that we should not plunge our selves so deeply into the affairs of the world , as that we should not recover our selves , the wisdome of God hath thought it fit , that one day in seven there should be an intermission from them , that we might wholly separate our selves to the service of God , and with more freedome of spirit performe the same . 2. A whole day is needfull for the performance of all the parts of Gods service and worship , as hearing of publike Prayer , and the Word preached , Chatechising , Administration of the Sacraments , exercise of holy Discipline , and consideration of the glory of God in the creatures . 3. If Adam in his perfection had need of this holy day , much more have we who are so grievously corrupted . 4. If the Lord in love and wisedome , considering our necessities both of soule and body , hath set out a weeks time for both of provision , that as every day we set apart some time for food , and spend the rest in labour , so we set one day in the week aside for our spirituall food , and bestow the other dayes on our earthly affaires : so as this day may in comparison be accounted the soules day , wherein yet wee must have some care of our bodies : as on the six dayes we must have some care of our soules . What is forbidden in this Commandement ? The unhallowing or prophaning of the Sabbath , either by doing the works of our calling and of the flesh , or by leaving undone the works of the Spirit . But is not this Commandement Ceremoniall , and so taken away by the death of Christ ? No ; but is constantly and perpetually to be observed ; and never to cease till it bee perfectly consummated in the heavenly Sabbath , Hebr. 4. 9 , 10. How prove you that ? 1. Because it is placed in the number of the perpetuall Commandements ; otherwise the Morall Law should consist but of nine words or Commandements , which is contrary to Gods Word , Deut. 4. 13. 2. Because this Commandement ( amongst the rest ) was written by the finger of God , Exod. 31. 18. whereas no part of the Ceremoniall Law was . 3. For that it was written in Tables of stone , as well as the other , Deut. 5. 22. As to signifie the hardnesse of our hearts ; so to signifie the continuance and perpetuity of this Commandement as well as the rest . 4. Because it was before any Shadow or Ceremony of the Law ; yea before Christ was promised , whom all Ceremonies of the Law have respect unto : for the Sabbath was first instituted in Paradise , before there was any use of Sacrifices , and Ceremonies , Gen. 2. 1 , 2 , 3. 5. The Ceremonies were as a Partition wall betwixt the Iews and the Gentiles ; but God doth here extend his Commandement not onely to the Iewes themselves , but also to strangers . Exod. 20. 10. Nehem. 13. 15 , 16 , &c. 6. Our Saviour Christ willing his followers which should live about forty yeares after his Ascension , to pray that their flight might not bee on the Sabbath day , to the end that they might not bee hindred in the service of God , doth thereby sufficiently declare , that hee held not this Commandement in the account of a Ceremony , Matth. 24. 20. But it sometimes shadoweth our sanctification , and our eternall rest . Col. 2. 16 , 17. Exod. 31. 13. and is therefore Ceremoniall ? That followeth not : For , 1. There is no Commandement which hath not some Ceremonies tyed unto it ; as in the Commandement touching Murther , to abstain from strangled things , and bloud : And the whole Law had the Ceremony of the Parchment Law. So that by that reason the whole Law should be Ceremoniall , which is absurd . 2. The Ceremoniall representation of our eternall rest came after the Commandement of the rest , and therefore is accessary and accidentall : for which cause , the time of correction and abolishment of Ceremonies being come , Dan. 9. 7. Matth. 11. 13. Acts 15. 6. Col. 2. 13 , 14. Heb. 10. 14. Gal. 5. 2. that use may well fall away , and yet the Commandement remaine , it being out of the substance of the Commandement . What is the speciall day of the week , which God hath set apart for his solemne Worship ? The first day of the week , called the Lords day , 1 Cor. 16. 2. Rev. 1. 10. Acts 20. 7. Was this day set apart thereunto from the beginning ? No : For from the first Creation till the Resurrection of Christ , the last day of the week , commonly called Saturday , was the day that was appointed thereunto ; and that which the people of God constantly observed . And why so ? Because upon that God ceased from the worke of Creation , Gen. 2. 2 ▪ Exod. 31. 17. How came this day to be changed ? By divine Authority . How doth that appeare ? 1. By the practise of our Saviour Christ , and his Apostles , Iohn 20. 19 , 26. Acts 2. 1. 20. 7. which should be a sufficient rule unto us , especially the Apostles , having added a Commandement thereunto , 1 Cor. 16. 12. 2. There is no reason why it should be called the Lords day , Rev. 1. 10. but in regard of the speciall dedication thereof to the Lords service : for otherwise all the dayes in the weeke are the Lords dayes , and he is to be served and worshipped in them . What was the cause that the day was changed ? Because it might serve for a thankfull memorial of Christs Resurrection . For as God rested from his labour on the last day of the weeke : so Christ ceased from his labour and afflictions on this day , Mat. 28. 1. Gen. 2. 1 , 2. As the one therefore was specially sanctified , in regard of the Creation of the World : so was the other , in respect of the restauration and redemption of the world , which is a greater worke then the Creation . Can this day then be altered ? No power of any Creature in Heaven or Earth can alter it , or place another seventh day in the place and stead thereof . But doth this Commandement directly require the seventh day from the Creation ? No : but the seventh day in generall . Doth not the reason annexed , where the Lord in six dayes is said to make Heaven and Earth , and to rest the seventh day , and therefore to hallow it , confirme so much ? No , not necessarily : For it doth not hence follow , that we should rest the same day the Lord rested ; but that we should rest from our worke the seventh day , as he rested from his ; which seventh day , under the Law , he appointed to be Saturday : so nothing hindreth , but by his speciall appointment under the Gospell it may be Sunday , and yet the substance of the Commandement nothing altered . Why doth not the New Testament mention this change ? Because there was no question moved about the same in the Apostles time . When then doth this our Sabbath begin , and how long doth it continue ? This day , as all the six , is the space of twenty foure houres , and beginneth at the dawning , though we ought in the Evening before , to prepare for the day following . Why doth our Sabbath begin at the dawning of the day ? Because Christ rose in the dawning ; and to put a difference between the Iewish , and a true Christian Sabbath . For as the Iewes begun their Sabbath in that part of the day , in which the Creation of the World was ended , and consequently , in the Evening : so the celebration of the memory of Christs Resurrection , and therein of his rest from his speciall labours , and the renewing of the World , being the ground of the change of that day ; it is also by the same proportion of reason , to begin when the Resurrection began , which was in the Morning . Can you shew this Example ? Yea , Paul being at Troas , after he had preached a whole day , untill midnight , celebrated the supper of the Lord the same night , which was a Sabbath dayes exercise ; and therefore , that night following the day , was a part of the Sabbath ; For in the Morning he departed , having staid there seven dayes , by which it is evident , that that which was done , was done upon the Lords day , Acts 20. 7 , 10. Is the Lords day only to be separated to Gods service ? No : For of this manner are holy Fasts observed for the avoiding of some great evill , present or imminent , Lev. 23. 27. Ioel 2. 12. & holy Feasts , for the thankfull remembrance of some speciall memorable mercies obtained , Zach. 8. 19. Ester . 9. 17 , 18 , 19. To what Commandement doe you refer the Churches meeting on the working dayes ? That is also , by a manner of speech of one part for the whole , contained in this Commandement : yea , it reacheth to the times which the Family appointeth , or that every one for his private good proposeth , although the Bond to that time is not so strict , as is the Bond to observe the dayes of Rest. So much of this Commandement in generall : What doe you note therein in particular ? 1. The entrance in the word Remember . 2. The parts of the Commandement . What is to be observed in the word , Remember ? That although all the Commandements are needfull diligently to be remembred , yet this more specially . Why so ? 1. Because this Commandement hath least light of nature to direct us to the observation of it . 2. For that we are naturally most negligent in it , suffering our selves to be withdrawne by our worldly businesse , from the Lords service , upon the Lords day ; and therefore , such a speciall warning is needfull to be added . What things are we thence to remember ? 1. To looke backe unto the first institution of the Sabbath day in Paradise , Gen. 2. 2 , 3. before all Sacrifices and Ceremonies . 2. So to beare it in mind , as to live in continuall practise of the duties we learned the Sabbath day last past . 3. To bethink our selves before of the works of the Sabbath , and so to prepare our selves , and our affaires , Luke 23. 54. that we may freely and duely attend on the Lord in the Sabbath approaching . What should be done in this preparation of the Sabbath ? 1. We should so compasse all our businesses in the six working dayes , that our worldly affaires enter not , or incroach into the possession of the Lords day ; Not only willingly , but not so much as by any forgetfulnesse . As when through want of foresight , or forecasting the payment of mony due by obligation , or any such businesses that might be prevented , shall fall out on that day . 2. We should sanctifie our selves , and those that are under us , to keep that day . What is contrary to this ? The neglect of Preparation for the Sabbath before it come , and of fitting our hearts for holy service , when it is come . What are the parts of this Commandement ? They are two . First , to keep the Lords rest . Secondly , to sanctifie this rest : For it is not sufficient that we rest from worldly businesses , but it is further required , that it be a holy rest . The first sheweth , what works we are to decline upon this day ; the other , what duties we are to performe . What are the workes that we must decline , and leave undone on the Lords day ? Not onely the workes of sinne , which we ought to leave undone every day , but also the workes of our ordinary callings concerning this life , and bodily exercise and labours , which upon other dayes are lawfull and necessary to bee done , Marke 3. 4. Ezek. 23. 37 , 38. Num. 15. 32 , 33. Exod. 31. 10 , 11 , 12 , 13 , 14. & 34. 21. Nehem. 13. 15 , &c. Esa. 58. 13. What instances have you in Scripture of the performance hereof ? The Israelites ceased both from those works which were of the least importance , as gathering of sticks , Num. 15. 32. and from such also as were of greatest weight , as working at the Tabernacle , and building the Temple on the Sabbath day ; and consequently all other workes betwixt these extreams , as buying and selling , working in seed time , or harvest , were forbidden unto them . Are we as strictly bound to rest from all our outward businesses , and to forbeare all worldly labour upon this day , as the Israelites ? Yea , so farre forth as the morality of the Commandement reacheth , but by the Ceremoniall Law , there was enjoyned unto the Iewes a more exact observation of outward rest , which to them was a part of their Ceremonial worship : whereas unto us the outward rest is not properly any part of the sanctification of the day , or of the service of God : but only a meanes tending to the furtherance of the same ; even as in Fasting and Prayer ; Fast is of it selfe no part of Gods service , but a thing adjoyned thereunto , and so farre forth onely acceptable in the worship of God , as it maketh a way and readier passage for the other , 1 Cor. 8. 8. What did that most strict observance of outward rest signifie unto the Jewes ? Their continuall Sanctification in this world , Exodus 31. 13. Ezek. 20. 12. and their endlesse rest in the world to come ; whereof this was a Type no lesse then the land of Promise , Heb. 4. 4 , 5. 10. How was the latter of these specially typified ? In this world , Gods Children are subject to the fiery tryall , but after these troubles , rest is provided for them , 2 Thes. 1. 7. and no fire to be feared in that after world . For a more lively representation of that , there was a charge laid upon the children of Israel , that no fire might be kindled throughout all their habitations upon the Sabbath day , Exodus 35. 3. though it were for the very preparing of the meat which they should eate , Exodus 16. 23. which was allowed unto them , even in the two great solemne dayes of the Passeover , Exo. 12. 16. Is it then lawfull for us to make a fire and dresse meat upon the Lords day ? Yea certainly ; because these were proper to the Pedagogy , or manner of government of the Children of Israel under the Law , as may appeate by this , that there was no such thing commanded before the Law was given by Moses ; and consequently being not perpetuall , must necessarily follow to bee Ceremoniall . Now after the Sabbath that Christ our Lord rested in the grave , the Ceremoniall Sabbath lyeth buried in that grave , together with those other Rites which were shadows of things to come , the body being in Christ , Col. 2. 16 , 17. Therefore we being dead with Christ , from these Ceremonies , are no more to be burthened with such Traditions , ibid. verse 20. Nor to bee brought under the bondage of any outward thing : It is a liberty purchased unto us by Christ , and we must stand fast unto it , that blessed houre being come , wherein the true worshippers are to worship the Father in Spirit and Truth , John 4. 23. To leave then the Ceremoniall Sabbath , and to come to the Morall ; How is the Rest required therein laid downe in the fourth Commandement ? By a Declaration : First , of the Works from which there must be a cessation . Secondly , of the persons that must observe this Rest. How is the former of these expressed ? In these words : In it thou shalt not doe any Worke , Exodus 20. 10. What is required of us hereby ? That for the space of that whole naturall day , we cease in minde and body from all our worldly labours ; yea from the workes of our lawfull Calling , and all other earthly businesses whatsoever , more then needs must be done , either for Gods glory , or mans good . What gather you of this ? That all exercises which serve not in some degree to make us fit to the Lords worke , are unlawfull upon the Lords day . Why doe you say , that we must rest in minde and body ? Because this rest must be of the whole man , in thoughts , words , and deeds , Esa. 58. 13. Is it meerely unlawfull to doe any bodily , or outward businesse on the Lords day ? No. First , for such works are excepted as are presently necessary , either for common honesty , or comelinesse . Secondly , the actions of Piety requisite for the performance of Gods service on that day , Acts 1. 12. Mat. 12. 5. Thirdly , extraordinary exigents of Charity , for the preservation of the Common-wealth , 2 Kings 11. 9. Fourthly , the preservation of our owne and others life , health , and goods , in case of present necessity , or great danger of their perishing , if they were not saved on that day , Mat. 12. 10 , 11. Marke 3. 4. Luke 13. 15 , 16. What be the speciall breaches of this part of the Commandement ? 1. The making of the Sabbath a common day through common labours in our ordinary callings , Neh. 13. 15. vaine speech , and talking of our worldly affaires , Esa. 58. 13. thinking our owne thoughts , and no other but a common use of the Creatures . 2. The making it a day of carnall rest unto idlenesse , feasting , pastimes , &c. which draw our mindes further from God then our ordinary labours , Exod. 32. 6. Whither are referred all recreations , which distract us , as also excessive eating and drinking , which causeth drowsinesse , and unaptnesse unto Gods Service and Worship . 3. The making it a day of sinne , or the Devills holy day , by doing that on the Lords day which is no day lawfull , Mar. 3. 4. but then most abominable , Ezek. 23. 37 , 38. 4. The keeping a peece of the day , not the whole ; or giving liberty to our selves in the night , before the whole Sabbath be ended . 5. The forbearing our selves , but imploying others in worldly businesses ; for preventing of which sinne , God is so large in naming of the persons , which in this Commandement are forbidden to worke . Why is there a particular rehearsall of these persons in this Commandement ? To take away all excuses from all persons in this Commandement ; for the Lord did see , that such was the corruption of men , that if they themselves did rest upon this day from labours , they would thinke it sufficient , not caring how they toyled out and wearied their servants at home with continuall labour , as many doe ; so that it were better to be such mens Oxen then their servants , so small care they have of their soules . What is the speciall use of this rehearsall ? To teach us , that all sorts and degrees of persons are bound to yeeld this duty unto God ; and that the Sabbath is to be kept both by our selves , and those that doe belong unto us . Was it not ordained also for the rest and refreshing of men and beasts ; especially Servants , which could not otherwise continue without it ? That also was partly intended , as may appeare by Deut. 5. 14. but not principally , for the things here contained doe concerne the worship of God ; but that wearing and toyling out of servants and beasts , is against the sixt Commandement ; and working is here forbidden , that men might be the more free for the worship of God ; and therefore though servants had never so much rest and recreation upon other dayes , yet they ought to rest upon this day in that regard . Why is there mention made of allowing rest to the beasts ? First , that we may shew mercy even to the beasts , Prov. 12. 10. Secondly , to represent after a sort , the everlasting Sabbath , wherein all Creatures shall bee delivered from the bondage of corruption , Rom. 8. 20 , 21. Thirdly , because of the whole imployment of men in the Lords service : for beasts cannot be travelled or used in any worke upon that day , unlesse man be withdrawne from Gods service ; yea , though the beast could labour without mans attendance , yet his minde would some time or other be carryed away and distracted thereby , that it would not be so fit as it ought to be for Gods service . To whom especially is the charge of this Commandement directed ? To Housholders and Magistrates , who stand charged in the behalfe , both of themselves , and of all that are under their roofe and Government , Jos. 24. 15. Neh. 13. 15. Heb. 13. 15. What is the charge of the Housholder ? That not only himselfe keep the Lords day ; but also , his Wife , Children and Servants , as much as may be . For as they serve him in the weeke dayes : so he must see that they serve God on the Lords day . What gather you of this ? That a Housholder should be as carefull of the Lords businesse , as of his owne ; And if he will not keep such a servant as is not carefull in his ordinary worke , much lesse should he keep any that will not be carefull in the Lords worke , how skilfull soever he be in his owne . What is the Magistrates part ? To see that all within his gates keep the Lords day , Jo. 24. 15. even strangers , though Turks and Infidels , Neh 13. 15. causing them to cease from labour , and restraining them from all open and publick Idolatry , or false Worship of God ; much more all his owne Subjects , whom he ought to force to heare the Word , 2 Chron. 34. 33. So much of the first part of this Commandement , touching our rest from all worldly businesses : What followeth in the next place ? The second and greater part of this Commandement , which is the sanctifying of this Rest , and keeping it holy unto the Lord , by exercising of our selves wholly in the service of God , and performing the duties of that day . Are we as strictly bound to these duties as the Jewes ? Yes verily , and more then they , because of the greater measures of Gods graces upon us , above that which was upon them . What is required of us herein ? To make the Sabbath our delight ; to consecrate it as glorious to the Lord , Isa. 58. 13. and that with joy , and without wearinesse , Amos 8. 5. with Mal. 1. 13. and that also with care and desire of profit we bestow the whole day ( as nature will beare ) in holy Exercises . What are these Exercises ? They are partly duties of Piety , Acts 13. 13. 15. 20. 7. Psal. 92. 1. as hearing and reading the Word , Prayer , singing of Psalmes , and feeding our selves with the Contemplations of the heavenly Sabbath ; partly of mercy , 1 Cor. 16. 2. Neh. 8. 12. as visiting and relieving the sicke and needy , comforting the sad , and such like . How are these duties to be performed ? Hartly publick , in the Church , where the solemne worshipping of God is the speciall worke , and proper use of the Sabbath : Partly private , out of the Church ; and that either secretly , by our selves alone , or joyntly with others . What if we cannot be suffered to use the publicke meanes ? Such as are necessarily debarred from the publick duties , must humble themselves before God , mourning and sorrowing for this restraint , Mat. 24. 20. Psal. 42. 6. & 84. 1 , 2 , 3. and with so much more care and earnestnesse use the private meanes , Psal. 53. 1 , 2. What is the first duty we are to performe in the publick Assembly ? To joyne in Prayer with the Congregation , which is an excellent duty ; for if , as Christ saith , When two or three are gathered together in his Name , he will grant their requests ; how much more will he heare his servants , when two or three hundred are gathered in his Name ? What is the second ? To heare the Word read , Luke 4. 16. Acts 3. 16. & 15. 20. for blessed is he that readeth , and they that heare the Word , Rev. 1. 3. What is the third ? To heare the Word preached , Luke 4. 16. 22. Acts 13. 14 , 15. & 15. 21. & 20. 7. What is the fourth ? To communicate in the Sacraments by being present when the Sacrament of Baptisme is administred unto others ; and by receiving the Sacrament of the Lords Supper our selves , after a decent order in the appointed time , Acts 20. 7. 1 Cor. 11. 20. Why should a man be present at Baptisme ? First , that hee may give thanks to God for adding a Member to his Church . Secondly , that he might be put in minde of his own Vow made to God in Baptisme by seeing the childe baptized . What is the fift duty to be performed in the Congregation ? Singing of Psalmes . What is the sixt ? Exercise of the Discipline of the Church against offenders , 1 Cor. 5. 4. What is the seventh ? Collection for the poore , and Contribution for relieving the necessities of the Saints of God , 1 Cor. 16. 1 , 2. where we are to give according to our wealths , and the blessing of God upon the week going before . What are the private duties that are to be performed out of the Church ? Such as we performe either in secret by our selves alone , or in common with our families at home , or others abroad , both before the publick exercises in the Church , the better to performe them , and after , the more to profit by them . What be they in particular ? First , Private Prayer . Secondly , Reading of the Word . Thirdly , holy Conference touching the Word of God , and familiar talke of things belonging to the Kingdome of heaven Luke 14. 7. 16. Fourthly , Examination of our selves , and those that belong to us , what we have profited by the hearing of the Word , and other exercises of Religion . Fiftly , Catechising of our families . Sixtly , Meditation upon Gods Word , Properties , and Workes , as well of Creation as of Providence ; especially that which he exerciseth in the government of the Church , Psal. 80. 88. 92. Seventhly , reconciling such as are at variance , and visiting the sick , relieving the poore , &c. 1 Cor. 16. 2. Neh. 8. 12. For these also are works of the Sabbath . VVhat proofe have you of this continuall exercise and imployment ? 1. In the Law ; every evening , and every morning were Sacrifices , which on the Sabbath were multiplyed , Numb . 28. 9. 2. The 92. Psalme ( entituled , A Psalme for the Sabbath ) to bee sung that day , declareth , that it is a good thing to begin the praises of God early in the morning , and to continue the same untill night . That wee may know then , how to spend a Sabbath well , declare more particularly how we may bestow the whole time in exercises of holines ; and first begin with the evening preparation . Our care must be over night , that having laid aside all our earthly affaires , we begin to fit our selves for the Lords service : that so we may fall asleep , as it were , in the Lords bosome , and awake with him in the morning . VVhat must be done in the morning when we awake ? We are to put away all earthly thoughts , and to take up such Meditations as may most stirre up our hearts with reverence and cheerfulnesse to serve the Lord the whole day after : wherein , first , we are to consider the great benefit of the Lords Sabbath , and so cheere up our hearts in the expectation to enjoy the same . Secondly , to covenant with the Lord , more religiously to sanctifie the whole day after . In making of our selves ready , what are we to doe ? Rising as early for the Lords service , as we doe for our owne businesses ; and bestow no more time nor care about our apparell , and such like , then needs must : we may then occupy our minde about such matters as bee most fit for that time ; which ordinarily may be these two . 1. To thinke upon Gods goodnesse in giving us such apparell , and other necessaries , which many others want : so that wee may judge all things we have rather too good for us , then bee discontented with any thing we enjoy . 2. Considering how well our bodies be apparelled , and provided for ; to seek more to have our soules better apparelled with Christ Iesus . Being up and ready , what are we to set our selves to ? Wee must set our selves to our morning sacrifice , either alone , or with others , if it may be , some short Prayer for our preparation being used . VVhat Meditations must we here enter into ? Two especially : the one , for that which is past ; the other , for that which is to come . VVhat for that which is past ? To cast our weeks account at least how God hath dealt with us in benefits and chastisements , and how wee have dealt with him in keeping or breaking his Commandements , that by both we may finde matter to comfort and humble us , to move us to thankfulnesse for mercies received , and to earnest suit and labour for pardon of our trespasses , and supply of all our necessities . VVhat for that which followeth ? To prepare our selves for the publick Ministerie , and as it were to apparell our selves , and make our selves fit to go to the Court of the Lord of Hosts with his children , and before his Angels . What things are necessary hereunto ? 1. A due regard whither we goe , before whom , what to doe , and what ends , wherewith to honour God , and to receive grace from him . 2. An earnest hunger , so to use the meanes to Gods honour , and our good . 3. True faith , that we shall enjoy our desire . 4. Ioy and Thankfulnesse , in the hope of such Blessings . 5. Humility , in regard of our unworthinesse . 6. Vnfained purpose of amendment of life . What must be added unto these ? To the Meditations , fervent Prayer must be joyned , and Reading , for our furtherance in Gods service ; and such as conveniently can , are to joyne together in a Christian Family , to read , pray , and confer , and Governours to instruct their Families in such matters as are then befitting . Having thus spent the time privately , what is to be done in publick ? We are to goe to Church in all comely sort , before the publick Ministry is begun , and then with all diligence to attend , and to give consent thereunto , and so to take to heart whatsoever shall be brought unto us , that by all the holy exercises we may be edified in all needfull graces . The publick Ministry ended , what are we to doe ? We are to occupy our minds on that we have heard , and when we come to place and time convenient , to set our selves more especially to make use of it , to our selves and others pertaining to us , and to water it with our prayers , that it may grow and bring forth fruit . What say you to our diet , and refreshing of our nature on this day ? Care would be had , that it be such as every way may make us fitter for holy duties ; And to this end , we are to season it with Meditation , and speeches of holy things . How is the afternoone to be spent ? 1. The time before the Evening Sacrifice , we are to bestow , either alone , or with others , in such Exercises as may best quicken in us Gods Spirit . 2. For the Evening Sacrifices ▪ in all respects to behave our selves as in the Morning , and to continue to the end . 3. This publick Ministry fully ended , to keep our minds ( in like sort as before ) on that we have heard ; and so being come home , either alone , or with others , to enter into an examination of our selves for the whole day . How are we to end the day ? 1. With thanks for Gods blessings on our labours . 2. Humble suit for pardon of all our faults escaped . 3. Earnest desire of grace , to profit by all , that we may persevere unto the end , and be saved . Doe you make any difference betwixt the Sabbath nights , and other nights ? Yes : we should lay our selves downe to rest in greater quietnesse that night , upon the sense and feeling of the former Exercises ; so that our sleep should be the more quiet , by how much the former Exercises of that day have been more holy ; otherwise we should declare , that we have not kept the whole day so holy to the Lord as we ought . What be the sins condemned in the second part of this Commandement ? Generally , the omission of any of the former duties ; and in particular , 1. Idlenesse , which is a sinne every day , but much more on the Lords day . 2. Prophane absence from , or unfaithfull presence at Gods Ordinances . 3. Neglect of calling our selves to a reckoning after holy Exercises . 4. Being weary of the duties of the Sabbath , thinking long till they be ended , Amos 8. 5. Mal. 1. 13. What are the helps or hinderances to the keeping of this Commandement ? We must adde to the forementioned duties of remembrance , an ardent endevour to taste the sweetnesse of holy Exercises , Psa. 24. 2 , 3. & 84. 1. &c. that so we may come to make the Sabbath our delight . 2. We must avoid and abhorre all prophane opinions , either disanulling the necessity of the Sabbath , or equalling any other day to it , together with such meetings , and Companies , Exercises and occasions , whereby we shall be in danger to be drawne to the unhallowing of the Sabbath day , Ezek. 22. 26. So much of the Commandement : What reasons are used to inforce the same ? Foure . Whence is the first taken ? From equality , by a secret reason of comparison of the lesse ; That forasmuch as God hath allowed us six dayes of seven for our affaires , to doe our owne businesse in ; whether it be labour , or honest recreation , and reserved but one for himselfe , when as he might most justly have given us but one of seven , and have taken six to himselfe ; we ought not to thinke it much , to spend the whole seventh day in the service of God. What learne you from hence ? The unequall and wretched dealing of most men with God , who by the grant of this Commandement urge usually at their servants hands , the worke of a whole day , in every of the six dayes ; yet upon the Lords day , thinke it enough , both for themselves , and those under them , to measure out unto the Lord three or foure houres only for his service , using one measure to mete the service due unto themselves , and another to mete the service due unto God ; which is a thing abominable before God , Pro. 11. 1. And so much the more as the things are greater , and of more value , which they mete with lesser measures . Whence is the second Reason taken ? From Gods owne right , who made the Sabbath , and is Lord of it . For the seventh day is the Sabbath of the Lord thy God ; This day is his , and not ours . Whence is the third ? From the example of God ; That as God having made all things in the six dayes , rested the seventh day from creating any more : so should we rest from all our works : God himselfe ceasing from his worke of Creation on that day , and sanctifying it , with what joy ought we to imitate our God herein ? Gen. 2. 2 , 3. Exod. 31. 17. Did God cease from all works on the seventh day ? No verily ; he did then , and still continueth to doe a great worke in preferring the things created , Ioh. 5. 17. What learne you from this ? 1. That we be not idle on the Lords day , seeing Gods example is to the contrary , but attend upon the Lords service . 2. That as the Lord preserved on the Sabbath day things created in the six dayes before , but created none other new : so by his example , we may save things on that day , which otherwise would be lost ; but we may not get or gaine more . Whence is the fourth and last reason drawne ? From hope of blessing ; because God ordained not the Sabbath for any good it can doe to him , but for the good of unthankfull man ; and therefore he blessed and sanctified it , not onely as a day of service to himselfe , but also as a time and meanes to bestow encrease of grace upon such as doe continually desire the same ; Exodus 31. 13. Esa. 56. 6 , 7. What is meant by Sanctifying it ? The setting it apart from worldly businesses , to the service of God. What by Blessing ? Not that this day in it selfe is more blessed then other dayes ; but as the acceptable time of the Gospell is put for the persons that receive the Gospell in that time : so by blessing this day , he meaneth that those that keep it shall be blessed ; and that by setting it apart , and separating it by this Commandement from other dayes to be kept holy by publick exercises of his holy worship and service , God hath made it an essentiall meanes of blessing to them that shall sanctifie it as they ought . Wherein shall they be blessed that keep the Sabbath day ? 1. In all the holy exercises of the Sabbath , which shall serve for their further increase both of the knowledge and feare of God , and all other spirituall and heavenly graces accompanying salvation . 2. In matters of this life , we shall not onely not be hindred by keeping the Sabbath , but more blessed then if we did worke that day : as on the other side , the gaine on the Lords day shall by the curse of God melt and vanish away , what shew of profit soever it have , and bring some curse or other upon our labours in the week dayes , which in themselves are lawfull and honest . So much of the first Table , concerning our duties to God , the due performance whereof is called Piety : wherein God ( as a King or as a Father of an houshold ) doth teach his Subjects or Family their duties towards himselfe . What is taught in the second Table ? Our duties to our selves and our neighbours : the performance whereof is commonly called Justice , or Righteousnesse ; wherein God teacheth his Subjects and Familie their duties one towards another . What is the summe of the Commandements of the second Table ? Thou shalt love thy Neighbour as thy selfe . Lev. 19. 18. Mat. 22. 39. Or , As you would that men should doe unto you , doe you unto them likewise , Mat. 7. 12. Luke 6. 31. What generall things doe you observe belonging to this Table ? 1. That it is like unto the first , Matth. 12. 39. and therefore that according to the measure of our profiting in the first Table , we profit also in this . In which respects the Prophets and Apostles doe commonly try the sincerity and uprightnesse in profiting under the first Table , by the forwardnesse in the second . 2. That the workes thereof are in higher or lower degree of good or evill , as they are kept or broken towards one of the houshold of faith , rather then towards a neighbour , simply , 1 Cor. 6. 8. & 10. 32. Gal. 6. 10. Deut. 22. 2 , 3. 3. That out of our bond to our neighbour we draw all our duties to all men , 1 Thes. 3. 12. & 5. 15. reaching them even to the wicked , so farre forth as we hinder not Gods glory , nor some great duty to others , especially the houshold of faith ; for sometime it may so fall out , that that which men require , ( and that otherwise are right ) may not bee given ; as Rahab , though subject to the King of Jericho , might not revile the Spies , but should have failed in her duty , if she had betrayed them at the Kings Commandement ; and therefore in this case shee did well in preferring the obedience she owed to God , before the duty she owed to man , Josh. 2. 3. In like case also Ionathan revealing his Fathers counsell unto David , and preferring the greater duty before the lesser , did well , 1 Sam. 19. 3. So we owing a greater duty to our Countrie , then to our naturall kindred , must rather refuse to reliefe them , if they be Trayters , then suffer any hurt to come to our Countrie . But what if two have need of that which I can give but to one onely ? I must then preferre those that bee of the houshold of faith , before others , Galat. 6. 10. and my kinsemen , and those that I am tyed unto by a speciall bond , before strangers , Iohn , Chap. 1. v. 14. Acts 10. 24. What are we specially forbidden to doe by the Commandements of the second Table ? To doe any thing that may hinder our neighbours dignity , in the fift ; Life , in the sixth ; Chastity , in the seventh ; Wealth , in the eighth ; or good Name , in the ninth ; though it bee but in the least secret motions and thoughts of the heart , unto which we give no liking nor consent : for unto that also the last Commandement doth reach . How are these six Commandements of the second Table divided ? Into such as forbid all practise , or advised consent to any hurt of our neighbours ; and such as forbid all thoughts and motions of evill towards our neighbour , though they never come to advised consent of the Will. The first five Commandements doe concerne such things as come unto consent , and further ; the last , such as come not unto consent at all . How are those five Commandements of the first sort divided ? Into those that concerne speciall duties to speciall persons : and those that concerne generall duties , to all those duties which concerne speciall persons , are commanded in the first ; those that generally concerne all men , either in their life , chastity , goods , or good name , are enjoyned in the foure Commandements following . What gather you hence ? That we are to distinguish between duties and duties ; between sinne and sinne , done towards men ; and that to offend principall persons , and such unto whom wee are in speciall manner obliged , is greater sin , because God hath singled out this one Commandement for these persons . What are the words of this Commandement , which is the fift in order ? Honour thy Father and thy Mother , that thy dayes may be long upon the Land which the Lord thy God giveth thee , Exod. 20. 12. What is to be considered in these words ? 1. The Commandement . 2. The Reason . What is the meaning and scope of this Commandement ? That the equality of mens persons and places in whatsoever estate , Naturall , Civill , or Ecclesiasticall , and with whatsoever relation to us , bee duely acknowledged and respected ; for it requireth the performance of all such duties , as one man oweth unto another , by some particular bond , in regard of speciall callings and differences , which God hath made between speciall persons . What be these speciall persons ? Either in Equalls , or Superiours and Inferiours ; for this Commandement enjoyneth all due carriage of Inferiours to their Superiours ; and by consequent also of Superiours to their Inferiours ; and likewise by analogy , of equalls among themselves , under the sweet relation betwixt Parents and Children , or betwixt brethren of the same family , and the generall duty of honour . What are Equalls ? They be equall in gifts , either of Nature or Industrie , as brethren in a family , Citizens in a Common-wealth , Pastors in a Church , &c. What is required of Equalls ? That they live equally amongst themselves , loving one another , and affording due respect to each other , Rom. 12. 10. that they live together sociably and comfortably , preferring each other before themselves , and striving to goe one before another in giving honour , 1 Pet. 2. 17. & 5. 5. Eph. 5. 21. Phil. 2. 3. that they be faithfull one to another . What is here forbidden ? Want of Love , Incivility , Strife , and Vaine-glory ; whereby they seek to advance themselves one above another , and to exalt themselves above their fellowes , Phil. 2. 3. Matth. 23. 6. What are Superiours ? They be such as by Gods ordinances have any preeminency , preferment , or excellencie above others , and are here termed by the name of Parents , 2 Kings 2. 12. & 5. 13. & 6. 21. & 13. 14. 1 Cor. 4. 15. Col. 3. 22. to whom the first and principall duties required in this Commandement doe appertaine , Eph. 6. 1 , 2. Why are all Superiours here called by the name of Parents ? 1. For that the name Parents being a most sweet and loving name , men might thereby be allured the rather to the duties they owe , whether they be duties that are to bee performed to them , or which they should performe to their inferiors . 2. For that at the first and in the beginning of the world , Parents were also Magistrates , Pastors , Schoole-masters , &c. How doth this agree with the Commandement of Christ , Mat. 23. 7 , 8 , 9. that we should call no man Father or Master upon earth ? Very well ; for there our Saviour meaneth onely to restraine the ambitious Titles of the Pharisees in those dayes , who desired not onely so to be called ; but that men should rest in their authority alone for matters concerning the soule . Who are Inferiours ; comprehended here under the name of Children ? Such as ( by the Ordinance of God ) are any way under Superiours , who are principally and in the first place , to performe the duties required in this Commandement . Why is the Commandement conceived in the name of Inferiours ? Because their duties are hardest obeyed in all estates . What is here contained under the name of Honour ? Not onely Cap and Knee , but every particular duty , according to their particular estates , Mal. 1. 6. Why are these duties comprehended under the word Honour ? Because it adds an ornament and dignity unto them . What is the Honour that Inferiours owe to all Superiours in generall ? 1. Reverence in heart , word , and behaviour , Lev. 19. 3. Eph. 6. 1. 5. For the reverence of the mind is to be declared by some civill behaviour , or outward submission ; as of rising before them , and of giving them the honour of speaking first , &c. Lev. 19. 32. Iob 29. 8. & 32. 6 , 7. 2. Obedience to their counsells . 3. Prayer to God for them , with giving thanks , 1 Timothy 2. 1 , 2. 4. Imitation of their Vertues and Graces , 2 Timothy 1. 5. & 4. 9. & 8. 9. What contrary sinnes are here forbidden ? 1. Want of Reverence , inward , or outward . 2. Despising of Superiours , Iude v. 8 , 9 , 10. Prov. 30. 11. 3. Neglect of Prayer and other duties . What is the duty of all Superiours towards their Inferiours ? That they answerably afford unto them love , blessing according to the power they receive from God , Heb. 7. 7. & 11. 20. Gen. 9. 25 , 26 , 27. good example for their imitation , Titus 2. 7. and that they so carry themselves , as that they may be worthy of the honour that is given them , Eph. 6. 4. 9. What are the contrary vices ? Want of love , failing in Prayer , and in giving good example , dishonouring their places by unseemly and indiscreet carriage , Tit. 2. 15. 1 Sam. 2. 23. How many sorts of Superiours are there ? Two : Without Authority ; and with Authority . Who are Superiours without Authority ? Such as God hath by age onely , or by some supereminent gifts lifted above others ; whether they be of the body , as strength and beauty ; or of the minde , as wit and learning ; ( which are most to bee honoured ) or of outward state and wealth , 1 Sam. 25. 8. and Nobility ; in which respect , although brethren be equall , yet by age the elder is superiour to the younger ; and the man , in regard of Sex , is above the woman ; and he that is skilfull , before him that hath no skill . Who are inferiour to such ? They who are younger and of meaner gifts , whether of nature , or of grace , or of such as are gotten by exercise . What is our duty towards such Superiours ? To acknowledge the things wherein God hath preferred them before us ; and to respect and regard them , according to their graces and gifts . What is the duty of them that are Superiours in years ? They are by grave , wise , and godly carriage of themselves , to procure reverence unto themselves ; on the one side , avoiding lightnesse and variablenesse ; on the other , too much severenesse and austerity . What are the duties to be performed towards Aged persons ? To rise up before the hoary head , and honour the person of the aged , Lev. 19. 32. to give them the way , &c. in regard their age is honourable ; yet men that have a place of pre-eminency given them of the Lord , may keep their places . What is the contrary sin forbidden ? Despising , or disregarding of the Aged . What is the duty of such as are Superiours in knowledge , and other graces ? To use their skill , and other graces so , as others may be benefited by them , 1 Pet. 4. 10. What is our duty towards them ? To give them the due approbation ; to wait for their words , and give eare unto their speeches , Job 32. 11. 16. as being wiser then our selves ; to profit by their gifts , and to make our benefit of their good graces , so far as our calling will suffer . What is the contrary sin ? Not acknowledging , nor reverencing , nor imitating the graces of their Superiors . Who are the Superiors with Authority ? Such as by speciall Office , and Calling , have charge over others . What are the Inferiors ? Such as be committed unto their charge . What generall duty is there between the Superiors and Inferiors of this sort . To pray more especially one for another , 1 Tim. 2. 1. Psal. 20. Psal. 21. Gen. 24. 12. Psal. 3. 8. and 25. 22. & 28. 0. What is required of the Inferiors ? Besides thankfulnesse , fidelity , Tit. 2. 10. there is specially required subjection and obedience , Rom. 13. 1. What is Subjection ? An humble and a ready mind to submit our selves to their Government , who are set over them , in acknowledging the necessity of their power in governing them , Rom. 13. 1. Tit. 3. 1. 1 Tim. 6. 1. What is Obedience ? A voluntary and hearty doing of that which the Superiors command , Eph. 6. 1. 5 , 6 , 7. Col. 3. 20. Heb. 13. 7. or patient suffering , that they shall inflict upon them ; albeit it should be either without just cause , or somewhat more excessively then the cause requireth , Heb. 12. 9 , 10. 1 Pet. 2. 19 , 20. Is there no restraint of this obedience ? None , saving that which we owe unto God ; in regard whereof , our obedience to them must be in the Lord ; that is , only in lawfull things ; otherwise we are in reverence to refuse and alleadge our duty unto God for a warrant . Rom. 1. 30. Eph. 5. 24. & 6. 1. 1 Sam 22. 17. Judg. 8. 6. & 8 , 9. What contrary sinnes are here condemned ? Disobedience , and neglect of humble submission to our Superiours commandements and corrections , Rom. 1. 30. Iudg. 8. 6. 8 , 9. What is the duty of Superiours in Authority towards their Inferiours ? To protect and support such as are committed unto them , Epes . 5. 23. Rom. 13. 4. To provide good things for the body and the soule , Matth. 7. 9 , 10. To command things that are good and profitable for the Inferiours , governing them prudently , and after an holy manner , not as Tyrants , but as those that have a Governour above them , to whom they shall give an account , Ephes. 6. 9. and as those who rule over such as have a title unto , and shall be partakers of the same glory which themselves look for , 1 Pet. 3. 7. In what things doth this government consist ? In two : Direction , and recompence of Reward . Wherein consisteth Direction ? In Word and in Deed. VVhat must be done by word ? They must instruct and command them in the things which pertain to God , and to their speciall callings , Eph. 6. 4. Gen. 18 , 19. Must every Superiour in authority bee carefull for the instruction of those that be under him in the things of God ? Yes verily : and herein God hath declared his singular care of the everlasting good of men , who hath therefore commended the care of Religion to so many , to the end they might be so much the more assuredly kept in the feare of God. VVhat is direction by Deed ? Good example ; whereby in their life , conversation , and experience , they are to goe before their Inferiours , that thereby they may be provoked to follow them . VVhat is Recompence ? It is either a cheerefull reward for well-doing , or a just chastisement for evill ; both which should bee answerable in proportion to the deed done . VVhat is the sinne contrary hereunto ? Abuse of this Authority , through too much lenity , 1 Sam. 2. 23. or severity , Eph. 6. 4. 9. How many kinds of Superiours are there with Authority ? Two : private and publick ; and consequently , so many inferiors . Who are private Superiors and Inferiors ? They are either in the Family , or in the Schooles . What is the duty of Superiors in the Family ? 1. To provide for the Houshold , the things belonging to their soule , by a familiar chatechising , and examination , and to goe before them in prayer accordingly ; the Housholder being therein to be the mouth of his Family . 2. To provide the necessaries belonging to this present life ; as food and raiment , both sufficient and agreeable to every ones place , and estate , Gen. 18. 6 , 7 , 8. Prov. 27. 23 , 24 , 25. & 31. 15. 1 Tim. 5. 8. with convenient government . What is the duty of Inferiors in a Family ? To submit themselves to the order of the House , and according to their places and gifts , to performe that which is commanded by the Governors thereof , for the good of the Houshold , Gen. 39. 2 , 3 , 4. What are the differences of Superiors and Inferiors in a Family ? They are either naturall , as Husband and Wife , Parents and children ; or otherwise , as Masters and servants . What are the common duties of the Husband and Wife one towards another ? Mutuall and conjugall love one towards another ; yet so , as the Word presseth love at the Husbands hands , more then at the Wives , because men are commonly more short of that duty , Eph. 5. 25. Wherein must this Conjugall Love be declared ? 1. By mutuall help , Gen. 2. 18. 2. By due benevolence , 1 Cor. 7. 3. except by consent for a time , that they may give themselves to Fasting and Prayer , 1 Cor. 7. 5. 2 Sam. 11. 11. What are the sins common to the Husband and the Wife ? 1. Want of Love. 2. Bewraying one anothers infirmities . 3. Discovering each others secrets . 4. Iealousie . 5. Contention . What is the duty of the Husband towards his VVife ? 1. In an entire love unto her , to cherish her , as he would cherish his owne flesh , and as Christ doth his Church , Eph. 5. 2. To provide for her that which is meet and comely , during his life ; and then also , that she may be provided for after his death , if it so fall out . 3. To protect her , and defend her from all evill . 4. To dwell with her , as one of knowledge , 1 Pet. 3. 7. 5. To give honour to her , as the weaker vessell , ibid. that is , to beare with her infirmities . 6. To governe and direct her . What be the speciall sins of the Husband ? 1. Not to dwell with his Wife . 2 Neglect of edifying her by instruction and example . 3 Denying her comfortable maintenance , and imployment . What is the duty of the VVife to the Husband ? 1 Subjection in a gentle and moderate kinde , and manner , Eph. 5. 22. For albeit it bee made heavier then it was from the beginning , through their transgressions , yet that yoake is easier then any other domesticall subjection . 2 Obedience , wherein Wives are oft short , as Husbands in love , Eph. 5. 33. 1 Pet. 3. 1. 6. 3 She must represent ( in all godly and commendable matters ) his Image in her behaviour , that in her a man may see the wisedome and uprightnesse of her husband , 1 Cor. 11. 7. 4 She must bee an helper unto him , Gen. 2. 18. as otherwise , so by saving that which he bringeth in , Prov. 31. 11 , 12. 1 Tim. 3. 11. Finally , she must recompence her husbands care over her , in providing things necessary for his houshold , and doe good for her husband all the dayes of her life , Prov. 31. 12. that so he may bee unto her , as it were a vaile and covering before her eyes , Gen. 20. 16. VVhat be the sinnes of the VVife , in respect of her Husband ? 1 Failing in reverence , which appeareth in froward lookes , speeches or behaviour . 2 Disobedience in the smallest matters . 3 Disregard of her husbands profit . VVhat duties come in the next place to be considered ? Those of naturall Parents , who are specially mentioned in this Commandement : whereunto also , are to bee reduced , all in the right line ascended , and their Collateralls , as also Fathers in law , and Mothers in law . VVhat are the duties of naturall Parents towards their Children ? They are either common to both Parents , or particular to either of them . VVhat are the common duties of both Parents ? They doe either respect the things of this life , or of that which is to come . VVhat care are they to have of the Soules of their Children , to fit them for the life to come ? 1 To make them Members of the visible Church by Baptisme . 2 They are to Catechise and instruct them in religion , as they are able to receive it , and to bring them up in Nurture , and the feare of God , Ephes. 6. 4. 3 They are to pray to God for to blesse them , and guide them in his feare . What is required of them for the things of this life ? 1 To marke the wits and inclinations of their Children , and as farre as their owne ability will reach , to apply them accordingly in due time , to some good honest and godly calling , that so being trained up in such a trade , as they are fittest for , they may not afterwards live idly without any calling , Gen. 4. 2. Prov. 20. 11. 22. 6. 2 To provide for them a godly marriage ( if it please God ) in time convenient , 1 Corinthians 7. 36. 3. Not onely to maintaine them during their abiding in their house , but also to lay up and provide somewhat for them , that they may live honestly afterwards : and therefore are they to distribute their goods among their children ; and what they have received from their Ancestors , to leave the same ( where it may be done lawfully ) to their posterity , 2 Cor. 12. 14. 2 Chro. 12. 3. Prov. 19. 14. What speciall regard is here to be had by Parents to the eldest Son ? That sith God hath honoured him with that dignity , as to be their strength , Gen. 49. 3 , 4. he should also bee honoured by them ( at the least ) with a double portion , Deut. 21. 17. as by the rest of the brethren with honour , yet so as hee fall not from his honour by some horrible sinne , Gen. 49. 4. What be the common sinnes of Parents ? 1. Negligence in not instructing their children betimes . 2. Not correcting them till it be too late , or doing it with bitternesse , without compassion , instruction , and prayer . 3. Giving them ill example . 4. Neglect in bringing them up in some lawfull calling . 5. Not bestowing them timely and religiously in marriage . 6. Light behaviour towards them , and too much familiarity with them , whereby they become vile in their eyes . 7. Loving beauty , or any outward parts , more then Gods Image in them . What is required of the Father in particular ? To give the name unto the childe , Gen. 35. 18. Luke 1. 62 , 63. For notwithstanding the mothers have sometimes given the names , yet that hath been by the Fathers permission . What speciall duty is laid upon the Mother ? To nurse the childe , if she be able , Gen. 21. 7. 1 Sam. 1. 23. Lam. 4. 3 , 4. 1 Thes. 2. 7 , 8. 1 Tim. 2. 15. & 5. 10. So much of the duty of Parents to their children : VVhat is the duty of Children towards their Parents ? It is either generall , or speciall , viz. in the case of marriage . What are the generall duties ? 1. To reverence them , and to performe carefull obedience to them in all things that they command ; by the example of our Saviour , who was subject to his Parents , Luke 2. 51. 2. To pray for them . 3. To carry themselves , while they are under their Parents tuition , and after they are parted from them , as they may cause their Parents ( in their good bringing up ) to bee commended , Prov. 10. 1. & 17. 25. & 31. 28. 4. To be an ayde unto them as well as they be able , and to helpe them with their bodies when they are in distresse , Ruth , Chap. 1. ver . 16. 17 , 18. 5. To repay their Parents care over them , by being ready to relieve them , if they stand in need of reliefe , and want any thing wherewith God hath blessed them , 1 Tim. 5. 4. Gen. 45. 11. & 47. 12. What be the contrary sinnes of Children , in respect of their Parents ? 1. Disobedience . 2. Murmuring at their Parents chastisements . 3. Contemning them for any default of body or minde . 4. Vnthankfulnesse , in not relieving them , not standing for their deserved credit , &c. What is the speciall duty of Children to their Parents in case of marriage . That they ought not so much as attempt to bestow themselves in marriage without their Parents direction , and consent , especially daughters , Gen. 24. & 21. 21. & 27. 46. & 28. 9. Iudges 14. 2. 1 Cor. 7. 36 , 37 , 38. What reason have you to perswade children to this duty ? That seeing their Parents have taken such great paines and travell in bringing them up , they should reap some fruits of their labours in bestowing of them . Besides , they should give them this honour to esteeme them better able , and more wise to provide for their comfortable marriage then themselves are . Is this duty required onely of Children to their naturall Parents that begat them ? No ; It is also in some degree required of children to their Vncles and Ants , or to any other under whom they are , and that bee in stead of Parents unto them , when their Parents are dead , Esther 2. 10. 20. Ruth 2. 18. 23. What is the duty of Masters towards their servants ? 1. To deale honestly and justly with them , leaving off threatning , remembring they have a Master in heaven , Col. 4. 1. Eph. 6. 9. 2. To have a care to instruct and catechise them , and to teach them the feare of the Lord. 3. To teach them their Trades and Occupations , that they may bee bettered for being in their family . 4. To allow them fit wages for which they have covenanted with them , that they may live honestly ; for the labourer must have his hire . 5. To reward them plentifully , and to recompence their service when they part from them , according as the Lord hath blessed them by their labour , Deut. 15. 13 , 14. & 24. 14 , 15. VVhat are the sinnes of Masters ? 1. Vnadvised entertainment of sinfull servants . 2. Negligence in not instructing them , in the feare of God , and in some lawfull calling , and not using religious exercises with them . 3. Not admonishing or correcting them , or doing it in an ill manner , grieving more when they faile in their businesse , then when they are slack in Gods service . 4. Giving them ill example , and using light behaviour before them . 5. Detaining their wages from them , and not recompencing their labours by giving them a due reward when they are with them , and when they part from them . 6. Neglect of them in sicknesse , unjust stopping of their wages for that time . 7. Not relieving them ( if they be able ) in their age , who have spent their youth in their service . VVhat is the duty of Servants to their Masters ? 1. To reverence and obey them in all things agreeable to the word . 2. To pray for them that God would guide their hearts . 3. To learne all good things from them . 4. To be faithfull , and not prodigall in spending their goods . 5. With care and faithfulnesse , ( as in the presence of God ) to bestow themselves wholly ( at the times appointed ) in their Masters businesse , doing their worke not onely faithfully , and with a single eye , but also diligently , Gen. 24. 10 , 11 , &c Eph. 6. 5 , 6 , 7. VVhat are the sinnes of Servants in respect of their Governours ? 1. Contempt , and Disobedience . 2. Murmuring at their corrections , though unjust . 3. Idlenesse in their Calling . 4. Vnthriftinesse , and unfaithfulnesse in dealing with their Masters goods and affaires . 5. Stealing and privy defrauding of them . 6. Eye-service , Eph. 6. 6. VVho are Superiours and Inferiours in the Schooles ? Tutors and Schoole-Masters are the Superiours ; Pupills and Scholars the Inferiours ; whose duties are to bee gathered by proportion out of those of Fathers and Children , Masters and Servants in the Family . Hitherto of Superiours and Inferiours , which are more private : who are the publick ? Such as governe , and are governed in the Church and Common-wealth . VVhat is the duty of such Superiours ? To procure the common good of those , of whom they have received the charge ; forgetting ( to that end ) themselves , and their owne private good , so oft as need shall require , Exod. 18. 13. 2 Sam. 24. 17. Matth. 11. 2. 1 Thes. 2. 7 , 8 , 11. VVhat is the duty of Inferiours to their publick Superiours ? To minister charges , and other things necessary for the execution of their offices , and to their power to defend them in the same , Rom. 13. 6 , 7. Gal. 6. 6. 1 Tim. 5. 17 , 18. 1 Cor. 9. 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 9 , 11 , 13. How many sorts be there of publick Superiours ? Two ; Ecclesiasticall , and Civill : the former whereof are ( as it were ) Divine , the other are called Humane Creatures , 2 Kings 2. 3. 1 Tim. 2. 2. 1 Pet. 2. 13 , 14. VVhy doe you call the Ministers of the Church Divine Creatures ? Because they are precisely in their kindes , number , and orders , set down in the word of God. VVhy call you the other Humane Creatures ? Because , notwithstanding they are appionted of God , and such as without them neither Church nor Common-wealth can stand ; yet are not their kindes , and number , and Order so appointed of God , but that men may make more or fewer , of greater authority or lesse , according as the occasion of places , times , or the disposition of peoples , doe require . Who are the Superiors in the Church ? All Ecclesiasticall Governours , and the Ministers of the Word especially , 1 Tim. 5. 17. Who are under the Government ? All Christians and Professors of Religion . What is the Ministers duty to the people ? 1 To be faithfull and painefull in dispensing to them the will of God , ( and not their owne fancies , or the inventions of men ) instructing them sincerely in the way of salvation , and breaking unto them the daily bread of life , 2 Tim. 4. 1 , 2. Acts 20. 26. 2 To comfort and strengthen the weake . 3 To be an example unto all , in life and conversation . What be the sins of Ministers ? 1 Slacknesse in Preaching . 2 Vnprofitable or hurtfull teaching . 3 Giving ill example . What is the duty of the people to their Ministers ? 1 To heare them willingly , Mat. 10. 14. 2 To submit themselves to all that they shall plainely and directly teach them out of the Word of God. Heb. 13. 7. 17. 3 Frankely and freely to make provision for them , that there bee no want , Gal. 6. 6. 1 Tim. 5. 17 , 18. 1 Cor. 9. 4 , 5. &c. What be the sins of the people , in regard of their Ministers ? 1 Disobeying and opposing against their Doctrine . 2 Denying them competent maintenance . 3 Not standing for them when they are wronged . Who are Superiors in the Commonwealth ? All Civill Magistrates , whether they be Supreame , as Emperors and Kings , or inferior Governours under them , 1 Pet. 2. 13 , 15. whereunto are to be referred the Generall in the Field , and Captaines in Warre , as also in Courts , Advocates are Fathers to their Clients . Who are under the Government of the Civill Magistrates ? All persons and Subjects in the Realme , City or State , where they are Governours , Rom. 13. 1. What are the duties of Kings and inferiour Magistrates in the Common-wealth ? They are twofold ; First , in respect of Gods matters ; Secondly , in regard of civill affaires , 1 Tim. 2. 12. The former whereof regardeth the good of the soules , the latter , of the bodies of their Subjects . VVhat is the Civill Magistrate to doe in Gods matters , and for the Soules of the Subjects ? 1 He should pray for them that God would make their hearts obedient unto him . 2 He should see that God be honoured in his Dominions , that abuses in Religion be reformed , and the truth promoted and maintained , after the example of David , Solomon , Hezekiah , Iosias , and other good Kings , 2 Cro. 14. 3 , 4. & 15. 12 , 15. & 17. 6 , 9. 3. He should plant the sincere preaching of the Word among his subjects ; that so they may be more obedient unto him : And take care that the good things already taught and established , may be done as God hath appointed . He is not to make new Lawes of his owne for Religion ; but to see those Ordinances of Religion which are grounded upon the Word of God , duely established and preached , that so God may be truly served and glorified ; and the Church within his Realmes , and under his government , may under him leade a quiet and peaceable life , in all goodlinesse and honesty , 1 Tim. 2. 2. For he who neglecteth this duty unto God , shall never performe his duty to man , how politick soever he seeme to be . VVhat is the Magistrate especially to performe , in respect of civill affairs ? 1. He must looke to the peace of the Common-wealth , over which he is set , 1 Tim. 2. 2. defending his subjects from their enemies , and preserving their lives in war and peace , and suppressing murderers , robbers , and all outragious persons . 2. He must not only maintaine peace , but also honesty ; that by him we may not only lead a peaceable life , but also an honest , 1 Tim. 2. 2. where specially he is to provide , that all uncleannesse be removed . 3. He must see that justice be duely executed , Psal. 72. 2 , 4. and that the Ministers thereof give judgement speedily in matters belonging to their judgement . 4. He must take order , that every man may enjoy his owne , Psal. 72. 4. 5. He must cherish the good , and discountenance the bad , and take order that Malefactors may be punished , and well doers may be encouraged , Psal. 72. 4 , 7. Rom. 13. 3 , 4. VVhat is the sin of Magistrates ? Carelesnesse in performing those former duties . VVhat is the duty of Subjects to their Magistrates ? 1. To pray for them , that God would rule their hearts by his holy Spirit , that under them we may lead a quiet and peaceable life in all godlinesse and honesty , 1 Tim. 2. 1 , 2. 2. To help them with our goods , paying willingly , customes , taxe , and tribute , due to them , Mat. 22. 17 , 21. Rom. 13. 6 , 7. which condemneth the popish Clergy , that detract this Tribute . 3. To adventure our lives for them in war and peace , 2 Sam. 21. 16 , 17. and 23. 15 , 16. 4. When they doe us wrong not to rebell , but endure it patiently ; for it is better to suffer for well doing then for evill . 5. To be obedient and dutifull unto them , and to obey their Lawes in the Lord. Doe their Lawes binde the Conscience ? As far as they are agreeable with the Lawes of God , the doe ; but otherwise they doe not : for there is but one Law-giver , who is able to save , and to destroy , Jam 4. 12. VVhat learne you out of the former ? That Drunkards , Theeves , Murderers , &c. breake both this Commandement , and that other under which those sins are principally contained . VVhat out of the latter ? That the Papists are to be condemned , who hold that the Popes Lawes doe binde the conscience . What be the sinnes of Subjects ? 1. Disobedience , and Rebellion . Refusing and repining to pay dues . Hitherto of the duties of Superiours , Inferiours , and Equalls : Shew now what are the helpes of the obedience of this Commandement . They are either common to all , or proper to Inferiours and Superiours . What is common to all ? There must be endeavour to nourish and increase a naturall Affection , Rom. 12. 10. Humility , Rom. 12. 16. and Wisedome to discerne what is good and fitting for our owne and others places , Rom. 13. 7. What is proper to the Inferiours ? Hee must see God in the place and authority of his superiours , Rom. 13. 1. setting before his eyes the dreadfull threatnings , and example of Gods vengeance on the seditious and disobedient , Eccles. 10. 8. What is proper to the Superiours ? He must be the same to his Inferiours that he would have Christ to be unto himselfe , Eph. 6. 9. remembring the tragicall ends of Tyrants and Vsurpers . What hindrances of these duties are to be avoyded ? 1. Selfe-love , which maketh men unfit , either to rule , or to obey ; 1 Tim. 3. 2 , 3 , 4. 2. Partiall inquiry into the the duties of others towards us , joyned for the most part with the neglect of our owne , Eccles. 7. 23 , 24. 3. The furie of the Anabaptists . 4. The company of seditious persons , and despisers of government . Prov. 24. 21 , 22. What is the reason annexed to this Commandement ? That thy dayes may be prolonged , and that it may goe well with thee in the Land which the Lord thy God giveth thee , Deut. 5. I6 . What is taught in this reason ? That God moveth the hearts of Superiours , to promote the good estate of Inferiours ; for so also doe the words sound , Exodus 20. 12. that they may prolong thy dayes : besides the providence of God to the obedient , which is farre above all experience of mens provision . What is the summe of this promise ? The blessing of long life and prosperity to such as by keeping this Commandement shall shew that they regard the Image and Ordinance of God , Eph. 6. 1 , 2 , 3. Rom. 13. 1 , 2. Have not the other Commandements this promise ? No , not expressely ; which sheweth that a more plentifull blessing in this kind followeth from the obedience of this Commandement then of the other that follow . Hence it is called by the Apostle , the first Commandement with promise ; Eph. 6. 2 , 3. it being the first in order of the second Table , and the only Commandment of that Table , that hath an expresse promise , and the only Commandement of the Ten , that hath a particular promise . But how is this promise truly performed , seeing some wicked men live long , and the godly are taken away in the midst of their time ? 1. The Lord performeth all temporall promises , so far forth as it is good for us ; and therefore , the godly are sure to live so long as it shall serve for Gods glory , and for their owne good ; but the wicked live to their further condemnation , Isa. 56. 20. 2. It is enough , that the promises of this life be performed for the most part . 3. What loseth the obedient childe ? what injury is done unto him , who being taken out of this life , is recompenced with a better ? or what breach of promise is in him that promiseth silver , and payeth with gold , and that in greater weight and quantity ? As for the wicked , they gaine nothing by their long life , receiving by meanes thereof , hereafter , judgement in hell . Doth not the Lord oftentimes revenge the breach of his Commandement , even in this life ? Yes : 1. Vpon the Parents , who have been ungracious themselves , in giving unto them ungracious and disobedient children . 2. Vpon the Children themselves , who are sometimes immediately stricken from Heaven , and sometimes punished by the Law of the Magistrate . So much of the fifth Commandement , concerning all speciall duties to speciall persons : What are the generall duties in the Commandements following , which come at least to consent ? They are either such as concerne the person it selfe of our Neighbour in the sixth , or such as concerne the things that belong to his person : as his chastity in the seventh , his goods in the eighth , and his good name in the ninth Commandement . What are the words of the sixth Commandement ? Thou shalt not murder , Exod. 20. 13. What is the summe and meaning of this Commandement ? That the life and person of man ( as being the Image of God ) be by man not impeached , but preserved , Gen. 9. 5. And therefore , that we are not to hurt our owne persons , or the person of our Neighbour , but to procure the safety thereof , and to doe those things that lye in us , for the preservation of his , and our life and health , 1 Tim. 5. 23. What is forbidden in this Commandement ? All kind of evill , tending to the impeachment of the safety , and health of mans person , with every hurt done , threatned , or intended , to the soule or body , either of our selves , or of our Neighbours . What is required in this Commandement ? All kind of good , tending to the preservation of the welfare of mans person ; that we love and cherish both the soule and body of our Neighbour , as we would and ought to doe our owne , Heb. 3. 13. Jam. 1. 27. Phil. 2. 12. Eph. 5. 29. For some of the duties here enjoyned , concerne our own person , some the person of our neighbour . What be those duties that doe concerne our owne persons ? They are either such as ought to be performed by us in our owne life time , or when we are ready to depart out of this world . What are the duties we are to performe towards our owne selves in our life time ? They respect either the welfare of our soules , or of our bodies . What are the duties that respect the welfare of our soules ? 1. To use the meanes of grace , 1 Pet. 2. 2. 2. Diligence to finish our salvation , Phil. 2. 12. and to make our election sure by the fruits of faith , 2 Pet. 1. 10. 3. To reject evill , and approve that which is good , Psal. 1. 11. Prov. 1. 10. 15. 4. To imitate the example of good men , and not to take scandals given by others . 5. To follow our vocation diligently . What be the contrary vices forbidden ? Cruelty to our owne soules ; by , 1. Rejecting the food of spirituall life , by not hearing , Prov. 28. 9. or not obeying the Word , Jam. 1. 22. 2. Corrupting , or perverting it by itching eares , 2 Tim. 4. 3. or unstable minds , 2 Pet. 3. 16. 3. Want of knowledge , Prov. 4. 13. & 8. 35 , 36. Hos. 4. 6. especially when people have had the ordinary meanes appointed of God for obtaining the same , either of their owne , or of others , which they might have been partakers of . 4. Sin , especially grosse sins , Prov. 6. 32. and 8. 36. and obstinacy in sinning , Rom. 2. 5. Tit. 3. 11. 5. Following of evill counsell , and evill examples , and taking of scandals . 6. Neglecting of our vocation . What be the things that respect the welfare of our bodies ? 1. Sober and wholsome diet , 1 Tim. 5. 23. 2. Help of Physicke , when need is : so that it be after we have first sought unto God , 2 Chron. 16. 12. 3. Vsing honest recreation , whereby health may be maintained , Judg. 14. 12. 4. Preventing unnecessary dangers . 5. Giving place to the fury of another , as Jacob did to Esau , by his mothers counsell , Gen. 27. 43 , 44. What be the contrary sins forbidden ? 1. Immoderate worldly sorrow , as the Apostle saith , worketh death , 2 Cor. 7. 10. 2. Malice and envy , which maketh a man a murtherer of himselfe , as well as of his Neighbours ; for ( as the Wise man noteth ) Envy is the rottennesse of the bones , Prov. 14. 30. 3. Neglect either of wholsome diet , or of exercise , and honest recreation , or of physicke , to preserve or recover health : For we must not thinke , that there are no more wayes to kill a mans selfe , but with a knife , &c. 4. Drunkennesse and surfeiting , eating and drinking out of time , Prov. 25. 16. Eccles. 10. 16 , 17. or spending ones selfe by unchaste behaviour , Prov. 5. 11. and 7. 22 , 23. All which are enemies to the health and life of man. 5. Launcing or whipping our flesh , 1 King. 18. 28. Colos. 2. 23. Ephes. 5. 29. as Idolaters use to doe , or otherwise wounding our selves . 6. Capitall crimes , 1 King. 2. 23. 7. Vnnecessary dangers . 8. Not giving place to the fury of another . 9. Refusing the meanes of life . 10. Self-murther , 1 Sam. 31. 4. 2 Sam. 17. 23. Mat. 27. 5. Acts 16. 27 , 28. What are we to doe at the time of our departure out of this life ? 1. With willingnesse we must receive the sentence of death , when God shall utter it , 2 Cor. 1. 9. 2. We must then resigne our charge in Church and Common-wealth , or Family , into the hands of faithfull men , Numb . 27. 16. 2 Chron. 28. 1 , &c. 3. We must resigne our soules to God in Christ , Psal. 31. 5. with confidence of his love , though he kill us , Job 13. 15. of the remission of our sins , and our resurrection unto immortality , Job 19. 25. &c. 2 We must leave our body to the earth , as a pledge , in time to be resumed , giving order for the comely and Christian buriall thereof , Gen. 49. 29. 1 King. 13. 31. Hitherto of the duties that concerne our owne persons : What are they that doe respect our Neighbour ? They likewise are to be performed unto him , either while he is alive , or after his death . What are the duties belonging to our Neighbour while he liveth ? They are partly inward , partly outward . What are the inward ? To love our neighbours as our selves , to thinke well of him , to be charitably affected towards him , and to study to doe him good , in respect that we are all the creatures of one God , and the naturall children of Adam ; for which end we are to cherish all good affections in our hearts : What be those good affections here required ? 1. Humility and kindnesse , proceeding from a loving heart to man , as he is man , Rom. 12. 10. Eph. 4. 32. 2. A contentment to see our brother passe and exceed us in any outward or inward gifts or graces , with giving of thanks to God for endowing him with such gifts . 3. Compassion and fellow-feeling of his good and evill , Rom. 12. 15 , 16. Heb. 13. 3. 4. Humility . 5. Meeknesse . 6. Patience , long-suffering and slownesse to anger , Eph. 4. 26. 1 Thes. 5. 14. 7. Easinesse to be reconciled , and to forget wrong done unto us , Eph. 4. 32. 8. A peaceable minde , carefull to preserve and make peace , Rom. 12. 18. 1 Thes. 5. 13. Matth. 5. 9. What is required for preservation of peace ? 1. Care of avoyding offences . 2. Construing things in the best sense , 1 Cor. 13. 7. 3. Parting sometime with our owne right , Gen. 13. 8 , 9. 4. Passing by offences , and patiently suffering of injuries lest they break out into greater mischiefe . What are the inward vices here condemned ? The consenting in heart to doe our neighbour harme , with all passions of the minde , which are contrary to the love we owe to him . What be those evill passions ? 1. Anger , either rash , or without cause ; or passing measure , when the cause is just , Matth. 5. 21. 22. Eph. 4. 26. 31. 2. Hatred and malice , which is a murther in the minde , 1 Ioh. 3. 15. 3. Envy , whereby one hateth his brother , as Cain the murtherer did , for some good that is in him , Iames 3. 14. Prov. 14. 30. 1 Iohn 3. 12. 4. Grudging and repining against our brother , which is a branch of envy , 1 Tim. 2. 8. 5. Vnmercifulnesse and want of compassion , Rom. 1. 31. Amos 6. 6. 6. Desire of revenge , Rom. 12. 19. 7. Crueltie , Psal. 5. 6. Gen. 49. 5. 7. 8. Pride , which is the mother of all contention , Prov. 13. 10. 9. Vncharitable suspitions , 1 Cor. 13. 5. 7. 1 Sam. 1. 13 , 14. yet godly jealousie over another is good , if it be for a good cause . 10. Frowardnesse , and uneasinesse to be intreated , Rom. 1. 31. What use are we to make of this ? That we should kill such affections at the first rising , and pray to God against them . So much of the inward : what of the outward ? They respect the soule principally , or the whole man , and the body more specially . What duties are required of us for preservation of the soules of our neighbours ? 1. The ministring of the food of spirituall life , Esa. 62. 6. 1 Pet. 5. 2. Acts 20. 28. 2. Giving good counsell , and encouraging unto well-doing , Hebr. 10. 24 , 25. 3. Walking without offence : which the Magistrate ought to be carefull of in the Common-wealth , the Minister in his Church , and every one in his calling ; for the rule of the Apostle reacheth to all , Give no offence neither to the Iewes , nor to the Gentiles , nor to the Church of God , 1 Cor. 10. 32. 4. Giving good example , and thereby provoking one another to love good works , Matth. 5. 16. 2 Cor. 9. 2. Heb. 10. 24. 5. Reproving our brothers sinnes by seasonable admonition , Lev. 19. 17. 1 Thes. 5. 14. Psal. 141. 5. 6. Comforting the feeble minde , and supporting the weak , 1 Thes. 4. 18. & 5. 14. What are the contrary vices here condemned ? 1. When the food of spirituall life is with-holden , Prov. 29. 18. Amos 7. 13. which charge specially lyeth upon such Ministers as are ignorant shepheards , and cannot , or idle , and will not feed the flocke committed to their charge , or for the most part neglect their own , and busie themselves elswhere , without any necessary and lawfull calling , Ezek. 3. 18. & 13. 19. Jer. 48. 10. Isa. 56. 10. Acts 20. 26 , 27 , 28. 2. When the Word is corrupted by erroneous , or vaine and curious expositions , 1 Tim. 1. 4. 3. When Magistrates procure not so much as in them lieth , that the people under their government doe frequent the hearing of the Word read , and preached , and receiving of the Sacraments in appointed times . 4. When men command , or tempt others to things unlawfull , 1 King. 12. 28. 5. When men give offences , either by evill example of life , Prov. 29. 12. or by unseasonable use of Christian liberty , 1 Cor. 8. 10 , 11. 6. When we rebuke not our neighbour when he is in fault , but suffer him to sinne , Lev. 19. 17. 7. When the blind lead the blind , Mat. 15. 14. and those that be seduced seduce others , Mat. 23. 15. 2 Tim. 3. 13. So much of that which concerneth the soule of our neighbour principally : Wherein consisteth that which respecteth his whole person , and his body more specially ? In gesture , words and deeds . What is required in our gestures ? A friendly countenance , that we looke cheerfully upon our neighbours , and an amiable behaviour , Phil. 4. 8. Jam. 3. 13. What is here forbidden ? All gestures , which declare the scornfulnesse , anger , or hatred of the heart , with all froward and churlish behaviour , 1 Sam. 25. 17. So that here is condemned , 1. A scornefull looke , and any disdainfull signe , expressed by the gestures of the head , nose , tongue , fingers , or any other member of our body ; as nodding the head , putting out the tongue , pointing with the finger , and all manner of deriding of our neighbours , 27. 39. Gen. 21. 9. Compare Gal. 4. 29. 2. A lowring countenance , such as was in Cain , Gen. 4. 5 , 6. snuffing , Psal. 10. 5. frowning , &c. which as sparks come from the fire of wrath and hatred . What doth this teach us ? That we are to looke to our owne countenance , that it bewray not the filthinesse of our hearts : for God hath so adorned the countenance and face of man , that in it may be seen the very affections of the heart , 1 Cor. 11. 7. What is required in our words ? That we salute our neighbour gently , speake kindly , and use courteous amiable speeches ; which according to the Hebrew phrase is called , a speaking to the heart one of another , Eph. 4. 32. Ruth . 2. 13. What are the contrary vices here forbidden ? 1. Evill speaking of a brother , although the matter be not false in it selfe ; when it is not done either to a right end , or in due time , or in a right manner . 2. Disdainfull speaking , when words are contemptuously uttered , whether they carry with them any further signification or no , as to say , Tush , or to call our brother , Raca , Mat. 5. 22 , and such like . 3. Bitter and angry words or speeches , wrathfully uttered by any evill or vile termes , as Foole , and such like , Mat. 5. 22. 4. Mockings for some want of the body , Lev. 19. 14. especially for piety , Gen. 21. 9. 2 Sam. 6. 20. In stead that they ought to be an eye to the blind , and a foot to the lame , Job . 29. 15. yet Gods children may somtimes use mocking in a godly manner , as Elias did to the Priests of Baal , 1 King. 18. 27. 5. Grudges and complaints one of another , Jam. 5. 9. 6. Brawling , threatening , and provoking of others , Tit. 3. 2. 7. Crying , which is an unseemly lifting up of the voice , Eph. 4. 31. 8. Despightfull words , reviling and cursed speakings , Prov. 12. 18. yet men in authority may use such tearmes , as the sinne of those with whom they deale doth deserve . What use are you to make of all this ? That according to the counsell of Saint Paul , we see that no corrupt communication proceed out of our mouth , but that which is good , to the use of edifying , that it may minister grace unto the hearers , Ephes. 4. 29. that our speech be alwayes gracious , seasoned with salt , that we may know how we ought to answer every man , Col. 4. 6. For as flesh in Summer , if it be not poudred with salt , will smell : so will it be with them that have not their hearts seasoned with the word of truth . And thence for want of care , proceed angry , wrathfull and loathsome speeches against our brother , which are in the Scripture compared to Iuniper coales , which burne most fiercely , Psal. 120. 4. or to the pricking of a sword , or a razor , which cutteth most sharply , Prov. 12. 18. Psal. 52. 2. Whereupon the tongue is by Saint James said to be an unruly evill , set on fire of Hell , Jam. 3. 6 , 8. We ought therefore to governe our tongues by the Word of God , and take heed of vile speeches . So much of our Gestures and our Words : what is required in our deeds ? 1. That we doe good to our Neighbours , so far as our power and calling will suffer . 2. That we visit and comfort him in sicknesse and affliction , Mat. 25. 36. Jam. 1. 27. 3. That we give meat , drinke and cloth , to the poore and needy . 4. That we give reliefe to the distressed , and succour to the oppressed , Iob 29. 15 , &c. 5. That we foresee and prevent mischiefs before they come . 6. That we rescue our Neighbour from danger , and defend him with our hands , if we can , if we may . What be the contrary sins forbidden ? 1. Oppression and cruelty , in withdrawing the meanes of life , Iam. 5. 4. as by usury , and by letting out of land , so that men cannot live by it , &c. 2. Not looking unto the sicke , and those that be in distresse . 3. Neglect of Hospitality , especially to the poore , which by the Commandement of God must be provided for . 4. Not preventing mischiefe , and turning away all stroaks from our Neighbours , so much as in us lieth . 5. Extremity and Cruelty in punishing where the correction is excessive , Deut. 25. 3. 2 Cor. 11. 29. or is not inflicted in love of Iustice , Deut. 16. 19 , 20. 6. All angry and despitefull striking , how little soever it be . 7. Fighting , smiting , wounding , or maiming of the body of our brother , or neighbour , Iam. 4. 1. Lev. 24. 19 , 20. 8. The indangering or taking away of his life . How is this done ? Either directly , or indirectly . How indirectly ? 1. When one defendeth himselfe with injury or purpose of revenge , or to hurt his adversary , and not onely to save himselfe , Rom. 12. 21. Exod. 22. 2 , 3. 2. When women with childe , either by mis-diet , or streine by reaching , violent exercise , riding by Coach , or otherwise , and much more by dancing , either hurt the fruit of their wombe , or altogether miscarry . 3. When children begotten in Fornication or Adultery are committed to them to keep , which have no care of them . 4. When those to whom it appertaineth doe not punish the breach of this Commandement , Num. 35 , 31 , 32. Prov. 17. 15. 5. Keeping of harmfull beasts . Exod. 21. 29. 6. All dangerous pastimes . 7. When things are so made , that men may take harme by them , or such care is not had of them that ought to be ; as when the high-wayes and bridges are not mended ; or when staires are so made , that they are like to hurt either children , servants , or others ; when Wells and Ditches ( or any such like dangerous places ) are not covered or fenced , Exodus 21. 33. whereunto belongeth that the Lord commanded the Israelites to have Battlements upon their houses , Deut. 22. 8. How directly ? When a man without a Calling doth actually take away the life of his brother , Gen. 9. 6. otherwise then in case of publick Iustice , Iohn 7. 19. just warre , Deut 20. 12 , 13. or necessary defence , Exod. 22. 2. How many sorts of this direct killing are there ? Three . First , Chance-medly . Secondly , Man-slaughter . Thirdly , Wilfull murther . What is that which we call Chance-medley . When it is simply against our will , and we thinke nothing of it , as he which felleth a tree , and his Axe head falleth and hurteth and killeth a man , Deut : 19 : 4 : 5 : which is the least sinne of the three , and by mans Law deserveth not death , and therefore by the Law of Moses in this case the benefit of Sanctuary was granted , Exod. 21. 13. But how appeareth it to be a sinne at all ? 1. Because by the Law of Moses the party that committeth this ●act was to lose his liberty , untill the death of the high Priest ; to signifie that he could not bee freed from the guilt thereof , but by the death of Iesus Christ , the great high Priest. 2. Because it is a fruit of the sin of our first Parents , who if they had stood in that integrity wherein God created them , such an act as this should never have happened . 3. Because there is some impudency in him that doth it , and want of consideration . What should this teach us ? To take heed of all occasions that may make us guilty of this sin . What doe you account Man-slaughter ? When one killeth another in his owne defence : whereunto also may be added : If one should kill a man at unawares , in hurling stones to no use ; Or if a drunkard in reeling should fell another , whereof he should dye ; for this is different from that which commeth by chance-medley , when a man is imployed in a good and lawfull worke . What thinke you of killing one another , and challenges to the field ? It deserveth death by the law of God and man. What is wilfull Murther ? When a man advisedly , wittingly , and maliciously , doth slay or poyson his Neighbour , which is a sin of a high nature , and at no hand by the Magistrate to be pardoned , because thereby the Land is defiled , Gen. 9. 5 , 6. Hos. 4. 2 , 3. Numb . 35. 31 , 33 , 34. Deut. 21. 2 , 7 , 8 , 9. What reasons are there to set out the detestation of this sin ? 1. If a man deface the Image of a Prince , he is severely punished ; how much more if he deface the Image of God ? Gen. 9. 6. 2. By the law of Moses , if a beast , an unreasonable creature , had killed a man , it should be slaine , and the flesh of it ( though otherwise cleane ) was not to be eaten , Exod. 21. 28. 3. By the same law , if this sin goe unpunished , God will require it at the place where it was committed , and at the Magistrates hands , Numb . 35. 33. Hitherto of the duties of this Commandement , belonging to the person of our Neighbour while he is alive : What are they after his death ? They either concerne himselfe , or those that pertaine to him . What are the duties that concerne himselfe ? 1. Friends and Neighbours should see that his body be honestly buried , and Funerals decently performed , Gen. 23. 4 , 19. & 25. 9. 1 Sam. 25. 1. Psal. 79. 3. Rom. 11. 9. 2. Moderate mourning is to be used for him , Eccles. 12. 7. 1 Thes. 4. 13. 3. We are to report well of him , as he hath deserved . 4. We are to judge the best of him . What is that which concerneth those that belong to him ? To provide for his wife , children and posterity , that he may live in them , Ruth 2. 20. 2 Sam. 9. 7. So much of the respect which we owe unto our Neighbours . Is it not required also , that we should shew mercifulnesse unto our beasts ? Yes : A righteous man is to regard the life of his beast , Prov. 12. 10. and all hard usage of the creatures of God is forbidden , Deut. 22. 6 , 7. and 25. 4. yet not so much in regard of them , 1 Cor. 9. 9 , 10. as that thereby the Lord would traine us forward , to shew mercy to our Neighbour : For it being unlawfull to use the dumbe creatures cruelly , it is much more unlawfull to use men so . What are the breakers of this Commandement to expect ? The Apostle Iames teacheth that , when he saith , Iudgement without mercy shall be upon those that are mercilesse , Iames 2. 13. Of how many sorts are those judgements ? They either concerne this life , or that which is to come . What be those that concerne this life ? 1. Severe punishments , ( by the Law ) are to be inflicted upon the body , as limbe for limbe , eye for eye , hand for hand , tooth for tooth , wound for wound , bloud for bloud , life for life , Exod. 21. 23. Iudg. 1. 5 , 6 , 7. although it were a beast , if it were knowne to be a striker , Exodus 21. 28. 2. Short life , Psal. 55. 23. bloud-thirsty men that live not out halfe their dayes . 3. Magistrates that should punish murtherers ; if they spare them , their lives are in danger to goe for the offender , as Achabs did for Benhadads , 1 Kings 20. 42. David was exceedingly punished for sparing bloud-thirsty men , ( such as was his son Absalom ) and not punishing them , 2 Sam. 13. 28 , 29. & 14. 33. & 16. 11. 4. God threatneth that hee will not onely revenge the bloud of the slaine upon the murtherer himselfe , but also upon his issue , and posterity in unrecoverable diseases , 2 Sam. 3. 29. What is the punishment that concerneth the life to come ? 1. That their prayers are not heard , Esay 1. 15. 1 Tim. 2. 8. 2. Everlasting death both of body and soule in the bottomlesse pit of Hell ; and as the degrees of sinne are , so shall the punishment be . What meanes are we to use for furthering us to the obedience of this Commandement ? It behoveth us to consider , that first , all men are made in the Image of God , Gen. 9. 6. and of one bloud with us , Acts 17. 26. and all Christians in the Image of Christ also , in whom we are all one body , 1 Cor. 12. 17. 2. God hath appointed the Magistrate also to punish proportionably every offender in this kinde , Gen. 9. 6. Lev. 24. 20 , 21. Yea himselfe also extraordinarily bringing murtherers to light and punishment , Gen. 4. 9. Prov. 28. 17. Acts 28. 4. VVhat must we avoyd as hindrances to the obedience of this Commandement ? 1. The false opinion of the world , in placing manhood in revenge aud bloud-shed , Gen. 4. 23 , 24. 2. The company of furious and unmercifull men , Proverbs 22. 24 , 25. 3. Greedy desire of gaine , Prov. 1. 19. Mic. 3. 3. 4. Pride , Prov. 13. 10. 5. Riot and drunkennesse , Prov. 23. 29. Hitherto of the generall duties that belong to the person of man contained in the sixt Commandement : what followeth ? The duties which we owe to man in regard of the things which belong unto him : the first whereof concerneth those that bee most deare unto him ; namely , his family , and his wife especially , who is nearest unto him , and as himselfe , being one flesh with him . In respect whereof , temperance and chastity is required in the next Commandement . What are the words of the seventh Commandement ? Thou shalt not commit Adultery , Exod. 20. 14. What is comprehended under this name of Adultery ? All sins of that sort committed , either in the body , or in the mind of persons , whether married or unmarried , are signified by this name , to signifie the vilenesse of the breach of this Commandement . What then is the meaning and scope of this Commandement ? That all uncleannesse and impurity be avoided , and chastity by all meanes preserved , 2 Cor. 7. 1. 1 Thes. 4. 3 , 4 , 5. What is here forbidden ? All impurity & uncleannes , together with all means and provocations to lust . What is here required ? All purity , honest behaviour , continent and chaste usage towards our selves , and towards our Neighbours , 1 Thes. 2. 3. 1 Cor. 7. 34. What are the speciall breaches of this Commandement ? They are either inward , or outward . What is the inward ? The unchastity and dishonesty of the mind , with all filthy imaginations , and inordinate lusts , Mat. 5. 28. Col. 3. 5. What are the speciall branches of this inward impurity ? 1. The desire of strange flesh , with resolution to have it if he could , Col. 3. 5. 1 Thes. 4. 5. For to lust after a strange woman with consent of heart , is forbidden in this , Mat. 5. 28. as lust without consent is in the last Commandement . Not that the bare affection is of it selfe a sin , being rightly directed to a true and good object ; but the abuse of the affection , the right subject , manner and measure being not observed . 2. Inward boiling and burning in affection , whereby godly motions , as with a fire are burnt up , and a mans mind is so carried away , that he is hindered in all other things belonging to his Calling . This is an high degree of corruption , which if it be not restrained , will breake forth into further mischief , Jam. 1. 15. And therfore we are earnestly to pray to God against it ; & if we can no otherwise prevaile , we must use the remedy of Marriage prescribed by God himselfe : For it is better to marry then to burne , 1 Cor. 7. 9. 3. Evill thoughts and cogitations in the mind arising from foolish and vaine talke , but first and principally from our owne concupiscence , when a man suffers , as it were , his soule to be trampled under foot with impure imaginations , Jam. 1. 14 , 15. 4. Iealousie in the mind betwixt two persons , upon no just occasion , or good ground , which is contrary to that entire love and affection which a man should have towards his wife , Numb . 5. What is the inward vertue here commended ? The virginity and constancy of the mind , and the chastity and purity of the heart , 1 Cor. 7. 34. 1 Thes. 4. 3 , 4. & 5. 23. What is the outward breach of this Commandement ? Such uncleannes , as being once seated in the mind , after sheweth it selfe outwardly . Wherein doth it shew it selfe ? Either in things that belong to the body , or else in the body it selfe . How in those things that belong to the body ? In the abuse either of apparell , or of meat and drinke . How is this Commandement broken in the abuse of apparell , and the ornaments of the body ? 1. By excesse , when it is above our estate or ability , Mat. 11. 8. Isa. 3. 16. 2. By lightnesse , when it is wanton and lascivious ; And hence some apparell is called by the Holy Ghost , whorish , Prov. 7. 10. which is a great occasion of lust and uncleannesse . 3. By immodesty , and wearing of such attire , as doth disfigure the body . 4. New-fanglednesse , when it is not according to the custome of the Country , City , or Towne where we dwell , 2 Sam. 13. 18. 5. When it is otherwise then belongeth to the sexe : As if a man put on womans apparell , or a woman a mans , which is abominable to God , Deut. 22. 5. What are the Reasons hereof ? 1. God would have every sexe here maintained , that the man should not become effeminate , nor the woman mannish . 2. To avoid a most notorious occasion of shamelesse and namelesse sin : For if a man may be inflamed with a wanton Picture painted , much more with a lively Image , and portraiture of the sexe . 3. It is a dishonour for a man to belye his sexe , and to spoile himselfe of the dignity God hath given him , and presumption for a woman to desire the reputation of a better sexe then God hath set her herein . May not women in their apparell submit themselves to please their Husbands ? They must seeke to please them by lawfull meanes ; and therefore by clothing themselves in decent apparell with sobriety , and for their successe to put their trust in God , who is able by modesty in apparell , without any such indirect meanes , to maintaine their Husbands love towards them , 1 Pet. 3. 5. What Apparell are we then to use ? Such as commeth under the rule of the Apostle ; namely , such as may witnesse our godlinesse and modesty , 1 Tim. 2. 9. Tit. 2. 3. And therefore , although some ( exceeding this measure ) say they doe it not to allure any ; yet if others be allured by it , it is a sin in them , although not so grievous & great as in the other , who propound to themselves ( by their wanton apparell ) to allure . How is this Commandement broken in the abuse of meat and drinke ? Either in regard of the quality , or of the quantity thereof . How in regard of the quality ? 1. When we seeke after too much daintinesse , Deut. 14. 21. Luke 16. 19. 2. When we seeke such kind of meat and drinke which provoke this sin . How in regard of the quantity ? By excesse and intemperance in diet , when we feed to fulnesse , and give our selves to surfeiting and drunkennesse , Ezek. 15. 49. What be the contrary duties here commanded ? 1. Temperance , in using a sober and moderate diet , Eccles. 10. 16. according to our ability , and the use of the Countrey where we be . 2. Convenient abstinence , 1 Cor. 9. 27. So much of the breach of this Commandement in the abuse of those things which belong to the body : Wherin consisteth the abuse of the body it self ? Partly , in the gestures and carriage of the body ; partly , in speech and words ; partly , in act or deed . How is the wantonnesse of the heart manifested by the countenance , gesture , and carriage of the body ? 1. By impudency , or lightnesse in countenance , gesture or behaviour , Prov. 6. 13. & 7. 10 , &c. 2. By wanton looks , when the eye ( which is the seat of Adultery , or of Chastity ) is suffered to wander without regard ; and either giveth occasion to others to commit Adultery , or is so fixed to behold the beauty of another , or else lascivious and wicked Pictures ( wherein many set their delight ) and with the like things wherewith the heart is inflamed to lust , and allured to filthines therby , 2 Pet. 2. 14. Mat. 5. 28. Gen. 39. 7. Iob 31. 1. Eze. 23. 14. 3. By uncovering of the nakednesse of the breasts , and other parts of the body , for the allurement of others : whereunto may be referred the Apostles Commandement for women to be uncovered , 1 Cor. 11. 6. And the example of Rebekah , who for modesty put a vaile upon her face , Gen. 24. 65. not as many doe now adayes , for other by respects . 4. By painting the face , and counterfeiting the complection , as wicked Jesabell did , who was afterwards ( by the just judgement of God ) eaten up of dogs . 5. By mincing and tinkling with the feet ; by wanton dancing of men and women together ( which is a great inticement to this lust ) and all other lascivious motions , Isa. 3. 16. Marke 6. 22. 6. By dalliance , and abuse of any part of the body , to the provocation of others unto lust , or suffering them to wander in wantonnesse . What be the contrary vertues here commanded ? Chastity in the eyes , countenance , and all the parts of the body , modesty and gravity in behaviour , Tit. 2. 3. that we make a covenant with our eyes , Job 31. 1. and pray that the I ord would turne them away from seeing vanity , Psal. 119. 37. Finally , that we so carry and direct all the members of the body , as that they be not weapons of uncleannes , Rom. 6. 13. 14. 19. How is this Commandement broken by evill words ? 1. By vaine and wanton speeches , corrupt and rotten communication , whereby not only the speakers heart , but also the hearts of the hearers are inflamed , Eph. 4. 29. & 5. 3 , 4. 1 Cor. 15. 33. 2. By giving care to filthy words , and taking delight in hearing unhonest things , although ( for our credit ) we will not speake them , 1 Cor. 15. 33. 3. By making of love Epistles , amorous Books , lewde Songs , and Ballads , and such like . 4. By reading or hearing wanton Poems , naughty Songs , and bad Books , and much more by learning of them , whereby the memory is cloyed , and so better things kept forth . VVhat is contrary to this ? Chastity in tongue and eares , speech savouring of sobriety and grace , 1 Thes. 5. 23. modest and chaste talke ; where we are to follow the example of the Holy Ghost , who ( speaking by necessity ) of matters unseemly to be spoken plainly of , useth chaste speech , as , he knew her , he covered his feet , &c. Judg. 3. 24. 1 Sam. 1. 19. VVhat say you here to Interludes , and Stage-Playes ? They offend against many branches of this Commandement , together both in the abuse of apparell , tongue , eyes , countenance , gestures , and all parts almost of the body . For besides the wantonnesse therein used , both in attire , speech , and action , the man putteth on the apparell of the woman , which is forbidden as a thing abominable , Deut 22. 5. much filthinesse is presented to the beholders , and foolish talking , and jesting , which are not convenient . Lastly , Fornication , and all uncleannesse ( which ought not to be once named amongst Christians ) is made a spectacle of joy and laughter , Eph. 5. 3 , 4. Therefore they that goe to see such sights , and heare such words , shew their neglect of Christian duty , and carelesnesse in sinning , when as they willingly commit themselves into the snare of the Devill , 1 Cor. 15. 33. There remaineth now the breach of this Commandement in act and deed : What is that ? Fleshly pollution , and impurity in action , of which the unlawfull vowes of continency are nurses , Heb. 13. 4. 1 Tim. 4. 1 , 3. What is the contrary vertue ? The possessing of our vessels in holinesse and honour , 1 Thes. 4. 4. For the preservation of which purity , holy wedlocke is commanded to such as have not the gift of continency , 1 Cor. 7. 9. How doth a man exercise uncleannesse in Act ? Either by himselfe , or with others . How by himselfe ? By the horrible sin of Onan , Gen 38. 9. lustfull dreames , and nocturnall pollutions , Deut. 23. 10. rising from excessive eating , and uncleane cogitations , or other sinfull meanes , 2 Pet. 2. 10. Gal. 5. 14. Col. 3. 5. How is it with others ? Either in unlawfull conjunction , or unlawfull separation . What be the kinds of unlawfull Conjunction ? It is either with those that are of a diverse , or of the same kind . What is the filthinesse which consisteth in the conjunction of divers kinds ? It is either Bestiall , or Diabolicall . VVhat is the Bestiall ? When a man or woman committeth filthinesse with a beast , which is a most abominable confusion , Lev. 18. 23. & 20. 15 , 16. VVhat is the Diabolicall ? When a man or woman hath company with an uncleane spirit , under the shape of a man or woman . Thus Witches sometimes prostrate their bodies to the Devill , who to fulfill their lusts , doth present himselfe unto them in an humane forme . How is this sin committed betwixt those of the same kind ? When men doe carnally company with others out of Marriage , or otherwise then the Lawes of holy Marriage doe require . What is common to those unlawfull mixtures ? That they be all either voluntary in both , or by force in the one . To the former may be referred the maintenance of Stewes , which are permitted and defended in Popery , to the latter , the case of Rape . How doe you prove the unlawfulnesse of Stewes ? 1. They are so far from being the remedies of uncleannesse , that they be the speciall nourishers thereof : For the acting of sin doth not extinguish , but increase the flame of concupiscence . 2. They are expresly forbidden in the Law of God , Levit. 19. 29. Deut. 23. 17. 3. The Kings are commended in Scripture , who tooke away such filthinesse out of their Land , 1 Kings 15. 12. 2 King. 23. 7. 4. By them , not Fornication only , but Adulteries ; yea , Incests also were committed , when as both married and unmarried came thither , and oftentimes some of the same bloud and Affinity committed villany with one whore , Ezek 22. 11. What doe you say to the case of Rape ? Herein the party forced is to be holden guiltlesse , but the offence of the other is highly aggravated hereby , Deut. 22. 25 , 26. 2 Sam. 13 , 14. Of how many sorts are those unlawfull mixtures ? They are either of one sex with the same sex , or of both sexes , the one with the other . VVhat is that of one sexe with the same sexe ? Sodomy , or Buggery , when man with man , or woman with woman committeth filthinesse , Lev. 18. 22 , 29. & 20. 13. Deut. 23. 17. Rom. 1. 26 , 27. VVhat be the unlawfull mixtures of both sexes , the male and the female together ? They are either more unnaturall , or lesse contrary to nature . VVhat are the more unnaturall ? 1. When a man doth keep company with his own wife , or other women , when it is with them according to the manner of women , Lev. 18. 19. and 20. 18. Ezek. 18. 6. & 22. 10. 2. When there is a mixture of those bodies that are within the degrees of kindred , or alliance , forbidden by the Law of God , Lev. 18. 6 , &c. whether it be in Marriage , or otherwise , 2 Sam. 13. 14. Gen. 38. 16. which sinne is called Incest . Of what sorts are Incests ? They are either in degrees of Consanguinity , or Affinity . VVhat is the Incest of Consanguinity ? Confusion of blood , either in the right line upward , as father with daughter ; Collaterall , as brother with sister ; or overthwart and oblique , as sonne with Aunt , daughter with Vnckle . May Cousin germans ( being in the second degree ) marry by the Law of God ? Yea , but in divers respects it is unnecessary and inconvenient . VVhat are the Incests of Affinity ? There is the same prohibition of Affinity , as of Consanguinity , as for a man to have his Sister in Law , &c. VVhat use make you of this ? It condemneth the Pope , who dispenceth with the degrees prohibited by God ; and prohibiteth many degrees , which God alloweth , making that to be sin which is no sin , and that which is no sin to be sin . What be the unlawfull conjunctions of man and woman , that are lesse contrary to nature ? They are either betwixt strangers , or betwixt man and wife . What be the kinds of the former ? Fornication and Adultery , Heb. 13. 4. What is Fornication ? When two single persons come together out of the state of Matrimony , Deut. 22. 28. Eph. 5. 3. What is Adultery ? When a man or a woman , wherof the one at least is contracted in marriage , commit filthinesse together . How manifold is this Adultery ? Either single , or double . What call you single Adultery ? When the one person is single , and the other married , or espoused . What is the double ? When two persons married , or contracted , doe company together , which is a most high degree of offence , as being committed against foure persons . What is the unlawfull conjunction betwixt man and wife ? It is either betwixt one and many , or betwixt one and one . What is the former ? Polygamy , and the having of many wives at once , which was ever unlawfull in conscience ; howsoever for a time it was borne with of God , in regard of the increasing of the World and Church , and not punished by the positive Law , Gen. 4. 23. Levit. 18. 18. Malach. 2. 15 , 16. 1 Cor. 6. 16. and 7. 2. What is the latter ? When the holy Lawes of Matrimony , and the order which God hath appointed in his Word are observed . What be those Lawes and Orders ? They doe either concerne the entrance into Marriage , or the holy use thereof after it is consummated . VVhat is required in the entrance ? 1. That the persons to be joyned in wedlocke , meditate of the ends of Matrimony , that it is ordained for procreation sake , and for their owne mutuall comfort and preservation , not for fulfilling of lust only . 2. That they use Prayer for a blessing upon them . 3. That they looke to the degrees of Consanguinity and Affinity prescribed . 4. That they looke that either of them be free from any former Contract . 5. That they be of the same Religion . 6. That they have consent of Parents , and those which have charge over them ; for Parents have as great interest in their children , as in any of their goods . 7. That there be due consent and liking betwixt themselves , where Parents must have a care to marry them when they have understanding and discretion . 8. That due respect be had to the age of the parties . 9. That there bee espousalls before marriage , and that the parties espoused joyne not themselves together before the marriage be confirmed by the Prayers of the Congregation , according to the example of Ioseph and Marie , Mat. 1. What be the contrary abuses ? 1. When Meditation and Prayer are neglected . 2. When neerenesse of bloud and kindred is not respected . 3. When either of the parties is formerly marryed , or contracted to some other , Mal. 2. 15. 4. When they are of a diverse Religion , Gen. 6. 2. 5. When there wanteth consent of Parents , Exod. 22. 16 , 17. where stealing away of mens daughters commeth within the compasse of Adultery , and is condemned in this Commandement . 6. When there is not due consent between the parties themselves , Gen. 29. 23. Where untimely marriages come to be condemned , which are the causes of many discords , and so great dissention between Husband and Wives when they are come to yeares of discretion and age . 7. When there is great disparity of age in parties contracted . 8. When espousalls are neglected , or the parties espoused come together before the consummation of the marriage ; both which are breaches of Gods Ordinances . What is required in the holy use of marriage ? 1. An holy and Christian conversation together during the whole terme of their life . 2. The sober use of the marriage bed . What is required in the former ? That there be mutuall delight , Prov. 5. 19. fidelity , Rom. 7. 2. and confidence each in other , Prov. 31. 11. What in the latter ? That they render due benevolence one to the other , 1 Cor. 7. 3 , 4. and abuse not the marriage bed , either unseasonably , or untemperately . How unseasonably ? In not observing the time , either of naturall separation , Lev. 18. 19. or of solemne humiliation , wherein with consent they are to give themselves unto Fasting and Prayer , which though it be not strictly commanded , is yet permitted , 1 Cor. 7. 5 , 6 , 7. How intemperately ? When the honourable and chaste estate of Matrimony is used to wantonnesse , and not with moderation and seemlinesse , 1 Thes. 4. 4 , 5. For as a man may commit a fault in excesse of Wine , although it be his owne ; so may he sin in abusing his body with his owne wife . Hitherto of the unlawfull conjunction : wherein doth unlawfull separation consist ? Either in the utter abjuration of marriage , or in the breach of conjugall society . How is the former sinne committed ? By the unlawfull vowes of continency ; where we must abhorre the doctrine of devills , depraving and denying holy marriage , 1 Timothy 4. 1. 3. How is the latter committed ? Either when the party is present , or when he is absent . How when the party is present ? When due benevolence is not yeelded , although there be aptnesse thereunto , nor any hinderance by consent , in respect of extraordinary prayer , 1 Cor. 7. 3 , 4. How when the party is absent ? Either privately , or publickly . How privately ? When the party withdraweth it selfe in mislike or loathsomnesse , or else by long and unnecessary journeys of travelling , of merchandizing , &c. or making a desertion for hatred of Religion , 1 Cor. 7. 12 , 13. 15. How publickly ? When separation hath been made by the Magistrate , without lawfull cause . Is there any lawfull cause of divorce ? Yes : Adultery is a lawfull cause of separation ; but not contention , or discord , or any thing beside , Matth. 5. 32. So much of the Commandement : What are the punishments of the breach of it ? 1. When many other sinnes are hid , this is most commonly discovered , Num. 5. 13. Iohn 4. 16. Prov. 5. 14. 2. The sin is a judgement of it selfe , Prov. 22. 14. Eccl. 7. 27 , 28. Rom. 1. 24. 3. God judgeth them oftentimes in this world , alwayes in the world to come , Heb. 13. 4. 1 Cor. 6. 9 , 10. Num. 24. 8. Gen. 12. 17. 1 Cor. 10. 8. Gen. 34. 25. Iudges 19. 29. Prov. 7. 23 , 26 , 27. Iob 31. 9 , 10 , 11 , 12. 2 Sam. 13. 14. 28. 4. More particularly , whipping for Fornication , and death for Adultery , and other unlawfull mixture , Lev. 20. 10. 5. It spendeth the goods , Prov. 5. 10. & 6. 26. 6. It hurteth , wasteth , and consumeth the body , Prov. 5. 11. 7. It bereaveth a man of his understanding and judgement , Hos. 4. 11. 8. It not onely reacheth to the offenders themselves , but also to their children , who are the children of Adultery ; and by Moses Law , the Bastard ( to the tenth generation ) might not enter into the Sanctuary , Deut. 23. 2. 9. He sinneth against his wife and lawfull children , whilst thereby he oftentimes maketh a Stewes of his house , as David did by the adultery he committed with the wife of Vrias , 2 Sam. 16. 21. 10. Barrennesse in his wife , Lev. 20. 20. 11. Children begotten in horrible Incest were to be burnt or slaine in their mothers wombe . What are the helpes to the obedience of this Commandement ? Vnto the fore-mentioned helpes there must be added : 1. Care to keep a good conscience , Eccles. 7. 28. 2. Labour in our Vocation . 3. VVatchfulnesse over our owne fpirit , Mal. 2. 16. 4. A Covenant with our eyes , Iob 31. 1. 5. Love of God , and of his wisedome , Prov. 2. 10 , &c. 6. Prayer , Psalme 119. 37. 7. Holy Meditation . What are the hindrances to be avoyded ? Beside the unlawfull vowes of continency , and other provocations unto this kinde of sin before noted , we must beware of , 1. Idlenesse , in ceasing from doing any profitable thing ▪ Ezek. 16. 49. 2 Sam. 11. 12. 1 Tim. 5. 11 , 13. Gen. 34. 1 , &c. 2. The breach of peace with God , Prov. 22. 14. 3. Running on in sin , Eccl. 7. 28. especially Superstition and Idolatrie , Rom. 1. 25 , 26. in which cases God giveth men over to vile lusts . 4. Lewd company , Prov. 5. 20. & 7. 25. 5. Idle and unwarrantable exercises . So much of the seventh Commandement , where Chastity is commanded : there followeth the generall duties which wee doe owe to man in other things appertaining unto him : what be they ? They either regard the preservation of his goods , as the eighth , or his good name , as the ninth Commandement . What are the words of the eighth Commandement ? Thou shalt not steale , Exod. 20. 15. What doth it containe ? A charge of our owne , and our neighbours goods , that we shew love and faithfulnesse therein , and not onely not impeach or hinder , but by all meanes preserve and further the same . What speciall matter doe you learne from hence ? The grosse errour of the Anabaptists , that hold community of goods , which by the whole drift and scope of this Commandement is manifestly overthrowne . What is forbidden in this Commandement ? VVhatsoever is prejudiciall to our owne or our neighbours wealth ; that we no way hinder , diminish , or abuse the same . What is required ? VVhatsoever may further or prosper our owne , or our neighbours wealth ; that we give to every one that which is his , and doe our best , as farre as our callings and meanes will suffer , to preserve his goods , and ( as occasion serveth ) helpe to encrease them by all lawfull courses , Eph. 4. 28. and honest dealing , Tit. 2. 10. What is the end of this Commandement ? It is divers . First , in respect of God , that the goods which he hath bestowed on us should be conserved and imploied to those uses for which he hath intrusted them unto us , and principally to the setting forth of his glory who gave them . Secondly , in respect of the Church ; for whatsoever is given unto any member thereof , whether it be either spirituall or externall good , it is given for the common benefit of the whole body . And therefore he that taketh away the goods of any member , or refuseth to imploy for the common profit what he hath , hee neglecteth this communion , and consequently sinneth against this Commandement . Thirdly , in respect of the Common-wealth ; for the preservation whereof , justice is required , in giving unto every one that which is his owne ; which being neglected , great Kingdomes are great Theeveries . Lastly , in respect of every singular person , that every man may freely and quietly enjoy those his goods which God hath given him . What was the occasion of this Commandement ? It was that covetousnesse which naturally adhereth unto us , whereof it commeth to passe , that we are not contented with our estate & means , but lust and long after other mens , and use all our endeavours to compasse them , whether it be by right or wrong . And from hence arise injuries , oppressions , thefts , and robberies . By which meanes what is gotten doth naturally more delight and please us , then that we get in our lawfull callings , Prov. 9. 17. & 20. 17. What are the words of this eighth Commandement ? Thou shalt not steale , Exod. 20. 15. What is here forbidden ? Theft , in all the kindes thereof . What is theft ? It is the fraudulent imbezeling , or taking away of those goods which belong to another man , without the knowledge , or against the will of the owner ; or the unjust detaining of it from him , when wee know that in right it belongeth unto him . What things are chiefely to be here considered ? Two. First , the Objects , about which it is chiefely exercised : and secondly , the Vertues and Vices commanded and forbidden . What are the Objects ? Our owne and our neighbours goods ; or as they commonly speake , meum & tuum , mine and thine . For whereas he forbiddeth theft , and commandeth beneficence , he implieth and requireth , that there should bee distinct proprieties and possessions : for otherwise there could bee no theft , nor exercise of bounty and beneficence : for a man cannot steale but that which is anothers , nor give but that which is his owne . What are the Vertues commanded , and the Vices forbidden in this Commandement ? The Apostle hath comprised all in a briefe summe , Eph 4. 28. Let him that stole steale no more , but rather let him labour , working with his hands the thing which is good , that hee may have to give to him that needeth . Of which the Apostle propoundeth himselfe for an example , Acts 20. 33 , 34 , 35. What then are the parts of this Commandement ? Two. First , the negative , forbidding all Theft . Secondly , the affirmative , injoyning the just getting , and the just and liberal use of our goods . What understand you by Stealing , or Theft ? All vices of the same nature and kinde , whereby we any wayes hinder or hurt our selves , or our neighbours in our goods . And as Theft it selfe is here forbidden , so also the cause and root of it , which is covetousnesse , together with the meanes and signes of it , and the procuring of it in others ; As also the contrary vertues hereuuto are required . How must we proceed in handling of them ? From the generalls to the more speciall . What degrees are there of the generall duties ? They are three . First , to abstaine from all injuries and injustice , whereby we hurt or hinder our selves , or our neighbour , in our owne , or his goods . Secondly , that wee use our best endeavour to preserve by all lawfull meanes , both our owne and his . Thirdly , that we chearfully communicate our goods to the relieving of our neighbours necessities . What are the vices opposite hereunto ? They are three . First , injuriously to hurt or hinder our selves or neighbours in our goods . Secondly , to be wanting in any meanes whereby they may bee justly preserved . Thirdly , to bee wanting to our neighbours in relieving them when their necessities require our helpe ; for we are not absolute owners of the things which we possesse ; but Gods Stewards , who are enjoyned to imploy his Talents to such uses as he requireth ; and particularly to the benefit of our fellow-servants , Luke 16. 2. Matth. 25. 14 , 15 , 19. Luke 19. 13. What is the second generall duty respecting our owne , and our neighbours goods ? That we use our best endeavour to preserve them . First , our owne : For though wee may not set our hearts upon them , Psalme 62. 10. yet seeing they are Gods gifts , and are to bee imployed for his glory and our owne , and neighbours good , if we should wilfully or negligently suffer them to perish , we should be worse then the unprofitable servant , who kept the Talent committed unto him , though hee did not increase it , Matth. 25. 25. Secondly , we must doe our best to conserve our neighbours goods , seeing they have not by chance come unto them , but by the wise disposing of Gods Providence , whose wise dispensation wee resist , if by our best endeavour we doe not preserve them for their use . And to this end that Law concerning our neighbours Cattell tendeth , Deut. 22. 1 , 2 , 3. Exod. 23. 4 , 5. What are the speciall duties here required ? They are of two sorts : the first respect the just getting and possessing ; the other , the right using and imploying of our goods . What are the duties which are referred to the former ? They are either internall , or externall . What are the internall ? They are chiefely foure : First , little or no love and desire of money . Secondly , selfe-contentednesse . Thirdly , a lawfull measure of our appetite , or moderate concupiscence , and desires . Fourthly , lawfull providence without carking care , or a laudable study , and endeavour in getting of goods . What doe you meane by little or no love of money ? When wee done not set our hearts upon riches and worldly wealth , Psalme 62. 10. But first seek Gods Kingdome and righteousnesse , Matth. 6. 33. What is opposite hereunto ? Love of money : that is , when wee set our hearts upon riches , and worldly things , which should be devoted unto , and fixed upon God. By what Arguments may we be disswaded from this vice ? By divers ; especially these that follow . First , because it is a foolish vice , seeing riches to those that immoderately love them , are not onely vaine , but also hurtfull , and pernicious , Hab. 2. 6. 1 Tim. 6. 9. Secondly , because it is unseemly : for we are Pilgrims in this world , and Citizens of Heaven ; and therefore we should not set our hearts and affections on earthly , but on heaveuly things , Phil. 3. 20. Col. 3. 1 , 2. Thirdly , because it is impious : for 1. He that loveth the world loveth not God , 1 Joh 2. 15. James 4. 4. neither can we serve God and Mammon , Matth. 6. 24. 2. Because a lover of money is an Idolater , Eph. 5. 5. For that is our God on which we set our hearts . Fourthly , because it is pernicious . For , he that soweth unto the flesh , shall of the flesh reap corruption , Gal. 6. 8. and their end is destruction who minde earthly things . Phil. 3. 19. 1 Tim. 6. 9. Fiftly , because the love of money is the root of all evill , and exposeth men to all tentations , 1 Tim. 6. 9 , 10. What is the second speciall vertue here commanded ? Selfe-contentednesse : when a man is contented with that estate and condition which God in his wise providence hath allotted unto him . And doth not covet either that which is another mans , or that which is unnecessary and superfluous , Phil. 4. 11 , 12. And this springeth partly from the neglect of money , and contempt of worldly things , and partly from our affiance in God , resting it selfe upon his promises , providence , goodnesse , and all-sufficiency . What motives may induce us to embrace this vertue ? 1. By the consideration of the vanity of worldly things , and the profit which ariseth from piety , and the love of divine excellencies , 1 Tim. 6. 6 , 7 , 8. Godlinesse is great gaine with contentation : For this abundantly supplyeth all our wants , 1 Tim. 4. 8. Psal. 34. 10 , 11 , & 37. 16. Mat. 6. 33. Prov. 15. 16. Better is a little with the feare of the Lord , then great treasures and trouble therewith . 2. Of Gods providence , who is our provident and loving Father : And therefore seeing we are his sonnes , wee ought to bee content with our portion which our gracious Father hath allotted unto us ; and to say with David , Psal. 16. 6. The lines are falne unto me in pleasant places . For he best knoweth what we stand in need of , Mat. 6. 32. Goe , let us submit our selves to his will and providence . Thirdly , let us meditate on Gods promises , Heb. 13. 5 , 6. Be content with such things as you have , for he hath said , I will never leave nor forsake thee . And therefore let us cast our care upon God , for he careth for us , 1 Pet. 5. 7. Psalme 55. 22. Cast thy burthen upon the Lord , and he shall sustain thee , &c. VVhat is the vice opposite to this vertue ? Not to be contented with our present state and condition , but immoderately to desire more and greater things , and to afflict our selves with distracting , and carking cares in getting and compassing them . VVho are most addicted to this vice ? Those who will not live according to the proportion of their meanes which God hath given them : for these wanting more then is needfull , their ordinary commings in and lawfull meanes doe not suffice them , but they desire and seek things superfluous by unlawfull meanes ; as food and raiment above their state and ability . But is it then unlawfull , in a meane and poore condition to use meanes to improve and better our estate ? Our affiance in God , and selfe contentednesse doe not hinder us from using all lawfull meanes to better our condition , nor make us slothfull in our callings ; so that our desires be moderate , and the meanes wee use bee lawfull , we in the meane time resting upon Gods just and wise providence with contentation . VVhat is the third internall duty , respecting the lawfull getting and possessing of earthly things ? The lawfull measuring of our appetite , and the moderating of our concupiscence : For all appetite and desire is not unlawfull , but that onely which is inordinate and immoderate ; for that desire which tendeth to the neeessary sustentation of our selves and others is commendable . What things are here considerable ? Two things . First , what is necessary . Secondly , when the appetite is lawfull . Concerning the former , things are said to be necessary , in respect of the necessity , either of our selves or others . What things are to be reputed necessary in respect of our selves ? There may be a three-fold necessity , as either in respect of Nature , Person , or Estate . What in respect of Nature ? Those things which are required to the sustaining of nature , as we are men ; that is , food , and raiment , 1 Tim. 6. 8. What is necessary in respect of Person ? When we have sufficient for our selves , and those that belong unto us , 1 Tim. 5. 8. What is necessary in respect of State ? When we have that which is sufficient to maintaine us according to our ranke , place , and calling , whether it be Magistrates , Ministers , or ordinary men . What is necessary in respect of others ? It is either private , or publick . VVhat is that necessity which respecteth the private ? When we have wherewith to relieve the necessities of private men , after which ability all ought to labour , Eph. 4. 18. Prov. 4. 15 , 16. For it is a more blessed thing to give , then to receive , Acts 20. 35. VVhat in respect of the publick ? It either concerneth the Church or Common-wealth ; unto both which we must be serviceable , as being borne not onely for our selves , but also for them : Therefore we may justly desire and labour after such abilities , as that we may not be wanting to either of them , when their necessities require our helpe . When is the Appetite lawfull ? When it is ordinate and moderate . When is it ordinate ? When it is subordinate to our study , and desire of Gods glory and our owne salvation , Matth. 6. 33. and contrariwise it is inordinate and preposterous when earthly things are more affected and desired then heavenly . Who doe sinne in this kinde ? Those who seek worldly things by sinfull and unlawfull meanes , to the hazzard of their soules , and their eternall salvation ; such are more foolish then Esau , that sold his Birth-right for a messe of Pottage ; Mark 8. 36. What is a moderate Appetite or Desire ? When we desire onely things necessary ; and these also so as that we can be content , though we cannot get them , Phil. 4. 11 , 12. An example whereof we have in Paul , Phil. 4. 11. 12. and in Agur , Pro. 30. 8. And Christ hath taught us to pray , Give us this day our dayly bread ; that is , food convenient and necessary . VVhat are the extreames opposed hereunto . They are two : The first is voluntary affectation of poverty , as the begging Friars among the Papists , commending that for a vertue and a degree of perfection , which the Spirit of God hath taught us to pray against , Proverbs 30. 8. And hath enjoyned us not to begge , but to labour with our hands , that we may be helpfull unto others , Eph. 4. 18. What is the other extreame ? The immoderate affectation of riches and honours , and that in a greater measure then is needfull for us . The former , we call Covetousnesse ; the other , Ambition . VVhat is Covetousnesse ? An immoderate desire of Riches ; in which these vices concurre . 1. An excessive love of Riches , and the fixing of our hearts upon them . 2. A resolution to become rich , either by lawfull , or unlawfull means , 1 Tim. 6. 9. 3. Too much haste in gathering riches , joyned with impatience of any delay , Prov. 28. 20. 22. & 20. 21. 4. An unsatiable appetite which can never bee satisfied , but when they have too much , they still desire more , and have never enough , Eccles. 4. 8. like the Horse-leech , Prov. 30. 15. the Dropsie , and Hell it selfe , Prov. 27. 20. 5. Miser-like tenacity , whereby they refuse to communicate their goods either for the use of others , or themselves . 6. Cruelty , Prov. 1. 18 , 19. exercised both in their unmercifulnesse and oppression of the poore . VVhat doe you think of this vice ? That it is a most hainous sinne : for it is Idolatry , and the root of all evill , Col. 3. 5. 1 Tim. 6. 10. A pernicious Thorne that stifleth all grace , and choaketh the seed of the Word , Mat. 13. 22. and pierceth men through with many sorrowes , 1 Tim. 6. 10. and drowneth them in destruction and perdition , verse . 9. What is Ambition ? An immoderate love and desire of honours , which is a vice compounded of Covetousnesse and Pride ; in which concurre all those vices in Covetousnesse before spoken of : as an immoderate love of honours , a resolution to aspire unto honours , either by lawfull or unlawfull meanes , too much haste in aspiring unto honours , not waiting upon God for preferment in the use of lawfull meanes , unsatiablenes in aspiring higher and higher , and enlarging of the ambitious mans desire , like unto hell , Hab. 2. 5. Vnto which may be added Arrogancy , whereby hee coveteth to be preferred before all others ; and Envy , whereby he disdaineth that any should he preferred before him . What is the fourth and last vice here forbidden ? Immoderate and carking care , in the pursuing of these earthly things , riches and honours ; and contrariwise , moderate appetite and desires of having , and moderate care of procuring them is approved and required ; that we may not be burthensome , but rather helpfull unto others , 2 Cor. 12. 13. Eph. 4. 28. What are the extreames opposed to the former vertue ? They are two : the first , is carelesnesse and neglect of our goods and state . For as he is commended who gathereth in seasonable times , so he is condemned who neglecteth those opportunities , Prov. 10. 5. & 6. 6. and is censured by the Apostle to be worse then an Infidell , 1 Tim. 5. 8. What is the other extreame ? Anxious and solicitous care , which distracteth the minde that it cannot be wholly intent to Gods service . And this doth partly arise from Covetousnesse , and partly from diffidence in Gods Promises and Providence . What are the reasons that may disswade from this vice ? They are chiefely two . First , because it is Impious . Secondly , because it is Foolish . Why is it impious ? Because it chargeth God either with ignorance , that he knoweth not our wants , contrary to that , Matth. 6. 32. or of carelesnesse , that hee neglecteth us ; or of impotency , that he is notable to supply our wants ; whereas he is omniscient , and knoweth our necessities ; omnipotent , and able to relieve us ; Eph. 3. 20. and our most gracious Father , and therefore willing and ready to helpe us in time of need . Secondly , because it divideth the heart between God and Mammon , and we cannot at once serve these Masters , Matth. 6. 24. 1 John 2. 15. Iames 4. 4. Thirdly , because it is heathenish , Mat. 6. 32. Why is it foolish ? Because it is both superfluous and vaine : superfluous , because God hath undertaken to provide for us ; and therefore in the use of lawfull meanes wee must cast all our care upon him , 1 Peter 3. 7. Psalme 55. 22. How is it vaine ? Because it is Gods blessing onely that maketh rich , Prov. 10. 22. Deut. 8. 18. and by our owne care wee can no more adde to that stint of state which he hath allotted unto us , then we can thereby adde one Cubit to our stature , Matth. 6. 27. You have spoken generally of the internall duties : what duties are externally , and more specially required ? They respect either the just acquisition and getting of our goods , or the just retention and possessing of them ; unto which is opposed the unjust getting , and keeping of them ; which are here forbidden under the name of Theft . What is required to just getting ? That we get them by just and lawfull meanes : For riches are Thorns , which are not to be hastily catched , but to be handled warily , and with much caution , that they doe not pierce the soule , and wound the conscience . What may move us hereunto ? First , by considering , that a little justly gotten , is better then abundance gotten unjustly , Prov. 16. 8. Psal. 37. 16. Secondly , that what is justly gotten is the gift of God , and a pledge of his love ; but that which is gotten unjustly , is given in his wrath , and is a snare of the devil to our destruction . Thirdly , that as goods justly gotten are Gods gifts , which he blesseth unto us , Prov. 10. 22. so that which is ill gotten , is lyable to his curse , Prov. 13. 11. Hab. 2. 9. Jer. 27. 11. How many wayes are goods lawfully gotten ? Two wayes . First , without Contract . Secondly , by Contract . Out of Contract , either such as are gotten by our selves , or received from others . How gotten by our selves ? Either ordinarily , or extraordinarily . Ordinary getting is by the sweat of our browes in our lawfull Callings . So that here two things are required : First , a lawfull Calling : and secondly , that we labour in it , Eph. 4. 28. What is a lawfull Calling ? It is the setting apart of singular men unto some lawfull labour and imployment , according to the variety of their gifts , and inclinations , whether they be publick or private . What is in the second place required of every man ? That they diligently labour in their lawfull calling , 1 Thes. 3. 10. and that variously , according to every mans condition , and the variety of their severall callings . For if Adam was not to be idle in the state of Innocency , Gen. 2. 15. much lesse we after the fall , Gen 3. 19. What doe you call extraordinary getting ? That which is acquired by the law of nature , or the law of Nations , as that which is gotten by the law of Armes , or that which is casually found , being lost , of another , unto which men have right , when as by diligent enquiry the owner cannot be knowne . How are goods justly gotten as they are retained from others ? When as by a civill right we retaine them from others , who are the true and lawfull owners ; and that either by free gift , or by succession and inheritance , whether it be given unto us by the Testators will , or by Law and right doe fall unto us . What are the vices opposite to the former vertues ? All means and kinds of unjust getting , opposite to just acquisition , whether ordinary or extraordinary . VVhat is opposite to ordinary just getting ? Inordinate walking , 2 Thes. 3. 6. 7. 11. which is opposed either to a lawfull calling , or to labour required in it . What is opposed to a lawfull Calling ? Either no Calling at all , or such a Calling as is unlawfull . They who have no Calling , are unprofitable burdens to the Common-wealth , and like pernicious humours in the body . Who are these ? First , sturdy beggers and rogues , who can worke and will not , but live upon other mens labours : which kinde of people are not to be suffered in a Common-wealth . For though we shall have the poore alwayes , Deut. 15. 11. Mat. 26. 11. yet there ought to be no beggers , and inordinate walkers , who eate , labour not , 2 Thes. 3. 10 , 12. Secondly , idle and superfluous Gentlemen , who having no Calling , spend all their time in pleasure , hunting , hawking , revelling , gaming , &c. Thirdly , such as thrust themselves into such Callings for which they are altogether unfit , and so steale the rewards and profits of it , to which they have no right . What are unlawfull Callings ? Those that have no warrant out of Gods Word , or the Lawes of the Land : as those that live by unlawfull Arts ; as Whores , Bawdes , Deut. 23. 17 , 18. Witches , Wizards , Deut. 18. 11 , 12. Stage-playes , Beare-wards , Gamesters , and the like . What is opposed to lawfull labour in our Callings ? An idle life , which as it is condemned in the seventh Commandement , as being a cause and incentive of lust : so here as a companion and cause of theft , Eph. 4. 28. Prov. 18. 9. For sloth causeth beggery , and this stealing , Prov. 6. 11. & 28. 19. & 30. 9. What are the kinds of unjust getting out of Contract ? They are two : 1. Theft . 2. Rapine or Robbery , Lev. 19. 13. Both which men may commit either as principals , or accessaries . What is Theft ? The fraudulent taking of another mans goods , against the knowledge or the will of the owner ; which is the sin that is chiefly forbidden in this Commandement , and comprehendeth under it all the rest , which is a great sin strictly forbidden by God , Lev. 19. 11. and severely punished , Zach. 5. 3 , 4. 1 Cor. 6. 10. and by our Lawes also made Capitall . What are the kinds of Theft ? They are either Domesticall , and in the Family , or out of the Family . Thefts in the Family , are either of the wife , or children , or of servants . What is the Theft of the Wife ? When she purloineth her Husbands goods , either without his knowledge , or against his will. For howsoever she have a right unto them in respect of use , yet the propriety belongeth only to the Husband . What is the Theft of the Children ? When they take away their Parents goods , either without their privity , or against their will : For howsoever Children thinke this to be no Theft , yet Salomon saith otherwise , Proverbs 28. 24. Whoso robbeth his Father or his Mother , and saith it is no transgression , the same is the companion of a destroyer . What is the Theft of Servants ? When they are unfaithfull , or wastfull ; unfaithfull , when as they purloine their Masters goods , John 12. 6. Tit. 2. 10. or are idle and negligent in their service , or run away from them , as did Onesimus , Philem. 12. or give away their goods without their knowledge and consent , though it be to good uses . Wastfull , when as they wastfully and riotously consume their Masters substance . How is Theft that is committed out of the Family distinguished ? It is either of goods , or of persons ; of goods , either common and sacred , and those either private or publick : Private , are such goods as belong to private men ; whether it be Cattell , money , or any thing that is money worth . What is the Theft of publick things ? When things are stollen which belong to the publick State , or Body of the Common-wealth , which is more hainous and capitall then that which is committed against a private man. And in this kinde , inclosures of Commons are to be reputed as theft , Prov. 23. 10 , 11. What is the Theft of sacred things ? When things consecrated to an holy and sacred use , are purloined and embezeled ; the which we usually call Sacriledge . As when the utensils and instruments of divine Worship are stollen ; when the Lands or Tythes devoted unto God for the maintenance of his Ministers are imbased , withheld , or taken away , Mal. 3. 8. In which kind , the chiefe offenders are corrupt Patrons ; who having only the right of presentation of fit persons , doe incroach upon part of the Tythes , or sell Church-Livings for money ; and also Proprietaries , who seise upon Church-Livings devoted ro the maintenance of the Ministry , and convert them to their owne proper and private use : And finally , the Court Harpies , who seise upon the Revenues of the Church , by preferring of unworthy , idle , and ambitious men . What doe you thinke of this sin ? That it is most hainous , seeing such as commit it , rob God himselfe , Mal. 3. 8. and thereby bring his heavy curse upon them , vers . 9. As we see in the example of Achan , Nebuchadnezzar , Belshazzar , Ananias , Sapphira , and the rest . What is the Theft of Persons ? It is an hainous sin punished by the Law of God with death , Exod. 21. 16. Deu. 24. 7. As being so much worse then the theft of goods , as the persons of men are better then they , Mat. 6 25. And this is committed by such as steale men or children , to sell them for slaves ; and by lustfull or covetous wooers , who steale mens daughters to make them their wives . You have spoken of Theft properly so called : VVhat is the other kind which is more improper ? Rapine , which is a violent taking away of another mans goods ; which is done either for his profit who taketh , or to his losse from whom it is taken . And the former is committed under the pretext of Authority and legall power , or else without it . The former are publick theeves , of which Salomon speaketh , Prov. 21. 7. which are worse then common theeves , and shall be more severely punished , Wisd. 6. 6. because their sin is aggravated by the abusing of their Authority ; and because commonly violence and cruelty is joyned with it , Zeph. 3. 3. Ezek. 22. 27. Mica . 3. 2 , 3. Esa. 3. 14 , 15. What is this Theft called ? Oppression , and Extortion ; when a man spoyleth his neighbour under colour of Law , as Ahab and Jezabel did Naboth , 1 Kings 21. What is that Rapine which is committed without any pretext of Authoritie ? It is either in Warre , or in Peace . In Warre , either by Land , when Souldiers being not content with their pay , doe spoyle and plunder , not onely their enemies , but also their friends , Deut. 2. 5 , 6. Luke 3. 14. Or by sea , when as Pirats they rob and spoyle all they meet with , and can master . What is that Rapine which is exercised on the Land ? It is either robbery by the high-way , Luke 10. 30. John 18. and last verse ; or Burglary , when as they break open houses that they may rob the inhabitants . Are there no other to be esteemed Theeves but those onely who act theft themselves ? Yes ; They also who are accessaries , Psal. 50. 18. and doe consent to the theft of others : And these thefts are common to all , or proper to Superiours . The former is committed before , with , or after the theft . How is a man an accessary before the theft ? When he counsaileth or provoketh another unto it , as Jezabell did Achab , 1 Kings 21. Prov. 1. 11 , 13 , 14. How with , or in the theft ? Either when he aideth the Theefe , or doth not hinder him when as it is in his power . How after the theft ? First , when he receiveth , and concealeth what is stolne , or hideth , or keepeth the Theefe from being apprehended . Secondly , when he partaketh with him in the stolne goods , Prov. 29. 24. And this is done ; 1. When he taketh the goods from the Theef , that he may keep them to himselfe . 2. When hee knowingly buyeth stolne goods , which ought to be restored to the owners . 3. When by silence he concealeth the Theefe . How are the Superiours accessary ? When they doe any wayes encourage , or doe not punish them : especially when they doe acquit them for a Bribe . So much of that acquisition , and getting of goods which is out of Contract : Now shew that which is in , or by Contract : And first what a lawfull Contract is , and what is required in it . A Contract is an agreement between parties by mutuall consent about the alienation of goods from one to another , upon some just and honest conditions . And this either respecteth the things themselves , or their use for a time . What is required in a lawfull contract ? That it be done in simplicity and integrity , without guile and deceit ; unto which three things are required : first , truth in our words : secondly , fidelity in our promises : thirdly , justice in our deeds , Psal. 15. 24. Zac. 8. 16. What is opposed hereunto ? First , all collusion and deceit , whereby one seeketh to circumvent another , 1 Thes. 4. 6. which is a vice odious unto God , Ezek. 22. 12. and severely punished , Psal. 5. 7. & 55. and last v. Mic. 7. 2. Secondly , lyes in contracting the bargaine , Prov. 21. 6. and most of all when they are confirmed by oathes . Thirdly , perfidiousnesse in promises , when covenants are not kept . Lastly , injustice in Contracts , when equality is not observed . What are the sorts of things gotten by Contract ? They are either of things alienated , or committed to trust : and the former is either liberall , or illiberall . What is liberall alienation ? It is either for ever , or onely for a certaine time . For ever , as when things are given absolutely , or upon certaine conditions . What is liberall alienation for a time ? When as things are lent for a time , either to be restored in the same , or in the like kind ; as money , corne , and such like . VVhat is opposed hereunto ? When the Borrower being able doth not pay all , or not at the appointed time , or doth not doe his best endeavour to pay it , Psalme 37. 21. VVhat is that Acquisition , which you call illiberall alienation ? That which is made by way of recompence , or exchange , which is either of the thing it selfe , or the use of it , or of labour and industrie : in which the generall rule to be observed is , that there be an equall and just proportion in the recompence or exchange betweene the things exchanged ; as between the price and thing prised , the industry , labour and reward . VVhat is opposite hereunto ? When as this just proportion is not observed ? VVhat are the kindes of the alienation of the thing it selfe ? They are two : Either that which is for ever , or that which is onely for a certaine time . VVhat doe you call alienation for ever ? Merchandise , which consisteth in buying and selling : and it is a commutation either for money for ware , which is buying , or of ware for money , which is selling . VVhat doe you thinke of it ? I hold that Merchandise is a lawfull calling , but liable to much danger of sinne in the managing of it , Ecclus. 26. and last . 27. 1 , 2. Hos. 12. 7. Mat , 21. 12 , 13. VVhat is selling ? A Contract about the alienation of goods for ever at a certaine price agreed upon between the seller and the buyer , without any fraud or guile . VVhat is required to just selling ? First , in respect of the person , that he be the just owner , or by him appointed to sell in his right . Secondly , in respect of the goods , that it be saleable , and neither sophisticated by mixture , nor base and corrupt in respect of the substance . Thirdly , in respect of use , that it be profitable for necessity of life , or for ornament and delight . Fourthly , in respect of the manner of selling , that it bee without any deceit . Fiftly , that it bee sold at a just and equall price , according to the worth , respect being had both to the use of the thing it selfe , and also to the necessary paines and danger which the Seller hath beene at in getting of it . VVhat is required to the manner of lawfull selling ? That it be done with simplicity and integrity , and that we doe not in bargaining defraud and over-reach one another , 1 Thes. 4. 6. Levit. 25. 14. VVhat are the vices and corruptions in selling opposite hereunto ? They are many ; and concerne either the Seller himselfe , the Ware , or things sold , the price , or the manner of selling . VVhat are the vices which respect the person of the Seller ? First , when as he selleth that which is not his owne . Secondly , when as he selleth that which is not vendible : as first , when it is defective , and faulty , or not usefull . Secondly , when as it is such a thing as ought not to be sold , as Gehazi , 2 Kings 5. 20. the miracle of healing , wrought by divine power . So when Magistrates for Bribes sell justice , Amos 2. 6. Esa. 5. 23. & 1. 23. Thirdly , when men by lying and false witnesse-bearing sell the truth ; in which ranke , Lawyers are chiefly to be numbred , who wittingly for Fees plead ill causes . How doth the Seller offend in respect of the price ? When as he observeth not a just and equall proportion betweene the price , and the worth of the thing sold : And this is the vice either of private men , or of whole societies . Private men who thus offend , are those which we call Regraters , Monopolists , hoarders up of Corne , and other commodities , to raise the Market by making a dearth and scarcity , Prov. 11. 28. How doe whole Societies in this kinde offend ? First , when as they of the same Trade and Craft agree together to sell their wares at an unequall rate above the true worth . Secondly , not to finish the work which another hath begun , though he dealeth deceitfully and unjustly with his work-Master . What are the sinnes committed by the Seller in respect of the manner ? They may be referred to two heads ; Either his Words , or Deeds . How offendeth he in Words ? First , when as he immoderately praiseth his wares above their true worth , and concealeth the faults and defects in them , which he well knoweth . Secondly , when as he asketh much above the worth , and protesteth that he cannot afford it better cheap . How doth he offend in his Deeds ? Either in respect of the kinde , quality , or quantity , of his wares . In respect of the kinde , when as he selleth one thing for another , or one colour for another , presuming on the ignorance of the buyer . How in respect of the Quality ? When as he deceitfully selleth old for new ; that which is corrupt and sophisticated , for that which is pure and simple ; and bad for good . To which end he useth many arts , and false lights , and shewing course and bad wares , to commend those for the best which he sheweth after , though they be but a little better . How in respect of the Quantity ? When as he detracteth from the just and equal proportion by using false weights and measures not agreeable to the Standard , using lesse and lighter when they sell , and larger and heavier when they buy , which God forbiddeth , as abominable , Lev. 29. 35 , 36. Deut. 25. 14 , 15. Prov. 11. 1. & 20. 10. 23. Hos. 12. 7. Amos 8. 5 , 6 , Mic. 6. 10 , 11. You have spoken of Selling : Now what is that alienation which is by buying ? Buying is a Contract , whereby money , or a just price is alienated and parted with for wares of proportionable worth . What is required in buying ? Things answerable to those before spoken of in selling : and respect ; first , the person buying : secondly , the thing bought : thirdly , the price given : and fourthly , the manner of buying . What is required in respect of the person buying ? That hee buy onely of him whom hee thinketh to bee the right owner of the thing sold : for he that buyeth knowne stolne goods , communicateth in the Theft . What in respect of the thing ? That hee buy that onely which he knoweth may be lawfully bought and sold. How doe men sinne in this respect ? When as they offer to buy , with Simon Magus , spirituall gifts and graces , or things consecrated to divine worship , that they may alienate them from their right use ; Pardons , and Indulgencies , sacred Ordination , Benefices , and the like . Secondly , they which buy Iustice , and much more injustice by Bribery . Thirdly , they that buy Lyes and false Testimonies to prevent Iustice. What is required of the buyer in respect of the price ? That according to his knowledge and judgement he give a just , equall , and proportionable price , according to the true value of the things sold , and bought ; especially when he buyeth of the poore , who are by present necessity enforced to sell , whether it be wares or labour ; upon which , if any take advantage to beat downe the just price , they grievously oppresse the poore , Amos 8. 6. & 2. 6. Mic. 2. 2. 3. What is required of Buyers in respect of the manner ? That they use all simplicity , and upright dealing , and shun all injustice and deceit both in their Words and Deeds . How in Words ? First , that they doe not offer much under the true value of the wares they buy , according to their knowledge and judgement . Secondly , that they doe not undeservedly dispraise it , and without cause , to beat down the price ; yea even when they inwardly like and approve it , Prov. 20. 14. How in Deeds ? When as they doe not pay at all , or lesse then the price that was agreed upon : and this deceit respecteth either the quality , when as they put off in payment base and adulterate money ; or in quantity , when as they passe for payment clipt money , Gen. 23. 16. or such as is defective in weight or number : And to these private thefts in buying , we may adde one that is more publick ; when as the buyer buyeth up and ingrosseth a whole commodity , that having all in his owne hand , hee may raise the market , and sell at what rate he listeth . Hitherto of that illiberall alienation which is for ever : what is that which is onely for a time ? It is called pawning ; which is a contract whereby the dominion and right of a mans goods is alienated from the owner to another man , onely for a time , upon some condition agreed upon between the parties ; which condition being not observed , the right of the thing belongeth to the receiver , at least so long till it be performed . And this pawning is either of moveables , and is called properly pawning ; or of immoveables , and is called morgaging . What is his duty who layeth a thing to pawne ? First , to provide , that the thing pawned bee at least of equall worth to that for which it is pawned . Secondly , that he redeem it at the appointed time . What is his duty that receiveth a pawne ? First , that if the party be poore , and the thing pawned necessary to the preservation of life , that either he doe not receive it , or that hee doe restore it to the owner when his necessity requireth it , Deut. 24. 6. & 24. 10 , 11 , 12 , 13 , 14 , 15 , Ex. 22. 26. Secondly , that if the borrower be not able to restore it at the appointed time , he doe not use extremity , nor take advantage upon his necessity , to make him forfeit the thing pawned ; but at the most , provide only for his owne indemnity , Ezek. 18. 7. 12. & 33. 15. So much of the illiberall Alienation of the thing it selfe : Now what is the illiberall Alienation only of the use ? This contract of Alienation concerning only the use , is either location and letting , which is the alienation of the thing for hire : or hiring and conduction , which is the alienation of the hire for the use of the thing . VVhat is Location or letting ? It is a contract , whereby only the use of a thing , and not the interest and dominion is alienated from the owner to another , for hire and wages agreed upon , and that only for a certaine time : And therefore , by this contract , the same individuall is to be returned . VVhat is his duty that letteth ? 1. That he require an equall and proportionable price for the thing he letteth . 2. That he letteth only such things as are usefull to him that hireth them . 3. That he doe not exact any recompence for any hurt which happeneth to the thing hired , which commeth not by the fault or negligence of him that hireth it , Exod. 22. 11. 15. VVhat is Conduction or hiring ? It is a contract , whereby a man getteth the use of a thing for a certaine time , for a just price or reward . VVhat is his duty that thus hireth any thing ? First , that he use the thing hired onely for that end and purpose to which he hired it . Secondly , that he use it no worse then if it were his owne . Thirdly , that he restore it to the owner at the time agreed upon . Lastly , that he restore whole and sound the thing hired ; or if through his fault or negligence it have received any hurt , that he give to the owner a valuable recompence , Exod. 22. 12. What is that we call Usury ? It is a lending in expectation of certain gaine . What doe you thinke of it ? If you speak of that property which the Scriptures forbid and condemne , it is a wicked and unlawfull Contract , into which as a common sinke , the filth of many other sinnes , and unlawfull Contracts doe runne ; a fruitfull wombe , in which many vices and corruptions are bred ; and by which , if we live and dye in it without repentance , wee are excluded out of the Kingdome of heaven , Psalme 15. 5. & Ezek. 10. 8. & 22. 13. But there is much question what this Usury is which the Scripture condemneth . Therefore it shall be our wisdome in matters concerning our salvation to take the surest and safest course ; and that is wholly to forbeare it , and not to put our soules , which are of more value then the whole world , upon nice disputes , and subtle distinctions , Mark 8. 36. You have spoken of that alienation which is in illiberall Contracts , in respect of the things themselves , or the use of them : Now what is that alienation which is for recompence of care , labour , and industry ? These Contracts are either publick or private ; the private , are either in the Common-wealth , between the Magistrate and people ; or in the Church , between the Ministers and people . What is the Contract between the Magistrate and people ? That the Magistrates should receive from them their stipends , tribute , and maintenance , and the people from them , and by them , protection , direction , and peaceable government . What then is the Magistrates duty to the people ? That he faithfully bestow all his labour and industry , his care and diligence , that he may in the Lord governe the people committed to his charge ; and direct , correct , and protect them for the common good , Rom. 13. 4. Psal. 78. 71 , 72. And if they have their reward , and neglect their duty , they are guilty of theft , and sin against this Commandement , Ezek. 34. 2 , 3. What is the Peoples duties to them ? That they faithfully pay unto them their tribute and due , as an honourable reward of their paines and care , Mat. 22. 21. Rom. 13. 7. What is the publick Contract between Ministers and people ? That the Ministers receiving their portion and maintenance from the people , or rather from God himselfe , that they feed the people committed to their charge , with the bread of life , faithfully preaching the Word , and administring the Sacraments , and shining before them by an holy example , and the light of a godly life , seeking rather them then theirs , 2 Tim. 4. 1 , 2. 1 Cor. 12. 14. What is his Theft ? 1. When he receiveth his reward , and neglecteth his duty . As when he presseth into his Calling uncalled , by the window , and not by the doore , John 10. 1. being neither qualified with gifts , nor willing to imploy those he hath for the good of the people 2. When he feedeth himselfe and not the people , eating the milke , and clothing himselfe with the wooll , but neglecting the flocke , Ezek. 34. 2 , 3. Zach. 11. 15. 17. 3. VVhen for gaine he either preacheth false doctrine , or concealeth the truth , Mich. 3. 11. What is the duty of the people ? That receiving spirituall things from their Ministers , they communicate and impart unto them their carnall things , 1 Cor. 9. 10. What is the Peoples Theft ? VVhen receiving these spirituall things , they defraude them of their dues , and withhold from them their meanes and maintenance which the Lawes of God and man doe allot unto them : The which is not only theft , but even sacriledge , and the robbing of God himselfe , Mat. 3. 8. What is that Alienation which is in private Contracts ? VVhen as men imploy others to doe their worke upon promise of reward , or any wayes to use their gifts and abilities ; their care , industry and labour for a just recompence . What is required of such as thus imploy others ? 1. That they give an equall and proportionable recompence to those whom they thus hire , 1 Tim. 5. 18. 2. That they pay it without delay , especially to the poore , who are not able , nor willing to forbeare it , Deut. 24. 14 , 15. Lev. 19. 13. What then is their Theft ? VVhen either they give not an equall and just recompence , or delay to pay it to the poore , who are unable to forbeare it , Jam. 5. 4. What is the duty of the Mercenary or hireling ? 1. That he require no more then such wages as is equall and proportionable to his skill , care and labour . 2. That he doe his worke that hireth him , faithfully and diligently . You have spoken of such Contracts as respect Alienation and change : Now what are those which are of things committed to trust ? They are either of things committed to others only for safe custody , or such as are committed to Feoffees of trust for uses appointed , or such as by last will are intrusted to Executors . VVhat is the nature of things deposited ? VVhen neither the dominion and right , nor the use of the thing is alienated , but only the safe custody is committed to a man. What is his duty ? That hee safely keep that which is committed to his trust , and willingly restore it to the owner when he calleth for it . VVhat is his Theft ? First , when he converteth the thing committed to his keeping to his own use . Secondly , when he will not restore it to the owner when he desireth to have it . But what if the things deposited bee stolne , or become worse ? If it bee by his default that had the keeping of them , hee is to make it good : but if by oath he can cleare himselfe of all unfaithfulnesse and negligence , the owner and not he must beare the losse , Exod. 22. 7 , 8. What is the duty of Feoduciaries and Executors ? That they faithfully discharge their trust , and doe their will ( and not their owne ) who have reposed confidence in them . How doe they offend ? When they faile in their trust , and aime more at their owne profit , then at the performing of their will who have entrusted them , or the faithfull discharge of their duty . These are duties which respect things committed to trust : what say you of persons thus intrusted ? Those are Pupills , and children in their nonage , who being unable to governe , direct , protect , and order themselves , are by the Lawes of God and man , committed to the care and tuition of others . What is the duty of their Tutors and Guardians ? That they carry themselves towards them faithfully , according to the trust reposed in them ; and like Parents , aime chiefly at the good of their Pupils and Wards , and not their owne gaine and profit , Esth. 2. 7. remembring that they shall one day be called to give an account of these persons committed to their charge and trust , and of all the goods belonging unto them . So much of just getting goods : now in the order propounded we are come to the just possession , and retention of them : what is required unto this just possession ? Two things . First , the keeping of our owne goods . Secondly , the restitution of that which justly belongeth to others . What doth this Commandement require of us in the former respect ? That we be not wanting to the just preservation , not onely of our neighbours , but also of our owne goods . How prove you this . Because our goods are Gods Talents , eommitted unto us ; of which wee must give an account to our great Lord and Master . And therefore if through our owne fault and negligence wee suffer them to bee lost , or to be taken unjustly from us , we rob our selves , and the poore also , who have right unto that which wee can well spare from our owne uses . What doth this Commandement require concerning restitution of other mens goods ? That we readily restore those goods which either we have unjustly gotten from the right owners , or which we cannot justly retaine . How doe you prove that goods unjustly gotten ought to be restored ? Both by Gods Precepts , the examples of the godly , and necessary reasons . For the first , God strictly requireth , that if any thing be unjustly gotten , as either by violence , or by fraud and deceit , or any other wayes , restitution bee made to the true owner , Lev. 6. 2 , 3 , 4 , 5. Num. 5. 6 , 7 , 8. By what examples doe you evince it ? Before the Law , by the example of Jacob and his sonnes , Gen. 43. 12 21. Vnder the Law , by the profession of Samuel , 1 Sam. 12. 4. and the practice of Micah , Judges 17. 2. who , though an Idolater , made conscience of it ; and of the Jewes , Nehem. 5. 11 , 12. And under the Gospell we have the example of Zaccheus , Luke 19. 8. Yea Judas himselfe , being convinced of his sinne , maketh restitution : so that they herein are worse then Judas who refuse to doe it . What reason have you for it ? Because it is a duty necessarily to be performed by all that hope for salvation : For without restitution wee can neither have any true faith to perswade us that our sinne of Theft is remitted , nor any sincere Repentance . For God pardons no sin which we still pertinaciously retaine and live in , Prov. 28. 13. But he that restoreth not ill-gotten goods , liveth still in his theft , and repenteth not of it , seeing restitution is an inseparable fruit of repentance , Ezek. 33. 15. But what is to be considered in this restitution ? Foure things . First , who is to make it ; namely , every man who hath gotten any thing unjustly , either by force or fraud , by contract or out of contract , by calumny , and false accusation , by lying , oppression , or any other evill course , Luke 19. 8. Numb . 5. 6 Lev. 6. 23. Secondly , to whom restitution is to be made ; namely , to him who is wronged , defrauded or oppressed ; Lev. 6. 5. or to his kindred , if he bee dead , or if none such can be found , to pious uses . Thirdly , how much ought to be restored ; to wit , all the whole that is unjustly gotten , if he be able , or at least so much to the uttermost as he is able ; yea the Law of God required , that to the principall a fifth part should be added , Lev. 6. 5. Numb . 5. 7. And even equity it selfe requireth , that beside the principall it selfe , so much more should be added as the party is damnified by this unjust detention of his goods . Fourthly , when this restitution ought to be made ; namely , not at the end of our lives , or after our death ; but as soone as we repent , and desire at Gods hands that our sin should be forgiven . We must confesse , bewayle , and forsake our sin , that God may be reconciled unto us , and then we must make satisfaction to our wronged Neighbour , Mat. 5. 23 , 24. What are the things , which though they be justly gotten , yet are unjustly detained ? Such things as others having lost , we have found : For such things come unto us by the disposing of Gods providence , and we may justly keep them till we can find out the true owners ; so that we make diligent enquiry after them , with a resolution to restore what we have thus found , when we know to whom they belong , Deut. 22. 3. Exod. 23. 4. Hitherto of the duties which belong to just getting and possession of goods : Now what is required to the right use of them ? Two things : Fruition , in respect of our selves ; and communication , in respect of others , Prov. 5. 15 , 16. What is required to the former ? That we thankfully and comfortably enjoy Gods blessings which he hath bestowed upon us , Eccles. 5. 17 , 18. How must this be done ? By exercising two vertues . The first is Parsimony or thriftinesse , whereby we honestly keep and preserve our goods , that they be not vainly and unprofitably mis-spent , John 6. 12. Prov. 27. 23. to 28. The second is Frugality , whereby we dispose of our goods justly and honestly gotten , to fit and necessary uses , in a sober and moderate manner . What vertues then must here concurre in the right use of our goods ? These foure : 1. Iustice in getting them . 2. Thriftinesse in keeping them . 3. Frugality in enjoying them . 4. Liberality in communicating them . For without justice , parsimony degenerateth into covetousnesse ; Frugality without liberality , into sordid miserlinesse ; Liberality without parsimony and frugality , into prodigality . What vices are opposed to these vertues ? Two : 1. Tenacity , or sordid gripplenesse . Secondly , profusion , and wastefulnesse . What is tenacity ? A kinde of covetousnesse which restraineth men , both from communicating their goods to others , and from enjoying them themselves , Eccles. 6. 2. & 5. 10 , 11. Wherein doe such offend ? By committing a double theft . First , against their neighbours , seeing God hath not made them absolute owners of their riches , but Stewards , who must dispose of them also for the good of others , which if they doe not , they rob them of their right , James 5. 1 , 2 , 3. Secondly , against themselves , in defrauding their owne soules of the use of those blessings which God hath allowed them , Eccles. 4. 8. What doe you think of such Misers ? First , that none are more wicked , seeing they are neither good for themselves , nor others , Eccles. 14. 5. Secondly , none poorer , seeing though they possesse much , yet they enjoy nothing , and want as well what they have , as what they have not . Thirdly , none more foolish , seeing they want for feare of wanting , and live poore that they may dye rich . Fourthly , none more wretched , seeing they deprive themselves both of the comforts of this life , and of the joyes of the life to come . What is the other extreame ? Profusion and wastfulnesse : And this is two-fold , either in spending above their meanes in unnecessarie expences , whereby they either ruine their estates , or expose themselves to the devills tentations , in using unlawfull meanes to recover that which they have wastfully mis-spent . Or secondly , in wasting their goods in dishonest & riotous courses , tending to luxurie and riot , whereby they necessitate themselves to use all unlawfull meanes to get so much more wealth as may serve to maintaine their riotous expences ; and so Luxury becommeth the mother of Covetousnesse ; and Covetousnesse the nurse of Luxuriousnesse . What is the use of our goods respecting others ? It is by communication or liberall alienation of them for the use and benefit of others . What vertues are hereunto required ? Two : Liberality and Iustice. Liberality , whereby we communicate our goods with a ready and cheerefull minde . Secondly , Iustice , that we thus communicate that onely which is our owne . And these must goe hand in hand , and are therefore conjoyned by Salomon , Proverbs 21. 21. What are the kindes of liberall alienation ? They are two . For it is for a certaine time onely , or for ever . What is that which is onely for a certaine time ? It is either a liberall alienation of the use onely of a thing for a certaine time , or of the dominion also , and that freely , without any expectation of recompence . For both these ought to be liberall , respecting onely the profit of the receiver : and secondly , just , to which is required that that which is lent bee his own who lendeth it , and fit for his use who borroweth it : And this duty is commended , Psalme 112. 5. and commanded , Deut. 15. 7. 8 , Matth. 5. 42. Luke 6. 35. What is that alienation which is for ever ? It is free giving , when as goods are alienated from the true owner unto another liberally , and without expectation of any recompence , 2 Cor. 9. 7. Acts 20. 35. What is further required to it ? That it be not only free , but also just , giving that only which is a mans owne , and not anothers , which were no better then theft : As when a man by lavish giving defraudeth his children of their inheritance , or giveth his goods or lands from his daughters to strangers , or remote kindred of his name , because he hath no sonnes to continue it . Secondly , That we make good choice of those upon whom we confer benefits , either for their worth or indigency ; but especially , we must give and doe good to those who are of the houshold of faith , Gal. 6. 10. What are the uses unto which we must freely contribute ? They are either publick or private , and the publick are either civill or Ecclesiasticall . What are the Civill ? When as we freely give our goods for the service , preservation and benefit of the Common-wealth , both in the time of peace and warre . To which uses we must give freely , to the uttermost of our ability : yea , even above it , when the necessity of the State requireth it , seeing the good of the whole body must be preferred before the good of any particular member , 2 Sam. 17. 27 , 28 , 29. What are the Ecclesiasticall ? When as we give freely for the maintenance of the Ministery , and means of Gods Worship , tending to the salvation of our soules . To which uses we must give so much the more cheerefully , as the soule is to be preferred before the body , or outward estate , Luke 10. and last . Prov. 3. 9. An example whereof we have in the Israelites , Exod. 36. 5 , 6. 1 Chron. 29. 9. And if they were so free and liberall in giving towards the building of the Tabernacle and Temple , how much more should we towards the building of Gods spirituall Houses and Temples for the Holy-Ghost ? What are the private uses ? For the benefit and reliefe of private men , whose necessity doth require it of us according to our abilities ; and these are those Almes-deeds , and other works of mercy , unto which the Apostle exhorteth , Heb. 13. 16. And are partly fruits of mercy , and partly of brotherly love , and Christian charity , of which we shall have occasion to speake afterwards . Hitherto you have spoken of the duties respecting our owne and Neighbours person , both in regard of life in the sixth , and of chastity in the seventh , as also our owne and their gods in the eighth . Now what is the ninth Commandement ? Thou shalt not beare false witnesse against thy neighbour . What is the maine scope and end at which God aymeth in this Commandement ? The conservation of truth amongst men , and of our owne and Neighbours fame and good name . Why doth God so much regard truth ? Because it is most deare unto him ; for he is the God of truth , Deut. 32. 4. Psal. 31. 5. yea truth it selfe , John 14. 6. Therefore Christ came into the world , that he might beare witnesse unto the truth , John 18. 37. and by speaking the truth God is glorified , Josh. 7. 19. Why doth he respect so much our fame and good name ? Because it is his owne good gift , and therefore he taketh care to preserve that unto us , which himself hath given . What was the occasion of this commandement ? First , our naturall corruption , which maketh us prone to lying , Psal. 58. 3. Rom. 3. 4. as appeareth hereby , in that we no sooner speak then lye , and not onely for advantage , but without any cause , out of meer vanity . Secondly , out of a naturall disposition men are ready to trespasse against the fame and good name of others ; and this ariseth out of meere envie and pride , which maketh us ready to abase others , to advance our selves : And these corruptions God opposeth in this commandement . What is the thing that is here chiefly forbidden ? That we should not in legall proceedings and Courts of justice give a false testimony concerning our neighbours , as appeareth by the words expresly used , Thou shalt not answere a false testimony concerning thy neighbour , which imply a precedent question or examination , unlesse we will say that answering is here used for speaking or saying , as it is often times , Matth. 11. 25. Luk. 14. 3 , 5. Matth. 28. 5. and then the meaning is , that we must not give a false testimony of our neighbour either publikely or privately , whether it be with or against him ; or if we had rather take it of legall testimonies in Courts of justice , then by a synecdoche we must under this one kinde understand all other kindes of false testimonies , but this is here named as the chiefe , and of all the rest most hurtfull and pernicious , to comprehend under it all the rest , as it is in the other commandements . What then is the negative part of this commandement ? It generally forbiddeth all false , vaine , and offensive speeches concerning our neighbour , whether it be for or against him , whether in judgement or out of judgement , although principally here are forbidden all false testimonies which tend to the prejudice of the fame or state of our neighbours ; or more briefly it forbiddeth all falsity and untruth , especially that which is prejudiciall to our neighbour in any respect , or to our selves . What doth the affirmative part require ? Two things : the conservation of the truth , and of our own and neighbours good name , with all duties of the tongue homogeneall and of the same nature and kind , with all helps and meanes tending hereunto . Why are our words and speeches so much to be regarded , seeing they are but winde , as is commonly supposed ? Great care is to be had of our speech , seeing it is an excellent faculty peculiar to man , and being a speciall gift of God it must not be abused to Gods dishonour and our owne destruction . Neither are words slightly to be regarded , seeing we must give account of every idle word , and by our words we shall be justified or condemned , Matth. 12. 37. And the wise man telleth us , that death and life are in the power of the tongue , Pro. 18. 21. and that a wholesome tongue is a tree of life , whereas an evill tongue is an unruly evill , and full of deadly poison , James 3. 8. which if we doe not subdue and rule , whatsoever profession we make of Religion it is all in vaine James 1. 26. What is the summe of the duties of the tongue here required ? That our speeches be both true and charitable : for these must inseparably goe together ; for Charity rejoiceth in truth , 1 Cor. 13. 6. and the truth must be spoken in love , Eph. 4. 15. For truth without love savoureth of malice , and charity without truth is false , vaine , and foolish . Unto what heads then are these duties of the Tongue , required in this Commandement , to be referred ? Vnto two : 1. The conservation of truth amongst men ; And 2. the conservation of our owne and our neighbours fame and good name . What have you to say concerning Truth ? Two things . First , what this truth is . Secondly , the meanes of conserving it . What is to be considered in truth it selfe ? Three things , First , what it is . Secondly , whether it be to be professed . Thirdly , after what manner . What is truth or veracity ? It is an habit of speaking that which is true from our hearts , Psal. 15. 2. What is required hereunto ? Two things . First , that our speech be agreeable to our minds . Secondly , that our minds be agreeable to the thing : For though we speak that which is true , yet if we think it false , we are lyers , because our tongue agreeth not with our mindes : and if that we speak be false , and yet we think it true , we doe not speak truely , for though truth be in our hearts , yet a lye is in our mouths ; and though we cannot be called lyers , because we speak as we think , yet may we be said to tell a lye , because that we say is false . What great necessity is there of this truth ? Very great : for if speech be necessary , ( as all confesse ) then also speaking truth , without which there would be no use of speech ; for take away truth , and it were better that we were dumbe , then that we should be endued with this faculty of speaking What other motives are there to embrace it ? Because it is both commended and commanded in the Scripture : It is commended as a vertue which God greatly loveth , Psal. 51. 8. as a note of a Citizen of heaven , Psal. 15. 2. and of one who shall be established for ever , Pro. 12. 19. It is commanded Ephes. 4. 25. Zach. 8. 16 , 19. Is it onely sufficient to know the truth and beleeve it ? No : we must also upon all fit occasions professe it with our mouthes , Rom. 10. 9 , 10. Matth. 10. 32 , 33. How must the truth he professed ? Freely and simply . How is it done freely ? When as we professe it willingly and undauntedly , so farre forth as the matter , place , and time doe require . So Dan. 3. 16 , 17 , 18. Acts 4. 8 , 10 , 13. How is it done simply ? When as it is done without guile and dissimulation , shifts or shuffles . What are the vices opposite to truth ? They are two : First , falsity and lying . Secondly , vanity , or an habite of lying . What is lying ? It is twofold : First , when we speak that which is false . Secondly , when as we speak that which is true , falsly , and with a mind to deceive . What is it to speak that which is false ? When as we doe not speak as the thing is , whether we thinke it true or no. What is it to speak falsly ? When as we doe not speak as we think , whether the thing be true or false . What are the reasons which may disswade from lying ? 1. Because God is true , and the author of truth ; and the Devill a lyer , and the father of lyes ; and as truth maketh us like unto God , so lyes make us like unto the Devill . 2. Because it is strictly forbidden in the Scriptures , Lev. 9. 11. Exod. 23. 7. Col. 3. 9. Eph. 4. 25. 3. Because the lyer sinneth grievously , not onely against his neighbour , but also against God himself , Lev. 6. 2. 4. Because the Scriptures condemne lying as the spawne of the old serpent , John 8. 44. and as a thing abominable and odious unto God , Pro. 12. 22. & 6. 17. 5. Because it perverteth the use of speech , taketh away all credit and faith between man and man , and quite overthroweth all humane society , which cannot stand without contracts and commerce , nor they without truth . Lastly , because God severely punisheth lyes , Pro. 19. 5 , 9. Psal. 5. 6. Acts 5. 1 , 2 , 3 , &c. and that both in this life with infamy and disgrace , for it maketh a man esteemed base and of no credit , so that the usuall lyer is not beleeved when he speaketh truth , Eccles. 34. 4. And in the life to come , for it excludeth out of heaven , Apoc. 22. 15. and casteth men into that lake which burneth with fire and brimstone , chap. 21. 8. How are lyes usually distinguished ? Into three sorts , Merry Lyes . Officious Lyes . Pernicious Lyes . What are merry Lyes ? Such as are spoken onely to delight the hearers , and make sport . Are such to be condemned as sinfull , seeing they doe no man hurt ? Yes verily , for the Scriptures condemne not onely false , but also all vaine speeches , Matth. 12. 29. Secondly , because they are against truth , and cannot be spoken without impeaching of it . Thirdly , lies must not be spoken to delight Princes , who have most cause of care and trouble , Hos. 7. 3. Fourthly , lyes must not be spoken for profit , and therefore much lesse for delight . What are officious Lyes ? Such as are spoken either for our owne , or neighbours profit , and doe not hurt any man. Are such lyes unlawfull likewise ? Yes surely , and upon the same grounds ; for though we may buy the truth at a deare purchase , yet we must not sell it at any rate , Prov. 23. 23. And if it be unlawfull to lye in the cause of God , because it hath no need to be supported by our lyes , Iob 13. 7 , 8. much lesse for our owne or neighbours profit . What doe you call Vanity in lying ? When men by a corrupt custome are so habituated to lying , that they will lye for every cause , yea even for no cause , and when they might attain their ends as well and easily by speaking truth . What vices are opposite to Freedome and Liberty in speaking the truth ? They are either in the excesse , or in the defect . VVhat in the excesse ? Vnseasonable and undiscreet profession of the truth , with the danger or losse of our selves or others , when neither the glory of God , nor our own , or neighbours good doth require it . And in such cases our Saviour himselfe would not professe the truth , though he were pressed unto it by his malicious enemies , Iohn 18. 20 , 21. Because he should thereby have but cast Pearles before Swine , contrary to his owne Doctrine , Matth. 7. 6. What is opposite in defect ? When either out of a cowardly fear , or some other sinister respect wee deny the truth in our words , or betray it by our silence . Of the former we have an example in Peter , Matth. 26 of the other in those weak Christians , 2 Tim. 4. 16. But is it not sometime lawfull to conceale the truth ? Yes surely , when neither the glory of God , nor our owne , or neighbours good doe require the profession of it , but yet with this caution , that we doe not speak any untruth to conceale it . 1 Sam. 16. 2. 5. What is opposed to simplicity in speaking the truth ? Simulation or double dealing ; which is two-fold , either in our words , or deeds . What is that in our words ? When wee speake one thing , and thinke another , or speake with an heart and a heart , in the Scripture phrase , Psalme 12. 2. This is called a deceitfull tongue and mouth , Zeph. 3. 13. and a tongue that frameth deceit , Psalme 50. 19. as it is described , Psalme 52. 22. Ier. 9. 8 , 9. The which is to be avoyded , Psalme 34. 14. and Christs example to be imitated , 1 Pet. 2. 22. What is simulation in our deeds ? When as one thing is pretended , and another thing is intended . So Ioab killed Abner , and Amasa under pretence of friendship . But howsoever this is esteemed policie with men , yet it is odious to God , Psal. 5. 7. and punished with immature death , Psal. 55 and last . You have spoken of truth it selfe , and the opposites unto it ; now shew what are the meanes of it ? They are of two sorts . First , that it may be amongst men . Secondly , that it may have a profitable being . What is required to the being of it . Two things . First , that it may be knowne . Secondly , that being knowne , it may be preserved . What is required to the knowing of it ? Two things . First , a love of the truth . Secondly , teachablenesse . What is the love of the truth ? First , when as men are so affected towards the truth , that they study with all their endeavour to get it , but will not sell it at any price , Proverbs 23 , 23. Secondly , when as they are willing to defend it upon all occasions , Ecclus. 4. 33. What is opposite hereunto ? First , love of lies , which excludeth out of heaven , Apoc. 22. 15. Secondly , voluntary ignorance , 2 Pet. 3. 5. What is opposite to the defence of truth ? When as it is deserted or opposed . What is teachablenesse ? A fruit of the love of truth : when as men are ready and willing to admit the truth , and to give place to better reasons , Acts 17. 11. What is further required to the preserving of truth ? That we be constant , and not carried away with every winde of Doctrine , Eph. 4. 14. And these two vertues must concurre : for teachablenesse without constancy degenerateth into levity and vain credulity , and constancy without teachablenesse into pertinacie . What are the meanes of the profitable being of truth amongst men ? Profitable speech ; which is accompanied and furthered with curtesie , and civility , and remedied with silence . When is our speech profitable ? First , when it advanceth Gods glory , either in respect of the matter of it , or the end . The matter , when as we praise God , and celebrate his glory , Psalme 50. and last . Ephes. 5. 4. Iames 5. 13. And Gods glory is the end of our speech , when as it is chiefely referred thereunto . How doth our speech tend to our neighbours profit ? First and chiefly when it tendeth to his spirituall good and edification , as instructing the ignorant , counselling them that need counsell , comforting the afflicted , strengthening the weak , exhorting the sluggish , admonishing them that erre , and rebuking them who wilfully offend . Secondly , when it tendeth to his temporall profit either for his honest delight in a witty and facetious way , called Vrbanity , which may be called the sauce that seasoneth truth , 2 Cor. 12. 15. or for his profit , when as it hath some necessary use for the good of his body or state . What is the meanes of furthering this profitable truth in our speeches ? Curtesie and affability , which is a vertue whereby we are easily drawn to communicate with others , by talking with them in a humane and curteous manner , with expressions of love and good-will : an example whereof we have in Christ , John 4. 7 , 10. who for this cause was said to be a friend to publicans and sinners . What is the remedy against the contrary vice ? Taciturnity , or seasonable silence , which is a vertue that keepeth counsell , and restraineth us from uttering secrets , or any unprofitable , unnecessary , and unseasonable speeches , which in the Scriptures is made a note of a wise man , Pro. 17. and last , 10. 19. Jam. 1. 19. and is commended to all , especially to women , 1 Tim. 2. 11 , 12. and young men in the presence of their elders and betters , Ecclus 32. 9. And these two vertues , taciturnity and affability , must goe together ; for affability without seasonable silence degenerateth into vaine babling ; and silence without affability into Cynicall sullennesse , and sowre churlishnesse . What are the opposites to these vertues , and namely to profitable speech ? They are two : First , speech unprofitable . Secondly , that which is hurtfull . VVhat is unprofitable and vaine speech ? That which is not referred either to Gods glory , or our own or neighbours good , which is condemned in the Scripture , Psal. 12. 2. Deut. 5. 20. Tit. 3. 9. Pro. 30. 8. and accountable at the day of judgment , Matth. 12. 36. What is hurtfull speech ? First , that which tendeth to Gods dishonour , as imprecations , blasphemies , rash and false oaths . Secondly , that which tendeth to our owne and neighbours hurt , and is opposed either to edification , or the temporall good of his person , name , or state . What is speech opposite to edification ? Rotten and unsavoury speech , Eph. 4. 29. which is called rotten , because it springeth from a rotten and poisonous fountaine , and is also apt to infect and poison the hearers , 1 Cor. 15. 33. What are the kinds of this rotten speech ? They are many : as by our words to misse-lead men , to give evill counsell , grieve the afflicted , to encourage men to run on in sinne , to praise men in their evill courses , and the like . What vices are opposed to Urbanity ? There are divers : some in the excesse , as witty speeches wantonly wicked , scurrility , talkativenesse , and vaine babling . In the defect , such speeches as are foolish and unsavoury . VVhat vices are opposite to Affability ? In the excesse , counterfeit Complements , 2 Sam. 15. 5. Secondly , lightnesse and idle talk . And in the defect ▪ Morosity , and churlish speeches . VVhat vices are opposed to seasonable silence ? Prating , and immoderate and unseasonable multiplying of words , Pro. 10. 19. Psal. 140. 11. Secondly , futility , when men can hold in no secrets ; but unseasonably vent out all that is in their mindes , Prov. 15. 28. and 12. 23. and 29. 11. Ecclus 21. 29. Thirdly , unseasonable suppressing of truth with silence . You have spoken of conserving of truth , now speak of our fame and good name : and first shew why it is to be respected ? We ought to have singular care of preserving of our owne and neighbours good name , because it is no lesse deare to a good man then his life , Eccles. 7. 2. Pro. 15. 30. & 22. 1. VVhat is required to the conserving of our neighbours good name ? First , an internall disposition , care , and study of preserving it , which we shall shew by these fruits : First , when we are glad of it , and rejoice in it , Rom. 1. 8. Coloss. 1. 3 , 4. and are grieved when as it is blacked and blemished . VVhat other fruits are there of it ? They respect either our hearing , judgment , or reports . Our hearing ; first , when as we shut our eares to whisperers and slanderers ; for their detractions and slanders cannot hurt our neighbours good name , if we will not heare and beleeve them , Pro. 25. 23. And this is a note of a Citizen of heaven , Psal. 15. 3. Secondly , when as we willingly and cheerfully heare the praises of our neighbours , which is a signe of an honest heart , that is free from self-love and envie . VVhat is required in the judgement ? A candid and ingenuous disposition to preserve our neighbours fame , and in all things doubtfull to judge the best of his words and deeds . VVhat are the fruits hereof ? Not to nourish hard conceits of him , but when they arise to suppresse them , if the grounds of them be not very probable . Secondly , not to beleeve rashly any evill of our neighbour . Thirdly , to take and conster all things well done and spoken by him in the best sense . Fourthly , to interpret and take things doubtfull in the better part . VVhat are the fruits respecting reports ? Silence and secrecy : For it is a Christian duty to keep secret our neighbours faults , which proceed from infirmity and humane frailty , unlesse it be to amend him by admonition or seasonable reproofe , Lev. 19. 17. Matth. 18. 15 , 16. Gen. 37. 2. 1 Cor. 1. 11. or to give warning to the hearer , that he may prevent some evill that is intended against him , Jer. 40. 14. Act. 23. 16. or to preserve him that he be not infected with the contagion of his sinne with whom he converseth : or finally , when himselfe is necessitated to discover anothers faults and crimes , lest by silence he become accessary unto them , as in case of Felony , Murther , or Treason , Eccles. 19. 8. What are the vices opposite to these vertues ? To the care of preserving our neighbours name is opposed , First , carelesnesse , as if it did not concerne us , which argueth defect of love . Secondly , a study and desire to detract from his fame , and to lessen his credit and estimation , which is a fruit of hatred and envie , Matth. 21. 15. What are the vices opposite to those vertues which respect the meanes ? They are referred either to hearing , the judgement , or report . What are those which respect hearing ? First , to have itching eares after such rumors as tend to our Neighbors infamy and disgrace , forbidden , Exod. 23. 1. Prov. 17. 4. which was Sauls sin , 1 Sam. 24. 10. Secondly , to have our eares open to heare calumnies and reproaches , and shut to our Neighbours praises , which is a fruit of envy and self-love . What are the vices which respect the judgement ? They are vices opposite to candid ingenuity ; as first , suspiciousnesse , when we suspect evill of our Neighbour without just cause , and upon every slight occasion , 1 Tim. 6. 4. which is a false testimony of the heart . Secondly , to beleeve rashly rumors reported from others , tending to the disgrace of our Neighbours , which have no sure ground ; which was Putiphars fault , Gen. 39. 19. and Davids , 2 Sam. 16. 3 , 4. Thirdly , hard and uncharitable censures ; either in respect of their sayings and doings , sinisterly interpreting things well spoken or done , or taking things doubtfull in the worst sense : or in respect of their persons , censuring and condemning them rashly , when as we have no just cause , 1 Sam. 1. 13. Acts 2. 13. Luke 7. 39. and 13. 1. Acts 28. 4. What vice respecteth report ? First , when as men raise false reports against their Neighbours . Secondly , when as they discover uncharitably their secret faults , especially arising from infirmity and humane frailty , Prov. 10. 18. What is opposite to the externall profession of truth , concerning our neighbour , which ought to be charitable ? First , a malicious testimony , though true , which ariseth from malice and envy , and tendeth to a sinister and evill end , 1 Sam. 22. 9. Psal. 52. 3 , 4. Secondly , a false testimony , which is either simply false , as that 1 King. 21. 13. Acts 6. 13. or true in the letter of the words , but false in the sense , as that against thirst , Mat. 26. 60 , 61. John 2. 19. Into what sorts are testimonies spoken of in this Commandement to be distinguished ? They are either publick , or private ; and the publick , either in the Courts of Iustice , or out of them . Of which doth this Commandement principally speake ? Of publick and Legall Testimonies , which are to be regarded above others , because it is the judgement of God rather then man , Deut. 1. 17. 2 Chron. 19. 6. and therefore he that perverteth this judgement , maketh God himselfe as much as in him is , guilty of his sin of injustice . What are the kinds of Legall Testimonies ? They are either of the Iudge , or of the Notary , or the parties suing , contending and pleading , or of the Witnesse . What is the Testimony of the Judge ? It is his sentence which he giveth in the cause tryed before him . What is herein required of him ? First , that before he give sentence , he throughly examine and finde out the truth and equity of the cause , Deut. 13. 14. & 17. 4. & 19. 18. according to Gods owne example , Gen. 3. 9 , 10. & 18. 21. Secondly , that in passing sentence he judge according to truth , justice , and equity : for Iudges must be men of truth , Exod. 18. 21. Secondly , just and righteous , Deut. 1. 16. & 16. 20. Lev. 19. 15. And thirdly , not just in a rigid and extreame way , according to the letter of the Law ; but so as when there is just occasion he must moderate the rigour of the Law with equity , which is the true sense and life of the Law. But is not the Judge to give sentence according to things legally alleadged and proved ? Yes ordinarily . But if he undoubtedly upon his owne certaine knowledge know , that things are otherwise then they seeme to be by Testimonies , pleadings and reasons alleadged , he must judge according to knowne truth , and defend the cause , being just , which is oppressed by false evidences and reasons , or otherwise he shall sin against his owne knowledge and conscience , Prov. 31. 8 , 9. What are the vices opposite hereunto ? They are two : 1. Rash. 2. Perverse judgement . What is rash Judgement ? It is done divers wayes : First , when as the Iudge pronounceth sentence before the cause be sufficiently examined and knowne , Prov. 18. 13. Secondly , when as they condemne any man before they have heard his cause , Acts 25. 15 , 16. Thirdly , when as they pronounce sentence , having heard one part only . So David , 2 Sam. 16. 4. Let such remember that of Salomon , Prov. 18. 17. Fourthly , when as they in matters concerning life and death give sentence upon the single testimony of one witnesse , Deut. 17. 6. Whas is perverse Iudgement ? When as truth is oppressed , and justice and right is perverted , whereby the wicked is acquitted , and the just condemned , Prov. 17. 15. which for the most part hapneth , because the Iudge is corrupted with bribes , or accepteth persons , both which are forbidden and condemned , Deut. 16. 18 , 19. Exod. 23. 8. Prov. 24. 23 , 24. & 28 21. Lev. 19. 15. Deut. 1. 16 , 17. What must Iudges doe to avoid this ? They must ever remember that in the Seat of Iustice they represent God himselfe , and in that regard are called Gods , Exod. 22. 28. Psal 82. 1 , 2. and therefore they must judge as God would if he were present , 2 Chron. 19. 6. which if they doe not , they must expect that woe threatened , Isa. 5. 23. Neither must they protract suites , but put as speedy an end unto them as the cause will permit , Exod. 18. 17. 23. What is the duty of the Notary ? That they commit things truly to writing , conserve them truly , and truly recite them . What are the Persons suing and contending in Law ? They are either the principall , or lesse principall : The principall are the Plaintiffe and Defendant , to both which this common duty belongeth . 1. That they doe not contend in Law , unlesse in their consciences they are perswaded that their cause is good & just ; yea and necessary also . 2. That in pursuing of it they doe not say or doe any thing that is false and unjust . What are the vices opposite hereunto ? First , to commence suits out of a love and desire of contention . Secondly , to produce false instruments , writings , proofes , seales , and suborne false witnesses . What are the speciall corruptions of the Plaintiffe ? First , to calumniate upon a false or uncertaine ground , Deut. 19. 16. So Haman , Esth. 3. 8. So Acts 25. 7. Secondly , when prevaricating and trifling in the cause , they conceale and let passe weighty matters and hainous crimes , and insist upon those which are light , feigned , and impertinent ; so as they may seem to dally and trifle with their adversary , rather then to contend in a legall manner . Thirdly , when as they fall off , and hang back from a just accusation once undertaken . What are the speciall sinnes of the Defendant ? To defend himselfe in a false way ; which is done in a various manner . First , by false speaking , in denying the fault whereof hee is accused , and standeth guilty , as it is usuall among us ; whereas wee should give glory unto God by confessing our sinne , Ios. 7. 19. Iob 31. 33. and not by denying the truth , to adde sin unto sins Secondly , by concealing and hiding the truth , which hee ought to confesse . Thirdly , by answering indirectly ; and so waving a just accusation . So Adam , Gen. 3. 12. How else doth the Defendant offend ? First , by making an unjust appeale to protract the suit . Secondly , by resisting a just sentence , which is to resist Gods Ordinance in a lawfull power instituted by him , and so to make himselfe liable to damnation . Rom. 13. 2. Who are the persons that are lesse principall ? The Lawyers , who plead the cause of the parties and principalls . What are their duties ? First , to undertake the defence of such causes onely as in their judgement appeare to be good and just . Secondly , to defend them in a true and just manner . VVhat are the corruptions opposite hereunto ? First , wittingly , to undertake the defence of ill and unjust causes , wherein they sinne ; First , against God , whilst they labour to overturne truth and judgement , Eccles. 5. 7. Secondly , against their neighbour : as First , against the Iudge , in seeking to corrupt his judgement , that hee may passe an unjust sentence : Secondly , against his Client , by incouraging him in a sinfull course , if hee prevaile ; or defrauding him of his money , if hee doe not : Thirdly , against his adversary , whom he woundeth , either in his body , goods , or fame , Prov. 25. 18. Thirdly , against his owne soule : first , in a sinfull defence of an unjust cause , Exod. 23. 1. 2. Chr. 19. 2. Rom. 1. 31. 2. Secondly , by setting his tongue to sale to speak lyes for fees , Prov. 21. 6. and with their tongue their soules also . What other vice doe Lawyers commit by handling of their causes in an evill manner ? They handle them ill , First , by lying either for their client , or against their adversary ; in both which they are guilty of a false testimony . Secondly , by prevarication in betraying the cause of their Client , whilst they seeme to defend it : and this is the worst kinde of cousenage and theft . What is the testimony of the witnesse which this Commandement specially respecteth , and what is required unto it ? Two things . First , that he be ready and willing to give his testimony when need requireth . Secondly , that he doe give a true testimony . When doth need require it ? Either when lawfull authority calleth for it ; or when thereby he can doe his neighbour good , Prov. 24. 11. Psal. 82. 4. Prov. 14. 25. What are the vices opposite hereunto ? First , to detract and with-hold a true testimony . Secondly , to give a false testimony . What doe you thinke of this sinne ? That it is odious , & abominable to God , Pro. 6. 18. and therefore God made choice of this sin as most hainous , to comprehend under it also sins of the like kinde , as in the other Commandements forbidding murther , adultery , theft . Secondly , because he addeth perjurie to his false testimonie . Thirdly , because he sinneth against the Iudge , whom he laboureth to pervert , against the Plaintiffe and the Defendant , Prov. 25. 18. and most of all against his owne soule , as before , Prov. 19. 5. 9. & 21. 28. Deut. 19. 16. 19. Apoc. 21. 15. & 21. 8. You have spoken of publike testimonies in Courts of Justice : Now what are those which are given out of Courts ? They are either open and manifest , or else hid and secret . What are those that are open and manifest ? They are either in the publick ministery of the Word , or in publick Writings , or in Elections . How in the publick Ministery ? He giveth therein a false testimony , who preacheth false Doctrine , which is repugnant to Gods glory , or hindreth mans salvation , which God hath appointed to be punished with death , Zach. 13. 3. And the same is to be said of those who in their publick writings broach errours , or oppose the truth . How in elections ? When those are not preferred that are worthy , but those that are unworthy ; for in elections men testifie their excellency that are chosen before others . What are the false testimonies that are hidden and in secret ? They are either in infamous Libels , which by the Civill Law disable a man from giving any testimony ; or the spreading of false rumours , and scandalous reports , tending to the disgrace of our neighbours , Exod. 23. 1. You have spoken of publike testimonies , now what are private tectimonies , or the private profession of the truth with charity ? It is either of the vertues , or vices of our neighbours . What is the duty which respects the vertues of our neighbours ? It is willingly to acknowledge , and ingenuously to commend , the vertues and good parts of our neighbours , both absent and present , to the glory of God that gave them , and the encrease of vertue in him that hath received it , 1 Cor. 11. 2. What is that duty which respecteth the vices of our neighbour ? It is freely to admonish and reprove him being present , Matth. 18. 15. Lev. 19. 17. Pro. 27. 5 , 6. Psal. 141. 5. and in his absence to cover his faults , as far as will stand with justice and charity , 1 Pet. 4. 8. What are the opposite vices ? They are two : Flattery , and evill speaking . VVhat is flattery ? It is faire and fawning speech , whereby a man is falsly and unworthily praised . How doth the Flatterer offend ? First , in respect of the object , when they commend another either for a thing doubtfull and uncertaine , whether it be good or evill ; or for a knowne evill , Pro. 28. 4. & 24. 24 , 25. Secondly , in respect of the manner , and that either in dissimulation , Pro. 27. 24. or above measure , Acts 12. 22. Thirdly , in respect of the end , and that either for their owne profit , as Parasites doe ; or for his hurt and ruine whom they flatter , Pro. 29. 5. Jer. 9. 8. Matth. 22. 16. VVhat is the second opposite vice ? It is evill speaking : and this is either against one present , by railing and reproachfull words , tending to his discredit and disgrace , Matth. 5. 22. 1 Cor. 6. 10. and by scoffing and mocking , which is a kind of persecution , Gen. 21. 9 Gal. 4. 29. Or else against one absent , which is whispering , or obtrectation , or detraction . What evils are in the vice of whispering ? Whisperers defame their neighbours , by discovering their faults and failings ; dissolve all friendship between man and man ▪ Pro. 16. 28. and sow dissensions between them , Pro. 26. 20. Secondly , they spoile their neighbours of their good name , which is better then riches , Pro. 22. 1. and more sweet then a precious ointment , Eccles. 7. 2. and also of their friends , by sowing discord amongst them , Pro. 6. 19. What is Obtrectation ? The blacking and branding of our neighbours good name by secret and malitious words ; and that either by detracting from his vertues , or by malitious discovering of his vices . VVhat doe you thinke of this vice ? That it is a grievous sinne : for it deeply woundeth our neighbour in his life , goods , and fame . In which regard it is compared to Bowes and Arrowes that shoot in secret , Ier. 9. 3. 8. Psal. 64. 3 , 4. to coales of Iuniper , Psalme 120. 4. to a Sword , Psalme 64. 3. Proverbs 12. 18. to a Rasor , Psalme 52. 2. to the tongue of a Serpent , Psalme 140. 3. Eccles. 10 , 11. How should we keep our selves from it , being naturally addicted to it ? By considering that the Scriptures forbid it , Lev. 19. 16. Iames 4. 11. and condemne it as an hainous sinne , Psalme 50. 20. Ezek. 22. 9. Rom. 1. 30. Secondly , because it is a signe of an hypocrite , who will declame against the sinnes of others , that themselves may be thought religious , James 1. 26. Thirdly , because above other sinnes it maketh men like unto the devill , who hath his name from slandering , being a slanderer from the beginning , 2 Tim. 3. 3. Tit. 2. 3. Lastly , because Gods heavy judgements and punishments are denounced against it , Psalme 50. 20 , 21. Ezek. 22. 9. Psalme 52. 5. & 15. 3. But is it not lawfull to speake truely of our neighbours faults ? There are few detracters and back-biters doe so , but either devise calumnies of things that are not , or adde something that is untrue of their owne . But though a man speak truth , yet if it be malitiously to doe hurt , or out of a vaine custome to keep their tongue in ure , he is a slanderer , and offendeth , if not against truth , yet against charity . What is the chiefe cause of detraction ? To be curious in prying into other mens lives and manners , and negligent in looking into our owne , and judging our selves . You have spoken of concerning our neighbours fame : now what is required to the conserving of our owne ? Two things . First , that every one have a care of preserving his owne good name . Secondly , that every one give a true testimony of himselfe . What is to be considered in the former ? Three things . First , what this good fame is . Secondly , how highly to be esteemed , that hereby we may be moved to this care of preserving it . Thirdly , by what meanes it may be attained unto and kept . What is good Fame ? It is a good opinion and esteem which men conceive of others for their vertues and deeds well done . And this is highly to be valued , Proverbs 22. 1. Eccl. 7. 2. as being not onely profitable to our selves , but also unto others , who are refreshed with the smell of this fragrant oyntment ; and studiously to be sought after , Phil. 4. 8. Wherein doth the care of conserving our good name consist ? First , in prosecuting , and using the meanes of getting it . Secondly , in avoyding the meanes of both vaine-glory , and also infamy . VVhat are the meanes of getting and conserving our fame and good name ? First , and above all things to seek Gods glory , his kingdome and righteousnesse , and to glorifie him by our serious study to walke before him in holinesse of life , and the exercise of all good workes , Mat. 6. 33. & 5. 16. Psalme 112. 6. 1 Sam. 2. 30. Prov. 10. 7. Secondly , we must avoyd the meanes of vain-glory , whereby men seek more the praise of men then of God , John 12. 43. & 5. 44. Thirdly , to preferre the testimony of a good conscience , before the applause of men , 2 Cor. 1. 12. Fourthly , to look more to the inward , then the outward man , and take more care to be good then to seeme good , and to approve our hearts unto God then our outward actions unto men , Rom. 2. 29. Fiftly , to avoid hypocrisie and dissimulation , which though for a time it may gaine the praise of men , yet at length God will pull off this false vizard , and expose the hypocrite to shame and contempt . Sixtly , to shun that glory which men seek to gain by vanity and vice , 2 Sam. 18. 18. which were to glorie in our shame . Seventhly , to abhorre flatterers , and parasites , and to love those who faithfully admonish us when we erre , and reprove us when we offend , 1 Kings 22. 18. Eightly , to be severe in judging our selves , and charitable in censuring others , Matth. 7. 1 , 2. For if we thinke well of others , they likewise will thinke well of us . Lastly , not to undertake great matters above our strength to gaine an opinion of our great parts and abilities , but to be lowly in our own eyes , Psalme 131. 1. Luke 14. 28 , 29. But may we not at all in our good actions seek the praise of men ? We may not principally , and in the first place aime at this end in performing our duties , but rather Gods glory , and the adorning of the Gospell which we professe ; yet if God cast upon us this blessing of a good name and praise of well-doing , as a vantage unto the bargaine , it is not to be neglected ; seeing contempt of others opinion of us , especially those that are good , argueth both arrogancy , and desperate dissolutenesse ; wee must seek Gods glory by good report , and evill report , 2 Cor. 6. 8. But if he be pleased to blesse us with unaffected fame , let us thankfully accept it , and use it as incouragement in well-doing , Phil. 4. 8. Rom. 13. 3. 1 Pet. 2. 14. What are the meanes of infamy from our selves ? All manner of sinne . For as sinne is the cause of shame , so shame the punishment of sinne . Therefore all sinne is to bee avoyded of him that would preserve his fame . As first , open sinnes , Eccles. 10. 1. Yea not onely the sinne it selfe , but all appearance of it , 1 Thes. 5. 22. Rom. 14. 17. Secondly , secret sins , which if they be not repented of , God will discover them to our shame , 2 Sam. 12. 12. if not in this life , yet at Christs comming before men and Angels , Luke 10. 17. & 12. 2. Matth. 25. 31. Luk. 8. 17. 1 John 2. 28. What are the meanes of infamy from others ? Either the opprobrious obloquies of Railers , or the rumours and whisperings of Back-biters and Sycophants , against which we are bound to preserve our fame by speaking , writing , and ( if need bee ) the authority of the Magistrate ; especially if we be publike persons , whose infamy may prejudice the Church and Common-wealth . You have spoken of conserving our fame , what say you to the second thing propounded , that is , a true testimony of our selves ? Every one is bound by this Commandement to give a true testimony of himselfe , as occasion is offered : For as we must speake nothing but truth of our neighbours , so also of our selves . How is this done ? Either by modest acknowledging that which is good in us , or ingenuous confessing that which is evill ; or by denying a false good attributed unto us , modestly and humbly , or a false evill , wisely and warily . What is opposite hereunto ? When as we give a false testimony of our selves , by denying any truth ; or affirme any thing false concerning our selves , whether it be good or evill . May we then acknowledg that which is good in our selvs without vanity ? Yes , if we do it with modesty , and chiefly to Gods glory , from whom we have received all that is good in us , 1 Cor. 15. 10. What is opposite to the profession of truth concerning our selves ? First , an ironicall speech , whereby true good in our selves is denied . Secondly , boasting or bragging , whereby it is falsly arrogated . How is the former vice committed ? Either out of simplicity , when in an humble conceit of themselves men speak as they think , though it be not true , and therefore doe not properly lye , because their words agree with their minde ; who are not wholly to be justified , because they speak that which is not true , yet their falsity is no more to be condemned then their humility to be commended . And such was the excuse of Moses , Exod. 3. 11. & 4. 10. 13. and of Jeremy , Jer. 1. 6 Or secondly , they speak worse of themselves then they are in their own opinion , and that either out of modesty , to avoid bragging ; which though it cannot be wholly excused from being sinfull , because it is ingratitude to God to deny his gifts , and so derogatory to his glory and bounty , and not free from lying , yet it is extenuated by modesty and humility ; or else it proceedeth from a dissembled and counterfeit modesty and pride of heart , when men deny the good that is attributed unto them in a slight manner , to draw on double praise ; and so men offend both in opposing truth by lying , and humility also by seeking praise in a cunning way . What is the other opposite ? Boasting and arrogancy . For as we must truly professe the good that is in us , or done by us , to Gods glory , when need requireth , in a modest manner ; so must we carefully shun all vaine bragging , in arrogating unto our selves that good which belongeth not to us , or extolling it above due measure , seeing it cannot stand with modesty , Pro. 27. 2. and is opposite to Gods glory , from which we so much detract as we arrogate to our selves , 1 Cor. 4. 7. John 5. 31. In what respect doth the arrogant boaster offend ? Three wayes ; First , in respect of the object : Secondly , the manner : Thirdly , the end . How in respect of the object ? When that he boasteth of that which is not truely good , but evill , which argueth desperate wickednesse , as in Doeg , Psal. 52. 1. Phil. 3. 19. Gen 4. 23 , 2● . And such are those who glory in their drinking and whoring . How in respect of the manner ? When this boasting is contrary to truth or charity : To truth , either in respect of the thing it selfe , or of opinion . How in respect of the thing it selfe ? When he arrogateth to himselfe the good he hath not , or in a greater measure then it is : So Matth. 26. 33 , 35. How in respect of opinion ? Either his owne , when he arrogateth that to himselfe which in his owne opinion belongeth not to him : or the opinion of others , when his boasting exceedeth that merit and worth , which men truely conceive is not his due , or above that measure that he deserveth . How doth he sinne against charity ? Both in respect of God , and his Neighbour . In respect of God , either openly and professedly , as when he arrogates to himselfe that which is due onely to him , Ezek. 28. 2. Exod. 5. 2. Esa. 36. 20. Dan. 3. 15. Or else more covertly and cunningly , when he spoyles God of his glory , by attributing the praise of the good things he hath given him unto himselfe , Esa. 10. 15. Secondly , in respect of his neighbour , when as his owne praises tend to the disgrace of others , Luk. 18. 10. How doe men sinne in respect of the end ? When as they boast and bragge , either for their glory , which usually is accompanied with shame , Rom. 1. 22. Pro. 26. 12. Or for their gaine , as when they glory in their skill to draw on profit ; which is the practice of Empericks and Mountebancks , Acts 8. 9. What is the confession of truth concerning the evill that is in us , or done by us ? It is either before God , or men : Before God we must confesse our sins , if we expect to have them pardoned , Pro 28. 13. 1 John 1. 9. Psal. 32. 5. How are they to be confessed before men ? So farre forth as the glory of God requireth it , Josh. 7. 19. John 1. 10. or the good and salvation of our neighbours , or our owne profit and necessity , James 5. 15. otherwise it is not necessary that we should lay them open to our owne shame . But howsoever we may conceale that which is evill in us , yet when it is questioned we must not deny that which is true , nor confesse that which is false in us : For by denying the truth , we lye , and adde sin unto sin , Gen. 18. 15. and by confessing that evill falsly which is not in us , we also lye , and expose our selves to disgrace and danger , 2 Sam. 1. 10. compared with 1 Sam. 31. 4 , 5. VVhat is the Tenth Commandent ? Thou shalt not covet thy Neighbours House , thou shalt not covet thy Neighbours Wife , &c. VVhat is the sinne chiefely here forbidden ? Concupiscence , that is , those secret and internall sinnes , which goe before consent of will , and are the seedes of all other vices , of which sort are wicked and corrupt inclinations , thoughts , desires , which are repugnant to charity . VVhat is the end of this Commandement ? It respecteth either God , our Neighbours , or our Selves . VVhat is the end which respecteth God ? That He might shew the perfection of that Charity which in His Law He requireth of us , and the excellency of it above all other humane laws . For humane and Divine Lawes differ , as the Lawgivers themselves . And as God is a Spirit , who is omniscient and searcheth the heart , so Hee requireth spirituall obedience , Rom. 7. 14. and bindeth by His Law , which is spirituall , like Himselfe , not onely the hand , tongue and outward man , as men doe by humane lawes , but even the most inward , hidden and secret thoughts and desires of the minde and heart . VVhat is the end respecting our Neighbours ? That wee might not thinke or desire any thing tending to their hurt , but that with all the powers of our soules , we exercise Charity , in doing them good , not seeking our owne good onely , but theirs also , 1 Cor. 13. 5. What is the end of this Commandement respecting our selves ? That it might discover unto us our corruption , and how far wee are from that perfection which Gods Law requireth , Rom. 7. 7. 13. 24. Prov. 20. 9. Psal. 19. 13. and secondly , that it might bee unto us a perfect rule of spirituall obedience , and might teach us chiefly to observe our hearts , Prov. 4. 23. to suppresse the first and inward motions of sin , and to aspire to that originall puritie , that we had by Creation . What was the occasion of this Commandement ? Threefold : first , the pravity of our hearts and thoughts , Gen. 6. 5. and 8. 21. Secondly , the blindnesse and stupidity of our mindes and hearts , which could neither see nor feele their owne pravity and corruption , Rom. 7. 7 , 8. Thirdly , the errour of our judgements , which suppose that our thoughts be free , and that concupiscence and first thoughts are not sins till they have our conscent , because they are not in our power to restraine them . What is the difference betweene the spirituall obedience required in this and the other Commandements ? In that it not onely requireth the internall obedience of the heart , with the outward man , as the rest doe , but also restraineth the first motions and inclinations , which goe before consent ; If wee had not rather say , that it is added to the other , as a full and more cleare explication of that spirituall obedience , which is required in all the rest . Now shew the meaning of this commandement ; and first , what is that concupiscence which is here spoken of ? There are two sorts of concupiscence , or of the affections of the heart ; the first called the Irascible , conceived against things evil which we shu● , as anger , hatred , feare , griefe , &c. The other called Concupiscible , conceived towards things good and desirable , as love , joy , delight , &c. And these are things either truely evill or good , or else so onely in appearance . Is all concupiscence here forbidden ? No , for there is some good and lawfull , some evill and unlawfull ; the one commanded , the other forbidden . What is lawfull concupiscence ? It is either naturall , or spirituall . Naturall , that which desireth things good and necessary to our being , or well-being ; as food , cloathing , and other lawfull comforts of this life . Secondly , spirituall , which lusteth and fighteth against the flesh , Gal. 5. 17. and affecteth and coveteth after spirituall things , Psal. 119. 40. What is opposite hereunto ? Vnlawfull and evill concupiscence , Col. 3. 5. which is also called concupiscence of men , 1 Pet. 4. 2. concupiscence of the flesh , Gal. 5. 16 , 17. worldly concupiscence , Tit. 2. 12. lusts of the Devill , John 8. 44. What are the kindes of this evill concupiscence ? Either habituall , or actuall : Habituall , is an evill inclination and pronenesse to that which is evill , or an evill desiring of it , which is a part of originall injustice , Rom. 8. 6 , 7. What is that evill concupiscence which is actuall ? It is distinguished into two kinds . First , in respect of the forme . Secondly , in respect of the object . What is that which respecteth the forme ? It is either inchoate and imperfect , which is an act of sensuality onely , and the first and sudden motions of concupiscence , which goe before the act of reason and the will , tickling the minde and heart with a kinde of delight : Or it is formed and perfected , having also the act of the will joyning with it , and consenting to it , 1 Thess. 4. 5. What are the degrees of that inchoate concupiscence ? They are three : First , an evill motion cast into our mindes , by either the Devill , the World , or our owne Flesh , corrupting the sense , memory , or phantasie , whereby wee have an hanging and hankring appetite after that which is our Neighbours , as thinking it fit and convenient for us . Secondly , a longing after it , and wishing for it , following that motion . Thirdly , a tickling delight , arising from a conceit of the pleasure or profit which we should have in the enjoying of it , James 1. 13 , 14 , 15. How then doth sinne grow from its first conception to its full growth ? Saint James in respect of the degrees of it compareth it to the conception , growth , and birth of an Infant , in , and from the wombe , James 1. 14 , 15. The first is , the abstraction of the minde and heart from good to evill , by the evill motion and appetite , which may be called the carnall copulation between the heart , and sinne , and Satan . The second , inescation , and enticing of the heart with delight and consent unto it , as it were the retention of the seed . The third , consent to the acting of it , which may be called the conception of it . The fourth , deliberation after this consent , by what meanes and how it may be acted , which is the articulation and shaping of the parts and members . The fifth is the acting of sin it selfe , that is the birth of it , which being borne causeth death : Which degrees and growth of sin may be observed in the example of Eve , Ahab , and David himself . How may evill concupiscence be distinguished in respect of the object ? Into three kindes . First , of pleasure , which is the lust of the flesh . Secondly , of profit , which is the lust of the eyes . Thirdly , of honour and glory , which is the pride of life , 1 John 2. 25. What are the parts of this Commandement ? Two : First , the Affirmative : Secondly , the Negative : The first is here to be understood , the other is plainly expressed . What is forbidden in the Negative ? Evill concupiscence , which is twofold , either originall or actuall . What is originall concupiscence ? Originall sin , which is the corruption and disorder of all the powers and faculties of soule and body , disposing them to all that is evill : It is also called habituall concupiscence , which is nothing else but an evill inclination and pronenesse to the transgression of Gods Law , which by corrupt Nature is bred with us . How is it called in the Scriptures ? The old man , Ephes. 4. 22 Coloss. 3. 9. Sin inhabiting and dwelling in us , the Law of sin , the Law of the members warring against the Law of the mind , the flesh , the encompassing sin , &c. Rom. 7. 23. Gal. 5. 17 , 24. Heb. 12. 1. Is this to be reputed sinne ? Yes , and a great sin , as may appeare by these reasons . First , because it defileth and corrupteth the whole man , soule and body , with all their faculties , powers , and parts ; as the minde , will , memory , heart , affections , appetite ; with all the members of the body , which it maketh to be the instruments of evill . Secondly , it polluteth all our words and works , and maketh them all repugnant to the Law of God. Thirdly , it is the root and fountaine of all our actuall sins , from which they grow and spring . Fourthly , because it continually warreth against the spirit , and choaketh and quencheth the good motions of it , Gal. 5. 17. 1 Pet. 2. 11. Fifthly , because it maketh a man the slave of sinne and Satan , Rom. 7. 14 , 23. Sixthly , because it joyneth with the Devill and the World , and betrayeth us to their tentations , Eph. 2. 2 , 3. Seventhly , because it is an uncurable evill , seeing it so hangeth upon us that we cannot shake it off , Heb. 12. 2. Eighthly , because it is but the more irritated by the Law of God , which should suppresse it , Rom. 7. 8. Lastly , because it maketh us children of wrath , and liable to everlasting condemnation , although dying in childhood , we should never commit any actuall transgression : For death and damnation raigned even over them which had not sinned after the similitude of Adam . that is , by actuall transgression , Rom. 5. 14. But doth this Commandement extend to the prohibition of Originall sin in the whole body , and all the parts of it ? No ; for it forbiddeth sins committed against our Neighbours only , like all other Commandements of the second Table , as appeareth by the words themselves , and the Apostles epitomizing of this whole Table , in those words : Thou shalt love thy neighbour as thy selfe , Rom. 13. 9. And therefore , all originall injustice , wicked inclinations , thoughts and affections are here only forbidden , as they respect our neighbours , and are opposite to charity ; but as they respect God , and are repugnant to the love of him , they are forbidden in the first Table . What are actuall Concupiscences ? They are evill motions which are repugnant to charity . What are the kinds of them ? They are either such as are vaine and unprofitable , or such as are hurtfull and pernicious . How are they unprofitable ? So farre forth as they fasten mens minds to earthly things , and thereby withdraw them from heavenly . In what respects are they hurtfull ? First , because they are instruments of sin , as they are fit objects to every sin in its kinde : For if any objects are offered to the minde or senses , which self-love causeth them to thinke to be profitable , pleasant and desireable , concupiscence presently apprehendeth and catcheth at them to satisfie worldly lusts . Secondly , They choake the seed of the Word in the hearts of carnall men , Mar. 4. 19. Thirdly , They make men insatiable , knowing no end or measure in pursuing worldly things . Fourthly , They cast men headlong , in whom they raigne , into sin , Eph. 2. 3. and give them up to vile lusts , and a reprobate mind , Rom. 1. 24. Psal. 81. 12. Fifthly , They fight against the soule , and if they overcome , bring it to destruction , 1 Pet. 2. 11. How many wayes are these motions evill ? Two wayes , either in respect of the phantasie and cogitations of the minde , or in respect of the affections and imaginations of the heart . When are the thoughts evill ? Then , and so far forth as they sollicite and encline us unto evill . Why doe men thinke that thoughts are free , and not to be charged upon men , or called to account ? Foolish men thinke and say so , but the Scriptures say otherwise , and affirme them to be sins , Prov. 24. 9. as being repugnant to charity , 1 Cor. 13. 5. and therefore forbid them , Deut. 15. 9. injoyne us to confesse them , and to crave pardon for them , Isa. 55. 7. Acts 8. 22. and though we sleight them yet God taketh notice of them , Psal. 94. 11. 1 Chron. 28. 9. Ezek. 11. 5. Psal. 139. 2. yea , he hateth evill thoughts , as abominable , Prov. 15. 26. Zach. 8. 17. and severely punisheth them , as we see in the example of the old world , Gen. 6. 5. and 8. 21. How are these evill thoughts injected ? Either by Satan , or else arise from originall concupiscence , and both of them either waking or sleeping . How are they injected by Satan ? Either immediately by himselfe , 1 Chron. 21. 1. John 13. 2. Luke 9. 46 , 47. or mediately by his instruments , as of old by the serpent . And that he may the more easily insinuate into his minde whom he tempteth , he often suborneth those that are nearest and dearest unto us to be his instruments , as we see in the example of Jobs wife , and Peter , Iob 2. 9. Math. 16. 23. But are these tentations to be reputed our sins ? Not if we repell and extinguish them , as fire in water : for Christ himselfe was tempted , yet without sin , Heb. 4. 15. But if we admit them , and doe not presently reject them , they infect our minds and hearts with their poison , and become our sins . How else doe evill thoughts arise in us ? From our naturall corruption , and habituall concupiscence , Luke 24. 38. Gen. 6. 5. Math. 15. 19. 2 Cor. 3. 5. And these thoughts arise in us , either waking or sleeping . How are these motions evill , in respect of the affections of the heart ? These though they have not the consent of the will to act them , yet are they sinfull in respect of the sins which arise from them , of which also they are the first degrees , as we see in the first boyling of anger in the heart , and of lust and uncleane motions , which proceed from the defect of that charity and purity which God requireth in us , and afterwards produce the acts of murther and fornication , when the will consenteth unto them , Mat. 5. 22 , 28. Are there no degrees of these evill affections , and perturbations of the heart ? Yes , for they are to be considered either in their first beginnings , as they are the first motions of concupiscence , by which the minde is first withdrawne from its rectitude , and then the heart suddenly affected : Or else , when by the pleasure and delight in those first motions , they are tickled and inticed to retaine them still , that they may enjoy a greater and more full measure of delight . What followeth this pleasure thus retained and continued in the mind and heart ? Consent to the acting of the sin , which in Gods sight is all one with the sin it selfe , seeing he reputeth the will for the deed , whether it be in good or evill , 2 Cor. 8. 12. Mat. 5. 28. Why then , it seemeth that it were as good for a man to act sin ; as to consent to the acting of it ? Not so : For though they be both sins , the one as wel as the other , yet not equall , and in the same degree ; but as the one is more hainous then the other , and more defileth the conscience , so maketh it a man liable to a deeper degree of hellish condemnation . You have spoken of the degrees of evill affections : now shew what are the kindes ? They are either concupiscible , about things affected and desired ; or irrascible , about things which they abhor and shun ; as suddain and rash anger , and the first motions of envy , &c. How are the concupiscible distinguished ? By the Objects : for it is either the lust of the eyes , the lust of the flesh , or the pride of life , 1 John 2. 15. all which are forbidden in the first Commandement , as they are repugnant to the love of God : and in this Commandement , as they are opposite to the love of our neighbours ; and so farre forth as they are more secret and covert , and the first motions of concupiscence , and the first principles and degrees of the sins against our neighbours forbidden in the other Commandements . You have shewed what concupiscence is in the generall ; now shew what it that speciall kinde of it which is here expressely forbidden . The concupiscence of the eyes , which is varied and diversified by the removing of divers objects . But why is this rather forbidden , then any other kinde ? Because it is the worst of all , and most pernicious , and therefore fittest to comprehend under it all the rest , as it is done in the other Commandements . But why is it the most pernicious ? First , because it is the root of all the vices forbidden in the other Commandements , either in begetting or nourishing them . Secondly , because it extinguisheth charity towards God , by turning the heart from him after earthly things , Ephes. 5. 5. Col. 3. 5. and towards our neighbours by disposing mens hearts to cruelty , lust , and covetousnesse ; and making them averse to charity , mercy , and Christian beneficence . Thirdly , because it is unsatiable , Eccles. 4. 8. Fourthly , because it is unquiet and restlesse , vexing the covetous minde and heart as it were hellish furies , 1 Tim. 6. 10. 1 Kings 21. 4. Fiftly , because it is joyned with selfe-love and envy . Lastly , because it betrayeth men unto Satans tentations to their destruction , 1 Tim. 6. 9. But is all concupiscence here forbidden as unlawfull ? No , but that onely which is repugnant to charity towards God and our neighbours ; that which is inordinate , and that which by unlawfull meanes seeketh to be satisfied , and tendeth to an evill end , James 4. 3. Finally , that which is either immoderate , having no bounds , or else unjust , coveting that which is another mans , against their will and profit . What are the objects which are here removed ? They are infinite and innumerable ; but for examples sake , hee insisteth upon some which men more usually and ardently covet after . What meaneth he by the house of our neighbour ? Both his place of habitation , and his family , Genesis 17. and last . For a house is necessary to him that hath a family ; which convinceth them of a great sin , that for every slight cause thrust their Tenants out of their houses , Esa. 5. 8. What are the parts of the Family here numbred ? The wife , servant , maid , &c. The wife of another must not be coveted : for such is the union in marriage between man and wife , that it is unlawfull to covet another mans wife ; not onely to commit adultery with her , but to enjoy her for his own , though by lawfull meanes , and after the others death . What are the other parts of the family ? Servants , men and maidens , whom we are here forbidden to covet , or to use any meanes to entice them from their masters to come to us . For though this were a greater sinne among the Iewes , because they had a propriety in them , their servants being part of their goods : yet it is a sinne also amongst us , as being against charity and the common rule of Iustice , which enjoyneth us to let every one have his owne , and to do to another as we would have him doe unto us . What other things doth this Commandement forbid to covet ? Our neighbours Oxe , or Asse , which are here named , to comprehend all other goods , immoveable , or moveable , because they are of most necessary use for mans life . And lest we should think it lawfull to covet any other thing not here named , he includeth all in the last words ; Nor any thing that is thy Neighbours : whether it bee for necessity , profit , or delight . What doe you further gather from hence ? First , that those things are our Neighbours which God hath given him . Secondly , that by this gift of God every man hath a propriety and distinct right in that he possesseth by vertue of this tenure . Thirdly : that he ought to be contented with that portion which God hath given him , and not to covet another mans : and consequently , that the Doctrine and practice of the Familists , is erroneous and wicked . You have spoken hitherto of the Negative part : now shew what is the Affirmative . Here is commanded a pure , charitable , and just heart towards our neighbours , 1 Tim. 1. 5. unto which , though none can attaine in a legall perfection , yet ought all to desire and aspire unto it . Wherein doth this purity consist ? In two things : First , in originall justice , and internall perfect charity , in which wee were created . Secondly , in spirituall concupiscence . What is originall Justice ? Not onely an exact purity from all spots of unrighteousnesse , but also a disposition to performe cheerefully all offices of Charity and Iustice. What is spirituall Concupiscence ? It containes two things : First , good motions of the Spirit . Secondly , a fight of the Spirit against the lust of the Flesh. What are those good motions of the Spirit ? Charitable and just motions , thoughts , desires , and affections , that all which we think or desire may be for our neighbours good . And this wee must doe frequently and constantly . What is the fight against fleshly lusts ? When as being regenerate , and assisted by Gods Spirit , we make warre against the flesh , and the lusts thereof ; and in all we may , labour to mortifie , crucifie , and subdue them , because they make warre against our soules , and spirituall part , Gal. 5. 17. 1 Pet. 2. 11. Rom. 7. 23. What are the meanes moving , and enabling us to performe the duties required in this Commandement ? They are either generall and common ; or else more speciall and proper . What are the generall meanes ? Such as tend to the conserving of the heart in purity , that it may shun all sinfull concupiscence : As first , to walke with God ; and so to demeane our selves at all times , and in all things , as being alwayes in his presence , who searcheth the heart and reines . Secondly , to observe and set a watch over our hearts , Prov. 4. 23. And first , that it doe not admit any evill concupiscence . Secondly , that if it be admitted , it be not retained . And this care must be taken both when wee be awake , that we keep our mindes intent unto lawfull and good things , Matth. 12. 44. And when we goe to sleep , that by hearty prayer we commend them to Gods keeping . But what if the heart have admitted evill concupiscences ? We must strive and fight against them , and never be at rest , untill we have cast them out , and extinguished them . What further is required to the conserving of the heart in purity ? In the third place we must observe our sences , that they doe not bring into our mindes such objects as being apprehended , will stirre up in us evill concupiscence , Gen. 3. 6. & 6. 2. Josh. 7. 21. 2 Sam. 11. 2. Matth. 5. 28. Job 31. Psal. 119. 37. What are the speciall meanes to suppresse or take away the concupiscence of the eyes ? First , we must mortifie selfe-love , and not seek our owne , but every man anothers wealth , 1 Cor. 10. 24. Secondly , we must pull out the eyes of envy . Thirdly , we must labour after contentation , Phil. 4. 11. And to this end consider : First , how many want those good things which thou enjoyest , who are farre more worthy of them . Secondly thine owne unworthinesse of the least of Gods benefits . Thirdly , meditate on Gods providence , and fatherly care , who provideth all things necessary for thy good and salvation . What doe you learne from this Commandement thus expounded ? That it is most impossible for any man to keep it . For who can say , that his heart is cleane from the first motions of sinne , and concupiscence that goe before consent ? Prov. 20. 9. To what purpose serveth the knowledge of this impossibility ? To humble us in the sight and sense of our sinnes , which have made us subject to the wrath of God , and the curse of the Law ; that so despairing in our owne merits we may be driven out of our selves , and with more ardent desire , flye unto the mercies of God in the satisfaction and obedience of Iesus Christ. What other use are we to make of it ? That being by Christ freed from the curse of the Law , we study and endeavour to conforme our selves , our soules and lives according to the prescript rule of this holy and most perfect law , Matth. 5. 48. and that mortifying the flesh , with all the carnall concupiscences , and lusts of it , we be dayly more and more renewed unto the Image of God in all holinesse and righteousnesse , and walke worthy of our high calling , as it becommeth Saints , Eph. 4. 1. Hitherto we have treated of the rule and square of our Sanctification , viz. The ten Commandements : Now wherein is the effect or exercise of Sanctification seene ? IN unfeigned repentance , and new obedience springing from thence . For the fruits of Sanctification , are ; First , inward vertues , whereby all the powers of the minde are rightly ordered . Secondly , the exercise of the same , by putting those heavenly and sanctified abilities to holy use and service . If then the exercise of Sanctification be first seen in repentance , what is repentance ? An inward and true sorrow for sinne , especially that we have offended so gracious a God , and so loving a father ; together with a setled purpose of heart , and a carefull endeavour to leave all our sinnes , and to live a Christian life , according to all Gods Commandements , Psalme 119. 57. 212. Or a turning of our selves to God , whereby wee crucifie and kill the corruptions of our nature , and reforme our selves in the inward man , according to Gods will. What is it to crucifie the corruption of our nature ? It is freely , and with all our heart to be sorry that we have angred God with it , and with our other sinnes , and every day more and more to hate it and them , and to flye from them . How is this wrought in us ? It is wrought in us , partly by the threatning of the Law , and the feare of Gods judgements , but especially increased by feeling the fruit of Christ his death , whereby we have power to hate sin , and to leave it : For when the sinner is once humbled with the terrours of the Law ; he flyeth to the comforts of the Gospell : and he there seeth in Christ Crucified , not onely the mercy of God , discharging him of all his sinnes ; but also how deep the wounds of sin are , wherewith he hath pierced his Saviour , Zach. 12. 10. and how severe the wrath of God is against sin , even to the slaughtering of his owne Son ; and hence 1 Peter 4. 1. commeth he to hate his sins , Psalme 97. 10. as God hateth them , and to look backe thereon with godly sorrow , 2 Cor. 7. 10. resolving for ever after to forsake them all . How is the reformation of our selves newnesse of life wrought in us ? Onely by the promise of the Gospel , whereby we feele the fruit of the rising again of Christ. What doth ensue hereof ? Hereby we are raised up into a new life , having the Law written in our hearts , and so reforme our selves . Wherein then doth repentance properly consist ? In a thorough changing of our purpose and desires from the evill which Gods Word rebuketh in us , to the good which it requireth of us , Rom. 12. 1 , 2. Esa. 1. 16 , 17. What is required in respect of the evil we turne from ? First , knowledge of the evill , then a condemning of the same , together with a judging of our selves for it , and then with godly sorrow for that which is past , a hatred of it for ever , and all this because it is sin , and displeaseth our God. What is required in regard of the good we turne unto ? First , a knowledge and approbation of good to be done , with a purpose of heart to doe it : then , an earnest love of the same , shewed by care , desire , and endevour . Can men repent of themselves , or when they list ? No , for it is the gift of God , given unto them that are born againe . Is it sufficient once to have repented ? No , we must continue it alwayes in disposition , and renew it also in act , as occasion is given by our transgressions , and Gods displeasure : for there is none of Gods Saints but alwayes carrying this corruption about them , they sometimes fall , and are farre from that perfection and goodnesse which the Lord requireth , and therefore stand in need of repentance so long as they live . When then is this repentance to be practised of us ? The practice of repentance ought to be continually , an abhorring of evill , and cleaving unto that which is good , Rom. 12. 9. for as much time as remaineth in the flesh after our conversion , 1 Pet. 4. 2 , 3. yet at times there ought to be a more speciall practice and renewing thereof ; as after grievous falls , Psal. 51. in feare of eminent judgements , Amos 4. 12. Gen. 33. 2 , 3 , &c. or when we would fit our selves to receive speciall mercies , Gen. 35. 2 , 3 , &c. In what manner must the especiall practice of repentance in such cases be performed ? There must be 1. A serious search and enquiry after all sins , Lam. 3 , 40. as Traitors against God ; but especially speciall sins , Ier. 8. 6. Psal. 18. 23. as the Arch-rebels . 2. Humble confession of Sins , 1. Of necessity unto God , with shame of face , and true sorrow of heart , Prov. 28. 13. Ier. 31. 18 , 19. 2. Vnto men conditionally , Luk 17. 9. viz. if either 1. The Church , for satisfaction of the publike offence , do enjoyne open acknowledgment , 2 Cor. 2. 6. Or , 2. Some personall wrong dedemand private reconciliation , Luk. 17. 4. Or , 3. The weaknesse of the labouring Conscience do require the secret assistance of a faithfull and able Minister or brother , Iames 5. 16. 3. Fervent and faithfull prayer , Psal. 51. 1 , 2 , &c. to God in Christ , both for pardon of what is past , verse 7. and for supply of renewing grace for the time to come , verse 10. 4. Promise of amendment and satisfaction to such as we have endammaged . Seeing many doe falsly pretend that they repent , how may we know that our repentance is true ? A true triall of ununfained repentance may be taken , 1. From the generality of it , viz. if it extend to the abhorring and shunning of all sins , Psal. 119. 128 , 139 , 24. and to the love and practice of all duties without reservation , Psal. 119. 6. 2. From the thorow performance of each part , viz. 1. Hatred of sin , in spirituall warfare against it , and that even unto blood , if need be , Heb. 12. 4. 2. Of the love of righteousnesse , in bringing forth fruit worthy amendment of life , Matth. 3. 8. to wit , good works . What is the spirituall warfare ? The daily exercise of our spirituall strength and armour against our adversary , with assured confidence of victory ; for the state of the faithfull in this life is such , that they are sure in Christ , and yet fight against sin , there being joyned with repentance a continuall fighting and strugling against the assaults of a mans owne flesh , against the motions of the Devill , and enticements of the world . How shall we overcome these enemies ? By a lively faith in Christ Iesus . What is then our principall strength ? The powerfull assistance of God in Christ , Ephes. 5. 10. who hath loved us , whereby we become more then conquerous , Rom. 8. 37. What is our spirituall Armour ? The compleat furniture of saving and sanctifying graces , called therefore the Armor of righteousnesse , 2 Cor. 6. 7. and the Panoplie , or the whole armor of God , Eph. 5. 11 , 14 , &c. viz. 1. The girdle of verity and sincerity . 2. The breastplate of righteousnesse , that is , holinesse of life , and good conscience . 3. The shooes of the preparation ( or resolution to goe through with the profession ) of the Gospell of peace . 4. The shield of Faith. 5. The helmet of the hope of salvation . 6. The sword of the Spirit , which is the sound knowledge , and wise application of the Word of God. 7. Finally , continuall and instant prayer in the spirit . Who are the Adversaries in the spirituall conflict ? They are either our friends proving us , or our enemies seducing and endangering us . Who is that friend of ours for our probation , who entreth into conflict with us ? God himselfe , who though he tempt no man unto evill , no more then he can himselfe be tempted , Iam. 1. 13. yet as a Master of defence enureth us to conflict , by contending with us even in his owne person , viz. sometimes by probatory commandements , Gen. 22. 1. or sensible apparitions , Gen. 32. 24. but more ordinarily by striking our hearts with his terrors , Job 6. 4. withdrawing the comfort of his gracious presence , Psal. 77. 7. leaving us for a time to our selves , 2 Chron. 32. 31. that by our fals we may acknowledge our weaknesse . Finally , exercising us under the crosse and yoke of outward afflictions , Heb. 12. 5 , 6. Rev. 3. 19. How must we contend with God ? No otherwise then Iacob , Hos. 12. 3 , 4. and other holy men have done ; that is , by obedience , humility , patience , and fervent prayer unto God , who only inableth us to previle with himselfe , giving us the blessing and name of Israel , Gen. 32. 28. What are those enemies of ours that seeke to seduce and indanger us ? Whatsoever marcheth under the banner of Satan , the god and prince of the darknesse of this world , 2 Cor. 4. 4. Eph. 6. 12. who sometimes immediately assaileth us with impious and odious suggestions , 2 Cor. 12. 7. Zach. 3. 1. But more usually imployeth his forces or attendants , namely , the world , 1 Iohn 2. 15. and the flesh , Gal. 5. 24. So that the faithfull in this life have battell , both without , by the temptations of Satan , and the world ; and within , by the battell of the flesh against the spirit . How doe these enemies fight against our soules ? By imploying all force and fraud , to draw us by sin from the obedience and favour of God unto damnation , 1 Iohn 2. 15. What must we doe being thus assaulted ? We must stand fast , being strong in the Lord , and in the power of his might , and taking unto us the whole armour of God , Eph. 6. 13 , 14. that we may be able to resist in the evill daye and to lead ▪ captivity captive . How shall we overcome ? By a lively faith in Iesus Christ. To come then to these enemies in particular : What call you Satan ? The adversary or enemy of God and his people . How may we be able to stand against his assaults ? First , we must labour to informe our selves , that we may not be ignorant of his enterprises or stratagems , 2 Cor. 2. 11. Secondly , we must boldly resist , Iam. 4. 7. 1. Pet. 5. 9. that is , give no place or ground unto him , Ephes. 4. 27. or admit no conference with him , but rather neglect and despise his suggestions . Thirdly , we must take the shield of faith in Christ , and his assistance , setting him on our right hand , who is mighty to save , Psal. 16. 8. Isa. 63 , 1. whereby we may quech all the fiery darts of the wicked one , Eph. 6. 16. Forthly , we must brandish against him the sword of the Spirit , that is , the word of God , Eph. 6. 17. after the example of our Saviour , Mat. 4 ▪ 4. &c. keeping our selves to that only which God revealeth to us , and requireth of us . What is the first assault of Satan against us ? By subtilty he allureth us to sin , and therefore he is called a Tempter , and a Serpent . How shall we overcome him in these temptations ? First , by faith in Iesus Christ , who overcame all Satans temptations in his owne person , that so we might overcome him . Secondly , by resisting the inward motions , and outward occasions of sin . How shall we doe that ? By beleeving that we are baptized into the death and Resurrection of Christ. What is the second assault of Satan against us ? He layeth fearfully to our charge our sins committed , and therefore he is called the Devill , and accuser . How shall we overcome him in these accusations ? First , by faith in Iesus Christ , who hath justified us from all the sins for which Satan can accuse us . Secondly , by all those comfortable promises of forgivenesse of sins , which in Christ name are made unto us . What is the third assault of Satan against us ? He seeketh by manifold inward terrors , and outward troubles , to swallow us up , and therefore is called a roaring Lyon. How shall we overcome him in these terrors and troubles ? 1. By faith in Iesus Christ , who was heard in all his troubles , to give us assurance , that we shall not be overcome in them . Secondly , by faith in Gods providence , whereby we know that Satan can doe no more harme unto us , then the Lord doth permit him for our good . So much of Satan our first enemy : What call you the World ? The corrupt state and condition of men , and of the rest of the creatures , which Satan abuseth as his store-house , or armory of temptations , 1 Iohn 2. 15. How doth the World fight against us ? By alluring and withdrawing us to the corruption thereof . What meanes doth it use ? First , it allureth us to evill , with hope of false pleasures , gaine and profit , preferment and glory of this world , drawing us from our obedience to God , 1 Joh. 2. 16. Secondly , otherwhiles with feare of paines , troubles , losses , reproaches , it discourageth us from our duty , and allureth us to distrust Gods promises , Joh. 16. 33. How may we withstand these temptations of the world ? By our faith , 1 Joh. 5. 4. which setteth a better world , even Gods heavenly kingdom before our eyes , and so enableth us both to contemne , Heb. 11 ▪ 24 , &c. and crucifie , Gal. 6. 14. the love of this present world , and to endure manfully the threats and wrongs the reof , Heb. 11. 36 , 37. both confessing Christ in perill , and suffering martyrdome for his sake , if we be thereto called , Rev. 12. 11. How are then the pleasures , profits , and glory of this world to be overcome ? First , by a true faith in Iesus Christ , who despised all these things to worke our salvation , and to make us overcome them . Secondly , by faith in Gods word , that feareth us from doing any thing that is against his will. And how shall we overcome the paines , losses , and reproaches of this world ? First , by a lively faith in Iesus Christ , who suffered all these things to worke our salvation , and to enable us to suffer them . Secondly , by a stedfast faith in Gods promises and providence , that we shall want no good thing , and that all things seeming hurtfull , shall bee turned to the furtherance of our salvation . So much of the World , the second enemy : What call you the Flesh ? The corruption of our nature wherein we were borne and conceived . Doth that remaine after Regeneration ? Yea , it dwelleth in us , and cleaveth fast unto us , so long as we carry the outward flesh about us . How doth the flesh fight against the Spirit ? As a treacherous parte within us , being by Satan stirred up , and invegled with the baits of the world , or discouraged with the evill entreaty thereof , it fighteth on his side against our soule , 1 Pet. 2. 11. That is , our spirituall life and welfare , by continuall lusting against the Spirit , Gal. 5. 24. How is that ? First , by hindring , or corrupting us in the good motions , words , and deeds of the Spirit . Secondly , by continuall moving us to evill motions , words , and deeds . What call you the Spirit ? The holy Spirit which God in Christ hath given us , whereby we are begotten againe . Doe we not receive the Spirit in full measure and perfection at the first ? No ; but first wee receive the first fruits , and afterward daily increase of the same unto the end , if the fault be not in our selves . How doth the Spirit fight in us ? By lusting against the flesh . How doth it lust against the flesh ? First , partly by rebuking , and partly by restraining in us the evill motions and deeds of the flesh . Secondly , by continuall enlightning and affecting us with thoughts , words , and deeds agreeable to Gods will. How may we withstand the temptations of our flesh ? By setting before our eyes the patterne of the death of Christ , and arming our selves with the same minde , that it behoveth us also to suffer in the flesh , ceasing from sinne , 1 Pet. 4. 1. hereto craving and imploying the power of the same death of Christ , to subdue and crucifie our carnall lusts and affections , Rom. 6. 2. &c. Whereto also belongeth the helpe and assistance of the Spirit , for the repressing of our inordinate desires of nature , 1 Cor. 9. 25. So much of the spirituall fight : what followeth after a man hath gotten the victory in any tempatation or affliction ? Experience of Gods love in Christ , and so increase of peace of conscience , and joy in the holy Ghost , Rom. 5. 3. 2 Cor. 1. 5. What followes if in any temptation he be overcome , and through infirmity fall ? After a while there will arise godly sorrow ; which is , when a man is grieved for no other cause in the world , but for this onely , that by his sin he hath displeased God , who hath been unto him a most mercifull and loving father , 2 Cor. 7. 8 , 9. Matth. 26. 75. What signe is there of this sorrow ? The true signe of it is this : when a man can be grieved for the very disobedience of God in his evill word or deed , though he should never be punished , and though there were neither heaven nor hell , 1 Pet. 2. 18 , 19. What followes after this sorrow ? Repentance renewed afresh , 1 Cor. 7. 11. By what signes will this repentance appeare ? By seven , 2. Cor. 7. 11. 1. A care to leave the sin whereinto he is falne . 2. An utter condemning of himselfe for it , with a craving of pardon . 3. A great anger against himselfe for his carelesnesse . 4. A feare lest he should fall into the same sin againe . 5. A desire ever after to please God. 6. A zeale of the same . 7. Revenge upon himselfe for his former offences ? Thus farre of repentance and the spirituall warfare accompanying the same : What are those good workes wherein our new obedience is exercised ? That which proceeding from a person acceptable , is something of God commanded , performed in right manner , and directed unto a good end : namely , whatsoever thing is done of us , not by the force or conduct of nature , 2 Cor. 3. 5. but by the power of the Spirit of Christ dwelling in us , Rom. 8. 10. and according to the rule of the knowne will of God. Rom. 12. 2. unto the glory of God , 1 Cor. 10. 31. the assurance of our election , 2 Pet. 1. 10 , &c. and the edification of others , 1 Cor. 10. 23. How many things then are needfull for the making of our actions good , and what properties are to be required in good works ? Five : 1. They that doe them must first be such as are ingraffed into Christ , and continue in him , that so their persons may be acceptable unto God. 2. They must be agreeable to the Law of God ; and he that doth them , must know that he hath a warrant for his action from the Commandement of God. 3. He that doth them , must not only have a warrant for his action , and know that it is lawfull , but he must also doe it in that manner which God hath appointed . 4. He that doth them , must be perswaded in his heart that God alloweth them . 5. They must be done to that holy end for which God hath commanded them ; namely , to glorifie God , and to assure our owne salvation . Cannot all men doe good works ? No , but only the regenerate , who are for that purpose created anew , and indued in some measure with the spirit of Christ , and power of his resurrection , and carry the Image of God in them , Ephes. 2. 10. 2 Tim. 2. 21. What say you then of the good works of the unregenerate ? They doe no good works , because they neither are as yet members of Christ , nor doe offer them to God in the name of Christ , and therefore are the evill Tree , which bringeth forth only evill fruit , Mat. 7. 17 , &c. Jer. 13. 23. Is there no difference between those unregenerate , which keep themselves to their owne wives , and those that take other mens : Or between him that stealeth , and him that liveth of his owne labour , though not converted ? Yes verily : For the former actions are civilly good and profitable for maintenance of the society of men , and before God not so abominable as they which are committed against civill honesty ; yet comming from some other cause ( either of vain-glory , or of servile feare , or opinion of merit ) then from faith , and consequently , the love of God , they are no better then sins , what shew of goodnesse soever they have . Is there no concurrence of nature in the doing of a good worke ? Taking nature ( in the common sense of Scripture ) for that hereditary corruption that cleaveth to all the sons of Adam , Eph. 2. 3. 1 Cor. 2. 14. no good worke hath any ground or help from nature , but is altogether contrary thereto , Rom 8. 7. But if we understand by nature , as Rom. 2. 14. the created abilities of soule and body , as the light of reason , liberty of the will , motion of the bodily members , &c. we acknowledge nature not to be the principall mover or guide , Mat. 16. 17. but the things moved and guided by grace in well doing , 1 Thes. 5. 23. Doe not our good works make us worthy of eternall life , or in some part justifie us , or any whit merit and deserve the favour of God ? No : because , 1. We are ten thousand times more indebted to God , then all our good works , or our selves are worth . 2. We can doe no good thing but that which commeth from God. 3. The righteousnesse which is able to stand in the judgement of God , must be perfect in all respects , but in many things we sin all . And againe , our best works are imperfect , corrupt and defiled with sin , and therefore can deserve nothing at the hands of God , who being perfect righteousnesse it selfe , will find in the best works we doe , more matter of damnation then of salvation : wherefore , we must rather condemne our selves for our good works , then looke to be justified before God thereby , Ps. 143. 2. Isa. 64. 6. Iob. 9 ▪ 3. Is there no works of man perfectly good ? No worke of a sinfull man is wholly free from sin , neither is there any good worke perfect , no not of the most perfect in this life , by reason of the remainders of corruption , Isa 64. 6. Gal. 5. 17. but only the worke of Christ , in whom alone there was no mixture of sin , 1 Pet. 2. 22. But when our Sanctification here begun shall be perfected in the world to come , shall we not then be justified by an inherent righteousnesse ? No , but by the imputed righteousnesse of our Saviour Christ , which being once given us , is never taken away from us . How is pollution conveyed into the good works which God worketh in us ? There is ( besides the worke of his owne hand , through the operation of his holy Spirit ) a pollution in us , and an infection of ours , which commeth from the sin that dwelleth in us : as cleare water put into an uncleane vessell , or running through a filthy channell , receiveth some evill quality thereof . Wherein doe our good works faile of Gods Iustice ? Partly in the instrumentall causes from which they proceed , and partly in the finall cause or end whereunto they ayme . What are the instrumentall causes hindring the perfection of our worke ? 1. Our understanding , in that the worke is not done with knowledge , absolute and throughly perfect . 2. Our memory , in that our remembrance is infeebled , and doth not so fully retaine that which the understanding conceiveth . 3. Our will and affections , in that they are short of their duty . 4. Our body , in that it is not so apt and nimble for the execution of good things as is required . Expresse this by a similitude . We are in the instrumentall causes like to a common Labourer , which being hired by the day , worketh with one hand whereas both are required , or worketh a peece of the day , being hired for the whole . What is the finall end wherein good works faile ? In that we have not so direct an eye to Gods glory , or the good of our neighbour as is required ; but looke asquint , as it were , at those duties which are injoyned us : Like to those Artificers , who preferre their owne credit in their skill before their Masters profit . If then it be so that sin cleaveth to our best works , and maketh them sin , are not our good works sin ? and are not all evill works equall ? No , doubtlesse , be it far from us to thinke it : For their imperfection is sinfull , but the good worke is not a sin , and even in bad actions ( as hath been said ) some are better , that is lesse evill and hurtfull then others . But seeing our works are thus corrupt , how can they please God ? and why doth he promise a reward unto them ? First , the reward that God doth promise , is not for the desert of our works , but of his owne grace and mercy . Secondly , the corruption and pollution that cleaveth unto our good works is taken away by the intercession of our Saviour Christ , for whose sake God covering the imperfection , accepteth and accounteth of , and so rewardeth them , as if they were perfect , 1 Pet. 2. 5. Exod. 28. 36 , 37 , 38. What Doctrine is hence to be gathered ? A Doctrine of great comfort to the children of God to stir them up to abound in good works , sith they are so acceptable to God and Christ Iesus : for when men know any thing to be delightsome to their Prince , they will withall endeavour & strive for it : how much more then ought we to be pricked forward to the service of God , who quencheth not the smoaking Flaxe , nor breaketh the bruised Reed , Matth. 12. 20. yea which forgetteth not a cup of cold water given in faith , and for his sake ? Matth. 10. 42. Declare now the ends for which good works are to be done . 1. That by them Gods glory may be advanced . 2. That by them we may shew our thankfulnesse to God for all his benefits . 3. That by them we may be assured of our faith and election . 4. That by our good workes we may edifie others . How may we edifie others ? 1. By encouraging and strengthening those that are good . 2. By winning those that are not come to God. 3. By stopping the mouthes of the wicked , and of those that are incorrigible . Is it not lawfull to seek our owne praise and merit by our good works ? No ; for all our good works are imperfect , and salvation is only merited by the death and obedience of Christ , ( as hath been said . ) But will not this Doctrine make men carelesse of well-doing : No ; for they that are ingraffed into Christ , must needs bring forth good works ; and good workes are necessary , ( as hath been declared ) though not for merit , yet for Gods glory , the edification of others , and our owne assured comfort . Are good works so needfull , that without them we cannot be assured of salvation ? Yes ; for though good workes doe not worke our salvation in any part ; yet because they that are justified are also sanctified , they that doe no good workes , doe declare that they neither are justified , nor sanctified , and therefore cannot be saved . Then they must much more be condemned , which commit sinne , and lye in it . Yea ; for such are not onely pronounced to be accursed by the Law , but also the Gospell hath pronounced , that they shall not inherit the kingdome of heaven . What consideration may draw us to be zealous in good works ? That if we doe well , we shall have well , as the old saying is . But that is a hard thing to be perswaded of ? So it is indeed ; because our hearts are naturally distrustfull in the promises of God : As also our flesh , the world , and the devill doe suggest unto us , that it is a vaine thing to doe good . Mal. 3. 14. What remedy is there against this assault ? That it shall be well with them that doe well , by the testimony of God himselfe , commanding the Prophet Esaiah to say so to the righteous , Esa. 3. 10. which ought to teach all men , that laying aside all their owne opinions , and whatsoever seemeth good in their owne eyes , they should rely wholly upon the direction of God. What may be gathered of this ? That it is better to endanger our selves with obedience to God , then with disobedience to rid our selves out of appearance of trouble . But why did the Lord thus charge the Prophet ? Because the wicked ( as saith Malachi ) wearied God with their blasphemies , saying , that he delighted in their wickednesse , Mal. 2. 17. How secondly is that poynt confirmed ? By a continuall practice and experience from time to time , as the friends of Job doe well reason thereupon . What is the third proofe ? That sith the Lord must doe either good for good , or evill for good ; and that it is absurd , yea blasphemous , to say that God doth evill for good ; it must needs follow , that he will doe good for good : for if a reasonable honest man would not requite kindnesse with unkindnesse ; it can much lesse fall into the nature of God so to doe ; especially seeing he did then shew kindnesse unto us , when we were enemies unto him . How fourthly is it confirmed ? In that God is said to write up the good deeds of his servants into his book of Records , as the Kings of the earth are wont to doe , Mal. 3. 16 , 17 , 18. But this seemeth not so , sith the wicked doe so triumph over the godly , as if there were no difference ? A difference shall specially appeare at the day of judgement , when by the sentence of the great Iudge the wicked like stubble shall be consumed with fire , and the Sun of righteousnesse shall shine upon the just . Is there no difference at all in this life ? Yes , inwardly : For the godly in doing well have alwayes a good conscience , howsoever earthly things goe with them ; so that the green Sallet of hearbs , or dry bread , is better to them then all the rich mans wealth ; because the grace of God goeth with them whither soever they goe , whereas the wicked have a hell in their conscience , how well soever they fare outwardly . So much of good works in generall : What speciall good works are commanded us in the Word of God ? The things which we give unto God , prescribed in the first Table ; and the giving of almes to our needy Neighbour , touching which among all the duties of the second Table , our Saviour giveth speciall direction in the sixt of Matthew , where he entreateth of prayer and fasting . What are those things that we give unto God ? Prayers and Vowes , Psal. 50. 13 , 14. & 66. 13 , 14. which being speciall parts of Gods worship may not be communicated to any other , Esa. 42. 8. & 48. 11. What is prayer ? It is a familiar speech with God in the name of Christ , 1 John 5. 14. opening the desires of our hearts unto him , and so a lifting up of the mind , and a powring out of the heart before God , for the more ample and free fruition of the good things we have need of , Psal. 50. 15. Jer. 33. 3. Lam. 2. 19. Phil. 4. 6. How further is the necessity of Prayer considered ? Prayer is a key to open the Store-houses of all Gods treasures unto us ; and as by knocking we enter into the place we goe to , so by Prayer we obtaine those things we need . Also as men provide gifts to make way for favour , Pro. 17. 8. so Prayer is a gift to appease Gods anger towards us , and as a hooke to reach those things that are above our reach , and to put by those things that stand in our way and let us . Adde hereunto , that it is so necessary , as without it the use and enjoying of the things we have is unlawfull , 1 Tim. 4. 5. For as if we take any thing that is our Neighbours without asking him leave we are accounted Theeves , so to take any thing of Gods ( whose all things are ) without asking them at his hand , is Felony . Finally , Prayer is a principall meanes serving for the strengthening and encreasing of Faith , and for the further advancing and more plentifull effecting of the outward meanes of salvation , Jude 20. 1 Thess. 5. 17 , 18. Psal. 4. 6 , 7. And therefore the Apostles did not onely say unto Christ , Increase our faith , Luk. 17. 5. but also , Lord teach us to pray as John taught his Disciples , Luke 11. 1. What gather you hence ? That we can never honour God aright , in calling upon his name , unlesse wee bring faithfull and feeling hearts before him , James 1. 6 , 7. 1 Sam. 1. 16. Describe Prayer yet more largely ? It is a religious calling upon God alone in the name of Christ , by the titles wherewith in the Scripture he is set forth unto us , as well thereby to doe service and homage unto the Lord , as to obtaine those further things and Graces that are necessary for us . Or thus . It is the holy request of an humble and sanctified heart , together with thanksgiving Phil. 4. 6. ) offered by the power of the spirit of Prayer ( Rom. 8. 26. ) as a speciall service unto God ( Psal. 50. 15. ) in the name of Christ ( John 14. 14. ) in behalfe of our selves and others , ( Ephes. 6. 18. ) with assurance to be heard in what wee pray for according to the will of God , 1 Iohn 5. 14. Iames 1. 6. Why doe we call it a request with thanksgiving ? Because in all our Prayers there must both petition of the good things we need , and thankfull acknowledgment of those things we have obtained , ( 1 Thess. 5. 17 , 18. ) As for those formes which containe neither supplication nor giving of thanks , as the Articles of the Beleefe , the Decalogue , &c. they may , and ought , for other good purposes , be committed to memory and rehearsed , Deut. 6. 7. but to use them as Prayers savoureth of deep ignorance , if not of superstition , Matth. 6. 7. Why doe you call it the request of the heart ? Not to exclude the use of bodily gesture , much lesse of the voice and tongue , in the action of Invocation , ( therefore called the Calves of the Lips , Hosea 14. 2. ) but to shew , first , that the heart is on our part the principall mover and speaker in prayer , from whence both voice and gesture have their force and grace , 1 Cor. 14. 15. Psal. 45. 1. & 108. 1. Secondly , that Prayer on sudden occasions may be secretly and powerfully offered , and is of God heard and accepted , when neither any voice is uttered , nor any bodily gesture employed , Exod. 14. 15. Nehem . 2. 4. Why doe you adde , Of an humble and sanctified heart ? Because as in generall none can pray , or doe any thing acceptable , Psal. 109. 7. but such as are truely regenerate and sanctified unto this and every good work , Psal. 51. 15. so in speciall ( and for the present action of prayer ) it is required as the summe of all sacrifices , that the heart be humble and contrite , Psal. 51. 17. acknowledging it owne unworthinesse by reason of sinne , Dan. 9. 8 , 9. feeling the want of Gods grace and mercy , Psal. 143. 6. and submitting it selfe unto him , willing to be beholding for the least degree of favour , Luke 15. 18 , 19. What then is required of us , that our prayers may be holy ? 1. That we pray with faith and assurance that God for Christ sake wil heare us . 2. That we pray with feare and reverence of God. 3. That we pray with humility , and a lively sense of our owne unworthinesse to obtaine any thing at Gods hands . 4. That we pray with a true feeling of our owne wants , and an earnest desire to obtaine those things for which we pray . 5. That our affections be agreeable to the matter for which we pray . 6. That we purpose to use all good meanes for the obtaining of those things for which we pray . In brief , these be the speciall properties of true prayer . It must be 1. In faith , without wavering , Iames 1. 6. 2. In truth , without faining , Psal. 145. 18. 3. In humility , without swelling , Luke 18. 13. 4. In zeale , without cooling , Iames 5. 16. 5. In constancy , without fainting , Luke 18. 1. What learne you hence ? That even they which are most frequent and fervent in this duty had need to pray God to forgive their prayers , in conscience of their owne frailties and infirmities , Esa. 38. 14 , 15. Psal. 77. 9 , 10. & 32. 3 , 5. What is the spirit of Prayer ? An especiall grace and operation of the holy Ghost , Iude 20. called therefore the spirit of grace and supplication , Zachary 12. 10. enabling us to powre out our soules unto the Lord , Psalme 62. 8. with sighes that cannot be expressed , Romanes 8. 26. For the holy Ghost must bee our helper in prayer , to teach us both what to pray , and how to pray , Rom. 8. 26. To whom must we pray ? To God alone , and to none other . For 1. He alone is the searcher of the hearts , heareth the voice , and knoweth the meaning of the spirit of prayer , Psal. 65. 2. Rom. 8 27. 2. He is able to grant whatsoever we demand , Eph. 3. 20. 3. He challengeth our faith and confidence , without which we cannot pray , Rom. 10. 14. Wherefore seeing he alone heares all prayers , heales all sins , knowes all suiters , Jer. 31. 18. 2 Chron. 7. 14. & 6. 30. 1 Chro. 28. 9. Psal. 44. 21. He alone hath love enough to pitty all , and power enough to relieve all our wants and necessities , to him alone we are to pray , and to none other . What learne you hence ? That seeing the Scripture forbiddeth us to communicate Gods honour to any other , Isa. 42. 8. & 48. 12. such as pray either to Saints or Angels , Col. 2. 18. have forgotten the name of their God , Psal. 44. 20. which condemneth those of the Church of Rome , who would have us to pray to Angels and Saints departed . Whether must we direct our prayers , to the Father , or the Sonne , or to the Holy-Ghost ? We must pray to the Trinity of Persons in the Vnity of the Godhead ; that is to say , to our God in Trinity . In whose name , or for whose sake must we pray to God ? In the only name , and for the only sake of his Sonne our Lord Iesus Christ , Dan. 9. 17. Iohn 16. 23 , 24. the alone Mediator between God and man , 1 Tim. 2. 5. As of propitiation , so or intercession , 1 John 2. 1 , 2. Rom. 8. 34. who through the vaile of his flesh , and merit of his bloud , hath prepared for us a new and living way , whereby we may be bold to enter into the holy place , Heb. 10. 19. in whom alone we are made the children of God , and have liberty to call him Father , Gal. 4. 5. Finally , in , with , and for whom God giveth all things that be good to his Elect , Rom. 8. 32. Who are condemned by this Doctrine ? They of the Church of Rome , who teach us to pray in the name of Saints , and make them to be our Mediators between God and us . For whom are we to pray ? For our selves and others , us and ours ; in a word , for all men , 1 Tim. 2. 1. even our enemies , Mat. 5. 44. because they beare the common Image of God , Jam. 3. 9. and bloud of mankinde , whereof we are all made , Act. 17. 26. unlesse it be apparent that any one hath committed the unpardonable sin , 1 John 5. 16. But principally , for such as are our brethren in Christ , and of the houshold of faith , Eph. 6. 18. Gal. 6. 10. Secondly , for all sorts and degrees of men , especially publick persons , as Rulers , and such as are in authority , 1 Tim. 2. 2. Ministers that watch over our soules , Eph. 6. 19. Col. 4. 3 , &c. What assurance have we that we shall be heard in what we pray for ? 1. Because we pray to that God that heareth prayers , Psal. 65. 2. 2. And is the rewarder of all that come unto him , Heb. 11. 6. and in his name to whom who so asketh , God denieth nothing , Iohn 11. 42. and therfore howsoever we are not alwayes answered at the present , Psal. 77. 1. or in the same kind that we desire , 2 Cor. 12. 9. yet sooner or later we are sure to receive even above that we are able to aske or thinke , if we continue with constancy , patience , and importunity to sue unto him according to his will , Luke 11. 5. & 18. 1. 1 Iohn 5. 14. What things must we come to God in prayer for ? Not for trifles and toyes , but for things needfull and necessary , and such as God hath made us promise of ; some whereof doe immediately concerne the glory of God , others the necessity of man ; either in things belonging to this present life , or those especially which belong to the life to come . But how can we remember all the promises that God hath made therein to ground our Petitions , especially being unletter'd ? There are generall promises , that whatsoever wee shall aske according to his will , it shall be given us , 1 John 5. 14. Againe , whatsoever we read or heare that the servants of God have uncontrollably demanded in the Scriptures , or without speciall calling ; that is a good warrant for us to demand at the hands of God. Where then is that will of God revealed , according whereto we must direct our prayers ? Throughout the whole booke of the Scriptures of God , which enforme us as concerning other duties , so especially concerning this of prayer . Recording also for this purpose many excellent prayers , as of Moses , David , Daniel , Nehemiah , Paul , &c. But most absolutely in that passage or portion delivered by our Saviour himselfe ; and therefore commonly called , the Lords Prayer . What learne you from thence ? That for helpe of our weaknesse and rudenesse in prayer , we are to look to the prayers of the holy men of God , set downe in Scripture , according to the state wherein they were at the time of those prayers , may best sort with the speciall cases wherein we are when we pray . But especially , and above any other , yea above all of them together , wee are to looke unto that most absolute prayer which our Saviour Christ hath taught us in the Gospell . VVhat is the speciall end and use of Prayer ? To recover our peace , and to nourish our communion with our God , Dan. 9. 9. Phil. 4. 6 , 7. John 17. or 1 John. 1. 7. What gather you hence ? That such as have least care , and make least conscience to call upon him , have also least acquaintance and acceptance with him , Psalme 14. 3. What is the excellency of this duty ? It setteth head and heart , and all our best affections aworke , giving God the praise of his Majesty and mercy , goodnesse and greatnesse both together , 1 Sam. 10. 12 , 13. Jam. 5. 13. 14. Psal. 50. 23. and therefore it is compared to Incense or sweet perfume , Psalme 141 2. for that it is acceptable to the Lord , as perfumes are to men ; and to the drops of honey , as it were dropping from the lips of the Church , as from an honey-combe , Cant. 4. 11. Thy lips ô my Spouse drop as the honey-combe , honey and milk are under thy tongue . How can God so infinitely wise , take delight in our Prayers that are so rude ? Because in Christ he taketh us for his children ; and therefore as Parents , rather take pleasure to heare their children stammer , then some other to speak eloquently ; so doth the Lord take pleasure in the weake prayers of the Saints . Hitherto of Invocation and Prayer in generall : what are the parts thereof ? Two principally , ( Psalm 50. 15. 23. 1 Thes. 5. 17 , 18. 1 Tim. 2. 1. Phil. 4. 6. Petition , or Request , ( properly called Prayer ) whereby we crave things needfull ; and Thanksgiving , or Praise , whereby we magnifie the goodnesse of God , and give thanks for benefits received ; to both which is annexed , confession of sinnes , and of the righteous judgement of God against them : at the view whereof we being humbled , may come more preparedly to prayer in both kindes . What is Petition ? Petition , ( or prayer properly so called ) is a religious calling upon the name of God , by sute or request ; in which we desire and beg all things necessary , Luke 11. 1 , 2. 3. Phil. 4. 6 , 7. Psalme 50. 15. And it is either for things of this present life , with this exception , so farre forth as the same shall bee thought good unto the wisdome of God ; or ( and that especially ) for the things of the life to come , without exception , Matth. 8. 2. 2 Sam. 15. 25. 26. What learne you of this ; that it is a religious calling upon God ? First , that we may not rush unadvisedly into Gods presence , but approach his Throne with feare and reverence , Heb. 12. 28. Eccl. 5. 1. Secondly , that the best hearing is in heaven , and readiest help from Gods hand , 2 Chron. 7. 14. What doe you meane by calling upon God ? Not the calling of the tongue , but the cry of the heart ; as Hannah called upon God , when her voyce was not heard , 1 Sam. 1. 13. and Moses cryed unto the Lord , when yet he spake not a word , Exod. 14. 15. VVhat gather you hence ? That the heart without the tongue , may pray with fruit and feeling 1 Sam. 1. 10. But the tongue without the heart is nothing but vaine babling , Matth. 6. 7. What doe you meane by the name of God ? God himselfe considered in his attributes and properties , whereby ( as men by their names ) hee is knowne unto us . Exod. 34. 6 , 7. Psalme 145. 12 , &c. What learne you hence ? First , that neither any may claime , nor we may yeeld this duty , but where we may find the power and properties of the Deity , Psa. 44. 20. 21. Secondly , that it is a good ground of prayer to stay our hearts on such of Gods properties , as are best suiting with our necessities , 2 Chron. 20. 6 , 7 , 8 , 9. Neh. 1. 5. Thirdly , that they that will not settle their hearts on God alone by faith can never lift up their hearts to him alone in prayer , Rom. 10. 14. Psal. 44. 20. Lam. 3. 41. Fourthly , that in every state and condition , they that pray best , speed best , and live best , Dan. 9. 23. Psalme . 50. 15. & 66. 18 , 19. It seemeth to be of no use to make our Petitions to God , seeing he both knoweth what we want , either for his glory or our good , and hath determined what to bestow upon us ? Yes verily : we must aske , and that continually ; that is , at set times , without intermission , by the Commandement of Christ himselfe , bidding us aske and we shall receive , seeke and we shall find , knocke and it shall be opened to us , Mat. 7. 7. wherein we should rest : For as God hath fore-appointed all necessaries to be given us ; so hath he also appointed the meanes whereby they should be brought to passe , whereof Prayer is a chiefe . What other reason have you for this ? We should therefore pray for the things we have need of , that having received them , we may be assured we had them of God , and not by accident or fortune , as naturall men say . What , doth not God oftentimes bestow his benefits without Prayer ? Yes : both upon the wicked , either to provoke them to repent , or to make them inexcusable ; and upon his owne children : even as a loving father , in regard of his ignorant , and sometimes negligent childe , doth give things unasked , even so doth God towards his . Why will the Lord have us beg his blessings of him ? To exercise our faith in seeking , Mat. 7. 7. and our patience in waiting , Jam. 5. 10 , 11. as also to stir up a feeling of our wants , Mat. 15. 22. and to quicken our affections unto good things , Phil. 4. 6. What gather you hence ? That where the heart is faithlesse , the Prayer must needs be fruitlesse ; for according to our faith it shall be unto us , Luk. 18. 11 , 14. Iam. 1. 6 , 7. But why doth not he answer when we aske , but delayes to help us when yet he sees and heares us ? Because we are sometimes too haughty , and he will humble us ; sometimes too hasty , and he will curbe us , 2 Cor. 12. 7 , 8 , 9. sometimes we faile in the matter asking , we know not what ; sometimes in the manner asking , we know not how ; and sometimes in the end , asking we know not wherefore , Iam. 4 , 2 , 3. Doth he not sometimes delay us , when yet he purposeth to answer us ? Yes he doth : First , because he loves to heare the voice of his owne spirit in us , Rom. 8. 26 , 27. Secondly , because the suite may be good , and yet the season not so meet for us , Rev. 6. 10 , 11. Acts 1. 7. Thirdly , he takes pleasure in our constancy , being a fruit of faith and fervency , Luk. 18. 1. Mat. 15. 27 , 28. Fourthly , because such blessings as are won by long and strong prayers , are alwayes esteemed very highly , received in humility , enjoyed in sobriety , and imployed faithfully for mans good and Gods glory , 1 Sam. 1. 20 , 21. 1 Chron. 29. 14 , 15. What gather you hence ? That if we faint not in praying , we shall in due season be sure of a blessing , Luk. 18. 7 , 8. And that when our God denyes us , or delayeth us in that which seemes good unto us , even then he gives us that which he knowes is better for us , 2 Cor. 12. 8 , 9. What good meanes may we use to obtaine the gift of prayer in some measure ? 1. To get some true feeling of our misery , for sense of misery breeds suit for mercy , Matth. 15. 22. 2. Bring hungring and thirsty soules after grace and good things , Psal. 42. 1 , 2. when the soule panteth most , the soule prayeth best . 3. Gather principles of knowledge , that the head may guide the heart , 1 Cor. 14. 15. for what we know is worth the having we will not lose for the asking . 4. Consider the examples of Gods servants in like sorrowes , and make like suits , Dan. 9. Nehem. 9. be thou as they were to him , and he will be to thee what he was to them . 5. Be well perswaded of Christs ordinance , Master teach us to pray ; Luke 11. 1. and of Gods acceptance , reckon of him as of our father , Matth. 6. 5 , 9. for according to our faith it shall be unto us . 6. Be resolute against sin , neither living in grosser iniquities , nor allowing lesser infirmities , Rom. 7. 15. so he will never shut out our prayers , not with-hold his mercies from us , Psalme 66. 19 , 20. 7. In reading or hearing turne precepts into prayers ; Lord give what thou commandest , and command what thou wilt : Duties enjoyned , graces commended , blessings promised , and cursings threatned , do all quicken us to prayer , and furnish us with matter for the same , Matth. 5. 6 , 7. Rom. 12. Ephes. 6. But when for all this our prayers are few and faint , cold and weak , what speciall helps may we then have against our infirmities ? None better then to pray for the spirit of prayer , which helpeth and healeth our infirmities , and teacheth us both for manner , measure , and matter , to lay open all our necessities , Rom. 8. 26. Luke 11. 13. And secondly , call others which are best acquainted with the practice and power of prayer , to pray with us , being present , Iames 5. 14. and for us , being absent from us , Rom. 1. 9. What be the signes of a sound prayer ? 1. To use all other good meanes carefully , Acts 27. 23 , 31. 2. To seek Gods glory principally , Exod. 32. 11 , 12. 3. To desire the best things most earnestly , Col. 1. 9 , 10 , 11. 4. To aske nothing but what Gods Word warranteth us , 1 Iohn 5. 14. 5. To wait patiently till he heare and help us , Psal. 40. 1. Iam. 5. 10 , 11. What motives may we have to stirre up our hearts to this duty ? Many and good : Because prayer is the voice of Gods spirit in us , Rom. 8. 26. a jewell of grace bequeathed by Christ unto us , Luke 11. 2. It is the hand of faith , the key of Gods treasury , the soules Solicitor , the hearts Armour-bearer , and the mindes interpreter , Matth. 7. 7. Ephes. 6. 18. It procureth all blessings , preventeth curses , 2 Chro. 7. 14. sanctifieth all creatures , that they may doe us good , 1 Tim. 4. 5. seasoneth all crosses , that they can doe us no hurt , 2 Cor. 12. 18. Lastly , it keeps the heart in humility , the life in sobriety , strengtheneth all graces , overcommeth all temptations , subdueth all corruptions , purgeth our affections , makes our duties acceptable to God , our lives profitable unto men , and both life and death comfortable to our selves , Acts 9. 11. Eph. 6. 18. Iude 20. Act. 4. 24. & 7. 5 , 9. What are the lets and hinderances of Prayer ? There be some which hinder the power of it , as our ordinary infirmities , Mark 9. 23 , 24. other which hinder either the practise or the fruit of it , as our customary and grosser iniquities , Psalme 66. 18. What are the infirmities that weaken the power of Prayer ? Roving imaginations , inordinate affections , dulnesse of spirit , weaknesse of faith , coldnesse in feeling , faintnesse in asking , wearinesse in waiting , too much passion in our owne matters , and too little compassion in other mens miseries , Psalme 32. 3 , 4. Marke 9. 24. Isa. 38. 13 , 14. Ionah 4. 2 , 3. What be the customary iniquities which hinder the practise of Prayer ? 1. The prophanenesse of the Atheists , in not calling upon God , Psal. 14. 4. 2. The sottishnesse of the Papists , lifting up their hearts and hands to base Idols , Psal. 44 20. 3. The sensuality of the voluptuous drowning all his desires in delights , and his prayers in pleasures , 2 Tim. 2. 3 , 4. 4. The stupidity of worldlings , that thinke they have no need of praying , but of carking and caring , toyling and moyling in the world , Luke 12. 17 , 18. Phil. 3. 19. 5. The foolishnesse of the malitious , which because they will not forgive their brother a 100 pence , cannot pray to God to forgive them the 1000 Talents , Mat. 18. 32. What be the grosse sins that shut the eares of the Lord , and hinder the fruit of our Prayers ? 1. Gracelesse hypocrisie , drawing neare with our lips , but having our hearts far from him , Isa. 29. 13. 2. Shamelesse impiety , when turning our eares from his precepts , he turneth away his from our prayers , Prov. 28. 9. 3. Senselesse impenitency , when the cry of our sins unrepented of , drownes the voice of our prayers that are offered , Zach. 7. 13. 4. Mercilesse cruelty , when we either cause or suffer the afflicted to cry without hearing ; the Lord hearing us cry in our affliction without helping , Gen. 42. 22. What is the generall subiect of our requests ? Good , or evill ; Good to obtaine it , and evill to remove or prevent it , Col. 1. 9. 2 Thes. 3. 1 , 2. That wherein we pray for good things is called supplication , 1 Tim. 2. 1. That wherein we pray against evill , is called Deprecation . What doe you meane by Good or Evill ? Whatsoever is helpfull or hurtfull , either for soule or body , goods and graces , sins and sorrowes , mercies and judgements , in spirituall or in carnall things , Phil. 1. 9. Luke 18. 13. Dan. 9. What gather you hence ? 1. That as Prayer is the key of the heart , to open all our necessities unto God , Iames 2. 9. so it is also the key of his treasury , to obtaine his mercies from him , Mat. 7. 7. 2. That the gift of Prayer is a pledge and earnest penny of all other good gifts and graces whatsoever , Rom. 8. 26 , 27 , 32. and that so long as we can pray , the greatest evill cannot hurt us , Ionah 2. 1. 2 Cor. 12. 7 , 8. nor the greatest good without Prayer , can ever bee profitable unto us ; 1 Tim. 4. 5. Are we only bound to pray for our selves by request for good and against evill things ? No ; we are also bound to pray likewise for others ; which kinde of prayer is called Intercession , 1 Tim. 2. 1 , 2. What is Intercession ? It is the sute of the heart unto God for the good of others . As Abraham prayed for Abimelech , Gen. 20. 17. Jacob for his sonnes , Gen. 49. Paul for the people , 1 Thes. 1. 2. and they for him . Why doth the Lord require this duty of us ? 1. For communicating our gifts and his graces , James 5 , 5. 14 , 15. 2. For nourishing our love . 3. For increase of our comforts . 4. For mutuall support and reliefe in all crosses . What gather you hence ? That all such persons as are linked together in neerest bonds of societie , are also mutually bound to discharge this duty , 1 Tim. 2. 1 , 2. James 5. 10. As first , in the houshold of Faith , the stronger is to pray for the weaker , that he faile not , Phil. 1. 9. and the weaker for the stronger , that hee fall not , 2 Thes. 3. 1 , 2. Secondly , the Soveraigne for the Subject , that he may obey in piety and loyalty , 2 Cor. 6. 13 , 14. The Subject for the Soveraigne , that he may rule in righteousnesse and religious policy , 1 Tim. 2. 1 , 2. and so in all societies , whether of publick assemblies , or private families . Job 1. 5. Deut. 33. 6. 1 Chron. 29. 19. What followeth of all this ? Strong consolation , that when we finde small power or comfort in our prayers , the Lord hath ordained that we may seeke and finde both in the prayers of his Church and children , James 5. 14 , 15. Acts 12. 5. 7. You have now spoken of the first part of Invocation , namely Petition : what followeth ? The second ; which is Praise and Thanksgiving , 1 Thes. 5. 18. What is this Praise and Thanksgiving ? It is a reverent calling upon the name of God , wherein the heart being cheared with some taste of his goodnesse , acknowledgeth all from his mercy , and purposeth all for his glory , Luke 10. 21. 1 Chron. 29. 10 , 11 , 12 , 13. And it is either in praising all his goodnesse , wisedome , power , and mercy ; and generally for the government of his Church ; or for those particular favours , that by Petition wee have received from his mercifull hand . Whence doth this duty of praise arise ? As Petition ariseth from the feeling of our miserie : so praise from the feeling of Gods mercy : Petition beggeth what we want , and praise acknowledgeth what and whence we have it , Rev. 15. 3. 1 Chron. 29. 12. What gather you hence ? That when the Lord hath granted unto us our Petitions , we are forthwith bound to render unto him his due praises , Exodus 15. 1 , Psalme 66. 19 , 20. Wherein doth this duty of praise specially consist ? 1. In emptying our selves of all worthinesse , Gen. 32. 10. 2. In acknowledging him the author of every good gift , and fountaine of living waters , James 1. 17. Jer. 2. 13. 3. In speaking good of his name unto others , Psalme 40. 9 , 10. 4. In rejoycing before him in all his mercies , Deut. 26. 11. 5. In resolving to bestow all for his honour and service , 1 Chro. 29. 2 , 3. Wherefore doth the Lord require praise and thanksgiving at our hands ? First , because it is the fairest and sweetest fruit of true Piety , Psal. 92. 1. Secondly , it entirely preserveth Gods glory . Thirdly , it boweth the heart to true humility . Fourthly , it is the condition of the Covenant , when he gives and wee receive any mercy , Psalme 50. 15. Fiftly , it provoketh others to faithfulnesse and cheerefulnesse in Gods service , Psalme 95. 1. Sixtly , it maintaineth the intercourse of mercies and duties betwixt God and man. What be the properties of true praise ? 1. It must be faithfull , without glossing , with a simple , not with a double heart , Psalme 145. 18. 2. It must be plentifull . Psalme 18. 1 , 2. If God give his mercies by showers , we may not yeeld our praises by drops . 3. It must be cheerfull , 1 Chron. 29. 14. hee gives freely , and wee must offer willingly ; for he loves a cheerefull giver , 2 Cor. 9. 7. 4. It must be powerfull with the best measure , with the best member Psalme 81. 1 , 2. 5. It must be skilfull , in the best manner , suting his severall properties , with their due praises according to the nature of the present blessings , Ex. ●5 . 2. 3. Psal. 144. 1 , 2. 6. It must be continuall , as long as his mercy endureth , and life lasteth , Psal. 146. 1 Thes. 5. 18. What meanes may we use to attaine unto this duty ? 1. Serious consideration of the great things hee hath done for us so vile creatures , 1 Sam. 12. 24. 2. To desire to taste Gods love in the least of his mercies , Genesis 28. 20 , 21. 3. To give him a taste of our love in the best of our services , Psalme 116. 12. 4. To rest content with our allowance , and estate wherein he hath set us , Phil. 4. 11. 5. To compare our estates with many of Gods Saints , who want many comforts which we enjoy , and feele many sorrowes which wee feele not , Psalme 147. 20. 6. To be faithfull in all Talents , and fruitfull in all graces , will be great meanes to make us praise God in all his mercies , Matth. 25. 23. Phil. 1. 11. What motives have we to provoke us to this praise ? 1. It is a good , comely , and pleasant thing to praise God , Psal. 147. 1. 2. It is his will thus to be honoured , 1 Thes. 5. 18. 3. It is a duty of Saints and Angels , both here & hereafter , Luke 2. 13 , 14. 4. It spreadeth abroad Religion , magnifieth and sanctifieth him that is most high , and most holy , Psalme 145. 1 , 2 , 3. Esa. 8. 13. 5. It keeps the heart from swelling , and the soule from surfeiting with Gods blessings . 6. It fits the heart for further graces , and provokes the Lord to fresh mercies . What be the speciall signes and markes of one that desires to be thanksfull and unfeignedly to praise God in all things . 1. Contentednesse , Psalme 4. 11. 2. Cheerfulnes in the use of Gods blessings , Deut. 26. 11. Psal. 63. 5. 3. Faithfulnesse in our duties , both of our persons and places . 4. Readinesse to draw others into the fellowship of Gods praise , Psal. 66. 16. & 135. 1. 5. Rejoycing in God , even in the middest of many crosses , Job 1. 6. Fruitfulnesse in good words and works , John 15. 8. 7. A conscionable carefulnesse to take all occasions , and use all means to seale up our love , and set forth Gods glory . So much of the principall parts of Invocation , Petition , and Thanksgiving : Are we limited and bound in certaine words , how and wherein to pray ? No verily ; but we have a prescript rule , and perfect patterne of Prayer of all kindes , left us in that prayer which our Saviour Christ taught his Disciples , and in them all succeeding ages , called the Lords Prayer . What is the Lords Prayer ? It is an absolute Prayer in it selfe ; and a Prayer giving a perfect direction to frame all others prayers by . It is thought by some not to be a Prayer , but onely a platforme to direct all our Prayers by ? It is both a prayer which we both may , and ought to pray ; and also a platforme of Prayer , whereunto we are to conforme , and by which we ought to square all ours : and therefore as St. Matthew biddeth us pray after this sort , Matth. 6. 9. so St. Luke biddeth us say ; Our Father , &c. Luke 11. 2. the one propounding it as the most perfect platforme to be imitated ; the other , as the most excellent forme to be used of all Christians . What is the platforme propounded in this Prayer , whereunto we ought to looke ? It teacheth us both the manner how to pray , and the matter for which to pray . It teacheth us in all our prayers to whom , and through whom , and for what to pray . Also what difference to make of the things we aske , and with what affection we are to come unto God in Prayer . What are the words of the Lords Prayer ? They are thus set downe in the 6. of Matth. 9. After this manner therefore pray yee , Our Father which art in heaven , &c. What doe you observe here in generall ? That Prayer is to be made in a language which we understand : for our Saviour Christ taught his Disciples here in a Tongue which they understood , and not in an unknowne Tongue ; which condemneth the practice of the Church of Rome , which teach the people to pray in an unknowne Tongue , contrary to Christs practice here , and the will of God , who commandeth us to serve him with all our hearts , and therefore with our understanding as well as our affection . What are the parts of this prayer ? They are three . 1. A Preface of compellation for entrance into prayer , in the first words , Our Father which art in heaven , &c. 2. A body of Petitions , containing the matter of Prayer , in the words following . 3. A conclusion for shutting up , for confirmation and close of prayer , in the last words , For thine is the Kingdome , &c. What gather you of this , that there is a preface ? That Christian men are not to come malapertly or rashly without preparation , Eccles. 5. 1. Psalme 26. 6. Exod. 3. 5. for the Angel of the Lord standeth at the entry , to strike with hardnesse and blindnesse &c. those that come not with preparation : And if we make preparation before we come to an earthly Prince , and bethink us of our words and gesture , how much more ought we to doe it when we come before the Prince and Lord of heaven and earth ? How are we to prepare our selves ? Not onely to put off our evill affections , 1 Tim. 2. 8. but even our honest and ( otherwise in their due time ) necessary cogitations , as the cares and thoughts of our particular vocations , as of house , family , &c. What doth the preface put us in mind of ? 1. Of him to whom we pray . 2. Of our owne estate in prayer , that we come unto God as to our father , with boldnesse , and yet with reverence of that Majesty that filleth the heavens . What are we taught concerning him to whom we must pray ? That God , and God onely ( not any Saint or Angel ) is to be prayed unto , Rom. 10. 14. Psal. 73. 25 For although there be other Fathers besides God , and others in heaven besides him , yet there is none which is our Father in heaven but God alone . Besides that , this being a perfect platforme , a patterne of all prayer , it is evident that all prayers ( as in other things , so in this ) must be framed unto it . Why doe you here name the Father ? Because discerning the Persons , we pray to the Father , secretly understanding that we doe it in the mediation of the Son , by the working of the holy Ghost ; and so come to the first person in the Trinity , by his Son , through the holy Ghost ; which forme is to be kept for the most part , although it be also lawfull to pray unto Christ , or to his blessed Spirit particularly , Acts 7. 59. 2 Cor. 13. 13 , 14. if so be that in our understanding we doe conjoyn them , as those which cannot be separated in any actions either belonging to the life to come , or pertaining to this life . Why must we pray to the Father in the mediation of Jesus Christ his Sonne ? Because God being displeased for sin , we can have no dealing with him , but only by the means of his Son , in whom he is well pleased , Mat. 3. 17. and in whom alone we have liberty to call him Father , Gal. 4. 5. Why is it required that we pray by the working of the Holy Ghost ? Because the Holy Ghost assureth us that he is our Father : And whereas we know not what to pray , nor how to pray , the Holy Ghost doth teach us both . What must we be perswaded of , and how must we be affected in Prayer ? Partly concerning Our selves . 1. We must be truly humbled , which is wrought in us with a certaine perswasion , 1. Of our sinfull misery and unworthinesse to be helped . 2. Of the glorious Majesty of God in heaven that must help us . 2. We must have a certain confidence we shall be heard , and this is wrought in us by faith , being perswaded that , 1. God loveth us as his owne children in our Lord Iesus Christ. 2. Our Father being God Almighty , he is able to doe whatsoever he will in heaven and in Earth . Others . 1. That all Gods people pray for us . 2. We must be perswaded that it is our bounden duty to pray for others as well as for ourselves . Why doth our Saviour direct us to give such Titles unto God in the beginning and entrance of our Prayers ? That thereby we may testifie , increase , and strengthen our faith in God , considering what he is to us , to whom we are about to pray , Heb. 11. 6. What are we taught to consider from this , that we are taught to call God Father ? That God in Christ is become our Father , and giveth us , both the priviledge , John 1. 12. and spirit of sons , Gal. 4. 6. so to call him . What ariseth from hence ? First , confidence in his fatherly love and compassion towards us as his children , Psalme 103. 13. with assurance of obtaining our suites and desires , 1 Iohn 5. 14 , 15. For as young children desire to come unto their Fathers bosome , or to sit upon the knee , or in the Mothers lap : so we by prayers doe creep into the Lords bosome , and as it were , doe stand between the Lords legges , Deut. 33. 3. comming with boldnesse unto him , as unto our mercifull Father , whose bowels are larger in pittifull affection then any parents , yea then the Mothers towards the tendrest childe , if we come with faith and affiance , that he will grant what we require : For if parents will give good things to their children when they aske them , much more will the Lord give his spirit to them that aske it of him , without doubting , Mat. 7. 11. Luke 11. 13. and this doubting is the cause why many goe away so often from prayer without profit and comfort , Iames 1. 5. which overthroweth the long and idle prayers of the Papists , who have not assurance of Gods love towards them in the thing they demand . Secondly , necessity of duty on our parts : that we both reverence , Mal. 1. 6. and imitate him , Mat. 5. 45. as our Father , Eph. 5. 1. 1 Pet. 1. 17. Thirdly , that to come in any other name then our Saviour Christs , is abominable , which was figured in Moses , Exod. 24. 2. & 20. 19. and Aaron , Levit. 16. 17. But is notably set forth of the Apostle , 1 Tim. 2. 5. therefore it is abominable to come by Saints , as in Popery they doe . What is to be considered by this , that we are directed to call him our Father ? The nature of faith , which is to apply it home to himselfe , John 20. 28 Gal. 2. 20. Matth. 27. 46. Also , that our Saviour Christ is the naturall Son , and we his Sons by grace and adoption . May not a man say in his prayer , My Father ? Yes verily , and that with warrant of our Saviour Christs example , Matth 27. 46. Why then are we taught here to say , Our Father ? As the word Father directeth us to meditate upon the relation between God and our selves , so the word Our directeth us to meditate upon the relation between our selves , and so many as are or may be the children of the same father with us . What doth this put us in mind of ? That we must at all times maintain or renew love and peace one with another , but especially when we make our prayers we must come in love , as one brother loveth another , and therefore reconcile our selves , if there be any breach , 1 Tim. 2. 8. Esa. 1. 15. Matth. 5. 25 , &c. Secondly , that we are bound to pray , and to be suitors to our God and Father one for another , as well as for our selves , James 5 16. That every one praying for all , and all for every one , we may jointly encrease and enjoy the benefit of the common stock of prayers , laid up in the hands of God. Whereto doe the words following direct us , when we say , Which art in heaven ? To the meditation of the glory , powerfull providence , wisdome , and holinesse of God , in which regard he is said to dwell in the high and holy place , Psalm 11. 4. Esa. 57. 15. not that he is excluded from earth , or included in heaven , or any place , who filleth all places , Jer. 23. 24. yea , whom the heaven of heavens is not able to containe , 1 Kings 8. 27. But first , because his wisdome , power , and glory , appeareth most evidently in the rule of the heavens , as of the most excellent bodily creatures , by which inferiour natures are ruled , Psal. 19. 1 , &c. & 8. 3. & 103. 9. Secondly , for that in heaven he doth make himselfe and his goodnesse knowne to the Angels , and blessed Spirits of men , immediately , and without the helps and aids which we have . Thirdly , because he communicateth himselfe and his goodnesse more powerfully to them then to us : and so God is said to be present in the Temple , and in the Elect. Fourthly , because there , and not on earth , we should now seek him , Psalm 123. 1. Col. 3. 1 , 2. where also we hope another day to dwell with him , in the same happy fellowship , which now the holy Angels and blessed soules doe enjoy ; which teacheth us not to have any fleshly conceit , but to have our cogitations above any worldly matter . Fiftly , to teach us that as we come boldly to him as to a Father , so also we are to come with humility and reverence of his Majesty , who is so high above us ; we wretched men being as wormes crauling upon the earth , and he sitting in great Majesty in the highest heaven , Eccles. 4. 16. & 5. 1. Sixtly , to teach us to pray not onely reverently , but also fervently before him , so directing and lifting up our hearts to Almighty God , that our prayers may ascend into heaven , 2 Chro. 32. 20. Seventhly , to encrease our confidence in him , who is both ready and able to doe all things for us , that acknowledging him to ride on the heavens for our help , ( able ) as in heaven to doe for us whatsoever ( as a father ) he will , Psal. 115. 3. we may with full confidence in his power and love ask every good thing of him , Psalm 2. 8. Luke 11. 13. Thus much of the preface : Now are we to come to the prayer it selfe : What is generall unto it ? That our affections with zeale and earnestnesse ought to wait and attend on prayer , which appeareth by the shortnesse of all the petitions . What is declared hereby ? The great affection we should have to the things we come for : which giveth a check to our cold prayers , where the understanding is witho●● the affection , and ( as it were ) the sacrifice without the heavenly fire ●o lift it up , and make it mount into heaven , both in publike and private prayers . So much of attention generall to the Prayer : What are the parts ther●of ? A forme of Petition , and of Thanksgiving . What is taught hereby ? First , that whensoever we come unto God in Petition , we are 〈…〉 give him thanks , Phil. 4. 6. Luke 17. 17 , 18. things not to be 〈…〉 meanes to make way for further graces , and benefits to be obtain●● ▪ . Secondly , that it is a fault of us ( when we are distressed ) in 〈…〉 to come unto God in Petition , but not to return Thanksgiving 〈…〉 benefits received . How many Petitions are there in the Lords Prayer ? Six , ( equally divided , as it were , into two Tables ) whereof 〈…〉 concerne God , as doth the first Table of the Law ; three doe concern● our selves and our neighbours , as doth the second Table : For in the three first we make request for those things that concerne Gods Majesty , whose glory and service we are to preferre before our owne good , Iohn 12. 27 , 28. In the three latter , for those things that concerne the necessity of man , and our owne welfare , which we must referre to the former , Psalme 50. 15. So that by the very order of the Petitions , we learne this instruction , that we must and ought first to thinke upon Gods glory before any thing that appertaines or belongs to us , and that we should seeke the service of God before our owne good , John 12. 27 , 28. yea , and preferre the glorifying of the name of God before our owne salvation , Rom. 9. 3. As also by the order of the Commandements , which being divided into two Tables , the first concernes the Worship of God , the second our selves . What observe you from this ? Our hypocrisie : for were it not for our selves and our wants , we would not come to God at all in prayer : As in Popery , all their prayers are for themselves , and their salvation , &c. whereas this word ( thy ) in all these Petitions doth shut forth the consideration of our selves , to the end that we might have our minds altogether fastened upon the service of God. What further observe you proper to those Petitions that concerne the glory of God ? That as they must be begged in the first place , so must they likewise be performed with further zeale of spirit , and earnestnesse of affection : as may be gathered , in that they are propounded without any band or coupling of one with another . How are the three first Petitions divided ? Thus : the first concerneth Gods glory it selfe , the other two , the things whereby God is glorified ; as when his Kingdome commeth , and his will is done . What are the words of the first Petition ? Hallowed be thy Name , Mat. 6. 9. Luke 11. 2. What is the summe of this Petition ? That in all things God may be glorified , That he , who in himselfe , his words and works is most glorious and holy , may be acknowledged and honoured for such by us , Psal. 46. 8. 1 Pet. 2. 9. Why is this Petition set before all ? Because it is that which ought to be dearest unto us , and for that all things are to be referred unto it , Prov. 16. 4. 1 Cor. 10. 31. What is to be considered for the further opening of this Petition ? First , for the meaning of the words apart , then of them together . What is meant by the word Name ? By the name of God , we are to understand God himselfe , 1 King. 5. 5. Isa. 26. 8. as he maketh knowne to us the fame and glory of his nature , otherwise unconceivable , Gen. 32. 29. For the name of God in the Scripture signifieth God himself ; because the nature of a thing is taken for that it is the name of , as Acts 1. 15. his Essence , and all things by which he is knowne unto us . What are those Names whereby God is made knowne unto us ? First , his Titles ; as Jehovah , Elohim , the Lord of Hosts , and such like , Exod. 3. 14. and 6. 3. Secondly , his Attributes and Properties ; as his wisedome , power , love , goodnesse , mercy , justice , truth , Exod. 33. 18 , 19 , &c. & 34. 5 , 6 , &c. which being essentiall in him , are for our capacity expressed under the name of such qualities in us , and are called the names of God , because as names serve to discerne things by , so God is knowne by these things . Thirdly , also his memorials signified by his name , because he getteth glory by them . What are these Memorials ? First , the works and actions of God ; as the Creation and government of the world , Psal. 104. but especially , the worke of redemption , Psalme 19. 14. Secondly , the things that belong unto God ; as his Worship , Word , Sacraments and disclipine ; but especially his Word , Psalme 138. 2. & 19. &c. which is the booke of grace , and the boxe of ointment , out of which the sweet savour of his name is most effectually powred , Cant. 1. 2 , 3. What is meant by the word Hallowed ? Sanctified and reverenced : for to hallow , is to set apart a thing from the common use to some proper end ; and therefore to hallow the name of God , is to separate it from all profane and unholy abuse , to a holy and reverend use . Can any man adde any thing unto Gods holinesse ? No , no , we cannot adde any holinesse unto God , or take any from him ; but as God is holy in his properties and actions , and also in his Ordinance both in the Church and Common-wealth , so wee desire they may be ( and that not onely by our selves , but also by all men ) acknowledged and reputed as they are worthy in themselves to be reputed and accounted . And in this respect onely are we said to hallow his name , when we acknowledge it and honour it for such , Psal. 96. 7 , 8. thereby ( as it were ) setting the Crowne of holinesse and honour upon the head of God : contrariwise , failing so to doe , we are guilty of the profanation of Gods holy name ; not that he can receive any pollution from us , but onely as a man that lusteth after a chast woman is said by our Saviour to be guilty of adultery with her , though she remaineth in her self spotlesse and undefiled , Matth. 5. 28. May none else be glorified but the name of God ? When it is said , Hallowed be thy name , thereby is noted that no glory or honour should be given to any thing in the world , but to the name of God , Esa. 42. 8. & 48. 11. further then they are instruments whereby we may arise to the glorifying of it ; for God will not give his glory to any other thing , no not to the manhood of our Saviour Christ. What is to be considered in the words together ? That it is a singular benefit of God to admit us to the sanctifying of his name , and ( as it were ) to set the Crowne ( which is his glory ) upon his head , and to hold it there , especially seeing he is able himself alone to doe it ; and when he would use others thereto , he hath so many Legions of Angels to doe it , yea , can raise up stones to doe it . What doe you then aske of God in this Petition ? That as God is glorious in himselfe , so he may be declared and made knowne unto men : that therefore God would have himselfe known and acknowledged by all men , but especially by my selfe , to be most holy ; that whether we speak , think , or any way use his name , properties , works , or Word , we may doe it holily , and with all reverence : That his wisdome , power , goodnesse , mercy , truth , righteousnesse , and eternity , may more and more be imparted unto me , and other of Gods people : That he may be acknowledged just , wise , &c. in all his works , even in his ordaining of some to eternall life , and other some to everlasting destruction : That his infinite justice , and infinite mercy over all his creatures ( but especially over his Church ) may be reverenced and adored by all men , but especially by my selfe : That the name of God may be reverently and holily used of all men , but especially of my selfe : That when the glory of God commeth in question , between my selfe and any thing that belongeth unto me , I may preferre that unto this : Finally , that God would vouchsafe to plant and encrease in me and others such graces whereby his name may be glorified . What are those graces for which we pray here in particular ? 1. Knowledge of God , Psalme 100. 3. & 67. 2. That God would give us the knowledge of himselfe , his Word , and Works ; for we cannot glorifie his name unlesse we know it . 2. Beliefe of his Word , that wee and others may sanctifie God in believing his Word how unlike soever , Iohn 3. 33. Wherefore Moses and Aaron are said not to have sanctified the name of God , because they beleeved not , Numb . 20. 12. Contrariwise Abraham glorified God in beleeving , Rom. 4. 20. 3. Fearing the Lord alone , and not men ; That the Lord be our feare , Esa. 8. 12 , 13. 1 Pet. 3. 14 , 18. 4. Humility , ( for our selves and others ) without which wee cannot glorifie God , as it is meet , Psalme 115. 1. 2 Sam 7. 18. Psal. 8. 4 , 5. & 144. 3. Luke 1. 48. 5. Patience , ( arising from thence ) whereby wee doe willingly submit our selves unto the correcting hand of God , as Eli , 1 Sam. 3. 18. & Hezekiah , Esa. 39. 8. 6. Thankfulnesse , that we may praise him for his benefits , more particularly where we are to hallow Gods name , as well by praising it for the benefits we have received , as for his wonderfull works in the Creation and government of the world , the Church especially . 7. Lips opened , and tongues tuned to speak of him with reverence , Psal. 51. 15. & 44. 1. & 45. 1. 8. A life so ordered , that men may say he is a holy God , who by his grace maketh us an holy people , Matth. 5. 16. 1 Pet. 2. 9. Tit. 2. 10. That according as we know the vertues of our good God ; so the fruits of them may appeare in ours , and all good peoples lives , that so his name may be honoured and praised , and he may get glory by the godly conversation of us and others . VVhat doe we pray against in this Petition ? We pray against all ignorance of holy things we should know , Hos. 8. 12. and against infidelity and want of good works , whereby God wants of his glory : we pray against all lofty and high things that hinder that God onely cannot be exalted , Esa. 2. 11 , 12 , 13 , 14 , 15 , 16. especially the pride of our hearts , which we are to confesse and lament , Prov. 8. 13. Against all false religion and prophanenesse , impatience , unthankfulnesse , Rom. 1. 21 , &c. those tongue-wormes of swearing , blasphemy , and unreverent speaking of God , Exod. 20. 7. Esa. 2. 11 , 12 , 13 , 14 , 15. Prov. 8. 13. together with all wickednesse and ungodlinesse , whereby Gods Name is dishonoured . In a word , we pray that God would remove , and root out of our hearts , tongues , and lives , all such vices , by and for which his name is dishonoured , especially an evill and scandalous life , for which the name of God and his religion is evill spoken of in the world , Rom. 2. 23 , 24. What doth this teach us ? Our dulnesse is hereby condemned , who by nature are so ill-disposed to glorifie God , and to use his name holily and reverently . What is to be considered in the second Petition ? Let thy Kingdome come , Matth. 6. 10. Luke 11. 2. One of the meanes how to have the name of God sanctified , which is a dependance of the former Petition . What is the summe of this Petition ? That God may reigne in our hearts , and not sinne ; and that the Kingdome of our Lord Iesus Christ both by the inward working of his Spirit , and also by the outward meanes may be enlarged dayly , untill it bee perfected at the comming of Christ to judgement ; that the Kingdome of sinne and Satan being more and more abolished , Acts 26. 18. Col. 1. 13. Christ may now reigne in our hearts by grace , Col. 3. 15 , 16. and we with him for ever in glory , 2 Tim. 2. 12. What is meant here by Kingdome ? That government which our Saviour Christ exerciseth ; first , in the world , then in the last day , both in the whole Church , and in every member thereof : For by the Kingdome of God wee must understand here not so much that univerall soveraignty , which as Creator he exerciseth over all creatures , disposing them all to their proper ends for his glory , Esa. 5. 6. Psal. 95. 3 , &c. as the spirituall regiment , Psalme 110. 2. 1 Cor. 15. 25. of the Church , and of all things , for the good of the Church : wherein God hath appointed Christ to be the King , Psalme 2. 6. Hos. 3. 5. the Saints his Subjects , Rev. 15. 3. the Word his Law , Job 22. 22. the Angels and all creatures his servants , Heb. 1. 6 , the Ministers his Heralds , and Ambassadors , 2 Cor. 5. 20. Finally , the Devills kingdome , Matth. 12. 26. that is , wicked Angels , and men enemies to the Kingdome of Christ , Luke 19. 27. his foot-stoole , Psalme 110. 1. How is this Kingdome said to come ? 1. In regard of the meanes , where the word of the Kingdome is published , Matth. 12. 28. & 13. 19. Marke 4. 15. 2. In regard of efficacy , where from the heart obedience is yeelded , Rom. 6. 17. 3. In regard of perfection , it hath these degrees . 1. Increase of grace in the time of this life , Matth. 13. 18. 2. The translation of blessed soules into heaven in the moment of death , Luke 23. 42 , 43. 3. Finally , the full redemption of glorification of the Saints in soule and body in the life to come , Matth. 25. 34. VVhat doe we then desire concerning the kingdome of God in this Petition ? We pray either for that he exerciseth in this world ; or for that hee exerciseth in the world to come , called the kingdome of glory . How many sorts are there in that kingdome he exerciseth in this world ? Two : First , that he exerciseth over all men , and other creatures called kingdome of power : Secondly , that he exerciseth over all the Church called the kingdome of grace . What desire we of God concerning the government he exerciseth over all Creatures ? That he would governe all the creatures , both in the naturall course of things , and in the civill and domesticall government of men , yea , in the rule of Devils themselves , in such sort as they may serve for the good of his Church , Psal. 97. 1. Mat. 6. 13. John 17. 2. What desire we concerning his government in the Church ? That it may be here in this world inlarged , and that it may be accomplished in the last day , Psalme 112. 6. Isa. 62. 7. What doe we desire for the inlargement of it in this world ? That by Christ the head of the Church , God would governe his people to the perfect salvation of the elect , and to the utter destruction of the reprobate , whether open Rebels , or faigned hollow-hearted Subjects . What great need is there that we should pray for the kingdome of God ? For that being taught , that we should pray that the kingdome of God may come , hereby we are put in mind of another kingdome of Satan and darknesse , which opposeth strongly against his kingdome , Mat. 12. 24 , 25. 2 Cor. 6. 14 , 15 , 16. Why doe all men naturally abhorre Satan , even to the very name of him ? They doe in words and shew : but when they doe his will , live under his lawes , delight in his works of darknesse , subject themselves to the Pope , and other his instruments ; they are found indeed to love him as their father , and honour him as their Prince , whom in words they would seeme to abhorre : For as the same men are affirmed by our Saviour Christ to approach unto God with their lips , and to have their hearts farre from him , Mat. 15. 8. so are they in their lips farre from Satan , but neare him in their hearts . What other oppositions are there against Gods Kingdome ? The flesh and the world , Gal. 5. 10 , 17. What be the meanes we ought to pray for , that our Saviour Christ may governe his Church in this world thereby ? Inward , and outward . What inward things doe we pray for ? That God would give his holy Spirit , as the chiefe and principall meanes , whereby our Saviour Christ gathereth and ruleth his Church , conveighing his spirit of knowledge , and good motions into his people : And consequently , we pray against the motions and temptations of Satan , and of our owne flesh . What are the outward things we pray for ? The meanes whereby the Spirit is conveighed ; namely , the Word , and the dependances thereof , the Sacraments and Censures . What pray we for concerning the Word ? That it being the scepter of Christs kingdome , Mar. 1. 13. the rod & standard of his power , Psal. 110. 2. Isa. 11. 4 , 10. Isa. 44. 4 , 10. & called the Word of the kingdome , Mar. 1. 13. & the kingdome of heaven , Mat. 13. may have free passage every where , 2 Thes. 3. 1. and may be gloriously lifted up and advanced ; and it only having place , all not agreeable thereunto , and all traditions and inventions of men may be rejected . What pray we for concerning the Sacraments ? That as they are the Seales of Gods promises , and the whole Covenant of grace , so they may be both ministred and received in that purenesse and sincerity , which is according to his Word , and all false Sacraments and sacrifices put under foot . What pray we for concerning the Censures ? That not only private persons , but the whole Church may be ruled by the line of Gods Word , that so well doers may be advanced , and evill doers censured and corrected , according to the degree of their fault ; and therefore , that all impunity or tyrannous tortures of conscience may be taken away . What further doe we pray for ? That God would furnish his Church with all such Officers as he approveth , that being indued with speciall gifts , may be both able and willing to execute their charge diligently and faithfully . What further desire you in this Petition ? That where these things are only begun , they may be perfected ; And that every Church may be polished and garnished , that Sion may appeare in her perfect beauty , and so the Iewes may be called , and so many of the Gentiles as belong unto Christ , and the contrary enemies may be either converted or confounded . What doe we pray for in respect of every member of the Church ? Even as poore captives are alwayes creeping to the prison doore , and labouring to get off their boults : so we out of a sorrowfull feeling of the spirituall bondage we are in to Satan and sin , pray that the kingdome of Christ may come and be advanced in every one of our hearts , in justice , righteousnesse , peace and joy in the Holy Ghost , Rom. 14. 17. that as Kings unto God , we may subdue within us all those either opinions or affections that rise up and rebell against God. What then are the particulars concerning the kingdome of grace , that we doe crave of God in this Petition ? 1. That Satans kingdome may be abolished , Acts 26. 18. the bands of spirituall captivity loosed , 2 Tim. 2. 26. Col. 1. 13. the power of corruption , that maketh us like well of our bondage , abated , Gal. 5. 24. the instruments of Satans tyranny , as the Turke and Pope , and all such out-lawes from Christ defeated , 2 Thes. 2. 8. 2. That it would please God to gather out of every part of the world those that belong to his election . 3. That God for the gathering of them , would raise up faithfull and painfull Ministers in every part of the world , where there are any which belong to his election . That all loyterers and tongue-tyed Ministers being removed , Isa. 56. 10 , 11. faithfull and able watchmen may be set over the flocke of Christ , Mat. 9. 38. with sufficient encouragement of maintenance , countenance , protection , &c. and the word of God may be freely preached every where , 2 Thes. 3. 1. 4. That it would please God , with the blessing of his spirit , to accompany the word , so that it may be of power to convert those that belong unto him . 5. That it would please God every day more and more to increase the holy gifts and graces of his holy Spirit , in the hearts of those whom he hath already called effectually . 6. That the Lord by his word and spirit would rule in the hearts and lives of his Saints , Col. 3. 15 , 16. making them also Kings in part , by overcomming the corruption which is in the world through lust . 7. That God would raise up godly and religious Magistrates , which should further and countenance his worship as much as in them lyeth . 8. That the eyes of all men , especially Princes , may be opened to see the filthinesse of the whore of Babylon , Rev. 17. 16. and the true beauty of pure Religion , and of the Spouse of Christ , Isa. 60. 3. 9. That God would banish and root out of his Church all those things which may hinder the proceeding of his kingdome in the hearts of those that belong unto him . 10. Finally , that he would finish the kingdome of grace , calling his elect uncalled , Rom. 9. 27. confirming such as stand , 2 Thes. 2. 17. raising the fallen , Jam. 5. 15 , 16. comforting the afflicted , Isa. 61. 3. and hasten the kingdome of glory . What doe we desire of God in this Petition concerning the Kingdome of glory , and our good in the world to come ? 1. That God would be pleased to take us out of this sinfull and conflicting life , into peace with Christ , and translate us unto the kingdome of heaven , Phil. 1. 23. 2. That the number of the elect being accomplished , the finall dissolution of all things may come : That God would hasten the second comming of his Son to judgement for the elects sake , who with singular love and affection long for it , saying ; Come Lord Jesus , come quickly , Rev. 22. 20. 2 Tim. 4. 8. that we and all his chosen may obtaine full salvation , and enjoy the fruition of that glory prepared for us before the beginning of the world . 3. That God would get himselfe glory by the finall confusion of his enemies . What are the words of the third Petition ? Thy will be done in Earth as it is in Heauen , Mat. 6. 10. Luke 11. 2. What is the summe of this Petition ? That God would grant us , that we may voluntarily and willingly subject our selves unto him and his providence : That renouncing the will of Satan , and our owne corrupt inclination , 2 Tim. 2. 26. 1 Peter 4. 2. and rejecting all things that are contrary to the will of God , we may doe his will , not as we will , nor grudgingly , but readily , Psalme 119. 60. and heartily , Col. 3. 23. following in our measure the example of the Angels and Saints that are in heaven , Psalme 103. 20. Finally , that obedience may be given to Christ , in ruling us untill we be as the holy Angels . What is meant by this word [ Thy. ] Hereby we exclude all wils opposed to , or diverse from the will of God ; whether the will of Satan , 2 Tim. 2. 26. or our owne , 1 Peter 4. 2. naturally corrupt and enthralled to Satan ; yea , whatsoever unlawfull intentions or desires , repugnant to the will of God , 2 Sam. 2. 7. James 4. 15. For when we pray for obedience to Gods will , we pray that all wils of wicked Angels , Zach. 3. 2. and men , Psal. 140. 8. as contrary to the will of God , may be disappointed . We desire also the suppression of our owne will , as that which being prone to all sin , as a match to take fire , is naught and repugnant to the will of God , so far are we from having any free-will naturally to doe that which is good , Psalm 86. 11. & 119. 37 , Gen. 6. 5. & 8. 21. Rom. 8. 6. & 7. 24. which we must bewaile both in our selves and others , 2 Pet. 2. 7. Ezek. 9. 4. freely acknowledging that we cannot of our selves doe the will of God , but by his assistance , and desiring grace that we may obey his will , and not the lusts of our flesh . How manifold is the will of God ? Twofold , Deut. 29. 29. 1. His secret and hidden will , whereof the Scripture speaketh thus , If so be the will of God , 1 Pet. 3. 17. whereunto are to be referred his eternall counsell , the events of outward things , Pro. 27. 1. times and seasons , &c. Acts 17. 1. 2. His manifest will , which is revealed and made knowne unto us in the Word , both in his promises , which we are to beleeve , and in his precepts and commandements , which ( as conditions of obedience in way of thanksgiving annexed unto the promises ) we are to performe . What will are we to understand in this petition ? Not so much that part which God keepeth secret from us , as that part thereof which he hath revealed in his Word , wherein is set downe what we ought to doe , or leave undone . How doth that appeare ? 1. Because it is unlawfull to search or enquire into the secret will of God , and impossible for man to know it untill it come to passe ; whereas to the doing of this will knowledge is requisite . 2. No man can resist or withstand Gods secret will , neither is it any thank for us to accomplish it , Acts 4. 28. 3. There are no promises for performing the secret will of God , seeing a man may doe it and perish , as Pilate , &c. 4. God proposeth many things in his secret will , for which it is not lawfull for us to pray . What then must we especially pray for in the secret will of God ? That when God bringeth any thing to passe by his secret will , which is grievous to our natures , we may with patience and contentment submit our wils to his will , Acts 21. 14. What doe we aske of God in this petition concerning his revealed will ? 1. That we may know his will , without the which we cannot doe it . 2. That we may doe all his will being knowne , and shew our selves obedient to our heavenly Father and Lord. 3. That he would bestow upon us the gifts and graces of his Spirit , that so our hearts being by grace set at large , strengthened , and directed , Psal. 119. 32 , 36. we may be enabled to doe his will. 4. That he would remove from us all things that shall hinder us from knowing his will , and putting it in execution ; as ignorance of the revealed will of God , Psal. 119. 18. rebellion , dis●bedience , murmuring , &c. 1 Sam. 15. 22 , 23. all pretences , and dispensations , or powers , presuming to dispence with the will of God. In a word , that so many as are subjects in the kingdome of Christ may doe the duty of good subjects , and be obedient to the revealed will of God , seeking his kingdome and his righteousnesse , Matth. 6. 33. so that there is a mutuall relation of this petition to the former , where we pray that God may rule ; as here , that his rule may be obeyed . What understand you in this petition by Doing ? Not a good intent onely in the heart , or profession of obedience in word and pretence , Matth. 21. 30. but an actuall and thorough performance of what is required of us , Iames 1. 25. And therefore wee pray here , that the will of God may not onely be intended and endevoured , but also accomplished , although it be with griefe and smart , Phil. 2. 13. Acts 20. 24. What is here meant by earth and heaven ? By earth , those that are in earth , and by heaven , those that are in heaven : For here we propound to our selves the patterns of the Angels and blessed soules , who being freed from all mixture of corruption , doe in their kind perfectly obey God , Psal. 103. 20 , 22. whereby we learne that our obedience should be done most humbly , willingly , readily , cheerfully , and wholly , ( not doing one , and leaving another undone ) even as the will of God is done by the Angels , Matth. 18. 10. who therefore are set forth winged , to shew their speedinesse , Esa 6. 2. and round footed , to expresse their readinesse to all and every commandement of God , Ezek. 1. 7. But seeing we are sinfull , and the Angels holy , how can wee imitate them ? We desire to imitate them in the manner , though we know we cannot equall them in measure and degree of obedience : and hereby we are taught that we should endevour to the like holinesse , and so grow therein daily more and more till we be like unto them ; not that we can performe it to the full as they doe . As also in this regard God himselfe saith , Be ye holy as I am holy , Lev. 11. 44. 1 Pet. 1. 16. and yet it were absurd to say or think , that any man could come to the holinesse of God , whose holinesse he is commanded to follow : And this answereth to our desire of hastening the Lords comming in the former petition . What then doe wee desire here for the manner of performance of Gods will ? That we may after the heavenly patterne afore mentioned , willingly , without constraint or repugnancy , Psalm 110. 3. speedily , without delay , Psal. 119. 60. sincerely , without hypocrisie , Deut. 5. 28 , 29. fully , without reservation , Psal. 119. 6. and constantly , without intermission , Psal. 119. 112. beleeve the promises of mercy , and obey the precepts of holinesse : and so all unwilling , and by law onely inforced obedience is here condemned , and we enjoined to performe our service with delight , joy , and alacrity . Thus farre of the three first Petitions , for things concerning God. To come to the three latter that concerne our selves , and our neighbour ; what are we generally to note in them ? 1. The order and dependance they have from the former three concerning God ; whereby we are taught that there is no lawfull use of these Petitions which follow , or any of them ; unlesse we first labour in the former Petitions concerning the service of God. For we are then allowed , and not till then , ( Luke 17. 7 , &c. ) to seek good things for our selves , when we have first minded , and sought those things that concerne the glory of God ; because unto godlinesse onely the promises of this life and that which is to come are entailed , 1 Tim. 4. 8. What further ? That as in the former the word [ Thy ] did only respect God , so in these following by these words [ our and us ] we learne to have a fellow-feeling of the miseries and necessities of others ; and therefore in care to pray for them , which is one tryall of the true spirit of prayer . Is there any thing else common to them all ? That in all these Petitions under one thing expressed , other things are figuratively included , and under one kinde all the rest , and all the meanes to obtaine them are comprehended , as shall appeare . How are these Petitions divided ? The first concerneth mans body , and the things of this life : the two last concerne the soule , and things pertaining to the life to come . For all which we are taught to depend on God ; and namely according to the order observed in the Creed , ( called the Apostles ) 1. On the providence of God our Father the Creator for our nourishment , and all outward blessings . 2. On the mercies of Christ our Saviour for pardon of our sinnes . 3. On the power and assistance of the holy Spirit , our sanctifier , for strength to resist and subdue all temptations unto evill . What observe you out of the order of these Petitions ? That we have but one Petition for outward things , as lesse to be esteemed : but for spirituall things two , as about which our care is to be doubled , Matth. 6. 33. to teach us how smally earthly things are to be accounted in regard of heavenly : and therefore that our prayers for the things of this life should be short , and further drawn out for the things that belong to the life to come . Why then is the Petition for the temporall things put before the Petitions for spirituall ? The first place is given to outward things , not because they are chiefest , but because , First , it is the manner of the Scriptures , commonly to put things first that are soonest dispatched . Secondly , that outward things may be helpes to enable us to spirituall duties , ( Gen. 28. 20. 21. ) and that in having aforehand earthly things , we may be the more ready and earnest to intreat for heavenly things : so our Saviour Christ healed the bodily diseases , to provoke all men to come unto him for the cure of the spirituall . Thirdly , that outward things may be as steps or degrees , whereby our weake faith may the better ascend to lay claime and hold on spirituall graces , ( Acts 17. 27 , 28. ) That by experience of the smaller things we may climbe up to higher ; whereby their hypocrisie is discovered , which pretend great assurance of forgivenesse of sinnes , and of their keeping from the evill one ; whereas they are distrustfull for the things of this life . Fourthly , God hath a consideration of our weaknesse , who are unapt to performe any duties , or service to God , if we want the things of this life , and that which is requisite to sustaine and suffice nature . To proceed in order : what are the words of the fourth Petition , which concerneth the things of this life ? Give us this day our daily bread , Matth. 6. 11. Luke 11. 3. What is the summe of this Petition ? That God would provide for us competent meanes , and such a portion of outward blessings , as he shall see meet for us , Prov. 30. 8. not only for our necessities , but also for Christian and sober delight , according to our calling , and his blessing upon us . Likewise , that he would give us grace to relye our selves upon his providence , for all the meanes of this temporall life , and to rest contented with that allowance which he shall thinke fit for us , Phil 4. 11 , 12. What is meant by Bread ? All outward things , serving both for our necessity , and sober delight , Prov. 27. 27. & 31. 14. as health , wealth , food , physick , sleep , rayment , house , &c. together with all the helps and meanes to attaine them ; As good Princes , Magistrates , peace , seasonable weather , and such like ; As also the removall of the contrary , as war , plague , famine , evill weather , &c. And the blessing of God upon these creatures which he bestoweth upon us . What is here to be observed ? That we must desire bread , not Quailes , or other delicates , not riches and superfluity , James 4. 3. Num 11. 4 , 5 , 6. but a proportion of maintenance , credit , liberty , &c. convenient for us , Prov. 30. 8. 1 Tim 6. 8. and that with condition , if God shall see it good for us , or so be his good pleasure , Mat. 8. 2. James 4. 15. 2 Sam. 7. 27. which exception is a caution proper to this Petition for outward things . What need is there of asking these things ? The frailty of our nature , not able to continue in health scarse one day without these helps , and as it were , props to uphold this decayed and ruinous cottage of our mortall bodies , lesse able to forbeare them then many beasts : for seeing there were a necessary use of our meat in the time of innocency , the necessity by our fall is much greater . What learne you from the word [ Give ? ] First , that from God all things come , Psal. 104. 27 , 28 , 29 , 30. Acts 14. 17. which we are ready to ascribe either to the earth called the nurse , or to our money wherewith we buy them , or to our friends that give them us : As if we should looke upon the Steward only , and passe by the Master of the Family ; or upon the breast that giveth sucke , and neglect the nurse or bottle we drinke of , and passe by the giver . What next ? That although in regard of our labour , or buying any thing , it may be called ours , yet we say , Give Lord , both because we are unable by any service or labour to deserve the least crum of bread , or drop of water , ( much lesse the kingdome of heaven and salvation ) at the hands of God , Luke 17. 10. Gen. 32. 10. and because our labour and diligence cannot prevaile without Gods blessing . What learne you further ? That seeing God giveth to whom he will , and what he will , we learne to be content with whatsoever we have received : Moreover , to be thankfull for it , seeing all things in regard of God are sanctified by the Word , and in regard of our selves , by prayer and thanksgiving , 1 Tim 4. 5. And last of all , not to envie at other mens plenty , being it is Gods doing , Matth. 20. 15. What reason is there , that they should pray for these things of God , which have them already in their Garners , Cellars , &c. in abundance ? Very great . Because , 1. our right unto the creatures being forfeited in Adam , we having now nothing to plead , but onely Gods Deed of gift made unto us in Christ the second Adam , and heire of all things , in whom , and with whom , all things are conveyed to us , Psalm 8. 7 , 8 , 9. Heb. 1. 2. Rom. 8. 32. 1 Cor. 3. 22. so that although we possesse them , yet are we not right owners of them but by faith , which is declared by prayer for them . 2. The things we doe possesse we may easily a hundred wayes be thrust from the possession of them before we come to use them , according to the proverb , that many things come between the cup and the lip , 1 Sam. 30. 16 , 17. Dan. 5. 5. 2 Kings 7. 17. 3 Although we have the use of them , yet will they not profit us , neither in feeding nor cloathing us , unlesse we have the blessing of God upon them ; yea , without the which they may be hurtfull and poisonable unto us , Esa. 3. 1. Hag. 1. 6. Prov. 10. 22. Dan. 1. 13 , 14 , 15. Psal. 78. 30 , 31. By all which reasons it may appeare , that the rich are as well to use this petition as the poorest , praying therein not so much for the outward things , as Gods blessing upon them . Why doe we say , Give us ? Hereby we professe our selves Petitioners for all men , especially the houshold of faith ; that for the most part every one may have sufficient , and where want is , others may be enabled to supply it out of their abundance , 2 Cor. 8. 14. Why doe we say , This day , or , For the day ? That we are to pray for bread for a day , and not for a month , or yeare , &c. it is to teach us to restraine our care , that it reach not too farre ▪ but to rest in Gods providence and present blessing , and therefore not to be covetous , Exod. 16. 19 , 20 , 21. Pro. 30. 8. So that hereby we professe the moderation of our care , and desire of earthly things , Matth. 6. 34. with our purpose every day by labour and prayer to seeke these blessings at the hands of God. Is it not lawfull to provide for children and family ? Yes verily ; not onely lawfull , but also needfull , Gen. 41 , 34 , 35. Acts 11. 28. 29. 2 Cor. 12. 14. 1 Tim. 5. 8. But here our affections are onely forbidden to passe measure , as to have a carking and troubling care , seeing the vexation of the day is enough for it selfe , Matth. 6. 34. but commit our wayes unto the Lord ; and to roll our matters upon him who will bring them to passe , Psalme 37. 5. Prov. 16. 3. Why is the Bread called ours , seeing that God must give it us ? To teach us , that we must come unto it by our owne labour , Gen. 3. 17. Psalme 128. 1. 1 Thes. 4. 11. In which respect , hee that will not labour , should not eate , 2 Thes. 3. 8 , 9 , 10. For it is called our bread , which commeth to us by the blessing of God on our lawfull labours , 2 Thes. 3. 12. so that neither God nor man can justly implead us for it . What is the reason of the word daily ? By daily bread , or bread instantly necessary , or such as is to be added to our substance ; wee understand such provision , and such a proportion thereof , as may best agree with our nature , charge , and calling , Pro. 30. 8. For this word in the Evangelists , Matth. 6. 11. Luke 11. 3. and in the proper language of the Spirit of God is the bread fit for me , or agreeable to my condition ; Which is an especiall lesson for all estates , and callings , to keep them within their bounds ; not onely of necessity , but of Christian and sober delight , and not to aske them for the fulfilling of our fleshly desires , Psalme 104. 15. Iohn 12. 3. Prov. 30. 8. 1 Tim. 6. 8. Rom. 13. 14. Iam. 4. 3. Hereby also we are taught , that every day wee must require these blessings at Gods hands . What doe we then begge of God in this Petition ? 1. That it would please God to preserve this mortall life of ours , so long as he seeth good in his wisedome that it maketh for his glory , and our good . 2. That he would bestow upon us all good things , needfull for the preservation of this life . 3. That he would give us care and conscience to get those needful things by lawfull meanes : which condemneth : First , those that use wicked and unlawfull meanes towards men . Secondly , those that goe to the devill . 4. That he would give us grace to use painfulnesse and faithfulnesse in our calling , that labouring with our hands the thing that is good , we may eate our owne bread , Ephes. 4. 28. 2 Thes. 3. 12. 5. That we may adde unto our labour prayer , ( that it would please God to blesse our labours in getting those things ) and thanks-giving , ( for them being gotten ) as whereby on our part all Gods blessings are assured and sanctified unto us , 1 Tim. 4. 4 , 5. 6. That we may put our confidence not in the meanes , but in Gods providence , and contain our selves within the care for the meanes , leaving events unto Gods onely disposition , Phil. 4. 6. Psal. 37. 5. 7. That it would please God to give us faith and grace , aswell in want as in abundance , to depend on his providence for outward things , Phil. 4. 12. 8. That we may be contented with , and thankfull for that portion of temporall blessings , which it shall please the Lord to measure out unto us as his gift , Heb. 13. 5. Psal. 16. 6. not envying such to whom he giveth more . So much of the Petition for things belonging to this life : What doe we desire in those two which belong unto the life to come ? Perfect salvation , standing in the deliverance from the evils past , contained in the former , and those to come , comprised in the latter : By the former we pray for justification , and by the latter for sanctification . To begin then with the former : What are the words of the fifth Petition ? And forgiue us our debts , as euen we forgiue them that are debters unto us , Mat. 6. 12. Luk. 11 4. Where we are to observe : 1. The Petition for the forgivenesse of our sins . 2. The reason added for the confirmation thereof , or a reason of the perswasion that they are forgiven . What is the summe of this Petition ? That we may be justified , and be at peace with God , that God giving us a true knowledge and feeling of our sins , would forgive us freely for his Sons sake , and make us daily assured of the forgivenesse of our sins , as we are privy to our selves of the forgivenesse of those trespasses which men have offended us by , Job 33. 24. Psal. 35. 3. Jer. 14. 7. Col. 3. 13. What is meant here by debts ? The comparison is drawne from debters , which are not able to pay their creditors , to whom all we are compared , for that we have all sinned ; Therefore by debts we must understand sins ; ( as Saint Luke expoundeth the metaphor ) and that not in themselves , as breaches of the Law of God , ( for who would say that we owe , and are to pay sin unto God ? ) but with respect to the punishment , and satisfaction due to Gods justice for the offence of sin : For our debt being properly obedience , whereto we are bound under penalty of all the curses of the Law , especially eternall death , Rom. 8 , 12. 13. 18. Gal. 5. 3. we all in Adam forfeited that bond wherby the penalty became our debt , and is daily increased in us all by sinning , Luke 13. 4. Mat. 18. 24 , &c. Rom. 6. 23. What learne you from hence ? Here hence two things are implyed : One , a franke and humble confession , that we have sinned both originally and actually ; Another , that there is no power in us to make satisfaction for our sins . What use is there of Confession ? Great , for that we have naturally a senselesnesse of sin : or else , being convinced thereof , we are ready to lessen it and make it light ; the contrary whereof appeareth in the children of God , 1 John 1. 8 , 9. Psal. 32. 3 , 4. Prov. 28 13. Job 31. 33. 1 Sam. 15. 19 , 20. Psal. 51. 3 , 4 , 5 , 6. Acts 22. 3 , 4 , 5. 1 Tim. 1. 13 , 15. How can a man confesse his sins , being not knowne , and without number ? Those that are knowne we must expresly confesse , and the other that are unknowne , and cannot be reckoned generally , Psal. 19. 12. How appeareth it that we are not able to pay this debt ? Because by the Law as an obligation every one being bound to keep it wholly and continually , Deut. 27. 26. Gal. 3. 10. so that the breach thereof even once , and in the least point , maketh us debtors presently , ( as having forfeited our obligation ) there is no man that can either avoid the breach of it , or when he hath broken it , make amends unto God for it , considering that whatsoever he doth after the breach , is both imperfectly done , and if it were perfect , yet it is due by the obligation of the Law , and therefore cannot goe for paiment , no more then a man can pay one debt with another . What doth it draw with it , that causeth it to be so impossible to be satisfied ? The reward of it , which is everlasting death both of body and soule , Rom. 6. 23. the greatnesse and also number whereof is declared by the parable of ten thousand talents , which no man is able to pay , being not able to satisfie so much as one farthing . But are we not able to satisfie some part of it , as a man in great debt is sometime able to make some satisfaction , especially if hee have day given him ? No : and therefore we are compared to a child new borne , red with bloud , and not able to wash himselfe , nor to help himself , Ezek. 16. 4 , 5. And to captives close shut up in prison and fetters , kept by a strong one , Luke 4. 18. Matth. 12. 29. so that there is as small likelihood of our deliverance out of the power of Satan , as that a poore Lamb should deliver it selfe from the gripes and pawes of a Lion. What is the meanes to free us from this debt ? By this petition Christ teacheth us , that being pressed with the burden of our sin , we should flee unto the mercy of God , and to entreat him for the forgivenesse of our debt , Matth. 11. 28. Esa. 55. 1. even the cancelling of our obligation , that in Law it be not available against us . In which respect the preaching of the Gospel is compared to the yeare of Iubile , when no man might demand his debt of his Brother , Luke 4. 19. How shall we obtaine this at Gods hands ? By the onely blood and suffering of Christ , as the onely ransome for sin : contrary to the Papists , who confessing that originall sinne is taken away by Christ in Baptisme , doe teach that we must make part of our satisfaction for our actuall sin , and therefore some of them whip themselves , as if their bloud might satisfie for sinne , which is abominable to think . What doe you then understand here by forgivenesse ? Such remission as may agree with Gods justice , which will not endure him to be a loser , wherefore it is forgivenesse of us by taking paiment of another , Job 33. 24. even of our surety Iesus Christ in our behalfe , 1 John 2. 2. What meane you by saying , Vs , and Ours ? We include with our selves in this petition as many as are in Christ enabled by a true faith to lay hold on him , and to plead his paiment and satisfaction , Psal. 130. 7 , 8. & 51. 18. Doe we here pray for the sinnes of this day , as before for the bread of this day ? Not onely for them , but also for all that ever we have done at all times before , to the end that we might be the further confirmed in the assurance of the remission of all our sins . What is further to be considered in this Petition ? That as in the former by Bread more was understood , so here under one part of our Iustification , to wit , the remission , or not imputation of sins unto death , by meanes of the satisfaction of Christs sufferings , we doe also conceive the other part , which is the imputation of his holinesse unto life eternall , as implyed under the former , and inseparably annexed thereto . For as Christ hath taken away our sins by suffering , so he hath also cloathed us with his righteousnesse , by fulfilling of the Law for us , Dan. 9. 24. 2 Cor. 5. 21. What doe we then aske of God in this Petition ? Six things , viz. 1. Grace , feelingly to know , and frankly and tremblingly to confesse , without excuse or extenuation , the great debt of our sins , Psal. 51. 3. and our utter inability to satisfie for the same , or for the least part thereof , Psal. 103. 3. & 142. 2. 2. That God would bestow upon us Christ Iesus , and for his sake remove out of his sight all our sins , and the guilt and punishment due unto us for the same . 3. The power of saving faith , Luke 17. 5. to lay hold on the meritorious sufferings and obedience of our Lord Iesus Christ , unto our full Iustification , Esa. 53. 5. 4. The Spirit of prayer , that with griefe and sorrow for our sins wee may crave pardon for our sinnes , and increase of faith , Zach. 12. 10. Mark 9. 24. 5. An assurance of the forgivenesse of our sins by the testimony of the Spirit of Christ , Rom. 8. 15 , 16. and exemplifying and applying the generall pardon of sins once for all granted unto us at our conversion , unto the severall sins and debts of every day and moment of our life . 6. We pray for remission of sin , not as intending our selves to undergoe the punishment , or any part thereof , Jer. 14. 7. But contrariwise , that the whole debt ( which is properly the punishment , as hath been shewed ) may be accepted at the hands of Christ our Surety , and we fully discharged and acquitted , so that nothing may remaine on our account , but the righteousnesse of Christ , Psal. 3. 8 , 9. whereby the favour and kingdome of God is purchased for us . So much of Petition : What is set downe in the reason ? A true note to certifie us whether our sinnes are forgiven us or not , by that we forgive , or not forgive others , that have offended us . Doth this reason binde God to forgive us ? No otherwise then by his gracious and true promises , this being a necessary consequent and fruit of the other , and not a cause . For when we say , As we , or for we also forgive , &c. we argue with the Lord , not for merit , but from the modell of Gods grace in us , Matth. 6. 14 , 15. which being incomparably inferiour to the mercy and love of God ; and yet disposing us to forgive and let fall ( in regard of hatred or private revenge , ( Rom. 12. 19. ) any wrongs and injuries of our brethren against us , may both stirre up the compassion of the Lord towards us his children , Neh. 5. 19. and assure us of the attaining of this our request , Iames 2. 13. And therefore that we may not be destitute of so important an argument , Marke 11. 25. 1 Iohn 3. 14. both to plead for mercy with God , and to assure our selves of successe , we desire of God a portion of that mercy which is so abundant in him , that we may be tenderly affected one towards another , forgiving one another , even as God for Christs sake forgiveth us , Eph. 4. 32. Col. 3. 13. But seeing God alone forgiveth sinnes , Matth. 9. 2. Mar. 2. 7. Iob 14. 4. Esa. 43. 25. here understood by the word Debt : How is it said that we forgive sinnes ? We forgive not the sinne so far as it is sinne against God : but so far as it bringeth griefe and hinderance unto us , we may forgive it . Are we hereby bound to forgive all our Debts ? No verily ; we may both crave our debts of our debtors ; and if there be no other remedie , goe to Law in a simple desire of Iustice ; ( yea in lawfull warre we may kill our enemies , and yet forgive them ) being free from anger and revenge ; yet so , that if our Debtors be not able to pay , we are bound in a duty to forgive them , or at least to have a conscionable regard of their inability . How is this reason drawne ? From the lesse to the greater , thus : if we wretched sinners upon earth can forgive others , how much more will the gracious God of heaven forgive us ? Matth. 5. 7. & 6. 14 , 15. if we having but a drop of mercy can forgive others , how much more will God , who is a sea full of grace ? 1 Iohn 2. 10. & 3. 14. especially when we by forgiving sometimes suffer losse : whereas from God by forgiving us nothing falleth away . Wherein appeareth the inequality between our debt unto God , and mans debts unto us ? First , in the number ; our debts to God being compared to ten thousand ; mens debts to us , to one hundred . Secondly , in the weight ; our debts to God being compared to ten thousand Talents , mens debts to us to an hundred pence . How riseth this great inequality in the weight ? From the great inequality between God and man : for if to strike a King be much more hainous then to strike a poore boy ; what is it then to strike God , who is infinitely greater then all the Kings of the earth ? What is to be gathered out of this reason ? That we should daily pray unto God , that he would mercifully worke in us a mercifull affection , and give us loving and charitable hearts towards all men , free from malice and revenge , and desirous of their salvation : And that as this is a testimony to our hearts , that God will forgive us , if we for his sake can heartily forgive such as have offended us : so on the other side , if we can shew no favour unto others , we can look for none at the hands of God : And therefore to pray , without forgiving such as have offended us , were not onely a meere babling , but also a procuring of Gods wrath more heavily against us : which condemneth the hypocrisie of many , which assuring themselves in great confidence of the forgivenesse of their sinnes , yet cannot finde in their hearts to forgive others ; end so by mocking the Lord , bring a curse upon themselves in stead of a blessing ; seeing heart , and hand , and mouth should goe together . What further learne we by this reason ? That as our forgivenesse is nothing , unlesse the danger of imprisonment be taken away , which inability of paying the debt doth draw with it : so it availeth us nothing to have our sinnes forgiven us of God , unlesse the punishment also bee forgiven . Contrary to the Papists , who teach that sinne and the guilt thereof is taken away by Christ , but that we must satisfie for the punishment of it : wherein they make God like unto those hypocrites , ( here also condemned ) who will seem to forgive , and yet keepe a prick and quarrell in their hands , watching all occasions of advantage , which say , they will forgive , but not forget . So much of the former Petition belonging to the life to come : What are the words of the latter , which is the sixt and last Petition of the Lords Prayer ? And lead us not into temptation , but deliver us from evill , Matth. 6. 13. Luke 11. 4. What is the summe of it ? In it we pray for sanctification and strength against our sinnes ; that sinne may not onely be pardoned unto us , but daily mortified in us , Rom. 6. 1 , 2. and we either kept by the providence of God from temptations , Prov. 30. 8. 2 Cor. 12. 8. are preserved by his grace from being hurt thereby , 1 Cor. 10. 13. 2 Cor. 12. 9. and as we pray that by the power of God we may be strengthened against all tentations ; so do we also pray , that by the same power we may be raised up to new obedience : For under one part of sanctification , that is the avoyding and mortifying of sinne , is implyed the other part also , which is ability unto new obedience , 2 Cor. 7. 1. Rom. 6. 11. What is here to be observed in regard of the order , that this Petition consequently followeth upon the former ? That therefore to strengthen our faith for the obtaining of this Petition , we must be assured of the former ; that seeing God hath forgiven us our sinnes , he will be pleased also to mortifie our flesh , and quicken our spirit , which are the two parts of sanctification , and never severed from true justification . What learne you of this ? That we cannot rightly desire God to forgive us our sinnes , unlesse we crave also power to abstaine from the like in time to come , else our prayers is but babling : so that here we would be stirred to pray for strength to avoid those sinnes whereof we craved pardon for before : So farre is it that men should thinke that they are justified , when they have not so much as a purpose to leave their sinne . For who being delivered from a great disease will returne to it again , and not rather desire a Diet whereby he may escape it . Swine indeed after they are washed , and dogs after their vomit returne , the one to their mire , the other to their vomit , Prov. 26. 1● . 2 Pet. 2. 22. As doe also the Papists , who after auricular confession , being discharged in their opinion , will goe to their sins afresh ; but those that are truly washed by the bloud of Christ , will never give themselves over to their sins againe . If they cannot returne to their vomit , what need have they to pray ? Yes , very great , because God hath ordained prayer one meanes of keeping them from revolt , and they ought to be so much the more earnest in prayer , as they are more subject to be beaten and buffeted with tentations then others , Zach. 1. 11. Luke 11. 21. What learne you from hence ? Much comfort in temptations , in that it is a token of Gods favour , and of pardon of our sins , that we are subject to temptations . What other cause is there to pray , that we be not lead into temptation ? For that the condition of them that are called to the hope of life , will be worse then the state of those that never tasted of the good word of God , if they give themselves to evill ; As a relapse in diseases is more dangerous then the first sicknesse was , John 5. 14. 2 Pet. 2. 22. Mat. 12. 43. May we pray simply and absolutely against all temptations ? No verily : For first , the best men that ever were ( yea , the Son of God himselfe ) were subject to temptations . Secondly , all temptations are not evill , but some are trials of our faith and hope , and oftentimes make for our good : In which regard , they are pronounced blessed that fall into divers temptations ; and therefore ought we not to pray simply and without exception to be delivered from them , James 1. 2. Deuter. 8. 2. & 13. 3. but only from the evill of them . What then doe we pray for concerning them ? That if the Lord will be pleased to take tryall of the grace he hath bestowed upon us , either by afflictions or by occasion of temptation to sin offered us , that we be not given over to them , or overcome by them ; but that we may have a good issue , and escape from them , 1 Cor. 10. 13. And that if either we must goe under trouble , or offend the Lord , we may rather chuse affliction then sin , John 36. 21. Why are they called Temptations ? Because by them God trieth our obedience , and to notifie our faith and patience , both to our selves and others , whether we will follow him or not ; and therefore we may be assured , that so often as we beat backe , or overcome the temptations , we have as many undoubted testimonies of his love . What is here meant then by the word Temptation ? Sin , and whatsoever things by the corruption of our nature are occasions to leade us into sin ; as prosperity , adversity , &c. Prov. 30. 9. which otherwise simply are not to be numbred among these temptations we desire here to be delivered from . How many wayes may a man be tempted ? Three : 1. By God. 2. By Satan and his wicked instruments . 3. By a mans owne corruption . How may God be said to tempt ? Though God tempteth no man unto evill , as he is tempted of none , James 1. 13. yet sometimes he leadeth men into temptations of probation , Mat. 4. 1. & 6. 13. and that first by unusuall probatory precepts , as when he commanded Abraham to kill his sonne , Gen. 22. 1 , &c. Secondly , by sending an extraordinary measure of prosperity or adversity , Deut. 8. 16. Thirdly , by letting loose Satan ( his band dog ) to buffet and molest the godly , as Saint Paul , 2 Cor. 12. 7. or to seduce the wicked , as Ahabs Prophets , 1 Kings 22. 22. Fourthly , by desertion , leaving men to themselves , whether for a time , Hos. 5. 15. as Ezechias in the businesse of the King of Babels Embassage , 2 Chron. 32. 31. or utterly , as those whom he justly giveth up to their owne lusts , Rom. 1. 26 , 28. and the power of Satan , Acts 5. 3. How agreeth it with the goodnesse of the Lord , to leade thus into temptation ? When all things are of him , and by him , it must needs follow , that the things that are done are provided and governed of him ; yet in such sort , as none of the evill which is in the transgressor cleaveth unto him . But how can that be without staine of his righteousnesse ? It is a righteous thing with God to punish sin with sin , and to cast a sinner into further sins , by way of just punishment . Therefore we desire God not to give us over to our selves , by withdrawing his Spirit from us , as when men doe delight in lies , he giveth them over to beleeve lies , 2 Thes. 2. 11. and for Idolatry , he justly punisheth them with corporall filthinesse in the same degree , Hos. 4. 14. Rom. 1. 24. Now being naturally prone to sin , when by the just judgement of God we are left to our selves , we rush into all evill , even as a horse into the battell , to whom we put the spurres , or as an Eagle flyeth to her prey . May not earthly Magistrates thus punish sin ? No verily , it were a cursed thing in Magistrates so to doe : But God is above all Magistrates , who even for our naturall corruption may justly give us over to all naughty affections . Why doe the Papists say , and suffer us not to be led into temptation ? In a vaine and foolish feare of making God to be guilty of sin , if he should be said to leade us into temptation ; and therefore they lay the Lords words ( as it were ) in water , and change his tongue , and set him to the Grammar Schoole to teach him to speake , which teacheth all men to speake , whose folly is so much the greater , as it is the usuall phrase of Scripture , Exod. 4. 21. & 9. 16. 1 Kings 22. 20 , 21 , 22. Rom. 1. 24. 2 Thes. 2. 11. What inconvenience followeth upon this addition ? Very great : For by this bare permission of evill , they rob God of his glory ( working in the most things that are done of men ) yea even of the best things , the doing whereof is attributed to his permission , Heb. 6. 3. May we not offer our selves unto temptation as Christ did ? In no wise : for he was carried extraordinarily by the power of his Godhead into the desart , to be tempted for our sakes , that in his victory we might overcome . What learne you of this ? 1. That no godly man should chuse his dwelling among those of a sinfull profession : As a chaste man among stewes , or a temperate man among drunkards , belly-gods , &c. 2. If we fall into such companies or occasions at unawares , as did Ioseph , Gen. 39. 12. and David , 1 Sam. 25. 13. 22. that we pray God for his assistance , to carry our selves godly , and in no wise to be infected by them . What is meant by [ deliver us from evill ? ] This expoundeth the former , by a flat contrary ; as thus , [ leade us not into temptation ] but pull us out of it , even when we fall into it by our own infirmity ) and that with force : For by delivering , here is meant , a forcible rescuing of our nature , Rom. 7. 24. neither able nor willing to help it selfe out of these dangers . What doth this teach us ? That men are deeply plunged into sin , as a beast into the mire , which must be forcibly pulled out , although a beast will help it selfe more then we can doe our selves , of our selves ; not that there is not a freedome and willingnesse in that which is well done , but as that force commeth from that which is without , so the grace commeth not from us , but from God ; therefore the Church saith , Cant. 1. 4. draw me , we will run ; and Christ , Iohn 6. 44. No man can come to me , except the Father which hath sent me draw him : Whence we learne , that to have this desire of being drawne out , is a singular favour of God. What is Gods hand to pull us out of this evill ? The Ministry of his Word , whereby he frameth our wils through the power of his Spirit to yeeld to his worke . What gather you of this ? That we kicke not at the Ministers for reproving our sins , seeing that they strive to plucke us out of the mire , but that we rejoyce and yeeld to their exhortation . What is meant here by evill ? First , that evill one , 1 Iohn 5. 18 , 19. Satan , ( who pretendeth to have power over us ; ) and in him , all his instruments and provocations to sin . Then secondly , the effect of temptation , which without the speciall grace of God is extreamely evill ; to wit , sin and damnation , 1 Tim. 6. 9. Is not the Devill the author of all evill ? Yes : he is the first author , but properly those evils are called his , which in his owne person he suggesteth . From how many kinds of evils then desire we deliverance ? From two : 1. The inward concupiscences of our hearts , which are our greatest enemies , Iames 1. 14 , 15. 2. The outward , as the Devill and the world , which doe worke upon us by the former ; and therefore if we can subdue the outward , these inward cannot annoy us . From what evils should we desire principally to be delivered ? Those whereunto we are most bent , and naturally inclined , or wherein our Country especially , or our neighbours amongst whom we converse , doe most delight . That we make the hedge highest , where Satan striveth most to leap over , Matth. 8. 28. who although he knoweth not our secrets , yet seeing by his subtilty and sharpnesse of discovering us even by a beck or countenance is very great , we must desire wisdome of God , to discerne his temptations , and power also to resist them . Shew now briefly , as you have done in the rest , what things wee pray for in this last Petition ? 1. That seeing we cannot be tempted without the will of God , Iob 1. 10. nor resist without his power , 2 Cor. 12 ▪ 9. if it bee his blessed will hee would give us neither poverty nor riches , Prov 30. 8. nor any such thing as may endanger our spirituall estate , but remove those causes away which lead us into temptation . 2. That hee would tye up Satan , and restraine his malice and power , 2 Cor. 12. 8. or else make us wise to know and avoid his strategems , 2 Cor. 2. 11. and preserve us from the evill that is in the world , Ioh. 17. 15. and abate the power of the corruption that is within us , Rom. 7. 24 , 25. 3. That in our trialls ( if he see good to prove us ) hee would keep us from charging him with any injustice , or hard measure , Job 1. 22. and that he would give us grace to behold his holy hand therein ; and to make that holy use of them for which he hath sent them , Esa. 27. 9. 4. That hee would not take his holy Spirit from us in our trialls : But alwayes give us sustentation in our temptations , and to keep us from falling , and not suffer us to be overcome by the temptations , 1 Cor. 10. 13. Jude verse 24. 5. That leaving us at any time to our owne weaknesse for our humiliation , hee would graciously raise us up againe with encrease of spirituall strength and courage , Psal. 51. 12. 6. That he would keep us from all carnall security , from despaire and presumption of his mercies . 7. That he would put an end to all trialls , and to these dayes of conflict , in his owne good time , treading Satan with his forces for ever under feet , Rom. 16. 20. 8. That he would encrease and perfect the worke of his grace in us , enabling us to every good worke , Heb. 13. 21. and instead of temptation to the contrary , affording us all helpes unto well-doing , and all things that may further us in holinesse , as good company , godly example , holy counsells , and encouragements , &c. Hitherto of the Petitions : There remaineth the conclusion , containing both a Thanks-giving , which is the second part of Prayer , and a confirmation of the former requests : what are the words of this close of the Lords Prayer ? For thine is the kingdome , and power , and the glory , for ever . Amen . Matth. 6. 13. Which words , though they be not repeated by St. Luke , yet are expressely mentioned by St. Matthew , and therefore causelesly , and without warrant omitted by the Church of Rome . What observe you therein ? Their Sacriledge , who steale away this Thanks-giving from prayer , as if it were no part of it ; so that it is no marvaile that in Popery all the whole body of their Doctrine is of the salvation of men , Gods glory being buried in a deep silence . Whence is this forme of Thanks-giving drawne ? Out of Daniel , 7. 14. and 1 Chron. 29. 10 , 11 , 12 , 13. where David useth the like phrase of praising of God ; but that which David enlargeth there , our Saviour shortneth here ; and yet comprehendeth the marrow of all . What is the summe thereof ? That we ground our assurance of obtaining our Prayers in God from whom all things we aske doe come , and to whom therefore all glory must returne . What observe you in this ? That Christ maketh this Thanks-giving consisting in the praise of God to be a reason of all the Petitions going before : and therefore a further assurance of obtaining our suits : for so good men in praying for new blessings , doe alwayes joyne thanks-giving for the former . What doe you here understand by [ kingdome . ] Gods absolute soveraignty and right over all things , 1 Chron. 29. 11. which answereth to the second Petition : and therfore this reason of Gods right and authority over all , ought to move us to pray unto him , and to him alone , as to one that hath onely right to any thing wee have need of . What is meant by [ power ? ] The omnipotency of God , whereby he is able to doe all things , Luke 1. 37. That beside his right noted in the former word , he is also able to bring to passe whatsoever he will ; both which concurre in God , though not alwaies in earthly Princes : which seemeth to answer unto the third Petition , and ought to give us encouragement to pray unto him , who is able to effect any thing we pray for according to his will , and to strengthen us to any thing which in duty we ought to doe , although there be no strength in us . What is meant by [ glory ? ] That due , which rising from the two former of kingdome and power , doth rightly belong unto God , as following upon the concurrence of the other two . For if whatsoever we desire be granted unto us in that he reigneth powerfully ; it is reason , that from the establishing of his kingdome and power , all glory and praise should returne unto him againe . Therefore hereby we doe thankfully referre and returne all good things to the honour and service of God that giveth them , Psalme 65. 1 , 2. otherwise we have no comfort of our prayers : And it answereth to the first Petition , and ought to move us to pray unto him , and to assure us that our prayers are granted ; seeing by our prayers duely made and granted , he is glorified : And it is one of the most powerfull reasons , that the servants of God have grounded their confidence on , of being heard , that the name of God therein should be glorified . What meane you by the word [ thine ? ] Hereby these Titles of Kingdome , Power , and Glory , are appropriated unto God , to whom they do belong , and all creatures excluded from fellowship with him in these Attributes . For howsoever , Kingdome , Power , and Glory , are communicated unto some creatures , ( namely Kings , and Princes , Dan. 2. 37. ) as Gods Instruments , and Vice-gerents , Psalme 82. 6. yet God alone claimeth them originally of himselfe , and absolutely without dependance or controll ; others have them not of themselves , but as borrowed , and hold them of him as Tenants at will , Rom. 8. 15. Prov. 8. 25. Job 33. 13. What is meant by the words , [ for ever , or for ages ? ] By ages he meaneth eternity , Dan. 2. 4. and thereby putteth another difference between the kingdome , power , and glory of God , which is eternall , without any beginning or end , 1 Tim. 1. 17. and that in Princes , whose kingdomes , powers , and glory fade . How is that a close of confirmation to our requests ? Because we doe not onely in generall ascribe Kingdome , Power , and Glory unto God , as his due ; but also with respect to our prayers and suits , beleeving and professing , that he as King of heaven and earth hath authority to dispose of all his treasures , Rev. 3. 7. as omnipotent , is able to doe exceeding abundantly , above all that wee aske or thinke , Eph. 3. 20. Finally , as the God of glory , is interessed in the welfare of his servants , for the maintaining of the honour of his Name , Psal. 35. 27. and truth of his promise , Psalme 119. 49. Therefore there are here contained three reasons to move God to grant our Petitions . Because , First , he is our King , and so tyed to help us who are his Subjects . Secondly , he hath power , and thereforefore is able to helpe us . Thirdly , the granting of our Petitions will be to his glory and praise ; whereupon we firmely beleeve , that God the mighty and everlasting King , ( 1 Tim. 1. 17. ) can , and for his owne glory will grant the things we have thus demanded , Eph. 3. 20. Jer. 14. 7. Ezek. 36. 22. What is understood by this last word , [ Amen . ] Not onely , So be it , as commonly men say , but also , so it is , or shall be , as we have prayed , Rev , 22. 20 , 21. For it is a note of confidence , and declaration of Faith , ( without which our prayers are rejected ) whereby we assure our selves , that God will grant those things which wee have prayed to him for . Why are we taught to conclude with this word ? There being two things required in prayer : a fervent desire , James 5. 17. and faith , James 1. 6. which is a perswasion that these things which we truely desire , God will grant them for Christs sake . This is a testimony both of our earnest affection of having all those things performed , which in this Prayer are comprehended ; and the assurance of our faith to receive our desires ; at least so farre forth as God seeth good for us : And so hereby we doe not onely testifie our earnest desire , that so it may bee , but also expresse our full assurance that so it shall be as we have prayed , according to the will of God : and being already let in , Matth. 7. 8. by the key of faithfull prayer , into the rich treasure of his mercies , wee also set our seale , Iohn 3. 11. in the word of faith , Amen . Is it lawfull to use no other forme of words , then that which is set downe in the Lords Prayer ? We may use another forme of words , but we must pray for the same things , and with like affection as is prescribed in that Prayer . This forme being so absolute , what need we use any other words in praying ? Because as to refuse this forme , savoureth of a proud contempt of Christs ordinance : so to confine our selves to these words alone , argueth extreame idlenesse in this duty , wherein variety of words is required for the powring out of our soules before the Lord , Hos. 14. 3. and oftentimes according to the occasions , some one petition is more then the rest to be insisted on , and importuned , Mat. 26. 44. Wherefore our blessed Saviour hath commended this forme unto us , as an excellent coppy or lesson to be both repeated and imitated , or at least aymed at by us his Schollers , for which cause , both he himselfe , Iohn 17. 10. and his Apostles , Acts 4. 24. are recorded to have prayed in other words , which yet may be referred to this . Finally , the liberty which the Lord affourdeth us is not to be abridged or despised , who admitteth all languages , words and formes agreeable to this patterne ; whether read , rehearsed by heart , or presently conceived , 2 Chron. 29. 30. Psalme 90 & 92. in the titles , Numb . 10. 35 , 36. so be it we pray both with spirit , and affection , and understanding also , 1 Cor. 14. 15. May there not then besides this Prayer of the Lord , be now under the Gospell a set forme of Prayer in the Church ? Yes verily , so that it be left at the liberty of the Church ( not of private men without consent of the Church ) to alter it . Wherefore is it necessary that there be a set forme of Prayer ? To help the weaker and ruder sort of people especially , and yet so as the set forme make not men sluggish in stirring up the gift of prayer in themselves , according to divers occurrents , it being incident to the children of God , to have some gift of prayer in some measure , Zach. 12. 10 Remaineth there yet any thing necessary to be considered of Prayer ? Something would be spoken of the kinds and circumstances thereof . What kinds are thereof Prayer ? Prayer is either publicke or private , and both of them either ordinary or extraordinary , Acts 6. 4 , &c. 1 Tim. 2. 12. Mat. 6. 6. Acts 10. 4. Ioel 2. 15. Ionah 3. 6. What is publick Prayer ? It is prayer made of and in the Congregation assembled for the service of God , Psal. 84. 1 , &c. What is private Prayer ? It is that Prayer which is made out of the Congregation , and it is either lesse private , as when the whole Family , or private friends meet in that exercise , 2 Sam. 6. 20. Esther 4. 16. or more private , when either one of the members of the Family , Nehem. 1. 4 , 5 , 6. Gen. 25. 21. or some by reason of speciall duty they have joyntly together made their prayers , 1 Pet. 3. 7. Is it not enough for every one in a Family to make prayers with the rest of the body of that Houshold ? No , it is required also that we pray solitarily by our selves , Math. 6. 6. For as every man hath committed speciall sins , which others in the Family have not , and hath speciall defects , and hath received speciall favours , that others have not : so in these regards it is meet that he should have a speciall resort unto God in Confession , Petition , and Thanksgiving . What is ordinary Prayer ? It is that prayer which is made daily upon ordinary occasions , Psal. 55. 17. Dan. 6. 11. What is the extraordinary ? That which is made upon speciall occasion , or extraordinary accident falling out , by reason whereof it is both longer and ferventer , Psal. 119. 62. Acts 12. 5. Joel 2. 15. Ionah 3. 6. Are the same persons alwayes to keep the private extraordinary Prayers , that keep the publick ? No : not such persons as are under the commandement of others , unlesse it be publick , or with consent of their commanders , Numb . 30. 13 , 14 , &c. What are the ordinary circumstances of Prayer ? Gestures , Place , Time. What behaviour and gesture must we use in Prayer ? We must use such holy behaviour , and comely gestures of body , as are beseeming the Majesty of God , with whom we have to deale , and so holy an exercise which we have in hand ; namely , such as may best expresse and encrease the reverence , humility , fervency and affiance , that ought to be in our hearts ; as the bowing of our knees , Eph. 3. 14. lifting up of our hands and eyes to heaven , Lam. 3. 41. Iohn 17. 1 , &c. which yet are not alwayes , or absolutely necessary , Luke 18. 13. so our hearts be lifted up , Psal. 25. 1. and 143. 8. and the knees of our conscience bowed before the Lord , Phil. 2. 10. and nothing done unbeseeming the company with whom we pray , and the kind of prayer . Is not the behaviour all one in every kind of prayer ? No : In private prayer it sufficeth that we use such words , gestures , &c. as may expresse our reverence and faith towards God , 1 Cor. 14. 2. In publike prayer our behaviour must be such as may also witnesse our communion one with another , and desire of mutuall edification , 1 Cor. 14. 4. and verse 17. 40. When we pray by our selves we have more liberty of words and gestures then in company , 1 Kings 18. 42. In extraordinary prayers the publike must be done with open shew of the affection , either sorrow or joy , Esa. 1. and 58. Ioel 2. 13. which in the private must be covert and secret , Matth. 6. 17. Where must we pray ? Generally all places are allowed , 1 Tim. 2. 8. the ceremoniall difference of places being removed , Iohn 4. 21 , &c. and Christ our propitiatory every where present before us , Matth. 18. 20. Notwithstanding , according to the kindes before mentioned , the publike place of resort for the worship of God best fitteth common prayers , Esa. 56. 7. Ioel 2. 17. and the private house or Closet is most convenient for private supplication , Matth. 6. 6. howsoever the sudden lifting up of the heart in secret unto God , may be as occasion is , without gesture , in any place or company , Neh. 2. 4. When must we pray ? Continually , as the Apostle enjoyneth , 1 Thess. 5. 17. For the whole course of a Christian is a perpetuall intercourse with the Lord , either suing for mercy , or waiting for the answer of his suits , or rendring thankes for graces received , Psal. 5. 3. Luke 2. 37. Neverthelesse ordinarily the Sabbath among the dayes of the week , Psal. 92. Title , and morning and evening among the houres of the day , ibid vers . 2. are to be preferred ▪ whereto such time must be added wherein we enter into any businesse , Col. 3. 17. Pro. 3. 6. or receive any of the creatures or blessings of God , 1 Cor. 10. 31. 1 Tim. 4. 4 , 5. Extraordinarily other dayes or houres must also be set apart for prayer , especially in cases requiring longer continuance therein , Psal. 55. 17. & 119. 62 , 164. What circumstances are annexed unto such extraordinary prayer ? An holy fasting or feasting , 1 Cor. 7. 5. Zach. 8. 19. Neh. 8. 10. the one , to further our zeale in petition ; the other , in thanksgiving . What meane you by Fasting ? Not any naturall abstinence , arising from sicknesse ; nor medicinall , used to prevent or remove the same ; nor civill , enjoyned sometimes by authority , as in case of dearth ; sometimes enforced by necessity , as in siege , 2 Kings 6. 25. seafaring , &c. nor yet morall , for subduing of carnall concupiscence , 2 Kings 25. 26 , 27. 1 Cor. 9. 27. and preservation of chastity , required ( especially in some constitutions , 1 Cor. 9 ▪ 27. ) by vertue of the seventh Commandement : But religious , Ioel 1. 14 that is referred to religious ends , for the furtherance of the speciall practice of repentance , and the enforcing of our prayers . Is fasting a good work ? Fasting is not properly a good work , but an help , an assistance thereto , namely , to prayer . Whether is the outward exercise thereof a certaine marke of a godly man ? The Pharisees which fasted Luke 5. 33. came not to our Saviour Christ to learne of him , ( 48. ) as the Disciples of John did , Matth. 9. 14. although it were in weaknesse ) but to discredit him , namely , to make the world beleeve that he was a belly-god , as the Church of Rome doth charge the children of God now , to open a schoole to all liberty of the flesh , following the steps of their old fathers the Pharisees . What is an holy Fast ? The chastising of our nature , and laying aside the delights of the senses for a time , Joel 2. 16. 1 Cor. 7. 5. to the end thereby to humble our selves , and to make us more apt to prayer . Or more fully : Fasting is a religious abstinence commanded of God , whereby we forbeare not onely the use of meat and drinke , but also of all other earthly comforts and commodities of this life , so far as necessity and comelinesse will require , to the end that we being humbled and afflicted in our soules by the due consideration of our sins and punishment , may ( grounded upon the promise of God ) more earnestly and fervently call upon God , either for the obtaining of some singular benefit , or speciall favour we have need of , or for the avoiding of some speciall punishment , or notable judgement hanging over our heads , or already pressed upon us , Acts 16. 30 , 31 , 32. & 14. 23. 2 Chron. 20. Joel 1. & 2. 12. 16. Is there any necessity of this exercise of Fasting ? Yes verily ; in that it is necessary to humble our selves under the mighty and fearefull hand of God , ; and to afflict our soules with the consideration and conscience of our sins , and the punishment due unto them ; unto which this outward exercise of Fasting is a good aid : for howsoever the kingdome of God consisteth not properly in the matter of meat and drink , whether used or forborne , Rom. 14. 17. yet fasting , as an extraordinary helpe unto the chiefe exercises of Piety , hath the warrant and weight of a duty as well from precepts , as examples , both out of the old Testament , ( Lev. 23. 27. &c. Joel 2. 22. Esa. 22. 12. ) and the new , ( Mat. 9. 14 , 15. Acts 13. 3. ) And our Saviour Christ , Luke 5. 35. doth expressely say , that the time shall come when his Disciples shall fast : where both by the circumstances of the persons and of the time , the necessity of fasting is enforced . How so ? By the persons , for that the Apostles themselves had need of this helpe of Fasting for their further humiliation ; and by the time , for that even after the Ascension of our Saviour Christ , when the graces of God were most abundant on them , they should have neede of this exercise . What is gathered hereof ? That it is a shamefull thing for men to say that Fasting is Iewish , or Ceremoniall . What do you gather , in that our Saviour would not have his Disciples to fast till after his Ascension ? His singular kindnesse , in that hee would not suffer any great trouble , or cause of Fast to come unto them , before they had strength to beare them , or were prepared for them . When is the time of Fasting ? As oft as there are urgent and extraordinary causes of Prayer , either for the avoiding of some great evill , or notable calamity , 1 Sam. 7. 6. Est. 4. 16. or for the obtaining of some great mercy , or speciall benefit at the hand of God , Neh. 1. 4. Acts 10. 30. For in that our Saviour Christ teacheth , Luke 5. 34. that it must not be when he who is as it were the Bridegroome is with his Disciples , to furnish them with all manner of benefits they had need of : we are taught , that the time is , when any great calamity is hanging over us , or falne upon us , whereby the gracious presence of Christ is taken from us ; or when there is any weighty matter to be taken in hand . What gather you hereof ? That the fast of Popery is foolish , which is holden at set times , whether the time be prosperous , or not prosperous ; whether the affaires bee common or ordinary , or whether they be speciall or extraordinary . When then is this religious exercise of Fasting to be performed of Christians ? When God calleth upon us for this duty by the occasions arising from his providence , and our owne necessities , Matth. 9. 15. What are those occasions , whereby the Lord calleth us to fasting ? They are generally two , as hath been noted , viz. 1. Evills , which being felt or feared , we desire to remove , or prevent as sins , 1 Sam. 7. 6. 1 Cor. 5. 2. and the judgement of God for sin , Est. 4. 16. Jonah 3. 7. Mat. 17. 21. 2. Good things , spirituall , Acts 10. 30. or outward , Neh. 1. 4. which we desire to enjoy , and therefore doe thus seek them , and prepare our selves for the receiving of them . When is this Fast to begin and end ? As in all holy rests , after preparation , Luke 23. 54. it is to begin in the morning of the day of the Fast , and to continue to the morning of the day following , Marke 16. 2. Luke 24. 1. It seemeth by this , that the Law of Fasting , will not suffer a man to sup the night of that day when the Fast is holden ? The Fast is so long continued as hath been said ; but so , as there bee that refreshing whereby health may be preserved : for such as bee sick or weake , are to take somewhat for their sustenance , thereby to bee better able to serve God in the Fast , provided that they doe not abuse this to licence of the flesh . Is it of necessity that the Fast should alway begin in the morning , and continue untill morning ? No ; It may be from morning to evening , Judges 20. 26. 2 Sam. 3. 35. or from evening till evening againe , Lev. 23. 32. and according to the greatnesse of the affliction , the Fast is to bee prolonged even to the space of three dayes , as appeareth by the examples of the Iewes , Est. 4. 16. & Paul , Acts 9. 9. What are the kinds of Fasting ? It is either publick , or private . What is the publick Fast ? It is when for a generall cause the Churches doe fast , viz. when the Governours and Magistrates , Joel 2. 15. stirred up by consideration of common sinnes , Neh. 9. 1 , &c. Calamity , Jonah 3 ▪ 7 , 8. necessities , or businesse of great importance , doe in the name of God blow the trumpet and call a solemne assembly , or assemblies : in which case he that obeyeth not , is culpable before God and man , Lev. 23. 29. And it is either more publick , when all Churches fast generally ; or else lesse publick , when some particular Churches are humbled in fasting . What is the private Fast ? When upon the view either of publick causes , considered of by such as are in Authority , Ezek. 9. 4. Ezek. 13. 17. or of the like , but more private occasions , ( as domesticall or personall , &c. ) a Christian is moved either with his family , or speciall friends , Zach. 12. 12. 1 Cor. 5. or by himselfe solatary , Matth. 6. 17. to humble himselfe before the Lord : for it is more or lesse private : lesse private , as when a particular house ; more private , when a particular person is humbled in fasting . Is there any difference in the manner of holding of a publike and private Fast ? Yes : in a publike Fast the sorrow and griefe ought to be declared openly to the view of all , which ought to be covered as much as may be in the private Fast , wherein the more secrecy is used , the greater proofe is there of sincerity , and hope of blessing : wherefore our Saviour Christ reproveth the private Fast of Hypocrites , that would outwardly appeare to men to fast , and commandeth the contrary , Matth. 6. 16 , 17. Whom doth God call to this exercise of Fasting ? All Christians enabled by understanding and grace to judg , and aright to performe this weighty duty , Zach. 12. 12 , &c. unlesse any be exempted by present debility , Matth. 12. 7. 1 Sam. 14 ▪ 29 , 30. but differently , according to the divers occasions of fasting , and the kindes thereon depending , ( whereof before hath been spoken . ) May those that are under the government of their Parents , or Masters , fast without leave of them ? No , but in the publike all may fast . Are all persons meet for this exercise of fasting ? By the unfitnesse of his owne Disciples for it our Saviour Christ teacheth , that they that are meet for this exercise must not be Novices in the profession of the truth ; no more then hee that is accustomed with the drinking of old wine can suddenly fall in liking of new wine , Luke 5. 33. Is it so hard a matter to abstaine from a Meales meat , and such bodily comforts for a small time , which the youag sucking babes , and the beasts of Nineveh did , and divers beasts are better able to performe then any man ? No verily , but hereby appeareth that there is an inward strength of the mind required , not onely in knowing of our behaviour in this service of God , but also of power and ability to goe under the weight of the things we humble our selves for , which strength if it be wanting , the fast will be to those that are exercised in it , as a peece of new cloath sewed into an old garment , which because it is not able to beare the stresse and strength of , hath a greater rent made into it then if there were no peece at all . What gather you hereof ? That it is no marvell that where there is any abstinence and corporall exercise in Popery , yet that the same makes them nothing better , but rather worse , having not so much as the knowledge of this service of God , much lesse any spirituall strength and ability to performe it with . What then are the parts of a true Christian Fast ? They are partly outward , partly inward . 1. Bodily exercises , serving to the inward substances , 1 Tim. 4. 8. 2. An inward substance sanctifying the bodily exercise , and making it profitable to the users . What is the bodily exercise in fasting ? It is the forbearing of things otherwise lawfull and convenient , in whole or in part , for the time of humiliation , so as nature be chastised , but not disabled for service ; and the delights of the sense laid aside , but yet without annoyance and uncomelinesse . What are those outward things that are to be forborne during the time of fasting ? First , food , Esther 4. 16. Ionah 3. 7. from whence the whole action hath the name of Fasting ; and the word doth signifie an utter abstinence from all meats and drinkes , and not a sober use of them , which ought to be all the time of our lives : Wherefore this outward exercise is thus described , Luke 5. 33. The Disciples of John and the Pharisees fast , but thine eat and drinke . What is here to be considered ? A charge upon Popery : For the greater sort of people amongst them , in the day of their Fast fill their bellies with bread and drinke ; and the richer sort , with all kinde of delicates , ( flesh , and that which commeth of flesh onely excepted : ) So that the fasting of the one and the other is but a fulnesse , and the latter may be more truely said to feast then a fast . It seemeth you make it unlawfull for those that fast to eat any thing during their fasting . Not so : if for help of weaknesse the taking of meat be moderately and sparingly used , as before hath been observed . What other things are outward ? The ceasing from labour in our vocations on the day of the Fast , Num. 29. 7. to the end wee may the better attend to the holy exercises used in fasting ; in which respect such times are called Sabbaths , Levit. 23. 32. The laying aside of costly apparell , or whatsoever ornaments of the body , and wearing of homely and courser garments , Exodus 33. 4 , 5. Jonah 3. 5 , 6. The forbearing of Sleep , Musicke , Mirth , Perfumes , &c. Dan. 6. 18. & 10. 2 , 3. And this abstinence is required of all that celebrate the Fast : But of married persons there is further required a forbearance of the use of the marriage bed , and of the company each of other , 1 Cor. 7. 5. Joel 2. 16. What is the meaning of the abstinence from these outward things ? By abstinence from meat and drinke , by wearing of courser apparell , by ceasing from labour in our Callings , and by separation in married persons for the time , wee thereby professe our selves unworthy of all the benefits of this present life , and that we are worthy to bee as farre underneath the earth as wee are above it : yea , that we are worthy to be cast into the bottome of hell , which the holy Fathers in times past did signifie by putting ashes upon their heads , the truth whereof remaineth still , although the ceremony be not used . What is the spirituall substance of duty , whereto the bodily exercise serveth ? It is an extraordinary endevour of humbling our souls before the Lord , and of seeking his face and favour , Ezra 8. 21. wherein that inward power and strength whereof we speak is seen . Wherein doth it consist ? 1. In the abasing of our selves , Joel 2. 13. by examination , confession , and hearty bewailing of our own and the common sins , Ezra 9. 3 , 4. Neh. 9. 1 , 2 , &c. Dan. 9. 3 , 4 , 5 , &c. 2. In drawing near unto the Lord by faith , Luk. 15. 18 , 21. and earnest invocation of his name , Iona. 3. 8. Esa. 58. 4. The former is grounded upon the meditation of the Law , and threats of God ; the later upon the Gospel and promises of God touching the removing of our sins , and Gods judgments upon us for them . How agreeth this with the Popish Fast ? It faileth in both parts : for in stead of humbling themselves , and afflicting their soules , they pride themselves , and lift up their mindes , in thinking they deserve something at Gods hands for their fasting ; which is great abomination . Neither have they upon the dayes of their Fast any extraordinary exercise of prayer , more then upon other dayes ; of all which it may appeare how small cause they have to boast of their fasting , which in all the warp thereof hath not a thread which is not full of leprosie . What is required in our humiliation ? Anguish and grief of our hearts , conceived for our sins , and the punishment of God upon us , for which we ought to be humbled in fasting : For the effecting whereof we are to set before our eyes , 1. The glasse of Gods holy Law , with the bitter curses threatned to the breakers thereof . 2. The examples of vengeance on the wicked . 3. The judgments now felt or feared of us . 4. The spirituall contemplation of our blessed Saviour , bleeding on the Crosse with the wounds which our sinnes have forced upon him , Zach. 12. 10 , &c. What is required in our drawing neare unto the Lord by Faith ? Not onely fervently and importunately to knock at the gate of his mercy for the pardon of our sins , removall of judgements , and grant of the graces and blessings we need , Psal. 51. 1 , 2 , &c. vers . 14. & 112. 4. but also to make a sure Covenant with his Majesty , Nehem. 9. 38. of renewing and bettering our repentance thence forward in a more earnest and effectuall hatred of sinne , and love of righteousnesse , Esa. 55. 7. Jonah 3. 8. What fruit or successe may we look for , having thus sought the Lord ? Who knoweth whether by this meanes we may stand in the gap , and cause the Lord to repent of the evill intended , and to spare his people ? Joel 2. 14 , 18 , &c. Ionah 3. 9 , 10. At the least for our particular we shall receive the mark and mercy promised to such as mourne for the abominations generally committed , Ezek. 9. 4 , 6. together with plentifull evidence of our salvation , and assurance of the love of God towards us , Matth. 6. 18. Pro. 28. 13. 1 Iohn 1. 9. strength against temptations , patience and comfort in afflictions , with all other graces plentifully vouchsafed ( especially upon such renewing of acquaintance ) by him who is the rewarder of all that come unto him , Heb. 11. 6. so that we need not doubt , but that as we have sowne in teares so we shall reap in joy , Psal. 126. 5. and as we have sought the Lord with fasting and mourning , so he yet againe will be sought ( Ezek. 36. 37. ) and found of us with holy feasting and spirituall rejoicing . What is an holy feasting ? A comfortable enjoying of Gods blessings , to stirre us up to thankfulnesse and spirituall rejoicing : Or , ( to describe it more largely ) It is a solemne Thankes-giving unto God for some singular benefit ( or deliverance from some notable evill , either upon us , or hanging over us ) which hee hath bestowed upon us , especially after that in fasting we have begged the same at his hand , Zach. 8. 19. Ezek. 9. ad 32. for this is a duty especially required for the acknowledgment of such mercies as we have by the former course obtained , Psal 30. 11 , 12. & 50. 15. Esther 9. 22. and so answering thereto , that from the one the other with due reverence may be conceived . What ought especially to be the time of this duty ? The time that is nearest unto the mercy and benefit which we have received , as we see in the story , Esther 9. where the Iewes that were in the countrey , and in the provinces , did celebrate their feast on the 14. day of the moneth Adar , because they had overthrowne their enemies the 13. day before : and the Iewes in Sushan , because they made not an end of the slaughter of their enemies before the 14. day was past , they celebrated it the 15. day . Look 2 Chro. 20. 26. and that example of Jacob , checked for deferring the paiment of his vow at Bethel . Wherefore ought we to take the time that is next the deliverance ? Because we being most strongly and thoroughly affected with the benefit we receive the first time it is bestowed upon us , especially where there is not onely a notable benefit befallen unto us , but thereby also we are freed from some notable evill that was upon us , or near unto us , we are then most fit to hold a feast unto the Lord. Why is the ordinance of a yearely Feast by Mordocheus rather commanded upon the day after the slaughter of their enemies , then the day of the slaughter ? To set forth that rejoicing ought not to be so much for the destruction of our enemies , as that thereby we obtaine peace to serve God in . Wherein doth this feast consist ? The scope and drift of it is , to rejoice before the Lord , and to shew our selves thankfull for the benefit received , not onely in that we are delivered , but that we are delivered by prayer that we have made unto God , whereby our joy encreaseth , and whereby it differeth from the joy of the wicked , which rejoice that they are delivered as well as we . How may that be best performed ? Partly by outward and bodily exercises , and partly by spirituall exercises of godlinesse . What are the outward exercises ? A more liberall use of the creatures , both in meat and apparell , then is ordinary . May we eat and drink on that day more then on others ? No : the exceeding is not in the quantity of meat and drink , but in a more dainty and bountifull diet then ordinary , Neh. 8. 10. which yet is to be referred to the exercise of godlinesse , and therefore ought to be used in that moderation and sobriety , as men may be made more able thereunto ; even as the abstinence in fasting is used to further humiliation of the mind , and affecting of the soule . What is the exercise of godlinesse ? It is either in piety and duty unto God , or in kindnesse unto men . What is the duty unto God ? To lift up our voice in thanksgiving unto him , as for all other his mercies , ( whereof this benefit should cause the remembrance , as one sinne causeth the remembrance of others , Psalme 51. ) so for that present benefit ; and for that purpose to call to remembrance , and to compare the former evills , which either we were in , or were neere unto , with the present mercy , and every part of the one with the members of the other . What other duty of Piety is to be performed unto God ? By a diligent meditation of the present benefit to confirme our faith and confidence in God , that he that hath so mightily and graciously delivered us at this time , will also in the same , or the like dangers , deliver us hereafter , so farre as the same shall be good for us . What is the kindnesse we should shew towards men ? An exercise of liberality , according to our power , out of the feeling of the bountifull hand of God towards us . To whom must that be shewed ? To our friends in presents ; and , as it were , in New-years gifts , Rev. 11. 10. and portions to be sent to the poore and needy , Neh. 8. 10. What remaineth further of these holy Feasts ? The sorts and kindes of them which are as before we have heard of Fasts ; to which I refer the Reader . Hitherto of Prayer , and the extraordinarie circumstances thereof , Fasting , and Feasting : what is a Vow ? A solemne promise made unto God by fit persons of some lawfull thing , that is in their choise and power to performe it . It is thought that Vowes are Ceremoniall , and not to pertaine to the times the Gospell ? There are indeed good , yea , excellent persons that think so , which carry so much the more a dislike of Vowes , because they have beene abused in Popery . Howbeit , it appeareth by the fifty Psalme , verse 14 , 15. that it is a constant and perpetuall service of God ; as shall appeare . What is the proper end and use of a Vow ? It is twofold : First , to strengthen and confirme our faith . Secondly , to testifie our thankfulnesse unto God ; but no way to merit any thing at Gods hand : So that whereas the exercise of a Fast is in adversity ; and of a Feast in prosperity ; the Vow may be in both . Who are the fit persons that may vow . Such as have knowledge , judgement , and ability to discerne of a Vow , and of the duties belonging to the performance of the same , Numb . 30. 6. Are all such bound to vow ? Not simply all ; for it is no sinne not to vow , Deut. 23. 22. but those onely , which either being in distresse feele a want of feeling of Gods assistance , thereby to strengthen their faith for neecessary ayde : or they who being delivered from some necessary evill , or have received some singular good , where no vow hath gone before , should witnesse their thankfulnesse , Deut. 13. 21 , 22. Numb . 30. 2. & 6. 2. &c. What have we herein further to consider ? That the Vow must be of lawfull things ; else it is better not to pay the Vow , then to pay ; as Herod and the forty mentioned in the Acts , 23. 14. And as the Munks , Fryers and Nunnes vow wilfull poverty , perpetuall abstinence from Marriage , and Canonicall obedience , and the people pilgrimage . May we vow any thing which is lawfull to be done ? We may not vow any vile or base thing : As if a wealthy man should vow to give to the poore some small value far under his ability ; for what either token of thankfulnesse can that be , or what comfort in his troubles can he take of the performance thereof ? What have we secondly to consider ? That the vow must be of such things as are in our choice to performe . How many wayes faile men against this ? Two wayes : 1. In vowing that which we are not able to performe . 2. In vowing that which otherwise by the Law of God we are bound to performe . Who be they that vow that which they cannot performe ? They are either they whose strength doth faile through the common frailty of all men ( as those that vow perpetual continency ) whose lets come from themselves ; or they which cannot performe it , by reason of subjection unto others ; as wives unto their husbands , children to their parents , servants to their Masters , &c. in whose power they are to performe their vowes , or not to performe them , Numb . 30. 3 , 4. Why may not a man vow such things as he is otherwise bound to doe ? For that they are due unto God without the service of a vow ; and therefore it were a dalliance with God , to make shew of some speciall and extraordinary service , where the common and ordinary is only performed , as if a man would present as a gift unto his Lord the rent of his owne house due for the occupation thereof . What may we then lawfully vow ? An increase of Gods service ; as to pray more often every day then ordinary is used ; or to be more liberall to the poore , with some straine of our ability , building of Colledges , Almes-houses , &c. What is the duty of those that have vowed ? 1. To have a diligent care to performe their vowes , Eccles. 5. 3 , 4. Deut. 23. 21 , 22 , 23. For if it be a reproachfull thing to deale with God as with a man , it is more reproachfull to deale worse with God , then we dare deale with any man. 2. Not to delay the performance of it , Eccles. 5. 3. For God corrected sharply in Jacob the deferring of the payment of his vowes , Gen. 35. 1. 1. By his daughters deflowring . 2. By the rage and murther committed by his sonnes . Is the necessity of performing vowes so great , that they may no wayes be omitted ? Not so : for to the performance of a greater duty , a man may omit his vow for a time , and after a time returne , and be not a Vow-breaker : As the Rechabites for safety of their lives came and dwelt at Ierusalem , notwithstanding a former vow , that they would not dwell in an house , Jer. 35. 9 , 10 , 11. and yet God witnesseth , that the vow was not broken thereby : so to help our neighbours in some present necessity , we may cease from any vowed duty at that time , and not sin ; wherein the Papists greatly faile , who having vowed unlawfully , yet thinke they may not intermit their vowes . If a man in vowing doth not consider sufficiently the greatnesse of the matter , may he not break that vow that he hath not so advisedly made ? No , the vowing being otherwise lawfull , that rashnesse is to be repented , but the vow must be kept . What have we to learne of all this ? That we be advised in that we doe , and not to enquire after we have vowed , to find some starting hole where to goe out ; but either not to vow at all , or if we vow , to have a good remembrance of it , and a diligent care in the due time to performe it , Prov. 20. 25. Having spoken of those good things which we doe give unto God : Let us proceed to that which we doe give unto our needy Neighbour : What is Almes ? It is a duty of Christian love , whereby such as have this worlds good , doe freely impart to such as are in want , 1 Iohn 3. 17. 1 Tim. 6. 17 , 18. Mat. 5. 42. How can it be both a duty , and withall free ? 1. That it is a duty , appeareth by many formall precepts touching this matter , Deut. 15. 7 , &c. Heb. 13. 16. in that it is called our justice or righteousnesse , Psal. 112. 9. Matth. 6. 1. in that every man is a Steward of Gods blessings for the benefit of others , 1 Pet. 4. 10. Finally , in that according to the performance or neglect even of this duty men shall be judged at the last day , Mat. 25. 35. 42. 2. It is free , not as being left by God unto our choice , whether we will doe it or no , but as proceeding from an heart as a freely , and as cheerfully performing this obedience to God , and reliefe of our brother , without compulsion of humane Law. Who are to give Almes ? a Whosoever hath this worlds good ; that is , such a portion out of which by frugality something may be spared , though it be but b two mites ; and therefore , not only c rich men and housholders are to give ; but also such as labour with their hands , d out of their earnings and wages , children out of their Parents allowance , wives out of any portion they have in severall without their husbands , or allowance from their husbands , or out of the common stocke they enjoy with their husbands ; provided the husbands consent ( in whom the possession fundamentally remaineth ) be either expressed , or by silence , or not gainsaying implied . Finally , even they that live upon almes , must e spare something unto those that have little or no supply . May there not be some cases , wherein such as are accomptable to others , may give without their knowledge , yea against their will ? Yea , as appeareth in the wise and commendable a example of Abigail ; to wit , when the life and whole estate of the giver or receiver , may be now , or not at all , ; thus , or not otherwise preserved ; for b extreame necessity dispenseth with the ordinary course of duty , both to God and man. Whereof must we give Almes ? Of that a good thing ( that is wholsome and profitable to the receiver ) which is justly our owne , not another mans ; unlesse in case of extremity before mentioned ; for otherwise , of goods evill gotten , or wrongfully detained , not almes , but b restitution must be made . How much must we give ? Wee must c sow liberally , that wee may reape also liberally , notwithstanding in the quantity and proportion of almes respect must be had ; 1. To the d ability of the giver , who is not bound so to give , as utterly to e impoverish himselfe , and to make himself of a f giver , a receiver ( saving that in a common and extream necessity of the Church , g every one must be content to abate out of his revenue , that the rest may not perish ; and some whose hearts God shall move , may h voluntarily , and commendably , sell all , and put it into the common stocke : ) yea , it is unlawfull so to give unto some one good use , as to i disable our selves for the service of the Common-wealth , Church , or Saints in generall , or for the reliefe of our family , or kindred in speciall . Secondly , to the condition of the receiver , that his k necessity may be supplyed , not as to make him of a receiver , a giver ; for this is to give a patrimony , not an almes , and belongeth rather to Iustice , binding men to provide for those of their owne houshold , then to mercy . To whom must we give ? To such l as are in want , with this difference , First , in present extremity , we must preserve life in whomsoever , m without enquiring who and what a one the partie be . Secondly , in n cases admitting deliberation , we must confine our almes to such as God hath made o poore , as Orphans , Aged , Blinde , Lame , the trembling hand , &c. wherein such gifts are most commendable as extend unto perpetuity , as p the erecting , or endowing of Churches , q Schooles of good learning , r Hospitalls , &c. But as for such as turne begging into an art , or occupation , they are by order to bee s compelled to worke for their maintenance , which is the t best and greatest almes . What order must we observe in giving ? We must begin with such as are nearest to us in regard of domesticall , civill , or Christian neighbour-hood ( according as the lawes of Nature , Nations , and religion direct us ) unlesse other circumstances , as the extremity of want , or u the indignity of the person to bee relieved doe dispence : and so proceed to such x as are further off , according as our ability can extend . What are the times and places fittest for those duties ? For publick almes , the fittest y time is , when we meet together for the solemne worship of God ; likewise the fittest z place , where provision is made for publick Collections : For private , when and wheresoever the necessity of our poore brother offerth it selfe . With what affection must we doe Almes-deeds ? 1. With pity and compassion on our needy brother , Psal. 112. 4. 2. With humility and secrecy , not seeking praise from men , but approving our selves to God , Matth. 6. 1 , &c. 3. With cheerfulnesse , Rom. 12. 8. because God loveth a cheerfull giver . 4. With simplicity , not respecting our selves , but the glory of God , and the good of our fellow members , Rom. 12. 8. 2 Cor. 8. 4 , 5. How many wayes may almes-deeds be performed ? Not only by giving ; but also , a First , by lending to such as are not able to b lend to us againe , ( some being no lesse relieved by lending , then others by gift ) provided we take c nothing for the loane , yea in some cases either d remit part of the loane , or commit it into the hands of our poore brother , e without assurance to receive from him the principall againe . Secondly , by selling f when we doe not only bring forth the commodity , as of corne , &c. which others keep in ; but also in a mercifull commiseration of our poore brother abate something of the extreame price . Thirdly , by forbearing g whatsoever is our right in case of great necessity . What fruit may we expect of this duty ? Not to merit thereby at the hands of God : But yet , 1. To make God our debtor , Prov. 19. 17. according to his gracious promises ; who also in Christ will acknowledge and requite it at the last day , Mat. 10. 42. & 25. 35. 2 Tim. 1. 18. 2. To seale the truth of our Religion , 1 Sam. 1. 27. 3. To assure us of salvation , Heb. 6. 9 , 10. 1 John 3. 14. 1 Tim. 6. 19. 4. To make amends to man for former covetousnesse and cruelty , Dan. 4. 24. Luke 19. 8. 5. To sanctifie our store , Luke 11. 41. and bring a blessing on our labours , Deut. 15. 10. yea and upon our posterity after us , Psal. 112. 2. & 37. 16. 2 Tim. 1. 16. We have spoken at large of the participation of the grace of Christ , and the benefits of the Gospell : Now we are come unto the meanes whereby God doth effect these things . Shew therefore how and in what manner God doth offer and communicate the Covenant of Grace unto mankinde ? By vocation or calling , Rom. 8. 30. Heb. 3. 1. when God , by the meanes of his Word and Spirit , acquainting men with his gracious purpose of salvation by Christ , inviteth them to come unto him , Hos. 2. 14. and revealing unto them his Covenant of grace , Mat. 11. 27. & 16. 17. Iohn 14. 21. Psalme 25. 14. bringeth them out of darknesse to light , Acts 26. 18. Is this Calling of one sort only ? No : there is an externall gathering common to all , together with some light of the Spirit , and certaine fruits of the same , attained unto by some that are not heires of the promise : for many are called with this outward , and ineffectuall calling , who are not chosen , Isa. 48. 12. Mat. 22. 14. And there is an internall and effectuall calling , peculiar to those few that are elect ; whereby unfaigned faith , and true repentance is wrought in the heart of Gods chosen ; and God ( become in Christ their Father ) doth not only outwardly by his Word invite , but inwardly also , and powerfully by his Spirit allure and win their hearts to cleave to him inseparably unto salvation , Gen. 9. 27. Psal. 25. 14. & 60. 6. 5. 4. Ioel. 2. 32. Acts 2. 39. How doe both these kinds of Callings differ ? Howsoever we are to judge charitably of all outwardly called , 1 Cor. 1. 2. because who among them is also inwardly called , is only knowne to God , 2 Tim. 2. 19. yet doth this outward calling differ from the inward . 1. In that it is wrought only by outward meanes , and common illumination , Heb. 4. 2. without the spirit of regeneration , Jude vers . 19. or any portion of saving faith , Luke 8. 13. 2. In that they are admitted only to an outward and temporary league of formall profession , Acts 8. 13. Rom. 9 4 , 5. not to that intire fellowship with Christ required unto salvation , 1 Iohn 2. 19. 1 Cor. 1. 8 , 9. What are the meanes which God hath appointed to call us by ? They are partly inward , and partly outward , 1 Thes. 5. 19 , 20. Act. 10. 44. What are the inward ? The Spirit of God , which is given by the outward things , Gal. 3. 2 , 3. 1 Tim. 1. 14. What meane you by the Spirit of God in this place ? That power of God which worketh in the hearts of men things which the naturall discourse of reason is not able to attaine unto . Being incomprehensible , how may we come to some understanding and sense of it ? By the things whereunto it is compared : 1. To winde , Acts 2. to shew the marvellous power of it in operation . 2. To oyle , Heb. 1. 9. that is of a hot nature , that pierceth and suppleth . 3. To water , John 4. that cooleth , scowreth , and cleanseth . 4. To fire , Mat. 3. Acts 2. that severeth drosse and good metall . How is the operation of it ? Diverse ; as softening and hardening , enlightening and darkening , which it worketh after a diverse manner , by the word in the hearts of the elect and reprobate , according to the good pleasure of Gods secret will only , and after that , according to the good pleasure of his revealed will ; so that the lawfull use thereof is rewarded with a gracious increase of blessing , and the abuse punished with further hardnesse to condemnation . What then doth the Spirit worke in the wicked ? Finding them hard , it hardeneth them more to their further condemnation . What doth the same Spirit worke in the godly ? Faith , whereby they take hold on Christ with all his benefits , Eph. 2. 8. What are the outward things which God hath given to call us by ? They are either common to the whole world , or proper to the Church . What are the things common to the whole world ? Gods works not unprofitably given , although not sufficient to salvation . Is not the knowledge of the wisedome , power and goodnesse of God , in the Creation and government of the Heaven and Earth , with the things that are in them , sufficient to make us wise to salvation ? No : First , it serves rather for further condemnation without the Word , Rom. 1. 19 , 20 , 21. Secondly , as by and with the Word , the due meditation and consideration of Gods works is a good help to further us in Religion , and in the graces of Gods Spirit , 1 Cor. 1. 21 , 22. Sith then God doth not reveale the Covenant of grace , nor afford sufficient meanes to salvation to the whole world , but onely to the Church : explaine here what you meane by the Church . Wee speake not here of that part of Gods Church which is triumphant in glory , who being in perfect fruition have no need of these outward meanes of communion with him , Rev. 21. 22 , 23. But the Subject here is the Church militant : and that we consider also as visible in the parts of it , consisting of divers assemblies and companies of beleevers , making profession of the same common faith : Howbeit many times by persecution forced to hide themselves from the eye of the world , and happily by the rage of the enemy so scattered , that as in the dayes of Elias , 1 Kings 19. 10. they can hardly be knowne , or have entercourse between themselves , and so the exercise of the publick ordinances may for a time be suspended among them . But are none to be accounted members of this Church , but such as are true beleevers ; and so inseparably united unto Christ their head ? Truely and properly none other , 1 John 2. 19. Howbeit , because God doth use outward meanes with the inward , for the gathering of his Saints ; and calleth them as well to outward profession among themselves , Acts 2. 42. Cant. 1. 7. as to inward fellowship with his Son , whereby the Church becomes visible ; hence it is that so many as partake of the outward meanes , and joyne with the Church in league of visible profession ; are therefore in humane judgement accounted members of the true Church , and Saints by calling , 1 Cor. 1. 1. untill the Lord ( who only knoweth who are his ) doe make knowne the contrary , as we are taught in the Parables of the Tares , Matth. 13. 24. & Matth. 13. 47 , &c. And of the draw-net , and the threshing floore , where lyeth both good corne and chaffe , Matth. 3. Hath Christ then his Church visible upon earth ? Yea , throughout the world , ( as we have shewne ) in the particular congregations of Christians , Rom. 3. 3. called to the profession of the true faith and obedience of the Gospell : In which visible assemblies , and not else where , the true members of the true Church invisible on earth are to be sought , Romans 11. 5. and unto which therefore all that seek for salvation must gladly joyne themselves , Esa. 60. 4. Doth the visible Church consist of good and bad , or of good onely ? It consisteth of good and bad , as at the beginning we may see it did in Cain and Abel ; whereupon our Saviour compareth the Church to a net , in which are fishes good and bad ; and to a field , which in it hath wheat and cockle , Matth. 13. 24. 47 , &c. What are the markes and infallible notes , whereby to discerne a true visible Church with which we may safely joyne ? First , and principally , the truth of Doctrine which is professed , and the sincere preaching of the Word , together with the due administration of the Sacraments , according to the commandements of Christ our Saviour , Mat. 28. 19 , 20. Secondarily , the right order which is kept , with sincere and conscionable obedience yeelded to the Word of God. Why doe you make the first to be the principall marke of visible profession ? Because they are the onely outward meanes appointed of God for the calling and gathering of his Saints , and which prove the Church to bee a pillar of truth , 1 Tim. 3. 15. Can the Church want this , and yet be a Church ? Yea ; it may want these in the time of warre or persecution ; and in such a time we may safely joyn our selves to a company which allowes of the publick Ministery of the Word of God , and administration of the Sacraments ; howsoever the exercise of the same by reason of these Garboiles are wanting for a time . Are we to joyne with all Churches that have these markes ? Yea ; neither must we separate from them any farther then they separate from Christ , Phil. 1. 18. Cant. 1. 5. as shall be shewed . What say you to the other notes that are commonly given of the Church ? Either they are accidentall , and in great part separable , or utterly impertinent and forged , for the upholding of the Romish Synagogue . But is not Antiquity a certaine note of the Church ? No ; for errors are very ancient , and the Church when it began , was a Church ; yet had no antiquity . Is not multitude a note ? No ; for Christs flock is a little flock , Luk. 12. 32. and Antichrist very great , Apoc. 13. 3 , 4 ▪ 8. & 18. 3. Are not miracles a marke of the Church ? No ; for beside that wicked people may worke them , Mat. 7. 22 , 23. the Church of Christ hath been without miracles , and the comming of Antichrist is foretold to be with all power , and signes , and lying wonders , 2 Thes. 2. 9. Apoc. 13. 13 , 14. Such as those are whereof the Papists brag and boast of , which are indeed no true miracles . May the Church erre and be corrupted , or fall , and become no Church ? First , we must distinguish of errors : some are fundamentall , such as raze the foundation of the Church , ( as the denying that Christ came in the flesh , or the denying of the resurrection ) and in these the Church cannot erre ; others are of lesse moment , and in these it may erre . Secondly , the Catholick Church , considered in her true members , can never utterly fall , Matth. 16. 18. Psalme 1. 6. 1 Thes. 5. 24. Howsoever no Congregation be so pure , that it may bee said at any time to bee free from all corruption , Cant. 1. 4. or so constant , but that at times it may be shaken in the very foundation of truth , as it may appeare by the Church of Corinth , Galatia , &c. 1 Cor. 15. 12. 13. Gal. 3. 1. Thirdly , the Church being considered with respect of the place , God doth not alwayes continue a succession of true beleevers within the same limits and borders ; and hence we say , that divers Churches are falne , as those of Asia , &c. Neither is any place so priviledged , but that for sinne the Candlestick may in time be thence removed , Rev. 2. 5. How may we judge of a Church corrupt , or ceasing to be a Church ? Where God utterly taking away the meanes of his Word and Worship , Acts 13. 46. hath apparently given the bill of divorce , Esa. 50. 1. there are we not to acknowledge any Church at all , as at this day in Jerusalem , once the holy City : But where these meanes are yet continued , we are to acknowledge a Church of Christ , Rev. 2. 12 , 13. howsoever more or lesse corrupt , according to the greater or lesse abuse of Gods Word and Worship . Since Churches may be so diversly corrupted , from which , and how farre are we to separate ? From Churches mortally sick of heresie , Tit. 3. 10 , 11. or Idolatry , as it were a contagious plague or leprosie , wee are to separate , Rev. 18. 4. Howbeit whiles there is yet any life , rather from the scab or sore then from the body ; that is , from the prevailing faction , maintaining fundamentall errours , and forcing to idolatrous worship : Such is our separation from the present Church of Rome , not from such therein , who either meaning well in generall , are ignorant of the depth of Satan , Rev. 2. 24. or secretly dissent from the damnable corruptions , 1 Kings . 19. 18. with whom , as a body yet retaining life , we desire to joine , Phil. 1. 18. so farre as we may with safety from the foresaid contagion . Are we to continue fellowship with all other Churches , not so deadly and dangerously corrupt ? From Churches holding the foundation in substance of faith and worship , though otherwise not free from blemish , we are not to separate , 1 Kings 15. 14. & 22. 43. farther then in dislike and refusall of that wherein they do apparently separate from Christ , in respect either of manners , doctrine , or forme of publike worship . What are the Enemies of the Church ? Besides these spirituall wickednesses which fight against our soules , there are outward enemies also that visibly oppose the Church of Christ. How doth Christ defend his Church against those enemies ? This is partly to be done by the Civill Magistrate , to whom it belongeth by Civill meanes to maintaine the Church in that truth and liberty which Christ hath given unto it : and partly by the breath of Christs own mouth in the preaching of the Gospel , yet not perfectly but by the brightnesse of his comming in the latter day . What is the estate of the Church when these enemies prevaile ? The Church is often oppressed and darkned so by them , that it doth partly degenerate , and is partly hid , but never wholly destroyed , nor altogether invisible . Is not the Church alwayes visible in her parts ? The persons are alwaies visible , for Christ hath , and ever had from the beginning , his Church visible upon earth , Rom. 11. 1 , 2 , 3 , 4. that is , some companies of Beleevers , making profession of the same common faith : yet the persecution may be such , that the visible Church may not appeare throughly for a time , the professors being forced thereby to hide themselves from the eye of the world , Rev. 12. 14. and happily by the rage of the enemy so scattered , that as in the dayes of Elias , 1 Kings 10. 14 , 18. they can hardly be knowne , or have entercourse between themselves ; and hence it is that the Church is compared to the Moon , sometimes in the full , sometimes in the wane . What distinction is thereof the members of the visible Church ? Generally , they are all of the family of Christ , Ephes. 3. 15. which as sheep of his flock are to heare his voice , and to follow him , Joh. 10. 2 , 3 , 4. But more especially , out of these Christ the chiefe Priest and Shepheard hath instituted some to be above , some to be under , ordaining some to have preheminence and government , others to be governed and guided by them , Heb. 13. 17. Whom hath Christ appointed to be Governors and guiders over the rest ? 1. Church-officers and Ministers , appointed to teach and governe the flock of Christ , and to feed it with the wholsome food of the Word and Sacrament , 1 Cor. 12. 28. 1 Tim. 5. 17. Luk. 12. 2. Joh. 21. 15. 1 Pet. 5. 2. 2. Princes and Civill Magistrates , whom Christ hath charged to see to the wayes of his houshold , and so to rule and order it outwardly , that all , both Ministers and People , doe their office and duty , even in things concerning God , Psal. 78. 71 , 72. 2 Chro. 35. 3. & 34. 32. Having now spoken of the Church , and the members of it , what are those things which are proper to the visible Church ? The Word , Rom. 10. 17. John 5. 25. & 6 68. and the dependents thereof , viz. Sacraments , 1 Cor. 10. 1 , 2 , 3 , 4. and Censures , Matth. 18. 15. 1 Cor. 5. of which in their proper places . What is the Word ? That part of the outward Ministery which consisteth in the delivery of Doctrine , and this is the ordinary instrument which God useth in begetting of faith . What order is there used in the delivery of the Word for the begetting of faith ? 1. The Covenant of the Law is urged to make sin and the punishment thereof knowne , whereupon the sting of conscience pricketh the heart with a sense of Gods wrath , and maketh a man utterly to despaire of any ability in himselfe to obtaine everlasting life . After this preparation , the promises of the Gospel are propounded , whereupon the sinner conceiving hope of pardon , sueth to God for mercy , and particularly applieth to his own soul those comfortable promises which in the Word is propounded . What is the inward meanes for the begetting of faith ? The holy Spirit of God. Is it not lawfull to separate the inward meanes from the outward ? In no case : for those things which God hath joyned together no man may separate , Matth. 19. How doth it appeare that God hath joyned both these meanes together ? Because hee saith by the Prophet Esay , chap. 59. 21. that this is the Covenant that hee will make with his people , to put his Spirit and Word in them , and in all the posterity of the Church : The Apostle in like manner , 1 Thess. 5. 19. 20. joyneth these two together , Quench not the Spirit , and despise not prophesying . It would seem by these words of the Apostle , that the Spirit of Adoption and Sanctification , proper to the faithfull , may be lost , whilst he exhorteth that we should not quench the Spirit ? By no means , but as God doth assure the faithful of their continuance in him , so he doth declare by these exhortations , that the only means wherby we should nourish this holy fire in us , is to take heed to the preaching of the Word . Is by the word prophecying only meant the preaching of the Word ? No , but by a figurative speech , all those outward meanes whereby God useth to give his holy Spirit ; as are the Sacraments , and the discipline of the Church , over and above the preaching of the Word ; which being principall of all , is here set downe for the rest . Why doth the Apostle set the Spirit before the preaching of the Word , meant by Prophecy , considering that by and after preaching of the VVord , the Lord giveth his Spirit ? 1. Because the Spirit is the chiefe of the two , the Word being but the instrument whereby the Spirit of God worketh . 2. For that the worke of the Spirit is more generall , and reacheth to some to whom the preaching of the Word cannot reach . 3. For that the Word is never profitable without the Spirit , but the Spirit may be profitable without the Word , as after will appeare . What doe you learne of this , that the meanes of Gods Spirit and Word are usually conjoyned together ? That no man is to content himselfe with this phantasie , to thinke that he hath the Spirit , and so to neglect the Word , because they goe together . Who are by this condemned ? The Anabaptists , Papists , & Libertines , which ascribe to the Spirit that which they like , although wickedly , seeing the Spirit doth not ordinarily suggest any thing to us , but that which it teacheth us out of the word , Ioh. 14. 26. What other sort of men are here condemned ? The Stancharists , who esteem the Word to be fit to chatechise , and to innitiate or enter us in the rudiments of Religion : But too base to exercise our selves continually in it ; wheras the Prophets and Apostles , most excellent men , did notwithstanding exercise themselves in the Scriptures , Mar. 4. 1 , 2 , &c. compared with Isa. 2. 1 , 2 , &c. 2 Pet. 3. 15 , 16. Are none saved without hearing of the Word ? Yes : For first children which are within the Covenant , have the Spirit of God , without the ordinary meanes of the Word and Sacraments , Mat. 2. Rom. 8. 9 , 14. Secondly , some also of age in places where these meanes are not to be had . Thirdly , some also which living in places where such means are , yet have no capacity to understand them , as some naturall fooles , mad men , or deafe borne , to shew that God is not tied to meanes . What must we here take heed of ? That we presume not upon this , sith that notwithstanding this secret working of God ; yet it is as impossible to come to heaven , if having the means and capacity of receiving them we contemne the means , as it is impossible to have a harvest , where no seed time hath gone before , Mat. 13. or to have children without the Parents seed , 1 Pet. 1. 23. seeing amongst such the Spirit of God works faith only by the preaching of the word : Indeed where the Lord placeth not the preaching of the VVord , there he can and doth work faith without it ; but where he hath placed it , he will not doe it without it . In times and places where Popery hath prevailed , many were , ( and may be so at this day in Spaine and Rome ) converted by the very bare reading of the Word , yea without the reading of the VVord ; but not so among them , who have or may have it , either by going from home to it , or fetching it home to them . How is the diverse working of Gods Spirit by the Ministry of the Word set out unto us ? By the parable of the seed , three parts whereof fell into barren and unprofitable ground , one into good and fruitfull , Mat. 13. 3. & 9. 18 , 19 , 24. Are not three parts of the foure in the Church likely to be condemned by this Parable ? No , in no case : For it is both curious and uncomfortable Doctrine , it being a far different thing to have three sorts of wicked men in foure sorts , and to have thrice as many of one sort . What is the first thing you observe here common to the godly with the wicked ? To understand something of the word of grace , and to give consent unto the same . If they understand it , how is it that the first sort of unfruitfull hearers are said not to understand , Mat. 13. 19. They have some understanding , but it is said to be none ; because it is no cleare knowledge , ( whereof they can give a reason out of the Word ) nor effectuall , which ariseth from hence ; for that they come without affection , and goe away without care . What are we here to learne ? 1. To take heed not to deceive our selves in a bare profession , or light knowledge of the Word ; and that we come to heare it with zeale , and depart with care to profit . 2. To beware also of the great subtilty of Satan , who as a swift bird , snatcheth the Word out of the unprepared hearts , even as also doth a thiefe , which taketh away whatsoever he findeth loose . What observe you in the second sort , common to the godly with the wicked ? To have some kind of delight in the Word , and a glimpse of the life to come , Mat. 13. 20. Heb. 4. 5. What difference is there between a godly joy and this ? 1. This is like the blaze of the fire , and is never full and sufficient ; whereas the godly joy is above that of gold and silver . 2. The wickeds delight is for another purpose then is the godlies : For it is only to satisfie a humour , desiring to know something more then others ; whereas the godlies joy is to know further , to the end they may practise . Why is it said they have no root ? Mat. 13. 21. Because , though they understand the things , yet are they not grounded upon the reasons and testimonies of the Word ; nor transformed into the obedience of the Gospell , and therfore when persecution commeth , they wither away . Proceed to the third sort . They are they which keep it ( it may be with some suffering of persecution ) yet the thornes of covetousnesse , or of worldly delights , overgrow the good seed , and make it unfruitfull . So much of the three sorts of unfruitfull soyle , and therein , of the things common to the godly with the wicked : What are the things proper to the godly , signified by the good and fruitfull ground ? 1. The receiving of the seed in a good heart . 2. The bringing forth of fruit with patience , Luke . 8. 15. What is there meant by receiving the seed into a good heart ? By the seed is meant the word of promise , whereby God hath said he will be mercifull to us in Christ : By the receiving it into a good heart , is meant the receiving it by faith in Christ. Where it is said that the Word must be received into a good heart , it may seeme that a man hath a good heart before he receiveth that seed ? Doubtlesse , naturally they are all alike , and there is never a barrell better herring ( as they say ) but as the face answereth the face in the glasse : so one of the sons of Adam is like another in their nativity they have by their parents ) till they be regenerated : And therefore it is called a good heart , in respect of Gods changing of it by the ingraffed word , James 1. 21. and by these words he putteth difference between the fruits of the three former , and the fruits of this last : For that there is no difference in the outward shew of fruits ; but only in regard that those fruits proceed from an uncleane heart ; and these from a heart that is cleansed . How may we know that we have true faith , and so approve our selves that we are good ground ? By good fruits , which are the effects of faith . What are the effects of faith ? Reconciliation , and sanctification , Rom. 8. 1 , 2 , 3. Eph. 2. 6. Col. 2. 1 , 2 , 3. the fruits of the former are set downe , Rom. 4. 1 , 2 , 3 , 4. The fruits of the latter are repentance and new obedience , which have been already declared . What speciall tokens observe you out of the former , whereby we may discerne a justifying faith from the faith of the worldlings ? The end of our faith being the salvation of our soules , which shall be at the day of judgement , if we can willingly forsake father and mother , sister and brother , wife and children , and abandon the world , and say , Come Lord Jesus , come quickly , we may assure our selves we are in a happy case . What speciall marks of justifying faith observe you out of the latter ? 1. To be zealous of Gods glory . 2. To love Gods children ; for these be the speciall effects of our holy faith . What is the Word further compared with , and likened unto ? The Apostle Peter , 1 cap. 2. ver . 1 , 2. compares it unto milke : As new borne babes desire the sincere milke of the Word , that ye may grow thereby ; teaching us , that the VVord is not only of use for our begetting unto God ; but for our daily nourishment , that we may grow in grace , and in the knowledge of our Lord Iesus Christ , 2 Peter 3. 18. so it is called a light , a lanthorne , and is appointed to be our guide , our Counsellor , our Comforter , &c. Is this meant only of the Word preached ? Doubtlesse , the blessing of God both in an especiall manner wait upon that ordinance , when it is said ; That when Christ ascended up on high , he gave gifts to men , some Apostles , ( Ephes. 4. 12. ) and some Pastors and teachers , for the gathering of the Saints , for the edifying of the body of Christ ; yet withall , the reading of the Word with Prayer and diligence , is of singular use and benefit , and commended unto us by our Saviour . Search the Scriptures , Iohn 5. 39. and how readest thou ? Luke 10. 26. and by the example of the Bereans , who searched the Scriptures daily , and examined the things they heard in the publick ministery of them , Acts 16. 11. So much of the Word . What are the dependances annexed to it ? Sacraments , 1 Cor. 10. 3 , 4. and Censures , Matth. 18. 15. 1 Cor. 5. the one , sealing the Promises ; the other , the threatnings of the Gospell . What are Sacraments ? The seales of the Promises of God in Christ , wherein by certaine outward signes , and sacramentall actions confirming the same , commanded by God , and delivered by his Ministers , Christ Iesus with all his saving graces is signified , conveyed and sealed unto the heart of a Christian. For Sacraments are seales annexed by God to the word of the Covenant of grace , Rom. 4. 11 , 1 Cor. 11. 23. to instruct , assure , and possesse us of our part in Christ and his benefits , Gal : 3. 27. and to bind us to all thankfull obedience unto God in him , Rom. 6 4. Was not Gods Word sufficient ? What need have we of Sacraments ? This argues our infirmity , and manifesteth Gods great love and mercy ; who for the furthering of our understanding , hath added visible signes to his word , that our eares might not onely bee informed of the truth , but our eyes also might more plainly see it ; and for the greater strengthning of our faith , vouchsafeth to confirme the covenant of grace unto us , not onely by promise , but also by outward seales annexed thereunto . The like meanes had Adam himselfe in Paradise to put him in remembraece of Gods will : And if he in his perfection needed a token of Gods favour , ( which was the tree of life ) how much more wee that are corrupt and sinfull ? if we were Spirits or Angels , wee should not need these helpes ; but sith God knowing our frailties , and what is best for us , hath given us these seales to our further comfort , let us use the receipt of so skilfull a Physitian , unlesse wee will hasten our owne deaths . How doth God by the Sacraments assure us of his mercies in Christ ? By the exhibiting to the worthy receiver by such outward signes , ( whether Elements , or Actions ) as himselfe for the reliefe of our weaknesse hath prescribed , whole Christ , God and men , with all his benefits , 1 Cor. 10. 4. in whom all the promises of God are yea and Amen , 2 Cor. 1. 20. Doe they seale nothing else but the promise of God unto us ? Yes , they seale our promise unto God , that we take him onely for our God and Redeemer , whom alone by faith wee rest on , and whom we will obey . How doe they binde us unto God ? Wee receiving them as pledges of his infinite love in Christ , doe thereby professe our selves bound to expresse our thankfulnesse by all duties to his Majesty , Col. 2. 6 , 7. and for his sake one to another , Eph. 4. 3 , 4 , 5. Describe yet more largely what a Sacrament is . A Sacrament is an Ordinance of God , wherein by giving and receiving of outward Elements , according to his will , the promises of the Covenant of grace , made in the bloud of Christ being represented , exhibited and applyed unto us , are further signed and sealed betwixt God and man. Or it is an action of the whole Church , wherein by certaine visible signes , and outward things done according to Gods institution , inward things being betokened , Christ with all his benefits is both offered unto us , and received by us : offered ( I say ) to all in the Church , but exhibited onely to the faithfull , for the strengthening of their faith in the eternall Covenant , and the bringing them more effectually to the practice of Gods Commandements , Exod. 12. 16. Luke 1. 59. & 3. 3. 16. 1 Cor. 11. 23. Mat. 26. 26. Rom. 4. 19. & 6. 4. 1 Pet. 3. 21. Why call you it Action ? Because it is not a bare signe alone , but a worke , 1 Cor. 11. 24 , 25. Why call you it an action of the whole Church ? Because it is a publick action , and appertaineth to the whole Church ; and therefore ought to be done in the presence of the Congregation , by the example of John , Matth. 3. 11 , 12. and commanded of Paul , 1 Cor. 11. 18 , 20 , 22. it being a greater indignity for the Sacraments to be administered privately , then for the civill judgement , which is open and publike : That we say nothing of the sacrifices under the Law , which were not so excellent as these ; and yet it was not lawful to offer them in private : which reproveth the disorder of the Papists , who turne the Communion into a private Masse , and minister the Lords Supper to one alone , without the presence of the Congregation . But may not the Sacraments be so administered upon necessity ; as namely to a sick man ready to depart out of this life ? There is no such necessity ; for a man believing wanting that opportunity of comming to the Lords Supper , wanteth not the effect thereof ; seeing the Lord promised by Ezekiel , that hee would be a Tabernacle to his people being banished from it , Ezek. 37. 27. And therefore the want of the Sacraments doth not hurt , when with conveniency a man cannot enjoy them : but the contempt , or neglect of them , when they may conveniently be come unto . What the● is the fittest time and place for the administration of the Sacraments ? The fittest time is the Lords , or some other day of publike meeting : The most convenient place is the Church , and usuall place of the assembly of the Congregation . Did not Abraham minister the Sacrament of Circumcision in his private house ? His house was at that time the Church of God , and therefore not private ; and so in the time of persecution , the godly did oft-times meet in Barnes , and such obscure places , which were indeed publick : because when the Church of God were there , the house or place availed nothing to make it publick or private : even as wheresoever the Prince is , there is the Court also said to be , though it were in a poore Cottage . What difference is there between a Sacrament and a Sacrifice ? In a Sacrifice there is an offering made to God ; in a Sacrament , there is an offer made by God to us . In the Sacrifices Christ was signified as given for us , in the Sacraments as given to us , the Sacrifices onely signes , the Sacraments seales also . Who is the Author of a Sacrament ? God alone ; because he onely can bestow those graces which are sealed in a Sacrament . How doth God ordaine a Sacrament ? By his Word . How many parts of Gods Word are there , whereby he doth institute and and ordaine a Sacrament ? Two. First , a Commandement to doe it . Secondly , a promise of a blessing upon the right using of it . Was not the Rain-bow a Sacrament , being a signe ordained by God ? No ; for though it were a signe , yet it was no signe of salvation by Christ. What is the matter and substance of every Sacrament ? One and the same Iesus Christ , although diversly communicated in divers Sacraments ; and in some more forcible then in others ; because of some elements communicating with , or taking hold of , or reaching to more of our senses . What things then are required in a Sacrament ? Three . First , the outward signes , and Sacramentall actions concerning the same . Secondly , the inward thing signified thereby , viz. Christ Iesus with his saving graces , and spirituall actions concerning the same . Thirdly , a similitude betwixt them both : As in Baptisme for example , that as water doth wash the body , so doth the bloud of Christ wash away the spots of the soule . What signes are used in Sacraments ? Some onely representing , as water , bread , and wine ; some applying , as washing , eating , drinking , and such like . What are the things signified ? First , Christ Iesus and his merrits ; and secondly , the applying of the same unto us in particular . Wherein doth the signes of the things signified differ ? 1. In Nature . 2. In the manner of receiving . 3. In the parties which doe receive them . 4. In the necessity of the receiving of them . Wherein doe they agree ? In this , that the signe doth so fitly represent the things signified , thereby , that the minde of a Christian is drawne by the signe to consider of the things signified . What is then the Sacramentall union betwixt the signes and the things signified ? Such as betwixt a sealed will , and the things conveighed in the same ; From whence it is , that the names , effects , and properties of the one are given to the other . What is the cause that moved the Lord to grace the outward signes in the Sacraments , with the names of the things signified ? The outward elements have the names of the spirituall things they set forth , 1. Because of their fit proportion and agreement , in regard of the resemblance and similitude of the elements and the things signified , in which respect they are called signes . 2. To shew the inseparable conjunction of the things signified with the signe , in the worthy receiver ; in which regard they are called Seales , as in the person of Christ his two natures are so inseparably united , that often times the properties and effects of the one are attributed to the other . What is the ground of this Sacramentall union ? In generall the institution of Christ , whereby fit things are appointed so to be used , with a promise annexed . In speciall , the applying of that word unto certain speciall signes with prayer ; in particular , and unto me , the ground is my reverent and worthy receiving . What is the use of Sacraments ? God hath ordained them , to the end that by comparing and conferring the outward things with the inward , they might help , 1. Our understanding , in which regard they are as it were images and glasses , Gal. 3. 1. 2. Our remembrance , in which respect they are Monuments , Luk. 22. 19. 1 Cor. 11. 24. 3. And especially the perswasion of our hearts , by reason whereof they are seals and pledges , Rom. 4. 11. for they are appointed by God to strengthen us in the promises of salvation , which God hath not onely made to us in word , but also confirmed the same by writ : and lest that we should any wayes doubt ( as naturally we are inclined ) he hath set to his seales , according to the manner of men , that nothing might be lacking which should increase our strength . What Doctrine is here to be gathered ? 1. What root of blindnesse , of forgetfulnesse , and especially hardnesse of heart to beleeve , is in us , that the Word and Oath of God is not sufficient to pluckup , but that we must have such aides . 2. The mercy of God , that applieth himself to our weaknesse . 3. What miserable men they are that refuse the Sacraments . Repeat the principall ends for which God hath instituted the Sacraments ? To help our insight as cleare glasses , to releeve our memories as lasting monuments , and to confirme our faith as most certain seales and pledges , from whence they become our bonds of obedience , and the markes and badges of our profession : so the ends for which they are appointed are these foure . 1. The clearing of our knowledge . 2. The helping of our memories . 3. The strengthening of our faith . 4. The quickning of our obedience . How may we more clearly consider of those things which are ministred in the Sacraments ? By considering distinctly the things given and received , and the persons giving and receiving . What are the things given and received ? They are partly outward , and partly inward . What are the outward ? The visible creatures , ordained for signes and figures of Christ , as under the time of the Gospel , Water , Bread , and Wine . Why hath God made choice of these creatures ? Both in respect they are for their naturall properties most fit to represent the spirituall things , as also for that they are most generally used of all Nations of the world . What are we to learne from hence ? The wonderfull wisdome of God , that hath chosen base and common things for so high and singular mysteries , whereas he might have chosen things more rare , and of greater price , to set out such excellent benefits as are offered to us in the Sacraments , wherein there is great difference between the time of the Law and of the Gospel . What are the inward things ? The invisible and spirituall graces , namely , Christ with all his benefits . What learne you of this ? Not to stick to the outward elements , but to lift up our hearts unto God , accounting the elements as a Ladder whereby to climb up to those celestiall things which they represent . So much of the things , what are the persons ? The Giver and Receiver . How many Givers are there ? Two ; the outward , giving the outward , and the inward , giving the inward things . Who is the inward giver ? God himself , even the holy Trinity , God the Father , God the Son , and God the holy Ghost . What are the actions of God in a Sacrament ? They are principally two . 1. To offer and reach forth Christ and his graces . 2. To apply them to the hearts of the faithfull Communicant . Who are the outward Givers ? The Ministers especially , representing unto us the Lord , whose Stewards they are , 1 Cor. 4. 1. What is the Ministers office herein ? To consecrate the elements , and then to distribute them . Wherein consisteth the consecration of the elements ? Partly , in declaring the institution of the Sacraments , and partly in going before the Congregation in prayer unto God : First , in praising God , who hath ordained such means for the reliefe of our weaknesse : Then in suing to God that he would be pleased to make those meanes effectuall for which end they were ordained . Is not the substance changed of the elements by this consecration ? No verily ; onely the use is altered , in that they are separated from a common to a holy use ; which change and alteration continueth onely while the action is in hand . Doth the Minister with the signe give the thing signified also ? No , he onely dispenseth the signes , but it is God that giveth and dispenseth the things signified , Matth. 3. 11. Is God alwayes present , to give the thing signified to all them that the Minister giveth the signe ? No not to all , for some in receiving the signes receive together with them their owne judgement , 1 Cor. 11 29. yet he is alwayes ready to give the thing signified to all those that are fit to receive the Sacraments ; and to such persons the signes and things signified are alwayes conjoyned . Who are the persons that are to receive the Sacraments ? All Christians that are prepared thereunto . Is there any speciall preparation required to the receiving of the Sacraments ? Yes verily : for seeing men ought to come with preparation to the hearing of the Word alone , they ought much more to come when the Sacraments are administred also , wherein God doth offer himselfe more familiarly and visibly to us . What is the preparation that is required in them that come to receive the Sacraments ? There is required in those that are of yeares of discretion , to a worthy participation of the Sacraments , knowledge , faith , and feeling , both in the Law , and in the Gospel . Seeing no man is able to attaine to the knowledge of the Law and the Gospel perfectly , much lesse the simple and common people , tell me how farre is this knowledge , faith , and feeling necessary ? First , concerning the Law , it is necessary that the receiver of the Sacraments be able to understand and beleeve the common corruption of all men , both in the bitter root of originall sinne , and in the poysoned fruits thereof , together with the curse of everlasting death due thereunto , and that he be able to apply both these , that is , the sinne and wages thereof , to himselfe . Secondly , concerning the Gospel , that he be able ( in some measure ) to understand the Covenant of Grace , which God in Christ hath made with the sons of men ; and then that by faith he be able ( in some measure ) to apply the same to himself . VVhat ariseth from this knowledge , faith , and feeling , to a further preparation thereunto ? A true and earnest desire to be made partaker of the Sacraments , with a conscionable care to performe speciall duties in and after the action of receiving . VVhat duties in the action of receiving are to be performed ? First , a grave and reverent behaviour , befitting such holy Mysteries . Secondly , an attentive heedfulnesse in comparing the outward signes and actions in the Sacraments , with the inward and spirituall things which they betoken . VVhat duties are to bee performed after the partaking of the Sacraments ? If we have a sense and feeling of the gracious work of God by them , we are to rejoice with thanksgiving ; if not , we are to enter into judgment with our selves , and to humble our selves for our want thereof . And though we ought to be humbled , if we feel not the work of God in us , in or after the Sacraments , as that which argueth want of preparation before , or attention in receiving of them , yet ought we not therefore to be altogether dismayed : for as the sick man feeleth not the nourishment of his meat , because of his malady , and yet notwithstanding is nourished ; so it is in such faithfull ones as doe not so sensibly feel the working of God in and by the Sacraments , through the weaknesse of their faith , and although wee cannot feele it immediately , yet after ( by the fruites thereof ) wee shall bee able to discern of our profiting thereby . Hath the administration of the Gospel been alwaies after the same manner ? For substance it alwayes hath been the same , but in regard of the manner , proper to certain times , it is distinguished into two kindes ; the Old and the New , Heb. 11. 2. 13. & 13. 18. Act. 10. 43. & 13. 11. Luk. 16. 16. Joh. 1. 17. Heb. 11. & 2. 8 , 9 , 10 , 11. 2 Cor. 3. 6 , 7 , 8. What call you the old Testament ? That which was delivered unto the Fathers , to continue untill the fulnesse of time , wherein by the comming of Christ it was to bee performed , Heb. 1. 1. & 9. 10. Act. 7. 44. 2 Cor. 3. 7. 11. What are the properties of this Ministery ? First , the commandements of the Law were more largely , and the promises of the Gospel more sparingly , and darkly propounded , the latter being more generally and obscurely delivered , as the manifesting was the further off . Secondly , the promises of things to come , were shadowed with a multitude of types and figures , which when the truth should be exhibited , were to vanish away , Jer. 31. 31 , 32 , 33. Heb. 11. 13. 2 Cor. 3. 13. 18. Heb. 8. 13. 9. & 1. 8 , 9 , 10. 2 Cor. 3. 11. 13. Gal. 4. 3 , 4. Col. 2. 16 , 17. What were the chiefest states and periods of this old Ministery ? The first , from Adam to Abraham ; the second , from Abraham to Christ. What were the speciall properties of the last of these two periods ? First , it was more specially restrained unto a certaine Family and Nation . Secondly , it had with it solemne repetition , and declaration of the first covenant of the Law. Thirdly , besides the ceremonies , which were greatly inlarged under Moses , it had Sacraments also added unto it . Luk. 1. 54 , 55. Psal. 44. 19. 26. Rom. 9. 4. Act. 13. 17. Deut. 4. 1. 6 , 7 , 8. & 37. 1. 6 , 7 , 8. 14. & 2. 26. 18 , 19. Joh. 1. 16 , 17. Exod. 24. 7 , 8. Deut. 4. 12. Rom. 10. 5. Heb. 9. 1 , 2 , 3. Joh. 7. 22. What were the ordinary Sacraments of this Ministery ? The Sacrament of admission into the Church was circumcision , instituted in the dayes of Abraham ; the other of continuall preservation and nourishment , the Paschall Lambe , instituted in time of Moses , Exod. 12. 48. Act. 7. 8. Joh. 7. 22. Gen. 17. 9 , 10 , Rom. 4. 11. Col ▪ 2. 11. Deut. 30. 6 , 7 , 8. Exod. 12. 3 , 4. Numb . 9. 11 , 12. Deut. 16. 2. 1 Cor. 5. 7. 1 Pet. 1. 19 Joh. 9. 56. with Exod. 12. 46. What is the new administration of the Gospel ? That which is delivered unto us by Christ , to continue unto the end of the world , Joh. 1. 17. Heb. 1. 2. & 2. 3 , 4. & 3. 5 , 6. 1. Cor. 3. 11. What are the properties thereof ? First , it is propounded indifferently to all people , whether they bee Jewes or Gentiles , and in that respect is Catholick or universall . Secondly , it is full of grace and truth , bringing joyfull tydings unto mankinde , that whatsoever was formerly promised of Christ , is now accomplished , and so in stead of the ancient types and shadows , the things themselves with a large and cleere declaration of all the benefits of the Gospel are exhibited . * What bee the speciall points of the words of this ministery ? That Christ our Saviour , whom God by his Prophets had promised to send into the world , is come in the flesh , and hath accomplished the work of our Redemption ; that hee was conceived of the holy Ghost , born of the Virgin Mary , suffered under Pontius Pilate , was crucified , and dyed upon the crosse ; that body and soule thus separated , his body was laid in the grave , and remained there under the power of death , and his Soule went into the place appointed for the soules of the righteous , namely , Paradise the place of the blessed , that the third day body and soule being joyned together againe , hee rose from the dead , and after ascended into Heaven , where hee sitteth at the right hand of his Father , untill such time as from thence hee shall come unto the last Judgement . Rom. 1. 1. , 2 , 3. Joh. 1. 14. 25. & 19. 28. 30. Heb. 9. 12. 16. 18. 1 Tim. 3. 16. Luk. 1. 35. Matth. 1. 18 , 19 , 20 , 21 , 22 , 23. & 27. 2. 26. ver . ad 50. & 12. 40. & 27. 59. 60. Rom. 6. 9. Luk. 23. 43. 46 , 47. Matth. 16. 21. & 28. 16. 1 Cor. 15. 4. 8. 6. 1 Tim. 2. 8. Mark. 16. 19. Act. 1. 2 , 3. 10 , 11. Ephes. 4. 10. Heb. 1. 3. 2 Tim. 4. 3. What are the Sacraments of this Ministery ? The sacrament of admission into the Church is Baptisme , which sealeth unto us our spirituall birth ; the other the sacrament of our continuall preservation , is the Lords Supper , which sealeth unto us our continuall nourishment . What Sacraments bee there of the Covenant of Grace ? They bee of two sorts ; some of the Old Testament before Christs comming : others of the New , under Christ. What Sacraments were there of the Old Testament ? Besides divers extraordinarily given , ( 1 Pet. 3. 20 , 21. 1 Cor. 10. 1 , 2 , 3 , 4. ) and serving but for a season , there were two of ordinary and perpetuall use , from their institution untill the comming of Christ , ( to which those other may bee referred ) first , Circumcision for entrance into the covenant of Grace , Gen. 17. 10. Deut. 30. 6. secondly , the Passeover for continuance and confirmation therein , Exod. 12. 3. 1 Cor. 5. 7. To which two , the two Sacraments of the new Testament answer . How doe the Sacraments of the New Testament differ from those of the Old ? In respect not of the Author , God ; the substance , Christ ; or the receivers , the people of God ; which are in both the same , ( Rom. 4. 11. 1 Cor. 10. 2 , 3 , 4. ) but of continuance , ( Matth. 28. 19 , 20. ) evidence , ( 1 Cor. 11. 26. ) easie performance , and efficacy ; in all which those of the New Testament have great preheminence , ( 2 Cor. 3. 9. ) What Sacraments bee there of the New Testament ? Onely two ; to wit , Baptisme , succeeding in the place of Circumcision ; and the Supper of the Lord , answering to the Passeover , ( Rom. 4. 1. Gen. 17. 11 , 12. 1 Cor. 10. 1 , 2 , 3. & 12 ▪ 13. Matth. 26. 26. & 28. 19. ) By the former , wee have our admission into the true Church of God ; by the latter , wee are nourished and preserved in the Church after our admission . How may it appeare that there bee no more then two Sacraments of the New Testament ? First , when the number of Sacraments were most necessary , as under the Law , they had but two , wherefore wee need require no more , ( 1 Cor. 10. 1 , 2 , 3. ) Secondly , having meat , drink , and cloathes , wee ought therewith to bee content ; ( 1 Tim. 6. 8. ) now by the Sacrament of our entrance our spirituall cloathing is sealed unto us , ( Gal. 3. 27. ) and by that of our growth is sealed our feeding , ( 1 Cor. 10. 16. ) Thirdly , those two seales assure us of all Gods graces , as of our regeneration , entrance , and ingraffing into Christ ; so of our growth and continuance in him : and therefore wee need no more , ( 1 Cor. 12. 13. ) For there are as many Sacraments as there are things that need to bee betokened to us about our justification . Now they bee two ; our birth in Christ , and our nourishment after wee are born : as in the bodily life , wee see that wee need no more , but to bee born , and then to have this life preserved . The Sacrament of Baptisme sheweth us the first ; the Sacrament of the Lords Supper the second . Therefore those five other Sacraments , of Confirmation , Penance , Matrimony , Orders , and extreame Unction , joyned by the Papists are superfluous , because some of them have no warrant at all out of the Word of God , and God hath not promised a blessing upon the using of them ; others of them , though they bee agreeable to the Word , yet are without the nature and number of the Sacraments . What is Baptisme ? It is the first Sacrament of the New Testament , by the washing of water ( Ephes. 5. 26. ) representing the powerfull washing of the blood and spirit of Christ , ( 1 Cor. 6. 11. Heb. 10. 22. ) and so sealing our regeneration , or new birth , our entrance into the Covenant of Grace , and our ingraffing into Christ , and into the body of Christ , which is his Church , ( Joh. 3. 5. Tit. 3. 5. Act. 8. 27. ) The word Baptisme in generall signifieth any kinde of washing , but here it is specially taken for that sacramentall washing , which sealeth unto those which are within Gods Covenant , their birth in Christ , and enterance into Christianity . How was this Sacrament ordained and brought into the Church in the place of Circumcision ? At the Commandement of God ( Joh. 1. 33. ) by the Ministery of John , therefore called the Baptist , Matth. 3. 1. after sanctified and confirmed by our Saviour Christ himself , being baptized by John , ( Mat. 3. 13. ) and giving commission to his Apostles and Ministers , to continue the same in his Church unto the end , ( Mat. 28. 18. ) Why call you it the first Sacrament ? Because Christ gave order to his Apostles , that after they have taught , and men beleeve , they should baptize them , that so they might bee enrolled amongst those of the houshold of God , and entered into the number of the Citizens & Burgesses of the heavenly Jerusalem . What abuse doth this take away ? That which sometimes the ancient Church was infected withall , namely , that they baptized men at their death , and let them receive the Lords Supper twice or thrice a yeer , whereas this is the first Sacrament of the Covenant . What are the essentiall parts of this Sacrament of Baptisme ? As of all other Sacraments , two ; the outward signes , and the inward things signified : where also is to bee considered , the proportion and union which is between those two parts , which is as it were the very form and inward excellency of a Sacrament . What are the outward signes in Baptisme ? They are the outward element of water , and the outward sacramentall actions performed about it . What are those Sacramentall actions ? First , the Ministers blessing and consecrating the water : And secondly , the right applying it so consecrated , to the party to bee baptized . May none but a lawfull Minister baptize ? No ; for baptism is a part of the publique Ministery of the Church , and Christ hath given warrant and authority to none to baptize , but those whom hee hath called to preach the Gospel : Goe , Preach and Baptize , Matth. 28. 29. those onely may stand in the roome of God himself , and Ministerially set to the seale of the Covenant . And it is monstrous presumption for Women , or any other private persons , ( who are not called ) to meddle with such high Mysteries , nor can there bee any case of necessity to urge , as will appeare afterwards . Touching the first action of the Minister ; how is hee to blesse and consecrate the water ? First , by opening to them that are present the Doctrine of Baptisme , and the right institution and use of it , what inward mysteries are signified and sealed up by those outward signes . So did John , when hee baptized , hee preached the Doctrine of Repentance , and taught the people the inward baptisme of the Spirit , signified by his baptizing with vvater , Matth. 3. 11. Secondly , by acknowledging in the name of the congregation mans naturall pollution , that vve stand in need of spirituall vvashing , by giving thanks to God the Father for giving his Sonne for a propitiation for our sins , and appointing his blood to bee a fountain to the house of Israel to wash in , and for ordaining of this service to bee a Sacrament and seale of so great a mystery . Thirdly , by making profession of Faith in Gods promises in that behalf , and praying that they may bee made good unto the party that is to receive the seale thereof : for as every thing is sanctified by the Word of God and prayer , so in especiall manner the Sacramentall water in baptisme is blessed and consecrated by the Word of institution , and prayer to God for a blessing upon his own Ordinance . What is the second Sacramentall action ? The action of washing , that is , of applying the Sacramentall water unto the party to be baptized , diving or dipping him into it , or sprinkling him with it , In the name of the Father , the Son , and of the holy Ghost . Is the action of diving or dipping , materiall and essentiall to the Sacrament ? or is there absolute ground and warrant for sprinkling , which is most commonly practised with us in these cold Countries ? Some there are that stand strictly for the particular action of diving or dipping the baptized under water , as the onely action which the institution of this Sacrament will bear , and our Church allows no other , except in case of the childes weaknesse , and there is exprest in our Saviours baptisme , both his descending into the water and rising up : so that some think our common sprinkling to bee ( through ease and tendernesse ) a stretching the liberty of the Church further then either the Church would , or the symbolicalnesse of the outward sign with the thing signified can safely admit , it typifying our spirituall buriall and resurrection , Rom. 6. 8. Others conceive the action of sprinkling of water upon the face of the baptized very warrantable , especially in young children to whom further wetting may bee dangerous , and the grounds are these : First , it seems that neither dipping is essentiall to the Sacrament of Baptisme , nor sprinkling , but onely washing and applying water to the body as a cleanser of the filth thereof . Secondly , then , as in the other Sacrament , a spoonfull of wine is as significant as a whole gallon ; so here , a handfull of water is as significant as a whole river . Thirdly , the action of sprinkling beares fit resemblance with the inward grace , as well as dipping , and hath authority in the Scriptures : read 1 Pet. 1. 2. and Heb. 12. 14. there is speech of the sprinkling of the blood of Christ , and the blood of sprinkling speaks better things then the blood of Abel . Fourthly , it is not unlikely that the Apostles baptized as well by sprinkling , or powring upon , as by diving and dipping into , sith wee read of divers baptized in houses , as well as others in rivers . However the washing the body by water , is essentiall , ( Ephes. 5. 26. ) though whether way it bee done , seem not to bee essentiall , ( so water bee applyed to the body for the cleansing of it . ) Thus much of the Sacramentall element , and Sacramentall actions , which are the outward part of baptism : What now is the inward part ? Those spirituall things which are signified , and represented , and exhibited in and by the outward element and actions : as the water signifies the blood of Christ , the Ministers consecrating the water signifies God the Fathers setting apart his Son for the expiation of the sins of the world by his blood ; the Ministers applying the water to the body of the baptized to cleanse it , signifieth Gods applying the blood of his Son to cleanse the soule for justification and remission of sins : and not onely to signifie , but to seale up unto the beleever , that the inward part is effected as well as the outward . How come these visible things to signifie such invisible mysteries ? First , there is a naturall fitnesse and aptnesse in the outward things to expresse the inward , as for water to bee a resemblance of the blood of Christ ; thus they agree : First , water is a necessary element , the naturall life of man cannot be without it , and the blood of Christ is as necessary to his spiritual life . Secondly , water is a comfortable element : as the Hart panteth after the water brooks , Psal. 42. 1. The thirst of the body cannot bee quenched but by water ; hence the heighth of misery is described by a barren and dry ground , where no water is , Psal. 63. 1. so the thirst of the soule cannot bee quenched but by the blood of Christ , Joh. 4. 13. Thirdly , water is a free element ; as it is necessary , usefull , and comfortable , so it is cheap , and easie to come by without cost ; so is the blood of Christ , Esa. 55. 1. Hoe , hee that thirsteth come and drink freely . Fourthly , water is a common element , none are barred from it , any may go to the river and drink ; and the blood of Christ is offered as generally to all , rich and poore , high and low , bond and free , every one may lay claim unto him , come & have interest in him ; Joh. 1. 12. Who ever receiveth him , who ever beleeveth , the proposall is without restraint , none can say , I am shut out or excepted . Fifthly , water is a copious and plentifull element , there is no lesse in the river for thy drinking of it , there is enough for all men : so is the blood of Christ all-sufficient , it can never bee drawn dry ; of his fulnesse wee may all receive , and yet hee bee never the more empty ; hence the Scripture speaks of plenteous redemption . Sixthly , lastly and especially , water is a cleansing and a purifying element ; and it resembles the blood of Christ fitly in that , for 1 Joh. 1. 7. The blood of Christ cleanseth us from all sin . And here we may also observe the symbolicalnesse betwen the Sacramentall action of washing , and the inward grace signified . First , nothing is washed but that which is unclean ; even so the Sacramentall washing implies our naturall pollution : whosoever submits to this Sacrament of Baptism , doth by so doing acknowledge himself to bee defiled ; whoever brings a childe to bee baptized , doth by so doing , make confession of originall corruption and sinfulnesse ; as Johns hearers were baptized of him in Jordan confessing their sins , Mat. 3. 6. Secondly , as the applying of the water to the body , washeth and cleanseth ; so it is with the blood of Christ , it cleanseth not the soule , but by being applyed to it , in the merit and efficacy of it , by the sanctifying Spirit , of which the outward ministeriall washing is a sign and seale , 1 Cor. 6. 11. What is there besides the naturall fitnesse of the outward things to expresse the inward ? 2. There is also considerable Gods divine institution , ordaining and appointing these things to typifie to the soule Christ crucified in his cleansing quality : for otherwise though there were never such aptnesse in the creature , yet it hath nothing to do to meddle with a Sacrament , unlesse the Lord do specially appropriate it to serve for such a purpose ; and then with Gods institution , there goeth a blessing and a speciall vertue and power attends on a divine Ordinance ; that which makes the outward signs significant , is Gods Word and appointment . But is Christ and the cleansing power of his bloud only barely signified in the Sacrament of Baptisme ? Nay more ; the inward things are really exhibited to the beleever as well as the outward ; there is that sacramentall union between them that the one is conveyed and sealed up by the other : hence are those phrases of being born again of water and of the holy Ghost , Joh. 3. 5. of cleansing by the washing of water , Eph. 5. 26. so arise and be baptized , and wash away thy sins , Acts 22. 16. so Rom. 6. 3. we are buried with Christ by baptisme , &c. the Sacraments being rightly received , doe effect that which they doe represent . Are all they then that are partakers of the outward washing of baptisme , partakers also of the inward washing of the Spirit ? Doth this Sacrament seal up their spirituall ingraffing into Christ to all who externally receive it ? Surely no ; though God hath ordained these outward means for the conveyance of the inward grace to our souls , yet there is no necessity that we should tie the working of Gods Spirit to the Sacraments more then to the Word ; the promises of salvation , Christ and all his benefits , are preached and offered to all in the ministery of the Word , yet all hearers have not them conveyed to their souls by the Spirit , but those whom God hath ordained to life ; so in the Sacraments , the outward elements are dispensed to al who make an outward profession of the Gospel , ( for in infants their being born in the bosome of the Church is in stead of an outward profession ) because man is not able to distinguish corn from chaffe : but the inward grace of the Sacrament is not communicated to all , but to those onely who are heirs of those promises whereof the Sacraments are seals ; for without a man have his name in the Covenant , the seal set to it confirms nothing to him . What is the advantage then or benefit of baptisme to a common Christian ? The same as was the benefit of Circumcision to the Jew outward , Rom. 2. 28. Rom. 3. 1 , 2. there is a generall grace of Baptisme which all the baptized partake of as a common favour , and that is their admission into the visible body of the Church , their matriculation and outward incorporating into the number of the worshippers of God by externall communion : and so as Circumcision was not onely a seal of the righteousnesse which is by faith , but as an overplus God appointed it to be like a wall of separation between Jew and Gentile ; so is Baptisme a badge of an outward member of the Church , a distinction from the common rout of Heathen ; and God thereby seals a right upon the party baptized to his ordinances , that he may use them as his priviledges , and wait for an inward blessing by them ; yet this is is but the porch , the shell , and outside ; all that are outwardly received into the visible Church , are not spiritually ingraffed into the mysticall body of Christ. Baptisme always is attended upon by that generall grace , but not always with this speciall . To whom then is Baptisme effectuall to the sealing up this inward and speciall grace ? We must here distinguish of persons baptized ; the Church doth not onely baptize those that are grown and of years , if any such being bred Pagans be brought within the pale of the Church , and testifie their competent understanding of Christianity , and professe their faith in the Lord Jesus , and in Gods precious promises , of remission of sins by his bloud , and their earnest desire to be sealed with Baptisme for the strengthening of their souls in this faith : but the Church also baptizeth her infants , such as being born within her bosome of beleeving parents are within the Covenant , & so have right unto the seal thereof . Doth the inward grace always accompany the outward sign in those of years baptized ? No ; but onely then when the profession of their faith is not outward onely and counterfeit , but sincere and hearty , they laying hold on Christ offered in the Sacrament by a lively faith which is the hand to receive the mercies offered , Acts 8. 37. If thou beleevest with all thy heart thou maist be baptized , saith Philip to the Eunuch ; for it were absurd to extend the benefit of the seal beyond the Covenant ; now the Covenant is made only to the faithfull , Joh. 1. 10. Mark 16. 16. He that beleeveth and is baptized shall be saved ; but he that beleeveth not , whether he be baptized or no , shall be condemned . Simon Magus ( Act. 8. 13. ) and Julian , and thousands of Hypocrites and Formalists shall find no help in the day of the Lord by the holy water of their baptisme , without it be to encrease their Judgement . But what say you of infants baptized that are born in the Church , doth the inward grace in their baptism always attend upon the outward sign ? Surely no ; the Sacrament of baptisme is effectuall in infants , onely to those and to all those who belong unto the election of grace , which thing though we ( in the judgement of charity ) doe judge of every particular infant , yet we have no ground to judge so of all in generall ; or if we should judge so , yet it is not any judgement of certainty ; we may be mistaken . Is every elect infant then actually sanctified and united unto Christ in and by baptisme ? We must here also distinguish of elect infants baptized , whereof some die in their infancy , and never come to the use of reason ; others God hath appointed to live & enjoy the ordinary means of faith & salvation . What is to be thought of elect infants that die in their infancy , & have no other outward means of salvation but their baptisme ? Doubtlesse in all those the inward grace is united to the outward signs , and the holy Ghost doth as truly , and really , and actually apply the merits and bloud of Christ in the justifying and sanctifying vertue unto the soul of the elect infant , as the minister doth the water to its body , and the invisible grace of the Sacrament is conveyed to the outward means . But how can an infant be capable of the grace of the Sacrament ? Very well ; though infants be not capable of the grace of the Sacrament by that way whereby the growne are , by hearing , conceiving , beleeving ; yet it followeth not that infants are not capable in and by another way . It is easie to distinguish between the gift conveyed , and the manner of conveying it ; faith is not of absolute necessity to all Gods elect , but only to those to whom God affords means of beleeving . It is the application of Christs righteousnesse that justifieth us , not our apprehending it ; God can supply the defect of faith by his sanctifying Spirit which can doe all things on our part in the room of faith , which faith should doe : Doe we not know that the sin of Adam is imputed to children , and they defiled by it , though they be not capable to understand it ? even so the righteousnesse of Christ may be , and is by Gods secret and unknown way to elect infants ; and so to those that are born deaf , and fools , not capable of understanding : for though God tieth us to means , yet not himself ; he that hath said of infants to the belongs the kingdome of God , knows how to settle upon them the title of the Kingdome ; and we have no reason to think , but that even before or in , at or by the act of Baptisme the Spirit of Christ doth unite the soul of the elect infant to Christ , and cloath it with his righteousnesse , and impute unto it the title of a son or daughter by Adoption , and the image of God by sanctification , and so fit it for the state of glory . But what is to be thought of the effect of Baptisme in those elect infants whom God hath appointed to live to years of discretion ? In them we have no warrant to promise constantly an extraordinary work to whom God intends to afford ordinary meanes ; for though God doe sometimes sanctifie from the wombe as in Jeremy , and John Baptist , sometime in Baptisme as he pleaseth , yet it is hard to affirm ( as some doe ) that every elect infant doth ordinarily before or in Baptisme receive initiall regeneration , and the seed of faith and grace : For if there were such a habit of grace then infused , it could not be so utterly lost or secreted as never to shew it self but by being attained by new instruction . But we may rather deem and judge that Baptisme is not actually effectuall to justifie and sanctifie , untill the party doe beleeve and embrace the promises . Is not Baptisme then for the most part a vain empty shew consisting of shadowes without the substance , and a signe without the thing signified ? No ; it is always an effectuall seal to all those that are heirs of the Covenant of grace , the promises of God touching Justification , Remission , Adoption are made and sealed in Baptisme to every elect child of God , then to be actually enjoyed when the party baptized shall actually lay hold upon them by faith : Thus Baptisme to every elect infant is a seal of the righteousnesse of Christ to be extraordinarily applyed by the holy Ghost , if it die in its infancy ; to be apprehended by faith , if it live to yeares of discretion . So that as Baptisme administred to those of years is not effectuall unlesse they beleeve , so we can make no comfortable use of our Baptisme administred in our infancy untill we beleeve . The righteousnesse of Christ and all the promises of grace were in my Baptisme estated upon me and sealed up unto me on Gods part ; but then I come to have the profit and benefit of them , when I come to understand what grant God in Baptisme hath sealed unto me , and actually to lay hold upon it by faith . Explain this more clearly . We know that an estate may be made unto an infant , and in his infancy he hath right unto it , though not actuall possession of it untill such years ; now the time of the childs incapability , the use and comfort of this estate is lost indeed , but the right and title is not vain and empty , but true and reall , and stands firmely secured unto the child to be claimed what time soever he is capable of it . Even so infants elect have Christ and all his benefits sealed up unto them in the Sacrament of Baptisme , yet through their uncapablenesse they have not actuall fruition of them , untill God give them actuall faith to apprehend them : Is Baptisme lost then which is administred in our infancy ? was it a vain and an empty Ceremony ? no , it was a compleat and an effectuall Sacrament , and Gods invisible graces were truly sealed up under visible signs : And though the use and the comfort of Baptisme be not for the present enjoyed by the infant , yet by the parent it is who beleeves Gods promises for himselfe and for his seed , and so by the whole Congregation , and the things then done shall be actually effectuall to the infant , when ever it shall be capable to make use of them . But are there not some who utterly deny the baptizing of infants to be warrantable ? Yes ; but not to insist upon answering their peevish arguments , sufficient and clear ground for the practise of our Church in this behalf may both be pickt out of that which hath been spoken before ; and further evidenced by these following arguments . 1. The first we draw from the use of Circumcision in the old Testament , which answereth to Baptisme ; yet that was applied to the infant the eight day : there can be no reason given to deprive infants of Baptisme , but that which may be given against Circumcision , the main whereof is their incapablenesse of the grace of the Sacrament . 2. To them to whom the Covenant belongs , to them belongs the seal of the Covenant that confirms the right unto them ; but to the infants of faithfull parents the Covenant belongs : To you and to your children are the promises made , saith Peter , Act. 2. 39. and to them belongs the Kingdome of God : if the thing it self , then the sign and seal of it . And the Apostle saith , Your children are holy , 1 Cor. 7. 14. there is a foederall sanctity , or externall and visible holinesse at least in children of beleeving parents , and they are to be judged of the true flock of Christ untill they shew the contrary . Yea , but it is objected that they doe not beleeve , which is in the Scripture required of those that are to be baptized , that they make profession of their faith ? 3. The Scripture requiring faith in the party to be baptized , speaks of grown men ; when the Apostle gives a rule that none should eat but those that labour , it were monstrous from thence to deny meat to children or impotent persons : besides , it is not simply an improper speech to call the infant of beleeving parents a Beleever ; our Saviour reckoneth them among Beleevers , Mat. 18. 6. he took a child and said , Whosoever offendeth one of these little ones that beleeve in me ; what doe we deem of Christian infants ? is there no difference between them and Pagans ? Certainly as it were hard to call them Infidels , so it were not harsh to cal thē Beleevers . And further it is the received judgment of our Church , that the faith of the parents ( or of those that in stead of parents present the child in the Congregation ) is so far the infants as to give him right unto the Covenant . And lastly , as we have said before , the Spirit of God in elect infants supplies the room of faith : and however it be , Adams corruption cannot be more effectuall to pollute the infant , then Christs bloud and innocency is to sanctifie them ; and Gods wisdome wants not means to apply it , though wee cannot attain unto the manner . But the Anabaptists urge we have no rule in Scripture for baptizing infants , nor example ? 4. But doe we read any thing in Scripture that may infringe the liberty of the Church therein ? nay , doe not the Scriptures afford many friendly proofs by consequence of it ? we read of such an one baptized , and all his houshold , the house of Lydia , of the Jaylor , of Crispus , of Stephanus , &c. why should we imagine that there were no infants there , or that they were left out ? And if the Scriptures not expressing directly the baptizing of infants , were sufficient reason why that Sacrament should be denyed them , then by the same reason the Sacrament of the Lords Supper should be denyed to women ; for ( to my remembrance ) it is not expressed in all the new Testament , that any woman did partake of it ; which thing yet were senslesse to doubt of . Thus much of the lawfulnesse of infants baptisme : But is baptisme of absolute necessity to salvation ? Baptisme , as we have seen , is a high Ordinance of God , and a means whereby he hath appointed to communicate Christ and his benefits to our souls ; and therefore not to be neglected or sleightly esteemed , but used with all reverence and thankfull devotion when it may be had ; yet where God denieth it either in regard of the shortnesse of the infants life , or by any other unavoidable necessity ; there comes no danger from the want of the Sacraments , but only from the contempt of them . Who are here to be confuted ? First , the Papists , who have contrived in their own wicked brains a room near hell which they call ( Limbus infantum ) a receptacle for the souls of infants which die without Baptisme ; and whereas they fain they are deprived of Gods presence , and never partake of joy and happinesse : a dream not worthy the confuting , being not onely uncharitable , but impious . Secondly , many ignorant people amongst us , who for want of better teaching harbour in their minds such Popish conceipts , especially that Baptisme doth conferre grace upon all by the work done , ( for they commonly look no higher ) and they conceive a kind of inherent vertue , and Christendome ( as they call it ) necessarily infused into children by having the water cast upon their faces : hence the minister is oft posted for to baptize in a private chamber , to the dishonour of that Ordinance : and which is more intolerable , in case of the want of a Minister , women will undertake to be Baptizers , which is a monstrous prophanation of so high a service . How may these errors of opinion and practise be avoided ? They proceed from grosse ignorance , and therefore the means to cure them is to be informed in the right nature and use of the Sacraments , and in the extent and limitation of the necessity of them . How may that be done ? Wee must know that Sacraments properly doe not give us any right unto God and his Christ , but onely seale up and confirm that right and interest which already wee have in Gods Covenant and promise : God promised to Adam life , and then he gave him the Tree of life to be a pledge of his promise ; It was not the Tree of life that gave Adam life , but the promise . Adam might have lived by the promise without the Tree ; but the Tree could doe him no good without the promise . Thus God promiseth Christ and his benefits to the faithfull and to their seed , and then he gives us Baptisme to seale these promises ; it is not Baptisme that saves us , but the promises ; it is not water that purgeth our sins , but the bloud of the Covenant : why then was the Sacrament added ? for our weaknesse to be a strengthening to our faith , not to give any strength or efficacy to the Covenant made in the bloud of Christ : Gods Word is as sure as his bond , his promise is as effectuall as his seal , and shall as surely be accomplished ; the Sacraments onely give strength to our faith in apprehending it . What infer you from this ? That where God is pleased to dispense his seals and Sacraments , they are great comforts and pledges of his love ; and to despise or sleight them were a horrible sleighting even of the Covenant it selfe . But where he denieth means and opportunity of enjoying the signes , the things signified are never the farther off , or lesse effectuall . It is said , Gen. 17. 14. that the uncircumcised should be cut off from Gods people , because he had broke the Covenant , but it is meant onely of voluntary and wilfull refusing of Circumcision ; for the people of God in the wildernesse were forty years without the outward sign of Circumcision , they were not without the inward grace . Davids child died the seventh day , a day before the time appointed for Circumcision , and yet both his words and his cariage expresse that he doubted not of the salvation of it : so the theef upon the Crosse beleeving in Christ , was received with Christ into Paradise , though he were never baptized ; hee had the inward grace of Baptisme , the washing of the bloud of Christ , though not the outward signe : when God affordeth means wee must wait upon him for a blessing in them , and by them ; when he doth not afford means we must not tie the working of his grace to them : God who sanctifieth some in the womb , knows how to sanctifie all his elect infants , and by his Spirit apply the merits of Christ unto them without the outward water . Some have the outward signe and not the inward grace , some have the outward sign and the inward grace , some have the inward grace and not the outward sign ; we must not commit Idolatry by deifying the outward element ; the rule will hold , It is not the want of the Sacraments , but the contempt or wilfull neglect of them that is dangerous . What other errors of opinion and practise doe you observe about Baptisme ? As some through ignorance and superstition have too high a conceipt of the outward signs , so others through ignorance and prophanenesse have too mean and base an opinion of them : some there are who esteem of Baptisme as of a meer Ecclesiasticall ceremony and Church complement , as if there were no serious vertue or efficacy in it , or profit to be expected by it , or had no other use , but to give the childe a name , and there is an end , they look no further . How doth it appear that some have so sleight an opinion of this Ordinance ? By their answerable practises , such as these and the like : 1. Often Baptism is deferred and that upon every trifling occasion , as if it were a businesse of no great weight and moment , but might attend every ones leisure , and many times through delay the child dieth without it ; which though it doth nothing prejudice the childes salvation , yet it will lie heavy upon the parents conscience for neglecting Gods Ordinance when he afforded opportunity . 2. Often the Minister is sent for home to perform that service with few in a private chamber , when no eminent necessity urgeth , to the dishonour of so sacred a businesse , which ought to bee a most solemne and publike action of the whole Congregation 3. Though the child be brought to Church , yet often some by-day is chosen , and not the Lords Sabbath ; and it is then done as if it were only womens worke to be present at Baptisme , who have most leisure to spend time about matters of smaller consequence . 4. If it be on the Sabbath , then the maine care and preparation is about matters of outward pomp and state , every thing is fitted and prepared for the purpose , but onely that which should chiefely be , viz. the hearts and mindes of those that goe about a businesse of that nature . 5. While the Sacrament is in performing the demeanor of many , shew that they have a slight opinion of that service , some turning their backs upon it , & going out of the Church so soon as sermon is done , as if the word was worth the minding , but not the Sacrament ; others prating and talking all the while , as if there were nothing for them to learne by , but no duty for them to performe in that action ▪ 6. Lastly , infants are brought to the Sacrament of Baptisme in their infancy , but are never by their parents taught the doctrine of Baptisme when they come to years of understanding , Baptisme is not made use of , as it ought , in the whole course of mens lives ; these things shew that men commonly have a meane conceit of this Ordinance . What is the best way to reforme these irreligious practises ? A serious pondering & considering of the high dignity of this divine ordinance , that wil cause a devout & reverent demeanor in that holy busines . 1. Every one should consider that it is no customary formallity , but an honourable ordinance instituted by the lawful authority of God himselfe , who never imposed any service upon his Church in vain . It was honoured by our Saviour Christ himself , who sanctified it unto us by submitting unto it in his owne sacred person , confirmed by his practise , by his precept , &c. 2. Every one should consider , that there are infinite mercies sealed up by it to the faithful , and to their seed . It is a visible admittance of thy child ( if thou beest a Parent ) into the Congregation of Christs flock , signifying its interest in the heavenly Ierusalem which is above : Is this a busines to be mumbled over in a corner ? Christ came from Galile to Jordan to be baptized ; is the receiving of thy child into the bosome of the Church in a full Congregation , no comfort unto thee ? is it not mercy to see the bloud of Christ ministerially sealed up unto thy Infant , to purge it from that pollution which it hath brought into the world with it , which also thou makest confession of by presenting it to this mysteriall washing ? Is it not joy to thy heart , to heare the whole Congregation of Gods Saints pray for thy childe ; and that God hath honoured thee so much , as to count thy very childe holy and within his Covenant ? thinke on these things . 3. Every one that is present at Baptisme should consider , that that being a publike action of the Congregation , every particular person ought reverently to joyn in it . Shal the whole Trinity be present at Baptism , Mat. 3. & we be gone ? joyn ought every one in prayer to God for the Infant , joyn in praises to God for his mercy , that we , and our children are brought forth , and brought up within the pale of his Church , whereas the rest of the world are like a wildernesse : and thank God for adding at the present a member to his Church ; joyn every one ought in meditation of the pollution of nature , of the blessed means of redemption by Christ , of the happy benefits that God seals up unto us in our Baptism , even before we knew them ; of the vowes and promises which we in our child-hood made by those who were undertakers for us , and finding our failings every time we are present at Baptism we should renew our own Covenant with God , and labour to get new strength to close with his promises , which in our Baptism he made unto us . Thus if we were wise to make a right use of it we might learn as much at a Baptisme as at a Sermon . 4. Parents should alwayes bear in mind the promises which their children have made to God by them , and they for their children , labouring to bring them up accordingly in the instruction and information of the Lord , teaching them ( so soon as they understand ) the meaning of that Sacrament , unfolding unto them Gods precious promises , and their strict ingagements . The negligence of parents herein , is a cause of monstrous profanesse in many , they bring children t● receive Christs badge , but bring them up to the service of the Divell ; and God hath not so much dishonour by Heathens and Pagans , as by those who have taken upon them the name of Christians . Lastly , Baptisme should be of continuall use thorough a Christians whole life : it is administred but once , but it is always lasting in the vertue and efficacy of it . Baptism loseth not its strength by time ; in all thy feares and doubts look backe to thy Baptisme , the promises of God sealed up unto thee there , now lay hold on them by faith , and thou shalt have the actuall comfort of thy Baptisme , and feele the effect of it , though thou never saw it . In thy failings , slips , and revolts , to recover thy self have recourse to thy Baptism , new Baptism shall not need , the Covenant and seale of God stands firme , he changeth not ; onely renew thy repentance , renew thy faith in those blessed promises of grace which were sealed up unto thee in thy Baptisme . So much for Baptisme : What is the Lords Supper ? It is the second Sacrament of the new Testament , wherein God by the signes of bread and wine signifieth sensibly , and exhibiteth to every faithfull receiver the body and bloud of Christ , for his spirituall nourishment and growth in Christ , and for so sealing unto him his continuance , with increase in the body of Christ , which is his Church , confirmeth him in the Covenant of grace . Or thus : It is a Sacrament of the Gospel , wherein by the outward elements of Bread and Wine , sanctified and exhibited by the Minister , and rightly received by the communicant , assurance is given to those that are ingraffed into Christ , of their continuance in him , and receiving nourishment by him unto eternall life . Are there divers graces offered to us in Baptisme and the Lords Supper ? No , the Covenant solemnly ratified in Baptisme is renewed in the Lords Supper , between the Lord himselfe and the receiver , and the same graces offered again , but to divers ends : In Baptisme , to the investing and entring of us into Christianity , ( for of that entrance Baptisme is a seale : ) In the Lords Supper , to the nourishing and continuance of us in it , of which growth and continuance in Christiannity it is a seale : And therefore as unto the Sacrament of Baptisme , so unto this of the Lords Supper , the Popish faigned Sacrament of confirmation is notably injurious . Wherein then doth Baptisme differ from the Lords Supper ? 1. In regard of the thing signified , Baptisme ( as hath been said ) is a seale of our entrance into the Church of God ; the Supper of the Lord of our continuance in the same ; the one of our new birth , the other of our spirituall food : The former is ordained to this end , that being out of Christ by nature , we might by the Sacrament of our new birth be ingraffed into his body , Titus 3. 5. John 3. 5. the latter , that being in Christ by grace , we might continue and increase in him , 1 Cor. 10. 16. & 11. 23. 1 Pet 3. 21. 2. In regard of the outward signe ; water in the one , bread and wine in the other . 3. In regard of the Communicants : Vnto Baptisme both Infants , and those that are of yeares of discretion are to be admitted ; but unto the Supper of the Lord , only those of yeares of discretion . 4. In regard of the time ; The Supper of the Lord is to be received as often as the Lord shall give occasion , Baptisme but once . VVhy is this called the Lords Supper , seeing we use not to make it a Supper ? It is called the Lords Supper , 1 Cor. 11. 20. not because he appointed it a Supper to us ; but because our Lord Iesus Christ sitting at his last Supper ordained it in stead of the Passeover ; for in the night that he was betrayed , 1 Cor. 11. 23. imediately after he had eaten the Passeover with his Disciples , he did both himselfe with them celebrate this holy Sacrament , Mat. 26. 26 , &c. and withall , gave charge for continuance of the same in the Church untill his second comming , 1 Cor. 11. 20. What may we learne by this ; that both our Saviour Christ and his Apostles likewise administred this Sacrament after Supper ? That we must not come unto it for our bellies , but have our minds lifted up from these earthly elements to our Saviour Christ represented by them ; for men after Supper set not bread and wine , but banquetting dishes upon the Table ; which serveth to reprove , 1. Such prophane persons as come for a draught of VVine only . 2. Those that rest only in the outward Elements . But doth not the example of our Saviour Christ and his Apostles tye us to administer this Sacrament in the night time ? No ; because they had speciall cause so to doe , which we have alone . What cause had our Saviour so to doe ? He was to administer it after Supper : First , because it was to come in lieu and stead of the Passeover , and therefore was presently after the eating of it . Secondly , that it might goe immediately before his passion , the better to shew whereunto it should have relation ; where also is another difference ; our Saviour Christs Supper representing his death , which followed the Supper , and was to come , our Sacrament representing the death of Christ already suffered and past . What cause had the Apostles ? They did it in the night , because it was not safe for the Church to meet in the day for feare of persecution : Wherefore , herein the laudable custome of the Church of administring it in the Morning , when our wits and capacities are best , is to be followed : In which respect also there is some difference between this Sacrament and the Sacrament of Baptisme , which may without any inconvenience be administred in the afternoone . What is the fittest day for the Administration of this Sacrament ? The Lords day is the fitttest day for the administration of the Sacrament : For although our Saviour Christ did administer it on another day , ( for the reasons before declared ) yet he did not bid us so to doe : But the Apostles example , and religious practise herein is to be followed , which did celebrate the Supper of the Lord on the Lords day . So much of the time : Now for the nature of this Sacrament , how may it be knowne ? First , by the matter ; and secondly , by the forme of it . What is the matter of the Supper of the Lord ? Partly outward , as the elements of bread and wine ; partly inward , as the body and bloud of Christ. For as many graines make but one loafe , and many grapes but one cup of wine : so I beleeve that those outward elements signifie Christ and him crucified , with all the benefits of his death and passion , even whole Christ , with all the fruits of his mediation , Mat. 26. 26 , 27. 1 Cor. 11. 24 , 25. Wherefore did the Lord make choice of Bread and Wine for the outward Elements of this Sacrament ? Because meaning to set forth our spirituall nourishment by them , they are of all the meanes of our corporall nourishment the chiefest , Psal. 104. Why did he not content himselfe with one of these only ? He tooke both , that he might hereby shew how plentifull and assured redemption we have in Christ whom these doe represent . Wherefore it is no marvell , that the Papists in the prohibiting of the cup , doe answerably teach our salvation to be neither wholly in Christ , nor assuredly . What Argument doe you observe in the institution of the Sacrament against this Robbery ? The foreseeing Spirit of Christ , knowing the sacriledge that Popery would bring in for the robbing of the people of the use of the Cup , hath prepared a preservative against it , speaking here more fully of the cup ( which he did not of the bread ) Drinke ye all of this , Mat. 26. 27. What Bread used our Saviour Christ ? Ordinary bread , such as was used at the common Table ; at that time it was indeed unleavened bread , but it was so , because no other was then lawfull at the feast of the Passeover . Are not the Bread and VVine changed into the body and bloud of Christ in the Sacrament ? No ; they are not changed in nature , but in use , 1 Cor. 10. 16. For the words of eating and drinking doe properly belong to the outward elements of bread and wine , and by a borrowed speech doe improperly belong to the body and bloud of Christ , to note unto us the communion we have with our Saviour Christ , of whom we are as verily partakers by a lively faith , as of the bread and wine , by eating and drinking them : And thus we say , that these elements are changed in use ; because being seperated from a common use , they are consecrate to signe and seale to us our spirituall nourishment and growth by the body and bloud of Christ Iesus , Luke 22. 19. 1 Cor. 10 3 , 4. For as the Sacrament of Baptisme doth seale to us a spirituall regeneration ; so the Lords Supper a spirituall feeding ; and even as well the body and bloud of Christ is in Baptisme given us for cloathing , as they are given in the Lords Supper for nourishment : Therefore the bread and wine are not the true body and bloud of Christ , but the signes and tokens of them , as in Baptisme the water was onely a signe of Christs bloud , not the bloud . What further reason have you to overthrow the carnall presence of Christ in the Sacrament ? 1. If the bread were turned into Christ , then there should bee two Christs , one that giveth , another that is given : for our Saviour Christ gave the bread , &c. 2. If the bread be the very body of Christ , there should then bee no signe of the thing signified , and so no Sacrament , Rom. 4. 11. Where their miserable shift , that the whitenesse is the seale and signe , is not worthy the answer . 3. The wicked receiver might then eate and drinke Christs body and bloud , as well as any true beleever , Iohn 13. 2. 30. 4. The Minister cannot give the inward grace , but the outward Element in the administration of the Sacrament , Luke 3. 16. What reason was there to move our Saviour Christ to use such a borrowed speech in this so great a mysterie ? Because it is ordinary and usuall in the Scripture , to give the name of the thing signed and signified to the signe : as it is called the tree of life , which was but a signe of life Gen. 2. 9. So in the Sacraments of the old Testament , Circumcision is called the Covenant , Gen. 17 10. that is , the token of Covenant , verse 11. Or the Lambe , or Kid , the Passeover , whereof it was a signe onely , Exo. 12. The selfe same manner of speech is also used in the new Testament of Baptisme called the new Birth , taking away of sinnes , whereof it is onely a seale : So that unlesse the Lord would in this Sacrament have departed from the wisdome of the Spirit of God , accustomably received , he must needs here also tread in the same steps of a borrowed and figurative speech . Howbeit , it may seem , that to have used a more proper speech would have been more meet for him , being neare unto his death , and more convenient for their understanding . He did after his last Supper use as figurative speeches , as this in the 14 , 15 , 16. of John , and that without all danger of darknesse of speech , there being often times more light in a borrowed then in a proper speech : And a Trope of force must be yeelded , when he saith , that the cup is the new Testament . It maketh further for the corporall presence , that our Saviour Christ saith in his supper , that his body was then broken , and not that it should be broken after . That is also usuall to the Scripture , for further certainty to speak of things to come , as of them that are present . But there is nothing impossible unto God ? 1. The question is here not of the power , but of the will of God , what he will have done . 2. God cannot doe those things , in doing whereof he should contradict himselfe : and therefore the Scripture feareth not , without dis-honour to God , to say that he cannot lye , nor cannot deny himselfe , Tit. 1. 2. 2 Tim. 2. 13. Why is the cup called the cup of the New Testament ? Because it is a seale of the promise of God , touching our salvation in Christ , which being in old time under the Law , shadowed by the shedding of bloud of beasts , is now after a new manner accomplished in the bloud of Christ himselfe . Thus much of the matter of this Sacrament : wherein consisteth the forme thereof ? Partly in the outward actions both of the Minister , and of the receiver : partly in the inward , and spirituall things signified thereby ( these outward actions being a second seale set by the Lords owne hand unto his covenant . ) What be the Sacramentall actions of the Minister in the Lords Supper ? Foure : First , to take the bread and wine into his hand , and to separate it from ordinarie bread and wine . What doth this signifie ? That God in his eternall decree hath separated Christ from all other men to be our Mediator , and that he was set apart to that office , and separated from sinners , Exod. 12. 5. Heb. 7. 26. What is the second ? To blesse and consecrate the bread and wine , by the Word and Prayer . What doth that signifie ? That God in his due time sent Christ into the world , and sanctified him , furnishing him with all gifts needfull for a Mediator . How are the Bread and Wine to be blessed and consecrated ? By doing that which at the first institution Christ did . What is that ? 1. He declared the Doctrine of the mystery of the Sacrament unto his Apostles , which received it , by teaching the truth of that which these outward signes did signifie . 2. He thanked his heavenly Father for that he had so loved the world , that he gave him which was his only Son to die for it , through the breaking of his most holy Body , and the shedding his most precious bloud . Also he gave him thanks for that he had ordained these outward elements , to seale our spirituall nourishment in Christ. 3. By a trope of the chiefe part of Prayer ( which is Thanksgiving ) for the whole , the Evangelist giveth to understand , that our Saviour Christ sued to God his heavenly Father , that his death in it selfe , sufficient to save , might by the working of his holy Spirit be effectuall to the elect ; and that those outward signes of bread and wine might through the operation of his holy Spirit be effectuall to the purposes they were ordained unto . How shall it be knowne that he gave thanks and prayed , for these things , seeing there is no mention of these things in the Evangelists ? 1. The very matter it selfe that is handled , doth guide us to the knowledge of these things . 2. The like manner of speech in other places of Scripture , where there being no mention what words he used , yet must needs be granted , that he gave thanks , and prayed proportionably to the prayer and thanks here used : For taking the Barley loaves and Fishes , and giving thanks , what can be understood , but that he giving thanks to God , that had given those creatures for their bodily nourishment , prayed that he would blesse them , and make them effectuall to that purpose and end ? Mat. 14. 14. and 15. 36. John 6. 11. And as it is not lawfull to eat and drinke the common meat and drinke without such prayer and thanksgiving : so is it not lawfull to communicate these elements without thanksgiving and prayer . So much for the second Action ( which the Minister indeed performeth with the Communicants , but yet as chiefe in the action . ) What is the third ? To breake the Bread , and poure out the Wine . What doth it signifie ? The passion and sufferings of Christ , with all the torments he endured for our sins both in body and soule ; his blessed body being bruised and crucified , his precious bloud shed ( trickling and streaming downe from him to all parts of the ground ) and his righteous soule powred out unto death , Isa. 53. 5. & 10. 12. Heb. 9. 14. That Christ himselfe of his owne accord offered his body to be broken , and his bloud to be shed upon the Crosse : And that as the Bread nourisheth not , if it remaine whole and unbroken ; so there is no life for us in Christ , but in as much as he died . What is the fourth ? To give and distribute the Bread and VVine to the Receiver . What doth that signifie ? That God giveth Christ , and Christ himselfe to us , That Christ Iesus with all his merits is offered to all sorts of Receivers , and that God hath given him to the faithfull Receivers to feed their soules unto eternall life , John 3. 14 , 15. & 6. 50 , 51. What be the Sacramentall Actions of the Receivers ? They be two : First , to take the bread and wine offered by the Minister . What doth that signifie ? The receiving of Christ into our soules with all his benefits by faith . That they and only they have benefit by Christ crucified , which thus apply Christ to themselves by a true and lively faith , John 1. 12. What is the second ? To eat the bread and drinke the wine , receiving them into the body , and digesting them , 1 Cor. 11. 26. VVhat doth that signifie ? Our uniting to Christ , and enjoying of him , that we must with delight apply Christ and his merits to all the necessities of our soules , spiritually feeding upon him , and groaning by him . For the eating of the bread to strengthen our nature , betokeneth the inward strengthening of our soules by grace , through the merit of the breaking of Christs body for us ; and the drinking of the wine to cherish our bodies , betokens that the bloud of Christ shed upon the Crosse , and ( as it were ) drunke by faith , cherisheth our soules : And as God doth blesse these outward elements to preserve and strengthen the body of the receiver : so Christ apprehended and received by faith doth nourish him , and preserve both body and soule unto eternall life , John 6. 50 , 51. 1 Cor. 10. 3. & 11. 16 , 17. Is Christs body and bloud , together with the outward elements received of all Communicants ? No ; for howsoever they be offered by God to all , Matth. 26. 26. yet are they received by such alone as have the hand of faith to lay hold on Christ ; and these with the bread and wine doe spiritually receive Christ with all his saving graces : As for the wicked , and those that come without faith ; they receive onely the outward elements , 1 Cor. 11. 27. and withall judgement and condemnation to themselves , verse 29. So much for the matter and forme : Shew now the speciall ends and uses for which the Lords Supper was ordained . 1. To call to minde and renew the memory and vertue of Christs death , 1 Cor. 11. 24. 2. To encrease our faith , begotten by the Word preached , and to confirme unto us our nourishment , onely thereby by the means of Christs death . 3. To encrease our love . 4. To encrease our joy in the holy Ghost , our peace of conscience our hope of eternall life , and all other graces of God in us . 5. To stirre us up with greater boldnesse to professe Christ , then heretofore we had done . 6. To quicken our hearts to all holy duties . 7. To shew our thankfulnesse to God for his mercie bestowed upon us in Christ. 8. To make a difference betwixt our selves and the enemies of Christ. 9. To knit us more neere in good will one to another . 10. To preserve the publike Ministery of the Word and Prayer in Christian assemblies . Who are to be partakers in this Sacrament ? All baptized who are of yeeres and sound judgement to discerne the Lords body , ought to repaire to this Sacrament . But those onely come worthily who professing the true faith , have duely examined and prepared themselves , Esa. 66. 23. 1 Cor. 11. 27 , 28. whereby all not of age and sound judgement are shut from his Sacrament ; which are not alwayes from the other of Baptisme . May none be admitted by the Church to the Supper of the Lord , but such as have these things in them which God requireth at their hands ? Yes ; those who having knowledge doe make profession of Religion , and are found guilty of no great error , or crime unrepented of . What if any thrust themselves to the Lords Table , who are ignorant or guilty of such crimes ? They are to be kept back by the discipline of the Church . What is to be performed by every Christian , that he may worthily partake of the Lords Supper ? There must be a carefull preparation before the action , great heed in the whole action , and a joyfull and thankfull cloze and shutting of it : All which must be performed as well by the Minister as the people . For there is great difference betwixt our Saviour Christ , the first deliverer of this Sacrament , and all other Ministers , he having no battel of the Spirit and flesh in him , but being always prepared unto every good worke , had no need of these things ; but other Ministers have as much need thereof as the people . How are we to prepare our selves to this Sacrament . By due search and triall of our own soules , whether we can finde in our selves the things which God doth require in worthy Communicants . How may we performe that ? By fitting our mindes , & framing our hearts thereunto , 1 Cor. 10. 15 , 16 , & 11. 28 How may we sit our mindes ? By examining our wisdome and knowledge , both of Gods will in generall , and of the nature and use of this holy Sacrament in particular , whether we can give a reason of the representation of Christ in bread and wine , and bring the resemblance and difference of the proportion of the bread and wine with the body and bloud of Christ , and of the eating and drinking of the elements with the partaking of the spirituall things , Rom. 4. 11. 1 Cor. 10. 3. and 4. 16 , 17. How may our hearts be framed for the feeling of the vertue and power of this Sacrament ? 1. By weighing with our selves what need we have of it , and what benefit we may reape by it . 2. By examining of our faith , 2 Cor. 13. 5. 1 Tim. 1. 15. and repentance , Heb. 10. 22. Iames 4. 8. attended with true love of God , Zach. 12. 10. and of our brethren , 1 Cor. 16. 14. 3. By servent invocation , praying for a blessing upon this Ordinance of God , Matth. 26 , 26. How may we finde what need we have of this Sacrament ? Partly by our wretched estate by nature , and partly by our weak estate by grace . What may we finde by our estate by nature ? That being prone to all evill , we had need of this Sacrament to nourish and preserve the life of grace new begun , which otherwise by our own corruption might dye or decay in us , 1 Cor. 10. 16. What need have we of this Sacrament for reliefe of our weak estate by grace ? That being weak in understanding and feeble in memory , we may by the signes of Bread and Wine have our understanding bettered , and memory confirmed in the death of Christ , 1 Cor. 11. 24 , 26. What further need may we finde of it ? That being fraile in faith , and cold in love , we may by the same creatures , as by seales and pledges have our faith further strengthned , and our love more enflamed to God and Gods children . What benefit then may we reape by the Lords Supper ? We see already that the benefit is great : this Sacrament being as a glasse for the mind , a monument for the memory , a support of faith , a provocation to love , a quickning to obedience , and a signe and seal of all the mercies of God in Christ Iesus . How must the heart be prepared to finde the power of this Sacrament for supply of these wants and obteining of these benefits ? The heart must be purged by repentance and purified by faith , 1 Cor. 10. 14 16. 21. Acts 15. 9. How may the heart be purified by faith ? If I have not only knowledge what Christ hath done for his chosen , but a full assurance that whatsoever he hath done , he hath done it for me as well as for any other , 1 Cor. 2. 2. Iohn 17. 3. Gal. 2. 20. What gather you hence ? That they onely are to present themselves at the Lords Table , who after their baptisme are able to make a profession of the true faith , and can finde that they truly believe in Christ ; seeing ignorant and unbelieving persons do rather eat and drink their own judgement , than reap any benefit by this Sacrament , 1 Cor. 11. 29 , 30 , 31. How may thy heart be purged by repentance ? If from my heart I do repent of my particular sins past , and judge my selfe for them , bewailing and forsaking them , and frame the rest of my life according to Gods will , 1 Cor. 11. 30 , 31. Gal. 6. 16. What learne you hence ? That it is dangerous for such as remaine in their old sins , or after the Sacrament return unto them ; once to offer themselves to the Lords Table , forasmuch as by this means they procure the wrath of God against them , and those that belong unto them , although not in condemnation in the world to come ( which the faithfull notwithstanding their unworthy receiving cannot come unto ) yet to fearefull plagues and judgements in this world . It is not meet that we be free from all malice in our hearts when we come to the Lords Supper ? Yes it is : for this Sacrament is a seal both of our conjunction with Christ , and of our society one with another , 1 Cor. 10. 17. and we must know that true repentance purgeth out malice , amongst other sins ; and a sound faith worketh by love towards God and out Brethren , Mat. 5. 22 , 23. Iames 1. 19 , 20 , 21. 1 Pet. 2. 1. Gal. 5. 6. So much for examination and preparation required before the action . What is to be done by the communicant in the present action ? 1. They are to use reverent attention , the better to apply the whole action , harkning to the doctrine of the Sacrament delivered by the Minister , joyning with him in his prayers , making use of all the sacramentall actions , and so commemorating the Lords death , for the comfort and refreshing of their own souls , 1 Cor. 11. 17. 26. 2. According as it is commanded , all must take the Bread and Wine into their hands , contrary to the superstition of divers , which will have it thrust either into their mouthes , or else take it with their gloves , as if the hand of a Christian , which God hath both made and sanctified , were not as fit as the skin of a Beast , which the Artificer hath tanned and sewed . 3. They must moreover , according to the Commandement of Christ , eat and drink the Bread and Wine , not laying or hanging it up , or worshipping it , as the papists doe . 4. Lastly , they must use thanksgiving , offering up themselves both souls and bodies as a sacrifice of thanks , Rom. 12. 1. in which regard this Sacrament is called the Eucharist . What is to be done after the action ? 1. We must by and by use joyfull thanksgiving , with prayer and meditation , being so comforted in heart in the favour of God towards us , that we be ready with a feeling joy to sing a Psalme unto the Lord , Matth. 26. 30. 2. We must continually endeavour to finde an increase of our faith in Christ , love to God and all his Saints , power to subdue sin , and practice obedience , with all other sanctifying and saving graces , 1 Cor. 10. 16 , 17. & 11 , 21. Col. 2 6 , 7. 2 Pet. 3. 18. For a true believer shall feele in himself after the receiving of the Sacrament an encrease of faith and sanctification , a further deading of the old man , and so a greater measure of dying unto sin ; a further strength of the new man , and so a greater care to live in newnesse of life , and to walk the more strongly and steadily in the wayes of God all the dayes of his life , this being a Sacrament not of our incorporation , as Baptisme , but of our growth ; which albeit one cannot alwayes discerne immediately after the action , yet between that and the next Communion it may be easily espied in our service towards God and men . What if a man after the receiving of the Sacrament never find any such thing in himself ? He may well suspect himself whether he did ever repent or not , and therefore is to use means to come to sound faith & repentance : For the Lord is not usually wanting to his ordinances , if men prepare their hearts to meet him in them . If we receive no good , no refreshment at this spirituall feast , if God send us away empty , either it is because we have no right unto his mercies , being not in Christ , and so not accepted ; or because some secret unmortified lust remaineth in us , like Achans wedge of gold : so some beloved sin ( either not seen , or not sufficiently sorrowed for , and resolved against ) lyeth glowing in the heart , which causeth God to frown upon our services ; & like a dead flye causeth the ointment to stink : & therfore in this case , a man should descend into himself , & make a more strict search into his conscience , that he may againe come before the Lord with more humilty , and better preparednesse , and God will reveale himself in due time to every one who unfainedly seeketh after him in his ordinances . So much of the Sacraments : What are the Censures ? They are the judgements of the Church for ratification of the threates of the Gospell against the abusers of the Word and Sacraments . What doe these Censures profit the Church of God ? Very much ; for by them the godly having strayed from the course of sincerity , are through obedience brought home againe : But the wicked are hardened by them through disobedience ; whereof it is , that the wicked are properly said to be punished , the godly only chastened and corrected . But it seemeth that corrections rather belong to Magistrates then to Ministers ? The Magistrates by the Lawes of the Common-wealth punish some by death , others by other torments , and some by purse , which belongeth not to the Minister , who hath to doe only with the soule : And these spiritual censures are of as necessary use in the Church , both to help the godly , and to restrain and root out the wicked out of the Church , as those penall Lawes of the Magistrate in the Common-wealth . They therefore who upon this pretence , that God forceth no man to come unto him , suppose the censures to be unprofitable , are like unto children that will have no rod in the house . Whereby doth the necessity of Censures appeare ? Easily ; for sith in the Church of God there be of all sorts , as in a net cast into the sea , which catcheth good and bad : It is impossible ( without correction ) to keep good order in the Church , especially to restraine the wicked hypocrites from offending , and thereby slandering their profession . If then there were no hypocrites , there were no use of Censures ? Not so ; but the serve most of all for them that make no conscience of their calling : For the best man that is , having some sparkes of his naturall corruption remaining unregenerate , may fall and offend ; and therefore must be chastened by the Church : But this is the difference , the godly falling by infirmity , by correction doe amend , but the wicked offending purposely , by punishment are hardened . What is to be gathered of this ? That sith censures are as needfull in the Church ; as the rod in the house , or the Magistrates sword in the Common-wealth for offendors , ( yea and of so much more use as these are for the body , and this life , and the other for the soule and life to come ) they that set themselves against them care not what disorder there be in the Church , but seek to exempt themselves from punishment , that they might doe what they list , and make the Gospel a covert for all their wickednesse , who are like to them in the second Psalme , that would not beare the yoake of Government . So much for the use and necessity of Censures : What is the doctrine of them especially delivered ? In the 18 chapter of Saint Matthew ; from the 15 verse to the 20. where both their institution and ratification is laid downe : For first our Saviour declareth the degrees of the censures ordained for such as are called brethren , ( which are generally corrections according to the greatnesse of the offences ) and then treateth of their power and authority . What is to be observed in the degrees of the censures ? That the censures be according to the offences ; as if the offence be private the censure thereof must be private , wherein the censurer is to deale circumspectly ; 1. That he know the offence . 2. That he admonish the offender secretly . 3. That he do it in love , convincing his offence so to be , by the Word of God. What further duty is required of us in this case ? 1. That we runne not to others to slander the offenders , which Moses forbiddeth , Levit. 19. 16. 2. Not to keep the injury in minde , of purpose afterwards to revenge it . 3. Not to deale roughly with one under pretence of seeking the glory of God. 4. Not to despise the offender , but by all means to seek his amendment . Who are to be admonished openly in the Church ? Those that sin openly . What if they will not amend by admonition● ▪ Then they are by suspension to be barred for a time from some exercises of Religion : and if by that they will not amend , then they are by excommunication to be cut off from the Church , and delivered unto Satan , as shall be declared . How are the Censures ratified , and the authority of the Church confirmed by our Saviour Christ ? That appeareth by his words unto his Disciples , Matth. 18. 18. Whatsoever you bind on earth , ( meaning according to the rule ) shall be bound in heaven , and whatsoever you loose in earth shall be loosed in heaven : which is as much as if a Prince giving authority to one of small reputation , should bid him execute justice , he would beare him out . How is this further proved ? It is further confirmed in the verse following by a reason of comparison : If two or three shall agree upon any thing , and shall aske it in my name , it shall be granted : If Christ will ratifie the deed of two or three done in his name , how much more then that which the whole Church shall doe accordingly ? Why is it said , And shall aske it in my name ? To declare that by prayer unto God in the name of our Saviour Christ all the Censures of the Church , but especially Excommunication , should be undertaken , as the Apostle saith , 1 Cor. 5. 4. When you are gathered together in the name of our Lord Jesus Christ , ( that is , calling upon his name ) deliver such an one unto Satan . What need is there of this ratifying of the Churches authority in exercising the Censures ? Because some doe contemne the Censures of the Church , as proceeding from men onely , as if thereby they were no whit debarred from the favour of God ; whereas neverthelesse whom the Church separateth from the outward seales , them also Christ depriveth of the inward graces , banishing them from his kingdome , whom the Church hath given over to Satan . What gather you of this ? That men should not slightly shake off , but with reverence esteeme the censures of the Church , as the voice of God himselfe ; and although they be never so high and stout , yet are they to subject themselves to the judgement of God in the Church , unlesse they will set themselves against the Lord himself . We have heard of the generall doctrine of censures : What are the kinds of them ? They are either of soveraigne medicine , Matth. 18. 15 , 16. 1 Cor. 4. 5. or of fearfull revenge , 1 Cor. 16. 22. Iam. 1. 14. 2 Tim. 4. 14. the former properly are corrections , the latter punishments . What are the medicinall censures ? They are such as serve to bring men to repentance , the principall end of the , next the glory of God , being the salvation of his soul that is censured . What things are required of them that doe execute these censures against any man ? Six : 1. Wisdome . 2. Freedome from the sin reproved . 3. Love. 4. Sorrow . 5. Patience , and 6. prayer for the party . Of what sorts are the medicinall Censures ? They are either in word , or in deed . What are they in word ? The chidings & rebukes of the Church for sin which we call Admonitions . How many sorts of admonitions are there ? Two : the first is private betwixt Brother and Brother , Levit. 19. 17. Mat. 18. 15 , 16. the other publick by the Minister assisted by the congregation , when the private will not prevaile Mat. 18. 17. 1 Tim. 5. 20. What are we to observe in the private admonitions ? That we should watch one another diligently , witnessing thereby our mutuall love which God requires of us ; as if any man seeing another ( whose journey he knoweth ) wander out of the way , if he should not admonish him he might justly be accounted unnaturall ; much more we , knowing all men think to journey towards heaven , if we see any go the wrong waies ( as by Robberies , Adulteries , Vsury , Swearing , or Drunkennesse ) and do not admonish them , are even guilty of their wandring , especially sith the other belongeth to the body , but this both to body & soul. But is it not sufficient for men to watch themselves , seeing every man standeth or falleth to God ? Such was the wicked answer of Cain , and they that use it are like unto him : but if God commanded in the law to help our enemies Oxe or Asse having need of help , we are more bound by the law of charity to helpe himself ; and unlesse we reprove him , we are partakers of his sin , ( as hath bin said ) which we ought not to be , because we have enough of our own . What are the degrees of private admonitions ? They be two ; the former is most private done by one , the other is private also , but more publick then the first , and it is done by two or three at the most , whereof he that first admonisheth must be one , Mat. 18. 15 , 16. Why hath our Saviour Christ limited us with these degrees ? By all means to win the offender , if it be possible ; if not , that his condemnation may appeare to be most just , after so many warnings . How is the first degree of private admonition expressed ? If thy brother offend against thee , or in thy knowledge onely , tell him between thee and him , Matth. 18. 15. Are we bound to reprove all men of what profession soever ? No ; but him that is of the same profession of Christianity that we be of , whom the Scripture termeth a brother ( thereby shutting forth Iewes , Turks , Hereticks , and Atheists ) except we have some particular bond , as of a master to his servant , or father to his child , or magistrate to his subject What learn you thereby ? 1. That we observe this in our admonitions , that he be a brother whom we admonish , and not such a one as is a scorner . 2. That we are not to make light of , or contemn the admonitions of others , but to accept of them , and account of them as a pretious balme . How must we reprove our brothers fault ? First , we must be sure that it is a fault we reprove him for , and then we must be able to convince him thereof out of the Word of God , so that he shall not be able to gainsay us , unlesse he doe it contemptuously ; it being better for us not to reprove him , then not to be able to convince him by the Word , of that we have reproved him in . Lastly , we ought to doe it with all love and mildnesse , regarding the circumstances of persons , time , and place , not inconsiderately , nor of hatred , or to reproach him , or as one that is glad of somewhat to hurt his good name . What is meant by Tell him between thee and him ? Matth. 18. 15. That the good name and report of another man should be so regarded by us , that if his fault be private we are not to spread it abroad , as some that think they be burthened , unlesse they tell it to others , which is not the rule of Charity . Why is this added , If he heare thee , thou hast gained thy brother ? As a notable meanes to encourage us in this duty : For if the bestowing of a Cup of cold water shall not be unrewarded ; how much more the gaining of a soule from Satan ? What if our brother heare us not , and so we doe not gain him ? Notwithstanding we lose not our labour , but our reward is laid up with God , Esa. 49. 4. For that which is done for Gods cause , though it be never so evilly taken or used , shall certainly be remembred of God , who will recompence it plentifully , and lay it up among our good deeds . Also this shall serve against him that is reproved in judgment , for refusing such a profitable meanes . What is the second degree of private Admonitions ? It is more publike then the former . If thy brother heare thee not , take yet with thee one or two , Matth. 18. 16. For although he heare not the first admonition , yet love will not give him over , but as the case requireth , and the nature and condition of the offender may be discerned to be easie or hard to repent ; the admonisher is to take with him one , or if need be two at the most to assist him . The first admonition not availing , may we take whom we will to the second ? That choice is to be made which is likeliest to take effect , and therefore we may not take his enemy , or one that is not able to convince ; but we must chuse one or two such , whom either he reverenceth , or at least favoureth , or otherwise may doe most good with him , either by graciousnesse of speech , or ability of personage , or some other gift : in a word , such as be fittest both for gifts and authority to recover him , or whom the Pastor may be one , as he also may be the first . May the first admonisher substitute another in his place the second time ? No , for our Saviour Christ doth not leave it free so to doe , but will have him that did first admonish to bee one , both for the better confirming of the former dealing with the latter , as also for keeping the fault of the offender in as much silence and secrecy as may be . What is gathered hereby ? That great love and care of our Saviour Christ towards him , as also what diligence we must use , and what care for our brother . What may not one alone deale with him the second time ? Because that by the testimony of two or three he might be brought to reverence now , that which he would not at the first admonition : And further , that way may be made to the publike judgment of the Church , yea to the others , way before the Church , which under two testimonies at least cannot proceed further against him ; for in the mouth of two or three witnesses every truth is confirmed , Matth. 18. 16. Thus farre of the private admonitions : What is the publike ? That which is done by the whole Church , or the Minister assisted by the Congregation , 1 Tim. 5. 20. for if the second warning serve not , our Saviour would have the offender presented to the Church , as to the highest Court , Matth. 18. 17. not of greatest personages , but of the most learned , and beautified with inward graces , whose presence he cannot chuse but reverence : As in the book of Numbers , a wife suspected of adultery was brought unto the Priest in the house of God , that the reverence of the place and person might strike a feare in her heart , to cause her to confesse the truth , Num. 5. 15 , 16 wherein appeareth a further step and degree of Gods singular love and affection . But the bringing of him to open shame seemeth rather hurtfull then profitable ? Not to the godly , to whom it is prepared as a soveraigne medicine for his disease : For as a wealthy man being sick assembleth a whole Colledg of Physicians to consult of his disease , and the best remedy thereof , so the whole Church in the like case , having Vrim and Thummim , that is , treasures of knowledge , should consult upon the recovery of the offender , who therefore hearing their admonition , is to be received notwithstanding his former obstinacy : but the hearts of the wicked by the warning are the more hardned , to their everlasting perdition . Hitherto of the corrections which are in word , what are they in deed ? Suspension , Num. 12. 14. Exod. 33. 6 , 7. and Examination , Matth. 18. 17. 1 Cor. 5. What is Suspension ? A certain separation of him that will not amend by admonitions from some holy things in the Church : as 1. the use of Sacraments : 2. some offices in the Church . What is Excommunication ? The casting of the stubborne sinner out of the Church , and delivering him unto Satan , who being thus disfranchised of all the liberties , and deprived of all the benefits , and common society of the Church , is separated , as it were , from that protection and mercy which may be looked for at the hands of God. What is the end of this casting out ? It is two-fold : First , in regard of Gods glory . Secondly , in regard of men . How in regard of God ? Because that his holy Name and Religion should not be evil spoken of , by suffering wicked & uncleane persons , ( as blasphemers , adulterers , &c. ) in the Church , which should not bee like unto a stie , but cleane from all shew of filthinesse : for if in houses of good report , a proud person , detracter , or lyer , ( much lesse a drunkard , or filthy person ) is not suffered , much lesse ought such a one to be in the Church , which is the house of the living God , lest the Gospell come to reproach through such : in that godlesse persons would thereby take occasion to open their mouths against the truth . How in regard of men ? That likewise is two-fold , either respecting the good of the person excommunicated , or of the rest of the Church ? What is the regard that concerneth the Church ? That they be not infected with his naughtinesse , and that they may keep themselves from the like offence ; for that if he remaine in the Church , and be not punished , First , either men would be provoked to commit the like sinnes : for the Apostle comparing a sinfull man to leaven , 1 Cor. 5. 6. teacheth that a little leaven will sowre the whole batch ; so one wicked man will infect the whole Church . Or , Secondly , the weak would take occasion thereby of falling away from the truth ; and others yet without , would be holden from comming unto it . What is the regard that concerneth him that is cast out ? That he being shamed , may be brought to repent , and turne unto the Lord , as the Apostle saith of the incestuous person , who should be cut off for the destruction of the flesh ; that is , the naturall corruption , and for saving of the spirit , that is , the man regenerate ( 1 Cor. 5. 5. 1 Tim. 1. 20. ) If the severity of this sentence be such as hath been declared : how then tendeth it to Reformation ? They that are thus censured are only delivered to Satan conditionally , if they repent not : so it is a meanes either to bring them to Christ , or send them to the devill : as a hand almost cut off , and hanging but by the skin , is in danger to be lost , unlesse some skilfull Chirurgeon binde it up . What is to be done to him if he repent ? He is to be received of the Church , whom as they loose in earth , our Saviour Christ looseth in heaven ; yet he is not by and by to be admitted to all priviledges of the Church , but to be suspended for a time till the fruits of repentance may better appear : for if some in the law for a certain pollution in a lawfull duty of burying the dead , were suspended from the Passeover , Numb . 9. 6. much more in the Gospell for such obstinacy . How many sorts of suspensions then are there ? Two : one going before excommunication , and the other following the same towards them that are penitent , both which were shadowed in the Leviticall law in the case of Leprosie . For first , in the 13. of Levit. we finde that upon suspition of Leprosie a man was shut up for a time , not only from the worship of God , but also from all society of men : and how much more may it be lawfull under the Gospell , to execute the censure of suspension af●er two admonitions upon a known offence ; when it is set down in the 14 of Levit. That a man cleansed from his leprosie was brought home unto the campe , and placed in his tent , where he stayed for certaine dayes , it being not lawfull for him to come into the Tabernacle ? So much of the medicinall censures : what is the last censure of fearfull revenge ? The curse unto death called by S. Paul Anathama Marenatha , 1 Cor. 16. 22. that is , accursed untill the Lord come , or everlastingly ; which is thought to have been executed upon Hymeneus and Alexander by Paul ( 1 Tim. 1. 20. ) and afterwards upon Iulian by the Church then . Against whom is this censure to proceed ? This everlasting curse , which is the most fearfull thunderclap of Gods judgement , is to be pronounced only against such as are desperately wicked that have nothing profited by the former censures , and shewe th●ir incorrigiblenesse by their obstinate and malitious resisting all means gratiously used to reclaime them : giving tokens even of that unpardonable sinne against the Holy Ghost . Which fearfull sinne by how much the more difficult it is to be discerned and knowne , by so much the more care is this heavie doome to be used by the Church . Yet doubtlesse God doth sometimes give cleare tokens thereof in bl●sphemous Apostates , such as Iulian and others , who malitiously oppose , deride and persecute that truth of God which they have been enlightned in : And where God doth set such marks upon them , the Chu●ch of God may pronounce them to be such , and carry it selfe towards them accordingly . What are the outward enemies that oppose against the Church of Christ ? Some doe under the shew of friendship , and some with profession of enmity . Who are the open enemies ? Heathens , Iewes , Turks , and all that make profession of prophanenesse by sitting down in the seat of scorners . What enemies are they that make shew of friendship ? Such are al those , that bearing the name of Christians do obstinately deny the faith whereby we are joyned unto Christ , which are called Hereticks ; or that break the bond of charity , whereby we are tyed in communion one to another , which are tearmed Schismaticks , or else adde tyranny to schisme and heresie , as that great Antichrist , head of the generall apostasie , which the Scriptures forewarned by name . Where are we forewarned of the Apostasie ? Where the Apostle foretelleth that there shall be a generall apostacy or falling away from the truth of the Gospell before the latter day . Is it meant that the whole Church shall fall away from Christ ? No : it were impossible that a perfect head should be without a body . Why is it then called generall ? Because the Gospell having been universally preached throughout the world ; from it , both whole Nations did fall , and the most part also even of those Nations that kept the profession of it , howbeit still there remained a Church , though there were no setled estate thereof . Is it likely the Lord would barre so many Nations that lived under Antichrist , and that so long , from the means of salvation ? Why not , and that most justly ; for if the whole world of the Gentiles were rejected , when the Church was onely in Iury for some 1500 years ; and seeing of the Iewes ten Tribes were rejected , and the remainder , but a few , were of the Church : with great reason might the Lord reject those Nations and people for so many ages , seeing they rejected Gods grace in falling away from the Gospell , which the Lord most graciously revealed unto them , rather then to their Fathers before them . Is this apostasie necessarily laid upon the See of Rome ? Yes verily , as by the description may evidently appear . What are the parts of this Apostasie ? The head and the body : for as Christ is the head of the Church which is his body ; so Antichrist is the head of the Romish Church which is his body . Who is that Antichrist ? He is one who under the colour of being for Christ , and under title of his Vicegerent , exalteth himselfe above and against Christ , opposing himselfe against all his offices and ordinances both in Church and Common-wealth , bearing authority in the Church of God , ruling over that City with seven Hils , which did bear rule over Nations , and put our Lord to death ; a Man of sinne , a Harlot , a Mother of spirituall fornications to the Kings and people of the Nations , a childe of perdition , a destroyer establishing himselfe by lying miracles and false wonders : all which marks together , do agree with none but the Pope of Rome . How doth the Apostle 2 Thess. 2. 3. describe this Antichristian head unto us ? First he describeth what he is towards others , and then what he is in himselfe . What is he towards others ? That is declared by two speciall titles , the Man of sinne , and Sonne of perdition ; declaring hereby not so much his own sinne and perdition , which is exceeding great , as of those that receive his marke , whom he causeth to sinne , and consequently to fall into perdition : as Ieroboam who is often branded with the mark of causing Israel to sin : and he is so much more detestable then he , by how much both his idolatry is more , and hath drawn more Kingdomes after him then Ieroboam did Tribes . In what respect is he called the man of sin ? In that he causeth man to sinne ; and this the Pope doth in a high degree , justifying sinne , not by oversight , but by Lawes advisedly made , not onely commanding some sinnes , which we are by our corrupt nature prone unto , as spirituall fornication , but also ( to the great profanation of the holy name and profession of Christ ) permitting and teaching for lawfull such as even our corrupt nature ( not wholly subverted through erronious custome of sin ) abhorreth : as incestuous marriages , and breaking of faith and league , equivocating , and the like , which profane men ( by the very light of nature ) doe detest . In what sense is he called the child of perdition ? Not as the unthrift mentioned in the Gospel , neither as Judas , who is passively called the Son of perdition ; but actively , as it is other where expounded , where he is called the destroyer , Rev. 9. 11. because he destroyeth many : And that the Pope is such an one , some of his owne Secretaries make it good , confessing that many who were well disposed persons before their entry into that Sea , became cursed and cruell beasts when once they were setled in the same , as if there were some pestilent poyson in that seat infecting those that sit therein . What learne you of this ? That the calling of the Pope is unlawfull ; for every office or calling which the Lord doth not blesse , or wherein none occupying the place groweth in piety , is to be esteemed for an unlawfull calling : for in a lawfull calling some ( at the least ) are found in all ages profitable to the Church or Common-wealth . What is the use of all this Doctrine ? That whosoever are partakers of the sins of Rome , are also under the same curse ; and therefore such as have lived in Popery should examine our selves if we have truely repented us of it , first , by the change of our understanding ; as whether we have grown in the knowledg of the truth : And secondly , by the change of our affections , as whether we hate Popery , and love the truth unfainedly , and so let every one judge himselfe , that he be not judged , and that with harder judgment , Rom. 2. 4. according as God hath been the longer patient towards us . What further ? That there can be no sound agreement betwixt Popery and the profession of the Gospel , no more then betwixt light and darknesse , falshood and truth , God and Beliall , and therefore no reconciliation can be devised betwixt them : for if the members of Antichrist shall be destroyed , we cannot in any sort communicate with them in their errours , unlesse we will beare them company in their destruction also . Doth every errour destroy the soule ? No verily : for as every wound killeth not a man , so every errour depriveth not a man of salvation ; but as the vitall parts being wounded or infected , bring death , so those errours that destroy the fundamentall points and heads of faith bring everlasting destruction , in which kind is Popery , which sundry ways overthroweth the principles and grounds of our holy faith , and therefore is tearmed an apostasie , or departing from the faith . Is it then impossible for a Pope to be saved ? No ; it is not impossible , his sinne being not necessarily against the holy Ghost , to which onely repentance is denyed ; for some ( in likelhood ) have entered into , and continued in that Sea ignorantly , and therefore may possibly finde place to repentance . But if any be saved , it is a secret hidden with God : for concerning any thing that appeares by the end of any Pope , since he was lift up in the Emperours chaire , and discovered to be the man of sin , there is no grounded hope given to perswade that any one of them is saved . So much of Antichrist what he is towards others : what is hee in himselfe ? That is set downe in two points : first , in that ( contrary to right , and by meere usurpation ) he seateth himselfe in the Temple of God , as if he were Christs Vicar , being indeed his enemy , both which the word Antichrist noteth . Secondly , in that he is here expressely named an adversary , and one that is contrary to Christ. Wherein is the Pope adversary unto Christ ? Every way , in life , and in office . How in life ? In that Christ being most pure and holy , yea holinesse it selfe , the Popes many of them are , and have been most filthy and abominable in blaspheming , conjuring , murthering , covetousnesse , whoring , and that incestuously and Sodomitically , and yet will they in their ordinary Titles be called holy ; yea holinesse it selfe , which is proper onely to Christ. How in Office ? First , in his Kingdome : Christs Kingdome is without all outward shew , or pompe : But the Popes Kingdome consisteth wholly in Pompe , and Shewes , as imitating his Predecessors the Emperours of Rome in his proud , stately , and lordly offices , princely traine , and outrageous expences in every sort . Secondly , in his Priest-hood , in raising up another Sacrifice then Christ , another Priesthood then his , other Mediators then him . Thirdly , in his Propheticall office , in that he teacheth cleane contrary to him ; Christ taught nothing but what hee received of his Father : The Pope setteth out his owne Canons and Decrees of councells , and in them he teacheth such Doctrine as overthroweth the maine foundation of that which Christ taught . What is the second effect ? That he is exceedingly lifted up against all that is called God. How doth this agree to the Pope ? More fitly then to any other person ; for Christ being very God abaseth himselfe unto the assuming of the nature of man ; the Pope a vile man advanceth himself to the Throne of God : Christ being above all secular power , paid tribute , and was taxed and suffered himselfe to bee crowned with a crowne of Thornes , and beare his owne Crosse ; but the Pope being under all secular power , exalteth himselfe above all secular powers , exacteth Tribute of Kings , setteth his foot on the neck of Emperours , carrieth a tripple Crowne of gold , and is borne upon mens shoulders . But he calleth himself the servant of servants . Though he doe , yet ( by the confession of his owne Canonists ) he doth it but dissemblingly and in hypocrisie , which is double iniquity ; for they say that he doth in humility onely say so , not that hee is indeed so as he saith . What are the effects of this his pride ? They are two : First , he sitteth in the Church as God , for he bindeth the consciences of men by his decrees , which no Princes Law can doe ; for though men observe not such Lawes , yet if they break them not of contempt , they are discharged , as if they did beare the penalty prescribed in them . By this it seemeth that the Church of Rome is yet the Church of God , although corrupt , seeing it is said that hee sitteth in the Temple of God. No verily ; but it is so said , first , because it beareth the name of the Church , for the Scriptures give the name to a thing according to that it hath been , as when Christ saith , The abomination of desolation shall stand in the holy place ; he meaneth not that the Temple was then holy , which at that time , ( being no figure nor shadow of Christ and his Church ) was profaned , but that it had been holy ; so we confesse that there had beene a true Church in Rome , which is now no Church of Christ , but the Synagogue of Satan . Secondly , he is said to sit in the Temple of God , because he exerciseth his tyrannicall rule in the Christian world , and is most busie in those parts where Christ had his Church , and the Gospell is professed , labouring in all places , either by himselfe or his wicked instruments , to overthrow or corrupt , poyson or hinder the free course of the Gospel ; so that in this regard he may be said to sit in the Temple of God , that is , to reigne and tyrannize in the Church of God , though the City where he is be Sodome , and the Church whereof he is head , the Synagogue of Satan . What is the other effect of his pride ? He boasteth himselfe that he is God , as the Popes flatterers in the Canon Law call him , Our Lord God the Pope : Neither doth his pride stay there , but also he challengeth to himself things proper to God , as the title of Holinesse , also power to forgive sins , and to carry infinite soules to hell without check or controlment , and to make of nothing something ; yea , to make the Scriptures to be no Scriptures , and no Scripture to be Scripture , at his pleasure , yea to make of the creature the Creator . It should seeme to be an impossible thing that men should be carried away from the faith of the Gospel by one so monstrous and directly opposite to Christ. It might seem so indeed , if at once and at a sudden he had shewed himselfe in such foule colours , and therefore by certaine decrees of iniquity he raised himselfe to his height of wickednesse , and did not at the first shew himselfe in such a monstrous shape and likenesse . How doth that appeare ? By the Apostle , who in the 2 Thess. 2. 3. unto 13. sheweth of two courses the Devill held to bring this to passe ; one secret and covert , before this man of sin was revealed : the other when he was revealed and set up in his Seat. What were the wayes of Antichrists comming before he was revealed ? Those severall errours which were spread , partly in the Apostles time , and partly after their time , thereby to make a way for his comming ; and in this respect this mystery of iniquity was begun to be wrought ( as it were ) under ground and secretly in the Apostles time . How was this mystery of iniquity wrought in the Apostles time ? By many ambitious spirits , ( as it were ) petty Antichrists , which were desirous to be Lords over the Church , and wicked Hereticks , which then sowed many errours and heresies , as justification by works , worshipping of Angels , and which put Religion in meats , and condemned marriage , which were beginnings and grounds of Popery and Antichristianisme , 3 John 9. Acts 5. 1. Gal. 1. 6 , 7. & 2. 6. Col. 2. 18 , 21. 1 Tim. 4. 3. What gather you of this ? That those whom God hath freed from the bondage of Popery , should strive to free themselves from all the remanents thereof , lest if they cleave still to any of them , God in judgment bring the whole upon them againe . How shall Antichrists Kingdome be continued and advanced after that he is revealed ? By the power of Satan , in lying miracles and false wonders . What difference is there betwixt Christs miracles and theirs ? Very great every way : for Christs miracles were true , whereas these are false and lying , and by legerdemaine ; Christs miracles were from God , but theirs , where there is any strange thing , and above the common reach of men , from the Devill ; Christs miracles were for the most part profitable to the health of man , but theirs altogether unprofitable , and for a vain shew ; Christs miracles were to confirme the truth , but theirs to confirme falshood . What gather you of this ? That seeing the Popes Kingdome glorieth so much in wonders , it is most like that he is Antichrist , seeing the false Christs and the false Prophets shall doe great wonders to deceive ( if it were possible ) the very Elect , and that some of the false Prophets prophesies shall come to passe , we should not therefore beleeve the doctrine of Popery for their wonders sake , seeing the Lord thereby tryeth our faith , who hath given to Satan great knowledge and power to work strange things , to bring those to damnation who are appointed unto it . Moreover , whatsoever Miracles are not profitable to some good , neither tend to confirme a truth , they are false and lying ; so that as the Lord left an evident difference between his Miracles and the inchantments of the Egyptians , so hath he left an evident difference between the Miracles of Christ and his Apostles , and those of the Romish Synagogue , Matth. 24. 24. Deut. 13. 12. Exod. 7. 12. Are not miracles as necessary now , as they were in the time of the Apostles ? No verily ; for the Doctrine of the Gospell being then new unto the world , had need to have been confirmed with miracles from heaven ; but it being once confirmed , there is no more need of miracles ; and there we keeping the same Doctrine of Christ and his Apostles , must content our selves with the confirmation which hath already been given . What ariseth out of this ? That the Doctrine of Popery is a new Doctrine , which hath need to to be confirmed with new miracles ; and so it is not the doctrine of Christ , neither is established by his miracles . What force shall the Miracles of Antichrist have ? Marvellous great , to bring many men to damnation , God in the just revenge of the contempt of the truth , sending a strong delusion among them . Hither to we have heard Antichrist described by his effects and properties : now tell me here where is the place of his speciall residence ? That is the City of Rome . How doth that appeare ? First , because he that letted at the time when Paul wrote was the Emperour of Rome , who did then sit there , and must be dis-seated , ( as the learned Papists themselves grant ere the Pope could enter upon it . Secondly , Rev. 17. 18. John called the City where he must sit , the Lady of the world ; which at that time agreed onely to Rome , being the Mother City of the world . Thirdly , it was that City which was seated upon seven hills , Rev. 17. 9. which by all ancient Records belongeth properly and onely to Rome . As for the occasion of the Popes placing there , it came by the meanes of translating of the Seat of the Empire from Rome to Constantinople , from whence ensued also the parting of the Empire into two parts , by which division it being weakned , and after also sundred in affection , as well as in place , was the easier to be entred upon , and obtained by the Pope . What doe you further gather of that the Apostle saith , that he that letteth shall let ? That the Antichrist is not one particular man , as the Papists doe fancy ; for then by the like phrase he that letteth must be one particular man , where it cannot be that one man should live so many hundred yeeres ; as from Pauls time to the time of the translation of the Empire from Rome , much lesse untill within two years and a half of the latter day , as they imagine the time of Antichrist : and therefore as by him that letteth is understood a succession of men , and not one onely man ; so in Dan. 7. 3. 17. the foure beasts , and the foure Kings , doe not signifie foure particular men , but foure governments , in every one whereof there were sundry men that ruled : so that the argument of the Papists who upon the words [ the man of sinne ] would prove that the Antichrist the Apostle speaketh of , is one singular man , is but vaine , and hath no consequence in it . But how can Antichrist be already come , seeing the Empire yet standeth ? The name of the Empire onely remaineth , the thing is gone ; for he hath neither the chiefe City , nor the Tribune , nor the Commandement of the people ; and therefore he can be no let to the Antichrists comming , especially the Pope having gotten such an upper hand over him , as to cause him to waite at his gate barefoot , and to hold his stirrop . What shall be the end of this Antichrist ? God shall confound him with the breath of his mouth , that is , with the preaching of his Word : which serveth for another argument to prove the Pope to be Antichrist : for whereas he had subdued Kingdomes and Empires under his feet , he hath been of late mightily suppressed by the Word preached , and not by outward force , as other Potentates use to be . What learne you of this ? The marvellous power of Gods Word to suppresse whatsoever riseth against it : for if the mightiest cannot stand before it , much lesse the smallest : and therefore it is expressed by a mighty winde , Acts 2. 23. which carrieth all before it ; and by fire , which consumeth all , and pierceth all : And it declareth a marvellous easie victory against the enemies , when it is said , that with the breath of his mouth hee shall consume his enemies , 2 Cor. 10. 4 , 5. What else shall be the overthrow of Antichrist ? The glorious appearance of the Son of God in the latter day . What gather you of this ? That before the last day he shall not be utterly consumed , whereof notwithstanding it followeth not that the head shall remaine till then ; for the Beast and the false Prophet shall be taken and cast into the fire before the latter day ; but some shall retaine a liking of him , and his errors , and superstitions even till the last day . Hitherto of the head of this generall Apostasie : what are the members of it ? They are first described by their end , even a number of people that shall perish , which accordeth with that name and property of the head , the Destroyer or Son of perdition , being truely verified in them in regard of the fearefull end he shall bring them to . What is the use of this ? That as no poyson can take away the life of an elect : so small occasions carry away such as are appointed to destruction . How otherwise are these members of Antichrist described ? By this , that they never loved the truth , although they understood and professed it . How should a man love the truth ? For the truthes sake , not for vaine glory , filthy delight , or commodidities . How appeareth it that men love the Word of God ? When they walke accordingly , and keep faith in a good Conscience , which some losing by their wicked life , lost also their Faith , that is , their Religion , 1 Tim. 1. 19. How is it to be understood that God giveth men up to strong delusions ? Because God is a just Iudge , which by them either punisheth or correcteth former sinnes , and especially the contempt of the Gospell ; in which regard even amongst us now , some are cast into the sinke of Popery , some into the Family of love ; some become Arians , some Anabaptists , at which are ( as it were ) divers Gaoles and Dungeons , whereinto hee throweth those that are cold and carelesse Professors of the Gospell . What learne you by this ? That they that imagine God favourable unto them notwithstanding their sinnes , because their life , or goods , or honours are spared , are foully deceived ; for when the Lord ceaseth to reprove any , or to strive with them , Rom. 1. 24 , 26. then doth he give them up into vanity of their own minds to do their wicked wills , which is the greatest judgement , and very usuall with God to doe . What is our duty in such cases ? To pray unto the Lord to keep us from all errors ; but if for our triall and further hardning of others it please him to send errors amongst us , that it would please him to preserve us in that danger , that we taste not of that bait whereby Satan seeketh to catch us . What other cause is there of sending these errors ? That those may be damned which believe not the truth : for as God hath appointed them to damnation , so betwixt his counsell in rejecting them and the finall effect of it , there must be sin to bring the effect justly upon them . What reason is annexed for their just damnation ? Because they rest in unrighteousnesse , having their eares itching after errors , which they drink in , as the earth drinketh up water . So that albeit they be powerfully sent of God in his judgement , yet are they also greedily desired and affected of them . Having spoken at large of the providence of God disposing of man in this world ; it followeth to speak of his providence concerning mankinde in the world to come . How doth God then deale with men after this life ? He bringeth them all to judgement . What is meant here by judgment ? The pronouncing or executing of the irrevocable sentence of absolution or condemnation . How is that done ? Partly on every man in particular at the hour of his death , Heb. 9. 27. but fully and generally upon all men at the second comming of Christ , Acts 17. 31. The death of every one severally goeth immediately before the particular judgement : the generall resurrection of all goeth before the finall judgement which shall be at the last day . Must all men then die ? Yea all both good and bad , Psal. 49. 10. Eccl. 2. 16. save that unto some , namely such as shall be found alive at Christs comming , a change shall be in stead of death , as shall be shewed . Death being the punishment of sinne , how commeth it to passe that the righteous dye , to whom all sinnes are forgiven ? Death indeed came on all mankinde by reason of sinne , Rom. 5. 12. but yet it is not in all things the same to the godly and to the wicked : for howsoever unto both it be the enemy of nature , as the end of naturall life , 1 Cor. 15. 26. Psal. 90. 3. Yet 1. unto the godly it is a token of Gods love , unto the wicked of his anger , Psal. 37. 37 , 38. Job 18. 13 , 14. 2. Vnto the godly it is a rest from labour and misery , Apoc. 14. 13. the last enemy being now destroyed , 1 Cor. 15. 26. unto the wicked it is the height of all worldly evils , Luke 12. 20. 3. Vnto the godly it is the utter abolishing of sin and perfection of mortification , Rom. 6. 7. unto the wicked it is the conquest of sinne and accomplishment of their spirituall captivity . 4. Vnto the godly it is so far from being a separation from Christ , that even the body severed from the soule and rotting in the grave is yet united to Christ ; and the soule freed from the body is with him in Paradise , Luk. 23. 43. Phil. 2. 16. unto the wicked it is an utter cutting off from the favourable presence and fruition of God. 5. Vnto the godly it is the beginning of heavenly glory ; unto the wicked it is the entrance into hellish and endlesse torments , Luke 16. 22 , 23. How are men judged at the houre of death ? 1. God at that instant pronounceth , and the conscience apprehendeth the sentence of blessing or cursing , Heb. 9. 27. 2. The soule of every man accordingly is ( by the power of God and the ministery of Angels ) immediately conveyed into that state of happinesse or misery wherein it shall remaine till the resurrection , and from thenceforth both body and soule for ever , Luke 16. 22 , 23 , 26. Eccl. 11. 3. What gather you of this ? That the doctrine of Purgatory and Prayer for the dead is vaine , seeing it appeareth by the Word of God that the souls of those that die in Gods favour are presently received into joy Isay 57. 2. Ioh. 5. 24. Luke 23. 43. Apoc. 14. 13. 1 Thess. 4. 16. and the souls of those that dye in their sinnes cast into endlesse torments ; no means being left after death to procure remission of sinnes , Isay 22. 14. Iohn 8. 24. Rom 6. 10. What is the generall and finall judgement ? The great day of assize for the whole world , wherein all mens lives that ever have been , are , or shall be , being duly examined , every one shall receive according to his works . In which judgement we are to consider , 1. The preparation to it . 2. The acting of it . 3. The execution of the sentence . Wherein doth the preparation to the last judgement consist ? In five things . 1. In the foretokening of the time thereof , which though it be so sealed up in the treasury of Gods counsell , that neither men nor Angels , nor yet our Saviour himself as man in the dayes of his flesh had expresse notice thereof , ( that from the uncertainty and suddennesse of it we might be taught to be alwayes in readinesse for it ) yet it hath pleased God to acquaint us with some signes whereby we may discern Christs approaching , as men in the Spring time may discerne Summer approaching by the shooting forth of the Figtree . What are the signes foretokening the last judgement ? They are certaine notable changes in the world and Church , some further off , some nearer unto the comming of Christ ; as 1. The publishing and receiving the Gospel throughout the world . 2. The Apostasie of most part of professors not loving the truth . 3. The revealing of Antichrist that Man of sinne and Childe of perdition , who under the title of Christs Vicegerent opposeth himselfe to Christ in all his offices and ordinances both in Church and Common-wealth . 4. Common corruptions in manners joyned with security , as in the dayes of Noah and Lot. 5. Warres and troubles in the world and Church . 6. False Christs , attended with false Prophets , and armed with false miracles . 7. The calling of the Iewes unto the faith of the Gospell . 8. And lastly , signes in Heaven , Earth , and all the Elements . As the darkning of the Sunne , and Moone , &c. Yea , firing of the whole frame of Heaven , and Earth , with the signe of the Sonne of man , whereby his comming shall then be clearly apprehended by all men . What is the second thing in the preparation ? The comming of Iesus Christ the Iudge of the world , who in his humane visible body ( but yet with unspeakable glory ) shall suddenly break forth like Lightning through the Heavens , riding on the clouds environed with a flame of fire , attended with all the host of the elect Angels ; and especially with the voice and shout of an Archangel and the Trumpet of God , and so shall sit downe in the royall throne of judgement . What is the third thing ? The summoning and presenting of all both dead and living men , together with Devils , before the glorious throne of Christ the judge . How shall all men both dead and living be summoned ? By the voice of Christ appeared by the ministery of Angels , and namely by the shout and Trumpet of the Archangel , whereto the Lord joyning his divine power ( as unto the word preached for the work of the first resurrection ) shall in a moment both raise the dead with their own bodies and every part thereof though never so dispersed , and change the living , so that it shall be with them as if they had been a long time dead and were now raised to life againe . Shall there be no difference betweene the resurrection of the elect and reprobate ? Yes ; for howsoever they shall both rise by the same mighty voice and power of Christ in the same bodies wherein they lived upon earth , and those so altered in quality , as then they shall be able to abide for ever in that estate whereunto they shall be judged : yet 1. The elect shall be raised as members of the body of Christ by vertue derived from his resurrection : the reprobate , as Malefastors , shall be brought forth of the prison of the grave by vertue of the judiciary power of Christ , and of the curse of the law . 2. The elect shall come forth to everlasting life , which is called the resurrection of life : the reprobate to shame and perpetuall contempt , called the resurrection of condemnation . 3. The bodies of the elect shall be spirituall , that is , glorious , powerfull , nimble , impatible : but the bodies of the reprobate shall be full of uncomelinesse and horror , agreeable to the guiltinesse and terror of their consciences , and liable to extreame torment . How shall all men be presented before the throne of Christ ? The elect being gathered by the Angels , shall with great joy be caught up into the aire to meet the Lord , Luke 21. 28. 1 Thess. 4. 17. The reprobate together with the Devill and his Angels , shall with extreame horrour and confusion be drawne into his presence , Rev. 6. 15. What is the fourth thing ? The separation of the Elect from the Reprobate : For Christ , the great Shepheard , shall then place the Elect , as his Sheep that have heard his voice and followed him , on his right hand : and the Reprobates , with the Devils , as straying Goats , on the left hand , Matth. 25. 33. What is the fift and last thing ? The opening of the book of record , by which the dead shall be judged Rev. 20. 12. viz. 1. The severall books of mens consciences , which then by the glorious illumination of Christ , the Sunne of righteousnesse , shining in his full strength , shall be so enlightned , that men shall perfectly remember what ever good or evill they did in the time of their life , the secrets of all hearts being then revealed . 2. The book of life , that is , the eternall decree of God to save his Elect by Christ , which decree shall then at length be made known to all . Thus farre of the preparation to judgement , what are we to consider in the second place ? The act of judgment , wherein the Elect shal first be acquitted , that they may after as assistants joyne with Christ in the judgement of the reprobate men and Angels . How shall the act of judgement be performed ? 1. By examination : 2. By pronouncing sentence . The examination shall be according to the Law of God , which hath been revealed unto men , whether it be the Law of nature onely , which is the remainder of the morall Law written in the hearts of our first parents , and conveyed by the power of God unto all men , to leave them without excuse ; or that written Word of God , vouchsafed unto the Church in the Scriptures , first of the old , and after also of the new Testament , as the rule of faith and life . 2. By the evidence of every mans conscience , bringing all his works , whether good or evill , to light , bearing witnesse with him or against him , together with the testimony of such , who either by doctrine , company , or example , have approved or condemned him . Shall there be no difference in the examination of the Elect and the Reprobate ? Yes : for , 1. The Elect shall not have their sinnes , for which Christ satisfied , but onely their good works remembred . 2. Being in Christ , they and their works shall not undergoe the strict triall of the Law simply in it self , but as the obedience thereof doth prove them to be true partakers of the grace of the Gospel . Shall there be any such reasoning at the last judgement , as seemeth Matth. 7. & 25 ? No : but the consciences of men being then enlightned by Christ , shall cleare all those doubts , and reject those objections and excuses , which they seem now to apprehend . How shall the sentence be pronounced ? By the Iudge himselfe , our Lord Iesus Christ , who according to the evidence and verdict of conscience touching workes , shall adjudge the Elect unto the blessing of the kingdome of God his Father : and the Reprobates , with the Devill and his Angels , unto the curse of everlasting fire . Shall men then bee judged to salvation or damnation for their workes sake ? 1. The wicked shall be condemned for the merit of their workes , because being perfectly evill , they deserve the wages of damnation . 2. The godly shall be pronounced just , because their workes , though imperfect , doe prove their faith ( whereby they lay hold on Christ and his meritorious righteousnesse ) to be a true faith , as working by love in all parts of obedience . Hitherto of the act of judgement : What are we to consider in the third and last place ? The execution of this judgement , Christ by his almighty power and ministery of his Angels , casting the Devils and the reprobate men into hell , and bringing Gods Elect into the possession of his glorious kingdome : wherein the Reprobates shall first be dispatched , that the righteous may rejoice to see the vengeance , and as it were wash their feet in the bloud of the wicked . What shall be the estate of the Reprobates in hell ? They shall remaine for ever in unspeakable torment of body , and anguish of minde , being cast out from the favourable presence of God , and glorious fellowship of Christ and his Saints , ( whose happinesse they shall see and envie ) into that horrible Dungeon figured in Scripture by utter darknesse , blacknesse of darknesse , weeping and gnashing of teeth , the Worme that never dieth , the fire that never goeth out , &c. What shall be the estate of the Elect in heaven ? They shall bee unspeakeably and everlastingly blessed and glorious in body and soule , being freed from all imperfections and infirmities ; yea from such Graces as imply imperfection , as Faith , Hope , Repentance , &c. endued with perfect Wisdome and Holinesse , possessed with all the pleasures that are at the right hand of God , seated as Princes in Thrones of Majesty , crowned with Crownes of Glory , possessing the new Heaven and Earth , wherein dwelleth Righteousnesse , beholding and being filled with the fruition of the glorious presence of God , and of the Lambe , Iesus Christ , in the company of innumerable Angels , and holy Saints , as the Scripture phrases are . What shall follow this ? Christ shall deliver up that dispensatory Kingdome ( which hee received for the subduing of his enemies , and accomplishing the salvation of his Church ) unto God the Father , and God shall be all in all for all eternity . Amen . What use may we make of this Doctrine , concerning this generall end , and finall judgement ? First , it serveth to confute , not onely heathen Philosophers ; who , as in other things , so in this , concerning the worlds continuance , became vaine in their imaginations , and their foolish heart was full of darknesse , Rom. 1. being destitute of the Word of God to guide them ; but also to confute many prophane Atheists , in the Church of God , who doe not believe in their hearts those Articles of the Resurrection and of the generall judgement : it is much indeed that there should bee Atheists in the Church of God , and none in hell , that any should deny , or doubt of that which the devills feare and tremble at . But sure the Apostle Peters prophesie is fulfilled , 2 Pet. 3. 3. there shall come in the last dayes scoffers , walking after their owne lusts , and saying , Where is the promise of his comming ? for since the fathers dyed , all things continue alike from the beginning of the creation : and ( as they would perswade themselves ) so they shall for ever : And answerable their lives are to such conceits , Eccl. 11. 9. But if neither the light of reason ( it being impossible that the truth and goodnesse and justice of God should take effect , if there were not after this life a doom and recompence , 2 Thes. 1. 6. ) Nor secondly , the light of Conscience , which doubtlesse with Felix , Acts 24. 25. makes them tremble in the midst of their obstinate gain-saying ; Nor thirdly , the light of Scripture can convince and perswade men of this truth , then we must leave them to be confuted and taught by woefull experience , even by the feeling of those flames , which they will not beleeve to bee any other then fancies ; and by seeing the Lord Iesus come in the Clouds , when all nations shall weep before him ; and these Atheists especially , lament their obstinate infidelity with ever dropping teares , and ever enduring misery . And this Doctrine may be terrour to all gracelesse and wicked livers , to consider that the wrath of God shall be revealed from heaven against all ungodlinesse and unrighteousnesse of men , 2 Thes. 1. 6. when all the sweetnesse of their sinfull pleasures shal be turned into gall , and bitternesse for ever , Wis. 5. 6 , 7 , 8. How may the consideration of this Doctrine , touching the end of the world , and the day of Judgement be usefull to the godly ? First , it should teach us , not to seek for happinesse in this world , or se our affections on things below ; for this world passeth away , and the things thereof . Secondly , here is a fountaine of Christian comfort , and a ground of Christian patience in all troubles , that there shall be an end , and a Saints hope shall not be cut off . If in this life onely we had hope , we were of all men most miserable , 1 Cor. 15. 19. But here is the comfort and patience of the Saints , they wait for another world , and they know it is a just thing with God , to give them rest after their labours , 2 Thes. 1. 9. and a Crowne after their Combate , 2 Tim. 4. 8. and after their long pilgrimage , an everlasting habitation , 2 Cor. 5. 1 , Be patient , ( saith the Apole ) and settle your hearts , for the comming of the Lord draweth neere , 2 Pet. 2. 9. when they that have sowne in teares shall reap in joy , James 5. 7. Heb. 10. 36. Thirdly , from this Doctrine , excellent arguments may be drawne to presse Christians to a holy life , 2 Pet. 3. 11. Seeing then all these things must be dissolved , what manner of persons ought we to be in all holy conversation , and godlinesse ? And verse 14. Wherefore seeing yee look for such things , give diligence that you may be found of him in peace : We should alwayes live in expectation of the Lord Iesus in the Clouds with oyle in our Lamps , prepared for his comming : Blessed is that servant whom his Master when he commeth shall finde so doing , he shall say unto him , Well done good and faithfull servant , enter into thy Masters joy . FINIS . The Table . ALL men desire eternall life and happinesse . 3 Religion the meanes to obtaine it . No salvation but by true Religion . The divers kindes of false Religion . What Christian Religion is . Of Catechising . 4 What Catechising is . Where to be used , and by whom . The necessity of it . True happinesse consisteth in God. How we come to enjoy God. Meanes to know God. By His divine works . His holy word . 5 Of the divine workes of God. The uses of knowing God by his works . Of Gods holy Word , the Scriptures . 6 How the Scriptures were delivered . By Revelations . By Oracles . By visions . 7 What the Scripture is . That the Scriptures are the Word of God. 8 Reasons to prove God to be the Author of the holy Scriptures . 1. Efficient ; instrumentall . 2. The simplicitie and sincerity of the Writers . 3. The quality and condition of the pen-men of the holy Scriptures . 9 4. The holy matters of holy Scriptures . 5. The doctrine of Scriptures are above humane capacity . 6. The concord of the severall Writers one with another . 7. The Prophesies fulfilled in their due times . 8. The Majesty and authority of the Scriptures . 10 9. The motives used in them to perswade , not reason , but commands . 10. The end and scope of the Scripture , which is Gods glory . 11. Their admirable power . 12. Their antiquity . 13. The hatred of the devill and wicked men against them . 14. The preservation of the Scriptures . 15. The power to humble a man , and raise him up againe . 16. The consonant testimony of all men at all times . 11 17. The knowne miracles done by the Writers . 18. The testimony of the Spirit in the hearts of men . What are the books of holy Scripture . 12 In what language the old Testament were first written , with vowels and pricks . That the Scriptures of the old Testament were first written without pricks or vowels . 13 The Book of Moses . The Booke of the Prophets . The Historicall Books . The Doctrinall Books . The Poeticall books . The Prosaicall books . 14 The Apocryphall Bookes . The erroors of the Apocryphall books . 15 Of the books of the New Testament . 16 The properties of the holy scriptures . 17 1. Holy. 2. Highest in authority . 18 3. Sufficient in themselves . That the Scriptures are a perfect Rule for doctrine , life , and salvation . Objections against the sufficiency of the holy Scriptures answered . 20 Of the perspicuity of the holy Scripture . 21 The Papists objections against the perspicuity of the Scriptures answered . 22 Why God hath left some places of Scripture obscure . 23 Of the translations of holy Scriptures . An objection grounded on various readings answered . 24 Why the Scriptures must be expounded by the Scriptures . The use of the holy Scriptures . 25 Who must read the Scriptures . That all must read the Scriptures proved . The Papists objections against reading the Scriptures answered . 26 That there is a God. 27 Of the nature of God. 29 Of Gods essence . 30 The Name of God. Of the Properties or Attributes of God. 32 A description of God. God is a spirit . 33 The perfection of God. The felicity of God. Of the simplenesse , or singlenesse of God. 35 Gods infinitenesse . 36 Gods immensity or greatnesse . 37 Gods eternity . 38 The life of God. 39 Of the knowledge or wisedome of God. Fore-knowledge or counsell of God. The counsell of God. Gods absolute wisdome and knowledge . The uses . 45 Of the omnipotence or almighty power of God. Of Gods absolute power . 47 Of Gods actuall power . Gods power infinite . The uses . 50 Of Gods will. Whether God doth will evill . 56 The holinesse of Gods will. 61 Of Gods goodnesse . The use of Gods goodnesse . 62 The graciousnesse of God. 63 Of the love of God. 64 Uses of Gods love . 67 Of the mercy of God. The uses of Gods mercy . Of the justice of God. 70 The uses of Gods justice . 72 That there is but one God. 73 Of the unity of the God-head . Of the Trinity . 75 What a Person in the Trinity is . 78 Of the Father , the first person of the Trinity . 79 Of the other persons of the Trinity in generall . Of the second person in the Trinity . 80 Of the third person in the Trinity . 83 How to know that wee have the Spirit . 86 Things commune to the three persons . 87 In what they all agree . 1. Coessentiall . 2. Coequall . 3. Coeternall . Things proper to each of the persons . Of the kingdome of God. 88 The parts of Gods Kingdome . Of Gods decree . Of Predestination . 91 Parts of Predestination . Election . Reprobation . Election . Of Reprobation . Execution of Gods decree . 93 Creation . Providence . Creation in generall . Vses of the creation . Creation of the particular creatures . The Heavens . The earth . Of the invisible Creatures , the third Heaven . and Angels . Of Angels . Of the creation of visible things . 98 Of the Chaos , or rude masse . Of the parts of the rude Masse . Heaven . Earth . Of the frame of the world . Of the Elements . The foure Elements . Of the mixt or compound bodies . The severall works of the six days . 100 The 1. day , heaven , earth , and the light . The 2. day the firmament . The third day grasse , corne , trees . Of the water and earth . The 4. day , of the Creation of lights . 101 The 5. day , of the creation of fishes , birds The 6. day , of the creation of man and woman . 102 Of the parts of man , and 1. Of his body . 2. Of the soule of man. 103 Of the immortality of the soule . Of the seat of the soule . What is the Image of God in man. 104 Of the womans creation 106 The end of the creation . Of Gods providence . 107 Definition of Gods providence . 108 The uses of the Doctrine of Gods providence . 115 Of Gods speciall providence over Angels . Good Angels . 116 Of the Evill Angels 120 Vses of the Doctrine concerning evill Angells . 122 Of Gods particular providence over man. Of Gods providence towards mankind . 123 Of the Covenant between God and man. First Covenant of works . 124 The state of man in the time of his innocency . 126 Of man in the state of corruption , and of his fall . 127 That the breaches of all the Commandements concurred in Adam and Eves sinne . 134 The effects of the fall . 136 Sin , guiltinesse , punishment . Of our first Parents nakednesse . 137 Of their hiding themselves . Of sinne . Why all Adams posterity are partakers of his sinne and misery . 142 What sinne is . 143 Imputed sinne . 144 Inherent sinne . Originall sinne . The propagation of originall sinne . 145 The minde corrupted . The corruption of the memory . The corruption of the will. 147 The corruption of affections . The corruption of the conscience . Of the corruption of the body . Actuall sinne . Of the sin against the Holy Ghost . 151 The divers differences of actuall sinne . 152 Guilt of sinne . 153 Punishment of sinne . Of Gods covenants of man. 157 Of the covenant of grace . 158 The differences between the covenant of works , and the covenant of grace . 159 Wherein they agree . Of Jesus the Mediator of this covenant 160 The foundation of it . Of the person of Christ. Of the natures of Christ , Divine . Humane . Of the divine nature of Christ , Why it was necessary that Christ should be God. 161 Of the humane nature of Christ. 162 Why it was necessary that Christ should be man. 164 Of the union of the two natures of Christ. 165 Of Christs Office & Mediatorship . 166 That here is but one Mediator . Of his names , Iesus , Christ. 167 Of Christs Priest-hood . 168 The Popish Priest-hood overthrowne . 169 Of Christs satisfaction . 170 Of Christs sufferings . 171 Of Christs sufferings in his soule 172 Of Christs sufferings in his body . Uses of Christs passion . 174 Of Christs buriall . His descending into hell . Christs righteousnesse in fulfilling the Law. Christs originall righteousnesse . 175 Christs actuall holinesse . Of the intercession of Christ. 176 Of the Propheticall office of Christ. 177 Of the Kingly office of Christ. 179 Of Christs humiliation . 183 Of Christs exaltation . Of the Resurrection of Christ. Of Christs ascension . 184 Of the third degree of Christs exaltation , his sitting at the right hand of God. 185 The state of the godly in Christ. 186 Of the Church of Christ. 187 The Catholick Church . The property and office of the head of the Church . The Church triumphant . 188 Of the Church militant . Prerogatives of the members of the Catholike Church . 190 What Sanctification is . What Redemption is . Of our union and communion with Christ. 192 Communion of Saints . The benefit of our Communion with Christ. 193 Justification . Glorification . Of Justification . What Justification is . Vses arising from the Doctrine of Justification . 195. Of Faith. 196 The various acception of Faith. The divers kindes of Faith. 197 Historicall faith . Temporary faith . Miraculous faith . Justifying faith . The Popish implicite faith . 198 That the whole soule is the seat of faith . What reconciliation is . 200 What adoption is . 201 The benefits of adoption . Sanctification . 202 The differences between justification , and sanctification . The differences between the Law and the Gospell . 203 The Morall Law the rule of sanctification . Ceremoniall Law. 204 Judiciall Law. The Morall Law. The end and use of the Law. 205 1. Knowledge of the Law required . Rules to be observed for the Interpretation of the Law. 1. Rule , the Law is spirituall . 2. Rule , the Law is perfect . 206 3. Rule , in every commandement there is a Metaphor or Synecdoche . 1. Branch of the third rule . 2. Branch . 3. Branch . Why the Commandements are propounded in the second person . 207 Good company required . Why the Commandements are propounded negatively . 208 The division of the Decalogue The summe of the 1. table . The summe of the 2. table . 209 The division of the 1. table . 211 The Preface of the Commandements . 212 How the reason of the 1. Commandement belongeth to us 213 The fift Commandement . The scope and meaning of this Commandement . 214 What is forbidden and required in this first Commandement . The severall branches of the first Commandement . What it is to have a God 125 Of the knowledge of God. Opposites to the knowledge of God. Ignorance of God. Affiance in God. 216 Patience . Hope . Love of God. Thankfulnesse . 217 Feare of God. Reverence . 218 Humility . Pride . Sorrow . Joy. Vnity in Religion . 219 What it is to have other Gods. Sinfull confidence . 220 Inordinate love . Sinfull feare . Sinfull joy and sorrow . The third branch of this Commandement . True Religion . How we must come to the true Religion . Helpes inabling us to obey this Commandement . 221 Meanes of the knowledge of God. Hindrances . Meanes of ignorance here forbidden . What is enjoyned in the three following Commandements . The second Commandement . 222 The scope and meaning of the second Commandement . What is here forbidden . What is meant by making of Images . The speciall branches of the second Commandement . 223 Of Prayer . 224 Of Fasts . Of Vowes . 225 The manner of Gods worship . Of Preparation . Of the disposition in the action . What is required after the action . 226 Ecclesiasticall Ceremonies . Of bodily gestures . Of the abuse of Gods Ordinances . Defects respecting the inward Worship . 227 Defects in outward Worship . 228 Helps in performing Gods pure worship The second maine branch of the second Commandement . 229 What is forbidden concerning Images . 230 That it is unlawfull to make the Image of God. 231 That it is unlawfull to make the Image of Christ. What is meant by worshipping Images . 232 Of countenancing Idolatrie . 233 Reasons to back this Commandement , taken from Gods Titles . Jealous God Reasons drawne from the works of God. 234 The first reason . The second reason . 235 The third Commandement . 236 The summe of the third Commandement . What is meant by the Name of God. What is meant by the word In vaine . 237 What is forbidden in the third Commandement . What is required in the third Commandement . The particular duties required in the third Commandement . The duties repugnant . 238 The right use of Oathes . What persons may lawfully take an Oath . 239 The speciall abuses of an oath . How Gods Name is taken in vaine in regard of his properties . How in respect of his Works . 240 How in respect of his Word . Of the helpes and hindrances . 241 The reason annexed to the third Commandement . The fourth Commandement . The meaning of the fourth Commandement . 242 What need there is of one day in seven to serve God. That the Sabbath day is not ceremoniall . Of the change of the seventh day to the first , and the reason thereof . 243 The time of the Sabbath , and when it beginneth . 244 What is meant by the word Remember . 245 Of the preparation of the Sabbath . The parts of the fourth Commandement . 246 What workes ought to be declined . What rest required in the fourth Commandement . 247 The speciall breaches opposite to an holy rest . To whom this Commandement is chiefly directed . 289 The second part of this Commandement , which is the sanctifying of the rest . The exercises and duties required on the Sabbath . Prayer with the Congregation . 250 Hearing the Word . Receiving the Sacraments . Private duties of the Sabbath . Of the evening preparation 251 The first duties of the morning . Of the publick duties of the Sabbath . 252 What is to bee done after the publick Ministery . Sins to be condemned in respect of the second part of this Cōmandment 253 Helpes and hinderances to the keeping of this Commandement . The reasons enforcing obedience to this Commandement . 1 Reason . 2 Reason . 3 Reason . 4 Reason . 254 The second Table . The summe of the second Table . The generalls to bee observed in this Table . The division of the second Table . 255 The first Commandement . 256 The meaning and scope of the fift Commandement . The duties of equalls . What are Superiors . Who are Inferiours . 257 What it is to honour . Duties of Superiours . The divers sorts of Superiours . 258 The duties of aged Persons . Duties of the yonger unto them . Superiours in knowledge . Superiours in authority . Duties of inferiours to those that are in authority . Duties of Superiours in authority . 259 Kinds of Superiours in authority . 260 Superiours in the family , and their duties . Inferiours in the Family , and their duties . Duties of husbands and wives . Duties of the husband . The duties of the wife . 261 Duties of Parents . Sinnes of Parents . 262 Duties of Children towards their parents . Duties of Masters towards their Servants . 263 Duties of Servants towards their Masters . 264 Publick Superiours , and their duties . The sorts of publick Superiours . Superiours in the Church , and their duties . 265 The Peoples dutie to their Minister . Superiours in the common-wealth . The Magistrates dutie in civill affaires . 266 The duties of Subjects towards their Magistrates . Of the helps and meanes enabling us to keep this fifth Commandement . 267 Hinderances to these duties here commanded . Of the reason annexed to the fifth Commandement . Of the promise of long life , and how performed . 268 The sixth Commandement . The summe and meaning of it . The negative part . The affirmative part . The duties respecting our owne persons . 269 Duties respecting our soules . The contrary vices forbidden . Duties respecting our bodies . The contrary sins forbidden . Duties respecting the time of our departure . 270 Duties respecting our neighbour while he liveth . Inward duties respecting our affections Duties respecting the preservation of peace . 271 Evill passions opposite to these duties . Outward duties respecting the soules of our neighbours . The contrary vices to the former duties . Duties respecting the whole person of our neighbour . 272 Duties required in words . The opposite vices . The use . 273 Duties required in our deeds . The contrary vices to the former duties . How we doe indirectly endanger our neighbours life . 274 How wee doe directly take away our neighbours life . Chance-medley , and how proved to be a sinne . Of manslaughter . 275 Of Duels . Of wilfull murther . Reasons perswading to the detestation of this sinne . Duties to be performed to our neighbour after his death . Duties respecting beasts . Of punishments due to the breakers of this Commandement . 276 Meanes furthering us in the obedience of this Commandement . Hinderances to the obedience of this Commandement . The seventh Commandement . 277 The meaning and scope of the seventh Commandement . Of inward impurity , and the branches of it . Abuse of apparell . 278 Of the abuse of meat and drink . Wanton gestures . 279 Chastitie in the eyes , &c. Wanton speeches . Chastity in the tongue and eares . Stage-playes . 280 Breach of the seventh Commandement in respect of action . Of Stewes , and the unlawfulnesse of them . 281 Of Rape Of Incest . Of Fornication . 282 Of Adultery . Of Polygamy . What is required in the entrance into Marriage . The contrary abuses . 283 What is required in the holy use of Marriage . Vnlawfull separation . The punishments of the breach of this Commandement . 284 Helps and means of keeping this Commandement . Hinderances of obedience . 285 The eighth Commandement . The end of the eighth Commandement . The occasion of this Commandement . 286 Of Theft . The parts of this eight Commandement . Generall duties commanded . 287 Opposite vices . Speciall duties here required . Arguments disswading from the love of money and earthly things . 288 Self-contentednesse . Motives perswading to self-contentednesse . Lawfull measuring of our appetite . 289 Affected poverty . 290 Covetousnesse . Ambition . 291 Carking care . Carelesnesse . Solicitous and distracting care . What required to just getting . 292 Lawfull Calling , and labour in it . Extraordinary getting . 293 VVhat is opposite to a lawfull Calling . Vnjust getting out of contract . Theft . 294 Domesticall Theft . Theft committed out of the family . Sacriledge . Theft of persons . 295 Rapine . Oppression . Accessaries to theft . Acquisition by lawfull contract . 296 Acquisition by liberall altenation . Acquisition by illiberall alienation . Merchandise . 297 Of selling . Vices and corruptions in selling . Of buying , & what is required to it . 298 Of pawning , and what is required unto it . 299 Of location and letting . 300 Of conduction and hiring . Of usury . Of contracts between Magistrates and people . 301 Of contracts betweene Ministers and people . Of Work-masters and hirelings , and their duties to one another . Of things deposited and committed to trust . 302 The duties of Executors . Of persons committed to trust . Of just possession of goods , and what is required unto it . 303 Of restitution , and what is to be required in it . Of the right use and fruition of goods . 304 Of parsimony and frugality . Of tenacity and miserlinesse . 305 Profusion and prodigality . Of liberality . Of lending . Of free giving . The ninth Commandement . 306 The scope or end . The occasion of this Commandement . 307 The chiefe sinne here forbidden . The negative part . The affirmative part . The sum of the duties here required . 308 Of truth . Truth must be professed , and how . Opposite to truth . 309 1. Lying . Reasons to disswade from lying . Three sorts of Lyes . Vices opposed to freedom of speech . 310 Opposites to simplicity of speaking truth Meanes of preserving truth . 311 Profitable speech . Curtesie and affability . 312 Seasonable silence . Opposites to profitable speech . 1. Unprofitable , 2. Hurtfull speech . 3. Rotten speech . Fame and good name . 313 Of publike testimonies . 314 Of rash judgement . 315 Of perverse judgment . The duties of the plaintiffe , and the vices opposed hereunto . The vices of the defendant . 316 The duties of Lawyers , and the opposite vices . The duty of witnesses . 317 False testimony in the publike ministry of the Word . Flattery . 318 Evill speaking . Whispering . Obtrectation . Conserving our owne good name . 319 The means of getting a good name . 320 A true testimony of our selves . 321 The opposites to the profession of truth concerning our selves . Arrogancy and boasting . Confession of sinne . 322 The tenth Commandement . The end of this Commandement . 323 The occassion of this Commandement . Two sorts of concupiscence . Lawfull concupiscence . 324 Unlawfull concupiscence , and the kindes thereof . The growth of sinne . The parts of this Commandement . 325 And first , the negative part . Originall concupiscence . That originall concupiscence is sin . Actuall concupiscence . 326 Evill thoughts . Evill thoughts injected by Satan . 327 Evill thoughts arising from naturall corruption . The speciall kinds of concupiscence here forbidden . 328 What is meant by our neighbors house . Neighbours wife . 329 Neighbours servant . His Oxe and Asse . The affirmative part . The meanes inabling us to obey this commandement . 330 The impossibility of keeping this Commandement . Hitherto of the rule of our sanctification , the Morall . 331 The effect or exercise of sanctification , in repentance and new obedience . Repentance what it is . When repentance is to be exercised . 332 Of the spirituall warfare . 333 Of our spirituall armour . 334 Of our first enemy Satan . 335 2. Enemy the world . 3. Enemy our flesh . 336 New obedience . 337 Of good works in generall , and of the properties of them . 338 That there is no merit in good works . Wherein our good works faile . 339 Why God rewardeth our works . 340 The ends of good works . Of speciall good works required . 341 Of prayer what it is . 342 The necessity of prayer . A more full description of prayer . What is required that prayer may be holy . 343 That we must pray to God alone . 344 That we must pray onely in the mediation of Christ. For whom we must pray . The parts of Prayer . 346 Of Petition . The meanes of obtaining the gift of prayer . 348 Motives to Prayer . Hinderances of prayer . 349 The subject of our requests . Prayer for others . 350 Of thanksgiving . In what thanksgiving consisteth . 351 Why thanksgiving is required . The properties of praise . The meanes of thanksgiving . Motives to thanksgiving . Signes of thankfulnesse . 352 Of the Lords prayer . Of the preface . 353 Our Father . 354 Which art in heaven . 355 The parts of the Lords prayer . 356 Sixe petitions in the Lords prayer . The first Petition . 357 What is meant by Name . What is meant by hallowed . 358 What we aske in the first Petition . What graces we here pray for . 359 What things we here pray against . The second Petition . 360 What is meant by Kingdome . What is meant by Comming . The particulars here prayed for , 1. respecting the kingdome of grace . 362 2. Respecting the kingdome of glory . 363 The third Petition . The summe of this Petition . What meant by the word Thy. What will is here to be understood . 364 VVhat we aske in this Petition concerning Gods revealed will. What meant by this word Doing . 365 VVhat meant by Earth and Heaven . The order of the three last Petitions . The three last Petitions . 366 The fourth Petition . 367 What meant by Bread. What meant by Give . Give us . This day . 368 Our daily . VVhat we begge in this Petition . The fifth Petition . 370 VVhat is meant by Debts . What we aske in this Petition . 372 The reason of this Petition . The sixt Petition . 374 The summe of the sixt Petition . Of the temptations , and the causes why we must pray against them . 375 How God may be said to tempt us . 376 What is meant by Deliver us from evill . 377 VVhat is meant by Evill . VVhat things we pray for in this petition . 378 Conclusion of the Lords Prayer . VVhat is meant by Kingdome . 379 VVhat is meant by Power . VVhat is meant by Glory . VVhat meant by Thine . 380 VVhat by For ever . VVhat is meant by Amen . VVhether it be lawfull to use any other forme of Prayer . 381 VVhat pulike Prayer is . VVhat private Prayer is . VVhat ordinary prayer is . 382 What extraordinary Prayer is . Circumstances of Prayer . Gesture in Prayer . Of the place of Prayer . Of the time of Prayer . 383 Of Fasting . What an holy Fast is . Of the time of Fasting . 384 Of the kinds of Fasting . 385 Of a publick Fast. Of a private Fast. Who are to fast . 386 Of the parts of a Christian Fast. Of a holy Feast . 388 Of the time of Feasting . 389 In what an holy Feast consisteth . Of Vowes . 390 Who are to vow . What is to be vowed . 391 The duty of those that have vowed . Of Almes . 392 Who are to give Almes . Whereof we must give Almes . How much must be given . 393 To whom Almes must be given . What order must be observed in giving With what affection Almes must be given . The fruits of Almes-deeds . 394 Of Vocation . Externall . Internall . Meanes of Vocation . 395 Inward . Outward . Inward , the Spirit of God. Of the Church visible . 396 The infallible markes of a true visible Church . VVhether the Church may erre . 397 In what cases we may separate from a corrupt Church . 398 Of the enemies of the Church . Of the Governours of the Church . 399 Things proper to the visible Church . The Word . Sacraments . Censures . Of the Word . What things are common between godly and wicked hearers . 401 Things proper to godly hearers . How justifying Faith differeth from the faith of worldlings . 402 Of the Sacraments . 403 The Sacraments of great use . VVhat a Sacrament is . The use of Sacraments . 406 The ends why Sacraments are instituted The persons that are actors in the Sacraments , and their actions . 407 Of preparation to the Sacraments . 408 Duties in the action of receiving . Duties after receiving . Of the old Testament , and the Sacraments of it . 409 The new administration of the Gospel . 410 The Sacraments of the new Testament . Of Baptisme , what it is . 411 Whether diving or dipping be essentiall to Baptisme . 413 Sprinkling in Baptisme warrantable . The inward part , or thing signified in Baptisme . The similitude betweene the signe and thing signified . The benefit of Baptisme to a common Christian. 415 To whom Baptisme is effectuall . How infants may be capable of the grace of the Sacrament . 416 What benefit elect infants have by Baptisme for the present . 417 The lawfulnesse of infants Baptism . 418 Baptisme not of absolute necessity to salvation . 419 Baptism to be highly accounted of . 420 That many have a slight esteem of this ordinance . What the meanes are to reforme this slight esteem . 421 Of the Lords Supper . 422 What it is . The differences between Baptisme and the Lords Supper . 423 Why it is called the Lords Supper . Of the matter of the Lords Supper . 424 That the bread and wine are not changed into the body and blood of Christ Of the forme of this Sacrament of the Lords Supper . 426 The sacramentall actions of the Minister . Of the consecration of the bread and wine . The sacramentall actions of the receivers . 427 The ends and uses of the Lords Supper . 428 Who are to receive the Lords Supper . Preparation to the Lords Table . Duties in the action of receiving to be performed by the Communicant . Duties to be performed after the action . 430 Of the censures of the Church . 431 Of the degrees of Censures . 432 Of the kindes of Censures . 433 Of private admonition . The degrees of private admonition . 1. Most private . How we must reprove . 434 2. The second degree of private admonition . Of publick admonition . 435 Of Suspension . Of Excommunication . Anathema Maranatha . Of the enemies of the Church . 437 Of the generall apostasie . Of Antichrist , and who he is . 438 What difference between Christs miracles and the Popes . 442 The seat of Antichrist . 443 Of the last judgement . 445 Why the righteous dye . Of particular judgment at the houre of death . 446 Of the generall judgement . Of the preparation to the last judgement . The signes of the last judgement . The second thing in the preparation . 447 The third thing . The fourth thing . 448 The fift thing . The act of judgment , & how performed . The execution of the last judgement . 449 The state of the Reprobate in hell . The state of the Elect in heaven . The use of this Doctrine concerning the last judgment . 450 FINIS . ERRATA . PAge 21. line 9. for saith read truth . p. 31. l. 33. for distinction read definition . p. 232. l. 31 ▪ read , you shall no more call for me in Baal . p. 245. l. 13. for private good read private prayer . p. 254. l. 2 , for preferring read preserving . p. 255. l. 15. for revile read reveale . p. 262. l. 21. for towards them read before them . p. 272. l. 37. for owne read very . p. 277. l. 43. for commended read commanded . p. 289 l. 3. for goe , read and therefore . p. 293. l. 10. for retained read received . l. 11. for retaine read receive . p. 301. l. 5. read , the publike are either . p. 314. l. 32. for thirst read Christ. p. 323. l. 11. leave out [ other . ] p. 364. l. 36. for proposeth read purposeth . p. 374. l. 13. for hands read hearts . p. 405. l. 34. for of read and. p. 417. l. 41. read , now in the time . p. 420. l. 10. read , But where God denieth . p. 421. l. 17. leave out [ but. ] p. 423. l. 36. for , which we have alone , read , which we have not . p. 427. l. 47. for groaning read growing p. 435. l. 45. for examination read Excommunication . IMMANUEL , OR , THE MYSTERY OF THE INCARNATION OF THE SON OF GOD : UNFOLDED By JAMES VSHER Archbishop of Armagh , JOHN 1. 14. THE WORD WAS MADE FLESH . LONDON , Printed by M. F. for RICH. ROYSTON , and are to bee sold at his shop , at the sign of the Angel in Ivy-Lane . MDCXLV . THE MYSTERY OF THE Incarnation of the SON OF GOD. THE holy Prophet in the Book of the a Proverbs , poseth all such as have not learned wisdome , nor known the knowledge of the holy , with this Question : Who hath ascended up into heaven , or descended ? who hath gathered the wind in his fists ? who hath bound the waters in a garment ? who hath established all the ends of the earth ? What is his name , and what is his SONS name , if thou canst tell ? To help us herein , the SON Himself did tell us , when hee was here upon earth , that b None hath ascended up to heaven , but hee that descended from heaven , even the Son of man which is in heaven . And that wee might not bee ignorant of his name , the Prophet Isaiah did long before foretell , that c Vnto us a Childe is born , and unto us a Son is given ; whose name shall bee called Wonderfull , Counseller , The Mighty God , The Everlasting Father , The Prince of Peace . Where , if it bee demanded , how these things can stand together ? that the Son of man speaking upon earth , should yet at the same instant bee in heaven ? that the Father of Eternity should bee born in time ? and that the Mighty God should become a Childe ; which is the weakest state of Man himself ? wee must call to minde , that the first letter of this great Name , is WONDERFULL . When hee appeared of old to Manoah , his name was Wonderfull , and hee did wonderously , Judg. 13. 18 , 19. But that , and all the wonders that ever were , must give place to the great mystery of his Incarnation , and in respect thereof cease to bee wonderfull : for of this work that may bee verifyed , which is spoken of those wonderfull judgements , that God brought upon Aegypt ; when hee would d shew his power , and have his name declared throughout all the earth . e Before them were no such ; neither after them shall bee the like . Neither the creation of all things out of nothing , which was the beginning of the works of God ( those six working dayes putting as it were an end , to that long Sabbath that never had beginning ; wherein the Father , Son , and holy Ghost did infinitely f glorifie themselves and g rejoyce in the fruition one of another , without communicating the notice thereof unto any creature ) nor the Resurrection from the dead , and the restauration of all things , the last works that shall goe before that everlasting Sabbath ( which shall have a beginning , but never shall have end : ) neither that first , I say , nor these last , though most admirable peeces of work , may bee compared with this ; wherein the Lord was pleased to shew the highest pitch ( if any thing may bee said to bee highest in that which is infinite and exempt from all measure and dimensions ) of his Wisdome , Goodnesse , Power and Glory . The Heathen Chaldeans , to a question propounded by the King of Babel , make answer ; h that it was a rare thing which hee required , and that none other could shew it , except the Gods , whose dwelling is not with flesh . But the rarity of this lyeth in the contrary to that which they imagined to bee so plain : that hee i who is over all , God blessed for ever , should take our flesh and dwell , or * pitch his tabernacle with us . That as k the glory of God filled the Tabernacle , ( which was a l figure of the humane nature of our Lord ) with such a kinde of fulnesse , that Moses himself was not able to approach unto it ; ( therein comming short , m as in all things , of the Lord of the house ) and filled the Temple of Solomon ( a type likewise n of the body of our Prince of Peace ) in o such sort that the Priests could not enter therein : so p in him all the fulnesse of the Godhead should dwell bodily . And therefore , if of that Temple , built with hands , Solomon could say with admiration : q But will God in very deed dwell with men on the earth ? Behold , heaven and the heaven of heavens can not contain thee ; how much lesse this house , which I have built ? of the true Temple , that is not of this building , wee may with greater wonderment say with the Apostle , r Without controversie , great is the mystery of Religion : God was manifested in the flesh . Yea , was made of a Woman , and born of a Virgin : a thing so s wonderfull , that it was given for a signe unto unbeleevers seven hundred and forty yeers before it was accomplished ; even a signe of Gods own choosing , among all the wonders in the depth , or in the heighth above . Therefore the Lord himself shall give you a signe . Behold , a Virgin shall conceive and bear a Son , and shall call his name Immanuel , Esa. 7. 14. A notable wonder indeed , and great beyond all comparison . That the Son of God should bee t made of a Woman ; even made of that Woman , which vvas u made of by himself . That her womb then , and the x heavens now , should contain him , vvhom y the Heaven of Heavens can not contain . That hee who had both Father and Mother , whose pedegree is upon record even up unto Adam , who in the fulnesse of time vvas brought forth in Bethlehem , and when hee had finished his course was cut off out of the land of the living at Jerusalem ; should yet notwithstanding bee in truth , that which his shadow Melchisedec was onely in the conceite of the men of his time , z without Father , without Mother , without pedegree , having neither beginning of dayes nor end of life . That his Father should bee a greater then hee ; and yet hee his Fathers b equall . That hee c is , before Abraham was ; and yet Abrahams birth preceded his , wel-nigh the space of two thousand yeers . And finally , that hee who was Davids Son , should yet bee Davids Lord : d a case which plunged the greatest Rabbies among the Pharisees ; who had not yet learned this wisdome , nor known this knowledge of the holy . The untying of this knot dependeth upon the right understanding of the wonderfull conjunction of the divine and humane Nature in the unity of the Person of our Redeemer . For by reason of the strictnesse of this personall union , whatsoever may bee verifyed of either of those Natures , the same may bee truely spoken of the whole Person , from whethersoever of the Natures it bee denominated . For the clearer conceiving whereof , wee may call to minde that which the Apostle hath taught us touching our Saviour . e In him dwelleth all the fulnesse of the Godhead bodily , that is to say , by such a personall and reall union , as doth inseparably and everlastingly conjoyn that infinite Godhead with his finite Manhood in the unity of the self-same individuall Person . Hee in whom that fulnesse dwelleth , is the PERSON : that fulnesse which so doth dwell in him , is the NATVRE . Now there dwelleth in him not onely the fulnesse of the Godhead , but the fulnesse of the Manhood also . For wee beleeve him to bee both perfect God , begotten of the substance of his Father before all worlds ; and perfect Man , made of the substance of his Mother in the fulnesse of time . And therefore wee must hold , that there are two distinct Natures in him : and two so distinct , that they doe not make one compounded nature ; but still remain uncompounded and unconfounded together . But Hee in whom the fulnesse of the Manhood dwelleth is not one , and hee in whom the fulnesse of the Godhead , another : but hee in whom the fulnesse of both those natures dwelleth , is one and the same Immanuel , and consequently it must bee beleeved as firmly , that hee is but one Person . And here wee must consider , that the divine Nature did not assume an humane Person , but the divine Person did assume an humane Nature : and that of the three divine Persons , it was neither the first nor the third that did assume this Nature ; but it was the middle Person , who was to bee the middle one , that must undertake this mediation betwixt God and us , which was otherwise also most requisite , as well for the better preservation of the integrity of the blessed Trinity in the Godhead , as for the higher advancement of Mankinde by means of that relation which the second Person the Mediator did beare unto his Father . For if the fulnesse of the Godhead should have thus dwelt in any humane person , there should then a fourth Person necessarily have been added unto the Godhead : and if any of the three Persons , beside the second , had been born of a woman ; there should have been two Sons in the Trinity . Whereas now the Son of God and the Son of the blessed Virgin , being but one Person , is consequently but one Son ; and so no alteration at all made in the relations of the Persons of the Trinity . Againe , in respect of us , the Apostle sheweth , that for this very end f God sent his own SON made of a Woman ; that WE might receive the adoption of SONS : and thereupon maketh this inference ; Wherefore thou art no more a servant but a SON , and if a SON , then an HEIRE of God through Christ : intimating thereby , that what relation Christ hath unto God by Nature , wee being found in him have the same by Grace . By nature hee is g the onely begotten Son of the Father : but this is the high grace hee hath purchased for us ; that h as many as received him , to them hee gave power , or priviledge , to become the Sons of God , even to them that beleeve on his Name . For although hee reserve to himselfe the preheminence , which is due unto him in a * peculiar manner , of being i the first born among many brethren : yet in him , and for him , the rest likewise by the grace of adoption are all of them accounted as first-bornes . So God biddeth Moses to say unto Pharaoh : k Israel is my Son , even my first born . And I say unto thee ; Let my son goe , that hee may serve mee : and if thou refuse to let him goe ; behold , I will slay thy son , even thy first born . And the whole Israel of God , consisting of Jew and Gentile , is in the same sort described by the Apostle to bee l the generall assembly and Church of the first born inrolled in heaven . For the same reason that maketh them to bee Sons , to wit , their incorporation into Christ , the self-same also maketh them to be first-bornes : so as ( however it fall out by the grounds of our Common Law ) by the rule of the Gospel this consequence will still hold true ; m if children , then heirs , heirs of God and joynt-heires with Christ. And so much for the SON , the Person assuming . The Nature assumed , is the seed of Abraham , Heb. 2. 16. the seed of David , Rom. 1. 3. the seed of the Woman , Gen. 3. 15. the WORD , n the second person of the Trinity , being o made FLESH , that is to say , p Gods own Son being made of a Woman , and so becomming truely and really q the fruite of her wombe . Neither did hee take the substance of our nature onely , but all the properties also and the qualities thereof : so as it might bee said of him , as it was of r Elias and the s Apostles ; that hee was a man subject to like passions as wee are . Yea hee subjected himself t in the dayes of his flesh to the same u weaknesse which we find in our own fraile nature , and was compassed with like infirmities ; and in a word , in all things was made like unto his brethren , sin onely excepted . Wherein yet wee must consider , that as hee took upon him , not an humane Person , but an humane Nature : so it was not requisite hee should take upon him any Personall infirmities , such as are , madnesse , blindenesse , lamenesse , and particular kindes of diseases , which are incident to some onely and not to all men in generall ; but those alone which doe accompany the whole Nature of mankinde , such as are hungring , thirsting , wearinesse , griefe , paine , and mortality . Wee are further here also to observe in this our x Melchisedec , that as he had no Mother in regard of one of his natures , so he was to have no Father in regard of the other ; but must bee born of a pure and immaculate Virgin , without the help of any man : according to that which is writen . y The Lord hath created a new thing in the earth : A woman shall compasse a man. And this also was most requisite , as for other respects , so for the exemption of the assumed nature from the imputation and pollution of Adams sin . For z sin having by that one man entred into the world ; every Father becommeth an Adam unto his childe , and conveyeth the corruption of his nature unto all those whom hee doth beget . Therefore our Saviour assuming the substance of our nature , but not by the ordinary way of naturall generation , is thereby freed from all the touch and taint of the corruption of our flesh ; which by that means onely is propagated from the first man unto his posterity . Whereupon , hee being made of man but not by man , and so becomming the immediate fruit of the womb , and not of the loyns , must of necessity bee acknowledged to be * that HOLY THING , which so was born of so blessed a Mother . Who although shee were but the passive and materiall principle of which that precious flesh was made , and the holy Ghost the agent and efficient ; yet cannot the man Christ Jesus thereby bee made the Son of his a own Spirit . Because Fathers doe beget their children out of their own substance : the holy Ghost did not so , but framed the flesh of him , from whom himself proceeded , out of the creature of them both , b the handmaid of our Lord ; whom from thence all generations shall call blessed . That blessed womb of hers was the Bride-chamber , wherein the holy Ghost did knit that indissoluble knot betwixt our humane nature and his Deity : the Son of God assuming into the unity of his person that which before he was not ; and yet without change ( for so must God still bee ) remaining that which hee was , whereby it came to passe , that c this holy thing which was born of her , was indeed and in truth to bee called the SON of GOD. Which wonderfull connexion of two so infinitely differing natures in the unity of one person , how it was there effected ; is an inquisition fitter for an Angelicall intelligence , then for our shallow capacity to look after : to which purpose also wee may observe , that in the fabrick of the Ark of the Covenant , d the posture of the faces of the Cherubims toward the Mercy-seat ( the type of our Saviour ) was such , as would point unto us , that these are the things which the Angels desire to * stoope and look into . And therefore let that satisfaction , which the Angel gave unto the Mother Virgin ( whom it did more specially concern to move the question , e How may this bee ? ) content us , f The power of the Highest shall overshadow thee . For as the former part of that speech may informe us , that g with God nothing is impossible : so the latter may put us in minde , that the same God having overshadowed this mystery with his own vaile , wee should not presume with the men of Bethshemesh to look into this Ark of his ; lest for our curiosity wee bee smitten , as they were . Onely this wee may safely say , and must firmely hold : that as the distinction of the Persons in the holy Trinity , hindreth not the unity of the Nature of the Godhead , although every Person intirely holdeth his owne incommunicable property ; so neither doth the distinction of the two Natures in our Mediatour any way crosse the unity of his Person , although each nature remaineth * intire in it self , and retaineth the properties agreeing thereunto , without any conversion , composition , commixtion , or confusion . When i Moses beheld the bush burning with fire , and yet no whit consumed , he wondred at the sight , and said ; I will now turn aside , and see this great sight , why the bush is not burnt . But when God thereupon called unto him out of the midst of the bush , and said , Draw not nigh hither , and told him who he was ; Moses trembled , hid his face , and durst not behold God. Yet , although being thus warned , we dare not draw so nigh ; what doth hinder but we may stand aloof off , and wonder at this great sight ? k Our God is a consuming fire ; saith the Apostle : and a question wee finde propounded in the Prophet . l Who among us shall dwell with the devouring fire ? who amongst us shall dwell with the everlasting burnings ? Moses was not like other Prophets , but m God spake unto him face to face , as a man speaketh unto his friend : and yet for all that , when hee besought the Lord that he would shew him his glory ; hee received this answer , n Thou canst not see my face : for there shall no man see me , and live . Abraham before him , though a special o friend of God , and the p father of the faithfull , the children of God ; yet held it a great matter that he should take upon him so much as to q speak unto God , being but dust and ashes . Yea , the very Angels themselves ( r which are greater in power and might ) are fain to s cover their faces , when they stand before him ; as not being able to behold the brightnesse of his glory . With what astonishment then may wee behold our dust and ashes assumed into the undivided unity of Gods own Person ; and admitted to dwell here , as an inmate , under the same roofe ; and yet in the midst of those everlasting burnings , the bush to remain unconsumed , and to continue fresh and green for evermore ? Yea , how should not wee with Abraham rejoyce to see this day , wherein not onely our nature in the Person of our Lord Jesus is found to dwell for ever in those everlasting burnings ; but , in and by him , our own persons also are brought so nigh thereunto , that t God doth set his Sanctuary and Tabernacle among us , and dwell with us ; and ( which is much more ) maketh us our selves to be the u house and the x habitation , wherein he is pleased to dwell by his Spirit , according to that of the Apostle , y Yee are the Temple of the living God , as God hath said ; I will dwell in them and walk in them , and I will be their God , and they shall be my people . And that most admirable prayer , which our Saviour himself made unto his Father in our behalf . z I pray not for these alone , but for them also which shall beleeve on me through their word : that they all may be one , as thou Father art in me , and I in thee , that they also may be one in us ; that the world may beleeve that thou hast sent me . I in them , and thou in mee , that they may be made perfect in one ; and that the world may know that thou hast sent me , and hast loved them as thou hast loved me . To compasse this conjunction betwixt God and us , he that was to be our a JESUS or Saviour , must of necessity also be IMMANUEL ; which being interpreted is , God with us : and therefore in his Person to be Immanuel , that is , God dwelling with our flesh ; because he was by his Office to to be Immanuel , that is , he who must make God to be at one with us . For this being his proper office , to be b Mediatour between God and men , he must partake with both : and being before all eternity consubstantiall with his Father , he must at the appointed time become likewise consubstantiall with his children . c Forasmuch then as the children are partakers of flesh and bloud ; he also himself likewise took part of the same , saith the Apostle . We read in the Romane history , that the Sabines and the Romanes joyning battell together , upon such an occasion as is mentioned in the last chapter of the book of Judges , of the children of Benjamin , catching every man a wife of the daughters of Shiloh : the women being daughters to the one side , and wives to the other , interposed themselves and took up the quarrell : so that by the mediation of these , who had a peculiar interest in either side , and by whose means this new alliance was contracted betwixt the two adverse parties ; they who before stood upon highest tearms of hostility , * did not onely entertain peace , but also joyned themselves together into one body , and one state . God and we were d enemies ; before wee were reconciled to him by his Son. Hee that is to be e our peace , and to reconcile us unto God , and to slay this enmity , must have an interest in both the parties that are at variance , and have such a reference unto either of them , that he may bee able to send this comfortable message unto the sons of men : f Goe to my brethren , and say unto them : I ascend unto my Father , and your Father ; and to my God , and your God. For , as long as g hee is not ashamed to call us brethren ; h God is not ashamed to bee called our God. And his entring of our apparance , in his own name and ours , after this manner ; i Behold , I , and the children which God hath given mee ; is a motive strong enough to appease his Father , and to turn his favourable countenance toward us : as on the other side , when wee become unruly and prove rebellious children ; no reproofe can bee more forcible , nor inducement so prevalent ( if there remaine any sparke of grace in us ) to make us cast downe our weapons and yeeld , then this . k Doe ye thus requite the Lord , O foolish people and unwise ? Is not hee thy Father that hath bought thee ? and bought thee , l not with corruptible things , as silver and gold , but with the precious bloud of his own Son ? How dangerous a matter it is to be at ods with God , old Eli sheweth by this main argument . m If one man sin against another , the Judge shall judge him ▪ but if a man sinne against the Lord , who shall plead or intreat for him ? and Job , before him . n He is not a man as I am , that I should answer him , and we should come together in judgment : neither is there any Days-man or Vmpire betwixt us , that might lay his hand upon us both . If this generall should admit no manner of exception , then were we in a wofull case , and had cause to weep much more then S. John did in the Revelation ; when o none was found in heaven , nor in earth , nor under the earth , that was able to open the book which he saw in the right hand of him that sate upon the Throne , neither to looke thereon . But as S. John was wished there , to refrain his weeping ; because p the Lyon of the tribe of Juda , the root of David , had prevailed to open the book , and to loose the seven seals thereof : so he himself elsewhere giveth the like comfort unto all of us in this particular . q If any sin , we have an Advocate with the Father , Jesus Christ the righteous : and he is a propitiation for our sins ; and not for ours onely , but also for the sins of the whole world . For as r there is one God , so is there one Mediatour betweene God and men , the man Christ Jesus : who gave himself a ransome for all ; and in discharge of this his office of mediation , as the onely fit umpire to take up this controversie , was to lay his hand aswell upon God the party so highly offended , as upon Man the party so basely offending . In things concerning God , the Priesthood of our Mediatour is exercised : s For every high Priest is taken from among men , and ordained for men in things pertaining to God. The parts of his Priestly function are two ; Satisfaction and Intercession : the former wherof giveth contentment to Gods justice ; the latter soliciteth his mercy , for the application of this benefit to the children of God in particular . Whereby it commeth to passe , that God in t shewing mercy upon whom he will shew mercy , is yet for his justice no loser : being both u just , and the justifier of him which beleeveth in Jesus . By vertue of his Intercession , our Mediatour x appeareth in the presence of God for us , and y maketh request for us . To this purpose , the Apostle noteth in the IIIIth . to the Hebrewes , I. That we have a great high Priest , that is passed into the heavens , Jesus the Son of God. ( vers . 14. ) II. That we have not an high Priest which cannot be touched with the feeling of our infirmities , but was in all things tempted as we are ; yet without sin . ( vers . 15. ) Betwixt the having of such , and the not having of such an Intercessor , betwixt the heighth of him in regard of the one , and the lowlinesse in regard of his other nature , standeth the comfort of the poor sinner . He must be such a sutor as taketh our case to heart : and therefore z in all things it behoved him to be made likeunto his brethren , that he might be a mercifull and faithfull high Priest. In which respect as it was needfull he should partake with our flesh and bloud , that he might be tenderly affected unto his brethren : so likewise for the obtaining of so great a sute , it behoved he should bee most dear to God the Father , and have so great an interest in him , as he might always be sure to be a heard in his requests : who therefore could be no other , but he of whom the Father testified from heaven ; b This is my beloved Son in whom I am well pleased . It was fit our Intercessor should be Man , like unto our selves ; that we might c boldly come to him , and find grace to help in time of need : It was fit he should be God , that he might boldly goe to the Father , without any way disparaging him ; as being his d fellow , and e equall . But such was Gods love to justice , and hatred to sinne ; that he would not have his justice swallowed up with mercie , nor sinne pardoned without the making of fit reparation . And therefore our Mediatour must not look to procure for us a simple pardon without more adoe ; but must be a f propitiation for our sinnes , and redeem us by fine and g ransome : and so not onely be the master of our requests , to intreat the Lord for us ; but also take upon him the part of an h Advocate , to plead full satisfaction made by himself , as our i surety , unto all the debt wherewith we any way stood chargeable . Now the satisfaction which our surety bound himself to perform in our behalfe , was of a double debt : the principall , and the accessorie . The principall debt is obedience to Gods most holy Law : which man was bound to pay as a perpetuall tribute to his Creator , although he had never sinned ; but , being now by his own default become bankrupt , is not able to discharge in the least measure . His surety therefore being to satisfie in his stead , none will bee found fit to undertake such a payment , but he who is both God and Man. Man it is fit he should bee , because Man was the party that by the articles of the first Covenant was tyed to this obedience ; and it was requisite that , k as by one mans disobedience many were made sinners , so by the obedience of one man likewise many should be made righteous . Again , if our Mediatour were onely God , he could have performed no obedience ( the Godhead being free from all manner of subjection : ) and if he were a bare man , although he had been as perfect as Adam in his integrity , or the Angels themselves ; yet being left unto himselfe amidst all the temptations of Satan and this wicked world , he should be subject to fall , as they were : or if he should hold out , as l the elect Angels did ; that must have been ascribed to the grace and favour of an other : whereas the giving of strict satisfaction to Gods justice was the thing required in this behalf . But now being God , as well as Man , he by his own m eternall Spirit preserved himself without spot : presenting a far more satisfactory obedience unto God , then could have possibly been performed by Adam in his integrity . For , beside the infinite difference that was betwixt both their Persons , which maketh the actions of the one beyond all comparison to exceed the worth and value of the other : we know that Adam was not able to make himselfe holy ; but what holinesse he had , he received from him who created him according to his owne image : so that whatsoever obedience Adam had performed , God should have n eaten but of the fruit of the vineyard which himselfe had planted ; and o of his own would all that have been , which could be given unto him . But Christ did himself sanctifie that humane nature which he assumed ; according to his own saying , Joh. 17. 19. For their sakes I sanctifie my self : and so out of his own peculiar store did he bring forth those precious treasures of holy obedience , which for the satisfaction of our debt he was pleased to tender unto his Father . Againe , if Adam had p done all things which were commanded him , hee must for all that have said : I am an unprofitable servant ; I have done that which was my duty to doe : whereas in the voluntary obedience , which Christ subjected himself unto , the case stood far otherwise . True it is , that if we respect him in his humane nature , q his Father is greater then he ; and he is his Fathers r servant : yet in that he said , and most truly said , that God was his Father , s the Jews did rightly infer from thence , that he thereby made himself equall with God ; and t the Lord of Hosts himselfe hath proclaimed him to bee the man that is his fellow . Being such a man therefore , and so highly born ; by the priviledge of his birth-right , hee might have claimed an exemption from the ordinary service whereunto all other men are tyed : and by being u the Kings Son , have freed himself from the payment of that tribute which was to be exacted at the hands of Strangers . When x the Father brought this his first-begotten into the world , he said ; Let all the Angels of God worship him : and at the very instant wherein the Son advanced our nature into the highest pitch of dignitie , by admitting it into the unity of his sacred Person , that nature so assumed was worthy to be crowned with all glory and honour : and he in that nature might then have set himself down y at the right hand of the throne of God ; tyed to no other subjection then now he is , or hereafter shall be ; when after the end of this world he shall have delivered up the kingdome to God the Father . For then also , in regard of his assumed nature , he z shall be subject unto him that put all other things under him . Thus the Son of God , if he had minded onely his own things , might at the very first have attained unto the joy that was set before him : but a looking on the things of others , he chose rather to come by a tedious way and wearisome journey unto it , not challenging the priviledge of a Son , but taking upon him the form of a mean servant . Whereupon in the dayes of his flesh , hee did not serve as an honourable Commander in the Lords host , but as an ordinary soldier : he made himself of no reputation , for the time as it were * emptying himself of his high state and dignity ; hee humbled himself , and became obedient untill his death ; being content all his life long to be b made under the Law : yea , so farre , that as he was sent c in the likenesse of sinfull flesh , so he disdained not to subject himself unto that Law , which properly did concern sinfull flesh . And therefore howsoever Circumcision was by right appliable onely unto such as were d dead in their sins , and the uncircumcision of their flesh ; yet he , in whom there was no body of the sins of the flesh to be put off , submitted himself notwithstanding thereunto : not onely to testifie his communion with the Fathers of the old Testament ; but also by this means to tender unto his Father a bond , signed with his own bloud , whereby he made himself in our behalf a debtor unto the whole Law. For I testifie ( saith e the Apostle ) to every man that is circumcised , that he is a debtor to the whole Law. In like manner Baptisme appertained properly unto such as were defiled , and had need to have their f sins washed away : and therefore when all the land of Judea and they of Jerusalem went out unto John , they g were all baptized of him in the river Jordan , confessing their sinnes . Among the rest came our Saviour also : but the Baptist considering that he had need to be baptized by Christ , and Christ no need at all to be baptized by him , refused to give way unto that action ; as altogether unbefitting the state of that immaculate Lambe of God , who was to take away the sinne of the World. Yet did our Mediatour submit himself to that ordinance of God also : not onely to testifie his communion with the Christians of the new Testaments ; but especially ( which is the reason yeelded by himselfe ) because h it became him thus to fulfill all righteousnesse . And so having fulfilled all righteousnesse , whereunto the meanest man was tyed , in the days of his pilgrimage ( which was more then he needed to have undergone , if he had respected only himself : ) the works which he performed were truly workes of supererogation , which might be put upon the account of them whose debt hee undertook to discharge ; and being performed by the Person of the Son of God , must in that respect not onely be equivalent , but infinitely over-value the obedience of Adam and all his posterity , although they had remained in their integrity , and continued untill this houre , instantly serving God day and night . And thus for our main and principall debt of Obedience , hath our Mediatour given satisfaction unto the Justice of his Father ; with i good measure , pressed down , shaken together , and running over . But beside this , we were lyable unto another debt ; which wee have incurred by our default , and drawne upon our selves by way of forfeiture and nomine poenae . For as k Obedience is a due debt , and Gods servants in regard thereof are truly debters : so likewise is sinne a l debt , and sinners m debters , in regard of the penalty due for the default . And as the payment of the debt which commeth nomine poenae , dischargeth not the tenant afterwards from paying his yearly rent ; which of it self would have been due , although no default had been committed : so the due payment of the yearly rent , after the default hath been made , is no sufficient satisfaction for the penalty already incurred . Therefore our surety , who standeth chargeable with all our debts , as he maketh payment for the one by his Active , so must he make amends for the other by his Passive obedience : he must first n suffer , and then enter into his glory . o For it became him , for whom are all things , and by whom are all things , in bringing many sons unto glory , to make the Captain of their salvation perfect ( that is , a perfect accomplisher of the worke which he had undertaken ) through sufferings . The Godhead is of that infinite perfection , that it cannot possibly be subject to any passion . He therefore that had no other nature but the Godhead , could not pay such a debt as this ; the discharge whereof consisted in suffering and dying . It was also fit , that Gods justice should have been satisfied in that nature which had transgressed ; and that the same nature should suffer the punishment , that had committed the offence . p Forasmuch then as the children were partakers of flesh and bloud , he also himself likewise took part of the same : that through death he might destroy him that had the power of death , that is , the Devil ; and deliver them who through fear of death were all their life time subject to bondage . Such and so great was the love of God the Father toward us , q he spared not his own Sonne , but delivered him up for us all : and so transcendent was the love of the Son of God toward the sons of men , that he desired not to be spared ; but rather then they should lie under the power of death , was of himself most willing to suffer death for them : which seeing in that infinite nature , which by eternall generation hee received from his Father , he could not doe , he resolved in the appointed time to take unto himselfe a Mother , and out of her substance to have a body framed unto himself , wherein he might r become obedient unto death , even the death of the crosse , for our redemption . And therefore s when hee commeth into the world , he saith unto his Father , A body hast thou fitted me ; Lo , I come to doe thy will O God. By the which will ( saith the t Apostle ) wee are sanctified , through the offering of the body of Jesus Christ once for all . Thus we see it was necessary for the satisfaction of this debt , that our Mediatour should be Man : but he that had no more in him then a Man , could never be able to goe through with so great a work . For if there should be found a Man as righteous as Adam was at his first creation , who would be content to suffer for the offence of others : his suffering possibly might serve for the redemption of one soul ; it could be no sufficient ransome for those u innumerable multitudes that were to be x redeemed to God out of every kindred , and tongue , and people , and nation . Neither could any Man or Angel be able to hold out , if a punishment equivalent to the endlesse sufferings of all the sinners in the world should at once bee laid upon him . Yea , the very powers of Christ himself , upon whom y the spirit of might did rest , were so shaken in this sharp encounter ; that he , who was the most accomplisht pattern of all fortitude , stood z sore amazed , and a with strong crying and tears prayed that , b if it were possible , the houre might passe from him . c This man therefore being to offer one sacrifice for sins for ever ; to the burning of that sacrifice he must not onely bring the d coals of his love as strong as death , and as ardent as the fire which hath a most vehement flame , but he must add thereunto those e everlasting burnings also , even the flames of his most glorious Deity : and therefore f through the eternall Spirit must he offer himself without spot unto God ; that hereby he might g obtain for us an eternall redemption . The bloud whereby the Church is purchased , must bee h Gods own bloud : and to that end must i the Lord of glory be crucified ; k the Prince and author of life be killed ; he l whose eternall generation no man can declare , be cut off out of the land of the living ; and the man that is Gods own fellow be thus smitten ; according to that vvhich God himselfe foretold by his Prophet . m Awake , O sword , against my shepherd , and against the man that is my fellow , saith the Lord of hosts : smite the shepherd , and the sheep shall be scattered . The people of Israel , we read , did so value the life of David their King , that they counted him to be worth n tenne thousand of themselves : how shall we then value of o Davids Lord ; p who is the blessed and onely Potentate , the King of kings , and Lord of lords ? It was indeed our nature that suffered ; but he that suffered in that nature , q is over all , God blessed for ever : and for such a Person to have suffered but one houre , was more then if all other persons had suffered ten thousand millions of years . But put case also , that the life of any other singular man might be equivalent to all the lives of whole mankind : yet the laying down of that life would not be sufficient to doe the deed , unlesse he that had power to lay it down had power likewise to take it up again . For , to be detained always in that prison r from whence there is no comming out before the payment of the uttermost farthing ; is to lie always under execution , and to quit the plea of that full payment of the debt wherein our surety stood engaged for us . And therefore the Apostle upon that ground doth rightly conclude ; that s if Christ be not raised , our faith is vaine , we are yet in our sinnes : and consequently , that as he must be t delivered to death for our offences , so he must be raised again for our justification . Yea , our Saviour himself , knowing full well what he was to undergoe for our sakes , told us before-hand , that the Comforter whom hee would send unto us , should u convince the world , that is , fully satisfie the consciences of the sons of men , concerning that x everlasting righteousnesse , which was to bee brought in by him , upon this very ground : Because I goe to my Father , and ye see mee no more . For if he had broken prison , and made an escape , the payment of the debt , which as our surety he took upon himself , being not yet satisfied ; he should have been seen here again : Heaven would not have held him , more then Paradise did Adam , after hee had fallen into Gods debt and danger . But our Saviour raising himselfe from the dead , presenting himself in Heaven before him unto whom the debt was owing , and maintaining his standing there , hath hereby given good proof , that he is now a free man , and hath fully discharged that debt of ours for vvhich he stood committed . And this is the evidence we have to shew of that righteousnesse , whereby we stand justified in Gods sight : according to that of the Apostle . y Who shall lay any thing to the charge of Gods elect ? It is God that justifieth : who is he that condemneth ? It is Christ that died , yea rather that is risen again ; who is even at the right hand of God , who also maketh intercession for us . Now although an ordinary man may easily part with his life ; yet doth it not lie in his power to resume it again at his own will and pleasure . But he that must doe the turn for us , must be able to say as our JESUS did , z I lay down my life that I might take it again . No man taketh it from me , but I lay it down of my self : I have power to lay it down , and I have power to take it again : and in another place ; a Destroy this Temple , and in three days I will raise it up ; saith he unto the Jews , speaking of the Temple of his body . An humane nature then he must have had , which might be subject to dissolution : but being once dissolved , hee could not by his own strength ( which was the thing here necessarily required ) raise it up again ; unlesse he had b declared himselfe to be the Son of God with power , by the resurrection from the dead . The Manhood could suffer , but not overcome the sharpnesse of death : the Godhead could suffer nothing , but overcome any thing . He therefore that was both to suffer and to overcome death for us , must be partaker of both natures : that c being put to death in the flesh , he might be able also to quicken himself by his own Spirit . And now are wee come to that part of Christs mediation , which concerneth the conveyance of d the redemption of this purchased possession unto the sons of men . A dear purchase indeed , which was to be redeemed with no lesse price then the bloud of the Son of God : but what should the purchase of a stranger have been to us ? or what should we have been the better for all this ; if we could not derive our descent from the purchaser , or raise some good title whereby we might estate our selves in his purchase ? Now this was the manner in former time in Israel , concerning redemptions : that unto him who was the next of kinne belonged the right of being e Goël , or the Redeemer . And Job had before that left this glorious profession of his faith unto the perpetuall memory of all posterity . f I know that my Goël or Redeemer liveth , and at the last shall arise upon the dust ( or , stand upon the earth . ) And after this my skin is spent ; yet in my flesh shall I see God. Whom I shall see for my self , and mine eyes shall behold , and not another for me . Whereby we may easily understand , that his and our Redeemer was to be the invisible God ; and yet in his assumed flesh made visible even to the bodily eyes of those whom he redeemed . For if he had not thus assumed our flesh ; how should we have been of his bloud , or claimed any kindred to him ? and unlesse the Godhead had by a personall union been unseparably conjoyned unto that flesh ; how could he therein have been accounted our next of kinne ? For the better clearing of which last reason ; we may call to minde that sentence of the Apostle . g The first man is of the earth earthy : the second man is the Lord from heaven . Where , notwithstanding there were many millions of men in the world betwixt these two ; yet we see our Redeemer reckoned the second man : and why ? but because these two were the only men who could be accounted the prime fountains from whence all the rest of mankind did derive their existence and beeing . For as all men in the world by mean descents doe draw their first originall from the first man : so in respect of a more immediate influence of efficiency and operation doe they owe their beeing unto the second man , as he is the Lord from heaven . This is Gods own language unto Jeremy , h Before I formed thee in the belly , I knew thee ; and this is Davids acknowledgement , for his part ; i Thy hands have made me and fashioned me ; k thou hast covered me in my mother womb : l thou art he that took me out of my mothers bowels : and Jobs , for his also . m Thy hands have made mee and fashioned mee together round about : thou hast clothed me with skin and flesh , and hast fenced me with bones and sinews : and the n Apostles , for us all : In him we live , and move , and have our beeing : who inferreth also thereupon , both that we are the off-spring or generation of God ; and that he is not far from every one of us . This being to be admitted for a most certain truth ( notwithstanding the opposition of all gain-sayers ) that * God doth more immediately concurre to the generation and all other motions of the creature , then any naturall agent doth or can doe . And therefore , if o by one mans offence , death reigned by one ; much more they which receive abundance of grace and of the gift of righteousnesse , shall reigne in life by one , Jesus Christ. Considering that this second man is not onely as universall a principle of all our beeings , as was that first , and so may sustain the common person of us all , as well as he ; but is a farre more immediate agent in the production thereof : not , as the first , so many generations removed from us , but more neere unto us then our very next progenitours ; and in that regard justly to be accounted our next of kinne , even before them also . Yet is not this sufficient neither : but there is an other kind of generation required , for which we must be beholding unto the second man , the Lord from heaven ; before we can have interest in this purchased Redemption . For as the guilt of the first mans transgression is derived unto us by the meanes of carnall generation : so must the benefit of the second mans obedience be conveyed unto us by spirituall regeneration . And this must be laid down as a most undoubted verity ; that , p except a man be born again , hee cannot see the kingdome of God ; and that every such must be q born , not of bloud , nor of the will of the flesh , nor of the will of man , but of God. Now , as our Mediatour in respect of the Adoption of Sons , which he hath procured for us , r is not ashamed to call us Brethren : so in respect of this nevv birth , whereby hee begetteth us to a spirituall and everlasting life , he disdaineth not to own us as his Children . s When thou shalt make his seed an offering for sin , he shall see his seed : saith the Prophet Esaias . t A seed shall serve him ; it shall be accounted to the Lord for a generation : saith his Father David likewise of him . And he himself , of himselfe : u Behold I , and the children which God hath given mee . Whence the Apostle deduceth this conclusion : x Forasmuch then as the children are partakers of flesh and bloud , he also himselfe likewise took part of the same . He himself , that is , he who was God equall to the Father : for who else was able to make this y new creature , but the same z God that is the Creator of all things ? ( no lesse power being requisite to the effecting of this , then was at the first to the producing of all things out of nothing : ) and these new a babes being to be b born of the Spirit ; who could have power to send the Spirit , thus to beget them , but the Father and the Son from whom he proceeded ? the same blessed Spirit , who framed the naturall body of our Lord in the womb of the Virgin , being to new mould and fashion every member of his mysticall body unto his similitude and likenesse . For the further opening of which mystery ( which went beyond the apprehension of c Nicodemus , though a master of Israel ) wee are to consider ; that in every perfect generation , the creature produced receiveth two things from him that doth beget it : Life and Likenesse . A curious limmer draweth his own sons pourtraicture to the life ( as we say : ) yet because there is no true life in it , but a likenesse onely ; he can not be said to be the begetter of his picture , as he is of his Son. And some creatures there be that are bred out of mud or other putrid matter : which although they have life , yet because they have no correspondence in likenesse unto the principle from whence they were derived , are therefore accounted to have but an improper and equivocall generation . Whereas in the right and proper course of generation ( others being esteemed but monstrous births that swarve from that rule ) every creature begetteth his like : — nec imbellem feroces Progenerant aquilae columbam . Now touching our spirituall death and life , these sayings of the Apostle would be thought upon . d We thus judge , that if one died for all , then were all dead : and that he died for all , that they which live , should not henceforth live unto themselves , but unto him which died for them and rose again . e God who is rich in mercy , for his great love wherewith he loved us , even when we were dead in sins , hath quickned us together with Christ. f And you being dead in your sins , and the uncircumcision of your flesh , hath he quickned together with him , having forgiven you all trespasses . g I am crucified with Christ. Neverthelesse I live , yet not I , but Christ liveth in me : and the life which I now live in the flesh , I live by the faith of the Son of God , who loved me and gave himself for me . From all which we may easily gather , that if by the obedience and sufferings of a bare man , though never so perfect , the most soveraign medicine that could be thought upon should have been prepared for the curing of our wounds : yet all would be to no purpose , we being found dead , when the medicine did come to be applyed . Our Physitian therefore must not onely be able to restore us unto health , but unto life it selfe : which none can doe but the Father , Son , and holy Ghost ; one God , blessed for ever . To which purpose , these passages of our Saviour also are to be considered . h As the Father hath life in himself : so hath he given to the Son to have life in himself . i As the living Father hath sent me , and I live by the Father : so he that eateth me , even he shall live by me . k I am the living bread , which came down from heaven ; if any man eat of this bread , he shall live for ever : and the bread that I will give , is my flesh , which I will give for the life of the world . The substance whereof is briefly comprehended in this saying of the Apostle : l The last Adam was made a quickening spirit . An Adam therefore and perfect Man must he have been ; that his flesh , given for us upon the Crosse , might bee made the conduict to convey life unto the world : and a quickening spirit he could not have been , unlesse hee were God , able to make that flesh an effectuall instrument of life by the operation of his blessed Spirit . For , as himself hath declared , m It is the Spirit that quickneth ; without it , the flesh would profit nothing . As for the point of similitude and likenesse : we read of Adam , after his fall , that he n begat a son in his own likenesse , after his image : and generally , as well touching the carnall as the spirituall generation , our Saviour hath taught us this lesson , o That which is born of the flesh , is flesh ; and that which is born of the Spirit , is spirit . Whereupon the Apostle maketh this comparison betwixt those who are born of that first man , who is of the earth earthy , and of the second man , who is the Lord from heaven . p As is the earthy , such are they that are earthy ; and as is the heavenly , such are they also that are heavenly : and as wee have borne the image of the earthy , we shall also bear the image of the heavenly . We shall indeed hereafter bear it in full perfection : when q the Lord Jesus Christ shall change our base body , that it may be fashioned like unto his glorious body ; according to the working , whereby he is able even to subdue all things unto himself . Yet in the mean time also , such a conformity is required in us unto that heavenly man , that r our conversation must be in heaven , whence we look for this Saviour : and that we must s put off , concerning the former conversation , that old man , which is corrupt according to the deceitfull lusts , and be renued in the spirit of our mind ; and put on the new man , which after God is created in righteousnesse and true holinesse . For as in one particular point of domesticall authority , t the Man is said to be the image and glory of God , and the Woman the glory of the Man : so in a more universall manner is Christ said to bee u the image of God , even x the brightnesse of his glory , and the expresse image of his person ; and we y to be conformed to his image , that he might be the first-born among those many brethren , who in that respect are accounted z the glory of Christ. We read in the holy story , that God a took of the spirit which was upon Moses , and gave it unto the seventy Elders ; that they might bear the burden of the people with him , and that hee might not bear it , as before hee had done , himself alone . It may bee , his burden being thus lightned , the abilities that were left him for government were not altogether so great , as the necessity of his former imployment required them to have been : and in that regard , vvhat vvas given to his assistants , might perhaps bee said to bee taken from him . But wee are sure the case was otherwise in him of whom now wee speak : unto whom b God did not thus give the Spirit by measure . And therefore although so many millions of beleevers doe continually receive this c supply of the Spirit of Jesus Christ ; yet neither is that fountain any way exhausted , nor the plenitude of that well-spring of grace any whit impaired or diminished : it being Gods pleasure , d That in him should all fulnesse dwell ; and that e of his fulnesse all wee should receive , grace for grace . That as in the naturall generation there is such a correspondence in all parts betwixt the begetter and the Infant begotten ; that there is no member to bee seen in the Father , but there is the like answerably to bee found in the Childe , although in a farre lesse proportion ; so it falleth out in this spirituall , that for every grace which in a most eminent manner is found in Christ , a like grace will appeare in Gods Childe , although in a far inferiour degree ; similitudes and likenesses being defined by the Logicians to bee comparisons made in quality , and not in quantity . Wee are yet further to take it into our consideration , that by thus enlivening and fashioning us according to his own image , Christs purpose was not to raise a seed unto himself dispersedly and distractedly , but to f gather together in one , the Children of God that were scattered abroad ; yea and to g bring all unto one head by himselfe , both them which are in Heaven and them which are on the Earth . That as in the Tabernacle , h the vail divided between the Holy place and the most Holy ; but the curtaines which covered them both were so coupled together with the taches , that it might still i bee one Tabernacle : so the Church Militant and Triumphant , typified thereby , though distant as farre the one from the other as Heaven is from Earth , yet is made but one Tabernacle in Jesus Christ ; k In whom all the building fifty framed together groweth unto an holy Temple in the Lord , and in whom all of us are builded together for an habitation of God through the Spirit . The bond of this mysticall union betwixt Christ and us ( as l elsewhere hath more fully been declared ) is on his part that m quickning Spirit , which being in him as the Head , is from thence diffused to the spirituall animation of all his Members : and on our part n Faith , which is the prime act of life wrought in those who are capable of understanding by that same Spirit . Both whereof must bee acknowledged to bee of so high a nature , that none could possibly by such ligatures knit up so admirable a body , but hee that was God Almighty . And therefore although wee did suppose such a man might bee found who should perform the Law for us , suffer the death that was due to our offence and overcome it ; yea , and whose obedience and sufferings should be of such value , that it were sufficient for the redemption of the whole world : yet could it not be efficient to make us live by faith , unlesse that Man had been able to send Gods Spirit to apply the same unto us . Which as no bare Man or any other Creature whasoever can doe ; so for Faith wee are taught by S. o Paul , that it is the operation of God , and a work of his power , even of that same power wherewith Christ himself was raised from the dead . Which is the ground of that prayer of his , that the p eyes of our understanding being enlightned , wee might know what is the exceeding greatnesse of his power to us-ward who beleeve ; according to the working of his mighty power , which hee wrought in Christ when hee raised him from the dead , and set him at his own right hand in the heavenly places , far above all Principality , and Power , and Might , and every Name that is named not onely in this World , but also in that to come : and hath put all things under his feet , and gave him to bee head over all things to the Church , which is his body , the fulnesse of him that filleth all in all . Yet was it fit also , that this Head should bee of the same nature with the Body which is knit unto it : and therefore that hee should so bee God , as that hee might partake of our Flesh likewise . q For wee are members of his body , saith the same Apostle ; of his flesh , and of his bones . And , r except yee eate the flesh of the Son of man , saith our Saviour himself , and drink his blood ; yee have no life in you . s Hee that eateth my flesh , and drinketh my blood , dwelleth in mee , and I in him . Declaring thereby , first , that by this mysticall and supernaturall union , wee are as truely conjoyned with him , as the meate and drink wee take is with us ; when by the ordinary work of Nature , it is converted into our own substance . Secondly , that this conjunction is immediately made with his humane nature . Thirdly , that the t Lamb slaine , that is , u Christ crucified , hath by that death of his , made his flesh broken , and his blood powred out for us upon the Crosse , to bee fit food for the spirituall nourishment of our soules ; and the very well-spring from whence , by the power of his Godhead , all life and grace is derived unto us . Upon this ground it is , that the Apostle telleth us , that wee x have boldnesse to enter into the Holyest by the blood of Jesus ; by a new and living way which hee hath consecrated for us , through the vaile , that is to say , his flesh . That as in the Tabernacle , there was no passing from the Holy to the most Holy place , but by the vaile : so now there is no passage to bee looked for from the Church Militant to the Church Triumphant , but by the flesh of him , who hath said of himself ; y I am the way , the truth and the life , no man commeth unto the Father but by mee . Jacob in his dream beheld z a ladder set upon the Earth , the top whereof reached to Heaven , and the Angels of God ascending and descending on it , the Lord himself standing above it . Of which vision none can give a better interpretation then hee , who was prefigured therein , gave unto Nathaniel . a Hereafter you shall see Heaven opened , and the Angels of God ascending and descending upon the Son of man. Whence wee may well collect , that the onely meanes whereby God standing above , and his Israel lying here below are conjoyned together , and the onely ladder vvhereby Heaven may bee scaled by us , is the Son of man , the type of whose flesh , the veile , vvas therefore commanded to bee b made vvith Cherubims ; to shevv that wee come c to an innumerable company of Angels , when wee come to Jesus , the Mediatour of the New Testament : who as the Head of the Church hath power to d send forth all those ministring spirits , to minister for them who shall bee Heirs of salvation . Lastly , wee are to take into our consideration , that as in things concerning God , the main execution of our Saviours Priesthood doth consist ; so in things concerning man , hee exerciseth both his Propheticall Office , whereby hee openeth the will of his Father unto us , and his Kingly , whereby hee ruleth and protecteth us . It was indeed a part of e the Priests office in the Old Testament , to instruct the people in the Law of God , and yet were f they distinguished from Prophets : like as in the New Testament also , g Prophets as well as Apostles , are made a different degree from ordinary Pastours and Teachers , who received not their doctrine by immediate inspiration from Heaven ; as those other h Holy men of God did , who spake as they were moved by the holy Ghost . Whence S. Paul putteth the Hebrews in minde , that God who i in sundry parts and in sundry manners spake in time past unto the Fathers by the Prophets , hath in these last dayes spoken unto us by his Son Christ Jesus : whom therefore hee stileth k the Apostle , as vvell as the High Priest of our profession ; who was faithfull to him that appointed him , even as Moses was in all his house . Now Moses , wee know , had a singular preheminence above all the rest of the Prophets : according to that ample testimony which God himself giveth of him . l If there bee a Prophet among you , I the Lord will make my self known unto him in a vision , and will speak unto him in a dream . My servant Moses is not so , who is faithfull in all mine house : with him will I speak mouth to mouth , even aparently , and not in dark speeches ; and the similitude of the Lord shall he behold . And therefore wee finde , that our Mediatour in the execution of his Propheticall office is in a more peculiar manner likened unto Moses : which hee himself also did thus foretell . m The Lord thy God will raise up unto thee a Prophet from the midst of thee , of thy Brethren , like unto mee ; unto him yee shall hearken . According to all that thou desiredst of the Lord thy God in Horeb , in the day of the assembly , saying , Let mee not heare again the voyce of the Lord my God ; neither let mee see this great fire any more , that I dye not . And the Lord said unto mee , They have well spoken , that which they have spoken . I will raise them up a Prophet from among their brethren , like unto thee , and will put my words in his mouth , and hee shall speak unto them all that I shall command him . And it shall come to passe , that whosoever will not hearken unto my words , which hee shall speak in my Name , I will require it of him . Our Prophet therefore must bee a Man raised from among his Brethren the Israelites , ( n of whom , as concerning the flesh , hee came ) who was to perform unto us , that which the Fathers requested of Moses : o Speak thou to us , and wee will heare ; but let not God speak with us , lest wee die . And yet ( that in this also wee may see , how our Mediatour had the preheminence ) p when Aaron , and all the children of Israel were to receive from the mouth of Moses all that the Lord had spoken with him in Mount , Sinai , they were afraid to come nigh him , by reason of the glory of his shining countenance : so that hee was fain to put a vaile over his face , while hee spake unto them that which hee was commanded . But that which for a time was thus q made glorious , had no glory in respect of the glory that excelleth ; and both the glory thereof , and the vaile which covered it , are now abolished in Christ : the vaile of whose flesh doth so overshadow r the brightnesse of his glory , that yet under it wee may s behold his glory , as the glory of the onely begotten of the Father ; yea ; and t wee all with open face , beholding as in a glasse the glory of the Lord , are changed into the same Image , from glory to glory , even as by the Spirit of the Lord. And this is daily effected by the power of the Ministery of the Gospel , instituted by the authority , and seconded by the power , of this our great Prophet : whose transcendent excellency beyond Moses , ( unto whom , in the execution of that function , hee was otherwise likened ) is thus set forth by the Apostle . u Hee is counted worthy of more glory then Moses , in as much as hee who hath builded the house hath more honour then the house . For every house is builded by some one : but hee that built all things is God. And Moses verily was faithfull in all his house , as a servant , for a testimony of those things which were to bee spoken after : but Christ , as the Son , over his own house . x This house of God is no other then the Church of the living God : whereof as hee is the onely Lord , so is hee also properly the onely Builder . Christ therefore being both the Lord and the y Builder of his Church , must bee God as well as Man : which is the cause , why wee finde all the severall mansions of this z great house to carry the title indifferently of the a Churches of God , and the b Churches of Christ. True it is , that there are other ministeriall builders , whom Christ employeth in that service : this being not the least of those gifts which hee bestowed upon men at his Triumphant Ascension into Heaven , that c hee gave not onely ordinary Pastours and Teachers , but Apostles likewise , and Prophets , and Evangelists ; for the perfecting of the Saints , for the Work of the Ministery , for the edifying of the body of Christ. Which , what great power it required , hee himself doth fully expresse in passing the graunt of this high Commission unto his Apostles . d All power is given unto mee in Heaven and in Earth . Goe yee therefore and teach all Nations , baptizing them in the name of the Father , and of the Son , and of the Holy Ghost ; teaching them to observe all things , whatsoever I have commanded you : and lo , I am with you alway , even unto the end of the World. Amen . S. Paul professeth of himself , that hee e laboured more abundantly then all the rest of the Apostles : yet not I , saith hee , but the grace of God which was with mee . And therefore although f according to that grace of God which was given unto him , hee denyeth not but that , as a wise Master-builder , hee had laid the foundation ; yet hee acknowledgeth that they upon whom hee had wrought , were Gods building , as well as Gods husbandry . For who , saith g hee , is Paul , and who is Apollo , but Ministers by whom you beleeved , even as the Lord gave to every man ? I have planted , Apollo watered : but God gave the increase . So then , neither is hee that planteth any thing , neither hee that watereth : but God that giveth the increase . Two things therefore wee finde in our great Prophet , which doe farre exceed the ability of any bare Man ; and so doe difference him from all the h Holy Prophets , which have been since the World began . For first , wee are taught ; that i no man knoweth the Father , save the Son , and hee to whomsoever the Son will reveale him : and that k no man hath seen God at any time ; but the only begotten Son , which is in the bosome of the Father , hee bath declared him . Being in his bosome , hee is become conscious of his secrets , and so out of his own immediate knowledge , inabled to discover the whole will of his Father unto us . Whereas alother Prophets and Apostles receive their revelations at the second hand , and according to the grace given unto them by the Spirit of Christ. Witnesse that place of S. Peter , for the Prophets : l Of which salvation the Prophets have enquired , and searched diligently , who prophesied of the grace that should come unto you ; searching what or what manner of time THE SPIRIT OF CHRIST WHICH WAS IN THEM did signifie , when it testified beforehand the sufferings of Christ , and the glory that should follow . And for the Apostles , those heavenly words which our Saviour himself uttered unto them , whilst hee was among them . m When the Spirit of Truth is come , hee will guide you into all truth : for hee shall not speak of himself ; but whatsoever hee shall hear , that shall hee speak ; and hee will shew you things to come . Hee shall glorifie mee : for hee shall receive of mine , and shew it unto you . All things that the Father hath , are mine : therefore said I , that hee shall take of mine , and shall shew it unto you . Secondly , all other Prophets and Apostles can doe no more ( as hath been said ) but plant and water ; onely God can give the increase : they may teach indeed and baptize ; but unlesse Christ were with them by the powerfull presence of his Spirit , they would not bee able to save one soule by that Ministery of theirs . Wee , n as lively stones , are built up a spirituall house : but , o except the Lord do build this house , they labour in vaine that build it . For who is able to breathe the Spirit of life into those dead stones , but hee , of whom it is writen ; p The houre is comming , and now is , when the dead shall hear the voyce of the Son of God ; and they that heare it shall live . And again : q Awake thou that sleepest , and arise from the dead ; and Christ shall give thee light . Who can awake us out of this dead sleep , and give light unto these blinde eyes of ours ; but the Lord our God , unto whom wee pray , that hee would r lighten our eyes , lest wee sleep the sleep of death ? And as a blinde man is not able to conceive the distinction of colours , although the skilfullest man alive should use all the art hee had to teach him ; because hee wanteth the sense whereby that object is discernible : so s the naturall man perceiveth not the things of the Spirit of God ( for they are foolishnesse unto him ; ) neither can hee know them , because they are spiritually discerned . Whereupon the Apostle concludeth , concerning himself and all his fellow-labourers ; that t God who commanded the light to shine out of darknesse , hath shined in our hearts ; to give the light of the knowledge of the glory of God , in the face of Jesus Christ : but wee have this treasure in earthen vessels ; that the excellency of the power may bee of God , and not of us . Our Mediatour therefore ( who must u bee able to save them to the uttermost that come unto God by him ) may not want the excellency of the power , whereby hee may make us capable of this high knowledge of the things of God , propounded unto us by the ministery of his servants : and consequently , in this respect also , must bee God as well as Man. There remaineth the Kingdom of our Redeemer : described thus by the Prophet Isaiah . x Of the increase of his government and peace there shall bee no end , upon the Throne of David , and upon his kingdom ; to order it , and to establish it with judgement and with justice , from henceforth even for ever . And by Daniel : y Behold , one like the Son of man came with the clouds of Heaven , and came to the Ancient of dayes ; and they brought him neer before him . And there was given him Dominion , and Glory , and a Kingdom , that all People , Nations , and Languages should serve him : His dominion is an everlasting dominion , which shall not passe away ; and his kingdome that which shall not be destroyed . And by the Angel Gabriel , in his ambassage to the blessed Virgin. z Behold , thou shalt conceive in thy womb , and bring forth a Son , and shalt call his name Jesus . Hee shall be great , and shall be called the Son of the Highest ; and the Lord God shall give him the Throne of his Father David . And hee shall reign over the house of Jacob for ever ; and of his kingdom there shall bee no end . This is that new a David our King , vvhom God hath raised up unto his b own Israel : vvho vvas in Truth , that which hee was called ; the Son of Man , and the Son of the Highest . That in the one respect , c wee may say unto him , as the Israelites of old did unto their David ; d Behold , wee are thy bone and thy flesh : and in the other , sing of him as David himself did ; e The Lord said unto my Lord , Sit thou at my right hand , untill I make thine enemies thy footstoole . So that the promise made unto our first Parents , that f the seed of the Woman should bruise the Serpents head , may well stand with that other saying of S. Paul ; that g the God of peace shall bruise Satan under our feet . Seeing h for this very purpose the Son of God was manifested i in the flesh , that hee might destroy the works of the Devil . And still that foundation of God will remain unshaken : I k even I am the Lord , and beside mee there is no Saviour . l Thou shalt know no God but mee : for there is no Saviour beside mee . Two speciall branches there bee of this Kingdom of our Lord and Saviour : the one of Grace , whereby that part of the Church is governed which is Militant upon Earth ; the other of Glory , belonging to that part which is Triumphant in Heaven . Here upon earth , as by his Propheticall office hee worketh upon our Minde and Understanding , so by his Kingly , hee ruleth our Will and Affections ; m casting down imaginations and every high thing that exalteth it self against the knowledge of God , and bringing into captivity every thought to the obedience of Christ. Where , as wee must needs acknowledge , that n it is God which worketh in us both to will and to doe , and that it is o hee which sanctifyeth us wholly : so are wee taught likewise to beleeve , that p both hee who sanctifyeth , and they who are sanctifyed , are all of one , namely of one and the self-same nature ; that the sanctifyer might not bee ashamed to call those , who are sanctifyed by him , his brethren : that as their nature was corrupted , and their blood tainted in the first Adam , so it might bee restored again in the second Adam ; and that as from the one a corrupt , so from the other a pure and undefiled nature might bee transmitted unto the heires of salvation . The same q God that giveth grace , is hee also that giveth glory : yet so , that the streams of both of them must run to us through the golden pipe of our Saviours humanity . r For since by man came death ; it was fit that by man also should come the resurrection of the dead . Even by that man , who hath said : s Who so eateth my flesh , and drinketh my blood , hath eternall life ; and I will raise him up at the last day . Who , then , t shall come to bee glorifyed in his Saints , and to bee made marvellous in all them that beleeve : and u shall change this base body of ours , that it may be fashioned like unto his own glorious body ; according to the working , whereby hee is able even to subdue all things unto himselfe . Unto him therefore that hath thus x loved us , and washed us from our sins in his own blood , and hath made us Kings and Priests unto God and his Father ; to him bee glory and dominion for ever and ever , Amen . PHILIP . 3. 8. I COUNT ALL THINGS BUT LOSSE , FOR THE EXCELLENCY OF THE KNOWLEDGE OF CHRIST JESUS MY LORD . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A64622-e2820 1 Pet. 1. 19. 21. 2 Tim. 3. 15 , 16 , 17. 1 Tim. 1. 17. Psalm . 147. 5. Exod. 34. 6 , 7. 1 Joh. 5. 7. 1 Chron. 29. 11 , 12. Psal. 145. 10 , 11 , 12. Act. 17. 24. Gen. 1. 26 , 27. Psal. 103. 19. & 66. 7. Jude ver . 6. Rev. 12. 7. Gal. 3. 10. Gen. 2. 17. Eccl. 7. 31. Rom. 5. 12. 14. Gal. 3. 10. Deut. 28. 45. Mat. 1. 21 , 22 , 23. Gal. 4. 4 , 5. Phil. 2. 7 , 8 , 9. Heb. 5. 4 , 5. Rom. 8. 34. Heb. 10. 12. Luk. 4. 18 , 19. Isay 9. 6 , 7. Heb. 3. 1. 2 Tim. 1. 9. Heb. 12. 23. Cant. 2. 16. Joh. 17. 21 , 22 , 23 , 24. Rom. 3. 24 , 25 , 26. and 4. 6 , 7. Rom. 8. 15 , 16 , 17. 23 , 24 , 25. Eph. 1. 4. Col. 3. 9 , 10. 12. 14. Mat. 22. 37 , 38 , 39 , 40. Exod. 20. 2 , 3. Exod. 20. 5 , 6. Exod. 20. 7. Exod. 20. 8 , 9 , 10 , 11. Exod. 20. 12. Exod. 20. 13. Exod. 20. 14. Exod. 20. 15. Exod. 20. 16. Exod. 20. Acts 26. 20. 2 Cor. 7. 10 , 11. Jer. 31. 18 , 19. Eph. 6. 10 , 11 , 12. 1 Pet. 5. 8 , 9. Gal. 6. 14. Rom. 8. 35 , 36 , 37. Gal. 5. 14. Col. 3. 5 , 6. Lev. 1. 74 , 75. Tit. 2. 11 , 12 , 13 , 14. Matth. 6. 6 , 7. Matth. 6. 9 , 10. Ver. 11. 12 , 13. Matth. 6. 13. Matth. 5. 16 , 17 , 18. Eph. 4. 28 , 29. Heb. 13. 16. Rom. 10. 14 , 15. Eph. 4. 11 , 12 , 13. Rom. 4. 11. Matth. 18. 15 , 16 , 17. Heb. 9. 1. 9 , 10. 1 Cor. 10. 1 , 2 , 3 , 4. Joh. 1. 17. Heb. 12. 27 , 28. Matth. 28. 19. 1 Pet. 3. 21. 1 Cor. 11. 23 , 24. 1 Tim. 4. 12 , 13. 2 Thes. 2. 3 , 4. Heb. 9. 27. 1 Thes. 4. 15 , 16 , 17. 1 Cor. 15. 51 , 52. Matth. 25. 34 , 35. Notes for div A64622-e4720 All men desire eternall happinesse . Religion the means to obtain happinesse . No salvation but by the true Religion . Diverse kindes of false Religion . What Christian Religion is . Of Catechising what it is . Where to bee used , and by whom . The necessity of it . a Eccles. 1. 2. True happines consisteth in God. How we come to injoy God. b Job 22. 21. c Joh. 17. 3. Gal. 4. 9. d Eccle. 12. 13. e 2 Cor. 5. 9. f 1 Sam. 2. 30. Means to know God. By his Divine Works , and holy Word . Job . 22. 20. Joh. 6. 68. Of the Divine Works of God. Plato . Galen . Homer . Virgil. Ovid. The uses of knowing God by his Works . Of Gods holy Word the Scriptures . How the Scriptures were delivered . Revelations . Oracles . Visions . What Scripture is . That the Scriptures are the Word of God. Reasons to prove God to be the Author of the holy Scriptures . 1 Efficient . Instrumentall . 2 The simplicity and sincerity of the writers . 3 The quality and condition of the Penmen of holy Scriptures . 4 The heavenly matter of holy Scripture . 5 The Doctrine of the Scriptures above humane capacity . 6 The concord of the several writers one with another . 7 The prophesies fulfilled in their due time . 8 The Majesty and authority of the Scriptures . 9 The motives used in them to perswade , not reason , but commands . 10 The end and scope of the Scriptures , which is Gods glory . 11 Their admirable power . 12 Their antiquity . 13 The hatred of the Devill , and wicked men against them . 14 The preservation of the Scriptures . 15 Their power to humble a man and raise him up again . 1 Cor. 14. 25. 16 The consenant testimony of all men at all times . 17 The known miracles done by the Writers of the Scriptures . 18 The testimony of the Spirit in the hearts of men . That the authority of the Scriptures doth not depend on the Church . What are the books of holy Scriptures . In what language the Old Testament was writen . That the Scriptures of the Old Testament were first writen with vowels and pricks . The books of Moses . The books of the Prophets . The Historicall books . The Doctrinal books . The Poeticall books . The Prosaicall books . The Apocryphall books . The errors of the Apocryphal Books . Of the books of the New Testament . The properties of the holy Scriptures . As 1 holy . 2 Highest in authority . 3. Sufficient in themselves . That the Scriptures are a perfect rule , for doctrine , life , and Salvation . Objections against the sufficiency of the holy Scriptures answered . Tim. Qu. An. Of the perspicuity of the holy Scriptures . The Papists objections against the perspicuity of the Scriptures answered . Ans. Why God hat● left some places of Scripture obscure . Of the Translation of holy Scriptures . An objection grounded on various readings answered . Why the Scriptures must be expounded by the Scriptures . The use of holy Scriptures . Who must read the Scriptures . That all must read the Scriptures , proved . The Papists objections against reading the Scriptures , answered . That there is a God. Of the Nature of God. Of Gods Essence . The name of God. Of the Properties or Attributes of God. A description of God. God a Spirit . The perfection of God. The felicity of God. Of the simplenesse or singlenesse in God. Gods infinitenesse . Gods immensity or greatnesse . Gods eternity . The life of God. Of the knowledge and wisdom of God. Fore-knowledge and Counsell of God. The Counsell of God. Gods absolute wisdome and knowledge . 1 King. 4. 33. Mat. 10. 29 , 30. The uses . Of the Omnipotency or almighty power of God. Gods absolute power . Gods actuall power . Gods power Infinite . The uses . Of Gods will. Whether God doth will evil . 1 Cor. 10. 31. The holinesse of Gods will. Esa. 6. 3. Psal. 145. 17. Of gods goodnesse . 1 Tim. 2. 2. The uses of Gods goodnesse . The graciousnesse of God. Of the love of God. Uses of Gods love . Of the mercy of God. The uses of Gods Mercy . Of the Justice of God. The uses of Gods Justice . Of the Trinity What a person in the Trinity is . Vide Melanchthon loc . com . Of the Father the first Person of the Trinity . Of the other Persons of the Trinity in generall . Of the second Person in the Trinity . Of the third Person in the Trinity . Prov. 8. 3. How to know that we have the Spirit . How to keep the Spirit . Things common to the three persons . In what they all agree . 1. Coc-essentiall . 2. Co-equall . 3. Co-eternall , Things proper to each of the Persons . Of the Kingdome of God. The parts of Gods Kingdome . Of Gods Decree . Of Predestination . Parts of Predestination , Election . Reprobation . Election . Reprobation . Execution of Gods decree . Creation . Providence . Creation in generall . Uses of the Creation . The creation of the particular creatures . The Heavens . Of the earth . Of the invisible creatures . The third heaven and Angels . Of Angels . Of the creation of visible things . Of the Chaos , or rude masse . Of the parts of the rude masse . Of the frame of the world . Of the Elements . The foure Elements . Of the mixt or compounded bodies . The severall works of the six dayes . The first day ▪ Heaven and earth , and the light . The second day . The Firmament . The third day . Grasse , corne , trees . Of the water and earth . The fourth day . The creation of the lights . The fift day . Of the creation of fishes , and birds . The sixt day . Of the creation of man and woman . Of the parts of man , and first of the body . Of the soul of Man. The immortality of the soul. Of the seat of the soul. What is the Image of God in Man. Of Gods Providence . Definition of Gods Providence . The uses of the doctrine of Gods Providence . Of Gods special providence over Angels . Good Angels . Of the evill Angels . Uses of the doctrine concerning evill Angels . Of Gods particular providence over man. Of Gods providence towards mankind . Of the Covenant between God and man. 1. Covenant of works . The state of man in the time of his Innocency . Of man in the state of corruption , and of his fall . That the breach of all the Commandements concurred in Adams and Eves sin . The effects of the fall . Sin , guiltinesse , punishment . Of our first parents nakednesse . Of their hiding themselves . Hab. 3. 2. Of sin . Why all Adams posterity are partakers of his sin and misery . What sin is . Imputed sin . Inherent sin . Originall sin . a Gal. 3. 22. Rom. 8. 3. b Phil. 3. 9. Tit. 3. 5. The propagation of originall sin . The mind corrupted . The corruption of the memory . The corruption of the will. The corruption of the affections . The corruption of the conscience . Of the corruption of the body . Actuall sin . Of the sin against the holy Ghost . Of the divers differences of actuall sins . Guilt of sin . Punishment of sin . Of Gods Covenants with man. Of the Covenant of grace . The differences between the Covenant of works , and and the Covenant of grace . Wherein they agree . Of Jesus the Mediatour of this Covenant . The foundation of it . Of the person of Christ. The natures of Christ. Divine . Humane . Of the divine nature of Christ. Why it was requisite that Christ should be God. Of the humane nature of Christ. Why it was requisire that Christ should be Man. Of the union of the two natures of Christ. Of Christs office of Mediatorship . That there is but one Mediatour . Of his names , Jesus Christ. Mar. 9. 23. Luke 4. 18. Joh. 3. 34. Of Christs Priesthood . The Popish Priesthood overthrown . 1 Sam. 2. 25. Of Christs Satisfaction . Of Christs sufferings . Esa. 53. 10. Christs sufferings in his soul. Christs sufferings in his body . Uses of Christs Passion . Christs buriall . His descending into hell . Christs righteousnesse in fulfilling the Law. Christs originall righteousnesse . Christs actuall holinesse . Of the intercession of Christ. Of the Propheticall office of Christ. Of the Kingly office of Christ. Act. 2. 9. Mat. 25. 24. 31. 33 , 34. Of Christs Humiliation . Of Christs Exaltation . Of the Resurrection of Christ. Phil. 3. 10. Of Christs Ascension . Heb. 10. 20. Of the third degree of Christs Exaltation . His sitting at the right hand of God. The state of the godly in Christ. Mat. 13. 15. Acts 14. 16. & 17. 30. Of the Church of Christ. Eph. 1. 1. 5. 23. Col. 1. 21. 27. Catholick Church . Gal. 4. 26. 1 Pet. 1. 13. 14 , 15 , 16 , 17. Lev. 20. 7. The property and office of the head of the Church . The triumphant Church . The Church militant . Prerogatives of the members of the Catholick Church . VVhat Sanctification is . VVhat Redemption is . Of our Vnion and Communion with Christ. Communion of Saints . Rom. 12. 13. 1 Ioh. 1. 17. Eph. 4. 3. The benefit of our Communion with Christ. Justification . Glorification . Of Justification , and first what Justificaon is . Vses arising from the doctrine of Justification . Of Faith. The various acceptions of Faith. The divers kinds of Faith. Historicall Faith. Temporary Faith. Miraculous Faith. Justifying Faith. The Popish implicite faith confuted . That the whole soule is the seat of Faith. What Reconciliation is . What Adoption is . The benefits of Adoption . Sanctification . The differences between Justification and Sanctification . Eph. 1. 19. 2. 1. 2 Cor. 3. 18. 2 Pet. 3. 18. Phil. 3. 16. 2 Tim. 3. 15 , 16. Job 22. 22. Joh. 17. 17. Eph. 4. 20 , 21. The differences between the Law and the Gospel . * John 5. 23. & 14. 1. Mat. 19. 23. The Morall law the rule of Sanctificatiō . * Deut. 10. 4. Ceremoniall Law. Judiciall Law. The Morall Law. The end and use of the Law. 1. Knowledge of the Law required . Rules to be observed for the interpretation of the Law. 1. Rule ▪ The Law is spirituall . 2. Rule : That the Law is perfect . 3. Rule : In every Commandement there is a Metaphor , or Synecdoche . 1. Branch of the third Rule . 2. Branch . 3. Branch . Why the Commandements are propounded in the second person . Good company required . Why the Commandements are propounded negatively . The division of the Decalogue . The sum of the first Table . The summe of the second Table . The division of the first Table . The Preface of the Commandements . How the reason of the first Commandement belongs to us . The first Commandement ▪ The scope and meaning of this Commandement . What is forbidden and required in this first Commandement . The severall branches of the first Commandement . What it is to have a God. Of the knowledge of God. Opposites to the knowledge of God. Ignorance of God. Affiance in God. Patience . Hope . Love of God. Thankfulnesse . Feare of God. Reverence . Humility . Pride . Sorrow . Ioy. Vnity in Religion . What it is to have other Gods. Sinfull ▪ Confidence . Inordinate Love. Sinfull Feare . Sinfull Ioy and Sorrow . The third branch of the first Commandement , True Religion . How we must come to the true Religion . Helps inabling us to obey this Commandement . Means of the knowledge of God. Hindrances . Means of ignorance here forbidden . What is enjoyned in the 3. following Commandements . The second Commandedement . The scope and meaning of the second Commandement . What is here forbidden . What is meant by making Images . The speciall branches of the second Commandement . Of Prayer . Of Fasts . Of Vowes . The manner of Gods worship . Of Preparation . Of disposition in the action . What required after the Action . Ecclesiasticall Ceremonies . Of bodily Gestures . Of the abuse of Gods Ordinances . Defects respecting the inward worship . Defects in outward Worship . Helps in performing Gods pure Worship . The 2d main branch of the second Commandement . What forbidden concerning Images . That it is unlawfull to make the Image of God. That it is unlawfull to make the Image of Christ. What is meant by worshiping Images . Of countenancing idolatry . Reasons to back this commandement , taken from his titles . Iealous God. Reasons drawn from the works of God. The 1. Reason . The second Reason . The third Commandement . The summe of the third Commandement . What is meant by the Name of God. Exod. 3. 14. 6. 3. Psal. 68. 4. What is meant by the word in vaine . What is forbidden in the third Cōmandement . What is required in the third Commandement . The particuler duties required in the third Commandement . The vices repugnant . The right use of Oathes . What persons may lawfully take an Oath . The speciall abuses of an Oath . How Gods Name is taken in vaine in regard of his Properties . How in respect of his Works . How in respect of his Word . Of the helpes & hindrances . The reason annexed to the third Commandement . The fourth Commandement . The meaning of the fourth Commandement . What need there is of one day in seven to serve God. That the Sabbath day is not etremoniall . Of the change of the seventh day to the first , and the reasons of it . The time of the Sabbath , and when it beginneth . What is meant by the word , Remember . Of the Preparation of the Sabbath : The parts of the fourth Commandement . What Workes ought to be declined . What rest required in the fourth Commandement . The speciall breaches opposite to an holy rest . To whom this Commandement is chiefly directed . The second part of this Commandement , which is the sanctifying of the Rest. The Exercises and Duties required on the Sabbath . Prayer with the Congregation . Hearing the Word . Receiving the Sacrament . Private duties of the Sabbath . Of the evening preparation . The first duties of the morning . Of the publick duties of the Sabbath . What is to be done after the publick Ministery . Sins to be condemned in respect of the second part of this Commandement . Helps and hinderances to the keeping of this Commandement . Of the Reasons inforcing obedience to this Commandement . 1. Reason . 2. Reason . 3. Reason . Fourth reason : The second Table . The summe of the second Table . The generalls to be observed in this Table . Division of the second Table . The fift Commandement . The meaning and scope of the fift Commandement . The duty of Equalls . What are Superiours . Who are Inferiours . What it is to honour . Duties of Superiours . The divers sorts of Superiors . The duties of aged persons . Duties of the younger unto them . Superiors in knowledge . Superiors in Authority . Duties of Inferiors to those that are in Authority . Duties of Superiours in authority . Kinds of Superiors in Authority . Superiors in the Family , and their duties . Inferiors in the Family , and their duties . Duties of Husbands & wives . Duties of the Husband . The duties of the wife . Duties of Parents . Sins of Parents . Duties of children towards their Parents . Duties of Masters towards their Servants . Duties of servants towards their Masters . Publick Superiours , and their duties . The sorts of publick Superiours . Superiours in the Church & their duties . The peoples duty to their Ministers . Superiours in the Common-wealth . The Magistrates duty in civill affaires . The duties of Subjects towards their Magistrates . Of the helps and meanes inabling us to keep this fift Commandement . Hindrances to these duties here commanded . Of the reason annexed to the fift Commandement . Of the promise of long life , & how performed The sixth Commandement . The summe & meaning of the sixth Commandement . The Negative part . The Affirmative part . The duties respecting our persons . Duties respecting our souls , The contrary vices forbidden . Duties respecting our bodies . The contrary vices forbidden . Duties respecting the time of our departure . Duties respecting our Neighbour while he liveth . Inward duties respecting our affections . Duties respecting the preservation of peace . Evill passions opposite to these duties . Outward duties respecting the soules of our neighbours . The contrary vices to the former duties . Duties respecting the whole person of our Neighbours . Gestures . Duties required in words . The opposite vices . The use . Duties required in our deeds . The contrary vices to the former duties . How wee doe indirectly endanger our neigbours life . How wee doe directly take away our neighbours life . Chance-medly , and how proved to be a sinne . Of Man-slaughter . Of Duels . Reasons perswading to the detestation of this sin . Duties to be performed to our Neighbor after his death . Duties respecting beasts . Of punishments due to the breakers of this Commandement . Means furthering us in the obedience of this Commandement . Hindrances of our obedience to this Commandement . The seventh Commandement . The meaning and scope of the seventh Commandement . Of inward impurity , and the branches of it . Abuse of Apparell . Of the abuse of meat & drink . Wanton Gestures , Chastity in the eyes , &c. Wanton Speeches . Chastity in the tongue & eares . Stage-Playes . Breach of the seventh Commandement , in respect of action . Of Stewes , and the unlawfulnesse of them . Of Rape . Incest . Fornication . Adultery . Polygamy . What is required in the entrance into Marriage . The contrary abuses . What is required in the holy use of Marriage . Vnlawfull Separation . The punishments of the breach of this Commandement . Helps & means of keeping this Commandement . Hindrances of obedience . The eighth Commandement . The end of the eighth Commandement . The occnsion of this Commandement . Of Theft . The parts of this eighth Commandement ▪ Generall duties commanded . Opposite vices . Speciall duties here required . Arguments disswading from the love of money , and earthly things . Selfe-contentednesse . Motives perswading to selfe-contentednesse . Lawfull measuring of our appetite . Affected poverty . Covetousnesse . Ambition Carking care . Carelesnesse . Solicitous and distracting cares . What required to just getting . Lawfull Calling & labour in it . Extraordinary getting . What is opposite to a lawfull Calling . Vnjust getting out of contract . Theft . Domesticall theft . Theft committed out of the family . Sacriledge . Theft of persons . Rapine . Oppression . Accessaries to theft . Acquisition by lawfull Contract . Acquisition by liberall alienation . Acquisition by illiberall alienation . Merchandise . Of Selling. Vices and corruptions in selling . Of buying , and what is required unto it . Of pawning , and what is required unto it . Of Location and letting . Of conduction and hiring . Of Vsury . Of Contracts between Magistrates and people . Of Contracts between Ministers & people . Of Workmasters and hirelings , and their duties to one another . Of things deposited , and committed to trust . The duty of Executors . Of persons committed to trust . Of just possession of goods , and what is required unto it . Of Restitution , and what is to be considered in it . Of the right use and fruition of goods . Of parsimony and frugality . Of tenacity & miserlinesse . Profusion and Prodigality . Of Liberality . Of lending . Of Free-giving . The ninth Commandement . The scope or end . The occasion of this Commandement . The chiefe sin here forbidden . The Negative part . The Affirmative part . The summe of the duties here required . Of Truth . Truth must be professed , and how . Opposites to truth . 1. Lying . Reasons to disswade from lying Three sorts of Lyes . Vices opposite to freedom of speech . Opposites to simplicity of speaking truth . Means of preserving truth . Profitable speech . Curtesie and affability . Seasonable silence . Opposites to profitable speech . 1. Vnprofitable 2. Hurtfull speech . 3. Rotten speech . Fame and good name . Publick Testimonies . Rash Iudgment Perverse Iudgment . The duties of the Plaintiffe , and the vices opposite hereunto . The vices of the Defendant . The duties of Lawyers , and the opposite vices . The duty of witnesses . False testimony in the publick Ministery of the word . Flattery . Evill speaking . Whispering . Obtrectation . Conserving of our own good name . The meanes of getting a good name . A true testimony of our selves . The opposites to the profession of truth concerning our selves . Arrogancy and boasting . Confession of sinne . The 10. commandement . The end of this Commandement . The occasion of this Commandement . Two sorts of concupiscence . Lawfull concupiscence . Vnlawful concupiscence , and the kindes thereof . The growth of sinne . The parts of this Commandement , and 1. the negative . Originall concupiscence . That originall concupiscence is sinne . Actuall Concupiscence . Evill thoughts . Evill thoughts injected by Satan . Evill thoughts arising from naturall corruption . The speciall kinde of conpiscence here forbidden . What is meant by our neighbours house . Neighbours wife . Our neighbors servant . His Oxe and Asse . The affirmative part . The meanes enabling us to obey this commandement . The impossibility of keeping this Commandement . Notes for div A64622-e112630 Repentance & new obedience . Repentance what it is . When repentance is to be exercised . Of the spirituall warfare . Of the spirituall Armour . Of our first enemy , Satan . 2. Enemy , the World. Third enemy , our flesh . New obedience . Of good works in generall , and of the Properties of them . That there is no merit in good works . Wherein our good works faile . Why God rewardeth our works . The ends of good works . Of speciall good works required . Of prayer , what it is . The necessity of prayer . A more full description of prayer . What is required that prayer may be holy . That we must pray to God alone . That we must pray only in the mediation of Christ. For whom we must pray . The parts of Prayer . Of Petition . The meanes of obtaining the gift of prayer . Motives to prayer . Hinderances of Prayer . The subject of our requests . Prayer for others . Of thanksgiving . In what thanksgiving consisteth . Why thanksgiving is required . The properties of praise . The meanes of thanks-giving . Motives to thanksgiving . Signes of thankfulnesse . Of the Lords Prayer . Of the p●e●ace . Our Father . Which art in heaven . The parts of the Lords Prayer . 6. Petitions in the Lords Prayer . 1. Petition . What is meant by Name . What is meant by hallowed . What we ask in this petition What graces we here pray for . What things we here pray against . The second Petition . What is meant by Kingdome . What is meant by comming . The particulars here prayed for , respecting the kingdome of grace . 2. Respecting the kingdome of glory . The third Petition . The three last Petitions . The fourth Petition . What meant by ( Bread. ) What meant by ( Give ) Give us . This day . Out . Daily . What we beg in this Petition . The fifth Petition . What is meant by debts . What we aske of God in this fifth petition . The reason of the petition . The sixt Petition . The summe of the sixt Petition . Of the temptations , and the cau●es why we must pray against them . How God tempteth us . Deliver us from evill : What is meant by it . What is meant by evill . What things we paray for in the sixt Petition . Conclusion of the Lords Prayer . What is meant by Kingdome . What is meant by Power . What is meant by Glory . What meant by Thine . What meant by for ever . What is meant by Amen . Whether lawfull to use any other forme of Prayer . What publick Prayer is . What private Prayer is . What ordinary prayer is . What extraordinary prayer is . Circumstances of prayer . 1. Gesture . Of the place of prayer . Of the time of prayer . Of Fasting . What an holy Fast is . Of the time of Fasting . Of the kindes of Fasting . Of publick Fast. Of private Fast. Who are to fast Of the parts of a Christian fast . Of a holy feast . Of the time of feasting . In what an holy feast consisteth . Of Vowes . Gen. 28 20. Iudg. 11. 30. 31. 1 Sam. 1. 11. Who are to vow . What is to be vowed . The duty of those that have vowed . Of Almes . a 2 Cor. 9 ▪ 7. Who are to give Almes . a 1 Iohn 3. 17. b Luke 21. 2 , 3. c 1. Tim. 6. 17. d Eph. 4. 28. e 2 Cor. 8. 2. 14. a ● Sam. 25. 3. b Mat. 12. 7. a Neh 8. 10. b Luke 19. 8. How much must be given . c 2 Cor. 9. 6. Gal. 6. 7. Prov. 11. 25. d Luke 3. 11. 1 Cor. 16. 2. e 2 Cor. 8. 13. f Acts 20. 25. g 2 Cor. 8. 1 , 2. 9 Luke 12. 35. h Act. 4. 34 , 35 with Acts 5. 4. i 1 Tim. 5. 8. k 2 Cor. 9. 12. Iob 31. 17 , 18 , &c. Iam. 2. 15 , 16. To whom alms must be given . l Matth. 5. 41. Rom. 12. 20. m Luke 10. 33 ▪ with Ioh. 4. 9. n Psal. 41. 1. o Deut. 15 7. 11 Lev. 25. 35. p Luke 7. 5. q 2 King. 6. 1. &c. 2 Chro 34. 22. r Ioh. 5. 2 , 3. 9 s 2 Thes. 3. 10 , 11 , 12. 1 Tim. 5. 8. Mat. 15. 5 , 6. t Deut. 15. 7. What order must be observed in giving . u Gal 6. 10. x 1 Kings 17. 13. y 1 Cor. 16. 2. z Luke 21. 1. Iob 31. 16. Prov. 3. 28. With what affections almes must be given . a Deut. 15. 8. Mat. 5. 42. b Luke 6. 36. Psal. 37. 26. c Exod. 22. 25. d Neh. 5. 11. e Luke 6 35. f Prov. 1. 26. g Nehem. 5. 18. The fruits of Almes-deeds . 2 Chro. 2● . 14. Of Vocation . Externall . Internall . Meanes of Vocation ; Inward , Outward . Inward . The Spirit of God. Of the Church visible . Rev. 12. 14. The infallible marks of a true visible Church . Whether the Curch may erre . In what cases we may separate from a corrupt Church Of the enemies of the Church . Of the Governours of the Church . Things proper to the visible Church . The Word : Sacraments . Censures . Of the Word . 1 Chro. 17. 7. Acts 2. 40 , 41. & 11. 20. 1 Cor. 4. 13. Iohn 17. 10. Ephes. 1. 23. Rom 3. 19. & & 7. 9 , 10. Gal. 3 22. 23. Acts 2. 37 Matth. 23. 28. Gal. 2. 18 , 19. Heb. 4. 16. Hosea 14. 2 , 3. Rom. 8. 13 , 26. What things are common between godly and wicked hearers . Things proper to godly hearers . How justifying faith differeth from the faith of worldlings . Of the Sacraments . The Sacraments of great use . What a Sacrament is . The use of Sacraments . The ends why Sacraments are instituted . The persons that are actors in Sacraments , and their actions . Of preparation to the Sacraments . Matth. 3. 13. Acts 8. 36. Luke 22. 15. Duties in the action of receiving . Duties after receiving . The Old Testament and the Sacraments of it . The new administration of the Gospel . * Esa. 41. 1 , 2 , 3. & 68. 3 , 4 , 5. & 65. 12. & 66. 12 19 , 20. Joh. 16. 10. Mat. 18. 19 , 20. Rom. 15. 25 26. Ephel . 3. 5 , 6 8 , 9. Col. 1. 5 , 6. Joh. 1. 17. & 14. 21. Rom. 1. 1 , 2 , 3. 1 Pet. 1. 10 , 11 , 12. 1 Cor. 1. 23 , 24. The Sacraments of the old Testament . How they differ from the New. The Sacraments of the New Testament . That there bee onely two Sacraments of the New Testament . Of Baptisme , and what it is . Matth. 28. 19. Whether diving or dipping bee essentiall to Baptisme . The inward part or thing signified in Baptisme . The similitude between the signe and thing signified . The benefit of baptisme to a common Christian . To whom baptisme is effectuall . How infants may be capable of the grace of the Sacrament . What benefit elect infants that live to years have by Baptisme for the present . The lawfulness of infants baptisme . Baptisme not of absolute necessity to salvation . Baptisme to be highly accompted of . That many have a slight esteem of this Ordinance . What are the meanes to reforme this slight esteeme . Of the Lords Supper , and what it is . The difference between Baptisme and the Lords Supper . Why it is called the Lords Supper . Of the matter of the Lords Supper . That the bread and wine are not changed into the body and bloud of Christ. Of the forme of this Sacrament ▪ of the Lords Supper . The Sacramentall actions of the Minister . Of the consecration of the Bread and Wine . The Sacramentall actions of the Receivers . The ends and uses of the Lords Supper . Who are to receive the Lords Supper . Of preparation to the Lords Table . What duties are to be performed after the action . Of the Censures of the Church . Of the degrees of Censures . Of the kindes of Censures . Private admonition . The degrees of private admonition . How we must reprove . The second degree of private admonition . Publike admonitions . Of suspension . Of Excommunication . Anathema Maranatha . Of the enemies of the Church . Of the general Apostasie . 1 Tim. 4. 1. 2 Thess. 2. 23. Of Antichrist , and who he is . Luke 15. 32 ▪ Iohn 17. 12. 2 Pet. 2● The differences betweene Christs miracles and the Popes . The seat of Antichrist . Of the last judgement . Why the righteous dye . Of particular judgement at the houre of death . The generall judg●ment . Eccl. 12. 14. 2 Cor. 5. 10. The preparation to the last judgement . Acts 1. 7. Matth. 13 32. Mat. 24. 13. 33. The signes of the last judgement . Matth. 24. 1 Tim. 4. 1. 2 Thess. 2. 3. 2 Pet. 3. 7. Matth. 24. 30. The second thing in the preparation . The third thing . Iohn 5. 28. Matth. 24. 31. 1 Cor. 15. 52. Phil 3. 21. The fourth thing . The fift thing . The act of judgment , and how performed . Rom. 2. 12. Matth 12. 27 , 41 , 42. Ezek. 18. 22. Rev. 14. 17. Rom. 6. 23. Iames 2. 18. Gal. 5. 6. The execution of the last judgment . Matth. 25. 46. Psal. 58. 10. The estate of the Reprobates in hell . 2 Thess 2. 9. The estate of the Elect in heaven . 1 Cor. 2. 9. 1 Cor. 13 10. 1 Cor. 13. 12. Psal. 16. 11. Rev. 3. 21. 2 Tim. 4. 8. 2 Pet. 3. 13. Psal. 17. 15. 1 Thess. 4. 17. Heb. 12. 22. 1 Cor. 15. 24 , 28. The use of this doctrine concerning the last judgment . Rev. 17. Acts 17. Luke 12. 43. Matth. 25. 21. Notes for div A64622-e156750 a Prov. 30. 3 , 4. b Joh. 3. 13. c Esa. 9. 6. d Exod. 9. 16. e Ibid. chap. 10. 14. & 11. 6. f Joh. 17. 5. g Prov. 8. 30. h Dan. 2. 11. i Rom. 9. 5. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Joh. 1. 14. k Exod. 40. 34 , 35. l Heb. 9. 9. 11. m Heb. 3. 3. 6. n Joh. 2. 19 , 21. o 2 Chro. 7. 1 , 2 p Coloss. 2. 9. q 2 Chro. 6. 18. r 1 Tim. 3. 16. s Esa. 7. 11 , 14. t Gal. 4. 4. u Joh. 1. 3. Col. 1. 16. x Act. 1. 21. y 1 King. 8. 27. z Heb. 7. 3. with Esa. 53. 8. & Mica . 5. 2. a Joh. 14. 28. b Joh. 5. 18. Phil. 2. 6. c Joh. 8. 58. d Matth. 22. 42 , 43 , &c. e Col. 2. 9. f Gal. 4. 4 , 5 , 7. g Joh. 1. 14. & 3. 16. h Joh. 1. 12. * Propter quod unum quodque est tale , illud ipsum est magis tale . i Rom. 8. 29. k Exod. 4. 22 , 23 l Heb. 12. 23. m Rom. 8. 17. n 1 Joh. 5. 5. o Joh. 1. 14. p Gal. 4. 4. q Luk. 1. 42. r 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ja. 5. 17. s 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Act. 14. 15. t Heb. 5. 7. u 2 Cor. 13. 4. Heb. 2. 17 , 18. & 4. 15. x Heb. 7. 3. y Jer. 31. 22. z Rom. 5. 12. * Luk. 1. 35. a Gal. 4. 6. Rom. 8. 9. b Luk. 1. 38. 48. c Luk. 1. 35. d Exod. 37. 9. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 1 Pet. 1. 12. e Luk. 1. 34. f Ibid. ver . 35. g Ibid. ver . 37. 1 Sam. 6. 19. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i Exod. 3. 2 , 3. 5 , 6. Act. 7. 31 , 32. k Heb. 12. 29. l Esa. 33. 14. m Numb . 12. 6 , 7 , 8. Exo. 33. 11. n Exod. 33. 18. 20. o Esa. 41. 8. 2 Chron. 20. 7. Jam. 2. 23. p Rom. 4. 11. 16. Gal. 3. 7. q Gen. 18. 27. r 2 Pet. 2. 11. s Esa. 6. 2. t Levit. 26. 11 , 12. Ezek. 37. 26 , 27. Revel . 21. 3. u Heb. 3. 6. x Eph. 2. 22. y 2 Cor. 6. 16. z Joh. 17. 20 , 21 , 22 , 23. a Mat. 1. 21. 23. See Anselms Cur Deus homo . b 1 Tim. 2. 5. c Heb. 2. 14. * Sic pax facta , foedusque percussū : secutaque res mira dictu , ut relictis sedibus suis novam in Vrbem hostes demigrarent , & cum generis suis avitas opes pro dote sociarent . L. Flor. histor . Rom. li. 1. ca. 1. d Rom. 5. 10. e Eph. 2. 14. 16. f John 20. 17. g Heb. 2. 11. h Heb. 11. 16. i Heb. 2. 13. k Deut. 32. 6. l 1 Pet. 1. 17 , 18 , 19. m 1 Sam. 2. 25. n Job 9. 32 , 33. o Rev. 5. 3 , 4. p Rev. 5. 5. q 1 Joh. 2. 1 , 2. r 1 Tim. 2. 5 , 6. s Heb. 5. 1. & 2. 17. t Rom. 9. 15 , 16. u Rom. 3. 26. x Heb. 9. 24. y Rom. 8. 34. Heb. 7. 25. z Heb. 2. 17. a Joh. 11. 42. b Mat. 3. 17. c Heb. 4. 16. d Zach. 13. 7. e Phil. 2. 6. f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Rom. 3. 25. 1 Joh. 2. 2. & 4. 10. g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Matth. 20. 28. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 1 Tim. 2. 6. Job 33. 24. h 1 Joh. 2. 1. i Heb. 7. 22. k Rom. 5. 19. l 1 Tim. 5. 21. m Heb. 9. 14. n 1 Cor. 9. 7. o 1 Chronic. 29. 14. 16. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p Luk. 17. 10. q Joh. 14. 18. r Esa. 53. 11. Mat. 12. 18. s Joh. 5. 18. t Zach. 13. 7. u Mat. 17. 25 , 26. x Heb. 1. 6. y Heb. 12. 2. z 1 Cor. 15. 27. a Phil. 2. vers . 4 , 5 , 7 , 8. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Phil. 2. 7. b Gal. 4. 4. c Rom. 8. 3. d Col. 2. 11. 13. e Gal. 5. 3. f Act. 22. 16. g Mat. 3. 6. Mark 1. 5. h Mat. 3. 15. i Luk. 6. 38. k Luk. 17. 10. Rom. 8. 12. Gal. 5. 3. l Matth. 6. 12. compared with Luk. 11. 4. m 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Luk. 13. 4. Mat. 13. 16. n Luk. 24. 26. o Heb. 2. 10. p Heb. 2. 14 , 15. q Rom. 8. 12. r Phil. 2. 8. s Heb. 10. 5. 7. t Ib. ver . 9 , 10. u Rev. 7. 9. x Rev. 5. 9. y Esa. 11. 2. z Mark 14. 33. Luk. 22. 44. a Heb. 5. 7. b Mark 14 , 35. 36. c Heb. 10. 12. d Cant. 8. 6. e Esa. 33. 14. f Heb. 9. 14. g Ib. ver . 12. h Act. 20. 28. i 1 Cor. 2. 8. k Act. 3. 15. l Esa. 53. 8. m Zach. 13. 7. with Matth. 26. 31. n 2 Sam. 18. 3. o Mat. 22. 43 , 44. p 1 Tim. 6. 15. Rev. 19. 16. q Rom. 9. 5. r Matth. 5. 26. s 1 Cor. 15. 17. t Rom. 4. 25. u Joh. 16. 10. x Dan. 9. 24. y Rom. 8. 33 , 34. z Joh. 10. 17 , 18. a Joh. 2. 19. 21. b Rom. 1. 4. c 1 Pet. 3. 18. d Eph. 1. 14. e Ruth . 3. 12. & 4. ver . 1. 3 , 4. 7. f Job 19. 25 , 26 , 27. g 1 Cor. 15. 47. h Jer. 1. 5. i Psal. 119. 73. k Psal. 139. 13. l Psal. 71. 6. m Job 10. 8. 11. n Act. 17. 27 , 28 , 29. * See Bradwardin . de causâ Dei , l. 1. c. 3. & 4. o Rom. 5. 17. p Joh. 3. 3. q Joh. 1. 13. r Heb. 2. 11. s Esa. 53. 10. t Psalm . 22. 30. u Heb. 2. 13. x Ibid. ver . 14. y 2 Cor. 5. 17. Eph. 2. 10. Gal. 6. 15. z Joh. 1. 13. Jam. 1. 18. 1 Pet. 1. 3. 1 Joh. 5. 1. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 1 Pet. 2. 2. with 1. 22. b Joh. 3. vers . 5 , 6 , 8. c Ibid. ver . 4. 9 , 10. d 1 Cor. 5. 14 , 15. e Eph. 2. 4 , 5. f Col. 2. 13. g Gal. 2. 20. h Joh. 5. 26. i Joh. 6. 57. k Ibid. ver . 51. l 1 Cor. 15. 45. m Joh. 6. 63. n Gen. 5. 3. o Joh. 3. 6. p 1 Cor. 15. 48 , 49. q Phil. 3. 21. r Ibid. ver . 20. s Eph. 4. 22 , 23 , 24. t 1 Cor. 11. 7. u 2 Cor. 4. 4. x Heb. 1. 3. y Rom. 8. 29. z 2 Cor. 8. 23. a Num. 11. 17. 25. b Joh. 3. 34. c Philip. 1. 19. d Col. 1. 19. e Joh. 1. 16. f Joh. 11. 52. g Ephes. 1. 10. h Exod. 26. 33. i Ibid. ver . 6. & 11. k Ephes. 2. 21. 22. l Sermon to the Commons house of Parliament , ann . 1620 m Joh. 6. 63. 1 Cor. 6. 17. & 15. 45. Philip. 2. 1. Rom. 8. 9. 1 Joh. 3. 24. & 4. 13. n Gal. 2. 20. & 5. 5. & 3. 11. Ephes. 3. 17. o Col. 2. 12. 2 Thess. 1. 11. p Ephes. 1. 19 , 20. &c. q Ephes. 5. 30. r Joh. 6. 53. s Ibid. ver . 56. t Rev. 5. 12. & 13. 8. u 1 Cor. 1. 23. & 2. 2. x Heb. 10. 19 , 20. y Joh. 14. 6. z Gen. 28. 12 , 13. a Joh. 1. 51. b Exod. 26. 31. & 36. 35. c Heb. 12. 22. 24. d Heb. 1. 14. e Deut. 33. 10. Hagg. 2. 11. Mal. 2. 7. f Esa. 28. 7. Jer. 6. 13. & 8. 10. & 14. 18. & 23 11. 33 , 34. Lam. 2. 10. g Ephes. 4. 11. h 2 Pet. 1. 21. i 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Heb. 1. 1. k Heb. 3. 1 , 2. l Num. 12. 6 , 7 , 8. m Deut. 18. 15 , 16 , &c. Act. 3. 22 , 23. n Rom. 9. 5. o Exod. 20. 19. Deut. 5. 25. 27. p Exod. 34. 30 , 32 , 33. q 2 Cor. 3. 7 , 10 11 , 13. r Heb. 1. 3. s Joh. 1. 14. t 2 Cor. 3. 11. u Heb. 3. 3 , 4 , 5 , 6. x 1 Tim. 3. 15. y Matth. 16. 18. z 2 Tim. 2. 20. a 1 Cor. 11. 16. b Rom. 16. 16. c Ephe. 4. 11 , 12. d Matth. 28. 18 , 19 , 20. e 1 Cor. 15. 10 , f 1 Cor. 3. 9 , 10 g Ibid. ver . 5 , 6 , 7 h Luk. 1. 70. i Mat. 11. 27. k Joh. 1. 18. l 1 Pet. 1. 10 , 11 m Joh. 16. 13 , 14 , 15. n 1 Pet. 2. 5. o Psalm . 127. 1. p Joh. 5. 25. q Ephes. 5. 24. r Psal. 13. 3. s 1 Cor. 2. 14. t 2 Cor. 4. 6 , 7. u Heb. 7. 25. x Esa. 9. 7. y Dan. 7. 13 , 14. z Luk. 1. 31 , 32 , 33. a Jer. 30. 9. Hos. 3. 5. Ezek. 34. 23. & 37. 24. b Gal. 6. 16. c Ephes. 5. 30. d 2 Sam. 5. 1. e Psal. 110. 1. Mat. 22. 43 , 44. Act. 2. 34 , 35. f Gen. 3. 15. g Rom. 16. 20. h 1 Joh. 3. 8. i 1 Tim. 3. 16. k Esa. 43. 11. l Hos. 13. 4. m 2 Cor. 10. 5. n Phil. 2. 13. o 2 Thess. 5. 23. p Heb. 2. 11. q Psal. 84. 11. r 1 Cor. 15. 21. s Joh. 6. 54. t 2 Thess. 1. 10. u Philip. 3. 21. x Revel . 1. 5 , 6. 
A64619	----	The annals of the world deduced from the origin of time, and continued to the beginning of the Emperour Vespasians reign, and the totall destruction and abolition of the temple and common-wealth of the Jews : containing the historie of the Old and New Testament, with that of the Macchabees, also the most memorable affairs of Asia and Egypt, and the rise of the empire of the Roman Caesars under C. Julius, and Octavianus : collected from all history, as well sacred, as prophane, and methodically digested / by ... James Ussher ... Annales Veteris et Novi Testamenti. English Ussher, James, 1581-1656. 1658 Approx. 5058 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 489 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2005-12 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A64619 Wing U149 ESTC R22172 12619785 ocm 12619785 64485 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A64619) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 64485) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 969:1) The annals of the world deduced from the origin of time, and continued to the beginning of the Emperour Vespasians reign, and the totall destruction and abolition of the temple and common-wealth of the Jews : containing the historie of the Old and New Testament, with that of the Macchabees, also the most memorable affairs of Asia and Egypt, and the rise of the empire of the Roman Caesars under C. Julius, and Octavianus : collected from all history, as well sacred, as prophane, and methodically digested / by ... James Ussher ... Annales Veteris et Novi Testamenti. English Ussher, James, 1581-1656. [10], 907, [54] p. Printed by E. Tyler, for J. Crook ... and for G. Bedell ..., London : 1658. Reproduction of original in Huntington Library. "The later part of the Annals of James Ussher" has separate t.p. Index: p. [4]-[52] Advertisement: p. 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Chronology, Historical. 2005-02 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-03 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2005-05 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2005-05 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE ANNALS OF THE WORLD . Deduced from The Origin of Time , and continued to the beginning of the Emperour Vespasians Reign , and the totall Destruction and Abolition of the Temple and Common-wealth of the Jews . Containing the HISTORIE Of the OLD and NEW TESTAMENT . With that of the MACCHABEES . Also all the most Memorable Affairs of Asia and Egypt , And the Rise of the Empire of the Roman Caesars , under C. Julius , and Octavianus . COLLECTED From all History , as well Sacred , as Prophane , and Methodically digested , By the most Reverend JAMES USSHER , Arch-Bishop of ARMAGH , and Primate of IRELAND . LONDON , Printed by E. TYLER , for J. CROOK , at the Sign of the Ship in St. Pauls Church-yard , and for G. BEDELL , at the Middle-Temple-Gate , in Fleet-Street . M.DC.LVIII . THE Epistle to the Reader . CEnsorinus , in his little book , written to Q Cerellius of ones Birth day ; having in hand the Explication of Times Intervals , thought good thus to Preface it . a Si Origo Mundii● hominum notitiam venisset , inde exordium sumeremus . If the Origin of the World had been known unto Man , I would thence have taken my beginning . And a little after , speaking of this Time. Sive habuit initium , saies he , b Sive semper fuit , certò quot annorum sit , non potest comprehendi . Whether time had a beginning , or whether it alwaies was , the certain number of years cannot be comprehended . Therefore Ptolemaeus , from Astronomical supputations , thus renounces this Epoch of the World , as a thing most remote from the knowledge of Man , c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . To find Observation upon the Passages of the whole World , or such an imme●se croud of times , I think much out of their way , that desire to learn and know the truth : And Julius Firmius Maternus , from his dircourse of Birth-dayes , that Geniture of the World , received from Esculapius and Anubius . d Non fuit ista genitura Mundi , ( saies he ) Nec enim Mundus certum diem habuit ortus sui , nec aliquid interfuit eo tempore quo Mundus Divinae mentis ac providi Numinis ratione forma●us est : Nec eo usque , se intentio potuit humanae frigilitatis extendere ut Originem Mundi facile possit ratione concipere , aut explicare . That was not the Birth day of the World : Nor , indeed , had the World any certain day of its beginning : Nor was there any thing in Being at that time , when the World was formed by the Wisdom of the Divine Vnderstanding , and Provident Deity ; Nor could the intention of Human frailty so far extend it self , that it could conceive or unfold , by an easie account , the Worlds Original . Nor , truly , is it strange that Heathens , altogether ignorant of holy writ , should thus dispair , of ever attaining the knowledge of the Worlds Rise ; when as even amongst Christians , that most renowned Chronographer Dionysius Petavius , being about to declare his Opinion concerning the Creation of the World , and the number of years , from thence down to us , first made e this resolution before his discourse . Annorum ab orbe condito ad haec tempora numerum neque certâ ratione compertum esse , neque citra Divinam significationem posse comperiri . That the number of years from the beginning of the World , to these our dayes , can by no reasons be certainly concluded , nor any way found out , without Divine Revelation . From whose opinion Philastrius Brixiensis did very much dissent ; denoting it heresie f to affirm the number of years , from the beginning of the World , uncertain ; and that men knew not the spaces of Time. And Lactantius Firmianus , whose assertion in his Divine Institutions , is somewhat more bold . g Nos , quo Divinae literae ad scientiam veritatis erudiunt , principium Mundi finemque cognovimus . We whom the Holy Scriptures do train up to the knowledge of Truth , know both the beginning and end of the World. For whatsoever may be done of things past , we are taught that the h Father hath reserved the knowledge of things future in his own power ; Nor is there any Mortal to whom the whole continuance of time is known : whither that of the Son of Sirac is thought to tend . i 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . The Sands of the Sea , the Drops of Rain , and the Daies of the World , who can number ? Which Lyranus thinking to have been spoken of time past , ( when as others interpret it here , and in Chap. XVIII . 11. of the dayes of eternity ) draws thence this erroneous conclusion , That the dayes from the beginning of the World were never by any man cast up certainly and precisely . The first Christian Writer , ( that I have had the view of ) who attempted from Holy Writings to deduce the Age of the World , was Theophilus , Bishop of Antioch ; who , k concerning this whole account , thus generally declares . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . All times and years are made known to them who are willing to obey the truth . But concerning the exactnesse of this Calculation , he thus afterwards proceeds . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . And haply we may not be able to give an exact account of every year , because in the Holy Scriptures there is no mention of the months and dayes current . For when as the Scripture commonly takes notice only of the whole intire years , not regarding the dayes and months either deficient to the making up compleat years , or supernumerary to the intire , there might a doubt arise of the accuratenesse of that sum which shall arise from such years added together . But yet , granting this one thing , ( and that most consonant to reason ) That Holy Writers , consigning the years of the World , in their several places , with such diligence , had this in designe , That the series of the Years of the World , which could no other way be learned , might be discovered unto us ; This ( I say ) being granted , we affirm that the Holy Ghost hath , as much as was necessary , provided against this doubt : when as he hath to the several terminations and turnings of the several Periods , ( on which the series of time depends ) adjoyned the very moneth and day . As for example , when the Israelites are said to go out of Egypt , the l fifteenth day of the first moneth : and Solomon to begun to build the Temple , in the 480 year after their m depature , on the second day of the n second month , the moneths and dayes which bound each termination of that Period , shew , that 11 moneths and 14 dayes are to be taken away ; and not that the whole 480 , but only 479 years , and sixteen dayes are to be taken for the space of that Period . Tempus Astronomicum , à primo creationis puncto ad principium aerae Christianae exactum , quise dare nobis posse promittunt , favore mihi digni videntur magis quam laude , quia majus quid ingenio humano moliuntur . Those who promise to give us an exact Astronomical Table of Time , from the first point of the Creation unto Christ , seem to me more worthy of encouragement than praise , in that they attempt a thing above human capacity , saies David Paraeus , who , among the latest of our Writers , took upon him to number the years , even to Christs time , out of the Holy Scriptures . Therefore he saies , leaving the Astronomical , he betook himself to the Politick time of the Hebrews , Egyptians , and Persians , as to a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; or , another Course . But if I have any insight in this businesse , it is of no great concernment , what rule we make use of in measuring the course of time , so it be known and terminated with a certain number of dayes . And if any one could with D. Paraeus , by some equal measure of years , define the distance between the foundation of the World , and Christs time ; It were also most easie , without the help of any Astronomical Table , to set down how many Aequinoctials in number happened , during that Interval . And the noted revolution of time in any Political year , from an Aequinoctial to the same point again , what is it but a year natural and truly Astronomical ? But if any one , well seen in the knowledge , not onely of Sacred and exotick History , but of Astronomical Calculation , and the old Hebrew Kalender , shall apply himself to these studies , I judge it indeed difficult , but not impossible for such a one to attain , not onely the number of years , but even , of dayes from the Creation of the World. That , without doubt , by retrograde supputation , Basil , the great , teaches us we may attain to the first day of the World. o 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Thou mayst indeed learn in what very time the foundation of the World was laid , if returning from this time to former ages , thou endeavour studiously to find out the day of the Worlds Origin . For thus thou mayest find whence time had its first motion . But in regard , in divers Ages and Nations , divers Epoches of time were used , and several forms of years : Here it 's necessary that some common and known account should be observed , to which the diversity of the rest may most appositely be reduced . And to us there is no measure of time more known , and more accommodatious to the common collation of times than the form of the Julian Years and Months , deduced from the middle of the night beginning the Kalends of January , of the first year of the common account from Christ ; with those three Cicles , by which being joyned , every year is distinguished from all other years whatsoever . For example , the Roman indiction 1● years , the Cicle of the Moon , or Golden Number 19 , and the Cicle of the Sun ( the Index of Sun-day , or our Lords Day ) containing the Period of twenty eight years . Nor is there any thing more or better known than That at this day , the year ( I do not say to the true Nativity of Christ , which is controverted amongst the Learned , but ) of the common Christian aera MDCL is noted with the Caracters of 3 in the Roman indiction , 17 in the Lunar Cicle , and 7. in that of the Sun. But for as much as our Christian Epoch falls many Ages after the beginning of the World , and the number of years before that backward , is not onely more troublesome ; but ( unlesse greater care be taken ) more lyable to errour , Also it hath pleased our Modern Chronologers , to adde to that generally received Hypothesis , ( which asserted the Julian Years , with their three Cycles by a certain Mathematical prolepsis , to have run down to the very beginning of the World ) an artificial Epoch , framed out of three Cycles multiplied in themselves ; for the Solar Cicle being multiplyed by the Lunar , or the number of 28 , by 19 , produces the great Paschal Cycle of 532 years , and that again multiplyed by fifteen , the number of the indiction , there arises the Period of 7980 years , which was first ( if I mistake not ) observed by Robert Lotharing , Bishop of Hereford , in our Island of Brittain , and 500 years after by Joseph Scaliger , fitted for Chronological uses , and called by the name of the Julian Period , because it conteined a Cycle of so many Julian years . Now if the Series of the three minor Cicles be from this present year , extended backward unto precedent Times , the 4713 years before the beginning of our Christian Account , will be found to be that year into which the first year of the Indiction , the first of the Lunar Cicle , and the first of the Solar will fall . Having placed therefore the heads of this Period in the Kalends of January , in that proleptick year , the first of our Christian vulgar account , must be reckoned the 4714 of the Julian Period , which , being divided by 15. 19. 28. will present us with the 4 Roman indiction , the 2 Lunar Cycle , and the 10 Solar , which are the principal Characters of that year . We find moreover that the year of our fore-fathers , and the years of the ancient Egyptians , and Hebrews were of the same quantity with the Julian , consisting of twelve equal moneths , every of them conteining 30 dayes , ( for it cannot be proved that the Hebrews did use Lunary Moneths , before the Babylonian Captivity ) adjoyning to the end of the twelfth moneth , the addition of five dayes , and every fourth year six . And I have observed by the continued succession of these years , as they are delivered in holy writ , That the end of the great Nebuchadnezars , and the beginning of Evilmerodachs ( his sons ) reign , fell out in the 3442 year of the World , but by collation of Chaldean History , and the Astronomical Cannon , it fell out in the ●86 year of Nabonasar , and , as by certain connexion , it must follow in the 562 year before the Christian account , and of the Julian Period , the 4152. and from thence I gathered the Creation of the World did fall out upon the 710 year of the julian Period , by placing its beginning in Autumn : but for as much as the first day of the World began with the evening of the first day of the week , I have observed that the Sunday , which in the year 710 aforesaid , came nearest the Autumnal Aequinox , by Astronomical Tables , p notwithstanding , the stay of the Sun , in the dayes of Joshua , and the going back of it in the dayes of Ezekiah ) happened upon the 23 day of the Julian October ; from thence concluded , that from the evening preceding , that first day of the Julian year , both the first day of the Creation , and the first motion of time are to be deduced . The difficulties of Chronologers , perplexed by that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or love of contention , so termed by Basil , being at last over-passed I encline to this opinion , that from the evening ushering in the first day of the World , to that midnight which began the first day of the Christian aera , there was 4003 years , seventy dayes , and six temporarie howers ; and that the true Nativity of our Saviour was full four years before the beginning of the vulgar Christian aera , as is demonstrable by the time of Herods death . For according to our account , the building of Solomons Temple was finished in the 3000 year of the VVorld , and in the 4000 year of the VVorld , the dayes being q fulfilled , in which the Blessed Virgin , Mother of God , was to bring forth Christ himself , ( of whom the Temple was a r Type ) was manifest in the flesh , and made his first appearance unto man : from whence four years being added to the Christian aera , and as many taken away from the years before it , instead of the Common and Vulgar , we shall obtein a true and natural Epocha of the Nativity of Christ. But these things , ( which I do onely point at for the present ) God willing , shall be more fully hereafter confirmed in our Sacred Chronology , which I intend to put forth , together with a Treatise of the Primitive Years , and the Kalender of the ancient Hebrews : In the mean time I thought good to publish the Annals of the Old Testament , built upon the Foundation there laid , with a Chronicle of all Forreign Affairs , transacted in Asia and Egypt , before the beginning of the Olympiads , those things chiefly being reserved to a particular History of the Greeks and Romans , which are recorded to have past in Greece , ( to which I joyn Rhodes and the Islands lying betwixt Asia and Europe ) and the Western parts . In representing the Sacred History , I have followed the translation of Junius and Trem●llius , using their Hebraism's also , and their Contents of the Chapters . In expressing the Prophane , I have observed the words of their ancient Authours , or of their best Translator out of the Greek , and particularly James Dalechamp in Athenaeus ; although in nothing the Chapters I observed the edition of Natalis Comes , and out of these I have my self collected the Histories , or being gathered by them , taken them out of Codomanes , Capellas Emmias , Pezelius , Eberus , Sal●anus , or some other Chronologer , which I had at hand ; yet so , that the very Fountains themselves of the first Authours , ( whose places I did most diligently mark ) were alwayes before mine eyes : for being wholly intent upon the right ordering of times , I was not much concerned in the alteration of other words , which , if it had seemed considerable , had been very easie to have performed . And whereas amongst a multitude of Historians , which were before Julius Caesars time , the malice of time left only four remaining , Herodotus , Thucidides , Xenophon , and Polibius , ( and him also lame and imperfect in the greatest part of him ) these , notwithstanding , I esteemed the most Authentick for their Antiquity ; and having by their authority corrected the frequent errours in Chronology of Diodorus Siculus ; but in Affairs that related to Alexander the Great , ( which they not so much as mentioned , I endeavoured not by Diodorus onely , but by Curtius and Arrianus also , to cleer the light of those times , which were by others left dark and obscure . The four first letters of the Alphabet I made use of , as indexes of the beginnings , progresses , and ending of the years of the World , A. signifying the Autumnal , or first Quarter , B. the Brumal or Winter Quarter . C. the Spring , and the Summer . D. other things , the Prudent Reader will of himself understand : to whom I wish the enjoyment of these endeavours , and bid farewell . London , the 13 Kalend of Jul. according to the Julian Period , in the 1650 year of the Vulgar Christian aera , from the true Nativity of our Lord and Saviour , the 1654 year . PHILIP MELANCHTHON HIS NARRATION , concerning PHILIP Prince Palatine , to RHENUS . I Have often heard Capino relate thus , When Dalburgius , the Bishop of the Vangions , Rudolphus Agricola , and my self were with Philip Prince Palatine Elector ; not onely in common discourse , but also in serious debates about the Affairs of the Common-wealth ; they would often bring notable examples , or from the Persian or Grecian or Roman Affairs : whereby the Prince was very much inflamed with the desire of knowledge in History : but said he observed , the distinction of Times , Nations , and Empires , was very requisite to that end . And therefore desired them , that out of all Antiquities , as far as they were known , from the Hebrew Fountains , Greek , and Latine Authours , they would in order dispose the several Monarchies , that so the Times of the World , and the Series of the most considerable mutations might be known . There were then no books extant in the German tongue , concerning ancient Empires . Nor had the Latines any thing of that nature , save Justins confused Epitome , which also wanted the distinction of Times . Those learned men were then at leasure and delighted with the work . They therefore recite in order out of the Hebrew , Greek , and Latine Monuments , the several Monarchies , and insert all the most memorable transactions in their due place and order , with the distinctions of Nations , and Times , This Ingenious Prince read these Works most earnestly , and declared his delight in them , and That the Series of Times , and the memory of the most remarkable Affairs were preserved by Divine Providence . For they shewed him , how that the History of the World was continued so , that Herodatus begins his Narrations , a little before the end of the Prophetic History . For even before the end of the Persian Monarchy , concerning which we have most clear Narrations in Daniel , Esdras , and Nehemia , some names of the Kings of Assyria and Egypt , are the same in the Prophets and Herodotus . Jeremias foretells destruction to Apries , which Herodotus describes . After Apryes kills Jeremie , and then Amasis strangles the proud King after he had taken him . The Palatine Prince said he did acknowledge a Testimony of Divine presence , in the constitution of Empires , for that they could neither be attained nor retained by meer Humane power , and that they were therefore constituted , that they might be the Upholders of Human society , conjoyn many Nations , Restore Laws , Justice , Peace , yea , they might teach men concerning God. And therefore did often repeat those words of Daniel , God changes , and confirms Empires . He said likewise , That by the mutations and punishments of Tyrants , the just judgement of the Almighty was most conspicuous ; and that all Man-kind was , by these Illustrious Examples , premonished to acknowledg God , and were given to understand that he wills and ordains justice , and is truely offended with those who transgresse this his ordination . Such were the Speeches of that Prince , considering the Rises and Ruines of Empires . THE ANNALS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT , From the beginning of the World. IN the beginning God created Heaven and Earth , Gen. 1. v. 1. Which beginning of time , according to our Chronologie , Year before Christ 4004 fell upon the entrance of the night preceding the twenty third day of Octob. The Julian Period 710 in the year of the Julian Calendar , 710. Upon the first day therefore of the world , or Octob. 23. being our sunday , God , together with the highest Heaven , created the Angels . Then having finished , as it were , the roofe of this building , he fell in hand with the foundation of this wonderfull Fabrick of the World , he fashioned this lowermost Globe , consisting of the Deep , and of the Earth ; all the Quire of Angels singing together , and magnifying his name therefore . [ Job . 38. v. 7. ] And when the Earth was void and without forme , and darknesse covered the face of the Deepe , on the very middle of the first day , the light was created ; which God severing from the darknesse , called the one day , and the other night . On the second day [ October 24 being Monday ] the firmament being finished , which was called Heaven , a separation was made of the waters above , and the waters here beneath enclosing the earth . Upon the third day [ Octob. 25. Tuesday ] these waters beneath running together into one place , the dry land appeared . This confluence of the waters , God made a Sea , sending out from thence the rivers , which were thither to return again [ Eccles. 1. vers . 7. ] and he caused the Earth to bud , and bring forth all kinds of herbs and plants , with seeds and fruits : But above all , he enriched the garden of Eden with plants ; for among them grew the tree of Life , and the tree of Knowledge , of good and evil . [ Gen. 2. vers . 8 , 9. ] On the fourth day [ Octob. 26. which is our Wednesday ] the Sun , the Moon , and the rest of the Stars were created . On the fifth day [ Octob. 27. Thursday ] Fish and flying Fowl were created , and endued with a blessing of encrease . And upon the sixth day [ Octob. 28. which is our Friday ] the living creatures of the earth took their creation , as well going , as creeping creatures . And last of all , man was made and created after the image of God , which consisted principally in the divine knowledge of the minde , [ Coloss. 3. vers . 10. ] and in the naturall and proper sanctity of his will , [ Ephes. 4. vers . 24. ] And he forth-with , when all living creatures , by the Divine Power , were brought before him , as a Lord appointed over them , gave them their names , by which they should be called . Among all which , when he found none to help him like to himself , lest he should be destitute of a fit companion , God taking a rib out of his side , whiles he slept , fashioned it into a woman , and gave her to him for a wife , establishing , withall , a law of marriage between them ; then blessing them , he bade them wex and multiply , and gave them dominion over all living creatures , and for them all he provided a large proportion of food and sustenance to live upon . To conclude , sin being not yet entered upon the world , God beheld all that he had made , and , behold , it was exceeding good . And so was the evening , and so was the morning of the sixth day . [ Gen. 1. vers . 31. ] Now upon the seventh day , [ Octob. 29. which is , with , us Saturday , ] when God had finished his work which he intended , he then rested from all labour , and blessing the seventh day , he ordained and consecrated the Sabbath , [ Gen. 2. vers . 2 , 3. ] because therein he took breath , as himself is pleased to speak of himself , [ Exod. 31. vers . 17. ] and , as it were , refreshed himself . Nor as yet ( for ought appeareth ) had sin set footing into the world . Nor was there any punishment laid by God , either upon man-kinde , or upon Angels . Whence it was , that this afterward was set forth for a signe , as well of our sanctification in this world [ Exod. 31. vers . 13. ] as of that eternall Sabbath , to be enjoyed hereafter ; wherein we expect a full deliverance and discharge from sin , and the dregs thereof , and all punishments belonging thereunto , [ Heb. 4. vers . 4 , 9 , 10. ] After the first week of the world ended , as it seemeth , God brought the new married couple into the garden of Eden , and charged them not to eat of the tree of knowledge of good and evil ; but left them free use of all the rest . But the Devil , envying Gods honour and mans felicity , tempted the woman to sin by the Serpent ; whence himself got the name and title of the old Serpent . [ Apoc. 12. vers . 9. and 20. vers . 2. ] The woman then beguiled by the Serpent , and the man seduced by the woman , brake the ordinance of God concerning the forbidden fruit ; and accordingly being called , and convicted of the crime , had their severall punishments inflicted on them : yet with this promise added , that the Seed of the woman should , one day , break the Serpents head , ( i. ) That Christ in the fulnesse of time should undo the works of the Devil , [ 1 Ioh. 3. vers . 8. Rom. 16. vers . 20. ] From whence it was , that Adam then first called his wife Evah ; because she was then ordained to be the mother , not onely of all that should live this naturall life , but , of those also who should live by faith in her seed ; which was the promised Messias : as Sara also afterward was counted the mother of the faithfull , [ 1 Pet. 3. verse 6. Gal. 4. verse 31. ] Upon this occasion our first Parents , clad by God with raiment of skinnes , were turned out of Eden , and a fierie flaming sword set to keep the way leading to the tree of Life , to the end they should never after eat of that fruit , which hitherto they had not touched Gen. 3. verse . 21. 22. &c. whence it is very probable , that Adam was turned out of Paradise the self same day that he was brought into it , which seemeth to have been upon the tenth day of the world ( answering to our first day of November , according to supposition of the Julian Period ) upon which day also , in remembrance of so remarkable a thing , as in all reason it should seem , was appointed the solemnity of Expiation , or attonement , and the yearly fast , spoken of by Saint Paul , Acts 27. verse 9. termed more especially by the name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , wherein all , as well strangers as home-born people , were commanded to afflict their souls with a most severe intermination , that every soul which should not afflict it self upon that day should be destroyed from among his people , [ Lev. 16. v. 29. and 23. verse 29. ] After the fall of Adam , Cain was the first of all mortall men that was born of a woman , [ Gen. 4. verse 1. ] Abel being murthered by his brother Cain , Year of the World 130. d. the first born of all man-kind , God gave Eve another son in his stead ; whence his name was called Seth , c. 4. v. 25. when Adam had now lived 130 years , c. 5. v. 3. From whence it is gathered , that between the death of Abel , and the birth of Seth , there was no other son born to Eve ; for then he should have been recorded to have been given her instead of him : so that whereas now the race of man-kind had been continued to the terme of 128 years , it is probable , that the number of men was so encreased in the world , that Cain might justly fear , through the conscience of his crime , that every man that met him would also slay him . [ c. 4. v. 14 , 15. ] Seth now being 105 years old , Year of the World 235. d. begat a son , The Julian Period 945 whom he named Enoch ; Year before Christ 3769 which signifies , the lamentable condition of all man-kind . For even then was the worship of God wretchedly corrupted by the race of Cain : whence it came , that men were even then so distinguished , that they who persisted in the true worship of God , were known by the name of the children of God ; and they which forsook him , were termed the children of men , Gen. 4. v. 26. and 6. 1 , 2. Cainan the son of Enoch was born when his father was 90 years old , Year of the World 325. d. [ c. The Julian Period 1035 5. v. Year before Christ 3679 10. ] Mahalaleel was born when Cainan his father had lived 70 years , Year of the World 395. d. [ c. The Julian Period 1015 5. v. Year before Christ 3069 12. ] Jared was born when his father Mahalaleel had lived 65 years , Year of the World 460. d. [ c. The Julian Period 1017 5. v. Year before Christ 3544 15. ] Enoch was borne when his father Jared had lived 162 years , Year of the World 622. d. [ c. The Julian Period 1332 5. v. Year before Christ 3382 18. ] Mathusalah was born when Enoch his father had lived 65 years [ c. Year of the World 687. d. 5. v. The Julian Period 1397 25. ] Lamech Year before Christ 3317 was born when his father Mathusalah had lived 187 years , Year of the World 874. d. [ c. The Julian Period 1584 5. v. Year before Christ 3130 25. ] Now Adam the first father of all man kind , Year of the World 930. d. died when he had lived 930 years . The Julian Period 1640 Year before Christ 3074 As for Enoch , Year of the World 987. d. the seventh from Adam , The Julian Period 1697 God translated him in an instant , Year before Christ 3017 whiles he was walking with him , that he should not see death , after he had lived 365 years , [ c. 5. 23 , 24 , Heb. 11. 5. ] Seth the son of Adam died when he had lived 912 years , Year of the World 1042. d. [ c. The Julian Period 1752 5. v. Year before Christ 2962 8. ] Noah the tenth from Adam , Year of the World 1056. d. was born when his father Lamech had lived 182 years , The Julian Period 1766 Year before Christ 2948 [ c. 5. v. 29. ] Enoch the third from Adam , Year of the World 1140 d. died when he had lived 905 years , [ c. 5. v. 11. ] The Julian Period 1850 Year before Christ 2864 Cainan the fourth from Adam , Year of the World 1235. d. died when he had lived 9●0 years . The Julian Period 1945 [ c. Year before Christ 2769 5. v. 17. ] Mahalaleel , Year of the World 1029. d. the fifth from Adam died , The Julian Period 2000 when he had lived 892 years . Year before Christ 2714 [ c. 5. v. 17. ] Iared , Year of the World 1422. d. the sixth from Adam , The Julian Period 2132 dyed wen he had lived 962 years . Year before Christ 2582 [ c. 5. v. 20. ] God , Year of the World 1536. a. before he brought the deluge of waters upon the world of the wicked , The Julian Period 2245 sent Noah , Year before Christ 2469 a Preacher of righteousness unto them , giving them 120 years space to repent them of their evil waies , [ 1 Pet. 3. v. 20. 2 Pet. 2. v. 5. Gen. 6. v. 3. ] To Noah , Year of the World 1556. d. who now first began to set his mind to the propagating of an off-spring , The Julian Period 2266 when he was 500 years old ; Year before Christ 2448 was borne first of all Iaphet , [ Gen. 5. v. 32. and c. 10. v. 21. ] Noahs second son was Sem ; Year of the World 1558. d. being two years after the flood , The Julian Period 2268 recorded to have been 100 years old , Year before Christ 2446 [ Gen. 10. v. 11. ] Lamech , Year of the World 1651. d. the ninth from Adam , The Julian Period 2361 died when he had lived 777 years , year before Christ 2353 [ c. 5. v. 31. ] Mathusalah , Year of the World 1656. a. the eighth from Adam , The Julian Period 2365 died in the 969 year of his age ; Year before Christ 2349 and out-went all men in length of life . [ c. 5. v. 27. ] Now in the second month of this year , upon the 10 day thereof , ( answering to the 30 of our November , being sunday ) God commanded Noah , that in that weeke , he should provide himself to enter into the Arke : whiles the world , ( in the mean time ) void of all fear , sate eating and drinking , and marrying , and giving in marriage , [ Gen. 7. v. 1 , 4 , 10. Mat. 24. v. 38. ] In the 600 year of the life of Noah , upon the 17 day of the second month , answering to the 7 of our Decemb. upon a sunday , when he with his children , and living creatures of all sorts , were entered into the Ark , God sent a rain upon the earth forty days , and forty nights ; and the waters continued upon the earth 150 days , [ Gen. 7. v. 4 , 6 , 11 , 12 , 13 , 17 , 24. ] The waters abating upon the 17 day of the 7 month , May 6. upon a wedensday , the Ark rested upon one of the mountatines of Ararat , [ c. 8. v. 6 , 7. ] And the waters still falling upon the first day of the tenth month ( with us July 19. being sunday ) the tops of the mountains appeared above the water , [ c. 8. v. 5 , ] And after 40 days , that is upon the 11 day of the 11 month ( Being 28 of August , falling upon a friday ) Noah opening the window of the Ark , sent forth a Raven , [ c. 8. v. 6 , 7. ] And seven days after , as may probably be gathered , out of those other seven days , mentioned [ v. 10 ] Noah sent forth a Dove and she returning , after seven days more , he sent her forth again : and about the evening she returned , bringing the leaf of an Olive tree in her mouth , and then staying yet seven days more , sent the same Dove out again , which never returned more unto him . [ c. 8. v. 8. 12. ] The second Age of the World. IN the 601 year of the life of Noah , Year of the World 1657. a. upon the first day of the first month ( Octob. 23. being our friday , ) the first day , as first of the new world , so now of this new year ; when the surface of the earth was now all dry , Noah took off the covering of the Ark , [ Gen. 8. 13. ] Upon the 27 of the second month , ( Dec. 18 falling upon thursday , ) when the earth was wholy dry , by the commandment of God , Noah went forth with all that were with him in the Ark , [ c. 8. v. 14. 19. Being gon forth , Noah offered unto God sacrifices , for such his preservation : and God restored the nature of things destroyed by the flood : he permitted unto men the eating of flesh for their food ; and gave the rainbow for a signe of the covenant , which he then made with man , [ c. 8. & 9. ] The years of mans life , were now made as it were , half shorter than they were before . Arphaxad , Year of the World 1658. d. was now born to Se● , The Julian Period 2368 being 100 years old ; Year before Christ 2346 two years after the flood ceased , [ c. 11. v. 10. ] Salah was born when his father Arphaxad , Year of the World 1693. d. had lived 35 years , The Julian Period 2403 [ c. Year before Christ 2311 11. v. 12. Heber was born , Year of the World 1723. d. when Salah his father had lived 30 years , The Julian Period 2433 [ c. Year before Christ 2281 11 , v. 14. ] When Heber had lived 34 years , Year of the World 1757. d. he had a son born , The Julian Period 2467 whom he named Phaleg , Year before Christ 2247 [ c. 11. 16. ] because in his days the earth was divided , [ c. 10. v. 25. and 1 Chron. 1. v. 19. ] which if understood for the day of his birth , then it seemeth that at what time Phaleg was born , Noah , who formerly knew the places which were now overspread with bushes and thornes , made a division of the land among his grandchildren ; and that done , that they then went from those eastern parts ( whither they first repaired from the mountains of Ararat ) unto the valley of S●nnar . [ Gen. 11. v. 2. ] where the people impiously laid their heads together , as we find in the book of wisdome , [ 10. v. 5. ] to hinder this dispersion of them commanded by God , and began by Noah ( as may be gathered out of [ Gen. 11. v. 4 , 6 , 8 , 9. ] compared together ) and went in hand to build the city and tower of Babylon : which purpose of theirs being frustrated by the confusion of languages , sent among them , ( from whence it took the name of Babel , c. 11. v. 9. ) the dispersion of Nations followed ; divers companies and colonies , sitting them down in several places , as they agreed best each with other in that diversity of language . Captains and conductors , of which several companies ; among others , the 13 sons of Joctan , the brothers of Phaleg , are recorded to have been , [ Gen. 10. v. 26. ] all which , certainly , at what time their Uncle Phaleg was born , were not come into the world . For seeing that Heber was but 34 years old , when Phaleg was born unto him , though we should suppose , that Joctan was born , when Heber was but 20 years of age , and that Joctans eldest son was born to him , when he was likewise but twenty years old , yet still it appears , that , that eldest son of Ioctan , must be six years younger than Phaleg , so that at least the younger crew of those 13 sons of Ioctan , to wit , Iohab , and three other brothers of his mentioned next before him , and which left their names , upon those golden countreys , Sheba , [ Psal. 72. v. 15. Ophir . 1 Reg. 9. v. 28. & Havilah . Gen. 2. v. 11. ] could not till some years after Rehu were born to Phaleg , be capable of such an imployment , as to conduct colonies by reason of their so tender age . The years of mans age were again cut shorter by one half , than earst they were . From hence to the taking of Babilon by Alexander the Great , Year of the World 1771. a. are reckoned 1903 years : The Julian Period 2480 which calculation and number of years made according to Astronomical observations Porphyrie , Year before Christ 2234 as we find in Simplicius , in his second book de Coelo , affirmeth to have been transmitted into Greece from Babylon , by Chalisthenes , at Aristotles sute , whence it appears that the Babylonians gave themselves to the knowledg of Astronomy , even from the very days of Nimrod , from whom all that region took the name of the Land of Nimrod , [ Mich. 5. v. 6. ] Forasmuch as both Babylon it self was by his perswasion begun to be built , as Ioseph . l. 1. Antiq. c. 5. reporteth , and for that there the royal seat of that kingdom was placed , as Moses [ Gen. 10. 10 ] affirmeth , & from him Babylon it self ; [ Ier. 5. 15. ] took her first celebrity & opinion of Antiquity . But to return to where we left ; Year of the World 1787. a. Rehu or Ragau , The Julian Period 2497 was born when Phaleg his father was 30 years old , Year before Christ 2217 [ Gen. 11. v. 18. ] That the Egyptian sovereignty & regal power over the subject , Year of the World 1816. d. lasted full out 1663 years , The Julian Period 2526 is testified by Constantinus Manasses , Year before Christ 2188 which being reckoned backward from the time that Cambyses K. of Persia conquered Egypt , lead us just to this accompt , about which time Misraim the son of Cham carried his colony into Egypt , which from thence was called sometime the land of Misraim , sometime of Cham , [ Psal. 105. 23 , 27. Ps. 106. 21. 22. ] From whence it was that the Pharasees afterward boasted , that they were the sons of ancient kings , [ Esa. 19. 11. ] Serug , Year of the World 1819. d. or Saruch , The Julian Period 2529 was born when Ragau had lived 32 years , Year before Christ 2185 [ Gen. 11. v. 20. ] Nachor was born when Saruch his father had lived 30 years , Year of the World 1849. d. [ Gen. The Julian Period 2559 11. Year before Christ 2155 22. ] Terach or Tharah was born when Nachor his father was 29 years of age . Year of the World 1878. d. The Julian Period 2588 Year before Christ 2126 At this time Egialeus K. of the Sicyonians in Peloponesus began his reign 1313 years before the first Olympiade , Year of the World 1915. c. Euseb. The Julian Period 2625 Chron. Year before Christ 2079 And a nation out of Arabia bordering upon Egypt , Year of the World 1910. c. called by the Egyptians Hicsi , The Julian Period 2630 and signifie kingly Shepheards , Year before Christ 2084 brake into Egypt , and took Memphis , and possessed themselves wholy of the lower Egypt bordering upon the mediterranean sea ; which Salatis their first K. held by the space of 19 years , as Iosep. in this 1 book cont . Appionem reports out of Manetho . Beon their second King reigned 44 years , Year of the World 1939. c. [ Manetho . ] Now when Tharah had lived 70 years , Year of the World 1948. d. there was born unto him the eldest of his three sons , The Julian Period 2658 [ Gen. Year before Christ 2021 11. v. 26. ] and he , not Abram ( who as we shall see anon , came not into the world till 60 years after ) but Haran , father-in-law afterward of the third brother Nachor , for this man , before ever his father Tharah left Vz of the Chaldeans , died , and left a daughter named Milcam , which was married to his uncle Nachor , [ Gen 11. v. 28 , 29. ] At this time reigned Apachnas in Egypt , Year of the World 1983. c. and continued 36 years , The Julian Period 2693 7 months , Year before Christ 2021 [ Manetho . ] Phaleg the sixth from Noah , Year of the World 1996. d. died 200 and 9 years after the birth of Ragau , [ Gen. 11. v. 19. ] Nachor the 9 from Noah , Year of the World 1997. d. died 119 years after the birth of his son Tharah , The Julian Period 2707 [ Gen. Year before Christ 2007 11. 25. ] Noah , Year of the World 2006. d. died when he had lived 950 years , The Julian Period 2716 350 years after the deluge , Year before Christ 1998 [ Gen. 9. 28 , 29 ] In the year 2008 of the world , Year of the World 2008. c. was Abram born ; The Julian Period 2718 for he was 75 years old , The Julian Period 2996 when Tharah his father died at the age of 205 years , [ Gen. 11. 32. and Gen. 12. 1 , 4. with Acts 7. 4. ] Sarai , Year of the World 2018. c. who was also called Iscah the daughter of Haran , The Julian Period 2728 Abrahams brother , [ Gen. The Julian Period 2986 11. 29. 30. ] was born , being ten years younger than her husband Abraham , [ Gen. 17. 17. ] Apophis reigned in Egypt 61 years , Year of the World 2020. b. [ Manetho . ] The Julian Period 2730 Year before Christ 1984 Rehu or Ragau the 7 from Noah , Year of the World 2026. d. died 207 years after the birth of Saruch , The Julian Period 2736 Gen. Year before Christ 1978 11. 21. Serug or Saruch , Year of the World 2049. d. the 8 from Noah , The Julian Period 2059 Year before Christ 1955 died 200 years after the death of Nachor , [ Gen. 11. 23. ] Near about this time it was , Year of the World 2079. b. that Chedorlaomer K. of Elam , The Julian Period 2089 The Julian Period 1925 or Elimais , situate between Persia and Babylon , subdued the Kings of Pentapolis , to wit , Sodome , Gomorrah , Adma , Seboim and Bela , or Zoar , all which served him twelve years , [ Gen. 14. 1 , 2 , 4. ] Ianias reigned in Egypt 50 years , Year of the World 2081. b. and one month , The Julian Period 2791 ( Manetho . Year before Christ 1923 ) God called Abraham out of Uz , Year of the World 2083. a. of the Chaldeans , to go into the land that he should shew him , [ Gen. 15. 7. Ios. 24. 2 , 3. Neh. 9. 7. Acts 7. 2 , 3 , 4. ] Now this Vz , which besides Stephen the Proto-martyr , Abarbenel also , upon [ Gen. 11. ] placeth in Mesopotamia , was the habitation of the Priests and Mathematicians , who from their art , were stiled by the name of Chaldeans ; by which name also ; even in Chaldaea it self , those Genethliaci , or casters of nativities were distinguished , and known from the rest of the Magi , or wise men of that country , as we find in [ Dan. 2. v. 2 , 10. c. 4. v. 7. c. 5. v. 11. ] and from these it was , that Terach and his sons learned their Idolatry , [ Ios. 24. 2. ] This Terach therefore took Abram his son , and Lot his nephew , the son of H●ran and Sarai his daughter in law , Abrams wife , and taking their journey together from Vz of the Chaldeans , to go into the land of Canaan , came to Carran , in the same country of Mesopotamia : and there made their abode , by reason of the great infirmity and sickness of Terach , Year of the World c. and when Terach had fulfilled 205 years , The Julian Period 2793 he died in Carran , Year before Christ 1921 [ Gen. 11. v. 31 , 32. ] The third Age of the World. ABram , after his fathers decease , was called again by God , out of his own country , and from his kindred , and from his fathers house ; with a further promise , and Evangelical covenant of blessing him , that is , in his blessed seed , our Lord Jesus Christ , all the nations of the earth , [ Gen. 12. 1 , 2. and Acts 7. 4. ] from which promise , and Abrams departure , which immediately followed , are to be deduced those 430 years which Abram and his posterity spent in forreign lands , [ Ex. 12. 40 , 41. and Gal. 3. 17. ] placing the first and last day of this their pilgrimage and sojourning , upon the 15 of the month Abib , which this year falls upon the 4 day of May , being wedensday , according to the Julian Calendar ; by our accompt . On this day therefore , Abram when he was 75 years old , following the call of God , took Sarai his wife , and Lot , his brother Harans son , with all the substance , which he had gotten , and souls which God had given him in Carran , and took his journey , and at length came into the land of Canaan : passing through it , till he came to a place called Sichem , to the oake of Moreah , [ Gen. 12. 4 , 5 , 6. ] of which mention is afterward made , [ Gen. 35. 4. Ios. 24. v. 25 , 26. and in Judges 9. 6. ] where God promised Abram . that to his seed he would give that land , and he there built an Altar to the Lord , which had there appeared to him . Afterward removing from thence he went into the hill-country , called Luz , and in after times , known by the name of Bethel , toward the east , [ Gen. 28. 19. ] where again he built an altar , and called upon the name of the Lord : and from thence holding on his journey , he came into the fourth part of that countrey , which looketh towards Egypt , [ Gen. 12. 7 , 8 , 9. ] Abram , compelled by a famine , from thence went down into Egypt , where Sarah his wife ( who to eschew a danger , Year of the World 2804. a. went there by the name of his sister ) was taken into Pharaoh , ( Apophi ) his house : but was not long after , with great gifts and presents , sent back unto him again untouch't ; and , with a safe passe , were both dismissed to depart out of Egypt , [ Gen. 12. 10 , 20. ] Then Abram , with Lot returned into Canaan , where when the country which they pitched upon , was not sufficient to feed both their heards of cattle , they parted ; and Lot went into the country of Sodome ; after whose departures , the promise both of the possession of that land of Canaan , and also of his numberlesse posterity was again renewed unto him : and then removing from the place between Bethel and Hay , where he had formerly built an Altar , he dwelt in the plain of Mamre , near unto Hebron , & there built an Altar unto the Lord , [ Gen. 13 ] Then did Bera K. of Sodom , Year of the World 2091 with the rest of the petty kings of Pentapolis rebel , The Julian Period 2801 & shook off the yoke of Chedorlaomer K. of Elam , Year before Christ 1913 in the 13 year of their subjection unto him , [ Gen. 14. 4. ] And in the fourteenth year Chedorlaomer , Year of the World 2092. c. with other confederate Princes , Amraphel of Shinar , Arioc of Ellasur , and Tidal K. of the nations , joyning their forces against those petty kings which had revolted from him , first destroyed the Raphaeans , the Zuzaeans , the Aemaeans and Choraeans , who inhabited all that region , which afterward was possessed by the Amalekites , and the Ammorites , and after that putting to flight the Kings of Pentapolis in the valley of Siddimor , carried away Lot prisoner with all the plunder of Sodome and Gomorrah : whereof , when tidings came to Abram , he armed his own servants to the number of 318. and with his confederates Haner , Eshcol , and Mamre , overtaking Chedorlaomer and his army with the prey they had gotten at Dan , there they defeated and slew them , and pursued them to Hoba , lying on the left hand of Damascus : and thereby rescued Lot , and the rest of the prisoners out of the enemies hand , and brought them back again with all that they had lost . And when Abram returned from the slaughter of Chedorlaomer and the other Kings , Melchisedech the K. of Salem met him , and blessed him , being himself a Priest of the highest God ; and Abram , on the other side offered him the tithe of the spoile , which he had taken , yet kept he nothing thereof to himself , but restored to every man his own again ; leaving what was not owned to his companies in that service , [ Gen. 14. ] And now God , finding Abram grieved for that he had no issue , promised him a posterity equal to the stars of heaven in number , which after 400 years sojourning and affliction in a land that was none of theirs , he promised to bring into the land foretold unto him , and bound that promise with a covenant to perform it , [ Gen. 15. ] Sarai longing for that blessed seed , Year of the World 2093 and seeing now ten years spent since their coming into the land of Canaan , The Julian Period 2803 gave him to wife Hagar her servant , Year before Christ 1911 an Egyptian born , who being great with child of her Mr. Abram ; and being evil entreated by her Mrs. for her insolent carriage toward her , fled from her ; but being warned of God by his Angel , she returned , and submitted her self to her dame [ Gen. 16. 13 , 14. ] Hagar , Year of the World 2094. b. bare unto Abram , Ishmael , when he was 86 years old , The Julian Period 2804 [ Gen. Year before Christ 1910 16. 25. 16. and 17. 24 , 25. ] Arphaxad the third from Noah , Year of the World 2096. d. died 403 years after the birth of Salem , [ Gen. 11. 13. ] God making a covenant with Abram , Year of the World 2107. c. when he was now 99 years old touching the seed of Isaac , who was to be born of Sarah that time twelve month , gave him the seal of Circumcision ( changing both their names , Abram into Abraham , and Sarai into Sarah ) for a sure pledg & testimony of his promise , promising also to favour Ishmael the eldest born , for the fathers sake , which promises ; Abraham entertaining and embracing with a lively faith , & true obedience , caused himself , being now 99 years of age , and his son Ishmael then thirty years old , and all his houshold , to be circumcised , the self-same day wherein it was enjoyn'd him . [ Gen ▪ 17. 21. to 26. ] Abraham invites Angels coming like men travelling upon the way unto his house : and feasts them , who reiterating the promise of the birth of Isaac , in favour of Sarah declared , with all the judgment of God , intended upon the 5 cities , for their utter destruction ; and Abraham fearing what would become of Lot , and his family in Sodome , made intercession to God for the sparing of that place , [ Gen. 18 , and 19. v. 29. ] Sodome therefor ; and Gomorrah and Aadmah , and Seboim , for their horrible sins , perished by fire and brimstone , raining down upon them from heaven , [ Gen. 19. ] that they might be an example to all wicked livers in time to come , of the pains of that everlasting fire to be inflicted on them in that lake of fire and brimstone , which is the second death [ 2 Pet. 2 , 6. ●ud . 7. Ap. 19. 20. c. 20. 10. c. 21. 8. ] The monument whereof remaineth unto this day ; even the dead sea . The valley of Siddim , where these 5 cities stood in former times , which was full of brimstone and salt pits , being since grown into a vast lake ; which from the brimstone therein still floating , is called Lacus Asphaltitis , a lake of brimstone ; & from th● salt , mare salsum , the salt sea , [ Gen. 14. 3 , 10. Deut. 3. 17. c. 29. 23. Zeph. 2. 9. Wisd. 10. 6 , 7. ] of which , Solinus thus writeth , A great way off from Jerusalem , there lies a woful spectacle , of a country to be seen , which that it was heretofore blasted from heaven , appears by the blackness of the earthfalling all to cinders . There were in that place heretofore seated two Cities , one called Sodome , the other Gomorrah , whereof an apple grow , though it seeme to have a shew of maturity and ripenesse , yet it is not eateable at all ; for the outmost skin thereof , containeth nothing within it save a stinking steeme , mingled with ashes , and being never so lightly touched , sendeth forth a smoake , and the rest falls presently into a light dust or powder . Lot being hasted out of Sodome by the Angels , avoided the destruction , by flying to a little city , called Bela , which from thence was called Zoas ; but his wife was turned into a pillar of salt ; and Lot himself , fearing to continue at Zoar , left the plain country , and betook him to the Hill , as he was commanded , carrying his two daughters with him , [ Gen. 19. ] Abraham , going from the plain of Mamre , towards the south , that he might dwell at a place which was afterward called Beersheba , was entertained by Abimelech , K. of the Philistines , at Gerar , where Sarah , going once again under the name of his sister , was rest from him . But the K. being reproved therefore , and punished by God , restored her untouch't to her husband , with large gifts and presents added thereto , and by his prayers Abimilech and all his house were healed of their infirmities , [ Gen. 20. ] When Abraham was now 100 , Year of the World 2108. c. and Sarah 90 years of age , The Julian Period 2818 the fore-promised son Isaac was born unto them , The Julian Period 2896 [ Gen. 17. 17 , 21. c. 21. 1 , 7. Rom. 4. 19. ] nor long after was it , that Moab and Amon were born to Lot , who was both father , and grandfather to them , [ Gen. 19. 36 , 37 , 38. When Isaac was weaned , Abraham made a great ●east , and Sarah spying Ishmael the son of Hagar the Aegyptian jesting with , or rather mocking ( as in Gen. 39. 14. that word is taken ) nay even persecuting ( as the Apostle , [ Gal. 4. 29. ] expoundeth it ) her son Isaac ; as chalenging to himself , by way of eldership , the right of inheritance in his fathers estate , said unto Abraham , Cast forth this handmaid with her son , for the son of his handmaid shall not be heir with my son Isaac ; which though he took very grievously at the first , yet he did it ; God having said unto him , in Isaac shall thy seed be called , [ Gen. 21. 8 , 12. and Rom. 9. 7 , 8. and Heb. 11. 17 , 18. ] where observe that Isaac is called his onely begotten son . But among the Hebrews there is a difference of opinions ; some holding that this was done in the 5 year after Isaacs weaning ; others in the 12. but we chosing a shorter time of age , reckon that Ishmael was cast out with his mother , when he was 18 years old , saith St Jerome , writing of the traditions of the Jewes , upon Genesis : so that from this declaration of the elect seed , and persecution ( as the Apostle termeth it ) of Isaac , by Hagars son , many of them , reckon the 400 years ; which the seed of Abraham was to be a stranger and sojourner , and afflicted in a forreign land , as God had foretold unto him [ Gen. 15. 13. Acts 7. 6. ] For that those 400 years were to be compleated at the instant of the departure of the children of Israel out of Egypt , appears ( Gen. 15. 14. Ex. 12. 35 , 36. ) compared each with other ; though the ordinary gloss out of Austin , refers the beginning of the account , to the very birth of Isaac , as if the Scripture called the number of 405 by the name of 400 years , as in a round summe , or number . Salah the fourth from Noah , Year of the World 2126 d. died 403 years after the birth of Heber , Year of the World 2106 [ Gen. Year before Christ 1878 11. v. 15. ] Assis reigned in Egypt by the space of 49 years two moneths : Year of the World 2131 b. Manetho . The Julian Period 2841 Year before Christ 1873 By faith Abraham , Year of the World 2133 when he was tryed , The Julian Period 2843 offered up his son Isaac ; Year before Christ 1871 considering with himself , that God was able by his power , to raise him again from the dead ; whence also he did receive him , in a manner , [ Heb. 11. v. 17 , 19. ] Now Josephus reports that at this time Isaac was 25 years old . lib. 1. Antiq. 14. ( al. 22. ) and that he was at that time of good years , may be gathered from this , that he was able to carry so much wood , as was to go to the burning and consuming of such a whole burnt offering , as himself was then intended by Abraham to have been made , Gen. 22. v. 6. Sarah being 127 years of age , Year of the World 2145 b. died in Hebron , The Julian Period 2855 for whose burial Abraham bought the cave in the field of Macpelah , Year before Christ 1859 which was the first possession that he gat in the land of Canaan , of Ephron the Hittite , for a summe of money , Gen. 23. v. 12 , 19. 20. But as Abraham is registred to us for the father of the faithful , Rom. 4. v. 11 , 12. So is Sarah for the mother of the faithful , 1 Pet. v. 3 , 6. and she is the only woman whose full and entire age is mentioned in the Scripture . Abraham being careful to get a wife for his son Isaac , Year of the World 2148 d. sent his chief servant , The Julian Period 2858 Eliesar of Damascus , Year before Christ 1856 Gen. 15. v. 2. ( taking first an oath of him ) to look out one for him : who going by the guidance of God into Mesopotamia , there obtained for him Rebeka the daughter of Bethuel , sister to Laban the Syrian , whom Isaac receiving for his wife , brought into the tent of his mother Sarah ; and by the solace and content which he took in her , put off the dolor and grief which he conceived upon the death of his mother , who was departed this life three years before , Gen. 24. v. 1. 67. and he was forty years old when he married his wife Rebeka , Gen. 25. v. 20. About this time began the reign of the Argivi in Peloponesus , 1080 years before the first Olympiade , as Eusebius in his Chronicle reporteth , out of Castor . The first that there reigned was Inachus , who reigned 50 years ; of whom Erasmus , in the proverb , Inacho antiquior , speaketh ; unto which also I refer that of the most learned Varro , in his 17 book of Humane Affaires , ( cited by A. Gellius in his first book , Noctium Attic. c. 16. and of Macrobius : lib. 1 Saturnal . ) where he saith , To the beginning of Romulus are reckoned more than 1100 years : For from the beginning of Inachus his reign , according to the accompt of Castor , there mentioned , unto the Palilia , or solemne Festivals of Pales ( the country Goddess among the Romans ) mentioned by Varro , are reckoned 1102 years . Sem the son of Noah died 500 years after the birth of Arphaxad , Year of the World 2158 d. Gen. The Julian Period 2868 11. v. Year before Christ 1846 11. When Rebeka had continued barren nineteen years after her marriage , Year of the World 2167. d. Isaac in great devotion made praier unto God in her behalf ; The Julian Period 2877 and she thereupon conceived twins , Year before Christ 1837 Gen. 25. v. 21. When the twins strove in the womb , Year of the World 2168. c. Rebeka asked counsell of God ; by whom it was answered , that the hands of two differing and disagreeing Nations should proceed out of her in that birth , of which the one should be stronger than the other , and that the elder should serve the younger . But at the time of her travel , the first that came forth was ruddy all over , and like to a shag garment , and his name was called Esau ; then came forth the other , holding the former by the heele , whereupon he was called by the name of Jacob ; and Isaac their father , at the time of their birth , was sixty years old , Gen. 25. v. 22. Hosea , 12. v. 3. Manetho writes , Year of the World 2179 that Thethmosis King of Thebais , or the uper Egypt , besieged the Hicksos or Shepheards , shut up in a place called Auarim ( containing 10000 acres of ground ) with an army of foure hundred and fourescore thousand men : but that finding no possibility of taking them , took this end with them , that they should leave Egypt , and go freely whither they would , and that they , with all their substance and goods , being in number no lesse than four hundred and forty thousand , passing through Egypt , went by the way of the wildernesse into Syria , and that for dread they had of the Assyrians , who then possessed all Asia , they built themselves a City in the land of Judaea , as it is now called , bigg enough to receive so vast a multitude of inhabitants , and called it Hierosolyma , i. e. Jerusalem : so saies Manetho in Josephus lib. 1. contra Appionem Grammaticum , which ( Appion in his 4. book of Egyptian affaires ) calls this king , Amosis , and proves out of the Annals of Ptolomaeus Mendesius an Egyptian Priest , that he was contemporary to Inachus afore-mentioned , King of the Argivi , as Tatian the Assyrian ( in his Oration against the Greeks . ) Justin Martyr , ( in his Paraenetion or Exhortatory to the Greeks . ) Clemens Alexandrinus in his first book of his Stromata , and others do report ; all which following Iosephus and Iustus Tiberiensis understand as meant of the Israelites , because they traded much in sheep , Gen. 46. v. 33 , 34. and 47. v. 3. and because they went out of Egypt into Canaan : and therefore conceive that Moses contemporary with Inachus , was the man that conducted them in that journey ; whereas those things seem rather to refer to the Phaenicians , whom Herodotus ( in the beginning of his History , and in the 89 chapter of his seventh book ) reporteth to have come from the red Sea ; and seated themselves in Palestine , for that the departure of the Israelites out of Egypt fell out many and many years after Inachus , the course of all Chronologie doth undoubtedly declare . Thethmosis , Year of the World 2180. c. al. Amosis , The Julian Period 2890 having driven out these shepherds , Year before Christ 1824 reigned in the lower Egypt by the space of twenty five years and four months . [ Manetho . ] Abraham , Year of the World 2183. c. when he was 175 years old , The Julian Period 2893 and one hundred years after his coming into Canaan , Year before Christ 1821 departed this life , and was buried by his two sons , Isaak and Ishmael , in his cave at Macpelah , with Sarah his wife , [ Gen. 25. v. 7 , 10. ] He lived fifteen years after the birth of Iacob , with whom he is said also to have lived in tents , [ Heb. 11. v. 9. ] Heber , Year of the World 2187. d. the fifth from Noah , died 430 years after the birth of his son Peleg , [ Gen. 11. v. 17. ] This man lived the longest of any that was born after the flood ; and out-lived Abraham himself ; and from him Abraham came first to be sirnamed the Hebrew , [ Gen. 14. v. 13. ] and in after times , all the posterity of his Grandchild Iacob , were known by the same name , [ Gen. 40. v. 15. ] Where note that Canaan , was stiled the land of the Hebrewes , while the Canaanite was yet living in that land . About this time , Year of the World 2200 the promises formerly made unto Abraham , The Julian Period 2910 were , Year before Christ 1804 as it seemeth , fully performed to his son Isaac , such as were , I will multiply thy seed , as the stars of heaven ; And , To thy seed will I give this Land : And , In thy seed , shall all the Nations of the earth be blessed , [ Gen. 26. v. 4. ] Ch●bron reigned in Egypt 13 years , Year of the World 2205. d. [ Manetho . ] The Julian Period 2915 The Julian Period 2749 Esau , Year of the World 2208. c. being 40 years old , took two wives , of the land of the Hittites , Iudith the daughter of Beeri , and Basematham the daughter of Elon : which were very troublesome , and bitterly bent against Rebeka , [ Gen. 26. v. 34 , 35 , ] compared with [ c. 27. v. 46. ] and with [ c. 28. v. 8. ] At this time the Ogygian , Deluge befel in the country of Attica 1020 years before the first Olympiade : as is reported out of Hellanicus , Castor , Thalus , Diodorus Siculus , and Alexander Polyhistor in his third book of his Chronographie , by Iulius Africanus , as we find it in Eusebius his book , de Praep. Evang. which yet Varro his accounts , makes to have been three hundred years before . Amenophis reigned in Egypt 20 years , Year of the World 2218. d. 7 months . The Julian Period 2928 [ Manetho . Year before Christ 1786 ] Ishmael , Year of the World 2231. b. Abrahams son , The Julian Period 2941 at the age of 137 years , Year before Christ 1773 died . [ Gen. 25. v. 17. ] Am-essis , Year of the World 2239. b. the sister of Amenophis , The Julian Period 2949 reigned in Egypt 21 years , Year before Christ 1765 9 months . [ Manetho . ] Euechous began to reigne in Chaldea , Year of the World 2242 two hundred twenty foure years before the Arabians , The Julian Period 2952 [ Iulius Affricanus : Year before Christ 1762 ] which seemeth to be the same with Belus of Babilon , or Iupiter Belus , worshiped afterwards by the Chaldeans as a god . [ Isa. 46. vers . 1. Ier. 50. vers . 2. and 51. v. 41. ] Isaac now grown old and blind , Year of the World 2245. a. in the 44th year before his death , The Julian Period 2954 sent Esau his elder son , to take some venison for him , Year before Christ 1760 purposing to blesse him at his returne ; but Iacob his younger son , by the subtile counsel of his mother , coming disguised in his clothes , and with savourie meat in his hand , stole away the blessing , unwitting to his father ; and the blessing , though so got , God confirmed ever after . But Iacob seeing that for so doing , his brother followed him with a deadly hatred , and being desirous to avoid his traps , willing also to take a wife of his own kindred , asking first his fathers blessing , he took his journey into Mesopotamia to his uncle Laban . But in his journey , by the vision of a ladder , God confirmed to him , all the blessings formerly given to his father , and assured him of his grace and favour for the future , in remembrance whereof , Iacob set up a pillar , and changed the name of the place from Luz , to Bethel , and there made a vow to God. And coming at length to Carran , and continuing a months time with Laban , fell in love with Rachel his daughter , and covenanted to serve him seven years for her , [ Gen. 27. v. 1. and 29. v. 20. ] with [ Hosea 12. v. 12. ] now that this fell upon the 77 year of Iacobs age , will appear by that which will be said , upon the year of the World , 2259. Esau , seeing that Isaak had blessed Iacob , and sent him away into Mesopotamia , thereto take him a wife , and that he liked not the daughers of Canaan , to pacifie his fathers mind , who was offended with him for marrying his first wife out of Canaan , took a second wife Mahalatha , the daughter of Ishmael , the son of Abraham , [ Gen. 28. v. 6 , 9. ] Esau had been now a married man 37 years , and was 77 years old ; whereas Iacob , who was as old as he , had all this while , lived a Batchelor ; but being now mindful of his fathers command , he demanded Rachel his wife to be given to him ; using this for a reason , that his daies were now full , [ Gen. 29. v. 21. ] that is that he was now of an age ripe for marriage , as Tremellius expoundeth it : though Tho. Lidyate would rather have it understood of that instant month or period of time compleated , wherein Laban , from the beginning , intended to make proof of Jacobs industry , and sufficiency in the managing of affaires committed to his charge , before he would bestow his daughter on him : which no doubt was mentioned at his first arrival there ; seeing it was the only cause of his coming thither . But by the fraud of Laban , instead of Rachel , Leah the elder daughter was put in bed unto him : neverthelesse , at the end of the marriage weeke , [ Iudges 14. v. 12 , 17. ] Rachel also was espoused to him ; upon covenant of serving seven years more for her ; and Laban gave unto Leah , his maid-servant Zilpah for a hand maid , and to Rachel he gave Billah , and when Leah was not so gracious in Iacobs eye , as Rachel was : the one by Gods appointment remained barren , the other was made a mother of four children , successively in four years , [ Gen. 29. 21 , 22 , &c. Of Leah was born unto Iacob , Year of the World 2246 his eldest son Reuben , The Julian Period 2956 [ Gen. Year before Christ 1758 29. 32. ] who for his incest committed with Billah his fathers concubine ; lost afterward , his right of the first born , [ Gen. 35. 22. and 49. 3 , 4. and 1 Chron. 5. 1. ] Simeon was borne . Year of the World 2247 The Julian Period 2957 Year before Christ 1457 Levi was born , Year of the World 2248 v. 34. The Julian Period 2958 Year before Christ 1756 Iudah was born [ v. 35. ] Year of the World 2249. c. from whom the Jewes took their name . The Julian Period 2959 Year before Christ 1755 Rachel , Year of the World 2259. c. afterward by the blessing of God , proving fruitfull , bare Ioseph unto him , at the end of his fourteen years service , and then asking leave of Laban to returne into his own countrey ; he was held there six years more upon another bargain made between him , and his father in law Laban : for a certain part of his flock , [ Gen. 30. 22 , 25 , 31. with 31. v. 41. ] now that Iacob was 91 years old when Ioseph was born , and consequently , 77 years old , when he first began to serve Laban , appears by this , for that Iacob being 130 years of age , when he first stood before Pharaoh , which was when the seven years of plenty were passed , and two of the famine spent , [ Gen. 45. 6. with 47. 9. ] Ioseph was then 39 years old , as being 30 years of age , what time he first came into Pharaohs presence , immediately before the seven years of plenty began , [ Gen. 41. 32 , 46. ] Mephres reigned in Egypt , Year of the World 2261. a. 12 years , The Julian Period 2971 9 months , Year before Christ 1743 [ Manetho . ] Iacob , Year of the World 2265. c. perceiving the heart-burning of Laban , and his sons malice toward him , was warned of God to returne into his own country : which having communicated to his wives ; while Laban was shearing his sheep , at the latter end of the spring ( as will appear anon upon the 2974th year of the world ) after his 20 years service , getting away unknown to Laban , with all his substance , wives , and family , passed over the river Euphrates , [ Gen. 31. 1 , 3 , 19 , 21 , 38 , 41. ] But whereas it is said that there were twelve sons born him in Mesopotamia , [ Gen. 35. 22 , 26. ] Benjamine is not to be reckoned among them , who was certainly born afterward in the land of Canaan , not far from Bethlehem , [ 16. v. 18 , 19. ] in like manner , as the twelve Apostles are counted , though to make up that number , Iudas was wanting , Iohn 20. 24. 1 Cor. 15. 1. ] of which matter , Augustine more at large , in his 117 Question upon Genesis . Laban three daies after ( for so many daies journey was Laban off from the place where Iacob kept his sheep ) hearing that his son in law was gone , took some of his friends and kindred along with him , and pursued after him , seven dayes journey , and at last overtook him in mount Gilead ; which took its name , from this their meeting there , for after many and divers expostulations which passed there between them , making all fair at last , for a testimony and monument of their covenant and agreement there made , Iacob erected a pillar , with a heap of stones : which Laban the Syrian , called Iegar sahadutha : but Iacob the Hebrew called Galaad , ( i.e. ) the heap of a testimony , or witnesse between them two . Gen. 31. 47 , 48. ] Iacob being sent away in peace by Laban , but affrighted with the newes of his brother Esaues approach with a band of men , divided his company , into two bands , calls upon God : sends before him presents to his brother Esau : and as well by a stronge wrestling with the Angel , as by the name of Israel given him by God , growes into a sure trust of the help of God , [ Gen. 32. with Hosea 12 3 , 4. ] Esau , entertaining his brother courteously ; after much entreatie , accepts of his presents , offers himself with his company to conduct him on his way ; and when Iacob would not , took his leave of him , and departed : Iacob then went on to Succoth ; so then called by him , for there he built him a house , and cotts for his sheep , from whence it was called Succoth . Afterward passing over Jordan , he came into Canaan , and pitched his tent in Salem , a city of the Sichemites ; in a parcell of ground , which he had bought of the sons of Hamor the Sichemite , for an hundred peeces of silver : and there he built an altar , which he called by the name of El-Elohe-Israel ; or of the mighty God , the God of Israel , [ Gen. 33. ] to wit , in the self same place , where Abraham heretofore had built his first altar : [ Gen. 12. 6 , 7. ] and where Iacobs well was , near unto mount Gersim : of which the woman of Samar●a , speaking to our Saviour said , our Fathers worshiped in this mountain , [ Iohn 4. 5 , 6 , 12 , 20. ] for that that mountain was placed in the country of the Sichemites , appeareth , [ Iudges . 9. 7. ] Mephramu●hosis reigned in Egypt 25 years : Year of the World 2273. d. 10 months , The Julian Period 2983 [ Manetho . Year before Christ 1731 ] Ioseph being 17 years of age , Year of the World 2276. c. told his father of his brethrens unthriftinesse , and was foreshewed by God that he should one day come to be the best man of all his fathers family ; but fell thereby into so deadly a hatred and malice of his brethren , that first they conspired his death : and at length agreed to sell him away for a bond-slave into a far country : so drawing him out of the pit , whereinto they had cast him they sold him to the Ishmaelitish and the Midianitish Marchants ( both which nations sprang from their grandfather Abraham ) for 20 pieces of silver : and was by them carried away into Egypt , and there sold for a slave to Potipher , captain of the Guard to Pharaoh , [ Gen. 37. 2 , 36. ] Justin also , in his Epitome of Trogus Pompeius ; lib. 36. cap. 2. makes mention of Joseph , and that his brethren , envying the excellencie of his wit , getting him privily into their hands , sold him away to forreign Merchants , and that they carried him into Egypt . Ioseph , Year of the World 2287. c. upon occasion being cast there into prison , The Julian Period 2997 Year before Christ 1717 interpreted to two Officers of Pharaoh's Court , to each of them his dream , just two years before he was brought into Pharaoh's presence , [ Gen. 40. with 41. 1. ] Isaac died at the age of 180 years , Year of the World 2288. c. and was buried by his two sons , The Julian Period 2998 Esau and Iacob , Year before Christ 1716 [ Gen. 35. 28 , 29 ] Pharaoh , Year of the World 2289. b. when he could not get his dreams , The Julian Period 2999 which he had dream't , Year before Christ 1715 to be expounded by his own wise men ; hearing of Iosephs dexterity that way , sent for him ; being then 30 years old , who having opened to the King his dreams ; first that of the seven years plenty , then the seven years famine , added moreover , his advise , how to provide out of the store of the first seven years of plenty , against the famine of the other seven years of scarcity , which were to follow . Whereupon Pharaoh , by the general assent of all his Nobles , made him Governour of the whole Kingdome : giving him to wife Asenah the daughter of Potipher , Governour of the Onii or Heliopolitan in Egypt , [ Gen. 41. 1 , 46. ] Iustin also out of Trogus Pompeius saies , that he was very great with Pharaoh : For , saith he , he was most exquisite in expounding of prodigies or signes , and was the first that found out , and taught the art of the interpretation of dreams : neither was there any part of divine or humane right , which seemed to be unknown to him ; insomuch , that he foretold a famine , many years before ; wherewith all Egypt had perished , unlesse the King by his advice , had caused corne to be laied up in store many years before it came . From the harvest of this year , Year of the World C being to be counted 7 years of plenty , wherein Ioseph laied up an infinite treasure of corne , and had born unto him of Asenah his wife , two sons , Manasses and Ephraim , [ Gen. 41. 47 , 53. ] The seven years of the famine began from the harvest of this year , Year of the World 2296. c. whrein the forecast , The Julian Period 3006 and wisdome of Ioseph , Year before Christ 1708 did not only sustain Egypt , but was a help and relief to sundry other countries likewise , [ Gen. 41. 54 , 57. ] Iacob dispatched away ten of his sons into Egypt to buy corne ; Year of the World 2297. d. whom Ioseph , seeming not The Julian Period 3007 to know them , Year before Christ 1707 caused to be taken for spies , and they being laid in hold , could not be discharged , till Simeon , the eldest and chief of them , who consented to sell him , was cast into prison , and left in pawne , that the rest should bring before him Benjamin , their youngest brother , born of Rachel , Josephs own mother : and now being dismissed , they carried away their corne , and with it the money , which they had paied for , being conveyed into their several sacks , by the secret appointment of Joseph ; they tell their father Jacob , all that had happened to them : and withal , declare unto him , the necessity laied upon them , of carrying their yongest brother Benjamin into Egypt , perswading him by all means to let him go : but all in vain , [ Gen. 42. ] Jacob , Year of the World 2298. b. pressed with famine , The Julian Period 3008 sent again his sons , Year before Christ 1706 and with them Benjamin their brother furnished with double mony , and other presents unto Joseph to buy more corne , and they at their returne were courteously entertained , and feasted by him , and Simeon was set at liberty , and restored to them , [ Gen. 43. ] And when they were all to go away , Joseph arrested them , for stealing his cup ; which he had caused privily to be conveyed into Benjamins sack : which crime they endeavoured to put off by shewing how truly they meant , by bringing again the mony which they found in their sacks , when they came home , offering themselves to die , or to be his bondslaves , if any such thing could be proved against them : But in the end , the cup being found with Benjamin , and they brought back to Joseph , they all yeilded themselves to him for his bondslaves : which when he refused , saying he would have none but him with whom the cup was found , Judah then humbly offered himself to serve him in Benjamins stead , [ Gen. 44. ] Joseph hearing Judah to make this offer , discovered himself to his brethren , and seeing them all amazed at the remembrance of the sin , which they had formerly committed against him , comforted them , by shewing how that act of theirs was so wrought by the providence of God ; and then , out of the Kings store , and by his command , furnished them all with carriages and provision for their journey , to go , and to return with all speed , bringing their father , and their own severall families with them : which when they related to their father , he would not believe , untill he saw the coaches , and other things answerable , all fitted for his transportation into Egypt , [ Gen. 45. ] Iacob , after sacrifices offered , being strengthened by God , with all his family , in the beginning of the third year of the famine , went down into Egypt , being then 130 years old , [ Gen. 45. 6. c. 46. 1 , 27. c. 47. 9. Deut. 26. 5. ] Ioseph , letting Pharaoh know of the arrival of his kindred in Egypt , brought his father and five of his brethren unto his presence : and having communed with them , assigned them a fitting place in the land of Goshen ; where they were provided of all necessaries by Ioseph , [ Gen. 47. 1 , 12. ] Muthamuthrosis deceasing , Year of the World 2299 d. Thmosis reigned in Egypt 9 years 8 moneths [ Manetho . The Julian Period 3009 ] Year before Christ 1705 Joseph heaped together , Year of the World 2300 all the moneys which were to be found in Egypt and Canaan , The Julian Period 3010 for the corn which he had sold unto them , The Julian Period 3704 [ Gen. 47. v. 14. ] When the money of both these countries was spent ; Year of the World 2301 the Egyptians then sold all their flocks and herds of cattel unto Joseph , for food to live upon that year [ Gen. 47. 15 , 16 , 17. ] At the end of this year , Year of the World 2302 when their money and stock of cattel was all gone , The Julian Period 3012 the Egyptians then sold both their lands and liberties unto Joseph : Year before Christ 1702 who thereupon supplied them with corne to feed them , and also with seed , to sow their ground withall , in this seventh and last year of the famine , to receive it again the year following , when the barrennesse of the earth was over ; and to the end , that Pharaoh might have a full title and possession of the lands so bought , Joseph removed and transplaced them , every man from one side of the country to the other , and there assigned unto every man land to till and to manure , reserving neverthelesse out of the profits , a fifth part to Pharaohs own use , yearly , by a fundamental law of that kingdom : onely the chief Governours , and the Priests lands , came not into Pharaohs hands , because these living of the kings allowance , had no need to sell their lands for food as others had . Amenophis reigned in Egypt 30 years 10 moneths , Year of the World 2309 b. [ Manetho . ] The Julian Period 3019 Year before Christ 1695 Jacob drawing toward his end , Year of the World 2315 adopted Ephraim and Manasses the sons of Joseph , and blessing them , by instinct from God , set the younger before the elder , [ Gen. 48. Hebr. 11. 21. ] then calling his sons together , blessed them all ; foretold what should betide them in their several generations , and uttered to them that memorable prophesie of the Messias : and taking order with them concerning his burial , dyed when he had lived 147 years : whereof he had spent 17 years in the land of Egypt , [ Gen. 49. compared with 47. 25. ] The body of Jacob being embalmed by the appointment of Joseph , was kept by the space of 40 dayes : lamentation was made over him by the Egyptians 70 dayes , and with Pharaohs leave , was conveighed into the land of Canaan by Joseph and his brethren , acompanied with a great traine of the principal men of Pharaohs court ; where lamentation was again made over him 7 dayes , and was buried with his kindred in the cave at Macpelah , as himself had given order for it , [ Gen. 50. 15. — 21. ] Orus reigned in Egypt 36 years 5 moneths , Year of the World 2340. b. [ Manetho . ] The Julian Period 3050 Year before Christ 1664 By faith Joseph on his death-bed spake of the departure of the children of Israel out of Egypt ; Year of the World 2369. c. and gave order that his bones might be carried with them , The Julian Period 3079 and then departed this life , Year before Christ 1675 in the 110 years of his age : having seen of his off-spring to the third generation , [ Gen. 50. 22. — 26. H●br . 11. 22. ] to wit , Shutelach and Tachan , the sons of his son Ephraim , and Hadan or Haran , [ Num. 26. 36. ] the son of Shutelach , and Macir the son of Manasse , and Gilead Manasles his grand child , From whence it is , that the Greek Expositors , speaking of the families of Jacob and Joseph , which were said to consist of 70 souls , [ Gen. 46. 27. Deut. 10. 22. ] adding thereunto these five which were borne unto Joseph in Egypt , upon [ 1 Chron. 7. ] reckon them in all 75 persons : out of all which appears , that Ioseph held on his rule and government of the state of Egypt , which lasted full 80 years , under several Pharaohs , as Eusebius in his Chronicle , hath rightly observed , and digested in this manner : ●oseph , saith he , was made Governour of Egypt , in the 30 year of his age ; when his father Jacob was 122 years old : which government he held 80 years , after whose decease the Hebrews were held in bondage by the Egyptians 144 yeers : so the whole time which the Hebrews spent in Egypt , was 215 years : reckoned from the time , that Iacob and his sons went down into Egypt . The books of Genesis end with the death of Ioseph containing the storie of 2369 years space , which book , that it was written by Moses himself , is the opinion of the Talmudists in their Baba-bathra , lib. 1. and so is it generally believed by all the Hebrews . Thesum whereof is delivered by Servius sulpicius , in the first book of his Historia sacra : thus , In this tract of time lived Job : a man embracing the law of nature , and the knowledge of the true God , and all righteousnesse , rich in substance , and the more noted , for that neither the enjoyment of those riches corrupted , nor the loss of them depraved him in his way . For when as , first being spoyled of his goods by Satan , he was also bereft of his children ; and at last tormented with grievous boches and sores in his body , he could yet never be drawn , thorough impatience , to sin in any sort : whereof having first received a testimonie from Gods own mouth ; he was afterward restored to his former health , and had cast into his bosome double , of what ever he possessed before . Acenchres the son of Orus reigned in Egypt 12 years 1 moneth : Year of the World 2376. c. [ Manetho . ] The Julian Period 3086 Year before Christ 1628 Levi died in Egypt , Year of the World 2385 aged 137 years , [ Exod. 6. 16. ] The Julian Period 3095 being grandfather by the mothers side to Moses and Aaron , Year before Christ 1919 and great grand-father by the Fathers . For when Levi had begotten Kohath in Canaan , who died at the age of 133 years , and a daughter called Iochebad in Egypt , Amram the son of Kohath took to wife Iocebed the daughter of Levi , his own Aunt , and of that marriage ( expressely afterward forbidden ) [ Levit. 18. 12. and 20. 19. ] had Moses and Aaron , and their sister Miriam , and having attained to the age of his grand-father , and withall his father in law , which was 137 years , dyed a little before the departure of the Israelites out of the land of Egypt , Exod. 2. 1 , 6 , 18 , 20. Numb . 26. 59. Rathotis , Year of the World 2388 the son of Acenchres , The Julian Period 3098 reigned in Egypt 9 years : Year before Christ 1616 [ Manetho . ] The Ethiopians , Year of the World 2389 coming from as far as from the river Indus , The Julian Period 3099 sate down upon the borders of Egypt . Year before Christ 1615 [ Euseb. Chron. ] to which that place of the Panegyrist resers , where he saith , Let the victories of Egypt give place to this : under which the Ethiopian and Indus both did tremble , and that Ethiopia , which is to the southward of Egypt , is now called , the greater India , is delivered by J. Potken in his Ethiopian Psalter printed at Rome 1513. Acenchres , Year before Christ 1397 the son of Rathotis , The Julian Period 3120 reigned in Egypt 12 years 5 moneths : Year before Christ 1594 [ Manetho . ] Armais reigned there 4 years 1 moneth : Year of the World 2422. a. [ Manetho . ] The Julian Period 3132 Year before Christ 1578 Ramesses reigned in Egypt 1 year 4 moneths : Year of the World 2426. c. [ Manetho . ] The Julian Period 3136 Year before Christ 1582 Ramesses Miamun reigned there 66 years a moneths ; Year of the World 2427. d. the latter part of whose surname seems to have been deduced from the forepart of the name Amen-op his ; by which name both his son after him , and sundry also of his predecessors were called ; but the former part of it from the word Moy : which with the Egyptians signifieth water , as Iosephus l. 1. contra , Apion . and Clemens Alexand. l. 1. stromat , and Suidas ( in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) affirms , whence also those writers , who deliver all by way of Fables , called Mythologians give him the name of Neptune , the feigned God of the waters , as shal be shewed upon the year 2533. This is that new king , which knew not Joseph , as being born after his death , and remembred no more the great benefits received from him . And by his policie it was that the Egyptians , taking a fright at the number and strength of the Israelites in the land , overlaid them with a heavie and cruel bondage , laying upon them , over and above their continuall labour and tillage of the ground , the building also of the Kings magazines and store-houses : and the whole cities of Raamsis , or Ramesis : [ Exod. 1. 8. 14. Acts 7. 18 , 19. ] the later whereof took its name , as Mercator thinketh , from Ramesses the founder of it , and the other perhaps from his Queen . Aaron was borne 3 years before his brother Moses ; Year of the World 2430. b. eighty three years , The Julian Period 3140 before the departure of the Israelites out of Egypt , Year before Christ 1574 [ Exod. 7. 7. ] The ungodly king , Year of the World 2431 when he could not prevaile with Shiphra and Pua two principal midwives of the Hebrew women , The Julian Period 3141 privily to make away the male children of them , Year before Christ 1573 set forth a barbarous edict , to destroy them all , by drowning them in the river , [ Exod. 1. 15. — 22. Acts 7. 19 , 20. in the time which interceded between the birth of Aaron and Moses . Jocebed , Year of the World 2433 41 years after the death of her Father Levi , The Julian Period 3143 Year before Christ 1571 bare Moses to Amram , her nephew and husband , for Moses was 80 year old , when he first spake unto Pharaoh , to let the children of Israel go , [ Exod. 7. 7. ] and the 40 year , after that he dyed , in the 12 moneth , being then 120 years of age , [ Deut. 31. 2. and 34. 7. Now for as much as Moses , ( God so disposing ) was a lovelie childe to look on , as Justin also out of Trogus Pompeius , mentions him to have been , his parents , hid him 3 moneths in their house , and did not regard the kings edict , [ Exod. 2. 2. Acts 7. 20. Heb. 11. 23. ] But when as , by the over diligent inquiry made by the kings searchers , and their bad neighbours the Egyptians , he was at length found out , they put him in a basket of bull-rushes , daubed over with slime and brimstone , and layed it in the flags , by the brim of the river , his sister , Miriam , or Mary , [ Numb . 26. 59 , 1 Chron. 6. 3. ] standing a loof of from the place , to see what would become of him . But Pharaohs daughter ( whom Josephus 2. Antiq. c. 5. al. 9. calleth Thermutin , and so doth Epiphanius , in Panario , and others ) finding him there , put him forth to be nursed , as it fell out , to his own mother Jocebed ; and afterward adopted him for her son , and ●caused him to be brought up , and instructed him in all manner of science and learning of the Egyptians , [ Exod. 2. 5. 10. with Acts 7. 21 , 22. ] Cecrops , Year of the World 2448 an Egyptian , The Julian Period 3158 transporting a colonie of the Saits into Attica , Year before Christ 1556 as we learn out of Diodorus Siculus . lib. 1. set up there the kingdom of the Athenians , 780 years before the 1. Olympiad , as Eusebius in Chron. reporteth out of Castor , from this Cecrops his time , the Cronologie of the I le of Paros , published by that most learned J. Selden , among his Marmora Arundelliana , deduceth his Historie or Antiquities of Greece , for that after him & Moses , who was contemporarie with him , so many memorable things fel out in Greece ; as Deucalions flood , Phaetous fire , the birth of Ericthonius , the rape of Proserpina , the mysteries of Ceres , the institution of the Elesinian sacrifices , Triptolemus his art of tilling the ground , the carrying away of Europa by Jupiter , the birth of Apollo , the building of Thebes , by Cadmus , and those of somewhat a later time , Bacchus , Minos , Perseus , Esculapius , Castor & Pollux , Hercules . Euseb. l. 10. de Praep. Ev. c. 9. In the 18 year of this Cecrops , Year of the World 2465 the Chaldeans made war , The Julian Period 3175 and fought with the Phenicians , The Julian Period 3539 [ Euseb. Chron. ] In this war , Year of the World 2466 the Chaldeans being overthrown , The Julian Period 3176 the Arabians reigned in the country of Babylon 216 years beforee Beius the Assyrian came there to reign . Year before Christ 1538 The 1 K. of the Arabians was Mardocentes , who reigned there 45 years , Jul. Affric . and seemeth to be the man that is called Merodach : who was afterward reputed by the Babylonians for a god , [ Ier. 50. 2. ] from whom the succeding kings borrowed their names ; as Merodoch , Baladan , and Evil-merodach . Moses being now 40 years of age , Year of the World 2413 and going to visit his brethren , the Israelites , and beholding their sad condition , when the saw an Egyptian , smiting a man of the Hebrews , slue him . and buried him in the sand ; which when he saw was known , not onely to his brethren but also to Pharaoh ; who thereupon sought to have his life , he fled from thence into the land of Madian , where taking to wife Zipporah the daughter of Jethro , he there spent other 40 years of his life , [ Acts. 7. 23 , 30. Ex. 2. 11 , 22. c. 3. 1. c. 18. 1 , 2. Num. 10. 29. Jude 4. 11. ] Caleb the son of Jephunna was borne forty years before he was sent by Moses to spie out the land of Canaan , Year of the World 2474 [ Jos. 14. 7 , 10. ] The Julian Period 3184 Year before Christ 1530 Ramesses Miamun died in the 67 year of his reigne ; Year of the World 2494 the length of of his tyranical reign seemeth to be noted , The Julian Period 3203 [ Exod. Year before Christ 1491 2. 23. ] in these words : After many years died the K. of Egypt ; and the children of Israel groaned and cried out for the burthen which they under-went , to wit , the cruel bondage , which continued upon them , even after Ramesses was dead , by the space of 19 years and a half , under his son Amenophis , who succeeded him ; for so long and no longer a time of his reign is assigned by Manetho : out of whose whole narration , though stuffed with a multitude of old wives tales , all which are abundantly refuted by Josephus , in his 1 book against Apion : yet there are 2 historical verities clearly appearing in him : 1. that under this Amenophis , the father of Sethosis , al. Ramesses ( the 1 K. of the following Dynastie , or successive principality ) which Manetho makes the 19 , and not under the other Amenophis which was the 3 of that Dynastie ( as Josephus vainly surmises ) the Israelites , under the conduct of Moses , according to Manethoes relation , departed out of Egypt . 2. That he whom the Egyptians call Amenophis the father of Sethosis and Armais , him the Greeks call Belus , the father of Egyptus , and Danaus . For the time of this Belus , by Thallus the Chronographer ( as he is alleaged by Theophilus Antiochenus and Lactantius ) falls in jump with the age of this Amenophis ; though the fable writers confounding this Belus of Egypt , with Belus the Assyrian , the father of Ninus , tell us , that certain Colonies were transported by this Belus ( who was drowned in the Red-sea , ) into the country of Babylon . God appeared to Moses , Year of the World 2513 whiles he was keeping his father in law Jethroes sheep in the mountain of Horeb , The Julian Period 3323 in a bramble-bush , Year before Christ 1491 burning , but never consumed with fire , and called him to deliver his people Israel , out of their slavery and bondage in Egypt . And he though he sought by divers excuses to avoid this imploiment , yet at length , partly by miracles , partly by assurance given him of the assistance of God , and his brother Aaron given him for an assistant , he undertook the work , [ Acts 7. 30 , 35. Exod. 3. & 4. 1 , 18. ] Moses , taking leave of Jether or Jethro his Father in law , with his family ; took his journey for Egypt : but in the way , for neglecting to circumcise his son Eliezer , he was stopt by God , and not suffered to passe , till he had circumcised his son , and from thence sending back his wife Zippo●ah , and his two sons , Gershom and Eliezer , to her father Jethro , and freed from all encombrance , he returned to mount Horeb , where meeting with his brother Aaron , he went on and performed his embassie , confirmed by miracles , in the open sight of the children of Israel , [ Exod. 4. 18 , 31. & 18. 1 , 6. ] Moses and Aaron , having declared to Pharaoh , the message in which they were sent unto him from God , are charged by him as heads of a mutiny , and sent away with many bad words , and more grievous labours were forthwith laid upon the Israelites , than their daily task formerly came unto : and when their overscers were beaten , because all was not done that was commanded , and they complained thereof ( though all in vain ) to Pharaoh , they expostulated the matter with Moses and Aaron , and Moses with God : who graciously heard him , and confirmed him to go on in the work he had begun , [ Ex. 5. ] Moses returned to the Israelites , with further instructions from God ; but their oppression still encreasing , could do no good with them : and thereupon being commanded by God to go again to Pharaoh , he excused himself , [ Exod. 6. ] Moses being now 80 , and Aaron 83 years of age , urged thereunto by God , returned again to Pharaoh , where the Magicians by their sorcery , imitating the miracles of Aarons rod , turned into a serpent , made Pharaoh more obstinate than he was before . [ Ex. 7. 1 , 13. ] The chief of these magicians which opposed Moses , were Jannes and Jambres , al. Mambres , named by the Apostle , [ 2 Tim. 3. 8. ] whose names are celebrated , not only by the Jewes in their Talmudical Treaty of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( i.e. ) of oblations , c. 9. where they are called by the names of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( i.e. ) Jochanne , and Mamre , and in the Chaldee Paraphrase , attributed to Jonathan upon , [ Ex. 1. 15. & 7. 11. ] but also among some heathen writers , for so Numenius Apamaeus , a Pythagorean Philosopher , in his 3 book , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , cited by Euseb. l. 9. Praepar . Evang. c. 8. relates this history : Jannes and Jambres , saith he , interpreters of the mysteries of Egypt , were in great repute , what time the Jewes were sent out of Egypt , being in the opinion of all men , inferiour to none in the Art of Magick . For by the general voice of the Egyptians , they two were chosen to oppose Moses , ring-leader of the Iewes , whose praiers were of all others , most prevalent with God , and they only were able to undoe , and frustrate all those most grievous calamities , which Moses brought upon the Egyptians , in the open view and sight of all the Egyptians : whereto also that of Pliny , l. 30. c. 1. is to be referred , where he saith , There is also another sect of Magicians , depending Upon Moses , and Iannes and Iotape Iewes . Wherein neverthelesse he falls into a double error , 1. In reckoning Moses among the magicians . And 2. in making Jannes and Jotape to be Jewes . But when Pharaoh's magicians , could do no more , God by the hand of Moses la●ed his ten plagues upon the Egyptians , all which are recounted [ Psal. 78. & 105. ] The which plagues , took up , as the Jewes saw , a whole years space , at several intervals of time ; whereas indeed they were all sent within one month in this order . About the 18 day of the 6 month , ( which in the year following and after , was reckoned the 12 month ) was sent the first plague , of the waters turned into blood : and after 7 daies ended , [ Ex. 7. 25. ] about the 25 day , came the 2 plague of the frogs ; which was removed the day following : About the 27 was brought upon them the third plague , of flies and lice . About the 28 day , Moses threatned them with a fourth plague , of flies , and other vermin which came upon the 29 day , and were all taken away upon the 30 : About the 1 of the 7 month ( which shortly after was made the 1 month of the year ) Moses having foretold them of a fifth plague to come , brought it upon them , the day following , to wit , the plague and murrain of cattel . About the 3 day , the 6 plague , of boiles & boches , which brake out upon man & beast : of which plague the Magicians tasted , & had their share , no lesse than the rest of the Egyptians , [ Ex. 9. 11. ] whence proceeded that of Justin , out of Trogus Pompeius , lib. 36. The Egyptians , saith he , being afflicted with the scab , and sourf , and being warned by an Oracle , they turned Moses , and all that were infected with that disease , out of Egypt-least the contagion thereof , should spread further among he people . Adde hereunto , the sayings collected out of Diodorus Sicul. l. 40. reported in Ph●t● Bibliotheca . p. 620. About the fourth day , Moses foretelling them of a 7 plague , brought it on them upon the 5 day of the same month , which was of thunders and rain , and grievous haile , mixt with fire ; with which their flax and batly was smitten , because the barly was then in the ear , and the flax boled , but their wheat and the rie were not hurt therewith , because they were not yet out of the ground , whence Nicolaus Fullerus , lib. 3. of his Miscellanies rightly observeth , p. 389. that this plague happened in the month Abib . About the seventh day Moses threatned them with an eighth plague , and accordingly sent in the day following , ●at was , of Locusts , to devoure all ; which plague he removed about the 9 day , [ Exod. 10. 4 , 1● , 19. ] The month Abib , wh●● hitherto was the 7 month , was from this time forward , made the 1 month of the whole year , [ Ex. 12. 2. with 13. 4. ] for a memorial of their departure out of the land of Egypt ▪ from the beginning of which month the epocha of the Jewish Calendar , is from thence forward deduced , [ Num. 9. 1 , 2. with Ex. 40. 17. ] though the end of the former account , ●ell on the middle of the month . Upon the 10 day of this now first day of the month , ( which was the 30 of April , according to the Julian Calendar , upon Thursday ) was instituted the feast of the Passover , and sweet bread , to wit , the Pascal lamb , was c●osen , and kill'd the fourth day after , [ Ex. 32. ● . ] Moses now bringeth upon them the 9 plague , of 3 dayes darknesse , which were such , that none of the Egyptians during that time , once removed out of the place where the darknesse found him : though the Israelites had all that time , light abundantly in their dwellings [ Ex. 10. 22 , 23. ] Upon the 14 days ( which was May 4. upon munday with us . ) which was the last time that he spake with Pharaoh , Moses foretold him of the 10 plague , which should come upon him ; namely , the destruction of all the first-born of Egypt , which came to passe the night following , at midnight , and then turning him about in a great anger departed from him , [ Ex. 10. 24 , 29. c. 11. 1 , 4 , 8. ] At the evening of this day was the Passover celebrated , [ Exod. 12. 11 , 12. ] The fourth Age of the World. UPon the 15 days of the 1 month ( our 5 of May , being tuesday ) at midnight , the first-born of Egypt being all slain , Pharaoh and his servants , made hast to send away the Israelites , with all their substance , & the spoiles which they had gotten from the Egyptians : and they the self same day , wherein they were let go out of bondage , being the compleat terme of 430 years , from the first pilgrimage of their ancestors ; reckoning from Abrahams departure out of Carran , the day after the Passeover , took their journey , & marched away , being 600000 men , besides children , and came to Ramesses , [ Ex. 12. 29 , 30 , 31 , 37 , 41 , 51. Num. 33. 3. ] From hence their several encampings are set down by Moses : which out of the Hebrew signification of words , Jerom expoundeth mistically , in his Treatise of their 42 encampings , written to Fabiola , from whom I have thought good to make the first encamping at Ramesses . Thus then : 1. At Ramesses , where the Israelites were placed by Ioseph , [ Gen. 47. 11. ] they all met who either dwelt mixt among the Egyptians [ Exod. 3. 2. ] or who at that time were scattered over all Egypt to gather stubble , [ Exod. 5. 12. ] 2. Was succoth , where Moses first declared to them the Commandments of God , for the yearly keeping of Easter , and the hallowing of the first-born to him ; Ex. 13. ] 3. Was Etham , in the border of the wildernesse ; whither they came , the Lord conducting them in a pillar of a cloud by day , and in a pillar of fire by night , Exod 13. 20 , 21. ] 4. Was Pihairoth , between Migdol and the sea , over against Baalzephon . Here Pharaoh with his host overtook them , here Moses divided the waters with his rod , and they passed through the midst of the Erythraean , or red Sea , unto the desert of Etham , whom , when Pharaoh & his army would needs follow , they were all overwhelmed of the waters coming together again , at the dawning of the day , where by the Israelites were wholy quit and freed from the bondage of the Egyptians , whose carcasses when they saw floating all the sea over , and cast upon the shore , [ Exod. 14. 13. ] they forthwith sang a song of praise and thanksgiving unto God , for their deliverance , [ Exod. 5. 20. ] Which in the [ Apocalyps , 15. 3. ] is called the Song of Moses : and is of all others , any where to be found or mentioned , the first of that kind . Now that this fell out , upon the 21 day of the first month , to wit , upon the last day of the feast of sweet bread ( whereon a solemne assembly by Gods appointment was to be held ) is the general opinion of the Iewes , and most agreeable to truth . From hence they marched three whole daies through the wildernesse of Etham , to wit , the 22 , 23 , 24. dayes of this month , being Tuesday , Wedensday and Thursday of our weeke , but found no water all the way , [ Ex. 15. 22. Numb . 33. 8. ] 5. Was at March ; so called from the bitternesse of the waters there found ; whereupon the people which had gone without water three whole daies , beginning to murmure , Moses , by the throwing a piece of wood into them , made them sweet , and withal taught the people , in time to come , to put their trust in God , [ Ex. 15. 23. 26. ] 6. Was at Elim ; where were 12 fountains of water , and 70 palme trees : and at Elim , they encamped by the side of those fountains , [ Ex. 15. 27. Numb . 33. 9. ] 7. Was by the Red Sea , [ Numb . 33. 10. ] And now we come to the Second month . 8. Upon the 15 whereof , ( our June 4. being thursday ) the Israelites came to the place of their 8 encamping : in the wildernesse of Sin , which lieth between Elyma and Sinai , where , when for want of food , they had murmured against God , and their leaders , about the evening-tide , God sent them Quailes , and the next morning , rained upon them Manna from heaven ; and of that kind of bread , they lived afterward , by the space of 40 years , and even untill they came to the borders of the Land of Promise , [ Ex. 16. 1 , 35. ] 9. Was at Dophka . 10. Was at Alush . 11. Was at Rephid●m ; where when the people murmured again for want of water , ( from whence the place was afterwrds called Meriba and Massa Moses gave them water , by striking the hard rock with his rod , [ Exod. 17. 1 , 7. ] which rock followed them also throughout the wildernesse , [ Psalm 78. 16 , 20. Psalm 105. 41. 1 Cor. 10. 4. Deut. 9. v. 21. ] The Amalekites , falling upon the reare of the Israelites , all spent and tired with their long journey in the wildernesse as they were , slew some of the hindermost and feeblest of them , against whom Moses sent out Jehosua , al. Josua the son of Nun his servant , to fight with them , [ Ex. 33. 11. ] whose proper name , which was Hosea , Moses changed into Iehosuah , [ Num. 13. 16. ] or Iesus , [ Nehem. 8. 17. Acts 7. 45. and Heb. 4. 8. ] He therefore fighting with the Amalekites in Rephidim , whiles Moses was in prayer on the top of the hill , overthrow them : and the people by Gods Commandement were charged utterly to destroy and root out that whole nation : and for a memorial thereof , they there built an Altar , [ Deut. 25. 17 , 18 , 19. Exod. 17. 8 , 16. ] The Third month . 12. Encamping was in the Desert of Sinai : where the Israelites encamped over against Horeb : from whence they removed not by the space of almost a whole year ; for they removed from the wildernesse of Sinai , upon the 2 day of 2 month , of 2 year , after their coming out of the land of Egypt , [ Numb . 10. 11 , 12. ] and they came thither upon the same day of the 3 month , of the 1 year , after their coming out of Egypt : to wit , the same day , or number with 3 month , ( i.e. ) upon the third day of the third month , as Fr. Ribera , lib. 5. de Templo , at large declareth ; and that falls in , with 22 of our Iune , happening upon a Monday . When Moses went up into the mount , God there declared to him , that he would renew his covenant with the Israelites ; That he would bind them to himself by a law ; and that he would favour and love all those , would observe and keep that law : which when they readily agreed unto , he gave them two daies space to prepare themselves for the reverned receiving of that Law. He forbade all save Moses and Aaron , to approach the mount : and afterward , in great majesty ( they all looking on and trembling at the sight ) God came down upon the Mount , ( Ex. 19. ) God published his law , contained in the ten commandements , with a terrible voice , [ Ex. 20. Deut. 5. ] which neverthelesse disannulled not the promise of Grace , made unto Abraham 430 years before . [ Gal. 3. 17. ] The people being in this great fear , God gave them sundry other Lawes , [ Ex. 20. 21 , 22 , 23. with Deut. 4. 13 , 14. ] all which being written in the book of the Covenant , Moses proposed to the people : which done , rising early in the morning , he built an Altar at the foot of the mountain , and set up 12 statues , according to the 12 tribes of Israel , and sent 12 young men of the first-born ( as the Chaldee paraphrase hath it ) whom the Lord had consecrated to himself , [ Exod. 13. 2. Numb . 3. 13. and 8. 16 , 17. ] as ministers of those holy things , [ Exod. 19. 22. ] before the Levitical Priesthood was ordained ; which offered sacrifices , first for sin , and then of thanksgiving to the Lord ; and when Moses had read the book of the Covenant , containing the Commandments expressed in the [ 20 c. of Exod. ] with the three chapters following , in the years of the people , then taking the blood of the calves and goats so offered , with water , and scarlet wool , and hissop , he sprinkled the book therewith , and all the people , or those 12 statuaes representing the 12 Tribes of Israel : and so perfected that solemne covenant between God and his people , [ Exodus 24. 2. with Hebr. 9. 19 , 20. ] Moses and Aaron , Nadab and Abihu , and 70 men of the Elders of Israel , went up into the mount , and there beheld the glory of God : and the rest returning , Moses with his servant Joshua , abode there still , and waited six daies , and upon the seventh day , God spake unto him , and there he continued 40 daies , and 40 nights , [ Exod. 24. 9 , 18. ] ( reckoning those six daies which he waited for the appearance of the Lord ) eating no meat all that while , nor drinking water , [ Deut. 9. 9. ] where he also received Gods command , touching the frame of the Tabernacle , the Priests garments , their consecration , sacrifices , and other things comprised in [ Exod. 25 ▪ ] and in the six chapters following . The Fourth month . When those 40 daies and 40 nights were ended , God gave Moses the two Tables of the Law in stone , made by Gods own hand , and written with his own finger , [ Exod. 31. 18. Deut. 9. 10 , 11. ] bidding him with all , quickly to get him down , for that the people , had already made to themselves a molten calf , to worship it : Moses by prayer pacified God , and went down from the mount , and seeing the people keeping a festival in honour of their Idol , in the Camp , he brake the Tables of the Law , at the foot of the mount : for which the Jewes keep a solemn fast unto this day , the 14 day of the 4 month : which hath led some men into this errour , to think that the 40 daies of Moses his staying in the mount , are to be counted from the day imediate●y following the promulgation of the ten Commandments , omitting altogether the intermediate time , spent in writing , and reading the book of the Covenant , and composing the Covenant so made between God and his people , with solemn Rites and Ceremonies thereunto belonging . [ Exod. 24. ] Moses , having burnt and defaced the Idol , put 3000 of the people to death , by the hands of the Levites , [ Exod. 32. 20 , 29. Deut. 9. 21. & 33. 9. ] The next day Moses returned again into the mount ; and there again entreated the Lord for the people , [ Ex. 32. 30 , 31 , 32 ] He commanded them to lay aside their gorgeous a parrel , and to set up the Tent of the Congregation ( which for that present supplied the room of the Tabernacle afterwards built by Bezaleel ) without the Camp ; and having drawn the people out of a deep sense of Gods wrath , to repent them of their sin , by his prayer obtained , that no longer the Angel , but God himself , should be their guide and leader in their way , [ Exod. 32. ] God commanded Moses to frame new tables of stone , and the next day , to bring them with him into the mount : coming with them the next morning , and standing in the cleft of a rock , God passing by , shewed him a glimpse of his glory , [ Ex. 34. ] Moses staying again 40 daies and 40 nights in the mount , without meat or drink , praied there for the people , [ Deut. 9. 18. & 10. 10. ] God being appeased , renewes his Covenant with the people , upon certain conditions , gives his Lawes anew , and bids Moses to commit them to writing : and he himself again , writes the ten Commandments in the tables which Moses brought unto him , [ Ex. 34. 10 , 28. ] The Sixth month . Moses after 40 daies returnes from the mount , with the tables in his hand ; and covering his face with a vaile , because it shone , he published the Laws of God to the people , enjoyned the observation of the Sabbath ; and commanded a free-will offering to be made toward the building of the Tabernacle according to Gods order , [ Ex. 34. & 35. ] And to the end that this offering and contribution should the more orderly and effectually proceed , all were numbred from twentie years old and upward , and they were found to be six hundred and three thousand , five hundred and fifty , every of which , according to the Law prescribed by God , [ Exod. 30. 12 , 13. ] contributing half a shekel , the total summe amounted to one hundred talents of silver , and 1775 shekles , [ c. 38. 25 , 26. ] whence it is gathered , that every talent among the Jewes , amounted to 3000 shekles : or 50 pounds sterling : every pound containing 60 shekles , [ Ezek. 45. 12. ] over and above which pole-money , out of the voluntary offerings , was made up the sum of 29 talents of gold , and 730 shekles ; and of brasse , 70 talents , and 2400 shekles , [ Exod. 38. 24 , 29. ] As for other materials requisite to this building of the Tabernacle , there came in more than enough : insomuch that the people were commanded to bring in no more , [ Ex. 36. 5 , 6 , 7. ] Bezaleel and Aholiab were appointed by God for the chief workmen herein , [ Exod. 31. 2 , 6. and 35. 30 , 35. In the first six months of this year , Year of the World 2514 a. were the Tabernacle , The Julian Period 3224 Year before Christ 1490 the Arke of the Covenant , the Altar , the Table of shew bread , the Priests garments , the holy Oyntments , the Candlestick , and other utensils , and vessels belonging to the sacrifices , finished in the desert at mount Sinai , and were brought unto Moses ; [ Exodus 36. with the three chapters following . ] Then was Moses commanded by God , first that upon the first day of the second moneth he should set up the Tabernacle and furnish it with all things belonging thereunto , [ Exod. 4. 2 , 8. ] Secondly , that he should anoint them with holy oyl ; and should consecrate Aaro● and his sons for the Priesthood , [ Exod. 9. 15. ] which he also is said to have done ; but not both of them at the same time : For upon the very day appointed , he erected the Tabernacle , with all things thereunto belonging , [ Exod. 40. 17 , 33. ] but the other part of the command he performed a while after , and at another time , prefixed by God ; [ Levit. 8. 1 , 13. ] for performance whereof ; one day sufficed not , namely , for the consecration of the Priests and Altar both ; but fuil seven dayes were spent therein , [ Exod. 29. 35 , 36 , 37. ] On the first day of the first moneth ( answering to our 21 ▪ of April , Year of the World c. being wedensday ) of the second year after their departure out of Egypt , the Tabernacle of the Covenant wa● set up , and filled with the glory of God , [ Exod. 40. 2 , 17 , 34. ] out of which God , at several times , uttered his will and commandments to Moses ; which are comprised in the 7 first chapters of Leviticus . In the same 2 year , and first moneth , the Israelites , forewarned by God , celebrated the Passeover at the evening of the fourteenth day , ( which with us is 4. May , being tuesday : ) Upon which day , some of the people complaining to Moses and Aaron that they could not keep the Passeover with the rest of their brethren , upon the day appointed , because they were become unclean by touching a dead body ; a law was made by God that all such persons should keep their Passeover upon the 14. day of the second moneth , because they could not keep it upon the day first appointed [ Numb . 9. 1 , 14. ] On the first day of the second mont● ( 21. of May , Friday by the ●ulian Calender ) God commanded Mos●s to take the number of all the males of the children of Israel ; except the Levites , from 20 years old to 60 by their Tribes : and to appoint the Levites for the service of the Tabernacle , and to give their attendance , for the setting of it up , for the taking of it down , and removing and carrying it from place to place , as occasion should require , [ Numb . 1. 1. c. 26. 64. ] The number of them came to 603550 ▪ [ Numb . 10. 1 , 46. ] being just the same number which was taken 7 moneths before , when they were ●ested for a contribution to the building of the Tabernacle , [ Exod. 38. 26. ] Moses , according to Gods command , Exod. 29. 37. c. 30. 22 , 30. & 40. 9 , 15. ] anointed the Tabernacle and the Altar , with all things thereunto belonging , with the holy oyl , and consecrated them to the Lord. He consecrated also Aaron , and his four sons , with the same oyl , and with ●ites and ceremonies prescribed for the execution of the Priestly Office ; commanding them not to depart from the door of the Tabernacle in seven days space , [ Levit. 8. ] for so many dayes the work of the consecration of them , and of the Altar was in doing , [ Exod. 29. 35 , 36 , 37. Levit. 8. 33. ] Then was set down and commanded the order of the Tribes in their march and encamp●ngs , [ Numb . 2. ] The number of Levite● from one moneth old and upward , was found to be 22300. [ Numb . 3. 15 , 35. ] or , taking out thence their first born , to 2200. onely : all which were assumed to the service of God , in lieu of the first born , of all the rest of the children of Israel . And because the number of the first-born of the children of Israel , exceeded the whole number of the Levites , ( their first-born deducted ) to the number of 273. therefore was there lai● upon them for every of those supernumerary heads five shekels , by way of redemption , [ Numb . 3. 39 , 50. ] The Levite● thus set apart , were , with all due solemnity , consecrated to God , and for his service ; every man having his certain time appointed , when he should begin , and when he should end his attendance upon his ministration , [ Numb . 8. 5 , 26. ] The Levites from 30 years old to 50. were found to be 8580. and their offices and services were parted among them , according to their families , [ Numb . 4. ] All ●eprous and unclean persons were put out of the Camp. The lawes for restoring of damages , and of jealousie were ordained , [ Numb . 5. ] The vow , the consecration , and manner of the Nazarites was instituted , [ Numb . 6. ] Upon the 8 day next following the finishing of the consecration , Aaron offered sacrifices and oblations ; first for himself , and then for all the people : all which being kindled and consumed by fire , falling from heaven upon them , bred a full belief in the people , that the Priestly office among them was ordained by God himself , [ Levit. 9. ] When all the Tabernacle was now fully set up , and anointed all over , together with the utensils , and things thereunto belonging ; and the Altar which had been 7 dayes in consecrating , was now dedicated by Aaron his first oblation of sacrifices made upon it ; ( for the seven former dayes were for expiation , or cleansing , and ordained for the hallowing of it , Exod. 29. 36 , 37. ) Then came the Heads of the Tribes which were numbred , and they brought six waggons covered over , and twelve oxen , and joyntly offered them before the Tabernacle : all which were consigned into the hands of the Levites , the sons of Geshon and Merari ; as belonging to their office , and afterward others every day brought their several sacrifices , and things belonging to the ministry of the Tabernacle , and offered them towards the dedication of it , wherein twelve dayes were wholly spent , [ Numb . 7. 1 , 10 , 11. and 84. 88. ] Wherefore upon this first day , Naasson , from whom David , and according to the flesh , our Lord and Saviour Iesus Christ himself came ; made his offering for the Tribe of Juda : and then the rest , every one for his Tribe , and in that order as they were ranked in their encampings . [ Numb . 7. 11 , 12 , 83. ] Nadab and Abihu , the two eldest sons of Aaron ( which going with their father up into the Mount Sinai , had there seen the glory of God , Exod. 24. 1 , 9 , 10. ) going into the Sanctuary , with strange or common fire ( not with that fire which fell from heaven , Lev. 9. 24. and which was perpetually to be kept alive , and continued for the burning of the sacrifices and incense in times to come ) were struck dead in the place by fire sent from heaven , [ Levit , 10. 1 , 9. Numb . 3. 2 , 3 , 4 , 26 , 60 , 61. ] And for them the Priests were forbid to make lamentation : Moreover for some particular mens neglect of duty , all the Priests were charged to forbear wine and strong drink , before they were to go into the Tabernacle . A law also was made , that what was left of the sacrifices should be eaten by the Priests : and Aarons excuse therein was admitted by Moses , [ Levit. 10. verse 6 , 20. ] Upon that occasion was the Law made ( about the tenth day , as it seemeth , of this moneth ) that the high Priest alone ; and he but once in every year , should enter into the Sanctuary ; and that to be upon the day of expiation and general fast , which was to be kept upon the 10 day of the seventh moneth , [ Levit. 16. 1 , 34. ] On the 14 of this moneth , ( June 3 , Thursday ) at Even , the Passover was to be celebrated by those , who that day moneth before were in their uncleannesse , [ Numb . 9. ] The blasphemous person , by Gods command was carried out of the Camp , and stoned , [ Levit , 24. 10 , 11 , 12 , 13. ] All the laws contained in the seventeen last chapters of Levit. seeme to have been made in this moneth . God commanded two silver trumpets to be made , by which the Congregation was to be called together ; and the time of their removing , and marching , and sacrificing , signified to the people , [ Numb . 10. 1 , 28. ] Jethro , who was also called Hobab , brought his daughter Zipporah , with her two sons , Gershon and Eliezer , which were left with him , to his son in law Moses , and he dedelivered them to him : and having congratulated his , and the whole people of Israels deliverance out of that Egyptian bondage ; he openly declared , both by word and deed , his faith and devotion toward the true God. And by his advise , Moses imparted the government of the people to some others , and ordained Magistrates for the deciding of lesser causes , [ Exod. 18. with Deut. 50. 9 , 18. and Numb . 10. 29. ] The 19 day of this moneth , seemeth to have been the last that the 1● Heads of the Tribes made their oblations in , for the dedication of the Altar ; on which Ah●ra made his offering for the Tribe of Nephthalie , [ Numb . 7. 78 , 88. ] On the 20 day of the second moneth ( being the ninth of our June , falling on a Wensday ) God commanded the Israelites to remove their camp , and to go forward in their journey , to take possession of the land which he had promised to give them , [ Numb . 10. 11. 12. Deut. 1. 6 , 7. ] whither Moses would have had Jethro to have gone along with him : But he refused , and thence returned to his own home , [ Numb . 9. 29 , 30. with Exod. 18. 27. ] The cloud , which covered the Tabernacle being lifted up , they cast themselves into four squadrons , or battalions , and marched from Sinai ; where they had stuck , by the space almost of one whole year ; and after 3 dayes continual journey , came to the wildernesse of Paran , [ Numb . 10. 12 , 33. ] where they rested them 23 dayes , without removing . 13. Their 13 remove , was to Kibroth Hattaavah , [ Numb . 33. 16. ] where they that murmured were struck with fire from heaven , ( whence that place , was called Taber ) but were delivered at the intercession of Moses ; yet fell again to murmuring , and provoked God , by their loathing of Manna , and desiring of flesh , [ Numb . 11. 1 , 10. Psalm 78. 19 , 20 , 21. ] Moses complained to God of the over-great burden of this government which lay upon him ; and desired to be discharged of it : but God to ease him of the charge , gave him for assistants , the Court of the 70 Elders ; of which number , Eldad and Medad , remaining in the Camp , prophesied , [ Numb . 11. 10 , 17 , 24 , 30. ] God gave the people Quailes : not as in the year before , for one day , [ Exod. 16. 12. 13. ] but for the whole moneth together : but sent withal a most grievous plague among them . Whereupon , and from the burying place , or graves of them that lusted , that place was called , Kibroth-Hattaavah , [ Numb . 11. 31 , 34. Psal. 78. 26 , 31. and Psal. 106. 15. ] 14 The fourteenth remove , was to Hazaroth , [ Numb . 11. 35. & 33. 17. ] M●●iam and Aaron spake evil of Moses their brother ; because he had married a woman of Ethiopia ; to wit , Zipporah of Madian , which was a part of the Eastern Ethiopia , otherwise called Arabia : and made themselves equal in all points with him : But God maintained Moses above them , and struck Miriam with a leprosie : whereupon she was removed out of the Camp : But at the prayer of Moses , after seven dayes , she was healed , [ Numb . 12. 15. Deut. 24. 9. ] Miriam , Year of the World d. being cleansed , upon some day of the 4 moneth ; as may be gathered out of what is said before , returned into the Camp : and upon her return , the Israelites removed : and , 15. Upon their 15 remove , they pitched in Rithma , in the desert of Paran , [ Numb . 12. 6 , 33 , 18. ] near unto Kadesh-Barnea , [ Numb . 13. 26. ] On the fifth moneth . From the Wildernesse of Paran , [ Numb . 13. 3. ] or Kadesh Barnea , [ Numb , 32. 8. Deuter. 1. 19 , 22. & 9. 23. Iosh. 14. 7. ] the people desiring it , and Moses likeing well thereof , [ Deut. ● . 2● , 23. But above all , God commanding it , [ Numb . 13. 1 , 2. ] at the time when grapes first grew ripe ; twelve spies , one for every Tribe , ( of which Caleb the son of Jephunna , was for the Tribe of Judah ) being then 40 years old , [ Iosh , 14. 7. ] and Hoshea the son of Nun , whom Moses had called by the name of Joshua , for the Tribe of Ephra●m , were sent to discover , and spye out the land of Canaan : which entering into it by the desert of Sin , lying toward the south , went quite thorough it , to the very North parts thereof , even to Rechob , [ Numb . 13. 21 , 22. Deut. 1. 23. ] The sixth moneth . The spies having spent 40 dayes in searching out the land , returned to Kadesh in the Wildernesse of Paran : bringing with them one branch of a vine , with a cluster of grapes upon it , gathered in the valley of Eshcol , which took its name from thence , with Pomgranats , and Figgs of the land , [ Numb . 13. 23 , 27. Deut 1. 24 , 25. ] from which ripenesse of the fruit at that season it appeareth , that this happened near before the 7 month , because a little before the feast of Tabernacles , ( which was kept upon the 15 day of that moneth ) the fruits of the barne and wine-presse , were always gathered , [ Exod 23. 16. Levit. 23. 39. Deut. 16. 13. ] Ten of the twelve so sent to spie out the land , by speaking ill of the country , and the barrennesse thereof , and withal , magnifying the Cities for their strength , and the giantly stature of the men therein ; disheartened the people from marching any further toward it ; whiles Caleb , did all he could , to perswade the people to go on , [ Numb . 13. 28 , 33 , & 32. 9. ] The people being terrified with the relation made by the rest , would needs back again into Egypt ; and were ready to stone Caleb and Joshua , for telling a contrary tale . And God threatning the people , with a sudden destruction , was bowed to spare them , by the prayers of Moses : Yet so , as withal he denounced to them , that all of them which were then twenty years old and upwards should die in the Wildernesse , and never see the land which was promised unto them : ad that they should wander in that Wildernesse fourty years , [ Numb . 14. 1 , 35. & 26. 64 , 65. & 32. 10 , 13. Deut. 1. 26 , 36. & 9 ▪ 23. Psalm●5 ●5 . 8 , 11. & 106. 24 , 25 , 26. ] reckouing all in a round summe ; for it is manifest , that their children entered that land , in the 39. year , by comparing [ Numb . 32. 13. with Deut. 2. 14. ] The te●●lp●es , which had caused this mutiny among the people , God destroyed all by sudden death , [ Numb . 14. 36 , 37. ] in remembrance whereof , the Jewes to this day , keep a fast , upon the seventh day of the sixth moneth , called Elul . God therefore bad them remove their camp , and return back into the desert toward the Red Sea. But they , contrary to this command , would needs go forward into the mountain , and were there vanquished by the Amalekites and Canaanites , and pursued , as farre as Hormah . Therefore they sate down and wept before the Lord ; but he would not hear them , [ Numb . 14. 40 , 45. Deut. 1. 40 , 45. ] Upon this calamity , and the continual dropping away of the Israelites , in the Wildernesse , Moses composed the 90 Psalm , [ Lord thou hast been our refuge , &c. ] in which he also sheweth that the ordinary age of men , was reduced to 70 or 80 years at the utmost : therefore , The age of man , was now a third time , contracted and cut short a third part of what it was before . The Israelites continued in Kadesh many dayes , Year of the World 2515. a. [ Deut. 1. 46. ] for whether it were for a day or two , or a moneth , or a year , so long as the cloud continued over the Tabernacle , the Camp all that while continued in the same place , and removed not , [ Numb . 9. 22. ] But that in some places the Camp continued many years , appeareth , for that in the space of 37 years , there are but 17 encampings mentioned ; for leaving Kadesh , they returned into the Wildernesse , as I said be fore , toward the Red Sea , and encamped about the Hill-Country of Seir many dayes , [ Deut. 2. 1. Iudg. 11. 16. ] Now the 17 encampings , belonging to this compassing of the Wildernesse of Seir , mentioned in the 33 of Numb . were in this order : The 16 encamping was at Rimmon Parez . The 17 at Libna . The 18 at Rissa . The 19 at Kehelatha . The 20 at Mount Shepher . The 21 at Harada . The 22 at Makhe●oth . The 23 at Thahath . The 24 at Thara . The 25 at Mithka . The 26 at Hishmona . The 27 at Moseroth . The 28 at Bene-Iaakan , or Beeroth Bene-Iaakan : ( i. ) Of the well of the sons of Iaakan , [ Deut. 10. 6. ] The 29 at Horagidgad , or Gudgoda , [ Deut. 10. 7. ] The 30 at Iothatha , ( i. ) a place full of springs of water , [ Deut. 10. 7. ] The 31 was Hebrona . The 32 was Ezion-Gaber , which is near to Elotha , and joyning upon the shore of the Red Sea , in the land of Edom , [ 1 Reg. 9. 26. ] Now to that long demourage of theirs in Kadesh , The Julian Period 3225 Year before Christ 1489 or the encampings next ensuing upon their removes from thence , all that seems to referre ; which we finde delivered in the fifteenth , and four next ensuing chapters , of Numbers ; as well that of the lawes there mentioned to have been made , as the Historicall part thereof . As how he that gathered sticks on the Sabbath ; ( for though the sacrifices were omitted in the Wildernesse , yet was still the use of the Sabbath entirely observed ) was , by the Oracle from God , stoned to death , by all the people , c. 15. and how Korah , Dathan , and Abiram , raising a mutiny against Moses and Aaron , were swallowed alive into the earth , and 250. of their associates , whiles they offered incense perished by fire , sent upon them from God. And how God commanded their censors to be taken and used , for the over-laying of the Altars , for a memorial of them to the children of Israel . And how the people murmuring against Moses and Aaron for the calamitie which had befallen their brethren , were stricken by God and perished , to the number of 14700. men , c. 16. And how twelve rods being brought by the twelve Princes , and laid in the Sanctuary : Aarons rod , onely budded , and brought forth almons ; and was laid up before the Ark , for a sign to those who should afterward be given to rebellion , [ cap. 17. ] All which things are thought to have been done in the later half of the second year , after their departure out of the land of Egypt . Moses committing to writing nothing , but what fell out in the two first years , and the last of their travel in the Wildernesse ; and passing by what else happened in those 37 years intervening , saving onely the matter of the 17 stages or encampings formerly mentioned . See Abulensis , upon Numb . cap. 1. Quaest. 3. The Scripture also sheweth that the time , which the Israelites spent in travelling from Kadesh Barnea , till they passed the vale , or brook Zerad , which was half a year after they removed from their 32 encamping ; and another half year before they passed the River Iordan , took up the full time of 38 years . In which space of time , all that generation of rebels against God was wholly spent , dead and buried , [ Deut. 2. 14 , 15 , 16. ] Now for the 9 first years , which the Israelites spent in the Wildernesse , Armais governed in Egypt , and Sethosis invaded the East : both which were brothers and sonnes to Amenophis , ( which was he that was drowned in the red Sea ) as we have formerly noted , to the year of the world , 1494. Of whom Manetho in his Egyptiaca , mentioned by Josephus in his first book against Apion , writeth thus . Sethosis being furnished with cavalry and shipping , made his brother Armais ruler , indeed , over all Egypt , and let him use all other Regall power and authority there : onely he forbad him to wear a Crown ; and charged him in no wise to abridge the Queen which was the mother of his children : and that he should also refraine from all other concubines of the King : But he himself made war in Cyprus and Phoenicia , and against the Assyrians and the Medes . Some of which he subdued by power and force of arms , others he took in , thorough the sole dread and terrour of his name : and now puffed up with this great successe near home , he went on with the greater confidence to ravage and spoile all the Kingdoms and Countries of the East . But some few years after he was gone , Armais whom he left in Egypt , casting off all fear of sinne , did all things contrary to what he was commanded by the King : For first , he misused the Queen , and lay continually with the Kings corcubines ; and at length , following the advice of his friends , used a Crown also , and plainly rebelled against his brother . Thus Manetho the Egyptian , adding withal , that Armais , was Danaus ; and Sethosis was called both Egyptus , and that from him , the whole land was called Egypt : and also Ramesses , after his Grandfathers name . From which similitude of names and things , it is manifest , that both Tacitus comes to call him Ramses , and Herodotus , Sesostris ; for so Tacitus sayes , That a King called Rhamses , having conquered all Lybia , and Ethiopia , and the Medes and Persians , and Bactria , and Scythia , and all the lands which the Syrians and Armenians , and their borderers the Cappadocians held , together with Bythinia , and Lycia , lying upon the Mediterranian Sea : and so far Tacitus of him , under the name of Rhamses . And for Sesostris , Herodotus in his second book , writes in this manner . Their Priests , saith he , speaking of the Egyptians , report ; That he was the first , who with a Fleet of long Ships , going out of the Arabian gulf , brought all the nations , bordering upon the Red-Sea , into his subjection . Which done , he came back the same way : and having gathered a mighty Army , marched into the Continent ( of Asia ) and there subdued all the nations which stood in his way . Then passing out of Asia , crossed into Europe ; there conquered the Scythians , and Thracians : whither , and no further , saith he , it seemeth to me , that Egyptian Army came , because here , and no further off , are to be seene yet extant , the Markes and Monuments of his name and Victories . Of which Monuments so erected by Sesostris , he averreth , that himselfe had seen some remaining in Palestine of Syria : as also two others in Ionia , one at Ephesus , as ye go into Phocea , the other , on the way leading from Sardis to Smyrna . The like report makes Diodorus Siculus , of Sesoosis lib. 2. but makes him far ancienter , than these times : and indeed the age attributed to his brother Danaus proves , that he was contemporarie with Moses , as also Manetho makes him , and Diodorus himself in his 40 book , misseth not much of the same mark ; where he saith , That at what time all forraigners were turned going out of Egypt . Danaus and Cadmus , with their companies came into Greece , and moses with his , went into Judea , as we may find in the Selections of Photius , for the better understanding whereof , and in some sort , to fill up this void space of 37 years , omitted by Moses , it shall not be amisse here to insert , the times of these forraign affaires , taken out of Eusebius his Tables , and are as follows . Egypt ( which was formerly called Aeria ) was so called from Egyptus who was there made King , Year of the World 2520 upon the expulsion of his brother , The Julian Period 3230 Year before Christ 1484 Danaus : wherein out account varies two years only from that of Eusebius . for Egyptus , Year of the World 2522 who was also called , The Julian Period 3232 Ramesses , Year before Christ 1482 and Sesostris , and Sesoosis , after the terme of 9 years spent in several voiages and wars in forraign parts , ( as Diodor. Sic. in his first book testifieth , ) returned to Pelusium . Whereby Armais , who is also called Danaus , when he had ruled over Egypt 9 years , fled for fear of his brother Ramesses , or Egyptus ; and falling from the kingdom which he had so gotten in Egypt , came into Greece , as Georgius Syncellus hath it , in the Greek Eusebius , published by Scaliger , page 26. 27. having first attempted to poyson his brother Egyptus , at a banquet provided for him : but missed of his purpose , as both Herodotus lib. 2. cap. 107. and also Diodorus Siculus lib. 1. pag. 53. ( in the Greek and Latin edition of him ) testifies . Danaus coming into Greece , Year of the World 2530 there made himself Master of Argos ; The Julian Period 3240 and made it abound with waters : Year before Christ 1474 Danaus by his 50 daughters , Destroyed the 50 sons of his brother Egyptus : save onely his son Lynceus , which reigned after him , to wit at Argos . Busiris the son of Neptunus , Year of the World 2533 and Libra the daughter of Epaphus , The Julian Period 3241 exercised a tyranny , Year before Christ 1471 in the parts joyning upon the river Nile , barbarously murdering all strangers , which passing that way fell into his hands ; whence is that of Ovid. lib. 3. de Tristi , more cruel thou , than was Busiris art , and that of Virgil , 3. Georg. who of Eurysth●us hard heart , hath not heard ? And altars , by the unworthy B●sir reard ? unworthy indeed to be defended ; but much more unworthy was he to have been commended by any man , which yet was his hap to be , by Socrates the Orator , in his , Busiridis Encomium , and therein , ( as after him , also Eusebius did ) he sayes , that he was the son of Libya , the daughter of Epaphus and Neptunus . Where observe , that this Ramesses , surnamed Myamun , ( of whom I spake , in the year of the world 2427 ) is by Muthological writers , surnamed Neptunus , and was the man who commanded the new born infants of the Hebr●ws to be drowned ; and that left behind him two sons , Amenophis , ( i.e. ) Belus of Egypt ( the father of Egyptus and Danaus ) that oppugner of the Almighty God , and which with his host , was overwhelmed in the Red-sea ; and left Busiris his son , so infamous , for butchering of strangers , ( a fitting off-spring of such a father ) to succeed him , whereunto you may add , if you please , out of A. Gellius , lib. 15. cap. 21. that the Poets were wont to call men , barbarous , cruel , and devoide of humanitie , the sons of Neptune : as born of that mercilesse element , the sea . In these times , Year of the World 2543 Tatthe son of Hermes Trismegistes , The Julian Period 3253 lived , Year before Christ 1461 saith Eusebius , with which agreeth that which the Egyptians deliver , that Sesostris , learned his wisdom , from this Hermes , as we find in Elian , lib. 12. Var. Histor. cap. 4. Cadmus and Phenix , Year of the World 2549 going from Thebais in Egypt into Syria , The Julian Period 3259 erected a kingdom in Tyre and Sidon . Year before Christ 1455 Euseb. Chron. Now after the Israelites had compassed the hill-country of Seir and Edom , Year of the World 2552. b. by the space of 37 years , The Julian Period 3262 from Kadesh-barnea , Year before Christ 1452 to Ezion-gaber , in Edom ; going from the North to the South , even to the shoare of the Red-sea , God then commanded them to turne Northward , and march strait forward to the land of promise : and because the land of Edom lay in their way thitherward , he charged them , that they should not , in any wise , draw a sword upon them , as being their brethren : telling them how great a providence and care he had used , in preserving themselves by the space of 40 years in the wildernesse , [ Deut. 2. 1 , 7. ] putting such an imperfect number of 40. for an imperfect , of 39. In the first moneth of the 40 year , after their departure out of Egypt ; the Israelites coming into the wildernesse of Tzin , they there encamped . 33 Encamping was at Kadesh , [ Numb . 20. 1. with the 33. c. of the same , v. 36 , 37 , 38. and Iudg. 11. 17. ] To wit in Kadesh of Tzin , in the very borders of Edom , [ c. 20. 14 , 15. ] towards Ezion-Gaber , and the Red-sea , and not at Kadesh Barnea , where they made their fifteenth encamping , and which lay near the border of Canaan , toward the south , Numb . 34. 4. Iosh. 15. 3. ] Here Miriam , al. Maria , died . [ Numb . 20. 1. ] 4 moneths before her brother Aaron , and 11 moneths before her brother Moses . 〈◊〉 that she was the eldest of the three ; and attained to the age of 130 years , appeareth , [ Exod. 2. 4 , 7. ] so that she was a pretty big Maid , when Moses was born : as was noted before upon the year of the world , 2433. and the Jews to this very day , keep the memory of her decease , upon the tenth o● the first moneth . The people again , for lack of water , murmure against Moses and Aaron : whom when God commanded to call water out of the hard rock , onely by speaking to it ; Mose being moved in his mind , through impatience , and diffidence of the thing ; spake something , what ever it was , unadvisedly with his lips , but struck the Rock twice with Aarons rod , that was budded and blossomed , and thereby drew water from it , which , as those other drawn out of another Rock , 37 years before , [ Exod. 17. 7. ] upon this occasion , were called Meribah , or Waters of strife , [ Numb . 20. 2 , 13. ] for it is most likely , that the former water , which Tertullian calleth , Aquam Comtiem , The water that followed them , ( of which I spake in the eleventh encamping ) was swallowed up in the Rad-sea , so that in this second distresse for water , the children break out into the like mutinous disposition , as their Father , so long before , had done . Moses and Aaron for their dissidence and unbelief here shewed , in executing the commandment of God , were debarred from entering into the land of Canaan , [ Numb . 20. 23. 24. c. 27 , 14. Psal. 106. 32 , 33. The Israelites , sent messengers to the Edomites and Moabites , to desire passage thorough their land ; But they refused to let them passe thorough the bodie of their countrie , [ Num. 20. 14 , 20. Iudg. 11. 17. ] yet were content they should passe by the skirts thereof , [ Deu. 2. 4 , 6 , 29. ] whereupon they , staying a while at Kadesh , [ Iud. 11. 17. ] went forward . 34 The 34 encamping , which was in mount Hor , Upon the borders of Edom , [ Num. 20. 22 , 23. and 33. 37. ] or Mosera , [ Deut. 10. 6. ] whither the Isrelites are saied , when they removed from Beereth-bene Iaakan , or the wells of the sons of Iaakan , which was their 28 encamping , to have come ; to wit , having by the way encamped , in Gudgoda , al. Hor-agidgad ; lethatha , and other places ; for whereas it is said , [ v. 7. ] that from thence , they came to Gudgoda , and from Gudgoda to Iotbatham , the words from thence are not to be understood of Mosera , but of Beeroth , as many learned men have long since observed upon this place . Upon the first day of the fifth moneth , our August 18. being tuesday , in the 40 year , after their coming out of Egypt , Aaron dyed at Mosera , in the top of the Mountain , of Hor , at the age of 123 years , leaving his son Eleazer , his successor , in the high Priest-hood , [ Numb . 20. 23 , 28. and 33 , 38 , 39 , Deut. 10. 6. ] The Israelites bewailed Aaron 30 dayes long , [ Numb . 20. 29. ] to wit , all that whole month , wherein he dyed . Upon the sixth moneth , the king of Arad , who dwelt on the Southern part of Canaan , hearing of the Israelites approach , went forth , and fought against them , and took many of them prisoners , whereupon they vowed , a vow to God ; and having gotten the victory over them , accordingly they destroyed them and their cities : from whence that place was ever called Horma . ( i.e. ) the place where that vow , of utterly destroying the Cananites , was made , [ Num. 31. 1 , 2 , 3. and 33. 40. ] Then leaving mount Hor , and shunning the plain country , which leadeth from Elatha , and Ezion-Gaber , and the Red-sea straight into Idumea , they fetcht a compasse and came about to the East-side of it , [ Numb . 21. 4. Deut. 2. 40. and there ethy made 35 The 35 encamping at Zalmona , [ Num. 33. 41. ] so called from an image there set up : for when the people murmured because of the fierie serpents , ( not little worm , breeding in their flesh , ( as Fortunius Licetus , in his third book , de spontaneo V●ventium ortu . c. 51. dreameth ) but plain fierie serpents ) sent among them by God , which annoyed them , they were there healed , by looking up to the figure or image , of a brazen serpent , set up upon a pole , or post , by Gods appointment . [ Num. 21. 5. 9. Joh. 3. 14. 1 Cor. 10. 9. ] 36 The 36 encamping , was at Punon , [ Numb . 33. 42. ] 37 The 37 at Oboth , [ Numb . 21. 10 , 33 , 43. ] 38 The 38 at Ije-Abarim , upon the borders of Moab , [ Num. 33. 40. ] to wit in that desert , which lyeth over against the land of Moab , toward the East , [ Numb . 21. 11. ] and is called the desert of Moab , [ Deut. 2. 8. ] for continuing their march thorough that wildernesse , they came at length to the East of Moab , [ Iudg. 11. 18. ] And when they removed thence , to passe by the valley or brook of Zared , God forbad them to make war upon Moab , [ Num. 21. 12. Deut. 2. 8 , 13. ] Now they passed over Zared , 38 years , after the sending of their spies , from Kadesh Barnea , the whole race of them which mutined , and rebelled against God from 20 years old and upwards , being wholly extinct and dead , [ Deut. 2. 6. ] 39 The 39 encamping was at Dibon-God . [ Numb . 33. 5. ] The 40 was at Almon-D●blathaim , [ Numb . 33. 46. ] al. Beth-Diblathaim , in the wildernesse of Moab . Year of the World 2553. a. [ Ier. 48. 12. Ezek. 6. 14. ] The Israelites coming now to passe the borders of Moab , at Ar , and approaching the country of the Ammonites , God forbad them to make any war upon the Ammonites , [ Deut. 2. 18 , 19 , 37. ] and then commanded them to passe over the river Arnon : which at that time was the boundary between Moab and Ammon , [ Deut. 2. 24. Num. 21. 13. ] so that they encamped over Arnon , and never touched upon the territory of Moab , [ Deut. 2. 24. Num. 21. 13. Iudg. 11. 18. ] For departing from thence to Beer , where was the well , which the Princes , and better sort of the people , with Moses their Law-giver , digged with their staves , they came to Matthana , Nahaliel , Bamoth , and the valley , which is in the country of the Moabites , at the entrance of the hill which looketh toward the wildernesse , [ Num. 21. 16. ] to wit of Kedemoth , [ Deut. 2. 26. ] and there pitcht . 41. Being their 41 Encamping : to wi● , at Abarim , over against Nebo , Numb . 33. 47. For as for Maanah and the others names , they were not encampings , as Tremellius observeth upon [ Num. 2. 12. ] but only places thorough which they passed in their march , before Moses sent messengers to the Amorites . Though the Chaldee Paraphrases take them not at all for proper names of places , but only as appellative , and interpret them of the waters of the well ( as of the Rock , 1 Cor. 10. 4. ) which followed the Israelites to the brooks , and from the brooks , to the mountaines , and from the mountaines , to the Valley of the Moabites . From the wildernesse of Kedemoth , Moses sent messengers to Sihon the Amorite , king of Heshbon , praying him to suffer him to passe quietly through his borders ( as the Edomites and Moabites had done ) because that was a shorter cut to the foords of Jordan ; but when he denyed them passage , and made war upon them , they slew Sihon , and possessed themselves of all his Cities , and dwelt in them [ Deut. ● . 24 , 36. Numb . 21. 21 , 31. Judg. 1. 19 , 22. ] Then sent Moses his spies to Jaser ; which they took , with the townes thereunto belonging , and cast out thence the Amorites , from the river of Ru●● , which is the bound of Moab , [ Numb 21. 13. & 22. 36. ] to the brook of Jabboc , which parteth it from Ammon , [ Deut. 3. 16. Jos. 12. 2. and 13. 10. ] yet never medled they with the Country lying upon the river Jabboc , neither with any of the lands belonging at that time to the children of Ammon of Moab , as God had commanded them , [ Deut. 2. 9. and 9. 37. And therefore , when the Ammonites , 264 years after , complained that the Israelites had taken their land , from Jabboc to Arnon , and even to the brooks of the river Jordan ; Jephtha rightly answered them , that they had not meddled with the lands , either of the Moabites of the Ammonites ; but that when they had slain Sihon , they took all the lands belonging to the Ammorites , from the river Arnon , to Jabboc , and possessed it , as their own inheritance , [ Judg. 11. 13 , 15 , 22 , 23. ] Though it be true also , that Sihon King of the Amorites had formerly taken from Vaheb King of the Moabites , Heshbon , and all that Country of his , unto Arnon : [ Numb . 21. 14. ] so also had he taken from the Ammonites , 〈◊〉 their Country , in like manner , even to Arroer , which lieth over against Rabba , [ Deut. 3. 11. ] for that all that land belonged formerly to the Ammonites ; and afterward was taken from the Amorites , and assigned to the tribe of Gad , to dwell in , appeareth , [ Jos. 13. 25. ] When the Children of Israel marched on their way to Basan , Og King of Basan , being a remnant of the G●ants , met and fought with them at Edrem , an● was there with all his people , utterly destroyed ; and the Israelites possessed themselves of all his Country , to wit , threescore Cities , and all that coast , as far as Argob , [ Deut. 3. 1 , 11. Numb . 21. 33 , 34 , 35. Amos 2. 9. ] All which Country of Argob , stretching to the borders of the Geshur●tes , and Mahacathites , Jair the son of Manasses , is said to have taken and called after his own name , Havoth-Jair , [ Numb . 32. 41. Deut. 3. 14. ] Which Manasses was indeed the son of Segub , of the tribe of Judah ; but reckoned among the Manassites , both in regard of the inheritance he had among them , and also in reference to hi-Gran●mother ; for she being the daughter of Machir , of the tribe of Manasse , the father of G●ead , bar● Segub , father of this Ja●r , unto Hezron , when he was sixty years of age , a● appeareth [ 1 Chron. 2. 21 , 22. ] where it is further added , that this Jair possessed 23 Cities , in the land of Gilead , and that he took Gessurim and Aram ( according to the best Expositors ) with the villages of Jair , and Kenath with her villages , sixty Cities in all ; though indeed Nobach , under him , took Kenath , with her villages , and called it Nobach after his own nam● , [ Numb . 32. 42. ] After these victories the Israelites leaving the mountains of Abarim , encamped in the plain of Moab , on this side of the foord of Jordan , which ●adeth to J●rico , from Beth-Jeshimoth , unto Abel-Shittim , [ Numb . 22. 1. and 33. 48 , 49. ] So that their 42. Two and fortieth encamping , was at Shittim , [ Numb . 25. 1 al. Abel-Shittim , c. 33. 49. ] where they continued , till at length under the leading of Josuah , they came to the bank of Jordan , [ Jos. 3. 1. ] Baalak the son of Zippor , King of Moab , considering all , what the Israelites had done to the Amorites , feared , least that under colour of passing through his Country , they would possesse themselves of his whole kingdom : and therefore , taking counsel with the Princes of the Midianites , his neighbours , sent for Balaam the son of Beor , a soothsaier , out of Mesopotamia , to come and curse the Israelites ; promising him great rewards for his labour : purposing afterward to make war upon them , [ Numbers 21. 1 , 6. Deut. 33. 4. Josuah , 24. 9. ] Balaam , forewarned of God , refused at first to come : but being sent for a second time , he importuned God to let him go , and went with a purpose indeed to curse Israel ; but God offended herewith , made the dumb Asse of this wisard , on which he rode , speaking in a mans voice , to reprove his folly , [ Numbers 22. vers . 7 , 35. 2 Peter , 2. vers . 15 , 16. ] Balaam , twice offered sacrifices , and would fain have cursed Israel , to gratifie Balak therein : but being forced thereto by the Spirit of God , instead of curing , he blessed them altogether ; fore-telling , what felicity attended them , and what calamit●es should befall their enemies , [ Numb . 23 , and 24. Deut. 23. 5. Josuah 24. 10. ] And by his advise it was , that the women of Moab , and Midian were set on work , to turn the Israelites away to Idolatry : and to make them fall a whoreing with them , [ Num. 25. 1 , 2 , 3. c. 31. 16. Deut. 4. 3. Psal. 106. 28. Apocal. 2. 14. ] Wherefore God commanded Moses , first to take all the ring-leaders of this disorder , and to hang them up before the sun : and then he gave order to the Judges , to put to death all such of them as had joyned themselves to Baal-Peor ; and last of all , God sent a plague upon the people , whereof there died 23000 men in one day , [ 1 Cor. 10. 8. ] which added to them which were hanged , and killed with the sword , amount in all to twenty four thousand , [ Numb . 25. 4 , 5 , 9. ] Phineas the son of Eleazer , by killing Zimri , the son of Salu , chief of his fathers family , of the Tribe of Symeon ; and Cosbi the daughter of Sur , a Prince of the Midianites , appeased the wrath of God , and so that plague ceased , [ Numb . 25. Psal. 106. 30. ] And God therefore setling the High-Priesthood for ever upon the house of Phineas , commanded them also to make war forthwith upon the Midianites , [ Numbers , 25. vers . 12 , 13 , 17 , 18. ] Moses and Eleazar , by Gods command , in the plain of Moab , near unto Jordan , over against Jerico , numbred the people from 20 years old , and upwards , and found them to be 601730 men : besides the Levites ; whose number , reckoning them , from one month old and upwards , came to 23000. and then Moses received Gods command for the parting of the land of Promise , among the Israelites , [ Numb . 26. 1 , 63. ] The daughters of Zelophead , had their fathers land parted among them for want of issue male : and by this occasion was the law for succession in heritages drawn up , and made , [ Numb . 27. 1 , ●1 . ] God signified to Moses , that he should die : and Josuah was thereupon declared to be his successor , and Moses laied his hands upon him , and gave him instructions , [ Numb . 27. 12 , 23. Deutronom●e 3 ▪ v. 26 , 27 , 28. ] And several lawes were then made , [ Deuteronomie 28. v. 29 , 30. ] Twelve thousand of the Israelites , under the leading of Ph●neas , vanquished the Midiani●e , and slew all the males among them , with their five Princes , and among them Sur the fat●er of Cosb● , all which were under the subject on of Sihon the Amorite , whiles he l●ved ; and Balaam the wisard , who when he should have returned into his own Country of Mesop●tam●a , [ Numbers 24. 25. ] staied among the Midianites , [ Numbers 31. 1 , 8. Josuah 13. 21 , 22. ] And of the females only the virgins were saved alive , [ Numb . 31. 9 , 54. ] The lands which belonged to Sihon , and Og were divided and given to the tribes of Reuben , and Gad , and the half tribe or Manasses , by Moses , [ Numb . 32. Deut. 3. 13 , 20. and c. 29. 8. Ios. 13. 8 , 12. and 22. 4. ] all from the river Arnon , to mount Hermon ( which is also called Shemir , and Syrion , and Sion ) and joyneth upon Anti-Lebanon , [ Deut. 3. 8 , 9. Deut. 4. 48. Jos. 12. 1. Jos. 13. 9 , 11. ] When the Israelites were now going into the land of Canaan , God commanded them to root out the Canan●tes and their Idols , [ Numb . 33 ▪ 50 , 56. ] and that they should divide the land , westward of Jordan , among the nine remaining tribes , and the other half tribe of Manasses , [ Numb . 34. ] and concerning the 48 Cities of the Levites , and six Cities of Refuge , [ Numb . 35. ] of which there were three appointed then by Moses himself , on the east of Jordan , [ Deut. 4. 41 , 42 , 43. ] Upon the 5 day of 11 month ( Feb. 20. falling upon our Saturday ) in the 40 year after their departure out of Egypt , in the plain of Moab ; Moses made a speech to the children of Israel ; set down in the 1 , 2 , 3. c. of Deut. and to the 40 v. of the 4 c. and afterward continued his speaking to them ; to the 27 c. of the same . Moses , with the Elders of Israel , commanded the people , that in their passage over Jordan , they should set up great stones , whited over with chalk or plaister , and the ten Commandments to be written on them , and the forme of blessing upon the mount Gerizim , and of cursing in mount Ebal , [ Deut. 27. ] exhorting them to observe the Law of God , by setting before their eyes , what benefits would ensue thereof ; and dehorting them from the breach of that law , by assuring them of what miseries would overtake them : if they forsook the Law , [ Deut. 28. ] Moses , by Gods command , renewes the Covenant , made by God with them , and their children in mount Horeb : and again perswades them , to keep that Covenant , by all the blessings and curses , which would undoubtedly follow the keepers or breakers of it , [ Deut. 29. ] yet with a promise of pardon and deliverance , if at any time , having broken it , they should repent them of their sin : and tells them further , that God had therefore thus declared his will unto them , to the end , that none hereafter offending , should pretend ignorance , if he offended , [ Deut. 30. ] Moses having written this law , delivered it to the Priests , the sons of Levi , and the Elders of the people to be kept : The same day also he wrote his song , and taught the same to the children of Israel to be sung , and having finished the book of this law , he took order to have it laied up , in the side of the Arke , [ Deut. 31. ] But that most excellent song of his , is contained in [ Deut. 32. ] Moses , drawing now near to his end , blessed every tribe in particular , by way of prophecie , saving only the Tribe of Symeon : which his last Will and Testament is conteined in [ Deut. 32. ] In the twelfth month of this year , Moses , going up out of the plain of Moab , into mount Nebo , which was a part of the countrey of the Abarims , from the top thereof , lying over against Jerico , he beheld the land of Promise , allover ▪ and then dyed , [ Numb . 27. 12 , 13. Deut. 3. 23 , 29. Deut. 32. 49 , 50. Deut. 34. 1 , 5. ] being then , 120 years old , [ Deut. 31. 2 , 3 , 4 , 7. ] Of all which time , he spent a full third part , wanting only one month ; in his government of the people of Israel : as is not amisse observed by Josephus , in the later end of his 4 book of antiquities : as departing this life in the last month of the year , and first day of that month , which by the Macedons is called Dystrus , and by the Hebrewes Adar : which better suiteth , with the accompt of Historians shortly after following , than with the tradition of the Jewes of later time : who saith that he died upon the seventh day of the mouth Adar , as in Sedar Olam rabba , c. 10. in his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 book of the death of Moses , in the proeme of Maymonidas to the book , called Misnaioth , and in the Calendars of the Jewes of this time appeareth : who still celebrate the memorial of his death , by a solemne fast upon this day . The body of Moses , God translated out of the place where he died , into a valley of the land of Moab , over against Beth Peor , and there buried it : nor doth any man know the place where he laied it , unto this day , [ Deut. 34. 6. ] But that this valley was in the land of Sihon King of the Amorites , which the Israelites won from him , appeareth out of [ Deut. 4. 46. ] and that Beth Peor , was assigned to the Rubenites , out of [ Jos. 13. 20. ] and therefore , whereas here Moses is said to have been buried in the land of Moab ; as likewise [ Deut. 29. 1. ] the Covenant is saied to have been renewed in the land of Moab , it is to be understood of the land which formerly did belong to them : but was lately taken from them by Sihon King of the Amorites , as I shewed before out of [ Num. 21. 26. ] and was now possessed by the Israelites . Michael the Arch-Angel , as we read in the Epistle of Jude ; disputed with the Devil about the body of Moses : which the Devil would fain have brought to light ; that he might thereby have ministred an occasion of Idolatry to the people of Israel , as Chrysostome in his 1. Homilie upon Mathew : and Thodoret , upon Duteronomie , Quest. 43. and Procopius Gazaeus , upon Deuteronomie , and others say : though we no where find that the Jewes ever gave themselves to this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : i.e. This worshiping of Reliques : But this contention of Michael with the Devil about the body of Moses , went about heretofore in a certain Apocryphal , entitled , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : i.e. of the Assumption of Moses , as we read in Origen 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , lib. 3. cap. 2. and in Gelasius Cyricenu● in the Acts of the Council of Nice , part . 1. c. 20. Like unto which , somewhat is also found in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of Rabbi Nathan . The Israelites mourned for Moses in the land of Moab , 30 dayes , [ Deut. 34. 8. ] to wit , all the whole 12 month . And here ends the Pentatuch , or the five books of Moses , containing the history of 2552 years and a half , from the beginning of the world ; and the book of Josua begins with the 41 year after the departure of the Children of Israel out of Egypt . The First Month. Josuah being confirmed in his Government by God , sent forth with spies from Shittim to the City of Jerico : which being harboured by Rahab in an Inn , and privily sent away when search was made for them , lay three dayes close in the mountain , and then returned to him , [ Jos. 2. ] Josuah commanded the people , besides their manna , which as yet ceased not , to take other provant and victuals along with them , as being three dayes after to passe over Jordan , [ Jos. 1. 10 , 11. ] The next morning , they removed from Shittim and came to the river Jordan , and there encamped that night , [ Jos. 3. 1. ] The third day after , warning was given them , as it should seeme , to provide victuals ; the people also were commanded to sanctifie and prepare themselves to passe over Jordan the morrow after , [ Jos. 3. 2 , 5. ] Upon the 10 day of the first month , April 30. being on a Friday , to wit , the same day that the Paschal lamb was to be chosen out of the flock , the Israelites , by the leading of Josua , a type of Jesus Christ , went up out of the river Jordan , into the promised land of Canaan , a type of that heavenly country : they passed through the river on dry foot , the waters being for that present divided , and that at a season , when they usually over-flowed the banks , for a memorial of which miraculous passage , Josua set up twelve stones in the very channel of Jordan ; and taking twelve other stones from out of the middest thereof set them up in the place where they next encamped , at Gilgal , [ Jos. 3. and 4. ] The day following ( as it seemes ) Josuah renewed the use of Circumcision in Gilgal , which had been omitted 40 years , and there the people rested them and abode , untill they were whole again , [ Jos. 5. 2 , 9. ] Upon the fourteenth day of the first month ( the fourth of May , being our Tuesday ) in the evening , the Israelites celebrated their first Passover in the land of Canaan , [ Iosua 5. vers . 10. Next day after the Passeover ( May 5. being Wednesday ) they are of the fruit of the Land of Cannan , unleavened bread , and parched corne ; and manua ceased , the very day after they began to live of the fruits of the land ; and the children of Israel after that , saw manna no more , but lived that year , of the fruits of the land of Canaan , [ Ios. 5. 11 , 12. ] . Our Lord Jesus , Captain of his Fathers Host , appearing to Josua , the typical Jesus , before Jerico , with a drawn sword in his hand , promised thereto defend his people , [ Ios. 5. 13 , 14 , 15. ] Jerico , the Ark of God having been carried round about it , was taken the seventh day , the walls thereof falling flat down , at the sound of the Priests trumpets : and was utterly destroyed , and all put to the sword , saving only Rahab , and her family , [ Ios. 6. ] who marrying afterward to Salmon , of the Tribe of Judah , bare of him Boaz , [ Mat. 1. 5. ] The Israelites at their siege of Ay , being abandoned by God , for the sacriledge , committed by Achan , are smitten by their enemies : Achans sin being discovered by the casting of lotts , and he found guiltie , was stoned to death , and together with his children and cattel , burnt with fire , [ Ios. 7. ] and God being hereby pacified , Ay was taken by an ambushment ; and utterly destroyed , and twelve thousand men slain in the taking of it , [ Ios. 8. 1 , 29. ] In mount Ebal , according to the law made , there was an Altar erected , for sacrifices to be made thereon , and the ten Commandments , engraved on it , the blessings and cursings were repeated in mount Ebal , and mount Gerizim , and the book of the Law read in the ears of all the people , [ Ios. 8. 30 , 35. ] The kings of Canaan , moved with this great successe of the Israelites , bandy themselves together against them , save only the Gibeonites , who craftily found a way to save their own live , by making a league with them : but were , neverthelesse , afterward deputed to the servile offices of the house of God : [ Ios. 9. ] Adonl-zedec , King of Jerusalem , with the Kings of Hebron , Jarmuth , Lachish , and Debit , hearing that Gibeon was fallen off from them , joyned their forces together , and besieged it ; But Josua having raised the siege , pursued those five Kings , and had the killing of them , as far as Azecah , and Mackeda , at which time , the sun stood still over Gibeon , and the moon over the valley of Ajalon , by the space almost of one whole day , and untill the Israelites were fully avenged of their enemies , [ Ios. 10. 1 , 14. ] Whereupon Laurentius Codomannu observes two things : 1. That whereas Aialon , was distant from Gibeon , scantly , one German mile toward the west , it is very likely that the moon was then past the full and well on in the wain . 2. That seeing both those great lights began and ended their standing still both together , the Asronomical account is no waies confounded by this stay , even as ( saith he ) in musick , the harmony is not in any sort broken , nor the voices jar , if they all rest at the same time , and then begin again , every man in his part , unto the end of the lesson . Josuah , following the chase , those five Kings hid themselves in a cave at Mackeda , which cave , Josuah commanded to be rammed up with stones , and a guard to be set upon it , till the enemy being wholy routed , had betaken themselves to their fenced Cities : and when all the armie was safely returned to Josua in Mackeda , then were the stones removed , and those five Kings taken out of the cave , and the captaines of the Host , bid to put every man his foot upon their necks ; and them to be hung up upon five gibbets , untill the sun went down , and then to be throwne into the same cave again , and the mouth thereof stopped up with stones as before : [ Ios. 10. 16 , 17. ] And thus ended that most busie year of the wold , 2553. in the first six months , whereof Mose●h mses●f took in and possessed all that land over Jordan , toward the east , and in the later , Joshuah conquered the most part of all , that lay to the west of it : and in the middest of the year , manna ceasing , the people of Israel began to suesist and live upon the profits of the land of Canaan . Year of the World 2554. a. From the Autumne of this year , The Julian Period 3264 wherein , Year before Christ 1450 after the failing of manna , they began to till the ground and sow it , is to be reckoned the first year , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( i.e. ) of their tillage , and the rise of the sabbatical years hence to be taken , Ex. 23. 10 , 11. Lev. 25. 2 , 7. Deut. 15. 1 , 9. and Deut. 31. 10. ] The five kings thus destroyed , all the rest of the kings , combined together against the Israelites ; and with them Josuah had a long war , [ Ios. 11. 1 , 18. ] which lasted full six years : Year of the World 2559. a. as we shall see anon . Josuah , The Julian Period 3269 now grown old , Year before Christ 1455 was commanded by God , to divide all the land on the west of Jordan , among the nine tribes remaining , and the other half tribe of Manasses , [ Ios. 13. 1 , 7. ] whereupon he first divided the land of Gilgal , ( where the Tabernacle of God then was , and the Army then lay ) among the Tribes of Judah , and Ephra●m , and the half tribe of Manasses , [ Ios. 14. 6. Ios. 15. 16 , 17. ] at which time Caleb the son of Jephunna , 45 years after the time that he was sent to spie out the land by Moses , desired to have Hebron with the mountain countries of Judea , to be assigned to him for his part : undertaking to expuise the Anakims from thence , [ Ios. 14. 6 , 10 , 13. ] Yet would not Joshua permit ( as Tremellius hath here very well observed ) that Caleb with his own company should assault Hebron : but himself went with the whole Army to take it in ; and having taken it , then gave it unto Caleb ; to wit , the lands and villages thereunto adjoyning : reserving the city it self , and suburbs thereof for a city of refuge , and for the Priests use , [ Iosh. 21. 11 , 12 , 13. 1 Chron. 55. 56 , 57. ] For , that , neither Hebron , nor Debir , though both lying within the land , and inheritance assigned to Caleb , were yet taken by the Israelites , not the Anakims rooted out from thence , appeareth out of the [ 14 and 15 chap. of Ioshua ] so that all which is contained in the book of Ioshua , from [ verse 28. cap. 10. ] to the end of chap. 11. and in the first chapter of the book of Judges , from the ninth , to the fifteenth verse , seems wholy to be referred to this place , because of the contiguity and coherence of the matter handled in each of them . For when as the children of Juda and Joseph , being established in their possessions , according to their Tribes ; a great part of the land of Canaan remained still in the hands of the Gentiles ; Joshua before the proceeded to any further apportioning of lands , going with the Host of Israel from Gilgal , took Makkeda at the first assault : and so did he Libna in like manner ; utterly destroying the Kings and people of either Kingdom , [ Iosh. 10. 28 , 29 , 30. ] From thence he marched with his Army to Lachish : took it the second day after he came before it , and put all there likewise to the sword . And when Horam King of Gezer came to relieve it , Joshua met him , and destroyed him and his people , so that he left not a man of them alive : and then marching to Eglon , took it the very day he came before it , and put all to the sword , [ Iosh. 10. 31 , 35. ] Afterward Joshua with all Israel , going up from Eglon to Hebron ; took it , and put to the sword the new king thereof ; ( for the old one was hanged six years before ) with all the cities belonging , [ Iosh. 10. 36 , 37. ] whence Caleb also cast those three Gyants , the sonnes of Anak , so much renowned and talked of 45 years before , [ Numb . 13. 22 , 23. ] to wit , Sheshai , Ahiman , and Talmai , [ Iosh. 15. 14. ] Then Joshua with the Army , marching out of the south of Canaan , came before Debir , [ Iosh. 10. 38. ] which formerly was called , Kariath-Sepper ; where , when Caleb had proclaimed , that whoever took it , should have his daughter to wife : it fell out that Othoniel , cousin germain to Caleb , and the son of Kenaz took it : and thereupon married his daughter Acsah , and had with her in dowry , a piece of land with springs of water in it , [ Iosh. 15. 15 , 19 Iudg. 1. 11 , 15. ] and having taken the city , he put their new King also ( for the other he had caused to be hanged with the rest , six years before ) with all his cities to the edge of the sword , [ Iosh. 10. 39. ] To conclude , Joshua destroyed all the Hill-Country , and all the South parts , plaine and valley , and all their Kings , even from Kadesh-Barnea , as far as unto Gaza ; and all the country of Goshen , ( which was in the lot of the Tribe of Judah ) as far as Gibeon . And all these Kings , and all their lands took Joshua at one time ( i. ) in one expedition or journey ; for God himself all that while fought for Israel : and having thus done , then he with all the Host of Israel , came back to Gilgal , [ Iosh. 10. 40 , 43. ] The rest of the Kings , with whom Joshua had warred a long time , hearing what Joshua had done , resolved to set upon him with all their forces united in one : but Joshua coming suddenly upon them , and unawares , slew them and possessed all their land , [ Iosh. 11. 1 , 16. ] from the mountain , which goeth up to Seir , which is the frontier of Edom , unto Baal-Gaddem , in the valley of Lebanon , which lyeth under the Hill of Hermon , [ Iosh. 11 , 47. Iosh. 12. 7. ] Then went Joshua and rooted out those Gyants , the Anakims with their cities ; out of the Hill-Countries , out of Hebron : ( this was done by the hands of the Tribes of Judah , [ Judg. 1. 10. ] out of Debir , out of Anab , and g●nerally out of all the mountains of Juda , and all Israel . And so having gotten the whole land into his hands , he divided it among the children of Israel for a possession , by shares or portions ( as we shall see in the year following ) according to their Tribes : and so the land rested from war , [ Iosh. 11. 23. Iosh. 14. 15. ] The seventh year , Year of the World 2560. a. reckoned from the first year wherein they began to till the ground in Canaan , was withal the first Sabbatical year which was kept among them . When by this typical Jesus they were brought into this place of rest , which was a true type and figure of that Sabbath and Rest , which the true Jesus was to acquire , and bring the people of God into , [ Heb. 4. 9. ] And from hence also , the years of Jubile , or of every fifty years space , is to be reckoned , [ Levit. 25. 8 , 13. ] Upon the 15 day of the seventh moneth , ( our November the fifth , falling upon a Saturday ) the Israelites kept the Feast of Tabernacles in booths made of boughs of trees , according to the law , [ Levit. 23. 29 , 40. ] and much more solemnly than was afterward used in the times of the Judges or Kings , [ Neb. 8. 17. ] When God was now about to give the Israelites rest from all their enemies round about them , so that they might dwel there securely ; it was requisite that a place also should be appointed , which himself should chuse , to place his name there , [ Deut. 12 10 , 11. ] Wherefore coming together at Shilo , they there fixed the Tabernacle of the Congregation ; after the whole land was subdued unto them . [ Iosh. 18. 1. ] Now Shilo ( where the Tabernacle with the Ark of the Covenant continued by the space of 328. years ) both by the signification of the name , and also by the situation of the place , seemeth to be the same with Salem : for , as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifieth Peace , or Rest , [ Gen. 34. 21. Nahum 1. 12. ] so also doth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 [ Dan. 4. 1. ] where also the Messias is thought to have been called Shilo , [ Gen. 49. 10. ] because not onely himself was peaceable and quiet : but was also the Authour of eternal rest and peace unto us ; being as well as Melchisedech , King of Salem , ( i. ) the King of peace , [ Hebr. 7. 2. ] which was Melchisedechs dwelling place , or palace , as Jerom in his 126. Epistle to Enagrius saith , was in his time to be seen in the city of Salem , near the place where John baptized , [ Ioh. 3. 23. ] which , [ Gen. 33. 18. ] according to Jerom ; own , and the Septuagints exposition , was called Sichem , because seated as Shilo was , [ Iosh. 24. 25 , 26. Iosh. 18. 1. Gen. 3 ▪ 5. 4. Iudg. 9. 6. compared with 21. 8 , 19. ] in the countrey of the Sichemites . The land which remained , was divided among the other seven Tribes for their inheritance , and a book drawn up containing their several proportions , [ Iosh. 18. and 19. chapters ] and so after the seven Nations of the Canaanits were destroyed , the distribution of their lands among the Israelites followed , and was compleately finished . In the year after the Election of the Fathers , much about 450. [ Acts 13. 17 , 19 , 20. ] for from the birth of the promised seed Isaac , to this time , are reckoned , 452. yeares : and from the rejection of Ishmael , 447. but between both , we may count , 450. years . Out of the land , Year of the World d. as well on this , The Julian Period 3270 as on that side Jordan , Year before Christ 1444 were set apart , 48 Cities for the inheritance of the Levites : six whereof were made Cities of Refuge ; and Sanctuaries were therein made , unto which those who committed not wholy wilful murder , might flie for protection , [ Iosh. 20. and 21. ] and so the Israelites now possessed the land promised to their fathers : God giving them rest and peace round about , accordding to all that he had promised to their fathers by an oath , [ Iosh. 21. 43 , 44. ] whereupon the companies of the Rubenites , Gadites , and halfe Tribe of Manasses , which came over Jordan to help their brethren in this atchievement ; God having now fully setled them there , took their leave of Joshua , and returned to their possessions , which Moses had given them , on the other side Jordan , [ Iosh. 22. 4. with chap. 1. 14 , 15. and Numb . 32. 21 , 22. ] But when in their return homeward , they were come unto Gilead at the passage of Jordan , in the borders of the land of Canaan , they had there built a great Altar : the other Tribes supposing thereby that they intended a separation , and to revolt from them , they resolved to make war upon them ; yet sending Phineas , the son of Eleazar , the High Priest , with ten other Princes of the people , to know the reason of their so doing ; and understanding , that the Altar was not built to offer sacrifice thereon , but onely testifie the communion and fellowship which they had with the rest of the Tribes of Israel , they changed their purposes , and laid down their armes , [ Iosh. 22. ] Joshua built the city of Timnah-Sera , Year of the World 2561 in mount Ephraim , in which he dwelt many years , after that God had given Rest to Israel ; and having lived 110. years ( which was the age of Joseph , mentioned in the end of Genesis ) he there died , and was buried , [ Iosh. 23. 1. Iosh. 24. 29 , 30. ] When as in the times of Anarchie or mis-rule , Year of the World 2591. d. which followed after the decease of Joshua and the Elders , The Julian Period 3301 who out-lived him , Year before Christ 1413 and who being young men , when they came out of Egypt , could well observe and remember the wonders which God had wrought for Israel : every man now doing what seemed him good in his own eyes , all those disorders were committed , which are reported in the five last chapters of the book of Judges ; to wit , the Idolatry of Micah , and the children of Dan , and the war of the Benjamites , and the cause thereof . And there succeeded a generation of men which forgat God , and mingled themselves with the Canaanites by marriage , and worshipped their Idols . And God hereby provoked to wrath , gave them up into the hands of Cushan , King of Mesopotamia ; which first calamity of theirs , held them eight years onely , [ Judg. 2. 7. and Judg. 3. 6 , 7 , 8. ] Othon●el the sonne of Kenaz , Year of the World 2599. d and sonne in law to Joshua , The Julian Period 3309 [ Iosh. Year before Christ 1405 15. 17. Iudg. 1. 31. ] of the Tribe of Juda , being stirred up by God , as a Judge and avenger of his people , defeated Cushan , and delivered the Israelites out of their bondage ; And the land had rest 40 years , after the first , rest , which Joshua procured for them , [ Iudg. 3. 9 , 10 , 11. ] In this year was kept the first Jubilie , Year of the World 2609. a. in the land of Canaan . The Julian Period 3318 Year before Christ 1396 Was kept the second Jubilie . Year of the World 2658 a. The Julian Period 3367 Year before Christ 1347 After the decease of Othoniel , Year of the World 2661. d. the Israelites , The Julian Period 3371 falling again to sin against God , Year before Christ 1343 were again by him given over into the hands of Eglon , King of Moah ; who joyning with the Ammonites , and Amalekites , overthrew the Israelites , and took Jericho , and this second oppression of their continued , for the space of eighteen years , [ Judg. 3. 12 , 13 , 14. ] Then Ehud , Year of the World 2679. b. the son of Gera , The Julian Period 3389 of the tribe of Benjamin ( which was but a little before , Year before Christ 1325 almost wholly destroyed ) was raised up by God for an avenger of his people : for seigning a message to Eglon , he ran him into the belly with his dagger , and left him dead in his own dineing room , and then getting cunningly away , he gathered all Israel into a body , in Mount Ephram , and slew ten thousand of the most valiant men of Moab , and the land had rest 40 years ; after the former rest , and deliverance gotten them by Othoniel , [ Judg. 13. 15 , 30. ] After him also Shamgar , the son of Anath , slew 600 Philistines with an Ox-goade ; and he also avenged Israel , ib. v. ult . Belus the Assyrian reigned in Babylon , Year of the World 2682 after the Arabians 55 years , The Julian Period 3392 saith Iul. Year before Christ 1322 Africanus . The Israelites , Year of the World 2699. d. after the death of Ehud , The Julian Period 3409 returning to their old sinne , Year before Christ 1305 were given up by God into the hand of Jabink of Canaan : who reigned in Hazor , and had 900 chariots of Iron : and this third thraldom of their continued 20 years , [ Iudg. 4. 1 , 2 , 3. ] Was the 3 Jubile . Year of the World 2707. a. The Julian Period 3416 Year before Christ 1298 Debora , Year of the World 2719. d. the wife of Lapidoth , The Julian Period 3429 a prophetesse , Year before Christ 1285 who at that time judged Israel , in Mount Ephraim , and Barack of the tribe of Nepthaile , the son of Abinoam , being made Captain of the host of Israel , in a fight at Megiddo , rowted Sisera , Captain of Jabins armie , and he being afterward killed by Jael ; the wife of Heber the Kenite , in her own Tent , with a naile struck into the temples of his head , Deborah made a song thereof , for a memorial of that victory , and the land rested 40 years , after the former rest , or peace , restored by Ehud , [ Iudg. 4. and 5. 31. ] Ninus the son of Belus founded the Empire of the Assyrians ; Year of the World 2737 which continued in Asia by the space of 520 years , The Julian Period 3447 as Herod . Year before Christ 1267 in his first book , cap. 95. affirmeth : whom Appian . Alexandr . in the beginning of his work followeth . But Dionysius Halicarnassus , a most diligent searcher into all such matters , in his first book of Antiquities , saith , that they had a very small part of Asia , under their command ; yet Diodoius Siculus in his Bibliotheca , reports that Ninus , confederating with Arieus King of Arabia , possessed all Asia , having India and Bactria , by the space of seventeen years , and that at length , he took in the Bactrians also with their King Zoroastres : of whom Justin also ; out of Trogus Pompeius , thus writeth , lib. 1. Ninus , having conquered his next neighbours , joyned their forces to his own , and thereby went on still the stronger to the conquest of the next , and every last victory was a step to another , and by this means , he subdued all the people , of the east . His last was was with Zoroastoes King of Bactria , who is said to have been the first that found out of the art magick , and to have most diligently looked into the nature of the world , and motion of the stars : him Ninus slew ; and presently after died himself . Julius Africanus and Eusebius say , that he reigned 52 years . The Israelites sinning again , Year of the World 2752. d. are delivered into the hands of the Midianites , The Julian Period 3462 which fourth thraldom of theirs , Year before Christ 1252 lasted 7 years , [ Iudg. 6. 1. ] Was the 4 Jubile . Year of the World 2759. a. The Julian Period 3465 Year before Christ 1249 The Israelites falling into this fourth thraldom , cryed unto God for help , and were reproved by a prophet . Then was Gideon of Manasses , son of Joash the Abicarite stirred up by an Angel sent from God , to deliver them . And first by command from God , he overturned the Altar of Baal , and burnt his grove : whereupon , when strife arose between him and the people , he was called Ierub-baal . and Ierub-besheth , [ 2 Sam. 11. 21. ] He out of 32 thousand men , which came unto him , chose onely ( God so commanding ) 300. but with them , and their trumpets , pitchers and torches in them , he so affrighted the Midianites , that he put to flight all their host ; whom the Ephramites afterwards pursuing , slew their Princes , Oreb and Zeeb . Gedeon then , having first pacified the Ephramites , who complained that they were not called to the battle at first , passed the river Jordan , and defeated the remainder of the Midianitish armie : he chastised also the men of Succoth and Penuel , who had refused him victual in his journey , and slew two Kings of the Moabites , Zeba and Zalmunna . After which great victories attained , when the Israelites offered to settle the kingdom upon him , and his posterity , he refused it : but receiving their golden earings , he made thereof , an Ephod , whereof they took afterward an occasion to fall into Idolatry , and so the Midanites being vanquished , the land had rest 40 years , after the former rest restored to them by D●bora and Barak ] Iudg. 4. 8. 28. ] So soon as Gedeon was dead , Year of the World 2768. d. the Israelites falling back to Idolatrie , The Julian Period 3478 worshipped Baal-Berith for their god , Year before Christ 1236 [ Iudg. 58. 33. ] and Abimelech the son of Gedeon , ( begotten upon a woman of Sichem , his Concubine ) purposing to get to himself the kingdom , which his father had refused , slew seventie of his Brothers , all upon one stone , [ Iudg. 9. 15 , 18 , 24. 56. ] When Abimelech , by the help of the Sichemites had got to be made king , Jotham the youngest son of Gedeon , who onely escaped Abimelech's clutches , Year of the World 2769. a. from the top of the mount Gerizim , expostulated with them in the wrong they had done to his fathers house : and by way of a parable , foretold them of their ruine , that would ensue thereon : which done , he forthwith fled , and dwelt quietly in Beerith , [ Iudg. 9. ] When Abimelech had now reigned over the Israelites three years , Year of the World 2771. d Gaal , The Julian Period 3481 a man of Sichem , Year before Christ 1233 made a conspiracy against him ; which being discovered to him by Zebul , the city of Sichem was utterly destroyed , and sowed with salt , the inhabitants all put to the sword , and the temple of their god Beerith burnt with fire . And from thence Abimelech , going to besiege Thebez , he was there knockt on the head , with a piece of a milstone , cast upon him by a woman , and then kild out right , by his own Armour-bearer , [ Iudg. 9. 50 , 54. with 2 Sam. 11. 21. ] After Abimelech , Year of the World 2772. a. Tolah , the son of Puar , of the tribe of Isacar , judged Israel 23 years , [ Iudg. 10. 12. ] Argon , Year of the World 2781 the son of Ninus , The Julian Period 3491 after the Aryadans first reigned in Sardis : Year before Christ 1223 whose posterity held the kingdom of Lydia , by the space of 505 years , two and twenty generations ; the son ever succeding the father in his throne : down to Candaules the son of Myrsus , Herod . lib. 1. c. 7. Semiramis , Year of the World 2789 the daughter of Derces , wife , first of Menon , afterward of Ninus , reigned over all Asia , save onley India , and lived sixty two years , whereof she reigned forty two , as Diodorus Siculus reports in the second book of his Bibliothcea : out of Cresias Cnidius : where out of the same Cresias , he setteth out at large , her noble Acts , especially against Strabrobates King of Indea : though Megasthenes , who writes expressely of the Indian affairs , as we find in Strabo , lib. 15. and in Arrianus , in his book , De Indicis saith , that she dyed before she ever came into India . Herod . lib. 1. cap. 184. reporteth , that she cast up huge works round about Babylon ; whereas formerly the river ( Euphrates ) was wont to overflow all the lower parts thereof : and Justin also , speaking of her , lib. 10. out of Trogus Pompeius , speaketh in this wise . This Semiramis , built Babylon , and walled it round with bricks : laying the stones with brimstone , instead of sand ; which brimstone riseth naturally out of the earth , every where in those parts . This Queen did many other very memorable acts : for not content to keep what her husband had got , she added also , Ethiopia to her dominions , she also made war upon India ; which never any set foot in besides her self ; and Alexander the great . Where yet we must note , that besides these two , Dionysius also , al. Bacchus , is reported by all other writers , to have conquered India ; as for that tale which goes of her enclosing of Babylon , with a wall of brick , it is indeed generally ●o said , when in truth it was the work of Nebucadnezar , and his daughter in law , N●ctoris many ages after . But for that lie of her first building of Babylon , reported by Diodorus and Trogus , as also by Strabo , in his second and sixteenth books of his Geography , it is evidently refuted , not onely by the sacred History of the book of [ Gen. c. 11. ] but also out of Eupolemus , who in his book , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in Eusebius , lib. 9. Preparat . Evangel . saith , that it was first built by those , which escaped the deluge ; and out of Erranius , mentioned by Stephanus Byzantinus , in his book , de Vrbibus , in the word Babylon : and Eustatius in Dionys. Perieg . p. 126. where he notes , that Babylon was built 1002 years before Semyramis was borne ; who if he had said 1022 years , ( as perhaps he did ) had not much varied from the Babylonish Calendar or account , sent from thence by Calisthenes , ( which I m●ntioned before ) out of Porphyrie , upon the year of the world , 1770. The same Porphyrie also , lib. 4. cont . Christianos , cited by Eusebius . lib. 1. Prepar . Evangel . speaking of one Sancuniathon Berution , a most ancient writer , of the first origin , or beginning of the Phenicians , saith , that he took his argument or matter from Hierombal ( which comes very near to the name of Jerubbaal , of whom I spake before , to the year of the world 2759 ) a Priest of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of Jevo , al. Jehova , the God of the Jews , which History of his was dedicated to Abibalus , King of the Berutians , and he sayes further , that this Sancuniathon , lived in the dayes of Semyranis , Queen of the Assyrians ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( i.e. ) who is said to have been before the Troian wars , or about that very time : which very well agreeth with my account : which , allowing her to have out-lived the destruction of Troy eleven years , shews , that she was in her prime both before , and at the time of the war at Troy. Eli , Year of the World 2790. a. the Priest was borne , for he dyed at the age of 98 years , [ 1 Sam. 14. 15. ] in the year of the world , 2888. When Tola was dead , Year of the World 2795. a. and buried at Shamir , The Julian Period 3504 in mount Ephraim , Year before Christ 1210 there succeeded after him , Jair a Gileadite , of the tribe of Manasses , beyond Jordan , who judged Israel , 22 years , [ Iudges 10. 1 , 2 , 3. ] and was descended of that Jair , who having taken the cities of Argob , called them after his own name , Havoth-Jair , [ Numb . 32. 41. Deut. 3. 14 ] after whose example , the thirty sons of this second Jair ; ( who , to difference him from the former , [ 1 Sam. 12. 11. and 1 Chron. 7. 17. ] seemeth to have been surnamed Bedan ; called likewise the 30 cities , which they possessed by the name of Havoth-Jair , [ Judg. 10. 4. ] The Israelites , Year of the World 2799 a. for saking the true God , and falling to worship the gods of several nations , were given up into the hands of the Philistines , and of the Ammonites , which fifth thraldom of theirs , lasted 18 years , [ Iudg. 10. 8. ] ending with the victory , which was gotten over the Ammonites , in the beginning of Jepthaes ruling over the Israelites . Was the fifth Jubile . Year of the World 2805 a. The Julian Period 3414 Year before Christ 1200 This year , Year of the World 2816 d. to wit , The Julian Period 3516 on the eighth of their thraldom , Year before Christ 1188 when the enemies had crushed the Isralites , which dwelt beyond Jordan , to pieces , and the Ammonites had passed the river also , to set upon Juda and Benjamin and Ephraim , whom the Philistins had already sorely harrowed , the Israelites calling upon God , were grievously rebuked by him , yet at length shewing their repentance and abandoning their Idols , obteined mercy , [ Iudg 10. 8. ] Jair dyed , Year of the World 2817. a. and was buried at Camon , [ Iudg. 10. 5. ] The same year , the Ammonites camping in Gilead , and the Israelites in Mispah , which is also in Gilead , [ Iudg. 10. 17. and chap. 11. 11. ] Jephtha the Gileadite , being called by the men of Gilead , was made Captain of the host of Israel . He , when he had tryed all fair means with the Ammonites , and could do no good with them , made war upon them , and subdued them . But returning from the battle , vowed his daughter unawares to be offered in sacrifice to God , and put to the sword 42000 Ephramites , who had behaved themselves somewhat insolently against him , and judged Israel six years , [ Iudg. 11. and 12. 6 ; 7. ] Troy was destroyed by the Greeks 408 years before the first Olympiade . Year of the World 2820. c. The Julian Period 3530 Year before Christ 1184 When Jephtha was dead , Year of the World 2823. d. and buried in Gilead , The Julian Period 3539 Ibzan , Year before Christ 1175 the Bethleamite , judged Israel seven years , [ Iudg. 12. 7 , 8 , 9. ] Ibzan deceasing and being buried at Bethlehem , Year of the World 2830. a. Elon the Zabulonite succeded him , The Julian Period 3539 who judged Israel 10 years , Year before Christ 1175 [ Iudg. 12. 10 , 11. ] Semiramis , Year of the World 2831 when she would have lain with her son , was by him slain , having held that kingdom 42 years after Ninus , Justin lib. 1. cap. 2. and although it be a thing scantly credible , that a woman of 62 years of age , should affect such a prodigious act of incest , yet it seemeth that St. Austin , lib. 18. de Civita . Dei , believed it ; but of Semiramis her death , you may read more in Diodor. Sicu . lib. 2. Biblio . Her son and successor in the kingdom , Ninus or Ninyas , resting content with the Empire , which his parents had gotten , laid aside all cares of military affairs , and , as if he had changed sexes with his mother , seldom came in company , or sight of men ; spent his age in the company of women and Eunuchs , Iustin. lib. 1. cap. 2. out of Trogus , Diodor. Sic. lib. 2. and Atheneus lib. 12. out of Ctesias , lib. 3. Persicorum . Elon being dead , Year of the World 2840. a. and buried at Ajalon in the tribe of Zabulon , The Julian Period 3549 Abdon the Ephramite , Year before Christ 1155 the son of Hillel the Pirathonite succeded him , and judged Israel eight years , [ Judg. 12. 12 , 13 , 14. Abdon deceased , Year of the World 2848. a. a. c. and was buried at Pirathon in mount Ephraim , The Julian Period 3557 [ Iudg. Year before Christ 1157 12. 15. ] and after him came Eli , the High Priest ( in whom the High Priesthood , was translated from the stock of Eleazer to Ithamar ) and he judged Israel 40. years , [ 1 Sam. 4. 18. ] But Israel falling to sin again , were delivered up by God into the Philistins hands : which lasted likewise 40 years ; The Julian Period 3558 [ Iudg. Year before Christ 1156 13. 1. ] which terme of their sixth thraldom , as we make to end seven moneths after the death of Eli , when the Ark was brought back again , so in like manner , we make it to have begun seven moneths after he began to judge Israel , to wit , Year of the World d. about the beginning of the third moneth , which was , afterward called Sivan . The Angel appearing to the wife of Manoa , of the tribe of Dan , at Zora , told her , that she hiterto barren , should yet conceive and bear a son , who should be a perpetual Nazarite : and should begin to deliver Israel out of the hands of the Philistins , [ Iudg. 13. 5. ] Sampson the Nazarite , Year of the World 2849. b. as the Angel had foretold , The Julian Period 3559 was born at Zora , Year before Christ 1155 [ Iudg. 13. 24. for since it appeareth , that he was conceived after their fourty years thraldom , by the Philistins begun , [ the same chap. v. 1. 5. ] and likewise , that he avenged the Israelites twenty years , in the time of the Philistins , as is possitively said , [ Iudg. 15. 20. ] it is manifest , that the time of his brith , cannot be put off to any further day , unlesse we will imagine , that he began to be an avenger of Israel , before he was 18 years old . Was the sixth Jubile . Year of the World 2854. a The Julian Period 3563 Year before Christ 1151 Whiles Eli the High Priest executing the office of a judge in civill causes , Year of the World 2867. d. under the Philistins , The Julian Period 3577 Sampson picking a quarrel against him by occasion of a marriage , Year before Christ 1137 which he had contracted with a woman of Timnah , began to play the part of an avenger of the Israelites , being then about 22 years of age , [ Iudg. 14. 4. ] for when , on the day of his betrothing , he had killed a Lion , having nothing in his hand , and there of made a riddle : at the wedding feast , he propounded it to the guests , with a wager : which when he had lost , because his wife had told them what the meaning of the riddle was , in a rage , he went and slew thirty men of Ascalon , & gave them the suits of raiment , which he had stript off their bodies , in performance of the wager , which he had lost ; and so returned home to his father . Sampson again in harvest-time , Year of the World 2868. c. went to present his wife with a kid , The Julian Period 3578 at his fathers house ; Year before Christ 1136 but found that she was otherwise disposed of , and given away to another man in marriage , whereof he resolved to be revenged : and catching three hundred Foxes , and tying firebrands to their tailes , turned them all going into the Philistines corne-fields , and vineyards , and olive-gardens , and set them all on fire : whereat the Philistines being moved to wrath , took Sampson's wife , and father in law , and consumed them with fire . In revenge whereof , Sampson slew a great multitude of them , and sate down upon the rock of Etam : from whence being taken by three thousand of the Jews , and by them delivered into the hands of the Philistines , he slew of them a thousand men with the jaw-bone of an asse . In which place called Lechi from that jaw-bone , God at the prayer of Sampson , opened a hole in the earth , and made it a Fountain ( called Enhaccore , ( i. ) the Fountain of him which called upon God ; ) with the water whereof , he refreshed himself when he was thirsty , and ready to saint , [ Judg. 15. ] Sampson being betrayed by Dalilah his concubine , Year of the World 2887. c. d. and despoiled of the hair of his Nazariteship , The Julian Period 3597 Year before Christ 1177 is delivered to the Philistines : who plucking out his eyes , carried him away prisoner to Gaza , and put him there in prison , fast bound with chaines of brasse : where his hair growing again , and his strength withal renewing , he pulled down the Temple of Dagon , whiles the Princes of the Philistines , with a great multitude of the people which were therein ; being more men killed with the fall thereof , and himself for company , than he had slain in all his life before : and he was buried with his father , between Zoar and Eshtalon , when he had been the Avenger of the Israelites 20 years , [ Judg. 16. 30 , 31. ] The Israelites ( taking courage , Year of the World 2888. a. as it seemeth , by this great losse of the Philistines , ) gathered together and pitched near unto Eben-Eser ( for so it was called by the Prophet Samuel , when twenty years after this time , the Philistines were by him overthrown in the the very self same place ) [ 1 Sam. 7. 12. ] and there the Israelites lost 4000. men . And when they had sent for the Ark of the Covenant from Shiloh to be brought into the Camp ; the Philistines seeing that now all lay at stake , upon that battel ; encouraged one another to play the men that day , least ( said they ) we be forced hereafter to live in thraldom , under the Hebrews , as they hitherto have done under us . And so falling on , they slew in that second battel , 30 thousand of the Israelites . The Ark of God was taken by them , Hophin and Phineas , Priests , the sons of Eli , were there slain ; of all which , when tydings came to Eli , with the very fright thereof amazed , he fell off from his chair backward , and brake his neck : his daughter in law also , the wife of his son Phineas , hearing thereof , fell in travel of the child she went with ; and being delivered of a son , called Ichabod , gave up the ghost , [ 1 Sam. 4. ] But the Philistines having gotten the Ark into their hands , carried it to Azotus , and placed it in the Temple of their god Dagon . But when Dagon had been found two several times fallen groveling before it upon the ground , and the inhabitants of the place , partly died of the plague , and partly were struck with the filthy emetauds in their secret parts , [ Psal. 78. 66. ] they removed it from thence , to the Gittites first , and afterward to the Ekronites : But when the same plagues or judgements followed , where ever it went ; after seven moneths space , by the advice of their Priests , the Philistines , they sent home the Ark again with presents , and gifts , into the land of the Israelites ; where the men of Beth-Shemish , in the time of wheat-harvest , ( which was toward our Whitsontide , and about the beginning of the third moneth ) who would needs be peeping into the Ark , were striken , and perished , to the number of fifty thousand and seventy souls , [ 1 Sam. 5. and chap. 6. 1 , 13 , 19. ] From thence therefore the Ark was removed , and carried to the house of Aminadab in Gibeah , al. the Hill of the city of Kirioth-jarin , [ 1 Sam. 7. 1 , 2. 2 Sam. 6. 3 , 4. ] which standing in the Tribe of Juda , was called also Baala , and Kiriath-Baal , [ 1 Chron. 13. 6. Iosh. 5. 9. 60. ] yet all this while the Tabernacle , and the Worship of God therein used , continued still in Shiloh of the Tribe of Ephraim , [ Judg. 18. 31. with 1 Sam. 14. 3. ] Barzillai the Gileadite was born ; Year of the World 2894. c. for he was 80 years of age , The Julian Period 3604 when Absalom rebelled against his father , Year of the World 2903. a. [ 2 Sam. 19. 35. ] Was the seventh Jubilie . The Julian Period 3612 Year before Christ 1102 For twenty years together after the Ark came to Kiriath-Jearim , Year of the World 2908. c. [ 1 Sam. 7. 2. ] the Israelites were grievously oppressed by the Philistines ; The Julian Period 3618 but being at length perswaded by Samuel , Year before Christ 1096 they returned to the Lord ; and having first abandoned all their Idols , came together at Mispah : where they are said to have drawn water , ( i. ) to have drawn teares from the bottom of their hearts , and to have poured them out before the Lord , [ verse 6. ] using withal , perhaps , some external effusion or powring forth of water , to represent and signifie their inward repentance and mourning , for their sins : as may be gathered [ 2 Sam. 14. 14. ] which yet some will rather have to be understood of the Repentants themselves , out of [ Gen. 35. 2. and out of Exod. 19. 14. ] But upon this conversion of theirs ; God by thunder from heaven immediately delivered the people of the Israelites from the invasion of the Philistines , [ 1 Sam. 7. 10. compared with Iosh. 10. 10 , 11. ] with which terrible thunder from God , the Philistines being affrighted , quitted all the cities of the Israelites , which formerly they held , [ 1 Sam. 7. 14. ] leaving certain small garrisons , and that , in some few places onely , [ 1 Sam. 10. 5. ] and came no more to invade their borders ; because they saw that the hand of the Lord was against them all the dayes of Samuel , [ 1 Sam. 7. 12. ] to wit , till Saul came to be King : under whom , they returned again , and grievously oppressed Israel , as we shall see anon . Meane while , Samuel , being now grown old , and desirous to take his ease , took for his Assistants , his two sons ; that they might judge the people at Beersheba , who yet walked not in their fathers wayes ; but for rewards and bribes perverted judgement , [ 1 Sam. 8. 1 , 2 , 3. ] But , that he put not off the whole office of Judicature to his sons , is manifest out of , [ chap. 7. 15 , 16 , 17. ] for there it appears , that he continued his custom of judging the people by himself to the very last . Now after that , Year of the World 2909. c. when not onely his sons , The Julian Period 3619 but King Saul himself , Year before Christ 1095 also came to the government of things , the Israelites began to make light of the good old man ; which troubled him , and offended God , [ 1 Sam. 8. 6 , 8. ] grounding their dislike , upon the ill carriage and behaviour of his sons ; who at their very first enterance into the government , ( at what time Rulers , which are none of the best , yet use commonly to shew a little moderation ) brake out into all excesse , which the people greedily laid hold on , and desired a new form of government , and to have a King , as other Nations had [ chap. 8. 4 , 5. ] of which Innovation , there was yet another , and in truth , a more urgent cause : which was , that whereas the Philistines kept still some footing , and garrisons in their land : the fame also went , that Naash , King of the Ammorites made great levies of men , and preparations for war against them ; which fear sinking deep into them , they resolved to relie no longer , neither upon Samuels wisdom , nor yet upon the power or providence of God , who yet had hitherto been their King and Avenger , of which they had so late an experiment , in sending the Philistines packing out of their coasts : but cast off both , and desired to have a King , [ 1 Sam , 12. 12 , 17 , 19. ] whereupon God gave them a King in his wrath , [ Hos. 13. 10 , 11. ] to wit , Saul , the son of Kish , of the Tribe of Benjamin , by the space of fourty years , [ Acts 13. 21. ] of which age , when his son Ishbosheth who succeeded him in the Kingdom , is said to have been , [ 2 Sam. 2. 11. ] it is manifest , that he was then also born into the World. Saul therefore was first anointed privately , and afterward publickly , and before all the people , made and proclaimed King at Mispa , by Samuel , who from the death of Eli , to this time , had judged Israel one and twenty years , 1 Sam. 10. 1 , 24 , 25. ] And not long after , as appeares , [ chap : 12. 12. 16. ] to wit , about one moneth , ( as the Septuagint , and Iosephus , lib. 6. Antiquit. expressely have it ) Jabesh Gilead was besieged by Naash King of the Ammonites ; and the siege was raised by Saul , who there put the Ammonites to flight : whereupon all the whole Congregation of Israel coming together at Gilgal , Saul was there again made and proclaimed King , [ chap. 10. 14 , 15. ] Samuel meane while protesting of his sincerity in the execution of his place and function , and complaining of the wrong that had been done him , and terrifying the people on the one side with the raine and thunder which fell upon them in the time of wheat-harvest , and recomforting them on the other , with the promises of Gods mercies , [ chap. 12. v. 17. ] from whence it appeareth , that all this fell out , about our Whitsontide , or feast of Pentecost , and beginning of the third moneth ; one and twenty years after the bringing again of the Ark out of the country of the Philistines , at the very self same season of the year , [ 1 Sam. 6. 13. ] from all which , as we gather , that full twenty years passed between the bringing back of the Ark , and the subdueing of the Philistines out of the , [ seventh chap. v. 2 , 13. ] so that there passed one whole year , between the ridding of the Philistines out of the land of Israel , and the declaring of Saul to be King , we gather out of those words of the thirteeneth chapter , first verse ; Filius anni erat Saul , cum regnaret ipse , & duobus annis regnavit super Israelem ( i. ) Saul was the son of one year when he reigned ; and reigned two years over Israel . Of which word , there can be no fitter sense rendered , than this ; that after the Philistines were subdued by Samuel , there had passed one year , when Saul began to reigne : and that then he reigned two year free from the subjection of the Philistines . For shortly after , Year of the World 2915. c. Saul was put from the Kingdom again by the Philistines , The Julian Period 3621 and the Israelites again grievously enthraled by them : Year before Christ 1093 Which yoke being again shaken off , Saul is said to have gotten the Kingdom : that is , to have recovered it again , out of the Philistines hands , [ 1 Sam. 14. 47. ] Now that this thraldom cotinued many years upon them , appeareth by this : that whereas it began eight years before David was borne , yet before it ended , Samuel prophesied and foretold of his succeeding after Saul in the Kingdom . The Lord hath sought him a man according to his own heart , and God hath commanded him to be Ruler our his people , [ 1 Sam. 13. 14. ] For the Philistines , to put them out of all possibility of any more rebelling against them , for want of armes , had taken from them all kind of smithes : so that when afterward , notwithstanding they did rise and came to fight ; none of the people , but onely Saul and Jonathan his son , had either sword or speare to bring into the field against them , [ 1 Sam. 13. 19 , 22. ] Jessai the Ephrathite in his old age , Year of the World 2919. c. [ 1 Sam. 17. 12. ] had his youngest son David born at Bethlehem ; The Julian Period 3629 which was therefore afterward called The City of David , Year before Christ 1085 [ 1 Sam. 20. 6. and Luke 2. 4. ] thirty years before he succeeded Saul in the Kingdom , [ 2 Sam. 5. 4. with 1 Sam. 16. 1. ] God having now rejected Saul , Year of the World 2941. c. and debarred his race and family from succeeding in the Kingdom , The Julian Period 3651 sent Samuel , Year before Christ 1063 after his long mourning for Saul , to Bethlehem , there to anoint David to be King , fourty years before the rebellion of Absolom , [ 1 Sam. 16. 1. with 2 Sam. 15. 7. ] who being , A lovely keeper of a lovely flock , was called from keeping his fathers sheep , [ 1 Sam. 16. 13. ] and preferred before his elder brethren ; and being anointed in their presence , [ 1 Sam. 16. 13. ] incurred their envy , [ chap. 17. 28. ] no lesse than Joseph did of his brethren : and at last , was set over the Tribe of Judah , at the same age that Ioseph was made Ruler over all Egypt , [ Gen. 41. 46. ] Meanewhile , from the very day of his anointing , the Spirit of God came upon him ; to wit , the spirit of courage and wisdom , [ 1 Sam. 18. 5 , 13. 2 Sam. 5. 2. ] In both which respects , even while Saul lived , he was made General over all Israel , [ 1 Sam. 18 ▪ 5. 13. and 2 Sam. 5. 2. ] and withal grew a great Warriour , to fight the Lords battels , [ 1 Sam. 25 ▪ 28. ] and besides was a Prophet , and made the sweet Singer of Israel ; as one , who by his divine Psalms should teach and instruct the people of God to the end of the worl● , [ Acts 2. 30. 2 Sam. 23. 1 , 2. ] Mephibosheth , who was also called Meribbaal , [ 1 Chron. 18. 34. and 9. 40. ] the son of Ionathan was borne five years before the death of his father , [ 2 Sam. 4. 4. ] David fearing he might at last fall into Sauls hands , Year of the World 2944. c. fled to Gath , The Julian Period 3654 ( whither he had also formerly retired himself , Year before Christ 1060 1 Sam. 21. 10. ) unto King Achish , carrying with him , six hundred men : and having obtained of him the town of Ziglag to dwell in , he continued one year and four moneths in the land of the Philistines : from whence , making often inroads upon the Geshuri●es , and Gersites , and the Amalekites , he put to sword all , both men and women , not leaving one alive to carry news thereof to King Achish , of what he had there done , [ 1 Sam. 27. 1 , 2 , 6 , 7 , 8 , &c. ] Whiles David was at Z●glag , there repaired to him , of the kindred of Saul , many valiant men of the Tribe of Benjamin , as also of the Tribe of God , sundry principal souldiers , which came over Iordan to him in the first moneth , at what time it overflowed all his banks , with divers other Captains and Commanders of the Tribes of Benjamin and suda [ 1 Chron. 12. 1 , 15 , 18. ] King Achish purposing with his army of Philistines to invade the Israelites ; Year of the World 2949. c. took David along with him in that voyage , [ 1 Sam. 2● . 1 , 2. ] and to him whiles he was upon his march with his six hundred men , repaired sundry others of the Tribe of Manasses , and joyned with him , [ 1 Chron. 1● . 19. ] and the Philistines were then encamped at Shunem : but the Israelites , in Gilboa , [ 1 Sam. 28. 4. ] Saul seeing the Army of the Philistines , fell into a fear , and sought counsell from the Lord : But receiving no answer from him , neither by dream , neither yet by Urim , nor by his Prophets : leaving him , he went to Endor by night , to consult with a Witch there : where by a vision of Samuel raised by her , he received that dreadful doome . God shall deliver Israel , together with thy self , into the hands of the Philistines : and to morrow , thou and thy children shall be with me , [ 1 Sam. 28. 5 , 6 , 19. and 1 Chron. 10. 13 , 14. ] While David was away upon his march , the Amalekites took Ziglag ; plundred it , and burnt it : carrying away with them among the rest , Davids two Wives , Ahinoam of Iezrael , and Abigal , the relict of Nabal , [ 1 Sam. 30. ] Saul returning the same night from the Witch , the Israelites removed to the Fountain of Iezrael , and the Philistines to Aphek : where the Princes of the Philistines growing jealous of David , he and his company early the next morning , left their army , and returned towards Ziglag ; and the Philistines in this interim , marched up to Iezrael , to fight with the Israelites , [ 1 Sam. 28. 25. and 29. 1 , 3 , 10 , 11. ] whence it appear , that Saul and his sons , were not slain the next day after his communication with the apparition of Samuel ( for all that day David was in the army of the Philistines ) but some while after his departure from them . When David was upon his return to Ziglag , there came unto him seven Colonels of the Manassi●es , [ 1 Chron. 12 , ●0 , 2● . ] where arriving the third day after , and finding the tovvn plundred and c●ns●med vvith fire ; he left tvvo hundred of his Company , vvhich vvere tired in the march , at the brook B●zor ; and vvith the other four hundred he followed after the Amalekites , and overtaking them , slew them , from the twilight of the first day , to the evening of the next ; and having recovered all that was lost , returned home w●●h joy , [ 1 Sam. 30. ] The Host of Israel being wholy routed , the three sons of Saul , Jonathan , Aminidab , and Milch●shu● , were there also slain ; Saul , and the Squire of his body fell upon their own swords . The day following , the Philistines having taken off the head of Saul , hung up his armour in the temple of their Ido Ashtaroth ; and the bodies of him , and his three sons , upon the walls of Bethshemish : But the men of Jabesh Gilead , remembring the favour which Saul at the entrance of his reigne had done unto them , stole away their bodies from thence and burnt them ; and buried their bones under an oak at Jabesh , and kept a fast for them seven dayes long , [ 1 Samuel 31. verse 1. 1 Chron. 10. ] Mephibosheth , the son of Jonathan , who was now slaine , when his nurse , upon the tydings thereof , fled away with him , in a great fright and haste , fell out of her armes , and became lame of his feet ever after , [ 2 Sam. 4. 4. ] David returning from the slaughter of the Amalekites , three dayes after heard of the defeat of the Army of the Israelites , by a boy of the Amalekites , who was in the fight : and brought Sauls Crown , and the Bracelet of his arme ( both which he had taken off from Sauls body , ) unto him , [ 2 Sam , 1. 1. ] From which so late tydings , though brought with all speed , coming unto David , it is gathered , that the defeat in Gilboa , happened some number of dayes after Davids leaving the Army of the Philistines . Nor may any man marvel , that the battel was so long after delayed , when we read , that the Syrians also long after that , encamping against the Israelites at the same place of Aphek , sate there seven dayes , and upon the seventh , joyned battel with them , [ 1 Reg. 20. 26 , 29. ] David having put to death the Amalekite who professed that he had slain Saul , lamented the death of Saul and Jonathan , and of the people of God in a funeral Song , [ 2 Sam. 1. ] And when the companies of the Israelites Army came daily flocking to him , [ 1 Chron. 12. 22. ] asking counsel first of God , he went up to Hebron with those which were about him and their families : where being anointed King by the men of his own Tribe , when he was now thirty years of age ; he reigned over Judah by the space of seven years and six moneths , [ 2 Sam. 2. 1 , 3 , 4 , 11. and chap. 5. 4 , 5. ] Abner , who was formerly the chief of Sauls gendarmery , carrying Ishbosheth Sauls son to Mahanaem , there made him King over the rest of Israel ; who being then fourty years old , is said to have reigned two years over Israel , [ 2 Sam. 2. 8 , 9 , 10. ] to wit , quietly , and without any quarrel with the house of David : as also his fathers two years reigne is meant of his reigne free and uncumbred by the Philistines ; as was said before , [ 1 Sam. 13. 1. ] David sent messengers to the men of Jabesh Gilead , thanking them for the kindnesse which they had shewed to their Lord and Master Saul ; and to let them know , that the kingdom of Juda was settled upon him , [ 2 Sam. 2. 5 , 6 , 7. ] wherein the better to strengthen himself , he contracted affinity with Tolmaie , King of Geshur , and married his daughter Maacah : which bare unto him , Absalom and Thamar , [ 2 Sam. 3. 3. and 13. 1. ] After the two years quiet reigne of Ishbosheth over Israel , Year of the World 2951. c. there grew a long war between his partakers , The Julian Period 3661 and the partakers of David : Year before Christ 1053 Joab the son of Zervia , Davids sisters son , bearing up the one side , and Abner the other : and sundry battels and skirmishes passed between them ; yet so , as that Davids party waxed every day stronger and stronger , and the other weaker and weaker , [ 2 Sam. 2. 26. and chap. 3. 1. ] Was the eighth Jubilie . Year of the World 2952. a. Abner being used with some disgrace by Ishbosheth , Year of the World 2956. d. revolted from him , The Julian Period 3666 and fell over to David : Year before Christ 1048 and dealt with the chief Men and Heads of Israel , to transfer the whole kingdom unto David , and this , in the hearing of the Benjaminites , [ 1 Sam 25. 44. 2 Sam. 3. 14 , 15. ] Michal Davids wife , whom her father Saul after David was fled , had given in marriage unto Phaltrel ; upon Davids demand , was sent back to him by Ishbosheth , [ 1 Sam. 25. 44. 2 Sam. 3. 14 , 15. ] Abner coming with a traine of twenty men unto David , was by him received and feasted ; and returning from him in peace , was upon the way treacherously slaine by Joab ; and with great mourning and lamentation made over him by David , was buried at Hebron , [ 2 Sam. 2. ] When all Israel was troubled at the death of Abner , Bahana and Recab , of the Tribe of Benjamin , murdered their Lord and Master Ishbosheth , as he lay resting himself on his bed in the heat of the day : and bringing his head to David , were for their pains by him put to death , [ 2 Sam. 4. ] The Captains and Elders of all the Tribes coming to Hebron , made David now a third time , an anointed King over all Israel , [ 1 Chron. 12. from verse 23. to the end of that chapter , with chap. 11. 1 , 2 , 3. and 2 Sam. 5. 1 , 2 , 3. ] David with all Israel marched to Jerusalem against the Jebusites ; Year of the World 2957. a. and there took the Fort of Sion , by the special service of Joab ; and from thence , that was called the City of David , no lesse than Bethlehem , where he was borne . And making Jerusalem the seat of his Kingdom , reigned there over all Israel , the terme of 33. years , [ 2 Sam. 5. 5 , 6 , 7 , 9. 1 Chron. 11. 4 , 5 , 6 , 7. ] The Philistins hearing that David was , The Julian Period 3667 by the general consent of the tribes , Year before Christ 1407 made King overall Israel , led their army twice against him to the valley of the Raphaeàns : and were twice beaten by him , [ 2 Sam. 5. 1 Chron. 14. ] where when David , in the time of harvest , desired a draught of water , out of the well at Bethlehem ; and three most valiant Captains of his arme , to pleasure him , brake through the host of the enemy to fetch it , and brought it to him , he would not drink it , [ 2 Sam. 23. 13. 1 Chron. 11. 15. ] David built the City of Sion round about , Year of the World 2958. b. as well the fortification , The Julian Period 3668 as the houses within , Year before Christ 1046 and Joab repaired the rest of the City , [ 2 Sam. 5. 9. 1 Chron. 11. 8. ] Hiram sent messengers to David , and cedar wood , and Carpenters and Masons , who built him his house , [ 2 Sam. 5. 11. 1 Chron. 14. 1. ] The Arke of the Covenant , Year of the World 2059 which in the first Sabbatical year , The Julian Period 3669 was brought from Gilgalto to Siloh , Year before Christ 1045 was this year , being also a sabbatical year , brought from Kiriath-jearim ( whither it was removed from Shiloh 70 years before ) out of the house of Abinadab , thirty thousand choice men out of all Israel , attending on it , and singing the 68 Psalm , as may probably be collected out of the first verse thereof , because taken out of that forme of praier which was appointed by Moses , to be used and sung at every removal of the Arke , [ Numb . 10. 35. ] and was carried first to the house Obed-Edom ; and after three months , removed into the City of David , or the fort of Sion , David himself rejoycing before it , and singing that of [ Psalm , 132. 8. ] which Solomon his son in the year of Jubilie next following , when he brought the Arke into the Sanctum Sanctorum of the Temple , repeated , viz. Arise O Lord into thy resting place , thou and the Arke of thy strength : with the rest there found , concerning the same Ark , [ v. 60. ] Behold we ( i.e. the men of Bethlem dwelling thereby ) have heard of it at Ephrata ( our own Country ) and found it in the fields of Jair , or the wood ; i.e. In the hill of Kiriath-jearim , for that signifies a City , bordering upon woods , and again , [ v. 13 , 14. ] The Lord hath chosen Sion , for an habitation for himself ; saying , This is my rest for ever here will I dwell , for I have a delight therein : whence it is , that the Arke is said There to have rested , [ 1 Chron. 6. 31. ] being received into the new Tabernacle which David had prepared for it at Jerusalem , [ 3 Sam. 6. 17. 1 Chron. 16. 1. 2 Chron. 1. 4. ] For the Tabernacle of the Congregation built by Moses , with the brazen altar , whereon was offered the daily sacrifice , remained at Gibeon ( which was likewise in the Tribe of Judah , and stayed no longer in Shilo , which was in the tribe of Ephraim ) untill the Temple of Solomon was built , [ 1 Chron. 6. 32 , 48. 49. 1 Chron. 16. 39 , 40. and 21. 29. 16. 2 Chron. 1. 3 , 5 , 6. 1 Reg. 3. 2 , 4. ] And so the Arke , being removed out of the Tribe of Joseph , of which Ephra●m was a part , into the Tribe of Judah , Shilo from thence forth lay neglected , [ Psal. 78. 63 , 64. Ier. 7. 12 , 14. and Ier. 26. 6. ] David now dwelling in his house of cedar , Year of the World 2960. d. which he had built , The Julian Period 3670 and living in a full and perfect peace , Year before Christ 1044 imparted unto Nathan the Propher , the purpose he had of building a house for God : but was answered from God , that thi● was a work which should be done , not by him , because he was a man of blood , and trained up wholy in warlike affaires , but by his son Solomon a man of peace , which should be borne unto him , [ 2 Sam. 7. 1 , 2 , 11 , 13. 1 Chr. 17. and c. 22. 8 , 9 , ●0 . and c. 24. 3 , 6. and 2 Chron. 6. 8 , 9. 1 Reg. 8. 18 , 19. ] Now the time which passed from hence forward , till the birth of Solomon , was all taken up , and spent in wars ; wherein David subdued the Philistines , the Edomites , the Amalekites , the Moabites , the Ammonites , and the Syrians , [ 2 Sam. 8. 3. 1 Chron. 18. ] and the bounds of Israel stretched not only from Shicot in Egypt to Hamath , [ 1 Chron. 13. 5. ] but even from thence to the river Euphrates , and even to the borders of Syria Zobea , [ 2 Sam. 9. 3. ] which was the utmost bound of all that land , which had been formerly promised to the seed of Abraham , [ Gen. 15. 18. with Deut. 11. 24. and Ios. 1. 3 , 4. ] and never possessed by any of them , save only by David , and his son Solomon , [ 1 Reg. 4. 21 , 24. 2 Chron. 9. 28. ] At this time Hadad-ezer , al , Hadar-ezer ( for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with the Hebrews easily taken one for the other ) the son of Rehob , was King of Syria Zobea , and to him was joyned Rezon the son of Eliod with his forces out of Syria of Damascus when he was ready to fight against David , not far from the river Euphrates . But David having first routed Hadad-ezers army , slew afterward , two and twenty thousand of the Syrians of Damascrs , and put garrisons upon all that countrey : But when Rezon saw that David prevailed , he fell off from Hadad-ezer , and commanded , himself in chief , over such forces as he had newly raised ; and marching with them to Damascus , set up there a kingdome for himself , and his own posterity , who , we find , afterward proved very bitter enemies to Solomon , and the rest of the Kings of Israel , [ 2 Sam. 8. 5 , 6. 1 Reg. 11. 23 , 24 , 25. ] of this battel fought by David near unto the river Euphrates , Nicolaus Damascenus , in Josephus , ( lib. 7. Antiq. c. 6. al. 5. ) maketh mention , where he calleth this Rezon Adad ; and addeth , that he left this name to descend to his successors to the tenth generation , as Ptolomy did to his in Egypt . After Naash King of the Ammonites , Year of the World 2967. a. succeeded Hanun his son : The Julian Period 3676 Year before Christ 1038 who fowly abused such messengers , as David out of kindnesse had sent to comfort him over the death of his Father . Against him therefore Joab , The Julian Period 3677 sent by David , Year before Christ 1037 went and overthrew a huge army of the Ammonites , and Syrians , whom the Ammonites had in pay : and so returned with victory to Jerusalem , [ 2 Sam. 10. 1 Chron. 19 ] David passing over Jordan with his army , Year of the World 2968. b. made a vast slaughter of the Syrians , led by Shobach , General of the army of Hadad-ezer , King of Syria Zobea : whereupon followed a peace between David and the petty Kings of Syria ; so that they durst no more send aide to the Ammonites : but served him , [ 2 Sam. 10. 1 Chron. 19. ] At the end of this year , Year of the World 2969. b. what time kings use to go forth to battle , The Julian Period 3679 Joab , Year before Christ 1035 going with the army against the Ammonites , besieged Rabba , the head City of Ammon : whiles David took his ease at Jerusalem , [ 2 Sam. 11. 1. 1 Chron. 20. 1. ] and there defiled , by adultery , Bathsheba the wife of Uriah the Hittite , who was then in the army , and in consequence thereof , procured the husband to be slain by the hand of the Ammonites , [ 2 Sam. 11. ] When the child so gotten in adultery , Year of the World 2970. b. was born , The Julian Period 3680 David being convinced by Nathan the Prophet of his fault , Year before Christ 1034 repented him of his sin , and composed the 51 Psalm , for a memorial of it : yet the new born babe was taken away by death , [ 2 Sam. 12. ] Bathsheba , Year of the World 2971. a. being now his wife , The Julian Period 3681 bare David a son , unto whom , as to one who should prove a man of peace , Year before Christ 1033 God gave the name of Solomon , [ 1 Chron. 22. 9. ] and as to one beloved of God , the name of Jedidia , [ 2 Sam. 12. 25. ] Ammon , Year of the World 2972. c. Davids eldest son , The Julian Period 3682 deflowred his lifter Thamar . Year before Christ 1032 [ 2 Sam. 13. ] Ammon , Year of the World 2974. c. two years after that incestious rape of his , The Julian Period 3684 was slain by the setting on of his brother Absolom at the time of sheep-shearing , Year before Christ 1030 [ 2 Sam. 13. 23. ] to wit , at the end of the spring , at the second math of grasse , which was wont to be mowed before corne harvest , a little after the middest of the first month : as Codomanus upon this place noteth , out of [ Amos 7. 1. compared with Jos. 3. 15. and Jos. 4. 9. and Jos. 5. 10 , 11 , 12. ] But Absalom having done the deed , fled away to Geshur in Syria : where he continued 3 years with king Tolmay his grandfather by the mothers side , [ 2 Sam. 13. 37 , 38. and 15. 8. ] Absalom , Year of the World 2977. c. after three years exile , The Julian Period 3687 returned to Jerusalem : Year before Christ 1027 his father being then pacified towards him by the speech of the woman of Tekoa , set on work by Joab , [ 2 Sam. 13. 38. and 14. 1 , 23. ib. ] Absalom , Year of the World 2979 having set Joabs barly on fire , The Julian Period 3689 a little before harvest this year ( for the year following was a sabbatical year , Year before Christ 1025 wherein there was no harvest in Judea ) was by his means admitted to his fathers presence , whom he had not seen in two years after his return from exile , [ 2 Sam. 14. 28. 30 , 33. ] This sabattical year came between the burning of Joabs corn field , Year of the World 2980 and the rebellion of Absalom against his father : The Julian Period 3690 Year before Christ 1024 in which this rebellion , having gotten chariots , and horses , and a guard of ruffians about him , insinuated himself into the favour of the people , and stole away their hearts from his father David , [ 2 Sam. 13. 1. ] Fourty years after the anointing of David by Samuel , Year of the World 2981. c. Absalom , The Julian Period 3691 following the advise of his chief counselor Architophel , Year before Christ 1023 got himself into possession of his fathers kingdome , between Easter and Whitsontide ; as Codomanus gathers out of Barzillaie his furnishing of David ( when he fled ) with new fruits , and parched corne , [ 2 Sam. 17. 28 ] Against the practises of Absalom , and Architophel , David composed the 3 , and 55 Psalmes : Shime● also , of the Tribe of Benjamin , railed upon David , as he fled ▪ [ 2 Sam. 16. ] And Architophel seeing his counsel not followed by Absalom , went and hanged himself , [ 2 Sam. 17. ] Absalom , having lost twenty thousand men , fled , and a bough of a thick oake , catching hold of his long haire , he there hung between heaven and earth , and was thrust through and slain by Joab , [ 2 Sam. 18. ] After the victory thus gotten , David , by the men of Judah , and one half of the people of Israel , was brought home again ; and the Israelites mutining , because they had not had a chief hand in that work , a new rebellion grew thereon : which yet was soon over , by throwing the head of Sheba the son of Bicri , over the walls to Joab , by the inhabitants of Abel , [ 2 Sam. 19. 20. ] The harvest of this year failing , Year of the World 2983. c. there began a famine , The Julian Period 3693 which afflicted the land three years , Year before Christ 1021 for the bloud of the Gibionites , shed by Saul and his family , [ 2 Sam. 21. 1 , 2. ] The famine still continuing , Year of the World 2986. c. the G●beonites , The Julian Period 3696 in the beginning of barley harvest , Year before Christ 1018 hung up two sons , and five grand-children of Sauls : whose bodies , Rispa , Sauls concubine , watched , and kept from being devoured by ravenous birds or beasts , till water dropped upon them from heaven , [ 2 Sam. 21. 8 , 9 , 10. ] David caused the bone of Saul and Jonathan his son to be removed out of Jabesh Gilead , together with the bones of the seven that were hanged , and to be buried at Zela , in the sepulchre of Kish the father of Saul , [ 2 Sam. 21. 12 , 13 , 14. ] Many batteis were fought with the Philistims and their Giants ; in one whereof , David being now old , and fainting in the fight , was like to have been slaine by Ishibenod a Gyant , and hardlie escaped : and this was the last fight that ever David was in , in person , [ 2 Sam. 21. 1 Chron. 20. ] David , Year of the World 2987. d. what by the testation of Satan , what through his own ambition , would needs have the number of his people to be taken ; and thereby kindled the wrath of God against the Israelites : The number therefore throughout all the tribes , ( except the tribes of Levi , and Benjamin , [ 1 Chron. 21. 6. with chap. 27. 24. ] of all the men upwards of twenty years old , [ 1 Chron. 27 , 23. ] was taken . Which numbring , being finished in nine moneths and twenty dayes , [ 2 Sam. 24. 8. ] the choice , of famine , sword or Pestilence , was put unto him by Gad the prophet , [ 2 Sam. 2. 48. ] which famine was to be of three years continuance , to wit , one after another then immediatly following , as [ 1 Chron. 21. 12. ] or of seven years , as [ 2 Sam. 24. 13. ] to wit , counting the three years of famine preceding , and this present sabbatical year , ( which having no sowing , cannot repair the losses of the former years ) for a fourth , as it it had been said . Three years of famine , for the slaughter of the Gibeonites , are allready past : after which there was a harvest indeed ; but for want of seed , a very poor one , and no wayes able to supply the want of the two years following , which the intervening of the sabbatical year must needs draw with it ; so that the famine must needs continue still upon the land , especially upon the poorer sort therein , and now to these by-past years of famine , God proposeth unto thee three years more of famine , to chuse , if thou wilt . And the way or reason of reconciling these two differing places , hath especially moved me in this passage , to refer this history of Davids numbering the people , unto this Sabbathical year . Now of the three , David chose the plague ; whereof there dyed in one day seventy thousand men : and when the Angel was about to destroy Jerusalem , God of his mercy bade him hold his hand ; and withall , commanded David to offer whole burnt offerings , and peace-offerings in the threshing-floor of Araunah or Ornan the Jebusite , [ 2 Sam. 24. 1 Chron. 21. ] Year of the World 2988. a. David fore-seeing , that the house of God should be built in that threshing-floore of Araunah , [ 1 Chron. 22. 1. with 2 Chron. 3. 1. ] began presently to prepare materials necessary for so great a work , exhorting his Sonne Solomon , and all the Heads of Israel , to fall in hand with all their might , and to go thorough with it , The Julian Period 3698 [ 1 Chron. Year before Christ 1016 22. 1 , 2 , 3 , 17 , 18 , 19. ] He also taking the number of the Levites , first from thirty , then from twenty years old and upwards , divided them into many ranks , and appointed to every of them their several offices and established a set forme , both of ecclesiastical , and also of civil government , in the fortieth year of his reign , [ 1 Chron. 23. 2 , 27. and 24 , 25 , 26 , 31. ] to wit , in the beginning thereof , ( i.e. ) one year and an half before his death . Rehoboam was born unto Solomon by Naaman , an Ammonitish woman ; as being 40 one years old , when he began to reign , [ 1 Reg. 14. 21 , 1 Chron. 12. 13. ] for though Solomon called himself a little childe , [ 1 Reg. 3. 7. ] and David his father said , he was a child , young and tender , [ 1 Chron. 22. 5. and 29. 1. yet in another place , he termeth him a man of wisdom , [ 1 Reg. 2. 9. ] and this , before that great measure of knowledge and understanding was cast upon him over and above by God : which three things ; tender years , a son born , and perfect wisdom , no man may wonder to find attributed to Solomon , at eighteen years of age , when he sees the very same to be spoken afterward of King Josiah , The Julian Period 3699 at his age of sixteen , Year before Christ 1015 [ 2 Chron. 34. 1 , 2 , 3. with chap. 36. 5. ] David being now seventy years of age , Year of the World 2986. d. and broken with continual cares and wars , was grown so weak and feeble , that applying of warm cloaths , would hardly keep any heat in him : And therefore was there sought out Abishag , a young maiden , a Shunamite , to keep him warm : Year of the World c. and Adonias , seeing his father thus declining , by the counsaile and advice of Joab , and Abiathar , the High Priest made himself King : whereof , when David was advertized by Bathsheba , and Nathan , he presently caused his son Solomon to be apointed King by Zadock the Priest , and Nathan the Prophet , and Benajah , the son of Jehojada , in Gihon ; which so soon as Adonias heard , he presently fled , and took sanctuary ; and laying there hold on the horns of the altar , was pardoned by the grace and favour of Solomon , and set at liberty , [ 1 Reg. 1. ] David assembling all the Governours , Captains and Commanders of Israel , together with his sons and servants , exhorted them all to the fear and worship of God , and in special , Solomon his son to go in hand with the building of the temple : giving him in writing , the platform , or model , according to which it was to be coutrived and built , and consigning unto his hands gold and silver , by weight , for the making every vessel and implement for the use of the Temple [ 1 Chron. 28. ] after which , what by his example , what by his exhortation , he prevailed so far , that every man , cast in gold and silver , and brasse , and iron , and stones , all in great abundance towards the building of Gods house . And then , thanks first rendred unto God , the next day after , they offered a thousand young bullocks , a thousand rams , and a thousand lambs , with the meat-offerings thereunto belonging : and for a conclusion , made Solomon King the second time apointing him for their Sovereign King , and Zadock , for the High Priest , [ 1 Chron. 29. 1 , 23. ] David having given instructions to his son Solomon ; Year of the World 2990 a. departeth this life , [ 1 Reg. 2. 1 , 10. ] after he had reigned in Hebron seven years six moneths , and 33 years in Jerusalem , over all Israel , [ 2 Sam. 5. 5. ] of which the fourty years , which the Scriptures attribute to his reign , we must take for the terme which he reigned , before he made Solomon king in his roome ; and that he survived six moneths after : so that the years of Solomons reign , mentioned in the scripture , are to be reckoned from the first moneth , a full half year , before the decease of David . Adonias , Year of the World b. by the means , The Julian Period 3700 and intercession of Bathsheba , Year before Christ 1014 sueth to Solomon ; to give him Abishag the Shunamite to wise , and was therefore as one aspiring to the kingdom , put to death . Abiather of the race of Eli , was put from the High Priesthood ; and Zadock put in his room , who was descended from Phineas : as it was foretold by God , should come to passe , [ 1 Sam. 2. 33 , 35. ] and so the High Priesthood reverted from the family of Ithamar to the family of Eleazar , and there continued ; Joab for fear fled to the Tabernacle , where , having hold on the hornes of the taltar , he was slain by Benajah the son of Jehojada , who was forthwith made captain of the host , in his room by the king . But Shimei , who had heretofore railed upon David , was confined onely to his house , yet with this condition , that if at any time , he passed over the brook Kedron , he should die the death , [ 1 Reg. 2. ] Hadad the Edomite , hearing that Joab was dead , returned out of Egypt into his own country . Him God afterward , when Solomon began to follow after vanities , raised up an enemy unto him , [ 1 Reg. 11. 14 , 21. ] Pharaoh King of Egypt , Year of the World 3991. a. gave his daughter in marriage to Solomon , and gave her Gezer , a city sometime belonging to the tribe of Ephraim , [ Jos. 21. 21. ] but which he had taken from the Cananites , putting all the inhabitants to the sword , [ 1 Reg. 9. 16. ] and Solomon brought her into Sion , the palace of David , [ 2 Reg. 3. 1 , 2. 2 Chron. 8. 11. ] Salomon offered a thousand whole burnt-offerings at Gibeon , Year of the World c. where the Tabernacle then was , The Julian Period 3701 where , Year before Christ 1013 when God appearing to him in his sleep , and bad him chose , and ask what he would , and it should be given him ; he chose , and asked wisdom to be given him : God therefore gave him wisdom from above ; casting in all other gifts over and above : And of his wisdom , the first experiment was made , in deciding the controversie between the two women about the child , and that first gave him an opinion and reverence with the people , [ 1 Reg. 3. ] Solomon being visited by messengers sent from Hyram , Year of the World 2992. a. King of Tyre , desired further of him , to help him with timber , toward the building of the Temple : which Hyram , upon certain conditions , and consideration of paying for it , promised to doe , and did it , Solomon finding the work-men , over whom he had set pay-masters , and other officers to put on the work . The fifth Age of the World. IN the year 480. Year of the World c. from the coming of the children of Israel out of Egypt , The Julian Period 3702 in the fourth year of the reign of King Solomon , Year before Christ 1012 on the second day of the second moneth , which was then called Ziu ( of our May 21 , being munday ) the foundation of the temple was laid , [ 1 Reg. 6. 1 , 37. 2 Chron. 3. 2. ] Shim●i , Year of the World 2993. b. three years after he was commanded to keep him at Jerusalem , The Julian Period 3703 and not to go over the brook Kidron ; Year before Christ 1011 returning from Gath , from whence he had fetcht back two run-away servants of his , was put to death by Solomons command , [ 1 Reg. 2. 39. ] In the eleventh year of Solomons reign , Year of the World 3000. a. in the eighth moneth , The Julian Period 3709 which was called Bul. Year before Christ 1005 the building of the temple was finished with all things belonging thereunto : having been seven years and an half in working , [ 1 Reg. 6. 38. ] but the dedication of it was put off till the next year by season of the Jubile . This was the ninth Jubile , Year of the World 3001. a. opening the fourth Millenary of the world , The Julian Period 3710 wherein Solomon with great magnificence , Year before Christ 1004 celebrated the dedication of the temple . For all Israel being assembled together in the 7th month , called Ethanim , the Ark was brought out of Sion , into the Sanctum Sanctorum , and the Tabernacle and holy vessels , from Gibeon , into the treasury of the Temple ; where when God had given a visible and wonderful token of his presence , Solomon being upon a scaffold made of brasse , and kneeling upon his knees , uttered a set prayer unto God , and afterward blessing the people , he offered twenty two thousand oxen , and 120 thousand sheep ; and so having celebrated the feast of the dedication of the Altar seven days , ( and the feast of Tabernacles other seven dayes , and the celebrity of the eighth day of Tabernacles being finished , at last , upon the three and twenty day of the seventh month , the people were dismissed every man to his home , [ 1 Reg. 8. 1 , 2 , 65 , 66. 2 Chron. 5. 3 , 4 , 5. chap. 6. &c. chap. 7. 8 , 9 , 10. ] The eighth day of the seventh moneth , ( to wit , 30 of our Octob. being friday , was the first of the seven dayes of the dedication ; the tenth day , ( with us , Novemb. 1. upon a Saturday ) was the fast of expiation or atonement held , whereon ( according to the Leviticall law , [ chap. 25. 9. ) the Jubile was proclaimed by the sound of a trumpet . The fifteenth day , ( our November 6 ▪ being friday ) was the feast of Tabernacles . The 22 ( our Novemb. 13. being also friday ) was the last of the feast of Tabernacles ; which was alwayes very solemnly kept , [ 2 Chron. 7. 9. with Levit 23. 36. and John 7. 37. ] and at the day following , ( Novemb. 14. being our Saturday ) when the sabbath was ended , the people departed home . Solomon , Year of the World 3012. c. in the thirteenth year after the temple was built , The Julian Period 3722 made an end also of building his own house , Year before Christ 992 having spent full twenty years upon both of them : whereof seven and a half upon the Temple , and thirteen or twelve and a half upon his own , [ 1 Reg. 7. 1. and 9. 10. ib ▪ and 2 Chron. 8. 1. ] After all which , Solomon offered unto Hiram King of Tyre 20 cities of Galilee , or Cabul , joyning upon the tribe of Asher , ( which himself had purchased ) in requital of those many good offices which Hiram had done him , toward the building of the temple ; which when Hiram refused , he built them all anew himself , and planted colonies of the Israelites in them , [ 1 Reg. 9. 10. and 2 Chron. 8. 1 , 2. ] When Solomon had finished both houses , and the wall of Jerusalem round about , then he removed his wife , the daughter of Phataoh , out of the city and house of David , into a house , which himself had built , and prepared for her , [ 1 Reg. 3. 1. and chap , 7. 8. and chap. 9. 24. and 2 Chron. 8. 11. ] He new built also Gezer , which Pharaoh the father , having taken from the Cananites , had given to Solomon , lying within the precincts of the tribe of Ephraim , [ 1 Reg. 9. 15 , 16 , 17. ] Sesack ; Year of the World 3026. c. which others cal Sesonchis ( according to our Egyptian Chronology ) began to reign ; The Julian Period 3736 unto whom Jeroboam the son of Nebar fled , Year before Christ 978 and continued with him till after Solomon was dead , [ 1 Reg. 11. 40. and chap. 12. 2. ] Solomon , Year of the World 3029. c. having forsaken his lusts and vanities , The Julian Period 3739 to which he was too intemperately addicted toward his later dayes , Year before Christ 975 having testified his deep repentance for it , in his book called The Preacher , and having made his peace with God , [ 2 Chron 11. 17. ] at last died ; when he had reigned 40 years , [ 1 Reg. 11. 42. 2 Chron. 9. 30. ] Rehoboam the son of Solomon , when all Israel me● at Sichem to make him King , by a harsh answer made unto them , alienated the hearts of ten tribes from him , who presently sending into Eypt for Jeroboam the son of Nebat , made him King over them , and under his conduct , they fell of both from the house of David ( killing Adoram , whom Rehoboam had sent unto them ) and also from the true worship of God , [ 1 Reg. 12. ] In memorial of which sad disaster , the Jews afterward , kept a solemn fast yearly , upon the 23 of the third moneth , called Sivan . From this dismal rent made of that kingdom , Rehoboam reigned over Judah and Benjamin seventeen years , [ 1 Reg. 14. 21. 2 Chron. 12. 1 , 2. ] and Jeroboam over Israel , ( i. e. ) over the other ten tribes , by the space of 22 years . [ 1 Reg. 14. 20. ] Rehoboam returning to Jerusalem , levying men to the number of one hundred , and fourscore thousand men , and purposed to make war upon the ten tribes : but being admonished from God by the prophet Semajah , he gave it off , [ 1 Reg. 12. ] though there followed continual wars between the two kings all their dayes , [ 1 Reg , 14 , 13. Jeroboam in the beginning of his reign , repaired Sichem , where he was chosen king by the people , and which had been destroyed by King Abimel●ch , 258 years before , and there dwelt , till going afterward over Jordan , he there built Penuel , [ 1 Reg , 12. 25. and at last , built Tirza , and made that the seat of his kingdom , [ ib. chap. 14. 17. ] But fearing lest his new-gotten subjects should happly revolt from him again , he diverted their thoughts from looking any more after Jerusalem , by a new devised form and fashion of religion , setting up two golden calves , the one at Bethel , the other at Dan , for the brain-sick people , to run a whoring after them , [ 1 Reg. 12. ] REHOBOAM . Year of the World 3030. a. reign of the King of Juda 1 The Priests and Levites , Year of the World b. and other Israelites , who feared God , falling off from Jeroboam to Rehoboam , mantained the kingdom of Juda three years . For so long walked they in the wayes of David and Solomon , [ 2 Chron. 11. 17. ] Rehoboam , Year of the World 3032. d. being once setled in his kingdom , forsook the Law of the Lord , and all Israel and Juda with him , [ 2 Chron. 12. 1. ] For the Jews , who by their good example should have stirred up their brethren the Israelites to repentance , provoked the Lord with their own sins ; wherein they offended beyond all that ever their forefathers had done . For they made also to themselves High-places , and Images , and Groves , upon every high hill , and under every green tree , doing according to all the abominations of the Gentiles , which the Lord had therefore cast out before them , [ 1 Reg. 14. 22 , 23 , 24. ] In the 5 year of Rehoboam , Year of the World 3033. c. Sesak , King of Egypt , invited perhaps by Jeroboam , ( who had formerly lived with him , as I noted before upon the year of the World , 3026. ) led an Army of 120. Chariots , and 60000. Horse , with foot innumerable out of Egypt , of the Lubaeans , Succaeans , and Cusites , into the land of Iudea ; and having won all the rest of their fenced cities , came at last before Ierusalem : where the King and his Princes , being drawn to repentance , by the preaching of Semaia the Prophet , received a gracious promise of their deliverance indeed : but at a dear rate ; for they were to give up to the Egyptians all the treasure of the Temple , and of the Kings house , and all the sheildes of gold which Salomon had made , instead whereof Rehoboam made them as many brasse ones , [ 1 Reg. 14. v. 25. 2 Chron. 12. 2 , 12. ] reign of the King of Juda 6 reign of the King of Juda 7 reign of the King of Juda 8 reign of the King of Juda 9 reign of the King of Juda 10 reign of the King of Juda 11 reign of the King of Juda 12 reign of the King of Juda 13 reign of the King of Juda 14 reign of the King of Juda 15 reign of the King of Juda 16 reign of the King of Juda 17 Abijah the son of Rehoboam , Year of the World 3046 succeeded his father deceased , reign of the King of Juda 1 in the beginning of the 18 year of Jeroboams reign , and reigned 3 years , [ 1 Reg. 15. 1 , 2. 2 Chron. 13. 1 , 2. ] Abijah with an army of four hundred thousand men , Year of the World 3047 encountring with Jeroboam and his army , reign of the King of Juda 2 consisting of eight hundred thousand men , and having first placed his trust and confidence in God , obtained a notable victory against him , wherein he slew of his men , five hundred thousand ; such a number as was never slain in any one battel before or since , and then pursuing his victory , he took Bethel , where one of the Calves was set up , and Jesana , and Hephravin , with the townes about them , [ 2 Chron. 13. ] reign of the King of Juda 3 Asa , Year of the World 3049. c. in the very end of the 20 year of Jeroboams reign , reign of the King of Juda 1 succeeded his father Abia , deceased , in his kingdom , and reigned 41 years , [ 1 Reg. 15. 8 , 9 , 10. ] This year was the tenth Jubile . Year of the World 3050. d. reign of the King of Juda 2 Year of the World 3051. d. reign of the King of Juda 3 reign of the King of Juda 4 God now gave ten years peace without interruption to the land , Year of the World 3053. c. [ 2 Chron. 14. 1 , 6. ] even to the 15 year of king Asa his reign , reign of the King of Juda 5 or to the 35 year from the rent made of that kingdome from that other of Israel , [ c. 15. 10 , 19. ] in which year , this godly king Asa put away all publick Idolatry , and reforming his kingdome , fortified the Cities of Judah against the invasion of enemies , reign of the King of Juda 6 [ c. 14. 16. ] Jehosophat was born unto Asa , Year of the World 3055 by his mother Azuba , reign of the King of Juda 7 which afterward at 35 years of age , succeeded him in his kingdome , [ 1 Reg. 22. 42. 2 Chron. 20. 31. ] reign of the King of Juda 8 reign of the King of Juda 9 reign of the King of Juda 10 reign of the King of Juda 11 reign of the King of Juda 12 reign of the King of Juda 13 reign of the King of Juda 14 In the beginning of Asa his reign , Year of the World 3063. c. Zerach the Ethiopian , reign of the King of Juda 15 with an innumerable army of his own Cushites ( who as it seemeth came out of Arabia Petraea , and the desart ) and ten hundred thousand of the Lubeans , besides those which fought aloft from the Chariots ; invaded the land of Juda. These Asa met , with three hundred thousand men out of Juda , and two hundred and fourescore thousand out of the Tribe of Benjamin , and calling on the name of the Lord , routed and slew that vast army , and took the spoile of them : After which , being encouraged by Azaria the Prophet , he assembled all his own subjects , and very many also of the Israelites , which clave unto him , at Jerusalem , in the third month , in which the feast of Pentecost fell ; where they sacrificed to God out of the spoile , which they had taken , seven hundred oxen , and of other cattle , seven thousand , and solemnely renewed their covenant with God ; Asa also proceeding to the fuller reformation of his kingdom so well begun , removed Maacha his grandmother , a great patronesse of Idolatry , from the honour of Queen mother , and the things which his father and himself had consecrated to God , he brought into the temple , [ 2 Chron. 14. 9. chap. 15. 1 , 10 , 11 , 12 , 16. chap. 16. 8. ] Year of the World 3064. c. reign of the King of Juda 16 Asa hired Benadad King of Syria to come and hinder the building of Rama , which he did ; and Asa of the stones and timber which was provided for the building of Rama , built Geba and Mizpa . Also when Hanan the prophet reproved him , for craving aid of the king of Syria , he cast him into prison , and at the same time , vexed some of this people , [ 2 Chron. 16. ] reign of the King of Juda 17 reign of the King of Juda 18 reign of the King of Juda 19 reign of the King of Juda 20 reign of the King of Juda 21 reign of the King of Juda 22 reign of the King of Juda 23 reign of the King of Juda 24 reign of the King of Juda 25 reign of the King of Juda 26 Year of the World 3074. d. Year of the World 3075. d. Year of the World 3077 reign of the King of Juda 28 reign of the King of Juda 29 Year of the World 3079. d. Jehoram was born to Jehosaphat 132 years , Year of the World 3080. d. before his father took him into the consortship of his kingdom , reign of the King of Juda 32 [ 2 Reg. 8. 17. 2 Chron. 21. 20. ] reign of the King of Juda 33 reign of the King of Juda 34 reign of the King of Juda 35 reign of the King of Juda 36 reign of the King of Juda 37 reign of the King of Juda 38 Year of the World 3086 Asa in the 39 year of his reign , Year of the World 3087 being diseased in his feet , reign of the King of Juda 39 sought for help , not from God , but from the Physicians , [ 2 Chron. 16. 12. ] reign of the King of Juda 40 reign of the King of Juda 41 Asa in the end of the 41 year of his reign died , Year of the World 3090 and was buried in a roome , reign of the King of Juda 1 stuffed with Sweet odours , which he had prepared for himself , in the city of David , 2 Chron. 16. 13 , 14. ] This father was good , but a better son succeded him in his stead , called Jehosophat , who , in the very latter end of the fourth year of Achabs reign , coming to reign over Juda , held it 25 years , [ 1 Reg. 22. 41 , 41. 2 Chron. 20. 31. ] reign of the King of Juda 2 reign of the King of Juda 3 Jehosaphat being setled in his kingdom , Year of the World 3092 began with the taking away of the high places and the groves , and in the third year of his reign , took order that the Levites and other chief men , were sent about into all cities , to instruct the people , while God in the mean time kept off some of his enemies from invading him , and subdued others to him , [ 2 Chron. 17. 7. ] reign of the King of Juda 4 reign of the King of Juda 5 reign of the King of Juda 6 reign of the King of Juda 7 Athalia the daughter of Achab , Year of the World 3097. d. King of Israel , being married to Iehoram the son of Iehosaphat King of Iuda ( which is that affinity which the Scripture sayes Iehosaphat contracted with Achab ) [ 2 Chron. 18. 2. ] bare unto him a son Ahaziah , reign of the King of Juda 8 who at the age of 22. years , succeeded him in the kingdom , [ 2 Reg. 8. 18 , 26 , 17. 2 Chron. 22. with 21. 6. ] The eleventh Jubilie . Year of the World 3099. a. reign of the King of Juda 9 reign of the King of Juda 10 reign of the King of Juda 11 reign of the King of Juda 12 reign of the King of Juda 13 Year of the World 3103. c. reign of the King of Juda 14 Year of the World 3104. d. reign of the King of Juda 15 Year of the World 3105 reign of the King of Juda 16 Jehosaphat after the example of Ahab , Year of the World 3106 d. made Jehoram his son , Vice-Roy of the kingdom : whereupon it is that Jehoram the son of Achab , who succeeded his brother Achazia in the kingdom over the Israelites , in the 18. year of Jehosaphat , King of Juda , [ 2 Reg. 3. 1. ] is said to have begun his reign , in the 2. year of Jehoram , the son of Jehosaphat , [ 2 Reg. 1. 17. ] Jehosaphat going to visit Achab in the third year of the peace which he had made with the As●yrians , Year of the World 3107 in the very end of the year ; reign of the King of Juda 18 was invited by Achab , to go with him to the siege of Ramoth Gilead , and upon his entreaty he went : but escaped thence , not without extream danger of his life , [ 1 Reg. 22. 2. 2 Chron. 18. ] At his return home , he was reproved by the Prophet Jehu , the son of Hanam , for aiding such a wicked King , [ 1 Reg. 19. 1 , 2. ] When Jehosaphat had rigged his Navy , Year of the World 3108. a. to send it to Ophir for gold , and Achazia the wicked son of Achab , would needs go sharer with him in that voyage : at first , Jehosaphat would no , [ 1 Reg. 22. 49. ] but at last , condescended thereto . And for so doing , God reproved him by the mouth of his Prophet Eliezer , the son of Dodona , and destroyed his Fleet , [ 2 Chron. 20. 35 , 36 , 37. ] Year of the World b. reign of the King of Juda 19 Year of the World 3109. c. reign of the King of Juda 20 reign of the King of Juda 21 reign of the King of Juda 22 Jehosophat now growen old , Year of the World 3112. c. and desiring to settle his house , reign of the King of Juda 23 gave the rest of his son , reign of the King of Juda 1 many gifts , with fenced Cities in Judea ; but his eldest son Jehoram ( whom he had formerly imployed as his Vicegerent ) he now joyned with himself , and made him his consort in the kingdome , in the fifth year of Jehoram king of Israel ▪ which he held by the space of eight years , reign of the King of Juda 24 reign of the King of Juda 2 [ 2 Chron. reign of the King of Juda 25 reign of the King of Juda 3 21. 2 , 3 , 5 , 20. [ 2 Reg. 8. 16 , 17. ] When Jehosophat was dead and buried in the City of David , Year of the World 3115. c. [ 1 Reg. 2. 50. 2 Chron. 21. 5. ] reign of the King of Juda 4 Jehoram , a detestable son , of a most blessed father , held that kingdom alone , by the space of 4 years , who being so setled in his kigdome , slew all his brethren , and many also of his other Princes of Israel , [ 2 Chron. 21. ] And now the Edomites , which from the time of king David [ 2 Sam. 8. 14. had ever lived in subjection to the Tribe of Judah , fell off , and revolted from it : and although they had been smitten by Jehoram , yet , according to the foretelling of Isaac , [ Gen. 27. 40. ] they for ever after shook off his yoke ; Libna also , a City of the Priests , in the Tribe of Juda , [ Jos. 12. 13. ] fell off from him at the same time , [ 2 Reg. 18. 20 , 21 , 22. 2 Chron. 21. 8 , 9 , 10. ] Jehoram following the counsel of his wicked wife Athaliah , Year of the World 3116. a. set up in Judah , and even in Jerusalem it felf , the idolatrous worship of Baal , after the fashion of his father in law Achab and his house : and compelled his subjects to do the like , for which he was reproved by a letter written , and left for him by the Prophet Elias , before his assumption , with a foretelling of all those calamities and punishments , which accordingly afterward fel upon him . For first God stirred up against him the Philistines and Arabians , Year of the World c. which breaking in upon Judea , plundered , and carried away , what ever was found in the kings house , together with the persons of his sons and wives ; so that all his other sons being slain , he had none left him , save only Jehoachaz , [ 2 Chron. 21. ] who was also called Achazia , and Azaria , and who succeeded him in the kingdom , [ ib. c. 22. 1 , 6. ] After this God struck Jehoram with an incurable disease in the bowels , Year of the World 3117. c. which tormented him , reign of the King of Juda 6 two whole years , [ 2 Chron. 21. 15 , 18 , 19. ] Jehoram being thus afflicted with sicknesse , Year of the World 3118. d. made his son Ahazia , reign of the King of Juda 7 his Vice-roy , in the 11 year of Jorum the son of Achab , 2 Reg. 9. 29. ] Jehoram his bowels breaking out , Year of the World 3119 died a miserable death , reign of the King of Juda 81 and was buried in the city of David , but without all pompe , and not among the kings , 2 Chron. 25. 19 , 20. ] After whom succeeded his son Achazia , in the 12 year of Ioram the son of Achab , and reigned one year in Ierusalem ; and he also , following the train of a wicked mother , Athalia , and of the house of Achab , set up , and maintained the worship of Baal , [ 2 Reg. 8. 25. 27. 2 Chron. 22. 1 , 2 , 3 , 4. ] Achazia , had a son by Zibia of Beersheba , whose name was Ioash , who at the age of 7 years , was afterward proclaimed king , [ 2 Reg. 11. 21. 2 Chron. Year of the World 3120 24. 1. ] Achazia returning from the battle at Ramoth Gilead , against Hazael , after a while , went to Iezrael , to see Iehoram the king of Israel , lying sick of the wounds , which he had taken , where Iehu finding many of his blood , which there attended him , and sundry princes of Juda , he slew them also : and then searching for Achazia himself , who had gotten away , and was fled to Megiddo , and overtaking him afterward in the going up to Gur , which is in Jibleham , in the tribe of Manasses ; caused him to be killed in his chariot . Who being taken and carried from thence by his servants , was buried with his forefathers in the city of David , [ 2 Reg. 9. 2. 2 Chron. 22. ] Jehu also going on to Samaria , and meeting by the way with fourty two men of the blood of Achazia , who were going to Jezrael , there to salute the kings children , caused them every man to be butchered in the place , [ 2 Reg. 10. 13 , 14. ] Athalia , the daughter of Achab , seeing her own son Achazia dead , reign of the King of Juda 1 destroyed all the race of the house of Juda , and possessed her self of the kingdom ; but Jehosheba , the daughter of king Joram , and wife to Jehoida , the High Priest , took Joash , being then an infant , and son to her brother Ahazia , and him with his nurse , hid six years in the Temple , whiles Athalia ruled all , and so saved him from the butchery which was made of the rest of the blood-royal , [ 2 Reg. 11. 1 , 2 , 3. 2 Chron. 22. 10 , 11 , 12. ] reign of the King of Juda 2 reign of the King of Juda 3 reign of the King of Juda 4 reign of the King of Juda 5 reign of the King of Juda 6 Jehojada the high Priest , reign of the King of Juda 1 brought out Joash , Year of the World 3126. c. being now seven years old , and anointed him king : caused Athalia to be slain , and restored the worship of the true God , destroying the house of Baal . and cammanding his priest Matthanes to be kisd before his altars , [ 2 Reg. 11. 4 , 21. 2 Chr. 23. 1 , 21. ] Now Joash beginning his reign in the seventh year of Jehu , reigned 40 years in Jerusalem , [ 2 Reg. 12. 1. 2 Chron. 24. 1. ] reign of the King of Juda 2 reign of the King of Juda 3 reign of the King of Juda 4 reign of the King of Juda 5 reign of the King of Juda 6 reign of the King of Juda 7 reign of the King of Juda 8 reign of the King of Juda 9 reign of the King of Juda 10 reign of the King of Juda 11 reign of the King of Juda 12 reign of the King of Juda 13 reign of the King of Juda 14 reign of the King of Juda 15 Amasia was this year born in Jerusalem , Year of the World 3140. d. being the son of Joash , and Jehodana , for he was 25 years old when he began to reign , [ 2 Reg. 14. 2. 2 Chron. reign of the King of Juda 16 25. 1. ] reign of the King of Juda 17 reign of the King of Juda 18 reign of the King of Juda 19 reign of the King of Juda 20 reign of the King of Juda 21 reign of the King of Juda 22 Joas commanded the Prists to repaire the Temple of God , Year of the World 3147. d out of the pole-money gathered for that purpose , [ 2 Reg. 12. 2 Chron. 24. ] The twelfth Jubile . Joash seeing the Priests to go on very slowly in the repairing of the Temple in the 23 of his reign , committed the charge thereof to Jehojada , the chief priest and others , to compleat that work . reign of the King of Juda 24 reign of the King of Juda 25 reign of the King of Juda 26 reign of the King of Juda 27 reign of the King of Juda 28 reign of the King of Juda 29 reign of the King of Juda 30 reign of the King of Juda 31 reign of the King of Juda 32 reign of the King of Juda 33 reign of the King of Juda 34 reign of the King of Juda 35 reign of the King of Juda 36 reign of the King of Juda 27 reign of the King of Juda 38 Year of the World 3163. c. Zacharias the Priest , Year of the World 1164. c. son of Jehojada , reign of the King of Juda 39 for reproving the Israelites back-sliding into Idolatrie , after Jehojada was dead , was stoned to death by the people , set on by the king , in the court of Gods house , [ 2 Chron. 24. ] The next year , Year of the World 3165 certain companies of Hazael , reign of the King of Juda 40 king of Syria , reign of the King of Juda 1 though small in number , yet fell upon Juda and Jerusalem , and destroyed all the chief of the people , and sent away all the spoyl of them , to their own king . But when they were gone , leaving him very sick , his own servants conspiring against him , in revenge of Zacharies death , and murdered him as he lay in his bed ; in the beginning of the 40 year of his reign , [ 2 Chron. 24. 1 , 23. &c. with 2 Reg. 12. 1 , 17. &c. ] whose successor Amasia in the later end of the second year of Joash king of Israel , reigned 29 years , [ 2 Reg. 14. 1 , 2. ] Who , so soon as he was quietly setled in his kingdom , put to death such of his servants , as had had a hand in the death of his father ; yet spared their children , according to the law of God , delivered by Moses , [ ib , v. 5 , 6. 2 Chron. 25. 3 , 4. ] reign of the King of Juda 2 reign of the King of Juda 3 reign of the King of Juda 4 Year of the World 3168. c. reign of the King of Juda 5 reign of the King of Juda 6 reign of the King of Juda 7 reign of the King of Juda 8 reign of the King of Juda 9 reign of the King of Juda 10 reign of the King of Juda 11 reign of the King of Juda 12 reign of the King of Juda 13 Amasia the king had by Iecholia , Year of the World 3178 a woman of Ierusalem , reign of the King of Juda 14 a son called Uzziah , al. Azariah , who was 16 years of age , when he succeded his father in the kingdom , [ 2 Reg. 15. 2. 2 Chron. 26. 2. ] Amasia , growing proud upon a victory lately obtained against the Edomites , in this fourteenth year of his reign , as Josephus , lib 9. Antiquit. cap. 10. hath it , provoked Ioash king of the Israelites , to battail ; and in a pitch-field at Bethshemish , was overcome and taken prisoner , and upon a great ransom , & hostages given , was let go again , reign of the King of Juda 15 [ 2 Reg. 14. 2 Chron. Year of the World 3179. c. 25. ] reign of the King of Juda 16 reign of the King of Juda 17 reign of the King of Juda 18 reign of the King of Juda 19 reign of the King of Juda 20 reign of the King of Juda 21 reign of the King of Juda 22 reign of the King of Juda 23 reign of the King of Juda 24 reign of the King of Juda 25 reign of the King of Juda 26 reign of the King of Juda 27 reign of the King of Juda 28 Amasia , Year of the World 1194. c. finding a conspiracy made against him at Jerusalem , reign of the King of Juda 29 fled to Lachish : where he was murdered , and was from thence carried and buried in the city of David , [ 2 Reg. 14. 19 , 20. 2 Chron. 25. 27 , 28 ] after whom came Uzzia , or Azaria , in the 27 year of Jeroboam , King of Israel : reckoning from the time that he began to reign in consortship with his father , as before , in the year of the World , 3168. was said ; and he reigned 52 years in Jerusalem , [ 2 Reg. 15. 1 , 2. ] Under him did the kingdom of Juda flourish no lesse than that other of Israel did under Jeroboam the second ; for so long as following the advice of the Prophet Zachary , he applied his minde to matters of piety and religion ; so long , born up by the hand of God , he subdued the Philistines , and other bordering enemies of his ; and grew mighty in his kingdom , as is at large expressed , [ 2 Chron. 26. from the 2. to the 16. verse . ] reign of the King of Juda 2 reign of the King of Juda 3 Now was the 13 Jubilie held under two most flourishing Kings , Year of the World 3197. a. under whom also lived sundry great Prophets in either kingdom ; reign of the King of Juda 4 as in Juda , that Evangelical Prophet , Esau , the son of Amotzus , [ Esay 1. 1. ] and Ioel , the son of Pethuel ; who prophesied before Amos , as Codomanus conceiveth , because that in the end of his first chapter , he foretelleth of a drought to come , which Amos in his fourth chapter , complaineth to have come . But Amos living in Iudea , amongst the Heardsmen of Tekoa , was called and sent to be a Prophet to the kingdom of Israel , two years before the Earth-quake which fell out in the dayes of these two Kings Uzzia and Jeroboam the second , [ Amos 1. 1. Zacha. 11. 5. ] reign of the King of Juda 5 reign of the King of Juda 6 reign of the King of Juda 7 reign of the King of Juda 8 reign of the King of Juda 9 reign of the King of Juda 10 reign of the King of Juda 11 reign of the King of Juda 12 reign of the King of Juda 13 reign of the King of Juda 14 Year of the World 3207 reign of the King of Juda 15 reign of the King of Juda 16 reign of the King of Juda 17 Year of the World 3210 reign of the King of Juda 18 reign of the King of Juda 19 There was an Eclipse of the sun , reign of the King of Juda 20 of about 10. digits in the year after the Iulian Period , Year of the World 3213 3923. on the 24 day of Iune , in the feast of Whitsontide ; and an other of almost 12 digits , eleven years after , according to the Iulian Period , an . 3943. upon the eighth of our November , in the dayes of the Feast of Tabernacles . And a third , of above 11. digits in the year following after the Iulian Period , 3944. our May 5. in the Feast of Unleavened bread : to which that prophesie of Amos , [ Chap. 8. 8 , 9 , 10. ] may seem to have reference , where he saith ; In that day , saith the Lord Jehovah , the Sun shall set , at noon-day , and I will bring darknesse upon the earth in a clear day ; and I will turn your festivals into mourning , and all your solemn songs into lamentations : which as in an allegorical sense , the fathers heretofore took as referring to that darknesse which fell in the Feast of Easter , at the passion of our Saviour . So in these three great Eclipses , falling upon those three great Feasts , at which all the Males of them were to be present at Ierusalem before the Lord , and bringing a darknesse those dayes , that prophesie may not without reason be thought to have been in a litteral sense fulfilled . That as among the Grecians , Thales was the first who by his knowledge in Astronomy ; as I shall shew upon the year of the World , 3403. so among the Hebrews , Amos by a divine instinct and inspiration , may be deemed the first that ever fore-told the Eclipses of the Sun. reign of the King of Juda 21 reign of the King of Juda 22 reign of the King of Juda 23 reign of the King of Juda 24 reign of the King of Juda 25 reign of the King of Juda 26 Year of the World 3220 Uzzia king of Juda , had Jotham , by his wife Jer●sha , Year of the World 3221. c. the daughter of Zadoc : who when his father was striken with a leprosie , and secluded from the company of men , had the rule of the kings house , and judged the people : and after his death , succeeded him in the kingdom : being then but 25 years of age , ( 2 Reg. 15. 5 , 33. 2 Chron. 26. 21. and c. 27. 1 , 8. ] From whence we may gather , that long after , when Menachem , got the kingdome of Israel into his hands , Uzzia then in his old age , adventuring to the Priests office , was striken with that plague of leprosie : contrary to what the Jewes , and Procopius Gazeus affirmes , upon the seventh chapter of Isaiah , that this leprosie befel him , about the 25 of his reign ; and at the very time of the Earth quake , which happened in the dayes of Uzzia and Jeroboam , [ Amos 1. 1. Zach. 11. 5. ] for that it is manifest , that when Jeroboam died , Jotham was not yet born . reign of the King of Juda 29 reign of the King of Juda 30 reign of the King of Juda 31 reign of the King of Juda 32 reign of the King of Juda 33 reign of the King of Juda 34 From the summer of this year 3228 , Year of the World 3228. c. begins the first olympiade of the Greek Chronologers , reign of the King of Juda 35 wherein Choraebus of Elis , wan the race ; but of the Iphitean accompt , the 28. As Julius African●s sheweth out of the writings of Aristodemus Eleus , and Polybus ( as in the Greek edition of Eusebius by scaliger , p. 13. & p. 216. ) appeareth : And here also endeth that interval of time , which by that most learned Varro ( as in Censorinus his book , de die natali , is reported ) is termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( i.e. ) fabulous because many fabulous things are therein said to have happened , and withal beginneth that time which is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : ( i.e. ) Historical , because from thence , things credible and true , begin to be recorded . reign of the King of Juda 36 reign of the King of Juda 37 reign of the King of Juda 38 Year of the World 3232. a. Boccaris Saites , Year of the World 3233. c. reigned in Egypt 40 years , [ Affrican . ] reign of the King of Juda 41 reign of the King of Juda 42 reign of the King of Juda 43 Year of the World 3237 reign of the King of Juda 44 reign of the King of Juda 45 reign of the King of Juda 46 reign of the King of Juda 47 reign of the King of Juda 48 Achaz the son of Jotham , Year of the World 3242 was in this year born : reign of the King of Juda 49 for he was twenty years old , when he came afterward to reign , 2 Reg. 16. 2. 2 Chron. 28. 1. But because he reigned 16 years only ; and after his decease , h●s son Esechias , is said to have been twenty five years old , when he began to reign , whereby Achaz could be but eleven years old , Year of the World 3243 when his son was borne , reign of the King of Juda 50 therefore Tremelius would have it understood that Achaz was twenty years old , not when himself , but when his father Jotham began to reign . Habyattes the elder , Year of the World 3245 reigned in Lydia 14 years , reign of the King of Juda 51 Euseb. Chron. The 14 Jubile , Year of the World 3246. a. in which the prophet Isaiah saw and beheld the glory of the Lord , sitting in his throne , and compassed about with a guard of Angels ; singing , Holy , Holy , Holy , Lord God of Sabaoth , the people of the Jews , growing from this time forward , more & more obdurate and blind every day than other ; lest they should understand the words of the prophets , which were sent unto them , and should be converted and healed , [ Esay 6. John. 12. 40 , 41. ] This vision of the prophet Isaiah , befel in the last year of king Uzzia , [ Esay 6. 7. ] after whom being buried in the cities of David , and in the burying place of the kings ; but a part from the rest , because of his leprosie , succeded his son Jotham , in the 20 year of Peka , king of Israel , and reigned 16 years in Jerusalem , [ 2 Reg. 15. 7. 32 , 33. 1 Chron. 26. 23. and 27. 1. 8. ] Jotham , fought a battail against the Ammonites , and overthrew them , whereupon they became tributary to him , by the space of three years , [ 2 Chron. 27. 5. ] under him and his two successors , Micah the Morashite , together with Isaiah , and Hosea , executed his prophetical function , [ Mic. 1. 1. ] In his time also , as Josephus lib. 9. Antiq. cap. 11. al. 12. affirmes , did Nahum the prophet foretel , the subversion of the Assyrians , and city of Ninive , which came to pass 100 and 15 years after , whereas by that reckoning , he should rather have gathered , that Nahum prophesied in the time of Achaz , the son of Jotham . reign of the King of Juda 2 reign of the King of Juda 3 reign of the King of Juda 4 reign of the King of Juda 5 reign of the King of Juda 6 reign of the King of Juda 7 In this year was Ezekias the son of Achaz , Year of the World 3252. c. born of Abiah , the daughter of Zacharia , reign of the King of Juda 8 for he was 25 years old when he began to reign , Year of the World 3254 [ 2 Reg. 18. 2. 2 Chron. reign of the King of Juda 9 29. 1. ] Rome , Year of the World 3256 according to the reckoning of Fabius Pictor , reign of the King of Juda 11 the most ancient of all Roman writers , and according to the accompt kept , of the secular games , of all others most religiously observed by the ancient Romans , began to be built by Romulus a little before the beginning of the 8 Olympiad , on the feast of their goddess Pales , upon the 10 day of April , though the feast of Pales , according to Varro his accompt , be ful five years more ancient than it is by Fabius , his saying ; of which day , yet the Poet Ovid speaking , saith , Vrbs oritur ( quis tunc hoc ulli credere posset ? ) Victorem t●rris impositura pedem . Fal. 4. this is , A Citie 's born , ( which who then would have thought ) That since , Year of the World 3257 the world hath in subjection brought . Meles in Lydia reigned 12 years , reign of the King of Juda 13 [ Euseb. reign of the King of Juda 14 Chron. ] of whom more is to be seen in Herod . reign of the King of Juda 15 lib. reign of the King of Juda 16 1. cap. 84. Achaz succeeding his father Jotham in the very end of the 17 year of Peka , Year of the World 3262. c. the son of Remalia , reign of the King of Juda 17 reigned 16. years in Ierusalem , [ 2 Reg. 16. 1 , 2. 2 Chron. 28. 1. ] When , towards the end of the reign of Iotham , God began to stir up Resin the King of Syria , and Peka the son of Remalia against Iuda , [ 2 Reg. 15. 37. ] The house of David , at the report of his approaching , with all the people of Iuda , were sorely affrighted ; as apprehending a sudden and final destruction from them . But unto Achaz in his fear , God , by Esay the Prophet sent a gracious message , with a promise of deliverance to him , and destruction to his enemies : And for a sign of his deliverance ( when the incredulous King , being bidden to ask what sign he would , would ask none ) God made him a promise of a Virgin , that should bear Immanuel ; who both in regard of his person , should be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , God and man : God with us , or dwelling in our flesh ; and also in regard of his office , whereby , as the onely Mediatour of God and man , [ 1 Tim. 2. 5. ] he should bring to passe , that God should be with us , [ Esay 8. 10. ] gracious and propitious to us , and a very present help in trouble , [ Psal. 46. 1 , 2 , 7. with Rom. 8. 31 , 32. ] which advertisement was most befitting the businesse then in hand , both in regard that all promises of God in Christ , are Yea and Amen , [ 2 Corin. 1. 20. ] to be fulfiled generally in him , and for him : and besides , for that , the land of Judea , by a spec●al priviledge , was to be the land of this Immanuel , [ Esay 8. 8. ] wherein , as pertaining to the flesh , he was to be born , not onely of the Jews , but also of the very house of David ; and that , according to the foretell●ng of Jacob , [ Gen. 49. 10. ] before the Scepter should depart from Juda , ( i. ) before Judea should wholly leave off to be a Common-Wealth , ruled by a Kingly government ; and therefore at that time , the destruction or abolishment of the house of David , or nation of the Jew , was not to be feared ; which misery sixty five years after , betided the nation of the Ephraimites , as had been foretold them , by the Prophet Esay , [ chap. 7. 8. ] As for the utter and final destruction of those Kings who had then banded themselves against him , the Prophet was commanded to foreshew it , by bringing forth Shear Jashub his son : and to tell him ( after he had declared that great Mystery or Oracle of a God-bearing Virgin , by the motion of his finger , or some other gesture ) that butter and honey he should eat , and be nourished thereby , until he came to such an age , as to know the good from the evil ; for that before that time , both those Kings should be destroyed each out of his own land , [ Esay 7. 3 , 15 , 16. ] And whereas it fell out at the same time , that Esay his wife , a Prophetesse , bare him another son : by Gods appointment , his name was called Maher-shalal-hash-baz , importing , that the Assyrian should make haste , and take away the spoile : and should plunder both Syrians and Israelites , before the child should be able plainly to pronounce , My father , or My mother . And so the sons of the Prophets were made to serve for signs and documents from God to the Israelites , [ Esay 8. 3 , 4 , 18. ] After these prophesies uttered , Rezin and Peka , joyntly came up to besiege Jerusalem , wherein Achaz then was : but could not take it , as was told before-hand that they should not , [ Esay 7. 1 , 7. 2 Reg. 16. 5. ] But this wicked Achaz , was no sooner delivered out of this imminent danger , but he forsook God his Deliverer : For he forthwith walked in the wayes of the Kings of Israel , and set up the Idolatrous worship of Baal ; offered incense in the valley of Ben-Hinnon , and made his own son to passe thorough the fire , and offered sacrifice in the High places , and upon the Hills , and under every green tree , [ 2 Chron. 28. 2 , 3 , 4. 2 Reg. 16. 3 , 4. ] So when Achaz forsook God , Year of the World 3263. c. God also forsook him : reign of the King of Juda 2 wherefore Rezin and Peka , dividing their forces , overcame him , which both joyned together , they could not do . For God gave him over both into the hands of the Syrians , who , having smitten him , carried away a great multitude of his people captive to Damascus , and also into the hands of the King of Israel , who made a great slaughter of his people , [ 2 Chron. 28. 5. ] At the same time , Rezin subdued Elath , which King Azarias , or Uzzias had recovered to Juda , and bu●lt it anew , and placed his Syrians therein to dwell , [ 2 Reg. 14. 22. 2 Chron. 26. 2. 2 Reg. 16. 2. ] Moreover the Edomites invaded Juda , Year of the World 3264. c. and carried from thence many Captives . reign of the King of Juda 3 The Philistines also whom King Uzzia , whiles he trusted in God , had subdued , [ 2 Chron. 26. 6 , 7. ] now brake in upon the cities of Juda , in the low countries and south parts thereof , and dwelt therein ; for God gave them over to the spoile , for Achaz his sin : and because he had drawn away Juda , to forsake the Lord , [ 2 Chron. 28. 17 , 18 , 19. ] But Achaz took all the gold and silver , that was found in the Lords house , and in the Treasury of the Kings house , and sent it for a present to Tiglath-Pileser King of Assyria , desiring him to come and deliver him from the kings of Syria , & Israels hands : & he thereupon came and took Damascus , and carryed away all the inhabitants thereof to Ki●e , & put to death Rezin , the king of Syria , [ 2 Reg. 16. 7 , 8 , 9. ] fulfilling therein the prophesie as well of Isaiah , [ c. 7. 16. &c. 8. 4 &c. 9. 11. ] as of Amos ; who long before had fore-told the ruine of the kingdom of Damascus , in these words . I will send a fire upon the house of Hazael , which shall consume the palaces of Benhadad , and I will break in pieces the bars of Damascus , and root out the inhabitants of the valley of Aven , and him that beareth the scepter out of the house of Eden , and the people of Syria shall be carryed away into Assyria , saith the Lord , [ Amos 1. 4 , 5. ] And so the kingdom of Damascus , and with it , that of Hamath , of which , as then being in a most flourishing estate , mention is made , [ Amos 6. 2. and of Aradus , Jer. 49. 23. Esay 10. 9. and 36. 19. and 37. 12 , 13. ] which was begun , in Rezon , [ 1 Reg. 11. 23 , 24. ] ended in this Rezin , which continued for ten generations , as Nicol. Damascenus , cited by Josephus , lib. 7. Antiquit. c. 6. affirmeth , see before upon the year of the world 2960. But when Achaz went to meet Tiglath-pileazer at Damascus , and to congratulate him , for his great victory there obtained , he there saw the great altar ; the fashion whereof he forthwith took , and sent to Uria , the priest , that he might make the like of it , in Jerusalem , on which , upon his return thither , he both offered himself , and also caused the people to offer their sacrifices , removing the brazen altar , a far off from the fore-part of the house , that it might not stand between his altar , and the house of the Lord , [ 2 Reg. 16. ] When Achaz had now made him self a servant to the K. of Assyria , Year of the World 3265. c. he then found , reign of the King of Juda 4 that he had received more hurt than help from him , [ 2 Chr. 28. 20 , 21. ] which the prophet a little before had ●ntimated to him , by that allegory of this , saying , The Lord shal shave off the hair of thy head & feet , with an hired razor , from beyond the river , even the king of Assyria , and it shall also consume the beard , [ Esay 7. 20. ] wherefore also Achaz turned the entrie without , which led from the kings house to the house of the Lord , for fear of the king of Assyria , [ 2 Reg. 16. 18. ] that is , as Tremelius understands it , for fear lest the king of Assyria , should assault him that way , and so break into his palace , and yet in the midst of all these his afflictions , he sinned still more and more against the Lord , 2 Chron. 28. 22. ] reign of the King of Juda 5 reign of the King of Juda 6 reign of the King of Juda 7 reign of the King of Juda 8 Candaules , Year of the World 3269 whom the Greek Authors call , reign of the King of Juda 9 as Herodotus saith , reign of the King of Juda 10 Myrsylus , the son of Myrsus , the last of the stock of the Heraclydae , reigned in Lydia 17 years , Euseb. Chron. Nadius , Year of the World 3271 or Nabius , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 reigned over the Babylonians , 2 years , Ptol. in Reg. Canone . reign of the King of Juda 11 reign of the King of Juda 12 Chinzirus and Porus , Year of the World 3273. c. reigned over the Babylonians , five years , [ Id. ib. ] Year of the World 3274. c. reign of the King of Juda 13 Year of the World 3276. b. reign of the King of Juda 14 Achaz , Year of the World 3277. c. in the last year of his reign , reign of the King of Juda 1 joyned his son Ezekia within , reign of the King of Juda 16 in the kingdom , who from that time , being the later end of the third year of Hosea king of Israel ▪ reigned 29 years in Jerusalem , [ 2 Reg. 18. 1 , 2. ] Jugaeus or Ilulaeus , Year of the World 3278. a. reigned over the Babylonians 5 years , Ptol. Reg. Canon . And in this year died Achaz : Year of the World b. and the Prophet Esay foretold the Philistines ( who at that time , unjustly detained a part of Judea , as was shewed before , in the 3264. year of the world ) of their destruction , [ Es. 14 from the 28 verse to the end thereof : as likewise he forewarned the Moabites of a great calamity to befal them within three years after , [ Esay 15. 1. and 16. 14. ] of the fulfilling of which prophesies , look what we shall hereafter say , upon the years 3280. and 3284. Achaz dying , was buried in the city of David , [ 2 Reg. 16. 20. ] but not among the Kings , [ 2 Chron. 28. 27. ] Ezechias , Year of the World c. ( his father being dead , and he now at his own disposing ) toward the later end of the first year of his reign , in the first month . Abib , opened the doores of the Lords house , which his father had caused to be shut up , [ 2 Chron. 28. 24. ] and commanded the Priests and Levits to sanctifie themselves , and then to cleanse the Temple , [ 2 Chron. 29. 3 , 4. ] And they taking courage hereupon , upon the first day of the first moneth , ( Apr. 21. upon the Sabbath-day ) sanctified themselves . And the● , according to the Kings command , came to cleanse the house of the Lord ; and upon the eighth day of the same moneth , ( 28 Apr. being also upon the Sabbath-day ) entering into the porch of the Temple , they sanctified the ho●se of the Lord eight dayes ; so that upon the sixteenth day of the first moneth ( ● of our May , being Sunday ) they finished that work , [ 2 Chron. 29. 15. 17. ] The next morning , King Ezechia , early in the morning , ( May 6 being Munday ) called together all the Rulers of the City , and went up into the house of the Lord ; wherein , together with the people , by the ministery of the Priests and Levites , he offered many sacrifices upon the Altar of the Lord , with great joy and gladnesse , [ 2 Chron. 29. v. 20. 36. ] But because the Passeover could not be kept at the same time when that meeting and the cleansing of the Temple was appointed , because the number of the Priests then sanctified was not sufficient , and the people was not gathered together from all parts to Jerusalem , according to the law , [ Numb . 9. 10 , 11. ] therefore was the Passeover appointed to be kept , in the second month , whereof notice ●eing given to the people from Beersheba even to Dan ; not onely the Jewes , but some also out of the Tribes of Asher , Manasses and Zabulon , ( the rest of the Tribes laughing at such warning given ) came together in Jerusalem : where the Idol-altars , and altars of incense being demolished fi●st , and then thrown into the brook Kidron , they killed the Pascal lambs upon the 14. day of the second moneth ( being on our third of June , falling upon a Sunday ) then kept they the Feast of sweet-bred 7 days , offering their sacrifices of thanksgiving , and ●inging praises to the God of their fore-fathers : to which in further testimony of their thankfulnesse unto God , they adde seven dayes more ; all which they kept and celebrated with great glee and joy of heart , [ 2 Chron. 30. 23. ] And when they had finished all things , then all the Israelites , which were there present , about the end of the said second moneth , went forth throughout all the cities of Juda , and brake down the Images , & cut down the groves , and destroyed the High places and Altars , throughout the whole land of Juda and Benjamin , and even throughout Ephraim and Manasses , until they had finished the work they went about : which done , the Israelites returned every man to his own home , in their several countries [ 2 Chron. 31. 1. ] But Ezechia went further , and brake in pieces the very brazen Serpent , which Moses had set up , [ Num. 2● . 9. ] because unto those dayes the children of Israel had burnt incense to it ; and in contempt thereof , by a diminutive terme , called it Necushtan , ( i. ) a little piece of bras●e . And in like manner , taking order that the Priests and Levites should serve every of them , in his office , and by turn ; he also provided them of victuals and maintenance , by setting on foot again the law of first-fruits and tithes , [ 2 Chron. 31. ] Whereupon , in the third month , every man brought in , who should bring fastest , their first fruits and tithes , and delivered them to the Priests , [ 2 Chron. 31. 5 , 6 , 7. ] In the seventh moneth , Year of the World 3279. a. wherein the gathering of the fruits of the whole year was finished , [ Exod. 23. 16. ] the bringing in of the first fruits and tithes , was fully compleat and ended , [ 2 Chron. 31. 7. ] and officers were appointed by Ezechia for the just distribution of them , [ 2 Chron. 31. ] Year of the World b. reign of the King of Juda 3 Year of the World 3280 reign of the King of Juda 4 reign of the King of Juda 5 Mardocempadus began to reign in Babylon , Year of the World 3283 after the beginning of Nabonassers reign there 26 years : reign of the King of Juda 6 from the end thereof 12 years , as we find in Ptolomies , Reg. Canon . By the Prophet Isaiah , Merodac Baladan , is called the son of Baladan : [ c. 39. 1. ] as being Belesis , or the son , or according to a most usual Hebraisme , Nephew of Nabonasar , in this Mardocempadus his first year , the moon was eclipsed at Babylon , as Ptolomei in his 4 book of his great Syntaxis , c. 6. noteth , in the 27 of Nabonasar , 29 of the month Thoth , as the Egyptians call it , ( to wit , toward the end of the 19 day of our March ) two houres and an half before midnight . JEROBOAM . Jeroboam , the 15 day of the 8 moneth , reign of the King of Israel 1 ( our Decemb. 6. Munday ) at a feast of his own devising , somewhat resembling the feast of Tabernacles among the Jews , upon an Idolatrous altar , which he had built , at Bethel , offered sacrifice to his calf , [ 1 Reg. 12 , 32 , 33. ] At what time , a certain Prophet sent by God out of Iury , foretold what judgement one of King Davids linage , Iosias by name , should one day execute upon the Altar , and the Priests that served at it : which Prophesie he then and there confirmed , by signs and prodigies shewed upon that Altar then standing , and upon the King himself , [ 1 Reg. 13. 2. Reg. 23. 16 , 17. ] From which beginning of this Idolatrous worship , and publick manifestation of Gods judgement thereupon ; we are to reckon the 390. years of the iniquity of Israel , spoken of in [ Ezek. 4. 5. ] This Prophet being deceived by another Prophet of Bethel , who abused the name of God unto him : did contrary to the expresse commandment of God to himself delivered , eat meat at Bethel ; and was therefore in his return homeward met with and slaine by a Lion : whereof when tydings came to the Prophet which had deceived him , he took up the body , and honourably enterred it , assuring his sons , that what had been foretold by that other Prophet , should undoubtedly come to passe , [ 1 Reg. 13. with 2 Reg 23. 17 , 18. ] Jeroboam persisting in his revolt , The Julian Period 3740 cast off the Priests that were of the linage of Aaron and the Levites , Year before Christ 974 and made Priests of the High places , men taken from among the common people , [ 1 Reg. 13. 33 , 34. 2 Chron. 11. 14 , 15. and chap. 13. 9. ] whereupon the Priests and Levites , leaving their possessions which they formerly had in those parts ; retired into Jury , and were followed thither , by all such out of every Tribe , as set their minds upon the true worship of God ; and came to Jerusalem , there to do worship and to sacrifice to the God of their fore-fathers , [ 2 Chron. 11. 13 , 14 , 16. The Julian Period 3743 Year before Christ 971 reign of the King of Israel 6 reign of the King of Israel 7 reign of the King of Israel 8 reign of the King of Israel 9 reign of the King of Israel 10 reign of the King of Israel 11 reign of the King of Israel 12 reign of the King of Israel 13 reign of the King of Israel 14 reign of the King of Israel 15 reign of the King of Israel 16 reign of the King of Israel 17 reign of the King of Israel 18 The Julian Period 3756 Year before Christ 958 reign of the King of Israel 19 The Julian Period 3757 Year before Christ 957 reign of the King of Israel 20 reign of the King of Israel 21 The Julian Period 3759 Year before Christ 965 reign of the King of Israel 22 reign of the King of Israel 1 The Julian Period 3760 Year before Christ 954 Nadab in the second year of Asa , succeded his father Jeroboam deceased , in his kingdome , wherein he continued only the space of 2 years , [ 1 Reg. 15. 25. Nadab , reign of the King of Israel 1 at the siege of Gibbethon of the Philistines , reign of the King of Israel 2 was slain by Baasa , The Julian Period 3761 a man of the Tribe of Issacar , Year before Christ 953 in the third year of the reign of Asa ; and the same year , having made himself king over Israel , he utterly destroied all the race of Jeroboam , and reigned 24 years , [ 1 Reg. 15. 27 , 28 , 29 , 33. ] reign of the King of Israel 2 reign of the King of Israel 3 The Julian Period 3763 Year before Christ 951 reign of the King of Israel 4 reign of the King of Israel 5 The Julian Period 3765 Year before Christ 949 reign of the King of Israel 6 reign of the King of Israel 7 reign of the King of Israel 8 reign of the King of Israel 9 reign of the King of Israel 10 reign of the King of Israel 11 reign of the King of Israel 12 reign of the King of Israel 13 The Julian Period 3773 Year before Christ 941 The Julian Period 3774 Year before Christ 940 Baasa , reign of the King of Israel 14 when he saw Asa thus busie in restoring religion , and perceived that many of his subjects were fallen over to him ; that they might partake of the covenant of God , [ 2 Chron. 15. 9. ] never ceased to make war upon him all his dayes , [ 1 Reg. 15 , 16 , 32. ] and pursuing his point , this year which was the 36 of Asa his reign , to wit , over the kingdom of Juda , as it stood divided from Israel , and which Asa then held , went up against Juda , and built Rama , that he might suffer no man to come out from , or go into Asa , king of Juda , [ 2 Chron. 16. 1. ] At the same time Benadad king of Syria , marched forth against the Cities of Israel , and destroyed Ijon , of the tribe of Asher , and Dan , of Dan , and Abeth-maacah of the tribe of Manasses , and all the coast of Cinnereth , with all the land of Nephthali , which made Baasa give over his building of Rama , and resided at Tirza , [ 1 Reg. 16. 20 , 21. 2 Chron. 16. 4 , 5. with Esay 9. 1. ] Now this Benadad was son of Tabrimmon , the son of H●zion , [ 1 Reg. 15. 8. ] or of Rezon the first king of Syria , of Damascus , from whom the name of Hadad , was derived to his posterity , in the kingdom , as Nicolaus Damascenus noteth , recorded by Josephus lib. 7. of his Antiquities , c. 6. ●l . 5. where , when the said Nicolaus tells us , That the third of that name seeking to wipe of the blot of the overthrow , received in his grandfathers dayes , marched into Judea , and destroyed Samaria , Josephus understands it , of the invasion made upon Samaria , by Benhadad , in the time of Achab , reign of the King of Israel 15 see before in the year of the world , reign of the King of Israel 16 2960. and hereafter in the year 3103. reign of the King of Israel 17 reign of the King of Israel 18 reign of the King of Israel 19 reign of the King of Israel 20 reign of the King of Israel 21 reign of the King of Israel 22 reign of the King of Israel 23 Baasa dying , reign of the King of Israel 24 and being buried at Tizra , The Julian Period 3784 his son Ela succeeded in his roome . Year before Christ 930 In the second year of Ela , The Julian Period 3785 27 of Asa , Year before Christ 929 Ela with the whole race of Baasa , was rooted out by Zimri , who reigned in Tirza seven dayes . But the soldierie which then lay before Gibbethon , a town of the Philistins , made Omri , the General of the Army , king , who comming to besiege Tirza , Zimri , set fire on the kings palace , and consumed it and himself therein , [ 1 Reg. 16. 15 , 16 , 17 , 18. ] The people of Israel falling in two factions , reign of the King of Israel 1 one part followed Thibni , the son of Ginath , the other adhered to Omri ; but Omri his side was stronger of the two , [ 1 Reg. 16. 8 , 21 , reign of the King of Israel 2 22. ] Athalia the daughter of Achab the son of Omri , reign of the King of Israel 3 as it seemeth was borne 42 years before her son Ahazia reigned over Juda. reign of the King of Israel 4 Omri , reign of the King of Israel 5 his rival being now at Tibni , The Julian Period 3789 began to reign over Israel alone in the 31 year of king Asa. Year before Christ 925 When Omri had now reigned six years in Tirza , reign of the King of Israel 6 he then removed the seat of his kingdom from thence to Samaria , The Julian Period 3790 which he built in the hill of Somron , Year before Christ 224 a place which he had purchased of one Semor , [ 1 Reg. 16. 23 , 24. ] reign of the King of Israel 7 reign of the King of Israel 8 reign of the King of Israel 9 reign of the King of Israel 10 reign of the King of Israel 11 reign of the King of Israel 12 Omri dies , reign of the King of Israel 1 and was buried at Samaria , The Julian Period 3796 a bad father , Year before Christ 918 but Achab the son , that succeded him , was worse than he ; who yet reigned after him 22 years , [ 1 Reg. 16. 28 , 29. ] reign of the King of Israel 2 The Julian Period 3797 Year before Christ 917 The Julian Period 3800 Year before Christ 914 reign of the King of Israel 6 reign of the King of Israel 7 The Julian Period 3802 Year before Christ 912 reign of the King of Israel 8 reign of the King of Israel 9 reign of the King of Israel 10 reign of the King of Israel 11 reign of the King of Israel 12 The Julian Period 3807 Year before Christ 907 reign of the King of Israel 13 The Julian Period 3808 Year before Christ 906 reign of the King of Israel 14 reign of the King of Israel 15 reign of the King of Israel 16 reign of the King of Israel 17 reign of the King of Israel 18 Benhadad , The Julian Period 3813 King of Asyria , Year before Christ 901 gathering all his together , with the assistance and attendance of 32 petty kings , besieged Samaria ; but was faine to give it over and fled upon a great blow , which he received before , it , [ 1 Reg. ] About a year after , reign of the King of Israel 19 Benhadad came a second time up as far as Apseka , The Julian Period 3814 to make war upon the Israelites ; Year before Christ 900 where upon a mighty overthrow received , he gave himself ●p into Achabs hand . Achab received him with all curtesie and honour ; and after a while , let him fairly go , having made a league of friendship with him : for which act of his , God forthwith denounced a judgement upon him by his Prophet , [ 1 Reg. 20. ] Neverthelesse , upon this league made , there followed a three years cessation of armes , between the two Nations , [ 1 Reg. 22. 1. ] Achab , reign of the King of Israel 20 when he could not get Naboth to sell him his vineyard , The Julian Period 3815 grew sick upon it . Year before Christ 899 Jezebel his wife , gate Naboth by false witnesse to be condemned to death , and stoned ; and so put him in possession of the vineyard . Whereupon the Prophet Elias , foretold him of destruction which was to befal him , and all his posterity : and upon Jezebel her self . Achab , trembling hereat , by a timely repentance , obtained a respit of this judgement , [ 1 Reg. 21. ] Achab in the 17. year of the reigne of Jehosaphat , joyned his son Achazia with him in the rule of the kingdom , or rather made him his Vice-Roy , [ 1 Reg. 22. 51. ] Achab , reign of the King of Israel 22 having gotten Jehosaphat to go along with him , The Julian Period 3817 went to besiege Ramoth Gilead . Year before Christ 897 But before he went , reign of the King of Israel 2 he asked counsel of 400. false Prophets ; and withal of Micaiah , the true Prophet of God , what the issue and event of this war should be . They told him , all should do well : Micaiah foretold his overthrow , and according to his word , Achab , though in a disguised habit , was slain in the fight , and was buried in Samaria , [ 1 Reg. 22. 2 Chron. 18. ] So soon as he was dead , all the land of Moab fell away from the Israelites , [ 2 Reg. 1. 1. and chap. 3. 5. ] which had continued in subjection to them , ever since King Davids dayes , [ 2 Sam. 8. 2. ] Achazia King of Israel , The Julian Period 3818 falling out of a grate of his Dining-room in Samaria lay sick of it , Year before Christ 896 and asked counsel of Baal-zebub , the god of the Ekronites , concerning his recovery . And the Prophet Elias , when two Captains over fifty men a piece , with their companies , were sent to apprehend and bring him to the King ; destroyed them & their companies with fire called down from heaven upon them : and at last , going voluntarily with the third Captain that came for him , he told the King plainly , that he should die . [ 2 Reg. 1. ] and accordingly die he did , after he had spent two years , partly with his father , partly by himself , in the administration of the kingdom , [ 1 Reg. 22. 51. ] When Achazias was dead , his brother Jehoram , the son of Achab succeeded him , in the later end of the 18 year of Jehosaphat , and reigned 12. years , [ 2 Reg. 3. 1. ] Elias was taken up into heaven in a fiery chariot , reign of the King of Israel 1 [ 2 Reg. 2. ] Three Kings , reign of the King of Israel 2 to wit , The Julian Period 3815 of Israel , Juda , and Edom , ( which Edom had hitherto continued in subjection to the kings of Juda ) joined together to reduce the rebellious Moabites ; in which war , E●izeus the Prophet , miraculo●sly furnished the army with water , and assured them of the victory over their enemies : Neverthelesse , Mesah king of the Moabites being shut up , in Kir-hareseth , with such small forces as he had left about him , and making a salley out , took prisoner the son of the king of Edom , being his first-born ( and who was to have succeeded him in the kingdome , and is in that regard , by the Prophet Amos , [ c. 2. 1. ] stiled , king of the Edomites ) and offered him for a whole burnt-offering upon the wall of the City , [ 2 Reg. 3. ] reign of the King of Israel 3 reign of the King of Israel 4 reign of the King of Israel 5 The Julian Period 3822 Year before Christ 892 reign of the King of Israel 6 reign of the King of Israel 7 The Julian Period 3825 Year before Christ 889 reign of the King of Israel 8 reign of the King of Israel 10 The Julian Period 3827 Year before Christ 887 reign of the King of Israel 11 The Julian Period 3828 Year before Christ 886 reign of the King of Israel 12 The Julian Period 3829 Year before Christ 885 Iehoram king of Israel , The Julian Period 3830 and Achazia King of Iuda , Year before Christ 884 went out joyntly with their armies to Ramoth Gilead , against Hazael , who had newly succeded Benadad , in the kingdom of Syria , as Eliseus the prophet had foretold him . In that fight , Iehoram was grievously wounded by the Syrians , and he retired himself to Iezrael , there to be cured of his wounds , [ 2 Reg. 8. ] mean while a certain son of the prophets sent by Eliseus the prophet , came to Ramoth , and there anointed Iehu , the son of Iehosaphat the son of Nimshi , king over Israel , and opened to him the will of God , for the rooting out of the house of Achab , who forthwith being proclaimed king , by the captains and officers of the Army , marched straight on to Iezrael , and there slew both Iehoram and Iezabel , [ chap. 9. ] and Eft-soons dispatched away letters to Samaria , and there caused the seventy sons of Achab to be slain , maintaining this act of his , by the foretelling and prophesie of Elias . Then taking with him Iehonadab , the son of Recab ; he came himself to Samaria , and destroyed all the race of Achab , and all the priests of Baal ; though having put down the worship of Baal , he departed not from the worship of Ieroboams golden calves , but maintained that inveterate Idolatry among the Israelites all the time of his reign , which was for eight and twenty years , [ 2 Reg. 10. 28 , 29 , 39. ] reign of the King of Israel 1 reign of the King of Israel 2 reign of the King of Israel 3 reign of the King of Israel 4 reign of the King of Israel 5 reign of the King of Israel 6 reign of the King of Israel 7 reign of the King of Israel 8 reign of the King of Israel 9 reign of the King of Israel 10 reign of the King of Israel 11 reign of the King of Israel 12 reign of the King of Israel 13 reign of the King of Israel 14 reign of the King of Israel 15 reign of the King of Israel 16 reign of the King of Israel 17 reign of the King of Israel 18 reign of the King of Israel 19 reign of the King of Israel 20 reign of the King of Israel 21 The Julian Period 3850 Year before Christ 864 reign of the King of Israel 22 reign of the King of Israel 23 reign of the King of Israel 24 reign of the King of Israel 25 reign of the King of Israel 26 reign of the King of Israel 27 reign of the King of Israel 28 The Julian Period 3857 Year before Christ 857 The Julian Period 3858 Year before Christ 856 Jehochaz succeded his father Jehu , in the kingdom of Israel , in the 23 year of Joash , the son of Achazia : and reigned 17 years , [ 2 Reg. 13. 1. ] during all which time , Hazael king of Syria lay heavy upon the Israelites , [ Chap. 13. 3 , 7 , 22. ] and exercised all the cruelty upon them , which Eliseus the prophet had foretold , he should , reign of the King of Israel 2 [ Chap. 8. 12. ] reign of the King of Israel 3 reign of the King of Israel 4 reign of the King of Israel 5 reign of the King of Israel 6 reign of the King of Israel 7 reign of the King of Israel 8 reign of the King of Israel 9 reign of the King of Israel 10 reign of the King of Israel 11 reign of the King of Israel 12 reign of the King of Israel 13 reign of the King of Israel 14 reign of the King of Israel 15 reign of the King of Israel 16 Joas the son of Jehoachaz , The Julian Period 3873 was taken into the consortship of this kingdom by his father , the later end of the 37 years of Joas king of Juda , Year before Christ 841 and reigned 16 years , reign of the King of Israel 17 [ 2 Reg. reign of the King of Israel 2 13. 10. ] Jehoachaz , reign of the King of Israel 3 the son of Jehu died , The Julian Period 3875 and was buried in Samaria , Year before Christ 839 when he had reigned 17 years , [ 2 Reg. 13. 1 , 9. ] but King Joaz , not long after the funeral of his father , went , as it seemeth , to visit Elizeus the prophet , then lying in his death-bed and with many tears , asking counsail of him , concerning the miserable distracted state of the kingdom , reign of the King of Israel 4 as then it stood ; reign of the King of Israel 5 was foretold that he should obtain three victories over the Syrians , reign of the King of Israel 6 [ ib from v. 14. to v. 20. ] Jeroboam the second , The Julian Period 3878 seemeth to have been taken into the consortship of the kingdom , Year before Christ 836 by his father Joash , going to war against the Syrians , in which war , he overthrew Benhadad , ( who succeded his father Hazael in the kingdom of Syria ) in three pitcht fields , and recovered out of his hands the cities , which Jehocahaz his father had lost ) so that from hence we may gather , that Azarias king of ●uda began his reign in the 27 year of this Jeroboam , [ 2 Reg. 15. 1. ] reign of the King of Israel 7 reign of the King of Israel 8 reign of the King of Israel 9 reign of the King of Israel 10 reign of the King of Israel 11 reign of the King of Israel 12 reign of the King of Israel 13 reign of the King of Israel 14 reign of the King of Israel 15 reign of the King of Israel 16 The Julian Period 3888 Year before Christ 826 Joas having overcome and taken prisoner Amasia , king of Juda , brake down four hundred cubits of the wall of Ierusalem , even from the gate of Ephraim , to the corner gate ; and so having gotten from him all the treasure both of the temple , and also of the kings own house , returned to Samaria , [ 2 2 Reg. 14. 13 , 14. Chron. 25. 23 , 24. ] But Ioash departing this life , reign of the King of Israel 1 15 years before the death of Amazia , Ieroboam his son succeding him , reigned in Samaria 41 years , [ 2 Reg. 14. 23. ] By this man , did God deliver Israel , having recovered Damascus and Hamath , both which apperteined by right to the Tribe of Iuda , [ 2 Sam. 8. 6. 2 Chron 8. 3. ] and the old border thereof , [ Numb . 13. 21. ] from the entrance into Hamath , even to to the sea of the plaine ; according to the word of the Lord , which he spake by the mouth of Jonas the Prophet , the son of Ammitthai , [ 2 Reg. 14. 25 , 27 , 28. ] reign of the King of Israel 2 reign of the King of Israel 3 reign of the King of Israel 4 reign of the King of Israel 5 reign of the King of Israel 6 reign of the King of Israel 7 reign of the King of Israel 8 reign of the King of Israel 9 reign of the King of Israel 10 reign of the King of Israel 11 reign of the King of Israel 12 reign of the King of Israel 13 reign of the King of Israel 14 reign of the King of Israel 15 reign of the King of Israel 17 reign of the King of Israel 18 reign of the King of Israel 19 The Julian Period 3906 Year before Christ 808 At the same time , in the kingdom of Israel , prophesied Ionas the the son of Amitthai , and Hosea , the son of Beeri . Ionas was of Gathe-Chepher , [ 2 Reg. 14. 25. ] a town of the Tribe of Zebulon , [ Joh. 19. 13. ] in Galilei of the Gentiles , [ Esay 9. 1. ] which I note by the way , to meet with that of the Pharisees to Nicodemus , [ Ioh. 7. 52. ] where they say , [ Search and know that out of Galilie , never arose any Prophet ] for this man in the time of Ioash , as it seemeth , what time the Syrians oppressed Israel , and all lay open to their invasion , and they spoiled all , and there was none to deliver them ; foretold that Ioash his son Ieroboam , should deliver Israel out of their hands , and avenge them of the wrongs they had endured , [ 2 Reg. 14. 25 , 26. ] and was afterward sent unto Ninive , the Metropolis or Head city of Assyria ; and by his preaching brought both King and people there to repentance for their sins , [ Jon. 3. Matth. 12. 41. ] Hosea , in the dayes of Ieroboam , under whom the kingdom of Israel principally flourish't ; foretold the ruine and desolation of it : which also himself lived to see , as continuing in that function of prophesing , to the reign of King Hezekiah , [ Hosea 1. 1. ] In the sixth year of whose reign , that of Israel came to its final end , [ 2 Reg. 18. 10. ] To him we may adde a third , the Prophet Amos , who was taken from following his heard in Iudea , and sent to prophesie to the people of Israel , [ Amos 1. 1. & 7. 14 , 15. ] For which cause being accused by Amasia the Priest at Bethel , before Ieroboam , and by him commanded to return into Iudea ; he pronounced this heavy judgement against him . Thy wife , said he , shall play the where in the very city , and thy sons , and thy daughters shall fall by the sword ; and thy land shall be divided by the cord , and thou thy self shalt die in a poluted land ; ( viz. of Assyria ) when Israel shall be carried quite away , out of her own land , [ chap. 7. 10 , 12 , 13 , 17. ] reign of the King of Israel 20 reign of the King of Israel 21 reign of the King of Israel 22 reign of the King of Israel 23 reign of the King of Israel 24 reign of the King of Israel 25 reign of the King of Israel 26 reign of the King of Israel 27 reign of the King of Israel 28 In Lydia , reign of the King of Israel 29 Ardysus of the race of the Heraclidae , The Julian Period 3917 reigned 36 years [ Euseb. Year before Christ 797 Chron. ] reign of the King of Israel 30 reign of the King of Israel 31 The kingdom of Macedon , reign of the King of Israel 32 was set up by Caranus , The Julian Period 3920 a man of the race of the Heraclidae . Year before Christ 794 reign of the King of Israel 33 reign of the King of Israel 34 reign of the King of Israel 35 The Julian Period 3923 Year before Christ 791 reign of the King of Israel 36 reign of the King of Israel 37 reign of the King of Israel 38 reign of the King of Israel 39 reign of the King of Israel 40 After Jeroboams death , reign of the King of Israel 41 under whom that kingdom came to its full heigth and growth of glory , The Julian Period 3930 all things declined , Year before Christ 784 and fell headlong to decay . When those tumults arose which were the fore-runners of the destruction , first of Jeroboams own house , and then of the whole kingdom ; as was foretold in the [ 7. and 8. chapters of the prophesie of Amos ] In which troubled and tempestuous state of things , all was reduced to a plain Anarchie among them : which lasted eleven years and a half , for in comparing the times of these two kingdomes , such an Interreg●um , or vacancie of a king , in the land of Israel we must make ; that the six months of Zacharie the son of Jeroboam , may fall even with the thirty eighth year and the one moneth of Shallum , who slew him , with 39 year of Uzzia , or Azaria the king of Juda , [ 2 Reg. 15. 8 , 13. ] The Julian Period 3931 Year before Christ 783 reign of the King of Israel 3 reign of the King of Israel 4 reign of the King of Israel 5 reign of the King of Israel 6 reign of the King of Israel 7 reign of the King of Israel 8 reign of the King of Israel 9 The Julian Period 3938 Year before Christ 776 reign of the King of Israel 10 reign of the King of Israel 11 reign of the King of Israel 12 Zacharias the son of Jeroboam , reign of the King of Israel 1 the fourth and last of the race of Jehu , The Julian Period 3941 and was foretold from God ; Year before Christ 773 began his reign in the 38 year of Azariah or Uzziah king of Juda , and reigned six months , [ 2 Reg. 15. 8. 12. with 10. 30. ] Now after the end of those six months , he was murthered by Shallum the sun o● Ja●esh , in the sight of all the people , [ 2 Reg. 15. 10. ] after whose death , followed those direful calamities which were foretold by Amos the Prophet , c. 7. 9. ] The High places of Isaac shall be desolate , and the sanctuaries of Israel made a wildernesse , when I shall arise with a sword against the house of Jeroboam . Shallum the son of Jabesh , reigned one month in the 39 year of Uzzia king of Juda , [ 2 Reg. 15. 13. ] Menachem the son of Gad , going from Tirza to Samaria , slew Shallum , wasted Tipsach with the borders thereof , and ript up all the women that were great with child , [ 2 Reg. 15. 14 , 16. ] This Menachem , is by Sulp●tius Severus in his 1 Book of his Histo. Sacra , termed here Manes ; being the self-same name with Manes , or Manichaus , that grand heretique , in after times : the name of either importing as much as Parecletus , or a Comforter . But whiles Menachem in these broiles , was tugging eleven months to hold the possession of the kingdome , God stirred up the spirit of Paul king of Assyria , to invade the land of Israel , [ 1 Chron. 5. 26. 2 Reg. 15. 19. ] This Pul seemeth to have been the father of Sardanapalus , who was from him called Sardan-pul . as Merodach king of Babylon , from Baladan his father , was called Merodach Baladan [ Esai . 39. 1. ] & is the same , whom Jul. African . calleth Acracarnes : Eusebius , Oceazapes : Stephanus Byzantinus , Cindaraxes : Strabo , Arrianus , and Suidas , Anacyndaraxes : and by other , ( as we find in Atheneus , lib. 2. Deipnosoph . ) Anabaxares , and moreover , considering well , the number of years assigned by Affricanus and Eusebius , to the reigns of him and his son , and reckoning the years backward , from the beginning of Nabonassar , and the end of Sardanapalus his reigne , ( which I conceive to have been both at one and the same time ) this Pul may well seeme to have been the self-same man , who was converted and brought to repentance by the preaching of the Prophet Jonas ; so that here also the men of Ninive , may seem to have risen in judgment against this Nation : and that God here raised up a heathen man , repentant , to take vengeance of unrepenting Israel . But Menachem gave him a thousand talents of ●ilver , to help , settle and confirme him in his kingdom , [ 2 Reg. 15. 19 , 20. ] whereunto some refer that of [ Hosea , 5. 1. ] When Ephraim saw her disease , and Juda her sore , Ephraim went away to the Assyrian , and sent to the king of Jareb , or , to the king , that should defend , or uphold him . Menachem being thus confirmed in the kingdome which he had gotten , began to reign quietly in the later end of the 39 year of Azaria , or Uzzia his reigne ; and held the kingdome , by the space of ten years , [ 2 Reg. 15. 17. ] reign of the King of Israel 2 reign of the King of Israel 3 reign of the King of Israel 4 Sardanapalus held the kingdome of the Assyrians , reign of the King of Israel 5 20 years , The Julian Period 3947 Jul. Year before Christ 767 Affrican . and Euseb. who in his Epitaph ( which is to be read in Atheneus lib. 12. out of Cli●archus : and in Strabo , l. 14. & in Arrianus , l. 3. of the acts of Alexander ) is said to have built two Cities in Cilicia , in one day , to wit , Anchialus and Tarsus . reign of the King of Israel 6 reign of the King of Israel 7 reign of the King of Israel 8 reign of the King of Israel 9 reign of the King of Israel 10 The Julian Period 3952 Year before Christ 762 Pekahia succeded his father Menachem , reign of the King of Israel 1 deceased in the 50 year of Azaria , The Julian Period 3953 or Uzzia , Year before Christ 761 k●ng o● Juda , and reigned two years , [ 2 R●g . ●5 . 2● . ] Pekah , reign of the King of Israel 2 the son o● Remalia , The Julian Period 3955 ●aving kil●ed Pekahia , Year before Christ 759 in Samaria , in his own palace , reigned in his stead 20 years , reckoning from the 52 years of Azaria , al. Uzzia King of Juda , [ 2 Chr. 15. 25 , 27. ] reign of the King of Israel 3 reign of the King of Israel 4 reign of the King of Israel 5 reign of the King of Israel 6 reign of the King of Israel 7 The Julian Period 3962 Year before Christ 752 reign of the King of Israel 9 Aradus , reign of the King of Israel 10 which is a verie small Iland , The Julian Period 3964 as Mela noteth , Year before Christ 750 and the whole circumference thereof , taken up with one town , and Cyzicum , in Propontis ; were this year built . Arbaces the Governour of Media , scorning the effeminacie of Sardinapalus , conspired with Belesus the Governour of Babylon , and arm●ed against him four hundred thousand men , of Medes , Persians , Babylonians and Arabians ; And having been overthrown in three battails , yet in the fourth , the Bactrian souldiers falling over to him , he set upon his enemies by might , at unawares , and beat them out of their camp , and when Sardana palus put over all the command and charge of the army , into the hands of Salaemenus his wives brother , he also being twice routed by the conspirators , lost himself , and almost all his army . And when Ninive it self came to be besieged , Sardanapalus sent three of his sons and two daughters , with a great treasure into Paphlagonia , to one Cotta , Governour of that province ; and withal , dispatched away messengers , and commissioners into all parts , to levy Souldiers , and provided all necessaries , reign of the King of Israel 12 to endare a siege , The Julian Period 3966 Diod. Sic. lib. Year before Christ 748 2. In the third year of the siege of Ninive . The Julian Period 3966 the river overflowing with continual raines , Year before Christ 748 came up into a part of the city , and foundering the wall thereof 20 furlongs in length , bare it down ; which Sardanapalus perceiving , caused a huge pile of wood to be made in his palace court , set it on fire , and therein consumed himself with his concubins and eunuchs , and all his riches , and the palace it self to ashes . The conspirators entering , by the breach which the water had made , took the city , and proclaimed Arbaces for their king , Diod. lib. 2. and Athenae . lib. 12. out of Ctesias . And so the kingdom of the Assyrians came to destruction , when from the beginning of Ninus his reign , they had held all the upper Asia 520 years , as Herod . in his first book . c. 95. affirmeth . This kingdom therefore now falling to be divided ; Arbaces , whom Strabo calleth Orbacus ; but Velleius Paterculus nameth Pharnaces , having freed his country-men the Medes , from the Assyrian yoke , enabled them to live in after-times , according to their own laws ; as Herodotus , in the book afore-mentioned , affirmeth . Belesis , who in holy writ , [ Esay 39. 1. 2 Reg. 20. 12. is called Baladan : and by Agathias , lib. 2. Histo. out of Bion and Alex. Polyhist . Belessas , or Beleussus , and by Nicol. Damascenus , in his Eclogs , set forth by Hen. Valesius , Namnybrus ; but by Hipparchus , Ptolomaeus , and Censorinus is called Nabonassarus , held the kingdom of Babylon 14 years . Now from twelve a clock , of the first day of the Egyptian moneth Thoth , to wit , from the twenty sixth day of Feb. being with us Wednesday , evening , in the year 747. before our vulgar christian account , all Astronomers with one consent , deduce the Calender of Nabonassar . Ninus the younger , held the kingdom of the Assyrians ( reduced now to the old bounds , and the Empire thereof quite extinguished in Sardanapalus ) 19. years : as Eusebius in his Greek Chron. out of Castor the Rhodian , who in many large Volumes explained , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( i. ) errours in Chronologie . This Ninus , for better lucks sake , seemeth to have assumed the name of the first founder of the Assyrian kingdom . His own , and original name being ( as Eliam , lib. 12. Histor. Annal. telleth us ) Thilgamus : and in the Scriptures , Thilgath-Pilneeser , [ 1 Chron. 28. 20. ] and Tiglath-Pileser , [ 2 Reg. 15. 29. and chap. 16. 7. 10. ] reign of the King of Israel 14 reign of the King of Israel 15 reign of the King of Israel 16 reign of the King of Israel 17 reign of the King of Israel 18 The Julian Period 3972 Year before Christ 740 Peka slew of the men of Juda , reign of the King of Israel 19 120. thousand in one day , The Julian Period 3973 all valiant men of war ; Year before Christ 741 Zichi also a mighty man of the Tribe of Ephraim slew Maaseia the Kings son , and Azrikam , the Steward of the Kings house , and Elkana who was next the King in authority . The Israelites also carried away captive out of Juda and Jerusalem , two hundred thousand women , boyes , and maides , and made a vast spoile of their goods , and carried away all to Samaria : but , upon the counsel of Oded a Prophet of God , they released all that multitude of prisoners , and restored them their goods in the presence of their Princes and whole congregation of Samaria , who entreated them kindly , & caused them to be conveyed safe to their brethren at Jerico , reign of the King of Israel 20 [ 2 Chron. 28. ] When Achaz implored the aide of the kings of Assyria , ( for so it is said , [ 1 Chron. 28. 16. ] in the plurall number , by a usual enalage , or change of the number , Psal. 105. 30. Jer. 19 , 3. and 25. 22. and 3 Esay . 1. 52. ) against Peka , Tiglath Pileser , came up , and led away the people of Gilead or Peraea , to wit , the Reubenites , and the Gadites , and the half tribe of Manasses , unto Chabor and Haram , and Neher-gozan ; And then passsing over Jordan , possessed himself of Galiee , and carryed away all the inhabitants of Nephthaly , which Ben-hadad had left , together with the men of Galilee into Assyria , [ 1 Chron. 5. 26. and 2 Reg. 15. 29. ] which place compared with [ 1 Reg. 15. 20. ] that place of [ Esay 9. 1. ] seemeth to be expounded . Hosea , reign of the King of Israel 1 the son of Ela , The Julian Period 3975 having murdered Peka , Year before Christ 739 the son of Remalia , got the kingdom into his own hand , in the 20 year , from the time that Jotham began to reign over Juda , [ 2 Reg. 15. ] that is , in the fourth year of the reign of Achaz , yet by reason of stirs and tumults , which arose thereupon , he could not presently enjoy it : but that state continued in confusion , and in a kinde of Anarchy , for the space of 9 years . reign of the King of Israel 2 reign of the King of Israel 3 reign of the King of Israel 4 reign of the King of Israel 5 The Julian Period 3979 Year before Christ 735 reign of the King of Israel 6 reign of the King of Israel 7 The Julian Period 3981 Year before Christ 733 reign of the King of Israel 8 reign of the King of Israel 9 The Julian Period 3983 Year before Christ 731 Hosea having composed all differences at home , reign of the King of Israel 1 began now quietly to reign in the later end of the 12 year of Achaz king of Juda. The Julian Period 3984 Year before Christ 730 Tiglath-pilezer , reign of the King of Israel 2 or Ninus the younger , The Julian Period 3986 when he had reigned 19 years , Year before Christ 728 as hath been noted out of Castor , dyed ; and after him succeded Salmanasser , called Evemassar , in the Greek copie of Tobias , and this seemeth to be that Shalman , who in the prophesie of Hosea 10. 14. is said to have laid wast the house of Arbel , ( famous afterward for the overthrow of Darius the Persian ) in the day of battaile , to wit , the countrey of Arbela , in the land of Assyria , beneath Arpad ; also against this Hosea , king of Israel , Salmanasar came up ; and made him to serve him , and to pay him tribute , [ 2 Reg. 17. 3. ] Sabacon an Ethiopian , reign of the King of Israel 4 having taken Boccoris king of Egypt alive , The Julian Period 3987 burnt him in the fire , Year before Christ 727 and reigned in his place 8 years : [ Assrica . ] Hosea the king of Israel , reign of the King of Israel 6 consulting before hand with Sous king of Egypt , The Julian Period 3989 refused to pay tribute any longer to Salmanasser , Year before Christ 725 [ 2 Reg. 17. v. 4. ] Which Sous or Sua , as Jerom calls him , seemeth to be none other , but Sabacon the Ethiopian . Whence Chrysostome , in his 30 Homile upon John , saies that this Hosea confederated with the Ethiopians : and Severus Sulpicius , in his sacred History lib. 1. saith , that he drew into his side , the kings of the Ethiopians , who at that time , held the kingdom of Egypt . Salmanasar , reign of the King of Israel 7 getting knowledg that Hosea , had confederated with the king of Egypt : first of all made sure of all the land of the Moabites , that he might leave no enemy on the back of him , to anoy him or his army , razing to the ground their two chief Cities , Are , and Kir-hasareth , according to the prophecie of Isaiah uttered three years before it came to passe , [ Esai . 26. 1. and the last : with the notes of Tremellius thereupon : ] and then he went through and wasted all the land of Israel : and then marching toward Samaria in the 4 year of Ezechia , and 7 of Hosea , in the beginning of each of them : besieged it three years , reign of the King of Israel 8 [ 2 Reg. 17. 4 , 5. and c. 18. 9. ] Toward the end of the 3 year of the siege of Samaria : reign of the King of Israel 9 and 6 of the reign of Ezechia , The Julian Period 3993 and 9 of Hosea , Year before Christ 721 Salmanasar took Samaria , and carried away the Israelites , into his own Country , and planted them in Chalacho , Chabor , and Nehar-gosan : whether Tiglath-pilesar , had formerly transported the inhabitants of Perea , or the two Tribes and a half inhabiting on the other side Jordan , [ 1 Chron. 5. 26. ] and in the Cities of Media , [ 2 Reg. 17. 6. and c. 8. 10. 11. ] for the Anarchie , which there was , before the kingly power of Media was setled upon Deioces gave occasion to the Assyrian , to invade and take in that whole country , whence it was that Tobit or Tobias the elder , who saieth of himself , that he at this time , with Anna his wife , and his country men the Nepthalites , was carried away into the land of the Assyrians , and there made putveior or provider of corne and other victuals for Salmanasars houshold , and also that he was carried into media , and there placed in a principal City of Media , called Rages , and there deposited ten talents of silver , in the hand and trust of Gabel his near kinsman , and one that was carried away captive with him to the same place , [ Tobit . 1. ] And this was the end of the kingdome of Israel , when it had stood severed from the kingdom of Juda , by the space of two hundred fifty and four years . In the second year of Mardocempedus , Year of the World 3284. b. or of Merodach , The Julian Period . 3994 there was seen another eclipse of the moon in Babylon , Year before Christ 720 in the 28 year of Nabonasar , upon the 18 day of the month Thoth , at midnight ( to wit , in the beginning of the 9 of March , according to the Julian Calender , upon Saturday ) and 176 daies , 20 houres and a half after , a third eclipse of the moon , upon the 15 day of the month Phamenoth ( in the end of the 1. of September , being Sunday ) three houres and a half before midnight , Ptolomeus lib. 4. magn . Syntax , cap 6 , and 7. Seucchus the Ethiopian , Year of the World 3285 Sabacons son , The Julian Period . 3995 reigned in Egypt , Year before Christ 719 14 years , [ African , ] who seemeth to be Sethos , Priest unto Vulcan : of whom Herodo●us , in his second book , c. 141. maketh mention . Candaules having shewed his wife to Gyges a Courtier of his , Year of the World 3286 the son of Dascylus , The Julian Period . 3996 in an unseemely manner , Year before Christ 718 was by him ( his wife setting him on thereto ) murthered ; and he thereby got , not only her , but with her the kingdom it self of Lydia also , for his labour , which is mentioned by Archilocus , of the Isle of Paros , who lived at the same time , in a Trimeter lambus of his ; and so the kingdom of Lydia fell from the race of the Heraclide into the stock of the Mermuades : wherein it continued by the space of 170 years : of which Gyges himself reigned eighteen in it ; Herod . lib. 1. Now that this Gyges was but a bond-slave , appeareth by that saying of Cresus his grandchild in Xenophon , Iustit . Cyri. l. 7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ( i.e. ) I under stand that the first of my Ancestors that here reigned , was made a king and a free man both at once : and Plato in his 2 de Repub. saith , that he was master of the kings cattle , and his name Gyges , in the eastern dialect seemeth to have been 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( i.e. ) Gug , or Gog. Gyges having thus gotten the kingdome , Year of the World 3287 sent sundry great offerings to Delphos , made war upon Miletus and Smyrna : The Julian Period . 3997 and took the City of Colophos , Year before Christ 717 by force , Herod . lib. 1. cap. 17. Eluleus king of Tyre , reduced under his obedience the Gitteans , which had revolted from him , making a voyage thither by sea . Against the Tyrians , Salmanasar king of Assyria marching with his army , invaded all Phenicia : yet shortly after , making a peace with them , he returned home again : and not long after , Sidon and Ace ( called afterward Ptolomais ) and Poletyrus or old Tyrus , with sundry other Cities , fell off from the Tyrians to the Assyrians ; and when the Tyrians only now stood out against him , he returned a second time : in which action , the Phenicians furnished him , with sixty ships , and eight hundred Mariners : whom the Tyrians set upon with twelve ships only , and routed all that Navie , and took five hundred prisoners of them : whereby they got no small reputation at sea : But Salmanasar returning to besiege it , set guards upon the river , and conduits , which served the City , and cut them off : which hindered them from watering : which course being held against them five year together , forced them at last to digg wells within their Citie walls , and to live of that . This is delivered by Menander of Ephesus , in his Chronicles , translated into Greek , out of the Tyrian Annals , cited by Ioseph . 9. Antiq. cap. ult . where for Eluleus , Rufinus , an ancient Latine interpreter , calleth him Ayluleus ; and thence Scaliger taketh occasion to call him Eliseus ; from whom yet I dissent in this , that he here saith that the Cyprians were by Menander called Kitteans : whereas he by the name of Gitteans , understood in deed the inhabitants of Gitta , or Gath knowen well enough by that name in the holy Scriptures , [ 2 Sam. 15. 18. and c. 21. 19. ] compared with [ 1 Sam. 17. 4. ] who were also subdued to Juda , by Esechia , in the very time of this Eluleus or Eliseus , as may be gathered out of Josephus : who saith that Esechia made war upon the Philistines , and having vanquished them , joyned all their Cities and Countrie , from Gath , to Gaza , to the kingdom of Juda : 9. Antiq. c. last save one : as also , it is clear out of [ 2 Reg. 15. 18. and 18. 8. ] that Esechia did smite the Philistines as far as Gaza , and the territories thereof : but against the Tyrians , who at this time were grown proud and insolent by reason of their wealth and successe in wars , was uttered that prophecie by [ Esaias , 23. 1. ] But when Salmanasar died , his son Sennacharib reigned in his stead , [ Tob. 1. 18. ] whom Herod . l. 2. calleth the K. both of Assyria , and Arabia too , perchance for that the Assyrians at that time , together with Peraea , or the land of Gilead , and Hamath , or Ituraea held also a part of Arabia , either Petraea , or Deserta . For that Ivua , or Ava , which Sennacherib so much boasteth of , to have been conquered by him or his ancestors , [ 2 Reg. 18 , 34. chap. 19. 13. Esay 37. 13. ] was a country lying in the desert of Arabia , Fram . Junius affirmes , upon [ 2 Reg. 17. 24. ] and the prophet Isaiah ; foretelling the calamity which was to fall upon the Moabites , under Salmanasar , of which I speak before upon the year of the world 3278. and 3280. threatens them , that what ever they had laid up in store , the Assyrians should carry it away into the valley of the Arabians . Berosus also , in his History of the Chaldeans , cited by Josephus , lib. 10. cap. 1. saith , both that Sennacharib reigned in Assyria , and also that he made hot war upon all Asia and Egypt . Now that this war of his upon Egypt , Year of the World 3291 lasted 3 whole years , The Julian Period . 4001 and that Palaestina also joyned with him therein , Year before Christ 713 I gather out of the 20 of the prophet Esay : where putting off his coat of hairy cloath ( belonging to his prophetical function , as in Zach. 13. 4. ) from his loynes , and his shoes from off his feet , he was commanded to walk up and down , naked and bare-foot 3 years together , for a sign and token to the Egyptians and Ethiopians ; intimating , that that time once run out , they should in like manner , stript out o● their cloths , and barefoot , be led away into captivity and bondage , by the king of Assyria , which command the prophet is said to have received in the year , when Tartan being sent by Sargon , King of Assyria , besieged Ashdod and took it , [ Esay 20. 1. ] where , by Sargon , we must understand ; Sennacharib himself : among whose commanders we find this Tartan to be named , [ 2 Reg. 18. 17. ] and by Ashdod , that famous city Azotus , a city of the Philistins ; whom we shewed before out of Josephus to have been subdued by King Ezekia . But when Ezekia had shaken off the king of Assyria's yoake ( which his father Achaz had taken ) and would no longer serve him , [ 2 Reg. 17. 7. ] then in the 14 of his reign , toward the end thereof , Sennacharib , coming up against the kingdom of Juda , besieged their fenced cities , and took a many of them , [ Esay 36. 1. 2 Reg. 18. 13. 2. Chron. 32. 2. ] And when Ezekia perceived that he had a draught upon Jerusalem likewise , taking advice with his princes , he stopt up all the fountains that were about the city , and turned away the brook Gichon , which ran through , and overflowed the region thereabout , and then built up all that part of the wall , which Joas the king of Israel had demolished in the time of Amazia , and a vaumure without ; and fortified the house of David , and provided himself of Darts and Targets in great abundance , and set captains and colonels over the people , and calling them together to him in the street , of the gate of the city , he made a very pithy and grave oration to them , perswading them to be of courage , and not to have any dread of the king of Assyria , nor of his army , [ 2 Chron. 32. 2 , 8 , 30. ] In those dayes , Ezekia fell deadly sick , and being told by Isaiah that he should dye , powring out his tears and prayers unto God , he recovered his health , and obtained a prelongation of his life and kingdom , for fifteen years , [ Esay 38. 1. 5 , 21. 2 Reg. 2. 1 , 7. 2 Chron. 32. 24. ] Whereupon he composed and set forth that song ; wherein first he sheweth , the grievousnesse of his bodily sicknesse , with the trouble , and disquietnesse of mind , which he endured therein , and withall his prayer unto God thereupon ; and then acknowledgeth the great benefit of his recovery received from God ; and last of all , testifieth his faith in God , and promiseth to be everlastingly thankfull to him for the same . It is true , that in the scripture this is set down , after the story of the slaughter of Sennacharib , and his army ; yet not precisely , but with a general annotation onely of the time , In those dayes . For that this sell out before his sicknesse , those words do plainly shew , I will add unto thy dayes fifteen years , and wil deliver thee and this city out of the hand of the king of Assyria , and I will defend this city , [ Esay 38. 5 , 6. 2 Reg. 20. 6. ] Now if we will subduct , out of the 29 years which Ezekias reigned , these 15 years , we shal plainly find , that this slaughter of Sennacharib and his army fell out , in the later end of the 14 year of his reign . Now the signe of Ezekia his recovery , which God at his request gave unto him , was that miraculous going back of the shadow of the sun , upon the diall of Ahaz ; of which we read in Esay 38. 8. Behold , I will bring again the shadow of the degrees , which is gone down in the Sundyal of Achaz , ten dayes backward , so the sun returned ten degrees , by which degrees it was gone down . For so Jerom renders the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which Jonathan the Chldee Paraphraser interprets , to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the stone of the hours , and renders it , by the hours and the clock , yet in his commentary upon this place , he observeth , that the Hebrew word signifieth , degrees . Which also in [ 2 Reg. 2. 9 , ] he thus expresseth , wilt thou that the shadow ascend ten degrees , or that it return back ten degrees ? not may we make light of the Greek interpretation of this place , as being more ancient than any of these , which saith , that by these words of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 here ●sed , no other thing is meant in this history , but the degrees of those scales or staires which were made by Achaz , seeing that it cannot be made appear , that till after their returne , from the captivity of Babylon , there was any observation or use at all of houres , among the Jews : and others also attribute the invention of the Gnomon in the diall among the Greeks , to men of a younger date as Anaximadder or Anaximener , as I shall shew hereafter upon the year of the World , 3457. which yet that they received origanally from the Babylonians appeareth by that place of Herodotus , where he saith , lib. 2. cap. 109. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . That is , The Pole , and the Diall , and the distribution of the day into twelve hours , all these the Greekes learned from the Babylonians . But as concerning the retrogradation of the Sun , mentioned in , [ Esay 38. 8. and Ecclesiastic . 48. 8. ] as when the Sun stood still at the prayer of Joshua , the Moon also stood still at the same time , [ Josh. 10. 12 , 13. ] so here also , it is manifest , that with the Sun , the Moon also , and all the frame of heaven was retrograde and went backward , and that there was as much substracted from the night , as there was added to the day . For albeit , that there was a miraculous alteration in the parts of the civil day , yet that by the divine providence , things were therein so ordered , that no hurt or hinderance did there by accrue to the constant and ever self-like motion and harmony of the heavenly bodies , is evident by those three lunary Eclipsis , of which I spake before , out of Ptolomie : the account whereof being cast up from these our times backward , yeild the same result of the times , as was formerly observed by the Chaldeans , and in the same manner , as if no such retrogradation or going back of the Sun had ever been . Now in the beginning of the 15 year of Ezechia's reign , renewed , as it were , together with his life , Merodach , or Berodach Baladan , the son Baladan , the King of Babylon , sent messengers with Presents to him , to inform themselves of that prodigious and miraculous retrogradation of the Sun , which was made in the World. To whom when Ezechia out of pride and vain ostentation , had shewed all his Treasure and Pomp of riches ; God presently foretold him of the captivity of Babylon , which was to ensure , in these words . Behold the day 's come , that all that is in thine house , and that which thy fathers have laid up in store until this day , shall be carried away into Babylon ; nothing shall be left , saith the Lord : adding further concerning his sons , when as he had yet none born , that they should also be carried into captivity , in this manner . Thy sons also , that shall issue from thee , and which thou shalt beget , shall they take away , and they shall be eunuchs in the Palace of the King of Babylon , [ Esay 39. and 2 Reg. 20. 12 , 19. ] Neverthelesse when Ezechia had humbled himself for his former pride , both he , and the inhabitants of Jerusalem , the fierce wrath of the Lord fell not upon them , in all Ezechia his dayes , [ 2 Chron. 32. 25 , 26 , 31. ] Mica also the Morathite , prophesied to the people in Ezechia his dayes ; That Sion should be plowed , and Jerusalem laid in heaps , and the mountain it self of the house of the Lord , as the high places in a forrest [ chap. 3. 12. Jer. 26. 18 , 19. ] Memnon writeth , Year of the World 3292 that Astacum in Bithynia , The Julian Period . 4002 was built by the Megarenses , Year before Christ 712 in the beginning of the 17 olympiade , in Biblioth , . Photii . pa. 374. Herodotus , lib. 2. cap. 141. telleth us , that Sennacharib invaded Egypt , with a vast Army , and made war upon Sethon , the Priest of Uulcan , a poor spirited King , and famous for nothing ; but for being devoutly , or rather superstitiously addicted to the worship of his petty god Vulcan . Where he also addeth , that even in his time , there remained an image of his cut in stone , holding a mouse in his hand , and uttering these words in a label of letters ; Let every man that looks on me , Learn godly and devout to be . which Hieroglyph ▪ the Priests there , for his , and their countries , and their own Priesthoods honour , expound in such manner , as if Setho , being both King and Priest , had by virtue of his piety and prayers to his god Vulcan , so far prevailed with him , as that when Pelusium , which stands in the very enterance of Egypt was besieged by the enemy , their horse-bridles , and buckles of their bucklers , were so gnawn in pieces by the mice , that the next day they were faine to run all away , with the losse of many of their men ; but what ever the matter was at Pelusium , the undoubted word of the Prophet assures us , that the Assyrians , marched far into the very body of Egypt , and thence took and led away a great multitude of them captive . In this expedition of Sennacharibs , I conceive , it was , that the foreteling of Nahum the Prophet against Nô , a great and strong City in Egypt , was fulfilled : The words of which prophesie , were these ; yet was she carried away ; she went into captivity , her young children also were dashed in pieces in the top of every street , and they cast lots for their honourable men , and all her great men were bound in chaines , [ chap. 3. 10. ] In the rest of Egypt also , Year of the World 3292 was fulfilled what was spoken 3 years before by the Prophet , [ Esay 24. ] The King of Assyria shall carry away a great multitude of the Egyptians captive ; and of the Ethiopians young and old prisoners , naked and bare-footed : neither do I see , why that should not be referred to the Jewes which is said in the two verses next following ; viz. And they shall be ashamed of Ethiopia their expectation , and of Egypt their glory : and the inhabitants of this country shall say in that day : Behold such is our expectation , whither we flee for help to be delivered from tde King of Assyria , and how shall we escape ? For it was not for nothing , that the Assyrian messenger put them in mind , of Egypt , saying , Now behold , you trust in the staff of this bruised reed Egypt , on which if a man lean , it will go into his hand and pierce it ; for even so is Pharao , to all such as trust upon him , [ 2 Reg. 18. 27. ] for we finde the same similitude used by God of the Egyptians and Israelites , in Ezekiel , 29. 6 , 7. and likewise in Esay , chap. 30. and chap. 31. many things , spoken against the vain hope which the Jews had of help from Egypt , and among the rest this also , Therefore , saith he , shall the strength of Pharaoh be your shame , and your trust in the shadow of Egypt your confusion , for the Egyptians shall help in vain , and to no purpose : therefore have I cryed concerning this , Their strength is to stay at home , [ chap. 30. 3 , 7. ] Sennacharib , returning out of Egypt into Palestine , besieged Lachish , and all his power with him , [ 2 Chron. 32. 9. ] Ezekias sent unto him to Lachish , to buy his peace , and agreed with him for it , at a certain price ; wherefore draining all his own treasure , whereof he had formerly been so proud ; as also the treasury of the temple , he paid him 300 talents of silver , and 30 talents of gold ; but he having received the money , stood not to his word , but sent Tartan , who had now taken Azotus , and Rabsari's , and Rabsheca with a great army , from Lachish to Jerusalem , [ 2 Reg. 18. 14 , 17. ] These coming to Jerusalem , stood at the cundit , of the upper pool , upon the high-way of the fullers field , and when they called out to speak with the king Eliakim , the son of Hilkia ; which was over the houshold , and Shebna the scribe , and Joach the son of Asaph , the Recorder , went fourth unto them . And when they would not deliver up the city , as was desired , Rabsecah then cried out , that Ezekia did all in vain rely upon God for help , and that he himself came not thither , but as he was sent from God ; and having reviled the God of Israel and Ezekia , his servant with many reproachfull languages , he moved at last the people , to mutiny and to fall over to his master the king of Assyria . And this they speak aloud , and in the Hebrew tongue ; that the people which then stood upon the wall might hear and understand what they said ; to frighten and perplex their minds , that in that tumult they might assault and take the city , [ Esay 36. 2 Reg. 18. from v. 17. to the end of the chapter , 2 Chron. 32. 9. 18. ] Ezekia hearing thereof , rent his clothes , and putting on sackcloth , went into the house of the Lord ; and withal , sent Eliakim and Shebna , and with them , the elders of the priests , clothed likewise in sackcloth unto Isaiah the prophet , to pray him that he would ask counsaile of God , in this sad case , and power forth his prayers unto him for help , and the prophet bade him be of good comfort ; for that the king of Assyria , should hear a flying report , and thereupon should break up his siege , and get him gone into his own country , and there be slain with the sword ; all which forth-with came to passe , [ Esay 37. 1. 17. 2 Reg. 19 , 1 , 7. ] Rabshekah , when he could not prevail , returned to Sennacarib , whom he found risen from before Lachish , and besieging Libna , [ Esay 37. 8. 2 Reg. 19. 8. ] Tiraka king of Ethiopia , did not invade Egypt , and Syria , as Scaliger , without all ground , in his notes upon Eusebius ; p. 72. and in his Isagogical Canons , pag. 311. would have it ; but rather , he sent forces to assist and help the Egyptians and Jews ; for the Scripture is clear , that he came forth to fight against Sennacharib , [ Esay 37. 9. 2 Reg. 19. 9. ] This Tirhaka , Strabo lib. 1. and 15. calleth , Tearcon the Ethiopian : and further reporteth out of Megasthenes , a writer of the affairs of India , that he passed over into Europe , and went as far as Hercules his pillars . Sennacharib therefore hearing a report of Tirhaka his approach , being ready to remove to Libna , sent his minatory and rayling letters unto Ezekia , speaking therein of the God of Israel , as of the gods of the nations , the work of mens hands , which Ezekias opening and spreading before the Lord in his Temple , with many tears powred forth , craved aide and deliverance from God , against the Assyrians , and received an answer from God by Isaias the prophet , that God would defend that city , and that the king of Assyria should not so much as come before it , but should return by the way he came ; [ Esay 37. 9 , 35. 2 Reg. 19. 9. 2 Chron. 32. 17 , 19 , 20. ] The very self same night after these things passed at Jerusalem , and a few dayes , after his victory atchieved against the Ethiopians , which to have fallen out much about this time , some gather out of the 18 and 20 chapters of Isaiah , God sent his Angel , and destroyed every man of valour , every commander , and chief man in the Assyrian army , and the next morning there were found one hundred fourscore and five thousand dead carcases lying on the ground : whereupon Sennacharib with shame , brak up , and returned into his own land , and rested him at Ninive ; where it came to passe , that as he was at his devotions , before his god Nisroch , Adramelich and Sharezer slew him with the sword ; which done , they fled presently into the land of Ararat , or Armenia ; and Esor-haddon his son reigned in his stead , [ Esay 37. 36 , 37 , 38. 2 Reg. 19. 35 , 36 , 37. 2 Chron. 32. 21. ] All which had been fore-told by the prophet Isaiah , [ c. 38. and in chap. 31. 9. also , ] as some conceive . In the first chap. of the book of Tobia , there are these things found which belong to this story ; That Sennacharib , when he came fleeing out of Judea , for the very hatred which he bare to the Israelites , slew many of the Jewes , and that Tobit , or Tobia the elder , stole away the dead bodies , and bestowed burial on them ; and that being thereof accused to the King of Nitive , he was faine to get him gone from thence , and to hide his head elsewhere for a certain time : and that he was plundred and spoiled of all his goods , having naught left him to trust unto , save onely Anne his wife , and Tobias his son . That after 45 dayes , or as the Greek copy hath it , before 55 dayes , Sennacharib was murdered by his sons ; and that they fleeing away into the mountains of Ararat , Esarchaddon his son reigned in his stead , being wrong named in sundry copies ; in some Achirdon , in some Sarchedon ; and that the new King set Achiacarus , the son of Hananeel Tobits brother , over all his fathers accounts and his own : insomuch , that he was not onely his Steward and keeper of his accounts ; but was also cup-bearer , and privy seal unto him , and was the second man after the King. Ezekias had his son Manasses , by Hephziba , after the prolonging of his life 3 years , and 12 before his death . When the Medes had hitherto now lived without a King , and Dejoces would not attend the judging of their causes and controversies any longer , and thereupon ensued nothing but spoilings and robberies in all places ; the people finding the inconveniences of an Anarchie , or want of a King , whereof the least was not , that the Assyrian taking hold of this occasion , had possessed himself of many cities and places in Media ; as I noted before upon the year of the World , 3283. they submitted all with one accord to Dejoces , 150 years before Cyrus began his reign : as Herodotus in his first book averreth ; whom , giving off Ctesias in this point , both Dionysius , Halicarnasseus , and Appianus Alexandrinus , in the beginning of his Roman Histories , do follow . Though Diodorus Siculus , in his second book : whether thorough failler of memory , or false copying , hath here put Cyaxaris for Dejoces ; who is said to have been elected King over the Medes , about the second year of the 17 olympiade , according to Herodotus : For subducting 150. years from the beginning of Cyrus his reign , which as he supposes , falls in with the beginning of the 55 olympiade , and consequently with the midst of the year , 4154. of the Julian Period : it followes that the 1 year of Dejoces the first King of the Medes must be placed upon the 3 year of the 17 olympiade , and the middle of the 4004. year of the Julian Period ; allowing the later end of the second year of the same olympiade , to have been taken up and spent in the transaction of the businesse it self , and election made of the new King ; which first Epocha or point of the beginning of this new kingdom of the Medes to have been most rightly assigned and set down by Herodotus , the precise times of every Kings reign , compared with the Eclipse of the Sun , which befel in the reign of Cyaxares , here underneath , in the year of the World , 3403. to be spoken of , will manifestly declare . The fifteenth Jubilie , which was the middle-most of all the rest , and the most joyfully kept , Year of the World 3295. a. next to that of Solomons at the dedication of the Temple ; both for the fresh memory of so great a deliverace , and also for the great prosperity of the place ensuing thereupon : So that many brought offerings and gifts to the Lord at Jerusalem ; and rich presents to the King himself ; for he was magnified after this among all nations , and prospered in whatever he undertook , [ 2 Chron. 32. 23 , 27 , 30. ] And God himself did so rule , and govern the people it self of Juda , after such their delivery , that ( according to his own promise made ) they took root downward , and brought fruit upward , [ 2 Chron. 32. 22. Esai . 37. 31 , 32. ] Moreover the consideration of the Jubilie is necessary for the understanding of that sign of Gods mercy given the year before unto Ezekia : You shall eat , saith God , this year , that which groweth of it self , and the second year , that which springeth of the same ; and in the third year , sow ye , and reape ye , and plant vineyards , and eat of the fruit thereof , [ Esai . 37. 30. 2 Reg. 19. 29. ] for because the last years harvest was either gathered by the enemy which roved all the country over , Year of the World c. ( according to Gods threatning , Levit. 27. 16. Deut. 28. 33. Jerem. 5. 17. ) or by them spoiled and troden underfoot ; necessary it was for the people to live that year upon that which grew of it self : and this year by reason of the Jubilie , it was not lawful either to sow or reape , which otherwise , no sabbatical year intervening , might well have been done : seeing the Assyrian Army being destroyed by the Angel , there was nothing to hinder them . But the year following , when there was neither enemy to fright them , nor sabbatical year to withhold them , they might fall securely to their husbandry as at other times . Unto Mardosempadus , Year of the World b. or Merodach Baladam , after he had reigned 12 years in Babylon , succeeded Arkianus in the 29 year of Nabonaser , and reigned 5 years [ Ptol. in Reg. Can. ] Parion in the coast of Hellespont , near unto Lampsacus , was built , Euseb. Chron. or rather re-edified by the Milesians and Erythreans , who sent thither a Colony at this time to plant it anew . Dejoces King of the Medes in the first year of the 18 olympiade , Year of the World 3296 which was this year , The Julian Period . 4006 built Ecbatan , Year before Christ 708 as we read in Eusebius his Greek Chronicle ; This City in [ Ezra 6. 2. ] is called Acmetha : but by Ctesias in his Persica , as Stephanus Byzantinus saies , was called Agbatana : a fuller description of which building is to be found [ c. 1. of the book of Judith , ] where it is said that it was built by Arphaxad king of Medes , and by Herodotus , and other writers it is attributed to Dejoces ; whereby it appears , that one and the same man was called by both names ; of which matter more will hereafter be said in the year of the world , 3448. Taracas the Ethiopian , Year of the World 3299 called before in the year of the world 3294. The Julian Period . 4009 Tirhaka reigned in Egypt 18 years : Year before Christ 705 [ Africanus . ] After Arkianus , Year of the World 3300 there was a vacancie of a king for 2 years , The Julian Period . 4010 [ Ptol. Year before Christ 704 Reg. Canon . ] Belibus , Year of the World 3302 al. The Julian Period . 4011 Belithus , Year before Christ 703 and Belelus , held the kingdom of Babylon , 3 years : Ibid. Apronadius reigned likewise there 6 years , Year of the World 3305 Ibid. The Julian Period . 4014 Year before Christ 700 Ezechias was buried in the upper part of the sepulchers of the posterity of David , Year of the World 3306 and all Juda , The Julian Period . 4016 and the Inhabitants of Jerusalem , Year before Christ 694 did him what honour possibly they could in his death , [ 2 Chron. 32. 33. ] After whom came his son Manasses , and reigned 55 years , [ 2 Reg. 21. 1. ] He again set up the High places , which his father Ezechias had pulled down : he built altars to all the host of heaven in the two courts of the house of the Lord : and made his son passe the fire in the valley of the Son of Hinnom ; used Divinations and Sorceries and Soothsayings : and set up a molten Image in the house of the Lord ; making Juda and the inhabitants of Jerusalem to go astray , and do worse than all the Nations , whom God had driven out before the face of the Israelites , [ 2 Reg. 21. 2 , 11. 2 Chron. 33. 2 , 9. ] and moreover shed much innocent blood ; insomuch that he filled Jerusalem therewith : besides his own sin committed , in making Juda to sin , and to do that which was evil in the sight of the Lord , [ 2 Reg. 21. 16. and 24. 4. ] In which shedding of innocent blood , the death of the Prophet Isaiah is principally remembred , whom he caused to be cut in two pieces with a wooden saw ; as the Babylonish Talmud , in their Treatise 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and Justin Martyr in his Coloquie with Tryphon , Jerome upon Isaiah , [ c. 20. and 57. ] and others of our men , report , who expound that word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , [ Heb. 11. 37. ] i.e. Were sawed in pieces , as meant of the Prophet Isaiah : For all which , God threatned that he would stretch out over Ierusalem , the line of Samaria , and the plumb of the house of Achab : and that he would wipe Ierusalem , as one useth to do , when he wipes a dish , and turneth it upside down , [ 2 Reg. 21. 13. ] Rigibelus reigned over the Babylonians one year , Year of the World 3311 [ Ptol. The Julian Period . 4020 Reg. Year before Christ 694 Can. ] Mesissimordacus reigned there likewise 4 years , Year of the World 3312 Ibid. The Julian Period . 4025 Year before Christ 693 There was a vacancie of a king in Babilon 8 years , Year of the World 3316 Ibid. The Julian Period . 4026 Year before Christ 688 Dejoces enlarged the dominions of the Medes , as far as the river Halys , 128 years before the end of Aastyages his reign , as may be gathered out of Herodotu● , lib. 1. c. 130. In the 23 Olimpiade , Herostratus Naucratites a merchant of Egypt , coming to Paphos in the Island of Cyprus , is said to have bought there a litle image of Venus , of the bignesse of the palm of a mans hand , and of very ancient workmanship , and that by the power thereof , being miraculously delivered out of a main danger at sea , by virtue of that image , he consecrated the same at Naucratis in the Temple of Venus , with great solemnity ; as we find in Atheneus , who was himself a town-born child of the same place , in his 15 book Deipnosophist . But if we will rather believe Srabo , lib. 17. there was no such town as Naucratis then built in Egypt : nor till afterward that it was built by the Milesians , in the time of Cyaxeris king of Medes , and of Psamyticus king of Egypt , who lived at the same time with him . Troubles growing in Egypt ; Year of the World 3317 there was there a vacancie of a king for 2 years , The Julian Period . 4027 [ Diod. Year before Christ 687 Sic. lib. 1. ] After which Egypt was ruled by an Aristocracie of twelve men , Year of the World 3319 which governed that kingdom by Common Council and advice ; The Julian Period . 4029 which government , Year before Christ 685 is by Herod . l. 2. c. 147 , and Diod. Sic. l. 1. said to have lasted 15 years ; whereunto Tremellius is of opinion , that that burthen of Egypt , spoken of by the Prophet Isaiah , [ c 19. ] refers where [ v. 5 , 6. ] speaking of the drying up of the river Nilus , this is also foretold , They shall want of their waters , to run into the sea , so that their river shall be dryed up , and turning away their waters , they shall empty and dry up their chanels fenced with banks : which out of Herodotus , Tremellius thus expounds , These 12 petty kings , by the labour of this miserable people , shall strive to over-rule the very works of nature , and shall turne away the water of Nilus ; even to lay the channels thereof dry , that they might finish , their pond or lough of Marios with their Pyramides and Labyrinth , only for their lust and pleasures sake . But Scaliger in his Canon , Isagog . understands it , that there should be there so great a drouth , that their river Nile , in the summer season , should not rise nor flow , nor water Egypt as it used to do ; and refers this prophesie to the former times of Soii or Sabbacon . The race of the babylonish Kings failing after those 8 years vacancy , Esarchaddon the King of Assyria , Year of the World 3323. c. reduced them under their former yoke of his obedience , and held that kingdom 13 years : as we learn out of Ptolomeis , Can. Reg. For that this Assaradinus is the same with our Esarchaddon , appears , not onely by the vicinity and likenesse of the name , but also by the consent of holy Scripture , which intimates to us , that he was King both of Assyria and Babylon at the same time ; as we shall see anon , in the year of the World 3327. Ardys the son of Gyges , Year of the World 3324 reigned in Lydia the space of 49 years : The Julian Period . 4034 he took Pryene by force , Year before Christ 680 and invaded Miletus , [ Herod . lib. 1. cap. 15. ] In Sicily , Year of the World 3327 the City Gela was built , The Julian Period . 4037 and Phaselis in Pamphilia by two brothers , Year before Christ 677 Antiphemus and Lacius , [ Euseb. Chron. ] who consulting the Oracle at Delphos concerning a place to plant in ; were answered , that the one should saile westward , and the other eastward , as Stephanus Byzantinus in the word Gela , reports , out of Aristenetus his first Commentary of Phaselis . And Heropythus in his book of the Borders of the Colophonians , treating of the building of Phaselis , saith that Lacius , who transported a colony thither , gave unto one Cylabra , a shepherd , whom he met driving his flock to feed , the price of the ground whereon he built his city , in certain in poundred provisions , which he required . But Philostephanus : in his book entitled , Of the Cities of Asia , delivereth more fully , that Lacius , a man of Argos , one of them which went with Mopsus ( the founder of the city Colophos ) and whom some call Lindius , brother to Antiphemus the builder of Gela ( which Lindius , is also said to have been of Rhodes by Herodotus lib. 7. and by Thucidides lib. 6. ) and that being sent by Mopsus with certain other men , by the Oracle and bidding of Mantus , Mopsus his mother , for that the poopes of his Ships were in a tempest split about the Chelidonian Isles , he could not arrive till late at night : and that there he bought the plat of ground whereon he built his city , as Mantus had foretold , giving certain salt meats for it unto Cylabra the owner of it , such as out of all their ship-provisions he most desired . [ Athenae Deipnosoph . lib. 7. ] This year also was fulfilled the prophesie spoken by the mouth of the Prophet Esaiah , [ chap. 7. 8. ] in the beginning of the reign of Achaz , within sixty and five years Ephraim shall he broken in pieces , so that it shall be no more a people . For although the greatest part of them were carried away by Salmanasar 44 years before , and the kingdom utterly abolished , yet among them which were left , there was some shew of a government . But now they left off to be any more a people , by reason of the great multitude of forreigners which came to dwell there ; in comparison of whom , the small remainder of the Ephraimites were counted as nothing ; for , that they were not utterly extinct in their own country appears , out of the story of Josias , [ 2 Chron. 34. 6 , 7 , 33. and chap. 35. 18. with 2 Reg. 23. 19 , 20. ] But there were ever now and anon , new colonies or companies sent out of Babel , Cu●h , Hava , and Sepharuaim ; which possessing Samaria by way of inheritance , dwelt in all the cities thereunto belonging , [ 2 Reg. 17. 24. ] And that this was so done by Esarchaddon King of Assyria ( who was also called , Asnapper the Great . and magnificent ) is easie to be understood by the confession of the Cuthites , mentioned , [ Ezra 4. 2 , 10. ] At which time also , as it should seem , and in the same expedition , whereby these things were done in the land of Israel ; some of the chief Commanders of the Assyrian Army , made an inrode into Judea , and there took Manasses the King , as he lay hid in a thicket , and binding him with chains of brasse , carried him away captive into Babylon , [ 2 Chron. 33. 11. ] which calamity so falling upon Judea , some think to have been foretold , by the Prophet Isaiah , where he saith , within sixty five years Ephraim shall be so broken in pieces , that it shall be no more a people . And the head of Ephraim is Samaria , and the head of Samaria , is the son of Remaliah : And if you will not believe , you shall not be established , [ chap. 7. 9. ] ( i. ) as Jacobus Capellus hath noted in his Chron. you your selves also shall be broken in pieces . Where he addeth further , that the Jews also in Seder Olans Rabba , and the Talmudists , cited by Rabbi Kimchi , upon , [ chap. 4. Ezekiel ] do deliver , That Manasses 22 of his reign , was carried away captive into Babylon ; and that he repented him of his sin 33 years before his death : after which the Scripture witnesseth , that God again restored him to his liberty and kingdom , [ 2 Chron. 33. 12 , 13. ] For that his captivity lasted not long ; may be gathered by this , that taking no notice thereof , it is recorded that he reigned 55 years in Jerusalem , [ 2 Reg. 21. 1. 2 Chron. 33. 1. ] The new inhabitants of Samaria , when as , at their first coming thither , they served not the God of Israel , were troubled with Lions : whereof when the King of Assyria was enformed , he took order that one of the Priests , which were brought from thence in the captivity should be remanded thither ; and he coming thither , made his residence at Bethel , and there taught them how to worship God indeed : but all after the manner of Jeroboams appointment . But when together with the Calf which they found there , they worshipped also their old idols , they are said to have feared God , and not to have feared him ; for that there is little difference between worshipping of many gods & no God at all , [ 2 Reg. 17. 25. 33. 41. ] And this was the beginning of that strangenesse which grew afterwards between the Samaritans and the Jews , [ Ezra 4. 1. Neh. 4. 2. John 4. 9. ] Chalcedon , Year of the World 3329 or Calcedon , ( as it is found in some old coines ) was this year built , The Julian Period . 4039 by the Megarenses , Year before Christ 675 Euseb. Chron. at the mouth of the Euxine sea , among the Thracians , which had possessed themselves of Bithynia in Asia . Thucidid . lib. 4. Strabo lib. 12. Psammiticus Saits , Year of the World 3334 the son of Pharao Neco , The Julian Period . 4044 which was done to death by Sabbacon the Ethiopian , Year before Christ 670 and one of those twelve tyrants of Egypt , having at length got all the power into his own hands , reigned there 54 years . Herod . lib. 2. cap. 152. and cap. 157. whereunto that prophet of Isaias seems to point ; where he sayes , And the Egyptians will I give up into the hands of Lords , which shall lord it cruelly over them , till a fierce king shall come to rule them , [ Esay 19. 4. ] for Psammitichus , who was sent away , and confined in the Fenne countrey near the sea , hiring souldiers out of Arabia , and a number of pirates of the Iones and Carions , which roved about that shore , with such Egyptians as sided with him , in a main battle ; fought near to memphis , overthrew the rest of those domineering Lords , and the Ionians and Carions for their good service , had a place assigned them , to inhabit in , somewhat about the cityes of Bubastis , and Pelusium , which stood upon that mouth or outlet of the river Nile , which was from thence called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( i.e. ) the souldiers , or armies field ; and from that time forward , the Grecians and other foreiners , were alwayes welcom into Egypt , Herod . lib. 2. Diodor. Sic. lib. 1. The same Herodotus also reporteth , that this Psammiticus took in by force , a great city in Syria called Azotus , after 29 years siege . ib. cap. 157. to wit the city of Ashdod , which as I shewed before upon the year of the world . 2391. was taken by Tartanes commander of the king of Assyria his army in one year , and which was so ruined by Psammitichus , that , as the prophet Jeremy saith , there was but a remainder of it left in his dayes , [ Jer. 25. 20. ] After Assaridinus , Year of the World 3336 or Esarchaddon , The Julian Period . 4046 the Empire of Assyria and Babylon both , Year before Christ 668 was governed by Saosduchinus 20 years , [ Ptol. Can. Reg. ] This man in the book of Judith , written in the Chaldee language , by some Jew living in Babylon , is called Nabuchodonosor , as by a name common to all kings of Babylon ; who yet is there also called , the king of Assyria ; and is said to have reigned in the great city of Ninive , [ Jud. 1. 1. ] where nevertheless , Franc , Junius , a famous man for learning , would have it understood of him , whom the scripture calleth Merodach-Baladan , the grand-father of that Nebucadnetzar , who was the father of that great Nebucadnetzar , by whom king Manasses was taken prisoner , and carryed to Babylon , and at last released . For ( saith he ) this man was first king of Babylon , and was afterward made king of Assyria , succeding in that kingdom , after Esarchaddon the Great , when his brothers being guilty of parricide , were deomed unworthy of the kingdom : whereupon all Asia fell on fire , with a war which lasted a long time after . And verily this succession of Asar-Adon Merodach , Ben-Merodach , and Nebucadnetzar , first and second , is taken onely out of Anianus , that false Metasthenes . For in truth , Merodach was neither grand-father of Nebucadnetzar or rather Nabopolas●ar of Nebucadnetzar the great , nor was at first a trustee onely of the king of Assyria , and afterward came himself to be king of Assyria and Babylon both , as Junius hath well observed . Nor did he ever succed Esarchaddon the great , in any kingdom of his , seeing that this Mardocempadus , or Merodach left off to reign , eleven years , before ever Manasses came to be king , and that 42 years after his death , Assaradinus or Essarchaddon left Saosduchinus to succeed him , as wel in the Assyrian as in the Babylonish kingdom , as we formerly made to appear , out of Petolomies Canon , Reg. which if Junius , a man of no less modesty than learning , had seen , no doubt , he would have altered his opinion in this point , whereof I thought good in this place to put the reader in mind , to the end , that out of a thing which never was , he should not think , that sense or exposition to agree with the prophecy of Ezekiel , [ c. 31. 11. or v. 18. ] as he distinguisheth them , to wit , That Esarchaddon the Assyrian , was put down , or thrust out of his kingdom , by Berodach Baladan , and that therefore , all fell off from him , and many of them fled to the king of Babylon , as in the sentence following , So that now , the land of Assyria , was most shamefully troden under foot , The Julian Period . 4049 and brought into contempt of all men , Year before Christ 665 ver . 20. Meshullameth the daughter of Hazuzi , Year of the World 3339 c. of Jotba , bare unto Manasses his son Ammon , who was 22 years old when he began to reign , The Julian Period . 4053 [ 2 Reg. Year before Christ 661 21. 19. ] Was the 16 Jubile . Year of the World 3344. a. Nabucadonosor , Year of the World 3347 king of Assyria , The Julian Period . 4057 in the 12 year of his reign , Year before Christ 657 is said to have overcome Arphaxed the king of Medes , the founder of the city Ecbatan , in the great plain of Ragau , near to Euphrates , and Tigris , and Jadason , in the champion country of Erioch king of the Elicians , ( for so we read in the first chap of the book of Judith ; which Jerom , at the request of Paula and Eustochiam translated into Latin , ) but whoever it was that published that book in Greek , with many alterations and additions of his own , first tells us , that Nabuchodanosor , in the 12 year of his reign , fought a battaile , with king Arphaxad in a great plain , near unto Ragau , wherein were present , all that inhabited the hill-countries , and all that bordered upon the river of Euphrates and Tigris , and Hydaspes , and that dwelt in the plaine of Arioch King of the Elymeans . But afterward , as forgetting himself , tells us , that he fought this battaile against Arphaxad , in the seventeenth year : and that having gotten the better of it in this fight , he spoiled all them of Ecbatan , and that having taken Arphaxad in the hill countries of Ragan , he thrust him through with his own darts , and at length , having done all his businesse , as his heart could wish , he returned to Ninive , and therewith all his army kept a feast , and banqueted himself and them , by the space of 120 dayes ; where it is to be noted , that Dejoces his death , according to Hetodotus , fell in with the 12 year of Saosduchinus : which is a great argument , that Saosduchinus and Dejoces , are none other , than they who in the book of Judith are called by the names of Nabuchadonosor and Arphaxad . For the opinion of Fr. Junius hath no ground at all for it , whiles , seeking to reconcile the succession of the kings of Media , which is nothing but a meere device and forgerie of Ctesias a very fabler , and of a supposed Metasthenes , with Herodotus , who is entitled the father of histories , he will needs divide Media into two parts , giving one of them to Dejoces , who is here called Arioch , as is noted in [ Judith , 1. 6. and in Jer. 49. 34. ] and assigning the other to Artecarmus ( whom Ctesias calleth Articam , and who is here called Arphaxad ) who , as he saith , established the seat of his kingdom at Ecbatan , to the end , that having so strong a place to trust to , he might the better withstand both Dejoces , and all other enemies that should assault him : whereas , if any such division had been made of Media ( as never any was ) both the name of Arphaxad and the kingdom of Ecbatan , should have been given , not to Arioch , nor to Articarmes , but to Dejoces : for that Arphaxad was the founder of Ecbatan , the book of Judith hath it : and that Dejoces was , Herodotus and others affirme , but that Arioch or Artecarmes built it , no man ever wrote . After Dejoces , Phraortes his son succeeded ; and reigned 22 years : The Julian Period . 4058 Herodotus , Year before Christ 656 lib. 1. c. 102. Nabuchadonosor , Year of the World 3348. c. or Saosduchinus king of the Assyrians , the next year after the overthrow of Arphaxad or Dejoces ( who in Judith 2. 1. according to the Chaldee copie , is said to be the 13 king of Ecbatan but in the Greek , the 18 ) upon the 22 day of the first month , entered into a deliberation how to subdue Nations and Countries to his dominion , making Holophernes General of all his armies ; who when he came before Bethulia , al. Beth-Hoglam , a City of Judea , and had closed it up with a siege , had there his head taken off by Judith a woman of the tribe of Simeon ; who after the death of her husband Manasses , which dyed in the time of barly harvest , had spent 3 , or , as the Greek copy hath it , Year of the World 3349 4 years in widowhood in that City , The Julian Period . 4059 [ Judith 2. 8 , Year before Christ 655 13. ] Isthemus and Borysthenes were this year built in the Country of Pontus , so was Lampsacus in Hellespont , and Abdera in Thrace , Euseb. Chron. to wit , Borysthenes by the Milesians of Ionia , Lampsacus by the Phoceans , Abdera by the Citizens of Clazomene : Solinus c. 10. tells us that Abdera was first built by Diomedes his sister : and that afterward falling to decay it was new built and enlarged by the Clazomenians , in the 51 Olympiade , which ended the last year before this . The conductor of which Colony , was Timesius a Citezen of Clazomene , as we have it in Herodotus , lib. 1. c. 168. who yet addeth this , that he being beaten off by the Thracians , was not able to go through with the work . Amon had his son Josias by Fredida , Year of the World 3355. c. the daughter of Hadaia a Boscathite , The Julian Period . 4065 who was eight years old when he began to reign , Year before Christ 649 [ 2 Reg. 22. 1. ] After Saosduchinus succeeded Chyladanus both in the Assyrian and also in the Babylonish kingdome and reigned 22 years , Year of the World 3356. c. Cano. Reg. Ptolom ▪ The Julian Period . 4066 Alexander Polyhistor calleth him Saracus , Year before Christ 648 which name , as well as that of a Saracen signifies a Robber , or a Spoiler . Grinus the son of Esanius , king of the Island of Thera , was commanded by the Oracle of Delphos , to go build a City of Lybia : which lying dead a long while , because no man there , knew where Lybia was , it is said , that it rained not in that Island for 7 years after : and that all the trees there , save one , perished in that drought . Herodotus lib. 4. cap. 150. 151. King Manasses returning this year out of his captivity , Year of the World 336. c. having in part restored the true worship of God , which he had formerly so much defaced , dies : and was buried in the garden of his own house , [ 2 Chron. 33. 2 Reg. 21. 8. ] and as we may well think , according to his own appointment by his last will or testament , as if repenting him now at last of his former evil doings , he deemed himself unworthy to lie among his own royal ancestors . [ Tremelius . ] After him his son Amon reigned 2 years ; Year of the World 3363 who forsaking the Lord God of his forefathers , The Julian Period . 4073 offered sacrifice , Year before Christ 641 to all the graven Images , which his father had set up , and worshipt them : but never repented him thereof , as his father did ; but sinned more that way , than ever he had done , [ 2 Reg. 21. 19 , 28 , 21. 2 Chron. 33. 21 , 22 , 23. ] This impious Amon , was murthered by his own houshold servants , in his own house ; and was buried with Manasses his father , in the garden of Uzza : and the people slew all that were of the conspiracie against him , [ 2 Reg. 21. verse 23 , 24 , 26. 2 Chronicles 33. 24 , 25. ] And unto him succeeded his son Josias , a child of 8 years old , and reigned 31 years [ 2 Reg. 22. 1. 2 Chron. 34. 1. ] Those of the Isle of Thera , Year of the World 3364 wearied out with their seven years drouth , The Julian Period . 4074 hired one Corobius , Year before Christ 640 a trader● in scarlet , of the City of Itanus in the Isle of Crete , who had formerly been driven by a tempest into a place called Platea , an Isle of Lybia : and sent him a second time with some of their own country-men , to spie out that Isle : These leaving Corobius there with provision for certain months , returned with all speed , to let their country-men know what they had found : But not returning from thence to Platea , according to the time appointed , it fortuned that a ship of Samos , wherein was Master , one Coleus , coming out of Egypt , put in there , and left Corobeus a years provision more for him and his company , and then putting to sea again ; and being hurried with a strong wind , was set quite out beyond Hercules his Pillars into the main Ocean ; and came unto Tartessus in Spain , Herod . 1. 4. c. 151. 152. The Thereans ; out of their seven townes taken by lot , so many as should serve for that Colonie , sent them away to Platea , in two ships , under the command of one Battus , otherwise called Aristoteles , or Aristeus , [ Herod . lib. 4. c. 151. 152. Thales the son of Examius , was this year also born at Miletus in Ionia : in the 35 Olympiade : in the first year thereof : as Laertius reports out of Apollodorus his Chronicle . The Cimmerians , being turned out of their dwellings by the Scythian Shepheards , called Nomades , passed out of Europe into Asia , and keeping on thier way by the sea side , came at length to Sardes , where they took all the City save the Castle at what time Ardys the son of Gyges there reigned , [ Her. l. 1. c. 15. & 130. and in his 4 book , c. 1. and 12. ] The Thereans , when they had dwelt in Platea now two years , leaving one of their company behind , Year of the World 3366 failed all to Delphos to know of the Oracle there , what was the cause why things went no better with them than they did , The Julian Period . 4076 since their coming into Lybia : Year before Christ 638 and answer was made them , that they were not yet come to the City of Lybia , whither they were bid to go , wherefore returning again to Platea , and taking in him whom they had there left , they sate them down in a place in the continent of Lybia , over against the Isle o● Platea , called Aziristus ; environed with most pleasant hills , and a river running under it on either side , [ Herod . l. 4. c. 157. ] In that place near adjoyning to the gardens of the Hesperides , and the greater Syrt , or quick sand , the earth happening to grow moist , with a shower of rain of pitch , of sulphure there presently grew up an herbe called Sylphius or Laser . ( i.e. ) Beniamin , as the Cyreneans saye : which fell out seven years before the building of their city : [ Theophrast ▪ in his History of Plants , l. 6. Plin. in his natur . Hist. lib. 19. c. 3. ] Phraortes king of the Medes , dyed at the siege of Ninive with a great part of his army . After whom came his son Cyaxares , Year of the World 3369 who reigned 40 years : The Julian Period . 4079 in the beginning of his reign he purposed to revenge his fathers death , Year before Christ 635 and making first all Asia , as far as the river Halys , fast unto him , he began his war against the Assyrians : [ Herod . lib. 1. ] Josias , at the 16 year of his age , had a son called Eliakim , of Zebudda the daughter of Pedaia , Year of the World 3370. a. of Ruma : which was 25 years old , when he came afterward first to reign , [ 2 Reg. 23. 36. ] Yet he , when he came to be sixteen years of age , and though then a father , yet but a child , began to seek after the God of his father David , [ 2 Chron. 34. 3. ] Cyaxares overcame the Assyrians in battel , but when he went to besiege Ninive , a vast army of the Scythians fell upon him , to wit , those Scythians who having driven the Cimmerians out of Europe , pursued their point , & departing from the lough of meotis , left the mountain Caucasus on their left hand , and entered media , under the conduct of their king Madois the son of Protothya , [ Herod . lib. 1. c. 104. lib. 2. c. 1. and lib. 7. c. 20. ] which was none other , than Indathyrsus the Scythian , which breaking out of Scythia , went over the belly of all Asis , till he came into Egypt ; as Strabo , in the entrance of his Geography , reports out of Megasthenes , and Arrianus in his book , of the affaires of Judea , being of the same name with that Indathirsus , against whom Darius the son of Hystaspes afterward made such an unlucky voiage , as we read of in Herod . l. 4. c. 76. 126 , 127. Here then the Medes being overthrowen in battel by the Scythians , lost the sovereignty of Asia ; which the Scythians held for 28 years after , [ Herod . lib. 1. c. 104. and lib. 4. c. 1. ] To which Tremellius and Junius refer that prophecie of Nahum , [ c. 2. 5. ] He ( to wit , Cyaxares , besieging Ninive ) shall reckon up his great men ; but they shall fall in their perambulation : to wit , in the perambulation of the Scythians ; whose coming at this time into Asia might well be termed a perambulation , or sodain passing through , rather than any settled government or kingdom in Asia ; as those who in the space of 28 years over-ran , possest , and lost Media , Assyria , and all Asia , They shall hasten to his wall , as if they would be his Protector , ( i.e. ) They shall come hastily to Ninive , as if they had delivered it out of the hand of Cyaxares , and would deliver it . In this year was born unto Josias , Shallum or Jehoachaz , by Hamital the daughter of Jeremias of Lybna , Year of the World 3371. c. for him , The Julian Period 4801 being 23 years old , Year before Christ 633 did the people ( putting by his elder brothers ) make king in his fathers room , [ 2 Reg. 23. 30 , 31. ] The name of Shallum , as it seemeth , being , for good lucks-sake , changed into Jehoachaz , which otherwise had been the same with Shallum the son of Jabeth , who , having reigned not past one moneth , was murdered by Manahemus , [ 1 Reg. 15. 13 , 14. ] for of four sons which Josias had , mentioned , [ 1 Chron. 3. 15. ] it is manifest , out of [ Jeremy 21. . 11 , 12. compared with 2 Reg. 23. 30 , 31. ] that this Shallum is last named ; not Johannanes the first born , as some have imagined ; for that Jehoachaz was not the first-born is easily gathered , because it is said , that he was anointed by the people , [ 2 Reg. 23. 30. ] because the first born of kings , were not wont to be anointed , upon whom the kingdom by common right descended ; and also , by his age of 23 years , of which he is said to have been , at the time of his anointing : seeing that when his brother Eliakim , was at three moneths end set in his place , he is said to have been 25 years old , whereby it is manifest , that he was elder than this Jehoachaz , and so Josephus , in his tenth book of Antiquities , cap. 6. al. 7 , affirms . Sadyattes the son of Ardyis , Year of the World 3373 reigned in Lydia 12 years , The Julian Period . 4083 Herodot . Year before Christ 631 lib. 1. cap. 16. Those Scythians , having gotten all the upper Asia , went straight into Egypt , unto whom , when they were come as far as Syria Palestina , Psamitichus the king of Egypt came in person , and what by entreaty , what by gifts and presents , wrought so far with them , that they went no further that way . But when in their return they came to Askalon , which is in Syria , the greatest part of the army passing a long without hurt doing , some straglers coming in the rear , robbed the Temple of Venus Vrania , whose posterity were ever after striken with the Emerodes , [ Herod . lib. 1. cap. 105. ] But this year , which was the second of the 37 Olympiad , those Scythians invaded Syria Palestina ; as Eusebius in Chron. notes , as also that Sinope , was this year built ; which being the chief city , in all the kingdom of Pontus , was built by the Milesians , as Strabo in his 12 book saith , but by Macritius of the Isle of Coos , as Phlegon says , cited by Stephanus de Tribibus , in Sinope . But sure enough it is , that the Cimmerians , coming into Asia , when they fled from the Scythians , built Chersonesus , in the place , where Sinope a city of the Grecians now standeth , saith Herod l. 4. c. 12. The men of Thera , in the 7 year after they were seated , and had dwelt in Aziristus , by the perswasion of the Libyans , removed from thence , and went to a place called Irasa , and there seated themselves , near to a fountain , which was called after Apolloes name , [ Her. lib. 4. cap , 158. ] and there Battus , having built a city , which was called Cyrene , in the second year of the 37 Olympiade , reigned 40 years , and after him his son Arcesilaus , 16 years , with those of the first plantation onely ; but afterward in the reign of Battus the second Arcesilaus his son , there went thither a great multitude of other Greeks , stirred up thereto , by the oracle of Delphos , at what time Apryas reigned among the Egyptians , [ Herod . lib. cap. 159. ] which concurrence of the reign of this Egyptian king , sheweth , that what I have said of the time , when the city of Cyrene was built , is much truer , than what others have variously written of it . Josias in the 12 year of his reign , Year of the World 3374. c. began to cleanse Juda and Jurasalem from that filth of Idolatry , The Julian Period . 4084 wherein they had so long lain , Year before Christ 630 and from the high places and groves , and altars of Baal , with the images which were openly placed on them , destroying their graven and molten images , and burning the bones of their priests upon their own altars , and and then proceeding to their cities of Manasses , Ephraim and Symeon , as far as Nephthaly , he threw down all the altars and groves , and graven o● carved images ; and all their statues , which stood without doors , did he demolish and deface , throughout all the land of Israel , Year of the World 3375. c. [ 2 Chron. 34. 3 , 7. ] Jeremias , in the 13 year of king Josia , was called by God to his prophetical function ; but refused to take it upon him : til being called thereto the second time , & strengthened withall by sundry promises , and signs belonging to the office and function of a prophet , he was bid to fore-warne the Jews , of the calamitie , which was to be brought upon that place , by the king of Babylon , [ Jer. 1. 2. 17. with c. 28. 3. ] to whom was also joyned the prophet Zephany , and others , all who sought to move that rebellious people , to repentance , but could not , [ Zeph. 1. 1. Jer. 25. 3 , 4 , 5. ] Prusias , or Prusa was built in Bythinia , [ Euseb. Chron. ] Nabopolasur of Babylon , Year of the World 3378 who was made General of the army by Saraco , The Julian Period . 4088 al. Year before Christ 629 Chinaladanus king of Assyria and Chaldaea , and Astyages , who was made Governour of Media , by his father Cyaxares , entering now into affinity , by Astyages , his giving his daughter Amyitis in marriage unto Nebucadnesar the son of Nabopolasar , joyned their forces together , and took the city of Nineve , and therein Saraco the king , ( as we gather out of a fragment of Alexander Polyhistors ( misunderstood by Georgius Symelius , who cites it in Graec. Scalig. p. 38 , 39. ) And as we also find in the end of the book of Tobit , in the Greek copie , that Nabuchodonosor , al. Nabopolasur , and Assuerus . al. Astyages , called also Assuerus , [ Dan. 9. 1. ] whiles Tobit the younger was yet living , who when Salmanasar took Samaria , being together with his father , by Salmanasar carryed away into Assyria , is said to have lived to the age , of 127 years , whereas 95 years passed , from the captivity of Israel , unto this time ; and so , Josias yet reigning , ( as Jerom also , in his commentaries upon the prophet Jonas affirmes ) Nineve was destroyed , and the prophecies both of Nahum and Esay , concerning the destruction of Ninive , were fulfilled , whereof as of a thing already come to pass and done , there is a most elegant description in the 31 ch . of Ezekiel . Saracus therefore being now dead , Nabopollasar took into his hands the kingdom of Chaldaea , as Polyhistor , expressely sayes ; which he held by the space of 21 years , as Berosus in his third book of the Affaires of Chaldaea ; and Ptolomy , in Reg. Can. affirms . Sadyattes king of Lydia , invaded the territory of the milesians , The Julian Period . 4089 with his army , Year before Christ 625 and continued that war for six years space . Josias in the 18 year of his reign , gave charge to Hilkia the high priest , The Julian Period . 4090 that with the money which had been collected , Year before Christ 624 he should repaire the house of the Lord , and he , falling in hand therewith , found the original book of the law , which was at the first laid up in the side of the Ark of the covenant , [ Deut. 31. 26. ] and which seemeth to have been missing ever since the beginning of Manasses his reign : and having found it , sent it by Shaphan the scribe , to the king . Josias , having heard the book read all over to him , asked counsaile thereupon of Hulda the prophetesse ; who foretold him , that that kingdom should certainly be destroyed ; yet not whiles he lived ; [ 2 Reg. 22. 3. 20. 2 Chron. 34. 8. 28. ] whereupon the king calling to him the elders of Juda and Jerusalem , with the priests and prophets , caused that book of the Law to be read over before all the people , renewed the covenant , between God and the people ; and again , cleansed the city from idolatry , and throughly restored the worship of God , [ 2 Reg. 33. 1 , 14. 2 Chron. 34. 29 , 30. ] demolished the altar and high place , which Jeroboam the son of Nebat had set up , having first burnt the bones of the dead upon the altar , as had been expressely foretold it should come to passe , 350 years before , [ 2 Reg. 13. 2. ] And when he had taken away the altars which the kings of Israel had built in the cities of Samaria , and had slain all their priests , and burnt dead mens bones upon them , he then returned to Jerusalem , [ 2 Reg. 23. 15 , 20. ] And from this solemn renewing of the covenant , and general reformation of religion , joyning therewith , that inevitable decree of desolation , which was to ensue , for the sins of the people , is deduced the Epocha or , beginning both of the 30 years , spoken of in the first of the prophecie of Ezekiel , and also of the 40 years of the iniquity of Juda , [ c. 4. 6. of the same book . ] Josias , Year of the World 3381 in the same 18 years of his reign , The Julian Period . 4091 toward the end thereof , Year before Christ 623 14 day of the first moneth ( our May 4. being munday ) in the presence of all Juda and Israel , and the inhabitants of Jerusalem , kept the feast of the passeover , with more solemnity , than ever had been done by any of the kings of Israel or Juda in former times , [ 2 Reg. 23. 21 , 22 , 23. 2 Chr. 35. 1. 19. ] to conclude , he took away all witches and sooth-sayers , all Images and dung-hil gods , and all the abominations , which were found in the land of Juda , & in Jerusalem , that he might performe all the words which were written in the book that was so found by Hilkia the priest , in the house of the Lord , [ 2 Reg. 33. 24. with Deut. 18. 9 , 10 , 11. ] Toward the later end of the 5 year of Nabopolassar , Year of the World 3383 ( which is the 127 from the Epoch of Nabonazar , ) The Julian Period . 4093 upon the 27 day of the moneth Athyr , Year before Christ 621 of the Egyptians , drawing on to the 28 thereof , the moon entred into an Eclips at Babylon , beginning 5 measured hours after midnight ; Ptol. Syntax . p. 125. in the Greek edition , to wit , 22 of April , according to the Julian Calender , falling on a Saturday , or the 27 of Athyr , drawing to an end ; which was our Friday , for that is Ptolomies meaning , when he saith , that it was from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( i.e. ) from the 27 to the 28 , being in all , six measued hours after midnight of the 27 day , to the sun-rising , when the 28 day was to begin . Hammutula bare unto Josia ▪ Year of the World 3384 after Shallum , The Julian Period . 4094 or Jehoachaz , Year before Christ 620 Mattania also , who was afterward called Sedechias , for he was 21 years old when he began to reign , [ Jer. 21. 2 Reg. 2417. 18. ] Xenophanes Colophonius , chief of the sect , of the Eleatic discipline in Philosophy , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( i.e. ) was begotten as Elius Empiricus saith , in his first book , contra Mathematicos , c. 12. or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as is more rightly related out of Apollodorus , cited by Clemens Alexandrinus , lib. 1. Strommat . ( i.e. ) was born , in the 40 Olympiade . After Sadyattes , Year of the World 3385 his son Halyattes , the younger reigned in Lydia 57 years , of which he spent the first 5 years in prosecuting the war which his father had commenced against the Lydyans , [ Herod . lib. 1. cap. 17 , 18 , 25. ] Jehojakim son of Josias , Year of the World 3387. c. had a son , The Julian Period . 4097 by Neheshta , the daughter of Elnathan of Jerusalem , Year before Christ 517 called Jehojakim , al. Jeconia , who was 18 years old when he began to reign , [ 2 Reg. 28. 8. ] Neco , Year of the World 3388 the son of Psammitichus , reigned in Egypt 16 years , [ Herod . l. 2. c. 159. ] who in the scripture is Neco or Pharao Neco , The Julian Period . 4098 [ 2 Chr. 35. 24. 2 Reg. 23. 29. Ier. 46. 2. ] Year before Christ 616 This man began from the Nile , into the gulf of Arabia , in which work he spent the lives of 120 thousand Egyptians . But giving that work off in the midst of it , he sent certain Phaenicians , to saile round about Africa , and they setting saile out of the gulf of Arabia , or the red-sea , went into the southern sea ; and compassing about the coast , came at length , into the streit of Gibraltar , and so returned into Egypt , in the third year after they set out , [ Herod . lib. 1. cap. 158. and lib. 4. cap. 52. ] In the 12 year of the war between the Lydians and the Milesians , Year of the World 3390 when the Lydian army had burnt the harvest of the Milesians , The Julian Period . 4100 as commonly every year they did , Year before Christ 614 it happened , that the flame , driven by force of the winde , caught in the Temple of Minerva in Assesus , and burnt it to the ground , and when at the return of the Army , Halyattes , was fallen sick , and lay long of it , at length , he sent to consult the Oracle at Delphos , and had answer made him by the prophetesse there , that untill he had repaired the Temple , which his men had burnt , he should get no answer there . Thrasibulus , understanding what answer was made at the Oracle , by Periander the son of Cyphelus , tyrant at Corinth , with whom he was very inward ; took order that at the coming of Halyattes his Ambassadors about that matter , all the Milesians should dispose themselves to all kind of feasting and merriment : whereupon Halyattes supposing that there was no want of any thing , but rather great abundance of all provisions ; made a peace & a league of friendship with them ; and instead of one temple which was before , he built up two temples of Minerva at Assesus : and having thereupon recovered his health , sent rich presents and offerings unto Delphos , [ Herod . lib. 1. ca. 19. 20 , 22 , 23 , 24. with Polyaenus , lib. 6. Stratag . ] The Julian Period . 4102 Was the 17 Jubilie . Year before Christ 612 Anaximander Milesius , Year of the World 3393. a. c. the son of Praxidemus , The Julian Period . 4103 was born in Ionia . Year before Christ 611 See hereafter in the year of the World , 3457. Neco king of Egypt , The Julian Period . 4104 by Gods command went against the king of Assyria , Year before Christ 610 who at that time made war upon him , Year of the World 3394. c. to besiege Carchemish upon the River Euphrates , [ 2 Reg. 23. 29. 2 Chron. 35. 20 , 21 , 22. ] or , as Josephus hath it ; to fight against the Medes and Babylonians , who had overthrown the Empire of the Assyrians , [ lib. 10. Antiq. ca. 6. ] And indeed that Carchemish , in the time of Sennachrib did belong to , and was possessed by , the Assyrians , appears in [ Esay 9. ] but that kingdom being ruined ; it returned into the hands of the Babylonians : And as the king of Persia , having overcome Babylon and Assyria , [ Ezra 6. 22. ] was called king of the Assyrians ; so here the king of Babylonia , having now gotten Assyria , was likewise called king of Assyria : besides that , Heathen authors also tell us , that Babylon was in former times part of Assyria , and the holy Scriptures teach us , that the kingdom of Chaldea was founded by the king of Assyria , [ Esay 23. 13. See Num. 24. 22. Esay 52. 4. Nehem. 9. 22. ] Iosias , unadvisedly engaging in this war was slain , [ 2 Reg. 23. 29 , 30. 2 Chron. 32. 22. 23. ] in the valley of Megiddo , which belonged to the tribe of Manasses , [ Jos. 17. 11. Iudg. 1. 17. ] to which that story of [ Herod . lib. 2. ] refers , where he saith , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ( i. ) Necos falling upon the Syrians with an army of foot , overthrew them in Magdala , and after the fight took Cadytis a great city of Syria : where learned Scaliger noteth , that this Kadytis was Kadesh , mentioned in [ Num. 20. 16. ] and conceives , that Magdala and Megiddo , stood near together : but because Magdala was the more noted place of the two , therefore that fight was said to have been there : as the battel fought by Alexander against Darius at Gaugamela , is commonly said by Writers to have been fought at Arbela , because Gaugamela was an obscure place . But what will we say , if Magdala and Megiddo were all one ? and mean the place from whence that other Mary took her surname of Magdalen ; for certain it is , that in [ Mat. 15. 39. ] where we read Magdalam , the Syrian renders it , Mageda : and the old Latine translation , Magedan ; a name not much varying from Magiddo . The good King being thus taken out of the world , whose life onely kept off the Babylonish captivity from that nation , [ 2 Reg. 22. 20. ] a world of miseries growing on upon it , the last years Jubilie , was turned this year into lamentions : so that it grew almost into a common proverb , The lamentation of Hadadrimmon in the valley of Megiddo , [ Zacha. 12. 11. ] For not onely the whole people which was then living wonderfully bewailed the death of Josias ; but even in after-time , a publick mourning for him was voluntarily kept , as if it had been ordained by a law : the Prophet Jeremy also , in rememberance thereof , wrote his mourning Song of Threnes , or lamentations , [ 2 Chron. 35. 24. 25. ] wherein bewailing the calamities which were shortly to befall that people , as if he had then presently beheld them , in a most passionate manner , and pointing , as it were , with his finger , at the death of Josias ; as at the source and original of all ensuing miseries , he useth these words : The breath of our nostrils , the anointed of the Lord , is taken in their pits : of whom we said , under the shadow of his wings we shall live among the heathen , [ Lament . 4. 20. ] So that we may very justly question the first verse , or proeme of that book ; which we find in the Greek and vulgar Latine translation : but contrary to Jeromes minde , prefixed before the Threnes or Lamentations of Jeremy ; to wit : And it came to passe after that Israel was carried into captivity , and Jerusalem laid wast , Ieremy the Prophet sate down and wept , and made this lamentation in Ierusalem , and sighing and howling , out of the bitternesse of his heart , said : which whosoever made , should have remembred that saying of the Wiseman , Adde not to his words , that he blame thee not , and thou be found a liar , [ Prov. 30. 6. ] There was also a second Song of Lamentations for the miserable condition of the kingdom of the Jews , after the death of Josias , composed by the Prophet Ezechiel , and appointed to be sung , [ Ezech. 19. 1 , 14. ] After the death of Josia , the people , fearing least the King of Egypt should invade the kingdom in the vacancy of a king , anointed his youngest son Shallum or Jechoachaz , to be their king : And he presently fell to doing of that which was evil in the sight of the Lord : even as his forefathers had done , [ 2 Reg. 23. 30 , 31 , 32. 2 Chron. 36. 1. ] See before in the year of the World , 3371. Neco at his return from his voyage into Assyria , removed Shallum from the throne , when he had reigned onely 3 moneths , and made Eliakim his elder brother King in the roome of his father Josias , changing his name into Jehojakim , [ 2 Reg. 23. 31 , 32 , 34. 2 Chron. 36. 2 , 3 , 4. ] that thereby he might testifie to the World , that he ascribed the victory by him gotten against the Assyrians to the Lord Jehovah onely , as he formerly professed that it was he by whom he was sent against him , [ 2 Chron. 35. 21 , 22. ] and then imposing a tribute of one hundred talents of silver , and one talent of gold , upon the land of Juda : he put Shallum or Jehojakim in fetters at Ribla , and carried him away with him prisoner into Egypt , where also he ended his dayes , [ 2 Reg. 23. 33 , 34 , 35. 2 Chron. 36. 3 , 4. Ezech. 19. 3 , 4. ] The Prophet Jeremy , going by Gods appointment to Shallum , the new Kings Palace , earnestly moved both him , and his Courtiers , and all the people , what with promises , what with threats from A mighty God , to a newnesse of life : foretelling them , that Shallum or Jehojakim should be carried away captive into Egypt , saying , weep not for him that is departed ( meaning Josia ) nor make lamentation for him ; but weep for him that is to depart : ( that is Shallum ) because he shall return no more to see his native soile , [ Jer. 22. 1 , 2 , 10 , 11 , 12. ] In the beginning of the reigne of Jehojakim , Year of the World 3395. a. Jeremy , commanded by God , went and stood in the court of the Temple , and there exhorted the people ( assembled out of all the cities of Juda ; to bow themselves there before the Lord ; ( it being then the feast of Tabernacles , wherein all the males out of the cities were bound to appear at Jerusalem , Deut. 16. 16. ) to repentance ; and when they would not , he denounced the judgement of God against them , saying , That that House should become as Shilo : and that city should be aecursed among all the nations of the earth : Whereupon , he was presently apprehended by the Priests and Prophets , and all the people that were then in the court ; and accused as a man worthy of death : but was acquitted and set at liberty by the publick judgement of the Princes and Elders , [ Jer. 26. 1 , 2 , 19. ] Uria also the son of Shemaria , The Julian Period . 4105 of Kiriath-jearim , Year before Christ 609 prophesied against Jerusalem , and the land of Juda , agreeablely to the sayings of the Prophet Jeremy ; and when Jehojakim the King sought to put him to death , he fled into Egypt . But the King sent after him Elnathan the son of Achor , and others with him who overtook him , and brought him back to the King , and he put him to the sword , and threw his carcasse among the vilest sepulchres of the common people ; yet Ahikam , the son of Shaphan , who had formerly been a man of great authority with king Josia , [ 2 Reg. 22. 12. 2 Chron. 34. 20. ] stickled so well for the Prophet Jeremy , that he was not delivered over into the hand of the people to be put to death , [ Jer. 26. 20. 24. ] To these I might adde the Prophet Habakkuk ; to whom , when he complained of the stubbornnesse of the Jews , God made this answer : That he would shortly send the Chaldeans into Judea ; and further declared his purpose concerning that matter , in these words . I will do a work in your dayes , which you will not believe when it shall be told unto you : For behold I will stir up the Chaldeans , a firce nation , and a swift : which shall walk thorough the breadth of the land , to possesse a land which is none of theirs as their own inheritance , [ Habakkuk 1. 5 , 6. ] In the beginning also of the reigne of Jehojakim , Jeremy also foretold that Sedechia should be king of Juda , and Nabuchodonosor king of Babylon ; and that he should subdue the neighbouring nations to his dominions , [ Jerem. 27. 1 , 11. ] When the Governour of Coelosyria and Phoenicia , Year of the World 3397 had revolted from Nabopolassar king of Babylon , The Julian Period . 4107 father to Necho , Year before Christ 607 king of Egypt , after the taking of Carchemish ; Nabopolassar sent against them his son Nebuchadnesar ( having first associated him in the kingdom ) with a great army : and that this was done in the later end of the third and beginning of the fourth year of Jehojakim king of Juda , is gathered by comparing the [ 1 cap. v. 1. of the Prophet Daniel , with the cap. 25. 1. of Ieremy . ] When Nebuchadnesar was associated with his father in the kingdom , The Julian Period . 4107 the things which he was to act , were presently revealed unto ●eremy : the first whereof was the overthrow of the Egyptians ; first at the River Euphrates , then in their own country , and that Nebuchadnesar should make himself master of it , [ Jer. 46. ] The first whereof came to passe almost immediately ; Pharao Neco his forces , which he left at Carchemish being cut off by Nebuchadnesar King of Babylon , in the 4 year of Jehojakim , [ Jer. 46. 2. ] The second was not till after the taking of Tyre , in the 27 year of the captivity of Jeconia , [ Ezek. 29. 17 , 18 , 19. ] In the self same 4 year of Jehojakim , which was the first of Nebuchadnesar King of Babylon ; the Prophet Jeremy reproving the Jewes , for not harkening to the word of the Lord , which from time to time he had spoken to them , from the 13 year of King Josia , even to that present 4 year of Jehojakim ; this , saith he , is 23 years , and for that they had shewed themselves stubborne and refractory to the admonitions and exhortations of himself , and all the other Prophets which the Lord had sent unto them : and then again told them of the coming of Nebuchadnesar upon them , and of their being carried away captives to Babylon , and that captivity to last 70 years long : which terme Judea first , Year of the World c. then the other nations there mentioned every one in his order , were to serve the King of Babylon : and that at last the kingdom of Babylon it self , should be destroyed , and the land of Chaldea exposed to desolation , [ Ier. 25. 1 , 3 , 11 , 12. ] of which 70 years mention also was long before made by the Prophet Esaiah , though more obscurely , when he spake of the destruction of Tyrus , [ Esai . 23. 15 , 17. ] In the 4 year of Jehojakim , Baruc the son of Neria wrote in a book from the mouth of the Prophet Jeremy , all the words of the Lord which he had spoken to him concerning Israel and Juda , from the time of Josia until that day : and he read them in the house of the Lord , in the audience of the men of Jerusalem , and of all the Jews which were there assembled out of all their cities , in the day of the fast , [ Ier. 36. 1 , 8. ] to wit , of that solemn fast which was yearly kept upon the 10 day of the 7 moneth , [ Levit. 16. 29. &c. 23. 27. & Num. 29. 7. ] five dayes before the feast of Tabernacles ; wherein all the males out of all the cities of Judea , were to appear at Jerusalem ; as I have shewed before in the year of the World 3395. As for Baruc himself , who was extreamly amazed and afflicted in his soul , with the horror of these direful judgements which he had written , the Prophet comforted him , by the word of the Lord ▪ over this calamity which was to be brought upon all flesh by the Babylonians , and assured him of his own life , in the middest of all these troubles , J Ier. 45. 1 , 5. ] whereunto also perhaps all those consolatory speeches contained in 30 and 31 chapters of the same Prophet , and promises made concerning the restauration of the Church , may be referred . The Rechabites , of the posterity of Jonadab , the son of Rechab , [ 2 Reg. 10. 15. ] when Nebuchadnesar King of Babylon approached now unto Judea , for fear of the host of the Chaldeans and Syrians , leaving their tents ( wherein , by the rule of their forefather Jonadab , they were wont to remain and dwell ) came into Jerusalem [ Ierem. 35. 11. ] whence ( seeing they speak of the present time ; so we do now remain in Jerusalem ) we gather , that the matter of this chapter which concerns the Rechabites refusing to drink wine , was in agitation , at what time the city was besieged round , by Nebuchadnesar , [ Dan. 1. 1. ] God therefore gave up Jehojakim the King of Juda , into the hands of Nebuchadnesar King of Babylon , with part of the furniture of the House of the Lord , [ Dan. 1. 2. ] to wit , in the 9 moneth called Cisleu : as may be collected out of the anniversary fast , which in rememberance , as it seemeth , of this calamity , by a received custom of the Jews , [ Zachar. 7. 3 , 5. and chap. 8. 19. ] was kept in this moneth , [ Jer. 36. 9. ] Nebuchadnesar put Jehojakim at first in chaines , to carry him away to Babylon , [ 2 Chron. 36. 6. ] but afterwards , upon submission , and his promises of subjection , he left him in his own house : where he lived his servant 3 years . From which entering of the King and people of the Jewes into the subjection and service of Nebuchadnesar , are the 70 years of the captivity of Babylon to be reckoned , which were foretold by the Prophet Jeremy , [ Ier. 25. 11. and c. 29. 10. ] Nebuchadnesar gave order to Ashpenash the over-seer of the eunuches , or pages , that he should carry from thence of the children of Israel , both of the blood-royal , ( as was expressely foretold by Esay the Prophet to Ezechia it should come to passe , Esay 39. 7. ) as also of the noblest families , the choicest boyes , both for beauty and wit , that he could find : which being by his care educated 3 years in the language and sciences of the Chaldeans , might be thought afterward fit to stand before the King , and serve in his Palace : among whom of the tribe of Juda , were Daniel , who was Beltshazar , Hananiah , who was Shadrach , Mishael , who was Meshach ; and Anania , who was Abendego : every of them having his name changed at the discretion of the overseer , or master of the Eunuchs , [ Dan. 1. 3 , 7. ] Now after those Scythians of whom I spake before , had taken their pleasure in Asia 28 years , Cyaxares and the Medes feasting them , and making them all drunk upon a certain day , cut all or the greatest part of their throats , [ Herod . lib. 1. ca. 106. ] Besides which , certain other Scythians of the Nomades or Shepherds , being driven out of their own country by a contrary faction , had been entertained by Cyaxares , and by him imployed , partly in hunting , partly in the educating of children : who being roughly and basely used by him , and also , as it seems , repining at the general massacre of their other country-men , killed one of the boyes which they had taken to educate and instruct ; and dressing the flesh of him for venison , set it before Cyaxares and his guests to eat : which done , they fled away speedily to Halyattes the King at Sardes , and put themselves under his protection ; whom when Cyaxares demanded to be given up unto him , and Halyattes refused to deliver them ; there grew thereof a war between the Medes and Lydians , which lasted five years , [ Herod . lib. 1. ca. 73. 74. ] As for the Cimmerians of whom I spake before in the year of the World , 3368. Halyattes himself drave them out of all Asia , [ Herod . ib. ca. 16. ] In the 9 moneth of the 5 year of Jehojakim , Year of the World 3399. a. there was a solemn fast before the Lord proclaimed to all the people at Jerusalem , in rememberance , as it seemeth , of the taking of the city by the Caldeans the year before in the same moneth . Where Baruc standing at the gate of the House of the Lord , read all the words of the Lord , which he had taken from the mouth of Jeremy the Prophet , out of a book , in the audience of all the people , who were then assembled at Jerusalem out of all the cities of Juda ; whereof the Princes being advertised by Micah the son of Gemaria , called Baruc unto them ; heard him read the same book , and for fear of the King , advised Jeremy and him , to hide themselves out of the way : But the King himself , having heard some part of the book read unto him , first cut the book thorough with a pen-knife , and then hurled it into the fire , that was in the chimny , and burnt it , [ Jer. 36. 9 , 25. ] in memory of which detestable act of the King , the Jews to this day keep a fast , upon the 7 day of the 9 moneth called Caslu . And Jehoiakim , having burnt the book , gave order to Jerochmeelie his son , and to Seraia the son of Azriel , and to Shelemia the son of Abdiel , to apprehend Baruc the Writer , and Jeremia the Prophet : But God hid them , and against that impious King and his kingdom , Year of the World b. pronounced this sentence . The Julian Period . 4109 Thou hast burnt this book , Year before Christ 605 saying , Why hast thou written therein , that the King of Babylon shall surely come , and shall lay wast this land , so that there shall no man nor beast remaine therein ? Therefore thus faith the Lord concerning Jehoiakim King of Juda ; There shall none of his sit upon the throne of David ; and his carcasse shall be thrown out and exposed to the scorching of the day , and freezing of the night ; and I will punish the wickednesse of him and of his seed , and servants : and I will bring upon them , and upon the inhabitants of Jerusalem , and upon all the men of Juda , all the evil which I said I would bring upon them : to wit , in that book , which they had burnt . Afterward by Gods appointment , Baruc wrote again from the mouth of the Prophet Jeremy , the same words , which he had written in the former , adding many like things thereto , [ Ier. 36. 26 , 32. ] Nebuchadnesar , following the point of his victory gotten , took from the Egyptian all that ever he possessed , between Egypt and Euphrates , so that from thence forward , Neco was faine to keep himself within his own bounds of Egypt , [ 2 Reg. 24 , 7. ] Mean while his father Nabopolassar , falling into infirmities , in the land of babylon , died : when he had reigned 21 years . Which no sooner came to Nebuchadnesars eare , but he giving order for the bringing away of the captives , as well of the Jews , as others ; Syrians , Phoenicians , and Egyptians , to Babylon , with the army and baggage ; posted with a small company the nearest way thorough the desert , and came to Babylon before them ; who being received as sole Lord , of all his fathers large Dominions , he disposed the captives , when they were brought , here and there , by way of colonies as he thought fit . [ Berosus lib. 3. of the affairs of Chaldea , ] of the vessels also , and other furniture of the Temple Nebuchadnesar , took away with him to babylon what he thought fit : and disposed of them in the temple of his god , [ Dan. 1. 2. 2 Chron. 36. 7. ] to wit , Belus ; whom he called his Progenitor ; as Abydenus in his Assyrian History , and Brosus also tells us , that he did wonderfully enrich and adorne that Temple , with the spoile which he had taken in that war. The remainder of the Scythians , which had escaped the slaughter of the Medes returning home , were met by a great army of lusty young-men , which had been begotten on their own wives , in their long absence , by their slaves : with these they fought many a sharp battel : but at last , laying aside their swords , they took every man a whip in his hand , as more proper for the correction of slaves , and thereby made them all to flee . [ Herod , in the beginning of his 4 book . ] Jehoiakim , Year of the World 3401. a. when he had lived 3 years in subjection to the King of Babylon , The Julian Period . 4111 according to his allegeance , Year before Christ 603 fell off and rebelled against him , [ 2 Reg. 24. 1. ] Daniel and his three followers , when , refraining the diet provided them of the Kings allowance , they dined onely of pults and water ; yet were they found to look more lively and fair of complexion , than the rest which did eat of the Kings fare . And when at the three years end , they were brought to Court to attend the King , they appeared in all matters of knowledge , wisdom , and sciences , which the King was pleased to ask them in , far and far , to excell , all the Magi , and Astronomers that were in his kingdom , [ Dan. 1. 5 , 20. ] In the second year of his kingdom , or of the Babylonish Monarchie , begun by his father Nabopolassar , Nebuchadnesar , dreampt his dream , of the great Image , made of divers mettals : and forgetting his dream , what it was , would needs know of his Magi and Astronomers , both what his dreame was , and also what it meant : and when they could not satisfie him in so unreasonable a demand , he commanded them all to be put to death . But Daniel , when he saw the execution preparing , and understood the cause thereof , moved the King to forbear a while ; and joyning in prayer with his fellowes unto God , obtained both the dreame it self , and also , the interpretation thereof to be revealed to him . He therefore declared to the King what his dream was , and also the four Monarchies which were in their order to succeed , which was the thing signified by that Image which he saw in his dream : whereupon the King enriched him presently with great gifts , and made him governour of all the Province of Babylon , and chief over all the wisemen thereof ; and moreover at his request , made his three fellowes , Shadrach , Misach , and Abednego , principal officers in all that Province , [ Dan. 2. 1 , 49. ] In the beginning of the sixth year of the war between the Medes and the Lydians , Year of the World 3403. d. the victory enclining neither way ; The Julian Period . 4113 there fell out an Eclipse of the Sun , Year before Christ 601 which Thales the Philosopher of Miletus had foretold the Ionians of . At which , both the foresaid armies seeing the day grown dark like the night , left off fighting , and afterward , by the mediation of Syennesis of Cilicia , and of Labynitus the Babylonian ( which was Nebuchadnesar ) they made a peace between themselves ; and Halyattes gave his daughter Ariena , to Astyages the son of Cyaxeres to wife , [ Herod . lib. 1. ca. 74. ] And that this Eclipse so foretold by Thales , fell out at the very instant , when Cyaxeres the father of Astyages and King of the Medes and Halyattes Cresus his father , and King of the Lydians , were in fight together , is confirmed by Endemus , in his Astronomical History ; and Pliny also , speaking thereof , and giving the reason of the Eclipses of these two great stars , lib. 1. cap. 12. saith in this wise ; Apud Graecos investigavit primus omnium Thales Milesius , olympiadis 48 anno quarto , praedicto Solis defectu qui , Alyatte Rege , factus est , V. C. an . 170. ( i. ) Among the Graecians , the first that found it out , ( to wit , the reason of the Eclipses ) was Thales the Milesian , who foretold the Eclipse of the Sun , in the 4 year of the 48 olympiade , which was in the reign of Alyattes , ( for so the old copy reads it , not of Astyages , as the vulgar edition hath it ) 170. years after the building of Rome . Clemens Alexan. lib. 1. strom . placeth this fight of Cyaxares , and Eclipse of the Sun , about the 50 olympiade ; wherein he is far wide of the opinion of Endemus , whom he cites for it ; for both the time assigned , as well by him as by Pliny , suites not with Cyaxares , but with Astyages his reign ; and also out of Ptolomies , Sun and Moon-Tables , which are the same with those of Hipparchus , it appeareth plainly that the Sun was eclipsed in the 4 years of the 44 olympiade , to wit , in the 147. of Nabonasar , on the 4 day of the Egyptian moneth Pacon , ( or 20 day of September , according to the Julian Calender , on a Sunday , ) 3 hours 25 minutes before noon : And this Eclipse was of 9 digits , and continued almost two hours . Year of the World 3404. c. Psamnis the son of Neco reigned in Egypt 6 years . The Julian Period . 4114 [ Herod . lib. 2. cap. 161. ] Year before Christ 600 The Phocenses , setting saile out of Ionia , built Marseilles , upon the coast of Liguria in Italy 120. years before the sea-fight at Salamis : as Marcianus in his Periegesis reports out of Timeus ; to wit , in the first year of the 45 olympiade , as both Euseb us delivers in his Chronicle : and Solinus in Polyhistor , though this latter confounds this first plantation of the Phocenses made in the dayes of Tarquinius Priscus , with their latter under Servius Tullus ; whereof more hereafter in the year 3461. But the story of the wedding which gave occasion of the building of this City , is more at large set out by Atheneus , lib. 3. out of Aristotle , where he speaks of the common-wealth of the Marseilians , and by Justin in his 43 book out of Tro. Pomp. who relates the same thing , though differing in the names of the persons concerned therein . Nebuchadnesars army consisting of troupes and companies of Syrians , Caldeans , Moabites , and Ammonites , going against Jehoiakim , wasted all Judea , [ 2 Reg. 24. 2. ] leading away from thence 3023. prisoners , an . 7 of Nebuchadnesar , [ Jer. 52. 28. ] Astyages or Asuerus , [ Dan. 9. 1. ] had issue by Ariena , ( whom he married the year before , ) his son Cyaxares ; who was also called Darius , the Mede , and who was 62 years old when he succeeded Belshasser , ( who was slaine ) in the kingdom of the Chaldeans , [ Dan. 5. 30 , 31. ] But Astyages , in the life time of his father , married Mandanes his daughter , borne of his former wife , to Cambyses son of Achemenes , King of Persia ( as Xenophon sayes in his first book of the education of Cyrus ) who derives his pedigree from Perseus ; and of these two , the year following , was borne Cyrus : so that we may in no sort believe Ctesias , who contrary to Herodotus and Xenophon and others , agreeing with them , will in no wise have it , that Astiagas ( for so he calls him ) was any kin at all to Cyrus . Jehoiakim being taken prisoner by the Chaldeans , Year of the World 3405. c. was thrown out without burial , The Julian Period . 4115 that is , Year before Christ 599 was buried like an asse : his carcasse being tugg'd and drawn out of the gate of Jerusalem , according as was foretold by the Prophet , [ Jeremy 22. 18 , 19. and chap. 36. 30. ] though in reference to the common course of nature , he also may be said to have slept with his fathers , as he is , [ 2 Reg. 24. 6. ] After him came his son Jehoiachin , who was also called Conias and Jeconias , and reigned 3 moneths and ten dayes in Jerusalem ; and he also did what was evil in the sight of the Lord , as his father Jehoiakim had done before him , [ 2 Reg. 24. 8 , 9. 2 Chron. 36. 8 , 9. ] Against him therefore a most dread●ul decree went out from God , in the end of the 22 of Ieremy , and as an Act to be entered of record , concluded in this wise . Write this man childlesse , a man which shall not prosper in his dayes ; for none of his seed shall prosper to sit in the throne of David , nor reign any more in Juda , [ Ier. 22. 30. ] concerning which matter , more is to be read in Christophorus Helvicus his book of the Genealogie of Christ. And at this time also , the prophe●ie of Jeremiah contained in the chapter following , [ c. 23 ] seemeth to have been uttered . In the same year , after the sending of the former army , came up the servants of Nebuchadnezar king of Babylon , to besiege Jerusalem . And when Nebuchadnesar himself came before the City , whiles his servants besieged it : Jehojachim the king , with his mother Nehushta , a woman of Jerusalem , and his servants and officers , with all his Courtiers , came forth to the king of Babylon : Him the king of Babylon took ; in the 8 year of his reign over Babylon : and taking from thence all the treasure , both of the Temple , and of the kings house , he brake in pieces all the golden vessels and furniture , which Salomon had made for the Temple of the Lord ▪ as the Lord , [ Isai. 39. 6. ] had foretold ; and the k. carried away king Jehojachim , unto Babylon ; with his mother , and his wives , or women , and his Courtiers , and out of all Jerusalem , the Magistrates , and every man of strength , to the number of ten thousand men : and all Carpenters and Smiths ; leaving none behind him at Jerusalem , besides the poorer sort of people : and out of other parts of the land , he carried away 7000 men of able bodies , and of Smiths and Carpenters , ten thousand , all strong men , and fit for the wars ; all which were carried prisoners into Babylon , [ 2 Reg. 28. 8 , 16. 2 Chron. 36. 10. Jer. 24. 1. and c. 29. 1 , 2. Ezech. 17. 12. ] among which captives , one was Mordecai of the tribe of Benjamin , the son of Jairus , [ Esth. 2. 5 , 6. ] and Ezechiel the priest , the son of Buzi , an other : Who therefore in his prophecie reckons the time all along from the beginning of this captivity , [ Ezech. 1. 2 , 3. ] which he also terms his own banishment , [ c. 40. 1. ] An Epistle said to be Jeremiahs , is sent to those that were appointed to be carried away to Babylon , to beware of the Idolatry , which they should see used in Babylon , [ Baruc. 6. ] Whiles the king of Babylon thus raged in Judea , God prepared a worme , which in due time , should eat out this spreading tree ; the cry of this poor people entering into the ear of the Lord : O daughter of Babylon , wasted with misery , happy shall he be that shall reward thee , as thou hast served us , who shall take thy children , and dash them against the stones , [ Psal. 137. 8. ] For in this very year , was Cyrus the Perso-Median born ; whose father was a Persian , and his mother a Mede , as I shewed before ; of whom this very Nebuchadnesar , at the houre of his death , as Aby-denus hath it , uttered this prophecie , There shall come a Persian Mule , who shall make use of your Devils , as his fellow-souldiers , to bring you into bondage : as also was foretold by that Oracle given to Croesus , When a mule King , shall to the Medes be borne , &c. Which the Pythian Priestes interpreted to be meant of Cyrus , which was to be borne of a father and a mother of two divers Nations , a Persian and a Mede : Herod . l. ● . c. 55. and 91. ] but above all most plainly and truly our Isaiah foretold , [ c. 11. 1 , 2. ] that the Babylonians also should have a time wherein to endure their hell of slavery ; and that their children should one day be dasht against the stones before their eyes , [ c. 13. 16. ] and that these miserably captivated Jewes , should one day be restored to their liberty ; calling their deliverer so many years before by his proper name of Cyrus , [ Isa. 44. 28. and 45. 1. ] God himself giving the reason , of this his so unusual a revelation , in these words ; For my servant Jacob , and for Israel my chosens sake , have I called thee by thy name , and given thee a surname , though thou hast not known me , [ Isa. 45. 4. ] As for the age of this Cyrus , we are beholding to Tully for it ; who in his 1 book de Divinatione , cites it out of one Dionysius a Persian writer , in this manner ; The sun ( saith Dionysius ) appeared to Cyrus in his sleep , standing at his feet , whom , when Cyrus thrice endeavoured to take in his hands , the sun still turned aside , and went away : and the Magi , who are counted as wise and learned men among the Persians , said ▪ that by his thrice offering to take hold of the sun , was portended to him that he should reign thirty years , which came to passe accordingly , for he lived to the age of seventy years , when he began not to reign till he was forty : From which dream perhaps , so expounded by the Magicians , Cyrus took his name ; for , as Ctesias rightly sayes , Cyrus in the Persian language , signifies the sun : So doth Plutarch , following him , in the life of Artaxerxes ; and so doth Chur or Churshid , in the Persian Poets , as it is said , unto this day . And out of this place of Tullies , compared with [ Dan. 5. 31. ] it appears that Darius the Mede , or Cyaxares the son of Astyages , Cyrus his uncle , was born before him , and is therefore by Xenophon , in his book entitled , of the Institution of Cyrus , lib. 6. brought in , speaking in this manner , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( i.e. ) seeing I am here present , and am elder than Cyrus , it is fit that I speak first : And in the fourth of the same book , Cyrus writing to Darius , useth these words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( i.e. ) I advise you , though I be the younger of the two . Nebuchadnesar , made Mattania , Jechonia his uncle and son to Josia , king in Jeconia his stead , changing his name into Sedechia ; which signifieth the Justice of the Lord ; [ Jer. 37. 1. 2 Reg. 24. 17. ] for whereas he had made a covenant with him , and had taken an oath of allegeance from him , and Sedechia , had taken an oath by God to performe it , [ 2 Chron. 36. 13. Ezech. 17. 13 , 14 , 18. ] by the imposition of this name , his purpose was to put him in mind of the just judgement of God , in case he should break it . Sedechias reigned full 11 years in Jerusalem , and did evill in the sight of the Lord his God ; nor did he humble himself before Jeremy the prophet , who spake unto him in the name , and from the mouth of the Lord ; but stiffened his neck , and hardened his heart , that he might not return to the Lord God of Israel , [ Jer. 1. 3. and chap. 32. 1 , 2. 2 Reg. 24. 18. 19. 2 Chron. 36. 11 , 12 , 13. ] yea , all the chief of the priests , and the people of the whole land sundry wayes transgressed the law , polluting the house of the Lord , which he had sanctified in Jerusalem ; nor would they hearken to the word of the Lord , which he spake unto them by the mouth of his prophet Jeremy , and other prophets , but despised them , and mockt the messengers , which God sent unto them , till the fire of Gods fury brake forth against his people , for that there was no remedy to heal them , [ Jer. 37. 2. 2 Chron. 63. 14 , 15 , 16. ] After Jeconia was carryed away , God by a vision of two baskets of figs , signified to Jeremy , the carrying away of the new king Sedechia , and the remainder of the people , [ Ier. 24. 1 , 2. 8 , 9. ] In the beginning of Sedechia his reign ; the prophecie concerning the Elamites , both of their fall and riseing again , was uttered by the prophet Jeremy , Jer. 49. 34 , 39. ] For Nebucadnezar had taken from Astyages , the whole province of Elemais , with the city Susa , the Metropolis thereof , and which was seated upon the river Ulaie or Ulie ; and annexed it to the Empire of Chaldaea , [ Ier. 25. 25. with Dan. 8. 1 , 2. ] But afterward , these Elemites combining with the Medes , against the Babylonians , [ Esay 21. 2. ] when Belshasar was destroyed , recovered their state again , under Cyrus , the anointed of the Lord ; and their chief city Susa , was made by Cyrus , the seat of the Persian kingdom , as Strabo in his 15. book teacheth us . When Embassadors came from the several kings of Edom , Moab , Ammon , Tyre and Sidon to Jerusalem , to visit the new king Sedechia , God willed Jeremy to deliver unto every of them chains and whips , to be presented to their several masters , and commanding them withall to submit themselves to Neubchadnezar ; not to give ear any longer , to their wizards and star-gazers , who advised them to the contrary : he advised also Sedechia , to hold him fast to the king of Babylon , and to beware of false prophets , and both by threats and promises , perswaded all sorts of the people , to submit unto , and obey the king of Babylon , [ Ier. 39. ] After the carrying away of Jechonia , and the other captives , Sedechia sent Elhasham , the son of Shapsan , and Gemaria the son of Helkia , to Nebuchadnezar in Babylon ; and by them also Jeremias gat a letter to be carryed , which he had written to the Elders , and Priests , and Prophets , and the rest of the people , which had been carryed from thence by Nebuchadnezar , king of Babylon ; in which letter , the prophet instructeth them , how to demean themselves in that condition of captivity , wherein for the present they were ; and comforts them , with a gracious promise of deliverance , at the expiration of the 70 years , and foretells them , of the grand calamities , which were to fall upon them , whom they had left behind them in Jerusalem , and of the miserable end which Ahab , the son of Kolaia , and Sedechia the son of Mahaselia , the two false prophets should come unto , [ Ier. 29. 1. 2 , 23. ] Shemaja , Year of the World 3406 sent letters , The Julian Period . 4116 as it seems , Year before Christ 598 by Sedechia his messenger , when they returned to him from Babylon , unto Zephania , ( who was the second chief priest , 2 Reg. 25. 18. ) and the rest of the priests at Jerusalem , against what the prophet Jeremy had written in his to them : which being read in his hearing , he presently denounced a heavy judgement from God upon him , [ Ier. 29. 24 , 32. ] At what time also it seemeth , were uttered those notable prophecies of his , concerning the kingdom of Christ , and restauration of the church contained in the two following chapters , [ 30. and 31. ] This year was born Craesus , Year of the World 3407 the son of Halyattes , The Julian Period . 4117 king of Lydia , Year before Christ 597 begotten upon his wife , a woman of Caria , for it appeareth , that he was 35 years of age , when he began to reign , [ Herod . lib. 1. cap. 26. and 92. ] In the 5 moneth of the 4 year of Sedechia , Year of the World 3408. d. Hananias a false prophet , The Julian Period . 4118 prophecied , Year before Christ 596 that at the end of two years , all the vessailes , and furniture of the house of the Lord , and Jeconia , and all the people , which were carryed away to Babylon , should returne and be brought home again : and when Jeremy gain-said him , he took a yoak of wood , from about his own neck , and brake it , saying , Thus shall the Lord break the yoak of Nebuchadnezar , within two years precisely , from off the neck of all the Nations : whereunto Jeremy replyed , That God , in stead of that wooden yoak , would lay an Iron one upon the neck of all these nations , under which they should bow , and serve the king of Babylon , [ Ierem. 28. 1. 14. ] Hannania the false prophet , Year of the World 3409. a. in the seventh moneth dyed , The Julian Period . 4119 according to the fore-telling of Jeremy , Year before Christ 595 Astyages , after the death of his father Cyaxares , reigned over the Medes 35 years , [ Herod . lib. 1. cap. 130. Dan. 9. 1. and Tobit 14. 17. ] where he is called , Ahasuerus , or Asuerus . God by his prophet Jeremy , Year of the World c. foretold that Babylon , and the land of Chaldaea should be over-run and wasted by the Medes and Persians : and re-comforts his own people with the sweet promises of their deliverance , Ierem. 50. and chap. 51. ] Sedechia , in the 4 year of his reign , went , or rather , in his own stead , sent Seraia , the son of Neria , the son of Maaseia , prince of Menucha , to Babylon , to whom Jeremy delivered the foresaid prophecies , of the destruction of Babylon , written in a book to be first read , and then to be thrown into the river Euphrates , [ Ier. 51. 59. ] with whom his brother Baruc , son also of Neria , the son of Moaseia , [ Ier. 32. 12. ] Jeremy his pen-man , is thought also to have gone to Babylon . Baruc is said to have read all the words of his own book , in the audience of Jeconia , the son of Jehojakim , and of all the captives , that were then dwelling with him at that time in Babylon , in the 5 year , ( to wit , after Jeconia , his being carryed away to Babylon ) in the 7 moneth , at the time when the Chaldeans took Jerusalem , and burnt it with fire , ( Baruc. 1. 2 , 3 , 4. ] even in the same moneth , as it is thought , wherein , Jeconia giving himself up to the king of Babylon , Jerusalem was taken , and perhaps begun in part , to be set on fire by the Chaldeans : for I cannot assent to Severus Salpicius , who ( grounding himself perchance upon this text ) saith , that at this very time , Nebuchadnezar entered Ierusalem with his army , and laid both city and walls , Temple and all , eaven with the ground , in his first book of his Sacred History , yet the former guesse of Fran. Junius , concerning the quenching of the fire , and having the city , is somewhat more tolerable , than that of our Seminary priests at Doway is , where they say , that the whole time of the taking of Ierusalem , lasted eleven years before it was wholly burnt : to wit , from the time , when it was taken under Jeconia , till the time it was taken under Sedechia , and this book was written in the fifth year of that interval of time . But Hugo Grotius thinks , that the first writer thereof , here meant , the fifth year , after the carrying away of Jeconia , but that the rest of the burning of Ierusalem , was added afterward , by some other hand , who was of opinion , that Baruc never went to Babylon , till after the consuming of Jerusalem by fire , which fell out in Sedechia his reign . In the beginning then of the 30 year , from that solemn renewing of the covenant , and restauration of the worship of God , in that memorable year , the eighteenth of Josia his reign , which falls in with the fifth year of the carrying away of Iehojachim , al. Icconia , in the beginning thereof , in the fifth day of the fourth moneth , ( upon the 24 of our Iuly , falling upon a Saturday ) was the first vision from Cod shewed to Ezekiel , being then , among the rest of the company , carryed away to Babylon , by the river Chebar , called by Strabo and Ptolomy , Chaborra , [ Ezek. 1. 1 , 2 , 28. ] and from hence was he sent , to execute the function of a prophet among the Iews of the captivity , unto whom , dwelling at Thel-abibi , near the river Chebar , when he was come , he sate him down , as a man besotted , for 7 dayes space : after which time , God again put him in mind of his charge , both with promises , if he undertook it , and with threats , if he refused ; and then confirmed him , with a new sign shewed unto him ; gave him courage and boldness by his word and ratifying his vocation by a new command , Ezek. 2. & 3. ] The prophet is commanded to make a draught of the siege of Ierusalem , in a table of s●ate , and to lye a long upon one side 396 dayes , which was to be a type or prefiguration , of so many dayes , that the siege of the city of Ierusalem should last , and of so many years , of the iniquity of the house of Israel , [ Ezek. 4. ] Psammis king of Egypt , returning from his journey which he had made into Ethiopia , shortly after died , and to him succeeded his son Apryes , who reigned 25 years , [ Herod . lib 2. cap. 161. ] and is the same , who in the scripture is called Pharao Hephra , [ Ier. 44. 30. ] He with an army every way well furnished , having made an incursion upon the Isle of Cyprus , and upon Phaenicia , took Sidon by main force , and the rest of that country , by the very dread and terror of his name , and after a main victory gotten at sea , over both Cyprians and Phaenicians , returned into Egypt , with a huge spoile taken from them , [ Diod. Sic. lib. 1. ] And it is reported of him , that he was altogether of opinion , that no God was able to put him besides his kingdom , so sure he thought he had made it , [ Herod . 2 cap. 169. ] which in [ Ezek. 39. 3. ] ( as Tremelius hath noted ) is in that allegoricall Prosopopeia , most elegantly expressed , The river is mine own , for I have made for it my self . Ezekiel , Year of the World c. when he had laien 350 dayes upon his left side , turned him on his right , and there lay 40 dayes more , which were for a type of as many years of the iniquity of Juda , [ Ezek. 4. 6. ] to which we must also refer what is said in the fifth chapter , of the same prophecy , with the two chapters following . In the sixth year of Jeconia his going into captivity , Year of the World a. and fifth day thereof , ( which was the 22 of our Septem , falling upon a Wednesday ) God carrying away Ezekiel by the spirit , to Jerusalem , in a vision there , shewed him the infinite Idolatry there used ; and the plagues which were to befall that city for the same , [ Ezek. 8. 1. and c. 9. 10. 11. ib. ] According to his foretelling , Pelatia , the son of Benaja died . God comforts the godly in their captivity in Babylon , by the sanctification of his presence , and with his evangelical promises for the time to come . The vision vanishing , the prophet is brought back by the spirit , to his people in Chaldea , and there declares to them , all that God had shewed him , [ chap. 11. 13 , 25. ] God both by typical signes , and also in plain words foretels Sedechia his flight by night the putting out of his eyes , his leading into captivity , his dying in Babylon , the carrying away of the Jews into captivity , and the calamities which they were to endure before their going , [ Ezek. 12. ] to which year also the seven following chapters belong ▪ out of which we further understand , that Daniels name was at that time grown very famous for the continual prayers which he made for the people of the captivity , [ Ezek. 14. 14 , 20. ] and that Sedechia , not regarding the covenant and oath which he had sworne , rebelled against Nebuchadnesar , [ c. 17. 15 , 17. ] In the 7 year of Jeconia his captivity , 10 day of the 5 month ( 27 of our August , being sunday ) Ezechiel reproved the Elders , which came and requested him to aske counsel of God , for their grosse hypocrisie : and then foretells them of the calamities that were to come upon all flesh ; pronounces Gods judgements upon the Idolaters , and gives sweet comforts to the godly , [ Ezek. 20. 1. ] to which the three chapters following , seem also to appertain . After Battus the founder of the kingdom of Cyrene , succeeded his son Arcesilaus , and reigned 16 years , [ Herod . lib. 4. c. 159. ] This fell out to be a sabbatical year ; wherein the men of Jerusalem , hearing that Nebuchadnesar approached with his army , proclaimed liberty to their servants , [ Jer. 34. 8 , 9 , 10. ] according to the law , [ Exod. 21. 2. Deut. 15. 1 , 2 , 12. ] For Nebuchadnesar marching with his army against Sedechia , and having wasted all the country , and taken their strong holds , came now before the very walls of Jerusalem , [ Joseph . Antiq. l. 10. c. 10. ] For he had taken all the Cities of Juda , saving only Lachish , Azeka , and Jerusalem : all which , he besieged with all the forces which he could make out of all the lands of his dominions , [ Ier. 34. 1 , 7. ] But the siege of Hierusalem began not till the middest of winter , for in the 9 year of the reign of Sedechia upon the 10 day of the 10 month , ( answering to our 30 of Ianuary , falling upon a thursday , ) Nebuchadnesar with all his army came before Jerusalem : raising forts round about it , [ 2 Reg. 25. 1. Ier. 39. 1. c. 52. 4. ] For a memorial whereof , not only during the captivity , [ Zach. 8. 19. ] but even unto this day there is a yearly fast kept among the Jews . Upon the very self-same day , was the siege of Jerusalem , revealed by God to Ezechiel , being then in Chaldea ; and the utter destruction thereof , represented to him by the type a seething pot ; and his wife died that day in the evening ; for whose death he was charged not to mourne : thereby signifying the grievous calamity of the Jewes , which was to surpasse all expressions of grief by mourning , [ Ezech. 24. 1 , 2. &c. ] Jeremiah the Prophet was commanded by God to foretell the utter destruction and burning of Jerusalem by the k. of Babylon , to Sedechia : and that he should be carried away prisoner to Babylon ; and that there he should end his daies , and yet be honourably enterred , [ Jer. 34. 1 , 7. ] The Prophet for so laying , was by Sedechia clapt up , in the court of the prison of the kings house , where in the tenth year of Sedechia and beginning of the 18 year of Nebuchadnesar , having a promise of his delivery , made him by God , he recovered the land of Hanameel , his uncles son , by right of redemption , [ Ier. 32. 1 , 16. ] and all things then came to passe which he foretold , and are conteined in the 32 and 33 chapters of his Prophecie . Pharaoh Hophra , al. Vaphris , coming with his army out of Egypt , to relieve Sedechia , the Chaldeans raised the siege from before Jerusalem ; and Sedechia sent messengers to Jeremiah ( who upon the raising of the siege was set at liberty , and not yet cast into the dungeon , as afterwards he was , ) to pray him to make intercession to God for the deliverance of the people ; but the Prophet returned him answer , that those succours out of Egypt , should into Egypt returne again , and that the Chaldeans should returne to Jerusalem , and take the City , and destroy it by fire [ Ier. 37. 3 , 10. ] They of Jerusalem seeing the siege raised , and themselves quit of that fear , presently took back their Hebrew servants again , whom they had formerly set at liberty according to the law ; and made them serve as before , contrary to their covenant ; for which , as for a most impious and barbarous act , Jeremy reproved them ; and to cry quittance with them for it , proclaimed a liberty to the sword and pestilence and famine , against them , telling them withall , that the Chaldeans , should come again to the siege , and should take their City , and destroy , it with fire , [ Ier. 34. 11 , 22. ] But while the Chaldeans were away to encounter the Egyptian army , Ieremiah purposed to save himself by flight ; but was prevented by the Princes , and taken and scourged , & cast into the Dungeon , which was in Ionathans house , & there lay a long time , [ Ier. 37. 11 , 16. ] Nebuchadnesar , at his going against the Egyptians in the 18 year of his reign , took 832 men which had fled out of Ierusalem to him , for safegard , and sent them all away prisoners to Babylon , [ Ier. 52. 29. ] Pittacus of Mitylene , one of the 7 wise men , was sent against Phrynon , sirnamed the Pancratiast , i.e. a man excellent in all feats of chivalrie , and the Olympionicest , i.e. one that had won the bell in the games at Olympus ; and at that time , General of the Athenian army , and had taken two towns , Sigeum and Achilleum , from the Lesbians , with a Navie to Troas ; in which battel , the Athenians , having gotten the victory , took the Target of Abraeus , the Poet of Mitylene , who in flying had throwen it away , and hung it up in the temple of Minerva in Sigeum : Phrynon afterward challenged any man that durst encounter him to a single combat . Pittacus undertook him , and with a little net which he had hid privily under the hollow of his target , caught him by the head , and so slew him with his three-forked Spear ; forwhich service , when the Mitylenians offered him a large proportion of land , he desired no more of it , than so far onely as he could throw his Spear ; wherein he afterward built a temple , which from him was called Pittacium . This story seems to be mangled and is imperfect in Herodotus , [ lib. 5. ca. 95. ] but that defect in him , is supplyed by Plutarch , in his book entitled , De malignitate Herodoti , ( i. ) of the envy , or spightfulnesse of Herodotus , together with [ Strabo , lib. 13. Polyenus , lib. 1. Festus , in the word , Retiarius ( i. ) a fighter with a net : and Diogenes Laertius , lib. 1. ] who tells us , that the Mitylenians for that service made him their Prince , or Sovereign , of their own accord , 20 years before he died : which , as he there saith , was in the third year of the 52 olympiade : and which upon a due account I chuse rather to place in the 3 year of the 57 , than with Eusebius , upon the 2 year of the 43 olympiade : though that seems more to favour his opinion , because in the Catalogue of the Stadionicests , ( i. ) of those which gat the prize in running . Phrynon , is said to have gotten it in the 36 olympiade . Neither yet was the war ended by this duel ; but the matter of their quarrel being referred by both parties to Periander of Corinth , who was also reckoned an other of the seven Wisemen of the world ; as to an indifferent Arbitrator , he ordered , that each party should hold what they had then in their possession : ( i. ) that the Mitylenians should keep the Town of Achilleum , and the Athenians Sigeum , [ Herod . lib. 5. cap. 94. 54. Strabo lib. 13. ] which Periander , as Laertius in his life , out of Solicrates shews , died , 6 years after this , and before the 49 olympiade ; which bewrayes Herodotus his error in his account of times , where he makes this peace so made between the Athenians and Mitylenians , not to have been till toward the latter end of the Pisistratidae , or successors of Pisistratus in the government of Athens . In the 10 year of the carrying away of Jeconia , Year of the World 3415. b. and on the 12 day of the 10 moneth , The Julian Period . 4125 ( upon our Feb. Year before Christ 589 1 falling upon a Sunday ) Ezechiel uttered his prophesie against Pharao and all Egypt : that he should prove but a staffe of reed to the house of Israel ; for he had all in vaine already attempted to relieve them , and first for Pharao Hophra or Apryes himself , that he should have an overthrow given him in the Desert of Lybia by the Cyrenaeans , ( as we shall see anon in the year 3430. of the World ) and then for Egypt it self ; that it should be miserably wasted by the Babylonian ; and that , that desolation should last 40 years , [ Ezech. 29. 1 , 16. ] When Nebuchadnesar had routed the Egyptian army , Year of the World c. he presently returned to the siege of Jerusalem about the 15 day of the 3 moneth , to wit , 30 dayes before he took it : as we may gather out of that type or representation of , [ Ezech. 4. 5 , 8. ] But then Ieremia , being consulted with by Sedechia , told him that he must be given up into the hands of Nebuchadnesar : and he then , at Ieremies humble suite , commanded him to be removed out of the Dungeon of the prison in Ionathans house , into the court of the prison ; and that he should have a rowle of bread daily out of the bakers street , so long as there was any bread left in the city , [ Ier. 37. 17 , 21. ] The siege continuing , Year of the World d. Sedechia sent again to Ieremy ; but he still sent him the same answer , that both King and people must fall into Nebuchadnesars hands : that they who would stay in the city should perish , either by the sword , or by famine , or by pestilence : but they that would go out , and submit to the King of Babylon , should have their lives saved ; and be glad with that , [ Ieremy 21. ] For this answer , the Princes cast Ieremy into Malchias his Dungeon , which was in the court of the prison ; from whence , yet he was delivered by the help of Ebed-Melech , one of the kings Eunuchs , and was again consulted by the king ; and when he still continued in pronouncing judgment against the Land of Iudah , he was still kept in the Court of the prison , till the very taking of the City . [ Iere. 38. ] Where he assured Ebed-Melech , in the Name of the Lord ; that he for his own part , should be free from all harme and danger in that general calamity , [ Ier. 39. 15 , 18. ] In the 11 year of the carrying away of Ieconias , Year of the World 3416. c. in the first day of the first moneth ; as it seemeth , not of the 5 moneth , as Tremellius and Pradus would have it , ( for that would fall upon the 12 year of Jeconia his carrying away to Babylon ) God , by Ezechiel , foretold the city of Tyrus , which much rejoyced in the wretched condition into which Jerusalem was fallen , by the power of Nebuchadnesar King of Babylon , that she also should perish by the same hand , and in so dreadfull a manner , that all who had seen her former wealth and bravery should be amazed thereat : Foretelling the like misery to befall the Sidonians , their neighbours , to the glory of God , and good of his Church ; concluding this whole prophesie with this assurance to her , [ Ezech. 26. 1. and from thence to the end of the 18 chapter . ] In all which prophesie this is also to be noted ; that at that time the fame of Daniels wisdom was grown so great , even in forreigne nations , that they used to say , by way of a proverb ; as wise as Daniel , from whence it was that God upbraiding Ithobolus King of Tyre , with his pride and arrogancy of his minde ; Behold , saith he , thou art wiser than Daniel ; no secret can be hid from thee , [ Ezech. 28. 3. ] In the same year , the 7 day of the 3 moneth , ( our 26 of April , upon a Tuesday ) God revealed his will to Ezechiel , of sending and arming Nebuchadnesar against Pharao , to the ruine of Egypt , [ Ezech. 30. 20 , 26. ] In the same year also , upon the first day of the 3 moneth , ( June 19. falling upon a Sunday ) God declared that the Egyptian , could no more avoide his determination , than the Assyrian had done before him , [ Ezech. 31. ] In the latter end of the 11 year of Sedechia , [ Ier. 1. 3. ] 9 day of the 4 moneth ( 27 of our Iuly , upon a Wednesday ) when the famine grew strong in Ierusalem ; the Citie was broken up , and the Caldeans entered it , [ 2 Reg. 26. v. 2. 3. 4. Ier. 39. v. 2. 3. and c. 52. v. 5. 6. 7. ] The City being taken , Sedechia , and all the men of war , fled away by night : but the Caldeans pursuing after them , tooke Sedechia , and brought him prisoner to Ribla , where Nebuchadnezzar lay , and where having seen his children slaughtered before his eyes , he had then his eyes put out , and being clogged with chaines of steel , he was carried away from thence to Babylon , [ 2 Reg. 25. v. 4. 7. Ier. 39. v. 4. 7. and chap. 52. 7 , 11. ] fullfilling therein the prophesies foretold of him , that with his eyes he should see the King of Babylon , [ Jer. 32. 4. and chap. 34. 3. ] but Babylon , he should not see , though he was to die there , [ Ezech. 12. 13. ] Upon the 7 day of the 4 moneth ( being of our August 24. Wednesday ) Nebusaradan , Captain of the Guard , sent by Nebuchadnesar , made his entry into the city , [ 2 Reg. 25. 8. ] and having spent two dayes in making provision , upon the 10 day of the said month , ( our Aug. 27. falling upon the Sabbath ) to which time perhaps he had purposely put off the execution of that his charge ; he set fire on the Temple , and on the Kings Palace , and upon all the Noble-mens houses , with all the rest of the houses in Jernsalem , and burnt all down to the ground , [ Jer. 52. 13. with chap. 39. 8. ] though our Country-man Tho. Lydiate , thinks that fire was set on it , upon the 7 day ; but not burnt down till the 10. In rememberance of which calamity , the fast of the 5 moneth was ordained to be kept , [ Zach. 7. 3 , 5. and chap. 8. 19. ] which is observed by the Jewes unto this day : though kept by them , upon the 9 day , and not the 10 of the moneth Ab. But the Temple was destroyed in the 19 year of Nebuchadnesars reign , [ Jer. 52. 12. 2 Reg. 25. 8. ] in the latter end thereof , in the beginning of the first year of the 48 olympiade , in the 160 year , running of Nabonasars account , 424 years , 3 moneths and 8 dayes , from the time that Solomon laid the first stone thereof . Upon the same 5 moneth , [ Ier. 1. 3. ] all the walls of Jerusalem being razed to the ground , all that were left in the City , and all that had formerly fled over to Nebuchadnesar , and all the common people of the City , with all the treasure of the King , and of his Nobles , and furniture of the Temple , did Nabuzaradan carry away unto Babylon , [ Ier. 93. 8 , 9. ca. 52. 14 , 23. 2 Reg. 25. 10 , 17. 2 Chron. 36. 18 , 19 , 20. ] And thus was Juda carried away out of her own land , [ Ier. 52. 27. 2 Reg. 25. 21. ] 468 years after David began to reign over it ; from the dividing of the 10 Tribes , from the Tribe of Juda , 388 years , and from the destruction of the kingdom of Israel , 134 years . The Sixth Age of the World. THe basest sort of the people of the land of Juda , and such as were nothing worth , Nebuzaradan left there , to dresse the vineyards , and to till the ground ; over whom the King set Gedalia the son of Ahikam , a man of the same country , to govern them , [ Ier. 39. 10. and chap. 42. 16. 2 Reg. 25. 1 , 22 , 23. ] but without any badge of Regality , or Kingly title : because , as Severus Sulpitius , in his sacred History , saith , To have some preeminence over a few miserable boors , or paisans , was not reckoned to be any dignity at all . Seraia the chief , and Sephania the secondary Priests ; and the three Keepers of the gate of the Temple , and other principal men , Nebuzaradan took and carried them to Riblah , to Nebuchadnesar , and there were they put to death , [ Ierem. 52. 24 , 27. 2 Reg. 25. 18 , 21. ] but Jehosodake the son of Seraia , and who after him came to be high Priest , was carryed away prisoner to Babylon , [ 1 Chron. 6. 15. ] Jeremy being bound with chaines , was carried with the rest as far as Rama towards Babylon , and had there his irons knock't off , and was set at liberty , and had his choice given him whether he would go on to babylon , there to be honourably entreated , or stay in the country with that miserable crue , which was left behind ; and he chusing to stay , was sent back to Gedalia the governour ; who made his residence at Mizpa , in the Tribe of Benjamin , with money in his purse , [ Ier. 39. 11 , 14. and chap. 4. 1 , 6. ] The captains and companies , which upon the first taking of the city , fled away by night , [ 2 Reg. 25. 4. Jer. 52. 7. ] and were scattered over the country , and all the Jews , which had fled to the Moabites and Ammonites , and other nations adjoyning , returned after a while , to Gedalia , into their own country , where they gate good provision of Wine and Oyl , and other summer fruits to subsist withall , [ Ier. 40. 7. 12. 2 Reg. 25. 23 , 24. ] Ismael , the son of Nethania , of the race of the kings of Juda , being suborned by Baalis king of the Ammonites to kill Gedalia , came to him with ten resolute fellows to Mizpa , and were familiarly entertained by him , and he gave no credit to such as disclosed their treacherous intent unto him , which turned to his own destruction , [ Jerem. 40. 13 , 16. ] In the 7 moneth , Year of the World 3417. a. therefore Ismael with his ten companions , taking their opportunity , wickedly murdered Gedalia , and such Chaldeans and men of armes , as at that time he had about him at Mizpa , [ Ier. 41. 1 , 2 , 3. 2 Reg. 25. 25. ] In remembrance whereof , the Jews keep a fast unto this time , upon the third day of this moneth Tizri . And a day or two after , the same Ismael slew 80 men more , which clad in mourning apparel , brought offerings and frankincense from Sichem , Shilo , and Samaria to the house of the Lord , now lying in her own dust ; and these , having drawn them by a sleight to Mizpa , they ●lew there in the open streats , and threw their carcases into king Aza his well , [ Ier. 41. 4 , 9. ] As Ismael returned with the kings daughters , and the rest of the people which was left at Mizpa , his prisoners , to the king of Ammon , Johanan the son of Kareo , met him with a band of men ; took away from him all his prisoners , and set them at liberty , and Ismael , with eight men onely in his company , fled to the Ammonites , [ Ierem. 41. 10 , 15. ] Johanan , and all his captains , with the rest of the people remaining about Bethlehem , for fear of the Chaldeans , had a purpose to flie into Egypt , [ Ierem. 41. 16 , 17 , 18. ] But went many of them to Jeremy , desiring an answer by him from God thereupon , and he from God , after ten dayes , brought them an answer , exhorting them all in his name , not to stir out of their own countrey : assuring them , if they stayed , of Gods protection there , and that no harme should betide them from the Babylonians , but if they went into Egypt , they should there , every man of them perish by sword , by famine , by sundry kinds of death . But the common sort , according to their old custom , of never obeying wholsome counsaile , nor Gods commands , went into Egypt ; and , because needs they would have it so , Jeremy and Baruc the son of Neria , went thither with them ; and when they were come as far as Taphnes , Jeremy there , declared to them in a figure , the destruction of Egypt , even by Nebuchadnezar , of whom they were now so much afraid , [ Jer. 42. and 43. with Severus Sulpicius , in his Sacred History , lib. 2. ] In the 12 year of the carrying away of Jeconia , Year of the World b. the 5 day of the 10 month , ( our 25 Ian. being Wedensday ) when tidings came to Ezekiel of the taking of Jerusalem , the prophet foretold of the utter destruction , which should befall the last remainder of the Israelites , ( after those others which went into Egypt ) even to those which remained in their desolate countrey , [ Ezek. 32. 1. 16 , ] In the same 12 year , in the first day of the 12 moneth , ( March 22. being Wedensday ) Ezekiel uttered his prophecy , concerning the grivous plague and affliction , which Nebuchadnezar should bring upon the land Egypt , [ Ezek. 33 , 1 , 16. ] And upon the 15 day , the same prophet foretold , of Pharao , and all the tag and tag of Egypt , that they should be brought down as low as hell , with the rest of the uncircumcised nation , [ Ezek. 32. 17 , 32. ] Jeremy also prophecied of the destruction , which should follow the Israelites , at Migdol , not far from the red sea , [ Exod. 14. 2. ] at Taphnes , al. Daphne-Pelusium , at Noph ; al. Memphis , and in Pathros , a countrey in Egypt : and for a sure sign of their own misery , gave them Pharao , al. Apryes , king of Egypt himself , whom they should see brought to all extremities before their eyes , [ Ier. 44. 1. 30. ] Obadias the prophet uttered a prophecy against Edom , which shamefully insulted over the calamity of the Jews , when Jerusalem was destroyed , and the like did Jeremy , [ 49. 7. and Ezek. 25. 12. ] and the authors of the Psalms , [ 79. and 137. ] which wrote all about the same time . Cyrus , Year of the World 3418 when he had lived 12 years , The Julian Period 4128 or somewhat more with his father in Persia , Year before Christ 586 being sent for , with his mother Mandane , by his grandfather Astyages , came into Media . [ Xenophon , lib. 1. of the Institu . of Cyrus . ] Tyrus , The Julian Period . 4419 ( Ithobalus then reigning there ) was besieged 13 years by Nebuchadnezar ; The Julian Period . 4129 as Josephus reports out of Philostratus and other writers of the affairs of Phoenicia . Year before Christ 544 [ Antiq. lib. 10. cap. 11. & lib. 1. cont . Apion . ] And in the compasse of those 13 years , it seemeth that the neighbouring nations , as the Moabites , the Ammonites , and Edomites , were also subdued by Nebuchadnezar , according to the foretellings of the prophet , [ Ieremy in his 27 , 48 , 49. chapters , and of Ezek. cap. 25. ] Whiles Nebuchanezar lay before Tyre , Year of the World 3420 which borders upon the land of Israel , The Julian Period . 4130 [ Ios. 19. 29. ] in the 23 of his reign , Nebuzaradan , captain of his guard , carryed away all the remainder of the Jews and Israelites together unto Babylon , to the number of 745 persons , [ Ierem. 52. 30. ] In which extreme depopulation , which left the very ground , untill the 390 years of the iniquity of Israel , distinct from Juda ; and the 40 years of the iniquity of Iuda by it self , foretold by [ Ezekiel 4. 5 , 6. ] were accomplished ; and fully ended . When Cyrus was now almost 16 years of age , Year of the World 3421 Evil-merodach , the king of Assyria his son , being about to marry a wife , called Nicotris , made an inroad , with a great army of horse and foot , upon the borders of Media , there to take his pleasure , in hunting and harrowing of the countrey : against whom Astyages , and Cyaxares his son , and Cyrus his grandchild ; who then first began to bear armes , marched out , met with him , and in a battail of horse , overthrew him , and drave him out of his borders , [ Xenophon . lib. 1. of the institution of Cyrus . ] Cyrus afterward , was called home , by his father Cambyses ; when as yet he had one year to spend at Schoole , as Xenophon in the same book tells us , to which also that hath reference , which Athenaeus , in his 14 book Dipnosoph . reports out of Dion ; that Cyrus , when he had served Astyages , first , as one of his halbardiers , and then as one of his armour bearers returned into Persia , and that at the same time Angares a musician , when Astyages feasted his friends , sang them a song , wherein he said , That a fierce wilde beast , more fierce than any boar ; was let go , and sent into a fenny countrey , and that he should reign over all those provinces , and should with a handful of men , maintain war against great armies , &c. and that thereupon , Astyages would fain have called back Cyrus again , but could not get him . Cyrus , Year of the World 3422 when he had spent 17 years among boyes , The Julian Period . 4132 spent ten years more among the youths , Year before Christ 582 [ Xenophon lib. 1. of the Instit. of Cyrus . ] In the 50 Olympiade , Year of the World 3424 wherein Epitelides , The Julian Period . 4134 the Lacedemonian , Year before Christ 574 wan the race in running , certain men out of Cnidos , not Rhodes , and brooking the rough carriage , of the kings of Asia , agreed together , to make a plantation of themselves , some where else : and making one Pentathlus a Cnidian , ( who deduced his pedegree from Hippotas , the son of Hercules , ) they went for Sicily , at the time , when they of Egesta , and Selinunte , were in war each against the other : where Pentathlus taking part with the Selinuntians , was slain ; and the rest , making Gorgus , and Thestor , and Epithirsis ; all men of Pentathlus his linage and kindred , their captains , set saile again , and seated themselves in the Isle of Lipara , Year of the World 3429 [ Diodor. Sic. lib. 5. ] The Julian Period . 4139 Arcesilaus , Year before Christ 574 when he had reigned 16 years , in Cyrenaica , left to succeed him his son Battus , surnamed Eudaemon ; unto whom a huge multitude of Grecians , advised thereto by the Oracle at Delphos , repaired ; wasted first the lands of the bordering Lybians , and then parted it among themselves : whereas befor● , the plantation made in Cyrene consisted onely of those , which came from the Isle of Thera , with their first founder Battus , [ Herod . lib. 4. cap. 159. ] Year of the World 3430. c. In the 25 year of the captivity of Jeconia , in the beginng of that year , ( i.e. ) in the first moneth thereof ( as Jonathan the Chaldee Paraphrast expoundeth it ) upon the 10 day of the moneth ( our April 30. upon a Tuesday ) 14 years after the destruction of Jerusalem , Ezekiel had a vision , of the restitution of the Temple , City , and Kingdom of the Israelites ; portending the restauration of the Church by Christ , with the greatnesse , honour , and excellence thereof , [ Ezekiel 40. 1. to the end of the chapter . ] The Lybians , being put out of their lands and countrey , by the inhabitants of Cyrenaica , put themselves under the protection of Apryes king of Epypt : and he gathering a great army together , sent them against the Cyrenians , and the Cyrenians , pitching at a place called Irasa , near the fountain called Thestis , so routed the army of the Egyptians , that few of them were left to return again into Egypt , whereupon the Egyptians grew angry with Apryes , and revolted from him ; supposing that he purposely sent them to that break-neck service , to be rid of them , that so he might the more easily , domineer over the rest that were left , Year of the World 3431 [ Herod . The Julian Period 4141 lib. 4. cap. 159 , lib. 2. 161. Diodor. Sic. lib. 1 ] Amasis , Year before Christ 573 ( being that Saits , so much spoken of by Plato in his Timaeus ) was sent by his father to appease this mutiny of the people ; but they took and made him king , in his fathers stead . And Apryes , having sent a noble person , named Paterbanes to call back Amasis , at his return , cut off his nose and ears , because he brought him not with him . Upon which unworthy act of his , all fell off from him to Amasis his side , [ Herod . lib. 2. cap. 162. ] Tyre at last was given up to Nebuchadnezar , Year of the World 3432 for that it was not taken by force , The Julian Period . 4142 and given up to be ransackt by the Souldiers , Year before Christ 572 appears by [ Ezek. 29. 18 , 19. ] but rather rendred upon conditions . And therefore for king Ithobalus , ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) he appointed one Baal ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) a man of the same countrey , to be a petty king there , who governed them 10 years , as Iosephus affirmes out of the Annals of the Phenicians , [ lib. 1. contra Apion . ] In the 1 day of the 1. month of the 27 year of the captivity of Jeconia , ( 21 of April , upon tuesday with us , ) God promised to give all Egypt to be Nebuchadnezar to be spoiled , in recompence of his long labour ; endured in the taking in of Tyrus , [ Ezech. 29. 17 , 20. ] Cyrus having now attained almost the full age of 27 years , was taken out of the rank of the striplings , and reckoned among the number of full men , according to the discipline , and use of the Persians , [ Xenophon , l. 1. of the Institution of Cyrus . ] Nebuchadnesar laying hold of the rebellion in Egypt , and peradventure solicited by Amasis to assist him against his Father Apryes , invaded Egypt with his army ; and having gotten it into his hands , even from Syene , to the end thereof : made havock as well of the Egyptians , as of the Jewes which dwelt among them , killing some , and leading away the rest into captivity , according to the several prophecies of Jeremiah , [ c. 43. 44 , 46. and Ezech. 29. 30 , 31. ] Pharaoh Hophra , al. Apryes , being forced to retire into the Country of Thebais ; Nebuchadnesar , as it should seeme , made Amasis his Viceroy , over all Egypt , though Herodotus knew not this : for as Scaliger well observeth in his notes , Ad Fragmenta : The Priests of Egypt , which informed him , of such things , as he desired to be satisfied in , told him so much only as made for the honour of their Nation , but concealed the rest , which bewrayed their cowardise and slavery , and paiment of tribute to the Chaldeans . Nebuchadnezar , having finished his conquests , returned to Babylon : and there , as he lay at ease , and in all kind of jolity in his own house , had that remarkable dreame , of the great Tree , ( whose destiny was to be cut down ) represented to him , the meaning whereof , when he could not learn by his wisards of Chaldea , the Prophet Daniel unfolded to him , [ Dan. 4. ] Nebuchadnezar new built Babylon , in a wonderfull magnificence and beauty ; building a whole new City without the old , and enclosing all , with a treble wall , made of brick : and in favour of his wife called Amyrtis , ( of whom I spake in the year of the world , 3374 ) a woman of Media , and King Astyages his daughter , made that famous and so much renowned garden , borne upon pillars : of which Berosus ; He built ( saith he ) that garden , called , the hanging Garden , because his wife desired the pleasure of the hills , as having been brought up in Media : And Q. Curtius ; It is said ( saith he ) that a King of Syria , reigning in Babylon , built this great work at the importunity of his wife , whom he dearly loved ; and who out of a desire she had to enjoy the pleasure of hills and woods , in that low country of Babylon , set her husband upon it , to imitate the genius or spirit of Nature it self , by the amenity und pleasantnesse of this work . But who so will know more of the infinite magnificence , and sumptuousnesse of this work , must read the Fragments which are left , of Berosus and Abydenus , the former of which , blames the Greek writers , who attribute this work to Semyramis , whereas indeed , this , and those other vast and magnificent structures , were the proper works of this Nebuchadnezar ; as Josephus , in his first Book contra Apion , reports out of him . And the later saies plainly that those vast walls , with the brazen gates thereof , reckoned among the miracles of the world , and which remained to the times of Alexander the great ; were built by this Nebuchadnezar , as we find in Eusebius , in his ninth book De Evangelica Preparat . And Clitarchus , and others , which attended Alexander in that voyage , say that the compasse of that wall , was 365 furlongs , according to the number of the dayes of the year , [ Diod. Sic. l. 1. ] and that every furlongs length thereof , was built and perfected in one day , as Q. Curtius , lib. 5. c. 4. reports . Twelve whole months were no sooner past , Year of the World 3435 but Nebuchadnezar , The Julian Period . 4145 growing proud , Year before Christ 369 and boasting of the magnificencie of his buildings , fell distraught of his wits , and being put from his house and home , spent seven years in the woods and fields among beasts , [ Daniel 4. 32 , 33. ] Apryes , gathering an army out of Ionia and Caria , to the number of thirty thousand soldiers , to assist him for their hire , fought with his son Amasis , at Memphis : but being routed and taken prisoner , was kept for a while in the City of Says : and not long after strangled , according to the prophecie of [ Jer. 44. 30. and reported by Herod . lib. 2. 163. and 169. and by Diod. Sic. lib. 1. ] After his death Amasis reigned 44 years , as Herod . reporteth , lib. 3. c. 10. but , which the Priests would not be known of to Herodotus , paied tribute all that while to the king of Babylon . Was the 18 year of Jubilie . Year of the World 3442. a. Nebuchadnezar at the end of 7 years , The Julian Period . 4152 after his humble acknowledgment of the power of God , Year before Christ 362 was restored both to his right wits and kingdom also , and thereupon publickly proclaimed Gods great grace and mercy shewed upon himself , and his power over all Nations , [ Dan. 4. ] And having himself foretold concerning the taking of Babylon by Cyrus , as Abydenus ( quoted by Euseb. l. 9. Praepar . Evang. c. ult . ) reports out of the relation of the Chaldeans , departed this life , when he had reigned about 20 moneths co-partner in the kingdom with his father , and 43 years by himself alone . After him came Evil-merodach , his son in the 37 year of the captivity of Jehojachin , or Jechonia : about the 25 day of the 12 moneth ( our April 15. upon a Tuesday ) on which he gave order for the enlarging of Jeconia , [ Ier. 52. 31. ] and two dayes after he took him out of his prison-clothes , and setting him above all the Princes of his Court , reckoned him among the number of the Kings friends ; so that all his life time after he did eat at the Kings table , [ 2 Reg. 25. 27 , 28 , 29. ] In Lydia Cresus , after the decease of his father Halyattes , reigned 14 years , [ Herod . lib. 1. c. 86. ] After King Baal , the King of Babylon governed Tyrus by Judges : the first of which was Ecnibal the son of Baslach , whom Scaliger calleth ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) and he ruled there 3 moneths : then Chelbes , the son of Abdeus , whom he also calleth ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) and he ruled there 10 moneths ; as Josephus reports out of the Phoenician Annals , in [ his 1 book cont . Apion . ] Abbarus ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) the High Priest judged the Tyrians 3 moneths : and after him , The Julian Period . 4153 Mitygo●us and Gerestratus ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) governed them 6 years , Year before Christ 561 [ ib. ] To Croesus living at Sardes resorted all the wise and learned men of Greece ; and among them , Solon the law-maker : who had with him that so much renowned conference of the incertainty of mans life , and of all humane felicity therein , [ Herod . lib. 2. from the 28 chapter to the 33. ] There is extant a short Epistle of Solons to Croesus , in the end of Solons life , in Laertius ; wherein he sayes , that he was sent for by Croesus , what time Pisistratus governed in Athens . Aesope a Phrygian borne , that famous composer of Fables , was at the same time sent for by Croesus , to come to him at Sardes ; and was held in great esteem by him : And he condoling with Solon in a letter , for that he was uncivily turned away by Croesus , onely for the freedom of speech , which he had used to him ; and telling him withal , that Kings must have , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( i. ) either very few , or very pleasing words used unto them ; wrote back in answer thereto , That Kings must have , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : ( i. ) either very few , or very honest things spoken to them . [ Plutarch in the life of Solon . ] Aesope going from Sardes , to Delphos , was there most unjustly sentenced to die ; and accordingly was thrown down the rock there , called Phaedrias , about the 54 olympiade , as Strabo ; to wit , toward the end of the 4 year of that olympiade , if the precedent times be rightly calculated . The revenge of which foule murder , so often threatned by the Oracle there , was taken afterward by Judmon , grandchild to that Judmon of the Isle of Samos ; whose slave , together with Rhodope of Thracia , that famous strumpet , Aesope sometime had been , [ Herod . lib. 2. ca. 134. ] Solon , leaving Croesus , went into Cilicia , and there built a city , and from his own name , called it Solos : wherein he planted certain Athenians , who in processe of time , having corrupted the native language , were said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : ( i. ) to commit soloecismes in their speech ; as Laertius in his life reporteth : which yet is more properly said of the Solii in Cyprus , than of the Solenses in Cilicia ; as Solon in his elegies written to Philonyprus the King , recorded by Plutarch , in the life of Solon , shewes : where Plutarch also tells us , that this petty king of Cyprus , who made use of Solons wit and counsel , in some affairs of his own ; removed a little town formerly called Epea , into a lower ground more fit and useful for habitation , and in honour of Solon , called it Solos . After Solons departure , Croesus , who deemed himself the happyest man alive ; found by sad experience , that all Solon had told him , of the instability of mans life , and felicity thereof , to be too true : for presently after he had a dreame , wherein he saw his son Atys thrust thorough with a Spear : a true token of a violent death , which was eftsoones to befail him ; which whiles he sought by all care and diligence to prevent , and was now busie about a marriage for him , one Adrastus a Phrygian borne , and of the Kings blood there , who having slaine his own brother against his will , was by his father Midas , the son of Gordius , ( not that old Midas , the son of Gordias King of Phrygia , whose Epitaph made by Homer and set upon his tombe , Herodotus in the life of Homer recounteth ) bannished , and came to Sardes , there to receive his expiation from Croesus his hand : Croesus having expiated or cleansed him , committed to him over and above , the care and charge of his son Atys ; who at that time , was sent unto by the Mysians , and requested to come and help to kill a boar of a vast bigness , which wasted the corn and other country commodities growing about the hill Olympus , not without the destruction , many times , of the husbandmen themselves . Where Adrastus aiming at the boar with the point of his Spear , goared Arys , and so against his will slew him . But when Croesus had pardoned him the fact as done unawares , he slew himself upon the tombe of the diseased . Croesus having thus lost his son ; passed two whole years in continual dueil , and mourning for him : from which yet he was forced in the end to rouse himself , for fear of Cyrus , his growing then into power ; and by whom indeed , he was afterward despoiled of all , Herod . lib. 1. from the 34. chapter to the 46. ] whereof also you may see , what Hen. Valesius in his collections out of [ Diodo . Sic. pa. 238. and what Val. Max. in his 1 book cap. 7. ] saith . Evil-merodach King of Babylon , Year of the World 3444. c. a man odious for his vitious life , The Julian Period . 4454 had many attempts made upon him : Year before Christ 560 and at last , was murdered by Neriglissoros his sisters husband , when he had reigned little more than two years : as Berosus tells us , [ lib. 3. of the Chaldean affairs , cited by Josephus lib. 1. contra Apion : ] and because we read that Jeconia King of Juda , had a daily stipend and allowance made him for his diet and entertainment by him , ad diem mortis suae , omnibus diebus vitae suae ( i. ) to the day of his death , all the dayes of his life , [ Jer. 52. 34. 2 Reg. 25. 30. ] therefore it is most probable , that Jeconia himself died also much about the time that Evil-merodach died . After Evil-merodach , Year of the World a. came he that murdered him , Neriglissorus ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) and reigned 4 years , [ Berosus ib. ] In the kingdom also of Media , upon the decease of Astyages , [ Tob. 14. 17. ] called Assuerus , succeeded his son Cyaxares , Cyrus his mothers brother : as Xenophon sayes , [ lib. 1. of the Institution of Cyrus : to wit , in the beginning of the first year of the 55 Olympade 31 years before the decease of Cyrus : which Cyaxares , Daniel calleth Darius the Mede , son of Assuerus . The King of Babylon , Year of the World 3445 not onely raised his own subjects , The Julian Period . 4755 but also solicited Croesus the King of Lydia with the Cappadocians , Year before Christ 559 both sorts of Phrygians , Carians Paphlagonians , and Cilicians , on the West : and the very Indians on the East side of him , to joyn with him in armes against the Medes and Persians : telling them , that they were two great Nations , and now linkt together by mutual affinity , and would , if not lookt unto , and opposed in time , over-run , and bring in subjection all countries far and near . Whereupon Cyrus was by his father Cambyses , and the council of the kingdom , made General of the Persian army , and sent away into Media with 30000. souldiers , and one thousand Commanders , all of equall authority under him : as Xenophon , [ in his 1 book of the Institution of Cyrus sayes : ] and there , when he came , was he also made by his Uncle Cyaxares , who had sent for him , General of the Median Forces , and the management of the war against the Babylonians , wholly committed unto him . And from this time are the 30 years of his reign or principality reckoned , toward the end of the 1 year of the 55 Olympiade , from which period Julius Africanus in the third book of his Annals , out of Diodor. Sic. Thallus , Castor , Polybius , Phlegon , and other Chronologers , counts the beginning of Cyrus his reign , and is to that purpose quoted and justified by Eusebius , [ in his 10 book de Praepara . Evangelica . ] At the same time , to wit , in the Spring-season , in the close of the same year of the same olympiade , Solon , taking leave of Philocyprus the King , and of his Solians , thought to return to Athens : as we find by his elegies , mentioned as before in Plutarch ; but being surprised with a sickness , he there took leave of them , and of all the world besides ; and died in Cyprus , being fourscore years of age : as Laertius writeth , in the year when Hegestratus was Archon or President of Athens , in the second year of Pisistratus his domination there : as Plutarch relates out of Phanias the Ephesian . In the 30 year after the desolation of Jerusalem , Year of the World 3446. b. the unknown author of the 4 book of Esdras , faines himself to have had that conference with the Angel Uriel : which is there set down [ Esdras 3. 1. and ca. 4. 1. ] at what time Salathiel was Captain , or chief of the people , [ cap. 5. 16. ] because Jeconia was then dead . Croesus , preparing now against Cyrus , sent great presents to Delphos , and consulted the Oracle there concerning the issue of this war , 3 years before the taking of Sardes , [ Herod . lib. 1. ca. 53. 54 , 55 , 91. ] The King of Armenia , Year of the World 3447 perceiving the Babylonian to make preparations against Cyaxares , The Julian Period . 4157 would neither send him aid , Year before Christ 557 nor pay him tribute any longer : contrary to agreement made , what time Astyages or Cyaxares had overcome and had him in his power . Whereupon Cyaxares , under colour of a hunting voyage , fell into Armenia , where overcoming both him and his son Tigranes in a battel , he reduced them again to his subjection : he also possessed himself of the mountains , which lie between Armenia and Chaldea : and there building a strong Fort , made peace upon certain conditions , between the two nations , [ Xeno . lib. 3. de Instit. Cyri. ] Cyaxares and Cyru , Year of the World 3448 march against the Babylonian King and Croesus , The Julian Period . 4158 and the rest of the confederates , Year before Christ 557 and gain a main victory against them ; the King of Babylon fell in the battel : Croesus , with those which were left , brake up his camp by night , and fled . Cyrus having made a league and amity with the Hircanians , who had fallen over to him from the Babylonian , using their help , and guidance in the way , pursued the enemy that was fled ; overtook them , fought again with them , and again overthrew them ; Croesus sending away his women by night , by reason of the heat by day , withdrew out of his camp , with all his horse . The Hyrcanians fell upon the companies of the Cappadocians and Arabians , and slew both their Kings . Cyrus , sparing the lives of such as either were taken by force , or had yeilded to mercy , divided the spoile of the field among his souldiers , [ Herod . lib. 3. and 4. ] Laborosoarchodus ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) son of Neriglissorus , a man far riper in wickednesse than in age succeeded him in the kingdom of Babylon , and reigned 9 moneths , [ Berosus . ] Balatorus ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) reigned in Tyre , among other Judges one year , [ Phoenici . Annal. ] Gobrias , ( whose onely son , that new king of Babylon , in his fathers life time , had in a hunting match , vilanously slain , ) with his friends , revolted to Cyrus , [ Xen. l. 4. ] And now came Cyrus to invade the countrey of Babylon it self , and appeared before the walls of the city , and there challenged the new king , to a duell , or single combat , Gadatas , a noble man , and one , whom this new king had gelt , upon a jealousie he had of him with his wife , fell over to Cyrus , and Cyrus , when the Babylonians in revenge thereof , sallied out and spoyled his lands , set upon them , and routed them ; But the Cadusii , whom Cyrus had appointed to bring up the rere of his army , making an on-set unawares of Cyrus , upon a countrey lying near the city , were cut off by the king of Babylon ; who issued out upon them : and Cyrus having first revenged the death of these his men ; came to agreement with the king , to hold truce with the Paisants or Plowmen on both sides , and the war to go on between the Soldiers onely . And then , passing beyond the city , took in three forts of theirs , then returned to the confines of Assyria and Media , from whence he set forth upon this journey . And thither , upon his invitation , came his Uncle Cyaxares unto him ; and was there by him honorably received and entertained in the pavilion of the king of Assyria that was , to wit Neriglossorus , and the winter approaching , they there entered into a consultation , for things necessary to maintain the siege , if need should be , [ Xenophon lib. 5. & 6. in the beginning thereof . ] After Laborosoarchadus , Year of the World 3449 Nebuchadnezars grandchilde by his daughter , The Julian Period . 4159 who was made away by his subjects , Year before Christ 555 for that excesse of vilany , which appeared in his actions , succeeded the grandchild of the same Nebuchadnezar , by his son Evil-merodach , called by Berosus ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) Nabonidus , but by Herodotus , Labynitus ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) by Abydenus Mabannidochus , and by the prophet Daniel , Belshasar , al. Baltazar , who reigned 17 years , as Berosus in his third book of his Chaldee History , and Ptolomei in Can. Reg. tells us . In the first year of this kings reign , Daniel had the vision shewen him of the 4 beasts , signifying the 4 monarchies of the world , and of God , delivering over all power and sovereignity to the son of man , [ Dan. 7. 1. ] Balatorus , the petty king of Tyre deceasing ; one Merbolus ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) was sent for from Babylon , and reigned there 4 years , [ Phoenic . Annal. ] In the 3 year of Belshaser ; Year of the World 3451 the vision of the Ram and Goat , The Julian Period . 4161 foreshewing the destruction of the Persian Monarchy by Alexander , Year before Christ 553 and the great misery which Antiochus should bring upon the people of God , was shewed to Daniel , living then at Susa , in the province of Elam , upon the bank of the river Ulai , [ Dan. 8. 1 , 2. ] which river Environs the Castle of Susa , and parts the provinces of Susa and Elima●s , ( i.e. ) the Shushanchaeans from the Elamites , as the inhabitants of those two provinces are distinguished by [ Esra 4. 9. ] and as Plinie lib 6. c. 27. teacheth us , from whence we learn , that at this time the province of Susa , was not in the hands of the Medes or Persians , but of the Babylonians , under whom Daniel then lived , as I noted before in the year of the world , 3405. Now Berosus tells us , [ in his third book of his Chaldee History , quoted by Josephus , lib. 1. ] cont , Apion . ] that those walls about the river of the city of Babylon , ( which were but begun by Nebuchadnezar ) were fully finished with brick , laid with a kind of slime , or liquid brimstone . For his mother Nicotris , a witty woman , foreseeing a storm ready to fall upon Babylon from the Medes , to hinder them in their passing the river by boats into Babylon , turn'd the river Euphrates , which of it self ran straight along , with a swift course , and drawing it through many winding channels , which she had cut for that purpose , made it withal to run more slowly than formerly it did ; and then raised a huge damme upon each side of the river , and up the river from the city ward , digged a vast pond , into which she turned the river , so that she left the old channel of the river drie , which done , she then fell to work , and fenced the banks of the city within , with her brick walls , and the water-gates thereof , answerable in every point to the walls , which were made on the farther side of the channel , round about the city , she built also a bridge of stone in the midst of the city , and having all done , then she turn'd the river out of the pond , into his right channel again , [ Herod . lib. 1. cap. 185 , 186 , 188. ] The magnificence of which stone-bridge ( which joyned to the kings houses , that stood on each side the river ) Philostratus , in the life of Apollonius , [ lib. 1. cap. 18. ] describing , saith , that it was built by a Queen ; that came out of Media ; whence we gather , that as Nebuchadnezar himself took Amyitis himself , so likewise his son , Evil-merodach took to wife this Nicotris out of Media . Merbalus deceasing , Year of the World 3453 the king of Babylon set one Hirom ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) Merbalus his brother in his place ; The Julian Period . 4163 who reigned there 20 years , Year before Christ 551 [ Phoenic . Annal. ] Darius the son of Hystaspis , Year of the World 3455 was this year born ; The Julian Period . 4165 and was almost 20 years old , Year before Christ 549 a little before Cyrus his death , [ Herod . lib. 1 , cap. 209. ] Croesus , being made General of the confederate army of the Babylonians and others ' passed the river Halys , which parted the dominions of Media and Lydia , without a bridge , by the skill , and industry of Thales the Milesian Philosopher , and came into Cappadocia : and there took the City of Pteria ; and all the Cities thereabout , utterly destroying the Syrians , who had deserved no ill at his hand : for that the Cappadocia●s were called Syrians by the Grecians , is testified by Herodotus , [ lib. 1. c. 72. ] Cyrus , having first sent to the Ionians , to feele their pulse ; and to try whether he could draw them over from Croesus or no , fought a pitcht battel with Croesus , and it fell out to be a drawn battel between them ; But the next day Croesus , because Cyrus came not on upon him , returned to Sardes ; where he meant to hang up his sword for that winter , and the beginning of the next spring , to march against the Persian again . In the mean while , he sent all his Auxiliaries to their own homes ▪ and employed Embassadours to such as were in league and friendship with him , among whom were the Lacedemonians ; giving order to all , to come to the Randezvouz at Sardes , upon the fifth month after : But when Croesus had thus sent away , and scattered his army , then fell Cyrus upon him with all his forces ; upon which suddain and unexpected approach of his ; Croesus , though much troubled , yet he went forth to fight with him , with such of his Lydians as he had about him , trusting principally in his troups of horse . Cyrus to crosse him in that designe , placed his camels in front against them ; the very smell of which beast , a horse cannot endure ; and therefore all the horse of Croesus presently turned taile , and carried their riders away with them ; But the Lydians left their horses , and ranged themselves in battalion on foot : yet at last , many being slain on either side , they betook them to their heeles : But the Persians pursuing the point of this their victory , followed them to Sardes ; which after 14 dayes lying before it , they took . Croesus was condemned to the fire , but coming to the place of execution , and there crying out , O Solon , Solon , ( whose wise counsell , concerning the instability of humane condition he had formerly so much despised ) Cyrus thereupon not only spared his life ; but took him also into his privie counsell , Cyrus took care then of the funerals of Abradatos the king of Susa ( who having fallen off from the king of Babylon to him , was slain in the battel ) and of Panthea his Queen , who seeing her husband lying dead , slew her self over his dead body : and made them a huge and sumptuous monument , [ Herod , lib. 1. from the 75 cap. to the 90. with Xeno . Instit. lib. 7. The collections out of Diod. Sic. by Hen. Vales. p. 241. Plut. in the life of Solon . Polyan . in his stratag . lib. 7. in Cyrus and Croesus : and Solinus in Polyhist . lib. 1. ] where he saith that Cyrus made his entry into Sardes , in the 28 Olympiade , to wit , in the 1 year thereof , as Eusebius hath it in Chron. Croesu , sending his shackles for a present to Delphos , complained all in vain , that he had been cheated by the Oracle there , [ Herod . lib. 1. c. 90 , 91. ] When the men of Ionia and Eolia , would fain have submitted to Cyrus , upon the same conditions , that they had formerly lived in under Croesus , Cyrus refused them ; granting that only to the milesians , who fearing what mightfall , had formerly made their peace with him , [ Herod . ib. c. 141. 143. 169. ] The rest of the Greek Nations , fortifying each of them their own Cities , sent Pithermon of Phocea , with other Embassadors , to the Lacedemonians , to crave aide of them : which though they refused to send , yet they sent their Embassadour Lachrines to Cyrus , to forewarn him not to touch any of the Greeks in Asia ; and he sent them word again , that he would shortly make them leave off caring for the Ionians , and the rest of the Greeks in Asia , and look to themselves at home , [ Ibid. cap. 141. 152. 153. ] Thales the Milesian , gave them all advise to hold a Common Council at Teos , which was a City , seated in the very heart of Ionia , [ Herod . Ib. cap. 170. ] whiles Cyrus remained at Sardes , and there made his provision of Ramms and other Instruments of battery , purposing to raze the walls of all that stood out against him , the Carions sent and craved his help to compose a war which was grown among themselves . He sent thither Adusius , a Persian , with an army , in which service , the Cilicians and Cyprians very willingly followed him . Adusius put an end to their difference , yet so , as he left sufficient garrisons of his own , in the Cities of either party , [ Xenoph. lib. 7. Instit. ] In the 58 Olympiade , toward the end of the 1 year thereof , Thales the Milesian Philosopher , died , as Laertius reports out of Sosicrates , and Anaximander his countryman first observed the Loxodromie , or biassing motions of the stars , in the Zodiac , as Pliny , out of other authors sayes , [ lib. 1. cap. 8. ] though Plutarch in his 2 book , de Placitis Philosophorum , hath more rightly informed us that that point of Astronomy was not unknown to Thales the Milesian , Anaximanders master : And that he himself , in the 2 year of this Olympiade , at the age of 64 years , died , Laertius tells us , out of the Chronicle of Apollodotus the Athenian , of whose Mathematical inventions , he further addeth out of Phavorinus , that he first invented the making of the Dial , and set it up in Sparta , in a place , fit to receive the shadow of the sun ; as , saith he , Phavorinus reporteth in his Varia Historia : adding further , that he also invented the Horoscopes ; for the finding out the equinoctials and Salstices for the Dial , to find out the houre of the day by , is one thing , and the Horoscope , or instrument whereby to observe the Equinoctials , and the Tropicks , or the summer and winter solstice , is another : though Pliny attributes the invention of the Dial and Clock to Anaximenes his scholar , and fellow citizen , [ lib. 2. ca. 76. ] in these words ; This rule and reason of shadows , which we use to call ●nomonical , or Dial-work , was first found out by Anaximenes , Anaximander● scholar : and he was the first that set up a Sciathericum , ( i. ) a Dial to shew what 's a clock , in sparta : vid. sup . in the year of the World , 3291. Anaximenes the son of Eurystratus succeeded Anaximander in his schoole at Miletus ; as Clemens [ Alexandri . in his 1 book of his stromat . ] shewes : but Pythagoras , when both his masters , Anaximander and Anaximenes were dead , went into Egypt ; as Thales had advised him to do : being commended to Amasis King of Egypt , by a letter from Polycrates of Samos , as Laertius in his life reporteth : which Amasis , it seemeth , the Egyptians surnamed Semnesorteus . For that in his reign , Pythagoras came into Egypt ; Pliny in his 36 , book cap. 9. sheweth : and there he continued 22 years , conversing with the Priests , and from them it was that he learned his skill and knowledge in Astronomy and Geometry ; and was catechised or initiated in all their rites and ceremonies , as saith [ Iamblichus , in the life of Pythagoras , ca. 3. and 4. ] for therefore also was he circumcised by them , that being admitted into the secrets of their religion , he might the more freely partake of the mystical philosophy of the Egyptians : in the attaining whereof , he was principally beholding to one Sonchedes , the Arch-prophet among them , [ Clem. Alexan . lib. 1. strom . ] This Sonchedes , I take to be him of Sais , with whom Solon had formerly much conversed , as Plutarch in his life reporteth . And from them it was , that Pythagoras learned his Metempsuchosis , or transmigration of souls out of one body into another , as Diodor. Sic. reporteth : and being used to their books , and diving into their writings , concerning former times , he thence pickt out the observations of innumerable by pastages , saith , [ Valer. Max. lib. 8. c. 7. ] Hystaspes and Adusius , joyning together , conquered all Phrygia bordering upon the Hellespont ; and took the King thereof , and brought him prisoner to Cyrus , [ Xenoph. Instit. lib. 7. ] Cyrus committing Sardes to the keeping of Tabalus a Persians borne , and delivering the treasure of Croesus , and the rest of the Lydians to Pactyas a Lydian borne , returned towards Ecbatan , and took Croesus along with him , little regarding how matters went in Ionia : but no sooner was Cyrus gone from Sardes , but Pactyas forthwith perswaded the Lydians to revolt from Cyrus , and from Tabolo , the Governour there ; and laying out the Kings treasure , to hire souldiers from other parts , drave Tabolo into the Castle and there besieged him very straitely : whereof when Cyrus was advertised upon the way ; by the advice of Croesus , he sent back Mazares a Median , with a part of his army ; who disarming the Lydians , brought them to follow a more idle course of life , [ Herod . lib. 1. from the 153. to the 157. chap. ] and so a Nation formerly famous for laboriousness , power , and chivalry , falling into effeminancy and luxury , lost their courage , and all kind of virtue , as saith [ Justin. out of Trogus , lib 1. ca. 7. ] Mazares redemanded Pactyas of the Cumaeans , Year of the World 3459 unto whom he was fled out of the Castle . The Julian Period . 4169 The Cumaeans consulted the Oracle at Branchis , Year before Christ 545 and received from thence an answer , That they should deliver him up : yet they not willing , either to give him up to be slaine by the Persians ( being much diswaded therefrom by Aristodicus the son of Heraclides , a man of great authority among them ) or by keeping him , to draw Cyrus his displeasure upon their city to their own destruction , they sent him away safe to Mitylene ▪ And when the Mitylenians were ready to give him up , the Cumaeans again sent a Ship to Lesbos and there took him in , and conveyed him to Chios : and the Chii drew him by force out of the temple of Minerva there , and delivered him up to Mazares : and had in reward therefore Atarneum a place in Mysia , lying over against Lesbos given them , [ Herod . lib. 1. from cha . 157. to cha . 160 ] though Plutarch seeks to justifie both the Mitylenians and the Chii in this point , in his book , of the malignity of Herodotus , upon this ground , for that a more ancient Historian than he ; to wit , Caron of Lampsacus , tells the matter simply in this wise . Pactyas hearing of the approach of the Persians Army , fled first to Mitylene . and then to Chios , and there Cyrus took him . Mazares having gotten Pactyas into his power , marched presently against those , who with him , had assaulted Tabalas : and in part subdued the inhabitants of Priene , partly wasted the country lying upon the Maeander , and gave both it , and the city of Magne sia for a prey to his souldiers , [ Herod . lib. 1. ca. 161. ] Harpagus , Year of the World 3461 who was a chief man about Cyrus , went with his army against Ionia , and fought with them ( as Eusebius in his Chron. upon the 2 year of the 59 Olympiade noteth ) for Mazares dying of a disease , Harpagus ( whom some erroneously call Harpalus ) was made General in his place . And he coming into Ionia , fell presently to entrenching round about , and blocking up their cities where ever he came , and thereby took P●ocaea , the chief city of all Ionia , [ Herod . lib. 1. ca. 162. ] The Phoeaeans , abandoning the city , which they could not hold , shipt themselves , their wives and children , and put over into Chios : whence returning upon an occasion offered , to Phocaea , they there put to the sword all the garison , which Harpagus had there left to keep it : and from thence set saile again , and came to the Isles of Oenu●ae ; and from thence sailed to the Isle of Cyrnus , al. Corlica , where 20 years before they had made a plantation , and there bult a city called Alalia : where when they had staid five years , and made all the neighbouring countries weary of them , by their ro●bing and spoyling the Italians and Carthaginians , set out a navy of 60 ships , and had a sea fight with them ; wherein the Phocaeans , having gotten the victory ▪ but lost much blood in getting it , and 40 of their ship , removed themselves to Regium in Italy , and there built the city Hyela , afterward called Velia in the territory of Oenotria , [ Herod . lib. 1. cap. 164. 167. ] Thucides also , [ lib. 7. of his history ] confirms it , that the Phocaeans , which built Marseillus , gave the Carthaginians an overthrow at sea , for , that one part of them built Velia , and another Marseilles , in the time of Servius Tullus king of the Romans , more than 600 years after the coming of Aeneas into Italy , is testifyed by Hyginus , quoted by A. Gellius [ lib. 10. Noct. Attica , cap. 6. ] and of this colony of the Marseillians , Isocrates also in his Archidamus maketh mention ; see before in the year of the world , 3404. But to return to Harpagus , the Teians also , when he had untrencht himself round about their city , got them on shipboard , and sailed away into Thrace , and there built them a city called Abdera , the foundations of Timesius , a man of Clozomenae had laied , as was noted before , in the year of the world , 3349. But the rest of the Ionians , all save the Milesians , who had before-hand made a league with Cyrus , being vanquished one after another , fell into Harpagus his hand , and being suffered to live every man in his own countrey , paid what was imposed upon them , [ Herod . lib. 1. cap. 168 , 169. ] yet Bias of Priene , chief of all the wise men of Greece , when , though thus afflicted , they would needs assemble in their old Common Councel of Ionia , called Panionium , counselled them , that they should rather make a common navy , and sail away , to Sardinia , and there make a common city for all Ionians to inhabit in , for , saith he , by this means , you shall be free from this slavery , and live happily , [ Herod . lib. 1. cap. 170. ] Cyrus , Year of the World 2494. c. when he had now brought into his subjection , The Julian Period . 4174 all the continent westward , Year before Christ 540 forthwith made war upon the Assyrians ; and marched with his army , against Labynitus , al. Nabonidus their king , [ Herod . lib. 1. cap. 178 , 188. ] whereof a fame was spred , and came to the Babylonians ears , two full years before the city was besieged , [ Jer. 51. 46. ] for when Cyrus was upon his march toward Babylon , he came to the river G●ides , which falls into the Tygris , which for want of boats , he could not passe . And while he stayed there , one of the white horses , which were consecrate to the son , going into the river , was there by the violence of the river swallowed up , and drowned , which Cyrus , taking very grievously , surceased his journey for Babylon , for that time , and fell to work upon the river , which he drew out into 360 several channels , so that , ( as he had threatned to make it ) a woman might passe over it , and never wet a knee in it : in which work , he spent all that summer , [ Herod . lib. 1. cap. 189 , 190 , 202. with the fifth book , cap. 52. ] In the year following , Year of the World 3465 b. Cyrus went on his way to Babylon ; The Julian Period . 4175 where , in a pitch field , Year before Christ 539 fought between these two great Lords of the world , Cyrus and Belshasur , or Nabonidus : the Chaldeans being put to the worst , retired to the city , resolved to endure a siege , [ Herod . lib. 1. cap. 130. Jerem. 51 , 27 , 28 , 30. ] which they made light of ; both because they had above 20 years provision in it , and also because they thought there were many in Cyrus his army , who bare more good wil to them , than to the Persians , [ Herod . lib. Xenophon . Instit. lib. 7. ] Cyrus caused presently a vast trench , both for breadth and deapth , to be cast round about the wall of the city , casting up the earth ever toward his own army , and making store of bulworks all along ; for guards to be upon , and dividing his whole army into twelve parts , ordered , that every of them , should watch his moneth by turne , [ Xenophon . ib. ] Cyrus , Year of the World 3406. b. when he had spent much time in this work to little purpose , The Julian Period . 4176 at last , Year before Christ 538 drew a ditch from the river to that vast pond , which was every way 3 or 4 hundred furlongs wide , which this Belshasars mother Nicotris , had formerly digged ; as I shewed before : and then opening the mouths of this and that other ditch , which he had newly cast about the city , let out the river into them , and so made the channel thereof , which was not above two furlongs broad , passable for his men . [ Herod . lib. 1. cap. 190 , 1901. Xenophon Institut . lib. 7. with Jeremy 59. 32. 36. ] Cyrus passing now the river with his army , guards up the water-gates , and scaling every where the rampiers , got into the city , upon a festival day , whiles all men there , were busied in their banquets , [ Id. ib. with Jerem 51. 39 , 57. ] And so vastly big was that city , that , as the inhabitants reported , when the skirts of it were surprized , and taken by the enemy , they who dwelt in the heart of the city , never heard thereof , [ Herod . lib. 1. cap. 191. ] to which that of that Jeremy , 51. 31. hath reference , where he saith , that post upon post , and messenger upon messenger shall run to tell the king of Babylon , that all the skirts of the city were possessed by the enemies . At the same time , Belshasar purposing to feast all his nobles , caused to be brought froth all the vessels of the house of the Lord , which Nebuchadnezar his father , or grand-father ( for that he was his sons son , may be gathered out of Jer. 27. 7. ) had brought away from Jerusalem , to the glory of his Idols , and dishonour of the true God : and God , on the other side , by sending a hand to write upon the wall of the room , where Belshazar fate , drinking , the number of years which the Babylonish Empire was to continue , and that it had been now weighed in the ballance , and was found too light ; and was therefore to be transferred to , and setled upon the Medes : evidently declared , what present destruction was to fall upon him . But when his wizards of Chaldea , could not read the writing ; his Queen advised him to send for Daniel ; who , when he came , both red the writing , and also gave him the interpretation of it , and for his pains , was publiquely proclaimed , the third man in the kingdom , [ Dan. 5. ] But whereas the kings wives are said to have been present at the banquet , [ verse . 2. 3. ] and the Queen to have come in afterward , [ verse 10. ] this is to be understood of the Queen-mother , Nicotris , for that she was the mother of this last king of Babylon , we have already shewen out of Herodotus . In the same night , that this banquet was made , was Belshasar the king of the Chaldeans slain , [ Dan. 5. 30. ] by the soldiers of Gobryas , and Ga●atas , [ Xen. lib. 7. Instit. ] and so the Babylonish kingdom came to an end , as had been sundry times foretold ; as by Esay , [ chap. 13 , 14 , 21 , 34 , 46 , 47. Habakkuk , chap. 2. and Jerem. cap. 25. 50 , 51. ] and the Empire translated to the Medes and Persians , [ Daniel 5. 21. chap. 6. 8. 12 , 15. ] Darius the Mede , son of Assuerus , al. Cyaxares , the son of Astyages , took upon him the kingdom , delivered to him by Cyrus the conquerer , [ Dan. 5. 51. and chap. 9. 1. ] for whom Cyrus had set apart the kings house , and all his palaces in Babylon , to the end , that if upon occasion he should come thither , he might have a Palace of his own to lodge in , [ Xenophon . Instit. lib. 8. ] and the Angell , in this first year of his reign , is said to have confirmed and strengthened him in his kingdom , [ Dan. 11. 1. ] after which he reigned 2 years . Cyrus , having set all things in order at Babylon , returned through Media into Persia , to his father Cambyses , and Mandana his mother , who were yet living , and from thence , returning again into Media , married the only daughter and heir of Cyaxares , and for dowry had the whole kingdom of Media , given him with her : and , the marriage finished , he presently went his way , and took her with him : and coming to Babylon ; from thence sent Governors into all his Dominions ; Megabyzus into Arabia , Artacaman into Phrygia the greater , Chrysantas into Lydia and Ionia , Adusius into Caria , Pharmichas into Phrygia Hellespontiaca , al. the lesse ; but into Cilicia and Cyprus , and Paphlagonia , he sent no Persians to govern them ; because they seemed voluntary , and of their own accord to have taken his part against the king of Babylon : yet he made even them also to pay him tribute , [ Xen. Instit. lib. 8. ] Now all the countries , which he subdued by the forces of Media , of which himself was General , Cyrus ever professed that he laid them to the dominions of Cyaxares , [ Xen. l. 5. ] and therefore it is most likely that at the former meeting in Council , he made that distribution of the Governments by his advise , for as Xenophon [ lib. 8. ] saith of Cyrus , It seemed good unto him , to set Governours over all the Nations which he had subdued : So the Prophet Daniel , who , as it seemeth , went at this time with Cyrus from Babylon into Media , saith of Cyaxares , It seemed good to Darius , to set over the kingdome , 120 Governours , that they should be over all the Kingdom , [ Dan. 6. 1. ] yet over all the Governours he made three Over-seers , the principal of which was this Daniel : whereupon it was that the rest , stirred up by a spirit of envy against him , put into the kings head , to make a Decree , that for 30 daies space , no Petition should be made to any God or man , but to himself only : which Decree , when Daniel had broke , by making his prayer unto God ; he was cast into the Lyons den ; and thence delivered without hurt done at all unto him : and then Darius , having cast those plotters against Daniel into the same Lyons den , published that memorable Decree through all his dominions , that every man therein , should reverence , and stand in awe of Daniels God , [ Dan. 6. ] Toward the end of the first year of the reign of Darius the Mede , Year of the World 3467 to be reckoned from the subversion of the Babylonish Empire , The Julian Period . 4177 began the 70 year of the Babilonish captivity of the Jewes , Year before Christ 537 which began under Jehojakim , in the first year of Nebuchadnesar , which was the last of those years of their calamity specified by [ Jer. 29. 10. ] Thus saith the Lord , when the 70 years shall begin to be finished in Babylon , then will I visit you , and perform that my good word unto you , and will bring you again to this place , and when you shall call upon me to depart from thence , and when you shall pray unto me , then will I hear you . Upon consideration of which very time , now so near approaching , it was that Daniel powred out that most fervent prayer , for the remission of his own sins , and of his peoples ; and for that promised deliverance out of their captivity : whereupon the Angel Gabriel brought him an answer , not only for this , but also concerning the spiritual deliverance of the Church , to be wrought at last by the death of the Messias , uttering that most famous and memorable prophecie of the 70 weeks , [ Dan. 9. 12 , &c. ] Cyrus having spent one whole year with his wife in Babylon , gathered thither his whole army , in which there are said to have been counted , one hundred and twenty thousand horse , two thousand iron Charriots , and six hundred thousand foot Souldiers ; which having furnished with all necessary provisions , he undertook that voyage , wherein he is said to have subdued all Nations , inhabiting from Syria to the red Sea , [ Xenophon , Instit. lib. 8. ] Cyrus , Year of the World 3468. a. his father Cambyses being now dead in Persia , The Julian Period . 4178 Cyaxares in Media , Year before Christ 536 held all the Empire or Monarchie of the East in his own hand : from which year , both Xenophon , 8. Inst. reckons the 7 years of his reign , and the holy Scripture , out of the Records of the Medes and Persians , reckoneth this first year : for it teacheth us , that in this year came forth that renowned Edict of his ; Thus saith Cyrus king of Persia , Into my hand hath God given all the kingdoms of the earth : in which year , the 70 years of the Babylonish captivity ( foretold by Jeremiah , and according to the prophesie of Isaiah uttered of him by name , c. 44. 28. and 45. 13. ) being now expired , he gave leave to all the Jewes , dwelling wheresoever in his dominions , to return into their own country , and commanded such as did returne , to fall in hand with the re-edifying of the Temple of God ; prescribing , or rather at their request , granting to them a power to build it to such a bigness ; which had he prescribed , and they ( as needs they then must ) observed the frame thereof had been far greater , than that of Solomons was ; which now it was not , [ Haggai , 2. 3. ] And he allowed the charge thereof , out of the kings treasure , and restored all the vessels of the house of God , which Nebuchadnezar had brought from thence , [ 2 Chron. 36. 22 , 23. Ezra , 1. 1 , 2 , 7. and 5. 13 , 14. and 6. 2 , 5. ] Of the Jewes therefore which returned to Jerusalem , Cyrus made Sehoafar the Captain , or his Lievtenant , and into his hands did Methridates the Treasurer , by Cyrus his command , consigne all the vessels belonging to the Temple , to be carried to Jerusalem , [ Ezra . 1. 7 , 11. and 5. 14 , 15. ] Now that his Chalde name , or that by which he went in Court , was in Hebrew , Zerubbabel ; appears out of [ Ezra 3. 8 , 10. compared with chap. 5. 16. ] The Jews thefore prepare for their return into their countrey , Year of the World c. the poorer sort , have allowance made them to defray their charges upon the way , [ Ezra 1. 5 , 6. ] Now the number of the children of the province , or poor people of the Hebrews , born in Chaldea , which with their Captain Zerubbabel , the son of Shealtiel , al. Salathiel , and their high priest , Jehu , al. Jusua , the son of Josadak , returned out of that captivity , amounted to 42360. besides proselytes , man-servants , and maid-servants , to the number of 7337. [ Ezra 2. 1. Nehem. 6. 67 , and c. 12. 1. 9. ] Now the particular sums cast up in Ezra , make onely 298 , 8. and in Nehemiah , 31031. neither of which make up the full sum of 42360. and yet either of them , in the foot of each of the cathologues , of 42360. is said to have been the number of the whole congregation , [ Ezra 1. 64. and Nehem. 7. 66. ] wherefore to make up the full sum of 42360. the Hebrews in their great Chron. tells us , that we must cast in those of the other tribes of Israel , which came up out of the captivity with the Jews . For even at the last extirpation of the Jewish state , there was a remainder , of the other ten tribes , [ Acts 26. 7. ] not onely of the dispersion . [ James 1. 1. ] and at Jerusalem , [ 2 Chron. 9. 3. Luke 2. 36. ] and other cities of Juda , [ 2 Chron. 11. 16. with c. 31. 6. ] but also of those who kept still upon their old lands ; for Salmanasar swept not all away out of all the tribes , as I shewed before in the year of the world , 3227. out of the History of Josias : but he left a remnant of them , in their own countrey , which was afterward , together with the Jews , and Benjamites , and Levites , carryed away by Nebuchadnezar unto Babylon , and were now dismissed and sent back again by Cyrus . After which , as in the first year of Cyrus , all the Israelites , are said to have dwelt in their own cities , [ Ezra 2. 70. ] so in the sixth year of Darius , they are said to have been present , at the dedication of the Temple , and to have offered there 12 hee Goats for the sin of all Israel , [ Ezra 6. 16 , 17. ] and when Christ preached the Gospel in Galilee , [ Matth. 14. 14. ] that prophecie of Isaiah , is said to have been fulfilled of the people of Zabulon and Nephthaly , who saw a great light . The chief men of their fathers families , coming to Jerusalem , offered every man according to his ability , toward the restauration of the Temple , to the sum in all of 61000 drachmahs of gold ; and 5000 pounds of silver , and 100. Priests robes ; and both priests and Levites , and the rest of the people , dwelt every man in his own city , [ Ez. 2. 68 , 69 ▪ 70. ] On the first day of the seventh moneth , Year of the World 3469. a. in the feast of trumpets , the Israelites came all as one man out of their several cities to Jerusalem , and there built the altar , and every morning , and every evening offered the dayly sacrifice unto God , and upon the 15 day of the same moneth , kept the feast of Tabernacles , and moreover , provided for materials and workmen toward the building of the Temple , as Cyrus had given them leave to do , [ Ezra 3. 1 , 7. ] In the second year after their return from Babylon , Year of the World c. in the 2 moneth ( called Jair ) they appointed Levits to oversee the work of the House of God ; The Julian Period . 4179 and laid the foundation of the Temple , Year before Christ 535 with the great lamentation of the old men , who 53 years before had seen the old Temple standing ; but with the great rejoycing of the younger sort who saw the new one now going up , [ Ezra 3. 8 , 13. ] The Cuthaeans , the old enemies of the Jews , who had heretofore been planted in Samaria by Esarchaddon , cunningly offered to joyn with them in the building of the Temple ; but being refused , they crossed the Jews all they could in the work , and discouraged the people from proceeding therein , [ Ezra 4. 1 , 4. ] This was the first sabbatical year , Year of the World 3470. a. kept by the Jews , after their return from the captivity of Babylon . The Samaritans , The Julian Period . 4180 by the means of certain Courtiers about Cyrus , Year before Christ 534 whom they had bribed for that purpose , disturbe the Jews in their work of the Temple , [ Ez. 4. 5. ] from whence , as it seemeth , proceeded that 3 weeks mourning of the Prophet Daniel : In which , he continued his fasting , which was begun about the 3 day of the 1 moneth , in the 3 year of Cyrus , thorough all the time of the feast of Easter , [ Dan. 10. 1 , 4. ] after which , upon the 24 day of the 1 moneth , that vision of the Kings of Persia , of Alexander the great , and his successors , and their kingdoms was shewed and revealed unto Daniel , as he stood upon the bank of Hiddikel , or the River Tigris : all which is contained in the 3 last Chapters of Daniel : which as may be collected out of the close thereof , was the last vision that ever he had , and that but a little before his death . Amasis , Year of the World 3473 as it seemeth , The Julian Period . 4183 fell off from Cyrus ; Year before Christ 531 and the people of Egypt carried away formerly by Nebuchadnesar , after 40 years compleated there , were now sent back again , by Cyrus into their own country : and so were they restored to their old kingdom , in the later end of Amasis his dayes : a kingdom old and ancient indeed , but the meanest of all others , and of no long continuance in one stay , [ Ezek. 29. 11 , 16. Jer. 46. 26. ] For that Cyrus had Egypt in his possession appears , both by Xenophon , [ 8. Instit. Cyr. ] as also in the Prologue to his whole work : and that it was afterward subdued by his son Cambyses , all Authors agree ; from whence we gather , that in the intermediate time , they enjoyed their own liberty . But by this occasion of Amasis his revolt from Cyrus , perchance also it came to passe , that when Hirom had stood King of Tyrus full twenty years , ( who was the last King mentioned by Josephus , in his Catalogue of them ) he was put out , and in stead of men of their own country , such as hitherto they had been governed by , as the Egyptians had been by Amasis ( for the very Punic names of those Kings , shew them all to have been of the same country ) they had Governours set over them of other nations . Cyrus being now 70 years of age dyes , Year of the World 3475 having lived from the time that he was first made General of the Median and Persian armies , The Julian Period . 4189 full 30. years : and after the taking of Babylon , Year before Christ 529 9 years , and after his full Monarchie , 7 years , and one or two moneths over . Of the manner of his death , Authors much differ , Herod . [ lib. 1. ca. 214. ] Justin out of Trogus [ lib. 1. c. 8. ] and Valer. Max. [ lib. 9. c. 10. ] say that he was slain in a fight , against the Massagetae or Scythians : and that his head was severed from his shoulders by Tomyris their Queen , and by her thrown into a tub full of blood , and he bid there to satiate himself with blood , which he had so much thirsted after in his life time . Diod. Sic. lib. 2. sayes , that when she had taken him prisoner , she crucified him , Ctesias [ lib. 11. ] saith , that in a battel against the Derbicans , a people bordering upon Hircania , being himself wounded in the thigh by a certain Indian , he slew Amorraeus their King , and his two sons ; and 3 dayes after died himself . Johannes Malela of Antioch , out of a forged book , attributted to Pythagoras of Samos , sayes , that he was slain in a Sea-fight , against the Samiaens . But [ Xeno . Instit. lib. 8. ] reports that he died his own death quietly , in his own country of Persia ; adding among many other things , that he gave order to his sons , that they should wrap his body neither in gold nor silver , but in plain moulds , and bury him out of the way : yet that they should call all his friends , Persians and others to his Monument ; and having there presented them with what ever was fit to be given them at the Funeral of a fortunate man , should so dismisse them : but that his tombe was made him at Pasarges , is delivered by those who wrote the noble Acts of Alexander the great , as Curtius , Plutarch , Arrianus , and by Aristobulu● , whom Alexander sent expressely to see it cited to this very purpose by Strabo [ lib. 5. ] of his Cosmographie , where he recites also this inscription found upon his tombe ; O man , I am Cyrus , who founded the Persian Monarchie , and was King of Asia ; and therefore every me not that I have a Monument . As for that Greek Epitaph , upon him written , if any man will believe it , in Persian characters , reported also by the same Strabo , out of Onesicritus , ̄ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Here Cyrus I do lie , who King of Kings was high . It is of the same stamp with that other cited by Lucian , out of the same Onesicritus in his discourse , De Long ●vis , or of long-lived men , that Cyrus missing at last those friends of his , which his son Cambyses had made away , when he had lived an hundred years , died for grief . Cyrus left his kingdom to his eldest son Cambyses , and to his younger son , Tanaoxaras , al. Tanyoxarcas , whom Herodotus calls Smerdis , Justin out of Trogus calls Mergis ; he left , as Ctesias saies , the seignories or Commanderies , of Bactria , Choromnea , Parthia and Caramania , but as Xenophon , [ Instit. lib. 8. ] of the Medes , Armenians , and Cadusians . In the entrance of the kingdom of Ahasuerus ( for by that name is Cambyses known in the language of the Scriptures ) the Samaritans , who had hitherto sought secretly to undermine the Israelites , now openly framed a direct information in writing to the king against the inhabitants of Juda and Jerusalem , [ Ez. 4. 6. ] for they knew very well , what difference there was between the father and the sons nature and disposition ; for that Cyrus was naturally kind and loving to those that were under him , and the other furious by nature , and suddain in his resolutions , as Diod. Sic. rightly observeth of him , in his Excerpta , published by Hen. Valesius , [ p. 238 , 249. ] with Herodotus : [ l. 3. c. 89. ] Year of the World 3477. a. This was the 2 Sabbatical year held by the Jewes after their returne from Babylon . The Julian Period . 4186 Year before Christ 528 Cambapheus an Eunuch , Year of the World 3478 who could do all in all with the king of Egypt , The Julian Period . 4188 by the means of his cousin germane , Year before Christ 526 Isabat an Eunuch likewise , who could do also as much with Cambyses king of Persia , betrayed the bridges , passages and other things to the Persian , upon promise made him , that he for his pains , should have the Government of Egypt , conferred upon him , [ Ctes. lib. 3. Persicorum . ] In pursuance whereof , Cambyses gathered an army : whereof his land companies consisted , as of sundry other Nations , so among them , of Grecians , out of Ionia and Eolia in Asia ; but his sea forces principally of Sidonians and Cyprians , who had freely submitted to him ; Polycrates also , the king or tyrant of Samos , furnished him with 40 sail of ships , all men of war , and into them he put all such as he suspected for enemies at home , desiring Cambyses that he would spend them there , and never send them home again , [ Herod . lib. 3. c. 1. 19. 44. ] Phanes of Halicarnassus , a chief man among the aides of Egypt ; and well versed in their affaires , but one that bare a hate to Amasis , seeing Cambyses preparing war against Egypt , fled over to him : and disclosed to him many secrets of the land of Egypt , and finding Cambyses much troubled how he should passe through the desarts that lay in his way , for want of water , advised him to send to the king of Arabia , to obtain leave to pass through his country ; [ Id. ib. cap. 4. & 7. ] for against his will , there was no passing for him , to the borders of Egypt , [ Ib. c. 88. ] The king of Arabia , Year of the World 3479. b. making a league with Cambyses , The Julian Period . 4189 by the messengers that were sent unto him , Year before Christ 525 sent all his camels loden with borachoes or lethren baggs full of water to the places by which Cambyses with his army was to passe , and there attended his coming , [ Id. ib. c. 9. ] Cambyses coming with his army into Egypt , found Amasis newly dead , when he had ●eigned 44 years , [ Id. ib. c. 9. & 10. ] Diod. Sic. lib. 1. Biblioth . tells us , that he died , when Cambyses began his war in Egypt , in the later end of the 3 year of the 63 Olympiade ; after whom , his son Psammenitus , ( whom Ctesias calleth Amyrteus ) reigned 6 months , [ ●erod . l. 3. c. 14. ] in whose reign it rained at Thebes , which in the upper parts of Egypt 〈◊〉 taken for a great prodigie , [ Id. c. 10. ] The Persians , having passed those sandie dry desarts of Arabia , sate down upon the edge of Egypt , [ Ib. c. 11. ] But Cambyses coming at last to besiege Pelusium , caused cats and dogs , and sheep , and ●●rds called Ibides , and all kinds of living creatures , which the Egyptians worship for ●ods , to be placed in the front of his army ; whereat the Egyptiants being troubled , for f●●r of hurting their own gods , forbare shooting at the enemy , and so Cambyses taking ●●lusium , got an entrance into , and a footing in Egypt , [ Polyenus in the 7 book of Stratag . ] They that came to assist the Egyptians , as the Grecians and Carians , in hatred of Pha●es who had been a chief instrument in conducting this forreign army into Egypt , slew his so●s , whom he had there left , before his eyes , and drinking up their bloud , fell a skirmishing with him , [ Her. l. 3. c. 11. ] After a sharpe encounter , where in many were slain on either side , the Egyptians fled ; [ Id. ib. ] Cambyses , sent a Persian Herald up the river in a ship of Mitylene , to Memphis , whither the Egyptians in great disorder and confusion were fled , to exhort them to render themselves ; but the men of the city sallied out upon the ship , took hir , brake or burnt hir , and having cut all the men in her , into gobbits , brought them into the city ; and afterward endured the siege for some short time , [ Id. lib. 3. c. 13. ] Arcesilaus , son of Battus the Lame , and of Pheretima his wife ; yeelded up Cyrene to Cambyses , and submitted to pay him tribute , [ Id. l. 4. c. 165. ] for they of Cyrene , and the Barcei , and the Lybians , bordering upon Egypt , terrified with his successe against their neighbours the Egyptians , rendred themselves unto him , and sent their presents to Cambyses and Cambyses took what came from the Lybians gratiously , and in good part , but those of the Cyrenians , not so , because they were so small , for they sent him onely five hundred pounds , which he took , and threw among the Souldiers , [ Id. lib. 3. cap. 13. and cap. 91. ] Ten dayes after he had taken the walls of Memphis , he had thought to try the patience of Psammenites , whom in contempt of him , he had with other Egyptians , committed to prison , in the suburbs of the city , sending his daughter with other maidens of the prime nobility of Egypt , with pitchers on their arms to the river , to fetch him water , and sending his young son , with two thousand more of the same age , and all principall noble mens sons with ropes about their necks , and bridles in their mouths , to be shamefulput to death : all which was done , in revenge of those Mitylenians , whom being sent in a ship to Memphis , they had murdered the kings Judges , having so ordered , that for every Mitylenian then slain , ten of the chief of the Egyptians should be put to death , and among them , in the first place , Psammenites his own son , whom Cambyses would have saved , but , when it was too late . But the father himself lived afterward with Cambyses , without violence , or other wrong done too his person : till at last , being convicted of stirring up the people to a new rebellion , he drank bulls blood , and died , [ Herod . lib. 3. cap. 14 , 15. ] though Ctesias saies , that he was sent away prisoner , to live in Susa. Cambyses marching from Memphis , came with his army before the city Sais ; where coming into the palace of Amasis ; against whom he undertook this war , he caused his body to be haled out of his vault , and to be brought before him , and causing his carcase to be whipt with scourges , and all kind of reproach , and coutumely to be used upon it , then caused it to be consumed with fire , [ Herod . lib. 3. cap. 16. and Diod. Sic , in his Excerpta ; published by Hen. Valesius , pag. 249 , ] Cambyses having thus conquered Egypt , in the 5 year of his monarchy ; he reigned in it 3 years , [ Jul. African . and Euseb. in Chronic. Graec. pag. 17. ] having slain fifty thousand of the Egyptians in fight , and sent a way seven thousand of them prisoners to Susa , [ Ctes. ] Iamblicus reporteth , that Pythagorus was among the rest then also taken and sent away to Babylon , where he conversed with the Chaldeans , [ Iambli . in his Life , ] and another writer of his life , namely Malchus , al. Paphyrius , saith , that at Babylon , he not onely conversed with the other Chaldeans , but applyed himself also to Zabratus , and that he was by him purified and cleansed from the sins of his former life . This Zabratus is thought by some , to have been that Nazaratus of Assyria , whom Alexander , ( Polyhistor I think ) in his book of Pythagoricall opinions , makes to have been Pythagoras his master , and some others mistaking the matter , judge to have been the prophet Ezekiel , as Clement of Alexandria , [ lib. 1. Strom. ] relateth . But this sheweth , that he did converse with the wise-men of the Jews in Babylon , for that he made use of many of their opinions afterwards , in the course of his Philosophy , as Hermippus , in his first book of Pythagoras , quoted by Josephus ( lib. 1. cont Apion . ) and in his first book of Law-makers , cited by Origen , ( lib. 1. cont . Celsum . ) reporteth , And no lesse doth Aristobulus the Jew , a Peripatetic Phylosopher , in his first book to Phylometor , as we find in Clemens of Alex. lib. 1. Strom. ) and as Euseb. ( lib. 13. Praepar . Evangel . ) affirms ; and upon the same ground believes , that the books of Moses were translated into Greek , before the Persian Monarchy began : whereas it is far more likely , that he gat that part of his learning and knowledge , by conversing with the Jews in Babylon ; for that Pythagorus had familiarity and discourse with them also , appeareth by Pyrphier in his Life , out of Diogenes , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( i. e. ) of the incredible relation made of Thule . Cambyses also was about to prepare a navy , Year of the World 3480 to go against the Carthaginians : The Julian Period . 4190 but gave it off , Year before Christ 524 for that the Sidonians , upon whom he was most to rely , for that kinde of service , refused to go against their own Colony and kindred : mean while , he sent for some of the Itchthyophagites , from the city Elephantina ; who of all others in those parts , were most versed in the Ethypian language ; and sent them for so many spies , to the Ethyopians called Macrobi● ; because they are generally very long lived , and inhabit , the lower parts of Africa , bordering upon the southern sea ; yet under colour of carrying presents to their king , and to see The Table of the Sun. The king of Ethiopia in the presence of those , whether Embassadors or spies , took his bow , and bent it ; and then unbent it again , and so gave it them , to carry it to Cambyses , and bad them tell him , that when his Persians should be able so easily to bend such bows as those , he should then , and not before begin to get him an excessive great army , and come fight with the long lived Ethiopians , [ Herod . lib. 3. from chap. 17. to chap. 25. ] Smerdis , al. Tanyoxarces , Cambyses his full Brother , assaying to bend this bow , came within two fingers bredth of the noch , which none other of all the Persians could do , for very envy whereof , Cambyses presently dismissed , and sent him away into Persia. [ Herod . lib. 3. cap. 30. ] Cambyses in a rage , gave order out of hand for a voyage into Ethiopia ; without provision made of corn , or other victual : nor re-counting with himself , that he was to go to the furthest end , as it were of the world , but like a bedlam-man , so soon as he had heard what his ●chthyophagites had said , marched away instantly with all his own foot , commanding the Grecians to stay behind , [ Id. ib. cap. 24. ] When he was come as far as Thebes in Egypt , he there culled out about 50 thousand men of his army , and sent them to rob first , and then to burn the Temple of Jupiter Ammon , and to make slaves of all the inhabitants of the place : but himself marched forward towards Ethiopia , [ Id. ib. Diodor. Sic. in his Excerpta , published by Hen. Vales. pag. 249. ] In that voyage , Cambyses subdued the Ethiopians , which bordered upon the lower parts of Egypt , which inhabit the city Nisa , and keep holy-dayes to Bacchus , [ Herod . lib. 3. c. 97. ] and there , unto Saba the chief house or palace , of the king of the Ethiopians , and the Island wherein it stood , he gave the name of Meroes , in memory of Meroe , who was both wife and sister to him . [ Strabo . lib. 17. of his Geogr. Josephus . l. 2. Antiq. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . al. cap. 10. ] for she accompanied him into Egypt , and there died , and her he had married , a thing strange , and never heard of before in Persia , and not long after , he married his elder sister also , [ Herod . lib. 3. cap. 31. ] called Atossa ; who after his death was married also , to Magus , and after him to Darius Hystasphis , [ Ib. cap. 68. and 88. ] The army which went from Thebes against the Ammonians , having travelled seven dayes journey over the sands , came at length to the city , Oasis , ( which city was inhabited by those Samians , which were of the Escrionian tribe ) and from thence , to a countrey called B●atorum insula , ( i. e. ) the Islle of the happy ones , and as they marched from thence , over the sandy plains , and were at dinner , in the mid-way between Oasis , and Ammonia , it is said , that there arose , a mighty strong winde out of the South , which brought those moveable sands upon them , and overwhelmed them all . [ Herod . lib. 3. cap. 26. Just. lib. 1. cap. 9. ] Plutarch in the life of Alexander , saith , that there were 50 thousand men lost in the land , that time , ( i. e. ) that the whole army that went , every man of them were drowned in that deludge of quick-sands . As for the Army which went forward with him against the Ethiopians , they had not gone five dayes march , but all provisions fa●l'd them : and a little after they had no horses left them to eat , and when still they went on , and came to the sands , they were then fain to cast lots , and to eat up one another , which when cambyses saw , he returned , and came back to Thebes , having spent a multitude of his army , [ Herod . lib. 3. cap. 25. Seneca , lib. 2. cap. 30. ] of his natural questions , of whom Lucan also speaking , saith , And mad Cambyses , marching toward the East , Came to the long-liv'd Ethipians : And wanting food , his own men up did eat ; And yet the Head of Nilus never found . Cambyses returning to Memphis , discharged his Grecians ; and shipt them there to be gone , [ Herod . lib. 3. cap. 25. ] But when he there saw the Egyptians keeping holy-day , because their god Apis had appeared to them , he conceiving they had done it for joy of his disastarous voyage , sent for Apis to be brought unto him , and ran his own sword into him , commanding all his priests to be scourged with whips , and the rest of the Egyptians , which were found keeping holy-day , to be slain by his souldiers . Apis being so wounded by him , pined away in the Temple , and died , and the priests took the body of the beast , and secretly buried it , [ Herod . lib. 3. cap. 27 , 28 , 29. ] For this cause , the Egyptians say , that Cambyses , being not otherwise over-well in his wits , fell stark mad ; which appeared first in causing his own brother to be kill'd : for having sent him away , formerly into Persia , ( as was said before ) he now dreampt , that a messenger came to him from thence , who told him , that Smerdis ; fitting in the regal throne , touched the Heavens with his head : wherefore being astonished with this dream , he forthwith dispatched away Prexaspes , who was most intimate with him of all the Persians , to kill his brother Smerdis , and he accordingly coming to Susa , caused him to be murdered , having drawn him forth , as some say , upon a hunting match : but as others report , that having toaled him along , as far as the Red-sea ; he there threw him in , and drowned him , [ Ib. cap. 30. and 36. ] But Justin out of Trogus , lib. 1. cap. 9. saith , that this charge was committed to Cometes , one of the Magi , and that he murdered not this Merges , for by that name Smerdes goes in him ( until after Cambyses was dead ; Ctesias , purposely ( as his manner was ) dissenting from Herodotus tells us a quite other tale ; That Spendahates , one of the Magi , having been scourged by Tanyaxares , that is , by this Smerdis his command , accused him to Cambyses , of seeking to make himself king ; And that by the advise of this Spendahates , he was sent for out of Bactria into Egypt , and was there made to drink Bulls blood , and thereof died ; and that he him self was sent back into Bactria , and there , because he was in all lineaments of face and body , very like unto him , ruled all , as if he had been very Tan●oxarces , or Smerdis himself . After Harpagus , Year of the World 3481 Oroetes a Persian born , The Julian Period . 4191 being made Governour of Sardes , Year before Christ 523 and of all the Provinces of Lydia , Ionia , and Phrygia , by Cyrus , is said to have sent a messenger to Polycrates of Samos , to ask him about a certain matter ; and that Polycrates then happening to be lying upon his bed in his chamber ( Anacreon the Teian , that excellent Lyric . Poet of Ionia , and who , as Clem. Alexand. sayes , was the first inventor of Love-Songs , sitting by ) vouchsafed the messenger not so much as a look , much lesse an answer . And Oroetes resolving to be revenged of him for this affront , sent one Myrtus a Lydian born , the son of Gyges , in an other message ; to tell him , that himself for fear of Cambyses , would faine flee over to him , with all his treasure . Polycrates giving over-hasty credit hereto , to hasten the matter , went himself unto him , carrying one Democedes , a Physitian of Crotona in Italy , along with him ; and when he came as far as Magnesia toward him ; there Oroetes took and crucified him : letting the Samians who came with him go : the rest , and among them this Democedes , he took and made his bond-servants , [ Herod . lib. 3. from ca. 126. to 127. ] But Valer. Max. [ lib. 6. cap. ult . ] relates , that he was crucified by Orontes ( for so he calls him , with Tully , lib. 3. de Finibus ) Governour under King Darius , upon the top of the mount Mycale ; to wit , in that fore-land of Ionia , which looks toward Samos : where as yet Darius at that time , was but one of the guard to Cambyses , and of no such high place or authority among the Persians : as appears out of , [ Herodot . lib. 3. cap. 139. and cap. 140. ] where he saith , that in Cambyses his expedition into Egypt , Syloson the brother of Polycrates , presented him with a most rich robe publickly at Mempsis , whence came the proverb ; Sylosons robe : and he also sayes , that Polycrates came to that foul end , at what time Cambyses was scarce his own man in Egypt , [ ibi . ca. 120. ] and with him agrees [ Pliny lib. 33. ca. 1. ] where he saith , that this fell out in the 230. year after the building of Rome , which according to Varro his account ; and which for the most part he followes , falls upon the 64 Olympiade . Cambyses seeing his wife Meroe take on , as she did , for the death of her brother Smerdis , disparched her out of the way , too , [ Herod . lib. 3. ca. 31. 32. ] In the 7 year of Cambyses , the 225. year of Nabonassers callender , upon the 17 day of the moneth Phamenoth , with the Egyptians , ( 16 day of our July ) one hour before midnight , the Moon was seen eclipsed at Babylon , [ Ptol. in his , Mag. Syntax . lib. 5. c. 14. ] Cambyses shot Prexaspes his son , who was his cup-bearer thorough with an arrow : and the day following , caused 12 principal men more of the Persians who had done no hurt at all , to be buried alive , with their heads downward . He gave order also , that Coesus , who had sometime been King of Lydia , onely because he had in a fair and friendly manner admonished him not to do such things , to be put to death . But repenting him soon after , he was glad that execution was not done upon him ; neverthelesse he put them to death who were appointed to do , and had not done it . Many like mad prankes played he , both upon Persians , and also upon other friends of his , while he remained at Memphis : he opened many of their Sepulchres to see the bodies of those who lay buried in them ; going upon a time into the Temple of Vulcan , he laughed exceedingly , and jeered at his image there ; and another time going into the temple of the Cabirie , whether it was not lawfull for any to have acxesse , but for the Priests onely ; and having spent many a jest upon the images which he saw there , he caused them all to be consumed with fire , [ Herod . lib. 3. from ca. 34. to ca. 38. ] The rest of their temples , partly he burnt down , partly he pull'd down , and partly he defaced , and mangled ; as also he did their Obelisis , [ Strabo lib. 17. ] Patizithes one of the Magi , Year of the World 3482 whom he had left Overseer of his private estate at home , The Julian Period 4992 having gotten knowledge of Smerdis his death , Year before Christ 522 which was kept very close , and k●●wn to very few of the Persians , set his own brother , whose name was also Smerdes , and very like him both in stature and feature , upon the Kingly throne : and forthwith posted away messengers into all parts , and among the rest , to the army in Egypt ; that from thence forward they should obey none , but Smerdes , Cyrus his son , and not Cambyses : so Herodotus , [ lib. 3. ca. 61. for Justin out of Trogus , lib. 1. ca. 9. ] sayes , that Cometes one of the Magi , having killed Merges . al. Smerdes , ( to whom the kingdom indeed belonged after Cambyses ) set up his own Brother Oropastes , who was very like him in the lineaments of his face and body , as was said before ; But Ctesias writes , that Bagabates the Eunuch , and Artasyras an Hyrcanian borne , ( both which were with Cambyses in Egypt , and of great authority about him ) took counsel , while Cambyses was yet living , how to set up Spendadates , one of the Magi also , who was very like unto Smerdes whiles he lived ; and after Cambyses death , did proclaim him King. Cambyses was answered by the Oracle of Butis , whither he had sent , that he should die at Ecbatane ; which he understood of Ecbatane in Media , where all his treasure lay . But as he lay at Ecbatane in Syria , the messenger brought him word , what the commandment of Patizithes was : who hearing of the conspiracie that was against him , presently leapt to horse , purposing in all haste to march with his army to Susa , against the conspirators ; but as he was leaping , his sword fell out of his scabbard : and ran into his thigh . Upon the twentieth day after which accident , he sent for the Nobles of Persia to come unto him , unto whom he made known both the slaughter of his brother , and the treason of the Magi , against himself : requiring them by no means to suffer the kingdom to return to the Medes , ( for the Magus was a Median born as may be gathered out of Herodotus , lib. 3. cap. 73. and cap. 126. ) and soon after , his wound festering , he died , when he had reigned only 7 years and 5 months , [ Herodotus , lib. 3. from cap. 62. to 66. ] Josephus tells us that in his return out of Egypt , he dyed at Damascus , [ lib. 11. Antiq. cap. 3. ] putting Damascus instead of Herodotus his Ecbatane in Syria . Ctesias will have it , that he came as far as Babylon ; and that there he took his wound , and died of it ; writing of his death , and the foregoing signes and presages thereof in this manner . When Cambyses was offering sacrifices , and the beasts throats were cut , there came no blood out , at which he was much amazed , and Roxane bare him a boy without a head , and that amazed him much more , and the Magi told him , that this portended , that he should leave no successor of his own behind him . His mother also appearing to him in a dream , seemed to threaten him destruction , for his brothers death , which troubled him yet more than all the rest , and that when he was come to Babylon , and there sate whitling a litle stick with a knife , to spend the time , he by chance hurt therewith a muscle in his thigh , whereof he dyed the 11 day after : [ Ctesias . ] But at his departure out of Egypt , he left Aryander to govern it , in his stead . When Cambyses was now dead , little thought the Persians that they had got a Magus to be their king : but that his brother indeed , had succeeded him in the kingdom , especially , when Prexaspes stood to it , that he never kill'd him , nor was it in truth safe for him now to confesse that he had killed a son of Cyrus with his own hand , [ Herod . l. 3. c. 66. ] and the matter it self was therefore the more easie to be concealed , because among the Persians , it was ever held for a point of state , to have the person of the king seldom seen abroad [ Justin. l. 1. c. 9. ] and so it came to passe , that this Magus , bearing himself for Smerdes , Cyrus his son , as being of the same name , and very like him , held the kingdom seven whole months quietly , which served to make up the 8 year of Cambyses his reign . But during that time he spared for no cost , to shew all kind of bounty and munificence to the subjects in all parts , insomuch , that when news came afterward of his death , all Asia , and all nations save the Persians , much lamented for it , for the dispatching away courriers into all parts , he proclaimed three years freedome from paying of tribute , and service in the wars and this de did , so soon as ever he took the title upon him , [ Herod . lib. 3. cap. 67. ] and he took moreover Atossa Cyrus his daughter , and all the rest of Cambyses his wives to himself , [ Ib. c. 68. 88. ] Ammianus Marcellinus , [ lib. 23. ] out of ancient books reporteth , that after Cambyses his death , 7 Magi took the management of the kingdome of Persia into their hands : which number , Valer. Max. also in his [ 9 book , c. 2. ] reteineth . But of them there were two chief , named by Herodotus , [ lib. 3. c. 61. 78. ] Patizithes , whom Trogus calls Cometes , and his brother , who only bare the name of king , as in the person of Cyrus his son : and is called by Herodotus , Smerdis , by Eschylus , Mardus , by Ctesias , Spendahates , by Trogus , Oropastes , and in the Scripture , Artachshashta . To this Artachshashta it was that letters were brought from the Samaritans , to forbid the further building of Jerusalem , as of a city , which they blazoned for a rebellious and wicked place , and which if it went on to be built , would never pay tribute to the kings of Persia [ Ez. 4. 7 , 16. ] Artachshashta , Year of the World 3483. a. by his letter , forbade the building of Jerusalem , until he should give further order ▪ by vertue of which inhibition , the Samaritans taking courage , came flying to Jerus●lem ▪ by strong hand , made the Jewes give off their building , not of the City only , but 〈◊〉 of the Temple , for which neverthelesse , they had Cyrus his expresse order . to finish it : But as they had been hitherto often interrupted in that work , so now they wholly gave it off , till the second year of the reign of Darius , [ Ez. 4. 17. 24. ] Whiles this Artachshashta held the kingdom , Oroetes the Persian continuing at Sardes first reproached Mitrobates , Governor , of Dascylium in the continent of Asia , for not having gotten the Isle of Samos , into his hands , and annexed it to his government , in Polycrates his life time , and afterward took both him and his son Cranapes , both men of good esteeme among the Persians , and slew them : committing sundry other outrages , and among the rest , caused a messenger , which came to him from Darius , because he told him something that pleased him not , to be murthered , [ Herod . l. 3. c. 126. ] Ctesias tells us , that Isabates the Eunuch , who had the charge of carrying the Corps of Cambyses into Persia , disclosed all the plot , and fraud of the Magi to the army , & that being therefore pursued by them , he fled for safegard to a Temple , and there they took off his head : but Herod . saies , that 8 months after Cambyses his death , the matter was brought first to light by the cunning of Otanes the son of Pharnaspes , and afterward , more fully manifested by Prexaspes ; who being himself in a certain Tower , called the people to him , and from thence declared to them , and acknowledged that he himself , being forced thereto by Cambyses his command , had murdered his Brother Smerdes the son of Cyrus , and that they were the Magi which then ruled all ; and having so said , he threw himself thence down headlong among them , [ Herod . lib. 3. ca. 68. and 75. ] As for the discovery made by Otanes , and destruction of the Magi , Justin out of Herodotus , and Trogus Pompeius , sets it down in this wise . Ostanes ( which is that Otanes ) saith he , by a messenger enquired of his daughter ( which was one of the concubines , or harlots of the King ) whether it were indeed Cyrus his son that was King : she answered , that she her self knew not , nor could possibly tell how to learn it out of any of her fellows , because they were all kept apart in several lodgings one from the other . Then he advised her when her turn came to lie with him , to feel his head , as he lay a sleep ; for Cambyses , or ( as Herodotus hath it ) Cyrus had caused the Magus his eares to be cut off . And being afterward assured by his daughter , that the King had no ears , he made the Princes of Persia acquainted therewith : and having drawn them into a conspiracy against the mock-king , bound them all with an oath unto it . There were seven of them onely in this conjuration : who instantly , least by delay repentance might befal any , and so the thing come to be disclosed ; carrying every man a dagger under his coat , went directly to the place where the King was , and killing such as stood in their way , at last came where the Magi were assembled : nor were they wanting to their own defence ; for they slew down right two of the conspirators , ( or rather wounded them onely , as Herodotus hath it ) but they were all laid hold on by the more in number : among which , Gobryas having one of them about the middle , when his fellows could not come at the Magus to kill him , for fear of hurting Gobryas himself ; he bade them kill the Magus thorough his body . But yet as good luck would , they killed the Magus , and did him no hurt , [ Justin lib. 1. ca. 9. ] The names of these 7 Persians ( whom Jerome upon Daniel 11. verse 2. would needs call the Magi ) were these . Onophas , Idernes , Naradobates , Mardonius , Barises , Artaphernes , and Darius , the son of Hystaspes : as Ctesias hath it : But in Herodotus , these . Otanes , Hydarves , Megabyzus , Gobryas , Aspathines , Intaphernes , and Darius : which Darius was then newly arrived there from Susa , where his father Hystaspes was Governour . But both Ctesias and Herodotus tell us , that the Persians ever after kept a yearly Festival upon the day wherein the Magi were thus destroyed . Six dayes after the Magi were made away , those 7 Persians met in counsel , and advised together , what form of government they should now set up in Persia. Otanes advised for an Aristocracy ; Megabyzus , for an Oligarchie ; but Darius , perswaded by all means for a Monarchie ; and when this last opinion , for the supream power to be settled in one person , had carried it by the major part of voices ; Otanes resigned all his right to the other six , upon condition that neither himself , nor any of his should ever be subject to any of them or theirs : whence it was that his family onely among the Persians were left free , and not subject to the Kings command further than themselves listed : provided that they brake no ●aw of the Persians : and because he was the first that set this wheele a going , and drew the rest into the action ; therefore they thought fit , to heap all kinds of magnificence and honour upon him and his posterity . And among the rest , to have him every year presented with a Median Robe . But for the Election of a new King , they came to this agreement among themselves , that every of them should get on horse-back a little before sun-rising , and whose horse happened first to neigh after the sun was up , he should be King in Cambyses room : which when the horse of Darius the son of Hystaspes , by the craft and subtilty of Oebaris his Quiry happened to do presently : all the rest leapt off their horses , and adored Darius , crying , God save the King , [ Herod . lib. 3 from ca. 80. to ca. 88. ] Nor yet were they lesse mindful of their own priviledges and immunities , than Otanes had been ; for this they had common to them all : First that both Otanes and the rest , should come to Court when they pleased ; and have free accesse to the Kings person , without sending in word that he was there to speak with him , unlesse he were in bed with the Queen , [ Id. ib. ca. 84. and ca. 118. ] And secondly , that they might weare every man his turbant , in a different fashion from all other men . For whereas the King onely and his heir apparent , might wear their turbants upright : ( as Seneca hath it , lib. 6. De Beneficiis ca. 31. and so hath Plutarch in the lives of Theistocles and Artaxerxes ) and the rest of the Nobility wear them hanging backward ; it was now granted to them and their posterity , that they should wear them pointing forward ; because when they went about the slaughter of the Magi , they used this fashion as a token or sign between themselves , [ Plutarch in his Pracepts of government . ] For Darius had given this as a sign for each to know another by in the dark : that they should turn the buckle that fastned their turbants behind , and wear them in their fore-heads , [ Polyae . lib. Stratag . 7. ] But this , as it seemeth , was the grand priviledge to them granted ; that although the King had , as it were , a perpetual Dictatorship in himself over them , yet they every man in his turn , should have a kind of a tribunitian power with him ; to which opinion or imagination of mine own , there are three considerations moving me . First , for that these conspirators foreseeing that they should prove burdensome ( and wherein I pray more than in this way ? ) to Darius , they bound him with an oath ( which is most religiously observed among the Persians ) that he should never do any of them to death , either by poison , or sword , or by any violent way , or by starving them ; as Valer. Max. [ lib. 9. ca. 2. ] affirmeth . Secondly , for that Eschylus , who was in the fight against the Persians at Marathon names two Kings , successively between the slaughter of the Magi , and Darius his reign ; to wit , Maraphis and Artaphrenes . Of whom the first seemeth to be him whom Ctesias calleth Mardonius , and the other Artaphernes . And lastly , for that in Ezra , in the edict of Darius , in the second year of his reign , for the rebuilding of the Temple , we find Artacshasta , also called by the name of King of Persia , [ Ezra 6. 14. ] to have given his consent thereto , in his 2 year of his reign ; for the rebuilding of the Temple ; we find Artachshashta also called sometime King of Persia , [ Ezra 6. c. 14. ] to have given his consent thereto : by whom it is hard to understand any other than Artaphernes . In the beginning of his reign , Darius took Atossa the daughter of Cyrus , who had formerly been married to his own Brother Cambyses , and afterward to the Magus , and made her his wife , purposing to establish his kingdom the better , by matching into the Royal Stock : that so the kingdom might not seem translated to another family , but rather returned into Cyrus his house , [ Herod . lib. 3. ca. 88. and lib. 7. ca. 2. and Justin out of Trogus lib. 1. ca. 10. ] And as himself was first called Ochus , as appears by [ Valer. Max. lib. 9. ca. 2. ] ( i. e. ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 yet afterward taking the Regal 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 addition upon him , with the kingdom of Cambyses , took also his surname to him ; so I conceive , that both he was that Achash-verosh , al. Assuerus , which in the Story of Esther , is said to have reigned from India to Ethiopia , over one hundred twenty and seven Provinces ; and that this his chief wife Atossa , was none other than Vashti , of whom there is so much mention made in the same book . O●oetes continued still Governour at Sardes , and kept a thousand Persians for his guard about him . But Darius sending his royal letters by Bagaeus the son of Arton to the souldiers there , caused him to be dispatched out of the way ; whose goods being all brought as confiscate to Susa ; there came also a long with them Democedes , whom he had made his slave , a Physitian of Crotona , [ Herod . lib. 3. c. 127 , 128 , 129. ] as was said before . It fell out af●erward that Darius , as he was a hunting fell from his horse , and with the fall , wrencht his foot , and strained it very sorely ; which whiles the Egyptian Chirurgeous sought to bring right again , and used much violence in the cure , they made him that he could not sleep for seven dayes . Upon the 8 day this Democedes was brought unto him , all poor and ragged , and shackled , as he was ; he with such Greek ●omentations as he used , quickly brought the King to sleep again : and in short time recovered him . Whereupon he was rewarded with rich gifts by the King and his Wives ; and dwelt in a goodly house in Susa : and sat at Table with the King , abounding with all things that his heart could wish : save onely that he could not return into Greece again ; and moreover when Darius would have hung up his Egyptian Physitians , because a Grecian could do more in his cure than they all , he obtained their pardon of the King : And whereas there was a certain Fortune-teller of Elis , which came in company with him , and had followed Polycrates to Magnesia , and was brought to Susa , among the rest of Oroetes his slaves ; he got him also to be set at liberty , [ Herod . ib. ca. 129 , 130 , 132. ] It fell out afterward that Atossa , daughter to Cyrus , and Darius his chief wife , had a Cancer in her breast : and being lanced , it spread further and further ; and when Democedes had cured her of that sore , he prevailed so far with her , as to move the King to make war upon Greece . Upon whose perswasion , Darius presently called to him fifteen choice men , all Persians ; and commanded them to follow Democedes , and by his directions to view all the Maritine places of Greece , and bring him back again with them to him . These when they were come into Phoenicia , and from thence to Sidon ; fitted themselves there of shipping , and other provisions , and sailed into Greece , and viewed all the Sea-coasts of Greece , and drew it into Maps : and were the first Persian spyes that ever came into Greece . And then having taken a view of the most celebrious cities and places in the heart of Greece , they passed from thence to Tarentum in Italy , from whence Democedes stole away to Crotona where his own home was , and there marriing the daughter of Milo Crotoniates , that famous Wrestler : would not return any more to Darius , [ Herod . lib. 3. from ca. 133. to ca. 138. with Athanaeus , lib. 12. Deipnosoph . and Aelian . Var. Histor. lib. 8. ca. 17. This was the third Sabbatical year held by the Jewes , Year of the World 3484. a. c. after their return from Babylon . Mardocai the Jew , The Julian Period . 4194 is said to have had a dream in the Greek additions of [ Esth. ca. 11. ] upon the 1 day of the month Nisan , Year before Christ 520 in the 2 year of the reign of Artaxerxes the great ( for so Assuerus al. Darius the son of Hystaspes , is there called ) concerning a River signifying Esther , and two Dragons portending himself and Haman , [ cap. 10. ] In the second year of king Darius , which was in the 65 Olympiade , Haggai the prophet reproved the idlenesse of the Jews , in setting forward the building of the temple , declaring to them , that that long steri●itie of the ground ; and other plagues which continually fell upon them , between the first and third Sabbaticall years , were all for their great neglect in that work , and earnestly perswaded them to mend that fault , whereupon Zerobabel , the governour of the Jews , and Joshua the High priest , and all the people took the work in hand afresh , and provided materials necessary for the building , upon the 24 day of the same moneth , [ Hag. 1. 1 , 15. ] Upon the 21 day of the 7 moneth ; Year of the World 3485. a. the same year Haggai animated the Jews , to go on with the work , with a promise of Gods presence , and blessing upon them in it , and although the beginnings of this present structure seemed base and despicable in the eyes of such , as had seen the glory of the former 169 years before ; yet he told them , that if they considered that blessed , and so much desired Messias , which after a time , to wit 516 years from thence , should there first be manifested , and the peace which should thence be propagated to all nations , they must acknowledge the glory of this Temple , far to excell the beauty of the former , [ Hag. 2. 1. 9. ] In the 8 moneth of the same 2 years of Darius , Zacharias the son of Barachias exhorted the people to repentance , [ Zach. 1. 1 , 6 , ] On the 24 day of the 9 moneth of the same second year , about the middest of the space between seed time , ( which immediately followed the end of the sabbatical year , ) and the harvest , the Temple began to be reared , by Zerobabel , and Joshua the high priest , with the assistance of Haggai and Zachary the prophets , upon the foundation , which had been formerly laid , [ Ezra 5. 1 , 2. Hag. 2. 10 , 18 , 19. ] Upon the same 24 day , the two last prophecies of Haggai , were revealed to him , the one of the cessation of those plagues which hitherto had followed them : the other of the subversion of sundry kingdoms ; and the exaltation of Zerobabel , [ Haggai 2. 10. 23. ] Tatnei , Year of the World b. governour of the countries of this side the river , The Julian Period . 4195 and Setharboznaius , Year before Christ 519 and the Apharsakites , their associates coming to Jerusalem , endeavour to hinder them in the work of the Temple ; asking the chief of the Jews , by whose command they dit it : and they answering that they did it by virtue of Cyrus his edict , went on stoutly with their work , [ Ez. 5. 3 , 4 , 5. 13 , 16. ] For whereas by the Laws of Medes and Persians , the commands and grants of their kings ought to be perpetual , and unalterable , [ Dan , 6. 8 , 12. Esth. 1. 19. &c. 8. 8. ] it was therefore lawfull for the Jews to proceed in the work ; without expecting any new order thereupon . Their enemies , by a letter certifie this answer to Darius , desiring that search might be made in the records at Babylon , whether there were any such grant made by Cyrus or noe , and desire to know the kings further pleasure therein , [ Ezra 5. 5 , 17. ] The work being thus interrupted , and the scarcity concontinuing in Judea , because the corne was not yet ripe , upon the 24 day of the 11 moneth Sebat , in the second year of Darius , the prophet Zachary had a vision , of horsemen galloping up and down over the face of the whole earth , being now all at rest and quiet , whereupon , in the hearing of the prophet , God made a good and gracious answer , with many comfortable words to the Angel , which entreated God to cease his anger and fury , which had been so hot against the people of the Jews , and Jerusalem , and cities of Juda , now these 70 years , [ Zach. 1. 7. chap. 12. 13. ] the beginning of which 70 years is to be reckoned , from the coming of the Assyrians , to the last siege laid unto Jerusalem , ( of which more above in the 3415. year of the world ) [ Jer. 34. 1. with Ezek. 5. 12 , 13. ] whiter also is referred , all that which is spoken , [ Zach. 1. ] and in the three chapters following , as also , all that exhortation which is read , [ chap. 2. 6 , 7. ] sent to the Jews remaining still in Babylon , that they should go out of her with all speed , pointing to that calamity , which a while after Darius brought upon Babylon when he took it . Ehe edict of Cyrus , for the re-building of the Temple , which was found at Acmethae , al. Ecbatan , in the province of the Medes ; together with a second command , in favour of the Jews from Darius himself , was sent to Tatneis and his fellows ; wherein it was given them in charge , that they should not onely not hinder the work of the Lords house , but also should , set it forward , by furnishing the expense thereof , out of the kings tribute ; and moreover , to supply the necessary charge of the daily sacrifices , to be offered by the priests at Jerusalem , which command of the king , being forthwith put in excution , the Jews encouraged by the prophesies of Haggai and Zachary went on roundly to the finishing of the work , [ Ez. 6. 1 , 14. ] But I conceive that at this time , Artachshashta , whom Ezra 6. 14. joyneth with Darius in this edict , as partaker with him in the power of the kingdom , was one of the 7 princes of Persia , which slew the Magus : to wit , he whom Eschilus , ( in Persis ) calls Artaphrenes . Hellanicus , ( as his Scholiast terms him , Daphernes , Ctesias Artaphernes , and Herod . Intaphernes . He therefore , according to the priviledge granted by Darius , coming upon a time to speak with Darius , without sending in , to tell him that he was there , was kept out by the door keeper , and groom of the bedchamber , who told him that the King was asleep with the Qu●en : But he , supposing that they lied unto him , drew his Cimitre , and cut off both their ears and noses ; and tying the reigns of a horse about both their necks turn'd them going : But when they presently ran in to the king , shewing him what they had suffered , and upon what occasion : the king eftsoons , sent for the rest of the Princes , severally , fearing that this might happily have been done by the common consent of them all : but finding it was not , he caused both Intaphernes and all his sons , save only the eldest , whom he spared at his mothers petition , to be put to death : Herodotus relateth this matter [ lib. 3. cap. 118 , 119. ] as a thing acted presently upon the execution done upon the Magi ; but Valer. Max ; following other Authors , [ lib. 9. cap. 2. ] tells us , that finding himself curbed by these Princes , put them all to death by a new devised kind of punishment : For saith he , making a lower room , and filling it with cinders , and bearing up the room over it , with one post , and having feasted and filled them with meat and drink , he put them all into that upper roome ; and when they were all fast a sleep , taking away the post that bare it up , they all fell into the cinders , in the under roome , and there perished . Now though it be not very likely that they perished in this manner , yet is it very credible , that putting them from the government of the kingdom , he eased himself of that yoak , which hitherto lay so heavy on his neck . And from that time forward , Darius was a free and absolute Monarch ; and he it is , that we , in the Scripture , find called by the name of Assuerus . This Assuerus therefore , in the 3 year , reckoned from the beginning of his reign , as he sate in his throne , in his pallace at Susa ; to shew the glory of his kingdom , and magnificence of his state , made a feast for all the Governors , and great men of his dominions , which lasted 180 dayes long , [ Est. 1. 2 , 3 , 4. ] now this city of Susa , as Pliny , [ lib. 6. c. 27. ] saies , was built by this Darius ; or rather as Elian , [ lib. 13. de animal . c. 59. ] was embellisht with goodly and magnificent pallaces by him , and Herod . [ lib. 5. c. 49. ] tells us , that he made that the place of his residing and there kept all his treasure . After this half years banquet was ended , Year of the World 3486 there followed an other of seven dayes long ; whereunto were invited all the dwellers , and whoever else was then present at Susa , from the greatest to the least . The men sitting with the King , in the court of the garden of the kings house , and the women within the pallace it self , with Vashti the Queen , ( which to us , is Atossa , the daughter of Cyrus , ) [ Esth. 1. 5. 9. ] Upon the last day of this feast ; the king , being somewhat high flowen with drink , would needs shew the beauty of the Queen to the men , and sent for hir to come unto him : but she refused ; and thereupon , by the advise of Memucan , one of the seven wise men , of the Medes and Persians , which knew the lawes and statutes of those countries ( for these were the kings Judges , which judged in all causes arising among the Persians , and resolved all cases in point of law ; of whom , Herod . [ lib. 3. c. 14. 31. ] and Plutarch in the life of Artaxerxes maketh mention , ) divorced and put her away , making moreover a law , that every man thereafter , should be Master in his own house , [ Esth. 1. 10 , 22. ] Hereupon , there was enquiry made after all the faire damsels that were to be found in Assuerus his dominions , to find out a fit consort for the king , to reign in the stead of Vashti , which was divorced , and among others , Hadassa , a damsel of the Jewes , which was also called Esther ; the daughter of Abichajile , a woman of Benjamin , was taken into consideration , [ Esth. 2. 1 , 8. ] In the fourth year of Darius , Year of the World 3487. a. the fourth day of the ninth month , called Chisslu , when the Jewes , by Sharezer , and Regem-melech , consulted with the Priests and Prophets , concerning the fast appointed to be held upon the day of the destruction of the City and Temple of Jerusalem , God answered them , that those fasts of the fifth and seventh months which they had observed for seventie years space , were no wayes pleasing to him , and put them in mind of their obstinacie , and perseverance in their sins , which had brought that terrible desolation upon them , [ Zach. 7. 1 , 14. ] now from the said destruction , and the death of Gedalia ( which gave occasion of that fast , held in the 7 month , ) following two months after , to the very instant of this prophecie , we in our Chronologie , gather , that there were 70 years . And in the eighth chapter of the same Zacharie , God tells them , that he would restore Jerusalem , and put an end to all their former miseries , and that he would change their fasts ; as well that of the fourth moneth , on the ninth day whereof , the City was taken , as that of the fifth month , upon the tenth whereof , the Temple was burnt , and of the seventh month , wherein the remnant of the people , upon the murther of Gedalia , was scattered among the Nations , and of the 10 month , upon the 10 day whereof , the City , under Sedechia , began to besieged by Nebuchadnesar , into mirth ; and would send joy and gladnesse , and liberty unto his people . In the 6 year of Darius , Year of the World 3489 toward the later end thereof , on the 3 day of the 12 moneth , called Adar , was the structure of the Temple finished . The dedication whereof , the Israelites which returned out of the captivity , celebrated with great joy , and abundance of sacrifices , the Priests and Levites , every one in his place and office attending in the ministery of the Temple , [ Ezra 6. 15 , 18. ] And they also upon the 14 day of the first moneth , celebrated the first Passeover in the second Temple ; keeping also the feast of sweet-bread seven dayes , with great joy , for that God had turned the heart of the king of Assyria toward them , [ Ezra 6. 19. 22. ] to wit of Darius , who having recovered Babylon , after 20 moneths liege , by the means of Zopyrus , was in full right , stiled now king of the Assyrians , no lesse than of the Persians , [ Herod . lib. 3. in fin . ] and Justin in the end of his first book . When Esthers turn came to be brought to the king Assuerus , Year of the World 3490. b. she was attended on , from the Seraiglia , to the kings chamber , by Hegaius the Eunuch , [ Esther 2. 12 , 15. ] 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , saith Herod . lib. 3. cap. 69. ( i. e. ) the women in Persia , come round in their turns , to their husbands beds . But in the 7 year of Assuerus his reign , in the 10 moneth , called Tebeth ; when Esther came unto the king , she found grace and favour in his eyes , above all the other damsels ; insomuch , that he put the crown of the kingdom upon her head , and made her Queen in the stead of Vashty , [ Esth. 2. 16 , 17. ] whence I gather , that as Vashty was Atossa , so Esther was she , whom Herodotus , calls the Virgin Artystona , and whom he sayes , that Darius loved above all his wives , and whose statue , he caused to be made of solid gold , [ lib. 3. cap. 88. with cap. 69. lib. 7. ] though I am not ignorant , that Hadassa , which was another name given to Esther , comes a great deal nearer to Atossa , and that Herodotus makes Artistona , to have been Cyrus his daugher , and Atossaes sister , whether we should say , that Herodotus was not so wel skilled in the Persian genealogies , or that the Persians themselves , for very envy , concealed the name of Esther . Assuerus in honour of his new spousals , made a most sumptuous feast for all his Princes and servants , and called it Esthers feast , wherein he eased the provinces of many taxes and tallages , and gave gifts answerable to the state and magnificence of so great a king , [ Esther . 2. 18. ] Jubile 19. Hippias , Year of the World 3491. a. the Tyrant of Athens , in the fourth year before his banishment from thence , fearing what might fall , began to look about for some forrein support , and to that end , gave his daughter Archedice to Aeantides the son of Hippocles the Tyrant , of Lampsacus , the rather for that he perceived , that they were both gracious and in great esteem with Darius , [ Thucid. lib. 6. ] Haman , Year of the World 3494. a. the son of Amadetha , The Julian Period . 4204 an Aggagite , of the race of the Amalekites , Year before Christ 510 malicing Mordecaie a Jew , because he would not fall down and adore him as others did , resolved for his sake to be revenged of all his nation ( which was ever indeed adverse to his , Deut. 25. 19. ) and to root it out , for the executing of which purpose , that he might find out a successeful time , on the first moneth Nisan , in the 12 year of king Assuerus , he caused pur , that is , lots to be cast before him ; for the knowing of the day and the moneth , wherein the Jews should be destroyed : and the lot fell upon the 12 moneth Adar , the last of the whole year , [ Esther 3. 1 , 7. ] Then pretending some specious reasons to Assuerus , with the offer of ten thousand talents of silver , ( which yet the king would not accept ) obtained a grant from him to root out all the generation of the Jews , [ Esther . 3. 7 , 11. ] Upon the 13 day of the first moneth , the kings edict was published in Susa , and copies thereof were dispatcht away by carryers into all the provinces of the kings dominions , that all Jews , without respect to sexorage ; upon the 13 day of the 12 moneth Adar , should dye the death , [ Esth. 3. 12 , 15. ] Hereupon Mordecai , Esther , and all the Jews , humbled themselves before the Lord , by fasting and prayer , [ ib. chap. 4. ] and in memorie thereof , their posterity to this day observe a solemn fast , upon the 13 day of the moneth Adar , which they terme , Esthers fast . Esther goes to the king , in gorgeous apparrel , is graciously received by him ; she invites the king once and again to a banquet , and Haman mean while is busie , in giving order for a gallows to be made , to hang Mordecai on , [ chap. 5. ib. ] Assuerus , one night , when he could not sleep , would needs have some records red unto him , and among other things , it was there red unto him , how two of his servants , Bigthan and Teresh his door-keepers , had conspired his death , and that one Mordecai had revealed this conspiracy unto him , and thereupon gave order , that the author of this discovery should be highly honoured , and this to be done publiquely , and by whom ? but by Haman himself his deadly enemy , [ Esth. 6. ] And presently after this , Haman was himself hanged up , at the gibbet which he had provided for Mordecaie , [ chap. 7. ] Hamans house was given to the Queen ; and Mordecaie her cousin-germaine , and who had brought her up , had daily honours bestowed upon him , [ ca. 8. 1 , 2 , 15. ib. ] Upon the 23 day of the moneth Sivan , there was an edict published at Susa , and copies thereof sent away speedily by carriers , into the 127. Provinces , that the Jews upon the 13 day of the moneth Adar , which was the day appointed for their massacre , should have leave to stand upon their own guard , and to defend themselves every where , and to kill all such as should offer to assault them , and should moreover , have the spoile of such mens goods : whereupon both in Susa , and in all the Provinces there was great rejoycing among them , and divers of the people in several countries joyning themselves to their side , turned Jews , [ ib. cap. 8. 9 , 17. ] Hippias ( twenty years before the fight at Marathon , Year of the World d. in which he served on the Median party ) being now grown an old man ; was thrust out of Athens by the Lacedaemonians , and the faction of the Alcmaeonidae there : and taking a passe from the Athenians , went first to Sigaeum , and from thence sailed to Lampsacus , to his son in law Aeantides , and from thence got him away to Darius , [ Thucid. lib. 6. ] Now Pisistratus , Hippias his father , had committed S●geum in Troas , to Hegesistratus his base son : and that was a receptacle now for Hippias , and afterward for others of the race of Pisistratus , in case of extremity to retire unto , [ Herod . lib. 5. ca. 65. 91 , 94. ] Upon the 13 day of the 12 moneth Adar , Year of the World 3495. b. the Jews in all parts slew all those who were provided to slay them upon the same day , The Julian Period . 4105 according to Hamans decree : Year before Christ 509 In Susa it self , and the very Palace there , they slew 500. men , together with Hamans ten sons : and in the rest of the Provinces to the number of 75000. men : but medled not with one peny of their goods , [ Esth. 9. 1 , 16. ] Upon the 14 of the same moneth , the Jewes in the Provinces ceased from killing , and made merry among themselves : But they which dwelt in Susa , having another day given them by the King , slew therein 300. men more of their enemies ; and hung the carcasses of Hamans ten sons , upon the gibbet , [ ib. cap. 9. 13 , 19. ] Upon the 15 day the Jewes that dwelt in Susa made merry and feasted themselves , [ D. c. 9. 18. ] Mordecaie began the custom of keeping Holiday in remembrance of Purim , or Lots yearly , upon the 14 and 15 dayes of the moneth Adar : and this was established by Esther , [ ib. ca. 9. 23 , 30. ] And this is the Jews Shrovetide , wherein they read over the History of Esther : and so often as the name of Haman comes to be read , they rap and make a noise with their hands or mallets , upon the deskes or settles in their Synagogues . In the Isle of Naxos , Year of the World 3500 some of the richer sort were turn'd out by the meaner people ; and they repaired to Aristagoras son of Molpagoras , and son in law , and cousin-germain by the mothers side , to Histiaeus , Tyrant of M●letus ; and whom Histiaeus had left Governour there in his room , when Darius under a shew of Honour , had taken himself along with him unto Susa : and Aristagoras imparting the matter to Artaphernes , son of Hystaspes , and brother to Darius , Governour of Ionia , residing at Sardes , perswaded him to possesse himself of Naxos , and Paros , and Andros , and the rest of the Cyclades , all depending of Naxos , to the Kings use : which being well liked of by Darius at Susa ; he furnished out the next Spring , 200. Ships for that service , [ Herod . lib. 5. cap. 30. 31 , 32. ] Artaphernes , Year of the World 3501. c. making Megabates a Persian borne , The Julian Period . 4211 Darius his , and his own , Year before Christ 503 near kinsman , Commander in Chief of the Persian Army ; gave him order with his Fleet of 200. sailes , to go to Miletus , and there to take in Aristagoras and the Ionian Army , which he did ; and sailed from thence to Chios : where a jar falling between Aristagoras and Artaphernes , when they had spent four moneths in the siege of Naxos to no purpose : each returned home , nothing done , [ Herod . ib. ca. 32. 33 , 34. ] Here end the 70 years from the taking of Tyre , Year of the World 3502. b. by Nebuchadnesar , The Julian Period . 4212 which is the just number of years of the bondage of that city , Year before Christ 502 expressely foretold by the Prophet , [ Esay 33. 15 , 17. ] from which time , it seems they lived in freedom from any forreign subjection , till the time it was again taken afterward by Alex. the Great . Aristagoras fearing what might befall him , because he had not been able to perform what he had undertaken to Artaphernes for the taking of Naxos , and had not wherewithal to pay his army ; began to think of revolting from the Persians . And it fell out in the very nick , that there came a messenger from Histiaeus in Babylon , having his errand written in letters made with hot irons upon the flesh of his head , and now grown over with hair , by which Aristagoras was advised both himself to fall off from Darius , and also to put all Ionia in armes against him , if he could , [ Herod . lib. 5. c. 35. Polyae . Stratag . lib. 1. ] Aristagoras hereupon , having imparted this to his friends , perswaded them to side with him , though Hecataeus the Historian disswaded them by all means from rising in armes against the King of Persia : but all in vain ; for the conspirators dispatched away Iatrogaras to Myus to the army , which upon their return from Naxos , remained there , and by a stratagem , took all the principal Commanders of their Fleet. And Aristagoras , now openly revolting from Darius , made a fair shew of a kind of liberty to the Milesians , and took away the tyrants that were in some cities of Ionia ; and then went to the Lacedaemonians to pray an aide of them ; but received a flat denial at their hands , [ Herod . lib. 3. ca. 36 , 37 , 38 , 49 , 50 , 51. ] In the 20 year of the reign of Darius , Year of the World 3503. a. 246. of Nabonassars aera , upon the 28 day of the moneth Epiphus , according to the Egyptian Calender , ( upon the 29. of our November ) ending about midnight , there was an Eclipse of the Moon observed at Babylon , [ Ptol. Mag. Syntax . lib. 4. ca. 9. ] Hippias the son of Pisistratus being sent for from Sigeum upon a vain hope given him of being restored to his Principality in Athens , by the Lacedaemonians , returned from thence into Asia , and accusing the Athenians of many things to Artaphernes , did what in him lay to bring Athens under the subjection of Darius , [ Herod . lib. 5. chap. 91. 96. ] The Athenians understanding that Hippias had defamed them to Artaphernes , sent their messengers to Sardes , to perswade the Persians there , not to give credit , nor to lend any ear , to those out-laws of the Athenians : But Artaphernes advised them , if they loved themselves , and their own safety , to call home , and receive Hippias again ; But whiles they stood out , and refused to hearken to any such conditions , it fell out that Aristagoras the Milesian returning from Sparta , where he gat nothing but a denial , came to Athens , and there obtained of them 20 saile of Ships to aid the Ionians in their war against the Persians : whereof they made Melantho an eminent man in Athens Commander . [ Herod . lib. 3. ca. 96. 97. ] Which Fleet , as [ Herod . ca. 98. ib. ] hath well noted , was the beginning of all mischeif , both to the Grecians and Persians : for this was the beginning of all the wars which grew between the Grecians and the Persians , and which ended in the ruine of the Persian Empire . Aristagoras , returning to Miletus , perswaded the Paeones , whom Megabazus the Governour of Thracia , had carried away from their own habitation upon the banks of the River Strymon into Phrygia , and by the command of Darius planted them there , to return into their own country ; wherefore they taking with them their wives and children , gat away to the sea side , where some for fear , abode still : the rest putting over to Chios , from thence gat shipping , and came to Lesbos , and from thence to Doriscus : and from thence again , by land went away into their own country , [ Herod . lib. 5. ca. 98. ] The Athenian Fleet arrived at Miletus , Year of the World 3504 and with them came also five tall Ships of the Eretrians , The Julian Period . 4214 for the Athenians sake . Year before Christ 500 There Aristagoras staied himself , but sent his own brother Charopinus Commander over the Milesians , and Helmophantus Commander over the rest of the Ionians , against Sardes . The Ionians , in company with the Athenians and Eretrians , coming with their Fleet to Ephesus , left their Ships at Goresus , a Port of the Ephesians , and marched themselves in a body over-land to Sardes : and took and burnt it all , save the Castle which Artaphernes himself kept , not sparing the very temple of Cybele . But when the Lydians and Persians joyning together , made good the Market-place , thorough the middest whereof ran the River Pactolus , and there defended themselves against them ; the Ionians for very fear left the place , and retired to the Hill T●molus , thereto adjoyning , and from thence by night fled away to their ships : whereupon the Persians dwelling on that side the River Halys , gathering into a body , pursued them , and overtaking them about Ephesus : fought with them , and routed them ; killing many , and among them Enalcidas Captain of the Eretrians ; a man who had borne away the garland in many of their games , and highly commended by Simonides the Poet in his verses . They which escaped out of the battel , dispersed themselves into their several cities : and the Athenians abandoning from thence forth the Ionian cause , though earnestly entreated thereto by Aristagoras , would no more appear in it , [ Herod . from ca. 99. to ca. 103. ] Onesilus , turning out his own elder brother Gorgus , King of the Salaminians , and forcing him to flee over to the Medes for succour , prevailed with the whole Isle of Cyprus to fall off from them ; save onely those of Amathusa : But while he was besieging that city , tydings came of the firing of Sardes by the Athenians , to Darius : who thereupon growing wrath with the Athenians , gave order to one of his attendants , that as often as ever he sate at meat , he should three times remember him of it , and say , Sir , Remember the Athenians : and then , very improvidently sent away Histiaeus , the brother of that Aristagoras , from Susa to Miletus as if of purpose to be afterward the ring-leader of the Ionian Rebels against himself , [ Herod . lib. 5. ca. 104. 105 , 106. ] The Ionians entring into the Hellespont , took Byzantium , and other cities in those parts ; and sailing from thence , drew over many of the cities of Caria to joyn with them in this war against the Persians ; for the city Caunus , which hitherto stood off , and would not side with them , hearing now of the firing of Sardes , fell also to them , [ ib. ca. 103. ] At Clazomenae ( which was of it self sometimes an Island , but now joyned to the continent of Ionia , by a neck of land , as [ Strabo lib. 1. ] sheweth ) was borne Anaxagoras the Philosopher , son of Hegesibulus , [ Olym. 70. ] as Diogenes Laertius sheweth in his life , out of Apollodorus his Chronicle . Whiles Onesilus , lay with his army before Amathusa , news came to him , that Artybius , a Captain of the Persians was making toward Cyprus , with a very numerous army , whereupon he sent to crave aide of the Ionians , and they out of hand advanced toward Cyprus , with a great fleet . But the Persians putting over out of Cilicia , into Cyprus , landed there , their men , and marched by land to the city of Salamis , sending about the Phaenians with the ships , to double the point of a Promontory in that Island , called , Claves Cyprus , ( i. e. ) the keys of Cyprus , and anon after , there followed a fight between the parties , both at land , and sea . And at sea , the Ionians , behaved themselves all very bravely that day , especially the Samians , and had the better of the Phaenicians . But at land , while the rest were busie in fight , first Stesenor , Tyrant of the Curii , betrayed his fellows : and then presently the men of Salamis , who fought in chariots , did the like ; whereupon the whole army of the Cypriots being routed , many of them were put to the sword ; and among them Onesilus , the author of this war , and with him , Aristocyprus , king of the Solians , son of that Philocyphrus , whom Solon , at his being in Cyprus , so much extolled above all other Tyrants , in his verses . The Ionians hearing that Onesilus was slain , and the rest of the cities of that Isle besieged , and that Salamis it self had opened her gates to Gorgus , their old king , returned into Ionia , with all the haste they could make . But among all the cities of Cyprus , that of Solos stood it out longest , yet at seven moneths end , the Persians having undermined the wall round about , took it ; and so the Cypriots paid dearly for their one years liberty , and were reduced to their former estate of slavery , [ Herod . lib. 5. from cap. 108. to 116. ] The Persian Lords at Sardes , Year of the World 3505 who had married Darius his daughters , The Julian Period . 4215 as Daurises , Year before Christ 499 Hymees , and Otanes , pursuing the Ionians , who had been in the service against Sardes , after they had routed them near unto Ephesus , and driven them aboard their ships , parted the rest of the work among themselves , and took each of them , in hand what cities of theirs , they would subdue , [ Herod . ib. 116. ] Daurises for his part , undertook the parts joyning upon the Hellespont ; and there took Dardanus , Abydus , Percotes , Lampsacus , and Paeson , every day a city : but as he was on his way from thence , to the city Parios , he understood that all Caria had revolted from the king , and joyned with the Ionians , wherefore he gave off that purpose , and marched away with all his army into Caria , [ c. 117. ] Hymees undertook the parts about Propontis , and coming thither , was Cios in Mysia . But then hearing that Daurises was marched out of Hellespont into Caria , he left Propontis , and marched into Hellespont , [ ib. cap. 122. ] But Artaphernes , the Governour of Sardes , and Otanes the third of those undertakers , went against Ionia it self , and the countrey of Aeolia , adjoyning thereunto . In Ionia they took Clazomenae , and in Aeolia , the city Cuma , [ Ib. cap. 123. ] which being so taken , Anaxagoras with his companions , consulted together , whither they might flie , in which counsaile , Hecatous the Historian advised , first to transport into the Isle of Leros , and there to fortify for the present ; and dwell till occasion were offered to return to Miletus . But Aristagoras his opinion was , to saile rather to a place called Myrcinus , a city among the Edons , ( who dwelt upon the bank of the river Strimon ) which his own Brother Histiaeus had formerly built : wherefore committing the charge of Miletus to Pythagoras himself , with such Volunteers , as he could get , sailed from thence into Thrace , and possessed himself of the place , which he intended , [ Ib , c. 124 , 125 , 126. ] Histiaeus , the Tyrant of Miletus , dismissed from Susa by Darius , came to Sardes : where being upon his very first arrival , hotly charged by Artaphernes , as the author of all the rebellion in Ionia ; he got away the night following to the sea side , and there finding a sh●p ready , sailed over into Chios ; where the people supposing that he had been sent thither by Darius , of purpose to sollicite them against the Grecians , laid him in irons ; but understanding shortly after , that he came in a contrary errand , they quickly set him at liberty : and he forthwith dispatched away letters to Sardes , by Hermippus , of Atarne , to perswade some Persians there , to a revolt . But Artaphernes having gotten knowledge of th●● practise , by the discovery of the messenger , put those Persians to death , wherefore Histiaens , failing of this purpose , obtained of them of Chios , to grant him a convoy back to Miletus . But the Milesians , as they were glad to be rid of Aristagoras , so they would by no means hear of taking another Tyrant in his room ; insomuch , that when Histiaeus , assaied to get privilie into the city by night , he received a wound in the thigh , given him by a Milesian ; and so being cast out thence , he returned again to Chios , [ Herod . lib. 6. in the beginning of it . Daurises the Persian , Year of the World 3506 leading his army against the Carians , The Julian Period . 4216 they met together , Year before Christ 498 and made a body , at a place called Columnae Albae , ( i. e. ) the white Pillars , near the river Marsyas , where Pixodorus the son of Mausolus , a man of Cyndya , who had married the daughter of Siencses the king of Cilicia , gave them advice to passe over the river Maeander ; and that having that river at the back of them , they should there abide the coming of the enemy , and fight with him , upon that advantage : but the contrary opinion carried it , that they should put the Persians to have the river at their backs , and force them to figh at that disadvantage , to the end , said they , that if they fled , having that river at their back , they should not be able to get away . At last therefore , the Carians and Persians came to a battail , near the river Marsyas , which was a very sharp one , and lasted long , and in which the Persians lost two thousand men , and the Carians ten thousand . But when the Carians fled at last to a place called Labranda to the Temple , of Jupiter the warlike , and were there in consultation what to do , whether to submit to the Persian , or to abandon Asia , the Milesians with their partakers , came to aide them : whereupon they took fresh courage , and fought again with the Persians which invaded them , and after a fight longer than the former , they fled again ; in which they lost very many men , especially of the Milesians : after which great losses ; yet the Carians , upon a new supplie , fought with them a third time ; for hearing that the Persians , went about now to sack and ransack their cities , they lay in ambush for them upon their way , as they were marching to Mylassa , following therein the advice , of Heraclides Inabolius , a man of Mylassa , into which ambushment , the Persians falling by night , were all cut off , with their commanders , Daurisces , and Amorges , and Sismaces , and with the rest Myrses also the son of Gyges , was there slain , [ Herodotus , lib. 5. from cap. 118. to 121. ] Hymees the Persian which led his army into the countrey of Hellespont , took in all the Aeoles , which inhabited near the cost of old Troy , and the Gergithes , the remainder of those ancient Teucrians , and having done all , deceased himself , of a sicknesse at Troas , [ Ib. cap. 122. ] Histiaeus the Milesian , when he could not prevaile with the men of Chios , to let him have away their shipping , put over to Mitilene ; where the Lesbyans by his perswasion , let him have eight tall men of war , well and fully furnished , in which they ●ailed with him to Byzantium , and staying there , they intercepted certain ships of loading , of the Ionians , which came out of Pontus , all , except such as professed themselves willing and ready to serve Histiaeus , [ Herod . lib. 6. cap. 5. and 26. ] Aristagoras , Histiaeus his brother , lying with his army at the siege of Mircinus , a city of the Edones , was there slain with all his men by the Thracians , after they had taken his word , for their own safe passage , and leaving of the place , as Herodotus , in the very end of his fifth book delivers . But Thucidides , [ lib. 4. ] reckons from hence , 61 years , to the carrying of a colony of the Athenians , by Agnon the son of Nicias , and planting it in Amphiposis , which Diod. Sic. in his 12 book , saies , was done in the 85 Olympiade , to which period of times , we have here conformed our relation of the six years ( ending the year following ) of the rebellion of the Ionians against the Persians . There was now a huge preparation making against the city of Miletus , Year of the World 3507 by land and sea , The Julian Period . 4217 for the Persian Commanders , Year before Christ 497 of all those parts , uniting their forces , set up their rest , to carry that place , what ever became of the rest . Among the Seamen their Phenicians , were the forwardest of all others , and with them were joyned the Cypriots , lately subdued by the Persians , and the Cilicians , and Egyptians , [ Herod . lib. 6. cap. 6 , ] of which danger thus hanging over their heads , mention seems to be made in those letters , which are attributed to Anaximines the Milesian , written to Pythagoras living then in Crotona , by Diogenes Laertius in his life : where , when he had spent 20 year , he went to Metapontus , and there ended his dayes , as Justin reports out of Trogus , [ lib. 20. cap. 4. ] to wit in the fourth year of the 78 Olympiade , [ as Euseb. hath it in his Chron. ] which takes up part of this , and part of the year following . The Ionian fleet consisted of 363 ships ; the Persian of 600. Aeaces the son of Solyson , the Tyrant of Samos and other Tyrants of Ionia , which having been thrust out by Aristagoras , were now in the Persian army , laboured what they could to draw over every man his countrey-men , and acquaintance from the Ionian to the Persian side . In a sea fight at Lada , which is a little Island lying over against Miletus , between the Phaenicians , and the Ionians , of 60 ships that came from the Isle of Samos , and fifty slunk out of the fight , and returned home , so did 70 more of the Lesbian ships ; and sundry other of the Ionians in like manner , onely there were 100 saile of the Isle of Chios , which fought it out very manfully , till at length having taken many of the enemies ships , and lost many of their own with what they had left , they returned home , some of which yet being hardly pursued by the enemie , ran themselves on ground , at the promontory of Mycale , and there gat to land , and travelling all night on foot , came safe to Ephesus , whiles the women there were celebrating their feast and sacrifices called Thesmophoria , to wit , in honour of their goddesse Ceres : whereupon the men of the city , supposing the Chians to have been theevs , come to spoil them at that time , fell suddenly upon them , and slew them . But Dionysius , captaine of three ships of the Phocaeans , having taken three ships of the enemies , carried them , not into Phocaea , which he knew well enough was ere this seized on , and possessed by the enemies , with the rest of the Ionian territories , but furnished as he was , sailed directly into Phaenicia ; where lighting upon some ships of loading , and having taken out of them a great booty of monies , and other things , he set sail , and came away for Sicilie , [ Herodotus lib. 6. from cap. 7. to 17. ] The Persians having thus mastered the Ionians at sea , fell presently to beleaguer Miletus , both by sea and land : and undermining the walls thereof with all kind of engins , they utterly overthrew and razed it to the ground in the sixth year after Aristagoras began his rebellion against the King of Persia , [ Herod . lib. 6. ca. 18. ] Some of the Milesians which escaped the fury of the sword with certain of the Samians , carried a colony of them that were left into Sicilie , [ ib. ca. 22. ] the rest were carried away to Susa : upon whom Darius inflicted no punishment more , than that he placed them in the City of Ampa , seated upon the Sea called the Red-Sea , where the River Tigris running under the walls thereof , falleth into the Ocean . The champion and low grounds lying near the city of Miletus , the Persians took to themselves , but the mountainous parts , they gave to the Carians of Pedasus to possesse , [ ca. 20. ib. ] Upon the taking of Miletus , the Carians all were quickly taken in ; some readily yeilding themselves , others upon compulsion , [ ib. ca. 25. ] Histiaeus the Milesian , hearing what was become of his city Miletus , sailed presently with those Lesbians which were with him to Chios ; which he easily subdued , being sorely weakened with that great loss which they had lately suffered at Lada : from thence with a strong party of Ionians and Eolians , he went to Thasus : but whiles he was besieging of Thasus , news was brought him , that the Persians were fallen upon the rest of Ionia ; wherefore raising his siege from before Thasus , he sailed forthwith to Lesbos , with all his forces . And from thence , because he saw his men a little doubtful , he set saile again and came into the Province of of Atarnis : as if he meant onely to forrage as well there , as in the country lying upon the River Caicus , in the Province of Mysia . Harpagus the Persian then lay in those parts with a very considerable army : who setting upon Histiaeus , as he came out of his ships , at a place called Malena , took him alive , and destroyed the greater part of his men . When Histiaeus was brought prisoner to Sardes , Artaphernes , took and crucified him , and sent his head to Darius at Susa. Darius blamed them for their labour , in that they had not brought him alive unto him : and gave order that his head should be enterred , as a man well deserving of him and the Persian nation , [ Herod . ib. ca. 27. 28 , 29. ] The Persian Sea-forces , Year of the World 3508 wintering about Miletus , The Julian Period 3218 went to take in the Islands bordering upon the continent , Year before Christ 496 and in lesse than two years , took in and subdued Chios , Lesbos , Tenedus , and the rest , [ Herod . lib. 6. ca. 31. ] After the Islands , the Persian Captains took in also , the Cities of the Continent of Ionia ; and having them in their power , they chose out of them the most beautiful boyes and maids among them , and sent them to Darius ; but set fire on the Cities with the Temples in them : And so the Ionians were thrice brought into bondage ; once by the Lydians , and now twice by the Persians , [ ib. ca. 31. 32. ] Those of Byzantium , as also of Chalcedon , which lies over against it , before the Phoenician Fleet came near them , left every man his habitation , and fled up into the remoter parts of the the Euxin Sea , and there built them a city , which they named , Mesembria , [ ib. ca. 33. ] The Phoenician Fleet sailing from Ionia , Year of the World 3509 subdued all that lay on the left hand of them as you go into the Hellespont : The Julian Period . 4219 for what lay on the right hand in Asia side , Year before Christ 405 was already subdued by the Persians in the Continent . Then went the Fleet and took in Chersonesus , and the cities thereof , all save the city Cardia : where till then , Miltiades the son of Cimon , had been tyrant , [ ib. ca. 33. 34. ] But when Miltiades sailed from Cardia with five tall men of War for Athens , the Phoenicians pursued him , and took one of his ships , wherein was his son Metiochus : who being sent prisoner to Darius , was by him honourably received ; Darius also bestowed on him , both house and lands , and gave him a Persian woman to wife , by whom he had also many children , [ ib. ca. 41. ] Artaphernes Governour of Sardes , finding the Ionians at wars one with another ; sent for some of each party to come before him , and made them friends upon certain covenants and conditions , and willed them upon failer thereof to go to law , and try out the right that way rather , than to spoile and butcher one another as they did , [ ib. ca. 42. ] When Artaphernes had brought them to this , then laied he out all their country by Parasanges : for so the Persians call every division , containing 30 furlongs : and laid a certain tribute upon every such division , which they were to pay yearly to the King , much after the rate of what formerly was paied , saith [ Herodotus lib. 6. cap. 42. ] meaning that rate , which ( as he had formerly written ) Darius , when he came first to the crown , had imposed thoroughout all his Dominions , [ lib. 3. cap. 89. 90. ] and before ▪ he was Master of the Islands , [ cap. 96. ] In the narration whereof we may observe , that however , for the more easie levying of tributes , the 127. Provinces mentioned in Esther , were now by Darius reduced to 20 Governments , yet the bounds of that Empire were still the same ; namely , India , and Ethiopia , whereof the one was of Cambyses his acquest , and the other of Darius himself : of whose revenue out of India , Herodotus speaking , saith in this wise . The Indians as they are a most populous nation , above all other men living that we know , so they pay tribute far more than any other nation doth , to wit , 360. talents of gold dust ; and this is the twentieth part , or a Satrapie . But for as much , as we find that Darius at his first coming to the crown , was not possessed of the country of India , as may appear even by Herodotus himself , [ lib. 4. c. 44. ] it is therefore most likely , that at what time this book of rates upon lands was made by Artaphernes in Ionia , the like was done all over the kingdom , by the Governours of the several provinces . It would be considered then , whether that which is said in [ Esther 10. ] After this the king Assuerus imposed a tribute upon the firme land , and Isles of the sea ; or , as it is in the vulgar latine edition , Rex vero Assuerus omnem terram , & omnes maris Insulas fecit tributarias , ( i. e. ) But king Assuerus made all the earth , and all the Islands of the sea tributary ; hath not reference to this very time . For as Thucidides , [ lib. 1. ] tells us , ( and Plato in his Menexenus confirmes as much ) that Darius , by the meanes of his Phaenician fleet , subdued all the Islands lying in the Egean sea , so doth Diodorus Siculus , [ lib. 12. ] teach us , that they were all lost again by his son Xerxes , immediately upon his overthrow in Greece ; and before the 12 year of his reign , after which it was , that the Scripture tells us , that Assuerus imposed this Tribute upon the Isles . For that in Xerxes his war against Greece , all the Islands which lay between the Cyanean Isles , and the two fore-lands , that of Triopium in Cnidia , and that other of Sumium in Attica , did send him in shipping ; the same Diodotus Siculus in his said 12 book , testifieth ; And that his successors , held none of them all , save Clazomene , ( which was at that time , but a poore litle Isle , as Thucididides , [ lib. 8. ] teacheth us ) and Cyprus , is manifest by the tenor of Antalcidas his peace , recorded by Xenophon , [ lib. 5. Hellenic . ] Which to me seemeth a great argument , that Assuerus mentioned in Esther , can be none other than this Darius , whom for this , and other such like impositions laid upon the people , the Persians used to call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( i. e. ) a crafty Merchant or Huckster , as Herodotus observeth of him : Because that under Cyrus and Cambyses , his two Predecessors there was no talk of any tribute charged upon the subject : only they brought the king presents , [ Herod . lib. 3. cap. 89. ] To which purpose it is also , that we read in the 15 book of the Epitome of Strabo : The first , saith he , that ever brought up paying of tribute , was Darius Longimanus : ( mistaking the sirname of Artaxerxes the grandchild , and giving it to the grandfather ) for before him , men paied their kings , out of that which every country yeilded , as corne , horses , &c. And Polyenus , Stratagem . lib. 7. ] Darius , saith he , was the first that ever imposed a tribute upon the people ; neverthelesse , to make it the better to digest with them ; he put his officers to rate it : which when they had laid on very heavily , he took off one half thereof ; which they willingly paied , and took it for a great favour too , at the kings hand , which story is toucht upon also , by Plutarch in his Apothegmes of kings and Emperors . In the beginning of this spring , Year of the World 3510 the king taking off all other commanders , The Julian Period . 4220 sent Mardonius , Year before Christ 494 the son of Gobryas , a young gentleman , and newly married to the kings daughter Artozostra : who coming to the sea side , in Cilicia , with a vast army , and provision accordingly , both by sea and land , sent away the rest of his forces , over land to Hellespont , but he with the navie , came into the parts of Ionia ; and putting down the Tyrants , in the several Cities , restored to them every where their popular governments : He shortly after subdued the Thasy by his fleet , and the Macedonians , by his land army . His navie sailing from Thasus to Acanthus , and loosing from thence , whiles they sought to double the cape of the mount Athos , was afflicted by a mighty tempest ; wherein he lost 300 of his ships , and upward of 20000 men : But whiles Mardonius with his land army kept in Macedonia , the Thracians , called the Brygi , fell upon his camp by night ; in which on-set , they slew many of his men , and withal wounded Mardonius himself : but having subdued Macedonia , he left it , and returned into Asia . In the year following , Year of the World 3511 Darius commanded the inhabitants of Thasus , Year before Christ 422 who had been accused to him , Year before Christ 493 for intending a rebellion against him , to demolish the walls of their City , and to send away all their shipping to Abdera : and then , to try whether the Grecians , would indeed stand it out , or come in and submit to him , he sent Embassadors into Greece , with order to demand Earth and Water of them , giving order neverthelesse to his tributary towns upon the sea cost , to prepare and furnish our fighting ships , and others , to transport horses in : many therefore , as well of the continent of Greece , as of the Isles thereunto adjoyning , gave him Earth and Water , and among them the inhabitants of the Island of Egina , and that with the first , [ Herod . ib. c. 46. 46 , 49. ] The Eginetae therefore , Year of the World 3512 as Traytors to Greece , The Julian Period . 4222 were presently set upon , Year before Christ 492 by Cleomenes , king of the Spartans ; between whom and Demaratus his collegue in the kingdom , a strife arising , put Demaratus out of his place ; who thereupon fled into Asia ; and betook himself to Darius : by whom he was magnificently entertained , and had Cities , and territories bestowed on him , [ Herod . lib. 6. cap. 49 , 50. 61 , 67 , 70. ] In the 31 year of Darius , Year of the World 3513 257 of Nabonasar , The Julian Period . 4223 the 3 day of the month Tybi ( 25 day of our April ) half an houre before midnight , Year before Christ 491 there was an eclipse of the moone , observed at Babylon , [ Ptol. mag . Syntax . lib. 4. cap. 9. ] Darius removed Mardonius from his charge , as a man that had not ordered matters well at sea , and sent others to take charge of the war against the Eretrians and Athenians , to wit , Datys , a Median born , and Artaphernes , whom the Scholiast of Aristophanes calls Artabazus ) Commander of the horse , the son of his brother Artaphernes . To these , as they lay encamped in a plain of Cilicia , near the sea , repaired all the sea forces , with their ships , as well for fight , as for transportation of horses ; which the tributary Cities had provided and furnished according to order given : into which having put their foot and horse , they set sail , and went for Ionia , [ Her. l. 6. c. 94 , 95. ] with a fleet of 600 ships . Yet Plato in his Menexenus , counteth only 300 ships , and 500 thousand land soldiers : which number Lysias also holds to , in the Epitaph which he made , upon the Corinthian Auxiliaries ; but Emilius Probus , in the life of Miltiades , sayes , there were in that fleet , 500 ships ; 200000 foot , and 10000 horse . The Persians , Year of the World 3514 c. setting saile from Samos , The Julian Period . 4224 came to Naxos , and set fire on all their houses , Year before Christ 490 and Temples : But sparing Delos , they went to other Islands , from whence they took away both men to serve them , and also their children for hostages ; which when the Carystii refused to deliver ; they endured a siege , till at last they also were fain to surrender their City , and give up themselves to their enemies discretion , [ Herod . lib. 6. cap. 95 , 96 , 99. ] The Persians , having taken Eretria , after seven daies siege , and spent some few dayes in settling things there , sailed thence to the land of Attica , and wasted a great part thereof : and came at last , by the guidance of Hippias the son of Pisistratus into the field of Marathon ; where they were all defeated by the men of Athens , and of Platea , under the conduct of Miltiades , who had gotten the sovereignty , or command of the Chersonesus , in Thracia : of their part were slain , 192 men : of the Persians , 6400. [ Herod . l. 6. c. 101 , 102. 112. 117. ] The Persians , Year of the World d. being routed , fled to their ships , of which many were sunk , and many taken : in both the fights , the Persians lost 200000 men , Hippias also , sometimes the tyrant of Athens , died there , who had been the author and procurer of this war , [ Justin out of Trogus , lib. 2. c. 9. ] The whole army of the Persians at this battle consisted of 300000. as Valer. Max. [ lib. 5. c. 3. ] saith , and Plutarch intimates no lesse in the beginning of his Parallels : Justin , and Orosius following him say , they were in all 600000 men : Emil. Probus in his Miltiades , sayes there were 100000 foot , and 10 thousand horse : of the Athenians there were 10000 , and of their auxileries out of Platea ; 1000 , saith Justin with Orosius . Probus assures us , that the Athenians , with the men of Platea , and all , made but 10000. This insignious victory , was gotten by them , upon the 6 day of Boedromion , the 3 month in the Attic Calendar , after the somer solstice , as Plutarch in the life of Camillus , sayes ; when Phanippus was Praetor or L. Chancelor of Athens : as the same Plutarch hath it in the life of Aristides : to wit , in the 3 year of the 72 Olympiade , 4 years before the death of Darius , as Severus Sulpitius , in 2 book of his Sacra Historia telleth us : and in the 10 year before Xerxes his passing over into Greece , ( as Thucidides in his 1 book of his history , witnesseth ; and Lysias in his Epitaph of the Corinthian Auxiliaries , hath it ) and before the sea fight at Salamis , in the same month of Boedromion , 10 years compleat , as we find in Plato [ 3 de Legibus . ] Daris and Artiphernes returning into Asia , carried with them their captives of Eretria to Susa , [ Herod . lib. 6. cap. 119. ] though Cresias would have it , that Datis was slain in the fight at Marathon : and that , when the Persians desired to have his corps , the Athenians refused to give it . Darius , Year of the World 3515 when the Eretrian captives were brought unto his presence , The Julian Period . 4225 gave order to have them placed in a part of the Cissian country , Year before Christ 489 which is called Anderica , 210 furlongs from Susa , [ Herod . lib. 6. c. 119. ] of whom a man may see more in Philostratus , in the life of Apollonius , [ lib. 1. c. 17. ] When Darius had spent now 3 years , Year of the World 3517 in making greater preparations against Greece than before ; The Julian Period . 4227 in the fourth year the Egyptians revolted from him , Year before Christ 487 [ Herodotus , lib. 7. cap. 1. ] When Darius was now ready to begin his war against the Egyptians , Year of the World 3519 and Athenians both , The Julian Period . 4229 he was , Year before Christ 485 by the Lawes of the Persians , to declare his successor in the kingdome . Artobazanes , whom others call Artemenes , or Ariamenes , his son by Gobryas his daughter , born to him before he came to be king , claimed the succession , by right of primogeniture , or as first born : But Xerxes , who was begotten and born , after Darius came to be king , and that of Atossa , the daughter of Cyrus , the founder of the Persian Monarchie , was declared to be king , in succession . [ Herod . lib. 7. cap. 2 , 3. ] of which friendly contention between the two brothers , more is to be seen in Justin , out of Trogus , [ l. 2. c. 10. ] and in Plutarch , in the life of Artaxerxes , and in his Apoth●gmes ; and in his treatise 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( i.e. ) of Brotherly love . Darius , having declared Xerxes to be king in succession , when he was now ready to take his journey , nay rather when he was now putting over into Greece , as Diod , Sic : [ lib. 11. ] reporteth , in the year after the revolt of the Egyptians , at the later end thereof , departed this life , when he had reigned fell 36 years , [ Herod . lib. 7. c. 4. ] Next him came Xerxes , the 4 king of Persia after Cyrus : who trusting in his riches , ( as they were indeed exceeding great ) stirred up his own subjects , together with all his allies and friends , to make war upon the Grecians kingdom ; according to the prophecy of [ Daniel 11. 2. ] though not moved hereunto at the first so much by any desire of his own , as set on , by the perswasions and instigations of Mardonius , his Cousin Germain , of the Alevadae , the kings of Thessaly , of the kindred of Pisistratus , and of one Onomacritus , a Sorcerer of Athens , [ Herod . lib. 7. cap. 5 ; 6. ] Xerxes , Year of the World 3520 in the very beginning of the second year , The Julian Period . 4230 after the death of Darius , Year before Christ 484 took a journey against his rebel Egyptians ; whom when he had subdued , and brought into a harder state of bondage , than they had ever felt under his predecessors , he set his brother Achaemenes , the son of Darius to be ruler over them , [ Herodotus lib. 7. cap. 7. ] This year was Herodotus the Historian , the son of Lyxus , and Eryone born at Halicarnassus , in the province of Caria : for that he was 53 year old , when the Peloponesian war began . [ A. Gellius lib , 15. cap. 23. ] affirmeth out of Pamphyla . Now at that very time , Artemesia , the daughter of Lygdamis of Halycarnassus , upon the decease of her husband , obtained , ( during the pupillage of her young son , whose name was Psindelis , as may be gathered out of Suidas , in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : ( i. e. ) Herodotus ) the Tyranny which her husband held , and ruled over the Halicarnassians , the Coi● , the Nisirians , and Calydonians : and she , a while after , came into Greece with five good fighting ships , to the aid of Xerxes in his war there , [ Herod . lib. 7. cap. 99. ] Xerxes , Year of the World 3523 when he had gathered together out of all his dominions , The Julian Period . 4233 Egypt , Year before Christ 481 Phaenicia , Cyprus , Cilicia , Pamphylia , Pisidia , Lycia , Caria , Mysia , Troas , Hellespo●t , Bythinia , and Pontus , to the number of 1200 ships , making his Rendezvous at Cuma , and Phocaea in Ionia , himself with all the foot and horse , that he could make out of all his provinces , set out at length from Susa , in the beginning of the 4 year of the 74 Olympiade , though [ Diod. Sic ▪ in the beginning of his 11 book , ] hudling together the gests of 2 years into one , relates this as done , in the first year of the Olympiade following Herodotus , [ lib. 7. cap. 21. ] affirms , that this provision was in making the 3 whole years before this year ; but with a note premised in the chapter preceding , which cannot consist with the exact course of the times : For ( saith he ) from the subduing of Egypt , he was full 4 years in gathering an army , and in making his preparations ; and in the beginning of the fifth year ; he began to march with a huge army : for indeed , he set out from Susa , in the beignning of the fifth year , not from his subduing of Egypt , but from his coming to the crown : so that both Justin out of Trogus , [ lib. 2. cap. 10. ] and Orosius following him , do unadvisedly attribute five years , but most absurdly doth Julianus in his first Oration of the praises of Constantius , say , that he was ten years in making this preparation . But more ingenuous then all these , ( though he not over exquisite in his account neither ) is Labianus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , where he saith , that between Darius and Xerxes , there was ten years time spent in making this preparation against Greece ; since we have formerly shewed out of Plato , that from the fight at Marathon , to the fight at Salamis , which was fought in the first year of the 75 Olympiade , ( almost a full year after Xerxes his setting out from Susa , ) there were onely ten years ran out . At Critalis in Cappadocia , all Xerxes his forces came into one body ; and from thence he passed the river Halys , and came to Celaena , a city in Phrygia : where Pythius , a Lydian born , ( whom yet Pliny [ lib. 33. cap. 10. ] makes to be a Bithynian ) the son of Atyis entertained him , and his whole army , in a most magnificent and sumptuous manner : from hence passing by Anava , a city of Phrygia , and a Lough , out of which salt is made , he came to Colossae , a city likewise of Phrygia , where the river Lycus running under ground , loseth it self , and from thence again , to a town called Cyndra , seated in the confines of Phrygia , and Lydia , and then passing the river Maeander , and passing by the city called Callatebus , he at length arrived at Sardes , from whence he dispatcht away his messengers into Greece , to demand of them earth and water , ( i.e. ) to require them to give themselves up into his power , [ Herodotus , lib. 7. from the 26. chapter , to the 32. ] The Navy in this mean while , was at Eleus , in Chersonesus , from whence a part of the army went to dig thorough the neck of the mount Athos , which was twelve furlongs over ; and were forced to this work , with Bastinadoes . The inhabitants also of the places adjoyning , were drawen into the work , and Bubares the son of Megabysus , and Artachaeus the son of Artaeus , both Persians , were appointed , to overlook the workmen , by whose industry at last that neck of land was cut through , and the sea let in , so broad , that two great ships with their oares out , might therein meet , and passe without falling fowl each of other , [ Id. ib. cap. 22 , 23 , 24. ] And another part of the army was occupied in making a bridge of ships over the Hellespont , where the sea from Abydus to the shoare , on the other side , is seven furlongs over : and when the bridge was all made , came a mighty tempest , and brake it all down again : at which Xerxes growing mad for anger , caused 300 stripes to be given to the Hellespont , and a paire of shakles to be thrown into the sea , to bind and fetter it withall : as for those , who were imployed in making of the bridge ; he caused their heads to be smitten off : and then set others on work , to make the bridge stronger , [ Id , ib. from chap. 33. to 36. ] In the beginning of the spring , Year of the World 3524. b. Xerxes with his whole army , moved from Sardes , where he had quartered all that winter , marching toward Abydus ; and as he was setting forth , the sun withdrew his light ; there being no clouds to cover it , but a most clear air , and the day was turned into night , at which stupendious prodigy , Pythius the Lydian being amazed , ( for that it was no natural Eclipse , the Astronomical tables easily declare ) besought the King , that of his five sons , who were then in his army , he would leave his eldest out , to be a comfort to him in his old age : Whereat growing into a rage , he caused that eldest son of his to be cut in two , and his whole army to march between the parts of his body , [ Id. ib. ca. 37. 38 , 39. ] Hermotimus , who was an Halicarnassaean borne , and could do most of all the other Eunuchs with Xerxes , coming into the country of Atarne , in the province of Mysia , sent for Panionius , of the Isle of Chios ( who was by his trade , a dealer in buying and selling of slaves , and by whom himself had formerly been gelt , and made an Eunuch ) with his wife and children to come unto him : and making the father to cut out his childrens stones , and then them to do as much to their father ; he thought himself in some sort revenged for the wrong which had been done him in his eviration , [ Ib. lib. 8. chap 105. 106. ] Xerxes his army going from Lydia to the River Caiicus , and the country of Mysia , from thence came into the country , where old Ilium , or Troy , stood ; and as he lay that night at the foot of the Hill Ida , there fell a terrible tempest of lightening and thunder , which destroyed many of his army : after which they came to the River Scamander , which they quite drank up ; nor was it able to satisfie the men and cattel of the army with water for their thirst ; when Xerxes was there , he went up to see and view the old habitation of King Priame ; and there he sacrificed to Minerva of Troy , 1000. Oxen : and the Magi that attended him offered cakes to the Worthies , sometimes ; of that place . This done , a panick or sudden fright fell and seized upon his army by night : and he removing from thence in the morning so soon as it was light , came to Abydus , [ id . lib. 7. cap. 42 , 43. ] Here a toy took Xerxes in the head , to see all his army together ; wherefore sitting in a Hall , which he had caused for that purpose to be there prepared , very sumptuous , and all of fair white stone ; he there looking toward the sea , beheld all his Navy , and to the land-ward , all his land Forces at once , which whiles he beheld ; he would needs also see a sea-fight : and when that fight was done , wherein the Phoenicians gat the prize , the King took great pleasure , both in the fight it self , and also in the number of his men . And when he beheld all the sea of Hellespout covered with his ships , and all the shoares and plains about Abydus with his souldiers ; and withall considering the shortnesse of mans life , and that none of all those men should be alive at one hundred years end , he wept , [ Id. ib. cap. 44. 45. and Valer. Max. lib. 9. cap. 13. ] Xerxes , sending away his Uncle Artabanus to be Vice-roy at Susa , and there look to his house and kingdom ; prepared himself now , to passe over into Europe : so soon therefore as the sun was up , himself holding a golden vial in his hand over the sea , made his prayer to the sun , that nothing might hinder him in the conquest of Europe , till he had gone to the utmost bounds thereof : And having thus said , he flung both the vial , and a golden gobler , and a Persian cimitre , into the sea . These things thus done , he sent his horse and foot to passe over the bridge on the right hand , which was toward Pontus ; but over that on the left hand , which was toward the Egean-sea , he made all the bag and baggage , servants , and carriages to passe : spending seven whole dayes , and as many nights in the transportation . When all was over , the Navy fell down out of the Hellespont westward , to a place called Sarpedons Foreland . His land army passing thorough Chersonesus to Agora , turned aside to a place called the Black Bay : where a river of the same name , or Black water , was not able to make all his army drink . Having passed this River , the army held on their march westward , till they came to Doriscus , which is the name both of a sea-coast or shoar , and also of a spacious field in the country , of Thracia , which the great River Hebrus runneth thorough : and there they camped , [ Ib. from the end of chap. 52. to the beginning of 59. ] The Navy coming to this place , and being haled a shoar , Xerxes would needs again take a muster , first of his land Forces , and then of his sea . Of his Foot , Herodotus reckons 170 myriads , or 1700000. men , [ chap. 60. ] and of his Horse , besides Camels , and Chariots , 8 myriads , or 800000. Horse , [ chap , 87. ] Among the Commanders of his Foot , he mentions two sons of his , begotten of his Queen Aristona , ( whom I conceive to have been Esther ) and of them he makes , the one called Arsames , Commander of the Ethiopians , to the southward of Egypt , [ chap. 69. ] and the other , named Gobryas , Leader of the Maryandeni , and Ligyes , and Syrians , [ chap. 72. ] Diodorus Siculus reckoneth of his foot Forces 80 myriads , or eight hundred thousand men ; not coming to Herodotus his number of them by one half : and yet the number which Diodorus attributes to the Foot , that doth ●●esias allow onely to the whole Army of all sorts . viz. 80 myriads , besides the Chariots . Isocrates in his Paenathenaica , saith , that in his army of Foot , there were 70 myriads , ( i.e. ) seven hundred thousand souldiers ; which self same number , Elian , [ lib. 13. c● . 3. ] of his Various History alloweth , and no more , to the whole Army . Pliny counts them 788000. men , [ lib. 33. cap. 10. ] where yet for Xerxes , Darius his army is named . Justin , out of Trogus , and Orosius , following him , [ lib. 1. ca. 10. ] sayes , that Xerxes had of his own subjects , seven hundred thousand , and three hundred thousand Auxiliares from his friends . Emilius Probus , in the life of Themistocles , saith , that his Foot were seven hundred thousand men , and his Horse four hundred thousand . His Ship● for fight , were 1207. of which the Phoenicians furnished him , with 300. reckoning with them the Syrians dwelling in Palaestina : as Herodotus saith , [ lib. 7. ca. 89. ] adding that by the name of Palaestina , he meaneth all the sea coast of Syria , as far as the borders of Egypt , [ lib. 3. ca. 91. ] which also in another place he affirmeth to have been anciently called Syria Palaestina , [ lib. 3. ca. 91. ] and that the inhabitants thereof are all circumcised , [ lib. 2. ca. 104. ] for among other nations subject to the Persian Empire , the Jews also were one . And that he had of his country-men in this army against the Grecians , Josephus would faine prove out of those Verses of the Poet , [ Choerilus , lib. 1. cont . Apion . ] His camp a nation strang to see , did follow , Who spake the language of Phoenicia ; And did the Hills of Solymi inhabit , Near to a broad Lake which on them doth border : Whose heads were rounded , and on their bald crownes , Of a horse head the dried skin did wear . by which the learned Salmasius also conceives the Jews were meant ; in linguae Hellenisticae Ossilegio ; though Scaliger , [ In notis suis ad fragmenta ] and Cunaeus , [ lib. 2. De Rep. Hebra . ca. 18. ] and that most learned Bochartus [ in Geogra . Sacrae Par. 2. lib. 1. ca. 6. ] takes them us understood of Solymi in Pisidia . But besides these men of War , Herodotus tells us , that he had 1207. Ships of burden , some of 30 , some of 50 oares a piece , besides lesser vessels , and ships to carry horses in , to the number of 3000. [ lib. 7. ca. 97. ] Diodor. Sic. saith , there were above 1207. ships of of War : for carriage of horses , 850. and 3000. ships of burden of 30 oares a piece : and the Poet Eschylus , in Persis brings in messenger reporting the number of those ships in this manner . I know that Xerxes ships a thousand were ; But full two hundred and seven ships he had , Exceeding swift ones . So the fame doth go . Now whether he means that the total sum of them was a thousand ; and so the 207. swift ones a part of them ; or whether both summes put together , make up the number of 1207. which agreeth best with the particular catalogue of the ships , which every nation contributed to this voyage , mentioned by Herodotus , and with the totals of them by him cast up , doth not very clearly appear out of the Verses themselves . Cresias seems to favour the former opinion , and so doth Tully in the first of his Orations against Verres . Iscocrates in his Panegyric , and Panathenaic Orations , agreeth with the later ; and Lysius in his Epitaph , sets them down in a round summe , 1200. ships : adding , that there were over and above them , 3000. ships of burden : For to say with Justin , that there were ten hundred thousand ships of them , no doubt , cannot be right . That in those 1207. ships which came out of Asia , there were 241400. men stowed , Herodotus collecteth , by placing 200. men in every bottom : besides 30 passengers in every one of them , of Persians , Medes and Sacaeans , which make in all 36210. men . But to those other 3000. ships of burden , he allows 240000. men , by placing in each of them , 80 persons , one with another ; those which had more bearing out those that had fewer in them . So that the whole Navy consisted of , 517610. men ; to which if you adde the number of the land souilders , 1700000. Foot , and 800000 , Horse , and the Arabians which had charge of the Camels , and the Lybians who intended the Waggons , amounting to about 20000. then will the whole number of them which followed Xerxes out of Asia into Greece , in all kinds , rise to the number of 2317610 thousand men , besides horse-boyes and other servants , hangers-on , and besides those which were imployed in furnishing the camp with corn and other victuals , [ Herod . lib. 7. ca. 184. ] Xerxes marching now from Doriscus into Greece , as he came to any country , took all that were fit , and made them serve him in the War , [ Id. ib. ca. 118. ] whereby his Navy grew greater by 120. ships ; into every of which , putting as before 200. heads , his Sea-Forces were encreased 24000. men : and Herodotus thinketh that his Army by land , was likewise encreased 30 myriads , that is , 300 thousand men : though , Diod. Sic. be of opinion , that they came to somewhat lesse than 200 thousand : and so the total of Xerxes his Army in Europaean and Asiatic souldiers amounteth to 2641610 men . Now the number of horse-boyes , and foot-boyes , and of hangers-on , and the tarpailians in the corn-ships , and others , he thinks to be greater rather than lesse , than that of the souldiers came unto . So that if that former summe should be but doubled , the number of those which Xerxes carried by sea to Sepias , and by land to Thermopylae , would come to 5283220 men ; for as for the women which baked , and whores , and eunuchs , no man can tell the true number of them : no more can he of the horses and other beasts , of drought or burden , and Indian dogs with their keepers that followed the Gentlemen in the camp for their pleasure , so that it is no wonder , if so many rivers failed some bellies of so many as were there of all kinds to fill , [ Id. ib. c. 185 , 186 , 187. ] as Juneval saith , Statyr . 10. We now beleeve that many rivers deep , Did faile the Persian army , at a dinner . and therefore the lesse wonder , if both Isocrates in his Panathenaic oration , and Plutarch in his Parallels , report , that Xerxes drew with him into Greece , 5000000. of men . And yet in all this great number , was there not a man found comparable to Xerxes himself , for the beauty and goodlinesse of his person ; or one that might seem more worthy of that great Empire than himself , if we beleeve Herodotus , [ lib. 7. cap. 187. ] that , as Saul among the children of Israel , [ 1 Sam. 10. 23 , 24. ] so here , Xerxes might well seem to have had , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( i.e. ) a feature fit for , and worthy of a crown . And yet if you speak of him as for a king , saith Justin out of Trogus , you will find cause to commend his wealth , ( fore-spoken of by Daniel 11. 2. ) rather than his wits , of which , saith he , there was such infinite abundance in his kingdom , that when whole rivers failed the multitude of his army , yet his wealth could never be exhausted : as for himself , he was ever seen last in the fight , and first in the flight , fearful when any danger was , but puft up with pride , when there was none . Leonidus king of Sparta , with an army of 4000 Grecians , opposed himself against him and his whole army , consisting of three hundred thousand men , at the straits of Thermopylae in Thessaly , so called from the hot springs of water , which there do rise , as appears by the Epitaph which was made upon them , recorded by Herod . [ lib. 7. cap. 228. ] 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ( i.e. ) Here gainst three hundred thousand Persians , Fower thousand Spartans fought it out and died . For Thirty Myriads make three hundred thousand ; which are as many as Theodoret , [ l. 10. ] 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 giveth to that whole army , [ Diodor. Sic. lib. 11. ] in this very Epitaph , p. 26. in the Greek and Latin edition , for , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( i.e. ) for the 30 Myriades hath 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( i.e. ) 20 Myriades , which make 20 hundred thousand ; whereas yet , ( p. 5. ) he saith , that the whole army consisted of little lesse , than 100 Myriades , which is , of 1000000. ( i.e. ) of one hundred hundred thousand men , and speaking particularly of this fight at Thermopylae , ( p. 9. ) he says , that 500 men there set upon 100 Myriades , ( i.e. ) one hundred hundred thousand men . And yet Justin relating the same story out of Trogus , [ lib. 2. c. 11. ] saith , that 600 men , brake into the camp of five hundred , or as in Orosius , of six hundred thousand men . And Isocrates in his Archidamus saith , that one thousand of them , went against seven hundred thousand of the Persians : But those whom Isocrates calls a thousand , Justin and Orosius , six hundred , and Diodoru , five hundred ; are to be understood of those , who when the rest of the Grecians were sent away , stood it out to the last brunt , in which they all , together with their king Leonidas died ; of which number , 300 were Spartans , the rest , thespians and Thebans , [ Herod . lib. 7. cap. 222 , 224. ] for whom amends was fully made by 20000 of the enemies then slain upon the place , [ Id. li. 8. c. 24. ] While these things thus passed at Thermopylae by land , sundry encounters and fights at sea happened also about Artemisium , a sore-land of Eubaea , [ Id. ib. cap. 15. ] Eurybiades , a Lacedomonian , was chief Commander or Ammiral of the fleet , which consisted of 271 ship , besides 9 others , of 50 oares a piece , of which 127 were set out by the Athenians , and Plataeans , as Herod . saith , [ ib. cap. 1. ] whereas yet , Isocrates , in his Areopagitical oration , saith , that the Athenians furnished onely sixty of them : but Emelius Probus delivers , that the whole Grecian fleet consisted of 300 saile , and that 200 of them were of the Athenians , in this Themistocles , Herodotus , Diodorus , and Probus , all say , that this was a drawn battle on either side , though Isocrates in his Panegyrical oration , and Elian , [ lib. 2. cap. 25. Varia Histor. ] talk as of a great blow , which the Persians received in it ; yet the day when this battel was fought , is said by Elian , to have been upon the sixth of Thargelion , which was the second moneth , of the spring time , with the Athenians , agreeth not well with the relation of Herodotus , who [ lib. 8. cap. 12. ] saith , that this was done in the midst of Summer , to wit , near after the end of the spring , at what time the Olympic games , in the midst of all these troubles , were kept in Greece , [ ib. c. 26. ] to wit , in the 75 Olympiade ; wherein , besides others , Dionysius , Halicarnassaeus , in his Roman Antiquities , [ l. 9. ] saith it was , that Xerxes made war upon the Grecians . Four moneths after his passing the Hellelpont with his army , Xerxes coming to Athens , found it abandoned by all the inhabitants thereof ; what time Callias was Praetor , or Lord Chancelor there , [ Herod . lib. 8. c. 51. ] In which year also , Anaxagoras of Clazomenae , a scholar of Anaximenes the Milesian , being but 20 years of age , was made publique reader of Phylosophy in Athens , as Laertius , out of Demetrius Phalereus in his Catalogue of the 50 Praetors , or Lord Chancellors of Athens , in his life reporteth , Phylosophy being then first brought out of Ionia , and planted in the city of Athens , as Clemens Alexan . [ lib. 1. strom . ] saith , to wit , at what time , Xerxes , when he had taken Athens , took also a multitude of books , which Pisistratus , and the Athenians had there stored up , and setting all the rest of the city , ( save the Castle ) on fire , sent them away into Persia , as A. Gellius [ lib. 17. Noct. Attica . ] ralateth . In which exception yet of the Castle , I cannot easily assent unto him ; since Herodotus saith plainly , that all that Acropolis or Citadel was burnt down , [ lib. 8. cap. 53. ] and so doth Ctesias ; and Diodorus Sic. further affirmeth , that the Temple of Minerva , which was undoubtedly in the Castle , was then also ruined . The further Xerxes marched into Greece , the more nations still joyned with him ; the Melienses , the Dorienses , the Locri , the Baeothians , Caristians , Andrians , Teniaus , and sundry other : whereby it came to passe , that his forces , by land and sea , were no less , at Salamis and Athens , than when he first landed at Sepias , and came to Thermopylae , [ Herod . lib. 8. cap. 66. ] which those verses of Eschilus before mentioned , seem also to imply , where he tells us , that at the fight at Salamis , there were 1000. or 1207 ships of his , and that Cresias sayes , that in that fight , the Persians had a thousand ships not to speak of Plutarch in his discourse , De glor . Athen. ( i.e. ) of the glory of the Athenians , where he saith , that that victory of Themistocles at Salamis , was gotten with the losse of a thousand ships of the enemies . At which sea fight before Salamis , the Grecians fleet was far greater than when they fought at Artemisium , to wit , 380 talls ships of war ; whereof there were in all but 16. from Sparta ; but the Athenians had there 180. [ Id. ib. cap. 42 ; 43 , 44 , 48 , 62. ] And with him , for the number of the Athenian ships , agreeth Plutarch , in the Life of Themistocles . not to trouble the reader here , with that place of Herod , [ lib. 8. cap. 61. ] nor of Diod. Sic. [ lib. 15. ] where , speaking of the Athenians , they say , that they had in it , 200 ships , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( i.e. ) fully manned and furnished , Eschylus sayes , that the whole number of the Grecian ships in the fight before Salamis , was but 300. besides ten other of an extraordinary bignesse : though Cresias writes , that there were 700 of the Grecian fleet . There were lost in this fight of the Grecian ships , to the number of 40 ; of the Persian , 200 ; besides those which were taken with the men in them , as Diodor. Sic. [ lib. 11. ] hath it , whereas Cresias reports , that the Persians in that fight , lost 500 ships . But Artemisia , the Queen of Halicarnassus , who came to aid Xerxes in this war , behaved her self most manfully in this fight ; so that as in Xerxes , a man might see a womanly timourousnesse , so in her he might perceive , a most heroick courage , [ Justin. lib. 2. cap. 12. ] insomuch , that Xerxes himself upon this occasion was heard to say , That his men had plaid the women , and the women the men , in that service . [ Her. l. 8. c. 88. ] And so it came to passe , that by the leading indeed of Eurybiades , the Lacedemonian , but the sage and prudent counsel , and great prowesse of Themistocles the Athenian ; a victory was gotten at Salamis every way equal to that at Marathan : but in setting down the time when this battle was fought , Plutarch is found very divers and differing from himself . For in the life of Lysander , and in his discourse , of the glory of the Athenians , he placeth it as done in the 16 day of the moneth Munichou , ( which is the first of the vernal months , with the Athenians ; but in the Life of Camylus ; as on the the 20 day of Boedromian , which was their third moneth in Summer . T is true , in the Bay of Saron , which is otherwise called , the Bay of Salamis , as [ Strabo in his eighth book ] witnesseth , between the two Islands of Salamis an Egina , there was a nights fight at sea , between 10 Lacedemonian ships , commanded by Gorgopas , and 13 Athenian ships , commanded by Eunomus , near unto Zoster , a fore-land of the Isthmus of Attica , in the dayes of Artarxerxes memor , king of Persia , of which Xenophon , in his fifth book of his History of the Greeks , maketh mention in this wise . In a sea fight made by moon-light , Gorgopas took 4 tall ships of war , and drawing them after him , carryed them away to Egina : and the rest of the Athenian fleet fled home to their port of Piraeum , but because as upon the 16 day of that Lunary moneth among the Athenians , upon which Gorgopas set upon that smal fleet of the Athenians , it happened to be the full of the moon , by the benefit whereof , the Athenian fleet saved it self , with the loss only of 4 ships , therefore did the Athenians as it seemeth consecrate that day ever after , to Diana , and kept it holy-day to her honour ; whereupon it was , that Plutarch confounding this later sea fight , fought at Salamis , with that other , fought in the same place against Xerxes , in that discourse of his , of the glory of the Athenians , thorough error wrote of it in this manner : They consecrated , saith he , the 16 day of the moneth Munichion to Diana , because upon that day , after the victory gotten by the Grecians , the Goddess appeared full that night : for that the victory of the Greeks against Xerxes was gotten about the 20 day of Boedromion , both Plutarch in a Treatise of his , Of dayes , quoted by himself in the life of Camillus declareth ; and it plainly appeareth in Herodotus : for that at that time , the Eleusinian Mysteries were celebrated by the Athenians , Herodotus plainly sheweth , [ lib. 8. ca. 65. ] the chief day of which solemnity , was upon the twentieth of the moneth Boedromion , on which the mysterious Pomp of Iacchus was openly shewed to the people , as appeareth out of the same Pl●tarch , in the life of Camillus above mentioned : whence also it was , that when The mistocles would stay his country-men from pursuing the enemies , after their defeate at Salamis , when they fled , used this speech unto them : Now , saith he , let us stay●● Greece , and take care of our selves and families , and look to the till age and sowing of our land , seeing the enemy is quite ejected out of it ; and when the Spring comes on , then will we take a time to saile into Hellespont and Ionia . Argument sufficient , that the Persians were vanquished at Salamis , not in the beginning of the spring , but in the later end of summer . After the fight Xerxes put to death certain of the Phenicians , which were the first that fled , and threatned the rest of them with punishments answerable to their deservings ; for fear whereof , the Phenicians returned that day to Africa ; but the night after , they put over all into Asia , [ Diod. Sic. l. 11. in the 1 year of the 75 Olympiade . ] Many other ships also , fearing more the rage of the King , than the fury of the enemy , slunk away , every one to his own home , [ Justin lib. 2. c. 12. ] Xerxes , terrified with this disaster at sea , committed his sons to Ar●emesia the Queen , by her to be transported to Ephesus , with Hermotimus their Governour , [ Herod . lib. 8. ca. 103. 107. ] Cleombrotus of Sparta , brother to Leonidas , which died at Thermopylae , to stop the passage against Xerxes his coming by land into Peloponesus , caused a wall to be drawn athwart the neck of land which is called , Isthmus Corinthiacus , [ Id. ib. ca. 71. ] but whiles he was offering of a sacrifice against the Persians , the sun in the firmament lost his light , and grew dark : whereupon he withdrew his army which was imployed in that fortification , and shortly after died : unto whom succeeded his son Pausanias , as cousin-germain and Tutor of Plistarchus , a child , the son of Leonidas deceased , [ Id. lib. 9. ca. 10. ] But the Prutenian account gives us an Eclipse of the Sun of 8 digits and 32 minutes , upon the 2 day of October , after the Julian Calender , at one of the clock 39 minutes in the after-noon , in this year . Themistocles , to send Xerxes packing the more speedily out of Greece , sent a seigned message to him from Salamis , that the Grecians had a purpose to send a Fleet of Ships to Hellespont , there to burn or break his bridge ; which he no sooner heard , but he provided with all speed to get him gone out of Europ : into Asia , [ Herod . lib. 8. ca. 110. Diod. Sic. lib. 11. in 1 year of 75. Olympiade : and Plut. in the life of Themistocles . ] Resolving therefore to be gone , he sent away his Fleet from Phalerus to Hellespont , to keep the bridge there , for his passage : and himself with Mardomus , and his land army accompanying him , marched speedily towards Thessalie , [ Herod . lib. 8. cap. 107. 113 , 115. ] Mardonius coming with Xerxes into Thessalie , chose out of all his army , three hundred thousand men , which he kept with him to go on with the conquest of Greece ; and with them , because the time of the year for keeping the field was past , he wintered in Thessalia , [ Ib. ca. 113. 114. ] and herein with him agrees Justin out of Trogus , [ lib. 2. ca. 13. ] and Plutarch in the life of Aristides , though Diod. Sic. saith , that there stayed with him no lesse than four hundred thousand men . In this meane while , the Lacedaemonians by the command of the Oracle at Delphos , sent a Herald to Xerxes , to require reparation of him for the death of their King Leonidas : unto whom he returned this answer ; that Mardonius should pay them their due . After which , leaving Mardonius in Thessalie , he hasted away to the Hellespont ; taking along with him a very inconsiderable part of his army for his guard : but left the rest to be brought after him , by Hydarnes , [ Herod . lib. 8. cap. 114. 115 , 118. ] As for those land Forces which he left behind him with Mardonius : first a famine , then a pestilence , fell upon them ; and so foule was the mortality among them , that the high-wayes lay strawed with the dead carcases of them , and both birds and beasts of prey , followed the army by the sent , where ever they went , [ Ib. ca. 115. Justin lib. 2. cap. 13. ] In Asia , they that were called Archaeanactidae , held the kingdom of Bosphorus Cimmerius 40 years long , [ Diod. Sic. lib. 12. ] in 3 year of 85 Olympiade . These had their beginning from Archaeanactes of Mitylene ; who is said to have built Sigaeum , with the stones digged out of the ruines of Troy , [ Strabo . lib. 13. ] Xerxes at 45 dayes end , Year of the World 3525. a. came to the passage at Hellespont , as saith Herod . [ lib. 8. ca. 115. ] Emil. Probus bates a third part of that time in the life of Themistocles : where he saith , that upon the way wherein he spent six moneths , in going into Europe , upon the same he spent lesse than thirty dayes , in his return from thence into Asia . Xerxes finding his bridge broken down with the rage of Winter-stormes ; for very fear , put over in a poor fisher-boat : And truly it was a thing worth the fight , and a rare example of humane frailty and change of things in this world , to see him lie skulking in a little wherry , whom a little before , the whole Sea seemed too little to contain ; and him distitute of a page to waite upon him under whose army , the very earth earstwhiles , seemed to groane for the burden of it , [ Justin lib. 2. cap. 13. ] The land Forces also , which followed him under the conduct of Hydarves , coming thither , and finding the bridge broken down , passed over in boats to Abydus : and there finding more plenty of victuals than they had upon their way , what with gorging themselves with meat , what with change of water , they dyed by heaps ; the rest accompanied Xerxes to Sardes , [ Herod . lib. 8. c. 117. ] Xerxes , whiles he was upon the way to Sardes , sent Megabyzus to spoile the Temple of Delphos , but when he desired to be excused , Mattacus an Eunuch undertook it , and having done the errand he was sent in , returned to him ; [ Ctesias . ] News being brought to Sufa , by the Courriers which were sent , that Xerxes had taken Athens , put the Persians into such a fit of mirth , that they strewed all the streets with mirtle boughs , and burnt frankincense in them : and set themselves wholy to sacrificing ; and feasting : But when the second tidings came of his overthrow at Salamis ; that put them into such a consternation of mind , that every man rent his garments , and filled all places with howlings and lamentations , [ Herod . l. 8. c. 99. ] which mourning of theirs , Eschylus hath described , and set out to the life , in Persis . The fleet which remained , and the sea-men which were therein left , having wasted over the land forces , out of Chersonesus to Abydus , wintered at Cuma in Eolia , [ Herod . lib. 8. c. 130. ] Artabazus the son of Pharnabazus , having accompanied Xerxes with 60 thousand souldiers to Hellespont , seeing him safely landed in Asia side ; took his journey back again and staid about Pallene : seeing that Mardonius himself had taken up his winter quarter in Macedonia and Thessalia , and looked not after the rest of the army : and during his abode there , finding that the City of Potidea , with Pallene , had already revolted from the Persian , and Olynthus in termes to do the like , he clapt down before Potidea and Olynthus , and besieged them both at once , and having taken Olynthus , and put all the Bottiean inhabitants thereof to the sword , he committed the place to the keeping of Critobulus of Torona , a Chalcedonian born , [ Id. lib. 8. c. 126 , 127. ] When the Persians had now lain 3 months before Potidea , a huge tide of the sea , brake in upon them , in their trenches , which made them raise their siege ; yet many of them perished with that inundation ; and when others sought to save themselves by swimming , the Potideans went in boats , and knockt them in the head ; those that escaped , Artabazus took , and carried with him into Thessalie to Mardonius , [ Ib. c. 129. ] In the first of the spring , Year of the World b. the remainder of the Persian fleet , which had wintered at Cuma , put over to the Isle of Samos , where some other of their fellowes had taken up their winter quarter . The greatest part in this Navie , were Persian and Median souldiers : and to them came shortly after certain Commanders , as , Mardoutes Fitz Bargeus , and Artanites Fitz Artacheus , who staying there , kept all Ionia from revolting , having a fleet of 300 sail , ( reckoning in the Ionians that were with them ) at their command , [ Ib. c. 130. ] But Diodorus saith , that they were no lesse than 400 sail , which lay then at Samos , waiting the motion of the Ionians : in this 2 year of the 75 Olympiade . The Grecian fleet consisting of one hundred and ten ships , under two Commanders , Leotychides king of the Spartans , and Xanthippus an Athenian , went to Egina , where certain messengers came to them out of Ionia ; to beseech them , all delay set apart , to come and relieve them in Ionia ; and with much adoe , drew them as far as to Delos , thitherward , [ Herod . lib. 8. c. 131. 132. ] and yet Diodorus tells us , that having staid some certain dayes at Egina , they then , of themselves , failed to Delos , with 250 tall ships of war. Xerxes is said to have built both a Palace , Year of the World c. and a Castle at Celene in Phrygia , Xen. in his Expedition of Cyrus , [ lib. 1. ] Mardonius with his army came to Athens , not yet reinhabited , ten months after it was first taken by Xerxes : and there ruined and burnt down , what ever Xerxes had left standing , and thence marched into the countrey of Megare , which was the fathest place that the Persians were at westward , in all Greece , [ Herodotus , lib. 9. cap. 3. 13. 14. ] Whiles the Grecian fleet lay at Delos , Year of the World d. messengers came to them from Samos , praying them to succour both themselves , and the rest of the Greek nation , which dwelt in Asia , against the Persians . Leotychides the king of Sparta , at a Council of war resolved to set all the Greek Cities at liberty from the Persians : and they entering a league with the Samians , came with their whole fleet to Samos , and lay close under the Temple of Juno , providing there for a sea fight , against the Persians , [ Id. ib. cap. 89. 91. 95. with Diod. Sic. lib. 11. ] The Commanders of the Persian navy , continuing still at Samos , and hearing that the Grecians were coming against them , and finding themselves not able to match them at sea ; suffered the Phenician ships all to be gone ; but with the rest sailed to Micale , which is a fore-land , or promontory in Ionia : where the land army lay , left there on purpose by Xerxes , to keep Ionia in order ; consisting of 60000 men , under the command of Tigranes , who was the tallest and goodliest man to look to , of all the Persians : There , near to the Temple of Ceres , of Eleusis , they drew up their ships , and enclosed them with a rampart , which they fortified with stones and stakes , and such materials as the place afforded , [ Herodotus , lib. 9. cap. 95. 96. ] and withal , sent to Sardes , and other places adjoyning : for more land forces : so that they made up a body of an hundred thousand men : making provision also , of all other things necessary for the war , [ Diodorus , lib. 11. ] In an encounter of the horse , near a place called Erythrae in Beotia , between the Grecians and Persians , a commander of the Persians called Masistius , but by the Greeks , Macisias , happened to be slain ; for whom , great lamentation was made by the Persians , [ Herodotus , lib. 9. cap. 20. 22. 24. and Plutarch , in the Life of Aristide . ] The Grecians , under the conduct of Pausanias the son of Cleombrotus , routed the Persian army at Platea : which , as Ctesias saith , consisted of one hundred and twenty thousand fighting men . Emil. Probus , in his Pausanias , saith there were of them , two hundred thousand foot , and twenty thousand horse ; and Plutarch in the life of Aristides affirms , that there were no fewer , than three hundred thousand : to which three hundred thousand , Herodotus addeth also , all the Grecian auxiliaries , which Mardonius had then with him in pay , which he guesseth to have amounted to fifty thousand , [ lib. 9. cap. 311. ] and Diodorus Siculus , to the 75 Olympiade , saith , that Mardonius , besides those which Xerxes left him , had out of Thracia and Macedonia , and other confederate places , above two hundred thousand souldiers , and that he had in all , an army consisting of five hundred thousand men : In the Grecian army , Ctesias reckons not above seven thousand and three hundred men : whereas Herodotus and Plutarch affirme , that of the Athenian party alone , there were no lesse than eight thousand men : and that the whole Grecian army consisted either of one hundred thousand fighting men : as Diodorus Siculus , Trogus , Pompe●us , and Orosius , or of one hundred and ten thousand , as Herodotus , [ lib. 9. cap. 29. ] saies : of whom there fell in this battle , not above one thousand three hundred and sixty , as Plutarch in the Life of Aristides reports ; though Diod , Sic. saith , there were slain of them in that fight , above 10000. Mardonius the son in law , ( not of Xerxes , as Emil. Probus , in the life of Pausanias hath it , but ) of Darius , who was father to Xerxes , as I shewed before , in the year of the world 3510. General of all this army , was slain in this fight , by a stone flung at him , by Aimnestus , or Arimnestus , a man of Sparta , [ Herodotus , lib. 1. cap. 63. ] Plutarch in the Life of Aristides , and Pausanias , [ lib. 1. ] for we may not belive Ctesias , who saies , that he was only hurt , and so got away for that time , and that being commanded afterward , to spoile the Temple of Apollo , he was there killed , with a storme of haile that fell upon him : though Justin out of Trogus , and out of Justin Orosius reports , that Mardonius , accompanyed with a very small number , escaped away thence , as out of a shipwrack . The Persian army , having lost their General , fled to a fortresse of theirs , made up of wood , and the Grecians , having forced it , slew therein above one hundred thousand of them , [ Diodorus Siculus , ] so that of three hundred thousand of them , there were not left full three thousand men ; besides 40000 only , which fled away with Artabazus , [ Her. l. 9. c. 69. ] Leotychides , who commanded at sea , coming to Mycale , dealt with the Ionians to fall off from the Persians , whom they served : and what with his own army , what with their help , he obtained there a most memorable victory ; wherein he slew above 30 thousand Persians ; besides Mardontes , who commanded them by sea , and Tigranes , who was General by land : but two other great Commanders of their fleete , Artayntes , and Ithramitres fled ; the rest that escaped , betook themselves to the tops of the promontory of Mycale , [ Id. ib. from c. 97. to 104. with Diod. Sic. l. 11. ] Both these fights fell out near to two Temples of Ceres of Elensis , and upon the same day of the same month : that at Platea in Europe , early in the morning ; that other at Mycale in Asia , later in the afternoone ; and so swilt winged was fame in spreading the news hereof , that at so far a distance , and in so few houres space , the report of the victory at Platea , came to them at Mycale ; the same day , before they began to fight there , [ Id. ib. cap. 99. 130. with Justin lib. 2. c. 14. ] though Diod. Sic. thinks ( and that more probably ) that Leotychides heard nothing at all of what was done at Platea , but cunningly cast abroad such a rumor among his souldiers , to put the more courage thereby into their heares , by way of a stratagem . Now the day of these two battels [ Elian. Var. Hist. lib. 2. ca. 25. ] saith , was the sixth of the moneth Thargeleon , the 2 moneth in the Spring , with the Athenians ; which Plutarch with more judgement saith , was in the moneth Boedromion , which was the 3 moneth in Summer ; and that either upon the 3 day thereof ; as [ in the life of Camillus , and in his discourse of the glory of the Athenians , ] or upon the fourth , as in [ the life of Aristides : ] and so this fight at Micale , was in the second year after Xerxes his first passage over into Greece , [ Herod . lib. 7. ca. 80. ] Hereupon all Ionia revolted from the Persian , [ Herod . lib. 9. ca. 103. ] together with the Eolians and Islands bordering upon both , [ Diod. Sic. lib. 11. ] The Greeks having set fire upon , and consumed the Persian ships and camps ; returned to the Isle of Samos , and there entered into a consultation how to transplant all the Ionian nation ( yea and the Eolian too , as Diod. hath it ) out of Asia , ( where they seemed to be too openly exposed to the danger of the Persian cruelty ) into Greece : But the Athenians fearing least the Ionians , which were now a Colony of their own , would by this means become common to the rest of Greece ; opposed it , and told them , that themselves , as tied to them in blood , would never be wanting to their defence ; and therefore desired that they might continue still where they were in Asia , [ Herod . ib. ca. 105. Diod. ib. in 2 years of 75 Olympiade . ] They of the continent of Greece , entered into a firm association and league with them of Samos , Chios , Lesbos , and other Islanders , who had joyned in this War against the Persian ; and having plighted their faith each to other with a solemn oath , to continue firm in this association , and never to break the bond now made between them : sailed in a body towards Hellespont , and in their way thitherward , came to an anchor first at a Foreland called Lectium ; being there taken short by a contrary winde : but the winde coming faire again , they passed on , and came to Abydus ; and when they found the bridges there already broken down , which was the principal cause of their going thither , Leotychides with his men of Peloponesus returned home ; but the Athenians with their Captain Xanthippus , and ( as Thucidides saith , ) with their associates out of Ionia and Hellespont , which had revolted from the Persians , passed over from Abydus into Chersonesus , and there besieged Sestos : now Artayctes , a Persian born , and a wicked man , was Governour of that province , appointed by Xerxes : and because that Town was fenced with a very strong Wall , therefore as well others of the neighbouring places ; as O●basus himself , a Persian born , who had laid up all the Flags and Stremers , and other furniture of the bridges at Cardya , left that place , and put himself into Sestos also , [ Herod . ib. ca. 105. 113 , 114 , 115. ] Artabazus the son of Pharnaces , who with 40000 men fled out of the battel at Plataea , hastened away thorough the countries of Phocis , Thessalie , and Macedonia , into Thracia ; and cutting the nearest way over-land , came unto Byzantium : having left many of his men behind him in his march ; which were either knockt in head by the Thracians , or died with hunger , and travel on the way : and from Byzantium he got shipping , and passed over into Asia , [ Id. ib. ca. 65. 69 , 76 , 88. ] But those few which had saved themselves in the top of the rocks , in the Foreland or Promontory of Micale , repaired to Sardes , from whence Xerxes was not yet gone . In that journey , when Masystes , one of the sons of Darius Hystaspes , had charged Artayntes , one of the chief Commanders of the Fleet at Mycale , among other reproachful words , that he had carried himself basely in that service , and more like a woman than a man ; and was therefore assaulted by Artayntes with his naked sword : Xenagoras of Halicarnassus stept in , bare off the blow , and saved Masystes from that present danger : and Xerxes , for so saving his brothers life , made him Governour of all Cilicia , [ ib. cap. 106. ] But whiles Xerxes spent his time at Sardes , he there sell desperately in love with his brother Masystes wife ; whom when he had often sollicited to adultery , and could not prevaile that way , he thereupon married Artaynta , hers and his brother Masystes his daughter , to his own son : Darius hoping to get his will of her the more easily by this occasion . Which done , and the wedding ended , he returned toward Susa , [ Ib. cap. 107. ] leaving part of his army at Sardes , to continue the War against the Grecians , [ Diod. Sic. an . 2 , of 75. Olympiade . Xerxes in his flight burnt the Oracle of Apollo Didymeus in Branchis , Year of the World 3526 as he did all the other Temples in Asia , save that at Ephesus ; those of Branchis having , without resistance , delivered up the treasury of their god , went altogether along with him , fearing least , if they stayed behind , they should have been punished for sacrilege and treason both . [ Strabo . lib. 14. with Solinus cap. 40. ] Herodotus saith that Xerxes , going from Sardes , went to Susa : Diodorus , that he went to Ecbatane . Ctesias writeth , that he went from Babylon to Persia : Arrianus in his book of Alexanders Acts , affirmeth that coming to Babylon , he there demolished the Temple of Belus , and all other consecrated places ; and with them , the Sepulchre of Belus ; as Strabo , [ lib. 16. ] saith , who also there tells us , that he took away the statue of Belus , made all of massie gold , of twelve cubits high ; and when the Priests opposed it , and would not suffer it to be removed , he slew him also , as we read in Herod . [ lib. 1. cap. 183. ] While the Athenians lay at the siege of Sestos , and , the Autumn coming on , could not take it , they fell into a consultation to leave it ; but the people within , were so near driven with famine , that they were faine to boile their very bedcords and eat them ; so that Artayctes and Oebasus , with many of the Persians , gat down the walls by night , and fled ; which the inhabitants perceiving early the next morning , signified the same to the Athenians , and opened their gates unto them , [ Herodotus , lib. 9. cap. 116 , 117. ] When there was now a great number of prisoners taken , what at Sestos , what at Byzantium by the Athenians , and their confederates in the army ; the confederates , of their own accord , offered to refer the division and sharing of that prey , to Cimon , a young Gentleman of the Athenians , to be made as he should think good ; and they would stand to it , who falling presently to work , set all the persons on the one hand , and all the cloaths and ornaments which they ware , on the other , and then bad them take their choice ; saying , that the Athenians would content themselves , with that part which they left : their Associates , by the perswasion , of Herophytus of Samos , chose the cloaths and ornaments , as of far greater value , than the bare bodies of the prisoners , and left the bodies , as not made for labour , to the Athenians . But soon after , the friends and kinsmen of the prisoners , coming out of Phrygia and Lydia ; redeemed those prisoners at a great rate , wherewith Cimon maintained the fleet four whole moneths after , and brought moreover a very considerable stock of silver and gold into the treasury at Athens . This act first gave a reputation of wit and wisdom unto Cimon among the Athenians ; and they having gotten so much money by the bargain , laughed at their fellows , by whom they had formerly been laughed at , [ Plutarch , in the life of Cimon , and Polyaenus , lib. 1. Stratag . ] When Oebasus had gotten away into Thracia , the Thracians , called Absynthii , took him , and sacrified him to their god Plestorus ; and put his followers , some to one kind of death , some to another . Artayntes and his followers , they seized on at Egos potamus , and carryed him prisoner to Sestos : and by the sea side , where Xerxes had made his bridge , or as others say , upon a hill near the city Madytus , set up gibets , and there hung them up , stoning his own son first to death before his eyes . These things thus done , the Athenians returned into Greece , carrying with them besides moneys , the flags and streamers , ornaments of the bridges , which had been made over the Hellespont , purposing to hang them up as trophies in their Temples . And this was all that was done this year , [ Herod . lib. 9. cap. 118 , 119 , 120. ] Xanthippus leaving a garrison in Sestos , dismissed all strangers , and he with his own companies returned to Athens ; and so the war of the Medes , as they call it , came to an end , after it had lasted full two years , [ Diod. Sic. lib. 11. ] in the 75. Olympiade . Bagapates the Eunuch , The Julian Period . 4236 when he had continued sitting by the tomb of Darius 7 years , Year before Christ 478 died . [ Ctes. ] Megabysus accused his wife Amyris , Xerxes his daughter , of adultery ; who blamed his daughter for it , very sharply , [ Ctesias ] whiles he himself lay wallowing all the while in adultery and incest both ; for turning his lewd affection● now from his Brother Masystes his wife , to their daughter Artaynta , whom he had now made his own daughter in law ; he lay with her continually at Susa. [ Herod . lib. 9. cap. 107 , 108. ] Pausanias the son of Cleombrotus , Year of the World 3527 who was sent Gene●ral of the Grecians from Lacedemonia , The Julian Period . 4237 to free such Greek cities , Year before Christ 477 as were yet held by the garrisons of the Persians , with 20 ships out of Peloponesus , and 30 more from Athens , ( Diodor. saith 50. ) commanded by Aristides made a voyage into Cyprus , and there restored many cities , which were hitherto held by Persian garrisons to their native liberty , [ Thucid. lib. 1. Diodor. Sic. in the 4 year of the 75 Olympiade . ] Xerxes celebrating his coronation day , gave to his Queen Amestris , who asked it of him for a boon , Masystes his brothers wife ; whose paps , nostrils , ears , lips , and tongue she presently caused to be cut off , and so sent her home again ; whereupon Masystes , conspiring with his own children , purposed to get him privily away with them into the province of Bactria , whereof himself was then Governour , and to raise both them and the Sacae to a rebellion against the king , but was intercepted by the way , by Xerxes his Souldiers ; and both he and his children , and all that were in his company put to the sword , [ Herod . lib. 9. from chap. 108. to 112. ] And that government of Bactria , Xerxes bestowed upon his own son Hystaspes , [ Diod. Sic. in the 4 year of the 78 Olympiade . ] Pausanias , Year of the World 3528 after his return out of Cyprus , The Julian Period . 4238 went and took Byzantium : Year before Christ 476 and then , without the privity of his associates in the war , sent the Persians whom he had there taken ( some of them being Xerxes his neer friends and kinsmen ; giving it out that they were fled ) home to Xerxes , safe and sound , and all this businesse he negotiated , by one Gongylus an Eretrian born , whom also he imployed with letters unto Xerxes , wherein he desired his daughter in marriage : and in lieu thereof he undertook and promised , to bring Sparta , and all Greece , into his subjection . Glad was Xerxes at this newes , and presently wrote back unto him by Artabazus the son of Pharnaces , whom for this purpose he dispatched away to the sea side ; that at a shorter distance he might the more easily communicate his counsels with Pausanias : and therefore gave him the Government of the province of Dascylis , calling home Magabates , who was Governour there before . And when Pausanias upon these hopes grew more insolent than before , and began to live after the Persian garbe , and carryed himself more ruggedly and imperiously towards those who were in league with that State , the greater part of them , and especially the Ionians , and others who had been lately freed from their slavery under the Persians , fell all to the Athenians , and desired rather to serve under them , [ Thucid. lib. 1. ] Pausanias being hereof accused by the friends and associates of the Spartans , Year of the World 3529 was presently sent for , The Julian Period . 4239 to return home from Byzantium ; Year before Christ 475 where being found guilty and condemned for some private misdemeanors ; yet was wholly acquitted from all suspition of treason against the State : Neverthelesse he was put from the Government of Hellespont ; yet thither he went again without leave asking , in a ship of his own providing ; to the end that under colour of prosecuting the war on the behalf of the Grecians in those parts , he might the better negotiate and drive on his own designes with Xerxes : and therefore when the Athenians would not suffer him to nestle in Byzantium , he returned not to Sparta , but staied at Colonae in Troas : whereupon he was again accused at Sparta , that he held intelligence with the Persians , and that it was for no good , that he stayed hovering so long in those parts . Wherefore , being sent for again by the Ephori , so soon as he came , they threw him into prison : but upon a hearing he was again acquitted , [ Id. ib. ] But when the Principality of Greece , Year of the World 3530 in hatred to Pausanias was taken from the Lacedaemonians , The Julian Period . 4240 and settled upon the Athenians : Year before Christ 474 they under a colour of revenging the wrong done to the several countries by the common enemy , made a tax of what monies , and what ships , the particular cities should contribute against the Persians : whereunto the cities both of Greece , and of the Grecians in Asia , readily agreed for the common safeties sake . The first tax made , amounted to 460. ( not as Diodorus hath it , 560. ) talents : to be laid up in the Isle of Delos , as in the common treasury of all Greece , [ Thucid , lib. 1 Diod. lib. 11. Justin lib. 16. cap. 3. Plutarch and Emil. Probus , in the life of Aristides . ] Pausanias , being discovered by Argilius , his love-boy , to whom he committed his last letters sent to Aartabazus , was by the Ephori starved to death , [ Thucid. lib. 1. Diod. lib. 11. Emil. Prob. in the Life of Pausanias . ] Artabazus , Year of the World 3531 an Hyrcanian borne , Captain of the Guard , and one who was above all others of greatest credit and authority with King Xerxes , as his father Artasyras was before with Darius ; conspiring with Mithridates an Eunuch , Chamberlaine to the King , ( Cresias calls him Spamitres or Aspamitres ) who was his intimate friend and near-kinsman , being let into the bed-chamber with his seven sons , all robustious young men , by night , slew Xerxes as he lay in his bed : and in the deep of the night , went speedily to Artaxerxes , told him that Darius , ( who was the eldest of the three sons of Xerxes ) had killed his father , that he might the sooner come to the Crown , ( which Elian. lib. 13. cap. 3. delivers , as if it had been so indeed : ) but by this false tale , he perswaded Artaxerxes , to set the Kings Guard upon his brother Darius : and they slew him , [ Ctesias , Diod. Justin lib. 3. cap. 1. ] Thus by Artabanus his means , Artaxerxes came to the Crown . Ctesias , who was a man of a milde disposition , and full of magnanimity withal : surnamed Longimanus , because his right hand , was longer than his left . [ Plutarch in the beginning of the life of Artaxerxes . ] But the 7 first moneths of his reign , are by Euseb. in his Chron. attributed to Artabanus : because that for so long , he ruled all things , as it should seem , in Artaxerxes his name ; for though Diodorus intimates , that Artabanus himself was presently done to death , after his murders committed upon Xerxes and Darius ; yet that there was some time passed between , appears by the more full narrations of the matter , both by Cresias , and also by Justin. Themistocles of Athens , being suspected of the conspiracy with Pausanias for the betraying of Greece into the hands of the Persians , was searched for , and had be been taken , had out of all doubt died for it : and therefore he fled out of Greece , and came to Pydna ( a Town lying in the Thermaic bay of Macedonia ) & there finding a Merchant's ship going into Ionia , put himself aboard her . But by tempest , she was carried into the middest of the Athenian army , which lay at the siege of Naxos . But the Master of the Barque being well fee'd by Themistocles , lay a whole night and a day at an anchor without the Athenian Fleet ; and so when the tempest was over , came safe to Ephesus , [ Thucid. lib. 1. Emil. Prob. in the life of themistocles . Polyaen . lib. 1. stratag . ] Plutarch reports that he came to Cuma , and there found that many Sea Captains laid waite to take him , especially Ergoteles and Theodorus , for that Xerxes had promised 200. talents to whosoever should bring in his head : and therefore , he conveyed himself privily from thence , and came to a little town called Egas in Eolia : and there lay close for a few dayes , in the house of one Nicogenes , a very wealthy man in those parts , and one who was very well acquainted , and familiar , with divers of the kings nearest attendants : Diodorus calls him Lysitheis , and sayes further , that he was a man of so very great wealth , that when Xerxes passed that way , he feasted both him and all his army , in a very bountiful manner . By this good Host's means , was put into a close waggon , such as the kings , and other great mens harlots used , among the Persians , to be carryed in : and that he came safe into Persia , both Plutarch and Thucidides agree ; though Thucidides onely saith , that he went also the way from the sea side into Persia , in the company of a certain Persian : now Herodotus tells us , that from Ephesus to Sardes , it is 3 dayes journey , and from thence to Susa 3 moneths , [ lib. 5. c. 50 , 53 , 54. ] Artabanus purposing now to destroy Artaxerxes , as he had formerly done his father and brother ; disclosed his intention unto Megabyzus , whom he knew to be malcontent , for the jealousie he had conceived of his wives disloialty , Amytis , sister unto Artaxerxes himself : and they sware secrecy each to other : but Megabysus , presently went and disclosed the matter to the king ; who thereupon put Artabanus to death , and then also came to light , his practises concerning the death both of Xerxes , and also of Darius . And then Aspamitres , or Spamitres the eunuch , who was of counsel with him in both , was put to a most bitter death , by certain racks , and other engines in a boat ( described more at large by Plutarch , in the life of Artaxerxes ) [ Ctesias . ] For Megabysus , Justin puts Becabasus , as consort with Artabanus in this plot ; and sets out the manner of Artabanus his death in this wise . Artaxerxes , saith he , fearing the number of Artabanus his children , commanded all the army to be ready in the field the next day , for that he would take a view of them , both how many they were , and also how every man could stand to his armes , wherefore , when Artabanus was there present in armor , Artaxerxes said , that his own corselet was a little with the shortest for him , and that he would change with Artabanus : and when Artabanus at his command , had put off his corselet , Artaxerxes ran his naked body thorough with his sword , out of which measure of his corselet , we may well learn , by the way , that Artaxerxes , was not at this time so very a boy or child , as Justin makes him , but that he was at mans estate ; and so old , as that the Scripture tells us , that in the seventh year of his kingdom , he was grown a father , [ Ezra 7. 23. ] After Artabanus his death , there was a battail fought between his friends , and the other Persians , wherein three of his sons were slain ; and Megabysus , on the other side , sorely wounded , whereat both Artaxerxes himself and his sisters , Amytis , Megabysus his wife , and Rhodogyne , and his mother Amestris , much grieved ; and hardly at length was Megabyzus recovered by the great skill and industry of one Apollonis , a Physitian , or Chirurgion , of the Isle of Coos : But hereupon all Bactria revolted from Artaxerxes , and another Artabanus was there made Governour , between whom and them , a field was sought , where they parted upon eaven terms , so saith Ctesias : where yet those words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , are ambiguously spoken ; for either it may be meant , as I have here expressed it , according to the construction thereof made by Hen. Stephanus ; that there was another Artabanus made Governour of Bactria , in stead of the former , or that there was at this time another Artabanus , formerly Governour of that province , differing from him that was lately put to death ; if we take the later sense , then this revolt of the Bactrians must be referred to a later time ; but if the first , then to the present . For that at this present , Hystaspes , Xerxes his son , was Governour of Bactria , we learn out of Diodor. Sic. and that he was the middle brother between Darius , and Artaxerxes , we find in Ctesias : and every man may think , that it stood with a great deal of reason , that Hystaspes seeing his younger brother Artaxerxes preferred before him in the kingdom , would stir up , not onely the Bactrians , whose governour he then was , but also all his other friends , for the recovery of his right . Eusebius in his Chron. noteth , that in the fourth year of this 76 Olympiade , ( upon which we now are ) it was , that Themistocles fled to the Persians , which sureth well enough with that which is delivered by Thucidides ; who placeth the coming of Themistocles to Artaxerxes , between the siege of Naxos , and that famous victory gotten over the Persians , at the mouth of the river Eurymedon by Cimon the Athenian ; and withall , maketh the beginning of the reign of Artaxerxes , to fall in with the same time , for he saith , That Themistocles sent letters to Artaxerxes , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( i.e. ) when he was come newly to the crown , wherein he both craved his favour , and offered him his service against the Greeks : from whence we may fully discerne the true beginning of Artaxerxes his reign , which was almost full nine years sooner , than it is commonly said to have been . Plutarch out of Phanias reports , that Themistocles was brought to Artaxerxes his presence , by Artabanus , a Colonel ; and out of Eratosthenes that he obtained this favour at that Colonels hand , by the means of his Lie-by ; which was a wench of Eretria : but doth not explain , what Artabanus this was : whether he , who affecting the kingdom , was slain by Artaxerxes ; or that Arabanus to whom Xerxes , seven years before , when he went into Greece , committed the Government of his kingdome . For if he mean the first , then Themistocles his coming to Artaxerxes , must needs be within the first seven months after his coming to the crown ; according to Euseb. his account : but if any other , than his coming to the king , might also have fallen upon any other month of the same first year , which will very well also suit with that place of Thucidides above mentioned ; where he said , that he was brought to Artaxerxes , when he was newly come to the crown . Now that it was the office of the Colonel , or Chiliarch , being the second officer in the kingdom , to bring such as were to be admitted to the presence of the king , appeareth plainly by Emilius Probus , in the Life of Conon ; and by Elian , [ lib. 1. ] Varius Histor. [ cap. 21. ] When Themistocles , was thus graciously received , and welcomed by the king , a new danger grew upon him by the means of Mandane a daughter of Darius Hystaspes : for she having lost all her children in the sea-sight before Salamis , and not being able to prevaile with the king , tried and sollicited all her friends and great men about the Court , and at last stirred up the common people it self , to be revenged of this Themistocles , for the hurt he had done them in that battle . And when they all in a hurry came flocking into the Court , Artaxerxes told them fairely , that he would refer the whole matter to the judgment of his Lords : and so , by appointing a long time , for the preparing and hearing , and determining of this great cause , he found the means to deliver Themistocles , out of the peoples hands , for the present , [ Diod. Sic. lib. 11. ] In the second battel , Year of the World 3532 between the Persians and the Bactrians , The Julian Period . 4242 by reason of a strong tempestuous wind , Year before Christ 472 sitting in their faces , Artaxerxes got the victory of them , and reduced them wholy to his subjection , [ Ctesias . ] Themistocles , when he had spent a whole year in learning , as well as possibly he could the Persian tongue , and withal , was grown perfect in the lawes and customes of the country , and then coming to his trial , did not only quit himself from all objections made against him , but grew moreover into such favour with the King , as no Grecian was ever in before : for he not only used to carry him abroad with him a hunting , but also to call him to his private delights and recreations at home , insomuch , that he was admitted to the presence of Amestris the kings mother , and conversed familiarly with her . He bestowed on him also , a Persian wife , of noble parentage , excellent for beauty , and goodnesse of disposition ; besides servants to attend upon him , cupboards of pla●e of all sorts , and all othe things , not only for his necessary use , but even for delight and pleasure , [ Thucidides , lib. 1. Diodorus Siculus , lib. 11. Plutarch in the Life of Themistocles . ] When Demaratus the Lacedemonian , who returned out of Greece with Xerxes , was fallen into the kings high displeasure , for that he came riding into Sardes in his Chariot , wearing his turbant upright , upon his head , in a kingly fashion ; upon the mediation , and entreaty of Themistocles , he assuaged his anger , and grew friends with him again : [ Plut. in Them. with Sen. lib. 6. de Benefic . 31. ] Themistocles being made Governor of the province of Magnesia , returned into Asia ; [ Thucid. lib. 1. ] In his return , he escaped a great danger , intended toward him , by the lying in wait of Epyxius , a Persian , Governor of the Vpper Phrigia , and the Pisidians , and he escaped it by the forewarning of Dindymena , the mother of the gods , in a dream which he had , as he lay sleeping at noone : in memory whereof , he built her a Temple at Magnesia : and made his own daughter Muesiptolema to be consecrated Priestesse to her , Plutarch in Themistocles : or , as some will have it , his wife ; as in Strabo , [ lib. 14. ] But that Themistocles might appear in Asia , with the greater lustre , the king gave him , besides the government of the province of Magnesia , the very city of Magnesia , upon Meander , which paid the king yearly , fifty talents , to find him bread for his Table ; and Lampsacus in Hellespont , to buy him wine to his meat ; and Myus , at the mouth of Meander , for his second course . Neanthes Cyzicenus , and Phanias and Atheneus , [ lib. 1. c. 27. ] adde two Cities more , in the country of Troas , to wit , Percotes and Palescepsis , to furnish him with cloaths , and carpets , [ Thucid. 1. Diod. lib. 11. Plut. and Emil. Prob. in the Life of Themistocles . Cimon the son of Miltiades , Year of the World 3532 who was General in the field at Marathon , The Julian Period 3243 being now himself made General by the Athenians against the Persians , Year before Christ 471 set out of the Pyreum at Athens , with 200. fighting ships : which afterward , what out of Ionia , what out of other parts , he encreased to the number of 300. and with this Fleet he set saile for the coast of Caria : where all the sea towns , which had been at any time heretofore planted by Grecians , presently revolted to him from the Persians . The rest which were possessed by the natives of the country , & held by the Persian garrisons , he set upon , and took them all by pure force of war. Having thus dispatched the errand he came on , in Caria , he passed into Lycia : and in like manner took in all there too ; and when as upon their submission to the Athenian government , he demanded shipping of them , his Navy was forthwith exceedingly much encreased , [ Diod. lib. 11. ] The Persians listed what men they could out of other the Kings Dominions , for land service ; but for shipping , they sent to the Phoenicians , Cyprians , and Cilicians . The chief Commander of all the Persian Fleet , when it came together , was Tithraustes , a bastard son of Xerxes , [ Id. ib. ] Ephorus saith , that he was Admiral of the Fleet , and Pherendates Commander by land : But Callisthenes saith , that Ariomandes the son of Gobryas , commanded the army , [ Plut. in Cimone . ] After the Athenians had subdued Naxos , Year of the World 3534 as Thucidides , The Julian Period . 4244 in his first book teacheth us . Year before Christ 470 They and their confederates under the conduct of their General Cimon , in one and the same day , put to flight the Persians , both in a sea-fight , not far from the Isle of Cyprus , and also in a fight at land , at the mouth of the river Eurymedon in Pamphylia , the 3 year of the 77 Olympiade : as [ Diod. Sic. lib. 11. ] reporteth ; who was of opinion , ( and so was Justin , lib. 2. in fine , ) that Xerxes was yet living : contrary to what Thucidides affirmeth , who yet of all other , lived nearest to that time . And therefore Eusebius is in the righter , who placeth this great victory in the 4 year of Artaxerxes ; with this further note upon it : Cimon obtained this victory by sea and land against the Persians , near the River Eurymedon ; and so the war with the Medes ended . For from the beginning of Artaxerxes reign ( as we have put it according to Thucidides his account ) his fourth year fell in with the third year of the 77 Olympiade , here mentioned by Diodorus , though Eusebius missorting the first year of his reign , with the first year of the 79 Olympiade , must of necessity in consequence thereof , have placed his 4 year , with the 4 year of the same Olympiade . But the best way will be , to set down this whole matter in order as we find it in Diodor. and Plutarch , thus . When Cimon had heard , that the Kings Captains had taken up their Station with a great army by land , and a fleet by sea , in the coast of Pamphylia ; he to keep the sea , that they might not come within the Chelidonian Islands , went with 200. saile from Cnidus and Triopium , and came to the city of the Phaselites , who were Grecians : and because they would not receive his Navy into their Port , nor fall off from the Persian , he fired their country , and assaulted their city . Neverthelesse , at the intercession of those of Chios , who were in the Fleet , a peace was made , upon condition that they should pay down ten talents ready money , follow Cimon , and partake in the war against the Persians , [ Plut. in the life of Cimon . ] Then Cimon , understanding that the Persian Fleet hovered about the coast of Cyprus ; set presently sail towards them , with 250. ships against 340. of theirs : Diod. Though Ephorus saith that the Persians were 350. and Phanodemus 600. strong : yet these did nothing worthy of so great a Navy ; but they that were next the land , abandoned their ships , and fled to land , to the army that there was ready ranged in battel aray : the rest were set upon by Cimon , taken , and put to the sword , [ Plutarch . ] Thucidides saith , that they took all the Phoenician ships , to the number of 200. and sunk them every one , [ Emil. Probus in the life of Cimon ] saith that , he overcame and took all the Fleet of the Cyprians and Phoenicians , to the number of 200. saile . Diodorus , that the Athenians having sunk many of their ships , took 100. with the men in them prisoners , and that the rest when the souldiers were fled out of them into Cyprus , came all empty into their hands : which yet to have been taken full of souldiers appears by those Verses , which the Athenians made and offered to their god ; found both in Diodorus , and also in Aristides his 2 Platonic Oration . For these when souldiers all were kill'd at land , An hundred Ships of the Phoenicians took , All full of men . Plutarch also in his little discourse of the Athenian glory , saith that Cimon brought from Eurymedon about 100. ships of war of the Phoenicians . But Diodorus affirms , that he took not onely more than 100. but also full 340. ships , that is , the whole Persian Navy , and 20000. men in them . Nor was Cimon satisfied with this victory at sea ; but presently put over with his Fleet , and set upon the land army of the Persians in Asia which he saw ranged upon the shoar , near the mouth of the river Eurymedon ; which the better to effect , he put all his own souldiers , into the enemies bottoms , which he had taken , and clad them all in Persian attire ; whereupon they conceiving them to have been their own ships , hailed them as friends . Cimon therefore , so soon as the night came on , ( and it was very dark without moon-shine , ) landed his men , who breaking suddainly into the enemies Camp , slew all they met with , and killed one of the two chief Commanders , Pherendates , the kings brothers son , as he lay in his pavilion ; and after a while made them ( all amazed as they were with this sodain onslat , ) to betake them to their heeles , [ Diodorus . ] And of this Stratagem , Polyaenus , [ lib. 1. ] maketh mention , saving that by a mistake , he saith , that Cimon so landed his men in Cyprus , and not in Pamphilia ; and so doth Julius Frontinus , in the end of his 4 book : where Conon is found written instead of Cimon . Cimon moreover took 80 of the Phaenicians ships , riding near Hydrus , and were not in the fight , nor had heard any incling of it , [ Plutarch . ] This year Cimon setting saile from Athens , Year of the World 3535 with four tall men of war , The Julian Period . 4245 took 13 ships of the Persians , Year before Christ 469 in the Chersonese of Thracia , and driving out thence , both Persians and Thracians , possessed the place for the Athenians ; and so wrought the matter , that in all Asia from Ionia to Pamphylia , there was not any body of a Persian army to be seen , [ Plut. in the Life of Cimon . ] And thence it came to passe , that Pericles , who this year began to have the principality at Athens , with 50 ships , and Ephialtes with 30 more , sailing beyond the Chelidonian Islands , in the sea of Pamphylia , saw never a sail of any Persian fleet all the way , as Plutarch out of Calisthenes reporteth : and Isocrates , in his Panathenaic , sayes , that neither a Persian man of war , durst appear nearer Greece , than the port Phaselis , nor any company of them by land , over the river Halys : yet Diod. writes , that the Persians seeing the encrease of the Athenian power fell to building of ships faster than ever . Ezra the Priest , Year of the World 3537 a Scribe ( or a Lawyer ) skill'd in the Law of Moses , The Julian Period . 4247 obtained a large patent , Year before Christ 467 and was therewith sent by Artaxerxes the king and his seven counsellours to settle the Jewish Common-wealth , and to reform the Church at Jerusalem ; by which patent , it was again made lawfull , for all Jews that would , not onely to go themselves , but also to send or carry with them what gold or silver , either the king and his nobles , or the Jews themselves would offer to their God : there were also thereby given all sorts of furniture for the Lords house , and order given to the Tresurers beyond the river , to supply them with all other necessaries , out of the kings exchequer ; and that all that attended any way upon the service of the Temple , should be free from tribute ; and all the people was suffered , to live according to their own laws , [ Ezra 7. 11 , 26. ] In the seventh year of Artaxerxes , the first day of the first moneth , Ezra , with a great multitude of the Jews , set out from Babylon , [ Ezra 7. 6 , 7 , 9. chap. 8. 1 , 14. ] Ezra and his company spent 3 dayes at their Tents at Ahava ; till the Levites , which were wanting , came unto them : when all were come together , Ezra commanded a solemn fast to be kept , and prayer to be made unto God , to prosper them in their journey , and consigned all the gold and silver , which was consecrated to God , into the hands of 12 choyse men of the Priests , and to as many of the Levites , [ Ezra 8. 13 , 30. ] Upon the 12 day of the the first moneth , Year of the World b. they removed from the river Ahava , and upon the 10 day of the 5 moneth , in the seventh year of Artaxerxes his reign , they arrived at Jerusalem : and there rested themselves three dayes , [ Ezra 7. 8 , 9. chap. 8. 30 , 32. ] Upon the 4 day of the 5 moneth , the gold and silver which they had brought , was weighed out , and with the other furniture was laid up , in the house of the Lord : and they which returned offered also their sacrifices unto God : which done , the kings edicts were presented to the Governours and rulers beyond the river ; who , thereupon , shewed all favour to the people , and house of the Lord , [ Ezra 8. 33 , 36. ] Ezra , understanding that the Israelites had entred into affinity with the heathen ; mournes , fasts , and openly made intercession to God , to avert his wrathfull indignation from them , [ Ezra 9. ] And when many of the people also made great lamention for the same , Shecanias advised Ezra to move the people , that they would binde themselves by a vow to God , to put away their heathenish wives , and the children which they had by them : which was done accordingly , [ chap , 10. 1. ] Warning was given to all such , as were returned out of the captivity , that they should appear at Jerusalem within three dayes , upon a great penalty to those , which should then be found absent . Wherefore all the men of Juda and Benjamin , coming together in the court of the Temple , the 20 day of the 9 moneth , and there quaking , what with the horror of the thing they came about , what with the bitternesse of the weather ; Ezra commanded them every male to separate himself from his heathenish wife , who readily consenting thereunto ; and desiring further , that Judges might be appointed to see that order put in execution : there were forthwith appointed two out of the order of the Priests , and two adjuncts more out of the Levites to assist them , in taking the cognisance of cases of this nature , [ chap. 10. 7. 15. ] This examination held from the first day of the 10 moneth , Year of the World b. to the first of the first moneth , The Julian Period . 4248 and so in two moneths space , Year before Christ 466 was all this businesse of the strange wives dispatched , [ c. 10. 16 , 17. ] Themistocles died of a naturall death at Magnesia , Year of the World d. or as others will have it , of poyson voluntarily taken , when he saw , that he could not perform what he had undertaken to the King , for the subduing of Greece , [ Thuc. lib. 1. ] Cicero saith in his Laelius , that he killed himself , 20 years after the death of Coriolan ; which according to Dionysius Halicarnassaeus his reckoning , falls in just with the 3 year of the 78 Olymp. upon which year there is this note put by Eusebius in his Chron. Themistocles , saith he , whom his own worth had made the conqueror , his countries injuriousnesse made the General , of the Persians : Neverthelesse , that he might keep himself from going in hostile manner against it ; he appointed to offer a sacrifice , at which , taking a bowle full of the bulls bloud , he drank it off , and so fell down , as a noble sacrifice of piety , dead before the Altar ; which so memorable a departure of his out of this life wrought this effect , that Greece should never need another Themistocles after him . Against which manner of his death , yet Tully in his Brutus , makes Pompo Atticus to argue in this wise : For as you now , saith he , tell us a tale of Coriolan , so Clitarchus and Stratocles do the like of ●hemistocles ; for of whom Thucidides , who was an Athenian himself , and nobly born , and an excellent man , and who lived not long after him , saith only that he dyed , and that he was privily buried in some place in Attica , and that there was some suspition , that he made away himself by poison ; of him these men write , that when he had sacrificed a bull , he took of the blood of him in a basin , and quaffing it off , fell down dead in the place : Though indeed before the writing of this History by Thucidides , the Athenians themselves had heard it from Aristophanes , in Equitibus ; which Comedy he wrote and taught in Athens , the 7 year of the Peloponesian war , when Stratocles was Pretor , or L. Chancelor of Athens , that he died with drinking of bulls bloud . Year of the World 3540 Jubily , The Julian Period . 4249 20. Year before Christ 465 Inaros the son of Psammeticus king of Lybia ( not a Lydian as Ctesias hath it ) going from Marea , Year of the World 3544 a City bordering upon Pharus , The Julian Period . 4254 turned away the greater part of Egypt , Year before Christ 460 from the obedience of Artaxerxes ; and being made and proclaimed king by them , sent for the Athenians , from Cyprus , who by chance were there at that time , imploied in a war , with two hundred fail of ships , partly of their own , partly of their allies and friends , [ Thucid . lib. 1. ] Artaxerxes hearing of the Egyptians revolt , presently gathered an army out of all his dominions , and rigg'd up a Navie , sparing for no pains nor cost therein , Diodorus Siculus , 2 year , 79 Olympiade . forerunning here in Thucidides his more exact accompt , by two ful years . Artaxerxes purposed to go himself in the head of this army into Egypt : but upon his friends dissuasion , he gave that off , and sent his Brother Achemenes in that voiage with 400 thousand foote , and 80 sail of ships , [ Ctesias . ] and Diodorus agreeth with him for the sending of Achemenes General in this Egyptian war : but saith that he was Darius his son , and Artaxerxes his own great Uncle ; and he gave him 300 thousand horse and foot , wherewith to go upon that service ; meaning hereby Achemenes the son of Darius Hystaspis , and Atossa , unto whom Xerxes had formerly committed the kingdom of Egypt , which himself had subdued , to be governed , [ Herodotus , lib. 7. cap. 7. & 97. ] Achamenes , Year of the World 3545 al. Achamenides , coming into Egypt , sate down with his army upon the bank of the river Nile ; and having refreshed his army a while , after their long march , prepared to give them battle : They on the other side , having gotten together what forces they could make out of Egypt and Liba , lay still , waiting for the coming of the Athenians , [ Diod. Sic. ] The Athenians , coming from sea ; and entering the mouth of the Nile , quickly made themselves masters of the river , [ Thucid. ] Inaros , together with Charam●tis , who was Ammiral of a fleet of 40 ships , sent from Athens , got a victory at sea ; wherein of 50 Persian ships , they took 20. with all the men in them ; and sunk the other thirty , [ Ctesias . ] But Diodorns Siculus tells us , that the whole Athenian fleet which lay before Cyprus , and consisted of 200 saile , came at this time into Egypt ; not forty ships only , as Ctesias said . Inaros , with his own Egyptians , and this supply of the Athenians , fought also a battel with the Persians by land : wherein for a while the Persians , by reason of their over-powring multitude , had the better ; but when the Athenians came and made a strong impression on them , and made the wing which they encountered with , to retire , many of them died in the place ; and the rest of the Persian army betook themselves to their heeles : in which flight , there was a huge slaughter made of them , [ Diodor. ] for of 400 thousand men , which Achemenides brought into the field , there fell that day , together with himself , 100 thousand : for he died of a wound which he received from Inaros his own hand , and his body was sent to Artaxerxes , [ Ctesias . ] Herodotus also makes mention [ lib. 3. c. 12. and lib. 7. c. 7. ] of one Achamenes a son of Darius , and of other Persians , slain by Inaros a Lybian , son of Psammitichus , in a place called Papremes . The Athenians following the chace upon the Persians , took two parts of Memphis , and assaulted the third part also , called the white Wall , whereinto the Persians and Medes were fled : [ Thucid. and Diod. ] Artaxerxes , Year of the World 3546 hearing of this great overthrow , The Julian Period . 4256 dispatched away presently , Year before Christ 458 Megabasus a Persian , to Sparta , with a masse of money , to stir up the Peloponesians to a war against the Athenians , thinking that this would draw home the Athenians out of Egypt , But the Lacedaemonians would none of his money , nor yeild to any of his demands : which the King perceiving , he called Megabazu● home again with the monies which were left ; and commanded Megabyzus the son of Zoppyrus to provide himself for a journey into Egypt . [ Id. ib. ] to wit , that Megabysus , who was formerly General in Xerxes his army ; as [ Herod . lib. 7. cap. 82. ] and married Xerxes his daughter , Amytis : as Ctesias , the son of that Zopyrus , who recovered Babylon to Darius the son of Hystaspes : as Herod . in the very end of his third book saith . Artabazus and Megabyzus designed Commanders for the war in Egypt , Year of the World 3547 carryed with them out of their own country , The Julian Period . 4257 horse and foot 300. thousand men , Year before Christ 457 [ Diod. ] but Ctesias saith onely 200. thousand . When they were come into the part of Cilicia and Phoenicia , the Commanders thought fit there to rest a while , and to refresh the army after so long a march : meane while they command the Cilicians , Cyprians , and Phoenicians to rig up and provide the Navy : and they in a trice provided 300. sail of tall ships , which were forthwith furnished with sea-men and souldiers , with store of ammunition , and all things fit and necessary for a sea-fight . Diod. Admiral of which Fleet was appointed Oriscus , [ Ctesias . ] In making of which preparations , and in training and exercising their men in arms , and making them apt and serviceable for the war , they spent almost a whole year ; mean while the Athenians presse the siege of the Fort of White-wall in Memphis : But when the Persians within manfully defended it , and the Athenians saw no possibility of taking it by assault ; yet they lay before it all this year , [ Diod. ] The Persian Commanders in Asia having all things fitted , Year of the World 3548 march from thence thorough Syria , The Julian Period . 4258 and Phoenicia , Year before Christ 456 with their land Army ; their Navy of 300. saile coasting them still as they went : Until at last , they came to Memphis , [ Diod. ] where to those two hundred thousand which they brought with them , there joyned three hundred thousand more of those which Achaemenides had left in Egypt . Between these and the Egyptians there was a stout battel fought , and many fell on either side ; but most of the Egyptians . At length Megabyzus with his own hand wounded Inaros in the thigh : whereupon he fled , and put himself into a most strong hold , called Byblus , in the Isle of Prosopitis in the river of Nile ; and with him the Grecians which were left , and not slain with Charamites their General ; and all Egypt besides save onely that Fort of Byblus , followed the part of Megabysus . [ Ctesias . ] Megabysus having driven all , both Egyptians and Grecians out of the field , and out of Memphis , and shut them up all in the little Isle of Prosopitis ; continued the siege of them there , one yeare and six moneths . [ Thucid lib. 1. ] In the 20 year of the reign of Artaxerxes , Year of the World 3550. a. in the 9 moneth called Cisleu , Nehemias being then at Susa , where the Kings of Persia used to keep their Winter-quarter : as Athenaeus [ Deipnosoph . 12. ] teacheth us , having received news how ill matters went with the Jewes at Jerusalem , namely , that the wall thereof was broken down , and the gates consumed with fire ; fell to mourning , and fasted and prayed to God , that he would remit the sins of his people , and give to himself grace and favour in the sight of the King , [ Nehem. 1. 1 , 11. ] In the same 20 year of the King , Year of the World c. in the moneth Nisan , when the time came that Nehemiah in his turn was to attend upon the King ; ( for he was one of the Cup-bearers to him ) and both King and Queen , ( whom I suppose to be her whom Ctesias calls Damaspia ) took notice of his sorrowful and dejected looks ; he opened the cause thereof unto them , and obtained from the King a grant , not onely to be Governour of all Judea ; but also to rebuild Jerusalem , [ Neh. 11. 1 , 6. ] and from this time , begins the account of Daniels 70 weeks , [ Dan. 9. 24 , 25. ] Nehemiah furnished now with a Commission , and equipage from the King , in spight of Sanballat the Horonite of Moab , and of Tobia the Ammonite , the Governour of some place thereabouts ; comes to Jerusalem , begins the work , and answereth them who laughed at him for undertaking so idle a businesse as that was , [ Nehem. 11. 7 , 20. ] The Persian Commanders in Egypt , laied the channel of the river which compassed the Isle of Prosopitis dry , turning the water another way by ditches , which they cut ; and so lest the Athenian ships aground : and now was Prosopitis no longer an Island , but joyned to , and made a part of the Continent . As soon therefore as the Egyptians saw the Athenian ships , in what case they were , they took a fright , and presently , not careing what became of them , made their own peace with the Persians : and the Athenians for their parts , seeing themselves thus deserted by the Egyptians , and their ships made uselesse , set them all on fire , that the enemy might not gain them . The Persians therefore now passing the channel on dry foot , entered the Island , and by a fight at land took it neverthelesse , seeing the excesse of valour in the Athenians , and remembring what losses they had formerly received by them , were content to come to a fair agreement and composition with them , that they should all , ( and there were six thousand of them ) depart out of Egypt , with bag and baggage ; and return home when they would , [ Thucid. Diod. Ctesias . ] And thus the fortunes of the Athenians in Egypt , where they had spun out the war six years , came to nothing : and Egypt returned into Artaxerxes his power and obedience again , all save Amyrtaeus , who was king of those which dwelt in the fen countries of Egypt ; for him they could not take in , both because of the vastnesse of the fen it self , and also for that the inhabitants thereof were a most warlike nation , [ Thucid. lib. 1. ] Eliashib , Year of the World d. the son of Joiakim , the son of Jehu ( or Jehoshua ) the High Priest , and the rest of the Jews , every one in his place , fel in hand very stoutly with the building of the wal of Jerusalem , [ Nehem. 3. ] beginning on the fourth day of the fifth moneth Ab. as is gathered out of chap. 6. 15. ib. Sanballat and Tobias , with the Samaritans , and other enemies of the Jews , first fell a laughing and scoffing at this new work : but when they saw the wall half up , they left their mocking , and laid their heads together , and consulted how to destroy the builders , which when Nehemias understood , he first praied to God , and then began to order his men , all in a military way ; and so put by the purpose and practise of their enemies , [ chap. 4. ib. ] Nehemias , vpon the complaints and outcries of the people , taketh an order to have them all freed , the slaves of their bondage , the debtor of their debts ; and those that had pawn'd or mortgaged their lands or goods , of their forfeitures ; and himself to give an example in so good and charitable a work , released his own debts , and all engagements of lands or goods made unto him , and ●ased the poorer sort of publique taxes , and contribution , and gave liberally of his own unto them that wanted , [ chap. 4. ib. ] But Nehemias was not onely in danger from Sanballat , and other enemies abroad , but also from false prophets and false brethren at home , which sought to hinder the work no lesse than the other did . All which difficulties well overcome , the wall in fifty two dayes was finished , to wit , upon the 25 day of the sixth moneth called E●ul , do their enemies at home and abroad , what they could to the contrary , [ chap. 6. ib. ] The dedication of the wall was performed with much celebrity , and great joy , [ Neh. 12. 27 , 43. ] Then did Nehemiah take into consideration the several offices belonging to the house of the Lord , appoints Governours over the city , and orders the guards thereof ; and calling their congregation together , takes a note , of all that had returned out of the captivity , that ont of them a number might be selected , to people and store the city now it was built , with inhabitants : all which , every one according to his ability , made their several offerings unto God , [ Neh. c. 7. ] When 50 saile of Grecian ships were sent into Egypt , to serve in their room , who had been there so long already , it ●ell out , that they knowing nothing of what had happened to their countrey men there , came to anchor at Mendesium , which is one of the mouths of Nilus . There as they lay , the Persian sat upon them from the land , and the Phenicians by sea , and destroyed the greatest part of them ; few escaped to carry news into Greece . And even of that great army which was there before , few returned into Greece again , but were lost as they passed thorough the deserts of Lybia , to get unto Cyrene . And this was the end , which that great voyage of the Athenians into Egypt came unto , [ Thucid. lib. 1. ] In the feast of Trompets , Year of the World 3551 the first day of the seventh moneth , when all the Jews came together at Jerusalem , the Law of God was by Ezra red and expounded to them , at the hearing whereof , when they were all sorely grieved , and fell a weeping , they were heartned up by Nehemiah , Ezra , and the Levites , and by them perswaded to keep that feast , with meriment and joy of minde , [ Nehem. 8. 1 , 2 , 12. ] Upon the second day of the same moneth , Ezra , was consulted withall , by the Elders of the families , and by the Priests and levites , concerning certain doubts arising upon the reading of the Law , and it was enjoyned them to keep the feast of Tabernacles , [ Nehem. 8. 13 , 14 , 15 , ] abroad in the fields , and in booths made of boughs , according to the Law , [ Lev. 23. 40. ] Upon the 15 day , and the six dayes following , the feast of Tabernacles was celebrated with great care and devotion , and for seven dayes together , the law of God was read in their ears , and the eight day also was kept very solemnly , according as was prescribed , [ Levit. 23. 36. ] Neither was there the like feast of Tabernacles kept from the dayes of Josua the son of Nun , unto that time , and there was great joy made at it , [ Ib. 17. 18. ] Of which the Jews in their greater Chronicle , [ cap. 30. ] speak in this manner ; It may be said that he compareth the return of the children of Israel into the land , in the dayes of Ezra , with that of their first entring into it in the dayes of Joshua : and as in the dayes of Joshua they were bound to tithes , to the years of Shemitae , or Remission , and to Jubilies , and to the hallowing of their walled towns : so now in their return in the time of Ezra , they were in like manner obliged to the law of Tithes , of the years of Shemitae or releaseings , of Jubilies , and to the hallowing of their walled Cities ; and they rejoyced greately before the Lord. Upon the 24 of this moneth , the Israelites which returned , separating themselves from all strangers , made publick profession of their repentance , [ Nehem. 9. ] and renewing their covenant with God , bound themselves to the observation of the Law of God and of his Worship , [ chap. 10. ] and in special of that Law , [ Levit. 25. 4. Deut. 15. 1 , 2. ] concering the tillage of their land , and exaction of debts : and of letting their land rest every seventh year , [ Nehem. 10. 31. ] The chief Heads of the people seated themselves all at Hierusalem ; the rest cast lots , according to which every tenth man , should inhabit and have his dwelling in the holy City . [ Nehem. 11. with 1 Chron. ca. 9. ] Megabyzus , Year of the World c. leaving Sartamah Governour of Egypt , returned to Artaxerxes with Inarus , and certain of the Grecians in his company ; having given them his word , that they should have no hurt done unto them ; which Artaxerxes himself carefully observed and performed toward them , though grievously incensed against Inaros for having slain his brother Achaemenides , Insomuch , that when his mother Amestris ( instead of which , the name of Amytis is here crept into Cresias ) desired vengeance to be taken of Inaros , and the Grecians , and even of Megabyzus himself ; her son in law the King , denyed her request , [ Ctesias . ] The Athenians send Cimon their General with a Fleet of 200. sail of their own , Year of the World 3554 and their confederates into Cyprus : The Julian Period . 4264 of which sixty went away into Egypt to Amyrtaeus , Year before Christ 450 who continued still in the fenny country of Egypt : the rest besieged Citium a City in Cyprus , [ Thucid. lib. 1. ] At this time Artabazus and Megabyzus commanded the Persian Army ; the first of which Artabazus lay with the Fleet consisting of 300. sail , about Cyprus : the other with his land Forces , which amounted to the number of 300. thousand men , remained in Cilicia , [ Diod. Sic. lib. 12. in the 3 year of 82 Olympiade ] Cimon sent certain messengers to the Temple of Ammon , to consult the Oracle there , about some secret matter , [ Plutarch in the life of Cimon . ] In the siege of Citium in Cyprus , Year of the World 3555 ( as Thucidides saith ) Cimon died ; The Julian Period . 4265 either of a natural disease , Year before Christ 449 ( as Emil. Probus hath it ) or , as others , of a wound which he received in a fight against the enemy . Being ready to depart this life , he advised those that were about him to conceale his death , and to get them gone with all the speed they could . And it fell out , that neither friends nor foes knowing any thing of his death , all the Greek army returned home safe , under the conduct , ( as Phanedemus speaketh ) of Cimon when he had been a whole moneth dead ; But they who were sent to consult the Oracle , having received no other answer , but that Cimon was already with him : returned to their fellows in Egypt , and understood by them that Cimon died , at that very time , when that answer was made unto them , [ Plut. in the life of Cimon . ] When the Grecian army returned out of Egypt , they which lay before Citium in Cyprus , being sorely pressed with famine , raised their siege from thence , and sailed to Salamis in the same Isle : where they fought with the Phoenicians , Cyprians , and Cilicians , both by sea and land . In the sea-fight , they sunk many ships of the enemies Navy , and took a hundred bottomes , with all the souldier ; and Marriners in them : and the rest they pursued as far as unto Phoenicia it self : But the Persians with such of the ships as were left , fled into Cilicia , where Megabyzus with the army lay . And the Athenians making thither ward with all possible speed , landed their men upon the open shoar , and set upon the enemy . In which fight , Anaxicrates who commanded the Fleet , behaving himself in most manful wise , died a most noble and heroick death . The rest having gotten the victory , and made a great slaughter of their foes , returned to their ships ; and came home all in company with those , which were upon their way returning out of Egypt , [ Diod. Sic. in the 3 and 4 year of the 82 Olympiade , ] as he stands corrected out of Thucidides . But Elian writeth , that the Athenians lost in Egypt 200. tall men of War , and in Cyprus , 150. with all their tackle , ammunition , and furniture , in them , [ Elian. Variar . Histor. lib. 5. cap. 10. ] Artaxerxes , hearing of the loss of his men in Cyprus , advised with his Council concerning this war ; and in the end it was resolved , that it was for the good of that kingdom , that peace should be made with the Grecians . Therefore the King wrote his letters to the Captains and Commanders in Cyprus that they should at any hand , and upon any terms come to a treaty , and conclude a peace with the Grecians . Hereupon Artabazus and Megabyzus dispatched away messengers to Athens , there to treat of a peace ; and when the Athenians had consented to the conditions by them proposed , they also sent commissioners on their part with full power and authority , the chief of which was Callias , the son of Hipponicus , [ Diod , in the 4. year of the 82. Olympiade . ] At which time also the men of Argos , sent their messengers to Susa , to know of Artaxerxes , whether he thought the league and friendship which they had heretofore made with his father Xerxes , did continue still ; or whether they were held by him as enemies . To whom Artaxerxes returned this answer , that the league continued by all means , and that he held no City more friend to him than that of Argos was , [ Herodotus , lib. 7. cap. 151. ] The peace between the Athenians and their confederates on the one side , and the Persians on the other , was concluded on , upon these conditions , That the Grecian cities , in all Asia , should enjoy their own liberty , and rights . That no Persian Governour , should at any time come within three dayes journey of the Sea : that there should no ship of war , of either side be found riding out , between Phaselis , and the Cyanean Iles : or as Plutarch expresseth it , That the king should not have any beakedship , or man of war surging in all the sea , between the Cyanean , and the Chel●donian Islands . Now when the King and his Council of war had subscribed to these articles , then the Athenians also , took their oath , that they would not in hostile manner invade any of the kings Provinces , [ Diod , ut sup . ] It is said also , that they built an altar in memory of this peace , and that they heaped many honours upon Callias , who had been the contriver and procurer of it , [ Plut , in the life of Cimon . ] Artaxerxes tired out with the importune sollicitation of his mother , Year of the World 3556 which for five years space she continually used unto him , The Julian Period . 4266 at length gave up Inaros the Egyptian , Year before Christ 448 king , and the Greeks that came with him into hit hand ; whereupon the Queen caused the body of Inarus to be so rackt , and stretched out , and wreathed several wayes , that he hung upon three several crosses at one time : as for the Grecians she caused fifty of them ( for she could catch no more ) to have their heads smitten off . [ Ctesias . ] Thucidides saith that Inarus king of Lybia , was taken by trechery and crucified ; yet Herodotus telleth us , that his son Thammyras , by the favour of the Persians , held the Principality in Egypt ; which his father had held before him , [ lib. 3. c. 15. ] Megabyzus , being sorely grieved for the death of Inaros and those Grecians , asked leave that he might go to his own government in Syria : and had under hand sent away thither , the rest of the Grecians which had escaped ; and he following after , so soon as he came thither revolted from the king : and gathered an army of 150000 men , Ctesias . ] Against Megabyzus was sent Osiris , Year of the World 3557 with an army of 200 thousand men : The Julian Period . 4267 they fought and in the fight , Year before Christ 447 Osiris wounded Megabyzus with a dart in the thigh , two inches deep : and he likewise wounded Osiris with a dart , first in the thigh , and then in the shoulder ; with which Osiris fell from his horse ; but Megabyzus took him about by the middle , and saved him , many of the Persians fell : and the two sons of Megabyzus , Z●●yrus and Artipsyus , fought valiantly that day : so that Megabyzus had the better of it , and having gotten in the end a full victory , had great care of Osiris and sent him to Artaxerxes , who demanded him at his hands , [ Ctesias . ] Against Megabyzus was sent another army , Year of the World 3558 whereof was general Menostanes , The Julian Period . 4268 or Menostates , Year before Christ 446 son to Artarius , Governor of Babylon , and brother to king Artaxerxes ; who met and fought , and Megabyzus wounded Menostanes in the shoulder : and also in the head ; yet was neither of those wounds mortal : but upon those wounds received , he and all his whole army left the field and fled , and Megabyzus obtained a most glorious victory , [ Ctesias . ] Artarius , first by messengers , then Artoxares the Eunuch , a Paphlagonian born , and Amestris , the Queen mother , perswaded Megabyzus , to come to an agreement with the king : and with much a do could Artarius himself , and Amytis his wife , and Artoxares , who was now 20 years of age , and Petisas , Osiris his son , prevaile with him to come unto the king : and when he was come , the king sent him word , that he freely pardoned him all his by-past offences . But when a while after , the king went a hunting , and there a lyon set upon him , and Megabyzus , seeing the lyon raised upon his hinder feet , slew him with his spear ; the king growing wroth with him , because he had done it , before he himself had given the lyon any blow , commanded his head to be taken off : yet upon the intercession of Amestris , & Amytis & others , his life was spared , and he sent away and confined to a certain Island , called Cirta , in the read sea : Artoxares also , the Eunuch , for having oft-times spoken liberally to the king , on the behalf of Magabyzus was bannished into Armenia , [ Ctesias . ] Herodotus , Year of the World 3559 when he had read his books at Athens , The Julian Period . 4269 before the Council there ; Year before Christ 445 was much honoured for them , as saith Euseb. in his Chron. where Scaliger noteth , that Herodotus wrote his books , before his going into great Greece ; not in great Greece it self , as some imagine , following herein Pliny , and we shall see more in the year subsequent . But I observe , that in these his books , mention is often made of the Peloponesian War , both in [ the 7 book cap. 137. and in the 9 book cap. 72. ] In the former of which is related a thing done in the 2 year of that War ; and in the later , a thing acted in the 19 year thereof at Decelaea : full 33 years after the time consigned by Euseb. to the reading of his books at Athens . See more after in the year 3596. and 3597. In the first year of the 84 Olympiade , Year of the World 3560 when Praxiteles was Praetor or L. Chancelor of Athens , The Julian Period . 4270 12 years before the Peloponesian war began : the Athenians sent a Plantation or Colony of theirs into Great Greece , Year before Christ 444 to rebuild a certain decayed City there , called Thuri● : which Colony was carried thither by Lysias , a youth , at that time , of 15 years of age , and no more , [ Plutarch and Dionysius Halicarnassaeus in the life of Lysias the Orator ] And Herodotus being then 41 years old , who though he were born at Halicarnassus in Caria ; yet obtained he the surname of Thurius afterward 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( i.e. ) because he was one who had his part in carrying that Colony or Plantation to Thurii : as strabo saith in his 14 book : Now this 84 Olympiade fell in with the 310. year of the nativity of Rome , according to Varroes account . In which year Pliny saith , that Herodotus compiled his History at Thurii in Italy , [ lib. 12. cap. 4. ] as we touched in the precedent year . In this year all wars were laied asleep throughout Asia , Year of the World 3562 Greece , The Julian Period . 4272 Sicily , Year before Christ 442 Italy , Gaule , Spain , and almost all the World over , [ Diod. Sic. 3. year of the 84 Olympiade . ] Nehemias , when he had governed Judea 12 years , ( i.e. ) from the 20 year of the reign of Artaxerxes , to the 32 of the same , returned to the King , [ Nehem. 5. 14. and chap. 13. 6. ] In his absence Eliashib the Priest , which was over the Chamber of the House of God , having contracted affinity with Tobia : had prepared him a fair chamber in the court of the temple : in which chamber , were formerly wont to be laid up and kept the hallowed Gifts and Tithes . And the son of Joiada the son of Eliashib the High Priest , ( who was a different man from Eliashib , of whom I spake before ) became son in law , and had married the daughter of Sanballat the Horonite ; which disorders , with sundry others which had crept in , in his absence , Nehemias upon his return to Jerusalem with a new Commission , quickly redressed , and severely punished , [ Nehem. 13. ] Megabyzus when he had lived now full five years in banishment ; Year of the World 3563 fled out of the Island where he was confined , The Julian Period . 4273 and faining himself to be a Pisagas , Year before Christ 441 ( 1. a Leper in the Persian language , and one to whom no man might approach ) came home to his own wife Amytis : and what by her , what by Amestris the Kings mother , was in the end reconciled to the King : who thereupon made him sit at table with him , as he had done in former times : and when he had lived 76 years he died ; for which the King grieved very sorely . [ Ctesias . ] In this year began a war between the Samians and Milesians , Year of the World 3564 about the city of Priene , The Julian Period . 4274 ( i. ) the sixth year in the beginning thereof , Year before Christ 441 ( Thucidides hath it ) after the 30 years peace and league made between the Athenians and Lacedaemonians : and in the 4 year about the middest thereof , of the 84 Olympiade as Diodorus noteth . Now Priene was a City in Caria , which the Samians and Milesians , each laid claim to as their own : the Milesians finding themselves too weak at blowes , drew unto their party some of the Samians , who desired an alteration of things in their own State : and with them repaired to Athens , and there complained of the injurious carriage of the Citizens of Samos : whereupon the Athenians sent unto them , requiring them to surcease their armes , and to come and debate the matter in difference , before them at Athens . Which when the Samians refused to do , Pericles prevailed to have open War proclaimed against them : and all this in favour of his wench Aspasia , that famous Courtisan , and one whom he doted on , not so much for her beauty , as for her wit ; and because she was the daughter of one Axiochus , who was a Milesian borne . The Athenians therefore sending a Fleet of 40 sail , under the command of Pericles , easily took the City of Samos , and changed the Aristocraty thereof into a democratical kind of Government . But presently after , Pericles was returned from Samos , there arose among them a terrible sedition : some striving to maintain the new establisht popular Government , and others holding that the old Aristocratical was the better . They therefore who disliked the Democratical , conspiring with the chief men of the city , sent into Asia , to Pissuthnes the son of Hystaspes Governour of Sardes ; and having made a confederacy with him , obtained of him a company of 700. souldiers ; with which putting over in the still of the night into the Isle of Samos : they there joyned with other of their consorts , who attended their coming , and so altogether surprized and took the Town , and professing themselves open enemies to the Athenians , took the whole Garrison of them that there was , with the Captain and Officers , and sent them all for a present to Pissuthnes : which done , they forthwith march against Miletus , having drawn the inhabitants of Byzantium also into their confederacy against the Athenians . The Athenians hearing of the revolt of Samos , dispatch away thither sixty saile of ships , well furnished ; wherof sixteen went partly towards Caria , to encounter the Phoenician fleet in those parts , and partly into Chios and Lesbos , to take in aides from thence , the other 44 vessels continued with Pericles the Ammiral and his 9 collegues . The Samians hereupon recall their 20 saile of ships , which they had sent all full of souldiers to assault Miletus , and joyning to them 50 saile more , fought with the 44 ships of the Athenians , near an Island called Tragia , and had there the worst of it . From whence the Athenians , having a supply of 40 saile more from home , and 25 more by way of aid from Chios and Lesbos , went and landed with their forces , in the Isle of Samos , and getting the better of it there also , they possessed themselves of the Haven , and having drawn a treble ditch about the city by land , they barred up the Haven with their ships . A few dayes after , Pericles understanding by letters out of Caria , and Caunus , that the Phaenician fleet , was coming towards him , to the relief of Samos , he , leaving a part of his army to maintain the siege , took with him 60 saile out of the Navy ; and went to encounter them , with all the speed he could possibly make , and with him went Stesagoras with five ships of Samos , and others , to meet with the Phaenician Navy . The Samians taking advantage of the absence of Pericles , by the perswasion and leading of Melissus , the son of Ithogenes ; a singular Philosopher , suddenly sallied out upon the Athenian camp , which was neither fenced not manned , as it ought to have been ; and having sunk the ships which kept the Haven , fought with the land forces in the open field , and routed them ; and hereby , having an open sea , for 14 dayes space , they freely imported and exported , what they would , without impeachment . Pericles , hearing what had befallen his men at Samos , made back thitherward , as fast as conveniently he could , encreased his fleet ; and when Thucidides ; Agnon — and Phormio , were come to him with 40 saile , and Tlepolemus and Anticles , with 20 ships more from Athens ; and those of Chios and Mitylene had sent him 30 saile , with these great forces , he set upon Melissus , and overthrew him in the field , and then fell to besiege the town it self by land and sea , as afore , and harassed them with frequent assaults on every side : insomuch , that some say , those engines of Battrie , as Rams , and Vines , and Galleries , were there first invented , by one Artemon , of Clazomena : which Artemon the Engineer , Ephorus the Historian doth unskilly confound with Artemon Periphresus , of whom Anacreon the Poet , in his verses ( recited by Athenaeus lib. 12. ) maketh mention , [ Thucid. lib. 1 , Diod. Sic. in the 4 year of 84 Olympiade , and Plut. in the life of Pericles . ] After 9 moneths siege , Year of the World 3565 the Samians gave up the town , The Julian Period . 4275 which was forthwith dismantled , Year before Christ 439 they gave hostages also for their fidelity in time to come , they gave up all their shipping , and paid for the expense of the war , according to an enstalment then made . Those of Byzantium also came in , and submitted to the Athenian government as before , [ Thucid. lib. 1. ] Spartacus succeded Archaeanactides , Year of the World 3566 in the kingdom of Bosphorus Cimmerius , [ Diod. the third year of the 85 Olympiade . ] Spartacus died , Year of the World 3571 whom Diodorus Siculus , The Julian Period . 4281 in the 4 year of the 86 Olympiade , Year before Christ 432 affirmeth then to have reigned 17 years ; and in the 3 year of the 85 Olympiade , he affirmeth him to have reigned 17 years , when as yet the interval between these two Olimpic years assigned by him , the one to the beginning , the other to the end of his reign , make up but five , or at most ( both parts being included ) but six years of his reign ; after him succeded Seleucus . At Athens , The Julian Period . 4572 in the year when Apseudes was Archon or President , and in the last year , almost compleat of the 86 Olympiade , Meton observed the summer solstice , to be upon the 21 day of the Egyptian moneth , Phamenoth ( or the 27 day of June , according to the Julian Calendar ) in the morning , [ Ptolomy , in his Mag. Syntax lib. 3. cap. 2. ] and thereupon framed the Cyclus Punaris , or the circle of the moon , which we call the Golden number , of 19 years , [ Diod. Sic. the fourth year , of the 85 Olympiade , deducing the beginning of this Cycle , from the new moon next following that Solstice , or the 15 day of July , according to the Julian account . Arcesilaus was kill'd by the Cyrenians his own subjects ; Year of the World 3573 and was the 8 king in that state . The Julian Period . 4283 And the man which in the 3 year of the 73 Olympiade , Year before Christ 431 wan the 31 Pythian race with his chariot ; and which is so much renowned for it by Pindarus , in his 4 and and 5 Ode . whom when his son would have succeded , he was put by , by the Syrenians ; whereupon he sailed into the Hesperides , or western Islands , and there died : and so that kingdom of Cyrenia , which had stood 200 years , four of the name of Battus , and four of the name of Archelaus , enterchangeably succeding each the other therein , according to the oracle at Delphos , reported by Herod , [ lib. 4. cap. 163. ] came to an end , [ Scholiast . Pind. in Od. 4. Pythion . ] The 1 year of 87 Olympiade drawing to an end , when there were but two months left of the Praetorship of Pythodorus of Athens , in the beginning of the spring , began the war which is called the Peloponesian war , between the Lacedemonians and the Athenians : wherein the Nations inhabiting all along the coast of Asia , sided with the Athenians ; as the Carians , the Dores , the Ionians , those of Hellespont , and all the Islanders adjoyning , except those only , which inhabited the two Islands of Melos , and Thera : But both parties sent their Embassies to Artaxerxes , to crave his aide , [ Thucid. lib. 2. ] In the beginning of this war , there flourished 3 noble Historiographers , Hellanicus , of the age of 65. Herodotus 53. and Thucidides 40 years old ; as A. Gellius , in his 15 book . cap. 23. reporteth out of Pamphilia , [ lib. 11. ] of which Thucidides wrote the full history of this war , to the 21 year thereof ; diligently setting down all things done therein , by winters and summers : beginning every summer from the first of the spring ; and every winter from the first of Autumne . In the first summer of this war , there fell so great an enclipse of the sun , that the stars appeared in the firmament , [ Thucid. lib. 2. ] which bred a great terror in all mens minds as a sad and great prodigie in the world , But Pericles , seeing the Master of the ship wherein he was , overtroubled thereat , cast his cloak over his eyes , and asked him whether he were afraid at that ? or whether he thought it portended any great matter of no ; and when he said , no : why , replyed Pericles , what difference is between this covering of the sun , and that , save only , that , that which causeth this darknesse , is greater than my cloak ? [ Plutarch in the life of Pericles : ] and thereupon entered into a discourse concerning the eclipses of the sun and moon , and their motions , by which they come , according as he had heard and learned from his Master Anaxagoras ; and perswaded his fellow citizens , not to trouble themselves , with a vain and needlesse fear , [ Valer. Max. lib. 8. cap. 11. ] And that this year also , upon the 3 day of August , at 5 a clock in the after-noone , the son was eclipsed at Athens , to about the quantity of 10 digits , the Astronomical account plainly demonstrates . A fearful plague , Year of the World 3574 beginning first in Ethiopia , The Julian Period . 4284 and thence spreading it self into the parts of Lybia and Egypt , Year before Christ 430 and especially into the regions of the Persian dominion , came at last , and lay very sore upon the City of Athens in the 2 year of this war ; [ Thucid. l. 2. ] where he setteth down historically , the kind and manner of this plague ; as he might well do , having himself been taken with it , and oft in company with those who were sick thereof : and what he doth historically ; that doth Hippocrates as a Physitian , as living then in Athens , and was imployed in the curing of sundry persons , afflicted therewith , [ lib. 3. Epidem . Sect. 3. ] but poetically , Lucretius , who lived many ages after , hath set it forth , and painted it to the life . In a town of the Colophonians , called Notium , upon a sedition raised among themselves , Itamenes and his Median solidiers , being called in by one of the sides , came and possessed himself , of the strongest part of the town , [ Thucid. lib. 3. ] In the later end of this summer , Aristeas , the son of Adimantus a Corinthian , and the Embassadors of the Lacedemonians , Aneristus , and Nicolaus , and Patrodemus , and Timagoras of Tegrea , and Polis of Argos , in his own name , taking their journey into Asia towards Artaxerxes , to entreat of him aide of men and mony for the war , took Thrace in their way , and came to Sitalces the king thereof , the son of Tereas : But when they thought to passe the Hellespont , and to go to Pharnaces the son of Pharnatacus , hoping by him to be convoyed and brought to Artaxerxes , they were betrayed by Sadocus , the son of Sitalces the king , and Nymphodorus of Abdera , the son of Pytheus , and were all taken and carried to Athens : and the Athenians without judgment , or hearing them so much as speak , when they would have said something for themselves , the self same day they came , caused them all to be kill'd , and throwne into a ditch , [ Thucid. l. 2. with Herod . l. 7. c. 137. ] The winter following , Year of the World 3575 the Athenians , sent six ships , into Caria : under the command of Melesandrus , both to gather what mony they could in those parts , and to scoure the seas from pirates and robbers , who out of Peloponesus , were wont to take up poor Merchants ships with their loadings , which traded along the coast of Phaselis , Phenice , and other ports of the continent . But Melesandrus , with his Athenians , and other confederates , not keeping the sea , but going a land in Licia , was there met , and fought withall , and slain , with a great part of his army , [ Thucid. lib. 2. ] Seleucus , The Julian Period . 4285 the king of Bosphorus Cimmerius , Year before Christ 428 having held that principality 4 years [ Diod. 4 year of the 86 Olympiade . ] after whom , as it seemeth , Spartacus the 2. reigned , and he continued 22 years . Pericles died , Year of the World 3576 the 4 year of 87 Olympiade , The Julian Period . 4286 [ Diod. l. 12. ] 2 years and 6 months after the beginning of the Peloponesian war , Year before Christ 428 whereof himself had been the chief occasion , [ Thucid. lib. 2. ] and when he had continued Prince of the Athenian state , 40 years , [ Cic. lib. 3. de oratore . and Plutarch in the life of Pericles . ] In the same year died Anaxagoras of Clazomenae , Pericles his master , who was born in the 70 Olympiade , and died in the first year of the 88 Olympiade , as Laertius in his life reporteth , out of Apollodorus his Chron. though it be there miswritten , Olympiade 78. Where he also addeth , that the men of Lampsacus , bestowed on him , an honourable burial , with this Epitaph , recorded also by Elian , [ lib. 8. Var. Histor. cap. ult . ] upon his tomb . Great Anaxagoras lies hear in mold , Who did all secrets of the Heavens unfold . In the winter season of the fourth year of the Peloponesian war , Year of the World 3577 the Athenians sent 12 ships , commanded by Lysicles , and four commissioners with him , to collect their tribute from their consederate cities . Lysicles , as he went from place to place to gather moneys , at last going from Myus , thorough Caria , the Carians , and Anaeitae rose suddenly upon him out of an Ambuscado , and slew both him , and the greatest part of his army , [ Thucid. lib. 3. ] Alcides commander of the Lacedemonian fleet , coming to the foreland of Myonesus , in the countrey of the Teii , put to death there the greatest part of the Greeks , whom he had taken prisoners out of Asia : but when he was come to Ephesus , some messengers sent unto him , by the Samians , which were of the Anaeitae , told him that he took a wrong way to deliver the Greek nation out of servitude and thraldom , if he purposed to destroy such , as neither ever bare arms against him , nor were his enemies ; but onely were forced to pay contribution , to the Athenians : whereupon he spared the rest , and let them go . A new broile rising between the old citizens , which dwelt in the base town of Notium , and those which had newly fled thither , these confideing in the power of such Arcadians , and other barbarians as Pissuthnes , the Governor of Lydia had sent them , drew a wall round about the upper town , for a fortification against the base town , and confederating with those Colophonians , who dwelling in the upper town , took part with the Medes , made one Common-wealth with them . But the other side sent for Pachetes , a captain of the Athenians to come and help them ; who when he came , desired Hippias , whom Pissuthnes , had made captain of the Arcadians in the fort to come forth to a parlee , covenanting with him , that if they could not agree , he should return safe and sound into the fort again , whereupon he came forth : but so soon as he came , Pachetes took , and committed him to safe custody , yet without manacles or fetters ; and setting presently upon the fort took it , and put all whom they found therein to the sword , as well Arcadians as Barbarians ; and last of all , to keep his word with Hippias he let him come safe and sound into the fort ; but so soon as he was come , laid hold on him again , and shot him to death with arrows , so he restored Notium to the Colophonians , save to those , who had taken part with the Medes . Afterward the Athenians sent a plantation thither of their own , and governed the place , according to their own laws , gathering together as many of the Colophonians out of all parts , as they could find to inhabit it , [ Thucid. lib. 3. Polyae . Stratag . lib. 3. ] Artaxerxes sent Artaphernes , Year of the World 3578 a Persian Ambassador , The Julian Period . 4289 with a letter written in the Assyrian language , Year before Christ 425 to Lacedemon : wherein , among other things signified to them , that he knew not what they would have , nor what their meaning or intention was ; for that they had sent unto him a multitude of Ambassadors : but no one of them agreed with another ; werefore if they would have him to understand their minds , they should send some men of their own unto him , with the bearer thereof , [ Thucid lib. 4. ] Artaxerxes , Year of the World d. in the interim died , and his son Xerxes succeeded him , onely for one year , [ Diod. Sic. the 4 year of the 88 Olympiade . ] whose mother Damaspia , died the same day , that Xerxes , or rather , that her husband Artaxerxes ( as the sequele sheweth ) did ; and Bagorazus the Eunuch carried the corps , both of father and mother into Persia , [ Ctesias . ] In the winter of the seventh year of the Peloponesian water , Year of the World 3580. a. Aristides , the son of Archippus , one of the captains which were sent from Athens , to gather the tribute of their confederetes , lighted upon Artaphernes the Persian Ambassador , as he was going to Lacedemon , at a place called Eione , upon the river strimon , and brought him prisoner to Athens , whom the Athenians presently shipt away , and sent him back to Ephesus , and an Ambassador of their own with him ; but coming thither , and hearing there , that Artaxerxes was lately dead , they returned home again , [ Thucid. lib. 4. ] In the beginning of the next summer ; Year of the World b. Thucidides sayes , The Julian Period . 4269 there was a little Eclips of the Sun , Year before Christ 445 beginning , as his manner is the Summer , from the first of the spring , for that upon the 21 day of March , according to the Julian Calendar , toward the end of the fourth year of the 88 Olympiade , in the forenoon , the Sun was more than half over eclipsed , the Prutenian account sheweth . The Banditoes of Mitylene , after their city was taken by the Athenians , joyning with the Banditoes of Lesbos , and hiring some others out of Peloponesus , went in a great body and took Rhaetium ; and having received of them a round summe of money , spared the City : and from thence went to Antandrus and took that by intelligence within : for their purpose from the beginning was to set at liberty , as sundry other Cities of the country called Actaea , ( which formerly was held by the Mitylenians , but was then possessed by the Athenians , ) so especially Antandrus ; to the end that having fortified it , they might there build them shipping enough , as having the hill Ida , and store of timber from thence at hand : and hoped with that and other provision , to get Lesbos , and other Cities of Eolia , in the Continent , into their possession , [ Thucid. lib. b. 4. ] At the same time , Year of the World c. Aristides and Demodocus , whom Diodorus calleth Symmachus , Captains of the Athenian Navy , lay in Hellespout , gathering of their tribute ; whiles Lamachus , their third Captain , was gone with ten ships into Pontus . They therefore hearing that the Mitylenians purposed to fortifie Antandrus ; gathered an army of their confederates , and set sail thitherward ; and when the enemy sallied out from thence , foiled them in the field , and gat the Town again . But Lamachus who was gone into Poatus , coming into the mouth of the river Caleces , ( which Diodorus calls Cachetes ) in Heracleotis , leaving their ships at an anchor , there went and spoiled all the country about Heraclea , which in favour of the Persian , had refused to pay contribution to the Athenians . But when upon the falling of a great raine the river swol , and ran with a mighty current , and drave their ships upon the rocky shoar , he there wholy lost his Fleet , and a great part of his army besides . Wherefore when by sea he could not , having lost his ships , and by land durst not with so small a company return home , thorough so many fierce & warlick Nations as lay in his way ; they of Heraclea , taking this occasion to gratifie them rather than to be revenged of them , and thinking the spoil of their country well bestowed , if they might thereby purchase them for friends , which were before their foes , sent them away fairly , with all manner of provision for their journey homeward . So Lamachus , with the company which he had left , went over land thorough the country of the Thracians , which dwelt in Asia side , and came safely to Chalcedon , [ Thucid. lib. 4. Diodor. lib. 12. Justin lib. 16. cap. 3. ] When Xerxes , Year of the World d. upon a Festival day had drunk himself stark drunk , and was laid asleep in his chamber , his brother Secundianus , begotten upon Aloguna , a Babylonish woman , and Pharnacyas an Eunuch , came in upon him , and murdered him . [ Ctesias . ] Secundianus , who had a long time born a grudge to Bagoras the Eunuch , picking a quarrel with him for burying his fathers body without his advise taken therein , commanded him to be stoned to death : which act of his the army took very ill ; and although he bestowed large mouies among them , yet what for this , what for the murder of his brother , they ever hated him . [ Ctesias . ] Ochus , Year of the World 3581. d. whom his father Artaxerxes had made Governour of Hyrcania , being sent for by his Brother Secundianus to come unto him , sent word he would , but came not ; and this he often did : but at length , gathered a mighty army , and intended for the kingdom . Arbarius who was General of the Horse to Secundianus , fell over unto Ochus : and Arxanes the Governour of Egypt did the like . Artoxares also , out of Armenia came unto him in person , and whether he would or no , set the Cidaris , ( i. ) the Crown upon his head . [ Ctesias . ] Thus Ochus was made King , Year of the World b. and called himself from thence forward Darius : and by the advice of Parysatis , his wise and sister , tried first what he could do with his brother Secundianus by fair words and oaths : But Menosthanes , who was the greatest man with him among all his Eunuchs , was earnest with him not to believe his oaths , nor have any treaty with faithlesse men : yet Secundianus , came to a treaty , and was there laid hold on ; and being thrown into a heap of ashes , there died , [ Ctesias ] of which kind of punishment , see more before , in the year of the World , 3485. b. and in 2 Maccabees , [ cap. 13. 5 , 6. ] When Scundianus , al. Sogdianus , was now dead , then reigned Ochus alone , known by the name of Darius Nothus toward the later end of the first year of 89 Olimpiade ; as appears by [ Thucidides , lib. 8. and Diodor. 3 year of 89 Olympiade . ] When the men of Delos were driven out of their country by the Athenians , Year of the World 3582 Pharnaces gave them Adramyttium in Asia for a dwelling place , The Julian Period . 4292 [ Thucid. lib. 5. Diod. 3 year 89 Olympiade . ] Year before Christ 422 The Athenians , Year of the World 3583 by command of the Oracle at Delphos , The Julian Period . 4293 restored those of Delos to their Island again , Year before Christ 421 [ Thucid. lib. 5. ] Those of Byzantium and Chalcedon , Year of the World 3588 joyning with the Thracians , The Julian Period . 4298 passe with a great . Year before Christ 416 army into Bithynia , and having wasted the country , and forced many of the lesser towns , used there unmeasurable cruelties : for having gotten together an huge multitude of men women and children , they butchered them every one , [ Diod. 1 year of 91 Olympiade . ] Jubilie 21. which was the last that ever the Prophets of the Old Testament saw : Year of the World 3589 for that place in [ Nehem. 12. 22. ] is not to be understood of Darius the last , but of this Darius Nothus , in whose time [ Nehemiah cap. 12. 22. ] signifieth , that Johananes , called also Johannes and Jonathan , obtained the High Priesthood after his father Joiada , ( whom Josephus calleth Judas ) and that Jadduas his son , who succeeded his father in the Priesthood , was then also born ; but these things Nehemiah mentions onely by the way : his full History ending with the time of Artaxerxes Longimanus , the father of this Darius , of whom Josephus [ lib. 1. cont . Ap●on● ] speaketh in this wise : From the death of Moses , to Artaxerxes , King of Persia , who succeeded Xerxes ; the Prophets comprised what passed is their times in 13 books ; but from Artaxerxes to our time , all things indeed have been likewise committed to writing , but not held to be of like credit with the former : because the succession of the Prophets one after another , hath been uncertain ; and Euseb. in Chron. in the 32 of this Artaxerxes , with whom the continued History of Nehemia ended ; Hitherto , saith he , the Divine Scriptures of the Hebrews contain the Annals , or year books of the times : but those things which were done among them after this time , we must deliver out of the books of the Maccabees , and out of the writings of Josephus and Africanus ; who have delivered a general History of things done among them down to the Roman times . But that Malachie the last of the Prophets , was contemporary with Nehemia , they gather from hence ; to wit , for that he no where exhorts the people to the building of the Temple , as Haggai and Zachary did : but the Temple being now built , he reproves those disorders which Nehemiah at his second return with a new Commission from Babylon , in the last Chapter of his book saith he found to have in his absence crept in among the Jews : as marriage with strange women , [ cap. 11. 11. ] withholding of tithes , [ cap. 3. 8. ] and abuses in the worship of God , [ cap. 1. 13. cap. 2. 8. ] And because they were no longer now to expect a perpetual succession of Prophets , as before ; Malachie therefore in the last words of his Prophecy exhorreth them , that they should hold them fast to the law of Moses , until Christ that Great Prophet of the Church should appear , whose forerunner John the Baptist , should first come , in the spirit and power of Elias , to turn the hearts of the fathers to their children , and the rebells to the wisdom of the just , [ Mal. 4. 4. ] compared with [ Luke 1. 17. Math. 11. 14. and cap. 17. 12. ] to which hath reference that of Jerom [ lib. 13. of his Comment . upon Esay cap. 49. ] After Haggai , and Zachary and Malachie , saith he , I see no other Prophets till John the Baptist. See [ 1 Maccab . 4. 46. and cap. 9. 17. and August . de Civit. Dei lib. 17. cap. 24. ] We read indeed in the book of Pirke Abbeth , that The men of the great Synagogue succeeded the Prophets : though the Jews of later times reckon , even Haggai , Zachary , and Malachie , among them , and make Ezra the President and Head of this Sanedrin , or great Syagogu● , or Council . Pissuthnes the Governour of Lydia , Year of the World 3590 revolted from Darius ; The Julian Period . 4300 and therefore Tissaphernes , Year before Christ 414 Spitradates , and Pharmises , were sent against him . And Pissuthnes went to meet them , having with him Lycon an Athenian , with such Grecians as he had under his command : But the Kings Commanders bribed Lycon and his Greeks , and drew them off from Pissuthnes , and then drew in Pissuthnes himself , upon promise to bring him safe to the King , which they did . But he presently bad , Away with him to the Ash-heap : and bestowed his Government upon Tissaphernes : and Lycon , for a reward of his treachery , had whole Cities and Countries bestowed upon him . [ Cteslas . ] Eusebius in his Chron. noteth that Egypt fell off from the Persian , and that Amyrtaeus Saites reigned there 6 years : which seemeth to be the same Amirtaeus , which Herodotus writeth of , [ lib. 2. cap. 140. and lib. 3. cap. 15. ] where he sheweth that he did the Persians a thousand mischiefs . In the 19 Summer of the Peloponesian war , Year of the World 3591 when Nicias would have drawn off his army in a night from before the w●lls of Syracusae in Sicily , The Julian Period . 4301 there suddenly appeared an Eclipse of the Moon , Year before Christ 413 about ten of the clock at night , in the moneth Metageiton ; upon the 27 of August , according to the Julia● Calender ; at the sight whereof he was so affrighted , that he forbare drawing off , for that time , and by a little more delay used thereupon , he lost himself and his whole army , [ Thncid . lib. 7. Polyh . lib. 9. Diod. Sic. an . 4. 91. Olympiade , Plin. lib. 2. cap. 12. Plutarch in the life of Nicias , and in his book , De Superstitione . ] The winter following , two Governours of Darius , upon the sea coast in the lesser Asia , Tissaphernes of Lydia , and Pharnabazus of Hellespont , seeking to recover the old tribute from the Grecian Cities lying within their severall Governments , which the Athenians had of late forbidden them to pay unto the King , dealt with them under hand , to fall off from the Athenians : and withal solliciting the Peloponesians in general to make a fresh war upon the Athenians , moved the Lacedemonians in special to consederate and joyn in armes with the king against them : when the Athenians power was thus weakned in Asia ; upon whom Pissuthnes had founded all his hopes , Tissaphernes sought by all means how to get Amorges , a bastard son of Pissuthnes , who had taken up arms in Caria , into his hands ; and , as he was commanded , to send him alive or dead to the king . But finding at this present , that the Citizens of Chios and Erythrae , were ready to revolt from the Athenians , he sent his messenger with theirs to Lacedemon , there to negotiate the matter , by the joynt advice of both , [ Thucid. lib. 9. ] At the same time Calligetus and Timagoras the one of Megara , the other of Cyzicum , each banished out of his own countrey , came to Lacedemon , sent indeed by Pharnabazus , who had enterteined them , during the time of their exilement , but in the name of the inhabitants of Cyzicum , to get shipping of them , to carry into Hellespont . And when the messagers of Pharnabazus and Tissaphernes , made each of them his suit a part from the other , the Lacedemonians were thereupon extremely divided among themselves : some advising that Ionia and Chios should first be holpen ; other that Hellespont : but in the end , the Petition of Tissaphernes and the Chii carried it ; and the rather , by the help of Alcibiades , who standing at that time a condemned man at Athens , lived at Sparta , in house with Endius , one of the Ephori , his fathers old acquaintance , wherefore having made a confederacy with the Chii and Erythraeans , they presently ordered 40 saile of ships to be sent away to their succor . But Calligetus and Timagoras , who were there in the behalf of Pharnabazus , and the men of Cyzicum , would contribute nothing toward the setting out of this fleet to Chios ; nor would lay out the 25 talents which they had brought with them to hire ships for themselves that way ; because they had a purpose shortly to prepare a fleet of their own , [ Id. Ib. ] In the 20 summer of the Peloponesian war , Year of the World 3592 Alcibiades an Athenian , The Julian Period . 4302 and Chalcideus a Lacedemonian , Year before Christ 412 were sent by Endius , and the rest of the Ephori , with five ships into Ionia , to draw the Greek cities there off from the Athenian party : and coming speedily to Corycum , by such perswasions as they used , they prevailed first with the Chii , then with the Erythreans openly to revolt from the Athenians : and then going with three ships to Clazomenae , draw them also over from the Athenian party : and those of Clazomenae , putting over presently into the continent adjoyning , there built a strong fort , that if need were , they might there have a place to retire unto out of their poor Island : and in like manner all that revolted from the Athenians , fell in hand presently , with sortifications , and other preparatives for the war , [ Thucid. lib. 8. ] Strombichides , a Commander of the Athenians , coming with 8 ships to Samos , and taking with him one more from thence , sailed to Teus , and perswaded them , not to enter into any practise against the Athenians . Chalcideus also came thither with 23 saile of ships ; and had with him some foot companies of the Clazomenians and Erythreans . The Teians , though at first refused to receive those foot , yet when they saw the Athenians fled and gone , took them in : who having a while expected the return of Chalcideus from the chase of the Athenians , and he not returning they of their own heads , threw down the wall which the Athenians had made to the land-ward , with the assistance of certain others which came to help them , under the command of Tages Tissaphernes his Livetenant . Chalcideus and Alcibiades , having pursued Strombichides , as far as to Samos , taking with them 20 ships more from Chios , sailed to Miletus , and by the means of Alcibiades , who had great acquaintance with the chief men there , perswaded them also to fall off from the Athenians , and when the Athenians followed them thither , but were kept out by the Milesians , they retreated to an Island called Lada , lying over against Miletus . [ Ib. ] After this revolt of the Milesians , the first association of the Lacedemonians and the Persians was concluded and made , by Tissaphernes and Chalcideus , upon this condition , that what ever cities the Persians did then hold , or heretofore had held , should continue still in their power . [ Ibid. ] The Chii therefore presently to know how the squares went at Miletus , and with all to induce other cities to the like revolt , from the Athenians , bent their course with ten ships to Anaea , a city in Caria : but being called back by Chalcideus , because Amorges Pissuthnes his sonne , was drawing down thitherward , with his land forces , they came to a place called Dios-hieron , a small town , in Ionia ; where , espying a fleet of 16 saile of the Athenians , sent from thence under the command of Diomedon to joyn with Thrasicles , they dispersed themselves , and one ship of them came to Ephesus , the rest to Teus , but four of them fell into the Athenians hands : yet nothing but the bare hulls , for the men were got to land , the rest of the ships came safe to Teus . After this when the Athenians were gone to Samos , the Chii pursued their purpose , with the remainder of their Fleet and Forces , and drew over to their party Lebedus and Eras , cities of Ionia , [ Ib. ] After the Foot companies of the Chii , were departed from Teus , Tissaphernes , coming thither with his army , pulled down what was left of the walls of Teus , and departed : and no sooner was he gone , but Diomedon , with ten sail of Athenians came thither ; and agreed with the Teians to receive him too : and going from thence to Eras , when he had tried , and could not force it , went his way , [ Ib. ] The Athenians , having taken the Fott , which the Clazomenians had built in the Continent , made them go back again into their own Island , all save the heads of that revolt , who went to Daphnus : and so the Clazomenians returned into the obedience of the Athenians , [ ib. ] In the same Summer , Year of the World c. the Athenians with 20 sail which lay at Lada against Miletus , landing at Panormus , and lighting there upon Chalcideus , the Lacedemonian slenderly accompanied , slew him , and all that were with him ; and returning thence the third day after , erected a Trophie in memory of what they had there done : which the Milesians , as set up by those who had not mastered the country , demolished , [ ib. ] In the end of that Summer , the Athenians with 1500. Corselets , and 1000. men out of Argos , and as many of their other confederates , with 48 ships , commanded by Phrynichus , and Onomacles , and Saronidas , sailed into Samos first , and from thence set sail for Miletus ; and landing there , sate down before it with their army . Against them went out 800. of the Milesians themselves , all Corselets ; and Alcibiades , with those companies which Chalcideus had brought out of Peloponesus , and certain companies of forreign nation which followed Tissaphernes , and Tissaphernes himself with his Horse . The Argivi which led the Van in the wing where they were , trusting over much to their valour , were wholy routed by the Milesians , whom they vilified and contemned as being but Ionians , and lost 300. upon the place : yet the Athenians had the better of the day : and therefore setting up a Trophie in the field , set themselves to besiege the city , seated as it was , in a peninsula or neck of land : but when news was brought that a Fleet out of Sicily and Peloponesus was upon the sea thitherward , by the advice of Phrynicus , they drew off , and returned to Samos , [ Ibid. ] The Fleet when it came , with the ships of Chios which had formerly been beaten with Chalcideus by the enemy , at the entreaty of Tissaphernes , set upon Jasos : where Amorges the base son of Pissuthnes , ( who had revolted from the King ) then kept himself . The Peloponesians under the command of Astyochus the Ammiral , to whom Theramenes a Lacedemonian had brought that Fleet , and the Syracusans ( who made principal proof of their valour in this service under their General Hermocrates ) setting suddenly upon the Jasians , who thought they had been friends , surprised them , and took the city . The Peloponesians having therein taken Amorges alive , delivered him up to Tissaphernes , to send him to Darius , if he pleased . The city Jasos it self , which long peace had made to abound with all plenty , they sacked , and made a vast booty of it : The companies which Amorges had there in pay , they saved , and because most of them were Peloponesians borne , they listed them among themselves : but the Town it self they gave over to Tissaphernes , with all the persons thereof , bound and free , taking for every head of them half a crown ; and returning from thence to Miletus , they convoyed Paedaritus , who was sent by the Lacedemonians as Governour to Chios , overland , with the companies belonging to Amorges , as far as Erythrae , and left Philippus , Governour of Miletus , [ Ibid. ] The Winter following Tissaphernes , Year of the World d. having put a Garrison into Jassos , came to Miletus , and there according to promise made at Lacedemon ; paid them and their fellows , the monies which were due , which was a drachma of Athens , upon every head ; and agreed with them for a standing pay , in time to come , [ Ib. ] Astyochus the Ammiral of the Lacedemonian Fleet with ten ships of Lacedemon , and as many of Chios , having in vain for a while besieged the city Pteleum , put over to Clazomenae , and there commanded such as favoured the Athenian party to leave the place , and go and dwell in Daphnus : which was the command also upon them laid by Tamos Lieutenant of Ionia ; which when they refused to do , he set upon the Town ; being but an open burgade : yet not being able to carry it by assault , he left it and went his way : But meeting with a strong wind at sea , he himself came safe to Phocaea and Cuma , but the rest of his ships . were driven ashoar upon the Isles lying before Clazomenae , Marathusa , Pela , and Drymissa : where they lay 8 dayes for the violence of the tempest , and there spent and spoiled what they pleased of such goods as the Clazomenians had transported thither for fear of the war ; and the rest they put aboard their ships , and carried away , and came to Astyochus at Phocaea and Cuma , [ Ibid. ] The same Winter , Hippocrates of Lacedemon , setting sail from Peloponesus with ten ships of the Thurians , commanded by Dorieus and two others in comission with him , and one of Laconica , and another of Syracusae , came to Cnidus , which had now revolted from Tissaphernes , whereof so soon as the Milesians heard , they presently sent unto Hippocrates , by all means to leave one half of his ships in garrison at Cuidus , and to go with the rest , and surprize certain ships laden with Marchandise from Egypt , lying at Triopium , which is a foreland of Cnidia ; and the Athenians hearing thereof , went from Samos , and surprized the six ships which lay at Triopium , as a garrison to the places , but the Marriners were got out of them , and so left them nothing but the hulls : and then coming to Cnidus , missed but little of surprizing it , at the first onset , being but an open bourgade without walls ; but being put off for that time , their purpose was , to try again the next day : but the Cnidians having cast up some works about the place that night , and they which were forced a shoare at Triopium , coming thither also , the thing grew harder to do now , than it was before , wherefore having wasted the countrey , they returned to Samos , [ Ibid. ] When the league concluded between Chalcideus , Year of the World 5593 and Tissaphernes , was judged at Sparta , not to be right , and pinch a little on the Lacedemonians side , another form was drawn up , between the Lacedemouians and their confederates on the one side , and Darius and his sons , and Tissaphernes on the other , in clearer terms than the former was , and subscribed , ) in the presence of Theramenes of Lacedemon , after which Theramenes , having given up the charge of the Navy to Astyochus , put himself aboard a little Skiff , and went his way , [ Ibid. ] The business , which Pharnabasus , ( who was Governour for the king in Hellespont ) had sent Calligetus of Megara , and Timagoras of Cyzicum about to Sparta , was there granted , according as he desired , and 27 saile of ships were sent under the command of Antisthenes a Lacedemonian , in the depth of winter from Peloponesus into Ionia , The Lacedemonians also sent 11 Commissioners of theirs ( whereof one was Lycas , the son of Arcesilaus ) to be of councel with Astyochus , in the management of this war , one of their instructions was , that when they came to Miletus , they should send of these 27 ships , all or some , more or lesse , as they should see cause into Hellespont , to Pharnabazus , and make Clearchus Commander of those they thought fit to send , and further , that , if they saw cause , they should remove Astyochus ( who was drawn into some suspition upon Pedaritus his information by letters against him , ) from the charge of the Navy , and put Antisthenes in his room . Now these Commissioners loosing from Malea , a port in Peloponesus , came first to the Island of Melus ; and from thence fetcht a further compasse about , that they might go in the lesse danger of the enemie , and landed at Caunus in Asia , [ Ibid. ] Astyochus coming to Cnidus , hasted from thence to meet with the Athenian fleet , which waited for the Peloponesian ships coming from Caunus , where they were safely arrived : and meeting with them , they fought , where the Athenians gave at first the enemy a blow , but receiving a far greater one in the second fight from them , they retired , and came to Halicarnassus : and the Peloponesians as conquerers , returned to Cnidus . The Athenians after this , came to an Island called Sima , where they had received their overthrow ; with all their fleet , and yet dust not attempt any thing upon the Lacedemonian navy , which lay at Cuidus , but taking in onely some tackle and furniture from Sima , and having done something against Lorymae , in the continent , they returned again to Samos , [ Ibid. ] When all the Peloponesian Navy was come together at Cnidus , consisting in all of 94 ships ; the 11 Commissioners debated with Tissaphernes of matters aleady transacted , if they found fault with any thing therein , and how the war for the future might be carryed on , for the best advantage on both sides , but especially Lichas , considering what had passed , said , that neither of the two leagues , no , not that which was made with Theramenes , was as it should be , for that it was a thing not to be endured , that the king should hold all those countreys which be or his ancestors had held ; for by this reason , said he , all the Islands , and all Thessaly , and Locri , and consequently , all Baeothia , must all fall again into the kings power , and the Lacedemonians , instead of freeing the Greek cities , must help to enslave them to the power of the Persian more than ever ; and therefore , that they must fall to a new draught & form of a league between them , or vacate this , and never ask nor receive Stipend more of the king of Persia , by vertue of this that was already made ; whereupon Tissaphernes growing into cholor , brake up the treaty , and went his way , [ Ibid. ] Now when letters came from the Peloponesians to Astiochus , that he should make away Alcibiades , for that they had him in suspition , and he was a professed enemy to Agis the king of Lacedemon , Alcibiades getting an incling thereof , withdrew himself secretly , and fled over to Tissaphernes , and perswaded with him , not to make such large allowance of Stipend to the peloponesian Navy ; but rather hold matters in such a ballance , that neither they might subvert the state of the Athenians , nor the Athenians theirs ; and so when they had wearied and worn out each other with a war , both in the end might easily be brought into the kings subjection . Hereupon Pisander and ten other Ambassadors with him , sent by the people of Athens , to treat with Tissaphernes and Alcibiades , upon such terms , as to them should seem meetest for the Common-wealth , and benefit of both , of whom Alcibiades in Tissaphernes his name made such vast demands , as though they yielded to many of them , yet were they fain at last to break off without doing any thing , for he demanded that they should surrender into the kings hands , all Ionia , with the Islands adjacent thereunto : and when they had yeilded thereunto , then he demanded , that the king might make what ships he would , and where he would , and that he might passe and repasse by their coast as often , and with as many ships in a fleet as he pleased . But then the Athenians conceiving these demands to be intolerable , and themselves abused by Alcibiades , brake up in a rage , and returned to Samos , [ Ibid. ] After this ; Year of the World b. toward the end of this winter season , Tissaph ernes went to Caunus , purposing to recall the Lacedemonian Commissioners back to Miletus , and to make them take their pay again , upon any conditions , least they should turn flat enemies against him : when they came , he paid them down all their arrears : and made a third league with them : which began thus , In the 13 year of the reign of Darius , when Alexipidas was Ephorus , ( i. e. ) agreements were made , in the field of Maeander , between the Lacedemonians , and their confederates on the one side , and Tissaphernes and Hieramenes , and the sonnes of Pharnacus on the other , concerning the affairs of the king , and of the Lacedemonians and their confederates , to wit , That what countrey soever in Asia is , the kings , that let him hold still , and of his own countreys , let him dispose as he will , &c. But concerning the paiment of their yearly stipend it was thus agreed , That Tissaphernes should pay the fleet that then was there , till the kings own sh●ps came , and after they were come , then the Lacedemonians and their confederates , should maintain their own navy if they would , but if they would rather have a stipend for it , then Tissaphernes should furnish it ; but with condition , that upon the end of the war , they should refund all the money , which they had received , [ Ibid. ] from whence we may gather the full meaning of what Justin , [ lib. 5. 1. ] more concisely hath delivered , Darius the king of Persians , saith he , making a league with the Lacedemonians by Tissaphernes his Governour of Lydia , promised to bear all the charge of the war. In the very beginning of the summer following , which began the 21 year of the P●loponesian war , Dercylidas , a Lacedemonian , is sent from Miletus over-land , with a small company into Hellespont , to stir up the city of Abydus , which was a colony or plantation of the Milesians to rebel against the Athenians : whereupon that city first , and two dayes after Lampsacus , fell off from them to Dercylides , and Pharnabazus . Upon the first news whereof , Strombychides set saile out of Chios , with a fleet of 24 Athenian vessels , and came to Lesbos ; and when the Lesbians , made a sally to encounter him , he routed them , and took the town at the first assault , being but an open bourgade , and having setled matters there , went to Abydus , but being there manfully repulsed , he put over to Sestos , and there placed a strong garrison for the defence of all the Hellespont , [ Thucid. lib. 8. ] The whole Navy of the Athenians comming together at Samos , they there entered a covenant with the Samians , to joyn in the restoring of the Popular estate in Athens , and to abolish the Junto or Government of 400 , newly there erect , and bound themselves with solemn oath for performance hereof ; and appointed Thrasibulus and Thrasyllus for captaines in this action ; they consulted also of calling home Alcibiades , hoping by his means , to draw away Tissaphernes from the Lacedemonian party , and to gain the kings favour and assistance to themselves , [ Id. ibid. ] Among the sea-men of the Peloponesians , which were at Miletus , there grew a grudge and murmuring against Tissaphernes , and Astyachus both ; against Astyochus ; for that he , when as heretofore they were strong in shipping , and the Athenians weak , would never fight with them at sea , nor to this day would , though it were known well enough unto him , what division there was among the Athenians : no , nor would ever so much as draw the Lacedemonian Navy into a body ; and against Tissaphernes , for that he cared not to send for the Navy of the Phaenicians , according to his promise , nor payed them their stipends , but when pleased himself : and then but by halfs neither : when therefore they cried out to put the matter to a battaile ; Astyochus and his confederates , commanded the M●lesians to march over-land , to the fore-land of Micale , whiles they went about by sea , with their whole fleet , consisting of 112 ships , to the same place . But when the Athenians , which lay at Glauca , under Mycale , with eighty two ships , saw their fleet coming , they presently weighed ancor , and highed them away as fast as they could to Samos : yet when Strombichides with his fleet , hearing thereof , hasted him to come to their help out of Hellespont , the Peloponesians withdrew and returned to Miletus . And the Athenians , having now 108 ships together , all strong and well provided , followed them home to Miletus , and there going on land , ranged their army in the open field ; but seeing that the Peloponesians would not come forth , they took sea again , and returned to Samos without stroke striking . After which , the Peloponesians , seeing they were not able to deale with the Athenians , with all the force they could make by sea , and not being able of themselves to pay so many seamen , especially when Tissaphernes , was so sparing and backward , in sending in their stipend , according to agreement ; they sent away Clearchus with 40 of their ships into Hellespont , to Pharnabasus , who both desired their coming very earnestly and promised them pay very liberally , and many good offices besides , if they pleased to come . [ Ib. ] Thrasybulus , going to Tissaphernes , brought over Alcibiades with him to Samos , where the army made him one of their chief commanders ; and indeed committed the whole charge of things to his ordering : who being thus made , in a sort , General to the Athenian army , sailed back presently to Tistaphernes ; that he might seem to communicate in all counsels with him ; and handled matters so cunningly to his own advantage , that he could make the Athenians afraid of Tissaphernes , and Tissaphernes of them , at his pleasure ; [ Ibid. ] And moreover wrought this effect in the Peloponesians which lay at Miletus , that he set them further out with Tissaphernes , than they were before , so that they began now to mutiny again , not only against him , but also against Astyochus : whom they charged of collusion with Tissaphernes for his own gain and advantage sake . And in this mangling it fell out that the Mariners of the Syracusian and Thurian companies cried , gelt , and demanded pay of Astyochus in a very sawcie and mutinous manner ; and when he again answered them somewhat roughly , and with some menacing termes withal , and offered to bastinado Doricus , who commanded the Thurian squadron ( though the Greek scholiast of Thucidides , understands hereby , Hermocrates , commander of the Syracusian squadron ) for upholding his marriners , they , crying , One and All , ran in upon him ; and had , no doubt , there made an end of him , had he not ran and saved himself at an altar there by . The Milesians also , making a head , got secretly into the fort or citadell , which Tissaphernes had built , and turning out the soldiers that were there in garrison , took it into their own hands : which was very well liked of by the rest , save only by Lychas the Lacedemonian , who said that the Milesians , and the rest under the kings dominion ought in duty to obey Tissaphernes so long as he governed so moderately as he did ; and untill the war should receive a happy end . [ Ibid. ] Whiles they were busie in this alteration , Pindarus arrived , sent from Lacedemon , to succeed Astyochus in the Ammiralty or command of the Navie : and he took it upon him , upon the surrender of Astyochus . When Astyochus took shipping to returne home to Lacedemon , Tissaphernes sent a messenger of his own along with him , one Gauletes , a Carian born , but one that could both the Greek and Persian tongue ; who was both to charge the Milesians for surprising his citadel , and withall to clear him from those false aspersions , which the Milesians , and Hermocrates the Syracusian had cast upon him , for he well knew , that they would along too , and accuse him for conspiring with Alcibiades against the Lacedemonian state ; and for ficklenesse of minde toward them . Tissaphernes seeing the Peloponesians bent against him , ( among other things , for suffering Alcibiades to return to his own again ) as one who now openly favored the Athenian party against them , went to Aspendus , where the Phenician fleet , consisting of 147 sail of ships , was now arrived to purge himself , as he thought : and took Lichas the Lacedemonian along with him , leaving his Agent Tamos with them , to see the stipend duly paid to the Peloponesian Navy , which yet was but so so performed by him : moreover the Peloponesians at Tissaphernes his request , sent Philippus a Lacedemonian , with two tall ships to Aspendus , there to take a view of the Phenician fleet . And Alcibiades , understanding that Tissaphernes was at Aspendus came with 13 sail to Caunus first , and then to Phaselis , promising every where to his friends huge supplies and aides in all kinds , and when he was returned to Samos , he informed them there , that he had wrought matters so , as that the Phenician fleet should not assist the Peloponesians , and that Histaphernes was now become more friend to the Athenian than ever ; for true it was , that Tissaphernes met with the Phenicians at Aspendus , but would not let a saile of them go to the Peloponesians ; putting them off with this idle excuse , that there were not so many ships come to him , as the k. had commanded : whereas indeed his purpose was , to hold both parties of the Greeks in suspence ; and by siding with neither , to make them waste and consume one another , [ Ib. ] The Junto or Government of 400 at Athens was dissolved , and 5000 put in their places ; who by an Act of theirs , ratified , and confirmed the recalling of Alcibiades home , into his country , [ Ibid. ] and by the same order , was he joyned in Commission , though absent , with Thra●ybulus , and Theramenes , and by their vallour , and vertue , the Athenian state , was in short time , much reformed and brought into better order than earst it was , [ Emil. Prob. in the life of Alcibiades . ] Whiles the Peloponesians linger out the time at Miletum , none of those , whom Tissaphernes , when he went for Aspendus , had left behind him , took care to pay the Navie , nor did Tissaphernes himself , or the fleet which he promised , come at them : and both Philippus , who was sent with Tissaphernes to Aspendus , wrote to Mindarus , who had the charge of things belonging to the Navie , and so did Hippocrates from Phaselis , that he should not look for any supply of ships , or any thing else that good was , from Tissaphernes his hand : But on the contrary , Pharnabazus , who served the king , in the parts of Helespont , shewed them all the favour and friendship , that could be imagined : For he both sollicited their coming , and of his own accord , moved all the Greek cities within his Province , to fall off from the Athenians ( which Tissaphernes would have seemed to do too ) hoping hereby to have encreased his own power . Mindarus , being netled with this news , made ready in an instant 72 ships ; and gave the word , on a suddain to be gone , to the end , that there might no tidings thereof be carried to Samos , where the Athenians lay , and presently weighing anchor from Miletus , ran a streight course to Hellespont ; and Thrasyllus hearing thereof , followed him from Samos , with 55 saile [ Thucid. lib. 8. ] Mindarus and the Syracusian squadron had a fight at sea with Thrasyllus and Thrasybulus , at a fore-land of Cynos-sema ( a place known by old Hecubaes tombe ) where after a sharp bickering on both sides , the Athenians went away with the victory , having had 15 of their own ships sunk , and taken 21 of their enemies : which sea-fight is more fully fet forth by Thucid. [ in his 8. book , and by Diod. Sic. 2 year of 92 Olympiade . ] The 4 day after this fight , the Athenians having used all possible diligence , in repairing their fleet , set saile from Sestos to Cyzicum , which had revolted from them , and having esp●ed 8 ships at Harpagium and Priapus , which came from Byzantium , set upon them , and having beaten those who defended them from the shoare , took the ships into their own possession : and going on their way to Cyzicum , took that also , being then but an open bourgade , and squeesed a great summe of mony out of them , [ Thu. l. 8. ] Alcibiades setting out from Samos with 22 ships , exacted great summes of mony out of them of Halycarnassus : and then wasting the country of Coos , fenced the town of Cos , with a wall ; and the winter now drawing on , returned with a great prey to Samos [ Id. ib. Diod. 2. year of 92 Olympiade . ] Astacus a Persian borne , and Lievtenant to Tissaphernes , having conceived secret deadly batred against the men of Delos ( who being driven out of their old habitation , dwelt at Atramyttium ) coming that way , sent for all the chief men among them , as friends and confederates , to come and serve the king in his wars , and upon a time , seeing them altogether at dinner , closed them round with his souldiers , and they with their darts slew them every man. [ Thucid. ib. ] Those of Antandrus in Eolia , fearing least Astacus should serve them with the same sauce , and impatient of those taxes which he had laid upon them , sent for certain Peloponesian souldiers , from Abydus , and drawing them privily over the mount Ida , received them into their city , and turned the garrison of Astacus out of the Castle there , [ Id. ibid. ] Tissaphernes returning from Aspendus into Ionia , and being much moved with this last attempt at Antandrus , and with other the like a● Miletus and Cuidus ( for there also the inhabitants had turned out his garisons ) thought himself much wronged by the Peloponesians : wherefore fearing worse matters from them , and troubled moreover in his mind , least Pharnabazus , in a shorter time , and with far lesse charge in paying them , should seem to have gone further against the Athenians than himself had done , he purposed to go in person to the Peloponesians in Hellespont , both to expostulate with them their fact in turning his Garison out of Antandrus , and also to clear himself , in the best manner he could , of those imputations which they laid upon him , concerning the Phenician fleet and other things : and as soon as he was come to Ephesus , he there sacrificed to D●ana , [ Id. lib. 8. in fi . ] Here ends the History of Thucid , which Theo-pompus continues for 17 years , and Xenophon for 48 years after , [ Diod. 2 year of 92 Olympiade . ] Theo-pompus we have not , the later we have , but maimed in the head : for besides the proeme of his History , we want his whole two first years of it : to wit , from the end of the summer of the 21 year of the Peloponesian war , where Thucidides left , to the end of the 23 summer of the same war. Of the 300 ships sent back into Phenicia , Year of the World 3594 Tissaphernes purged himself to the Lacedemonians , The Julian Period 4304 saying that he had received advertisement , Year before Christ 410 that the coast of Phenicia was in danger to be assailed both by the Arabians , and also by the king of Egypt ( meaning K. Amyrteus ) [ as Diod. Sic. hath it , 3 year of the 93 Olympiade , ] whereas Thucid. taught us , that there came but 147 ships to Aspendus out of Phenicia , and that they were all sent back again by Tissaphernes ; contrary to his promise made . There was this year another sea-fight , Year of the World 3595. c. between the Lacedemonians , The Julian Period . 4305 and Athenians , Year before Christ 409 at Cynos-sema aforesaid ; which was described by Theo-pompus , as a certain nameless greek writer saith , in the life of Thucid. Thymochares , coming to Athens with a small company of ships , presently the Lacedemonians and Athenians had another sea-fight , wherein the Lacedemonians , under the conduct of Hegesandridus , gat the victory , [ Xen. in the beginning of his History of the Greeks . ] Not long after Dorieus of the Isle of Rhodes , Ammiral of the Thurian Fleet , out of Italy , in the beginning of Winter , setting out from Rhodes with 14 sail of ships , went to the Hellespont , there to joyn with Mindarus : who lying at Abydus , did there attend the coming of all the friends aud confederates of the Peloponesian name and nation . And now was this Dorieus come as far as Sigeum , a Port in Troas , when the Athenians lying at Sestos , having knowledge of his being there , and whither he was going , went toward him with 20 ship : but Dorieus hearing of their coming , fled from thence , and drew up his ships upon the Rhaetaen shoar ; and having there landed his men , with the help of the men of Dardania , they defended both themselves and their ship● too , in spight of the Athenians : who seeing at last , they could do no good upon them , came back to Madytus , to the rest of their army . Mindarus seeing this fight , who at that time happened to be at old Troy , sacrificing to Minerva , went speedily with 84 ships to the Foreland of Dardania , to re●ieve Dorieus , and to save his ships ; where he found also the land Forces of Pharnabazus ready to assist the Lacedemonian Navy against their enemies . Against whom the Athen an Fleet consisting of 74 ships came forth , close to the shoar of Abydus , and there began the fight . Mindarus having under his command 97 ships in all of his own , besides those of Dorieus , he placed the Syracusians in the left wing ; himself took charge of the right : on the other side , Thrasybulus had the right wing , Thrasyllus the left . The fight continued doubtful from morning to the evening : when upon the sudden Alcibiades came stemming in with 18 fresh ships which came from Samos towards Hellespont : upon sight whereof the Lacedemonians fled towards Abydus . And the Athenians , following them close , took ten of their ships ; and then a great storm of winde arose , so that the Athenians could not do as they would have done in the chase , and so the Peloponelians escaped all safe to shoar , and fled to Pharnabazus his land army that was thereby : and Pharnabazus himself during the fight , rid his horse into the very sea , up to his saddle-skirts , and there fought , and commanded his men both Horse and Foot to do the like . The Peloponesians also themselves , locking their ships close together , and making one bulke of them , fought against their enemies from the decks close to the shoar : but the night drawing on , the Athenians with 30 empty ships which they had taken of their enemies , and taking with them such of their own as had been hurt , and either battered or bilged in the fight , returned to Sestus : and the next morning so soon as it was light , gathering what spoiles they could get together of their enemies wreck , they erected a Trophie : and then leaving 40 sail to guard the Hellespont , they disposed of the rest , some here , some there , to gather up their tribute monies : yet one of their chief Captains , Thrasyllus , sailed back to Athens , there to let them know what a victory they had gotten , and withal to desire a supply both of men and shipping for the carrying on of the war in those parts . [ Xen. Hellen. lib. 1. Diod. Sic. lib. 13. Plutarch in the life of Alcibiades . ] Mindarus , about the first watch of the night , came back to the sea side , and gave order for the curing of his ships which were hurt and broken in the fight : and sent in all haste to Lacedemon for fresh supplyes , both by land and sea . And whiles these things were in providing , his purpose was to joyn his land Forces with Pharnabazus , to take in the tributary cities of the Athenians , that were in Asia , [ Diod. ib. ] Meane while came Tissaphernes in Hellespont , Year of the World 3596. a. and Alcibiades thinking to magnifie himself after so great and glorions a victory atcheived against the Lacedemonians , The Julian Period . 4306 came a land unto him with rich presents , Year before Christ 408 and a princely traine . But Tissaphernes , who was already ill spoken of at Lacedemon , and fearing least some information would be made against him to Darius , laid hold on him , and put him in irons at Sardes ; pretending , that such was the Kings command , to shew , that he reckoned the Athenians for his open enemies . But within a moneth after , he with one Manitheus , a Carian borne , and a fellow prisoner of his , gat horses , and by night stole away to Clazomenae ; and gave out , that it was with Tissaphernes his privity and consent , [ Xen. Hellen. lib. ●1 . Plutarch in Alcibia . ] Mindarus with 60 sail of ships , Year of the World b. in the later end of Winter , went to Cyzicum , and joyning with Pharnabus his land army , took the place by force ; and against him with 86 ships went Alcibiades , Thrasybulus , and Theramenes : and routed him first at sea , and then in a second fight at land ; in which Mindarus himself , bravely fighting , died . The Syracusians , seeing no means left to escap , set their own ships on fire . The rest of the Fleet came all entirely into the Athenians hands , who carried them all away to Proeconnesus . This fight is more amply described [ by Xenophon Hellen. lib. 1. by Diodor. lib. 13. by Plutarch in the life of Alcibiades , and by Polyaenum , stratag . lib. 1. ] The next day , the Athenians sailed from Proeconnesus to Cyzicum , where they were received into the city ; which was abandoned by Pharnabazus , and the Peloponesians , [ Xenop . ] and there they erected two Trophies ; the one for their victory at sea , in the Isle of Polydorus , the other for that at land ; where they first put the enemies to flight , [ Diod. ] Alcibiades staying at Cyzicum 20 dayes , and having gotten a vast summe of money out of them , departed without doing them any other harme : and returned to Proeconnesus , [ Xenoph. ] The Commanders of the Athenians , which remained behind at Cyzicum , came at length to Chalcedon , and there walled Chrysopolis , and made it a place where to gather a tole or tribute of every bottom that passed by out of Pontus , [ Xen. Hellen. lib. 1. Polyb. lib. 4. pa. 312. and Diod. 4 year of 92 Olympiade ] leaving there a Garrison , and a Fleet of 30. ships , under the command of Theramenes and Eubulus ; both to keep the Town , and also to watch what ships came in and out at the mouth of Pontus , and to do what other mischief they could to the enemy , [ Xenoph. ] The Athenians also intercepted certain letters , written Laconically , or concisely , from Hippocrates , Mindarus his Lieutenant to Lacedemon , to the Ephori there , of the losse they had sustained at Cyzicum : in this wise 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ( i. ) All is lost : Mindarus is dead ; our men starve : we know not what to do , [ Xenoph. and Plutarch . ] The Lacedemonians hereupon sued for peace , which they opposed , who lived by the war , [ Justin. lib. 5. cap. 4. ] For though the more moderate sort of the Athenians were inclinable enough to peace , yet they who made their advantage of these combustions , chose rather to continue the war : especially one Cleophon , who was a principal Leader of the people ; He , when he had spoken many things proper enough to the purpose then in hand , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as Diodor. Sic. elegantly expresseth it : ( i. e. ) He made the people proud , by recounting to them the greatnesse of their good successes ; as if Fortune did not use to bestow her favours in the war by turns ; Now this Cleophon , who by his turbulent speeches , stirred up the people to a continuation of this war , ( though to his own confusion , as appeared afterward ) was by his occupation a Lute-maker ; and one who , as every man knew , had been a slave and kept in irons ; yet afterward by divices and tricks , came to be a Denison of Athens , and at this time , having won the people to him by his munificence and largesse , grew so bold , as openly to professe , that he would with his own hand , cut of that mans head who ever he ware , that should offer to speak any more of a peace : as Eschines hath it in his Oration , De falsa legatione , ( i. e. ) of a false Embassie . The Peloponesians , and their confederates the Syracusians , as many as had escaped alive out of the fight , betook themselves to Pharnabazus , [ Diodor. lib. 13. ] whom Pharnabazus courteously entertained , and with many words of comfort told them , that for the losse of a few wooden ships , they should not let fall their courage , seeing the king had wood enough in his Dominions to build more ships withal , so long as the men were safe : and withal gave them every man a new suite of cloaths , and two moneths pay beforehand : and moreover arming the Mariners , placed Garrisons all along the sea coasts of his Government ; and assembling all the Commanders of Cities , and Captains of every ship , gave them order to build as many new ships at Antandrus , as they had lost of their old ; and gave large allowance of monies to go in hand therewith ; and allowed them timber out of the mount Ida , as much as they would for that purpose : which done , he presently sent to relieve Chalcedon , [ Xenoph. Hellen. lib. 1. ] While this Navy was in building , Year of the World c. the Syracusians , joyning with the inhabitants of Antandrus , built a wall about the Town , and made it a most strong place of defence ; in requital whereof , the Antandrians made the Syracusians free of their City , [ Xenoph. ib. ] The Captains of these Syracusian companies , being all condemned to exile , by their country-men at home ; Their General Hermocrates , accused Tissaphernes at Lacedemon , and found credit in all that he said ; not onely upon the testimony of Astyochus , but even for his own words sake : whereupon he returned to Pharnabazus , and without asking , received from him a large sum of money ; wherewith having procured men and ships , he returned into his own country , [ Xenoph. ib. with Diodor. 4 year , Olympiade 92. ] Parasippidas , being condemned to exile at Sparta , because it was conceived , that by his plotting with Tissaphernes , he had procured all that favoured the Lacedemonian party , in a tumult there raised , to be turned out of the Isle of Thasus : Cratesippidas was sent to take charge of the Navy in his room at Chios , [ Xenoph. ib. ] He with 25 sail of ships , trifled away the time about the coast of Ionia , but did nothing worth the speaking of for a long time ; yet afterward , being furnished with monies by those that were banished out of Chios , he brought them home again , and thrust 600 of the contrary faction out ; who possessing themselves of Atarneum , a most fortified place in the continent , over against Chios , made dayly incursions from thence upon them , [ Diod. ib. ] In the 93 Olympiade , Year of the World d. wherein Eubotas the Cyrenian wan the prize in running , when Archippus was Ephorus , at Lacedemon , and Euctemon , was Praetor , or L. Chancelor at Athens , there was a new game set up , of a race to be run , by a brace of Mules , in a Coach , called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as Xenophon shews [ Hellen. 1º ] of which besides Diod. Sic. [ lib. 13. ] and Pausan. [ lib. 1. ] Eliac . Julius Africanus also in Catalog . Stadionicarum maketh mention , adding moreover , that in the same Olympiade , Polydamantes the Scotussian , wan the prize at wrastling , being the same man , whom Darius Nothus , by expresse messengers , with large gifts and promises drew to him at Susa ; where he slew three of the kings guard , which is called the Immortal Guard , of which you may see more in Herod . [ lib. 7. cap. 83. ] which all at once ran in upon him , as Pausan. in his later book Eliacor , sheweth , who also in the same book speaketh of Eubotas , surnamed Stadionicus , who when the Oracle of Ammon had foretold , that he should win the prize at running , he caused his own statue to be made before-hand ; and coming afterward indeed to win the prize , was proclaimed to have won it , and dedicated his statue in testimony thereof , all in one day . In this year also , the Medes which had fallen off from Darius the king of Persians , submitted themselves again him , as Xenophon testifieth , [ Helllen . 1. ] Herodotus also , in the first of his History , [ cap. 130. ] relates , how the Medes revolted from Darius , and that upon an overthrow received , they returned to his subjection : who because he makes mention both of the war at Decelaea , [ lib. 9. cap. 71. ] which was waged the fifth year before , and of Amyrtaeus his son reigning after him , [ lib. 3. cap. 15. ] ( of whom I shall speak more in the year following ) hence I gather , that he either wrote , or at least revised his History , in the very later end of the Peloponesian war. In the beginning of the Summer , Thrasyllus at Athens , taking command of the ships committed to his charge , with five thousand seamen , all armed in fashion of targateers , which he was to joyn with those other targateers , which were there before , came to Samos , where having staid three dayes , he put over to the coast of Pygega , in Ionia , and having first wasted the countrey thereabout , he came at last with his army before the wall of the town it self , and when some succours came from Miletus , and fell upon the Athenians , who were but slightly armed , and busie in gathering the spoile of the countrey , the rest of the Athenians coming to relieve their fellows , put all the Milesians , ( few escaping ) to the sword , and having got together , 200 of the bucklers , of them that were slain , erected a trophy of them , and the next day sailed to Notium , and there providing themselves of necessaries , went to Colophas , which presently yielded to them . The next night they entered into Lydia , when their corn was almost ripe , and set many villages on fire . But whiles they were scattered here and there , and minded nothing but their boot-haling , Stages , a Persian , ( the same Tages , as it should seem , which I mentioned before in the year of the World , 3592. out of Thucidides ) fell upon them with his horse , and took one prisoner , and slew seven of them , [ Xenoph. Hellen. l. 1. ] Tissaphernes understanding that Thrasyllus was ready to set saile for Ephesus ; to surprise it , gathered together all the strength he could make , and sent about horsemen into all parts , to command men to come in and defend Diana of the Ephesians . Thrasyllus , when he had spent 17 dayes in Lydia , set saile for Ephesus ; landed his corselets at Coressus , but his horse , his Targateers , and other Soldiers all , he set on shoar near to a bog on the other side of the town , and so soon as it was light , drew up to the town in two companies : against whom , they of the town , with such aids as Tissaphernes had sent them ; set first upon the corselets which were at Coressus : whom when they had routed , and pursued to the sea side , and killed some ten of them they speedily returned , and set upon them which were placed near the bog : where having put the Athenians to flight , and slain 300 of them upon the place , they there erected one Trophy , and another at Coressus . But of their aids , they highly rewarded the companies of the Syracusians , and Selinuntians , because they had carried themselves of all others most valiantly in that service ; promising such of them , as would be denised in their city , freedom from tax and tallage for ever , [ Id. ib. ] Plutarch also in the life of Alcibiades , maketh mention of a Trophy of brass there set up , in scorn of the Athenian nation . The Athenians , having upon a truce received the bodies of their slain , and buried them at Notium , sailed away to Lesbos and Hellespont . And when lying at Methymna , a city of Lesbos , they there espied twenty five saile of the Syracusians , with whom they had had to do at Ephesus , passing by , they set upon them , and took 4 ships , with all the men in them , and routing the rest , pursued them as far as Ephesus . Thrasyllus sent all the prisoners which he had taken to Athens , saving onely one Alcibiades an Athenian , and cousin germain to Alcibiades , and a banished man also , as the other was , and him he there put to death : and then set sail for Sestus , where the army lay ; and from Sestus the whole army put over to Lampsacus , and withal , the Winter which they reckon from the beginning of Autumn , came on . But when Alcibiades at Lampsacus , would have drawn his whole army of all sorts into one indistinct body , his own old souldiers refused to be ranked and mingled with those who had served under Thrasyllus . We , said they , who have ever been Conquerors , to be sorted with those that were beaten and routed but the other day , [ Xen. Hellen. 1. ] When Alcibiades and Thrasyllus his companies wintering altogether at Lampsacus ( Diodorus his copies have it Labdacus ) had fortified the places , Year of the World 3597 in a military way ; they then went to besiege Abydus : which when Pharnabazus came with a very great army to relieve , he was there fought withal by the Athenians , overcome , and put to flight . And Alcibiades had Pharnabazus himself in chase , with his Horse , and 120. Corslets following him ; and gave him not over till late in the night . Upon which victory so gotten , the whole army grew friends , and willingly consorted each with other , without distinction : and so returned triumphantly into their Camp whence they set out . The next day Alcibiades set up a Trophie ; and went and wasted Pharnabazus his province , with fire and sword , without any opposition ; but all the Priests which he took , he sent away ransom-free , [ Plutarch ib. ] The Lacedemonians finding themselves agrieved with Tissaphernes his delayes , and puttings off , sent Boeotius and others with him Ambassadors unto Darius ; who easily obtained of him all that ever they demanded , [ Xen. Hellen. lib. 1. 7. ] In the same Winter , Alcibiades and Thrasyllus his companies , making their several inrodes upon the countries belonging to Darius ; in the Continent , made infinite havock there , [ Id. ibid. ] Darius gave his son Cyrus the younger , being then not above 16 years of age ; as being born after his father came to be King , Year of the World b. ( as Ctesias affirmeth , The Julian Period . 4307 and Plutarch also in the life of Artaxerxes ) charge over all the sea coast , Year before Christ 407 with the title of Satrape , ( i. e. ) President or Governour of all those countries : and withal made him Generalissimo of all those , whose Randevouz or place of assembling was wont to be in the plain of Castolus in Lydia : with this charge , that he should joyn with the Lacedemonians in making war against the Athenians , [ Id. ib. and in Expedit . Cyri. lib. 1. in initio . ] And Justin , [ lib. 5. cap. 5. ] out of Trogus , saith , That Darius King of Persia made his younger son Cyrus Governour of all Ionia and Lydia ; and that it was he who raised the Lacedemonians to the recovery of their former fortunes . And Diodorus saith expressely , that Darius sent his sonne Cyrus to this very end , that in pursuing the war against the Athenians , he should relieve and set up the Lacedemonians , [ 1 year of the 93 Olymp. ] and he also very well saith that Cyrus was made , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : ( i. e. ) Commander over all the Governours by the sea side , [ 2 year of the 94 Olympiad . ] and [ in the 2 year of the same Olympiade ] that he was made , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : ( i. e. ) He was made Commander in chief , over all the Provinces lying upon the sea coast : For it is manifest , that both Tissaphernes and Pharnabazus , though both Satrapes and Governours of their several provinces , yet were both under him and his command . We read in Euseb. his Chron , that after Amyrtaus of Sois , Nepherites the King of a new Dynastie or Principality , succeeded in the kingdom of Egypt : whereas we find , [ in Diodorus . 1 year Olympiade 95 ] that next before Nepher●us or Nepherites , Psammitichus ( descended of the race of that old Psammitichus ; whom Manetho placeth in the 26 Dynastie or Principality , which was also of the Saites ) reigned in Egypt . So that a man may well doubt , whether this were not Pausiris the son of Amyrtaeus , which by the favour and help of the Persians recovered his fathers kingdom , as [ Herod . lib. 3. c. 5. reporteth ] but of the number of this and other Egyptian Kings reigns , we have already spoken in our Egyptian Chronology . In the year when Pantacles was Ephorus in Sparta , Year of the World c. and Antigenes Praetor or L. Chancelor in Athens , in the beginning of the Spring , next going before their coming into their offices : the Athenians with all the power they could make , sailed into Proeconnesus : and removing from thence , encamped before Chalcedon , [ Xenoph. Hellen. 1. ] Diodor , saith that they went to Theramenes , who at that time lay before Chalcedon , with 70 sail of ships , and 5000. men , [ year 4. Olympiade 92. ] The Inhabitants of Chalcedon , hearing of the approach of the Athenian army , sent away all their goods to the Thracians of Bythinia , their next neighbours . But Alcibiades hearing thereof , went with all his Horse , and a part of his Foot , and demanded all those goods of them ; threatning force , if they refused to deliver them : and so having gotten them , made peace with the Bithynians , and returned to his Camp before Chalcedon : and drew a wall of timber-work before the City athwart the neck of land from sea to sea : which when Hippocrates the Lacedemonian Commander saw , he drew out all his forces , and fought with Thrasyllus , upon equal terms for a great while , till at length , Alcibiades coming in with his forces , both of horse and foot , Hippocrates was laid dead upon the place , and then his men were fain to fly back into the city . But while the fight continued , Pharnabazus , with all his army , coming another way without the timber wall , sought by all means to have broken in , and to have come to the rescue of Hippocrates , but failing thereof , wheeled about , and retired to Heracleum , or the Temple of Hercules , which was in the territory of Chalcedon , where his own camp lay well entrenched , [ Xenophon lib. 1. and Plutarch in the Life of Alcibiadis . ] After this Alcibiades went into Hellespont , Year of the World d. and Chersonesus , to gather moneys : and the rest of the Commanders , ( though Diodorus saith , onely Theramenes ) came to a composition with Pharnabazus , concerning Chalcedon , that he should give them 20 talents , and should convoy the Athenian Ambassadors safely to the kings presence ; and by solemn oath they covenanted each with other , that the men of Chalcedon should pay the Athenians the same tribute they did before , with all arrears : and that in the mean time , the Athenians should not offer to molest them of Chalcedon , till the returne of their Ambassadors from the king , and Alcibiades at his return , sending two Commissioners from Chalcedon , and Pharnabazus two more from Crysopolis , did not onely enterchangeably swear performance of Covenants on the publick behalf , but they themselves plighted their faith each to other solemnly , upon the same tearms , [ Xenoph. ] These things thus done , Pharnabazus presently returned ; willing the Ambassadors , which were to go to the King to meet him at Cyzicum : now the Ambassadors sent from the Athenians to the king were these , Dorotheus , Philodices , Theogenes , Euryptolemus , and Mautitheus , unto whom were added of the Argivans , Cleostratus , and Pyrrolochus : and some Ambassadors also from the Lacedemonians , as Passipedas , and others : all these took their journey to the King ; to whom Hermocrates also , who stood now a banished man from Syracusa , joyned himself , and Proxenus his brother , [ Id. ] Whiles Pharnabazus was taking care for the convoying of these Ambassadors , there came unto him from the other side of the water , Clearchus , a Lacedemonian Commander , partly to receive moneys for the pay of their army ; and partly that he might gather into a body the ships , which lay scattered , some at Antandrus , some in Hellespont , and some in other places ; hoping thereby to work some mischief , upon the consederate places of the Athenians : and in special thereby to draw off their forces from before Byzantium . But in his absence from thence , Byzantium was betrayed and given up to the Athenians , [ Id. ] As these Athenian Ambassadors were upon their way to the King , there met them the Lacedemonian Ambassadors , Boeotius and the rest returning from the King , and Cyrus himself then going to his charge , as Governour over all the sea coasts of those parts : whom when they saw their chief suit unto him , was , that they might proceed in their journey to the king ; if not , that they might return safe home again : but Cyrus commanded Pharnabazus , either to deliver up those Ambassadors into his hands , or at least to send them home again ; as being no wayes willing , that the Athenians should come to the knowledge of what was then in hand against them , whereupon Pharnabazus held the Ambassadors still in suspence , sometimes telling them , that he would carry them on their way to the king , sometimes that he would send them home again ; and so held them on by the space of three years ( or rather , indeed of three moneths ) and in the end , by Cyrus his leave , dismissed them to return to their own home , [ Ibid. ] Alcibiades taking with him 20 ships from Samos , sailed into the Bay of Ceramus in Caria , and having there gathered 100 talents in money , and withal , taking the pillage of no lesse than 200 vessels , which he had either rifled or sunk , came to Athens ; where being declared General of all their armies , with full and absolute power to command , and having received 200 talents , ( as Lysias , in his oration , against his son Alcibiades sheweth ) out of the treasury of the city , he presently raised an army , of 1500 corselets , and 150 horse , with 100 saile of ships , [ Xenophon , Hellen. 1. Diodorus lib. 13. Justin lib. 5. cap. 4 , 5. Plutarch and Emil. Probus , in the Life of Alcibiades . ] Satyrus the Son of Spartacus , held the kingdom of Bosphorus Cimmerius , by the space of 14 years , [ Diod. year 4. Olympiade 96. ] The Lacedemonians , when Cratesipidas their Ammirals time was out , sent Lysander to succed him in that charge ; He , when he came to Rhodes , having there gathered the fleet together , sailed therewith into the Isle of Coos , and to Miletus , and from thence to Ephesus , with 70 saile of ships , and there stayed , till Cyrus came to Sardes , [ Xenoph. Hellen 1. ] And when he found Ephesus pliant to him , and wholly addicted to the Lacedemonian party , and much grieved with the Persians carriage , and fallen to decay , by reason that the Persian Governours lay commonly at Miletus thereby , and drew away all the trade and trafick from them , to that city ; he therefore took up his standing quarter there , commandedall marchants to unloade there ; made sundry Docks , and caused all ships for the Navy to be there built . By which means he procured in short time , their port to be filled with ships ; their exchange with Merchants , and their shops and ware-houses , with all kind of wealth , [ Plutarch , in the Life of Lysander . ] Lysander being certified , that Cyrus was come to Sardes , went thither to him , in company with the rest of the Commissioners from Sparta , where he charged Tissaphernes very heavily ; for that , when he had command from the king to support and help the Lacedemonians what he could : to beat the Athenians out of the sea , he on the contrary by Alcibiades his procurement , grew remisse , and cold that way , and by keeping back their pay from the marriners , utterly destroyed the Lacedemonian Navy , and Cyrus of himself was willing enough to receive any information against Tissaphernes , who had otherwise no goodness in him ; and was ever a back friend to Cyrus himself : and the more Lysander put on the young man to be doing , the forwarder was he to promise , that all should be done ; adding still , that it was his fathers command it should be so ; and assured him , that there should be no want , neither of paines nor monies on his part , for that service he raised the pay of the Mariner and sea Soldier , from 3 Soles by the day to 4. he payed the whole army , what ever was in arreare : advanced a whole moneths pay before hand ; paying down to Lysander 10000 Darics for that purpose , and by this means , put heart and courage , more than ever , into his own seamen , and left the Athenian fleet empty almost of Marriners , for the most part of them , for greedinesse of better pay , left the Athenians , and went unto Lysander , and those which staied , grew idle and carelesse in the service , and mutinous and troublesome dayly to their Commanders , [ Xenoph. Hellen. 1. Diodor. lib. 13. and Plut. in the life Lysander . ] When the Athenians heard this , with heavy hearts , and by the setting on of Tissaphernes , they dispatched away Ambassadors to Cyrus ; but Cyrus refused to admit of them to his presence , though Tissaphernes himself spake for them ; and told him , that what he did , he did upon the advice of Alcibiades , whose counsel it ever had been , to hold the Grecians in a ballance , and let neither side over top the other , but suffer them to continue the war , and thereby to wast and consume one another to nothing , [ Id. ibid ] and although the Peloponesians were thus borne up with the Persian bags , yet the Athenians held it out 3 whole years against them , [ Thucid lib. 2. ] And who can wonder if at last the Athenian state was sunk , and came to nought , seeing that the power of all the East joyned to their destruction , [ Justin. li. 5. cap. 1. ] Lysander , when he was returned to Ephesus , there rested him for a while ; and in that time drew up 90 of his ships , which were sore bruised ; and made them fit again and serviceable for the sea , [ Xenoph. Hellen. 1. ] He sent also for the chiefest , and most powerful men out of every adjoyning city ; made a confederacy with them , and assured them , that if things sorted out in this war , as he hoped they would , he would make every one of them a Prince in his own city : whereupon they were so set a gog , that every man was ready to do more , than Lysander himself could with reason require of them ; and so came to be abundantly provided of all things necessary for the war in a trice , and sooner than he could have imagined , [ Diod. l. 13. ] When Alcibiades had heard , that Thrasybulus was gone out of Hellespont , to fortify Phocaea ; he set saile and went unto him : leaving the fleet in the mean time , under the charge of Antiochus with a strict command , that he should in no wise , offer to stir out , nor fight with Lysander in his absence . But Antiochus , with his own vessel , and one other of Notium , as Xenophon and Plutarch say , ( for Diodorus saith , that he drew out ten of the choicest ships he had ) would needs go himself to Ephesus , and there skir along before the very noses of Lysanders ships . Then Lysander put out at first with a small company of ships , and pursued him ; but when more and more came to the help of Antiochus , Lysander drew out his whole fleet , and the Athenians did the like on their side , from Notium and other places : but when they came on , here and there in a confused manner , they quickly lost 15 of their best ships , and the rest saved themselves by flight ; and Antiochus himself was slain in the fight . Lysander erecting a Trophy at Notium , returned with the ships which he had taken to Ephesus , and the Athenians that were left , to Samos , where Alcibiades hearing what had passed , went with his whole fleet before the port of Ephesus , and there ranged it , in battle array . But Lysander not stirring ( for indeed his number was far inferior to that of the enemies ) Alcibiades returned to Samos , from whence he came , [ Xenoph. Hellen. 1. Diodor. lib. 13. Plut. in the lives of Alcibiades and Lysander . ] Alcibiades putting to sea again from samos , sailed to Cuma : where laying many false calumnies to their charge ; he took a multitude of them prisoners , and brought them a boord his own ships : but when the Cumeans ran all presently to armes , and stood upon their guard ; and fell withal upon their enemies ; Alcibiades for a while , bare the brunt of their assault ; but when the country there about came in also to their help , Alcibiades returned the prisoners which he had taken , and was fain to flee to his ships for safeguard : yet this defeat sticking in his stomach , he presently sent for more help to Mitylene ; and drew his men forth in battalion before the walls of Cuma , and dared them to come forth : But when no manstirred , he drew his men back to Mitylene having first ravaged and wasted the country round about . The Cumeans sent presently to Athens , and there brought their action , and put in their bill against him in forme of Law : for that he had wasted and spoiled a confederate city , and country thereabout , which had no wayes offended them . And the way once opened , sundry other complaints came in against him , of foule misdemeanors in that kind : And some also of the Garison in Samos , which bore him a grudge , stole over to Athens , and informed against him : and openly charged him before the whole assembly of the people , that he plaid false , and did but collude with the Lacedemonians ; & had private intelligence and correspondencie with Pharnabazus , upon a sure hope given him , that if they prevailed , he should be made Prince and Sovereign of Athens . [ Diod. lib. 13. ] The Cumeans therefore on the one side , Year of the World 3598. a. and Thrasybulus in the behalf of the armies on the other , accusing him of many pranks , played by him in his government , there were presently sent away Conon , and nine other Commissioners assistants with him , to succeed Alcibiades in the charge of the Army ; which he hearing of , got presently and privately away in a single ship ; and went to his own lands and castles , which were in the Chersonesus of Thrace , [ Diodor. ib. Xenoph. Hellen. 1. Plutarch in the life of Alcibi . ] Lysander , Year of the World b. sending for such out of the cities adjoyning , The Julian Period . 4308 as he knew to be blades , Year before Christ 400 and had good hearts and head-peeces of their owne , bad them make every man , what friends he could , and set up for himself : assuring them as before , that as soon as the Athenians were down , he would dissolve the popular governments in all those cities , and that they should be every man a Prince in his own country , [ Plut. in the life of Lysander . ] The moon was eclipsed in the evening , Year of the World c. [ Xenophon Helen . 1. ] 15. April , according to the Julian Calendar , about 3 houres after sun set ; as the Astronomical accompt sheweth . When Pityas was Ephorus at Sparta ; and Callias , Pretor or L. Chancellor in Athens , and Lysanders year of command was out , Callicratidas was sent to succeed him in the charge of the navie ; and forasmuch as he was a man whom Lysander hated , he surrendred the ships to him indeed , as he could do no lesse ; but of the monies which he had received from Cyrus to pay the Navy withal , what was remaining unspent in his hand , that be all returned to Cyrus again at Sardes , bidding Callicratidas , go aske it of Cyrus if he would have it , and see how he could get moneys to pay the Navy : whereupon Callicratidas was forced out of pure necessity , to make a journey into Lydia , to Cyrus , and there desired to have pay for the Navie . But being none of the greatest Courtiers , grew quickly impatient of attendance , and that thus he was put off and delayed from day to day ; and saying that the Greeks were come to a faire passe , if they must now stand crouching for pay , to a company of barbarians , gave over his suit , and came his way , [ Xenoph. Hellen. 1. and Plut. in the life of Lysander . ] Callicratidas sailing to Miletus , got moneys of them there , and going from thence to Chios , had the Castle of Delphinium , which was kept by five hundred Athenians , delivered up unto him : which he brake downe : and having there gotten about a mark sterling , for every marriner , went to Teos , where slipping into the towne by night , he sacked it ; and came to Lesbos , where he took Methynna the chief City of the Isle : Conon the Athenian made what haste he could to come to their rescue , but came too late ; wherefore , finding all lost there , he began to fly away ; but Callicratidas with his fleet of one hundred and seventy ships , pursued him , drew him to a fight , and overcame him . In which fight , Conon , having lost 30 saile of his ships , fled with the 40 that were left , to Mitylene . But Callicratidas followed him , and there blockt him up by sea and land ; and whiles he lay there , moneys came to him , sent after him by Cyrus , [ Xenoph. ib. Diod. l. 13. ] The Athenian Navy consisting in all , of one hundred and fifty saile , drew forth , to come to the rescue of Mitylene : and Callicratidas , leaving Eteonicus , with fifty ships to continue the siege , with the other one hundred and twenty , came to the Islands called Arginuse , which lye between Malea , and a bay of Lesbos , and Catanis , a foreland in Asia , and there , manfully fighting , was slain ; the Athenians got the victory , but lost twenty and five of their ships in the fight , with all the men aboard them , save some few , which swam a shore , and the Peloponesians having lost seventy and seven ships , fled away to Chios ; but the greatest part of them retired into the Countreys of Cuma and Phocea , [ Id. ib. ] and that this sight at Argiunsae , was made , when Callias was Pretor , or L. Chancellor at Athens , the third year of the ninety third Olympiade , besides Xenophon and Diodorus , Atheneus also in his fifth book , de●pnosoph . affirmeth . Cyrus put to death his two own cousin Germans , Year of the World 3599 Autobezaces and Mitreus , Year of the World 3409 the sons of Darius his fathers sister : Year before Christ 401 for that when they met him , they had not pulled in their hands within their sleeves ; an honour which was never wont to be done , but to the king himself ; which when Hieramenes and his wife , the parents , as it seemeth , of them that were so put to death , heard , they told Darius , that it was a shame for him , to wink at so foule a fact of his son : whereupon Darius sent for his son , to repaire to his presence , pretending that he was sick , in his Camp at Thamneria , in the Country of the Medes , whither he was gone with his army against the Cadusians , a bordering Nation , which had newly revolted from him , [ Xenophon Hellen. lib. 2. ] The Lacedemonions which were scattered in the countreys of Eolia and Ionia , met together at Ephesus ; and thence sent messengers to Lacedemon , to let them there know , how things went with them in Asia ; and to desire that they might have Lysander again for their General , a man of whom they had had so good proof of , in the year before : in which request , Cyrus also joyned with them ; but because by their Law , the same man could not be twice Ammiral of their fleete , therefore they gave the title of Ammiral to one Aracus , but committed the whole power for the management of the war unto Lysander , under the name of his Lievtenant . Lysander therefore coming to Ephesus , sent to Eteonicus to come unto him with his ships from Chios ; gathering also out of Peloponesus , and other parts , all the ships that ever he could make , and did not only repaire those which he had , but also built new ones , in the port at Antandrus ; [ Xenophon , ibid. Diodorus in the third and fourth years of the ninety third Olympiade ; and Plutarch in the life of Lysander . ] Lysander made a journey to Cyrus , and desired money of him , as before ; which having , though with much difficulty , gotten ( for Cyrus made it appear unto him , that by reason of his former liberality that way , moneys went very short with him ) he forthwith appointed sea captaines over every fighting ship , and payed every mariner his due to a farthing , [ Xenoph. Hellen. 2. ] The Carthaginians having taken Gela in Sicily , took the statue of Apollo , which was in his temple in the suburbs of the city , all of brasse , and of a vast bignesse , and sent it to Tyrus , [ Diod. year 4. Olympiade 93. ] Cyrus , having received his fathers message , as afore said , sent for Lysander , to come unto him at Sardes , willed him by no means to fight with the Athenians at sea , till he had gotten a far greater fleete of ships than now he had ; promising at his return to bring with him a very great Navy , from Phenicia , Cilicia , and other parts thereabouts , and then commended the care of all the cities of his own Government to Lysander , and for such tributes as belonged peculiarly to himself , he assigned them all over unto him , and what was left of that , bad him take it to himselfe , [ Xenophon Hellanic . 2. Diodorus , year 4. Olympiade 93. Plutarch in the life of Lysander . ] Then took Cyrus his journey toward his father , taking Tissaphernes , as a friend , along with him , and three hundred Grecians , all Corseleteers , commanded by Xenophon of Arcadia , [ Xenophon de Expedit . Cyri , lib. 1. pag. 243. and 254. ] When Cyrus was gone , Lysander having paid his army , went with his fleet to Ceramium , a bay in Caria ; and coming with his army , before a town called Cedreas , a place confederate with the Athenians , the next day he took and sackt it , and made the inhabitants thereof ( who were no better than a kind of half barbarous people ) slaves : so doth Xenophon relate this matter in [ 2 Hellanic . ] but Diodorus [ year 4. Olympiade 93. ] thus , Lysander ( saith he ) with a great number of ships , setting upon Thasus , a City of Caria , confederate with the Athenians , took it by force , and cut the throats of all the males there , not under age , to the number of eight hundred ; and selling the women and children for slaves , laid the City smat smooth with the ground ; where , instead of Cedrenians , the word Thasians is put ; which were the inhabitants of an Isle called Thasus ; far off from thence , and who after the defeat of the Athenians at Egos Potamos , and final ruine of that state , were not taken by force , by Lysander , but surprised by a trick or slight of his , as we may easily learn out of a broken passage of [ Emil . Probus , in the life of Lysander , ] and the full relation of the thing , by [ Polyenus , lib. 1. stratagem . ] At Miletus , certain men , being desirous to abolish the popular government there used , brought it to passe by Lysanders help , thus . At first , in the Feast of Bacchus , they laid hold on those which were most against their faction in their own houses , to the number of 40. and cut their throats . Afterward again , in a full market , they seized on 300. more of the richest of the people , and cut off their heads : whereupon , some of the principal of the people that were left , fearing what might befall themselves , to the number of a thousand , and no lesse , fled to Pharnabazus , the Persian Governour in those parts ; who entertained them very kindly , and giving every one of them , a Statere of gold , gave them Clauda , which is a Castle of Claudia ( shall I say of the Island Clauda mentioned Acts 27. 16 ? ) for a place to dwell in , [ Diodor. year 4. Olympiade 93. ] The Athenians set sail from Samos , and came to Chios and Ephesus ; and having wasted the Kings countries thereabouts , prepared themselves now for a sea-fight : mean while Lysander sailing from Rhodes , and leaving Ionia on the right hand , went up with his Fleet to Hellespont , to see that no shipping should passe that streight ; and withal to reduce such Cities as had revolted from them in those parts , [ Xenoph. Hellen. 2. ] Lysander going from Abydus , came with his Fleet to Lampsacus , a confederate city with the Athenians ; and thither repaired also the men of Abydus by land , and such others as were under the command of Thorax , a Lacedemonian Captain : and setting upon the city , took it by force , and sacked it , being rich , and full of corn and wine , and all other provisions : but sent away the Athenian Garrison that was there , according to his word , suffered all freemen there to enjoy their liberty , and having given the spoile thereof to his souldiers , he left the place it self entire to the inhabitants , [ Plut. in the life of Lysander . ] The Athenian Navy , which consisted of 180 sail , was wholy surprized and taken by Lysander at Egos-potamos , in the streight of Hellespont ( of all which number , scantly ten escaped ) with 3000. souldiers , besides their Commanders , [ Id. ibid. ] Conon their Captain seeing the Athenian State here utterly lost , and fearing the cruelty of his country-men , if he returned to Athens , came with nine ships onely to Abarindes a Foreland of Lampsacus : and taking from thence some principal masts of Lysanders ships , sailed away to Euagoras King of Cyprus , with whom he was formerly of good aquaintance : sending away neverthelesse a Post-barque to Athens , to let them know what had befallen him at Egos-potomos , [ Id ib. with Isocrat . in his Euagoras ; Aristot. lib. 2. Rhetor. Justin lib. 5. cap. 6. and Aristid . in Oratio . Rho diaca . ] Lysander having rifled their Camp , carried away the ships , and prisoners , and spoils , and all , with the sound of Pipe and Flute , and Triumphant Songs , to Lampsacus . And the same day sent away Theopompus , who had been a Milesian Pirate , with the news of this victory to Lacedemon ; in a most choice ship with pennants hung out , and streamers , and all other magnificent attire ; which journey he went in three dayes , Philocles the Captain , and the Athenian prisoners to the number of 3000. Adimantus onely excepted , had all their throats cut , [ Xenoph. Diodor. Plutarch . ] Lysander , having set all things in order at Lampsacus , sailed to Byzantium and Chalcedon , both which opened their gates unto him : sending away the Athenian Garrisons in both places , upon his word . They who had formerly betrayed Byzantium to Alcibiades , getting away , went first into Pontus , and from thence came afterward to Athens , where they were all endenised . And Lysander leaving Sthenelaus a Lacedemonian for Governour , both of Byzantium and Chalcedon , returned to Lampsacus , there to repair his Navy , [ Xen. Hellen. 2. ] Lysander turning out of every City , such as favoured the Athenian party , and destroying every where , Democraties , and all other forms of Government whatsoever ; left them onely , such as at Sparta were called Harmostae ; ( i. e. ) Moderators , to govern them : and dividing each City into ten Wards or Companies , chose out of them ten special men , to whom he committed the soveraignity over all , into which number he chose none any where but such as either had been formerly obliged to him , or would now take an oath to be his : and having by this means erected a Decemvirate , or a Government of Ten men in every City , held them all at his own devotion : and did all himself , [ Plut. and Emil. Prob. in the life of Lysander . ] Lysander , having spent some short time in ordering this businesse , sent word to Sparta that he was ready with 200. sail ; with which , together with Agis and Pausanias the Spartan Kings , he forthwith came to the siege of Athens , hoping in a short time to take it : but finding that they defended themselves beyond his expectation , he himself returned into Asia ; where he abolished all Republicks , or Democraties , and established every where his Decemvirates , or Government by Ten men : putting many to death every where , and making the rest to get them packing into other places . And whereas at Miletus , his friends to whom he had undertaken to assist them in suppressing the Democratie there , had already upon a second advice , fallen to an accord with the adverse faction ; he most cunningly , and most perfidiously withal , so wrought the matter , that he delivered no lesse than 800. of the Democratical party to be murdered by those which stood for an Aristocratie in that city , [ Plutarch ib. ] The Athenians being so besieged by sea and land by the Lacedemonians , Year of the World 3600 obtained at last peace upon certain articles : The Julian Period . 4310 But upon the 16 day of Munichion the Attic moneth ( the 24 of April , Year before Christ 404 according to the Julian Calender ) as Plutarch in his life reporteth ; he told the Athenians , that they had broken the articles , in that they had not demolished their walls within the ten dayes limited to them to have done it in : whence it is gathered , that that peace or agreement was made upon the sixth of their moneth Munichion , ( i. e. ) upon our 14 of April : ) wherewith ended the Peloponesian war , when it had lasted 27 years : as [ Thucidides in his 5 book ] telleth us . Shortly after this peace , Darius King of all Asia , when he had reigned 19 years died : whose eldest son , and successor , Artaxerxes , reigned 43 years , [ Diodor. Sic. year 4. Olympiad 93. ] But Ctesias who was Physitian to this Artaxerxes , saith , that when Darius Ochus died at Babylon ; there succeeded him Arsacus , al. Arsaces , begotten by him , upon the body of Parysatis , before he came to be King : and that coming to the crown , he altered his name to Artaxerxes : who for the greatnesse of his memory was surnamed Mnemon . To which also , as I conceive refers that relation of [ Athenaeus , lib. 12. Deipnosoph . ] where he saith , that Ochus when he lay a dying , was asked by his eldest son , by what wisdom and policy he had maintained his State so many years , to the end , saith he , that having learned by you , I may follow your steps therein : and that his answer to him was , that he had done it , by doing right to God and man. For although Darius Ochus was often urged by his wife Parysatis , who ever loved her younger son Cyrus more than the elder ; to follow the example of Darius Hystaspes , and leave him to succeed him in the kingdom , who was first born after he came to be King ; and not him that was borne before : yet would he never hearken to her therein : But by his last Will , gave the kingdom to his eldest son Artaxerxes , and to his younger son Cyrus , all those Cities and Territories , which he had at that time under his Government in Asia , [ Plutarch in the life of Artaxerxes . Justin. lib. 5. cap. 11. ] So soon as Artaxerxes came to the Crown , by the perswasion and importunity of Statyra his wife , he took Vadiastes , who had murdered Terituchmes , her own brother , and husband to Amistris , who was Artaxerxexes his own sister , and caused his tongue to be drawn backward out of his pole , and there to be cut off : and made Mitridates or Mithridates his son , who had preserved the city Zaris , to the son of Terituchmes , Satrape or Governour in his room , [ Ctesias . ] When Artaxerxes went to Pasargada , where according to the custom , he was to put off his own Robe , and to put on the Robe which old Cyrus wore , before he came to the Crown ; and was there inaugurated according to the ancient Regal Ceremonies by the Priests of Persia : Tissaphernes brought him the Priest , who had instructed his brother Cyrus in his childhood , according to the custom of his country , and taught him the principles of the art Magick , who was in that regard the more easily believed ; when he accused Cyrus for having a plot , when Artaxerxes should be putting off his own Robes , to set upon him , and to murder him in the very Temple , [ Plut. in the life of Artax . ] Artaxerxes hereupon caused his brother to be laid hold on , purposing to put him to death ; and put him in chains of gold , for the reverence he bare to the Regality of his blood : but when he was to be killed , his mother caught him about the middle , and then casting her hair about his neck , and tying it to her own , with many teares and lamentations made , at length procured his pardon ; and obtained him to be sent again to his command in Lydia , and other sea Towns in Asia , [ Id. ib. with Xenoph. in Expeditio . Cyri. lib. 1. Justin. lib. 4. cap. Vlt. and Ctesias . ] Alcibiades fearing the power of the Lacedemonians , who commanded all now by sea and land , withdrew into that part of Bithynia which belonged to the Thracians ; and carried thither with him a great masse of Silver and gold ; yet left he a far greater quantity of both behind him in the Castle where he was . But the Thracians there , so soon as they perceived the wealth which he had brought , devised how to catch him , and to get his money to themselves : yet him they missed , for he had conveyed himself privily away to Pharnabazus in Phrygia : whom he so caught , and enamoured with his gentile behaviour , that no man was so inward with him , as Alcibiades was : whereupon he gave him the Castle of Grynium in Phrygia ; whereof he made fifty talents a year in tribute , [ Plut. and Emil. Prob. in the life of Alcibiades . ] The Lysandrian Feast , and Games , were instituted in honour of Lysander : wherein , when Antimachus and Niceratus , contended in Poetry ; Lysander gave the Garland to Niceratus : and when Antimachus took that so to heart , that he burnt his own Poeme ; Plato being then but a youth , cheered him up , and told him , that ignorance hurt onely the ignorant themselves , as blindnesse did the blind , [ Plut. in the life of Lysander , with Diodor. 4. yeare 93. Olympiade , out of Apollodorus . ] In the next Olympiade after the taking of Athens by Lysander , Year of the World d. wherein Crocinas a Thessalian , wan the prize in running , which is counted the 94 , Olymp. Xenephon saith that there was an Eclipse of the Sun. [ Hellen 2. ] which the Astronomicall account sheweth to have fallen upon the 3. of our September in the forenoone . When Cyrus was gotten back again safe into Lydia , Year of the World 3601. a. remembring how he had been shackled by his brother , he began to cast about , how he might hereafter keep himself out of his brothers danger , and withal , if it might be , how to make himself king in his room . Therefore he listed as many Grecian soldiers as possibly he could , and under this and that colour , gathered a great army of several nations , that with them he might come upon his brother as unprovided as might be , [ Xenoph. Exped . Cy. lib. 1. Plutarch in the Life of Artaxerxes . ] He lent also unto Lysander a ship , made all of gold and Ivory , of two cubits high ; congratulating him thereby , for the great victory he had gotten by sea , which Lysander laid up in the treasury of Brasidas , and Acanthians , [ Plutarch in his Lysander , ] And when Lysander came to him at Sardes to deliver him a present from all the confederate cities , of sundry things ( among which perhaps was that Jewel or neck-lace , which Elian. [ Var. Histor. lib. 12. cap. 1. ] saith , was sent unto him from Scopas the younger , out of Thessaly ) Cyrus also , to welcome him , shewed him his Orchard , which he had laid out and planted with his own hand , and entertained him with such discourse of husbandry , as is set forth by Xenophon in his Oeconimies in the person of Socrates . Among the Persians , Satabarzanes accused Orontes ; for keeing company with Parysatis the Kings mother : whereas otherwise she had ever lived in a fair reputation of chastity , therefore was Orontes put to death ; and Parysatis grew discontent with her son , and caused Mithridaris , Terituchnes his son , to be made away by poyson , [ Ctesias . ] Alcibiades having learnt , that Cyrus intended to make a war against his brother , and that the Lacedemonians had a hand therein ; he had purposed to hast away to Artaxerxes , to make him the first discovery of this treason , hoping by this means , both to procure a benefit to himselfe , as Themistocles had done before him ; and withal , by the kings help to free his countrey of Athens , from their Lacedemonian bondage . In this mean while , Critias , one of those 30 Tyrants , whom Lysander had set over the Athenians to rule them , gave him notice , that unlesse he took order , to have Alcibiades made away , all would come to nothing , that he had done at Athens , neither yet did Lysander to any thing hereupon , untill a cipher was brought him from Lacedemon , commanding him expressely , to dispatch him : whereupon Lysander sent to Pharnabazus , to let him know , that unlesse he forthwith delivered up Alcibiades into his hands alive or dead , the league made between the king and Lacedemonians could not stand , but all would break out again ; and hereupon Pharnabazus sent Susamithres his Uncle , and Magaeus , ( whom Emil. Probus calls Bagoas ) to murder Alcibiades , whiles he was in a certain place in Phrygia called Melissa , situate in the mountain of Elophois , and was preparing for his journey toward the king . The people of the countrey whom they had hired to do the deed , durst not attempt it by sword or handy stroaks : but in the dead of the night , laying a great deal of wood round about the house , wherein he lay a sleep , set it on fire ; and when Alcibiades had gotten through it , and was escaping away , they shot their darts and arrows at him , and so kill'd him , and carried his head to Pharnabazus ; the rest of his body , a sweet-heart of his , wrapped in her own gown , ( which a little before he had dreampt , he was wraped in ) and buried in the same fire which the house was burned with ; making him as fair and as honourable a funeral , as the time and place , and her present ability afforded , [ Ephorus lib. 17. cited by Diod. year 1. Olym. 94. Aristot. Histor. Animal . lib. 6. cap. 29. Cic. lib. 1. de Divina . Valer. Max. lib. 1. cap. 7. Justin. lib. 5. cap. 8. Achenae . Deipnosoph . lib. 13. Plutarch and Emil. Prob. in their lives of Alcibiades . ] Clearchus a Lacedemonian , Year of the World b. bearing himself for a Tyrant of Byzantium ; and being overcome by his own people , led by Panthoedas , stole away by night , and came into Ionia ; where growing into familiarity with Cyrus , whose mind was at that time wholly set upon making a war against his brother , wrought so far upon him , that he was made by him General of all his forces : for finding him , a man of a haughty spirit , and a courage apt to embrace any imployment ; he gave him 10000 darics , with which he raised forces , and marching out of Chersonesus made war upon the Thracians , that bordered northward upon Hellespont : which because it seemed for the advantage of the Grecians , therefore did the cities of Hellespont contribute willingly to the maintenance thereof : so that these forces were maintained under hand for the use and service of Cyrus , [ Xenophon de Expedit . Cyri. lib. 1. Diodor. year 2. Olympiade 94. ] Then Lysander in hostile manner wasted the Province of Phrygia and other places of Pharnabazus his government , Year of the World c. he forthwith sent to complain of him at Lacedemon , where himself was in great esteem and much beloved , because he had at all assayes , ever upheld their State , against their enemies : and therefore the Ephori being much incensed against Lysander , took Thorax a great friend and favourite of his , and because they found that he had store of money in his house , put him to death : and sending their cypher , called Lysander himself home out of Asia . Hereupon Lysander was faine to entreat Pharnabazus to write other letters in his justification ; which he openly did , and that in so good a manner , as Lysander himself could wish no better : but having others ready written , he shuffled them in at the sealing , and sent them away by Lysander himself ; which when he came to Lacedemon , and there delivered to the Ephori , he was thereby made the proper informer against himself , [ Plut. and Emil. Prob. in their lives , of Lysander , and Polyaenus , lib. 7. Stratagem . ] Not long after , hardly and with much adoe , he gat leave of the Ephori to travel , and to visit the Temple of Jupiter Ammon ; pretending that it was to pay the vows which he had made before he entered into certain battels , which he had fought in their service : but indeed it was to bribe the Priests there , for his own ends and purposes . And to that end , he carried with him a large proportion of monies ; and had there besides King Lybis , an old friend and host of his fathers : and for a memorial of that friendship , his younger brother had his name given him Lybis by his father . But the chief Priest of that Oracle would not be bribed : nor that onely , but they sent messengers to Sparta , to inform against him , for attempting so to do : whereupon when he returned to Sparta , he was called in question for it ; but was acquitted by the court , [ Diodor. year 2 of the 94 Olympiade , Plutarch and Emil. Probus in their lives of Lysander . ] At this time all the cities of Ionia , Year of the World 3602 save onely Miletus , The Julian Period . 4312 which were under the government of Tissaphernes , Year before Christ 402 fell over to Cyrus : for when Tissaphernes residing at Miletus , perceived that the Milesians had the same inclination towards Cyrus that the others had , he prevented that purpose of theirs , by killing some of them , and turning others out of the gates : who coming to Cyrus were graciously received by him ; and he gathered forthwith an army by land and sea , to restore them to their right again , [ Xen. De Expedit . Cy. lib. 1. pa. 244. ] among his land companies there was one Socrates of Achaia with 500. Corselets , and Pasio of Megara with almost 700. more , [ lb. pa. 245 ] But Tamos an Egyptian , Cyrus his Ammiral , with 25 ships , kept the siege by sea , [ lb. pa. 252. ] Cyrus sent to Artaxerxes , praying that he would be pleased to trust him being his brother , with the government of those cities , rather than Tissaphernes : in which sure his mother also stickled hard for him ; so it came to passe that the King perceived not that there was any Treason intended towards himself , but thought that Cyrus had kept an army about him , onely to oppose Tissaphernes : and was well enough content , that they two should try it out between themselves . For Cyrus duely sent unto Artaxerxes the tribute payable out of those cities , which Tissaphernes formerly held , [ lb. pa. 241. ] This Cyrus , who never came to be King , either of Persia or Babylon , is the man , whom Geor. Harvartus , lulled , as it seems , asleep with some pleasing fancy of his own , would needs have to be him , who after the end of the Babylonish captivity , licensed the Jews , with their Governour Zerobabel , and Joshua , al. Jesu , the son of Jozadake the High Priest , to return into their own country : whereas Artaxerxes Mnemon was then King of Persiae , and Johannes , who in [ Nehemiah ca. 12. 11 , 22 , 23. ] is called Johanan and Jonathan , was High Priest of the Jews ; and the Governour of the Jewish Nation , was a certain Persian Lord , whom Josephus Antiquit. [ lib. 11. cap. 7. ] sayes was called , Bagoses , a captain of another Artaxerxes : as Rufinus translates him ; ( i. e. ) another from Artaxerxes Longimanus ; of whom Josephus had spoken in the next precedent Chapter . But the relation which he makes of these men , is this : Jesus was brother to John the High Priest , whom Bagoses much affecting , promised to bestow the High Priesthood on him , when ever it should fall . In confidence whereof , the said Jesus bearing himself bold ; first fell into contestation , and afterward into and open brawle with his brother in the very Temple ; and therein provoked him so far , that his brother flew him on the place . Which done , Bagoses came , and entering the Temple , profaned it ; saying that the High Priest had already polluted it with his own brothers blood : and for seven years after , vexed the Jews for that murders sake , laying a heavy fine upon them ; to wit , that before they offered their daily sacrifice , they should pay ( not for every year , as the common translations of Josephus , and out of them Salianus have it ) but , for every lamb , 50 drachmaes . Which punishment continued so long as that Johannes the High Priest , who committed that fact lived , and as it seemeth , no longer ; and whom we rank also with the time , not of Artaxerxes Ochus , but of this Artaxerxes Mnemon ; and but with the beginning of his reign neither , which we therefore do , because we find mention of this Johannes or Johanan ( though not then High Priest ) in the book of Ezra [ chap. 10. 6. with Neh. 12. 23. ] For between the 7 year of Artaxerxes Longimanus , to which that History of Ezra refers , and the end of the 7 year of Artaxerxes Mnemon his reign , ( before which we suppose and take for granted , that this Johannes died not ) there passed no lesse than 70 years space , according to our account , And so , he dying after the 90 year of his age , his son Jaddus , succeded in the priesthood , and held it to the reign of Alexander the great ; and died about the 83 of his age , if we suppose him to have him been born toward the end of Darius Nothus his reign . But this by the way : we now return to our Cronology , and the death of Cyrus the younger , who was taken out of this life , before he attained to the 22 year of his age . Cyrus sent messengers to Lacedemon , The Julian Period . 4603 praying them , The Julian Period . 4313 that as he from time to time had supported them with men and money against the Athenians , Year before Christ 401 so now they would send him men , telling them further in his letters vauntingly ; that if they sent them foot , he would give them horses ; if horsemen , Coches : if they had lands , he would give them town-ships : if towns , cities for their reward ; and as for their wages , that they should have it not by tale , but by weight , paied down unto them . Hereupon the Lacedemonians , conceiving that what he asked at their hands , was but right , and that this war would sort out to their advantage , taking no notice against whom it was , decreed to send him aide : seeking to ingratiate themselves with Cyrus , and if things fell out otherwise than well , yet they had a fair excuse to Artaxerxes , that they had decreed nothing against him in person , and the Ephory dispatched away presently their letters to their Ammiral at Samos , to do whatever Cyrus required at his hands . [ Xeno . lib. 3. Hellen. Diodor. year 4. Olympiade 94. Justin lib. 5. cap. ult . Plutarch in the Life of Artaxerxes . ] The Lacedemonian Ammiral therefore with his ships put over to Ephesus , there to meet with Tamos the Egyptian , Ammiral to Cyrus , and offered him his service to the uttermost of his power , he joyned his fleet with his ; and attending him from thence round about the coast of Ionia , unto Caria , wrought so , that Syenelis , who commanded all there , could not stir to hinder Cyrus in his march by land against his brother , [ Xenophon and Diodor. ib. with Xenophon , Cy. lib. 1. pag. 348 , and 252. ] Diodorus saith , that the Lacedemonian Ammiral at Samos , whose name also was Samus , had 25. and Tamos , 50 saile : whereas upon the more assured testimony of Xenophon , in his book of this journey , undertaken by Cyrus , Tamos had onely 25 saile , and Pythagoras the Lacedemonian , ( for him he maketh the other Ammiral , and not Samus ) 35. Cyrus having now his army on foot , and resolved to march into the upper Asia , gave it out , that he went against the Pisidians , which , said he , make often inrodes upon places of my government , and thereupon sent for Clearchus the Lacedemonian , Aristippus of Thessaly , Xenes of Arcadia , the banishment of Miletus , and the Army which lay at the siege of Miletus , Proxenus a Baeotian , with all the power he could make , Grecians or others to repair unto him with all speed to Sardes , [ Exen . de Exped . Cy. lib. 1. Tissaphernes perceiving that greater preparations were made , then a bare going against the Pisidians could require ; Year of the World b. with a troop of 500 horse , hasted him away ; with all the speed he could possibly make to Artaxerxes , who enformed hereof by him , began presently to make provisions for the war , [ Xenoph. de Exped . Cy. lib. 1. ] Cyrus , having left some trusty Persians , friends of his to look to Lydia , and entrusting Tamos , his Ammiral , an Egyptian born , but a sure carde , to take care of the cities of Ionia and Eolia in his absence ; himself with his army , marched towards Caria and Pisidia , giving still out , that certain persons in those parts , began to grow unruly , [ Diodor. ] But how Cyrus gathered his army , and with them marched up against his brother ; and how the battail was fought between them ; and how Cyrus perished in it , and how those Grecians that went with him , came back again safe to the sea , ( i. e. ) into Asia the lesse ) Themistogenes of Syracusae hath delivered , saith Xenophon , in the beginning of the third book of his Grecian History , with which place of Xenophon , we are to compare that saying of Plutarch , in his book , [ de Gloria Atheniensium ] where he saith , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( i. ) Xenophon wrote a history of himself ; setting down how he played the Captain , and what feats he did , and then made as if Themistogenes of Syracusae had written it ; giving away the glory of this his writing to another man , that the things therein written of himself , might finde the more credit in the world . And another place in Suidas , where he sheweth , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. ( i. e. ) That the Expedition of Cyrus , which commonly goes with Xenophons History of the Grecians , and some other Pieces concerning his own country , were all of Xenophons own writing : For indeed , these books of the Expedition of Cyrus , went heretofore with the rest of his Grecian Histories . In the end whereof , he plainly sayes , that the writer thereof , was present in all that Action : and therefore the work it self , which is full every where of Xenophons worthy acts therein , is attributed to him ; not onely by Plutarch , but long before him by Cicero , Dionysi●s , Halicarnassaeus , Hermogenes , Laertius , Athenaeus , and ( not to speak of our Divines , Eusebius , and Jerom ) by Arianus of Nicomedia ; who also had the surname of New Xenophon put upon him , as we read in Photius and Suidas : both because he comprised the discourses of his master Epictetus in 4 books , as Xenophon had done those of his master Socrates , in the like number ; and also , for that as Xenophon had written , that Expedition of Cyrus in 7 books , so he had written the Expedition of Alexander in as many : though he in his Anabasis , or Expedition of Alexander did not altogether imitate that former Anabasis or Expidition of Cyrus , because that hath a brief Proeme to every book , but none to the book in general , as Laertius hath observed ; whereas this in every book , save the sixth , maketh a transition , by way of an epilogue or summary of the precedent books , which because Xenophon useth not in his , with some other occurrents in those books which relish not altogether of Xenophon ; therefore I rather encline to think , that these books were of Themistogenes his writing ; and not of Xenophons . However , following the authority of those ancient Worthies , I have all along cited him by the name of Xenophon , as they have done before me . Now of those five heads , mentioned by Xenophon in his said 3 book Hellenic . and said to have been written by Themistogenes , the four first are wholy comprised in the first book of this Anabasis , or Expedition of Cyrus . 1. The gathering of his army . 2. Their marching into the Upper Asia , and coming to the place where they fought . 3. The manner and issue of the fight it self : and 4. The fall of Cyrus in that battel . For Cyrus moving from Sardes , ( where Xenophon met him being sent for from Athens by Proxenus the Boeotian , and there listed himself for the action , as we find in the 3 book ) came to Celaenae in Phrygia , and there stayed 30 dayes : in which time Clearchus , and other Greek Commanders came from divers parts , and by sundry ways unto him : and there , upon a general muster , were found enrolled , eleven thousand Corsletes , and about two thousand Targateers . From Celaenae Cyrus came with this army to the bank of Cayster , where he received money from Epiaxa : Syenesis , the King of Cilicia his wife , ( with whom Cyrus was thought formerly to have been too familiar ) and therewith paid his army ( with whom he was then 3 moneths behind , at which they much repined ) four full moneths wages . Epiaxa came five dayes before Cyrus to Tar●us in Cilicia ; and by her perswasion , her husband Syenesias , coming thither also to him ; gave him a vast summe of money toward the relief and maintenance of his army : And both Cresias and Diodorus adde , that Syenesis , like a wise man , supplied Cyrus and Artaxerxes too , with necessaries for the war. For having two sons , he sent one of them to Cyrus with a competent number of men for his service , but had sent away the other privily beforehand to Artaxerxes , to let him know , that having such an army come upon him , he durst not but keep fair with Cyrus , and openly joyn with him , neverthelesse that he continued a true servant in heart to Artaxerxes , and would fall over to him so soon as he could spie out his opportunity . Cyrus stayed 20 dayes at Tarsus , where the Grecian companies told him plainly , they would march no further . But Clearchus by his wisdom took them off from that mood ; and so they came to Issus , which was the uttmost city of Cilicia , where Cyrus his Fleet met him , bringing him 700. Diodorus saith 800. Corseleteers : which the Lacedemonians had sent him under the command of Chirosophus ; and there also 400. Corseleteers , which had formerly served Artaxerxes under their Captain Abrocomus , came into his Camp : but Abrocomus himself , leaving Phaenicia with 300. thousand men , marched away to Artaxerxes , though he came not to him till five dayes before the fight : so that by his abandoning the place , Cyrus passed the gates , or streights of Syria , and so came without stop or hinderance to the place where the fight shortly after was ; having made in all from Ephesus to that place , 93 stages or dayes journeys , and in them marched 535 Parasanges , which make 16050. furlongs . The place where the fight at last was , was called Cynaxa , as Plutarch saith ; and is 500. furlongs from Babylon : from whence , whereas it is said in the 2 book of the Expedition of Cyrus , that the fight was 3060 , furlongs from Babylon . Jacobus Capellus , thinks it should be read , from Susa. In the army of Cyrus there were reckoned of the Grecians , upon the point of 13 thousand men ( though Justin. lib. 5. cap. ult . sayes , there were not above 10 thousand ) of which there were 10 thousand 4 hundred Corseleteers , 2500. Targateers ; and of other nations 100 thousand , and near upon 20 booked chariots . Of Artaxerxes his part ; there were 900 thousand men , and 15 hundred hooked chariots : but Ctesias Cnidius , who was in the battel , quoted by Plutarch , and Ephorus , cited by Diodorus , say there were in his army but 400 thousand onely . In the fight there died of Artaxerxes his side 15 thousand , as Diodorus saith , of the other 3 thousand : but Ctesias in Plutarch affirmeth , that the number of the slain given in to Artaxerxes , was not above 9 thousand ; but that in his judgement ; there could be no lesse than 20 thousand lost that day . But whatever the number was , this battel was fought the 4 year Olympiade 94. when Xenaenetus was Pretor or L. Chancelor in Athens , one year before Socrates was there put to death ; as [ Diogenes Laertius reporteth in the life of Socrates . ] In this fight the two brothers met , and Artaxerxes was first wounded thorough his coat of armour ; which wound Ctesias saith that himself did cure . But Cyrus carried on with this good successe against his brother , spared for no danger , and so was slain by an unknown hand in the battel . Artaxerxes spent his rage upon the dead body of his brother , severing his head from the body of him , and cutting off the hand that had wounded him from his arme , and carried it about in a triumphant manner : which his sorrowful mother , coming her self to babylon , with much adoe got together , and carrying his reliques to Babylon , there bestowed burial on them . This encounter of the two brothers , is more amply delivered by Plutarch , out of Ctesias and Dinon . The King coming to rifle his Camp , there found and took Cyrus his Concubine , a woman so much renowned for her wit and beauty , [ Xenoph. lib. 1. Exped . Cy. ] She was a Phocaean , born in Ionia , the daughter of one Hermotimus , called at first by the name of Mitto : but afterward by Cyrus ( because she seemed nothing inferior to Aspasia the Miletian , who was Pericles his Mistresse , of whom I spake before , in the year of the World 3564. ) Aspasia . Artaxerxes was wounderfully desirous to get her into his hands ; and when she was brought bound unto him , he grew exceedingly wrath with those which so brought her , and laid them in irons for their paines : and ever after esteemed her above all the Harlots he kept , ( which were in number 360. all choice beauties ) and most doted on her , [ Plut. in the lives of Pericles and Artaxerxes . Elian. Var. Hist. lib. 12. cap. 1. Justin. lib. 10. cap. 2. ] The Grecians , on the other side , not knowing what was befallen to Cyrus , kept on fighting still , and in their quarter beat Tissaphernes , and all his power ; in which squadron yet of the Grecians there were not in all , above six thousand , as Isocrates tells us , in his Panegyric : adding , that they were none of the choicest Grecians neither : but the meer refuse of them , and such as could no longer live at their own homes : and these now in a strange country , forsaken of their fellows , betrayed by their companies , and bereft of their Captain , whom they followed to this war. But the King coming with the maine of his army to the rescue of Tissaphernes , fell upon their Camp and rifled it , which yet they returning from the pursuit of Tissaphernes , recovered and beat the King out of it again ; and lodged therein that night , supperlesse for the most part that night , as well as dinnerlesse the day before . And here ends Xenophons first book of Cyrus his voyage . The second book sets forth , how these Grecians under the command of Clearchus their Leader , intended to return home again : and how Tissaphernes promising to convoy them back with his own forces ; and to be himself their guide on the way : and breaking this promise and league and oath made unto them , procured Clearchus , with Proxenus , Agias , and Socrates , Colonels , and 20 more Captains of companies , and 200 common souldiers , to be murdered . Ctesias also in his Persian History , ( which the author of this book of the voyage of Cyrus had undoubtedly read ) had formerly told us , how cunningly Tissaphernes , by the meanes of one Menon a Thessalian borne , and by his jugling , and by his swearing and forswearing had gotten Clearchus , and the rest above mentioned into his hands , and sent them away fast bound in irons , to the King at Babylon ; and how Ctesias himself , who was Physitian to Parysatis the Kings mother , did by her meanes do many good offices to Clearchus , whiles he lay there in prison : and how the King at her sute , had promised and sworne too , that Clearchus should have no harme : and yet neverthelesse , how the King afterward by the means and instigation of Statyra his Queen , caused Clearchus and all the rest of the Commanders , Menon onely excepted , to be butchered ; and how all the rest of the bodies were thrown out and devoured by wilde beasts and birds , onely the body of Clearchus was covered with a huge sand-hill , cast up over it by a mighty winde , and so preserved , [ Ctesias in the Collections of Photius , and Plut. in the life of Artaxerxes . ] In the third book , Year of the World d. and the four following , is declared how the rest of the Grecians , who kept themselves out of Tissaphernes his clutches , returned into their own country : and how the souldiers by the perswasion of Xenophon , having lost their old ones , chose them new Captains to command them , ( of whom Xenophon himself was one , chosen in the roome of Proxenus ) and by their conduct , passed thorough so many Countries of the enemy , and endured so much cold in the Winter season , and infinite other miseries and dangers , and thorough them all came safe home at last : the summe whereof is to be found in [ Diodorus Siculus , in the History of year 4. Olympiade 94. ] to which a man may adde , what is in Isocrates his Panegyric . Artaxerxes , for his good service in this war , bestowed upon Tissaphernes all the Governments which his brother Cyrus held , besides what he had before , [ Xenoph. Hellen. lib. 3. Diod. year 4. Olympiade , 94. ] and having heaped many other large gifts and favours upon him ; gave him above all , his own daughter to wife ; and used him ever after as his most confident friend and servant , [ Diod. ib. ] The Carian , who wounded Cyrus in the thigh , so that thereof he died , Parysatis , the kings mother caused , after ten dayes torment , his eyes pulled out , and boyling lead powred in at his ear-holes , to be done to death . Mithridates , who gave Cyrus his first wound , and in his cups afterward , bragg'd that he had killed him , was put between two boats , and there lay 17 dayes , and untill he was eaten out with wormes : as for Bagabae●●● , Artaxerxes his Eunuch , who at his command , had cut off Cyrus his head , and right hand , Parysates wan him of the king at Dice , and having gotten him ; caused him to be flead alive ; and then his body to be laid athwart three crosses , and his flead skin to be hung up by it ; and then Parysatis , at the humble suit of the king her son , left of mourning for Cyrus , [ Ctesias , and Plutarch in the life of Artaxerxes . ] Parysatis , caused the Queen Statyra , hir daughter in law , to be poisoned in this manner , Statyra had a maid servant about her , which was all in all with her , called Gingis or Gigis : whom Dinon saies to have been a voluntary instrument in her death : Ctesias , that her hand indeed was used in it , but against her will : him which gave the poyson , Ctesias calls Bellitara , but Dinon , Melantas : There is a little bird in Persia , called Rhintaces , or Rhindaces ; which hath no excrements at all ; but all her guts are fully stuft with fat : one of these birds , Parysatis , as she sate at table with Statyra , took and cut in two with a knife , which was poisoned on the one side , gave the one halfe , which was toward the poysoned side , to her , and the other she took and ate her self : as Ctesias thinks : But Dinon saith , that not Parysatis her self , but Melanta her maid , carved to her with a poisoned knife ; but when the Queen died in extream torments after it , the king suspected his mother for it , as one who knew well the cruelty and implacable disposition of her nature ; and caused her servants and carvers to be questioned , and had to rack about it . But Parysatis kept Gingis a long time in her own chamber ; and though the king required her , yet would she not give her up to justice , till at last , Ginges her self desiring she might steale to her own lodging by night , Artaxerxes took her , and punished her , as a poisoner . As for his mother , he neither did , nor said any hurt to her : but when she asked leave to retire her self to Babylon , he gave it her ; but told her withal , that while she lived , he would not come there , [ Plutarch , Ibid. ] Aristo , with some others , surprised the city of Cyrene : and in the tumult , slew 500 of the principal men of the inhabitants , of the rest , the better sort escaped by flight . These associating to them , some 3000 of the Messenians , whom the Lacedemonians at this very time , had turned out of their country , came into the open field , against those , who had possessed themselves of their City . In the fight there was a great slaughter made of the Cyrenians on both sides , as for the Messenians , there were scarce any of them left , yet when the fight was ended , the Cyrenians came to an agreement between themselves ; and taking an oath each to other , never after to remember by-past injuries , lived in good correspondencie each with other , in the Government of their Commonwealth , [ Diod. year 4. Olymp. 94. ] Tissaphernes ( for whom Pharnabazus is by error crept into Diodorus ) being sent by Artaxerxes , Year of the World 3604 to take charge of all the governments in the lesser Asia , would have drawne into his hands all the cities of Ionia also , Xenoph. Hellen. l. 3. Diod. year 1. Olymp . 95. ] Now when , upon his coming , all the petty Governors and Cities , who had any ways adhered to Cyrus , grew afraid what would become of them , they all , by their particular messengers , sued to Tissaphernes for his ●avour ; but he that was the chiefest of all , Tamos the Egyptian , of whom I spake a little before , Governor of Ionia , putting himself , with all his treasure , and sons , all save Gaus , ( who became afterward the kings General ) a ship-board , went with his fleet into Egypt , to Psammyticus the king there , bearing himself bold , upon the many good offices , which he had formerly done unto him ; But Psammyticus , casting off all respects of gratitude , for courtesies received , and pity towards a poore suppliant at that time , butchered him and all his children , onely to possesse himself of the ships and treasure , which he had brought ; [ Diodorus , Ibid. ] The Grecians ( of whom I spake before ) departing from Trapezus , which was the first city of Grecians , which they came unto , and is situated upon the coast of the Euxine sea , in the countrey of Colchos , after three days march , came to another Greek city , and in the same countrey of Colchos , and a sea town , as the other was , called Cerasunta , and there they stayed ten dayes , and mustered their men , whom they found to be 8600. which were remaining of the 10000 , which they carried out ; the rest were lost either by the enemy in the battle , or by the snow , or other sicknesse in their return : from thence they went thorough the countries of the Mosynaecori , the Chalybes , and Tybarenians and came to a Greek town called Catyora , a colony of the Synopians , eight , or rather , as the order of the history implyeth , five months after the fight in the country of Babylon , having made from thence to this place , 122 stages , or dayes journey , and marched 620 parasanges , 18600 furlongs , and here they staied 45 dayes , [ Exped . Cy. lib. 5. ] During their abode here , they made their provision , partly out of the market of Colyora , and partly by such booties , as they got out of the countries adjoyning of Paphlagonia ; and on the other hand , the Paphlagonians , if they found any of them stragling from the camp , did as much by them ; untill at length Corylas , who was governour of the Paphlagonians , set all things straight between them . Afterward these Grecians getting shipping from those of Heraclea , and Synope , came to Harmone a port town of Synope , where they staied five dayes ; and from thence to Heraclea , a plantation of the city of Megara , made in the country of the Myriandeni , and came to a Peninsula , or neck of land there , called Acherusia : here they divided themselves into three companies . The Arcadians , and Achaeans , which made above 4500 men , all corseleteers and foot , having gotten shipping of the Heracleans , put themselves speedily aboard ; that coming unawares upon the Thracians which inhabited Bithynia , they might get the greater spoile of them , and landing at the port of Calpe , ( which is in the middest of their sea coast ) by night , went to the next towns and villages , six mile up into the countrey . But these Thracians thus provoked , flew upon them , and flew many of them ; for one regiment of them , with their Colonel Smicrates , was quite cut off , and of another company of theirs , there were but eight persons , with their captain Hegesandrus that escaped ; the rest were fain to fly to a hill for safeguard ; where they were presently close besieged . Chirosophus with 1400 corseletiers , and 700 targateers , ( which were themselves Thracians , and had followed Clearchus in that voyage , ) went from Heraclea all along the country on foot , and when at length he came into Bithynia , growing there somewhat sickly , he got shipping , and came with his men safe to Calpe . And Xenophon with his brigada , consisting of 17 hundred corseletteers , and 800 targateers , and some 40 horse more or lesse , came by sea into a country which parts those Thracians of Bithynia from the countrey of the Heracleans : and from thence marching thorough the body of the country , came and rescued those , who were besieged in the hill , by the Thracians ; and so at last came all together into a body in the port of Calpe . [ Ib. lib. 6. ] There died Chirosophus , and in his place , was chosen to succeed , Neo , of an Asinian born ; who when he saw his company miserably opprest with hunger and other wants , gathering together , to the number of two thousand men , went a forraging all over the country of Bithinia : these first Pharnabazus set upon with his horse , which he sent to help the Bithynians ; and withall , that with their further assistance , he might keep these Grecians from falling upon his government of Phrygia . These horse at first onset , flew of the Grecians no lesse then 500. the rest flying to a hill for safety , were by the coming of Xenophon rescued from the enemy , and so all returned safe to the camp before sun-set . But when Spithridates and Rhathines , came with more companies to succour the Bithynians , the Grecians obtained there a notable victory of them , and in memory thereof , erected a Trophy upon the place , and then returned to their camp by the sea-side , being distant some 7 or 8 miles from thence . After which victory so gotten , their enemies provided for their own indemnity , by driving their cattle , and carrying away their families and goods , from thence into remoter parts . But when the Grecians , having passed quite thorough Bithynia , found nothing to relive themselves withal in the parts where they were , they returned back a day and a nights journey , into Bithynia again , and there found and brought from thence store of prisoners , and sheep and other provisions for their own support : and six dayes after came to Chrysopolis , a city of the Chalcedonians , where they stayed seven dayes ; and there sold the booty which they had gotten , [ Ibid. ] Pharnabazus fearing least these Greeks would make war upon his country , wrought so with Anaxibius , the Lacedemonian Ammiral , that he transported them all out of Asia to Byzantium : And then Anaxibius returning from thence with Xenophon into Asia , had word sent him to Cyzicum from Aristarchus the new Governour of Byzantium , that Polus was appointed Ammiral in his place , and that he was onward of his way , as far as Hellespont : and therefore failing from thence to Paros , he sent to Pharnabazus , and demanded the money which he had promised him for transporting the Greeks out of Asia : which not obtaining , he dealt with Xenophon in all haste , to carry them back again into Asia . But Pharnabazus prevailed so far with Aristarchus the Governour of Byzantium , that he brake the neck of that design ; whereupon Xenophon was fain to put himself in pay under Senthes the King of Thracia : the winter not being yet over , and the cold so violent , that many of the Greeks lost , some their noses , some their eares thereby , [ Ib. lib. 7. ] and Diodorus tells us , that part of these Grecians returned into their own country ; but that the greatest part of them followed Xenophon into Thracia , to the number almost of 5000. [ year 1. Olympiade 95. ] whereby it appears , that the number is mistaken in him , where he sayes , that there came to Chrysopolis onely 3800. men , [ year 4. Olympiade 94. ] The Ionian and other Greek cities thoroughout Asia , Year of the World c. partly out of a desire of their own liberty , partly for fear of Tissaphernes , because they had ever preferred Cyrus before him , refused to admit of him ; and dispatched away their messengers to the Lacedemonians , praying them , that since they were the Princes and Protectors of all Greece , they would not neglect nor abandon them , being Greeks , though dwelling in Asia : but would take order , that their country might be kept free from devastation and spoil , and themselves enjoy their liberty as others , [ Xen. Hellen. li. 3. Diodor. Sic. year 1. Olympiade 95. ] This petition was very welcome to the Lacedemonians , who , according to the manner of men , the more they had , the more they would have ; and not content to have doubled their estate by the accession of the Athenian power , affected now nothing lesse than the soverignty and dominion of all Asia , [ Justin. lib. 6. cap. 1. ] The Lacedemonians therefore , promised them aid at first word : and forthwith sent to Tissaphernes , to pray him not to make war upon the Grecian Cities that were in Asia . But he beginning with the city of Cuma , wasted all the Region belonging thereto , and carried many prisoners from thence , and then came with his army , and sate down before the city it self : but because the Winter coming on , he could not take it for the present , he set a great ransom upon the prisoners , and so for that time brake up his Siege , [ Diodor. ib. ] Hereupon was Thimbron sent into Asia with an army ; wherein were 1000. new made citizens of Laconia ; 4000. of Peloponesus , and 300. Athenian horse , who had formerly served the 30 tyrants of Athens : such as the City had rather should be wasted away , and spent in forreign services , than be kept at home to do greater mischief . And to these Thimbron , when he came into Asia , added many more taken out of the cities of the country , [ Xenoph. ] for at Ephesus , what out of the confederate cities , what out of other places , he listed 2000. and having now an army of 7000. men , he marched some 15 miles further into the country , and at his first assault took Magnesia a city of Tissaphernes his Government . And from thence went to Tralles a city of Ionia , and began to besiege it ; but because the situation of it was very strong , he left it , and came back to Magnesia ; which was no walled Town : and therefore fearing least so soon as he was gone , Tissaphernes would take it again , he removed it to a hill thereby called Thorax . And then fell to wasting of the enemies country ; and thereby exceedingly enriched his army . But hearing that Tissaphernes was coming down upon him with an army of Horse , he retired to Ephesus , [ Diodor. ] For not being able to encounter his horse , he drust not keep the plain ; thinking it enough if he were able to keep the countries , where himself was , from being harrowed and wasted by the enemy . When as now the Grecians under Xenophon had served Senthes three moneths in Thracia , there came unto them Charminus and Polynicus sent from Thimbron , to tell them , that he had great need of their help in Asia against Tissaphernes : and that he would give them a Daric every man by the moneth for his pay : to every Captain of a company , two Darics , and to every Colonel four . But when Xenophon told them , that for his part , he was purposed to be going home into his own country ; the chief of all the army came unto him , and humbly and earnestly besought him not to leave them untill he had carried them from thence , and delivered them into Thimbrons hand : wherefore he went aboard with them , and passed over to Lampsacus ; where he met and conferred with Euclide , the Philiasian Poet. Then passing thorough the territory of Troas , they came to Pergamus ; where Xenophon was entertained by Hellas the wife of Gongylus of Eretria , and her two sons , Gorgius and Gongylus : by whose advice and counsel , when he had gone about to entrap and take Asidates the Persian , but had failed thereof , and not without great danger to himself and all his company ; at length by chance his souldiers lighted on him , took him with his wife and children , and horses , and all that ever they had ; which was exceeding much : and presently after came Thimbron to them , and received the army from Xenophons hand ; and mingling them with the rest of the Grecians in his army , he presently led them against Tissaphernes and Pharnabasus , [ Exped . Cy. l. 7. ] And here end the seven books of the Expedit . of Cyrus , the writer whereof , whosoever it was , was present in this whole Action , and concludeth his book , with this Epilogue . The Kings Commanders in the countreys which we passed through , were these , Artimas of Lydia , Articamas of Phrygia , Mithridates of Lycaonia and Cappadocia , Siennesis of Cilicia , Dernes of Phenicia and Arabia , Belesis of Syria and Assyria , Rhoparas of Babylonia , Arbacas of Media , Teribazas of Phasis and Iberia , the Carduchi , the Chalybes , the Macrones , the Colchi , the Mosynoeci , the Coeti , and the Tybareni had no Governors , but were all free people : Corylas was President of Paphlagonia , Pharnabazus of Bithynia : Seuthes was king of the Thracians , in Europe side . The whole voyage , going and coming , was 215 stages , 1150 parasanges , and 34255 furlongs , or rather 34500. allowing thirty furlongs to every parasange , the whole time of their going and coming , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , was one whole year and three months . Thimbron growing strong with this new accesse of forces received from Xenophon , Year of the World d. durst now pitch down his camp , in the fields , before Tissaphernes his face : and took Pergamus into his hand , upon a voluntary surrender made unto him : so did he Tenthrania and Halisarnia , which were commanded at that time by Eurysthenes and Procles , the descendants of Demaratus of Lacedemon , Gorgius also and Gongylus , the two brothers before mentioned , had already joyned with him ; whereof the one held Gambrius and Palegambrius , the other Myrina , and Grinium : and Thymbron himself took in other weaker places by plain force , [ Xenoph. Hellen. 3. ] Thymbron , Year of the World 3605 when Larissa , The Julian Period . 4315 a town in Asia called Egyptia , Year before Christ 399 would not open her gates besieged it ; but whiles he lay before it to little purpose , there came letters to him from the Ephori at Sparta , that leaving Larissa , he should march away into Caria : and he was now onward of his way thither as far as Ephesus , when Dercylidas , an excellent Engineere , and for his wit sirnamed another Sisyphus came to succeed him in the charge of the Army . And Thymbron returning to Sparta , was there accused by sundry confederate Cities , for suffering his army to plunder them , and was therefore bannished the City , [ Id. ib. Diod. 2 year of the 95 Olympiade . ] Mania a woman of Dardania , but of a manly spirit , and one who after the death of her husband Zenis , had very happily mannaged the government of Eolia , under Pharnabazus , and had taken in sundry sea townes , as Larissa , Hamaxitus and Colone , was most trecherously murthered by her son in law Midias , when she her self was upward of fourty years of age , and her son of the age of seventeen , was murthered with her , and that done , he seised upon the two strong townes , Scephis and Gergitha , wherein she had principally laid up her treasure , the rest of the townes , the garrisons that were in them held good for Pharnabazus : whereupon Midias sent unto Pharnabazus , his messengers , with great presents , desiring that he might hold the whole government of those parts , upon the same termes , that Mania did : but all in vaine ; for Pharnabazus returned him answer , that he should never enjoy himself more , if he left that murther of his , committed upon Mania , unrevenged , [ Xenoph. ib. with Polyae . l. 8. in Tania , or Phania , for so by misprinting , is Mania there called . ] Dercylidas , when he saw , that he had to do , with Pharnabazus and Tissaphernes both , two great commanders , and both borne up with mighty armies ; but saw withal , that they were at variance between themselves , closed with Tissaphernes , and made peace with him , [ Id. ib. with Justin lib. 6. cap. 1. ] where yet Hercylidas is put for Dercylidas . Dercylidas , having first conferred with Tissaphernes , marched fairely , and without any spoile of the country , into Eolia , which was under Pharnabazus his Government , unto whom he bare also a particular grudge , for an affront received from him , whiles he commanded at Abydus , under Lysander : and in a trice possessed himself of Larissa , Hamaxitus and Colonae , which submitted to him of their own accord ( where by the way it is to be noted , that Diodorus Siculus , instead of Larissa , hath Arisba . ) and proceeding on , he took in Neandrus , and Ilium , in the same manner ; nor did the Cocylitae stand out at all against him : Cebrene also , a very strong and fortified City , for fear of an assault , which they saw ready to be made , yeilded to him : whereupon , leaving a good garrison there , he marched forthwith , with the rest of his army to Scephis and Gergithe ; where when Midias , who feared no lesse the very inhabitants of the place , than he did Pharnabazus , coming forth upon hostages taken , to a parly , and beginning to treate of an association of armes against a common enemy , Dercylidas laid hold on him , and told him plainly , that there was no hope of any friendship between them two , unless he would presently set all the citizens of those places which he held , at liberty , to live each of them according to their own lawes . And thereupon marching into Scepsis with him , and there having done sacrifice to Minerva , and turning out Midias his soldiers , he perswaded the inhabitants of the place , to maintain their liberty : now they had it restored to them . And from thence going to Gergithe with his army , when Midias desired that he would at least leave him that city , but could not be heard ; he commanded to open the gates , and Dercylidas entered that likewise , and finding there the moneys which Mania had laid up , sufficient to maintain an army of eight thousand men , for all most a whole year , he took that into his own hands , and sent back Midias , to live a private life at Scepsis . And so Xenophon tells us , that in eight dayes space , he took in nine several cities . And Diod●r . the 2 year of the 95 Olympiade , writes that , what by plain force , what by tricks , he possessed himself in a very short time of all the cities , and country of Troas . There was a quarrel grown between Artaxerxes , and Euagoras the king of Salamis in the Isle of Cyprus , who had turned out from thence , him that was the Lord of the place , and one whom Artaxerxes wished very well unto , called Abdemon Thyrsius , or , as Theopompus , in the Excerpta Photii , nu . 176. calls him , Abdymon Cityces . This quarrel therefore was now composed between them two , by the mediation of Conon the Athenian , who had sometime lived with Euagoras , and of Ctesias the Cnidian , who had long lived in the Court in Persia , upon condition , that Euagoras should pay a certain tribute to Artaxerxes , and a present also was sent to Satibarzanes ; Ctesias also sent letters to Euagoras , to make an attonement with Anaxagoras a king of the Cyprians ; which with others of like kind , written by Euagoras and Conon , Ctesias hath all inserted into his History of the Persian affairs . Dercylidas having gone thus far in these parts , sent to Pharnabazus , to know whether he would have war or peace , and Pharnabazus , being afraid what might betide unto Phrygia , where himself did constantly dwell , and which bordered upon Eolia , which was now all in Dercylidas his hand ; desired a truce , [ Xenophon Hellen . 3. ] This truce concluded , Year of the World 3606. a. Dercylidas marched away into that part of Bithynia , The Julian Period . 4316 which the Thracians held , Year before Christ 398 and there wintered ; which Pharnabazus liked well enough of , because the Thracians of of that countrey made often inrodes upon Phrygia and Dercylidas plundering that part of Bithynia , at his pleasure , wanted no provision for his winter quartering , [ Id. ib. ] Certain Odrysian horse to the number of 200 , and 300 targateers , being sent from Senthes King of Thracia , to aide Dercylidas , upon their first coming , went a forraging into Bithynia , and were there almost all cut off . But afterward keeping themselves close with the Lacedemonian army , they wasted the borders and territories of the Bithynians very sorely , [ Ib. ] The spring coming on , Dercylidas removed out of Bithynia , and came to Lampsacus , where he understood by three Ambassadors come from Sparta , that his command was continued to him for another year . The same Ambassadors also , by command from the Ephori , told the army there , that in former time the souldiers had been extremly injurious to their allies and confederates , and commended them , for their good behaviour that way : whereunto answer was made by him , that commanded those who had formerly followed Cyrus in his wars , that the souldiers were still the same , but that different Commanders , had caused a different behaviour in them . This done , Dercylidas sent away the Ambassadors from Ephesus to take their journy thorough the Grecian cities and countries in those parts , telling them how glad he was , that they should find them all in so peaceable and flourishing a state as they should do , [ Ibid. ] When the Ambassadors were gone , Year of the World c. Dercylidas sent again to Pharnabazus , to know whether he would have the last winters truce to continue , or whether he would have war. And when he desired the continuance of the truce , he passed forthwith with his army over the Hellespont , and came into the Chersonesus of Thracia , which contained 37 furlongs , all which he enclosed with a strong wall . This work he began in the spring , and finished it before the beginning of Autumne , [ Id. ib. with Diodor. Sic. year 2. Olympiade 95. where , contrary to his custom , he delivers the gests of two years in one discourse . Conon the Athenian wrote his letters from Cyprus to Artaxerxes , concerning his own affairs , which he desired to be presented to him , either by Zenon of Crete , a dancer , or by Polycritus of Mendes a Physitian , or in their absence , by Ctesias , who was likewise a Physitian . It is said , that this letter coming to Cresias his hand , he added thereto of his own , that he prayed the king , to send Ctesias unto him , as a man very necessary for the kings service , in those parts , especially in matters belonging to the sea . But Ctesias himself writes , that the king of his own accord , sent and imployed himself in that service , [ Plutarch in Artaxerxes , ] which letters of Conon to the King , and to himself , as also the speech which he used to the King ament that matter , he hath inserted into his own History ; where he relates also , how , when at the same time the Lacedemonians sent Ambassadors to the King , he committed them to custody ; and kept them there . Pharnabazus having made truce with Dercylidas , took a journey to the king : and there charged Tissaphernes before him , for that when the Lacedemonians had sent an army into Asia , he had not only not opposed them , but had moreover maintained them there at the Kings charge ; telling him that it was a shame , that the Kings war should not be pursued to an end , but bought out ; and that his enemies should be bribed with money , and not beaten out with armes : and perswaded the King to furnish out a fleet , and make Conon the Athenian , Ammiral of it . By whole perswasion , together with the advice of Euagoras the King of Cyprus , the King presently commanded 500 talents to be consigned into Pharnabazus his hand ; and commanded him to commit the charge of the Phenician fleet unto Conon , and to make him commander in chief , over all his maritime affaires , [ Diod. year 2. of the 95 Olympiade , with Isocrates in his Euagoras : and in his Oration ad Philip. and Pausanias , in Atticis , and Justinus , lib. 6. cap. 1. ] Pausanias returning from Court , having conferred with Conon , about what course to be held , made him Ammiral of the seas : making him many large promises on the Kings behalf : Conon taking the charge upon him , but not fully furnished with a fleet , took 40 ships , which he had then readie , , and with them sailed into Cilicia , and there provided to begin the war , [ Diod ib. ] Ctesias being sent away by Artaxerxes to the sea side , Year of the World d. went from thence first into Cnidia his own country , and from thence to Sparta , as himself saies , toward the end of his History ; which as Diodorus saith , he ended with the third year of this 95 Olympiade . Dercylidas returning out of Chersonese into Asia , going in progresse over the cities , found that the banditoes of Chios , had possessed themselves of Atarne , and from thence making sundry inrodes upon Ionia , lived upon the spoile thereof ; and although the town it self was strong , and well provided of victuals , yet he went and laid siege thereto , and continued before it , full eight moneths space , [ Xenophon , Hellenic . lib. 3. ] In the end , Year of the World 3607 when they were forced to render themselves , The Julian Period . 4317 he committed the keeping thereof to one Dracon of Pellene ; Year before Christ 397 but himself , having furnished that place with ample provisions , that he might have it for a sure retreat , if need were , went to Ephesus , [ Id. ib. ] When the Embassadors from Ionia came to Sparta , and there declared , that if Caria , where Tissaphernes constantly resided , were invaded , they conceived that Tissaphernes would quickly grant them leave to live according to their own lawes , the Ephori wrote to Dercylidas , that he should march into Caria with his army , and to Pharaces their Ammiral , that he should saile with his fleet , into those parts also , [ Ibid. ] The same time also , Pharnabazus went to Tissaphernes , partly for that he was the chief General , partly to let him know , that he for his part was ready to joyne with him in making war upon the Grecians : and therefore first took him along with him into Caria , to settle matters there ; and having put garrisons there , returned with him into Ionia . But Dercylidas hearing that they had passed the river Meander , and having conferred with Pharaces , and shewed him , that he feared least Tissaphernes and Pharnabazus , would both fall down with their armies into Ionia , being now destitute of garrisons , put over the Meander likew●se , [ Ibid. ] In the Persian army there were 20000 foot and 10000 horse ; but Dercylidas was not in all above 7000 strong , [ Diodor. 2 year of the 95 Olympiade . ] And now as many soldiers as were there out of Peloponesus , stood firme , and prepared to fight : but as many as were there out of Priene and Achilium , as likewise out of the Isles , and other townes of Ionia , partly threw away their armes into the corne , which was then in great store , growing in the fields lying upon the Meander , and ran away partly when they came to fight , shewed well enough that they meant not to stand to it : yet Tissaphernes , remembring how the Grecians which were in Cyrus his army , had plaid the men in that fight against himself , and imagining that all Grecians would prove like them , durst not set upon them , as Pharnabazus would have had him : but sending to Dercyldias , told him that he desired to come to a parly with him , whereupon , upon hostages enterchangably given and taken , they fell to treat of a peace ; Dercylidas demanded , that the King should suffer all the Grecian cities to be free , and enjoy their liberty : Tissaphernes and Pharnabazus , that the Lacedemonian forces should withdraw out of the countreys of the kings dominions , and their commanders out of the cities , and the truce was to continue , till Dercylidas could receive an answer from Sparta thereupon : and Tissaphernes and Pharnabazus from the K. and so both armies drew out of the field , the Persians returning to Tralles , the other to Leucophris , [ Xen. & Diod. ut supra . ] Now a certain man called Herodas , Year of the World 3608 of Syracuse in Sicily , The Julian Period . 4318 living at that time with a master of a ship in Phenicia , Year before Christ 396 perceiving sundry ships of war daily drawing thither ; others a rigging , others upon the stocks , and a Navy of 300. sail providing , put himself aboard the first ship that he found bound for Greece ; and coming to Sparta , informed them , what a Fleet was there in providing : but whither bound , or for what purpose he said , he could not tell . The Lacedemonians were much troubled hereat : And Agesilaus one of their two Kings , being put on by Lysander , offered himself to go in person with an army into Asia against the Persians : and to take with him 30 men of Sparta , whom they should chuse by their advice , to mannage that war. The first of whom was Lysander , who hoped by this occasion to restore again the Decemvirates thoroughout all the cities in Asia , which himself had heretofore set up : and which the Ephori afterward had abolished , commanding every city , to live according to their own laws . So Agesilaus taking with him 2 thousand of the new made Citizens of Sparta , and 6 thousand out of their confederate cities , with as much provision as would serve for six moneths ; loosed from Geraesum , a Port in Eubaea , with all the Forces that he could there make , and came to Ephesus ; and that so speedily , as he landed there before ever Tissaphernes and Pharnabazus heard of his setting forth : whereby it came to passe , that he found them there , all as unprovided , as himself could wish , [ Xenoph. Hellen. lib. 3. ] and in his Oration , of Agesilaus , with Plutarch and Emil. Probus , in their several lives of Agesilaus , and Pausa . in Laconicis : who yet sayes , that he landed first at Sardes . And now having raised 4 thousand souldiers more at Ephesus , he drew into the field with 10 thousand foot , and 4 hundred , or ( as the Latine translation hath it ) 4 thousand horse : unto which were joyned a rabble of others , which followed the Camp for pillage , being no fewer in number , than the army it selfe , [ Diod. year 4. of the 95. Olympiade . ] Tissaphernes hereupon , sent to him to know what was the cause of his coming into Asia : and his answer was , that he came to restore the Grecian cities there to their liberty and freedom . Tissaphernes hereupon desired him to forbear for 3 moneths , that he might send to the King , bearing him in hand , that he nothing doubted but all should be to his content . Agesilaus hereupon , sent Heripidas , Dercylidas , and Migialius to him , to take an oath of him , that he meant no guile , but would do what possible he could to procure the peace which he had promised : & they on Agesilaus his behalf took an oath , that Tissaphernes performing on his part , they would inviolably keep the truce on their . But Tissaphernes , not regarding his oath taken , sent to the King to encrease his army . And Agesilaus , though he knew well what he intended , yet kept the truce made on his part , [ Xenoph. Hellen. lib. 3. and in his book of Agesilaus ; with Plutarch and Emil. Probus . in Agesil . ] Whiles Agesilaus lay still at Ephesus , all things grew to a confusion in the cities ; because neither the Democratical government was observed with the Athenians , nor the D●cemviral , which Lysander had set up , was observed among them ; all became suitors to Lysander , a man well known among them , that he would obtain of Agesilaus for them what they desired . Hereupon it was , that Lysander had ever a great court of attendants and suitors about him : so that Lysander now seemed to be King , and Agesilaus a private man. This was a web in Agesilaus his eye , and therefore he began first to take the administration of matters out of his hand , and to lessen his authority : then sent he him on an errand into Hellespont ; where when Lysander found that Spithridates , a Persian , ( Plutarch calls him Mithridates ) was over-born by Pharnabazus , he desired to speak with him , and upon conference perswaded him , with his children and such wealth as he had , and 200. horse , to fall off from Pharnabazus ; and he presently leaving , what he had safe at Cyzicum , with his son , came unto him , and he carried them with him to Agesilaus ; who was glad to see him , and by him informed himself to the full , how things stood with Pharnabazus , [ Xenoph. Hellen. 3. and Plut. in the life of Agesilaus and Lysander . ] Tissaphernes having gotten fresh supplyes from the King , grew high , and proclaimed open war against Agesilaus ; unlesse he would presently leave Asia . Agesilaus was glad hereof , and bad his men provide themselves presently for the war : and withal sent to the Ionians , Eolians , and them of Hellespont , to send him to Ephesus all the strength they could make : and Tissaphernes supposing that he would march into Caria , went himself with his army into Phrygia ; and falling suddenly upon the cities there , gat a vast sum of money and other provisions out of them , and so came safe and without any stop , near to Dascylium : where his horse , scouring the country before the army , were met with by the horse of Pharnabazus , and routed ; and in that encounter lost 12 men , and 2 horses . But when Agesilaus with his foot came to their rescue , the Persians on the other side retired , having lost one of their men , [ Xenoph. Hellen. 3. and in his Agesilaus , with Plutarch and Emil. Probus in their Agesilaus likewise . ] Agesilaus having spent the greatest part of that Summer in plundering of Phrygia , and the countries adjoyning , and enriched his army ; toward the Autumn returned to Ephesus , [ Diodor. year 1 of the 96 Olympiade : ] and there spent that Winter , [ Emil. Prob. in his Agesilaus . ] Nephereus , Year of the World 3609 al. The Julian Period . 4319 Nepherites reigned in Egypt 6 years . Year before Christ 395 The Lacedemonians sent to him , to joyn with them in armes against the Persian ; but he instead of that , sent them tackle and furniture for 100 ships of war , and 30 thousand bushels of wheat , for a present , [ Diodor , year 1 of the 96 Olympiade . ] Justin calls him Hercinion , and so doth Orosius ; treading all along in his steps : and relates the matter in this manner . The Lacedemonians , saith he , crave help by sea of Hercinion , by their Ambassadors : and received from him 100 ships of war fully furnished , and 600 thousand bushels of wheat , [ Justin lib. 6. cap. 2. and Orosius lib. 3. cap. 1. ] Pharax , Ammiral of the Lacedemonian Fleet , seting sail from Rhodes with 120 ships , came to Sasanda Castle of Caria , distant from Caunus 150 furlongs : and weighing again from thence , set upon the Town of Caunus , and upon Conon the Athenian , who there lay with his 40 ships . But when Artaphernes and Pharnabazus , came with a huge army to the relief of Caunus : Pharax raised his siege , and returned with all his Fleet to Rhodes . After this , Conon gat together to the number of 80 ships , and with them sailed toward Chersonesus . And at the same time the Rhodians keeping out the Peloponesian Fleet , revolted from the Lacedemonian State : and received Conon with all his Fleet , into their Port and City . And it fell out , that the Egyptian Fleet , knowing naught of the alteration there made , came boldly to an anchor under the Island with all their loading of wheat , sent to the Lacedemonians : where Conon with the Rhodians setting upon them , took and brought them all , with their men and loading , into the Port , and stored the place with corn , [ Diodor. year 1 Olympiade 96. ] but the souldiery mutined against Conon , because the Kings Officers defrauded them of their pay : who therefore asked their pay the more boldly , because they were imployed in so great a service , under so great a Commander as Conon was , [ Justin lib. 6. cap. 2. ] Agesilaus , knowing well that there was no dealing with the enemy in a Champion Country without sufficient horse , set himself to raise Troups on all hands ; and therefore gave order thoroughout all the confederate cities , that such of them as were rich and had no mind to serve themselves , should send him in every man a horse , with a rider on him in his stead . And the Spring coming on , commanded all his army to come together at Ephesus : and there trained all sorts , both of horse and foot , with great care and diligence to make them fit and ready for the war. And during such preparation , made the City of Ephesus seem more illustrious than ordinary , as being the very shop , and , as it were , the work-house of so great a war , [ Xenoph. Hellen. 3. and in his Agesilaus : and Plutarch and Emil. Pro. in the same mans life . ] And now a whole year was spent since Agesilaus came from Sparta , and the 30 Commissioners allotted for his Council returned to Sparta ; of which Lysander , as I said before , was the prime man , and 30 others were sent in their rooms , of which Heripidas was chief . Of these Agesilaus chose Xenocles , and one more , to command the Horse , and Scythes to command the Foot of the new made Citizens of Sparta , which were all Corselets : and Heripidas to lead them who had served under Cyrus ; and Migdon , them which were sent in by the Cities of Asia . And gave it out that he would march out-right into the strongest part of the enemies country , to the end they should all arme and prepare their minds for a hot encounter . And Tissaphernes conceiving that he had given this out of purpose to amuse him a second time , and to keep him at home , marched directly into Caria , commanding his Horse to stay behind , and keep in the plain of Maeander : But Agesilaus did indeed , what he had said , and fell on with his whole army into the country of Sardes . And when he had marched 3 dayes and saw no enemy appear , he gathered there a huge stock of all kind of provisions for his army . On the 4 day the enemies Horse came in sight , and finding the Grecians scattered abroad , and busie about the plunder of the country ; fell upon them , and slew a great part of them . To whose rescue when Agesilaus came , and considered with himself , that the enemies Foot was not yet come up , and that himself was ready at all points , he set upon the enemy near the River Pactolus , and there gat a great victory of them : and possessing himself of their Camp , and having all now , both friends and enemies goods in his hands , he found there among other riches , amounting to above 70 talents of money , and all his camels , which he afterward carried with him into Greece . But Tissaphernes lay all this while at Sardes : and was therefore blamed and accused by the Persians , as a desertor , and a plain betrayer of them . So Xenophon : But Diodorus , sayes , that Tissaphernes was present in the fight with 10 thousand Horse , and 50 thousand Foot : and that Agesilaus , coming down from the hill country of Sipalus , and over-running all the plaine about Sardes it self , wasted all , and destroyed among others things a goodly Park or Garden of Tissaphernes his own , enclosed and set with all sorts of trees and other things for pleasure , infinitely sumptuous , and of most exquisite workmanship and beauty . And that turning from thence , he sent Xenocles with 14 thousand men , to lye in ambush midway , between Sardes and Tybarnae , to intercept certain Persians , which were to passe that way ; and that fighting a second time with the Persians , he overcame them again , and slew upward of six thousand of them ; and took a great multitude prisoners , and seized on their camp , stored with infinite riches : and that after all this done , Tissaphernes fled to Sardes , and Agesilaus returned to the sea side with his army . Pausanias also in his Laconica , writeth , that Agesilaus fought with Tissaphernes in the champion country of Hermus ; and there overthrew not onely the horse , but also the foot army of the Persians , which was the greatest number that ever they had in one body , next that of Xerxes , with which he passed into Greece , and that other of Darius , which he carried into Scythia . But t is best relying upon Xenophons credit in this point : who was not onely Reader to Agesilaus , ( as Cicero 3 de Oratore affirmeth , ) at leastwise , was very intimate and familiar with him , ( as Emil. Pro. sayes in the Life of Agesilaus , and D●ogenes Laertius , in the Life of Xenophon reporteth ) but was also with him in all this service in Asia ; and the next year returned with him into Greece . Conon , Ammiral of the Persian fleet , having often sollicitated the king , by his letters for pay for the Navy , and doing no good that way , at the length made a journey to him himself ; Pharnabazus also putting him foreward to accuse Tissaphernes of treason to the King ; wherefore committing the charge of the Navy to Hieronimus and Nicodemus ( both of Athens ) in his absence ; he sailed into Cilicia , and from thence coming to Thapsacum in Syria , he put himself into a barge , and so came down the river Euphrates unto Babylon : There addressing himself as the manner was to Tithraustes the Chiliarch or chief Coronel , who holds as I said before , the first place next the King , he shewed him what he was , and that he desired to speak with the King. But when he could not be admitted to the presence or speech with the King without adoration , ( i. e. ) prostration first used to him , he was fain to do his businesse with him , by entercourse of letters and messengers : whereby yet he so far prevailed , that the king declared Tissaphernes to be a Traitor to him ; and bad Conon to take charge of the war against the Lacedemonians , and to make paimaster of the Navy , whom ever he pleased to nominate to that office . And so being highly rewarded for his service , was dispatched away to the sea-side , with power to command what shipping he thought fit of the Cypriots and Phenicians , for the guard of the sea against the next summer , and Pharnabazus was assigned to him , for an Assistant or Coadjutor , as himself desired , [ Diodor. year 1. of the 96 Olympiade , Justin lib. 6. cap. 2. Emil. Pro. in the Life of Conon . ] As concerning the Cypriots , it is to be observed ; that in the very time , whiles there passed courtesies and presents enterchangeably between Artaxerxes and them , the King intended war against them , ten whole years before it came to an end , eight whereof he spent in meer preparations making for it ; as we shall shew hereafter , when we come to the fourth year of the 98 Olympiade , out of Diod. Sic. speaking of the issue of that war , of which 8 years , it seems that six were spent , at what time Isocrates made that his Panegirical oration , whereby speaking of those many vain attempts made upon Euagoras in Artaxerxes , he useth these words ; He made , saith he war upon Euagoras , who was Lord but of one poor city in Cyprus , and one who had formerly rendred himself unto him , and became his vassal , and lived in an Island , and had suffered a great losse at sea ; and had not above three thousand targateers to maintain his state withall ; and yet , thus weak as he is , the king hath not been able to have his will of him , though he hath now spent six whole years in a war against him . Parysatis the Queen-mother , egging the King on against Tissaphernes , for the hatred which she bare him for her son Cyrus his sake , he committed the charge of that war to Tithraustes , giving him letters to the cities and Commanders in those parts , whereby he commanded them all to do what ever Tithraustes commanded , [ Diod. year 1. of the 98 Olympiade . ] He gave him also at his departure two several letters to Tissaphernes himself ; willing him to go on with the war against the Lacedemonians ; and one in speciall to Ariaeus the Commander of Larissa , requiring him to be assisting to Tithraustes , in the making away of Tissaphernes . Those Tithraustes delivered to him so soon as he came to Colossae in Phrygia : and Ariaeus having read them , sent presently to Tissaphernes , praying him to come to Colossae , there to consult about the Kings affairs , especially concerning the war against the Grecians : whereupon he fearing no hurt , left his army at Sardes , and came with all speed to Colossae , with a troop of 300 Arcadians , and Milesians in his company , and took up his lodging in Ariaeus his house ; and there going into a Bath , layed aside his sword : there Ariaeus with his servants seized on him , and clapping him into a close Coach , sent him away prisoner to Tithraustes ; who carrying him as far as to Celaena , there cut off his head , and sent it to Artaxerxes : and Artaxerxes bad carry it to his mother : who was exceeding glad at the sight thereof ; and no lesse were all the Grecian women , whose husbands had followed Cyrus in his war , and were afterward by his treachery cut off , when they heard thereof , [ Diod. Ib. Polyaenus stratagem . lib. 7. Xenoph. Hellen. 3. and in his book of Agesilaus . and Plut. in the lives of Artax . and Agesilaus . ] Tithraustes sent messengers to Agesilaus , to let him know that the Author of this late war , Tissaphernes , had suffered his due punishment for it ; and that the King now thought it great reason , that he should withdraw himself with his army , out of Asia : and to leave the cities there , to the use of their own laws , paying the King their former tribute : And when Agesilaus answered him that he could not so do , without the consent and order of his country , which had imployed him ; at length they came to this agreement , that he with his army , should withdraw into Pharnabazus his Government ; receiving for the entertainment of them , 30 talents , until he could receive an answer from Sparta , what he was to do : so saith Xenophon [ lib. 3. Hellen. ] Diodorus only writes , that Tithraustes , having drawn Agesilaus to a parly , made a truce with him onely for 6 months : and Xenophon in his book , written of the praises of Agesilaus , addeth further , that when Tithraustes offered him a great summe of mony , if he would withdraw out of the kings territories , Agesilaus answered him in this wise , Tithraustes , said he , we hold it with us , more honour for a General , to enrich his army , rather than himself , and to take spoiles from his enemies , rather than rewards . Whiles Agesilaus was upon his march towards Phrygia , which was of Pharnabazus his command ; he received a Scytala , or a letter , from the Magistrates of Sparta , that he should take charge of the Navy , as well as of the land army , and to make Ammiral thereof , whom he thought fit , whereupon , he in a short time , what by the publique contribution of the cities , what by the beneficence of private men , who were desirous to gratifie him in his own person , made up a Navy of 120 saile : and gave the command of them to Pisander , his wives brother , a man desirous indeed of praise and honour , and of courage enough , but not much skilled that way , [ Xen. l. 3. Hellen. Plut. in his Agesilaus . Pausan. in his Laconica . ] Pisander being dispatched away to the Navy , and himself holding on his way into Phrygia . Tithraustes perceiving that Agesilaus had no meaning to leave Asia , but rather conceived great hopes of vanquishing the King there right , sent Timocrates of Rhodes ( for so Plutarch also calls him in his Laconical Apophthegmes , however the name of Hermocrates be crept in , in his life of Artaxerxes ) into Greece ; with gold , amounting to the quantity of 50 talents of silver : whereby it came to passe , that the chief Cities , being bribed , conspired together , and raised a common war on the behalf of the Athenians , against the Lacedemonian party , [ Xenoph. ibid. Plut. in his Artax . Pausanias in his Laconica and Messenica . ] Agesilaus therefore entering into Phrygia , Year of the World 3610 which was of Pharnabazus his Government , about the beginning of Autumne , burnt and spoiled all that country ; taking in all the cities thereof , either by force or voluntary surrender , and then by the perswasion of Spithridates , marched into Paphlagonia , to move them to a revolt from the Persian : And Cotys the King thereof , who was formerly sent for by Artaxerxes , but would not go , now confederated with Agesilaus , and he by Spithridates his perswasion , lest there a thousand horse , and two thousand foot to assist him ; and he , to recompence Spithridates in some sort , for his service , before he went thence , procured Cotys to take his daughter to wife , [ Xenoph. lib. 4. Hellen. and in his Agesilaus : and Plutarch likewise in his . ] For Agesilaus was ever very desirous to requite his friends , as appears by that Epistle Laconically written and attributed to him : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ( i. e. ) If Nicias hath not done you wrong , forgive him : if he hath , forgive him for my sake ; however forgive him . [ Plutarch in his Agesilaus , and in his Laconical Apophthegmes . ] Leaving Paphlagonia , he marched to Dascylium : where Pharnabazus his Palace was ; and round about him many townes , large and full of all provisions , and there wintered ; and partly from thence , partly from other parts adjoyning , maintained his army , [ Xen. ib. ] Where , Year of the World b. when his soldiers went a forrageing , The Julian Period . 4320 and sometimes not so warily as they should have done , Year before Christ 394 contemning their enemy , because hitherto they had never been distressed by them , Pharnabazus by chance fell upon them with two hooked chariots , and some four hundred men , as they were out of order , following their pillage . But the Grecians espying him , rallied themselves in a body , to the number of 700. Pharnabazus presently putting his hooked chariots in the front , followed them with his horse , and bad them drive in upon the middest of them ; and when the chariots had broken in upon , and disordered them , his horse fell on , and slew to the number of one hundred of them : the rest fled back to Agesilaus , who was not far off , with his Corselets , [ Id. ib. ] Three or four dayes after , Spithridates found that Pharnabazus lay with his arm in a spacious bourgade called Caije , about 160 furlongs from thence , and advertised Heripidas , chief of the Councel of war , thereof . He presently prayed Agesilaus to give him two thousand Corselets , and as many Targateers ; and so many horse as would voluntarily go with him , though there went not with him indeed a moitie of any kind . But he , setting out , with those which he had , so soon as it grew dark , came upon Pharnabazus in the very dawning of the day , and slew the Mysians , who happened that time to be upon the guard : then the whole army took a fright , and fled , and he entred their camp , and there got a rich booty , together with Pharnabazus his own pavilion , and all his rich furniture and wealth therein ; for he for fear of the Grecians , like the Scythian Nomades , removed his camp hither and thither , never staying long in any one place : his chief care being , that the enemy might not know where to find him And here Heripedas , making too too rigorous an enquiry and search after the spoile which was taken , set commanders with their souldiers on work , and stript Spithradates and his Paphlagonians of all that ever they had gotten in the pillage of the camp : upon which abuse , they all the next night , took what was left , and got them away to Sardes , unto Araeus , who had himself formerly revolted from the King , and served against him ; nor was there any thing in all this journey into Asia , that more toubled Agesilaus than this departure of Spithridates , and Megabates his son , whom Agesilaus exceedingly loved , and of these Paphlagonian forces , [ Diod , Id. ibid. and Plutarch in his Agesilaus . ] Afterward Agesilaus and Pharnabazus , coming to a parly , by the means of one Apollophanes of Cyzicum , who was a common friend to both , they fell to treat of an agreement . Pharnabazus ( as Xenophon hath it in his oration concerning Agesilaus ) openly professed , that unlesse the king would make him absolute and sole Commander of the army , he would revolt from him : but if he might command all , then he would maintain the war against Agesilaus , as long as he could : and Agesilaus told him , that he would depart out of his territory , with all the speed that might be , and so long as he could find a work elsewhere , would not trouble him : and so soon as Pharnabazus was gone , his son begotten upon Pharapyta came running to Agesilaus , and entered into a league of friendship with him , and in assurance thereof , they gave gifts each to other , as pledges of love between them , [ Id. ib. ] And now the spring came on , and Agesilaus came into the plaines of Thebes , and pitched near the Temple of Diana Astyrina , and there gathered exceeding store of wealth on all hands ; and provided himself to march into the upper countries ; nothing doubting but that all the regions which he left behind him , would fall of from the Persian . [ Xenophon . lib. 4. Hellen. ] and now the fame of him grew mervelous great in Persia ; having spent two full years in that war , [ Plutarch , in his Agesilaus . ] The Lacedemonians having now gotten certain knowledge , Year of the World c. that the Persian moneys flew about in Greece , and that the principal cities there , confederated for a common war against them , dispatch't away Epiciads to Agesilaus , to call him home to defence of his own country . Hereupon Agesilau , though much troubled that he was thus taken off from so great a design , as he had then in hand , yet thought fit to obey their command , [ Ib. ] and wrote back to the Ephori this Epistle , which Plutarch inserted among his Apophthegmes . Agesilaus to the Ephori , greeting : we have subdued a great part of Asia , and routed the Barbarians , and provided great store of armes in Ionia . But because you have set me a certain day , within which to return unto you , I will obey your command , and peradventure be back , before that day : for I am King not for my self , but for you , and our confederates : for a k●ng is then a true King , when he is commanded by the laws , and Ephori , and the other magistrates of the city . It is said also that he told his friends merrily , that the king had driven him out of Asia thirty thousand Archers ; meaning , that Timocrates his Agent , had bestowed so many thousand golden Datics , which were stamped with Archers upon them , among the leaders of the people in every city , to raise a common war against the Spartans , [ Plutarch in his Laconical Apophthegmes , and in his Artaxerxes . ] Agesilaus returning , left Euxemus behind him to command in chief ; and with him 4000 souldiers to assist the Ionians if need should be . And to the end he might carry back with him a sure and sufficient army ; he made promise of great rewards and honours to those cities and commanders , who should send him in the best horse and foot , and best furnished ; and thereby put them into an emulation each with other , who should do best in that kind , [ Xenoph. Hellen 4. ] Xenophon , when he was to return with Agesilaus into Boeotia to make war against the Thebans , left half the gold which he had gotten in his voyage with Cyrus at Ephesus , in the hands of one Megabyzus , treasurer of the Temple of Diana there ; for he foresaw that going now with Agesilaus he should undoubtedly hazard himself in a battel : which accordingly fell out afterward at Coronaea . Wherefore he left order with him , that in case he escaped alive out of that battel , then he should restore him the money deposited in that Temple ; but if he miscarried , then he charged him to consecrate it all to the goddesse Diana : and of the other half , he sent offerings to Apollo at Delphos , [ Expedit . Cr. lib. 5. and Diog. Laertius in Xenophonte . ] But Agesilaus himself consecrated a tenth of all that he had gotten in his two years wars in Asia , to Apollo at Delphos ; which came to upward of 100 talents , [ Xenoph. and Plutarch , in their several lives of Agesilaus . ] Agesilaus having passed the sea at Hellespont , received news of the victory which the Lacedemonians had gotten near Corinth : and thereupon sent back Dercylidas into Asia to inform the Ionians of it ; thereby to hearten them the more , in continuing firm to the Lacedemonian party , [ Xenoph. Hellen. 4. and Plut. in his Agesilaus . ] About this time it was that that famous sea-fight was made at Cnidus , Year of the World d. ( and under the hill called Dorius , as Pausan as , [ in the 2 book of his Eliaca ] reporteth , when Eubulus , or Eubulis was L. Chancelor at Athens , who began his office there , in the very entrance of 3 year of 96 Olympiade , as Lysias , a very good Author in his Oration concerning the acts of Aristophanes affirmeth . The Commanders of the Persian Fleet lay near to Doryma , in Chersonesus , with more than 90 sail of ships ; Pharnabazus commanded the Phoenicians , and Conon the Athenian , the Grecian squadron of them . But Pisander , ( for whom Periarchus is falsely put , by Diodorus ) the Lacedemonian Ammiral , setting sail from Cnidus with 80 ships , came to a place called Physcus in Chersonesus : and going from thence , lighted upon a part of the Kings Fleet , and at the first encounter had the better of it : but when the rest of the Kings Fleet came in to their rescue , and the friends of the Lacedemonians shifted for themselves , and fled to land , Pisander with his ship fell in upon the thickest of the enemy ; slew many of them , but died himself manfully in the fight . Then did Conon with his men pursue the Lacedemonians hotly to land , and took no lesse than fifty of their ships : the rest fled and returned safe to Cnidus , [ Xeno . Hellen. 4. Diodorus year 2 of the 96 Olympiade . Justin lib. 6. cap. 3. Emil. Probus in the life of Conon . ] When Agesilaus was now ready to invade Boeotia , news was brought him of this great overthrow of the Lacedemonian Fleet , and therein of the death of Pisander his wives brother : and at the very instant , the Sun was eclipsed , and looke like a half-moon , [ Xenoph. Hellen. 4. and Plut. in his Agesilaus ] which fell upon the 14. of our August , as appeareth by the Astronomical accounts , in the year 394 before the birth of Christ. After this great victory at Cnidus , Pharnabazus and Conon went about , and cast the Lacedemonian Governours and Garrisons out of all the Islands and sea Towns ; making them believe , that they would never put any Citadels upon them : but that they should thence forth live according to their own laws , [ Xenoph. lib. 4. Hellen. ] and hereupon , first the Coi , then the Nisaeans , then the Teians , and those of Chiosfell off from the Lacedemonians . Then they of Mitylene , of Ephesus , and Erythrae , did the like : and in an instant , all the rest of the cities fell a madding against the Lacedemonian Government ; whereof some casting out the Lacedemonian Garrisons , set up for themselves , and maintained their own State. Others gave themselves up into Conons hands : and from that time forward , the Lacedemonians lost the sovereignty of the seas , [ Diodor. year 2. Olympiade 96. ] Dercylidas , an old enemy of Pharnabazus , being at this time at Abidus , would not out thence , as others did out of their commands ; but having made a grave and pithy Oration to the inhabitants , held them firm and constant to the Lacedemonian party : and when other Commanders which were cast out of their several places , repaired thither , they entertained them lovingly there ; and such as came not of themselves , they invited to come . And when a multitude of them were come together , Dercylidas put over to Sestus on the other side , and there entertained all such as were driven out of their commands on the Europaean side ; and put the like courage into their hearts , as he had done to the rest in Asia side : telling them that in Asia it self , which from the beginning belonged to the King , sundry places , as Temneus , no great Town , and Egae in Eolia , and other places held still their own , and would not stoop to the Kings obedience , [ Xen. Hellen. 4. ] Pharnabazus purposing to go for Ephesus , Year of the World 3611 delivered over to Conon 40 ships ; and bad him meet him at Sestus . He himself sent Minatory letters to both places , telling them , that unlesse they rid their hands of the Lacedemonians , he would hold them for his enemies . And when they would not , he commanded Conon to block them up by sea ; and he himself went and wasted all the country about Abydus . But finding that that would not bring them to his bent , he left them , and went his way home . But gave order to Conon to deal with the Cities bordering upon the Hellespont , and to provide the greatest Fleet that possibly they could make against the next Spring : and so this Winter was taken up , in these provisions making . In the beginning of the Spring , Year of the World b. having gotten together a mighty Fleet of his own , The Julian Period . 4321 and hired what else he could besides , Year before Christ 393 Pharnabazus , taking Conon with him , went thorough the middest of the Islands of the Egaean sea , and came to Melus , one of the Sporades , that from thence , he might the more easily put over , and set foot in Laconia the country of the Spartans . And having there spoiled the country , he purposed to return into Asia : but before he went , Conon prevailed with him to leave the Navy with him ; for that with it he would go to Athens , and would repair the long walls there , and fortifie the Port of Pyroeum ; which , as he said , would trouble the Lacedemonians , nothing more . Glad was Pharnabazus of this offer , and furnished him with monies to do that work . So Conon came to Athens with 80 sail of ships , and presently fell in hand with the repairing of the walls both of the City and Port : and having received 50 talents of money from Pharnabazus , bestowed it all among his fellow-citizens , [ Id. ibid. Diod. year 2. and 3. of the 96. Olympiade . Plut. in his Agesilaus , and Laconical Apophthegmes . Justin lib. 6. cap. 5. Emil. Prob. in the life of Conon . ] The Lacedemonians hearing this news , Year of the World d. dispatched away Antalcidas to Tiribazus , another chief Commander of the Kings , residing at Sardes , to make him , if it were possible , their friend , and to mediate a peace between him and them . Whereupon the Athenians also sent Conon , and sundry others unto him : so did also the Boeotians , and Corinthians , and those of Argos . Now when they were all come before Tiribazus , Antalcidas began , and told him , that he was come to sue for a peace between the King , and his country-men , such as the Kings own heart could wish ; for that the Lacedemonians would not stand with him for the Grecian cities in Asia ; but would be content if all the Islands and other countries out of Asia , might be free and live according to their own lawes : But when all the rest of the Legates , there met , disclaimed that motion , all brake off , and every man returned home again . But Tiribazus , though he saw it was not safe for him to make a league with the Lacedemonians , without the Kings pleasure first known ; yet under-hand he furnished Antalcidas with monies to set up their Navy again ; that so the Athenians and their confederates might the more easily be wrought to condescend to a peace with the King : and more than that , threw Conon himself into prison at Sardes ; charging him as guilty of all that ever the Lacedemonians said of him , and as if he had made use of the Kings souldiers and monies , onely to get towns and cities for his country-men the Athenians ; and to restore Ionia and Eolia unto them . And that done , made a journey to the King , to inform him of what propositions the Lacedemonians had made unto him ; and of what he had done to Conon , and upon what grounds , and to know his pleasure upon all , [ Xen. Hellen. 4. with Plut. in his Laconical Apophthegmes : and in his Agesilaus . Diodor. 3 year of the 96 Olymiade : Emil. Prob. in the life of Conon . ] After the decease of Satyrus , King of Bosphorus , succeeded Leuco his son , and reigned 40 years , [ Diod. 4 year of 96 Olympiade . ] Parysatis the kings mother , had caused by her trusty servant , certain slips of palme trees to be privily hid in the heap of sand and dust , under which Clearchus his body lay casually buried , as I shewed before ; out of this heap , now after 8 years , there sprang up a wonderfull grove of palme trees , which overshadowed all the place , as Ctesias reporteth in his Persica . ] Adding further , that thereupon the King much repented him of his doing him to death , as a man whom the Gods themselves respected , [ Ctesias , in the Excerptions of Photius , and Plut. in the life of Artaxerxes . ] Some write that Conon was carried away prisoner to the King , and by him put to death : and among them , Isocrates in his Panegyric . But Dinon , an Historian , and of great authority in Persian matters , says that he escaped out of prison ; demurring only upon this , whether with or without Tiribazus his privity and consent , [ Emil. Prob. in his Conon . ] Whiles Tiribazus was with the King , Year of the World 3612 the King dispatched away Struthas into the lower Asia , to take charge of the sea : whom when the Lacedemonians perceived to bear a rancour and hatred to them , for the many mischiefs which Alcibiades had done the Persians in those parts ; and to be much enclined to the Athenian party , and their confederates , they presently sent away Thimbron to make war upon him , Thimbron passing the sea , came to Ephesus , and from thence , and other places , lying upon the Meander , and out of Priene , Leucophrye , and Achillium , plundered the Kings Countreys adjoyning , [ Xenoph. Hellen. 4. ] for , possessing himself of Ioadae , and of Coressus , a mountain distant from Ephesus some 40 furlongs : and having with him 8000 men , which he brought with him , besides those which he raised in Asia , he made often incursions from thence , and spoiled all provinces and places adjoyning , of the Kings subjection , [ Diod. year 3. Olymp. 97. ] After a while , The Julian Period . 4322 Struthas , Year before Christ 392 with a great company of horse , five thousand Corselets , and upward of twelve thousand targateers ; encamped not far from the Lacedemonian army ; and perceiving that Thimbron kept no good order in drawing out his men upon any service , he sent out some horse into the plain countrey , willing them to make spoile of what ever came to their hand : and when he saw Thimbron to send out forces by handfulls , and in no military order , to relieve them that were distressed , then he himself , with the main body of his horse , all in good array , drew out and fell upon them , Thimbron himself , and his dear friend Thersander , fell in the very first encounter : which Thersander was a singular minstrel , and a very good souldier withal : Hereupon , the rest of the Grecians fled , and the Persians following the chase , slew some of them , and others they took alive , few escaped ; they which did , came safe to Cnidus , and other cities of the Grecians , [ Id. ibid. ] Ecdicus , Year of the World 3613 who was sent by the Lacedemonians , The Julian Period . 4323 with 8 ships , Year before Christ 391 to help the Banditoes of Rhodes , came to Cnidus ; where finding that the Rhodians were grown very strong , by sea and land , and had a fleet twice as bigg as his , he kept himself quiet at Cnidus , [ Xenoph. Hellen. 4. Diod. year 2. Olympiade 97. ] In the same fleet also , they sent Diphridas , with charge to land in Asia , and to man all those cities which had adhered to Thimbron : and that , gathering together the remainder that was left of his great overthrow , and such other as he could get , he should begin the war a fresh upon Struthas , which he did ; and among other his good haps , it was his fortune to light upon Tigranes , Strathus his son in law , upon the way as he was going with his wife to Sardes : but let him goe , having wrung a great summe of money from him , which came very oportunely to pay his army , [ Xenoph. ibid. ] Euagoras the K. of Salamis in Cyprus , by the endeavours of his son Protagoras , got almost the whole Island into his subjection , [ Isocrates in his Euagoras . ] and the rest he got into his hand , partly by force , partly by perswasive words : But they of Amathusa , and of Solos , and the men of Citium ; sent to pray in aide from Artaxerxes ; laying further to his charge that he was the cause of the killing of Argyris , who was , whiles he lived , a confederate of the Persians : and undertook to assist the king in getting the whole Island into his hands . Artaxerxes therefore partly to clip Euagoras his wings , partly out of a desire he had to make Cyprus his own , for the shipping that there was , to defend Asia with , gave order to send aide against Euagoras ; and sending away the Embassadors , commanded all his sea townes in Asia to fall a building what ships possibly they could , with tackle and furniture thereunto belonging ; and he himself , going through the cities of upper Asia , raised great store of men , [ Diod. year 2. Olympiade 97. ] of all which army , he made Antophradates , the Governor of Lydia , General by land ; and Hercatonnus the Commander of Caria , Ammiral at sea , [ Theopomp . in Biblioth . Phot●i , nu . 176. ] The later of which yet , instead of making war against Euagoras , under-hand supplyed him with monies , to hire him auxiliaries from other parts , [ Diodor. ut sup . and an . 3. Olympiade 98. ] When the Lacedemonians saw that Ecdicus had not power enough to pleasure their friends , Year of the World 3614 they called home Telentias from the bay of Corinth , The Julian Period . 4324 and sent him to succeed Ecdicus in that charge , Year before Christ 390 with 12 ships : and to support , all he could , the Rhodians who favoured the Lacedemonian party , and to represse their enemies . Telentias therefore coming to Samos , got some more shipping there : and from thence sailed to Cnidus : and there dismissing Ecdicus , fitted himself with a Navy , consisting in all of 27 ships , well furnished , and with them sailed to Rhodes , [ Xen. Hellen. 4. with Diodorus year 2. of the 97 Olympiade . ] As he was upon his way to Rhodes , he lighted upon Philocrates , who was sailing from Athens to Cyprus with ten ships , to the relief of King Euagoras : all these Telentias took , and carrying the spoile of them to Cnidus , there sold it . And so it fell out , that they who were enemies to the King of Persia , spoiled them who were going to make war against him , [ Xen. ibid. ] The Athenians perceiving the Lacedemonians to grow strong again at sea , Year of the World d. sent out Thrasybulus with a Fleet of 40 sail against them ; and he first sailing into Ionia , gathered monies there from their confederates : and because he found all the cities in Asia kind unto him , by reason of that correspondency which was between the King and them , therefore he set sail for Byzantium ; and let out the custom of the tenths of every ship that passed that streight to farmers : and then having contracted a league and friendship with them of Chalcedon , he returned out of the Hellespont , [ Id ibid. with Diodor. year 1. Olympiade 97. ] After which , returning into Asia with his fleet , among others he sent and required a supply of Money , from those of Aspendus , lying with his fleet at the mouth of the river Eurymedon , and they contributed , according to his command ; but when , that notwithstanding , some of his company went up into the country , and there plundered their goods : the men of Aspendus , growing into choler thereupon , watched their oportunity , and falling upon them , slew many of them , and among the rest , Thrasybulus himself , as he lay sleeping in his tent , which strook the Athenian cap ains with such a fear , that they presently gat them aboard , and sailed to Rhodes : and the Athenians sent forthwith Argyrius to succeed in Thrasybulus his room , [ Xenoph. Hel. 4. Diodor. year 3. Olympiade 97. ] The Lacedemonians , though they had little reason to find fault with Dercylidas his doings , yet they sent Anaxibius to succeed him in the gouernment of Abydus , a man , borne up by the favour of the Ephori , and one that promised to do wonders , if he might be furnished with men and money : wherefore they gave him 3 tall ships of war , and money to hire and pay a thousand sea souldiers more . He therefore coming to Abydus , raised land forces with the monies which he brought , and by that means drew off sundry cities of Eolia , from Pharnabazus his party , and wasted the enemies country , and then getting 3 ships more , he annoyed and troubled the Athenians , which used upon that coast , and if he happened to light upon any of their ships stragling , he took and brought them to Abydus , [ Xenohp . Hellen. 4. ] The Athenians hearing thereof , sent Iphicrates ( lately returned from Corinth ) with 8 ships , and 12 hundred targateers , to maintain what Thrasybulus had gotten , and setled in those parts , against Anaxibius , and comming into Chersones●s ; he for his part , and Anaxibius for his , set up a company of Pirates , and land robbers , to carry on the war for them , [ Id. ib. ] Anaxibus with his hired bands , Year of the World 3616 and his own country-men , The Julian Period . 4327 and 200 men out of Abydus , Year before Christ 387 all corselets went to Antandrus , and was there very kindly received and entertained . Mean while Iphicrates disposed certain ambushments for him , in the passages of the mountains , against he should return from thence to Abydus . The vessels which had wasted him over , in the night season , he caused to row up the Hellespont , that men might conceive him to be abord them , and that he was then going , as at other times he used to do , recollect monies : wherefore , when the men of Abydus , who led the Van , came into the plaine which lieth near to a place called Cremastes , ( where there are also gold mines ) and the rest were coming down the steep of the Hill , and Anaxibus himself , with his Laconian companies following them . Iphicrates with all his men , rose out of their ambushment , and set upon them . Anaxibius finding himself thus entrapt , fought manfully and died , and with him 12 other Lacedemonians , governors of several cities , which were then come unto him ; the rest fled , and Iphicrates pursued them to the very gates of Abydus , there perished of the rest some 200 , of Abydus it self almost fifty , all Corselets , and then he returned into Chersonesus , [ lib. 4. in . fi . ] Hierax being sent to succeed Teleutias , in the command of the fleet , he returned home ; leaving an incredible desire of him in the hearts of the souldiers , [ Xenophon Hellen. 5. ] Shortly after they sent Antalcidas to succeed Hierax in that charge , Year of the World 3617 supposing that therein they should exceedingly content and please Tiribazus : The Julian Period . 4327 and he coming to Ephesus , Year before Christ 387 left Nicholochus his Lieutenant there ; and he with Tiribazus went together to the King , to conclude the peace which was then in agitation , [ Xen. lib. 5. Hel. Diod. year 2. Olympiade 98. ] Nicolochus , to secure Abydus , set saile from Ephesus , and by the way landed at Tenedos , wasted their country , and wrung out of them a large proportion of money , and then went on his journey to Abydus as he intended : mean while the Athenian Captaines , which were at Samothrace , Thasus , and other places near adjoyning , haststed to come to the reliefe of Tenedos . But finding that Nicolochus was safely arrived at Abidus , they went out of Chersonesus , with 32 saile of ships , and besieged him as he lay at Abidus with 25 ships , [ Xenoph. Hellen. 5. ] Chabrias was openly sent by the Athenians to the aide of Euagoras , with 800 Targateers , and ten tall men of war , and left not the place till he had subdued the whole Isle ; whereby the Athenians got a great reputation in the world , [ Id. ibid. and Emil. Prob. in the Life of Chabrias . ] of the Embassie sent from the Cypriots to the Athenians for their aide , Lysias the Orator , in his oration upon Aristophanes , maketh mention . Artaxerxes , who could never before abide a Lacedemonian , but would ever say , ( as Dinon reporteth ) that they were the most impudent of all men living , yet seeing Antalcidas dance , the Leonidas , and the Calicratidas , before him , fell infinitely in love with him : and as he sate at supper , sent him a garland wrought of roses and safron from his own head , dipt all in a most costly ointment , to wear for his sake : whereunto he answering ; Sir , saith he , I take , and thank you for , this noble gift and favour : but the perfume of the oyntment in it , marrs the natural sent , and fragrancie of the flowers , [ Plut. in his Artax . and in his Pelopidas , and in his Sympos . lib. 7. ques . 8. Athenaeus Deipnos . lib. 2. Elia. Varia , Histor. lib. 14. c. 39. ] Tiribazus returned from the king and Antalcidas with him ; having made a firme league and association of armes , in case the Athenians and their confederates , would not partake in that peace , which he had propounded . Pharnabazus being sent for , went to the king , being then in the upper Asia , and there he married the kings daughter , [ Xenoph. Hellen. 5. ] Antalcidas , presently upon his return , hearing that Iphicrates and Diotimus besieged Nicolochus in Abidus ; with all his fleet , went thither by land , and putting to sea by night , gave it out , that he was sent for to Chalcedon , but falling into the port of Percope , he there lay close : four Captains there were of the Athenian party , who hearing that Antalcidas was gone to Chalcedon , purposed to follow him upon the trade-way to Proeconesus . But Antalcidas so soon as they were passed by , came back to Abydus ; and by a stratagem , laying 12 principal swift ships , in an Ambushment , intercepted 8 ships , which Thrasybulus the Athenian brought out of Thrace , and thought to have joyned with the main body of the Attic fleet : [ Id. ibid. Polyaenus , lib. 2. Stratag . in Antalcida . ] Antalcides having received 20 saile of ships from Syracusae and the parts of Italy , which were brought him by Polyxenus , and others , as well out of Ionia , from Pharnabazus , as out of those parts which belonged to Ariobarzanes , his old friend , had made up a fleet of 80 saile , and was absolute master of the sea : and thereby forced those ships which coming out of Pontus , were bound for Athens , to turne their course to some port or other , of the Lacedemonian party ; and there to discharge , [ Xenoph. ib. ] When Tiribazus had summoned all to come in , that would subscribe to the forme of a peace propounded by Artaxerxes , all the Grecian Cities , by their Embassadors , readily came in : unto whom he shewing the kings seals affixed to the instrument , he caused it to be read as followeth . The King Artaxerxes thinks it reason , that the cities which are in Asia , as also the Islands of Clazomenae and Cyprus should be his , and under his command : And all other Cities of Grecians , as well small as great , should be free , and live every of them according to their own lawes , except Lemnus , and Imbrus , and Scirus , which as heretofore , so now also , the Athenians shall hold and possesse . And as for them which shall not receive this peace , them will I , together with those who shall embrace it , pursue with an open war , by land and by sea , with ships and with moneys . Which when the Embassadors at their returne had reported every of them to his own people , although it grieved them to see the Grecian cities of Asia , for which Agesilaus had so bravely fought , thus fowly betraied into the Kings hand , yet because needs they must , they submitted thereunto , and accepted of the peace , [ Xen. Ib. Isocrates in Panathen , Diod. year 2. Olymp. 98. Plutarch in Agesil . and Artaxerx . and in his Laconical Apophtheg . Aristides in his Leutric . 1 , and 2. ] which peace was published , as [ Polyb. lib. 1. ] hath observed , 19 years after the sea fight at Egospotamos , and sixteen years before the battel at Leuctra in Boeotia . When this peace was thus made , Agesilaus , as Xenophon sayes , was an earnest man to see it observed , and the Lacedemonians made themselves very severe guardians , and defenders of it in Greece . And Artaxerxes wrate a particular letter to Alcibiades , which he sent by a Persian in company of one Callias a Lacedemonian , wherein he offered him both hospitality and friendship . But Alcibiades accepted neither , but bad the Kings messenger tell his master , that he needed not trouble himself to write letters to him ; for if he continued a good friend to the Lacedemonians , he would not faile to continue the like to him ; but if he endeavoured any ill to them , he should not think that any letters of his , should work him over to his friendship . [ Plut. in his Laconical Apophthegmes . ] In those articles of Antalcidas his peace , formerly related out of Xenophon , who could not be ignorant of the particulars thereof , we find that not all the Islands bordering upon Asia , but two of them only , were given up to the King , ( though Plutarch in the life of Artaxerxes , seems to have been of another mind , ) and those were Clazomenae ( which as I shewed before , in the year of the World 3504 , 3505. was then an Island ) and Cyprus : the tenor of this peace , now drew Chabrias from thence ; when he had indeed already subdued it wholy , and reduced it to the obedience of Euagoras , as I shewed before , in requital whereof , Euagoras armed almost every man in the Isle , and mustered a huge army against Artaxerxes : and now Artaxerxes having made a final peace with the Grecians , commanded all his forces to provide themselves for the conquest of Cyprus , [ Diod. 2 year , Olympiade 98. ] Artaxerxes now drew forth three hundred thousand foote ; Year of the World 3618 and furnished withal 300 saile of ships , The Julian Period . 4328 against Euagoras King of Cyprus : Year before Christ 386 General of his foot he made his son in law Orontes ; Ammiral of his fleet , was Tiribazus , who taking each his charge at Phocea and Cuma , sailed first to Cilicia , and from thence , went and landed in Cyprus , where they very vigorously put on the war against Euagoras : and he for his part procured himself supplyes of all kindes from the Egyptians , Tyrians , Arabians , and others , enemies to the Persian State : so that he made up a Fleet of 90 sail ; of which number , 20 were from Tyre , the rest were his own : and of his land souldiers 6 thousand of his own , and his auxiliaries from other parts , a far greater number . And so having money enough to pay them , his army grew exceeding great , [ Diod. lib. 15. year 3. Olympiade 98. ] Euagoras set on work certain Pirates , of whom he had good store at his command , to fall upon the enemies vessels of loading : of these they took some , sunk others , and the rest durst not put to sea for fear of them . Whence it came that victuals presently failing in the Persian army , some of the hired souldiers killed their Commanders : and a mutiny grew over all the army ; so that with much adoe could the Coronels at land , and Gaos the chief Officer at sea quiet them : wherefore the whole Navy in a body were fain to set sail for Cilicia , and from thence brought they store of provision for the Camp. But Acoris King of Egypt suffered not Euagoras to want either for corn or money , and all other provisions , as much as he wanted , [ Id. ibid. ] Euagoras finding that his Navy was far too weak for the enemies , furnisht out 60 ships more of his own , and besides them had fifty more sent him from King Achoris : so that now his Fleet was 200 fighting ships . And at his first encounter by land , had the better of the enemy ; and routed them again at sea , falling suddenly upon their Fleet , as they were sailing to Citium , sunk some of them , and took others ; which he found scattered from the body of the Navy . But when the General of the Persian Navy , and the rest of the Commanders had recollected themselves , the fight then grew hot and fierce between them , wherein Euagoras at the first had again the better of it . But when Gaus fell on with all his might , and fought himself very manfully , Euagoras this men fled , with the losse of many of his ships . The Persians therefore having gotten this victory , assembled both their land and sea Forces together at Citium : where fitting themselves with necessaries , they went joyntly to besiege Salamis it self the chief city , both by land and sea , [ Ibid. ] Teribazus immediately after the fight , put over into Cilicia , and went to carry Artaxerxes news of the victory : and Euagoras leaving Salamis to be defended by his son Pythagoras , ( Protagoras perhaps , of whom I formerly made mention out of Isocrates , in the year of the World 3613. ) and comitting the charge of the whole Isle to his charge , got out by night with 10 ships onely in his company , and sailed into Egypt . Where he perswaded Acoris , with all the power he had to make a war upon the Persian , [ Id. ibid. ] Euagoras returned into Cyprus , Year of the World 3619 but with far lesse store of monies than he expected : The Julian Period . 4329 and when he there found Salamis Strongly besieged , Year before Christ 385 and himself abandoned by his confederates , he was fain at last to send to Titibazus , and to treate with him about a peace . Tiribazus who commanded over all in chief , made answer , that he would admit of the motion , provided that he would surrender all Cyprus into the Kings hand , save onely Salamis , and pay the King a tribute for that too ; and be at his command as a liege vassal ought to be to his Lord and Sovereign . These conditions , as hard as they were , yet was Euagoras fain to submit unto ; for he said , he should be subject to him , as one King to another ; not as a slave to his master : and yet this would not content Tiribazus neither ; [ Diodor. year 4. Olympiade 98. ] But Orontes the other Commander in chief , envying the honour of Tiribazus , sending away privily letters to the King , his father in law , among other matters , laid to his charge , that he intended a rebellion ; and that under-hand he had confederated with the Lacedemonians , and used all means , to oblige to himself , all the principal Captains and Commanders of the army . To all which the King giving hasty credit : gave Orontes a commission to seize on his person , and to send him to him , [ Id. ibid. ] Orontes , fearing Tiribazus , seized on him by this wile . There was a house which had a great vault in it : over this vault he set a bed not corded , but covered over with tapistry , and many costly coverledes : then desired Tiribazus to come unto him , pretending a conference about some urgent matters ; and Tiribazus coming in , sate him down upon the bed , and thorough that fell into the vault : and being there caught , was sent away fast bound in chains to the King , [ Polyaen . stratag . lib. 7. ] Orontes now commanding all in Cyprus , when he saw that Euagoras had taken fresh courage , and endured the siege more stoutly than before ; and his souldiers repining at Tiribazus his misfortune , received no commands , and left the siege : admitted Euagoras to a peace upon such terms as Tiribazus had propounded to him : to wit , that paying a yearly tribute to the king , he should continue king of Salamis , and as a king should be obedient in all things to the king . And so this war of Cyprus , which had lasted ten years , whereof yet the far greatest part was spent in preparation making , and two years onely in the war it self , came to an end ; and the king having consumed 50 thousand talents in it , when all was done , 〈◊〉 Euagoras in the same state he was in , when the war began , [ Isocrates in his Euagoras , Diod. year 4 Olympiade 98. ] Gaus , Vice-Amm●ral of the Navy , and son in law to Tiribazus , fearing least , as a man privy to Tiribazus his designes , he might perchance be made away for company , bethought himself of falling off , and revolting from the King. And having wealth and souldiers enough , and the chief Captains of the Navy wholly at his devotion , confederated forthwith with Acoris king of Egypt , and the Lacedemonians , to make a war upon Artaxerxes , [ Diod. ib. ] Artaxerxes following herein the example of Cambyses , [ Herod . lib. 5. cap. 25. Valer. Max. lib. 6. cap. 3. ] caused certain of his Judges to be flead alive , and their skins to be hung up over the Judgement seats , that they which sate therein , knowing what hungover their heads , might be the more carefull to do justice unto his people , [ Diodoru ibid. ] Artaxerxes leading with him an army of 300 thousand men against the Cadusii a people lying between the Euxine and the Caspian seas , Year of the World 3620 [ Diodor. Olymp. 98. year 4. Plut. in Artaxerxes . ] The Julian Period . 4330 In this war there fell many a Great man on either side , Year before Christ 384 but among others of that of the kings party , one Camissares , a Carian born , a stout and a valiant man , whom the King had made Commander of that part of Cilicia , which lies next to Cappadocia , inhabited by the Leucosyrians , and in honour of him , the king made his son Datames governour in his room , who also did the king singular service in this war , [ Emil. Prob. in the Life of Datames . ] Artaxerxes with his army in this war , was brought to suck extremity , that hardly could a man buy an Asses head for 60 Drachmes : and was relieved by Teribazus , who lived then a poor neglected and contemptible gentleman in the army , in this manner . There were at that time two Kings of the Cadusians , and they held their camps apart , He therefore making the King first acquainted with it , went himself to one of them , and sent his son privily to the other ; and each of them deceived his man : perswading him , that the other had underhand sent to Artaxerxes , to make a peace with him for himself , and to leave the other out . Hereupon , each sent his Ambassadors , the one with Teribazus , the other with his son to the King , and he made peace with both , and so the war was ended , [ Plut. in Artaxerxes . ] Upon this , the King referred the cognisance of Teribazus his cause to three honorable persons , before whom he made his innocency so to appear , and withall his services to the King , to have been so great , that they all assoil'd him , and the King ever after held him in very high esteem , and heaped great honours on him : as for Orontes , he was condemned for a false accuser , thrust out of the kings favour , and held for an ignominious person ever after , [ Diod , year . 4. Olympiade 98 , ] Whiles Gaus was in Cyprus , the Grecians which there served under him , wrote letters against him into Ionia ; and to find out who they were , and what they wrote , took this course : he provided a ship , and fitted her with Mariners , and the master gave it out , that he was going for Ionia ; and lingred out the time , to get as many letters aboard , as possibly he could , and at last set out : but turning short , came back into a creek , not far from the place whence he went : thither Orontes went on foot ; and causing all the letters aboard to be delivered into his hands , red them ; and finding who they were that had written against him , he put them all to death with torments , [ Polyaen . Stratag . lib. 7. in Gaus , insteed whereof , it is miswritten , Alos and Glos. ] Gaus , Year of the World 3621 when he had stirred up both the Egyptians and Lacedemonians to engage in a war against the Persian , The Julian Period . 4331 was kill'd , Year before Christ 383 I know not how , nor by whom , and so went not on , with what he had intended . But after his death , Tachos , going on upon his grounds , got an army , and built him a town upon a high hill , joyning upon the sea , called Leuca , where also he built a Chappel for Apollo : but he coming also to die shortly after , the Clazomenians , and they of Cuma , fell to strife about the possession of it , and the Clazom●nians made the more hast , and got it ; and so all rebellions in Asia were laid asleep : the Lacedemonians also , Gaus and Tachos , both being now dead ; cast off all care of Asia , and would have no more to do with it , [ Diodorus year . 2. Olympiade 94. ] When Pharnostratus was Lord Chancelor of Athens , Year of the World 3622 in the moneth Possideon , in the 366 year of Nabonassars account , on the 26 day of the Egyptian moneth , Thoth , in the entring upon the 23 of our Decemb. five hours and an half after midnight , there was a small eclipse of the moon observed at Babylon , [ Hipparch , in Ptol. in his great Syntax . lib. 4. cap. ult . ] In the same mans time , in the moneth Scirrophorion , The Julian Period . 4332 and in the same year of Nabonassar , Year before Christ 382 on the 24 day of the moneth Phammenoth the 18 day of our June , ending 5 houres and one half before midnight , there was another Eclipse of the moon observed in the same place , [ Id. ib. ] When Euander was Lord Chancelor of Athens , Year of the World 3623 in the former moneth of Possideon , in the 367 year of Nabonassars accoumpt , the 16 day of the moneth Thoth , in the end of the 12 day of our December , two hours and a half before mid-night , there was a third Eclips of the Moon , and that a total one , in the same place , [ Id. ibid. ] Acoris King of Egypt , The Julian Period . 4627 bearing formerly a grudge to the King of Persia , The Julian Period . 4337 now set himself to gather a vast army of strangers , Year before Christ 377 especially out of Greece ; of whom he made Chabrias the Athenian General : He , though without any order from , or consent of the state there , yet took this charge upon him in Egypt , and prepared himself , all that possibly he could , for this war against the Persian . But Pharnabazus , whom Artaxerxes had made General of his army for this war , when he made huge preparations for it , sent messengers to Athens , and there charged Chabrias , for offering his service to the Egyptians , thereby to alienate the good affection of Artaxerxes from their state ; and withall , desired that they would send unto him Iphicrates , their Captain . The Athenians therefore , who were principally desirous to endear the king unto them , and to keep Pharnabazus their good friend , sent presently for Chabrias out of Egypt , and gave Iphicrates charge to go and help Pharnabazus , [ Diodorus , an 4. Olympiade 100. ] Iphicrates having the charge of the hired souldiers of his army , amounting to 12 thousand , committed to him by Artaxerxes , made them by continual training and exercise , so expert in the art military , that as among the Romans , afterward , a skilfull souldier , was commonly called a Fabian Souldier , so then from Fabius , such a one went by the name of an Iphicratian souldier , from Iphicrates among the Grecians , [ Emil. Prob. in his Iphicrates , ] Now Pharnabazus spent many years in preparing for this war. And Iphicrates upon a time , finding him a man so voluble in his speech , and so slow in his actions , askt him the reason : the reason , quoth he , is , because I am master of my words , but the King of my actions , [ Diodorus , year 3. Olympiade . 101. ] After Hecatonus Mausolus was made governour of Caria , and so continued for 24 years , [ Diod. year 4 of Oymp . 106. ] having married Artemisia the elder of his two sisters . [ Strabo lib , 14. ] After Acoris in Egypt , Year of the World 3628 reigned Psammuthis , The Julian Period . 4338 1 year . Year before Christ 376 And after him , Year of the World 3629 came Nepherites , The Julian Period . 4339 the last of the Dynasty of the Mendesians , Year before Christ 375 and sate 4 moneths , and then arose the first of the Dynasts of the Sabennitae , called Nectanabis , and reigned 12 years , Artaxerxes being now to make a war upon Egypt , to get the more more aide thereto out of Greece , sent his Ambassadors thither , to move them to make a general peace among themselves ; upon these terms , that every city should from thence forth live according to their own laws , and should have no garrisons among them . This motion all the cities of Greece embraced , save onely the Thebans , and they refused , [ Diod. year . 2. Olymp. 101. ] When all Artaxerxes his army was come together at Acon in Syria , Year of the World 3630 upon a muster , The Julian Period . 4340 there were found of other nations 200 thousand under Pharnabazus , Year before Christ 374 and 20 thousand Grecians , under the conduct of Iphicrates , and the Navy , besides , ships of burden , and vessels for other uses , consisted of 300 ships , each of 3 stories high , of oares , and 200 of 30 oares a piece ; the first sort called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Greek , the other 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . In the beginning of the Summer , ( i. e. ) in the first of the spring , the Persian Navy setting saile for Egypt , came to the frontier town , towards Syria , called Pelusium , which they found exceedingly well fortified by Nectanabis : wherefore they put of to sea again , and being out of kenning , they steered their course for Mendesium , a city standing upon another of the mouths of Nile , and where the shoare runs a great way out from the land ; there they landed three thousand men , and Pharnabazus and Iphicrates , both went to surprise a fort , standing upon the very mouth of the river . But when there came 3 thousand horse and foot of the Egyptians , to the defence of the place ; there grew a fierce skirmish between them : wherein at last , the Egyptians , overlaid with the multitude of Persians which came thronging out of the ships to help their fellows , and being wholly enclosed by them , suffered a great slaughter , many of them also were taken , and the rest fled to a little town thereby . But Iphicrates his men pursuing them , entred pell mell with them into the gate , and took it , and rased it to the ground , and carried away the inhabitants thereof prisoners , [ Diodorus . year 3. Olympiade 101. ] Iphicrates then gave counsel to go presently by water to assault Memphis , the Metropolis of all Egypt , unprovided at that time of any garison , and before the Egyptian forces came in to defend it , Pharnabazus said no ; but he would stay till his land forces came , and so they should set upon it , with lesse danger . By this means the Egyptians gat time enough to put in what supplyes they would into Memphis , and from thence made sundry sallies upon the small town which the Persians , as I said before , had seized on ; and skirmished frequently with them , and made great slaughter of them . And when now the time of the year came that Nilus used to overflow , it covered all the country thereabouts , and served for a fortification to it . Wherefore the Persian Commanders , thinking it no boot to strive against nature , were of opinion to withdraw from thence for the present : and so all that huge preparation came to nothing , [ Id. ibid. ] Now , so soon as they were returned into Asia , Pharnabazus fell out with Iphicrates : and he fearing least hereupon he might be thrown in prison as Conon was , got aboard presently in the dark , and came for Athens . And Pnarnabazus sent thither after him , and there laid to his charge , that he was the cause , why Egypt was not recovered . To whom the Athenians made this answer ; that they themselves would see him punished , if they saw he deserved it ; yet presently after they made him Ammiral of all their Fleet , [ Id. ib. ] Nicocles an Eunuch in Cyprus , murdered Euagoras , and made himself King of Salamis in his room : as Diodorus in this years relation hath it . And indeed that he was murdered by an Eunuch , [ Aristotle 5. of his Politicks , cap. 10. ] tells us : but that his name that did it was Thrasydaeus , we learn out of Theopompus , in [ Biblioth . Photii . nu . 176. ] where he shews that Euagoras , by this Eunuchs means , got to lie with the daughter of Nicocreon ( that tyrant of Cyprus , who , as Plutarch in his life reports , invited Isocrates to supper , ) and that that was the cause of his death . For that Nicocles was Euagoras his own son , and succeeded him in his kingdom at Salamis , and had children of his own , appears out of Isocrates ; who had of him 20 talents for an Oration of his written and sent unto him ; as [ Plutarch in the life of Isocrates reporteth ] which Oration of his , entitled to Nicocles , of a kingdom , or kingly function , we have yet extant : and another entitled Nicocles : wherein , in the person of Nicocles , is set down the duty of the subject to his Prince ; as also a third called his Euagoras ; which is nothing but a funeral Oration made upon him ; for whereas Nicocles in this very year solemnised his fathers Funeral , not onely in a costly and magnificently pompous manner ; but also with all manner of Games , of Musick , and Dancing , and Wrestling , and fights of Ships by Sea , and Horses by land : Isocrates therefore wrote this Oration to him , in praise and commendation of his father , conceiving that this would serve both Nicocles himself , and his sons and children after them , for an example and exhortation of well-doing in that kind . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. supposing , saith he , that this will serve both you and your children , and other the descendants of Euagoras , for a most fair encouragement to your well-doing , [ Isocrates in his Euagoras . ] Whence we may amend that error in Diodor , and say ; as the truth is , that Euagoras was murdered by Thrasidaeus an Eunuch , and that his own son Nicocles succeeded him in his kingdom of Salamis . When Alcisthenes was Lord Chancelor at Athens , Year of the World 3633 Artaxerxes , The Julian Period . 4343 seeing Greece fallen into new broiles among themselves , Year before Christ 371 sent Abassadors again to exhort them to live in peace each with other , according to the late establishment : and thereupon the cities of Greece fell to accord again , and bound themselves by an oath to the observance of it , all save the Thebans . And now there being a full peace made and sworn between the Athenians , Lacedemonians , and the King , Iphicrates was called home again with his Fleet , [ Diod. year 1. Olymp. 102. with Xenoph. Hellen. lib. 6. and Diony . Halicarnas . in the life of Lysias . ] Plutarch in the life of Agesilaus , sheweth that this peace was concluded and made among the Grecians at Lacedemon upon the 14 of the moneth Scirrophorion with the Athenians , and in the last moneth of Arcisthenes his Chancelorship there , upon the 16 day of our July . The Lacedemonians having received that great overthrow given them at Leuctra by Epaminondas , Year of the World 3634 sent forthwith Agesilaus into Egypt , The Julian Period . 4344 and Antalcidas to Artaxerxes , Year before Christ 371 to get monies . But Antalcida his suit was by Artaxerxes rejected with so much scorn and indignation , that at his return , so very spight , he had been so used by the enemy , and fear of what might betide him from the Ephori , he forbare his meat , and starved himself to death , [ Plut. in Artax . ] Philiscus of Abidus , Year of the World 3635 sent by Artabarzanes , The Julian Period . 4345 one of Artaxerxes his Lords into Greece , Year before Christ 369 to compose matters between the Thebans and their confederates , and the Lacedemonians ; summoned them all to Delphos , where when the Thebans stood upon it , that Messene should not be for the Lacedemonian jurisdiction , he grew so offended at it , that leaving 2 thousand of his most choice men to assist the Lacedemonians against them , he returned into Asia , [ Xenoph. Hellen. 7. Diod. year 4. Olymp. 102. ] The Thebans affecting now the Principality of Greece , Year of the World 3636 thought good to send their Ambassadors to the King of Persia ; The Julian Period . 4349 and to that end , Year before Christ 368 called their confederates together , and pretending that Euthycles of Lacedemon was already with the King , they dispatched away to him Pelopidas of Thebes it self , Antiochus the Pancratiast of Arcadia , Archidamus of Eleus , a Town in Thrace , with one other out of Argos : which coming to the Athenians eares , they dispatched away also their Ambassadors to the King ; Timagoras and Leontes . And among them all Pelopidas appeared most gracious in the kings eye , and next him Timagoras ; and were of all others most honourably entreated by him , [ Xen. Hellen. 7. ] Ismenias of Thebes joynt Commissioner with Pelopidas in this Embassie , when , being brought by Tithraustes the Chiliarch , to the presence of the king , he was bid to prostrate himself before him : let fall his ring before him ; and presently falling all along , took it up again : and so being conceived to have done it to the king , obtained whatever he asked of him , [ Plut. in Artax . Elia. Var. Hist. lib. 1. cap. 21. ] Timagoras the Athenian , sent a letter of intelligence at the same time by one Bubaris his Secretary , and had for his pains a thousand Darics ; and had moreover a rich supper sent him to his lodging : whereupon the kings brother Ostanes , said unto him ; Remember Timagoras this supper ; for it is not sent you , for any small purpose : which sounded rather as an upbraiding of some treason to him , than any congratulation of the gift , so sent unto him , [ Plut. ib. ] It is said also that the king gave him 80 Cowes , which because he was sickly , should afford him milk upon his way homeward : and a costly bed and furniture , with some servants to make it , because the Grecians skilled not of such matters : and moreover , caused him to be carried all along to the sea side in a Lictier , because of his infirmity ; giving those which carried him 4 talents for their pains , [ Id. ib. and in his Pelopidas ] But [ Athenae . lib. 2. ] having told us that this Timagoras , after his prostration to the king , was used with great honour by him , addes onely , that the King sent him some dishes from his own table . As for that costly bed and furniture , and men to make it , as if the Grecians knew not how to make a bed ; sent by Artaxerxes , he sayes it was to one Timagoras of Creet , or Eutimus of Gortyna in Creet , as Phanias the Peripatetic calls him . Pelopidas , being so gracious with the king , gat letters from him , wherein the king commanded that Messene should be exempt from the Lacedemonian jurisdiction : and the Athenians required to draw up their ships : and if they obeyed not , proclaimed open war against them both ; and if any city refused to follow him in this war ; then that city was first of all others to be made an example . And when Leontes spake openly and said , that it was time for the Athenians to look them out and provide new friends instead of the king : Artaxerxes bad adde , that if the Athenians did not like it , they should come and shew cause , why not , [ Xen. Hellen. 7. ] When the Ambassadors came home , the Athenians took Timagoras , and for his prostration to the King , struck off his head : taking it amisse that the glavering flattery of one citizen of theirs , should subject the whole honour of the Athenian Sate to the domineering power of the Persian : so sayes , [ Valer. Max. lib. 5. cap. 3. ] Where I know not by what mistake , Darius is crept into the text instead of Artaxerxes . Others say it was , for his base acceptance of the Kings gifts : of which a man may see more in , [ Plutarch in his Artax . and Pelopidas . ] But Xenophon sayes , that he was accused by Leontes his collegue : for that he would not so much as keep in one lodging with him , and communicated all his counsels with Pelopidas : which no doubt was the chief cause of his being put to death . The Thebans summoning all the cities of Greece to hear the Kings letters read , and they being publickly read by the Persian that brought them , who first shewed them the Kings seal , put to them ; they required all , who would be friends to the king and the Thebans , to take an oath for the observance of the contents of those letters . But when the Legats first , and afterwards the Cities themselves , refused that oath : all that Embassage to Artaxerxes , and the principality and sovereignity of Greece so much affected by Pelopidas and the Thebans came to naught , Year of the World 3638 [ Xen. Hellen. The Julian Period . 4347 7. ] Jubilie 22. Year before Christ 367 Artaxerxes sending an other Embassage into Greece to require them to put an end to these wars , Year of the World a. Year of the World d. and to make a peace among themselves ; The Julian Period . 4348 in the end , Year before Christ 366 prevailed with them , [ Diodor. an . 3. Olymp. 103. ] Eudoxus the Cnidian , sirnamed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Endoxos : ( i. e. ) the famous , was in his prime at this time . He going into Egypt with Chrysippus a Physitian , carried with him letters of commendation from Agesilaus to Nectunabis : and he commended him over to the Priests there : where being upon a time with Iconuphi of Heliopolis , ( whom Clemens Alexan. in the first book of his stromat . calleth Conuphis ) Apis came , and all to belicked his cloak : whereupon the Priests said presently , that he should grow very famous , but should not be long-lived : as Phavorinus in his Commentaries saith . He having stayed in Egypt one year and four moneths , shaving himself all over , to his very eye-brows , wrote the Octoeris , as some report , of which we in our discourse of the Macedonian and Asiatic year . [ cap. ult . ] have said somewhat . From thence he is said to have travailed to Cyzicum , and Propontis , and to have spread his philosophy in those parts , and so to have come to Mausolus , [ Diog. Laertius in his Eudoxus , ] others say , that this Eudoxus went in company with Plato in Egypt , and they both conversed 13 years space , with the Priests there , as we read in Strabo , [ lib. 17. ] At Heraclea in Pontus , Year of the World 3639 when the common people there , The Julian Period . 4349 desired all bills and bonds to be cancelled , Year before Christ 365 ( i. e. ) all debts to be released , and all lands to be cast into a hotch potch and equally shared among them , the better sort , sent both to Timotheus , Prince of Athens , and also to Epaminondas , of the Thebans for help against them ; but failing of their hope , they sent for Clearchus home , whom they had formerly cast●n to exile , and prayed his aide to represse them , [ Justin lib. . 16. c. 4. ] Clearchus , Year of the World 3640 supposing the dissention of the people , The Julian Period . 4350 to be a fit occasion for him to attain to the sovereinty of the city , Year before Christ 364 dealt secretly with Mithridates King of Pontus , who was in hostility with his country , and agreed with him ; that being called home into his country , he should deliver the city into his hands , and hold it afterward as governour under him . And having set a time , when to deliver the city into Mithridates his hand , took him , when he came about it , and all his friends that came with him prisoners , and wrung a great masse of money out of them , and so let them go : and then , as he made himself an unexpected enemy of a friend to him ; so insteed of maintaining the rich mens cause against the people , he made himself a patron and leader on of the common sort against them ; and did not onely incense the people against them , but fell to exercising of acts of tyranny and cruelty upon them . For when the people had put the supremacy , and all power into his hands , he cast 60 of the chief of them ( for the rest were fled ) into prison , and having first taken away their goods , then put them all to death likewise , [ id . ib. ] and setting Dionysius the Tyrant of Syracusae before him for a pattern in all things to follow , he held the place 12 years , [ Diodor. year 1. of the 104 Olymp. with the Collections of Photius in his Biblioth . out of Memmon the Historiographer of Heraclea , num . 224. ] Tachos , whom Polyaenus [ lib. 7. Sratagem . ] The Julian Period . 4351 calls Thamos , Year before Christ 363 Aristotle [ lib. 2. ] of his Oeconomics Taos , and Julius Africanus , Teos , reigned in Egypt , two years . With this year Xenophon concludes his 7 books of his Grecian history , and Anaximes Lampsacenus the first part of his : where beginning from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , the generation of the gods , and beginning of man kind , he endeth with the battle of Manthinea , wherein Epaminondas was slain , comprehending in 12 volums , almost whatever pas●ed among either the Greeks or Barbarians , [ Diod. year 2. 104 Olympiade , ] and in the second part he sets down all the gests of Philip of Macedon and his son , Alexander the great , [ Pausa . 2. of his Eliaca . ] When Mithradates king of Pontus was dead , Ariobarzanes , the Governor of Phrygia under Artaxerxes , seized on the kingdom of Pontus , and held it by the space of 26 years , [ Diodorus year 3. Olympiade 104. and year 4. of Olympiade 110. ] Clearchus the Tyrant of Heraclea , when he found that the chief men and Aldermen of Heraclea , which were fled from thence , stirred up all the neighbouring cities and states against him , he manumised and set at liberty all their servants , and gave them their masters wifes and daughters in marriage , threatning those that would not , with death ; that hereby he might make those slaves the more sure and trusty to himself , and the more deadly enemies to their masters . But when the women reckoned these dolefull marriages to be worse than death it self , many of them before their marriage , many after , having first murdered their new husbands , slew themselves : at last they came to battle , where the Tyrant getting the victory took the chief men and Aldermen prisoners , and led them in triumph thorough the city , in sight of all the people , and then laid some of them in irons , others upon the rack , others he put to death , leaving no corner of the city free from sight and sense , of his cruelty , [ Justin lib. 16. cap. 5. ] The Lacedemonians fell flat out with Artaxerxes , Year of the World 3642 for that professing himself to be their friend and confederate , The Julian Period . 4352 he had yet commanded them to part with Messene out of their hands , Year before Christ 362 and to make the Messenians a distinct member , in the leage and confederacy of Greece , [ Xenoph. in his Agesilaus , and Diod. year 3. Olymp. 104. ] and with them joyned Ariobarzanes , the Governour of Phrygia , who , as I said before , upon the decease of Mithridates , had seized on and possed himself of the kingdom of Pontus . [ Diodor. ib. ] Autophrades the Governor of Lydia , besieging Ariobarzanes in Assos , a city of Troas , for fear of Agesilaus , who being now old , came into Asia , onely to raise money for his country , brake up his siege , and fled ; and Cotys , who lay before Sestus , which was at that time under Ariobarzanes his command , brake likewise up his siege , and gat him packing . Mausolus also , which besieged Assus , and Sestus , both with an hundred ships by sea ; not thorough fear , but upon perswasion drew off , and returned home with his Fleet : and furnishing Agesilaus with monies for his countries use , sent him fairely away , [ Xenoph. in his Agesilaus . ] Of which Ariobarzanes , and of his being besieged by Autophradates in Adramytium , [ Polyaenus also lib. 7. ] maketh mention . Mausolus , calling his friends together , bare them in hand , that Artaxerxes , unlesse he satisfied him forthwith with an excessive summe of money , would deprive him of his principality , which he held by inheritance from his father : which they believing , brought him , in an instant , an infinite summe of money , [ Polyenus lib. 7. stratag . ] compared with [ Aristot. in his Oeconomics : ] which having once fingered , he was so far from giving it to Artaxerxes , that therewith he confederated presently with those Governours and Captains which then were up in armes against him ; for there rebelled at this time against him , of the Ionian nation , all Lycia , Pisidia , Pamphilia , and Cilicia ; and besides these , the Syrians and Phoenicians , and almost all that border upon the Asiatick sea ; Tachos also king of Egypt , proclaimed open war against him , and was busie every where in building of ships and raising of forces ; especially out of all parts of Greece , and got the Lacedemonians themselves to confederate and joyn with him , [ Diod. year 3. Olympiade 104. ] All these rebelling at once against Artaxerxes , he lost one half of his revenues coming into his cofers . And the remainder sufficed not for the necessary use of the war , considering that he was to maintain a war all at once , against the king of Egypt , and all the Grecian cities and countries in Asia ; against the Lacedemonians and their confederates ; to wit , all the Lords and Captains which held the Maritime towns and regions in all Asia under their command , [ Id. ib. ] The king of Egypt sent for Agesilaus to come unto him , promising to make him General of his army , [ Xenoph. in his Agesilaus . ] And he being sent thither by his country , laid out the monies which Tachos had sent him for himself , in levying souldiers for his service . And having stored his ships with men , and taking along with him 30 Spartan Commissioners for his Council of War , went with a thousand Corselets into Egypt , [ Plut. in his Agesilaus : and Diodor. ut sup . ] When the report of his landing came to the Courtiers eares in Egypt , happy was he that could first send in presents to him ; but when they came , and saw no attendance about him , onely a decrepit and wearisom old man , lying along upon the beach , sloven-like , and of a small stature , in a course thredbare cloak , they contemned and scorned him ; and much more did they loath his fordid and insulse behaviour , when they saw , that of those rich presents and provisions of diet which were sent in to him of all sorts , he would take some meale , and a veale perhaps , or a goose for himself , and throw away the dainties and sweet meats , and precious oyntments to his souldiers , [ Plut. and Emil. Prob. in his Agesilaus . ] The King of Egypt himself also , performed not with him , nor made him General of his army , according to his promise , [ Xen. in his Agesilaus . ] Deriding him for the smalnesse of his stature : and said , that he weened the old Proverb was true , The hills were great with young , and were delivered of a mouse : which when Agesilaus heard , he said in a rage , I will one day seem a Lyon unto him , [ Athenae . lib. 14. with Plutarch . ] Chabrias the Athenian , was not sent by publick authority , as Alcibiades was , but upon the perswasion of Tachos , served him as a private man , [ Diod. and Plutarch . ] Who when he saw the King in some distresse for want of money , advised him to take up what monies possible he could of the richer sort of the country , and promise them payment out of his yearly revenues : and by this means , he gathered an infinite sum of money without wrong to any , [ Polyae . strat . lib. 3. ] and Aristotle [ 2. of his Oeconomics . ] reckons up a great many the like shifts that he made for the getting of monies , at this time . They which rebelled in Asia , made Orontes the Governour of Mysia their Commander in chief : who having received monies enough to pay 20 thousand hired souldiers for one whole year ; took first those who had contributed these monies and sent them prisoners to Artaxerxes , and then betrayed sundry other cities and castles , and companies of hired souldiers , to such Lieutenants as the King had sent into those parts , [ Diodor. year 3. Olymp. 104. ] of this war managed by Orontes and Autophradates and other Captains of the Kings , [ Polyaenus lib. 7. stratag . maketh also mention . ] But for as much as Diodorus assures us , that in the last year of Artaxerxes Mnemon , both Autophradates and Orontes , and other Commanders , fell all off from him ; we must of necessity conclude , that Autophradates stood for his son Artaxerxes Ochus , and that it was Orontes which made the war against him . Artabazus , who commanded Artaxerxes Mnemons army , falling upon Cappadocia , Datames the Governour of that Province , met him with a strong body of horse , and 20 thousand foot , of mercenaries ; but then Mithrabarzanes his father in law , and General of his horse , stale away from him by night with all his horse , and fled to Artabazus , and truly he and they , had their wages well payed them for such their trechery , for it fell out , that they were set upon , and hewed in pieces , by both the armies , both that to which , and that from which they fled : and Diodorus addeth , that Artaxerxes being informed , that Datames had brought him this noose , by putting a trick upon him ; made all the haste he could to rid his hands of him , and that shortly after , he caused him privily to be made away : but it appears out of Emil. Prob. that Datames lived long after this : Whose actions , as he acknowledges them to have been carried all along in an obscure way , so he saies , that himself was the more inquisitive and diligent in searching out and describing the concavities of them : which he doth in such wise , as a man may easily discerne , that what he did was all in Artaxerxes Ochus his time . Rheomithres was sent by the united Lords into Egypt , where having gotten 500 talents , and 50 tall ships , he returned with them to Leucas in Asia : and having sent for many of the principal of them to come thither to him , he laid hold of them , and sent them all away prisoners to Artaxerxes ; and by this act of his , reingraciated himself with the King , who was formerly displeased with him , [ Diodorus year 3 Olympiade 104. ] Tachos , having now fitted himself with all things necessary for the war , gave the command of the 10 thousand men , which he had hired out of Greece to Agesilau● ; but his fleet consisting of 200 saile , to Chabrias ( which with what care and cunning he furnished with rowers , [ Polyae . lib. 7. Stratag . ] sheweth ) and his foot army consisting of 80 thousand Egyptians , to Nectanabus , his , or rather , his brother or sisters son , for the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the Greek sign fieth either ; but reserved to himself the oversight and general-ship of all . And although Agesilaus perswaded him , to carry on this war by his Lievtenants , and to stay himself in Egypt ; yet he would not , [ Diod. ib. ] neverthelesse , Agesilaus , beneath himself , and contrary to his own humour , attended him by sea into Phaenicia , [ Plutarch in his Agesilaus . ] Whiles the Egyptian fleet , lay in Phenicia , Nectanabus was sent to take in some principal cities of Syria ; where having compacted with him whom Tachos had left for Governor of Egypt in his absence , he proclaimed himself King of Egypt ; and drew the commanders of the army by large gifts , and the souldiers by no lesse large promises , to side it with him against his father , [ Diod. ut su . ] Tachos being now utterly deserted , both by his own subjects , and also by Agesilaus , whom he had formerly offended by that base jest put upon him , fearing the worst , fled thence to Sidon in Phenicia , and from thence , to the King of Persia , as besides Xenophon and Plutarch . Theopompus and Lysias of Naucratis , in his affaires of Egypt , both cited by Athenaeus [ in his 14 book , 4 chapter , ] report . Diodorus and Elian say further , that he was very graciously entertained by Artaxerxes , though I cannot believe Diodorus in this , that Artaxerxexs presently made him general of all the forces which he had then raised to make a war upon Egypt , and that with them he returned into Egypt , and was there reinthroned by Agesilaus , neither yet , [ Elian , lib. 5. Var. Histor. c. 1. ] where he telleth us , that having formerly used to live frugally at home , he now died with overgorging himself with excesse of diet , after the Persian manner , seeing that Lynceus or Lyceas , whom I mentioned before , teacheth us that his Egyptian diet was far more sumptuous , than that of the Persian was , [ cited by Athenaeus , lib. 4. cap. 10. Deip. ] After this , another set up himself against him in Mendes , with an army of 100 thousand men , [ Plut. in his Agesilaus . ] So when there were now 2 Kings in Egypt , Agesilaus followed him whom he saw most to favour his Countrey men the Lacedemonians , [ Xen. in Agesilaus . ] and that was Nectanebus ; with whom he endured a strong siege in a Castle . But when Nectanebus grew impatient of being thus shut up ; and would needs hazard himself upon a battle , Agesilaus lest him , and stayed behind in the castle , till the whole Castle was quite surrounded with works , and the enemy about them , all save a little space , where there was yet a passage left : then sallied he out at that narrow passage , and made his way through with a great slaughter of the enemy , having their works at his back , so that they could not enclose him round , [ Plut. in Agesil . Polyae . stratag . lib. 2. with Diod. year 3. Olymp. 104. ] where yet he hath by mistake Tachos , instead of the King of Mendes . As for the other king , Year of the World b. which bare a hatred to the Greek nation , The Julian Period . 4353 Agesilaus overthrew him in a fight , Year before Christ 361 and took him prisoner : but restored the other to his kingdom : and made him a firme friend to the Lacedemonian State , [ Xenophon in Agesilaus . ] Though Emil. Prob. attribute this restitution of the king , to Chabrias : the reason whereof was , because it was indeed done by the joynt work of the Lacedemonians , and Athenians . Now from this time to the putting of Nectanebus from the kingdom , Diodorus reckons 12 year ; which was indeed the true terme of his reign , not 18 , as Affricanus and Eusebius have it . Nectanebus entreated Agesilaus very earnestly , to spend that winter with him ; but he hasted homeward ; for that Sparta was then engaged in a war ; and he knew they wanted money : and maintained a forreign army : wherefore he dismissed him very honourably ; and gave him , besides all other gifts , 230. or , as Emil Probus hath it , 220 thousand talents . [ Plut. in Ages . ] Agesilaus having fingered this money , hasted him homeward , though in the dead of winter ; for fear least the Lacedemonians should spend the next summer idle , and do nothing against their enemies . [ Xen. in Agesil . ] But being cast by a tempest upon a desert shoare , called Menelai , Portus , ( i. ) Menelaus his Port , lying between Cyrene and Egypt , he there fell sick and died . There his friends for want of wax , made him up with hony and so carried him to Sparta , [ Plutarch and Emilius Probus , in Agesilaus . ] and Diodorus saith that his body so brought thither , was there enterred , in a most royal manner , [ year 3. Olymp. 104. ] Ochus , Year of the World c. the lawful son of Artaxerxes , because his base brother Arsames , was very tenderly beloved of his father , caused him to be murdered by Harpates the son of Tiribazus , and Artaxerxes hearing what was betided to his so much beloved son , took it presently to heart , and died of grief , [ Plut. in Artaxerxes . ] Ochus , knowing that his father while he lived , was by his people , and that himself after his death would be , nothing regarded , dealt so with the Chiliarch , the Eunuchs , and others about him , that his death was kept close ten moneths after , and in the mean time dispatcht away letters into all parts in the kings name , with his seal to them , requiring every man to receive Ochus for their king , [ Polyae . lib. 7. Stratag . ] Clearchus the Tyrant of Pontus , had a son born him at Heraclea , whom he called Dionysius , who lived 55 years , witnesse Athenaeus , lib. 12 , and Mnemon in the collections of Photius , cap. 5. ] Ochus , Year of the World 3644 when now all men had acknowledged him for king , The Julian Period . 4354 and done fealty to him , Year before Christ 360 made it known , that his father was dead , and commanded a publique mourning to be made for him according to the Persian manner , [ Poliae . lib. 7. ] and took upon him his fathers name , Artaxerxes , [ Diodor. Valerius Max. ] and then fill'd and foul'd his court with the bloud of his kindred and nobles , without respect having to kin , sex , or age , [ Justin lib. 10. cap. 3. ] among which he caused his own sister , whose daughter he had married , to be buried alive with her heels upward , and made an Uncle of his , with above 100 children and grand-children descended from him , to be brought into a court , and there shot to death with arrows , [ Valer. Max. lib. 9. cap. 2. ] which as it seemeth , was the father of Sisygambis , the mother of Darius the last king of the Persians , for of her it is that Q. Curtius , lib. 10. cap. 8. ] reporteth , that her father , and 80 brothers were all put to death by Ochus in one day . The several states of Chios , Year of the World 3645 Rhodes , The Julian Period . 4356 Byzantium and Chos , Year before Christ 358 all at once revolting from the Athenians , there grew that war which was called Bellum Sociale , ( i. e. ) the confederates war. When the Athenians began with the siege of Chios , besides their own confederates , Mausolus also the petty king of Caria sent aides unto them , [ Demosthenes in his Oration of Peace , and of the Rhodians liberty , Diod. an . 3. Olympiade , 105 , ] In the first year of the 106 Olympiade , Year of the World 3648 ( as it is rightly read in Eusebius his chron . The Julian Period . 4358 out of Fuxius his copy , Year before Christ 356 corrected by Arnaldus Pontacus ) was Alexander ( who because he conquered all Asia , was afterward surnamed , The Great ) born at Pella , in the country of Macedon : for seeing that he lived 32 years , eight moneths , as Arianus reporteth out of Aristobulus , and died in the end of year 1. Olympiade 114. in the last , save one of the moneth Thargelion , of the Attic account ; as we shall see when we come to that year ; it follows , that he must be born , in the year aforesaid , and that in the third year called Boedrom●on , in the Attic Calendar , so that as well they , who ( as in Elian Variar Histor. lib. 2. cap 25. ) have said , that he both was born and died , upon the sixth day of Thargelion , have erred in their account ; as Plutarch also , who in the life of Alexander saies , that he was born in the beginning of the moneth Hecatombeon , called Lous by the Macedonians , to wit , on the sixth day thereof . And there was reason indeed why they , who living at that time , first reported it in writing , should say , that he was born upon the sixth day of the moneth Lous : because at that time the moneth Lous with the Macedons answered just to Metons Boedromian , as appears by King Philip , the father of this Alexander , his Epistle to the Peloponesians , as we have already shewed , in our discours : of the Macedonian and Asiatic years , in the first chapter thereof , which the Historians and other writers of later times not observing , and finding the Syro-Macedon moneth Lous in Calippus to hit right with the moneth Boedromion among the Athenians , thought that Alexander had been born upon the sixth day of that Boedromion . And from hence grew that error of Plutarch , which he mended afterward by a far greater one , where he saith . The same day that Philip took Pitidaea , there came to him three several tidings , one from Pharmenion , that he had given the Illyrians a great overthrow , the second , that he had won the race with his horse at Olympus , and the third , that his son Alexander was born : for we learn out of Demosthenes , in his oration against Leptines , and Diodorus , year 3. Olympiade 105. That Polydaea was not taken this year , but two years before . And again , if it had been so , that Alexander had been born in the 106 Olymp. and upon the 6 day of Hecatombaeon , yet had it been a great wonder , that he should not have heard a great deal sooner of the birth of his son , than he could possibly have done of his winning the race of Olympus : for that that race was ever wont to be run on the day of the full moon , and judgement given thereupon , on the 16 day of the same month , we are taught by the old Scoliast of Pindarus , upon his 5 Ode or Hymne of his Olympics , yet Justin out of Trogus tells us more clearly , [ lib. 12. cap. 16. ] The same day , saith he , on which Alexander was born , news came to him of two several victories by him gotten , the one upon a battle in Illyrium , the other in a race at Olympus ; whither he sent his coach with four horses to run : Out of which reports , not hanging all of the best together ; though I grant that it may be not improbably gathered , that Alexanders birth was in the sommer season , of that year , wherein the Olympic games were kept at Olympus in Elis , yet the testimony of Aristobulus , to whom Alexander himself in person was so well known , is so firm and strong an argument to me of the day wheron he was born , that I conceive no doubt to be made , but that Philip the father , was certified of the race won by him at Olympus , before his son was born . The same day that Alexander was born , was the temple of Diana at Ephesus burnt , whence came that poor jest , whether of Timaeus , as Cicero hath it , or of Hegesias the Magnesian , as Plutarch saith , That Diana being from home that night , at the travile of Olympias , could not tend to save her own Temple , [ Cic. lib. 1. de Natura deorum , and lib. 1. de Divina , and Plut. in his Alexander . ] He that put the fire to it , being taken and had to the rack , confessed that he did it of purpose , that having destroyed so famous and excellent a work , his name might for it be carried over all the world : whereupon by the common-council of all Asia , it was decreed that no man should ever after name him , [ Valer. Max. lib. 8. cap. 14. Aul. Gell. lib. 2. cap. 6. ] which yet Theopompus in his History did ; whether it were Erostratus , as we read it [ in Strabo● lib. 14. and Solinus cap. 4. ] or Lygdamis , as Hesychius , in the word Lygdam . The Priests , who were at that time in Ephesus , apprehending that the burning of this Temple was but the fore-runner of some greater mischief to ensue ; Year of the World 3648 ran up and down as if they had been mad , The Julian Period . 4358 and cut their faces , Year before Christ 356 saying , that some great calamity was that day hatched against all Asia , [ Plut. in Alexan. ] Artabazus , having entered into a rebellion against Ochus , joyning his forces with those of Chares the Athenian , overthrew an army of the Persians , consisting of 70 thousand men : and thereupon gave Chares such a masse of money , that it enabled him to pay all his army . The King expostulated this matter with the Athenians ; and they , hearing a rumor , that the King was about to send 300 sail to the relief of their enemies , against whom Chares at that time was in armes ; clapt up a peace out of hand , and came to an agreement with them , and so that war between them and their confederates , called Bellum sociale , ended , [ Diod. year 1. and 4. of the 106. Olymp. ] Leuco , Year of the World 3650 the King of Bosphorus Cimmerius , The Julian Period . 4360 died ; Year before Christ 355 unto whom succeeded his son Spartacus , and reigned 5 years , [ Diod. year 3. Olymp. 106. ] Artabazus , Year of the World 3651 being thus left by Chares and the Athenians , The Julian Period . 4361 had recourse to the Thebans ; Year before Christ 354 who sent him Pammenes , with 5 thousand men . Pammenes with this army putting over into Asia , and there joyning with Artabazus , overthrew the Kings forces in two several great battels , [ Diod. year 4. Olymp. 106. ] Clearchus the tyrant of Heraclea in Pontus , when he went to the celebration of the Feast of their god Bacchus , was murdered in the 12 year of his reign , [ Id. ib. ] Chief author of which murder was one Chion of Heraclea , the son of one Matris , a scholar of Platoes , and a kinsman of Clearchus ; who associated to him Leonides and Antitheus , scholars also in Philosophy , as the other was , and one Euxenon , and some fifty others of their allies and kindred , whom they disposed privily in places fitting for that purpose . Having therefore spyed their time when the tyrant was busie and intentive upon the sacrifice with the rest of the people , Chion ran him thorough with his sword ; whereof , when he had laien greivously tormented with pains , and haunted with the apparitions and ghosts of those whom he had most barbarously murdered : the next day he died . But most of the conspirators , if not all , were either presently cut in pieces by his Guard , though they stoutly defended themselves ; or were shortly after taken , and put to horrible torments ( which they endured with incredible constancy and patience ) and so died , [ Memnon in Excerpt . cap. 2. Justin. lib. 6. cap. ult . and Suidas in Clearchus . ] See also the Epistles attributed to this Chion , as written by him to his mother Matis . Satyrus , brother to Clearchus , succeeded him in that Principality ; and held it 7. years : wherein he contented not himself with the death of the conspirators themselves : but sell upon all their children , though innocent of their fathers fact ; and being left as Guardian and Protector of Timotheus , and Dionysius his brothers children , was so respective of them , that though he had a wife , whom he loved very dearly ; yet would he not do with her , whereby to have children of her , least he might perhaps thereby leave an issue , which might in time prove dangerous to his brothers children , [ Memnon in Excerpt . cap. 3. ] In the 4 year of 106 Olymp. not in the 2 year of the 100 Olympiade , Year of the World 3652 as is misreported by [ Pliny lib. 36. c. 5. & 6. ] Mausolus the Dynasta , The Julian Period . 4362 or petty king , Year before Christ 352 of Caria , died : after whom Artemisia , his sister and wife , succeeded and reigned 2 years , her husband leaving no issue , [ Diod. and Strabol . 14. ] and she , out of the servent love which she bare to the memory of him , took his bones after they were burnt , and beating them to a powder , mingled it with a most precious persume , and so put into water and drank it off : being ambitious , to be her self the living and breathing tombe of her deceased husband , [ A. Gell. lib. 18. c. 18. Valer. Max. lib. 4. c. 6. ] In the 107 Olympiade ( not in the 103 , Year of the World 3652 as Suidas in Theodectes hath it ) Artemisia proclaimed a Game , The Julian Period . 4362 for all to come , Year before Christ 352 and shew their wit and art , in praise and honour of her husband deceased . To this game , came in sundry men of excellent parts ; Theopompus of Chios , the prime man of all the hearers and scholars of Isocrates , as [ Diony . Halicarnasseus in his Epistle to Pompeius , witnesseth of him . ] Theodectes of the City of Phaselis in Lycia , a Tragedian Poet ; another Scholar likewise of Isocrates : and Naucrates Erythraeus , of Naucratis in Cyrenia ; all mentioned by Photius in Biblioth . [ c. 176 and 260. ] some there are also , which say that Isocrates himself , put in for the prize in this Game : of which P●ut . is one , [ in his life of Isocrates . ] but that was not this Isocrates of Athens , but another of the same name , his scholar , and successor in his chaire ▪ as Suidas , out of Callisthenes the Orator , teacheth us . In that contention of wits , Theopompus , as some say , and as others , Theodectes the Tragedian , who left a tragedy , entitled Mausolus , wa● the prize , [ A. Gell. lib. 10. c. 18. Suidas , in Theodectes and Isocrates . ] though it should seeme that all went not here with Theopompus to his mind because that writing afterward a history , he therein saies , that Mausolus never spared for any vilany , if he might get money by it : which in all likelihood , he would never have done , if things had sorted out there , according to his expectation . [ Suidas in Mausolus . ] But of this Theopompus ( of whome I have spoken before ) who was an Historian , and Theodectes a Tragedian , I may not here let passe , what is reported by Demetrius Phalereus , in Aristeas ( and out of him by Josephus , [ lib. 12. Antiquita● . c. 2. and by Euseb. de Praepar . Evengel . lib. 8. c. 3. and 5. & in his discourse of the Septuagints Interpretation : ] as this , that Theopompus would fain have inserted some things out of the books of Moses , into his History , but lay thereupon distraught of his wits , by the space of 30 dayes ; and that in his intervals of that sicknesse , he earnestly besought God , to reveale unto him the cause , why this great judgement was befallen him : and that in a dream it was told him , that it was because he went about to mingle those divine Oracles with his humane studies ; and publish them to the world : and upon change of that purpose , he was restored to his right wits again : and of Theodectes : that when he purposed to translate somethings out of the holy writ into a Tragedie of his , he suddainly grew owle-eyed , or pore-blinde , till having considered , that such his attempt was the cause thereof , he asked God mercy , and was restored to his perfect sight again . Artimisia , Year of the World 3653 who , Year of the World 3463 to continue the memory of her husband , Year before Christ 351 built that stupendious tombe for him at Halicarnassus , reckoned one of the seven wonders of the world , pined away at last and dyed for grief , [ Cicero . Tuscul. Quest. lib. 3. Strabo . l. 14. A. Gell. lib. 10. c. 18. ] To the making of this so miraculous a frame , the most famous workmen and artificers of the world set their hands , Scopas , out of the East , Bryaxis , from the North , Timotheus from the South , and Leochares from the West : and albeit she died before the work was finished , yet they gave it not off till they had brought it to a full perfection ; knowing that by so doing , they should also eternize their own names , and glory in it , [ Plin. lib. 36 : c. 5. with Vitruvius in the Proeme of his 7 book ; ] whence it was even at Rome , that every sumptuous and magnificent building , was afterward called a Mausoleum , [ Pausan , in his Arcadica . ] After her death , her brother Idrieus or Hidrieus , held the Dynasty or Principality of Caria , 7 years , [ Diod. year 2. Olymp. 107. ] who being the second son of Hecatomnus , married his second daughter Ada , his own sister , according to the law of Caria , [ Strabo l. 14. Arianus , of the Gests of Alexander , l. 1. ] The Thebans , falling into great distresse for want of money , in their war against the Phoceans , sent their Embassadors to Ochus , and had of him 300 talents , [ Diod. year 2. Olymp. 107. ] The Phenicians , especially the inhabitants of Sidon , having been basely abused by Ochus revolted from him , and sending to Nectabenus king of Egypt , confederated with him in a war against the Persians , and then having furnished themselves with a great fleet of ships and store of land souldiers , cut down the kings Garden and Orchard , and burnt the hay that was provided for the kings stable , and put to death those Persians , that had done them wrong : wherefore the Satrapa of Syria , and governour of Cilicia , made war upon them . But Tennes the King of Sidon , having received from the king of Egypt , four thousand Grecian souldiers under the command of Mentor of Rhodes , with the help of them , and his own men together , routed them both , and drave the Persians clean out of all Phaenicia , [ Id. ib. ] The petty kings of the 9 cities of Cyprus , which were subject to the king of Persia , following the example of the Phaenicians , fell off from him too , by a generall consent among themselves : and fitting every man himself with provisions for a war , made themselves absolute sovereignes , each in his own city . Against these , by the command of Artaxerxes Ochus , Idrieus , newly made king of Caria , and by a tradition received from his Ancestors a true servant of the kings of Persia , and a follower of them , in their wars , sent 40 saile of ships , and in them 8 thousand mercenary souldiers , under the command of Phocion the Athenian , and of Euagoras , who formerly had been a king there , into Cyprus . These began with the best first , and besieged the city Salamis ; whereupon there resorted to them , out of the parts of Syria and Cilicia , lying over against Cyprus , in hope of a prey , a very great multitude of men ; so that Phocyon and Euagoras his army grew twice as big as it was at their coming thither , [ Ibid. ] Artaxerxes Ochus , having mustered an army of 300 thousand foot , and 30 thousand horse , with 300 fighting ships , and 500 ships of burden , to carry his provisions in , set out from Babylon , toward Phaenicia , and the sea-side . But Mentor , whom the Sidonians had made Commander over the Mercenary Greeks , taking a fright at his approach , sent a man called Thessalion to him , offering him first to betray all the Sidonians into his hands , and afterward to do him right good and trusty service in the conquering of Egypt . Thessalion , having dellvered his message , and received the kings promise , and kissed his hand upon it , returned to Mentor , and assured him from the king , undiscovered by the Sidonians , [ Ib. ] Mean while , Ochus sent his Ambassadors into Greece for some aides from them , against the Egyptians . Whereupon the Athenians and Lacedemonians returned him answer , that they would keep the peace made with him , with all their hearts , but send him any aide at this time they could not . But the Thebans readily sent him a thousand Corselets , under the command of Lachetes . They of Argos also sent him three thousand men , but appointed no Commander over them of their own , because the king had specially desired to have Nicostratus to command them ; a man of a high spirit , and who in imitation of Hercules , used in fight , alwayes to wear a Lyons skin about him , and bare ▪ a club in his hand . The Grecians also dwelling upon the sea-coast of Asia , sent him in six thousand men ; so that the Grecians in his army were in all , ten thousand men . But before their coming to him , the king was advanced , past Syria , and as far as Phaenicia , and had pitcht his camp not far from Sidon , [ Ibid. ] Tennes the king of Sidon , combining with Mentor in his treason , assigned him to the guard of a certain quarter in the town , and left him to manage the treason on that side ; himself with 500 men , went out of the city , preteuding that he would go to the common meeting or council of Phaenicia . Now he had in his company 100 of the principall men of the city , as councellors about him : all which he gave up to be butchered by Artaxerxes ; as the authors of that defect on from him ; and shortly after Artaxerxes , when 500 more of the chief of the Sidonians came to him to crave his mercy in suppliant wise , with Olive branches in their hands , he caused them every man to be struck thorough with darts , as he had done the former , having understood formerly by Tennes the king , that the city should be absolutely delivered up unto him , and without conditions ; and then dealt with the Grecians which he had in pay to open the gates , and to receive the king , and him into the city , and so betrayed it to Artaxerxes : who being once in , and seeing that Tennes could do him no further service , caused his throat to be cut likewise , [ Ibid. ] The Sidonians , who before the Kings coming had set fire on all their ships , to the end no man should have left any possibility of saving himself by flight that way , shut themselves every man up in his own house , with his wife and children , and then set their houses on fire , and consumed all to cindres , The number of them which perished in this fire , servants and all , amounted by report , to 40 thousand souls . The cindres of the place , with the molten silver and gold among , the King sold for many a Talent . The rest of the cities affrighted herewith , surrendred themselves presently to the King , [ Ibid. ] From thence the King went and took Jericho by assault : as we find in [ Solinus cap. 35. ] and took many along with him out of Judea to serve him in his war in Egypt : as we gather out of Aristeas , in his book of the Septuagint Interpreters ; where also , in the Epistle of Ptolomeus Philadelphus , to Eleasarus , it is said , that many of the Jewes were carried away into Egypt by the Persians , whiles they bare the sway there . Which saying of his , is to be referred to this time of Artaxerxes Ochus ; as is also that place in Justin , where he saith , [ lib. 36. cap. 3. ] if there be any truth in either of them , That Xerxes was the first of the Persians , that subdued the Jews . While Salamis was besieged by Phocyon and Euagoras , Year of the World 3654 all the rest of the cities submitted to the Persians , The Julian Period . 4364 onely Protagoras King of Salamis held it out against them , Year before Christ 350 wherein Euagoras his care was , to be restored to his fathers kingdom in Salamis . But some having done him very ill offices , and laid great accusations to his charge , with the King , he seeing the King to savour and help Protagoras against him , gave off all hope of prevailing in that sute : and went and cleared himself of all imputations before the king ; which he did so well , that the King bestowed a far better Dynasty or Principality upon him in Asia . And Protagoras at last voluntarily submitting to the King , held the kingdom of Salamis quietly ever after , [ Diodor. year 3 Olympiade 107. ] But this Euagoras of whom we now speak , it seems , was the grandchild of an other Euagoras , who died 24 years before , by his son Nicocles : for that Euagoras the elder , had a son Nicocles , who succeeded him in the kingdom of Salamis ; and another called Protagoras , appeareth out of Isocrates ; but this younger Euagoras who succeeded Nicocles , seems to have been put from his kingdom by Protagoras , which was his Uncle . But having , as was said before , a greater thing than Salamis bestowed on him by this Ochus ; by his misbehaviour therein used , he was fain to flee again into Cyprus , where being taken , he was put to death as a malefactor , [ as Diodorus shews . ] Eusebius in Chron. sheweth that in this 3 year of the 107. Olympiade , Ochus making Nectanebus to flee into Ethiopia , possessed himself of all Egypt : And that in him was destroyed the kingdom of Egypt , and that here was the period of Manethoes Commentaries concerning the affairs of Egypt : and in what manner Egypt was taken in by Ochus , Diodorus in this year doth at large deliver : the summe whereof is this . Ochus after the destruction of Sidon , and when his auxiliary forces were come unto him from Argos and Thebes , and the Grecian Cities in Asia were come unto him , uniting all his forces , he marched to the Lough of Sirbonis : where a great part of his army perished , being swallowed up for want of guides in those bogs there , which are called Barathra . From thence he marched to Pelusium , the first mouth of the River Nile : held by a Garrison of 5 thousand men , commanded by one Philophron . Here the Grecians encamped close to the city ; the Persians lay 40 furlongs of . Here Ochus divided the Greeks into three brigadaes ; every of which was to have two Commanders , the one a Persian , the other a Grecian . The first brigade was of the Boeotians , commanded by Lachetes a Theban , and Rosaces a Persian , Governour of Ionia and Lydia . The second was of the men of Argos , commanded by Nicostratus a Grecian , and Aristazanes a Persian . The third was by Mentor , who betrayed Sidon , and Bagoas an Eunuch of Persia. To every of which Grecian brigadaes thus commanded , there were added also sundry companies and troups , and sea Captains with their squadrons of ships ; on the other side , Nectanebus had in his army 20 thousand auxiliary Grecians : and as many to his aide out of Lybia , and out of his own country of Egypt , 60 thousand men , called Warriours , with an exceeding great multitude of river boats , fitted to fight in the river Nile , if need should be : when as therefore he had furnished every place with reasonably sufficient Garrisons , himself , with 30 thousand Egyptians , and 5 thousand Grecians , and one half of his Lybians , kept the passages which lay most open and easiest for invasion . Things therefore thus ordered on both sides , Nicostratus who commanded the Argivians , having gotten for his guides certain Egyptians , whose children and wives were kept for hostages by the Persians , with his part of ships put over one of the ditches or cuts of the Nile , the most out of sight that might be ; which the next Garrisons of the Egyptians perceiving , sent no lesse than 7 thousand men , commanded by Clinius , of the Isle of Coos , to cut them off . In that encounter , the Grecians of the Persian side , slew of the other , upward of 5 thousand men , with their Commander Clinius : which slaughter of his men coming to Nectanebus his eares , he with the army which he had about him retired presently to Memphis to make that sure : mean while Lacrates , whom commanded the first brigade of the Grecians , hastened to set upon Pelusium , and having drained away the water that ran under Pelusium , by a ditch that he cu● , and raised a mount upon the very channel of the old River , there planted his batteries . The Grecians within , who had till then manfully maintained the place ; hearing now that Nectanebus had left the field , and was retired to Memphis , fell a treating with their enemies about a composition ; and when Lacrates had told them , and bound it with an oath , that , the town being surrendered , they with such things as they brought out with them should be all sent away into Greece , they gave up the Town unto him . Mentor who commanded the third brigade , when he saw that all the cities were manned with two sorts of people , Grecians and Egptians , he caused a bruite to be cast abroad , that Artaxerxes his purpose and resolution was to deal most graciously and well with those , who willingly submitted to him ; as for the rest , they must look to fare no better than Sidon had done . Whereupon the Grecians and Egyptians every where strove who should be first and forewardest to give up their Towns and places to the Persians . And first Bubastus , then all the rest of the cities , upon such terms as they could get , came all in , and submitted to the Persian . Mean while Nectanebus being at Memphis , and hearing how all the cities fell off , one after another to the Persian , despairing of better fortune , gathered together what treasure he could , and fled with it to Ethiopia , thus [ Diod. year 3. Olymp. 107. ] Others report , that shaving his head , and in a disguised habit , he got him to Pelusium , and from thence as a passenger , went to Philip king of Mecedon , at Pella . [ see the Excerpta , Barbaro-Latina , published by Scaliger , pag. 58. the Chronicle of Alexandria , al. Fasti Siculi , published by Raderus , p. 393. Cedrenus in the Basile Edition , p. 124. and Glycas , p. 195. out of Pseudo-Callisthenes his fabulous history of the Gests of Alexander . ] Artaxerxes Ochus , having thus possessed himself of all Egypt ; dismantled all the principal cities in it , and spoiling their temples , got from thence an infinite masse of treasure : he took away moreover all their records and writings out of their most ancient temples , yet these the Priests bought again , and recovered by a great sum of money given to Bagoas the Eunuch for them , [ Diod. ut supra . ] Ochus also is said to have derided their ceremonies , and their god , Apis. [ Severus Sulpicitius in his sacred History , [ lib. 2. ] And because the Egyptians , for his dull behaviour and spirit , called him an asse ; he violently took their god Apis , and sacrificed him to an asse , [ Elian. Varia . Histor. lib. 4. cap. 8. ] and not that onely , but he gave order to his Cooks to cut him in pieces , and dresse him for dinner to be eaten , Suidas in Ochus . After this , Ochus rewarding his Grecians by whom he had brought this great work to passe , with wealth and honour , every man according to his desert , he sent them all away to go every man for his own country , and leaving Pherendates for his viceory and governour of Egypt , he himself , being full of glory and spoiles , after so great a conquest made , returned to Babylon with his army , [ Diodor. year 3 Olympiade 107. ] whither he carried also prisoners a great many of the Jews , sending most of them into Hircania , bordering upon the Caspian sea : For so Georgius Syncellu● , out of Julius Africanus reports in this wise : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. ( i. e. ) Ochus the son of Artaxerxes , making a journy into Egypt , led away certain Jews captives : whereof he placed some in Hircania near the Caspian sea , and the rest in Babylon it self , where they contine unto this day , as many Greek writers report . Hecataeus Abderia also , in his first book , de Judaeis , cited by Josephus , in his 1 book contra Apionem , talks of many a ten thousand of Jews , carried away to Babylon , but of their carrying from thence into Hircania , Paulus Orosius writeth in this wise , l. 31. c. 7. Ochus , saith he , who is also called Artaxerxes , after his great and long war in Egypt was ended , carried many of the Jews , and commanded them to inhabite in Hircania , near the Caspian sea ; where they continue to this day , in a wonderful increase of their stock and linage , and , as is thought , will one day break out from thence into some other quarter of the world . Which opinion yet , as it seemeth , had no other ground but that Apocryphal of Esdras lib. 4. cap. 13. 40. — 46. concerning the ten tribes carried away by Salmanasser , and that of the Jews , concerning certain Hebrews shut up I know not where , and of a river Sabbation . As for that which Petrus Trecensis in his Scholastical history , [ 1 Esth. c. 5. ] and out of him Vincentius Bellovacensis in his Specul . Histor. [ lib. 30. cap. 89. ] reports , of those ten tribes , shut up afterward more close than before within the Caspian mountains , these things agree nothing at all with Josephus , whom he alleadgeth for his author ; but rather with the writings , of that false or suppositious Gorion , and Methodius , and even with those fictitious relations of the Mahometan Arcoran it self , concerning Alexander . Ochus having rewarded Mentor of Rhodes , Year of the World 3655 with 100 talents in mony , The Julian Period . 4365 and very rich furniture for a house , Year before Christ 349 made him over and above , Praefect , of all the Asiatic shoare , with full and absolute power to suppresse all rebellions which should happen to arise in those parts ; which great grace and favour he so well used , that whereas Artabazus and Memnon who had lately made war upon Ochus ( of which see before in the year of the world . 1648. 1651. ) and being new driven out of Asia , were fled to Philip king of Macedon , and lived with him ; he got both their pardons of the king , and sent for them both to come unto him , with all their families : for indeed Artabazus had by Mentor and Memnons sister , eleven sons and ten daughters : with which so numerous a progeny , Mentor was exceeding much delighted , and raised the sons , every of them , as he grew up , to places of Government in the Army , [ Diodorus year 4. Olympiade 107. ] Mentor drew Hermias , Prince , or Tyrant , of Atarne , who was in rebellion against Ochus , and had many strong Cities and Castles under him , to a parley , upon promise made him that he would procure him the Kings pardon , but having once gotten him into his fingers , he laid hold on him , and having gotten his seal ring , dispatched away letters presently in his name , requiring the Captains and Garrisons every where of his dominion , to surrender and give up their several places , to the bearers thereof : which was forthwith done accordingly , [ Id. ibid , and Polyaenus Stratag . lib. 6. ] And in like manner did he with all the other Rebells of the King ; partly by force , and partly by tricks and policies , he brought them all into the Kings subjection again ; sending the King ever now and then , hired souldiers out of Greece , and ordering all matters committed to his charge , with great judgement , valour and fidelity to the King , [ Diod. year 3. and 4. Olymp. 107. and Demosthenes in his Oration , contra Aristocratem . ] When Spartacus the King of Bosphorus Cimmerius was dead , his Brother Parysades succeeded him in the kingdome , and held it 38 years , [ Diod. year 4. of 107. Olympiade . ] In the 1. year of the 108 Olympiade , Year of the World 3656 when Theophilus was L. Chancelor in Athens , The Julian Period . 4366 Plato the Philosopher , Year before Christ 348 founder of the old Academia , died ; as Hermippus in Laertius , Dionysius Halicarnasseus , in his Epistle to Ammeus , concerning Demosthenes , and Atheneus , [ lib. 5. c. 13. ] report , of whom that saying of Numenius the Pythagorean goes , reported by Hesychius the Milesian , ( in Numenius ) that what ever he said of God and the world , he stole it all out of the books of Moses . Whence came that famous saying of his , reported , not only by Hesychius , and his follower Suidas , but , even long before them , by Clememens Alexandrinus , [ Stromat . 1. ] 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. for what is Plato , but Moses put into good Greek ? and that he translated many things out of Moses his books into his own writings , Aristobulus the Jew , mentioned before in the year of the world 3479 , saith , so that I shall not need for this purpose to vouch the authority of Justin Ma●tyr , Clement of Alexandria , Ambrose , Theodoret , Johannes Philoponus , writing upon the Hexameron , and other Christians . After the decease of Plato , Aristotle , the setter up of the Sect of the Peripatetic Philosophers , travelled to Hermias the Eunuch and tyrant of Atarve , of whom I spake in the year going before , with whom he lived and conversed three years , as Laertius out of Apollodorus his Chronicle , and Dionysius in his fore-cited Epistle to Ammeus testifie ; and Strabo [ lib. 13. ] tells us , that he lived at Assos , which was under the dominion of Hermias , and of which mention is made , [ Act. 20. 13. ] by reason of that affinity which he had contracted with him : for he married Pythiades the adoptive daughter of Hermias , and either his sister , or his brothers natural daughter , I know not whether , though Aristocles the Peripatetic ( as we find in Euseb. de Preparat . Evangel . lib. 15. ) That for the love which he bare Hermias in his life time , he married her after his death ; and whiles he remained in Asia , he conversed with a certain in Jew , a man of great learning and temperance withal , which was come from out of the upper Asia to the sea side , and there Aristotle , with sundry others addicted that way , were his auditors , and heard him discoursing in the Greek tongue , as Clearchus of Solos a principal Scholar of Aristotles , cited by Josephus , [ lib. 1. contra Apionem . ] in his 1 book de Somno . ( i. e. ) of sleepe , reports . So that perhaps to this Jew it is that the Peripatetic sect of Philosophers owe so many good sayings of theirs , so consonant to the words of Moses and the Prophets as our Clement of Alexandria affirmes they are , out of Aristobulus , aforesaid , and a great maintainer of that way , [ lib. 5. Strom. ] Satyrus , Year of the World 3658 Prince or Tyrant of Heraclea in Pontus , The Julian Period . 4368 giving up all into the hands of Timotheus , Year before Christ 346 eldest son to his Brother Clearchus , was shortly after taken with a most grievous and incurable disease , by a Cancer growen in his groine , and which never left eating inward , till it had consumed him , after he had lived 65 years , whereof he spent 7. in the Government of Heraclea , [ Memnon in Excerpt . c. 3. ] and Timotheus forthwith , took his younger brother Dionysius into the consortship of his Principality , and designed him withal for his successor in case he should dye , [ Ib. c. 4. ] Memmnon of Rhodes , Year of the World 3659 a commander of the Persians aforementioned , The Julian Period . 4369 under a colour of friendship , Year before Christ 345 sent for Hermias the Eunuch , Tyrant of Atarne , to come unto him ; and when he came , seized on him , and sent him prisoner to the King ; who presently took and hanged him . But the Philosophers whom he had sent for to be about him , as Aristotle and Xenocrates , a Chalcedonian in Bithynia borne , got away , and escaped out of the Persian dominions , [ Strabo lib. 13. ] But Aristotle when he had lived with him 3 years , went to My●ilene , what time Eubulus was L. Chancellor at Athens , this instant , [ year 4. of the Olymp. 108. ] as Laertius out of Apollodorus his Chronicles reports : as also Dionys. Halicarnas . in his Epistle to Ammaeus aforementioned . There is also extant in Laertius an Epigram of Aristotles , making upon Hermias his Statre at Delphos to this purpose . Him did the King of Persia slay Contrary to Joves law or reason , Not by force or bloody fray , But by a friends detested treason . Which I therefore thought fit to insert in this place , that no man might gather that Aristotle was any way consenting to his death out of those words of Tertullian , where he saith , Aristotle made his friend Hermias shamefully to leave his place . Idrieus , Year of the World 3660 Prince of Caria ( whose wealth is so much celebrated by Isocrates in his Oration to Philip of Macedon ) died : The Julian Period . 4370 unto whom his , Year before Christ 344 both wife and sister , Ada succeeded , and held that Principality 4 years , [ Strabo , lib , 14. Diodor. year 1. Olymp. ] For in Asia it was grown an usual thing after the time of Sem●ramis , for wives to succeed their husbands in their kingdoms , [ Aria in Exped . Alex. lib. 1. pag. 24. ] Pexodarus the youngest son of Hecatominus , Year of the World 3664 turning his sister Ada out , The Julian Period . 4374 held that Principality 5 years , Year before Christ 340 [ Diodor. year 4. Olymp. 109. ] Leaving her but one onely town to live upon , called Alinda . But Pexodarus sent for Orontobates a Persian Lord to make him his Consort in the Dynasty or Principality of Caria ; and gave him his daughter Ada to wife , [ Aria . lib. 1. Strabo lib. 14. ] Philippus King of Macedon besieged Perinthus a Town in Thracia , lying upon Propontis , with an army of 30 thousand men , thoroughly provided of all sorts of armes and engines of battery , and so incessantly playing upon the walls , that he gave them no time of rest or intermission . The King of Persia growing jealous of this mans daily growth in the World , gave order to his Commanders and Governours in Asia , that they should send to relieve Perinthus , all that possible they could , which accordingly they did , [ Diodor. year 4. Olymp. 109. ] which was the thing , that Alexander alleged to Darius , as one of the principal causes why he invaded Asia , in his Epistle to him , [ Aria . lib. 1. pag. 41. ] Artaxerxes Ochus , Year of the World 3666 having now reigned 23 years , The Julian Period . 4376 fell sick ; Year before Christ 338 which Bagoas the Eunuch and chief man about him , as Chiliarch of the Kingdom , seeing , gave him poison , and rid him out of the way ; using therein the help of his Physitian , [ Diodor. year 3. of the 104. Olympiade : and year 2. of the 111. Olympiade , Severus Sulpitius . Histor. Sacrae lib. 2. ] For being an Egyptian born , he so hated Ochus , for killing their god Apis , that he not onely revenged that scorn , ( as Sulpitius speaketh ) put upon his nation , by killing the King ; but also when he was dead , cut his flesh all in gobbits , and threw it to the cats to eat , and instead thereof , put I know not what else into the coffin to be buried for him , at the time of his funerals : and of his thigh-bones made he●ts and handles for swords , thereby representing the propensity of his minde , whiles he lived , to blood and slaughter , [ Elian. Variae . Histor. lib. 6. cap. 8. ] And ( as one that could do all in all in the kingdom , ) when the father was dead , he set up his youngest son Arsen , and made him King , and withal , put to death all his brothers , that the young King having none left to help him , might be forced to cleave the faster to , and rely the more upon him , [ Diod. year 3. Olymp. 107. and year 2. Olymp. 111. ] Timotheus the Tyrant of Heraclea in Pontus , died 15 years after his father Clearchus , [ Diod. year 3. Olymp. 110. ] This man , for his great goodnesse sake , was not called any more a Tyrant , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : ( i. e. ) a gracious Lord and Saviour . His body was honourably enterred by his brother and successour Dionysius : with justs , and tiltings , and wrestings , and enterludes of all sorts ; some of which were performed then presently , as the time would afford ; others afterward , but with greater pomp and magnificence than the former , [ Memnon in Excerpt . cap. 4. ] At a general assembly of all Greece at Corinth , Year of the World 3667 Philip King of Macedon , The Julian Period . 4377 was made General of all the Grecian Forces , Year before Christ 337 with absolute power over them , to make war against the king of Persia : whereupon he presently made infinite preparations for it ; and having assessed a certain number of souldiers to be levyed upon every city , returned into Macedon , [ Diodor , year 4. Olymp. 110. ] The next Spring , Year of the World 3668. c. Philip sent three of his Captains into Asia , The Julian Period . 4378 Parmenio , Year before Christ 336 Amyntas and Attalus , with a part of his army , to infest the kings countries there , and to set at liberty the cities of the Greeks , [ Justin. lib. 9. cap. 5. Diod. year 1. Olymp. 111. ] B●goas the Eunuch , when he undoubtedly perceived that Arsen meditated revenge upon him , cut off him and all his children , in the 3 year of his reign : And when the kings Race was thus utterly destroyed , so that there was none of them left , then set he up Darius , a friend of his own , and the son of one Arsamis , which was a brother to Artaxerxes , to claim the Crown , as next of kin , and so made him king ; so saies Diod. [ lib. 17. year 2. Olympiade 111. but Justin l●b . 10. cap. 3. ] speaketh of him in this wise , Codomannus , saith he , in regard of his singular virtue , was made King by the people , and the name of Darius was given him for majesties sake , And Alexander the Great , in Q. Curtius , [ lib. 6. cap. 4. ] useth these words : For neither Darius himself , saith he , came to the Crown by succession , but by the meer procurement and favour of Bagoas the Eunuch , and the same again , in an Epistle of his to Darius , in Arianus [ lib. 2. pag. 41. ] charges him , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. ( i. e. ) As a murderer of Darius , together with Bagoas , and one that had gotten that kingdom wrongfully , and not according to the laws of the Persians ; but in their great and insufferable wrong : so also doth Strabo , [ lib. 15. ] 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( i. ) Bagoas having murdered Narses , set up Darius , who was none of the kings blood , in his room : and lastly , Plutarch in his first book , of the fortune of Alexander , brings him in , speaking to Fortune in this wise , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( for so it should be , and not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( and not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as in his Printed Copies , ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( i. e. ) Darius also was thy work , whom of a slave , and letter-post of the kings , thou madest Lord of the Persians : for so Hesychius tells us in his Lexicon : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; saith he , is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( i. e. ) Astandes , is a Carrier : and Suidas , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Astandae and Angati , saith he , in the Persian language , are those which carry letters from post-house to post-house , till they come to the place of their right deliverance , so that Darius was one of them , who in Esther , c. 8. 14. are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is in Elian to be put for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : so for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , we are there to read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , out of the same place in Plutarch . Bagos , whose hand had been so much used that way , went now about to make away Darius also , by a poysoned potion , but the matter being discovered to him , he sent fairly for him , and when he came , entreated him to drink it off ; which when he refused , he caused it to be powred down his throat , [ Diodorus year 2. Olympiade 111. ] but told the people that he had slain him in defence of himself . [ Q. Curtius lib. 6. cap. 6. ] Darius , Year of the World d. in Philips life time , purposed to begin a war upon him in Macedon it self . [ Diodor. lib. 17. ] Sanballet a Cuthaean born , from whom the Samaritans had their beginning , was by the King made Governour of Samaria , who gave his daughter in marriage to Nicasus the son of Manasses , brother to Jaddus the high Priest at Hierusalem , hoping by this band of affinity to hold in the better with the nation of the Jews , [ Joseph . Antiq. lib. 11. cap. 7. ] Philip , king of Macedon , whiles he was celebrating the marriage of his daugher Cleopatra , with Alexander the king of Epeirus , at a place called Egaeas , was murdered by Pausanias , the son of Cerastes , of Orestis , a Town and Country in Macedonia , [ Diodor. year 1. Olympiade 111. Justin lib. 9. cap. 6. Joseph . lib. 11. cap. 8. ] But Alexander in his Epistle to Darius , sayes , that his father was murdered by Assassians , set on work , and hired by Darius thereto , with an infinite sum of mony , as in Q. Curt. [ lib. 4. cap. 1. and in Arria . lib. 2. pa. 41. ] A little before Philip was thus slain , Neoptolemus a Tragedian is reported by Diod. [ lib. 6. ] to have sung an ominous song before him ; which very song was afterward again ●ung before Caligula the Emperor , the very day wherein he was murdered , as Suetoni●s in his life reporteth . Mnester , saith he , the Stage-player , sung and acted that very song , which heretofore Neoptolemus the Tragedian , did in a play , wherein Philip the k●ng of Macedon was killed : which part of the Latin History , Josephus as it seemeth , not well understanding , [ lib. 19. Antiq. c. 1. ] after he had spoken of this Mnester , and the song which he sung , saying 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which Rufinus renders thus in Latin , and I to this effect in English : The Stage-player danced the fable of Cynaras , wherein both Cinyras himself and his daughter M●rrha were both slain : draws it in , as if the killing of them both had fallen out , upon the same day , thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. It goes for currant , saith he , that the murder of Caligula was acted upon the self same day , whereon , Philip , the son of Amyntas King of Macedon , was slain , by one of his friends , Pausanias by name , as he was going into the Theatre . And so some men place both these murders upon the 24 day of our January . But the time of Philips death , will best be known , by the time of Alexander his succeeding him in his kingdom . After the death of Philip , when Pythodemus , as Arrianus or Pythodorus , [ Diodor. Sic. year 1. Olympiade 111 , ] calls him , was L. Chancellor in Athens , Alexander being then 20 years of age succeeded him , as Plutarch , and out of Trogus , Justin , write . And although Arianus , in the beginning of his History of Alexander , saith , that he was about 20 years old when , after his fathers death , he took his journy into Peloponesus , which may seem in some sort to abate of the precise number of 20 of his age , yet , to speak nothing of that interval of time , which might passe between his fathers death , and his journey thither ) the exact account of his then age , appears from the time of his death ; mentioned in the end of the same history ; where it is said that he lived 32 years , 8 moneths , and that of them he reigned 12 years and those 8 moneths , for subducting 12 years and 8 moneths out of the total above mentioned , there remain 20 entire years ; without addition or substraction either of year or moneth : and since it appears that Philip died in the end of the Macedonic moneth Daesis , by his own Ephemerides ( which I shall in due time , publish to the view of the world ) I therefore gather , and from thence conclude , that Alexander began his reign , about the 8 moneth before that 1. of the moneth Dii , and in consequence thereof , that Philip was murthered about the 24 of Septemb. in which moneth of ours the month Dii began , as I have made appear in my discourse of the solar year of the Macedonians and Asiaticks , rather than the 24 of December . Alexander coming to Peloponese , Year of the World 3669 and treading in his fathers steps , The Julian Period . 4379 summoned all the cities of Greece to Corinth , Year before Christ 335 & was by the general sufferage of all the Grecians there , saving the Lacedemonians only , made General and Captain in his fathers stead , to go against the Persians , [ Justin lib. 11. cap. 2. Diodorus lib. 17. Arrianus lib. 1. pag. 1. ] From thence returning into Macedon , in the very first of the next spring , he made an inrode through Thrace , upon the Illyrians , and the Thribulli , [ Arria . lib. 1. ] where in a pitcht field upon the banke of the Danow , he overthrew Syrmus , the King of the Triballi , [ Plut. in Alex. ] mean whiles , tidings came to him , that the Athenians , Lacedemonians and Thebans , were all fallen over to the King of Persia's side : and that the Author thereof was Demonsthenes the Orator , having been bribed thereto , by a vast summe of money from the Persian , and that he , in an Oration made , had assured them that Alexander with all his forces , was quite broken and overthrowen by the King of the Triballi , [ Justin. lib. 11. cap. with Eschines in his Oration cont . Ctesiphontem . ] And the Athenians further , by certain Legates of theirs , and Demosthenes his Epistle by them sent unto him , sollicited Attalus , one of the 3 Captains , sent by Philip into Asia , to revolt from Alexander , as the Greeks had done , and made a new Decree , to vacat that former order of theirs , whereby he was made General of Greece , [ Diod. year 2. Olym. 111. with Demosth. his Oration for Ctesiphon . ] Memnon the Rhodian Commander , Year of the World d. being sent into Phrygia with 5 thousand souldiers , passing the hill Ida , set suddenly upon the city of Cyzycum : but missing of his purpose , wasted their territorie all over ; and returned loaden with a vast spoile from thence , [ Diod. ib. ] When Pexodarus was dead , his son in law , Orontobates , by the authority of the Persian King , succeeded in the Principality of Caria , [ Strabo , lib. 14. Arrian . lib. 1. pag. 24. ] Alexander having mastered those barbarous people , turned himself towards Greece , which was then all in a combustion , and in his way , made the Thessalonians his friends , and passed the streights of Thermopylae , and wan them of Ambracia to him by his kindnesse ; then passing with his whole army into Boeotia , and camping before Cadmaea , which was held by a Garrison of Macedons , the Athenians sent their Legates to aske his pardon , and he gave it them ; but when the Thebans refused it , being offered to them , he fell roundly to work , and besieged their City , very strongly , [ Diod. year 2. Olymp. 111. Plut. in Alexan. ] He sent also Hecateus , with an army into Asia , to apprehend Attalus ; but Attalus , having recollected himself , sent the letter which he had received from Demosthenes , to Alexander , with a very exact and serious excuse and justification of himself : Neverthelesse Hecataeus following his commission , and getting him into his hand , sent him packing into another world ; and so the Macedonian army which was in Asia , grew quiet , and free from mutining any further , [ Diod. ib. ] Parmenio , who stood ever truly affected to Alexander , took Grinium by force , and sold away all the townsmen thereof for slaves : from thence he went and besieged Pitane , but Memnon approaching , so frighted the Macedons , that they raised their siege , [ Id. ibid. ] Callas , with an army composed of Macedons , and other hired companies , fought with the Persians in the country of Troas , though far inferiour to them in number , and was there beaten , and fain to retire to Rheteum , [ Ibid. ] Alexander layed Thebes in Boeotia level with the ground , Year of the World 3670. a. [ Diod. year 2. Olymp. 111. ] in the moneth of our Octob. which was the time when the Mysteries were kept in Athens : whereupon it was , that that great solemnity , which they were then in hand with , was laid aside for that time , [ Id. in Alexan. and Arria , lib. 1. ] there were slain of the Thebans at the taking of their city , 90 thousand men , and sold for slaves , 30 thousand ; all went to pot , saving only the Priests , and his father Philips guests , and Pindarus the Poets house , [ Elian. Varia . Histor. lib. 13. c. 7. ] Alexander at a common Council of Greece , being chosen General a second time , against the Persians , went to visit Diogenes the Philosopher there , [ Plutarch in Alexan. ] Then returned he into Macedon , Year of the World b. [ Arria . lib. 1. pag. 11 , ] The Julian Period . 4380 where in a town called Dios , Year before Christ 334 as he was wholy taken up with thoughts of subdueing Asia : in his sleep the likenesse or resemblance of the High Priest of Hierusalem appeared to him , who bad him be couragious and bold , and speedily with his army to put over into Asia , and that he would be his conductor in the conquest of the Persian Empire ; as he himself reports in [ Iosephus , lib. 11. of his Antiquit. cap. ult . ] In the very beginning of the Spring , Year of the World c. therefore Alexander , setting forth from his own home , after 20 dayes march came to Sestus : and from thence put over with his army into Asia , [ Arria . lib. 1. ] ( Euaenetus being then L. Chancelor at Athens ) eleven years bfore he died : as Clement of Alexandria observes out of the most ancient Chronologies , [ lib. 1. Strom. ] to wit , the third moneth before Ctesicles , came to be Lord Chancelor or Praetor there : in which time , it is , that Diodor. Sic. placeth his passage into Asia ; whom Zosimus following as it seemeth without scruple , [ lib. 1. Histor. ] saith , that he passed not into Asia , till the thired year of his reign ; when as indeed it was in the second : to wit , [ year 2. running Olymp. 111. ] Leaving therefore Antipater , behind him , to look to matters in Europe , with 12 thousand Foot , 11500 Horse , Alexander himself , with 60 sail of ships , put over to Troas , [ Diodor. ut . sup . ] but gave order to Parmenion , to transport the greatest part of his Foot and Horse from Sestus to Abidus : which accordingly he did , with the help of 160 men of War , and a multitude of other ships of burden , [ Arria . lib. 1. ] Concerning the just number of men which he carried with him into Asia , even they who were present at it , do not well agree among themselves . In [ Polybius lib. 12. cap. 663. in fi . ] Calisthenes is reported to affirm , that he had 4500 Horse , and 30000 Foot. In Plutarch , in that discourse of his of Alexanders fortune , Aristobulus is allegded to say , that of Foot he had 30 thousand , of Horse 4 thousand . Ptolomei the son of Lagos , King afterward of Egypt , agrees for the 30 thousand Foot , but sayes there were 5 thousand Horse : But Anaximenos of Lampsacus , raises the numbers of both ; and sayes , there were 40 thousand Foot , and 5 thousand 5 hundred Horse . In the number of 4 thousand Horse , Livi. [ lib. 9. ] agreeth with Aristobulus ; and Diodorus , [ lib. 17. ] Justin [ lib. 11. cap. 6. ] and Orosius , [ lib. 3. cap. 16. ] all with Calisthenes for the number , 4 thousand 5 hundred Horse , though [ Arria . lib. 1. ] saith , that he had above 5 thousand ; and even in Diodorus himself , the particulars cast up , amount to 5000 one hundred Horse : but in the number of 30000 Foo● , he concurs to a hair with Calisthenes , Aristobulus , and Ptolomei . Livie sayes there were more than 30. Arrianus , that there were not much more than 30000 Foot. To these Justinus and Orosius adde 2000 more ; But that number of 40000 Foot which Callisthenes and Anaximenes speak of , Julius Frontinus assigneth to his whole army , thus . Alexander of Macedon , with 40 thousand men , all old souldiers , trained up under his father Philip , set upon the whole World ; and slew an infinite number of his enemies , [ Frontin . Stratag . lib. 4. cap. 2. ] For pay of his army , Aristobulus saith he took with him , but 70 talents of money : Duris saith , but 30 dayes provision : one Sicritus addeth , that he went in debt 200 talents to pay his army , [ Plutarch in his life , and in his book of the fortune of Alexander . ] So soon as he touched upon the Continent , Alexander the first of all others , threw a Spear on shoar , thereby to take possession , as it were , of all Asia ; and lept on shoar , capering and tripping , all armed as he was : and offering sacrifice , he besought the gods , that those lands might willingly receive him for their King : and then went and sacrificed to the ghost of Achilles , from whom he was descended by the mothers side ; and of Ajax , and other Worthies of the Greeks who died at the war of Troy , [ Diodor. Iustin. Arrianus : ] commending the great good fortune of Achilles in two respects . First for having so true a friend about him as Patroclus ; and such a Trumpet of his praise , as Homer was , [ Plut. in Alex. Cic. pro. Archia Poeta . & Arria . lib. 1. ] When he came into Ilium , he sacrificed to Pallas of Troy ; and hanging up his own armes in her Temple , took from thence in lieu of them , some other armes out of the chancel there , which had remained from the time of the Troian war , [ Diodor. Arria . ] and when among other reliques they shewed him Alexanders or Paris his Lute , or Harp , he said , he would have thanked them , if they could have shewed him that of Achilles his ; whereunto he had sung the praises of famous men , [ Plut. in Alex. El●a . Variar . Hist. lib. 9. cap. 38. ] From Ilium he went to Arisbe , where his whole army , having passed the sea , was encamped . And the next day , passing by , first Percota , then Lampsacus , he encamped at a River called , Prosactium , [ Arria . lib. 1. ] He had once a purpose utterly to have destroyed Lampsacus with the inhabitants thereof ; for that they had already revolted , or were shrewdly suspected of a purpose to revolt to the Persians : And when he saw Anaximines the Historian , a man very well known to him and to his father before him , coming to him , and supposing what his errand was ; he sware first and said , what ever he desired of him , that he would not do : Then quoth Anaximines , Sir , I beseech you to destroy Lampsacus . And Alexander being so caught in his own net by the wit of the man , though much against his will , yet spared the place , and went his way , [ Valer. Max. lib. 7. cap. 3. Pausan. in his Eliaca . lib. 2. Suidas , in the word , Anaximenes . ] Alexander , having with much difficulty and danger passed the River Granion in Phrygia , fought a pitcht field with the Persians in the plaine of Adrastia . Justinus and Orosius say , that there were at that time in the Persian army , 600000 Foot , and 20000 Horse ; Arrianus somewhat improbably addes , that there were over and above of hired souldiers , little lesse than 20000 Foot : But Diodor. is more cautious than so , and sayes , that his Horse was above 10. and his Foot under 100 thousand men : of these there fell in that battel 20000 Foot , and 2500 Horse : as Plutarch sayes ; but Diodor. reports , that they lost 10000 Foot , and no lesse than 2000 Horse , and above 20000 taken prisoners . Arrianus his account is , that there were slain of the Persian Horse in the chase , 1000. but that their forreign and hired souldiers were almost all cut off ; and 2000 taken prisoners . Not to speak of Orosius , who out of all reason sayes , that there were upon the point of 400000 slain , [ lib. 4. cap. 1. ] In this fight Alexander who wore that armor which he had taken out of the Temple of Palas at Ilium , had his head-piece cut quite in pieces to his very hair : and of his men were missing , as Plutarch out of Aristobulus , who was in it reports , 25 Horse , and 9 Foot. But Justin and Orosius deliver , that besides those 9 Foot , there were slain 120 Horse . But according to Arrianus , there fell of Alexanders own Troup , at the first encounter about 25. all Macedons , whose Statues were all cast in brasse by Lysippus , and of the others , 60 Horse , and of the Foot , about some 30. all which Alexander the day following caused to be enterred in their arme , with all Funeral rights and obsequies . This great and memorable victory , and which opened him the way to the Empire of all Asia , was gotten in the moneth Daesius with the Macedonians , upon the 6 of Thargelion with the Athenians ; that is , upon the 20 of our May , [ year 2. Olymp. 111. yet running : ] as we have already delivered in our discourse of the Macedonian and Asiatic Solar year , [ cap. 1. pag. 4. 5 , 11. ] Alexander , having a little refresht his army , marcht forward thorough Lydia , and came to Sardes ; which was voluntarily surrendred to him , by Mithrinnes , or Mithrenes , the Governour , with all the provisions and treasures therein , [ Diodorus Arria . ] Then going to Ephesus , Year of the World d. he there abolished the Oligarchie which he found there , and instituted a Democratie among them : and assigned all the tributes which were formerly paid to Darius , unto Diana . The Ephesians cryed out for justice against those who had robbed the Temple of Diana , and demolished the Statue of Philip , which was there set up : and drew Syrphaces , and Pelagon his son , and the children of Syrphaces his brother , and stoned them to death , [ Arria . lib. 1. ] Moreover they enlarged and beau●ified the Temple it self which was burnt down by Erostratus upon the night in which Alexander was born : appointing Dimocrates the Architect to oversee the work ; whom Alexander afterward appointed to order the building of Alexandria in Egypt , as Julius Solinus , [ cap. 40. ] writeth : whereof Artemidorus speaketh in [ Strabo lib. 14. ] saying that Alexander promised to make the Ephesians allowance for the cost they had already been at about it , and to adde more thereto if they would suffer himself to be reputed the author and builder of the work : but they refused . Whiles Alexander stayed at Ephesus , Ambassadors came to him from Magnesia and Tralles , and surrendred their cities to him . And he sent Parmenion , with 2500 Foot of forreigners , and as many of his Macedons , and 200 Horse of his auxiliaries , to receive them . He sent also Alcimalus the son of Agathocles , to the cities of Eolia and Ionia , which were hitherto held by the Persians , with no lesse numbers , than he had done with Parmenion ; he every where abolished Oligarchical , and set up Democratical Governments in their cities : and gave leave to every of them to live after their own laws , and took off the tributes , which the Persian had imposed on them , [ Arria . lib. 1. ] Himself remaining at Ephesus , sacrificed to Diana , and with his whole army all in battel array went in procession to her ; and the day after , with the rest of his Foot , and his Archers and Agrians , and Horse of Thrace , and aides of his confederates , and his own Troup , with three other , he went to Miletus , [ ld . ibid. ] for thither the Persians , which escaped out of the fight at Granicum , were fled with their Generall Memnon . [ Diodor. ] But three dayes before their coming thither , Alexander had sent Nicanor , with 160 ships to possesse himself of Lada , an Island lying over against Miletus , and had put into it 4 thousand men , Thracians , and other nations , so that the Persian fleet consisting of 400 saile , coming thither afterward , was fain to get them going to the mount of Micale , [ Arrianus . ] Alexander falling to work , and besieging Miletus , both by sea and land , and having battered their walls ; in the end , they gave up the place and themselves , in all suppliant wise unto him . Three hundred Mercenary Greeks , which had fled from thence into a little Island thereby ; Alexander took and listed them among his own companies . He gave the Milesians life and liberty : as for the Barbarians there found , he either slew , or sold them all for slaves , [ Diodorus year 3. Olympiade 111. Arria . lib. 1. ] Alexander dismissed his fleet of 160 ships ( which yet was in all consisting of 182. Year of the World 3671 bottoms , ( as Justin. lib. 11. cap. 6. sayes ) keeping onely one score of the Athenian vessels , to carry his engines of batterie in , from place to place , as occa on required , [ Id. ibid. ] Memnon of Rhodes , sending his wife and children to Darius , as pledges of his fidelity , was made General of all his army , [ Diod. ib. ] Alexander marched away with his army into Caria , and where ever he went , he proclaimed liberty to all cities of the Greeks ; every of them to live after their own laws , and tribute free : giving it out every where , that he undertook not this war , but for the liberty of the Greeks , against the Persians , [ Id. ibid. ] Whiles he was upon his way , Ada met him ; whom , Pexodatus his brother had put from the Principality of Caria ; and gave up into his hands , her city Abinda , the strongest place in all Caria ; desiring to be restored to her Grand-fathers kingdom : promising further , to do him service , in taking in the rest of the forts and cities of that country , which , she said , were in the power of her near friends , and adopted the King for her son : in requital whereof , he gave her the keeping of her town Abinda , and proclaimed her Queen of Caria ; bad her claim it as her own , and refused not to be called her son : Whereupon all the cit●es of Caria sent their Legates to him , presenting him with Crowns of gold , and offered him their service , in whatever he should command them , [ Id. ibid. Strabo . lib. 14. Arria . lib. 1. Plut. in Alexander . ] Orontobates a Persian , held Halicarnassus the metropolis of Caria , ever since Pexodarus his father in law his dayes , with whom Memnon of Rhodes the Persian General , had joyned himself with all his forces . Alexander encamping before the walls thereof , began to assault and batter it in a furious and fearfull manner : and Ephialtes an Athenian , behaved himself , above all other , bravely in the defence thereof . But when he and others were slain upon the breaches , then Memnon , and certain other Persian Lords and Captains , putting a strong garrison of their stoutest souldiers into the Castle , got shipping and passed over with the rest of the people , and all their chief moveables , into the Isle of Coos , near unto Rhodes . And when they were gone , Alexander casting a trench , and building a strong wall upon it round about the Castle , rased the city it self to the very ground ; and leaving Garrisons there , and in other parts of Caria , three thousand souldiers of forrein nations , and two hundred horse , all under the command of Ptolomei , left the command of that whole province or country of Caria , to his adoptive mother Ada , [ Diod. year 3. Olimpiade 111. Arria . lib. 1. ] Alexander gave his Macedons , which had married wives a little before they listed themselves for this journey , leave to go and spend their winter quarter with them , where they would out of Caria , appointing Ptolomei the son of Seleucus , one of the squires of his body , to be their Commander , and joyning with him Caenus the son of Polemocrates , and Meleager the son of Neoptolemus , because they themselves also , were in the order of the new married men , and gave them in charge ; that when they returned , they should not fail to bring again their new married fellows unto him : and withall , to raise and bring with them , as many horse and foot as possibly they could , out of the country , where they wintred . [ Arria . Ib. and Q. Curtius in the beginning of his 3 book . ] Alexander sent Parmenion to Sardes , making him Commander over all the horse of his confederates , and bad take with him all the Thessalian horse , and auxiliaries , and all carts and carriages that he could make , and go before him as far as Sardes , whiles himself went into Lycia and Pamphylia ; that having taken in all the sea towns , the enemies Navy might prove uselesse to them . And upon his way , he took in Hyparna , a very strong Town , upon his first approach , giving the Mercenary souldiers , which were there in garrison , quarter , and leave to depart with safetie : from thence marching into Lycia , he there procured those of the city Telmessus to submit upon conditions : then passing the river Xanthus , both Pinara , and the city Xanthus , and Patara , rendred themselves unto him ; and so did 30 other lesser Towns. [ Arria . ib. ] This done , Year of the World b. in the midst of winter he went to Mylias , in Phrygia the greater ; there he made a league , with the Ambassador , which came to him from Phaselis , and the lower Lycia , giving up all their cities into his hands : and shortly after , he in person went to Phaselis ; and there rased a certain strong fort , which the Pisidians had built , to annoy those of Phaselis with , [ Id. ibid. ] Whiles he was in the parts about Phaselis , The Julian Period . 4381 he received advertisement , Year before Christ 333 that Alexander Aeropus , whom he had made Commander of the Thessalian horse , intended his destruction , having entrusted him with that charge : notwithstanding he had been suspected , together with his two brothers Heromenes and Arrobaeus , to have had a hand in his fathers death . For Darius having received letters from this Alexander by Amyn●as , who fled over to him , sent Asisines a Persian to the sea side , under colour of a messenger to Atysies , governour of Phrygia : but indeed , to assure this Alexander , that if he killed Alexander , the kingdom of Macedon shoud be his , and he would give him a thousand talents of money besides . But Asisines being lighted on by Pharmenion , and put to the rack , confessed all , and thereupon , was sent away with a sure guard to Alexander . The king looking well into the businesse , sent Amphoterus to Pharmenion , with private instructions to him , to seize upon Aeropus , and to imprison him , [ Id. ibid. ] To this it was , that Alexander had respect , when in his letter to Darius , recited by Q. Curtius , [ lib. 4. cap. 1. ] he thus saith : When having arms of your own , you yet go to cheapen your enemies heads ; as you of late , being king of so great an army , would hire a man to take away my life , with a thousand talents , [ see Justin lib. 11. cap. 7. ] Alexander going from Phaselis , led his army along by the sea side to Pergae , and from thence came to Aspendus , and besieged it , being seated upon a high and cragged mountain ; and had it surrendred to him : then going into Pisidia , and having tried to take in the city Telmissus ; but missing of his purpose , and making a league with the Selgians , who were enemies to the Telmissians , he took Salagassa by force , having slain about 500 of the Pisidians , and lost a Captain of his own , called Cleander , with about 20 of his men , from thence he went to take in other cities of Pisidia , and some of their strong places , he took in by force , other upon conditions . After this he came into Phrygia , to the Marsh-lands of Ascania ; and at his fifth remove , he arrived at Celenae , [ Arria . lib. 1. ] The Castle of Celenae ; which a Persian Commander held with a garrison of a thosand Carians , and one hundred hired Grecians , after 60 dayes truce , ( within which he expected relief from Darius ) was given up into his hands , [ Id. ibid. and Curtins , lib. 3. cap. 1. ] Alexander left a garrison of 1500 in Celenae , and having staid there 10 dayes , he made Antigonus the son of Philippus , governour of Phrygia , and made Balacrus the son of Amyntas , Commander of the auxiliaries in his stead : he himself marched to Gordium , writing to Parmenion , that he should not faile to meet him there , [ Arrianus , ibid. ] Parmenion with his army , and the Macedons which had leave to go kisse their new wives , came to Gordium accordingly , and with the army newly raised , which Ptolomaeus , and Caenus , and Meleager commanded . That army consisted of one thousand Macedons foot , and 300 horse ; of 200 Thessalian horse , and 150 horse of Elis led by Alcias , of the same country , [ Id. ibid. ] Memnon , whom Darius had made Ammiral of his fleet , and chief Commander of all the sea-coast , purposing to carry the war out of Asia into Macedon and Greece , and having rigg'd up , and manned a navy of 300 saile , took the Isle of Chios by intelligence , and the rest of the cities and places in Lesbos , all save Mitylene , [ Diodor. year 4. Olymp. 111. with Arrian . lib. 2. in prim . ] The Elders of Jerusalem , being offended that Manasses Jaddus , the high Priest his brother , had , contrary to their law , married a wife of a strange nation , required at last , that either he should put away his wife , or not come any more at the altar . And whenas hereupon Jaddus was forced to forbid him the altar , he going to Sanballet his father in law , told him , that he loved his daughter very well , but was loth to lose his priesthood for her sake , which was an honour belonging to him by his birth-right , and was very highly esteemed by his country men the Jews . And Sanaballet answered him , that he would undertake , in case he would keep his wife , and not part with her , not only to maintain him in his priesthood ; but also to make him a high priest , and Prince of all his own province , and build him a Temple on the hill hanging over Samaria , as good as that at Jerusalem , and that he would do all this by the authority of Darius the king : Manasses hartned up with these promises , continued with his father in law , hoping to get the priesthood it self , by the gift and power of Darius . Hereupon all the priests , and other Israelites , who had married strange wives resorted to him : Sanballet furnishing them with mony , and lands to till , and setting forward the ambition of his son in law , all that possibly he could , [ Josephus lib. 11. Antiq. cap. ult . ] Alexander undid the Gordian knot , either by pulling out the pegg or pin in the beame , as Arrianus hath it , or by cutting it in pieces with his sword , as others deliver , [ Plutarch in Alexander . Arrianus , lib. 2. Curtius , lib. 3. Justin , lib. 11. cap. 7. ] Alexander , departing from Gordium in Phrigia , went to Ancyra , a city in Galatia ; Thither resorted to him , Embassadors from Paphlagonia , and making a league with him , delivered up their countrey into his hands ; and he appointed them one Calas , a Lord of Phrigia to be their Governour : and then having received that new supply out of Macedonia , he marched into Cappadocia : and subdued all the country on this side the river Halys , and some part of the other side likewise [ Arria . lib. 1. with Curtius lib. 3. c. 3. ] Memnon dying at the siege of Mitylene , Autophradates , and Pharnabazus the son of Artabazus , ( unto whom Memnon in his death bed , had committed that charge , till Darius should otherwise dispose thereof , ) took the charge upon them , upon certain agreements made between themselves : so then Autophradates , continued with the body of the Navy , and Pharnabazus with some certain ships , sailed into Lycia , carrying with him some mercenary souldiers , [ Arria . l. 2. ] Darius , after the death of Memnon , sent out tickets for the levying of souldiers , commanding them from all parts , to resort to him at Babylon , [ Diod. year 4. Olymp. 111. ] and having set up his standard there , he pitched his camp , and mustered his army , casting up a huge trench round about it , capable of ten hundred thousand armed men : & then , Xerxes like , he went to count the number of them ; There were found then upon the account , 100 thousand Persians , of which 30 thousand were horse ; of the Medians there were 10 thousand horse , and 50 thousand foote ; of the Barcans , ( which were a people bordering upon Hircania , as Stephanus tells us ) there were 2 thousand horse , and 10000 foote , from Armenia there came 40000 foot , and 7000 horse ; Hircania sent 6000 to serve on horseback , the Derbices furnisht him with 40000 foot , and 2000 horse from the Caspian sea , there attended him 8 thousand foot , and 2 hundred horse ; with these there were others , of petty , ignoble Nations , which might make up two thousand foote , and twice as many horse : unto all which were added 30 thousand Greeks , which served him for pay : so doth Curtius summe up this army , [ lib. 3. c. 4. ] which comes but to 311200 men . But Diodorus sayes they were 400 thousand foot , and 100 thousand horse : which number , the new editions , of Justin , corrected out of the manuscripts also retaine : though the former old editions , together with Orosius , who followes him in every point , have only 300 thousand foote , and 100 thousand horse , and both [ Arria . l. 2. and Plutarch in Alexan. ] make this army of his , in a grosse summe , to have amounted to 600000 men . Charidemus an Athenian , a man well skilled in military matters , and whom Alexander had thrust out of Athens , went unto Darius , and advised him to withdraw himself , and to leave this army and war to the management of some General , who had given good proof of his ability that way , in former services : telling him further that an army of one hundred thousand men , whereof , one third to be Grecians were enough for this battel , by which sage and good counsel of his , he so far incensed the Lords with envy , and the King with choler , that he was presently had away and put to death for it . [ Diod. ut sup . Curtius , l. 3. c. 5. ] Darius sent Thymondas , or Thymodes , Mentors son , a forward young man , to Pharnabazus , to receive from him , all the auxiliaries or hired souldiers , which Memnon had under his command , and to bring them to him , for he would use them : and put Pharnabazus himself in Memnons place , [ Curtius , lib. 3. cap. 6. Arrianus , lib. 2. in prin . ] Alexander committing the charge of Cappadocia , to Abistenes , as Curtius calls him , or , to Sabictas , as Arrianus , marched with his whole army to the gates or streights , which open into Cilicia ; and being come to a place , called Cyrus his Camp , ( whether from the old Cyrus , as Curtius , or from the younger , as Arrianus thinketh ) distant from those gates fifty furlongs , when he there found that they were taken up , and possessed with a strong garrison of the enemie , he left Parmenion there , with his companies of foote , which consisted all of Corselets , and he himself in the first watch of the night , taking with him his targateers and archers , and his band of Agrians , went to set upon that Garrison which kept those streights , at unawares , which he did ; and the Garision , at the very bruite of his coming , threw away every man his armes , left the place , and fled , and Arsames the Governour of Cilicia , wasting all the country with fire and sword , that he might thereby disappoint the enemy of provisions , gat him away from Tarsus , to the King , [ Arrianus , l. 2. Curtius , lib. 3. c. 8. ] When Alexander , with great speed , was come to Tarsus , taking pleasure in the river Cydnus , which ran thorough the city , all hot as he was , he threw off his armor , and lept into the cold water ; thereupon he grew instantly so benumb'd in all the nerves of his body , that he lost the use of his tongue ; and so far was he from hope of recovery in time , that there was nothing but present death expected in him , [ Justin. lib. 11. cap. 8. ] Curtius addes that it was in the Summer season , and that the heat thereof was encreased by the intensivenesse of the Sun in the climate of Cilicia , [ lib 3. cap. 10. ] and Aristobulus saith , that he sell into his disease , by over-labouring himself : reported by [ Arria . lib. 2. ] But one Philip a Physitian , gave him a portion , which he took , and it cured him out of hand ; though Parmenion had forewarned him , that this Philip was set on work to poison him , [ Justin. Curtius . Arria . Plut. and Valer. Max. lib. 3. cap. 8. ] Orontobates the Persian , which held out the Castle at Halicarnassus , and Myndus , and Caunus , and Thera , and Callipolis , against Alexander , was overthrown in a fight by Ptolomei and Asander ; wherein he lost about 700 Foot , and 50 Horse upon the place ; and had no lesse than a thousand of his men taken : and thereupon the Myndians and Caunians , and most of the places thereabouts gave up to Alexander , [ Arria . lib. 2. Curtius lib. 3. cap. 11. ] Darius making a bridge over the Euphrates , passed it with his army in five dayes , [ Curt. ib. ] Alexander sent Parmenion to possesse himself of another strait or passage , like that former of Cilicia ; and which divides Cilicia from Assyria , ( or Syria ) and he following after him from Tarsus , came the first day to Anchialos , [ Arria . lib. 2. ] Thence he marched to Soli ; put a Garrison of his own into the Fort there , and levyed 200000 talents of silver upon the Inhabitants ; for that they had shewed themselves more inclinable , and well willing to Darius than to him , [ Id. ibid. Curt. lib. 3. cap. 11. ] From thence he went with 3000 Macedons , all his archers , and Agrians , and set upon the hill country of Cilicia ; and within seven dayes space , what by fair means , what by foul , he took them all entirely in , and returned to Soli : where when he had sacrificed to Esculapius , and with his whole army had gone in procession with burning tapers in their hands ; and made pastimes of wrestlings , and musick , and other games , he gave the city leave to enjoy a Democratie , [ Arria . ibid. ] The Grecians souldiers which Thymodes received by appointment from Pharnabazus , being the chief , and almost the onely hope , that Darius had , being come unto him , were very earnest with him to retire , and keep himself in the champion country of Mesopotamia : or at least , that he would break this vast and numberlesse army of his into parts , and would not hazard all upon the chance of one battel : But Darius liked not their advice ; but as if he could never make haste enough , the Winter ( beginning with Autumn ) now drawing on , he sent away all his monies , jewels , and pretious stuff , with a reasonable guard to Damascus in Syria ; under the command of Cophenes , the son of Artabazus , as Arrianus sayes , [ lib. 2. ] and he with the rest of his army marched on to Cilicia . His wife , and mother , and daughter , and little son , according to the fashion of Persia , following after the Camp , [ Curt. lib. 3. cap. 13. ] leaving his baggage and such people as were unserviceable for the war , at Damascus , [ Diod. year 4. Olymp. 111. ] Sanaballet , hearing of Darius his coming into those parts , told Manasses , that he would quickly perform what he had promised him of the High Priesthood , so soon as Darius returned with victory over his enemies , whereof those inhabitants of Asia made no doubt at all , [ Josephus Antiq. lib. 11. cap. ult . ] Alexander , Year of the World 3672 willing Philotas to bring the Horse thorough the Aleian plains in Lycia to the River Pyramus , came with the Foot , and the Kings Troup to Magarsus , and sacrificed to Minerva of that place , called , Minerva Magarsis , [ Arria . lib. 2. ] Then making a bridge over the Pyramus , he came to the city Mallos in Cilicia , [ Curt. lib. 3. cap. 11. ] where he offered to the ghost of Amphilochus the founder of that place , as to a demy god ; and when he found the inhabitants there all in a sedition and distracted among themselves , he made them all friends , and released the tribute , which they had formerly payed to Darius , [ Id. ibid. ] Whiles he yet remained at Mallos , news was brought him , that Darius with all his army , were encamped at a place called Sochos , two dayes journey distant from those streights , which I even now spake of , that parted Cilicia from Assyria , ( or Syria ) [ Id. ib. ] From Mallos he came to Castabala an other town in Cilicia likewise . There Parmenion met him , whom he had sent to discover the passage thorough a Forest which he was to passe to come to the town of Issos ; now Parmenion had withal seized on the passage or streight in that Forest : and leaving a small company to keep it , went forward and took the very town of Issos also ; being abandoned by the inhabitants upon his approach . And going yet further , he turned out all those which were set to guard the inner parts of those mountains , and put Garrisons every where of his own in them ; and having cleared all those parts , returned to Alexander , and made him a relation of what he had done , in the journey which he had sent him on , [ Curtius , lib. 3. cap. 11. ] Then came Alexander with his army to Issos , where putting it to a council of war , whether he should march onward , or stay there and expect the supplies which he knew were coming to him out of Macedon , Parmenion was of advice , that he could not finde a fitter ground to fight on , than that was ; for that there , no more could come to fight on the one side , than of the other , by reason of the streightnesse of the place , [ Id. ibid. ] Now Callisthenes , as he is vouched in Polybius , sayes , that at Alexanders first entrance into Cilicia , there came unto him out of Macedon , 5000 foot , and 800 horse , [ Polyb. lib. 12. pag. 664. ] Darius having passed the streights of the hill Amanus , marched toward Issus , unwitting that he had left Alexander at the back of him ; and having taken it , cruelly tortured and put to death a company of poor souls of the Macedons , which Alexander had left there ; as not being able thorough sicknesse , or other infirmitie , to follow the Camp : and the next day , he marched to the river Pinarus , [ Arrianus lib. 2. ] But when tidings were brought him , that Alexander in battel array was approaching , he forthwith passed the river Pinarus , with 20 thousand horse , and some 20 thousand light armed foot , that he might at the more leisure be able to range the rest of his army in array . And first , he took of those Grecians which he had in pay , all Corselets , to the number of 30 thousand , and set them against the Macedonian Squadron : on both sides of them , he placed the Cardacans , who were Corselets as well as they , to the number of 60 thousand ; for more than that , he could not possibly range in one squadron , and bring to fight , for the narrownesse of the place . As for the rest , whether Corselets or others , according to their several nations , he hudled them them together , he cared not how , behind the main battle of Greeeks , and Cardacans ; so saith Arrianus in his second book : but Curtius in his third book and 17 chapter , speaketh of it in this wise . Nabarzanes ( saith he , ) who was General of Darius his army , was in the right wing with the horse , to which were joyned almost 20 thousand , slingers and archers . Thymodes also was in the same wing , commanding some 30 thousand hired Grecians ; and this was , no doubt , the pith and marrow of that whole army ; and were of themselves very well able to match the Macedonian Phalanx or Squadron . In the left wing , Aristomedes a Thessalian born , commanded 20 thousand foot of sundry nations : In the rere , and for a dead lift , he placed his reserves , of the most warlike nations , that he had in all his army ; in that wing was the king himself , attended with a guard of 3 thousand choice horse , used to the guard of his person , and 40 thousand foot , then followed the Hircanian and Median horse ; and next them , were ranged the horse and foot of other nations , some on the right hand , some on the left : before this battalian thus ranged , there went six thousand slingers , and javeliners ; all the ground that was there , in that streight , was filled up wholly with men , and the wings reached the one the mountain , the other to the very sea : as for the Queen and the Kings mother , and the rest of the women kind , they were all taken into the midst of the army . Callisthenes , who himself made one in this battaile , saith , that there were 30 thousand horse , and as many auxiliaries , set all to encounter the Macedonian Phalanx or Squadron . But Polibius in his 12 book , where he sheweth , that Alexanders army , consisted wholly of 42 thousand foot , and 5 thousand horse , convinceth Callisthenes in many points ; and sheweth that for want of knowledge and skill , in the marshaling and ordering of an army , he hath written many absurdities and impertinencies in the description of this fight . When Hephaestion in the morning came to put Alexander in mind of drawing forth into the field , and forgetting himself , bad him , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( i. e. ) as we should say , God help you Sir , instead of , God save you Sir ; whereat all the company there , presently were moved , as if thereby he had meant , that the king had not been well in his wits : and Hephaestion himself grew amazed at his own mistake . Alexander perceiving it , took it up , and said , Marry , I thank him for his good bode ; for this tells me , that we shall all , by Gods help , come safe out of the battle to day . This is related by Eumenes Cardianus in his Epistle to Antipater , who was present , when the words were spoken , and fell himself into the like errour , as it is in Lucian , in his discourse , [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( i. e. ) of mens mistakings in their speech . ] Arrianus sayes , that this fight was fought , when Nicostratus , or as Diodor. hath it , when Micocrates , year 4. of 111 Olympiade , was L. Chancellor of Athens , in the moneth Maemacterion , whose new moon fell upon the 28 of our October , and that in it the Persians lost 10 thousand horse , and 90 thousand foot : and with him in the number of horse agree the other writers ; but concerning the foot , they all vary extremely , not onely from him , but each from other also ; for Justin sayes , they were 60 , Orosius , 80. Curtius , 100. Diodorus , 120 thousand . Plutarch sayes that in all , they lost 110 thousand : Justinus and Orosius add , that there were 40 thousand taken ; But of Alexanders side , there were of wounded men 504. of the foote there were missing 32. of the horse 150. as we finde in Curtius , with whom in the number of horse , agree Plutarch , Justin , and Orosius , though of the foot , Diodorus saith there were but 300 , and the rest , 330 lost . Ptolomeus the son of Lagus , who attended upon Alexander in the pursuit of Darius reports , that the squadron , pursuing the enemy , marched all over the slaughtered bodies of the enemy , [ Arrian . lib. 2 ] but there followed not Alexander in the chase of Darius above one thousand horse , when as yet they slew a huge multitude of the enemy , [ Curt. l. 3. c. 22. ] but the mare , which Darius , when he was throwen out of his coach , got on the back of , remembring her foale at home , ran so fast , that Alexander with his horse could not reach him , [ Elianum Historia Animali , l●b . 6. cap. 48. ] Alexander growing weary of the pursuit of Darius , and the night growing on , and he out of hope to overtake him , having rode some 200 furlongs , about midnight returned , and came into Darius his camp , which his men had a litle before taken , [ Diodor. and Curt. ] In it was taken Darius his mother , whom Diodorus calls Sisyngambis , but Curtius , Sysigambis ; as also his wife ( who Justin says was his sister too ) with his son Ochus , not yet full six years old , and his two daughters , both marriageable ; with certain other Noble mens daughters attending on them , but not many ; for the most of them had sent their wives and daughters to Damascus , with the baggage ; for even Darius himself had sent thither , the greatest part of his treasure , as was said before , and what ever rich furniture the Kings were wont to carry with them into the war : so that in his camp , Alexander found not above 3 thousand talents of silver , [ Arria . ] Alexander the next morning early , taking Hephestion with him , went to see the two Queens , and when Sisygambis , by a mistake , fell downe at Hephestions feet , and then perceiving her error , craved Alexander pardon for it , no harme ( said he , smiling ) for this is Alexander too ▪ [ Diodor. Curtius . Arrian . ] giving halfe of himselfe , in so few words , away to his friend , as [ Valer. Max. lib. 4. c. 7. ] saith . As for the two Queens , and the women about them , Alexander caused all their attire , dressing , and ornaments to be entire restored to them , with more of his own bestowing on them ; nor suffered he any man to use any incivility toward them , [ Iidem with Plut. lib. 2. de fort . Alex. ] Darius in his flight , came to a place called Unchas , ( i. e. ) as it seemes , to Sochos , two dayes journey from the streights of Amanus , as we noted before out of Arrianus : where gathering in a body such of the Persians and others as were saved out of the battle , he took 4 thousand of them with him to Thupsacus : that he might once have the great river Euphrates , running betweene him and Alexander , [ Curt. lib. 4. c. 1. Arria . lib. 2. ] Amyntus the son of Antiochus and Thymodes the son of Mentor , and Aristomedes Phereus , and Bianor of Acarnania ; all which had formerly fallen over to the Persians from the Greeks , fled now with 8 thousand in their company to Tripoli in Phenicia : and there finding certain vessels , newly drawn up into the docks , and which lately came from Lesbos , in they took as many as would serve their turne , to saile away in , and set the rest on fire that they might not be used to pursue them , and in them they fled to Cyprus first , and from thence into Egypt , [ Arria . ib. with Diodor. year 1. Olymp. 112. and Curtius , l. 4. c. 3. ] Alexander , making Balacrus , the son of Nicanor , one of the Squires of his body , Governor of Cilicia ; made Menetes , the son of Dionysius , squire of the body in his roome ; and to Polyperchon the son of Simeus , he gave the c●arge of the brigade , which Ptolomei the son of Seleucus ( who was slain in the late battle ) had ; he released to the men of Solos in Cilicia 50 talents , which were yet unpayed of that summe which he had formerly fined them at : and restored them their hostages , which he had taken of them , [ Id. Ibid. ] and having built 3 altars , one to Jupiter , another to Hercules , and a third to Minerva , upon the banks of the river Pinarus , he marched into Syria ; sending before him Parmenion to Damascus , where all Darius his treasure lay , with the Thessalian horse , who had behaved themselves very manfully in the late fight , of purpose to make them rich out of the spoile of that City , [ Plut. in Alexan. ] As Parmemion was upon his way thither , he met with letters sent to Alexander from the Governour of Damascus , offering to betray the city to the King : The fourth day he came to Damascus . When presently the Governor , as if he doubted of holding the place , the next morning before sun-rising , took all the Kings treasure ( the Persians call it his Gaza ) pretending that he would flee away and save it for Darius ; but indeed to deliver it into Parmenions hands , at which instant there had fallen a great snow , and the ground was hard frozen . Among the women that fled from thence , and were taken , there were 3 virgins , daughters of Ochus , last King before Darius , and his Relict , and the daughter of Oxatris , Darius his brother , and the wife of Artabanus , a principal man at Court , and his son , whose name was Ilioneus . There was also taken , the wife of Pharnabazus , whom Darius had made Commander of all the townes and cities lying upon the sea : and 3 daughters of Mentor ; and the wife and son of that most noble Memnon ; and scantly was there any Noble mans house of the Court of Persia , which had not his share in that calamity , [ Id ibid. ] Parmenion also in his letters to Alexander signified to him , that among the rest he had taken 329 of the Kings women , which were skilful in musick : 46 weavers or knitters of crowns ; pastery women , 277. cook maids 29. White meat-makers , 13. makers of drinking cups , 17. wine-cellar men , 70. apothecaries , and confectioners , 40. The summe of ready coin there taken , was 2600 talents : in bars of silver , 500 weight : 30 thousand men , 7 thousand camels , bearing burdens on their backs , [ Curt. lib. 3. cap. 25. ] As for him that betrayed the place ( which , as it seemeth , was that Cophenes , by whom Darius sent his treasure to Damascus , ) one of his own fellows cut off his head , and carried it to Darius , [ Curt. ibid. ] Alexander made Parmenion , as Curtius , or Memnon , as Arrianus , Governour of Coelosyria : appointing to him his auxiliary Horse , for the defence of that Province . The Syrians , not yet sufficiently broken with the war , could not brook this new Governour ; but being quickly suppressed , they submitted themselves to all commands , [ Arria . lib. 2. Curt. lib. 4. cap. 1. ] Alexander sent Parmenion to seize on the Persian Fleet , and others that were about him to receive the Cities of Asia , which had surrendred to him ; for even Darius his own Commanders , after the battel at Issos , gave themselves up , with all their gold and treasure , into his hands . Then marched he away into Syria ; where many Kings of the East came in , and submitted to him . These he entertained every one according to his desert : some he made league with ; others he deprived of their kingdoms , and made new Kings in their roomes , [ Justin. lib. 11. cap. 10. ] There was one Gerostratus , who was at that time King of the Island of Aradus , and the sea coast adjoyning , and of some places also lying further off into the land : which like as other Kings of Cyprus and Phenicia had consociated their Fleets with Antophradates Commander of the Persian Navy under Darius ; His son Strato , Vice-roy of Aradus , in his fathers absence , met Alexander as he was upon his way into Phenicia , and set a Crown of gold upon his head , and surrended to him the Island it self of Aradus , and Marathus , a rich town and a great , lying over against it in the Continent , and the city Mariamme , and whatever else belonged to his father , [ Arria . lib. 2. Curt. lib. 4. cap. 1. ] Having received him to grace , he marched to the city Marathon ; there came letters to him from Darius , to desire him that he might ransom his captive women : to whom Alexander by another letter returned answer , and sent one Thersippus to deliver it , [ Justin lib. 11. cap , 12. Curtius lib. 4. cap. 1. Arria . lib. 2. Diod. year 4. Olym. 111. ] as for the Ambassadors of the Grecians , sent to Darius before the battel at Issos , when he understood that they were taken at Damascus , he willed them to be sent unto him : of which , when they came , he presently dismissed the two Ambassadors of the Thebans , Thessaliscus and Dionysodorus , and Iphsicrates of Athens , the son of that famous Iphicrates : But Euthycles the Lacedemonian , he committed first to custody , yet free from irons : but afterward when all things prospered as his hearts desired , sent him away too , [ Arria . ibid. ] Alexander removing from Maratho ; took in the city Biblus upon conditions ; and the Sidonians which had been , not long before , so terribly used by Ochus ; sent unto him , and desired to be received by him in hatred of the Persians , and of Darius their King , [ Id. ibid. Curt. lib. 4. cap. 2. ] Strato at that time reigned there : Now because this surrender proceeded not so much from him , as from the people of that place ; therefore he took the kingdom from him , and in his room , placed one Abdolominus , who lived by dressing a poor garden thereby , and made him King : and gave him not onely the rich furniture of Stratoes house ; but added sundry other rich gifts , out of what himself had taken from the Persians : with all the territories adjoyning thereunto , [ Curt. ib. Iustin. lib. 11. cap. 10. ] Plutarch in his discourse of the fortune of Alexander , calls this man Alynomus , and King of Paphos : Diodor. calls him Ballinomus , and sayes , that Alexander made him King of Tyre . Now was all Syria his , so was Phoenicia , Tyre onely excepted : And Alexander with his Camplay in the Continent : between which and the City , there ran a narrow cut of the sea . The Tyrians had sent a very massive Crown of gold unto him for a present , congratulating him thereby , for his great successe , and sent him all store of provisions , out of their City . He received their presents , as from his good friends ; and using many gracious and friendly words to them that brought it , told them , that he had a great desire to see their city , and there to sacrifice to Hercules ; They told him , that there was an alter in Palaetyrus , or Old Tyre , in the continent hard by , and that it were better to offer sacrifice to Hercules upon that , as being the more ancient of the two ; whereupon he strait way grew into such a choler , that he vowed to destroy their city . It fell out , that at the same time , there came certain select men from Carthage , to perform a yearly sacrifice there unto Hercules ; for the Tyrians were the founders of Carthage ; and the Carthaginians ever honoured them as the fathers that begat them . They therefore exhorted them to stand it out , and to endure the siege like men , assuring them further of speedy supplies , and aide from Carthage ; for at that time , the Carthaginians were very strong at sea , [ Curtius lib. 4. cap. 5. and 6. Justin. lib. 11. cap. 10. ] Thus being resolved for a war , they endured a siege of seven moneths long , [ Diod. year 1. Olympiade 112. Josephus Antiqit . lib. 11. Curtius lib. 4. cap. 15. Plutarch in Alexander . ] their King Azelmicus being then absent , and gone to sea , with Autophradates , leaving onely his son behind him in the city , [ Arrianus lib. 4. ] Alexander began with Palaetyrus , or old Tyre ; and pulled that down to the ground , and sending for all the country thereabout to come in , what by them , what by his own men , took the stones and rubbage of all that city , and threw it into the sea that ran between , thinking to have made a cause way over it , to the city , which lay from the continent , four furlongs , as Diodoras saith ; and with him agreeth Curtius , [ l●b . 4. cap. 5. or full 700 paces , as Pliny will have it , lib. 5. cap. 19. Diod. ut sup . Curtius lib. 4. cap. 8. ] Amyntas the son of Antiochus , with those 4 thousand Grecians , which , as I said before , fled with him out of the battle at Issos , wherein Sabaces a Persian , and Governour of Egypt died , set sail from Cyprus to Pelusium , and there seized himself of that city , pretending that he came to take charge of it , by order from Darius , in Sabaces his room , because he was slain in the battle at Issos . From thence he went with his army to Memphis , at the noise whereof , the Egyptians came in out of town and country to assist him against the Persians ; by whose help , when the Persians , which lay there in garrison , sallied forth upon him , he routed and forced them into the city again : but anon after , by the advice of Masases their Captain , seeing their enemies scattered about the country , and busie in plundring , he issued forth again , set upon them unaawares , and cut both him and all his whole company in pieces , [ Curt. lib. 3. cap. 22. and ib. 4. cap. 3. ] Certain other Captains also of Darius , which escaped out of the field at Issos , with such Persians as followed them , with other Cappadocians and Paphlagonians in their company , went about to recover Lydia . But Antigonus , who commanded there in chief for Alexander , routed them in three several fights . And at the same time , the Macedonian fleet , coming out of Greece , set upon Aristomenes , which was sent by Darius to recover the Hellespont , and either sunk or took all his fleet , [ Diod. year . 1. Olymp. 112. and Curtius lib. 4. cap. 4. ] Whiles Alexander lay at the siege of Tyrus , he sent to Jaddus the high priest at Hierusalem , demanding of him , supplies and other provisions ; and withal , such tribute , as was formerly paid to Darius . But when Jaddus answered that he was tied by a former oath of allegance to Darius , and that he could not be free from that oath , so long as Darius lived . Alexander growing wroth thereat , swore , that as soon as he had taken Tyrus , he would march against that city , [ Josephus lib. 11. Antiquit. cap. ult . ] To him also , at the very beginning of the siege of Tyrus , Sanaballat the Cuthaean , and forsaking Darius , came with eight thousand men ; and being graciously received by him , he asked him leave to build a temple upon his own land , and thereof to make high priest his son in law , Manasses , brother to Jaddus the high priest at Jerusalem ; and having obtained his grant , because he now grew old , he fell presently to work , and built a Temple , and made Manasses high priest of it , thinking hereby to leave a great honour to the posterity of his daughter , [ Id. ibid. ] Alexander purposing to make a broader causway from the continent , for his easier approach to Tyrus , caused new engines to be made ; which being finished , he with his Targateers , and Squadron of Agrians , marched to Sidon , there to gather together , as many ships of war as possibly he could ; finding it impossible to take Tirus , so long as the Tyrians were masters at sea , [ Arria . lib. 2. ] Mean while , Gerostratus the king of Aradus , and Enulus the king of Byblus , finding that all their cities were already taken by Alexander , forsaking Antophradates , and the ships that were with him , came with their fleets to Alexander , and with them certain ships of the Sidonians ; so that Alexander had now a navy of 80 saile . At the same time also came to him a fleet from Rhodes , wherein there was one ship , called Periplus , and nine other ; and three more from Soli and Mallus : and ten from Lycia : and one out of Macedon , of 50 oares , whereof was captain , Proteas the son of Andronicus : and not long after came to him certain Kings of Cyprus , with 120 saile , into the port at Sidon : and all upon the fame of his victory at Issus ; and report that all Phenicia was come in to him : To all these Alexander forgave their by-past errors ; for that of necessity , rather than of their own accord , they had adhered to Darius with their fleets , [ Id. Ibid. ] And now Azelmicus also himself , the King of Tyrus , leaving Antophradates , came to his own City Tyrus , while it was thus besieged , and was therein afterward taken , as Arrianus shewes . In mount Lebanon , whence Alexander made his provision of timber for his shipping , the wilde Arabians , setting suddenly upon the Macedons , whiles they were busie at their work , slew , upon the point , 30 of them , and carried away almost as many prisoners . Alexander leaving Perdiccas and Craterus , or as Polyaenus seemes to say , Parmenion , to hold on the siege of Tyrus , went himself , with a running camp , into Arabia , [ Curtius lib. 4. cap. 8. ] and that he made an excursion into Arabia , the same Polyaenus sheweth , [ lib. 4. Stratag . ] which Arrianus more clearly delivers , where he saith , that Alexander , with certain troups of horse , and light targateers , and his squadron of Agrians , went into Arabia , as far as to Anti-Lebanon : and Plutarch , where he tells us that he marched , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : ( i. e. ) against the Arabians which dwell over against Anti-Lebanon . When he was come to the mountanous country of those parts , he was then fain to leave his horse and march on foot as others did : but the body of his army , was gone a good way before , and the night grew on , and the enemy not far off , and Lysimachus , the instructor of him in his childhood , being spent in travel , and fainting , and he loath to leave him in that case ; and whiles he stood heartening him up , and drawing him on before he was aware , he with a very few with him , were severed from the rest of his company , and was faine to passe that night in the dark , in a bitter cold frost , and in a place void of all relief : neverthelesse , seeing not far off many fires made by the enemies , being of a nimble and active body , he ran to the next fire , and there killing two of the enemies that sate at it , brought away a fire-brand , and therewith kindled a fire for himself , and for the relief of those few Macedons that were about him ; which growing into a great flame , struck such a terrour into the enemies hearts , that they durst not stir : and so he and his company lay safe all that night . This Plut. relateth of him , out of Charates , a mitylenaean born , and one of those who wrote the gests of Alexander . Having now taken in all that country , partly upon amicable termes , and partly perforce , he returned to Sidon , eleven dayes after he set out from thence , where he found Alexander the son of Polemocrates , newly arrived with 4000 mercinary souldiers out of Greece , [ Arria . l. 2. ] His Navy being now rigged and fitted , amounting in all to 190 ships , as Curtius , or to two hundred , as Diodorus saies : Alexander , loosing from Sidon , set saile for Tyre , in very good array . Himself was in the right wing , in a Quinquereme , or ship of five deck● high ; and in that squadron were also the kings of Cyprus , and the rest of the Phenicians , except only Pintagoras , al. Pythagoras ; for he and Craterus commanded the left wing . [ Arria . ib. Curt. l. 4. c. 10. ] Thirty Commissioners arriving from Carthage , brought them word , that the Carthaginians , were so embroiled with war at home , that they could not possibly send to help him in this distresse of theirs ; nor yet did this any wayes abate or quell the courage of the Tyrians , but they sent away every man his wife and children by them to Carthage , as being by so much the better able to bear what ever should befall them , when they had ridd away the halfendeale , and dearest part , every man of himself , out of danger , [ Curtius , lib. 4. cap. 11. with Diodor. year 1. Olympiade 112. Justin , lib. 11. cap. 10. ] When Apollo had signified to sundry men in their sleep by dreams , that he would leave the city , the Tyrians , out of a foolish superstition , took good golden chaines , and bound his image fast to the foot of his shrine ; which image of his , was sent thither from Syr●cusae , as Curtius , or rather from Gela in Sicily , as out of Diodorus we have already observed , in the year of the world 3599. by the Carthaginians : and they fastened the chain to the altar of Hercules , the tutelar God of that city , as if he should hold him by main strength , from going thence , [ Curtius and Diodorus Ibid. and Plutarch in Alexandro . ] Whiles Alexander lay at the siege of Tyre , there came Embassadors from Darius , to him , offering him 10 thousand ( not as in Valer. Max. put 10 hundred thousand ) talents for the ransome of his mother , wife and children ; with all the countreys lying between the Hellespont and the river Halys : and his daughter withal , in marriage ; which offer of his being taken into deliberation , in a Council of his friends , it is reported that Parmenion should say , That if he were Alexander , he would not refuse those conditions : to whom he replied , that no more would he , if he were Parmenion . But to Darius he wrote back , That he offered him nothing , but what was his own already ; and therefore willed him to come himself in suppliant wise unto him , and to take such conditions as he would give him , [ Arrianus lib. 2. with Justin. lib. 11. cap. 12. Curtius lib. 4. cap. 16. Plutarch in his Aposthegmes , and in his Alexander Valer. Max. lib. 6. cap. 4. ] Tyre was taken , when Anicetes , or rather Nicetes , as Dionys. Halicarnas . in Dinarchus calls him , was L. Chancelor in Athens , in the moneth Hecatombaeon , [ Arria . lib. 2. pag. 49. ] in the middest of which moneth , the 112 Olympiade ended . In Plutarch we find , that it was upon the 30 day of the moneth Loi , among the Macedouians , the 5 of H●catombaeon among the Athenians , answering to the 24 of our July , as I have shewen , in the end of cap. 5. of my discourse of the Solar years of the Macedonians and Asians . Justin , [ lib. 1. cap. 10. ] sayes it was taken by treason , Polyaenus by a stratagem , [ lib. 1. stratag . ] Diodor. by pure force ; and with him agree , Arria . and Curtius : and that when the enemies had gotten into the town , yet the townsmen maintained the fight , till there were 7 thousand of them cut in pieces , [ as Diodorus writeth . ] Arrianus delivers , that there were 8 thousand of the inhabitants there slain , and 2 thousand more after that rage of flaying was over , hung up all along the shoar , in cold blood , as Curtius sayes : and Diodorus tells us , that Alexander caused no lesse than 2 thousand , all prime young men to be hanged : Justin sayes , that in remembrance of the old slaughter by them made , he caused all that were taken to be crucified : putting them to this slavish kind of death , because the Tyrian slaves heretofore making a conspiracy against their own masters , had murdered all the freemen of that city , together with their own masters : and made a Common-wealth of themselves , sparing none alive , saving one Strato an old man , and his son ; and upon him and his posterity , they settled the kingdom . Of Alexander Justin adds this further : that he saved alive all the descendants of Strato , and restored the kingdom to him and his posterity , ( meaning perhaps that Ballonymus , whom Diodorus confounds and makes all one with that Abdolominus , whom Alexander made King of the Sidonians , as a little before , ) leaving the City to be re-peopled by the innocent and harmelesse inhabitants thereof , to the end , that having abolished that wicked generation of slaves , he might , in a sort , be the founder of a new and better race there : and by this means it was , that Justin out of Trogus , makes Alexander the restorer and rebuilder of Tyre , [ lib. 18. cap. 3 , 4. ] whereas all others make him not the founder , but the destroyer of it ; the prophesie of Esay concurring therewith , [ cap. 23. v. 1. ] compared with , [ Maccabees cap. 1. v. 1. ] For if we believe Curtius , Alexander , saving those which fled to the Temples , slew all , and set fire on their houses : if Diodorus , he made slaves of all that were not able to bear armes , together with the femal sex among them : there being such an infinite number of that kind there found , that though the greatest part of them were sent away to Carthage , ( as before ) yet the remainder was no lesse than 13 thousand heads ; but if Arrianus his word may be taken , he spared all that fled to the Temple of Hercules , and those were the chief of the City , with the King Azelmicus , and the Commissioners which came from Carthage , to offer sacrifice at that season of the year to Hercules , according to an ancient custom there used . The rest he sold away for slaves : the inhabitants and strangers there found , amounting to about 30 thousand persons . Yet Curtius sayes , that the Sidonians , which brake in with the rest of Alexanders souldiers , not forgetting the community of blood that was between them and the Tyrians ; ( for they were all brought thither , with Agenor , as they believed , and he was the founder of both cities ) got a ship-board , and there hid and saved 15 thousand of them : and that of them Tyrus rose , and afterward grew to be a City again , [ lib. 4. cap. 15. ] And Strabo , [ lib. 16. pag. 754. ] saith , that after this vast calamity brought on them by Alexander , they quickly overcame their misfortunes ; what with their navigation , what with their purple-fishing : and Justin , that by their parcimonie and industry , they quickly recovered strength again , [ lib. 18. cap. 4. ] and that so quickly , that in the 18 year from thence , they endured another siege from Antigonus , then Lord of all Asia ; not seven moneths , as against Alexander , but full 15 moneths , long , as Diodorus tells us , [ lib. 19. year 2. Olymp . 116. ] and that they were not now content with their little city , which by Alexanders causwayes and other works was joyned to the Continent ; but so enlarged their bounds , that in Plinies time , the very wall of their city took in 22 furlongs , and reckoning Palaetyrus or Old Tyre with it , the whole enclosure came to no lesse than 19 miles , [ Plin. lib. 5. cap. 19. ] Admetus , who first gat upon the wall , and 20 Targateers with him , were slain at the very first encounter : but in the whole time of the siege , there were lost 400 Macedons , at most , [ Arria . lib. 2. ] Alexander offered sacrifices to Hercules , and went in procession with his whole host , all in armes to his Temple ; he made a shew also with his ships , and caused wrestling and other games of activity to be performed by torch-light . And whereas there was a certain Tyrian ship consecrated to his honour , which he had set upon and taken , he dedicated the same unto him again , with an Inscription importing as much , [ Id. ibid. ] Also he took off from Apollos Iamge , his golden Chain , and the Robes he was tired with , and gave it a new name , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( i. e. ) a friend of Alexanders , or Alexanders friend ; [ Diodor. year 1. Olympiade 11. ] And upon the very self same day and hower , that the Carthaginians had taken that image from those of Gela in Sicilie , it was , as Timaeus reports , that the Grecians offered to him that magnificent and solemn sacrifice , as if by his power and favour they had taken Tyre , [ Id. year 4. Olympiade 93. ] Alexander , so soon as he had taken Tyre , marched forth with into Judea , [ Euseb. Cron. with Pliny , lib. 12. cap. 25. ] and subdued all that part of Syria , which is called Palestina , [ Arria . lib. 2. pag. 50. ] going in person against those places that would not of themselves submit , [ Curt. lib. 4. cap. 17. ] But when he was upon his march to Jerusalem , Jaddus the high priest , terrified with his former threats , and now fearing his rage , had recourse to God , by supplications and sacrifices for the common safety ; and was by him warned in a dream , that he should make holy-day in the city , and set wide open the gates , and that he and the rest of the priests every one in his his priestly raiment , and the people all clothed in white , should go forth and meet him . Alexander seeing this company coming a far off , went himself all alone to the high priest ; and having prostrated himself before that God , whose name he saw engraven in the golden plate of his Miter , he first saluted him : and being demanded the reason of his so doing by Parmen●on , answered that whiles he was yet in Macedon , musing with himself of the conquest of Asia , there appeared to him a man like unto this , and thus attired , who invited him into Asia , and assured , him of all success in the conquest of it . And the priests going before , he entred into Jerusalem , and going up to the Temple , he there sacrificed to God , as the priests prescribed him ; and when they had shewed him the book of the prophet Daniel , wherein was written , that a Grecian should come and destroy the Persians , [ Dan. c. 8. 7. 20 , 21. and chap. 11. 13. ] he made no doubt , but himself was the man designed thereby , and so for that time dismissed the company , [ Joseph . lib. 11. cap. ult . ] The day following , he assembled the people , and bad them ask what they would of him , and they asking nothing , but that they might live according to the laws of their own country , and that every seventh year , ( wherein they were to have no harvest ) they might be exempt from paying any tribute , he granted all . And when they asked further , that he would suffer the Jews , which dwelt in the countries of Babylon , and Media , to live according to their own rites and laws , he answered , that he would satisfie their desires in that point also , so soon as he should have gotten those countries into his power . And when he told them , that if any of them would follow him in his wars , they should use their own rites where ever they came , many listed themselves to serve him . And having dispatched , and setled all matters in Jerusalem ; he departed and went to the rest of the cities of that country , and was joyfully received every where . [ Id. ibid. ] Of Alexanders captains , Callas went and took in Paphagonia , ( which fell off from Alexander after the battle at Issos ) Antigonus Lyconia , Balacrus , the city of Miletus , having first overthrown Idarnes , Darius his Captain , in the open field , [ Curians . lib. 4. cap. 17. ] Alexander had given the charge of Cilicia to Socrates , willing Philotas the son of Parmenion , to look to the country about Tyre . Coelo-Syria was committed to Andronicus by Parmenion , himself having a desire to follow Alexander in the war. The king commanding Hephastion , with the fleet , to scoure the coast of Phaenica ; himself with his whole army , went to Gaza , [ Id. ibid. ] and in the siege thereof , held by a garrison of Persian , he spent two moneths , [ Diod. year 1. Olympiade . 112. Josephus lib. 11. cap. ult . ] Captain of the Garrison there was , as Josephus saies , one Babemeses , or , as Curtius and Arrianus call him , Batis an Eunuch , and one very trusty to his king : who having hired certain Arabians , and made good provision of corn , and other things , maintained the walls , which were hugely strong , with a small company of men within . Alexander received two wounds at this sige : whereupon Batis falling alive into his hands , had cords or thongs drawn thorough his ankles , and was therewith tied to a Chariot , and drawn at the taile thereof with horses , round about the city : there were slain in that siege , of Persians and Arabians together , about 10 thousand , nor did the Macedons scape scot-free neither , [ Curt. lib. 4. cap. 10. ] Alexander , selling away for slaves all the women and children there , stored the place with inhabitants out of the neighbouring parts , and made that a place of Garrison and Magazin , for himself , [ Arria . lib. 2. in fi . ] so that those words of Strabo , are not simply to be understood , but with reference to the former state of that city , where he saith , [ l●b . 16. pag. 759. ] that Gaza was formerly a glorious City : but being destroyed by Alexander , remained desolate . Unlesse we will say that this was meant of a later Gaza , built in another place ; which Jerom in his book , De Locis Hebraicis : ( i. e. ) of places in Judea , affirmeth in this wise , The question is , saith he , how in one of the Prophets it is said , And Gaza shall be turned into an everlasting heap ? which is thus answered , that there are scantly left to be seen , any sign of the old City : and that City of Gaza that now is , was built in another place , instead of that , which was so destroyed . Alexander having done his pleasure at Gaza , dispatched away Amyntas , the son of Andremon , with 3 tall ships into Macedon , to bring him from thence all the flower of the youth of that country , [ Diodor. year 2 , Olymp. 112. Curt. lib. 4. cap. 19. ] Alexander from thence marched into Egypt , Year of the World 3673 as he formerly intended ; and seven dayes after he left Gaza , came to a place , which from him was in after-time called Alexanders Camp , and to the city Pelusium , [ Arria . lib. 3. in Pri. Curt. lib. 4. cap. 20. ] and not back again from Gaza to Jerusalem , as Josephus , inconsiderately enough , affirmeth . An infinite number of the Egyptians , expecting Alexanders coming , were gathered together at Pelusium : where for the offence taken by them of the Persian pride , avarice , and sacriledge , they willingly received the Macedons at their coming , [ Curtius ib. Diodor. an . 2. Olymp. 112. ] Alexander , leaving a Garrison in Pelusium , and giving order for his ships to go up the River to Memphis , himself marched by land to Heliopolis , having the Nile all the way on his right hand ; and all cities , where ever he came , opening their gates unto him , he passed the Desert of Egypt , and came at last to Hel●opolis , and there passing the River , he marcht toward Memphis , [ Arria . lib. 3. ] Not durst the Persians there abide his coming , seeing the general defection of the Egyptians from them . And now he was not far from thence , when Astraces , who commanded the Garrison there under Darius met him , and delivered into his hand 800 talents , and all his masters Wardrobe ; as we read in [ Curtius lib. 4. cap. 20. ] where yet it seems , that the name of Astaces , is crept in , I know not how , instead of Mazaces : as he himself also , [ cap. 4. of the same book ] calleth him : and so doth Arrianus in the beginning of his 3 book , where he tells us , that one Mazaces a Persian , whom Darius had made Governour of Egypt , received Alexander into that Province , and cities thereof , in all friendly wise . Alexander , having offered his sacrifices at Memphis , and there exhibited all games of wrestling , and other activities and musick , to which resorted the most expert and skilfull men of all Greece to put in for the prizes in them , embarqued himself , and came down the River to the sea ; putting his targateers and archers , and Agrians , and the Kings Troup , aboard the ships of his confederates , and with them came to Canopus ; and there made choice of a place lying between the Egyptian sea and Marea , or the Lough of Mareotis , and there built a city , which from his own name , he called Alexandria , [ Arria . lib. 3. ] and in that part thereof , which lyeth next the sea , and the docks for shipping , there was a street called Racotis , [ Strabo , lib. 17. pag. 792. Pansanius , in his Eliaca . pag. 169. Tacit. Histor. lib. 4. cap. 84. ] Alexandria was built , not in the seventh , ( as Eusebius in Chron , and out of him , Cyril . of Alexandria , lib. 1. cont . Iulianum , and Cedrenus affirm ) but in the fifth year of his reign , and that in the very first year of the 112. Olympiade , as [ Solinus hath it cap. 32. ] not as , [ Diodorus in the 2. and much lesse , as Eusebius , in the 3. ] As for the certain time when Alexandria was built , the interval of time between the taking of Tyre , and that great fight at Gaugamela , and his gests acted in that interim , cannot but undoubtedly assure us of it : from whence , and from the fifth year of Darius , and Thoth , in the 417. year of Nabonasars account , which falls in with the 14 day of September according to our Julian Calendar , or year 1. of the Olymp. 112. yet running . Ptolomei of Alexandria , deduceth the years of Alexander , whom in the Preface of his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : ( whereof this is one ) he , after the fashion of all Alexandrians , calleth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : ( i. e. ) his founder . Dinocrates was the man who laid out the compasse and streets of this city , ( whom yet Plutarch both in his life , and also in the 2 book of the fortune of Alexander , calls Stesicrates , and other books call otherwise ) Dinocrates , I say , that famous Architect , whose art and industry the Ephesians used in the re-building of their Temple of Diana , who for the excellency of his workmanship , shewed therein , deserves the second place , after the founders themselves in the memory of the World , [ Strabo , lib. 14. pag. 641. Valer . Max. lib. 1. cap. 4. Vitruvius , in the Prooeme of his second book . Plin. lib. 5. cap. 10. and lib. 7. cap. 37. Solin . cap. 32. and 40. Ammia . Marcell . lib. 22. ] Alexander having set them on work , and bad them dispatch ; took a journey to the Temple of Jupiter Ammon , [ Plutarch in his Alexander , with Arria . lib. 3. ] out of an ambition , which possessed him , because he was told , that Perseus and Hercules had been there , as Callisthenes , in the History which he wrote of him , affirmeth , cited by Strabo , [ lib. 17. pag. 814. ] Wherefore he went as far as Paraetonium , along by the sea side , not without finding some fresh water by the way , which lay from Alexandria , 1600 furlongs as Aristobulus wrote , [ in Arria . lib. 3. pag. 53. ] About the mid-way , met him Embassadors of the Cyrenians , presenting him with a Crowne , and sundry other costly things ; among which were 300 horses , trained to the war , and 5 chariots drawen each with 4 horses , the choicest that might ▪ bee found ; which he accepted at their hand , and made amity and friendship with them , [ Diodor. Olymp. 112. year 2. ] When he went from Paraetonium to Mesogabas , where the Temple of Hammon was , through dry and thirsty countreys , and wandered over the plains , while the wind blew at south , Callisthenes saith that he was saved from an imminent destruction , partly by a shower of rain that fell , which layd the sand , and partly by a flock of crowes , which led him the way , [ Strabo as before , ] adding further this fable to the story , that the crowes oftentimes , when the men wandered out of the way in the dark , would with their crawing , call them into the right way again , [ Id. Plut. in his Alex. ] Ptolomeus the son of Lagus saith , there were two dragons , which went before the company making a noise , and they led them into , and out of the Temple again : But Aristobulus , to whom most writers assent , saith , that there were two crowes , which kept on still flying before the army , and that they were Alexanders guides upon the way thither , [ Arria . l. 3. ] Coming to a lough of bitter waters , as they called them , and having gone 100 furlongs from thence , and passing by the Cities , called after Hammons name , one dayes journey from thence , they came to Jupiter Hammons Grove and Temple , [ Diod. ut su . ] There the Priests of the Temple being suborned before hand and taught their lesson , so soon as he came to set footing within the Temple dores , came all and saluted him by the name of Hammons son , [ Justin l. 11. c. 11 ] so that now we learn by this act of Alexanders , that be the God himself never so deaf or dumbe , yet it is still , in the power either of the Priest to feigne and lye , what he will , or for him that comes to consult the Oracle , to tell what answer he would there have made unto him , and he shall have it , [ Oros. l. 3. c. 16. ] Callisthenes reports , that it was permitted to none but the King himself , by the Priest to come into the Temple , in his ordinary attire ; the rest were all fain to change their vestures , and to hear the Oracle without , and that he informed the king of sundry other things by fignes and tokens , onely he told him in plain termes , that he was jupiters son , [ Strabo ut supra . ] yet he himself in a letter to his mother Olympias , sayes , that he had received many secret and hidden Oracles there , which he would impart to her alone , at his return , [ Plut. in Alex. ] He also in the same , or in some other Epistle to his mother ; ( which I nothing doubt was meant by Tertullian in his book de Pallio ) saith , that he was told by one Leo , a principal Priest among the Egyptians , that they who were now Gods , were formerly men , and that in worshipping them , the Nations did preserve the memory of their Kings and Ancestors , [ Aug. de Civit. Dei , lib. 8. cap. 5 , and 27. and de Confen . Evangelist . lib. 1. cap. 23. Minutius Felix , in Octavio . with Cyprian , in his book de Idolor . vanitate . ] And when he in the beginning of his letter , had thus written to his mother , Alexander the King , the son of Jupiter Hammon , sendeth greeting to his mother Olympias : she very wittily in her answer thereto , told him in this wise , Now my good son I pray thee be content , and do not accuse me , nor lay ought to my charge before Juno , for she will do me some shrewd turn , if you in your letters make me a cuck-quean to her . [ M. Varro , in a book of his , entitled Orest●s , vel de insania : in Aul. Gellius l. 13. c. 4. ] Alexander having received such an answer there , as by his own confession , pleased him very well , returned from thence into Egypt , by the same way as he went , as Aristobulus saies , but as Ptolomaeus , by a shorter way , to Memphis , [ Arrianus lib. 3. ] When he was arrived at Memphis , new forces came to him : 400 mercinaries out of Greece , sent him by Antipater , under the command of Menaetas the son of Hegesandrus , and about 500 horse out of Thracia , which were led by Asclepiodorus , and being there , he sacrificed to Jupiter , and made oblations to him , with his whole Host , all in their compleat armour , and exhibited games and pastimes , with wrastlings , and other feats of activity , and musick , [ Id. Ibid. ] And moreover , commanding the inhabitants of the neighbouring townes and cities to leave their dwellings , he transplanted them into Alexandria , and stored that place with a huge multitude of inhabitans , [ Curtius lib. 4. c. 21. and Justin lib. 11. cap. 11. ] calling thither also , a colony of the Jewes : whose vertue and good behaviour , ●e much approving , and deeming them worthy of special trust , made it a reward of their service in the war , to endenise them there , and to grant them equal honours , and priviledges with the Greeks : insomuch that their tribe there , went by the name , not of Alexandrians only , but also of the Macedonians themselves , Josep . l. 2. de Bello . Iud. c. 36. p. 816. & l. 2. cont . Ap. p. 163. in the Greek and Latin Edition . ] He also gave lands to Sanabalats souldiers , whom he caused to follow him into Egypt , in the country of Thebais , trusting them with the keeping of that territory in his absence , [ Josephus Antiq. lib. 11. cap. the last . ] Alexander had an itching humour , to go and visit , not only the inward and more remote parts of Egypt , but even Ethiopia it self . But his present war with Darius , put him from thinking of such idle projects : wherefore he made Eschilus and Pencestes , the Macedon Governours of Egypt , with four thousand souldiers for the guard thereof : he commanded Polemon to defend the mouths of the river Nile , with 30 sail of fighting ships , [ Curtius lib. 4. cap. 21. ] though Arrianus tells us , that he made Pencestes the son of Macatetus , and Balacrus the son of Amyntas , Commanders of the foot which he left there , and Polemon the son of Theramenes , Ammiral of the fleet , to defend the mouths of the river Nile , with all the sea lying upon Egypt : as for the civil government of the whole country , he committed the care thereof to one Doloaspes , a native of Egypt , as the same Arrianus intimates . Curtius further tells us , that he left Apollonius to govern Africa , bordering upon Egypt , and Cleomenes , to gather the tributes both of Afric and Egypt ; and much to the same purpose , Arrianus tells us , that he left Apollonius the son of Charinus , to govern Lybia , bordering upon the West of Egypt , and Cleomenes Arabia , upon the East thereof , in the city called Urbs Heroum , where it borders upon Arabia Pe●raea , with command that all his tributes should be paid in to him : but the execution of the laws , he committed to the Presidents and Justices of the Country , as in former times . In the second of Aristotles Oeconomicks is mention made of , one 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( i. e. ) Cleomenes of Alexandria , Governour of Egypt , who is the same , who in 3º Arria . of the History of Alexander , is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Ecnaucratius . B●t Freinshemius , a man of a quick sent in smelling out such faults , sayes , that in the one it should be , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( i. e. ) one of the Nauacritians , or Naucratites , and in the other , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( i. e. ) Commander of Alexandria in Egypt : the result whereof is , that this Cleomenes Governour of Alexandria was a native of Naucratis , which was a Colony or plantation , anciently made in Egypt , by the Milesians ; for that the care and charge of finishing and peopling this city , was committed to him : we may partly gather out of Aristotle , who saves , that Alexander enjoyned him , that he should furnish with inhabitants , a city near unto Pharos ( as Alexandria is distant but seven furlongs by sea from thence ) and should draw all the trade and trafick from Canopus thither : and partly out of Justin , who , [ lib. 13. cap. ] expressely sayes , that Alexander committed the building of Alexandria to Cleomenes : whereunto may be added , that which Alexander wrote unto him eight years after ; where in he commanded him to build two temples to Hephastion deceased , the one in Alexandria , the other in Pharos ; and that all bills of loading and other contracts of Merchants , should have the name of Hephaestion , inscribed on them , as Arria . [ lib. 7. Histor. ] sayes , adding further , that this Cleomenes , was a most wicked man , and one that did the Egyptians a thousand injuries . When Alexander was gone down the Nile , Hector , a son of Parmenions , then being in the flower of his youth , and a great favourite of the kings , desirous to overtake him , put himself into a little rascal boat , where into also more lept , then she could carry , and so sunk , and he with her . The king was wonderfully grieved at the losse of him , and having recovered the body , made him a very rich and sumptuous funeral , [ Curt. l. 4. c. 21. ] Upon the neck of this grief , came another , which was the news of Andromachus his death , whom the inhabitants of Samaria had burnt alive : and he marcht presently away with all the speed he could to take vengeance of them for it , [ Id. Ibid. ] Alexander having made bridges over the Nile , and every reach thereof about Memphis , in the first of the spring went from thence , toward Phenicia , [ Arria . lib. 3. pag. 55. ] Upon his way , those who had so murdered Andromachus , were delivered into his hands , and put to death ; and then he put Memnon in his place , [ Curt. lib. 4. cap. 21. ] And having taken the city of Samaria , he gave it to be inhabited by his Macedons ; as Eusebius in his Cron. and out of him Cedrenus hath it . But the territory to it belonging , he bestowed upon the Jews , for their loialty to him , without paying him any tribute for it : as Josephus reporteth out of Hecataeus of Abdera , [ lib. 2. cont . Apion . pag. 1063. ] Yet the Temple in the mount Gerisim , escaped . And if any at Jerusalem were in danger for eating of forbidden meats , or breach of the sabbath , or such like crime , they presently flew over to the Sichemites , saying they were falsely accused , [ Josephus Antiq. lib. 11. c. ult . ] and the like troubles and quarrels grew between the Jewes and Samaritans , not onely here , but also in Egypt , at Alexandria , by reason of their different rights and usages , according to their several Temples , as we may see in the same , [ Iosep. l. 11. c. 1. and l. 13. c. 6. ] Alexander coming to Tyrus , found there his fleet , which he had sent thither before him : and there sacrificed a second time to Hercules , and made enterludes , and exercises of wrestling and musick , and the like , [ Arria . lib. 3. ] wherein the Kings of the Cyprians , had the charge of providing fit actors for them . Nicocreon , King of Salamis , furnished out Thessalus , a man very much favoured by Alexander himself : Pasicrates King of Solos , presented Athenodorus , which carried the prize from all , by the major part of voices , [ Plut. in Alex. ] now these Cyprian Kings had long before revolted from Darius to Alexander , and sent him shipping , when he besieged Tyre , and he from that time forward alwayes honoured them , as they deserved , [ Curt. lib. 4. c. 21. ] yet of Nicocreon , it is said , that Anaxarchus of Abdera , the Philosopher , said to Alexander as he sate at supper ( as Laertius hath it in his Life , ) that there should also a certain Satrapaes head have been served in there : which saying of his , caused him afterward to be put to a most miserable death . Alexander made Caeranus of Berrhaea treasuror of Phenicia , for the gathering of his tibute there : and in Asia Philoxenus , to do the like , in the regions beyond the mountain Taurus : and put Harpalus in their roome , to take charge of the moneys , which were in his own hampers : into Lydia , he sent Menander one of his confederates , to be Governor there ; putting Clearchus in Menanders stead , to oversee the forreigners : and in the roome of Arimna , he set Asclepiodorus , the son of Eunicus , to be Govenour of Syria , [ Arria . lib. 3. ] These things , thus set in order , Alexander offered at Hercules his shrine a great vessel of gold , with thirty dishes in it : and his fingers now itching after Darius , he commanded to set forward toward the Euphrates , [ Curt. 4. c. 21. ] When tidings came to Darius , that whithersoever he went , Alexander would follow him , he gave order for all Nations , though never so far off , to repaire to him at Babylon : And when his army was now growen half as bigg again as it was , at Issos in Cilicia , many of them wanted armes ; which were out of hand provided for them , [ Curt. 4. c. 22. ] where the whole number of his horse is said to have been 45 thousand ; and his foot , 200 thousand men : whereas it is manifest , that at Issus , his forces in either kind , were far exceeding these in number : nor is there any doubt , but the number found in Justin , [ lib. 11. c. 12. and in Orosius , lib. 3. c. 17. ] comes far short of what in truth it was : 400 , or 404 thousand foot , and 100 thousand horse , [ Plutarch in Alex. ] saith they were 10 millions ; and in his Apophthegmes , 100 millions , ( but no doubt false printed ) that is , 1000 thousand , with whom Diodorus in some sort agrees , where he ▪ saith they were 80 times ten thousand , and no lesse than 20 times ten thousand horse ; now Arrianus allowes to the foot only , as much as Plutarch doth to the whole , both of horse and foot , that is a thousand thousand , adding 40 thousand horse over and above ; though some instead of 40 thousand , put there , 400 thousand , to the end , both that the number of horse , might be somewhat more proportionable to the foote , as also that the number of horse might not here seeme so far short of what it was at Issos : whereas Curtius , [ l. 4. c. 22. ] sayes it was so far beyond it , besides 200 iron Chariots , and 15 Elephants , which the Indians brought him : whereas all Alexanders army , had not above seven thousand horse , and forty thousand foote in it , [ Arrian . lib. 3. ] Darius moving with this vast army from Babylon , came to Ninive , having the river Tigris on his left hand , and Euphrates on his right : his army filled all that huge plain of Mesopotamia , [ Diodorus , year 2. Olympiade 112. Curtius , 4. c. 22. ] and having passed the river Tigris , when he heard that the enemy was not far off , he sent Satropaces , General of his horse , with a thousand choice men , to hinder the passage of the enemy ; and gave him order withal , to burne and waste all the coasts through which Alexander was to passe : for he thought want might happily undo him , having naught else but the spoile of the country to supply him : he himself marched to Arabela ; and leaving there his bag & baggage , went forward as far as the river Lycus , where he made a bridge , and there passed over his army in 5 days space , and from thence , marching 80 furlongs , he came to the river Bumelus . [ Curt. ib. ] Arrianus saith that he pitched his camp at Gaugamela , by the river Bumelus , for so he calleth the place , [ l. 6. p. 131. ] not as in [ l. 3. c. 57. ] Bumadus ; in a plain and open field : for if there were any hilly or uneven ground there , Darius commanded it to be made all level , that it might be made the more traverseable for his horse , and might lie every way more open to his view , [ Arria . Curt. ] Alexander came forward to Thapsacus , a great City in Syria , in the moneth Hecatombeon , when Aristophanes was L. Chancelor at Athens : to wit , [ year 2. Olympiaede 112. ] in the very entrance of that year ; here the river Euphrates had a foord , where Alexander found 2 bridges ready made ; but not throughly finished , nor reaching full out to the other bank . Mazaus , whom Darius had sent to make good that passage , so soon as he heard that Alexander was coming ; took him to his heeles , with all his army . And when he was gone , Alexander quickly made out the bridges to the other side , and passed his army over in a trice , and then marched on toward Babylon , leaveing the Euphrates and the mountains of Armenia on his left hand ; but not the strait way thither : because the other was , though somewhat further about , yet the more commodius for provisions of all kinds for his army , nor the beat there so violent , for them to travel in . On the way , certain Scouts of Darius were intercepted ; who informed him , that Darius with all his army , was upon the bank of the river Tigris , to stop him from passing there : and that his forces were far more numerous now , than when he fought with him in Cilicia : But Alexander hereupon going thither , found neither Darius , nor any man else there , [ Arria . lib. 3. ] Alexander therefore passed the river Tigris , and though there was no man to hinder him , yet not without much difficulty and extreme danger , by reason of the violent swiftnesse of the river ; yet gat he over safe and sound , and lost nothing , save onely a small quantity of his stuff and baggage , [ Id. ibid. Diodor. year 2. Olymp. 112. Curt. 4. ca. 23. ] Now from the passage over the Euphrates , at Thaphacus , to this his passage over the Tigris , Eratosthenes , reckons the way to be , 1400 al. 2400 furlongs , [ Strabo , lib. 2. pag. 79. and lib. 16. pag. 746. ] Alexander removing his camp , from the bank of Tigris , led his army thorough the country of Assyria : having on his left hand the mountains of Sogdiana , and Tigris on the right . The 4 day after his passage over the Tigris , Mazaeus sent out a thousand Horse against him ; Alexander sent to encounter him Aristo , who commanded the Horse of Poeonia ; who singling out Satropaces , the Commander of that Troup , ran him with his Spear , full in the throat ; and when he with that would fled away , he pursued him thorough the middest of the enemies , and unhorst him ; and do he what he could do for himself , took off his head , and brought it with him , and threw it down at Alexanders foot ; and Sir , said he , in our country , such a present useth to be rewarded with a cup of gold ; to whom Alexander smiling , answered , yea , with an empty one ; but I will give thee one full of wine , [ Arria . lib. 3. Curtius lib. 4. cap. 23. Plutarch in Alexandro . ] Alexander camped there 2 dayes , and gave order to remove the next . But the Moon falling into an eclipse in the first watch of the night , at first lost onely the brightnesse of her light ; but anon after , all the face of her seemed to be over-cast and covered with a colour like blood : and the whole army considering what they were then going about , began first to be troubled , and afterward terrified at the fight thereof , [ Curt. ib. cap. 23. and 24. ] Pliny hath rightly observed and said , That the Moon eclipsed at Arbela , in the 2 hour of the night , and was then seen rising in Sicily , [ lib. 2. cap. 70. ] but Ptolomei in his Geographie , [ lib. 1. cap. 4. ] not so right , where he sayes , that she eclipsed in the 5 hour of the night , and was seen at Carthage at the 2 hour of the night . And rightly also saith Plutarch in Alexan. that she eclipsed in the moneth Boedromion , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : ( i. e. ) about the beginning of the mysteries at Athens , to wit , in the full Moon , of the very middest of that moneth ; at which the Great mysteries of Athens begin to be celebrated and continued certain dayes after . As for this Eclipse , the Astronomical account sheweth evidently , that it fell upon the 20 day of our September . Alexander , to hearten up his souldiers mindes , which appeared much to be dejected at this sight , consulted with the Egyptian Southsayers there present : and their answer was , That the Sun was the Grecians , or was the Predominant in Greece , and the Moon in Persia ; and that therefore as often as she Eclipsed , it portended ruine and destruction to those nations whose she was , [ Curtius , lib. 4. cap. 24. ] Alexander presently offered sacrifices to the Sun , and Moon , and Earth : because they all three concur in the making of an Eclipse of the Moon : And Aristander , who was the Kings Southsayer , declared openly , that that Eclipse portended all good and happy successe to Alexand . and the Macedons , and that there should be a battel fought that very moneth : and that the sacrifices then offered , did foreshew and assuredly promise a victory thereinto Alexander , [ Arria . lib. 3. ] Alexander perceiving the minds of the souldiers raised to a height of hope and confidence ; thought fit to use this pang or fit of theirs , whiles it was upon them ; and therefore gave order to march on the second watch of the night following , having all the way the Tigris in the right hand , and the Gordiaean mountains on the left . The next morning , himself with a small Troup of his own , fell upon about a thousand Persian scouts , of which some he slew , and the rest he took prisoners ; and then sent some of his own company forward to discover : willing them also to quench the flame of such Towns and Villages , as the country people had set on fire : for they running away from the enemie , had set fire on Barnes and Reeks of corn , which taking in the tops , had not yet burnt down to the ground ; so that the Macedons hereby saved a great quantity of food for themselves : and Mazeus , who before had set fire on what he pleased , all at leisure , the enemies now coming on so fast , fled away at last , and left all standing as it was , for the enemie to take , [ Curt. lib. 4. cap. 24. ] Alexander understood now , that Darius was not above 150 furlongs off , and therefore having store enough and enough of provision in his Camp , he there staied four dayes , [ Id. ibid. ] During which time he intercepted certain letters of Darius , by him sent to sollicite the Grecians in his army , Year of the World 3674 to murder or otherwise to betray him , [ Id. 4. cap. 25. ] Statira , Darius his wife , weary of this long travail , and vexation of minde , cast the child of which she went , and died ; whereat Alexander shed many a tear , and caused a most sumptuous funeral , sparing for no cost , to be made for her , [ Id. ibid. Iustin. lib. 11. cap. 12. Plutarch in Alex. and lib. 2. de fortu . Alex. ] Tirus or Tyriotes an Eunuch , whiles others were busie about the funeral , stole away , and carried tidings of her death to Darius : who though at first infinitely perplexed and troubled at it , yet when he understood of Alexanders respect , ever had unto her , and chast behaviour towards her , he lift up his hands to Heaven , and praied the gods , that if it were so resolved , and no remedy left for him , yet none might sit in Cyrus his throne , but so just an enemy , so merciful a conqueror , as this Alexander was , [ Curt. and Plutarch ibib . ] Darius so overcome with his so great clemency , and chastity used toward his wife , be thought himself again of trying for a peace , and to that purpose sent ten of the most principal men about him , to offer him new conditions ; and withall , sent him 30 thousand talents for the ransom of his mother and two daughters : and to offer him his other daughter Septina , or Statipna , or Sartina , or Statyra ( for by all these names she goes , in the several editions of Curtius ) to wife , [ Curt. 4. cap. 16. ] and what ever lay between the Hellespont and the Euphrates for a dower : unto whom Alexander made this answer ; That he alwayes found Darius by his moneys , solliciting sometimes his souldiers to revolt from him , sometimes his nearest friends to murder him ; and therefore was resolved to pursue him to the death , not any longer as a noble enemie , but as a malefactor and a poisoning murderer : and that whatever he had already lost , or yet remaining in his hands , was but the reward of war , that war should set the bounds of their two kingdoms , and each should have , what to morrow-dayes fortune should allot him , [ Curtius . lib , 4. cap. 26. Justin lib. 11. cap. 12. Diodorus year 2. Olympiade 112. ] The Ambassadors thus sent away , told Darius , that he must fight : whereupon he presently dispatched away Mazaeus before him with 3000 Horse , to stop the passages where the enemy was to come ; and with the rest , he marched after in good array 10 furlongs , and there made a stand , and expected the coming of the enemy . Alexander leaving all his luggage within his trenches , with a reasonable guard to keep them , set forward to meet the enemy , [ Curt. ib. cap. 26. & 27. ] When at the very instant , a sudden Pannic fear fell upon his army ; the reason was , for that the Heaven , ( it being then the summer season ) seemed to sparkle and shone out like fire , and they imagined that they saw flames of fire issuing out of Darius his Camp. Alexander by found of trumpet signified to them , that all was well , and gave order to the Antesignary , ( i. e. ) those that stood next before the standard , in every company , to lay down every man his arms before his feet , and should give the word to those that followed them , to do the like : which done , he shewed them there was no cause of fear , and that the enemy was yet a far off : so at length they recovered their spirits , and took up both their arms and courage again ; yet for more surety , he thought fit there to make a stand ; and to fortify his Camp for that present , [ Id. cap. 28. Polya . Stratag . lib. 4. ] Alexander , drawing out all his forces by night , set forward about the second watch , purposing to fight , as soom as it was open day , [ Arria . lib. 3. ] The next day , Mazeus , who had taken up his standing with a choice company of horse , upon the rising of a hill , whence he might take a view of the army of the enemy , left the place , and returned to Darius , and no sooner was he gone , but the Macedons took it , both because of the advantage of ground , and also for that , from thence they might discover and have a full view of all the enemies forces , which were ranged in the plaine , [ Curt. lib. 4. cap. 29. ] Alexander commanded his Mercenary souldiers of Paeonia to march in front : he drew his Phalanx , or squadron of Macedons into two wings , both flanked with Horse , [ Id. ibid. ] the Camps were distant one from the other , about 60 furlongs . And now the army of Alexander was come to certain hillocks , from whence they might discern the enemy ; when he advised with his Captains whether his main battel should presently from thence fall on , or make a stand there right , until he had better viewed the ground whereon they were to fight : most were of opinion for the former ; Parmenion was for the latter , which Alexander himself approved of , [ Arria . lib. 3. ] Resolved therefore to encamp upon one of those hillocks ; he gave order forthwith to put spade in ground and to entrench there , for the present : which being quickly done , he went into his own pavilion , and from thence took a view of the army of the enemy ranged beneath him in the pain , [ Curt. as before . ] Mean while the horse-boyes , and other tag rag , that followed the Camp , fell in sport to skirmish among themselves ; Captain of the one side they called Alexander , and Captian of the other , Darius . Which when Alexander heard , he bad the rest forbear , and the two Captains onely to try it out between themselves . He himself helpt Alexander on with is armor ; and Philotas Darius with his : all the army beheld while they two fought : as upon a prognostick of the event in the fight and war it self . It fell out , that he which played Alexander , foiled and overthrew him which played Darius ; and had for a reward , 10 townships , and the honour of wearing a Persian garment bestowed on him , [ Eratosthenes , in Plut. in his Alexan. ] Alexanders friends came now unto him , and complained of the souldiers , that talking among themselves in their tents , they were resolved to take all the spoile to themselves , and to bring nothing into his Treasury : Whereat Alexander smiled , and said , Very good news , my masters , it is that ye bring me ; for I see by this they mean to fight , and not to flee . Many of the common souldiers also in a humor , came unto him , and bad him be of good cheer , and not be afraid of the multitude of his enemies : for that they should not be able to endure the very first noise or shout of them ; for that in this place doth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifie , not the smell of them , or of their arme-pits , as Xylander rendred it , [ Plut. in his Apophthemes . ] The eleventh night after the Eclipse of the Moon , and when the two armies lay in sight each of other , Darius kept his men in their arms all night , and took a view of them all by torch-light : so that all the plain lying between the mountain Niphat and the Gordiaeans hills shone with torches . But Alexander , whiles his army took their rest , was up with his Southsayer Aristander before his pavilion , busie in certain arcane and secret rites and ceremonies , and offered sacrifice to Apollo , [ Id. in Alexan. ] or as Curtius expresseth it , Aristander in a white robe , carrying bunches of Vervin in his hand , and his head covered , mumbled certain prayers , which the King was to say after him , thereby to propitiate Jupiter , Minerva , and Victoria . When Parmenion and other his friends advised him to set upon Darius in the dead of the night , thereby to conceale from his souldiers sight , the terrour of the fight in so great a disproportion of numbers in the two armies ; his answer was , that he was not come thither , to steale a victory , [ Plut. Curt. Arria . ] And Darius on the contrary , fearing least some such attempt should be made upon him , and knowing that his Camp was no better rampiered than it should be ; kept his men up all night in armes : which for want of sleep the next day when they came to fight , was the chief cause of their overthrow , [ Arria . ] Alexander , troubled in his thoughts , with the expectation of what was then in hand , slept not all night , till toward the morning , and then fell into so deep a sleep ; that when it was day all abroad , they could not wake him . And when his friends asked him what made him sleep so soundly , answered , it was Darius , who by gathering all his forces into one place , had eased him of thinking how to follow him into sundry other countries , [ Diod. year 2. Olymp. 112. Justin. lib. 11. cap. 13. Curt. lib. 4. cap. 3 , 31. Plut. in Alexan. ] This battel was fought by Alexander , saith Justin , [ lib. 11. cap. 14. ] in the 5 year after he came to his Crown : to wit , in the very end thereof , and beginning of the sixth , though Jerom upon 11. Daniel , not so considerately writeth , that he overcame and slew Darius in the 7 year of his reign . Arrian saith , this battel was sought , when Aristophanes was L. Chancelor at Athens , in the moneth Pyanepsion ; and that so the foretelling of Aristander was fulfilled , when he said , that in that very moneth , wherein the Moon was Eclipsed , Alexander should both fight with Darius , and also overcome him , [ Arria . lib. 3. pag. 63. ] And truly in that , both he and also Diodorus do say , that it was fought in the year , when Aristophanes was L. Chancelor at Athens , they do well ; whereas Dionysius Halycarnass . placeth it in the year following , when Aristophontes was L. Chancelor there , by an easie mistake of the name , as in his Epistle to Ammaeus : nor was Aristander out , when he foretold , that Alexander should gain that great victory over Darius , in that very moneth ; but Arrianus , in setting one moneth instead of another ; saying that it was in the moneth Pyanepsion , whenas indeed the very astronomical account , shewes that eclips to have fallen on the moneth Boedrom on , for that then the moon was eclipsed , and that upon the 11 day after it Alexander fought that battle , [ Plutarch affirmes in Alexand. ] and in his Camillus he saith , that he got that victory , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : ( i. e. ) upon the 5 day of the last quarter , of Boedromion ; which 25 day of Boedromion , which consists of 31 dayes , answereth to the first of our Octob. according to the Julian Calendar . That this battle was sought at Gaugamela , near the river Beumelus , both Ptolomeus La●● , and Aristobulus , both which were present in the fight , do averre , and them , both [ Strabo , lib. 16. pag. 737. and Plut. in Alex. ] ( where yet , in some copies , as also in Zonaras , is found written , Gausmela ) and [ Arria . l. 6. p. 101. and Ammina . Marcellinus , lib. 23. ] do with all reason follow , neverthelesse , because Gaugamela was no city , but only a small town , or country village ; and the sound of the name it self , not very pleasing to the ear , and which Strabo and Plutarch saith , signifies the house of a Camel , or rather , the Body of a Camel ; for so that word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 properly signifieth in the Chaldee and Syriac language , therefore , as Arrianus thinks , it came to passe , that , that glorious victory is said to have been gotten at Arbela , which was a great and a famous City in those parts : so likewise Strabo saith , that because that other was but a poor place , and Arbela a famous City , ( which we find also mentioned in the Prophet Hosea , as 〈◊〉 formerly shewed in the year of the world 3276. ) therefore the Macedons in their w●iting , first gave it out , and then other Historians took it from them , and said , that the battel was fought , and victory gotten at Arbela ; neither yet were the places very near each to other ; for between the river Bumelus , upon which Gaugamela , and the river Lycus , upon which Arbela stood , were not much lesse than 80 furlongs , as Curtius teacheth us , [ l. 4. c. 22. ] Now between Lycus and the country of Aturia , or Atyria , ( which was the old name by which Assyria went , as Diodorus in the life of Trajan shewes ) and the borders of the region of Babylon , ( in which Ninive and Gaugamela both were ) and the river Capros , and in an equal distance from either , both Arbela , and the hill Nicatorium ( so called by Alexander himself from this victory near thereto gotten , ) lie , as Strabo in the beginning of his 16 book sheweth : whereby it appeareth that Arbela , in Ptolomies 5 Table or Map of Asia , should be placed where Gaugamela is : both which are there placed , not on the hither , but on the further side of the river Lycus ; contrary , not onely to Strabo , but also to Eratosthenes his report , [ vouched by Strabo , lib. 2. p. 79. ] and Curtius , and Arrianus : all which being diligently compared together , we may gather , that Gaugamela and Arbela , were distant the one from the other , not 500 o● 600 ( as some have delivered , and as Arrianus noteth lib. 3. pag. 57. 63. and lib. 6. pag. 130. ) but yet somewhat above one hundred furlongs . Aristobulus reports , that when the fight was done , there was found a plat , or description of Darius his battle , for this fight , as we find in [ Arrianus , l. 3. p. 52. ] in whom , as also in Curtius , [ lib. 4. c. 27 , and 32. ] the marshalling and ranging of both armies , is at large described . Darius leaving his chariots , and throwing away his armes , got him on the back of his mare , that had new foaled , and fled , as fast as she could carry him , [ Plut. in Alex. ] the like to which he did at the battle at Issos , as I shewed before out of Elian , who in the same place telleth us , that Darius was ever wont , for this purpose , to keep and carry such mares , as had newly foaled , with him into the field : and so , with very few in his company , he came to the river Lycus , which having passed , when some advised him to br●ak down the bridge after him , to hinder the pursuit of the enemy , he considering how many there were behind making to that passage , answered , that he had rather leave a way for a pursuing enemy , than take one from a flying friend , [ Curt. lib. 4. c. 36. 37. Justin. lib. 11. c. 14. ] where ( for that , instead of Lycus , we find Cydnus , printed ; which name of a river , we mentioned before , in the year of the World 3671 , to run through the midst of the city Tarsus , in Cilicia ) from thence it was , that Orosius , following , as I said before , Justin in all things , fell into this errour , to say , that this last great battle between Alexander and Darius , was fought at Tarsus , [ lib. 3. cap. 17. ] Mazeus pressing hard upon the Squadron of the Macedons , Parmenion sent to Alexander ▪ who followed the chace of the enemy , as far as the river Lycus , to come and help them ; but tidings coming to Mazeus , that Darius had left the field , he fled also , not the nearest way to Babylon , but fetcht a compasse about , over the river Tygris , as being , though the further , yet most out of danger , and the safer way ; and so brought what was left of the army , safe to Babylon , [ Curt. l. 4. c. 37. ] Darius about midnight came to Arbela : and thither came also a great many of his Nobles , and other souldiers : whom he called together , and declared to them , that his purpose was , to leave all for the present unto Alexander , and himself to flee into the utmost borders of his kingdom , and there to begin a war afresh upon him , [ Id. l. 5. cap. 1. ] and presently took horse , and fled over the mountains of Armenia into Media , some few of his kindred , and of his guard which were called Melophori , ( i. e. ) apple barers , because they bare each of them a golden apple upon the point of his spear , following him . There resorted to him also afterward , two thousand of his mercenary souldiers , under the command of Paron of Phocaea in Ionia , and Glaucus of Eolia , [ Arri. l. 3. ] Alexander returning back from the river Lycus , fell into a harder dispute , than any he had yet met with , with the Parthian and Indian , and some choice Troups of the Persian horse : in which encounter he lost sixty of his company , Hephaestion and Caenus , and Menidas of his nobles , being also sore wounded ; yet even here also at the last he had the better , [ Id. ibid. ] Alexander in all this fight lost , at most , but one hundred men , but of his horses , what of them that were kill'd , what of them that were spent with over-riding , he lost one thousand ; of which one half were of his confederates : but on the other side , there are said to have been slain , 300 thousand men ; and a far greater number taken prisoners : moreover all the Elephants , and as many of his Chariots , as were not broken in the fight , came into his hands ; so saith Arrianus . But Diodorus reports , that of the Persian side there were not lost above 90 thousand horse and foot ; and of the Macedons there were missing 500. besides a multitude of them that came hurt out of the field And Curtius , [ lib. 4. cap. ult . ] that there were slain of the Persian side , 40 thousand upon account taken ; and somewhat lesse than 3 hundred of the Macedonians . But of the totall of them that were slain in the three battels , this , and that at Issus , and at Granicum , Orosius , [ lib. 3. cap. 17. ] casting up the number of those that had been lost on that side , in the 3 years past , with 3 or 4 moneths , and some odd dayes over , setteth it down in this wise . In such a multitude of calamities , saith he , it is a thing incredible , that in three battles , fought within three years space , there should be slain 50 hundred thousand men , horse and foot ; and that out of a kingdom , and those nations , out of which , in but a few years before , there had been , upon account , slain , 90 hundred thousand men : Though besides those 3 fights in those three years , a multitude of cities in Asia had been destroyed with their inhabitants , and all Syria wasted ; Tyrus ruined , all Cilicia emptied ; Cappadocia subdued , and Egypt sold away : Rhodes also brought into slavery , and many provinces bordering upon the mount Taur●s brought into subjection , and the mount Taurus it self , forced to receive the yoke , which it had so long striven to avoid . Alexander , having a little rested his Horse that were about him , set out at midnight toward Arbela , because he understood that Darius had laid up there all his moneys and royall provisions , which he purposed there to supprise : and the next day came to Arbela , where he found not Darius himself , but all his treasure he did ; and his Target , and his Bow , [ Arrianus lib. 3. ] Diodorus saith , that he found there three thousand talents . Curtius four , all the wealth of the whole army , having been carried and laid up in that place [ lib. 5. cap. 2. ] With this battle the Empire of Persia seemed to have been ended . And now was Alexander proclaimed King of Asia , and thereupon offered magnificent sacrifices to his gods , and distributed among his Nobles , houses , territories , and provinces at his pleasure , [ Plut. in Alexander . ] Now because he knew it could not be but that the aire thereabout , must be infected with the stench of the carcases of all sorts there lying slain , he therefore made hast to remove from Arbela , [ Diod. in the beginning of his second part , lib. 17. Curt. lib. 5. cap. 2. ] and the fourth day after came to a city called Mennis ; where there is a fountain , issuing forth sulphar or liquid brimstone , [ Curt. ibid. ] And as he came towards Babylon , Mazeus , who had fled thither out of the field , met him , with his children , that were of age , in all humble manner , and yeilded up both himself and them , and the city of Babylon , and all , into his hands : and he received him and his children very graciously ; and Bagophanes , who had the keeping of the Castle there , with the Kings treasure in it , that he might not seem to be out-done by Mazaeus , strowed all the way where he was to passe with flowers and garlands : erecting on each hand of the way , silver altars , burning on them not onely franckincense , but also all other sorts of sweet odors . Alexander guarded with armed men , commanded all the men of Babylon that came forth to meet him , to come behind the very rear of all his foot . He in his Chariot made his entrance into the city , and so went up to the Kings palace ; and the next day took a view of the kings treasure , [ so Curt. lib. 5. c. 3. Justin l. 11. c. 14. ] saith , that having refresht and rewarded his souldiers , he spent 34 days in this work ; for so the better sort of copies have it , and Orosius agreeth thereto , and Curtius also , [ lib. 5. c. 5. ] that this army spent the same number of dayes there , in faining themselves , and Diod. ut supra . comfirms , that they stayed there above 30 dayes , being taken with the commodiousnesse of the place , and the entertainment which they found at the Citizens hands . Among others who entertained Alexander in this city , were the Chaldeans , who discoursed to him concerning the course and motions of the Stars , and fatal arterations of the times , [ Curt. lib. 5. cap. 3. ] From whom Callisthenes one of Alexanders followers , received the observations of the Heavenly bodies for 1903 years space ; and transmitted them to Aristotle in Greece , as I mentioned before , in the year of the World 1771. out of Porphyrie . Alexander himself also consulted with the Chaldeans : and by their advice , sacrificed to Belus : and whatever they prescribed him concerning the reparation of the Temples there , that he did . And thereupon , commanded the Babylonians to repair the Temples which Xerxes had formerly demolished ; especially that of Belus , seated in the heart of the City : and commanded forthwith the rubbage to be carried away , [ Arria . lib. 3. pag. 63. and lib. 7. pag. 159. ] which it self was so great a work to do , that it took up 10 thousand mens labour for two whole moneths , to clear the place where the Temple stood , [ Strabo , lib. 16. pag. 738. ] But when Alexander commanded all his army to help to carry away the rubbage , the Jews onely refused to set hand to that work ; for which Hecataeus of Abdera , who was then with Alexander , saith , that they endured many a blow , and many other grievous inconveniences , till Alexander himself hearing their reasons , dispensed with them therein , [ Josephus cont . Ap●on . lib. 1. page 1049. ] Alexander wondred at nothing more in those parts , than at a hole in the earth in Ecbatana , or rather in Batana , as other copies have it ( for Batana , which is a city placed by Stephanus Byzantinus near the Euphrates , and not Ecbatana , the Metropolis of Media is here meant ) where flames of fire continually break forth as out of a fountain , and a living spring of Naphta rising not far from that hole , where the fire breaketh forth ; of the effects of which fiery nature here made known to Alexander , [ Plutarch , in his life ] speaketh more at large . Alexander , commanding Bagophanes , ( who had surrendred the Castle of Babylon ) to follow him , committed the keeping thereof to Agathon , of the town of Pydna , with 700 Macedons , and 300 Mercenary souldiers : and made Mazaeus , who delivered that city to him , Governour of all the Province of Babylon ; setting Apollodorus of Amphipolis , and Menetes of Pella in Macedonia , to be Commanders of the Militia in that , and all the other Regions westward , as far as Cilicia : and for that purpose left with them , 2 thousand souldiers , with a thousand talents of silver , to raise Mercenary souldiers with . He appointed Asclepiodotus Philotas his son , to gather up his tributes in those parts , and sent Mithrines , who gave up the city Sardes to him , to be Governour in Armenia , [ Diodor. Arria . Curtius . ] Out of the monies which he found in Babylon , he gave to every Macedonian Horseman , 6 pound , to every stranger 5 pounds ; to every Foot souldier , that was a Macedon , 2 pounds , to every stranger 2 moneths pay , [ Diodor. ] An Attic ounce , or pound , contained an hundred Drachmaes ; which Curtius confounding with the Roman Denarius , saith , he gave to every Macedonian Horseman 600 Denarii , and to every stranger 500. and to every Foot souldier 200. [ lib. 5. cap. 6. ] And now was Alexander upon his way from Babylon , when Amyntas the son of Andromenes , came to him with a supply of men sent him by Antipater Governour of Macedonia ; of these there were out of Macedonia it self , 500 Horse , and 6 thousand Foot : out of Thrace , 600 Horse , and 3500 Foot : out of Peloponesus , 4 thousand Foot , and 380 Horse ; as Curtius , or little lesse than a full thousand as Diodorus hath it : and along with them went the children of fifty the principal Nobles of Macedonia , to be Squires of the body to the King , [ Diodor. and Curtius . ] Alexander having received this supply , went onward of his journey : and in six dayes march , came into a country called Sitacine , but by Curtius Satrapene ; and because this country abounded with all things necessary for the life of man , therefore he made stay there many dayes ; where taking an exact trial , of every mans prowese and dexterity in the feats of Chivalry , he gave those eight , which were judged to excell the rest , every man to have the comand of a thousand men . Then divided he his whole army into so many Brigades ; for before that time , they went by 500 in a company , nor were those places formerly given upon trial made of their virtues , as now . And whereas before , the Horse of every Nation served together , apart from others ; now making no difference of Nations , he appointed them Commanders , such as were most expert in the war of what nation soever . And having reformed the martial discipline of his army in many points , so as the whole body thereof fell into a great likeing of the Head , and ready in all things to serve at his command : he then put foreward and went on upon his intended journey , [ Diodor. and Curtius lib. 5. cap. 6. ] And now drawing near to Susa , there met him on the way , the son of the Governour of Susa , with a Post , and letters from Philoxenus , whom Alexander immediately after the battel at Arbela , had dispacht away to Susa : The effect of which letters , was this ; that the inhabitants of Susa had given up the city to his dispose ; and that all the treasure there , was reserved safe for him , [ Arria . lib. 3. ] and the same was delivered to him by word of mouth by the son of Abulites , the governour of the place , whether of his own accord , or whether , as some would have it , by Darius his command , to the end , that whiles he busied himself there about those money matters , himself might have the more time , to raise a new war against him , [ Diodor. and Curtius lib. 5. cap. 7. ] The King enterteined the young man with much grace and favour ; and using him for his guide , came to the river Idaspes ; al. Choaspes , which runs with a delicate , but violent stream . Here Abulites himself met him , with a princely present , among which were certain Dromedaries , or running Camels , of an incredible swiftnesse , and 12 Elephants , which Darius had sent for out of India . [ Curtius ibid. ] Upon the day , after he left Babylon , he came to Susa , and having there made his entry , he received 50 thousand talents of silver , with all other the kings wardrobe , and other furniture , [ Arria . lib. 3. ] and as much more silver in sows , saith Curtius ; but Diodorus reckons upward of 400 thousand talents of silver and gold in sowes and wedges , and 9 thousand talents coined into Darics , there found , Plutarch mentions 40 thousand talents in ready coine , and five thousand talents worth of Hermionic scarlet , which had been laid up there 190 years before , and yet lookt as fresh , as it did the first day it was laid up . There again did Alexander offer sacrifice , according to the Macedonian manner , by torch-light , and exhibited gymnick pastimes and exercises , [ Arrianus . ] Then sate he him down in the royal throne of Persia , far higher than for the proportion of his body to sit on ; and therefore , when his feet would not reach to the step by which he mounted it , one of the pages took the table , whereat Darius used to eat his meat , and put it under , for a footstool unto him : which Philotas perceiving , perswaded him to take it for a signe of good luck unto him , [ Diodor. and Curt. lib. 5. cap. 7. ] As for robes , and other purple stuff which was sent him out of Macedon , with those which wrought them , he sent it all to Darius his mother Sysigambes , whom he respected in all points , and honoured as a son should do his mother : adding withal in his message to her , that if she liked those works , she should do well to let her young nieces to learn to work them ; whereat when he understood that she was not a little troubled in her minde , he went himself , and excused the matter to her , by his ignorance of the Persian manners of doing in that kind , and comforted her again , [ Curt. ib. cap. 8. ] and so left her , and Darius his two young daughters , and his little son Ochus at Susa , and departed ; leaving some to instruct both her and them in the Macedonians language , [ Diodor. ] And so himself went foreward toward the utmost bounds of Persia , leaving Archelaus with a garrison of three thousand souldiers to keep the city , and Xenophilus to manne the Castle , and Callicrates to gather up his tributes . But for the civil government of the province of Susa , he committed it to Abulites , who had given up all unto him , [ Curt. Ibid. cap. 8. ] But sent back Menetes to the sea side , and made him governour of Phaenicia , Syria and Cilicia , [ Arria . lib. 3. ] Alexander , in four dayes march , came to the river called Pasitigris : and having passed it , with 9 thousand foot , and 3 or 4 thousand horse ; went into the country of the Uxians , bordering upon the province of Susa ; and running out into the principal part of Persia , between which and that , there is a narrow passage : Madates was governour of this country , who had married Sysigambes her sisters daughter . Alexander gave Tauron 1500 mercenaries , and upon the point 1000 Agrians , and bad him with them to set forward as soon as it grew dark , and following his guides , to go , by such by-wayes and secret passages as they should shew him , and advance as far as to the city , which himself purposed to besiege . He then taking with him the squires of his body and his Targateers , and some 8 thousand other souldiers , set foreward at the third watch at the same night , and by break of day , came to those streights , which opened into the Uxians country , and having passed them , came and sate down before the city . The Uxians seeing themselves hem'd in on all parts with a siege , sent out of the Castle there 30 men in suppliant wise , tocrave his pardon ; but that would not doe : yet at length having received letters of request from Sysigambes , he did not onely pardon Madates her kinsman , but restored all as well prisoners , as those who had voluntarily submitted to him , to their pristine libert● , and left the city untoucht , and their land all over tribute free , [ Curtius lib. 5. cap. 9. ] For Arrianus reports out of Ptolomaeus Lagi , that at Sysigambes her entreaty , he left them indeed their lands to till , but put a yearly tribute upon them , of 100 horses , and 500 beasts for carriage , and 3000 sheep ; for this whole relation , is diversely made by Diodore , Curtius and Arrianus . Alexander , having subdued the country of the Uxians , laid it to the Province of Susa , and parting all his forces between himself and Parmenion , commanded the luggage , and the Thessalian Horse , and confederates , and forreign mercenaries , and the corselets , to go with him thorough the champion country ; but himself taking with him the Macedonian Foot , and the Horse of his confederates , and light Horse , which he sent before him to discover , with the squadron of Agrians , and archers , went by the way of the mountain , which run all along in a ridge as far as unto Persia , [ Curtius , lib. 5. cap. 10. Arria . lib. 3. ] Upon the fifth day after , as Diodorus and Curtius say , he came to the streights of Persia , called the Susian Pyles , or Gates . These Ariobarzanes the Persian kept with 25 thousand Foot , and 300 Horse , as Diodorus saith ; or with near about 4 thousand Foot , and 7 hundred Horse , as Arrianus : And he there repulsed Alexander with losse and shame , and made him retreat 30 furlongs off from that passage : But at last , having taken a certain shepherd prisoner , who was borne of a Persian mother , but begotten by a father borne in Lycia ; and being by him guided thorough narrow and craggy by-paths , and over certain snowie mountains , he routed the enemy , and opened a fair and free passage thorough those streights . Yet Ariobarzanes with some 40 Horse , and 5 thousand Foot , brake thorough the army of the Macedons , with a great slaughter , as well of them , as of his own men , hasting by all means possible , to get into Persepolis , which was the Metropolis o● Head City of that kingdom ; but being kept out there , and the enemy following him at the very heeles , he fell back upon them , and in a second fight , was by them cut in pieces , with all that followed him : all which is more fully related by [ Diodor. Curtius , Arria . Plutarch , and Polyaenus , lib. 4. stratag . ] As he was now marching forward toward Persepolis , letters met him from Tiridates , Darius his Treasurer in that place , shewing him , that the inhabitants of Persepolis hearing of his approach , were ready to fall upon the Kings treasure , and to share it among themselves : and desiring him therefore to make all possible haste to prevent them : He therefore leaving his Foot to come after , travelled all night with his Horse , though already tired with so long a journey , and came by break of day to the river Araxes ; and there making a bridge , passed over with his army , [ Diodor. and Curtius , lib. 5. cap. 11. ] And now he was come within two furlongs of the City , when about some 8 hundred ( for so Diodorus , Justinus , and Suidas , in the word Alexander , report , not 4 thousand , as Curtius ) poor Grecian slaves , following one Euctemon of Cuma in Eolia , came forth as humble suppliants to meet him . These were such as the former Kings of Persia had taken in the wars , and made slaves of them ; and in excesse of cruelty , had hitherto kept alive , some their Feet , some their hands , some their eares , and other their noses cut off , branding them all with letters or other markes in their faces , as he saw . These besought him , that as he had done Greece , so he would now vouchsafe to deliver them from the slavery of the Persian cruelty : and afterward , when he offered to send a convoy with them into Greece , they desired him rather to lay them out , and bestow some lands among them there right ; least that , in case they were , they should not prove a comfort , but an abomination to their friends and kinsfolkes , at home . The King approving their motion , gave to every of them , 3 thousand Drachmaes , ( which Curtius in this place also renders , by the word Denarios ) and 5 suites of raiment for a man , and as many for every woman , and two yoke of oxen , and 500 sheep and 50 bushels of wheat , whereby they might go in hand to till and sow the land , which he had laid out for them : And moreover , exempted their land from paying all manner of tribute , and left some to protect them , and to see that no man should wrong them , [ Diodor. and Curtius , ib. cap. 12. with Justin. lib. 11. cap. 14. ] The next day , calling together all the Commanders , and Captains of his army , he declared to them , that this city Persepolis , the Metropolis of Persia , had ever been most outragiously bent against the Grecians , and that therefore he was resolved to give the plunder of it to the souldier , all save the Kings Palace ; whereupon there presently followed a huge slaughter of the prisoners which they had taken . And this he avowed as his own act in writing , thinking it to be for his honour , that he commanded them , as enemies to be so butchered . Plutarch sayes , that he found treasure there , equal to that at Susa. Diodorus writeth , that coming into the Fort or Citadel , he found therein 120 thousand talents , reckoning the gold after the rate of the silver ; which is the same summe which Curtius hath , [ lib. 5. cap. 13. ] When Alexander first sat down in Persepolis , upon the Royal Throne under a golden Canopie , Demaratus the Corinthian , and an old friend of his , and his fathers before him , is reported to have fallen like an old man a weeping , and to have said withal , That those Grecians lost a great pleasure , who died before that day , and lived not be behold Alexander sitting in Darius his Throne , [ Plut. in Alexan. ] Alexander left the keeping of the Citadal or Castle of Persepolis to the keeping of Nicarthides , with a garrison of 5 thousand Macedons , Tiridates also , who delivered the treasure to him , held the same state and office , which he had under Darius ; and leaving there a great part of his army and stuff , committed the keeping of the city to Parmenion and Craterus himself , with a thousand horse , and light armed foot , went to visit the inner parts of Persia at the rising of the seven stars : and although he was intolerably vexed with stormes , and other tempestuous weather upon the way , yet he went through to the place , which he intended : by the way , he came to a place all covered with snow , and frozen over with ice : But he , seeing his souldiers at a stand , leapt off his horse , and went himself on foot over the ice and snow : The country people , which dwelt scattered in cretes and cabans , when they saw troops and companies of the enemy , fell on killing such of their children and others , as were not able to go with them , and fled all to the wild woods and mountains , covered with snow : But some of them , being drawn to a parley , they by little and little , laid a side their fright , and submitted to the king , nor did Alexander suffer any hurt to be done unto them ; [ Curt. l. 5. c. 14. ] At length , having wasted the country of Persia all over , and taken sundry townes thereof , he came into the countrey of the Mardi ; a warlike Nation , and far differing in behaviour from the Persians : which yet Alexander took in , and returned to Persepolis , the thirtieth day after he set out from thence ; then he set him to bestow his rewards upon his Nobles and others , to every man according to his deserts : giving away almost what ever he had there gotten , [ Id. Ibid. ] This jourey of his , taken , as I said before , about the rising of the seven stars , Curtius only describes , whereas Plutarch saies , that , because the winter now grew on , to give his army some case , he therefore spent 4 moneths in Persia , now Pliny [ lib. 18. cap. 31. ] tells us , that the Athenians began their winter upon the Ides of November , when the seven stars set : But the course of times , reckoned from the battle at Gaugamela , shew that Alexander could not come to Persepolis before our December : others also cast a doubt concerning the Mardi themselves : for Curtius tells us , that he subdued them not till after the death of Darius , [ lib. 6. cap. 9. ] unlesse we will distinguish these Mardi of Persia ( mentioned by Herodotus lib. 1. cap. 125 , and by Nearchus in Strabo lib. 11. pag. 524 , and Arrianus in his Indica , pag. 196. ) from those Mardi , which bordered upon Hircania ; neither doth that of Curtius , where he saith that he gave away almost all that he got at Persepolis : for he speaks expresly of that , and not of what he got at Pasargadis ( as we shewed before , in the year of the world 3669 , out of Jacobus Capellus ) well agree , with that which himself delivered in the very end of the next precedent chapter , where hee saith , that Alexander commanded Horses and Camels to bee sent for from Babylon and Susa , to carry along those one hundred and twenty thousand talents which he found in this city , which we may compare with that of Strabo , [ lib. 15. pag. 731. ] where he speaketh in this wise ; All the moneys of Persia ( saith he ) he carried out of Susa , which it self was full of treasure , and rich stuffe : It is delivered for certain , that what ever he got in Babylon , and in Darius his Camp , and never came into this accompt ; in Persia it self , and Susa , there were found 40 thousand talents ; some say , 50 thousand . And with that in Diodore ; where he saith , that when he was forced to lay out much of the money there gotten , upon the necessary uses of his wars , and purposed to send part of it to Susa to be laid up there in bank , yet was he fain to get a multitude of horses , both of draught , and carriages , and 3 thousand Camels with pack saddles , from Babylon , and out of Mesopotamia ; to carry his treasure to appointed places : and Plut. moreover tells us , [ in Alexan. ] that his monys and stuffe from thence taken , wanted 10000 yoke of mules , and 5000 camels , to carry them away . Darius , staying a while at Ecbatan in Media , gathered together , those which were left of the overthrow , and furnisht them with armes again , that had lost their own in the flight : he sent also for new supplies out of the neighbouring nations of his dominions : he also sent to the Governors and Officers in Bactria , and other countries , to continue firme in their allegeance to him ; [ Diodor. in the 2 part of his 17 book ; ] and his purpose was that , if Alexander stood hankering about Susa and Babylon , he would stay in Media , to see whether they who were about him , might not happily raise some new commotions ; but if he found that he purposed to pursue him , then to retire to Parthia and Hircania , and even into Bactria it self : and by wasting all the countries as he went , to leave Alexander no possibility of following him , for want of forrage : wherefore he sent away before him , all the women , and other bagg and baggage , and carriages whatsoever , to the Caspian Gates , or streights ; & himself with such small forces as he had gotten together , staid at Ecbatane , in expectance , how things might go , [ Arria . lib. 3. ] Alexander made a feast for his victories already gotten , and offered magnificent sacrifices to his gods ; and feasted his Nobles , with a most sumptuous banquet ; with store of whores and curtisans among : every one with her ruffian : Among these there was one Thais , an Athenian borne , and a sweet-heart to Ptolomaeus Lagi his son ; at whose drunken motion , Alexander , no lesse far gone in wine than she her self was , commanded all Persepolis , both City and Castle , to be set on a light fire , with caroling , and instruments of musick playing all the while , contrary to the advice of Parmenion , if it might have been heard . It is true , that having slept upon it , it much repented him of what he had done , saying , That the Grecians could not have been more revenged of the Persians , if they had been forced to have seen him sitting in Xerxes his throne . [ Curt. lib. 5. ca. 15. Diod. Plut. Arria . ] The day after he bestowed 30 talents upon that shephard of Lycia , who had been his guide and shewed him the way into Persia , [ Curt. ibid. ] Alexander after this took Pasargada , a city built by Cyrus , and which was now given up to him , by Gobares the Governour thereof , with 6 thousand talents , [ Id. cap. 13. ] where he visited the sepulchre of Cyrus , as Strabo reports out of Aristobulus , who was present went he when to do it , [ lib. 15. pag. 730. ] Then went he and took in the rest of the cities of Persia , some by pure force , others upon their voluntary surrender , [ Diod. ] which it seemeth was done , at the morning rising of the seven stars , from whence the ancients reckoned the beginning of summer , not at the morning setting of them , and beginning of winter , at which time it was , that he took his journey into the heart of Persia , as Curtius seemeth to say , Alexander made Phrasaortes the son of Rheomithris , Governour of Persia , [ Arrianus lib. 3. ] and then went into Media ; where a fresh supply came to him out of Cilicia , consisting of five thousand foot , and one thousand horse , all commanded by one Plato , an Athenian born , and then went foreward , to follow after Darius , [ Curt. lib. 5. cap. 16. ] Darius was purposed , leaving Ecbatane , to flee into Bactria ; but fearing lest Alexander should overtake him upon the way , he changed his purpose . Alexander was at that time 1500 furlongs off from him : but no distance of place seemed enough to prevent his speed in following , and therefore he resolved , instead of flying , to try the fortune of another battle . He had then 30 thousand men about him ; of which four thousand were Grecians , under the command of Pattan , ( all men of approved fidelity toward him ) besides 4 thousand archers and slingers : and yet more , 3300 horse , consisting for the most part of Bactrianus , commanded by Bessus , Governour of Bactria , [ Curt. ib. ] Diodorus reckons them 30 thousand Persians and Mercenary Greeks : Arrianus 3 thousand horse , and 6 thousand foot , and no more ; who also sayes , that Darius carried with him out of Media , no more then 7 thousand talents . But Strabo [ lib. 15. pag. 731. saies , that Darius when he fled out of Media , carried with him 8 thousand talents , which they , who murdered him , rifled and shared among themselves ; and Diodorus , [ year . 4. Olympiade 112. ] sayes , that Alexander , when he pursued Darius , had just so many talents from his cash-keepers . And Atheneus [ lib. 11. pag. 514. of the Greek and Latin edition , ] out of Charetes his history of Alexander tells us , that the custom of the Persian Kings was , wherever they went , to have over the Kings bed-chamber , a Garret , with five Chests in it , wherein there were always 5 thousand talents of gold kept , and that they called the Kings pillows , and at the back staires one other room , where were ever kept three thousand talents , in three chests , and that was called the kings bench to sit on . Bessus , the governour of Bactria , and Nabarzanes , commander of 1000 horse , both which followed Darius in his flight , commanded their souldiers to seize on his person , and to bind him fast , resolving , if Alexander overtook them , to purchase their own peace , by delivering him bound into his hands : but if they could get clear of him , then to set up for themselves , and to renew the war against him in their own names , [ Curt. lib. 5. cap. 18. 22 , 23. Arria . lib. 3. pag. 67 , 68. and 76. ] This , saith Justin [ lib. 11. cap. 15. ] was acted in a certain town in Parthia called Thara , or rather , Dara , so called afterward by Arsaces , the first king of Parthia , in remembrance of this vilany there acted upon Darius : adding out of Trogus , that this was done by a kind of fatality , that the Persian Empire , should end in their land , who were pre-ordained to succeed them in the Empire . The kings treasure and stuff , of which I speak , was rifled , as if it had all been enemies goods , Bessus and Nabarzanes , together with one Braza , ( al. Barzaentes ) governour of the Arachoti , and Drangian took Darius , carryed him away prisoner in a Cart : yet to shew some respect , they clapt golden chains upon him : and again , that he might not be known , they covered the Cart , with a base dirty tilt made of skins , and set strangers to drive it ; who , if any man should ask , could not tell who was in it , and those who were his jaylors , came a pretty way behind . The Persians , won thereto by Bessus his large promises , and the rather , because there was no body now left to whom they might apply themselves , joyned with the Bactrians : and now Bessus was made general , in Darius his room , by the Bactrian horse , and other nations ; which had accompanied Darius in his flight . But Artabazus and his sons , with those which he commanded , and the Greeks commanded by Patron , kept themselves a part from Bessus , and leaving the rode way , gat up the mountains , and marched away to Parthiene , [ Curt. lib. 5. cap. 23. Arria . lib. 4. pag. 68. ] Alexander bending his course into Media , fell in upon the Paritacae , and subdued their country , and made Oxoathres , Abuletus his son , governour over them , [ Arrian . pag. 66. ] Tabas was a Town in the utmost border of Paritocene , there he was told , by some who had abandoned Darius , and fled to him , that Darius was gone in all hast to Bactria , [ Curt. lib. 5. cap. 24. ] But coming within three dayes journey of Ecbatane , he was more certainly enformed by Bistanes , the son of Ochus , who reigned in Persia next before Darius , that Darius was fled from Ecbatane five dayes before , [ Arrianus lib. 3. ] Alexander , when he came to Ecbatane , finding the Thessalian and others of the confederate Horse unwilling to accompany him any further , dismissed them to return into their own countries : and at their parting , over and above their full pay , gave 2 thousand talents to be shared among them , [ Arria . ibid. Plut. in Alexan. ] But Diodorus and Curtius , ( speaking of his dismissing the Grecians , as a thing done after the death of Darius , and in a general way without any special mention made of the Thessalian Troups ) say , that he gave to every one that served on horseback a talent , or 6 thousand Deneers , as [ Curtius in lib. 6. cap. 3. ] expresseth it : counting here , as his manner every where is , a deneere , for a drachma . And Diodorus addes , that he gave to every Foot souldier ten mnâs ; ( i. e. ) a thousand drachmaes , and provision enough besides for every man to carry him on his way into his own country : and to every one of them that would continue in his service , he gave 3 talents ready money : and finding that the number of them that stayed was not small , he appointed one Epocillus to convoy the rest to the sea side in Asia ; for the Thessalians that returned left their horses with him . And moreover he wrote to Menetes , Governour in those parts , that as soon as they arrived there , he should furnish them forthwith with shipping , and see them transported into Europe side , [ Arria . ] For the re-embursement of those great summes bestowed on the souldiers so dismissed , Alexander was fain , for all his haste made in the pursuite of Darius , to levy a vast quantity of monies in the way as he went : of which Diodorus speaking , saith . That he received of Darius his treasurers , 8 thousand talents , over and above that which they of themselves bestowed among his souldiers , with cups , and other rewards which amounted to 13 thousand talents : and yet that which they either stole , or wrung out of mens hands perforce , was reckoned to a great deale more : so saith Diodorus , [ pag. 547. in the Greek and Latin Edition ] wherewith that of Curtius very well agreeth , [ lib. 6. cap. 2. ] where he saith ; That in the next spoile which he made , he raised 26 thousand talents : out of which 12 ( Justin hath it 13. lib. 12. cap. 1. ) talents were spent in one largesse which he bestowed among his souldiers : and his Exchequer-men cousened him of so much more . But we read in Arrianus , [ page 67. ] That now he gave in charge to Parmenion , that he should take all the monies which were brought him out of Persia , and lay them up in Ecbatane , under the keeping of Harpalus , with a guard of 6000 Macedons , and some Horse of his confederates . Now this money so brought , and laid up in Ecbatane , some reckon to have amounted to 180 thousand talents , [ Strabo , lib. 15. pag. 731. ] among which Diodorus is one , who saith also , that Parmenion had the charge of all that treasure , [ page 552. ] Justin also , [ lib. 12. cap. 1. ] saith , that that treasure amounted to 190 thousand talents , and that Parmenion had the keeping of it : wherein they both speak righter , in making Parmenion the keeper of it , than Arrianus doth in naming Harpalus to that office , whom we shewed before , to have been left at Babylon , to gather up the tribute and other duties of the King in those parts . But here Arrianus tells us , that Alexander sent away Parmenion with certain Brigadaes of forreigners , and Thracian Horse and others , all , save onely the Troup of his own fellow Cavaleers , to march thorough the country of the Cadusians into Hircania ; and that he wrote also to Clitus , Captain of the Kings Troup , that so soon as he came from Susa to Ecbatane , ( for he was left behind sick at Susa ) he should take such Horse as were there left to guard the monies , and to march away into Parthia , and to meet him there . Alexander , taking with him the Troup of his fellow Cavaleers , and vant courriers , and mercenaries led by Erigyius , and the Macedonian squadron ( saving those which were left at Ecbatane to guard the monies ) and the Agrians and archers , went after Darius : And because he made over great haste in his march , it therefore happened that many of his company Men and Horse tired out , and not able to follow , fainted on the way , and perished ; Yet Alexander would on , and upon the eleventh day came to Rages , [ Arria . lib. 3. ] having in those eleven dayes , gone 3300 furlongs . In which long journey , the Horse , though in many places they wanted water , followed him very chearfully ; yet so , as that of that company which set out with him from Ecbatane , there came but 60 with him to his journeyes end , [ Plut. in Alex. ] This City of Rages ( mentioned Tobit . 1. v. 14. and 4. v. 1. ) is but one dayes journey from the Caspian gates , or streights , to a man that would ride Alexanders pace ; But Darius was already passed them ; and many of those which set out with him were , in his journey slipt away from him , and gone every man to his own home : and many of them also rendred themselves to Alexander upon the way , [ Arria . ibid. ] Alexander , growing out of all hopes of overtaking Darius , rested him there right , five dayes ; and having refresht his army , made Oxydates a Persian born governour of Media , whom formerly Darius had committed to prison in Susa , purposing to have had his head , [ Id. ib. with Curt. lib. 6. cap. 2. ] From hence Alexander went with his army into Parthia : and the first day he encamped near the Caspian gates : but the next day he entered the gates or streits themselves , and passing thorough them , came into places , well inhabited . And when he had given order for provisions to be brought into him , ( for he was informed that he was to go thorough countries , where no such provision was to be had ) he sent Coenus with the horse and some few companies of foot abroad to forrage , [ Arria . ib. ] Mean while Bagisthenes a great man in Babylon , came out of Darius his Camp to him ; by whom he understood for certain , that Darius was not yet laid hold on , but was in great danger , either of death or bonds , [ Id. Ibid. Curtius lib. 5. cap. 24. ] Alexander hereupon made the more hast after him : and therefore not staying for Coenus his return from forraging , took along with him his felfow Cavaleers , and his vant Couriers , and the Mercenary horse , led by Erigyius , and the Macedon batalion ( saving such as were left to guard his treasure ) with the Agrians and Archers , and leaving Craterus to command the rest , willed him to come after , by more easie journies . Traveling therefore all that night , and the next day till noon , he rested him for a while ; and then travelling all night again , early next morning came to that Camp of Darius , from whence Bagisthenes came unto him : and thence again setting forward , and riding all that night , and the next day till noon , he came to a certain village , where they who had the charge of keeping Darius lay the day before , as Arrianus sayes , or as Curtius hath it , where Bessus laid first hold on him . Having now rode 500 furlongs , from the place where Bagisthenes first came unto him , he lighted upon one Melon , who was Darius his interpreter . He not able thorough weaknesse to follow Darius any further , and seeing Alexander came on so fast , made as if he had fled over to him from Darius , for fear he should else be taken for an enemy : by him Alexander understood the truth of matters , how they went. But weary his men were , and rest they must : but himself making choice of six thousand horse ; he took again out of them 3 hundred Dimachs , ( who what they were , you may learn out of Pollux and Hesychius ) These ware havy Corselets on their backs , yet rode on horseback : but if need were , alighted , and served on foot , so sayes Curtius : but Arrianus [ lib. 3. cap. 68. ] thus , when he saw , that the foot could not possibly keep pace with him , running thus on horse-back , he made about 500 , of the horse-men alight , and commanded the Captains , and prime men of the foot companies , all armed as they were , to get upon them . To Nicanor , who commanded the Targateers , and Attalus Colonel of the Squadron of Agrians , he gave in charge , to follow on the way , that Bessus was gone with his men , with those , who were lightest armed : and the rest , he commanded to come after in a square batalion . Whiles Alexander was thus busie in giving orders , Orcillus and Mithracenes came unto him ; who in detestation of Bessus his fowle act , fled over to him , and told him that the Persians were not above 500 furlongs off : and that they could bring him to them , a nearer way . Taking them therefore for his guides , he set out with the first of the evening with a select company of horse , and went the way they led him , commanding the Macedonian Phalanx or Squadron to follow him , as fast as possibly they could ; and now he had gone 300 furlongs , when one Brocubelus ( called by Arrianus pag. 67. Antibelus ) the son of Mazeus , sometimes governour of Syria under Darius , met him , and as one flying over to him , informed him , that Bessus was not above 200 furlongs before him , and that his army doubting of no danger near , marched they cared not how , and out of all order , that they were bound , as it seemed , for Hircania , if he made hast , he might fall upon them , all stragling from their colours , [ Curt. lib. 5. cap. 24. ] Bessus and his consorts , finding Alexander to be now upon the back of them , went to Darius , where he was in his poor tilted cart , and desired him to get to horse , and save himself by flight : which when he refused to do , Satibarzenes and Barsaentes , threw each of them his dart at him , and having wounded him in sundry parts , left him : they also houghed the horses that drew him , that they might go no further , and killed his two seravnts that still attended on him , [ Curt. lib. 5. cap. 25. with Arria . pag. 69. lib. 3. ] onely his dog kept with him , [ Elia. Histor. animal . lib. 6. cap. 25. ] This done , Satibarzanes and Barzaentes , with 600 horse , fled away as fast as possibly they could , [ Arrian . pag. 69. ] And that they might not be pursued upon one and the same track , Nabarzanes fled into Hircania , Bessus into Bactria : The rest , having lost their Captains , dispersed themselves , some here , some there : onely five hundred of the horse , kept in a bodie , uncertain what to doe , fight or flee , [ Curtius , ut supra . ] Alexander , seeing in what confusion the enemy was , sent Nicanorto bid them stay : himself followed after ; and having slain about 3 thousand of them that would not yeild , drove the rest before him like so many cattle , without hurting them , and gave the word , to kill no more ; and hasted forward so speedily , that scantly 3 thousand horse followed him . But all the companies of the enemy that fled , fell into their hands , that came after him ; so that the number of prisoners , was greater than of those that took them : and so far had fear bereft them of their senses , that they never perceived or considered , either how many themselves , or how few their enemies were , [ Id. Ibid. ] Mean while the horses which drew Darius his cart , having none to drive them , straied out of the rode way : and having gone some 4 furlongs , stood still in a certain valley , fainting , what with the heat of the wether , what with the hurts they had received ; There was not far off a fountain of water ; which one Polystratus a Macedonian born , having learnt out by the country people , all tired out with heat and wounds as he was , went to quench his thirst at . And as he was taking up water in his head-peece , he spied the darts which stuck in the bodies of the horses , that were in the cart , [ Id. Ibid. ] and coming nearer , he saw Darius lying in the cart ; grievously wounded , but not quite dead : And Darius calling to him for a litle water , and hauing drunk it off , desired him to carry his thanks to Alaxander for the favour which he had shewed , to his mother ; and to his wife and children ; craving of him , nothing but an honest burial for himself ; and as for revenge , it concerned not him , so much as it did Alexander himself , and the common right of Kings ; which to neglect , might prove , not onely dishonourable , but also dangerous unto him ; the one concerning him in point of justice , the other , of profit and safety to his person : in token whereof , he gave him , he said , his right hand , to carry to Alexander ; and so giving his hand to Polystratus , he gave up the ghost , [ Just. l. 11. c. 15 , with Plut. in Alex. ] And thus ended Darius his dayes , in the year when Aristophontus , was L. Chancelor in Athens , in the moneth Hecatombaeon : when he had lived about 50 years , [ Arri. lib. 3. pag. 69. ] and had reigned 6 years , in the year from the death of Cyrus , who set up the Persian Empire , 200. in the very beginning of the 3 year of the 112 Olympiade : From whence also Calippus ( a man renowned by Aristotle , who was at that time grown famous in his schoole at Athens , lib. 12. of his Metaphisicks , ) began his Periodus , or account of 76 years : as we find by divers Astronomical observations of Ptolomei , in his great Syntaxis , thereunto applied ; for though Strabo , [ lib. 6. ] saith , that Darius lost his Empire at the battle of Gaugamela , fought nine years before , and justin , in his eleventh book , affirmes , that then Alexander took the Empire of Asia out of his hand , yet since it appeareth , that Darius being murthered by his kinsfolks , lost both life and kingdom all at once , as Justin in the end of his 10 book speaketh ; we can no longer doubt but that Calippus , in memorial of Alexanders Empire , or Monarchy of Asia , made this the terme or Epocha of his Periodus , or calculation of years . Now to this Monarchie of Alexander , Isidore and Beda out of Eusebius his Chronicle , allow but five years onely ; Jul. Africa . six , and the Chronologer , which wrote in the time of Alexander Severus , seven , [ Tome 2. Antiquar . Lectio . Hen. Cavisis , p. 600. ] Strabo in the end of his 15 book , ten or eleven . Nicephorus Constantinopolitanus in his Chronicle , twelve , and Clemens Alexandrinus , [ lib. 1. Stromat . ] furthest of all others from the mark , eighteene : since it is most manifest , that from the moneth Hecatombaeon , wherein Darius died , when Aristophontes was L. Chancelor at Athens , to the moneth Thargelion , wherein Alexander departed this life , as we shall shew anon , and when Hegesias was L. Chanclor there , there passed only six years , and ten moneths , in which small space of time , he did such , so many , and so great feats of armes in the east , that he may well be said to have flowen , rather than to have marched over all those regions ; whence it is , that in Daniel [ c. 8. v. 1. ] he is described under the type and figure of a Goate coming from the west , over the face of the whole earth , and never so much as touching the ground , and [ c. 7. v. 6. ] to a winged Pard , a beast , as Hierome upon that place noteth , of all others , the swiftest and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( i. e. ) impetuous : for as he there addeth , nothing was so soon dispatcht , as that conquest of his , who from the gulph of Venice , and the Adriatic sea , to the very Indian Ocean , and the river ganges , ran through all , not so much with battle , as with victorie : now what he did after the death of Darius , is all delivered by Diodorus , in the second part of his 17 book : by Justin , [ lib. 12. ] by Curtius , in the five last books of his History : by Plutarch in his life : and by Arrianus in his 3 book , and the foure following : out of all which I have thought good here to insert the order of his gifts , as followeth . Darius was no sooner dead , but Alexander taking his horse with him , came to the place where he lay , and seeing the dead body of him , wept to see so unworthy a death befallen so high a person ; and took his own coat , and cast it over him , and forthwith sent him to his mother , to be buried in a royal manner , with the kings of Persia : he took also his brother Oxathres into the number of his friends and nobles ; using him with all honour belonging to his high place and parentage ; and presently set himself to pursue Bessus : but for as much as he was gotten an infinire way before him into Bactria , seeing he could not for the present reach him , he came back again . Whiles he remained at Hecatompulis which was a City in Parthiene , built in former ages by the Grecians , and had there gotten good store of provisions together ; there grew a noise which went thorough all the army , as they lay idle in their quarters , that they should all forthwith return into Greece . Alexander , when he had allayed this rumor , and they all bad him lead them whither he would , and they would follow him ; after 3 dayes march thorough the country of Parthiene , came into the borders of Hircania , which Nabarzanes had seized on : and there leaving Craterus with such as he commanded , and , out of Amyntas his Brigade , six hundred Horse , and as many Archers , to keep Parthiene safe from the incursion of the bordering Nations . He commanded Erigyius to look to the carriages , and to follow him thorough the champion country with a considerable company to guard them . Himself , taking with him his ●argateers , and the best of the Macedonian squadron , and some archers , and , having with them marched one hundred furlongs , encamped in a plain near to a small river . He had now refreshed his army there four dayes , when letters came to him from Nabarzanes , who , together with Bessus , had murdered Darius ; by which he rendred himself unto him : from hence Alexander removed 20 furlongs onward , thorough an almost impassable way ; yet having no enemy to oppose him , he gat thorough : and having proceeded some 30 furlongs further , Phradapharnes Governour of Hercania , and Parthiaboth , met him , and surrendred to him , himself , and all those , who after Darius his death , had fled unto him ; all whom he graciously received , and then came to a Town called Arvas . Here Craterus came unto him , who had taken in all the countries which he had passed thorough by fair means or foul . Erigyius also with the carriages , came to him at the same place . He brought with him to his presence Phradates , al. Autophradates , Governour of the country of the Tapurins ; and him Alexander restored , and sent him back to his Government again . When Alexander was now come to the first borders of Hircania , Artabazus the Persian , who was an old guest of Philips , what time he was banished by Ochus , and had ever continued most loyal to Darius , and was now 95 years of age , came unto him with Cophenes , and eight other sons of his , borne all of the same mother , being the sister of Mentor and Memnon ; and Alexander received them all most graciously ; Ariobarzanes also and Arsames , Governours formerly of Darius his appointment , came in and submitted to him . Alexander invaded now the country of the Mardians , bordering upon Hircania ; which possessing themselves of the passages in the mountains , met him there with an army of 8000 men . These set upon , and slew many of them : took more of them prisoners , and made the rest flee into the craggy mountains . Whereupon , at length they sent him home his horse Bucephalus , which they had taken , and craved his pardon , by 50 Ambassadors which they sent unto him . And Alexander , taking hostages of them , made Autophrodates Governour over them , as he had over the Tapurins . From thence he returned in five dayes to the place from whence he set forth against the Mardians , and thither came to him Andronicus the son of Agerrus , and Artabazus , and by his command , brought with them , 1500 Greeks , who had been in pay with Darius in his life time , and 90 Ambassadors , which had from sundry nations been sent unto Darius . Alexander committed the four Lacedemonian Ambassadors , and Dropis the Athenian to prison : As for Democrates the other Athenian Ambassador , because he had ever opposed the Macedonian faction , and therefore despaired of all pardon from Alexander , he slew himself . The Ambassadors from Sinope , and Hecraclides , who were sent from Carthage , and other Ambassadors out of Greece , he set all at liberty : he gave the command of such Grecians as stayed in his service unto Andronicus : But Artabazus , having heaped double the honours upon him , of whatever he held under Darius , he sent away to his own home . Having thus ordered these things , he marched against the greatest City of all Hircania , called Zeudracarta , al. Zadracarta , and there stayed 15 dayes . Here Nabarzanes came unto him , bringing with him infinite presents ; among which , one was Bagoas , an Eunuch of a rare beauty ; who was afterward in great esteem , and could do all in all with Alexander himself . Here Thalestris , al. Minithaea , Queen of the Amazons , lying between the two rivers , Phasis and Themodoon , is said to have come unto him , with 3 hundred Ladies , leaving the rest of her army upon the borders of Hircania , of purpose to be with child by him ; and upon that errand , stayed with him 13 dayes . Curtius in this place contrary to the stream of all Geographers , would needs place these Amazons , upon the borders of Hircania , [ lib. 6. cap. 10. ] whereas Justin sayes , they bordered upon the Albania , [ lib. 42. cap. 3. ] Clitarchus saith , that Thalestris came from the Caspian Gates , and the river Thermodoon to Alexander : and that she came 25. al. 35. dayes journey to him , thorough I know not how many several nations , [ lib. 12. cap. 3. ] which way could not be of lesse than 6 thousand furlongs , [ Strabo lib. 11. ] This coming of hers to Alexander is reported by Polycrates , Onesicritus , Antigenes , Hister , and sundry others . But Aristobulus Chares 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( i. e. ) the Reporter , Ptolomeus Lagi , Anticlides , Philo Thebanus , Philippus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( i. e. ) the Reporter , Hecateus Eretriensis , Philippus Chalcidensis , and Duris Samius , say all , that it is naught else but a meer fable : to which Alexander himself seems to Agree , who in his Commentaries , writing therein all things exactly to Antigonus , saith indeed , that a certain Scythian offered him his daughter to wife ; but of an Amazon not a word . It is reported also , that Onesisieritus , many years after reading his fourth book , to Lysimachus then reigning , mentioned , something of an Amazon , that came to Alexander , whereat he smiled ; and I pray Sir , said he , where was I the while ? [ Plut. in Alex. see Strabo , lib. 11. p , 505. and Arria . lib. 1. pag. 155 , 156. ] Alexander , returning into Parthiene , gave over himself there , to all kind of Persian pride and luxury , he commanded also his nobles to take and wear the long Persian robe , of cloth of gold and scarlet , and if any of the common souldiers had a mind to a Persian wench , he suffered him to marry her . Bessus , wearing now his turbant upright and pointed , and other regal attire , took upon him the title of Artaxerxes , and king of Asia ; and gathered into a body all those Persians which were fled into Bactria , and the Bactrians themselves , and his confederates the Scythians , and others inhabiting as far as the bank of the river Tanais , purposing with them to make a war upon Alexander . Alexander , on the other side , made Amminapes a Parthian born , Governour of Parthia and Hircania under him , for that he with Mazeus , al. Mezaces , had delivered up Egypt formerly into his hands , yet joyned with him , in that charge . Tlepolemus , one of his Nobles , [ Arrian . lib. 3. pag. 69 , ] though Curtius saies , that he made Menatis ( for so he shortly calls Amminapes ) governour of Hircania , who , being heretofore banished by Ochus , had fled for refuge to his father Philip , [ lib. 6. cap. 8. ] Justin sayes , that , having subdued Parthia , he made a certain Noble man of Persia , called Andragoras , Governour thereof : from whom the kings of Parthia , that afterward were , lineally came , seeing that his name , who was afterward put down by Arsaces the setter up , and founder of the Parthian kingdom , was also called Andragoras , [ Justin. lib. 41. cap. 4. ] Alexander , after this , came to Susia , a city of the Arians , and thither came to him Satibarzanes , governour of the Arians , and to him he restored his government to hold it under him ; but joyned Anaxippus , one of his own Nobles to hold it with him , giving him 40 javeliners on horse-back to attend him , to dispose of in places where he thought fit to keep the Arians from being plundered or otherwise wronged by the army , as it passed by . Alexander , being now ready to march against Bessus , when he saw that his army , loaden with the spoile , and furniture of luxury which they had gotten , was scantly able to stir under it , he commanded first his own , then the stuff and carriages , saving onely what was meerly necessary for their present use , to be set on fire . Nicanor , the son of Parmenion , Captain of the Argyraspides , ( i. e. ) of the silver shields , or Targateers , died suddenly , and was much lamented by all , especially by the King himself , who would fain have staied to be present at his funeral : but want to provisions in that place would not suffer him ; wherefore leaving there his brother Philotas with 2600 men to perform his obsequies , he went on his journey , in pursute of Bessus . Satibarzanes , to whom Alexander had restored his government over the Arians , as was laid before , having murdered Anaxippus , with his 40 javeliners on horse-back , gathered all the power he could to the chief city of the Arians , called Chortacana , al. Artacoana , and from thence hearing that Alexander came on , he purposed to go and joyn himsef with Bessus , as in a common war against the Macedons . Alexander , hearing hereof , brake off his journey into Bactra , and having marched 600 furlongs in two dayes , came to Artacoana ; whereupon Satibarzanes with 2000 Horse ( for he could make no more at that present ) fled away into Bactria to Bessus : the rest gat them away all to the mountains . And the King having pursued Satibarzanes a great while , but not able to overtake him , fell upon those who were got into the mountains and took the craggy rocks , whereinto 13 thousand of the Arians , all armed , had retired themselves , and so returned to Artacoana ; which ●was in the mean time besieged by Craterus : and he having prepared all things ready for an assault , stayed onely for the return of Alexander : that the honour thereof , as reason was , might be his ; as Joab did to David , [ 2 Sam. c. 12. v. 27 , 28. ] But the King , when he came and found them ready to implore his mercy , did not onely pardon them , and raise his siege , but also restored to every man his own again : and having within 30 dayes taken in all the places of that country , made Arsaces their Governour , and so departed . Then came fresh supplies unto him : Zoilus brought him 500 Horse out of Greece , Antipater sent him 3 thousand souldiers out of Illyrium ; Philip the son of Menelaus , brought him certain mercenary Horse out of Media , with 130 of those Thessalians , who when they were all dismissed from Ecbatane to return into their own country , would not go , but continued still in the Kings pay . Out of Lydia also , came to him 2600 Foot , with 300 Horse , commanded , as Arrianus seems to say , by one Andromachus . Having thusencreased his number , he came to the Drangeans ( whom Arrianus calls Zarangeans ) whose Governour was Barzaentes , one of those , who with Bessus and Nabarzanes , set upon Darius whiles he was in his flight . He , for fear of punishment from Alexanders hand , got him presently away to the Indians on this side the river Indus . Alexander had now spent 5 dayes in the chief City of the Drangean country , when some of his own people began to conspire his death : One Dimnus , a Macedonian borne , discovered to Nicomachus his bardash , that three dayes hence , Alexander would be murdered , and that he himself was of counsel with sundry noble personages in that action . Nicomachus , though he had sworn secrecy to Dimnus , yet imparted the businesse to his brother Ceballinus , desiring him to acquaint the King therewith . But Ceballinus , because he could not have accesse to the King himself , disclosed it to Philotes first ; and then , finding him cold in the businesse , and like enough to be himself of the same plot , went to Metron , a noble young gentleman , and Master of the Artillery , and advised him to acquaint the King with it out of hand . Alexander , hearing thereof , commanded forthwith all to be laid hold on . Dimnus , being taken , knew well enough what the matter was , and therefore presently drew his own sword , and fell upon it . Ceballinus , being questioned , protested , that the very hour wherein he heard of it , he disclosed the matter to Philotas , desiring him to acquaint the King with it . Philotas being charged therewith , said 't was true ; but that , not out of any ill meaning , but onely thorough over-sight and heedlesnesse he comitted it : and that it seemed to him but a trifle ; yet , being afterward had to the wrack , he confessed all , and thereupon with the rest of the conspirators in that action , was put to death . Then was also called in question before a council of Macedons , one Alexander Lyncestes , for an old conspiracy of his , for which he had already laien in prison 3 years : as Diodorus and Curtius say . This is that Alexander Aneropus , who before the battel at Issus , which was now 4 years past , was committed to prison for practising the Kings death : as appears out of Diodorus , Justin , and Arrianus : see before [ An. mun . 3671. ] and that he had been tampring about the Kings death , more than once before , appears by those words of Alexander to his Council of Macedons , in Curtius , [ lib. 8. cap. 16. ] where he sayes : Alexander Lyncestes , saith he , twice arrained for two several treasons against my life , I have twice taken out of the hand of Justice ; and being a third time convicted , I reprieved him , and kept him in prison these 3 years ( for so it should be according to the true Palatine Manuscript , and not two years , as in the ordinary printed books ) and till you now desired , that he might be brought to his deserved punishment . For indeed , being upon this occasion drawn again into question , before the Judges , and there faultring in his answers , he was without more adoe , thrust thorough with launces by those which stood about and heard him at the bar . The body of Lyncestes being carryed out of the place , the King sitting still in judgement , caused Amyntas the son of Andromenes , with Attalus and Symmias his brothers , all most intimate friends of Philotas , to be brought to the bar . For Polemon the youngest of all , when he heard that Philotas was had to the wrack , fled away : but was taken , and brought to judgement too . Yet at last , Alexander acquitted them all , by his own mouth , upon the general intercession of those that then were there present : And then immediately he dispatched away Polydamas , one whom Parmenion loved , no man better , with two Arabians upon Dromedary Camels into Media , that they might prevent the newes of Philotas his death in those parts , with letters of credence , to Cleander , Sitalces and Menidas , commanders in the army under him , to make him away ; being then Governor of Media , and of greatest repute and authority , next the king , in the army . And by them was Parmenion , being now 70 years of age , whiles having read Alexanders letter , he was reading a second letter , written to him in the name of his son Philotas , stabbed and done to death ; Cleander sent his head to the king , and would hardly suffer the rest of his body to be buried . Strabo tells us , that this feat was gone about and finished in eleven dayes space ; which ordinarily taketh up 30 or 40 dayes journey , in the very going , [ lib. 15. p. 724. ] Alexander fearing least the glory and lustre of all his actions , might be blemished and obscured with a spot of cruelty in such proceedings , did , as Gaos formerly ( An. mun . 3620 , ut sup . ) did , ( i. e. ) he gave it forth , that he was to send some friends of his into Macedonia ; and advised all men that would , to write to their friends in those parts ; as not like to have the like opportunity in haste again , seeing they were going further eastward : every man therefore wrote ; and he took order to have all the pacquets brought to him : whereby finding what every mans opinion of him and his doings was he cast all those , whom he found either weary of the war , or misliking of his actions , into one company , which he termed , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( i. e. ) the unruly company ; to be led by Leonidas , formerly an intimate friend of Parmenions , and then dividing his fellow Cavaleers into two Regiments , he assigned the one part to be commanded by Hephaestion , and the other by Clitus . Having settled matters among the Drangians , he marched toward them , which were called of old , Agriaspe , al. Arimaspi , but of later times by Cyrus , for a benefit by him received from them , surnamed Euergetae , ( i. e. ) Benefactors ; and was there lovingly received and entertained by them . After five dayes stay , made in that country , tidings came to him that Satibarzanes with two thousand horse , sent him by Bessus , had made a fresh inrode upon the Arians , and had drawen them away from his allegeance . Against him therefore , he dispatched away six thousand Grecian foote , and six hundred horse , under the command of Erigyius and Caranus , or as Diodorus sayes , Stasanors command , together with Artabazus the Persian , and Andronicas , and Phrataphernes , the Governour of Parthia . He himself remained among the Euergetae , and there sacrificed to Apollo , and committed Demetrius , one of the Squires of his body , whom he suspected for a conspirator with Philotas , and put Ptolemei the son of Lagus , into his place . Upon these Euergetae he bestowed a large summe of money , and such lands as they desired to be laid unto them , which was not much : and being in like manner welcomed by the Gedrosians , bordering upon the Euergetae , he rewarded them also , according to their deserts . Having spent 60 dayes among the Euergetae , Year of the World 3675 he left Amenides , who had been sometime Darius his Secretary , to govern them , as Curtius saies ; but as Arrianus , he left them a free state , and Diodorus reports , that he set over the Euergetae and Gedrosians both , Teridates , to govern them . Then removed Alexander from thence , and marched into Bactria against Bessus , subduing the Drangi and the Dragagi as he went ; he subdued also Arachosia : and there he met with that part of his army , which was formerly commanded by Parmenion : they were in all 6 thousand Macedons , and 200 men of Honour among them , and 5 thousand Grecians , with 2 hundred horse , or rather 600 : which was , no doubt , the very pith and marrow of all his army ; he set Menon to govern the Arachosians , leaving him foure thousand foote , and six hundred horse , to keepe that Country in order . Then led Alexander his army into the country of the Paropamisadae ; which was about the setting of the seven stars , and beginning of winter , as we gather out of Strabo , [ l. 15. p. 724. ] All the country was then covered over with snow , and an obscure shade , rather than any light of heaven , and a plain darknesse lay upon the earth , so that hardly could a man discerne any thing near hand , yet in this vast wildernesse , did Alexanders army endure and bear out what misery could possibly befall mankind ; want , cold , wearinesse , and even despaire it self ; many died for cold , many mens feete rotted off from their leggs : at last yet they came into a country of a better temper , and more plenty , and there the army was relieved , and the whole countrey quickly brought into subjection . Then went Alexander to the mountain Caucasus , which some call Paropamysus , which mountain he passed in 16 or 17 daies march : and built a city near the foote thereof , at a place where that mountain opens into Media , which after his own name , he called Alexandria , he built also sundry other cities , each of them distant one dayes journey from that of Alexandria ; in these he planted 7 thousand of the Nations thereabout ; and three thousand of those , which followed the Camp , and of those who were growen unserviceable in the wars , as many as would , and made governour of all that region Proexes , a Persian born , and left one of his Nobles Niloxenes , to be an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( i. e. ) an overseer , or ruler over them . When the Macedons and Arians were in fight , Satibarzanes , who commanded the enemy , came forth between the two armies , and pulling off his helmet , told who he was , and chalenged any man that durst , to a single fight or duel . Him Erigyius , General of the Macedon army , undertook , and running his spear thorough the very body of him , slew him upon the place . The barbarians , who came thither by compulsion , rather than for any will they had thereto , seeing their Captain dead , took Erigyius his word , and laid down their arms ; and submitted themselves unto him . Bessus accompanied with those Persians , Year of the World b. which joyned with him in seizing on the person of Darius , and about seven thousand Bactrians , and some of the Dahae which dwelt to the East of the river Tanais , forraged the country , bordering upon Caucasus , to the end , that ravaging , and laying wast , all the countries which lay between , Alexander should not dare come forward , for fear of starving his army by the way . Neverthelesse , Alexander went on , not without extreme difficulty , by the too much snow , and too little victual , which he found upon the way , yet on he went. For winter now drawing to an end , and he having India on the right hand of him , and passed over the mountains into Bactria ; not a tree to be seen all the way , unlesse here and there a shrub or turpentine , [ Strabo . lib. 15. pag. 724. ] they found also by the way some quantity of Indian wheat , out of which the common souldiers , squeezed a kind of juice , which they used for oyl , to chafe their benummed joints . Now this juice was sold for 240 denarios , a pitcher full , and as much of wine , at 300 denarios , but of bread corn , little or none at all appeared , for want whereof the common souldier susteined himself with catching river fish , and such herbs as they could get : but anon they came where there was none of that to be had neither ; and then they were bid to kill their draught beasts , and eat them : and by that food they lived , till they came into Bactria , [ Curt. lib. 7. cap. 7. ] To which Strabo addeth , that they were fain to eat it raw , for want of fire to seeth or rost it with : but to remedy the crudity which might grow thereof in their stomachs , they had store of silphium , or an herb called Benzoine at hand , which helped their digestion . Bessus grew affrighted at this speedinesse of Alexander , and therefore having first sacrificed to his gods after his country fashion , feasted his friends and Captains : and over their cups , fell to talk and consult of the war in hand , where in losty terms , as one proud of a kingdom which he had so vilanously gotten , and scantly in his right wits , he said , that Darius his cowardize , had enhanced the fame and glory of the enemy ; that he was resolved to march with his army into Sogdiana , there to have the river Oxus , as a wall between him and Alexander , till aides might come in from other parts unto him . And when all the rest as high flowen as himself , cryed excellently well said , one Cobares , ( as Curtius , or Bagodoras : as Diodoras , calls him ) , a Median born , and a wizard or foothsaier by his profession , gave him advice , to look to himself , and in time , to submit to Alexander : whereat Bessus grew so enraged , that he drew his sword , and hardly could they hold him , but he would run him through ; and Cobares the mean while got out of his sight ; and the night following fled away to Alexander . Upon the fifteenth day after he set out from his new built city , called Alexandria , and his winter quarter , he came to Adrapsa , a city of Bactria , as Strabo saies , [ lib. 15. pag. 725. ] and removing from Drapsaca , saith Arrianus , after he had there refreshed his army , he marched to Aornos , and Bactra , the two chief cities of all that country of Bactria , And having taken them both at first assault , he put a garrison into the citadel or castle of Aornos , and with them put Archelaus , one of his nobles to keep it . Bessus had seven or eight thousand Bactrians in his army , who so long as they stood , perswaded that Alexander out of doubt would never follow them , into that cold climate : but rather go on his way to India , held their obedience well enough toward Bessus . But when they perceived that Alexander came onward still upon them , every man slunk away to his own home , and left bessus all alone ; so he with a small retinue of his servants and tenants , which stuck close to him , passed the river Oxus by boats ; and being over , burnt his boats , that Alexander might not make use of them , and went to a place called Nautaca , in the country of Sogdiana , to raise new forces in those parts . And Spitamenes and Oxyartes followed him , having some certain Sogdian horse , and such Dahae , as had come to him from the bank of Tanais . Alexander , making Artabanus governour of Bactria , left there his carriages with a guard to keep them , and with the rest of the army setting out in the night season , came into the desert of Sogdiana ; and when he had gone some 4 hundred furlongs , and found no water at all by the way , the next day his whole army was sorely distressed with thirst : and when they came afterward , where water was to be had , many of them died with over drinking , and more indeed by many than ever he lost in any battle . Toward the evening , he came to the river Oxus , where he took up his quarter for that night in great perplexity , expecting the rest of his army to come up unto him . But before he passed the river , out of such of his Macedons , as either with age or wounds , were grown unserviceable for fight , and of those Tessalians which followed him as volunteers , he chose some 9 hundred , to every of which , if a horseman , he gave two talents , if a footman , three thousand Denarios , or Drachmaes , and willing them to go home and get children , he there dismissed them ; thanking the rest , for that they promised to go on with him in the war. He also sent Stasanor one of his nobles , to the Arians , to seize on Arsaces their governour , because he seemed to intend no good , and appointed Stasanor himself to be governour in his room . And because the place afforded no timber to make boats of , therefore growing impatient of delay , he caused the hides which covered the souldiers tents , to be taken down , and lethren bags to be stuffed with straw , and to be sowed or tyed together , and so , in five dayes , ferried over his army in these lethren boats . Spiramenes , whom Bessus most respected and honoured of all the friends he had , so soon as he heard that Alexander was past the river Oxus , having communicated the matter to Dataphernes , and Catenes , whom Bessus principally confided in , laid hold on Bessus ; taking off his regal diademe from his head , and rending the robe , which he ware , taken of from the body of Darius , in pieces . Alexander having passed the river Oxus , marched presently to the place , where Bessus was . Upon the way a message was brought him from Spitamenes and Dataphernes , that if he would be pleased to send any Captain of his with a sufficient guard , they would deliver Bessus into his hands : he therefore dispatcht away Ptolomei the son of Lagus ; attended with three companies of horse , and of the foot , that which was Philotas his regiment , and a thousand of the silver Targateers , and all the squadron of the Agrians , and one half of the Archers : with these Ptolomei , having marched ten ordinary stages or dayes journies in four dayes space , came to the place , where Spitamenes with his army , had campt the day before . Mean while , Alexander came to a little Town of the Branchid● : these were heretofore taken by Xerxes from Miletum , and planted there , in recompence of their pains taken , for his sake , in pulling down the Temple of Apollo Didymaeus : as I shewed before , An. Mun. 3526. This town , as a receptacle of traitors , was wholly plundered first , and then totally destroyed ; and the inhabitants , men , women , and child , put all to the sword : which execution had it been done upon the traitors themselves , might have seemed an act of justice and not of cruelty ; but now the children suffered for their forefathers fault , such I say , as never saw Miletum , much lesse could betray it unto Xerxes , [ Curt. lib. 7. cap. 12. with Strabo lib. 11. pag. 117 , 118. ] As Alexander was upon his march , Bessus was brought unto him ; not onely haltred , but stark naked , a sight well pleasing to all sorts of men , both Greeks and Barbarians . All that brought him were rewarded for their pains ; and the prisoner himself was committed to the keeping of Oxetras , Darius his brother , whom Alexander had made one of the squires of his body , that he might cause him to be crucified , having his ears and nose cut off ; and then shot thorough and thorough with arrows : and that his body should be watcht , that no bird might come to touch it . Then scourging it with whips , he remanded him into Bactra , but deferred his death , to have it executed in the place , where he had murdered Darius . Alexander , having re-enforced his army , for he had lost many , what in his passage over mount Caucasus , what in his journy to the river Oxus , and his march from thence , went to the river Tanais , not that which dividing Europe from Asia , falls into the Lough of Maeotis , and the Euxine sea , but another Tanais , called also Jaxartes , which Plinie [ lib. 6. cap. 16. ] is by the Scythians termed Sylis , and by the inhabitants there abou ts Orxantes , as Aristobulus writeth . Here certain of the Macedons went a forraging , not so advisedly as they might have done , and were set upon by certain Natives , which fell upon them out of the mountains , and slew many of them , but took more . These were to the number of 30 , or as Curtius sayes 20 thousand men . Against whom Alexander speedily drew out , with such companies as he had readiest at hand . In this fight , he was shot with an arrow in the thigh ; and when the shaft was pulled out , the head stuck behind : yet A●rianus tells us , that the hill was taken , and of 30 thousand of them , there escaped not above 8 thousand . But Curtius tells us , that the next day after he was hurt , those Barbarians voluntarily yielded to him , and sent him home the prisoners which they had taken , and made their peace with him . Then removing his Camp , himself was carried in an ordinary Lictier , which every man , horse and foot , were forward to put their shouldiers to : from hence in 4 dayes he came to Maracanda , the principal city of all Sogdiana , whose wall is 70 furlongs about : and there leaving a Garrison to keep it , he went and wasted the towns adjoyning and set fire on them . A few dayes after , came Ambassadors to him from the Scythians called Abii ; who having lived a free State ever since the death of Cyrus , now rendred themselves to him . The Barbarians dwelling near the River , took such Macedonian souldiers as were there left in garrison , and slew them , and fell to fortifying of their Cities : Many of the Sogdians joyned with them , being induced thereto by those who had taken Bessus his part , and they drew some of the Bactrians to them also . The Susians and Bactrians together , made 7 thousand horse , and these drew on the rest ; and when Spitamenes and Catenes , who had delivered Bessus into his hands , were sent by him to represse them , they proved the principal ring-leaders of all that misorder ; giving out , that Alexander had sent for all the Bactrian Horse , of purpose to murder them . Alexander , hearing thereof , himself set upon the city Gaza , and sent Craterus against Cyropolis : having taken Gaza , he slew all that were of age therein , the women and children , were sold away for slaves , and the city it self destroyed , that others might take example by them . Thus and four other cities in those parts , within two days thus taken and served , he marched away to Cyropolis ; whereinto 18 thousand men had put themselves , as a place of greatest strength , and surest refuge ; In that siege he both lost the forwardest and prime men of his army , and himself also ran a most extreme danger . For he took such a blow in the neck with a stone , that his eyes dazeled therewith , and he fell all along , and lost his senses for the present . But , being of an invincible courage against such casualties as use to dant other men , though his wound was not yet thoroughly cured , he fell to assault it more fiercely than before , anger whetting on his natural inclination that way , and so at the first taking of the city , there were slain of the enemy , to the number of 8 thousand , the rest fled into the Castle , whom when Alexander had besieged but one day , they rendred themselves for want of water . Cyropolis , being , by his command , laid level with the ground , of 7 Cities which the natives had fortified for themselves , there remained now but one to take ; and that he took at the very first assault : or as Ptolemei sayes , it was given up unto him . But Aristobulus saith , that it was taken by assault , and all that therein were , put to the sword . Ptolemei saith , that the men therein taken , were distributed in the army , and there kept bound , till Alexander left that country , that none might be left behind , which had a hand in that revolt . Mean while the Scythians of Asia came with a great army to the bank of the river Tanais ; as having heard that the nations on the other side were up in armes against Alexander ; purposing , if they were up in any considerable number , then to joyn with them against him , and to fall upon the Macedons . But Spitamenes , keeping himself within the walls of Maracanda besieged the Garrison of Macedons , who were in the Castle there . Against him therefore Alexander sent Menedemus , Andromachus , and Caranus , and with them 60 of his fellow Cavaleers and 800 of his Mercenaries , led by Caranus : and 1500 Foot of Mercenaries ; or as Curtius , 3 thousand , giving them Pharnuches for an interpreter , because he spake the Barbarians language , and could therefore best serve to treat with them . Alexander came back to the bank of the river Tanais , and drew a wall round about his Camp , and made a City of it of 60 furlongs in compasse ; which he also called after his own name , Alexandria : a work so speedily dispatched , that within 17 dayes after the walls were up , it was filled with houses also : so Curtius , [ lib. 7. cap. 17. ] But Justin sayes , that in 17 dayes space , he drew a wall about it , six miles round , [ lib. 12. cap. 5. ] and Arrianus , that in 20 dayes space , the City was closed round with a wall . That City he assigned to his Mercenary Greeks to inhabit , with such of the natives thereabouts as would , and certain of his Macedons also who were grown unserviceable for the war. He also put some of his captive prisoners to fill up this new built City ; paying their several Masters their ransom , and so made them freemen and citizens of the place ; also he removed the inhabitants of three Cities which Cyrus had built , and planted them there . The King of the Scythians , whose Realm lay beyond the Tanais , conceiving that City to have been built of purpose to lie as a yoak upon his neck , sent his brother Carcasis by name , to take and demolish it , and to put off those Macedons from the river side . These rode up and down in Alexanders sight , and let fly both their arrows , and their railing speeches , at him and his Macedons , from the other side of the river after their rude manner . Alexander was not yet well recovered of his hurt ; his voice failed him , nor could he stand alone , not sit on horseback , nor in any sort give order for what he would have done . Spitamenes , taking with him , besides his owne men , some six hundred Dahae , and wild Scythian horse , fell upon a part of the army that was sent by Alexander , to relieve them , who were besieged in the castle at Maracanda , and slew them . Aristobulus sayes , that when the Macedons were in fight , there suddenly arose out of the gardens adjoyning , such a number of Scythians , that they slew the Macedons down right , so that there escaped of them scantly 40 horse , and 300 foote . Curtius mentions only 2000 foote to have been lost in that defeate , yet that Alexander , to cover the greatnesse of that losse , charged those who returned into his camp , upon pain of death , not to speak a word of it . Alexnder putting his corseleteers , into such boats as he could make , and causing the rest to swim over upon lethren baggs stuffed with straw , as well as they could , passed the river Tanais , with an incredible courage , do the Scythians on the other side what they could to the contrary : and having put them to flight , weak though he was , yet followed he the chase of them 80 furlongs . In this fight there fell of the Macedon horse , to the number of sixty : of the foot , almost one hundred , and a thousand hurt . Not long after , there came embassadors to him from the Scythians , to excuse what they had done . That this war was not made upon him by the general consent of the Nation , but by such onely , as among them used to live by robbery and spoile , but that the more civil sort of them , would be at his dispose . To these he made a faire answer ; and released all such as he had taken prisoners , ransome free ; that they being a warlike nation , might see that his contention with them , was out of a desire of honour , not of revenge . The Sacae seeing this , sent their Embassadors to him , with like tender of their service ; and he as graciously dealt with them , and caused Excipinus , a young gentleman , whom he loved very dearly , and was to him , as it were another Hephaestion , to keepe them company , and to entertain them . Alexander taking the one half of his fellow Cavaleers , all his Targateers , Archers , and Agrians , and the readiest of all the Macedonian Squadron ; marched to Maracanda , whither he was informed that Spitamenes was returned , to besiege them afresh , which kept the castle there ; having therefore marcht 1500 furlongs in three dayes space , he came early the next day to the City . Spitamenes , hearing of his approach , raised his siege and fled , and Alexander pursued him with all the speed he could , and in his way came to the place , where the Scythians had slain his Macedons : whose bones he caused to be gathered together and buried ; with obsequies , done according to their country manner : and then followed the enemy till he came into the desert . And by this time Craterus , marching by easie journeys , as he was bidden , came up to him with the greatest part of the army ; and therefore now to lay load upon all alike , that had revolted from him ; he divided his army into two parts , and gave order not to spare any place from burning , nor any male of age , from killing ; and in this manner ran he over all that region which the river called Polytimetus runneth thorow : for from thence forward , and where that river looseth it self , and runneth under ground , all the country is nothing but a Desert , void of culture and inhatants . Having slain of the Sogdians , as Diodorus guesseth , [ part 2. lib. 1. ] 120 thousand persons , there were brought unto him , 30 of the most noble of them , all men of excessive strength of body ; whose undaunted courage against death , Alexander wondered at , and gave them their lives , upon their promise to be from thence forward true unto him : nor proved they worse than their words ; for returning home , they kept every man his people in due subjection to him , foure of them he took to be Squires of the body to himselfe , nor could any Macedon prove more faithful to him , than they were . Leaving Pencolaus there with a Garrison of 3 thousand foote ( for there needed no more ) he came into Bactria ; where calling together all that ever were , he commanded Bessus to be brought forth : and there reproaching him with his vile perfidiousnesse to Darius , caused his nose , and crops of his ears to be cut off ; and so sent him to Ecbatane , that he might there be put to death in the sight of the Medes and Persians . Plutarch sayes , that by Alexanders command , his foure quarters were tied to two trees , bowed downe , and so they being let go again , tare him in pieces , as they returned to their natural posture : and Diodorus writeth , that the brother of Darius , and other his kinsfolks , having spent all manner of railing and reproachful speeches on him , cut his whole body into gobbits , and then put them into slings , and scattered them abroad . About the same time came unto him Phrataphernes the Governour of Parthia , and Stasanor , who was sent into Aria to apprehend Arsaces ; and brought him bound in chains to Alexander , with Barzanes , whom Bessus had made governour under him of Persia , and other consorts of Bessus in his revolt . From the sea coast in Asia also came Epocillus , and Melanidas , and Ptolomei , commander of the Thracians , which had conveyed the monies sent by Menetes , and those old Souldiers whom he had dismissed to go into their countries . Ptolomei and Menidas brought with them three thousand fresh foot , and one thousand horse , to serve for pay , and one Alexander with the like number of foot , and five hundred horse , aud Bessus Governer of Syria , and Asclepidorus , a Commander at sea , with as many more ; and Antipater sent him eight thousand mercenary Greeks , and with them , five hundred horse , under the command of Asander and Nearchus . His army thus encreased , he proceeded to set in order , what had been disturbed by that general revolt which was made from him : for many , especially of the Sogdians , had put themselves into walled towns and cities , and stood upon their guards , nor would submit to the Governour which he had set over them : wherefore leaving Polysperchon , and Attalus , and Gorgius , and Meleager , in Bactria , to hold them in awe , that they might not rise again , and to take in those that yet stood out against him , himself after four dayes march came to the bank of the river Oxus . This river , because it runs all along upon a mud , is very filthy and unwholsom to drink ; wherefore the souldiers fel to digging of pits and wells for water , but found none : when at last they perceived a sprin rising up in the kings own pavilion , which because they observed not at first , therefore they gave it out , that it suddenly there arose , [ Curt. lib. 7. cap. 25. ] Plutarch reports , that one Proxenus a Macedon , and master of the Kings wardrobe , whiles he dig'd a place to pitch the Kings pavillion in , near the river Oxus , found a spring of a fatty , and uliginous , or oily liquor , and that Alexander , in his letters to Antipater , relates it for one of the greatest miracles that God had shewen him . Arrianus goeth further , and saith , that he found there two fountains , one of water , and another of oyl , newly sprung up , near to the place where his tent stood : whereof , when Ptolomei brought him word , he presently ( as he was directed by his soothsaiers ) offered sacrifice to his gods : and Aristander told him , that the fountain of oyl , portended him the great labour and travel that he was to endure , but the end should be crowned with victory , Afterward , having passed to the two rivers , Ochus and Oxus , he came to the river Marginia , al. Magriana about which he chose a place to build 6 towns in , two to the southward , and 4 other upon the eastern quarter of it , not far distant the one from the other : that if need were , they might be the readier at hand to help each other , [ Curt. ut supra , ] Strabo tells us , that he built eight towns , in Bactria and Sogdiana , [ lib. 11. pag. 717. ] Justin mentions twelve , [ lib. 12. cap. 5. ] where he noteth , that he distributed such , as he observed to be mutinous and seditious in his army , and so rid his hands of them . Arimazes of Sogdiana , Year of the World 3676. a. with an army of 30 thousand men , got into the top of a high Rock , which Strabo calleth by the name of Oxi ; having laid in there provision enough of all sorts , for three years siege . This Rock was 30 furlongs high , and 150 furlongs about . There were 300 gallant young lads , who , drawen on with the large promises , which Alexander made , with the help of cramp-irons , which , where need was , they strook into the Rock , to hold fast by , gat by little and little to the top of this Rock ; of which yet 32 perished in getting up , by the sliping of a foot , or brickleness of the Rock , on which they caught hold , and so came tumbling down , and brake all in pieces : these Sogdians astonished , as at a miracle , to see men gotten up there ; supposing they had been more in number , and better armed than indeed they were , presently rendred themselves : and Arimazes , more afraid than hurt , with the chief men of the country , came down to the King in his Camp , all which Alexander having first caused them to be well whipt , commaned afterward to be crucified at the foot of the hill , the rest he distributed for slaves among the new cities , which he had built with the monies taken with them . And Artabazus was left to keep that fort , and the country adjoying in subjection , [ Curtius lib. 7. cap. ult . see also Polyaenus Stratag . lib. 5. in Alexander nu . 29. ] Alexander , having taken in the Rock in Sogdiana , seeing his enemies up in divers parts , divided his whole army likewise into five brigadaes , whereof Hephaestion commanded three , Caenus and Artabazus the fourth : and the fifth he took to himself , and with it , marched the next way toward Maracanda : the rest ranged here and there , as their feet led them , and by the way , if they found any fled to Castles or places of strength , there they fell on , and took them by assault , where they yielded , there they took them to mercy . But when all these five Brigadaes having taken in the greater part of all Sogdiana , came together at Maracanda , he then sent Hephaestion , to make plantations in sundry parts thereof ; but Coenus and Artabazus , he sent to Scythia , for that it was said , that Spitomenes was gone thither . And himself with the rest of the army going into Sogdiana , easily re-possessed himself of such places as the Rebels were fled unto ; and such as yeelded without fighting , he removed and planted in those townes which he subdued by force , and caused their lands to be divided among these new inhabitants . Whiles these things passed , Spitamenes , and the Banditoes of Bactria , with a company of Sogdians , who were fled from thence into Scythia , and some 6 or 8 hundred Massagetan Horse which came unto him , went to a certain Castle which was built and manned against the Bactrians ; and there falling suddenly upon the Garrison , slew them every man , and committed the Governour to prison ; and growing proud of what they had done , shortly after went with a purpose to take the City of Zariaspes , but failing thereof , brought away yet a great booty out of the country thereabout . To suppresse this rabble , Attinas Governour of the country , led out some 300 Horse , little thinking of the ambushment that lay for him . And with them went also certain Horse of the Kings Troup ; which having formerly been left sick at Zariaspes , were recovered , and well able to travel again : and Pitho , the son of Sosicles who commanded them , and Aristonicas , a Musitian ; for these having gotten together some 80 mercenary Horse of those who were left in garrison at Zariaspes , and some of the ●ings fellow Cavaleers , would needs for company , go with Attinas into the country of the Massagetae : But Spitamenes and his company , rising out of the thickets , and woods , fell suddenly upon them : Of the Kings fellow Cavaleers Troup , he slew seven , of other Mercenaries , to the number of 60 , and Aristonicus the Musician , who in that fight behaved himself more like a souldier than a fidler . But to be short , in this encounter , he slew Attinas with his whole Troup ; Pithon was wounded , and had quarter given him : news of all which came quickly to Craterus , who falling on presently will all his Horse , put the Massagetae to flight , and pursued them till they came to the Wildernesse of that country , where they fought : and after a sharp dispute , the Macedons had the better of it , and the Massagetae , seeing 150 of their Horse slain , fled and easily saved themselves , in that wild country ; but there fell of the Dahae , no lesse than a thousand men , which thoroughly quieted the rebellion in those parts . Alexander , having now a second time quieted all Sodiana , returned to Maracanda ; & there came to him an Ambassador from the King of Scythians , dwelling in the Europaean side , above Bosphorus , and brought him a present , and offered him his daughter in marriage ; whereof Alexander himself in his letter to Antipater maketh mention , as I said before : But , if he scorned the offer for himself , his second motion was , that he would suffer his Nobles of Macedon , to match with the principal Houses of the Scythians : offering , if he pleased , to come himself in person , and to receive his commands from him . At the same time also , Phrataphernes , al. Pharoemenes , who commanded the Chorasmians , bordering upon the countries of the Massagetae and Dahae , sent his Messengers to let them know , he was ready to receive his commands : And he having graciously heard both their errands , stayed there right in expectance of Hephaestions , and Craterus , their return unto him . So soon therefore as they were come , he with his army fell into the country of Bazaria , al. Bazistis , where was a Forest which had not felt the stroke of a hatchet , in four whole ages before . In this Forest , when a Lyon of a vast bignesse set upon the King by chance , Lysimachus , who was afterward King of Thracia , offered to interpose with his hunting Spear ; but the King put him by , and bad him be gone : and when the Lyon came on , he not onely stood him , but slew him out-right , at one blow ; and after that , having slain some 4 thousand wild beasts , he with all his army fell a feasting in the wood . Then came he back to Maracanda , and quitting Artabazus of his government of Bactria , by reason of his age , he gave the command thereof to an old souldier of his fathers , called Clitus , the son of Dropidas of Macedon , the brother of Hellanica , al. Lanica , Alexanders Nurse ; a woman whom he ever respected and loved as his own mother that bare him . But in a dream , he happened to see him all in mourning , and sitting among Parmenions sons , who were then dead . The third day after this dream , fell out to be a holiday to Bacchus , wherein Alexander was wont yearly to offer a sacrifice to him . Now some or other had at that time brought him certain apples as far as from out of Greece ; and he wondering at the fresh colour and fairnesse of them , sent for Clitus , to shew him them , and to bestow some of them upon him . Clitus left the sacrifice which he was about , and as he was going in all haste to the King , was followed by three sheep which were ready prepared to be offered , having meale and salt upon their heads . The King , hearing thereof , asked his two principal soothsaiers , Aristander and Cleomenes the Spartan , what the meaning thereof might be , They told him ; it was an abominable signe , and Alexander calling presently his dream to minde , bad them go quickly and offer a sacrifice for him : But Clitus himself came to the feast which the King made , after he had done sacrificing to Castor and Pollux , where when Alexander had well drunk , being otherwise an over-valewer of himselfe , he began to speak immoderately of his owne doings , and to undervalue the acts of his father Philip ; wherein the greater part of those which sate at table , applauded him : But Clitus on the other side , upheld the gests of Philip , speaking honourably of his atchieuements , and slighting the present times , not sticking sometimes to let fall some disgraceful speeches of Alexander himself . And when Alexander rose from his place , all enraged , to kill him , he ( as Aristobulus reports ) when he was shifted out of the way at a back doore , and was gotten quite out of the trenches , into the fort , to Ptolomei the son of Lagus , his lodging , would needs come back again to the feast , where he sate before ; and lighting upon Alexander , as he was calling out for Clitus , here is Clitus said he , what will you with him ; whereupon Alexander ran him through with his spear , and slew him . Alexander , afterward considering with himself , the foulnesse of this fact , grew as mad against himself , as formerly he had done against Clytus , and resolved to make himself away upon it : and therefore shutting himself up three whole dayes , refrained both meat and drink , nor took any care at all , what became of him . When he had now continued fasting to the fourth day , the Squires of his body , brake in upon him ; and were along time before they could perswade him to take meat ; and his sooth-sayers telling him , that this was befallen him for omitting his sacrifice to Bacchu● , he went presently , and sacrificed to him : glad he was to hear that this proceeded from the anger of the gods , rather than from the malice of his heart : and Aristander putting him in mind of his own dream , and of the sheep , told him that what was done , was done by fate , and could not be avoided . Calisthenes the Philosopher , and his school-fellow , sometimes , under Aristotle , and his great familiar , prevailed much with him in this case ; but much more did the shamelesse flattery and soothing of Anaxarchus of Abdera , a subtile Sophister ; who from an old saying , that Justice alwayes sits at Jupiters elbow , would needs conclude , that what ever Kings did , was to be taken for right and just . And to take him off from the moode he was in , all the Macedons , with a general voice , concluded and declared , that Clitus was well enough served , and justly put to death , and would have forbidden him burial , if the king himself , had not command it to be done . Having spent ten Dayes in quieting his mind hereupon , he then sent Hephaestion with a part of his army into Bactria , there to make , and bring in provision for his winter quarter , and gave the Government of Bactria , to which Clitus was designed , to Amyntas , the son of Nicolaus . And leaving there Caenus , with his own and Meleagers brigade ; and 400 of his fellow Cavaleers , and Darters on horseback , with the Bactrians and Sogdians , which were under Amyntas his command , he commanded all to obey Caenus , and to spend that winter in Sogdiana : partly to keep that countrey in order , partly , if it were possible , to lay hold of Spitamenes , if he happened to come for his winter provision , into those parts , [ Arria . lib. 4. ] Alexander himself came through to Xenippa : which borders upon Scythia , whither the Bactrians who had revolted from him , had retired : But , so soon as it was known that Alexander was coming , the natives bade them be gone : whereupon they gathered into a body of 2200 horse : these falling suddenly upon Amyntas , a Commander of Alexanders , had a hot , and a long skirmish with him : but at length having lost 7 hundred of their company , whereof 300 were taken prisoners , they fled : nevertheless in the fight , they had slain 80 Macedons , and wounded 350 more : yet upon submission , they obtained pardon again . This done , he went with his army to a place called Naura , al. Nautacae : Governor whereof was Sisimithres , who had two sons , gotten upon his own mother : for with them it was lawfull for children to couple with their parents . This Sisimithres had taken the gates or streits which open through the mountains into his own countrey , with a strong party , and had well fortified the passage ; which was naturally , and of it self well defended by a most swift and violent river , running under it , and had a huge Rock at the back of it , [ Curt. lib. 8. cap. 6. ] Arrianus saith , that this Rock , was at Parataca , being 20 furlongs high , and almost 60 in compasse , and calls the name , as well of the rock it self , as of him that kept it , Chorienes . But Strabo , together with Curtius and Plutarch , calls it Sisimithres his Rock , and placeth it in Bactria , giving it 15 furlongs in heighth , and 80 in compasse , with a large plain on the top of it , all good land , and well able to find 500 men ; and saies , that in it ( not in that other rock in Sogdiana ) one Oxyartes , had his daughter Roxane , whom afterward Alexander made his wife , [ Strabo lib. 11. p. 517. ] Alexander , though he saw this passage to be by nature strong , and well manned besides , yet bending his Rams of battery against the works which they had made , quickly made a breach , and with his archers and slingers , easily drave them off which defended the breach when it was made ; and having gotten within those out-works , he presently made his approach to the Rock it self : but at the foot of it there was a vast bog , caused by the rain which fell from the Rock , and had no passage out ; and how to fill it up , upon the sudden he knew not . Meane while , he caused store of beech , which grew in great plenty thereabouts , to be felled , and of them made long ladders , by which his army might at least go down into the bog : And all the day long himself was present , and set forward the work ; but Perdiccas and Leonatus , and Ptolomaeus Lagi , principal Squires of his body , dividing the rest of the army into 3 parts , took care of the work by night ; nor could they go on more then 20 cubits in a day , and somewhat lesse by night , though all the army incessantly wrought at it : so craggy was the rock , so difficult was the work . There was at that time with Alexander , one Oxyartes a great man of that country , and a Prince of himself , and the father of Roxane , who being demanded by Alexander , what spirit and courage Sisimithres was of , told him , that he was the most cowardly man that breathed : then replyed Alexander ; Surely you have said enough to teach me that the body of this rock is possible to be taken , since you tell me that the head of it is so weak . And presently he sent the same Oxyartes to him , to command him forthwith to give up himself , his mother , and children , and all that was dear unto him , into his hands : which Sisimithres forthwith did , and then Alexander himself taking with him 5 hundred of his silvered Targateers , went up into the rock to view the situation and strength thereof : and having offered sacrifices to Minerva and Victoria , left Ssimithres Governour of that Fort , and Country thereabouts , as he found him : giving him hope of a greater Dominion , if he carried himself well and faithfully in this ; and upon the fathers request , took along with him his two so as to serve him in the wars . Then leaving his Macedonian squadron , to take in other places which had revolted from him ; himself went forward with his Horses : a steep and a rocky way it was that he went ; nor had he gone far , but his Horse all grew foundred and tired with he way , and could no further follow him : and his company grew every day thinner than other . Also the young Gallants which were never wont to be from him , lay behind , all save Philip , the brother of Lysimachus ; for he , wearing his corselet and other armes ( a thing incredible ) yet all on foot as he was , kept company with the King , though he rode , and often changed his horse , by the space of 500 furlongs : and coming into a Wood , where the enemy set upon the Kings person stept between , and rescued him out of that danger : and when those Barbarians were routed , and the Wood cleared of them , and they gone ; then Philip having over-laboured himself swoned , and falling down between the Kings own hands , there died . Upon the back of this , fell another no small dolor , upon the King ; Erigyius , was one of his greatest Captains , of vvhose death he had tidings before he returned into his Camp. He caused both their Funerals to be celebrated , and exequies to be performed , vvith all the honour that might be . Spitamenes vvith a crue of three thousand vvild Scythians that follovved him , came to Gabae , a strong tovvn of the Sogdians , standing in the middest betvveen the Sogdians and the Massagetae : vvhom he easily persvvaded to joyn vvith him , and to fall in upon the country of the Sogdians . And Coenus hearing of his coming , drevv out vvith his army to meet him : and upon an encounter , slevv 800 of them upon the place , and therein lost onely 25 of his Horse , and 12 of his Foot ; vvhereupon the Sogdians vvho escaped , vvith some Bactrians , left him upon the vvay , and came into Coenus . The Massagetaean Scythians , seeing things fare so ill , pillaged all the carriages of the Bactrians and Sogdians , and accompanied Spitamenes into the Deserts of Scythia : But hearing that Alexander came after , with a purpose to follow them into those very Deserts , they took off Spitamenes his head , and sent it to Alexander , hoping hereby to make him desist from any further pursuance after them , [ Arria . lib. 4. ] But Curtius , [ lib. 8. cap. 8. ] writes , that when Alexander was not far off , Spitamenes his own wife met him , with her husbands head in her hand ; which he seeing , abhorred the sight , and caused her to be turned out of the Camp , least the foedity of such an act , remaining in the Grecians eyes , might happily work some barbarous effect also in their hearts , and efferate their minds more than they were before . The Dahae , hearing what was become of Spitamenes , took Dataphernes the principal author of that revolt , and delivered him up bound to Alexander , and withal submitted themselves to him ; and Coenus and Craterus , with Phrataphernes , Governour of the Parthians , and Stasanor , President of the Arians , having fully executed what Alexander had set them about , returned to him , where he was at Nautaca . Alexander resting his army at Nautaca , Year of the World b. because it was now in the heart of winter , which Arrianus expresseth , by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( i. e. ) in the strength of winter , The Julian Period . 4386 set his minde to revenge the souldiers wrongs , Year before Christ 328 which they had suffered through the pride and avarice of their officers , or commanders , and thereupon he gave in charge to Phrataphernes to look to Hircania , and the countries of the Mardi and Tapuri , and willed him to send him Phradates the Governor there ( who had been oft sent for upon complaints made of him , but never would come ) under a sufficient guard . He removed Arsanes from the government of the Drangi , and put Stasanor in his roome , Arsace , as Curtius , Atropates , as Arianus calls him , was sent Governor into Media , to take Oxidates from thence , because , as the King thought , he stood not well affected to him . The province of Babylon , upon the death of Mazaeus , was committed to Deditamenes , or , as Arrianus calls him , to Stamines . But Sopolis and Epocillus and Menedas , were dispatcht away into Macedonia , to bring him a fresh supply of souldiers from thence . These things thus ordered , after three moneths , he drew into the field , to march into a country called Gabaza . But the third day after , as he was upon the way , there fell such a hideous and dreadfull tempest upon him , with such an extremity of cold , that his whole army was in danger to have perished in it . Curtius in his history , [ lib. 8. cap. 9 , describes it to the life , both the direfullnesse of the tempest it self ; and withall , the Kings constancy , in bearing it in his own person , with his wisdom and humanity , in keeping the army together , and comforting the poor weather-beaten souldiers , in that extremity : which notwithstanding he tells us , that what of the poorer sort of souldiers , what of the scullery and hangers on of the army , there perished no lesse than a thousand persons , where he addeth further , that which is remembred also by Valerius Maximus , [ lib. 5. cap. 1. and by Julius Frontinus , lib. 4. Stratag . cap. 6. ] that whiles Alexander was warming himself at a fire , a common souldier of the Macedons , half starved with codd , and benummed in his wits , no lesse than in his limbs , came thrusting to his fire ; Alexander took him and set him down in his own chair ; telling him that that should be to his good , which in Persia heretofore would have cost a man his life ; to wit , to have sate down in the Kings chair . The next day , calling his Nobles and Captains together , he caused proclamation to be made , that what ever any man had lost in that tempest , he would make it good again unto him : and he performed it to a hair , for example , Sisimithres had brought alongwith him many beasts of burden and draught , and two thousand Camels , and whole flocks of sheep and heards of beasts , which , being distributed among the army , both repaired their losse susteined , and saved them from the famine , which at that instant lay upon them , whereupon the King , declaring openly how much he was for that curtesie beholding to Sisimithres ; bad every souldier take eight dayes victual with him ; and then went to take in the Sacae , who had revolted from him ; and having taken all the spoile of that country , gave Sisimithres out of the spoile , thirty thousand head of cattle . Alexander then took to wife Roxane , the daughter of Oxyartes ; which Strabo reports to have been done , Year of the World c. in the Rock or Fort of Sisimithres , when it was first surrendred to him , [ lib. 15. ] and this example of his , moved many of his Macedon Nobles to take them wives also out of the more illustious families , of forraign nations , as Diodorus in several chapters , of his 17 book at large declareth . And now bending his thoughts wholly to a war upon India , to the end he might leave all safe and quiet behind him , he caused out of every province some to be listed for his service , so many as to make up in all 30 thousand men , whom he purposed to carry with him into India , there to serve him both for souldiers against the enemy , and also for pledges of their fidelity whom he left behind him : then moving into Bactria , he sent Craterus with 600 of his fellow Cavaleers , and his own foot companies , as also the regiments under Polysperchon , Attalus and Alcaetas , to pursue Anstanes Catanes , who onely remained of the Rebels of Paratacene , between whom and Craterus , there was a great battle fought , wherein Catanes was slain , and Austaces taken prisoner , and brought alive to Alexander , and of their men were slain 150 horses , & about 1500 foot : which done , Craterus went into Bactria , and Polysperchon reduced the country of Bubacene to the kings obedience . And now began Alexander to act , what he had of long time agitated in his mind , which was , to affirm to himself divine honours ; and would no longer be called , onely , but also believed to be , Joves son : as if he had the soveraintie over mens hearts , as well as over their tongues , and therefore refused now to be saluted and reverenced , after the manner of the Macedons , but would be adored with prostration after the fashion of the Persian Kings : nor wanted he court flatterers , to set this wheel a going ; flatterers , I say , that pest of all kings , and by whose tongues , more Kings have perished , than by the sword of their enemies , [ Curt. lib. 8. cap. 12. ] chief of which about him , were Agis of Argos , the worst Versifier that ever was , next to Charilus , and Cleo of Sicilia , and Anaxarchus , a Sophister : and of them , which opposed him herein , was Calisthenes , a true Philosopher , and a Scholar of Aristotles , which cost him his life , and that which hastened it , was this . Hermolaus , a gallant youth , and one of the Kings company of Pages , and instructed in the rudiments of Philosophy , by Calisthenes , being upon a time a hunting with the King , slew a Boare , which the King himself had aimed at ; whereupon the King commanded him to be had away and wipt : which he taking to heart , fell into a conspiracy , first with Sopater , the son of Amyntas , a youth like himself , and of his own rank and quality , and them with Antipater , the son of Asclepiodotus , Governour of Syria , and others of the same company of Pages , to kill Alexander : which conspiracy coming to light by the discovery of one Epimenes , one of the conspirators , they were all presently put to death . Alexander in his letters to Craterus , Alcetas , and Attalus , written at that instant , signified , that they had confessed that the conspiracy grew of themselves alone ; without the setting on , or privity of any other . But in another letter , written afterward to Calisthenes , he charges him as the author of it : yea , and he glanceth , that Aristotle himself , whose Cousin Germane was mother to Calisthenes , in this manner , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. ( i. e. ) The youths indeed , saith he , were stoned to death by the Macedons : but that Sophister I my self will punish , and those which sent him , and such also as received them that conspire against me , into their towns . When he had seized on Calisthenes his person , he kept him in irons seven moneths , to have him judged and condemned in a Court of Justice , when Aristotle himself should be present . Now Chares the Mitilenian tells us , that at what time , Alexander was in the country of the Mallians and Oxydracans in India , and lay there of a wound received in a fight , ( between which time , and the conspiracy of the Pages , there had passed upward of 17 moneths ) Calisthenes being a fat man , fell there sick of the Pthiriasis , or lowsie disease , and died of it . But Aristobulus and Ptolomei , say and affirm , that the Pages confessed upon the rack , that Calisthenes had put them upon it , by his perswasions : and again , the same Ptolomei sayes that he was first racked , and afterward hanged , but Aristobulus , that he was carried about with the army in chains , and so dyed : and so we see that these great Authors , and who were themselves present in the army , and attending upon Alexander at the very time when these things were acted , yet cannot agree about a matter , whereof there could be no doubt at all , at the time when it was done . Amyntas being left in Bactria with 3500 horse , and 10 thousand foot , Alexander , toward the middest of the spring , as Arrianus tells us , removed with his army from thence toward India ; to make the Ocean and utmost border of the east the boundary of his Empire . And to make his whole army in their very accoustrements suitable to so great a designe , he made all their targets to be covered over with silver plates , and their horse bridles , to be made all of beaten gold ; and their very corselets , he caused to be enricht , some with gold , some with silver , and the number of men , which so armed , followed him to this Indian war , amounted to one hundred and twenty thousand men . Alexander having passed the Caucasus in ten days , came to his city of Alexandria , which he had built in Paropanisus ; and put out the Governour there , for his ill behaviour in the place , and then peopled his new city with more inhabitants , out of the neighbouring countries , and such of his own Macedons as were grown unserviceable for the war , and made Nicanor , one of his , Governour of the place , but made Tyriaspes Commander of the whole region of Paropamisus , and of all that territory , or Province , as far as the river Cophene . From thence he went to the city of Nicaea , and there offered sacrifice to Minerva , and then marched to the river of Cophene , and sending an herald , commanded Taxiles , and the rest of the Satrapes or Governours of the countries , lying between Cophene , and the river Indus , which is improperly called India , to come unto him . Taxiles , Year of the World d. and other petty Kings , under his government , came forth and met him , and received his commands , telling him , that he was now the third son of Jove , that had come into those parts . That as for father Bacchus and Hercules , they had onely heard of them , but that their happinesse was to see him now personally present among them , they therefore brought him large presents , promising him withall , to send him 25 Elephants , and he entertained them very graciously , and bad them attend him , purposing to use their help in his passages thorough the country . But when he saw that the rest came not , he divided his army , and sent Hephaestion and Perdiccas , into the country called Pencelaotis toward the river Indus ; with the armies led by Gorgias , Clitus , and Meleager , and half the company of his fellow Cavaleers , and all the mercenary horse ; commanding them , to take in by fair means or soul , all the towns which they found in their way : and that when they came to the bank of the river Indus , they should there fall to building of ships , whereby to passe over , into further countries , and with them was sent Taxiles , and other Commanders of those parts . After , the Governour of the country of Peucelaitis offering to revolt , lost both himself and the city which he put himself into : for Hephaestion came and besieged it , and after a moneths time , took and sackt it , and killing him , made one Sangaeus Governour of it , who a little before , forsaking Astes , had fled over to Taxiles , which made Alexander the more confiding in him ever after . Alexander , with his Troup of silver Targateers , and the horse of his fellow Cavaleers , Hephaestion , and the Troup of those who were called Assateri , and his Archers , and Agrians , and Lances , marched into the country of the Aspians and Thyraeans , and Arasocans ; and going on his way to the river Choes ( which way was , for the most part , all mountanous and rockie ) and having at last passed that river , he commanded Craterus to come after him fair and softly with the Foot. And himself taking with him the whole body of his horse , and eight hundred Macedons , Targateers on horseback , marcht away a great pace , because he heard , that the people of that country were fled , some to the mountains , others to fenced cities , and all to make head against him . Those which came fourth to oppose him , he easily routed , and beat back into the Town , upon the way wence they came out ; and the townesmen , which stood all in array before their walls , he easily likewise vanquished , and made them take sanctuary within their walls again . And now was Craterus come up with the Foot : and therefore to strike the greater terrour into the minds of a nation , which knew not yet , what manner of men the Macedons were , he gave order , to spare no flesh , setting fire on the out-works which they had made ; yet as he rode about the walls , an arrow came off , and shot him thorough his armor , into the shoulder , but made there no great wound ; Ptolomei also , and Leonatas , were both wounded at the same time : then Alexander , spying a place where the wall was weakest , pitched his Camp just against it , and the next day early in the morning , took the vawmure , which was of no great strength , with no great adoe ; at the inner wall , the inhabitants made some resistance : But when the Macedons had once scaled the walls and the townesmen felt the arrows showring down about their ears , the souldiers within , brake out of the gates , and ran every man his way to the mountains , which were not far off , and thither many of them escaped , and saved themselves there ; but the Macedons following after , overtook and slew the greater part of them : but the Townesmen that were left behind , were slain every man of them , and the city it self , laid levell with the ground . Then , having subdued another poor base nation , he went forward , and came to the city Nisa , situate at the foot of a hill called Meros , and built in old times , as was said by Bacchus ; but at the entreaty of Acuphis , the chief man of the place , who was sent unto him , with 30 other prime men , he spared the inhabitants of Nisa , and they were onely commanded to furnish him with 300 horse : which done , he restored them to their natural freedom , and suffered them to live after their own laws , and made Acuphis himself , taking along with him his son and grandchild for hostages , governour of the city it self , with all the whole province of Nisa ; moreover he sacrificed there to Bacchus by the name of Dionysius , and made merry , and feasted his Nobles , and all his Macedons , and wearing garlands of Ivy on their heads , sang praise to Dionysius , with all his titles and appellations , Bacchumque vocant , &c. Calling him Bacchus , Bromius , and Lyaeus , Born of the fire , Twice born , and not like others : But the onely one that ever had two mothers . As Ovid speaks of him , upon the like , though a different , occasion , 4 Metamorph. see also Philostratus in Vita Apollonii , [ lib. 2. cap. 4. ] to the same purpose . From whence he went to a country called Dadala , but all the inhabitans were gone and fled to the woods and mountains , wherefore he passed over Acadera , a country deserted by the inhabitants as the other was . The city Ardacena being taken in upon surrender , he left Craterus there , with other Commanders of the Foot , to force such places , as voluntarily would not submit , and to order matters there , as he saw fittest for the present . Himself , with his silver Targateers , and his Squadron of Agrians , and Caenus and Attalus their Brigadaes , and the body of his own Horse , and at most four companies of his fellow Cavaleers , and the one half of his Archers on horseback , went to the river of Euaspla , where the Governour of the Aspians lay , and , upon a great journey taken , the second day he came with his army to a city called Arigaeum . But the inhabitants , so soon as they heard he was coming , set their city on fire , and fled to the mountains ; but the Macedons followed after , and slew a vast number of them ; and Ptolomei slew the Captain of them , hand to hand , and brought of his armour with him . And now Alexander was come up with his Foot , which rode on horse-back , and they allighting , set upon the natives , and with much adoe , made them at last , flee for refuge to the mountains : and then came Craterus to him with the main body of the army ; having done the errend which he was sent on , to the full : Him Alexander commanded to see Arigaeum , which the inhabitants themselves had burnt , repaired : and to repeople it , with the inhabitants , of places near adjoyning , such as would , & with such Macedons , as were grown unserviceable for his wars . But himself went on , to the place whither he heard the natives were fled , and coming to the foot of a mountain , he there pitcht his Camp. Mean while Ptolomei , who was sent a forraging , went further off , with a small Troup , to discover , and sent back word to Alexander , that there seemed to be more fires , in the enemies Camp , than there were in all his : whereupon Alexander leaving a part of his army in the Camp , went with the rest to take a view of those fires himself : and having considered well of them , he cast the company which he brought with him , into three parts ; one he gave to Leonatus , one of the Squires of his body , giving him the brigade of Attalus and Balacrus to attend him , the second he commanded Ptolomei to take charge of ; and to him assigned a third part , of his own Argyraspides , or silver Targateers ; and the brigade of Philip and Philoras , with two thousand archers , and all the Agrians , and one half of the whole Cavalrie ; The third part he took to himself , and led them to a place , where he saw the greatest throng of the enemy to be . And they on the other side , confiding in their multitude , & supposing the Macedons to be but few in number , left the mountain , and came down into the plain , where after a bloody field fought , the Macedons gat the victory : Ptolomei , who led one of the three Brigadaes of Macedons , reporteth , that there were taken in that fight , upward of 40 thousand prisoners ; and of cattle , above 230 thousand head , out of which , Alexander was purposed , to have culled out the principall of all kinds , because they were exceeding fair , and to have sent them into Macedon , to make a breed there , for the tillage of the ground . From thence Alexander went into the country of the Assacenians , Year of the World 3677 who were said to have mustred a thousand Horse , 3 thousand Foot , and 30 Elephants , to encounter him . It was said also , that Assacenus , ( which as it seems , was the common name which all their Kings went by ) being lately dead , his mother Cleophis , commanded all at that present . Craterus , having finished the city , as he was commanded , brought all his corselets to Alexander , with engines of battery and other instruments for a siege if need should be . Then set Alexander forward with the Horse of his fellow Cavaleers , and his Darters on horseback , with Coenus and Polysperchons companies , with a thousand Agrians , and Archers toward the Assacenians : marching thorough the country of the Guraeans , and was much troubled in the passage of the river Guraeus there . The natives hearing of his coming , durst not abide him in a body , but brake up their army , and dispersed themselves , everyone as he could into several cities , purposing there to stand upon their guard . Alexander went first with his army to Massaga the greatest City of the Assacenian country , and enclosed with a wall of 35 furlongs in compasse : there were 30 thousand men within to defend the walls , of which number there were 7 thousand mercenaries , out of the inner parts of India : These coming to a fight at the foot of a hill distant from the river Guraeus some seven furlongs ; were fain to flee back into their city , having lost about 2 hundred in their flight . Alexander presently drew up his maine battel of Macedons before the gates thereof , and took a Dart into his thigh from off the wall ; and when it pained him , he cryed out , that they told him , he was Joves son , but that when he was wounded , he felt the pain of it like another man : adding withal , ( as Plutarch in his book of Alexanders fortune writeth ) when he saw the blood running down his body : a saying out of Homer in his 5 book of his Iliads , that this was blood indeed , but not . Such blood as from the blessed gods doth flow . By nine dayes end the besieged , seeing his works , the incessant labour and travel of the besiegers , what vast valleys they filled up , what towers they built , and how they made them run upon wheeles , they began to consider of it : but when their Captain was shot thorough with a Dart coming out of an engine of battery , from the Works without , their courage failed , and despairing of any longer holding out , retired into their Castle , and from thence sent Messengers to crave pardon , and submitted . Cleophis also the Queen with a great multitude of noble Ladies , all pouring wine into golden basins , came forth unto him : and the Queen laying her young son at his feet , obtained not onely his pardon , but also to be restored to her fathers estate , and pristin fortune of his House ; for which yet it was thought she was more beholding to her own beauty , than to his bounty : for men commonly said , that all that was but the see of a nights lodging ; and that she got her kingdom again , by her allurements , which she could not do with all the strength she had : whence it was , that among the Indians , she went afterward by the name of the Kings whore . In all which siege yet Alexander lost not above 25 men . The Indians which were there , hired out of the inner parts of Indie , and in the siege , had annoyed Alexander more than all the rest ; being according to the articles suffered to depart with their armes , encamped themselves about 8 hundred furlongs off from thence , whereof Alexander being advertised , grew into an implacable rage against them ; and set upon them , saying , that he indeed suffered them to depart with their armes , but not that they should ever after use them against the Macedons : and they , nothing terrified with the greatnesse of their danger , lockt themselves close together , and casting themselves into a ring , took their wives and children into the midst of them : And so when the enemy came on , they withstood them in very manful wife : and the women themselves , as any of the men were slain , took up their armes , and with them went and served among the men ; yet at last overborne with the numbers of the enemy , they all died in the place ; And Alexander bestowed the women and the rest of the rascality which were left , upon his Troup of Horse ; which act of his , blemished his glory , and stuck as a spot upon all his former noble actions in his wars . Alexander sent Coenus to a strong and rich City called Bazira , supposing that the inhabitants there , hearing what passed at Assacan , would have submitted , as the Aassacans had done ; which yet they refused to do : but he sent Alcaetas , and Attalus , and Demetrius General of the Horse , to the City Ora , and willed them to draw a wall round about it , and do no more till he came . The inhabitants made a salley upon Alcaetas his quarter : but the Macedons easily put them back , and quickly mured them upon that side . And when as Alexander heard , that Abissarus would privily put in there , more of the natives to defend it ; he presently sent word to Caenus , to build a strong castle upon it , and leaving a good garrison in it , which might be able , to hinder the Tillage of their ground , to returne to him with the residue of the army . They of Bazira , seeing Caenus gone with the greatest part of his army , contemning those that were left in the Castle , drew out into the open field : where having lost 500 upon the place , and 70 more taken prisoners , the rest which returned into the city were closer shut up , and streightened than before , and not suffered to peepe out of the Gates . Alexander took the city Ora at the first assault , and took such Elephants as he found therein : which when the inhabitant of Bazira heard , fearing to be taken , they all in the dead of the night , fled out of the gates , and got up into a Rock , called Aornus and the rest of the cities thereabout , did the like , every man with his armes : and Alexander having put Garrisons in Ora and Massaga ; built up the walls of Bazira , and seised on the townes , which the Inhabitants had left . Taxiles being dead , his son Omphis or Mophis , who had perswaded his father to submit to Alexander , sent unto him to know his pleasure , whether he should take the kingdom presently upon him , or live a private man till his coming : and though word was returned him that he should reigne , yet he forbare for the present : mean while , when Hephaestion and Perdiccas being sent to make a bridge over the river Indus , came that way , he received them with all honour , and furnished them with provisions gratis ; but went not out to meet them upon the way , least he should seem to depend on any man for favour , but Alexander himself . Alexander coming to Embolyma , a city not far distant from the Rock Aornus , left Craterus with a part of the army there , and gave him order to make provision of corne and other necessaries , for a long time , if occasion should be to stay at the siege of Aornus , and in case he should not be able to take it at the first . Himself , taking with him his Agrians and Archers , and Caenus his brigade , and out of the Macedonian Squadron , such as were of the nimblest sort , and with all best armed , and 200 of his Cavaleers , and archers on horseback 100 , marched to the Rock . The fame went that Hercules heretofore , when he was in those parts , tried to take that place , but could not , and that he was put off thence by an earthquake , which set Alexander the more on fire to take it , that therein he might be seen to out-do Hercules . The compasse of the Rock , was an hundred furlongs , and the heigth thereof sixteene , if we believe Diodor. for Arrianus sayes , that the compasse of it was 2 hundred furlongs ; and the heighth thereof , where it was lowest , eleven ; at the foot of it toward the South , ran the River Indus , not far from the head where it riseth , as [ Strabo , lib. 15. ] telleth us , the rest is taken up with vast bogs , and inaccessible crags : in one of which there dwelt a poor old man , with his two sons , in a cave wherein there were three beds , cut out of the Rock . Alexander promised him 80 talents , if he would shew him a way up into the Rock : whereupon he told him there was but one way ; and shewed him where it was . Alexander finding there was no way but that , manned that place so strongly , that they could not possibly receive any the least relief , from without . And then setting his army to work , he cast up a mount of earth , and rubbage so high , that now he could come at least to fight with them at a small distance , and to assault them , which assault lasted nine whole dayes and nights together , without cessation . Alexander having lost many of his men , what in fighting , what in climbing the rocks ( among which were Chares , and one Alexander ) though he had no hope to take it , yet he made shew , as if he would not off from the siege , leaving yet the passage which led into the Rock open , for them to flee out there that would : which they perceiving , and being adawed at his constancy and resolution , took the advantage of a darke night , and fled every man of them , by that way out of the rock . The King , seeing no stirring there the next day , sent Balacrus to see what the matter was ; and he brought word , that the enemy was all gone . Then he taking with him certain Squires of the body , and 700 of his silver Targateers , went himself first up into the rock , and then the rest of the Macedons , lending one another a hand , to climbe up , as well as they could ; and then giving the word , to pursue the enemy , they did , and slew many of them in the chase : many of them also , flying over the Rocks fell and burst themselves in pieces . Alexander having conquered the places rather than the men that dwelt therein : offered yet many sacrifices , and built Altars to Minerva and Victoria , in that Rock : and leaving a Garrison there , made one Sisicoptus , al. Sisocostus , Governour of that place , and country thereabouts : which Sisocostus , came formerly out of India to Bessus in Bactria , and when Alexander had subdued it , he came in with his men unto him , and ever after served him faithfully . Alexander removed from Aornus , and went into the country of the Assaceni ; for he was told that the brother of Assaecanus , the last King , with a number of Elephants , and no small company of the Inhabitants , and bordering Nations , were fled to the mountains in those parts : and when he came to the city Dirta , he found no creature there , nor in the country thereabouts . The next day he sent out Nearchus and Antiochus , each of them commanding a thousand silver Targateers : and to Nearchus he assigned certain light armed Agrians ; to the other , besides the thousand silver Targateers which he commanded , he added 2 thousand more of the same sort . These he sent out to scout about , and to see if they could light upon any of the natives , of whom they might enquire among other things , especially concerning the Elephants . Himself marcht forward to the bank of the River Indus , sending an army before him to mend the wayes , without which it had been impossible for him to have got thorough them . But when he found , that the streights and narrow passages thereof were taken up by one Erix , he left Coenus to bring after the main body of the army , by easie journeys ; but himself going forward with his slingers and archers , cleared the Forest , and made a safe way for the army that came after . Diodorus calls this Indian Aphrices , and sayes , he had with him 20 thousand men , and 15 Elephants ; But the Indians , whether out of a hatred to this Erix or Aphrices , or whether to ingratiate themselves with Alexander , slew him , and brought both his head and armes to Alexander : He pardoned them , but thanked them not , for example sake . From hence , in sixteen dayes march , he cameto the River Indus side ; and took in the city Penceliotes , not far from thence , upon surrender : and leaving there a Garrison of Macedons , he left Philippus to command them . He subdued also a multitude of lesser towns standing upon that River , Cophaeus , and Assagetes , the Governours of that country attending on him from place to place . He understood also by some of the natives , which he had taken prisoners , that the men of that country were all gone , to Barisades , ( perhaps Abisarus ) and that the Elephants were left a graseing , upon the bank of Indus : whereupon he commanded them to shew him the way to the place where the Elephants were . In catching of them , two fell over the Rocks and perished ; the rest were taken , and being handled , and made fit for service , were taken into his army : And having found there a wood of timber-trees , he caused it to be felled , and ships to be built thereof : which being lanched , he went in them to the bridge of Boates , which Hephaestion and Perdiccas had built for him . And they , foreseeing that they should have more Rivers than one to passe , made their ships , or boats so as they might take them asunder at their pleasure , and carry them in carts , as occasion was , and then put them together again , besides which they built two others , of 30 oars a piece , and many more of a lesser sort . Alexander stayed there 30 dayes to rest his army , and in that time offered magnificent sacrifices to his gods , and made pastimes and shews , both with Horse and Foot , by the river side ; and then made one of his Nobles , Nicanor , Governour of all that region on this side Indus . Afterward he passed the river , by the bridge that was made at Pencolaites ( as Strabo saith , lib. 15. ) with his army , end there sacrificed again to his gods , after his own country manner . Now that Alexander came into the Region which lies between the Indus , and the river Hydaspes , in the beginning of the spring , is testified by Aristobulus , who was then with him , vouched by Strabo [ lib. 15. pag. 691. ] And now , Year of the World c. was Alexander 30 furlongs off , when Omphis the son of Taxiles , with an army all in arms , and Elephants disposed by equal distances among the companies , met him , and at first Alexander , not well knowing whether he came as a friend or a foe , prepared for a fight ; but Omphis , finding Alexanders error , caused his army to make a stand , set spurs to his horse , and went all alone to Alexanders presence , and rendred both himself and kingdom , ( which yet was not much bigger than Egypt ) into his hands . And when Alexander asked him , whether he had most labourers or souldiers in his kingdom , he answered , that having a war to maintain against two Kings , he must of necessity keep more souldiers , than labourers in his kingdom . Those enemies of his , were Abisarus and Porus , who reigned on the other side of the river Hydaspes ; Omphis , upon Alexanders permission , took upon him the title and habit of a King , and withal , after the manner of his country , the name of Taxiles , for that name goes with the kingdom , whoever gets it . The city Taxila , from whence the King takes his name , is the greatest of all other , lying between the rivers of Indus and Hydaspes : all the inhabitants whereof , as well as himself , entertained Alexander very joyfully . Upon the fourth day after his arrival there , Omphis let him know what corn he furnished Hephaestion with all for his army , and presented both him and all his Nobles , with Crowns of pure gold , and moreover upon Alexander himself , he bestowed 30 , as Arrianus , or 56 Elephants , as Curtius saith , and with a multitude of goodly cattle , three thousand Oxen , and upwards of ten thousand sheep . Arrianus addeth , that he sent him also seven hundred Indian Horse , and 200 talents of silver , whereas Curtius mentions onely 80 talents of silver in sowes . Alexander was infinitely taken with this entertainment of his , and sent him back his 200 talents of silver again , with a thousand talents more of his own , and many a cup-bord of plate for his table besides , both of gold and silver , with a great deal of Persian attire , and 30 Horses which were for his own saddle , and furniture of his own , thereunto belonging : which liberality of his , as it much pleased and obliged Omphis , so it infinitely offended his nobles , among which , Meleager , sitting at supper , and being somewhat high flowen with wine , told him , that he was very glad , to see that he found a man here in India , whom he thought worthy of a thousand talents . Alexander remembring what penance he had done for Clitus , forbare revenge , onely he said , That envious men were nought else but their own tormentors . The next day , Abisarus , King of the Indian mountainers , sent his own brother to him , with other Ambassadors , to present him with monies , and Elephants , and to submit both him and all that he had to his disposing and pleasure , and Alexander having made a firm league with him , sent them back again unto him . Ambassadors also came to him from Doxareus , a Governour in those parts , with presents from him . In the country of Taxila , Alexander again offered his usual sacrifices , and made shews and games of exercises both by Horse and Foot. And , leaving Philippus the son of Machates , Governour in those parts , and a Garrison in the city and country of Taxila , left there also such others of his army , as through any infirmity were grown unserviceable , and then removed toward the river Hydaspes . And now supposing that Porus upon the fame of his name might easily be drawn to submit unto him , sent a message to him by Cleochares , to require tribute of him , and to command him to meet him at the border of his kingdom . Porus answered , that the one of these two things he would not faile to do , which was , to meet him at the first entrance of his kingdom , but it should be , in warlike manner . There was another Porus , King also of a neighboring nation of India , his nephew , who for the hatred which he bare to his Uncle , sent Ambassadors to Alexander , and offered himself and all his kingdome to do him service . Alexander sent back Caenus to the river Indus , with charge , to take in pieces , the ships that were there made , and to bring them over land in Carts unto him , so the lesser sort of them , were divided into two parts , and the greater into three , and all to be brought to the river Hydaspes . There putting them together again , and lanching them , he with his army returned to Taxila , and there having gotten five thousand Indians , which Taxiles and others had brought him , he returned to the bank of Hydaspes . And upon the way , Barzaentes , sometimes Governour of the Drangians , and procurer of the revolt of the Arachosians , being taken prisoner , together with 30 Elephants of his , was delivered into his hands . This prise fell pat , for his war against the Indians , who trusted more in their beasts , for the most part , than in their men . Gamaxus also , a petty King in those parts , and a confederate of Barzaentes , was taken , and brought bound unto him . Both were committed , and the Elephants taken into his service , and delivered to Taxiles , al. Omphis , and then he went forward , and came to Hydaspes , where he caused Barzaentes , for his old treason against his master Darius , to be put to death , as we find by Arrianus [ lib. 3. pag. 72. ] Ports lay encamped on the other side of the river Hydaspes , to stop Alexanders passage , a man of a huge statue , and a mind answerable thereunto , for it is said , that he was five cubids high , and vantage : though Plutarch say , that he was but four cubits high : and a hand breadth : but so thick in the bulk , that his coat of armour was twice as big as any other mans . He rode upon an Elephant , higher than all the rest , on which he sate , like an ordinary man on Horse-back . Curtius sayes , that in the forefront of his battle , he placed 80 huge Elephants : whereas Diodore sayes , he had 13. And Arrianus , that he had upwards of 200. Chariots he had 300 , and 30000 Foot , in his army . Diodorus reports , that he had above 1000 Chariots , and 50000 thousand Foot : though Plutarch gives him but 20000 , but then he allows him 2000 Horse , Diodore , 3000 , and Arrianus 4000 , by him brought into the field . The river Hydaspes ran between the two armies , and Porus with his Elephants , appearing alwayes in the head of his army , lay ready to hinder the passage of Alexander , and Alexander caused noises dayly to be made in his army , to make the like noises , from the Barbarians more usual , and therefore lesse terrible to his men , and after a while , in a tempestuous dark night , he put over certain of his Foot ; and choicest Horse , a great way up the river , into a small Island , whence in the midst of a tempest of rain , and thunder , and lightning , and whirl-winds ; though , he saw sundry of his men strook dead in the place , and others sore hurt there with , yet over he would , and land he hid on the other side . The river , swollen with the rain , foundred , and brake down the banks in many places , with the swiftnesse of his course , and the water withall brake in between . Alexander got on land , where he could hardly stand , for the slabb●nesse of the ground , and gulfs , occasioned by the breaking in of the river , between which the Macedons perceiving , they also forced themselves to land , being up to the very arme pits in water . Having passed the water , he with the Horse , gat some 20 furlongs before the Foot , and there put to flight a thousand of the enemies Horse , and 60 Chariots , which he lighted on : The Chariots he took every one , with 400 of their Horse . Now Porus finding that Alexander was gotten over , fell upon him with all his army , save onely such as he left to attend the body of the Macedonian army , where they stood ready to passe . Alexander fearing the multitude of the enemy , and their Elephants , fell himself upon the one wing of them , and commanded the rest to do the like upon the other . And when the natives being hard laied to any where , retired alwayes in a body to the Elephants , as to a place of refuge , the fight grew confused every where , and scantly could he rout and make them turn their backs and fly , till two a clock in the after noon : and this is the relation of this fight made by Alexander in his own letters . The former of these two fights , wherein he slew 400 horse , and took 60 Chariots , Aristobulus saies , was with Porus his son , adding , that he was slain in that encounter . But Ptolomei makes the forces which were sent out with Porus his son , to have been twice as many , as Alexander in his letter mentions ; for he sayes , that he came out at that time , with two thousand Horse , and 120 Chariots , as for the latter , which was fought with Porus himself , and which Alexander doth but touch . Arrianus describeth it more at large : and concerning the number slain in both the battles , he thus writeth . There were slain ( saith he ) of the Indian Foot , little lesse than twenty thousand , and of their Horse three thousand , all their Chariots were scattered , two of Porus his sons slain . Spitarches also , who commanded all that region of India , and all the Captains , both of the Elephants and Chariots , and of his Horse and Foot , died in the battle : and the Elephants , which were not killed in the fight , were all taken of Alexanders foot , which were to the number of 6000. in the first encounter , there were lost but 80 at the most , of the archers on horse-back , which gave the first onset , there were slain 10 , of his fellow Cavaleers 20 , and of the rest of the horse 200 with which we may compare the accompt which Diodorus makes : there died , saith he , of the Indians , upward of 12000 , and among them , Porus his two sons , and all the chief Commanders of his army , and bravest Captains that he had : But prisoners there were taken 9000 , and 80 Elephants . Of the Macedon Horse were slain 280 , and somewhat more than 700 Foot. When Porus was taken , Alexander asked him how he lookt to be used , and he answered , Like a King , Alexander asked him again , whether he would ought else , and his answer was , that word , Like a King , comprehends all , whereupon Alexander , seeing his noble and royal disposition , used him accordingly , and took him into the number of those whom he called his friends , and restored him to his kingdom again , which , reaching from Hydaspes to the bank of the river Acesives , contained in it 300 cities ; witnesse [ Strabo , lib. 15. pag. 698. ] Arrianus sheweth , that these things fell out , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : ( i. e. in that season of the year , when the sun declined from the summer solstice : at which season , the greatest rains usually fall in India , and swell the river Hydaspes , which in the midst of winter a man may wade over , [ lib. 5. pag. 107. ] with which Jacobus Capellus compares another place of his , [ lib. 7. pag. 163 , ] where he writes the like of the River Euphrates : saying , that it is foordable in the winter ; but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : ( i. e. ) when the spring approaches , and much more , when the sun returns from his summer tropick , it grows deep , and runs all over his banks . For whereas the Grecians call the four Seasons of the years by the common name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or conversions , or Tropics ; well may they which divide the year but into two parts , to wit , Summer and Winter , reckon their Summer conversion from the vernal , and their Winter one , from the autumnal equinoctial : Whereupon it is , that Arrianus , speaking after the Eastern manner , saith , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : ( i. e. ) the Spring approaching ; and much more after the aequinoctium , which is the entrance with them , into the summer season , the rain there began to fall , and the waters to rise . Now concerning those Indian Regions , Aristobulus , was an eye-witnesse of them , ( as being at that present with Alexander at the River Hydaspes ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : ( i. e. ) that at the beginning of the Spring , the rains begin to fall , and so grow stronger from day to day : as we read in [ Strabo , lib. 15. pag. 114. ] And that this battle was fought between the vernal equinoctial , and the summer solstice , Arrianus plainly shewes , where he sayes , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( i. e. ) This was the end of the battle , fought by Alexander against Porus and his Indians , on the other side of the river Hydaspes , in the year when Hegemon was L. Chancelor of Athens , in the moneth Munichion : which in that year answered almost entirely to out moneth of May , according to the Julian Calendar : for that the summer solstice , was not till Alexander came to the river Acesines , I shall hereafter shew out of Nearchus . Alexander was glad of this victory , which opened him the way to the utmost borders of the East , and thereupon , caused all his men that fell in the battle to be honourably interred ; sacrificed to the Sun , as the giver of this victory , and made games and enterludes , both on foot and horseback at the river Hydaspes , near the place where he first put over : and because there was in that place , exceeding store of all manner of provisions , therefore he stayed there 30 dayes , to rest his wearied companies : And moreover to hearten up his souldiers for the remainder of this war , he called them together , and in an harangue unto them , commended their prowesse and vallour , and told them , that all the force of India was quasht by that one dayes work of theirs , that all the rest , was but a rich spoile for them to take ; he gave the cheif commanders of his army crownes to weare ; and to every one of them 1000 peeces of gold , honouring and rewarding every one of the rest according to his place , desert , and quality in the army . And as concerning the Trophie which he there erected , you may see , [ Philost . l. 2. and Apollon . c. ult . ] Now because Alexander had a purpose , so soon as he should set foot upon Indian ground , to go see the Ocean Sea , he therefore went in hand here , to set his shipwrights on work , the rather , for that in the Emodian hills adjoyning , there was abundance of tall Fit trees , with some store of Cedar and Pine trees among , and other timber , all fit for shipping : but when they went ot felling , they found there Serpents , great store , of an exorbitant bignesse , and some of them 16 cubits long : There were also found in those woody mountains , Rhinocerotes , a rare beast to be found in other countreys : with sundry kindes of Apes , infinite in number , and of an unusual bignesse of body ; whereof the Macedons upon a time espying a multitude , ranged on the side of a hill , in a kind of array like souldiers , thought at first that they had been an enemy , and thereupon cried out , arme , arme ; and set themselves in a posture to fall upon them : untill Taxiles , who was then with Alexander , told them what they were , and so that fray ended , [ Strabo , l. 15. p. 698 , 699. ] Alexander built here two Cities , on each side the Hydaspes : the one on this side the river , at the place where hee passed ; the second on the other side , where hee fought the battle ; This from the victory there gotten against the Indians , he called by a Greek name , Nicaea . The other he called Bucephalis , or Bucephalia , from his horse Bucephalus , for he died there , not of any wound received in the fight ( as some , and among the rest , A. Gellius [ lib. 5. cap. 2. ] would have it ) but spent with travel and very age , for he was then 30 years old ; as besides Arrianus , one Sicritus himself , cited by Plutarch , testifieth : And the King made him a solemne funeral , and a Monument , and there built a City round about it ; saith Pliny , [ lib. 8. cap. 42. ] Near to which Cities it was , as Strabo noteth , that he built his Navy for the Ocean , [ lib. 15. pag. 698 , ] upon the Hydaspes , which ran between the two kingdoms of Porus and Taxiles , both whose help and great industry , he used in building this fleet , as Curtins , [ l. 9. c. 7. ] observeth . Alexander leaving Craterus there , with a part of his army , to finish the buildings of these two Cities , and to wall them , went further into India , against those , who bordered upon Porus his kingdom , which by Aristobulus are called Glauconicae , but by Ptolomeus , Glausae ; taking one half of his fellow Cavaleers along with him , and the choicest men out of every Squadron , with all his Archers on Horseback , and his Squadron of Agrians , and other Archers . In this voyage , 37 Cities gave themselves up into his hands ; the least of which , had 5 thousand inhabitants in it , and many 10 ; besides a multitude of townes and villages , which were no lesse populous than the Cities themselves : all which he laid to Porus his kingdom ; and having made Taxiles and him good friends , sent Taxiles back into his own kingdom again . At the same time came Ambassadors from Abisarus to Alexander ; promising to be wholy at his command , provided that he would not command him to yeild up his person to him : for that he would neither live without a kingdom , nor reign if he were enslaved to another man : whereupon Alexander sent him back word , that seeing he would not come to Alexander , Alexander with his army would take the pains to go to him , to his great cost . There came also Ambassadors to him from those Indians which lived as free States , and from an other Porus , King of Indians likewise . Phrataphernes , Governour of Parthia and Hircania , came at this time to Alexander , with such Thracians , as he had left with him : there came also menssengers to him from Sicicus Governour of the Assacenians , to tell him , that they having murdered his L. President , had revolted from him . Against these he dispatcht away Philippus and Tyriespes with an army , willing them to suppresse the rebellion of the Assacenians , and keep that Province in order . About which time also , Cleophis the Queen of the Assacenians bare Alexander a son , which bare his name , and was afterward King of that country , [ Justin. lib. 12. cap. 7. with Curtius , lib. 8. cap. 20. ] That other Porus , nephew to him whom Alexander had overcome ; for very fear , not so much of Alexander , as of his Uncle Porus , left his kingdom , and fled into the country of the Gangaridae ; taking with him as many as he could get to follow him , that were fit to bear armes . Alexander with his army put over Acesives , Year of the World d. a violent River , and which was 15 furlongs broad . they who had bladders made of skins , to use , did well enough : but they which put over in boates , dashing many times upon the rocks in the way , brake them , and lost themselves , as Arrianus out of Ptolomei reports , [ lib. 5. pag. 115. ] But Alexander left Coenus with his Brigade , on the hither side , to provide for the passage of such as were making provisions of corn and other things for the army , against they should come thither . Nearchus , who was then himself in the army , sayes , ( cited by Strabr , lib. 15. pag. 692. ] that whereas Alexander had first encamped by the River side , he was fain to remove his Camp afterward to a higher ground , for the overflowing of the water ; and that this happened about the Summer solstice : and Arrianus confirms as much , in his [ Indica , pag. 172. ] where he saith , that Alexanders army ran away from the River Acesives , when the water thereof , at Midsummer came and overflowed all the country . Here were Woods of a vast extent , and shady trees , of a wondrous bulk , and strange higth : some 70 cubits high ; and so thick , that 4 men could hardly fathom them , and cast a shadow , 3 acres , or 300 foot off ; their limbs , for the most part , like huge beams bowing downward to the ground , grew from thence up again , not as from the same bough , but as if it were out of a new root : of which kind we may read more in [ Pliny , lib. 12. cap. 5. and Strabo , lib. 15. pag. 694. ] where he saith out of Aristobulus , that under one of these trees , 50 men might sit at dinner . Here also vvas great store of Serpents , vvhich vvere but small of body , but of divers and curious colours , and so deadly biting , that it caused sudden death to any that vvas bitten by them . The Macedons therefore , to prevent this danger , hung their beds from the limbs of the trees , and so slept above ground , what they could sleep , which was but little , till at length they learnt a remedy of it , from the country people , which was a root , which they shewed them to take , if any man happened to be bitten . From hence Alexander dismissed Porus , to return into his own kingdom , with charge to return , with an army of the choicest and ablest Indians , that he could make , and with such Elephants , as he had ; and then passed the deserts , and came with his army , to the river Hyarotis , al. Hydraotes , another river of India , as broad as the Acesines , but not so violent altogether , as that is , leaving garrisons every were , as he went , in couvenient places , that so Craterus and Caenus might safely come unto him , with corn which they were to take up , in all places where they came : and then committing part of his army to Hephaestion , to wit , two squadrons of Foot , and both his own , and Demetrius his Cornets of Horse , and half his Archers , sent them into the country of that Porus , which was fled away , and bad him assign it over to his friend King Porus ; and if he found any other Indian nation , bordering upon the river Hyarotis , which lived as free states , he should lay them all to Porus his kingdom , himself passed the Hyarotis , but with lesse trouble , than he had done the Acesines . To this river there was adjoyning a grove of shadie trees , not usually seen in other parts , and wild Peacocks , flying up and down therein . But the King going still forward , took in sundry other nations , some upon surrender , and some by force ; others he was fain to run after , and overtake , and make them yield unto him . Mean while , Alexander was told , that there were other Indian states , and a people called the Cathaeans , who intended to bid him battle , if he came into their coasts ; and they dealt with other free states of India likewise , to confederate with them in this action : as also another nation of those parts called Oxidracans , and the Mallians , against whom , a little before , Abisarus and Porus with their joynt armies , and many other confederate Indians , went , but could do no good upon them , and so returned : but the place where they purposed to abide his coming , was said to be Sangalae , a city of the Cathaeans , and a great one too , as in those parts ; and compassed about , not only with a wall , but also with a bog . These Cathaeans are by Polyaenus [ lib. 4. stratag . ] called Calthaei , and by Diodorus , Cathari , who sayes that it was made a law , by the common consent of all these nations , that if the husband died , the wife should be buried with his Corps ; which very thing is observed by Strabo , of the Cathaeans , [ lib. 15. pag. 699. ] Alexander , going into these parts , came the second night to a city called Pimprama . That nation of the Indians are called Adraistae , and by Diodorus Andrastae , who presently came in and yielded upon conditions . Alexander , resting his souldiers there the next day , on the third day , marched to Sagala , where the Cathaeans , and their fellows , expecting his coming , stood all ranged in battle array upon the rising of a hill before the city , having instead of a trench , placed before them , three rows of Chariots lockt close together . But their Chariots being quickly dispersed by Alexander , they all presently fled back into the city , where Alexander forthwith fell to besiege them , and cast up a double trench round about the city , save where the bog hindred them . And there he set Ptolomei , with three thousand of the silver Targateers , all the squadron of Agrians , and one company of Archers , to guard that quarter : moreover he set all the Chariots which he had taken athwart that passage , to hinder them from flying . The inhabitants indeavouring , in the fourth watch of the night , to flee away , fell upon those Chariots , and were beaten back by Ptolomei , who slew 500 of them , and made them retreat within their gates again . Mean while Porus came to him , with the rest of his Elephants , and five thousand Indians ; and now his Engines of battery were fitted , and approached to the wall . The Macedons therefore not having quite battered the inner wall , but onely undermined a vaumure made of brick , and reared their ladders round about , took the city by assault , wherein were slain 17 thousand souls , and taken 70 thousand more , three hundred Chariots , five hundred Horses . Alexander lost in all this siege , not passing 100 men , but there were hurt , some 1500 more , among which was Lysimachus , one of the squires of the body . Alexander , burying his dead after the Macedonian manner , sent Perdiccas with a sufficient company to ravage and plunder all the country thereabout , but sent Eumenes the secretary , ( to wit , that Eumenes , secretary sometime to King Philip , and whose life , Plutarch and Probus have both written ) with 300 Horse , to two cities , which had confederated with those of Sangala ; that , offering them pardon , he should receive them to mercy ; but the townesmen , hearing what was done at Sangala , were fled all out of the town , before he came : whereupon as many as were not able , thorough infirmity , to follow the rest , were by him taken and slain , to the number of five hundred , but Alexander despairing to overtake the rest , returned to Sangala , and utterly destroyed it . Then vvent he to besiege another strong tovvn , into vvhich a multitude of people , out of other vveaker places vvere gathered : but vvhen they vvithin , craved his mercy , and opened him their gates , he pardoned them ; and taking hostages of them , he marched avvay to the next tovvn , vvhich vvas a very great one , and full of people . There he caused the hostages vvhich he received to be presented before the vvalls ; which when they within knew , ( as being neighbours children , they could not but know them ) they desired to speak with them ; and the hostages telling them what a merciful man Alexander was , and how dreadful withal to his enemies , easily perswaded them to yeild unto him : and now the report that was cast abroad of Alexander , that he went about , more like a robber , than a Conqueror , was altered ; and the rest of the cities , gave up themselves , without holding up either sword or buckler against him , [ Curt. lib. 9. cap. 2. Polyae . Stratag . lib. 4. in Alexan. sect . 30. ] From hence he went into the kingdom of Sopithes , who was of a goodly stature , above all the men of those parts ; for he was more than 4 cubits high : and coming out of his chief City , with his two sons , both of full age , he delivered up into Alexanders hand , his golden rod , all set with B●rills : and resigned to him , himself , his children , and all his kingdom . And having received his kingdom again from his hand , a few days after he feasted Alexander and all his army in a sumptuous manner , And having presented Alexander himself with many great and costly gifts ; he gave him also 150 Indian dogs , which were , as was said , of a mixt kind , between dogs and tigers , and of a wonderful strength and courage : for proof whereof , there were four of them presently set upon an exceeding great Lion , [ Strabo , lib. 15. pag. 700. Esia . Histor. Animal . lib. 8. cap. 1. ] Mean while Hephaestion , returned to him , with such companies as he carried out ; having subdued countries of the Indians far and near where ever he came : and Alexander thereupon spared not to honour him with all deserved praises , before the army . Leaving Sopithes in his kingdom as he found him , Alexander went forward still to the next nation , where Phegeus was King , and when all the inhabitants there welcomed the Macedons , and Phegeus himself , went out to meet Alexander with gifts and presents ; submitting himself wholy to his pleasure : Alexander re-established him in his kingdom , and being roially entertained with all his army , stayed there two whole dayes . Upon the third day he departed from thence , and came to the River Hyphasis , al. Hypanis , which is 7 furlongs over , and 6 fathom deep : and being besides very rocky under water , was very difficult to passe ; and being informed by Phegeus of such things as he desired , he found that on the other side the river , there was a vast Desert of 11 or 12 dayes journey : and at the end thereof , the River Ganges , the greatest of all India : that beyond that there dwelt sundry nations ; The Gaugaridae , al. Gongaridae , and Prasians , al. Praesidians , al. Praesiaeans , al. Pharrasians , al. Tabraesians , for by all these different names they go . That the King was called Agrammes , ( Diodor. calls him Xagrames , ) that his army was 20000 Horse , and 200000 Foot , and 2000 Chariots , and 3 or ( as Diodorus saith ) 4000 Elephants , all trained up and fitted for the war. When these things seemed incredible to Alexander , he had further speech with Porus about it : Porus told him , that the force and power of that King and kingdom was indeed very great , and no lesse than was spoken of : But that the King that now there was , was a base-born thing , and no better than a poor barbers son , hated and scorned by his subjects . And one Androcottus , who vvas then but a youth , and had not onely seen Alexander , but also for a certain saucy prank played vvith him , vvas commanded to be put to death , and had died for it , had he not took himself to his heeles , as Justin , [ lib. 15. cap. 4. ] tells us , vvas vvont aftervvard to say , That Alexander missed but a little of getting all that country into his hands , for that the King there at that time , vvas so vvicked , so base , so hated , and so much scorned of his people . Here Alexander began to consider vvith himself , that his souldiers vvere all tired out and spent vvith the length of the vvar ; and that novv every man began to look for an end of these dangers , with a reward and fruit of all their labours : for they had now been eight whole years ( for so long it was since he came first to be King ) in a continual perilous and laborious war. And it then fell out withal , that for 70 dayes together , there poured down from heaven , nothing but fearful storms of rain , with lightnings and thunders upon them ; as we read in Diodorus : whereupon , as the same Diodorus saith , to pacifie the souldiers mindes , he gave them leave to plunder a most rich and plentiful country of the enemies , and to take all to themselves . And whiles they were busie at this work , he called together their wives and children , and made there an ordinance , that the wives should receive their monethly allowance in corn , and their children the same wages , that their fathers did . When the souldiers were returned home loden with wealth and riches , the King caled them all together , unto whom he made almost a set speech , to request them to accompany him cheerfully to the conquest of the Gangaridae , unto whom Caenus the son of Polemocrates , made an answer in the name of the whole army , and concluded , that they all desired an end of the war. And when the Macedons would in no wise listen to his desires , yet as Ptolomei reports , he went on , and offered sacrifice for a passage over : and when the entrailes portended all direfull things , if he proceeded , he then called together his friends , and such as were the ancientest , and of greatest familiarity with him , and told them first , and afterwarward declared to all , the army that since all things seemed to be adverse to his proceeding any farther , he was now content and resolved to return . Yet Pliny , very improbably , will needs have it , that notwithstanding all this , he passed the river Hypanis , and erected altars on the other side thereof , [ lib. 6. c. 17. ] for that which followes in the same place ; to wit , That the Kings own letters do confirme as much , I conceive that those words refer not to his passing over the river Hypanis or Hypasis , but to that which went before , concerning the order and distance of his removals and journeys from place to place , described and set down by Diognetus and Baeton , his two principal Harbengers , and Camp-masters : For who can believe that Alexander alone , without his army , and without any purpose of going any further , would offer to passe such a dangerous river as that was , or if he would that the enemy which attended him on the other side , would not have set upon him , and hindred him in his work , especially , seeing that Strabo , [ lib. 15. pag. 700. ] noteth , that he went no further Eastward , to wit , because he was forbidden to passe the river Hypanis or Hypsasis , and Plutarch also tells us , that in his time , the Kings of the Praesiaeans or Prasians , passing the river westward , worshiped those Altars , which Alexander then set up , and did Sacrifice upon them , after the Grecian manner . Wherefore manifest it is , that Alexander , dividing his army into several companies , caused 12 altars to be built all of square stone on the hither side of the river Hypanis , and not on the further ; each of which alters was 50 cubits high , and like to so many great towers , and of a greater bulk than towers use to be of , upon which , having offered sacrifices after the Grecian mode to his gods , he presented them also with games of all sorts , wrestling , and dancing , and sports on horseback : Then made he his Camp three times greater in every respect than it was ever wont to be : his trenches 50 foot broad and 10 foot deep , and of the earth cast up out of the ditch , drew a reasonable wall also , round about the trench : He commanded his foot also , that in their several tents they should set up two bedsteads , each of them 5 cubits high : and the horsemen , that they , besides such beds , should also in their tents make mangers for their horses , as bigge again as at other times ; with armes , and horse bitts , and other furniture belonging to them , after the same proportion , and to hang them up , and leave them behind them , to abuse posterity , with an imaginary belief of his greatnesse : concerning the inscriptions and titles of his altars , we may see more in [ Philostratus , his life of Apollonius . ] These things thus done , he returned by the same way he came to the river Hydraotes : which having passed , he came back to Acesines . There found he this City ready built , by Hephaestion , whom he left to do it , and thither he drew such of the neighbouring places as would , and of his mercenary souldiers , as many as were growen unfit for the war , to store it with inhabitants . Arsaces , who ruled all in the province , bordering upon the kingdom of Abisarus , and the brother of Abisarus , and his associates came to Alexander ; and brought him presents , such as were of greatest esteeme in those parts , and 30 Elephants sent from Abisarus ; telling him Abisarus would have come to him , had it not been for a sickness which then held him : and when such messengers as Alexander sent to him , at their returne affirmed as much , and that he was sick indeed , he was easily perswaded of the truth of his excuses ; and thereupon made Abisarus Governour under himself of that province , and made Arsaces subject unto him : and appointing what tributes they should pay , offered sacrifice again at the river Acesines . Having passed the Acesines , he came to Hydaspes , where he repaired , by the help of his souldiers , what ever the overflowing of that unruly river had demolished in his two Cities lately there built , Nicaea , and Bucephalis : for because that from the time that he went from thence , till his now return thither again , it had done nothing else but raine , especially the Etesian or yearly winds at that season blowing , as Aristobulus saith , cited by Strabo . [ lib. 15. pag. 691. ] And so it fell out , that together with that rain , which continued for 70 dayes space , there fell also horrible tempests of thunders and lightenings , as I shewed before out of Diodorus . Alexander , when he had caused a multitude of ships , what of two , what of three stages high , to be built , and rigged , upon the Hydaspes , besides others , for the passage of his Horse and Foot over the river , he resolved to fall down from thence , into the southern Ocean ; and for that purpose gathered all the Phaenicians , Cypriots , Carians , and Egyptians which followed his Camp together , and put them aboard his ships . At the same time died Coenus , one of his best , and bosom friends , whose death he much lamented , and caused him to be enterred with all honour and sumptuousnesse , which that time and place afforded , yet not forgetting the speach which he made in the armies behalf , for a return , gave him this biting taunt . That had he known how short a time he had to live , he would never have made so long an oration to that purpose . Then came to him new supplies out of Greece , as well auxiliaries , as mercenary souldiers , under their several Commanders , to wit , 30 thousand Foot , and six thousand Horse : bringing with them besides , rich arms , for 25 thousand Foot , and 100 talents in Apothecary stuff for medicines , as Diodorus noteth : and Curtius [ lib. 9. cap. 5. ] Memnon also brought him out of Thracia , six thousand horse , besides those which came from Harpalus , and seven thousand Foot , and 25 thousand arms , in laid with silver and gold , which he caused to be distributed in the army , and the old ones to be burnt . Now that Harpalus , which Curtius tells us , sent a supply unto him , was none other , but he , whom Alexander had trusted with the keeping of his tributes , and treasure in the city and province of Babylon , and whome he had left , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( i. e. ) his overseer , and Procurator , or L. Steward of all that country , as Plutarch in Alexand. writeth , yet left he the rule and government of it to Mazeus , who had delivered it up into his hand ; and when he died , Ditamenes succeeded him in that charge . Though Diodorus calls this Harpalus , the President of that province , in his History of [ year 2. 113 Olympiade ] upon which now we are : where he further tells us , that he , hoping that Alexander would never return alive out of India , gave himself over to all kind of intemperance and luxury , sparing for no cost . And first , saith he , he fell to committing of all manner of whordom and luxury with the women kind of that country , and then laying it on , upon all other sorts of unseemly and unseasonable delights and pleasures : he made havock of the Kings monies , committed to his charge ; and took order for sundry sort of fish to be brought unto him , from as far off as the red sea , and was so lavish in his feasting , and usual diet , that every man cried shame of him , for it , and sent for a noted strumper , Pythonice by name , from as far as Athens , and when she died , for another from the same place , called Glycera : whereof Theopompus complained in a letter of his to Alexander , telling him , he spent above 200 talents , in making two tombs for Polynice , when she died , one at Athens , and another at Babylon it self , and that he dedicated a Grove , and an Alter , and a Temple to Pythonice , by the name and title of Venus Pythonica , and that he set up Glyceraes statue in brasse , at Tarsus in Syria , and gave her leave to have her habitation in the Kings own palace , commanded the people to call her by the title of , and reverence her as , a Queen , [ Athenaeus lib. 13. cap. 23. ] The like did Cleander , Sitacles , and Heracon , in Media , all hoping that Alexander would never return alive out of India , and in assurance thereof , fell to plundering of private mens estates , and pulling down of Temples , ravishing the young virgins , of the noblest families , with many other kinds of vilanies upon the goods and persons of the subject ; insomuch , that the very name of a Macedon grew odious to all nations , for their avarice and luxury in all kinds . But above all , Cleander , who having first ravished a noble Virgin himself , gave her afterward to his slave for his whore , [ Curt. lib. 10. cap. 1. Arria . lib. 6. pag. 142. ] Alexander , preparing for his voyage into the Ocean , and seeing old grudges kindling afresh between Porus and Taxiles , made them friends again , and linked them together by bonds of affinity , which he procured to be made between them before he went , and then sent them away each to his own kingdom . And for Porus , he not onely made him king of all the countries lying between Hydaspes and Acesines , as before , but also , of all the free states , which he had subdued between the rivers of Acesines , and Hypanis , which were several nations , and in them , cities above two thousand , as in Arria . [ lib. 6. pag. 124. ] others reckon in that space 15 several nations , and in them , great cities , to the number of 5000 , besides towns and villages 〈◊〉 them belonging , as [ Plutarch in Alexand. ] And the truth is , that the region lying between Hydaspes and Hypanis , conteineth now more than nine nations , but there were therein 5000 cities , every one of them as big as Coos , in Meropis , as Strabo , out of Apollodorus , who wrote of the affairs of Parthia , reports , [ lib. 15. pag. 686. ] who yet in his own opinion thinks , that in this reckoning , he did overlash ; saying , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( i. e. ) it seemeth , that this number is put a little Hyperbolically , and therefore Pliny draws this number to the cities , which he subdued in all India , [ lib. 6. cap. 17. ] in these words . These who were with Alexander in his voyage report , that in that tract of India which he subdued , there were 5 thousand towns and cities , every one of them as big as Coos , in the compasse of 9 nations . Philippus , one of his company of Nobles attending him , and who was by him made Lord and Governour of a Country beyond the River Indus . The Horse of the City Nisaea , were sent back : Craterus and Hephaestion , were commanded to march before him into the capital City of Sopithes his kingdom , and there to attend the coming of the Fleet ; Craterus held on , upon the right hand of the Hydaspes with a part of the Horse and Foot , and Hephaestion on the left , with the remainder and far greater part of the whole army , and 2 hundred Elephants . The whole army at this time consisted of one hundred and twenty thousand men , with those which he brought from the sea coast . And now they returned to him also , whom he sent to levy fresh companies , bringing with them men of divers nations , and diversly armed , [ Arria . lib. 6. and in his Indica . pag. 181. ] and Plutarch sayes , that at this time he had ●20 thousand Foot , and 15 thousand Horse . Curtius sayes , that this Navy was one thousand ships , of which Diodorus sayes , 200 were open , the rest were of the nature of Row-barges , as Diodorus saith . Arrianus , in his Indica , saith he had but 8 hundred in all , some for carriage of horses , the rest of loading for corne and other provisions , but of all sorts , amounting to little lesse than two thousand . Ammiral of this fleete , was Nearchus , born in Creete , and Euagoras of Corinth Purser to it ; but of Alexanders own ship wherein he went , was Master or Steeresman , one Onesicritus , an Asty pulaean born , and Arrianus in his Indica , sets down the Master of every particular Ship. This done , Alexander sacrificed to his country gods , and such other as the Priests advised him to : and among the rest , to Neptune , and to Amphitrite , and to the Nereides or sea Nymphs ; and above all , to the Ocean it self , and to the River Hydaspes from whence he set forth ; as also to the River Acesines , into which the Hydaspes falls , and to the river Indus , which receives them both . Also he proclaimed several sorts of Games , of Musick , and Wrestling , and the like , with Prizes , for such as would put in for them ; distributing beasts , for every company to sacrifice by themselves . In the morning , the army went aboard , to wit , the silver Targateers , and Archers , and such of the Horsemen as were called his nobles or friends , amounting to the number of 8 thousand , not many dayes before the setting of the Pleiades , as [ Strabo , lib. 15. ] out of Aristobulus , sheweth ; which falleth much about the end of our Octob. Alexander himself coming aboard , poured out a golden vio● of wine from the prowe of the ship into the River , calling upon Acesines , Hydaspes , and Indus , all at once . Afterward when he offered to his Progenitor Hercules , and to Ammon , and the rest of the gods , acco●ding to his accustomed manner , the trumpet sounded , at his command , to draw down the ships into the water , and to be going , whereupon every man did accordingly ; ●or order was given , how far every barge , how far every horse-lighter , how far every ship of war should steere off from each other , for fear least any should perchance fall foul of any other in the● course , and that one should not strive to out sail , or out rowe another ; but keep every one in his rank and order wherein he set forth . Alexander , going on in this order , came on the third day to the place where he appointed Craterus and Hephaestion to attend him : there he stayed two dayes , that Philip might there overtake him , with the rest of the army ; for he had sent him to the River Acesines , commanding him to march down by the bank thereof : and sent away Crate●us and Hephaestion again with directions , what course to hold in their march by land . He , holding on his course upon the River Hydaspes , which was every where 20 furlongs over at the least , landed his souldiers and went to Sibarus , or country of the Sobians . These , they say , were of the posterity of them , who with Hercules heretofore besieged the Rock of Aornus ; and when they could not take it , were left here by him when they were not able to march with him any further : their cloths were nothing but skins of wild beasts , and their weapons nothing but clubs : and although the Grecian manners and fashions were worn out , yet might a man easily perceive some traces and marks of their original among them ; But when Alexander pitcht his Camp near unto the chiefest City of their country , the principal men of them came forth unto him , and being admitted to his presence , they put him in mind of their first origin , and what re erence they had to the nation of the Greeks , and offered him their service , in what ever his pleasure was , as became men of the same blood with him and his Grecians , testifying as much , by the no ordinary presents which they gave unto him . Alexander received them very graciously , and made them a free State , to live according to their own laws . From hence he made a rode further into the country some 250 furlongs , and having wasted all the field , came and besieged the chief City of that country . The Agalassians opposed him , with 4000 Foot , and 3000 Horse , upon the bank of a River : but he passing the River , quickly distressed and routed them , and having slain the most part , made the rest run into the towns , which having taken , he slew them that were of age , and sold the rest for slaves . Other inhabitants there were which would needs take up arms too , and vvere gathered together into one city , to the number of 20 thousand : Into this city also , he brake by pure force ; but when they barricadoed their streets , and fought upon them from the battlements of their houses , he was forced to get out again , and left many of his Macedons dead behind him , wherefore in a rage he set fire on the houses , and burnt both it , and most of the people therein , with fire . Three thousand there were which got into the castle ; they sued for pardon and had it . And then returning a shipboard with his nobles , he went with all speed into the countries of the Mallians and Oxydracans : because he was informed of them , that they were two very populous and warlike Nations , and that having carried their wives and children into fenced places , they purposed to abide him in the field , and he made the more haste , to the end he might fall upon them , whiles they were but in their preparatives , and not fully yet provided for him . Upon the 5 day , falling still down the river , he came to the confluence of the two rivers , Acesines and Hydaspes : where they both meet and make one river , but in a very narrow Channel : and by that means , runs with a most violent and rapid current , and maketh strange whirlepooles with all : whereupon many of their ships were bilged , and two of the greatest of them falling fowle each of other , split in sunder , and perished with those who were therein . Alexanders own ship , falling into one of these whirlepooles , was in extream danger to have been lost , and he in her . But having gotten a litle lower , where the Channel openeth somewhat wider , the stream grew calmer ; and the ships coming to the bank on the right hand , found a safe harbour to ride in , under a bank which running out into the river , brake the violence of it , and so had they leisure to draw their ships on land . The King set up altars upon the banks side , and sacrificed to his gods for escaping so grand a danger : and then marched 30 furlongs further , into the countrey , and falling upon the natives , that would not submit unto him , he charged them onely , not to help the Mallians , and so returned to his ships again ; and there found Craterus , Hephaestion and Philippus came with their several Armies , and readie to attend him . The countreys of the Oxydracans and Mallians lie between the place where the Hydaspes falls into the Acesines , and that where they both together fall into the river Indus , as Arrianus in his Indica teacheth us ; [ pag. 171. ] These were wont to be alwayes in war , each against other ; but now Alexander , a common enemy to both , coming on , made them friends : for a further confirmation whereof , they gave ten thousand virgins each to other to be crosse-married ; their foot were in all 80 thousand ; their horse , 10 thousand ; besides 7 hundred chariots ; Curtius saith 9 hundred , [ Justin , lib. 12. cap. 9. ] and Orosius [ lib. 3. cap. 19. ] give unto these Mandri or Ambri , and Sabracans , and Subagrans , and Sugambrians , for by all these names , the Malli and Oxydracans ( who in Diodorus are also corruptly written Syracusians ) in divers editions go , 60 thousand horse . The Macedons , who thought they had been past all danger , and lookt for no more fighting businesse , when they now saw themselves engaged in a new war , with more fierce and warlike Nations , than any they had hitherto met withall in any part of India struck ( as they were ) with a suddain fear , began a fresh to murmure and mutiny against Alexander ; but he by a faire Oration which he made unto them , pacified them , and made all well again . Commander in chief of all this army of the Natives , was a man of approved valour , chosen out of the Oxydracans : and he pitcht his camp at the foot of a hill , making store of fires that he might make his army thereby seeme the greater , and making alwaies great shouts and noises , after their country manner to terrifie the Macedons , if it might have been . But the next morning Alexander , full of hope , and all assurance of victory , encouraged his souldiers , and took the field against them : when upon the suddain , the enemies , whether for fear , or whether upon some falling out among themselves , ran all away , left the field , and betook themselves to the mountains and woods , which because the Macedons could not overtake , they therefore fell to the rifling of their Camp. Alexander having rigged his Navie , sent Nearchus with it , down the river into the countrey of the Mallians , charging him to be there 3 daies before the army , and passing the Hydaspes , commanded Craterus , who was on the right hand of the Hydaspes , to take charge of the Elephants , and of Polysperchons Brigade , and his Archers on horseback , and of Philips Regiment . He willed also Hephaestion to go 5 dayes march before him ; and Ptolomei , to come 3 dayes journey behind him : that whosovever escaped Hephaestion , might be sure to fall into the hands of one of them two . But commanded them that went foremost , when they came to the confluence of Acesines and Hydraotes , which was the utmost bound of the Mallians , as the confluence of Acesines and Hydaspes was of the Oxydracans , there to stay and attend his coming , and till Craterus and Ptolomies armies were come in and joyned to him . Himself taking with him his Regiment of silver Targateers , and his squadron of Agrians , and Pythons brigade , and all his Archers on Horseback , and one half of his fellow Cavaleers , went through a sandy thirsty country into the Region of the Mallians , to set upon them , before either the Oxydracans could come to help them , or they the Oxydracans . Now the first day he encamped near a little river , distant from the Acesines , some 100 furlongs , where , having rested himself a while , and his army , he commanded every man to fill what bottles he had , with water , and then put on again ; and in the remainder of that day , and the night following , marched 400 furlongs , and in the mornig , lighted upon a great many of the Mallians , who , because they conceived , that surely he would never come over that dry and thirsty wilderness , were walking abroad idely with out the city . The most of them he slew , the rest ran into the gates , and there lockt them up ; then caused he his Horse to surround the walls , instead of a trench , till his Foot came up . But so soon as they were come , he presently dispatched away Perdiccas , with his own , and Clitus his Horse , and with the Agrians , to besige another town of the Mallians , where he understood , that many of the Indians were gathered together , willing them to keep them in , but not to make any assault , till he came onely to take care that none gat out , to carry news into other parts , that he was come into the country , and then began he to make his approaches , and to assault the city , which he say before . Having slain many of them in the assault , the rest left the walls , and fled to the Castle , and that being also taken , he slew therein two thousand men . Perdiccas , coming to the city , which he was commanded to besiege , found all the birds flowen ; and because he found that they were but newly gone , he followed after them , with all the speed he could make : all he overtook he slew : the rest escaped into the bogs , and fennie places , and there saved themselves . Alexander , having rested and refresht both himself and his army , a while , removed in the first watch of the night : and having made a long march that night , at break of day came to the river Hydraotes , where he found that many of the Mallians , were already passed over ; the rest he set upon , as they were passing , and slew them every man : then himself passed the river with his army , and overtook such as were gone before ; and of them he slew many , and took other prisoners : Neverthelesse , most of them got away into a city , very strongly situate , and well fenced with works . But when his foot came up , Alexander sent Python against them , with his own , and two other Regiments of Horse , who at first onset , scrued them into the Town , and took it ; and made all that had fled thither , and were not slaine in the taking of it , slaves : which done , Python returned to the Camp. Then led Alexander his army against a City of the Brachmanni , whither he understood other of the Mallians were fled : and as soon as he came , besieged it round with his Squadrons very thick . The souldiers forthwith left the walls , and fled to the Castles , which taken , the inhabitants , some set their own houses on fire , and threw themselves into it : others would sell their skins , as dear as they could , and died fighting : there died in all five thousand of them , few came alive into the enemies hand . Alexander stayed there one day , to give his souldiers breath , and the next day he marched against other Towns of the Mallians : all which he found , to have left their cities , and fled to the woods and mountains : there also he spent one day . The next day he sent Pithon , and Demetrius , Captain of a Regiment of Horse , back to the river side , to whom he joyned also , certain other Troups , and Companies , requisite for the service he imployed them in , willing them , if by the way , they chanced to light upon any of those , who were fled to the woods , if they submitted not , to kill them ; whereupon they slew a very great many , as they passed . Himself marcht against the Capitall City of the Mallians , to which , as he understood , many others had retired themselves . But even this great city also , hearing of his coming , abandoned the place , and fled , & flying over the river Hydraotes , there put themselves in battle array , upon the high clifts of that river , as if they would there stop his passage . Alexander followed them instantly with his Horse , commanding his Foot to come after ; but when he was in the midst of the river , the Indians forsook the place , and though in good array , yet ran away : whereas yet they were not fewer in number than 50 thousand , and Alexander seeing them in a strong compacted body , yet having no Foot come up to him , offered here and there , and every where to charge upon them ; but thought it no discretion to engage in a fight against them . But so soon as the Agrians , and other well-ordered Squadrons , and the Archers came , and the main battel of the Foot , were now in sight , the Indians took them to their heeles , and ran away all to the next fenced City . Them Alexander pursued , and slew a many of them ; and when they were there , Alexander presently surrounded the City with his Horse before the Foot came up . Demophoon a Southsayer , having speech with Alexander , told him , by certain signs and prodigies by him observed , that there was some great danger towards him , and withal desired him to forbear , at least to defer the siege thereof . The King reviling him with shrewed words , for disheartning the souldiers whiles they were in action ; and dividing his army in two parts , took one to himself , and gave the other to Perdiccas , and both together went to scale the wall : which brunt the Indians not enduring , left their stations on the wall , and fled all to the Castle . Alexander with those about him , brake open the first gate himself , and got into the City , and began to set ladders against the Castle wall : And when he saw his Macedons not come on so roundly , as he wished , he took a ladder himself and set against the wall , and gat upon the top of it . Pencestes , bearing the target , which he borrowed out of the Temple of Minerva in Troy , and which in all encounters he ever caused to be born before him , followed , and after him Leonatus , one of the Squires of his body , upon the same ladder , and Abreas ( one of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Duplarians : ( i. e. ) of that order of Knights or Esquiers , who had double pay or allowance ) upon another . And then the silver Targateers , hearing of the danger the King was in , strove to set up the ladders so thick , that they brake , and so all came tumbling to the ground , and thereby both lost themselves , and hindered others from getting up that would , [ See Appianus toward the end , lib. 2. Bell. Civil . ] Alexander , who was shot at on every hand , from the towres , adjoyning , ( for no man durst come to handy-blows with him upon the wall ) leapt off the wall down into the Castle yard , and setting his back to a wall there , slew sundry that came to assault him , with his own hand ; and among the rest , the Captain himself of the Indians , which came boldly on upon him : so that afterward none other durst come near him ; but all set themselves to shoot him a far off . Mean while Pencestes , Leonatus , and Abreas , leapt down the wall into the yard after him , and came to his rescue ; of which Abreas , shot thorough the face into the head , died upon the place . And Alexander himself ( as Ptolomei reporteth ) received so great a wound in the breast , that his very breath came forth at it together with his blood . Pencestes , who interposed , with Minerva's buckler in his hand , and Leonatus , who took in his own body the blows which were meant to him , were likewise sore wounded : and little wanted it , but that Alexander himself , had there poured forth his soul , together with his blood . And all agree , that Pencestes defended him with his Palladian buckler : whence Pliny calls him , [ lib. 34. cap. 8. ] the preserver of Alexander the Great . Concerning Leonatus , and Abreas , the Duplarian ; all do not agree : but that Ptolomei the son of Lagus , vvas at the rescue of him , Clitarchus and Timogenes , and Pausanias in his Attica , do affirm : vvhich yet himself denies , and sayes , he was not ; and that all that while he was in fight with the enemy alsewhere : So great saith Curtius , was the carelesnesse of those old Historians in writing , or which is as bad , easinesse in believing . The Macedons at last breaking into the Castle , put every man therein to the sword , not sparing man or woman , old or young , and brought the King out upon their targets , living or dead , they knew not well whether . The cure of his wounds was more grevious , than the wounds themseves : but enduring the paine , he came at last to have hope of life again : which yet the army could hardly be brought to believe , it having been once bruited abroad that he was dead of his wounds . Wherefore so soon as possibly he could , he caused himself to be carried to the River side , from thence to fall down in a Barge to the place where his army lay , which was at the confluence of the Hydraotis with the Acefines , where Hephaestion was , commanding the army , and Nearchus the Navy ; so soon as he came on land , he admitted the souldiery to kisse his hand , and refusing his lictier , gat upon his Horse , to be seen of all , and then alighted ▪ and went a foot to his pavilion . The King having his wounds cured in seven dayes space , though not yet healed , hearing that the Indians were perswaded of his death , caused two Barges to be joyned together , and upon them his Tent Royal to be spread ; open on every side , to be seen of all thereby , to stay the report , that went among his enemies , that he was dead ; and from thence went down the river , giving order , that none should come near the barge he was in , for fear of shogging his weak body , with the beating of the Oares : and so on the fourth day , came to a country , deserted indeed , by the inhabitants , but plentifully stored , with all manner of provisions , both corn and catle , wherefore that place pleased him well , to stay at , and refesh both himself and his army in . Nearchus the Ammiral , reporteth , that his Nobles blamed him , for doing the office of a souldier , rather than a King or Captain in the army , and when he grew angry thereat , and shewed his dislike by his looks ; a certain old Baeotian pleased him again , by reciting an old Iambick verse , to this purpose , That he who would do any great thing reason was , he should suffer something too . And indeed , Curtius [ lib. 9. cap. 12. ] mentions an oration uttered to him by Craterus , in the name of his Nobles , to the same purpose , with his answer thereunto : wherein , shewing that a man can never want matter to win glory by : After the ninth year , ( saith he ) of my reign , and twentieth of my age , do ye think it possible for me to be wanting , to my self in advancing my glory , which I have ever addicted and devoted my self unto ? for so Curtius brings him in speaking , whereas yet in true point of Chronology , this was the tenth year of his reign ( which agreeth well enough with this saying ) though the 30 of his age . Whiles the King stayed here many dayes ; all which he spent in the full curing of his wounds , and in encreasing the number of his ships ; the Grecian souldiers which he had planted in certain Cities of Bactria , and Sogdiana , which himself had there built , to the number of about 3000 men , partly because they grew weary of living among those Barbarous people , and partly , because they took courage , upon the news of Alexanders death , fell off from the Macedon government ; and having killed some of the chief of their own country men , began to take arms : and seizing on the Castle of the City Bactra , which was not so carefully kept , as it should have been , drew the inhabitants to joyn with them in this revolt ; chief in this conspiracy , was one Athenodorus , who also assumed to himself the Title of a King , not so much out of a desire of any soverainty , as out of a purpose he had , to draw men thereby to follow him in his return to Greece . But there was one Biton or Bicon , a Grecian likewise , who out of a grudge and envy , which he bare him hereupon , invited him to a banquet , and there , by the hand of one Boxus , slew him . The next day this Biton called a company together , and there perswaded some , that Athenodorus would have killed him : others there were , who thought it was nought else but a meer roguery of Bitons , and they quickly drew others to their belief : whereupon they all took up arms , ready to have slain him , if they could ; but the chief among them perswaded the rest , and so all grew quiet again . Biton , having got out of these bryers , fell to practise the destruction of those who had saved his life ; which they perceiving , laid hold on him , and Boxus both . But Boxus they put instantly to death : Biton they purposed to have first to the Rack ; and now they were ready to fall to work with him : when upon the sudden , the Grecians , like men out of their wits , rose all in arms , no man knew why ; whereupon they forbare Biton , for fear of a rescue by the multitude ; and he all naked as he was , fled to the Grecians : and they seeing what case he was in , and ready to be rackt , changed their minds , and rescued him from the danger he was in . Mean while , the Mallians , that were left , sent their messengers to Alexander , to yield up all the nation to his mercy ; and in like manner from the Oxydracans , came the Captaines themselves , and chief men of every City ; and with them , one hundred and fifty of the principall of the whole nation , giving up the whole Country into his hands . Alexander willed them to send him one thousand of their principall men . Curtius saith , 2500 horse , which he might keep by him , either as hostages , or as souldiers to serve him , till he had ended his war with the Indians . Then invited he all the principall men , and petty Kings of these nations , to a feast , where he caused one hundred golden Beds to be set , at a reasonable distance each from other : every of those beds was enclosed with Curtains wrought of scarlet and gold : in which feast was set out to be seen , what ever the old luxury of the Persians , or new fanglenes of the Macedons , both jumbled together , could afford . Dioxippus the Athenian was at this feast ; of whom Pliny , [ lib. 35. cap. 11. Athena . lib. 6. cap. 6. Elian. lib. 10. cap. 22. and lib. 12. cap. 58. and Plut. in his book of Curiofities ] make mention : Dioxippus , I say , a famous Champion , and one whom the King , for his great strength of body , and courage of spirit , made very much of : and one Choragusa Macedon , a man of mighty strength likewise , and who had , in many a fight , given great testimony of his worth . This Choragus being in drink , would needs chalenge Dioxippus to a single fight . And the next day Dioxippus stark naked , and all over anointed with oyl , came into the list , having nothing but a trunchon , and a cloak for his armes , and there closed with the Macedon , who came in armed , with sword and buckler , and pike , and javelin , and laid him at his foot . The Macedons , and Alexander himself , took this for a fowle slur and disgrace , put upon the Macedons nation , in the sight of these Barbarians , and repined at it : and shortly after , at another feast , there was a golden cup missing ; and the suspition of stealth thereof laid upon Dioxippus ; the indignity whereof , wrought so far upon him , that returning to his lodging , he there wrate , and left a letter for Alexander , and then slew himself . Alexander shipt his horses , and of his fellow Cavaleers some 1700 , and of others , as many , and 20 thousand foot , and went not far upon the Hydraotes , before he came to the confluence of it , and the Acesines : and then falling down upon the Acesines , came at length to the confluence of the Acesines with the river Indus , and there he stayed with his Navie , till Perdiccas came to him with the body of the army : having by the way as he came , subdued the Abastenians , who were a free state among those Indians . While he there stayed , there came to him , other ships of 30 Oares a piece , and certain ships of burthen , which had been newly built in the countrey of the Xathri , another free state in those parts : and Embassadors also , from the Ossadians , a free state likewise , all submitting to him . Likewise the messengers of the Oxydracans and Mallians , returned to him with presents , among which , besides some small quantity of linnen cloath , there were 1000 Indian targets , and 100 talents of steele , and Lions of a vast bignesse , and Tigers , all brought to hand , and tame : As also the skins of huge Lizards , and Tortaise shells : There were also 300 Chariots , and 1030 horses to draw them : foure for every Chariot , as we read in Curtius , [ l. 9. c. 15. ] Arrianus saith also , that they sent him 3 thousand men for hostages ; the bravest and goodliest men they could find among them ; with 500 chariots , and men in them to fight , over and above what Alexander had required at their hands ; adding , that Alexander accepted their Chariots , and returned their hostages home again . Alexander commanded them to pay him such tribute as they formerly paid to the Arachosians , and set Philip to be their Satrapa or Governor , his government to extend to the confluence of the 2 rivers , Indus and Acesines , and no further : so that we can hardly believe Plutarch , where he saith that the extent of this Philips government was thrice as bigg as Porus his kingdom , especially if it were so bigg , as he himself delivers it to have been . But Alexander left unto him , for a guard of that Province , all the Thracian horse , and such companies of foot as he thought fit and requisite for that purpose . Moreover he caused a City to be built at the confluence of those two rivers ; supposing it would quickly grow very populous , and of great renown , and therefore caused Docks , for the building of Ships , to bee there made , in great number . At that time came to him Oxyartes , father unto Roxane , whom Alexander had married , and was by him acquitted from all suspition of having any hand in the revolt of the Grecians that were in Bactria . Afterward Polysperchon was sent to Babylon with an army , as in Justin. [ lib. 12. cap. 10. ] and Craterus was commanded with a great part of the army that was left , and the Elephants , to march down on the left hand of the bank of the river Indus , because that seemed the easier way for the Corseleteers to go , and the bordering Nations were no surer to him , than need was ; and then himself , with some choice companies , took ship , and set forward toward his so long intended journey to the Ocean : and it is said that he went never a day lesse than 600 furlongs : and yet was full five moneths in going with some odd dayes over and above , [ Plin. l. 6. c. 17. ] In this voiage of his down the river , he first came to the countrey of the Sabracans , or Sambestans : This was a Nation ; inferiour to none of all India , both for number , and warlikenesse of men : and was governed by a popular State , throughout all their Cities . These , hearing of the coming of the Macedons , presently armed 60 thousand foot , and six , or ( as Curtius saith ) eight thousand horse , with five hundred Chariots ; and set over them , to command , three most expert Captains . But the Navy coming upon them ( of which more is to be seen , besides Curtius , [ lib. 9. cap. 15. ] in Pliny , [ lib. 19. cap. 1 , ] ) they took a fright at the strangenesse of the sight , and casting withal in their minds , the fame and invincible glory of the Macedons , took advice of the old men among them , who for the avoiding of so imminent a danger , advised them to submit ; whereupon they sent messengers ; and gave themselves up wholy into his hands : whom he graciously received : and they again bestowed on him , besides other gifts , honours also befitting a demy God. Four dayes after he came to a Nation , which lay on both sides the River , which were called , Sodrans ( or Sogdans , as in Arrianus , ) and Massanians : and received them likewise to grace and favour as he had done the former . And here , upon the bank of the River Indus , he built another Alexandria : and chose out a thousand men to people it , and made havens for Merchants , and docks for shipping ; and there he cured such of his ships as had any wayes been bruised : And made Oxyartes , his father in law , and Pithon , Governours of all the country from the confluence of the Acesines and Indus to the sea : adding thereto also , all the sea coast . But himself falling still down the River , came so speedily into the country of King Musicanus , that he was there , before Musicanus ever heard that he was coming : wherefore not knowing what else to do , he forthwith went out to meet him , presenting him with the choicest gifts that India did afford , and in special , with all his Elephants ; and gave up himself and all his whole kingdom into his hands , craving pardon for that he had done it no sooner . Alexander pardoned him that offence ; and wondring both at the country it self , and the city there : of which we may see more [ in Strabo , lib. 15. pag. 694. and pag. 701. ] which he collected out of Aristobulus , and Onesicratus , restored him to his kingdom , as he was before . Here he heard the complaints brought against Tiriolte , al. Tiryeste , whom he had made Governour over the Parapamisadae , with his accusers face to face : and finding him guilty of many acts of cruelty and avarice committed by him , he put him there to death , and gave that Government to his father in law , Oxyartes . He commanded Craterus to build a Citadel or Fort , upon the City of Musicanus : which was dispatcht before he went from thence , because he saw that plat fit to serve for a bridle in the mouths of the neighbouring nations , to keep them in order with . From thence , with his Archers and Agrians , and all the Horse , which he had a ship-board , he came to another Nation of the Indians , called Praestans , and marched against their King Porticanus , al. Oxycanus , because he neither came himself , nor sent Ambassadors unto him : and took two of the greatest Cities that he had in his Dominions : Porticanus himself was in one of them , which Alexander took the third day of his siege thereof . But Porticanus flying into the Castle , sent Ambassadors to treate of conditions : but ere ever they came to his presence , two great panes of the wall fell flat down to the ground ; by the breaches whereof the Macedons flew into the Castle , and when Porticanus , with those few which were with him stood still upon their guard , they were all presently put to the sword : The Castle was pulled down ; all in the town were sold away for slaves : the spoile thereof given to the souldier , onely the Elephants Alexander took , and carried away for himself . Diodorus sayes , that Alexander first gave those Cities to be spoiled by his souldiers , and then set fire on them , and after that went and took in all the rest of his Cities and Towns and destroyed them : and thereby struck a terror into all the neighbouring Nations ; and that the rest of the countries hearing of his approach onely , presently sent , and yeilded themselves unto him , without the least resistance , as Arrianus writeth . After this , he entered the country of the Brachmanes , where Sambus , al. Sabus , or Samus , as Curtius , al. Sabbas , as Plutarch , al. Ambigerus , as Justin , al. Ambiras , as Orosius calleth him , was King : of whom Alexander had been told that he was fled away : but when he came near his chief City , called Sindomana , al. Sindonalia , he found the gates set wide open to him , and Sambo his servants came forth to meet him vvith money and Elephants to present unto him , telling him vvithal , that Sambus vvas fled indeed ; not out of hostility to him , but for fear of Musicanus , whom Alexander had let go and pardoned , and for that there was mortal enmity between them two . Alexander having taken in , this and many other places , went and by force took another City which had fallen off and revolted from him ; and put to death many of the Brachmanes who had been the occasion and authors of it . For by their instigation it was that Sambus , who had but lately submitted to him , and the Cities of his subjection , had revolted from him . Curtius sayes , that Alexander took the City , by undermining the wall ; and that the natives stood amazed to see men rise out of the ground in the middest of their City . Clitarchus , cited by Curtius , saith , that there were eight , or rather ( as Diodorus with others have it ) 80000 men slain in that country : and a multitude of others sold away for slaves . These plagues therefore the Brachmanes suffered : the rest , which simply submitted to him , and craved his pardon , had no harme : And King Sambus , getting away as farre off as he could , with thirty Elephants , saved himself . Alexander got into his hand , to the number of ten , of those which were called Gymnosophistae , who had principlly perswaded Sambus to flee away : and had caused much trouble to him and his Macedons ; to these he propounded certain hard and obscure questions , threatning to hang them every man , if they did not resolve him ; those questions of his , with their answers upon them , Plutarch sets down in the life of Alexander , where he also tells us , that having heard them , he dismissed them , with many honours heaped upon them for their pains . Musicanus in this interim revolted , and Pithon with an army , was sent against him : who setting upon the cities of his subjection , destroyed some , others he put Garrisons in , and built citadels or Castles , for a yoake upon them . And having taken Musicanus , and brought him alive to Alexander , he caused him forthwith to be crucified in his own kingdom , and as many of the Brachmanes as had put him on to that revolt . Alexander , coming back to the river Indus , where he had commanded his Navy to attend him , fell down the river again , and came to a City called Harmatelia , belonging to Sambus and the Brachmanes : And when the inhabitants ( trusting in their own strength , and situation of their city ) shut gates against him , Alexander commanded 500 of his Agrians , to go close under the walls , with their armes ; and if the townsmen sallied out upon them , to retreat : Three thousand fell out upon the 500 , who according to direction , fled back , as if they had been afraid , and the enemies pursuing them , fell unawares upon other companies , which were laid of purpose for them ; and where Alexander himself in person was : there were they forced to fall to a new fight , wherein there were 6 hundred of them slain upon the place , and 1000 taken , the rest fled , and kept them close within the walls : But of the Kings side there were many grievously wounded , and in danger of death therewith : for the Indians had poisoned the heads of their weapons , with a deadly poyson ; and whereas among other , Ptolomei the son of Lagus , was in like manner wounded , and was ready instantly to die thereof , it is said that Alexander in his sleepe saw an herbe , which was a present remedy for that kind of poison , and that herbe squeezed into drink and taken , presently recured him : whereupon others also made use of that medicinable herbe , and recovered . It is most likely that some or other , who knew the virtue of the herbe , acquainted Alexander with it ; and then flattery made up the rest of the fable , for his honours sake , saith Strabo , [ lib. 15. pag. 723. ] who yet relates this as done among the Oritae , of whom we shall speak anon . When as therefore , Alexander now set himself to besiege Harmotelia , being a strong and well fenced city , the inhabitants came all forth to him , and humbly begged his pardon , submitting themselves and their city , and all to his mercy , whereupon he pardoned them . Moeris King of Pattalena , the next bordering countrey thereunto , coming to Alexander , put himself and kingdome wholy into his hands : whom when Alexander had freely restored to his state again , he gave order withal to have all things necessary provided for his army . Alexander commanded Craterus to take with him the Regiments of Attalus , and Meleager , and Antigenes , and some of his Archers , and some also of his allies , and Macedons , which were growen unserviceable , and to carry them into Macedon , by the way of Caramania , through the countreys of the Aracotti , and Zarangi , or Drangi ; the rest of the army , some were led by Hephaestion , on the one side of the river Indus and the darters on horseback , and the Agrians , by Pithon on the other : who had also in charge , to provide inhabitants , for the cities which he had built , and that if any new commotions were raised in those parts , he should settle matters there , and that done , should come and joyne with the rest of the army at Pattala . And when Alexander had now sailed down the river three dayes journey , word was brought him , that Moeris , and a great company of the Patalenians with him , had left the city , and were fled to the mountains and woods : whereupon he made all the haste thither , that possibly he could . Strabo , [ lib. 15. pag. 691. ] tells us out of Aristobulus , that Alexander came into Pattalene , about the rising of the dog-star ; having then spent full ten moneths , in his navigation , for that he set not forth but very few dayes before the rising of the seven stars : so that Alexander arrived in Pattala , about the end of our July , having been in this navigation , ever since the beginning of the tenth moneth before , hereby it appears , that going still down the water , along the Hydaspes , Acesines and Indus , he had spent full nine months , as appeareth by the known rising and setting of these stars : whereby we find that Plutarchs account in this point was not very exact , where he tells us , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( i. e. ) His passing down the Rivers to the sea took him up seven monethes time . Alexander coming to Patala , found the city and country thereabout void of all inhabitants , though he there found great store of flocks and herds of cattle , and corn in great abundance left . But he presently dispatcht away the nimblest souldiers which he had to overtake those , who were fled away ; and ever as they took any , they sent them away to overtake the rest , and to perswade them to return ; promising them all security , and fruition of their estates in manner as before , both in City and Country . Then commanded he Hephaestion to build a fort or citadel upon Patala : others he sent into a Region of theirs which was altogether destitute of water , to dig wells , thereby to make it more habitable : but some of the natives fell upon them , and slew many of them ; yet having lost many of their own also in the fight , the rest fled all away to the Woods and Mountains : and Alexander , hearing of what had befallen his men , sent more to joyn with the former , and so to go thorough with the work begun . Alexander dealt with Nearchus , his Ammiral , to chuse some fit season of the year , to set out from the mouth of the River Indus , and to coast along till he came to the Persian gulf , and to the mouth of the river Euphrates and Tigris : as Arrianus in his Indica , reports out of Nearchus his own writings , [ pag. 182. ] Making , saith Plutarch , Nearchus Ammiral of the Fleet , and Onesicritus chief Pilot of it . Whence it is that Onesicritus himself in his story sayes of himself , that he was Navarchus : ( i. e. ) Pilot , as Arrianus [ lib. 6. pag. 124. ] relates him , and Pliny [ lib. 6. cap. 22. ] renders him , Praefectum classis : ( i. e. ) Commander of the Fleet. But Strabo . [ lib. 15. pag. 721. ] more rightly terms him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : ( i. e. ) chief Pilot : See [ Arria . lib. 7. pag. 162. and in his Indica . pag. 191. ] At Patala the River Indus parts it self into two great arms ; both which keep the name of Indus till they fall into the Sea : making between them an Island of a three-square figure , or a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which from the city is called Patalene , bigger than Delta in Egypt is . Onesicritus tells us , that every side of this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or triangular Island , is 2 thousand furlongs in length . But Aristobulus sayes , that the basis of it : ( i. e. ) the side next the sea , and where both the Rivers fall into it , and make a marshland on either side of this Island , is not above 1000 furlongs : But Nearchus , and after him Arrianus , saith , 1800. and Pliny saith , that it is 220 miles in length , [ Strabo , lib. 15. pag. 701. Plin. lib. 6. cap. 21. Arria . lib. 5. pag. 103. and lib. 6. pag. 135 , 137. ] Alexander , purposing to fall down to the sea , by the right hand channel , made choice of the swiftest ships he had , all of two decks high ; and all his gallies of 30 oares a piece , and some nimble barques , and such guides as best knew the River , and so set forward ; willing Leonatus , with a thousand Horse , and some 8 thousand Foot , to keep along with him , by the bank of the River . The morrow after that he set forth , there arose a mighty tempest , and the wind and tide coming crosse each to other , raised a huge billow upon the River , so that his ships fell foul each of other ; whereby most of them were bilged , and many of the 30 oares a piece were quite split therewith , before ever they could get to an Island , which lieth in the middest of the channel . There was Alexander forced to stay a long while , both to build him new vessels instead of them that were lost , as also for that those which were taken in , as guides upon the River , were all run away : And when he sent to get others , he could find none ; and so they were fain to go and do as well as they could without them . And now they had gone 4 hundred furlongs , when the Pilots all agreed , and told Alexander that they found a sent of the sea ; and that therefore certainly the Ocean could not be far off . He thereupon sent some to go a land , and to take up some of the country people ; out of whom he thought something might be learned . They searched their cretes and cottages so long , that at last , they found some people in them ; whom they asked , how far they were from the sea : and they answered , that they knew not what the sea was , nor ever had heard of any such thing ; but , that , if they went on , in three dayes journey they should come to salt water , which marred the fresh . Arrianus tells us , that certain Macedons , being set a land , lighted upon some Indians , whom Alexander from thence forward used for his guides upon the River . But when they came where the river opened to the breadth of 200 furlongs , ( which is the greatest breadth thereof ) and the wind blew very strong off the sea , they were fain again to thrust into a creek , and harbour , which his guides directed him to . But Curtius sayes , that when upon the third day he came , as he was foretold he should to brackish water ; he there found an other Island in the River , where they observed that the ships went not so fast , as they were wont to do , because the tide met them , and turned back the River upon them . Whiles they lay there at anchor , and some went a forraging , they fell into a new danger , for there came in upon them a mighty tide ( which to this day is usual in Cambay , where this river of Indus emptieth it self into the sea ) and overflowed all the Country thereabout , onely the top of some Hillocks , like so many little Isles , appearing above water : to which , leaving their Boats , they for safeguard betook themselves ; and when the sea was gone out again , and the land left dry , as it was before , then their ships , as it fell out , some fell forward upon their noses , others sidelong , from the side of a bank , where they stuck : and when the next tide came in , those ships which stood upright upon their keels , in the mud , floated presently , with the rising of the water , and had no hurt ; but such as lighting on hard ground , when the sea was gone out , were fallen all along : those , upon the returne of the tide , were there right driven one against the other , or beaten and broken all together upon the shore . All which being repaired , as the time and place would permit , Alexander sent away two Barques down the river to view the Island , which the guides had told him , he must touch at , if he would saile out into the Ocean . That Island the natives called Cilluta , Alexander himself , Scillustin , and others Philtucin . And when they brought him back word , that the Island was large , aud had in it , very commodious ports , and store of fresh water , he commanded the whole navy , to make for that Island ; himself with some choice vessels , went further , to discover whether at the mouth of the river , there were no bar , but a safe passage out into the open Ocean ; and having now gone some two hundred furlongs , he espied yet another Island , lying further out in the open Ocean . Then returned he to the former Island lying in the mouth of the River , and coming on shoare , at a certain foreland thereof , he there offered sacrifice , to certain gods , such as , said he , Jupiter Ammon commanded me to sacrifice unto . And the next day he sailed to another Island , lying out in the same Ocean , and there offered other sacrifices , and to other gods , and in another form and fashion , than formerly he had done ; saying still , that what he did , was by the direction and command of Jupiter Ammon , and so sailed quite and quite out of the mouth of the river Indus , into the vast Ocean , and there having sacrificed certain Oxen , on shipboard to Neptune , threw them over board into the sea : whereunto he addeth also , a drink offering , and having powred that first into the sea , he threw a golden vial , and sundry golden goblets after it , with thanksgiving , into the Ocean ; and praying that , whereas he had a purpose to send Nearchus into the gulf of Persia , he might safely there arrive , [ Arrianus lib. 6. pag. 136. ] Justin [ lib. 12. cap. 10. ] reports , that having returned with a faire side , to the mouth of the River Indus , he there , in memory thereof , built a new City called Barce ; and erected certain Altars upon the place , and Curtius [ lib. 9. cap. 16. ] saith , that at midnight , he put forth with a small company of ships , with the first of the Eb , and went quite out of the mouth of the River Indus , four hundred furlongs into the open Ocean ; and , so having done there what he intended , and sacrificed to the gods of those seas , and land adjoyning , returned to the rest of his Navy : and Diodorus Siculus , that he went with some of his familiar friends , out into the main Ocean ; and lighting upon two little Ilets , offered there a magnificent sacrifice to the gods : and that withall , he cast a multitude of golden cups , and of a great price , with drink offerings into the sea : and in the end , having there erected certain altars , in honour of Tethys , and Oceanus , supposing that now he had finished his intended voyage into the East , returned with his navy up the River , and that in his returne , he came to a goodly and famous City , called Hyala , whose government was much alike to , or rather , all one , with that of Lacedaemon . For there were in it , two Kings of two several families , succeeding alwayes in a line and had the administration of the wars , but the chief ordering of civil affairs , was in the senate , and supreme council of state . Alexander returning to the Patala against the stream , found there the Castle , or Citadel , ready built , according to his directions given ; and Pithon returned with his army , having done all , that he went about : and whereas he purposed to leave a part of his navy , at Patala , ( which city retaines the same name , among the Indians of Cambais , to this very day ) where the River Indus severs it self into two channels , he gave Hephaestion , the charge of making there the ports , and docks fit to receive it . Mean while he made another journey to the Ocean , by the channel on the left hand of the same River , to try which of the two channels , was the best , and easiest to passe into the Ocean by , and to return again : and when he was now allmost come to the very outlet of this second channel , he found a certain lough in it , which is made either by this River diffusing it self , into a larger space , or by waters which fall in there , from other parts , and make the River more spacious there , than in other parts ; and to look like an arme of the sea : there he left Leonatus with most of his army , and with all his lesser sort of ships ; and himself went forward , with his ships of 30 oares a piece , and of two tire of oares : and having gotten quite out of the River on that side also , sailed again out into the vast Ocean , and found by experience , that that was the more commodious channel of the two , to drive a trade by , to Patala . And then going a shoar with certain Horse , he made three dayes journey along the sea coast , and having considered of the coast all along , where he had sailed , he caused wells to be digged in sundry places , for fresh water for his Navy , if need should be , [ Arria . lib. 6. pag. 137. ] The next day after his return out of the Ocean , Curtius sayes , that he came up the River , to a certain lough of salt water : which put sundry of them to a great inconveniency , whiles they went into it , not knowing the nature of it ; for it drew a scab upon them , and the same infectious also unto others ; yet they quickly found an oyl , which cured it : which if it were the same lough , which I mentioned before out of Arrianus , then is all this History to be referred to Alexanders latter return from the Ocean , which no author mentions , save onely Arrianus . Alexander at his second return to Patala , sent a part of his army to dig those wells by the sea side : charging them withal , as soon as they had done , to return to Patala ; and he sailing again into the lough , made there new Ports , and other Docks for his shipping : and leaving a Garrison there , laid up likewise provision of corn for four moneths , and other necessaries for the use of navigation , [ Arria . ut sup . ] Now it seems , that at this lake it was , that he built the City called Potana ; to the end he might have a fit Port for his shipping , in that part of the Ocean : as we gather out of Diodorus , [ Ib. 3. pag. 181. ] in the Greek and Latin edition , compared with Agatharchides , his Excerptions in Photius , [ Cod. 250. cap. 51. ] and with this place in Arrianus . Curtius [ lib. 9. cap. 16. & 17. ] writes , that Alexander with his army , stayed in the Island of Patasena , expecting the coming on of the Spring ; and that during that time , he built many cities there , and that the Winter quarter drawing now to an end , he set fire on his ships which were grown unserviceable , and marched away by land : and [ Strabo , lib. 15. pag. 721. ] signifies , that towards the Summer season , ( which after their account , begins ever with the Spring ) he left India : which I conceive , he would not have said , had he better considered , of what he himself a little after affirmeth out of Nearchus , who was Ammiral in it , concerning this voyage ; where he saith , That when the King was now upon his way , he himself began his voyage in Autumne when the Pleiades or seven Stars began to appear in the evening . Wherefore plain it is , that Alexander in September , having sent Leonatus before him , to cause wells to be digged in convenient places for the use of the army in their march overland , thorough a dry and thirsty country , and set fire on his ships , which were leaky ; removed from Patala , and came with all his army , to the bank of the River Arbis or Arabius : which River parts the Arbites , or the Arabites , ( whom Dionysius Periegetes , calls Aribes , and others call Abrite , ) and with them India it self from the Orites . For the Arbites inhabit along the sea shoar of India , which lieth between the River Indus , and the River Arbis , by the space of a thousand furlongs in length , as Nearchus saith , [ in Strabo , lib. 15. pag. 720. and Arrianus in his Indica , pag. 185. in si . ] and these are the utmost people of the Indians westward , as appears out of [ Arrianus in his Indica , pag. 184. ] and out of [ Plin. lib. 7. cap. 2. ] and next to the Oritans , as saith [ Pliny , lib. 6. cap. 23. and Arrianus in his Indica , pag. 185. ] and which speak in a language of their own , and not that of the Indians . These Arbites or Arabites , being a free State , or people , living under their own laws , neither strong enough to withstand Alexander , nor willing to submit unto him , so soon as they heard of his coming , fled away to the Woods , and Wildernesses . Alexander , delivering the rest of his army into Hephaestions hands , took with him one half of his silver Targateers , and a part of his archers , and some certain Regiments of those who were called Asseteri , and a Troup of his fellow Cavaleers ; and out of every Regiment of Horse one Troup , and all his archers on horseback , and turned his course on the left hand toward the Ocean ; and commanded a multitude of wells to be digged along the sea side , to relieve his Navy with fresh water , as they passed by , on their way to the Gulf of Persia. No sooner hand Alexander his back turned , but the Patalenians , taking fresh courage , and desirous of liberty , set upon Nearchus , with the army that was left with him , and sent him packing with his Fleet , when he had yet no wind to carry him : as Strabo reports out of Nearchus himself , [ lib. 15. pag. 721. ] for before the beginning of Winter , which began , together with the setting of the Pleiades in the moneth of our November , in those parts , was no time fit for Navigation , [ Arria . lib. 6. pag. 137. ] So soon , Year of the World 3679 therefore , as the Ctesian , or trade winds , ( which blowing all summer long from the sea to land-ward , put a stop upon all navigation in that coast ) were ended , Nearchus having sacrificed to Jove the deliverer , and having performed certain Gymic games , set saile from thence , in the eleventh year of Alexanders reign , when Cephisodorus was L. Chancelor of Athens , the 20 day of the moneth Boedromion , or the first of October , according to the Julian Calendar , as I have already shewed in my discourse of the Solar year among the Macedons , [ cap. 2. ] out of Arrianus his Indicae . Now we meet with the name of this Cephisidorus , not onely 40 years before this , viz. year 3. of the 103 Olympiade , but also 3 years after this , to wit , year 2. of the 114 Olympiade , which was the next year after Alexanders death , as we find in the Rowls or Tables , of the Chancelors of Athens : so that if this name be rightly set down by Arrianus in this place , and there be no scruple to be made of two Cephisidori , by reason of the vicinity of the times , then there will fall out in the 4 years of 113 Olympiade , this difference ensuing in the ordering of the Chancelors of Athens , between Diodor. Sic. Dionysi . Halic . and Arrianus , as followeth . Olympiade 113. An. 1. Diodor. Dionys. Arrianus . 1. Euthycritus . Euthycritus . Hegemon . 2. Chremes. Hegemon . Chremes. 3. Anticles . Chremes. Cephisodorus . 4. Sosicles . Anticles . Anticles . Pliny tells us , that Alexander built a City , at the place ; from whence Nearchus and Onesicratus set forth upon their intended voyage ; and that is the same which we find called , Xulinopolis . [ lib. 6. cap. 23. ] of which yet it is a wonder , that in the same place he should add , That no man can tell , where , or upon what River it was built : For where should it be , but in the Isle of Patalene , where they were left by Alexander , to attend the season fit to begin their voyage : or upon what River , but upon the Indus , where the Navy rode , and along which that fleet passed , when it fell down into the Ocean , as Arrianus teacheth us , out of Nearchus himself , in his Indica , pag. 183. ] The first day after they set forth from the port of Xulinopolis , to go down the River Indus , they came to a wonderfull deep channel , called Stura , distant from the port , one hundred furlongs ; and there lay at anchor , two dayes . The third day , they removed ; and came to another channel , 30 furlongs lower ; where they found the water a little brackish , for the tide coming up so far , and there mingling with the fresh water , leaves a tast of salt in the place , even at low water : and when the tide is gone out , and that place was called Caumana . From thence they parted , and came to a place lower upon the river , 20 furlongs , called Coreatis . And then weighing again , they had not gone far , but they kenned a Rock , just at the place where the Indus opens and falls into the sea , and beats upon the shoare , which was of it self very rocky : but where it began to be soft ground , and better bedding for ships , there they put in with the tide , and drew a ditch of five furlongs long , before them . And falling down again , 150 furlongs farther , they came to a sandy Island called Crocala , and stayed there one other day , near to which , upon the main land inhabited , an Indian nation , called the Arabii , from the River Arabius , which divides them , as was said before , from the Oritans . Their journey forward , is at large described by Arrianus out of Nearchus himself , as he witnesseth , [ lib. 6. pag. 143. ] and after him by Jo. Ramusius , in his Navigations , [ vol. 1. fol. 169. ] a breif of which voyage , is also delivered by Pliny [ lib. 6. cap. 23. ] gathered out of Onesicritus by King Juba : as those words in him shew right well , where he saith , It is fit I should here set down , what Onesicritus delivers , of this navigation , wherein himself was by the command of Alexander , out of India , into the very mediterranean parts , of Persia , and out of him agaia related by King Juba : out of which we may also gather the meaning of those other words of Pliny next following , ( i. e. ) That voyage of Nearchus and Onesicritus , hath neither names of places , where they touched by the way , nor distances from one place to another ; to wit , as it is described by Juba , or Onesicritus himself , for that both were delivered by Nearchus , appears by Arrianus , who out of him , hath delivered both the one and the other , particularly . But that we may returne to Alexander , he having put over the river Arbis or Arabius , and having the very night following marched thorough a great part of the sandy Country , came the next morning into places well inhabited and cultured . Then he leaving the foot to follow in good array , took the Horse with himself , cast into several Troups , and squadrons , in very good order , but so wide spread , that they might take up and drive all the Country before them , and so set upon the Oritans , of which a great part , which took up arms , were slain , and many were taken prisoners , and then coming to a smal river side ; he there encamped . Then dividing his company into three brigades , he gave one to Ptolomei , to lead along by the coast ; the second to Leonatus , to passe through the midst of the countrey , and champain part thereof ; and the third he took to himself ; and with it marched into the hill country of that region , and mountanous parts thereof , with the places adjoyning , and spoiled and wasted all that came in his way , whence the souldiers enriched themselves , and slew many a ten thousand of men withall . But when Hephaestion , who had the greater part of the whole army under his command , was come up unto him ; Alexander went forward to Rambacia , which was the principal division of all that countrey , where , when he found a place by the sea side , safe from all wind and weather , he presently gave order to Hephaestion , to build a city there , which being finished , and called by the name of Alexandria , he made there a plantation of the Arachosians , to dwell therein . And then again , taking with him one half of his silver Targateers and Agrians , and a squadron of horse , and Archers on horseback , marched away to the borders of the Oritans and Gedrosians , where he was told there was a narrow passage , which parted the two countreys : and that both nations with their several armies were encamped there , to keep that passage against him : But no sooner came the news unto them of his approach , but the most part of them abondoned the place and fled : whereupon the chief of the Oritans , went unto him , and submitted themselves and their whole country to him : and the onely charge which he laid upon them was , to call home their countrey men , every one to his own place , assuring them , that in so doing , all should be well with them ; and they receive no harme . Then made the Apollophanes Governor of the Oritans , joyning Leonatus , a Squire of the body with him : with whom he left all his Agrians , and some of his Archers , and Horse , and other companies of his foot , and mercinaries out of Greece , in the country of the Oritans , giving them in charge to attend the coming of the fleet into those parts ; and in the mean time to go in hand with the building of a new city , and to order all matters there for the benefit of the people . Then set he forward with a great part of his army ( for now was Hephaestion again come up unto him ) and marcht into the countrey of the Gedrosians , which was for the most part abondoned by the Inhabitants . In which desert , as Aristobulus saies , the Phaenicians which followed the army , to buy what was there to be sold , loaded their camels with mirrh , and spikenard , for of such spicery and Apothecary ware , there was infinite store growing in those parts : so as the whole army used it for coverings , and beds to lie upon : and of the spikenard which they trode under their feet , a most sweet smell diffused it self far off , [ Arrian . lib. 6. pag. 138. and Strabo , lib. 15. pag. 721. ] He sent Craterus before him with a part of the army , into the mid-land countreys , both to subdue Arimania ( under which name , all the Regions to the west of India , properly so called , even as far as Carmania , go ) and so to go from thence forward into those places , which himself purposed to come unto ; But Craterus marching through the countreys of the Aracotti , and the Drangae , subdued by force the countrey of Choarina , which refused to submit themselves , [ Strabo , ut supra , pag. 721. 725. ] And whereas Ozines ( whom Arianus calls Ordones ) and Tariaspes two noble men of Persia , endeavoured a revolt in Persia , he subdued them by force , and laid them in irons , [ Curt. l. 9. c. 18. ] Himself with another part of the army , going through the country of Gedrosia , some 500 furlongs distant from the sea , and yet sometimes quartering near to the sea it self , marched through a barren , craggy , dry , and desolate countrey : for his desire was to visit the sea coast , all along , that he might discover , what places there were in those parts fit to make ports of ; and there to make provision for his fleet , which was to come that way by his appointment , and for that purpose , to cause wells to be digged , and markets to be kept , and ports to be made , fit to receive them when they came , [ Strabo , ut su . p. 721. and Arria . l. 6. p. 139. ] To this purpose , he sent before him one Thoantes , with a competent company of Horse , to scout about the sea coast ; and to see wether there were any fit place for landing there , or fresh water near the shore ; or other fitting provisions for them : who returning brought him word , that he found there certain poor fishermen : and that they had to dwell in , a kind of little cottages , built up and covered with shells of fishes , and the back-bones of them serving for rafters ; and that the men used litle water , and that it self , such as they digged out of the sand ; and that not very sweet neither . Alexander , coming at length into a countrey of the Gedrosians , where was store of corne , he seised it all into his own hand , and sealing up the sacks , wherein it was , with his own signet , and laying it upon carriages , sent it all away to the sea side . But whiles he went to the next ports , the souldiers , for all the seals , brake up the sacks , and took out the corn , and spent it , for very hunger ; in which action , they were the formost , who were principally trusted with the keeping of it : and Alexander , understanding that what was done , was for pure hunger , winked at it . And sent about all the country over to take up more corn , and sent that away by one Cretheus , to the sea side , to relieve the Fleet , with the army in it , which at that very time came to land in those parts : commanding also the natives , to go farther up into the country , & from thence to bring as much corn ready ground , and dates , and cattel , as possibly they could , and carry it to be sold at the sea side , to the army ; and withal , dispatcht away Telephus one of his Nobles , to make further provision of corne ready ground , whereof he found some quantity , though not much ; and carried it to another Port ; according to directions . Mean while some of the Oritans , dwelling in the mountains set upon Leonatus his Brigade , and slew a great number of them , and then retired into their fastnesse again : as Diodorus saith : and then the whole nation of the Oritans , joyning with other neighbouring countries , made a body of some 8000 Foot , and 400 Horse , and made a general revolt . But Leonatus meeting with them , cut off 6 thousand of their Foot , and all their Leaders : and lost of his own men , but 15 Horse , and some few Foot ; but withal , there died in that fight , Apollophanes , Governour , as was said before , appointed by Alexander , of that whole country , [ Cur. lib. 9. cap. 18. Arria . lib. 7. pag. 149. and in his Indica , pag. 184. ] Nearchus , coming a shoar at this place with his Fleet , took in provision of corn , provided by Alexander , to serve his army aboard for ten dayes : repaired his ships , that were any wayes leaky , and left such of his Mariners as he found not fit for sea , with Leonatus to serve at land , and took others in their room , out of his companies , [ Arria , in his Indica , pag. 185. ] Philippus , whom Alexander had made Governour over the Oxydracans and Mallians , was set upon by his own mercenary companies , and by them murdered ; and the murderers presently were set upon by the Macedons which were of his guard ; and either then present , or immediately after , taken and hewed in pieces for their pains It is said , that Alexander endured many a hard brunt , and suffered more losses , in the country of the Gedrosians , than in all Asia besides ; so that of all that army , which he carried with him into India , he brought scantly a fourth part out of Gedrosia ; what with greivous diseases , ill diet , burning heats , deep sands , want of water , and famine , which he suffered in those parts . But Nearchus sayes , that Alexander , though he were not ignorant of the incommodities of this way , yet out of a selfwill'd ambition , which reigned , or rather raged in him , he would need force his way thorough it forsooth ; because some had told him that Semiramis , and Cyrus both , had gone that way into India ; and therefore he would needs return the same way out of it : though it was told him withal , that she was fain to save her self by flight from thence , with 20 men onely in her company ; and Cyrus with seven , thinking it would prove a great glory for him , if , when they suffered so much there , he should be able to come off with his army safe and sound : wherefore partly out of this ambition , partly to favour and relieve his Navy , which he had appointed to meet him in those parts , it was , that Nearchus sayes , he would needs return homeward thorough that country . When his guides , missing their way thorough those vast sands , by reason the wind had confounded and covered all the tracks , which lead thorough them ; Alexander guessing out of his own mother wit , that the way must needs lie on the left hand , took a small company of Horse with him , and went to see whether he could recover the sea shoar or no : but their horses being all spent to five , with the length and torridnesse of the way , lay behind , and he with those five onely in his company , came at length to the sea side , where digging a while , and finding fresh water to drink , he presently sent back for his whole army to come thither to him : and when they were come , he marched forward seven dayes journey , along the sea coast , and found plenty of fresh water all the way ; and then his guides having found the way again , led him up into the midland countries , as he desired , [ Strabo , ibid. pag. 722. Arria . pag. 142. ] At two moneths end therefore , after he parted from the country of the Oritans aforesaid , he came to the chief city of the Gedrosians , called Pura , and there he rested his army ; and refreshed them with feastings , as was very fitting , and high time for him to do , [ Strabo , ut sup . pag. 723. Arria . pag. 140. and 142. and Plut. in Alexan. ] From thence he dispatched away the swiftest courriers that possible he could finde , to Phrataphernes , whom he had left Governour of Parthia , and to the two Presidents of the Provinces of Drangia and Aria , lying at the foot of the mount Taurus , with commands to them , that they should forthwith get together as many Camels , Dromedaries , and others , with all sorts of beasts of draught or carriage , as possibly they could , and load them all with victuals , of all sorts , and send them in all haste to meet him at his first entry into the countrey of Carmania ; These letters speedily carried , and duly executed on all hands , caused , that when he came into Carmania , he found there all kind of provisions necessary , ready to receive him and his army , at the place appointed . Menon , the Governor of the Arachosians , being lately dead , Alexander made one Sibyrtius , Governor of Arachosia and Gedrosia , both . As Alexander was upon his march towards Carmania , news was brought him of the death of Philippus , Governour of the Oxydracans and Mallians : whereupon he presently wrate away to Eudemus and Taxilas , and by his letters , commended the charge and care of those two Provinces unto them , untill he should send a Governor to succeed in Philips roome . So soon as he set foot in Carmania , Astaspes the Satrape of that province , met him , of whom there was a suspition that he would have revolted from him , whiles he was in India . Alexander concealing the grudge which thereupon he bare him , received him very graciously , and used him according to his ranke and quality , whiles in the mean time , he sought by all means possible to find out whether the suspition that was raised of him were true or false . Here Craterus came unto him , with the rest of the army , and the Elephants , and bringing with him Ordones , al. Ozines , and Zariaspes , whom he had taken into custody , for having endeavoured a revolt in Persia. And thither came also Stasanor , Governor of the Provinces of Parthia and Hircania ; and with them , the Captains and Commanders of all those forces which he had formerly left with Parmenion , in the Province of Media , to wit , Cleander and Sitalces , and Heracon and Agetho , which brought him 5 thousand foot , with a thousand horse . Now the several Governors and Presidents in the parts of India , sent him in here , an infinite number of horses and other beasts of draught and carriage , some for pack-saddles , and some for panniards , out of every countrey of his dominions in India , some . Stasanor also , and Phrataphernes , brought him a huge number of drought Horses , and Camels . And Alexander presently distributed them all among those that wanted them to carry their goods upon , some he bestowed upon particular Captains , the rest he distributed among the soldiers , by troups and companies , as he saw cause ; He also new armed his soldiers with as much bravery as ever : for why ? they now drew near unto Persia , a country full , not onely of peace , but also of all manner of plenty and wealth . Here Alexander ( as Arrianus report out of Aristobulus ) offered a sacrifice of thanksgiving to his gods for his victory over the Indians , and for the safe coming of his army out of Gedrosia : and withal , entertained his armies with sports of musick and wrestlings , and such like : and moreover took Pencestes , who covered him with his target in the countrey of the Mallians , to be the chief Squire of his body , an honour , which at that time , seven only men had borne ; Leonatus , Hephaestion , Lysimachus , Aristonus ( all born in Pella ) Perdicas of the countrey of Macedonia ; Ptolomei the son of Lagus , and Pithon , and the 8 was Pencestes , for his brave behaviour in saving the King from the Mallians . Others , and among them , Diodore , and Curtius , and Plutarch , say , that Alexander , whether in imitation or emulation of Bacchus , but in a drunken manner , spent seven days with his army , in his passage through Carmania , [ Diodor. and Plutarch in the life of Alexander , and in the book of his good fortune ; and Curtius , lib. 9. c. 18. with lib. 3. ib. c. 24. & lib. 8. c. 19. ] which Arrianus therefore holds for very improbable , because that neither Ptolomeus , Aristobulus , nor any other credible Author in this kind , make any mention of it . Aspastes the Governour of Carmania , was put to death , and Tlepolemus made Governor in his room , [ Curt. lib. 9. cap. ult . Arria . lib. 6. pag. 142. and again in his Indica , pag. 193. ] Cleander and Sitalces , who slew Parmenion , by Alexanders command , were accused to him for many vilanies ( which I mentioned before ) by them committed both by the Provincials , and also by the army it self : not could that slaughter by them committed , how acceptable soever it was to the King , expiate in his mind such a multitude of vilanies and grosse misbehaviours , as were laid to their charge : wherefore he put them forthwith in chains , to be done to death when he thought fit : but seven hundred private soldiers , whom they had used as executioners of their vilanies , he caused there presently to be executed , and at the same time also was execution done upon Ozines and Zariaspes , whom Craterus had brought prisoners , for endeavouring a rebellon in Persia as was said before . Mean while Nearchus , having sailed along the coast of the Arabii , the Oritans , the Gedrosians , and the Icthyophagians ( so called because they lived onely upon fish ) arrived in the Gulf of Persia , and came to Harmozia , al. Armusia ( which is now called Ormus , or Ormusa ) and there drew up his ships , and went over land with a small retinue to Alexander , who as he heard by a Grecian , which came from the army , was not above five dayes journey off , and found him in a certain sea Town , called Salmuntes , busie in making stage-plaies there , and sitting himself on the open theatre . Alexander also offered sacrifice there , to Jupiter , by the name of a deliverer , and to Hercules and Apollo , by the name of Apollo , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( i. e , ) the deliverer from evil , and Neptune for bringing his army safe out of the Ocean . He also made sports and games of Musick , and other Gymnick exercises ; and made a pageant , which was led in by Nearchus , all the army setting themselves on work , to get flowers and garlands to strow upon him . Alexander , having fully heard the relation which he made of his whole voyage , sent him back to the fleet , with a smal army to convoy him , because the whole country , which he was to passe , was , as he thought , friend , and willed him to saile up as far as the very mouths of the Euphrates , and to be in a readinesse from thence to row up to Babylon , when order should be given . Tlepolemus was scantly warm in his Strapie or Government of Carmania , when the natives all rose , and possessed themselves of the principal and strongest places , of that country : these also set upon Nearchus in his return , in sundry places , so that he was often put to it , and forced to fight twice or thrice in a day : yet with much ado , he came at length safe to the sea side , where he sacrificed to Jupiter his deliverer , and made games of dancing , running , wrestling , and the like : then loosing from Ormuse , he kept along by the shoare of the Persian gulf ; and by such stages , as Arrianus in his Indica , out of Nearchus himself , delivereth , came to the mouth of the River Euphrates . Alexander , understanding by letters from Potus and Taxiles , that Abisarus was dead , gave his kingdom to his son . He sent away also Eudemon , al. Eudemus , who was commander of the Thracians , to succeed Philip , slain , as a foresaid , in the government of the Oxydracans and Mallians . He sent Hephaestion with the greater part of the army , and with the carriages and Elephants , to go out of Carmania into Persia by sea for that the Persian sea in the winter season it alwayes calm , and there was great store of provision in those parts . Stasanor being sent back to his Government , Alexander himself , with the choicest of his Foot , and with the Horse of his confederates , and a part of his Archers , marched to Pasargadas in Persia , where he gave money among the women , as the fashion of the Persian Kings was , when ever they came into Persia , to give unto every woman there , a piece of gold . At his very entrance into Persia Orsines , al. Orxines met him : He it was , who after the death of Phrasaortes the Governour there , ( Alexander being then a far off in India ) by his authority kept the Persians in their due subjection and allegance to him , till he gave order for another Governour to succeed in the deceased room . He was descended from one of the seven Princes of Persia , and deduced his pedigree from Cyrus himself , and now came , and met Alexander , and presented not him alone , but all his nobles also , with rich gifts , onely he gave nothing to Bagoas the Eunuch , and the Kings bardaschy ; which proved afterward the cause of his destruction , [ Curtius lib. 4. cap. 27. and lib. 10. cap. 3. Arrianus lib. 6. ] Whiles he was at Pasargadas there came unto him Atropates , the Governor of Media , bringing with him prisoner Baryaxes a Median , who had worn his Turbant upright , and called himself king of Medes and Persians ; him therefore he brought prisoner to the King ; and all those , who had been partakers with him in that action . All which Alexander caused forthwith to be put to death . But he was most of all offended at that vilany committed upon Cyrus , his monument , which he found all broken down and spoiled , and the pretious things which he had formerly seen there , all save a lictier , and a golden urn , wherein his body was put , purloined , and that also was broken , and the covering of the urne taken off , and his very body tumbled out of it by those sacrilegious theeves , and they had also gone about to hew in pieces , and batter the urne or coffin it self , the better to carry it away , by pieces , if it might have been ; which because they could not , therefore they left it behind them . But Alexander presently gave order to Aristobulus , to rebuild his sepulchre in such form as it was before , and for those parts of his body which were left , to put them into the urne again , and to make a new cover for it ; and to reform what was defaced , and to embellish it in all points , as formerly it was : and moreover , to mute up the dore , which led into the Chappel , where the body lay , with lime and stone , and to put the impression of the Kings seal upon it . All this Strabo reports , out of Aristobulus himself , [ lib. 5. pag. 173. ] And Arrianu , at the end of his 6 book . After this , Alexander commanded the Magi or Priests , which had the keeping of the Sepulchre , to be taken and had to the rack , to make them confesse the authors of this sacrilege , who yet could never be drawn to confesse any thing , either against themselves , or any other person , and thereupon were discharged : yet Plutarch sayes , that Polymachus , though no mean person , and a Pellaean borne , was put to death by Alexander , onely for opening and looking into the Sepulchre . From Pasargada , Alexander marcht to Persepolis , the Royal Seat of the Kings of Persia , which he himself had set on fire , and burnt to the very ground ; but now at his return thither , he blamed himself for so doing . Here were many foul matters laid to Orxines his charge : as , That he had spoiled and robbed the Kings houses , and sepulchres of the dead , and done many of the Nobility of Persia to death . But in particular , Bagoas the Eunuch put it into the Kings head , that perhaps it was he , that had robbed the sepulchre of Cyrus too : wherein , said he , I have heard Darius say , there were 3000 talents layed up ; and wrought so far with the King , that he forthwith caused the Noblest person of all the Persian Nation , and to him a most affectionate servant , to be crucified . At the same time also , Phradates , who had formerly been Governour of the Hircanaius , and Mardians , and Tapyrians , being now drawn into suspition of making himself a King , was put to death , [ Curt. lib. 8. cap. 8. and lib. 10. cap. 4. ] Alexander now made Pencestes , ( of whose worth in all kinds he had had so good proof , especially in that danger of his among the Mallians ) Governour of Persia. And he presently , and onely of all the Macedons , put himself into the Median attire , and fell a learning of the Persian tongue : and began withal to order matters all after the Persian garb ; for which Alexander much commended him , and the Persians were glad at heart , to see him use the Persian , rather than the Macedon attire . And now a toy took Alexander again in the head ; and he would needs fall down the Euphrates , and Tigris , and go see the Persian sea , and how those Rivers fell into the Ocean there , as formerly he had done , at the River Indus , and the sea which that falls into . Also , he had a purpose to sail round the coast of Arabia first , and then of all Africa ; and so to return into the Mediterran Sea , and to Macedon by the way of Hercules his pillars , [ Arria . lib. 7. ] And being in this mood , he gave order to the Governours of Mesopotamia , to fell timber in Lebanon , and to carry it to Thapsacus a City in Syria , and to make keeles for huge ships to be built thereon ; not all of seven tire high , as Curtius hath it ; but some of one size , some of another , as we shall see anon out of Aristobulus , and all to be brought overland to Babylon : and order was given to the Kings of Cyprus to provide , brasse , and towe , and sailes , for this Fleet , [ Curt. lib. 10. cap. 2. ] Nearchus , and Obesicritus , coming with the Fleet to the mouth of the Euphrates , anchored at Diridotis , which is the chief Mart Town of the whole Province of Babylon ; and where the Merchants of Arabia , with their frankincense and spicery , use to discharge ; And there hearing that Alexander would go to Susa , they fell back , and went to the mouth of the River Pasitigris ; and rowing up that River , they came to a country well inhabited , and plentifully stored with all provisions ; and having rowed 150 furlongs , they there came to an anchor again ; attending the return of them whom Nearchus had sent to bring him word where the King was . Mean while Nearchus there again sacrificed to the gods his deliverers , and made Games ; so that the whole Sea-army , gave themselves wholy to pastime and merriment , [ Arria . in his Indica . ] Calanus an Indian borne , and a Gymnosophista , or of the sect of Philosophers , which went naked in those parts , having now attained the 73 year of his age , and had never in all that time felt ach in his bones , or other sicknesse or distemper in his body ; happened now to fall into his first sicknesse at Pasargadas ; wherefore finding some feeblenesse in his parts , and them to grow weaker every day more than other , when he came to the borders of the territory of Susa , ( for there it was that this fell out , as Diodorus saith ; and not in a suburbe of the City of Babylon , as Elian. lib. 5. Varia . Histor. cap. 6. will have it ) he petitioned Alexander , that he would cause a great pile of wood to be made , and that when he was got up upon it , he would cause some of his servants to put fire to it . The King at first endeavoured to disswade him from his purpose ; but when he could not , and the man told him , that if not that , he would die some other way : Alexander commanded a pile of wood to be dressed as he desired , and bad Ptolemei the son of Lagus , to take care for it , [ Diodor. lib. 17. Strabo , lib. 15. pag. 686. & 717. & Arria . lib. 7. ] But as he was going to the Pile of wood , he saluted and kissed the hands , and bad farewell to all the rest , of his friends : but Alexanders hand he would not kisse ; saying , that he should meet with him time enough at Babylon , to kisse it there ; meaning , that he should die there , [ Arria . lib. 7. pag. 160. Plut. in Alex. Cic. lib. 1. De divinat . Valer. Max. lib. 1. cap. 8. ] Now Nearchus tells us , that so soon as the fire was put to the p●●e of wood , the trumpets sounded , for so Alexander had appointed ; and the whole army there present , gave a shout , as if they had been ready to joyn in a battle : the Elephants also at the same time made a noise , such as they use when they enter fight in the field ; as if all had conspired to honour the funeral of Calanus . [ Arrianus . ] Chares of Mitylene , addeth further , that Alexander , to honour his funeral , caused a prize of Musicians and Wrestlers to be proclaimed : and that , desirous herein to gratifie the Indian Nation , he made one match of drinking , a thing usual among them ; and that he appointed a talent for him that could drink most , and 30 pounds for the second , and ten for the third : and when he had called many of his Nobles and Captains to that feast , he that drank most , was one Promachus , who drank off fower gallons and one pottle , and having received his talent for his prize , lived three days after , and then died ; of the rest , 35 finding a starke chillinesse coming on them by the surfeit which they took instantly , and six others of them , shortly after , were found dead in their tents , [ Athenaeus , lib. 10. cap. 12. Plutarch in Alexander . Elian. Vaira . Histor. lib. 2. c. p. 42. ] Nearchus , and Onesicritus , with their Navale army ; continuing their course up the river Pasitigris came to a bridge newly made , over which Alexander with his army was to passe , to come to Susa ; and there they anchored , [ Arria , in his Indica , pag. 197. Pliny , [ lib. 6. cap. 23. ] saith , they found him at Susa , keeping holiday seven months after he left them at Patala , and in the 3 moneth after they set saile from thence : or rather in the sixth month , seeing we have already made it appear that they set out from Patalene , the very next moneth after he parted from them at the City Patala . Now when both armies both of land and sea , were come together , Alexander offered sacrifice yet again , for his Navy and Army both , so preserved , and made playes and games for it : and whereever Nearchus went through the spaces of the camp , every man strowed flowers , and cast garlands on him , [ Arria . ut sup . ] Alexander , having sent away Atropates to his Government , marcht to susa : where when Abulites ; who had made no provision at all for his entertainment , onely presented him with 3 thousand talents of silver , he bade him lay it before his horses , and when they would none of it ; for what purpose then , said he , is this mony : Plutarch saith that Alexander laid Abulites in irons , and struck his son Oxathres al. Oxyartes through with a javelin : Arrianus saith , that he put both the father and son to death , for their ill behaviour , in their government at Susa. Many of the Nations , which he had conquered , came in and complained of their Governors who little dreaming of Alexanders ever returning out of India , committed many and monstrous outrages , both upon the temples of their gods , and upon the sepulchres of the dead , and also upon the persons and fortunes of the subject : all which Alexander commanded to be executed in the view of those who came to complain against them , without all respect of nobility , favour or service , which otherwise they might have done ; and now also Cleander and Sitalees , whom he had condemned whiles he was yet in Carmania , he caused to be executed for company , as guilty of the like disorders . Heracon also , who hitherto had scaped scot free , but was now accused by the men of Susa , for robbing and ransacking their temple , and thereof convicted , suffered according to his deserts . And now Alexander grew ready to hearken to every slight accusation , upon trivial matters , and to punish with death and torment , every small offence , conceiving with himself , that they who acted small matters , intended greater in their minds . And when the fame of such his severity against his officers in their several places flew abroad , many , considering what themselves had done , began to fear what might come thereof : some of which packing up what moneys they had gotten , fled away into unknown parts , others who commanded over mercinary companies , openly revolted from him : whereupon letters were presently dispatcht away to all the Governors and Presidents of countreys throughout all Asia , to disband and send away all mercenary companies , [ Diodor. yer 2. Olym. 113. ] No sooner then , was this order put in execution ; but forthwith many strangers , finding themselves cashiered , went straggling over all Asia , and for want of pay , lived upon the spoile of the countrey , till at length they all came into one body , at Tenarus in Laconia : and so likewise all the Commanders and Governors of the Persians which were left , gathering together what men and moneys they could make , came all to Tenarus , and there joyned their forces together , [ Id. year 3. Olymp. 113. and year 2. Olymp. 114. ] Alexander now took to wife , Statira , the eldest daughter of Darius , and besides her another , as Aristobulus tells us , called Parysatis , the youngest daughter of Ochus ; and gave Drypates the youngest daughter of Darius , and his own wives sister in marriage to Hephaestion . To Craterus , he gave Amestris , the daughter of Oxyarta , al. Oxathra , a daughter of Oxathres the brother of Darius . Perdiccas married the daughter of Atropates the governour of Media . Nearchus had given him to wife the daughter of Spitamenes the Bactrian ; to Ptolemeus the son of Lagus , the squire of his body , and to Eumenes , were given the two daughters of Artabazus , and sisters unto Barsina , by whom , though not in lawfull wedlock : Alexander himself had a son , called Hercules . Ptolomei his wife , was called Artacama , al. Apama ; but she whom Eumenes married , Artonis : where we must note by the way , that the name of Barsine in Arrianus , [ lib. 7. pag. 148. ] is put for Statira : But in Plutarch , in the beginning of the Life of Eumenes , where he nameth his wife , it is , I know not how , crept in for Artonis . Upon all the rest of his Nobles likewise , Alexander bestowed wives , of the most illustrious families that were of the Medes and Persians , in all to the number of 80 , as Arrianus , or 90 , as Elian , 92 as Chares , 100 as Plutarch , in his discourse of the Fortune of Alexander affirmeth . Now these marriages of Alexander and his Nobles were all made and solemnised , at one and the self same time , the King bestowing a dowry with every one of them ; and for five dayes together , celebrated these marriages , with that pomp and magnificence of feasting , and Mascarades , as is set down by Elian , [ lib. 8. cap. 7. Var. Hist. and by Atheneus , Deipnosoph . lib. 12. cap. 18. out of Chares of Mytylene , lib. 10. of his History of Alexander . ] To every one of the guests , who amounted in all to the number of nine thousand ; it is said , that he gave a golden vial to sacrifice a drink offering withall . To the rest of the Macedons , who had formerly married wives out of Asia , which amounted to above ten thousand men , he gave them every man wedding gifts . Moreover , he thought it fitting at this time , to pay every one of the souldiers debts out of his own store : and when he had given order that every one should give in a ticket of what he owed , that thereupon they might receive every man his money , at the first very few gave in their tickets , fearing that this was but a devise of the Kings to find out who they were , that could not live of their pay , by reason of their riotous expenses . But among those , who did give in their names , there was one Antigenes , with one eye , and who had lost the other under Philip , at the siege of Perinthus , with the hurt of a dart from the wall . He feigning himself to be more in debt then indeed he was , brought one to the pay-master ; who affirmed to him , that he had lent the said Antigenes so much money : whereupon Antigenes received it . But the King being afterward informed of this abuse of his , grew worth thereat , and forbad him ever after to come within his court , and took from him an office , which he had ; which brand of ignominy , he took so to heart , that he thought thereupon to kill himself ; which Alexander perceiving , remitted his displeasure , and suffered him to enjoy his money . But when he heard that many , who were truely in debt , would not yet give in their names , but would keep their own counsel , and would not be know what they ought , he then openly blamed them for being so distrustful of him , saying , that a King should be no other than true to his subjects , nor the subjects have other opinion of their King , but that he would be in all things true unto them . And then he caused tables to be set out in sundry places of the Camp , with monies on them ; and whoever brought in his ticket of what he owed , received presently his money , without being asked so much as what his name was , and then they began to believe that Alexander was Alexander , and a man of his word , indeed . The largesse of his among his souldiers , amounted , as Justin and Arrianus report , to upward of 20 thousand talents , whereas Diodorus more probably saith , that it came to little lesse than ten thousand , for Curtius and Plutarch say , that of 10 thousand talents brought forth , there were , 130 left all paid , with this lennoy over and above of Curtius , So that , saith he , that army , conqueror of so many nations , brought yet more honour and glory , then spoil and riches out of Asia . Sundry other gifts did Alexander at that time bestow upon several men in the army , either according to degree and quality , or in regard of some memorable services which they had done , and upon those which excelled in this kind , he bestowed over and above Crowns of gold to wear : as first , upon Pencestes , who covered him with his Target against the Mallians , and next him upon Leonatus , who at the same time also fought most manfully in his defence , and had upon sundry occasions behaved himself bravely in the country of the Oritans , and thirdly upon Nearchus , who had brought his Navy and army , therein safe out of Indie thorough the Ocean into those parts : and in the fourth place One●●critus , the Pilote of the Kings ships , and then Hephaestion , and other squires of his body . Mean while , there came unto him the Governours of sundry Cities , which he had built , and divers Provinces , by him subdued , bringing with them to Susa 30 thousand souldiers out of Persia and other Nations ( of which I spake formerly in the year of the World 3676. ) all young men , and of an age , goodly persons all , to look on , and of great performance . These being thus selected by the Kings command , and trained and marshalled after the Macedonian manner and discipline in feates of armes , and all gloriously armed , encamped before the walls of Susa ; where when they had given a proof of their readinesse and good addresse in Marshal Discipline before the King , the King highly rewarded them every man , and gave them the name of Epigoni ; that is , of an after brood , growing up in their room , who in feates of Chivalry , and Conquering the World , had gone before them . Alexander , Year of the World d. having delivered over the greater part of his land army to Hephaestion , to be led to the coast of the Persian Gulf , and given order for his Navy to come to the country of Susa ; took shipping there with his silver Targateers and his Phalaux or Main Squadron , and part of his fellow Cavalleers , and fell down by the River Ulay , into the Gulf of Persia. But before he came at it , left many of his ships , which were any wayes bilged and leaky , and with the rest went forward and came about from the mouth of that River by sea , to the River Tigris : the rest he sent up the channel or cut , by which the Tigris is drawn into the Ulay , and so they also came into the River it self of Tigris . Alexander , compassing about all the shoar of the Persian Gulf , which lieth between the two mouths , that of the River Ulay , and that other of Tigris , came to his Camp ; where Hephaestion with the army attended his coming . Then returned he again to Opis , a City seated upon the bank of the Tigris ; and as he went on , caused all the dams , locks , and sluces , which the Persians had made upon that River , to hinder the accesse of any enemy by sea to Babylon , to be taken away ; saying , That they were but shifts and devises of those , who were of little worth in themselves , [ Arria . lib. 7. with Strabo , lib. 16. pag. 740. ] But so soon as he came to Opis , he called all his army together , and declared to them that his purpose was , to discharge all such , as through age , or otherwise , found themselves grown unserviceable for the war , and to give them free leave to return every man to his own home : but for such as were able and would stay , he promised to make their condition such , and to bestow such largesse upon them , as should make their eyes ake , that lay idleing at home ; and should encourage the rest of the Macedons to come and share with them in their fortunes . This he did with a purpose to gratifie the Macedons : But they took it , as if thereby he went about to disgrace them , and held them for no better than a company of uselesse men for his wars ; and champing upon this bit , called to mind all other grievances , and occasions of discontent by him formerly given them in any kind : as that he went attired in a Median Robe ; and that all those goodly marriages that he made , were all solemnized forsooth , after the Persian fashion : that Pencestes his Governour of Persia , was turned altogether Persian , both in attire and language , and that Alexander himself delighted , but too much , in these new fangles , and outlandish fashions . That the Bactrians , Sogdians , Arachosians , Zarangians , Arians , Parthians , and those Persian Horse , which were called Euacae , were mixed with , and reckoned among his fellow Cavaleers . That now there was a fifth Brigade of Horse set up ; not altogether indeed consisting of forreign nations ; but yet that encreasing the number of his Horse , there were taken into them , Cophes the son of Artabazus , Hydarves , and Artiboles , the two sons of Mazaeus , Itanes the son of Oxyartes , and brother to Roxane , Alexanders wife , Aegobares , and his brother Mithrobaeus ; and that he had made Hydaspes a Bactrian by birth , Commander over that Regiment : and that instead of the Macedonian Spear , they used a Javelin , after the manner of forreign nations . That he had erected a new company of young forreigners , calling them Epigoni , and armed them after the Macedonian manner . And lastly , that in all things he despised and scorned the Macedonian Discipline and Customs , and the Macedons themselves : wherefore one and all cryed out , and desired to be discharged , and to serve no longer in the wars : bidding him and his father Hammon , go fight hereafter if they would , seeing he grew weary of , and cared no more for his own souldiers , who had hitherto fought for him . In this combustion , Alexander enraged as he was , leapt off the place , where he stood speaking to them , and with such Captains as were about him , and flew in among them , and took thirteen of the principal mutineers , and which stirred up this sedition among the rest ; and delivered them to the Serjeants , to be bound hand and foot and thrown into the Tigris : so great was either the dread of the King upon them in making them take their death so patiently as they did , or the resolution of the King himself , in doing them to death , according to Marshal Discipline : and then attended onely with his Nobles and Squires of his body , he went to his lodging ; and there neither eat nor slept , nor suffered any man to have accesse to his presence all that day , no nor yet the next . Upon the third day , he called his forreign souldiers together , commanding the Macedons , not to bugde out of their Tents ; and when they came , he spake to them by an interpreter , and commanded their perpetual loialty to himself , and to their former Kings , and withal reckoned up , and put them in mind of the many favours and honours , which he had conferred upon them , how he had never used them as conquered persons , but as fellow souldiers and partakers , of all his conquests , and had mingled the conquered with the conquerors , by mutual affinities & entermarryings , the one with the other : Wherefore , saith he , reckon not your selves , as made , but born , my souldiers : The kingdoms of Asia and Europe are become all one ; what was novelty before , is now growen natural by long use and custom , and you are no lesse my country men , then you are my souldiers . And presently he chose out of them a thousand tall young men , and appointed them for a guard of his person , the chief commands of the army , he bestowed among the Persians , and called the severall Troups and Companies , by Macedonian names , and these he also called his Cousins and Nobles , and gave them onely the priviledge , to be admitted to kisse his hand , [ see Polyanus Stratag . 4. in Alexandernu 7. ] When the Macedons saw the King come abroad guarded onely with Persians , and that out of them , all Serjeants , and other attendants were taken , and they promoted to all places of dignity and honour , about his person , and themselves cast off , with scorn and infamie ; their courage abated , and conferting a while among themselves , ran all together to the Kings lodging , and casting off all their cloths to their very wast-coats , threw down their armes at the Court gates ; and standing themselves without , lift up a pitifull cry , and desired to be admitted , offering to give up every author of that mutiny , and desired the King to satiate himself with their deaths , rather than their disgraces . But he , though his choler were down , yet would not admit them : and they on the contrary would not away , but continued there crying and howling two whole dayes and nights , and calling upon him , by the name of their Lord and master , protesting never to leave his gate , untill he had mercy on them : wherefore upon the third day he came forth unto them , and seeing their humiliation , and dejection before him , with their unfeigned sorrow , and hearing their pittiful complaint and lamentation which they made , was moved to compassion of them ; and wept a long time over them : and when he stood a good while , as if he would speak unto them , but could not ; and they continued all that time upon their knees before him . Then one Callines by name , a man venerable for his age , and of no mean esteem in the regiment of his fellow Cavaleers , spake thus unto him . This is that , saith he , O king , which grieves thy Macedons , that now thou hast made some of the Persians , thy Cousins , and these thou hast received to kisse thy hand , and hast deprived thy Macedons of this honour , and when he would have proceeded , Alexander interrupted him , and said , I now make you all my Cousins , and from henceforward , will call you by that name . This said , Callines stept out , and went and kissed his hand , and so did as many else , as had a mind to it , and then taking every man up his arms again , they all returned with joy and triumph into the Camp. Then went the King and sacrificed to the gods , as he was wont to do , and made a general feast for all the army ; sitting down himself , first with his Macedons , and then the Persians , and after them , the rest , according to their several ranks and qualities in the Army . Then took Alexander a bol● , and drank , and so it went round among the Macedons . The Grecian Prophets , and Persian Priests ; powring forth their prayers , and among all other prosperities , and favours from their gods , desired of them , to grant a concord and unity of Empire between the Macedons and Persians , and both kingdoms . It is said , that there were nine thousand guests , which sate at this feast , and that they all pledged this health , and sang the same Pae●na , or Song of joy and gladnesse unto Apollo , as they used to do , when they returned from a victory into their Camp. Alexander , passing over the Tigris , encamped in a country , called Cares , and then having passed the region called Sitacene in four dayes march , he came to Sambana ; where he camped seven dayes : and then after three dayes journy , he arrived at Celovae , where Xerxes heretofore had made a plantation , of those , which he brought out of Baeotia , and then turning a little out of the right way , leading to Babylon , he went to see Bagisthenes , a country , abounding with fruit , and all other commodities , belonging either to the pleasure or profit of mans life . Mean while , Harpalus a Macedon born , chief Baron and Tresurer , of all the Kings monies in Babylon , and revenues of that whole province , being privy to himself of his wastfulnesse , and other ill behaviour there , and knowing what Alexander had done , to many other Governours , upon complaints made of them , by the provincialls , got together five thousand talents of silver , and six thousand hired souldiers , and fled quite out of all Asia , and coming with them to Taenarus in Laconia , left them there , ( whither , others also , which could not well stay in Asia , had already retired themselves , as I said before ) and came himself to Athens , in suppliant wise : But when Antipater and Olympias demanded him out of their hands , he so dealt with the people of Athens , by feeing Demosthenes , and other Orators there , that he escaped , and returned safe to his company at Tenarus , [ Diodor. year 2. Olymp. 113. Pausanias in his Attica , Plutarch in the lives of Demosthenes and Phocyon , ] In Arrianus there is a blank left , [ lib. 7. pag. 155. ] in which place this flight of Harpalus from Babylon , should have been joyned to that journey of Alexanders thitherward , [ as appears by Photius in his Biblioth , cap. 91. ] and that there was an action brought against this Harpalus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( i. e. ) of bribes received by him , Dionysius Halicarnassaeus , in the end of his Epistle to Ammaeus concerning Demosthens , when Anticles was L. Chancellor at Athens , which was , as I said before , in this 4 year of the 113 Olympiade , according to his account , plainly sheweth . A contention falling between Hephaestion and Eumenes , concerning a certain gift , whatever it was , and wherein many foul words passed between them , Alexander composed the difference and made them friends , much against Hephaestions will , and not without some threatning speeches used by Alexander to him ; but much to the content of Eumenes , [ Plut. in Eumenes . Arria . l. 7. p. 155. ] Alexander from hence came into a country , Year of the World 3680. a. where great heards of the kings of Persias horses fed , for in this place , called the Nicaean Countrey , there were wont to be kept 150 or 160 thousand horses of the kings , though Alexander at his coming thither found not , as Arrianus saith , above fifty thousand , or at most sixty , as Diodorus hath it . When Alexander had encamped here 30 dayes , he set forward again , and upon the 7 day after , came to Ecbatane , the chief city of all Media : the circumference whereof was said to be 250 furlongs , where , as his manner was , after any good successe , he offered sacrifices , and made games of musick , and gymnic sports , and exercises in honour of his gods ; and feasted himself with his nobles ; and then having ordered all matters in that kind , he returned again to see his stage-plaiers , and Anticks act their parts , and moreover , instituted certain set feasts and clubbings , because there were newly come unto him out of Greece , 3 thousand Cooks , and other ministers , and artificers of that kind . Apollodorus of Amphipolis , a noble man about Alexander , and whom he had made General of that army , which he had left with Mazaeus , when he made him Governour of the City and province of Babylon , hearing what course he took with such Governors or chief officers as he had set over the several regions of his dominions , took a fright , as his fellow Harpalus had done before him , and having a brother called Pythagoras , who was a kind of a soothsayer , consulted him by his letters , to know what was like to become of him : And Pythagoras by his letters back again to him , desired to kow for fear of whom it was that he would have his fortune told ? and he answered , it was for fear of Alexander and Hephaestion : whereupon he first looked into the entrailes of a beast for Hephaestion , and when he found that the liver of it had no filets , he wrate back again to his brother from Babylon to Ecbaton , and bade him never fear Hephaestion , for that he should shortly depart this life himself ; which letter , Aristobulus reports , was written the very day before Hephaestion died , [ Arria . l. 7. with Apian , toward the end of his second book De Bell. Civi . ] For Hephaestion being overmuch given to wine , sell thereby into a fever : and being a young man and a souldier , would keep no diet , which was prescribed him , but whiles his Phisition Glaucus , al. Glaucias , was a little away , fell to his dinner as at other times , and eating of a roasted dunghil cock , & taking a huge draught of frigifacted wine after it , felt himself presently not well , and upon the seventh day after , died of it . Upon the same day there were certain gimnic games , exercised before the King , by the boyes , or pages of the Court , from which he suddenly arose , and went to see Hephaestion , but when he came , found him dead , whereupon he refrained all eating for 3 dayes space ; nor took any care of himself ; but lay all that while , either sullenly silent , or impatiently lamenting the losse of his Hephaestion : Afterward he changed his attire , and caused not only himself and his souldiers , but even very horses and mules , to be all shorne : and caused the pinnacles of Ecbatane , and all other cities and towns thereabouts , to be taken down from their walls , to the end that they looking in a worse , and more deformed fashion than they did before , might seem in a sort , to lament and bewail his death ; and withal crucified his poor Physition that could not help it : commanded there should no found of pipe or flute be heard in all the camp , gave order for a general mourning among all Nations to be made for him , [ Diodorus , year 3. Olymp. 113. Plut. in his Alex. and Peloprdas . Arria . l. 7. and upon Epistetus , l. 2. c. 22. Elian Var. Hist. l. 7. c. 8. ] He gave his body to Perdiccas , to be carried to Babylon ; for that there he intended to bestow on him a most magnificent funeral , and had often speach with the principall architects about him , of making a most sumptuous monument for him , especially , with Stasicrates , who made profession of new and rare inventions , in devising and erecting vast and excessive buildings . Now Eumenes , fearing lest Alexander might conceive that he was glad of Hephaestions death , put him on the more upon this project , and suggested to him new devises , as perteining much to the honour of Hephaestion , devoting both himselfe and his armes to Hephaestion , and sundry other of the Nobles , following Eumenes his example , did the like . [ Plutarch in the Life of Eumenes , and Arrianus lib. 7. ] And moreover , whereas Hephaestion was Colonel of the Regiment of the Kings fellow Cavaleers , he put none to succeed him in that place , lest happily the name of Hephaestion should be forgotten among them , but caused that Regiment to go by the name of Hephaestions Regiment . And the Cornet which he gave to be born still before them , when ever they went to fight . At last , Year of the World b. to put himself out of this melancholly fit , he would needs go and make a needlesse war , and parting his army with Ptolomei , went a hunting of men , and to drive the country as he would drive a forest for wild beasts ; and fell upon the Cossaeans , a people bordering upon the Uxians , and inhabiting the mountainous parts of Media : which all the Persian Monarchie could never bring under their subjection ; nor were in all these wars ever daunted in courage , or thought the Macedons such bug-bears , as to be afraid of them . But he first took the passages leading thorough the mountains into their country , and wasted their borders : and going further on , routed them in sundry conflicts , and destroyed them wherever he came without mercy , and called that , Hephaestions funeral feast . Now as well Nearchus , as Arrianus , tells us , that he thus set upon these Cossaeans in the depth of Winter , when they little dreamt of any enemy to come upon them , [ Strabo , lib. 11. pag. 524. Arria . lib. 7. pag. 157. and in his Indica , pag. 196. See also Polyaenus , Stratag . lib. 4. in Alexan. nu . 31. ] The Cossaeans , seeing they had ever the worst of it , and grieved to see what multitudes of them were taken prisoners , were fain at length to redeem their fellows lives , with their own slavery ; and giving themselves up wholy to Alexanders will and pleasure , had peace granted them , upon these terms , That they should be obedient in all things , to the King , and do whatever he commanded . So Alexander having subdued all that nation within 40 dayes space , and built sundry Cities upon the most difficult passages of the country , returned with his army . Alexander sent one Heraclides , with certain Shipwrights into Hircania , to fell timber there , for the building of ships , all men of War , some with decks some without , after the Grecian manner ; for he had a great desire to be acquainted also with the Caspian sea , and to know to whom it belonged . When he had passed with his army over the Tigris , Year of the World c. then marched he strait forward to Babylon ; yet so as he made divers encampings by the way , and rested his army in sundry places to refresh them ; and when he removed at any time , made easie marches . And now he was come within 300 furlongs of Babylon , when the Chaldean Priests , and Prophets , sent unto him , by one of their own company , called Bellephantes , advising him by no means to come to Babylon ; for that if he did , it would prove fatal to him . Alexander , when he had understood by Nearchus , ( for himself durst not have speech with Bellephantes ) what these Chaldeans errand was , he sent many of his Nobles thither ; but himself turned aside from it , and would not go into it , but encamped some 200 furlongs off from it , at a place called Bursia , which perhaps is the same which Prolomei calls Bersita , a City long since destroyed and there stayed . There was he perswaded by Anaxarchus , and other Grecians , and their philosophical reasons , not to regard those predictions of the Priests and Magicians , but rather to reject and despise them , as vain and false . Whereupon he brake out with that Iambick Verse of Euripides , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : ( i. e. ) Who best can guesse , he the best Prophet is . Then the Chaldaeans desired him , that if he would needs enter that City , yet at least he would not enter it with his face toward the West : but take the pains to go about , and come into it , looking toward the East . And Aristobulus tells us , that he was content to hearken to them in that point ; and therefore the first day he marched as far as to the River Euphrates : but the next day , having the River on his right hand , he marched along the bank thereof , as desirous to passe by that part of the City which looked toward the West , that so he might come in looking toward the East : but when he found that way slabby , and full of slowes and fens , and cumbersome for his army to passe , he neglected that very point of their counsel also , and entered it , with his face toward the West , [ See Appian . toward the end of his second book , De Bello Civi . and Seneca , Suasor . 4. ] When he came to the walls of the City , he lookt and beheld a flock of Crows , fighting and killing one another : whereof some fell down dead hard by him . And when Apollodorus told him , that he had a brother in that Citiy called Pythagoras , who was versed in the skill of soothsaying , by looking into the bowels of beasts offered in sacrifice , and that he had already consulted the gods that way concerning him ; he forthwith sent for him , and asked him what he found concerning him : Sir , said he , I found the liver of the beast without strings or filets : without strings ? ( quoth Alexander ) what means that ? The meaning , Sir , is , quoth Pythagorus , that some great mischief hangs over your head : or as Appian , that you shall shortly die ; for which so far was it off , that Alexander , grew offended with him , that from thence forward , he made the more of him ; because of his free and clear dealing with him in the way of his profession : And thus much Aristobulus relates , that he learnt from Pythagoras himself . When the Babylonians had entertained his army in all courteous manner , as at his former being there , they did , all betook themselves to ease and luxury , for that there was no want of any thing that the heart of man could wish in that place , [ Diodor. ] While Alexander resided at Babylon , there came in Ambassadors to him from all the parts and nations of the world ; for besides those that came out of Asia , from Cities , and Princes and Countries there , there came also sundry others , out of Europe and Affric : out of Affric , from the Ethiopians dwelling about the Temple of Hammon , and from the Carthaginians , and other Punick nations , bordering all along the sea coast , as far as Hercules his pillars , and the western sea , out of Europe , from the several Cities of Greece , and out of Macedon it self ; as also from the Thraciants , Illyrians , Scythians , and out of Italy , from the Brutians , Lucanians , and Hetrurians , with the Islands of Sicily , and Sardinia , and from Spain and France , whose very names and habits , the Macedons never knew nor had heard of before . Alexander , calling for a list of them , appointed , which of them should have audience first , and so forward , till he should have heard them all ; and he resolved to give audience first of all to such as came about any matter concerning religion : and in the second place , to such as came to him with presents , in the third , to them , who came about differences , or wars , which they had with their neighbouring nations . In the fourth , to them which came about their particular and private interests . And in the last place , those , who came to shew cause , why they did not restore any Grecians , whom they had banished out of their cities or countries , to their homes and estates again ; for the hearing of all which , he caused a throne of gold to be set up in the garden there , and seats for his nobles , all born up with feet or frames of silver ; whereon taking his place with his Nobles , he purposed to give them audience , as Athenaeus [ lib. 12. cap. 18. ] reports out of one Ephippius Olynthius : wherein his chief purpose and care was , upon hearing of the cause , to give such answers , as might give all content , and send every man away satisfied and well pleased therewith . The first which he gave audience to , were they , which came from the City Eli● , then to those , which came from the Temple and City of Ammon , from Delphos , from Corinth , Epidaurus and others , hearing of every of them in order , according to the dignity and same of the Temples , rather than of the cities from whence they came . When he had heard the Ambassadors from Epidaurus , and granted their suit , he sent moreover a present and oblation by them to their God Esculapius ; but with these words added , That Esculapius had dealt but untowardly with him , in taking lately away from him , a friend , whom he loved as his own life : and then look what Statues soever of illustrious persons , or Images of the gods , or any other consecrated thing Xerxes had heretofore taken and brought out of Greece , and set them up , or otherwise bestowed them in Babylon , Susa , Pasargada , or elsewhere in all Asia , those he gave order to the Ambassadors of Greece , to take and carry them home again with them , and among the rest , he now caused the brazen statues of Harmodius and Aristogeiton , to be returned to Athens , with the Image of Diana Cercaea . But as concerning the restitution of the banditoes of Greece , he sent this short Epistle , by Nicanor , a native of the city Stagyra , to be read and proclaimed , at the next Olympian games to be held , in this wise . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. ( i. ) King Alexander , to the Banditoes of Greece , sendeth greeting . We were not in fault that you were banished , but we will take care , to see you restored to your former estates , all save such as are banished for outragious crimes , of which things we have written to Antipater , requiring him to proceed by way of force , against all such as shall oppose your restitution , [ Diod. lib. 17. year 2. Olymp. 113. and lib. 18. year 2. Olymp. 114. ] Having dispatched this matter of Embassies , he set himself to take care of Hephaestions funeral , commanding the Cities thereabouts to contribute what they possibly could , to the adornment thereof . And moreover sent an expresse command to all the Cities and nations of Asia to put out the fire , which among the Persians , is called Holy fire , till the exequies of this Funeral were fully finished , as was wont to be done , in the Funerals of the Kings of Persia : which was taken for an ill bode to the king himself , and as a portender of his death . Whereupon all his chief Commanders and Nobles , set themselves , for the Kings pleasure , to make Medailes , or Portraictures of Hephaestion , graven in Ivory , or cast in gold , or other costly mettal : Himself called together the most exquisite workmen , that were to be had , and a great number of them , and brake down the wall of Babylon , ten furlongs long ; and took the brick of it , and first levelling the place , built thereon a four square pile , each square taking up a furlong in length , and 130 cubits high , whereon the body was to be burnt . This work of his Diodorus describeth at large , summing up the particulars , of the cost of this sumptuous Funeral ; because the Mourners , the Souldiers , Ambassadors , and Natives of the Country , strove a vie , who should give most toward the charge thereof , amounting in all to above 12 thousand talents : which very summe , Justin also hath , [ lib. 12. cap. 12. ] Though Plutarch and Arrianus , have but 10 thousand . Alexander , throwing his armes first into the fire , threw in also gold and silver to be burned with him ; with a Robe , of a great value and esteem among the Persians , [ Elia. Var. Histor. lib. 7. cap. 8. ] and besides he made Gymnick Games , and of musick , far beyond all that ever he had made before ; both for number of the Prizers , and value of the Prizes themselves , to those , which wan them ; for it is said , that there were no lesse than three thousand , which put in for the Prizes in all kinds , [ Arria . lib. 7. ] And then also it so fell out , that Philip , one of the Kings Nobles , returned to him from the Temple of Hammon , whither he had been sent , and brought word from the Oracle there , that Hephaestion might well be sacrificed to , as to a demy god : whereat Alexander was infinitely glad ; and first of all offered to him upon that stile : and then sacrificing to the number of 10 thousand beasts of all kinds , he made a Magnificent Feast to all the multitude , [ Diod. year 1. Olymp. 114. compared with Arria . lib. 7. pag. 157. 164. ] He gave in charge also to Cleomenes the Governour of Egypt ( as we have noted formerly in the year of the World 3673. a. ) a lewd man , to erect Templs to his name ; and generally no contract in writing to be good or valid , if Hephaestions name were not subscribed to it : adding this also in the letter which he wrote unto him about this matter : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. ( i. e. ) For if I shall find , that thou shalt have duly erected Temples to Hephaestion in Egypt as to a demy god ; I will not onely pardon thee all thy past offences which in thy government thou hast committed ; but whatever thou shalt hereafter commit in any kind , shall never be laid to thy charge by me . Whereupon many Cities presently fell in hand with building of Temples and Chappels , to Hephaestion , erecting altars , offering sacrifices , and enjoyning Holidayes , to be kept in his name : and the most religious oath that a man could make , was if he sware by Hephaestion , it is true or false : And death it was for any man to faulter or faile in his devotion unto him : many dreames were said to have been of him , and that his ghost appeared to many ; and of words which his ghost should utter , and answeres which it made . To conclude , sacrifices were offered to him , as to a tutelar god , and a Revenger of all evil . Wherefore Alexander at the very first was wonderfully pleased with such phancies in other men ; but after a while , he began to believe them himself ; and spared not to brag and boast , that he was not onely himself Joves son , but also that he could make gods of other men . At which time also , one Agathocles a Samian borne , and one of Alexanders prime Captains , was in extreme danger of his life , for being accused , that passing by Hephaestions Tombe , he was seen to weep ; and had undoubtedly died for it , had not Perdiccas holpen him out by a lye of his own making , & swore it too , by Hephaestion himself , that Hephaestion appeared to him as he was a hunting , and told him , that Agathocles , did weep for him indeed , but not as for one that was dead , and now vainly called upon , and worshipped as a god ; but wept onely in a due remembrance of the former intimacy and familiarity that was between them two : but for which tale , Agathocles a great Souldier , and ever well deserving of the King , had without peradventure lost his life , for being so kind to his deceased friend , [ Lucian . in his book 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : ( i. e. ) of false accusing . ] The 114. Olympiade was celebrated at Elis , in which year all agree . that Alexander died : as [ Josephus sayes , lib. 1. cont . Apio . ] when Hagesias , al. Hegesias , was L. Chancelor at Athens : as [ Diodor. lib. 17. sayes , ] and Arrianus in [ his 7 book ] of the Gests of Alexander , confirmes , to wit , toward the end of his year of Chancelorship and in this very Olympic year , as shall eftsoones appear by the moneth wherein h●● dyed . In that general assembly of all Greece , at the Olympic games , was that letter of Alexander , for the restoring of all band●toes , or ou●lawed persons , to their homes and estates again , read openly by him whose office it was to p●oclaim him that had won the prize in any kind of those games : neverthelesse , the Athenians and E●o●●ans protested against it , [ Diodorus , year 2. Olymp. 1. 3. Justin , lib. 13. c. 5. ] Whiles he was at Babylon , he received , as Aristobulus reporteth , his fleete , which partly went out of the Euphrates , into the Persian sea , under the command of Nearchu● , and partly had been built in Phaenicia and Cyprus : of the Phaenician ships , there were two , each of them of five tire of Oares , and three , of four tire , of three tire high , twelve : and 30 vessels , of 30 Oares a peece , all which had been taken in pieces , and carried overland to the city Thapsacus , and there put together again , and came by the Euphrates unto Babylon , Alexander caused certain other ships also to be built at Babylon , of those Cypresse trees which he found in their gardens there , for as for other timber fit for shipping , there was none to be found in those parts . And moreover there was brought unto him , lying at Babylon , all other provisions for shipping , out of Phaenicia , and other cities , lying along the sea coasts in Asia , and wrights , and mariners of all sorts , [ Strabo , lib. 16. pag. 741. Arrian . lib. 7. pag. 161. out of Aristobulus . ] Moreover Alexander caused a Port to be made among the Babilonians , big enough to receive a thousand saile of ships of war , adding galleries and docks thereto , and sent Miccalus a Clazomenian born , with 500 talents into Phaenicia and Syria , to perswade or hire as many seamen as possibly he could , to come and serve him : for he had a purpose to make several plantations upon the Persian gulf , assuring them that those , would be as rich to dwell in , as any places in Phenicia were , [ Arrianus , ibid. ] All which preparation by sea , was to set upon the Arabians , under this colour , that among all other nations , they onely had never sent any Embassadors unto him ; nor shewed any duty or respect unto him : whereas indeed , it was out of an immoderate desire he had to be soveraign over all alike , and whereas he had heard that they worshipped two gods onely , Jove or Heaven , and Bacchus , he thought himself not unworthy to be worshipped as a third God among them ; if he could overcome them , and restore to them , as he had done to the Indians , their pristine liberty , [ Strabo and A●ria . ut sup . ] And whereas he had heard say that Arabia , lying upon the sea coast , was of as large an extent as all India , and had many Islands lying upon their coast , he sent Archias , and Androsthenes , to wi● , that Androsthenes of Thasus , ( of whom Strabo , lib. 16. pag. 766. and Theophrastus , lib. 2. of Plants , cap. 7. maketh mention . ) and Hieron of Solos , with three ships of 30 Oares apiece , from Babylon , with charge , that sailing round about that Chersonese , or Peninsula of Arabia , they should discover and inform themselves of the ports of all that region : of these , Arenias brought him word , that there were two Islands which lay out in the sea , at the mouth of the river Euphrates , the one a lesser , consecrated to Diana , one hundred and twenty furlongs off from the land ( which Alexander , as Aristobulus saith , caused to be called Icarus : ) the other a greater one , a day and a nights sail off from the shoare , in the same latitude , called Tylus : But Hieron , which went further than any of the rest , brought him word that the Cherso●se was of a vast extent , and had a foreland which ran far out into the Ocean : which they also who came with Nearchus by sea , out of India , descried to be not far off , before they stood in for the mouth of the Euph●ates , [ Arrianus , lib. 7. and in the end also of his Indica . ] Whiles his ships of war were in building , and the haven a digging in Babylon , Alexander himself fell down the Euphrates , to the mouth of the river Pallacopa : distant from Babylon , some 800 furlongs , where rowing up and down , and , as Aristobulus saith , steering sometimes his own boat himself , he espied some certain ditches , which he caused to be scoured by such as were in his company ; damming up the mouthes of some , and opening others of them : And espying one dike among the rest , in the Arabian side , toward the fenny and mo●ry places thereof , having an outlet , hard to be stopt up , by reason of the rottennesse of the soile , he opened a new mouth , 30 furlongs off from the other , in somewhat a more firme and hard ground , and forced the water course that way : He saw there also many monuments of old Assyrian Kings and Princes , which lay buried in that fenny Country , and midst of those loughs , [ Strabo , lib. 16. p. 741. Arria . l. 7. ] And sailing through those loughs into the body of Arabia , he there built a city , and a wall about it , planting there a colony of mercenary Greeks , and volunteers , and such as through age or otherwise , were growen unserviceable for the war , [ Arria . ib. ] And now he began to laugh and scoff at the Chaldeans , and their predictions , for that he had both entred Babylon , and was come safe out of it , with his fleet ; and therefore sailed the more bodily thorough those loughs of Arabia , having Babylon still on his left hand , [ Id. ibid. Appian . toward the end , lib. 2. De Bell. Civil . ] And when at last , a part of his army wandred up and down in those parts , they knew not whither , for want of a Pilot , he sent them one , which brought them into the right channel again : then there arose a mighty wind , which severed the ship wherein himself was , from the rest of the fleet , and hurled the Kings hood or bonnet off from his head into the water ; but his Turbant or Diademe , which was fastned to it , was rent from it , and driven by the wind upon a great reed , which grew up close to a sepulchre , of one of the Kings , which there lay buried , as I said before ; which one of the marriners espying , swam unto it , and took it up , and in his return for fear of wetting it , clapt it upon his own head , Aristobulus saith that the marriner which did it , was a Phenician born , and that he was well scourged for presuming to put the Kings Diademe or Turbant upon his head : yet Alexander upon this accident , consulted a wizard about it , and was by him advised to offer a magnificent sacrifice to the gods , and to be very diligent and devout therein , [ Diodor. see Appian , in his Syriaca , pag. 124. in the Greek and Latin edition . ] When it was told Alexander , that the Athenians and Etolians would not obey his edict , concerning the restoring of their banditoes , he presently gave order for a thousand tall men of war to be built , with which he purposed to make a war in the west , and to begin it with the destruction of Athens it self , which yet never took effect , [ Justin lib. 13. cap. 5. see Curtius lib. 10. cap. 4. ] Alexander returning to Babylon , Year of the World 3681 there gave himself over to ease and company keeping ; so addicted to gluttony and drunkennesse , that in the Diaries kept by Eumenes Cardianus , and Diodorus Erythraeus , it is often found , such and such a day or night , Alexander was carried drunk to bed , Athenae . lib. 10. cap. 11. with Phillinus in Plut. lib. 1. Sympos . cap. 6. ] one example whereof , Elian. [ lib. 3. Var. Histor. lib. 23. ] reciteth out of the said Eumenes , which I thought good here to insert , to the end it may appear , that some use may be made of my treatise of the Macedonian year , comparing therewith , the dayes of our Julian Calendar , mending first that place in Elian , where it is written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , without all sense , and making it mensis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nomine , ( i. e. ) of the moneth called Dios , as thus : On the fifth of the moneth Dios ( our Septemb. 28. ) he drank drunk , at Eumaeus his howse ; nor did any thing all that day , but rise and give order to his Captains , whither they should march to morrow , and telling , he would be going very early . And upon the seventh day ( our Septemb. 30. ) he dined with Perdiccas , and there he fell to drinking again : and on the eighth , ( our Octob. 1. ) he slept all day , and upon the 15 of the same moneth ( our Octob. 8. ) he fell a drinking again , and the day following ( our Octob. 9. ) he slept it out all day according to his wonted fashion . Vpon the 24. ( our Octob. 17. ) he supped at Bagoas his lodging , which was 10. furlongs off from the Kings palace , and then upon the third ( or rather the fifth ) he slept it out again . Alexander , The Julian Period . 4391 seeing Babylon to excell , Year before Christ 323 both in greatnesse , and all other things , purposed to enbellish it all that might be , and to make it the place of his residence , for ever after , [ Stra. lib. 15. pag. 731. ] and resolved to rebuild the Temple of Belus , and raise it out of its old dust ; and , as some say , to make it more magnificent than ever it was before : and when in his absence the Babylonians went on more slowly in the work than he would have had them , he intended to set himself and all his army to work about it . But because the work , would take up a great deal of labour and much time , therefore he was not able to go thorough with it , as he desired , for he was taken short by death , [ Id. lib. 16. pag. 738. with Arrianus lib. 6. pag. 159. ] Alexander dreampt , that Cassander killed him , whereas he had never seen the man in all his life , and shortly after , when he happened to see him ; he called to mind his dream , with a great deal of horror at the first : but then again understanding that he was a son of Antipater , he cast off all such fear of any hurt from him , especially of poyson , which yet was at that time ready prepared for him , merrily uttering certain Greek verse , purporting , that so many dreams , so many lies , or to that effect . When Cassander saw the outlandish people prostrating themselves , when they came unto him , having never seen the like done before , he fell a whickering ; whereat Alexander grew into such a cholor , that wrapping both his hands in his long hair , he beat his head against the wall , [ Plut. in Alexand. ] As there went a report that Antipater had sent a poison by Cassander to deliver it to his brother Iolla Cup-bearer to the King , Year of the World c. and by him infused into the last draught that he ever took , so was it said also , that at the same time , Alexander had sent Craterus with a company of old souldiers to make away Antipater , [ Curt. lib. 10. cap. ult . ] Concerning the poison , of which Alexander is said to have died , see Andraeas Schottus , and his collections thereupon made out of sundry authors , in the Comparison which he makes , of the lives of Aristotle and Demosthenes , [ to the first year of the 114 Olymp. and Mathaeus Raderus , upon Curius , lib. 10. cap. 7. ] As for Craterus and his old souldiers sent away with him into Macedon , though Justin , and Arrian , and Plutarch , report this passage , as of a thing done before the death of Hephaestion ; yet that it ought to be referred to this time , and not to that , appears , as by many other arguments , so especially by this ; for that at the time of Alexanders death , Craterus with his old maimed souldiers was not come into Macedonia , but was still in Cilicia . Those that would of the Macedons , which found themselves disabled thorough age or other impotency of body to follow the war any longer , were dismissed by Alexander , to return into their own country : and the number of them at this time , came ( as Diodor. lib. 17. year 2. Olymp. 113. sayes ) to 10 thousand ; or as [ Justin , lib. 12. cap. 12. ] to 11 thousand : to every of which , he not onely gave their full pay for the time past , but also money in their purses , to carry them home withal : And if any of them had children , begotten of wives which they had married out of Asia , he willed them to be left with him , fearing least that mungrell kind might happily in time stir up some rebellion in Macedon , in contending with the wives and children which were left there : and promised that when they were grown up , and trained in Marshal Discipline after the Macedonian manner , they should have them again sent home unto them . Justin saith , that such as returned , had their full pay continued to them , as before , during life . Plutarch , that the children of the deceased , succeeded in their fathers pay : adding further , that Alexander wrote to Antipater , that they which so returned , should have the prime places assigned them in the Theaters , and should there sit with Garlands upon their heads ; and that at their parting , they all wept , and so did the King himself . Together with these , were dismissed also , sundry of the Nobility , upon the same occasions , as Clytus , Gorgias , Polydamas , Adamas , Antigenes , and the principal of all , Craterus , who was assigned as a Captain to conduct them , as a man of all others most loyal , and most dear unto the King , and next unto him Polysperchon ; least if Craterus should happen to die by the way , as he was at that time but weak and sickly , they should want a noble Commander to conduct them . Then commanded he Craterus to take charge of Macedon , Thrace , Thessaly , and of the liberty of Greece , in Antipaters room , sending for Antipater to repair to him ; and to bring with him an army of young lusty Macedons , in lieu of these old ones which he had sent home unto him . Craterus , when he was sent to carry some certain old decayed souldiers into Cilicia , he received some instructions and commands from Alexander in writing , the chief heads whereof , Diodorus Siculus , out of the Kings own Commentaries relateth to be these , That he should cause a thousand tall ships somewhat bigger than the ordinary sort , of 3 tire of oares , to be built in Phoenicia , Syria , Cilicia , and Cyprus for his wars against the Carthaginians , and others bordering upon the sea coasts of Africk and Spain , and Islands adjoyning as far as Sicily : To take order , that his way along the sea coast of Africa , as far as Hercules his Pillars , might be ready for him ; to lay out 1500 talents , upon six Magnificent Temples to be built : And that he should make Ports in several places fit to receive so great a Fleet. That he should transplant men out of Europe into Asia , and likewise out of Asia into Europe , to inhabit such new Cities as he should build in either of them , to the end that by enter-marriges , and mutual affinities , he might establish a peace and concord between the two main Continents of the World. These were his then designs , of which Lucan speaks , in this manner , [ lib. 10. ] — Oceano classes inferre parabat : ( i. e. ) His purpose was th' Atlantic Sea to sail ; Nor fire , nor water , nor the Lybian sand , Nor Ammons Syrts could bound his vast desires . He would into the Westerne Clime have gone , Where the Sun stoops to fall in t ' Tethis lap ; And to have marcht quite round about the Poles , And drunk Niles water , where it first doth rise , Had not death met him , and his journey stayed . Nothing but nature could a period bring , To the vast projects of this mad-cap King. A little before his death , came Ambassadors to him out of Greece , to acknowledge him for a god , and they wearing Crowns themselves , set all Crowns of gold upon his head . And Pencestes , returning out of Persia , with about 20 thousand Persians , brought also a great company of Cossaeans , and Tapurians along with them to babylon for his service , because these nations bordering upon Persia , were reckoned the most warlike of any other . To him also came Philoxenus , bringing an army out of Caria , and Menander with another out of Lydia , and Menidas with an army of Horse : Alexander commmended the forwardnesse of the Persian nation , and especially Pencestes for his just discreet government among them , and ranked both them , and also those which came from the sea side with Philoxemus and Menander , with his Macedon squadrons . Also he caused his navy to be often exercised ; and whereas there were often sea fights made in the river of Euphrates , between the Triremes , and the Quadriremes , ( i. e. ) between the ships of three , and those 4 of tire of oares , upon the River Euphrates , and as well the Marriners , as the Commanders in them laboured hard to outdoe their adverse party , he ever bestowed Crowns , and honoured them that did best herein . When upon a time , as he was bestowing those companies which came with Philoxenus and Menander , among his Macedon Squadrons , he happened to be a thirst ; as Arrianus reports out of Aristobulus , and went a little aside , from the throne whereon he sate , and some also of his Nobles which sate on either hand of his throne , left their seats also and attended him , it fell out , that a certain mean party , ( some say one that was committed to custody , but without irons upon him ) came through the middest of all the bed-chamber-men , and other Officers , which stood thick about the throne , and sate himself down upon the kings seat : and when the Bed-chamber-men , durst not pull him out , because there was a Persian law to the contrary , they rent every man his cloaths , and beat their faces , and thumpt their breasts , as at a thing exceeding ominous to the King ; which when Alexander heard , he caused the fellow to be had presently to the rack , to know whether he had done it upon any designe or compact with others or no , and for what purpose : But when he answered that what he had done was only out of a light humor , and toy which came in his head , the wisards told him that it was by so much the worse signe ; and Diodorus saith , that by their advice , the poor fellow was presently killed for his labour ; to the end , that if there were any ill luck in it , it might all fall upon his own head : The same also , saith Plutarch , adding , that upon the rack , being asked who he was , answered that his name was Dionysius , a Messenian born , with some other answers which he made them . Some few dayes after , when the King had sacrified to his gods , in thanksging for his good successes ; and had added thereto something more than ordinary by the advise of the Priests or Wisards , he fell a feasting with his Nobles ; and sate up at it , ti● late in the night : he also distributed beasts for sacrifices among the souldiers , and gave wine among them to be drunk . And when he was now breaking up , and going away one Medius a Thessalian , had prepared a banquet , and invited him and all his company to it ; at the banquet there sate twenty guests ; to every of which , Alexander drank a several health , and they the like to him again , as Athenaeus reports out of certain memorials , commonly attributed to Nicobulus , [ lib. 10. cap. 11. & lib. 12. cap. 18. ] Now when Alexander had called for a cup , containing two gallons and an odde quart , as Ephippius Olynthius , in a book which he wrate of the deaths and burials of Alexander and Hephaestion , reported by Athenaeus , [ lib. 10. cap. 11. ] and commanded Proteas a Macedon , to pledge him ; Proteas cried , let come , and having in many words spoken much honour of the King , took the cup , and drank it off with such a grace , that all the table commended him highly for it : a while after , Proteas called for the same cup again , and drank it off to the King ; and Alexander took and pledged him a great draught , but could not drink it off , but let the cup fall out of his hand , and lay along upon the cusheon , and presently fell sick and dyed , and this was that Herculean fatal cup to Alexander , of which besides Diodore , and Plutarch , [ Seneca also in his 83 Epistle , ] maketh mention ; with which we may compare also , what Athenaeus saith , [ l. 11. c. 17. and Macrobius , l. 5. Saturnal . c. 21. ] Aristobulus saith , that when he gr●w light headed with his fever , and withal very thirsty , he called for a draught of wine , and that cast him into a phr●nsie ; and ●o upon the 30 day of the month Daesius , that is , upon the 24 of our May , departed . Others say that he dyed upon the 6 day of the month Thargelion , with the Athenians , as Elian hath it , [ lib. 2. Var. Histor. cap. 25. ] which answers to our 18 of May : In the Diaries or Day books , kept of the Kings actions , it is said that he died the 28 of the month Daesius , or 22 of our May : wherefore sure it is , that dye he did in the month Daesius , according to the Macedon account , and in the month of May with us ; though upon what day of the month , Authors do not agree . Out of the said Diaries , what things fell out in the time of his sicknesse , Arrianus and Plutarch do very particularly declare , but who was the true author of those D●aries , or daily remembrances of what he did or said , neither of them tells us ; whether Eumenes Cardianus , or Diodorus Erythreus , or else Strattis Olynthius : for he also wrate a Diary of his actions in foure books , and one particular book of his death , as Suidas teacheth us : But whose soever Diaries they were , forasmuch as we can have nothing more plainly or more assuredly delivered , than what we find in them , therefore have I thought it good here to set down what I find in Plutarch , delivered out of them , comparing all along , the dayes of the Macedonian Daesius and our month of May , together , out of my own discourse of the Macedonian year . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. ( i. e. ) the eigteenth day of the month Daesius ( May , 12. ) he slept in a bath for his fever . The next day ( May 13. ) having washed , he went to his chamber , and spent that day there at dice with Medius , then washing again , toward the evening , and having been at his devotions , he ate his supper somewhat greedily , and the night following had a sore fit of a fever . Upon the 20 day ( May 14. ) having washed , he offered Sacrifice very solemnly again , and lying along in a bath , he heard Nearchus while he related to him such things as had happened in his voyage ; and what wonders he had seen in the Ocean , ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) ( i. e. ) ( our May 15. ) when he did the like , his fever increased upon him . The day after ( May 16. ) his fever grew very sharp upon him , and he was carried to lie in a Chamber near the great pool , or swimming place , where he had speach with his Commanders , of putting approved men in places of office , when they happened to fall void , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) ( i. e. ) upon the 24. ( May 18. ) finding his sicknesse to encrease upon him , he offered sacrifice , to which he was carried , and commanded the chief Commanders and Captains which were then in Court , to stay with him ; but the Centurions and Corporals , to attend without and watch . Being carried into the innermost lodgings of the Court , ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) Vpon the 25 day ( May 19. ) he had a little ease , but his fever left him not . But when the Captains came to him , he spake not at all unto them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and likewise upon the 26 , ( May 20. ) whereupon the Macedons , thinking that he had been dead , came flocking with a great noise to the Chamber door , and threatned the Nobles which were there , if they would not let them in . The doors hereupon being set open , every common souldier passed by his bed side . The same day , Pithon and Seleucus , who were sent to Serapis his temple , to know whether Alexander should be removed thither or noe , brought answer back from the Oracle , that he should stay where he was , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( i. e. ) Vpon the twenty eight day , ( May 22. ) in the evening he died . Now whereas I said , that the Macedons all passed by the Kings bed side , it is to be understood , that they came in at one dore , and went out at another , [ Lucian in Pseudom . ] And allbeit he was grown weak and faint with the violence of his sicknesse , yet he raised himself upon his elbow , and gave every one of them his hand to kisse as he passed by , [ Valer. Max. lib. 5. cap. 1. ] and which is more , and may seem incredible in it self , look in what posture he put himself , at their first coming in , in the same ●he continued , till every man to the very last , of all that army , had kissed his hand , [ Curt. lib. 10. c. 7. ] When the souldiers were gone , he then turned him to his Nobles , and demanded of them , whether they thought they should find them a King like to himself or no ? and when no man answered him to that question ; then again he said , that as he could not tell that himself , so that one thing he foresaw , and could foretell , how much Macedon blood would be shed , before this controversie would receive an end , and with what vast slaughters , and effusion of blood , they would solemnise his funeral , and sacrifice to his ghost , when he was gone ; and so gave order for his body to be carried to the Temple of Ammon , and there buried , [ Justin l. 12. c. 15. ] And when his Nobles asked him to whom he would leave his kingdom , his answer was , fortissimo , ( i. e. ) to the strongest , and withall , took off his signet , and gave it to Perdiccas : whereby they all conceived , that his meaning was , to commend the government of his kingdom to his care and trust , till his children should come to age , [ Em●l . Probus in Eumene . ] And again , when Perdiccas asked him , When he would have Divine Honours performed to him ? his answer was , When they were all grown happy . Eratosthenes in his Canons , ( mentioned by Clemens Alexandrinus lib. 1. Srom. saith ) that 12 years passed between the death of Philip , and the change , ( i. e. ) the decease of Alexander , which is the very number given him , [ lib. 1. Maccabae , cap 1. 8. and in both the Chronicles of the Jews , as also in Tertullian , lib. cont . Judaeos . cap. 8. in Porphyrie , cited by Euseb. pag. 124. in Scaligers Greek edition of him , In Rufinus , In Josepus , his Antiquities , lib. 12. cap. 2. in Orosius , lib. 3. in Ierom and Theodoret upon Daniel cap. 11. ] though A. Gellius , [ lib. 17. cap. 21. ] giveth him but 11 years . Julius Africanus , and out of him Eusebius , 12 years and six months , [ Diod. Sic. ] 12 years and seven moneths , Livie , and after him Emil. Probus in Eumene , allow him 13 years . Nor is there any lesse difference among Authors , concerning the years of his life , than there is of his reign . Whereof Cicero in his fifth Philippic speaking , saith , What shall I speak of Alexander the Macedon , when he set himself upon great achivements from his very youth , was he not take off by death in the 33 year of his age , which is lesse by ten years , then with us a man can by law , be made a Consul . Justin [ in the last chap. of his 12 book , ] saith that he died at the age of 33 years and one month : yet [ Philostratus , lib. 2. de Vit. Sophista : in Herodes . Euseb. in Chron. and in his first book , de Vita Constanti . and Jerome , upon c. 8. and c. 11. upon Daniel , ] and sundry other writers following Eusebius , [ in Chron. ] allow him to have lived no more than 32 years : All which are neverthelesse to be reduced to that rule delivered by Arrianus , [ lib. 7. pag. 167. ] 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. ( i. e. ) He lived , 2 years , and took up 8 months of the 33 year : as Aristobulus saith ; But he reigned twelve years , and those 8 months over . Immediately upon Alexanders decease , there arose such a difference and dispute between the Horse and Foot Companies of the army , for the settling of the present State of things , that they were ready to fall all in pieces , and to take up armes about it . Yet by the advice of the Nobles and Commanders , it was at length accorded , that the Supreme authority , or rather a bare name and shadow thereof , should be committed to Aridaeus , brother to Alexander , and son to his father Philip , begotten upon one Philinna of Larissa , a common dancer ; as [ Athenaeus , lib. 13. cap. 13. ] reports out of one Ptolomaeus , son of Agesarchus , in his History of Philopater , and a whore to boote , [ as Justin. lib. 13. cap. 2. and Platarch in the end of his Alexan. ] say . And having by common consent proclaimed him King , they called him by the name of Philip ; to whom also was joyned , the son that Roxane then went withal , and was eight moneths gone with child , begotten by Alexander , as Justin in the place aforesaid hath it , or six , as Curtius , [ lib. 10. cap. 10. sayes . ] As for his son Hercules , who then lived at Pergamus , because he was gotten upon Barsine , who was never married to Alexander ; therefore was there no regard had of him in this settlement of the kingdom . And because Aridaeus himself was but a weak spirited man , not thorough any natural infirmity of his own , as Plutarch noteth in the end of the life of Alexander ; but by such slibber-sauces , and drugs as Olympias had procured to be given him , therefore was Perdiccas , to whom Alexander delivered his Signet at the hour of his death , made Regni 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : ( i. e. ) Lord Protector , or Steward , and in effect absolute King it self . The charge of the army , and of all affairs , was committed to Meleager , the son of Neoptolemus , with or under Perdiccas . The command of the Horse , which was the most Honourable charge in all the army , and which after Hephaestions death was given to Perdiccas , was now assigned to Seleucus , the son of Antiochus , yet with , or under Perdiccas , as the other was . The oversight also of the kingdom , and treasure thereof , was commended to Craterus his trust , [ Diod. in the beginning of his 18 book , Justin. lib. 13. cap. 1 , 2 , 3 , 4. Curt. lib. 10. cap. 10 , 11 , 12. Plutarch , in Eumene & Alexan. Dioxippus and Arria . in their books written of what passed after the death of Alexander , in Phot. Bibliot . cod . 82. & 92. Appian . in his Syriaca . pag. 120. 124. ] Censorinus in his discourse , De die natali , notes , that the years of Philip , are to be reckoned from the death of Alexander , taking alwayes the rise therein from the first day of that moneth , which with the Egyptians is called Thoth . For the Egyptian Astronomers applying this computation of times for more easie reckoning sake , to their own account , make the head thereof to be the first day of Thoth , in the beginning of the 425. year of Nabonasar ; to wit , upon the 12 of November , according to the Julian account , 4390. in the seventh moneth before the true time of Alexanders death . And from the beginning of that moneth Thoth it is , that Ptolomei in his Manual Canons of Astronomy ( not yet published ) deduceth the Epochs or risings of all the Stars , of which he in his Preface Ad Syrus . saith , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. Here are fixed the Epoches , or heads of all accounts , according to the Meridian of Alexandria , which is in Egypt , from the first day of the Egyptian moneth Thoth , of the first year of Philip , who succeeded Alexander , the Founder of this City . Not of Philip the father of Alexander , ( as some have imagined ) but of Philip , brother and next successor unto Alexander ; whom the Alexandrians for Honours sake , call , as indeed he was , their Founder : adding , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. ( i. e. ) For from the first day of his ( meaning Philippus Aridaeus ) reign , the times of the Manual Canons of Ptolomei , ( who in them followeth the common account , or Calendar of the Egyptians ) being taken , and according to the rectifying of the Egyptian year ( reduced to the Alexandrian account , which Theon also used in his Canon ) are reckoned ; as we find also , in the Greek Collections published by Scaliger , in his Eusebian Fragments , [ pag. 48. ] Whence it is also , that in the Epistle to Apollophanes ( falsely attributed to Dionysius Areopagita : found in Hilduinus , in his Areopagatica ) these Astronomical Tables are called , The Canon of Philippus Aridaeus . And now had the dead body of Alexander laien seven dayes , as Justin sayes , ( for Elian sayes 30. ) [ Var. Histor. lib. 12. cap. 64. ] upon his Throne , whiles all mens thoughts were taken up about the settling of the present state , and could not heed , what belonged to the solemn Obsequies belonging to the deceased : and yet was there not in all that time found any putrifaction , or the least discolouring of the flesh upon his body : but the very vigor of his countenance , which is the proper effect of the spirit that is in a man , continued still the same ; wherefore the Chaldeans and Egyptians , were commanded from thence forward to take care of the body ; and they when they came about it , durst not at first approach to touch him , as if he had been still living : but anon after , saying their prayers , that it might be no sin unto them being but mortals to lay their hands upon so divine a body , they fell to work , and dissected him ; and the golden Throne wherein he lay , was stuffed all with Spices , and hung about with Pennants and Banners , and other emblemes of his high State and Fortune , [ Curt. lib. 10. in fi . ] The care of his funeral , and providing a chariot to carry the body into the Temple of Ammon , was committed to Aridaeus , whether the King , as Justin hath it , [ lib. 13. cap. 4. ] and Dexippus , as we find in Scaligers Greek fragments of Eusebius , [ pag. 84. ] or rather to some other Aridaeus , of whom we shall see more anon , out of Diodorns , year 2. Olymp. 114. ] in which provision making , he spent two whole years , [ Dodor . year 3. Olymp. 114. ] and Olympias seeing him lye so long unburied , in great grief of heart , cried out , and uttered these words ; O my son ( said he ) thou that wouldest needs be counted among the gods , and keptst such a do about it , canst not now have that which every poor man hath , a little earth and burial , [ Elian. Varia . Histor. lib. 13. c. 30. ] Mean while Sisygambes the mother of Darius , hearing of his death , sunk under the burthen of her sorrow for it ; and covering her self with mourning attire , when her neece and nephew , Drypetis and Oxathres , came and fell at her knees , she lookt away from them , and would neither eat nor see the light any more , and so the fifth day after , dyed of hunger , [ Diod. l. 17. in fi . Curt. l. 10. cap. 8. ] Roxane being great with child , and seeing her self therefore , courted by the Macedon army , grew into emulation with Statira , eldest daughter to Darius , and one of Alexanders wives , as her self was : and by her letters invited and requested her to come unto her : but as soon as she came , she caused both her and her sister Drypetis , Hephaestions Relict , to be murthered ; and threw both their carcases into a well , and cast earth upon them : not without the privity and assistance of Perdiccas , as Plut. [ in the end of the life of Alex. ] saies . Roxane was a while after , delivered of a son , whom they named Alexander : and the common souldiers proclaimed him King , [ Arria . in Biblioth . Phot● , ca. 92. ] with Pausanias in his Attica , and Dexippus , in Scaligers Greek fragments of Eusebius , [ pag. 48. ] Perdiccas gave order for the purification or cleansing of the whole army by a solemn sacrifice ; because of the death of the King , and great dissention fallen among them thereupon . Now the Macedonian manner of cleansing the army was thi● : They cut a dogg in two : and laid the one half on the one side , and the other , on the other of the field , where the army was to come , and to make them passe solemnly , and , as it were , in procession between them : Now as the army passed , Perdiccas caused some 300 souldiers , which followed Meleager , when in the first assembly of the Macedons , alter the decease of Alexander , he arose , and in a mutinous manner left them , and threw them among the Elephants , to be trod in pieces by them : all which he did in the open sight of the army , and in the presence of Aridaeus himself , whom ( nothing differing from a very Innocent ) Meleager had caused to be , as it were , wrapt in purple clouts like a child , and put into the Royal Throne , as Plutarch [ lib. 2. de fortuna Alexandri , ] saith . And Meleager for the present , because no violence was offered to his own person , stirred not : but presently after , seeing his life was sought , fled to a Sanctuary , and was there taken and slain ; [ Justin , lib. 13. cap. 4. Curt. lib. 10. cap. 12. Arrianus in Photius . ] D●odorus [ lib. 2. year 4. Olymp. 18. ] affirmeth that Alexander made his last Will and Testament , and left it to be kept at Rhodes ; and Ammia , [ Marcellinus , lib. 23. ] seems to say , that therein his will was , to leave all in the hands and power of one man : and Q. Curtius , Some , saith he , have been of opinion , that a distribution of the Provinces was made by Alexander , in his last Will and Testament : but we have found , that , that was but an Idle report , though delivered by sundry Authors , [ l●b . 10. c. 13. ] Neverthelesse , the Author of the first book of Machabeis , seemeth to follow that first opinion , as delivered and believed by so many Authors , as it was ; and saith that Alexander in his own life time , parted his kingdom among his most illustrious and noble officers . And the Chronologer of Alexandria ( out of whom , those barbarous and broken Latin fragments publ●shed by Scaliger , pag. 58 , and 59. are taken ) affirmeth , that , that division of the Provinces , which Justin [ lib. 13. cap. 4. Curtius lib. 10. cap. 13. Arrianus in Photi● B● blioth . ca. 92. Dexeippus ibid. ca. 82. ] and other writers report to have been made by Perdiccas , was none other than that which was comprised in that will : which , as may be gathered out of them all , comparing one with another , was in this manner . In Europe all Thrace , with the Chersonese and other nations bordering upon Thrace as far as Salmydessus , a city standing upon the Euxin sea , was committed to Lysimachus , the son of Agathocles , a Pellaean born : but that Region which lay beyond Thrace , belonging to the Illyrians , Triballi , and Agrians , and Macedonia it self , and Epirus , stretching as far as the Ceraunian mountaines , with all Greece , was assigned to Antipater , and Craterus : and so much for Europe . In Africa , all Egypt , and what ever else Alexander had gotten , in Cirenaica , or Lybia , with all that part of Arabia which borders upon Egypt , was allotted to Ptolomei , the son of Lagus , who , as Pausanias in his Attica sayes , was by the Rhodians , honoured with the surname of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( i. e. ) a Deliverer . The truth is , that the Macedons ever held Ptolomei for a base son of Philip , Alexanders father : for his mother Arsinoe , being great with child by Philip , was by him put off , and married to a poor fellow of Macedon , called Lagus : whereupon it was , that when after a while , ( as Plutarch in a discourse of his , De ira cohibenda : ( i. e. ) of suppressing a mans choler , saith , Ptolomei to put a jeer upon a poor schoole-master , would needs ask him , who was Peleus his father : he asked him again , and I pray Sir , said he , Who was Lagus his father ? intimating thereby the basenesse of his birth by the fathers side , [ See Curtius , lib. 9. cap. 1. Pausanias in his Attica . pag. 5. in the Greek edition of him at Fracford , and Suidas in the word Lagus . ] But , to return to where we left , Cleomenes , who was left by Alexander , to gather up the tributes and other incomes of those parts , was commanded to deliver over that Province unto him , and to hold his office , as under him : and because Ptolomei presently upon the death of Alexander entered upon that Province , and died not till full 40 years after ; thence it is that Lucian , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : ( i. e. ) in his discourse of long-lived men ) and in the fragments of Eusebius , published by Scaliger , [ pag. 49. and Porphyrie , ibid , pag , 225. and Clemens Alexan. Stromat . 1. and Eufeb . in Chron. and Epiphanius in his books of weights and measures : ] and others say , that he reigned 40 years in Egypt , after whom his posterity down to Cleopatra , held that kingdom , under the title and name , and common notion , of Ptolomeis . In the lesser Asia , all Cappadocia and Paphlagonia , and all the Regions lying upon the Euxin Sea , as far as Trapezond , a Colony of the Sinopenses , which Alexander , being taken up with the more weighty war against Darius , had not leisure to subdue as he went , were assigned to Eumenes Cardianus ; with a charge to make war upon Ariarathes , who onely ever stood out against Alexander . As for Antigonus , he was made Governour of Pamphylia , Lycia , Lycaonia , and Phrygia the Great . The lesser Phrygia , which lies upon the Hellespont , was committed to Leonatus . The government of Lydia , not onely of the inland country , but also along the sea coast , taking in Eolia and Ionia , was given to Maenander ; who had it formerly by grant from Alexander himself , [ as Arrianus , lib. 3. pag. 56. saith , ] for whom , the name of Meleager , is mis-put by Diodorus . Caria was given to Cassander the son of Antipater , and Cilicia , and Isauria , to Philotas . In the upper and greater Asia , all Syria , and Phoenicia , was committed to Laomedon , a Mitylenaean borne . The pety kings of the Isle of Cyprus , for a while held every man his State , as they had it granted to them respectively by Alexander . Neoptolemus was set over Armenia , Arcesilaus over Mesopotamia , Archon over the Province of Babylonia ; Atropates , father in law to Perdiccas , was left Governour of Media by Alexander himself . In this par●age making , [ Justin. lib. 13. cap. 4. ] and Orosius [ lib. 3. cap. 23. ] say that Atropates was made Governour of Media the greater , and Perdiccas his father in law , of the lesser ; not remembring that Atropates , and Perdiccas his father in law were all one man. But having afterward better considered of the matter , in a second distribution made by Antipater in Triparadiso , he acknowledgeth that Media was assigned to Pithon , [ lib. 15. pag. 660. ] Nor is it likely , that the son in law would any way diminish the authority of his father , The Rule and Government of the hither Bactria and Sogdiana , was put into the hands of Philippus : yet so , as that Oropius was joyned with him in the Satrapie of Sogdiana , who yet , as Dexippus saith , when he had received that kingdom of Alexanders bounty , was put from it again for treason : But in the Government of Persia , Pencestes of Hircania , and Parthia , ( for they went together , as Strabo , lib. 11. pag. 514. witnesseth ) was Phrataphernes , in Carmania , Tlepolemeus , in the further Bactria and Parapamisus , Oxyartes , or Oxathres , the father of Roxane , Alexanders wife , in Aria and Drangiana , bordering upon Taurus , Stasanor of Solos , in the Province of Susa , Scynus , in Arachosia and Gedrosia , S●byrtius , as they were there placed by Alexander , so were they now suffered to continue in them . All the coast of India from Paropamisus , and from the place where the Acesines and Indus meet , down to the very Ocean , was committed to the charge of Pithon the son of Agenor , as that of the Oxydracans and Mallians to Eudemus , al. Eudemon , Commander of the Thracian companies : and the rest of India , to King Porus , and Taxiles , and to the son of Abisarus , who , as appears by what hath been said before , were all placed in those charges , by Alexander himselfe in his life time . When , upon this division so made , everyman had his share , as it were allotted him from heaven , they hence took occasion to encrease their power , at their pleasure for the most part : for not long after , as if they had not had governments , but kingdoms given them , so they bare themselves not as Deputies , but as absolute and soverign Kings and did not onely acquire great matters to themselves , but also left the same to their posterities after them , [ Justin. lib. 13. cap. 4. ] and so that vast Empire and name of the Macedons , immediately upon the death of Alexander , came to be rent and torn into several kingdoms , [ Livius lib. 45. ] yet no man took upon him the title of a King , so long as any of his children , survived , so respective were they of him , that though they had every of them the power of a King in his hand , yet they willingly refrained the title , so long as he had a lawfull heir of his body living , to succeed him , [ Justin. lib. 15. cap. 2 , ] All which was long before foretold by the Holy Ghost , [ Daniel 11. 4. ] Concerning the instructions given by Alexander to Craterus , Perdiccas referred the consideration of them , to the generall assembly of the Macedons ; which though they could not mislike , yet because they were exceeding high , and difficult beyond measure , to be brought to passe , therefore they ordered by a general consent , that none of them should be gone in hand withall , [ Diodorus year 2. Olympiade 114. ] The old Greek souldiers , which Alexander had left and planted in garrison and colonies in the upper Asia , and several provinces thereof , being toucht with a desire of returning home ; and seeing their native Country the rather for that they saw themselves , as it were ejected and cast out into a far remote corner of the World , joyned in an association , and revolted from the Macedonian state ; chusing for a head of this conspiracy , one Philo an Enian born : and now they were gotten to the number of 20 thousand Foot , and three thousand Horse together , all old tried and expert souldiers . Against these , Perdiccas dispatcht away Pithon , who had been one of the squires of the body to Alexander , and a man of a high spirit , and long versed in the mysterie of war , with three thousand Macedon Foot , and eight hundred Horse , drawn out by lot , with letters and instructions to the governours in all those parts , to furnish him , with 10 thousand Foot , and eight thousand Horse more . Now Pithon purposed to win unto him by all fair means possible , those old Grecians , that so joyning them with such other forces as he had of his own , he might be the better able to set up for himself , and reduce all those upper provinces , under his own subjection : which Perdiccas perceiving , to crosse his purpose therein , gave him expresse order ; that having overcome those Rebels , he should put them every man to the sword , and divide the spoil of them among his souldiers . But Pithon , having by intelligence , with one Lipodorus , who commanded a brigade of three thousand men among the Rebels , gotten the victory of them , went no further , but upon capitulation , licensed them to repair every man to his own home : which notwithstanding the rest of the Macedons , remembring the order given them by Perdiccas , fell upon them , and flew every man of them , and shared what they had among themselves . So Pithon , failing of his ends , returned with his Macedons to Perdiccas , [ Diod. ibid. Prolog . Trogi , lib. 13. ] As for Ptolomei , he , having quietly gotten into the possession of Egypt , demeaned himself fairely in all things toward the people of the land ; and possessing himself there of eight thousand talents , got an army together , of such as would serve for pay , sundry others also , for pure love , seeing his fair and impartial distribution of justice in his place , came into him . And being duly enformed that Perdiccas had a purpose , to wrest Egypt out of his hand , he leagued himself firmly with Antipater , [ Diod. ut . sup . ] and by good turns and gratifications , obliged the neighbouring Kings and Princes to his devotion , [ Justin lib , 13. cap. 16. ] and finding that Cleomenes , whom Perdiccas had put to him for a Lieutenant , was no better than a spie upon him , cut his throat , and placed strong garrisons of his own , over all the land of Egypt , [ Pausan , in Attic. pag. 5 : in the Greek and Latin edition . ] Leonatus and Antigonus , were commanded to put Eumenes by strong hand into the possession of Cappadocia and Paphlagonia . But Antigonus , out of the haughtinesse of his spirit , and presuming of himself , refused to obey Perdiccas his command herein . But Leonatus , coming with his army down out of the upper provinces , promised Eumenes to undertake the service for him . Neverthelesse , when Hecataeus , Tyrant of the Cardians , coming to Leonatus , advised him rather for the present to go and aide Antipater , and relieve the Macedons , which were besieged in Lamia ; he resolved forthwith to crosse the seas , and to put over into Macedonia ; and moved Eumenes himself , to go along with him , and to make an end with Hecataeus . But when Eumenes would not , and alleadged withall , that he stood in some fear of Antipater , Leonatus believed him , and kept nothing from him , of all that was in his heart : yet finding that he could not draw him over to his party , went about privily to murder him , and had done it , had not Eumenes , perceiving his purpose , got him privilie out of his quarters , for he stole away by night , with his carriages , having onely 300 Horse in his company , and 200 of his guard ; and five thousand talents in gold , after the rate of silver . And so coming to Perdiccas , disclosed all Leonatus his counsels to him ; whereupon Perdiccas took him in for a bosome friend , and swore him of the Council , [ Plut. and Emil. Pro. in Eumene . ] Leonatus , coming to help Antipater , was there slain in a fight by the Grecians , [ Diodorus year 2. Olymp. 114. Justin , lib. 13. cap. 5. Plutarch in Phocion , Arrianus in Photius . ] Thimbro , having caught Harpalus in Crete by a slight ( which Harpalus had , as I shewed before , fled thither out of Asia , and carried all the Kings mony with him : ) slew him , and got into his own hands all that treasure , and with his army and fleet , left Cydonia , a city in Crete , and with 6 , or ( as Diodorus hath it ) 7 thousand men , sailed to the countrey of Cyrene , being invited thither by the banditoes of the Cyrenians , and the Barcenses , [ Diodorus & Arrianus , ut supra . Strabo , lib. 17. cap. 837. ] There , in a fight against the Cyrenians , Thimbro made a great slaughter of them , and took many prisoners ; then seizing of their Port , and ready to take the City it self ; he drew them to a composition , upon these tearms , That they should pay him down five thousand talents ready money , and deliver into his hand , half their chariots ready furnished for a service : He sent Embassadors also to other neighbouring cities to joyne with him , pretending that he would make war upon Lybia , and subdue it : and moreover he laid hold on all the Merchants goods , that were in the Port , and gave them to the souldiers , to scramble for , thereby to make them the forwarder in his service , [ Diodor. ] Mnasicles , a man of Crete , one of Thimbrons Captains , but of a turbulent disposition , fell off from him to the Cyrenians , and by declaiming against Thimbrons cruelty and perfidiousnesse , perswaded them to break covenant with him , and to stand for their former liberties and freedom ; whereupon , when they had payed only six hundred of the five thousand talents , they would pay no more . And Thimbron , to cry quittance with them , seized on 800 of their men , whom he found in the Port : and coming with his own men and the Barcenses , and Hesperitans , all which joyned with him before the walls of the Citie , did what he could to take it ; but failing of his purpose , retired to the Port. [ Id. ] The Cyrenians , leaving a sufficient guard to keep the town , drew out the rest , and went a forraging into the neighbouring parts , and when these sent to Thimbro for help , he presently went with all the strength that he could make to relieve them against the Cyrenians : Mnasicles , espying this oportunity , and that there were few or no souldiers left in the Port , moved those who were left in the City , to sally out , and set upon the Port : and they being quickly perswaded , followed him , and fell upon it ; and by reason of Thimbrons absence with his men , easily took it : and such goods as they there found in specie , belonging to the Merchants , restored it all faithfully to the owners ; and Mnasicles fell presently to work , and fortified the Port against Thimbron , if he should return : This went ill on Thimbrons side , for that he had not onely lost the place , but with it , all his Provisions that were in it ; yet upon the taking of another town called Taricha , he renewed his hopes again , [ Id. ] Thimbrons Mariners and sea Souldiers , being turned out of the Port , knew not what to do for victuals , but were fain to go a free-booting into the country for it : and this , when they were daily forced to do , at last the Boors of the Country , knowing their haunts , laid wait for , and slew a great number of them , and took as many prisoners , as they had slain : They that were left , got a shipboard , and sailed away toward other confederate places . But being on their way , there fell a violent tempest , which sunk many of them in the sea ; those that escaped , some were driven a shoare in Egypt , and some in the Isle of Cyprus : All which put such heart into the Cyrenians bellyes , that they stuck not now to encounter Thimbron in the open field ; which they did , and in a battle slew many of his men , [ Id. ] Craterus departing from Cilicia , with six thousand of those old Souldiers , which came at first with Alexander into Asia , and four thousand more , of such as came to him upon the way , besides 1000 Persian Archers and Slingers , and 1500 horse , hasted all he could to the succour of Antipater , and came into Thessaly ; where yeilding the precedencie in all things to Antipater , they both sate down in camp together , upon the bank of the river Peneus . And in the month of Munichion ( our April ) next , fought a battle with the Grecians , and overthrew them , [ Id. with Arria . and Plut. in the lives of Phocion and Demosthenes . ] After Jaddus his son Onias succeeded in the Priesthood at Jerusalem , [ Joseph . Antiq. lib. 11. in fi . ] and there sate one and twenty years , [ Scalig. in Graec. Eusebius , pag. 50. ] Thimbro , having hired new souldiers from Taenarus in Laconia , where they wandred up and down , out of pay , began a fresh to make war upon the Cyrenians , and they on the contrary , praying in aide from the Africans and Carthaginians , made up an army , with their own men , to the number of 30 thousand . and put all upon the hazard of a battle : wherein after a long and bloudy fight , they lost a many of their men , and Thimbro had the better of the day . Then the Cyrenians , having lost all their own Commanders , made Mnasicles their General . Thimbro growing proud of this victory , set upon the port of Cyrene , and took it , and made every day an assault upon the City it self , to take it . But the siege continuing , and provisions failing , the Cyrenians began to mutiny among themselves ; the end whereof was , that the common people , who bare the sway for matter of power , thrust the richer sort out of the City , and they , being so thrust out , repaired , some to Thimbro , and others into Egypt , [ Diod. ut . sup . ] They who fled into Egypt , dealt with Ptolomei , to restore them into their Country ; and by his means , returned with forces both by land and sea , under the command of one Ophellas a Macedon , which coming to the ears of those which were gone to Thimbro , they prepared to fly over , and to joyn with Ophellas , but their intention being disclosed under hand to Thimbro , he put every mothers son of them to death . Then the leaders of the Commons of Cyrene , taking a fright at the return of their banditoes , made their peace with Thimbro , joyned with him , and in a main battle , were all utterly vanquisht , by Ophellas . [ Id. ] Thimbro , in his flight , was lighted on by some certain African Carters , who took and carried him to one Epicides , who held a Town , called Teuchira , in those parts , under Ophellas : and the men of that place , with Ophellas his leave , first scourged him with whips , and then sent him to be crucified at the port of Cyrene . But for as much as the Cyrenians continued still in combustions among themselves , therefore Ptolomei himself made a journy thither by sea ; and having by his presence setled all matters there , came back again by sea as he went , [ Arrianus , in Phot. Biblio . ] Perdiccas , having King Philip , and the Royal Army all at his command , made a journey against Ariarathes , the petty King of Cappadocia , for that he had not received Eumenes for Governour there , as he was commanded . Ariarathes , at that time , had gotten together a great army , 30 thousand Foot , and 15 thousand Horse : In two severall fights , Perdiccas slew four thousand of his men , and took six thousand prisoners ; and among them Ariarathes himself : and both him and all that were allied to him , he first tortured , and then crucified . The rest he pardoned , and having setled all matters in Cappadocia , committed the Government of it to Eumenes , according to the first establishment , [ Diodor. with Arria . and Plut. in Eumene , and Appian in his M●thridatica , pag. 175. ] Eumenes committed the several cities of his Government , to his most trusty friends , and appointed them Garrisons , with Judges , and gatherers of his tributes , such as pleased him best , without any interposing of Perdiccas : which done , he returned with Perdiccas , both in respect to him , as also , that he might not be a stranger at Court , [ Plut. ] Perdiccas , and Philip the King , leaving Cappadocia , went into Pisidia , with a purpose there to destroy two Cities , one of the Larandaeans , the other of the Isaurians , for these in Alexanders life time , had slain Balacrus the son of Nicanor , whom he had set over them . Laranda therefore they took at first assault ; and putting all that were of age to the sword , they sold away the rest for slaves , and laid the City levell with the ground : those of Isau●us , seeing themselves besieged , set the City on fire over their own heads , with purpor●e to consume both it and themselves with it , to ashes . But the souldiers , to whom Perdiccas had given the spoil of the City , quencht the fire , and by that means , found great store of silver and gold there , [ Diodorus year . 2. Olympiade 114. ] Justin sayes , that this was done by the Cappadocians , when they saw Ariarathes overcome , [ lib. 13. cap. 6. ] and Orosius , treading in his steps , sayes the same . [ lib. 3. cap. ult . ] Jollas , the son of Antipater , and Archias , came to Perdiccas out of Macedonia , bringing with them Nicaea , Antipaters daughter , to be his wife . Perdiccas , long before , whiles his estate was yet unsetled , had b●trothed her . But now , that he had gotten the Royal Army , and administration of the kingdom quietly into his hands , he purposed to marry Cleopatra , daughter to Philip , the father of Alexander , and Alexanders own sister , especially by the procurement and setting on of Eumenes , yet that he might the more easily procure a supply of the Macedonian youth , and that he might not have Antipater for an opposite in his undertakings , he married Nicaea when she came , being drawn thereto principally by the advise and perswasion of his brother Alcetes , [ Diod. and Arria . with Justin , l. 13. c. 6. ] Cinna also , another daughter of Philips , and sister likewise of Alexanders , but not by the same mother , brought her daughter Adea , which was afterward called Euridice , to be married to Philippus Aridaeus : But Perdiccas and his brother Alcetes , between them , dispatcht her out of the way : whereupon the Macedons began to grow into a combust●on , and Perdiccas to quiet them , was fain to give her daughter in marriage to Arideus , [ Arrian . in Photius . ] where she is named , not Cynna , but Cynane : which yet in the same Arrianus , [ lib. 1. de Gest. Alex. p. 5. is called Cyna : and by Diod. year 1. Olymp . 116. and by Athenae . l. 13. c. 2. Cynna . ] Perdiccas sent away Eumenes out of Cilicia , under a colour of looking to his own government in Cappadocia , but indeed , that he might have a care of Armenia , to keep it in due order ; because Neoptolemus sought to make some innovations there : But Eumenes by fair words , prevailed so far with him , though a man of a high , and an intemperate spirit , as to keep him quiet , [ Plut. in Eumen. ] Eumenes , finding that the Macedonian Squadron grew insolent and fierce , raised an army of horse out of the Provincials in those parts , remitting to them all paiment of tribute , and granting them other immunities . He furnished also them whom he most trusted , with horses at his own charge ; kindling their affections towards himself with his largesse and bounteous favours bestowed among them , and keeping them in breath and exercise , by continual labours and journies , which he put them upon : so that in a short time he had gotten together six thousand three hundred and sixty Horse , [ Id. Ibid. ] Antipater and Craterus together in Greece , made war upon the Aetolians ; whom when Craterus his old souldiers , compelled by continual alarmes , to lye abroad in the snow , in the winter season , they were ready to perish for want of victuals , [ Diodorus . Ibid. ] Eumenes carried Perdiccas his presents to Cleopatra lying at Sardes ; for that Perdiccas was now resolved to rid his hands of Nicaea , Antipaters daughter , and to take Cleopatra to be his wife , and so much Menander , the Governor of Lydia , signified to Antigonus , who was an intimate friend to Antipater . [ Arrianus , ] And when Perdiccas , laying every day false crimes to Antigonus his charge , sought unjustly to put him to death , he made shew , as if he desired to come to a hearing ; but under hand , finding a ship of Athens in the rode , got privily into her , with his son Demetrius , and some other of his friends , and fled away into Europe , there to joyn with Antipater , [ Diodorus . ] When Aristander , a Southsaier of Telmessa , had given it out , that it was revealed to him by the gods , that the land where Alexanders body should rest , should prove the most happy of all others , and forever free from all forreign invasions and incursions of the enemies ; much emulation grew among the Nobles of Macedon , who should get the body of him into his hands : but principally between Perdiccas and Ptolomei the son of Lagus , [ Elian. l. ●2 . c. 64. ] Perdiccas dealt with his friends to have it carried to Egos , [ Pausan. in his Attica , p. 5. ] But Aridaeus , who had the body in his keeping , contrary to Perdiccas his will , went and carried it to Ptolomei : taking his journey , from Babylon , by Damascus , into Egypt . And although he met with many rubs cast in his way by Polemon , a fast friend of Perdiccas , yet he went through with it , and carried it into Egypt , as his purpose was , [ Arrian . in Phot. ] For having spent two full years in preparations for this funeral , the sumptuousnesse , and magnificence whereof is at large set down by Diodorus ; at length he removed the body out of Babylon , with an infinite company of workmen , to open and levell the waies where need should be , and others to attend the funeral following him : But Ptolomei with his whole army , went as far as into Syria to meet him , [ Diod. year 3. Olymp. 114. ] and there receiving the Corps , buried it first at Memphis , with all rites and ceremonies , after the Macedonian manner [ Pausan. in his Attica . pag. 5. ] and some few years after , removed it to Alexandria , [ Curt. l. 10. c. ult . ] which removal of it , yet was made by his son Ptolomaeus Philadelphus , and not by the father , [ as Pausanias intimates in his Attica , p. 5. of which , see more in Srrabo , l. 17. p. 794. ] Perdiccas , calling a Council of Captains and friends in Cappadocia , propounded to them , whether he should march with his army first into Macedonia against Antipater , or into Egypt against Ptolomei : some were of opinion to passe over first into Macedonia , but it was resolved , that it was the best way to begin with Ptolomei in Egypt , least when he had put over into Europe , and was engaged there , Ptolomei should come and possesse himself of Asia . Hereupon , Perdiccas gave unto Eumenes , besides what he had already , the provinces of Caria , Lycia , and Phrygia , and the government of all that part of Asia which lyeth between the mountain of Taurus , and the Hellespont , commanding him moreover to take charge of all the gendarmery in Cappadocia and Armenia in chief , and with them to attend the motions of Antipater and Craterus , and to fortifie all places upon the Hellespont , and to stop their landing , in case they should offer to passe the sea in those parts . Moreover Perdiccas gave order to his brother Alcetes , and Neoptolemus , that they should in all things attend the commands and orders of Eumenes ; but Eumenes he willed to do things , as he should think fittest for the present service , in his own discretion . Cilicia was taken from Philotas , and committed to Philoxenus : And Perdiccas himself moving from Damasc●s , to the end he might seem to have the better colour for what he went about to do , took Aridaeus , and Alexander the son of Alexander the great by Roxane , along with him ; and so set forward towards Egypt , to fight with Ptolemei , [ Diodor. Justin. lib. 13. cap. 6. Arria . Plut. Emil. Probus , in Eumene , Pausan. in his Attica . cap. 5. ] When Antipater and Craterus had heard by Antigonus , that Perdiccas having married Cleopatra , purposed to come for Macedon , and there as absolute King to remove them from their Governments ; they presently struck up a peace with the Eolians , and leaving Polysperchon , to manage all matters in Greece and Macedon , hasted into Hellespont in Asia side , amusing and abusing those who were appointed to keep that passage , by sending daily Embassies unto them . They sent also Ambassadors to Ptolemei , who was otherwayes a deadly enemy to Perdiccas , and a friend to them , and in like danger of Perdiccas , as they themselves were , and desired him to joyn with them . As also to Eumenes and Neoptolemus ; both which , were at that time at Perdiccas his devotion : and with Neoptolemus they prevailed to fall over unto them ; but with Eumenes they could not , [ Diodorus , Justin , ut sup . and Arrianus . ] Alcetes , Perdiccas his own brother , flatly refused to bear arms against Antipater and Craterus : and Neoptolemus envying the power of Eumenes , did not onely underhand joyn in society with them , but laid a traine to have blown up Eumenes , and to have taken his life , and to have betrayed all his army into their hands : which when Eumenes had discovered , he was forced to fight it out with the traitor in a pitcht field : wherein he made a great slaughter of Neoptolemus his men , took all his baggage , and drew the residue to serve him , and grew strong by the accesse of so many good Macedon souldiers to his former army . Neoptolemus getting away with 300 Horse onely , fled to Antipater and Craterus , and they again sent Ambassadors to Eumenes , to draw him over to their Party , promising that he should not onely hold what he had , but also have more Provinces added to him . But when he answered , that he would rather lose his life than break his word to Perdiccas , they divided their army in two ; with one Antipater marched into Cilicia , that going from thence into Egypt , he might there joyn with Ptolemei , against Perdiccas ; and the other stayed behind with Craterus , to try it out with Eumenes . Eumenes seeing the enemy coming on , and fearing least his souldiers , knowing against whom he was to go , would not onely not go with him ; but disband and flee from him , led them about by unknown wayes , where they might not easily hear how the squares went : and the rather for that there was a buzzing already among them , that Neoptolemus was recruted , and came on together with Pigris , with an army of Cappadocian and Paphlagonian Horse : and withal he so wrought it , by chusing his ground every where as he went , that he could force the enemy to come to a battle of Horse , wherein he knew he overtopt his enemy , and not of Foot , wherein he knew he was the weaker . His Foot was 20 thousand strong , some of one nation , some of another , and 5 thousand Horse ; upon whose valour he principally relied for the victory . Craterus had but little above 2 thousand Horse , and as many Foot as Eumenes : but they were all Macedons , old souldiers all , and of approved valour , and such as he well durst put the day upon . These met in Cappadocia ; Craterus had the right wing , Neoptolemus the left . Eumenes put none of his Macedons to fight against Craterus , but onely two Regiments of forreign Horse , led by Pharnabazus , the son of Artabazus , and by Tenedius of Phoenicia ; willing them , without any shouting , or word speaking , to fall on roundly upon him : and himself with a company of 300 Horse , flew in like lightening upon Neoptolemus . And Craterus truly for his part , led on very bravely , and in his own person valiantly behaved himself , but his Horse floundering , a certain Thracian , or rather as Arrianus , a Paphlagonian ran him into the side with his Lance , and bare him to the ground : In the fall , one of Eumenes his Captains knew him , and did what he might to have saved him , all wounded as he was , and giving up the ghost . Men while , Eumenes and Neoptolemus met , and grapling each with other , fell both off their horses to the ground ; that a man might easily see with how deadly a hatred they encountered each other , and that their spirits were more hostile than their bodies could be : being down , Eumenes wounded Neoptolemus in one of his hams , and his hamstrings being cut , he fell along ; yet his courage bearing him up , he raised himself upon his knees , and fighting on , gave Eumenes three wounds ; one in his arme , the other two in his thigh : but none of them being any way mortal , at the second blow , Eumenes made a full blow at him , and strook off his head ; which was about ten dayes , after the former victory which he gat of him , [ Id. ] Eumenes , seeing Craterus brought half dead out of the field , did what possibly might be done , to have saved his life : but when it would not be , he wept bitterly over him , and with out-spread arms lamented his case ; and in regard both of his high place , and also , of the former love that had been between them , buried him honorably , and sent his bones home into Macedon to his wife and children , [ Plut , and Emil. Pro. in Eumene . ] Both the Leaders being slain , and many others , especially of the better sort , taken prisoners ; the rest of the Horse fled back to the main squadron of the Foot , as to a sure defence : and Eumenes contenting himself with what he had done , sounded a retreit , and set up a trophy upon the place , and buried dis dead . But the Foot army , which was brought as it were , into a noose , whence they could not escape , without Eumenes his leave , desired quarter : and taking their oaths for their loyalty towards him , had leave to buy victual , in the places adjoyning . But having gotten victual , and recovered their strength , contrary to their oath , they went away , and returned to Antipater , [ Diod. with Arrian . and Emil. Probus . ] Perdiccas , with the two Kings , Aridaeus , and Alexander a young child , coming with his army into Egypt , encamped not far from Pelusium : where , whiles he busied himself in scowring an old ditch , an extraordinary inundation of Nilus , spoiled all his works . And although Ptolomei cleared himself , to the world of all those crimes which Perdiccas laid to his charge , yet contrary to the good liking and will of his Army , Perdiccas would needs proceed and make a war upon him , [ Diodorus and Arrianus . ] When Perdiccas at last saw that many of his friends forsook him , and fled over to Ptolomei , he assembled all his Commanders and Captains , and what with gifts , what with large promises , what with fairwords , and his sweet behaviour towards them , made them all sure to himself again . And then removing his Camp without any noise , in the grasp of the evening , encamped upon the bank of the River Nile ; not far from a certain Castle , called Murus Camelorum , ( i. e. ) a wall of Camels . And at day break , crossed the River with his Army and Elephants , and set upon the Castle , but was valiantly repulsed by Ptolomei , and glad to retreit to his Camp again . And the night following , he removed , and with all silence possible , came to a place over against Memphis , where the River parting , made an Island , fit to encamp in , but in passing the River , to come at it , he lost above two thousand of his men , of which no lesse than one thousand being long tost up and down in the water , were devoured by Crocodiles , and other monsters of the River . But Ptolomei took such bodies as were cast a shoar on his side the River , and bestowed all solemn Rites and Ceremonies of funeral upon them , and sent their bones to their friends and kinsmen in the Army . Whereupon , the minds of the souldiers , grew much more enraged against Perdiccas , and enclined to Petolomei than before , [ Diod. ] Then arose there a mutiny and sedition in the Camp , wherein the chief Commanders , to the number a hundred , fel off from Perdiccas , and among them , Pithon himself ; than whom there was not a braver man , for virtue and valour , and high esteem , among all Alexanders Nobles . But some of the Horse , conspiring together , made no more adoe , but went to his pavilion where he lay , and there slew him ; when he had now held that principality three full years , at least , the third year running . [ Id. with Arrianus and Iustin. lib. 13. cap. 8. Pausan. in Attic. pag. 5. and Emil. Prob. in Eumene . ] The next day , when the whole army was called together , Ptolomei crossed the River , and came to the two Kings ; and presenting both them , and other of the Nobles with honourable gifts , and behaved himself in all fair and humble manner to them all . And when he had excused himself for what he had done , finding that the army was distitute of provision , he supplied them with plenty of corn , and all other necessaries for their use . And he made it openly to appear , that he was hartily sorry , and bemoaned the present state and condition of Perdiccas his friends : and as he saw any Macedon in any distresse or danger , he did , what possibly he could , to relieve him , and help him out . Now albeit , being so gracious with all there , as he was , he might easily have gotten to be L. Protector of the two Kings , as Perdiccas was , yet he so far prevailed by his counsel with them , that when they met about that matter , all with one accord , cast the Protector ship of the two Kings , Aridaeus , and Alexander the young child , upon Pithon , who was the man that had formerly quieted the commotions of the Greeks in the upper Asia , and Aridaeus , which had formerly the charge of convoying the body of Alexander from Babylon , with sovereign power over all the armies ; in such manner and form , as Perdiccas had , according to the first establishment , [ Diodor. and Arrian . ] Two daies after the death of Perdiccas , there came news of Eumenes his victory , gotten in Cappadocia , and of the death of Neoptolemus and Craterus , which had it come but two dayes sooner , had , no doubt , saved Perdiccas his life , for who , upon that successe , durst have stirred against him ? But the Macedons , enraged for the death of Craterus , declared Eumenes for an open enemy , with 50 other Noble persons that were near about him ; among which , was Pitho Illyrius , ( for so I read them joyntly , in Justin , as also in Arrianus his Indica , [ pag. 185. ] 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : ( i. e. ) Pithon , the son of Crateus , of Alcomene ; which in Stephanus de Urbibus , is a City in Illyria ) and Alcetas the brother of Perdiccas : Generals , against them , were Antigonus and Antipater ; and to this purpose was Antigonus sent for out of Cyprus , and commanded , together with Antipater , to come to the two Kings presence in all hast , [ Diod. and Arria . with Just. l. 13. c. 8. and Plut. in Eumene . ] In Egypt also were put to death , all that had any reference to Perdiccas , and his sister Atalanta , whom Attalus the Admiral of Perdicoas , lying then with the fleet before Pelusium had married : He hearing of the death of his wife , and of Perdiccas , weighed anchor , and came to Tyrus , where Archelaus a Macedon , and Governor of the place , entertained him with all respect and love , and gave up the City , with 800 talents , which Perdiccas had deposited and left in trust with him , into his hands . Attalus , staying at Tyrus , received and relieved all such of Perdiccas his friends , as could escape and get away from the Camp , lying before Memphis , [ Diodorus . ] Euridice , the wife of King Aridaeus , would not that the two Protectors should do any thing of moment without her : and they at first said no Nay thereto . Yet afterward , they told her plainly , that she had nothing to do with matters of State ; only they said , they would have a care of her , till Antigonus and Antipater came . [ Arria . ] Pitho and Aridaeus , the two Protectors , removing from Nilus with the two kings , and the army , came to Triparadisus in the upper Syria : where , when Euridice would needs be over-busie and medling in matters of state , and would many times crosse the Protectors in their waies , Pithon , offended therewith , and the rather , for that he saw the Macedons enclined to obey her commands , called the Macedons together , and before them all , resigned his Protectorship : Thereupon they chose Antipater to bee Protector in his place , with all sovereign power belonging thereunto , [ Diodorus . ] The army now demanded of Antipater , performance of all those rewards for their long labour in the wars , which Alexander had made them . Antipater , when he had nothing to give them for the present , told them that their demands were just and reasonable , and that he would shortly look into the Kings Treasure , and find out whatever he had laid up : which speech of his gave the army little satisfaction : whereupon when Euridice also helped to lay load upon him , the minds of the common souldiers were stired up to a mutiny and sedition against him . At the same time Euridice made an open declamation against him , which was pronounced in the peoples hearing , by Asclepiodorus her Secretary . And Attalus seconded her , with another of his own ; so that Antipater had much ado to escape alive out of their hands : But Antigonus and Seleucus stood up in his defence , and therein ran a hazard of their own lives alsoe . Wherefore Antipater , having thus got clear of them , got him presently away to his own army , and then the chief Commanders of the Cavaleerie coming together , with much adoe , pacified the multitude , and so Antipater was sent for again , and willed to resume the sovereign power , and use it , as formerly he had done . [ Diod. ] After this , Antipater made a new distribution of the Governments of the Provinces in Triparadisus : wherein he partly ratified what had formerly been done in that kind , and made some alterations , as the the present state of things required : And for Ptolomei , he was bid to hold what he had , for it was hard to remove him to any other Government , seeing he had in a manner gotten Egypt by way of conquest to himself . But Mesopotamia , and the Country of Arbela , were assigned to Amphimachus the Kings brother , Babylon to Seleucus , Parthia to Philippus , Aria and Drangiana to Stasander of Cyprus , Bactria and Sogdiana to Stasanor of Solos in the same Island , Media , as far as to the Caspian Gates , Perdiccas his son in law being now dead , was taken from Atropates , and given to Pithon the son of Crateas , or Cratenas , whereupon Atropates , calling the lesser Media from his own name Atroperia , turned it quite away from the Macedonian Government , and made himself absolute King of it : and in succession from him , it continued down to Strabo his time , as himself testifieth , [ lib. 11. pag. 523. ] Antigenes , ( for whom Antigonus is falsely written in Diodorus ) Captain of the silver Targateers , because he was the first that set upon Perdiccas , had the Province of Susa given him for his pains ; and three thousand of the most turbulent Macedons in the late sedition to carry with him : The rest of the Provinces of the upper Asia , were left in the hands of such as had them before , save that Patala , the greatest City of all India , was upon this settlement , assigned to King Porus : as Arrianus saith ; which we can hardly believe . In the lesser Asia , Cappadocia , and with it Paphlagonia , were taken from Eumenes , and given to Nicanor . Lydia , ( not Lycia as it is read in Diodorus ) to Clytus ; Phrygia the lesser , as far as to Hellespont , to Aridaeus . Caria to Cassander , with Phrygia the greater , Lycaonia , Pamphylia , and Lycia , to hold them as he did before . In Diodore , is here read Cilicia , instead of Lycia : which himself a little before said was given to Philoxenus ; or rather as Arrianus hath it , was confirmed to him : for I shewed a little before out of [ Iustin. lib. 13. cap. 6. ] that Perdiccas had taken that Province from Philotas , and given it to Philoxenus . This Antigonus ( who because he wanted one eye , was nick-named , the Cyclops , [ Elian. lib. 12. Var. Hist. cap. 14. ] was by Antipater made General of the Kings army , and Commander of those Forces in particular , which Perdiccas had . He committed to him also the care of the two Kings , and sent him to make war upon Eumenes , being of himself very desirous of that imployment : whereupon it is , that [ Appianus in his Syriaca , pag. 121. ] sayes , that Antipater made him , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : ( i. e. ) Overseer of all Asia : and [ Diod. lib. 18. pag. 626. ] calls him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : ( i. e. ) absolute Commander of all Asia : but joyned with him his own son Cassander ( the Governour of Caria ) as his Master or General of the Horse ; to the end , that if Antigonus should go about to set up for himself , he might have an eye upon him , [ Diodor. and Arrianus . ] At the same time Antipater made Autolychus the son of Agathocles , Amyntas , the son of Alexander , and brother to Pencesta , Ptolemei the son of Ptolomei , and Alexander the son of Polyspercon , Squires of the body to the two Kings , [ Arria . ] and having gotten a great applause among all sorts of men for his well ordering , and due administration of things in his Protectorship , he set onward of his journey with the two Kings , toward Macedonia , [ Id. & Diodor. ] Eumenes , hearing that he was declared an enemy by the Macedons , and that Antigonus was sent against him , declared the matter of his own accord to the army ; least perhaps the fame of it coming otherwayes to their eares , might make matters worse than they were , or the novelty of it should damp their courage : at least he should thereby find how his army stood affected to him , and to dispose of himself , as he should see occasion , upon the general carriage of them thereupon : yet he told them plainly , that if an mans heart failed him upon this news , he should have free leave to depart , and go whither he would ; with which word , he so wan and fastned all mens hearts unto him , that they all bad him be of good cheer , saying , That they would cut that Decree of the Macedons in pieces with their swords , [ Iustin. lib. 14. cap. 1. ] Moreover when news of that Decree came to Alcetas the brother of Perdiccas , he presently fled , and ingratiated himself with the Pisidians ; for whiles he was among them , when ever he got a booty from the enemy , he gave one half thereof to them , and was ever affable and courteous to them in his speech , often inviting the principal of them to Feasts , and honouring them with gifts and presents , whereby he wan the hearts of all unto him , [ Diodor. pag. 623. ] Attalus also , who was chief Ammiral of the Navy , and who was with the first of them that fell off from Antipater , fled and banded himselfe with the rest of the now Banditoes : and gat together an army of 10 thousand Foot , and 800 Horse ; and with these going to possesse himself of Cnidus , Caunus , and Rhodes , was by Demaratus the Ammiral of Rhodes , valiantly put off , [ Arrianus . ] Eumenes took as many horses , Year of the World 3684 as he wanted out of the Kings breed , which was in the mount Ida : And when he sent an account for them in writing to the Kings Officers of the Revenue , Antipater laught at it , and said , that he wondered to see Eumenes so cautious , as to think , that either he himself would ever be accountable to them of the Kings goods , or look for an account of them from others . From hence he marcht with his army , not into Etolia , as it is in the printed Copies of Justin ; but as a Manuscript Copy hath it , into Etulia , or Etulane , which is a part of Armenia the lesse in Cappadocia ( as Isaacus Vossius , a most learned young man , and my very good friend , observed out of Ptolemei ) and there levyed monies of the Cities in those parts : and if any refused to pay contribution , he plundred them as so many enemies . And from thence again , he went to Sardes , and to Cleopatra , sister to Alexander the great , hoping that her presence would confirm his Centurions and other Officers of his army in their obedience unto him , as supposing that the right of Royal Majesty was on that side , on which the sister of Alexander stood , [ Justin. lib. 14. cap. 1. ] And when it so fell out , that Antipater took also Sardes in his way to Macedon , Eumenes would fain have put the matter upon a battle , in the fields of Lydia , both because he was the stronger in Horse , and because also he was desirous to let Cleopatra see , of what mettal he was made . But Clopatra , fearing lest Antipater and the Macedons might hereupon charge her to have been the author and abettor of this war against them , perswaded Eumenes to leave Sardes , Plutarch and Arrianus . Nevertheless Antipater when he came , forbare not to reproach her , with many fowl words , for having held correspondence with Eumenes and Perdiccas . But she , beyond what could have been expected from a woman , answered him again very stoutly , justifying her own actions , and laying the fault upon Antipater : yet so , as at last they parted fair , and upon good terms , [ Arria . ] Eumenes therefore left the Country of Lydia , and marcht away into the upper Phrygia , and there took up his winter quarters in Celaene , [ Plut. ] and dispatcht away messengers to Alcetas , and his associates ; advising them to draw their forces into a body , and to make head against a common enemy . But when they could not agree among themselves ; nothing was done , [ Arrian . ] for Alcetas , and Polemo , and Docimus , could not agree , who should be chief : Whereupon Eumenes cryed out and said , This is according to the old saying , Exitii nulla habetur ratio , ( i. e. ) There is no fence against destruction , [ Plutarch . ] Eumenes promising to pay his army within three dayes , set all the Towns and Cities of that Country , which was full stored with men and Cattle , to sale . Whereupon the Captains and Commanders took them off his hands , and receiving Engins of battery from him , went and entered by force upon them , and making sale of all , paid every man his company to the full , [ Id. ] Antipater , not daring as yet to fight with Eumenes himself , sent Cassander , to try the fortune of a battle with Alcetas and Attalus ; and fight they did , and parted upon equal termes , yet so as Cassander had the worse of it , [ Arria . ] Cassander , falling out with Antigonus , upon his father Antipaters perswasion , grew friends again with him ; yet meeting with his father in Phrygia , he advised him , not to keep himself far off from the Kings , nor to rely too much upon Antigonus . But Antigonus by his temperate and discreet carriage , and obsequious behaviour upon all occasions , did what he could , to make Antipater have a good belief of his sincerity to him , and loyalty to the cause . Whereupon Antipater , putting of all displeasure towards him , delivered into his hands , of those forces which he had brought with him out of Asia , 8500 Macedons , and as many Horse of his confederates , with one Moitie of his Elephants , being 70 in number , that with them he might go thorough with the war against Eumenes ; so Antigonus took upon him the management of that businesse ; and Antipater with the Kings , took his journey to returne to Macedon , [ Id. ] But then his whole army cryed out for gelt , and he promised them pay , when he came to Abydus ; and told them , that perhaps he would there bestow on them the whole donative , which Alexander had promised ; if not , yet at last the greater part thereof , feeding them therefore with this hope ; he drew them on quietly to Abydus : but when he came thither , he with the two Kings in his company , stale away by night , and put over the Hellespont , and went to Lysimachus . And the morrow after they followed him , without any further calling for their pay , So saith Arrianus [ in Biblio . Photii . cap. 92. ] and here Arrianus ends his ten books , which he wrate of the gests of Alexander . Antigonus drew all his forces out of their winter quarters , to march against Eumenes , and to subdue him , who at that time lay in Cappodicia , [ Diodor. ] Now there were billets cast about every where in Eumenes his Camp , promising 100 talents , and good conditions and offices besides : to him that would bring in Eumenes head to Antigonus , [ Justin lib. 14. cap. 1. Plut. in Eumene . ] Which when Eumenes perceived , he forthwith called all the souldierie together , and first thanked them all , for that in so great a multitude , there was none found , that would falsifie his oath taken to him , in hope of so bloudy a reward , and yet withall cunningly intimated to them , that these billets were of his own divising , to sound thereby their affections toward him , to the end , that if the enemy should do the like hereafter , the army might imagine , that it was still but a device of his to try them : Whereupon they all cryed out , and vowed their service , in the defence of his person , and preservation of his life . [ Justin. ] And thereupon they decreed among themselves , that there should out of the principal of the army , be chosen a thousand men , for his dayly guard , and that they should watch every night by turns about him , and they which were so chosen , were glad of the imployment , and wilingly received from his hand , such gifts , as the Macedon Kings used to bestow upon their Nobles : for Eumenes now took upon him scarlet Hats , and robes upon them , which among the Macedons was ever esteemed for a principal favour from their Kings , [ Plut. ] yet one of his chief Commanders , called Perdiccas , with 3 thousand foot , and 5 hundred horse fell from him , and was gotten 3 days journey on his way : and Eumenes dispatcht away Tenedius a Phenician , with 4 thousand choice foot , and a thousand horse to overtake them : which he did , and falling on them unawares , in the night time , whiles they were all asleep , took Perdiccas prisoner , and brought back all his souldiers to Eumenes , who pickt out the chief Authors of that defection , and put them to death , and distributed the rest by small parcels , among his other companies , speaking them faire , & using them courteously , and thereby wan their affections to himself again , [ Diodorus . ] After this Antigonus dealt , by a privie messenger , with Apollonides , one of the commanders of the Horse , under Eumenes , and by large promises , drew him to play the traitor with Eumenes , and in the midst of the fight , to forsake , and turne against him . Eumenes at this time encamped in the country of Orcynia , in Cappadocia , a place fit for horse to fight in ; and thither came Antigonus with his army , and took up all the upper ground , near the foot of the mountains , his army consisting of 10 thousand foot , most part whereof were Macedons , and men of admirable force and courage , and two thousand horse , and 30 Elephants : And Eumenes in his army had no lesse than 20 thousand foot , and 5 thousand horse . The battle began very fiercely on Eumenes his side : but Appolonides with his regiment of horse , falling suddenly off to the enemy , gave the victory to Antigonus : in that fight Eumenes lost 8000 men , and all his Carriages , [ Id. ] Yet Eumenes suffered not the traitor to escape , but whiles he was in acting of that vilany , took him , and hung him up : Himself fled by a contrary way to that which they that pursued him took , and turning back short , passed by the enemy , and came to the place where the battle was fought , and there encamped , and gathered together the bodies of his slain , and for want of other fewel in the place , took the doors and gates of the towns and villages thereabouts , off their hinges , and cleft them , and made piles of them to burn his dead withal , the Captains by themselves , and the common souldiers by theirs . In so much that Antigonus coming to the place afterward , stood amazed at this bold attempt of his , and undauntednesse of his high courage , [ Plut. ] After falling by chance upon Antigonus his carriages , though he might there have taken many a prisoner , many slaves , with much stuffe , yet fearing lest his men , having gotten so much wealth , should grow lesse forward to fight , and if need were , lesse able to fly , by reason of their luggage , gave order that every man should see his horse well fed , and refresh himself , and then be ready to set upon the enemy : mean while he privily sent to Menander , who was set to keep the enemies luggage , to remove immediately out of the plain , to the foot of the mountain , for fear of being suddenly surrounded by the enemies Horse , which when he , seeing the danger , speedily did , the enemy said that they were very much beholding to Eumenes , for saving their children from slavery , and their wives from ravishment : But Antigonus told them that Eumenes did it not for their sakes , but to the end he might not shakle & hinder himself thereby in his flight , [ Id. ] Eumenes went from thence , sculking here and there , and perswaded a great many of his men to leave him for the present , and to get them gone : whether out of an honest care which he had of them ; or because they were now grown too few to oppose the enemy , and yet were too many to conceale him in his flight . But when he was come to Nora , which was a strong castle , and which Strabo , [ l. 12. ] saith in his time , went by the name of Neroassus , ) a place seated upon the confines of Cappadocia and Lycaonia , with 500 horse , and 200 foot ( though Diodorus saith that there were not above 500 in all there , ) as many of his friends as desired his leave to be gone , because they could not brook , either the desolatenesse of the place , or the scarcity of victuals , that they there found , he gave it them freely , and embracing every one of them , in all faire and courteous manner sent them away : For the place it self was not above two furlongs in bignesse , and there was in it provision enough of corn , and salt , and water , but there was no store of fresh Cates to be had , [ Id. with Diodorus , and Justin , lib. 14. cap. 2. ] Antigonus , coming to the place , before he began any siege , sent to Eumenes to come to a parley , and when he required Hostages , Antigonus refused , but bad him come out as to his Superior : But Eumenes sent him word again , that as long as he ware a sword by his side , he would acknowledge no Superiour . Whereupon , when Antigonus sent him his own bothers son , called Ptolomei , as was required , Eumenes came forth : and they embraced each other very lovingly , and in all familiar manner . And having disputed of sundry matters , when Antigonus saw that he never mentioned any thing of his own security or pardon , but still demanded his former Governments to be confirmed , and recompence for his losses to be made unto him , the standers by stood amazed at it , and wondred at the constancie of his courage and magnanimity that was in him . And Antigonus told him , that concerning these articles , he would advise with Antipater : And so with much ado , returned him again into his Castle , safe from the violence of the multitude : And having built a double wall , with trenches round about the Castle , and le●● men enough to maintain the siege , removed his Camp , [ Ibid. ] After a while Eumenes sent messengers ( among which , one was Hieronymus the Historian , a town-born child of Cardia , as himself was ) to Antipater , for a pacification , [ Diodorus , and Justin , lib. 14. cap. 2. ] and in the mean time , he provided victuals for his company , and though his fare was short , yet he made good chear with what he had , admitting them all in their turnes to his table , where he entertained them with pleasant discourse , and familiar speeches , instead of better meat , [ Diod. and Plut. ] and then as often as he had a mind to it , out he would sally , and either burn or overthrow Antigonus his works , [ Emil. Prob. ] But fearing least by lying alwayes in one place , he should dry founder and lose all his horses , for want of breathing them , he gave order every day once to trusse up his horses with their fore feet above ground , and made them stand upon their hinder ; that so with striving and much strugling , they might gather heat and fall a sweating : and gave them boiled barly to eat , that they might the sooner dispatch it , and the better digest it : whereby it came to passe , that when at last he came out of the Castle every man wondred to see his horse so sat and sleek , as if they had been all the while kept in the best pasture of the country , [ Diodor. Iul. Fronti . stratag . lib. 4. cap. 7. Plut. and Emil. Prob. in Eumene . ] Ptolemei the son of Lagus , perceiving that Phoenicia , and Coelosyria , would be very commodious to him , both for the keeping of Egypt , and also for the acquiring of Cyprus bet his brains about it , how he might compasse them . Wherefore he tried , whether he could draw Laomedon , who was made Governour of those two Provinces , first by Perdiccas , and afterward by Antipater , to deliver them into his hand : offering him a vast summe of money for it . But not able to compasse it that way , he raised a greater army , made his trusty friend Nicanor General of it , and sent him to wrest it by pure force out of his hand : and he marching into Syri● , took Laomedon prisoner ; but he by bribing his keepers got away , and fled to Alcetus where he was in Caria : and Nicanor having in a short time subdued all Phoenicia and Syria , and put Garrisons in them , he returned into Egypt , [ Diodor. with Appia . in Syriac . pa. 121. and Pausan. in his Attica . pag. 5. ] Ptolemei , setting upon the parts of Phoenicia and Syria , and having gotten Hierusalem by a slight , carried thence to the number of 100 thousand men into Egypt : out of which , he selected 30 thousand of the ablest of them , whom he armed , and took into his army upon greater than ordinary pay , and committed his Garrison Towns and Castles in Egypt , especially to their trust . The rest he gave away for slaves among his souldiers , not so much of his own accord , as upon their importunity , who desired to have them rather than any other , for their necessary uses , and attendance in things belonging to the wars , [ Aristeos , in lib. de 70. interpret . with Ptol. Philadel . his epistle , eod . lib. Joseph . Antiq. lib. 12. cap. 1. Euseb. 2. in Chron. ] Of his taking of Hierusalem , Agatharchides Cnidus , writeth in this manner , in his book of the successors of Alexander the great , in Josephus [ lib. 1. cont . Apion . pag. 1050. with lib. 12. Antiq , cap. 1. ] They which are called Iews , saith he , dwell in a most fortified City , which the natives call Ierusalem ; these keep every seventh day Holiday : and meddle with no armes upon that day , nor with any part of husbandry , or any other manner of work whatsoever : onely holding up their hands in halowed places , they there stay praying till the evening with outstretched hands . And when Ptolemei the son of Lagus entered their City with his army , all men observed the folly of them that were set to keep it , and so the country came enslaved under a bitter master , and their law was found , to be naught else , but a foolish custom . Appian addes , that Ptolemei demolished the walls of the City : and that leaving Garrisons in Syria , he returned into Egypt by sea , [ in Syriac . pag. 119 , 121. ] Of this carrying away the Jewes captive into Egypt , Josephus speaketh in this wise , [ lib. 12. Antiquit. cap. 1. ] Ptolemei , saith he , carried away many captives out of the hill-country of Judaea , and places bordering upon Jerusalem , and from Samaria , and the mount Gerizim , into Egypt , and made them to dwell there . And finding that they of Hierusalem were most strict observers of any oath which they had taken , by the answer which they made to Alexanders Messengers , after the last everthrow of Darius , he thought fit to place many of them now in his garrisons , and castles : and when he had planted many of them in Alexandria , there to live enjoying the same privileges which the Macedons had ; he bound them all with an oath to be true liege men to his posterity , that had bestowed so great favours on them . And again in his [ 2 book cont . Apio . pag. 1063. ] Ptolomaeus Lagus , saith he , committed all his castles and places of strength to his Alexandrian Jewes , conceiving they would be kept most safe in their hands , in regard of their fidelity and manhood : and to the end he might reign most securely in Cyrene , and other parts of Lybia ; he therefore sent many of those Jewes to inhabite in that country . And from them descended that Jason Cyrenaeus out of whose writings was collected the second book of the Maccabes ; [ 2 Maccab. cap. 2. v. 24. ] and Simon Cyrenaeus , who bare the crosse of Christ , [ Matth. chap. 27. v. 32. ] and of whom mention is made , [ Acts , 2. v. 10. and cap. 6. v. 9. ] Antigonus ; whiles Eumenes kept in Nora , besieged there with a double wall round about him , marched with his army against Alcetas , and Attalus , and first into Pisidia , where Alcetas with his strength lay : and having in seven dayes space marched two thousand and five hundred furlongs , he came to a City called , The City of the Cretenses : and coming thus speedily and unawares upon them , he possessed himself of some fitting hills and places of advantage thereabouts ; and had in his company besides his Elephants , 40 thousand Foot , and 7 thousand Horse ; yet durst Alcetas meet him in the open field , having but 16 thousand Foot , and 900 Horse of his friends in his army . But Antigonus having the advantage of the ground , and by far the stronger party , routed him , and took both Attalus and Docimus and Polemon , and many other great Captains prisoners ; all which he took to mercy , and used great clemencie and humanity towards them , and disposed of the rest among his companies , and thereby much encreased his own army . Alcetas himself with his life-guard , and sons , and other Pisidians which served him , fled to Telmessus a city of Pisidia , which the Pisidians , being to the number of 6 thousand , and all very strong and valiant men promised never to forsake him , and therefore when Antigonus with all his army came before the walls of Telmessus , and demanded Alcetas to be delivered up unto him , and the elder sort thought it fit so to do , the younger crue met together by night , and there bound themselves each to other by an oath , not to forsake him , for any danger that might come thereof : which notwithstanding , the Elders of the City sent a messenger privily to Antigonus , to let him know that they would deliver Alcetes into his hands alive or dead , if he would but toll out the souldiers to a skirmish , and making as if they themselves fled , draw them a reasonable distance off from the walls of their City ; which was done accordingly ; and in the mean time , the Elders fell upon Alcetas , with their men , which he perceiving , rather than he would fall alive into his enemies hand , drew his own sword and slew himself : His body laid upon a beer , and wrapt in a vile cloth , while the young men were fighting , was sent and presented to Antigonus , which he having for three daies together , exposed to all the contumelies and indignities that could be imagined , at last caused it to be cast out unburied . The younger crew returning from the fight , and hearing what had passed in their absence , grew enraged against the elders ; and seizing on a quarter of the city , resolved at first to set it all on fire , but changing that purpose , they all fell to wast and spoile the enemies country thereabouts , and finding that Antigonus had left the corps of Alcetas behind him , they took it up , and buried it as honourably as they could devise , [ Id. ] Antipater falling sick , and drawing to his end , ordained Polyspercon , to be Protector of the Kings , and soveraign Commander in his roome : which Polysperchon was almost the eldest man of all that ever served under Alexander ; and was in very great esteem among the Macedons : But Cassander , Antipaters son , not content with the office of General of the Horse , which he held , but storming to see that Polysperchon was preferred before him in the Protectorship and soveraignty of the realm , began to treat with his friends , of getting the kingdom into his own hands , and sending underhand his Agents to Ptolomei , renewed his former friendship with him , and desired that he would make an association of armes with him , and come away with his fleet out of Phenicia into Helespont ; The like he did to other Commanders and Cities , intreating them to joyne in armes with him , [ Idem , with Plutarch in Phocio . ] When Antigonus , returning with his army out of Pisidia into Phrigia , came to the City of the Cretenses , he was there advertised of all these matters by Aristodemus of Miletum ; which pleased him well , for hereupon he presently founded his hopes of sovereignty in his mind , [ Diodorus , with Plutarch in Eumene . ] for being left sole and absolute Commander over all Asia by Antipater , and having a greater army there , than any other , he made no doubt of seizing upon all the Kings treasure there , whiles there was none to oppose him . He had then in his army , 60 thousand foot , and 10 thousand horse , and 30 Elephants ; and saw that he had means to encrease , if need were , his army at pleasure : for that drawing forreign Nations to his service , Asia was well able to feed and pay them all abundantly : Wherefore calling a Council of his friends , he declared to them , That his purpose was , to put for all ; and thereupon , assigned such and such of his friends , to several Offices and Commands , and desired them , with huge promises made to every of them , to stand by him and assist him what they could , in what he went about ; for that he resolved to go thorough all Asia , and to put out such Governours , as were then in office , and to put others of his own choice in their rooms , [ Diodor. ] Aridaeus , who had the government of Phrygia upon the Hellespont committed to him , perceiving what Antigonus went about , and purposing to provide for one , went and set upon Cizycum , which was a great City , and of all others lay most oportunely for his occasions . He had in his company above 10 thousand mercenary Foot souldiers , and one thousand Macedons , Persian archers and slingers five hundred , and eight hundred Horse , with all manner of Engins of battery , and in great abundance . And the men of Cizycum , under a colour of a treaty for a pacification , obteined of him cessation of arms , for a time , and then drave out the time in drawing up articles upon which the surrender was to be made , but had in that time sent to Byzantium for aide and supplies of men and munition , of all sorts for their defence : and failing along their own coasts with their men of war , took in men our of the Country , and stored the city with them , and with such provision as they brought with them . The end was , Aridaeus having been fooled by the men of Cyzicum , and lost many of his men upon the place , was fain to leave Cizycum as he found it , and to return to his own government again , [ Id. ] Antigonus , being then at Celenae , hasted him away , with 20 thousand choice foot , and three thousand Horse , to the relief of Cizycum , thinking hereby to have that City hereafter at his devotions . But coming a little too late , he sent messengers to Aridaeus , to expostulate the matter with him , and why he did it : and withall , to require him , to give vp that government which he had into his hands , and to live there hereafter , in the quality of a private man , contenting himself with the revenue of one onely City to live upon . That he refused to do , and presently disposed guards about the gates and walls , and other places of the City , wherein himself was ; and then dispacht away a part of his army , with a Commander over them , to joyn with Eumenes , and to raise the siege from before Nora Castle , and having rid him out of that danger to draw him into a league and association of arms against Antigonus , [ Id. ] Emil. Probus tells us , that Eumenes toward the beginning of the Spring , under colour of submitting himself to Antigonus , and treating of conditions from day to day , at last put a trick upon him , and got both him self and all his people safe out of the Castle , [ in Eumene . ] But Justin , [ lib. 4. cap. 2. ] sayes , that Antigonus , when he found that Antipater had sent relief to Eumenes , raised his siege . And Diodorus , and Plutarch deliver , that Eumenes by the Mediation of Hieronymus Cardianus , his countriman and true friend , was suffered to come out upon his word , and thus it was . Antigonus casting with himself how to get all into his own hands , sent for Hieronymus the Historian , to come unto him , and imployed him in a message to Eumenes , to deal with him to this effect , to wit , that forgetting what had passed between them two in the fight at Cappadocia ; he would now be pleased to joyn with him in a firm league of love and friendship , and association of armes ; offering to restore him far more wealth than he had lost , and a greater Province and Dominion , than ever he had before ; and to make him chief of all his friends , and partaker of all his desines and fortunes . [ Diodor. ] And when Antigonus had drawn up a form of an oath , whereby to bind each other to a strict performance of conditions , and sent them to Eumenes ; Eumenes took and corrected them in some points ; and then put it to those Macedon Captains , which were in the siege against him , to judge which of the two was the better , and more indifferent draught . For Antigonus among other things , made mention of the Kings perfunctorily , and as by the way , but performance of all services and conditions , referred onely to himself , and were made in his own name : whereas Eumenes in his draught , first joyned Olympias with the two Kings : and then secondly drew the oath in such terms , as purported that he would reckon them all friends and foes , as were friends and foes , not to Antigonus , but to Olympias and the two Kings . And when this seemed to be the more reasonable of the two ; and Eumenes took his oath , to that they presently raised their siege , and sent to Antigonus , praying him that he would bind himself in the same form of oath to Eumenes . Mean whiles , Eumenes , what ever hostages he had of the Cappadocians , sent them all home again . And Antigonus wrate back a sharp and a taunting letter to those Macedons , for presuming to amend or altar any thing in the form of the oath , which he had prescribed for Eumenes to take , and willed them to besiege him again , as close as ever they did ; but this came too late , [ Plut. ] Eumenes , having after a years close siege , got out at last beyond expectation , stayed a while in Cappadocia : and there gathered together , such of his old friends and souldiers , as were now scattered about the Country , [ Diodor. ] And to begin the world anew , the friends of those hostages which he had restored , lent him Horses , and carriages , and Tents : and in a short time , there eame into him , of his old Regiments , which hitherto lay sculking up and down the Country , to the number of 1000 horse [ Plut. ] For in regard that he was of himself a most active and industrious man , and sundry others there were , who were in like manner affected to the state , as he himself was : hence it came , that great multitudes of souldiers came flocking to him . To be short , within a few dayes , besides those five hundred friends , which were with him in the Castle , he had gotten together two thousand men , all ready bent to serve him , [ Diodor. ] Antigonus , having sent some of his forces to besiege Aridaeus , the Governour of the lesser Phrygia , marcht himself with a mighty army into Lydia , to turn Clitus out of his Government there , but Clitus having gotten notice aforehand of his coming , presently stuffed every Town of his , and place of defence , with a strong garrison , and went himself into Macedon , there to acquaint the Kings , and Polysperchon the L. Protector , with Antigonus his doings , and how his purpose was to revolt , and fall off from the Macedonian Government , and thereupon prayed aide against him , [ Diodor. ] Then did Antigonus take in Ephesus at his first coming , having some within the city , which help to bring him in . But a while after , when Escylus of Rhodes came thither , and in four ships brought with him six hundred men out of Cilicia , and 400 talents , which from thence were sent to the Kings in Macedon ; Antigonus seized on it all for his own use : saying that he had need of it , to raise and pay forreign souldiers withall : by which act of his , he plainly discovered his intention to be , wholly to set up for himself , and to rebell against the Kings . This done , he then proceeded to take in the rest of the Cities , some by force , others by fair words , [ Id. ] And from this revolt it is , that Dexippus , Porphyric , and Eusebius , reckon the 18 years of his principality in Scaligers Graeca Eusebiana [ pag. 48. 164 , 226. ] Cassander , crossing the Hellespont , went to Antigonus , in Asia , desiring his assistance , and assuring him of Ptolomeis concurrence therein . Antigonus was glad of his coming , and presently offered to assist him by land and sea . This he did under a colour , as if he would help him for his father Antipaters sake ; but his main drift was , to imbroile him in as many wars and troubles , as possibly he could in Europe : to the end , that he might the more freely go on , and compasse his own ends in Asia , and make himself King there , [ Diodor. ] Polyspercon , Protector of the Kings , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( i. e. ) Curate of the Macedonian Empire , wrate away a letter to Eumenes , in the two Kings names , requiring him thereby to stand firm to the Kings , and to make a party against Antigonus , as hitherto he had done ; and therein to take his choice , whether he would come over into Macedon , and there joyn with him in maintenance of the two Kings safety , or would stay in Asia , and have supplies sent him thither of men and mony , and munition , to oppose Antigonus , who had now openly declared himself a rebel against the Kings , And that if he stood in need of greater forses , himself would be ready with the Kings , and all the power that the kingdom of Macedon could make , to crosse the seas , and to come into Asia , to joyn with him . The like letters were sent to the Tresurers in Cilicia , requiring them , out of those monies , which were at Quindi ( where the Kings exchequer for Asia was kept , as Strabo lib. 14. p. 72. testifieth ) forth with to furnish him with 500 talents toward the reparation of his losses lately susteined , and out of the rest of the Kings monies , as much as he should call for , to hire and pay forreign souldiers withall . He also wrate his letters to Antigenes and Tentamus , who between them , commanded three thousand silver Targateers under Antigonus , that they should put them over to Eumenes , and be assistant to him all that possibly they might ; as the man , that was made absolute Commander and Governour of all Asia , under the Kings . And Olympias the mother of Alexander the Great , failed not on his part , to write the like letters , requiring all men to come and aide both herself , and the Kings , [ Diodor. with Plut. and Emil. Prob. in Eumene . ] Eumenes hereupon removed out of Cappadocia , having 500 Horse , and two thousand Foot onely in his company ; for he had not the leisure to attend their coming , who had promised to list themselves under him , but were not then come : because Menander was coming on with a great army , which would not suffer him to nestle in Cappadocia , having professed himself an open enemy to Antigonus . But those who were left behind , following Eumenes three dayes journey , when they saw they could not possibly overtake him , returned into Cappadocia , [ Diodor. ] Eumenes , making long stages , passed the mount Taurus , and came into Cilicia . Then came to him Antigenes , and Tentamus , Captains of the silver Targateers , with their friends , in obedience to the command of the Kings , and having congratulated his happy escape out of so many and imminent dangers , they offered him their service , and promised to stand by him in his utmost dangers , and then came the Regiment of the silver Targateers , all Macedons , to the number of about three thousand , to present themselves , with promise of all duty and service to him , [ Id. ] Eumenes , Year of the World 3986 fearing the envy of the Macedons , The Julian Period . 4396 if he , Year before Christ 318 being an alian borne in Cardia , in the Chersonese of Thracia , should bear himself as absolute General in the place ; first waived the receit of those 500 talents , which were ordered to him for his losses , saying that he needed not so great a summe , seeing he pretended to no principallity there , [ Diodor. and Plutarch . ] Then pitched he his tent in the name of Alexander , and called it Alexanders pavilion , pretending that he was warned so to do , by a vision in a dream : and there caused a golden Throne to be set , with a Scepter and a Diadem ; and there they met every day to consult of matters , hoping that the envy towards him would be the lesse , if he seemed to administer all things , under the majesty and title of Alexander , [ Diodor. Plutarch , Emil. Prob. Polyanus , lib. 4. Stratag . ] By this means therefore , and by carrying himself in all meetings , as an ordinary man , and by speaking every man faire , and with courteous language , he put off all envy from himself ; and carrying himself in like manner toward the silver Targateers , being all Macedons , he grew very fat into their books , so that every man said , that he was of all men most worthy to have the tuition of the Kings , [ Diodor , ] for in the fairnesse of his language , he stuck not to call them sometimes , his fellow souldiers , sometimes his masters , and companions of his , in those Easterne wars ; telling them , that they were the onely men who conquered the East : the onely men who out-went Bacchus and Hercules , with their victories ; That they were the men , who made Alexander Great ; That by them it was , that he attained divine honours , and immortal glory in the World : desiting them withal , that they would not look upon him , as upon their Commander , but as upon their fellow souldier , and a man of their own company and body , [ Justin. lib. 14. cap. 2. ] Then pickt he out certain choice men of his friends , whom he furnisht with money in abundance , and sent them to take up and hire souldiers , upon large pay . Whereupon they presently dispersed themselves , some going into Pisidia and Lycia , and places bordering upon them , others into Cilicia , Coelosyria , Phoenicia , and the Isle of Cyprus , and did their utmost endeavour to list what souldiers they could get ; many Grecians also , seeing what large pay was offered , listed themselves ; so that in short time , they had gathered together 10 thousand Foot , and a thousand Horse : besides the silver Targateers , and those which Eumenes brought with him out of Cappadocia , [ Diodor. ] Ptolomei , coming with his Navy to a Port called Zaphyrium in Cilicia , sent some of his Agents , to sollicite the silver Targateers , not any longer to follow or look after Eumenes , a man long since , proclaimed and devoted to death . He sent also to the chief officers at Quindi , advising them not to issue out any monies to him : But no man hearkened to one word he spake , because the Kings and their Governour Polysperchon ; and Olympias her self , had written to , and required them to be obedient in all things to Eumenes , as to the Commander in chief and General of the kingdom , [ Id. ] After this Antigonus sent one of his chief friends Philotas , with 30 Macedons in his company , to the silver Targateers , to feel the pulse , first of their Captains and principal souldiers among them , if by any largesse , or hope of reward , they might be drawn to destroy Eumenes , now that he was in their hands . But they found no man pliant to their desires , save onely Tentamus , one of the Captains of the silver Targateers ; who not only promised for himself , but undertook also to draw over Antigenes his collegue , to their foul design . But Antigenes was so far from hearkning to him therein , that on the contrary he prevailed with Tentamus , to give off his purpose ; shewing him that there were better things , and upon better grounds to be hoped for and expected from Eumenes , a man of a moderate fortune and a limited power , than from Antigonus , who was already grown too great ; and that he , having once gotten all into his hands , would presently thrust them out of their places , and put in whom pleased himself of his own friends . Then did Philotas deliver to the chief Captains Antigonus his letters , directed to the souldiers in general , whereby he required them upon sight thereof , to lay hold on Eumenes , and kill him ; threatning withal , that if they did it not , he would come presently and fall upon them with his army , and do exemplary justice on them for their disobedience herein : whereat they were not a little terrified ; but Eumenes , coming in upon them , perswaded them , rather to follow the command of their Kings , and not hearken to the words of a man who had now professed himself an open rebel . And in the end , having spoken many things pertinent to the present purpose , he not onely saved himself from an imminent danger , but also , obliged the multitude to him in a firmer band of duty and affection , than ever they were before , [ Id. ] And presently gave order to march , and went into Phoenicia , and there gat together what ships possibly he could out of all the sea towns , and made him a strong Navy : to the end , that Polysperchon having a Fleet at command , might upon all occasions put over with his forces out of Macedon into Asia against Antigonus . This therefore was the cause which made him stay the longer in Phoenicia , [ Id. ] Polysperchon , mean while , made Clitus the Governour of Lydia , Ammiral of the Fleet , and sent him into the Hellespont , commanding him to stay thereabouts , and to take care , that no shipping passed that way out of Asia into Europe : willing him more over to assist Aridaeus Governour of the lesser Phrygia , and who was at that time fled with such men as he had into the City of the Cyonians for fear of Antigonus , [ Id. ] After that Clitus was come into Hellespont , and had taken the Cities of Propo●tis into his protection , and had joyned Aridaeus his army to his own , then did the Captain of the Garrison of Manychium , sent by Cassander , with all his Navy put to sea likewise ; taking with him also Antigonus his Fleet , so that he was in all above one hundred ships ; coming therefore to a sea-fight not far from the City of Byzantium , Clitus had the better of it , and sunk 17 of the enemies ships ; and took no lesse than 40 more with all the men in them , [ Id. ] whereat if he grew over-joyed , it is no marvel , considering that having but a little before taken but three , or at the most four ships of the Grecians near the Isle of Amorgus , one of the Cyclades , he was content and suffered himself to be called Neptune , and bare a Trident in his hand ; as [ Plut. lib. 2. De fortu . Alexan. saith . ] Antigonus , hearing of the losse of his Navy at sea , sent for certain Barques from Byzantium , and put into them archers and slingers , and targateers , and such light armed men , as many as he thought fit , and landed them in Europe side ; and these setting upon Clitus his men who were gone ashoar , and busie in making their Camp ; put them into a fright , and thereupon they hasted to their ships again : but werefore troubled , what for losse of their baggage , what for the misse of their fellows , many of which were taken prisoner . And in the mean time he provided other ships of war ; whereinto he put many of his principal best souldiers , and sent them to the same place , with a strict charge to set valiantly upon their enemies ; for that in so doing , they should no doubt overcome them . These therefore , coming thither by night , under the command of Nicanor their Captain , set upon their enemies at the break of day ; put them to flight at the very first assault , and bilging some of them with their beakes , took others with the men in them , which called for quarter : and at last , took all the rest of the ships and men , save onely the Ammiral . Clitus himself left his ship , and fled to land , thinking to get into Macedonia ; but in the way fell among Lysimachus his souldiers , who slew him , [ Diodor. ] Antigonus , having given the enemy this great blow , bare himself for master of the Sea : and hasted now to make himself absolute Monarch of all Asia : Wherefore , taking with him 20 thousand foot , and 4 thousand Horse , the best of both sorts , that he could pick out of all his army , he marcht away towards Cilicia , to disperse those companies of Eumenes which there were , before his whole army came together , [ Id. ] Jubilie 23. Year of the World 3687 Eumenes , knowing Antigonus his design , endevoured to reduce Phoenicia where he then was , to the obedience of the Kings ; because at that time it was injustly possessed by Prolemei : but failling thereof , he removed thence , and went thorough Coelosyria , purposing to get into those parts , which are called the Upper Provinces , [ Diodor. lib. 18. ] and having the silver Targateers with him , with their Captain Antigenes , wintered in a country of Babylonia , which is called Cares , [ Id. lib. 19. ] Eumenes , being there , sent to Seleucus the Governour of Babylonia , and to Pithon the governour of Media , to come , and , together with himself , to assist the Kings , against Antigonus , who rebelled against them . Seleucus sent him word that he would do what service he could for the Kings : but commanded by Eumenes , who stood long since a condemned person by the Council of the Macedons , he would not : and withal sent under-hand to Antigenes and the silver Targateers , to depose Eumenes ; but they would not , [ Id. ibid : ] Eumenes , commending the loyalty of his souldiers , went forward to the bank of Tigris , and there encamped , 300 furlongs off from Babylon : and there lost some of his men , by the rising of the Natives upon him . From thence he purposed to go forward to Susa , both that he might there recollect his souldiers out of the upper Provinces , and also take and make use of the Kings monies , which lay there , for his urgent and necessary occasions . But Seleucus coming upon him near the Euphrates , he was put in danger of losing his whole army by a sudden inundation , which Seleucus brought upon him , by opening the head of an old dam or sluce , and letting in the water upon his Camp , which was ready to drown all . Wherefore he and his men were fain to flie from thence to a piece of upper ground , and there they spent that day ; casting in their minds , how to remedy this inconveniency . And the next day they got 30 flat-bottom'd boats , wherein they transported the chief part of the army , without impeachment of the enemy : For Seleucus had nothing but horse with him , and them also far inferior to Eumenes in number : And now the night came on , when Eumenes , taking care of his carriages which were left behind , went back with his Macedons again over the river , and there by the means of the Natives , found a place , where to let out the water another way , and so to make all that country dry and passable again : which Selucus perceiving , and withal , desirous to rid his countrey of such guests , as soon as possibly he could , sent messengers to offer them a truce , and so suffered them to march away without interruption . And so Eumenes , having escaped out of Seleucus his hands , beyond expectation , came with his army into Persia ; or rather into the country of Susa , having then with him 16000 Foot , and 1300 Horse , and then , having refreshed his army after their hard and miserable march , he sent to the Commanders of the upper Provinces , to send him in , forthwith , both men and mony , for the service of the Kings . [ Id. l. 18. and 19. ] Attalus Polemo , Antipater and Philotas , all Captains , taken in the overthrow of of Alcetes , and committed to prison in an exceeding strong Castle , hearing that Antigonus was marched up into the upper Provinces , ( Diodorus saith , that at that time he was in Mesopotamia ) and having gotten every man a sword , and being but eight in number , at midnight , set upon 4 hundred men , then in the Garrison ; and seizing first upon Xenopithes , the Captain of it , threw him down the rock of the Castle , which was one furlong high , & having killed some , & forced the rest , set fire on the houses within the fort , whereupon they which were without , attending the issue of their attempt , came , and were received into the Castle , to the number of fifty men ; But being in , and not agreeing among themselves , whether they should make good the place , attending supply from Eumenes , or leave it , and shift every man for himself , the souldiers of other Garrisons , not far off , to the number of 500 foot , and 400 horse , and upwards , and the Natives thereabouts , to the number of 3 thousand came in , and making a Captain one of themselves , besieged the place round ; Docimus , who advised to leave the place , espying a way down the hill , without a guard to keep it , treated by a messenger with Statomice the wife of Antigonus , who lay not far off , and with one only in his company , gate out , and went to her : but she , not keeping her word with him , laid him fast again ; But he that went with him , made himself a leader and guide to the enemy , and led them up the castle , and with them , being a considerable number , possessed himself of a strong place in it . Neverthelesse Attalus , with the rest , which were of opinion to maintain the fort , kept on fighting from day to day , in manful wise . [ Id. lib. 19. ] Pitho , who was Governor of Media , having slain Philotas , who was Governor of the upper provinces , put his own brother Eudramus in his room : Whereupon the other Governors combined together , fearing least they might also be served with the same sauce , because Pitho was a man of a turbulent humor , and used to put himself upon great matters , and having overthrown him and slain a great part of his men , they drave him quite out of all Parthia : whereupon he came into Media , hoping to have relief there , but finding none , he retired to Babylon , and there desired succour from Seleucus his hand , [ Id. l. 19. ] Eumenes , continuing in the Country of Susa , for want of victuals , divided his whole army into three brigades , and yet so marching through the countrey , found great scarcity of corne every where ; but was fain to give them instead thereof , rice , and a kind of Indian wheat , and the fruit of palm tree , whereof there was great abundance in those parts . Now although he had afore-hand sent the Kings letters to them of the upper Provinces , to be aiding to him ; yet he again sent other letters to them of his own , to request them to come unto him with all their power into the country of Susa. But his Agents found them all in a body , met together against Pitho , [ Ibid. ] The chief among them all , and the man on whom allyes were most fixed , was Pencestes , whom Alexander had heretofore made the chief Squier of his body , and Governor of Persia ; he had about him Persian Archers , and Slingers , to the number of ten thousand , and of other Nations , taken into the rank of Macedons , 3 thousand , with 6 hundred horse , of Greeks and Thracians together , and of Persian horse , 4 hundred ; Polemon a Macedon , Governour of Carmania had 1500 foot , and 700 horse ; Sibyrtius the Governor of Arachosia had one thousand foot , and 610 horse . Androbazus was there , with 1200 foot , and 400 horse , sent from Oxyarta , the Governor of Parapamysus ; Stasanor the Governor of Aria , and Drangia , with some Bactrians , made 1500 foot , and one thousand horse . Out of India came to them , Eudamus ( whom Arrianus calleth Eudemus , and Curtius Eudemon , ) Governor of the Oxydracans and Mallians , with 300 horse , and 3 thowsand foot , and 120 Elephants , which he got , when he trecherously slew Porus the King of Indians : so that they amounted in all , to 18700 foot ( though the particulars make 21000. ) and 4600 Horse , [ Ibid. ] These , when they were all come to Eumenes , in the Country of Susiana , called a publick council , where arose a hot dispute , especially between Pencestes and Antigenes Captain of the silver Targateers , about the choice of a General . But Eumenes had long before taken away all occasion of that dispute , by erecting a pavillion for Alexander , and erecting his throne therein , wherein all meetings were to consult of publick affairs as in his presence , [ Ib. ] And then coming all together to Susa , Eumenes took out of the Kings treasurie there , so much as the Kings service then necessarily required , for the Kings letters to the keepers of their treasure there , had required , that they should issue to Eumenes alone , so much money , without stint , as he required . Wherefore he gave the Macedons six moneths pay before-hand , and to Eudamus , which brought those Elephants out of India , he gave two hundred talents , under colour of defraying the charge of those beasts , but indeed to oblige the man himself to his devotion : for he saw well , that if any controversie should arise among them , that party was most like to carry it , to which he with his beasts should apply himself . The rest of the Governours paid every man his own souldiers that he brought with him . This done , Eumenes continued a while in Susiana , to refresh his army after their hard journey , [ Ibid. ] Philippus Aridaeus ( one of the two Kings ) with his wife Euridice , by the command of Olympias , were murdered : having reigned six years , after the death of Alexander , [ Justin. lib. 14. cap. 5. ] and four moneths over , as [ Diodor. year 4. Olymp. 115. ] Id. and Porphyrie [ in Graec. Euseb , pag. 228. ] about the 22 day of our September . Cassander , Year of the World 3688 the son of Antipater , The Julian Period . 4398 besieged Olympias with her grand-child Hercules , Year before Christ 316 the son of Alexander the Great , and his mother Barsine , in a Town of Macedonia , called Pydna . In the beginning of the Spring following , all provisions failing , Olympias was forced to dismisse her souldiers ; and her self shortly after , upon promise of life , which she could hardly obtain , yeilded her self into Cassanders hands , [ Diod. and Justin. lib. 14. cap. 6. ] Antigonus , removing out of Mesopotamia , came into the Country of Babylonia , and there confederating with Seleucus and Pitho , and receiving some supplies from them , he made a bridge of boats over the River Tigris , and there crossing the River , he marched away with all speed against Eumenes , wherefore Eumenes being before-hand advertised , gave in charge ●o Xenophius the keeper of the Castle in Susa , to issue out none of the Kings monies to Antigonus , nor to come out to a parly with him , at any hand ; and so went with his armies , and manned the bank of Tigris all along , from the head thereof , to the very sea , with forts every where built upon the bank thereof : and because that work , by reason of the length thereof , required no small number of men , therefore Eumenes and Antigenes obteined of Pencestes to send them 10 thousand archers more out of Persia , [ Diodor. year . 1. Olymp. 116. ] Antigonus , going with his army to the Kings palace in Susa , there made Seleucus , Governour of that Country , and leaving a sufficient army with him , willed him to besiege the Castle there : and when Xenophilus the Treasurer , refused to obey his commands , he about the rising of the dog-star , with his army marched by night-journies to the River Copatres , where it falls into the Tigris ; but lost a great multitude of his men , by the way , in regard of the excessive heat of the season : and whereas he found that river , when he came to it , to be four acres broad , therefore he got together a small quantity of flat-bottom'd boats , and in them put over some of his Foot , bidding them there to attend the coming of the rest . Whereof Eumenes being advertised by his scouts , ( and he was at that time but 80 furlongs off from the place ) presently with four thousand Foot , and 1300 Horse , passing the bridge of Tigris , found three thousand Foot , and three hundred Horse , of Antigonus his army put over , and no lesse than six thousand of others , who were forraging about the Country ; all these he suddenly set upon , and routed them . As for the Macedons which made resistance , he forced them to the river ; where running headlong into their boats , and overcharging them , they sunk , so that few of them escaped : and they that would not venture upon the River , were taken prisoners , to the number of four thousand : so saith Diodorus . But Piutarch saith , that when Antigonus passed the Pasitigris , and the rest of the army perceived it not , Eumenes himself met him , with his own company , and slew many of his men , and filled the River with dead carcases , and besides , took four thousand prisoners . Antigonus , seeing he could not passe that River , retired with his army toward a city called Balaca , seated upon the River Ulaie , where staying some certain dayes , he refreshed his army , which was tried out with the vehemencie of the heat , and purposing from thence to go to Ecbatane , he went not by the high-way , both by reason of the immoderate heat , and because it would take him up no lesse than 40 dayes journy , in going : but by the Cossaeans , which was the shorter cut , and not so exposed to the scorching of the sun , as the other was , wherein neverthelesse , he lost a multitude of his men , and hazarded all the rest , and yet at nine dayes end , hardly came to any habitable place in Media : where when the whole army began to grumble , for that within the space of 40 dayes , they had received three such blows , he commanded Pithon to go over all Media , which he did , and brought him in two thousand Horse , and a thousand Horses ready furnished , and so many loads of munition , that all the army might thereof be compleatly furnished ; and withall , five hundred talents out of the Kings treasure . Antigonus disposed of those Horse among his other Troups ; and distributed the Horses , among those who had lost their own , and gave the beasts of draught or carriages , freely among those that wanted them , whereby he quickly regained the love and favour of his army again , [ Diodor. year 1. Olymp. 116. ] Eumenes with his men , removing from Passtigris toward Persia , came to the Regal seat of the kingdom , called Persepolis at the end of 24 dayes march ; where his whole army was entertained , and most magnificently feasted by Pencestes the Governour of that Province , after sacrifice offered to the gods , and among them to Alexander and Philip ; and as Plutarch addes , a sheep was given to every man of them , for his own particular sacrifice . But when Eumenes perceived that his purpose was hereby to ingratiate himself with the army , and to gain to himself the soverreign power and command thereof , he caused a forged letter to be written to himself in the name of Orontes the Governour of Armenia , an intimate friend of Pencestes , in Syriac characters , purporting that Olympias , with Alexanders youngest son , having destroyed Cassander , had recovered again the kingdom of Macedon , and that Polysperchon , with the main power of the Kings army and his Elephants , had put over into Asia , against Antigonus , [ Diod. ib. Polyae . stratag . lib. 4. ] These letters therefore going for current , every man cast in his mind , that Eumenes would be all in all , and the great man to advance whom he pleased , and to punish whom he thought fit , and therefore resolved to depend on him : and he , as he found any averse from him , called them in question , in form of law ; beginning with Sibyrtius the Governour of Arachosia , and so made them all afraid ; and in the mean time courted Pencestes , and held him on , with all terms of love and friendship : telling him what heaps of honour and wealth he would cast upon him when time should serve ; and by that means held him quiet , from attempting any further against him , as he had begun to do , [ Diod. Ib. ] And being further desirous to oblige the rest of the Governours of Provinces , and Commanders to himself , he made as though he had wanted money ; and therefore exhorted them to contribute what they could spare , for the Kings service : and having by this means gotten out of them to the summe of 400 talents , he made them who seemed most fickle to him before , most sure to him now , for fear of losing the monies which they had lent , [ Id. ib. and Plut. in Eume. ] In the lesser Asia Attalus , Year of the World 3689. c. and the rest of the Commanders with him , after one year and 4 moneths siege endured , and much hardship suffered therein , were forced at last to render themselves , [ Diodor. year 4. Olymp. 115. ] In the greater Asia , Antigonus removing with his army out of Media into Persia , Eumenes preparing to march against him , and offering sacrifices , fell a feasting with his Captains : and , therein following their humor , over-drank himself so far , that he was fain to lie by it , and so hindered his march for certain dayes : Whereupon his souldiers said , that other Generals could feast , but Eumenes could do nothing but command and fight . Yet after a little while , he recovered himself , and went on upon his march , wherein Pencestes and Antigenes led the Van : and he in a Lictier came after with the Elephants . And now the two armies were within a dayes journey each of other : when the scouts came in , and brought tidings of their approach , and what numbers they were , and what wayes they took ; whereupon each party prepared for the field . But when Eumenes , lying in his Lictier , came not into the Camp among them , the chief souldiers in every company , resolved not to stir a foot further , unlesse Eumenes himself came into the Camp among them . Whereupon he was carried in his Lictier , and so went from one quarter to another thoroughout the army , and gave order every where for the ranging of it , whiles Antigonus lookt on , and laughed at him for his labour : and so the battles were ranged on both sides , but could not come to fight , the ground was so bad that lay between them , [ Diodor. year 1. Olymp. 116. Plut. in Eumene . ] Wherefore drawing off each from other three furlongs space , they spent four dayes , in light skirmishes , and forraging the Country thereabouts , being pinched on either side , with hunger , and want of other necessaries : and on the fifth day . Antigonus fell again a practising with Eumenes his army to betray him , upon hopes of huge rewards : but his agents were sent away by the Macedons with great indignation and threats , if they offered to come again in that errand . After which Eumenes , having gotten intelligence that Antigonus had a purpose to remove his Camp , by night , three dayes journey off , to a place called Gubiene , a country abounding with all provisions , sent some trusty men under colour of run-awayes , to inform Antigonus , that Eumenes would fall upon his Camp that night : and whiles Antigonus was preparing to rceive him there , Eumenes stole away with his army , to get to Gubiene before him , and there to take up his station for his Camp. Antigonus finding at length that Eumenes had put a trick upon him , though Eumenes was gotten six houres march before him , yet he followed after him ; and willing Pitho to come fastly after , with the main body of the army ; he , with a company of the swiftest that he could chuse , gat before him , and shewed himself upon a hill , where Eumenes must needs see him . Eumenes gathering thereby , that Antigonus with all his army was there , made a stand , before he came to the very place , where he intended to pitch his Camp , and there ranged his battle in array , and the mean while , came Antigonus his army up unto him : thus these two great Generals used their wits , and put tricks each upon the other , [ Diodorus Ibid. ] And here now , being in the Country of the Paraeteceni , these two Generals ranged each his army , in excellent array , and with great judgement , as Diodorus sets it down at large . Eumenes had with him 35 thousand Foot , and six thousand , and one hundred Horse , and 114 Elephants . Antigonus on his part , had 28 thousand Foot , and upwards : 8500 Horse , and 65 Elephants . These fell to work , in most manfull wise , and continued on the fight without shrinking on either side , till almost midnight , the moon being then at full . When being spent on both sides , they were fain to give off fighting , and to fall to work upon encamping : there died on Antigonus his side , 3700 Foot , and 54 Horse , and about four thousand maim'd . Eumenes lost of his Foot 540 , and a very small number of his Horse , and upward of 900 hurt . [ Id. ibid. ] Eumenes would fain have gotten the corpses of such as he had lost to bury them , in signe of a totall victory : but the army would not , but would needs return to the place , where their stuff was laid , being somewhat far off , and so Eumenes was fain to let that alone . But Antigonus forced his men to camp near the place where the battle was fought , and where his men lay dead , & there burying them , bare himself for master of the field ; and gave it out , that the victory was his , saying , That he who had power to bury his dead , was ever to be counted conqueror of the field : so having buried them by break of day , and detaining by him the herald which came to him , to beg the bodies of the dead , sent him back at night again , and gave leave to come and bury the bodies the next day . But himself having sent away the herald , presently marched away with all his army , and by long stages came to Gamarga in Media , far off from Eumenes ; which Country , being of Pithons government , was wonderfull plentifull of all provisions , and able to maintain great armies , [ Ibid. ] And so Eumenes having beaten Antigonus in the Country of Paraetecene , sent him away to take up his winter quarters in Media , [ Emil. Prob. in Eumene . ] in a place there called Gadamalis , al. Gadarlis , as Diodorus , or Gadamarlis , as Polyaenus nameth it . Eumenes , hearing by his scouts that Antigonus was gone , would not follow after him , both because his army was not in case , and also for that he had a great desire to enterre his dead , in the most solemn wise , that possibly he could . Among whom there was one Ceteus , which commanded those who came to him out of India , at whose burial there grew a great contention , between his two wives , there present , which of them should have the prerogative and honour , to be burnt alive with him ; the younger of the two having gotten the preeminence of the other , who was great with child , went into the fire , and left the other to live , whether she would or no ; but she also , for very grief thereof , pined away and died , as Diodorus more at large declareth . Eumenes , having finishished these obsequies , removed from thence into Gabiene , which was distant from where Antigonus lay with his army , if one would go thorough the Countries which were inhabited , 25 dayes ; but if thorough the desert , then but nine dayes , journey : so far did they winter each from other , and gave their armies leave to breath , and to recover their spirits again , against the next spring . [ Id. ] In this mean while , Cassander the son of Antipater , desirous to make himself absolute King of Macedon , made away with Olympias the mother of Alexander the Great , and married Thessalonice , the daughter of Philip , ( not of Aridaeus , as Justin mistaketh it ) and Alexanders own sister : and that done , sent Alexander the son of Alexander the Great , being a very child , with Roxane his mother , to be kept in the Castle at Amphipolis , [ Diod. year 1. Olymp. 116. Justin. lib. 14. in fi . ] When Eumenes his souldiers had taken a little breath , they grew heady and insolent withal , and in spight of their Commanders , camped where they listed all the country of Gabiene over , so that some of their tents were no lesse than a thousand furlongs off from their head-quarter , [ Plutarch ] for they chose their quarters , not according to any discipline or order of war ; but to satisfie the luxurious appetite of their own humours , [ Emil. Prob. ] Antigonus , being advertised hereof , & finding himself too weak for the enemy , whiles he was in any good array , resolved to set upon them , in this disorder as they were : and therefore casting it abroad , that he would march with his army out of Media into Armenia , upon the sudden , & in the depth of winter , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , saith Diodorus , ( i. e. ) about the season of the Winter Tropic : leaving the ordinary way , marched thorough the Desert , making fires in the day time , and putting them out at night , least that any perhaps seeing them a far off , might discover his approach to the enemy . But when they had spent five dayes in this tedious journey , the souldiers for very cold fell to making of fires by night as well as by day : which some of the dwellers in the Desert espied , and presently getting upon Dromedaries which commonly run 1500 furlongs in a day ; gave notice thereof to Eumenes and Pencestes , [ Diodor. Plut. and Emil. Prob. ] Pencestes stood like a stock at the hearing of this news , Year of the World b. and seeing the rest no lesse amazed thereat than himself , began to think of running away ; but then came Eumenes , and dispersed this could , bidding them not fear , and assuring them , that he would take order , that the enemy should not come into those parts , these three dayes , no nor four : or as Emilius hath it , not in five ; wherefore he sent messengers about into all parts , to require them to repaire to their head-quarter : and then he went about himself with certain nimble officers , and caused fires every where upon the hill Countries to be made , so as Antigonus might see , and take notice of them : and all within the compasse of some 70 furlongs , that from thence Antigonus a far off might gather , that all his army was there come together . Antigonus esping those fires , began presently to imagine that he was betrayed , and his counsels discovered by some of his own people , and that Eumenes was coming to fall upon him with his whole army : and fearing to hazard his tired army , against Eumenes his fresh and lusty souldiers , turned aside out of the plain , into a more winding way , and there stayed one whole day , to rest his men , and to refresh his beasts , that all might be in the better case to fight , in need should be , [ Idem . and Polyaenus , stratag . lib. 4. ] Mean while Eumenes his army , for the most part , was come to their Rendezvous : and his souldiers seeing his surpassing dexterity and wisdom in ordering things , desired him to order all matters himself : whereupon Antigenes himself , who had ever hitherto stood firm unto him , and Theudamus , the two Commanders of the silver Targateers , moved with envy , practised with other Captains of the army to kill him ; which when Eudamus , who commanded the Regiment of the Elephants , and one Phaedimus , ( being two of those , who had lent him monies , and were in feat of losing it , if he miscarried ) understood , they forthwith disclosed the practice to Eumenes : and he , saying , that he had to do with a company of bruit beasts ; went presently and made his will , and then burnt his Cabinet of papers , least after his death , they should tell tales , and prove dangerous to those that had written them , [ Plutarch . ] And now the day came , that should try the matter between Antigonus and Eumenes , which Diodorus at large describeth . Antigonus had with him 22 thousand Foot , and 9 thousand Horse , with 65 Elephants . Eumenes his army consisted of 36. thousand , and 700 Foot , and 6 thousand and 50 Horse , and 114 Elephant . The field where they fought was very spacious , sandy , and waste ; whereupon such a dust presently arose , upon the first stirring of the Horse , that if a man were never so little off , he could not possibly discerne what was done : which Antigonus observing , sent forthwith away some Median Horse , and certain Tarentines out of Italy , to set upon the baggage of the enemy , which were left , about five furlongs off , from the place , where the fight was . And Pencestes the Governour of Persia , being frighted by Antigonus , got out of the dust with his horse , and drew with him some 1500 more . But the silver Targateers which were on Eumenes his side , making a strong impression upon Antigonus his main battle , slew upward of 5 thousand of them upon the place , and routed all the rest , not losing so much as one man of their company . And so Eumenes had the better of the day , having not lost in all that battle above 300 of his men , [ Diodor. Plut. Polyaen . stratag ▪ lib. 4. ] When the Macedons , after the fight was done , saw their carriages all taken , and their wives and children , and whatever else was dear unto them , taken prisoners , and carried away by the enemy , great sorrow and lamentation there was among them the Camp all over : whose dolorous complaints Eumenes seeking to pacifie and asswage , put them in mind that they had slain 5 thousand of the enemies , and if they would but bear up a while , they should force them to sue for peace , and then all would be well again . That the losse they so much lamented , was but onely some 2 thousand women , and a few children and servants , which they might better regain by pursuing the victory , then by letting it go now they had it in their hands . But the Macedons plainly told him , that they would neither flee now they had lost their wives and children , nor bear armes against them , and withal fell a railing at him . Then Teutamus , of his own head , sent a messenger to Antigonus to desire him to send back their goods again which he had taken ; and so the bargain was driven between them , that giving up Eumenes into his hands , they should receive every man his own again : And so the Macedons , and ten thousand Persians which came with Pencestes , and the other Governours of places , and souldiers for the most part , left Eumenes , and went to Antigonus in his Camp , [ Idem . with Justin lib. 14. cap. cap. 3. ] The silver Targateers therefore , before they went , broke in upon Eumenes , and wrested his sword out of his hand , and bound his hands behind him with a greater , and upon the fourth day after the fight , delivered him bound to Nicanor , who was sent by Antigonus to receive him ; Eumenes desired nothing of Nicanor , but that he would lead him through the midst of the Macedons , and give him leave to speak his last unto them : which done , he went before his keepers into Antigonus his Camp , then followed the army which had betrayed their own Commander , and who were now themselves no better than so many captive slaves ; and went in triumph of themselves , into their Conquerors Camp ; and to make it a compleat triumph of themselves , the Elephants also , and the auxiliaries out of India , brought up the rere . But Antigonus , for very shame and reverence of the old familiarity and friendship that had been between them two , would not suffer him to be brought unto his sight , but assigned him certain souldiers to keep him , [ Plutarch in Eumen● : Justin , lib. 14. cap. 4. ] Among those that were wounded , was brought also Hieronimus of Cardia , the Historiographer , who having been ever in great esteeme with Eumenes during his life , found after his death , great favour also at Antigonus his hand , [ Diodor. lib. 19. year 1. Olymp. 116. ] This Hieronimus wrate a book , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : as Diodorus , [ lib. 18. p. 62. ] and Josephus , [ lib. 1. cont . Apionem , pag. 1050. ] terme it , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( as Dionysius Halicarnassaeus in the proem of Roman Antiquities calls it ) both importing as much , as Of the Successors of Alexander the Great , with the general History of his own time . Antigonus , having now gotten both Eumenes and all his army into his hands , laid first hold of Antigenes , the Commander of the silver Targateers , and putting him alive into a coffin , there burnt him to ashes : and then put Eudamus , who brought Eumenes his Elephants out of India , and Celbanus , and some others whom he alwayes had found his opposites , to death , [ D●odor . ] When Onomarchus the Captain of the watch asked Antigonus , how he would have Eumenes to be kept ? his answer was , as you would keep ( said he ) a raging Lyon , or an unruly Elephant : yet afterward , relenting a little toward him , he commanded his heavy chains to be taken off from him , and a boy of his own to be suffered to attend him , and to help to anoint him , and gave leave to his friends , that would , to visit him , and to supply him with necessaries . And now , although his own son Demetrius , and Nearchus the Cretian , were desirous , and laboured to save his life , yet almost all the rest that were about him , pressed him by all means to rid him out of the way : yet for all this , Antigonus took seven dayes time to think upon it ; and then , fearing least his Army might happen to grow into a mutiny about it , he gave order that no man should be suffered to come at him , and command his daily diet to be withdrawn from him : for he said , that sure his hand should never be upon him , who had formerly been his friend ; and when he had neither eaten nor drank in 8 dayes space , and the camp was suddenly to remove , one was sent in to him , unknown to Antigonus , and cut his throat . Antigonus , in respect to his former familiarity with him , commanded his corps to be delivered to his nearest friends , to be buried as they thought fit : and they buried it in an honourable , but a military way , all the army following the bier , and burnt it , and gathered his bones into a silver Urne , and took care to convey them to his wife and children in Cappadocia , [ Diodorus , year 1. Olymp. 116. Plutarch and Emil. Prob. in Eumene . ] Antigonus , returning into Media with his whole army , spent the rest of the winter in a towne not far from Ecbatane , and distributed his army here and there over all that Province , and especially in the country of Rages , so called from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 because there had been above 2 thousand cities and townes destroyed by earth-quakes in those parts , as Strabo saies [ lib. 11. pag. 514. ] out of Possidonius ; where , when he discovered that Pitho , the Governor of Media , sought to oblige many of the souldiers by large gifts , and larger promises , to his own devotion , and to perswade them to a revolt from him , he dissembled the matter very handsomely , and gave it out , that he purposed to make Pitho Governor of the upper Provinces , and to leave a sufficient army with him , to maintain them : He wrate also his letters to Pitho , and therein earnestly entreated him to come away in all haste unto him , to the end ( said he ) that having consulted together upon some necessary matters , he might forthwith march away into the lesser Asia . Whereby , and by other letters sent him from friends , as he took them to be , Pitho , who was then in the furthest parts of all Media , in his winter quarters , being gouzeled , came to Antigonus , who , so soon as he had him , called him before a Council of war ; and they quickly found him guilty , and chopt off his head , [ Diodorus , ut supra . ] Antigonus , gathering all his army together , committed the Government of Media to Orontobazes , a Median born , but General of his army he made Hippostratus , who had 3500 forraign Foot souldiers under him . Himself taking with him the body of his army went to Ecbatane , where taking into his hands five thousand talents of massie silver , he marched into Persia , and it cost him 20 dayes journey before he arrived at Persepolis , the Capital City thereof , [ Ib. ] While Antigonus was upon his way thither-ward , the friends of Pithon , and such as were his consorts in the plot which he was about , the chief whereof were Meleager , and Menoetas , with other well willers both of him and Eumenes , but were scattered abroad into corners , met together , to the number of 800 Horse , and fell first upon the lands and possessions of such of the Medes , as refused to joyn with them in this combination , and then set upon Herostrotus , and Orontobazus his Camp by night , and missed very narrowly of the prise they came for : but being over-laid with the multitude of their men , and having onely enticed some of the Medes to run the same course with them , were fain to retire ; yet some of the nimblest of them , ( and they were all horse-men ) made many incursions upon the Country people , and raised many hububs among them ; but were at last enclosed in a place compassed about with Rocks , like a pinfold , and were there partly slain , partly taken . But Meleager and Cranes , and the better sort of them , that would not yield , died like men , with their swords in their hands . [ Ib. ] So soon as Antigonus came into Persia , the people there did him all kingly reverence and honour , as to the man that was now , without controversie , sole Lord of all Asia ; there , calling a Council of his Nobles together ; he propounded to them the matter of the government of the severall provinces to be considered of : in which consultation , they left Carmania to Tlepolemus , Bactria to Stasanor , and Parapamisus to Oxyartes the father of Roxane , because they could not well be taken from them , to hold as they did before . Into Aria was sent Euitus , and he coming shortly after to die , Euagoras was put in his room , a man of wonderfull valour , and grave wisdom withall , [ Ibid. ] Antigonus sent for Sibyrtius , a well willer of his , out of Arachosia , and confirmed him in his government of that province , and gave him a whole thousand of the most turbulent and seditious silver Targateers , which had betrayed Eumnes ; these he appointed to him , under a colour of serving him in the war , but indeed of purpose to destroy them ; for he gave Sibyrtius instructions withall to employ them in all break-neck services , till he had consumed them , that there might not a man of them ever return into Macedon , or see the Greek coast again , [ Diodor. Ibid. with Plut , in Eumene and Polyaenus , Stratag . lib. 4. ] Antigonus , finding that Pencestes was very much beloved in Persia , made it one of his first works to strip him of that government . And when all the natives there , repined at it , a certain chief man among them , called Thespias , spake openly against it ; and said , That the Persians would be governed by no other man but Pencestes : whereupon he slew Thespias , and made Asclepiodorus Governour of Persia , and held on Pencestes with vain hopes , of preferring him to higher preferments elsewhere , until he had drawn him quite out of the Country , [ Diodor. Ibid. ] Whiles Antigonus was upon his way to Susa , Xenophilus , who had the keeping of the Kings treasure there , being sent by Seleucus , went and met him at Pasitigris , and offered him his service , in whatsoever he should be pleased to command him . Antigonus received him very graciously , and made as if he honoured him above all the friends he had ; fearing least he might happily alter his mind , and keep him out when he came thither . But when he came into the Castle of Susa , he possessed himself of it , and there got the golden vine , and store of other such like rarities , to the value of 15 thousand talents , all which he turned into ready coin , besides Crowns of gold , and other presents , and spoiles taken from the enemy , which amounted to five thousand talents more , besides a like quantity which he collected out of Media , so that in all he made 25 thousand talents , [ Id. Ibid. ] Antigonus left for Governour of the province of Susa , one Aspisus , a native of the Country : but purposing to carry away all this mony to the sea side in Asia , he caused cartage to be provided for that purpose , and so taking all along with him , he took his journey toward Babylon , [ Diod. Olymp. 116. year 2. ] When at 22 dayes end he arrived at Babylon , there Seleucus , the governour of that Province , received him with all royal presents , and feasted his whole army ; but when he struck one of the Captains without acquainting Antigonus therewith . Antigonus willed him to give an account of all the monies of the publique stock , which he had there received since his coming to the place : But Seleucus answered him that he was not bound to make an account for that which was given him by the Macedons , for the service which he had done to Alexander in his life time : and when grutches grew daily between them , Seleucus , finding himself too weak for Antigonus , and fearing least he might happily be sent packing out of the World , as Pitho , the Governor of Media , was , he fairely stole away with 50 horse only in his company , and betook himself to Ptolomei in Egypt ; for now all the world talked of his debonanairity , and how propitious he was to all , who in their necessities fled unto him , [ Id. Ibid. and Appia , in his Syriaca . p. 121. ] When Antigonus grew now very jolly , for that without being forced to draw blood of his old friend , and without stroke striken , he had quietly gotten into the possession of Babylon , the Chaldeans told him , that if he let Selucus go , all Asia would be his ; and himself should one day lose his life in a battle against him , he repented him that he had let him go , and sent men after him , to take and bring him back again ; but they , having pursued him a while , gave him off , and returned without him to Antigonus , [ Diodorus , ibid. ] And he thereupon , turned Blirores the Governor of Mesopotamia out of his place , for suffering Seleucus to passe that way , [ Appia . ib. ] Seleucus , having got safe into Egypt , was entertained by Ptolomei , with all expressions of love that might be : and having laid open the proceedings of Antigonus against himself , stirred up Ptolomei to engage in a war against him , [ Diod. ib. with Pausanias in his Attica , p. 5. ] Seleucus , Year of the World 3690 from thence sent some of his trustie friends into Europe , to perswade Cassander , who then commanded all in Macedonia , and Lysimachus , who did the like in Thracia , to make war upon Antigonus : and Antigonus , guessing what his intentions were , sent his Agents to Ptolomei , and Cassander and Lysimachus , to entreat them all three , to continue their love and friendship to him , as in former times , [ Diod. ut su . ] but Seleucus had so wrought with them , that they all joyned together with him in a firme league , against him , [ Appia . ut sup . ] Antigonus , having made Pitho , who came out of India , Governor of Babylon , marched forward toward Cilicia ; and coming to Mallos , which is a city in Cilicia ; there he distributed his army into their winter quarters , it being then the time when Orion sets , ( i. e. ) in our month of November : and he received in the city of Quindi of the same Province , 10000 talents : and 11000 talents more out of the yearly revenue there [ Diodor. ibid. ] And now Antigonus , was removed into the uper Syria , when Embassadors came to him from Ptolomei , Cassander , and Lysimachus , who being brought into him as he sate in Council , made their demands according to their instructions , which were , that he would deliver up all Cappadocia and Lycia to Cassander , Phrygia bordering upon Hellespont to Lysimachus , all Syria to Ptolomei , and the Province of Babylon to Seleucus ; and all the common stock of moneys which he had encroached upon since the death of Eumenes , to be shared equally among them : whereunto he answered roughly , that he was now upon making a war against Ptolomei , and that his purpose was not to have any sharers therein with himself , either of peril or profit , [ Diod. and Appia . ut sup . Justin , l. 15. c. 1. ] The Embassadors returning with this answer , Ptolomei , Cassander , and Lysimachus , buckled themselves instantly to a war against him , by sea and land , [ Id. ] And Antigonus , perceiving what a storm was ready to fall upon him , sought the alliance and confederacie of other Cities and Nations , and Princes , for his assistance in this war : and to this purpose , he dispatcht away Agesilaus to the King of Cyprus , Idomeneus and Moschion to Rhodes , and one Ptolomei , his own brothers son , into Cappadocia , with an army , Aristodemus into Laconia , with a thousand talents , to hire souldiers from thence , and disposed Becons and Curriers throughout all Asia , which was wholy at his command , thereby to give and get knowledge of all things that passed , in a moment . Having taken this order , and being upon his march into Phenicia , there to provide him of a fleet , and encamping near to Tyrus , in Phaenicia , he sent for the petty Kings and Governors of those parts , to come unto him ; and when they came , dealt with them to joyne with him , in furnishing out a fleet , and in building of more ships , because all the ships that belonged to Phaenicia , were at that time with Ptolomei in Egypt . He gave them order likewise , to bring him in , 4500000 bushels of wheat ( for to so much , came the yearly expence of his army ) and then set men on work , to fell timber , and to build ships , and to draw the materials for them , from mount Lebanon to the sea side , imploying therein 8000 men to work , and 1000 beasts for carriage , [ Id. ] Whiles Antigonus was thus imployed , and had his Camp by the sea side , came Seleucus with an hundred ships royally furnished , and in a scornful manner , skirred along under the noses of them ; which when it seemed not a little to trouble the minds of his new associates , Antigonus bad them be of good cheer , saying , that ere the end of that Summer , they should see him put to sea with a fleet of 500 saile , as good as those . Mean while returned Agesilaus with his Embassie out of Cyprus ; and brought word that Nicocreon , and the most potent Kings of that Island had allready confederated with Ptolomei , neverthelesse , that Cittieus and Lapithus , and Marrius and Cirenytes , would joyn with him : whereupon he left three thousand men under the command of Andronicus , to maintain the siege against Tyrus , and with the rest of the army marched against Gaza and Joppe , which stood out against him , and took them by force , and such of Ptolomeis men as he found there , he took and distributed them among his own companies , to serve him in his wars , and placed Garrisons in both places to keep them in obedience : which done , he returned to his standing Camp before Tyre , and prepared all necessaries for a siege against it . [ Id. ] At the same time Aristo , who was entrusted to carry Craterus his bones , delivered them to Phila , the daughter of Antipater , who was married first to Craterus , and afterward to Demetrius ; whose father Antigonus had perswaded him to marry her , and when he shewed himself averse from the match , by reason of the inequality of years between them , she being by so much the elder of the two , he would alwayes round him in the ear with that saying out of Eurypedes , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( i. e. ) In marriage look unto thy gain , Though nature sometimes doth restrain . Where he prettily put in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( i. ) to marry , instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( i. ) to serve , meaning that a man must do any thing to serve his own turn : but this Phila was a woman which was reputed to excell both in wit and wisdom , whereby she often repressed the tumultuous spirits of the most turbulent souldiers in the army , and preferred in marriage at her own cost , the sisters and daughters of the poorer sort among them , [ Id. with Plut. in the Life of Demetrius . ] Aristodemus , being sent with other Captains into Laconia , and having there gotten leave of the Spartanes , to raise souldiers there , got together eight thousand men out of Peloponesus , and upon conference with Polysperchon , and his son Alexander , joyned them both in a firm league of amity with Antigonus , and made Polyspercon their General , and Polyspercon he there presently made Commander over the forces which he had raised in Peloponesus , but prevailed with Alexander to passe over into Asia , to Antigonus , [ Diod. ] Ptolomei , another of his Captains , going with an army into Cappadocia , and there finding the City Amisus besieged by Asclepiodotus , a Captain of Cassanders , raised the siege , and secured the place : and so having sent Asclepiodorus packing , upon certain conditions , recovered that whole province to Antigonas , and marching from thence thorough Bithynia , came upon the back of Zibytes , King of Bithynia , whiles he was busie in the siege of two cities at once , that of the Assacenians , and the other of the Chalcedonians , and forced him to raise his siege from both , and then falling to capitulations both with him and with the cities that were besieged , and having received hostages of them , removed thence toward Ionia and Lydia , for that Antigonus had written to him , to secure that coast , with all possible speed , having intelligence that Seleucus was going into those parts with his fleet , and thither indeed Seleucus was come , and besieged the City Erythrae : but hearing of the approach of Ptolomei , the nephew of Antigonus , left it , and went his way as he came , [ Id. ] Mean while Alexander the son of Polyspercon came unto Antigonus ; where , calling together the whole army , with the strangers that were in it , he opened to them what Cassander had done , protesting before them , that he would revenge the murder by him committed upon Olympias , and deliver Alexander his Kings son , with his mother Roxane , out of prison , in Amphipolis , and break off that yoke , which Cassander had laid upon all the Cities of Greece , by his putting his garrisons into them , and then sent back Alexander , Polyspercons son , with five hundred talents more , into Peloponesius , [ Id. with Justin lib. 15. cap. 1. ] Then , having gotten a fleet from Rhodes , with other new built ships of his own , he set saile for Tyre ; and having all the sea at his command , kept it so , as no supply of victual , or other necessaries , could come thither , whereby that city fell presently into great distresse , [ Diod , ] Ptolomei of Egypt , hearing what a declaration Antigonus with the Macedons had made concerning the deliverie of all Greeks from the thraldom of Cassander , made the like declaration for himself , as desirous that all the world should take notice , that he was no lesse zealous for the liberty of all Grecians , than Antigonus was , and then joyned to his party , Cassander the Governour of Caria , who was a man of a great power , and had many great Cities under his command . And although he had formerly sent three thousand souldiers to the Kings of Cyprus , yet he now sent them 10 thousand more under the command of Myrmidon an Athenian born , and an hundred saile of ships , commanded by Polyclitus : but Generall over all , he made his brother Menelaus , [ Id. ] These coming into Cyprus , joyned there with Seleucus and his Fleet , and in a Council of War , advised together what course was fit to take . The result of all which deliberation was , That Polyclitus with fifty sail should passe into Peloponesus , and there make war upon Aristodemus , and Polyspercon , and Alexander his son : That Myrmidon with an army of forreign nations , should go into Caria , there to help Cassander the Governour of that Province , against Ptolemei , a Captain of Antigonus , which lay heavy upon Cassander ; and that Seleucus , and Menelaus , staying in Cyprus , should bear up Nicocreon the King , and the rest of their confederates against their enemies , which warred upon them . Having therefore thus divided their forces , Seleucus went and took Cerynia and Lapithus ; and having drawn over Stasiaecus King of the Malenses to his party , he forced the Prince of the Amathusians to give him hostages for his fealty in time to come : as for the City Citium , seeing it would come to no agreement with him , he fell to besiege it with his whole army , [ Id. ibid. ] About the same time , came 40 sail of ships , out of Hellespont and Rhodes , under the command of one Themison their Ammiral , to Antigonus : and after them , came Dioscorides , with 80 sail more ; though Antigonus had already a Navy of his own , new built in Phoenicia , to the number of 120 ships , reckoning in those which he left at Tyre : so that he had in the whole , 240 ships of war , of which there were 90 of four tire of oares : 10 of five , 3 of nine , 10 of ten , and 130 open gallies . Then dividing this Navy , into parts , he sent 50 of them into Peloponesus , and the rest he committed to Dioscorides , his own brothers son ; with this charge , that he should keep the Seas , and help his friends as their occasions required ; and that he should gain unto his party such of the Islands , as hitherto stood out against him , [ Ibid. ] Polyclitus , Seleucus his Lieutenant , sailing from Cyprus , came to Cenchrea , which was a Port of Corinth ; where when he found that Alexander , Polyspercons son , had fallen off from Antigonus , to Cassander , so that he now found no enemy there to encounter , as he expected , he changed his course , and set sail for Pamphylia ; and from thence , sailed to Aphrodisiades in Cilicia , and there understood , that Theodotus , a Captain of Antigonus his Navy , passed by from Patara , a Port of Lycia , with the Rhodian Fleet , furnished with Mariners out of Caria , and that Perilaus with a land army , coasted along by the shoar , for the defence of the Fleet , if need should be . In this case he used his wits , to save himself out of this brake ; for he landed his men , and laid them close in a fitting place where the land army must needs passe : and himself with the Fleet went and lay behind a Foreland , near to the place , waiting for the coming of the enemy : and so it fell out , that Perilaus coming along , fell into the ambushment that was laid for him : where himself was taken prisoner , and of his men , some were slain , and the rest fell alive into their enemies hands . The Fleet at sea , seeing the land army engaged , hasted to their relief : but then Polyclitus , coming upon them in this confusion , with his Ships in good array , put them easily to flight : so it came to passe that Polyclitus took all their ships , and the most part of the men in them : and among the rest , Theodotus himself their Ammiral , sorely martyred with wounds , of which he shortly after died , [ Ibid. ] Polyclitus , having sped so well on all hands , sailed back first to Cyprus , and after that to Pelusium in Egypt : where Ptolemei richly rewarded him for so great a service : and withal , promoted him to a far higher dignity and place of honour than he was in before ; as the author of so great a victory : but released Perilaus , and some other of the prisoners , which Antigonus desired by a messenger sent to him for that purpose . And then himself going to a place called Ecregma , came to a parlie with Antigonus ; but Antigonus refusing to grant him what he demanded , he left him , and returned , [ Ibid. ] Cassander put over an army out of Macedonia into Caria , Year of the World 3691 both to help the Cities there which had confederated with Ptolemei , and Seleucus , and also to find Antigonus work there , that he might have no leisure to come into Europe : and the Commanders of this army , Cassander the Governour of Caria , and Prepelaus , hearing that Ptolomei , Antigonus his General in those parts , had laid up his army in their winter quarters , and that himself was now busie in the burying of his father , lately deceased , sent away Eupolemus , with 8000 Foot , and 2000 Horse , to a place called Caprima in Caria , to lie in ambushment for him there : but Ptolemei , getting notice thereof by some that fled over to him , got together out of the next quarters 8300 Foot , and some 600 Horse , and with them falling unlookt for into the enemies trenches , and finding them there all fast asleep , took Eupolemus prisoner , and forced all the rest to submit to his discretion , [ Diodor. year 3 Olymp. 116. ] Antigonus , seeing that Cassander put in for the Sovereignity of Asia ; left his son Demetrius in Syria , with instructions , to intercept Ptolemeis men which he suspected were then coming with an army further up into Syria ; and to that purpose , left with him 10 thousand Foot of other nations , and two thousand Macedons , 500 out of Lycia and Pamphylia ; Persian archers and slingers 400 , and moreover five thousand Horse , and upward of 40 Elephants , and four men for his counsellors , Nearchon , Pitho , who came lately from Babylon , Andromicus , and Philippus ; all men of mature age , and judgement , and such as had attended upon Alexander , in all his wars : for Demetrius himself was but a young man , not passing the age of 22 years , [ Id. ibid. ] Upon Antigonus himself , whiles with the rest of the army , he went to passe the Taurus , there fell a mighty snow , wherein he lost a multitude of his men : whereupon he returned back into Cilicia , where he advised himself of a better way to passe that mountain , and with lesse damage to his army ; and so coming to Celaenae in Phrygia , he there bestowed his army into their winter quarters , [ Id. ibid. ] Tyre , when it had stood out the siege one whole year and three moneths , at last surrendred to Antigonus upon articles , by which Ptolom●i the King of Egypts men , went away with their bag and baggage : and Andronicus was left to hold the place with a Garrison , [ Id. year 2. Olymp. 116. and Olymp. 117. year . 1. ] Medius , being sent for by Antigonus to come to him with his fleet , which he had in Phaenicia , upon his way met with the fleet of the City Pydna , and brought both it , and all the men in it , under his subjection , [ Id. year . 3. Olympiade . 116. ] Cassander , the Governour of Caria , being over-laid by the enemy , came to this agreement with Antigonus , that he should give up all his army to Antigonus , and suffer all the Greek Cities there , to live after their own laws , and should hold the government which he there had , as by grant from Antigonus , and should carry himself as a firm friend to Antigonus in time to come , and for performance hereof , gave his own brother Agathon in pledge ; yet shortly after , repenting him of his bargain , got his brother again out of their clutches , that had him in keeping , and sent his agents to Ptolomei and Seleucus , to come speedily and help him ; which Antigonus took in such ill part , that he forthwith sent both by sea and land his forces , to fet the Greek Cities at liberty ; and to that purpose made Medius his General by land , and Docimus his high Ammiral by sea . These coming to Milecum , dealt with the inhabitants to stand for their liberty , set upon the Castle and took it , with the Garrison that was therein , and restored the City to her pristin , liberty , [ Id. year 4. Olympiade 116. ] Mean while Antigonus took Tralles , and going before the walls of the City Caunus , and sending for his fleet , took that likewise , all save the Castle : and having cast a trench round about that also , he made continual assaults upon it , where there was any hope of entry . He had sent Ptolomei to the City Iassus , but he was sain to come back and joyn again with Antigonus , and so all these Cites came at that time into his subjection . [ Id. Ibid. ] The Cyrenians , Year of the World 3692 falling off from Ptolomei , The Julian Period 4402 besieged the Castle there , so fiercely , Year before Christ 312 as if they would presently have taken it : and when messengers came from Alexandria , perswading them to desist , they struck of their heads , and fell to work against the Castle harder than ever . Ptolomei , exceedingly moved herewith ; sent thither one Agis , a Captain of his , with an army ; and withall , a navie to assist him by sea , under the command of Epaenetus . Agis pursuing the war against these rebels vigorously , took the City of Cyrene by strong hand , and committed the authours of this sedition to prison , and then sent them bound to Alexandria , and disarmed the rest : and so having set things in order there , as he saw cause , returned into Egypt , [ Id. year . 1. Olympiade 117. ] Ptolomei , having had this good successe at Cyrene , took shipping , and with his fleet passed over into the Isle of Cyprus , against those who rebelled there against their Kings , and having gotten Pygmalion , who traded with Antigonus , into his hands , put him to death : then took he Praxippus King of the Lapithi , and Prince of Cerynnia , who was suspected of a revolt , and laid them fast : he took likewise Stasiaecus , a petty King of the Malians , and destroying their City , removed the inhabitants from thence to Paphos : which done , he made Nicocreon Commander over all Cyprus ; and gave him the Cities , together with the revenues of all the Kings which he had cast out of their dominions , and then went with his army into the upper Syria , and sackt the Cities of Possideum and Potamos in Caria ; and that done , he went with a flying army , and took Mallus in Cilicia , and sould away all the inhabitants thereof for slaves , and wasted all the region thereabouts : and having stored all his army with wealth , sailed back again to Cyprus , [ Id. Ib. ] Mean while , Demetrius , the son of Antigonus , kept in Coelosyria , expecting the coming of the Egyptians : but hearing what work Ptolomei had made of so many Cities in Syria , he left Pithon to command in those parts , leaving his Corseleteers and Elephants with him , and he with his Horse , and companies of light armed souldiers , highed him away in all speed toward Cilicia , to aide them which for want of help were distressed there : but coming too late , and finding the enemies all gone , he returned speedily to his Camp again , spoiling many of his Horse by the way ; for in six dayes space , he marched from Mallus , 24 dayes journies by their ordinary stages , so that thorough immoderate travel , none of the servants or Horse-boyes were able to keep them company , [ Id. Ib. ] Ptolomeus , seeing all go every where as he would have it , for that present , returned into Egypt ; but not long after , being put on by Seleucus , for the hatred he bare to Antigonus , he resolved to march into Coelosyria , and there to try it out with Demetrius ; wherefore gathering all his army together , he marched from Alexandria to Pelusium , having with him 18000 foot , and 4000 horse , whereof some were Macedons , and some hired souldiers : the Egyptians , some served to carry their darts and weapons , and other luggage of the army , and some for souldiers , and having passed the desert from Pelusium , he encamped near the old city of Gaza in Syria , not farr off from the enemy . And Demetrius on the other side , called all his army out of their winter quarters and appointed them their rendevouz at Gaza ; there to attend the coming of the enemy , [ Ibid. ] In the 117 Olympiade , Ptolomei overthrew in a main battle near Gaza , Demetrius the son of Antigonus , surnamed afterward , Poliorcetes , ( i. e. ) the City-taker ; as Castor , the Historiographer reporteth , cited by Josephus , [ lib. 1. cont . Apion . p. 1048. ] the particulars of which fight are related by Diodorus Siculus , in his history of that Olympiade , where he saith that there were taken prisoners of Demetrius his men , to the number of 8000 and upward of 500 slain ; but that is to be amended , and made 5000 out of Plutarch . But among the Nobles that were there slain , one was Pithon , who was at that time joyned in commission with Demetrius , and Boeotus , a man who had long lived with Antigonus the father , and was ever privie to all his designes , and partaker of all his counsels . Ptolomei and Seleucus took Gaza , but Demetrius , by the help of a good pair of spurs came to Azotus : about midnight following , having road 270 furlongs , and from thence sent to beg the bodies of his dead for burial : which Ptolomei and Seleucus not onely at first word granted , but also sent him back his own pavillion , with all the furniture thereunto belonging , free , and without ransom , adding thereunto a generous message , that they fought not for pray , but for honour , and to see who should wear the Garland , [ Diodorus , Vt. Sup. Plutarch . in Demetrio , and Justin. lib. 15. cap. 1. ] Demetrius , being no longer able to hold out , in the case he was in , dispacht away a messenger with his letters to his father , who lay then in Phrygia , to pray in aide of him , and to come away speedily to his help ; and he himself coming to Tripoli in Phaenicia , sent for the souldiers that were in Cilicia , and elsewhere in Garrisons remote , and far distant from the enemies quarters , to come unto him , [ Diodorus . ] But Antigonus , when he heard the news , said that Ptolomei had now gotten the victory , of a company of beardlesse boyes ; but that he should fight next time with men : yet that he might not quell the courage of his son , and because he so desired , he gave him leave to fight again with him himself , if he saw cause , [ Plutarch . in Demetrio . ] Ptolomei sent the prisoners which he had taken into Egypt , there to be distributed , among the several regiments of his fleet : and when he had honourably enterred his own that were slain , he went forward , and set upon the Cities and strong places of Phaenicia , besieging some , and perswading others of them to yield unto him , and having taken Sidon , he went and encamped before Tyre , and sent to Andronicus , Captain of the Garrison , there to render up the City to him , tendring him large promises both of wealth and honour : but he not onely answered , that he would never betray the trust which Antigonus and his son Demetrius had put him in , but also used many reviling speeches against Ptolomei , but yet a little after , when surprised by a mutiny of his own souldiers , he fell into his hands , Ptolomei forgetting that by-past railing of his , highly rewarded him , and took him into the number of his friends , and honourably prefered him , [ Diod. ] Seleucus , taking with him 1000 Foot of Ptolomeis men , ( as Appianus hath it : for Diodorus sayes but 800. ) and 200 Horse , went with so small a train to recover his Government of the Province of Babylon ; and coming with them into Mesopotamia , he there dealt with such Macedons as he found dwelling in Carran , and some of them by perswasions , some by plain force , he drew to go along with in this journy of his . Now no sooner had he set foot within the territory of Babylon , but the inhabitants came flocking to him ; and offered him their service in the recovering of his right . Polyarchus also , who bare some kind of office among them , came unto him to receive his commands , with a full thousand of men compleatly armed . But they who stood for Antigonus , when they perceived the ge●eral , and irresistible inclination of the multitude toward him , fled all to the Castle , which was commanded by Diphilus , and Seleucus , fell presently to besiege it ; and having taken it by force , he there delivered such children and friends of his , as Antigonus , when Seleucus for fear fled away into Egypt , had there committed to prison . This done , he then fell to raising of souldiers in the Country , and having bought Horses , distributed them , among those who were fit to ride them . And withal , carrying himself fairly and amiable unto all sorts , made them all ready to run any hazard with him , and so in a trice recovered all his government of Babylon again , [ Diod. with Appian . in his Syriaca , pag. 121. ] But then Nicanor , whom Antigonus had made Governour of the province of Media , marcht against him with 10 thousand Foot , and seven thousand Horse , and Seleucus made no tarrying , but went out to meet him , having with him in all little above three thousand Foot , and four hundred Horse , and passing the River Tigris , when he heard that the enemy was not far off , he hid his men in the fennes thereby , purposing to set upon Nicanor at unawares , and Nicanor , when he came to the bank of the Tigris , and found no enemy there ; went and encamped near to a post-house of the Kings ; little thinking the enemy had been so near . But the night following , when contemning his enemy , he cared not to keep a due watch , after a military manner , Seleucus fell upon him , and raised a great tumult in his army , for when the Persians put themselves forward to fight , Euager their General , with sundry others of their Commanders , happened to be slain : after which broile , the greater part of Nicanors army , what for the present danger they were in , what for the mislike they had of Antigonus his government , left him , and came to the service of Seleucus . Whereupon Nicanor , fearing lest at the next bout , his souldiers would deliver him up to Seleucus , fairly stale away with some few of his friends , and fled thorough the desert home into Media again , [ Diodor. ] Selucus , having by this means gotten a potent army about him , and continued his fair carriage to all men as before , easily procured the provinces of Media and Susa , and other countries bordering thereupon , to come under his subjection , and then sent Ptolomei word , how he had sped , having now gotten a full royal power and majesty into his hand , as [ Diod. year 1. Olymp. 117. ] declareth . From whence it is , that from this year , Eusebius deduceth Selucus his principality or reign : and with all notes , that the Edesseni begin their Epoch , and the story of the Maccabees their account of the Grecian reign . And out of doubt from the Autumne of this very year , that is , from Septemb. or Octob. of the year 4402 , according to the Julian Calendar , it is , that the composer of the second book of Maccabees reckons his Grecian years , & the Jews there , aeram Contractium , ( i. e. ) their account of Contracts , and those of Edessa , and other Syrians , their Epoch of the Seleucian race , and the Arabians , the years of Alexander Dehilkarnain , as they term them , and yet the writer of the first book of Maccabees begins his account of the Grecian year , from the spring precedent to this autumne , and Ptolomei of Alexandria , in his great Syntaxis begins his Chaldean account , from the Spring following . Ptolomei of Egypt , Year of the World 3693 staying still in Coelosyria , sent one of his Nobles about him , called Cilles , a Macedon born , with a great army against Demetrius , who lay encamped in the upper Syria , willing him to fight with him , and to turn him quite out of all , that is called Syria , or to coup him up , and tread him to dirt , where he lay . Demetrius understanding by his spialls , that Cilles with his army lay at Myus carelessely , without keeping watch or ward , leaving his carriages behind him , marcht away with a company of light-footed lads , which travelled all night ; and a little before day fell in upon Cilles his Camp , put all in a confusion , took it , and Cilles himself prisoner , and with him seven thousand souldiers , and a great booty besides : yet because he thought Ptolomei himself was coming after with all his army , he therefore pitcht his Camp in a place where he had a bog on the one hand , and a great Lough on the other to secure him . [ Diodor. year . 1. Olymp. 117. and Plut. in Demetrio . ] Demetrius sent news of this his good successe to his father Antigonus , where he lay at Celenae in Phrygia , solliciting him by his letters , either to send an army speedily , or to come himself in person into Syria . Antigonus , having read the letter , was wonderfull joyfull at the news , both because the victory was gotten by his sons own conduct and ordering of matters in the fight , and also for that he had shewed himself a man worthy hereafter , to wear a Crown upon his head . [ Diodor. ] But Demetrius , with his fathers leave , sent back Cilles and all his friends to Ptolomei again , thereby , not to lie any longer in his debt , and to cry quittance with him for his former kindnesse in that kind , [ Plut. ] Antigonus with his army removed out of Phrygia , and having in few dayes passed the Taur●s , came to his son Demetrius . And Ptolemei , by the advice of his Council , thought fit to leave Syria ; but before he went , he laid waste and destroyed the principal Cities which he had there at that time in his possession ; as Acon in Sytophoenicia , and Joppa , and Samaria , and Gaza of Syria : and then taking along with him out of the country , whatever he could drive or carry , loaden with wealth he returned into Egypt , [ Diodor ▪ year 1. Olymp. 117. ] A multitude of men there was , who seeing his good disposition , and clemency of nature , would needs along with him into Egypt ; among whom there was one Ezechias 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : ( i. e. ) a high Priest ( perhaps a secondary one ; for the chief High Priest at that time was Onias the first ) of the Jews : a man of about 66 years of age , and much respected among his people , very eloquent , and of much experience in the affairs of the world . This and much more of this Ezechias is related by Hecataeus the Historian ( who conversed with him in Ptolemeis army ) in a peculiar Treatise which he wrote , of the Jews : where he also maketh a large narration of another Jew , which he grew acquainted with , called Mosollamo . al. Meshullamo : as followeth . When I went , saith he , toward the red Sea , there was one among the rest , of a Troup of Horse of the Jews , which went to convoy us , called Mosollamus , a high-spirited man , and the best archer of all the company , who espied a certain wizard in the company which stood still ; and desired all the company to do the like , whiles he observed a certain bird that flew , to divine thereby : and asked him the reason why he stayed : and when the wizard shewed him the bird which he had in his eye , and said withal , that if it were expedient for the company to stay there , that bird would stay where she was : but if she rose , and flew before them , then they should do well to go forward too : but if she flew back , then all the company ought also to return . Then this Mosollamus said nothing , but d●ew his bow , and shot , and killed the bird , and when the wizard and others there present grew angry at it , and cried shame of him for so doing : Why are you so angry , quoth he ? and why do you take this unlucky bird into your hands ? Could she that knew nothing of what was to betide her self , tell any thing of what would befal us in this our journey ? for if she had had any knowledge of things to come , she would never have come hither , here to be shot to death by Mossollamus a Jew . Many things besides there are , which [ Josephus in his book , contra . Apion . ] recites , out of the same book concerning the Jews . As namely , that at that time , there were to the number of 1500 Priests , which received tithes , and governed all things belonging to the common wealth : and Demetrius Phalareus , in his Epistle to Ptolomaeus Philadelphus , ( found in Aristeas his book of the 70 Interpreters , and in the same Josephus , lib. 12. Antiquit. cap. 2. ) out of the same Author , yeilds the reason why no heathen Poet , or Historian , makes mention , either of those sacred books , or of those men who lived according to the rule delivered in them : to wit , for that they contain a sacred and a venerable rule , which was not to be taken into , or uttered by unhallowed mouths . Antigonus , The Julian Period . 4403 when he had without stroke striking recovered all Syria , Year before Christ 311 and Phoenicia , into his hands ; took a journey into the country of the Arabians , called the Nabathaeans : for , conceiving that they never much favoured his proceedings , he appointed one of his Nobles called Athenaeus , with 4 thousand Foot , and 600 light-Horse , to fall in upon them , and to bring away what spoile he could get out of their Country . And now the time grew near when all bordering Nations used to come thither as to a common Mart , to sell off to them their commodities , and to buy from them the merchandise of their Country . To this Mart therefore the Nabathaeans now went according as they were wont , leaving their wealth , and old men with their wives and children , upon the top of a rock ; Athenaens , watching this opportunity , marched speedily to this rock , and having marched out of the Province of Edom , the length of 2200 furlongs , in three dayes and three nights space , late in the night , the Arabians knowing nothing of his coming , possessed himself of it . The souldiers which he there found , he partly put to the sword , and partly made prisoners of them , and such as were wounded , he there left behind him ; and carried from thence the greatest part of their mirrh and frankincense , with 500 talents of silver , and staying there not past three hours , for fear of the countries coming in upon him , returned presently again : and now , he with his souldiers having gone 200 furlongs , could go no further for very wearinesse , and therefore rested them there , keeping neither watch nor ward ; as presuming that the country people could not reach thither in two or three dayes after , [ Diodorus , year 1. Olympiade 117. ] The Arabians , being acertained of what had fallen out , by those which had seen the army of the enemy : left the Mart , where they were met , and returned to the rock , and being there more fully informed by the wounded persons which were left , what way they were gone , incontinently followed after them : and because Athenaeus his men kept no watch , and after their long journey lay weary and fast asleep , some of their prisoners stole away from them : from whom when their country men , whom they met , had learnt how the enemies Camp lay , they hasted to the place , and coming upon them at three of the clock in the morning , fell into their trenches , to the number of 8 thousand of them , and cut the throats of some snorting in their cabins ; others that made resistance , they slew : to make short , they utterly destroyed all their Foot , onely 50 of their Horse got away , and they wounded too , for the most part ; and so the Nabathaeans , having recovered their goods again , returned to the Rock : and by a letter of theirs written to Antigonus in Syriac characters , complained of Athenaeus , and his wrong doing , and excused themselves ; to whom Antigonus wrote back again cunningly , telling them , that Athenaeus was well enough served by them : blaming him for doing what he had done , and assuring them , that he had given him no such order , [ Id. ibid. ] But Antigonus , having for a time made fair weather with these poor Nabathaeans , shortly after , chose out of all his army , 4 thousand Foot , light-armed , and the swiftest of foot that he could find , and to them added 4 thousand Horse , willing them to take in their knapsacks , as many dayes victuals as they could well carry , and such as needed no cooking ; and assigning Demetrius , his son , to command them : he sent them away in the first of the night , with this charge , that he should by all means be revenged of them . He therefore travelled 3 dayes journey thorough the Desert , hasting to fall upon them at unawares : but their scouts perceiving the first approach of the enemy toward their borders , made fires , and by them gave notice of their coming to the Country : whereupon they presently gat them to their Rock , to the top whereof there was but one way up , and that made by hand too ; and there leaving their baggage , left withal , a sufficient guard to keep it ; and the rest went and drave away their cattle , some to one place , some to another in the Desert . Demetrius , when he came to the Rock , and saw all the cattle driven away , presently went to besiege the Rock ; but when they that were in it manfully defended it , and by the advantage of the place , had all the day long the better of it , Demetrius at last was fain to draw off : and seeing he could do no good upon them , made a peace with them , upon hostages given him , and such gifts as were agreed upon between them , and so removing with his army 300 furlongs off , encamped near to the Lake Asphaltis , or Dead Sea , [ Id. ibid. ] but Plutarch sayes , that he went thence , with a huge booty , and 7 hundred Camels . Antigonus at his return to him , having heard the relation of his voyage , blamed him for his making a peace with the Nabathaeans ; saying , that those barbarous people , having so escaped , would thereupon grow more insolent than before : yet commended him for discoveing the Lake Asphaltis , seeing that from thence he might raise some yearly revenue to himself : and made Hieronymus Cardianus the Historian , his Treasurer for that revenue ; whom [ Josephus , lib. 1. cont . Apion . ] noteth to have been made President of Syria by Antigonus : and very deservedly blameth him , for that in his History he maketh no mention of the Jews , considering that he lived near unto , and almost among them ; this Hieronymus was commanded to build ships , and to gather together in one place all the bitumen , or liquid brimstone that could be gotten out of that Lake : But the Arabians coming together to the number of 6 thousand men , set upon them as they were in their ships gathering this brimstone , and shot them almost all to death with their arrows ; whereby Antigonus lost all hope of making any standing revenue that way , [ Diod. ] Antigonus , understanding by letters from Nicanor the Governour of Media , and others , how Seleucus prospered in those parts , sent his son Demetrius with 5 thousand Macedon Foot , and 10 thousand mercenaries , and 4 thousand Horse ; with charge , that he should march to the very walls of Babylon ; and having recovered that Province , should from thence march down to the Sea : and he , parting from Damascus in Syria , went vigorously on to fulfil his fathers commands . But Patrocles , whom Seleucus had left President of Babylon , so soon as he heard that Demetrius was falling into Mesopotamia , not daring to stay his coming , because he had but a small power about him ; commanded the rest to leave the City , and that passing the Euphrates , they should flee , some into the Desert , others over the Tigris , into the Province of Susa , and to the Persian sea : and himself with a company which he had about him , trusting in the bars of the Rivers , and dikes of the Country thereabouts , instead of so many Fortresses and Bulwarkes for his defence , kept himself still within the bounds of his own government , and cast about , how to entrap his enemy ; sending ever and anon tidings to Seleucus in Media how things went with him , and desiring aid to be speedily sent unto him , [ Id. ] Demetrius , when he came to Babylon , and found the City it self void of inhabitants , fell presently to besiege the Forts and Castles that were therein : and having taken one of them , gave the spoile thereof to the souldier ; and turning out Seleucus his men , put therein a Garrison of his own , consisting of seven thousand souldiers ; but not being able to take the other , in hast , after some few dayes siege , departed , leaving Archelaus , one of his trusty friends , to maintain the siege about it , with five thousand Foot , and 1000 Horse : and himself seeing the time run out , which his father had appointed him , to finish his work in , bad his souldiers rap and rend what ever they could light on in all that province , and take it to themselves : and then took his journey back into Asia ; whereby , he left Seleucus more grounded , and better setled in his government than before . For why , said men , should Demetreus wast and spoil the Country , if he took it for his own ? [ Id. with Plut. in Demetrio . ] Whereupon the Chaldeans reckon the Epocha , or beginning of the Seleucian regin in Babylon , from this time ▪ rather than from the former . Demetreus returning into Asia , quickly raised the siege , which Ptolomei had laid to Halicarnas●us , [ Plut. in Demetrio . ] And now Cassander , Ptolomeus and Lysimachus , made peace with Antigonus , upon such articles , as follow , to wit , That Cassander should command all in Europe , untill Alexander the son of Roxane , came to age . That Lysimachus should hold Thrace ; and Ptolomei Egypt , with the bordering Countries of Lybia and Arabia : And Antigonus should have the command of all Asia to himself : but this campact between them held not long , for every one took one occasion or other , to encroach upon more than his part came to , [ Diod. year . 2. Olymp. 117. ] Cassander , seeing Alexander the son of Roxane to grow up , and hearing a bruit cast abroad among the Macedons , that it was high time , that the young King should now be freed from his prison , and take the rule of the kingdom into his own hands , took a fright hereat , and gave order to Glaucia the keeper , to murder Roxane , and the King her son ; and burying their carcases , in some secret place , should by all means possible conceal their deaths . [ Id. Ib. ] Parysades the King of Bosphorus Ci●erius dying , after that he had reigned 38 years , left his kingdom to his eldest son Satyrus , which he held nine years onely , [ Id. year . 3. Olymp. 117. ] In Pelopones●s , Year of the World 3694 Ptolomei , a Captain of Antigonus , falling off from him to Cassanders side , sent souldiers to a most trusty friend of his , called Phaenix , and one to whom he had committed the managing of the government of Hellespont ; advising him withall to man his Forts and Cities , and to stand upon his guard ; and no longer to be at Antigonus his command , [ Diod. year 3. Olymp. 117. ] On the other side , Ptolomei of Egypt cried out upon Antigonus , for that he , contrary to agreement , had put Garrisons of his own , into sundry Cities of the Greeks in Asia side : and thereupon sent Leonides , a Captain of his own , into Cilicia Asp●ra , and there possessed himself of certain Cities and places belonging to Antigonus ; and moreover sent his agent to some Cities appertaining to Cassander and Lysimachus , that they would follow his advise , and not suffer Antigonus , to grow too fast in power . [ Id. Ibid. ] Antigonus sent his younger son Philippus , to make war upon Phoenix , and others who had revolted from him in Hellespont , but his so Demetrius , he sent into Cilicia against Ptolomei of Egypt , who going in hand with the errand he was sent in , routed the Captains of Ptolomei , that there were , and recovered the Cities which he had taken . [ Ibid. ] Polyspercon in Peloponesus cryed out in like manner upon Cassander , and affecting the government of Macedon , sent for Hercules , a son of Alexander the Great , begotten upon Barsine , and now of the age of 17 years ; and sent about to those , who were enemies to Cassander , to help to set this young man in his fathers kingdom , [ Ib. ] Ptolemei of Egypt , having all Cyprus under his command , and finding that Nicocles the King of Paphos , negotiated under hand with Antigonus , sent two confidents of his own , Argaus and Callicrates , with instructions , to make away Nicocles ; wherefore passing into Cyprus , and taking with them a certain number of souldiers from Menalaus , who commanded the army there : they beset the house of Nicocles , and then telling him , what Ptolemeis pleasure was , advised him , to dispose of himself for another world . And he at first went to clear himself of what was laid to his charge , but when he saw that no man hearkened to what he said , drew his sword and slew himself . Axiothea his wife , hearing of her husbands death , took her daughters , who were all young , and virgins , and slew them , and was earnest with the wives of Nicocles his brothers , to accompany her in her own death . Whereas yet Ptolomei had given no order concerning any of them , save onely to preserve them . The brothers also of Nicocles , shut every man his own doors upon him , and set fire thereon , and slew themselves , and so the whole race of the Kings of Phaphos , came to a tragick and lamentable end . [ Diod. ib. and Polyae , Stratag . lib. 8. ] Agathocles King of Sicilia , sai●ing about this time into Afric , there to make war upon the Carthaginians , there fell so great an Eclips of the Sun ▪ that the stars appeared every where in the firmament , and the day was turned into night , [ Diod. year 3. Olympiade , 117. Justin. lib. 22. cap. 6. ] which dreadfull Eclips of the Sun ; the Astronomicall tables shew to have fallen upon the 15 day of our Angust , i● this year . Epicurus , being now 32 years of age , read publickly both in Mitylene and Lampsac●s five years together , [ Diog. La●rtius , in the Life of Epicurus . ] In Bosphorus Cimmerius , Eumelus , younger brother to Satyrus , compacting with some of the natives adjoyning ; laid claim to the kingdom against his elder brother , whereof Satyrus being informed , went against him with a great army , and passing the river Thapsus , when he came near his quarters , fortified his Camp , with his Carts and Waggons , wherein he had brought an infinite quantity of provisions : and ranging afterward his army in the field . Himself , as the manner of the Scythian Kings was , led the main battle , in his Army , he had not above two thousand Greeks , al. one thousand , and as many Thracians , all the rest were Scythians , which came to assist him , to the number of 20 thousand , and no lesse than ten thousand Horse . Eumelus was borne up , by Ariopharnes King of Thracia , with 20000 Horse , and 22000 Foot , Satyrus encountred first with Ariopharnes , in a skirmish of Horse , and routed him ; and then overthrew his brother Eumelus with his Foot , and forced all to retreat into the Kings palace , which was enviromed with a river , and steep rocks , and thick woods about , [ Diod. ] Satyrus at first went and wasted the enemies Country , and set fire on their vilages , and drew from thence a huge spoil , and then making away thorough their fen country , came to their wooden Castles , and took them , and crossing a river , felled a vast wood , thorough which he must needs passe , that would come to the Kings palace , in which work the whole army , spent three dayes , and so came to the walls of the Castle , There Meniscus , wo led the mercenary companies , having gotten in at a passage , though he fought very manfully , was neverthelesse , being overlaid with the multitude within , forced to retreat : and Satyrus coming to his relief , was wounded in the arme with a spear ; which was so sore , that it forced him to retire to his Camp , and the next night , died thereof . And Meniscus breaking up the siege , drew off the army , to a City called Gargaza , and from thence carried the Kings body down the river , to a City called Panticapaeum to his brother Prytanis : who having magnificently buried it , and laid up the reliques , in the Kings sepulchre , went presently to Gargaza , and there took into his hands the army , and the kingdom withall . [ Ibid. ] Then came the Agents of Eumelus to him , to treat concerning a partage of the kingdom between them two ; which he would not hearken to : wherefore leaving a strong Garrison at Gargaza , he returned to Pantacapaeum , there to settle the affairs of his kingdom . But a while after , Eumelus , by the help of some Barbarians , possessed himself of Gargaza , and of sundry other Towns and Castles : and after that , overthrew Prytanis in a battle , and having shut him up in a neck of land , near the lough of Maeotis , forced him to render himself upon conditions , which were , to give up all his army , and to depart the kingdom . Neverthelesse , when Prytanis returned to Pantacapaeum , which is the place where the Kings of Bosphorus keep their standing Court , he there endeavoured again to have recovered his kingdom : but being foild there again , he fled to a place there called the Gardens , and was there slain , and his brother Eumelus reigned in his stead , five years and five moneths , [ Ibid. ] Year of the World 3695 Eumelus , The Julian Period . 4405 to establish his kingdom , Year before Christ 309 put to death all the friends , and wives and children , of both his brothers , Satyrus and Pritanis , onely Parysades , Satyrus his son , being but a very youth , escaped his hands : for , by the benefit of a swift Horse , he got away to Agarus King of the Scythians . But when Eumelus saw that the people repined at the losse of their friends which he had murdered , he called them all together , and there excused himseself , and restored to them their ancient form of government ; and restored moreover to the Citizens of Pantacupaeum , their former immunities , and promised to discharge them of all kind of tributes , sparing for no fair words , which might reconcile the hearts of the people to him : whereby having gotten all their good wills again , he held a just and moderate hand over them , and grew afterward into no small admiration for all kind of vertue among them , [ Ibid. ] Ptolemei of Egypt , hearing that he had lost all again in Cilicia , put over with his fleet to Phaselis , and took that City by force ; and from thence passing into Lycia , took Xanthus by assault , and the Garrison of Antigonus that was therein ; then sailing to Caunus , took the City upon surrender , and then set upon the citadels and forts that were in it , and took them by assault , as for Heracleum , he utterly destroyed it , and the City Persicum came into his hands by the surrender of the souldiers that were there put to keep it , [ Diod. year 4. Olymp. 117. ] Then sailing to Coos , he sent for Captain Ptolomei to come unto him : that same was Antigonus his brothers son , as was said before ; and had an army committed to him by Antigonus : but now , forsaking his Uncle , he clave to Ptolemei , in all his ways . Parting therefore from Chalcis , and arriving at Coos , Ptolemei at first received him in all courteous manner ; yet after a while , when he saw the insolency of his carriage , and how he went to allure the officers by gifts , and secret meetings with them , fearing the worst , he clapt him up in prison , and there poisoned him with a draught of hemlock ▪ as for the souldiers that came with him , he made them his own by large promises which he used towards them , and distributed them , by small parcels among the rest of his army , [ Id. ibid. ] Cassander , fearing least the Macedons would fall over to Hercues , the son of Alexander the Great , who was then fourteen ( as Justin , or rather seventeen , as Diodorus hath it ) years of age , struck in with Poly●percon , and by his means procured both him and his mother Barsine to be privily murdered , and their bodies to be hid deep enough in the ground , least by their solemne Funerals the truth might happily come to light . And how that Alexanders two sons were both rid out of the way , and dead , and no heir of his body left to succeed him ▪ every Governour made himself a King of the Province which he held , nor more , nor lesse , than if he had won it by the sword , and right of war , [ Id. ibid. and Justin , lib. 15. cap. 2. ] Ptolemei , Year of the World 3696 sailing from Myndus along the Islands which lay in his way , The Julian Period . 4406 came to Andros , Year before Christ 308 and putting out the Garrison that there was ; restored it to her former liberty , [ Diodorus , Olymp. 118. year 1. ] Cleopatra , the Daughter of Philip , and Sister to Alexander the Great , being incensed against Antigonus , of her own accord , inclined to Ptolemei and left Sardes , to go unto him ▪ but the Governour there , to whom Antigonus had given in charge not to hurt her ▪ stopt neverthelesse her going , and afterward by his command , and the help of s●me of ●er women about her , privily got her to be murdered : But Antigonus , who would no wayes be thought guilty of her death , put some of those women to death for having a hand in her murder : and buried her with all the magnificence that might be , [ Id. ibid. ] Ophellas , who had thrust out Thimbro , and reduced the Cyrenians under the obei●sance of Ptolomei , challenged now , Cyrene it self , with the Cities and Regions thereunto adjoyning , as his own : and not therewith content , began to look after greater matters , and to have higher projects in his braines : and whiles he was casting these maginations in his mind , one Ortho of Syracusa , came to him in a message from Agathocles , solliciting him to joyn in armes with him against the Carthagi●●ans ; telling him withal , that if he subdued them ▪ he would make him Sovereign of all Afric . This therefore coming in the way , so heightened him in his former hopes , that he readily hearkened to him , and sent his Agent to Athens , from whence he had married his wife Euridice , the Daughter of Miltiades , to pray their aid and association in this war , [ Id. ibid. ] Many there were of the Athenians , Year of the World 3697 and other Grecians , The Julian Period . 4407 which willingly hearkened to this motion , Year before Christ 307 hoping thereby to have the sharing of the richest pieces of all Afric , with all the wealth of Carthage amongst themselves . And now Ophellas , being fully provided of all necessaries for such a voyage , drew out his army , consisting of 1● thousand Foot , and six or seven hundred Horse , and one hundred Chariots , with above 300 mendrivers ; and souldiers to manage them : besides extraordinaries and followers of the Camp , to the number of 10 thousand more ; many of which , drew their wives and children with their stuff and baggage along with them : so that they looked more like a Colony going to be planted , than an army marching against an enemy . Having therefore marched 18 dayes journey , and in them gone 3 thousand furlongs , they came to a City called Automulus , in the westerne border of Cyrenaica , and there they encamped , and rested themselves : then removing again , they travelled thorough a dry and thirsty Country , and full of noisome Serpents , and came at last , after two moneths miserable travel , with much adoe , to Agathocles his Camp , where they pitcht their Camps at a small distance each from the other , [ Id. ibid. ] Agathocles , hearing of his approach , went to meet him , and advised him by all means to have a care of his army after so tedious and hard a journey , and to see them well refreshed , and having often supped together , at last Ophellas adopted Agathocles for his son : but he , when upon a time the greater part of Ophellas his army was gone a forraging into the Country , suddenly called an assembly of his own army , and before them accused Ophellas , for that being called for an assistant in this war , he went about to betray him ; and having incensed the multitude , drew out his whole army in battalion against him and his Cyrenians : Ophellas growing amazed at this unexpected alteration , put neverthelesse himself , and the men he had with him into a posture of defence ; but the enemy being too quick for him , and he too weak for them , he was there slain upon the place , and Agathocles , when he was dead , perswaded the rest that were left , to lay down their arms , and then telling them what great things he would do for them , perswaded them to take his pay , and so rid himself of Ophellas , and got all his army to himself : but such of the● as he found not fit and serviceable for th● war , those he sent away to Sy●acusae , of which few yet arrived there , being for the most part cast away in a fierce tempest , that fell upon them a● sea , [ Id. Ib. with Justin , lib , 22. cap. 2. ] After Ophellas his death , Cyrene , and all Lybia returned to Ptolomei's obeissance again . [ Suid. in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ] Demetrius Poliorc●tos , Year of the World 3698 or , The Julian Period 4408 as Pliny renders it , Year before Christ 306 Expugnator Urb●um , ( i. e. ) the City taker , being furnished with two strong armies , one by land , and another by sea , and provided of weapons , and all other necessaries for the war , set forth from Ephesus , to set the Grecian Cities at liberty , [ Diod. year . 2. Olympiade 118. ] and carrying with him five thousand talents of silver , came to Pyrae●m , the port of Athens , with 250 saile of ships , upon the 26 day of Thargelion , ( i. e. ) about the 31 day of our May , as Plutarch in the Life of Demetrius , ●aith . And having been received into Athens , took the City of Megara , and because Cassander had put a Garrison into Munichium , which was the Fort or Castle of Athens , under the command of one Dionysus , therefore he rased it to the ground . In the year when Anaxicrates was L. Chancelor in Athens , as among others ▪ Philochorus hath it , who lived at this very time , in his Attic. History , [ lib. 8. cited by Dionysius Halicarnassus , in his Dinarchus ] reporteth , to w●● , toward the end of his Chancellor-ship , and withal , [ year . 2. Olymp. 118. ] When Euridice , the relict of Opheltas , al. Ophellas , Prince of Cyrene , who was slain the year before , returned to Athens . Demetrius the son of Antigonus married her ; which marriage , the Athenians took as a great honour done to them : and thereupon they began , and were the first that honoured Demetrius and Antigonus , with the title of Kings ; who otherwise refused that title , as the onely mark of regality , which hitherto remained entire and untouch● , to the stock and linage of Phllip and Alexander his son , [ Plut. in Demetrius . ] Demetrius , being re-called out of Greece by his father Antigonus , to make war upon the Captains of Ptolemei , in the Isle of Cyprus , put over first into Caria , and from thence went into Cilicia , and furnishing himself there with shipping and men , sailed thence into Cyprus , with 15 thousand Foot , and four hundred Horse , and a fleet consisting of 110 ships , of three tire of Oares a piece , of singular swiftnesse , and 53 not so swift , as the other , yet men of war , as the other were , besides ships of burden of all sorts , answerable to so great a multitude of Men and Horses , as were in them to be wa●ted over . Being landed , he first encamped near the shoar , not far from Carpasia , and drawing up his ships to land , fenced them there with a deep trench , and ramparts , and then went , and by force took Urania and Carpasia , and leaving a sufficient guard to defend his trenches about the fleet , marched forthwith to Salamis . [ Diodor. year 2. Olympiade 118. ] Menelaus , the brother of Ptolemei , and chief Commander of the Isle , being then in Salamis , and seeing the enemy , within 40 furlongs of the City , drew out of the Garrisons adjoyng , to the number of 12000 Foot , and 800 Horse , and went to meet him ; but not able to endure the i●●●●ssion of the enemy , fled , and Demetrius , following him hard at heels ▪ to the very gate● of the city , took to the number of three thousand of his men , and slew one thousand more upon the place : the prisoners he distributed among his own companies to serve him : but finding that they were ever ready to fly over again to Menel●us , because their wealth was in Ptolomeis hands in Egypt , he shipt them all away to Antigonus his father . [ Id. Ibid. ] Antigonus at that time was building a City in the upper Syria upon the river Orontes , called after his own name , Antigonia , laying out great sums of money upon it , and taking in within the walls 70 furlongs of ground : for the place it self was very oppertune , to lie as a yoak , both upon Babylon , and the upper provinces , and also upon the nether , as far down as Egypt . [ Ibid. ] Menelaus , flying back to Salamis , resolved there to endure a siege , and dispatcht away a messenger to Ptolemei , for more help , telling him what danger he was in . And Demetrius fell presently to work , dressing his Engins of battery , to take it by force : among others he had one special Engine , which he called Helepolis , ( i. e. ) one that would not faile him in taking any City , which it was bent against , besides sundry other great rams and galleries for them . But they within , in the night time threw fire-works upon them , and consumed the principall of them , with the greatest part of the men that kept them : yet Deme●rius would not off , but pr●ssing the siege both by sea and land , thought in time he should not fail but have it , [ Ibid. ] Ptolemei , hearing of the losse of his men , took presently shipping with an army well furnished for sea and land , and arriving at Paphos in Cyprus , took boats from the Cities adjoyning , and went to Citium , distant from Salamis 200 furlongs : his whole Fleet consisted of 140 , or , as Plutarch hath it , 150 sail ; the biggest whereof was of five tire of oares , the least of four : and these were attended with 200 ships of burden , containing no lesse than 10 thousand souldiers ; and sent word to Menelaus , that when he saw them in heat of fight , he should then set out of the Port of Salamis , with 60 sail of ships , and fall in upon the rere of the enemy , and disorder them , all that possible he could . But Demetrius foreseeing what might be ; as he left a part of his army to maintain the siege by land , so he gave order to Antisthenes his Ammiral , with ten ships of 5 tire of oares a piece , to lie at the mouth of the Haven of Salamis , and to keep in the Fleet that there was , so that they should not be able to come out : and having first ranged his land army upon the shoar and forelands looking into the sea ; took ship himself , and with a Fleet of 108. or as Plutarch hath it , of 180 ships , the greater sort whereof were of 7 tire of oares , the least of four , put out to sea , [ Diod. and Plutarch . ] Ptolemei , in the wing where himself was , utterly routed the enemy , sinking some of their ships , and taking others with the men in them ; and then returning thought to have done the like with the rest : but when he came , he found his left wing wholy routed by Demetrius , and him in hot pursuite of them ; wherefore he made back to Citium . But Demetrius committing his men of War to Neon and Burichus , to pursue the enemy withal , and to take up such as they found swimming for their lives , returned to his own Port whence he set out , [ Diodor. ] Mean while , Menelaus sent out his 60 ships as he was commanded , under the command of Menaetius , and he entring a fight with those ten ships that were set to keep him in , Year of the World 3690 brake thorough them , and they fled for safety , to the army that was at land ; and Maenetius his men seeing they came too late , to act according to their instructions , returned again to Salamis , [ Id. ] Ptolemei , seeing no good to be done in Cyprus , returned with eight ships onely into Egypt , [ Id. with Justin , lib. 15. cap. 2. and Plut. ] and Menelaus hereupon gave up both the city , and also all his Forces both by land and sea to Demetrius : his Forces were 1200 Horse , and 12 thousand Foot , all Corseleteers . [ Plut. ] And Demetrius having in a short time taken in all the rest of the Cities and Forts of the Island , distributed the Garrison souldiers , among his own companies , to the number of 16 thousand Foot , and 6 hundred Horse , [ Diodor. ] He took 100 ships of lading , wherein there were almost 8 thousand souldiers . Of ships of War he took 40 with the men in them ; and of those which were bilged in the fight , about 80. all which , leaky as they were , and full of water in the hold , they drew to land , under their Camp , near the City . Demetrius had twenty of his own ships sorely hurt in this fight , which yet being recured , and rigged up again , proved serviceable as before , [ so saith Diodor. ] But Plutarch thus ; Of Ptolemeis ships there were 70 taken , with the men in them● , Souldiers and Mariners ; but of the rabble , and hang-bies which were in the ships of burden , and slaves , and friends , and women-kind ; with arms , and monies to pay the souldier , and engins , nothing escaped , Demetrius took all , and carried it to his Camp : Among the rest , there was one Lamia , renowned at first for her excellent skill in playing upon the Recorder , and afterward a famous harlot , and though she were then past her prime , yet Demetrius , younger a great deal than she , fell in love with her ; and she so far caugh●●nd enamoured him , with the pretines of her discourse and behaviour , that he grew a● fare in love with her , as other women were with him , [ Plut. ] Demetrius buried the bodies of the enemy , that were slain , very honourably ; and dismissed such as he had taken prisoners , and gave the Athenians armes enough to furnish 1200 men , [ Plut. in Demetr . ] He sent home Leontiscus , Ptolemeis son , and Menelaus his brother , and his other friends , with fitting provision for their journey by the way ; not forgetting what Ptolemei had formerly done to him in the same kind : using these enterchangeable and reciprocal offices of love and kindnesse , in the very heat of war , that it might evidently appear , their contention was for honour , and not for hatreds sake , it being the fashion , it should seem , in those dayes , to wage war more religiously , than now men use to observe the laws of friendship in time of peace , [ Justin , lib. 15. cap. 2. ] Demetrius dispatcht away Aristodemus the Milesian , with the news of this victory to his father ; which Aristodemus was reckoned the prime flatterer in all the Court : and coming to Antigonus , stood still a while , and held him in suspence , what the news might be ; till at length he burst out with these termes , God save the King Antigonus , we have overthrown King Ptolemei at sea ; Cyprus is ours , we have in our hand 16 thousand 8 hundred of his men prisoners : to whom Antigonus answered ; and God save thee too : neverthelesse , because thou heldest me so long in suspence before thou toldest me thy good news , thou shalt in some sort be punisht too ; for thou shalt stay a while , before thou receive thy reward for thy good news , [ Plut. ] Antigonus , p●●ed up with pride upon this victory , assumed to himself a Crown , or Diadem , and the Title of King ever after ; and thereupon Ptolemei also , least he should any ways seem to hang the head upon this late ill success , or be the less regarded among his subjects , took the Crown and Title of a King to himself likewise : and in all his letters from that time forward , wrote himself King : And by their example , other Governours of Provinces did the like ; as Seleucus , who had lately subdued the upper Provinces to himself , and Lys●machus , and Cassander , seeing there was neither mother , nor brother , nor son , of Alexander the Great now left alive , [ Diodor. and Justin. lib. 15. cap. 2. Plut. in Demet. and Appian●● , in his Syriaca . pag. 122. ] Seleucus wrote himself King , Year of the World 3699 not onely of Babylon , The Julian Period . 4409 but also of Media , Year before Christ 305 having with his own hand slain Nicator , al. Nicanor , whom Antigonus had placed Governour there , [ Appia . ib. ] taking to himself also the surname of Nicator , al. Nicanor ( for so we find him also stamped in his coins , ) not from Nicator , or Nicanor , whom he so slew ; but from the many and great victories which he gat , [ Appia . ibid. pag. 124. and Ammia . Marcell●nus , lib. 23. Histor. ] for having subdued the Bactrians , he proceeded and took in all the rest of the countries which Alexander had formerly subdued , as far as the River Indus , and added them to his own Dominion , [ Justin , lib. 15. cap. 4. Appia . in his Syriaca . pag. 123. ] King Antigonus , ( for so hereafter we must terme him ) his youngest son coming to decease , buried him , in a kingly manner ; and calling home Demetrius out of Cyprus , commanded his whole army to meet at his new City of Antigonia ; for he was purposed to march from thence into Egypt : wherefore leading the Foot himself , he went thorough Coelosyria , having in his land army 80 thousand Foot , and about 10 thousand Horse : and he made Demetrius Ammiral of his Fleet , giving him order to keep close to the shoar , in sight of the land army , having in all 150 fighting ships ; and 100 more of burden , wherein was an infinite store of armes of all sorts : and when the Pilots told him , that now was the time that the seven Stars were ready to set , and would set the 8 day from thence , ( to wit , in the beginning of April , he told them they were too timorous to make good sea-men of , [ Diod. year 3. Olymp. 118. ] Antigonus , coming with his army to Gaza , and purposing to fall upon Ptolemei before he was provided for him , commanded his souldiers to take with them 10 dayes victual , and getting together Camels out of Arabia , he loaded on them 130 thousand bushels of wheat , and infinite store of hay upon other beasts of carriage , and carrying his munition in carts , went thorough the Desert , not without some trouble to the army ; for that they met with sundry fenny and dirty places by the way , especially about the place called Barathra , [ Id. ibid. ] Demetrius , with his ships loosing from Gaza , in the dead of the night , was for many dayes together becalmed , so that the lighter ships were fain to towe the ships of burden after with ropes ▪ but after this , and so soon as the seven Stars were set , a northerly wind rose , and fell upon them , with which , many of the ships of 4 tire of oares a piece , were driven on shoat , near to the City Raphia , where was no commodious landing for them : but of those which carried the artillery , some of them were sunk , and the rest recovered Gaza again : yet some of the best of them bare up , and came under the promontory of Cas●●s . That Foreland is not far distant from the River N●le ; but is no place fit for shipping , especially if any tempest be , there is no coming near it : wherefore every ship dropping two anchors a piece , two furlongs off from land , were ●ain to ride it out , in a huge sea , and in the middest of a thousand dangers , and were driven to that extremity , that had the tempest lasted but one day longer , having spent their fresh water , they must all necessarily have perished for very thirst . But in this great extremity of theirs , the storme ceased ; and Antigonus with his army coming to the place , there encamped , and the weather-beaten men came ashoar and refreshed themselves in the Camp : neverthelesse in this tempest , there were lost , three ships o● 5 tire of oares a piece , out of which , yet some men escaped alive to land , [ Ibid. ] From hence Antigonus removed and sate down with his army 2 furlongs off from the River Nile : But Ptolemei having man●ed all the bank of the River with strong Garrisons , sent some in River-boats , that going as near the further bank as safely they might ; they should there proclaim , that if any of Antigonus his army would come to him , he would give him , if a common souldier two pounds , if a Captain , a whole talent for his pains . No sooner was this proclaimation made , but a multitude of Antigonus his men which served him for pay , grew very desirous to be gone : yea , and some of his Captains also , for that , and some other reasons , had a mind to be going too . But when Antigonus perceived that a multitude of his men were flying away from him , he disposed archers , and s●ingers , and other engins of War , to keep them from flying over the water in boats , and if any were lighted on that went , he put them to death with horrible torments , [ Ibid. ] Antigonus , gathering together his ships which came , though late , to him ; went to a place called Pseudostomon , thinking there to have landed some of his men : but found a strong Garrison of the enemy there , and was beaten off from thence with bows and slings , and other Engins of war ; and therefore the night drawing on , he went his way , giving order to the masters of every ship to follow the lanthorn of the Ammiral , and so come to the mouth of the river Nile , which is called Phagneticum , but the next morning , finding that a many of his ships had lost their way , and were gone he knew not whither , he was fain to come to anchor there right , and to send away the swiftest ships he had , all the sea over , to look out , and bring in the rest unto him . Mean while , time ran on , and Ptolemei , being advertised of the approach of the enemy , went forthwith to the relief of his men , and ranged his army all along the shoar , in the enemies sight . Then Demetrius , finding no possibility of landing here neither ; and being informed , that if he should land , yet the Country adjoyning was naturally fenced and fortified with fens , and moorish grounds , set sail , and returned , [ Ibid. ] But , as he was going , the wind struck up to the North , and with a mighty tempest , drave three of his ships , of four tire of oares , and some others of his men of war , upon the shoar , all which came into Ptolemeis hand ; the rest , with much adoe , recovered Antigonus his Camp. Now Ptolomei had placed strong Garrisons , at every one of the mouthes of the river Nile , and had an infinite number of river boats every where ready , and stored with darts and slings , and men which knew right well how to use them ; which troubled Antigonus very sorely , for the mouth of the river at Pelusium , being strongly guarded by Ptolemei , he could make no use of his ships at all : and for his land force● , the river Nile , which beginneth alwayes at the coming of the sun into Cancer to swell , but at his entring into Leo , overfloweth all his banks , was now grown to that height , that they could do little , and , which was worse , with his long lying both food for men , and fodder for cattle , began to fail , [ Ib. ] Wherefore Antigonus , seeing his army to hang the head , called them all together , and before them all , propounded it to the Captains , whether of the two were best , to stay and fight it out now , or to return into Syria for the present ; and to return again better provided the next year , and when the waters should be lower . And when every mans voice was to be gone ; he bad his souldiers truss up their trinkets , and his Navy keeping still along the shoar by them , he returned into Syria , [ Ibid. ] Which fruitlesse issue of this journy , Medius one of his Nobles , is said to have fore-seen in a dream : for it seemed to him , that he saw Antigonus with all his army to contend in a race at Olympus , called Diaulus , ( i. e. ) a double course , wherein at the first setting out , they seemed to run exceeding well , but after a while , to grow somewhat wearish : and when they came to the race-post , and were to turn about it , and return to the barriers whence they set out , ( for that was the manner of this double course ) they grew so out of breath , that they could go no further , [ Put. in Demet. ] Ptolemei , growing glad at heart , that the enemy was thus gone , offered sacrifice to his gods , for this great benefit bestowed upon him ; and made withall , a magnificent feast for his Nobles : and wrote away letters to Seleucus , Lysimachus and Cassander , of his prosperous successe ; not forgitting to tell them what a company of Antigonus his men , had fled over to him . And now having rescued , as it were , Egypt , a second time , and gotten it by his sword ; he thought he might lawfully reckon it his own , and returned in triumph to Alexandria . [ Diodor. ] Whence it is that Cl. Ptolemaeus , in his Reg. Cano , counts the beginning of his reign over Egypt , from this time , reckoning from the death of Alexander the Great to this time , full 19 years : for the 19 year from the death of Alexander the Great ends just , according to his account , with the sixth day of this present November , which we are now upon , of the year 4409 , according to the Julian account . Whiles these things thus passed in Egypt , Dionysius the Tyrant of Heraclea in Pontus , ( as Diodorus writes ) dyed ; having then reigned 33 years , as Athenaeus [ lib , 12. cap. 26. ] recordeth : though Memnon saith , that he reigned but 30 , and Diodorus but 32. years : of whose incredible fatnesse , besides Memnon , Nymphis , Heracleotes , in his book of the City Heraclea , cited by Athenaeus in the place aforesaid , maketh mention : and so doth Elia. [ Var. Histor. lib. 9. cap. 13. ] To him were born two sons by Amastris , al. Amestris , the daughter of Oxethras , brother to Darius the last of Persia , which was at first given in marriage to Craterus , by Alexander : the eldest of these sons was called Clearchus , the younger Oxathras ; and by Diodor. Zathras : Dionysius , therefore by his last will , left the government of his kingdom , and charge of his two children , who were yet very young , to his wife , joyning some other in commission with her . [ Memnon in Excerpt . Photii . cap. 5. with Diodorus , year . 3. Olympiade 118. and 119. year 3. ] Menedemus going from Patara in Lycia , Year of the World 3700 Commander of three ships , The Julian Period . 4410 each of them between two and three tire of oares apiece , Year before Christ 304 took a ship of four tire of oares , coming out of Cilicia , wherein were found letters from Phila , together with rich and royal apparel , and other furniture most curiously and costly wrought , sent to Demetrius Poliorcetes : all which Menedemus sent to Ptolemei in Egypt . This affront envenomed Demetrius against the Rhodians , as he then lay in siege before their City to take it : yet after a years time spent about it , by the mediation of the Athenians , they came to this agreement , That the Rhodiaus should assist Antigonus and Demetrius , in their wars against any , save onely Ptolemei : and so the siege brake up , [ Diod. Olymp. 119. year 1. and Plut. in Demetr . ] The Rhodians , so soon as the war was ended , sent some of their Priests to consult the Oracle of Ammon , whether they should worship Ptolemei as a god or no ; and being answered , yeas , they presently consecrated to him a foursquare Grove in their City ; building on every side thereof , a gallery of a furlong in length , and called it Ptolomeum , or Ptolemeis gallery : and then was also the surname or title of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : ( i. e. ) Saviour , first given him by them : to wit , for that he had saved them from the force and violence of Antigonus and Demetrius , and not by the souldiers , for , his saving of Alexander in the City of the Oxydracans , ( of which before ) as some have imagined , [ Arria . lib. 6. pag. 131. and Steph. in the word Oxydras . Diodorus , ut supra . ] Eumelus , the King of Bosphorus Cimmerius , having now reigned there 6 years , came to his end by a mischance : for , making haste homeward out of Scythia to a certain solemne sacrifice that was then to be offered , and was in a Coach running upon four wheeles , and drawn with four horses , and covered over with a Canopie , coming to his Palace , the horses took a fright , and ran away with him : and when the coach-man could not hold them , Eumelus for fear least they would run down some precipice or other , leapt out of the Coach ; but his sword hanging in the wheele , he was whirled away with it , and so killed ; after whom , succeeded Spartacus his son , who reigned 20 years , [ Id. year 3. Olymp. 117. and year 1. Olymp. 119. ] Seleucus , The Julian Period . 4411 crossing the River Indus , Year before Christ 303 made war upon Sandrocottus , al. Androcottus ; for that he , Year of the World 3701 at the same time when Seleucus laid the foundation of his greatnesse in the East , had murdred all the Governours , which Alexander had set there , and took all India into his own possession , [ Justin , lib. 15. cap. 4. Appia . in his Syriaca . page 122. 123. ] Now as he was going to make this war , a wild Elephant of a vast bignesse came to him upon the way , and as if he had been tame , and brought up to it , suffered him to get up , and proved a prime and singular Elephant for the war. [ Justin , ibid. ] Whereupon , traversing all India over , with 600 thousand men , brought it entirely into his own subjection , [ Plu. in Alexan. ] and then making himself King over them , freed them from a yoak of strangers , to bring them under another of his own , [ Justin , ut sup . ] Megasthenes , in his Indica , writes , that he oftentimes repaired to him , whiles he remained with Sibyrtius Government of the Arachosians ; as [ Arria . lib. 5. cites him ] and withal sayes , that he had seen in his army 400 thousand souldiers , [ Strabo , lib. 16. page 709. ] Cassander , Year of the World 3702 King of Macedon , The Julian Period . 4412 sending his Ambassadors to Antigonus , Year before Christ 302 desired him to make a peace with him . But when he would not , unlesse Cassander would absolutely stand to his mercy : then , upon conference with Lysimachus King of Thrace , they both agreed to send their Ambassadors to Ptolemei , King of Egypt , and to Seleucus , King of the upper Provinces of Asia , crying out upon the pride and surquedry of Antigonus , expressed in his answers , and remonstrating to them , how far this war concerned them both , [ Diodor. year 3. Olymp. 119. ] Wherefore perceiving that Antigonus his purpose was to take them to task one after another , whiles they never cared to make it a common cause ; they heartened each other by their m●ssives first , and then appointed a place where all were to meet ; and resolved to contribute their several stocks to the maintenance of this war : but because Cassander himself could not be there , by reason he had an enemy so nigh at hand , therefore he sent Lysimachus , with all the power which he was able to make , and infinite provisions for them , [ Iustin , lib. 15. cap. 2. ] Seleucus , having made affinity with Sandrocottus , King of India , gave him all those Regions lying upon the bank of Indus , which Alexander had taken from the Arians , and made them Colonies of his own , setting Governours over them , and received of him for a present 500 Elephants , [ Stra. lib. 15. pag. 724. Plut. in Alex. and Appia . in Syria . pag. 123. ] And so having made all peace in the East , prepared himself for the war against Antigonus , with his consorts , according to agreement in the West , [ Justin , lib. 15. cap. 4. ] Lysimachus , putting over into Asia side with his own army , came before Lampsacus and Paros , and , because they submitted readily to him , he restored them to their ancient liberty ; but having taken Sigaeum by force , he put into it a strong Garrison of his own , and then committing six thousand Foot , and 1000 Horse , to the charge of Prepelaus , sent him to take in the Cities of Ionia and Eolia , and himself went before Abydus , carrying all manner of Engins of battery , and other necessaries with him . Neverthelesse , when an army sent from Demetrius for the defence of that place arrived , he gave off that siege ; and having taken in Hellespont and Phrygia , he went on and besieged the City Synada , where the king Antigonus his Magazin lay , and the same time drave over Docimus , a Commander of Antigonus his party , to stand for the common cause , and by his help , took both Synada and other Forts and places belonging to Antigonus ; and where his treasures were laid up . [ Diodorus , year 3. Olympiade 119. ] Mean while , Prepelaus , who was sent to make war upon Ionia and Eolia , by the way , took Adramittium , and besieged Ephesus , and so terrified the inhabitants , that they submitted to him , and finding there the hostages which the Rhodians had given , he sent them all home again to their friends : nor did he any hurt at all to the Ephesians themselves in their persons ; onely set on fire all the ships which he found in their harbour ; because the enemy commanded , as yet , all at sea : and for that , the issue of the war was hitherto uncertain : after this he joyned to him , and the common cause , the Teians , and Colophonians ; but as for Erythrae , and Clazomenae , they had succor sent into them by sea ; and therefore he could not take them : but having wasted their territories , he departed , and went for Sardes , and there he drew over by fair words , two of Antigonus his Captains , Phaenix and Docimus ; and took the City it self , all save the Castle , into his protection ; as for the Castle , Philippus , a friend of Antigonus , kept it , and would not betray the trust which he had reposed in him . [ Id. Ibid. ] Antigonus was at that time , Year of the World 3703 wholy taken up in making sports and feasts , at his new City of Antigonia ; and had proclaimed great prizes for such as would put in for them , and huge wages to all cunning artificers , that could be gotten . But when he heard how Lysimachus was come into Asia , and by what multitudes his souldiers revolted to him , he brake off his sports , and yet disbursed among the wrestlers , and artificers that were allready thither come , to the sum of 200 talents ; and then taking his army with him , he marched away , and by long journies , hastened to meet the enemy ; and so soon as he came to Tarsus in Cilicia , he there out of the monies , which he took with him out of the City Quindi , he gave his army three moneths pay before hand : and besides this , brought three thousand talents along with him from Antigonia , to the end he might not be to seek for money , if need should be ; then passing the Taurus , he hasted into Cappadocia , and reduced such as in the upper Phrygia and Lycaonia , had revolted from him , to serve him in the wars , as they did before . [ Ibid. ] Then Lysimachus , hearing of the enemies approach , fell to consult with his council , in this imminent danger , what were fittest to be done : and their advise was , by no means to hazard a battle , till Seleucus came down out of the upper provinces ; but to possesse himself of the surest places , and to intrench himself , in the strongest manner that possibly he could , with ramparts , and palisladoes and stakes : and there expect the coming of the enemie . Lysimachus having heard this advice , put it seriously in execution , and Antigonus on the other side , so soon as he came in sight of his Camp , drew out in batalion , and provoked Lysimachus to a fight , but seeing he would not , he went and kept all the passages , by which any victual might come unto the Camp , whereupon Lysimachus , fearing least , food failing , he might happily 〈◊〉 alive into Antigonus his hand , removed by night , and having marched 400 furlongs , came to Dorylaeum , and there encamped : for that in those parts , there was store of corn , and other provisions in abundance , having a river at the back of him : wherefore , having there raised a work , and enclosed it with an exceeding deep trench , and three rows of stakes upon the top of it , he made all as sure as art could make it . But Antigonus , finding the enemy gone , pursued after him with all speed , and coming near the place where he lay entrenched , and seeing no disposition in him to fight , he presently fell to work , and drew another trench round about his Camp to besiege him there , and to that purpose caused all kind of instruments of a siege , as darts , arrows and Catapults thither to be brought , and though many skirmishes were made about the trenches , because Lysimachus his men fought from their works , to hinder the enemy in making theirs , yet it so fell out , that Antigonus his party had still the better of it , [ Ibid. ] But in processe of time , Antigonus his works came to be almost finished round about , and Lysimachus his provision began to fail ; wherefore Lysimachus , taking the advantage of a tempestuous night , gat him away with his army , and thorough mountainous countries , came to his winter quarters . But when Antigonus the next morning saw that the enemy was gone , he also marched after him thorough the champion country . But by reason there fell great store of rain , and the wayes were foul , and full of sloughs , he lost many of his carriages , and some of his men also in that journey : and the whole army was distressed therewith : wherefore , both to spare his army , and because the Winter quarter came on , he gave off the pursuite of him , for that time ; and casting about for the fittest places to winter in , distributed his army into them , [ ib. ] And Lysimachus , in like manner , sent his army to be quartered in the country of Salmonia , having made large provision for them out of Heraclea : for that he had made an alliance with them of that City ; by marrying Amestris , the widow , as was said before of Dionysius , and tutrix of his two young children ; and Governesse for the present of that City , [ Id. ibid. with Memnon , in Photius , cap. 5. ] At this time Demetrius , being sent for by his father out of Greece , made peace with Cassander ; and , steering a streight course thorough the Islands of the Egaean Sea , came to Ephesus : and there landing his army , encamped before it , and reduced it to their former obedience ; and suffered the Garrison which Prepelaus had put therein , to depart with safety . And putting a strong Garrison of his own into the Castle there , marched away with the rest of his army as far as Hellespont , and reduced the Lampsacenians and Parians to his subjection . And from thence going to the mouth of Pontus , encamped near to a place called the Temple of the Chalcedonians , and there fortified : which done , he left there 3 thousand Foot , and 30 sail of good ships to keep it ; and sent the rest of his army to quarter for that Winter , in sundry places thereabouts , [ Diodor . year 3. Olymp. 119. ] About this time , Mithridates who was subject to Antigonus , being suspected of favouring Cassanders party , was slain at Cius , in the country of Mysia , where , as also at Arthinas , he had continued Prince 35 years , [ Id. ibid. ] Of whom divers Authors speak diversly . For this Mithridates , is that son of Ariobarzanes , a man of the Royal blood of Persia , and descended from one of those seven which destroyed the Magi there : as we may gather out of [ Polybius , lib. 5. pag. 388. and Florus , lib. 3. cap. 5. and Sext. Aurelius , Victor . de Vir. Illustr . cap. 76. ] surnamed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : ( i. e. ) the Builder ; and lost the succession of the kingdom of Pontus after him down to Eupator , al. that Mithradates , who maintained so long a war against the Romans : as Strabo tells us , [ lib. 12. pag. 562. ] whence it is also that Tertullian , [ lib. de Anima . ] I learn ( saith he ) out of Strabo , that Mithridates got the kingdom of Pontus by a dream : the Story is this ; Antigonus in a dream , thought that he had a field full of a golden harvest ; and that Mithridates came and cut it , and carried it away into Pontus : whereupon he purposed to apprehend and kill him ; whereof Mithridates being advertised by Demetrius , fled away with six horse onely in his company , and fortified a certain Town in Cappadocia , where many men joyned with him : and so he obtained to himself , both Cappadocia , and also many other Countries of Pontus , and left them to the eighth generation after him ; and then it was extinguisht by the Romans , [ Plut. in Demetr . and Appian . in his Mithridatica , pag. 176. ] Lucian , [ in his book of Long-lived men , pag. 176. ] out of Hieronymus Cardianus , and other Writers reporteth , that he lived , to the age of 84 years ; and that his son , called also Mithridates , succeeding him in his Principality , added to his Dominions Cappadocia , and Paphlagonia , and held them 36 years , [ Diodor . ut sup . ] Cassander sent one Pleistarchus into Asia , with an army of 12000 Foot , and 500 Horse , to assist Lysimachus ; and he , coming to the mouth of Pontus , found that streite kept by the enemy : and thereupon despairing of any passage that way , went to Odessus , which lies between Apollonia and Galatia , over against Heraclea , where a part of Lysimachus his men lay : but finding no ships there , for his transportation , he divided his army into three parts ; and the first part that set out , landed safely at Heraclea ; the second miscarried by the enemy , which were set to keep that streite of Pontus . The third , wherein Pleistarchus himself was , was so overset with a violent tempest , that the greatest part of the ships , and men in them , perished ; and the ship wherein himself was , being a goodly ship of six tire of oares , was cast away likewise : and of all the men in her , which could not be lesse than 500. onely 33 escaped , of which Pleistarchus himself was one , who getting upon a plank of the ship when it split , was cast on shoar half dead : yet being a little recovered , was carried to Heraclea , and there growing strong again , went to Lysimachus in his winter quarter , having lost the greater part of his army by the way , [ Id. ibid. ] About the same time Ptolemei , coming with an exellently well appointed army out of Egypt , reduced all the Cities of Coelosyria , to his obedience , but when he lay in siege before Sidon , there came a false rumour to his ear , that a battle had been fought , wher●●n Seleucus and Lysimachus were beaten , and fled to Heraclea , and that Antigonus thereupon was hasting into Syria with his victorious army . Ptolemei , giving over-light credit to this report , made a Truce with the Sidonians for five moneths ; and putting Garrisons into the other Cities which he had taken in those parts , returned into Egypt , [ Ibid. ] Whiles these things thus passed , 2800 of Lysimachus his chief souldiers fled over to Antigonus , and Antigonus entertained them very curtously , and furnishing them with such pay as they said Lysimachus ought them , gave them also for a reward of their so doing , large monies over and above , [ Ibid. ] At the same time also , Seleucus with a great army came down out of the upper provinces into Cappadocia , and wintered his army in tents , which he brought ready made for them . His army consisted of 20 thousand Foot , and 12 thousand horse , ( reckoning in with them his archers on horseback ) and 480 Elephants , and iron Chariots one hundred , thus these Kings forces came together , purposing the next sommer to try for the mastery between them . Pythagoras the soothsayer , as formerly for Alexander the Great , and for Perdiccas , so now for Antigonus , fell to his divinations by the bowels of beasts offered in sacrifice ; and finding the strings or fillets wanting in the liver of them , told Antigonus that his death was thereby portended . [ Arrian . lib. 7. pag. 160. ] Alexander the Great also appeared to Demetrius in his sleep , all gloriously armed , and asked him , what was the word which he and his fathe purposed to give ; and he answered , Jove and victory , then replied Alexander , Therefore will I go over to thy enemies , for they will take me for theirs . [ Plut. in Demetrio . ] Antigonus , hearing that there were so many Kings gotten together against him , vantingly said , that he would scatter them all like so many birds out of a bush , yet the enemies approaching , he was observed to be more lumpish and silent then he used to be , and shewing his son to his army , told them , that this was the man , that must be his successor . And , which they marvelled at , more than all at the rest , had speech with him in his tent often times all alone , whereas formerly , he would never impart any secret at all unto him . And when his army was all ready ranged in batalio , and he going out of his pavilion to them , he stumbled , and fell all along upon his face , and being sorely troubled thereat , and got up again , he begged of the gods to send him either a victory that day , or a death void of pain , [ Plut. Ib. ] This fight , between these so many Kings , was fought at Ipsus , a Town in Phrygia , [ Arria . lib. 7. Plutarch in Pyrrho , Appian . in Syriacis , pag. 122. Diod. and Porphy year 4. Olymp. 119. ] to wit in the beginning of that year . In which battle Antigonus and Demetr●us between them had above 70 thousand Foot , 10 thousand Horse , 75 Elephants , and 120 Chariots , and Demetrius with the best part of his Horse , charged upon Antiochus the son of Seleucus , and his successor afterward in his kingdom , and having most valliantly routed him , but over rashly pursuing him , and too far , was the cause of the losse of that victory to his father ; yet in that pursuit , Pyrrhus made his brave valour and worth , conspicuously to appear , who being then but 17 years of age , and thrust out of his kingdom by the Epirotes his subjects , joyned himself with Demetrius , who had married his sister Deidamia , who was intended for Alexander , the son of Alexander the Great , by Roxane , [ Id. in Pyrrho . ] Seleucs , seeing Antigonus his batalion destitute of all help from their Horse , made as if he would have fallen upon them , but withall , very advisedly invited them rather to fall over unto him : whereupon a great part of them did so , and the rest fled ; and turning upon Antigonus , one of them cryed out , saying , These come upon thee , O King : and he aswered , But Demetrius will come and help us : and whiles he stood looking still for Demetrius his return to rescue him , the enemy came on , and powred on their darts , as thick as hail upon him , and in that storm , he fell : whereupon all forsook him , and shifted for themselves , onely one Thorax of Lari●●a staid by the body of him , [ Id. in . Demetr . ] His body was afterward taken up , and buried in a royal manner , [ Diod lib. 21. ] Plutarch tells us , that when Antigonus was upon his late voyage into Egypt , he was then little lesse than 80 years of age ; Appianus , that when he came upon this journey , he was upward of fourscore years old . But the whole term of his life , was 86 years , as Porphyrie affirms , cited by Scaliger in his Greek fragments of Eusebius , [ lib. Ult. ] But Hieronymus Cardianus the Historiographer , and one who lived with him ( as Lacianus , in his book of Long-Lived men , voucheth him ) affirmeth , that he lived 81 years , and no more . Demetrius , seeing all lost , with five thousand Foot , and four thousand horse , fled away with all possible speed to Ephesus ; where , when all men began to fear , lest for want of monies , he would fall a plundring of the Temple of Diana , and he himself thought he should not be able to hol● his souldiers hands from it , he hasted thence with all speed , [ Plut. in Demetr . ] and taking his mother Stratonice , and all his treasure with him , sailed to Salamis , in the Isle of Cyprus , which was at that time under his command , [ Diod. lib. 2. ] The Kings that had gotten this great victory , fell presently a sharing this great kingdom of Antigonus and Demetrius , among themselves , and laid every man his share , to the dominions which he formerly possessed . [ Plut. in Demetr . Appia . in Syriac . pag. 122. with Polyb. lib. 5. pag. 410. ] But when they could not agree about the partage of the spoile , they fell again into two sides between themselves ; for Seleucus joyned presently with Demetrius , and Ptolemei with Lysimachus , [ Iustin , lib. 15. cap. 4. ] for Seleucus and Ptolemei , were , without compare , the two mightiest of them all ; and therefore the contention between them was propagated , and continued to their posterities , under the names of the Seleucians , Kings of the North , and the Ptolemeis Kings of the South ; as we find foretold [ in the 11 chapter of the prophesie of Daniel . ] After Onias , his son , Simon , succeeded him in the Priesthood at Hierusalem : surnamed the Just ; because of his great zeal and fervency in the worship of God , and the exceeding love , which he ever expressed to his country-men the Jews , [ Josephus , lib. 2. cap. 2. ] of whom in the book of Ecclesiasticus , [ cap. 50. v. 1. ] we find this testimony given ; Simon , saith he , the High-Priest , the son of Onias , who in his life time repaired the House again , and in his dayes fortified the Temple ; and by him was built from the foundation the double heigth ( or curtaine ) the high fortresse of the wall about the Temple . In his dayes the cisterne to receive water , being in compasse as the sea , was covered with plates of brasse . He took care of the Temple that it should not fall , and fortified the City against besieging . How was he honoured in the midst of the people at his coming out of the Sanctuary ? [ See Salian . his Annals , To. 5. year of the World , 3675. and Scaliger , in his Animadversions , upon Euseb. an . 1785. ] This man is said to have sate High Priest there 9 years by [ Scalig. in Graec. Euseb. pag. 50. ] Seleucus , Year of the World 3704 upon the 23 day of our April , The Julian Period . 4414 offering sacrifice to Jupiter in the mount Casius , Year before Christ 300 consulted him also concerning a place , where to build a City in ; when presently an Eagle came and caught away a piece of flesh from the alter , which she is said to have let fall , in a place near the sea , below Palaeopolis , ( a little city built in former times by Syrus , the son of Agenor , on a hill thereby ) in a sea town of Pieria : Whereupon , Seleucus fell presently to lay the foundation of a great City , which he built there , and called it after his own name , Seleucia , [ Johan . Malela , in his Chron. not printed . ] wherein yet , others say , that he followed not that act of the Eagle , but the flash of some lightening that appeared to him , and that thereupon the lightening was ever after in that place celebrated with set hymns and praises , as if it were a god it self , [ Appia . in Syriac . pag. 125. ] Seleucus himself proceeding , came to Iopolis , a City built in the hill Country of Silphium ; and there the third day after his coming , falling upon the first of Artemisium ; ( i. e. ) of our May , offered sacrifice to Jove the Thunderer , in a certain Chappel , said to have been anciently there built by Perseus the son of Danae : And afterward coming to Antigonia , and there offering sacrifice to Jove , upon the alters newly then built by Antigonus , he together with Amphion the Priest , prayed that Jupiter would shew him by some sign , whether he should inhabite Antigonia it self , calling it by some other name , or whether he should go and build a new City in another place : and then again it is said , that an Eagle came and caught away a piece of flesh from the alter , and let it fall near the hill of Siliphum . Whereupon it was , that over against that Hill and Iopolis therein built , near the River Orontes , where was a Town called Botzia , he laid the foundation of h●s wall , upon the 22 day of the moneth Artemisium at the rsing of the sun : which City he called after the name of his son Antiochus ; and therein eftsoones erected a Temple to Jupiter Botzius . These and many more like things , doth Johannes Malela an Antiochian borne , deliver concerning the origine of this City ; which Eusebius also in his Chron. affirmeth to have been built by Seleucus in the 12 year of his reign . Now this Metropolis of Syria , was afterward made a Tetrapolis ; ( i. e. ) a fourfold City , being divided into four Regions , making , as it were , so many Cities : for that every one of them , had a proper wall built about it self , and one common one , which enclosed them all : of which , the first onely was built by this Seleucus Nicator . The second was the work of the Inhabitants themselves . The third was finished by Seleucus Callinicus : And the fourth , by Antiochus Epiphanes , [ Strabo , lib. 16. pag. 750. ] Now that Seleucus called this City after the name of his son Antiochus , besides Malcla and Cedremus , Julian also the Apostata , in his Misopogon teacheth us : whereas yet Strabo , and Appianus and Trogus Pompeius , tells us , that he called it Antiochia , after the name of his father Antiochus , [ and Iustin , out of Trogus Pompeius , lib. 15. cap. 4. ] saith , that herein he consecrated the memorial of a twofold beginning ; for , saith he , he called the City after the name of his father Antiochus , and consecrated the fields about it , to Apollo ; because forsooth , his mother Laodice , would needs make him believe , that he was begotten on her by Apollo : and therefore Daphne , a suburb of Antioch , a place much renowned for the Grove of Lawrel trees that there was , and no lesse than 80 furlongs in compasse , was consecrated to Apollo : whence as this day it is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : ( i. e. ) Daphne near unto Antioch , [ 2 Maccabees chapter 4. verse 33. ] So the City it selfe of Antioch , is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( i. e. ) Antioch near unto Daphne , by other Writers . Seleucus , utterly demolishing Antigonia , conveighed the materials down the river Orontes , unto Antioch ; and transplanted from thence , to the number of 5300 Macedons and Athenians , which Antigonus had there planted , unto his new city , [ Jo. Malela , ] though Diodore saies indeed , that Seleucus did destroy Antigonia , but adds that he transported the inhabitants thereof , to his new city Seleucia , [ l. 20. year . 2. Olym. 118. ] But Strabo also maketh mention of the inhabitants of Antigonia , removed to Antiochia , [ l. 16. p. 750. ] where he also adds , that some of the race and off-spring of Triptolemus , and Argivians , which were long ago sent with him to seek out Io , were there planted by Seleucus ; which yet were none other than those Grecians out of Peloponese , which Stephanus Byzantius saith , were placed to dwel in Antioch , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( i. e. ) in Antioch by Daphne . To which purpose also is that saying of Jo. Malela , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. ( i. e. ) Seleucus himself besought some of the Grecians of Ionia , and translated those Grecians which dwelt in Iopolis , to make them inhabitants of Antioch , and whom he made Citizens there , as men of a more sacred and generous kind , than the rest : compare this here with Scaligers notes , upon the 1713. number of the Euseb. Chron. ] Lysimachus the King of Thrace took to wife Arsinoe , the daughter of Ptolomei , not Ptolemei Philadelphus , as in Memnon , [ cap. 5. ] but of Ptolomei the first , the son of Lagus , surnamed the deliverer , as we learn out of Plutarch in Demetr . and Justin , [ lib. 17. cap. 2. and lib. 24. cap. 2. ] and even out of Memnon himself , in Excerpt . [ cap. 9. ] of Ptolemei the first , I say , and Euridice , as we find in Pausan his Attic. [ pag. 8. ] whereat his former wife Amestris , the relict of Dionysius , the King perforce , or tyrant , or a usurper of Heraclea , grew so offended , that he left him , and returned to Heraclea , and there built a City near the Euxian sea , which he called after his own name Amastris , and sent for men out of Sesamus , Cytrous , Cromnus and Teios , and other places to inhabit it . [ Memnon . Excerpt . cap. 5. with Strabo lib. 12. pag. 544. ] Seleucus , Year of the World 3705 following the example of Lysimachus , The Julian Period . 4415 sent his Ambassadors , Year before Christ 299 and by them desired to have Stratonice , the daughter of Demetrius , surnamed Poliorcetes , and Phila , for his wife . Whereupon , Demetrius , taking his daughter along with him , took shipping , and with his whole fleet which attended him at Athens , set saile for Syria . But by the way touched in Cilicia , which Plistarchus , the brother of Cassander , then held , as allotted to him by a general consent of the Kings , after the battle wherein Antigonus , his Grandfather was slain . This Plistarchus conceiving himself wronged by Demetrius his setting foot upon his land , went and complained thereof to Seleucus , and expostulated the matter with him ; for that without the consent of the other Kings , Ptolemei and Lysimachus , he had entered into a league and affinitie with Demetrius , a common enemy to them all . Hereupon Demetrius in a rage went from thence to Quinda , where when he found yet remaing of the old treasure of Alexanders , 1200 talents , he took them all away with hm , and weighed anchor , and to sea , as fast as he could high him , [ Plut. in Demet. ] Seleucus came to meet Demetrius , and his wife Phila , at a place called Orossus , and first invited them to dine with him at his pavilion in his Camp : after which Demetrius invited him aborad his ship of 13 tire of oares high , after which they spent whole dayes in familiar discourse together , without arms or guard about them , till at length Seleucus married Stratonice , and with her returned in great pomp and magnificence to Antioch . Demetrius , having possessed himself of Cilicia , dispatcht away his wife Phila to her brother Cassander , to excuse such matters as Plistarchus , might happily have laid unto his charge , and whiles she was away , his other wife Deidamia came to him to Athens , where after a short while , she died . [ Ibid. ] Seleucus desired Demetrius to let him have Cilicia for a certain sum of money , Year of the World 3706 which when he would not grant , The Julian Period . 4416 Seleucus in a cholerick way , Year before Christ 298 demanded to have Sidon and Tyre out of his hands , and this seemed an injurious act of his , that having made himself Lord , and possessing all from India , to the Syrian sea , yet he was of so poor a spirit , as to trouble his father in law , being otherwise under a cloud of adverse fortune , for two such poor Cities , as Tyre and Sidon were . Wherefore Demetrius stoutly answered , that if he were a thousand times overcome , yet he would never buy a son in law at so dear a rate ; and thereupon fell presently a fortifying of those two Cities , which were such sores in Seleucus his eyes , [ Ibid. ] Cassander , Year of the World 3707 having had the rule and government of things in Macedonia 19 years , dyed , leaving three sons , Philip , Antipater , and Alexander , begotten on the body of Thessalonice , the sister of Alexander the Great , all which reigned after their father three years and six moneths onely , [ Dexippus and Porphyrius , in Scaligers Greek Eusebians , pag. 48. 228. ] Philip the elder of the three , coming shortly after his fathers death to fall away and die of a consumption , his two younger brothers , Antipater and Alexander , fell together by the ears about the kingdom , [ Justin lib. 16. cap. 1. Pausa , in his Baeot. pag. 287. and Plut. in Pyrrho & Alexan. ] This Antipater , Dexippus , and Euseb. in Chron. call by the name of Antigonus : nor could Hermippus understand any other , where he saith , that Demetrius Phalereus , after the death of Cassander , for the dread he had of Antigonus , fled to Ptolemei , surnamed the Deliverer , [ Diog. Laertius , in Demet. Phal . ] Pyrrhus also , at the same time , remained with Ptolemei , as a hostage in Egypt : where he married Antigone the Daughter of Berenice the Queen , by Philip her former husband , [ Plut. in Pyrrho . Pausan. in Attic. pag. 10. ] Pyrrhus , The Julian Period . 4417 by the help of Antigone his wife , Year before Christ 297 having obtained both a Fleet of ships , and store of money withal , from Ptolemei ; set sail for his old kingdom Epirus ; and there came to a composition with Neoptolemus , who had usurped his kingdom , upon termes , to hold it joyntly with him , [ Id. ibid. ] Eupolemus , the Historian , deduceth his Chronologue from Adam , and the coming of the children of Israel out of Egypt , down to the fifth year of this Demetrius , reckoned from the death of his father Antigonus , and to the 12 year of Ptolemei , reckoned from the utter extinction of Alexander the Great , his Race , of which I spake toward the end of the year of the World , 3695 , in his book of the Kings of Juda ; as we find in the [ 1 book of Strom. of Clemen . Alexan. ] Demetrius , Year of the World 3708 Poliorcetes , The Julian Period . 4418 ( i. e. ) the City sieger , Year before Christ 296 wasted the City of Samaria , which Perdiccas had formerly new rebuilt , [ Euseb. Chron. ] Velleius Paterculus , Year of the World 3709 in the first book of his History , The Julian Period . 4419 tell us , Year before Christ 295 that Pyrrhus began his reign , when Fabius Max. and Q. Decius Mus , were each of them , the fifth time Consul of Rome ; to wit , when Neoptolemus being slain , Pyrrhus took the sole possession of Epirus into his hands : and then , remembring how much he had been beholding to Berenice and Ptolemei , by whose favour it was , that he had thus recovered his kingdom ; he called his son , which Antigone now bare unto him , by the name of Ptolemei ; and having built a new City in a neck of land in Epirus , he called it after the name of his wives mother , Berenice , [ Plut in Pyrrho . ] In the 36 year of the Periode or account of Calippus , Year of the World 3710 the 25 day of the moneth Possideon , in the year 454. of Nabonassar , the 16 day of Paophus , 3 hours after midnight , the 21 day of our Decemb. Timochares observed at Alexandria in Egypt , that the Moon rising to her utmost height northward , touched upon the most northerly Star of those which are in the head of Scorpio , [ Ptol. in his great Syntax . lib. 7. cap. 3. ] In the same year also , The Julian Period . 4420 upon the 15 day of Elaphebolion , Year before Christ 294 the 5 of Tybus , four hours before midnight upon the 9 of our May , the same Timochares observed the conjunction of the Moon with Spica Virginis , [ Id. ibid. ] Thessalonice the Queen , and relict of Cassander , the Daughter of Philip , father of Alexander the Great , begotten upon the Daughter of Nicasipolus , was murdered by Antipater her own son ; yea , though she begged life of him by those paps which gave him suck : the reason was , for that in the partage of the kingdom , made between him and his brother , she seemed a little inclined to her youngest son Alexander . And Alexander , to revenge this murder of his mother , prayed in aid of all the friends he could make ; of Pyrrhus , King of Epirus , of Demetrius Poliorcetes , in Peloponesus , [ Justin , lib. 16. cap. 1. Plut. in Pyrrho . & Demetr . Pausan. in Boeot . pag. 287. ] Lysimachus the King of Thracee , for the dread he had of Demetrius his coming , perswaded with his son in law Antipater , rather to agree with his brother , than by faling out with him , to draw upon himself an old hereditary enemy of his fathers , [ Iustin , ibid. ] And knowing well , that Pyrrhus would do any thing for Ptolemeis sake ; he sent certain forged letters to him , as sent from Ptolemei , wherein he advised him , to receive a gratuity of 300 talents from Antipater , and to give off his journey into Macedon for the support of Alexander against his Brother . But Pyrrhus perceived this trick of his : for opening the letter , he found not there the usual salutation from Ptolemei to him : which was , Pater filio , ( i. e. ) The father to his son : instead whereof , it was here written , King Ptolemei to King Pyrrhus , sendeth greeting : and withal Demetrius his sudden falling in upon Macedonia , brake off all these devises of Lysimachus , [ Plut. in Pyrrho . ] Ptolemei of Egypt , took the whole Isle of Cyprus out of Demetrius his hands ; the City Salamis onely excepted , where he besieged Demetrius his mother and children that were therein : and them , having at length taken the City , he sent home unto him honourably attended , and with rich presents bestowed on them , for their journey , [ Plut. in Demetr . ] Demetrius , having gotten Alexander into his hands , and slain him , possessed himself self of the kingdom of Macedon , [ Iustin , l. 16. cap. 1. Pausan. Boeot . pag. 287. Plut. in Pyrr . & Demetr . and in his Treatise , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : ( i. e. ) of shame facestnesse ; and held it seven years , as the same Plutarch affirmeth . Lysimachus , Year of the World 3711 being at that time engaged in a war which one Dromichetes a King of the Getes made upon him , The Julian Period . 4421 least he should be forced to maintain a war against the King of Getes , Year before Christ 293 and Demetrius both at once , gave up that part of Macedon , which belonged to his son in law Antipater , and so made peace with him , [ Justin lib. 16. cap. 1. with Strab. lib. 7. pag. 302. & 305. ] Dromichaetes his hap was to take Lysimachus prisoner , but used him very kindly [ Strabo . Ut supra . Diodorus , in Excerpt . H. Vales. pag. 257 , 258. ] and Lysimachus gave him his daughter to wife , and gave up into his hands that part of Thrace , which lay beyond the Ister , for a dowrie with her . [ Pausani . in Attica . pag. 8. ] Clearchus , the King perforce , or Tyrant of Heraclea in Pontus , going to help Lysimachus in his war against the Getes , was taken prisoner together with him , and when Lysimachus was gotten at liberty himself ; he , by his wisdome , used the means to procure his liberty also , [ Memnon . in Excerpt . cap. 6. ] When Simon , Year of the World 3712 surnamed the Just , the High Priest at Jerusalem , was dead , leaving behind him one onely son Onias , then an infant , his brother Eleasar , the son of Onias the first , took upon him the high priesthood of the Jews , [ Joseph . lib. 12. cap. 2. ] and is said to have sate there 32 years , in Scaligers Greek Eusebian fragments . [ pag. 50. and 162. ] After the return of Lysimachus from the Getick war , Agathocles , his eldest son , and who was taken prisoner in the first battle that ever he was in , as some report , took to wife Lysandra , the daughter of Ptolemei of Egypt , surnamed the deliverer , and of Euridice his wife , [ Pausan. in his Attic. p. 8. ] After this , Lysimachus , passing with his Navy over into Asia , seized on such as there were in subjection to Antigonus and Demetrius , [ Id. Ib. with Plut. in Demet. ] where whiles he lay before Ephesus , and they had to help them one Mandro , an arch Pirate , who often brought in thither rich prises which he had taken : Lysimachus fell a bribing of him , and wan him over to betray the City to him , and for the effecting thereof , put into his hands certain valiant Macedons , whom he with their hands bound behind them , brought like prisoners into Ephesus ; and they spying their time , got arms in the Castle where they were , and took the City for Lysimachus , [ Jul. Fronti . Stratag . lib. 3. cap. 3. ] and whereas the City of Ephesus being seated in a low ground , was a while after infinitely annoyed by an inundation of the sea coming in upon it , and quite drowned by it , of which deluge we may read an epigram in Stephanus Byzantinus , made by one Duris , Lysimachus now removed it into another place ; and being new built , called it after the name of his new wife Arsinoe , though after his death , it quickly returned to her former name and appellation of Ephesus , [ Strabo lib. 14 , p. 640. and Stephanus in Ephesus . ] and to replenish his new City with inhabitants , he demolished the two Cities of Lebedus , and Colophos , and removed the dwellers in them to it ; which destruction of those two famous Cities , Phoenix in his Iambicks , grievously deploreth , [ Pausan. ut sup . ] Seleucus , Year of the World 3713 to stiff such Cities as he had built in Asia , The Julian Period . 4423 and the lower Syria , Year before Christ 289 and especially Antioch , the Metropolis of all the rest , removed the Jews from their own dwellings into them ; giving them every where equalpriviledges , prerogatives and immunities with the Macedons , both in Towns and Cities , [ Euseb. Chron. Joseph . Atiquit . lib. 12. cap. 3. & lib. 2. Cont. Apio . pag. 1063. ] But of the Cities which he built , he named 16 after the name of his father Antioch , Antiochia ; and six others after the name of his mother Laodice , Laodicea ; nine of them from himself , Seleucia ; three from his wife , Apamea ; and one from his last wife , Stratonice : and to the rest , he gave certain Greek and Macedonic names , as came in his head : as Berraea , Ed●sla , Peila , and the like , [ Appian . in Syria . ] Agathocles , Year of the World 3715 the Tyrant of Sicilie , The Julian Period . 4425 coming to die , Year before Christ 289 shipt away his wife Thoxena , with his two children , which he had by her , being very little ones , with all his treasure and family , and rich furniture , wherein he exceeded all other Kings , and sent them into Egypt , ●rom whence he took her , fearing least so soon as he was dead , they should be made a spoile to some or other , together with his kingdom . Though his wife , entreated hardly , that at least she her self , might not be forced to leave him , whic● the breath was in his body ; pleading for her self , that when she married him , she contracted a society with him of all fortunes , as well bad as good , and that she would willingly hazard her own life , to be with him at the hour and instant of his death , and his children , little though they were , yet hardly could they be drawn off 〈◊〉 holding by him ; and in the end , part●ed from him with a dolefull cry , and p●ttifull lamentation , when the wind served , and they must be gone , and so soon as they were gone , he breathed our his last , and gave up the ghost , [ Justin , lib. 23. cap. 2. ] Clearchus and Oxathres , The Julian Period . 4426 the two Kings of Heraclea in Pontus , Year before Christ 288 when their mother Amestris had gotten a ship-board to be gone from them , in a most barbarous manner , caused her to be thrown over-board , and drowned in the sea , [ Memnon Excerp . cap. 6. ] Lysimachus , Year of the World 3716 desirous to revenge the death of Amistris , sometime his wife , came into Heraclea , and shewing there all fatherly affection to Clearchus and those who were nearest about him ; first slew him , and then his brother Oxathres , [ Id. cap. 7. ] seventeen years after the death of Clearchus their farther : as may be gathered out of [ Diodor. year 3. Olymp. 118. ] and so , having reduced that City and territory thereunto belonging into his own power , and obliged it to himself , he took all the treasure belonging to those Tyrants , and whatever they had scraped together , into his own hands , and leaving the City in full liberty , and to live after their own laws , he returned into his own kingdom , [ Memnon , ut sup . ] Strato of Lampsacus , the son of Arcesilaus , and surnamed Physicus , succeeded Theophrastus in his schoole ; which Strato was the teacher and bringer up of Ptolemaeus Philadelphus , who gave him for his pains , taken in his education , as it is said , fourscore talents , [ Diog. ●aert . in Strabone . ] Demetrius Poliorcetes , seeking to recover all his father Antigonus his Dominions , was now ready to land in Asia , with so huge an army , as no man after the dayes of Alexander the Great , to that time , had the like ; for in his army he had no lesse than 100 thousand Foot , wanting two ; and little lesse than 12 thousand Horse : in his Fleet he had full 500 ships ; whereof some were of an excessive bignesse , as of 15 or 16 tire of oares . Before his going , he made a firm league with Pyrrhus ; for fear least he , moving some troubles in his absence , might interrupt , and hinder him in his main design , [ Plut. in Demetr . & Pyrrho . ] Seleucus , Year of the World 3717 Ptolemei , The Julian Period . 4427 and Lysimachus , Year before Christ 287 fearing , as well they might , whither this excessive preparation tended : combined together , and making one body of all their Forces , began to find him work , and to make war upon him in Europe ; and in all their three names sent Ambassadors to Pyrrhus in Epirus , advising him to invade Macedon : nor should reckon that a league , which he had made with Demetrius , since he therein had no intention of peace ; but onely a purpose to be at liberty himself , to make war upon whom he pleased : Pyrrhus easily assented hereunto : debauched Demetrius his army , put him to flight , and took the kingdom of Macedon into his own possession , [ Id. ibid. Justin , lib. 16. cap. 2. ] And this was the first time , as [ Pausan , in Attic. pag. 11. ] noteth , that ever Pyrrhus was Master of some few Elephants . But when Lysimachus came , and pretending that he had a hand in the quashing of Demetrius as well as Pyrrhus , and therefore craved halfes with him in the kingdom of Macedonia ; Pyrrhus , doubting of the firmity of the Macedons unto him , yeilded thereto , and so came to a division of the kingdom of Macedon with him by Cities and Regions , [ Plut. ut sup . ] But in this mangling of things , Lysimachus , finding that his son in law Antipater , complained openly that his father in law had cheated him of the kingdom of Macedon , made short work , and slew him : and because his daughter Euridice Antipaters now Relict , repined at the death of her husband , therefore he committed her to prison . And so the whole house of Cassander paid Alexander the Great the price , whether of his own death , or whether of the destruction of his Race , partly by murders , partly by torments , partly by parricidial acts committed in his own family to the utter extirpation of it , [ Justin , ut sup . ] Thus Demetrius , being in an instant stript of his kingdom , fled to Cassandria . But his wife Phila swallowed up with grief , and not enduring to see her husband fall again into the condition of a private man in a forreign country , and despairing of all better successe in time to come , poisoned her self , and died , [ Plut. in Demetr . ] When Demetrius lay at the siege of Athens , which had revolted from him to Pyrrhus , Crates the Philosopher , being sent in Embassie to him , perswaded him to raise his siege : whereupon , getting all his ships together , and putting aboard them eleven thousand Foot , besides his Horse , he sailed away into Asia , there to get all Caria and Lydia from Lysimachus . There Euridice the sister of his wife Phila , met him not far from Miletus , bringing with her Ptolemais , her daughter by Ptolemei of Egypt , whom his son in law Seleucus , had formerly spoken to Ptol●mei to bestow on him . Demetrius therefore now married her , by the good will of Euridice ; and of her Demetrius begat Demetrius , who afterward reigned in Cyrenia , [ Ibid. ] In this voyage , Demetrius took in many Towns and Cities , some by fair means , some by force , and some fell over from Lysimachus to him , who also brought great store of men and means with them . But when Agathocles the son of Lysimachus came towards him with an army , he marched up into Phrygia , purposing to invade Armenia , and thereby to make a combustion in Media it self , and consequently to feel the pulse , of the upper provinces of Asia , and how they stood affected to him ; for that there he might happily find many a lurking hole , if need should be : as for Agathocles , who followed him , he often worsted him in small encounters , but never came to a main battle with him , [ Ibid. ] Neverthelesse , failing many times of food for himself , and fodder for his Horse , he found himself sorely distressed , especially by an error committed in passing the Lycus , he lost many of his souldiers , which that fierce river swept away . And at last by a pestilence following the famin in his army , he lost eight thousand of his company , and was fain with the rest to come back to Tarsus in Cilicia , where his purpose was to refrain all kind of injury and oppression of the people , as apperteining to Seleucus , whom he would not offend in any kind . But that could not be ; considering the extreme necessity his army was in , and Agathocles kept all the passages of the Taurus , wherefore he wrote his letters to Seleucus ; wherein complaing of his own hard fortune , he humbly besought him to compassionate his case , as a poor kinsman of his , and one that desired to be pitied , even of an enemy , [ Ibid. ] Seleucus , Year of the World 3718 taking into consideration the distressed estate of his father in law , wrote to his Commanders and officers in those parts , to supply him with all necessaries in a kingly manner , and not to suffer his army to want in any kind . But there was one Procles , an intimate friend and familiar of Seleucus , who wrought so far with him , by suspitions which he put into his head against Demetrius , that he presently led an army against him into Cilicia . Demetrius , wondring at this sudden alteration in Seleucus , drew off presently into the craggy mountains of Taurus , and from thence sent his agents to him , to desire , that by his good leave , he might fall upon some free state or other , among the Barbarians ; and there spend the remainder of his life , without ranging the world over any longer : but if not , yet that he would suffer him to winter quietly where he was , and not to expose him , in the extremity he now was in , to the force and fury of his enraged enemy . Seleucus made an ill construction of all these motions , and therefore granted him onely , that , giving up into his hands the principal of his friends which he had about him for hostages and pledges of his good abearance , he should spend two moneths of his winter quarters in Cataonia , which was a country bordering upon Cappadocia , and withall , stopt up all passages which led from thence into Syria . [ Ibid. ] And now Demetrius , being thus closed up like a wild beast in a den , having Agathocles the son of Lysimachus on the one hand , and Seleucus on the other , to watch him ; turned himself to try what he could do by force , and wasted some of the provinces belonging to Seleucus , and in every encounter , had the better of him ; and when Seleucus let his iron Chariots flie upon him , Demetrius sundry times routed them also , and put his enemies to flight ; and took the passages of the mountains , casting out the Garrisons which Seleucus had there placed for the keeping of them . And growing now confident of his own strength , resolved to throw at all , in a pitch battle with Seleucus , when upon the sudden , a grievous sicknesse fell upon him , which utterly overthrew the state , both of his body , and also of his affairs , and hopes in the world ; for that during his sicknesse his souldiers all abandoned him , some falling away to his enemies , and others disbanded , and went where they pleased . [ Ibid. ] Whiles Demetrius thus lay under the lash of Seleucus in Syria , Lysimachus set upon Pyrrhus , in Macedonia ; and in five years and six moneths space , wan it all from him , [ Dexip . and Porphy . ] Demetrius , at the end of 40 dayes , being recovered of his sicknesse , taking such souldiers with him as were left , removed his Camp , making as if he would march into Cilicia ; and the night following , without sound of trumpet , turned short another way : and having passed the hill Amanus , ravaged and plundred all that Country as far as Cyrrhestica , a region in Syria . And when Seleucus came thither with his army , and encamped not far from him . Demetrius with his men came upon him by night , whiles he slept , yet he , getting notice of his coming by some that fled over to him , start out of his bed , and commanded an alarm to be sounded ; and whiles he was putting on his shooes , cryed out to his friends , that he had to do with a fierce wild beast : and Demetrius , finding , by the noise which he heard in the enemies Camp , that his coming was discovered , retired presently , and went his way . [ Plut. in , Demet. ] So soon as it was day , Seleucus followed and overtook him ; and Demetrius giving one wing to be led by a captain of his , led the other himself , and routed the wing of the enemy , on his side ; then Seleucus leapt off his Horse , and took off his helmet , and with a target in his hand , shewed himself bare faced to the mercenaries of Demetrius his army , and exhorted them to leave Demetrius , and fall over to him , and to be once so wise , as to understand , that it was more in favour of them , than of Demetrius , that he had refrained thus long from falling on them : whereupon they all cryed out , God save Seleucus , and calling him their King , abandoned Demetrius , and served him , [ Ibid. ] Demetrius ; supposing this to be the last reverse of fortune , and worst that could befal him , retired to the streits of the mount Amanus , and there spent that night in a thick wood , with those few friends which he had about him : purposing from thence to go to the City Caunus , and hoping there to get shipping for some other country to flee unto . But when he saw that he had not so much as one dayes provision for them neither , it fell out so luckily with him , that an old friend of his , Sosigines , came and brought him 400 Crowns . This supply he hoped would carry him and his to the sea side ; and therefore went by night , to passe the top of the mountain : yet because he saw by the fires every where made , that the enemy lay in his way , in great despair he was fain to return to the place whence he set out . And there , when one of the company told him ; he should do well to put himself into Seleucus his hands , he drew his sword , and would have there present fallen upon it ; but being perswaded by his friends about him to forbear , he sent to Seleucus , and submitted both himself and all that he had to his will and pleasure , [ Ibid. ] Seleucus , having heard the message , gave order presently to his servants , to fit up a Royal Pavilion in most princely manner to receive Demetrius in ; and dispatcht away one Apollonides , who had formerly been an intimate friend of Demetrius , to comfort him , and to tell him , that there was no cause of fear , seeing he was to come to an old friend and son in law of his : when this came to the eares of Seleucus his servants , first by one and one , and anon after , they all flocked in great multitudes to Demetrius : which act of theirs , instead of compassion , caused envy towards him , and made his foes to alienate Seleucus his good intentions , from him ; telling him , that no sooner should Demetrius be seen in the Camp , but he should find strange alterations , and innovations in it , [ Ibid. ] Hereupon , Pausanias was sent with a traine of about a thousand men , Horse and Foot together ; who put all others from him , and instead of bringing him to Seleucus his presence , carried him away to a certain Foreland lying out into the Sea , in Syria . In that place was he kept ever after , with a strong guard upon him ; but sufficient allowance made him , wanting for no monies , no walkes , no gardens , nor places of hunting , or other recreations , that his heart could with : and his friends that had followed him , had free leave to have accesse unto , and converse with him : nor passed there a day , wherein some or other came not unto him , to see him from Seleucus , with friendly messages from him , and to bid him be of good comfort , and to put him in hope of his further liberty upon reasonable conditions : so soon as Antiochus ( which was Seleucus his son ) and his wife Stratonice were come to Court , [ Ibid. ] yet [ Diodorus , lib. 21. ] tells us , that he was all this while kept prisoner at Pella , [ Hen. Vales. in Excerpt . pag. 262. ] Demetrius , being fallen into this condition , wrote to his son , and other Captains , and friends of his at Athens , and Corinth , and other places , that they should give no credence to any letters that might happen to come to them as sent from him , or sealed with his seale : but should look to , and order all , for the behoof of his son Antigonus , as if himself were actually dead , [ Plut. in Demetr . ] from whence it is that Porphyrie deduceth Antigonus his reign over Greece from this time ; to wit , from the tenth year before he added the kingdom of Macedon to his other Dominions : which Prophyrie telleth us further , that this Antigonus , from a place called Goni in Thessalia , where he was bred and brought up , was surnamed Gonates , [ Scalig. in Graec. Eusebia . pag. 226. ] Now Antigonus , hearing the news of his fathers captivity , took it very heavily , and put himself into mourning weeds , and wrote away his letters , as to sundry other Kings , so to Seleucus himself , in all humble manner and suppliant-wife , offering himself , and whatever he could call his , in pledge unto him for his father ; the like letters and messages came to Seleucus from sundry Cities and Potentates , on his behalf , [ Plut. in Demetr . ] Onely Lysimachus by his letters advised Seleucus to take heed how he let a man go , of so ambitious and turbulent a spirit , so ambitious of Sovereignty , and so encroaching upon the rights of all other Kings , and offering him 2 thousand talents gratuity , if he would send him packing out of the World : but Seleucus , who had never any good opinion of the man , upon this letter of his , grew into utter detestation of him , as of a barbarous and execrable person , and spared not to let fall foul words to his Ambassadours , for that they went about to perswade him , not onely to break the word and promise which he had given , but also to commit so prodigious a murder upon a person , so many wayes and so nearly allied unto him : neverthelesse he wrote away his letters forthwith to his son Antiochus , who was then in Media , for his advise , what he should do with Demetrius now he had him : for that , of himself , he was purposed to let him go at liberty , and to restore him in all points to his former state and glory of a King ; which he therefore thought fit to communicate to him , because he had married his daughter Stratonice , and had children by her , [ Id. Ib. and Diod. in Excerpt . published by Hen. Vales. lib. 21. ] Demetrius , Year of the World 3719 being hitherto confined to that Chersonese or neck of land , The Julian Period . 4429 at first , Year before Christ 285 forbare not to exercise himself in hunting , and other sports : but by little and little grew idle and rechlesse , and fell to potting and dicing , and spent his time for the most part that way . Plut. in Demet. ] Ptolemei of Egypt , surnamed Soter , having children first by Euridice , the daughter of Antipater , and then by Berenice , whom Antipater sent as a companion onely with his daughter , into Egypt , drawing now near to his end , left Ptolemeus , surnamed Philadelphus , one of his sons , which he had by Bernice , to succeed him in the kingdom , as Pausan. in Attic. affirmeth . [ Justin lib. 16. cap. 2. ] telleth us , that before ever he grew into any infirmity of body , he put over his kingdom to his said son , and that he gave his reasons for his so doing to the people . But Lucianus in Macrobiis , and Porphyrie in the Greek Eusebian fragments , [ pag. 225. ] tell us , that when he had reigned 38 years alone , he then joyned his son with him in the kingdom , and so held it joyntly with him two years . But I conceive , that it was in the 39 year , beginning after the death of Alexander , that he took his son Philadelphus into the consortship of the kingdom with him , and that in remembrance thereof it was , that Dionysius the Astronomer , framed a new Era or Calendar , to be reckoned from the summer of this year , 3719. as Clan . Ptolomeus sheweth in his Great Syntaxis , out of the said Dio●ysius his caelestial observations , which Dionysius is the same man , and none other which this Ptolemeus Philadelphus sent into India , as Plinie [ lib. 6. cap. 17. reporteth . ] Hermippus saies , that Demetrius P●alereus advised Ptolemei , the father , by all means to joyn with him in his kingdom , one of his sons begotten of Euridice , and not of Ber●nice : and Heraclides , ( reported by Diog. Laertius in Demetr . Phaler . in his Epitome of the successions of Sotion , ) saith , that when the said Ptolemei would needs give the Diademe to his son Philadelphus , Demetrius said to him , Sir , take heed what ye doe ; if you give it once away , you will never have it again ; yet did the father for all this , not onely give him the Crown in the open sight of all the people , but also attended on him as one of his ordinary guard or Pensioners , saying , That it far surpassed the having of a kingdom , to be the father of a king , [ Just in lib. 16. cap. 2. ] Ptolemeus surnamed Ceraunus , ( i. e. ) Lightning , either for his quicknesse and celerity in dispatch of busines , or for his fiercenesse of nature , as Memnon saith , the son of Euridice , seeing his younger brother made King before him , for fear of what might follow , got him privily away , and fled to Seleucus ; and he pitied his ease , as of the son of a friend , and entertained him with large and honourable allowance , not without some signification , that when ever his father came to die , he would set him in his throne in Egypt , [ Memnon in Excerpt , cap. 9. & 13. Appian an Syriac . pag. 128. ] In the 124 Olympiade , as we find in Cyril of Alexandria , [ lib. 1. cont . Julia. ] the image of Serapis was brought from Sinope , upon the Euxine sea to Alexandria , in the reign of Ptolemeus Philadelphu● , as some think , or rather under Ptolemei the first , his father , ( for in the beginning of this Olympiade it was , that they reigned joyntly , as was said before ) for , that Ambassadors were sent from him concerning this very thing to Scydrothenis , who was at that time King of Sinope in Pontus , Cornelius Tacitus sheweth at large in the fourth book of his History , toward the end thereof . In the same Olympiade , Year of the World 3720 as we find in Euseb. Chron. Sostratus of Cnidus built the Pharus , The Julian Period . 4430 of watch-tower , Year before Christ 284 in Alexandria , of which Plinie , [ lib. 36. cap. 12. ] speaketh in this wife , Magnificatur turris a rege facta , &c. ( i. e. ) Much renowned , saith he , is the Tower built by a King in the Isle of Pharus , which makes the port of Alexandria , which Pharus cost 800 talents the building : wherein ( to omit nothing great was the mind of Ptolemei the King , in that he suffered Sostratus , the Architict of that great work , to set his name upon it . The use of which Tower was , to bear a light in it , for the help of those who travelled by sea in the night season : and by day , to shew them the way into the port , and how to avoid the shelves that lay before it . [ Strabo lib. 17. pag. 791. ] calls this Sostratus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. ( i. e. ) the friend of Kings ; meaning , of the two Ptolemeis , father and son , who , as I shewed before , at this time held that kingdom in consortship together : and withall , relates the inscription which Sostratus there made of himself ; as thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Softratus a Cnidian born , the son of Dexiphanes , to the gods the delivererers , for the benefit of the sea-men , and Lucian in the end of his book , of the right writing of a History , hath the same , saving , that he saith ; Sostrates inserted it somewhere cunningly , and of himself , and not , as Plinie , by the sufferance and good likeing of the two Kings . For when he built the Tower , he graved this inscription somewhere in the inside of it ; and then plaistered it over , and upon that plaister , set the name of the Ptolemei , whoever it were , that then reigned , conceiving that it would come to passe in some short time , ( as indeed it did ) that the upper inscription , together with the plaister , would fall off , and then his own name , that was graven under in good stone , would appear . But to the end that there might be a safe arrival made for shipping to this Pharus , which lay 7 furlons distant from the main land , there was made a huge causei , which joyned the Island to the Continent , and made it now to be no longer a distinct Island ; but a Chersonese or Peninsula , and a part of the Continent , joyning to Rhacotis a suburbe of the City of Alexandria : of which [ In. Caesar , in lib. 3. Commenta . De Bello civi . ] toward the end thereof , speaketh in this wise : Pharus , saith he , is a tower in that Island , of a woundrous heighth , and sumptuously built , which is so called from the Island it self whereon it stands : This Island lying over against Alexandria , makes an arme of the sea between a sure haven for the Cities use ; but , a superioribus Regibus ; ( for so it should be , as Brodaeus , Scaliger , and Salianus have well observed , not , a superioribus Regionibus , as the vulgar printed Copies have it ) ( i. e. ) by their Kings in elder ages , had a narrow causway of 900 paces long been made thorough the sea , which by the help of a bridge joyneth it to the town , for we may in no sort give credit to that fable of [ Ammia . Marcell . lib. 22. of Johan . Malela , lib. 9. cap. 2. of the Author of the Fasti siculi of George Cedremus , and Joh. Tzetza , ] who dreame , that both the tower it self , and causway , were the work of Cleopatra , the last Queen of Egypt . Spartacus , the King of Bosphorus Cimmerius died , when he had reigned 22 years , as Diodorus telleth us in the year 1. of the 119. Olympiade : after whom , as it seemeth , succeeded his son Parysates , of whom I spake in the year of the World , 3695. Demetrius Poliorcetes , who had now laien three whole years confined in a Promontory or Foreland of Syria , partly with lazinesse , partly with potting and gormandising , fell into a sicknesse , and died , [ Plut. in Demett . ] 17 years after the decease of his father Antigonus : as [ Dexippus , Porphrie and Eusebius say : ] Seleucus was ill spoken of abroad in the world about his death : and indeed , he repented him often , and blamed himself for being so jealous and suspitious of him . But Antigonus , Demetrius his son , when he heard that the Reliques of his father were coming towards him , put to sea , with all the shipping that he could make , and met them about the Isles , and there receiving the ashes of his fathers body , laid them up in a golden Urne , and covering them over with a vaile of Scarlet , and a Diadem or golden Crown set thereon , and using all Rites Pomps , and Ceremonies usual and belonging to so great a Funeral , carried them along with him first to Corinth , and afterward to Demetrias , a City so called after his fathers name , and by him peopled with men , drawn out from the lesser towns and villages of Iolcos in Thessalie . Seleucus , having now gotten all that which Demetrius possessed in Syria , and Asia , properly so called , made of both those kingdoms one entire Empire , [ Euseb. Chron. ] at which time the Jews paid him 300 talents yearly for their tribute : yet they had no forreign Ruler set over them , but were governed by their High Priests , and according to the fashion of their country , [ Sever. Sulpic. Sacr. Histor. lib. 2. ] In this year , Year of the World 3721 Ptolemei , the son of Lagus , surnamed Soter , died ; after his joyning his son with him in the consortship of the kingdom , or the Epoch of the Dionysian account , 1 year , and almost 3 moneths after the death of Alexander the Great , 39 years and 4 moneths , or thereabouts ( for which others reckon 40 full years ; but [ Clau. Ptol. in Reg. Can. ] 39. years onely ) when he had lived full 84 years , as [ Lucian hath it in Macrobils . ] The countries and kingdoms which he held in his possession , are all contained , [ Idyll . 17. ] of Theocritus the Poet ; as namely , Egypt , Phoenicia , Arabia , Syria , Lybia , Ethiopia , Pamphilia , Cilicia , Lycia , Caria , and the Isles of the Cyclades . And the truth is , that he is said to have joyned in armes with Seleucus , against Demetrius , upon expresse conditions , that the dominion of all Asia should be to Seleucus , but Phoenice and Coelosyria he would have to himself . But the Seleucians say , nay ; but that Ptolemei entered into an association of armes against Antigonus , not to gain any thing thereby to himself ; but onely to help Seleucus in the claim which he laid to Coelosyria ; and that , that , upon the death of Antigonus , Cassander , and Lysimachus , was it which cast Coelosyria upon Seleucus , [ Palyb . lib. 5. pag. 410. ] Now although there be no doubt but that Phoenicia and Syria , as Theocritus also testifieth , did sometime belong to Ptolemei ; and that he after the death of Antigonus , who had wrested them out of his hands , subdued Syria again to himself ; as [ Pausan. in Attic. ] relateth : yet we have already shewed , that Tyre and Sidon , were in the possession of Demetrius Poliorcetes ; and after his death , if not before , both those two places and all the rest of Syria , came into Seleucus his possession . Josephus , [ lib. 12. cap. 2. ] gives Ptolemeus Philadelphus 39 years of his reign , reckoning as it seemeth from the time , that he first reigned joyntly with his father : for after his fathers death , Clemens Alexandrinus gives him but 37 years , [ Claud. Ptolemaeus , in Reg. Can. 38. ] and so do Porphrie , Eusebius , and others . Whereas , according to my acco●● , he reigned after his fathers decease , 37 years and almost 8 moneths , but in all , 39 years , wanting one moneth . But how long soever he reigned , certain it is , that he put to death his younger brother Argaeus , as guilty of conspiring his death , so did he another brother of his , born of Euridice , as detected for solliciting the Isle of Cyprus to a revolt from him , [ Pausan. in Attic. pag. 6. ] Whereby it seems , that he little deserved that specious name of Philadelphus , ( i. e. ) a lover of his brethren . Theocritus in his 17 Idyllion saith , that he had in his dominions 33339 Cities , and is said to have been of so great power , that he exceeded therein , his father Ptolemei the first : which Jerom confirmeth out of Histories , upon [ Daniel , cap. 11. ] and so doth Appianus Alexandrinus , out of the Records of the Kings of Egypt , in his preface to his History of the Romans , unto whom for this purpose we may adde , what Athenaeus , [ lib. 5. Deipnosoph . cap. 5. ] relateth of his fleets , and the unmeasurable bignesse of his ships . In the year 47 of the first Periode of Calippus , in the eighth day of the moneth Anthisterion , 465 years of Nabonassars account , the 29 day of the moneth Athyr , three howers before midnight , in the end of the 29 day of our January , after the Julian Calendar , Timochares observed at Alexandria . That the south part of the Moon covered the following part of the Virgilia's , to a third part or near half . [ Ptolem. lib. 7. cap. 3. ] Lysimachus , now King both of Thrace and Macedon , being drawn thereto by the perswasion of his wife Arsinoe , ( by whom he had also children born ) murdered his son Agathocles ; his eldest son , and whom he had ever designed to be his successor in his kingdom , and by whose conduct he had achieved so many glorious victories , but whether by poyson , or by the hand of Ptolemeus Ceraunus , brother to his said wife Arsinoe , I cannot say , [ Strabo lib. 13. p. 623. Justin lib. 17. cap. 1. Pausan. in Attic. pag. 9. Memnons Excerpt . cap. 9. ] But having thus begun with his own son , he fell afterward to act the like upon his Nobles that were about him , for no other cause than for that they lamented the death of his son . Whereupon they which escaped his hands , and the Captains of his armies in all parts , fled away to Seleucus , [ Justin Ibid. ] and when upon these murders of his Nobles , all the people fell to have him in abomination , now not single persons onely , but whole Cities fell off from him , and revolted to Seleucus . [ Memnon Ibid. ] Lysandra , the daughter of Ptolemeus Soter , and sister to Arsinoe , with her children begotten her by Agathocles , and her brothers with her , fled away all to Seleucus ; and with them Alexander also , another son of Lysimachus , but by the venter● of Odryssias , another wife of his , fled also for company to him ; all which coming to Babylon , joyned in petion to him , to make war upon Lysimachus , [ Pausan. Ibid. with Appian in Syriac . pag. 130. ] At the same time also , one Philetaerus a Paphlagonian born , and an Eunuch made , but one who had had good education in his youth , and whom Lysimachus had made keeper of all his treasure laid up in Pergamus , repining at the murder acted upon Agathocles , and therefore laid at by Arsinoe , who dayly accused him to Lysimachus , seized himself of the city Pergamus , which stands upon the river Caicus , and then sent to Seleucus , offering himself , and all the treasure which he there had under his charge , belonging to Lysimachus , to his disposing , and so holding in still with the strongest , and him that was next at hand , and bearing them in hand , with fair promises , and good offices , as occasion was offered , kept the Castle there , and principality of the place , 20 years long . [ Pausan. in Attic. pag. 7. and 9. Strabo lib. 13. pag. 623. And Appianus in Syriac . pag. 129. ] calls him , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( i. e. ) the Prince or Potentate of Pergamus , Year of the World 3722 but certain old choines in Huber . Goltsis Thesauro . have him , Regem , ( i. e. ) King : For indeed this was the man that was the founder of that new principality in Pergamus ; being 60 years of age , as Lucian . in Macrobiis affirmeth of him . In the year 48 of the first Periode of Calippus , on the 25 day of the moneth Pyanepsion , 466 year of Nabonassar , the seventh day of the moneth Thoth , three howres and one half before midnight , the ninth day of our November , Timochares at Alexandria observed the Conjunction of the moon with Spica Veneris , in the northern part thereof . [ Cl. Ptolem. lib , 7. cap. 3. ] Antiochus , surnamed Soter , son of Seleucus Nicator , falling in love with Stratonice , his Stepdame , and one by whom his father had a son born , being conscious to himself , of the feditie of his own desire , neither attempted any thing upon her , nor disclosed ought of that which troubled him , but lay gnawing his sheets , and in that melancholy , would fain have died . But Leptines , a Mathematician , or as others say , one Erasistratus , a Physician , Aristotles grandchild by a daughter of his , and a disciple of Chrysippus , as Plinie hath it , [ lib. 29. cap. 1. ] to wit , of Chrysippus a Cnidian born , and by profession , a Physician likewise , as Laertius in the life of Chysippus saith , though some others say he was a scolar under Theophrastus , as the same Laertius , in the Life of Theophrastus toward the end thereof noteth , against whose followers , going by the name or sect of Erasistrataeans . Galen afterward wrote a book of Phlebotomie , or opening of a vein , yet extant ; this Erasistratus therefore , sitting upon a time by Antiochus , observed , that at the coming in of Stratonice his colour ever rose , and his pulse beat high , and when she went away , he grew pale and wan again , and fetcht his breath short , and panted , found thereby what ailed him ; ad opened the matter to Seleucus : who thereupon was content to part with her , though most dearly beloved , to his son ; and calling his army together , before them all , married her to his son . And whereas he had at that time 72 Provinces under him , he gave up the greater part of them , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( i. e. ) the upper provinces , which were all to the eastward of Euphrates , to his son , reserving to himself onely such countries as lay from the Euphrates westward , to the Mediterran sea , [ Appian . in Syriac . with Valer. Max. lib. 5. cap. 7. Plut. in Demet. Lucian . De Syria Dea. Galen . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; ( i. e. ) of foreknowing , and Julia in M●sopogone . ] Lysimachus , Year of the World 3723 passing over into Asia , The Julian Period . 4433 made war upon Seleucus . Year before Christ 281 And this was the last battle fought between the Survivors of Alexander the Great : of which there were now already 34 extinct and dead , these two onely survived : This battle was fought in Pnrygia , lying upon the Hellespont , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : as we read , [ in Porphyrie , in Graec. Euseb. Scaliger , pag. 228. ] wherein Lysimachus , fighting very valiantly in his own person , and having lost many of his men , was struck thorough with a great Spear , by one of Heraclea , whose name was Malacon : and so having seen the death of fifteen of his children , before him , remained as it were the last stone of his house , to be pulled down , [ Pausan. in Attic. pag. 9. Memnon , Excerpt . cap. 9. Appian , in Syriac . pag. 128. 131. Justin , lib. 17. cap. 1. & 2. Oros. lib. 3. cap. ult . ] Appian saith , that he had then lived 70 years , Justin ▪ and Orosius , 74. but Hieronymus Cardianus , the Historian , who then lived in great esteem , saith that he was at that time 80 years of age , as [ Lucian , in Macrobiis , ] reporteth out of him . When Lysimachus was fallen , a dog of his kept by the body , and beat off all birds and beasts from it : till at length one Thorax , of the country of Pharsalia , having long sought for it , found it out , when it was almost putrified , and knew it principally by his dog that lay by it ; and Alexander his son by Odrysias , with much adoe , and after many entreaties , gat it of Lysandra , and carried it into the Chersonese of Thrace , and there buried it : his bones were afterward translated to the Temple in Lysimacia , by the Citizens of the place , and there laid up in an Urne : which Temple , went afterward by the name of Lysimachium , [ Pausan. and Appia . ] When he was dead , his kingdom accrued to Seleucus , as an addition to his former Monarchie , [ Memnon , ] with which , so great a victory he much pleased himself : and the rather , for that he now saw himself the last alive of all that company , which went by the name of Alexanders fellows , or companions in armes ; and a Conqueror of Conquerors , which he said , was a gift not of man , but of god himselfe , [ Justin. ] The men of Heraclea in Pontus , hearing that Lysimachus was dead , and that he was slain by a country man of theirs , in the 84 year after that Clearchus had first usurped the Sovereignty over them , fell into a desire of recovering their native liberty , which after their town-born tyrants were extinct , Lysimachus had again taken from them ; and in the recovery thereof , they shewed themselves right valiant men for Lysimachus , though upon the death of the two Brothers , Clearchus the second , and Oxathres , he restored their liberty to the Citizens for a while ; yet afterward , thorough the importunity of his wife Arsinoe , he made war afresh upon them , which [ Iustin , lib , 17. cap. 3. ] mentions ; and having taken their City , he made one Heraclitus Cimaeus , a man wholy at Arsinoes devotion , Governour over them . After Lysimachus his death therefore , the men of Heraclea dealt with this Heraclitus , offering him not onely all security for his own person , but also a large summe of money to bear his charges on the way ; provided onely , that he would be gone , and leave them in their pristin and native liberty . And he thereupon , grew into a rage , and commanded some of them away presently to be put to death : which the Citizens perceiving , and having formerly underhand agreed with the chief officers of the Garrison under him , to make them free of their City , and to pay them all their arreres which had been detained from them , fairely took Heraclitus himself , and put him in prison : where they kept him for a while ; But seeing themselves anon after free from all danger , they demolished the Citadel , which Lysimachus had built upon them ; and sending an Embassie to Seleucus , to satisfie him concerning what they had done , made one Pnocritus , Superintendant or Curator of their State , [ Memnon , Excerpt . cap. 8. & 10. ] Zipaetus , a petty King of Bithynia , growing angry with the men of Heraclea , first for Lysimachus , and now for Seleucus his sake ( for he was enemy to them both ) made inrodes upon their land , and spared not for any mischief that he could do them ; wherein neverthelesse his men scaped not scot-free : but received oft-times , as much damage themselves as they did hurt to them , [ Ibid. cap. 11. ] Mean while , Seleucus sent one Aphrodisius to the Cities of Phrygia , and places adjoyning , to look to his profits and affairs there ; who having dispatcht the businesse he was sent about , at his return , gave large commendations of other Cities , but laid made things to the Heraclians charge ; especially , that they stood ill-affected to Seleucus himself : whereupon the King growing into choler , scorned the Embassie sent by them unto him ; and used many rough and minatory speeches to them : but there was one of them , called Camaeleon , who , nothing daunted therewith , spake to Seleucus in this wise , Sir , Hercules , Carron , ( now Carron in the Dorian Dialect or language , signifies , him that is the strongest ) which word , when Seleucus understood not , persisting in his former choler against them , turned away from them . Whereupon the Messengers that were sent , conceived that it was no boote for them , either to stay there , or to return home again ; which tidings coming to Heraclea , they not onely fortified their City , the best they could of themselves , but also fell to procuring of forraign aides , and sent their Ambassadors to Mithridates King of Pontus , and to the States of Byzantium , and Chalcedon , to pray in aide of them , [ Ibid. cap. 12. ] But those who were bannished and lived in exile from the state of Heraclea , met together , and came to an agreement among themselves , which was this . There was one Nymphidius , who perswaded them to labour for a restitution to their country ; and told them it would be no hard matter to effect it , if they would desire restitution of what their ancestors had lost , in a fair , and not in a turbulent way : whereunto they were all easily perswaded ; and when thereupon all things fell out happily , and succeeded according to their desires , it was hard to say , whether they that thus returned to their Country , or their Country which thus received them home again , were the gladder of it , for both they who returned , used the Citizens , who had expulsed them , very lovingly ; and the Citisens suffered none of them to want for any necessarie and convenient means to live withall , and by this means they grew all into a body again , and returned into their pristine state of nobility and government ; as they were before . [ Ib. ] Seleucus , purposing to end his dayes in his old and native Country of Macedonia , passed over the Hellespont , Year of the World 3724 and going from thence to Lysimachia , The Julian Period . 4434 espied by chance , Year before Christ 280 a certain altar standing in a conspicuous place , and asked what the name of that altar was ; it was told him , that it was called Argos . Now it is said , that he had been forewarned by an oracle , to beware of Argos . But he further asked , why it was called Argos , whether from the Argonautae , which passed that way in elder time , when they went with Jason to Colcho , or from the Argivi , who went to the siege of Troy , or for that the great Argos , wherein Jason went , was there cast away in their return , or for that it was the Country of the Atridae , Agamemnon , and Menelaus ; and as he was thus questioning about the name of that alter , Ptolemeus Ceraunus , the son of Ptolemei the first , by his wife Euridice , and brother to Arsinoe the Resict of Lysimachus , standing behind him , ran him thorough with his sword , and slew him ; having been his great benefactor , and who had ever borne him up , and maintained him , and who would never let him be from him . And so Seleucus within seven moneths after the death of Lysimachus , lost both the kingdome of Macedon , which he had taken from him , and his life withall . Arrianus tells us , that Seleucus was the greatest man that was , after Alexander the Great , and the most nobly spirited of all the rest , and the extent of whose dominions , exceeded all others , [ lib. de . Reb. Alexand. ] He died in the 43 year after the decease of Alexander , the 32 year of the Grecian , or Seleucian Calendar , having spent in his life , as Appian sayes , 73 years , but as Justin intimates , 78. His body was buried by Philetaerus the Potentate of Pergamus , which he redeemed out of Ceraunus his hand , with a great sum of mony ; and having buried it in all solemn wise , sent his ashes to his son Antiochus , who receiving it , burned it in Seleucia , which stands upon the sea coast ; adding a consecrated Chapel to his tomb , which , from his surname , was called , Nicatorium , [ Appian , in Syriac . pag. 129. ] Justin tells us , that both he , and his sons , and grand-children after him , were all born with the signe of an anchor in one of their thighs , as a naturall badge and token of that race , [ lib. 15. cap. 4. ] And Ausonius in his book de Claris Vrbius , ( i. e. ) of famous Cities , speaking of Antiochia , saith , [ l. 2. ] — Illa Seleucum . &c. She for her founder did Seleucus praise , Who ware a native anchor in his thigh ; A true impresse of his nativity , And cognisance on all his progenie . But Polybius , [ lib. 2 pag. 128. ] notes , that Ptolemei the first , and Lysimachus , and Seleucus , and Ptolemaeus Ceraunus , all died about the 124 Olymp. and that Ptolemei the first , died in the first year of it , and Lysimachus and Seleucus in the last : But Ceraunus died not till the later end of the first year of the Olympiade following : and whom therefore Polybius , mentioning again the concurrence of their deaths in the [ same book , pag. 155. ] seemeth of set purpose to have omitted . Ceraunus , having thus murdered Seleucus , by the help of a swift horse , gat him to Lysimachia ; where putting a Crown upon his head , and taking a fair guard about him , he went unto the army , where of pure necessity the army received him , and cryed , God save the King ; who had but a little before , sworn fealty to Seleucus , [ Memnon , Excerp . cap. 13. ] Antigonus , surnamed Gonatas , the son of Demetrius Poliorcetes , hearing how Seleucus was murdered , made a journey into Macedonia , purposing to prevent Ceraunus in those parts , both by his land and sea Forces . But Ceraunus , having all Lysimachus his Fleet in a readinesse , drew out , and met him in right good array at sea : in which among other sorts , there were from Heraclea in Pontus sent him sundry vessels , some of six , some of five tire of oares , and such as were called Aphractae ; and above all one of eight tire of oares , called the Leontifera , which for her great bulke , and exquisite building , was much admired by all that beheld her ; for in her were an hundred oares , so that on each side there were 800 rowers , which made 1600 in all : and upon the upper deck or hatches , there were 1200 fighting men ; under two special Commanders : insomuch , as when they came to graple , Ceraunus had by far the better of it ; and Antigonus was fain to flee , with all his Navy , In this fight the ships from Heraclea , did best ; and among them the Leontifera best of all . Antigonus therefore being thus routed , fled into Boeotia , and Ptolemaeus Ceraunus went into Macedonia , where he remained quiet by the space of two years , [ Ibid. cap. 14 , 15. ] to wit , one full year and five moneths , as Dexippus and Porphyrie , do more precisely relate this matter . Ceraunus , growing now gracious in the eyes of the multitude , both in regard of his father Ptolemei the first of Egypt , and also for the revenge which he took of Lysimachus his death , endeavoured first , to take in , and make faire with Lysimachus his sons : and desired to marry Arsinoe their mother , and his own sister , bearing them in hand , that he would adopt them for his children ; that so succeeding in their fathers room , they might , either in reverence of their own mother , or in regard that they were now to call him father , forebear attempting any thing against him . He also by his letters sought the love and friendship of his brother Ptolemaeus Philadelphus King of Egypt , professing that he utterly forgat his losse of his fathers kingdom , and that he would never seek to get that from his brother , which he had already more fairely attained to , by getting it from an enemy . [ Justin , lib. 17. cap. 2. ] He made also a peace with Antiochus the son of Seleucus , whom he had murdered , [ Id. lib. 24. cap. 1. ] Neither did he omit to sollicite Pyrrhus the King of Epirus to the same effect : supposing it would infinitely sway the scales , to which side soever he leaned . For as much as he also then lay at catch , to get any mans estate that lay in his way ; and offered himself to any man that would make use of him . In which humor , being to aid the Tarentines in Italy against the Romans , he sent to borrow ships of Antigonus Gonatas , to transport his army into Italy , to Antiochus the son of Seleucus deceased , to borrow money , because he seemed to be better stored of money , than of men ; and to Ptolemeaeus Ceraunus , to furnish him with some companies of souldiers out of Macedonia : and Ceraunus presently sent him 5 thousand Foot , and 4 thousand Horse , and fifty Elephants ; yet to serve him two years , and no longer . In requital of which favour , he took his daughter to wife , and left him Guardian and Protector of his kingdom of Epirus , during his absence ; for fear , least while he was away , with the flower of his youth in Italy , some or other , might take advantage , and make a spoile thereof in his absence , [ Id. lib. 17. cap. 2. ] Wherefore , leaving his son Ptolemei , whom he had by Antigone the daughter of Berenice , being but 15 years old , Governour of his kingdom , yet as it were under the tuition of the said Ptolemei Ceraunus King of Macedon , he took his journey , and with his army landed in the Port of Tarentum , now Otranto in Italy ; taking with him his two younger sons , Alexander and Helenus , being very little ones , for his solace in so remote a war , [ Id. lib. 18. cap. 1. ] and never staying for the Spring , put over thither in the middest of Winter , as Zonaras reporteth , out of Dionysius Halicarnassaeus in the 124 Olympiade , as [ Polybius saith , lib. 2. pag. 129. ] to wit , in the fourth and last year of that Olympiade . Antiochus Soter , after his father Seleucus his death , held the kingdom of Syria 19 years . [ Porphyrie , Eusebius , and Serv. Sulpitius : ] who when , with much adoe , and with many a battle fought , he had hardly recovered all his fathers Dominions : in the end , he sent an army under the command of Patrocles , to pass the mountain Taurus ; and he chose him a Lieutenant , one Hermones , borne at Aspendus . Now Patrocles his purpose was , to set upon Heraclea , in the country of Pontus : but receiving satisfaction by an Embassie which they sent unto him , he forbear proceeding any further against them , and making a firme league with them , turned his course , and passing thorough the country of Phrygia , came into Bithynia . But the Bithynians by an ambushment which they laid for him , cut off him , and his whole army , and utterly destroyed them ; wherein yet Patrocles himself played all the parts of a most valiant man , and did with his own hand many exploits upon the enemy , [ Memnon , Excerpt , cap. 16. ] and Zipaetes the King of Bithynia , having thus destroyed Antiochus his army , built a City at the foot of the hill Liparus , and called it after his own name , [ Id. ibid. cap. 21. ] In the end of the fiftieth year of the first Periode of Calippus , being the 44 from the death of Alexander the Great , Aristarchus of Samos , took an observation of the Summer Solstice ; and after that Meton did the like for 152 or 9 decades of years : as Cl. Ptolemaeus in his book De anni Magnitudine , reporteth out of Hipparchus , [ lib. 3. Syntax . cap. 2. ] Arsinoe , the Relict of Lysimachus , being married to her own brother , Ptolemaeus Ceraunus , received him into her City of Cassandrea : and he presently , seizing upon the Castle , there , took her two sons , which she had by Lysimachus , the one called Lysimachus of the age of 16 years , the other , Philippus , being but 3 years old , and slew them both in their mothers armes ; and she her self rending her clothes and tearing her hair , was haled out of the gates of the City with two servants onely , and sent into bannishment to the Isle of Samothracia , [ Iustin , lib. 24. cap. 2. & 3. Memnon , Excerpt . cap. 15. ] In the beginning of the second year after Pyrrhus his arrival in Italy , Year of the World 3725 the Galls invaded Greece , The Julian Period . 4435 [ Polyb. lib. 1. pag. 6. ] Year before Christ 279 for they , dividing their whole army into three parts , and allotting to every part , their work to do ; one fell in upon the Thracians and Triballi , under the conduct of Cerethrius ; the second upon Pannonias , under Brennus and Acichorius ; the third upon Macedon and Illyrium , under Belgius , [ for so Iustin , lib. 24. cap. 5. and lib. 25. cap. 2. calls him ] not Bolgius , as Pausanias names him , [ Pausanias , in Phocieis . ] Ptolemaeus Ceraunus , with a small company , and they not all of the best marshalled neither , ( as if wars were as easily waged , as murders are committed ) driven on with the furies of his wicked minde , went out against Belgius ; and when the King of the Dardans offered to aid him against these new-come Galls , with 20 thousand men , he would none of them : and when the Galls sent Messengers to him , offering him peace for money , he sent them back word , that he would not give them peace , unlesse they delivered their armes , and the principal of their army , for hostages of their good abearing unto him . So to it they went , and the Macedons not able to endure the impression of the Galls , fled before them : Ptolemei himself being sorely wounded , and the Elephant on which he rode , being also wounded , and thereupon grown unruly , was cast off his back , and taken by the Galls , and by them torne in pieces ; his head cut off , and being taken upon the point of a Spear , was carried about for a terrour to the enemy . Few of the Macedons escaped ; the rest were either slain or taken prisoners , [ Justin , lib. 24. cap. 4 , 5. lib. 23. cap. 2. with Memnons Excerpt . cap. 15. Diod. Sic. lib. 22. Sec. 3. Pausanias in Phoc. pag. 335. ] After Ptolemei , in the kingdom of Macedon , succeeded his brother Meleager ; and him the Macedons , after two moneths space , ejected , as a man unworthy of the place ; and put in Antipater , the son of Philip , who was brother to Cassander ; of whom , [ Justin , lib. 12. cap. 14. ] maketh mention : and whom they nicknamed the Etesian , because he continued in the place but 45 dayes , for thereabouts it is , that the Etesian winds used upon that coast to blow every year , and no more , [ Porphy . in Grac. Euseb. pag. 228. ] Brennus , ( who , some say , was by birth a Prausian , as we read in [ Strabo , lib. 4. pag. 187. ] hearing of this great victory gotten by Belgius , fretting in himself , to see that he had letten slip out of his hands so faire an opportunity , of getting so great a Proie , as the whole riches of the East : gathered together 150 thousand Foot , and 15 thousand Horse of his Galls , and marched in all haste into Macedonia , Justin , lib. 24. cap. 6. ] but coming into the country of the Dardans , a people in Illyrum , was forced to stay there , by reason of a mutiny which rose in his army : for to the number of 20 thousand of his men , ( which number Suidas also , in the word Galatae hath ) with Leonorius and Lutarius their Captains , fell from him , and went away into Thracia ; and what with fighting , what with selling peace to those that would buy it of them , came at length to Byzantium : and having for a while wasted the country of Propontis , and making it tributary to them , possessed themselves at last , of all the Cities in those parts , [ Liv. lib. 38. ] Sosthenes , Year of the World 3726 a chief man in Macedonia , gathering together the youth and lusty gallants of the country , made head against those Galls that there were , and quelled them in many encounters , and defended the country from their further plundrings . For which great service , when many of the Nobles there strove for the kingdom , he being a man of obscure place and parentage , and of no Royal blood , was yet perferred before them all ; and when they would have made him King , he refused it ; and made them take their oath to him , as to their Captain or Commander onely , [ Justin , lib. 24. cap. 5. ] and in that capacity , he governed that country two years , [ Porphyrie and Euseb. ] When Brennus came into Macedonia , and there fell to spoiling and ravaging of the Country , Sosthenes met him with his army ; but so few as they were against so many , and heartlesse against men grown haughty upon so many victories , the Macedons were quickly overthrown , and fled to their Cities ; where whilest they kept themselves , not daring to peep out , Brennus with his army , overran and plundred all the Country , [ Justin , lib. 24. cap. 6. ] Leonorius and Lutarius , getting by a trick , into Lysimachia , and possessing themselves entirely of the Chersonese there , came down from thence into Hellespont , and there finding how little a cut it was over into Asia , had a great mind to passe over into it ; and sent their Agents to Antipater the Governour of Hellespont , to treat with him about their passage , [ Liv. lib. 38. ] Zipaetes . having now reigned in Bithynia , full 48 , and lived 76 years , died , leaving four sons : the eldest of which , was called Nicomedes , who succeeded his father in the kingdom , and proved to his brothers , not a brother , but a butcher , [ Memnon , Excerpt . cap. 21. ] but the younger who was called Zipaetes , and whom [ Liv. lib. 38. ] calleth Zibaeas , held the sea coast of Bithynia , which went by the name of Thracia Thyniaca , al. Asiatica , [ Ib. cap. 18. ] Now , when after Zipaetes his death , Antiochus Soter prepared to make war upon Bithynia , Nicomedes sent and prayed in aid of the City of Heraclea ; promising to do the like for them , if they ever happened to stand in need of him : whereupon they sent him aid at that present ; and by this occasion they afterward , though with great expence of monies , recovered Cierus and Tius , and the land of Thinis : But when they went about to recover the City and Territory of Amestris , ( which had also been taken from them ) and spared neither for war nor money to recover it : Eumenes who held it , as Governour onely , chose for very spight to give it up to Ari●barzanes the son of Mithridates , then King of Pontus , gratis , rather than to render it to the State of Heraclea , upon any termes , [ Ibid. cap. 17. ] Brennus , and Acichorius , with the Illyrians ( as Appianus in Illyricis telleth us ) whom they call Autarians , and Celts , whom they call Cimbrians , left Macedonia , and went into Greece , with an army of 152000 Foot , and 20400 Horse , every of which Horse had two footmen attending on him , they on horseback likewise , to help their Masters , if occasion were , and to supply his place , if he happened to be slain : but , when they went to plunder the Temple at Delphos , they were terribly beaten off with Thunder and Lightening , with Earthquakes , and with the sinking of the ground under them in the Mount Olympus , and with bitter Frost and Snow , being then the Winter Season , and miserably distressed in all kinds : and they which were slain by the sword of the Phocenses themselves , were little lesse than six thousand men . There fell upon them likewise , a panick fear ; and by a Frost falling in a night , they lost upward of ten thousand more , and as many more perished of very hunger in the place . Brennus their Leader , vexed with the wounds which he had received in his body , and for very shame of such his overthrow , having first swill'd himself with drink , fell upon his own sword and died : and Acichorius , seeing how the heads of this war were punished , gat him hastily , with a company of 10 thousand poor maimed souldiers out of Greece ; but the continual stormes of rain and snow , with bitter frosts and famine , and which was worst of all , perpetual waking , utterly consumed the reliques of this unlucky army ; and all nations thorough which they passed in their return , fell upon them as they went , here and there scattered , and made a proy of them , [ Pausan. in Phoc. & Attic. Justin , lib. 24. cap. 6 , 7 , 8. Eclog. Diodor. lib. 22. Sec. 13. Appian . Illyr . pag. 758. ] which calamity Polybius , [ lib. 2. pag. 108. ] notes to have befallen them , year 2. of the 125 Olympiade , and when Anaxicrates was Lord Chancelor of Athens , [ Pausan in . Phoc. pag. 340. ] As for those of Illyrium , called Autarians , which escaped this misfortune , when they came home into their own country , they found themselves there pestered with such a multitude of frogs , sent upon them , that they corrupted the very Rivers with their putrefaction ; and then a vapour rising out of the earth after them , bred a pestilence thoroughout all the Country , till they were fain to flee from their native soile ; but carrying the plague along with them , no Country would receive them , and so were they fain to go on 23 daies journey , till they came into the countrey of the Basturnians , and there they built them cities to dwell in , moreover it is said that the land of the Celts , was plagued with Earthquakes , and in them whole Cities swallowed up ; and that these plagues still followed them , till at last they also were forced to leave their habitation , and went wandring till they came to the Country of the Illyrians , who were partakers with them in their action at Delphos : and them , as being already consumed with the plagues , they easily overcame , but taking the infection there by medling with their goods , they were fain again to be gone from thence , and wandred still , till they came to Pyrene , [ Appian . ut . sup . ] of all which horrid , strange , and miraculous plagues and punishments failing upon these Galls and others formerly mentioned , or hereafter to be mentioned , for their sacrilegious acts committed against their Idols , we may truly say , and must confesse , that to be most true , which the wise man saith of them , who sware falsely by them , That it was not the power of them by whom they sware , nor of them , whom these thus robbed , but the just vengeance of sinners , from the true God , which punisheth alwayes the offences of the ungodly , [ Wisd. cap. 14. v. ult . ] As for the Cordistae , who were a part of these Galls , which attempted the plundering of Delphos , t is said , that one Bathanasius their Captain , seated them near the bank of the river Ister , from whom it is , that the way by which they returned , was afterward called Bathanasius his way , as Athenaeus tells us , [ lib. 6. cap. 4. ] which are the same Galls , which Strabo calls , the Scordisci , seated upon the Ister , and they put these Autarians , or Autoriates , from their possession , which they had there gotten , [ lib. 7. pag. 293 ; 296 , 313 , 317 , 318. ] And now for those Galls , who as I said before , went out of Thrace , down to the streit of Hellespont , upon a discord raised among them , Leo●orias , with the greater part of his men , returned to Byzantium , from whence he came . But Lutarius took from the Macedons , who were sent by Antipater , to him , as spies upon him , under the colour of Ambassadors , five ships , which he used to transport his men by some and some , day and night , till he had landed them all in Asia , [ Livie . lib. 38. ] And now to return to where we left , the war growing between Zipaetes , the Bithynian , and the state of Heraclea , Zipaetes got the victory of them , but succours coming to them from other parts , Zipaetes was fain to fly ; whereupon the Heraclians , getting the bodies of their slain , burnt them , and carryed their bones into the City , and laid them up in their charnel howses , as the bones of men , who among others had excellently well deserved of their Country , [ Mem●ons Excerpt . cap. 18. ] About the same time , Antiochus Soter , and Antigonus Gonatas , making each of them great provisions for war , one against the other , Nicomedes , King of Bithynia , sided with Antigonus ▪ but others with Antiochus , Antichous therefore , forbearing Antigonus for the present , marched first against Nicomedes , whereupon he was fain to gather what aides he could from other parts , and among the rest sent to his friends the Heracleans , and got from them 13 ships , of three tire of oares a piece , and then went to encounter Antiochus upon the sea , and their fleets met indeed , but having stood at gaze a while , and looking onely one upon another , each party drew off again , and so nothing was done between them that time . [ Ib. cap. 19. ] They of Byzantium , wearied out with the continuall incursions and plundrings of the Galls , sent their Ambassadors about to their friends , and got of the Heracleans a thousand , some say , four thousand Crowns ; and not long after , Nicomedes dealt with these Galls , and upon termes , procured them to come to his help in Asia ; which terms were these : That they should for ever continue firm and fast friends to Nicomedes , and his heirs . That without his privity and consent , they should lend no helping hand to any that by Embassies should implore their aide in their wars , but should be friends to his friends , and foes to his foes . Item , That they should help them of Byzantium , if occasion were . Item , That they should maintain league and friendship with the Tianians , and Heracleans , and Chalcedonians , and Cierians , and some other States , which had other nations under their jurisdiction , [ Ib. cap. 20 , 21. ] and so Leonorius , by the means of Nicomedes , King of Bithynia , put over from Byzantium into Asia side . [ Livie lib. 38. Strabo lib. 12. pag. 566. ] Now this passage of the Galls into Asia , Pausan. in Pho● . [ p. 340. ] tells us , was in the third year of ●25 Olymp. Neither yet were they of Byzantium hereby quite rid of those plundring Galls , for some of those who were at Delphos with Brennus , and escaped that danger , came into Hellespont under their Captain Comonto●ius , and they had no mind to go any further , but liking well of the Country which lay abour Byzantium , there sate them down , and having conquered the Thracians , and made Tyla the head City of their kingdom , put Byzantium into as great a fear of an utter ruine , as they were in before , [ Polyb. lib. 4. pag. 313. Ptolemeus Philadelphus , Year of the World 3727 being a great favourer of learing , The Julian Period . 4437 and all liberall , Year before Christ 277 arts and sciences , built a most famous library at Alexandria , in that quarter of the City which was called Brachium ; and having committed the care of getting books of all sorts , and out of all Countries , to Demetrius Phalereus , upon his advise , he also sent to have the holy writings of the Jews to be translated out of Hebrew into Greek by 72 interpreters , in the seventh year of his reign , as Epiphanius in his book , de mensuris & ponderibus , ( i. e. ) of weights and measures , reporteth , of which Tertullian , [ cap. 18. Apologet. ] thus writeth : The most learned King , saith he , of all the Ptolemeis , surnamed Philadelphus , and most exquisitely seen in all kind of 〈◊〉 ▪ studying , as I conceive , to out go Philistratus in the matter of libraries , among all other monuments , which either antiquitie or curiosity could afford , for the eternizing of a mans fame to posteritie , by the advise and setting on of Demetrius Phalereus , a most excellent schol●r , and humanition in those dayes , whom he had set over that work , desired of the Jews to have their books also . And verily that this Ptolemei , if ever any King , was infinitely addicted to the studies of humane learning , is confirmed by Phylarchus , vouched by Athenaeus , [ lib. 12. cap. 17. Deipnos . ] which is more fully delivered by Vitruvius , in his preface to his book of Architecture , where he sheweth , that having finished his great library at Alexandria , he instituted certain games in honour of Apollo and the Muses : whereunto he invited , all writers in the common arts and sciences , ( as others were wont to do , wrestlers and the like ) to put in for the prize ; and appointed great rewards to them who we●e found to excell , and surpasse the rest in them , and shewed how he entertained Zoilus , surnamed Homeromastyae , ( i. e. ) the scourge of Hmer , when he came unto him . For this collection of books , Aristotle shewed him the way , for he at his death , left his library to Theophrastus , and Theophrastus by his last will and testament , which we find in [ Diog. L●●rtius , ] left it to Nil●●s Scepsius , [ Strabo . lib. 13. pag. 608. Plut in Sylla . ] and from him Ptolemei bought them , besides others which he bought at Athens and Rhodes ; and brought them all to Alexandria , as Athenaeus , [ lib. 1. cap. 1. ] teacheth us , though Strabo and Plutarch in the places above mentioned ; and Atheneus himself elsewhere , to wit , [ lib. 5. cap. 11. ] say , that Theophrastus his books , and with them all Aristotles library , came to the hands of Neleus his heirs , and were by his successours , and long after in the dayes of Sylla , sold for a great sum of mony , to one Apellicon the T●ian . Keeper of this great library after Demetrius Phalerus , ( who was not onely a great Grammarian , for which only Tertullian commends him , but also a singular Philosopher , and one who had been formerly a great States-man , and an excellent Governour in Athens ) was one Zenodotus of Ephesus , ( the first Corrector of Homers books ) as Suidas sayes , and after him Aristophanes , who with great deligence and industry , read over all the books of that great library , in order as they stood ; as Vitruvius in his forementioned Preface to his book of Architecture affirmeth . But this was afterward : and therefore to return to the time we are now upon . Aristaeas in his Treatise of the 70 interpreters , and after him Josephus , lib. 12. Antiq. cap. 2. and Euseb. lib. 8. de Praepar . Evangel . speak , ] as followeth . Demetrius Phalereus , being upon a time asked by King Ptolemei , how many Myriads or ten thousands of books he had gotten together , answered , about 20 Myriades , but hoped ere long , to make them 50 Myriades , which number of 200000 books , since we find , not onely in Aristaeas , which we now have , but also in those Copies which Josephus and Eusebius heretofore used , that that lesser sum of 54800 , found in Epiphanius , who wrote long after them , is in no wise to be admitted . Demetrius Phalereus advised the king , as I said before , to ask those sacred writings of the Jews ; but Aristaeas , who was an attendant about him , at that time ; advised him , for the purchasing of them , to set all the Jews , who were then slaves in Egypt at liberty , and send them home ; and it is said that the number of them came to 10 Myriades , ( i. ) one hundred thousand soules : and in our copy of Aristaeas , it is said : that every one of them cost the King 20 drachmaes , or 120 , as it is in Josephus : now 120 drachmaes , make 30 ●icles , or stateres , or tetradrachmaes in silver , which was the full price of a slave in [ Exod. c. 21. 32. ] at which rate our Saviour also , what time , for our sakes , he took the form of a slave upon him in the flesh , was sold by Judas the traitor , now those 20 drachmaes which we find in our Aristaeas , being multiplied by ●0 Myriades ( i. ) 100 thousand amount to 2000000 drachmaes , which again being divided by 6000 which make just an Attick talent , make 333● Attick talents ; now the price which Ptolemei payed to redeem the Jews from their masters , came to above 400 talents , both by Josephus his and also by our Aristaeas his account : because it is said that there were above 10 Myriades paied . In which redemption of the Jewish slaves from their masters the like price was paied for every sucking child of them , together with the mothers which they suckt on over and above , whence it is that Josephus saies that Ptolemei paid in this kind , upward of 460 talents , in stead of which our vulgar editions of Aristaeas have 660 talents . Of these Jews Ptolemei took the younger sort and ablest of them into his army , and of the rest , such as he thought fit , he emploied in his private affaires , as in his letters to Eleasar the High Preist , himself affirmeth , for which one true letter of the Kings , Epiphanius giveth us two forged ones , far diffarent both in stile , and meaning , from that which we find in Aristaeas , and Josephus , the latter of which beginneth thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . &c. ( i. e. ) of a treasure that is hidden , and of a fountaine sealed up , what profit is there ? whereas in the greek one attributed to the king , who doth not perceive a manifest Hebraisme , and that taken out of Ecclesiast . [ c. 20. 30. ] wisedome if it be hidden , and a treasure unseen , what profit is there of either of them ? But together with that Epistle , he sent also rich presents to the use of the Temple at Jerusalem , by Andraeas , and Aristaeas his two servants , to be delivered to Eleasar the High Preist , as namely , a golden table of two cubits long , ( and an half , as Josephus addeth ) and no lesse than half a cubit thick , all of solid gold , and not covered over onely with plates of gold ; with 20 goblets of like gold , and 30 of silver , for the making of all which , he allowed over and above , 50 talents weight of gold , and 70 of silver , and precious stones to the number of 5 thousand , so that these stones amounted in the value of them , to five times as much as the gold which he sent , came unto , and the workmanship thereunto belonging , besides all which he sent 100 talents for sacrifices and other uses of the Temple . Eleasar the Priest , receiving these presents , out of every tribe , ( for that after the captivity there remained some of 10 tribes of the twelve , I shewed before in the year of the World 3468. c. ) he chose six principall men , most eminent above all others , for ripenesse of age , for nobility , for learning and experience ; which should translate Gods Law , out of Hebrew into Greek ; the particular names of the which 72 elders are expressely delivered by Aristaeas ; the last of which called Ezekiel , I conceive to be none other but him , whom Eusebius in the ninth book , de Praepart . Evangel . reporteth to have written a Tragedie of the bringing forth , or deliverance of the children of Israel out of Egypt ; for the very name of Ezekiel sheweth , that he was of the Jewish race , and not a Greek , as Clemens Alexandrinus , and Eusebius , thought he was . Eleasar also wrote back a letter to the King , the beginning whereof , as we find in Aristaeas , was this , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( i.e. ) God save you , or as Eusebius , more rightly , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. ( i. e. ) If your self are well , and the Queen Arsinoe yeur sister , all is well , and as we desire it should be : for Philadelphus , after the death of Arsinoe , the daughter of Lysimachus King of Thrace and Macedon , by whom he had Ptolemeus Euergetes , and Berenice ( of whom more in their proper places ) married a second Arsione , his own sister , which after the death of Lysimachus her first husband was married to Ptolemeus Ceraunus her own brother , but she dyed , before she bare any child to Philadelphus , on whom he so doted , that he called a province in Egypt , Arsinoiti● , after her name , [ Pausan. in Attic. pag. 7. ] and made her a statue of Topaz stone , four cubits high , and consecrated her in a Temple , which was called the golden Temple , [ Plinie lib. 17. c. 8. ] and by his appointment , Dinocrates the Architect , set him to make an archroof over her , all of load-stone , to the end , that an image of her made of Iron , might cleave thereto , and seem there to hang in the air , [ Id. lib. 14. cap. 14. ] of which Dinocrates , Ausonius in his 9 Idyllion , speaking , saith ; Jussus ob incesti qui quondam foedus amoris , &c. ( i. e. ) Who for a monument of incestuous love , By Ptolomeis command did make to hang , Arsinoe in the air of an Egyptian kirk . These 72 interpreters entering into Alexandria , presented the King with such things as Eleasar had sent unto him , together with sundry parchments , wherein the law was written , with golden letters , in the language of the Jews , all curiously written , and the parchments so joyned together , that the seaming of them could not be discerned by the eye of man. and it fell out , that they came thither at a time , when news came to him of a great victory gotten by him at sea against Antigonus , of which sea fight , for want of writers in that time , I find no mention made in any other place but this , for I can no wayes approve their judgement , who refer it to that time , when Antigonus Gonatas making war upon the Athenians , besieged their Cities by sea and land , which we find by Iustin , [ lib. 26. and by Pausan , in Laconic . ] was not till after the death of Pyrrhus , and before the death of Aretas , or Areus the first King of Lacedemon , which was between the years 4442 , and 4450 , according to the Julian account : for allbeit that Areus with his land forces , and Patrocles with Ptolemeis fleet , came at that time to the succour of the Athenians , yet seeing that Areus returned home without any battle ●ought , Pausanias shewes , that Patrocles did nothing neither for their relief . [ In Attic. pag. 7. and in Laonic. 87. ] But concerning our 72 interpreters , Ptolemei to entertain them , feasted them seven dayes , or as Josephus hath it , 12 dayes , in a most sumptuous and magnificent manner , and afterward appointed one Dorotheus to take care of them , and to supply them with all necessaries , not letting them want for any thing , for their table or otherwise . And the King himself would now and then put them questions , some concerning affairs of State , some of morality ; whereunto they extempory made him very prudent and well advised answers : as we find in Arstaeas , who took all that he wrote out of the Kings Diaries , or Day-books ; then caused he three talents to be given to each of them and the boy that carried them . Three dayes after , one Demetrius walking along the causway , called the Heptastadium , that is a mile , wanting one furlong , with the Interpreters , led them over the bridge into the Isle of Pharos , and there placed them in a goodly house , upon the north shoar of the Island , and far off from any noise or tumult ; and they there set themselves every man to his work of the Translation , most exactly fitting it to the meaning of the Original : which done , Demetrius caused it to be fairely exscribed : every day they sate at it till three of the clock in the afternoon ; and then went and took their repast : having all things abundantly provided for them , and especialy their diet , of the same kind that was provided for the Kings own table , did Dorotheus see them furnished withal , by the Kings appointment . Moreover , every morning very early , they came to Court , and there having bid the King good-morrow , returned to their place : and there having washt their hands , as their manner was , and said their prayers , they set themselves to read , and to interpret from point to point ; But Epiphanius , varying herein from Aristeas and Josephus , writes that they were put into 36 cells ; to wit , two together in every one of them ; and there continued from break of day , to the very evening ; and that then they were put into 36 boats , ( i. e. ) two into a boat , and so brought back to the Kings Palace , and there eate of the Kings diet : in the former part of which Narration , he followeth I know not whom ; but in the latter , it seems , is led by their Fables , which dream't that the causway of 7 furlongs was not made , at least not finished , till Cleopatraes time . And it so fell out , that this work of the 72 Interpreters was finished in 72 dayes , as if it had been so cast by them of set purpose ; which done , Demetrius calling all the Jews together in the place where it was done , read it all over in the presence of the Interpreters themselves : and they as the authors and finishers of so great a good , were highly commended and magnified by all the Jews there present ; Demetrius also himself wanted not his share of praises among them : and they besought him , that he would deliver a copy of the law , so translated to their Rulers . And when it had been all read over to them , then the Priests and Elders of the Interpreters , and the Magistrates and Officers of the Jews , stood up and said , Forasmuch as this Interpretation is religiously , and in every point accurately performed , it is requisite and fit , that it should stand as it is , and that no alteration be made in it . And when all approved that saying of theirs , with a great acclamation , then Demetrius required to lay a great curse ( as the manner was ) upon any man that should offer to alter it , by adding any thing thereto , or taking any thing therefrom . And when all had been in like manner read over to the King , he infinitely admired the wisdom of the Legislator ; and commanded all possible care to be taken of those Books , and that they should be ●eligiously laid up and kept . He also desired the Interpreters themselves , that after their return home , they would not faile to come often to him again ; and gave to every of them , three faire Gownes , two Talents of Gold , a Cup of one whole Talent , and the full furniture of a Chamber . And moreover , to Eleazar the High Priest , he sent by them , ten beds with Silver feet , and rich furniture thereunto belonging : a Cup of 30 Talents , ten Raiments , with Scarlet , and a Crown richly wrought , and about one hundred pieces of Linnen , as fine as Silke ; and withal , Viols , and Mazers , and two golden Goblets , to sacrifice withal ; and by his letters desired him , that if any of these men had at any time a desire to come and visit him , he would not hinder them ; for that he infinitely desired to converse with such kind of men , and chose to spend his money upon them rather than any other way . The Galls , which were left by Brennus , when he went into Greece , to keep Macedon , least they should seem to sit idle , whiles their fellows were at work , fitted out 15 thousand Foot , and 3 thousand Horse , and set upon the Getes , and the Triballi , and routed them , [ Justin. lib. 25. cap. 1. ] Antigonus Gonatas , Year of the World 3728 having lost a battle at sea , as was said before , by Ptolemei Philadelpha● his men , made a peace with Antiochus Soter , as Justin , shewes , [ lib. 25. cap. 1. ] and went into Macedonia , where his father Demetrius Poliorcetes had sometimes reigned , and which himself , coming to it in the tenth year after his first being King of Greece , held 34 years , [ P●r●hyrie , in Gr●c . Eusebia . pag. 229. ] whose Heirs continued Kings there down to Perseus ; in whom , being overcome by the Romans , the kingdom of Macedon , was extinct , [ Plut. in Demetrius . ] The Galls , having overcome the Getes and the Triballi , sent their Ambassadors to Antigonus the King of Macedon , to offer him peace for his money ; but withal to spie his army , and the manner of his Camp : These Antigonus entertained and feasted in sumptuous manner : but the Galls seeing the infinite store of Silver and Gold set forth for the feast , for greedinesse thereof , returned more his enemies than they came . And thereupon resolved with one accord to set upon him : but he having got an incling of their coming , gave order that every man should take with him what he could , and lie close in a wood adjoyning : the Galls came on , and taking what they there found , turned away to the sea side ; where , whiles they were busie in rifling the ships , the Marriners , and a part of the army which was thither fled with their wives and children to save themselves , set upon them unawares , and slew them , and made such havock of them , that the reputation thereof secured Antigonus from thence forward , not only from the Galls , but also from all the nations round about him . [ Justin lib. 25. cap. 1. & 2. ] Now as touching those Galls , who under their 17 Commanders , the chief whereof were Leonorius and Lutarius afore named , passed over it several times into Asia , they all came again into one body , and offered their assistance to Nicomedes against Zibaeas , al. Zibetus the younger , who held the coast of Bithynia lying upon the sea ; by these , and others which came from Heraclea in Pontus , was poor Zibetus crusht to pieces ; and so Bithynia came all into the hands of Nicomedes . But the Galls having wasted that Country all over , shared the spoile thereof among themselves ; and then dividing the kingdom between them and Nicomedes , called their portion thereof , by the name of Gallograecia . [ Livie lib. 38. Justin. lib. 25. cap. 2. Memnon Excerpt . cap. 20. ] Of 20 thousand men that they were , there were not above 10 thousand armed ; yet they struck such a terror into all the Nations and Countries on this side the Taurus ; that as well the places which they went not to , as those they did go to , far and near , all submitted to them . And whereas they consisted of three nations of their own , to wit , the Tolistobogians , al. the Tolistoboians , ( coming , as was thought , from the Galls , which were called the Boii ) the Trocmi , and the Tectosagi , they divided all Asia between them , according to the severall parts thereof , where they planted themselves : to the Trocmies lot , fell Hellespont , and all that coast : Eolia and Ionia , fell to the Tolistobogii , and the Tecto●agi possessed the inland or middle part of Asia ; but they made their chief seat upon the bank of the river Halys , [ Liv. lib. 28 , and Suidas in the word Galatae . ] Of this passing of the Galls out of Europe into Asia , Demetrius Byzantius wrote 13 books , as [ Laert. in the Life of Demetrius Phalerius ] sayes , which one Phaennis , who lived a whole age before this fell out , is said by way of oracle to have foretold , in these words . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. ( i. e. ) The Galls shall passe the streight of Hellespont , And ravage all the land of Asia ; Yet worser things hath God in store for them , Who on the sea coast of that land do dwell . In the 126 Olympiade , Eratosthenes Cyrenaeus , the son of Aglai , or , as others , of Ambrosius , was born . He was a scolar of Aristo Chius the Philosopher , and of Lysanias of Cyrene the Grammarian , and of Callimachus of Cyrene a Poet , [ Suidas , in the word Eratosthenes . ] Curius Dentatus , Year of the World 3730 this year fought with Pyrrhus in Italy : and having slain 23 thousand of his men , and taken his Camp , made him retreat to Tarentum . [ Eutrop. lib. 2. ] When the Ambassadors , which Pyrrhus had sent to the Kings of Asia , and to Antigonus Gonatas , to help him with men and money , and they returned without either , to him ; he called the Princes of the Epirotes and Tarentines together , and , suppressing the letters , told them , that supplies would come very speedily . But when the fame hereof came among the Romans in their Camp , and that there were great supplies coming to him out of Macedon and Asia both , that report held them quiet from attempting any thing more upon him , [ Pausan. in Attic. pag. 11. ] But Pyrrhus , never telling why , made as if he would remove with his army from Tarentum . Mean while , willed his confederates to provide for war , and committed the keeping of the Castle at Tarentum to his son Helenus , and to one of his Nobles , whose name was Milo. [ Iustin lib. 25. cap. 3. ] and when he had spent six whole years in the war in Italy and Sicilie , and lost many of his men , and had no hope left , of doing any good , he returned into Epirus , with those eight thousand Foot , and five hundred Horse , which he had left . [ Plut in Pyrr . ] Curius in his Consulship triumphed of Pyrrhus ; and was the first that brought Elephants ( four in number ) to be seen in Rome , [ Eutrop. lib. 2. ] nor did the people behold any thing in that triumph more willingly , than those beasts with turrets on the backs of them , and which they were so much afraid of : which very beasts seemed to have a sense of their captive condition , by holding down their heads , as they followed the victorious horse in the triumph , [ Florus , Rer. Rom. lib. 1. cap. 18. ] which triumph , was made in the moneth of Jan. or Febr. as is gathered out of the Marble fragments of the Records of their Triumphs . Pyrrhus , getting some of the Galls to joyn with him , made some inroads upon Macedonia , where Antigonus Gonatas then reigned . And having gotten many Cities , and two thousand of Antigonus his souldiers revolting to him , and his hopes still encreasing , he marched directly against Antigonus himself to bid him battle ; and put him with all his Forces , Macedons and Galls , to flight , Of which Galls who brought up the reare , and fought that day very manfully , many were cut in pieces , and died in the place ; and the Captains of the Elephants , being distressed by the enemy , yeilded themselves and Elephants unto him . The Macedon Foot standing amazed at this overthrow , and hearing Pyrrhus calling upon them all in general , and upon their Captains , and chief Officers by name , to yeild unto him , left Antigonus , and ●ell to him ; and when Antigonus saved himself by flight , Pyrrhus pursued him to the sea side , [ Plut. in Pyrrho . Pausan . in Attic. pag. 11 , 12. ] After this victory so gotten , Pyrrhus took the richest and fairest spoiles of the Galls , and hung them up in the Temple of Pallas of Itonia , which is between Phera , & Larissa : and brought all the upper Macedonia and Thessalie into his subjection , [ Id. ibid. ] and as if this had made him amends for Italy and Sicily , which he reckoned he had lost , sent for his son Helenus from the Castle of Tarentum where he had left him , [ Justin , lib. 25. cap. 3. ] When Pyrrhus had spoiled the City Egeas , which was the Royal Seat of the late Kings of Macedon , and where they lay buried , he left there the Galls who had followed him in this war , to keep it , who when they had heard by some , that in the Tombs of the Kings which there lay , there was great store of treasure hid , according to the fashion of old times , they brake down the Tombs themselves , and took away such wealth as was in them ; threw their bones about the streets , and basely trampled them under their feet , But Pyrrhus , though finding that by that act of theirs , he himself was ill spoken of among the Macedons , yet blamed he not them therefore openly , knowing what need he had of them in his wars , [ Plut. ib. Diodor. lib. 22. in the Excerpt . by Vales . pag. 266. ] Antigonus , with some few Horse that followed him , came to Thessalonica , there to attend the event of things , and what would become of Macedonia , now he had lost it : purposing to put for it again , by the help of such mercenary Galls as he had taken into his pay . But being a second time utterly defeated by young Ptolemei , Pyrrhus his son , with seven onely in his company , he skulkt up and down , seeking no longer now to recover his kingdom , but to save his own skull , [ Justin , lib. 25. cap. 3. ] And Pyrrhus reproached him , calling him an impudent fellow , for that , notwithstanding the condition he was in , yet he would not get him a cloak to wear , as other Grecians did , but contiued still in his Scarlet Robe , [ Plut. ut sup . ] In the year when Caius Fabius Licinius , Year of the World 3731 and Caius Claudius Caninas , The Julian Period . 4441 were Consuls of Rome , Year before Christ 273 Ptolomaeus Philadelphus , hearing of the great overthrow of Pyrrhus by the Romans , and how they began to grow in the world , sent his Ambassadors , with presents from Alexandria to Rome , and made a league and covenant with them , [ Eutrop. lib. 2. Liv. lib. 14. Dio. in Excerpt . Legatio . published at Rome by Fulvio Vrsino , and Jo. ●onar . Chron. lib. 2. ] and the Romans being glad to see that so great a King as he was , thus sought their friendship ; sent likewise their Ambassadors to him : to wit , Q. Fabius Gurges , Cn. Fabius Pictor , and Quin. Ogulnius . These , having received rich presents from the King , as soon as they came home , and before they went to yeild an account of their Embassie to the Senate , went and gave up all that ever they had received from him into the Treasury ; rightly conceiving , that out of a publick service for the Common-wealth , they ought not to reape any benefit of their well-doing , save onely praise and honour ; but all was restored to them again , not onely by a Decree of the Senate , but also by the general vote of the people ; and the Questors were commanded , to go and deliver to every of them his own again . So that in this one thing , the bounty and magnificence of Ptolemei , the sincerity of the Ambassadors , the equity of the Senate , and whole people of Rome , had every of them the praise due and belonging to them , [ Diod. ut . sup . Valer. Max. lib. 4. cap. 3. ] In the 13 year , Year of the World 3732 according to Dionysius , The Julian Period . 4442 on the 25 day of Egon or Capricornion , Year before Christ 272 in the 52 year from the death of Alexander the Great , or 476 from the beginning of Nabonassars account , on the 20 day of Athyr , ( 17 of our January ) the Planet of Mars was observed to be in the morning , under the northerly part , of the forehead of the Scorpion . [ Cl. Ptol. lib. 10. cap. 9. ] Pyrrhus , having obtained the kingdom of Macedon , began now to look after the sovereignty of all Greece and Asia . [ Justin lib. 25. cap. 4. ] But before he had quite subdued all Macedon , he was sent unto by Cleonymus of Sparta to come and help him in his wars at Laconia , [ Pausan. in Attic. pag. 12. ] in the absence of Areus their King , who was then away in Creet , helping the men of Gor●yna there , who were then oppressed with a war. Pyrrhus therefore went , with 25 thousand Foot , and two thousand Horse , and 24 Elephants , which great army put Pyrrhus in mind not to recover Sparta to Cleonymus , but to get all Peloponese for himself . [ Plutarch in Pyrrho . ] In the 13 year of Ptol. Year of the World 3733 Philadelphus ( in some impressions it is falsely , and a half , ) in the 476 year of Nabonassar , in the 17 day of the moneth Masor , answering the 11 of our October , 12 howers after the setting of the sun , Timochates observed the star of Venus in the morning wholly to have eclipsed and darkned , [ Cl. Ptolom . lib. 10. cap. 4. ] While Pyrrhus lay before Sparta , a company of woemen , whose Captainesse was Archidamia , defended it against him till the return of Areus out of Creet , and Acrotatus the son of Areus , valiantly repulsed Ptolemie the son of Pyrrhus , when he made an assault , and would have broken into it , with two thousand Galls , and certain choice companies out of Chaonia : whereupon Pyrrhus , despairing of any good to be done there , drew off , and took the spoile of the Country , purposing there to winter . Now whiles the war thus lasted in Laconia , Antigonus , having recovered the Cities of Macedonia , marched down with his army into Peloponese , there to encounter again with Pyrrhus , knowing that if he sped well there , he would presently return into Macedonia , to pursue the point of the war there , [ Pausan. in Attic. pag. 12. ] and when Pyrrhus was upon his way to Argos , Areus the King fell upon the rear of him ; and ever now and then cut off some of the Galls and Molossians , which brought it up , and one Orasus a Cretian born , slew Ptolemei the son of Pyrrhus , valiantly fighting on his fathers behalf , [ Plutarcb ] whose body brought off , when his father beheld , he said , that this death betided him not so soon as he feared it would , or his overmuch rashnesse did deserve , [ Justin. lib. 25. cap. 4. ] In the very night that Pyrrhus entered into Argos , it is said , that a scrich-owle came and sate upon the top of his Spear , [ Elia. de Histo. Animal , lib. 10. cap. 37. ] and the day following , he was kil'd , with a brick-bat , which a poor old woman threw down upon his head ; and his head was presently cut off by one Zophyrus , a souldier of Antigonus , and carryed to Alcyoneus , Antigonus his son , who took it , and dasht it on the ground at Antigonus his foot , where he sate , with his Nobles about him ; and Antigonus rebuked him very sharply for so lavishly insulting over the fall of so great a person ; not considering the casualty of human condition : and taking the head , put his hood over it , which he then ware for an attire , after the manner of the Macedons , and buried his body very honourable . And when his son Helenus was brought prisoner to him , he willed him to take upon him both the habit , and also the spirit of a King , and delivered into his hands the bones of his father , enclosed in a golden Urne , willing him to carry it into Epirus , to his brother Alexander . And as for Pyrrhus his Nobles and friends , for they also , camp and all , fell into his hands , he entreated them with all the fair respect that might be . [ Plut. in the end of his Pyrrhus , lib. 25. cap. 5. Val. Max. lib. 5. cap. 1. ] Those of Tarentum , hearing of the death of Pyrrhus , sent to Carthage to crave aid thence , as well against the Romans , as against Milo , who held the City with a strong Garrison of Epirotes : and Milo being reduced to this exigence , and being enclosed on all sides , by the Romans at land , and Carthaginians by sea , delivered up the Castle to Papyrus Curso , the Roman consul , upon this condition , that he and his souldiers , with their monies , and other stuff , might be suffered safely to passe into their own Country . The City thereupon was also surrendred to Papyrius , by the Townsmen thereof : giving up their armes , their ship , themselves , and all into his hands : and this was the end of the war of Tarentum , against the Romans , [ Zonaras out of Dionoros . lib. 4. cap. 3. Frontin . Stratag . lib. 3. ] After the death of Strato , Year of the World 3734 who sate master of the school of the Peripaticks The Julian Period . 4444 18 years , Year before Christ 270 Lycon of Troas , the son of Astyanax , succeeded him ; a man eloquent of himself , and very fit to instruct and bring up youth , [ Laert. ] Attalus the younger , Year of the World 3735 the brother of Philitarus had a son born him , The Julian Period . 4445 whose name also was called attalus , Year before Christ 269 and reigned afterward in Pergamus , and lived 72 years , as we find in Polybius , in Excerpt . Hen. Vales. and Suid. in Attalus , and Liv. lib. 33. ] Jubilaeus 24. Year of the World 3736 After Mithridates , The Julian Period . 4448 when he had sitten King of Pontus 36 years , Year before Christ 266 succeeded his son Ariobarzanes , Year of the World 3739 [ Diod. lib. 30. year 3. Olymp. 119. with Excerpt . Memnon . c. 17. & 25. ] In the year according to Dionys. The Julian Period . 4449 21. in the 22 , Year before Christ 265 and 26 day of the moneth Scorpion , Year of the World 3740 in the year 484 of Nabonassar , 18 and 22 day of the moneth Thoth , and in the 14 and 18 of November , according to the Julian account , there was an observation taken of the planet Mercurie in the morning , [ Plau. Ptol. lib. 9. cap. 10 , 11. ] Philetaeus the Teian , The Julian Period . 4751 born at Teii in Pontus , Year before Christ 263 when he had ruled in Pergamus 20 years , Year of the World 3741 departed this life at the age of 80 years , after whom came Eumenes the first , his elder brother Eumenes his son , who sate there 22 years , [ Strabo lib. 12. pag. 543. & lib. 13. pag. 623 , 624. with Lucian , in his Macrobi● . ] The first Pu●ic or Sicilian war began this year between the Romans , ( who now first set foot out of Italie , and fought their first battle at sea ) and the Carthaginians , who had then invaded Sicilie ; and this war continued 24 years without intermission . [ Polyb. lib. 1. ] This same year also , when Diognetus was L. Chancelor at Athens , the Chronologer of Paros , made his Canon or order of times ; which the learned Mr. Selden , lately published in his Marmora Arundeliana . In the 23 year , Year of the World 3742 according to Dionysius , The Julian Period . 4452 in the 29 ( it should be the 19 or 20 , Year before Christ 262 according to the point of the sun assigned ) of Hydron or Aquarion , in the 486 year of Nabonassar in the moneth Choeac , and 17 day thereof , ( upon the 11 of our February ) in the morning ; and fourth of the moneth Tauron , or first of Phamenoth the Egyptian moneth , ( for in Cl. Ptolem. we must here write A for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) that is , upon the 26 of our April , in the evening , and first hour of the night , and in the same year of Nabonassar ; but the 24 of the Dionysian account , on the 24 of Leonion , or 30 of Paynus , answering to the 23 of our August , in the evening , Dionysius the Astronomer , took the observations , of the Planet of Mercurie , which Cl. Ptolomaeus , relateth out of Hipparchus , [ lib. 9. cap. 7. ] of his book called his Great Work. Nicomedes King of Bithynia , enlarging the City Astacus , called it after his own name , Nicomedia , [ Euseb. Chron. with Pausan. in his Eliac . lib. 2. pag. 159. Trebel . Pollio . in Gallienis . and Ammia . Marcel . lib. 22. ] though Memnon , Excerpt . cap. 21. saith , that he built Nicomedia over against the City Astacus , as indeed Strabo and Plinie both , make them two distinct Cities . Eumenes , 1. having gotten many Cities , and places near about Pergamus , into his hands , fought a pitcht field , with Antiochus the son of Seleucus , near unto Sardes , and overthrew him in it , [ Strabo lib. 13. pag. 624. ] Antiochus of Syria , The Julian Period . 4453 having kil'd one of his sons , Year before Christ 261 and declared the other his successor , died , Year of the World 3743 Prolog . of Trog . Pompeius , [ lib. 26. ] who in his life time , for the great defeat which he gave the Galls , who came over out of Europe into Asia , was surnamed Soter , ( i.e. ) their deliverer , [ Appia . in Syriac . pag. 130. ] concerning which victory of his over the Galls , we may read more in Lucian , in his book , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( i.e. ) of failing in mens speech , and in his Zeuxis , al , Antiochus . As for his son and successor Antiochus , whom he had by Stratonice , the Milesians , the Milesians were the first , who surnamed him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or God , because he rid them of their Tyrant , Timarchus , [ Appian , ut sup . ] and Tatianus the Assyrian , in his oration against the Gentiles , intimates , that Berosus , who was a Priest of Belus in Babylon , dedicated his three books of the Chaldean History unto this Antiochus , by whom also , [ Plinie l. 17. cap. 56. ] were published the observations of the Celestial Motions , among the Babylonians , for 480 years , which number of years , if we deduce from the head or Epoch of Nabonassars account , as other learned men do , we shall find it to end but six years before the beginning of this Antiochus . But Porphyrie , Eusebius , Severus Sulpitius , Johannes Malela of Antioch , and all agree in this , that he reigned 15 years . This man gave the Jews living in Ionia , equal rights and priviledges with the Gentiles , and yet suffered them to live according to their own religion and customs of their nation . [ Josephus lib. 12. cap. 3. ] he made sundry times war upon Ptol. Philadelphus , and fought with him , with all the forces he could raise from out of Babylon , and all the oriental parts . Wherefore Ptolemei , desirous to put an end to this bloudy war , gave him his daughter Bernice two wife , while his former wife Laodice was yet living ; by whom yet he had borne him two sons , Seleucus Callinicus , and Antiochus Hierax , ( i.e. ) the Hawk . And Ptolemei accompanied his daughter as far as Pelusium , and there gave him an infinite masse of gold and silver , in dowrie with her , whence he was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( i.e. ) the dowrie giver , [ Ierom upon Daniel , c. 11. ] and took great care to his no smal cost besides , that water out of the river Nile , might be carried to her , where ever she was , to the end she might never drink of any other water but that , as Atheneus , [ lib. 2. c. 2. ] reporteth out of Polybies . And Appianus is mightily overseen , where he saith , that Bernice and Laodice were both daughters to this Ptolemei , [ in Syria . pag. 130. ] Josephus , Year of the World 3745 [ l. 12. c. 3. ] writeth that after Eleazar the son of Onias , The Julian Period . 4455 ( i.e. ) his Uncle Manasses , Year before Christ 259 the son of Jaddus , succeeded him in the Priesthood at Jerusalem , and sate High Priest there 26 years , by the reckoning of [ Scaliger , in Graec. Eusebia . page 50. ] Laodice bare unto Antiochus Theos , Year of the World 3746 a son called Antiochus , The Julian Period . 4456 who , Year before Christ 258 as I said before , was called Hierax . See hereafter , [ An. Mun. 1760. ] In the year 28 , Year of the World 3747 according to Dionysius his account , The Julian Period . 4457 the 7 day of the moneth Didymon , Year before Christ 257 in the 491 of Nabonassar , day 5 of the moneth Parmuth , the 28 of our July , the Planet of Mercury was seen near to the sign of Gemini , in the evening , toward the south head thereof , [ Cl. Ptol. lib. 9. cap. 7. ] This year the second Periode of Calippus began . Year of the World 3750 Aratus of Sicyone , Year of the World 3753 at the age of 20 years , delivering his native country from the tyranny and oppression of Nicocles , joyned it to the body of the State or Common-wealth of Achaia , [ Polyb. lib. 2. pag. 130. ] and then sent to Ptolemei Philadelphus in Egypt , and gat of him 150 talents , which he bestowed among his poor country-men ; especially in redeeming such as had been taken prisoners . And because those that had been turned out of their Country , and were now restored , would never let them be quiet , who upon what title soever , were now possessed of their lands and estates ; therefore he made a journey himself to Ptolemei , and desired more money of him , to make all even among his country-men , and to take away all suites of law and differences between them . In which journey , thorough violence of tempest , and contrary winds , he was driven upon the coast of Caria , in Asia ; and from thence , having made along voyage of it , came at last into Egypt : where he obtained a boone of 150 talents more for his countries good ; of which he took 40 talents presently along with him , and returned into Peloponese , [ Plut. in Arato . ] This year , Year of the World 3754 when Manlius Vulso , The Julian Period . 4454 and Attilius Regulus were Consuls in Rome , Year before Christ 250 which , as Polybius noteth , was the 14 year of this first Carthaginian war , the Parthians , under their Captain Arsaces , shoke off the Macedonian yoke , and revolted from them , [ Trog . Pomp. lib. 41. ] This Arsaces , the later Persian Writers call Aski , al. Askam : and Mircondus Chapur , who , as he saith , began his reign there , in the 72 year , after the death of Alexander the Great ; which is one year before the Consulship of Manlius and Attilius in Rome , and 3 years before Olymp. 133. in which Eusebius in his Chron. noteth ; that this Arsaces and his Parthians fell off , and reeblled against Antiochus Theos ; neverthelesse , because the Parthians keep the day , whereon Arsaces fought with Seleucus Callinicus , the son and successor of Antiochus , and overcame him , and took Callinicus himself prisoner , holiday , and make a great festival of it , as the very birth-day of their liberty ; as Justin relateth out of [ Trogus , lib. 41. cap. 4. ] therefore both [ Iustin , and Appian , in Syriac . pag. 130. ] thought that the Parthians began their revolt , under Seleucus , and not under Antiochus his father . And the Parthians moreover , did this Arsaces that honour , as to call all their Race of Kings after him , by the names of Arsaces , [ Iustin , lib. 41. cap. 5. Strabo , lib. 15. pag. 702. ] Now that the Parthians , together with the Persians , which the later Persian Writers confound , and make one people with the Parthians , ( of which we may see more in [ Schikard , Tarich . pag. 101. and 102. ] and our third note upon the Acts of Ignatius ) fell off from the Persian Empire , Arrianus , in Persicis , sheweth , as we find him in [ Photius , his Bibliotheca , cod . 58. ] Where he also sheweth the cause of this their revolt from the Persian Empire , to have been this Arsaces and Tyridates , the sons of Phriapites , al. Priapasius , the son of Arsaces , first had slain one Pherecles ( al. Agathocles , as we find him stiled by Geor. Syncellus ) the Governour of that Country , appointed by Antiochus Theos ; for that he offered to abuse the body of the said Tirdates in a sodomitical way , having five others in the plot with him . And then turning the Macedons out , took the Sovereignty to themselves : whose successors afterward stood it out also , against the Romans , and contended with them for the Empire of the World. See [ Strabo , lib. 11. pag. 515. ] At the same time also , Theodotus , who had under him 1000 Cities of the Bactrians , fell off , and revolted from the Macedons ; and the whole East , following their example , did the like , [ Iustin. lib. 41. cap. 4. out of Trogus . ] Others say , that the two Kings of Syria and Media , falling out , one Euthydemus perswaded the Grecians , which inhabited Bactria , to revolt from the Macedons , and to cast off their yoke ; and that thereupon Arsaces , seeing Diotus , al. Theodotus , grow into such power among the Bactrians , drew the Parthians to a revolt likewise from the Macedons ; Apollodorus also , in his books of the Parthian affairs , tells us ; that those Greeks , which dwelt in the Bactria , growing strong , invaded India , and went so far therein , that , passing the River Hypanis , Eastward , went as far as the Isamus , and out-went Alexander in the conquest of India , [ Strabo . lib. 11. pag. 515 , 516. and lib. 15. pag. 686. ] Seleucus King of Syria , Year of the World 3758 overcome with love , The Julian Period . 4468 sent for his former wife Laodice , Year before Christ 246 and her children , to Court again ; and she shortly after , fearing the fickleneke of his mind , and least his affections might happily return again to Bernice , his second wife , poisoned him , [ Ierom upon Daniel , cap. 11. Appia . in Syriac . pag. 130. ] and to cover this sluttery of hers , she caused one Artemon , who was very like him , to lie in his bed , as if he himself had lain there sick : and so , what with his face , what with his counterfeit speech , cousened all that came to see and visit him in his sicknesse ; and by this means , concealed the death of the true King , till she had taken order for one to succeed him in the kingdom , whom she thought fit , [ Valer. Max. lib. 9. cap. 14. Plinie , lib. 7. cap. 11. Solin . cap. 1. ] and by this means , Seleucus , the eldest son of Seleucus by Laodice , came to succeed him in the kingdom , who from the many victories , which he got , ( and they were none , that I know of ) was surnamed Callinicus , and from his great beard , Pogon , ( i.e. ) whick signifies a beard , as in Polyb. [ lib. 2. pag. 155. ] and he sate King 20 years . [ Euseb. Chron. ] Likewise in Egypt , Ptol. Philadelphus , who , living luxuriously , doubted not to say , that he should live ever , and that he onely had found out the way to immortality , as Athenaeus ; [ lib. 12. cap. 17. reporteth out of Philarchus his History , lib. 22. ] in the 40 year after the decease of Ptolemei the first his father , dyed ; and after him succeeded Ptolemei , surnamed Euergetes , his son , begotten of Arsinoe , the daughter of Lysimachus , and reigned 25 years , as [ Cl. Ptolom . in Canone , Clemens Alex and , in Strom. lib. 1. and Jerom upon cap. 9. of Daniel . ] tells us ; and in his time it is said , that there appeared a Phaenix , which came to Heliopolis , drawing with her a huge flock of other birds , all wondring at her beauty , [ Tacit. Annal. lib. 6. ] Laodice put Berenice with her young son , which she had by Ptolemie , into the hands of Icadion , and Geuneus , ( al. Coeneus ) two chief men of Antioch , to be murdered . [ Jerom upon Daniel , cap. 11. and Appia . in Syriac . pag. 130. ] Berenice , when she heard that they were coming to murder her , shut her self up in Daphne , a Castle or Suburb of Antioch , of which I spake , before . Where , when the Cities of Asia heard that she with her young son were besieged , they in remembrance and reverence of her high calling , and progenitors , out of meer compassion , sent her in aides from all parts . Her brother also Ptolemei surnamed Euergetes , fearing the danger his sister was in , left his kingdom , and sped him thither , with all the forces which he could make , [ Iustin lib. 27. cap. 1. ] but before any aides could come , the young son , by such devises as Laodice used , was taken and carried away ; whereof Berince the mother hearing , armed her self , and got into a Chariot , and pursued after Caenous , the butcherly minister of that cruel act ; and overtaking him , when she could do nothing on him with her spear , took a stone , and with that , laid him all along : and forcing her Chariot over the very body of the knave , brake thorough the midst of the companies , and went directly to the house , where she heard say , they had laid the body of her son , whom they had already murdered . [ Val. Max. lib. 9. cap. 10 , ] The murderers of the child , took another child very like him , and brought him forth , and shewed him to the people , with a roial guard about him , as if it had been the child indeed , But they set a strong guard of mercenarie Galls upon Bernice , and delivered up to her the strongest part of the place or Castle at Antioch , and gave her their oath to be true unto her , and entered into a covenant with her ; for she gave ear to Aristarchus her Physician , who perswaded her to make a league and covenant of friendship with them , but they using their oath for nought else but a stratageme , to wit , to get within her , presently fell to cutting of her throat . The women about her , stood to defend her , as well as they could , and many of them there dyed in the quarrel : but three of them , to wit , Panariste , and Mania , and Gethosyne , took her body , and laid it in her bed , as if she had been wounded onely , and not quite dead ; giving it forth , that she might recover , and held the people on in that amusement , till the coming of Ptolemei . [ Polyanus Stratag . lib. 1. ] Now all the Cities of Asia , which were revolted from Seleucus , set ships to sea , and joyned with Ptolemei , either for the defence of Berenice , if she were alive , or to revenge her murder , if she were dead , [ Iustin lib. 27. cap. 1. ] and Ptolemei indeed , when he came , slew Laodice , and entering Syria , marched on as far as Babylon , [ Appian . in Syria● . pag. 130. ] possessing himself of Coelosyria , with Seleucia , [ Polyb. lib. 5. pag. 402 , 403. ] Syria also and Cilicia , and the upper provinces beyond the Euphrates , and almost all Asia fell unto him , [ Ierom upon Daniel , cap. 11. ] even from Taurus unto India , without one battle fought , or strok striken for it ; if we may believe Polyenus , in the place above cited , with which we may also compare , what we find in the monument of Euergetes , called monumentum Adulitanum , published at Rome , in the year 1631. by Leo Allatius , to wit , Having received , saith he , the soveraignty of Egypt , Lybia , Syria Phaenicia , Cyprus , Lycia , Caria , and the Cycladian Isles , from his father , he gathered an army of Horse and Foot , with a fleet of ships , and Elephants out of Trogloditica , and Ethiopia , part of which Elephants had been there taken by his father , and the rest by himself , and brought from thence into Egypt , and there trained up to the war , all excellently well furnished , & with them sailed into Asia ; and conquering all the land on this side the Euphrates , Cilicia , Pamphylia , Ionia , Hellespont , and Thracia , together with all their Forces , and other Elephants out of India , and all the Kings of the Nations , in his companie ; he put over the Euphrates , and there conquered Mesopotamia , Babylonia , Susia , Persia , Media , and all the country as far as Bactria . This Euergetes , having conquered all Syria , came down to Jerusalem , and there offered many sacrifices of thanksgiving unto God , and dedicated to him gifts worthy of so great a Victory ; as Josephus speaketh , [ lib. 2. cont . Apion . pag. 1064. ] Euergetes , Year of the World 3759 being called back by a sedition of his own people in Egypt , The Julian Period . 4469 held Syria in his own hands , Year before Christ 245 but trusted Cilicia in the hands of one of his Nobles , named Antiochus ; and the Provinces beyond the Euphrates , in the hands of Xanthippus for the Government of them : and spoiling and wasting all the kingdom of Seleucus , carried from thence 40 thousand talents of silver , and all the rich vessels that was therein ; and 2500 Images of their gods , among which , he carried away also , those Images which Cambyses heretofore , had taken out of Egypt , at his being there , and carried into Persia : and from thence it was , that the Egyptians , when they saw their gods come home again by his means , gave him the surname of Euergetes , [ Jerom. upon Daniel , cap. 11. ] of whom , in that Monument aforementioned , called Monumentum Adulitanum , we find it thus written . Ptolemei , having there received those gods which the Persians had taken and carried out of Egypt in former times , with other treasure , there laid up ; sent up his army , by ditches new cut , to let in the water for that purpose . After the departure of Ptolemei out of Syria , Seleucus , having fitted up a vast Fleet to go against such Cities as had revolted from him : by a sudden tempest arising at sea , lost all his Fleet : whereupon the Cities and Countries which for very hatred of his person had turned to Ptolemeis side ; now in very commiseration of this his so great a calamity at sea , returned all to his obedience again , [ Justin , lib. 27. cap. 2. ] In the year 67. Year of the World 3760 according to the Chaldaeans , on the 5 day of the moneth Apelleus , and in the year 504 of Nabonasar , 27 of the moneth Thoth , the 18 of our November , the Planet of Mercury was observed in the morning to have been to the northward of the uppermost Star in the head of Scorpio , [ Cl. Ptol. lib. 9. cap. 7. ] Seleucus Callinicus , beginning to make war upon Ptolemei Euergetes , was utterly routed in the field , and thereupon fled to Antioch , and from thence wrote to his brother Antiochus , and craved his help , offering him for his pains , all Asia on this side the Taurus : but Antiochus , beeing at this time , not above 14 years of age , yet immoderately greedy of a kingdom , laid hold on the occasion , not with so brotherly a minde as he should have done : but like a very Laron , sought to strip his brother of all that he had , in his necessity ; and though a child , yet put he on more than a man-like impious resolution : from whence it was , that even then , he gat the surname of Hierax ; ( i.e. ) a greedy Hawke ; or Harpye rather , because more like a Hawke than a man , he was ever ready to fall upon every mans estate , [ Justin , lib. 17. cap. 2. with Strabo , lib. 16. pag. 754. ] At this time , Year of the World 3761 the people of Smyrna and Magnesia , The Julian Period . 4471 in the moneth Lenaeon , Year before Christ 243 entered a league between themselves to maintaine the honour and greatnesse of this Seleucus : which league and decree of theirs , we find preserved to this very day , transcribed out of those Marmora Arundeliana ; ( i.e. ) those Marble stones which the Earle of Arundel caused to be brought out of those parts , and published in print by Mr. J. Selden , as before . Ptolemei , when he saw that this young Antiochus took part with Seleucus ; least he should be forced to have them both his enemies , at once , struck up a truce with Seleucus , for ten years , [ Iustin , lib. 27. cap. 2. ] In which long time of peace , he sent for Eratosthenes Cyrenaeus , from Athens , and made him keeper of his Library at Alexandria , [ Suidas . in Eratosthenes , and in the word , Apollonius . ] For this Ptolemei Euergetes , followed his father Philadelphus his steps , in promoting the magnificence of this Library , and with it , of all kind of learning besides ; for he himself was a schollar of Aristarchus the Philosopher , and wrote certain Historical Commentaries with his own hand , [ Athenae . lib. 2. cap. 33. ] And of his care in getting into his Library the works of ancient Writers , Galen , upon the 3 book of Hippocrates , [ of Epidemical diseases , ] saith , He gave order for all the books of them which came into Egypt , to be brought to him , and took out copies of them : and then gave the transcripts of them to the owners which brought them , but put the originals in his own Library , with this inscription , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : ( i.e. ) from out of ships ; that it might appear , they came out of such ships as there arrived . And having gotten from Athens the works of Sophocles , Eurypides and Escylus , onely to transcribe them , and left them 15 talents in pawne , till he restored the originals , which he had borrowed ; he caused them to be written out most exquisitely in fair parchment , and then retaining the originals , sent those so fair transcribed copies , back to them again ; desiring them to keep his pawn of 15 talents , and to suffer the originals to remain with him . Antigonus Gonatas , when he had reigned in M●cedon 34 years , and in Greece 44. and had lived in all , Year of the World 3762 80 years , as Medius and other Writers affirm , or as Porphyrie saith 83 , died , [ Lucian , in Macrobus , Porphyr . ●n Graec. Eusebianis , Scalig. pag. 229. ] After him , succeeded his son Demetrius ; who reigned 10 yeares , [ Porphyrie , ibid , Polyb. lib. 2. page 131. ] in which time he made himselfe Master of Cyrene , and all Lybia , [ Porphyrie , ibid. ] Now Olympias , the daughter of Pyrrhus , King of Epirus , after the death of Alexander her husband and own brother , gave her daughter Pthias to this Demetrius , who had at that time to wife , the sister of Antiochus , King of Syria : whereupon she , as one turned off by her husband , went away to her brother Antiochus , and stirred up him , to begin a war upon her husband , for the injury by him done to her , [ Iustin , lib. 28. cap. 1. ] Now in all this time there was no other Antiochus that was a King , save onely this Antiochus Hierax , who would have wrested the whole kingdom out of Seleucus his elder brothers hand ; for Justin out of Trogus , [ lib. 441. cap. 4. ] calleth both these brothers , by the name of Kings ; and the same [ Trogus , lib. 27. in the Prologue to it , and Polyae . lib. Stratag . 4. in Antio . Hierax ] shew , that Antiochus went into Mesopotamia ; where , as the Fasti Seculi have it , Seleucus had built a City , called Callimicopolis : though at that time , neither Antiochus nor Seleucus , had Syria in their possession , but Ptolemei Euergetes King of Egypt . Now at this time , The Julian Period . 4472 Antiochus , Year before Christ 242 seeking to wrest all Asia , properly so called , out of his brother Seleucus his hand , raised an army of the Galls for his money against him : and coming to a fight near to the City Ancyra , Seleucus there , by the extraordinary prowesse of those Galls , lost the field ; whereupon , these Galls supposing that Seleucus had been slain in the battle , turned their armes forthwith upon Antiochus , who had hired them for himself , which he perceiving , bought himself out of theirs , as out of so many theeves hands , with money , and was fain to enter a league , and to make an association of armes with his mercenaries : but Eumenes with a fresh army of his own , set upon Antiochus and his Galls , all bleeding and sore as they were of their late-gotten victory , and routed them ; and thereby gat the greater part of Asia into his possession , [ Justin , lib. 27. cap. 2. & 3. with the Prologue of Trogus , ib. ] Eumenes , Year of the World 3763 the son of Eumenes the elder , The Julian Period . 4473 who was the son of Philetaerus , Year before Christ 241 drank himself stark drunk , and died , as [ Athenaeus , lib. 10. cap. 16. out of Ctesicles , lib. 3. de Temporibus , ] reporteth : and after him succeeded Attalus , that Attalus his son , which was younger brother to Philetaeus , begotten of Antiochis , the daughter of Achaeus . This Attalus , using his great wealth warily and magnificently withal , bred an opinion in himself , and then in other men also , that he deserved to bear the name and title of a King : and therefore having upon a time overcome the Galls in a fight , he presently took the name and port of a King upon him : and so used the matter by his care and providence , that it continued in his house to the third generation , [ Polyb. lib. 18. in the Excerpt . of him , pulished by Vales. pag. 102. ] concerning which points , Suidas reports an Oracle which was given him by the prophetesse at Delphos ; in these words . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. ( i.e. ) Go on Ta●rocerus , thou a Crown shalt wear , And thy sons sons : and there an end shall be . Now it is supposed , that this Eumenes , was therefore surnamed Taurocerus , because there were a pair of Bulls hornes added some where , to the head of his picture , or other statue of him : as also in that Oracle uttered by P●aennes , concerning the slaughter , which he should one day make of the Galls , he is called , Tauri filius , ( i.e. ) the son of a Bull , mentioned by [ Pausan. in Phocicis , pag. 334. ] in these words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. ( i.e. ) For Jove shall quickly them a Saviour send ; Son of a Bull , and by Jove nurtured , Which on the Galls shall bring a dismal day . Concerning which battle fought between Attalus and the Galls , Livie speaketh , [ lib 38. ] The first in Asia , saith he , that refused to pay contribution to the Galls , was Attalus ; and fortune here , beyond all expectation of men , favoured this bold attempt of his : and upon a battle fought he had the better of them . But Polyaenus , [ lib. 4. Stratag . in Attalo ] tells us , of a devise , which one Sudi●es , a C●aldaean Soothsayer , used to animate the souldiers to this fight , when they had otherwise quite lost their courage : which Sudines , was none other , but that Babylonian Mathematician , whom we find mentioned by [ Strabo , lib. 16. pag. 739. ] whose Astronomical tables , one Vettius Valens of Antioch professeth that he made use of , in finding out the motions of the Moon . In the year 45 , according to Dionysius his Era upon the 10 day of the moneth Parthenion , al. Virginion , 83 years from the death of Alexander , the 17 day of the moneth Epiphus , ( the third day of our Septemb. ) the planet of Jupiter was observed to have quite eclipsed the Southern star of the constellation of the Asellus , ( i.e. ) the little Asse . [ Cl. Ptolem. lib. 11. cap. 3. ] Lacides Cyrenaeus , Year of the World 3764 Rector of the new Academie , The Julian Period . 4474 succeding Arcesilaus of Pitane in Eolia , Year before Christ 20 kept his Academy in a certain Garden which Attalus the King had there provided for that purpose , and there he began to read , year 4. of the 134 Olymp. [ Laert. in Laces . ] In the 75 year , Year of the World 3768 according to the Chaldeans , The Julian Period . 4477 in the 14 day of the moneth Dios , Year before Christ 237 and the 512 year of Nabonassar , the ninth of the moneth Thoth , ( the 29 of our July , ) the planet of Mercurie , in the morning , was seen , near to the beam star in the signe of Libra . [ Cl. Ptol. lib , 9. cap. 7. ] Onias 2. son of Simon the Just , Year of the World 3771 after that Eleasarus had first executed the office of the High Priest at Jerusalem , The Julian Period . 4481 ( because Onias himself was then but a little one ) and after him Manasses , Year before Christ 233 because the same Onias , when he came to age , proved 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as Josephus speaketh , ( i.e. ) but a bird-witted , man , came at last , and in his old age , to be Prince and High Priest among the Jews , in which office , he carried himself very unworthily , and basely , setting his mind to nothing but mony . [ Iosephus Antiq. lib. 12. cap. 3. in Graec. Euseb. pag. 50. ] It is said , that he sate Priest 14 years . In his dayes , the Samaritans grievously vexed the Jews , spoiling the Country , and carrying away the people captives : and when Onias , for very covetousnesse refused to pay the 20 talents of silver , imposed by the Kings upon the land , which sum , his predecessors had ever used to pay out of their own store , for the ease of the people , Ptol. Euergetes in a rage , sent a messenger to Jerusalem , and threatned Onias , that if he did not speedily send him in his arreers of tribute , he would forthwith give away all the land among his souldiers , and plant new colonies of his own there . But there was at that time one Josephus , the son of Tobias , though a young man , yet of singular repute among all men , for his prudence , justice , and other virtues appearing in him . He living in the Country at a place called Phicola , where he was born ; was advertised by his mother , who was the daughter of Simon the Just , and sister to this Onias the priest , of the coming of these messengers or Ambassadors to Jerusalem : whereupon he came to Jerusalem , and undertook to go along in an Embassie to Euergetes , about this matter ; and being there , he so far insinuated himself , into the good liking and favour of the King , and Cleopatra the Queen ; that he not onely blew over this storm , which so threatned to fall upon his Country , but also obtained a company of two thousand souldiers to levie the tributes and other due profits to the King out of Coelosyria , Phaenicia , Samaria and Judaea , in which office he continued by the space of 22 years ; and in that time doubled the Kings revenues ; and brought them from 8000 , which they were before , to 16 thousand talents by the year , and brought into the kings exchequer , all the goods of felons , and other confiscations which formerly the exchequer men swallowed up , and shared among themselves , [ Iosephus 16. cap. 3. & 4. ] In Macedonia the King Demetrius , Year of the World 3772 died , leaving his son Philip , a very little one , and one Antigonus was made his Protector , or Guardian , but he , ( who from his great and extraordinary promises which he ma●e to all sort of men , was called Doson , ( i.e. ) one that was ever full of promises , and of no performance ) marrying the mother of his ward , took the kingdom it self , into his own possession , [ Iustin lib. 28. cap. 3. ] and reigned 12 years . [ Dexippus , Porphy . and Euseb. ] Lycon of Troas dyed : Year of the World 3774 when he had sate Rector of the schoole of the Peripateticks 42 years , The Julian Period . 4484 after the death of Strato Lapsacenus , Year before Christ 230 who sate next before him , and lived in all 74 years . In the year 82 , Year of the World 3775 according to the Chaldean account , The Julian Period . 4485 the fifth day of the moneth Xanthicus , Year before Christ 229 year 519 of Nabonassar , the 14 day of the moneth Tybi , ( the first of our March ) in the evening , Saturn was observed to be two fingers breadth under the southern shoulder of Virgo . [ Cl. Ptol. lib. 11. cap. 7. ] Antiochus Hierax being distressed , Year of the World 3778 fled to Ptol , The Julian Period . 4487 Euergetes in Egypt , Year before Christ 227 and was by him clapt up in a fast prison , out of which he escaped , by the means of a certain harlot , which used to resort unto him , but being upon the way , he fell into the hands of certain theevs , who slew him , [ Justin lib. 17. cap. 3. ] And Seleucus Callinicus his elder brother , much about the same time , his horse falling with him , brake his neck , and died , [ Id. Ib. ] but he left two sons behind him ; of which Seleucus the elder , surnamed Ceraunus , being weak in body and purse , could not keep his army in order ; and the younger called Antiochus , and surnamed afterward , the Great , after the death of his father , went into the upper Asia , [ Polyb , lib. 4. aag. 315. and lib. 5. pag. 386. with Appian . in Syriac . pag. 86. and 131. ] and Seleucus Ceraunus reigned onely 3 years , [ Porphy . Euseb. Severus Sulpitius . ] Seleucus Ceraunus , Year of the World 3781 marching against Attalus , The Julian Period . 4490 who had now gotten all Asia on this side the Taurus into his possession , Year before Christ 224 leaving his kingdom to the care of one Hermias a Carian born , passed the Mount Taurus with a great army , [ Polyb. ut supra . ] Seleucus was poisoned in Phrygia , by the meanes of two of his Nobles that were about him , Apatarias , and Nicanor , [ Polyb. ib. Appianus , in Syriac . pag. 131. Jerom , upon Dan. cap. 11. Iustin , lib. 29. cap. 1. ] and there was at that time in his army , one Achaeu● , the son of Andronicus , brother to Laodice Seleucus his wife , but a prisoner with Ptolemei in Egypt . This Achaeus , as a procheinami and kinsman to Seleucus , set himself presently to revenge his death , upon the two authors of it , and slew them both : and then ordered all matters in the army with a singular dexterity , wisdom , and magnanimity . And , having now a fair opportunity of setting the Crown upon his own head , seeing that all men sollicited and importuned him to do it , yet would he not be brought unto it ; but kept it for Antiochus , the young son of Seleucus Callinicus , and , marching with the army from place to place , thoroughout Asia , recovered all that ever his father had lost , on this side the Taurus , [ Polyb. lib. 4. page 315. and 317. ] But the army , that was in Syria , sent to Antiochus , that was in Babylon , to come and take the kingdom upon him , [ Ierom , upon Dan. cap. 11. ] which he did , being then under 14 years of age , as [ Iustin , lib. 29. cap. 1. ] and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : ( i.e. ) very young , as [ Polyb. lib. 4. pag. 271. ] saith : and reigned 36 years ; as we find in [ Porphyrie , and Eusebius . ] This Antiochus , committing the whole rule and government of all Asia , on this side Taurus , to Achaeus , made Molon governour of Media , and Alexander , Molons brother , President of Persia ; but in Court Hermias the Carian swayed all ; who , being of a fierce and cruel nature , punished some very grievously for small offences , and making them seem greater by aggravating words than they were indeed ; and casting false calumnies upon sundry persons , was ever a mercilesse and inexorable Judge against them , [ Polyb. lib. 5. pag. 386. ] Cleomenes , the King of Lacedemon , being vanquished in the field by Antigonus Doson , King of Macedon , near to Sellasia , and thrust out of his kingdom , took ship at Gythium , which he had there laid ready for what chance soever might fall , and taking some of his Nobles along with him , he sailed into Egypt , to Ptolemei Euergetes ( to whom he had formerly sent his children , and his mother Cratesiclea , for pledges , when he first promised him his aid ; ) and was , when he came , honourably entertained by him , [ Polyb. lib. 2. pag. 154. Iustin , lib. 28. cap. 4. Pausan. in Corinth . page 52. Plut. in Cleome . ] The two brothers , Year of the World 3782 Molon , The Julian Period . 4492 the Governour of Media , Year before Christ 222 and Alexander , the President of Persia , despising the youth of Antiochus their King ( and the rather , for that they thought that Achaeus would easily be drawn to joyn with them ; but above all , fearing the power of Hermias in Court , and his malice and cruelty withal ) conspired together with their Provinces to revolt from Antiochus , [ Polyb. lib. 5. pag. 386. ] In the parts of Caria , and the Isle of Rhodes , there happened at this time a fearful Earthquake , which overturned every where their houses ; and among the rest , that huge Colossus , ( or Image of Jupiter ) at Rhodes , [ Euseb. Chron. Oros. lib. 4. cap. 13. ] Ptolemei Euergetes gave Cleomenes ( who by his sweet behaviour , grew every day more inward with him than other ) some hopes that he would send him back into Greece with a Navy well furnished , and restore him again into his kingdom ; mean while he allowed him 24 talents yearly for his entertainment ; wherewith , living fruggally , he maintained himself and such as were about him , [ Plut. in Cleom. ] But Ptolemei died , Year of the World 3783 before he could perform with Cleomenes , The Julian Period . 4493 [ Id. ibid. ] Year before Christ 221 whether of a natural sicknesse , as [ Polybius , lib. 2. pag. 155. ] or whether by the wicked practise of his own son , called Philopater ; which signifies indeed a lover of his father ; but had that name given him per Antiphrasin , ( i.e. ) by a contray meaning , as Justin saith ; whose words [ lib. 29. cap. 1. ] speaking of this matter , are these . Egyptum patre ac matre , &c. ( i.e. ) Ptolemes , having murdered his father , and his mother , ( whom Strabo calls Agathoclea ) took Egypt into his hands ; who , for his villainy acted upon his parents , had his surname Philopator given him by the Country . We read also in Pliny , [ lib. 7. cap. 56. ] that this Ptolemei was by another nickname , called Triphon , from his effeminate and luxurious fashion of living : and in the Fasti Siculi , we find thus , Ptolemei Philopator , who was also called Gallus , son of Ptoleme : i Euergetes , who was surnamed also Triphon , &c. wherein , as the false copy in the prologue of [ Trog . Pompei . 27 and 30. ] make for him in the surname of Triphon , falsely attributed to the father Euergetes ; so in that other name of Gallus given to the son Philopator , the collector of the great Etymologie concurs with him ; for there he notes , that Philopater was there called Gallus , because he was wont to go with an Ivie Bush about his head , and other parts of his body , after the manner of the Galli , ( who were priests of Cybele ) in the solemnities of Bacchus ; for so effeminate and debauched was this man grown , with whoreing and drinking , that when he was in his best wits , and extraordinarily sober , yet even then he would run about the streets , with the maurice dancers , and bells gingling about him , [ Plut. in Cleom. ] and so as Polybius observeth of him , he spent the whole time of his reign , in revellings and pastimes , giving himself over to all sensuall and filthy lusts of the flesh , and to dayly quaffing and carousing , [ Polyb. lib. 5. pag. 380 , 381. ] and Strabo adds , [ lib. 17. pag. 796. ] that both he , and all the Ptolemeis that followed , grew luxurious , and never ordered that state well afterward . Now this Philopator reigned after his father 17 years , [ Cl. Ptol. in Reg. Canone . Clem. Alexan. Porphy . Euseb. ] Philopator , fearing Magas his brother , who by the means of his mother Berenice , was grown gracious in the army , took counsel with one Sosibius , ( who was of chief credit with him ) and others how to rid them both out of the way . But this imployment troubled these men not a little , for fear lest , the high courage of Berenice considered , all this enterprise would come to naught , and therefore they were fain to flatter all the Court , giving them assurance of great matters , in case the business went on , and succeed as they would have it . But Sosibius went farther ; and finding Cleomenes the King of Sparta , who at that time stood in great need of the Kings help , to be a singular wise and politick man , and of great experience in matters of the world , brake the matter to him . But Cleomenes disswaded him from it ; saying , that the King had more need to beget him , if it were possible , more brothers , for the security and preservation of his kingdom , than to destroy those which he had . But when Sosibius had told him further , that the King could never be sure of the mercenarie souldiers , so long as Magas was alive . Cleomenes then bad him , never fear that , for , saith he , among his mercenaries , he hath three thousand Greeks out of Peloponesus , and one thousand out of Creet , who at one beck of his , would be ready to do what ever he would have them . Whereupon Sosibius took courage , and went on , and murdered Berenice and her son Magas , and all that belonged to them . [ Polyb. lib. 5. pa. 380 , 382. and lib. 15 , in Excerpt . p. 65. and Plut. in Cleom. ] Philopator , having first murdered his father , then his mother , and now with her his brother , as if all had been well with him , gave himself over to his luxury more than ever ; and in that way all the court followed him , and not onely his Nobles in Court , and his chief Commanders in the army ; but the whole body of the army , from the highest to the lowest , threw away all care of martial discipline , and lay lusting in Taverns and bawdy-houses at their pleasure , [ Justin lib. 13. pag. 1. ] But to return to Antiochus , when he advised with his counsel , how to represse that rebellion of the two brothers , Molon and Alexander in Media and Persia , Epigenes ( who was the man that reduced those forces to Antiochus , which were gathered together for Seleucus , and was of prime credit , and reputation in the army ) advised , that Antiochus himself with his army , should presently march against them : but Hermias , on the contrary , advised the King to go himself into Coelosyria , and recover that , and send Xenon and Theodorus Hemiolius , to subdue the two brothers , [ Polyb. lib. 5. pag. 387. ] Whiles this was in agitation , and the King lay at Zeugma in Seleucia , there came to him Diognetus his Ammiral , out of Cappadocia , conducting Laodice the daughter of Mithridates King of Pontus to the King ; who , so soon as ever she came , married her : and coming out of the upper regions unto Antioch , there caused her to be proclaimed Queen ; and that done , prepared himself wholly for the war , [ Ibid. pag. 388. ] At the same time Molo , having a sure card of his brother Alexander to help him at all assaies , marched with a great army against Xenon and Theodotus , the Kings Commanders , sent into those parts , which put them into so great a fright , that they durst not keep the field , but put themselves into walled Cities for their defence ; and in this case Molo , having the Country of Apollonia at his back , wanted for no store and plenty of provision . [ Ibid. ] Mean while , Year of the World 3784 Philip the son of Demetrius , in Macedonia , upon the death of Antigonus , his Guardian , and father in law , being then 14 years old , took the kingdom into his own hands , [ Justin lib. 18. cap. ult . & lib. 29. cap. 1. ] and reigned there 42 years . [ Dexip . Porphy . Euseb. and Polybius lib. 2. pag. 155. ] observeth , that these three , Philip of Macedon , Ptol. Philopator of Egypt , and Antiochus Magnus of Syria , came to their Crowns all within the compasse of the same Olympiade , 139. for as Antiochus , came to the Crown in the first year of it , so Philapator succeeded his father in the third thereof , and Philip of Macedon in the fourth , and the same Polybius , [ lib. 4. pag. 271. ] observeth further , that about that time , almost all the kingdoms of the World , came to have a new succession of Kings in them : the like doth , [ Justin , lib. 29. cap. 1. ] where they both shew further , that Ariarathes , about the same time , came likewise to be King of Cappadocia . Now when , upon the death of Antigonus , the Etolians joyning with the Lacedemonians , made a common war upon the Achaeans and Macedons ; Cleomenes besought Philopator of Egypt , that he would furnish him with certain necessaries , and some souldiers , and dismisse him to return into his own country ; but when he perceived , that Philopator lent but a defeare to that motion of his , he then began to be an often and earnest sutor to him , to suffer him with his own small traine , to be gone . And the King , little caring which end went forward in any businesse of moment , and never forecasting what was to come , according to his wonted folly , never regarded what Cleomenes said unto him : but Sosibius , who , as I shewed before , was the chief man of all the rest about him in matters of the kingdom , advising with the rest of the Council , thought it no policy , to let Cleomenes go , [ Polyb. lib. 5. pag. 381. ] Molo , of whom I spake before , assaied to passe the River Tigris , and to besiege Seleucia ; but being prevented by Zeuxis , who had gotten all the boates of the River into his hands , he turned his course , and went to Ctesiphon , and there made his provision , for his winter quarter , [ Ib. pag. 389. ] Antiochus , being advertised that Molo came on , and that his men still gave ground , resolved , to leave going against Ptolemei in Coelosyria , and to march in person against Molo . But Hermias , who would not off from what he once propounded , sent Xonaetas an Achaean born , against Molo , with an army very well appointed , and with full and absolute power to do with it as he saw cause , without controule ; and brought the young King back again to Apamaea , and there gathered an army about him , [ Ibid. pag. 390. ] Xenaetas , coming with his army to Seleucia , sent for Diogenes , the Kings Governour of the province of Susa , and for Pythiades the Ammiral of the Red sea ; and with them drew into the field , and having the benefit of the River Tigris at his back , sate him down with his army in the very face of the enemy : and the next day , seizing upon Molo his Camp , which he that night had left , there fell to drinking and rioting with his army , till Molo , espying his opportunity , came back the night following , and in the deep of the night , set upon them , when they little thought of him ; recovered his own Camp , took theirs , and Xonaetas himself fighting in the dark , was there also casually slain , and Molo presently with his army came before Seleucia , and took it at the first assault ; because Zeuxis was fled out of it , and with him Diomed on the Governour of the place it self : Then subdueing the whole province of Babylonia , with that which lay upon the Red-sea , he took the City of Susa , and leaving there some to besiege the Castle , whereinto Diogenes , their Commander was fled , he returned to Seleucia upon the Tigris , and there refreshed his army . And indeed , in the Country lying upon that River , he took in all as far as Europus , a City in those parts , and in Mesopotamia , all as far as Dura , [ Ibid. pag. 391 , 392 , 393. ] Cleomenes , after that consultation held by Sosibius , was committed to custody : but watching his time , when Philopator with his traine was gone to Canopus , he gave it out among his keepers , that the King would presently set him at liberty : and while they hereupon grew carelesse of him , and lay fast asleep by their over drinking , he with his friends , brake out of prison , at noon-day ; and would faine have stirred up the people to a sedition , but could not : and therefore having no hope of escaping left them , he and his followers , slew themselves , [ Ibid. pag. 385. ] three years after his overthow in Laconia , [ Id. lib. 4. pag. 304. ] whereof when Philopator heard , he commanded Cleomenes his body to be flead , and to be hung upon a crosse , and both his mother Cratesiclea , and his sons , and all the women that attended on her , to be put to death , [ Plut. in Cleome . ] Antiochus , setting out with his whole army from Laodicaea , and having passed the Desert , came to the Dale of Marsyas , which lies between the Lebanus and Antilebanus . Spending therefore many dayes in marching thorough this Dale , and having taken in such places as lay in or near his way , he came to Gerra and Brochos , which are two Castles , built upon the mouth or narrow passage which leadeth into this Dale ; and those he found kept by Theodotus , an Etolian born , but at this time , Governour of Coelosyria for Philopator ; which when he saw , he first resolved to set upon them : but perceiving the natural situation of the place , to be very strong , and Theodotus his courage in defending them , to be no lesse , he drew off and went his way , [ Polyb. lib. 5. pag. 390. ] For which piece of service yet , Theodotus was so far from receiving any reward or thanks from Philopators hand , that being sent for afterward to Alexandria , he had much adoe there to escape with his life for it , [ Ibid , pag. 385. and pag. 405. ] Antiochus , hearing of the utter destruction and slaughter made of his men with their General Xenoetas , and of Molo his victory , whereby all the upper Provinces were utterly lost , and fallen unto Molo , brake off his intended journey , and cast in his minde how to settle and secure the main of his estate , [ Polyb. lib. 5. pag. 390. ] About which as he was in councel , and Hermias could not stand alone against the general vote of all the rest which perswaded the King to go ; yet to have his will in some thing , he forged certain letters , as written from Molo to Epigenes , and coming in a packet with other letters to him ; and by that means , gat him to be put to death , as one that kept intelligence with Molo . And now the King marching against Molo , when he came to the River Euphrates , took into his army the remainder of his Forces that there were , and came to Antiochia , which is in Mygdonia , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : ( i.e. ) about the beginning of Winter , and there stayed till the next Spring , [ Ibid. page 393 , 394 , 395. ] Then removing from thence , upon the fourtieth day after he came to Lyba , and there following the advice of Zeuxis , and not of Hermias , he put over the Tigris with all his army ; and then marching toward Dura , at the first approach raised the siege , which was laid unto it by a Captain of Moloes : and going again from thence , and never camping two dayes in one place , at 8 dayes end , they passed Oricum and came to Apollonia , [ Ibid. pag. 395 , 396. ] Molo , though he grew now much afraid , least his army would leave him , yet he drew out against the King ; and having two wings , he committed the charge of the left to his brother Neolaus , and led the other himself . But when the battel joyned , the right wing , wherein himself was , stood firm to him , and fought very stoutly against the Kingsmen , but the left , fell over to the King : which when Molo perceived , and saw withal , that he was ready to be wholy surrounded by the enemy , he fell upon his own sword . The rest also of his friends , and which had been pertakers with him in this conspiracy against the King , gat themselves every man away to his own home , and there acted the like tragedy upon himself . His brother Neolaus also , when the wing which he led yeilded to the King , gat him away into Persia , to Alexander Moloes brother ; and there having slain Moloes mother , and his children , slew himself also over them : having first advised Alexander to do the like . The King commanded Moloes body to be hanged on a crosse in a high place , and having reproached his Rebel-army with bitter words , for their soul and disloyal carriage towards him ; yet at last gave them his hand , and received them to his favour and service again : and appointed some to convoy them back into Media from whence they came , and to settle that Province again . Mean while , himself went down from those upper parts to Seleucia , where the said Hermias using the inhabitants very hardly in other points , wrung out of them over and above a thousand talents , for a fine ; which yet the King mitigated and reduced to 150. and then left Diogenes to govern Media , and Apollodorus to be President of the Province of Susiana ; but sent Tychon , Master of the Scribes , and General of the army , into the Regions lying upon the Red Sea , to govern them , [ Ibid. from the page 396. to the page 399. ] Now at what time Antiochus made this war upon Molo , Theodotus the Etolian , Governour under Philopator of Coelosyria , returning from Alexandria , and casting in his mind , that Patropator was no better than a lost man , and despairing of any good from the Princes about him , with such company as he had with him , seized upon Ptolemais by himself , and upon Tyrus , by one Pa●●tolus , and resolved to come to some agreement with Antiochus , and to put all Coelosyria into his hands : which he performed in a very short time after , [ Ib. pag. 385. and pag. 405. ] Unto Attalus King of Pergamus was born by Apollinis of Cyzicum a son called Attalus Philadelphus , who lived 82 years , as Lucian in his Macrobiis reporteth ; and about the same time , Antiochus likewise had a son born to him , called Seleucus , and surnamed ( as it seemeth ) Philopator . Jubile 25. Year of the World 3785 Antiochus , having now gotten a son , resolved to set upon Ariobarzanes , who had obtained the Dominion of the Atropatians , and other Countries thereabouts : and Ariobarzanes fearing the coming of the King ; especially because he was now grown old and decrepit , sought peace at his hands , and had it from him , upon such terms as he was pleased to give it , [ Polyb. lib. 5. pag. 399. and 400. ] Whiles the war went on between Antiochus and Ariobarzanes , Achaeus having shut up Attalus in his chief City of Pergamus , and taken all the places thereabouts , and entered into a league and confederacy with Ptolemei Philopator of Egypt , thought it no great matter to break into Syria , before Antiochus could return to rescue it ; and by the help of the Cyrrhestians , who were already revolted from him , to make himself Master of all that kingdom ; and therefore with his whole army moving out of Lydia , marched thither-ward : but when he came to Laodicea in Phrygia , he there took a Crown upon his head , and began to assume the title and port of a king , both when he received Ambassadors from other Princes , and also when he had occasion of writing unto them , one Siveris , who being banished out of his own Country , was entertained by him , egging him principally on thereto : and so going on-ward in his journy toward Syria , when he came near to Lycaonia , his army there began to mutiny , complaining that they were led to a war against him , who was their liege Lord , and natural King. Whereupon Achaeus , seeing it went against the hair with them , gave off his purpose , and proceeded no further in it ; and moreover told the army that he never purposed to lead them into Syria against Antiochus , but onely to wast the Country of Pisidia , to which he presently led them , and did it to the purpose , and so having enriched them with the spoyle thereof , and made all fair with them , returned home again . [ Idem . lib. 4. pag. 271. 314 , 315. and lib. 5. pag. 401 , 402. ] When the war between Antiochus and Ariobarzanes was ended , Apollophanes a Physician of Seleucia , standing in bodily fear of Hermias , wrought the means to bring him into suspition with the King. whereupon the King faining himself sick , caused Hermias to be haled out of his house , and by a crue of certain men appointed for that purpose , to be murdered ; and it so fell out , that at the same time , the wives of Apamea drew likewise his wife and children out of her house there , and stoned them all to death . [ Id. lib. 5. pag. 400. 401. ] Antiochus , being now returned home , and having sent away his souldiers to their winter quarters , sent messengers to Achaeus , with many threating words . [ Id. pag. 401. 402. ] Among the Jews , after the decease of Onians 2. his son Simon 2. succeeded in the priesthood , [ Joseph . lib. 12. cap. 4. ] and he is said by Scal. [ in Graec. Euseb. ] to have sate 20 years . Antiochus , calling all his army to Apameas , at the first of the spring , by the perswasion of Apollophanes his Physician , removed to Seleucia , which is called Pieria , sending Diognetus his Ammiral thither with his fleet , and Theodotus Hemiolius with a convenient company to possesse himself of the streits of Coelosyria . But himself , having intelligence with some of the Seleucians in the town , whom he had won unto him by large monies and larger promises , took first one of the suburbs , and then the City set open their gates unto him , and having gotten it , he entreated the inhabitants very kindly , but put garrisons into the Castle and port both . [ Polyb. lib. 5. from pag. 40 , to pag. 405. ] The King was busie in setling things here , when letters came to him from Theodotus the Etolian , to request him to go into Coelosyria , for that he was now ready to deliver it into his hands : whereupon the King put himself upon a march thither-ward ; but Nicolaus a Captain of Philopators , having discovered this practise , besieged Theodotus in Ptolemais , where he was ; so that he could not get out to act according to his intentions , and withall , sent Lagoras , a Cretian born , with Dorymon of Etolia , with a party to keep the passage entering into Coelosyria , near unto Berytus , which Antiochus easily put to flight , and then Theodotus and Panaetolus , seeing the siege raised from before Ptolemais , where they had hitherto been shut up with such friends as they had about them , went and met him upon his way , and delivered both Tyrus and Ptolemais , with all that in them was , into Antiochus his hand : there were found in both ports , 40 ships , which were consigned into Diognetus the Ammirals hand . [ Ib. p. 505 , 406 , with lib. 4. pag. 305. ] Antiochus , being certified that Philopator was gone to Memphis , that his forces were all met at Peleulium , that the sluces of Nilus were all opened , and the sea let in to spoil all the fresh waters there , changed his purpose of marching to Pelusium , and went into Coelosyria , and there going from one place to another , sought to take in all , partly by force , partly upon conditions , which he offered very reasonable unto them . Wherefore the places , that were lesse strong , yielded for the most part , upon the first summons ; the rest clave close to Philopator , whose subjects they were , and those cost him much time in besieging them , [ Id. lib. 5. pag. 406. ] Mean while , Philopator let all go at six and seven , and took no care of any thing : yet Agathocles and Sosibius , who managed all under him , made all the provision they could for the war , keeping all close from Antiochus , as much as possibly they might , and under hand sollicited the states of Cyzicum , Byzantium , Rhodes , Etolia and others , to mediate for a peace between the two Kings , whiles they , the mean time , made all provisions for the war , and trained and exercised their men in all kind of feats of chivalrie , and martial discipline , to the utmost of their endeavours , [ Id. pag. 406 , 407. cum lib. 4. pag. 305. ] But there happened at this time a new war to grow between the Byzantines , and the Rhodians ; the ground whereof was , for that the Byzantines being fain to pay tribute and contribution to the Galls , which lay havie upon them , laid a tole upon every ship that passed by them into the Pontick sea , [ Id. lib. 1. p. 158. & lib. 4. pag. 305 , 306 , 314. ] Whereupon the Rhodians sent presently to Prusias King of Bythinia , ( that Prusias which in Excerpt . Memnon . [ cap. 29. ] is surnamed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( i. e. ) the Lame ) and made an association of arms with him , who was otherwise mischievously enough bent against them , as for sundry other causes , so especially for that they laboured , all that ever they could , to make love and friendship between Attalus and Achaeus , which he thought , in many respects would prove damageable to him , and his affairs . Wherefore he came to this agreement with the Rhodians , that they should take the charge of the war at sea upon themselves , and let him alone to plague the Byzantines at land . And to begin , he forthwith went and seized upon a port of theirs in Asia side called Hieron , which place belonged formerly in common to the Marchants which traded into Pontus : but the Byzantines had lately bought them out , and appropriated it to themselves , together with all that portion of Mysia in Asia , which they had many ages before enjoyed , [ Id. lib. 4. pag. 314 , 316 , 316. ] The Byzantines , seeing what the Rhodians had done with Prusias , did the like with Attalus , and Achaeus , and sent to crave aid of them , and Attalus was very desirous of himself to have hearkned to their motion , but Achaeus lying so heavy upon him as he did , he could afford them but little help . Achaeus , whose Dominions stretched far and near in this side the Taurus , and who had lately taken on him , ( as I said before ) the title of a King , promised them all the good that he could do them , [ Ibid. pag. 314. ] They sent also to Tibites , to call him out of Macedonia , to be their General in this war against Prusias ; for it was conceived , that the whole kingdom of Bythina , belonged as well to Tibites , as to Prusias , whose Uncle Tibites was . [ Ibid. pag. 316. ] Prusias , fearing the coming of his Uncle , pulled down all Castles and places of any strength , that were in the kingdom , [ Ib. pag. 318. ] The Rhodians to draw away Achaeus from the Byzantines , sent to Ptolemei , and desired him to bestow on them Andromachus , ( who was at that time a prisoner in Alexandria ) to present him as a gift of their own , unto his son Achaeus . Which done , and some other offices of honour , done unto him by the Rhodians , the Byzantines lost the chiefest staff they had to leane upon : and withall Tibites , whiles they were convoying him out of Macedon , dyed by the way , which infinitely crossed them in their designes . But Cavarus ( a petty King of those Galls , who were in Thrace , ( as Polybius , in Excerpt . Valesii pag. 26. and Athenaeus lib. 6. cap. 6 , tells us ) who at that time came to Byzantium , mediated a peace between them , and Prusias and the Rhodians upon condition , that the Byzantines should forbear exacting any more tole , or impost upon their ships , and Prusias should restore , what he had taken from them of Byzantium . [ Ib. pag. 317. & 318. ] At the same time also Mithridates King of Pontus made war upon them of Sinope , who borrowed 140 thousand drachmahs of the Rhodians , and therewith fortified their City against him : and all that Peninsula , or neck of land , wherein their City stood , [ Ib. pag. 323. ] Antiochus besieged Dura in Phaenicia , Year of the World 3786 a City which Cl. Ptolemaeus calls Dora , but to little purpose , for that the place was naturally strong : and Nicolaus , a Captain of Philopaters , sent them ever and anon relief . Yet because winter now came on , he was contented to make a truce with them for four moneths , at the motion of certain Ambassadors sent by Philopator ; for further term he would not grant , not spend more time there , than needs he must , out of his own dominions : for manifest it was , that Achaeus intended to invade his whole estate ; nor was there any doubt but that Philopator aided him therein : wherefore having sent away the Ambassadors , he disposed garrisons in fit places , and leaving the care of all things there to Theodotus , he returned to Seleucia , and sent his army into their winter quarters : but taking no further care , of keeping them in military duties ; supposing , that the rest would come on of it self , without any great fighting for it , because he had already gotten a part of Coelosyria , and Phoenicia ; and thought the rest would submit unto him of their own accord , and for words onely without blows . [ Ib. pag. 409. ] But when things came not on , The Julian Period . 4496 in such sort , Year before Christ 258 as he imagined , at the first of the spring , he drew out his army again , purposing to set upon his enemies by sea and land , and by force to subdue the remainder of Coelosyria that stood out against him , [ Ib. pag. 411. ] Philopator committed the main of all his wars to Nicolaus the Etolian , made Gaza the Magazin , and there laid in all his provisions for the war , sent forth his armies by sea and land , made one Perigemes Ammiral of his forces by sea , who had with him 30 fighting ships onely , but of vessels of burden , to the number of 400. [ Ibid. pag. 411. ] Antiochus was marched as far as Marathos , when Ambassadors came to him from the Isle of Aradus , to desire his friendship , and he not onely took them into his association , but also took up the difference that was between them and their neighbours , which dwelt upon the continent , and made them live good friends ever after : and then entring by the way of Theu-prosopon , into Phoenicia , came to Berytus , and in his way set upon Botrys , and took it , but burnt Treres and Calamus to the ground . [ Ibid. ] But when he came at last to a main battle , he divided his army into three parts , the one he gave to Theodotus , the other to Menedemus , and the third he reserved for the sea , and commanded Diocles to take charge of them ; which Diocles he had made Governour of Parapotamia , lying upon the Euphrates . But he with his Life-guard kept in the midst of all , as a reserve , to see how all things went every where in the battle , and to help where need should be : and withall Diognetus for him , and Perimenes for Pnilopator prepared for fight with thir naval forces , keeping each of them as close to the land as possible they could ; and at last , upon a general signal given , they fell to it by land and sea , and at sea neither party had the better , and parted upon eaven terms , but at land Nicolaus , after a strong fight , was routed by Theodotus , and in the chase , lost 2000 men slain , and as many more taken prisoners , the rest fled into Sidon . Perigenes seeing all lost at land , retreated at sea likewise , and came to Sidon : and Antiochus without any delay came thither with his whole army , and sate down before it ; but forbare assaulting of it , both because it was stuffed with men , and had provision enough within to keep them , [ Ib. pag. 412 , 413. ] When P. Cornel. scipio , and T. Sempronius Longus , were Consuls of Rome , Hannibal , having with much difficulty passed the Alpes , came down into Italy , in the Summer of this year , [ Liv. lib. 21. ] in the latter end of the 2 year of Olymp. 140. from whence we reckon the beginning of the second Carthaginian war , al. the war of Hannibal , described at large by Polybius , Livie , Silius Italicus , in verse , and Appianus Alexandrinus , in his Hannibalica : by which war , the name and fame both of the Carthagenians and Romans spread so far in the world , that in Greece first , and then in Asia , properly so called , and the Islands thereunto adjoyning , all men , upon their several occasions , cast their eyes upon , and lookt after them , and not upon Philip , Antiochus , or Ptolemei , any longer , [ Polyb. lib. 4. pag. 443. ] In the same Summer that Hannibal came into Italy , Antiochus also brake into Palaestina ; and having given order to Diognetus his Ammiral to approach with his Feet to Tyrus , he with his army marched to Philoteria , a City seated upon the Lake of Tiberias , into which the River Jordan falleth : and from thence , runneth thorough the Country adjoyning upon the City of Scythopolis : which Josephus calleth Bethsan , in the Tribe of Manasses . And having taken them both , and put Garrisons in them , he passed the mountains , and came to Atabyrium ; that is Thabor , a City seated upon a hill , the top whereof is reckoned to be 15 furlongs compasse ; where Antiochus toling them out with small skirmishes , caused his Van to go close to the walls , and then to make as if they fled ; Year of the World 3731 which they did : and when the Townsmen came out and pursued them , others that lay in ambushment arose , fell upon them , and slew many of them , and then himself falling on with the rest of his army , assaulted , and took that City also , [ Polyb. ib. pag. 413. ] At the same time , Keraeas , a Commander of Ptolemei Philopator , revolted from him unto Antiochus ; whose entertainment there , was so good , that presently Hippolochus a Thessalian born , with 400 Horse in his company did the like . And Antiochus , leaving a strong Garrison in Atabytium , removed thence , and took in Pella and Camus and Gephrus , upon surrender : which so prosperous successe of his , moved the Arabians , which bordered upon those parts , with one consent , to cast themselves into his armes , and to joyn with him . Antiochus , borne up with these new hopes , and confiding in the riches of Arabia , marched into the Country of Galatis ; and having made himself Master of the field there , took the City Abyla : and in it , all those , who under the command of Nicias , came to succour them . There remained now only Gadara , a City in the opinion of the World , far stronger than any in all those parts : Antiochus therefore came and shewed himself before it ; and beginning to cast up his works , with the very sight thereof , he struck such a fright into them , that they presently sent , and rendred themselves unto him , [ Ib. pag. 414. ] In the same Summer also , in Pamphylia , the Pednelissenses , being besieged by the Selgenses , and in danger to be taken by them , sent and prayed in aid of Achaeus ; who forthwith sent them 6 thousand Foot , and 500 Horse , under the command of Garsieres ; who purposing to enter the Town , by the way of Mylias , found that passage blockt up by the Selgenses : whereupon , he made as if he would be gone , and the Selgenses seeing him gone his way , brake up , and went their way too : some to the Camp , and others to their harvest , which was then ready for the hook ; which Gasieres perceiving , turned back short , and passed the streight of Mylias , near unto Climax , without impeachment ; and left a strong guard upon it , and then committed the whole management of that war , and defence of Pednelissa , to Phaylus : who , going presently to Perga , stirred up the people of Pamphylia and Pisidia , to come and help the distressed : Whereupon they of Aspendus sent them in 4 thousand Foot , and they of Etenna 8 thousand ; but the Selgenses instead of blowing the fire , blew it out , and by their rash and unadvised carriage of matters marred all , and being shamefully overthrown , lost 10 thousand of their men , and fled home to Selga : Phaylus followed them at the heeles ; wherewith they took such a fright , that they forthwith sent Logbasis to treate of a peace : and he instead of a treator , played the traitor with them ; for a truce was taken , in which time , the souldiers of their adverse party came freely into Selga ; but they of the Town had underhand sent to Achaeus , and put themselves wholy into his mercy , to deale with them as he would : mean while , Logbasis plotted the delivery of the Town to their enemies : and when things were now ready for their purpose , the plot was discovered ; and so both he , and those of the Town , whom he had drawn into the conspiracy with him , and the enemies , which lurked there , in expectance of the event , were all taken , and put to the sword . Then began Achaeus seriously to deale for a peace between them : nor were the men of Selga averse from the motion ; Whereupon they were to pay down 400 talents ready money , and 300 more a while after ; and the Pednelissans were to restore them all their prisoners without ransome . Achaeus , having gotten Mylias , and the greatest part of Pamphylia into his hands , marched forthwith to Sardes ; where , harrowing Attalus with an uncessant war , he began at last to threaten Prusias also , [ Ibid. from pag. 415. to pag. 420. ] Whiles Achaeus was busie in making war against the men of Selga , Attalus sate not idle , but , having the Galls , called the Tectosagi ( whom for the reputation of their valour , he had sent for out of Europe , to serve him against Achaeus ) of Europe , with him , he marched thorough the Cities of Eolia , and others thereunto adjoyning , which for pure fear had submitted themselves to Achaeus : Cuma , Smyrna and Pnocaea , all voluntarily joyned with him : those of Egea , and Lemnos , yielded to him for fear , at his first approach : Ambassadors also came to him from the Teians and Colophonians ; whom , upon hostages given , he took in upon such conditions , and covenants , as before : and then going on still , and passing the river Lycus , he came into the Country , inhabited by the Mysians : and having gone thorough that , he came to the borders of the Carsenses , whom , together with those who kept Didyma-tiche , he so frighted , that Themistocles , whom Achaeus had left to keep them for him , gave them up both into Attalus his hand : and , removing from thence , he ravaged all the region of Apia , and passed the hill of Pellicante , and encamped upon the bank of the river Megistus ; and while he was there , the Moon fell into an eclipse : and thereupon his Galls , who were otherwise weary of so long trotting up and down , with their wives and children in their company , pretending they held this eclipse for some sad prodigie , would go no further , [ Ib. p. 420. ] for upon the first of our Septemb. the Moon , in the beginning of the night , was eclipsed for more than a whole hour long . Atta●us , fearing least his Galls , inclining to Achaeus , would fall upon his Countries , yet because it was upon his word that they came out of Europe into Asia , would not fall upon them , and put them to the sword , but convoyed them all back safe to the Hellespont , where they first landed , and there laid them out lands to live and dwell upon ; promising them further , that if at any time after , they should have occasion to use him , he would not , in any reasonable matter , be wanting to them . Then calling to him those of Lampsacus , Alexandria , and Ilium ; and commending them for persisting so constantly in their loyalty to him , he returned with his army to Pergame . [ Polyb. ib. pag. 421. ] Antiochus , Year of the World 3787 being advertised , that a great army of the enemy was met in a City of Arabia , called Rabatamana , ( al. Rabbath-Ben-Ammon ) and there plundred all the Country thereabout , marched thitherward , and came near to the little hillocks of earth , whereon the City stood , and having gone about and viewed them , he found that there were two onely wayes to get into it ; and therefore planted his batteries against those places , committing the charge of the works , of the one to Nicarchus , of the other to Theodotus , to make breaches in the wal : and when they were made , and the walls quite thrown down , sooner than could have been imagined : the Kings men laboured day and night without any intermissions and with all the might they possibly could , to get into the City , but could do no good , by reason of the multitude of people that were within to maintain the breaches . At last , one of the prisoners in the Camp shewed them a vault , or hollow way under ground , by which they came down to get them water : which no sooner had he stopt up , but they were forced to yeild for want of water . The King having thus gotten the place , left Nicarchus with a sufficient Garrison to keep it : and sent Hippolochus and Kiras , which had revolted from Ptolemei to him , with 5 thousand Foot to the Country joying upon Samaria , to govern that province , and to safe-guard those , who were his friends in those parts , and acknowledged him for their Sovereign ; and went himself with his army to Ptolemais , purposing there to winter , [ Ibid. pag. 414 , 415. ] Cn. Servilius , Year of the World b. entered his Consulship at Rome , upon the Ides , or 7 day of March. Now among other prodigies , which were from sundry places certified to the Senate at that time , this was one , That in Sardinia , the body of the Sun seemed to be lesse , than it used to be : and another , from Arpi , that the Sun and the Moon , seemed to fight each with other . Ca. Flamminius the other Consul , who was with the army in the Spring of this year , fought unluckily with Hannibal , at the Lake of Thrasimene , in Hetruria , and was there slain with 15 thousand of his men , [ Liv. lib. 22. ] There was that year an Eclipse of the Sun seen in Sardinia , upon the 11 of our February , and [ Polyb. lib. 5. pag. 442. ] telleth us , that as well that great battle at Thra●mene , as that other between Antiochus and Philopator , concerning Coelosyria , were both fought toward the later end of the 3 year of the 150 Olymp. the later of which , fought at a place called Raphia ; is by him described in this wise . In the beginning of this Spring , saith he , Antiochus and Ptolemei , having all things provided for the purpose , were now upon the point to try it out for the mastery of Coelosyria , in a main battle : Ptolemei therefore with 70 thousand Foot , and 5 thousand Horse , and 73 Elephants , set out from Alexandria , [ Id. ib. pag. 421. ] and made his first encamping at Pelusium , where he stayed till the rest of his army came in to him : and having there given every man his allowance of corn , he marched on thorough a country destitute of water , near the mountain Casius , and the Barathra , and so came to Gaza : and after five dayes march , came to the place which he intended ; and there encamped , within 50 furlongs of Raphia , which is the first City of Syria , saving onely Rhinocorura , which a man meets withal coming out of Egypt , to go into Coelosyria , [ Ibid. pag. 422. ] Antiochus also at the same tme , came thither with his army , consisting of 72 thousand Foot , 6 thousand Horse , and 102 Elephants : and passing by the walls of Raphia , encamped the first night about 10 furlongs , and the next day came within 5 furlongs of Ptolemeis Camp , [ Ibid. ] At that time , Theodotus the Etolian , who was formerly a man well known in Ptolemeis Court , and one who had well observed his courses and manner of doings : with two onely in his company , about break of day , came within his trenches , and the night following , got into the Kings Pavilion , hoping alone to have done the feat , and there to have slain the King ; but Dositheus ( who was by extraction a Jew , but one who had fallen away from the Religion of his fathers ) removing the King to another Tent , had caused another man of mean quality , to lie that night in the Kings bed : Theodotus therefore , that night brake into the Kings Tent , and there wounded two of the Bed-chamber , and slew one Andraeas , the Kings chief Physician ; and so returned untoucht , into his own Tent again , [ Ibid. and 1 of the Macchab. cap. 3. v. 3 , 4. ] After they had there laien 5 dayes , looking one upon the other , they then both resolved for a battle , [ Polyb. ibid. ] and fight they did ; in which fight , when Antiochus appeared to have far the better of it , Arsinoe , Ptolemei's sister , went among the souldiers , with her hair hanging about her eares , and crying to them , that they would stand to it , and in that battle defend their own wives and children ; promising them , if they came conquerors out of the field , to give every of them , two pounds in gold : whereby it came to passe , that the souldiers took fresh courage , and slew their enemies down-right , and took of them many prisoners , [ 1 Maccab. cap. 3. v. 5 , 6. with Polyb. lib. 5. pag. 424 , 425. ] In that fight , Antiochus lost little lesse than 10 thousand of his Foot , and upward of 300 Horse : besides prisoners taken , above 4000. of his Elephants there were 3 killed in the fight , two died afterward of their hurts . Of Ptolemeis side , there were slain 1500 Foot , and 700 Horse ; of his Elephants 16 were killed on the place , and the rest for the most part taken , [ Polyb. ibid. pag. 427. ] Antiochus , having buried his dead , returned home with the rest of his army ; and Ptolemei took back again , both Raphia , and the rest of the places which had been taken from him , upon the voluntray surrender of the inhabitants : every man striving who should be formost , in acknowledging him their Lord , and returned to his subjection ; especially the Coelosyrians , a Nation naturally , and of themselves , ever inclined to the service of the Ptolemeis ; upon this occasion , exceeded all others , in honouring him , with Crowns , Sacrifices , Altars , and other such like expressions of their affection , [ Ibid. pag. 427 , 428. ] And Ptolemei going to visit the Cities next adjoyning to that place , bestowed gifts upon their temples , and thereby heartened up the people to continue in his service , [ 1 Maccab. 3. 7. ] When the Jews sent some of their Sanedrin , and Elders , to tender him their service , and to present him with gifts , and withal , to congratulate him after so great a victorie ; it fell out , that he was thereby made the more forward to go thither , and to honour the City with his presence : and when he came , fell into an admiration of the beauty of their temple , and would fain have gone into the sanctum sanctorum ; whereinto it was not lawfull for any man to go , save for the High Priest onely , and that but once in the year neither . But when the Jews stoutly resisted that motion , and the King upon their refusal desired the more and more to go in , and now all the Temple was filled with crying and howling , and the City , with tumult and sedition : then Simon the High Priest , kneeling down towards the Temple , to wit , between the Temple and the Altar , powred out his prayer unto God , begging his help , in this needful time of trouble : whereupon , the King fell into such a horror of mind and body , that he was unneath able to speak , and so was carried half dead out of the Temple , [ 3 Macchab. cap. 1. & 2. ] So soon as Antiochus was returned to Antioch , he sent Antipater , his brothers son , and Theodotus Hemiolius his Ambassadors to Ptolemei , to entreat of a peace between them . And Ptolemei , contenting himself with his unlookt for victory , and with the recovery of Coelosyria , after a few high words to the Ambassadors used , and complainings against the unjust dealings of Antiochus , granted a truce for a year , and sent Sosibius to ratifie it with him , [ Polyb. lib. 5. pag. 428. with Justin lib. 30. cap. 1. ] Ptolemei , Year of the World d. having spent three moneths in Syria , and Phaenicia , to settle matters there in the several Cities and States , left Andromachus of Aspendus in Asia , to govern all that Country , and so with his sister Arsinoe , and his Nobles returned to Alexandria ; having put such an end to this war against Antiochus , as his subjects , who knew the course of his life , much wondred at it . And Antiochus having confirmed the truce in the presence of Sosibius ; set himself presently to begin a war upon Achaeus , as he formerly intended to do , [ Polyb. Ib. ] Antiochus , Year of the World 3788 having spent the winter in making his provisions , The Julian Period . 4498 with all possible care , Year before Christ 216 the next spring set forward , and passing the mount Taurus , made a league with Attalus , and began his war upon Achaeus , [ Id. ib. pag. 444 , 446. ] whom , whiles he besieged in Sardes , there passed between them sundry skirmishes , day and night , without ceasing : the souldiers on either side omitting no opportunity ; but striving by all means , and lying at catch to entrap one another , and to fight upon all advantages . [ Id. ib. lib. 7. pag. 506. ] When the Galls , whom Attalus had planted in Hellespont , besieged the City of Ilium , the Alexandrenses , which dwelt in Troas ; sent their Captain Themistas with four thousand men , and turned them going out of all the territorie of Troas , by keeping all provisions from them , and making head every where against them : and when they could stay no longer there , they went and possessed themselves of the City called Arisba , and the territories of Abidus ; and from thence issued out , and sought to get the rest of the Country there about into their hands , making incessant war upon them . Whereupon Prusias , king of Bythinia , drew out against them , and fought with them , and first flew the men in fight ; and that done , fell upon their Camp , and there utterly destroyed their wives and children , and all the race of them , and gave the spoile of them to the souldier , for their pains , [ Id. lib. 5. pag. 44. ] Ptolemei , returning into Egypt , fell again to his old trade of living , casting off all care of any thing that good was , and wallowing in all filthery of gluttony and luxury , [ Id. ib. lib. 14. in Excerpt . Hen. Vales pag. 62. ] for , growing more and more mad in this kind ; he not onely glutted himself with uncleannesse and lechery , but also vexed the Jews of Alexandria , with infamous and false reports cast abroad against them , and sought all means to turn them away from the true worship of the living God , and such as would not , he commanded to be slain ; and turning them out of all place of office or dignity , market them with hot irons in the face , with the signe of an ivie leaf , because that was the badge of Bacchus : but they that would fall from their religion , those he suffered to enjoy equal rights and priviledges with the native Macedons in Alexandria . Hereupon , many there were that abandoned their religion , in compliance to the Kings will , and others bought their peace , and saved their lives , and escaped their marking in their faces with hot irons , for their mony . But they , who continued in the religion of their forefathers , held themselves punctually to their allegeance to the King , but would not converse or communicate in any kind with those of their own nation , who had apostatized from their religion ; whereof their enemy made presently this construction , as if they opposed the King in his power and government , and sought to turn away the subject from his obedience . Whereupon Philopator , growing wroth with the Jews , not onely of Alexandria , but even thoroughout all Egypt , sent forth order to have them all gathered together into one place , purposing there to destroy them all . Now there was an inventory taken of them by the Kings officers , 40 dayes long ; to wit , from the 25 day of the moneth Pachon , to the 4 of the moneth Epiphi , that is , according to the sixt year of Alexandria , ( which some later Chronologers without all reason , would have never to have been in use , till after the Sea fight at Actium , between Augustus and Antony ) from the 20 day of our May , to the 29 of July following : and the day of the massacre was designed to have been for 3 dayes space ; to wit , from the fifth of Epiphus inclusively , to the seventh of the same . Upon the time appointed , the Jews of Alexandria were all brought , ( as we would say ) into Smithfield , there to be first reviled and set at naught , by all that passed by : then the King called for Hermon , Master of the Elephants , and gave him order against the next day to make his Elephants , to the number of 500 , to drink and fill themselves with wine mingled with myrrh , or frankincense ; that growing more fierce and starke mad therewith , they might so be let go , and driven upon the Jews ; and either teare or tread them all to pieces . But the next day , the King fell into a dead sleep , and awaked not till dinner time ; and by that time all the people that came thither to see , seeing no thing done , were gone home again . And upon the third day , when the Elephants were all prepared , and ready to fall upon them ; there appeared two Angels , very terrible to look on , coming down from heaven , which so amazed all the company there present , that they stood amazed , and stirred not : The King also himself fell into a trance , and his fury towards those poor prisoners , telented ; but above all , the Elephants , instead of falling upon them , turned short , and fiercely ran upon the souldiers , that , according to the custom , came in the reare of them , and trode them under-foot , all save such as could shift for themselves by fleeing . Then the King commended the Jews for their constancy , and caused their fetters to be knockt off , and acknowledged , that their God it was , that had so delivered them ; and for 7 dayes long , to wit , from the 7 of Epiphus , till the 14 of the same , ( i.e. ) from the second of our July , to the ninth of the same , feasted them : after which , the Jewes thus saved , obtained leave of the King , that they might do to death such of their own Nation , as had apostatized from their Religion ; saying , that those who , for their bellies sake , had forsaken the Lawes and Commandments of their God , would never prove faithful to their King. Of this sort therefore they slew 300 in the way as they went ; and came at last to Ptolemaiis , seated upon the River Nile , in Arsinoite Nomo , which from the abundance of Roses there growing , is surnamed Rhodophorus , where their Fleet attended them 7 dayes . There they altogether made a feast of thanksgiving ; the King himself making every man a large allowance for his charge upon the way homeward : Whereupon they returned joyfully home , some by land , some by sea , some by the River , every man as his way lay . All which is more at large set forth and described in the 3 book of the Macchabees , which Phlostorgius in the beginning of his Ecclesiastical History , calleth Librum portentosum , ( i.e. ) A book of miracles ; and setting forth nothing like unto the first . The Egyptians growen insolent , and proud with their successe at the battle of Raphia against Antiochus , never cared for Philopator afterward ; but sought them a Head and Captain of their own , as having power enough in themselves to quell the like of him : which at last , and that not very long after , they did , [ Polyb. lib. 5. cap. 444. ] Philopator therefore was now forced to make a war upon his rebelling subjects , Year of the World 3789 [ Id. ibid. ] wherein , The Julian Period . 4499 there is no doubt , Year before Christ 215 but the Jewes upon this obligation so lately by him laid upon them , stood firm unto him . At least , this appears out of Eusebius , and Jornandes his Chron. that about this time , there were no lesse than 60 thousand of them slain in a battle ; which so great a slaughter of them , caused perhaps Demetrius , who wrote a book of the Kings of the Jewes , to think it reason , to reckon the years , which ran from the captivity of Babylon , or the carrying away of the Jews into Assyria , downward to the reign of this Philopator : as we read in Clemens Alexandrinus , [ lib. 1. Stromat . ] Whence also we gather , that this Demetrius the Historian , wrote after the dayes of Philopator ; and yet before that vast desolation brought upon the Jews by Antiochus Epiphanes : to which especially , if it had ever come to his knowledge , I could easily , and upon very good grounds imagine , that he would have applied the termes of those former calamities , which befel that Nation . The City of Sardes , all save the Castle , was thorough the industry of Lagoras the Cretian , taken by Antiochus , in the second year after he began to lay siege unto it . Polyb. lib. 7 , a , pag. 506. to pag. 510. ] Sosibius , who managed all matters in Egypt , under Philopator ; dealt with one Bolis , a Cretian , how to deliver Achaeus , who lay besieged in the Castle at Sardes , out of this danger . But he , treating with Cambylus , the Captain of the Cretians , which served under Antiochus , got Achaeus out of the Castle , indeed by a train , but delivered him alive into Antiochus his hand : and Antiochus , having gotten him , caused his hands and his feet first to be cut off ; then his head to be chopt off , and to be sowed up in an asses belly , and his body to be hung upon a crosse . The rest in the Castle , some holding with Ariobazus the Governour of Sardes , others with Laodice , the now Relict of Achaeus , and daughter of Mithridates King of Pontus , and both at variance among themselves , quickly resolved to put themselves , Castle and all , into the power of Antiochus , and so submitted all to him , [ Polyb. lib. 8. pag. 522. and pag. 529. ] Lacydes of Cyrenia , Year of the World 3790 master of the new Academy , The Julian Period 4500 having spent 26 years in that place , Year before Christ 214 was the onely man that ever in his life time gave over his place , and he resigned it to Telecles and Euander , both of Phocaea , [ as Laert. in Lacyde . affirmeth . ] Antiochus now set upon Media and Parthia and other provinces , which had revolted from his progenitors , Year of the World 3792 [ Appia . in Syriac . in Mitio . ] whose expedition against Arsaces , who was the chief and principall founder of the Parthian Empire , is at large set out by Polyb. in his 10 book , [ from pag. 597 , to pag. 602. ] When P. Sulpitius and Cu. Fulvius , were Consuls of Rome , Laevius being then Praetor , made a league with the Etolians in Greece and Attalus King of Pergamus in Asia . Year of the World 3793 [ Liv. lib. 27. Justin. lib. 29. cap. 4. Eutrop. lib. 3. ] which league , The Julian Period . 4503 Attalus kept most constantly with the Romans to his lives end , Year before Christ 211 [ Polib . pag. 820. ] M. Attalus , any Manius Acilius were sent Ambassadors from Rome to Ptolemei and Cleopatra , Year of the World 3794 Kings of Egypt , The Julian Period . 4504 in Alexandria , Year before Christ 210 to put him in mind of , and to renue their former league , and they presented them ; both him with a gown , and a robe of scarlet , with a chair of State , all made of ivory ; and her with a gown embroidered , and a sur-coat of scarlet , [ Justin lib. 30. cap. 1. & 4. ] Ptolemei Philopator had by his wife , and the same his sister , Euridice , a son called Ptolemeus Epiphanes , Year of the World 3795 who at the age of five years , The Julian Period . 4505 succeeded him in the kingdom of Egypt , Year before Christ 209 [ Justin lib. 30. cap. 1 , 2. ] whose birth day was first solemnly celebrated by all the great men and others of Syria , and the Country thereabouts of his dominion , at home , and then they made every man a journey to Alexandria , there to bid him joy of his young son . Among the rest , Josephns the Jew , the son of Tobias , and of the daughter of Simon , surnamed the Just , the High Priest , collector of his tributes thoroughout Syria , Phaenicia , and Palestina , sent his youngest son Hyrcanus , begotten of the daughter of Solymius , his elder brother , to kisse the Kings hand ; with letters to his agent Arion , who had the managing of all his monies at Alexandria , amounting to no lesse than three thousand talents , to furnish him with monies , to buy the most rich and pretious present for the King , that that place could afford . And whereas the others , that went highest , presented the King not with above 20 talents ; Hycranus brought with him an hundred beautifull boys , and as many maidens , and put in each of their hands a thousand talents , to offer them ; the boys to the King , the maids to Cleopatra the Queen , for a present : which so great and unexpected a present , the King much admired , and not onely entertained the young man with all princely honour , and royal gifts , but also by him wrote his royal letters , commendatory on his behalf to his father , and brethren , and to all his Commanders , and chief Officers in those parts , and so dismissed him , with all kind of honour that he could do him . But his brethren , ( who were seven in number , yet all begotten of another Venter ) seeing what great honour the King had done him , agreed among themselves to meet him as he was upon his journey homeward , and to murder him , not without the privity of the father himself , who , being angry with him for the profuse expense which he made of his monies in his presents to the King , cared not now what became of him : but when his brothers set upon him , he slew two of them , and sundry others of their company . And when he came to Jerusalem , and saw that no man there would look upon him , he , for fear of the worst , withdrew himself to the parts beyond Jordan , and there kept [ Joseph . lib. 12. cap. 4. ] Philippus , King of Macedon , fought two several battles against the Etolians , borne up though they were with succours from Rome , and from Attalus the King , and in both battles overthrew them : and received shipping from Prusius , King of Bithynia : and both Attalus , and P. Sulpitius , the Pro-consul in those parts , wintered that year in the Isle of Egina , [ Liv. lib. 27. ] See also [ Polyb. lib. 10. pag. 612 , 613 , and 851. ] In the beginning of the Spring , Sulpitius , and Attalus , joyning together , sailed to Lemons , and from thence coming into Eubaea , took Oreum and Opus . And then Attalus hearing that Prusias had invaded the frontiers of his kingdom , left the Romans , and the war in Etolia , and sailed into Asia ; and Philippus came to Elatia , where he had appointed the Ambassadors from Ptolemei , and from the Rhodians to meet him , and there , when they treated of putting an end to the war in Etolia , news was brought them , that Niachanidas the tyrant of Lacedemon , was ready to fall upon the Eleans , whils they were busie about their solemne Games at Olympus , [ Id. lib. 28. ] and this Summer began the 143. Olympiade . [ Polyb. lib. 15. pag. 719. ] tells us , Year of the World 3797 that Arsinoe the Queen , The Julian Period . 4507 and sister of Ptolemei , Year before Christ 207 was murdered by one Philammon , set on by Sosibius . See also [ Hen. Vales. Excerpt . pag. 65. ] and we find also in [ Justin , lib. 30. cap. 1. ] that Philopator slew his wife and sister , Eurydice : Whereby it should seem , that Pol●bius his Arsinoe , and Justin his Eurydice , and Livies and Josephus his Cleopatra , [ sup . an . Mund. 3794 , and 3795. ] were all one and the same woman . But whatever her name was , when she was dead , Philopator , falling in love with one Agathoclia , a dressing woman , and with her brother Agathocles in a sodomitical way , set this Agathocles , to the wonderment of all men , at the helme of his kingdom : being a man of no Court-wit at all , nor ever versed in any point of State affairs ; and with them took in also their mother Oenauthe , who , by her two childrens means , engaged the Kings affection to her self also . Agathocles , keeping always close to the King , ruled the whole State : and the women bestowed all offices of the State , with all commanderships , and captain-ships in the army where they pleased ; and the King himself , who was now in their hands , could do the least of any man , in his own kingdom , [ Polyb. lib. 15. pag. 720. and in Excerpt . Vales. pag. 65. Justin , lib. 30. cap. 1 , 2. Plut. in Erotico , and in Cleom. Athenae . lib. 6. cap. 6. and lib. 13. cap. 13. Hierony . upon Daniel , cap. 11. ] But when the people wanted a man , by whose hand to wreak their anger upon Agathocles , and Agathoclia , they were fain to be quiet for the present ; yet had their eye still upon one Tlepolemus , and fed themselves with some hope in him , [ Polyb. pag. 66. Excerpt . Vales. ] This young man , who had ever carryed himself eminently , and with great honour in the war , had at that time the managing of the Kings treasure committed to him ; which when he used , not as an officer , but rather like a young heir , he fell into the dislike and hatred of the Court : Whereupon , when Ptolemaeus the son of Sosibius , ( of whom I spake ere while ) returned from Philippus out of Macedon , with the other Ambassadors , it should seem , who had been sent thither the year before , began to speak his mind somewhat freely of Tlep●lemus , he found every man at Court , ready to applaud him in his way , [ Idem . lib. 16. pag. 82 , 85. and Excerpt . Vales. ] These coles kindling , Year of the World 3798 and growing into a further flame , The Julian Period . 4508 the Courtiers in an open assembly complained of Tlepolemus , Year before Christ 206 and Tlepolemus on the other side , set himself to frame one general accusation against them all to the King : which Sosibius hearing , ( who had both the keeping of the Kings Seale , and custody of his person ) gave up the Seale into Tlepolemus his hand ; which he receiving , did all things afterward at his plesure in the State , [ Ibid. pag. 85 , 86. ] In the Consulship of P. Cornel. Scipio , Year of the World 3799 and P. Licimus Crassus , The Julian Period . 4509 there was found by the College of the Decemviri , Year before Christ 205 a certain saying , written in the books of Sibylla , which were in their keeping , to this purport , and in these words . Quandocunquc hostis alienigena , &c. That whensoever a forreign enemy should make war upon Italy , he might be driven out again and overcome , if the image of the Mother of the gods at Ida , which fell from heaven , were sent for , and brought to Rome . Whereupon , there were five Ambassadors dispatcht away presently to King Attalus , to desire her of him , and to bring her by sea unto him . These five , had each of them a ship of five tire of oares , to go in ; to the end they might appear in a fashion answerable to the honour and dignity of the State of Rome , in those parts , where they were at their first arrival to ingrariate themselves , and to beget an opinion of the Roman name and Majesty of their State. Attalus received and entertained these Ambassadors at Pergamus , with all expressions of love and kindness ; and then led them to Pessinuntis in Phrygia , and there delivered into their hands that sacred Stone , which the people there said , was the mother of the gods , and willed them to carry it to Rome , as they desired , [ lib. 29. ] In the prologue to the 30 book of Trogus , it is noted , that Antiochus in that journey of his , quieted all the upper Provinces of Asia , as far as Bactria . But there , when he long laboured , though all in vain , to turn Euthydemus out of that Province ; he was fain , in the end , to come to an agreement , and make a league with him : for the ratifying whereof , when he sent his own son , called Demetrius , to Antiochus ; Antiochus , seeing his behaviour , judged him a man fit to be a King , and first promised to give him one of his daughters to wife ; and then gave his father leave to take upon him the title of a king : and lastly , having subscribed to the other articles of the league between them made , and taken his oath for the true observance of them , removed with his Camp ; having first distributed provisions largly among his own souldiers , and received from Euthydemus all the Elephants , which he had with him , [ Polyb. lib. 11. page 651. ] Then passing the Caucasus , he re-entered upon India , and there renewed the league , and friendship formerly made with Sophagasenus their King , and there he received more Elephants from him , and then distributed a further admeasurement of corn among his army and so returned , leaving Androsthenes of Cyzicum , to bring after him the treasure , which Sophagasenus had promised to put into his hand . [ Id. Ib. pag. 652. ] Then came he into Arachosia , Year of the World 3800 from whence , passing the river Erymanthus , and going thorough the Country of Drangia , he came into Carmania , and there , because the winter season come on , he quartered his army about the Country , [ Ibid , ] The Romans made a peace with Philippus King of Macedon ; and into this league were taken by Philippus , Prusias the King of Bythinia , and by the Romans , the state of Ilium , and Attalus the King of Pergam . [ Id. ib , ] Philopator died at Alexandria , leaving for his successor Ptolemeus , surnamed Epiphanes , ( i.e. ) the Noble or Illustrious , whom Appianus in his Syriac . surnameth also Philopator , after his fathers sur-name . He succeeded his father at the age of four yars , as Hieronym . upon the 11 of Daniel sayes , or of five , as Justin , and he reigned 24 years : as [ Cl. Ptolem. in Reg. Can. Clemens Alexandr . Porphys . Euseb. and Jerom ] tell us . Philopators death was concealed a long time , whiles Agathoclia and Oenanthe her mother , rifled the Kings cofers , and got all his monies into their hands , and so put the state and kingdom into the power of their own lewd consorts , [ Justin l. 40. c. 2. ] Till at length Agathocles , calling together the principal of the Macedons , came forth unto them , and bringing with him his sister Agathoclia , and the young King , tells them ; That the King , when he lay a dying , delivered the child into his sisters bosom , and commended him to hers and his care ; and withall produced the testimony of one Critolaus , who testified that Tlepolemus was about to invade the kingdom , and to set the Crown of Egypt upon his own head . And when he still continued to utter the same words in all places where he came ; every man scorned him . And he , to make his disagreement with Tlepolemus yet more apparent to the world , took Danae , Tlepolemus his mother in law , out of the Temple of Ceres , and dragged her thorough the open streets , and bare faced to prison ; and then took Moeragenes one of the guard , because he gave information of all things to Tlepolemus , and favoured his partie , ( as he could do no lesse , in regard of that intimacy that was between him and Adaeus , the Governour of Bubastis ) and delivered him into the hands of his Secretary Nicostratus , to be tortured : but when he strangly escaped the rack , and got out of their hands stark naked , as he was , he fled to the Macedons , and stirred them up against Tlepolemus . [ Polyb. lib. 15. pag. 712 , 713 , 714. ] And now when the people of all sorts came flocking to the Court , in a tumultuous manner , Agathocles , taking the King with him , went and hid himself , in a place called Syringes , which was a gallery or walk , which had every way three walls and gates to passe , before one could come unto it . But the Macedons forced him to deliver up the King into their hands ; and they , having gotten him , brought him out to the people , and there set him in a Royol Throne : to the great joy and comfort of all that saw him . And not long after , was brought fourth also Agathocles , well fettered ; but the first that met him , cut his throat . Then came Nico , and then Agathoclia all naked with her sisters , and all the generation of them : and last of all , the old beldam Oenanthe , haled out of the Temple all naked , and set upon a jade , was brought into the Piatsoe , and being all together delivered up to the peoples pleasure , some fell a tearing them with their teeth , some lanced them with their knives , others pulled out their eyes , and as any of them happened to be killed , they presently fell to pulling them in pieces , untill there was no signe of any of them left . At the same time also , the damsels , who attended upon Arsinoe , whiles she lived , hearing that Philammon , whose hand was principally used in the murder of her , was come from Cyrene to Alexandria , brake into his house , and there slew him , with staves and stones ; and finding there a little child of his , strangled it , and dragged his wife stark naked into the street , and there cut her throat , [ Ibid. pag. 716 , 718 , 719. ] And then afterward , when the tumult and fury of the people was over ; the management of the affairs of the kingdom , was committed to one Aristomenes , born in Acarnania , [ Ibib. pag. 717. & lib. 17. pag. 771 , 772. ] and he , being made governour of the King and kingdom , administred the affairs thereof , with a great deal of moderation and wisdom , [ Diodor. Sicul. in Excerpt . Vales. pag. 294. ] Antiochus , King of Syria , and Philippus , King of Macedon , hearing of the death of Philopator , entered into a wicked consultation together , how to share his kingdom , between them two ; encouraging one another , to begin with the murder of the young King that was , [ Id. lib. 15. pag. 705 , Livie , lib. 31. Justin , lib. 30. cap. 3. ] whereof Polybius in special , [ lib. 3. pag. 159. ] speaketh in this wise ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. ( i.e. ) When Ptolemei the King was departed this life , Antiochus and Philippus , laid their heads together , to share the estate of the young King between them , and began a wicked practice . Philip laying hands upon Egypt and Caria , and Antiochus , upon Coelosyria , and Phoenicia . And Jerom upon [ 11. Dan. ] Philippus , saith he , King of Macedon , and Antiochus the great , conspiring together , made war upon Agathocles , ( he would have said , Aristomenes ) and the young King Ptolemaeus Epiphanes , upon this condition , that each of them , should take of his Dominions , what lay next him : which gives a light to that place in [ Josephus , lib. 18. Antiquit. cap. 3. ] where he saith ; When Antiochus Magnus reigned in Asia , Judaea and Coelosyria both , lived in a continual trouble and vexation , by reason of the continual war which he had , first with Philopator , and afterward with Epiphanes his son , for whether he had the better of it or the worse , these countries were ever plagued by him , being tossed and tumbled between his prosperous and adverse fortunes , like a ship in the sea , between contrary waves : Yet at length , Antiochus had the upper hand , and laid Judaea unto his Dominions , But when Philopator was dead , Epiphanes sent a great army into Coelosyria , under his General Scopas , who recovered both Coelosyria , and our Country also , to himself again , &c. For this is that he would , at least he should , say , that Antiochus after a long war with Philopator and Epiphanes , concerning the Dominion of the land of Judea , got it at last from Epiphanes ; and Epiphanes by his General Scopas , recovered it from him again , and anon after , lost it a second time unto him : which Eusebius not perceiving , in the 10 year of Philopater , saith , that Antiochus having overcome Philopator , joyned Judaea to the rest of his Dominions . And an . 1. of Epiphanes , in his Chron. saith , that Ptolemaeus Epiphanes , by his General Scopas , took Judaea . Whereas Antiochus , after his overthrow at Raphia , is no where read to have made war upon Philopotor any more : and that the league , which was after that battle made between them , was first broken by Antiochus in the very first year of Epiphanes , ( when Scopas was not yet imployed in the management of that war , as hereafter shall appear ) is shewed by Jerom upon [ 11. Dan. ] where he he saith , When Ptolemaeus Philopator was dead , Antiochus brake the league , made with him , and led an army against Ptolemei his son , who was then but 4 years old , and was surnamed Epiphanes . When Cn. Servilius Caepio , Year of the World 3801 and Cn. Servilius Geminus , The Julian Period . 4511 were Consuls in Rome , Year before Christ 203 it fell out , that at Frusino , the Sun seemed to be encompassed round with a little circle , and then that circle again , was surrounded by a greater body of the Sun , [ Liv. lib. 30. ] and it should seem , that was none other but that very Eclipse of the Sun , which the Astronimical tables shew us to have fallen this year , upon the 6 day of our May , according to the Julian Calender . The Carthaginians , worn out with the continual victories of P. Scipio , and despairing of all other safety against him ; called Hannibal out of Italy , to their rescue : and he after 16 years stay in Italy , thereupon left it , and returned into Afric , ●Id . ibid. ] Philippus , King of Macedon , sent one Heraclides a Tarentine born , and a most vicious fellow , to Rhodes , to destroy their Fleet : and then sent Ambassadors into Creet , to stir them up to a war against the Rhodians , [ Polyb. lib. 13. pag. 672 , 673. ] There was a sea fight between Philippus King of Macedon , and the Rhodians , near to the Isle of Lada ; wherein he took two of their ships of five tire of oares apiece . The rest of their Fleet , fleeing into the open sea , were lighted on by a foul tempest , and driven ashoar , first upon Myndia , and the next day upon Coos : But the enemy , trailing the ships which they had so taken , at their poupes , went into Lada , which lieth over against Miletus , Year of the World 3802 and refreshed themselves in the enemies Camp which they had left : The Julian Period . 4512 which the Milesians perceiving , Year before Christ 202 they presented not Philippus onely , but even Heraclides himself , with Crowns , at their entering into M●letus , [ Idem , in Excerpt . Vales. pag. 70 , and 73. ] out of Zeno and Antis●henes , two Rhodian Historians . Philippus , wanting corn , ceased not to waste all Attalus his country , even to the very walls of Pergamus : but when he could neither take any one City of his , because they were so well fenced , nor get corn or other spoil out of the Country , by the exquisite order which Attalus had taken to prevent him : then he fell upon the Temple and Altars , and spoiled them , breaking the very stones of them in pieces , that they might never be put together again . And having utterly destroyed the Nicephorian Grove , planted near the City Pergamus , and laid many a Church and Chappel thereabouts level with the ground : he went from thence first towards Thyatira , but then turned back again , and wont to a field called Thebes , hoping to get some great booty there ; but failing there also , and coming to a place called Hiera-Come , he sent messengers to Zeuxis , Governour of Lydia under Antiochus , desiring him to supply him with provisions for his army , according to the articles of peace , between his Master and him : but Zeuxis made at first as if , by all means , he would do according to those articles : what else ? but indeed resolved to do nothing whereby any good might come to Philippus , [ Polyb. lib. 16. in Excerpt . Vales. page 66 , 69. with Diodorus Sic. ibid , page 294. ] This Philippus had another sea fight against Attalus and the Rhodians , near the Isle of Chios ; in which there were slain of the Rhodians 60. of Attalus his men , to the number of 70 men , but of Philippus his part , were slain of his Macedons 1200 , and of his aides and associates , to the number of 6000. There were also taken prisoners of the Macedon nation , with their fellows , 2000 , and 700 Egyptians . Neverthelesse , Philippus , though he had every way the worst of it , yet chalenged the honour of the day to himself in two respects : one was , for that Attalus being forced to fly to Erythrae , he had seized on his Ammiral , and trailed her at one of his ships tails into his port ; The other was , for that himself coming on shoar at Argenaum , a fore-land in Ionia , he there took up his standing , to recover what might be saved out of the naverage , [ Polyb. lib. 16. from pag. 723. to pag. 730. ] When Philippus besieged Prinassa , a City of Caria , and could do nothing upon it by plain force ; yet at length he got it by a stratageme , [ Id. Ibid. pag. 730 , 731. ] and put Garrisons into Iassus , Bargyllis , and the City of the Euromenses , [ Ib. pag. 731. & lib. 17. pag. 744. ] P. Cornelius Scipio utterly overthrew Hannibal . Year of the World 3803 in Afric . and this was the last battle of this second Carthaginian war ; we read in Zonaras , that the Carthaginians were amazed at a total eclipse of the son which fell at this time : but that this was no such great eclipse , we find by Livie , [ lib. 30. ] who saies , that indeed the body of the son at Cumae seemed to be somewhat lessened : and the Astronomical Tables shew as much , and tell us of a very small eclipse of the sun , this year , upon the 19 of our Octob. Some there are , who say that Hannibal flying out of the battle , came to the sea side , where he found a ship laid for him ; and therein sailed directly into Asia , to King Antiochus : and that when Scipio demanded of the Carthaginians , first , and above all things , to deliver Hannibal into his hand , answer was made him , that Hannibal not in Afric . [ Liv. Ibid. ] But others more truly , that Scipio neither demanded him at all of them , nor any wayes insulted upon his overthrow . [ Plutarch in T. Q. Flaminio . ] When Phyilippus came toward Abydus , they shut their gates against him , not admitting so much as his messengers , which he sent unto them : he lay long in siege before that place ; and they might have escaped his hands , had Attalus and the Rhodians made any speed to their rescue . But Attalus sent them in onely 300 men for a supply ; and the Rhodians , who with their whole fleet lay at Tenedus thereby , sent them one onely ship of four tire of oares to help them . The men in Abydus , at first , having good store of Engines all about their walls , kept him off very manfully , not onely from making his approaches by land , but also , from coming into their port by sea . But afterward , when a breach was made upon the main wall , and they had cast up another within it , and the Macedons went to undermine that also , then were they fain to send to Philip , to treat of conditions for a surrender , one of which was , That the Rhodian ship , with the souldiers and mariners in her , might depart in safety ; the like for Attalus his men that were in the Town : and the last , That they themselves might depart with one suit of cloathes onely upon their backs . But when they could get no answer from him , unlesse they rendred themselves wholly and absolutely to his mercy ; they , what with indignation , what with despair , grew into such a rage , that they made fifty of their principall men to swear openly , That if they saw the inner wall once taken by the enemy , they would presently go and kill every man his own wife and children , and throw his silver , gold , and jewels , into the sea : and that done , the souldiers bound themselves in common , each to other , that either they would vanquish their enemies , or die every man of them sword in hand , and fighting for his Country . [ Liv. lib. 31. Polyb. lib. 16. pag. 736 , 737 , 738. ] About the same time came Ambassadors to Rome from Attalus and the Rhodidians , both , complaining of the wrongs done them by Philippus and his Macedons , to whom answer was made , that the Senate , would take the affairs of Asia into their consideration and care . [ Livie , lib. 32. with Justin lib. 30. cap. 3 , ] Three Ambassadors were sent from Rome to Ptolemei and Antiochus , to put an end to all differences between them . The Ambassadors were , C. Clau. Nero. Mar , Emil. Lepidus , and P. Sempronius Tuditanus ; who coming to Rhodes , and there hearing of the siege of Abydus , and desirous to have some speech with Philippus , as they had in their instructions to do , put of their journey to Ptolemei and Antiochus , for the present , and sent Emilius the youngest of the three , unto Philippus ; and he meeting with him at Abydus , gave him to understand , that the senate of Rome had a purpose , to desire him to forbear making war upon any City of the Grecians , nor lay hands or touch any thing belonging to Ptolemei King of Egypt . This if he did , he might live in peace ; if he did not , he should know , that the Romans were resolved , and ready to make war upon him : to whom Philippus returned this answer , Thy age , saith he , and comliness of thy person , and above all , the name of a Roman , makes thee speak thus high : but I would advise you , to remember the league and covenant made , and to keep peace with me : if not , I am also resolved to do my endeavour , and to make you know and feel , that the power and name of a Macedon is no way inferiour to , or lesse noble than that of a Roman is . [ Id. Ibid. with Polyb. pag. 738 , 739 , 787 , 388. ] Justin , [ lib. 30. cap. 30. ] tells us , that this M. Emil. Lepidus , was sent also by the Romans into Egypt , to govern the Kingdom of Egypt , on the behalf of this young Ptolemeus Epiphanes . Whether moved thereto by an Embassage sent to them from Alexandria , that they would vouchsafe to take upon them the patronage and tutele-ship of the Minor , and defend the kingdom of Egypt , which Antiochus and Philippus were said already to have shared between them , [ Ibid. cap. 2. ] or whether , the Minor himself was by the father in his death-bed committed to their care and trust , as he elsewhere intimates , [ lib. 31. cap. 1. ] whereof [ Valer. Max. lib. 6. cap. 6. ] speaking , useth these words : When King Ptolemei had left the people of Rome Guardian to his son in his minority , the Senate sent M. Emil. Lepidus , High Pontif. and one that had been then twice Consul , to Alexandria , there to take care of the Wards estate , and was content to want the holiness of a most honourable , and withal , of a most upright man , and so long versed in their own affairs , to imploy it in the exercise of a forreign charge , rather than suffer the faith and trust of our City to have been implored in vain . For he conceived that this man had executed the office of a Guardian or Tutor in Egypt , whiles he was High Pontif. and when he had been already twice Consul in Rome ; when as yet Epiphanes was dead before that time , the reason of which error in him was ; because it should seem , he had seen some coine , wherein , together with those titles of his honour and dignity , he found this office of his , Guardian-ship in Egypt , joyned ; for to this day , there are extant to be seen , some silver coines , with this inscription ; on the one side thus , Alexandrea ; and on the other thus , S. C. M. Lepidus Pont. Max. Tutor Reg. who also , in the Image side , is stamped , putting a Crown upon a young mans head , standing on his right hand , with a Scepter in his hand . And now the Athenians , seeing their territory wasted all over by this Philip , sent and prayed in aide from all parts ; from the Romans , from the Rhodians , from Attalus , and from Ptolemei , [ Liv. lib. 31. ] Whereupon the Ambassadors of the Romans and Rhodians , meeting with Attalus at Athens , by a common consent , agreed to aide them : for which the Athenians presently decreed excessive honours , first to Attlus , then to the Rhodians ; nay , they went so far , as to call one of their own Tribes , after his name , and made it supernumerary to their ten , that were before , [ Id. Ib. Polyb. Legat. 3. pag. 786 , 787 ] Whiles the Romans were busie in preparing war against Philippus , there came Ambassadors from Ptolemei , or rather from his Curators , to Rome , who informed , that the Athenians had craved aide of the King , against Philippus ; But though they were confederates , both of the Kings , and the Romans , yet would he do nothing that way , nor send shipping , or army thither , or any whither else , for defence or offence of any , without the leave and authority of the people of Rome . That if the Romans would be pleased to undertake their quarrel , the King would be well content , to sit quiet at home : or if it pleased the Romans to sit quiet , He of himself should easily be able to furnish the Athenians with power enough to represse the force and violence of Philippus . The Senate decreed , That the King should be thanked for his kindnesse , and to tell him , that the Romans were purposed to defend and maintain their own friends and confederates themselves : If they wanted any thing necessary to this war , they would acquaint the King therewith ; and that they knew well enough , that the Kings Forces and Means , as they were very great , so they were also very necessary for the defence of his own State. Then they ordered presents to be sent to the kings Ambassadors , to every of them 5 thousand pieces of brasse money , [ Liv. ib. ] In the year 54. for so it is in the Greek Manuscript at Lambeth , not 52 , as in the vulgar edition of the second Pe●iode of Calippus , 547. of Nabonassar , the 16 day of the moneth Mesor , the 22 of our September , 7 hours after high-noon , there was an Eclipse of the Sun observed at Alexandria , [ Cl. Ptol. lib. 4. cap. 11. ] Toward the later end of Autumne , Year of the World 3804 P. Sulpitius Galba , Consul , passed over with an army into Macedonia , against Philippus ; and thither came to him Ambassadors from Athens , desiring him to deliver them from the siege , which was then laid unto them ; whereupon was dispatcht away C. Claudius Cento , with a certain number of ships , fraught with souldiers , to the relief of Athens ; for Philippus himself lay not before it ; but was then busier then ever , at the siege of Abydus , [ Liv. lib. 31. ] They of Abydus , remembring the oath they had made , fought it out so stifly , that when the night should have parted the fray between them ; the king amazed at their courage , or rather at their rage in fighting , was fain to give off first , and to sound a retreate : But then Glaucides , and Theognetus , conferring with some of the Ancients of the Town ; who had the hardest part in this tragedy to play , if it came to acting , when they saw that after the fight , there were but few of their men left , and they spent with wounds , and blood which they had lost , so soon as it was day , sent their Priests , in their priestly attire , to give up the Town to Philippus ; which when the multitude perceived , they forthwith grew into so desperate a rage , that they ran to kill every man his own wife and children ; and that done , slew every man himself in such manner as liked him best ; some one way , some another . The King amazed at this strange fury of theirs , commanded his souldiers to forbear , saying , That he would give the Abydenians three dayes time to die in : in which space they acted more barbarous acts of cruelty upon themselves , than they could have expected from an enraged enemy , nor came any one of them alive into his enemies hand , that was out of bands , and at liberty to kill himself . The King , having seized on their wealth , which they had brought all into one place , with a purpose to destroy it , left a Garrison in the place , and departed , [ Liv. Ib. Polyb. lib. 16. pag. 738. 739. ] Coming to Bargyllii , he there grew much troubled in his mind , to see the Romans , & Rhodians , and Attalus , and all confederated and preparing for a war against him : & when his army was allmost affamished , Zeuxis the governour of Lydia , and the Cities of Mylassa , Alabanda , and Milesia , sent him in some small provisions to relive them : and he , when they brought him in any thing , contrary to his nature ; used all fair and flattering speeches to them : and when they forbare lending , was presently ready to mischief them : and in the end , when by the policie of Philocles , a train was laid to have blown up them of Mylassa , it miscarried through his own folly , and then went he and wasted the territorie of the Alabandi , his good benefactors , as if they had been his open enemies , giving onely for a reason , that his souldiers must not want meat , [ Polyb. lib. 16. in Excerpt . Vale. pag. 86 , 89. ] In the 55 year of the second Periode of Calippus , in the 548 year of Nabonassar , on the ninth of the month Machir , about midnight , in the beginning of the 20. of our March , there was a total eclipse of the Moon at Alexandria , [ Cl. Ptol. l. 4. c. 11. ] In the Summer following , the Romans , with the help of Attalus , and the Rhodians , made war upon Philippus , and his associates in Macedonia , [ Livie lib. 31. ] Scopas , the prime man of all Etolia , sent from Alexandria by Ptolemei , with a great masse of mony , took up six thousand Foot , besides Horse , and shipt them away for Egypt : Nor would he have left a man there , able to bear arms , had not one Damocritus put them in mind , sometime of the war , which they were ready to engage in , and sometime , of the solitude and nakednesse , which the Country would be left in , which caused a great part of the gallants that were going , to put off their arms , and stay at home : and this he did , but whether out of a true zeal to his Country , or because Scopas courted , and bribed not him , as he did others , was uncertain . [ Id. ib. ] About this time Josephus , the son of Tobias , happening to depart this life ; the people of Jerusalem rose in a combustion among themselves , in the quarrel of his sons , while the elder brothers , sought to make war upon their youngest brother Hyrcanus , of whom I spake before : for many of the Jews favoured the elder brothers , and among the rest , Simon the High Priest , for kindreds sake , [ Josephus lib. 12. cap. 5. ] In the year 55 , of the second Periode of Calippus , in the 548 year of Nabonassar , on the fifth of the moneth Mesor , at three a clock after midnight , upon the 12 of our Septemb. there was a total eclipse of the Moon at Alexandria , [ Cl. Ptol. lib. 4. c. 11. ] Attalus , before the Autumnal equinox , recovered Oreum by surrender , he was present at the feast of Eleusis in Athens ; and then having sent home Agesimbrotus and the Rhodians , himself returned into Asia , [ Liv. lib. 31. ] After Simon 2. succeeded his son Onias 3. in the High Priesthood of the Jews , Year of the World 3805 [ Joseph . lib. 12. cap. 4 , 5. ] The Julian Period . 4515 a good man , Year before Christ 199 and a gracious , of a venerable aspect , meek in his carriage , and very advised in his language ; and one , who , from his youth , framed himself to all behaviour tending unto a vertious life , [ 2 Macchab. 15. 12. ] In the Fasti Siculi ( ●or here Scaligers Greek Eusebian Fragments fail us , ) he is said to have sate High Priest , 24 years . Ptol. Epiphanes sent a great army under the command of Scopas , Year of the World 3806 into Coelosyria , who by main force recovered many Cities to him , and among them , the City of Jerusalem , as Josephus reports , [ lib. 12. cap. 3. Antiquit. ] adding thereto this testimony out of Polyb. lib. Histor. 16. ] 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. ( i. e. ) But Scopas , the General of Ptolemeis army , marching into the upper regions , subdued the nation of the Jews , in the winter season : whereof Jerom also , upon the 11 of Daniel speaking , saith thus : When Antiochus , saith he , held Judea , Scopas the Etolian was sent General of Ptolemeis forces , and fought valiantly against Antiochus , and took in Judea , and , carrying along with him the chief men of Ptolemeis party , returned into Egypt . Mean while Antiochus invaded Attalus his kingdom , which at that time was unfurnished of all provisions for defence , because all was imployed for the Romaas , in the Macedonian war , [ Liv. lib. 32. ] The Senate of Rome , Year of the World b. upon complaint thereof made by Attalus , sent their Ambassadors to Antiochus , to tell him , that the Romans at that time made use of Attalus his forces , by sea and land , against the Macedons , a common enemy to them both ; and that the Romans would take it well at his hands , if he would hold his hands from medling with any part of his kingdom , for that present , and abstain from war against him ; that it was fit and requisite , that such Kings that were in league and friendship with the people of Rome ; should also live in peace and amitie between themselves . Upon hearing whereof , Antiochus presently drew off , and ceased from any further war making against Attalus . And Attalus dispatcht away his Ambassadors to the Senate of Rome , to thank them for this so great a befit received by their means , and offered a Crown of gold of 246 pound weight in the Capitol . [ Id. ib. ] At this time , Year of the World c. two fleets out of Asia , the one under Attalus the King , consisting of 24 ships , of five tire of oares a piece , the other from Rhodes , of 20 fighting ships , commanded by Agesimbrotus , both which joyning with the Roman fleet , pursued Philippus with all extremity , [ Ibid. ] That Summer , Year of the World d. Antiochus took in all the Cities of Coelosyria , which Ptolemei there possessed , as Livie saith , [ lib. 33. ] and we likewise find in Chron. Euseb. that in the same summer , Antiochus , having overthrown Scopas in a battle , recovered all the the Cities of Syria , and grew friendly and favourably minded to the Jewish nation . For Antiochus , meeting with Scopas at the heads of the river Jordan , ( where the City Paneas was afterward built ) there fought with him , and routed him ; and when he had recovered the Cities , which Scopas had gotten from him , together with Samaria , the Jews voluntarily submitted to him : and receiving his whole army with his Elephants , into their City , maintained them very plentifully , and readily assisted them , in the siege of the Castle , whereinto Scopas had put a Garrison , which stood out against them : so Josephus , [ lib. 12. Antiq. cap. 3. ] confirming it further out of the very Epistle , which Antiochus himself wrote to Ptolemaeus , the Captain of the Garrison there : where he also reports out of Polyb. [ lib. 16. ] how after the overthrow of Scopas , Antiochus took in Batanea , Samaria , Abila , and Gadara ; and how the Jews who dwelt at Jerusalem , and that famous Temple there , put themselves into his hand , and how Antiochus took and destroyed Gaza , which stood out against him most constantly in the behalf of Ptolemei all which is delivered in the same book of Polyb. see Vales. Excerpt . [ pag. 77. & 86. ] Zeno Rhodius , in his Local History , mentioned by Laertius [ lib. 7. ] hath at large described this battle fought at Panias , near the heads of the river Jordan , between Antiochus and Scopas , the chief heads of which narration of his , with the more exact censure of Polybius thereupon , with other Excerptions of his out of Polybius , the most learned Hen. Valesius hath given us , [ pag. 77 , 78 , 81. ] the issue whereof was , that Antiochus put Scopas to flight , and pursued him to Sidon , and there besieged him with 10 thousand men ; and to rescue him , Ptolomei sent three renowned Captains of his , Eropus , Menocles , and Damoxenus ; but could not raise the siege , till he for very hunger yielded , and was with his companies suffered to go all naked of the place , [ Jerom upon Daniel , Year of the World 3807 cap. 11. ] So Antiochus by that victory gotten at Panias , recovered all Phaenicia , and Coelosyria , and the other Cities of the Country indeed of Syria , but belonging in right to the Kings of Egypt , [ Justin. l. 31. cap. 1. ] and left them to be held afterward by the Kings of Syria , [ Polyb. Legat. 72. p. 893. ] But himself returned to winter in Antioch . [ Liv. l. 33. ] In the 551 year of Nabonassar , and the 3 years preceding , the 17 day of the moneth Athyr , which is moveable , and from which to the 21 , as Plutarch in his book , De Iside & Osyride , teacheth us , was celebrated the feast of Isis , by the Egyptians , fell upon the 28 of our Decemb. upon which day , as we have shewed in the seventh chapter of our book , De Macedonum & Asianorum , anno solari . Eudoxus placed the winter Solstice . This when Dositheus , in his Octacris , ( which , Censorinus tells us , was attributed to Eudoxus ) or in his Parapegma thereunto annexed , which he published at Coloniae , near Athens , ( or rather at Coloni , in Eolia ) had noted in this time ; thence came it to passe , that the Grecians fell into that opinion , which Geminus mentions , [ c. 6. ] of his Astronomical work , to wit , that the feast of Isis was allwayes kept upon the winter Solstice , or shortest day of the year , which error , as he there also sheweth , was formerly observed in Eratosthenes , in his Commentary De Octtaeride . In this winter season , Philippus came to a parlie with the Roman Consul , Ti. Quinctius Flaminius , to treat of a peace , and upon what conditions , among which Flaminius propounded this for one , That Philippus should restore unto Ptolemei K. of Egyp● , all the cities which he had taken since the death of Ptol. Philopator , his father , [ Polyb. 17. pag. 43 , Liv. lib. 32. ] In the same year , Year of the World b. between the two Islands of Theramene ( al. Thera ) and Therasia , and in the middest of the sea , lying between them , there was an Earthquake , by which there start up a new Island , with hot Springs , or Fountains of hot waters . And in Asia , upon the same day , an Earthquake shook Rhodes , and many other Cities , and overturned sundry houses in them , and some other Cities it swallowed up whole ; whereupon their Priests and Soothsayers foretold , that the then rising Roman Empire , would swallow up and devour the kingdoms , both of Macedon , and Asia , [ Justin , lib 30. cap. 4. ] In the beginning of the Spring , Year of the World c. Flaminius , sending for Attalus to come to him to Elatia , went with him in company to Thebes , there to draw the Boeotians into a society and league with the Romans : where when Attalus made an Oration to them , to that effect , with more vehemency and stretching of his voice than his age would bear , being now grown old , whether by a vertigo taking him in his head , or by a rh●me falling upon his throat , he grew suddenly speechlesse , and fell all along , and then being taken with a dead palsie in all one side of his body , lay sick thereof at Thebes . And Quintius , when he saw that there was no fear of present death , but onely a weaknesse of body , which required time for his recovery , left him there , and returned to Elatia , from whence he came , [ Liv. in tbe beginning of 33 book , printed at Rome , out of the Manuscript of Bamberg , and at Paris an . 1616. with Plutarch in the life of Quinc . Flamin . ] At the same time also , Antiochus , sending his two sons , Ardues and Mithridates , before him by land , and willing them to stay for him at Sardes , set sail with an hundred tall fighting ships , and other smaller vessels , purposing by the way , to try what he could do , with the Cities of Caria and Cilicia , which were of Ptolemeis possession , and withal , to assist Philippus by sea and land , what he might : and having taken in first Zephyrium , and Soli , and Aphrodisias , and ( then doubling the Cape of Anemurium , a Foreland of Cilicia , ) Selinus , and other Towns , Cities , and Castles , all along that Coast ; which either for fear or favour , rendred themselves , without resistance , at last came to Coracesium , which contrary to all expectation , shut gates against him , [ Livie , lib. 33. ] Whiles Antiochus lay at the siege of Coracesium , Ambassadors came to him from the Rhodians , to tell him , that if he kept not himself on the other side of Nephelis , a Foreland of Cilicia , they would oppose him ; not for any grudge they bare unto his person , but to keep him from joyning with Philippus , and that he might not impeach the Romans , who had now undertaken to procure and maintain the liberty of Greece ; which when he heard , he tempered his choler , and told them onely , that he would send his Ambassadors to Rhodes , to treate about that matter , and with instructions to renew the leagues formerly made between them and him , and his forefathers , and to bid them not to fear his coming to them , for that it should bring no damage to them or any of their friends : for that he was resolved not to infring his amity with the Romans in any sort , appeared well enough , both by his late Embassie sent unto them , and their honourable decrees and answers made thereupon to him , [ Id. ibid. ] The Rhodians challenged to themselves Peraea , which is a Region lying in the Continent of Asia , over against their Isle of Rhodes , and had been alwayes in the use and possession of their ancestors , but was now invaded and possessed by Philippus ; and were at this time upon the recovery of it out of his hand . Pausistratus was their General , and he had routed the Macedons which kept it , with Dinocrates their Captain : And had they then marched streight forward to Stratonicea , they might have gotten that also , for the asking : but forasmuch as they returned after the battle to their Camp , Dinocrates with those which remained of his army , gat into it , and so fortified it , that the Rhodians coming afterward to besiege it , could do no good there ; which story is more at large described and set forth by [ Livie , lib. 33. ] Attalus was carried sick from Thebes to his City Pergamus by sea , and there died , [ Id. ibid. Polyb. pag. 820. Plut. in Quin. Flamin . ] He lived 72 years , and was King 44. [ Liv. ibid. Polyb. in Excerpt . Vales. pag. 102. and in Suidas , in the word Attalus : ] though Strabo says , he reigned onely 43 years , [ lib. 13. pag. 624. ] He left behind him , a wife and four children , [ Liv. ibid. ] His wives name was Apollonis , of the City Cyzicum : his children by her , were Eumenes , Attalus , Philetaetes , and Athenaeus ; of which , Eumenes , the eldest of the four , succeeded him in the kingdom , [ Strabo , ut . sup . and Plut. in his book 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : ( i. e. ) of brotherly love , ] where he telleth us , that the two younger brothers , though alll of brave and lusty spirits , yet lived in that awful respect of him , that they were as so many pensioners and watch men about him , for the preservation of his Crown and Dignity , [ Polyb. in Excerpt . Vales. pag. 169. and Suidas , in the word Attalus . ] Whereupon it was , that their mother would often say , that she was a happy woman , not in regard of her wealth , nor for that she was a Queen ; but because she saw her 3 younger sons , to be as so many watchmen and keepers , about the eldest : and that whereas they ever went with their swords about them , yet he lived in the midst of them , without the least dread or fear of them , [ Plut. ut . sup . ] and of Apollonis , or Apollonias , their mother ; and the filial duty and respect which they a●l bare unto her : you may read more in Polybius , [ in Excerpt . Vales. pag. 113 , 114. ] and in Suidas , in the word Apollonias . Philippus , Year of the World d. being overthrown , Horse and Foot , in the battle fought at Cynoscephalas , in the Country of Thessalia , of which victory we find mention made , [ 1 Maccab. c. 8. ] Flaminius gave him yet peace , upon conditions ; much the rather for that he understood that Antiochus was allready marched out of Syria with an army , to come for Europe ; and thereupon he made a truce with him for four moneths , that in them he might send to Rome , and submit all to the will and pleasure of the Senate there . [ Polyb. in Legat. 6. pag. 792. Livie , lib. 33. editio . Roman . & Paris . ] The Rhodians , hearing of the defeat of Philippus , cast not off the care they had of defending the liberty of such Cities as were confederate with Ptolemei , and which were in present danger of being invaded by Antiochus : but to some of them they sent aide , to others advertisement , and advice , & were the means of safety from his attempts , to the Caunians , Myndians , Halicarnassians , and Samians , [ Liv. lib. 33. ] and yet all would not serve ; but Antiochus , in spight of them , surprised Coracesium , Coricos , Andriace , Limyra , Patara , Xanthus , which belonged to Ptolemei , and last of all , the City of Ephesus it self , [ Jerom upon Daniel , cap. 11. ] Antiochus , Year of the World 3808 spending his winter at Ephesus , endeavoured to reduce all Asia into the ancient and uniform frame and body of an Empire . And he saw well , that the rest of the Cities , would easily be brought unto it : but finding that Smyrna in Eolia , and Lampsacus in Hellespont , purposed to stand out , he both advised them to do like the rest ; and also used some threats too , in case they would not , fearing least the rest should follow their example , in opposing his designe . And when it would no better be , he sent some companies from Ephesus to besiege Symrna , and others from Abydus to do the like to Lampsacus . [ Liv. lib. 33. ] Whereupon they both , and such other Cities , as thought fit to joyn with them , sent their Commissioners to Flaminius , to crave his favour and aide against him , [ Appia . in Syriac . pag. 87. ] When Cl. Marcellus was Consul , immediately upon his entering into his office , came Ambassadors to Rome , to treat of a league to be made with Philip ; and thereupon was passed a decree of the Senate to this effect . That the Grecians every where , as well in Europe as in Asia side , should be free , and live after their own laws ; That such of them as were under Philippus his dominion , or had any Garrisons of his in them , should before the celebration of the next Isthmian games , deliver them up into the hands of the Romans : That from such as were in Asia , as Euronius , Pedasa , Bargylia , Iassus , Abydus , Thasus , Myrrina , Perinthus , he should draw away his Garrisons , and leave them free . That he should not renew his war with Eumenes , ( for Valerius Antias observeth , that a special heed was taken of him ) Attalus his son , the new King. And as concerning the enfranchising of the Cyani , that Ti. Quin. Flamininus should write his letters to Prusias , that the will and pleasure of the Senate was , &c. And to see these things duly put in execution ; the Senate sent ten choice Commissioners into Greece . [ Polyb. Legat. 7. pag. 793. & Legat. 9. pag. 792. Livie , lib. 33. ] When the Isthmian games were ended , Year of the World b. at which the general liberty of Greece was proclaimed , by the publick Crier ; then did Ti. Flaminius , and the ten Commissioners which came from Rome , give audience to Hegesianactes and Lysias , which came Ambassadors from Antiochus to Flaminius : and they were bid tell Antiochus , that he must not meddle with any free Citie in Asia , much lesse make war upon them ; and that he must presently get him out , of such places as he now held , which were formerly belonging either to Ptolemei , or Philippus , and to command him from them , not to set foot in Europe hmself , nor to send any of his forces thither : and added , that some of themselves would shortly make a journey to Antiochus . [ Polyb. Legat. 9. pag. 798 , 799. Liv. lib. 33. ] When the assembly was dismissed , the ten Commissioners parted the work , they came about , among them ; and every man went to see his proper quarter to be set at liberty , according to the decree ; and of them P. Lentulus went by sea to Bargylia in Asia , and willed that City to be from thence forward free , ( i. e. ) to live according to their own laws . L , Stertinius , at Hephaestia and Thasus , and the Cities of Thracia , and where ever he came , did the like . P. Villius , and Lu. Terentius , undertook the journy to Antiochus , and Cn. Cornelius , to King Philppus . [ Polyb. Legat. 9. pag. 799. Liv. lib. 33. Plut. in Flamin . ] At the first of the spring , Year of the World c. Antiochus went by sea from Ephesus , and came to Hellespont ; and passing over his land army from Abydus , and joyning them with his sea forces , landed in Cherfonese , and there took in such Cities as for fear gave up unto him : from thence he went to Lysimachia , which being utterly destroyed , a little before , by the Thracians , he began to rebuild and to make it the seat of his son Seleucus his kingdom in those parts , [ Liv. lib. 33. Appia . in Syria . pag. 86 , 87. ] And when all went on roundly with him , and as heart could wish , L. Cornelius , who was sent by the Senate of Rome to make an attonement between him and Ptolemei , came to Selymbria , P. Lentulus from Bargylia , and L. Terentius , and P. Villius from Thasus , being three of the Commissioners , and from thence went to Lysimachia ; and thither also P. Cornelius came from Selymbria , and a few dayes after Antiochus came thither likewise out of Thracia , and there they met ; Hegesianax also and Lysias , who had formerly been sent Ambassadors from him to Flamininius , happened to be there at the same time . Where in the conference , P. Cornelius said , That he thought it reason , that Antiochus should restore unto Ptolemei , all such Cities and places of Ptolemeis Dominions , as he had lately taken from him ; and should further , draw off his Garrisons from all such places as were belonging to Philippus , because the Romans had now overcome him : and warned him withal , not to meddle with any free State ; whereunto the King answered , that he wondred first , by what right the Romans quarrelled with him , about the Cities in Asia any more , then he questioned them of what was by them done in Italy : and then , that he was content the Cities in Asia , should enjoy their liberty , but should thank him , and not the Romans for it . And as for Ptolemei , they two were good friends already , and that he was further , at this instant , about to joyn in affinity with him , [ Polyb. pag. 800. 769. and 770. Liv. lib. 3. Appia . in Syriac . page 87 , 88. ] And when P. Cornelius went on , and told him , that reason would , that the Ambassadors of Lampsacus and Smyrna should be called , and suffered to speak for themselves ; called they were . Then appeared Parmenion and Pythodorus , for the City of Lampsacus , and one Coeramus for Smyrna : who speaking boldly and freely in their own cause , Antiochus stormed , to see , that he was there called to yeild an account of what he had done in Asia , before the Romans , as if they were his Judges : and bad Parmenion , hold his peace , saying , that the controversies by him then moved , were to be debated before the Rhodian Judges , and not the Roman : and so that conference brake up , nothing done , [ Polyb. lib. 17. pag. 770. ] Polycrates , who was Governour of Cyprus , and had withal , the gathering of the Kings revenue there , having given up his charge to his successor , Ptolemaeus of Megalopolis , returned to Alexandria , and delivered up to the King Epiphanes , a great masse of monies : for which he was very welcome thither , and much applauded by all there , [ Id. pag. 773. ] Presently after , the Etolians began to mutiny , under their Captain Scopas : who having a numerous company of souldiers under him , and had opportunity enough , the King being but a child , to act what he would , while he stood dawdling , was taken short in his undertakings ; for when Aristomenes perceived , that his friends repaired to him in his own house , and there used to sit in council together ; he sent a company of the Guard , and called him before the Kings Council : But Scopas , upon this surprisal , grew so wild , and void of sense , that he neither went on with what he intended , as he might have done , nor yet would obey the summons of the King , as he should have done : Aristomenes therefore finding what case he was in , sent a company of souldiers , and beset the house round , and caused him to be brought before them , by Ptolemei the son of one Eumenes , [ Ib. pag. 771. ] Being brought before the Council , and there charged , first by the King , then by Polycrates and Aristomenes , he was eft-soones found guilty , and condemned , not onely by the Kings Council , but also , by all the Ambassadors of forreign Nations , which were there present . For Aristomenes , intending to accuse him , had purposedly brought thither , not onely sundry other Noble personages of the Greeks , but even the very Etolian Ambassadors themselves , who were at that time , sent thither to entreat a peace , between the King and them : among whom , was one Dorymachus , the son of Nicostratus . Upon the hearing therefore , Scopas with his consorts , were all cast in prison : and the night following , Aristomenes caused both him , and all that were of his kindred , to be poisoned : but as for Dicaearchus , which was a most impious wretch , he caused him to berackt to death . For this was that Dicaearchus , who when he was Ammiral of Philippus his Navy , in harassing the Cycladian Isles , erected two altars in a certain Port there ; the one to Impiety , the other to Iniquity , and sacrificed to them both , as unto two gods . For the rest of the Etolians , as many of them as had a minde to return , the King gave them free leave to be gone , and to take with them , whatever theirs was , [ Ibid. pag. 772. ] When this businesse of the Etolians was settled , and all quiet , then the whole Court , fell to their solemn Revels , which they used to have when any one is first saluted King , which they call , Anaclateria : not that the King was then ripe for Government ; but because they thought , that if it were once blown abroad that the King was come now to rule in his own person , things would go better , and grow more quiet in the kingdom than earst they had done ; and therefore made all provision they could to perform this solemnity for the honour of the kingdom . [ Ib. pag. 773. ] Whiles that debate held at Lysimachia , between Antiochus and the Commissioners from Rome , there grew a report , raised , as it seemeth , from what had betided Scopas at Alexandria , but without any certain author , that Ptolemei was dead : and so that conference came to no issue ; for neither party would be known to have had any tidings of it : and L. Cornelius , whose proper errand was to treate with both the kings , desired some time to have speech with Ptolemei : his drift being to come at all hands into Egypt , before any thing could there be resolved on , for the new settling of things there , after the kings supposed death . And Antiochus made no doubt , but that if the king were indeed dead , Egypt would be his : wherefore , having sent away the Commissioners , and leaving his son Seleucus with his land Forces , to go on with the new building of Lysimachia , he with his whole Fleet sailed to Ephesus , and from thence dispatching away Ambassadors to Flaminius to desire him to persist in the league and amity made between them , took shipping again , and , keeping along by the coast of Asia , came into Lycia , and at Patara , understood for certain , that Ptolemei was living : and thereupon gave off his journey intended for Egypt , [ Liv. lib. 33. Appia . in Syria . pag. 88. ] Antiochus , Year of the World 3809 hasting away toward Cyprus , which he hoped certainly to get , when he had doubled the Cape of the Chelidonian Foreland , upon a mutiny raised among his Mariners , was fain to stay a while in Pamphylia , at the mouth of the River Eurymedon : and from thence sailing to a place called the Heads of the river Sarus , a foul tempest befel him , which was like to have drowned him and all his Fleet : many of his ships were driven on shoar , many swallowed up in the sea , so that no soul escaped of them . A multitude of men perished in that tempest , not onely of the Mariners , and common souldiers , but also of his Nobles , and Principal men belonging to him : yet having saved what could be gotten out of the wreck , seeing he was in no case to go on for Cyprus , he sailed to Seleucia in Syria , and there fell to rig up his Navy again ; and prepared for the marriages of his children , Antiochus , and Laodice , whom he had joyned in Matrimony : and then , putting to sea again , because now the Winter grew on , he sailed to Antioch , [ Id. ibid. ] The Decemviri , Year of the World b. or ten Commissioners , returning to Rome , informed the Senate there concerning Antiochus , and his return into Syria , [ Liv. 33. ] Hannibals enemies at Carthage , informed the Senate of Rome , that he sent messages , and letters to Antiochus , and daily received the like from him again ; which , though false , yet was taken for true , by those who ever lived in fear of him . Whereupon they sent Ambassadors to the Council at Carthage , complaining to them , that Hannibal held correspondency with Antiochus , and advising them by one means or another , to rid him out of the way , [ Id. ib. Justin , lib. 31. cap. 1 , 2. ] Flaminius his answer to Antiochus his Ambassadors , when they moved for a league , was , That he could do nothing now the ten Commissioners were gone ; and that they should do well to go after them , and make their addresses to the Senate at Rome , [ Liv. lib. 34. ] Hannibal hereupon , stealing away from Carthage , came safe to Tyrus , and was there received by the founders of Carthage , as in a second country of his own ; and having rested himself there a few dayes , sailed to Antioch : but finding that Antiochus was removed from thence , he there spake with his son , who was celebrating a solemn Festival in Daphne : and having been courteously entertained and caressed a while by him , took ship again , and followed Antiochus , and overtook him at Ephesus , beating his brains , whether he should , or should not , engage himself in a war against the Romans . But Hannibals coming to him , set him a gog , and now on he would : nor thought he now so much of the war it self , as of what great matters he should acquire , by conquering the Romans , [ Liv. in the end of his 33 book , Justin , lib. 31. cap. 1 , 2. and Emil. Prob. in Hannib . ] And here it was , that when one Phormio , a Philosopher of the Peripatetic sext , had disputed a long time in his school , concerning the duty and office of a Commander , or General of an army , and of the Art Military , and ordering of a battle , and all very wisely in his presence : Hannibal could not hold , but cryed out , and said , That he had heard many a doting fool in his dayes , but a verier dotard than this Phormio was , he never heard , [ Cicer. de Oratore , lib. 2. ] T. Quinctius Flaminius , Year of the World c. joyning with Eumenes and the Rhodians , sought very successefully against Nabis the Tyrant of Lacedemon , [ Liv. lib. 34. ] When M. Porcius ( Cato ) was Consul , the City of Smyrna began , and built a Temple to the City of Rome , [ Tacit. Annal. lib. 4. ] and by their example , the Alabandenses , not onely built another Temple to her , but also instituted certain anniversary plaies and games , in honour of her , as of a proper Goddesse . [ Livie . lib. 43. ] Era●osthenes of Cyrene , Year of the World 3810 the son of Aglaus , The Julian Period . 4520 whom a man may well call , Year before Christ 194 not onely a Grammarian , though that were his chief profession , but also a Poet , and a Philosopher , and a Geometrician , for he excelled in all alike , this year died , [ Lucia . in Macrobiis , ] after whom , in the keeping of the library at Alexandria , succeeded Apollonius Alexandrinus , a scholar of Callimachus , and he which wrote the Argonautica , who because he lived many years at Rhodes , was therefore surnamed Rhodius , [ Swidas in Apollonius . ] Antiochus perceiving the great affection which the Jews bare unto him , conferred great favours on them again , and by his letters highly commended them therefore . [ Euseb. Chron. ] These letters of his are extant in Josephus , [ lib. 14. Antiq. cap. 3. ] in one of which , written to Ptolemaeus his Governour there , are mentioned many donations of his , and immunities granted both to the City , and also the Temple at Jerusalem , and in another to Zeuxis ; he commanded two thousand of the families of the Jews , which lived in the provinces of Babylonia , and Mesopotamia , to be transplanted into the parts of Phrygia and Lydia , to keep them in order there , who were otherwise disposed to innovation . Antiochus , Year of the World 3811 preparing now to make a war in Greece , The Julian Period . 4521 and there to begin his war against the Romans , Year before Christ 193 imparted his purpose unto Hannibal ; who told him , there was no conquering of the Romans , but in Italy it self : and to effect this , he desired onely to have 100 of his fighting ships , with 16 thousand Foot , and one thousand Horse , to be put into his hand : that with his fleet he would first saile into Afric , that he doubted not , but to stir up the Carthaginians themselves , to a fresh rebellion against them ; but if that failed , yet he would land them in some part or other of Italy , and there begin the war a new against them . And when he had perswaded the King to hearken to this motion , he went not presently in person into Afric , ( as Emil. Probus , in the life of Hannibal imagineth ) but having lighted upon one Aristo , a Tyrian born , at Ephesus , sent him in fashion of a marchant to trade at Carthage , and there to prepare their minds , for a revolt from the Romans . Upon this Aristo Hannibals enemies at Carthage laid hold ; and whiles they spent many dayes in consultation what to do with him , and whether to send him to Rome , in justification of their own innocency , he got a shipboard , and came back to Hannibal again . Whereupon they presently dispacht away Ambassadors to the Consuls and Senate at Rome , to let them know what had passed . [ Livie , lib. 34. Justin , lib. 31. cap. 3 , 4. Appia . in Syriac . pag. 89 , 90. ] Mean while Antiochus sent Lysias , Hegesianactes and Menippus his Ambassadors to Rome , to feel the pulse of the Senate there , for though their pretence was to sollicite for a league and friendship between him and them : yet were they willed to intimate to the Senate , that the King wondred , why they should bid him to get him out of the Cities of Eolia , and Ionia , and to release his tributes due unto him from other places , and not to meddle with matters in Asia , and Countries of his ancient inheritance in Thracia ; for that these were not commands to be laid upon friends of theirs , as he was , but enemies , when they were conquered . But they were told , that they should go and attend Flaminius , and the ten Commissioners , formerly sent into Greece , for an answer ; And when they came , the Commissioners pressed , that Antiocus should either forbear Europe , or suffer the Romans , to maintain what they had allready in Asia , and acquire more there if they could . But the Ambassadors told them plainly again , that they neither could nor would make any bargaines , whereby the Kings rights and dominions might any wayes be impaired , so that matter brake off , and the Ambassadors sent away , [ Liv. ib. Appia . in Syriac . pag. 89. ] Scant●y were the Ambassadors gone , when news came from Carthage , that Antiochus was busie in his preparations for a war against the Romans , and that Hannibal was designed for his General therein : which put them into a fear withall , least a fresh war should be raised again from Carthage , [ Liv. Ib. ] Antiochus , Year of the World 3812 having given his daughter in marriage to Ptolemei at Rhapia , in Phenicia , or rather in Palestina , returned to Antioch , [ Liv. lib. 35. ] for , being now resolved to make war against the Romans , he thought fit to legue himself by marriages and affin●ties , with as many Kings and Princes thereabouts , as possibly he could ; and therefore he sent his daughter Cleopatra , surnamed Syra , into Egypt to Ptolemei : giving him , for a dowrie with her , all Coelosyria , which he had formerly wrest from him , thereby to pacify the young man , and to keep him from joyning with the Romans in this war , [ Appia . in Syriac . pag. 88. ] Jerom upon Daniel , [ cap. 11. ] saith , that Antiochus , purposing to get Egypt it self into his dominion , espoused his daughter Cleopatra , in the seventh year of the young mans reign , by one Eucles of Rhodes , and that in the 13 year of the same , according to Eusebius Chronicle , which he follows , or according to our computation , in the 12 thereof , sent her to him ; and gave him for a Dowry all Coelosyria and Judaea , and yet could not get Egypt neither ; because Ptolemei and his Council perceived his drift , and stood the more cautiously on their guard , and Cleopatra her self the Queen , stood more affected to her husbands part , than to her fathers . And Josephus , [ 12 Antiq. cap. 3. ] writeth that Antiochus , giving his daughter Cleopater to wife unto Ptolemei , gave him also for her Dowry Coelosyria , all Phoenicia , Judaea , and Samaria to boote ; and that equally dividing the tribute due out of them all , between them , the chief men in every of the said countries gathered it for them , and paid it in unto them . Another daughter of his , called Antiochis , he proffered in marriage unto Ariarathes , the King of Cappadocia , and sent her to him : and a third unto Eumenes , the King of Pergamus . But Eumenes , seeing him set upon a war against the Romans , and that he was the cause of seeking his affinity , refused the offer . And when his two brothers , Attalus and Philetae●us , wondered that he should refuse such an offer made him by so great a neighbouring King as Antiochus was , he told them what , and how great a war was now at hand : wherein , said he , if the Romans get the better , as he verily believed they would , he was then sure to hold his own by them : or if Antiochus happened to overcome them , then his fortune would be , either to be turned out of all by an over-powerful neighbouring Prince , or be but forced to live under him : concerning which , we may see Eumenes his own Oration , [ in Polyb. Legat. 25. and Liv. lib. 37. ] Antiochus , Year of the World b. having passed the Taurus , marched thorough Cilicia , and in the very end of Winter came to Ephesus , [ Liv. lib. 35. ] And from thence , in the first of the Spring , sending back his son Antiochus into Syria , to look to matters there , and in the remote parts of his Dominions Eastward , whiles he was busied in the West , he with all his land Forces , went to invade the Pisdians , which inhabite about the parts of Selga , [ Id. ibid. ] At that time there came to Elaea , Ambassadors sent from Rome to Antiochus , who , under colour of an Embassie , were to spie out , and inform themselves , of what preparations he had made , and by often conversing with Hannibal , might either abate his rancor toward them , or if not that , yet by their familiarity with him , might perhaps make Antiochus jealous of him : these Ambassadors were , P. Sulpitius , and P. Villius , who among others , had met with Antiochus at Lysimachia , [ Liv. lib. 34. and 35. Iustin , lib. 31. cap. 4. Fronti . Stratag . lib. 1. cap. 8. Appia . in Syriac . page 90 , 91. ] The Ambassadors went up from Elaea to Pergamus , where Eumenes his Palace was ; because their instructions were , First to confer with Eumenes , before they went to Antiochus : and Eumenes did what possibly he could , by advice or persuasion , to stir them up to a war against Antiochus : Sulpitius staid behind at Pergamus sick ; but , P. Villius , hearing that Antiochus was busie in war against Pisidia , went to Ephesus ; and during those few dayes of abode which he there made , was careful to converse with Hannibal as frequently as he might , both to sound what was in him , and withal to mitigate his rancor toward the Romans , by assuring him , that they intended him no further harme , [ Liv. lib. 35. ] Claudius Quadrigarius , following herein the Greek History of Acilius , saith , that P. Scipio Africanus was in this Embassie , and that he it was that had such speech with Hannibal at Ephesus : mentioning one discourse of theirs in particular , which was , That when Africanus asked him , whom he thought to have been the greatest Captain in the World ? Hannibal answered him , Alexander the Great : and whom the second ? he answered Pyrrhus ; and whom the third ? My self , said Hannibal : at which word , Scipio burst out into a great laughter , and said , what would you have done , if you had overcome me ? I would then saith Hannibal , have counted my self before Pyrrhus and Alexander both , and all others that ever were : and that this perplexed and intricate answer of his , was but a trick of a Punick wit , and that Scipio was taken therewith , as with a pretty kind of flattery ; as if both himself had been thereby made a non-pareil above all , and withal , that he had vanquished and overcome , a better man than Alexander , [ Id. ibid. with Plutarch in . T. C. Flaminino , and Appia . in Syriac . page 91 , 92. ] Villius went forward from Ephesus to Apamea , Year of the World c. and there Antiochus hearing of the coming of the Roman Ambassadors , met them : where they fell upon the same points almost , which were treated of , between Flaminius and the other Commissioners , on the one side , and his Ambassadors on the other at Rome . But the newes which came of the death of his son Antiochus , who was but lately before sent into Syria , put off that parlee : and Villius , that he might not be seen there up and down in an unseasonable time , and when the King and Court were all in mourning , retired to Pergamus ; the King also giving off all preparations for the war which he had begun , went to Ephesus , [ Liv. lib. 35. ] And now the Roman Embassadors being sent for to come to Ephesus , had their conference with Minio , a principal Counsellor and Favourite of the Kings ; Minio in his discourse blamed the Romans , that under a pretence of setting Greece at liberty , they intended an open war against Antiochus , whereas themselves held so many Nations and famous Countries in their subjection , and made them tributary to Rome , which formerly lived free , and according to their own lawes : and when Sulpitius , ( for he was now recovered of his sicknesse ) answered for the Romans , and called the Ambassadors of other States there present to witnesse ( as they had been before prompted , and lessoned by Eumenes ) on the Romans behalf , things between them , fell from a conference to a plain brawle , [ Id. ibid. ] Antiochus , having heard the Embassie of the Rhodians , told them all , that as well they , as they of Byzatium and Cyzicum , and other Grecians dwelling in Asia , if he and the Romans came to an agreement , and joyned in a league together , should be free ; but as for the Eolians and Ionians , it should not be so with them ; for that they had ever lived under the subjection of the Kings of Asia : therefore the Roman Ambassadors , when they could get no reason from the King ( for indeed that was the least part of the errand they came in , but onely to be as so many spies of his actions ) returned to Rome , [ Appia . in Syriac . pag. 92. ] After this , Year of the World 3813 came the Etolian Ambassadors to the King , who offered to make him Commander of all the Forces which they could make , and perswaded him by all means to put over into Greece , which said they , is ready to receive you ; and not to stay till his armies came down to him out of the remote and inner parts of Asia : which put Antiochus upon such a pin , that he resolved eft-soones to be going into Greece , [ Id. ibid. pag. 92 , 93. with Polyb. lib. 3. pag. 159. and Justin , lib. 30. cap. 4. & lib. 32. cap. 1. ] But before he took shipping , he went up to Ilium , and there sacrificed to Minerva ; and then returning to his Fleet , he set forward with 40 sail of fighting ships , and 60 open boats , and 200 ships of burden , full freighted with all kind of provisions , followed in the reare of them . His whole army consisted of 10 thousand Foot , and 500 Horse , with six Elephants , scantly enough to have possessed Greece , if none had been there , to have held up a Buckler against him , much lesse to endure the brunt and burden of a war against the Roman Nation , [ Liv. lib. 35. ] Eumenes presently sent his brother Attalus away to Rome , to let them know that Antiochus had put over the Hellespont with his army : and that the Etolians were ready to rise in armes , immediately upon his landing ; Thanks were given by the Senate , both to Eumenes then absent , and also to Attalus there present ; and he had lodgings provided for him at the publick charge , and presents sent unto him , [ Id. ibid. ] About the middest of Winter , Year of the World b. Antiochus , falling into consultation at Demetrias , how to carry on the war ; Hannibal gave right good and sound advice , if it had been followed ; as it was not , save onely in this , that Polyxenidas was sent to bring away the rest of the fleet and army out of Asia , [ Liv. lib. 36. Justin , lib. 31. cap. 5 , 6. Appia . pag. 93 , 94. ] Antiochus , falling in love with a young Damsel of Chalcis , the daughter of Cleoptolemus , where he hosted , being himself upward of fifty , laid aside all care of the war , which he had then in hand ; and set his mind wholy upon wedding the wench ; and called her by the name of Eubaea : and spent all the Winter after , in banqueting and revels ; and as he did , so did all his army likewise , and spent all that season , in luxury and pleasure , [ Polyb. lib. 20. in Athenaeus , lib. 10. cap. 12. Diodor. Sic. and Dio. in Excerpt . Vales. pag. 296. and 609. Liv. lib. 36. Appia . pag. 96 , 98. ] M. Acilius Glabrio , being Consul , upon the 5 day before the Nones , ( i. e. ) upon the third day of May ( which that year , as we may gather out of the Eclipse which was in the year following , fell upon our January ) went in his rich coat-armor , out of Rome against Antiochus , [ Liv. lib. 36. ] About the same time , came Ambassadors to Rome from two Kings , Philippus of Macedon , and Ptolemei of Egypt ; both offering their aid against Antiochus , with money and corn : and from Ptolemei were brought in ready money , a thousand pounds in gold , and 20 thousand pounds in silver : but nothing was received , thanks onely was given them , for their good will. And when both of them offered to come in person with their armies into Etolia : the Senate answered , That thy would not trouble Ptolemei ; as for Philippus , that the Senate and people of Rome , would take it kindly at his hands , if he would assist M. Acilius their Consul , in what he might , [ Id. ibid. ] Antiochus , Year of the World c. having had the worse of it as Thermopyla , in a battle against M. Acilius the Consul , and Cato a Colonel in that army ( which battle is described by Livie , lib. 36. by Plut. in Cato , Major , by Appia . in Syriac . and From. lib. 2. Stratag . ) and forced to flie back into Asia , came to Ephesus , with his new wise , [ Liv. Justin , Appia , and Polyb. in Athenaeus lib. 10. cap. 12. ] In Tullies book De Senect . Cato is brought in , speaking of himself , and saying , That he fought at Thermopyla , under M. Acilius Glabrio , in the fourth year after himself had been Consul ; and both Plutarch in his Life , and Livie [ lib. 36. ] affirm , that he was sent by the Consul Acilius to Rome , with the news of that victory . Now what Antisthenes the Historian reports to have followed , and been acted by Buplagus the Syrian , and Publius a Roman Captain , after this fight at Thermopylae , is to be learned out of Phlegon of Tralles , in his book De M●rabil●bus , [ cap. 3. ] Antiochus , being at Ephesus , lay there carelesse and void of all fear from the Romans , as one supposing that sure they would never offer to put over into Asia . But when Hannibal had roused him up from that vain and idle imagination , he presently sent for his forces out of the in-land Countries , to come down in all hast to the sea side , and rig'd up his navy , making Polyxenidas , a bandito of Rhodes , his Ammiral thereof , and presently put over again into Chersonesus , and fortified that ; putting Garrisons into Sestus and Abydus , where he supposed the Romans , would endeavour to passe over into Asia . [ Liv. lib. 36. and Appia . pag. 99. ] C. Livius Salinator , Year of the World 3814 who was sent to succeed Attalus in the charge of the navie , and Eumenes , sailing into Asia , met with Polyxenidas Antiochus his Ammiral by the way , and put him to flight , sunk ten of his ships , took 30 more , and lost but one of theirs ; and that was of Carthage too : but they pursued Polyxenidas as far as Ephesus : and then sent back the Rhodian fleet , consisting of 25 ships , and which came after the fight was done , and Eumenes likewise with his ships , and came to Canas , a Town of Lycia , and there , because the winter came on , drew their ships on land ; and fortified the place where they lay , with works for their defense , [ Lib. lib. 63. Appia . pag , 99 , 100. ] When this battle at sea was fought at Coricus , ( for there it was fought ) Antiochus was gone to Magnesia , near the mountain of Sipylus , to gather his land forces together : and there hearing of his overthrow at sea , set himself to prepare a new navy , that he might not seem to be beaten out of the sea : and therefore he dispacht away Hannibal into Syria , there to get ships from the Phoenicians , and commanded Polyxenidas with all speed to rigg up his ships that were bruised in the fight , and to build new ones , to make up his fleet again , and himself the mean whiles took up his winter quarter , in the parts of Phrygia , and sent for aides from all parts , even out of Gallograecia it self , [ Liv. lib. 36. & 37. Appia . pag. 100. ] for what with fear , what with mony , he had drawn them also to joyn in arms with him , and the rather for that he thought the greatness of their stature and corsage , would be a terrour to the Romans , [ Appia . pag. 89. ] Ambassadors now came to Rome , from Ptolemei and Cleopatra , to congratulate them for their expulsion of Antiochus out of Europe ; and perswading them to passe into Asia : for said they , the fear of the Roman name is allready fallen , not onely upon all Asia , but even upon Syria also ; and shewing , that they were ready to do , what ever the Romans would command them . Thanks were returned to the King and Queen for their good wills , and presents to the Ambassadors , to every of them four thousand pieces of brasse mony , [ Liv. lib. 37. ] Antiochus left his son Seleucus with the army in Eolia , to keep the sea coast all along in order , for the Romans on the one side and Eumenes on the other were tampering with them every where , and Seleucus spent all that winter , partly in succouring his friends , partly in plundering those , whom he could not draw to his bent , [ Id. Ibid. ] About the deapth of winter , Year of the World b. Eumenes , with a company of two thousand Foot , and 100 Horse , came to Canas , where the Roman fleet wintered : there he told them , that if they would , they might get a great spoil out of the Country lying about Thyatira , and never left till he had perswaded Livius the Ammiral , to let him have five thousand men ; with which he went , and in a short time brought them back again loaden with an excessive great booty , [ Id. Ibid. ] In this interim , a sedition was raised in Phocaea , for there were some which sought to draw the common people to side it with Antiochus , for that the wintering of the Roman navy there , lay very heavy upon them ; in regard they were charged to furnish them with 500 sea gowns , and as many coats ; corn also grew very scant among them , insomuch , that both the ships and Garrison were fain to remove from thence , and quarter elsewhere . Then was the faction , which stood for Antiochus , quit of that fear : but the Aldermen , and chief of the City stood firm for the Romans ; as the chief of the faction for Antiochus , were more prevalent with the commons , [ Id. [ Ibid. ] The magistrates therefore of Phocaea , fearing the inclination of the multitude , wisely sent their Agents to Seleucus , to pray him not to approach near their City , for that they were resolved to sit still , and to see what the issue of that whole war would be . But he being informed that the multitude was wholly for his father ; and that they were in want of corn , made them no answer , but marched strait toward them with his army , [ Polyb. Legat. 18. ] At Rome , when both the new Consuls , Lu. Scipio , and Ca. Laelius Nepos , were ambitious , to go into Greece , P. Scipio , in the behalf of his brother Lusius , said , That if their pleasure were to send his brother thither , he himself would go as his Lieutenant , with him . That word of his carried it , for who so fit , said they , to go against Hannibal , as Africanus , who had already vanquisht him ? [ Cic. Philip. 11. Liv. lib. 37. Valer. Max. lib. 5. cap. 5. Justin lib. 31. cap. 7. ] In those dayes , when Lu. Scipio was upon his way against Antiochus , and whilest the anniversary games , in honour of Apollo , were celebrating , upon the fifth of the Ides , ( i. e. ) upon the ninth day of June , in a very clear day , it grew suddenly dark , by the coming of the body of the Moon under the sun , [ Liv. lib. 37. ] And verily , that not long after , to wit , upon the 14 of March , after the Julian Calendar , there fell a horrible eclipse of the sun at Rome , appears by the Astronomical account : to which if 95. Idus Quintiles , ( i. e. ) the ninth of our July did then answer , it will then follow , that the Calends , or first of January , the year following , must needs fall in with the 29 day of our August , so great a confusion was there of the Roman Calendar , in those dayes . About the vernal equinox , Year of the World c. Pausistratus with 36 ships of Rhodians , Livius with 30 of the Romans , and Eumenes with seven of his own , went to Hellespont ; Livius first stood in , for the port which was called , Portus Achaeorum , and from thence went up to Ilium , and having there sacrificed to Minerva , and then gave a favourable audience to the Ambassadors , of certain neighbouring Cities , as Eleus , Dardanus and Rhetaeus , all which came and voluntarily rendred themselves unto him ; and then again , leaving 10 ships in the rode , over against Abydus , went with the rest to the other side , and there besieged Sestos , and having taken that in upon surrender , he provided himself to return to Asia side , there to besiege Abydus , [ Liv. lib. 37. Apppia . pag. 101. ] Whiles these things thus passed at Hellespont , Polyxenidas , the Ammiral of King Antiochus , bare Pausistratus the Ammiral of Rhods in hand , that he would betray all , or the greatest part of , Antiochus his fleet into his hand , and he , giving too easie credence to the others words , thereupon went to Samos , where , not keeping so due a watch as he should have done , he lost his life , and with it 29 saile of ships , which he had under his command ; for there escaped of all that fleet of his , five onely ships of Rhodes , and two of the Isle of Coos , [ Id. Ib. ] At the same time also Seleucus recovered Phocaea , having a gate of the City set open to him , by which he got in with his army . While these things were acting in Eolia , Abydus , having endured the siege some few dayes , by the valour of the Kings Garrison that kept it , at length all grew weary of the businesse , and the chief magistrates of the City , with the good leave of the Captain of the Garrison , sent to Livius to treat of conditions for the surrender of the place unto him . But when in that very nick of time news came of the losse of the Rhodian navy , Livius would no longer stay to take in Abydus , and to keep Hellespont , but presently with all his fleet , set saile for Phocaea ; but finding that to be held by a strong Garrison of the Kings , and that Seleucus was not far off with his army , he fell a wasting the sea coast , and having taken what spoile he could light upon thereabouts , especially of men , and staying onely till Eumenes could overtake him with his fleet , he purposed to go for Samos ; and thither at last , sorely weather-beaten , he came , and there joyned his fleet with the Rhodians , consisting now of twenty saile , under the command of Eudamus their Ammiral . [ Livie . ] Livius , having encreased his fleet by this accession of the Rhodians , ●ailed forthwith to Ephesus , and there ranged his ships in order of battle before the very mouth of the port . But when none came forth against him : he divided his fleet in two parts , whereof one lay at anchor in the very haven of the enemy , and the other landed their men ; and when they had ranged there far and near , and gotten an exceeding great spoil ; and were returning with it to their ship , Andronicus a Macedon , ( Appianus calls him Nicander ) Captain of the Garrison in Ephesus , saillied out upon them , and forced them to their ships , leaving a great part of their booty behind them , and returned forthwith to Samos , and thither came also L. Emilius Regillus the Praetor , who was sent to succeed Livius in the charge of the navy ; and as he was coming thither from the Isle of Chios , Livius sent two fair ships of Rhodes , of four tire of oares a piece , and Eumenes himself in person , with two more of five tire of oares a piece , came to meet him , [ Id. and Appia . pag. 102. ] Having sate at Samos a while in Council , concerning the ordering of busines at sea , Emilius , to terrifie the enemy at his first coming , went with all his fleet to the very mouth of the port of Ephesus , and Livius went to Patara in Lycia , Emilius was driven off from Eph●esus , by a storm that rose upon him ; and so , nothing done , returned to Samos , The Cities which Livius passed by , Miletus , Myndus , Halicarnassus , Cnidus , and Cous , shewed themselves most ready to receive all his commands : but coming into Lycia , he was ill wellcomed there , both by a tempest at sea , and by the enemy at land , and therefore returned into Greece again , that having there spoken first with the two Scipios , who were then at that time in the parts of Thessaly , he might then take his journy for Italy , [ Liv. ] At Samos there came letters to Emilius the Praetor , and Eumenes , from the Scipiots , by which they understood , both of the Truce that was taken with the Etolians , and of their own marching by land towards Hellespont , and the Etolians signified as much to Antiochus , and to his son Seleucus , [ Polyb. Legat. 19. ] Eumenes , sent his Agents into Achaia to make an association with them ; which the commons in a general assembly ratified ; and sent him a company of tall young men to assist him , [ Id. Legat. 20. ] L. Emilius , with all his fleet , passing by Miletus , and the other Cities of that coast , landed in the Bay of Bargillia , and went to Iassus , that City was held by a Garrison of Antiochus his men , and then , sending to the Magistrates and other chief men of the place , to perswade them ; and being answered , that they would do nothing ; he drew up to the walls , to besiege it : but the banditoes of Iassus , which were among the Rhodians , prevailed so far with them , and the rather by Eumenes his mediation , that they drew off , and left the siege . [ Liv. ] Those of Heraclea in Pontus , sent Ambassadors to Emelius , and from him received a very kind and favourable answer in writing , purporting , that the Senate of Rome would be their good friend ; and that neither their counsel nor care should be wanting , when ever they should have occasion to use them . [ Memnon Excerpt . cap. 28. ] Whiles Eumenes was away , busie in making war with the Romans and Rhodians , against the sea Towns of Lycia , Seleucus with his army , brake in upon his lands at home ; and first came in hostile manner to Elaea ; and , being able to do no good upon the City , wasted all the Country about it : and from thence marched with all his power to Pergamus it self , the Capital City of this kingdom . Attalus , Eumenes his brother , drew out , and pitcht his Camp before the City walls , and often skirmished with the enemy ; but finding himself too weak that way , drew in again , and kept himselfe close within the walls ; and so the siege began . [ Idem . ] About the same time , Antiochus himself going from Apamea , encamped first at Sardes , and then not far off from his son Seleucus , near the head of the River Caicus , drawing with him a huge army , made up of sundry nations . In which the greatest fear was of a squadron of Gallograecians , consisting of 4000 souldiers ; and these , with some few others with them , he sent to ravage and wast all the Country about Pergamus , from one end to t'toher . [ Ib. ] Which when Eumenes at Samos heard of , being called away to look to his affairs at home , he took ship , and with all his men came to Elaea , and from thence coming to Pergamus , before the enemy heard of his arrival , he there sailed out often , and made some small skirmishes with the enemy ; but within some few dayes after , both the Roman , and the Rhodian fleet came from Samos to Elaea , to help him . [ Idem . ] When Antiochus heard that there were so many fleets come together into the same port , and withall , that the Consul with his army was all ready in Macedonia , and provision making at Hellespont for his transportation into Asia , he thought fit to try for a peace with the Romans , Eumenes , and the Rhodians all at once ; wherefore he removed his Camp , and came to Elaea , and there , having taken a little hill over against the City , he there left all his foot , and with his horse ( which were upward of six thousand ) went down into a plain field close to the walls of the City , and then sent some Commissioners into it , to treat of a peace ; whereupon L. Emilius sent for Enmenes from Pergamus to come thither to him ; and advised with him , as also with Eudamus and Pamphilidas the Commanders of the Rhodian fleet , what was best to be done , And the Rhodians were not against a peace ; but Eumenes said , that it was not for their honour to treat of a peace : and however they could not put an end to it at that time ; and to that purpose Emelius sent Antiochus word , to wit , that before the coming of the Consul , there could no peace be made ; upon which answer he presently fell a wasting of the Country all about Elaea : and then , leaving seleucus to continue the siege before Pergamus , he marched away full of fury with the rest of his army , and never staied , till he came into that rich Country , which was called Thebes campus , ( i. e. ) the plain of Thebes , and there he made all manner of havock , and thoroughly enriched all his army for the present , [ Polyb. Legat. 21. Liv. lib. 37. ] At the same time , Diophanes of Megalopolis , came to Elea , sent from the Acheans to Eumenes , with a supply of 1000 foot , and 100 horse , [ Liv. Ib. with Polyb. Legat. 20. ] all old beaten souldiers , and their Captain , one that was trained up under Philopoen , the most renowned Commander of all the Grecians , living in his time . [ Liv. Ibid. Appia . pag. 102. with Polyb. Legat. 20. pag. 810. and in Excerpt . Vales. pag. 110. ] So soon as they were landed , Attalus sent some to shew them the way , and brought them to Pergamus . These Achaeans , upon their first arrival , made continual Sallies out upon Seleucus , to draw off , and be gone out of all that Country , [ Liv. Ib. and Appia . pag. 102 , 103. ] yet he hovered still about that coast , and annoyed his foes , and was a help to his friend in those parts , [ Liv. Ib. ] Whiles Antiochus marched in hostle manner to Adramyteum , Emilius and Eumenes came about by sea ; to the rescue of it . Whereupon he forbare to set upon the town , but fell a spoiling of the Country about it , and took Peraea , a colonie of the Mitylenians , so did he Cottos , and Corylenus and Aphrodysias , and Crene , at the first assault , and then returned by Thyatira to Sardes , [ Liv. ] The Roman fleet , with the Rhodians and Eumenes went first to Mitylene , and from thence returned to Elaea , whence they came : and from thence sailing to Phocaea , they came to an anchor at Bacchius an Island , joyning hard upon the City of Phocaea , and then spoiling their temples , and monument which they had spared before , came to the City it self : but when a company of three thousand Foot , sent from Antiochus , had gotten in before their coming , they forbear the siege of it , and returned again to the Isle , where they were before , having onely first ravaged the Country thereabout , and from thence the Roman fleet returned to Elaea , and Eumenes , and the Rhodians to Samos , [ Id. ] About midsummer , Year of the World d. the Rhodian fleet , consisting of 32 ships of four tire of oares , and of four others , of three tire , fought with Antiochus his navy , which was brought out of Syria , by Hannibal , wherein were 37 ships , of an extraordinary size , at a place called Sida , a promontory of Pamphylia ; in which the Rhodians put Hannibal to flight , but could not follow the chase upon him , by reason their mariners were weak and sickly , for the most part ; neverthelesse , to hinder him from joyning with the old fleet , they sent Chariclitus with twenty ships to Patara , and the port Megistus , whither also a little after they sent Pamphylidas , with four ships more , [ Id. ] and so Hannibal was blockt up in Pamphylia . [ Appian . pag. 104. see Emil. Prob. in Hannibale . ] Antiochus coming to Sardes , sent Ambassadors with letters besides , to Prusias King of Bythinia , surnamed Cynegus ( i. e. ) the Hunter : whereby he dealt earnestly with him to joyn with himself against the Romans . This staggered Prusias for the present ; but then came other letter to him from the two brothers , Lu. and Pub. Scipio ; these put him out of fear of any great harm from the Romans . Especially , when presently after there followed an Embassie sent unto him from Rome , the for-man whereof was no meaner a person , then C. Livius , who was lately the Commander of their fleet , for having once spoken with them , he put on a full resolution for the Roman party , and to break off wholy with Antiochus , [ Polyb. Legat , 22. pag. 811 , 812. Liv. lib. 37. Appia . pag. 101. ] Antiochus , seeing no further hope of Prusias , presently removed from Sardes to Ephesus , there to take a view of his fleet , which had been long time in providing : for seeing no other way left him to hinder the Romans from passing their land army into Asia , but by making himself absolute master at sea , he resolved to try what he could do that way , and to hazard a fight there . [ Polyb. and Livie , [ Ibid. ] Wherefore he went forthwith to see whether he could take Notium , which was a Town of the Colophonians , not far from Ephesus , where he then lay , that whiles the Romans came to relive a confederate town of theirs , by land , he might give his Ammiral Polyxenidas , an oportunity to work some seat at sea . Polyxenidus had at that time under his command 89 or 90 good ships , which Emilius and the Rhodians met with , at a place called Myonesus . Emilius had 58 ships , and the Rodians 22 , saith Livie ; or as Appianus , 25. In which Polyxenidas was worsted , and having a good wind in poup , fled speedily back to Ephesus , having lost 42 of his ships ( not 29 onely , as Appianus hath it ) of which 13 came quick into the enemies hand , with all the men in them : of the Romans there were two only bilged , and some few other bruised ; but of the Rhodians , Polyxenidas took one , and carryed that away with him to Ephesus : That this fight was made in December , ( as the year went then at Rome ) appeareth by Macrobius , [ lib. 1. Saturnalium , ] where he saith , that 11 Calend. January , &c. upon the 21 of December , was a feast dedicated to their Lares ( i. e. their houshold gods ) in which L. Emilius Regillus , Pretor , in the war against Antiochus , vowed a Temple to be built in Campo Martio . which vow , [ Liv. lib. 40. ] tells us , was by him performed 11 years after , where is also a Copy , ( but most falsely written ) of a Table , containing the manner of this victory , hung up by him upon the doors , not onely of his new Temple , but also of that of Jupiters , in the Capitol . Antiochus , troubled at the news of this overthrow , was so ill advised , as to draw off the Garrison which he had put into Lysimachia , forsooth , for fear , least they should fall into the Romans hands : and withal raising his siege from before Colophos , retired to Sardes , and from thence dispacht away letters to Ariarathes his son in law , in Cappadocia , to bring him aides from thence ; and every where else , that he could to send him in men , [ Liv. ] Mean while he lay idle at Sardes , trifling away the time there , which might have been better spent in giving order for his affairs elsewhere , [ Polyb. Legat. 23. ] Emilius , Year of the World 3815 after this victory gotten at sea , sailed streight to Ephesus , and there cast his ships into the form of a battailion , before the very mouth of the Port : and having thereby wrung out of Antiochus an open confession , that he had lost the mastery of the sea , he sailed to Chios , and having there new wrighted up such ships of his as had been any wayes bruifed in the fight , he put over from thence to Phocaea , which not long before , was revolted from the Romans : he essaied at first , to have taken it by assault ; but afterward it was surrendered to him : yet do what he could , he could not save it from the plunder of the souldiers : but the City it self , and their lands , and their laws , he restored entire unto them ; and so , because the Winter came on , and that place had two Ports , he chose it for his Navy to winter in , for that year , [ Livie . ] About the same time Lysimachia , which was full fraught and furnished with all manner of provisions , as if it had been to bid the Romans welcome , opened their gates to the two Scipioes : and from thence they set forward again , and thorough the Chersonese came to Hellespont , where they found all things ready prepared by Eumenes for their transportation . So they passed over , as into a friends Country , some here , some there , no man appearing to hinder their landing , and without any trouble at all , [ Id. ] Antiochus , at his wits end , and not knowing what to do , yet sent Heraclides of Byzantium to treate with the Romans about a peace , with instructions both general to the Council of War there , and in particular to P. Scipio Africanus ; But when answer was made him by the Council , that he must presently defray all the charge of the war thitherto , and give up all Asia on this side Taurus into the power of the Romans , he imagining there could no worse befal him , in case he should happen to be quite overthrown , cast away any further thoughts of peace , and prepared all things necessary to try his fortune in a field , [ Polyb. Legat. 23. Diodor. Sic. Legat. 6 , 7. published by Fulvi . Vrsinus , Liv. lib. 37. cap. 7. Appia . pag. 105. ] L. Scipio the Consul , removing from his standing , came to Hellespont , al. Dardanus and Rhetaeus , where all the people of both places came out of their gates with joy , to welcome them : from thence he went to Ilium , and pitching his Camp in the plain which lay under the walls there , himself went up into the City , and Castle , and sacrificed there to Minerva , as President and Protectrix of that place . Then was there great glee , and mutual congratulations between the men of Ilium and the Romans ; whiles they recounted how Aeneas , and the Captains that went heretofore with him , were their Country men , and went from thence ; and the Romans no whit lesse proud , that they were descended of them ; and were in all respects as glad to shake hands as parents and children use to be , when after long absence they happen to meet together , [ Liv. and Justin , lib. 31. cap. 8. ] whereby the way , Demetrius Scepsius saith of himself , That he being then but a boy , happened to come into Ilium at that time , as a traveller , and that he there saw their houses lie so nasty , that they had not so much as roof-tiles to cover them withal , [ Strabo , lib. 3. pag. 594. ] Scipio , removing from thence , after six dayes march , came to the head of the River Caicus ; where Eumenes came to him with his Forces , and here making provision of food to carry with them for many dayes , their purpose was to have set upon Antiochus , and dispatcht the businesse before Winter came on upon them , [ Id. ] P. Scipio Africanus , falling sick there , was carried to Elaea , leaving for his Substitute in his Lieutenant-ship , Cn. Domitius . But Antiochus making his rendevouz in a champion near unto Thyatira , not far from the enemy , sent home young P. Scipio , whom he had casually intercepted , to his father , ransom-free : which was not onely an ease to his troubled mind , but even part of a cure to his diseased body , [ See Polib . Legat. 23. Liv. lib. 37. Justin , lib. 31. cap. 7. Appia pag. 105 , 106. Aurel. Vict. de Vir. Illustr . pag. 609. ] The Senate , and people of Heraclea in Pontus , sent an Embassie to the Scipioes , desiring that they would ratifie and confirm that league , which Emilius had formerly made with them ; which was granted . They also prayed that Antiochus might be taken into the favour and friendship of the people of Rome ; and drawing up a general decree of the people at Heraclea , sent it to Antiochus , advising him thereby to give off all further thoughts of war against the Romans , [ Memnon , Excerpt . cap. 28. ] Flotus , [ Histor. Roman . lib. 2. cap. 8. ] tells us , That Antiochus fortified his army with Elephants of a huge bignesse , all clad and glittering with gold , and silver , and scarlet , and ivory of their own kind . And in [ 1 Macchab. cap. 8. v. 6. ] we read , that he had 120 Elephant , and indeed , that he had 102 when he fought with Ptolemei , and 150 afterwards , we have shewed before [ in An. Mun. 3787. and 3799. out of Polyb. ] but we have Livie for our author , That in this fight , he had onely 54 Elephants : where he also tells us , That he had there 70 thousand Foot , and upward of 12 thousand Horse ; though Appianus tells us of 70 thousand that he had in all . But Florus , most hyperbolically , He had , ( saith he ) 300 thousand Foot , and as many Horse and iron Chariots in the field that day , But Appianus affirmeth , that the Romans had onely 30 thousand Foot ; of which number it self , there were left , two thousand Macedons , Thracians , and others in the Camp for the defence thereof , as Livie saith . This battle was fought near to Magnesia , seated at the foot of the Hill Sipylus . Hannibal was not in it , being lockt up in Pamphylia with his Fleet which he brought out of Syria : nor P. Scipio Africanus , who at that time lay sick , in the City of Elaea . The day wherein the fight was , was misty ; which caused that Antiochus , in so great an army , could not see both wings of his army at once , and the wet thereof marred the strings of the bowes and thongs which they threw their Darts withal . Neverthelesse they forced the right wing of the Roman army to run , and flee they did to the Camp : but when Emilius , who was left to keep it , saw them coming , he sent out his men to meet them , and they with their naked swords threatened to kill them there-right , unlesse they returned into the fight : Whereupon , they finding themselves thus hemmed in , with their fellows before , and the enemies behind , Emilius also offering himself and two thousand of his men to go with them , faced about ; and running desperately into the throng of the enemy , made there a vast slaughter of them , and were the beginning of the victory that ensued ; of Antiochus his part , 't is said , there fell that day , 50 thousand Foot , and 4 thousand Horse , [ Liv. Eutrop. ] Livie sayes , there were taken of them , 1400. Justin , 11 thousand . Of the Elephants , some few were killed , 15 taken with their masters . Some few of the Romans were wounded ; but there were not slain above 300 Foot , and 24 Horse , and of Eumenes his company , 25. Antiochus , getting away with some few in his company , encreased his number as he went , with others who fell in to him , and so with a reasonable shew of an army , came to Sa●des , about midnight following ; and hearing that his son Seleucus , and sundry of his Nobles were fled from thence to Celaenae , near which there was a new City built , called Apamea . He before day took horse again , with his wife and daughter , and came thither to him ; leaving the keeping of Sardes to Zeno , and the government of the province of Lydia , to Timon . And the next day again , went from thence ( leaving some of his Captains there , to gather up such pieces of the wreck as they could light upon ) and came into Syria , [ Liv. lib. 37. Appia pag. 110. and Zonaras , out of D●cu . ] Polyxenidas , Antiochus his Ammiral , hearing of this successe at land , left Ephesus , and coming as far as Patara in Lycia , there , for fear of the Rhodian Fleet , which lay not far off at Megiste , went on shoar , and with some few in his company , passed by land into Syria , [ Liv. ibid. ] After this victory , came Ambassadors hudling in from all parts to Scipio ; from Thyati●a , and Megnesia : first , then from Sardes , Tralles , Magnesia upon the Maeander , and Ephesus , all rendring themselves into his hands : after which , all the Cities of Asia did the like ; submitting themselves wholy to his mercy , and sovereignty of the people of Rom , [ Id. ibid. ] The Consul then went to Sardes , and thither came to him his brother P. Scipio from Elaea , so soon as he was able to travel . About the same time also Musaeus , sent as a Herald from Antiochus , by the mediation of P. Scipio , made suite , and obtained leave for him to send Ambassadors to the Consul , to treat of a total peace . And shortly after , came from him Ambassadors , Zeuxis the Governour of Lydia , and Antipater his brothers son : who having first treated with Eumenes , who by reason of former quarrels between them , they thought would be most averse from a peace with their Master , and finding him more pliable , than either they or their Master thought they should have done , they then made their adresse to P. Scipio , and by him were brought to the presence of the Consul himself ; and he at their suit calling together a full Council , gave them audience , and upon a hearing , offered the King the same conditions , which he sent him from Hellespont , before the fight at Magnesia . P. Scipio onely professing , that the Romans fashion was , Neither to be quailed , in case they were overcome in a battle , nor to grow insolent upon a victory gotten : the conclusion therefore was , That Antiochus must leave Europe , and part with all Asia , on this side the Taurus ; and that for the charges and cost of the war , he must pay 15 thousand talents , of E●baea ; 500 present , and 2500 , when the Senate and people of Rome , had ratified and confirmed the peace then made , and 1000 talents more to be stalled , and paied in twelve years after , by equal portions , besides 400 talents to Eumenes for his damages , and the surplusage of corn whtch was owing to his father : also that he must give up into the Consuls hand , Hannibal the Carthaginian , and Thoas the Etolian , and some others , who had been the first incendiaries of this war : and lastly , 20 hostages for performance of these conditions . And when Antipater and Zeuxis , had accepted of these conditions ; it was agreed on all hands , to send away presently Ambassadors to Rome for a confirmation of all , and so they brake up , [ Polyb. Legat. 24. Diod. Sic. Legat. 9. Liv. lib. 37. Justin , lib. 31. cpa. 8. Appia . pag. 111 , 112. ] After this , the Consul brake up his army , and sent them away to their winter quarters , to Magnesia , and to Tralles , and Ephesus . [ Polyb. & Liv. Ibid. ] The Consul himself went to Ephesus , and shortly after thither came to him a part of the 500 talents from Antiochus , which he was ordered to pay down present , and the hostages which he was to give , [ Id. Ibid. ] among which , one was Antiochus , the Kings youngest son , as Appia . [ pag. 112 , 113. ] sayes , though Zonaras out of Dion tells us , that Manlius Vulso , who succeeded Scipio , was the first that demanded him in particular for a hostage . M. Aurelius Cotta was sent by the Consul to Rome , Year of the World b. with the Kings Ambassadors , The Julian Period . 4525 so was Eumenes likewise ; Year before Christ 189 and with them went the Ambassadors of Rhodes , of Smyrna , and allmost of all the Cities and States , on this side the Taurus . [ Id. Ibid. ] Manius Acilius Glabrio , made his entry into Rome , in triumph over Antiochus and the Eolians , [ Liv. lib. 37. ] Cn. Manlius Vulso , went Consul into Asia , and was appointed to take the army which L. Scipio had , with four thousand Foot more , and 200 Horse out of Rome , and of the Latins eight thousand Foot , and four hundred Horse : and at one and the same time allmost , Manlius the Consul landed in Asia , and Q. Fabius Labio , came as Praetor to his charge of the fleet , [ Liv. lib. 37. ] Now the new Consul arrived at Ephesus , in the beginning of the Spring , and received the army given up to him by L. Scipio ; and having taken a view of it , he made an Harang unto them , inciting them thereby to prepare themselves for a war against the Galls , or Gallograecians , [ Liv. lib. 37. ] But Fabius with the fleet , set saile for Creet , to set at liberty such Romans , and others of the Italian Nation , as were there detained in slavery . And returning thence to Ephesus , sent three ships from thence into Thracia , and commanded Antiochus his garrisons to be withdrawn from Enus and Maronea , and then to be restored to their pristine liberty , [ Id. lib. 37. in fi . ] About the beginning of Summer it was , that Eumenes with the Ambassadors came to Rome , of which Cotta made a relation , first in the Senate house , and afterward to the people in General , of what had been done in Asia : and then Eumenes being bid to speak , by the Senate , opened to them , both what he had done in their service , and what his suit unto them was ; but all very sparingly , and with great moderation : yet the Rhodians opposed him , as well on their own behalf , as for the liberty of the Grecian Cities and States there . But both parties heard , the Senate decreed , That all the Regions , on this side the Taurus , which belonged to Antiochus , should be assigned and given to Eumenes ; excepting onely Lycia and Caria , as far as to the River of Maeander , which they ordered should thenceforward be allotted to the Rhodians : and the rest of the Cities in Asia , which had been Stipendarie to Attalus , should hereafter be made tributary likewise to Eumenes ; but such as had been tributary to Antiochus , should be free , and pay no tribute at all . [ Polyb. Legat. 25. & 36. Diod. Sic. Legat. 10. Liv. lib. 37. & 38. Appia . in Syriac . pag. 116. ] Antipater add Zeuxis , the Ambassadors of Antiochus , having had audience in the Senate , obtained a confirmation of peace for Antiochus upon such conditions as Scipio had given him in Asia , and when a while after , the people also had ratified the same , then was there a solemn league , with sacrifice , made with Antipater , chief of the Embassie for Antiochus in the Capitole , in further confirmation of that agreement , [ Polyb. Legat. 25. Liv. lib. 37. ] and this league was cut in brasse , and solemnly hung up , and dedicated in the Capitol , as other leagues were wont to be , and a Copy thereof sent to Manlius Vulso , the Consul , who succeeded Scipio in Asia . [ Appia . pag. 113. ] We read moreover [ 1 Maccab. 8. 7. ] that among other things , in this treaty , it was agreed , That as wel Antiochus himself , as his successours , should pay a great tribute to the Romans , and give hostages for security thereof , and a part of his kingdom , as was said before , and whereas , by this agreement , Antiochus was to pay ( as I also mentioned before ) 12 thousand talents , in 12 years , by equal portions , that is stil to be understood of Euboic talents , not of Attic , ( as Livie seems to have misunderstood Polybius ) yet of the purest Attic silver ; every of which was to weigh 80 pounds Roman : and 540 thousand bushels of corn , and 20 hostages , as before ; with this , That they should be changed every 3 years . But in the rent which was made of his great kingdom , he had yet left entire unto him , not only Comagena , Syria and Judea , as in [ Excerpt . Memnon . ] but also all the upper provinces beyond Euphrates , as Babylonia , Assyria , Susiana , and the rest , and in the lower Asia , Cilicia , though he was forbidden to come with his shipping into the streit of Cilicia , to the westward of the river Calycadnus , and the foreland of Sarpedon , to make any war there . [ Polib . Legat. 27 , and 35. Liv. lib , 37. and 38. Appia . pag. 112 , 113. ] The Senate , Year of the World d. having heard the Ambassadors of Smyrna , and other States of Asia , according to the ancient manner , sent ten Commissioners to settle all matters in Asia , and to compose all differences between state and state there . [ Polyb. Legat. 25. Diodor. Sic. Legat. 10. Liv. lib. 37. ] Now at what time the peace between the Romans and Antiochus was in agitation at Rome , Cn. Manlius in Asia , did what he could to put all into a new combustion and confusion there , and to have gotten Antiochus into his clutches , if he had come in his way : but he perceiving the Consuls dri●t , though often sollicited to come to a parlee with him , kept himself a loof , and would not come in his sight : and the Consul desirous to get him , came with his army to the parting of the waters , upon the top allmost of the Taurus . But not able to pick any quarrel against him , or his , he fell upon the Gallograecians , under a pretence , That they had formerly assisted Antiochus in his war , and that they were of such a haggard kind , and so fierce of conditions , that it was to no purpose to have sent Antiochus going beyond the Taurus , unlesse their backs were broken , as well as his . And because Eumenes was then out of the Country at Rome , therefore he sent for Attalus his brother from Pergamus , to come unto him , being now removed from Ephesus to Magnesia , and upon this summons , Attalus came to him , attended with a thousand Foot , and some 200 Horse , and they both proceeding on to the river Harpalus . Atheneus , another brother of Eumenes , and Attalus , came to him , accompanied with Leusus of Creet , and Corragus , a Macedonian born , who between them , brought him a thousand more , of several nations , and 300 Horse . [ Livie lib. 38. ] Hither came to him Ambassadors from the state of Alabanda , at whose suit , a certain Castle , which had lately revolted from them , and was again forcibly recovered by them , was restored and confirmed to them . And the Consul , going still right forward , came to Antiochia , upon the Meander , and thither came also Seleucus the son of Antiochus , ( as he might lawfully do by the articles with Scipio ) to furnish himself with corn for his army , and there the inhabitants of Taba , a City of Cilicia , bordering upon Pisidia , having idely fallen up the army of the Romans , and paid for their pains 25 talents , and ten thousand bushels of wheat , were by him taken to mercy ; and the third day after they came to the back of the river Chaus , and removing from thence , came before the City Eriza , and took it at the first assault . [ Liv. ibid. ] Moagetes the Tyrant , who had under him three Cities , Cybara , Syleum , and Alymne , al. Alnida , a cruel man , and subtle withall , could hardly be brought to purchase his peace , at the price of 130 talents , and 10 thousand bushels of wheat , [ Ib. ib. Polyb. Legat. 30 , ] When the Consul had passed the River Colobatus , Ambassadors came to him from Isinda , praying him to come and help them ; for that the men of Termessa , a City in Pisidia , joyning with the inhabitants of Philomelia , had wasted their Country , plundred their City , and now besieged their Castle and all , whither all their Citizens , with their wives and children were fled to save themseves . He taking this occasion by the hair , marched towards Pamphylia , raised the siege from before Ilinda , and pardoned them of Termessa , upon the paiment of 50 talents of silver ; so did he them of Aspendus , and of the other Cities of Pamphilia . [ Polyb. Legat. 32. Livie ut sup . ] Then , returning from Pamphylia , to his war intended against Gallogrecia , or Galatia ; he took the City Cormasa , and therein a great booty , and so left it : and as he proceeded on his way by the fenns of that Country , Ambassadors came to him from the City of Lysinoe , and submitted to him : and having received them to mercy , he came into the plain of Salagessa , in Pisidia ; out of which he drave away a rich proy of cattle : but when Ambassadors came to him , and presented him with a Crown of gold of 50 talents weight , with 20 thousand bushels of barlee , and as many of wheat , he made peace with them for the time to come , [ Polyb. Legat. 32. Liv. ut sup . ] And going again from thence to the heads of the River Obryma , he encamped at a place called the Aporis-town : and thither came to him the next day Seleucus , from Apamea ; and the Consul having sent away his souldiers that were sick , or otherwise unserviceable to Apamea , and being furnished with guides , of the way by Seleucus , came that day into a Country called the Metropolitan Country , and the next day to Dynias in Phrygia , and from thence again to Synnada ; and by the way found the Cities every where abandoned by the inhabitants for fear of his coming : and his army grew so loaden with the spoile which they had taken , that they were unneath able to march above five mile a day , and , after that rate , came to Bendos , the old , and the third day after into the Country of Galatia , [ Liv. ] Here he kept a standing Camp for certain dayes , and in that time sent his Ambassadors to Epossognatus , who alone of all the Kings of that Nation , had both kept in still with Eumenes , and would never be brought to send any aid to Antiochus against the Romans : and Epossognatus thereupon went to the rest of the Kings of that Nation and dealt what he could with them to submit to the Romans , upon fair and reasonable terms , [ Id. cum Polyb. Lega . 33. ] Now there were at that time , three Kings of these Galls , called still by their old names , of Tolistobogians , Tectosagians , and Trochmians ; and their names were , Ortiagon , Combolomarus , and Gaulotus , [ Liv. ] Of which three Ortiagon , a man of great repute for his bounty , prudence , and martial Valour , was thought at that time , to be ambitious of engrossing the whole sovereignty of that Nation into his own hands , [ Polyb. in Excerpt . Vales. pag. 114. and Suidas in Ortiagon . ] Mean while , Ambassadors came to the Consul as he lay encamped in a certain village called Tyscon , from Oroanda , desiring his friendship , which at length they bought at the rate of 200 talents , ready money , [ Liv. ] While the Romans lay before a Castle of the Galatians , called Cuballus , the enemies Horse came in sight , and in a tumultuous manner , fell upon some of the Roman army and slew them : but the Consul having put them off , and slain of them in their flight , came on with his army , without staying any where by the way , to the River Sangarius , or Sagaris , which is a River in Galatia , running thorough Phrygia into the Pontic Sea , [ Liv. ] And there , making a bridge , because it was no where foordable , and having passed the River , certain Galli , or Eunuchs , of Cybele the mother of the gods , sent by Attis and Battacus , her Priests , from Pessinunte , met him with their ornaments and other trinkets about them , and prophecying in a fanatic way , told him , That the mother of the gods sent them , to offer the Romans the victory and sovereignty of that Country . And when the Consul had answered , That he accepted of the offer , he presently pitcht his Camp in the same place , [ Liv. and Polyb. in Excerpt . Vales. pag. 209. ] The next day he came to Gordium , a Town forsaken by the inhabitants , but left full of all manner of provisions ; and whiles he was there , news was brought him from Epossognatus , that he had spoken with the Kings of the Galls , but could bring them to no reason ; and that they with their wives and children , and their chief wealth , were all drawing to the Mount Olympus , purposing there to defend themselves , trusting in their armes , and situation of the place , [ Liv. and Polyb. Legat. 33. ] But they of Oroanda , came shortly after with more particular intelligence : that the Tolistobogians had already taken the Mount of Olympus : That the Tectosagians , had taken another Hill , called Magana ; and that the Trochmians , leaving their wives and children with the Tectosagians , were gone to joyn their Forces with the Tolistobogians , [ Livie . ] The Camp of these Galls , that were in the Mount of Olympus , was forced and taken by the Consul and Attalus . Claudius Quadrigarius saith , that they fought twice in the Mount of Olympus , and that there were there slain , to the number of 40 thousand men . But Valerius Antias , who useth commonly to over-lash in this kind , yet here speaketh onely of 10 thousand slain ; nor is there any doubt but the number of them , which were taken , made up the full number of 40 thousand lost , seeing they had drawn with them to that place , all sorts of people , young and old , of either sex , more like a Colony to inhabite by themselves , than an army to fight with an enemy . The Consul , having burnt all their arms in one fire , caused all the spoile of them to be brought in to him ; and either sold all that was to be sold , or equally divided it in specie among his souldiers , [ Liv. ] Yet remained there still an entire war with the Tectosagians : The Consul therefore marching towards them , came to a place called Ancyra , a great City in those parts : from whence , not above 10 miles , the enemy was encamped . There Chiomaris , Ortyagons wife , was taken prisoner ; and when a certain Centurion had ravisht her , she found her oppertunity , and cut off his head , and sent it to her husband , ( who had gotten home from Olympus ) for a token , [ Liv. Florus , lib. 2. cap. 11. and Victor . De Vir. Illustr . cap. 55. ] This story is more fully related by Polybius , who saith , that he spake with Chiomaris her self at Sardes ; adding , That he wondred at the wisdom of the woman , [ Plutarch , De Clar. Mulier , ] ( i. e. ) of famous women . At Ancyra , while he lay there in Camp , there came to the Consul , certain Ambassadors from the Tectosagians , desiring him to remove his camp further off from thence , before their Kings came to a treatie with him about a peace : but indeed they , under pretence of a parlee , laid an ambushment to have surprised a party of the Romans , and being far the more in number , slew many of them , and had done more , had not some , who were abroad a forraging , hearing the cry , come in to their rescue , [ Polyb. Legat. 34 , Livie . lib. 38. ] The Romans , enraged herewith , the next day marched , and with the whole body of their army , came where they were , and having spent two dayes , in viewing and considering the situation of the hill , where they lay , upon the third , the Consul drew out his army , divided into three brigadaes . The main strength of the enemy lay in the Tectosagians , and Trochmians , who made between them , 50 thousand Foot , and the horse-men , because they could make no use of their horses , in that craggie ground , joyned on Foot with the rest , to the number of 10 thousand , and the Cappadocians sent from Ariarathes , and others from Morzes , in the left wing , made four thousand more . But when the battle was joyned , the Galls went to ground , and after a vast slaughter made of them , the rest fled , and shifted every man for himself , where he could ; yet in the chace , the Romans slew eight thousand more of them , the rest escaped over the river Halys . On the morrow ; the consull took a view , as well of the prisoners , as of the spoile that was taken ; where he might see the men gnawing the chains they were tyed in , with their teeth , and offering themselves to be throtled each by other . And the proy so great , as a most greedy and rapacious nation , which had had the spoile of all Asia on this side the Taurus for so many years , could be imagined to have raked together , Afterward the Galls that escaped , coming together , naked and wounded , and having lost all they had ; agreed among themselves , to send , and sue to the Romans for a peace . The Consul willed them to follow him to Ephesus ; for ( mid-autumne being now past ) he was desirous to get him gone out of that cold air , occasioned principally by the vicinity of that snowie mountain Taurus , and to draw near the sea side , and there to quarter his army for that winter , [ Liv. ibid. with Appian . in Syriac . pag. 115. & Flor. lib. 7. cap. 11. ] At Rome , the first of February , ( which as the year there then went , was the 27 of our Septemb. ) L. Emilius Regillus triumphed over Antiochus , for the victory which he got of him by sea , [ Liv. lib. 37. ] About the time when the ten Commissioners , appointed to go for Asia , in company of those Ambassadors , and others which came out of Asia , set out from Rome upon their journey , and came to Brundusium . L. and P. Scipio happened , coming out of Asia , to land in Italy : and few dayes after entered Rome triumphantly . [ Polyb. Legat . 25. ] L. Scipio rode in triumph over Antiochus , upon the last of February , being then Leap year , about the 16 of our November , allmost a year after his Consulship was expired , and that he might not come behind his brother Africanus in any point , was by all men surnamed Asiaticus , [ Liv. lib. 37. ] C. Manlius Vulso , after the time of his Consulship was out , continued in Asia , as Pro-consul there , a year longer . [ Id. ib. lib. 38. ] In the fourth year of the 147 Olympiade , came Ambassadors to Manlius , then Proconsul , Year of the World b. wintering at Ephesus , from all Cities , States and Countries , dwelling thoroughout Asia , on this side the Taurus , to congratulate his victory over the Galls ; and presenting him with Crowns of gold : all which he entertained with so much respect and favour , that he sent them away , more glad and joyfull than they came . There came to him all the Ambassadors of the Galls , as he had appointed them , to know upon what conditions they might have their peace ; to whom he answered , That he would hear them about that matter , when Eumenes came , and not before . Ambassador also came from Ariarathes King of Capadocia , to beg his pardon , and to redeem his offence with money , in that he had assisted Antiochus , his father in law , in his war : He was fined at 600 talents of silver , though Livie and Appianus say but 200. Musaens also came to him sent from Antiochus ; to whom Manlius answered , That he would give him a meeting upon the borders of Pamphilia , and there receive the 2500 talents , and the wheat , which he was to pay , according to the agreement by him made with L. Scipio , [ Polyb. Legat. 35. Liv. lib. 38. ] At the first of the spring , having taken a view of his army , and Attalus along with him , he set out from Ephesus , and upon the eighth day after , came to Apamea ; where having stayed three days , in three days more , he came with his army into Pamphylia , to the place which he had appointed for his meeting with Antiochus : where he stayed 3 dayes , and there distributed among his army the wheat , which Antiochus sent in : and the monies , he consigned to one of the Colonels , to be conveyed to Apamea : from thence he went to Perga ; which was the onely place in all that Country , which was kept with a Garrison . And when he drew near unto it , the Captain of the Garrison came out to meet him , desiring his patience for 40 dayes , save one , to advertise Antiochus , and to receive his answer , what to do , anent the surrender of the place unto him : which was granted , and upon the day , the Garrison left the place , [ Id. ibid. ] About the same time , which was in the begining of Summer season , the ten Commissioners with Eumenes arrived at Ephesus ; where staying two dayes onely , to settle their stomachs coming off the sea , they set forward and came to Apamea : The Proconsul hearing of their coming , sent his brother L. Manlius with 4 thousand souldiers to Oroanda , to demand the money , in arrere , of them : and himself , willing the Ambassadors of Antiochus to follow him , returned with his army to Apamea , and finding Eumenes there with the ten Commissioners , fell presently into consultation of what was to be done . First of all therefore it was agreed on all hands , to ratifie and confirm the peace and league formerly made with Antiochus : for observance whereof , according as it was drawn up and prescribed by the Senate ( the forme whereof we find punctually delivered by Polybius and Livie . ) Manlius the Proconsul in the presence of the Kings Ambassadors took a solemn oath , there ; and that done , he dispatcht away presently Q. Minucius Thermus a Colonel , and his own brother , L. Manlius , ( who was then by chance returned from Oroanda , with the monies which he was sent for ) to take the like oath of Antiochus , and to ratifie all the conditions thereof , [ Id. ibid. with . Appia . pag. 113. ] The Proconsul then wrote his letters , to Q. Fabius Labeo , who commanded the Navy to come away forthwith to Patara , and there set fire on all the Kingships that there were , or otherwise destroy them , [ Polyb. and Liv. ut sup . ] Lebeo , setting out from Ephesus , came to Patara , and there set fire on , or otherwise destroyed 50 ships of the Kings , as he was commanded : and in the same journey of his , recovered Telmessus , where all were at their wits ends , upon the sudden coming of the Roman Fleet. And then , setting sail out of Lycia ; and sending word to Ephesus , for such as were left there to follow him , came thorough the middest of the Islands lying in his way , into Greece : and staying some few dayes at Athens , till his ships came to him from Ephesus , sailed thence with his whole Fleet into Italy , [ Livie . ] The Proconsul , having among other things , which he was , by the Articles , to have from Antiochus , received the Elephants ( which were at Apamea , as Polybius saith ) and bestowed them all upon Eumenes ; And then set himself to hear the differences ( as in that confusion of things it could not be , but many must arise ) between the several Cities and States . And Ariarathes King of Cappadocia , for Eumenes his sake , to whom he had then newly betrothed his daughter , had half his fine striken off , [ Id. ] At Apamea also , the Proconsul , and the ten Commissioners , having given audience to all that came , appointed certain indifferent places , by consent of all parties , where the differences between City and City , concerning either their bounds , or money-matters , or the like , should be heard , and ended . The Colophonians which dwelt in Notium , the inhabitants of Cyma , and Mylassa , were for ever acquitted from payment of any tribute , by the Proconsul and Commissioners : and to them of Clazomenae , over and above their exemption from payment of tribute , they gave also a certain Island called Drymussa , which lay over against their City . And to the Milesians , they restored a place called Sacer Ager : ( i. e. ) The holy Country , which for fear of enemies , they had relinquished . As for them of Chios , Smyrna , and Erythrae , in regard of their extraordinary zeal and forwardnesse in their service , they both gave unto them , all such lands and regions , as they particularly desired to have , and had them also in singular recommendation above the rest . They of Phocaea had their laws and liberties restored them to the full , with all the territory which they possessed before the war began , [ Polyb. Legat. 36. Liv. lib. 38. ] To those of Ilium , they gave the Cities and Territories of Rhaetaeus , and Gergithus , not so much for any great service which they had done them , as in regard of the blood which was anciently between them , [ Liv. ibid. ] And whereas before , there were but some certain few places , belonging to Pergamus , and the jurisdiction thereof , to wit , onely to the sea side , near Elais , and Adramyttium , as Strabo teach us , [ lib. 13. pag. 627. ] they now gave unto Eumenes , Lysimachia and the Chersonese of Thracia in Europe side ; and in Asia , all Lycaonia , Myllus , Phrygia the greater and the lesse , and all the Countries of Lydia and Ionia , save onely the Towns there , which were free , when the battle was fought with Antiochus : and namely , they bestowed on him Thralles , and Ephesus , and Telmessus in Lycia , and whereas he was anciently possessed of Mysia , and King Prusias had taken it from him by force , that they caused to be restored to him and for Pamphylia , which Eumenes his Ambassadors said , lay on this side the Taurus , and the Ambassadors of Antiochus , that it lay beyond it , they referred that difference wholy to the pleasure and judgement of the Senate it self . [ Polyb. Legat. 36. Liv. lib. 37 , 38. ] The two Rhodian Ambassadors Theaetaetus and Philophron , desired that they might have Lycia and Caria , according to a former order and decree of the Senate in that behalf made . Hipparchus and Satyrus , the Ambassadors from Ilium , became suitors to the Commissioners , desiring them most earnestly , and by the blood that was between them , to pardon the Lycians . The Commissioners endeavoured to satisfie both parties , as much as in them lay ; for they laid no burthen at all upon the Lycians , in favour to them of Ilium , and yet assigned the whole nation of the Lycians , to the Rhodians , to gratifie them in some sort as they desired ; save onely the Citie of Telmessus , and sorts belonging thereto , and the Country belonging to Ptolemeus of Telmessus ; Caria also , all beyond the Meander , was given to the Rhodians , all save those places , which were free the day before the battle at Magnesia , against Antiochus . But the Lycians protested openly , That they would run any risque , rather than be in subjection to the Rhodians ; alleadging for themselves , That they were assigned by the Commissioners , not as subjects , but onely as friends and associates to them . When the Commissioners , according to the articles , among other things demanded Hannibal to be delivered up into their hands by Antiochus , he presently , upon notice thereof from the King , fled from thence , and went to Gortyna in Creet , [ Justin lib. 32. cap. 4. and Emil. Prob. in Hannib . ] Yet the report goes , That upon the overthrow of Antiochus by the Romans , Hannibal fled first to Artaxias in Armenia ; and gave him much other good counsel : but among the rest , to build the Capital City in Armenia , which was from him called Artaxata , al. Artaxiasata , [ Plut. in Lucullo , Strabo , lib. 11. pag. 528. ] for Artaxias , and Thariades , al. Zariadres , two Captains in Antiochus his army , by his permission formerly bare the rule , as Sovereigns over all Armenia , the one over the great , the other over the lesser : but after his overthrow , they joyned with the Romans , and from them obtained , each the title of a King in his own dominions . [ Strabo Ibid. pag. 531 , 532. ] And it is most likely , that at the time , when they made friends with the Romans , Hannibal got him away thence also , and fled into Creet . Antiochus , having thus lost all Asia , said , That he was very much beholding to the Romans , for easing him of so much trouble , by confining him within a more reasonable compasse of his dominions . [ Cic. pro Dejotaro . Valer. Maxim. lib. 4. cap. 1. ] Cn. Manlius , Year of the World 3817 and the ten Commissioners , having now settled all things , went with the whole army towards Hellespont , purposing to order matters in Galatia , as they went , [ Polyb. Legat. 36. cap. 1. ] And calling those petty kings to come in to them ; they gave them such conditions of their peace as they thought fit ; the sum whereof was , That they should keep peace with Eumenes , and warned them to give off that lewd custom of theirs , in raging up and down with their arms about them , and to keep themselves within their own confines , [ Liv. Ibid. ] to wit , within that part of Phrygia , and Paphlagonia , and Mysia , where it borders upon the mount Olympus , and Cappadocia , which being heretofore possessed by them , went now by the name of Galatia , [ Zonar . ea Dione . ] We also read [ 1 Maccab. 8. 2. ] that there was a tribute imposed on them , and so the Romans having chastised the Galatians for their insolencie used towards them , acquired to themselves the whole , and entire sovereignty of Asia on this side the Taurus , and made that the bound of the Empire Eastward for that present , and freed the inhabitans there from that terrour which they were formerly in from those fierce and barbarous Galls . [ Polyb. lib. 3. pag. 159. with Manlius his Oraion , in Livie lib. 38. ] Manlius gathered all the ships which he could get in all that coast , and Eumenes with his ships came also to him ; and in them passed himself with all his army into Europe , [ Liv. lib. 38. ] Antiochus , marching with his army into his upper provinces ( or as Jerom upon Daniel cap. 11. speaketh , passing thorough the furthermost Cities of his domions ) proclaimed his son Seleucus Philopator to be his successor , as we find , [ 2 Maccab. 9. 23. ] When Antiochus , The Julian Period . 4527 whether feeling himself over-loaden , Year before Christ 187 with the heavy tribute laid on him by the Romans , or whether it proceeded from a fit of avarice that took him , whereby he thought he might under colour thereof , fall to committing sacriledge upon his gods , and hearing that the Temple of Jupiter Belus in Elimaiis , abounded with Silver and Gold , and other precious Jewels , of offerings there made , he purposed to seize it all into his hands ; coming therefore into Elemaiis , and pretending that the inhabitants of that place , had raised a war against him , with the power of his army , he entered into the Temple by night , and took thence an infinite masse of wealth ; which coming to the peoples eares , the peasants of the Country came in , and set upon his army , and slew both him and them , [ Diodor. Sic. in Excerpt . Vales. pag. 292 , 298. Strabo , lib. 16. pag. 744. Justin , lib. 32. cap. 2. ] Jerom upon [ Dan. chap. 11. ] saies that he was slain in a fight against the inhabitants of Elema●is : but [ Arel . Victor . de Vir. Illustr . ] tells us , that he was slain , by his own pot-companions ; some of whom , in a drunken fit , he had beaten , and misused at a Feast : but slain he was , and that , as Zonaras rightly averreth out of Dion , in the year when C. Flaminius , and Emilius Lepidus , were Consuls of Rome . After his death Seleucus , surnamed Philopator , or as Josephus , [ lib. 12. cap 4. ] Soter ( which was indeed the surname of his son Demetrius ) suceeded him in his kingdom , and reigned 12 years ; a man of a lazy humor , nor of any great power , by reason of his fathers great losse sustained from the Romans , [ Appia . in Syriac . pag. 131. with Porphy . Euseb. and Severus , Sulpitius . ] In this very entrance to the kingdom , he had a son , called Demetrius , whose surname was Soter , who as Polybius [ Legat. 107. ] was 23. years old , when his Uncle Antiochus Epiphanes died , And of this Seleucus , is meant that which is said , in the beginning [ of the third chapter of the third book of Maccab . ] When the Holy City lived in all peace , and the laws therein excellently well excuted , by reason of the piety of Onias the High Priest , and for that he was an utter enemy to all ungodlinesse ; it came to passe that even Kings themselves honoured this Place , and adorned the Temple with many rich offerings : Insomuch , that Seleucus himself , King of Asia , furnished all cost out of his own cofers , for the publick ministery of the Sacrifices . When Philopoemen was Praetor : ( i. e. ) Chief Magistrate of the Achaean● , Demetrius of Athens , came as an Ambassador of Ptolemeis from Alexandria , to renew his league with the Achaeans ; and they being very glad thereof , sent their Ambassadors in like manner to him : to wit , Lycortas , father to Polybius the Historian , and Theodoridas , and Rhositeles of Sicyone , both to take their oath to the King , and also to receive his oath to them , [ Polyb. Legat. 37. ] Cn. Manlius Vulso , Year of the World 3818 contrary to the votes of the ten Commissioners , triumphed in Rome over the Galls in Asia , upon the fifth day of March , [ Liv. lib. 38. & 39. ] Concerning whose doings in Asia , Hannibal , having now nothing else to do , wrote a book in Greek : which language he had learnt , from one Sosilus a Lacedemonian , and dedicated it to the Rhodians , [ Emil. Probus , in Hannibale . ] Which Sosilus was born at Ilium , and wrote the gests of Hannibal in 7 Volumes , as [ Diodor. Sic. lib. 26. Eclog. ] affirmeth . When Aristaenus was Praetor , or Chief Magistrate in Achaia , the Ambassadors which were sent from thence to King Ptolemei , returned home , whiles the general Assembly of that Nation were met , and sitting at Megalopolis : before whom Lycortas declared , That according to their commission they had taken their oath to the king , and reciprocally received his oath to them : adding further , that they had brought a present from the King to the Commonalty of Achaia ; to wit , armes all of brasse to furnish 6000 Targateers , and 200 talents of brasse , ready coined , [ Polyb. Legat. 41. ] To that meeting Eumenes also sent his Ambassadors , to renew the league with them which had formerly been between them and his father ; promising moreover , to bestow on them , 120 talents , to the end , that putting them out to use , the income thereof might serve to defray the charges of such as were to come from time , to time , to their assemblies ; which largesse of his so offered , though their mouths watered at so great a summe , yet with one voice , they all refused , and would none of it , [ Id. ibid. Diodor. Sic. Legat. 13. ] Eumenes his Ambassadors came to Rome , Year of the World 3819 to treat there concerning the possession of two Cities of Thracia , The Julian Period . 4529 Enus , Year before Christ 185 and Maronaea , which they said belonged to him , as appurtenant to the Chersonese of Thracia , which the Romans had given him ; and withal , to complain of Philippus , King of Macedon , for that he had seized on them by force , and put Garrisons in them , and had drawn from thence certain inhabitants there , and planted them in Macedonia . For the hearing of which difference between them , the Senate joyned Q. Caecilius Metellus , and M. Baebius , and Tib. Sempronius , in Commission , and sent them ; and they coming to Thessalonica , heard both parties argue the case before them , [ Polyb. Legat. 40 , 42. Liv. lib. 39. ] When they returned to Rome , Year of the World 3820 and the Ambassadors on either side , pleaded there nothing but what they had already said before the Commissioners at Thessalonica : the Senate decreed a second commission , whereof the chief man was Ap. Claudius , with instructions , to put out all Garrisons from Enus and Maronaea , and to assoile all the sea coast of Thracia from the power and jurisdiction of Philippus and his Macedons , [ Polyb. Legat. 42 , 44. and Liv. lib. 49. ] At the same time also , Areus and Alcibiades , the two Prime men of Sparta , came to Rome , and in the Senate made a heavy complaint against the Achaeans ; whereupon the Senate thought fit to refer that cause also to the same Commissioners , [ Polyb. Legat . 42. Pausan. in Achaic . pag. 214. ] Lycortas of Megalopolis , Polybius his father , the Praetor of Achaia , called an assembly of the Nation : wherein Areus and Alcibiades , who went to complain of them at Rome , were condemned to die for it , [ Liv. lib. 39. Pausan. ut . sup . ] A while after , the Roman Ambassadors came into Achaia , and the common Council or Assembly of Achaia met before them , at Clitore in Arcadia , [ Liv. ibid. Polyb. Legat. 43. ] but their coming in no sort pleased the Achaeans , when they saw Areus and Alcibiades ( whom they in a late assembly had condemned to death ) in their company ; Lycortas , like a Magistrate , pleaded and maintained the cause of the Achaeans very boldly : But the Commissioners , not regarding much what he said , declared openly and with joynt consent , that Areus and Alcibiades were honest men , and had done the Achaeans no wrong at all , and prevailed so far , as to have the sentence given against them to be reversed , [ Liv. and Pausa . ut . sup . ] When Hannibal had lived a long time very quietly at Gortyna in Greet , and fell there into the envy of many by reason of his great wealth , he filled certain great chests with lead , and deposited them in the Temple of Diana there , as a treasure for a dead lift : and thereupon the people , having such a pledge as that of him , looked the lesse after him : but he in the mean time stole away to Prusias , surnamed , as I said before , the Hunter , King of Bythinia , having first molten his gold and infused it into certain hollow Statues of brasse , which he carried away with him , [ Justin , lib. 32. cap. 4. and Emil. Probus , in Hannibale . ] There fell a little after a war in hand , between Prusias and Eumenes , King of Pergamus : which Prusias began , breaking the league that was between them , meerly in confidence of Hannibal , whom he had there to manage his war for him , [ Justin , ibid. ] The war therefore grew hot between them , both by land and sea : but Eumenes by the assistance of the Romans , over-powered him in both : and whereas Prusias was but poor , and weake of himself , Hannibal procured him the assistance of some other Kings and States , and those of very warlike Nations , [ Emil. Prob. ] and among them , the aid of Philippus King of Macedon , who sent him Philocles his General , with a considerable army to help him , [ Polyb. Legat. 46. ] In the 149 Olymp. when M. Claudius Marcellus , Year of the World 3821 and Q. Fabius Labeo , first entered into their Consul-ship , came to Rome an Embassie from Eumenes , carried by Athenaeus his youngest brother , who brought with him a Crown of Gold of 15000 talents price , to complain of Philippus ; both for that he had not withdrawn his Garrisons out of Thracia , as also for that he sent aid to Prusias , King of Bithynia , who had willfully broken his league , and made war upon his brother Eumenes , [ Polyb. Legat. 46. Livie , lib. 39. ] and among other Ambassadors , from Lacedemon , came Areus and Alcibiades to the Senate , [ Polyb. ibid. ] When Prusias had received an overthrow from Eumenes by land , The Julian Period . 4531 and seeking to try his fortune by sea , Year before Christ 183 was too weak for Eumenes : there also Hannibal advised him to to try whether he could do by policy and fraud , what by plain force he was not able to effect . He put therefore a multitude of all sorts of serpents into earthen vessels , and in the middest of the fight , to be hurled aboard the enemies ships ; giving order to the souldiers and sea-men , to set all upon the ship wherein Eumenes himself was , and defend themselves from the rest as well as they could ; by this device of the serpents , and that they might the more certainly know , in what ship Eumenes himself was , he sent before-hand a letter to him by a Herald , purporting nothing but a meer flout to Eumenes , and full of abuses to his person . When as therefore Prusias his men , came to it , they fought neither against great nor small , but onely against the ship which Eumenes was in : whereupon he was fain to seek his safety by flight ; but had perished therein , had he not thrust in upon the next shoar , where he had placed before-hand , for a relief upon all occasions , a company of his own . As for Eumenes his other ships , when they pressed hard upon the enemy , they let flie their earthen pitchers full of Snakes , which falling on the decks , brake , and out flew the Serpents among them ; and this at first seemed a ridiculous thing unto them : but when they could stir no where in the ship for Serpents , and found themselves no lesse annoyed with their stings than with the arrows of their enemy , they gave off the fight , and fled to their sea-camp which was upon the shoare . [ Justin lib. 32. cap. 4. Emil. Prob. in Hannibale . ] Thus Hannibal , by this trick , got the better of Eumenes , in that fight ; nor then onely , but also in sundry other encounters and by one stratageme or another , he ever put Eumenes to the worst . And once , when he advised Prusias to fight , and he durst not , because the entrailes of the beasts , said he , forbid me : What , said Hnnibal , will you rely more upon a little piece of flesh in a Calf , than upon the judgement of an old experienced Captain in the field , [ Cic. De Divinat . lib. 2. Plut. in his Treatise , De Exilio . Valer Max. lib. 3. cap. 7. ] Now when news of these doings came to Rome , Ambassadors were out of hand dispatcht away by the Senate , to make a peace between the two Kings , and to demand Hannibal , out of Prusias his hands . [ Polybius Legat. 47. ] tells us , That Ti. Qu. Flaminius , was at that time sent Ambassador , both to Prusias , and also to Seleucus , King of Syria , and Livie , [ lib. 36. out of Galerius Antias ] shews , That Lu. Scipio Asiaticus , and P. Scipio Nasica , were joyned in Commission with him to Prusias . Agesipolis , who in his nonage , was King of Sparta , being sent with others to Rome , from such as were then bannished out of Lacedemon , by the way fell into the hands of Pirates , and was by them slain , [ Polyb. Legat. 49. ] This Agesipolis was the son of Cleomenes the King of Sparta , who was slain in Alexandria , as before , An Mun. 3784. and was solemnly taken in for their King , by the Ephori there , but was turned out again , by those usurping Tyrants which succeeded in that state , Lycurgus , Machanidas and Nabis , as Polybius , [ lib. 4. pag. 304. ] teacheth us . But now , that this lawful King was dead , Areus , of whom I speak before out of Polybius , Livie , and Pausanias , being a most earnest and violent defender of his Countries liberty against the Achaeans , their power being now abated by the Romans , seemeth to have acquired to himself the title of a King among them , for Josephus , [ l. 12. Antiq. c. 4. & Euseb. in Chron. ] both testifie , that Areus the King of Lacedemon , sent an Embassie , and wrote his letters to Onias 3. son of Onias , the High Priest at Jerusalem , which letters are extant in Josephus , [ cap. 5. lb. & cap. 12. lib. 1. Macabae . ] a book exactly translated out of the Hebrew , ( for that book was originally written in Hebrew , as Jerom shews ) and retaineth every where the brevitie and Hebraismes of it , in which letters , mention is made of the blood and kinred that was between the Jews and Lacedemonians , which seemeth to have been taken out of the Mythological or fabulous writings of the Greeks ; such as was that of Claudius Iolaus , in Stephanus Byzantinus in the word Judaea , that the name of the Jews came from one Judaeus Sportones , a companion or fellow souldier of Bacchus in his wars ; though Pausanias in his Corinthiaca , [ pag. 58. ] assures us , That the names of Sportones , was altogether unknown to the Spartans or Lacedemonians of his time . Eumenes began now to make war with Prusias King of Bythinia and Ortyagon , one of the Kings of the Galls . [ Prolog . Trogi , lib. 32. with Polyb. lib. 3. lib. 159. ] The death of Hannibal , I conceive , fell in with the Consulship of L. Emilius Paulus , and Cn. Baebius Pamphilus , for so Polybius , and Valerius Max. write ; and not in the year before : as Atticus , and Livie , who follow him there , would have it , nor yet in the year next following , as Sulpitius , and in Emil. Probus , in Hannibale . Now the manner of his death , as we find it 〈◊〉 Livie , [ lib. 39. in Justin lib. 32. cap. 4. in Plut. in the Life of T. Q. Flaminius in Dion , quoted by Zonaras , in Emil. Prob. in Hannibale , and in Appianus in his Syriaea , pag. 92. ] was in this manner . Hannibal kept himself close in one place , Year of the World 3822 which was a little Castle , given him by Prusias ; to which he had made seven dores ; some of which were blind , to the end , That if any came to beset the house , they should not set any guard there , because they appeared not to be doors . When therefore he heard , that the Kings souldiers were in the porch , to break in upon him , he went to get out at one of those blind back-doors : but when he found that , contrary to his expectation , beset also with men to take him ; and the house beset quite round every where , he took his poison , which he carryed ever about him , for that purpose , and so dyed at the age of 70 years old : of whose death it is said . That there was this Oracle long before uttered . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( i. e. ) The land of Lybia Hannibals Corpss shall cover . Which word Lybia , or Lybyssa , he ever understood of Lybia in Afric : whereas it was indeed a little Village in Bythinia , near the sea side , called also by the same name , of which Pliny , [ lib. 5. cap. 22. ] speaking , saith : where 's now nothing worth the seeing , but Hannibals tomb onely . Pharnaces King of Pontus fell suddenly upon the City of Synope and took it ; which from thence forward continued in the possession of him and his successors . [ Strabo lib. 12. pag. 545 , 546. ] In the second year of the 149 Olymp. came Ambassadors to Rome from the two Kings , Eumenes and Pharnaces , who were then in war one against the other , as also from the Rhodians , complaining of the wrong done to them of Synope , by Pharnaces . Whoreupon Marius and others in commission with him , were sent Ambassadors to take knowledge of the case of Synope ; and to compose all differences between the two Kings , [ Polyb. Legut . 52 , 53. and Livie lib. 40. ] Hyrcanus ( the son of Josephus , and nephew to Tobias ) was sent to Seleucus , to gather up his tributes , on the other side of the river Jordan Eastward : where he built a fair and most fortified Castle , all of white marble , which he called by the name of Tyros , to wit , in the codfines of Arabia , and Judea on the other side Jordan , not far from the land of Heshbon , and was governour of all that Region , during the last seven years of Seleucus his reign ; living all that time in war with the Arabians , and making great slaughters of them , besides many prisoners taken , and made slaves by him . [ Joseph . lib. 12. cap. 4 , 5. ] Marcius and his fellow Commissioners , who were sent to see how the squares went between Eumenes and Pharnaces , returned ; and made their report in the Senate , of what they found ; setting out Eumenes his fair dealing , and temperate carriage in all things , blazoning the avarice and high fierce carriage of Pharnaces to the full , [ olyb. Legat. 53. ] for indeed he was the most violent and invirious King that ever was before him , [ Id. in Excerpt . Vales. pag. 130. ] When Ariarathes King of Cappadocia , Year of the World 3823 joyning in with Eumenes of Pergamus , made war upon Pharnaces King of Pontus , all three at once , sent their Ambassadors to Rome , and the Senate having heard them all , answered , That they would send Comm●ssioners once more into those parts , with power to hear and determine all matters between them , [ Id. Ib. cum . lib. 3. pag. 159. Liv. lib. 40. ] Pharnaces , scorning thus to dance attendance upon the Romans , burst out again , and sent Leocritus in the middest of winter , with an army of ten thousand men , to harast and ravage all the Country of Galatia . [ Polyb. Legat. 55. ] And himself in person , the spring following , mustered all his forces , as if he would have fallen upon Cappadocia . [ Id. ib. ] Eumenes fretting to see him thus transgresse all bounds of law and honesty as he did , together with his brother Attalus , newly then returned from Rome , marched into Galatia , against Leocritus , but him they found not there : and when Carsignatus ( or rather , Epossognatus , as Fulvius Ursinus thinks it should be ) and Gazotorius sent their Ambassadors to desire them to forbear doing them any harm , for that they were ready to do what ever they were commanded , but were rejected by him , as men who had formerly falsified and broken their faith and word unto him , and so they went on against Pharnaces . [ Ibid. ] At the end of five dayes march , Eumenes with his brother came from Calpito , al. Calpia , a City of Bythinia , to the river Halys ; and the sixth day after to Amisus , a city in Cappadocia : where when Ariarathes the King of that Country , had joyned his army with theirs , they all came into the plaine of Amisus , where they had scantly pitcht Camp , when news came , that Commissioners were come from Rome , to make a peace between them : whereupon Eumenes presently sent away his brother Attalus to wellcome them into those parts , and he in the mean time doubled his army , and put them all into the best equ page he could , [ Ibid. ] The Commissioners at their first arrival , exhorted both parties to a peace . Eumenes and Ariarathes , answered , With all their hearts ; and what ever else they should be pleased to command ; and when the Commissioners prayed , That during the treaty , they would draw out their forces from the enemies Country , Eumenes readily assented thereto , and the next morning gave order to send back his forces into Galatia , [ Ibid. ] The Commissioners then treating with Pharnaces , could by no means prevail with him , to come to any conference where Eumenes should be present , and much a do they had at last to perswade him to send his Ambassadors to some place by the sea side , with full power there to treat , and to stand to such order as they should think fit to set down between them ; and when his Ambassadors came to the place appointed , and the conference was now began , Eumenes was ready to yield to any conditions : but the Ambassadors of Pharnaces shewed themselves in such a fashion as the Commissioners easily perceived , that Pharnaces himself had no mind to come to any agreement , [ Ibid. ] So the conference brake off , and no peace concluded between them , and when the Commissioners were gone from Pergamus , and Pharnaces his Ambassadors sent away , the war went on as before , between them two : and Eumenes fell to prepare all things necessary for it on his part ; neverthelesse , at the earnest instance of the Rhodians , who desired his aid against the Lycians , he let Pharnaces alone for that time , and went to help them , [ Ibid. ] Leocritus , the General of Pharnaces his Forces , having laid hard siege to Pius ( or rather Teios ) a Town in Pontus , forced the Garrison which was there , consisting all of mercenary souldiers , to deliver up the Twon to him , upon condition , that they themselves , should be conveyed to what place they should name for themselves , in safety : but having afterward received an expresse from Pharnaces to put them all to the sword , because they had formerly offended him , he pursued them upon the way , and slew them every man , [ Diodor. Sic. in Excerpt . Vales. pag. 302. ] Seleucus , having gotten together a reasonable army , and going to the aid of Pharnaces , was ready to passe the Taurus : neverthelesse , calling to mind that in so doing , he should break the articles accorded between his father and the Romans , upon better advice , he brake off that journey , and returned home again , [ Id. ibid. ] Yet afterward Pharnaces fell to an agreement with Attalus , Year of the World 3824 and the rest , The Julian Period . 4534 and they entered into a solemn league between them . Year before Christ 180 Eumenes at that time had laien sick at Pergamus , but was now recovered : and having ratified all that Attalus had done therein , upon his return , sent both him and the rest of his brothers all to Rome , where every man , who knew what service they had done in the wars in Asia , bad them heartily welcome ; but the Senate , in special , caused lodgings to be provided for them , and large allowance to be made them at the publick charge . And Attalus coming into the Senate-house , complained of the wrong that Pharnaces had done them ; and desired them to chastise him according to the measure of his offence : to whom they made a gracious answer , promising to send Commissioners , who should make , a final accord between them , [ Polyb. Legat. 56. Diodor. Legat. 14. ] Ptolemaeus Epiphanes , desirous to make a more strict association with the Achaeans , sent his Ambassadors to them , promising them ten ships , each of 50 oares a piece ready furnished to the full . The Achaeans , considering that the offer was too good to be refused , as amounting to the value of almost 10 talents , accepted thereof very willingly : And sent him their Ambassadors , Lycortas with his son Polybius , ( to wit , the Historian ) though younger at that time , than by their law and Ambassador should be : and with them , Aratus , the son of Aratus the Sicyonian , with instructions both to thank the King for the armes and monies , which he had formerly sent them by Lycortas ; and also to receive from him , the ten ships now promised , and to bring them , into Peloponese . But this Embassie never went further then Achaia it self , by reason , that newes came of the death of Ptolemei , [ Id. Legat. 57. ] For when Ptolemei laid a trap to take Seleucus in , and withal set on foot an army to go against him , and one of his Captains asked him where he would get money to go thorough with what he took in hand , his answer was , That his friends were his treasur : which saying of his , flying abroad , and coming to his Friends and Captains eares , and they conceiving that his meaning was , to furnish himself by stripping them of their means , agreed among themselves and poisoned him , [ Jerom upon Daeniel , chap. 11. ] This Ptolemei Epiphanes , in Priscian the Grammarian , is said by Cato , to have been a most excellent and bountiful King ; and the truth is , that for a long time , he carryed himself very nobly and well ; but afterward when by the perswasion of some clawbacks of the Court , he had caused Aristomenes , whom he had formerly honoured as a father , to take a drench of hemlocks , whereof he died , he grew to a further heighth of blood and cruelty , and ruled his people more like a Tyrant than a King ; whereby he fell into such hatred and detestation among them , that they were ready to depose him , [ Diodor. Sic. in Excerpt . Vales. pag. 294 , 297. ] At his death , he left two sons , both under age : the eldest was called , Philometor , the younger , Physcon , [ Josephus , lib. 12. cap. 5. ] Ptolemaeus Philometor ( whom Epiphanius miscalleth Philopator ) reigned after his father 35 years : as [ Clau. Ptolemaeus , in Can. Reg. Clemens Alexandrinus , Eusebius , ] and others tell us : of which we , to make the times even , abate 3 moneths onely . Pharnaces , Year of the World 3825 finding himself over-laid by this unexpected and violent coming on of the enemy , The Julian Period . 4535 sent his Ambassadors to Eumenes and Ariarathes , Year before Christ 179 and sued for peace : so this war between Eumenes and Ariarathes on the one side , and Pharnaces and Mithridates , Lord of Armenia , on the other , was taken up , and ended upon these conditions ; to wit , That Pharnaces should no more set foot in Galatia ; and should break off all former agreements and leagues made with the Galatians . That he should likewise get him going out of all Paphlagonia : and such of the Inhabitants thereof as he had carryed from thence , he should send home again , with their armes . That he should restore to Ariarathes , all the places which he had taken from him , with such hostages as he had received of him . That he should restore all the prisoners which he had taken , ransom-free ; and deliver up those which had left their King , and fled over to him . That he should restore to Morzias and Ariarathes the 900 talents , which he had taken from them and 300 more to Eumenes , for his charges in the war : and that Mithridates the Lord of Armenia , should pay 300 talents , for making war upon Ariarathes , contrary to the league which he had made with Eumenes . In this league , were comprised , of the great men of Asia , Artaxias , a petty king of the greater part of all Armenia , and one Acusilochus : and of those in Europe side , Gatalus of Sarmatia , and of free States , those of Heraclea , Mesembrya , Chersonesus , and Cyzicum : for performance whereof , so soon as the hostages sent by Pharnaces were come , the armies brake up , and dispersed themselves , every man to his own home , [ Polyb. Legat . 59. ] Teius , Year of the World 3826 a Town in Pontus , which Prusias by the Articles was to restore to Eumenes , Eumenes freely gave back to him again , and had many thanks given him by Prusias for it , [ Id. ibid. ] After the death of Philippus , King of Macedon , his son Perses , or Perseus , succeeded him , in the year when Q. Fulvius , and L. Manlius , were Consuls at Rome : and he reigned 11 years , [ Liv. lib. 45. ] or rather 10 years , 11 moneths , as Porphyrie more exactly counteth it , [ Scal. in Graec. Euseb. pag. 229. ] Here begins the third Periode , of Calippus . The Lycians sent their Ambassadors to Rome , The Julian Period . 4536 to complain of the cruelty of the Rhodians , to whom they were assigned , and made subject by L. Cornelius Scipio , saying , that the slavery which they endured under Antiochus , in comparison of this , was an excellent kind of liberty and freedom ; and that there was no difference now left between them , and the very slaves they bought in the Market for their money . The Senate moved with this piteous complaint , gave them their letters to carry to the Rhodians ; whereby they put the Rhodians in mind , that they indeed put the Lycians into their subjection , and protection withal ; yet so , as they ceased not to be free States still , and of the sovereignty of the people of Rome , [ Liv. lib. 41. ] Prusias married the sister of Perseus , Year of the World 3827 and Perseus the daughter of Seleucus , The Julian Period . 4537 called Laodice ; Year before Christ 177 and the Rhodians with their Fleet , received and conveyed her into Macedon to her husband , [ Liv. lib. 42. Polyb. Legat. 60. Appia . Legat. 25. ] When the Rhodians persisted , and now made an open war upon the poor Lycians , they of Xanthus fled by their Embassies for help to the Achaeans , and to the people of Rome ; foreman in which Embassie , was one Nicostratus , [ Polyb. Legat. 60. ] The Lycians were already troden under foot by the Rhodians , before their Ambassadors could get audience of the Senate of Rome ; which was not till Tiberius and Claudius the Consuls of that year , were gone out against the Istrians and Agrians : but when they were admitted , they so displayed and laid open before them , the cruelty and oppression of the Rhodians against the poor Lycians , that they prevailed so far with the Senate , as that they sent Ambassadors to Rhodes , to let them know , that having perused the Acts , and Records , which the ten Commissioners drew up , in Asia , they found by the tenor thereof , That the Lycians were by the Romans consigned to the Rhodians , not for a gift , to do with them what they would , but to use them as friends and associates . This message was not so well liked of by the common sort in Rome , who were grown offended with the Rhodians for their officiousnesse , in bringing home Perseus his wife unto him , and could have been well content , to have seen them and the Lycians to try it out by the teeth , that the Rhodians might have some occasion to spend their treasure and provisions , with which they so much abounded , [ Id. Ibid. ] When the Roman Commissioners came to Rhodes , Year of the World 3828 the inhabitants there , began to grow into an uproare , saying , Since all things were now well settled in Lycia , What meant they to give occasion of new trouble there ? For indeed the Lycians , hearing what declaration the Senate had made in their behalf , began presently to rise again , protesting openly that they would endure any thing , to recover their just rights and liberty again . But the Rhodians , conceiving that the Senate had been misinformed , and abused by some false suggestions of the Lycians , dispatcht away Lycophron their Ambassador to Rome : and the Senate having heard his errand , gave him no present answer , [ Id. Legat. 61 , 62. ] One Simon , The Julian Period . 4538 a man of the Tribe of Benjamin , Year before Christ 176 Chief President or Keeper of the Temple , falling into a contention with Onias 3. the High Priest there ; when he could not get his will on him , gat himself to Apollonius the Governour of Coelosyria and Phoenicia : and informed him , that there was a vast masse of money in the treasury of the Temple , which the Priests made no use of ; and therefore would do very well in the Kings cofers : which when Apollonius had acquainted his Master Selecus with , he presently sent away his L. Treasurer Heliodorus to Jerusalem , to fetch him that money from thence : But when he came , Onias the High Priest told him , That true it was , there were some monies in the Temple ; but they were the monies of Widows and Orphans , there deposited onely as in a place of safety ; part of which , were the proper goods of Hyrcanus , the Nephew of Tobias , ( of whom we spake sup . An. Mun. 3812. ) a most honourable person ; and that all that there was amounted not to above 400 talents of Silver , and 200 of Gold , and that such was the Holinesse of the place , and of the thing it self , that no man might or ought to lay hand upon it : But when Heliodorus made no reckoning either of Onias his words , or the tumult of the people , lamenting such a prophanation of their Temple , he was struck down by the Angels of God in the very place , and carried to his lodging half dead by his own servants that were about him . But being anon after restored to his health , by the intercession and prayers to God made by Onias the High Priest , he returned to Seleucus that sent him ; magnifying the Holinesse of the Temple , and the Power of God that dwelt therein . This story is recorded in [ 2 Macchab. chap. 3. ] and by Josephus in his book , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : who yet instead of Heliodotus , here names Apollonius : ( and so do the Fasti Siculi too ) and shews that this fell out a little before the death of Seleucus : whereas by the articles between Antiochus and the Romans , Antiochus was to change his hostages , and send new ones , instead of the old , every 3 years end ; now , in the stead of Antiochus Epiphanes , the younger son of the former Antiochus who was then a hostage at Rome , [ 1 Maccab. chap. 1. v. 11. ] was sent Demetrius the son of Seleucus , now reigning , [ Appia . in Syriac . pag. 116. ] Simon the Benjamite , that Traytor of his Country , and discloser of the monies deposited in the Temple , accused Onias the High Priest , a man who had so well deserved of the City and Country of the Jews ; as if he had forced Heliodorus , and contrived all the mischief against him , and the King : and when matters proceeded so far , that many murders were acted by Simon and his party in the City , and Apollonius waxed mad withal , and backt him in what he did ; Onias took a journey to Seleucus , [ 2 Maccab . chap. 4. v. 1 , 6. ] but the abbreviator of Jason of Cyrenia , seems to say , That Seleucus was dead before he came : though Eusebius in his Chron. saith , That he found him alive , and got this Simon to be banished by the King. And so have I brought down this our Chronicle of Asia and Egypt , to the beginning of Antiochus Epiphanes , and the History of the Maccabees ; The continuation whereof to the utter destruction of Jerusalem , under the Emperor Vespasian , together with the Annals of the New Testament , and a brief of the History of the Church during that time , to the beginning of the fourth Age or Century after Christ , I purpose , if God send life and health , to make hereafter . Glory be to God on High. FINIS . The later Part OF THE ANNALS OF JAMES USSHER , Arch-Bishop of Armagh : Wherein is contained ( besides that of the MACCHABEES AND NEW TESTAMENT ) The HISTORY of all the remarkable Occurrences transacted during the ROMAN EMPIRE ; which began under C. Julius , and Octavianus : With the most considerable Passages in all Asia and Egypt : CONTINUED From the beginning of the Reign of Antiochus Epiphanes , to the beginning of the Empire of Vespasian , and the utter Destruction and Abolition of the Temple and Common-wealth of the Jews . LONDON , Printed by E. Tyler , for J. Crook , and G. Bedell , 1658. THE Epistle to the Reader . READER , YOu have here the other Part of my Annals , which you will find more full in the History of Rhodes , and the Isles between Asia and Europe . For although formerly , for the alleviating of the Work , I resolved to refer them to Graecia : Yet considering , that in the division of the Eastern Empire , the Province of the Isles is attributed to the Asian Diocesse ; I also thought good afterwards to place them with Asia . Those things which I produce concerning Praesages , Spectralls , and Oracles , you have upon the Authority of the Authours who relate them : leaving the judgement of such things to those Learned Men , who make it their businesse to treat of them . In the citing of Cornelius Tacitus , I have observed the Edition of Bereggerus , and Freinshemius , as it is distinguished into Chapters . Of those things which in the disposition of Evangelick and Apostolick History , shall not seem sufficiently satisfactory , I shall ( if God Almighty afford me life and strength to finish that Work ) give you an account in my Sacred Chronology . Ggg * Place this page before page 409. A CHRONICLE OF The Asiatic and Egyptian Affaires , carried on from the beginning of the times of the MACCHABEES , untill the Destruction of the Jewish Common-wealth under Vespasian . WHen Antiochus , Year of the World 3829 son of Antiochus the Great , The Julian Period . 4539 returning from Rome ( where he was hostage ) came unto Athens ; Year before Christ 175 his brother Seleucus , by the treachery of Heliodorus was taken out of the way . Howbeit , Eumenes and Attalus expelled H●liodorus , who aimed at the kingdom of Syria , placing Antiochus in the possession thereof , that by this good turn , they might obliege him to be their friend : for now by reason of some petty injury , even they began to grow jealous of the Romans . [ Appian . in Syriac . pag. 116 , 117. ] Demetrius , son of Seleucus , to whom the kingdom did of right belong , having then entered into the tenth year of his age , remained at that time hostage at Rome . But Apollonius , who was brought up with him , upon the death of Seleucus , whose great favourite he was , departed from Court to Miletum , [ Polyb. Legat. 114. ] But the Syrians stiled their new King Antiochus , Epiphanes , or Illustrious , because upon strangers usurpation of the kingdom , he appeared bravely to his people , in vindication of his ancestours title , [ Appia . in Syria● . pag. 177. ] who notwithstanding , by reason of his mad conversation , Polybius thought might more justly be called Epimanes , or the Frantick , [ apud Atheneum lib. 2. cap. 2. lib. 5. cap. 4. & lib. 10. cap. 12. ] For having obtained the kingdom of Syria , he entered into a new , and , to other Kings , unusual course of life : first going out of his Royall Palace privately , his servants knowing nothing of it , he unadvisedly wandred about the City , taking but one or two associates with him . Moreover he accounted it an honour to converse and drink with the common people , and with aliants and strangers of the meanest condition . And if perchance , he heard of any young men that had a merry meeting , he presently with his pot and musick , came to the revels : Insumuch , That most of the company being startled at the strangenesse of the thing , upon his coming thither , betook themselves to their heels , or else out of fear sat still and spake not a word . Lastly , laying aside his royall garment , and being clad with a coat , such as he saw used by the Candidates at Rome , he saluted and took hold of every ordinary fellow that he met with , and sometimes sued for a place of the Edilis ; sometimes for the Tribune-ship of the people . At last having , by the suffrages of the people , obtained the place of a magistrate , fixing , according to the Roman custom , his ivory chair , he gave judgement , and took cognisance of the law suits , and controversies of the Citizens with that industry , and diligence that every one of the sager sort doubted what he meant : Some interpreted it to be indiscretion , some imprudence , others madnesse . [ Diodor. Sicul. in Excerpt . Vales. pag. 305 , 306. ] Atheneus also relateth the same things ( in the fore-cited fifth book , and 14 chap. and tenth book , and 12. chap. out of the 26 book of Polybius his histories ; which Livie also translated into his 41 book , as one may see in that fragment , which Charles Sigonius falsly interpreted of Perseus . That Antiochus began his reign the 137. and dyed in the 149 year of the kingdom of the Greeks ( or of the Macedonians , from Seleucus . ) The writer of the first book of the Maccabees teacheth us . [ cap. 1. 10. & 6. 16. ] Whence also Johannes Malela Antiochenus , in his Chronicle ascribeth unto him 12 years , which are termed by Porphyrie , Eusebius , Jerom , Sulpitius Severus and others , to be 11 onely : for the reconciling of whom we must say , that at the end of the 137 year Antiochus began , and at the beginning of the 149 year ( from the spring season , as this author useth to reckon ) he ended his reign , ( viz. ) eleven years , and some moneths over and above . That Antiochus was not at the first acknowledged King by those that favoured Ptolemei Philometor : but that some whiles after he obtained the title under the guarb of clemency , Jerom affirms in his commentary upon the 11 chapter of Daniel ; but entring into society with Eumenes , he powerfully ruled over Syria and the neighbouring nations : the government of Babylon being committed to Timarchus , but the custody of the treasury to Heraclidas his brother , two brethren linked one to another by filthy commerce , [ Appian . in Syriac . pag. 117. ] Hircanus , the son of Joseph , and Grandchild of Tobias , seeing Antiochus very prevalent , and fearing , least being reduced under his power , he should suffer for what he had attempted against the Arabians , laid violent hands upon himself : howbeit Antiochus seized upon his whole estate . [ Josephus , lib. 12. cap. 5. ] Jason , son of Simon the second , High Priest , being weary of the continued High priesthood of Onias the third his brother , that he might obtain it himself , promised unto Antiochus 360 talents of silver , and of another revenue 80 talents ; adding moreover 150 others , if power might be granted unto him to settle a place of exercise , and of training up of youth at Jerusalem , and of reducing the Hierosolymitans into the condition of the Citizens of Antioch : which terms being willingly admitted by the covetous King. Jason , removeing his brother Onias , invaded the High-priesthod , and obtaining the government , began to reduce his own Country-men to the fashion of the Greeks , and the royall privileges , granted of special favour to the Jews , by the means of John the father of Eupolemus ( who afterward went Ambassador to Rome ) he took away , and putting down the governments which were according to Law , he brought up new customs , contrary to the Law , [ 2 Maccab. 4. 7 , 11. ] Josephus affirms , that unto Onias the third , dying about the time , his brother Jesus , who desired rather to be called Jason , was substituted , and at length ( after three years ) Jason being removed from the High-priesthood , by the endeavour of Menelaus , the new High Priest , and Tobias his sons ( or grandchildren of Hyrcanus his brother ) the Grecian rites were introduced , [ in lib. 2. Antiq. cap. 6. ] Howbeit the same writer , in his small treatise of the Macchabees , declareth the businesse far otherwise , and suitable enough to the mind of the Macchabaick Historian ( if you except the vast sum of the annual pension ) in this sort . Antiochus , abrogating the High-priesthood of Onias , substituted Jason his brother ; who promised to pay yearly unto him 3660 talents : who being made Priest and leader of the people , reduced the nation , being estranged from their ancient manners and institutions , into all iniquity : insomuch as he did not onely establish a place of exercise in the fortresse of our Country , but abolisted also the care of the Temple . The seventh year of Philometor , Year of the World 3830 of Nabonasier , The Julian Period 4540 the 574 , Year before Christ 174 the 27 of Phamenoth , according to the Egyptians , ( on the beginning of the first of May , ( according to the Julian reckoning ) two hours after mid-night , there was an eclipse of the Moon observed at Alexandria , [ Ptol. lib. 6. cap. 5. ] Between the Grecians tearing themselves with mutual fury , there was a truce made for six moneths ; but afterwards a more grievous war burst out : howbeit , by the coming of Q Minutius the Legate , who with ten ships was sent from the Romans to compose their strifes , they came into hopes of peace . [ Livie , lib. 41. ] The Lycians also , about the same time , Eumenes inciting them , revolting from the Rhodians , were infested with a war by them . Certain Castles , and the field Scituated in the utmost bounds of the opposite continent of the Rhodians , were annoyed by the garrisons of Eumenes . [ Polyb. Legat. 61. & 67. Liv. lib. 41. and 42. ] Certain apostate Jews , agreeing with Onias the false high priest , having procured power from King Antiochus of living according to the ordinances of the Gentiles , erected a place of exercise under the very Tower of Sion , forced the chief young men to submit to the laws of the school , by wearing an hat , and by art reduced their foreskin , becoming uncircumcised ; that they might not even when they were naked be unlike the Greeks : and such was the height of Greek fashions and increase of heathenish manners , that the Priests had no courage to serve any more at the Altar , but despising the Temple , and neglecting the Sacrifices , hastned to be pertakers of the unlawfull allowance which in the place of exercise after the game of Discus , was exhibited , [ 1 Maccab. 1. 11 , 15. & 2 Maccab. 4. 12 , 15. compared with Josephus lib. 12. chap. 6. ] When the game that was used every fifth year was celebrated at Tyrus , King Antiochus being present at it ; impious Jason sent special Messengers thither from Jerusalem , such as were free Denisons of the City of Antioch , to carry three hundred , or ( as it is much more truely in the Manuscript book of the Earle of Arundels Library ) three thousand three hundred drachmes of Silver to the sacrifice of Hercules : which notwitstanding the bearers procured to be laid out upon the building of Gallies , [ 2 Maccab . 4. 18 , 19 , 20. ] The Embassadors sent from King Antiochus , Year of the World 3831 came to Rome : The Julian Period . 4541 the chief whereof Apollonius ( whom the Ambassadors of the Romans , Year before Christ 173 which were in Syria , reported to be in chief esteem with the King , and most friendly to the Roman people ) being brought into the Senate , besides the stipend due from the King ( the late payment whereof he did excuse upon divers and just reasons ) delivered also by way of gift , vessels of Gold , to the value of five hundred pound weight : He added , That the King requested that the society , and friendship which was with his father , should be renewed with himself : and that the Roman people should lay such injunctions upon him , as were to be imposed on a faithful and confederate King ; That he should in no wise , be wanting in any service : That the merits of the Senate were so great towards him whilst he was at Rome , and such the civility of the youth ; that he was entreated by all Orders of persons , as a King , not as an hostage . The Embassadors received a kind answer , and A. Attilius , Major of the City , was enjoyned to renew with Antiochus , that league which was with his father . The Treasurers of the City received the stipend , the Censers , the Golden Vessels : and it was committed to their charge to dispose of them in such Temples as should be thought fitting . To the Embassador was sent a reward of an hundred thousand pieces of coin ; his house was given him freely , and his charges ordered to be defrayed , during his continuace in Italy , [ Liv. lib. 42. ] Unto Antiochus was born a son , Antiochus Eupator ; whom himself dying , left nine years of age , [ Appian . Syriac . pag. 117. & 131. ] Cleopatra , the beloved mother of Ptolemei Philometor the daughter of Antiochus the Great , and the sister of Antiochus Epiphanes , being dead , to whom her father had given for the Dowry , Coelosyria ( or at least a great part of it ) Eulaius the Eunuch , foster-father of Philometor , and Lomus governing Egypt , re-demanded Coelosyria from Antiochus Epiphanes , as fraudulently seized upon : which afforded a ground of a war between the Uncle and the Youth , as Porphyrie relates out of the Alexandrian Histories of Callinicus Sutorius , [ in Hierom , on the 11 chap. of Daniel ] For the right of Philometor in re-demanding Coelosyria , it was alledged , that Antiochus the Great , father of Epiphanes , against justice and right , first took away Coelosyria from Ptolemei Epiphanes , father of Philometor , when he was in his non-age ; and afterwards restored the same unto him with his daughter Cleopatra , upon the account of her portion , Antiochus Epiphanes on the contrary asserting , that from the time when his father overcame the father of Philometor , at Parium , Coelosyria was ever subject to the Kings of Syria , and stifly denying , that it was given by his father unto Cleopatra the mother of Philometor for her Dowry , [ Polyb. Legat. 72. & 82. ] At that time Philometor began first to sit in his Throne , and the solemnity of his Coronation was performed , [ 2 Maccab. 4. 21. ] and then the prudence of Ptolemei ( son of Dorymenis , who was sirnamed Macron ) shone forth : who when he had received the government of Cyprus , the Island , at what time the King was a child , and had delivered nothing of the Kings monies unto the Stewards ; when the King had attained unto his youthful estate , sent a vast collection of monies unto Alexandria : the King and all Courtiers thereupon very highly commending his former parcimony , [ Polyb. book 27. in the Collections of Valesius , pag. 126. ] Antiochus , having sent into Egypt Apollonius , son of Menestheus , to the solemnization of the Coronation of Philometor the King , perceiving him not to be well affected to his affairs , took care to be fortified against him ; whereupon , coming to Joppe , he took his journey to Hierusalem ; where , being honourably received by Jason and the City , he was brought in with Torch-light , and with great shoutings , and from thence he went into Phoenicia with his host , [ 2 Maccab. 4. 21. 22. ] Jason three years after that he had bought the High-Priest-hood from Antiochus , sent Menelaus brother of Simon the Benjamite a traytor , that he might bring unto the King the promised money , and advise him of necessary affairs : but making use of the opportunity of his Embassie to his own advantage , by the same devices wherewith Jason circumvented Onias his brother , he also circumvented Jason ; and promising unto the King 300 talents of silver above all that was to be performed by Jason , conveyed the High-Priest-hood unto himself , [ 2 Maccab. 4. 23 , 24 , 25. Sever. Sulpic. Histor. Sacr. lib. 2. ] That this Menelaus was first named Onias , and was brother unto Onias the third , and to Jason himself , and the youngest son of Simon , the second , the High Priest , Josephus affirmeth , [ Antiquit lib. 12. cap. 6. cum lib. 15. cap. 3. ] Menelaus , having gotten the Principality by the Kings Mandate , expelled Jason into the Country of the Ammonites ; but took no care to pay any of the monies which he had promised to the King , [ 2 Maccab. 4. 25 , 26 , 27. ] Cius Popilius Lenas , and Publius Aelius Ligur , being Consuls , Valerius Antias writes , that Attalus brother of Eumenes came to Rome , to lay crimes to the charge of Perseus king of the Macedonians , & to discover his provisions for war. The Annals of the most , and such unto whom thou would give the better credit , affirm Eumenes to have come in person himself , Eumenes therefore , as soon as he came to Rome , being entertained with the highest honour , and brought into the Senate ; said , That the reason of his coming to Rome , besides the desire of seeing the gods and men , by whose benefit he was in such a fortune , above which he durst not wish any higher , was , that he might openly advise the Senate to oppose the proceedings of Perseus , [ Liv. lib. 42. Appian . Legat , 25. a Fulv. Vrsino . edit . ] And there was so great secrecy herein of all men , that before the war was finished and Perseus taken prisoner , it could not be know , what either he spake , or the fathers answered , [ Liv. ibid. Valer. Maximus , lib. 2. cap. 2. ] Some certain dayes afterward , Satyrus a principal person among the Ambassadors of the Rhodians , inveighing more liberally in presence of the Senate against Eumenes , because he had stirred up the nation of the Lycians against the Rhodians , and was more vexatious unto Asia than Antiochus , made a plausible , and , to the people of Asia , ( for even so far the esteem of Perseus had reached ) an acceptable Oration : which notwithstanding procured from amongst the Romans greater respect unto Eumenes ; so that all honours were conferred upon , and most ample rewards given unto , him , with a Chariot of state , and an Ivory staff , [ Liv. ut sup . Diodor. Sicul. 9. Legat 16. a Fulv. Vrsino , edit . ] Eumenes , returning from Rome into his Realme , and going up from Cirra to the Delphic Temple , that he might sacrifice to Apollo , liers in wait , suborned by Perseus , tumbled down two vast stones , with one whereof the head of the King was smitten , with the other his shoulder benumbed ; many stones being heaped on him after he fell from a steep place downward . His friends , the next day , being come to himself , brought him to the ship : from thence they passe to Corinch , from Corinth , their ships being conveyed over the neck of the Isthmos , to Aegina ; where his cure was so private , none being admitted , that the report of his death was carried into Asia , and Rome , [ Liv. lib. 42. Appian . Legat. 25. ] Attalus , crediting more hastily than beseemed brotherly concord , that Eumenes was dead , did not onely confer with the Governour of the Castle of Pergamus as the unquestionable heir of the Crown , but the Diadem also being assumed , and espousing to himself Stratonice his brothers wife ( daughter of Ariarathes King of the Cappadocians ) rushed too hotly into her embraces : but not long afterwards , hearing that his brother lived , and was coming to Pergamus , laying his Diadem aside , he with the Guard , according to custom , went to meet him , bearing an halbert ; whom Eumenes both friendly embraced , and also honourably , and cheefuly saluted the Queen ; whispering neverthelesse into his brothers ear , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Vntill thou seest that I am dead , Approach not rashly to my bed . Neither thorough his whole life did he do or speak any thing that might have a shew of distaste : but entreated him with the same friendship as before , [ Liv. lib. 42. Diodor. Sicul. in Excerpt . Valesi . pag. 306. Plutarch in Apophthegm . & lib. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ] Eumenes , the late wickednesse of Perseus , besides the ancient hatred , inviting him thereunto , prepared a war with his uttermost strength . Ambassadors came to him from Rome , gratulating unto him his escape from so great a danger , [ Liv. lib. 42. ] After that , Ariarathes King of the Cappadocians had born unto him of his wife Antiochis , daughter to Antiochus the Great , two daughters , and one son ( first named Mithridates , and then Ariarathes ) of the two sons which his wife ( supposing that she should have been barren ) had before suborned unto him , he sent Ariarathes the elder with a competent estate to Rome , the younger called Olophernes , or Orophernes , into lonia ; least they should contend with his Jenuine son about the kingdom , [ Diodor. Sicul. lib. 31. in Photii . Bibliothec. cod . 244. ] This year therefore he sent Ariarathes his son to be educated at Rome , that from a child he might be accustomed to the manners and men of Rome : requesting , that they would permit him to be , not under the custody of hosts , after the manner of private persons , but under the charge of publick care and tuition . That Embassie of the Kings was very acceptable unto the Senate ; and they decreed that Cieius Sicinius the Major , should appoint a furnished house where the Kings son and his Retinue might inhabit , [ Liv. lib. 42. ] The Romans sent Ambassadors to their confederate Kings , Eumenes , Antiochus , Ariarathes , Masanissa , and Ptolemei , King of Egypt ; and others also into Greece , Thessal●e , Epirus , Acarnania , and the Islands : that they would unite themselves in war against Perseus , [ Appian . Legat. 25. ] T. Claudius Nero , and M. Decimius , were sent to make trial of Asia , and the Islands , and commanded also to go into Creet and Rhodes , to renew amity also , and likewise to discover whether the minds of their confederates had been courted by King Perseus , Year of the World 3833 [ Liv. lib. 42. ] The Legates that had been sent unto the confederate Kings , returning out of Asia , declared how that they had conferred with Eumenes in Asia , Antiochus in Syria , Ptolemei in Alexandria , That all of them had been sollicited by the Embassies of Perseus ; but had eminently continued constant in their fidelity , and had promised to perform whatever the people of Rome should command them . That they had also been with the confederate Cities : that the rest continued faithful enough , onely that they found the Rhodians wavering and seasoned with the devices of Perseus . The Rhodian Ambassadors came to acquit themselves of those reports , which they knew openly bruited concerning their City ; and it was thought fitting , that when the new Consuls entered upon their Magistracy , a Senate should be called for them , [ Liv. ibid. ] P. Licinius , The Julian Period . 4543 and C. Cassius , Year before Christ 171 being Consuls , all the Kings and Cities which were in Asia and Europe , set their thoughts on the care of the Macedonian and Roman war : both an ancient hatred did exasperate Eumenes , and also a new anger , because by the wickednesse of Perseus , he was almost , like a Sacrifice , slain at Delphos . Prusias King of Bithynia , resolved to abstain from armes , and expect the event : for he thought it not equal , to bear armes for the Romans against his wives brother , and if Perseus should be Conqueror , pardon might easily be procured by his sister . Ariarathes King of the Cappadocians , besides that he promised assistance to the Romans upon his own account ; from the time that he became united unto Eumenes by affinity , associated himself into all Councils both of war and peace . Antiochus surely had an eye upon the kingdom of Egypt , despising both the youth of the King , and the sloath of his Tutors ; and by debating about Coelosyria , he thought that he should find ground for a war , and manage it , without any impediment , whilst the Romans were imployed about the Macedonian war : howbeit , he largely promised all Kings , both by his own Legates to the Senate , and to their Ambassadors himself . Ptolemei by reason of his youth , was even then at the disposing of others : his Governours did both prepare war against Antiochus , whereby they might defend Coelosyria , and also made liberal promise for the Macedonian war , [ Liv. lib. 42. ] And thus Ptolemei King of Egypt , Ariarathes of Cappadocia , Eumenes of Asia , and Masanissa of Numidia , were assistants unto the Romans , [ Oros. lib. 4. cap. 20. ] Three Embassadors , A. Posthumius Albinus , C. Decius , and A. Licinius Nerva , were sent from the Romans to the Grecians : who afforded unto them the assistance of Archers , [ Liv. lib. 42. ] Three other Ambassadors , T. Claudius Tiberius , P. Posthuminus , and M. Junius were dispatcht unto the Islands , and the Cities of Asia . These going about , did exhort their confederates to undertake against Perscus , the war for the Romans ; and by how much every City was better stored with wealth , by so much they did their businesse there the more diligently , because the smaller would follow the greater . The Rhodians were esteemed of greatest reckoning for all poynts , because they were able not onely to countenance the war , but to assist it , 40 ships being provided by the authority of Hegesilochus , who was at that time in the chief magistracy , called by them Prytanis . This man even before , as soon as the war to be waged by the Romans with Perseus was known , did with many reasons exhort his Citizens , that they should joyn their hopes with the Romans , That they would want the same provision of shipping which lately they had seen in the war of Antiochus , and formerly in that of Philip. That the Rhodians would be amazed in the providing a Fleet , at that time when it should be to be sent , unlesse they began with their Navy-Confederates ; That therefore they were to acquit themselves more industriously ; That by the truth of things they might confute the accusations alledged by Eumenes . Hereby being incited , they shewed unto the Embassadors of Rome , upon their coming , a Fleet of 40 sail of ships , built and rigg'd , that it might appear that exhortation was not expected : and this Embassie was of great influence to engage the mindes of the Cities of Asia , [ Idem , ibid. Polyb. Legat. 64. ] Perseus , after conference had with the Romans , comprized all reason of his cause in the form of one Epistle , and what was aledged on either side : so contrived , that he might seem to have the better in the debate : and unto other Cities he sent letters copied out , by Carriers ; but unto Rhodes , he commanded Antenor and Philip to go Embassadors : who being come thither , deliver the letters to the Magistrates ; and then after a few dayes come into the Senate , request of the Rhodians , that for the present they should not move any thing , but , as from a watch-tower , behold what was done ; but if the Romans should undertake against the laws of the league to provoke Perseus and the Macedonians , that they should endeavour to bring them to terms of agreement ; for that that should be done , was the common interresse of all , and especially behoofull for the Rhodians ; for by how much they should be more intent than others , upon the fair dispensation of law and liberty ( as such who were not the conservators and assertors of their own liberty onely , but of the rest of the Grecians ) by so much ought they more diligently to observe and provide , to their uttermost endeavours , for themselves against them , whose mind and counsels were contrarily inclined . When the Ambassadors had spoken these things , and more to the same effect , though their speech gave content unto all ; yet because their minds were prepossessed with the benevolence of the Romans , and the authority of the better side did prevail ; in other poynts they yielded themselves courteous toward the Ambassadors : but in place of an answer , they requested Perseus , not to demand any thing of that nature whereby they might be thought to do any thing against the will of the Romans : which answer Antenor accepted not , but making use of the rest of the civility and courtesie of the Rhodians , he returned into Macedonia . [ Polyb. Legat. 65. Livie lib. 42. ] Caius Lucretius the Roman Pretor , whilst the navy stayed about Cephalenia , treated by letters with the Romans , requesting the ships to be sent to him ; and he delivered that epistle to Socrates the anointer of the wrestlers to be conveyed . This came to Rhodes at the same time , when Strutocles was president of the Councel , or Prytanis , for the later half year . When a debate was had of that matter , it seemed meet unto Agathagetus , and Rhodophon and Astymedes , and many more , That the Rhodians without any tergiversation or evasion should send the ships , and that they should even from the beginning of the war joyn themselves with the Romans . But Dino and Polycratus ; who did not approve of those things , which had before been decreed in favour of the Romans , cavelled that that Epistle was not sent from the Romans , but from Eumenes the enemy of the Rhodians ; who was wholy bent upon this , that he might induce them into a war , and engage the people in unnecessary charges and troubles : for it was brought by one obscure person , an anoynter of wrestles unto Rhodes : whereas the Romans use with great care to pick out men of the choycest rank , for such an employment . When Strutocles , the chief officer , or Prytanis , had buckled himself against these men , and had spoken largely against Perseus ; but on the contrary liberally commended the Romans , he prevailed with the Rhodians , that a decree of sending the ships should be established : wherefore six Gallies being immediately built , they sent five under the conduct of Timagoras to Chalcis ; one to Tenedo● , under the government of the other Timagoras . This man could not take Diophanes himself , whom he found at Tenedos , being sent from Perseus to Tenedos , but he took the ship with all her furniture . [ Polyb. Legat. 67. ] The Romans , having heard the Embassies that came from Asia , the state of the Rhodians , and the rest of the Cities being understood , indicted a Senate for the Ambassadors of Perseus . [ Id. Legat , 68. ] At that time therefore , Solon and Hippias endeavoured to discourse of all affairs , and to deprecate the anger of the fathers . But yet the crime of the trechery contrived against Eumenes was defended with especial industry : howbeit , ( for the matter was evident ) without any probability at all . When they had finished their speech , the Senate , who had before decreed the war , denounced unto them , that both themselves , and whosoever else had happily then come from the nation of the Macedonians to Rome , should immediatly depart out of the walls of the Roman City , and within thirty dayes out of Italy . [ Id. ibid. Diodor. Sicul. Legat. 17. Liv. lib. 42. ] When notice was given unto Eumenes , that he should with his uttermost strength assist the war against Perseus ( as we read in Justin , lib. 33. cap. 1. ) he came to Chalcis in Baeotia , by sea , with Attalus and Atheneus his brethren ; his brother Philetaetus , being left at Pergamus for the safeguard of the kingdom : from thence with Attalus and four thousand Foot , and a thousand Horse , he came into Thessalia , unto Licinius the Consul . Atheneus was left at Chalcis with two thousand Foot : which Marius Lucretius , coming thither with an army of sea souldiers , consisting of then thousand , took along with him to the siege of Holiartus . [ Liv. lib , 42. ] About the same time allmost , there came to Chalcis , ships from their other confederates , two Punick Gallies , of five orders of oars , and two from Heraclea out of Pontus of three orders of oars , four from Chalcedon , and as many from Samos ; and moreover five Rhodian Gallies , of four orders of oars , [ Id. Ib. ] But these C. Leucretius , the Pretor Brother of Marcus , upon his approach , there being no sea-war re-del ver'd unto the confederates . [ Id. Ib. cum Polyb. Legat. 67. fin . ] But the Pretor himself , together with his brother assaulting Haliartus , when he had taken it by surrender , leveld it the foundation , and without any opposition took Thebes . [ Liv. ut . sup . ] Whilest these affairs were transacted in Baeotia , Licinius the Consul , Eumenes and Attalus in Thessalia , encountred with Perseus ; the first conflict between them was ended without knowledge who had the better therein : about 38 men were slain of Eumenes his side , amongst whom fell Cassignatus Captain of the Galls : but in the second dispute Perseus got the victory . [ Id. ib. ] Who notwithstanding , being conqueror , upon his request to Licinius for peace , could not procure it . [ Id. Ib. Polyb. Legat. 69. Appian . Legat. 26. ] Perseus the conqueror , sent Antenor to Rhodes for the redemption of the Captives that sailed with Diophanes : in which businesse , there was a long demurre made by them , which governed the Common-wealth , what ought to be done , for it seemed meet unto Philophron and Theae●etus , that the Rhodians should by no means engage themselves in the affairs of Perseus : but Dinon , and Polyaratus liked it ; and at last they came to an agreement with Perseus , touching the redemption of the captives , [ Polyb. Legat , 70. ] Antiochus , seeing now clearly the Alexandrians preparing themselves to a war far Coelosyria , sent Meleager Ambassador to Rome ; who by his command might declare it to the Senate , and alleaging their confederacy might say , that against all right he was invaded by Ptolemei , [ Id. Legat. 71. ] When now the war was began by Antiochus and Ptolemei , upon the account of Coelosyria ; the Ambassadors of both Kings came to Rome : of Antiochus , Meleager , Sosiphanes , and Heraclides ; of Ptolemei , Timotheus and Damon . Meleager came , that he might declare unto the Senate , that Ptolemei did first provoke Antiochus against all justice ; and that he would justle him out of the possession of that Country , whereof he was Lord ; but Timotheus , to renew friendship ; howbeit , especially to observe Meleager his transactions with the Romans . When therefore he had renewed friendship , and received answers agreeable to his demands , he returned to Alexandria , But unto Meleager the Senate answered , That they would imploy Quintus Marcius , to write unto Ptolemei about those matters , as he should see expedient for the interesse of the people of Rome , and his own trust . [ Id. Legat. 72. Diodorus . Sicul. Legat. 18. ] Antiochus , engaging in a fight , between Peleusium , and the mountain Casius , with Ptolemeis Commanders , overcame them ; but sparing the King a youth , and pretending friendship , he went up to Memphis ; and there , according to custom , entring upon the kingdom , and saying , That he would be carefull of the affairs of the land , with a small company of people , he brought all Egypt into subjection unto himself , [ Porphyrius , ex Callinco sutorio , apud Hieronym . in Daniel , cap. 11. ] at what time also Ptolomei Macron , son of Dorymenes , to whom Philometor had committed the government of Cyprus , seemeth to have gone over to Antiochus side , and delivered unto him the Island , as we read in the [ 2 of Macchab. 10. 13. ] whereupon the care of Cyprus being committed unto Crates , [ 2 Maccab. 4. 29. ] he made Ptolemei Governour of Coelosyria and Phaenicia , [ Ib. 8. 8. ] and admitted him into the number of his principal friends . [ 1 Maccab. 3. 38. ] Jubilaeus 26. Year of the World 3834 Perseus , being put to flight by Lycinius the consul , Eumenes , Attalus and Misagenes Duke of the Numidians , when he came to Pella , sent his army into their winter quarters . The Consul , returning to Latissa , having from thence sent home Eumenes and Attalus , disposed Misagenes with his Numidians , and the rest of his army in their winter quarters through Thessaly , [ Liv. lib. 42. ] When Sostratus Governour of the Castle of Jerusalem , to whom the exaction of such things as were collected , as customs out of mens estates , belonged , did request and demand the mony , promised unto Antiochus by Menelaus ; both of them were summoned by the Knig to Antioch : and Menelaus left Deputy in the administration of the High-Priest-hood , Lysimachus his brother ; but Sostratus in his place , Crates , who was Governour of the Cypriotes , [ 2 Maccab. 4. 27 , 28 , 29. ] In Cilicia , they of Tarsus and Mallos , moving sedition because Antiochus had given the Revenue of their Cities to Antiochis his Concubine : The King in all haste came to appease it ; leaving at Antioch Andronicus for his Deputy , [ 2 Maccab. 4. 30 , 31. ] Menelaus , taking the opportunity of the Kings absence , ( by the assistance of Lysimachus , his Deputy ) stole certain vessels of Gold out of the Temple at Jerusalem : whereof some he gave to Andronicus , and some he fold into Tyrus , and the Cities round about : which Onias 3. the Legal High Priest well knowing , he impeached him for sacrilege , and withdrew himself into a sanctuary at Daphne , that lieth by Antioch , [ Ibid , 32 , 33. ] for there was in the middle of the wood a sanctuary , and a place dedicated to Apollo , [ Strabo lib. 16. pag. 750. ] which most ample Church of Daphneus Appollo , that wrathful and raging King Antiochus erected , [ Ammia . Marcellin . lib. 22. ] Andronicus , at the suite of Menelaus , having cunningly drawn forth Onias out of the sanctuary , against his faith pledged and sworn unto him , perfidiously put him to death , [ 2 Maccab. 4. 34. ] King Antiochus , being returned out of Cilicia into Antioch , the Jewes which were in the City , and many of other Nations , made complaint unto him of the unworthy murder of the most holy old man ; who being afflicted at it , and testifying his grief by shedding of tears , he commanded Andronicus , being disrobed of his purple , to be lead about the City , and to be slain in the same place where himself had slain Onias , [ Ib. 35. 38. ] Now when many Sacrileges had been committed at Jerusalem by Lysimachus , with the consent of Menelaus ; the multitude gathered themselves together against Lysimachus , many golden vessels being carried away : in resistance of whom , he drew forth about three thousand armed men , appointing one Tyrannus for their Leader , a person far gone in years , and no lesse in folly ; but of the Rout , some caught stones , some great clubs , some filling their hands with the dust that lay before them , cast them alltogether upon Lysimachus and his souldiers : in that tumult many were wounded , some fell to the ground , the rest put to flight ; but the Church-robber himself Lysimachus , was slain near the Treasury , [ Ib. 39 , 42. ] When Antiochus the King came to Tyre , three men being sent from the Senate at Jerusalem against Menelaus , as a pertaker of the sacrileges and wickednesses of Lysimachus , framed an accusation before him . Howbeit Menelaus being convicted , upon large summes of monies promised to Ptolemei , son of Dorymenes for the pacification of the King , thorough his assistance prevailed , not onely that himself being accquitted , should continue in the High-Priest-hood , but also , that those three innocent persons , who pleaded for the City , and people , and holy vessels , should be condemned to die : Whose condition the Tyrians themselves commiserating , took care that they should be magnificently interred , [ Ib. 44. 50. ] About that time , Antiochus prepared his second expedition into Egypt : and it fell out at Jerusalem , that for 40 dayes space together , strange apparitions of armed Horsemen , and of Foot-Companies , encountring one another , were seen in the aire , presages of ensuing evils , [ 2 Maccab. 5. 1 , 4. ] Antiochus , coveting to joyn the kingdom of Egypt to his own , entered it with a numerous company , with Chariots , with Elephants , with Horsemen , and a great Navy , and made war against Ptolemei King of Egypt : who turning himself from his presence , fled away , and many fell down wounded to death . Afterwards the seized upon the fenced Cities in the land , and Antiochus took the spoiles of Egypt , [ 1 Maccab . 1. 16 , 19. ] The false rumor of Antiochus his death being spread abroad , Jason taking with him no lesse than a thousand men , made a sudden assault upon the City of Jerusalem : the City being surprized , Menelaus fled into the Castle ; but Jason made slaughter of his own Citizen ; not considering , that successe against his own alliances was the greatest infelicity . Neverthelesse he could not recover the Principality ; but fleeing away with shame , he returned back into the Country of the Ammonites : where being accused before Aretus , the King of the Arabians , and not daring to make his appearance there , he was forced to flee from one City to another ; being hated of all men as a forsaker of the laws , and a publick enemy of his own Country , [ 2 Maccab. 5. 5 , 8. ] Antiochus hearing in Egypt , that upon the spreading of the rumor of his death , the people of Jerusalem were exceeding joyful , and suspecting by the sedition stirred up by Jason , that Judea would revolt , was much enraged in mind , [ 2 Maccab. 5. 10. Joseph . in l●bello de Mccabaeis , ] And returning after that he had smitten Egypt in the 143 year of the Greeks , or Seleucus , he went up against Israel , and Jerusalem , with a great multitude , [ 1 Maccab. 1. 21. 22. ] Josephus in his 12 book of Antiquities , seventh Chapter , writeth , That in the 143 year of the Seleucians he took the City : but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , without stroke ; the men of his own faction opening the Gates unto him : but in the [ 2 of Maccab. 7. ] the City is said to have been 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , taken by force of armes : and Josephus himself , in his first book , first Chap. of the wars of the Jews , doth not onely say 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : that he took the City by force ; but also addeth , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : that he was enraged with the remembrance of those things which he had endured in the siege . Moreover , that they of Jerusalem , whilst Antiochus besieged the City , made a sally out in arme● , and were slain in the dispute ; as the same Josephus affirmeth , in the sixth book of the same Works , [ pag. 929. ] The City then being taken , and the souldiers commanded to put all that they met to the sword , they cruelly raged against all sorts , of whatsoever Sex or Age : so that in the space of three dayes , there were 80 thousand men missing : whereof 40 thousand were slain , and as many others sold , [ 2 Maccab. 5. 11 , 14. ] Antiochus , not contented herewith , presumed also to go into the Temple , having Menelaus that Traytor to the Laws and his own Country , for his guide ; and with wicked hands , to seize upon the holy vessels , and whatsoever else was dedicated by other Kings to the glory and honour of the place , [ Ib. 15 , 16. ] as the golden altar , the candlesticks of light , with all the vessels thereof ; the table of the shew-bread , and the pouring vessels , and the vials , and the censers of gold , and the vail , and the crowns , and the golden ornaments that were fastned to the Temple doors : he pulled o● the gold from every thing that was covered with gold , and likewise took the silver , and lovely vessels , and all the hidden treasures which he found , [ 1 Maccab. 23 , 24. ] Polybius Megapolitanus , Strabo Cappadox , Nicolaus Damascenus , Timagenes Castor Chronographus , and Apollodorus , have written , that Antiochus being indigent of monies , brak his league , and assaulted the Jews his confederates and friends , and spoiled the Temple that was full of gold and silver , and found nothing there worthy of decision , [ Joseph . contr . Apion . lib. 2. ] For paying a great stipend to the Romans , he was almost necessarily compelled himself with great expences to gather monies by pillaging , and to omit no opportunity of spoiling . [ Sever. Sulpic. Sacr. Histor. lib. 2. ] ( Such notwithstanding as are enemies of the Jews ) affirm , that many other things were here done by him in hatred of the Nation , and contempt of Religion ; in the 34 book of Diodorus his Bibliotheca , and from thence in Photii . Bibliotheca ( cod . 244. ) thus repeated . Antiochus Epiphanes , having overcome the Jews , entred into the holy Oracle of God , whither the Priests onely might lawfully have accesse : there he found a stone Statue of a man , with a long beard , holding a book in his hand , and sitting upon an Asse ; which he thought to have been Moses , who built Jerusalem , and founded the Nation , and established those laws that are hateful unto all Nations . But he desiring to take away the odium of the Nations , endeavoured to abrogate the laws . Therefore he sacrificed a great Sowe to the Statue of the Founder ( Moses ) and the Altar of God , that stood in the open aire , nnd poured blood upon them : and seething the flesh , commanded the holy bookes that conteined their laws , to be marred and obliterated with the broth : but the immortal taper , as they term it , which alwayes burned in the Temple , he commanded to be put out : and compelled ( Menelaus ) the Chief Priest , and other Jews , to eat swines flesh . Howbeit we oppose unto all the Calumnies of adversaries , that evident testimony of Strabo the Cappadocian , in the 16 book of his Geographie , where he commendeth the Jews , as just and religious persons . [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , pag. 761. ] But that Antiochus , upon the taking of the City , did sacrifice swine upon the Altar , and with the pottage made of their flesh , did sprinkle the Temple , even Josephus witnesseth , [ lib. 13. cap. 16. ] Antiochus carrying 1800 talents out of the Temple , speedily repaired to Antioch ; leaving Governours to afflict the Nation ; at Jerusalem , Philip , by birth a Phrygian , by manners a Barbarian : at Garizim in Samaria , Andronicus . Besides whom , Menelaus more proudly than all the rest , insulted over the Citizens ; carrying a most malicious mind against the Jews , [ 2 Maccab. 5. 21 , 21 , 23. ] The Embassadors of Asia , were heard in a Senate at Rome : the Milesians remembring that they had done nothing , promised that they were in a readinesse to perform whatsoever the Senate should command them in furthering the war against Perseus . The Alabandenses remembred that they had erected the Temple of the City of Rome , and instituted anniversary Games unto that Godesse : that they brought a golden Crown of 50 pound weight , as a gift unto Jupiter , which they might place in the Capitol , and 300 shields for Horsemen , which they would deliver to whom they would command them . The same also the Lampsaceni , bringing a Crown of 80 pound weight , requested : declaring , how that they departed from Perseus , after the Roman army came into Macedonia , whereas they were under the jurisdiction of Perseus , and before of Philip : in requital whereof , and for that they had yeilded all things to the Roman Commanders , they requested , this onely , that they might be received into the friendship of the Roman people ; and if a peace sshould be concluded with Perseus , that they might be excepted from being reduced into the power of the King. There was a civil answer returned unto the rest of the Legares . Quintus Moenius the Praetor , was commanded to enroll the Lampsaceni after the form of associates . Rewards were given to them all , amounting to the value of two thousand pieces of coin unto each . The Alabandenses were commanded to carry back the shields unto A. Hostilius the Consul , into Macedonia , [ Liv. lib. 43. ] When it was appointed by the common consent of the Achaeans , Year of the World 3835 that all the honours of Eumenes which were misbeseeming , and repugnant unto the laws , should be taken away ; Sosigenes , and Diopithes , Rhodians , who about that time decided the suites of Law , being upon private causes , offended with Eumenes , destroyed all his honours in the City of Peloponnesus , [ Polyb. Legat. 74. ] Whilst A. Hostilius the Proconsul with his forces , The Julian Period . 4545 had his winter quarters in Thessalie , Year before Christ 169 Attalus ( who wintered at that time at Elatia ) being certainly informed that his brother Eumenes took it most greviously , that by a publick Decree , they had taken away his most splendid honours ; after communication of the businesse unto Archon , the Praetor of the Achaei , he sent Embassadors to the common Council of the Nation , who might negotiate with them touching the restoring of the honours unto the King again . Where , upon the perswasion of Polybius ( the Historian ) a Decree was made ; wherein the Magistrates were comanded to renew all things that pertained unto the honour of Eumenes : unlesse there were somewhat amongst them , that did not well suite with the common interesse of the Achaeans , or else were repugnant unto the Laws . Thus therefore Attalus at that time rectified those miscarriages which were rashly committed at Peloponnesus in the businesse of his brother Eumenes his honour , [ Id. ib. & in Excerpt . Valesi . pag. 130 , 133. ] At the beginning of the Spring , Q. Marcius Philippus , the Consul , was sent against Perseus , [ Liv. lib. 44. init . ] A Decree was published by the Achaeans , touching the dispatch of auxiliaries , to their power , unto Marcius the Consul , which was brought unto him by Polybius . There was sent also Theocritus an Embassador , from them unto Attalus , who might bring unto him that Decree , wherein the honours of Eumenes were restored unto him . At the same time when the news was brought unto the Achaeans that the Anacleteria had been celebrated in honour of Ptolemei the King , as it is customary for the Kings of Egypt , when they come to the Legal age of their reign , esteeming it their duty to give intimations of their joy for what was done ; they determined to send Embassadors , for the renewing of that friendship which was between the Nation of the Achaeans , and the Kings of Egypt : Whereupon , immediately Alcithus and P●rsidas were chosen , [ Id. Legat. 78. ] About that time there was a wicked pranck , and most abhorring from the institutions of the Greeks committed in the Island of Crete : for there being between the Cydoniates and Apolloniates , not onely society , but the common right of friendship , and when all the Laws and Rights of society which are esteemed Sacred amongst men , were common to them both ; and when the Tables of that league ratified on each side by oath , being fastned unto the Image of Jupiter Idaeus , were visibly to be looked upon : the Cydoniates notwithstanding , in the time of peace , being received by the Apolloniates as friends , trampling upon the Sacred bond of the league , surprized their City ; and having put all the men to the sword , and spoiled their goods , they divided amongst themselves their wives , and children , and all their land , [ Polyb. & Diodor. Sicul. in Excerpt . a Valesio , edit . pag. 133. & 310. ] The Cydoniates , being afraid of the Gortynians ( by whom formerly their City was in great danger of being taken , when Nothocrates endeavoured to surprize it ) sent Embassadors unto Eumenes , requiring , upon the score of their league , assistance from him . The King chose Leon Captain , whom he dispatched speedily thither with a Band of 300 souldiers . When those forces came , the Cydoniates delivered the keyes of the gates unto Leon , and committed the whole City to his charge , [ Id. Legat . 79. ] When by the instigation of Eula●us the Eunuch , there was a new war undertaken by Ptolemei for the recovery of Coelosyria ; Antiochus taking his third Expedition into Egypt , reduced it into his power , [ Polyb. Legat. 80 , 81 , 82. ] for the Egyptians being dispersed , and driven away , when he could have put them all to the sword , riding about on horseback , he forbad them to be slain , and gave command , that they should be taken alive : for which humanity chiefly , he gained both Peleus●um , and a little while afterward all Egypt , [ Diodor. Sicul. in Excerpt . Valesi . pag. 320. ] Whilest the contrary factions at Rhodes increased dayly more and more , after that they had heard that at Rome it was decreed by the Senate , That from thenceforth those things were to be performed , not which their own Magistrates , but the Senate should command ; by the perswasion of Philophron , and Theaetetus , at the beginning of the summer , Hegesilochus , son of Hegesias , and Nicagoras son of Nicander , were sent Ambassadors to Rome ; But unto the Consul , Q. Marcius Philippus , and unto C. Marcius Figulus the Admiral of the fleet Agesipolis , Ariston , and Pancrates ; all these were commanded to renew amity with the Roman people , and to answer unto the accusations wherewith some endeavoured to lead the City . But Hegesilochus was moreover enjoyned to request liberty of carrying forth corn . Agesipolis overtook Q. Marcius encamping at Heraclea in Macedonia . To whom when he had delivered his commands , the Consul did not onely say that he gave no credit unto such that were detractors of the Rhodians , but also exhorted the Ambassadors not to endure any of those that should dare to tattle any thing of the Romans , and abundantly performed many offices of humanity unto them : he wrote also of the same affairs unto the Roman people . But when Agesipolis was wonderfully taken with the courtesie of the Consul ; Marcius taking him aside unto private conference , said , That he admired that the Rhodians did not endeavour to reconcile the Kings that fought for Coelosyria , for it was chiefly conducible unto themselves , Afterwards Agesipolis went unto Caius , the Admiral of the fleet , and being kindly entertained by him , yea , and far more sweetly than he was by Marcius the Consul , he in a short time returned unto Rhodes : where , after that he had given an account of his Ambassage , when as both the Roman Conmanders seemed to contend equally in declaring their courtesie , and humanity with words , and signifying their favour in their answer , all the Rhodians began to be lifted up in their minds , and to be swoln with vain hope ; but not all in the same manner : for the more solid party were exceeding joyfull , for the benignity of the Romans : but such as affected novelty , and were ill disposed unto the present state , they concluded in their thoughts , That this wonderfull great and excessive civility of the Romans , was a signe , That they were terrified with the imminent danger , and that affairs did not succeed according unto their mind . But after that it had fallen out , moreover , That Agesipolis had bolted out amongst some , That he was privately commanded by Marcius , to make a proposition in the Senate of the Rhodians , of compounding an agreement between the Kings : then assuredly Dino made no question but the affairs of the Romans were in a most evill condition : therefore there were even Ambassadors sent to Alexandria , to co●clude the war that was commenced between Antiochus , and Ptolemei , [ Polyb. Legat. 80. ] Towards the end of the Summer , Hegesilochus and other Ambassadors of the Rhodians comming to Rome , were entertained with all kind of humanity , and courtship . But it was most manifestly known , that the Rhodians were divided with civill dissentions : Whilst Agathagetus , Philophron , Rhodophon , and Theaetetus , placed all their hopes in the Romans ; on the contrary , Dino , and Polyaratus in Perseus , and the Macedons : from whence it came frequently to passe , that the matters that came to be debated , being disputed appositely on either side , & with different judgements , such as had a mind to disparrage the City , took from thence an occasion . Howbeit , the Senators pretended that no such matters were known unto them ; who notwithstanding well understood all the matters that were transacted by them ; however , they granted license unto them for the exportation of an hundred thousand bushels of bread-corn out of Sicilie , [ Id. Legat. 64 , 73. & 80. ] After that Egypt was possessed by Antiochus , upon the debates of Comanus , and Cineas with King Ptolemei , touching the main matters , it seemed expedient to conclude , That there should a Council be enrolled out of the most principal Captains , by whose sentence all things from thence forward should be dispatched . Upto that Councel it seemed behoofull in the first place , That such forreigners of the Greeks , who should happily be found there , should go Ambassadors to Antiochus , to negotiate with him , concerning a peace , [ Id. Legat. 81. ] There were then at that place two Abassadors sent from the nation of the Achaei : one for the renewing of friendship with the King , which was committed unto Alcithus , son to Xenophn of Aege , and Pasiadas : another concerning the contention of the Antagonists : there was sent also from the Athenians an Embassage , touching a certain donation , the principal person wherein was Demaratus . Moreover there were two sacred Embassages from the same men ; one touching the feast of Minerva , called Panathenaea , the chief whereof was Callias the Pancratiast , or conquerour at the games , the other touching mysteries , which was discharged by Cleostratus , who upon that argument spake an oration unto the King ; there were present from Miletum Eudemus and Icesius , from Clazomenae , Apollonides , and Apollonius . [ Ib. ] Together with these , Ptolemei the King sent his own Ambassadors , Tlepolemus , and Ptolemei the Rhetorician : who sayling against stream , came unto Antiochus . He receiving them courteously invited them the first day unto a sumptuous feast ; & the next day gave them the liberty of a personall conference , and commanded them to publish their commissions : in the first place therefore , spake the Ambassadors of the Achaeans unto him , afterwards Demaratus that was sent by the Athenians , and next to him Eudemus of Miletum . Howbeit , all affirmed that the war was commenced through the default of Eulaius the Eunuch ; after that alleadging the kinred and age of Ptolemei , they deprecated the rage of the Kings . Antiochus having given consent unto their speeches , and discoursed himself more fully to the same purpose , he began to make mention of his rights , endeavouring with great earnestnesse to prove that the possession of Coelosyria appertained unto the Kings of Syria ; and denying those things to be true , which the Ambassadors from Alexandria alleadged , concerning Coelosyria , given for a Dowry with Cleopatra , mother of Philometor then reigning . To which purpose , when he had largely discoursed , and had proved his cause not to himself onely , but to all that were present , he for that season went to Naucratis by shipping , and having at that place also benignly bespoken , and entreated the Citizens , and given amongst the Greeks who remained there , pieces of gold , amounting to sixteen shillings eight pence to each man , he took his journey to Alexandria . He promised to give his answer to the Ambassadors , after that Aristides and Theris should be returned ; for he desired that the Greeks should be privy to , and witnesses of , all his actions . [ Ibid. Legat. 82. ] Philometor , being educated by Eulaius the Eunuch , in delights , and effeminate imployments , contracted such sloth , that , being withdrawn from all danger , and by great distance divided from the enemy , he parted with a most large and wealthy kingdom , without striking a stroke . [ Diodor. Sicul. in Excerpt . Valesii . pag. 310. 313 , ] The Crown being taken from Philometor , after that he had reigned 11 years , by Antiochus ; the Alexandrians committed the sway of affairs unto Euergetes his younger brother . [ Porphyr . in Grec . Eusebeian . Scalig. pag. 54. & 225. ] whom they themselves notwithstanding afterwards called Cacergetes , or the Malefactor . [ Athenae , lib. 4. cap. 24 ▪ & lib , 12. cap. 27. ] Howbeit , from the corpulency of his bulk , and the extension of his paunch , he obtained the surname of Physcon , or the Gor-belly , which joyned together with his name , is read after this sort in his coyn , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . This Ptolemei , by Epiphanius in his small book of weights and measures , for his love of learning , is termed Ptolemaeus Philologus , for he was both one of Aristarchus his scholars , and he wrote historical observations , which are frequently cited by Atheneus . [ Athenae . lib. 2. cap. 33. ] for unto this second Euergetes do belong those things which we produced out of Athenaeus , and Galen concerning the first , in the year of the World 3761. from whence , seeing that at that time Eumenes son of Attalus reigned in Asia ; whom Strabo affirmeth to have furnished Pergamus with libraries , [ lib. 13. pag. 614. ] I suppose those things to be referred unto this Ptolemei , which are read in Vitruvius his Preface of his seventh Book . The Attalian Kings , being induced thereunto by the wonderfull delights of Philologie , when they had erected for the common delight a famous librarie at Rergamus ; then also Ptolemei , being invited with infinite zeal and eagernesse of desire , did not with lesse industry endeavour to procure the like at Alexandria , and in Plinie , [ lib. 13. cap. 11. ] Through the emulation of the Kings , Ptolemei and Eumenes , about libraries , Varro writeth , That at Pergamus , parchments were found out , Ptolemei suppressing the Egyptian paper . Ptolemei Philometor , being driven out of his kingdom , he fled unto his younger brother Ptolemei Euergetes , to Alexandria ; [ Justin lib. 34. cap. 2. ] whom the Alexandrians , delivering from the power of Antiochus , made him with his brother partner of the kingdom , numbring with the 12 of the one , the fourth year of the other his reign , [ Porphyr . ut sup , ] although a while after they cast out Philometor , and banished him . [ Polyb. Legat. 84 , & 89. ] Antiochus , willingly catching at that occasion , undertook the government of the banished Prince , and made use of the specious pretence of bringing him home again in the defence of his Egyptian war , in receiving Embassages into all the Cities of Asia , and Greece , and in the dispatch of letters . [ Livie lib. 44. and 45. ] Antiochus , through the handsome colour of bringing back Ptolemei the elder into his kingdom , managing his war with his younger brother , who at that time possessed Alexandria , got the better of him at a sea fight at Pelusium : and going over the Nile with his army , on a bridge suddenly erected , besieged Alexandria it self : Whereupon that same Ptolomei the younger , and Cleopatra his sister , dispatched Ambassadors to Rome , who might implore the Senate to send assistance unto the kingdom , and such Princes as were friends unto the Empire : for such were the obligations of the people of Rome unto Antiochus , and so great their authorities with all Kings and nations ; That if they should but send Ambassadors to declare that it pleased not the Senate , That a war should be made with their confederate Princes , he would forthwith depart from the walls of Alexandria , and withdraw his army into Syria . [ Id. lib. 44. ] The wall of Alexandria having been assaulted to no purpose , Antiochus departed from thence , [ Id. lib. 45. ] Meleager , Sosiphanes , and Heraclides , being notwithstanding , first sent Embassadors to Rome : who of 150 talents committed to their charge were to bestow fifty upon a Crown , to be delivered to the Romans , and to divide the rest of the sum to certain Cities of Greece . [ Polyb. Legat. 83. ] About those dayes the Embassadors of the Rhodians , of whom Ptutio was the chief that were sent to settle a peace , arriving at Alexandria , presently afterward went into the Camp unto the King : These being admitted unto conference with the King , commemorating the conjunction of each kingdom with the other , and the mutual respects of alliance between both the Kings , and what advantages would redound unto each of them upon the concluding of a peace , entered upon a long discourse . But the King interrupting the Embassador in his speech , said , That there was no need of any longer discourse ; for the kingdom appertained unto the Elder Ptolemei ; and he had long since made a peace with him , and was his friend ; and if the Alexandrians would recal him out of banishment , he was contented , [ Id. 84. ] Antiochus , leaving Ptolemei the Elder at Memphis , whose kingdom he pretended was fought for by his Forces , and delivering unto him the rest of Egypt , after that he had left a strong Garrison at Pelusium , withdrew his army into Syria ; for when he had promised unto himself this issue of the civil war between the brethren , that the Conqueror being wearied in the dispute , would not be equal unto himself : he thought it behooful to keep unto himself the key of Egypt , that he might again at pleasure bring in his army , and assault the brother that had conquered , [ Liv. lib. 45. ] King Eumenes , coming from Elaea with 20 covered ships , in the coasts of the Cassandrenses met with Marcius Figulus , the Praetor , Admiral of the Roman Fleet , and five covered ships sent from Prusias the King there , with the Praetor : at the same time , both by sea and land , he in vain assaulted the City Cassandrea ; Toron also , and Demetrias being attempted with no better successe : There was a report that by Cydas the Cretian , and Antimachus Governour of Demetrius , conditions of reconcilement were negotiated between Eumenes and Perseus . For that Cydas , who was one of Eumenes his intimate friends , was formerly observed to discourse at Amphipolis with Chimarus , a certain Country-man of his own , and now at Demetrias with Menecrates , a certain Captain of Perseus , and again with Antimachus under the very walls of the City . Eumenes certainly departing from Demetrius , sailed unto Q. Marcius the Consul , and having gratulated his prosperous entrance into Macedonia , departed into his own kingdom to Pergamus . Marcius Figulus the Praetor , part of the Fleet being sent to winter at Sciathum , went with the rest of the ships unto Oreum in Boeotia , [ Id. lib. 44. ] Reports are very various touching King Eumenes : Valerius Antias saith , That neither the Praetor was assisted with a Fleet by him after that he had often sent for him by letters : neither that he departed with savour from the Consul into Asia ; ( being incensed , that it was not permitted unto him to march in the same Camp ) That it could not be obtained of him to leave behind , so much as those French-horsemen , which he had brought with him . That Attalus his brother , both remained with the Consul , and that his fidelity was sincere in an equal temper , and his endeavours notable in the whole war , [ Ibid. ] And indeed Velleius Paterculus writeth , that King Eumenes was of an indifferent mind in that war , and answered not the beginning of his brother , nor his own accustomed fashion , [ Histor. lib. 1. cap. 9. ] At Rome , the Embassadors of Pamphylius brought into the Senate a golden Crown made of 20 thousand Philipeans ; and upon their request , liberty was granted unto them to repose their gift in the Chappel of Jupiter , and to sacrifice in the Capitol ; moreover as to their desire of renewing friendship , they had a gracious answer , and a gift of two thousand pieces of coin sent unto each of them , [ Liv. lib. 44. ] At that time , the Embassadors from King Prusias , for making up a peace with King Perseus , received an audience : Prusias professing , both that at that time he stood for the Romans , and that he should stand for them during the war : Neverthelesse , seeing that Embassadors had come to him from Perseus touching the conclusion of the war , and he had promised them to be an intercede● with the Senate , he desired , if they could be perswaded to end their displeasure , that himself might be used by them in the making up of the reconcilement , [ Id. ib. ] The Embassie of the Rhodians was more arrogant , concerning the same businesse ; for the courtesies which they had done for the Roman people , being proudly related , and almost the greater part of the victory procured over Antiochus , being arrogated to themselves ; they added , That when there was peace between the Macedonians and the Romans , then was amity begun between themselves and King Perseus ; the which , they had broken off against their wills , not upon any provocation of his against themselves , but because it pleased the Romans to draw them into the society of the war : That now the third year , they felt many inconveniencies of that war ; That upon the blocking up of the sea , their Island was pressed with poverty , their revenues that came by sea , and their victuals being lost : when they could no longer endure this , That they had sent other Embassadors into Macedonia unto Perseus , who might declare unto him , That the Rhodians were contented that he should make up a peace with the Romans , and that themselves were sent , to signify so much to Rome , That the Rhodians should consider , what ought to be done against them , in whom the fault should be found of not concluding the war. Claudius Quadrigarius saith , That there was no answer given unto these persons : onely there was recited a decree of the Senate , wherein the Roman people denounced , That the Carians and Lycians were free , and that letters should immediately be dispatcht unto both nations , that they might understand so much . Which thing being heard , That the principal person of the Embassadors , whose high language the Senate a little before had scarce received , fell down astonished : Others say , that it was answered , That the Roman people even in the beginning of the war , had been assured by no vain authors , That the Rhodians had entertained secret debates with Perseus the King against their Common-wealth ; and if it had been doubtful formerly , yet the Legates words a little before , had made it certain ; and that fraud for the most part , though it be more wary at the beginning , discovereth it self , that they would consider what was to be done by them ; what the Rhodians were about to consider , themselves knew , That assuredly the people of Rome , when Perseus should be overcome , ( which they hoped would shortly be ) would take care to make condingne requital according to the merits of each City in that war : howbeit , a reward of two thousand pieces of coyn was sent unto each of the Embassadors , which they accepted not . [ Id. Ibid. ] But Dion giveth this account of the businesse . King Perseus requested peace from the Romans , and had obtained the same , except the Rhodians , fearing least the Romans should have wanted an adversary , had joyned their Embassadors with the Embassadors of Perseus , for by them ( the Legates of the Rhodians ) nothing that was moderate , and such as became those to speak as requested a peace , was propounded ; and so as if they had not so much requested a peace for Perseus , as given it unto him , they both proudly spake other things , and also at last threatned , That they would , with the rest , assault them by war , by whose fault the peace should not be made . Whereby it came to passe , that , whereas they were not unsuspected by the Romans before , they rendred themselves more hatefull , and hindred Perseus from obtaining a peace , [ Dio. Legat. 19. al. 20. ] About the beginning of the Consulship of L. Emilius Paulus , The Julian Period . 4546 and C. Licinius , Year before Christ 168 the Alexandrian Embassadors from Ptolemei and Cleopatra , Princesse , were called into the Senate ; being clad with white apparel , and having both long beards and hair , when they had entered into the Senate with Olive-branches , they prostrated themselves : and making lamentation , they entreated the Senate , That they would give their assistance unto a kingdom , and Princesse that were in amity with them . [ Liv. lib. 44. ] When the Senate had understood by them , That Antiochus , having seized upon the rest of Egypt , did still remain there , that he might be master of Alexandria also ; supposing that the greatnesse of this King did somewhat concern them , they decreed an Embassage , both for the making of a peace , and also for the viewing in generall , what the face of affairs was in that place . [ Polyb. Legat. 90. ] Immediatly therefore , the fathers sent C. Popillius Laenas , C. Decimius , and C. Hostilius , Embassadors , to conclude the war between the Kings , they were commanded to go first to Antiochus , then to Ptolemei , and declare , if they abstained not from war , which of them should be the cause thereof , they should not esteem him for a friend or a confederate , [ Liv. lib. 44. ] These with the Embassadors from Alexandria , having taken their journey within three dayes , there came Embassadors from Macedonia on the last of the Quinquatria , that is , of the feast of Minarva's birth day : who among other things , related , That Eumenes and his fleet , as ships brought with a tempest , without any cause , both came and departed , neither did the mind of that King seem sufficiently constant , and as they said all things doubtfull of Eumenes , so they declared the extraordinary constant fidelity of Attalus . [ Id. ib. ] The time when the Embassadors , sent into Egypt , departed from Rome in an ancient Diary of this year ( which Pighius hath inserted into the second Tome of his Annals in the 585 year of the City ) is found thus expressed , The third day before the Nones of of April , C. Popillius Laenas , C. Decimius , C. Hostilius are sent Ambassadors to the Kings of Syria and Egypt , for the taking up the war between them : the Embassadors early in the morning with a troop of their Clients and kinred , sacrificed in the Temple of Castor , unto the houshold gods of P. R. they offered a Bull , and so concluded their sacrifice . Howbeit , the third day , before the Nones of April , as the year at Rome then stood , answered unto the twenty third of our January , according the Julian account : as we gather from the Eclipse of the Moon , which sell out five moneths afterward . After that Antiochus with his army had returned into Syria , Ptolemei Philometor , prudently considering the danger that hung over his head , by reason of him , left not off sending to Alexandria , unto Cleopatra his sister first , and then to Euergetes his brother , and his friends , untill he had confirmed a peace with them ; his sister extraordinarily assisting him , not onely by advise , but also by entreaties . A peace therefore being made with common consent , returning from Memphis , and being received into Alexandria , he reigned together with his brother , not so much as the multitude opposing themselves : which in the war , not onely by the siege , but also after it was raised from their walls , had been brought low through the want of all things , because no supply had been brought to them out of Egypt . [ Liv. lib. 45. cum Polyb. Legat . 89. ] Whereas it was meet that Antiochus should have rejoyced hereupon , if he had brought his army into Egypt for his restaurations sake , he was so offended , that he more eagerly and maliciously prepared war against them both , than formerly he had against the one of them : and thereupon presently sent his fleet unto Cyprus , which in a fight overthrew the Egyptian ships there , and the Captains of Ptolemei , [ Liv. lib. 45. Polyb. Legat. 92. ] Both Ptoilemei's brethren , having at that time the Crown and Kingly power , forasmuch as they were destitute of all kind of aid , sent Eumenes , and Dionysiodorus , Embassadors , unto the nation of the Achaeans , to request 1000 foot men , and 200 horsemen , and that Lycortas might be Captain of all the auxiliary forces , and his son Polybius of the horse men , they wrote also to Theodoridas the Sicyonian , to hire a thousand mercenary souldiers . [ Polyb. Legat. 89. & 91. ] Perseus King of the Macedonians , and Gentius King of the Sclavonians , being united in league together , by giving pledges on either side , decreed , That Embassadors should be sent to Rhodes , hoping that the City , in whose onely power the glory of shipping then was , might by the authority of two Kings be incited unto the war against the Romans . The Embassadors were sent unto Thessalonica , & commanded to be in a readinesse to take ship : at that place was Metrodorus , who came lately from Rhodes , and affirmed that by the authority of Dion , and Polyaratus , principal men of the City , the Rhodians were prepared for war ; for as amongst the the Coans , Hippocritus and Diomedon brethreen , so amongst the Romans , Dino and Polyaratus have been bold to speak for the Macedonians , and accuse the Romans , and publickly advise a conjunction with Perseus . This Metrodorus was made the chief person of this confederate Embassie with the Sclavonians . [ Polyb. Legat. 85. & in Excerptis , Valesii . pag. 137. Livie lib. 44. ] Perseus , having sent Tetemnastus the Cretian , Embassador to Antiochus , advised him not to let slip the present oppertunity , nor to think that the pride and insolent injunctions of the Romans pertained unto him alone , but rather that he should be assured to run the same hazard of fortune himself also within a short time , except he now afforded his assistance unto him , in the chief place by composing the dissention , and setling a peace , or at least , if that might not be , by contributing his help . [ Polyb. Legat. 85. Liv. lib. 44. ] At the same time also , Perseus sent Cryphontes ( for so the Collections of Polybius name him , whom the printed Copies of Livie call Eropontes ) Embassador unto Eumenes , who had formerly discharged two Embassies unto the same person . [ Id. Ibid. ] surely by the profer of money he sollicited Eumenes , That he should either take his part , or reconcile him unto the people of Rome , or assist neither side ; hoping that he should obtain one of these things , or at least by that sollicitation procure ( which indeed he attained ) that Eumenes should become suspected unto the Romans . But Eumenes despised the friendship of Perseus , & for the making of a peace demanded 1500 talents , and to remain neutral to both , 1000. Perseus promised to give the sum required for the procurement of a peace , but not before hand ; howbeit , he would depose it in the Temple at Samothrace , untill the peace were concluded . [ Appian . Macedonic . in Excerpt . Valeisi . p. 562. ] But sith that Island was within his own jurisdiction , Eumenes saw that it signified no more than if the mony had been at Pella , and insisted hereupon , That he should bring part of the mony for the present . Which not obtaining , Cryphon , their secret debates being unknown , returned home : that the negotion had been concerning the redemption of captives , both themselves noised abroad and Eumenes , for the avoyding of suspition , informed the Consul to the same purpose . [ Livie , lib. 44. ] The Rhodians disagreeing between themselves , and that party prevailing in their assemblies which was inclined to Perseus , it seemed good that Embassadors should be sent to compound the war between Perseus and the Romans : the chief presidents therefore of their Councels immediatly dispatched Embassadors unto Rome , Agesipolis and Cleombrotus , but to the Consul and Perseus , Damon , Nicostratus , Agesilochus , and Telephus ; they sent also Embassadors into Creet , to renew friendship with all the Cretians ; and to advise them to have an eye to the condition of the times , and the imminent danger , and that agreeing with the people of Rhodes , they should esteem the same as foe and friend , which they should do : there were sent also unto each City , who might entreat with them touching the same affairs . [ Polyb. Legat. 86. ] The Embassadors of the Ptolemeis , the Kings , whilst it was yet Winter , coming into Peloponnesus , after that in an Assembly of the Achaeans celebrated at Corinth they had renewed their ancient friendship , which they signified by many arguments one towards another ; and had presented unto their view the afflicted condition of the Kings , requesting aide : the multitude were in a readinesse to give their assistance , not with a part of their Forces , but if need should require , with all their strength . Howbeit , Callicrates , and Diophanes , and Hyperbatonus , opposed this judgement : against whom , Lycottas and Polybius discoursing , exhorted the Achaeans , that being mindful of their engagements and courtesies received , but especially of their oath , they should keep the laws of Confederacy . But when the multitude had again joyntly agreed that assistance should be given ; Callicrates frustrated that debate , terrifying the Magistrates , because the laws gave no liberty in such like assemblies , to deliberate of auxiliaries , [ Polyb. Legat. 89. ] A little while afterwards , a Council being called in the City of the Sicyonians , in the which , not onely the Magistrates were present , but all that were above 30 years of age ; after many debates had passed , a carryer was brought by Callicrates immediately after his arrival directly into the Theatre , bringing forged letters from Q. Marcius the Proconsul ; wherein he was feigned to exhort the Achaeans , that complying with the desire of the Romans , they would endeavour to reconcile the Kings together : and thereupon Embassadors were sent from the Achaeans , Archon of Aegi●a , Arcesilaus and Aristo Megapolitanes , to make a peace between Ptolemeis , the Kings , and Antiochus : at which King Polybius being incensed with indignation , withdrew himself from the care , and administration of affairs : and the Embassadors from Alexandria having lost the hope of assistance , returned home , [ Id. ibid. & Legat. 91 , ] Perseus , having his winter quarters at Bila , drew his Forces into Ionia , whereby he might intercept the bread-corn that was conveyed from thence unto the Romans , [ Appian . ut . sup . pag. 565. ] Antenor and Callippus the Admirals of the Navy , with 40 small boates and five larger vessels called Pristes ( from the likenesse of the fish so named , which they do resemble ) he sent unto Tenedos : that being from thence dispersed by the Cycladas , Islands , they might secure the ships that came with bread-corn into Macedonia : the ships being brought to Cassandrea , after that they had first arrived at the havens which lie under the Mountain Athos , and from thence with a calme sea , at Tenedos ; sent away the Rodians open vessels , and Eudemus their President without violation , nay even civily entreated . But being afterwards informed that 50 burdenships of their friends were shut in by the beaked ships of Eumenes under the conduct of Damius , at the very mouth of the haven at Mount Athos , having dispersed their enemies , they brought them forth and sent them with the conduct of ten small vessels into Macedonia , [ Liv. lib. 44. ] Those small vessels on the ninth day afterwards , returned unto the Fleet lying at Sigaeum : which from thence sailed to Subota ( an Island lying between Elaea , and Athos ) howbeit the next day after that they came thither , 35 ships which they call Hippagogi , or vessels for the conveyance of horses , Ferry-boats coming from Elaea with French Horsemen , and horses ( sent from Eumenes to Attalus ) were bound for Phanes , a Promontory of the Chians , from whence they might put over into Macedonia . Antenor , having loosed from Subota , between the Promontory of Erythrae , and that of Chios where the sea is most straight , suddenly light upon these : and when there was no hope of resisting , part of them which were near unto the shoat of the Continent swum into Erythraea : part , hoysing up sail , threw their ships upon Chios , and leaving their horses behind them , posted a main unto the City . But when the small vessels had disburthened their armed men nearer unto the City , and at a more convenient place of landing , the Macedonians having gotten the Frenchmen into their power , slew some of them as they fled in the way , and others being intercepted before the gate . There were slain of the Galls well nigh 800 ( or 700 as Gruters edition hath it ) and 200 taken alive . The horses were partly ( the ships being broken ) consumed in the sea , and partly houghed by the Macedonians on the shoar . Antenor commanded the same ten vessels which he had sent before , to convoy 20 of the stateliest horses with the captives unto . Thessalonica , and as soon as they possibly could , to return to the Fleet ; he would expect them at Phanae . The Navy lay almost three dayes before the City , from thence they went unto Phanae ; and being carryed over in the 10 vessels ( returned before they were expected ) they passed thorough the Aegean Sea unto Delos , [ Id. ibid. ] Whilst these things were doing , the Roman Embassadors , C. Popillius , C. Decimius , and C. Hostilius , having come from Chalcis , after that they had arrived at Delos with three Gallies of five ranks of oares ; found there 40 ships of the Macedonians ; and five Gallies of King Eumenes with five ranks of oares . The sanctity of the Temple , and the Island , gave security unto all persons . The Romans therefore and the Macedonians being mingled together , and the sea-confederates of Eumenes , the religion of that place making a Truce , were conversant in the Temple , [ Id. ibid. ] Antenor , Perseus his Admiral , when there was intimation from the watch-towers , that ships of carriage were discovered at sea ; pursuing himself with part of the shipping , the other part being disposed about the Cyclades , either sunk or spoiled all the ships , except such as were bound for Macedonia . Popillius , or the Navy of Eumenes , succoured as many as they could ; and being conveyed by night in two or three vessels for the most part , deceived the Macedonians , [ Id. ibid. ] About that time , the Embassadors of Gentius , King of the Sclavonians , Parmenio and Morcus , and together with these , Metrodorus ( Embassador ) of Perseus , came to Rhodes : whose authority was encreased , not onely by the approach of the Frigots which passed up and down by the Cyclades , and the Aegean Sea , and by the multitude of the Horsemen which were slain ; but also by the very conjunction of Perseus and Gentius , and the rumor of the Galatians , Horse and Foot , coming with a great number . These things indeed gave courage unto Dinon and Polyaratus , who were for Perseus his interesse ; but , on the contrary , dejected Theaetetus . It was decreed therefore by the Rhodians , to give a friendly answer unto both the Kings ; and to signifie unto them : That they had resolved by the interposition of their authority , to put a period to the war ; and consequently to admonish them , to be inclinable to a peace . Moreover the Embassadors of Gentius were entreated with much civility in their publick place of Assembly , [ Id. ibid. Polyb. Legat. ] At the beginning of the Spring , Antiochus with his army , marching for Egypt , came into Coelosyria , about Rhinocolura , unto the Embassadors of Ptolemei , Philometor rendring thanks unto him , for that by his means he had received his paternal kingdom , and requesting , That he would maintain his own right , and rather speak what he would have done , than , changing from a confederate to an enemy , proceed by violence , and armes ; he gave this answer : That he would upon no other terms revoke his Fleet , and reduce his army , unlesse he would surrender unto him all Cyprus , and Pelusium , and the field that was adjacent unto that mouth of the Nile , called Pelusiack ; and he fixed a day within which he might receive an answer , [ Livie , lib. 45. ] Antiochus dispatched Apollonius Overseer for the Collection of his Tribute ( called by Josephus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the 12 book of his Antiquities , cap. 7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the 2 of the Maccab. 5. 24. ) with an army of 22 thousand into the Cities of Judea ; two compleat years after that he had spoiled the Temple at Jerusalem , commanding them to put to death all the young men that were come to years of maturity and in full strength , but to sell the women and younger sort , [ 1 Maccab. 1. 30. 2 Maccab. 5. 24. ] After that Apollonius was come to Hierusalem , without any shew of hostility , he restrained himself until the Sabbath Day ; on which he destroyed all that came to discharge religious duties , and , marching with his Forces about the City , he put to death a great multitude : and taking the spoiles of the City , he set it on fire , and pulled down the houses , and the walls round about : They led away also captive the women and children , and seized on the cattel , [ 1 Maccab. 1. 31 , 34. 2 Maccab. 5. 25 , 26. ] Josephus , [ in the 12 book of his Antiquities and the seventh chap. ] ascribing unto Antiochus himself , those things that were done by his ministers , affirmeth him ; After the sacking of the whole City , partly to have slain the inhabitants , and partly to have led them away captive , together with their children and wives , to the number of ten thousand . Judas Maccabaeus also , departing with nine others , spent his life in the mountains after the manner of wild beasts together with his companions , who continued to feed on herbs , least they should be pertakers of the pollution , [ 2 Maccab. 5. 27. ] or of the prohibited meates , or of the idolatry , or of the contamination also , and the desolation of the Sanctuary which insued thereupon ; [ 1 Maccab. 1. 39 , 41. ] which was three years and six moneths before the restitution and purification thereof , made afterwards by the same Judas Maccabaeus , [ 1 Maccab. 4. 43 , 54. ] For which space of time Josephus intimates the City of Jerusalem to have been oppressed by Antiochus in the Preface of his books concerning the Jewish war , and the service of the daily sacrifice to have ceased in the first book , and first chap. and the Sanctuary to have been desolate in the sixth book of the same Work ( pag. 929. ) the same author sheweth ; who declareth also that last point , touching the time of the desolation of the Sanctuary , as Hippolytus affirmeth , [ Caten . Graec. in Daniel , chap 8. ] Afterwards they built in the City of David , or Sion , a great wall , fenced with strong Towers , which was unto them in the place of a Ciladel ; and a Garrison of wicked persons being placed therein , they reposed there the spoiles of Jerusalem : and forasmuch as there were plots there contrived against such as frequented the Temple , and innocent blood was shed and the Sanctuary defiled ; the inhabitants of Jerusalem fled and the City became an habitation of strangers , and strange to her own Natives , her children forsaking her , [ 1 Maccab. 1. 35 , 40. ] The Embassadors of the Rhodians came into the Camp of the Romans , with the same instructions , touching peace , which at Rome highly incensed the fathers , they were heard with much more discontent by the Councel of war : Howbeit , when some would have had them violently forced out of the Camp , the Councell declared , That it would give them answer after fifteen dayes : in the mean time , that it might appear at what rate the authority of the Rhodians interceding for peace was esteemed , they began to debate of the means how to manage the war , [ Livie lib. 44. ] The day before Perseus was overcome , C. Sulpicius Gallus tribune of the souldiers of the second Legion , by the permission of L. Emilius Paulus the Consul , calling the souldiers together , declared unto them , that the ensuing night , left any should be astonished at the strangenesse thereof , the Moon should suffer an eclipse from two of the clock in the night , untill four ; which being a thing that by the course of nature comes to passe at set times , it might be known before , he said , and likewise foretold ; and therefore ought not to be look't upon as a prodigy , [ Id. Ib. ] which a while afterward , as Pliny writes , he taught in a treatise composed thereupon , [ lib. 2. cap. 12. ] where he reporteth this man to be the first of the Roman nation , who published unto the world , the reason of the Sun and Moon 's Eclipses , of whom Cato in Ciceros book , of old age , thus speaketh : We did behold Scipio , Gallus , the intimate acquaintance of your father ( Emilius Paulus ) even to macerate himself unto death in his endeavours of measuring almost the Heavens and the Earth : how often did the morning surprise him , when he began to delineate any thing at night ? and how oft did the night come upon him , when he began in the morning ? how was he delighted when he fore-told unto us the Eclipses of the Sun and Moon , a great while before they came to passe ? The night which did precede the day before the Nones of September , when the Moon was eclipsed at the appointed hour , it seemed unto the Roman souldiers to be allmost a divine thing : but it affected the Macedonians as a sad Omen portending the full of their kingdom , and the mischief of their nation . [ Liv. lib. 44. cum Justin. lib. 33. cap. 1. Valer. Maxim. lib. 8. cap. 11. Jul. Frontin . Stragemat . lib. 1. cap. 12. ] The Astronomical account sheweth , That the total darknesse of the Moon , fell out upon the 21 day day of June , according to the Julian account , the eight hour after noon , this year , in Macedonia : when the souldiers would have given their bodies unto sleep , and rest in the night , as Plutarch hath it in his Paulus Emilius . Whence it is inserted , That the Id●es of March , on this year , whereon Paulus entered upon his second Consulship , fell out upon the fourth day of January , according to the Julian reckoning . The day following , Perseus being overthrown , [ 1 Macchabees 8. 5. ] the kingdome of the Macedonians determined : when from Caranus it had stood for the space of 626. years . Howbeit , the reliques of the Macedonian Empire , while the Roman was rising , did yet survive in the Seleucus's of Syria , and the Ptolemei's of Egypt . The third day after the fight , Perseus , with about five hundred Cretians , came by flight unto Amphipolis in Thracia ; but , being not admitted by the Amphipolitans , when their money , both gold and silver , was brought unto the ships which abode in Strymon ; he also himself came unto the river . Unto the Cretians , that were drawn the hope of mony , out of his peculiar treasury , he delivered Cups , and goblets , with other gold and silver vessels , amounting to the value of 50 talents , which , being placed on the bank , he left to be catched up by them , from this scrambling , whilst they tumultuosly went a ship-board , they sank one of the vessels , loaden with a multitude of people , in the very mouth of the river . On that day he came unto Galipsus , or Alepsus , on the morrow unto the Island Samothrace , with two thousand talents ; and humbly betook himself unto the Temple of Castor and Pollux . [ Livie . lib. 44. cum Plutarcho , in Paulo Emilio . ] When the fame of the Roman victory had come into Asia , Antenor , who with a Fleet of Frigots waited at the Phanae , sailed from thence into Cassandria , [ Livie lib. 45. ] C. Popillius , who lay at Delos for a safeguard unto the ships that were bound for Macedonia ; after that he had heard of the successe in Macedonia , and the removal of the enemies Frigots out of their Station , he also himself , having dismissed the Attick ships , proceeded to sail for Egypt , that he might discharge the Embassie which he had undertaken : to the end that he might first meet with Antiochus , before he came to the walls of Alexandria . After that the Embassadors had passed Asia , and were come into Loryma , which is an Haven above 20 miles distant from Rhodes , directly opposite against the City , the principal persons of the Rhodians ( for even thither also had the rumor of the victory been brought ) met them , entreating them to put in at Rhodes ; for they said , That it concerned the honour , and safety of the City , that they should understand all things which had before been transacted and were then in agitation at Rhodes , and declare at Rome , what was known to themselves , not what was bruited by fame : though they refused a great while , yet at length they forced them to suffer a short interruption of their voyage for the safety of a confederate City : and after they were arrived at Rhodes , the same persons by their entreaties drew them into their publick Assembly , [ Id. ib. ] The coming of the Legates rather encreased than diminished the fear of the Citizens ; for Popillius repeated all things , which all and every of them had spoken , or done in a hostile manner , during the time of the war ; and being a man of a soure disposition , he aggravated the grievousnesse of the things that had been spoken with a sterne countenance and criminating voice ; so that , whereas there was no ground of his private displeasure against the City , they might guesse by the bitternesse of one single Roman Senator , how the whole Senate stood affected toward them . The speech of C. Decimius more mild , who in most of the things alledged by Popillius , said , That the fault was not the peoples , but such stickling mens that stirred them up : that those kind of persons , setting their tongue to sale , had framed decrees full of Court-flattery , and had dispatched such Embassages , whereof the Rhodians were no lesse ashamed , than penitent for : all which , had the people power in their own hands , would fall upon the heads of the guilty . He was heard with great approbation , no lesse because he charged the fault upon the authors , than that he extenuated the crime of the people . When therefore the principal persons replyed unto the Romans , their speech was in no wise acceptable , who endeavoured to purge the crimes objected by Popillius , as theirs , who agreed with Popillius in exposing the authors unto punishment for the expiation of the crime : and thereupon those Rhodians , who before carried such high minds , as if they had conquered , as well Philip , as Antiochus , and were Superior in strength to the Romans themselves , were brought into such terror , that even in the presence of the Embassadors , there was a Decree suddenly made , That whosoever should be convinced to have spoken or done any thing in the behalf of Perseus , against the Romans , should be condemned to death . Some upon the approach of the Romans withdrew themselves out of the City , others laid violent hands upon themselves : the Embassadors staying not above five dayes at Rhodes , went unto Alexandria . Neither were the judgements grounded upon the Decree made before them , lesse slowly put in execution ; which resolution in performing that businesse , the Clemency of Decimius did procure , [ Id. ibid. cum Dione , Legat. 20. al. 21. ] After that the news of Perseus his flight had been brought unto Rome , it seemed good unto the Senate that the Rhodian Embassadors , who came to make up a peace with Perseus , should be called before their Assembly : the Embassadors , of whom Agesipolis was the chief , having entered into the Senate , said , That they were sent to make an end of the war , which would be grievous and incommodious unto all Greece , costly and hurtful unto the Romans themselves . Now , seeing it was concluded , in such sort as the Rhodians alwayes desired ; they did congratulate it unto them . When Agesipolis had briefly spoken these words , he departed out of the Assembly . The Senate , making use of that occasion , seeing that they purposed to disgrace openly the Rhodians , and make them an example , made this reply . That the Rhodians dispatched that Embassie , neither in regard of the advantages of Greece , nor of the expences of the Roman people , but in the behalf of Perseus ; for if their care had been such as was pretended , Embassadors would then have been sent , when Perseus having drawn his army into Thessalie , for the space of two years , partly besieged , and partly , by denouncing war , terrified the Cities of Greece . At that time there was no mention of peace made by the Rhodians : but after that they had heard , that the Woodes were got over , and that the Romans had passed into Macedonia , and that Perseus was closely environed , the Rhodians sent their Embassage ; to no other end , but that they might deliver Perseus out of his imminent danger : wherefore the fathers judgement was , That they ought not to bestow the accustomed rewards , or any benefit , no nor a courteous answer unto the Embassadors , [ Polyb. Legat. 88. Liv. lib. 45. ] Thoas , who being sent from Rhodes by Dinon to Perseus as an internuncio , had often sailed into Macedonia ; affairs now being turned , fled for fear into Cnidus . And when the Cuidians had secured him in safe custody , upon the vindication of the Rhodians , he was returned into Rhodes again ; where , upon examination , having confessed all , he fully consented unto all the notes of the letters which had been intercepted , and to the Epistles sent to and again , both from Dinon , and also from Perseus : wherewith Dinon being convinced ( for an example to others , ) he was executed , [ Polyb. in Excerpt . Valesi . pag. 137 , 138. ] Cn. Octavius , who together with Paulus Aemilius , managed the Macedonian war , upon the arrival of his Fleet at Samothrace , being touched with the reverence of Castor and Pollux , left Perseus unassaulted , but yet he debarred him from the sea , and secured him from escaping , [ Plutarch in P. Aemilio . ] And whilst he endeavoured to draw him to a surrender , sometimes by threatnings , sometimes by hopes ; a businesse whether accidental or contrived by deliberation , assisted him therein . L. Attilius an illustrious young man , when he saw the people of Samothrace assembled together , by the permission of the Magistrate , complained that the supposed sanctity of the Island was violated by the presence of Euander the Cretian : who having almost compassed the death of King Eumenes at Delphos , did now together with Perseus , defend himself by the refuge of the Temple . Hereupon Theondus , who was the chief Magistrate amongst them ( whom they call King ) seeing himself , and the whole Island in the power of the Romans , demanded of Perseus , that Euander should be given up unto trial : which when Perseus disliked , because he saw that the crime being discovered , would be devolved upon himself , he procured that Euander should be slain : and corrupted Theondus with money , to declare unto the people , that Euander had made away himself with his own hands . Howbeit by so wicked a prank against his onely friend that remained , and had been known to him in so many enterprizes , he alienated the affections of all that were with him ; and when every one for his own security betook himself to the Romans , he was forced to bethink himself how to make his escape , [ Liv. lib. 45. ] Wherefore Perseus secretly dealt with Oroandes the Cretian , to whom the coast of Thrace was well known , because he had used traffick in that Country , that receiving him into a Frigot ( which did ride at the Promontory Demetrias ) he should convey him to Cotys the King of the Thracians . About the time of Sun-set there was as much money brought to the Frigot , as could be secretly conveyed : which being received , Oroandes , making use of a Cretian feat , as soon as it was dark , loosing from shoar , bent thorough the Main unto Crete : afterwards about midnight wretched Perseus let down himself , his children , and his wife , not acquainted with travels and wandering , out of a straight window by a wall ; and when the ship was not found in the Haven , after that he had awhile walked on the shoar , at length fearing the light , now approaching , he betook himself to a darke corner in the side of the Temple , [ Liv. & Plutarch , ut supra . ] After that , by the command of Octavius the Praetor , it was published , by the Cryer , That the royal Youth ( the children of Princes that were chosen to attend upon the King ) and other Macedonians , who were of Samothrace , if they would come over to the Romans , should preserve their safety , and liberty , and all that they had , which was either about them , or which they had left behind in Macedonia ; they all came over , and gave up their names to C. Posthumius the Tribune of the souldiers . Ion also the Thessalonian surrendred up the young children of the King , which had been committed to his trust , unto Octavius ; neither was any of the children left with the King , except Philippus the eldest . Thereupon he surrendred himself and his son to Octavius : fondly accusing fortune , and the gods , in whose Temple he was , because they afforded their supplicant no assistance . He was commnaded to be put aboard in the Proetorianship , where also the money that remained was carryed ; and forthwith the Fleet went back unto Amphipolis , [ ibid. ] Antiochus , coming to possesse Pelusium , when he had passed over the River Leusines ( which place is four miles distant from Alexandria ) met with the Roman Embassadors : whom when upon their approach , he had saluted , and reached forth his right hand unto Popillius , he delivered unto him the Tables which he held in his hands , conteining that Decree of the Senate , whereby he was commanded immediately to conclude the war against Ptolemei ; and enjoyned him , that before he did any thing else , he should read it . When he had read over the Tables , and said , That he would consult with his friends , what he ought to do ; Popillius with a vine-twig which he had in his hand , encircled the King , and commanded him before he went out of the ring , which he had described , to return his answer to the Tables . The King being astonished with that unusual and imperious action , after that he had demurred a while , saith , I will do what the Romans command . Whereupon at length Popillius reached forth his right hand unto the King , as to a confederate and friend . Thereupon , the space of a few dayes , and those prefixedly numbred , being granted , Antiochus full sore against his mind , and not without sighing , however , yet withdrew his forces into Syria ( for instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in Polybius we suppose 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ought to be substituted out of Livie ) esteeming it expedient to give place unto the times for the present . [ Polyb. Legat. 92. & Liv. lib. 45. cum Ciceron . in Philippica 8â. Velleio Paterculo lib. 1. cap. 10. Valeri . Maximo . lib. 6. cap. 4. Justin. lib. 34. cap. 3. Appiano in Syriac . pag. 131. Plutarcho in Apophthegmat . cap. 32 , &c. The Samaritans , seeing the Jews most miserably oppressed by Antiochus , professed themselves to be by descent Sidonians , and thereupon obtained letters from Antiochus to Apollonius his President , and Nicanor the Kings Steward , that they should not be involved joyntly into the common condition of the Jews ; and that the Garizitine Temple , as yet not honoured with the title of any god should from thenceforth be called by the name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or of the Grecian Jupiter : there is extant touching this business a supplicatory Epistle of the Samaritans in Joseppus his 12 book of Antiquities , the seventh Chapter , with the answer of Antiochus , dated year the 46 , ( but I know not from what Epocha the account is drawn ) the 18 day of the moneth Hecatombaeon . After that Antiochus had departed out of Egypt , the Roman Embassadors by their authority confirmed the union between the two brethren , who were scarce yet well agreed , [ Liv. lib. 45. ] C. Popillius requested as a boone from the King , the enlargement of Menalcidus , the Lacedemonian , who had actively made such of the pressing and necessitous times of the Kings to the encreasing of his own private estate ; but he commanded them to send Polyaratus , who had been a chief favourer of Perseus his party at Rhodes , to Rome : and Menalcidus was indeed dismissed ; but there was a demur made concerning Polyaratus : for Ptolemei reverencing as well Polyaratus as his Country , did by no means determine to send him to Rome , but rather unto Rhodes ; which Polyaratus himself also requested , Being embarqued therefore in a small vessel , and delivered to the custody of one of his friends , named Demetrius , he designed him unto Rhodes , writing letters also unto the Rhodians touching his transportation . Howbeit Polyaratus arriving at Phaselides , I know not upon what thoughts , taking with him hearbs for the strowing of the Altar , and priestly ornaments , fled unto the common tutelary God of the City . [ Polyb. Legat. 92 , & 95. & in Excerptis Valesii . pag. 138. ] Popillius , having setled affairs at Alexandria , sailed unto Cyprus , and from thence dismissed the fleet and army of Antiochus into Syria , which had lately vanquished in that place , the Egyptians . [ Polyb. Legat. 92. Liv. lib. 45. ] The Kings of Egypt being delivered from the war against Antiochus , before all things dispatched Numenius , one of their friends , Embassador unto Rome ; to return thanks for the favours which they had received from them . [ Polyb. Legat . 95. ] When the Phasellites had sent unto Rhodes , requesting them to receive and carry along with them Polyaratus , the Rhodians did indeed send a ship , but forbad Epichares the Master of the ship , to admit him aboard the vessel , because the Alexandrians were enjoyned to set the man ashore at Rhodes : the ship therefore being brought unto Phaselides . When Epichares refused to receive Polyaratus into his vessel , and on the other side Demetrius , unto whose custody he was recommended by the King , commanded the man to get up and be gone ; and the inhabitants of Phaselides moreover urged it , fearing least it might render them obnoxious to the Romans . Polyaratus being afflicted with the sadnesse of his care , went aboard Demetrius his ship again . Howbeit , having gotten an oppertunity at his landing , he fled directly with speed unto Caunus : and in like manner complaining of his sad condition , implored the assistance of the Caunians : from whom receiving a repulse , because they were tributaries unto the Rhodians ; he privily sent unto the Cibyrates , requesting that he might be received into their City , and some might be sent unto him , who might safely conduct him ; for he was known unto the Cibyrates , because the children of Pancrates the Tyrant had been educated with him : and when the Cibyrates had consented and yielded unto his requests , Polyaratus was brought unto Cibyra . [ Id. in . Excerpt . Valesi . pag. 138 , 141. ] Popillius and the Embassie which was sent unto Antiochus , returning unto Rome , made report of the controversies taken up and composed between the Kings , and of the army withdrawn out of Egypt into Syria ; afterwards the Embassadors of the Kings themselves came , the Legates of Antiochus declared , That the peace which was approved by the Senate , seemed more approved unto the King than any victory : and , That he obeyed the commands of the Roman Embassadors no otherwise , than if they had been the injunction of the Gods : they congratulated afterwards unto them the conquest over Perseus ; to the which , if any thing had been commanded unto him , the King to his uttermost endeavours would have been assistant . The Legates of Ptolemei , joyntly in the name of the King , and Cleopatra returned thanks , That they were more indebted unto the Senate , and the Roman people , than their parents , than unto the immortal gods , by whom they had been delivered from a most miserable siege , received their paternal kingdom , almost lost ; the Senate replyed , That Antiochus had rightly and duly done , in that he had obeyed the Embassadors , and that it was acceptable unto the Senate , and the Roman people , and unto the Princes of Egypt , Ptolemei and Cleopatra , ( they said ) if any benefit and advantage befell them by their means , that the Senate did much rejoyce at it , and should endeavour , That they might esteem the chiefest safeguard of their kingdom to consist in the fidelity of the Roman people . C. Papirius the Pretor was commanded , That he should take care , that the rewards should be sent unto the Embassadors , according to appoyntment and custom . [ Liv. lib. 45. ] There was a joynt Embassage came both from Eumenes , and from Attalus , and from Athenaeus , brethren to Rome , to congratulate the overthrow of Perseus . [ Id. Ibid. ] King Antiochus by a publick edict , Year of the World 3837 commanded all nations that were subject unto him , to observe the same way of divine worship , and , laying aside their peculiar customs , to professe the same religion with the Greeks ; the punishment of death being proposed unto such as should be disobedient ; and he appoynted over-seers over every people and nation , who should compell them hereunto . [ 1 Maccab. 1. 43 , 52 , 33. ] Of these he sent an ancient man of Athens into Judea and Samaria , that he might force the Jews to depart from the observation of the divine law ; and defile the Temple at Jerusalem ; imposing thereupon the name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Jupiter Olympius , as upon the Temple at Garizim , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Iupiter Hospitable , or the Protector of strangers : for upon better considerations , he seems to have thought that a more suitable surname , than 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Grecian , unto the condition of the Samaritans ; because they were peregrines and strangers in the land of the Jews . [ 2 Maccab. 4. 1 , 2. ] The King sent also proclamations by Embassadors to Jerusalem , and the Cities of Judah , that they should follow the rites of the Gentiles , take away the sacrificers out of the Temple , prohibit the sabbaths and festival dayes , pollute the sanctuary , and the Ministers thereof , erect Altars and Groves , and Temples of Idols , that they should sacrifice Swine , and other unclean beasts , that they should suffer their children to remain uncircumcised , and defile themselves with every impure thing , to the end , That they might forget the law , and change all the Ordinances of their God , [ Maccab. 1. 46 , 51. ] and that it might wholly be a crime to professe the Jewish religion . [ 2 Maccab . 4. 6. ] A decree also came forth into the neighbour Cities of the Greeks , upon the suggestion of Ptolemei ( son of Donymenes 2 Maccab. 4. 45. ) that they should proceed in like manner against the Jews , and compell them to pertake of the sacrifices , but as for such as would not come over to the Greek customs , they should put them to death , [ 2 Macca . 17. 8 , 9. ] And truly other nations embraced the word of the King , and of the Israelites also many consented to his religion , and sacrificed unto Idols , and prophaned the Sabbath , [ 1 Maccab. 1. 44. cum . 2. 18. ] for many of the people that forsook the law were gathered together unto them , and they made the Israelites hide themselves in dens , and in places of their refuge , [ 1 Maccab. 1. 55 , 56. ] others were brought by bitter constraint on the Kings birth-day every moneth to eat of the sacrifices ; and when the feast of Bacchus was kept , they were compelled to go in procession to Bacchus , carrying ivie . [ 2 Maccab. 6. 7. ] But the Temple was filled with riot and revelling by the Gentiles , who loosly spent their lives with harlots , and in the holy circuit of the Temple , defiled themselves with women , and moreover brought in things that were not lawful , the altar also was filled with prophane things , which the law forbiddeth . [ 2 Maccab. 6. 4 , 5. ] And on the 15 day of the moneth Casleu ( which answereth partly our moneth November , and partly December ) in the 145 year of the kingdom of the Greeks , they erected the abomination of desolation ( the detestible idol of Jupiter Olympius ) upon the Altar , and built idol-altars throughout the Cities of Judah , on every side , and burnt incense at the doors of their houses , and in the streets . [ 1 Maccab. 1. 54 , 55. ] When they had cut in pieces the Books of the Law which they found , they burnt them in the fire ; and wheresoever was found with any the Book of the Testament , or if any approved the Law , according to the Kings commandment , they put him to death , [ 1 Maccab. 1. 56 , 57. ] where , by the title of Books of the Law , we understand not onely the Mosaick Pentat●●ch , with the later Hebrews , who from hence drive the Original of that Petaroth or dimissary Lecture , after which the people were dismissed ( according to Elias Levita , in his Tischb● , in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) but the whole Scripture of the Old Testament , as in John 10. 34. 15. 25. and 1 Cor. 14. 21. and so doth Josephus upon the same occasion , [ lib. 1● . cap. 7. ] 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Wheresoever any Holy Book was found , as also the Law , and they with whom it was discovered , did miserably perish , and Severus Su●picius , in Sacr. Histor. lib. 2. is of the same judgement , who writeth , That the Holy Volumns of the Law and the Prophets were consumed in the fire . On the 25 day of the month Casleu , sacrifices were offered upon the idololatrical altar , which was erected upon the Altar of God , [ 1 Maccab. 1. 59. ] the 145 year of the Seleucida's reign , Olympiade the 153. [ Iosephus lib. 12. cap. 7. & 11. At the same time , two women which had circumcised their children , were accused ▪ to whose breasts the children being hung , after that they had bin publickly led through the City , they threw them down headlong from a wall , and destroyed their families , and those that had circumcised the infants . [ 1 Maccab. 1. 61. 2 Maccab. 4. 10. ] The Galatians , Advertas being their leader , infested the kingdom of Eumenes with a very great commotion ; but , a truce being made for the space of winter , both the Galls went home again , and the King withdrew himself to Pergamus into his winter quarters ; where he fell sick of a sharp disease . [ Liv. lib. 45 , cum Polyb. Legat. 93. ] Antiochus , when he saw that his edicts were despised by the people , forced every one with torments by tasting of impure meats to abjure judaism , [ Ioseph . ●bell . de Maccab. ] Howbeit , many of the Israelites were fully resolved and confirmed in themselves , not to eat any unclean thing , and they chose to dye , that they might not be defiled with those meats , and that they might not prophane the Holy Covenant . [ 1 Maccab. 1. 62 , 63. ] Therefore the Tyrant Antiochus , siting in an eminent place , as President with his assessors , his army with their weapons environing them , commanded every one of the Hebrews to be snacht away , and to be to eat Swines flesh , and such things as had been offered unto idols : and if any should refuse the prophane meats , that being racked on wheels , they should be put to death . [ Ioseph . ut sup . ] And many being led away , a principal person , Eleazar by name , of the priestly family , one , as being an eminent Scribe , most expert in the knowledge of the Laws , of 90 years of age ; and therefore well known unto many of the followers of Antiochus , was brought before them : who , neither yielding to eat swines flesh , nor to pretend and dissemble to have eaten it , chose rather to undergoe the most cruell torments , than to violate the Law. [ Id. Ibid. 2. Maccab. 4. 18 , — 31. ] After him , seven young men that were brethren , together with their most couragious mother , were brought before Antiochus ; who refusing to tast Swines flesh , after that they had been exquisitly with new invented torments cruelly handled , rendred their unconquerable souls unto God. The most noble Martyrdom of these persons is found described in the seventh chapter of the second book of the Maccabees , and in the smal Treatise of Josephus , touching the Maccabees , intitled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Of the empresse Reason , in the Latin Paraphrase whereof , set forth by Rufinus , these persons are reported to be brought from their Castle named Sasandrum , into Antioch unto the King , and their names were exprest , Maccabeus , Aber , Machir , Judas , Achas , Areth , Jacob , and the mothers name is said to be Solomona : which notwithstanding , the later Hebrew Historians calls Han●ah . In Judah , about this time , Rhazis a Senator of Jerusalem gave a notable example unto others , exposing his body and soul for the defence of the Jewish religion ; for his friendly affection unto his Country he was termed , The father of the Jews . [ 2 Maccab. 14. 37 , 38. ] The Kings Officers , who in Judea forced men to Apostacy , came unto the Town called Modin , that they might there compell the Israelites to sacrifice , [ 1 Maccab. 2. 15. ] Modin was a Village near Diospolis , as Eusebius relateth in his book 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Mattathias son of Jonathan , which was the son of Simeon , dwelt there at that time , a Priest of Jerusalem , of the family of Joarib ( who was the first among the 24 courses , 1 Chron. 24. 7. ) together with his five sons ; John called Caddes , or Gaddes , Simon called Thassi , Judas called Maccabeus , Eleazar called Abaron , or Avaran , and Jonathan called Apphus . [ 1 Maccab. 2. 1 , 5. ] And as those seven Martyrs , who at Antioch discharged their combate received from the elder brother Maccabeus , the common name of the Maccabean brethren , so custom prevailed that from Judas Maccabeus , if not the first of Mattathias his five sons in age ( as Josephus thinks in his first book of the war , first Chapter , ) yet surely in the account of Prowesse , and glory thereby procured , [ 1 Maccab. 2. 66. 3. 4 , 9. 4. 26. ] they should obtain the common name of Maccabees . Howbeit , their father Mattathias , or Matthias is called by Josephus , lib. 1 , Belli cap. 1. ( as also in the Chronicle of Eusebius , and the lesser Seder Olam of the Hebrews ) the son of A samonaeus : but in the 12 book of Antiquities , cap. 8. more expressely ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the son of John , the son of Symeon , the son of Assamoneas , the common sort of Hebrews will have Mattathias himself to have been called Hasamoneus , and that from him that Sir-name descended unto the posterity ; of which R. David Kimchi is to be perused upon the 68 Psalm , v. 32. where he denoteth the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Princes . Antiochus his officers did earnestly exhort Mattathias , being brought unto them , That , forasmuch as he was a Prince , and an illustrious person , and a great man in the City Modin , and fortified with sons and brethren , he should lead others by his example to yeild obedience to the Kings command : which he did not onely constantly deny , but also 〈◊〉 put to death a certain Jew whom he beheld sacrificing upon the heathen altar , at the very altar , and at the same time slew also the Kings Commissioner , ( called by Joseph . lib. 12. cap. 8 , Apelles ) who forced men to sacrifice , and threw down the altar : after that , exhorting all who were guided with a zeal of the Law to follow him , together with his sons , he fled into the mountains , leaving all their goods in the City , [ 1 Maccab. 2. 16 , 28. ] Then many , that sought after justice and judgement , went down into secret places , and together with their children and wives , and cattel , lived in Caves : which when it was discovered unto Philip ( that Phrygian whom Antiochus had left Governour at Jerusalem , 2 Maccab. 5. 22. ) the Kings Commanders , taking with them the Garrison of the Castle of Jerusalem , pursued them : and when they could not perswade them to be obedient to the Kings commandment , throwing fire into the Cave on the Sabbath day , they consumed them , with their wives , children , and cattel , to the number of a thousand persons ; those that were inclosed for the honour that they bore unto the Sabbath making no resistance ; no , not so much as stopping the enterances of the Caves , [ 1 Maccab , 2. 29 , 38. 2 Maccab. 6. 11. Joseph . lib. 12. cap. 8. ] When Mattathias and his friends were informed hereof , they much lamented their case : and decreed , That if from thence forward they should be assaulted by their enemies , they would repel them with armes , [ 1 Maccab. 2. 39 , 40 , 41. Joseph . ut supra . ] Unto these the company of Asideans joyned themselves , religious men who voluntarily offered themselves for the defence of the Law by armes , and all which were compelled to flee from the wicked : and having settled an army , they partly slew the impious men , and partly forced them to betake themselves by flight unto the Nations . Howbeit , Mattathias and his friends , marching up and down , threw down altars , circumcised all children whom they found uncircumcised in the coasts of Israel , and pursued the sons of pride , and the work prosperously succeeded in their hands , [ 1 Maccab. 2. 42 , 48. ] When the Cibyrates neither durst , for fear of the Romans , detain Polyaratus the Rhodian amongst them , nor yet were able to convey him to Rome , by reason of their unskilfulnesse in Sea-affairs ( for they were altogether mid-land-men ) they were compelled to dispatch an Embassie to Rhodes , and also into Macedonia unto L. Emilius Paulus the Proconsul , entreating them to receive the man. And the Proconsul wrote to the Cibyrates , That they should keep Polyaratus in straight custody , and bring him to Rhodes ; but to the Rhodians , That they should take care that he should safely be brought unto Rome by Sea , and so the businesse being discharged by both of them according to command , Polyaratus was at last brought to Rome , [ Polyb. in Excerptis Valesi . pag. 141. ] King Eumenes sent his brother Attalus to Rome , for the suppressing of the commotion of the Galatians ; as also to congratulate unto the Senate , the conquest procured over Perseus . Which Embassie Attalus undertook so much the more chearfully , that , because he had assisted the Romans in that war , and exposed himself unto all dangers as a willing and ready confederate , he might , by some testimony of favour and benevolence , try how acceptable that service was unto the fathers : by which hope , least he should be tempted also to procure the kingdom , Eumenes sent after his brother unto Rome Stratius the Physician , a person of great trust and authority with him , as a faithfull Espye of the things that were done by his brother , and a trusty Monitor , if he should see him depart from his fidelity , [ Polyb. Legat. 93. Liv. lib. 45. ] When all men benignly received Attalus , coming unto Rome ; partly by reason of their former commerce with him , because they had served in the same war ; partly because they believed him to be their friend ; and when they came to meet him with a greater train than he hoped for : he began to be swolne up with vain hope , being ignorant of the true cause for which he was so kindly entertained : for seeing the minds of most of the Romans were alienated from Eumenes , and believed that he had carryed himself deceitfully in this war , entertaining conferences with Perseus , and watching advantages upon the straights of the Romans ; some persons of especial rank were eager to draw Attalus into private debates and encourage him to lay aside that Embassie which he had undertaken for his brother , and treat for himself : for the Senate , they said , was disaffected unto his brother , and desirous to enstate upon him that Dominion and Power which pertained unto him . Whence it came to passe , that Attalus his minde was lifted up , insomuch that he engaged himself unto some of the Governours to come into the Senate , and to debate with the fathers of that businesse . Howbeit Stratius the Physician , a person of singular prudence , and powerful eloquence , took him off from that intention ; for he set before his eyes , That even for the present , he did reign no lesse than his brother , and for the future , he would be left the undoubted Successor of the kingdom : and that that hope could not be far distant ; forasmuch as Eumenes by reason of the infirmity of his body , did daily and hourly expect the end of his life . Moreover , he sayed , That a new combustion came now upon the kingdom from the insurrection and tumult of the Galls , whereunto resistance could scarce be made by the consent and concord of the Kings ; How much lesse should they be able to deal with them , if a home-bred sedition should be added unto a forreign war ? Wherfore Attalus being brought into the Senate , in the first place professed his joy for the overthrow of Perseus : and afterwards discoursed of his fidelity and readinesse of mind which he brought unto that war : then he largely entreated of sending Embassadors to the Galatians , who by their authority might draw them from armes , and reduce them to their former estate : he proceeded also to speak of the Enions , and Maronites , which he requested might be bestowed upon him : but as for the accusation of his brother , and the division of the kingdom , he wholly omitted to propound any thing , [ Id. ibid. ] The Senate supposing that Attalus would come unto them again , and discourse of those affairs apart , promised him to send Embassadors ; and expressed notable magnificence in sending those gifts , which customarily in such cases used to be given : moreover they promised to bestow upon him those Cities . But when after all these offices of humanity and courtesie had been performed unto him , Attalus departed the City , neither did any of those things which the Senate hoped for ; the fathers being frustrated of their expectation , whilst he was yet in Italy , declared Aenum and Maronea to be free , revoking the promise which they had made unto Attalus . Yet the Embassie , whereof Publius Licinius was the principal Person , they dispatched unto the Galatians , [ Polyb. Legat. 93. ] Amongst many Embassies of Asia , and Greece , next to this of Attalus , the Embassadors of the Rhodians drew the eyes and minds of all men upon them : they had at this time a twofold Embassie , the first whereof Philocrates discharged , the later Philophron , and Astymedes , [ Id. ib. Liv. lib. 45. ] for the Rhodians upon the return of that answer , which was given unto Agesipolis , presently after the battle fought with Perseus , knowing the anger of the fathers against them , and hearing their threats , immediately dispatched those Embassies , [ Polyb. ibid. ] When the Legates had first made their appearance in white raiment ( as it became such as rejoyced ; for if they had been clad in sordid apparel , they might have looked like mourners for the misfortune of Perseus ) after that the fathers had been consulted with by Marcus Junius the Cousul ( whilst the Embassadors stood in the place of the publick assembly ) whether they would give unto them place , rewards , and a Senate , they judged fit that no Rite of hospitality should be observed towards them : the Consul being gone forth out of the assembly , after that the Rhodians , affirming that they came to congratulate their victory , and purge the accusations of their City , had requested that a Senate might be granted unto them , declared , That the Romans were wont to give unto confederates and friends both other things benignly , and liberally for their entertainment , and also a Senate ; but as for the Rhodians , they had not deserved in that war to be reckoned in the number of confederate friends . Upon the hearing of which words , they all prostrated themselves upon the ground , beseeching the Consul , and all that were present , that they would not more look upon new and false criminations to their hurt , than on their ancient deserts , whereof they were witnesses themselves , and immediatly taking unto them sordid raiment , they went up and down with prayers and tears to the houses of chief persons , entreating them that they would first understand their cause , before they were condemned . [ Livie lib. 45. ] Marcus Juventius Talua the Praetor , whose imployment it was to intermedle in the affairs between the Citizens and strangers , stirred up the people against the Rhodians , and by a new and bad example , not advising first with the Senate , nor acquainting the Consuls , made a proposition upon his own head , Whether they did approve , and would command war to be denounced against the Rhodians , and one to be chosen out of the Magistrates of that year , who should be sent with a fleet to manage the war , hopeing that himself should have been the person . M. Antonius , and Marcus Pomponius Tribunes of the people opposed this enterprize : and from thence there arose a contention between the Praetor and the Tribunes of carrying on all things disorderly . The Tribunes by their intercession before the time , perswaded that the hast of the Praetor should be put off untill the coming of Aemilius the General . [ Id. Ibid. ] The Praetor was violently , by Antonius pulled from the Desk : and the Embassadors of the Rhodians , being by him brought unto the Senate , made their speeches ; first Philophron , and afterwards also Astymedes , [ Polyb. Legat. 93. cum Diodor. Siculo , Legat. 19. & in Photii Biliotheca , cod . 244. ] by the later of whom that Oration seems to have been made , which is found in Livie without a beginning : for Polybius witnesseth , That Astymedes having inserted his speech amongst his letters , exposed it unto publick view : which notwithstanding , the same author observeth upon that account to have been misliked by the more prudent Persons , because ( peradventure in the former part of it which is wanting in Livie ) he undertook the defence of his own Country in such a manner , that it was interwoven with an altogether unnecessary accusation of the rest of the Greeks . The speech being ended , they all fell down upon their faces , and in humble manner casting down branches of Olive : at length being raised up again , they went out of the assembly ; then the votes began to be demanded : such as bearing the office of Consuls , or Pretors , or Embassadors in Macedonia , had been engaged in the war , were most enraged against the Rhodians . Howbeit , Marcus Portius Cato much advantaged their cause , who being of ridgid disposition , at that time shewed himself a gentle and meek Senator : the speech which he spake for them in the Senate , was by himself inserted into his fifth Book of his Origines , or Derivations , [ Liv. ] The fathers at length , sharply and severely upbraiding the Rhodians with many things particularly , said , That the Senate well understood , had it not been for some few that were friends to the Roman people , and especially for the Embassadors themselves , in what sort the Rhodians ought to be handled , and answer was given unto them in such manner , that they were neither declared enemies , nor continued friends , [ Polyb. Diodor. Sicul. and Livie ut supra . ] The answer being given , Philocrates immediatly went to Rhodes : Astymedes remained Lieger at Rome , that he might know what things were transacted and give notice of them to his Country-men : the Rhodians , forasmuch as they seemed quit from an exceeding great fear of a war to be brought upon them from the Romans , bore the other passages , though very doleful , with a contented mind . [ Polyb. and Livie . ] P. Licinius , and the rest of the Embassadors who were sent with Attalus to end the war between the Galls and King Eumenes came unto Synnas : at what time Eumenes ( who after the recovery of his health , the Spring first invited abroad out of his house ) had gathered his army from several places unto Sardes . At Synnas , the Roman Legats conferred with Solovetius , Captain of the Galls , and Attalus went along with them ; but he would not enter into the Camp of the Galls , least their mind should be incensed by the debate . P. Licinius , discoursing with the Duke of the Galls , found him more fierce upon his intercession : insomuch that it might seem strange , that the words of the Roman Legates should prevail so much amongst those rich Kings , Antiochus and Ptolomei , That they should presently make peace , and be of no reckoning with the Galls . [ Liv. lib. 45. ] Upon the approach of the Summer , the Rhodians sent Theaetetus ( the Copies of of Livie have Theodotus ) the Admiral of the fleet , with a Crown to the value of 10 , or , as we read it in Livie , 20 thousand pieces of gold , at the rate of 16 pound the piece , that they might by all means endeavour to contract friendship with the Romans : but they desired that amity might so be requested from the Romans , that no vote of the Rhodian people should be made concerning it , or that it should be committed unto writing : lest , if they should not obtain it , besides the frustration of their Embassie , they should be more disgraced upon a repulse , & repent them of the Decree . When therefore , according to their Laws , the Admiral of the Fleet alone had power of concluding friendship , without any expresse ordinance procured ; they decreed by him to send their intentions , and the truth is , That although before this , they had assisted the most noble and comly victories of the Romans , yet for the space of 40 years , they so continued in their friendship , that they never bound themselves unto them by a league of amity : lest being engaged in the religion of an oath , they should cut off all hopes from other Kings and Potentates , waging wars with the Romans of obtaining assistance if need required from : but now with most earnest desire they endeavoured to procure this honour , not that they were in love with new confederates , or stood in fear of any but the Romans themselves ; but that they might render themselves lesse suspected unto the Romans . [ Polyb. Legat. 93. Liv. lib. 45. Dio , Legat. 21. vel . 22. ] Theaetetas had scarce arrived at Rome , when the Caunians revolted from them : and the Mylassenses possessed the Towns of the Euromenses , the Rhodians therefore dispatching Lycus suddenly with an army , forced the Caunians , though they had procured the assistance of the Cibyrates , to submit to their government , and in a fight near Orthesia , overthrew the Mylassens , and the Alabandens , who having taken away the Province of the Euromenses , came with united forces against them . [ Polyb. & Liv. Ibid. ] About the same time there was a decree published by the Senate , whereby liberty was granted unto the Carians and Lycians in general , whom after the dispatch of the war with Antiochus , the Romans had alloted unto the Rhodians : upon the receiving of which news , the minds of the Rhodians were shooken with fear , whilst they much doubted , least they had given the Crown to no purpose , and in vain expected an amity : and thus at last the Rhodians lost Lycia and Caria , after that they had been forced to endure their wars to procure them , [ Polib . Legat. 93. & . 140. Liv. lib. 45. Appian . Syriac , pag. 116. ] When a Senate was granted unto Theaetetus , he entreated concerning the entrance into a league with the Rhodians ; but whilst the fathers made delayes , he departed this life , being above 80 years of age . Afterwards the Caunians and Stratonicians , that were in exile , came unto Rome , who after that they had been heard in the Senate , there was a Decree made , whereby the Rhodians were commanded to withdraw their Garrisons from Caunus and Stratonicea . That answer being received , Phylophron and Astymedes with all speed hasted into their Country , lest if the Rhodians should neglect to call forth their Garrisons , the beginning of other calamities should again arise unto their City . [ Polyb. Legat. 99. ] About the same time , the Cnossians and Gortynians waged war with the Raucians , having made a league amongst themselvs , which they confirmed by an oath ; That they would not make an end of the war before that they had taken Raucus by force . [ Id. Legat. 100. ] The Rhodians upon notice of the Embassie of the Caunians , when they perceived that the wrath of the Romans was nothing asswaged , were in all things obedient unto their pleasure , [ Id. ib. ] And thus they lost Caunus , which they had redeemed from the Commanders of Ptolemei with 200 talents : and Strotonicea , which they had received , as a great benefit from Antiochus , and Seleucus ; either of which Cities paid 120 talents yearly unto their City , [ Id. Legat. 104. ] The Rhodians sent an Embassie to Rome , the principal Person whereof was Aristotle . These had in their commission instructions to propound the friendship again ; and to be earnest in that behalf : But when about mid-summer the Embassadors made their appearance , and upon the grant of a Senate unto them , after the declaration of the Rhodians their obedience in all things that were enjoyned unto them , had exhorted the fathers with many and sundry reasons unto an amity ; the Senate returned such an answer , wherein no mention of society being made , the fathers denyed it to be proper for them to vouchsafe amity unto the Rhodians , [ Id. Legat. 100. ] At the beginning of Autumn , Year of the World 3838 L. Aemilius Paulus , C. Sulpitius Gallus , being appointed overseer of the army , went with no great Retinue to view Greece ; Scipio his son , and Athenaeus brother of Eumenes the King , waiting upon him ; he bestowed liberty upon Macedonia , and enacted laws meet for confederates . After the dispatch of his serious affairs , he instituted at Amphipolis a sport , which he had long before prepared , having sent messengers , both into the Cities of Asia , and to the Kings to give notice of it ; howbeit as he compassed the Cities of Greece , he gave intimations thereof unto the Governours himself , and in that great convention of Europe , and Asia , a multitude being from every quarter , partly for congratulation , partly for to see the sight , gathered together , such vast armies of both land and sea Forces , there was observed , such abundance of provisions , and such cheapnesse of victuals , that there were gifts given of that kind for the most part , by the General , as well unto private persons , as to Cities and Countries ; not onely for present occasion , but to carry unto their houses , [ Livie lib. 45. ] Labeo was sent by the Romans to destroy Antissa , in the Island Lesbos , and for the transplanting of the Larysseans unto Methymna , because at what time Antenor , ( Perseus his Admiral ) coasted about Lesbos , they receiving him , furnished him with victuals , [ Id. ibid. ] Prusias ( Venator ) King of Bithynia , with his son Nicomedes , came unto Rome : the Senate sent L. Cornelius Scipio the Treasurer , to meet him at Capua : and decreed that a most excellent house should be hired for him at Rome , and provisions made upon the publick account , not onely for himself , but also his Retinue ; and in the entertainment of him , the whole City had the visage and countenance of one courteous friend , [ Liv. lib. 45. Valer. Maxim. lib. 5. cap. 1. ] Having entered into the City with a great traine , he went from the Gate , and the judgement-seat of Q. Cussius the Maior , and unto the market-place : a concourse of people being made on every side , he said , That he came to salute the gods which dwelt at Rome , as also the Senate and Roman people , and to congratulate unto them , their conquest over Perseus , and Gentius the King ; and that having reduced the Macedonians , and Sclavonians to their jurisdiction , they had encreased their Empire . When the Maior had told him , That if he pleased , he would grant a Senate unto him that day ; he requested two dayes space , wherein he might visit the Temples of the gods and the City , as likewise both strangers and friends . L. Cornelius Scipio the Treasurer was appointed unto him for a guide to conduct him up and down . The third day , he came into the Senate , congratulated the victory unto them , mentioned his own merits in that war ; requested that he might have liberty to perform his vow , by offering 10 greater sacrifices in the Capitole at Rome , and one at Preneste unto Fortune ; that these were his vowes for the conquest of the people of Rome , and that amity might be renewed with him afresh : and that the land taken from King Antiochus , which the Galls , albeit the people of Rome had conferred it on no man , did possesse , might be given unto him . Last of all , he recomended his son Nicomedes unto the Senate : he was assisted with the favour of all those that had been Commanders in Macedonia . Wherefore the rest of his demands were granted ; as for the land , it was answered , That they would send Embassadors to enquire , whether it belonged unto the Roman people , and were given unto no body . That they accepted willingly the recommendation of Nicomedes . That Ptolemei King of Egypt ( unto whom of late the Roman people had preserved his kingdom from Antiochus invading it ) did sufficiently declare with what care the Roman people did defend the children of their confederate Kings . Moreover it was commanded , that beasts and other things that appertained unto sacrificing , whether he would offer them at Rome , or at Preneste , should be given unto the King , as to the Roman Magistrates at the publick charges ; and that twenty long ships should be assigned unto him out of the Fleet which lay at Brundusium , which he might imploy , until the King came unto the Fleet assigned unto him ; that L. Cornelius Scipio should not depart from him , and should defray the expences both of himself , and company , till they should take ship . It is reported , That the King was wonderfully affected with joy , by that kindnesse of the Roman people : That he refused the rewards that were given unto him , but commanded his son to accept of the gift of the Roman people . These things the Roman Writers relate of Prusias , [ Liv. ibid. ] Polybius and other Greek Authors write , That when he came into the Senate , he did low obeysance , and kissed the threshould of the Senate , and called the Senators , his Tutelary gods , and used other speech not so honourable to the hearers , as misbeseeming unto himself : and that for this extraordinary debasement of himself , he received a more courteous answer from the Senate , [ Id. ibid. Polyb. Legat. 97. Diodorus , Sicul. Legat . 22. vel 23. ] Howbeit having stayed about the City not above 30 dayes , he departed into his kingdom , [ Liv. fin . lib. 45. ] About the transaction of these things news came , That Eumenes was upon his journey to Rome : who , because he had carried himself a neutral in the Macedonian war ; least that he should seem to be judged an enemy , if he were excluded ; or discharged from all crime , if he were admitted ; there was a general law made , That no King should be permitted to come to Rome , [ Polyb. Legat. 97. Liv. 46. ] Afterwards being certified that Eumenes had arrived at Brundusium in Italy ; they sent unto him the Treasurer , to bring this Decree unto him , and to command him to speak , whether he had occasion to make use of the Senate in any thing : if he had no request to make unto the fathers , That he should give intimations unto him , with all speed to depart out of Italy . The King , upon conference with the Treasurer , understanding the pleasure of the Senate , exchanged not a word of businesse with him ; assuring him that he stood in want of nothing . By this means , the Romans did not onely effect an hindrance of Eumenes his coming to Rome , but procured somewhat else also which was of great concernment unto them : for the kingdom of Pergamus being in great danger by reason of the Galatians ; there was no doubt , but by reason of this disgraceful rejection of Eumenes , the courage of all his friends would be abated ; and the Galatians be twice more couragious in the prosecution of the war. Now these things came to passe upon the beginning of Winter , [ Polyb. ibid. ] Mattathias , having exhorted his sons unto the study of piety , and unto fortitude in the constant defence of the Law of God , commended Simon unto them , as a Counsellor and Father , but Judas Maccabeus , as the Commander of their wars , as one that was excellent in valour from his youth : afterwards , blessing them , he dyed in the 146 year of the kingdom of the Greeks , when he had governed the miserable and banished company one year , and his sons buried him in the supulcres of their fathers at Modin , and all the Israelites be wailed him with great lamentation . [ 1 Maccab. 2. 49. — 70. Joseph . lib. 12. cap. 8. 9. ] Judas Maccabeus his brethren , and all who adhered unto his father , assisted him , succeeding into his fathers place , [ 1 Maccab. 3. 1 , 2. ] who privatly going into the Villages , exhorted their kinsmen , taking with them such as continued in the Jewish Religion , they gathered together six thousand men , and called upon the Lord , That he would pitty his Temple prophaned by ungodly men , as likewise the City ruined , and hear the blood that cryed unto him ; and that remembring the unjust destruction of innocent infants , and the blasphemies that were committed against his name , he would declare his hatred against the wicked . [ 2 Maccab. 8 , 1 , 4. ] In the mean time Antiochus Epimanes , when he heard of the sports set forth by Emilius Paulus in Macedonia , and had a mind to exceed Paulus in the magnificence of his expence ; he dispatched Legates , and Observers into the Cities , who might declare , That at Daphane near Antioch , sports should be exhibited by him : to the intent , That out of all Greece ( as Polybius ) or out of all parts of the World ( as Diodorus declareth ) famous men might eagerly make recourse unto that show . Howbeit , Polybius in the 31 Book of his Historie , thus describeth the order of the Pomp. There went in the first place , five thousand men in the flower of their age , in garb like Roman souldiers , with mayled brigantines : there followed immediatly as many Mysians : Next to these , three thousand Cilicians , lightly armed , and ready harnassed with Golden Crowns . After this as many Thracians , five thousand of the Galatians ; and moreover some with silver Shields . After this company , 240 couple of Gladiators : Upon the back of these came a thousand riding on Pisaean , or rather Nisaean Horses , ( as the most learned Casaubon hath corrected the place ) and 3000 riding on such as were of vulgar use ; and of these most had Trappings , and golden Crowns , some silver . Unto these succeded of their confederates and friends about a thousand Horsemen , all furnished with golden Trappings . With these was joyned a wing of their associat friends , agreeable unto them in number , and accoutrement . Besides these marched 1000 choice men ; whom the most excellent order of Horse-men , to the number of about 1000 , did follow , called by the Greeks Agema or the Company : 1500 Horsemen in compleat armour from head to foot , called by the Greeks Cataphracti , because both men and horses were covered with arms , did close the company : all the forementioned persons had purple coats , some of them inter-woven with gold , and portrayed with the images of live beasts : after these marched an hundred Chariots , with six horses abreast , and 42 Wagons with four . Moreover there was a Chariot drawn with coupled Elephants , and another with two Horses : and after these followed 36 single Elephants , without any order . Next went about 800 Youths with golden Coronets , fat Oxen near 5000 , Tables for Holy uses about 300 , Elephants teeth 800 : then were carryed whatever by man was beleeved or said to be gods or Genii ; as also the images of their Heroes : some of them guilded over , others arrayed in golden robes , each one gallantly adorned with his Elogy and Motto , sutable to the Legend written of him . To these were added the Images of the night , of the day , the Earth , of the Heavens , of the morning and of the noon : 1000 Pages belonging to Dionysius the Kings Secretary , went in this pompous train , bearing silver vessels , none whereof weighed lesse than a thousand Drachmaes . These were seconded by 600 others of the Kings Pages , carrying vessels of gold : and next to those followed about two hundred women , whose office was out of golden Chalices to sprinkle the spectatours with their sweet oyntments . In the close , 80 women gloriously decked and adorned with costly rayment , were carryed in litters , having legs of gold , and 500 more in others , whose legs were of silver : These things were most remarkable in the Pageantry . After this , a great solemnity of sports , fencings , huntings , was kept for 30 dayes together : all which time variety of oyntments was provided by the King : for all which played any prize . For the same purpose 15 golden jarres were brought full of oyntments of saffron , and as many of cinnamon and spiknard : those sorts of oyntments were bestowed the five first dayes , and with no lesse freedom the dayes following , oyntments of oyl-olive , marjarom , and lillies . As to the treatments of the guests , sometimes 1000 , otherwhiles 1500 tables were most richly spread : all which things so exact and magnificent were performed , partly out of what in Egypt he had cheated King Philometor of , being but then in his minority , herein perfidiously transgressing the tenour of his league , partly out of friends contributions , and partly out of the spoyles of those many Temples , which he had rifled , [ Polyb. in Athenaeus , lib. 5. cap. 4. & lib. 10. cap. 12. ] But the glory of this preparation was eclipsed and debased by those unworthy offices the King supplyed in his own person ; for he , riding up and down on a little palfrey , commanded these to passe on , these to stand , others he ordered as best pleased his own fancy ; in such manner , that if his Diadem had been of , none would have deemed him to be King , who scarce represented a servitour of resonable quality and repute . All the times of the feast , standing at the doors of the rooms where the feast was kept ; some he conducted in , others he placed at the Tables : he ushered in the servants that brought in the dishes , sometimes walked to and fro , sometimes sat down , other whiles lay along the floor , oft times hopping and skiping about to remove a dish or a cup from the Table : in his viewing round the guests , he now and then pledged those that drank to him ; sporting and jesting with such of the company as were merrily disposed : moreover , after many had taken their leave , in regard the feast continued a long time : he was in a disgvise brought in by the Anticks and layed along upon the ground , as if he had been one of their company ; at last roused by a noise of musick , he started up , and fell to dancing , acting his part with ridiculous jestures : so that all , ashamed of the Kings demeanour , forsook the feast , [ Polyb. ibid. & eum se●utus Diodorus Siculus , in Excerpt . Valesi . pag. 321. ] The Shew thus at length concluded : Tiberius Gracchus , Embassador , immediately came to Antiochus , sent by the Senate to make discovery of the counsels of the Kings , and to espy how affairs went there : who was by the King entertained with such chearfulnesse and alacrity , that he did not onely not suspect a plot , or discover the least token of alienation in him for what had happened at Alexandria , but also opposed himself against all those , that went about to impeach him : And which is more , Antiochus resigned his Palace Royal to the Embassadors of Rome , and as good as his very Diadem : when as notwithstanding all this ceremony , his will and affection was most irreconcileably estranged from the Romans , [ Polyb. Legat. 101. & 109. Diod. Sicul. in Excerpt . Vales. pag. 322. ] Whilst Antiochus was at leasure to sport it at Daphne , Judas Maccabeus seriously plyed his businesse in Judea : For being stoutly assisted by his brothers , he drave out the enemy , slew his revolted Country-men , and purged the Land from its former prophanations , [ Joseph . lib. 12. cap. 9. ] Fired Cities and Villages , being upon them unawars , got into his hand the most convenient places ; put to flight no smal number of his enemies , most commonly taking advantage of the night for such private attempts : insomuch , that the bruit of his valour spread it self forth into all quarters , [ 1 Maccab. 3. 8 , 9. 2 Maccab. 8. 6 , 7. ] To the Embassadors which were sent from the Galatians in Asia unto Rome , the Senate indulged the enjoyment of their own constitutions , but with this proviso , That they keep home , and passe not beyond their own borders in armes , [ Polyb. Legat. 102. ] Pytho , dispatched upon an Embassie from Prusias King of Bithynia to Rome , complained to the Senate of King Eumenes , how he had pillaged his territories , and seized certain places to his own use ; charging upon him also , that he would not forbear his encroachment upon Galatia , nor submit to the Decrees of the Senate ; but that he did cherish , and by all means possible advance those of his own faction : on the contrary he did discountenance and keep under whosoever seemed inclinable to the Romans , and desired that the Common-wealth should be governed by the precepts of the Senate . Others likewise came from the Asiatick Cities with fresh accusations , intimating a combination betwixt him and Antiochus against the Romans . The Senate after audience , neither slighted the accusations , nor yet revealed their own sense , but kept all close within their own breasts : having an eye upon Eumenes and Antiochus , as jealous of them . In the mean time , they alwayes gratified the Galatians in some thing or other , and were assistants in vindicating their liberties , [ Id. Legat. 104. Livie lib. 46. ] Astymedes the Rhodian Legat , pleading his Countries cause at Rome before the Senate , was now more moderate , and not so hot in his speech , as in his former Embassage . Omitting all recriminations , he made it his onely businesse at present to shew , That his Country-men had smarted sufficiently , and far beyond the demerit of the offence : when he came to inform particularly the damages which the Rhodians sustained , he said , Their chief greivance was , That they had now lost the revenue of their Haven : in regard that the Romans had both discarged Delos from paying custom , and had also taken from the people , the liberty which they formerly enjoyed , of determinating the impost , and other matters of publick concernment : So that the custom which in former times was farmed for ten hundred thousand drachma's , scarce now surmounts to a hundred and fifty thousand : And seeing , that they themselves knew full well , that onely a few had been engaged in the crime charged upon them , and those also had been all sufficiently punished by the people , he requested that they would not prove inexorable in their displeasure against those which were no whit involved in the guilt , but vouchsafe to receive them into their grace and favour , as formerly : for this it was , that his Country at this instant stood more in need of , than an association for war. And indeed this his speech seemed suitable to the present condition of the Rhodians so much , that after Tiberius Gracchus ( who was newly returned from Asia , whither he had been Legate ) had first declared , That the Rhodians had submitted themselves to the Decrees of the Senate ; then , That all those were put to death which had any hand in bringing the people into disrellish of the Romans ; he stopped the mouth of the adversaries , and prevailed with the Romans , That they would take the Rhodians into their allyance . [ Polyb. Legat. 104. ] Neither could Tiberius signifie any thing more to the Senate concerning the designs of Eumenes and Antiochus , than that they knew before his setting forth from Rome : so mightily had these Kings obliged him unto them by their civility , [ Id. Legat. 105. ] Apollonius , Governour of Samaria , having raised a great army amongst the Gentils and Samaritans , fell upon the Jews ; but Judas Maccab. smote him and slew him , and many fell down slain , and the rest fled : and Judas took the spoile , and amongst them Apollonius his own sword , which ever after he used in the wars , [ 1 Maccab. 3. 10 , 11 , 12. Joseph . lib. 12. cap. 10. ] When Seron who had the command of Coelosyria heard , how that Judas was well provided of an army , multitudes from all parts resorting unto him : had mustered up all the Forces under his command , taking also the runnagado Jews unto him , and encamped near the going up to Bethoron ; where he with his whole army was routed by Judas Maccab. and 800 of them being slain on the place , the residue fled into the land of the Philistins , near the sea coast , [ 1 Maccab. 3. 13 , 24. Joseph . ut supr . ] As soon as the news of this overthrow came to Antiochus his eare , Year of the World 3839 it put him into such a heat , that forthwith he levyed all the strength of his kingdom , and giving them a years pay , commanded them to be ready upon all service . This Salary being paid , he saw his Treasuries quite exhausted ; for by reason of the Jews their revolt from him , who paid him yearly above 300 talents of silver , and the vehement persecution raging in the Grecian Cities , and many Regions , ( for he spared not the very Gentiles , whilst he endeavoured to make them abjure their ancient superstitions , and to bring them to a conformity of worship ) his revenues were very much impaired : Insomuch , that fearing he should not find enough whereby to defray his charges and gratuities ( wherein he was exceeding generous , and surpassing the Kings that went before him ) he determined to go into Persia , to glean some tributes in those parts , and levy a considerable stock from thence , [ 1 Maccab. 3. 27 , 31. Joseph . lib. 12. cap. 11. Sever. Sulpic. Sacr. Histor. lib. 2. ] Upon his going thither , he left Lysias of the Blood-Royal in Syria , Governour over all the Regions , from the River Euphrates , to the borders of Egypt , and entrusted him with the care of his son Antiochus ( Eupator ) committing unto him also , the half of all his Forces , and his Elephants , with expresse charge , utterly to root out the name of the Jews , and to give their Country to be inhabited by strangers : with the rest of his sons , himself leaving Antioch ( near Daphne ) in the 147 year of the kingdom of Greeks , having passed over Euphrates , marched into the high Countries , [ 1 Maccab . 3. 32. 37. ] Philip ( whom Antiochus had appointed over Jerusalem , 2 Maccab. 5. 22. ) observing how that Judas Maccabeus grew stronger and stronger every day , wrote unto Ptolemei ( son of Dorymenes ) Governour of Coelosyria , to lend his helping hand to the Kings affairs : who forthwith , choosing Nicanor son of Patroclus , a most intimate friend , sent him with no lesse than 20000 souldiers of all Nations under his command , purposing to root out the whole stock of the Jews : And to him also he joyned Gorgias , a Captain notably experienced in Military affairs , [ 2 Maccab. 8. 8 , 9. ] Lysias also dispatched away Ptolemei himself as a reserve to them : so that under these three Commanders , Ptolemei , Nicanor , Gorgias , were mustered 40000 Foot , and 7000 Horse : who , marching with their entire army , pitched by Emmaus in the plain Country , [ 1 Maccab. 3. 38 , 39 , 40. ] And seeing that Antiochus was in arreare to the Romans in a tribute of 2000 talents , Nicanor resolved to wipe off that score , out of the sale of the captive Jews ; and to that end , invited out of the Cities near the sea coast 1000 Merchants , promising That he would allow 90 slaves for one talent , [ 2 Maccab. 8. 10 , 11 , 14 , 34 , 36. ] which was no sooner divulged , but the Merchants of the Country , with their attendants repair to the Camp to purchase the Jews for slaves ; great companies also flocked out of Syria , and of the land of strangers of Philistins , to barter for the same commodities , [ 1 Maccab . 3. 41. ] Hierusalem being now quitted of inhabitants , and the Temple prophaned : Judas Maccabeus in this great extremity , removed with his army to Maspha , or Mizpa , for there before the building of the Temple , was the Israelities place of worship , [ Jud. 11. 2. 20. 1. 21. 5 , 8. 1 Sam. 7. 5 , 6. 10. 17. ] where he proclaimed a fast , and with most fervant prayers importuned the Lords protection of his smal army ( for he had with him but six , or ( as the Latin edition rendereth it , but seven ) thousand against the vast power of the enemy . After this , such as had betrothed wives , or were planting vineyards , or were timorous , he dismissed home according to the Law , [ Deut. 20. 6 , 7 , 8. ] and then divided his army into four squadrons , and appoynting his brothers Commanders , committed to each 1500 souldiers ; so the army removed , and pitched on the southside of Emmaus , opposite to the enemy . Where Judas earnestly exhorting them to behave themselves valiantly , even to the death , for their Country , and the Laws of their God , he gave orders to be in readinesse for the battel on the morrow . [ 1 Maccab. 3. 42. — 60. 2 Maccab. 8. 12. — 22. ] That night Gorgias had a design to surprize them unawares , and to that end took along with him 500 Foot , and 1000 choice Horse , and came toward the Jews Camp , having the Garrison souldiers of Syon Fort for his convoy . When Judas had got intelligence thereof , wisely makiug use of this present opportunity of setting upon the enemy , whilst thus divided , he marched straitwayes to Emmaus against Nicanor , whilest Gorgias their exprest Commander was from them . Who when by night he had arrived at the Jews Camp , and found no body there , supposing they were fled , hunted them about in the mountains : but by break of day Judas discovered himself in the plains of Emmans with 3000 men , who notwithstanding , were neither provided of armour or swords to their mind . [ 1 Maccab. 4. 1. — 6. ] Judas , after he had encouraged his souldiers to the battel , and given the word , In the help of God , himself being in the front , encountred with Nicanor , and , Allmighty God assisting , slew of the enemy above 9000 , wounded and maimed the greater par of Nicanors army , and put them all to flight : the chase was so large , that the Jews pursued some of them from Emmanus as far as Gazara ( as the Greek Copy of the Maccabees , in the end of Arundels Library reads it ) or Gadara ( as Josephus ) others unto the plaines of Idumea , others as far as Palestine , Azotus , and Jamnia , all the hindmost of them were slain , near 3000 in number . [ Ibid. 8 , — 15. 2 Maccab. 8. 23 , 24. ] Among those that were thus put to flight , were the Merchants , who ( nothing doubting of the victory , followed the Kings army , in hopes of getting a good bargain of the Captives ) became a prey also themselves : for the Jews seized on their mony which came to buy them : and when they had had a long pursuit of them , being prevented by time , they sounded a retreat . For the evening , on which the sabbath began , drawing on , after that they had gathered up the arms of the vanquished Host , and taken the spoiles from them , they composed themselves for the observation of the Sabbath , magnifying the mercy of God for this so marvelous a deliverance . [ 2 Maccab. 8. 25 , 26 , 27. ] Judas takes o● the Jews , eager upon the spoyles , for fear of an encounter with Gorgias , who was now returned from his fruitlesse expedition : whose forces discovering themselves from the mountain , as soon as they perceived by the smoak of the Tents , set on fire , that other division of their army to be routed , and saw Judas on the plain , standing in batalia ready to receive them , they all shifted for themselves into the land of strangers . The coasts thus cleared , Judas returned to the spoyl , where he found plenty of gold , blew silk , purple of the sea ( which the Phenician Merchants had left behind them ) and much wealth . [ 1 Maccab. 4. 16. — 23. ] All which the souldiers shared amongst themselves , having first deducted a portion for the maim'd , widows , and orphans : then with joynt supplicotian they beseeched the Lord that he would vouchsafe to continue to be gracious and favourable to his servants . [ 2 Maccab. 8. 28 , 29. ] The Jews after this coped with Timotheus and Bacchides , and slew in that fight above 20000 of the enemy , made themselves Masters of the Forts , and divided amongst themselves much spoyle ; allwayes admitting the maim'd , orphans , widows , and aged persons into equal portions with themselves : and when they had gathered up the arms , and disposed of them into the most convenient places , the remainder of the spoyle they carryed to Jerusalem : they slew also Philarches , one of Timotheus side , a most wretched fellow , and a notorious afflictor of the Jews : and in the midst of their solemn festival , which they had instituted for their late obtained victory , they burnt Callisthenes alive ( having taken sanctuary in a little house ) because he it was that had fired the holy gates . As for that pestilent Nicanor , he , having striped himself of all his glorious attire ( that thereby lesse notice might be taken of him ) came like a solitary fugitive thorough the mid-land Country , unto Antioch : where he professed , the Jews to be utterly unvanquishable , in regard they had God for their Protector , [ 2 Maccab. 8. 30 , 36. ] Lysias receiving , by those that escaped , intelligence of the overthrow of his party , was confounded thereat ; both because , neither those things which he would , happened to Israel ; nor what the King commanded were accomplished , [ 1 Maccab. 4. 26 , 27. ] Therefore the year following ( being the 148. of the the kingdom of the Greeks , The Julian Period . 4549 he hast's into Judea thorough Idumea , Year before Christ 165 with 60000 chiefe Foot , and 5000 Horse : Judas Maccab. marched up toward him as he lay encamped at Bethsura , on the borders of Judea . And having first implored publickly the assistance of God , gives the enemy battle . Lysias observing how the Jews like so many mad men , contemning death , brake thorough their enemies body , and that his men turned their backs , 5000 being killed on the place : returned to Antioch , purposing a new expedition after he had with a greater army well re-inforced himself , [ 1 Maccab. 4. 28. 35. ] Antiochus Epiphanes , having undertaken an Expedition against Artaxias King of the Armenians , who marched from the Eastern parts , slew most of his army , and took Artaxias himself , [ Appian . Syriac . pag. 117. & 131. Porphyr . apud Hieronym . in Daniel , cap. 11. ] When Prusias , King of Bithynia , had not onely himself most vehemently accused Eumenes King of Pergamus , already suspected of the Romans by letters intercepted intimating a combination with Perseus against the Romans ; but also , had prevailed with the Galatians , Selgenses , and many other people of Asia , to do the same . Attalus and Athenaeus were dispatched away to Rome by their brother Eumenes : who not onely in the audience of the Senate , cleared all crimes , which were laid to their charge , but also returned back into their Country , with high honours conferred upon them : Yet for all this , the Senate abated nothing of their jealousies conceived against Eumenes and Antiochus ; but sent C. Sulpitius Gallus , and Marius Sergius , Ambassadors , with instruction , to make a most strict enquiry into Antiochus and Eumenes their counsels , whether or no , they had made any provision for war , or were confederate with any against the Romans , [ Polyb. Legat. 106. Diod. Sicul. Legat. 21. ] C. Sulpicius Gallus , as soon as entred Asia , unadvisedly makes proclamation thorough the chief Cities there ; commanding whosoever had , whereof to accuse King Eumenes , he should at the appointed time , repair to Sardes : where , when he himself was arrived , he sate upon the Bench , ( erected for that very purpose in the place of exercise ) ten dayes together , to receive accusations : gladly admitting all manner of reproaches , and obloquies against the King , and catching at the least hint of an impeachment : for he was a person naturally vain , and such an one , who hoped some honour might redound to himself from the difference with Eumenes , [ Polyb. lib. 31. in Excerpt . Valesii . pag. 145. ] Judas Maccab. and his brethren ( as soon as they perceived that they had got respite from their enemies ) with all their Forces came up to Jerusalem : and they recovered the Temple and the City , except Sion Fort , But the Altars and Chappels which the Gentiles had built in the open street , they demolished : And Judas commanded certain men to assault those which were in the Fortresse of Sion , whilst in the mean time he was busied in cleansing the Temple ; the sad desolations whereof being beheld , stirred up most vehement lamentation to all that were present , [ 1 Maccab. 4 , 36 , 41. 2 Maccab. 10. 1 , 2. ] The Priests well experienced in the Law , Year of the World 3840. a. assigned by Judas himself to that businesse , cleansed the Sanctuary , removed the defiled stones into an unclean place ; pulled down the Altar for burnt-offerings , which was prophaned by the Gentiles , ( laying up the stones thereof in the Mount of the Temple , until such time , a Prophet came which might enform them what ought to be done with them ) built another of whole stones , upon which no iron toole had been lifted according to the tenour of the Law , [ Deut. 27. 5 , 6. ] Repaired the Holy , and the Holy of Holies : hallowed the Courts , made new holy Vessels , brought into the Temple the Candlestick , the Altar of incense , and the Table : So they burnt incense upon the Altar , lighted the Lamps which were on the Candelstick ; placed the Shew-bread upon the Table , spread the vailes , and finished whatsoever they had taken in hand , [ 1 Maccab. 4. 42 , 51. 2 Maccab. 10. 3. ] Then on the 25 day of the ninth moneth , ( called Cisleu , or Chasleu ) in the 148 year of the kingdom of the Greeks ; they rose up betimes in the morning , and , having furnished themselves with fire by striking stones one against the other , they offered sacrifice according to the Law , upon their new Altar of burnt-offering , [ 1 Maccab. 4. 52 , 53. & 2 Maccab. 10. 3. ] Two years after Judas succeeded his father Mattathias in the government ; but three years compleat , since the Gentiles first sacrificed in that place : for on that very same day of the same month , on which they prophaned the old Altar , Judas consecrated this new one . [ 1 Maccab. 4. 54. 2 Maccab. 10. 3 , 5. Ioseph . lib. 12. cap. 11. ] This Dedication was celebrated with Songs , Hymns , Citherns , Harps , and Cymbals , very joyfully , and all the people fell prostrate on the ground and worshiped , and blessed the God of Heaven , who had given them good successe ; beseeching him that he would not suffer them to fall any more in such calamities : but if at any time they provoked him , that he himself would chasten them in mercy , and that they might not be delivered up to the blasphemous and barbarous Gentiles : they kept the Dedication of the Altar eight dayes , and offered burnt offerings with gladnesse , and the sacrifices of deliverances ( or peace offerings ) and of praise : they deckt the fore-front of the Temple with golden Crowns and Targets , repaired the Gates and Chambers , being on the sides of the Temple , and made doors for them . [ 1 Maccab. 4. 54. — 58. 2 Maccab. 10. 4 , 6. ] Then Judas and his Brethern , and all the Congregation of Israel , ordained , That through the whole nation of the Jews , the dayes of the Dedication of the Altar should be observed , yearly for the space of eight dayes , from the 25 day of the month Casseu , with mirth and gladnesse . [ 1 Maccab. 4. 59. 2 Maccab. 10. 8. ] After they had kept these eight dayes in manner as the feast of Tabernacles , calling to mind , how not long since , when they should have kept that feast in its course , they lurked about the Mountains and Caves like wild beasts . Wherefore now bearing green boughs , and fayre branches , and palms , they sang prayses unto him , who had brought the purification of his holy place , to such an happy issue . [ 2 Maccab. 10. 6 , 7. ] Hence it was , that in the letters which the Council at Jerusalem , wrote to the Jews in Egypt , these dayes are called the dayes of Tents , or Tabernacles of the moneth Casseu , [ 2 Maccab. 1. 9 , 18. ] in the Gospel of St. John , 10. 22. they are called the feast of Dedication : and of the Jews , the feast of Lamps , either in regard of so great eradiation of their religion and liberties , which thus brake forth upon them , beyond all expectation : [ as Josephus intimates in lib. 12. Antiq. cap. 2. ] or from the lighting of the Lamps , because both at that time the lighting of the Lamps in the Temple was restored , [ 1 Maccab. 4. 49 , 50. & 2 Maccab. 10. 3. ] and also , because to this very day , the Jews in their Synagouge still continue thieir custom of celebrating this feast with a more peculiar provision of Lamps . At what time they repaired the Temple , at the same they fortifyed Mouut Syon with high walls , and strong Towers , to keep in the enemy ; those especially that were garrisond in that Fort , for fear they should at any time by their fallyings forth annoy the Temple : They fortified also Bethsura , distant thence not above five furlongs . [ 2 Maccab. 10. 5. ] That the people might have a Garrison of defence against Idumea , [ 1 Maccab. 4. 60 , 51. cum . 4. 7. — 26. ] When the nations round about , Year of the World b. heard of the building of the Altar , The Julian Period . 4550 and the Dedication of the Sanctuary , Year before Christ 164 they were much displeased thereat : hereupon , contriving how they might destroy the whole stock of Israel , they began to massacre all those that lived in any of their quarters . [ 1 Maccab. 5. 1 , 2. ] Antiochus Epiphanes , traversing the high Country ( beyond Euphrates ) heard say , That the City of Elymais in Persia , ( called by the writer of the second book of the Maccabees , Persepolis ) was a City every where cryed up for wealth , and in it a Temple , ( which Appian reports to be dedicated to Venus , [ Elymais in Syriac . pag. 131. ] but Polybius and Diodor to Diana , in Elymais , [ in Josephus , lib. 12. cap. 13. & Hieronym . in Daniel , cap. 11. cum Excerptis Valesii . pag. 141. ] well provided , having in it Coverings of gold , brest-plates and arms , left there by Alexander the Great , Philips son . But when he , out of a ravenous appetite to the far booty , attempted the plunder of the City : the Cityzens incontinently betook themselves to their arms , worsted him , and forced him to retreat with much dishonour . [ 1 Maccab. 4. 1. — 4. 2 Maccab. 10. 1 , 2. ] But as soon as he came to Ecbatana , tidings were brought him of the ill successe of Nicanor , and Timotheus in Judea , and removing thence toward Babylon , about the borders of Persia , he heard also of the great defeat given to Lysias his army , how the image of Jupiter Olympius , was cast out of the Temple at Jerusalem , and the Sanctuary and Bethsura fortyfied : Therefore being enraged with furie , he thought to be avenged upon the Jews for the disgrace he lately received by those that made him fly ; and to that end , commanded his Chariots with all speed to dispatch the journy , proudly vaunting , how that as soon as ever he arrived at Jerusalem , he would make that City a common burying place for the Jews . [ 1 Maccab. 4. 4 , 7. 2 Maccab. 9 , 3 , 4. ] And to this relates that passage of Tacitus ( impiously aspersing that holy nation , ) [ lib. 5. Histor . ] King Antiochus endeavouring to reform their superstition , and to bring in the Cities of the Greekes was hindred by the Parthian war in his design of redressing that most base nation . Scarce were these proud words bolted out of the mouth of Antiochus , but he was struck with an incurable plague in the bowels , and violent torments in his inward parts : yet beeing not by the sicknesse of his body made more sound in his mind , but still breathing out his menacings against the Jews , he calls upon his Chariot-man to mend his pace : But it happened upon this his so furious career , that he fell out of his Chariot , and the fall proved so desperate , that his whole body was much bruised , and his limbs put out of their joynts : And after that he was lifted up from the ground , and carryed to and fro in an horse-litter , worms bred so fast in his body , that whole fleakes of flesh sometimes dropped from him ; yet alive in such pitiful plight , that by reason of the noisomnesse of the stench , none could endure to carry him ; thereby also he became offensive to his whole army , [ 2 Mac. 9. 5 , 10. ] Hereupon he was forced to break off his journey to Babylon , and to put in at Tabis , a Town of Persia , as is conceived , out of Polybius , [ in Excerpt . his Valesii , pag. 144. ] and Jerom , [ in cap. 11 Dan. ] where he continued bed-rid many dayes , [ 1 Mac. 6. 8 , 9. ] pining , and consuming away , [ Appian . in Syriac . pag. 131. ] From the enterance of the Spring , Year of the World c. began the 149 year of the kingdom of the Grecians , made use of in the first book of the Macc. Epiphanes despairing of his recovery , summoned together all his friends , and openly acknowledged all those miseries to have fallen upon him , for the injuries he had done unto the Jews ; and he must now , to his great grief , die in a strange land , [ 1 Mac. 6. 10 , 13. ] And when he could no longer endure his own smell , he said , It is meet to submit to God , and for man which is mortal , not to set himself in competition with God. And in this prayer to God , he vowed , That he would allow to those of Jerusalem , and all other Jews elsewhere , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or the free exercise of their own constitutions ( that for the future , they should enjoy the liberty of their own Laws and Manners : That he would beautifie the Temple with most rare gifts , restore all the holy vessels , and that with advantage ; defray the charges of the sacrifices out of his own Exchequer , and that he himself also would turn Jew , and go thorough the whole habitable World , declaring the power of God : But when he perceived no intermission of his pains : he wrote most courteous letters to the Jews , earnestly intreating them , That they would remain loyal to him , and to his son , whom in his life ( following the example of his father ) he had designed to be their King , [ 2 Mac. 9. 11 , 27. ] Then calling unto him Philip , his intimate friend , who was brought up with him ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as he is stiled in 2 Maccab. 9. 29. ) he appointed him over the whole kingdom : committing unto him his Crown , his Robe , and his Signet ; to the intent , that after he had fetched back his son Antiochus from Autioch ( where he had left him with Lysias ) he should train him up , ( for as yet he was but nine years of age : as hath been formerly hinted out of Appian . ) to be Governour of the kingdom . Thus Antiochus deceased the 149 year of the kingdom of the Grecians , dying a miserable death in a strange land , on the mountains [ 2 Maccab. 9. 28. ] of Parata , near Babylon : where Grotius on the place out of the fifth book of Curtius , sayes , the Town Tabis was situated . Polybius [ in Excerpt . Velesii , pag. 144. ] relates , how that he died Tabis in Persia : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and indeed Jerom upon 11 of Daniel , recites ( out of Polybius and Diodorus ) how Antiochus frighted by certain phantasmes and visions , run mad , and at last , fell into a disease which ended his dayes : attributing his calamity to his sacrilegious design upon Diana's Temple . Howbeit he himself , wretched creature , professed in the presence of all his friends , the ground of all his miseries to be , His robbing the Temple at Hierusalem , and sending forces to destroy the Jews without cause , [ 1 Maccab. 6. 12 , 13. ] The dead corps was carryed forth by Philip ; who being jealous of Antiochus his son , withdrew himself into Egypt unto Ptolemei Philometor , [ 2 Maccab. 9. 29. ] upon design of levying forces against Lysias , who hearing of Epiphanes's decease , set up his son Antiochus in his room on the Throne ( who was under his tuition during his minority ) calling him Eupator , [ 1 Maccab. 6. 17. ] Appian reports , how that the Syrians gave him that sirname , in honour of his fathers vertue , confirming also , that Lysias was his Guardian in his pupillage , [ in Syriac . pag. 117. ] Antiochus Eupator , now in actual possession of the Crown , prefers Lysias to the managing of the Realme ; but more especially he installs him in the soveraignty of Coelosyria , and Phoenice : for Ptolemei Macron , Dorymenes's son , who had that honour formerly under Antiochus Epiphanes , [ 2 Maccab. 8. 8. cum 1 Maccab. 3. 38. ] poisoned himself upon discontent , that he was accused to Eupator as inclining to the Jews : because he , observing the great injuries that were done unto them , endeavoured that right might be done them , and their affairs might be managed in a peaceable manner : and also because he had been called Traitor , for delivering up Cyprus ( which was committed to his trust by Philometor ) unto Antiochus Epiphanes , [ 2 Maccab. 10. 11 , 12 , 13. ] Polybius gives him this commendation , [ in Excerpt . Valesii , pag. 126. ] 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ptolemei the Governour of the Cyprus behaved himself like an Egyptian in nothing , but was prudent and valiant among the first . But Gorgias , who had the command of all parts about Judea , hired souldiers , and continually somented the war against the Jews : the Idumeans also who were joyned in association with him , having gotten into their hands the most commodious forts , and entertaining the Jerusalem-runnagadoes , infested the Jews , and did what they could to keep the war on foot , [ 2 Maccab. 10. 14 , 15. ] Hereupon Judas Maccabaeus at Acrabbates , a Region of Idumea , falls upon the sons of Esau , who had begirt the Jews round : and storming their Garrison , became master thereof , slew no lesse than 20000. and seized upon all their spoiles , [ 1 Mac. 5. 3. 2 Mac. 10. 16 , 17. ] And now he calls to mind the shrewd turne of the children of Baean , who had spread themselves in privy ambushes along the way sides , by which the Jewish army was to passe . These Baeanites upon the last rout had escaped with 9000 unto two very strong Castles , provided with all things necessary to endure a siege . Therefore Judas Maccab . left his brother Simon , with Josep , and Zaccheus , to besiege them , whilst he himself marched away to relieve some other places which stood in more need of his present assistance . But those that were with Simon , out of a greedinesse of money , upon contract with the besieged for 70000 drachmes , suffered some to escape : as soon as Maccab . had notice hereof , he summoned together the Governours of the people , and in their presence , excecuted as many of them as upon conviction were found to have any hand in the treachery : and having with little adoe reduced both the Garrisons , he burnt them to the ground , and utterly destroyed above 20000 of them , [ 1 Mac. 5. 4 , 5. 2 Mac. 10. 16 , 23. ] From thence he passed over to the Ammonites , where he found a very great power got together , and much people , under Timotheus his command : but he often fought them , and discomfited them , and having taken Jazer , and the Towns belonging thereunto returned into Judea , [ 1 Mac. 5. 6 , 7 , 8. ] Timotheus having , since his last overthrow , well recruited himself with multitudes of forreign Forces , and horses collected out of Asia , not a few , returned confident of the conquest of Judea . But Maccab. and those that were with him , after a serious humiliation and supplication unto God , marched out of Jerusalem , and joyned in battle with the enemy , a great distance from the City : and being encouraged by apparitions of certain horsemen in the heavens , fighting for them , slew of the enemy 20500 Foot , and 600 Horse : As for Timotheus himself , he escaped to a very strong Garrison , Gazara by name , whereof his brother Chereas was Governour : but at last , the Garrison was taken , and he and his brother , with Apollonius , being found hid together in a pit , were all three put to the sword . [ 2 Mac. 10. 24 , 38. ] The Trocmians , a people of Galatia , having made some vain attempts upon Cappadocia , and seeing they could get no footing there , posted to the Romans , endeavouring to render King Ariarathes odious unto them . The Romans presently dispatched an Embassie , of which M. Junius had the chief managing , [ Polyb. Legat. 108. From Autumn began the year , Year of the World 3841. a. of the account of the contracts or Dhilkarnain , observed by the Collector of the second book of the Maccabees , CXLIX : but of the Chaldee account used in the Kings Edicts , [ ibid. cap. 11. ] and in Ptolemeis great Syntaxis , [ lib. 9. cap. 7. & lib. 11. cap. 8. ] CXLVIII . which also was the Sabbatical year . The Heathen about the Region of Galaad assembled themselves together against the Jews , which were near their borders , with an intent utterly to destroy them : who slew of the Jews inhabiting the land of Tob , ( Judic . 11. 3. ) about a 1000 men : led away their wives and children captives , and took their very goods and houshold-stuff : and for those Jews of Galaad , which betook themselves to the Garrison in Dathema , for their security : Timotheus ( not he which even now was said to be slain with his brother Chereas , but another of the same name ) hasted with an army to lay siege unto them ; and at the same instant , others from Ptolemais , Tyre , and Sidon , and all Galilee of the Gentiles , held a Randezvouz upon a design of cutting of the Galileans , [ 1 Mac. 5. 9 , 15. ] The Galaadites and Galileans , dispatched letters to Judas and his brethren , earnestly solliciting them to hasten their assistance in this their extremities : Hereupon Judas ( after a consultation first had with those at Jerusalem ) divides his whole army into 5 Brigades : 3000 he designes to his brother Simon , for the relief of the Galileans : himself and his brother Jonathan , take along with them 8000 for the delivery of the Galaadites , and the residue of the army he leaves with Joseph , son of Zacharias , and with Azaria , for the security of Judea , strictly charging them , That they should not upon any terms ingage with the heathens in battel , till such time as they were returned back again . [ Ibid. 16. 20. ] No sooner was Simon entred Galilee , but he fell upon the heathens , and chased them to the very gates of Ptolemais , and there fell of them 3000 men , whose spoile they took . Having thus rescued the Galileans , and those of Arbattis , ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) i. e. the plain and Champion Countries ) with their wives , children , and whatsoever they had , they brought them into Judea with great joy . [ Ibid. 21 , 22 , 23. ] But before Judas could get to the Galaadites , many of them were shut in Bossora , Bozor , Alemis , Caspher , Maced , Carnain , and other Cities in Galaad . [ Ibid. 26 , 27 , ] By that time Judas and his brother , having passed over Jordan , had got three dayes march through Arabia Deserta ; though Nabathetis , met him very friendly , and acquainted him with all that happened to the Galaadites : Moreover , how that on the morrow following the enemy , had designed to fall upon the Garrisons , and as fast as they took them to put all to the sword in one day . Upon this intimation , Judas with his army , turned aside by the way of the wildernesse unto Bozor ; and having won the City , put all the males to death , pillaged the City , and after burnt it to the ground . Departing thence by night , he marched toward the Fortress , where he found the enemy about break of day , placing their Engines for battery , and the cry of them within the City , went up to Heaven : Those that were with Judas , marching in three divisions on the rear of the enemy , sounded with their Trumpets , and lifted up their voyce in prayer . Timotheus his Camp , knowing that it was Maccabeus , who was so near them , fled from him , and got themselves out of his sight : but in the pursuit , he had so great execution of them , that there fel in that day near 8000 of them . This done , he stept aside to Maspha , took it by storm , slew all the males , and after the plunder , set it on fire . From thence he went and took Chasphor , Maced , Bosor , and the other Cities of the Country of Galaad . [ Ibid. 24 , 26. ] Whilst Judas and Jonathan were in Galaad , and Simon in Galilea , over against Ptolemais . Joseph , son of Zacharias , and Azarias , who were left behind , to secure Judea , hearing of their gallant achievments , and ambitious to get themselves a name as great as the other , contrary to command , drave down their army as far as Jamnia , with intentions to fight the heathens . But Gorgias drew out all his forces out of the City against them , and beat them back to the very borders of Judea , and there fell that day of the Jews , near upon 2000 men . [ Ibid. 55. 62. ] Lysias , Year of the World b. the your King Eupators Protectour and kinsman , The Julian Period . 4551 and the sole manager of the affaires of the kingdom , Year before Christ 163 being much displeased at what had happened , mustered together allmost 80 thousand men ; all his own Horse , and 80 Elephants , and marched against the Jews : resolving within himself , to render Jerusalem an habitation for the Grecians , The Temple tributary , and to set the High Priesthood to sale every year . Hereupon , being entred Judea , he claps close siege to Bethsuca , a strong place , distant from Jerusalem about five furlongs . But Maccabeus his army , having an Angel for their convoy , slew 11000 of the enemies Foot , and 1600 Horse . All the rest , with Lysias himself , were put to slight , whereof many were sore wounded , others threw away their arms , and shifted for themselves . [ 2 Maccab. 11. 1. — 12. ] Lysias , casting up with himself what losse he had sustained , and considering that God ●ought the battles of the Jews , sent Ambassadors to them , to intreat concerning a piece , avowing , That he would subscribe to all reasonable propositions ; and moreover , be a means of ingratiating them into the Kings favour . Judas Maccabeus , supposing this might be conducible to the publick behoof , embraced the motion , and signified in writing , ( which was sent by the hands of John and Absalom , what he should mediate forunto the King , on the behalf of the Jews : The King granted every Article , [ Ibid. 13 , 14 , 15. ] Concerning this particular , there are extant letters , both from King Antiochus to Lysias , [ Ibid. 22. 26. ] as also from Lysias to the Jews , dated in the year ( of the Chaldee account ) 148 , the 24 day of the moneth Dioscorinthius as it is in the Greek Copies ; but in the Latin Dioscorus , [ Ibid. 16 — 21. ] This moneth in the Caldee year , seems to be intercalated betwixt Dyster and Xanthicus ( in which are written , the following letters of the King ; and the Romans to the Jews , concerning the foresaid peace ) which is therefore called in the Greek edition of the book of Esther , ( now to be seen in the noble Earle of Atundels Library ) the moneth Adar-nisan , and Dysterxanthicus , and by the modern Jews Veadar , or the other Adar : although our Syriac Interpreter of the second book of the Maccabees , hath substituted in its name the Syrians latter Tisri . In the same 148 year , Year of the World c. ( of the Chaldee account ) the 15 day of the moneth Xanthicus ) according also to the Chaldean reckoning ) there are letters directed to the Jews , both from King Antiochus , [ 2 Maccab. 11. 27. — 33. ] and also from Quintus Memmius , and Titus Manlius ( otherwise called Manius or Mamlius ) Ambassadors from Rome , who at that time came to the King residing at Antioch : [ Ibid. 34. — 38. ] thither also followed Lysias after the covenants were drawn up . [ 1 Maccabees 12. 1. ] About the beginning of the Spring , began the CL year of the kingdom of the Grecians , which the writer of the first book of the Maccabees makes use of . Demetrius , son of Seleucus Philopator , having been detained many years hostage at home , and now entred the 23 year of his age , requested the Senate , That by the assistance of the people of Rome , he might be restored into his own kingdom , now unjustly usurped by the son of Antiochus Epiphanes his Uncle , protesting that he should allwayes look upon Rome as his native Country and nursery , repute the Senators sons , as so many brothers , and the Senatours themselves as fathers . Notwithstanding , all this complement , the Senate esteeming more expedient , as to their affairs , if Syria were Governed by a child rather than a man , with joynt consent voted , that Demetrius should be kept at Rome , and the kingdom be confirmed to the child which Antiochus left behind him . But withall , they presently dispatcht away Cn. Octavius Spurius , and Lucretius , and Lucius Aurelius , as Legats to weild that kingdom at the pleasure of the Senate , supposing that none would be against it : the King being but yet a child , and the Princes of the Court accounting they were extreamly favoured , in that the Romans would not deliver up the kingdom to Demetrius , which was a thing they much feared would ensue . And when they were informed , how Antiochus had provided himself of Elephants in Syria , and ships above the number which they allowed him ; they gave in charge to the Legats , that they should fire the ships , hough the Elephants , in a word , That they should do what they could to bankrupt the Kings Exchequer , [ Polyb. Legat. 107 , Appian , Syriac . pag. 117. Zonor . ex Dione . Justin. lib. 34. cap. 3. ] The Legats also received instructions to visit the Macedonians , who , in regard that a popular state seem'd strange to them , had made no use of a Common Council , and were up in factions and seditions amongst themselves . They were ordered also to make diligent enquiry into the affairs of the Galatians , and the kingdom of Aria rather ; [ Polyb. Ibid. ] Notwithstanding , Ariarathes by his great civility in a conference with Junius and the former Legates , dismissed them , highly commending him . [ Id. Legat. 108. ] The peace betwixt Eupator and the Jews , was no sooner made , than broken off again : for those that had command in the places adjacent ; Timotheus Apollonius , son of Genneus , Hieronymus , Demophon , and Nicanor , Governour of Cyprus , would not suffer the Jews to be quiet . And the Citizens of Joppe likewise , having by fair speeches enticed 200 Jews , which dwelt amongst them , into their ships , put from shore , and threw them all over-board . [ 2 Maccab. 12. 2 , 3 , 4. ] When Judas Maccabeus heard of this piece of villany , he came by night to Joppe , fired their port , and navy , and slew all those that had fled thither ; and understanding that the Jamnites had some such designe against those Jews that lived with them , he did the same by night to their port and fleet , so that the flame of the fire appeared as far as Jerusalem , which lay 240. furlongs distant . [ Ibid. 5 , 9. ] By that time , Judas his army had gone nine furlongs thence , upon their march against Timotheus , the Nomades of Arabia set upon them , not fewer in number than 5000 Foot , and 500 Horse , where after a hot dispute , the Arabians were worsted , and upon an engagement , to supply them with Cattel , and to pleasure them some other wayes , obtained a peace from Judas . [ Ibid. 10 , 11 , 12. ] Judas his souldiers stormed the City Caspis , and took it : the City was fortified with a bridge , and fenced with walls , and inhabited by people of several nations : the slaughter of the Citizens was so great , that an adjacent lake of two furlongs broad was coloured with blood . [ Ibid. 13 , 16. ] They removed from thence 750 furlongs , and came to Characa unto the Jews which were called Tabieni ( because they inhabited the land of Tob. ) Timotheus was drawn off from that place , although he had not done the businesse he went about , leaving behind him a very strong Garrison : which Dositheus and Sosipator , two of Judas his Captains ventured upon , and killed about 10000 of the men which Timotheus had left to keep it . [ Ibid. 17 , 18 , 19. ] Upon this miscarriage , Timotheus leavies a new army of 120000 Foot , and 2500 Horse , of all nations round about him , and mercenary Arabians ; sent away the women and children , and other baggage to Carnion , or Carnaim , a place hardly to be besieged , and difficult to come unto , by reason of the streightnesse of the passage , he encamped against Raphon , on the other side the brook . Judas with all his forces , ( putting himself in the van ) crossed the brook toward the enemy , and gave that Gentile-army such a total rout , that some flew this way , others that way , in such great disorder , that they were often hurt by their own men , and wounded by the points of their own swords : So that Judas pursued them with , that eagernesse , that he slew near thirty thousand men , [ 1 Mac. 5. 37 , 43. 2 Mac. 12. 20 , 23. ] But Timotheus himself falling into the hand of Dositheus and Sosipater , very subtilly besought them , that he might escape with his life , because he had in his power many of the Jews parents and brothers , who , if they put him to death , should be served in the same kind : upon his engagement to see them safe returned , they dismissed him for their brethrens sake , [ 2 Mac. 12. 24 , 25. ] Judas marched forward to the City Carnaim , and to the Temple of Atargata which was therein , whither many of the enemy had fled : the Temple he fired and all the men in it , demolished the City , and put to the sword 25 thousand men , [ 1 Mac. 5. 43 , 44 ▪ 2 Mac. 12. 26 , 27. ] Then Judas brought back all the Israelites which were in Galaad , with their wives and children , and all their baggage , with an intent to bring them into Judea : And they were come as far Ephron , which was a very great City , and well fortified , and stood in the way thorough which they were to passe ; it was peopled by nations of all sorts , the walls well manned , and had in it good store of engines and ammunition . But so it was , when Judas and his army were necessarily to passe thorough it , that the Citizens clapped their gates against them , and baracado'd them up with the stones ; yet they forced their way thorough , after a day and a nights battery , and demolished the City to the ground ; took all the spoile , killed all the males , near 25000 in number , and marched over the dead bodies thorough it , [ 1 Macc. 5. 45 , 51. 2 Macc. 12. 27 , 28. ] After this , they passed over Jordan , into a great plaine before Bethsan , [ 1 Mac. 5. 52. ] which the Greeks called Scythopolis , [ Joseph . lib. 12. cap. 12. ] distant 600 furlongs from Hierusalem . As soon as they were entred into the town , the Jews ( which lived amongst them , met them ) and acquainted them , how friendly the Scythopolitans had alwayes dealt with them , and how kindly they had treated them in their adversities : whereupon they returned them thanks , and requested the continuance of their affections to their Nation for the future , [ 2 Mac. 12. 29 , 30 , 31. ] Judas bringing up the reare of his army , encouraged them all the way , until he came to Judea , [ 1 Mac. 5. 53. ] They arrived at Jerusalem , about the Feast of Pentecost , [ 2 Mac. 12. 31. ] and went up unto Mount Sion with joy and gladnesse , and offered burnt-offerings , because they had not lost a man , but were all returned home in peace , [ 1 Mac. 5. 54. ] After Pentecost , Judas and his brethren with 3000 Foot , and 400 Horse , marched against Gorgias , who had the command of Idumea , with intent to give him battle , [ 2 Mac. 12. 32 , 33. cum 1 Mac. 5. 65. ] In that fight few of the Jews were slain : yet when Dositheus , one of the Bacenors troup , a stout man , had taken Gorgias prisoner , and apprehending him by his coate of male , led him away , a Thracian trouper made up toward him , and cut off his shoulder , and rescued Gorgias , that accursed miscreant , who made his escape into into Marissa : but when they that followed Esdris ( one of Judas his Captains ) were wearied with long fighting ; Judas , after he had called upon the Lord , and sang Psalms and Hymns in his mother-tongue , set upon Gorgias his forces unawars , and made them flee , [ 2 Mac. 12. 33 , 37. ] Then having after the victory called together his army , he withdrew to the City Odullam : and when the seventh day was come , they purified themselves , and kept the Sabbath . The day following , when Judas his souldiers had gathered up the bodies of those that fell in the battle , with an intent to bury them , they found under every ones coate , things consecrated to the Idols of the Jamnites ; which was prohibited the Jews by their Law , [ Deut. 7. 25 , 26. ] So that it was clear and evident to all , that this was the cause of their miscarriage . Hereupon they betook themselves unto prayer , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , beseeching God , That sin might be utterly rooted out ; or , ( as the Arundel book , and the Aldiu edition reads it ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; They beseeched God , that they might not be utterly razed out for that sin : moreover , they made a contribution of two , or three , ( as the Greek Arundel , and my own Syriac book , or twelve , as the Latine copies have it ) thousand drachms of silver and sent to Jerusalem , to provide a sin-offering , [ Ibid. 38 , 43. ] The Judas with his brethren went against the sons of Esau , Year of the World d. and discomfited them in the South ( of Judea , ) and smote Hebron , with the villages thereof , dismantled the fortification , and fired the towers round about . From thence he removed , purposing to go into the land of the Philistins , and passed throw Samaria . At that time certain Priests desirous to shew their valour , and not going very wisely to work , were slain in a skirmish . Then Judas declined toward Azotus , into the land of stranges or Philistins , and when he had overturned their altars ; burnt their graven images , and taken away the spoiles of the Cities , he returned into Judea , [ 1 Mac. 5. 65 , 68. ] When Antiochus his souldiers which were garrisoned in the Tower at Jerusalem , had blocked up the Jews round the Sanctuary , alwayes studying which way they could annoy them , and strengthen the heathen : Judas and all the people besieged them in the 150 year of the Greeks , having planted their battery — and engines ; howbeit some of the besieged got forth ( to whom also certain wicked Israelites joyned themselves ) and prevailed with Antiochus Eupator the King , speedily to oppose himself against that swelling power of the Jews , [ 1 Mac. 6. 18 , 27. ] Hereupon the King summoned together all his friends , and the Commanders of his army , and Masters of his house : and to these repaired forces from other kingdoms , and from the Islands or sea coasts : So that his whole power consisted of 100000 Foot , and 20 thousand Horse , and 32 Elephants , trained up for war , [ ibid. 28 , 29 , 30. ] But in the second book of the Maccab. we read , how that in the 149 year ( of the account , viz. of the Contracts ) the tidings was brought to Judas Maccabeus , that Antiochus Eupator was gone against Judea provided with Greek forces , to the number of 110000 Foot , and 5300 Horse , 22 Elephants , and 300 Chariots with hooks , [ 2 Maccab. 13 ▪ 1 , 2. ] Menelaus the Usurping High Priest sided with this power , feeding himself with fond hopes of obtaining from Eupator that honour which hitherto he had but the empty title of , [ 2 Mac. 13. 3. ] King Eupator came with a mind highly enraged , resolving to bring far greater mischief upon the Jews , than ever his father had done : which when Judas heard of , he commanded the people , That they should call upon God night and day , that he would vouchsafe them his wonted assistance : and then having called a Council of war , he resolved to march against the King , and encamp about Modin , [ 2 Mac. 13 , 9 , 14. ] The Kings army having marched thorough Idumea , assaulted Bethsura , with their engines : but the Bethsurans sallied forth , and fired them , and fought with them valiantly . As for Judas , he pitched in Bethzachariah , over against the Kings Camp , [ 1 Mac. 6. 31 , 32. ] and when he had given the watch-word to his men , Victories are from God , taking along with him some of his choicest men , he attempted by night the enemies Camp , and pierced as far as the Kings own pavilion : he slew at this bout , near 4000 men , and their prime Elephant , with all that were upon him : upon the dawn of the morning , he drew off , and departed with good successe , having thereby transfaced a dread and a horror clean thorough the enemies Camp , [ 2 Maccab. 13. 15 , 16 , 17. ] Then the King early in the morning , marched apace with his army , and pitched near Bethzachariah : where he drew up his men into battalia , and ordered that the juyce of grapes and mulberies should be set before the Elephants , supposing thereby to render them more fierce upon the fight . These beasts were disposed through the army , and to each beast , was assigned 1000 Foot well appointed , and 500 Horse : in their wooden castles which every one of them carried on his back , were 32 souldiers , besides the Indian which guided him : Their armour made such a glorious shew , that the neighbouring hills glistered by reason of the reflexion of the Sun-beams upon their sheilds of gold and brasse , [ 1 Mac. 6. 33 , 41. ] Judas and his army engaged the enemy , and killed of the Kings Party 600 men . At which time , Eleazar , sirnamed Savaran , ( or Avaran rather , Judas his brother [ 1 Mac. 2. 5. ] observing an Elephant in royal harnesse , and taller than any of his fellows , and supposing the King was upon his back , made up toward him , slaughtering his enemies on both hands , and crept under his belly , and slew him ; but he himself was pressed to death with the fall of the beast upon him ; But the Jews perceiving the vast power of the King , and the strength of his Forces , turned away from them , [ 1 Maccab. 6. 42 , 47. ] The King upon his return to the siege of Bethsura , was sometimes put to flight ( by Judas ) other whiles in skirmishes , he retreated with losse . But Judas neglected not to relieve the besieged , and to send them such things as they stood in need of . Rhodius , one of the Jewish army , sent intimation hereof to the enemy ; hereupon inquiry being made , he was seized on , put upon the rack , and kept in prison . Then the King parlyed the second time with the Bethsurans , and inclined them to resign unto him , [ 2 Mac. 13. 19 , 22. ] After the peace thus concluded , betwixt them , they all marched out of the City , being forced to surrender for want of provision to sustain the siege ; for that year was the Sabbatical year , in which it was not lawful to sow their land . But the King after he had taken Bethsura , placed a Garrison therein to keep it , [ 1 Maccab. 6. 49 , 50. ] Thence the Kings army went up to Jerusalem , and encamped against Mount Sion , and the Sanctuary many dayes together , and planted his Attillery with Engines , and instruments to cast fire and stone , and pieces to hurle darts , and slings : whereupon the besieged counter-made these Engines , with others of their own , and held them play a long while : but victuals began to grow scant with them both , in regard that this was the seventh year , and also because they in Iudea which were delivered from the Gentiles , had eaten up the residue of their store : very few were left in the Sanctury , because the famine prevailed to mightily amongst them , that they were forced to disperse themselves into severall places . [ 1 Macchab. 6. 51 , 54. Iosephus . lib. 11. cap. [ 14. ] In the mean time , Philip , whom Antiochus Epiphanes had by his last Testament nominated Tutour to his son Eupator , and under him appointed over the affairs of that whole kingdom , ( being returned out of Egypt ) came out of Media and Persia , with the forces which Epiphanes had left there , [ 1 Maccab. 3. 37. ] purposely to recover by force his right which Lysias had usurped . [ 1 Maccab. 4. 55 , 56. 2 Maccab. 13. 23. ] When Lysias heard hereof , he perswaded the King and the Commanders of the army , to make peace with the whole nation of the Jews , and to permit them to enjoy their own constitutions , as in former times : in regard , that their army lessened every day , the provision for the Camp failed , the place which they besieged was well fortified , and the affairs of their own kingdom were urgent and important . [ 1 Maccab. 6 , 57 , 58 , 59. ] The Kings and his great ones , assenting to what Lysias had moved , sent in to the besieged , about articles of peace : the conditions were accepted of , and the Covenants confirmed with an oath . Whereupon the besieged marched out of the Garrison , and the King entred Mount Sion , offered sacrifice , honoured the Temple , and dealt kindly with the place : But in a while after , when he had well considered the strength of the place , he brake his oath , and gave order to pull down the wall round about . [ Ibid. 60 , 61 , 62. cum 2 Maccab. 13. 23. ] The King appointed Maccabeus , or ( as the Greek context bears it , and my Syriack Interpreter hath it ) Higemonides rather , Generall of his army from Ptolomais to the Gerrhenians , [ 2 Maccab. 13. 24. ] or as far as Egypt ; whose boundary is the mountain Gerur , by Ptolomies assignment . While the King was come to Ptolemais , the Ptolemaians ( who allwayes bare a deadly hatred to the Jews , as appears by the History , 1 Maccab. 12. 48. ) were heartily vexed at the peace made with Iudas , and in a rage , would needs have nulled the Covenant . But Lysias went up to the judgement-seat , where he so well defended the matter , that be appeased the tumult , and pacified the Citizens . [ 2 Maccab. 13. 25 , 26. ] Josephus , at the close of the 14 book of his Antiquities , sayes , That the Soveraigntie of the Hasmoneans lasted 26 years , to the taking of Jerusalem by Herod , and the slaying of Antigonus , for ( as Herod hath it in the same Authour , lib. 17 , and the same work , cap. 8. ) one year lesser . But that fell out the 126 year from this time , so that the investure of the commanding power in the Hasmoneans took its rise from the time of the peace , agreed on betwixt Antiochus and Maccabeus . From the Autumn began the year of accounts of the contracts , Year of the World 3842. a. CL. which the Collector of the second book of the Maccabees , makes use of . Antiochus Eupator , with Lysias his Guardian , hastening to Antioch , [ 1 Maccab. 6. 63. 2 Maccab. 13. 26. ] brought along with him as prisoner , Menelaus the High Priest , [ Iosephus , lib. 12. cap. 15. ] whom Lysias had accused as the sole incendiary of the whole Iewish war , and the first promoter of all their evils . Whereupon , by expresse from the King , he was sent to Berrhea in Syria , where he was let down into a Tower filled with ashes , and so dyed a death worthy of his life . [ 2 Maccab. 13. 4 , 8. ] This wretched Menelaus thus taken out of the way ( the tenth year after his first usurping the Priesthood ) at Berhea , ( as it is truly written in Iosephus , pa. 421. and not as in pag. 700 , erroneously at Beryticen . ) the King substituted another in his room , every whit as bad as the former ; Alcimus or Jacimus by name : Priest indeed he was of Aarons progeny , but not of the High Priests blood . Lysias , having perswaded the King to transfer that dignity into another family . Ioseph . Antiq. lib. 12. cap. 15. & lib. 20. cap. 8. ] Onias , son of Onias the third , High Priest , seeing the High Priesthood was confered upon Alcimus , went into Egypt , and after he had well insinuated himself into the affections of Ptolemei Philometor , and Cleopatra his wife , obtained of them leave to build a Temple to God , in the Jurisdiction of Heliopolis , answering that of Hirusalem , and that they would also constitute him High Priest there . Thus Iosephus delivers the businesse , in the forecited places of this work of the Iewish Antiquities , recanting what he had formerly writ in his work of the Iewish wars . [ lib. 1. cap. 1. & lib. 7. c. 37. al 30. ] Viz. Onias his flight , and his building the Temple in Egypt , to have fallen out whilst Antiochus Epiphanes was living . About this time , Ptolemei Philometor , and his younger brother Ptolemei Euergetes II. fell at high variance : the Senate of Rome wrote letters to their Ambassadors . Cn. Octavius , Sp. Lucretius , and L. Aurelius , to do what in them lay , to compose the differences : [ Polib . Legat. 107. ] For after they had joyntly six years together reigned peaceably , the younger brother cast off Philometor , and ruled alone . [ Porphyr . in Graec. Euseb. Scaliger . pag , 54. & 225. ] He , being deprived of his kingdom , repaired to Rome for his relief , with a very slender retinue , and in a neglected garb . [ Valer. Maxim. lib. 5. cap. 1. ] As he was on his his way to the City on foot , he was taken notice of by Demetrius , Seleucus his son : who , much troubled at the sight , presently provided a Royal Robe , a Diadem , and a Horse , adorned with golden furniture , and thus attended with his own servants , made toward Ptolemei , meeting him 26 miles from the City : After a civill salute , he advised him to put on these princely ornaments , and to enter Rome somewhat like himself , least happily he might appear contemptible . Ptolemei indeed thanked him extreamly for his good will toward him , but was so far from taking any of those things which he had brought him , as that he desired him rather to give him leave to retire a while with Archias in some one of those towns which lay in the way . [ Diod. Sicul. in Excerpt . Vales. pag. 322. ] At length he came to Rome , having taken up his lodging at an Alexandrian Painters house : as soon as the Senate heard of it , they sent for him , and made a most exact apology , for that they neither had , according to the usuall custom , sent the Quaestor to wait upon him , nor had entertained him upon the publick account : avowing , That those omissions were not to be imputed to any disrespect of theirs towards him , but meerly to his own coming so suddenly upon them , and so privately . Hereupon , they conducted him out of the Court , unto the house of publick entertainment , and perswaded him to put off those his sordid weeds , and pitch upon a day for audience : they also took care that Presents might be sent unto him dayly by the treasurers , so that by their severall civillities , they did , as it were by so many distant steps , advance Ptolemei from that low condition he was in , to his former kingly eminency , and occasioned unto him far greater ground of triumphing in the hopes he had of Romes assistance , than of fear considering the meanesse of his fortune . [ Val. Max. ut sup . ] As soon as Cn. Octavius and Spurius Lucretius , the Roman Legates came to Ariarathes , King of the Cappadocians , they enquired into the contestation which was betwixt him and the Galatians . He , in few words , opened the whole case to them , adding withall , That he was willing to acquiesse in their umpirage . But the greatest part of his speach was concerning the affars of Syria , knowing that Octavius was bound thither . He shewed them also in what a tottering condition that state was in , and how great correspondence there was betwixt himself and the great ones there . He profered also to attend upon them with his forces , and to be ready and forward upon all occasions , untill they were returned safe out of Syria . The Kings good will and forwardnesse to accommodate them , was much resented by the Legates : yet they told him , That at present they had no need of his company , but in case of some future emergency , if there might be occasion for it , they would not scruple to send unto him , whom they would for ever hereafter put into the list of such which are reputed most sincere friends to the Romans . [ Polyb. Legat. 108. ] As for the commotions in Syria , King Eupator , by the help of his Guardian Lysias , had quickly pacified them . For he , upon his return to Antioch , finding Philip in command there , fought him , and took the City , [ Maccab. 6. 93. ] where also , after he had gotten Philip into his clutches , he put him to death . [ Josephus lib. 12. cap. 15. ] Octavius Lucretius , Year of the World b. and Aurelius , The Julian Period . 4552 the three Roman Legates ( according to their instructions received from the Senate upon their coming into Syria ) took care that the Elephants should be slain , Year before Christ 162 and the Nayy fired , and managed all things else to the Roman interest . This lay heavy upon the stomack of one Leptines , and therefore with his own hand , he stabbed Cn. Octavius , the prime Legate at Laodicea , as he was anointing himself in the place of exercise : he vouched the fact , as lawfully done , and not , but by the instigation of the gods . This Octavius was the first that en-nobled that family with the consulship , from whence Caesar Augustus afterward descended . Lysias , Eupators Guardian ( who was reputed the chief incendiary of the people against the Romans ) took care for the intertainment of Octavius : and forthwith dispatched Legates , in the Kings , to Rome , which might excuse the fact and evidence the Kings innocency , as not being any whit accessory thereunto . [ Polyb. Legat. 114. & 122. Cicero . Philippic . 9. App●an . Syriac . pag. 117. Zonar . ex Dione . ] Julius Obsequiens , in his book De Prodigus , confirms this killing of Octavius , as happening in the time of Marcius and Scipio , being Consuls . There was at that time in Syria , one Isocratis a Grammarian , of the company of those that were wont to make publick recitations , a prating Braggadocio , and one that was hatefull to the Grecians themselves , whom Alcaeus in his publick contestations did use wittily to provoke and jear . He , as soon as he came unto Syria , began to vilify the Syrians , as people of none of the soundest head-pieces , and not containing himself within the bounds of his profession , began to treat of state-matters , and to give his judgement therein : for he did not onely defend the justice of Cn. death , but moved also that the massacre might be extended to the other Legates of the people of Rome , that not so much as one might survive to carry tidings thereof to Rome ; that they might by this be brought to abate of their arrogancy , in controling others , and surcease this their over-bold usurpations of soveraignty every where . [ Polyb. Legat. 122. ] The Romans ( by their Embassadors , Canuleius and Quintus ) restored Ptolemei Philometor to his kingdom ; and reconciled him to his younger brother Euergetes : having decreed that the kingdom should be divided betwixt them : Philometor was to take Egypt and Cyprus for his share , Euergetes Cyrene : this agreement was confirmed by all religious ceremonies , and by the mutuall plighting of their faith each to other : Notwithstanding , all this Euergetes hastened away to Rome , in designe of nulling the Covenant : whereupon Philometor also sent Menethillus of Alabanda , as his Lagate thither , as his advocate and proxie in this his contest with Euergetes . [ Polyb. Legat. 113. & 114. Liv. lib. 46. Zonar . ex Dione . ] Ariarathes , King of Cappadocia , deceased , his son Ariarathes sur-named Philopator succeded , by right of inheritance , to the Crown : who as soon as he had solemnized his fathers funeral with the highest magnificence that could be , he sent his Legates to Rome , about renewing the league and allyance with that people of Rome . He was first called Mithridates , but after he came to age , by his fathers name Ariarathes . At his coming to the Crown , he treated his Friends , Nobles and Subjects , with what respect was fitting , so that he soon won the affections of all persons , of what quality soever . And in regard that he was experienced in the Greek , and studied philosophy , Cappadocia ( never before known to the Grecians ) soon became a receptacle for learned men . [ Livie lib. 46. Diodor. Sicul. in Bibliotheca , Phocy . cod . 244. & Excerp . Vales. pag. 325. ] From Spring-tide began the CLI year of the kingdom of the Grecians , Year of the World c. which is used in the first book of the Maccabees . When the Ambassadors of Ariaraches , the new King of Cappadocia , were arrived at Rome , they moved the Senate , that they would embrace their King with all love and affection . who alwayes , both abroad and at home , wished well to all the Romans : the Senate did not onely renew the league and amity , as was requested ; but highly commed the Kings inclination , and entertained the Ambassadors very civilly : after that Tiberius Gracchus ( of whom mention was made in the 3838 year of the World ) returned from his Embassie in Asia , had related many notable expressions of the affections of this King , and of his father , and indeed of the whole kingdom , toward the people of Rome . [ Polyb. Legat. 109. ] The Rhodians ( by Cleagoras and Lygdamis their Embassadors at Rome ) requested that they might be permitted to hold Lycia and Caria , upon the same terms as formerly . [ Id. Legat. 110. ] For at what time the Calyndians in Caria revolted from the Caunii ( whereupon the Caunii attempted to besiege them ) at the first indeed they required assistance from the Cnidyans , and by that association made shift for a while , to hold the enemy play : but being doubtfull of the issue of the war , they dispatched an Embassie to the Rhodians , wherein they yielded themselves and their City into their hands . The Rhodians accepted of the profer , and accordingly sent supplies both by sea and land , raised the siege , and took the City into their own jurisdiction . And the Senate soon after confirmed unto them the right and possession . [ Id. Legat. 111. ] Ariarathes King of Cappadocia , understanding by his Legates , who were now returned from Rome , that he was assertained of the good will of the Romans , thought himself now fast-seated in his kingdom , offered to the gods Eucharisticall sacrifices , and feasted his Nobles . Moreover , he sent Ambassadors to Lysias at Antioch , to fetch the bones of his sister and mother ( Antiochus the daughter of Antiochus the Great ) concerning which business he gave instructions to the Embassadors upon their departure , joyned with intreaties and prayers , supposing it not seasonable to expostulate the businesse of Octavius his death ( although he was much displeased at it ) least if he should chance thereby to provoke Lysias , he might not have his request granted . Lysias gave way that he should have those reliques , which , as soon as they were brought unto him , he carryed them fourth in high solemnity , and was very carefull to lay them next his fathers tomb . [ Id. Legat. 112. ] After the two Ptolemies ( brothers ) had parted the kingdom betwixt them : Ptolemei the younger comes to Rome , to invalidate the partition agreed upon with his brother , urging , That he did not voluntarily do as he was commanded , but , had yielded upon necessity , being forced thereto by the difficulty of the times : therefore he requested the Senate , That they would adjudge Cyprus to him : for , put the case it were so , yet would his portion be far worse than his brothers : on the other side , Menithyllus , Philometors Agent , declared , ( which also the Roman Ambassadors themselves confirmed by their Testimony ) How that the younger Ptolemei did not onely hold Cyrene , but also his very life , by means of his brother , in regard that there was such a generall alienation of mens minds from him , that he might take it for a high favour , that the kingdom of Greece was quitted to him , which was more than he could hope for , or any man else , dream of . But upon Ptolemees contradicting what was urged , the Senate , partly considering , that the sharing of the kingdom was not as yet quite compleated , partly out of their own desire to have that kingdom divided , ( that as occasion should serve , they might with lesse pains reduce it under their own power , when divided , than when united ) granted the younger brothers demands , and forthwith sent their Lagats ( Titus Torquatus and Cn. Merula ) with instructions to reconcile the two brothers , and to give Cyprus to the younger . [ Id. Legat. 113. ] When news was brought to Rome of the killing of Cn. Octavius , and the Legates of Antiochus Eupator , which Lysias sent , were arrived at Rome , and discoursed at large , shewings , That their King was in no wise conscious to the murder : the Senate sent the Legates back again , determining nothing upon the matter , because they would by no means reveal their minds , [ Id. Legat. 114. ] yet they ordered a Statue to be erected in the place of common pleas , to the memory of Octavius . [ Philippic . 9. ] Demetrius , much affected with the news of that accident , sent for Polybius ( the Historian ) and advised with him , Whether or no , it were expedient to move the Senate afresh about his affairs ; who admonished him to take heed of dashing himself twice against the same stone , telling him , That he had better adventure upon some noble exploit , worthy of a kingdom ; hinting hereby , That he would have him steal away from Rome as soon as he could . But he , following the counsel of one Apollonius , his intimate acquaintance , ( a good man indeed , but a very youth ) came into the Senate , and requested , That he might at least have his liberty , and might not any longer be detained as hostage at Rome ; seeing they had confirmed the kingdom unto Antiochus Eupator . The Senate for all this , remained peremptory in their decree : whereupon , Demetrius consulted first with Diodorus , ( a subtill fellow , who came fresh out of Syria , and had had formerly the education of him ) and then with Polybius , how he might make his escape . Menethyllus , Ptolemei Philometors Agent , ( who by Polybius his means ( with whom he was intimately acquainted ) had been admitted into the Counsel , under pretence of providing for his return home-ward ) openly hired a sacred ship of the Carthaginians , which was about to saile to Tyrus , to bring the first fruits of the Carthaginians , ( as the manner was ) to their ancestour-gods . When all things were in readinesse , Demetrius sent his Tutour Diodorus into Syria beforehand , to hear what the world talked , and to fell how the pulse of the people did beat . Himself taking onely a few with him , which might be as companions to him in his journy , supped at a friends house with them , the rest he sent away to Anagnia , whither he said he would come a hunting the day following . [ Polyb. Legat. 114. ] At this instant , Polybius lay sick a bed , who fearing least Demetrius , sitting over long at his cups , should let slip the oppertunity of escaping : night now drawing on , sent unto him a sheet now sealed up , with these intimations written in it , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . He that delayes , incurs the fates Of night , bouldnesse successe creates . Adventure , come what can , let all , Rather than thou , thy self shouldst fall . To which he added , that saying of Epicharmus ( commended by Polybius , lib. 3. pag. 768. and by Cicero . ad Attic. lib. 1. Epist. 16. ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , be sober , and remember to trust noe body , these are the very shews of prudence . As soon as he read the note , he understood presently what those instructions meant , and from whom they came ; and thereupon making shew as if he had been about to vomit , and had need to disgorge , he and his friends left the company : and communicating his design to Nicanor , and the rest of his friends , he came by night to Ostia , at the mouth of Tiber. Mennethyllus went before to the Mariners , and told them , That he received new instructions from the King , so that he must of necessity abide a while longer in the City : yet he would dispatch him unto certain young men of most approved fidelity , which should give him a full account of all the transactions of his brother . About the end of the third watch of the night , Demetrius comes with 8 companions , 5 servants and three lackeys : whom Menithyllus commended to the Master of the Ship , who knew nothing of the plot ; they set sail about break of day , [ Id. ibid. ] There was no thought at Rome of his departure until the fourth day following ; and then they made strict inquiry after him , but could not find him : upon the fifth day , the Senate met upon the businesse ; but Demetrius being now six dayes sail from the City , Year of the World c. was gone as far as the straite of Sicily . The Senate thought it would be to no purpose to follow after him , he having gotten so great a start of them : But within few dayes after , they set forth Tib. Gracchus , Lucilius Lentulus , and Servilius Glaucias , Ambassadors : whose employment was to see how things went in Greece ; and passing from thence , to observe what Demetrius had in designe , as also to learn how other Kings stood affected , and to debate their differences with the Galatians [ Ibid. ] In the mean time , Demetrius was got into Lycia : from whence he wrote to the Senate , That he marched not against Antiochus his Uncles son ; but against Lysias , with a resolution to avenge Ocatvius his death . And having soon drawn Tripolis of Syria to be on his side , as if he had been sent by the Senate to take possession of the kingdom , ( for no one dreamed of his escape ) and being seized also of Apamea , he mustered all his Forces together , and made toward Antioch : where he killed the young youth ( King Antiochus Eupator ) and Lysias , as they were friendly coming out to meet him ( for they did forbear to take up armes for fear of displeasing the Romans ) [ Zonar . ex Dione . ] and being entertained with the applause of all in Syria , he obtained the kingdom , [ Justin. lib. 34. cap. 3. Appian . in Syriac . pag. 117 , 118. ] We read in the [ 1 Mac. 7. 1 , 4. ] how that in the 151 year of the kingdom of the Grecians , Demetrius , son of Seleucus , escaping from Rome , came with a few men to a City on the sea coast ( viz. Tripoli of Phoenicia ) and began to reign there : and that , as he entered into the Palace of his Ancestors , ( at Antioch near Daphne , the Metropolis of Syria ) his souldiers seized upon Antiochus and Lysias , who were by his command put to death . And in the [ 2 Mac. 14. 1 , 2. ] how that , after three years , or in the third year ( from the begining of Antiochus Eupator , or the purging of the Temple by Judas Macc. of both which , mention is made in the beginning of the 10 cap. Judas was informed that Demetrius was arrived at the Haven of Tripolis , and with a great power , and navy , had taken the Country , and killed Antiochus , and his Tutour Lysias . But Josephus assigneth to Antiochus Eupator two years reign , [ lib. 12. cap. 16. ] so doth Eusebius also in his Chronicle ) although Porphyrius [ in Graec. Euseb. Scaliger . pag. 228. ] and Sulpicius Serverus , [ Histor. Sacr. lib. 2. ] ascribe to him , one year onely , and 6 moneths . Demetrius , having removed Heraclidas ( from the charge of the Treasury in Babylon , over which he was appointed by Antiochus Epiphanes ) and put to death his brother Timarchus ( who likewise was by the same Antiochus made Governour of Babylon ) as a Rebel against him ( who besides that , was very faulty in the discharge of his place there ) was by the Babylonians first sirnamed Soter , [ Appian . Syriac . pag. 118. ] Alcimus ( who had obtained from Antiochus Eupator , Year of the World d. the grant of the High-Priesthood , but was not received by the people , in regard , that in the times of confusion under Antiochus Epiphanes , he willfully difiled himself , 2 Mac. 14. 3. ) endeavouring to get the Pristhood confirmed upon him by Demetrius Soter , made his address unto the King , accompanied with other wicked and apostate Israelites , who maligned their country-men , and especially the Hasmoneans , as guilty of cutting off the Kings friends , and banishing them out of the Country . Demetrius resented their complaints ; and thereupon sent Bacchides the Governour of Mesopotamia , his intimate and trusty friend , and with him , Alcimus ( on whom he had setled the Priesthood ) with a great force into Judea : when they had entred the Land , they thought to have over-reached Judas Maccabeus and his brethren by their fair speeches : but they gave no credit unto them , [ 1 Mac. 7. 5 , 11. ] Then there assembled unto Alcimus and Bacchides , a company of Scribes , amongst whom the Hasideans were chief , that desired peace from them ; for said they , One that is Priest of the seed of Aaron hath the conduct of this army , who will not do us any wrong . But after that they had put themselves into his hand ; that wicked Priest , contrary to the agreement , and his oath , put threescore of them to death , all in one day : to this massacre , the Historian applies that of the Psalmist [ Ps. 79. ( al. 78. ) 2 , 3. ] The flesh of thy Saints , have they ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cast out , ) given to the beasts of the earth , and their blood have they shed round about Hierusalem , and there was none to bury them : by which perfidiousnesse many being terrified , fled from the City , [ Ibid. 12 , 19. ] Bacchides removed from Jerusalem , and encamped in Bezeth , or Bethzetha ; from whence he sent and took many of those which had forsaken him , and certain of the people also ( of the Jews ) whom he slew , and cast into a deep pit . After , then he committed the Country to Alcimus his care , leaving him a sufficient force to assist him , and he himself returned back to the King. To Alcimus ( who neglected no thing that might help to assure the Priesthood unto him ) assembled all such as were disturbers of the people ; who after they had brought the land of Juda under their power , made great havock in Israel : Hereupon Judas Maccab ▪ went out into all the coasts of Judea round about , taking vengeance of all those that had revolted from him ; and he got such a hand over them , that for ever after they kept close within their Garrisons , and durst not make any more incursions into the Country , [ Ibid. 19 , 24. ] Ptolemei the younger , coming out of Italy into Greece , hired from thence an army of very stout men , amongst whom he took with him one Damasippus , a Macedonian , who ( after he had slain the Governours that sate in Council at Phaco , a Town of Macedonia ) escaped thence as fast as he could , with his wife and children . Ptolemei , removing from those parts , came to Peraea , a Continent situate over against Rhodes : who , after he had been courteously treated by the people , he determined to set sail for Cyprus . But Torquatus and the rest of the Roman Legates , when they observed what a great strength of mercenary souldiers he had levyed , they began to consider the tenour of their instructions they had received from the Senate , whereby they were expressely charged to reduce him without blows . And at last prevailed with him , to disband his mercenaries , as soon as he had brought them to Sida , and to break off his intended voyage to Cyprus : and that he should do his best that they might meet with him about the borders of Cyprus . They themselves in the mean while were upon going to Alexandria , that they would work the King to a condescention to his requests , and that they would meet him at the place appointed , and bring the King himself along with them . These propositions had such influence upon Ptolemei the younger , that , despairing of reducing Cyrene , he dismissed the mercenary souldiery : And himself went directly to Crete , taking along with him Damasippus and Cn. Merula , one of the Embassadors : ( where as soon as he had hired a thousand souldiers , ) he departed to Libyna , and kept them at the Port of Apis , [ Polyb. Legat. 115. ] In the interim , Torquatus , and Titus , being come to Alexandria , did what they could to perswade the Senior Ptolemei , to come to an agreement with his brother , and to yield Cyprus unto him . But upon Ptolemeis grant of some particulars , and lending a slight eare to others , meerly to gain him time , his younger brother who lay encamped ( as was agreed upon ) before Apis in Libyna , much displeased that as yet nothing was concluded concerning the resignation of Cyprus , sent Cn. Merula to Alexandria , hoping by his , and Torquatus his means , to accomplish his designs , [ Id. ibid. ] Hipparchus Bithynus ( never sufficiently extolled by Pliny who attempted to transmit unto posterity the exact number of the stars , Year of the World 3843. a. and reduce the constellations into order , by particular instruments of his own invention , thorough which he shewes , both their positions , and their magnitudes ) [ Plin. lib. 2. cap 26. ] wrote in his book 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that in the 27 year of the third Calippic Periode , the 30 day of the Egyptian moneth Mesor , ( Septemb. Julian 27. ) about sun-set , the autumal equinoctial was observed by him , [ Ptol. 3. lib. 2. cap. 2. ] From this Autumn , began the year CLI . of the account of the contracts : made use of the 2 book of the Maccab. In which year ( for so the Greek Copies compute , and my Syriac Interpreter , where the Latin edition reads CL. ) Alcimus is said to come to King Demetrius , presenting him with a golden Crown , a Palme , and Boughes also which were thought to be of the Temple , [ 2 Mac. 14. 3 , 4. ] For he , observing how greatly Judas Maccab. and the Assideans which were with him increased in power , and also because they would not suffer him to come near the holy Altar ; having gotten opportunity , eagerly accused them to the king , as authors of all the commotions , and disturbers of the common peace in Judea , complaining most bitterly ; That he was devested of the High-Priesthrod , which was the glory of his ancestors ; and as long as Judas was living , he was confident Demetrius should never enjoy the kingdom quietly . This ( being avouched by other of his friends , and most implacable enemies of Judas ) so netled Demetrius , that he dispatched away Nicanor , General into Judea , with order to destroy Judas , disperse his associates the Assideans , and to settle Alcimus in the High-Priesthood : as for the Gentiles which fled out of Judea for fear of Judas , they came flocking to Nicanor , accounting the calamities which were like to fall upon the Jews , to be their onely happinesse , [ 2 Maccab. 14. 3 , 14. cum 1 Maccab. 7. 25 , 26. ] The Jews , upon report of Nicanors approach , and of the association of the Gentiles with him , cast dust upon their heads , and made their supplication to God. But after a short skirmish betwixt Simon ( Judas his brother ) and Nicanor near the village Dessaro : Nicanor , hearing the brute of the prowesse and valour of Judas and his company in defending their Country , was somewhat timerous of running the hazard of a war. Therefore he sent Posidonius , Theodotus , and Matthias , to parlee with them upon mutual engagements of fidelity , each to the other . When they had well debated the matter amongst themselves , Judas propounded it to the people , who with unanimous consent approved the Articles . The day was fixed , whereon Judas and Nicanor were to meet , the one with the other : yet Judas was somewhat jealous of the enemy , and thereupon disposed of some armed men into several conventent places , which might be as a security , in case any violence should be attempted contrary to engagement . But the conference proved very peaceable , and closed in a league without the kings privity . Nicanor , after this , abode a while in Jerusalem , and dismissed the companies which he had before collected : he lived so friendly and familiarly with Judas , that he perswaded him to marry a wife , [ 2 Mac. 14. 15 , 25. ] As soon as that wretched Catiff Alcimus observed this their mutual correspondence , and meetings together , he addressed himself the third time to Demetrius , and complained of Nicanor , as having in agitation some treacherous design against the king : who was so enraged by these calumnies , that he wrote immediately to Nicanor , to let him know , that he took very ill , those his intercourses with Judas Maccab. comanding him withal , forthwith to send away Judas bound to Antioch : which although he was very loath to do , in regard it was a violation of their Articles of peace , seeing Judas had not in the least manner transgressed ; yet , because he knew not to gainsay the king , he watched for a convenient time to execute the kings command by a stratagem , [ ibid. 26 , 29. ] Whilst Ptolemei Philometor with his high complements detaines the Roman Legates at Alexandria fourty dayes , rather against , than with , their wills , nothing of businesse being dispatcht : the Cyreneans revolted from Euergetes the younger brother , and with them some other Cities also conspired . The Egyptian Ptolemei ( whom Euergetes had appointed over the whole Realme , when he sailed away unto Rome ) being no stranger to the businesse ; when tidings hereof was brought to Euergetes , and more also , that the Cyreneans were already with an army in the field , fearing least , whilst he endeavours to adde Cyprus to his Dominions , he should loose Cyrene ; he layes aside the thoughts of all other matters , and leaving Apis , where his Navy lay in harbour , he sailed to the great Catabathmus , as they call it ; intending from thence to reach Cyrene . But finding the straite in Catabathmus kept by the Libynians and the Cyreneans ; he shipped half his men , and gave them orders to sail about those narrow places , and to fall upon the enemy unawars : he himself with the other Brigade of his army , charging them in the Van , endeavoured to gain the hill . But as soon as the Libynians perceived they were surrounded on all sides , they quitted their stations : so that the king did not onely get a free passe to the top of the hill ; but also reduced a strong hold , having 4 towers which lay in the bottom , wherein was great plenty of waters , [ Polyb. Legat. 115. ] From thence he marched clean thorough the Wildernesse in seven dayes : the souldiers which were under Mochyrinus following him by Sea ; the Cyreneans upon his approach , drew out their army against him , consisting of 8000 Foot , and 500 Horse . For they , guessing what Philometors mind was , by what he had done at Alexandria : and seeing nothing of a king in Euergetes , but that all his administrations were tyrannical , could by no means be perswaded , freely to yield themselves unto him : whereupon they gave him battle , Year of the World b. and overcame him , [ Ibid. ] Judas Maccab. observing how Nicanor was grown more reserved than formerly , and his dealings more rough than usually they had been : he bethought with himself , that this churlishnesse could not portend any good , and therefore having gathered together many of his associates , he withdrew himself from his sight , [ 2 Mac. 14. 30. ] Nicanor , coming to Jerusalem with great Forces , and by his fair speeches drew Judas to a treaty . Howbeit , whilst they were saluting one the other civilly , the enemy had designed to seize upon Judas , and carry him away : which thing , when it was known to Judas , he was sore afraid of him , and would see his face no more . When Nicanor saw his purpose was discovered , he marched against Judas , to fight him beside Capharsalama : where there fell of Nicanors party near five thousand men , and the rest fled to the City of David . [ 1 Mac. 7. 27 , 32. ] After this went Nicanor to Mount Sion , where there met him out of the Sanctuary , certain of the Priests , and Elders of the people , to salute him peaceably , and to shew him the burnt sacrifice that was offered for the King ; but he slighted and scoffed at them , & commanded them to deliver up Judas unto him . And when they professed with an oath , that they knew not what was become of him ; he stretched forth his right hand toward the Temple , and swore , unlesse Judas and his forces were delivered up into his hands , when he returned in peace , he would set the house of God on fire , digge down the Altar , and erect in the same place another glorious Temple to Bacchus . Whereupon the Priests entered , and stood before the Altar , and the Temple , and with great lamentation beseeched God to frustrate Nicanors threats , and avenge his blasphemies . [ 1 Mac. 7. 33 , 38. 2 Mac. 14. 31 , 36. ] There was arrived unto Nicanor one Rhazis , one of the Elders of Jerusalem , who for his love and affection to the Citizens , was called , The Father of the Jews . Therefore Nicanor , ( thinking that if he were dispatched out of the way , he could bring what calamities he pleased upon the Jews , sent about five hundred souldiers to take him : who when they had forced the outward gates of the Tower wherein he was , and had commanded to fire the other doors , he stabbed himself with his own sword : but when he perceived , that , by his making so much hast , his would was not mortall , he threw himself headlong from the wall ; afterwards , running to a steep Rock , when he was allmost dead , he plucked out his bowels , and with both his hands , cast them amongst the throng , and so gave up the ghost . [ 2 Maccab. 14. 37 , 46. ] Touching which action , St. Augustine is to be consulted with , in his 61 Epistle to Dulichius , and lib. 2. against Gandentio , cap. 23. When Nicanor saw that Judas was not in Jerusalem , but in the parts of Samaria , he marched from Jerusalem , and encamped in Bethoron , where a supply of forces met him out of Syria . But Judas pitched in Hadasa ( 30 furlongs off the enemy ) with 3000 men . Nicanor did what he could to ingage in battle on the Sabbath day , and when he was presently admonished by some Jews ( who were compelled to march with him ) to give the reverence due to that day , and to God , the first institutor thereof , he with most horrid blasphemy , put by those that thus perswaded him . As for Maccab. he encouraged his party out of the Law and the Prophets ; and moreover , recalling to their minds their former encounters , and declaring unto them a dream of his , wherein there was represented unto him Onias , ( who was High Priest , the third of that name ) praying for the people , and the Prophet Jeremy reaching unto him a golden sword , he cheared up their spirits . Whereupon , being well armed with prayers and sure confidence in God , on the 13 day of the 12 moneth Adar , the fell upon the enemy . Nicanor himself was the first that fell in the fight : whereupon , the rest threw away their arms , and betook themselves to their heels . The Jews had the pursuit of them one dayes journy , even from Hadasa to Gazera , sounding an alarme after them with their Trumpets . Whereat all the Jews , out of the severall Towns round about , hasted to the slaughter of their flying enemies : so that no lesse than 35 thousand of them were slain by the sword , not so much as one single person remaining alive of the whole army . Then they fell upon the spoil , and took the prey , and cut off Nicanors head and arms with the shoulder , and brought them to Jerusalem , where they hung his head upon a high Tower , with his right hand , which he had so proudly stretch forth against the house of God : Judas also commanded the tongue of this wicked fellow to be cut out , chopped in piece , and to be given to the birds of the air . In commemoration of this victory , it was enacted by a general Decree , That a great solemnity should be kept yearly upon the 13 day of the 12 moneth , called in the Syriac , Adar : the day before the feast of Mordecai . [ 1 Mac. 7. 39 , 49. 2 Mac. 15. 1 , 37. Joseph . lib. 12. cap. 17. ] Here ends the History continued in the second book of the Maccabees : wherein is comprehended a breviary of the five books of Jason , a Jew of Cyrene . After Nicanors death Judea for a while had rest from wars , [ 1 Mac. 7. 50. ] during which time , Judas Maccabeus , hearing of the great power of the Romans , and their humanity towards any that were in distresse ; having learned also , in how great fear Demetrius stood of them , sent Eupolemus the son of John , and Jason son of Eleazar , as Agents to the Senate at Rome , in the name of him , his brother , and the Common-wealth of the Jews , to negotiate an association and alliance with the people of Rome , hoping thereby to free their necks from that heavy yoak of King Demetrius , and the Empire of the Greeks . [ 1 Maccab. 8. 5. 17 , 18 , 31 , 32. ] Cneus Merula , being at length returned from Alexandria to Euergetes , told him , that his brother Philometor would not condescend to any of his demands , urging , That they must hold to the Covenants , which were ratified at first . Euergetes , hearing this , commanded away Comanus , and his brother Ptolemei , as his Legates to Rome , with Merula : who were to treate with the Senate concerning the injury done him by his brother , and to acquaint them with his contempt of the people of Rome . As they were upon their way thither , they met with Titus Torquatus ( Cn. Merula his Collegue in the Embassie ) who likewise was dismissed from Alexandria , without compleating the businesse he went about . At the same time also Menithylius of Alabanda was sent Agent to the Senate from Philometor , [ Polyb. Legat. 116 , & 117. ] After Demetrius heard that Nicanor and his whole army were cut off in the Fight ; he dispatched Bacchides and Alcimus , the second time into Judea , and with them the right wing , or the better part of his army , who marching on the way that leads to Galgala ; encamped in Maesaloth ( al. Massadoth ) which is in Arbela , and having taken it , put multitudes to the sword , [ 1 Mac. 9. 1 , 2. ] On the first moneth of the 152 year of the kingdom of the Grecians , they removed toward Jerusalem ( to seek out Judas Maccabeus ) and from thence they marched to Berea ( or Beerzath , as it is in the Arundel Copy ) with 20 thousand Foot , and 2 thousand Horse . But Judas pitched in Eleasa , having 3000 choice men with him : who seeing the number of the enemy so great , were fore afraid ; whereupon many of them conveyed themselves away from him , insomuch , that 800 onely remained in the Camp. With these few he charged Bacchides vast army , and fought from morning till night : and at last routed his right wing , in which Bacchides himself was , and pursued them unto Mount Azotus . But those on the left wing following upon Judas , and those which were with him ; slew Judas , fighting valiantly , and as soon as he fell , the rest fled away . Then Jonathan and Simon took up the corps of their brother Judas , and buried it in the Sepulchre of their fathers at Modin : and Israel made lamentation for him many dayes , [ 1 Mac. 9. 3 , 21. ] Judas was slain the sixth year , after the death of his father Mattathias . After the death of Judas , wicked men discovered themselves in all the coasts of Israel , who before played least in sight , for fear of Judas : and by reason of the great famine which happned in those dayes , the whole Country , joyned with them , and submitted themselves to Bacchides , that they might the more commodiously be supplied with provisions . Bacchides advanced those wicked men to be Lords of the Country , who when they light upon any of Judas his friends , brought them to him to be tormented and reviled : So that , there was great affliction in Israel , the like was not , since the time the Prophets ceased from amongst them , [ 1 Mac. 9. 23 , 27. ] In the mean time the Legates which were sent to Rome from Judas Maccab. concluded a peace and association with the people of Rome , and the Articles were writ in tables of brasse , to this effect . That the Jews should assist the Romans , and the Romans the Jews against the common enemy . The Senate also wrote letters to King Demetrius , that he should forbear to oppresse the Jews any farther : otherwise they would wage war with him , both by sea and land , in vindication of that People who was now their friend and confederate , [ 1 Mac. 8. 19 , 32. ] And to this , relates that passage of Justin concerning the Jews , [ lib. 36. cap. 3. ] When they had revolted from Demetrius , ( having procured allyance with the Romans ) they of all the Eastern people first obtained their liberty ; the Romans at that time being very free in giving away that which was none of their own . Josephus , [ lib. 12. Antiq. cap. 17. ] observes that this was the first league that was ever known to be betwixt the Romans and the Jews : which is there expressed in other words , by this forged subscription , also being added thereto . This Decree of the Senate was writ by Eupolemus , son of John , and Jason , son of Eleazar ( the Jews Agents ) when Judas was High-Priest , and his brother Simon General . As if any body else had been General , whilst Judas was living besides Judas himself : or admit there had been , Had it not been more probable that Jonathan would have been the person , rather than Simon , who had it not till after Jonathans decease ? For what was a little before written by Josephu● , how that upon Alcimus his death , the people by common suffrage gave the High-Priesthood to Judas , appears out of [ 1 Mac. 9. 54 , 55 , 56. ] to be a clear mistake ; for there it is evidently shewed , that Alcimus died after Judas : and Josephus himself ( recanting afterwards his errour ) relates , That Jacimus or Alcimus had no successour at all ; but that Hierusalem was destitute of a High-Priest seven whole years together , [ Antiq. lib. 20. cap. 8. pag. 701. ] After a long debate in the Senate , betwixt the Legats of both the Ptolemeis : when Titus and Cnaeus ( who were by the Romans sent Embassadors unto them ) had by their evidence , and with all favour and industery promoted Euergetes his cause ; the Senate ordered , That within five dayes Menithyllus Philometors Legate , should depart from Rome : and the League which was betwixt them and Philometor , should be void . They sent also Publius Apustius , Year of the World d. and Caius Lentulus , Embassadors to Euergetes : who forthwith went to Cyrene , and with great care informed him what was done . This pufft him up with fresh hopes , so that presently he levyed an army , and set all his wits a working , how to get Cyprus into his hands , [ Polyb. Legat. 117. ] All Judas Maccab. his friends meeting together , chose in his room , his brother Jonathan ( sirnamed Apphus ) for their General . Bacchides , as soon as he heard of it , contrived how to destroy him ; but Jonathan and his brother Simon , and those that were with him having notice thereof , to prevent him , fled into the Desert of Tekoa , and encamped by the poole of Asphar : then Jonathan sent his brother Iohn , ( sirnamed Gaddis ) with a band of souldiers , to desire the Nabathites ( Arabians ) that they might leave their carriages with them , for they were very many : But the children of Jambri out of Medaba met with them upon the way , and falling upon them , slew John and his comapany , and having seized on the spoile , went their way . But these pillagers joy lasted not very long : for when Jonathan and his brother Simon heard that those sons of Jambri kept a great wedding , and were bringing the Bride from Nadabath in great pomp , and a long traine of Nobles ( for she was daughter to a Prince in Canaan ) they rose out of the place where they lay in ambush , and falling fiercely upon them , slew 400. made the rest flee to the mountains , and seized on all their spoile . After they had in this manner fully avenged the blood of their brother , they marched back again to the marshes of Jordan , [ 1 Maccab. 9. 28 , 42. Joseph . lib. 13. cap. 1. ] Bacchides followed Jonathan at the heeles , and came upon the Sabbath day to the Banks of Jordan , with a great army . Both the armies engaged , and in the fight Jonathan reached forth his arme to strick Bacchides , but he warily waved the blow : yet there fell of his men in that day , about a 1000 , ( or 2000 as Josephus gives up the account ) Jonathan , perceiving he was not able to deal with that vast power of the enemy , he and his men leaped into Jordan , and got over to the other side ; neither did the enemy attempt to follow him . As for Bacchides he returned to Jerusalem , and built fenced Cities in Judea , and a Fort in Jericho , Emmaus , Bethoron , Bethel , Thamnatha , Pharathoni , Tephon , and strengthened them with high walls , gates , and bars : he garrisoned them all , that by their sallies and incursions , they might prejudice the Israelits . He fortified also Bethsura , and Gazara , and the Tower at Jerusalem ; supplying them with men and provision . And having seized upon the chief mens sons in the Country for hostages , he put them in ward in the Tower at Jerusalem , [ 1 Mac. 9. 43 , 53. Joseph . ut supr . ] When Mithrobuzanes , one of the sons of Zadriades , King of the lesser Armenia had escaped to Ariarathes King of Cappadocia ; Artaxias King of the greater Armenia ( whom Antiochus Epiphanes had conquered ) hankering after his kingdom , by an Embassie to Ariarathes , sollicited him to side with him ; and by murdering the one of the two brothers , whom he had under his power at that time , that he would divide Sophene between them . But Ariarathes abhorring such a piece of treachery , sharply rebuked the Legates , and by letters to Artaxias , admonished him to forbear such a villanous design : and moreover , he restored Mithrobuzanes to his fathers kingdom , [ Diodor. Sicul. in Excerpt . H. Valesii , pag. 325. ] Ariarathes received Tiberius Gracchus , Year of the World 3844. a. Lucius Lentulus , and Servilius Glaucius , the Roman Legates in Cappadocia , very royally , [ Polyb. Legat. 119. ] Thither Demetrius Soter sent Menocharis , to the end , that he should seriously debate with the Roman Legates about the setling of his kingdom , [ Id. Legat. 120. ] He profered also to King Ariarathes marriage with his sister , ( Dowager of Perseus King of the Macedonians ) but he refused the motion , foreseeing he might thereby give offence to the Romans , [ Diodor. Sicul. Legat. 24. Justin. lib. 35. cap. 1. ] After Menocharis was returned to Demetrius at Antioch , Year of the World b. and had given account of his conferences with the Roman Legates ; The Julian Period . 4554 the King deeming it very necessary ( as his condition was at present ) by all means possible to engage and endear unto him the Roman Legates , Year before Christ 160 laying aside all other matters : first sent to them into Pamphylia , then again to Rhodes ; protesting , that he would do whatever lay in his power for the Roman interest , if he could but procure from them , the Title of King. Tiberius , who wished well to him from his heart , helped him much in the grant of his suite , and obtaining the right of Sovereignty , [ Polyb. Legat. 120. ] Leptines ( who had stabbed Cn. Octavius the Roman Legat at Laodicea ) went to King Demetrius , and intreated him , not to be troubled at the death of Cnaeus , nor to proceed to any extremity against the Laodiceans , upon that account ; for he himself had resolved to go to Rome , and avouch before the Senate , that he had done the act , and that with the good liking of the gods . And because he went chearfully , and of his own accord : he was brought from thence to Rome , without either bond or guard . As for Isocrates the Grammarian , who by his malapert tongue had drawn upon himself that misfortune , as soon as ever information was given against him , he grew distracted , and became stark mad : but when he saw the gyves put about his neck , and the shackles applyed , then began he to abridge himself of his daily repast , and wholly to neglect his attire and garb , [ Polyb. Legat. 122. ] In the 153 year of the kingdom of the Grecians , Year of the World c. the second moneth , Alcimus commanded to pull down the wall of the inward court , which severed the court of the people , from that other of the Gentiles : It was built by Zerobabel and the Prophets : But God stopped the mouth of that prophane High-Priest , by striking him with a sudden Palsie , that he could not speak a word more , not give orders concerning his own house ; but died in great torment , [ 1 Maccab. 9. 54 , 55 , 56. ] the third year after he had usurped the High-Priesthood . Josephus in [ lib. 12. Antiq. cap. 17. ] assignes unto him four years ; but in the last chapter save one of the twentieth Book of the same Work , three yeares onely : where also he addes , how that after his death , Jerusalem was seven entire years without any High-Priest . Betwixt the second moneth of the 153 year in which Alcimus died , and the seventh moneth of the 160 year in which Jonathan put on the High-Priests Robe , [ 1 Maccab. 10. 21. ] were seven yeares , and five moneths over . Upon Alcimus his death , Bacchides returned to King Demetrius ; so that , Judea had rest two years , [ 1 Mac. 9. 57. ] About the CLV . Olympiade , Year of the World 3845 Embassadors came to Rome from Ariarathes King of Cappadocia with a Crown of the value of 10000 pieces of gold : who signified likewise to the Senate in what manner their Master had received Tiberius Gracchus , and how for their sakes they refused the profers of friendship with Demetrius , and the tender of marriage with his sister : adding withal , that he was very ready to serve the Romans , in whatever they would be pleased to command him : When Tiberius Gracchus , and the rest of the Embassadors had by their testimony confirmed this his propensity and affection towards the people of Rome : the Senate accepted of the Crown , and took it for a great favour ; which they requited with a Staff , and a Seat of Ivory ; which sort of Presents , are of high estimation amongst the Romans . These Embassadors were dispatched home by the Senate without delay , before the beginning of Winter , [ Polyb. Legat. 119. & 121. Diodor. Sicul. Legat. 24. ] Upon the coming in of the new Consuls ( Cn. Cornelius Dolabella , and Marcus Fulvius Nobilior ) the joynt Embassie of Prusias King of Bithynia , and the Gallogrecians , complaining against Eumenes King of Pergamus , was heard in the Senate . Attalus also had his audience , who was sent thither by his brother Eumenes , to plead his cause : who was not onely quitted from the accusations that were against him ; but had honour conferred upon him , and was received and dismissed with great courtesie . For observe , how far the hearts of the Senatours were alienated and averse from King Eumenes , whom they perfectly hated , so near did their affections close with Attalus , being alwayes enflamed with ancient desires of his promotion and advancement , [ Polyb. Legat. 119 , 121. ] Menocharis , and other Embassadors , came to Rome from Demetrius Soter King of Syria , bringing with them for a Present , a Crown worth 10000 pieces of gold , ( which the king sent as a token of his gratitude for his civil usage when he was hostage amongst them ) delivering up also Leptines who had killed Cn. Octavius the Embassador with his own hand , and Isocrates the Grammarian , who defended openly the murder . Isocrates was a strange spectacle to all beholders , his countenance was terrible and fierce , as a mans must be , who in a whole years space had neither washed his face , nor pared his nailes , nor cut his hair : the figure and motion of his eyes shewed the distemper of his mind to be at that height , that whosoever should chance to have met him , would not so much have dreaded the sudden occursion of any wild beast : On the contrary , Leptines was alwayes the same man , ready at any time to come into the Senate : and whensoever any discoursed with him about the murder , he confessed the fact , and added withal , that he was confident the Romans would do him no hurt : neither did his hopes fail him ; for when the Fathers had a long while debated in the Senate , what was best to be done in the businesse : at last , the Senate gave audience to the Embassadors , and received the Crown at their hands , but made no account of those two men ; as if that was a fault chargeable upon all the Syrians . It was the policy of the Senate to keep this liberty entire to themselves , that as often as they pleased , they might revenge this crime . And upon the very same ground , they gave this answer to Demetrius : That the Senate was ready to do him all friendly offices , provided , that he became their feadary , as formerly he had been , [ Polyb. Legat. 122. Diodor. Sicul. Legat. 25. Appian . Syriac . pag. 118. ] Orophernes , or ( as some call him ) Holophernes , made his addresse to Demetrius Soter , King of Syr●● , complaining of Ariarathes his younger brother's injury , in driving him out of his kingdom of Cappadocia : although , to speak truth , he was not the lawfull issue , but either shuffled in by Queen Antiochis , or adopted by her , as Zonaras relates out of Dion , and we before ( in the year of the World , 3832. ) out of Diodorus . Demetrius , who still bare a grudge against Ariarathes , for slighting the tender of his sister to him in marriage , entertained the suppliant ; and , covenanting with him for a thousand talents for his paines , by his advise , and assistance dethroned Ariarathes : Notwithstanding , the assistanne he had from Eumenes King of Pergamus . [ Polybius , lib. 3. pag. 161. Liv. lib. 47. Justin. lib. 35. cap. 1. Appian . Syriac . pag. 118. Zonar . ex Dione . ] Eumenes , King of Pergamus , upon his death-bed , bequeathed his wife Stratonica , ( sister to Ariarathes , who lately lost his kingdom ) and also his kingdom , to his brother Attalus , [ Plutarch in Apothegm . & lib. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] after his 38 years reign . For , substracting the years ( computed by Strabo ) of his brothers and his sons reign , who succeded him , from the intervall ( inserted in the Roman History ) between his first coming to the Crown , and the ceasing of Pergamus to be a kingdom , there remaines over and above . 38. year : so that Eumenes dyed in the very beginning of the 39 year ; although Strabo ( but erroneously ) assigned him 40 years reign . He left Attalus Philometor , ( whom his wife Stratonica bare unto him ) to inherit the kingdom after him : but in regard that his son was so very young , he appointed his brother Attalus Philadelphus Protectour of him and the kingdom , who managed the affairs thereof one and twenty years . [ Strabo . lib. 13. pag. 624. ] A second observation of the Autumnal Equinoctiall was made by Hipparchus , Year of the World 3846. a. in the 20 year of the Calippick Period , on the first day of the Additionalls to the Egyptian year ( the 27 of the Julian September ) in the morning , about the sun-rising . [ Ptol. lib. 3. cap. 2. ] Orophernes , whom , upon the expulsion of his brother Ariarathes , it behooved much to manage things with great prudence , and ingratiate himself into the peoples hearts , by clemency and acts of grace , intended no such matter , but was wholly fixed upon scraping up mony together : & having most wickedly put many to death , unto Timotheus ( whom afterwards he sent Embassador to Rome ) he gave 50 talents , to King Demetrius 70 , promising to pay the other 400 talents shortly after , and to adde six hundred over-pluse : whereas he saw that he had rendred himself odious to the Cappadocians by this action , he began to pill and plunder all the people , and to hook into his own Exchequer the wealth of the nobility . [ Diodor. Sicul. in Excerpt . Valesi . pag. 334. ] This same Orophernes , having had his education in Ionia ( as hath been intimated in the 3832 year of the World , out of Diodorus ) little regarding the constitutions of his Country , set up 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , The Ionick , and an arstificial kind of intemperance , [ Polyb. lib. 22. apud Athenaeum , lib. 10. cap. 12. ] And having heaped together a vast sum of mony , he deposited 400 talents in the hands of the Prienians , in case the times should turn : which afterwards were faithfully by them restored unto him again . [ Polyb. & Diodorus , Sicul. in Excerpt . Valesi . pag. 170 , 173. & 334. ] After that Jonathan and his company had lived in peace and quietnesse at their own home two years together , some prevaricating Jews suggested to Bacchides , That there was a fair probability of surprizing them all in one night . Whereupon Bacchides made towards them with a great force , and sent letters privily to all his friends in Judea , to assist him in his enterprize of seizing on Jonathan , and those that were with him . But their plot was discovered to Jonathan and his company , who having taken 50 men of the country , who were found to be contrivers of the villany , put them to death . [ 1 Mac. 9. 57 , 61. ] Then Jonathan and Simon , and those that were with him , removed to Bethbasi , ( or Bethlagan , as Josephus hath it ) which is in the wildernesse , repaired the walls thereof , which were decayed , and fortified it . As soon as Bacchides had notice of it , he mustered up all his forces , and summoned his adherents in Judea , to repair unto him . Then went he and laid siege to Bethbasi , and fought against it many dayes , and made his Engines . But Jonathan , leaving his brother Simon within the City , traversed the Country with a small brigade ; where he smote Odoarrhes ( or Odomern ) and his brethren , and the sons of Phasiron , in their Tents : And when he began to smite all that he met with , and break into the enemies body , Simon with his company sallyed out of the City , and fired the Engines . In this fight , Bacchides was worsted ; who enraged to see himself thus disappointed in his hopes , converted his anger against those wicked wretches , that were the promoters of this expedition , insomuch that he slew many of them , and purposed to return into his own land . Jonathan having intimation hereof , sent Commissioners unto him to treat with him concerning a peace , and the delivering back the prisoners he had taken out of Judea . Bacchides very readily embraced the motion , protesting he would not prejudice Jonathan all the dayes of his life : so he returned back into his own land , and never after entred Judea with an army . The wars thus composed in Israel , Jonathan dwelt at Michmash , ( in the Tribe of Benjamin ) and began to judge the people , and to take away the Wicked out of Israel , [ ibid. 62. 73. ] A third observation of the autumnal Equinoctial , Year of the World 3847 was made by Hipparchus in the 21 year of the third Calippic period , on the first day of the additionals to the Egyptian year ( the 27 of the Julian September ) at noon-tide , [ Ptolem. lib. 3. cap. ] Ariarathes , deprived of the kingdom , came an humble supp●liant to Rome , and applyed himself to Sextus Julius the Consul . His garb discovered the great calamity he was in : there came also an Embassie from Demetrius ; Miltiades had the prime managing of it , who came provided both to excuse whatsoever Ariarathes should lay to his charge , as also with counter-criminations to render him odious . Orophernes likewise sent his Legates , Timotheus , and Diogenes , to present a Crown at Rome , and to renew their allyance and association ; but chiefly to be defendants in the judical processe for what was acted by his party , and to accuse Ariarathes . And , to speak truth , Diogenes and Miltiades both , at private conferences made the greater flourishes , ( as being two to one , and they in their height of prosperity , Ariarathes in an afflictive and miserable condition ) and also when they came to treat the matter openly , had far the odds of him : for in that they dared to say any thing in defiance of the truth , and answer to all queries , no body being present which could confute their untruths , they seemed to do what they listed , [ Polyb. Legat. 126. ] but in the conclusion , it was decreed by the Senate , That Ariarathes ( in regard he was a friend and an associate of the people of Rome ) and Orophernes should reign together as brothers , and partners in the kingdom , [ Appian . Syriac . pag. 118. Zonar . ex Dione . ] Ptolemei Euergetes , endeavouring to reduce Cyprus , in a fight there with his brother Philometor , was worsted : and when Philometor had reduced him , being besieged in the City Lapithus , unto extreme necessity , at last he took , but spared , him ; being naturally of a mild disposition , and because of that bond of consanguinity betwixt them , as also out of fear to give distaste to the people of Rome . Neither did he onely forgive him , but entered into covenant with him , whereby he obliged himself to resign back unto him , the kingdom of the Cyrenians , and in lieu of Cyprus , to demeane unto him certain Cities with a yearly allowance of corn ; promising also to espouse his daughter unto him . Thus was that war betwixt the two brothers , after that it had risen to the greatest alienation of affections , and extreme danger , of a sudden composed upon most gentle conditions , [ Polyb. & Diod. Sicul. in Excerpt . Valesii , pag. 197. 334 , 337. Liv. lib. 47. Zonar . ex Dione . ] Orophernes , considering with himself that the Romans had cut him short of what he enjoyed formerly , resolved as soon as possibly he could , to pay his mercenary souldiers : least that for want of their pay , they should chance to mutiny . But being at present somewhat bare of monies , he pillaged Jupiters Temple , situated at the foot of the Mount of Ariadne , which until that time was untouched : and out of that plunder , discharged all the arreares which were due to the souldiery , [ Diodor. in Excerpt . Valesii , pag. 337. ] Attalus , Eumenes his brother , and successor in the kingdom of Pergamus , drove Orophernes and Demetrius Soter quite out of Cappadocia , and restored Ariarathes , [ Polyb . ibid. pag. 169. Zonar . ex Dione . ] Demetrius Soter profered to Archias 500 talents , upon condition he would betray Cyprus unto him : promising him other gratuities and honours , if he would assist him herein . As Archias was going about the work , he was apprehended by Ptolemei ( Philometor ) and being questioned for the design , he hanged himself with the rope of the curtain which was drawn before the Hall , [ Polyb. in Excerpt . Valesii , pag. 170. & apud . Suidam , in voc . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ] Ariarathes , after he was restored unto the kingdom of Cappadocia , demanded of the Prienians the 400 talents , which Orophernes had deposited with them : but they honestly replyed , As long as Orophernes was alive , they would not deliver the money to any body but him , who had entrusted them with it : whereupon Ariarathes sent Troupers to pillage the Country ; Attalus assisted him , and indeed incited him to the work , there being a private grudge betwixt him and the Prienians : And notwithstanding the great slaughter that was made both of man and beast , and some were killed at the very gates of the City , yet could not the Prienians relieve them ; wherefore they sent their Embassadors to the Rhodians , but were glad at last to flee to the Romans for Protection : But Ariarathes lightly esteemed all reports , and although the Prienians had faithfully restored to Orophernes the mony deposited amongst them , yet did Ariarathes for that very thing , set a great fine upon them , and afflicted them with most sad calamities , and that without just cause , [ Polib . in Excerpt . Vales. pag. 173. ] Upon some differences arising betwixt Attalus and Prusias Venator , Year of the World 3848 King of Bithynia , The Julian Period . 4558 Attalus sent Andronicus , Year before Christ 156 Prusias Nicomedes and Antiphilus , Ambassadors to Rome : whereupon , the Senate sent Publius Lentulus to take cognisance of their cause . When Andronicus began to charge upon Prusias , the first invasion , the Romans were not much affected with what he said in that particular ; but began to suspect that Attalus had a mind to fall upon Prusias , to seek occasion of quarrel , and to get before hand with him in accusation : Prusias his Ambassadors protested that there was no such matter ; which made the Senate give lesse credit to what was alleadged against Prusias . But after a more strict search into the businss the Senate not very well knowing how far they might trust those Agents , sent two Ambassadors of their own , L. Apuleius , and C. Petronius , to see how the squares went betwixt those two Kings . [ Polyb. Legat. 128. ] Prusias , Year of the World 3849 having gotten a conquest over Attalus , entred Pergamus , and after he had at a great charge provided sacrifices , he went into Esculapius his Temple , and as soon as he had made an end of offering , he returned again to the Camp. The day following , failing in his designe and hopes of taking Attalus , he brought his forces to Nicephorium , lying under the walls of Pergamus , began to pillage all the Temples , and rifled and ransacked the Images and Statue , of the gods : and at last , the Image of Esculapius himself , to whom the day before he had offered so many vows and sacrifices , escaped not his hand ; which , because it was an excellent piece ( made by Philomachus or Phyromachus ) he carryed away with him , bearing it upon his own shouldiers . From thence he marched with his army to Elaea : and having attempted to besiege the City , when he saw he was not likely to do any good upon it , ( because Sosander , foster brother to Attalus , lay in the City with a strong Garrison , and beat him off ) he went away by ship to Thyatira : In the way he ransacked the Temple of Diana in Hiera Cume , As for Apollo Cynius his Tempe , about Temnus , he did not onely rifle it , but burnt it to the ground : and having so done , returned home . Having lost most of his foot souldiers by famine and the bloudy flux : neither had he better luck with his fleet at sea ; for by reason of a violent storm in Propontis , most of his ships were sunck in the midst of the sea , souldiers and marriners and all : and others wracked and cast on shore . [ Polyb. & D●odorus , Sicul. in Excerpt ▪ Valesii , pag. 169 , 170. & 337. cum Suidas . in Voce . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ] Attalus , after he had been beaten by Prusias , sent his brother Athenaeus along with Publius Lentulus , to acquaint the Senate with what had befallen him . [ Polyb. Legat. 128. ] After these two had made their full declaration in the Senate of Prusias his exploits , the fathers of the Senate forthwith ordered that C. Claudius Cento , L. Hortensius , and C. Aurunculeius should go Ambassadors with the aforesaid Lentulus , with instructions , to charge Prusias to forbear any farther to molest Attalus . [ Id. Legat. 129. ] P. Scipio and Marcus Marcellus being Consuls , the Athenians sent three of the most famous Philosophors of that age Ambassadors to the Senate and people of Rome . Carneades an Academick , a Cyrenian by birth , Diogenes the Stoick , a Babylonian born , and Critolaus the Peripatick , to get a release of the fine of 500 talents ( accorded by the judgement of the Sicyonians , but by commission from the Senate of Rome ) for their devastation of Oropus . When they were brought into the Senate , they made use of Caecilius , ( or C. Acilius rather ) a Senatour for their Interpreter ; although a little before , each of them severally , to shew their abilities , had discoursed in a great assembly of people . At that time , say Rutilius and Polybius , it was admirable to hear the eloquence of those three Philosophers in their several strains . Carneades was hot and fiery : Critolaus witty and smooth : Diogenes grave and Sober in his style . Clitomachus in his History written in Greek , relates , how that Carneades ( to whom Clitomachus was an Auditour ) and Diogenes the Stoick stood before the Senate in the Capitol ; A. Albinus , who was then Praetor , said in merriment to Carneades : I seem not ( O Carneades ) in your eyes as if I were a Praetor , because I am not a Philosopher , nor Rome a City , nor the people therein Citizens : to whom he replyed , This Stoick perhaps takes you for no such Person . As soon as Carneades had done speaking , Cato the Censor thought it fitting to dispatch away those Ambassadors incontinently , because , whilst he argued , the truth , could not easily be discerned . And because the bruite of those Philosophers spread all over the City , and the Roman youth laying aside all other pleasures and delights , ran as if they were mad after Philosophy : Cato , fearing least the youth should bend all their study that way , and make far greater account of the glory of eloquence , than of action and martial discipline , moved , That all Philosophers should be sent out of the City in a civill equipage : and when he came into the Senate , he checked the fathers , for that they suffered those Ambassadors ( who were also to perswade what they pleased ) to abide so long amongst them without an answer : wherefore he advised also , That they would without farther delay , conclude and decree something concerning the Embassie , that so they might get them home , and argue amongst their young Grecians ; and not to tamper with the youth of Rome , who were to be kept close to the obedience of the laws and magistrates as formerly . [ Cicero in Lucullo . & Tusculan . quest . lib. 4. & lib. 2. de oratore . Plin. lib. 7. cap. 30. Plutar. in Catone . Ma●ore . A. Gellius lib. 7. cap. 14. Maccab. lib. 1. Saturnal . cap. 5. ] At the same time that the Senate sent Qu. Opimius Consul , Year of the World 3850 to wage war with the Oxybians of Ligurea ( of which Polybius makes mention in the 134 Embassie ) Ptolemei the younger ( Euergetes ) came to Rome : The Julian Period . 4560 who as soon as ever he was entred the Senate , Year before Christ 254 fell foule upon his brother Philometor , charging him as the contriver of those ambushes , by which he had been way-laid : endeavouring withall , by displaying the skars of the wounds he had received to the eyes of the Spectators , and aggravating the businesse with all the Rhetorick he had , to work upon the affections of the people , and to bring them to a commiseration of his condition : there were present at the same time also Ambassadors from Ptolemei the Saviour , Neolaidas and Andromachus , who stood ready to satisfie all impeachments charged upon him by his brother , but the Senate would not suffer them to speak a word , so strangely had his brother prepossessed their minds by telling his tale first , these being suddainly commanded out of Rome , five Embassadors were designed , amongst whom were Cn. Merula , and L. Thermus , and to each of them were assigned Gallies of five orders of oars : their commission was to go along with the younger Ptolemei , and place him in the possession of Cyprus , They wrote also to their Allies in Greece and Asia , giving way for their assisting of Ptolemei in his recovering of Cyprus . [ Polyb. Legat. 132. ] When the Ambassadors from Rome were come to Prusias , they forbad him in the Senates name to proceed any farther in his hostility against Attalus , an Ally and confederate of the Romans . But upon this they charged him strictly , either to submit to the Senates decree , or to come with a thousand horse to the borders , there to argue the case with Attalus , who with the same number expected his coming thither . He , slighting Attalus his tender retinue , and hoping to surprize him , sent his Agents a little before , as if intending no lesse , than to follow after with his thousand men . But he drew up his whole army , as if he had come to fight , ( not to parley . ) Attalus and the Roman Legates , upon notice given them , hasted away : but Prusias seized upon the Roman carriages , took Nicephorum , and demolished it , fired the Temples that were in it , and having forced Attalus with the Roman Legates to fly into Pergamus for refuge , besieged it . [ Appian in Mithridaticis , pag. 172. ] When Hortensius and Aurunculeius were returned from Pergamus to Rome , and had declared with how great contempt Pusias had received the injunctions of the Senate ; who had , contrary to the league betwixt them , assayed all violence and injury against them and Attalus , after he had blocked them up in Pergamus . The fathers were so highly displeased , and moved by this affront , that they decreed ten Ambassadors should forthwith be dispatched away , amongst them were L. Anicius , C. Fannius , and Q. Fabius Maximus , with order to make an end of the war , and to compell Prusias to make satisfaction to Attalus for the damages he had sustained by this war. [ Polybius , Legat. 123. ] Whilst it was yet winter , Attalus had got together a considerable army : for , both Ariarathes , and Mithridates his confederates had sent under-hand both horse and foot , under the command of Demetrius , Ariarathes son . Whilst Attalus was busied in these his preparations , the Roman Ambassadors met him at Quada , and after they had conferred of all things with him , they went directly to Prusias : as soon as they came thither , they seriously signified unto him the pleasure of the Senate : Prusias promised he would do some things the Senate required of him , but denyed the most : whereupon , the Roman Embassadors to whom he had given great offence by his obstinacy , renounced that amity and allyance which had been formerly between them , and so all of them took their leaves of him , and set forward to go to Attalus . But Prusias , repenting of what he had done , made after the Embassadors , begging and beseeching them a long time : and when he saw no good could be done by his importunity , he gave them over , and returned home , not well knowing what course to take . In the mean time , the Romans advised Attalus to lye upon the confines of the kingdom with his army , but should not commit any act of hostility against any body , onely secure his own Cities and Villages from invasion , As for them , they divided themselves severall wayes ; some went to Rome to acquaint the Senate of King Prusias his pertinacy : others went into the Country of Ionia , and others of them to the Hellespont , and the Ports adjacent , to Byzantium ; all of them went upon one and the same designe of working men off allyance and compendance with Prusias , and bringing them to side with Attalus , and to assist him in what they could . [ Id. Legat. 135. ] Atheneus , Attalus his brother , soon after came with a great Fleet , consisting of 80 ships with decks , whereof five were of the Rhodians , and had been imployed in the war in Crete , twenty of Cyziceneans , twenty seven of Attalus , the other were of the Confederates setting out . He drave in a direct course to the Hellespont ; and wheresoever he sailed by any of the Cities under Prusias command , he put to shoar , and wasted their Countries , [ Id. Legat. 136. ] As soon as the Senate had taken an account of their Embassadors which were now returned from Prusias : they sent three others , Appius Claudius , Lucius Oppius , and Aulus Posthumus : upon their arriving in Asia they concluded the war , and prevailed with both the Kings to agree upon these conditions ; That Prusias should forthwith deliver up to Attalus 20 ships with Decks : That he should pay 500 talents within the space of 20 years : That either of them should keep what they had , before the breaking out of the war betwixt them . Moreover , Prusias was to satisfie for the damages which he did to the Countries of the Methymneans , Egeans , Cumai , and Heracleots , and to pay unto them 100 talents . After the Covenants were signed by both parties . Attalus returned home with all the forces he had brought either by sea or land , [ Id. ib. 175 , ] But Prusias , observing how distastful he had rendred himself to his Subjects by his enormous Tyranny , and considerig withall , how mightily his son Nicomedes was beloved of them , he grew jealous of his son , and sent him away to Rome , that he might live there . [ Appian . in Mithridatic pag. 173. ] Upon the revolting of the Antiochians from Demetrius Soter , Orophernes entred into combination with them , and contrived how to dethrone him , who had been not long since the principall in restoreing himself to his kingdom . Demetrius , having received intimation of this his designe , spared indeed his life , least Ariarathes should be freed from the fear of war from his brother , but seized his person , and commanded him to be kept close prisoner at Seleucia , yet the Antiochaeans , notwithstanding the discovery of the plot , were not so dismayed as to give over their enterprize : But , having drawn into their association Ptolemei King of Egypt , Attalus King of Asia , and Ariarthes of Cappadocia , being provoked by war from Demetrius , they suborne a certain obscure youth , an Aliant , who was to lay claim to the kingdom of Syria , as being his fathers , and to assay the recovery thereof by force of arms ; and that the confront might be compleat , they called him Alexander , and gave out , that he was son to King Antiochus ; such an universall Odium , had Demetrius contracted upon himself , that his rivall had confered upon him by consent of all , not onely strength and power befitting a King , but also royalty of extraction . [ Justin lib. 35. cap. 1. ] This Alexander , in the Epitome of the 52 book of Livie , is said to have been an obscure person , and whose descent was not very well known , Athenaeus stiles him , Suppositious son of Antiochus Epiphanes . [ lib. 5. cap. 10. ] Appian , one who shuffled himself into the family of those that were descended from Seleucus . [ in Syriac . pag. 31. Sulpitius Severus , A youth bred up at Rhodes , who falsely bragged of himself , that he was son to Antiochus . [ Histor. Sacra . lib. 2. ] Strabo , [ lib. 16. pag. 751. ] surnamed Balas , and Josephus , [ lib. 13. cap. 8. ] Balles . Heraclides , ( whom Antiochus Epiphanes formerly had appointed over the treasury at Babylon ) brought this Alexander with him to Rome , together with Laodice ( Antiochus Epiphanes his daughter ) in the midst of summer . Whilst he stayed at Rome , he bare the guarb of some great person , and did all things very subtilly , purposely drilling out the time , hoping to encline the Senate to favour his designe . [ Polyb. Legat. 138. ] Attalus son of King Eumenes ( in whose name his Uncle Attalus governed the kingdom of Pergamus ) being yet a very child , Year of the World 3851. a. came to Rome , that he might ingratiate himself with the Senate , and renew that friendship and right of hospitality , which formerly had been betwixt his father and the people of Rome : who after he had been treated with most extraordinary civillity by the Senate ; and his fathers friends , had received an answer to his own hearts wish , and had been ennobled with such honours as were sutable to a child of his age , within few daies he returned to Rome : all the Cities of Greece , through which he passed , receiving him with great devotion and magninificence . [ Id. Legat. 140. ] Demetrius , ( afterward called Nicator , son of the then reigning Demetrius Soter in Syria ) was at the same time at Rome . His receptation was but ordinary , being but a child , and his stay not long . [ Id. ib. ] Heraclides , Year of the World b. having tarryed somwhat long at Rome , The Julian Period . 4561 came into the Senate with Laodice and Alexander ( Balas ) where first the youngster made a short speech , Year before Christ 153 wherein he desired , That the Romans would be pleased to remember that friendship and allyance which had been formerly betwixt them and his father Antiochus , and that they would further him in the recovery of his kingdom ; or , if they had no great mind to that , that at least they would permit him to return into Syria , and that they would not stave off any of those , who were ready to assist him in the regaining of his fathers kingdom . Next spoke Heraclides , who after he had at large recited the worth and merits of Antiochus , and thereto adjoyned an impeachment of Demetrius ( Soter ) at last concluded , That it was right and just to grant unto the youth ( Alexander ) and to Laodice ( who were the lawful issue of King Antiochus ) leave to return into their Country . But little or nothing of all he said was liked by sober-minded men , who accounted all he had spoken a fiction , and a tale of his own devising , and did utterly detest Heraclides . But the meaner sort of the Senatours , whom Heraclides by his delusions had made his friends , all accorded , that a Decree of the Senate should be drawn to this purport . That the Senate had given way to Alexander and Laodice ( children of a King who was a friend and an associate of the people of Rome ) pleading in the Senate , to return to their fathers kingdom by right of former inheritance , and withal decreed to assist them , according to their decrees . Hereupon Heraclides presently hired him soudiers , and drew very considerable persons to be on his side : Then came to Ephesus , where he began with all earnestnesse to set on foot the war he had had so long in his head , [ Id. ibid. ] In the 160 year of the kingdom of the Greeks , Year of the World c. Alexander ( Bala ) crying himself up for the son of Antiochus Epiphanes , seized upon Ptolemais ( a City of Phenicia ) which was betrayed unto him by the souldiers therein garrisoned , [ 1 Mac. 10. 1 Joseph . lib. 13. cap. 3. ] who could not endure Demetrius his behaviour , being of an harsh disposition and very insolent : for his humour was to immure himself up in one of the Castles royal , fortified with four turrets , not far from Antioch , and to admit no body to come unto him : where , laying aside all care of the publick , he trifled away his time in idlenesse . Demetrius Soter , hearing that Alexander was received into Ptolemais , and began to reign there , he mustered together a very great force , with a resolution to march against him , and fight him . [ 1 Mac. 10. 1 , 2. ] But Demetrius , considering the hazard of the war , and the uncertainty of the events , sent two of his sons ( Demetrius Nicator , and Antiochus Sideres ; both of whom afterwards were Kings of Syria ) with a great weight of gold to his host at Cridus : that there they might be secured out of the dangers of the war , and , if it so fell out , reserved alive to avenge their fathers quarrel hereafter , [ Liv. lib. 52. Justin. lib. 35. cap. 2. ] Demetrius wrote letters also to Jonathan , whereby he renewed peace with him , and gave him authority to levy Forces , and to provide armes , that he might be his assistant in the war against Alexander : he commanded likewise , that the hostages which were kept in the Fort , should be released . Upon Jonathans reading of the letters openly at Hierusalem ; those which were in the Fort , for very fear , resigned up the hostages to him , and he them to their parents , [ 1 Mac. 10. 3 , 9. ] Jonathan , Year of the World d. very wisely making good use of this opportunity , dwelt at Jerusalem , and began to re-edifie and repair it . He took care also to build up the walls , and the Mount Sion round about with square stones , for the fortifying of it . So that the aliants which were in the Forts which Bacchides built , quitted their hold , and every one hasted away to his own land : Onely , there remained at Bethsura , some of the Apostates and Deserts of the Law ; holding this as their place of refuge , [ Ibid. 10. 14. ] Alexander had heard in the mean time , of the fair promises which Demetrius had made to Jonathan in his letters he sent : whereupon he also by letters courts his friendship and association : ordained him High-Priest of that Nation , honoured him with the Title of being called the Kings friend , and withal sent him a Purple Robe , and a Crown of gold , [ Ibid. 15. 20. ] Jonathan put on the holy vestment on the seventh moneth of the 160 year of the kingdom of the Grecians , Year of the World 3852 at the Feast of Tabernacles , [ 1 Mac. 10. 21. ] being the ninth , not the fourth year ( as it is in Josephus lib. 13. cap. 5. ) after the decease of his brother Judas : For by that account , Judas dyed not before the 164 year of the Grecians ; expressely against the truth of the History of the Maccabees , [ 1 Mac. 9. 3 , 18 , 54. ] which error sprang from that other , concerning Judas his succeeding of Alcimus in the High-Priesthood : which ( as we have shewen ) was soon after acknowledged by Josephus himself , clearly professing , that no one succeeded after the decease of Jacimus or Alcimus ; but that the City was destitute of a High-Priest , for the space of seven entire years , [ lib. 20. cap. 8. ] which seven years expired , and five moneths over ; Jonathan now discharged the Office of the High-Priesthood . He was first of the Hasmoneans , descended from Jehojarib , the Priests family indeed , but not from Jaddus the High-Priest , whose heir Onias , at this instant lived in Egypt with Ptolemei Philometor . Demetrius Soter , grieving that the Jews were inclined to take Alexanders part , hoped to bring them off again by the relaxation of their arreares , and all the tributes ( whereby the Macedonians had hitherto miserably oppressed that Nation ) and large promises of other honourable concessions . Jonathan and the people of the Jews were not much affected with those profuse engagements , and profers ; considering , that they came from a man , who had sufficiently evidenced by his former pranks , how perfectly he hated them , and that he would not perform a tittle , if once he got loose from those briars in which he was at present entangled . Whereupon , disclaiming Demetrius , they stuck close to Alexander , who had first articled with them concerning a peace , and from that time forward , they continued his confederates in the War , [ 1 Maccab. 10. 22 , 47. ] One Andriscus an Adramyttean , The Julian Period . 4562 a contemptible person , Year before Christ 152 gave out that he was the son of Perseus , the last King of the Macedonians , and changing his name , called himself Philip : He endeavoured to breed some disturbance in Macedonia ; but when he saw that no body regarded him , he went into Syria , and made his addresse to Demetrius Soter ( whose Sister was Perseus his Wife ) phansying to himself a possibility of craving some assistance thence . ( For the better accomplishing of his design ) he devised this tale . That he was descended from King Perseus by a Curtezan , and placed out with one Cyrthesa to receive his education : That so , at least a seed of the Royal Stock might be preserved , in case the war , which at that time he had with the Romans , might not prove successeful . After Perseus's decease , he was kept in ignorance of his descent , and believed until he came to twelve years of age , that the man with whom he was brought up at Adramyttum , was his father : afterwards the man falling sick , and drawing now his last breath ; His descent was discovered , and that a little book was given to his reputed mother signed with King Perseus his Signet , which she was to give to him when he came to age , with the highest protestations , to keep all close and private till then : when he came to age , the book was delivered up to him , in which two treasures were mentioned left him by his father : Then the woman who knew he was not her own , but a suborned son , informed him , being ignorant of it , whence was his true descent ; begging him earnestly to withdraw from those parts before the businesse came to Eumenes his eare , who was Perseus his sworn enemy ; least happily they should be put to death . For this lye he was attached by King Demetrius and sent to Rome ; where , when it appeared that he was neither the son of Perseus , nor had besides any thing remarkable in him , he was slighted and contemned , [ Liv. lib. 48. & 49. Zonar . ex Dione . ] Alexander Balas , Year of the World 3854 what with the souldiery which revolted from King Demetrius in Syria , The Julian Period . 4564 and the auxiliares of Attalus , Year before Christ 150 Ariarathes , Jonathan , and especially of Ptolemei Philom●tor , having gotten together a considerable army , encountred with Demetrius : And to speak truth , the left wing of Demetrius army routed the adverse Party , and made them flee , and pursued them so hard , that they had also the plunder of their Camp : But the right wing , in which Demetrius himself fought , was forced to give ground : But Demetrius ( the rest with all haste betaking themselves to their heeles ) behaved himself very valiantly , killing some of his enemies out-right , and chasing others of them , who were not able to withstand the violence of his charge : until such time , he happened upon a sl●ugh , deep and unpassable : where , past all hopes of escaping , by reaso● that his horse fell all along , the enemy environed him round , and stroke him thorough with their darts ; but he fought very gallantly afoot , until he fell down dead , having received many wounds , [ 1 Maccab. 10. 48 , 49 , 50. Joseph . lib. 13. cap. 5. Justin. lib. 35. cap. 1. Appian . Syriac . pag. 131. ] Thus Demetrius , af●er he had reigned in Syria twelve years , the rest of the Kings conspiring against him , lost both his life and his kingdom together ; as Polybius hath it , [ lib. 3. pag. 165. ] whom Porphyrius ( who well knew Demetrius ) [ in Graec. Enseb. Scaliger , pag. 228. ] Eusebius , and Severus Sulpicius , follow in assigning him 12 years reign : although Josephus allows him but eleven . Upon Demetrius his death , ( who left behind him two sons , Demetrius and Antiochus ) a little before the Achaick war ; there appeared a Comet , not lesse than the Sun. At first the Orb was fiery and ruddie , and casting a clear light , whereby the night was enlightned . Afterwards it began to lessen in bignesse , and its brightnesse vanished , and at last quite disappeared , [ Senec. Natural . quaest . lib. 7. cap. 15. ] After Alexander , by the more especial assistance of Ptolemei Philometor ( as Appian testifieth ) had deprived Demetrius both of his life and kingdom : he sent Embassadors to Ptolemei , to negotiate a match betwixt him and his daughter . Ptolemei readily assented , and forthwith came out of Egypt to Ptolemais with his daughter Cleopatra ( a woman born to ruine the kingdom of Syria ) in the 162 year of the kingdom of the Grecians , ( in the close of the year ; ) where the Nuptials betwixt Alexander and Cleopatra were celebrated with such magnificent solemnity , as is commonly observed at the Marriage of Princes , [ 1 Mac. 10. 51 , 58. ] Jonathan was by Alexander invited to this wedding , who presented those , two Kings , and their friends likewise with gold and silver , and many other gifts ; so that hereby he insinuated himself much into their favour . At the same time , a pack of malevolent fellows , came out of the land of Israel , to accuse Jonathan : But Alexander was so far from giving any heed to those detractours , that he commanded that Jonathan should be cloathed in purple , and that he should sit next to him : and ordered also , the Piers of his realm to attend him into the midst of Ptolemais , and by proclamation inhibite any one to speak against him , or to molest him in any matters ; whereupon , his accusers vanished out of his sight . The King also shewed him a great deal of honour , by listing him amongst those that were reputed his most intimate friends , and constituting him Generalissimo ( of his forces in Judea ) and shared the dominion with him ( in his own Court : ) So Jonathan returned back to Jerusalem in peace and great joy . [ Ibid. 59 , — 62. ] Onias , son of the High Priest , Onias the third of that name , who lived a runnagado with Ptolemei Philometor at Alexandria , now beyond all hope of recoverning the High Priesthood of Jerusalem ( it being transferred upon the family of the Hermoneans ) aspiring to get himself a name to all posterity , intimated to King Ptolemei , and Queen Cleopatra ( who was both wife and sister to him ) by way of petition , that whilst he was imployed in the war in divers Countries , he observed how that in Coelosyria , Phaenice , and Leontopolis in the Heliopolitan jurisdiction of Egypt , and in divers other places the Jews had their Temples , which was the cause of all those bickerings and contests which were so rife amongst them . He requested therefore , That he might have leave to purifie an old ruinous Temple , ( not as yet consecrated to any god , ) which he had found standing near the Castle of Bubastis in the plain , and to erect another in the same place to the Almighty God , after the model of that at Jerusalem , both for figure and bulk , that so the Jews living in Egypt , might keep their assemblies there , which would be a great means , both of preserving unity amongst themselves , as also of putting them in a readinesse to serve their Majesties upon all occasions . For indeed , the Prophet Isaiah foretold , That there should be in after ages , an Altar erected unto the Lord God in Egypt : and prophesied many other things besides concerning that place . [ Isoephus , lib. 13. cap. 6. ] Where by the way it is to be observed , first , That Onias did not set upon the building of the new Temple , when he came first to Philometor and Cleopatra into Egypt : but after he had done them good service , both in the Egyptian and Syrian wars : for Josephus in his second book against Appian [ p. 1064. ] voucheth , That Philometor and Cleopatra , committing their whole kingdom to the Jews to ravage , appointed Onias and Dositheus ( both Jews ) over the whole Militia . And again , that Prophesie of Isaiah , which Onias wrested to support his sacrilegious ambition , had respect to the spirituall kingdom of our Lord Christ : the place is to be found in the 19 Chapter of Isaiah , 18 , 19. verses , In that day shall there be five Cities in the land of Egypt , speaking the language of Canaan , and sworne to the Lord of Hosts , one shall be called a City of destruction . In that day shall there be an Altar to the Lord in the midst of the land of Egypt , and a Pillar to the Lord at the border thereof : where for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 City of Ierusalem , by reason of the great resemblance of the letters to each other , it was formerly read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is to say , the City of the Sun , as Simmachus hath interpreted it : so also Jerom hath rendred it , One of them shall be called the City of the Sun. The Chaldee Paraphrast puts them together , The City of the Sun which shall be destroyed : Upon which occasion perhaps Scaliger guesseth , that Onias chose the Heliopolitan tract , wherein he might build the Temple . Onias , having got a grant of the place in the field under that Heliopolitan seigniory 180 furlongs distant from Memphis , erected a Temple there , neither so big nor so costly , as that at Jerusalem : The Tower indeed of this was like to that of the other , of great stones , and 60 cubits high , The fabrick of the Altar he made , was in imitation of that in his own Country , and furnished it with the same utensils , excepting the Candlestick : For he made no Candlestick , but in leive of that the golden Lamp , which sparkling as it were with a beam of light he hung upon a chain of gold , he surrounded also the Temple with a wall of brick , in which were made gates of stone . The King also passed a grant of a great proportion of land , and revenue in mony , that the Priests might be supplyed with necesaries for the worship of God. Onias also found out some Jews , who were like himself ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 That inhabited the region of Onias ) [ Iosephus . lib. 14. Antiquit. cap. 14. & lib. 1. Belli . cap. 7. ] and Priests and Levites , who there frequented divine service : [ Josephus lib. 7. of the Jewish war , cap. 37. compared with lib. 13. Antiquit. cap. 6. yet in the Meshna , tract . Minhoth cap. 13. Sect. 10. ] the Priests which ministred in Onias Temple were accounted ( and that not undeservedly ) little better than the Priests of the high places , who were not permitted , ( as appears out of 2 Kings , 23. 9. ) to offer burnt offerings upon the Altar of the Lord at Jerusalem , but onely to eat unleavened bread ( like to the unclean Priests ) among their brethren . At Alexandria there arose a sedition betwixt the Jews and the Samaritans , concerning their holy Solemnities , the one contending the Temple of Jerusalem , the other that of Gerizim , to be the lawfull Temple , and according to Moses his prescription : both parties appealed to Ptolemei Philometor , and a Session of his friends , for the hearing and decision of the cause : in such wise , That the advocates of that part which happened to be overthrown in the processe , should be sentenced to death . Sabbeus and Theodosius pleaded on the Samaritans behalf , Andronicus the son of Messalamus was on the Jews side : they took their oathes by God and the King , That they would use no arguments but such as they drew out of the law : and they moved the King , That he would put to death , whosoever of them were taken falsifieing their oath : the King with many of his friends , at the Council tables heard the whole debate : and at length perswaded by Andronicus his allegations , determined that the Temple in Jerusalem was that which was built by Moses's directions : as for Sabbas and Theodosias , they were both of them by him ( as was covenanted betwixt them ) sentenced to death . [ Joseph . lib. 13. cap. 6. ] At the same time Aristobulus a Jew , being a Peripatetick Philosopher , grew famous at Philometors Court in Egypt , who wrote a Comment upon Moses , and dedicated it to the same King. Out of the Preface of which book to the King , a famous passage is quoted by Clemens Alexandrinus lib. 1. Stromat , and by Eusebius in Preparat . Evangel . lib. 13. cap. 7. who both there , and in the eighth book of the same work , cap. 3. takes somewhat large fragments out of these same Comments . In this year began the third Carthaginian war , Year of the World 3855 to which Mithridates Euergetes , The Julian Period . 4565 who was the first of the Kings of Pontus , Year before Christ 149 that would confederate with the people of Rome , brought a supply of ships against the Carthaginians , [ Appian . in Mithridatic . p. 176. ] Both the Consuls were sent to manage this war : Manilius had the conduct of the land forces . Marcius Censorinus was Admiral of the fleet , who received private instructions , by no means to give over the war , till such time as they had demolished Carthage . [ Liv. lib. 49. Appian . in Libyc . pag. 42. ] Andriscus or the false Philip , having stole privately out of Rome , levied an army , and seized upon all Macedonia , and the Royall Ensignes , either with the consent of the inhabitants , or by force of arms , in the third year of the 157 Olympiade . He thought also to invade Thessaly , and to bring it under his command , but through the instigation of the Roman Legates , it was defended by the help of the Achaians , [ Livie lib. 49. & 50. Vellei Patercul . lib. 1. Porphyr . in Graec. Euseb , Scalig. pag , 229. ] Prusias Venator , King of Bithynia , understanding that his son Nicomedes was in some favour at Rome , ordered him to go to the Senate , and obtain of them , That the arrears of the mony , which was due to Attalus , might be taken off : He sent also an Ambassador , Menas , to be his assistant : to whom under covert , he gave command to respite Nicomedes , if he succeeded in his suit , if otherwise , to kill him at Rome out of hand , [ Appian . in Mithridatic . pag. 173. ] providing thereby for his younger sons which he had by a second venter . [ Justin. lib. 34. cap. 4. ] whereof one , of the same name with his father , had no teeth in his upper mandible , but instead thereof , one continued bone , so evenly growing out , that it neither disfigured him , nor yet was any inconvenience to him in his chewing . [ Liv. lib. 50. Valer. Maxim. lib. 1. cap. ult . Plin. lib. 7. cap. 16. ] Prusias set out his Ambassdor Menas with some large ships , and two thousand souldiers : To oppose him , Andronicus was sent Embassador from Attalus ; who made it clearly appear , That the fine which was layd upon Prusias , was far lesse than the booty he had got by pillaging the Country . Menas , perceiving that he was in small hopes of getting Prusias his fine taken off , and observing also in how high esteem Nicomedes was in Rome , he was at a stand , not knowing what course to take ; neither daring to kill Nicomedes , nor yet , failing in that , to turne back to Bithynia . In this suspence , he abode still at Rome , where the young man ( Nicomedes ) gave him a meeting , which went not much against his stomack : they conspired against Prusias , and drew Andronicus into their confederacy , who was to perswade his master Attalus to help to settle Nicomedes in Bithynia ; they all met together at Bernice , a little Town in Epirus , and at night time went aboard a ship , to consult amongst themselves what was fittest to be done in this businesse : when the debate was ended , they departed severall wayes the same night . But in the morning , Nicomedes comes ashoar in his purple , and with his Crown on his head , like a King : Andronicus met him soon after , and having saluted him King , attended him with 100 souldiers he had about him . As for Menas , he made as if he wot not that Nicomedes was in company till then : but then he ran to and fro about the two thousand souldiers he had brought with him , and exhorted them to stick close to that Party , which should seem most deserving : intimating withal , That Prusias was now an aged man , Nicomedes in his young blood : That the Bithynians were weary of him , but desirous of this , That the best sort of the Romans affected this youth extremely , and that Andronicus , now Captain of his Guard , had promised assistance from Attalus , a neighbouring King , and one that had wide Dominions , and besides , was a most inveterate enemy to Prusias . He minded them also of Prusias his cruelty , discovering many of his pranks , whereby he had incurrd a general hatred : as soon as Menas espyed in these souldiers also a disrellish of his villanies ; he carryed them all away with him to Nicomedes : He was the second after Andronicus that saluted him King , encompassing him about with a guard of 2000 souldiers , [ Appian . ut supr . pag. 173 , 174. ] Attalus was very forward in receiving the youth , and sent to Prusias , commands to assign over unto his son , some Cities to dwell in , and fields for provision : Prusias answered , That he would ere long give him Attalus his whole kingdom ; for whose sake he had formerly invaded Asia . Having thus said , he dispatched some away to Rome , to accuse Nicomedes and Attalus , and cite them both to a trial , [ Id. ibid. pag. 174. ] Nicomedes , encouraged by Phaellon , ( or rather Phaennis ) Epirus's Oracle , which he interpreted by his own emoluments and advantages , upon the instigation of Attalus , waged war with his father Prusias , [ Zosim . Histor. lib. 2. ] As soon as he and Attalus with their Forces came into Bithynia , the Bithynians began to revolt : Whereupon Prusias durst not trust himself with any body ( of his own subjects ) His hope was , That the Romans would relieve him ; in expectation whereof , he shut himself up in a castle of Nicaea : having procured of Dirgylles a Thracian ( his father in law ) 500 Thracians , which he appointed to be his life guard , [ Appian . Mithridatic . pag. 174. ] The Roman Cities Praetor did not conduct to the Senate the Embassadors from Prusias , Year of the World 3856 as soon as they arrived at Rome , intending thereby to do Attalus a courtesie : and after he had ushered them into the Senate , and was commanded to make choice of some Embassadors , which might compromize the war , he chose three : one of which , having been formerly wounded on the head with a great stone , was much disfigured with scars : a second was lame on his feet , and the third , a very fool and sot : Cato Censorinus ( who soon after died in the 85 year of his age ) in a jeere to them , said , That the Romans sent an Embassie which had neither head , feet , nor heart , [ Id. ibid. lib. 50. Plutarch . in Catone majore . ] The Embassadors , as soon as they came into Bithynia , commanded both parties to lay down their armes : Nicomedes and Attalus made as if they were ready to submit to the authority of the Senate , but the Bithynians ( who were put upon the businesse , and pre-instructed by Nicomedes and Attalus what they should do ) said peremptorily , That they were not able any longer to endure Prusias his tyranny , especially now they had evidenced unto him , ( by this present engagement ) how much they disliked his government . The Embassadors ( in regard that the Bithynians had not as yet made known these their greivances to the Senate ) returned home again , having done nothing in the businesse they came about ▪ Prusias , now despairing of any relief from the Romans , in confidence of whom he had hitherto forborn to sollicite helpes elsewhere , passed over to Nicomedia , intending to fortifie that place , and from thence to prohibite the enemies entrance : but the Townsmen deserted their King , and opened the gates to the enemy . Whereupon Prusias betook himself to Jupiters Temple , trusting the religion and respect due to that place would have been his protection : but Nicomedes sent some of his Party , who killed him in the place , [ Appian . Mithridatic . pag. 174 , 175. ] Diodorus Siculus relates , That Prusias , fleeing for his own security to the Altar of Jupiter , was slain by his son Nicomedes , his own hand , [ in Photii . Bibliotheca . cod . 244. ] Strabo tells us , he was slain by Attalus , [ lib. 13. pag. 624. ] Livy , by his son , but with Attalus his assistance , [ lib. 50. ] By his own subjects , saith Zonaras , out of Dion . For Polybius reports how he had contracted from his Bithynians such a general dislike , [ in Excerpt . Valesii , pag. 174. & Suidas in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ] that they all appeared against him in such multitudes , and with such violence , as if their design had been , not onely to revolt from him , but principally to avenge themselves of him for the notable miscarriages in his government . Andriscus , or the false Philip , in Macedonia , encountred with Juventius the Roman Praetor , who was sent with a legion against him , wan the field , slew Juventius himself , and killed upon the place , the greatest part of the Roman army . From thence he made an impression into Thessaly , wasted most part of the Country , and took the Thracians into association , [ Liv. lib. 50. Flor. Histor. lib. 2. cap. 14. Eutrop. lib. 4. Zonar . ex . Dione , Oros. lib. 4. cap. 22. ] Upon these his successes , he betook himself to acts of cruelty and tyrannical insolencies . There was not a wealthy person which he put not to death upon false accusations . He spared not his most intimate friends , but dispatched many of them out of the way : For he was naturally of a fierce and bloody disposition , in his familiar entercourses , proud and haughty , and at last , deeply engaged in coveteousnesse , and all manner of vice . [ Diodor. Sicul. in Excerpt . Valesii , pag. 342. ] Alexander Bala in Syria , The Julian Period . 4566 having quite given himself over to riot and luxury , Year before Christ 148 his friend Ammonius managed the affaris of the kingdom ; who put to death all the Kings friends , Laodice the Queen ( the daughter of Antiochus Epiphanes ) and Antigonus Demetrius his sonne , [ Livie lib. 50. Josephus lib. 13. cap. 8. Athenaeus , lib. 5. cap. 10. ] In the 165 year of the Grecians , Demetrius the eldest son of Demetrius Soter , now in the flower of his age , hearing of Alexanders degenerating into all luxury , ( whom those vast incomes which he scarce dreamed he should ever have arrived unto , and the ornaments of an usurped Sovereignty , kept as it were close prisoner within his own Palace , amongst a company of Curtezans ) procured of Lasthenes the Cretian , a considerable force of mercenary souldires , and with them , he loosed from Crete , and sailed over into Cilicia . The news thereof so frighted Alexander , that he posted away in all haste from Phenice to Antioch , to settle things before Demetrius his arrival . The government of Antioch he committed to Hieraces and Diodorus , who is the same with Tryphon , [ 1 Mac. 11. 39. 1 Mac. 10. 67 , 68. Joseph . lib. 13. cap. 8 , Justin. lib. 35. cap. 2. Diodor. Siculus , in Excerpt . Valesii , pag. 346. ] Apollonius ( sirnamed Daus by Josephus ) Governour of Coelosyria , joyned with Demetrius : whom he made General of his Forces , which he sent against those Jews which remained loyal and constant in their engagement to Alexander . Apollonius , having gotten together a great army , the terror whereof made many fall off from Alexander to Demetrius , encamped at Jamnia , and sent to Jonathan ( the Jews General , and High-Priest ) a ranting challenge to meet him , if he dared , and fight in the plain field . This enflamed Jonathan so highly , that he forthwith marched out of Hierusalem with 10000 men : where his brother Simon met him , to assist him . They pitched their tents before Joppa ; but Apollonius his souldiers which were garrisoned there , shut them out ; whereupon they layed siege and began their battries , which so dismayed the Citizens , that they opened their gates immediately , and resigned up the City , [ 1 Mac. 10. 69 , 76. ] As soon as Apollonius heard of the losing of Joppa , he marched away to Azotus with three thousand Horse , and his infantry ; ( which Josephus sayes consisted of 8000 ) having placed in ambush 1000 of his Horse , who were to fall upon Jonathans reare , as soon as he was past the place where the ambush lay : and Apollonius himself faceing about , would charge the enemies Van ; so that the Jews were to be assaulted one both hands . As soon as Jonathan was passed the place , and espyed these of the ambush to discover themselves , and to encompasse his Camp : He commanded his men to stand still , and receive the enemies darts with their sheilds : When the Horse had quite tired out themselves , and exhausted their quivers , having played their darts from morning till night . Then Simon lead up his Forces against the enemies Foot ; discomfited them , and made them quit the field . The Horse upon their routing , made what haste they could to get to Azotus , and they entred into Bethdagon their idol Temple for their safety . But Jonathan set fire on Azotus , and the Cities round about it ; took great spoiles , burnt Dagons Temple to the ground , and also they that had fled thither perished in the flames : So that near 8000 men were destroyed by the sword and by the fire . Jonathan removed thence and pitched before Ascalon , where the men of the City treated him very nobly . After this victory Jonathan returned Conqueror to Hierusalem with his army loaded with great booty and spoiles . When King Alexander heard the news of Jonathans successes , he continued to shew his respects to him , and sent him a golden buckler , which was usually given to those of the blood Royal ; he gave also Accaron with its territories ( a City of the Philistins ) to him and his heirs for ever , [ Ibid. 77 , 89. ] The Carthaginians , after they had got the better in their encounter with Piso the Consul , at Hippo , sent their Embassadors into Macedonia , to Andriscus ( generally reputed the son of Perseus ) moving him to persist couragiously in his war against the Romans ; promising , that he should never want money nor shipping from Carthage , [ Appian . in Libyc . pag. 67. ] Q. Caecilius Metellus , the Roman Praetor ( not Consul , as Florus hath it , and the Latin Interpreter of Pausanias his Achaicks ) being sent against Andriscus with a great army , came into Macedonia ; There he perswaded the Commissioners ( which the Senate had sent to receive information of the affairs in Asia , ) that before they passed over thither , they would go to the Commanders of the Achaians , and charge them for a while to surcease the war they had undertaken against the Lacedemonians . They delivered to Damocritus and the Achaians , the injunctions ( they received from Mebellas ) when they had now led up their army , against the Lacedemonians ; so that when they perceived that no discourse of theirs wrought any thing upon the resolutions of the Achaians , they went onward into Asia , [ Pausan. in Acha●cis , pag. 218. ] Metellus being entred Macedonia , Attalus brought his fleet to his assistance , by the help whereof he put a stop to Andriscus , who was somewhat fearfull of the sea coast , who having brought up his army a little beyond Pydna , though his Cavalry had got the better of the enemy , yet here treated back for fear of the Roman foot , and divided his army into two brigades , one of them he sent into T●●ssaly to wast that Country , the other he kept to himself . Metellus , not much valuing that inconsiderable party , marched towards them ; and having beaten their forelorne , discomfited the main body : Andriscus fled into Thracia , where after he had levyed a new army engaged with Metelius , but upon the overthrow of his party , he fled to Byzes , a petty King of Thrace , who betrayed him into the hands of Metellus . One Alexander also , who gave out , that he was the son of Perseus , having gathered an army , seized upon part of the Country which lay next to the river Nestus ; but Metellus pursued him as far as Dardania . [ Strabo lib. 1. 13. pag. 624. Vellei . Paterculi lib. 1. Flor. lib. 2. cap. 14. Zonar . ex Dione . ] The false-Philips power by the loss of 25000 of his souldiers thus utterly defeated , and himself also taken prisoner , Macedonia was recovered by the Romans , [ Eutrop. lib. 43. ] Spurius Postumius and Lucius Piso being Consuls , [ Jul. Obsequens , de prodigiis . ] in the fourth year of the 157 Olympiad , ( in the close of the year ) [ Porphyr . in Graec. Euseb. Scalig , pag. 229. ] P. Cornelius Scipio , the Consul , with his own fleet , and five ships of the Sidenses , which Mithridates King of Pontus sent unto him , fought at sea with the Carthaginians before the walls of Carthage . [ Appian . Libyc . page 75 , 76. ] The Aradans contriving the ruine of the Maratheans ( in Phaenicia ) sent privately to Ammonius , ( who at that time was Viceroy in Syria under Alexander Bala ) ●ffering him 300 talents , prevailed with him to deliver them Marathum : Whereupon Ammonius sent Isodore to the Maratheans , who , by his speech , was to pretend some other matters , but really went to excuse the commands he received to seize upon Marathum , and to deliver it up to the Aradians . The Marathiaus , observing how that the Aradiaus were higher than themselves in the Kings favour ; denying the Kings souldiers entrance into their City , out of the most aged Citizens , made choice of ten of the most famous amongst them , and sent them as suppliants to the Island Aradus , with some of the oldest images of their gods which they had in their City : hoping therewith to appease the fury of the Aradians . But the Aradians bloud being up , and highly provoked , slighted the common law of such humble addresses , cast of all reverence of the gods , brake the images , and trampled them most shamefully under their feet . And when the Ambassadors were stoned by the people , some Senatours which interposed themselves , had much adoe to convey them safe to prison . Who , when they made their complaints , and pleaded the priviledge of suppliants , and the sacred , and not to be violated rites of Ambassadors , they were massacred by a company of impudent young fellows . The authors of this villany came immediately after into the assembly , and having taken of the rings off those Maratheans which they had killed , they counterfeited letters to the Maratheans in the Ambassadors names ; in which they intimated that the Aradians would suddenly send them some supplies : upon this policy , That the Maratheans , ignorant of the plot , having admitted the Aradian forces into their City , in confidence they came for no other end but to assist them , might be surprized unawares . Whereupon they seized upon all the ships belonging to private men , least happily some one might discover their plot to the Maratheans : for all this , a certain Marriner , a friend to the Maratheans , pittying their sad condition , ( who usually sayled in the neighbouring sea ) took his ship , and by night boldly passed that streight , which consisted of about eight furlongs , and discovered to the Maratheans , how that the Aradians had a designe of circumventing them . When the Aradians perceived their plot was revealed , they desisted to deal any longer by letters . [ Diodor. Sicul. Legat. 29. & in Excerpt . Valesii . pag. 349 , 350. ] But they setting upon Marathum by open force ; they took the City , demolished it , and shared the territory amongst themselves . [ Strabo . lib. 16. pag. 753. ] A fourth observation of the Autumnall Equinox . Year of the World 3858 was made by Hipparchus at midnight , in the 32 year of the third Calippic Period . On the third day of the Egyptian Additionalls ( at the beginning of the 27 day of the Julian Septem . ) the 178 year from the death of Alexander , or rather 177 ending , the 178 , being to begin after two dayes next ensuing . [ Ptol. lib. 3. cap. 2. ] In the same year of the same Calippic Period , The Julian Period 4568 the 178 year from the death of Alexander , Year before Christ 146 on the 27 day of the Egyptian moneth Mechir , ( the 24 day of March Julian ) in the morning , Hipparchus writeth , that the Vernal Equinox was most exactly observed by him . [ Id. Ibid. ] C● . Cornelius Lentulus , and Lucius Mummius being Consuls , Carthage was demolished . [ Vellei . Paterc . lib. 1. ] On which occasion , Scipio , considering the revolutions of humane affairs , and fearing least some such fate should happen some time or other to Rome it self , pronounced these verses , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . The day shall come when sacred Troy shall fall , And Priam with his stock sink therewithall . As he himself confessed to his Master Polybius , who was then present , and hath inserted this passage in his History . [ Appian . in Libic . pag. 82. ] L. Mummius the Consul , who was sent from the Senate to make an end of the Achaick war , came to the Camp with a smal company , and after he had given orders to Metellus ( who managed the Achaick war , as soon as he had accomplished the Macedonian ) to march away with his forces into Macedonia , he stayed a while at the Isthmus , until such time as he had drawn up his whole body , which consisted of 3500 Horse , and 23000 Foot. There were in this army some Archers out of Creet , and Philopaemen brought him a brigade from Attalus out of Pergamus , which lies above Caicus . The Consul , having defeated Diaeus at the Isthumus ( the last Achaian Praetor , and the first ring-leader in these Achaian commotions ) on the third day after the fight , entred Corinth , with trumpets sounding , and after he had taken the spoiles of the City , levelled it to the ground , [ Liv. lib. 52. Vellei . P●ercul . lib. 1. Iustin. lib. 34. cap. 2. Florus , lib. 2. cap. 16. Pausan. in Achaic . pag. 221. Oros. lib. 5. cap. 3. ] In the third year of the 158 , ( for so it is in Pliny , and not the 156 ) Olympiade , and according to Varroe's computation , the DCVIII year since Rome was built . [ Plinie lib. 34. cap. 2. ] Polybius , poasting out of Africa , to the relief of his Country , espyed some Pictures of the most exquisite artists lying upon the ground at Corinth , and the souldiers playing at dice upon them : two of them he makes mention of in his History , upon one was portraited Hercules tortured in the shirt which Deianira sent him , the other was Bacchus his Picture drawn by Aristides the Theban , of whom some think that proverb was derived , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , This is nothing to Bacchus , ( that is , Aristides his Picture of Bacchus . [ Strabo . lib. 8. pag. 381. ] When L. Mummius understood that King Attalus had bought this Picture of Bacchus ( from amongst the spoyles that were set to saile ) for six thousand sestercies ( or 102 talents , as Pliny hath it , lib. 7. cap. 38. and lib. 35. cap. 10. ) He marvelled much at the highnesse of the price , and suspecting much that there might be some rare vertue in it which he wot not of , revoked the sale much against Attalus his mind , and placed the picture in Ceres her Chappel at Rome . [ Plin. lib. 35. cap. 4. ] For he knew so little what belonged to such things , that when he had culled out some exquisite pieces , and statues of the best Artists to be carryed into Italy , he told those that had the charge of them , if they lost any of them by the way , they should restore new ones for them . [ Vellei . Pa●ercul . lib. 1. ] What hangings , and other ornaments seemed admirable , were sent away to Rome : others of lesse value were given to Philopaemen , and conveyed to Pergamus . [ Pausanias in Achaic . pag. 221. ] Ptolemei Philometor , having gotten together great forces both by land and sea , came out of Egypt into Syria , under pretence to help Alexander Bala his son in law , but , indeed , to annex the kingdom of Syria ( of which Alexander was deprived ) to his own dominions : And when , in obedience to the commands of Alexander , all the Cities had received him peaceably , he placed a Garrison of souldiers in every one of them , pretending Alexanders interest . [ 1 Mac. 11. 1 , 2 , 3. ] As soon as Ptolemei was come near Azotus , they shewed him the Temple of Dagon , which was lately burnt , and the ruines of Azatus and the Suburbs thereof , and the heaps of the dead bodies of those that were slain in the war , and were burnt by Jonathans command , for they had laid them on heaps in the way that he was to passe : and although they had made an envious relation of whatever Jonathan had done , on purpose to Maligne him , yet the King replyed not a word . But Jonathan met the King at Joppa in great state , and was very courteously received by him . From thence they went together as far as the River Eleutherus , where Jonathan took his leave of the King , and returned to Jerusalem . [ Ibid. 4 , 7. ] Ptolomei , having gotten into his hand all the Cities along the sea coasts as far as Seleucia upon the coast , ( situate at the mouth of the River Orontes ) imagined wicked counsells against Alexander , complaining , how , That , by his means at Ptolemais , Ammonius had laid an ambush to circumvent him : and whereas he had demanded that justice might be done him upon Ammonius for the fact , Alexander would not deliver up his person . Hereupon he took away his daughter Cleopatra from Alexander , and gave her in marriage to Demetrius Soter , promising withal , to restore him to his fathers kingdom , [ Ibid. 8. 12. compared with Josephus , lib. 13. cap. 8. & Liv. lib. 52. ] The Antiocheans deserted Alexander because of Ammonius , from whom they had received very hard usage : Ammonius , thinking to make an escape in womens apparel , was light upon and slain . Ptolemei went into Antioch , and being by the people thereof saluted King ; Crowned himself with two Diadems , the one of Asia , ( or Syria ) the other of Egypt . But telling them that he was for his part , contented with his own Dominion of Egypt , perswaded the Antiocheans to receive Demetrius , professing that he had a far greater resentment of their present civilities , than of the late exasperations and contests which had happened betwixt them and his father Seleucus , [ Joseph . ut supr . compared with 1 Mac. 11. 13. ] And so the Antiochia●s ( purposing to make amends by their loyal deportments to the son , for the injuries they had formerly done to the father ) resigne themselves up unto him : The old souldiery also of the father , ravished with love of this young man , and preferring the bond of their former oath before the pride of their new King , went away with their colours to Demetrius , [ Justin. lib. 35. cap. 2. ] Alexander was at that time in Cilicia , [ 1 Mac. 11. 14. ] where , upon his consulting the Oracle of Apollo , he is said to have received this answer : viz. That he should beware of that place , which had brought forth a rare sight to be seen , A thing having two shapes : which was generally thought to refer to Abas , a City in Arabia ( where Alexander was slain not long after ) In this City , there was a certain woman called Herais ( having Diophantus a Macedonian for her father , and an Arbian woman her mother , and married to one Samiades ) who changed her Sex , and of a woman became a man , taking upon her , her fathers name Diophantus , [ Diodorus Siculus , fin . lib. 32. in Photii Bibliotheca , cod . 244. ] A fifth observation of the Autumnal Equinox , Year of the World 3859 was made by Hipparchus , in the 33 year of the third Calippic Period , on the fourth day of the Egyptian Additionals ( 27 day of the Julian Septemb. ) in the morning , [ Ptolem. lib. 3. cap. 2. ] Alexander , having gathered together a powerful army , invaded Syria , and wasted all the Territories of Antioch , pillaging and firing wheresoever he came . But Ptolemei with his son in law Demetrius , marched towards him , and defeated his whole power in a fight near the River Oenopara . Alexander himself slipped out of the fight with 500 of his souldiers , and made as fast as he could towards Abas , a City of Arabia , to a great Person of Arabia , whom the Writer of the History of the Maccabees calls Zabdiel , Josephus Zabel , Diodor●s Siculus Diocles. But the Commanders of Alexanders Party , which were with Heliades treacherously slew Alexander , having covenanted before with Demetrius to that purpose , to whom they had sent an Embassie to treat for their own peculiar advantage , and private interest . In the last fight it happened that Ptolemeis horse , scared with the braying of an Elephant , threw him on the ground , and when he was down , the enemy fell upon him , and wounded him desperately on the head , and had killed him out right , had not his Life-guard interposed , and rescued him : for all that , he lay four whole dayes so senselesse , that he could neither speak himself , nor understand what others spake to him . But Zabdiel the Arabian cut off Alexanders head , and presented it to Ptolemei : who about the fifth day finding some respite from the anguish of his wounds , and pretty well come to himself again , fed both his fancy and his eyes , the one with the pleasing discourse of the death , the other with the beholding of Alexanders head . But the third day after , Ptolemei himself died , whilst his wounds were dressing , and the Physicians endeavoured to piece his bones , [ 1 Mac. 11. 14. 18. Polyb. in Excerpt . Valesii , pag. 194. Diodor. Sicul. ut supra . Liv. lib. 52. Strabo , lib. 16. pag. 751. Ioseph . lib. 13. cap. 8. ] Josephus ascribeth five years to Alexandes reign , after the death of Demetrius Soter , [ lib. 13. cap. 8. ] from which we suppose about 5 moneths are to be deducted : So that , from the authority of the Maccabaic Writer , the death of this man appears to be coincident with Philometors . After Alexanders death , Demetrius , son of Demetrius Soter , had the sole government of Syria , in the 167 year of the kingdom of the Grecians , [ 1 Mac. 11. 19. ] who because he had overcome one that was not descended of their family , received the same sirname with the first Seleucus author of the Kingly Race , Nicanor , or Nicator , [ Appian . Syriac . pag. 131. ] As soon as Ptolemei Philometor was dead , the souldiers which he had placed in the Forts and Cities for the security of Syria , were all slain by the other souldiers in the same Garri●ons , upon the instigation of Demetrius , [ 1 Mac. 11. 18. ] Demetrius also treated the rest of Ptolemeis souldiers very unkindly , forgetting both the assistance which he had afforded , as also the affinity which was betwixt them , by reason of his marriage with Cleopatra . But those souldiers , abominating the ma● ingratitude , retreated all of them to Alexandria , leaving onely the Elephants under his power . [ Joseph . lib. 13. cap. 8. ] In Egypt , The Julian Period . 4569 Cleopatra , Year before Christ 145 the wife and sister of Philometor , lately deceased , countenanced by some Peers of the realm , laboured much to get the kingdom setled upon her son . [ Josephus lib. 2. Contra Appian . pag. 1064 , Justin lib. 38. cap. 8. ] But Ptolemei the younger brother of Philometor , surnamed Euergetes II. and Phiscon , who reigned at Cyrene , was sent for from thence to oppose her in her enterprize . Against him Onias ( who lately builded the Temple in the Helopolitan Jurisdiction ) undertaking the war upon Cleopatraes interest , marched with a small army of Jews to the City Alexandria , at what time Thermus was Leger Ambassador there for the Romans , as Appion the Grammarian relates in his book against the Jews . [ Ioseph . ut sup . ] But Physcon , that he might end the quarrel , forced Cleopatra , who was his elder sister , and had been wife to their own brother , to marry him . [ Valer. Maxim. lib. 9. cap. 1. ] And as soon as he entred Alexandria , he commanded all those that favoured the young child to be put to death . He slew also the young child himself , as he was in his mothers arms , upon the wedding day in the midst of their feastings and religious solemnities ; and so went up into his sister her bed besmeared with the gore of her own son . Neither was his carriage any whit milder to those his Countrymen , which invited him to the Kingdom , and were his advancers into the throne . For , having given licence to the forreign souldiers to kill and slay at pleasure , there were great inundations of blood in all quarters . [ Iustin. lib. 38. cap. 8. ] Many he executed with most cruell tortures , faslely objecting matters of treason unto them : Others he proceeded against by confiscation of their estates , and banishment , for no other impeachments than what he himself had forged and drawn up . [ Diodor. Sicul. in Excerptis Valesii , pag. 350. ] Jonathan , having drawn together those that were in Judea , and prepared many Engines , laid siege to the Tower that was in Jerusalem : Information hereof was carryed to Demetrius Nicator , by certain ungodly persons , and haters of their own nation . The King hereupon , being incensed , wrote to Jonathan , to leave off the siege , and to meet him in all hast at Ptolemais , that they might have some conference together about the matter . Jonathan would not draw off his siege , yet ventured to go to the King , He , the Elders and the Priests , taking along with them some presents , whereby they soon pacified the Kings wrath : and Jonathan made so fair an Apologie for himself , that the King dismissed the informers , confirmed the High Priesthood upon him , and counted him as one of his chief friends : Moreover , Jonathan promising to give unto the King 300 talents , procured of him a release for all Judea , and the three siegniories thereunto annexed ( of wich mention is made in 1 Mac. 10. 30. ) Viz. Apherima , Lydda , and Ramath , from all tithes and tribute , whatsoever which were formerly paid to the Kings . Letters hereof from the King to Lasthenes , ( who with the Cretians Auxiliaries brought Demetrius to the kingdom ) whom he stiled Cousin and Father , are to be seen . [ 1 Maccab. 11. 20 , 37. ] Demetrius , seeing there was now peace throughout the kingdom , and no opposition made against him , disbanded his old hom-bred souldiers , and contined in arms , onely those bands of forraigners which he had levyed in Crete and other Islands . This turned the hearts of his fathers souldiers against him . [ 1 Maccab . 11. 38. ] who constantly received their salaries from other Kings , his Predecesso●rs in times of peace , so that thereby they might be more ready and more chearfull to serve them upon all dangers , and emergencies . [ Josephus , lib. 13. cap. 8. ] Diodotus , one of Alexander Balas his Commanders , ( who after was made King , and took upon him the name of Tryphon ) took notice of this alienation of the souldiery from Demetrius . He was born at the Castle of Secoan , in the Apamians Country , and brought up at Apamia . [ 1 Maccab. 11. 39. Strabo lib , 16. pag. 752. Livie lib. 52. & 55. Iosephus lib. 13 , cap. 9. Appian . Syriac . pag. 132. ] This Tryphon went to Elmalchuel the Arabian ( who was entrusted with the education of Antiochus , Alexander Balaters young child ) and told him whatsoever Demetrius Nicator had done , and the differences betwixt him and the souldery ; urging and pressing him very hard to deliver up unto him the young child , and he would undertake to settle him in his fathers kingdom . But finding the Arabians averse from his motion , he tarryed there many dayes . [ 1 Maccab. 11. 39 , 40. ] In the mean time Demetrius Nicator supposing himself secure and out of Gun-shot , proceeded against all those that had appeared against him by unusuall kinds of death : Lasthenes , that wicked and rash fellow ( who was appointed over the whole kingdom ) corrupting the youth , and by his faunings and fair speeches , putting him forward upon most villanous attempts . [ Diod. Sicul. in Excerptis Vales. pag. 346. ] Jonathan sent Ambassadors to Demetrius , Year of the World 3860 desiring him to remove his Garrison souldiers out of the Tower of Hierusalem , and all other Forts , because they continued to infest the Israelites with war. Demetrius replyed , That he would not onely grant Jonathan his request , but would also make him and his nation glorious , when he saw convenient time : for the present , he desired him to send him some souldiers to his assistance , in regard his own souldiers were most of them revolted from him . Jonathan gratified him in his request very readily , and sent him to Antioch 3000 stout men , which the King entertained very joyfully . [ 1 M●ccab . 11. 41 , 44. ] Demetrius , well provided with forreign sorces ( in whom he reposed greater confidence than in his own ) commanded to disarm the Antiocheans : But the Antiocheans did not onely refuse to deliver up their armes , but assembled themselves into the midst of the City , to the number of 120000 , and attempted to take away the Kings life ; they forced him to retreat to his Pallace , whereupon they secured all the passages of the City , and began to assault him in the Pallace . But the Jews hasted to his relief , who , dispersing themselves about the City , slew on that day near upon 100000 men , fired the City , and took much booty : whereupon the Citizens laid down their arms , and made peace with the King. The Jews having got a great deal of honour in this service both from the King , and the whole kingdom returned richly laden with spoiles to Jerusalem . [ 1 Maccab. 11. 45 , 52. compared with Diodorus . Sicul. in Excerpt . Valesi . pag. 346. ] Upon the consuming of the greatest part of Antioch by fire , and the executing of many about the sedition , and confiscation of estates into the Kings Exchequer , many of the Cityzens were forced to escape , what out of fear , what out of hatred to Demetrius , wandring about Syria , catching at all opportunities to avenge themselves of Demetrius . In the mean time , Demetrius , ( whose actions had rendred him odious to all men ) persisted in his massacres , banishments , confiscations , far surpassing his father in cruelty . [ Diodorus Siculus . Ibid. pag. 349. ] Moreover , he did but dissemble with Jonathan : Notwithstanding , his fair speeches , and estranged himself from him , and afflicted him very sorely , [ 1 Maccab. 11. 53. ] he threatned also to wage war with him , unlesse he would discharge all those tributes , which the nation of the Jews were wont to pay to his Predecessours . [ Josephus , lib. 13 , cap. 9. ] Diodotus ( who is Tryphon ) returned at length into Syria out of Arabia , The Julian Period 4570 with young Antiochus ( son of Alexander Bala and Cleopatra , Year before Christ 144 the daughter of Ptolemei Philometor ) set the Crown upon his head , and vouched him the right heir of the Crown , and surnaming him Theos or Divine . And being provided or a pretty considerable party , in regard all the forces which Demetrius had chashiered came flocking in unto him , he set upon Demetrius in plain field , overcame him in battle , and made him fly into Seleucia . But Diodorus seized on his Elephants , and wan Antio●h . [ 1 Mac. 11. 54 , 55 , 56. compared with Livy , lib. 52. Ioseph . lib. 13. cap. 9. & 12. about the beginning , and Appian . in Syriac . pag. 132. ] Then Antiochus ( or rather Diodotus in his name ) sent letters and Ambassadors to Jonathan , confirmed the High Priesthood to him , granted him the four Seigniries ( Ptolemais perhaps was added to the three which were named in the end of the year before , out of 1 Maccab. 10. 30 , 39. ) and did him the honour to be one of the Kings friends . He sent unto him also Chargers of gold to be served in , and gave him leave to drink in vessels of gold , and to be cloathed in purple , and to wear the golden buckle . Moreover , he appointed his brother Simon Generall of all the Kings forces , from the tract of Tyre , to the borders of Egypt . [ 1 Maccab. 11. 57 , 58 , 59. ] Jonathan , being very glad of the favours and honours Antiochus had so bountifull conferred upon him , sent his Ambassadours also to Antiochus , and his Guardian Tryphon , professing that he would be their friend and associate , and joyn in arms against the common enemy Demetrius , of whose ingratitude he complained , in that he had requited his civilities and courtesies with many shrewd turns , and injuries . [ Ioseph . lib. 13. cap. 9. Diodotus ( all Syria being now in disrelish of Kings ) made use of Coracesium a Castle of Cilicia , for his head quarters , and moved the Cilicians , to joyn with him in Pyracy at sea . [ Strabo . lib. 14. pag. 688. ] Demetrius residing at Laodicea , spent his time idly , in revelling and luxury : yet abated nothing of his injurious prosecutions , being no whit reformed by the late calamities which befel him , [ Diodor. Sicul. in Excerpt . Valesii , pag. 353. ] At which time Ptolemei Euergetes the second , or Physcon was installed in the Palace at Memphis , according to the solemn Rite of the Egyptians . Queen Cleopatra ( who was both sister and wife to him and his brother Philometor ) bore him a son : he was so exceeding joyful thereat , that he named him Memphites , because he was born whilst his father was imployed in the holy solemnities at Memphis : yet during the celebration of his sons nativity , he abstained not from his cruell practises , but issued out commands to execute some of the Cyrenians ( who were the first bringers of him into Egypt ) for that they had been somewhat too free and sharpe in reproving him for his Curtesan Irene , [ Id. ib. pag. 354. ] When Jonathan had gotten leave of Antiochus , to wage war against Demetrius his Captains , having drawn together souldiers out of Syria and Phenicia , as well as out of other places , he speedily traversed all the Cities situate beyond the River Jordan : and with all his Syrian auxiliaries marched to Ascalon , where the Citizens went out to meet him very honourably , But removing from thence to Gaza , he was denied entrance , and the Citizens shut their gates against him ; whereupon Jonathan laid close siege to the City , and plundered and fired the Suburbs . This strict proceeding inclined them to petition for peace , which was granted them upon their tender of hostages . Jonathan , after he had sent away the hostages to Heirusalem , marched clean thorough the Country as far as Damascus , [ 1 Maccab. 11. 60 , 61 , 62. Josephus , lib. 13. cap. 9. ] The Princes of Demetrius were come to Cades a City of Galilee , upon design of drawing back Jonathan from medling in Syria , and engaging him in the relief of his own subjects the Galileans . Jonathan marched against them , leaving his brother Simon behind him in Judea : who vigorously assaulted Bethsura many dayes , and after a long siege , forced them to resign : he threw out Demetrius his souldiers , and put in a Garrison of his own in their room , [ 1 Mac. 11. 63 , 66. & 14. 7. 33. Ioseph . lib. 13. cap. 9. ] As for Jonathan and his army , they encamped by the Lake of Gennesaret , and betimes in the morning , came to the plain of Asor , where Demetrius his Forces met him , having placed beforehand an ambush amongst the mountains : which as soon as they discovered themselves , the Jews fearing they might be intercepted and put to the sword , betook themselves to their heeles : so that all of them deserted Jonathan in this great danger , except Mattathias the son of Abasalom , and Judas the son of Calphi , the two chief Commanders of the army , who stuck to him with a Band of fifty well resolved men : Jonathan , having first humbly implored the Divine assistance , faced about with those few that were with him , charged the enemy , and worsted them : when those that had deserted Jonathan saw that the enemy was put to flight , they returned again into the field , and pursued the enemy to their own Camp , as far as Cades . There fell that day of the Heathens about three thousand men : so Jonathan returned to Jerusalem , [ 1 Mac. 11. 67 , 74. Ioseph . ut supr . ] Jonathan , observing that his affairs were now in a fair way , sent Numerius son of Antiochus , and Antipater son of Jason , Embassadors to Rome , about confirming and renewing the alliance and association which was formerly begun with Judas Maccabeus , [ 1 Mac. 12. 1 , 16. ] To whom also they gave instructions , in their return homeward from Rome to visit the Lacedemonians , and to mind them of the alliance , and ancient League made with the High-Priest Onias , the third of that name ; sending a letter to the same purpose , wherein the people of Judea amongst other things , signified , how that as a testimony of their continued affection towards them , they constantly remembred them as their own brethren in their solemn sacrifices and devotion , [ Ibid. 2. 3 , 18. Josephus , lib. 13. cap. 9. ] Jonathan , having received intelligence how that Demetrius his Commanders were returned with a far greater army , than they had before , to fight against him : drew out of Hierusalem , and marched against them in the Country of Amathis situate in the utmost borders of Canan : And , encamping within 50 furlongs of the enemy , sent out his Scouts to view the enemies posture and fortifications . Jonathan , having learned by some prisoners which the Scouts had brought in , how that the enemy had designed to fall upon them on the sudden , and unawars ; commanded his souldiers to stand with their arms all night in a posture ready to receive the enemies charge : placing his guards thoroughout the Camp. When the enemy heard that Jonathan was drawn up in batalia , and was provided for their onset , they began to be afraid ; whereupon they stole away privately by night , having kindled fires thoroughout the Camp , to deceive the Jews . In the morning Jonathan pursued them , but to no purpose ; for they had already gotten to the other side of the River Eleutherus . Jonathan therefore bent his course into Arabia against the Zabadeans ( or Nabatians , as Josephus hath it ) and smote them , and took their spoiles : from thence he removed with his whole body to Damascus , and passed through the whole Country , hunting and chasing the Demetrians from place to place . His brother Simon lay not idle all this while , but was engaged in an expedition as far as Ascalon , and the Garrison adjacent , from whence he turned aside to Joppa , and seized on it , and put therein a Garrison of his own souldiers to secure it , for there was a report , that the Citizens had an intention to deliver up that Garrison to Demetrius his party . [ 1 Maccab. 12. 24 , 34. Iosephus lib. 13. cap. 9. ] The Ambassados of the Jews were brought into the Senate , where they renewed their amity and league with the Romans ; who also gave them letters to the Governours of the severall associations , that they should conduct them safe into Judea . [ 1 Maccab. 12. 3 , 4. ] In their return homeward , the Lacedemonians likewise created them very civilly , and delivered into their hands the publick Decree , concerning the renewing of their amity , and preserving correspondence betwixt them : A copy whereof is recited upon another occasion , [ in the 1 Maccab. 14. 22 , 23. ] Numenius son of Antiochus , and Antipater , son of Jason , the Iews Ambassadors came unto us , to renew the friendship that was betwixt us . And it pleased the people to receive the men honourably , and to enter a copy of their Embassie amongst the publick records , to the end , the people of the Lacedemonians might have a memorial thereof . As soon as Jonathan was come back to Jerusalem , he assembled the Elders of the people , and consulted with them about erecting of sco●ces and forts in some convenient places of Judea , and about building of the wall about Jerusalem , and a high and strong wall also betwixt the fort ( Sion ) and the City , to hinder any one from carrying provision from the City to the Fort , for they began their reparations , and when they brought their new work to joyn with the remaines of the old wall towards the East , ( where was the brook Cedron ) they made up that place which was called Chaphenatha . Simon also went into other quarters of Judea , and builded Adida in Sephela , or the plain , and made it strong with gates and bars . [ 1 Maccab. 12. 35 , 38. ] In the 169 year of the account of the Contracts , Year of the World 3861 in the reign of Demetrius , the Jews in Jerusalem and Palestine , wrote to the Jews in Egypt , concerning the keeping of the feast of tabernacles in the moneth Chislew . [ 2 Maccab. 1. 7 , 8 , 9. ] i. e. The feast of the Maccabees Dedication , which was observed according to the prescript of the Mosaick feast of Tabernacles , in the moneth Tisri . [ Vid. supra . Anno Mundi 3840. a. ] When Tryphon had a designe of putting his young pupill Antiochus beside the kingdom , and feared that Jonathan would appear in armes for the right and defence of the young King , he marched with his forces to Bethsane , which by the Gentiles is called Scythopolis , thinking to surprize him : Jonathan , hearing of his coming , made toward him with forty thousand choice men , which so disheartened Tryphon , that he was so far from daring to lay hands on him , that he treated him very nobly , recommended him to all his friends , tendered him many presents , and gave command to his souldiers to be as observant of him , as of himself . In the close , he perswaded Jonathan to dismisse his army , and go along with him to Ptolemais , with a few selected men , promising to resigne it up unto him , and what other Garrisons and Forces he had in those parts . Jonathan , giving credit unto him , sent away two thousand of his souldiers into Galilet , and the residue into Judea , reserving onely a thousand to himself . But as soon as he was entred Ptolemais , Tryphon commanded the gates to be shut : Jonathan was taken , and all that entred with him were put to the sword : neither was Tryphon satisfied with the massacre of those thousand men , but sent his army and some horse into Galilee , to fall upon those two thousand Jonathan had sent thither : who as soon as they heard of the bloody proceedings against their fellows at Ptolemais , they put themselves in a posture of fight . But Tryphons souldiers , considering with themselves that they had to do with desparate men , retreated back again : And so Jonathans souldiers came safe into Judea , and all Israel lamented that losse of their Country-men with great lamentation . [ 1 Mac. 12. 39 , 5● . ] After this , Tryphon levyed a great army to come against Judea , and to wast it . Whereupon , Simon , observing the people much disheartned , went up to Jerusalem , and having assembled the people together , profered his endeavour to protect them ; so they chose him Generall in the place of Judas and Jonathan his brethren : who gathered all the men of war , made what speed they could to perfect the walls of Jerusalem , and fortified it on every side : He expended vast sums of mony out of his own purse , armed all the men of war of his own nation , and received them into pay . [ 1 Mac. 12. 53 , 54. 13. 1 , 10. 14. 31 , 32. ] Moreover , Simon sent Jonathan the son of Absalom , with a sufficient army into Joppa : who drave out the inhabitants and resided in it himself ; and having well fortified it , designing that part for his passage to the Isles of the sea , [ 1 Mac. 13. 2. and 14. 5 , 34. ] From whence Strabo also hath noted , that the Jews used this harbour , [ lib. 16. pag. 759. ] Tryphon removed from Ptolemais with his army against Judea , carrying Jonathan along with him his prisoner : as for Simon , he encamped in Adida over against the plain . Tryphon , observing that the Jews had put themselves in a posture of fighting , pretended that he kept Jonathan prisoner , for a debt of a 100 talents of silver : upon discharge of this arrear , he promised to release Jonathan ; provided , that he sent two of his sons hostages as a security from Jonathans attempting to revenge his imprisonment after he got his liberty . But as soon as Simon sent both the money and his brothers sons to him : he falsifyed his engagement , [ Ibid. 12 , 19. ] Tryphon upon his march against Judea , bent his course by the way which leads to Adoram ( or Doran , a City of Idumea , as Josephus hath it ) but Simons army attended his motion which way soever he went. Those that were in the Fort ( Sion ) at Hierusalem , sent to Tryphon some Agents , solliciting him very earnestly to make what speed he could to come to them , thorough the Desert , and to supply them with victual . Tryphon was ready with his Horse for the expedition ; but there happened such a great fall of snow that night , that he could not possibly get to them . Whereupon he altered his journey , and marched into the Country of Galaad ; as soon as he came near Bascama ( or Bascha ) he put Jonathan to death : who was there buried : which done , Tryphon retreated back into Syria , [ Ibid. 20 , 24. Joseph . lib. 13. cap. 11. ] Jonathan lived after the decease of his brother Judas Maccabeus 17 years , and about 7 moneths , and enjoyed the High-Priesthood 9 years and a moneth or two . Simon sent to fetch away the bones of his brother Jonathan , and buried them at Modin , a City of their ancestors : and all Israel lamented him many dayes . Simon built a Monument over the Sepulchre of his father and his brothers , all exceeding high , of white stone , polished all over : He erected also 7 Pyramids all of a row , in memory of his father , mother , and his 4 brothers : To these he added a Porch of great Pillars , which were of whole stone , on which he caused the Portraiture of Arms and Ships to be engraven , so lively , that they were conspicuous to all that sailed by that way , [ 1 Mac. 13. 25 , 30. Joseph . lib. 13. cap. 11. ] Josephus sayes , this rare Sepulchre at Modin lasted to his time : so doth Eusebius Caesariensis , in his little book 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . The Romans and the Lacedemonians very deeply resented the death of Jonathan : but as soon as they understood by Simons Embassadors , that he was advanced to the High-Priests Office in his brothers room : They wrote to him in Tables of Brasse concerning the renewing of the amity and league , which they had formerly made with Judas and Jonathan his brothers , [ 1 Mac. 14. 16 , 17. ] As for the Romans , they stiled the Jews , their Allyes , Friends , Brethren , and went forth to meet Simons Embassadors in an honourable equipage , [ Ibid. 40. ] And the Inscription of the Letters which the Lacedemonians returned by the Embassadors , ( to which also they annexed a Copy of their reply sent before to Jonathan ) was this . The Magistrates and Cities of the Lacedemonians to Simon the High-Priest , and the Elders , and to the rest of the people of the Jews our Brethren , Greeting , [ Ibid. 20 , 24. ] The Letters both from the Romans and from the Lacedemonians , were read before the Congregation at Hierusalem , [ Ibid. 19. ] Antiochus , Theos ( or the Divine ) son of Alexander Bala , was fraudulently slain by his Guardian Diodotus or Tryphon : who corrupted the Chyrurgions to dispatch him , and to give out that he died of a fit of the stone , whilst they were cutting him . Tryphon began with his own Country , and seized first upon Apamia , Larissa , the Casians , Megara , Apollonia , and the other Cities adjacent : from thence he went onwards to invade the other part of Syria ; he put the Crown Royal on his own head , and made a great desolation in the Country , [ 1 Mac. 13. 31 , 32. Livy , lib. 55. Strabo , lib. 16. pag. 752. and Justin. lib. 36. cap. 1. ] Tryphon , having now ascended from a private condition to a Kingly estate , made what haste he could to get his Soveraignty confirmed upon him by the Decree of the Roman Senate . To compasse this , he sent by his Embassadors to the Romans , a golden Meddal of Victory , weighing 10000 crowns : not doubting , but he should obtain from them , the compellation of King , considering the Present which he sent , was not in its self onely very rich , and of a good value ; but such , whose name carryed along with it , the happy prognostication of Victory . But his hopes were deluded by the subtilty of the Senate : who received indeed the Present ; but withal ordered , that instead of Tryphons name , the Title of the Princely youth ( slain by Tryphons treachery ) should be engraven upon it , [ Diodor. Sicul. Legat. 31. ] But he , not one jot dismayed thereat , caused money , whereof some pieces are still extant , to be coyned with the Inscription of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : King Tryphon : and , of Tryphon the puissant King. For , having had the confidence to usurpe the kingdom it self , he began to take upon him the Title of King also ; and to change his old name Diodotus , for that new one of Tryphon , [ Appian . Syriac . pag. 132. ] Sarpedon , General of Demetrius his Forces , having received an overthrow by Tryphons army , to whom the inhabitants of Ptolemais associated themselves , retired with his souldiers into the Mediterrean Country : But it happened as the Tryphonian Conquerours marched along the sea coast betwixt Ptolemais and Tyre , that on the sudden a wave of the sea rising to an incredible height , and rushing with a great violence upon the land , soffocated many of them , hurrying some into the sea , and leaving others of them dead in hollow places : and upon its recesse back into its channel , multitudes of fishes were discovered mingled with the dead carkases . Sarpedons souldiers hearing of this disaster , returned thither with all speed : well enough pleased indeed with the destruction of the enemy ; but withal gathered up very many of the fishes , and sacriced them before the gates of Ptolemais ( where the battle was fought ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 unto Neptune the deliverer , [ Strabo , lib. 16. pag. 758. & Athenaus , lib. 8. cap. 2. out of the History of Possidonius , the Stoick . ] Simon , the Jews General and High-Priest , repaired the Garrisons in Judea : fortifying them round with high Towers , great Walls , Gates , and Bars : and supplied them all with victual . His greatest care was to see that B●thsura should be well fortified , which was situate in the confines of Judea , and formerly had been the enemies Magazine : He put in it a Garrison of Jews to secure it , [ 1 Mac. 13. 33. 14. 7. 33. ] Moreover , Simon , observing how that Tryphons actions were all of them meer rapines , sent by the hands of choice men a Crown of Gold to King Demetrius Nicator ; requesting him , that he would release Judea from paying of Tributes , [ 1 Mac. 13. 34 , 37. 14. 10 , 33. ] Demetrius , hearing that Simons Embassadors were entertained very nobly by the Romans , and that the Jews and the Priests had passed a grant of the government and High-Priesthood to Simon and his heirs , he also confirmed the High-Priesthood unto him , and made him one of his friends , [ 1 Mac. 14. 38 , 41. ] He wrote also a letter unto him , thus inscribed . King Demetrius to Simon the High Priest , and friend of Kings , and to the Elders and Nations of the Jews , Greeting : Wherein , he intimated his concluding of a peace with them , a promise of an Amnestie of all past miscarriages , a ratification of all former covenants ( made to Jonathan , 1 Mac. 11. 32 , 37. ) a grant of all the Forts unto them , which they had built , and a release of Tribute to all in general , and of custom arising from commodities put to sale , to those of Hierusalem . Thus was the yoke of the Heathen taken off from Israel , in the 170 year of the kingdom of the Grecians : and the people began to date their instruments , and contracts ; In the first year , Simon being the Great High Priest General , and Leader of the Iews , [ 1 Mac. 13. 35 , 42. Ioseph . lib. 13. cap. 11. ] In those dayes Simon besiged the Gaz●ans , who upon Jonathans death rebelled , and compelled them to a surrender , after he had with his battering Engins forced the Tower. He did not put them to the sword , being wrought upon by the importunities of the Citizens , humbly imploring his pity : but drave them all out of the City . After he had cleared the houses of all their idols , and other uncleanesses , he entered the City , praying God with Hymnes : and after he had placed in the City such as were true worshippers of God : he fortified it , and built a house in it for himself , whereinto he might upon all occasions retire , [ 1 Mac. 13. 43 , 48. ] A sixth observation of the Autumnal Equinox , Year of the World 3862 was made by Hipparchus in the 36 year of the Calippick Period , on the 4 day of the Egyptian Additionals ( Septemb. Julian 26 ) at evening about sun-set , [ Ptolm . lib. 3. cap. 2. ] Alexandra , afterwards Queen of the Jews , was born at this time , if so be she lived 73 years , as appears out of Josephus , in the last Chapter of the 13 book of Antiquit. and out of the 33 cap. of the Jewish History which is printed at the end of the Paris Bibles of many Tongues , under the title of the second book of the Maccabees . In Arabick we find she was called Salina , out of Eusebius in his Chronicle ; Epiphanius in the 29 heresie of the Nazarens , Hierom in [ Dan. cap. 9. and 11. ] and Severus [ Sulpitius , in Sacr , Histor. lib. 2. ] Eusebius seems to have taken it ( as he is wont to do ) out of Julius Africanus ; and he out of Justus Tiberiensis , or some other ancient Writer of the affairs of the Jews . When the Garrison souldiers of the Fort at Jerusalem were destroyed , The Julian Period . 4572 being prohibited from all provision for two years space , Year before Christ 142 they were forced to yield themselves . Simon turned them all out , cleared the Fort of all the pollutions of the Idols , and went into it himself on the 23 day of the second moneth ( Ijais ) in the 171 year of the kingdom of the Grecians , with branches of Palms , Harps , Cymbals , Vials , Hymnes , and Songs . He ordained also an anniversarie solemnitie for this day ; in regard thereon they were freed from a pestilent enemy , who annoyed them very much in their going up to the Temple . Moreover , he made the Fort stronger than it was , and the Temple-mount , over which it looked , for the greater security , both of the Country , and of the City , and there he dwelt himself with his company , [ 1 Mac. 13. 49 , 3. 53. & 14. 7. 36 , 37. ] Simon seeing his son John ( Syrnamed afterwards Hyrcanus ) to be a very valiant man , appointed him Captain of all his forces , and dwelt himself in Gazara , [ 1 Mac. 1● . 53. ] in the confines of Azotus , where the enemies formerly inhabited , but Simon dislodged them , and planted the Jews in their room , [ XIV . 7 , 34. ] namely , that Gadara , which Strabo saith the Jews afterward made their own . [ lib. 16. pag. 759. ] Cleopatra , Ptolemei Philometors daughter , brought unto Demetrius Nicator a young son Antiochuss , sirnamed afterwards Grypus , from his hook nose , if so be he lived 45 years , as Josephus computes . [ lib. 13. cap. 21. ] In the 37 year of the third Calippick Period , of Nabonassars 607 , on the 20 day of the Egyptian Tyb ( January Julian 27 ending ) two hours before midnight , an Eclipse of the Moon in Rhodes was observed by Hipparchus . [ Ptolem. lib. 6. cap. 5. ] Demetrius , considering with himself how that now most of his Cities were revolted from him , and had shaken off his command , that he might wipe off the scandall of sloth and sluggishnesse , determined to engage in a war against the Parthians . Over the Parthians at that time reigned Mithridates , son of King Pampatius , called Arsaces , or Arsacides , ( the common name of all the Parthian Kings ) nothing inferiour to Arsaces himself , his great Grandfather , the founder of the Parthian Monarchy , from whom that surname was derived to all the successours . For he by his prowesse extended the Parthian Empire , from the east side , as far as the river Indus , and from the west , as far as Euphrates . [ Iustin. lib. 36. cap. 1. and 41. cap. 5 , 6. Oros. lib. 5. cap. 4. ] Before we treat of Demetrius his Parthian Expedition , it will not be amisse to shew how Mithridates arrived to that vast dominion . At that very juncture of time allmost , when as Mithridates began to reign over the Parthians , Eucratides took upon him the command of the Bactrians , gallant men both , but a more benigne fortune attended the Parthians , which , under the conduct of Mithridates , led them as it were by the hand , to the highest pinacle of soveraignity ; whilst the poor Bactrians disturbed and tost with severall wars , lost in the close , not onely their dominions , but their liberty . For after the Sogdians , the Arachats , the Dranganites and the Indians , had well bated them by their continuall wars with them : the feeble Parthians set upon them , at last , when they were quite tyred , and as it were bloodlesse . [ Iustin lib. 41. cap. 6. ] Arsaces or Mithridates , having pursued this his victory as far as India , and found no difficulty in subduing the Country , where Porus of old reigned , and the other nations lying between the river Hydaspes and Indus . [ Diodor. Sicul. in Excerpt . Valesii . pag. 358. Oros. lib. 5. cap. 4. ] These Bactrians were the reliques of the Grecians , who having taken Bactriana from the Kings of Syria , the successors of Seleucus Nicator , seized also upon Ariana , and India , and got not onely Pattalena into their hands , but all the sea coasts ; as well that which is called the kingdom of Tessariostus , as that of Sigartis ; and which is more . Apollodorus ( against the common opinion indeed ) affirms in his book of the Parthian affairs , that they were masters of a greater part of India than ever Alexander himself and his Macedonians were : Adding moreover , That Eucratides had in India under his own jurisdiction 1000 Cities . [ Stra. l. 11. p. 516. & l. 15. p. 686. ] As for Eucratides , he in all the wars ( for he was engaged in many ) behaved himself with much prowess : when he was worn out with the continuance of them , and was closely besieged by Demetrius King of the Indians , allthough he had not above 3000 souldiers with him by his dayly sallies forth , wasted the enemies atruy consisting of 60 thousand : and being at liberty in the fifth moneth , reduced all India under his command . In his retreat homeward , he was slain by his own son , whom he had made joynt partner with him in the kingdom : He did not go about to dissemble or smother his parricide , but drove his Chariot through the blood , and commanded the dead corps to be cast aside into some by-place or other , unburied , as if he had slain an enemy , and not murdered a Father . Whilst these things were acting amongst the Bactrians , a war was commenced betwixt the Parthians and the Medes . The incounters of these two nations had their interchangeable successes for a while : at last , the Parthians got the better . Mithridates , being strengthened by the accession of these forces , appointed Bacasis over Media , whilest he himself marched into Hircania : as soon as he returned from thence , he engaged in a war with the King of the Elymites , beat him , and annexed that nation to his other dominions : so that by his several conquests , he enlarged his Dominion of the Parthians , from the mountain Caucasus , as far as the River Euphrates , [ Justin. lib. 41. cap. 6. ] For having conquered Demetrius N●cators Leivtenant , he invaded the City Babylon , and all the borders thereof , [ Oros. lib. 5. cap. 4. ] The Grecians and Macedonians of the upper Provinces , not brooking the insolencies of those strangers the Parthians , sent often Embassages to Demetrius Nicator , engaging themselves , that if he would but come unto them , they would yeild themselves up unto him , and joyn with him in opposing Arsaces the King of Persia and Media . Inflamed with this hope , he made what speed he could towards them : and in the 172 year of the kingdom of the Grecians , having drawn up all his Forces together , marched into Mesopotamia , trusting ere long to get both it , and Babylon , and Media , all at once into his hands : not doubting , but by the association of the upper Provinces with him , he should easily chase Tryphon out of the kingdom of Syria . Upon his arrival into those parts , he was received with great alacrity , and being assisted by the auxliaries of the Persians , Elymites , and Bactrians , gave many an overthrow to the Parthians . But at last , he was over-reached by one of Arsaces his Nobles , who upon pretence of concluding a peace , was sent to seize upon his person . He was surprised by an Ambuscado , and having lost his whole army , fell alive into the hand of the enemy : who led him thorough the streets of the City , shewed him to the people which revolted , in mockery of their favour towards him , and at last committed him close prisoner , [ 1 Mac. 14. 1 , 2 , 3. Joseph . lib. 13. cap. 9. fin . Justin. lib. 36. cap. 1 & l●b . 38. cap. 9. ] Gorgius Syncellus addes , how he was kept in irons , and upon that occasion was surnamed Siderites . Although Arsaces was advanced to such a vast command , yet did he not proceed to luxury and pride , ( which is the usual practise of most Princes ) but expressed a great deal of Clemency towards his subjects , and valour against his enemies . And when he had brought several Nations under his command , he selected out of every one of them , the choicest institutions and laws , and communicated them to his Parthians , [ Diodor. Sicul. in Excerpt . Valesii , pag. 361. ] As for Demetrius who was sent away into Hircania , he did not onely freely give unto him the respect due unto a King , but also gave him his daughter to wife , promising moreover , to restore unto him the kingdom of Syria , which Tryphon had disseized him of , [ Iustin. lib. 36. cap. 1. & lib. 38. cap. 9. ] Although Appian writes that Demetrius lived at Pharaates Court ( the Brother and Successour of Mithridates ) and married his sister Rhodogu●a , [ in Syriacis , pag 132. ] In the 172 year of the kingdom of the Grecians , on the 18 day of the ( 6 ) moneth Elul , about the ending of the third year of Simons High Priesthood ( commencing from the death of his brother Jonathan , after whom he succeeded in the High Priesthood ) in a great assembly of the Priests , and the people , the Rulers of the Nation and the Elders of the Country , an instrument was published , specifying how well Simon had deserved of the Jewish Nation , and the right of Soveraignty granted to him and his posterity , that he should be their Governour , and that he should have the oversight of those that were over the workes and reparations of the Temple ; over the Governours in the Country , over the Commanders in the army , and the Captains of the Garrisons : That he also should have the charge of the holy things , and should be obeyed of all men ; That all writings in the Country should be signed with his name ; That he should be clothed in Purple , and weare Gold , That it should not be lawful for any of the Priests or the people , to repeal any of these Decrees , or contradict any thing he spake , or gather any assembly in the Country , without his permission ; or to wear Purple , or use the golden Buckle . Simon accepted hereof , and was well contented to execute the High Priests Office ; to be General and Commander of the Jews and the Priests , and to be over them all . Then commanded they this writing to be put in Tables of brasse , and to be hung on the pillars in the porches of the Temple , in an open place ; and that a copy also of the same should be kept in the Treasury of the Temple , that Simon and his sons might take them out upon occasion , [ 1 Maccab. 14. 26 , 49. ] The souldiery growing weary of Tryphons deportment , Year of the World 3864 revolted from him to Cleopatra the wife of Demetrius Nicator , The Julian Period . 4574 who at that time had shut her self up with her children in Seleucia . Year before Christ 140 But she sent to Antiochus brother to Demetrius , her husband ( who was close prisoner ) offering him marriage , and the kingdom . This she did , partly by the advice of her friends , partly because she feared , least some of the Seleucians would deliver up the City to Tryphon , [ Ioseph . lib. 13. cap. 12. ] This Antiochus , son of Demetrius Soter ; in Josephus , [ lib. 7. Antiquit. cap. 12. & lib. 13. cap. 16. ] is called ( because of his religion ) the Pious : and [ in lib. 13. cap. 12. ] by his fathers sirname Soter ; in Trogus Pompeius , [ in prolog . lib , 39. ] and in Eusebius [ in his Chronicles . ] Sidetes , vel Sedetes : either from his hunting ( which in Syrick is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) and to which sport he was much addicted , as Plutarchs Problemes intimate : or from the City Sidon , from whence ( as Georgius Syncellus writeth ) he came to besiege Tryphon . Justin relates , how that at first he was brought up in Asia , and by his father Demetrius Soter , entrusted , with his elder brother Demetrius Nicator , to an hoast at Cnidos , [ Justin , lib. 35. cap. 2. & 36. cap. 1. ] Appian writes , how that he received at Rhodes , and from the Islands of the sea , the news of his brothers confinement , and what ensued after , [ in Syriac . pag. 132. ] We read also in [ 1 Mac. 15. 1 , 2. ] that he ( after he had assumed upon him the title of King ) wrote letters to Simon the High Priest , and Ruler , and to the whole Nation of the Jews . In these his letters he complained much of the hard usage of his enemies , and shewed , that he was now ready to avenge himself , least he might seem to take upon himself the name of a King to no purpose . In the next place , in design of making Simon his friend , he confirmes unto him all the immunities and priviledges , which other Kings had granted ; to which he added a right of coining monies with his own stamp . He decreed moreover , That Hierusulem should be exempted from being under the Kings jurisdiction ; promising also , that he would confer more and greater favours , as soon as he was in possession of his kingdom , [ Ibid. 3. 9. ] Numenius , Year of the World 3865 Antiochus his son , The Julian Period . 4572 and some other Embassadors came to Rome from Simon the High Priest and the people of the Jews , Year before Christ 139 about renewing their League and amity with the Romans : They brought with them a great shield of God of a thousand pound weight . The Present was well taken ; and Lucius the Consul gave them letters to the Kings , and to the Provinces , prohibiting them from attempting any thing which might prejudice the Jews , nor abetting and assisting any that should fight against them ; and if at any time any Runnagado Jews should flee out of Judea , and come into their parts , they should deliver them up to Simon the High Priest , to be proceeded against according to the laws of their Country , [ 1 Mac. 14. & 15. 15 , 21. ] Lucius was that same L. Calpurnius Piso , the Colleague of L. Popilius Laenas , who was sent into Spain against the Numantines , of whose Consulship mention is made in Valerius Maximus , [ lib. 1. cap. 5. ] after this manner . P. Cornelius Hispalus the Praetor , for strangers ( Popilius Laenas , and L. Calpurnius . being Consuls ) commanded by his Edict , all Chaldeans to depart the City , and Italy within ten dayes : whose profession it is , by their false interpretation of the influence of the Stars , to cast , thorough their lyes , mists upon vain and foolish minds . Although Stephanus Pighsius ( out of Cassiodorus his Fasti Consulares ) instead of the praenomen Lucius , hath put Cneus against the authority of the received Copies . The Kings to whom these Letters were written , were five in number . Ptolemeus Euergetes II. or Physcon of Egypt : Demetrius Nicator of Syria ( notwithstanding he was at this time , prisoner to the Parthians . ) Attalus Philadelphus of Pergamenine Asia , Ariarathes of Cappadocia , and Arsaces or Mithridates of Parthia . The Cities , Countries , and Islands , were 19. Sampsama , ( or as in the Latin , Lampsacus ) Sparta , Delos , Mynd●s , Sicyon , Caria , Samos , Pamphylia , Lycia , Halicarnassus , Rhodus , Phaselis , Co os , Sida , Aradus , Gortyna , Cnidus , Cyprus , and Cyrene , [ 1 Mac. 15. 16 , 22 , 23. ] In the 174 year of the kingdom of the Grecians , Antiochus Sidetes returned into the land of his fathers , [ Ibid. 10. ] where he married Cleopatra , his brothers wife , [ Iustin , lib. 36. cap. 1. ] who was somewhat vexed for Demetrius his marrying Rhodoguna , daughter to the Parthian King , [ Appian . Syriac . pag. 132. ] From this time , Antiochus reigned 9 years , [ Porphyr . & Euseb. ] Tryphon had but a very small Retinue , almost all his Forces came away to Antiochus . Upon this desertion of the souldiery , he made what haste he could to get into Dora ( a maritime City of Phenicia . ) Thither Antiochus pursued him , and laid so close siege to the City ( both with land Forces , consisting of 120 thousand Foot , and 8 thousand Horse ) and also with his Fleet , that he suffered none to passe out or in , [ 1 Mac. 15. 10 , 14. ] In the mean while , Numenius and his company came from Rome , bringing with them letters to the Kings and Provinces , and a copy of the same to Simon the High Priest , [ Ibid. 15 , 24. ] Simon sent 2000 choice men with silver and gold , and many Engines of war to Antiochus at the siege at Dora : But he refused them all ; brake whatever covenants he had formerly made with him , and wholly estranged himself from him . He sent likewise Athenobius to demand of him , the resignation of Gazara , Joppe , and the Fort in Jerusalem ; and to require the Tributs of those places beyond the bounds of Judea which were possessed by him , or in lieu thereof , to demand 500 talents of silver , and in consideration of the hurt he had done , and the Tributes of the Cities , 500 talents more : menacing war ulesse all things were done according to his commands , [ Ibid. 25 , 31. ] Athenobius , a friend of the Kings , coming to Hierusalem , as soon as he saw Simons glory , his cupboard set with gold and silver plate , and other furniture of the house , he was astonished , and told him the Kings message . But Simon denied , that they had seized upon any Towns that belonged to others , but onely had recovered from the enemy by law of arms some Towns of their own which were kept back from them . As for Joppe , and Gazara , albeit the people had been much prejudiced by the enemy , yet he offered 100 talents . Athenobius returned back in a rage to Antiochus , and told him both what he had heard , and seen : neither was the King himself lesse passionate , when he saw that his commands were not submitted unto , nor his great menaces of war regarded , [ Ibid. 32 , 36. ] In the mean while Tryphon took shipping and escaped away to Orthosias , another maritime City of Phenicia , [ Ibid. 37. ] Then did Antiochus make Cendebaeus Governour of the sea coast : and supplying him with Horse and Foot , commanded him to build Cedron ( or as the Latin edition hath it , Gedor : concerning which Josh. 15. 58. ) and to engage the Jews in a war : as for the King himself , he attended Tryphons motion , [ Ibid. 38 , 39. ] Cendebaeus being come as far as Jamnia , began to invade Judea , and to take the people prisoners , and to kill and slay : and when he had built Cedron ( or Gedor ) he placed there some Horse , and some companies of Foot , who were to make out-roades into the high-ways of Judea , as the king had given him order to do , [ Ib. 40 , 41. ] John ( Hircanus ) came up from Gazara , Year of the World 3866 and signified to his father Simon , what pranks Cendebaeus had played : who now , worn out by old age , committed the whole care and managing of the war to his two elder sonnes , Judas and John. Whereupon they choose out of the Country , twenty thousand men of war , and with some Horse , marched against Cendebeus , and took up quarters that night at Modin , the place of their nativity . From thence the next morning they took the field , where the enemy met them with a powerful army : howbeit there was a Brook betwixt them . John attempted first to wade over , and then the people followed their Leader apace . He divided his body in such wise , that the Horse being placed in the midst of the Foot , they did mutually protect each other , against the enemies numerous Chevalrly . Then founded they with their holy Trumpets , whereupon Cendebaeus was routed , and many of his army slain ; as for the remainder , some of them fled to his Fort ( Cedron ) which he lately built , and others of them escaped to other places . John ( his brother Judas being wounded ) pursued them as far as the Towers which were in the fields of Azotus , and in the pursuit , killed about 2000 men : and when he had burnt the Towers to the ground , he lead back his army safe and entire into Judea , [ 1 Mac. 16. 1 , 10. ] Tryphon at last , The Julian Period . 4576 retired to his own Country-men at Apamea : Year before Christ 138 at which time that happened which Frontinus relates of him , [ lib. 2. Stratagem . cap. 13. ] How that all the way he went , he scattered money , on purpose to retarde Antiochus his souldiers in their pursuit of him , and so escaped out of their hands . But Josephus intimates , That Apamea was taken by assault , and Tryphon killed , in the third year after Demetrius was taken prisoner by the Parthians , [ lib. 13. cap. 12. ] Appian writes , That he was at length taken by Antiochus , and slain , though with much adoe , [ Syriac . pag. 132. ] Strabo , That he was shut up in a certain Castle , and driven to that extremity , that he killed himself , [ lib. 14. pag. 668. ] and Georgius Syncellus reports , That being driven out of Orthosias , he leaped into the fire and therein perished . Hierax , General for the war in Egypt , in regard he was a very expert souldier , and very popular in publick assemblies , and moreover of a high spirit , took upon himself the kingdom of Ptolemei Physcon : For , observing Ptolemei in distresse for money , and the souldiers for want of their pay ready to revolt to Galaestes , he compressed the mutiny , by paying the souldiers arreares out of his own purse . As for the King himself , the Egyptians plainly vilified and contemned him , when they saw how childish he was in his discourses , how impetuous and prone to the vilest lusts , and how effeminated in his body by his intemperance , [ Diodor. Sicul. in Excerpt . H. Valesii , pag. 361 , & 362. ] In that part of Asia where Pergamus is , Attalus Philadelphus , brother to Eumenes , grew so dissolute thorough long idleness and peace , that Philopoemen , one of his friends swayed him which way he pleased : in such wise , that the Romans in a jeere to him , would often aske of those that sailed out of Asia ; whether the King had any interesse in Philopoemen , [ Plutarch in lib. whether the managing of a Common-wealth ought to be entrusted to an old man ] yet would not Attalus leave his kingdom to any of his own sons ; but in his life time , set the Crown upon the head of his brother Eumenes his son ( whose Guardian he was ) now come to age , and transferred upon him the Title of King , [ Id. in Apophthegm . & in lib. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ] After the death of Attalus the Uncle , Attalus surnamed Philometor , son to Eumenes by Stratonica , daughter of Ariarathes King of the Cappadocians , held the kingdom of Pergamus five years . [ Strabo . lib. 13. pag. 624. ] He no sooner was possessed of the kingdom , but he stained and dishonoured it by the massacres of his friends , and proceedings against his kindred ; pretending , how that at one time , his mother , an old woman , at another time , Beronice his spouse , dyed by their enchantments . [ Justin. l. 36. c. 4. ] And because he was somwhat jealous of the chiefest and most eminent of his fathers friends , least they should engage in some treasonable act against him , he resolved to dispatch them all out of the way : to that end , out of his barbarous mercenaries , he made choice of the most bloudy and covetous of them , and placed them in several private rooms in the palace ; and then having called together to Court those of his friends which he had in greatest suspition , he committed them to the mercy of the barbarians , who slew them , and immediately after issued out his commands to proceed against their wives and children after the same manner : as for his other friends , who had either command in the army , or were appointed over Cities , some of them he removed by circumventions and treachery : others , as fast as he light upon them , he beheaded with their whole families ; so that by reason of his cruelty , he became detestable , not onely to his own Subjects , but also to his neighbours round about : whereupon all under his dominion harkened extreamly after a change in the state . [ Diod , Sicul. in Excerpt . Valesii . p. 370. ] After this mad furious fit was over , Year of the World 3867 he put on a nasty garment , let his hair and his beard grow as criminous persons use to do ; he appeared not in publick , would not shew himself unto the people , gave no entertainments at home , or had the least symptom of a man in his wits : insomuch , that he seemed to be haunted by the ghosts of those he had so lately murdered . [ Iustin. lib. 36. cap. 4. ] Attalus , The Julian Period . 4577 having resigned the government of the kingdom to his nephew , Year before Christ 137 betook himself to diging of Gardens , sowing of herbs , mingling the unwholsom ones with the wholsom ; to all of them he gave a tincture of some poysonous juyce , and sent them as rare presents to his friends . [ Id. Ibid , ] Neither did he onely sow and plant henbane , and hellebore in the Kings Gardens , but also hemlock , woolf-bane , and the herb doryenium , wherewith arrows are wont to be poysoned : He studyed also to know the nature of their juyces , seeds , and fruits , and to gather them all in their proper season . [ Plutarch in Demeirio . ] We learn moreover by Varro , [ de re rustic . lib. 1. cap. 2. ] Colomella , [ lib , 1. cap. 1. ] and Pliny [ lib. 18. cap. 3. ] that he writ some books concerning husbandry . Antiochus Sidetes persecuted extreamely those Cities which had revolted in the beginning of his brothers reign , and having mastered them , joyned them to his own kingdom . [ Iustin. lib. 36. cap. 1. ] Ptolemei Euergetes the second , Year of the World 3868 ( or Phiscon ) slew many of those Alexandrians which had called him first into the kingdom , The Julian Period . 4578 and banished no small number of those , Year before Christ 136 who in their minority were brought up with his brother Philometor ( with whom he had had some differences ) and were now come to age . And having given licence to his forreign souldiers to kill and slay , as they themselves pleased , all places dayly streamed with blood . [ Iustin lib. 38. cap. 8. Atheneus , lib. 4. cap. 24. fin . ] Moreover , he divorced Cleopatra her self , who was both his sister and wife , and having first ravished her daughter , a virgin , took her to wife . These strange occurrences so apalled the people , that for fear of death they quitted their Country , and went into banishment , some to one place , some to another , in such wife , that Ptolemei and his company were left alone in so spacious a City : and when he saw that he was a King of empty houses rather than of men , he invited strangers by his edicts , [ Iustin ibid. ] And upon that account , replenished the Cities and Islands with Grammarians , Philosophers , Geometricians , Musitians , School-masters , Limners , Physitians , and many other Artizans , who teaching their arts to get their livings , made many excellent men , whereby it came to passe , that the liberall Arts and Sciences , were again restored in those parts ; the knowledge wereof was interrupted and grown out of date , by reason of the continuall wars and combustions that happened in the times of Alexanders successours , [ Athen. ut supra . ] P. Scipio Emilianus ( who upon the subversion of Carthage , was surnamed Africanus ) Spurius Mummius , and L. Metellus ( assigned Ambassadors from the Roman Senate , to ●ee in what condition Kingdoms and Cities of their Allyes were in , and to comp●●mize their differences ) took a strict survey of Egypt , Syria , Asia , and Greece . [ Cicero . in Somnio Scipionis , Strabo lib. 14. pag. 669. Justin lib. 38. cap. 8. Plutarch in Apothegm . Athenaeus , lib. 6. cap. 18. & lib. 12. cap. 27. ] Cicero in Lucullo writes , That Scipio was imployed in this famous Embassie , before he was made Censor : but in Somn●o Scipionis , the same Cicero saith , it was after he was Censor , a little before his second Consulship : Valerius Maximus vouches this Embassie to be performed by him , after his two Consulships , and his two chief triumphs , the Carthaginian and Numa●tine . [ lib. 4 , cap , 3. ] Polybius , who in a particular treatise hath made a description of the Numantine war , ( as appears out of the 5 lib. of Cicero , ad familiar . epist. 12 , ) mentioneth this Embassie , ( as we gather from Athenaeus , [ lib. 6. cap. 8. and out of Suidas in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , compared with Diodorus Siculus , Legat. 32. ] not having any fitter introduction to his intented work , then that . Scipio , after he had dispatcht that Embassie , was sent out to conclude the Numantine war. And upon that ground , of those three different opinions , we thought it meet to chuse the middle one . In this Embassie , Scipio , out of all his friends , took one companion onely along with him , who was not Ca●us Lelius ( as it is read in the corrupt Copies of Aurelius victor , de viris illustribus cap. 58. ) but Panaetius the Philosopher . [ Cicero in Lucullo , Plutarch in Apothgm . and in lib. de Philosophando cum Principibus , out of Posidonius his History . ] To whom Athenaeus [ lib. 12. cap. 27 , ] falsely joynes Posidonius the Stoick , who was long after him , as shall be made appear in his proper place . Scipio had in his retinue five servants onely , by the testimony of Posidonius and Polybius ( so that out of them both Valerins Maximus , who assigned seven to him , and Aurelius Victor , who allows two , are to be corrected ) and of those one dyed in the journey , yet would not Scipio buy another servant , but wrote home for another to be sent from Rome to supply his place of the deceased , [ Athenaeus lib. 6. c. 8. Plutarch in Apothegm . ] so that as he passed through the Countries of Allyes and Strangers , they did not so much count his slaves as his severall victories : neither was notice taken how great a weight of gold and silver he brought along with him , but of the extent of his greatnesse . [ Valer. Maximus , lib. 4. cap. 3. ] Forraigners repairing to Alexandria upon Ptolemei Euergetes his proclamation , Year of the World 3869 the Ambassadors of the Romans arrived there . [ Iustin lib. 38. cap. 8. ] When Scipio came out of the ship to land , he walked with his head covered with his cloak , but the Alexandrians flocking about him , desired him to unvayle his face , and discover himself to the people , for they had a great mind to behold him : which as soon as he condescended unto , they shouted , and made great acclamations . [ Plutarch in Apothegm . ] As for the King himself , who came to meet the Ambassadors , he seemed somewhat rediculous to the Romans , for he was of an horrid look , short stature , swag belly , more like a beast than a man : which uncomlinesse he made seem greater , by the thinnesse of a transparent garment , as if he had contrived on purpose to discover those things , which every modest man would by all means possible endeavour to have concealed ; for thus Justin out of Trogus Pompeius , [ lib. 38. cap. 8. ] hath described the man , whom Athenaeus out of the seventh book of Posidonius the Stoick , hath represented unto us in this guise , [ lib. 12. cap. 27. ] as Natalis Comes hath interpreted him . His body by reason of his luxury was grown grosse and foule , and his belly so big , that a man could hardly compasse him with his arms , which forced him to wear a long garment , with sleeves down to his ancles nor did he ever walk a foot , unlesse at this time , in respect to Scipio : who , observing that the King , by reason of this sluggishnesse and tendernesse of body , could scarce with great straining himself , keep pace with him , whispered Panethius in the ear : Now the Alexandrians have re●ped some fruits from our travel hither , who , in civility to us , have seen their King walking . [ Plutarch in Apothegm . ] from whence we may perceive , how well Dalechampius , who translated Athenaeus , hath rendred those words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , He never walked on foot , but leaning on his staffe . The King entertained the Legates very nobly , and shewed them his Palace and his Treasury . But they , being persons eminent in vertue , contented themselves with reasonable dyet , and such as was holsome , scorning that rich provision as prejudicall , both to the mind and body : as for those things which the King esteemed as rarities and admirable , they onely glanced their eyes upon them , and looked on them as things of no value ; but what was worth their eying , those things they viewed most exactly , viz. The cituation of the City , and capacities thereof ; and particularly Pharos , and what belonged thereto : thence they sailed to Memphis , and took notice of the goodnesse of the Country , the conveniences of Nilus , the number of the Cities , the infinite thousands of inhabitants , the fortification of Egypt , and the excellency of the Country , how well it was provided , both to the security and extent of an Empire . In brief , having sufficiently admired both the populousnesse of Egypt , and the conveniences of the places therein , they were of opinion , that the kingdom of Egypt would easily swell into a vast Empire , if it were so fortunate as to meet with masters answerable . After they had well viewed Egypt , they went to Cyprus , and from thence into Syria . [ Diod. Sicul. Legat. 32. ] To Mithridates Euergetes King of Pontus was born that famous Mithridates , surnamed Dionysius or Bacchus , and Eupator , whereupon he called the City which he built Eupatoria . [ Appia● . in Mithridat . p. 176. & 251. ] But he was both born and bred in the City Sinope , and therefore held it allwayes in high esteem , and made it the Metropolis of the whole kingdom . [ Strabo lib. 12. pag. 545. ] In the same year that Mithridates was born , there appeared a great Comet , [ Justin lib. 37. cap. 2. ] The very same which Seneca speaks of in lib. 7. cap. 15. of his natural Questions . In the time of Attalus his reign , there appeared a Comet , at the first but small , but afterwards it elevated and spread it self , and came as far as the Equinoctial circle , so that its extent equalized that region of the heaven , which we call the milkie way . For we allow ( with Eutropis [ lib. 6. ] and Orosius , [ lib. 6. cap. 5. ] who usually follow Livy ) to Mithridates 72 years of life : but if we had said with Appian , [ pag. 249. ] that he he lived onely 68 years , or 69 years , then this Comet had appeared after Attalus was dead , and not in his reign . Simon the High Priest , The Julian Period . 4579 and ruler of the Jews , Year before Christ 135 traversing the Cities of Judea , and providing for their orderly government , came down with his sons , Mattathias and Judas to Jericho , in the 177 year of the kingdom of the Grecians , the eleventh moneth , which is called Sabal . There Ptolemei the son of Abubus ( Simon the High Priests son in law ) entertained them in Doc Castle which he had fortified . This Ptolemei being by his father in law appointed over the province of Jericho , and a very wealthy person , had a great mind to get the government of the Country to himself : whereupon , whilst he was treating Simon and his sons with a banquet , where they had drank somewhat freely , he with his army of Ruffians , whom he had placed in some private place , entered into the house , and treacherously slew Simon and his sons , and some of his servants . [ 1 Maccab. 16. 11 , 17. ] Josephus relates , how that Simon was slain at a banquet by the treachery of his own son in law , after he was set over the Jews just eight years . [ lib. 13. cap. 14 , ] But we gather out of the story of the Maccabees , that he , after the decease of his brother Jonathan discharged the High Priests office for the space of eight years and about three moneths . Ptolemei immediately after acquainted Antiochus Sidetes the King with this Villany , desiring him that he would send an army to his assistance ; and he would soon deliver the Country and Cities of the Jews into his hands . [ 1 Maccab. 16. 18. ] This so sudden intimation of that fact to the King , and the promise of resigning up the Country unto him , gives occasion to suspect , that this businesse was not undertaken , but with the Kings privity ; and that that place of honour which the traytour so much aspired after , was before engaged unto him by the King , as a reward of the enterprize , as Jacobus Salianus observes in the epitomie of his Annals : to which is to be reserved that passage in the Pologue of the 36 book of Trogus Pompeius . Antiochus , after Hircanus was slain , subdued the Jews . Hircanus the son , falsely put for Simon the father ; as on the contrary , Eusebius in Chronic , touching upon the history , of the conquest of Judea by Antiochus , writes , That he forced Simon the High Priest to conditions , putting Simon the father , instead of Hircanus the son . This Perfidious Ptolemei sent other villaines to Gazara , to supprize John ( Hircanus ) and to kill him : He trucked also with the Colonels of the Jewi●sh Militia , and wrote letters unto them , whereby he made large promises to them , if so be they would revolt to his side . He dispatched others also , to seize upon Jerusalem , and the mountain of the Temple : but one ran before to Gazara , and told John , that his father and his brethren were slain , and that others were sent to do as much to him . John , allthough much astonished at the sad news , persecuted the murderers , by falling upon them first ; and so was made High Priest in the room of his father . [ 1 Maccab. 16. 19 , 24. ] He●● ends the first book of the Maccabees , containing the History of XL years , which Josephus continuing onwards , begins with an improbable relation : for saies he , John Hircanus escaped in the very nick to the City , and was received in by the people , who shut out Ptolomei , attempting to enter in at another gate ; that John after he had discharged the holy services , led his army out of the City against Ptolomei , and shut him up in the Fort Dagon , situate above Jericho , that whilst John was endeavouring to reduce the fort , Ptolemei commanded to bring both Johns mother , and his two brothers , who were with him in the Fort , and to scourge them soundly with whips , threatning moreover to throw them down over the wall , except he desisted . That John touched with commiseration of their hard usage , grew somewhat coole and faint in his opposition : and although , the mother very resolutely exhorted the son not to relent out of affection to her , but to doe what in him lay to take vengeance of the traytour , yet the hard usage of his mother made such a deep impression in his affections , that he surceased his batteries as often as he beheld his mother whipt . But the Sabbathical year coming on , in which the Jews rested from their works , as on the seventh day John raised his siege , and Ptolemei was set at liberty : who , after he had killed Hircanus his mother , and brothers , flew to Zeno , sirnamed Cotylas , who was governour of Philadelphia . [ Iosephus lib. 1. of the war , cap. 2. & lib. 13. Antiquit. cap. 14 , 15. ] All which Salianus in the sixth Tome of his Annals , convinces of a great deal of variety , considering the persons , time and place , [ ad Ann. Mundi . 3919. Sect. 5 , 6 , 7. & 3920. Sect. 5 , 6. ] Where he well adviseth to take notice , That in the Sabbaticall year , the waging of war , or besieging of Cities , or raising of sortifications , was no where prohibited to the Jews , by the Law of God. To which we add moreover , That this year indeed was the Sabbaticall year , but it began not after , but four moneths before , Simons death , viz. in the beginning of the CLXXVII year of the account of the contracts , as appears by the list of the Sabbaticall year , kept by the Jews themselves to their very times . In the 43 year of the third Calippick Period , on the 29 day of the Egyptian moneth , Mechis ( on the beginning of the 24 day of the Julian March ) after midnight , the Vernal Equinox was observed by Hipparchus , [ Potlem . lib. 3. cap. 2. ] and at the end of the same year of the same Period , the summer solstice was also observed by him , [ Id. ibid. ] Antiochus Sidetes , in the end of the fourth year of his reign , and in the beginning of the first of Hircanus , entred with an army into Judea , and having wasted the Country , forced Hircanus to retire to the City Jerusalem and then laid siege to it , at seven places , having divided his whole army into seven brigades , that so he might obstruct all the passings to and fro of the besieged . [ Joseph . lib. 13. cap. 16. ] Scipio Africanus , and the other Roman Ambassadors , having travelled through very many parts of the world , were received generally with a great deal of affection and love : wheresoever they came , they did their utmost to compromise differences , by reconciling some , and perswading others to yield to what was just and equall : those that were impudently refractory , they forced to a condescention , and when they met with any causes , which were somewhat difficult to be decided , those they referred to the Senate . And having had this commerce with divers Kings and people , and renewed their ancient friendship and alliance with all of them , they returned home : Those whom they had visited , dispatching Ambassadors to Rome , who applauded the Senate for sending such men unto them . [ Diodorus Siculus . Legat. 32. ] The siege of Jerusalem was prolonged , through the strength of the walls , and courage of the defendants : At last , on the other side of the wall , where the passage was more levell , Antiochus erected an 100 Towers , three stories high , and having placed in them bands of souldiers , dayly attempted the walls . He made also a double trench , both long and broad , so that the Jews were so straightly begirted , that they could not get out any way . On the contrary , they within made often sallyes forth , and if at any time they found the enemies Camp any whit neglected in their guards , they fell upon them , but if ready for resistance , they retreated back to their holds . [ Josephus lib. 13. cap. 16. ] Hircanus , after he had considered how prejudicial the multitudes of them in the City would be unto him , by reason of the unprofitable consuming of the victuall , cast the infirmer route out of the walls , reserving onely such as were able to bear armes : But Antiochus would not suffer them to passe , so that being ●orced to wander about the walls , many of them miserably perished by famme . [ Id. Ibid. ] When the feast of tabernacles was come , Year of the World 3870 they took pity upon the excluded , and received them again into the City . They requested also Antiochus , that he would for their feast sake grant a cassation of hostility for seven dayes , which he did not onely indulge unto them , but also brought , in great pomp , to the very gates of the City , Buls with guilded hornes , and gold and silver Cups filled with all manner of spices : and having delivered sacrifices to the Priests of the Jews , and made a feast to the army , he returned to the Camp. [ Id. Ibid. cum Plutarch in Apothegm . ] When upon the setting of the Pleiades , plentifull showers had supplyed the besieged with water , ( for want whereof they were much distressed before , ) and the Sabbaticall year being now ended , if the Jews were hindred from sowing their grounds , a famine must undoubtedly have followed : Hircanus , considering Antiochus his justice and piety , sent Ambassadors unto him , requesting him , that he would give them leave to live according to the laws of their forefathers . Many of the Kings friends pressed him to demolish the City , and to put the whole nation of the Jews to the sword , as being a people unsociable , and severed from all other nations by their peculiar constitutions : or if not so , yet they urged him at least to abrogate their laws , and force them to change their manner of life . But the King , who was of a high spirit , and gentle in his behaviour , rejected their counsel , and approving the Jews piety , commanded , that the besieged should deliver up their arms to him , dismantle the City walls , pay all customs due from Joppe , and the other Cities without Judea , and moreover , receive a Garrison into them : upon their conditions he would conclude a peace with them . They consented to all the Kings propositions , excepting that one of receiving in a Garrison amongst them , in regard that they would avoide all commerce with strangers . In leiu of that , they chose rather to give hostages , amongst whom Hircanus his own brother should be one , and 500 talents besides ; whereof , 300 were paid down presently after ; so they threw down the battery from the wall , and raised the siege , and discharged the Jews of all impeachments . [ Joseph . ibid. cum Diodor. Sicul. lib. 34. in Bibliotheca . Photii . ●cod . 244. ] Hircanus having opened the Sepulchre of David , which was the richest of all the King , took thence 3000 talents : in confidence of this treasure , he began to entertaine forreign auxiliaries , which never any of the Jews did before : so Josephus , [ lib. Bell : 1. cap. 2. lib. 3. Antiquit. cap. 12. & lib. 13. cap. 16. & lib 16. cap. 11. ] of this , [ see Salianus his censure , Tom. 6. of his Annals in the year of the World , 3921 , Sect. 8 , 9 , ] In the first year of Hircanus Matthias , surnamed Aphlias the son of Simon Psellus , Priest of the course of Joarib , had by the daughter of Jonathan the High Priest , Matthias surnamed Curtus , the great grandfather of Josephus the Historian , as he himself shews in the beginning of the book of his life . P. Africanus , The Julian Period . 4580 and Caius Fulvius , Year before Christ 134 being Consuls , there arose a servile war , from the servants in Sicilia , [ Liv. lib. 56. Julius Obsequens , de prodigiis . ] It was commenced by one Eunus a servant , a Syrian , born in the City Apemea , a man much addicted to magicall incantations , and jugling . He faigned himself to have received the knowledge of future events , by the inspiration of the gods , first appearing to him in his sleep , but afterwards , when he was awake . And although he failed in many of his prognostications and predictions , yet because in some he hit right by chance , no body objected his errours , but for his true predictions , they were diligently noted and applauded , so that his name began to be cryed up more and more amongst men . At last , feigning himself mad , whilst he pretended the ceremonies of the goddese of Syria , and gave out , That she had appeared unto him in his sleep , and promised to promote him to kingly honour , he stirred up the servants to appear for their liberty , and to take up arms , by the command of the gods ; and to prove that this was no designe of his own head , but proceeded first from the instigation of the gods : he concealed in his mouth a nutshell , crammed with sulphur and fire , so that his breath caused him to send out a flash of fire as ofte as he spake . This very miracle raised him two thousand men at first , of the ordinary sort , which he improved in an instant to an army of 40 thousand , having broken open the prisons by law of arms . Hereupon , Eunus was by the slaves created King , who after the Crown was set upon his head , and his wife ( who was also a Syrian , and his fellow Citizen ) proclaimed Queen , chose out of the whole company , some that seemed wiser than the rest , to be of his councel , stiling himself Antiochus , and his associates , the revolting Syrians . These fellows succeded so fortunately , that Cleon , another slave , was encouraged by these successes , to raise an army also , he was born in Cilicia , not far from Mount Taurus , an high-way robber from his youth . But he submitted himself upon Eunus his bare command , who as King made him his General , in regard he had an army of 5000 of his own souldiers ( or as it is in Livy his Epitomie , 70000. ) This was done about 30 dayes after the first breaking out of the rebellion : which because the Pretors were not able to quell it , was turned over to C. Fulviu the Consul . [ Diodor. Sicul. lib. 34. in Photii . Bibliotheca . cod . 244. & Excerptis . II. Valesii , pag. 369 , 370. Liv. lib. 56. Florus , lib. 3. cap. 19. ] This president caused the like descention of slaves in some other places , particularly at Delos , [ Diodor. Sicul. ut sup . ] in which Island there was such a shop of slaves , that it could take in and put off again myriades of them in a day ; insomuch , that it grew into a proverb , Merchant , put in h●ther , set forth your slaves , you shall sell them all off immediately . [ Strabo . lib. 14. 668. ] Scipio Africanus , the other Consul , was marched into Spain , to put an end to the Numantine war , whither ' King Attalus sent unto him out of Asia very costly presents , as we find it in Ciceros Oration , in the behalf of Dejotarus , which Scipio took in the ●ight of his army . The like was done by Antiochus Sidetes , as appears in the Epitome of Livies 57 book : Though it was the fashion of other Generalls to conceals Kings gratuities , yet Scipio said , he would receive the rich gifts which Antiochus Sidetes sent him in open Court : and commanded moreover the treasurer to register them all in the publick Tables , that so he might have wherewithall to reward the gallantry of his Souldiers . Attalus , Year of the World 3875 the last King of Pergamus in Asia , The Julian Period . 4581 called Philometor , Year before Christ 135 having given himself over to the working in art of brass , and being much delighted in making of instruments , and melting and stamping of brasse ; at last , set upon making a Sepulchre for his mother : but being too intent of the work , he caught a surfet by reason of the violent heat of the furnace , and died the seventh day after , [ Justin , lib. 36. cap. 4. ] Eudemus of Pergamus brought Attalus his Will to Rome , and delivered to Tiberius Gracchus the tribute of the people , the King of Pergamus his Crown , and Purple Robes , [ Plutarch in Tiber. Gracch . ] In the Will was written ; Let the people of Rome be the heir of my goods . So that the people of Rome , reckoning the kingdom as part of the Kings goods , held that Province , not by force of arms , but by vertue of the Will , [ Florus , lib. 2. cap. 20. ] Whereas Asia by the Will of Attalus the King , was so bequeathed to the people of Rome ( if so be it was bequeathed ) that it ought to be free , [ Liv. lib. 59. ] Indeed the Romans are charged with the counterfeiting of this Will in Mithridates his letter to Arsaces , in the fourth of Salusts History . And that they were not lawful heirs to Attalus , Horace himself gives a private hint : as Acron hath observed in his notes upon the 18 Ode of the second book of Verses . — Neque Attali Ignotus haeres regiam occupavi : Neither have I as an obscure he●rinvaded Attalus his Court. Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus , desirous to purchase unto himself the peoples favour , ordained by the agrarian law ( which from him was called the Sempronian law ) that land in Asia should be framed out by the Roman Censors : and to that end published a law to the people ; That as soon as the money bequeathed by King Attalus was come , it should be divided amongst the Citizens , who were by the Sempronian law to rent the lands , towards the managing of their farms , and providing instruments of husbandry . As for the Cities of the kingdom of Attalus , he denied that the Senate had any thing to do with them , and that he intended to refer them to an assembly of the people , [ Cicero , Verrin . 2. Liv. lib. 58. Plutarch , in Tib. Gracch . Oros. lib. 5. cap. 8. ] But because in an assembly of the tribunes held that Summer , it was moved , that he might be continued Tribune of the people for the year following , he was stabbed in the Capitol , by the designment of P. Cornelius Nasica , the Pontifex Maximus , [ Appian . Bell. Civil . lib. 1. pag. 358. ] Scaevola and Pison being Consuls , [ Ascon . Pedian . in Verrin . 2. ] the same Summer in which Attalus died . Aristonicus falsely pretending his descent from the Blood Royal , Year of the World 3872 as sayes Vellius Paterculus ; indeed the son of King Eumenes , and the brother of Attalus deceased , though not by lawful wedlock , but by an Ephesian Curtesan , the daughter of a Musitian , invaded Asia in right of his father . Most of the Cities ( living formerly under kingly government ) he easily perswaded to be of his side ; and those few which for fear of the Romans stood out against him , he reduced by force , [ Liv. lib. 59. Velles . Patercul . lib. 2. cap. 4. Strabo , lib. 14. pag. 646. Flor. lib. 3. cap. 20. Justin. lib. 36. cap. 4. Plutarch , sub . fin . Vitae . T. Q. Flaminin . Appian . Bell. Civil . lib. 1. pag. 360. & Muhridatic . pag. 212. Eutrop. lib. 4. ] The first place which he wrought to a revolt , was a little Town called Leucas : but he was soon thrust out thence upon a defeat given him by the Ephesians in a sea-fight near Cuma , [ Strabo , ut supr . ] From then Aristonicus marched into the midland , The Julian Period . 4582 where he drew together a numerous company of beggarly persons , Year before Christ 132 and slaves , whom he incited to stand up for their liberty , and whom he called Heliopolitans , [ id . ibid. ] Whatsoever slaves had the hap to live under hard masters , quitted their services , and ran away to him : and gave great overthrows to many Cities , [ Diod. Sicul. in Excerpt . Valesti , pag. 362. ] Aristonicus first set upon Thiatira , next seized upon Apollonias , and afterwards the other Garrisons , [ Strabo , ut supr . ] Myndus , Samos , Colophon , he took by storme , [ Florus lib. 2. cap. 20. ] To stop his careere , all the Cities round about sent their Forces : Nicomedes king of Bithynia , Ariarathes of Cappadocia , Phylaemenes of Paphlagonia , and Mithridates of Pontus , brought their supplies to the Romans against him . Moreover , five Legates came from Rome , [ Strabo , ut supr . cum Justin. lib. 37. cap. 1 & Eutrop. lib. 4. ] In the 38 year under king Euergets , ( the second , or Physcon , the Epoch of his reign , being taken from the time he began to reign with his brother Philometor , concerning which see above ad ann . Mundi , 3835. ) Jesus the son of Sirach born at Hierusalem , coming into Egypt , and residing there , translated the book of his Grandfather Jesus ( called by the Greeks Panaretos , and Eeclesiasticus ) out of Hebrew into Greek , as he himself shews in the Preface to his translation : which very book , Heirome in his 115. Epist. sayes , he hath seen in the Hebrew , with this inscription . The parables of Jesus son of Sirach . P. Rupilius , being raised from the condition of a Sicilian Publican , to the honour of Consulship , quelled the insurrection of the slaves in Sicily , [ Liv. lib. 59. Ascon . Pedian . Verrin . 4. Va●er . Maxim. lib. 2. cap. 7. & lib. 6. cap. 9. ] At his besiege of Taurominium , he took prisoner Comanus , Cleons brother , as he was stealing out of the City : and a while after , upon Sarapion the Syrians betraying the Fort unto him , he seized upon all the fugitives in the City : whom after he had put upon the rack , he tumbled down headlong . From thence he marched to Euna , where he encountred with Cleon the General , who marched out of the City to fight him : Cleon behaved himself very gallantly , and received many a wound before he fell : as soon as the General was slain , that City also was betrayed unto the Consul . As for Eunus , the king of the Rebels , he took along with him 600 of his men and escaped as fast as he could to the craggy mountains for his security ; where for fear of the pursuers they crept into caves , from whence , he and four more of his company were dragged out , and cast in prison at Morgantina , where he lay so long , until his body purified and resolved into lice . A lamenable death it was , but his rash enterprises deserved no better , [ Diodor. Sicul. lib. 34. in Photii , Bibliothec. cod . 214. ] In the 8 year of Antiochus Sidetes , Year of the World 3873 about 10 of the clock in the forenoon , The Julian Period . 4583 on the 21 day of the moneth Peritius , Year before Christ 131 or February , there happened an earthquake at Antioch in Syria ; as may be gathered out of the Chronicles of John Malela of Antioch . L. Valerius Flaccus , and P. Licinius Crassus , being Consuls , it was propounded to the people , whom they would be pleased to assign for the managing of the war against Aristonicus : Crassus the Consul , and Pontifex Maxim. threatned to set a fine upon Flaccus who was his Collegue in the Consulship , and Mars his Flamen , if so be he left the holy services . The people took off the fine , yet enjoyned the Flamen to observe the Pontilex : Yet for all that , the people would by no means give their consent , that the managing of the war should be committed to a private person : although Scipio Africanus were the man they pitched upon , who the year before had triumphed over the Numantians : but voted the war should be entrusted rather to Crassut the Consul , than to Africanus who was but a private person , [ Cicero , in Philippic . 11. ] And so the Pontifex Max. ( which was more than ever was done before ) went out of Italy , Liv. lib. 59. ] Antiochus Sidetes marched with his army against Phraates , who succeeded his brother Arsacides , or Mithridates , in the kingdom of Parthia : his design was to fetch back his brother Demetrius Nicator . Phraates had twice taken him as he was fleeing away , and sent him back into Hircania to his wife Rhodoguna and his children : not out of commiseration towards them , or respect of his own alliance to them , but because he aspired to the kingdom of Syria , and therefore might make use of Demetrius against Antiochus his brother , as occasion should serve , and the event of the war require . Whereupon Antioch●s thought it best to begin first , and therefore led his army , which he had already hardened in the wars which he had with his neighbours , into Media against the Parthians , [ Justin. lib. 38. cap. 9 , 10. & lib. 42. cap. 1. Liv. lib. 59. Athenaeus , lib. 10. cap. 12. & lib. 12. cap. 19. Appian . Syria● . pag. 132. ] But his preparation for luxury was not lesse , than that for the wat : for 300 ( Orosius 200 ) ●housand scullions followed his army , which consisted of 80 ( Orosius saith 100 ) thousand men : The greater number of them were Cooks , Bakers , and Stage-players , [ Justin. lib. 38. cap. 10. ] Antiochus entertained constantly every day such a multitude of guests , that besides what was eaten at table , and taken off by heaps , every one of the guests carried away with them whole joynts of meat untouched ; flesh of sour-footed beasts , fowles , sea-fish , ready dressed : there was moreover provided much sweet-meats , made of candid honey , many coronets of frankincense and myrrhe , with knots and ribbands of Gold , which being let down at length , were as high as a man , [ Posidon . Apamous , Historiar . lib. 14. apud Athenaeum , lib. 5. cap. 9. & lib. 12. cap. 19. ] The souldiery imitating this his blind and mad profusenesse , drave silver nailes into the soles of their shoes : they prepared also silver vessels for kitchin service , and adorned their tents with woven Imagery . All which might rather seem a booty to encourge the enemy , than be a means to retard and slacken the hands of a couragious man to pursue a victory , [ Valer. Maxim. lib. 9. cap. 1. & Iustin. lib. 38. cap. 10. ] As soon as Antiochus was come into those parts , many of the Eastern Kings tendered themselves and their kingdoms unto him , cursing and devoting the insolencies of the Parthians : Neither was it long before he engaged the enemy . Antiochus having had the better in three several battles , and being seized of Babylonia , began to be in some repute : so that the Parthians had nothing left but their own Country , the people generally falling off from them to Antiochus , [ Iustin. lib. 38. cap. 10. ] In this expedition , John Hircanus the Jews High Priest and Ruler , followed Antiochus with his supplies : of whom Nicholaus Damascenus hath related this passage in his general History . Antiochus having erected a Trophie near the River Lycus , where he overthrew Indaetes , the Parthians Generall , tarryed there two dayes upon Hircanus the Jew his entreaty , because it happened that one of the Jews solemne festivals fell out at that very time , during which , it was not lawfull for the Iews to travell . It was the feast of Penticost , which drew on after the Sabbath : all which time the Jews were prohibited to take any journey . [ Iosephus , lib. 13. cap. 16. ] When that was over , John having overthrown the Hyrcani , in battle , and from thence obtained the name Hyrcanus , ( as is supposed by Eusebius in his Chronicle , and Severus Sulpitius , in the second Book of his Holy History . ) returned home again with a great deal of honour . P. Crassus the Consul , coming into Asia , to quell King Aristonicus , by his great industry , grew so expert in the Greek tongue , that he knew it most exactly , as it is divided into its five Dialects , which procured him a great deale of favour and love amongst the Allyes , when they saw he returned answer to their demands , in the very same Dialect that they themselves made their addresses in . [ Valer. Maximus , lib. 8. cap. 7. Quintilian . lib. 11. cap. 2. ] When the same Crassus was preparing to lay his siege to Leucas , and wanted a strong and large beam to make a Ramme of , to batter the walls of the Town ; he wrote to the chief Carpenter of the Moleatenses , who were confederates and Allyes of the Romans , That of two Mastes which he had seen there , he should be sure to send him the biggest . The Carpenter , understanding wherefore he desired the Maste , did not , as he was bid , send the greater , but the lesse , supposing it more fit for the purpose , and easier for carriage : Crassus ordered him to be sent for , and when he had demanded , how chance he had not sent that Maste which he required , not weighing his excuses and reasons , commanded him to be stript , and whipt : being of opinion , that all regard and respect due to superiours would soon decay and vanish , if so be a man might be suffered to answer a command , not with that obedience which is expected , but with an officious giving his advice . [ A. Gell. lib. 1. cap. 13. ] Antiochus Sidetes , Year of the World 3874 in regard of his great number , divided his army into winter quarters through the Cities : which upon the exacting of free quarter , and the misdeamours of the souldery , fell off from him , [ Iustin lib. 38. cap. 10. ] where above all others , Athenaeus , one of Antiochus his Captains , was intolerably insolent into whatsoever quarters he came . [ Diodor. Sicul. in Excerpt . Valesii . pag. 374. ] P. Crassus , Proconsul of Asia , notwithstanding he was very strong , what with his own forces , and the supplies sent him from the Kings of Bithynia , Pontus , Cappadocia , and Paphlagonia , yet at the end of the year , adventuring to engage the enemy before he had put his men in a posture to fight , was overcome , and after a great slaughter of his men , his army was forced to flye : As for himself , he fell into the hands of the enemy , being taken near Leucas , between Elea and Smyrna , by an ambush of Thracians , whereof Aristonicus had good store in Garrison . But the Consul , remembring of what family he was descended , and that he was a Roman , thrust the stick , with which he used to guide his horse , into the eye of the Thracians , who had the charge of him , who being enraged by reason of the pain and anguish , run his sword into Crassus his side : thus by contriving a way to dye , he avoided both disgrace and servitude . His head was presented to Aristonicus , and his body interred at Smyrna . [ Liv. lib. 59. Vellei Patarcul . lib. 2. Strabo . lib. 14. pag. 646. Valer. Maxim. lib. 3. cap. 2. Flo. lib. 2. cap. 20. Iustin , lib. 36. cap. 4. Iulius Obsequens de prodigiis Europ . lib. 4. Oros. lib. 5. cap. 10. ] M. Perperna Consul , The Julian Period . 4584 who succeeded Crassus , Year before Christ 130 hearing of his death , and the overthrow of the Roman army , made what speed he could into Asia : where he surprized Aristonicus , keeping , as it were , holyday for his late conquest , and put him to flight , not having at that time his forces about him . He escaped to Stratonice , whither the Consul hasted after him , and laid such close siege to the City , that he forced it to resign for want of provision ; he took Aristonicus prisoner , and kept him in bonds , [ Liv. Patercul . Strabo , Florus , Iustin , Oros. Eutrop. ut supra . Valer. Max. lib. 3. cap. 4. ] Belosius Cuma , who after the death of Tiberius Gracchus , ( whom he so highly esteemed , that if he had commanded him to set fire to the Capitol , he professed he thought it no shame to have put it in execution ) went from Rome to Aristonicus into Asia : when he saw how Aristonicus his affaires , went backwards , he slew himself . [ Plutarch in Tib. Graccho . ] Just before the taking of Aristonicus , news was brought to Rome , how the image of Apollo at Cuma wept for four dayes together : the southsayers were so apalled at the prodigie , that they had thrown the image into the sea , had not the old men of Cuma interceded ; but the more expert southsayers answered , that thereby the fatality of Greece was portended , from whence that image was brought . Hereupon the Romans sacrificed , and brought offerings into the temple . [ Iul. Obsequens , de prodigiis , Augustin . de Civit. Dei , lib. 3. cap. 11. ] Phrygia was recovered by the Romans , [ Iul. Obsequens , ibid. ] Phraates sends Demetrius Nicator into Syria , with a company of Parthians to seize upon that kingdom , hoping thereby to draw Antiochus out of Parthia , to save his own Country ; in the mean time , not being able to annoy Antiochus in open war , he endeavoured by all means to surprize him with stratagems . [ Iustin , lib. 38. cap , 10. ] The Cities , where Antiochus his army had taken up their winter quarters , taking it very ill that they were oppressed with the quarter , and not brooking also the incivilities of the souldiers , revolted to the Parthians : and upon a set day , all of them fell upon the army as it lay dispersed in their severall quarters , having so placed ambushes , that they could not come to assist one another . As soon as Antiochus had notice hereof , he march-to the relief of those that were next to him , with that company which quartered with him . [ Id. ib. ] The Swallows builded nests in Antiochus his pavilion , but he neglecting the prodigree , encountered the enemy , [ Jul. Obsequens , de prodig . ] And truly , for his own part , he expressed more gallantry in his engagement with Phraates , whom he met in the way , than his army did ; but at the close , his party cowardly ran away , and deserted him , [ Justin ut sup . ] The first man that took himself to his heels , and deserted Antiochus , was Athenaeus , who flying to some of those villages , which he had provoked by his insolencies , when he was quartered amongst them , had the doors shut against him , and was denyed victuals by all : so that he was forced to wander up and down the Country , till at length he dyed for hunger . [ Diodorus Siculus . in Excerptis Valesii , pag. 374 , 377. ] As for Antiochus himself , Julius Obsequens , [ lib. de prodigiis . ] Justinus , [ lib. 38. cap. 10. & 39. cap. 1. ] Josephus , [ lib. 15. cap. 16. ] Eusebius , [ in his Chronicle . ] and Orosius [ lib. 5. cap. 10. ] relate , That he was slain by the Parthians in that fight . Appian reports , That being worsted in the battle , he laid violent hands upon himself . [ in Syriac . pag. 132. ] Elianus tell us , That upon his ill successe , he threw himself down headlong from a steep place . [ lib. 10. de Animalib . cap. 34. ] Some Modern Writers think he was stoned to death by the Priests of the Temple Nannea in Persia , whither he came with the remainder of his army , with an intention to ransack the Temple : Supposing with Rupertus Tuitiensis , [ lib. 10. de victoria Verbi Dei , cap. 6. 16. 24. ] that this was the same Antiochus , of whom mention is made in the Epistle of the Jews at Jerusalem to their brethren in Egypt . [ 2 Mac. 1. 10 , 17. ] When Arsaces ( so Phraates was called by the general name of the Kings of Parthia ) interred the dead corps of Antiochus , Posidonius of Apamea , in the 16 book of his Histories , [ according to Athenaeus , lib. 10. cap. 12. ] reports that he said , reproving his debauchery ; Thy wine , O Antiochus , and thy two great confidences have deceived thee : for thou hopeast in thy great cups , to have swallowed down the kingdom of Arsaces . After Antiochus his funerall was over , which Phraates discharged in a Princely manner , he was enamoured with Demetrius his daughter , whom Antiochus had brought along with him , and took her to wife : and now he began to repent of his sending Demetrius away : wherefore he dispatched in all hast some troups of Horse to fetch him back again ; who found Demetrius , fearing some such thing , seated in the kingdom , so that having attempted all in vain , they returned back to the King. [ Iustin lib. 38. cap. 10. ] Antiochus and his army being overthrown in Parthia , his brother Demetrius being freed from the siege of the Parthians , and restored to his kingdom , though all Syria at that time bemoaned the losse of the army , yet he seemed to resent the accident no otherwise than if he had managed his own and his brothers wars against the Parthians , with all the good luck that might be , ( wherein the one of them was taken prisoner , the other was slain outright . ) [ Id. lib. 36. cap. 1. ] Antiochus being dead and gone , the Jews never after suffered a Macedonian King to be over them ; but creating magistrates amongst themselves , they pestered Syria with continuall wars . [ Id. lib. 36. cap. 1. ] and subdued many parts of Syria and Phaenicia . [ Strabo . lib. 16. cap. 761. ] For Hircanus , after the death of Antiochus , revolted from the Macedonians , and never after sent them any supplies , either as subject , or friend . But at the first bruite of Antiochus his death , he led his whole army against the Cities of Syria , supposing ( which was true ) that he should find them bereft , and void of defendants : he stormed Medaba ( of which 1 Maccab. 9. 36. ) and took it , though with some difficulty , having layen sixe moneths before it : next he possessed himself of Samega , and the towns adjacent . [ Ioseph . lib. 13. cap. 17. ] In the mean time Phraates , resolving to commence a war in Syria , in vindication of Antiochus his attempting the kingdom of Parthia , was taken off his designe , and called home to defend his own , by reason of some commotions of the Scythians in the Country . For the Scythians , the ground of the quarrel was this , The Scythians were hired by the Parthians , to assist them against Antiochus King of Syria : but they came not with their supplies , till the businesse was over , so that the Parthians cut them short of their pay , objecting their coming too late . The Scythians being vexed , that they had taken such a long march to no purpose , moved , That they might be either allowed their pay , in consideration of their tedious march , or that they might be commanded upon some other service : the Parthians returned them but a rough answer , which , they taking exception at , became their own carvers , and fell to plundering the Country , [ Iustin. lib. 42. cap. 1. ] Whilst Phraathes was gone against the Scythians , he left behind him as viceroy , one Himerus , an Hircanian by birth , a great favourit of his , upon the score of the flower of his youth . But he forgetting his former condition , and not considering he was but anothers deputy , proceeded with a great deal of tyranny , and vexed the Babylonians , and many other Cities upon no occasion . [ Id. ib. ] For he made many of the babylonians his slaves , and dispersed them with their whole families into Media . He set also the market place on fire , and some Temples of Babylon , and pulled down all the most beautifull places of the City . [ Diodor. Sicul. in Excerpt . Valesii . pag. 377. ] Posidonius of Apamea also mentions the exorbitant government of this Himerus , in the 26 book of his Histories , [ Athenaeus , lib. 11. c. 4. ] where he relates , how that one Lysimachus a Babilonian invited him and 300 more to supper ; and when meat was taken off , presented to every one of those 300 , the silver cup of four pound price , in which they had drunk . In Egypt , Ptolemei Euergetes the second , or Physcon , having reigned 15 years after his brother Philometor [ as Diodor. Sicul. shew in Excerpt . Valesii , pag. 350. ] having already , by his cruelty , rendered himself so odious to those very forreigners he had invited to Alexandria , that they set his royall palace on fire , stole away privately into Cyprus , with his son Memphites , whom his sister Cleopatra bore unto him , and with his wise the daughter of the same Cleopatra . And whereas the people conferred the kingdom upon Cleopatra his sister and divorced wife : he hired an army , and waged war both against his own sister and native Country , [ Livie . lib. 59 , Jul. Obsequens de prodigiis . Iustin lib. 38. cap. 8. Orosius lib. 5. cap. 10. ] John Hircanus took Sichem and Garizim , Year of the World 3875 and demolished the Temple of the Cuthites two hundred years after it had been built by Sa●ballat . [ Iosephus , lib. 13. cap. 17. ] M. Perperna took care to get Aristonicus , and the treasure which Attalus lost in legacy to the people of Rome , to be shipped away thither , which was ill taken by Manius Aquilius Consul his successor , who forthwith made what hast he could to Perperna , intending to get Aristonicus out of his hands , as belonging to his triumph rather than to Perperna's : But Perperna's death decided the controversy ; who upon his returne ●ell sick at Pergamus , and dyed of that disease . [ Strabo , lib. 14. pag. 646. Valer. Maximus , lib. 3. cap. 4. Iustin , lib. 36. cap. 4. Eutrop. lib. 4. Oros. lib. 5. cap. 10. ] Aqullius Consul , The Julian Period . 4585 compleated the remainder of the A●iatick war , Year before Christ 129 forceing some Cities to resigne , by poysoning their waters : which though it occasioned a speedy victory , yet it withwall rendred it in famous and dishonorable . [ Florus , lib. 2. cap. 20. ] Most of the Asians , who for four years entire had assisted Aristonicus against the Romans , for fear returned to their loyalty . [ Sylla , apud Appian . in Mithridatic . pag. 212. ] And so Lydia anciently , the Senate of the Kings , Caria , Hellespont , and both Phrigia's by joynt resignation put themselves under the power of the Romans . [ Sextus , Rufus in Breviario . ] The Massilians sent their Ambassadors away to Rome , to mediate in behalf of their founders the Phocensians , whose City and name the Senate had ordered to be quite rased out , because both now in the war with Aristonicus , and formerly with Antiochus the great , they had borne arms against the people of Rome , the Senate granted them their pardon . [ Iustin lib. 37. cap. 1. ] The Romans gave the greater Phrygia to Mithridates Euergetes King of Pontus , as a gratuity for assisting them against Aristonicus . [ Id ibid. & lib. 38. cap. 5. ] Although it is generally believed that Manius Aquilius being well bribed for his paines , gave it unto him . Wherefore , after the death of Mithridates , the Senate took Phrygia away from his son , in his minority , ( as he himself complaines in Trogus Pompeius ) and made it a free State and independent . [ Appiau . in Mithridatic . pag. 177. & 208. & lib. 1. Bell. Civil . pag. 362 , 363. compared with Iustin. lib. 38. cap. 5. ] Aquilius with ten Legates , reduced Attalus his Dominion into the form of a Province , and made it tributary ; and called it by the common name of the Continent , Asia , [ Strabo , lib. 13. pag. 624. & lib. 14. pag. 646. ] Ariarathes , King of Cappadocia , was slain in the war against Aristonicus , leaving behind him six sons , by his wife Laodice , to whom the people of Rome gave Lycaonia and Cilicia , for their fathers good service . But Laodice , being jealous of her sons , and fearing least when they came to age , she should not enjoy the kingdom long after , poisoned five of them : one young one escaped the mothers cruelty , by being secured in the hands of some of the kindred ; who , after the killing of Laodice ( for the people had dispatched her for her cruelty ) had the kingdom to himself , [ Iustin. lib. 37. cap. 1. ] John Hircanus took Adora , and Marissa , Cities of Idumea : and having subdued all the Idumeans , enjoyned them circumcision , under penalty of quitting their mansions : But they , out of love to their native Country , admitted both circumcision , and all other Jewish constitutions : and from that time forward , they were reckoned amongst the Jews , [ Ioseph . Antiquit. lib. 13. cap. 17. lib. 15. cap. 11. pag. 531. compared with lib. 4. Bell. cap. 16. al. cap. 6. ] Strabo relates that these Idumeans were Nabateans originally ; but being driven thence upon some sedition , they joyned themselves to the Jews , and submitted to their laws , [ lib. 16. pag. 760. ] He addes , that Herod the King of the Jews , came from thence , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , virum indigenam ; A stranger born , [ Ibid. pag. 765. ] Whereas Antigonus said he was an Idumean ; that is , an half Jew , [ Ioseph . lib. 14. Antiquit. cap. 27. pag. 501. ] For although Stephanus Byzantinus writes [ in voc . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] that the Idumeans were Hebrews originally ; yet Ammonius the Grammarian in his book de differentiis verborum , out of Ptolemeis first book , de Rege Herode , ( perhaps that Ptolemei who was Herods Leiutenant , Ioseph . lib. 16. Antiquit. cap. 11. ) hath noted this difference betwixt the Idumeans and the Jews . The Iews are such as were so naturally from the beginning : But the Idumeans were not Iews from the beginning , but Phenicians and Syrians : who being conquered by the Iews , were compelled to be circumcised , to unite their nation to the Iewish , and to be subject to their Iawes ; And therefore were called Iews : not in respect of their Descent , but in regard of their Religion and manner of life : For there were other men which were called Iews , though they were strangers born , because they lived according to their rites and constitutions ; as Diod. hath noted in his 37 book of his Roman History . And hence it is , that , from the Hebrews , the kingdom of Herod and his posterity is stiled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Kingdom of the Proselytes ( not Hagarens , as it is rendred by Munster in Seder Olam minore , and by Scaliger in Judaici Comput . Spic . legio , lib. 7. de Emendatione temporum : ) For amongst the Jews , the Proselytes of righteousnesse , or the righteous Proselytes ( as they termed them ) such as since that time the Idumeans are thought to be , were alwayes reckoned in the same place and account with the Jews . Ptolemei Physcon , having fetched his eldest son out of Cyrene , put him to death , for fear the Alexandrians should set him up King against him : whereupon the people pulled down his Statue , and his Images , [ Iustin. lib. 38. cap. 8. ] Ptolemei supposed that this was done by the instigation of his sister Cleopatra , and not well knowing how to be avenged any other way , commanded his son Memphitis , who was of an ingenuous countenance , and a very hopeful child , and which he had by her , to be slain before his eyes : and cutting off his head , hands and feet , put them into a chest covered with a souldiers coate , and gave them to one of his servants to carry to Alexandria , and to present them to Cleopatra on the Festival of her nativity , when she was in the height of her jollity , for a Birth-day gift . This was a grievous and sad spectacle , not to the Queen onely , but to the whole City , and it struck such a damp upon the merry meeting , that the Court of a sudden was overcast with a general sadnesse . The Nobles turning their Festival into a Funeral , shewed the mangled limbs to the people : to let them see what they themselves were to expect from their King , who had thus murdered his own son . [ Id. ibid. Diodor. Sicul. in Excerpt . Valesil , pag. 374. Liv. lib. 59. Jul. Obsequens , de prodigiis , Valer. Maxim. lib. 9. cap. 2. ] Ptolemei , perceiving how detestable he was grown to his Country , and fearing somewhat might follow thereupon , went about to secure himself by a new piece of cruelty : supposing , that if the common people were put to the sword , he should sit the faster in his Throne ; At a time when the common place of exercise was full of the young men , he begyrted it round with fire and sword ; and destroyed them all by one of those two , [ Valer. Maxim. ibid. ] Phraates led the army of Grecians ( which he had taken in the war against Antiochus , and since behaved himself very imperiously and tyrannically towards them ) along with him to the war against the Scythians : not considering , that their captivity had not abated any thing of their hostile minds ; and moreover , how he had exasperated them with fresh injuries and indignities : As soon therefore as they espied the Parthian army to give ground , they wheeled about to the enemy , and at last put in execution the long desired revenge of their captivity : the Parthian army and Phraates himself being put to the sword , [ Iustin. lib. 42. cap. 1. ] Artabanus his Uncle succeeded him in the kingdom of the Parthians : As for the Scythians they being contented with their victory , after they had pillaged the Country of the Parthians , returned home again . But Artabanus , having commenced a war with the Thogarii ( or Tochari , a people descended from the Scythians ) received a wound in his arme , and died presently after : He left for his successour his son Mithridates the great ; who ( not long after ) waged a war with Ortoadistes King of Armenia , [ Id. ibid. cap. 2. ] In the 50 year of the third Calippick Period , or the 16 day of the Egyptian moneth Epiph ( August the fifth according to the Julian account ) at the Equinoctial hours , at 6 in the forenoon in the Island of Rhodes , Hipparchus observed the Sun in degree 8. minute 35. of Leo , and the Moon in degree 12. minute 2. of Taurus , [ Ptolem. lib. 5. cap. 3. ] In the same 50 year , Year of the World 3876 on the first day of the Egyptian moneth Phamenoth ( 23 day of the Julian March ) the vernal Equinox was observed by Hipparchus , The Julian Period . 4586 [ Id. lib. 3. c. 2. ] The same Hipparchus , in the same year observed the Star in the heart of Leo to be distant from the point of the Summer Solstice 29 degrees , and 50 minutes , [ Id. lib. 7. cap. 2. ] Hegelochus , Ptolemei Physcons General , being dispatched against Marsias the Alexandrians General , took him prisoner alive , but put all his Forces to the sword . When Marsias was brought into the Kings presence , all believed the King would have adjudged him to some cruel death : but Ptolemei , beyond all expectation , spared him . For he now began to repent of his former bloody proceedings , and was very desirous by such acts of grace , to reconcile himself to the people , extremely alienated from him , [ Diodor. Sicul. in Excerpt . Valesii , pag. 377. ] Queen Cleopatra ( the dayes of mourning for her son being over ) seeing her brother Physoon was marching against her , sent by her Embassadors to entreat assistance from Demetrius Nicator King of Syria , her son in law , ( for Cleopatra wife to Demetrius , was daughter to this Cleopatra , and Philometor ) promising him , that he should have the kingdom of Egypt for his paines : In hopes of that prize , he marched into Egypt , and made his first attempt upon Peleusium , [ Justin. lib. 38. cap. 9. & lib. 39. cap. 1. Porphyrius , in Graci● , Eusebianus Scaligers , pag. 227. ] In this year , Year of the World 3877 Alxander Jannaeus , son to John Hircanus was born , afterwards King of the Jews , who lived 49 years , [ Ioseph . lib. 13. cap. 23. fin . ] As soon as he was born , he grew out of favour with his father : For it is reported , that Hircanus enquired of God appearing to him in his sleep , concerning his successour : being very solicitous on the behalf of Aristobulus and Antigonus , whom he loved far above the other brothers : upon Gods representing unto him this Jannaeus , he was much perplexed , that he should succeed him in all his fortunes ; whereupon he sent him into Galilee , to receive his education ; neither did he ever admit him into his presence as long as he lived , [ Id. ibid. cap. 20. ] About this time , Simon son of Dositheus , Apollonius the son of Alexander , and Diodorus son of Jason , were sent Embassadors from Hircanus and the people of the Jews , to renew their friendship and amity with the Romans . Faunius son of Marcus , the City Praetor , procured them a meeting of the Senate for their audience VIII . Id. February ; which , as the Roman year then went , falls upon the Julian November : And it was ordered by a Decree of the Senate , That Joppe and the parts thereof , Gazara and the Springs , and the other Cities , which Antiochus Sidetes had taken from them , contrary to the Decree of the Senate , should be restored . It was further ordered , That the Kings souldiers should not travel thorough their Country , or thorough any Country under their command . That whatsover Antiochus had attempted in that war , should be null . That the Embassadors which the Senate sent , should take care to see restored whatsoever Antiochus had carried away , and to give an estimate of the damage the Country had sustained in that war. That letters commendatory should be given the Embassadors to the Kings and free people , that so they might return more secure into their Country . Moreover , Faunius the Praetor received order , to supply the Embassadors with monies out of the common Bank , to provide necessaries for their return homewards , [ Ioseph . lib. 13. cap. 17. ] In the 197 year after Alezanders death , and 621 of Nabonasar , on the 11 day of the Egyptian moneth Pharmuth ( 2 day of the Julian May ) in the forenoon , Equinoctial hours 5 , minutes 20. Hipparchus in the Island of Rhodes observed the Sun in 7 degrees , minuts 45. of Taurus : the Moon in degrees 21. minute 40. of Piscis , [ Ptolem. lib. 5. cap. 5. ] In the same year , on the 17 day of the Egyptian moneth Payn ( the seventh of the Julian July ) in the afternoon , in the hours Equinoctial 3. minut . 20 , Hipparchus observed in the same place , the sun in degree . 10 , minut . 54. in Cancer , the moon in degree , 21 , minut . 40 , of Pisces . [ Id. Ibid. ] In the ninth year of Hircanus his High Priesthood , and reign , Alexander the son of Jason , Numenius , son of Antiochus , and Alexander , son of Dorotheus , Ambassadors for the Jews , presented the Senate with a Viall and Buckler of gold , valued 50 thousand Crowns in estimation , as a testimony of their ancient amity with the people of Rome : who , after they had received letters to the free Cities and Kings , to passe securely thorough their Countries and Ports , returned home . A Copy of this decree of the Senate is extant in Josephus , [ lib. 14. cap. 16. ] upon a far different occasion : For whereas , Josephus had said before , That upon Julius Caesars letters , a Decree was obtained , giving licence to Hircanus the second , for the repairing of the walls of Jerusalem , which Pompeus had demolished ; I know not through what oversight he subjoyned this Decree instead of the other , which did no whit concern the repaire of the walls of Jerusalem : and yet he saies , this was done in the ninth year of Hyrcanus his High Priesthood and reign , in the moneth Panem , when as the Acts themselves confirm this Decree to be published in the Ides of December , ( which fall upon the Julian September , and the Macedonian Hyperberetous . ) But if Caesar had procured that Decree in favour of Hircanus the second , then the 27 year of Hircanus should have been set down , rather than the ninth , and of his reign none at all : for Josephes himself shews in the tenth Chapter of the same book , that Gabinius had deprived him of his soverainty , and left him onely the High Priests office . That Decree therefore is to be referred to the ninth year of Hircanus the first , at which time the Jewish Common-wealth was a free state , and confederate with the people of Rome , and not to the ninth year of the second Hircanus , in whose time it was conquered , and made tributary unto them . In the absence of King Demetrius Nicator , first the Antiochians , for his pride , which was grown intollerable by his conversation , with the cruell Parthians , and presently after the Apameans , and the other Cities of Syria , encouraged by their examples , revolted from them . [ Justin , lib. 39. cap. 1. ] Demetrius having received intelligence of the revolt was forced to quit Egypt , and march back into Syria . Cleopatra the Egyptian Queen , having lost her best bulwork , ( Demetrius Nicator ) shipped all her goods , and made what hast she could into Syria , unto her daughter Cleopatra the Syrian , and Demetrius her son in law . [ Justin ut supra . ] And because Demetrius was every whit as odious to the Syrians , generally , as he was to the souldery , they sent unto Ptolemei Physcon , desiring him that he would assigne some one descended from Seleucus , whom they might appoint as King over them . [ Ioseph . l●b . 13. cap. 17. ] He sent unto them an Egyptian youth , the son of Protarchus a Merchant , who was to seize upon the Kingdom of Syria by force of Arms , having made a very formal story , how he had been adopted into the blood-royall by King Antiochus : as for the Syrians , they would very gladly submit to any King whatsoever , rather than live any longer under Demetrius his insolency , [ Justin. lib. 39. cap. 1. ] Porphyrius relates , how that this youth was sent as the son of Alexander , ( Bala , viz. who was reported to be the son of Antiochus Epiphanes ) and that he was called Alexander himself , but the Syrians surnamed him Zabina , because he was generally reputed to be one of Ptolemies slaves , which he had purchased , [ in Graec. Euseb. Scalig. pag. 227. ] to speak truth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 amongst the Syrians , signifies both bought and redeemed : neither did this substituted King disdaine the memory of his being bought , but allwayes retained it upon his coyn , which bare this inscription , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . When this new King was come with his numerous supplies out of Egypt , Year of the World 3878 it is reported , That the relicks also of Antiochus Sidetes , who was slain by the King of the Parthians , were sent into Syria in a silver Coffin , to be interred there ; which were received with a great deal of observance both by the Cities and King Alexander himself . This ingratiated him very much with the Countrymen ; who verily believed the tears he shed at the solemnity were not counterfeit but reall . [ Justin. lib. 39. cap. 1. ] Both the armies engaged about Damascus , The Julian Period . 4588 and Demetrius Nicator was worsted , Year before Christ 126 who observing how he was environed with difficulties , withdrew out of the fight , and made what hast he could to his wife Cleopatra , at Ptolemais , but she shut the gates against him . Being thus deserted by his wife and his sons , with a very small retinue he made to Tyrus , hoping the Temple might be his Sanctuary , and protection . [ Id. ib. with Josephus and Porphyrius , in the places above cited . ] Porphyrius gives out , how that he , being denied entrance thither , was slain as he was taking shipping to some other place , four years of his reign being compleated after his return out of Parthia . Justin , That he was slain upon command of the Governour , as he was first landing . Josephus , That he was taken prisoner by the enemy , upon whose hard usage he ended his life . Livy , That his wife Cleopatra killed him , [ lib. 60. ] And so Appian also [ in Syriac . pag. 132. ] Indeed , it is very probable , that he was killed at Tyrus and she accessory : and that , the Tyrians for so doing obtained either of her , or of Alexander Zebinas , their freedom , and liberty , to live according to their own constitutions . For that they derived from this very year , a new Epoch of their times , appears both out of Eusebius his Chronicle , where the 402 year of the Tyrians is joyned with the second year of the Emperour Probus , which is the 4990 year of the Julian Period ; as also by the Tyrian judgement inserted into the ninth action of the Council of Chalcedon , where the year after the consulship of Flavius Zeno , and Posthumianus , which is the 5162 year of the same Period , is computed the 574 year of the Tyrians account . Moreover we find the City of the Tyrians , in the Inscriptions set out by Grotius , pag. MCV. honoured with the commendation of being the Religious , the Sacred , and the Independent Metropolis of Phoenicia . Alexander Zebinas , having got possession of that kingdom , entered into League with John Hircanus the High Priest : and things went very well with Hircanus , during his reign , [ Joseph . lib. 13. cap. 17. ] Manius Aquilius , Proconsul , returned in triumph out of Asia upon the third of the Ides of November ( which at that time fell upon the Julian August ) as may be gathered out of the fragments of the triumphal Tables of Marble : concerning which , Mithridates in an Epistle to Arsaces , ( Salust . Historiar . lib. 4. ) hath this passage . The Romanes , pretending a Will. ( viz. King Attalus his Will ) though unjustly , led Aristonicus , Eumenes son , in triumph , who had attempted to recover by force of armes , his fathers kingdom . Velleius Paterclus , [ lib. 2. cap. 4. ] intimates , how that Aristonicus was led in triumph by Manius Aquilius , and afterwards beheaded . For he was strangled at Rome in the prison by an order from the Senate , [ Strabo , lib. 14. pag. 646. Eutrop. lib. 4. Orosius lib. 5. cap. 10. ] Manius Aquilius , being questioned for bribery , and knowing himself faulty , corrupted his Judges , and so got off , [ Appian . Bell. Civil . lib. 1. pag. 362. & 363. ] M. Plautius Hypsaeus , Year of the World 3879 and M. Fulvius Flaccus , The Julian Period . 4589 being Consuls : Year before Christ 125 A great company of Locusts in Africa were by the wind blown into the sea , and by the waves cast up again at Cyrene : which caused such an intollerable stanch , that by reason of that pestilent vapour , there ensued a lamentable mortality of cattel : and it is reported also , that 800000 men died upon the same infection , [ Julius Obsequens , de prodigiis , cum P. Orosio . lib. 5. cap. 11. ] Whilst Dorylaus of Pontus ( a man very expert in ordering of an army ) was busie in Crete , being sent thither by Mithridates Euergetes King of Pontus , about hiring of forreign souldiers : a war was commenced in those parts by the Cnossii against the Gortynii . The Cnossii made Dorylaus their General , who quickly put an end to the war ; yet not with more speed than good luck . And having had great honour conferred upon him by the Cnossii for his good service , he resided amongst them with his whole family , having a little after , received intelligence of Mithridates his death : Dorylaus was great Grandfather to the mother of Strabo the Geographer , [ Strabo , lib. 10. pag. 477 , 478. & lib. 12. pag. 557. ] In the 188 year of the account of the contracts , Year of the World 3880 the Jews of Palestine , and the Senate of Hierusalem and Judas , being about celebrating the Feast of the Dedication of the cleansing of the Temple on the 25 day of the moneth Chasleu , wrote to Aristobulus Ptolemei ( Physcons ) master ( who was descended from the Royal stock of the Priests according to Aaron ) and to the Jews in Egypt , that they should do the same likewise , [ 2 Mac. 1. 10 , 18. ] Repertus Tuitiensis , [ lib. 10. de victoria verbi , cap. 15. ] conceives that Judas , to be the same Judas the Essean , whom Josephus reports , 19 years after this , to have foretold the sudden death of Antigonus ( son of John Hircanus , ) and seldom failed in his prophesies , [ lib. 13. cap. 19. ] And as for Aristobulus , Clemens Alexandrinus , [ lib. 5. Srom. ] and Eusebius Caesariensis , both [ in the 8 lib. Praeparat . Evangel . c. 3. and in his Chronicle , ] suppose him to be that Jewish Philosopher the Peripatetick , of whom mention was made by us afore at the end of 3854 yeare of the World. Seleucus Demetrius , The Julian Period . 4590 Nicators son , Year before Christ 124 without leave of his mother Cleopatra , seized upon the Crown , and reigned one year in Syria , [ Liv. lib. 60. Porphyr . in Graec. Euseb. pag. 227. ] Alexander Zebinas , with much adoe , vanquished Antipater , Clonius , and Aeropus , three of his most eminent Commanders , who had revolted from him , and seized the City Laodicea . Yet he expressed a great deal of gallantry towards them , after he had taken them prisoners , and in the close , pardoned the apostacy of them all , for he was naturally of a mild disposition , and pleasing temper , and of a wonderful affability in all his meetings and discourses ; so that hereby he was extremely beloved of all men , [ Diod. Sicul. in Excerpt . Valesii , pag. 377. ] Mithridates Euergetes , Year of the World 3881 King of Pontus , and Armenia the lesse , made away by the treachery of some of his intimate acquaintance , left his wife and his sons to succeed him in the kingdom . But Mithridates , sirnamed Eupator , the elder brother of the two , laid claime to the whole kingdom for himself , [ Strabo , lib. 10. pag. 477. cum Justin. lib. 37. cap. 1. ] For soon after , he clapt his mother ( whom his father had designed joynt partner with him in the kingdom ) into prison , and kept her there in bonds , who , by reason of that hard usage , and long imprisonment , ended her dayes there . So Memnon [ in Excerpt . Photii , cap. 32. ] As for Mithridates himself , Salust reports in his History , That he was a very child when he first entred the kingdom , having made his way , by poysoning of his mother , [ Servius in Virg. lib. 6. Aeneid . ] Strabo affirms , That Mithridates was eleven years of age , when he succeeded his father in the kingdom ; Memnon thirteen : we have chosen the middle year , and account him 12 years old ; following Eutropius , who tells us , That he reigned 60 years , and lived 72. although Pliny , [ lib. 25. cap. 2. ] allots him but 56 years of reign , and Appian 57 , [ Vid. supr . ann . Mundi 3868. ] As there appeared a Comet in the year in which Mithridates was born , so there appeared one also in the first year of his reign , which shined so night and day for 70 days together , that the whole heaven seemed to be all a fire . For both the tayle of it covered the fourth part of the heaven ( or 45 degrees of the upper Hemisphere ) and out vyed the Sun in brightnesse : and also its rising and setting took up the space of four hours , [ Justin. lib. 37. cap. 2. ] In Syria , The Julian Period . 4591 Cleopatra struck her son Seleucus thorough with a Dart , Year before Christ 123 either because he had seized upon the Crown without her consent , or fearing least he should in time revenge his father Demetrius his death , or because she her self managed all things with the same fury and violence as he did . Having thus dispatched Seleucus , she set up in his room her other son by Demetrius , Antiochus Grypus , whom she had sent to Athens to receive his education : investing him with the Title of King , but reserving to her self the whole power and authority , [ Liv. lib. 60. Iustin. lib. 39. cap. 1. Appian . Syriac . pag. 132. ] But Porphyrius hath intimated , how that Seleucus being deposed by his mothers treachery , Antiochus the younger brother succeeded in the kingdom , in the second year of the CLXIV Olympiade , [ in Graec. Euseb. Scaliger . pag. 227. ] adding withal , that he was not onely called Grypus , but Philometor also : which later sirname , Josephus also gives unto him , [ lib. 13. cap. 20. ] Alexander Zebinas , Year of the World 3882 puffed up with prosperous successes , The Julian Period . 4592 began now by his insolencie to despise Ptolemei himself , Year before Christ 122 by whose means he was advanced to the kingdom . Whereupon Ptolemei reconciled himself to his sister Cleopatra , and endeavoured what in him lay , to ruine Alexanders kingdom , which he had never been able to obtain , had not Ptolemei sent him supplies out of his malice to Demetrius . To that end , he sent a very considerable force to Grypus , and profered his daughter Tryphena to him in marriage , that so he might draw several people to side with his son in law ; not onely because of the confederacy and association which had formerly been between them , but also by vertue of this his new relation and alliance , which proved accordingly : for when all saw how Grypus was furnished with as much strength as Egypt could levy , they began by degrees to fall off from Alexander , [ Iustin. lib. 39. cap. 2. ] Alexander , not being very confident of the multitude , both in regard of their rawness in martial affairs , as also their natural inconstancy , and hankering after innovations , would not adventure upon a pitcht field : but having first collected the Kings Treasuries , and pillaged the Temples , resolved by night to steal away into Greece . But , whilst he attempted , by the help of some of his Barbarians , to plunder Jupiters Temple , he was seized upon , and himself and his whole army had like to have been cut off . But he soon escaped out of their hands , and made towards Seleucia : but the Seleucians having heard aforehand the bruite of his sacriledge , shut their gates against him : failling there of his purpose , he went to Pisidium . and never after departed from the sea coast , [ Diodor. Sicul. in Excerpt . Valesii , pag. 378. ] At length Antiochus Grypus , and Alexander Zebinas engaged in a fight , in which Alexander was worsted , and forced to escape to Antiochia . As soon as he came thither , being in distresse for monies wherewith to discharge the souldiers pay , he gave order to take out of Jupiters Temple , the Statue of Victory which was of beaten gold , varnishing his sacriledge with a jest ; for , said he , Iupiter hath lent me Victory . A few dayes after , having set his souldiers to pull down the Image of Jupiter himself , although so , as not to make any hubbub ; yet he was surprized by the common people in the act , and forced to flee for it : Being in a grievous tempest at sea , and divided from his company , he fell amongst Pirates , who took him prisoner , and delivered him upto Grypus , by whom he was put to death , [ Iustin. lib. 39. cap. 2. ] Josephus reports , that he was slain in a fight with Grypus , [ lib. 13. cap. 17. ] Porphyrius , That he poisoned himself upon discontent for the losse of his army , in the fourth year of the CLXIV Olympiad , [ in Graec. Euseb. Scaliger . pag. 227. ] Cleopatra upon regret that her honour was likely to be somewhat impaired by the victory which her son Antiochus Grypus had obtained over Alexander Zebinas , presented him as he came ab exercitatione ( an ab exercitu ? ) from the exercise , ( or rather from the army ) with a cup of poison . But Grypus , having had some intimation of the treachery before hand , pretended respect to his mother , desired her to drink first , and upon her refusal , urged her with much importunity . At last he charged her with the design of poisoning him , and sets before her the party that discovered it to him : telling her , That she had no other plea left for her innocency , then to drink her self , what she had prepared for her son . The Queen was forced to yeild , so that she her self perished by that same poison , which she had tempered for another . She being removed , Grypus was pretty fast seated in his Throne , enjoying an eight years peace , without any disturbance in State , [ Iustin. lib. 39. cap. 2. compared with Appian . in Syriac . pag. Year of the World 3883 132. ] The 27 Jubilie . The Julian Period . 4593 Lucius Opimius , Year before Christ 121 Consul in the year in which C. Gracchus ( brother to Tibecius Gracchus ) the Tribune , was slain as he was encouraging the commons to sedition , the aire was so temperate , that Pliny reports , how wines then made , lasted to his time , which was about 200 years , being brought to a form of candid honey , [ Plin. lib. 14. cap. 4. and 14. ] In the same year also there appeared a bow about the body of the Sun , [ Id. lib. 2. cap. 29. ] Ptolemei Euergetes the II , Year of the World 3888. a. or Physcon , The Julian Period . 4597 died 29 years after the decease of his brother Philometor , Year before Christ 117 [ Ptolem. in Regum Canone . Clem. Alexandrin . lib. 1. Stromat . Euseb. Chronico . Epiphan . de Ponderib . & mensur . Hieronym . in cap. 9. Daniel . ] He left behind him three sons . One was called Ptolemei Apion , a By-blow by a Harlot ; to whom was bequeathed by his father in his Legacy , the kingdom of the Cyrenians , [ Iustin. lib. 39. cap. 5. cum Appiano in Mithridaticis , pag. 255. ] The other two sons Cleopatra bare unto him , the daughter of the former Cleopatra , who was both his sister and wife : the younger of the two was called Alexander ; but the Senior , by Ptolemei in Regum Canone , as also by Porphyrius , Eusebius , Hierome , and Epiphanius , called Soter ; by Strabo , [ lib. 17. pag. 795. ] Trogus Pompeius , [ Prolog . lib. 39. & 40. ] Pliny , [ lib. 2. cap. 67. & lib. 6. cap. 30. ] Josephus , [ lib. 13. cap. 18. ] and Clemens Alexandrinus , [ lib. 1. Stromat . ] Lathurus , or Lathyrus : by Athenaeus , [ lib. 6. cap. 6. ] and Pausanias in Atticis , Philometor : which last sirname ( viciously rendred Philopater by Natalis Comes who translated Athenaeus ( was given him by way of derision , as Pausanias hath observed : for never was there any of the Kings , that more hated his mother than he did , [ Pausan. Attic. pag. 7. ] Physcon , upon his death-bed , left the kingdom of Egypt to Cleopatra his wife , and to one of the sons , whom she should make choice of . As if it were likely the State of Egypt should be more quiet , and free from commotions than the kingdom of Syria ; when the mother by making choice of one of the sons , was sure to make the other her enemy , [ Iustin. lib. 39. cap. 3. ] She , supposing that Alexander the younger son would prove more plyable and flexible to her commands , moved the Egypcians in his behalf : But seeing she could not prevaile with the commons to receive him for their King , she was forced to elect her eldest son Lathurus ( who was banished to Cyprus by his father upon her instigation : ) They two reigned together in Egypt ten years , [ Id. ibid. Pausan. in Atticis , pag. 7 , 8. Porphyr . in Graec. Euseb. Scaliger , pag. 225. ] Cleopatra , Year of the World b. before she would give the kingdom to Lathurus , The Julian Period . 4598 took away his wife from him ; Year before Christ 116 and having forced him to divorce his most endeared sister Cleopatra , commanded him to marry the younger sister Selene : In which action she shewed more partiality towards her daughters , than was befitting a mother , whilst she took away the husband from the one , and gave him to the other , [ Iustin. ut supra . ] After Antiochus Grypus had enjoyed to himself the kingdom of Syria 8 years entire without any interruption , Year of the World 3890 up started his brother Antiochus of Cyzicenus as his rival in the kingdom ; The Julian Period . 4600 they both had the same mother , Year before Christ 114 but Cyzicenus came by the Uncle Antiochus Sidetes : Grypus had a design of removing him by poison , which was the cause he appeared sooner in armes in competition for the kingdom than he thought to have done . This Antiochus was sent away by his mother Cleopatra ( for fear of Demetrius Nicator her former husband whom she had forsaken ) to Cyzicum , and was brought up by Craterus the Eunuch , and from thence received the sirname Cyzicenus , [ Iustin. lib. 39. cap. 2. Appian . Syriac . p. 132. Porphyr . ut sup . p. 227. Ioseph . lib. 13. c. 17. ] But Grypus , hearing of his brothers levying of forces against him at Cyzicum , laid aside his intended expedition against the Jews , and prepared to meet him , [ Iosephus , ibid. ] Cleopatra , Year of the World 3891 formerly the wife of Ptolemei Lathurus , The Julian Period . 4601 but afterwards divorced from her husband by Cleopatra Queen of Egypt , Year before Christ 113 as hath been said , was married to Antiochus Cyzicenus in Syria : who , that she might not seem at her marriage to bring to her husband the bare name of wife , trucked with the army which lay at Cyprus , and brought it over to her husband as her dowry . By the accesse of those forces , he thought himself to be upon pretty even terms with his brother , so that he gave him battle , but he was foiled in the field , and forced to fly away to Antioch . Grypus made after him to Antioch , and besieged it : Cleopatra the wife of Cyzicenus was in the Town : which as soon as taken , Tryphena , the wife of Grypus , commanded in the first place , that her sister Cleopatra should be sought for , not out of any mind she had to release her now she was prisoner , but least she should chance to escape the miseries which commonly attend Captivity , who had invaded this kingdom chiefly out of emulation to her , and who by her espousals with the sworn enemy of her sister , had made her self her enemy also . Moreover , she laid to her charge , That she was the cause of bringing in the forreign forces , upon the differences betwixt the two brothers , and also , that upon her being divorced from her brother , she married out of the kingdom to one who was no Egyptian , contrary to her mothers will. But Grypus endeavoured what in him lay to stave off his wife from her intended cruelty , and told her that it was against the law of arms , after victory obtained , to proceed violently against women , especially such as are allyed in blood to us , as Cleopatra was , who was her own sister , his Cousin German , and Aunt to her own children . To these relations of blood he added the reverence which was due to the Temple , where she had taken Sanctuary , winding up all with this , That he should neither impaire any thing of Cizicenus his power , by putting her to death , nor advantage him if he should send her back to him inviolate . On the contrary , Tryphena , deeming these speeches to proceed from downright love rather than from pity and commiseration , sent some souldiers into the Temple , who killed Cleopatra , having first cut off her hands , as she embraced the image of the goddesse , that no lesse hostility might appeare to be betwixt the two sisters , than there was betwixt the brothers . [ Justin , lib. 39. cap. 3. ] Cleopatra , Queen of Egypt , the mother of these two sisters ( in the fourth year of her reign ) having made Alexander her younger son King of Cyprus , sent him thither in person , that by his means , she her self might seem more formidable to her eldest son Lathurus , who was her partner in the government of the kingdom . [ Pausan. in Attic. pag. 7 , 8. Porphyr . in Graec. Euseb. p. 225. ] Alexander Jamnaeus , Year of the World 3892 in the 16 year of his age , had by his wife Alexandra a son , called Hircanus , whom upon the tidings of Caesars victory at Actium , Herod put to death , when he had passed the age of 80 years . [ Joseph . lib. 13. cap. 9. ] From whence we gather , that this Alexandra , called also Salian , by the Ecclesiastical Writers ( as is above , the year of the World , 3862. ) was not the same with that Salome , wife of Aristobulus , whom the Grecians call Alexandra ; and who , after the decease of her husband , constituted this Alexander Jamnaeus , at that time 22 years old , King in his room , ( for Josephus computes that he reigned 27 years , and lived 49 ) as is to be seen in Josephus , [ lib. 13. cap. 20. ] Upon a second clash between the two brothers , The Julian Period . 4602 Antiochs's , Year before Christ 112 Cyzicenus and Grypus , Cyzicenus won the day , and withall , took Tryphena , Gryphus his wife , prisoner ; who a little before had killed her sister , & by serving her the same sauce , sacrificed to the ghost of his wife . [ Iustin. lib. 39. cap. 3. ] He chased his brother also out of his kingdom , and reigned over the Syrians in his room . [ Appian . Syriac . pag. 132. ] Grypus upon this his deprivation , withdrew to Aspendum , and from thence he took upon him the surname Aspendius . But Cizicenus entred upon his kingdom the first year of 167 Olympiade . [ Porphyr . in Graec. Euseb. pag. 227. ] In the second year of the same Olympiade , Year of the World 3893 Antiochus Grypus returned from Aspendum , The Julian Period . 4605 and regained Syria , Year before Christ 111 but Cyzicenus held Coelosyria ; so that the Empire was shared between them . [ Id. ib. ] Antiochus Cyzicenus , as soon as he got into possession of the kingdom , applyed himself to revellings and luxury , and courses alltogether unbeseeming Kings . For being extreamly addicted to Anticks , Stage-plaiers , and all sorts of juglers , he learned their arts with a great deal of vehemency : he applyed himself also to Poppit-playing , and placed his chifest delight in making the images of living creatures , in bulk five cubits , covered over with gold and silver , to move of themselves , and other Engines of that nature . Moreover , he was much addicted to unseasonable huntings , and often times would steal forth privately by night with a servant or two to hunt Boars , Lyons and Leopards . Many times he was in danger of his life , by his rash encountring with wild-beasts . [ Diodor. Sicul. lib. 35. in Excerpt . Valesii , pag. 385. ] Concerning the luxury of the other brother Antiochus Grypus , see what Athenaeus reports of him , [ in lib. 5. cap. 9. & lib. 12 , cap. 19. ] out of the 28 book of Posidonius of Apamea his Histories . The war , Year of the World 3894 with which those two brothers wore out one another , The Julian Period . 4604 prov●d a great advantage to John Hircanus ; Year before Christ 110 for by this means he secured the incoms and revenues of Judea , and had the conveniency of hording up great sums of mony in banco : so that , observing what pitifull havock Cyzicenus made in his brothers Country , and how Grypus received no supplies out of Egypt to give him a check , but that he and his brother by their mutuall encounters did receive many overthrows one from the other , in a while he began not to care a rush for either of them . [ Joseph . lib. 13. cap. 17. ] Hereupon he marched with his army against the Samaritans , who were under the dominion of the Kings of Syria , upon regrett of some injuries offered by them to the Marisieni ( were now Idumeans reduced but a little before under his command ) farmers to the Jews , and in league with them . Having therefore besieged Samaria , a City very well fortifyed with a trentch and double wall , for the space of 80 furlongs , he left his sons , Antigonus and Aristobulus to manage the leagure : by whose plying them so fast without , and by the famine raging within the Samaritans were driven to such extremity , that they were forced to feed upon such things , as were scarce mans meat : and at the last , glad to beg assistance from Antiochus Cyzicenus . [ Id. ibid. cap. 18. ] Cyzicenus coming as fast he could to relieve the Samaritans , Year of the World 3895 was routed by Aristobulus his souldiers , and the two brothers pursued him so close at the heels as far as Scythopolis , that he hardly escaped . Upon which very day it is reported , That Hircanus the High Priest , as he was alone offering incense in the Temple , heard a voice , relating unto him the late victory which his sons had obtained over Antiochus . After they had beaten Antiochus they returned back to Samaria , and forced the Samaritans to retreat within their walls , so that they were constrained once more to beg Antiochus his relief , [ Id. ib , ] Antiochus Cyzicenus , with about 6000 souldiers , which Ptolemei Lathurus had sent him in spight of his mother Cleopatra's teeth ( for he was not as yet deposed by her ) at the first stragled up and down Hircanus his dominions , plundering with his Egyptians , where so e're he came , not as yet daring to meet him in the field , being overmatched , in strength , yet hoping by his pillaging of the Country he should draw off Hircanus from the siege of Samaria . But after he had lost many of his men by an ambushcado which the enemy had laid , he marched away to Tripolis , and committed the managing of the war with the Jews to two of his Commanders , Callimander and Eupicrates ; of these , Callimander encountring the enemy with greater resolution than discretion , had his party routed , and himself was slain in the place . As for Epicrates , it appears plainly , he betrayed Scythopolis , and some other Towns to the Jews , having been well greased in the fist for his paines : neither did he in any one particular advantage the distressed Samaritans , whilst he was in power : so that , Hircanus , after he had spent a full year about the reducing Samaria , not content with the bare surrender of the City , levelled it to the very ground . [ Id. Ibid. ] The Seleucians , who were seated near Antioch in Syria , having obtained a liberty of living after their own laws ) make their computation from hence . [ Fasti Siculi . anno 4 Olympiade 167. ] Hircanus , Year of the World 3896 of the sect of the Pharisees , The Julian Period . 4606 ( both a disciple and a great favourer of theirs ) having invited some of the most eminent amongst them to a feast : Year before Christ 108 took exception at one Eleazer , who confronted him with a false imputation , how that his mother , being taken prisoner in the time of Antiochus Epiphanes , was fain to enter into service for a livelyhood : and because the scandall was not so deeply resented by the rest of the company , as he expected it should have been , he grew enraged against the whole sect of the Pharisees , by the instigation of Jonathan a Sadduce , and deserting the Pharisees , turned Sadduce . Now , the Pharisees commended to the people many traditions , which they received from their ancestours by hand , which are not found written amongst Moses his Laws . Therefore the Sadduces abrogated them , and invalidated their authority , saying , That those constitutions were onely obligatory which are found in writing . And from hence arose the great contestation betwixt them both : whilest that the richer sort sided with the Sadduces , the Pharisees made use of the populacy . Whereas therefore Hircanus would have punished some of the Pharisees , who were tenacious of their constitutions ( notwithstanding , he had abrogated them ) there arose a sedition amongst them : which although at that time he soon appeased , yet did both he and his sons thereby incurre the odium of the common people . [ Joseph . lib. 13. cap. 18. ] John Hircanus dyed , having executed the High Priests office 29 years , as Eusebius tells us out of Josephus , lib. 8. Demonstrat . Evangelic . cap. 2. and Hierom. translating him into Latin , repeats it in his commentaries upon the ninth Chapter of Daniel : allthough in our books , and in the old translation of Ruffinus , Josephus sometimes allows him 33 years . [ as in lib. 1. Belli . cap. 3. ] sometimes 31 years . [ as in lib. 13. Antiquit. cap. 18. & lib. 20. cap. 8. ] His Father Simon dyed in the 177 year of the kingdom of the Grecians , in the 11 month , Sabat , [ 1 Maccab. 16. 14. ] about February , viz. of the 4579 year of the Julian Period . His wife Alexandra ( as we shall see hereafter ) deceased about November of the 4644 year of the Julian Period : There is 65 years and almost nine years difference : So that deducting that 37 years which Josephus assignes to the reign of his sons and his wife , there remaines to Hircanus onely 28 years , and about nine moneths . Some of the Modern men are of opinion ( but upon no good ground ) that this John was the Writer of the first book of the Maccabees : giving out withall , that these words in the latter end of the book were added by some body else . Concerning the other things of Iohn , both of his wars , and his noble acts , wherein he behaved himself manfully , and of his building the walls , ( viz. of Jerusalem , which demolished by command of Antiocus Sidetes ) and of other of his deeds , Behold they are written in the Chronicles of his Priesthood , from the time he was made High Priest after his father . Probably , in that fourth book of the Maccabees , which Sixtus Senensis in the end of the first book of his Bibliothecae Sanctae avows , that he saw translated out of the Hebrew into Greek , in a Manuscript at Lyons , in Sontes Pagninus his Library amongst the Predicants , beginning after this manner : And after Simon was slain , Iohn his son was made High Priest in his room . Out of which book it is supposed , that Josephus himself took his relation : who reckons up three speciall dignities which Hircanus held all at once , namely , the sovereign authority over the nation , the High Priesthood , and to be a Prophet : for he tells us , that by reason of his often entercourses with God , he attained to so great a foresight of future contingencies , that he long fore-told the short enjoyment which his two eldest sonnes should have of the kingdom which their Father left them . [ Iosephus , lib. Belli . 2. cap. 3. & lib. 13. Antiquit. cap. 18. ] Concerning the Tower which Herod afterwards called Antonias Tower ) built by him , and wherein he laid up the robe and the rest of the High Priests ornaments : thus the same Josephus writes in the the 20 lib. of Antiquit. cap. 6. Hircanus , the first High Priest of that name , built a Tower near unto the Temple , and lived in it most part of his name . And because he kept in his own custody this High Priests robe , which no body used but himself , he put it off in that place , when he went to resume his ordinary apparel ; which custom of his was observed by his sons also , aud their posterity . After Hircanus his decease , the stones which were set in the High Priests brest-plate , and the Onyx stone upon his right shoulder , ( by whose radiation the will of God was wont to be intimated to the people of the Jews ) upon Gods displeasure for their prevarications and transgressing his laws , grew dimme and lost their lustre , as the same Authour signifies , [ lib. 3. Antiquit. cap. 9. ] 200 years before he began to compose those his books , concerning the Jewish Antiquities , which as he in the close of that work declares , compleated in the 13 year of Domitians Empire ( that is in the 4807. year of the Julian Period . Iudas , eldest son of Hircanus , otherwise called Aristobulus , and surnamed Philellen ( from his familiarity and commerce with the Greeks or the heathens ) succeded his father in the government and the High Priesthood , but he enjoyed them but for a year : and he was the first of any , who after the return from the captivity in Babylon , set the Crown upon his head , and reduced the State to a monarchy , [ Ioseph . lib. 1. Belli . cap. 3. Antiquit. lib. 13. cap. 16. & lib. 20. cap. 8. ] Although Strabo hath writ , that his brother and successour . Alexander , was the first that made himself King , [ lib. 16. pag. 762. ] making likely no account of Aristobulus , in regard he lived so short a time after he had engrossed the soveraignty to himself . Aristobulus advanced his second brother Antigonus , whom he affected far above the rest , to a partnership in the kingdom , but committed the other three , and kept them bound in prison . He cast his mother also into prison , who contested with him for the principality ( for Hircanus had left her soveraign of all ) and he proceded to that height of cruelty , that he famished her to death in the prison . [ Ioseph . lib. 1. Bel. cap. 3. & lib. 13. Antiquit. cap. 19. ] Cleopatra in Egypt being much troubled that her son Ptolemei ( Lathurus ) was joyned with her in the government of the kingdom ; stirred up the people against him . [ Iustin , lib. 39. cap. 4. ] For having culled out from amongst her Eunuchs , such of whose loyalty and affection she was most confident she brought them into the publick assembly pittifully cut and slashed , charging Ptolemei , as if he had both suborned men to lie in wait for her , and also mangled and disfigured her Eunuchs . The Alexandrians were so enraged at that spectacle , that they had like all of them to have fallen foul upon Ptolemei : but seeing he had conveyed himself privately away out of the danger , and taken shipping : they saluted Alexander King , who was returned from Cyprus , not very long after this accident fell out . [ Pausan. in Attic. pag. 8. ] Before he was thus banished the kingdom , his mother Cleopatra had taken from him his wife Selene : the indignity was the greater , in regard that he had had two sons by her , [ Justin. lib. 39. cap. 4. ] As for Alexander , who was called in by his mother , and made King of Egypt in his brothers room , he at that time reckoned upon the eighth year of his reign in Cyprus , and his mother upon the eleventh year of her reign in Egypt , [ Porphyr . in Graec. Euseb. Scaliger , pag. 225. ] Athenaeus [ lib. 12. cap. 27. ] notes how that Alexander grew at last every whit as fat and swagbellyed as his father Physcon : where he brings in this passage concerning him , out of Posidonius Apamenus in the 47 book of his Histories . The King of Egypt out of favour with the commons , blinded with the insinuations and flatteries of his familiar acquaintance , and living in continual luxury , could not walke a step , unlesse he were supported by two men . But in the dancing which were usual at the Feasts , he would leap bare-foot from the higher beds , and move his body in dancing as nimbly and with as great activity as the best . Aristobulus marched with an army into Itruraea , The Julian Period . 4608 and layed a great part of it to the confines of Judaea : Year before Christ 106 forcing the inhabitants under penalty of banishment to admit of circumcision , and other Jewish ceremonies : which Strabo also confirms in these words out of Timagenes the Historian . He ( Aristobulus ) was an upright man , and one who drave on the Jews interest very much ; for he enlarged their territories , and annexed part of Itruraea unto them , and made it sure under the covenant of circumcision , [ Joseph . lib. 13. cap. 19. ] When Antigonus was upon his return from the wars in triumph , Year of the World 3899 at what time the Jews held their solemn Feast of Tabernacles ; It happened , that King Aristobulus fell sick and kept his bed in the tower which in aftertime was called Antonius tower : But his brother Antigonus , intending to be present at the holy solemnities , went up to the Temple very gloriously attired ; but the main end of his going thither was , his devotion for the sick Kings recovery . Aristobulus having been advised by some pickthanks ( who meant no good to Antigonus ) that he should beware of his brother who had a design upon him , placed some of his guard in a dark vault under ground near the tower , commanding them , that if his brother came unarmed , no one should dare to meddle with him ; but if otherwise , they should fall upon him and slay him : yet did he send underhand , one to desire him not to come with his armes . But Salome the Queen , and the rest of Antigonus his back-friends , perswaded the messenger to deliver unto him a clean contrary errand , and to tell him , that the King had a great mind to see him as then he was , in his warriours garb : By chance , one Judas of the sect of the Essens , a person famous amongst them for prognostications of future contingencies , had foretold , that Antigonus should die that very day in Stratons tower : not knowing that there was any other Stratons tower besides that which afterwards was called the Cesarean tower , and was distant from Jerusalem 600 furlongs . When therefore he espyed Antigonus going up to the Temple on that day , he wished he might die immediately , fearing least thereby , he might be proved a false impostour , who hitherto had the repute of a true Prophet . But presently after , Judas heard that Antigonus was killed in that aforesaid place under ground , which was called by the same name of Stratons tower , as was that other Cesarean upon the sea coast , [ Ioseph . lib. 1. Belli , cap. 3. & lib. 13. Antiquit. cap. 19. ] Aristobulus his distemper , upon remorse for his horrid murdering his brother , grew worse and worse , and at last his pains were so violent , that he vomitted blood . As one of his servants was carrying forth the blood to empty , it happened , that his foot sl●pped , so that he spilt Aristobulus his blood upon the very same place which was stained with Antigonus his gore . Aristobulus , having notice given him of the accident , acknowledged the just judgement of God therein , and immediately gave up the ghost , in extreme anguish both of body and mind , [ Id. ibid. ] After Aristobulus his decease , his wife Salome ( whom the Grecians call Alexandra ) released his brothers whom he had kept prisoners a long while , and made Alexander Jannaeus King , in regard he was both elder than any of the rest , and did also exceed them in modesty . Who , as soon as he was possessed of the kingdom , put one of his brothers to death , upon discovery of some treasonable design against him ; But he expressed a great deal of civility to the other , who contented himself to live a retired life , and at ease , [ Ioseph . lib. 13. cap. 20. ] He was called Absolom , and was taken prisoner at Hierusalem by Pompey 42 years after , [ Id. lib. 14. cap. 8. ] Alexander Jannaeus , The Julian Period . 4609 having ordered the affairs of the kingdom in such wise as seemed most behooful to himself , Year before Christ 105 marched with an army against Ptolemais : and having won the field , he forced the enemy to retreate within the walls , and then besieged them , and made his batteries . At the same time , the two brothers Philometor or Grypus , and Cyzicenus in Syria , weakening one anothers strength by their mutual encounters between themselves , minded not the extremity the Ptolemaians were in . Zoilus a Tyrant , who , observing the dissentions between the two Brothers , took an opportunity to seize upon Stratons Tower and Dora , stood the besieged in some stead , but it was very inconsiderable . Ptolemeus , Lathurus thrown out of the kingdom of Egypt , by his mother Cleopatra , possessed himself of Cyprus . To him the Ptolemaians made their addresses by their Ambassadors , beseeching him , that he would come and rescue them from the danger they were in by Alexander . Upon their engagements , that as soon as he was entred Syria , he should have the Gazaeans , and the Ptolemaians on his side , Zoilus also , and the Sidonians , and many other assistants , encouraged by the their fair promises , he prepared for the voyage . [ Id. Ibid. ] In the mean time Demenaetus , a person popular , and of eminent authority , perswaded the Ptolemaians , to alter their resolutions ; telling them , That they had better undergoe the uncertain chance of war with the Jews , wherein happily they might get the better , than to submit to a certain bondage by calling in a Lord over them : and moreover , thereby not onely undergoe the brunt of the present war , but also they were to expect another from Egypt . Cleopatra would not fit still , and suffer Ptolemei to glean up forces from the parts adjacent , but would quickly be upon her march , with a strong power to hinder his levies ; for the Queen endeavoured to drive him out of Cyprus also . [ Id. ibid. ] Neither did his conjecture faile him in this particular : for Cleopatra , after she had banished her son , did not rest satisfied in that , but persecuted him up and down with war , and not onely chased him out of Cyprus , but killed the General of her own army , for that he let him escape , when he had taken him prisoner . Although Ptolemei did not quit the Island , because he thought himself not able to match her in power , but because he was ashamed to engage against his mother in a war , if we will credit Justin herein . [ lib. 39. cap. 4. ] Ptolemei thorefore , although he had heard upon the way , that the Ptolemaians had changed their minds , yet he sailed forwards ; and arriving at Sycaminum , he landed his forces there , which consisted of about 30000 Horse and Foot. From thence he marched to Ptolemais with all his forces , and encamped there : but when he saw the Ptolemaians would neither admit of his Legates into the Town , nor hear them so much as speak , he was put into a great perplexity : but after that Zoilus and the Gazaeans were come to him , desiring his assistance against the Jews , and Alexander who pillaged their Country , the siege of Ptolemais was raised for fear of Ptolemei . [ Josephus , lib. 13. cap. 20. ] Alexander Jannaeus , Year of the World 3910 having lead home his army , began to play tricks , calling in Cleopatra privately against Ptolemei , but in publick professing him his Friend and Allye . He promised him also 400 talents of silver , if in lieu thereof , he for his sake would remove Zoilus the Tyrant , and give his Country to the Jews . Ptolemei very willingly strook up the bargain with him , but when he saw afterwards , how that Alexander trucked underhand with his mother Cleopatra , he broke off the league which he had made with him . [ Id. ibid. ] When the Senate had given leave to Marius ( who was upon an expedition against the Cimbrians ) to demand supplies from the nations beyond the seas : he wrote to Nicomedes King of Bithynia to that effect : Nicomedes replyed , That the Bithinians were most of them carryed away , and kept slaves by the custome-gatherers in several places : whereupon there issued out a decree from the Senate , prohibiting any free man of the Allies of the people of Rome to serve as slaves , in any province ; with further order given to the governours of the provinces to set them at liberty , where any such were forced . [ Diodorus , Siculus , lib. 38. in Bibliotheca , Photii . cod . 244. ] This Decree of the Senate at the first promulgation of it , The Julian Period . 4610 was duly and strictly observed ; Year before Christ 104 but afterwards neglected by Licinius Nerva , Pretor of Sicily , which occasioned the second servile war in Sicily , in which the revolters made one Salvius , a southsayer and a minstrel , their King , whom afterwards they called Tryphon . [ Id. ib. cum Dion . in Excerptis Valesii . pag. 633 , 634. ] C. Marius , and C. Flaccus ( or rather Flavius , being Consuls , about three of the clock , there was a defect of light in the sun . [ Jul. Obsequens , de prodigiis . ] Which allmost totall Eclipse of the sun the Astromicall calculation counts unto us as happening in this 4610 year of the Julian Period , on the 19 day of July . The Ascalonites ( having obtained to be a free State ) compute the time thereof from hence , as hath been noted in the Sicilian Chronicles , at the CLXIX Olympiad , to which agrees the Chronicle of Eusebius , in which the 380 year of their account is joyned with the second year of Probus the Emperour , falling in with the 4990 year of the Julian Period . Ptolemei Lathurus , leaving his Commanders with a Brigade of his army , to besiege Ptolemais , which had shut her gates against him , who also at last won the City ; marched away himself with the residue of his Forces against Judea , to pillage and reduce it . Alexander Jannaeus having received intelligence of his coming , carried out of his own Dominions about 50 ( some Writers rather think 80 ) thousand men , and thus provided , marched to meet him . But Ptolemei , coming unawares on the Sabbath day upon Asochis a City of Galilee , stormed it , and took it : and carried away with him about 10000 prisoners , besides other great booties . Next he fell upon Zephoris not far distant from Asochis ; having lost many men before the place , he drew off , to encounter with Alexander Jannaeus , whom he met at the River Jordan over against Asophos , not far situate from the River . As for Alexander , he had 8000 which were wont to fight in the Van bearing Targets of Brasse , whom he called Hecatontomachi : These were faced by Ptolemeis Van , who used Targets of Brasse likewise . They were something back ward at the first to charge the enemy ; but in conclusion , they were perswaded by Philostephanus , a person skilful in ordering martial affairs , to passe over the River , where the Jews were encamped . The victory for a while was banded from one side to the other : but at last , Ptolemeis souldiers routed the Jews ; and in the pursuite did execution on them so long , that their armes were wearied , and the edge of their swords blunted . It is said , that 30 thousand , ( or as Timagenes hath computed in his writings 50000 ) Jews fell in that battel : all the other being either taken prisoners , or escpaed by flight . As for Ptolemei , when after the victory he had roved all the day about the Country , at even retreated into some of the villages belonging to the Jews : which , when he saw they were thronged with women and children , he commanded his souldiers to fall on , and to slay them promiscuously , and after they had chopped them in pieces , to cast them into scalding cauldrons , to the end , that those which had escaped out of the fight , might believe that the enemy fed on mans flesh , and so might thereby become more dreadful and formidable to the beholders . This piece of cruelty , both Strabo and Nicholaus Damascenus recite in their Histories , [ Joseph . lib. 13. cap. 20 , 21. ] Cleopatra , Year of the World 3901 Queen of Egypt , The Julian Period . 4611 observing how her son Lathurus his power increased every day , Year before Christ 103 by his subduing the City of the Gazeans , and his uncontroled plunderings in the Jews Country : held it small policy to let him go on as he did ; especially when as he played most about the entrance into Egypt , and gaped after that kingdom : wherefore to check him , she forthwith raised forces both for sea and land : entrusting Chelcias and Ananias with the command of them , Jews both , and sons of that Onias who built the Temple in the Seigniory of Alexandria , [ Id. ibid. cap. 18. & 21. ] For , that the Queen did all things by the advice of those two favourites , Josephus confirms , by this testimony taken out of the History of Strabo the Cappadocian . Most of those which entred Cyprus with us at the first , and of those also who afterwards were sent thither by Cleopatra , revolted presently to Ptolemei [ Lathurus . ] Onely those Jews which were of Onias his side remained constant in their loyalty , in regard that their country-men Chelcias and Ananias , were in high esteem with the Queen . Cleopatra , having deposited a considerable part of her wealth in the Island Cous , where also she left her grandchildren and her last will and testament : ordered Ptolemei Alexanders son , to arrive at Phoenicia with a great Fleet , and upon the countries revolt , and flocking in to her , she came to Ptolemais ; but being denyed entrance , she resolved to storm it . In the mean while , it happened that Chelcias one of her chief Commanders died , as he was in the pursuite of Lathurus about Coelosyria : as for Lathurus he quitted Syria , and made what haste he could to get into Egypt , supposing that the Garrisons there were all drayned by Cleopatra , and so fancying to himself fair hopes of surprizing them unawares ; but he found it otherwise . [ Iosephus , lib. 13. cap. 21. ] The Egestan and Lilybetane fugitives in Sicilia , created themselves a King , one Athenio , a shepherd , a Cilician by birth , who feigned that the gods by the stars had intimated unto him , how that he should be King of all Sicily ; and that therefore it behoved him to favour the Country , and to spare the cattell and fruits therein as his own . Notwithstanding all this , as soon as Tryphon sent for him , he submitted himself to him as King , contenting himself with the Generals place of the army under him , [ Diodor. Sicul. lib. 36. ut supr . compared with Cicero , in Verr. lib. 2. with Flrous , lib. 3. Histor. cap. 19. and with Dion . in Excerpt . Valesii , pag. 637. ] Cleopatra , Year of the World 3902 hearing of her son Lathurus his endeavours , The Julian Period . 4612 and how his attempts upon Egypt had not succeeded to his hearts wish , Year before Christ 102 sent a Brigade of her army thither , and chased him clean out of the Country : And now he , being once more driven out of Egypt , spent the following Winter at Gaza , [ Joseph . lib. 13. cap. 21. ] In the mean while Cleopatra won Ptolemais , with its Garrisons : Thither repaired unto her Alexander Jannaeus , with presents in his hands ; who was entertained by her after such manner , as was befitting one that had been oppressed by Lathurus , and had no other refuge to betake himself unto . And when certain of the Queens favourites would have perswaded her to seize upon that Country also , and not to suffer such a number of good Jews to lie at the beck of one single person : Ananias advised the contrary ; telling her , what a high piece of unjustice it would be , for her to strip a man of his fortunes , who was both her fellow-warriour , and the kinsman of Ananias himself : for if she did so , she would in short time , by offering injury to Alexander , lose the affections of the whole Nation of the Jews . Cleopatra followed his counsel , and did not onely at that time refrain from doing him any injury , but shortly after , renewed the League which was formerly betwixt them at Scythopolis a City of Coelosyria , [ Id. ibid. ] Alexander Jannaeus being now secured from the fear he had of some imminent danger from Ptolemei Lathurus , undertook an expedition into Coelosyria , and besieged Gadara , [ Id. ibid. ] L. Licinius Lucullus , being sent by the Senate against the slaves that had revolted , came into Cicily with an army 17 thousand strong , consisting of Italians , Bithynians , Thessalonians , Acarnans , and Lucans . Athenio the Cilician marched out to meet him with 40 thousand men : who having lost 20 thousand of his men , slain outright , and being himself desperately wounded , yet made a shift to escape , by lurking amongst the dead carkases , [ Diodor. Sicul. ut supr . ] The Jews and the Arabians infested Syria with robberies by land : The Cilicians occasioned a war at sea , by their piracy , which the Romans waged in Cilicia by Antonius , [ Prolog . lib. 39. Trogi . ] Marcus Antonius ( the Orator , grandfather of M. Antonius the triumvir ) at that time Praetor , sent to that war instead of the Consul , and staying at Athens many dayes , in regard it was bad sailing , heard Mnesarchus , Carneades , and Menedemus , 3 most learned men disputing there , as he did afterwards Metrodorus Scepsius in Asia . Then being come unto the Province by the assistance of the Byzantians he encountred the pirates with good successe ; yet in the engagement he lost M. Gratidius his Admiral , [ Cicero in lib. 1. & 2. de Oratore , & in Bruto . Liv. lib. 68. Corn. Tacit. lib. 12. ] To which that passage of Julius Obsequens , about the consulship of C. Marcus , and Q. Luctatius , is to be referred . The Pirates in Cicily ( lege Cilicia ) were vanquished by the Romans : and another passage in lib. 68. of Livies Epitome : Antonius the Praetor in Sicily ( it must be read Cilicia , as in the former citation ) chased the Pirates at sea . From whom also he rid in triumph , as Pighius tells us in the third tome of his Annals at the DCLI year Vrbis , ( of the City ) about the end . The fourth Calippick Period begins . Alexander Jannaeus took Gadara after he had spent ten moneths in the siege , [ Josep . lib. 13. cap. 21. ] Marius and Catulus , being Consuls , — Archias the Poet of Antiochias , who afterwards described the Mithridatick war in Greek Verse ( and many of whose Epigrams are extant in the Greek Anthology ) came to Rome : where he had the chief hand both in Ciceroes first applying himself to any studies , and also in putting him into a method , [ Cicero , pro Archia , Poeta . ] C. Marius , though in a posture ready to fight the Cimbrians in Gaule , delayed the engagement , pretending how that by the advice of certain Oracles , he did onely lie at catch for a convenient time and place for a victory : For he carried about with him in a Litter a certain Syrian woman , called Martha , who was reported to have skill in prophesying : He had her in great reverence , and never sacrificed but upon her intimation . She had formerly been with the Senate to treat of those matters , and foretel what should happen , but the Senate put her by , and would not vouchsafe her an hearing , [ Plutarch in Marius . ] Near upon the same time , Battaces , or Batabaces , Priest of the great Mother Idea , came to Rome from Pessinunt in Phrygia ; and coming into the Senate , he told them , he was commanded thither by his Goddesse with t●ings of a great victory which should happen to the people of Rome , and the high renown they should get in a war : adding withal , that the religious rites of the Goddesse were profaned , and therefore publick expiation ought to be made of them at Rome . He brought also along with him a garment , and other ornaments of the body , new , and such as were never seen by any Roman before that time : he brought also a golden Crown of an unusual bulk , and a long Robe interwoven with flowers , and gilded , all very glorious and royal . After he had made a speech to the people from the Oratours pleading desk , and perswaded them to receive his superstitious worship , he was entertained at the publick places of receipt for strangers : but was prohibited by Aulus Pompeius Tribune of the people , to bring his Crown with him : Being by the other Tribune brought unto the Court , and questioned concerning the expiation of the Temple , he returned a very superstitious answer . As for Pompeius , after he had called him an hedge-priest , and an Imposture , and driven him out of the Court , dissolved the assembly and went home , where he fell suddenly sick of a violent fever ; so that soon after he became speechlesse , and was most grieviously tormented with the squinacy ; and upon the third day ( or as others , the seventh day ) he dyed . All which some interpret to have happened unto him by a divine providence , for the indignity and injury he offered to the Priest , and to the goddesse her self : For the Romans were naturally inclined to superstitions . Thence it was , that Battaces in his holy dresse , was treated so magnificently by the men and women , and that when he left Rome , he was atteended out of Town in such great pomp . [ Id. ibid. & Diodorus Siculus , lib. 36. in Photii Bibliotheca , cod . 244. ] A servant belonging to Servilius Caepio , gelding himself for the worship of Mother Idaea , was transported over seas , and never to returne back again to Rome . [ Julius Obsequens ut supra . ] Alexander Jannaeus wan Amathus the best fortified Castle of any neer Jordan ; Year of the World 3903 where Theodorus , Zenons son , deposited what ever things he had in highest estimation . But Theodorus , coming suddenly upon him , recovered what he had lost , p●llaged Alexanders carryages , and slew ten thousand Jews . But Alexander , as soon as he had recurited his losse , set upon the Countries along that sea coast , took Raphia , and Anthedon , which Herod afterwards named Agrippias . [ Joseph . lib. 1 , Belli . cap. 3. lib. 13. Antiquit. cap. 21. ] Manius Aquilius , The Julian Period . 4613 the Colleague of C. Marius , Year before Christ 101 in his fifth Consulship , was sent as Generall against Athenio the Cilician , who after the decease of Tryphon , was made King of the Runagadoes in Sicilie : He behaved himself so gallantly in the service , that he got a most famous conquest over the Rebels : For he encountred with their King Athenio himself , and at last , got the better of him . Whilst the souldiery strived amongst themselves , whose prisoner he should be , he was torne in pieces by them in the contest . [ Diodor. Sicul. ut sup . Florus , lib. 3. cap. 19. ] Ptolemei Lathurus quitted Gaza , and returned again to Cyprus , and his mother Cleopatra into Egypt . [ Iosephus , lib. 13. cap. 21. ] whose hard usage of Lathurus affrightned her young sonne Alexander so far , as that it occasioned him to leave him , preferring a secure and safe life before an hazardous kingdome . Wherefore Cleopotra , fearing least her eldest sonne Lathurus might procure Antiochus Cyzineus his helping hand towards the recovery of Egypt , dispatched away supplies to Antiochus Grypus , and sent unto him also Selene ( Lathurus his wife ) to be married to the enemy of her former husband ; and called back , by her Ambassadors , her son Alexander into the kingdom . [ Justin lib. 39. cap. 4. ] And this was the ground of their civill wars which arose betwixt the Kings of Syria , which Livy recites in lib. 68. That the Fugitives in Sicily were all put to the sword in severall battels , Year of the World 3904 in the time of C. Marius , and Lucius Valerius , Consuls , Julius Obsequens notes in his little Book de prodigiis : For Aquilius the Proconsul pursued the remainder of the Fugitives ( ten thousand whereof yet were left ) untill he had reduced them all under his power , and thereby put an end to the second servile war , after it had continued allmost four years . [ Diodorus Siculus , ut supra . ] In which wars Athenaeus gives up a tally of ten hundred thousand slaves that were lost . [ l●b . 6. cap. 7. ] C. Marius , The Julian Period . 4614 then the sixth time Consul , Year before Christ 100 chiefly by the assistance of L. Apuleius Saturninus , tribune of the people , banished Q. Metellus Numidius , who came to Rhodes , and there addicted himself to the studies of philosophy , and was at leisure to read Authours , and hear the discourses of the most eminent schollars . [ Cicero in Pison & pro Sextio . Livie , lib. 69. Plutarch . in Mario . Appian . Belli . Civil . lib. 1. pag. 367 , 369. ] Ambassadors came to Rome from Mithridates with a good round sum of mony , with hopes of corrupting the Senate therewith . Saturnius , Tribune of the people , a sworn enemy to the whole order of Senatours , taking notice thereof , and supposing that he had them now on the hip , bespattered the Embassie , with reproaches and obloquies . The Ambassadors called him in question for this , and so musled him by the instigation of the Senatours , who clapped them on the back , and promised them their helping hand . Saturninus was in great danger of his head for this his violating the Ambassadors , whose priviledges the Romans alwayes held in a most religious esteem : But the people did not onely rescue him in this extremity , but also declared him again Tribune of the people . [ Diodorus Siculus , Legat. 34. ] Yet that Incendiary being engaged in a fresh mutiny , was slaine therein , this very year of C. Marius , ( now the sixteenth ) and Valerius Flaccus Consuls . [ Cicero in 8 Philippica , & pro Rabirio . Appian . belli . Civil . lib. 1. pag. 369. 360. Oros. lib. 5. cap. 17. ] When as in every assembly , for the space of two whole years together , Q. Metellus his restoring from banishment was taken into debate : Q. Metellus his son traversed the market-place , having his beard and hair over-grown , and in a nasty garment ; where with tears in his eyes , he prostrated himself to the Citizens , beseeching them to recall his father home again . The people , allthough they would by no means put the banished in hopes of returning , by doing any thing on their behalf , which was contrary to law , yet in compassion to the young man , and being moved with the importunitie of his entreaties , they recalled Q. Metellus from banishment , and gave to his son the sirname of Pius , for his singular affection and care he had of his father , [ Diodor. Sicul. in Excerpt . Valesi , p. 390. ] Yet Aurelius Victor , in his hook de viris Illustribus , cap. 62. writes , how that the father , ( viz. Q. Metellus ) being banished to Smyrna , and recalled home by the Calidian law , when the letters to that purpose were brought unto him , as he sat accidently in the theatre , beholding the pasports , he would not vouchsafe to read them , untill such time that the show was over . C. Marius , not brooking to look Metellus in the face after his returne home , sailed into Cappadocia and Galatia , pretending a piece of devotion , in which he stood engaged to the Great Mother Idaea , but in very deed to raise and foment new wars : and to bring his designe about , he thought good to egg forward Mithridates ( by whom he was received with all civillity and respect , and who at that time , as it appears plainly , was busie about taking up arms ) with these words : Either endeavour , O King , to put your self into such a condition that you may be too hard for the Romans , or else quietly submit unto their commands . This saying amazed the King , as one who often heard of the name , but never till now of the freeness of the Roman tongue , to vent what it pleased . [ Plutarch in Mario . ] Alexander Jannaeus , being enraged against the Gazaeans , because they had called in Ptolemei Lathurus to their assistance against him , both assaulted their City , and wasted the Country . In the mean time Apollodorus , Commander of the Gazaeans , with 2000 mercenaries , and 10000 which he armed out of the Townsmen , sallyed forth by night into the Jews Camp ; and whilst it was a night-fight , the Gazaeans had the better of it , the enemy supposing that Ptolemei was come to their relief : but as soon as day-break , and the truth of the businesse appeared , the Jews rallyed forth into a body , and falling upon the Townsmen with all their might and main , killed about 1000 of them : yet for all this , and though victuals also grew scarce , would not they stoop to a resignation of themselves , but were ready to undergo any hardship , rather than they would be brought under the power of the enemy . Aretas also , King of the Arabians , bare up their spirits a while , by giving out , and putting them in hopes ( though in vain ) of some great matters he would do for them , [ Joseph . lib. 13. cap. 21. ] Lysimachus , Year of the World 3907 envying the great favour his brother Apollodotus was in amongst the Gazaeans , The Julian Period . 4617 killed him , Year before Christ 97 and then drawing together a band of souldiers , delivered up the City to Alexander Jannaeus ; who at first marched in very calmly , but presently after let loose the souldiers to fall upon the Townsmen , to kill and slay without controle . The Gazeans indeed lay slaughtered in every street ; yet did they not dye unrevenged , but strugling with their assailants , killed as many of the Jews : but others of them quitted their houses , and set them on fire , to prevent the enemies plunder ; others killed their wives & their children with their own hands , that they might not be led away into captivity . The Senatours , 500 in number , had retired themselves into Apollo's Temple ; for it happened that at that very time , that the enemy was let into the City , a Senate was held there . But Alexander cut the throats of them all , and after he had dismantled the City , returned back to Jerusalem , a year after his drawing up his forces to block up Gaza . [ Id. ibid. ] At the very same time also Antiochus Grypus was put out of the way , by the treachery of Heracleon , having lived 45 years , and reigned 29. [ Id. ibid. ] or rather 26 , as it is read in Porphyrius his fragment ; eleven of those 26 years , he reigned alone , the other 15 , joynt partner with Cyzicenus . He dyed in the fourth year of the CLXX Olympiade . [ in Graec. Euseb. Scalig. pag. 227. ] Grypus left behind him five sons , the first Seleucus , whom Josephus will have to succeed his father , the second and third twins , by Tryphaena , daughter to Ptolemei Physcon , King of Egypt , Antiochus and Philip ▪ the fourth Demetrius Eucaerus ; the fifth , another surnamed Dionysius . To Mithridates Eupator , Year of the World 3908 King of Pontus , was born a son , called Pharnaces , who lived fifty years . [ Appian . in Mithridatic . pag. 254. ] Cn. Domitius and C. Cassius being Consuls , The Julian Period . 4618 Ptolemei King of the Cyrenians ( Physcon's son by a Curtesan ) dyed , Year before Christ 96 and left the people of Rome his heire . [ Liv. lib. 70. Jul. Obsequens de prodigiis , Cassiodorus in Chronica . ] The Cities of that kingdom were enfranchized by a decree of the Senate , as Livy testifies , although Plutarch in Lucullo shews , how that the Cyrenaeans soon after were miserably harrased with continuall usurpations and wars . Anna the Prophetesse , Year of the World 3909 daughter of Phanuel , The Julian Period . 4619 of the tribe of Aser , Year before Christ 95 being married , lived with her husband seven years from her virginity . [ Luc. 2. 36. ] Tigranis , son of Tigranes who was delivered up to the Parthians , as hostage , was restored by them into his fathers kingdom of Armenia , upon their receipt of 70 portions of lee land of his Country , as a gratuitie , [ Strabo . lib. 11 , pag. 532. Justin , lib. 38. cap. 3. Appian . in Syriac . pag. 118. ] as is gathered out of the 25 year of his reign , mention whereof will be made hereafter out of Plutarchs Lucullus , at the year of the World , 3934. Q. Mutius Scaevola , Year of the World 3910 being sent Proconsul into Asia , made choice of his most intimate friend , P. Rutilius Rufus for his Legate , ( whom Pomponius in D. de orig . Juris , erroniously makes the Proconsul of Asia ) and used his advice and counsel in managing the affairs of the province , and making laws : he also had a great hand in restraining the injuries and exactions of the Publicans , who did extreamly oppresse those of that province : For as often as any who had been pinched by those tole-gatherers , made their addresse unto him , he condemned them wheresoever he came , by upright Judges , purposely commissionated , and delivered over the parties condemned to the persons whom they had injured , to be them confined to prison . Moreover , by his discharging both his own expences , and the expences of his retinue , out of his own private purse , he soon inclined the hearts of all in the province towards the people of Rome . [ Cicero . lib. 2. de oratore . Diodorus ▪ Siculus , in Excerptis Valesii , pag. 393 , 394. ] Seleucus , The Julian Period . 4620 son of Antiochus Grypus , Year before Christ 94 having gotten together a considerable force , marched against his Uncle Antiochus Cyzicenus . Cyzicenus came with his army from Antiochus , and gave him battle , but was overcome : and being by his horse's running away with him , hureyed into the enemies Camp , seeing no possibility of getting off again , slew himself , after he had reigned 18 years : And Seleucus , having won the kingdom , retreated to Antioch . [ Porphyr . in Graec. Euseb. pag. 227. ] Josephus relates , how that Cyzicenus was taken prisoner in the fight by Seleucus , and afterwards put to death . [ lib. 13. cap. 21. ] But Trogus , that he dyed in the battle which was fought betwixt him and Grypus his sons . [ lib. 40. Prolog . ] Cn. Domitius , and C. Coelius being Consuls , a Decree of the Senate came forth , whereby all persons were prohibited to lend any money to the Cretians . [ Ascon . Pedianus in argument . orat . pro C. Cornelio . ] See ann . Mundi 3935. out of Dion . Q. Mutius Scaevola , having held the government of Asia not above nine moneths , for fear he should be chargeable to the Exchequer , resigned that honour . [ Cicero ad Atticum , lib. 5. epist. 17 , cum Asconio Pediano in orat . Cicer. contra L. Pisonem . ] The while he held his imployment in Asia , so uprightly and so stoutly did he manage it , that the Senate ever after by their decree propounded Scaevola's administrations as a model and form to be imitated by all those that should succeed in that province . [ Valer. Maxim. lib. 8. cap. 15. ] The Grecians also inserted in their Calendar a festivall day , in honour of him , which the Asian called Mutia . [ Ascon . Pedian . in 3 tiam contra Verram , & Divinationem contra eundem ] concerning which Cicero thus , in Verrem 2 dâ . Mithridates in Asia , whereas he was Master of all the whole Province did not put down the Mutia , although he was not onely an enemy , but such an enemy , as was too Violent and cruell in other matters , yet would he not violate the honour of the man , which was hallowed with the ceremonies of the gods . Yet was his Legate Publius Rutilius Rusus , a person of high innocencie , who had joyned with him in vindicating Asia from the exactions and injuries of the Publicans , called in question as a receiver of bribes , by a factious party of the Gentry , ( which he with the Proconsul had punished for acting exorbitantly , in gathering the rents . ) But he was of such an entire trust , and innocence , that from the day that his accusers set to implead him , to the cognizance of the cause , he neither let his beard or his hair grow , not put on an unfashionable garment , nor laid aside his Senatours robes , nor cringed to his adversaries , nor inclined the Judges : neither when the Praetor had granted him leave to make his apologie , did he make a speech which might seem beneath his spirit , ( such a spirit as would become every good man , whose chance it is to be loaden with calumnies , and who rather pittyed the case of the Common-wealth , than his own condition ) or let a word drop from his mouth , which might seem to derogate from the splendour of his fore-past years . [ Liv. lib. 70 , Ascon Pedian . in Divinatione contra , Verrem . Valer. Maxim. lib. 6. cap. 4. Dio. in Excerpt . Valesii , pag. 637. Oros. lib. 5. cap. 17. ] Concerning whom , M. Cicero in his first Diolgue de oratore , speaks thus . Seeing that man was the very pattern of innocency , and not one person in the whole City of greater integrity or sanctimony : he would not onely not petition the Iudges favour , but would not so much as suffer his advocates to plead his cause with greater flourishes and amplifications , than the bare account of the truth it self would permit : some few particulars of his defence , he put over to Cotta , an eloquent man , and his sisters son . Q. Mutius also pleaded some thing on his behalf , after his old manner , without any flourishing , plainly and clearly . And in Bruto . At what time , that most innocent person was called to trial ( by which judgement we know the Common-wealth to have been shaken ) although there were then in the City , those two eloquent men , L. Crassus , and M. Antonius ; yet would he not entertain either of them for his advocate : But he pleaded his own cause himself , and C. Cotta spake some few things , in regard he was his sisters son , who though but a youth , yet shewed he himself an Oratour . Q. Mutius , also spake in Court , clearly indeed and smoothly , as he alwayes did , yet not with such ardour and volubility , as that kind of processe , and the greatnesse of the cause required . And thus the Gentry of Rome , having by the vertue of the Gracchian laws gotten into their hands the power of sitting in Judgement , condemned ( to the great grief of the City ) Rutilius , a person not onely surpassing any of his time , but any that ever lived , upon the act of bribery , [ Vellei . Paterculi . lib. 2. ] No sooner was sentence past upon him , and an estimate made in money of what he stood charged in Court , but he forthwith parted with all he had ; whereby he evidenced , that he was altogether clear from the crime objected against him . For all he could rap and rend , came not near to so much , as his accusers said he got in Asia by his extortion : and every particular of his estate was by him shewed to have been conveyed unto him upon just and lawful titles . The envy of this mans condemnation , fell upon C. Marius , to whom his vertue was a great eye-fore : which was the reason that Rutilius , not liking the carriage of things in the City , not enduring to live and converse any longer with such a fellow as Marius , left his Country of his own accord , and went into Asia , and lived there an exile at Mitylene , [ Dio. ut . supr . pag. 637 , 638. ] And whenas one of his friends thought to have comforted him and cheared him up in his banishment , by telling him , That civil wars would shortly break forth , and then all the banished might return home . What injury ( said he ) did I ever to you , that you should wish me a worse return home , than I had going into banishment ? I had rather that my Country should blush at my banishment , than grieve at my return home , [ Seneca . in beneficiis , lib. 6. cap. 37. ] His banishment did no whit impa●re his former glory and wealth : for all the Cities of Asia sent their Embassadors to waite upon him : And not onely Q. Mutius , but whatever Cities and Kings had formerly been beholding unto him for any courtesie , sent unto him very many presents : so that now , in respect of wealth , he was in a far better condition , than ever he was before his banishment , [ Valer. Maxim. lib. 2. cap. 10. Dio ut supr . pag. 638. ] Antiochus Eusebes , Year of the World 3911 or Piu● , The Julian Period . 4621 son of Antiochus Cyzicenus , Year before Christ 93 having , by the means of a Curtezan who fell in love with him for the comelinesse of his person , escaped a plot which Seleucus his Cousin German had laid for him ( although the Syrians ascribe his preservation to the merit of his piety , for which he got the sirname Eusebes ) came to Aradus , and having set a Crown upon his head , commenced a war against Seleucus , to whom in one battle he gave so great an overthrow , that he never after was able to stand in the field but was chased out of all Syria , [ Ioseph . lib. 13. cap. 21. Appian . in Syriac . pag. 133. ] Seleucus , fleeiug into Cilicia , after he had been a while received by the Mopsuestians , began to exact Tribute of them ; but they took that his exaction so ill at his hands , that they set fire on his Palace , and burnt both him and his friends , [ Ioseph . ibid. ] That he was burnt in the common place of exercise in regard he had carried himself so , beyond all measure , violently and tyrannically , Appian relates , [ pag. 132. ] That he was burnt alive by Antiochus Cyzicenus his son , Eusebius in Chronico : but Porphyrius writes , That after he had betaken himself to the City , and perceived that the Mopsuestians had a design to burn him alive , that he laid violent hands on himself , [ ut supr . pag. 227. ] The two Seleuci twins , Antiochus and Philippus , drew up their Forces against Mopsuestia and took it , and levelled it even to the ground , in revenge of their brothers death : which was no sooner done , but Antiochus Pius , son of Cyzicenus came upon them on the sudden , and discomfited them . As for Antiochus , he fleeing on horseback out of the battel , and attempting to get over the River Orontes , was drowned in the stream . But his brother Philip ( to whom Scaliger attributes a Coyne to belong , which did beare this Inscription : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) and Antiochus Pius , beginning their reigns together from the third year of the CLXXI. Olympiade , and having both of them considerable Forces , contested between themselves which of them two should be sole Lord of all Syria , [ Porphyr . ut sup . pag. 227. ] Ptolemei Lathurus , Year of the World 3912 having sent for Demetrius Eucaerus , The Julian Period . 4622 fourth son of Antiochus Grypus from Cnidus , Year before Christ 92 made him King of Damascus . Antiochus Pius joyning his Forces with his brother Philips , opposed him very valiantly for a while , [ Ioseph . lib. 13. cap. 21. ] But at length , Antiochus was worsted , and forced to flee for refuge to the Parthians , [ Porphyrius , ut supr . Eusebius in Chronic. ] When as Mithridates King of Pontus had seized Cappadocia , Year of the World 3913 having made away both the sons which the King of the Cappadocians ( son of that Ariarathes , which died in the war against Aristonicus , and of another Laodice , of whom formerly ) had by his sister Laodice : he resigned up the kingdom to his own son but 8 years of age , to whom he gave the name of Ariarathes , appointing Gordius for his Guardian . Nicomedes Philopator , King of Bithynia . being somewhat jealous least , having now gotten Cappadocia , he might happily attempt to invade Bithynia which bordered upon it , suborned a youth marvellous handsome , as if Ariarathes had had three , and not onely two sons , who was to be a petitioner to the Senate about the restoring him to his fathers kingdom . He sent also his wife Laodice ( Mithridates his sister , who after the decease of her former husband Ariarathes , was married to Nicomedes ) to Rome to testifie , that Ariarathes had three sons . As soon as Mithridates had notice hereof , he also with the like impudence , dispatches Gordius to Rome , whose errand was to avouch to the Senate , how that the youth to whom he had delivered the kingdom of Cappadocia , was descended from that Ariarathes , who in the war of Aristonicus , had brought supplies to the Romans , and died in the service , [ Justin. lib. 38. cap. 1 , 2. ] The Queen of the Galadeni waged war with the Parthians . The Julian Period . 4623 Josephus writes , Year before Christ 91 how that Antiochus Pius , Cyzicenus his son , being called to her assistance , behaved himself gallantly , but had the mischance to miscarry in the fight ; so that after his decease , the kingdom of Syria remained in the power of the two brothers , Grypus his sons : Philip , and Demetrius Eucaerus , [ lib. 13. cap. 21. ] Whereas Eusebius in Chronico terminates the reign of Seleucus his race in the two years , which he attributes to Philip Grypus his son . But seeing that after this time Appian in the end of his Syriacks teacheth us , that both Antiochus Pius was driven out of his kingdom by Tygranes ; and Josephus , that Philip also with his two brothers , Demetrius Eucaerus , and Antiochus Dionysius , waged war with the Kings of Damascus , and possessed themselves of the kingdom of Syria , [ lib. 13. cap. 22 , & 23. ] It seems more probable , that Antiochus Pius , being returned from the Parthians ( to whom Porphyrius and Eusebius confirm , that he went not against his enemies , but as to a Sanctuary and Refuge for himself ) recovered that part of Syria which Philip had usurped for the space of two years : and that Philip to repaire that losse , contested with his two brothers , Demetrius and Antiochus , about the joyning of the kingdom of Damascus to his Principallity , ( which commotions between the Kings of Syria , seem to be those which Livy hath described in his 70 book ) and claimed to himself all the remaining parts of Syria , which were not in the hand of Cyzicenus his son . The Syrians being at last quite wearied out with the various skirmishes which Philip had , sometimes with Antiochus Pius , sometimes with his brothers , for the space of eight years together , they deserted the Seleucians , and voluntarily put themselves under the command of Tigranes King of Armenia ; as Justin shewes in the beginning of his 40 book . And as for that sirname of Pius , which was given to Antiochus , Appian ( in the forecited place ) is of opinion , that it was given him in derision by the Syrians ; because he had married Selene , which had formerly been the wife both of his father Cyzicenus , and his Uncle Grypus : and therefore plainly tells us , That he was by the just judgement of God , thrown out of the kingdom by Tigranes . The Senate of Rome , being well acquainted with the endeavours of the two Asiatick Kings , and their design to steale away other mens kingdoms by obtruding false titles ; took Cappadocia away from Mithridates , and to chear him up , Paphlagonia from Nicomedes : And because it might perchance be thought a disparagement to deprive those two Kings of that , which they were resolved ef●soones to give away unto some others ; the Senate made both people a free State. But the Cappadocians refused this profered liberty , and sending Embassadors to Rome , told them , That it was utterly impossible for them to live without a King : The Romans wondering thereat , gave them leave to elect a King out of their own body : so Ariobarzanes was made King , [ Justin. lib. 38. cap. 2. Strabo , lib. 12. pag. 540. ] The Romans , having renounced Gordius , whom Mithridates had commended unto them , [ Justin. lib. 38. cap. 5. ] L. Cornelius Sylla , Year of the World 3914 after his Praetorship was expited , ( which as Velleius Paterculus intimates in ● lib of his History , he discharged the year before L. Caesar , and P. Rutilius were Consuls ) being appointed over Cilicia , was sent Embassador into Cappadocia ; his expedition was glossed with the specious pretence of settling Ariobarzanes the new elect in his kingdom : but the true occasion of his going thither , was to crush Mithridates his designs , whose head was full of plots . Sylla brought no great force with him thither , but by means of the Allyes who readily profered their service , he slew a great company of the Cappadocians , but a far greater number of the Armenians , who came to assist Gordius ; threw out Gordius himself , with the new obtruded young King Ariarathes , to whom Gordius was assigned Governour by Mithridates ) and proclaimed Ariobarzanes King , according to the decree of the Senate , Mithridates saying not one word all the while against it . [ Livie . lib. 70. Plutarch in Sylla . Appian . in Mithridatic , pag. 208. & lib. 1. Bell. Civill . pag. 396. ] The Parthian Ambassadors came to Sylla , The Julian Period . 4624 from their King Arsaces , Year before Christ 90 to intreat amity with the people of Rome , [ Livie . lib. 70. Sextus Rufus , in Breviario . ] There never being before that any correspondence held between those two nations . Orobazus the Parthian had the chief managing of the Embassie ; who , meeting with Sylla , residing about Euphrates : Sylla is said to have caused three Seates to be placed , one for Ariobarzanes , another for Orobazus , and a third for himself : so seating himself in the midst betwixt them both , he gave audience to the Ambassadors ; wherefore the Parthian King shortly after put Orobazus to death : Others gave out , that he flew Sylla , as if he had exposed the Barbarians to open derision ; whilst others exclaimed against him , as being an arrogant person , and one who had discovered his ambition very unseasonably . It is recorded also , how that a certain Chalcidian of Orobazus his retinew ; after he had viewed Sylla's countenance , and very curiously observed the temper bent and motions , both of his mind and body , and examined his disposition by the wiles of art , declared openly , That it was impossible , but Sylla must needs come to be some great man ere long ; and that he wondred extreamly , that he himself could endure to make a stand where he was , and not already to be head of all . [ Plut. in Sylla . compared with Velleius Paterculus , lib. 2. cap. 24. ] No sooner was Sylla returned home to Rome , but Censorinus impeached him of bribery , as one who against law had taken a great sum of mony of a kingdom in friendship and amity with the Romans : but he did not prosecute the accusation , but let it fall . [ Plutarch . ibid. ] Mithridates inveagled Tigranes , King of Armenia , ( not dreaming that the Romans would take any exception thereat ) to side with him in the war which he had been a long while hammering out against the Romans ; perswading him by Gordius to engage in war. Ariobarzanes , whom the Romans had set as King over the Cappadocians ; buzing him in the ear , as if he were but a dull fellow , and such an one , who had neither spirit nor life in him at all : And to seem to play fair play , he profered him his daughter Cleopatra in marriage . [ Justin lib. 38. cap. 3. ] Mithridates , Year of the World 3915 and Bagoas , Tigranes his Commanders , having driven out Ariobarzanes , who upon their first approach , took up bag and baggage ; and made what hast he could towards Rome , placed Ariarathes in the kingdom : and so by Tigranes his assistance , Cappadocia began again to be under Mithridates jurisdiction . [ Id. ib. Appian . in Muithridatic . pag. 176. ] At the same time , Nicomedes Philopator , being deceased , the Senate of Rome made his son Nicomedes , whom Nisa , ( a common dancer , as Mithridates in Justin , lib. 38. cap. 5. calls her ) bore unto him , King of Bithynia . Mithridates sent his elder brother Socrates ; who also himself was called Nicomedes , and surnamed Chrestus , or the Thrifty , against him with an army ; who , after he had beaten out his brother , seized upon the kingdom himself . [ Justin , ibid. Appian . pag. 176. & 178. Memnon in Excerptis Photii , cap. 32. ] Nicomedes , then devested of his kingdom , made his humble addresses to Rome : whereupon it was decreed in the Senate , that both he and Ariobarzanes should be restored into their kingdoms . To effect this , Embassadors were presently dispatched away ; Manius Aquilius ( who quelled the servile war in Sicily ) and Malthius , or ( as it is read in the MS. ) Marcus Altinius [ Iustin & Appian . ut supra . ] Lucius Cassius also , who held Asia Pergamena , with a small army , and Mithridates himself was ordered to assist them . But Mithridates sat still , and helped them not , because that the title of Cappadocia was then in dispute , and the Romans had taken away Phrygia from him . [ Appian . ibid. pag. 176 , 177. ] but put them off with a long story of his grievances , and shewing the Ambassadors at what vast expences he had been at , both upon publick and private accounts . [ Dio. Legat. 30. in edit . Graeca , vel 31. in Graeco latina . ] Although he himself in an oration of his , which Trogus Pompeius hath put upon the file , affirms , that both his son was turned out of Cappadocia , which by the law of nations appertained to him , The Julian Period . 4625 as Conquerer ; Year before Christ 89 and also that he had slain Chrestus , King of Bithynia , in favour to the Romans . [ Iustin , lib. 38. cap. 5. ] Mithridates , resolving ere long to encounter the Romans , engaged Tigranes in his quarrel , upon mutuall covenant , That Mithridates should have the Cities and the fields for his share , and Tigranes , the people and the plunder . And Mithridates , understanding well enough how great a task he had undertaken , sent his Ambassadors abroad , solliciting assistance : some he sent to the Cimmerians , other to the Gallogrecians , to the Sarmatans , and the Basternans ; for , by his presents and favours , he had made sure of every one of those nations before hand , when his designe of engaging the Romans came first into his head . He commanded also an army to repaire to him out of Scythia . [ Justin. lib. 38. cap. 3. ] All those which inhabite Tanais and Ister , and the lake Maeotis , being ready at his beck . He sent also into Egypt and Syria , to draw the Kings there into an association with him . He had already 300 ships with decks , and builded more every day , having sent for Masters and Pilots out of Phoenicia and Egypt . He had also his fathers kingdom which was twenty thousand furlongs in length : he drew also to his side with him , many of the adjacent Countries , and amongst the rest the Colchi a warlike Nation , [ Appian . in M●thridatic . pag. 178 , 180. ] He was seized also of that Country which is bounded with the River Halys , as far as the Tibarens and the Armenians : and within the River Halys as far as Amastris , and some parts of Paphlagonia : Moreover he annexed to his Dominions , the Sea coast towards the West , unto Heraclea : and on the other side , he laid unto Pontus , all the Country betwixt that and Colchis , and Armenia the lesser , [ S●rabo , lib. 12. pag. 540 , 541. ] Aulus Gellius writes how that he had twenty five Nations which did homage unto him as subjects , [ lib. 17. cap. 17. ] Valerius Maximus 22. [ lib. 8. cap. 7. ] So Quintilianus , [ lib. 11. cap. 2. ] Pliny , [ lib. 7. cap. 24. & lib. 25. cap. 2. ] and that he was thoroughly skilled in every one of their several languages , so well , that he never used any Interpreter , whensoever he had occasion to speak with the people . We read also in Sextus Aurelius Victor , his book de viris illustribus , cap. 76. how that he could speak 22 several languages : although in this place for 22. the Manuscripts compute fifty . As soon as the Roman Legates with Cassi●s his souldiers , and some other supplies levyed out of Galatia and Phrygia , had re-inthroned Nicomedes in Bithynia , and Ariobarzanes in Cappadocia ; they presently advised them both , by their often incursions , to pester Mithridates his Country which bordered upon them , thereby seeking occasion of a quarrel , upon confidence of the assistance they were like to find in case Mithridates should resent the provocation . Yet had neither of the so much spirit , as to dare to provoke so potent a neighbour , by downright acts of hostility . But the Legates importuning Nicomedes ( who upon covenant was engaged in deep summes of money to the General and Legates themselves for his restitution , and in other summes of money , which he had taken up upon interest of the Romans in Asia , which was now called in ) he was forced at this pinch , though much against his will , to make his enrodes into Mithridates his Dominions : so that he destroyed and pillaged the Country as far as the City Amastris , without the least controule or check from any body . For Mithridates , though he was sufficiently provided at this time , yet did he decline to fight , and suffered the enemy to range at pleasure ; that so all the World might see , that he did not commence the war against the Romans , but upon many , and those very just , grounds , [ Appian . Mithridatic . pag. 177. cum Liv. lib. 74. & Dione . Legat. 30 , vel . 31. ] Of which insolencies of the Romans Salust ( in the 4 book of his History ) brings him in thus , complaining in an Epistle of his to Arsaces . For why should I name my self , who being on every side by kingdoms and Principalities divided from their Empire , because it was reported that I was rich , and resolved against their service ; they provoked by the war of Nicomedes , that was privy to their wickednesse , and testified before the Kings that afterwards ensued , &c. As soon as Nicomedes was returned home with his rich booty , Mithridates sent Pelopidas the Oratour to the Roman Generals and Legates ( knowing well enough that Nicomedes did what he did by their abetting and instigation ) to expostulate with them concerning the injuries and violencies offered unto him by Nicomedes . And when as Nicomedes his Embassadors laid all the blame upon Mithridates , as giving the first occasion of those his proceedings : The Romans replyed , That they were neither well pleased that Nicomedes should any wayes molest Mithridat●s ; neither would they suffer Mithridates to right himself by waging war with Nicomedes . Mithridates receiving no better satisfaction , but rather conceiving himself plainly baffel'd by the Romans , sent his son Ariarathes with a great hoste to seize upon the kingdom of Cappadocia : who soon beat out Ariobarzanes , and reigned himself in his stead , [ Appian . in Mithridatic . pag. 179. compared with Livie , lib. 76. and 77. Eutrop. lib. 5. and Orosius , lib. 6. cap. 2. ] Maltius also , or M. Altinius , the Roman Legate , was defeated there at the same time , [ Justin. lib. 38. cap. 4. ] Mithridates sent his Agents to Rome , to desire the Romans , that if they accounted Nicomedes their friend , that they would either perswade him , or else compel him whether he would or no , to do what was just and right : But if they held him an enemy , that they then would give him leave to avenge himself of him . The Romans , did not onely not gratifie him in any one particular demanded , but proceeded to threaten him , if he did not straitwayes resign back Cappadocia to Ariobarzanes , and conclude a peace with Nicomedes : They commanded also his Em●assadours to depart the Town the same day , laying a strict prohibition upon him , that unlesse he submitted to their injunctions and did accordingly , he should never send Ambassadors again to Rome . [ Dio. Legat. 31. vel . 32. ] In the mean time , Mithridates dispatched away Pelopidas to the Roman Generals , whose errand was to acquiant them , how that he had sent some Ambassadors to complain of them to the Senate , and therefore warned them to be present , to justifie their actions ; and that they should not dare to begin , or act , any thing , untill they had received a decree from the Senate and people of Rome , to authorize them . This sounded something harsh and insolent , whereupon they enjoyned Mithridates not to meddle with Nicomedes , and to quit Cappadocia : ( for they would themselves take care to see Ariobarzanes restored ) as for Pelopidas , they charged him forthwith to depart the Camp , and never to return , but upon the Kings execution of what was commanded : with this answer was he dismissed , yet not without a convoy , in case he should attempt to corrupt any by the way . [ Appian . ] The Roman Generals ( not staying for the determination of the Senate and the people , concerning this so great war ) presently drew up their forces out of Bithinia , Cappadocia , Paphlagonia , and Gallograecia ; and to those L. Cassius his army , which he kept for the securing of Asia , joyned themselves . They put their forces into severall divisions . Cassius pitched about the confines of Bithinia , and Galatia . Manius Aqui●lus had his brigade to make good the passage , by which Mithridates was to enter Bithynia . Q. Oppius lay in the borders of Cappadocia , each of them had 40000 Foot and Horse . They had a fleet also riding about Byzantium ; Minutius Ru●us , and C. Popilius being Admirals , to keep the entrance into Pontus . Nicomedes also sent 50000 Foot , and 6000 Horse to their assistance . [ Idem . ] Mithridates had in his own army 250 thousand Foot , and 40 thousand Horse , 300 ships with decks , 100 Gallies with two oars on a bank , and other preparations answerable to so numerous an army . Neoptolemus and Archelaus , two brothers , had the command of these forces , the King himself also took the charge of many things on his own person , Amongst the auxiliaries , Archathias , Mithridates his son , brought 10000 Horse out of Armenia the lesser : Dorylaus was over the Phalanges of foot ( armed cap a pe ) Craterus had the command of 130 Chariots with Sithes . [ Ibid. ] As soon as Nicomedes and Mithridates his Generals ( for he was not there himself ) discovered each other in the Campaigne near the river Amnias , they presently put their bodies in batalio : Nicomedes all the men he had ; Neoptolemus and Archelaus , onely their light hatnessed Foot , Arcathias his Horse , and some Chariots , for the Phalanx consisting of 8000 men , was not yet come up , but was upon the march . The victory kept not constant to one side , but sometimes one , sometimes the other had the better : till at last Mithridates his Commanders ( though their souldiers were far inferiour in number ) with their Chariots armed with Sithes , did so mowe the enemy off , that it is not to be believed how many were slain in the place , Nicomedes himself was forced to flye , with his company , in Paphlagonia ; so that the enemies Camp being deserted , the plunder and the monies fell to the Conquerours . [ Id. compared with Memnon . cap. 33. and Strabo lib. 12. pag. 562. ] Nicomedes thus chased out of the field , pitched near the place where Manius Aquilus lay , with his brigade . Mithridates got upon the mountain Scoroba , which divides the Bithynians and the Ponticks . He sent out 100 Horse of Sarmatans , as his Scowts , who lighting upon 800 of Nicomedes Horse , took some of them prisoners . Neoptolemus and Nemanes an Armenian , having upon his first entrance into the Village Pacheus , about seven houres after the fight , overtaken Manius Aquilius , as he was drawing off his forces , ( when Nicomedes was gone to Cassius ) forced him to fight , having at that time with him 4000 Horse , and ten times as many Foot : whereof 10000 were slain outright , and 3000 taken prisoner . As for Aquilius himself , after this disaster , he made as fast as he could towards the river Sangarius , and by night got over , and so escaped to Pergamus . [ Appian . compared with Livie . lib. 77. ] Cassius , Nicomedes , and all the Roman Legates , removed their Camps , and marched to Leontocephale , the best fortified Castle in all Phrygia : where they exercised a company of fresh-water souldiers , which they had raked together from amongst the trades-men , husbandmen , and the scum of the people , and made a new muster of Phrygians also : but seeing that all of them seemed backward to their service , they dismissed them all , and retreated thence . Cassius marched away with his sorces to Apamea , Nicomedes to Pergamus , and Aquilius towards Rhodes . As soon as tidings hereof were brought to those that were set to keep the entrance into Pontus , they dispersed themselves , having delivered the inlets of Pontus and Nicomedes his ships , as a prize to Mithridates . [ Appian . ] Mithridates sent all the prisoners he had taken in this war home , with provision in their snapsacks ; hoping by that act of Clemency , to get the good opinion of his enemies . [ Id. ] This mild passage was so cryed up every where , that all the Cities generally came flocking in to him , and sided with him ; in such wise , that Ambassadors came to him from all Cities , inviting him by their publick decrees , to come into them : calling him their god and deliverer . And upon notice of the Kings approach , the people came huddling out of the severall Cities , in white garments , to salute him , and received him with great joy and acclamation . [ Diodor. Sicul. in Excerpt . Valesii . pag. 401. ] The Titles of honour which they conferred upon him , were so notable and so high , that they suited not with one that was but a mortall man , they called him their God , and implored his assistance . [ Athen. lib. 5. cap. 11 , ] their Lord , Father , Preserver of Asia , Evius , Dionysius , Nysius , Bromius , Bacchus , [ Cicero . pro. Flacco . ] And why the Title of Bacchus was given above all the rest , Plutarch gives the reason in the first book of his Symposiacs . Mithridates hereupon , ( Nicomedes having shifted for himself , and withdrawn into Italy ) at his very first coming , seized upon all Bithynia , so that he had nothing else to do there , but to ride in circuit from City to City , to settle and compose things , and put them in order . [ Memnon . cap. 33. Liv. lib. 76. & 77. Strabo , lib. 12. pag. 502. Appian . pag. 183. ] From thence he marched with a considerable army into Phrygia , a province belonging to the people of Rome , [ Liv. lib. 77. ] where he took up the same quarters to lodge in , which Alexander formerly had done : taking it for a very happy Omen , that it should so fall out for Mithridates , to lodge at night where Alexander himself had taken a nap . And so he ran over all Phrygia , My●a , and Asia , provinces but lately fallen to the Romans , as far as Caria and Lycia . [ Appian . pag. 183. ] Mithridates , Year of the World 3916 having sent his Commanders round about , subdued Lycia , Pamphylia , and other places as far as Ionia . [ Appian . pag. 184. ] he invaded Paphlagonia also , and drove out thence Pyloemen the King , who was a confederate of the people of Rome . [ Eutrop. lib. 5. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 2. compared with Appian in Mithridatic . pag. 209. ] The Athenians sent an Ambassadour to Mithridates , one Athenio , son by an Egyptian slave , to Athenio the Peripatetick ( who being after the decease of his Master left heir , and enrolled a free denizon of Athens , took upon himself the name of Aristion , and taught young boyes Rhetorick , and the Peripatetick Philosophy ) He had no sooner shuffled himself into the list of the Kings favorites , but he forthwith sollicited them by his letters , to new inventions in State. [ Atheneus , lib. 5. cap. 10. & 11. Ex Posidonii Apameni Historia . ] He was a person compounded of impudency and cruelties , and one , who had as it were raked the kennel of Mithridates his vices , and picked out the most vile of them for his own imitation . [ Plutarch . in Sylla , and his transcriber Dio , in Valesii Excerptis , pag. 649. ] Mithridates , having promised security and protection to the Laodiceans , inhabiting near the river Lycus , to whom Q. Oppio , Proconsul of Pamphylia had retreated with his Horse and Mercenary souldiers , upon condition that they should deliver Oppius up into his hands : they dismissed the Mercenaries indeed ; but as for Oppius , they brought him to Mithridates , ordering the lictors to go before him in derision . Mithridates received him at their hands , and carried him about him withersoever he himself went , priding himself extreamly in this , that he had taken a Roman Generall prisoner . [ Livie . lib. 78. Athenaeus ut supra , cap. 11. Appian . pag. 184. ] Mithridates his party , sweeping all before them in Asia , as they went , without controle , all the Cities strangely revolting from the Romans : the Lesbians resolved not onely to yield up themselves to the King , but to deliver up Aquilius also unto him , who flew away to Mitilene , and lay there , to be cured of a disease . Whereupon they sent to his lodging , a company of choice youths , stout and resolute ; who came rushing into the room where Aquilius was , and took him and bound him , supposing that he would be a most rare present , and very acceptable to Mithridates . [ Diodor. Sicul. in Excerptis Valesii , pag. 401. ] together with Aquilus the M●tylenians , delivered other prisoners to Mithridates . The King carried Aquilius ( who had been the chief promoter of the Embassie , and the prime author in this war ) bound upon an Asse , whithersoever he went , and forced him with his own mouth , to proclaim to the lookers on , that he was Manius Aquilius : And the same Manius , coupled to one Bastarnes , a tall fellow , sive cubits in stature , was sometimes led on foot in a chain , by a Trouper . At last after he had been scourged , and put upon the Rack at Pergamus , Mithridates commanded melted gold to be powred down his throat ; in exprobration of the Romans corruption and bribery , [ Athenaeus & Appian . ut supr . compared with Cicro in Orat. pro lege Manilia , & lib. 5. Tusculan . quaest . Liv. lib. 78. and with Pliny lib. 33. cap. 3. ] The King , after he had appointed Governours of the several places he had subdued , went to Magnesia , Ephesus , and Mitylene ; and finding a cheary welcome amongst them all . The Ephesians upon his coming , took down all the Statues of the Romans which they had set up amongst them , [ Appian . ] Mithridates Generals , received of the Cities with favour and good liking , found amongst them a good bank of gold and silver , which the former Kings had horded up , and a good provision for war : by this he thought himself sufficiently stocked , so that he forgave the Cities their arrears both publick and private , and a release of tribute or taxes for the space of five years , [ Justin. lib. 38. cap. 3. ] I , in revenge of the injuries done unto me , drave Nicomedes out of Bithynia , recovered Asia , King Antiochus his spoile , and eased Greece of that heavy burden under which it groaned : ] sayes he of himself , in an Epistle of his to Arsaces . [ lib. 4 , Histor. Salust . ] Mithridates , upon his return from out of Ionia , took Stratonicea , set a fine upon it , and placed a Garrison in it ; where , casting his eye upon a very beautifull Virgin , called Monima , Philopome●es his daughter , he took her along with him , and put her amongst his women : But as for the Magnetians , he continued the war with them and with the Paphlagonians , and with the Lycians also , because they made some resistance , and would not suffer him to lay his Garrison amongst them , [ Appian . ] In which dispute the Magnetians about the mountain Sipylus , wounded Archelaus Mithridates his General , who lay pillaging upon their borders , and slew many of his men , [ Pausanias in Atticis , pag. 18. ] Cleopatra the Egyptian Queen , thinking by some secret plot to have circumvented her son Alexander , and to have worked his overthrow ; was taken her self by him , and put to death . Neither was she ever a whit to be pitted , who had played such notable pranks , as to drive her own mother from her marriage-bed ; made her two daughters widows , by forcing them to barter their husbands ; engaged in a war against one of her sons , and never left till she had banished him : and for the other , deprived him of his kingdom , and after plotted his destruction , [ Justin. lib. 39. cap. 4. compared with Pa●sanias in Atticis , pag. 8. with Athenaeus , lib. 12. cap. 27. and with Eusebius in Chronico . ] Yet he had reigned , together with his mother , 18 years , [ Porphyr . in Greek Euseb. Scaliger , pag. 225. ] As soon as ever it came to be known , that Cleopatra was slain by her son Alexander , the people presently were in an uproar ; which made Alexander shift away for himself : After whose withdrawing , the Alexandrians dispatched away Embassadours to Cyprus to Ptolemei Lathurus the elder brother , and delivered up the kingdom of Egypt unto him : who held it for the space of 8 years ( or as Porphyrius hath more exactly computed the time ) 7 years and 6 moneths , [ Justin. lib. 39. cap. 5 , Pausan. Porphyr . & Euseb. ut supr . ] Anna the Prophetesse , The Julian Period . 4626 daughter of Phanuel ( her husband being deceased , Year before Christ 88 a widow ) went not out of the Temple , but served God with fastings and prayers night and day for 84 years together , until such time as she saw Christ himself in the Temple , [ Luc. II. 37. ] The Italians which had revolted from the Romans , sent unto Mithridates , to sollicite him to march with his Forces into Italy against the Romans : for by that means it would prove no great piece of businesse by their united Forces to shatter the Roman power . Mithridates replyed : That he was resolved to march into Italy , but not until such time he had compleated his Conquest over Asia , with which his hands were now full . The Italians upon Mithridates his refusal of associating at present , began to despair , and grew quite out of heart : whereby it came to passe , that the war with the confederates , or the Marsian war , was laid asleep , [ Diodor. Sicul. in Bibliotheca , Photii , ●od . 244. ] In which , amongst the supplies sent unto the Romans from forreign parts ( mentioned by Livy in his 72 book ) there were sent from the Heracleots of Pontus , two gallies with four oares on a bank ; whereof Memnon makes mention in his History of them , [ cap. 31. ] And on the Italian side , amongst others , Agamemnon the Cilician Pirate appeared , [ of whom Diodor. Siculus speaks in Excerpt . Valesii , pag. 398. and P. Orosius , in lib. 5. cap. 18. ] Mithridates , finding how that the Citizens of Rome which were dispersed thorough the Cities of Asia were an hinderance , to the accomplishing of his design , sent private letters from Ephesusto the Governours , and Magistrates of the Cities , giving order to them , that they should all of them upon the same 30 day , set upon the Roman and Italian sorjourners , with their wives , children , and all other free-borne inmates of the Italian Race , kill them , and let them lie unburied : One moyety of their goods were to go to the King , the other to the assacinates . He threatned also by a common cryer , to lay a fine upon any that should dare to bury any of the slain , or should conceale any of them that had escaped the massacre : propounding a reward to those that should discover them ; engaging to a slave his liberty , if he would murder his Master , and to the debtour one half of his debt , to kill his Creditour . Their instructions being privately sent to all of them ; when the day appointed was come , it is not possible to expresse or comprize in words , what a multitude of Roman Citizens were massacred at that time , in what a sad condition most of the Provinces were in : how pittiful a plaint there was both of those that were to be slain , and those that slew them ; whereas every one was compelled either to betray his innocent guests and friends , or they themselves lie obnoxious to the penalty and fine imposed upon those that should secure them , [ Appian . in Mithridatic , pag. 185. 206 , 209 , 212. compared with Cicero , in Orat. pro lege Manilia , & pro Flacco , and with Memnon in Excerpt . cap. 33. with Livy , lib. 78. with Velleio Patercul . lib. 2. cap. 18. with Flor. lib. 3. cap. 5. with Eutrop. lib. 5. and Orosius , lib. 6. cap. 2. ] Then the Ephesians dragged such as had taken sanctuary in Dianas Temple , from the very embraces of their shrines , and put them to the sword : the Pergamenians in their quarters , struck them through with darts , as they clang to the statues in the Temple of Esculapius , whither they had flown for succour , when as they could not by any means be perswaded to come forth . The Adramyttians killed them with their children in the waters as they attempted to swim over sea : the Caunians ( who after the conquest gotten over Antiochus , were assigned over to the Rhodians , and a little before , restored by the Senate to their priviledges , haled the Italians ( who had escaped to the sacred Court of that City ) from the very Altars ; and after they had slain the infants before their mothers eyes , proceeded in the same cruelty against them , and last of all , put their husbands to the sword . [ Appian . ut supra , pag. 185. ] The Trallians indeed slew not one man with their own hands , but ( to avoide the scandal of imbruing themselves in the blood of such as had put themselves under their roofs ) hired a bloody fellow , one Theophilus , a Paphlagonian to do the feat : who acted so savagely , that he shut them up in the Temple of concord , and then fell upon them with his sword , cutting off their hands , as they imbraced the statues . [ Id. ibid , compared with Dion . in Excerptis Valesii , pag. 642. ] P. Rutilius Rufus , a person who had been Consul , living in banishment amongst the Mitylenians , escaped the Kings sury against all Gown men , by taking upon him the Philosophers buskin and mantle , [ Cicero . pro. C. Rubinio Posthumo . ] so that the fiction of Theophanes the Mitylenian ( he that wrote the affairs of Pompei the great ) is not at all to be credited ; who reported , how that in the sort 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which was taken by Pompei , there was , amongst other pretious secrets of King Mithridates his , found an oration of Rutilius his making , whereby he put the King upon this cruel massacre of the Romans . [ Plutarch in Pompeio . ] For other Romans besides Rutilius , were put to this shift of changing their garb , the better to escape the danger which was at that time so imminent . [ Athenae . lib. 5. cap. 11. ] The floating Islands , Calaminae , in Lydia , saved many of the Citizens lives . [ Plin. lib. 2. cap. 95. ] yet for all that , there was slain in that one day fourscore thousand of them , [ Memnon . cap. 33. Valer. Maxim. lib. 9. cap. 2. ] and not 150 , as the tally is given up by Plutarch , [ in Sylla ] and by Dion , who trode in his steps . [ Legat. 36. vel . 37. ] Mithridates wafted over into Cous , where he found a party willing to receive him ; the Coians presented unto him the son of that Alexander , who had reigned in Egypt formerly ( who was called also Alexander ) whom his grandmother Cleopatra had left in Cous , with a great stock of monies : he received him at their hands , and brought him up like a Kings son , and he was well supplied out of Cleopatras treasures with wealth , exquisite pieces , made by the Artificers , Jewels , all things belonging to womens dresses , and a great hord of monies , all which he sent away into Pontus . [ Appian , in Mithridaticis , pag. 186. 252 , 253. & Bell. Civil . lib. 1. pag. 414. ] Josephus from the books of Strabo his Histories avoweth , how that Mithridates ( besides those treasures belonging to Cleopatra ) carried away with him 800 talents of the Jews mony ; which he supposes was desposited by the Jews in Asia in that Island , out of fear of the Mithridatick war , and that that mony was designed for the Temple of Jerusalem . [ lib. 14. cap. 12. ] Alexander , the father of the aforesaid young Alexander , in the 19 year of his reign in Egypt , ( on Cyprus 26. ) was foyled in a sea sight by the Egyptians , Tyrrus , one of the Blood-Royall being Admirall : in such manner , that he was forced with his wife and daughter , to flye to Myra ; a City in Lycia : from whence , as he was bending his course towards Cyprus , he was enconutred by Chaereas , a sea Captain , and was slain . [ Porphyr . in Graec. Eusebius , Scaliger , pag. 225. ] Athenio , or Aristio , Ambassadour , upon his return home to the Athenians out of Asia from Mithridates , was driven by tempest to Carystia in Eubaea , to fetch him thence the Athenians sent some long ships , and a chaire supported with silver feet : the greatest part of the City running out of town to salute him . He had no sooner got the power of the City into his own hands , but he acted the Tyrant ; either killing those that favoured the Romans , or else delivering them up to Mithridates . Many , to avoid their falling into his clutches , escaped to Amisus , a Colony of the Athenians in Asia , and were received into the City , [ Possidonius , Apamenus , apud Athenaeum , lib. 5. cap. 11. compared with Plutarch in Lucullo , and with Pausanias in Atticis , pag. 18. ] Whatsoever Italians escaped out of Asia , found a sanctuary at Rhodes , and amongst those was L. Cassius the Proconsul of Asia . The Rhodians fortified their Walls , and Ports , and placed their Engins : some Te●missians and Lycians affording their assistance . Upon Mithridates drawing near with his Fleet , they pulled down the Suburbs , that they might not be as a shelter to the enemy , or serviceable to them ; and put their ships into a posture of fighting , some in the front , others on the sides , [ Appian . ] The Rhodians were over-matched in nothing but in the number of ships : in all other things they had the odds by far : as being the better Pilots , knew better how to order their ships , plye the oares , had the more sprightly souldiers , the more expert and valorous Commanders : When as on the contrary , the Cappadocians were but fresh-water souldiers , seldom exercised at sea fights , and which commonly proves the bane of all , did all tumultuously and without any order , [ Diodor. Sicul. in Excerpt . Vales. pag. 402. ] The Cappadocians being now ready to engage with the enemy at sea in the presence and eye of their King , desired to approve their loyalty and affections unto him ; and seeing that their advantage lay onely in that their ships were more in number than theirs , they endeavoured all they could to surprise and intercept the enemies Fleet , [ Diod. Sicul. ibid. ] But at length , Damagoras the Admiral of the Rhodians Fleet , after Sun-set , with six ships fell upon 25 of the Kings : two of which he sanke , and forced other two to flee into Lycia : and so having spent the night at sea , returned back again . In this encountet , one of the Chian ships , an associate , in the route fell foule upon Mithridates his ship as he was encouraging his souldiers : so that the King himself had like to have fallen into the enemies hands , for which he afterwards punished the Master and Pilot , and was displeased with all the Chians . After this , as Mithridates his land Forces were upon sail to him out of Asia , in ships and gallies , a sudden storm drove them upon Rhodes . The Rhodians fell upon them as they were disordered and dispersed by the tempest ; boarded some of them , sanke others , and fired othersome : and brought away 400 prisoners . At last Mithridates , having brought his engines and scaling-ladders to take the City , was beaten off , and forced to retreate from Rhodes in disgrace , [ Appian . compared with Memnon cap. 33. and with Livy lib. 78. ] From hence he went to Patara and besieged it ; where wanting materials for engines , he began to cut down Latona's grove : but was by a threatning dream commanded to desist , and not to meddle with those consecrated trees : Leaving Pelopidas to carry on the war in Lycia , he sent Archelaus into Greece to draw either by faire or soule means , as many Cities as he could into his association : Whilst he himself , entrusting his Commanders with many great businesses , employed himself in levying of souldiers , making armes , and sporting himself with his Stratonicean women : He also busied himself in the examination of all such persons as were impeached of treason , either by attempting somewhat against his own person , or innovation in state , or any which were but in the least manner inclined that way , [ Appian . pag. 188. ] Archelaus the Kings General , being sent before into Achaia with 120 thousand Horse and Foot , had the City of Athens delivered up into his hands by Aristo the Athenian , [ Liv. lib. 78. Eutrop. lib. 5. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 2. ] From whence he went out with his Fleet and provisions to Delos , which had revolted from the Athenians , and reduced other Castles . He also seized upon some monies which had been dedicated to Apollo , and sent it away by Aristo to the Athenians , appointing a convoy of 2000 souldiers to secure it upon the way , [ Appian . pag. 188 , 189. ] But it happened , that Apellicon Teius , [ as Appian . reports it , lib. 5. cap. 11. ] an Athenian Citizen , and a most intimate friend of Athenion , or Aristo , ( in regard they were both Peripateticks ) came with all speed with some companies of Foot to Delos : where he stayed a while , thinking himself safe enough ; whenas he had neither placed the guards with that care he ought , nor yet secured the hinder part of the Island with Garrison or Trench : Orobius ( or Orbius ) the General of the Roman army , to whose trust Delos was committed , observing the mans negligence and imprudence in that particular , came with his Forces in a dark night , and fell upon them , heavy with sleep and drink ; cut the throats of the Athenians and their auxiliaries , to the number of six hundred , as if they had been so many sheep : about 400 of them he took alive ; but Apellicon , who so worthily commanded the Party , gave them the slip : Many of them for their security flew to the villages adjacent ; but Orobius pursued them , set fire to the houses , and burnt both them , their Helepolis and other engins , belonging to a Leagure : And when all was done , erected a Trophie and Altar with this Inscription . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Hic peregrina jacet gens , circum littora Deli Quae pugnans animas perdidit in pelago . Here lies ' ith'sea , a forreign nation neer The shoars of Delos ; which dy'd fighting here . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Insula Cecropid●m quum devastata tumultu est , Illis Cappadocum juncta ubi turma fuit . When those of Athens spoil'd the holy Isle , The Cappadocian King receiv'd a foyle . Methrophanes sent by Mithridates with another band of souldiers , Year of the World 3917 made great depopulations in Eubaea , and the Country of Demetrias , and Magnesia : Cities extremly averse to the Kings faction . Bryttius ( or Brutius Sura , Sentius , Praetor of Macedonias , Legate , as Plutarch shewes ) with some small forces which he brought out of Macedonia , set upon him , and encountered him at sea : and having sanke one great ship , and one friggot called Hemiolia , put to sword all the men that were in them , Metrophanes standing by and looking on . But the spectacle seemed so dreadful to him , that he hoysted sail and made away with all speed : Bryttius after him as fast as he could drive , but the wind so befriended Metrophanes , that Bryttius was glad to give over the chase , and fall upon Sciathus an Island which was the common receptacle for the Barbarian theeves and robbers . As soon as he became Master of the place , he hung up all the slaves that were found therein , and the free-men he punished with the losse of their hands , [ Appian . ] Of the sons of Mithridates , one of them held that ancient kingdom in Pontus and Bosphorus , as far as the waste above the Lake of Maeotis : not one body offering to appear against him . The other Ariarathes , proceeded in the conquest of Thracia and Macedonia . The several Generals which Mithridates sent forth with armies domineered also in other quarters : Archelaus the chief of them having with his Fleet got the command almost of the whole sea , brought the Islands Cyclades under his jurisdiction , and as many others as did lie within Malea , [ Plutarch in Sylla . ] Eretria , Chalcis , and all Eubaea coming in , and siding with Mithridates , [ Memnon cap. 34. ] Lucius Sylla ( L. Cornelius Cinna the Consul , The Julian Period . 4627 pressing forward his march ) went as Proconsul into Greece with 5 legions , Year before Christ 87 and some other companies , to manage the Mithridatick war , [ Plutarch , in Sylla , Dio. in Excerpt . Valesii , pag. 642. Appiaa . in Mithridatic . pag. 390. & lib. 1. Civ . Bell. pag. 399. ] Mithridates at that instant resided at Pergamus , where he was very busie in distributing amongst his friends , his wealth , principalities , and places of command . Amongst the many prodigies which presented themselves to Mithridates whilest he abode at Pergamus , it is said , that at the same instant , that Sylla put to sea with his Fleet from Italy , the Pergamenians in the Theatre were letting down with an engine a Statue of victory , bearing a Crown upon Mithridates his head : but it chanced , that when the Crown was just come to his head , it fell to the ground , and was burst in peices . This accident being no good omen , struck the people with a strange kind of horrour , and Mithridates himself was in great amazement thereat , although at that time , all things had succeeded well to him , [ Plutarch in Sylla . ] Amongst the other strange visions which appeared to Mithridates upon his first designing his war against the allies of the people of Rome , these are recited ; at the time of the Consulship of L. Sylla , and Q. Pompeius , by Julias Obsequens , these following . At Stratopedo , where the Senate usually sat , the Crowes killed a Vulture , with their beakes ; The form of Isis seemed to assault with thunder an huge Star fallen from heaven upon the same place . At what time Mithridates was busie in firing the Grove dedicated to the Furies , a great laughing was heard , but no body found to whom it might be ascribed as the authour : and when by the advice of the Soothsayers , he would have sacrificed a Virgin to the Furies , a sudden fit of laughing burst forth from the throat of the Damosel which disturbed the sacrifice . M. Cicero , at Rome , applied himself close to Molon the Rhodian , who was both the most eminent for pleading of causes , and the best instructer . [ Cicer. in Bruto . ] this was that Alabandensian Oratour out of Caria , as hereafter shall be declared out of Strabo , in the year of the World , 3927. Sylla , being entred Attica , having sent away part of his forces to oppose Aristion in the City , marched in his own person straightway to Piraeum , where Archelaus , Mithridates his Generall , had retreated within the walls . [ Appian . ] Winter season drawing on apace , Year of the World 3918 Sylla encamped near Eleusine , where he drew a deep trench from the mountaines to the sea ; and wanting ships , he sent to Rhodes to fetch them . [ Id. ] Sylla , at last , took Athens , having been a long while pinched for provision , and that in the Calends of March , as he himself relates in his commentaries , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as Plutarch hath it . Comparing that day with the beginning of the moneth Anthesterion , of which time the memory of Ogygis his floud is celebrated by the Athenians . But howsoever the Athenians lunary Anthesterion in Plutarchs time , may sometimes answer the Julian March , yet in the false computation of the year , observed at this time by the Romans , the Kalends of March might seem rather to fall out upon the Attick Posideon , and the Julian December , The Rhodians , finding it alltogether impossible for them to bring supplies to Sylla by sea , The Julian Period . 4628 in regard that Mithridates fleets lay straggling about , Year before Christ 86 advised L. Lucullus , a man of great repute amongst the Romans , and one of Silla's Ambassadors , to saile privately into Syria , Egypt , and Libya ; and from the Kings and Cities there , which used the art of navigation , to gather together what ships he could , and so joyn that fleet with their Rhodian fleet : He in the midst of winter , not at all dismayed at the present difficulties at sea , with three Grecian banks , and as many Rhodian Frigats , put himself upon the hazard of the wide sea , and the enemies ships , which ( in regard they were masters at sea ) lay straggling thick up and down the main ; yet for all this , he arrived at Crete , and got that Island to side with him . [ Appian . Mithridatic . pag. 192. Plutarch in Lucullo . ] Aristio the Tyrant , and others , who upon taking of the City , retreated into the fort of Athens , after they had been a long time besieged by Curio , were forced at last to resigne up for want of water . And upon the same day and moment , on which Curio brought the Tyrant out of the fort , the Skie over-cast on the sudden , whereupon issued such a violent storm of rain , that the fort was supplyed afresh with water . Sylla proceeded by Capitall punishment against Aristion and his company , and all such who had borne any office amongst them , or had any manner of wayes violated the constitutions which the Romans setled amongst them , after their conquest of Greece : to all the others he granted his free pardon . [ Appian ibid. pag. 195. 196. Plutarch in Sylla . Strabo . lib. 9. pag. 398. ] Pausan reports , That upon Aristions flying to the Temple of Minerva for sanctuary , Sylla commanded him to be dragged thence , and put to death . [ in Attic. pag. 18. ] Others say that he was poysoned by Sylla . [ Plutarch . in Sylla . ] Magnesia , which was the onely City in all Asia , which remained loyall , valiantly defended it self , and held out against Mithridates . [ Liv. lib. 81. ] Lucullus , observing how that the Cyrenians were alwayes infested with Tyrants , and continually embroyled in war , setled the affaires of their Common-wealth , and enacted laws , whereby to secure the peace of the State for the future . [ Plutarch in Lucullo . ] For after their infranchisement by the Romans , which was ten years before , they had been grievously oppressed by Nicocrates and his brother Leandri , and lately eased and relieved from under that pressure by the industry of Aretaphila , Nicocrates his wife , as Plutarch shews in his litle book of womens vertues . And another ten years after , Cyrene was made a province by the Romans , as shall hereafter be made to appear out of Appian , ad annum Mundi 3928. But Josephus affirms , out of the books of Strabo his Histories , that Cyrene was at this time disturbed by a mutiny of the Jews , and that Lucullus was dispatched thither in all hast by Sylla to pacifie it . [ lib. 14. cap. 12. ] As Lucullus was bending his course from Cyrene , into Egypt , he very neer lost all his ships , by a sudden incursion of Pyrates : yet he himself escaped safe in person to Alexandria , where he was received with a great deal of honour ; for the whole fleet gloriously trimmed , and adorned , went to meet him , as their custom was to do unto their King , when he at any time returned from sea . Ptolemei also ( Lathurus , whom Plutarch very unfitly in this place calls a youth ) treated him very courteously ; for he appointed him his lodging & his table at Court , which was never before known to be done to any forreign Commander , and for the discharge of his expeences , and defraying his cost he allowed him not as usually he did to others , but four times as much : yet did not Lucullus admit of any thing but necessaries , neither did he receive any presents , although some of them were worth 80 talents . It is said , that he neither went to Memphis , nor stept to see any of the famous wonders of Egypt ; those things being sights for some idle spectatour , or one that travels for pleasure , and not for such as he , who had left his General in the open field marching against the Garrisons of the enemy , [ Plutarch in Lucullo . ] Aurelius Victor writes , that Lucullus wrought Ptolemei King of Alexandria , to side with Sylla the Consul , [ de . vir . illustr . cap. 74. ] But at that time , neither was Sylla Consul , but Proconsul : neither would Ptolemei then be brought to admit Sylla into his association , for fear he should draw a war upon his own head . Yet did Ptolemei grant unto Lucullus ships to convoy him into Cyprus : and when he was upon his imbarquing , saluted him , and courted him , and tendred him an Emerald set in gold ; which Lucullus at the first profer refused , but when as the King shewed him his own picture cut upon it , he dared not but take it ; lest , if he should be thought to depart in some discontent , he might chance to be way-laid at sea , [ Plutarch , ut supr . ] Lucullus with those ships he had gathered from amongst the port Towns as he sailled by , renouncing all such as had been engaged in piracy , crossed over into Cyprus : upon intelligence that the enemy lay lurking under the promontories to catch him , he thrust his Fleet into harbour , and wrote to the Cities there about to provide him Winter quarters , and provisions , pretending he would abide there with his Fleet till Spring . But as soon as ever the wind served , he put to sea again . In the day time he sailed with low sailes , in the night he spread all the canvas he had , and by that stratagem arrived safe with his Fleet at Rhodes , [ Id. ibid. ] Cinna the Consul , sent his Collegue Lucius Valerius Flaccus with two legions into Asia , to govern the Province , and to manage the war against Mithridates . He was but a raw souldier , and therefore C. Fimbria , one of the Senatous went along with him , who was a man of repute amongst the souldiers . Livius , Aurelius , Victor , and Orosius , call him Flaccus his Legate , Dio his Lieutenant General , Strabo Quaestor , Velleius Paterculus , General of the Horse . When they took this imployment upon them , the Senate gave them in charge , that if they saw Sylla stood entire to the Senate , then they should assist him , but if they found him otherwise inclined , they should first fight him . But it happened that soon after they had put to sea from Brundusium , many of their ships were shattered and torne with a tempest ; and a party also from Mithridates fired the ships which were upon the forlorn , [ Memnon , cap. 36. Liv. lib. 82. Strabo , lib. 13. pag. 594. Vellei Patercul . lib. 2. cap. 24. Dio. in Excerpt . Valesii , pag. 650. Appian . lib. 1. Bell. Civil . pag. 396. & in Mithridatic . pag. 204. compared with Orosius , lib. 6. cap. 2. ] Taxiles , Mithridates his General , marching out of Thracia and Macedonia with 100 thousand Foot , and 10 thousand Horse , and 90 Chariots with sithes , sollicited Archelaus to side with him : these two uniting their Forces led under their colours 120 thousand men ( Memnon acknowledgeth more than 60 thousand ) consisting of Thracians , Ponticks , Scythians , Cappadocians , Bithyninas , Galatians , Phrygians , and others which came out of Mithridates his new Provinces . Sylla , taking along with him L. Hortensius , who had brought 6000 men out of Italy , engaged with Taxiles his forces near Chaeronea , although he had not at that time above 1500 Horse , and not lesse than 15000 Foot , as Plutarch gives up the tally : but Appian sayes , that his whole body was so small that it answered not to so much as the third part of the enemies . Yet Sylla wan the day , having killed upon the place 110 thousand of the enemy , ( or 100 thousand , as in Livies Epitome ) and pillaged their Camp. Archelaus made shift to escape to Chalcis with not many more than 10 thousand men . Sylla gives out , that he missed of his army at this bout , not above 14 , ( or as others , 15 ) men : and that two of those also , returned towards evening to the Camp , who were supposed to have been dead , [ Memnon , cap. 34. Liv. lib. 82. Plutarch in Sylla . Appian . in Mithridatic . Eutrop. lib. 5. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 2. ] Sylla , having received intelligence how that Flaccus ( who being of the other faction was made Consul ) was sailing over the Ionian Sea with some legions , pretending that he came against Mithridates , but indeed against himself : marched into Thessalia to meet with him , [ Plutarch . ] Flaccus was a person very ill qualified , covetous , rigorous and cruel in punishing , which made him so detestable to the souldiery , that part of those which were sent by him into Thessalie , ran away to Sylla's Camp : and it is probable , the rest had followed , had not they been kept from revolting by Fimbria , who was reputed the better souldier , and of a softer temper . [ Appian . pag. 204. ] Archelaus ( in regard the Romans were unprovided of a Navy ) roved about the Islands securely , making what havock he pleased all along the coast ; and which is more : He adventured ashoar , and laid siege to Cerinthus ; but being way-laid in the night by some Romans which were strangers in those parts , he made what hast he could to get aboard again , and so loosed from thence , and returned back to Chalcis , more liker an Archpyrate than a Warriour . [ Appian . ] Mithridates was much apalled at the news of his parties overthrow , as well he might : yet was he not so much discouraged , but that he would make new levies out of all the nations under his dominion . And bethinking himself , how that there were not wanting such , who ( seeing him once going down the wind ) would either now , or upon some other occasion , designe his ruine ; he thought it policy to secure all those he suspected , before the war brake out afresh . [ Appian . ] He began with the Tetrachs of the Galatians , as well those of them which he had about him , as his friends , as those which were not as yet subdued unto him ; killing them all with their wives and children , except three , which saved themselves by flight , of these , some he surprized by treachery , the rest he massacreed in one night at a revelling ; being jealous that not any one of them , would remain loyall unto him , if Sylla should chance to come into those parts . And after confication of their gods , he thrust Garrisons into their Cities , and constituted Eumachus over the whole nation . But presently after the Tetrarchs , which escaped , having drawn together a band of their Clients out of the Country , ejected both him and his Garrisons out of Galatia ; so that Mithridates had nothing out of that nation , but mony . [ Idem . ] And being incensed against the Chyans , ever since that time a ship of theirs in the sea fight with the Rhodians , chanced unadvisedly to fall foul upon the Kings Vessel : he first set to sale the goods of all such Citizens , who were gone away to take part with Sylla : and after that , sent some persons , to take cognizance of the Roman faction amongst the Chians . At last , Zenolius ( or as Memnon will have it , Dorylaus ) arriving there with an army , under colour of passing into Greece , by night surprized the walls of the Chians , and their most considerable forts , and after he had placed guards at the gates of the City , he assembled the Citizens together , and compelled them to deliver up their arms , and the best mens sons for hostages , all which he sent away to Erithrae . After this , letters came from the King to the Chians , about levying an imposition upon them , of two thousand talents : to defray this , they were forced to take down the ornaments from their Temples , and make their women club their attyring implements , to make up the sum . Yet did Zenobius pick a quarrel with them , pretending that their mony was not down-weight : whereupon he ordered the men apart themselves , the women and children by themselves , to be carried a ship-board : and so after he had divided their lands amongst the Ponticks , pluckt the Chyans miserably from their native Country , and sent them into the Euxine sea , to Mithridates . [ Id. Ib. compared with Memnon . cap. 35. ] But the Heraclians , ( betwixt whom and the Chians , was great correspondence and friendship ) set upon the Pontick ships , which carryed the captives upon the way , and brought them into their City , they not making any resistance at all , for indeed they were over-matched , and truly at that instant , they relieved the Chyans , and very freely supplyed them with necessaries : but in processe of time , they restored them to their own Country also , having first expressed a great deal of bounty towards them , by gifts and largesses . [ Memnon . ut supra . ] The Ephesians commanded Zenobius approaching the City with his souldiers , to lay down his arms at the gate of the City , and to enter with a very small company . He was contented so to do , and went to Philopoemenes ( father to Monima , one of Mithridates his concubines ) from whence by a Beadle he summoned the Ephesians together . But they expecting no pleasant propositions from him , deferred that convocation till the next day : and at night , having met together , they exhorted one another to set upon Zonobius , so they cast him into prison , and killed him there . And then having placed their guards about the walls , they armed the common people , and drew them up into companies , fetched home the corn out of the fields , and secured the youth of the City from making any combustion . The Trallians , Hypaepenians , Mesopolites , and some others , ( amongst whom the Smyrdeans , Sardians , and Colophonians , are reckoned by Orosius , lib. 6. cap. 2. ) terrified with the sad disaster , that had lately befallen the Chians , hearing of the Ephesians exploits , followed their example . [ Appian . ] Fimbria , Year of the World 3919 having out-ran Flaccus , and gotten a long way before him in his march , thought he had now lit upon a most convenient season , for some commotion or other : and therefore , that he might endeare the souldery unto him , he permitted them to make incursions into the Countries of their Allyes , and make what havock they pleased therein , and to take captive every one they met withall . The souldery very readily embraced this license , so that within few dayes , they had scrambled together abundance of wealth by their plundering . But those that had been spoiled of their goods , went to meet the Consul , and made bitter complaints to him of the injuries they had received : who being much troubled at the businesse , commanded them to follow him , and he himself would see restitution made to every one that had suffered : and with threats commanded Fimbria to return forthwith to the owners , whatsoever had been taken away from them . He laid all the blame upon the souldery , who did this without any commission from him , but covertly , he advised them not to regard the Consuls commands , not suffer that to be taken from them , which they had gotten by law of arms : upon this , when Flaccus commanded restitution to be made of their rapine , adding threatnings to his commands , the souldiers refused to obey ; so that there followed a great mutiny in the Camp. [ Diodor. Sicul. in Excerpt . Valesii . pag. 406 , 409. ] When Sylla ( upon his march to meet Flaccus ) was come as far as the Town Melitea ; intelligence was brought from sundry places , how that the Country which he left behind him was over-run with another army of the Kings , no lesse , than that which was there before . For Dorylaus ( who had arrived at Chalcis with a great fleet , in which he carryed 80 thousand armed men , of the most exercised and best experienced of all Mithridates his souldiers ) presently brake into Baeotia , and having gotten that coast , marched on-wards to fight Sylla . [ Plutarch in Sylla . ] This Dorilaus , sonne to Philaetor , brother of that Dorylaus the Muster-master , ( of whom mention was made at the year of the World 3879. ) was brought up with Mithridates : And the King all that while was so taken with his company , that when he came to mans estate , he did not onely advance him in particular , to the highest places of honour , and endowed him with the Priesthood of Comana in Pontus , but also invited his kinsmen , the sonnes of Dorylaus the Muster-master , and Sterota , a woman of Macetis , Lageta ( whose daughter was mother to Strabo the Geographer ) and Stratarcha , after their fathers decease , to come to him at Cnossus . [ Strabo . lib. 10. pag. 477 , 478. & lib. 12. pag. 557. ] Dorylaus with his 80 ( as Plutarch and Appian , or with 70 , as Eutropius and Orosius have it ) thousand choice souldiers : and Archelaus ( who in vain had disswaded him from the fight ) with the ten thousand ( which were the remaines of his former forces ) falling upon Sylla near Orchomenus , lost 15000 of their men ( as Appian and Orosius , or 20000 as Eutropius ) amongst whom was slain Diogenes , Archelaus his son . Soon after , they had a second encounter , and in this , the whole residue of Mithridates his forces were cut off . For 20000 were driven into a moore close by , and there put all to the sword , they all the while crying quarter in their barbarous gibbridge , not understood by them that slew them , as many more of them were forced into a river , wherein they all perished : the rest , miserable wretches ! were slain on all hands . [ Appian , compared with Livy . lib. 82. with Eutropius , lib. 5. and Orosius , lib. 6. cap. 2. ] Plutarch relates , how that the marshes were all overflown with the bloud of the slain , and that a pool was filled up with dead carkasses : In such wise , that in his time , though allmost 200 years after this fight , many of the Barbarians bowes , helmets , pieces of coats of males , and swords , were found buried in the mud . As for Archelaus himself , he having for two dayes ( as Sylla saith in Plutarch ) or three dayes ( as Eutropius hath it in his fifth book ) lurked in the Marshes of the Orchomenians stript and naked , at last , lit upon a little Vessel , and in it wasted over into Chalcis ; and wheeresoever he met with any of Mithridates forces , he drew them hastily up together into a body . As for Sylla , he pilled and made what havock he could in Boeotia : It being used to revolt upon every fresh emergency : from thence he passed into Thessaly , and there took up his winter quarters , expecting Lucullus his arrivall with shipping . And because he heard no news of his coming , he builded other ships . [ Appian . ] Although Livy gives out , [ lib. 82. ] how that Archelaus delivered up himself and the Kings fleet unto Sylla ; and Aurelius Victor writes , That by Archelaus his treachery , Sylla intercepted the fleet . [ de vir . illustrib . cap. 76. ] and that it was evident , that there was frequent entercourse privately betwixt Sylla and Archelaus , as well for other reasons , as for that he had given unto that Cappadocian , a certain piece of ground , consisting of 10000 acres in Eubaea ( where Chalcis was ) yet both Sylla endeavoured to wipe off all those suspicions in his commentaries . [ Pluta . in Sylla , and Dio followed him . Legat , 33. or 34. ] although some expressions in a letter of Mithridates to Arsaces intimates , That those suspitions were faster rivetted into mens judgements , than that they could be so easily taken off . [ in the fourth book of Salusts Histories . ] Archelaus the unworthiest of those that were under me , gave a check to my enterprizes , by his betraying my army . And what is delivered by Strabo , That same Archelaus , who waged war against Sylla ; grew afterwards in high estimation with the Romans , and with Sylla himself , and the Senate . [ lib. 12. pag. 558 , & lib. 17. pag. 796. ] In the interim , Flaccus came to Byzantium , where Fimbria caused a mutiny against him : Flaccus had given command to his souldiers to abide without the walls , whilst he himself entred the City : wherupon Fimbria began to accuse Flaccus for receiving money of the Byzantins : boasting by way of obloquie , that he was gone to pamper his genius in the City , whilst they abroad in the field under their skins , endured the roughnesse of the Winter . These passages so highly enraged the souldiers , that they brake into the City , and killing some few which they met by chance on the way , they dispersed themselves into several houses , [ D●o . in Excerpt . Valesii , pag. 650. ] L. Valerius Flaccus , passing thorough the confines of the Byzantins into Bithynia , encamped at Nicaea , [ Memnon cap. 36. ] whereof Cicero ( in his Oration for Flaccus , this mans son ) It was one and the same time when all Asia shut her gates upon L. Flaccus the Consul ( or now rather Proconsul ) but did not onely receive that Cappadocian ( Mithridates ) into their Cities , but sent purposely to invite him to come unto them . Upon some difference betwixt Fimbria and Flaccus his Treasurer , The Julian Period . 4629 Flaccus was chosen Umpire : Year before Christ 85 who had so small regard of Fimbria's honour , that Fimbria threatned ( as Appian hath it , to return home to Rome ) or ( as it is in Dion ) Flaccus threatned to to send him to Rome whether he would or not . Whereupon Fimbria so vilely reproached Flaccus , that Flaccus took away his command from him , and assigned another to succeed him , [ Appian . pag. 204. Dio. in Excerpt . Valesii , pag. 650. ] Fimbria thus upon that variance cashiered , [ Aurelius Victor , de vir . illustrib . cap. 70. ] repaired to the souldiers at Byzantium ; where he saluted them as if he were going to Rome , and desired letters from them to their friends there : complaining moreover of the great injury done unto him , and advising them to beare in mind the good turns he had done them , and that they should take heed and look to themselves ; covertly hinting hereby , as if Flaccus had some design upon them . When he found his words had made some impression upon them , and that they wished him well , but were jealous of Flaccus : then he ascended the pulpit , and in plain termes stirred them against Flaccus : and amongst other things , he laid to his charge , that he received money to betray them , [ Dio. ut supr . ] Fimbria , having again crossed the Hellespont , animated his souldiers to rapines and all kind of villanies , exacted monies from the Cities , and divided it amongst the souldiers : who having obtained an uncontrouled licence to do what they listed , and allured moreover with the hopes of a large income , loved Fimbria as one who had deserved extremely well of the whole army , [ Diodor. Sicul. in Excerpt . Valesii , pag. 409. ] Flaccus being gone towards Chalcedon with his fleet , Fimbria took the advantage of his absence ; and first began with Thermus who was left Propraetor , and took from him the Fasces , or Ensignes of his authority , as if he had taken that Magistracy upon him from the army : This put Flaccus into a chafe , and fetched him back again , but Fimbria made him ply his heeles , and take sanctuary at a private mans house : whence in the night he scaled the walls , and stole away first to Chalcedon , and thence to Nicomedia , and caused the gates to be shut . But Fimbria following him close at the heeles , made the Roman Consul ( or rather one that had been Consul , as Velleius stiles him ) and the Commander in chief in this war , to hide himself in a well , whence Fimbria dragged him and slew him . After he had cut off Flaccus his head , he threw it into the sea , but left the corps lying upon the ground unburied , [ Appian . pag. 204 , 205. compared with Memnon , cap. 36. and 42. Liv. lib. 82. Velleius , Patercul . lib. 2. cap. 24. Strabo , lib. 13. pag. 594. Aurelius , Victor , de viris illustrib . cap. 70. and Orosius , lib. 6. cap. 2. ] As for Nicomedia , that became the souldiers booty by Fimbria his concession , [ Diodor. Sicul. in Excerpt . Vales. pag. 409. ] Mithridates , having sent an army against those that had revolted from him , after he had reduced them , proceeded most rigorously against them , [ Appian . pag. 202. ] He forced all the Cities in Asia , and miserably pilled the Province , [ Liv. lib. 82. ] But fearing least others should prove disloyal : he made the cities of Greece free ; promised by the publick Cryer to all debtours , a cancelling of their obligations : to all inmates enfranchisement in their several Cities they dwelt in : and to servants their liberty ; hoping ( which indeed happened not long after ) that by these his acts of grace , he might engage all that were in debt , all inmates and servants , to stick close to him , and tooth and naile help to maintain that power he was now in , [ Appian . ut supr . ] In the mean time Mynio , and Philotimus , Smyrneans , Clisthenes , and Asclepiodotus Lesbians , ( every one of them the Kings intimate friends , but Asclepiodotus had also sometimes been Commander of his mercenary souldiers ) conspired against Mithridates . Asclepiodotus himself was the first that revealed it : and that he might procure credit to what he said , he caused the King to lie under a bed , and hear what Mynion should say . The Treason being thus discovered , all the Conspiratours died upon the rack : yet many others were shrewdly suspected to have a hand in it . But when as 80 Pergamedians were seized on , as being complices in this conspiracy , and others in other Cities , then the King dispatched his Inquisitors into all parts , who executed about 1600 men upon this account : Every one of the Inquisitours , charging their enemies with treasonable engagement . The accusers themselves , not long after , were either punished by Sylla , or killed themselves , or accompanied Mithridates in his flight into Pontus . [ Appian . ibid. & pag. 213. compared with Orosius , lib. 6 , cap. 2. ] Amongst others , Diodorus , Mithridates his Praetor , who professed himself an Academick Philosopher , and a pleader of causes , and a Rhetorician , slew all the Senates of the Adramitteans , to please the King. And being gone with the King into Pontus , upon his being deposed , he starved himself to death , to prevent the disgrace which was likely to fall upon him , by reason of some great enormities , which were to be charged upon him . [ Strabo , lib. 13. pag. 614. ] L. Lucullus , by the addition of some Rhodian ships , with that fleet which he gathered together out of Cyprus , Phoenicia , and Pamphylia , wasted all the enemies coasts , and now and then by the way , skirmished with Mithridates his fleet . [ Appian . 207 , 208. ] He perswaded the Coans , and the Cnidians , to thrust out the Kings Garrison , and take up arms with him against the Samians , He drave the Kings party out of Chios . He relieved the Colophonians , and set them at liberty , having seized upon Epigonius their King. [ Plutarch in Lucullo . ] And by Marena his means in Asia , brought off Mithridates his fleet to Sylla . [ Aurel. Victor . de viris illustrib . cap. 74. ] C. Fimbria , ( having slain Flaccus in Bithynia , and being seized of his army ) now saluted Generall ( as it is in Velleius , lib. 2. cap. 24. ] got the Cities under him : some voluntarily submitting themselves , whilst others were forced to stoop whether they would or not . Year of the World 3916 [ Memnon . cap. 36. ] But he put many persons to death , not out of any justice or demerit , but meerly to gratifie his passion , and out of cruelty . For , having on a time commanded some posts to be fastened to the ground , to which he was used to have men bound , and scourged to death : when he saw that there were more posts provided , than persons adjudged to this punishment ; he ordered to lay hold on some of the compny that stood by , and bind them to the posts : lest otherwise they might seem to have been set up to no purpose . [ Dio in Excerptis Valesii . pag. 653. ] The same Fimbria , being admitted into Cizicum , professing himself a friend to the place , as soon as he was got in , began to impeach all the wealthiest of them , and charged them with some crime or other : two of these , the principall men of the City , after he had passed sentence on them , he caused to be whipt with rods , to terrifie the rest , and afterwards struck off their heads , and set their goods to sale ; forcing others out of fear to give to him all they had . [ Diodor. Sicul. ibid. pag. 409. ] Mithridates , Mithridates his son , joyning with Taxiles , Diophantes , and Menander , three most expert Commanders , and being well provided with an army , marched out against Fimbra : And in regard they surpassed in multitudes of souldiers , Fimbria received some losse in the fight . But they being come to a river , which parted both armies : Fimbria in a great storm of rain ( which happened somewhat before morning , passed over the river , and so surprized the enemy , as they lay asleep in their Tents , that they never perceived him : He made such great slaughter amongst them , that very few , onely of the Commanders and Horse , escaped . [ Memnon . cap. 36. ] Amongst them was Mithridates the Kings sons , chased out of Asia to Miletopolis , got safe from thence , to his father at Pergamus , with a company of Horse . But Fimbria making an assault upon the Kings ships , as they lay in harbour , drave him out of Pergamus : and after he had taken the City , pursued him as he was flying into Pitance , where he besiged him , and endeavoured to draw a trench about the place . [ Id. ibid. Liv. lib. 38. Appian . pag. 205. Plut. in Lucllo . Aurel. Victor . de vir . illustr . cap. 70. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 2. ] Mithridates , being now driven clear out of the land by Fimbria , and penned up by him into a corner , looking seaward , summoned and called together all his fleet , from their severall quarters : being somewhat loath to engage in fight with Fimbria , who was both a smart fellow , and a Conquerour to boot . Fimbria observing this , in regard he was himself at present destitute of a fleet , sent in all hast to Lucullus , to desire him by all means , that he should bring his fleet , and joyn his hand in taking him , who of all the Kings was the most bitter and cruel enemy of the people of Rome . And to speak truth , they had snapped him , if Lucullus would have preferred the weal publick , before the gratifying of some private animosities , and would have straightned him at sea , by driving up with his fleet against him , but he not yielding to that advise , gave oppertunity to Mithridates to escape by sea , and occasion to Fimbria to delude his army . [ Plut. & Oors . ibid. ] Mithridrtes being gone with his Fleet to Mitylene : Fimbria went up and down the Province , clapping fines upon the heads of those that were of the Cappadocian faction , and wasted the grounds of such that had shut their gates against him , [ Appian . ut . supr . ] And by reason of the sundry revolts of Cities to the Romans , he recovered a very great part of Asia , [ Memnon , cap. 36. Liv. lib. 83. ] But making the like attempts upon the Trojans , they posted away to Sylla ; who after he had engaged himself to come to their relief , and warned Fimbria not to meddle any further with those that had submitted themselves to him , he commended them for returning to that alliance they formerly had with the people of Rome : Yet he told them , it was not much matter to whether of them two they submitted themselves , in regard , that both of them were Roman Citizens , and alike descended from the Trojans . For all this , Fimbria stormed the City , and entred it upon the eleventh day , vapouring how that he , within the space of eleven dayes , had reduced that City , under his power , which Agamemnon , though provided with a Fleet of a 1000 ships , and the whole power of Greece , had much adoe to take in ten years years time . The reason is plain , replied a certain Trojan : Because there was not amongst us an Hector , who would stand stoutly to maintain the City . He killed all he met , making no difference at all : and fired almost the whole City : Those that were imployed upon the Embassie to Sylla , he tormented to death . Neither did he forbeare the holy things ; no , nor from such who had fled unto the Temple of Minerva for sanctuary ; but burnt them and the Temple together . Moreover he pulled down the walls , and the day following surrounded the City , espying whether he could find an thing that had escaped his fury : neither did he suffer either any fair court or consecrated house , or statue , to be left in the City , [ Liv. lib. 83. Strabo , lib. 13. pag. 554. Appian . pag. 205. Dio. in Excerpt . Valesii , pag. 653. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 2. ] Although Fimbria commanded Troy to be fired , because they were something slow in opening the gates to him : yet Aurelius Victor writes , how that Minerva's Temple stood untouched , [ De viris illustrib . cap. 70. ] Which as he saith , was without all doubt preserved by the Goddesse her self . But Julius Obsequens and Appianus , confirm , that both the Temple was then burnt , and that amongst the ruines thereof the Palladium that ancient Image , which was supposed to be taken away by Diomedes and Ulysses in the time of the Trojan war , was found safe and entire : Which Image at that time found out by Fimbria , as Servius upon the second book of the Aeneid , hath noted , was afterterwards carried to Rome . Notwithstanding Strabo informs us , that several like Images of Minerva were shewen at Lavinium , Luceria , and Siritis , as though they had been brought from Troy , [ lib. 6. pag. 264. ] Appian writes that this destruction of Troy , happened on the CLXXIII . Olympiad , [ pag. 206. ] and that some compute 1050 years distance betwixt this and that former overthrow by Agamemnon : whereas according to Eratosthenes , Apollodorus , and Diodorus Siculus , accounts , there were 1099 years betwixt that former destruction of Troy , and the fourth year of the CLXXIII . Olympiad , in which this desolation happened . Lucullus first routed the Kings Fleet about Lecton in Troas . Again at Tenedos , when he saw Neoptolemus making towards him with a greater provision than before : He rid at some distance , before , off his Fleet , in a Rhodian Frigot with five oares . Damagoras was Master of the ship ; one who wished extreme well to the Romans , and was most expert at sea fights . Neoptolemus coming onwards very violently , and commanding the Pilot to direct his forecastle against the enemy : Demagoras fearing the bulk of the Kings ship , and the force of its brazen beake , dared not to close in the front , but gave order to the Pilot to stop the course of the ship by turning her hastily about : and so by breaking the blow off , the enemy running violently on , the ship was not hurt , in regard he struck onely against such parts of the ship which were under water . But as soon as the residue of the Fleet came up to him , Lucullus commanded the Pilot to steere about : and then after sundry expressions of his valour , he compelled the enemy to hoyst sail , and drave as fast as he could in the pursuite of Neoptolemus , [ Plutarch in Lucullo . ] Aretas , King of Coelosyria ( invited by the Damascens to take the government upon him out of the ill will they ba●e to Ptolemei Mennaeus ) being entred with an army into Judaea : after he had given the foile to Alexander Jannaeus at Adida , marched home again upon articles , [ Joseph . lib. 13. cap. 23. ] When Cinna and Carbo began to play their pranks at Rome , proceeding violently against the most eminent persons of the City without controule , the greater part of the Nobility stole away first into Achaia , and afterwards into Asia unto Sylla ; so that in a short time , there was in his Camp an appearance of a Senate , [ Vellei . Patercul . lib. 2. cap. 23. Plutarch , in Sylla , and out of him Dio. in Excerpt . Vales. pag. 649. ] All of them were instant suiters to him , that he would hasten to the relief of his own Country , which was at present not onely in extream hazard , but in a manner lost already , [ Eutrop. lib. 5. Oros. lib. 5. cap. 20. ] Metella also his wife , having hardly escaped with her own life and her childrens , came to his house , telling him how that his house and the village pertaining thereto were fired by the enemy , and therefore beseeching him to come and help the City , [ Plutarch . ] Mithridates , casting up with himself what a number of men he had lost ( and in how short a time ) since he first advanced an army into Greece , wrote Archelaus to make peace with Sylla , upon as honourable conditions as he could , [ Appi●n . pag. 206. ] Sylla was now in a great perplexity , neither enduring to desert his Country in that sad exigence it was now in , nor yet very well knowing how he could leave Asia , having not as yet compleated the Mithridatick war : whereupon Archelaus of Delos offered himself to negotiate the treaty , having brought along with him some hopes , and private instructions from Archelaus the Kings General . Sylla was so well pleased herewith , that he in all haste would go himself to conferre with Archelaus . They met at Sea near Delos , where Apollos Temple stands . Archelaus beginning his Speech , demanded of Sylla , that he would give over his Asian and Pontick Expedition , and go home to quench the civil war there : That the King , his Master , would supply him with what silver , ships , or men , he pleased . Sylla replying , advised him to disclaim Mithridates , and he himself should reign in his stead : That himself would call him an Ally and friend of the Romans , if he would resign up the Kings Fleet to him : Archelaus seeming to detest so treacherous a motion ; at last Sylla propounded some conditions of a peace to be concluded with the King , [ Plutarch in Sylla . ] Amongst which , this was one : That the King should draw out all his Garrison souldiers from all places , except those in which he had souldiers before the violation of the peace . Archelaus hearing this , forth with cleared the Garrisons . Concerning the other Articles , he wrote unto the King to know his pleasure therein , [ Appian . pag. 207. ] The Articles agreed on , Sylla draws off , and comes to Hellespont , passing thorough Thessalie and Macedonia : having Archelaus in his company , who was very civilly treated by him : for Archelaus , falling into a most dangerous disease near Larissa , Sylla stopt his march ; and took no lesse care of him in his sicknesse , than if he had been one of his own Commanders or Pretors : which thing increased the suspition that lay hard upon Archelaus ; how that he shewed none of the fairest play in the battle at Chaeronea , [ Plutarch , in Sylla , and out of him Dio. Legat. 33. or 34. ] Ambassadours from Mithridates came hither to Sylla : their errand was to desire of him , that the delivery up of Paphlagonia and the ships , should not by any means be included in the Articles ; adding withal , that they could obtain easier conditions from the other General Fimbria . To whom Sylla in a rage replyed , That Fimbria should smart for this , and that he himself would see , as soon as he came into Asia , whether Mithridates stood in greater need of peace or war. But Archelaus interceded to Sylla , and taking him by the hand , allayed his fury with his teares : And at last intreated , that he might be sent to Mithridates ; engaging , the Mithridates should either conclude a peace upon Sylla's own terms , or else if he refused to sign those Articles , he would either be the death of Mithridates , or else ( for the Greek copies vary in this particular ) dispatch himself , [ Plutarch , and out of him Dio. Legat. 34. or 35. Appian . pg. 207. ] Alexander Jannaeus , Year of the World 3920 after the concluding of a peace with Aretas , ( in the sixth year before his death ) leading an army against the neighbouring people , took the City Dia by storm , [ Joseph . lib. 13. cap. 23. ] Archelaus being returned from Mithridates , met with Sylla at Philippi in Macedonia : telling him , how that all things fell out according to his hearts wish ; but withal , that Mithridatis desired by all means that he would give him a meeting . Whereupon Sylla marched thorough Thracia to Cypsela : having sent Lucullus ( who was now come with his Fleet to him ) afore to Abydos . Lucullus afforded him a safe pasport out of the Chersonesses , and helped him much in transporting the army , [ Plutarch , in Sylla , & Lucullo . Appian . pag. 207. 208. ] Sylla met with Mithridates at Dardanus , a Town of Troas . Mithridates had there with him , 200 ships with oares , 20000 of land Forces , 600 Horse , and a great strength of Chariots , armed with sithes . Sylla 4 Regiments of Foot , and 200 Horse . There they parled , both of them being gone aside into the field with a small Retinue : each army looking on . Mithridates coming up to him and reaching forth his right hand , Sylla asked him , whether he would accept of a peace upon Archelaus his condition ? The King demurring a while , and each of them casting complaints and accusations in one anothers teeth , at length Mithridates scared thereunto by Sylla's passionate Oration , consented to those Articles of peace which were tendred to Archelaus . After which , Sylla saluted him , embraced him , and kissed him . [ Memnon , cap. 37. Plutarch , in Sylla , and out of him , Dio. Legat. 35. or 36. Appian . pag. 208 , 209 , 210. ] The Articles of peace were these . That Mithridates should content himself with what was his fathers , that is , with what command he had in Pontus , and should not have any thing to do with Asia , or Paphlagonia . That he should resign Bithynia to Nicomedes , and Cappadocia to Ariobarzanes . That he should release all Commanders , Legats , Prisoners , Runnagadoes , Fugitives , the Chians , & all such as he had carryed away captives with him out of the Cities into Pontus . That he should pay to the Romans two , or ( as Memnon hath it ) three thousand talents . That he should deliver up to Sylla 70 , or ( as Memnon hath it ) 80 ships , pointed with brass , with all their ammunition . And lastly , That the Cities now under the Roman Jurisdiction , should not be questioned for their revolting to the Romans side . Yet did the Romans soon after , bring many of them under slavery , and bondage , contrary to the tenour of the articles for peace . [ Memnon . and Plutarch ut supra , and Dio transcribing Plutarch , Legat. 33. or 34. Appian . pag. 207. Liv. lib. 83. Vellei . Patercul . lib. 2. cap. 23. ] And thus was the first Mithridatick war , ( begun four years before ) ended by Sylla , who in lesse than three years space , slew 160 thousand of the enemies , recovered Greece , Macedon , Ionia , Asia , and severall other nations which Mithridates had seized on , took the Kings fleet , and confined the King himself to the strait tether of his fathers kingdom . [ Appian . lib. 1. Bell. Civil . pag. 396. cum Mithridatic . pag. 206. & 209. & 210. ] Nor was there any one thing in all Syllaes several atchievments more remarkable than that , allthough Cinna and Marius his faction were up in Italy for three years together , yet did he not conceal his intention of coming against them to fight them , nor did he lay aside the businesse he had now in hand , adjudging it the right Method , first to crush in pieces an enemy , and then to avenge a Citizen : First , to secure from fear abroad , by getting a conquest on a forreigner , and afterwards to represse a rebellion at home . [ Vellei . Patercul . lib. 2. cap. 24. compared with Plutarch in Collat. Syllae & Lysandri . ] Mithridates , having resigned up his ships to Sylla , and 500 archers , with other things due upon covenant ; he sailed with the remainder of his ships into his fathers kingdom , into Pontus . [ Memnon . ut supra . Strabo . lib. 13. pag. 594. Plutarch , and out of him Dio. Legat. 36. or 37. Appian . pag. 210. ] But Sylla , ( perceiving this peace was not very toothsome to the souldiery ) who thought it hard , to see the King , who was the most bitter enemy they had , and who had slain in one day , so many thousands of such Roman Citizens , who lived in Asia , now with his treasure , and the spoiles he had got in the war to saile away out of Asia , which he had allmost exhausted for some years together , by plunder and imposition , cleared himself , telling them , he was glad to be rid of Mithridates upon any condition , for fear he should have joyned with Fimbria , and then he should have been too weak , to grapple with them both . [ Plutarch & Dio. ibid , ] From thence Sylla removed within two furlongs of Fimbria , who lay encamped about Thyatira . Sylla demanded of him , that he would deliver up the armies to him , in regard he took that command upon himself against lawes . Fimbria in a flout replyed , That he himself , did not come very well to the command he was in . Upon this , Sylla laid siege , and beginning to draw his trench , Fimbrias souldiers came running out of their Garrison , to salute Sillaes men , and were very serviceable to them in helping them to cast up the trench , [ Plutarch ibid. Appian . pag. 210. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 2. ] Fimbria , admiting at this sudden alteration , assembled the residue of the souldiery , and desired them to stick to him : but they relusing to be brought by any means to fight against their fellow Citizens , he rent his garment , and shook every one of them , by the hand begging of them not to desert him . But when that did nothing prevail , and observing , how that very many were stealing away to the enemy , he went about to the Colonels Tents , and having corrupted some of them , summoned the souldiery again , and pressed upon them an oath of alleagiance . And when the Venetians cryed out , that every souldier ought to be called by name to the oath : he commanded the Cryer , to name onely such as he had by his bounty made his own creatures , and afore all , Nonius was cited one , who had been his Camplice in all villanous attempts . But he also resusing to swear , he drew his sword at him , and threated to kill him , but was glad to desist , because the souldiery by a joynt shout , seemed to resent it . [ Appian . ut supra . ] After this , Fimbria suborned a slave , tempting him with monies and hopes of his freedom , to go to Syllas Camp , making show , as if he had been a runnagado , and there to stab Sylla : but his heart beginning to faile him in the enterprize , and being suspected by his trembling , that he came upon no good errand , and thereupon being laid hold on , he confessed the whole businesse . This filled Syllas army with anger and scorn ; so that they standing about Fimbrias trench , by way of reproach , called him Athenio , which was the name of one , who was King for a few dayes over the sugitives in Sicily . [ Id. ib. ] Fimbria , seeing this plot would not take effect , and now past all hopes , betook himself to a strong Fort , and from thence invited Sylla to a parley . Sylla would not go himself , but sent Rutilius in his stead . This went to Fimbria's heart , that Sylla should not vouchsafe that to him , which was never wont to be denyed , even to common enemies . And after he had craved pardon , if happily he had offended by reason of the rawnesse of his years : Rutilius replyed , That Sylla was willing he should passe safe to the sea side , upon condition he would quit Asia ( of which he was the Proconsul ) to him , and saile away . Fimbria told him , he knew a better way than that , and so returning to Pergamus , went into Esculapius his Temple , and stabbed himself with his sword . But finding the wound was not mortal , he desired his servant to do so much for him , as to dispatch him ; who first killed his Master , and afterwards killed himself . Sylla gave his body to be interred by his chief servants . [ Id. pag. 211. compared with Livy , lib. 83. Vellei Patercul . lib. 2. cap. 24. Plutarch in Sylla Aurel. Victor . de vir . illustribus cap. 70. and Oros. lib. 6. cap. 2. ] Fimbria's army came and tendred their service to Sylla , who entertained them , and joyned them to his own body . Soon after , he sent Cuno with command to settle Nicomedes and Ariobarzanes in their kingdoms . He sent also a full narrative of all occurrences unto the Senate , taking no notice at all how that they had voted him an enemy to the State. [ Appian . p. 21. ] Sylla rebuilt Troy , The Julian Period . 4630 which was demolished by Fimbria . Year before Christ 84 [ Oros. lib. 6. cap. 2. compared with Strabo . lib. 13. pag. 594. ] He also settling the affairs of the Province of Asia , Enfranchized the Trojans , Chians , Rhodians , Lycians , Magnesians , and several other people , and entolled them among the Allyes of the people of Rome , either as a remuneration for their assisting him in the wars , or to chear them up after those great calamities they had undergone out of the great affection they bare to the people of Rome . But to all other Towns he sent Souldiers to see proclamation made , requiring all slaves whosoever had received their freedom from Mithridates , to return immediately to their masters respectively . This edict was sleighted by many , and many Cities revolted also upon it , so that there ensued hereupon great bloudshed , both of the slaves , and free born , promiseuously , upon sundry occasions . The walls of many Towns in Asia were demolished , and some of the inhabitants were sold under the spear , and what men or City soever were found to be of the Cappadocian faction , were severely fined ; especially the Ephesians , who through a base obsequiousnesse had in a scorn taken down out of their Temples , the Roman offerings . [ Appianus , pag. 211. ] After all was quiet and hushed again , Cryers were sent throughout the Province , summoning the chief persons of all the Cities in Asia , to appear before Sylla at Ephesus , upon a set day ; who when they were met together , made a speech to them upon the judgement seat ; wherein he recited how well the Romans had deserved of the Asians , and what ill requitals the Asians had returned them , and in the close , pronounced this sentence upon them . I amerce you a while five years tribute , which I charge you presently to pay down upon the naile ; and moreover , you shall disburse the monies spent upon this war ; and what other sum the present state and condition of the Province shall require , I shall lay the tax upon the Cities proportionally , and fix a time for the bringing of it . Such as I shall find to make default herein , I shall look upon them as enemies . Thus said , he distributed the mulct by portions to the Liutenants , and assigned persons also to levy it . [ Id. pag. 221 , 213. ] And to that end was that division of Asia made by him into 44 regions , which Cassindius in his Chronicle makes mention of , at the fourth time of L. Cinna's Consulship , and the second of Cn. Papyrias . For as Cicero in his first epistle of his first book , Q. Frateus confirms his laying an impost upon all parts alike , so doth he also in his oration , to Flaccus avouch , That he laid it proportionally upon all the Cities of Asia . Plutarch writes how that Sylla besides this amercement of 20000 talents which he levyed generally upon the whole ; he plagued them severally also by quartering insolent and unruly souldiers in their private houses : Ordering every Landlord to pay to a souldier quartered in his house , 16 Drachmas a day : and that he should find him not onely his supper , but provid also for as many friends as he would bring along with him . A Captain was to have 50 drachmas a day , and two suits of cloaths , one to weare at home , and another abroad , [ Plutarch in Sylla . ] The care of collecting the general Taxe of 20000 talents , and of coyning the money , was intrusted to Lucullus : which seemed to the Cities of Asia some alleveation and easement of Syllas hard usage : in regard he had alwayes demeaned himself , not onely harmelessely and uprightly , but mercifully and mildly , in such a sad and pensive Province as this was at present , [ Id. in Lucullo . ] But the Cities being extreamly empoverished , and over head and eares in debt , some of them pawned their theaters to the Usurers , others their places of receipt , or their arsenals , or their ports , or something or other which belonged to the Publick : So importunate were the souldiers with them , and pressing for their monies . After payment was made , they carryed the monies to Sylla : Asia in the mean while bemoning the sad calamities she lay under , [ Appian . pag. 213. ] At this same time also , the Pirats were busie in all parts of Asia , and they appeared so openly , as if they had been so many true and lawful Fleets . They were first put to sea by Mithridates , who being likely to lose all he had gotten in those parts , was resolved to do what mischief he could : but now they were encreased to so great a number , that they were not onely dangerous to such as sailed at sea , but grew formidable to the very Ports , Castles , and Towns. It is certain , that Jassus , Samu● , Clazomenae , and Samothrace , were taken when Sylla himself resided in these parts : and it is generally reported , that they took out of the Temple at Samothrace , as many ornaments , as were in estimation worth 1000 talents . But Sylla , either because he thought them unworthy to be protected by him , they having carried themselves so basely towards him : or because he hasted to Rome to quell the commotions there , wasted over into Greece , [ Id. ibid. ] When as Sylla proferred to carry home again with him P. Rutilius Rufus , who lived an exile at Mitylene : he continued in banishment , lest he might do any thing which was not consonant to law ; and from thence he removed to Smyrna , [ Valer. Maxim. lib. 6. cap. 4. Seneca , epistle 24. Quintilian lib. 11. cap 1. Dio in Excerpt . Vales . pag. 638. ] He was made a free Denison of that City , [ Cicero , pro Bibli . ] and there spent his years in study , [ Oros. lib. 5. cap. 17. ] Nor could ever be brought to return home to his Country , [ Dio ut sup . ] Of whom Seneca in lib. de providentia , cap. 3. Is Rutilius to be looked upon as unfortunate , because those that condemned him will plead his cause in all ages ? because he more contentedly suffered himself to be pluckt from his Country , than to part with his banishment ? because he onely of all the rrst , dared to deny Sylla the Dictator something , and when he was called home , did not onely give back , but flew farther off ? And Ovid in Pont. lib. 1. Elea. 4. Et grave magnanimi robur mirare Rutili , Non cui reditus conditione dati : Smyrna virum tenuit — Rutilius his fortitude admire , Who being call'd home , had rather still retire ; In banishment at Smyrna than return ; For Sylla's profer he alone did scorn . But Alexander , son of Ptolemei Alexander , late King of Egypt , who fleeing from Mithridates ( to whom he was delivered up by the Choans ) to Sylla , was entertained by him , and admitted amongst those of his more familiar acquaintance ; and went along with him out of Asia into Greece , and from thence to Rome , [ Appian . lib. 1. Bell. civil . pag. 414. Porphyr . in Graec. Euseb. Scaliger , pag. 225. fin . ] Alexander Jannaeus led his army against Essa or Gerasa , where Theodorus , son of Zeno , had secured whatsoever he thought most precious , and he esteemed of greatest value . After he had begirthed the place with a triple wall , at length he became Master of it , [ Joseph . lib. 13. Antiquit. cap. 23. compared with cap. 21. and lib. 1. Bell. cap. 3. & 4. ] L. Muraena with the two Fimbrian ( or Valesian ) Legions , was left behind by Sylla to settle and order matters in Asia , [ Appian . pag. 213. ] To which is to be referred that passage of Julius Exuperantius concerning Sylla . He left Murana his Lieutenant over the Province , and appointed him over the Valesian Souldiers , whose fidelity as to civil wars he somewhat suspected : and with the other moiety of the army in a passion he marched away to suppresse the Marian faction , which was up . Although that Author writes this passage as happening before Sylla commenced the war with Mithridates , at which time there was no Valesian or Fimbrian Legions , and not after the war was ended . L. Lucullus was left Quaestor in Asia with Munaera the Praetor ; who carried himself so discretly whilst he had the command of the Province , that he got abundance of credit by it , [ Cicero in Lucullo . ] So that by reason of his employments in Asia , he was not engaged in the commotions of Sylla and Marius in Italy , [ Plutarch . in civi . Vita . ] Sylla , putting off with his Fleet from Ephesius , arrived the third day at Pyraeeum ; and having discarged the Rites of Religion , he took to himself the Library of Apellicon the Teian , wherein were many books of Aristotles and Theophrastus which yet were very rare to come by , [ Plutarch in Sylla . ] For Apellicon having a good purse and well lined , had purchased Aristotles Library , & many other good Libraries beside . He got also into his clutches by stealth out of Metroum ( the Temple of the Phrygian Goddesse ) the Originals of the Decrees which were published by their ancestors , and out of other Cities he scraped together whatsoever was either ancient or secret , and kept close as a rarely , [ Athenaeus , lib. 5. cap. 1. ex Posidon . Apameno . ] For all this , he was a person which was more taken with the sight of the books , than the study of them : for , having purchased of the heirs of Nileus Scepsius , with a great sum of money Aristotle and Theophrastus their books , many whereof were spoiled with wet and worm-eaten , out of a desire he had to repair those places which were gnawn out , he transcribed the books afresh , but was mightily out in filling up the void places ; so that the books he set forth abounded with Errata's . Upon the decease of Apellicon Sylla took his Library to himself , [ Strabo , lib. 13. pag. 609. ] and enriched his own Library at Rome therewith , [ Lucian . in . lib. adversus indoctum . ] Mithridates , being returned unto Pontus , reduced in a very short time many of those Nations which , when he was in his low ebbe , revolted from him , [ Memnon , cap. 37. ] beginning first with the Colchi . But they , when they saw him marching towards them , desired of him that his son Mithridates might be appointed King over them : which was no sooner granted , but they returned to their obedience . The King being jealous that his sons ambition was the cause of that motion , called him to him , and bound him with fetters of gold for a while , and not long after put him to death : Notwithstanding the singular good service he had done him in Asia against Fimbria , [ Appian , in Mithridatic . pag. 213 , 214. ] When Sylla lay at Athens , a benumming distemper fell into his feet , which made him saile to Adipsus , and there he used the hot baths , keeping holyday all the while , spending his time at stage-playes . [ Plutarch in Sylla . ] Sylla arrived with his army at B●u●dusium , Year of the World 3921 in the CLXXIV . Olympiade . [ Appian . Bell. Civil . lib. 1. pag. 401. ] L. Scipio and C. Corbanus being Consuls . [ Liv. lib. 83. Julius Obsequens de prodigiis , Eutropius , lib. 5. ] returning into Italy , on the fourth year after his putting out thence , and not after the fifth year , as Julius Obsequens hath delivered it . The Thebans having revolted from Ptolemei Lathurus , he waged war against them . [ Pausan. in Attic. pag. 8. ] L. Lucullus was very desirous to bring the Mitylenians , who had openly revolted from Sylla's side , to acknowledge their fault , and to submit to some easie punishment for following Manius . But when he saw they grew more furious upon it , he set upon them with his Fleet , vanquished them , and forced them to retire within their walls . Whilest he beleagured the Town in the day time he sailed openly towards Elea ; but came back again privately in the night , and cast anchor , having placed an ambuseado near the City . The Mitylenians came tumbling out of the Town in great disorder , and very furiously , with an intention of seizing of the Camp , supposing it had been deserted by the enemy : but Lucullus came upon them ere they were aware , and took a great number of them prisoners : of those that resisted he slew five hundred ; led away six thousand slaves , and took with him a huge booty , [ Plutarch in Lucullo . ] Mithridates provided a Fleet and a great army to go against the Bosphoranes , who had shaken off their alleigeance to him . The preparation he made was so considerable , that most thought ( as Cicero intimates , in Oratione prolege Manilia ) he never intended to make use of it against the Bosphorans , but against the Romans : for neither had he as yet , resigned to Ariobarzanes the whole and entire possession of Cappadocia , but reserved some places thereof to himself ; and did also suspect Archelaus , as if ( when he was in Greece ) he had granted more to Sylla than was meet , in the Articles of peace , [ Appian , in Mithridatic . pag. 214. ] Archelaus posted away in a fright to L. Muraena : and by his instigation prevailed with him to be before hand with Mithridates , and to war upon him first : as Appian hath it in his Mithridatick . And that Archelaus revolted to Sylla ( whose Deputy Muraena was in Asia ) Dio writes in his 39 book : and that he and his wife and children went to the same Sylla , Otosius delivers , [ in lib. 6. cap. 2. ] So that small credit in this particular is to be given to Memnon , who hath delivered , that Archelaus , did not onely abide all the while with Mithridates ; but that he did also stand stoutly to him in the last Mithridatick war , [ Vid. supr . ann . Mundi . 3919. ] L. Muraena , out of an itching desire he had to ride in Triumph , renewes the war with Mithridates , [ Liv. lib. 86. Appian . in Muthridatic . pag. 213. ] For passing thorough Cappadocia he made an invasion upon Com●na the greatest City under Mithridates his command , and famous for the Religion and costly Temple that was therein : and besides this , he killed some of the Kings Cavaliers , [ Appian . ibid. pag. 214. Mithridates dispatched some Ambassadors to Murena ; who , being Grecians by birth , and Philosophers by profession , did rather condemn , than commend the King. Upon their pleading the articles of peace concluded with Sylla ; Murena denyed that he ever did see any such covenants : for Sylla never wrote any , but contenting himself with the execution of what was agreed betwixt them , left the Country . Thus said , Murena falls presently to plundering , not sparing the monies which was consecrated for holy uses ; and so taking up his winter quarters in Cappadocia , he made the kingdom thereof surer to Ariobarzanes , than ever it was , and built the City Ecinina upon the frontires of Mithridates his kingdom . [ Memnon cap. 38. Appian . pag. 214. ] Seeing now by reason of the mutual enmity of the Seleucidae amongst themselves , The Julian Period . 4631 both the Kings and kingdom of Syria were quite exhausted by a deadly war ; Year before Christ 83 the people thereof ran to strangers for succour , and began to look towards forreign Kings ; some judging it most convenient to call Mithridates King of Pontus , others to invite Ptolemei out of Egypt , but considering again with themselves , how that Mithridates was engaged already in a war with the Romans , and that Ptolemei had ever been a professed enemy to Syria , they generally concluded upon Tigranes King of Armenia . who besides his own strength at home , was fortified with the Parthian association to boot , and an affyance with Mithridates . Upon this he was called into the kingdom of Syria , and kept it 18 years , [ Justin. lib. 40. cap. 1. & 2. ] until such time that Pompei deprived him of it , and laid it to the Roman Empire . Fourteen of those 18 years , Magadates was over Syria , with an army , as Tigranes his Vice-Roy , until such time as he was forced to march away with that army to the relief of his King : But upon the defeating of Tigranes , the kingdom of Syria was by Lucullus given to Antiochus Asiaticus . [ Appian . in Syriac . pag. 118 , 119. & 133. ] In the interim , Antiochus Pius ( father to this Asiaticus ) who was by Tygranes dispossessed of Syria , as far as from Euphrates to the sea shore , and by him dispossessed also of part of Cilicia , kept close a while in another corner of Cilicia , which as yet neither Tigranes nor the Romans had medled with . [ Appian . in Mithridatic . pag. 243. Justin. lib. 40. cap. 2. ] But his wife Selene , with her two sons , reigned in Phaenicia , and some other parts of the lower Syria ; as we gather out of the 13 book of Josephus , cap. ult . and in the fourth of Cicero in Vetrem . Mithridates sent both to the Senate and to Sylla , to complain of Murena , [ Appian . pag. 214. ] And both he and Murena sending Ambassadors one against the other , sollicited the Heraclians for supplies . But in regard the power of the Romans seemed dreadful to them on the one side , and that they feared the neernesse of Mithridates on the other side , they answered the Ambassadors ; That in such a storm of war as this , they had much ado to secure their own houses , much lesse could they attend the relief of others . [ Memnon . cap. 38. ] Alexander Jannaeus wan Gaulana and Seleucia . [ Josephus , lib. 13. cap. 23. ] L. Murena , Year of the World 3922 having wafted over Halys , a great river of it self , and at that time swelled with violent rains , took 400 of Mithridates his Villages ; the King making no opposition at all , expecting the returne of his Ambassadors from Rome . Murena , when he thought he had got booty enough , returned back again into Phrygia and Galatia ; where Callidius , who was sent to him from Rome upon Mithridates his complaints , presented him indeed with no decree of the Senate , but denounced in the open audience of all , that he should forbear any farther to molest the King , who was a confederate with the Romans . This said , he took him aside , in the presence of others , and talked with him privately ; yet for all this did not Murena abate any whit of his former violence , but at that instant made incursions upon the frontiers of Mithridates . [ Appian , pag. 214 , 215. ] Some , The Julian Period . 4632 and those not a few , Year before Christ 82 advised Murena to invade Sinope , and attempt the getting of the Kings palace it self ; for that being once taken , other places would be subdued without any difficulty . But Mithridates , having well fortified that place with garrisons , begins now to fall to the businesse himself . [ Memnon . cap. 38. ] And having commanded Gordius to fall upon the neighbonring Villages , he himself got together many cattle , and carriages , Countrymen as well as Souldiers , and pitched on the other side of the bank , opposite to Murena his Camp. Neither parties engaged , until Mithridates was come with a greater army , and then there followed a bloody fight betwixt them . There the King got over the river in spight of Murenaes teeth : having also got the better of Murena otherwayes , the King plyed him so hard , that he was forced to retreat to a hill naturally fortified , and make what hast he could through the mountains , to get to Phrygia , having lost many of his men , either in the flight , or in the fight . [ Appian . pag ▪ 215. ] This so famous , quick , and ( as it were by the By got ) victory , and bruited abroad by the nimble wing of fame , brought many to side with Mithridates ; who having beaten , even out off Cappadocia , all Muraena's Garrison souldiers , made a great Bonefire on the top of a high Hill , after his country manner offered sacrifices to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or to Jupiter powerful in war , [ Id. ibid. ] L. Cornelius Sylla , Year of the World 3923 created Dictatour , that he might seem to continue still the ancient model of the Common-wealth , permitted M. Tullius and Cornelius Dolobella to be made Cossi by the people : although he being evidently sole Monarch over all , was above them too , [ Appian . lib. 1. Bell. civil . pag. 412. ] In the beginning of whose Consulship he triumphed gloriously over King Mithridates ( as Eutrop us hath it in his fifth book ) on the third of the Calends of February ( as appears by the pieces of the Marble on which the Triumph was engraved ) which day falls upon the Julian November . And although that Triumph was very great in regard of the stateliness of it , and rarity of the spoiles they had taken from the King : yet did the shew receive a greater lustre and splendor from the exuls . For the most eminent men and chief of the City , bearing Crowns on their heads , attended Sylla's Chariot , calling him their Deliverer , and their Father , in regard they were by his means brought back into their native Country , and had their wives and children restored unto them , [ Plutarch in Sylla . ] This one thing of Sylla deserved commendation ; that when upon the laying down the command he had in Asia , he rod in Triumph , he did not beare before him the name of any one Town belonging to the Citizens of Rome , as he did of many Cities in Greece and Asia , [ Valer. Maximus . lib. 2. cap. 8. ] Sylla transfer'd 30000 pound weight of Gold , and 7000 of Silver , under that account ; which his son C. Marius had brought from the conflagration of the Capitol and other devoted places to Praeneste . He also the day before transfer'd of all the other spoiles of the Victory 50000 pound weight of Gold , and 150000 of Silver , [ Plin. lib. 33. cap. 1. ] From whence it is plain the Triumph held for two dayes space . Alexander Jannaeus , having reduced under his power the valley ( called Antiochus his valley ) and the Fort Gamala , put Demetrius Lord of those places beside his command there , having received many accusations against him ; and at the just end of the third year of that his Expedition , led his army home again : the Jews giving him a hearty welcome home for his good successe he had had . At this time the Jews kept many of the Cities of the Syrians , Idumaeans , and Plaenicians , near the sea coast . The Town of Straton , Apollonia , Joppe , Jamnia , Azotus , Gaza , Anthedon , Raphia , Rhinocorura . In the Mediteranean parts , in the Country of Idumaea , Adora , and Mansia , and Samaria : the mountains also of Carmel and Itabyr ; besides these ; Scythopolis , Gadara , Gaulanitis , Selucia , and Gabala ; some Moabitish Cities also : Essebon , Medaba , Lemba , Oronas , Telithon , Zara , Aulon of Cilicia , and Pella : the last of which they demolished , because the inhabitants refused to admit of the Jewish ceremonies . They possessed also some other Cities of Syria , and those no obscure ones , all which they lately annexed to their kingdom , [ Joseph . lib. 13. cap. 23. ] L. Cornelius Sylla Dictatour , adjudging it a great shame that Mithridates a confederate should be infested with a war , sent Aulus Gabinius , to charge Muraena in good earnest , to desist from his hostility with Mithridates : and that he should endeavour to reconcile Mithridates and Ariobarzanes one to the other . At that meeting , having given his son about 4 years old , as hostage to Ariobarzanes : and that under that pretence , keeping still to himself that part of Cappadocia which he had garrisoned , and something else over and above : made a general entertainment for the company : At which he designed a certain weight of Gold to those that should get the better at drinking , or eating , jeering , singing , and other solemn sports : Every body had a share herein , but onely Gabinius , [ Appian . in Mithridatic . pag , 215. 216. ] Thus was the second Mithridatick war ended , in the third year thereof , [ Id. ibid. ] In which Muraena after he had with a great deale of violences and vigilancy afflicted Mithridates , drew off from him , leaving him rather abated in something , than quite crushed in pieces . As Cicero speakes in his Oration for Muraena his son ; whom the Orator addes to have been a help to his father in his difficulties , a comfort in his labours , and a rejoycer in his victories . Who also in his 1. lib. against Verres , teacheth how that the people of Milesia upon Muraena's order , built 10 ships out of the revenues of the people of Rome , as the several Cities in Asia did proportionably ; which Fleet was by covenant to serve the Romans in all extremities at sea whatsoever : as Asconius Pedianus hath noted upon the same book , or the Oration against Verres . L. Lucullus spent the time of his Quaestorship in the peace of Asia , whilst Muraena was waging war in Pontus , [ Cicero in Lucullo . ] Sylla Dictatour , called Muraena out of Asia , [ Cicero pro lege Manilia . ] M. Thermus succeeded him in the Praetorship of Asia , [ Sueton in Julio , cap. 2. ] It is probable also that Liteullus was called back from his Praetership of the same time with Murena , upon this ground , because he sat upon the bench at Rome , with Aquillus Gallus , the Judge in Quintius his cause ; which ( as Aulus Gellius lib. 15. cap. 28. and Hierom. in Chronic. tells us ) was pleaded by Cicero in the 26 year of his age , M. Tullius , and Cn. Dolobella Consuls . Alexander Jannaeus , The Julian Period . 4633 as soon as he had a little respite from wars , Year before Christ 81 fell into a disease , a quartan ague which held him three whole years , he might thank his intemperance for it ; yet for all this , did not remit any thing of his warlike imployments , [ Joseph . lib. 1. Bell. cap. 4. & lib. 13. Antiquit. cap. 23. ] L. Murena , being come to Rome , triumphed very honourably ; his son graced his triumph with some military presents ; who served under him whilest he was General . and made his fathers victory and triumph , the onely end of his taking up his arms . [ Cicero pro Murena . ] Mithridates , being now at leisure , subdued Bosphorus , and appointed Machares , one of his sons , King over that nation . [ Appian . pag. 216. ] Molo , the Rhetorician , coming Ambassadors to the Senate , concerning the rewards of the Rhodians , was the first of any strangers that had audience without an interpreter : He deserved that honour , in regard the Roman eloquence was beholden to him for that force and vigour , which it hath ; at which time Cicero himself plyed under him . [ Cicero in Bruto . Valerius Maximus , lib. 2. cap. 2. ] as he had done also some six years before , as we have hinted in its due place . Julius Caesar being sent by M. Thermus Pretor of Asia , sent into Bithynia to fetch the fleet , tarryed a while with Nicomedes : It was whispered abroad , how that he had prostituted his chastity for the Kings lust to tyre upon : and the bruit was improved by his going to Bithynia again in a very short time , under pretence of getting in some monies which were due to a certain free man , one of his clients . [ Sueton. in Iulio . cap. 2. ] L. Cornelius Sylla , Dictator , wheresoever he found amongst the slaves of those persons he had prescribed a lusty young fellow , he made him one of the commons ; and of these he made above 10000. first confering on them their freedom and enfranchisements , and called them Cornelians , after their Patrons name : the policy of this was , that he might be sure of a party of 1000 in the City amongst the commons , to side with him upon all emergencies whatsoever , [ Appian . lib. 1. Bell. Civil . pag. 413. & 416. ] Servius upon the tenth of the Eneiods , reckons Polyhistor , to be one of those which were made free Denizons by Sylla . And that Alexander Polyhistor lived in Syllaes time , was made free , and surnamed Cornelius ( although he was so called from his Patron Cornelius Lentulus , to whom he was sold , and whose School-master he was made ) is confirmed by Suidas in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . For he calls this Grammarian Cratetis his Scholler , Milesium : whom Stephanus Byzantinus avows to be the son of Ascl●piades of Cotyaeum , a City in the lesser Phrigia , and to have written 42 books of all kind of things . Concerning whom , Eusebius is to be consulted , [ lib. 9. Euangelic . Praeparat . cap. 17. ] where also he cites many passages out of the book he wrote concerning the Jews . Ptolemei Lathurus , having reduced the Thebaeans in the third year of their revolt , fined them so extream rigorously , that whereas before they could outvye the richest Cities in all Greece for wealth ; they had not now left them the least print of their former fortune . So Pausanias in his Atticks , [ pag. 8. ] relating this , as if it belonged to the Boeotian Thebes , and not to the Egyptians . Whereas we have observed out of Appians Mithridaticks , [ pag. 190. ] how that almost at the very same time in which the Thebans revolted from Ptolemei , that greater Thebes of Boeotia , fell off from Archelaus , Mithridates his General , to Sylla the Roman General . But this Ptolemei Lathurus , dyed not long after . [ Pausanias ut supra . ] 36 years and six moneths , after the decease of his brother Philometor . His daughter Cleopatra , wife of Ptolemei Alexander ( who was younger brother to Lathurus , and had killed his mother , who was compartner with him in the throne ) succeded him ; she reigned six moneths . [ Porphyr . in Graec. Euseb. Scaliger . pag. 225. ] Pausanias avows that of all Lathurus his issue , Berenice was onely legitimate , [ ut supra ] who dying before his father , her Bastard issue , Ptolemeus , seized the kingdom of Cyprus , Cleopatra , and after her Novus Dionysius , or Auletes the kingdom of Egypt , unlesse happily she whom Porphyrius calls Cleopatra , be the same with her whom Pausanias names Berenice . Sylla Dictator , sent Alexander son of that Ptolemei Alexander , who killed his mother ( whom he had admitted to his own familiar acquaintance , and brought along with him out of Asia ) to the Alexandrians , to be their King : their issue male failing , and the women being forced to have some of their own blood for their husband : Sylla's drift was , the hopes he had of getting together a good hord of gold out of that wealthy kingdom . [ Appian . Bell. Civil . lib. 1. pag. 414. ] C. Julius Caesar in the gaining of Mitylene was rewarded by M. Thermus , with corona civica , [ Sueton in Julio cap. 2. ] Mitylene was quite demolished to the ground : It was the onely City which kept up armes after Mithridates was defeated , [ Liv. lib. 89. ] And so that noble City by the law of War , and right of Conquest , was brought under the jurisdiction of the people of Rome , [ Cicero in Agraria . 2. ] Alexander , Year of the World 3924 having taken to wife Cleopatra Queen of Egypt , after he had resided 19 dayes with her , killed her , [ Porphyr . ut supr . ] Appian writes how that this King , being very domineering and insolent upon presumption of his interest in Sylla , was by the Alexandrians on the 19 day of his reign , dragged out of his Palace into the place of exercise , and there put to death . But it will appear out of Suetonius and Cicero , that he reigned 15 years after the death of his wife ; against the common errour of Historians and Chronologers ; who begin the reign of Ptolemei Auletes here , and confound his years with the years of Alexander . Mithridates , making attempts upon the Achaeans , neighbours to the Colchians , who were ( as some phansie ) reliques of those who , returning from Troy , came thither upon mistake of their way , lost two moieties of his army ; partly by being circumvented with an ambush : partly in plain fight , and the hardnesse of the weather , [ Appian . pag. 216. ] Mithridates , at his return home , sent some to Rome to copy the articles of the League betwixt him and Sylla . Ariobarzanes also sent others , either voluntarily , or by the instigation of others , to inform that Cappadocia was not entirely resigned unto him , and that Mithridates did keep back the greater part of it to himself . But Mithridates was commanded by Sylla to quit Cappadocia , before the Articles should be enrolled , [ Id. ibid. ] After the Province of Cilicia was setled , Cn. Dolobella was sent thither to be Proconsul : Cicero affirms , that there was added to this Province , besides the three Teritories of her own , the Pamphylian , Isauric , and the Cilician , three other Teritories of Asia ; the Cibyntic , Synnadensian , and Appameensean , situate in the Regions of Phrygia , Pisidia , and Lycaonia . But when Dolobella bringing along with him C. Malleolus his Quaestor , and C. Verres his Lieutenant , was come as far as Delos : Verres there caused some ancient images in the night time to be taken covertly out of the Temple of Apollo , & to be put aboard the ship that was appointed to carry burthens . Upon the sudden there arose such a violent tempest , that Dolobella could not onely not possibly lance forth , when he would , but had much adoe to abide at anchor in the haven , so monsterously did the waves beate against the ships . The ship which was fraught with the images being driven and cast out by the violence of the waves , is split ; those images of Apollo are found floating upon the shoare : by Dolobellas order they are layed up again in the Temple , the tempest abates , Dolobella looses from Delos , [ Cicero act . 2. in Verrem , lib. 1. ] The same Verres carryed away very neate images from Chios , Erythrae , and Halicarnasus . He took also from Tenedos ( to the great grief of the City ) the Statue of Tenes , a very curious piece . It is said that he built the City , and that it was called Tenedos from his name , [ Id. ibid. ] Verres , having by his importunity prevailed with Dolobella , that he might be sent to the King , Nicomedes of Bithynia , and Sadala of Thrace , Allyes of the people of Rome , came to Lampsacus in the Hellespont : where , upon Rubrius his Pages attempting to carry to Verres the daughter of one Philodamus , a most eminent Citizen : the Lampsacens by the perswasion of Themistagoras and Thessalus , came flocking together in the night to protect the Virgins chastity : in the hurly burly Cornelius , Verres his lictour , was slain outright , and some of his servants , whereof Rubrius was one , received some cuts : They had much adoe also to save the Lieutenants house from being fired . Dolabella upon Verres his suite , giving over the war ( which at that time was by him managed in Cilicia ) and marching out of that Province into Asia , obtained of C. Nero ( who succeeded M. Thermus in the Praetorship of Asia ) that Philodamus and his son might after judgement passed upon them , be beheaded , [ Id. ibid. compared with Asconius Pedianus upon the same . ] Charidemus , Year of the World 3925 Captain of a ship at Chius , being commanded by Dolabella to attend Verres departing Asia , came with him as far as Samos : where Verres assaulted the most ancient Temple of Juno of Samos , and carryed from thence the Pictures and the Images . The Samians went to the Chians and charged Charidemus with the sacriledge : but he made it evidently appear , that what was done , was none of his doings , but Verres his . Upon this , Embassadors came from Samos to C. Nero into Asia , to complain of him : who received this answer ; That such complaints as these , which concern the people of Rom's Legate , ought not to be carryed to the Praetor , but to Rome , [ Cicero ibid. ] The Milesians had a fleet , which upon covenant the people of Rome were to make use of upon any occasion at sea . Verres demanded of them one of those ships to attend him as a convoy to Myndus ; they immediately furnished him with a gallant ship , the choicest of ten , and well trimmed . Verres , as soon as he arrived at Mindus , commanded the Souldiers and the Saylers to return to Miletum on foot by land , and sold the ship to L. Magius , and L. Fannius , who left Marius his army , and came to live at Mindus , but afterwards they sided with Sertorius and Mithridates . He that had the command of the ship , declares what Verres had done : the Milesians caused the Declaration to be entred into the publick regestrye . But Cn. Dolobella , upon Verres his request , did his best to have him , that made the Declaration , puished , and besides that , gave strict charge to have the Declaration taken out of the rolls again . [ Id. ibid. compared with Asconius Pedianus upon him . ] C. Malleolus , C. Dolobella's Questor , being slain in the war , Verres forthwith obtained the office of Questor-ship from Dolobella , who , having gotten the guardianship of a Ward , began to finger his goods . [ ibid. ] When the Provinces were allotted to the Consuls ; Cilicia fell to Servilius , Macedonia to Appius , Claudius Servilius having gone to Tarentum to visit his Collegue , who lay sick there , took his journy to the City Corycum , [ Salust . Histora . lib. 1. apud Priscian . lib. 15. ] being ordered to go to quell the Pirates , who , under the conduct of Isidorus , roved about in the next sea , ( betwixt Crees and Cyrenae , Achasa , and the creck of Malea ) which from the spoyles was called the Golden Sea. [ Flor. lib. 3. cap. 6. ] Julius Caesar served under Servilius , but it was for a very short time , [ Sueton. in Iulio , cap. 3. ] and L. Flaccus was Tribune of the Souldiers . [ Cicero pro Flacco . ] Cn. Dolobella , being called home from his province of Cilicia , and accused of extortion at Rome , by a young fellow , M. Emilius Scaurus , was condemned , and sent away unto banishment . The Action was estimated at thirty hundred thousand sefterces , meerly upon those particulars . This his Quaestor C. Verres had exacted above measure from the Cities of Lycia , Pamphilia , Pisidia , and Phrigia , corn , hides , hair-cloaths , sacks and such wares : and that he did not receive them in kind , but exacted mony for them . Verres himself , who was the main actour in the businesse , and a complice , gave strong evidence against him . For Verres was unwilling to give account of his Liutenants-ship , and his questor-ship , til such time that Dolobella ( who onely knew where to find fault with them ) was condemned and ejected . [ Cicero , act . 2. in Verre lib. 1. Vid. Pighii Annal. Rom. tom . 3. pag. 280 , 281. & 286. 287. ] Alexander Jannaeus , Year of the World 3926 tyred out with his quartan ague , and on that consideration , engaging himself in an unseasonable warfare , at length being quite spent , dyed in the confines of the Gerasens , having reigned 27 years . At that instant he was besieging Ragaba Castle , which is situated beyond Jordan . Upon his death-bed , he advised his wife Alexandra , to conceale his death for a while from the knowledge of the Souldiers : and that after she were returned in conquest to Jerusalem in great state , she should give the Pharisees a little more freedom than ordinary ; in regard that those kind of people had a great influence upon the Jews , when they had a mind , either to do a shrewd turn to an enemy , or to pleasure a friend . For the common people did place a great deal of confidence in them , though prone through envy to appeach any man whatsoever : and that he himself got the ill will of that nation for no other cause ; but that he had given some offence to that sect . He perswaded her therefore , that she would give way , that they might have the disposal of his corps , and that she would not act any thing in state-administrations , but upon their determinations , and good liking ; and so it would fall out , that both he should be the more honourably interred , and she and her son should reign without molestation . [ Joseph lib. 1. Bell. Judaic . cap. 4. & lib. 13. Antiquit. cap. 23. compared with lib. 20. cap. 8. ] Queen Alexandra ( callled also Selena , The Julian Period . 4636 by Ecclesiastical Writers ) having taken the Castle Ragaba , Year before Christ 78 according to her husbands intimations , left all things concerning either his Corps , or the kingdom to the discretion of the Pharisees , and thereby reconciled them so to her , that they became her friends , who before were her most implacable enemies . Hereupon did the Pharisees assemble the common people , and made a speach to them , crying up the famous exploits of Alexander , and bemoaning what a good King they had lost . They so wrought upon the people , that they sadded all their hearts , and caused them to put finger in eye : neither was there any King before him , for whom they made so stately a funeral . [ Id. lib. 13. Antiquit. cap. 24. ] It seemed , that Alexander drawing on towards his end , had in his last will and testament both left the administration of the kingdom to his wife Alexandra , and also the election of the High Priest to her discretion . She declared Hyrcanus her eldest son High Priest , not so much for the prerogative of his years , as for that she saw he was a meer slug , one that had no metal in him , and so lesse fear of his attempting any thing against that power she had gotten into her hands . As for her younger son Aristobulus , she was very well contented that he should live a private life , in regard he was of a more fiery and sprightly disposition than his brother . She governed the kingdom nine years , her son Hircanus holding the High-priesthood all that while . She was very gracious with the people , both because of the favour she was in with the Pharisees , as also because she seemed to be much troubled at her husbands exorbitances . To speak truth , she was onely honoured with the bare title of Queen : the Pharisees had the managing of all State-affairs , to whom also , the people were expressely charged to give obedience : So that , if it appeared that Hircanus her father in law had abrogated any of the ordinances , which the Pharisees had brought in according to the traditions of their Elders , whatsoever it was , she caused it forthwith to be restored , and put in force again : the Pharisees also gave order for the calling back of exiles , and for the release of prisoners . Yet some things there were which the woman her self ordered and disposed : and besides she maintained a great number of hired souldiers , and did so mightily improve her strength , that she was formidable to the neighbouring Princes , and took hostages of them , [ Id. ibid. compared with lib. 26. Antiquit. cap. 8. & lib. 1. Belli . cap. 4. ] Mithridares , upon an expresse from Sylla , restored all Cappadocia to Ariobarzanes ; and thereupon dispatched away Embassies to Rome to get the Articles of the Peace to be enrolled , [ Appian . pag. 216. ] M. Lepidus , and Q. Catulus Cossi : Sylla died , [ Liv. lib. 90. Appian , lib. 1. Bell. Civil . pag. 416. ] He made an end of the 22 book of his Commentaries , two dayes before his death : he said , That the Chaldeans had foretold him , how , that after he had lived very splendidly for a while , he should dye in the flower of his felicity . [ Plutarch in Sylla . ] He bequeathed in his Will those his Commentaries to Lucullus , whom moreover , he nominated upon his death-bed , as Guardian to his son ; passing by Pompey : which one thing , was thought to be the very source from whence sprang all that grudge and emulation which ensued betwixt those two , both of them being youths , and their bloods boyling with a desire of glory , [ Id. in Lucullo . ] M. Cicero , after he had been six months at Athens with Antiochus Ascalonita , a most Renowned and most Sage Philosopher of the ancient Academies , and with Demetrius Syrus , a well experienced , and no mean Oratour , hearing of Sylla his death , sailed into Asia : and travelling cleane thorough that Country , exercised his faculty with the choicest Oratours in those parts . The chief of them were , Menippus a Stratonician ( surnamed Catocas , of Caria ) Dionysius Magnes , Aelchylus a Cnidian , and Xenocles an Adramyttean , [ Cicero in Bruto , & Plutarch in Cicerone : compared with Strabo lib. 13. pag. 614. & lib. 14. pag. 660. and with Diogenes Laertius in Menippo . ] At the same time also , a certain woman of Miletum was sentenced to death , for that she had caused an abortion to her self by potions ; being hired thereunto for a piece of money by those which were the second heirs ; neither had she more than she deserved : who had by that one fact of hers destroyed , the hope of a parent , the memory of a name , the support of a kindred , the heir of a family , and in all likelihood , a Citizen of the Common-wealth , [ Cicero pro Aulo Cluentio . ] P. Servilius Proconsul , subdued Cilicia : He so disordered the Pirats light and flying Barks with his heavy men of War , that he got a bloody victory over them , [ Liv. lib. 90. Flor. lib. 3. cap. 6. Eutrop. lib. 6. ] He set upon Cilicia and Pamphylia with that violence , that he almost utterly ruined them , being desirous onely to bring them under , [ Oros. lib. 5. cap. 23. ] Julius Caesar , upon the bruite of Syll's death , left Cilicia , and returned in all haste to Rome , [ Sueton in Julio , cap. 3. ] In regard that Mithridates ( Sylla being now dead ) could hear nothing from the Magistrates at Rome , concerning his Embassie to the Senate : the King suborned Tigranes his son in law , to make an invasion upon Cappadocia , yet was not the plot carryed so covertly , but the Romans had an inckling of it , [ Appian . in Mithridatic . pag. 216 ] Amongst whom , Salust ( in lib. 1 histor . ) brings in L. Philippus , ( in an Oration of his at that time before the Senate against Lepidus ) speaking in this manner . Mithridates in latere vectigalium nostrorum quibus , &c. idest : Mithridates lies upon the borders of our revenues , which we yet enjoy , watching an opportunity to make war upon us . Tigranes , Year of the World 3927 having encompassed Cappadocia round as it were with a net , that no one could escape him , brought away with him from thence about 300000 men , and carryed them into Armenia , assigning them places with others to inhabit : where he first put the Crown of the kingdom of Armenia upon his head , and called the place Tigranocerta , that is , the City of Tigranes . [ Id. ibid. ] He built the City betwixt Iberia and Zugma , which lies near Euphrates , and peopled it , with those men he brought out of the twelve Cities of Greece , which he had wasted . [ Strabo , lib. 11. pag. 532. ] In that City there were abundance of Greeks , driven out of Cilicia , many Barbarians running the same fortune with them Greeks , Adiabenians , Assyrians , Gordyens , Cappadocians , all whom he brought thither , having ruined their several Countries , and forced them to replant there . [ Plutarch in Lucullo . ] At this very time also , at which he wasted Cappadocia thus with his incursions , he drove the Mazacenians out from their habitations , and carryed them into Mesopotamia , and stocked the greater part of Tigranacerta with those inhabitants . [ Strabo , lib. 12. cap. 539. ] Geminus , an excellent Mathematician , wrote his book of Astronomy , out of which Proclus his Sphaere is taken ) 120 years after that the Egyptians Isia fell on Eudoxus his winter Solstice , or the 28 of December ; as he himself shews in [ cap. 6. Vid. ann . Mundi 3807. a. ] M. Cicero being come to Rhodes , The Julian Period . 4637 applyed himself to the same Molon , Year before Christ 77 whom he had formerly heard at Rome ; he was both an excellent pleader in true causes , and a good writer , and also very discreet in taxing and noting of faults , and wise in instructing , and in teaching , he did the best he could to keep Cicero within the Channel , and to represse him in regard that he did , by a kind of youthful licentiousnesse , commonly over doe , and as it were , overflow . [ Cicero in Bruto . ] At the same time Apollonius , a great master of Oratory , grew in great esteem ; whom Strabo surnames 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or the Soft , and others Molo : which is the reason that some ( amongst whom Quintilian is one , lib. 12. cap. 6. ) confound him with the other Molon . They were both of them Alabandians of Caria , Schollers of Menecles the Alabandian , and both coming out of his School , professed the same art at Rhodes ; although Molon came thither later than the other : which was the ground of Apollonius his applying that of Homer to him , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . [ Strabo , lib. 14. pag. 655 , 660 , 661. ] Cicero alwayes calls one of them Molon ; the other in lib. 1. de oratore , he calls Apollonius the Alabandian : where M. Antonius is brought in thus speaking of him . For this one thing I alwayes liked that famous teacher , Apollonius the Alabandian ; who although he taught for money , yet did he not suffer any whom he thought incapable of being made an Oratour , to loose their labour with him , but sent them home again ; and that his custome was to exhort and perswade every one to buckle himself to that art , he in his judgement thought him most fit and inclinable unto . It is reported of this Apollonius , that in regard he was not through paced in the Roman tongue , he desired Cicero to declame in Greek : Cicero was well enough contented with the motion , supposing that Apollonius could the better correct him in case he should do any thing amisse , whilest others stood in a maze admiring him , and others strived to eutvye one another in applauding him , Apollonius was observed neither to look cheerfully any time of that while he was speaking , and after he had done , to sit a good time , as it were musing , and pensive . But at last , perceiving Cicero took some regret at this his carriage , he said thus : Truly Cicero I commend and admire thee ; yet I cannot but pitty Greece her condition : when I see the two onely ornaments which were left us , Learning and Eloquence : that they also should be by thee carryed away to the Romans . [ Plutarch in Cicernoe . ] Cicero heard Posidonius the Philosopher at Rhodes , as Plutarch affirms , and Cicero himself reckons him in the list of those which instructed him ; [ in lib. 1. de natura Deorum , & lib. de fato . ] As for this Posidonius , Philosopher of the Stoick Sect , he was indeed born at Apamea in Syria ; but being in processe of time made a Citizen of Rhodes : he was called a Rhodian , as appears by Strabo , [ lib. 14. pag. 654. ] and out of Athenaeus , [ lib. 6. cap. 6. ] where this also is to be noted by the By : that , whereas Josephus writes , how that Posidonius and Apollonius of Malon , or Molon ( as it is writ elsewhere ) afforded to Apion the Grammarian , matter for those his fables , concerning the Jews and their Temple , [ lib. 2. contra Apion , pag. 1065. ] by the name of the first he means this Posidonius the Apamenian , Cicero's Master in the Stoick Philosophy ; out of the books of whose Histories , we have quoted so many passages above : but by the name of the later , that Apollonius we last spoke of , or rather that Molon his equal , who ( as above said ) is reckoned by Cicero [ in his Bruto ] amongst the Writers , and by some deemed to be one and the same person with that Apollonius . P. Servilius , Proconsul in Cilicia , subdued the Isaur's , and wan some Cities of the Pyrates . [ Liv. lib. 93. ] He demolished the City Isaura it self , and dismantled many forts which the Pyrates held along the sea coast . [ Strabo ; ] who saith , that he had seen Servilius , [ lib. 12. pag. 568 , 569. & lib. 14. pag. 665. ] He took Lycia also , and the Cities of note therein , having besieged them , & forced them to resign . Besides , he roved all over the mountain Olympus , and levelled to the ground three great Cities : Olympus , Phaselis , and Corycum . He was the first of any Romans that led an army through Taurus , he made it the bound of his march , and having taken a strict view of the side of the mountains which incline towards Cilicia , he brought the Isauri , quite worne out with the wars , under the power of the Romans . [ Oros. lib. 5. cap. 23. compared with Florus , lib. 3. cap. 6. with Salust . lib. 1. Histor. apud Priscianum lib. 15. with Asconius Pedianus , in 3. Verrinam . and with Eutropius . lib. 6. ] Cicero in his first and second Agraria , confirms , how that the Countries of the Attalians , Phaselians , Olympians , and the Country of the Agarenses , Orindians , and Gedusians were brought in to the people of Rome , by Servilius his victory . Cicero also [ in 40 contra Verrem lib. ] adds this passage particularly concerning Phaselis . That Phaselis which P. Servilius took , was not at first a City of Cilicians and Thieves ; Lycians , who were Grecians , inhabited it : But in regard it was situated in such a place , and lay so high and strong , that the free booters which came out of Cicily , necessarily had recourse thither : the Pyrates associated with that Town , first by commerce , and after by allyance . L. Magius , Year of the World 3928 and L. Fannius , both runnagados out of Fimbria's army , joyned themselves with Mithridates , and perswaded them to enter into an association of wars with Sertorius , who at that time was up in arms in Spaine against the Romans , Mithridates sent these two as his Ambassadors with letters to Sertorius , promising him a supply of mony and ships for the war , and requiring of him in lieu thereof his confirmation of all Asia unto him , which he had resigned up to the people of Rome , upon the articles of peace betwixt him and Sylla . The Ambassadors being come into Italy in that bark which the Mindians bought of Verres : and from thence hasting away to get to Sertonius : The Senate noted them enemies to the State , and ordered to attach them : yet , for all that they could doe , they got safe to Sertorius : who , having called together an assembly of his own friends about him , which he called his Senate ; he would by no means allow of those conditions , although all the rest were generally for them : For he denyed that he would ever give way that the Province of Asia , which he had unjustly taken from the people of Rome , and which , after Fimbria had wrested it from him again by force of arms , he had returned back upon articles with Sylla , should ever relapse into Mithridates his power again . But as for Bithynia and Cappadocia , which had ever been under his command , and did not at all belong to the people of Rome , he did not envy him these ; yet , upon these terms , the leage was concluded betwixt them , and confirmed by mutual oaths ; That Mithridates should supply Sertorius with 3000 talents , and forty ships ; and that Sertorius on the other side should make him a grant of Cappadocia and Bithynia ( to which two Appian addes , not onely Paphlagonia , and Galatia , but Asia it self also ) and that he should send him a Generall and Souldiers accordingly . Mithridates dispatched into Asia the Generall which was sent him ; M. Marius , ( Appian calls him , Varius ) one of the Senatours which were banished ; and joyned with him the two Lu●i● , Magius and Fannius , to be as his Counsellors , who , loosing from Dianium , a sea town of Spain , arrived at Sinope of Pontus , where Mithridates then was ; upon their telling the King how that Sertorius had denyed him Asia : the King said to his friends , What will Sertorius sitting in his Palace injoyne hereafter , who , though as far distant from us as the Atlantick Ocean , takes upon him already to prescribe bounds to our kingdom ; and to denounce war against us , in case we should attempt any thing upon Asia ? For all this , Marcus Marius concluded a league with him to Sylla's content . The King kept Marius with himself , and in a very short time preferred him a General into Archelaus his place , who had deserted him , and turned to Sylla . [ Cicero , pro lege Manilia . & pro Murena , item . act . in Verrem , lib. 1. compared with Asconius Pedianus in eundem . Livie lib. 93. Plutarch in Sertorio . Appian in Mithridatic . pag. 216 , 217. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 2. ] After the Capitol was rebuilt ( together with which ( some seaven years before ) the books of Sybilla were burnt ) C. Curio the Consul motions the Senate , That some Ambassadors should be sent to Erythrae , who were to take care to get the Sybills verses again , and bring them to Rome . P. Gabinius , M. Otacillius , and L. Valerius were sent upon that errand , who got those verses transcribed by private hands , and brought them to Rome : and Curio and Octavius , the Consuls , laid them up in the Capitol , which then was repaired again by Q. Catulus . [ Fenestella , quoted by Lactantius , lib. 1. institut . cap. 6. & lib. de ira Dei cap. 22. ] Upon which grounds Varro sayes that Etythraea was believed to have writ those books of the Sybils , which the Romans have recourse unto ; because those Verses were found in the Island Erythaea , after the firing of Apollos Temple , in which those books were laid up : if we may credit Servius , [ in Ae●oid . 6. ] For the Temple which was burnt was not Apollos , but Jupiter Capitolinus his : and although after the Temple was repaired , Embassadours were sent by order of the Senate to Erythrae in Asia , to get those Verses transcribed : yet those books which were afterward extant and brought to Rome , were not got out of Erythrae onely , but procured from other Cities besides , both Italian and Grecian ; and out of private mens Libraries also , under what name soever of the Sybills those books went : in which also many things are found to be suppositions , as appears by the difference of those which they call Acrostickes . As we find out of Varroes own books of divine things : to be related by Dionysius Halicarnasseus , [ lib. 4. antiquit . Roman . ] and by Lactantius Firmianus , [ lib. 1. in Instit. cap. 6. ] and Tacitus also in [ lib. 6. Annal. ] hath declared how , That the Verses of Sybilla , whether one or more , were sought for in Samos , Troy , Erythrae ; and thorough all Africa also , and Sicily , and the Italian Colonies : and that the Priests had in charge , with all the care that mortal men could take , to discover the true from the false . Pliny in the 2 book of his natural History , cap. 35. reports , how that in the time of Cn. Octavius , and Cn. Scribonius Curio Cossi : Licinius Syllanus Proconsul , and his company saw a spark fall from a Star , which increased in bulk as it came nearer the earth ; and being grown to the bignesse of the Moon , gave as much light as if it had been some cloudy day : and when it withdrew up towards heaven again , it grew into the fashion of a lamp . But seeing that Syllanus is no where found amongst the Roman surnames , Pighius is of opinion , that instead of Licinius Syllanus in Pliny ; it should be L. Junius Syllanus : So that Junius ( who about this time was sent with the Proconsuls authority into Asia in the room of Cn. Nero ) might seem with his company to have been an eye-witnesse of this Prodigie . Nicomedes King of Bithynia dying without issue , Year of the World 3929 made the people of Rome his heire by testament : whereupon his kingdom was reduced unto the form of a Province , [ Liv. lib. 93. Vellei . Patercul . lib. 2. cap. 4. & 39. Appian . lib. 1. Bell. civil . pag. 420. & Mithridatic . pag. 175. & 218. ] To this relates Mithridates his complaint of the Romans in an Epistle of his to Arsaces , [ lib. 4. Salust . histor . ] After Nicomedes was dead , they rifled all Bithynia : notwithstanding his son Musa , whom he nominated King , was without all question then born . In the same year also ( with which ended the CLXXVI Olympiade ) the people of Rome had their bounds widened by the accesse of the Province of Cyrene unto them : Ptolemei Apion the King thereof , of the Family of Lagidarus , having bequeathed it as a Legacy to them ; as Appian writes [ in his 1. lib. Bell. civil . pag. 420. ] adding moreover in the end of the Mithridaticks ; that this King was a bastard of the Family of the Lagi : which character of Appian , shews that he was the same person with him whom Justin related in lib. 39. cap. 5. to be the sonne of a Curtezan , and who passed over the inheritance of the Crown of Cyrene to the Romans : where notwithstanding he addes , That that part of Lybia was made a Province : whereas we have heard before out of Livie ( at the yeare of the World 3908. ) how that after Ptolemei Apions decease , the Senate of Rome enfranchized all the Cities of the kingdom of the Cyreneans : So that , at that time they might seem to have received their grant of freedom , but now to be reduced into the form of a Province . And that then Ptolemei King of Cyrene upon his death●bed , did make the Romans his heirs in his last testament , in the first year of the CLXXI. Olympiad : and that afterwards Lybia was left to the Romans as a Legacy by King Apion in the fourth year of the CLXXVIII . Olympiad Hierom hath noted [ in Chronico Eusebiano : ] placing this later almost eleven years later than Appions accounts here require , Eutropius hath related this very thing nine years later , viz. To that Caecilius Metellus's Cretian triumph . At which time ( as sayeth he in the sixth of his Breviary ) Lybia also was annexed to the Roman Empire by the last will of Apion , who was King thereof : in which Berenice , Ptolemais , and Cyrene , were the Cities of greatest note . Jornandes , [ in lib. de regn . & tempor . succes . ] hath thus written concerning this matter . Lybia , that is to say , all Pentapolis , was granted under its liberty to the Romans by that first Ptolemei : and afterwards rebelling , Apions decree subdued it to the people of Rome . And before him Sixtus Rufus in his Breviary . We were beholden to Ptolemei the elder his bounty for Cyrene , and the other Cities of Lybia Pentapolis : Lybia came to be ours by King Apions last will and testament , And Ammianus Marcellinus followed him . The dryer Lybia we got into our hands by King Appians last Will : Syrene and the other Cities of Lybia Pentapolis , by Ptolemeis liberality . See the learned Valerius his notes upon the place , who so explains this History , that he denies that there were two Ptolemei Apions . besides , Cicero [ in 2 Agrarias ] mentions the Cyrenian lands which were Apions : as Cornelius Tacitus [ in 14 annal . lib. ] does the land which were once King Apions and by him bequeathed to the people of Rome , together with his kingdom . The remainder of this Summer , and the whole Winter following , Mithridates spent in preparation of wars against the Romans : in felling of Timber , building ships , and making arms . [ Appian in Mithridatic . pag. 217. ] He contracted his forces to a right and meet scantling ; for he dismissed the tabble multitudes , the hidious Barbarians , took away the provision of such arms as were guilt , and set with pretious stones : instead of these , he made swords after the Roman fashion , composed good substantial Shields , and made a muster rather of well managed and experienced horses , than of those which were neat and hansome . Moreover , he provided ships that were not adorned with Cabbins guilt over , or baths for Curtezans , or delicate Chambers to keep his women in , but such as were strowed with arms , darts , and mony . [ Plutarch in Lucullo . ] he carryed to sea 200 Myriades of Medimna's of corn . He had supplies ready at hand , besides his old forces , Chalibians , Armenians , Scythians , Taurians , Acheians , Heniochians , Leucosyrians , and those that inhabit about the river Thermodoon , commonly called the land of the Amazons . There came in to him in Asia his old forces . He had supplies also beyond sea out of Europe , Sarmatians , Basilians , Jazygians , Corallians , Thracians , and all the nations which inhabit about the river Ister , and the mountains Rhodope and Aemus , and the Basternians also , who were the gallantest men and stontest of them all , [ Appian ut supra . ] Julius Caesar , The Julian Period . 4639 a very youth , Year before Christ 75 ( about 25 years of age ) resolved to withdraw to Rhodes ; with an intention , at his leisure to apply himself to Apollonius Molon , the most eminent teacher of Oratory at that time : as he was sailing hither in the winter quarter , the Pyrates ( who now were so well furnished with ships , that they pestered the sea ) took him prisoner about the Island Pharmacusa , ( which lies near the Asiatick shoar above Miletum . ) When the Pyrates demanded of him 20 talents for his ransom Caesar laughed at them , as being ignorant who it was that was their prisoner , and promised that he would give them 50 talents ; and sent forthwith his companions and servants to the Cities of Asia , to procure the mony for his release ; keeping onely with him one Physitian , and two others to attend him in his Chamber . Being left with these three for 38 dayes together amongst a company of Cilicians , the most savage people in the World , he behaved himself after that manner , that he struck both a terrour and a reverence into them : neither would he all that time suffer his shoos to be pluckt off , or ungirt himself ; that , in case there should happen some extraordinary alteration , he might not be suspected by them , who had clapped no other guard upon him , but that of their eyes : wheresoever he went to repose himself , and take his rest , he sent one to them to be hush , and keep no din : and he would familiarly play and exercise with them , as if they had been of his retinue , and not he their prisoner . he wrote verses also and orations , which he pronounced in the midst of them . If any of them did not admire and applaud them , he would call them openly dull fellows , Barbarians ; and often in a merriment would threaten to hang them . They were very well pleased with his humour , ascribing that freenesse of his tongue to his simplicity and years . [ Vellei Patercul . lib. 2. cap. 41. S●eton in Julio . cap. 4. Plutarch in Caio . Caesare . ] It is reported , that whilst he was in hold , he cryed out , O Crassus , how wilt thou be tickled at the heart , when thou shalt receive tidings of my captivity . [ Plutarch in Maneo Crasso . ] The monies of all the Cities was brought from Miletum to Caesar , but Caesar would by no meanes pay down the 50 talents , until he had forced the Pyrate , to deliver up hostages to the Cities : After this , being set on shore , the night following he gets a fleet , such as he could scramble together of the suddain , and with it , loosing out of the port of the Milesians , he made towards the Island , before which the Pyrates as yet lay at anchor : part of their fleet he forced to hoyst and away , others of them he sank , and the residue of the ships he boarded , and became master both of them and the men that were in them . Overjoyd with the triumph of the nights expedition , he returned to his company : the Pyrates money he seized upon , as his own booty , and the Pyrates themselves he committed to prison at Pergamus . When he had done that , he went to Junius the Proconsul of Asia , into Bithynia ( for he at that time had the command both of Asia and Bithynia , lately reduced into a Province ) demanding justice might be done upon the Captives , and crucified them ; as in mertiment he had often in the Island foretold them he would do . [ Patercul . lib. 2. cap. 42. Sweton . & Plut. ut supr . ] But because , before their yielding themselves up , he swore he would crucifie them : he first commanded their throats to be cut , and then to be fastened to the Crosse. [ Sueton. cap. 74. ] The Spring coming onwards , the third Mithridatick war was commenced ; which after it had continued for eleven years and an half , was at last ended , by the death of Mithridates himself . Mithridates , having now called in all his fleets together , sacrificed ( as his custom was ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or to Jupiter , powerful in battle , and drowned his Chariot and Horsos in the Sea , as a sacrifice to Neptune ; and thus done , made what hast he could into Paphlagonia : with Taxiles and Hermocrates , Generals of his army , [ Appian . in Mithridatic . pag. 217 , 218. ] He had in his army 120. ( or 140. as Appian hath it ) thousand Foot , trained up after the Roman model , 16. thousand Horse , besides a hundred Chariots with Sithes : There followed also the Camp , another great company of such as were to guard the wayes , carry burdens , and of such as did traffique also , [ Id. ibid. in Lucullo . ] Mithridates , as soon as he was arrived at Paphlagonia , made a high vaunting speech to the souldiery ; and when he saw he had sufficiently stirred them to a detestation of the Romans , he made an invasion upon Bithynia , which had lately been bequeathed to them by Nicomedes his testament , [ Appian . pag. 218. ] Livie sayes , that Mithridates got it all into his hands , [ lib. 93. ] and Plutarch in Lucullo , that he was very willingly entertained by all the Cities of Bithynia . Asia also , by reason it was most intollerably oppressed by the hard usages of creditours and publicans , lapsed to Mithridates , [ Plutarch ibid. ] He with M. Marius , or Varius , ( whom Sertonius had sent to him out of Spain to be his General ) took some Cities thereof : and when they entred the Cities , the King put Marius formost with the rods and axes , as if he were the supream Magistrate , and then the King followed , as one of his Officers . Some of the Cities he enfranchized upon his own score ; To others of them , what immunities he granted , he said they came not from him , but were Sertorius his acts of grace . Thus Asia , which before was plagued with the Publicans , and opressed by the coveteousnesse and abuses of the garrisoned souldiers , begins to pirck up again , and did heartily wish , that alteration of Government which was expected , might take effect , [ Id. in Sertorio . ] Julius Caesar , observing what havock Mithridates made in the adjacent countries , being ashamed to sit still with his hands in his pockets , when the Allyes were in that distresse : left Rhodes , whither he was gone , and passed over into Asia : where , getting together what supplies he could , he drave the Kings Lieutenant clean out of the Province , and by that means kept the Cities , which before were wavering and ready to revolt , constant in their loyalty , [ Sueton , in Julio , cap. 4. ] although he ( Junius ) whom the people of Rome had appointed their chief Magistrate in Asia , did out of cowardlinesse put some remora to his undertakings , [ Vellei Patercul , lib. 2. cap. 42. ] Eutropius and Orosius ( out of Livie , as their manner is ) relate , how that P. Servilius ended the war in Cilicia and Pamphylia within three years , and thereupon was called Isauricus . In Cicero lib. 3. in Verrem ( which Oration is called Oratio Frumentaria ) he is said to have commanded the army seven years . Whereupon we have referred his first going into the Province to the year before this fifth year , in which also he was Consul . Cicero in lib. 5. contra . Verem , affirms , that this one man took more of the robbers Commanders alive , than all they had done , which had been before him : and how amongst the rest , he recovered one Nico , a famous Pirate , who had broken his chaines and escaped , with the same gallantry that he first took him prisoner . Ammianus Marcellinus [ in lib. 14. Historiar . ] writes , how that Cilicia and Isauria mutually engaged in a war of pyracy , and having some troups of land robbers , were by Servilius the Proconsul made to passe sub jugum , and after that made tributary . Jornandes in lib. de regnorum ac temporum successione , writes , how that he overcame Pamphylia , Lycia , ( or rather Cilicia , and Pisidia ) and reduced them all into Provinces : And that Octavius this yeares Consul , was sent into the Province Cilicia , we gather from Plutarch in Lucullo . Which way soever Servilius marched , it was a very pretty sight to see the several prisoners and captives he carryed along with him : People came flocking unto him from all parts , not onely out of those Towns thorough which they marched , but from all the places adjacent , purposely to see : which made the people of Rome take more delight , and to be more pleased with this triumph , than with any that ever had been before , [ Cicero , in Verrem , lib. 5. ] In this triumph also the several images , and ornaments , which he brought away from the City Olympus after he had taken it , were carried on Chargers in State before him that rod in Triumph : all which he afterwards caused to be entred into the common tables , and brought into the Treasury : wherein the number of those images were not onely specified and described , but the bulk , figure , and condition , of each one in particular , [ Id. in eundem , lib. 1. & Ascon . Pedianus ibid. ] Valerius Maximus mentions this Triumph of Servilius , [ lib. 8. cap. 5. ] Eutropius , Sextus Rusus ; and Claudian the Poet , [ in lib. 1. in Eutropium , ] thus speaks of him : Indomitos curru Servilius egit Isauros . Servilius Charioted th'untam'd Isaures . M. Antonius ( father to M. Antonius the Triumvir . ) having by the favour of Cotta the Consul , The Julian Period . 4640 and Cethegus his faction , Year before Christ 74 obtained of the Senate , an unlimited commission for guarding of all the sea coasts , wheresoever the people of Rome had any command ; and being a most vile person himself , had his companions sorted accordingly , wasted Sicily , and all the Provinces . [ Cicero , act . 2. in Verrem . lib. 2. Lactant. Institut . lib. 1. cap. 11. Ascon . Pedianus in Divinationem , and and upon the forecited place of Cicero , contra Verrem . ] The Province of Gallia Cisalpina , fell to L. Lucullus the Consul , but Octavius , dying , who held Cilicia . Lucullus having by the means of Praecia , a common strumpet , made Cathegus his friend , who at that time bore all the sway at Rome , got the Province Cilicia assigned to him ; and in regard that Cappadocia lay near to Cilicia , they generally voted that Lecullus should undertake the Mithridatick war. Yet M. Cotta his Collegue in the Consulship , after much importunity , prevailed with the Senate , that he might be sent with a fleet to guard the Propontis , and defend Bithynia . [ Plutarch in Lucullo . ] And so both the Consuls were sent to this war : the one was to make good Bithinia , the other to follow Mithridates in Asia . [ Cicero pro Muraena , Memnon cap. 39. Eutrop. lib. 6. ] For that Lucullus the Consul had not onely Cilicia , but Asia also , ( properly so called ) allotted unto him , and that he had the command of it for the space of seaven years , is evident out of Velleius Paterculus . [ lib. 2. cap. 33. ] Lucullus , having listed a Legion in Italy , passed over with it into Asia ; where he takes to him the Fimbrian Legions , and two others besides ; which , to a man of them , were long since corrupted through luxury and covetousnesse . The Fimbrians , in regard they had lived a long while , as it were , masterlesse , and uncontroled , were the more intractable , and malapert ; yet very warlike , and both skilful and patient in military labours and undertakings . But Lucullus reformed the one , and calmed the fiercenesse of the other . [ Plutarch ut supra . compared with Appian in Mithridatic . pag. 219. ] He did the best he could also by inflicting punishments upon the Userers , and the Roman Publicans , by whose exactions the Asians were brought to revolt , to make them more moderate in their dealings : and he quelled all insurrections of severall people , when as there was scarce a nation but was up in arms . [ Plutarch ibid. ] Mithridates , having both another numerous army upon the march , and also 400 ships of 30 oars , besides a great company of lesser ships , which they commonly called Penteconteri and Cercurae , sent away Diophantus Matharus , with a considerable force into Cappadocia , to thrust in Garrisons into the Cities ; and if Lucullus intended to enter Pontus , to interpose and stop his passage . As for Mithridates himself , he kept with him 150 thousand Foot under colours , and 12 thousand horse , and 120 Chariots with Sithes , which followed the Horse : and good store of all sorts of warlike Engines . Thus provided , he making a flying march through Timonitis , Cappadocia and Galatia : within nine dayes he reached Bithynia . Lucullus in the mean while commanded Cotta to stay with all his fleet in a Port of the Chalcedonians . [ Mem. cap. 39. ] Mithridates his fleet staying by Heraclea in Pontus , were denyed admittance , yet the Citizens gratified them so far in their requests , as to afford them the freedom of their market : where after some truckings , and chaffering betwixt them , as are usual in those places , two of the most eminent persons of Heraclea , Silenus and Satyrus were carryed away prisoners by them : they could not get off again , but upon this condition , That they should assist Mithridates in this war against the Romans , with five Frigots . This made the Romans fall out with the Heracleans : For whereas the Romans had appointed in the other Cities publick sale to be made of the Citizens goods . They exposed Heraclea also to sale . Upon the coming in of these which were commissionated for that businesse , and their exacting monies , contrary to the customs of the Common-wealth ; the Citizens grew much perplexed , who looked upon this action as a hansel of that slavery which would shortly ensue . Whereupon ( when as their condition was such , that it required rather an Embassy to be dispatched to the Roman Senate , to beg their favour , and to put a stop to the sale of their goods ) they , by the perswasion of a bold desperate fellow in the City , murdered the Publicans , and that with such secrecy , that there was not any one body which had the least intimation of their death . [ Id. cap. 40. ] M. Cotta , upon the bruite of Lucullus his coming , and that he was already encamped in Phrygia , making account that he was now cocksure of the victory , made what hast he could to fight Mithridates , before Lucullus was come in to him ; that Lucullus might not share with him in the glory of the victory . [ Plutorch . ] Marius ( or Varius ) and Eumachus , Mithridates his Generals against Lucullus , having in a short time drawn together a great army , engaged with P. Rutilius ( M. Cotta his Liutenant ) at Chalcedon , in which battle Rutilius was slain , and the best part of his army . [ Oros. lib. 6. cap. 2. ] the Basternians having routed the Italian foot , and done great execution upon them . [ Memnon . cap. 41. ] Mithridates marching up to Chalcedon , whither the Romans flocked from all parts to Cotta : Cotta being but a raw Souldier , came not out against him : But Nudus , the Admiral of his fleet , with a brigade of the army , took the field , on that part which was best fortified ; but being beaten off thence , made back to the gate of Chalcedon , over hedge and ditch . When they came to the gate , there was such a crowding of them to get in , that those that had them in pursuit , could not throw a dart , which was not sure to hit . But as soon as they let down the Port-cullis for fear of the enemy , they drew Nudus and some other Commanders into them with ropes ; all the rest were slain in the midst of their friends and enemies , they all the while holding up their hands to both , but to no purpose . [ Appian . ] Mithridates , thinking that it was best for him to make use of his late good fortune on the same day moves with his Fleet toward the haven : where having broke down , the iron chaine which was in the entrance of the haven , fired four of the enemies ships ; and carried away the other 60 , tying them to one anothers sternes : Neither Nudus , not Cotta , making any resistance , but keeping close all the while within the walls . The Romans in the engagement , lost about three thousand men , amongst whom Lucius Manlius a Senatour was one . Mithridates lost 20 of the Basternians , who were the first that attempted the haven , [ Idem . ] Plutarch tells us , that Cotta lost upon land 4000. foot besides those 60 ships with their men . Memnon sayes , that in one day the land and sea were most shamefully filled with the carkases of the Romans : eight thousand of them being slain out right in the sea-fight , and 4500 taken prisoners : and of the army of Foot which consisted of Italians , 5300. were cut off ; whereas Mithridates on his side , lost onely about 30 Basternians , and 700 others , out of his whole company . And this was that battle near Chalcedon , in which M. Aurelius Cotta the Consul was defeated , [ Liv. l●b . 93. ] of which Mithridates in an Epistle of his to Arsaces , ( lib. 4. Histor. Salust . ) thus writes . I totaly routed Marcus Cotta the Roman General near Chalcedon on land , and have deprived him of a most gallant fleet at sea . The sad calamitous condition Cotta was now in both at sea and land , mightily advanced both the Kings wealth , and his name , [ Cicero , pro Muraena . ] For by this successe of Mithridates , all mens spirits began shamefully to flag . But Lucullus who lay encamped along the river Sangarius , hearing of this greater overthrow , and observing his souldiers courage somewhat dampt thereat , quickned them up again with a parcel of good words . [ Memnon , cap. 41. ] When as Archelaus ( formerly one of Mithridates his Commanders , but now turned to take part with the Romans ) would have made Lucullus believe that he might with his bare look obtain the whole kingdom of Pontus , ( Mithridates being now with his army in Bithynia ) he replyed , That he would not be deemed a greater coward than the common Huntsmen are , that not daring to adventure upon the wild beasts themselves , he should go to their empty dens ; Tus said , he marched against Mithridates , having in his company 30 thousand Foot , and 2500 Horse . When he came first to the view of the enemy , he was astonished to see such a numerous body , and therefore desired to wave an engagement , and to gain time : but recollecting , how that Marius ( whom Sertorius had sent out of Spain to be Mithridates his General ) was marched up against him , and did provoke him to fight , he drew up into battalia . Just as the army were set to engaging , ( upon no evident change , but the Heaven cleaving asunder of the sudden ) there seemed to fall betwixt both armies , a great flaming body resembling a hogshed in shape , and silver fire hot : this strange apparition so frighted both parties , that it staved them off from fighting . They say this prodigy happened in Phrygia , about Otryae . [ Plutarch . ] L. Lucullus the Consul , with his Horse had some skirmishes with Mithridates his Horse , and came off with good successe : He made also some expeditions , and was fortunate in them ; which so flushed his Souldiers , and made them so eager upon fighting , that he had much adoe to keep them from mutiny . [ Livie lib. 94. ] Mithridates , looking upon the City Cyzicum as a gate to let him in into Asia , which , if he could but once break open , and pluck up , the whole Province would lye open to him : resolved to remove thither the hot brunt and violence of the war. [ Cicero pro Murena . ] For it was the most famous City of all Asia , and a faithful friend to the people of Rome . [ Id. pro lege Manilia . ] and which in the late overthrow at Chalcedon , had lost 3000 Citizens , and 10 ships . Hereupon the King , meaning to give Lucullus the slip . As soon as he had supped , having the oppertunity of a thick and misty night , removed his Camp , and by break of day , gets to the top of the mountain Adrastia ( otherwise called Dindymus ) which was situated opposite to the City . [ Plutarch . ] Strabo writes how that Mithridates with 150 thousand Foot , and a great body of Horse , made an invasion upon the Cyzicenians , and took the mountain Adrastia , and the Suburbs . [ lib. 12. pag. 757. ] Appian relates how that Lucullus , having in all but 30000 Foot , and 1600 , Horse , encamped over against Mithridates about Cyzieum ; and that he learned from the runnagadoes , that Mithridates had about 300000 men , Nay it is reported that he lost in the siege of Cyzicum . above 300000 men , by famine and sicknesse ; as we read in Orosius . [ Oros. lib. 6. cap. 2. ] Moreover it is given out ( as we find in Plutarch ) That of the whole rabble of Scullions , and Souldiers Lucullus slew no lesse than 300000 men . Whereas Eutropius in the sixth book of his Breviary hath writ far more modestly . The following Winter and Summer , Lucullus slew of the Kings party very near an hundred thousund men . Mithridates , having begirthed the Cizicenians with ten brigades , assaulted them also by sea with a fleet of 400 ships . [ Strabo pag. 757 , 576. compared with Plutarch . ] And seeing the Cyzicenians , knew not what was become of Lucullus : The Mithridatians gave out that those his tents which were pitched before their eyes , were supplies of Armenians and Medes , which Tigranes had sent to Mithridates . Demonax , sent from Archelaus into the City , was the first that informed them of Lucullus his being nigh at hand : but they gave no credit to him at all , supposing what he said was a meer forgery , whereby to alleviate their present sufferings : untill a boy , who had been taken prisoner by the enemy , and made an escape , pointed out to them with his finger the place where the Romans lay encamped . [ Plutarch . ] Lucullus sent a messenger to them , one of his souldieus , who had the command of his tongue , to bid them be of a good courage ; this Souldier bearing himself up above water with two bottles . Lucullus , Year of the World 3931 falling upon Mithridates his reare , defeated the Ponticks , and got a glorious victory , in which he slew something more than 10 thousand of them in the fight , and took 13000 prisoners . [ Memnon . cap. 42. ] Lucullus espyed a mountain very covenient to pitch his Tents in ; which if he could but once get into his hand : he was sure to get provision enough for his army , but to starve the enemy : There was but one passage to come to it , and that a very narrow one ; which also Mithridates had clapped a guard upon to secure it , being thereunto advised by Taxiles and some other of his Commanders . L. Manius or Magius , the Umpire of the league betwixt Mithridates and Sertorius , sent privately a messenger to Lucullus and then perswaded Mithridates to permit the Romans to passe by , and to encamp where they thought best themselves ; buzzing him in the ear , that the Fimbrian Legions , which formerly had served Sertorius in the wars , would leave their colours and turn away to him ; and this they would do within a day or two : and that that might spare the expence of sweat and blood , when they were sure of a victory without striking a blow . Mithridates , suspecting nothing was so unwise as to lissen to his counsel , and thereupon suffered the Romans quietly to enter the passage , and to fortifie the mountain against him ; by which reason the Romans might have a plentiful supply of provision from all those parts which lay behind them , when as Mithridates on the contrary being shut out by a lake , mountain and river , was debarred from all importation by land , aad therefore could expect but slender incomes to his Camp. Seeing that there was no way for him to get out , neither could he by force of arms make Lucullus retreat , meerly because he neglected the passage . The winter quarter also drawing onwards , was likely to hinder all importations to him by sea . [ Appian . ] Plutarch writes , that Lucullus encamped about Thracia , which they called , Comes ; as deeming it the most fit place to obstruct all wayes and quarters from whence Mithridates could hope for a supply of provisions . As for that party which Mithridates sent to bring in the Fimbrian Legions to him , who made shew as if they intended to turn to his side , Memnon tells us , that they were all put to the sword by the same Legion . Nicomedes , The Julian Period . 4641 a Thessalian , Year before Christ 73 had framed notable Engines to batter the City , [ Plutarch . ] amongst which the Helepolis , as they called it , about a hundred cubits high , was the most remarkable one . Upon this another Tower was erected , planted with Engines , to sling out stones , and several sorts of weapons : But before they planted the Engines , Mithridates gave order that three thousand of the Cizicenians , whom he had taken prisoners , should be brought in the ships to the walls of the City : if happily the City , out of pity to them , and relenting at their cries , would give up . But seeing that essay was to no purpose , ( there being by the command of Lysistratus their General , a Cryer appointed , who from the walls exhorted them , That seeing that it was their hard fortune to fall under the power of a stranger , to bear it out as well as they could ) Mithridates used all the strength he could both by sea and land , to reduce the City : the Townsmen all the while within being as industrious to defend it : yet , do what they could , they could not perfect their walls entire , but that part of them being fired , fell down about evening : but the heat of the fire was so scorching , that the enemy was not able to enter . The Cyzicenians themselves by night repaired the breach . [ Appian . ] At last Lucullus found a way in the night to send into the City some Auxiliaries . [ Strabo . ] For finding that in the lake Dascylite , there were pretty big boats : he took away one of the biggest of them , and carryed it in a Wagon to the sea side , and put as many Souldiers in it , as it could well hold ; who privily by night got into the City , the enemy knowing nothing thereof . [ Plutarch . ] Now was the time of Proserpina's festival , in which the Cyzicenians were wont to offer a black Hei●er . Tshey being unprovided with such an one at this time , made one of dough , and brought it to the Altar . The Hei●er which was designed for Proserpines festival , was feeding with the rest of the Cyzicenians Herds on the other side the sea . Upon the day of the Festival , she left the other Herds , and swimmed over alone to Cyzicum , passing all the way through the enemies fleet , and by diving under water , got through the bars which are at the mouth of the harbour , and so passing through the midst of the City , came to the Temple of Proserpina , and presented her self before the Altar . The Cyzcicenians sacrificed her , and upon this grevv mightily enlivened in their hopes . [ Jul. Obsequens de prodigiis , Plutarch , & Appian . ] It is reported that Prosepina appeared by night in a vision to Aristagoras ( who was the chief Magistrate , as saith Julius O●sequens ) for Plutarch gives him no other title , but that of his being the peoples tutor ; and told him , that she had provide a piper against the pipers : or , as Plutarch renders it , that she forthwith sent a Libyan piper against the Pontick trumpeter . The Cyzicenian wondering with themselves what this voice should be , about break of day it began to be foule weather at sea , as if it had been a tempestuous winde . The Kings engins which were now drawn up to the walls , by their creaking and crashing first discovered what was ready to insue : Presently after there arose an extream violent South wind , which in the moment of an hour did so shatter the rest of the Kings engins , that they were made utterly unserviceable ; and did so shake the wodden tower which was erected upon the Engin , that it overturned it on the ground , [ Id. ] It is Chronicled also , that at Troy Minerva appeared to many in their sleep , dropping with swet , and shewing how that part of her vaile was cut off : telling them , that she came from the relief of the Cyzicenians . The Trojans were wont to shew the pillars whereon the decrees and letters concerning this accident were engraven , [ Plutarch . ] Mithridates was advised by his friends to loose with his Fleet from before the City : but he not one whit dismayed at what had happened , got up to the mountain Dindymus , and from thence cast up a bank all along to the walls of the City ; upon which he erected Towers . He caused also Mines to be made under the very walls , [ Appian . ] The Cyzicenians notwithstanding all this , held out so stoutly , that they had very near taken Mithridates alive in one of the Mines , which he himself had digged , by counterm●ning him : but he got away safe , having espyed the danger he was in , [ Strabo . pag. 576. ] The Winter being come , Mithridates was cut short also of victual by sea ; if so be he had any at all . The army therefore being in great distresse for necessary provision , many of them died by famine , some were glad to feed on mans flesh , others using herbs for their constant food , fell into diseases , and the dead carkases lying all the while unburied , ushered in the plague to boote , [ Memnon , cap. 42. Strabo , pag. 576. Flor. lib. 3. cap. 5. Plutar. Appian . Orosius , lib. 6. cap. 2. ] Whilst Lucullus was gone to gain some castle or other , Mithridates strives to make some use of this opportunity : Hereupon , commanding part of his Forces to march home with their armes ; but with this item , That they should be sure not to come in sight of the enemy , he sent almost all his Horse , those also which were for burden , and of his Foot ; such as were lesse serviceable , unto Bithynia : for the horses were now grown weak for want of provender , and starke lame by reason their hoofes were beaten and worn away for want of shoos . Lucullus hearing of this , hasted to the Camp , again by night as fast as he could ; and by break a day , made after them with 10 companies of Foot , and all his Horse . Although at that instant there fell such a violent storme , that many of the souldiers , what with the Snow , and other inconveniencies , for very cold were forced to lie down , not being able to follow : with the rest he overtook the enemy at the passage of the River Rhyndacus , where he did such execution on them , that the women of Apollonia came out and plundred the carriages , and stripped the slain . There were taken at this fight 6000 Horse , and an infinite number of beasts for burdens , 15 thousand men : all which Lucullus carryed away with him , besides the pillage of the enemies Camp. Lucullus at this bout killed more than 15000 men ; if we may credit Orosius . Salust is of opinion , that this was the first time the Romans ever saw any Camels : as if those , who under Scipio their General defeated Antiochus , and those who fought with Archelaus at Orchomenon and Cheronea , had not known well enough what kind of beasts Camels were , [ Plutarch , Appian . Oros. ] Fannius , who clapt in with Mithridates , and Metrophantes the Kings Pretor , haveing received a blow from Mamercus , escaped with two thousand Horse into Moesia : and removing from thence unto Moeonia , fell upon the dry and parched hills and champian of Inarime : where being weldred for a long while , at last they got out , and arrived at the Kings Camp , without any notice taken of them , [ Oros. lib. 6. cap. 2. ] Eumachus the general , and other of Mithridates his Colonels , up in armes in Phrygia , killed many Romans , with their wives & children . They subdued the Pisidians also , the Isauri , and Cilicia , until Dejotatus , one of the Tetrarchs of Gallograecia , lighting upon them as they were roving about , killed them and many of their souldiers , and so gave a stop to proceedings , [ Liv. lib. 94. Appian . pag. 222. Oros. ut supr . ] Jubilie the XXVIII . Year of the World 3932 The Cyzicenians having undermined those mounts which the King had cast up all along from Dindymus to the City , and fired his Engins , and knowing well enough that the enemy was much weakened by famine , did so pester them with often sallyes , that Mithridates was resolved to draw off and be gone , [ Appian . ] Of which he himself in a letter of his to Arsaces , [ Salust . lib. 4. histor . ] thus : At my laying siege to Cyzicum with a great army , I wanted provision , and in regard I could get none from all the parts about , and that the winter also had blocked up the sea that none could be expected that way ; I was forced ( not by any compulsion of the enemies ) to march back into mine own kingdom . For Plutarch tells us out of Salust , how that Lucullus , first at Cyzicum , and afterwards at Amisus , lay encamped with his souldiers two whole Winters . Concerning the raising of the siege of Cyzicum , see Cicero [ in orat . pro lege Manilia , pro Muraena , & pro Archia poeta . ] Mithridates resolving suddenly to be gone , that he might keep off Lucullus from following too fast upon his reare : sent Aristonicus a Grecian Admiral of his Fleet to sea : but Lucullus by some foule play , took him prisoner just as he was putting off from shoar ; and withal seized upon 10000 crowns which he carryed along with him to inveagle part of the Roman army , [ Plutarch . ] The King left his land Forces with the General to march with them away to Lampsacus : Hermaeus and Marius ( the Generals which Sertonius sent ) conducted thither 30000 men . But Lucullus following hard upon the reare , at last overtook them unawares as they were passing the River Aesepus , whose waters at that time were higher than ordinarily they were wont to be . He took very many of them prisoners , and killed 20000 of them outright ( above 11000 of which were reported to have been Marius his souldiers ) so that the two Rivers , Granicus and Aesepu● , were all ove● coloured with blood . But one of Mithridates his Nobles , knowing how mightily the Romans were addicted to coveteousnesse , commanded the souldiers to scatter their snapsacks and money about , purposely to retard the pursuers in their march , [ Memnon , cap. 42. Polybaeus stratagem . lib. 7. Flor. lib. 3. cap. 5. Plutarch , Appian . Oros. lib. 6. cap. 2. ] As for Mithridates himself , he , purposing to return by sea , sailed by night to Parium , [ Appian . ] whilest his souldiers intending to put off with him crowded on every side so thick into the ships , whereof some were already filled , others were to be filled presently after , that it happened , that , by reason of the multitude striving to get a ship-board , some of the ships were sunk , and others overturned . The Cyzicenians observing this , assaulted the enemies Camp , where they cut the throats of the sick that were left behind , and carryed away whatsoever they found there , [ Memnon , cap. 42. ] Lucullus entring Cyzicum , was received with a great jollity , and magnificence , [ Plutarch . ] In honour of whom they afterwards instituted some playes which they called , Lucullea , [ Appian . ] The Romans conferred a great deal of honour upon the City , and granted them their freedom , [ Strabo lib. 12. pag. 576. Tacit. annal . lib. 4. cap. 36. ] Mithridates , after his men were driven to Lampsacus , and besieged there by Lucullus , sent his Fleet thither , and transported them and the Lampsacenians together : And having left fifty ships with 10000 men aboard them unto Marius or Varius , the Sertorian General , Alexander a Paphlagonian , and Dionysius the Eunuch , himself with the greater part of them made for Nicomedia : But it happened that many of these and the others , were cast away in storm , [ Ibid. ] Mithridates , having scrambled up together as well as he could some forces in Pontus , sat down about Perinthus , and made some attempts against it : but seeing he could not master it , he sent his forces away into Bithynia . [ Memnon . cap. 42. ] Antiochus ( the Asiatic ) and his Brother , the young sonnes of King Antioochus , ( Pius ) who kept in their hands part of the kingdom of Syria ( which was not seized on by Tigranes ) came to Rome , to request the kingdom of Egypt which they thought did of right belong to them and their mother Selene ; and there they tarryed almost two whole years , keeping all the wile a Princely guarb and retinue . [ Cicero lib. 4. in Verrem . ] Antipas , The Julian Period . 4642 or Antipater , Year before Christ 72 the Idumean , the prime of his Nation , both for birth and wealth ( son of the other Antipas or Antipater , who they say was by Alexander King of the Jews , and his wife Alexandra appointed Governour of all Idumea ) had by his wife Cyprus , ( who was born at an eminent place , amongst the Arabians ) his son Herod : afterwards King of Judea , for he was 25 years old when his father set him over Galilee , of which more is to be said at the year of the World , 3957. [ Vide supra . ann . Mundi . 3875. ] although Nicolaus Damascenus to curry favour with Herod ( whose life he writ whilest he was yet alive ) hath derived Antipaters pedigree from the Princes of the Jews , who came from Babylon into Judea ; [ Joseph . lib. 14. cap. 2. ] as also in the 35 Chapter of the Arabic History of the Jews , ( set out at the end of the Parisian Bibles , with many tongues ) we read , how that Antipater was a Jew , descended from the loins of some of them which came up out of Babylon with Ezra the Priest ; and that he being appointed by Alexander Jannaeus , Governour of the Country of the Idumeans , took a wife from thence . But Julius Africanus in a letter of his to Aristides , ( in Euseb. l. 1. Histor. Ecclesiast . c. 6. & 7. ) and Ambrosius , who followed him , [ lib. 3. comment . in Luc. cap. 3. ] reports upon a tradition of those who were called the kinsmen of our Saviour , according to the flesh , how that Antipater was the son of one Herod , an Ascalonite , who had the charge of Apollos Temple there ; and that being by some Idumean robbers carryed away captive from Ascalon , he was instructed in the manners and disciplines of the Idumeans . And this is the most received opinion of all the Christian Fathers . Borba , coming with a strong band of Italians and Triarius , one of Lucullus his Commanders , laid siege to Apamea . The Citizens , for a good while , stood it out as well as they were able against the enemies , but in conclusion opened the gates , and let them in ; as Memnon hath it : Although Appian writes , how that Triarius , being arrived there , took the City by storme , and put to the sword abundance of the Apamenians in their Temples , whither they flew for sanctuary . Soon after the Roman army took Prusa , a very well fortified City , under the mountain Olympus : and after they had wan it , pillaged it . From hence Triarius removes with his army to Prusias , which lay upon the sea . Prusias King of Bithynia took it from the Heracleans , and called it after his own name , being formerly called Cierus ( or Chius ) from the river which glided by it . As soon as he drew the City , the Prusians thrust out the Ponticks , and received them in . Thence they came to Nicaea , which was a Garrison of Mithridates : But the Ponticks , understanding full well , how that the Citizens hearts enclined to the Romans , stole away by night to Mithridates at Nicomedia ; so that the Romans got that City under their command without any trouble at all . [ Memnon . cap. 43. & 49. Appian . pag. 223. compared with Oros. lib. 6. cap. 2. ] Lucullus being come to Hellespont , got his fleet ready , and arriving at Troas , stept aside into the Temple of Venus . The same night in his sleep he fancied to himself that he saw the goddesse standing by him , and saying , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Quid dormis animose leo , quum proximus adsit Hinnulus ecce frequens . — Sleep'st thou now Lion stout ? Whole Herds of fawnes rove here about . Whilst he was telling this his dream to his friends , day not yet broke , some came from Troy and told him how that there appeared 13 of the Kings ships , with five oars a bank , at a port of the Achaians , and that they were bound for Lemnus . Lucullus presently puts off from Troas , took all the 13 ships , and killed Isodorus their Admiral . [ Plutarch , compared with Appian . ] Lucullus , in pursuit of his victory , made after Marius , or Varius ( who was sent by Sertorius to be General ) Alexander and Dionysius ; and overtaking them about Lemnus , in the desert Island ( where Philoctetes his Altar , with the braze● Serpent is to be seen ) bare up to them , using all the while , but came language to them : for before the engagement , he gave order to to his Souldiers , that they should by no means kill any one that had but one eye : meaning Marius who had lost an eye , whom Lucullus had designed first to vex with obloquies & reproaches , and then to kill . Lucullus observing how that they stood still in a place , and had drawn all their ships to the shoare , held still his oars , and sent two ships out of his company , to try if he could make them lanch forth . But they made not towards them ; but defending themselves from their hatches , did mightily gaul the Romans . The place was such , that they could by no means vvheel about , nor vvas it possible for the ships vvhich vvere tossed by the vvaves , and floating to make any considerable impression upon the enemies fleet vvhich leaned to the land , and had as it were good sure futting : wherefore Lucullus sent a squadron of ships another way , by which there was a passage into the Island , and landed all his chief Foot there . Who coming upon the backs of the enemy , killed some of them , and made the others retreat to ship-board : they were so fearful of Lucullus , that they dared not adventure to lanch into the deep , but sailed along the coast ; so that now they were played upon , both from sea and land , to their great slaughter and confusion , striving to get away . [ Plutarch . ] Lucullus either sunk , or took two and thirty of the Kings ships , besides a number of ships for burdens . Among those that were slain , there were very many of them who had been prescribed by Sylla . [ Oros. lib. 6. cap. 2. ] The day following , the three Generals were drawn out of the cave , where they had hid themselves . Marius ( or Varius ) was by Lucullus his order put to death . [ Id. ibid. compared with Appian . ] Alexander was reserved for that solemnity ; but Dionysius soon after dyed of a draught of poyson , he carryed about with him . [ Appian . ] These were the two sea victories which Lucullus got , one before Tenedus , the other in the Egean sea , both indeed distinctly mentioned by Memnon , [ in 44 chap. ] but celebrated by Cicero in diverse places , as but one . For in Orat. pro lege Manclia he sayes , That the great and well trimmed fleet which Seriorius his Commanders were in all fury hauling into Italy , was overcome and vanquished by Lucullus , and pro L. Murena . Do you think that that sea fight at Tenedus , when the enemies fleet heightned in their hopes and spirits , made a direct course for Iatly , under most spiritly Generals , was ended after small bickering , or a light skirmish ? and in Orat. pro Archia poeta . Where he cries up Lucullus his defeating the enemies fleet , and that incredible sea fight at Tenedus . Lucullus dispatched his letters laureat to the Senate , with a recital of his archievements as was the , manner of conquerours . [ Appian . ] And when as the Senate decreed to send him three thousand talents to procure him a fleet , he wrote them word back again , That he had no need of the mony ; vauting withall , That he was also to drive Mithridates out of the sea , with the ships of their Allyes . [ Plutarch . ] After this , he poasted with all speed to to chace Mithridates , being in hopes to find him about Bithynia , secured there by Voconius , whom he had sent with a squadron of ships to Nicomedia , to attend upon Mithridates in his flight . But Voconius , being engaged at Samothrace , in the religious ceremonies , and solemnizing the festival dayes there , came too late . Mithridates hoist sail , and made what hast he could to get to Pontus , ere Lucullus should come up to him , but was taken with a tempest , so that his fleet was partly shattered , partly sunk , that all the coasts about , for many dayes together , were spread with the wracks cast up thither by the waves . They say , that this tempest was raised by Diana Priapina , against the Ponticks , in revenge of their ●ifling her Temple , and taking down her image out of its place . Dio writes , how that Mithridates was twice wracked , as he was sailing to Pontus , and that he lost by this unhappy accident about 10000 men , and 60 ship : The remainder of them being dispersed severally as the wind took them . Mithridates himself in a letter of his to Arsaces in Salust , sayes , That he lost his best Souldiers and his fleet by two wracks , at Para and Heraclea . Orosius saith , That Mithridates , having manned his fleet , and sailing against Byzantium ( whither Eutropius saith he was chased by Lucullus ) was caught by a tempest , and lost 80 ships with brazen beaks . To conclude , Florus reports , That a tempest beating upon this fleet of above 100 ships , and a very great preparation for war in the Pontick sea , did so tear and shatter it , as if it had been done by a formal sea fight . Whereas the hulk in which Mithridates was , by reason of its great bulk , was judged by the Pilot not possible to be brought to shoar in so boisterous a storm , in regard it already leaked , and was almost filled with water : Mithridates , though perswaded by his friends to the contrary , leaped into the ship of one Selemus a Pyrate , the Pyrate himself helping him : trusting himself with Pyrates , who brought him safe to Heraclea in Pontus , ( as saith Plutarch ; ) first to Sinope , and afterwards to Amisus , as Appian and Orosius . Cotta , willing to salve up his former losses , removed his forces from Chalcedon , where he then lay , to Nicomedia : and encamping 150 furlongs off the City , was something wary how he engaged the enemy . There Triarius of his own accord in all haste , and as it were with running marches , comes in to Cotta , and then , both the Roman armies prepared to go against the City . But the King , knowing that Lucullus had obtained already two notable Victories over the Ponticks at sea , and seeing himself at present over-matched by the Roman Forces , removed back his Fleet into the River : where he lost some ships with 3 oares a bank , in a tempest : yet he himself got away with most of his ships to the River Hypius , [ Memnon , cap. 44. ] Mithridates , staying here because of the tempest , heard say , that Lamachus of Heraclea ( a trusty old friend of his ) sat at the helme of the Common-wealth : whereupon he trucked with him by many fair promises , to receive him into the City , and to do the best he could for him : he sent him also some monies upon this account . Lamachus , having prepared a great Feast for the Citizens without the City ( during which he had engaged upon his word to Mithridates that the gates should not be shut ) made the people drunk , that so Mithridates ( which was plotted ) might upon that very day come upon them unawares , and catch them napping : So that the City became his own , no body , so much as , dreaming of his coming . Next day the King summon'd the City together , spake very friendly to them , and after he had exhorted them to remain loyal to him , committed the City to be kept by Connacoriges , placing a Garrison therein of 4000 men . His pretence was , meerly to defend and protect the Citizens , in case the Romans should attempt any thing against it . From hence he sailed directly towards Sinope : having before his leaving the City , distributed some monies amongst the Citizens , but especially the Magistrates , [ Id. ibid. ] Lucullus , having recovered Paphlagonia and Bithynia , passing thorough Bithynia and Galatia , made an invasion upon Mithridates his kingdom : and joyned his Forces at Nicomedia with Cotta and Triarius his Brigades . that so they might break in into Pontus . [ Eutrop. lib. 6. Plutarch , & Memnon , cap. 45. ] But newes being brought of the taking of Heraclea , when as yet they knew nothing of the plot , but supposed it to be resigned up upon a voluntary desertion of the whole City ; Lucullus thought it the best way , that he , with the whole power of his army , should march thorough the Mediterranean and Cappadocia , against the King and his whole kingdom ; that Cotta should endeavour to regain Heraclea , and that Triarius should take the Fleet and intercept Mithridates his ships which were sent into Creet and Spain , in their return , about the Hellespont and Propontis , [ Memnon , ut supr . ] Mithridates , having received intelligence hereof , applied himself for new preparation of war , and thereupon sent for supplies in all haste to his son in law Tigranes the Armenian , and to his son Macharus then reigning in Bosphorus , and to the Parthians . He ordered also Diocles to go to the bordering Scythians , to sollicite them with many gifts , and a great weight of gold : but he run away with the gifts and the gold to Lucullus : The other also refusing to meddle . Tigranes , though he hung back a great while ( a letter of Mithridates his to Arsaces inserted in the 4. book of Salusts Histories , confirms that this war was begun upon his denial to be an assistant therein ) yet at last he promised to sent supplies being wearied thereunto by the importunity of Mithridates his daughter , [ Id. ibid. compared with Appian . ] The Embassadour which Mithridates sent to Tigranes , was Metrodorus Scepsius , who left his Philosophy and turned Polititian : Mithridates had promoted him to that degree of friendship , that he was called the Kings father : and being made a Judge , it was not lawful for any man to appeale from his sentence to the King. Tigranes , asking the Embassadous what he thought of this businesse of sending supplies against the Romans : the Embassadour replyed ; As I am an Embassadour I advise you to send , as I am a Counsellonr I am against it . Tigranes sent Metrodorus back to Mithridates , whether he would or no ; but he died by the way , either by the Kings contrivement , or falling into some disease ; for there is talke of both . For Tigranes had informed the King , of what he had said , supposing that Mithridates would think never a whit the worse of Metrodorus . Tigranes , to expresse his sorrow for what he had done , interred his corps very nobly , sparing for no cost for him , now dead : whom he had betrayed when he was alive , [ Strabo , lib. 13. pag. 609 , 610. Plutarch , in Lucullo . ] Mithridates sent several Generals against Lucullus ; Year of the World 3933 there happened many bickerings betwixt them , with interchangeable successes , but in most of them the Romans got the better , [ Memnon , cap. 45. ] At the first Lucullus was in such a distresse for victual , that there were 30 thousand Galatians which followed the Camp , whose work it was to bring each of them a measure of corn upon their shoulders . But after he had marched a little farther , he subdued and spoiled all the way : and presently after , as being in a fortunate Country , and such as for many years had not felt the dint of war , a slave was sold for 4 Drachmaes , an oxe for one Drachma ; goate , sheep , cloath , and other things , at the same cheap rate . And because they were not able to carry away all the booty , there being such abundance of all things : some of them left it behind them ; others spoiled it , [ Plutarch & Appian . ] After this , Lucullus attempted to reduce Amisus , and Eupatoria , which Mithridates built near to it , and called by his own surname , and made it his Palace Royal : but a Brigade of his army he sent to take Themiscyra , situated upon the River Thermodoon . They used towers against the Themiscyrians , and cast up works , and digged such large mines , that the parties often fought under ground : The Townsmen opened their mines on the top , and thorough the holes let down Beares and other wild Beasts , and swarmes of Bees amongst the pioneers . They met with other hard services at Amisus : The Amisians fighting stoutly in their own defence , sometimes by sallyes , sometimes by provoking them to single duels , [ Appian . ] Lucullus , spinning out the time before Amisus by a lingring siege ; his army began to cry out of that his loytering : and grumbled extreamely , that all the Cities they had taken were taken by a free surrender , and not one of them by storm , and that he as yet had not given the plunder of any one City to the Souldiery . Lucullus replyed , That as for his ecking out and prolonging the siege , it was done upon good grounds : for he hoped thereby to wear out Mithridates his Forces , by little and little : neither would he willingly compel him , despairing of his own strength , to repair to Tigranes for succour , and so make him his enemy also . Concerning whom Plutarchus brings in Lucullus , speaking thus . It is but a few dayes march out of Cabirae into Armenia , where Tigranes resides , that lazie king of kings ; who is so powerful , that he wrests Asia from the Parthians , carries the Grecian Cities into Media ; holds Syria and Palestine , dethrones the kings , Seleucus his successours , and plucking their daughters and wives from their mansions , carries them along with him prisoners . This Tigranes is a neighbour to Mithridates , and his own son in law . Cotta , removing his Camp , marched with his Romans first to Prusia , formerly called Cierus : and from thence went down to the Pontic Sea , and passing by the sea coast , pitched before the walls of Heraclea , which stood upon the top of an hill . But the Heracleans did trust much to the strength of the situation , and joyning with the souldiers which Mithridates had garrisoned amongst them , resisted Cotta , who made valiant attempts against them . And to speak truth , more fell of the Roman side , that of the other ; yet the Heracleans received many a wound from the Romans Darts . Wherefore Cotta gave over the storm , and sounded a retreate to his souldiers : and pitching somewhat farther off , set himself wholy to obstr●ct the coming out of the besieged for to fetch victual in to them . Whereupon the Heracleans being in a distresse for victual , sent their Embassadours to the Colonies about , desiring that they would let them have victual for their money : and the Embassie was gladly entertained , [ Memnon , cap. 49. ] A little before this , Triarius , furnished with the Roman Fleet , out of Nicomedia , had made an assault upon the Pontic ships which Mithridates had sent towards Creet and Spain : But when he had notice given him , that the rest of the ships were gone back unto Pontus ( for many of them were lost by storm , and sea fights in several places ) he made after them , and overtaking them at Tenedus , fell upon them : Lucullus had with him 70 ships , the Ponticks somewhat fewer than 60. After they had ran violently upon one another with their forebeaks ; the Royalists for a while endured the enemies brunt pretty well : but soon after , they were made to run , and the Romans obtained a compleate and famous victory : And this made an end of that great Fleet which Mithridates brought with him into Asia , [ Id. cap. 50. ] Mithridates sent provisions , armes , and souldiers , very plentifully to the besieged Amisians from Cabriae : where having taken up his winter quarters , he levyed another army , [ Appian . ] There came to him thither , 40 thousand Foot , and 4 thousand Horse , as Plutarch and Appian gives up the number : or 40 thousand Foot , and 8000 Horse , as Memnon computes them . Olthacus , ( whom Appian calls Olcabas , a Scythian ) Prince of the Dardarii , who inhabite about the Lake Maeotis , a person highly commended for warlike exploits , counsel , and civil deportment , being in some of Mithridates his Garrisons , and contesting with some of the Princes , his countrymen for superiority , promised to do a great exploite in the behalfe of Mithridates : viz. That he would kill Lucullus . The King highly commended him ; but made as if he had been angry with him for it , and very formerly reproached him , whereupon he takes his Horse , and rides away to Lucullus , and was very friendly treated by him . [ Plutarch . ] The first year of the CLXXVII . Olympiade now at hand , in the spring time , Lucullus , leaving Muraena with two Legions to continue the leagure at Amisus , with three other Legions , marched through the mountains against Mithridates . [ Phlegon Trallianus . Chro. lib. in Bibliotheca Photii . Cod. 97. Plutarch , Appian . ] This Muraena was Liutenant to Lucullus the General , and son to that Muraena , whom Sylla had left Praetor in Asia . During the time of his Liutenantship , ( as Cicero declames in an Oration on his behalf ) he led an army , fought battles , defeated the enemes forces , took many Cities , some by storm , others by siege : he behaved himself so in Asia , which at that time was well provided with all delicacy , that he left not the least impresse of his covetousnesse or luxury . He demeaned himself so gallantly in that great war , that he did many noble acts , without the Generals assistance , the General nothing without him . Mithridares had so ordered his guards , that they might both keep off Lucullus , and give notice also by fires , in case any thing should happen extraordinary . Phoenix , one of the Blood-Royal , had the charge of them ; who indeed , according to agreement , gave a sign of Lucullus his approach , but he himself and all his forces run away to Lucullus ; and the mountains being hereby now made securely passable , Lucullus marched down to Cabirae . [ Appian . ] Mithridates , having passed the river Lycus , and come into the wide Champain , provoked the Romans to fight . [ Plutarch . ] Having sent Diophantus and Taxiles against them . At the first their armies , by their daily skirmishes , did but try one anothers strength . [ Memnon . cap. 45. ] But afterwards , their bodies of horse engaged , in a fight , wherein the Romans turned their backs , and Lucullus was forced to retreat back to the mountains . In this fight Pompeius or Pomponius , General of his Horse , was taken prisoner , and brought to Mithridates grievously wounded . When Mithridates asked him , Whether if he should grant him his life , he would become his friend for the future : Truly , saith he , I shall , if so be you will conclude a peace with the people of Rome , but if not , he should still persist to be his enemy . Upon this reply , the Barbarians would have killed him , but the King would not suffer them ; Saying , That he would not expresse any cruelty upon valour , meerly because unfortunate . [ Plutarch & Appian . ] After this , Mithridates drew up his forces into Battalia , and stood in that posture for many dayes together ; but seeing Lucullus would not come down to fight , he looked every way about , which way he might march up to him . [ Appian . ] In the mean time Olcabas , or Olthacus the Scythian , being , in regard he had been a means in preserving many Romans in the last engagement of the Horse , admitted to the society of the Table , counsails , and secrets , came to Lucullus , as he was at noon sleeping in his Tent ; having , as usually , a short dagger by his side , as if he had had some matter of moment to impart unto him . But being put back by Menedemus , Lucullus his Chamberlaine , fearing least he might be questioned , stole out of the Camp , and getting a horse-back , rode away to Mithridates . [ Plutarch & Appian . ] He discovered to the King also another Scythian , named Sobadacus , who intended to run away to Lucullus , who was presently seized upon . [ Appian . ] Lucullus , being afraid to come down into the plain , in regard the enemy was too hard for him in horse , and yet much troubled how to pass through that mountainous region , which was both long , full of woods , and combersome : he light by chance upon some Grecians , who had hid themselves in a certain Cave thereabouts ; The ancientest of them , Apollodorus ( who , as Appian sayes , was an Hunter , and well versed in the tracts of the mountains ) undertook to be his convoy , and to bring him down to a place where he might safely encamp ; which also had a Castle hanging over Cabirae . Lucullus , making use of this guide , kindled fires in the Camp , and matched away : and having got through the woods , without any inconvenience , through a path never yet trode by any , arrived at last at that Castle . At day break , he was espyed pitching his Tents over the enemies heads , in such places , where , if he had a mind to fight , he might fight ; but if minded to sit still , he could not be forced to fight : yet for all this , he avoided the fields , for fear of the enemies horse , and encamped behind a sowers full of vvaters . [ Idem . ] Whereas neither of the armies thought of fighting at present . It is reported , That as the Kings party were in pursuit of a deer , the Romans crossed the way , and stopt their chase . Here begun the quarrel , more flocking in on both sides . At length the Romans were made to flye : but Lucullus coming down into the plaine himself alone , and running up to the formest of those which were running away , commanded them to stay and march back again with him against the enemies . These submitting to the General , the others stopped also , and so rallying together , they easily made the enemy to flye , and pursued them to their very Camp. Lucullus , being returned from pursuing the enemy , put them to the wonted disgrace , viz. took away their arms , commanded them to dig a Trench of twelve foot , all the other souldiers standing by and looking on . [ Plutarch . ] Victual beginning to faile , Lucullus sent a party into Cappadocia to fortage : He often skirmished with the enemy , until at one time the Royalists beginning to ply their heels . Mithridates run from the Camp , and , railing at them for flying , forced them back again ; and did put such a dread upon the Romans , that they ran back without any stop to the mountains : yea , though the Royalists gave over the pursuit , yet every one flew from his fellows , supposing the enemy had been still at their heels , such a strong fear had possessed them all . Mithridates sent messengers to all parts , to signifie this his victory . [ Appian . ] Sornatius , being sent by Lucullus with ten companions of foot to fetch in provision , ( seeing Menander , one of Mithridates his Commanders following after him ) stopped till they came up to him , fought them , and killed many of them , and put the rest to flight . [ Plutarch . ] After this , Adrianus was again sent by Lucullus with some forces into Cappadocia , that so the army might be provided plentifully with victual . Taxiles and Diophantus , Mithridates his Generals , sent Menemachus , and Miron , against him , vvith 4000 foot , and 2000 horse , hoping , by placing an ambuscado in the vvay , they might intercept their carryages on their return homwards . [ Memnon . cap. 45. Phlegon . ann . 1. Olymp. 177. & Plutarch . ] For , seeing that Cappadocia was the only place from whence Lucullus might expect supplies of provision for his Camp , Mithridates was in good hopes to reduce him to the same distresse , he himself was put to at the league of Cizycum . [ Appian . ] But the Kings party , falling by chance upon a party of the forragers , in some narrow passages , and not tarrying till they came into more open places , could not make use of their horse in those straits . Whereupon the Romans , drawing themselves up as fast as they could into rank and file , the cragginesse of the places where they were befriending them , set upon the Kings party , slew some of them , forced others of them down the precipices of the rocks , and the rest they made run away by whole troups . [ Id. ] The Romans , having received some supplies from Lucullus , pursued them to the very Camp of Diophantus and Taxiles : where followed a stout encounter , and the Ponticks stood to it for a while : but as soon as their prime Commanders began to give ground , the whole army slunk back , and the Commanders themselves were the first that carryed the tidings of this defeat to Mithridates . [ Memnon . cap. 45. ] Plutarch sayes , That all the Horse and Foot which came with Menemachus and Myron , were cut off , excepting two onely . Eutrop●us writes , That 30000 of the Kings choicest Souldiers were routed by 5000 of the Romans . [ lib. 6. ] Livy hath given out , That Lucullus fought in Pontus against Mithridates with very good successe , having slain more than 60 thousand of the enemy . [ lib. 97. ] taking into the account those also , who a little after were slain , when Mithridates was made to flye . The news of this defeat came not so soon to Lucullus his ears , as it did to Mithridates . [ Appian . ] And Adrianus had marched by Lucullus his Camp in great pomp , carrying along with him a great number of Waggons laden with provision and spoile ; at the sight whereof Lucullus began to dispond , and his Souldiers to fear and tremble , [ Plutarch . ] But the King , being confident Lucullus would suddenly be upon the bones of him , now he was dastitute of Horse , began to be afraid , and think of flying : which resolution of his he strait discovered to his friends in his pavilion . But they , not waiting so long till the Trumpet sounded to trusse up bag and baggage , removed all their goods out of the Camp before break of day ; there were such a company of them , that the Sumpter-beasts crowded one another : which was no sooner espyed by the army , who knew the drivers of the Sumpter-beasts , but they , then feare improving their suspitions , taking it very unkindly , that they had not notice given them , as well as the rest , rushed violently out of their Trenches . [ Appian . ] And running in a great chase to the gates , rifled the packs , and fell foul upon those that were carrying them away , putting them all to the sword . Amongst whom Dorylaus the General was one , who having about him but a purple garment , which he had upon his back , was killed for that very garment . Hermaeus also a southsayer , was trod to death in the gates . [ Plutarch . ] The Souldiers run away over the fields , observing no order , but every one making the best shift for himself ; not staying till they received order from their Generals and Commanders . As soon as the King perceived in what disorder they ran , and what hast they made , he came running out of his pavillion , thinking to have said something to them , when so body would lend him an ear , but pressed so hard upon him , that he fell down in the crowd . [ Appian . ] Memnon writes , That he lay close for some time at Cabira , and afterwards made his escape . [ cap. 46. ] but Appian reports , That he presently took horse , and away to the mountains , having but a small retinew with him : Plutarch tells the story thus ; Mithridates , having not so much as a Serjeant or a Groom staying with him , went out of the Camp with the other throng , neither was there any of the Kings party which had a Horse ready at hand . But at length , though late , Ptolemei the Eunuch , who was provided of a Horse , espying him tossed to and fro in the fight , leaped off , and profered his Horse to the King. Lucullus being certified concerning the victory of his victuallers ; and seeing the flight of their enemy , he sent a good brigade of Horse to pursue them in their flight : And as for those which remained in the Camp , and had put themselves in a posture of defence , those he environed with his Legions ; giving them charge to forbear pillaging the enemies Camp , till such time that they had killed as many of them as might be thought requisite . But the Souldiery , casting their eyes upon the gold and silver vessels , and the rich garments , regarded not the Generals prohibition . [ Appian . ] The King himself had been taken by a company of Galatians , which had him in chase , though they knew not so much , had not one of his Mules , which carryed the Kings treasure , cast himself betwixt the King and his pursuers ; either of its own accord , or by the Kings policy to stop them : For whilest they were busie in gathering up the gold , and quarrelling amongst themselves about dividing the spoile , the King made a shift to escape their clutches , [ Memnon , cap. 46. Plutarch & Appian . ] And when as they had taken Callistratus the Kings Secretary , and Lucullus had given command to bring him into the Camp ; those that conducted him , finding that he had a girdle about him , in which he had saved 500 crowns , killed him by the way . [ Plutarch . ] Cicero writes this escape of Mithridates out of Pontus , thus , Mithridates , flying away , left behind him in Pontus , a very great bank of gold and silver , and other pretious things , part whereof he had received from his ancestours , and part raked up together in his first war in Asia , and piled it up together in his own kingdom . Whilst our men were over busie in trussing up all they found , the king himself slipped out of their hands . Lucullus came as farre as Talaura in the pursuite of Mithridates : from whence , because , this being now the fourth day , Mithridates had gotten the start of him , and escaped into Armenia , to Tigranes , ( not into Iberia , as it is read amisse in Josephus , lib. 13. cap. 24. ) he marched back again , and gave the Souldiers the plunder of the Kings Camp. [ Plutarch . ] He sent M. Pompeius Commander in chief against Mithridates , whilst he himself , with all his forces removed to Cabira . [ Memnon . cap. 47. ] But Mithridates , in a letter to Arsaces , [ in lib. 4. histor . Salust . ] puts this varnish upon the whole businesse : Having recruited my army at Cabira , and there having passed many battles betwixt me and Lucullus , both of us fell into distresse of victuals . He was supplyed from Ariobarzanes his kingdom , ( Cappadocia ) which had not felt the smart of war. And I , in regard that all parts about were wasted and destroyed , withdrew into Armenia . Mithridates , having got safe to Comana , from thence hyed him away to Tigranes with 200 Horse . [ Appian . ] But he could by no means get his sonne in law to treat with him ; for he would not vouchsafe him , who had lost so great a kingdom , so much as to come into his sight , or acknowledge him his kinsman : yet he procured from him a grant for the protection of his person , and assigned him a princely table in some of his Castles , nor was wanting in such duties of hospitality . [ Memnon , cap. 48. Appian . ] Although Plutarch writes that he put him off with a great deale of contempt and scorn , and that he was in some remote corner , cooped up in morish and unhealthful places . When Mithridates was upon his flight , he sent Bacchus , or Bacchides , one of his Eunuchs , to kill ( it mattered not what way ) his Sisters , Wives , and Concubines , which were kept at Pharnacia . [ Memnon . cap. 49. Plutarch . & Appian . ] Amongst the many that were of them , two of the Kings sisters , were Roxane and Statira ; who had lived Virgins almost forty years : and two of his wives Ionians borne , Berenice a Chian , and Monima a Milesian . When Bacchides came to them , and told them that they must dye , but they should have the liberty to chuse what kind of death they thought most easie , and freest from pain . Monima plucked the diademe from off her head , and made it fit for her neck , and hanged her self by it : but that presently breaking , O thou cursed band , ( said she ) wilt thou not serve for this use ? Then she kicked it about , and spit on it , and presented her bare throat to Bacchides . Berenice took a cup of poyson , part whereof she gave to her mother , who was present there , and asked for it : so they drank both together . The poyson did work upon the weaker body , but it did not dispatch Berenice , in regard she had not taken her full dose . Wherefore Bacchides seeing her in pangs , and a long while dying , stepped to her , and strangled her . It is reported also , That of those two Virgin-sisters , one of them , after many a curse and reproach against her brother , drank off her poyson : but Satiras spake nothing bitter or unworthy of him , but praised him highly in that , when he himself was in jeopardy of his life , should notwithstanding have some consideration of them , as to provide , that they should dye free women , and unconfronted . [ Plutarch . ] Lucullus , having besieged Cabira ; the Barbarians resigne upon articles , whereupon he takes them into league , and takes possession of their holds . [ Memnon , cap. 37. ] Upon the surrender of Cabira , and many other Forts , he found rich treasures , and Prisons , wherein many Grecians , and many also of the Kings acquaintance were bestowed : who , having long since given themselves over as so many dead men ; might not so well be said to be presented alive by Lucullus his favour , as to be brought to life again , and as it were receive their second births . Amongst the rest , Nysa , Mithridates his sister , was taken , to her great preservation . [ Plutarch . ] The Governours of Mithridates his Garrisons , came all unanimously into Lucullus , excepting a very few . [ Appian . ] Amongst these , was Strabo the Geographers Grandfather , by the mothers side ( brother to Moaphernes , the Governour of Colchis , under Mithridates , as he shews in lib. 11. pag. 499. ) the reason of his falling off , was , because Mithridates had lately killed Tibius his Cousen German , and and his sonne Theophilus . He was the cause of the revolting of fifteen other Garrisons from Mithridates to Lucullus . [ Strabo , lib. 12. pag. 557. ] And thus was Pontus laid open to the Roman Legions , which before was on all sides blocked up , that the people of Rome could not enter it . [ Cicero . pro. lege Manilia , & pro Archia . ] The Romans , having done their work with Mithridates , fell aboard the Cretains , meerly out of an ambition to reduce that noble Island ; yet they pretended , as a cause of their so doing , That the Cretians favoured Mithridates , and had let him have Souldiers for his money in his army against the Romans , and that for his sake he had entred into an association with the Pirates , which M. Antonius had at that time in chase , and offered Antonius himself the Legate , an affront ; and had given him two arrogant answers . Hereupon Antonius presently invades the Island , in such great hope and confidence of a victory , that he carryed in his ships , more chains than arms . But the enemies intercepted many of his ships , and binding those that they took prisoners with sailes and ropes , hung them up ; and in that manner the Cretians hoisting saile , returned back triumphantly to their harbours . As for Antonius himself , he fell into a disease , and so by his death ended the war which he had undertaken with little successe : yet for all this he obtained the surname of ( Creticus . ) [ Livie lib. 97. Flor. lib. 3. cap. 7. Asconius in Oratio . de praetura Verris Siciliensi . Appian . Legat. 30. ] Antiochus ( Asiaticus ) sonne of Antiochus ( Pius ) having tarryed almost two whole years at Rome with his brother , and yet not promised from the Senate a grant of those things he demanded concerning the kingdome of Egypt . Upon his returne home , took his journey through Sicily , and came to Syracuse ; and there lodged in the house of Q. Minucius Rufus . He brought along with him to Rome a Candlestick , very artifically made of bright gemmes , which he intended to have bestowed in the Capitol : but in regard the Temple there was not yet compleated , he resolved to carry it back again with him into Syria ; and to send it back to the Capitol , by the hands of his Ambassadors , with some other presents at the time of the dedication of Jupiters Image , which was done the year following by Q. Catulus . But this Candlestick , and many other cups of gold beset with gemmes , and another Cup for wine , cut out of one great gemme , which Verres , the Praetor of Sicily , cheated him off ; and when he demanded them back of him again , Verres charged him to depart the Province before night , telling him , That he had received advertisement , that the Pirates were coming out of his kingdom into Sicily . [ Cicero in Verina 6. sive lib. 4. in Verrem . ] Upon frequent massacres in Judea , of the old friends of Alexander ( Jannaeus ) which were effected by the subtilty of the Phatians , Queen Alexandra dissembling the businesse ; the chief of them with Alexandraes younger sonne Aristobulus , made their addresses to the Court and beseeched the Queen , that they might either be all slain there , or else that they might be dispersed severally into Castles , where they might passe the remainder of their lives in some security from their enemies treacheries . Whereupon she ( for want of better counsel at that time ) entrusted them with the command of all the Castles : Excepting Hircania , Alexandrium . and Machaerus , in which places she had treasured up whatsoever things were of highest estimation with her , [ Joseph . lib. 13. Antiq. cap. 24. ] Cotta , lying still at the leagure before Heraclea , had not as yet made an assault against it with his whole army ; but had onely brought up against the Town some few of his Romans , placing the Bythinians in the front . When he saw many of them were wounded and slain , he betook himself to his Engins : none of them terrified the besieged so much , as that which they called their Testudo ( which was an Engin fenced with boards and raw hides , under the shelter whereof they might safely scale the walls ) hereupon Cotta draws up his whole Body out of the Camp , and led them up against a Tower , which they had great hopes to make a breach upon . But seeing that the Tower had not onely endured one or two batteries without any hurt at all , contrary to all their judgements , but the Ram also was broken off from the Engin : the Heracleans began to chear up , Cotta contrariwise to despair of ever taking the Town . The day following they plyed their Engin again , but to as little purpose as before : So that Cotta burnt the Engin , and cut off the Carpenters head which made it . And then leaving a sufficient guard at the walls of the City , with the residue of his army , he encamped in the Lycaean Champain ; in regard it afforded plenty of provision : whereby he reduced the City to a great exigence , all the country about Heraclea being utterly destroyed . Whereupon they forthwith dispatched an Embassie to the Sythians the inhabitants of Chersonesus , and to the Theodosians , and to the Princes about Bosphorus , about an association : which took effect accordingly , [ Memnon , cap. 51. ] Whilst the enemies plyed the City from without , they were almost as badly plagued by broiles amongst themselves within the Town : For Mithridates his Garrison-souldiers , were not onely not content to feed upon what the Townsmen themselves lived on ; but scourged the Citizens , and enjoyned them to provide them such things , which at that time could not be easily procured . The Governour Connacorix himself was more urgent than his souldiers ; for he did not restrain their insolence , but freely permitted them to do what they did , [ Id. ibid. ] Lucullus subdued the Chaldeans , Year of the World 3934 and the Tibarenians , [ Plutarch . ] He gained also Armenia the lesse , which before Mithridates was Master of [ Id. & Eutrop. lib. 6. ] And after he had gone over all Pontus , and setled the Province , he came up with his Fleet to the Cities thereof , which lie upon the sea coast , [ Appian . ] Amisus was still besieged : Callimarchus the Governour having quite tired out the Romans , with his Engin-devices and his plots , [ Plutarch ] Lucullus came to the Leagure himself , and exhorted them fairly to resign ; but seeing he could not prevaile , he removed the siege to Eupatoria ; seeming as if he had been very carelesse in the assaulting it . Those that kept the Garrison , encouraged by the like example of carelesnesse , continued still in their security . Whereupon Lucullus commanded his souldiers in all haste to apply the scaling-ladders to the walls : And so Eupatoria was taken , and immediately pulled down to the ground , [ Memnon , cap. 47. ] Not long after Amisus was taken , The Julian Period . 4644 which ( as Plutarch confirms out of Salust , Year before Christ 70 ) had held out another winters siege . For at the same hour of the day on which Callimachus was wont to draw off his souldiers , to refresh themselves : on the same did Lucullus with his ladders scale the walls , [ Id. ibid. & Plutarch . ] A little part of the walls being taken by the enemy , Callimachus , either out of his envy that the Romans should have so great a booty , or else contriving thereby a way to escape , ( for no body did hinder any that would hoyst sail and away ) left the City and set it on fire . As soon as the flame caught hold of the walls , the souldiers flew presently upon the spoile : But Lucullus , out of pity to the perishing City , would have stopt the fire from without the walls , and exhorted his souldiers also to help to quench it : But none of them regarded him , but shouted and clattred their armes . So that Lucullus was forced to give the plunder to the souldier , that he might save the City from being burnt to the ground . But they did clean contrary ; for when , as all places already began to be chapped and gape with the fire , and the flame peep out of every corner , the souldiers themselves set fire on some houses . Whilst the City was taking , the fire was quenched by a storm which fell miraculously . Lucullus repaired many places before he departed thence , [ Plutarch , ] and staving off the souldiers from any farther slaughter of the Citizens , he gave both the City and the Country to those that survived , [ Memnon , cap. 47. ] At the same time was Tyrannio the Grammarian was taken prisoner , whom because Lucullus would not willingly have made a slave , Muraena received in gift and manumitted him , using the gift nothing ingenuously . He was an Amisen by birth , as Strabo who was one of his auditors , shews in his 12 book , [ pag. 548. ] Selene the Queen , ( otherwise called Cleopatra , who after the death of her husband Antiochus Pius , raigned joyntly with her sons in that part of Syria which Tigranes King of Armenia had not seized upon ) sollicited the Syrians to drive out Tigranes . And some Cities of Phoenicia she did draw off from their allegiance to him . Tigranes hereupon entred Syria with a vast army to quell the rebellion , [ Joseph . lib. 13. cap. 24. compared with Plutarch in Lucullo . ] In which Expedition , it is probable , that Tigranes recovered those 70 Valleys of Armenia fortified about with hills and mountains , which when he was an hostage he gave to the Parthians as a gratuity : and wasted the Countries of the Parthians which lies about Ninus and Arbela , [ Strabo , lib. 11. pag. 532. ] For this undoubtedly is that late war of Tigranes against the Parthians , mention whereof is made in Mithridates his letter to Arsaces the year following ( in lib. 4. histor . Salust . ) in which also Dio affirmes ( in his 35. book of histories ) That a certain country , about which there was a dispute , was taken from the Parthians . In the ninth year of Alexandria , Queen of the Jewes , to Matthias Curtus the Priests son , Josephus was born : he was Grandfather to Josephus the Historian ; as he himself shews in the beginning of the book of his Life . Alexander sent his son Aristobulus with an army to Damascus against Ptolemei Mennaeus , who had been a very troublesome neighbour to that City : But he marched back again without any remarkable action , [ Joseph . lib. 13. cap. 24 , ] About this same time it was noised about that Tigranes was entred Syria with an army of 500000 men , and that he would suddenly come into Judaea : the bruite thereof , and that not without cause , put the Queen , and the whole Nation into a fright : whereupon they dispatched Embassadours unto him with rich Presents lying at the Leagure of Ptolemais , which City he took soon after . The Embassadours , having found him there , intreated that he would be confident he should receive no other than fair and square dealing from their Queen , and the whole Nation of the Jews . He on the otherside , commended them for their coming so long a journey to do their homage to him , and bid them hope all well from him , [ Id. ibid. ] For although Appian writes how that Tigranes over-ran all the Nations of the Syrians on this side Euphrates as far as Egypt , [ In Syriac . pag. 118. ] and Lucullus saith expressely , in Plutarch that he got Palestine , yet , That he marched not towards Egypt beyond Phaenicia is evident out of the sixth book of Eutropius , who saies that Tigranes was master but of part of Phaenicia onely . Lucullus sent Appius Claudius ( his wifes brother ) Ambassadour to Tigranes , to demand the delivery of Mithridates unto him . [ Memnon . cap. 48. & Plutarch . ] The Kings Captain brought him through the upper Countries , a way which they needed not to have gone , winding and turning , and far about ; untill such time as one of his own free men , a Syrian born , shewed him the right way . Having him for their guide , in five dayes they retched Euphrates , and came to Antioch , which was called Epidaphne . Having received orders to tarry there for Tigranes . ( who was gone from thence to subdue some other Cities of Phaenicia , which were not yet reduced under his power ) he made many of the Princes in those parts who did not obey the Armenian heartily , to side with the Romans . Amongst whom Zarbienus King of the Gordians was one . [ Plutarch . ] Appius , besides , promised Lucullus his assistance to many other Cities ( brought under Tigranes power ) which had covertly sent Ambassadors to him ; but charged them for the present to lit still , and not make any commotion . For the Armenians did so Lord it over the Graecians , as was grievous and intollerable . The King himself above the rest , grew so arrogant , and high flowen upon his good successe , that whatever mortal men wish to themselves and admire , he thought was not onely at his disposal , but purposely created for himself : many Kings waited upon him as his Servitours . But four he had in his retinue , as his attendants and guard , who in their liveries ran on foot by his horses side . And when he sat upon his throne , and gave answers to the nations that applyed themselves to him , they stood with their hands clasped together , and their fingers folded one within another ; which posture above all others , was accounted an acknowledgment of their vassalage . [ Id. ] L. Metellus , appointed to succeed Verres in the Praetorship of Sicilia , [ Ascanius in Divinat . ] going against the Pirates in Sicilia , ( not Cilici , as false in Livies Epitome ) came off with honour . [ Liv. lib. 98. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 3. ] Upon the Sicilians impeaching Verres of extortion , Cicero , ( who was designed the Edil ) on their behalf fell into a contest with Ho●●ensius , who was designed Consul . [ Cicero in Bruto . ] In which Q. Cecillus Niger endeavoured what he could , but all in vain , that himself , and not Cicero , might have the managing of the impeachment of Verres . This Q. Cecilius Neger was Verres his Quaestor in that Isle . He was a Sicilian indeed by descent , ( as Pedianus hath observed , in Divinatione adversus Caecilium ) but a free man by condition , and a Jew by Religion . Plutarch writes in the life of Cicero , where also he relates the jest which Cicero put upon Caecilius for being a Jew , Quid Judaeo cum verre ? That passage of Cicero in his fifth book against Verres , contributes somewhat towards the discovery of the state , in which things were at present . Notwithstanding all this , let him come if he please , let him engage with the Cretians in a battle ; let him free the Byzantians , let him call Ptolemei King ; let him speak and think whatsoever Hortensius would have him . To which agrees another passage in an Epistle which Mithridates wrote the year following to Arsaces , Salust . lib. 4. histor . The Cretians were at that instant the onely people which retained their freedom , and King Ptolemei : And a little after , Ptolemei puts off the day of battle being hired thereunto . The Cretians have been now once assaulted , and are resolved not to make an end , but in their utter extinguishment . By comparing of which two places together , any man may gather , how that the Romans did turn that right which Antiochus ( Asiaticus ) made use of amongst them for the recovery of the kingdom of Egypt , to their own advantage : that they deemed it convenient that Ptolemei Alexander should be called King , so long as he would purchase the quiet possession of that kingdom by paying a constant salary : and that they fully resolved to commence afresh the first Cretick war , which happened to be interrupted by the fall of M. Antonius ; which was performed accordingly , as we shall see in the History of the year following . Lucullus being marched into Asia , which as yet was in arreares a fourth part of the fruits upon the account of a fine , in which Sylla had amerced it , imposed a tribute proportioned to their houses and number of servants , [ Appian . ] For the Collectors and Usurers had made such havock of the Cities of Asia , and had treated them so slavishly , that they were not only compelled privately to sell their sons and their daughters , but to put to publick sale their ornaments , pictures , images , and the upshot of all was , that they became slaves to their creditours . Lucullus took such a course with those pestilent fellows , that within four years time , all obligations were satisfied , and possessions restored free again to their owners to inherit . This publick debt was twenty thousand talents , which Sylla had laid upon Asia : The creditours were allowed onely double the sum , which by their usuries had amounted to 120 thousand talents . The creditours thought this something too hard measure , whereupon they traduced Lucullus at Rome , and wrought some of the Grandees there to be against him . But Lucullus was not onely beloved of those Nations to which he had done those good services , but also was mightily endeared to all the other Provinces , who esteemed those people very happy , whose fortune it should be to have such a Governour as he was , appointed over them , [ Plutarch . ] Lucullus , after he had fully setled Asia with many excellent laws , and an universal peace , did not omit Pleasures and Festivities . For residing at Athens , he delighted the Cities with Shewes , Triumphal Feasts , Wrestling , and Fencings . The Cities kept these Lucullia by course in honour of him , with which notwithstanding he was not so much taken , as he was with the intimation of the cordial affection they bore unto him , [ Idem . ] Tigranes killed Cleopatra , surnamed Selena , having a while kept her close prisoner in the Castle at Seleucia , [ Strabo , lib. 16. pag. 749. ] whereby it happened that Antiochus Asiaticus , who had some hopes of recovering the kingdom of Egypt in right of his mother , was dispossessed also of that part of Syria which she held . No sooner was Tigranes returned to Antioch , but Appius the Legate declared openly , that he was come to fetch away Mithridates , as belonging to Lucullus his Triumphs , and upon his refusal to surrender him , to proclaim war against Tigranes . Tigranes was somewhat troubled at the Legates peremptorinesse ; but held his countenance to see what he had more to say . In almost 25 years time he had not heard a free voice until now : for so many years he had raigned , or rather played the part of a forrager . To Appius he replyed : That he knew well enough that Mithridates was a very naughty man , yet he must have a respect to the affiance which was betwixt them : And that all the World might well cry out on him , if he should resign up his wives father into the hands of his enemies . He was therefore resolved not to desert Mithridates , and if the Romans would bring in a war , he could return them as good as they brought . He was much offended at Lucullus , because in his letter he had saluted him King onely , and not King of kings : and therefore to be quit , writing back to him , he would not vouchsafe him the title of General . Appius returned with all speed to the General , having amongst many other Presents , accepted onely of one cup of Gold , lest happily the King might have taken distaste , if obstinately refused them all , [ Id. compared with Memnon , cap. 48. ] Zarbienus , King of the Gordyans , together with his wife and children , was put to death by Tigranes , upon discovery that he had covertly stroke hands with Lucullus , [ Plutarch , in Lucullo . ] As soon as Appius was returned , and the war intended with Tigranes appeared on foot : Lucullus paid his holy vows to his gods at Ephesus , as if the work had been done already . And then marched back again into Pontus ; and encamped before Sinope , or rather besieged the Kings party of Cilicians which were garrisoned therein , [ Id. compared with Appian . pag. 228. ] For as the City was assaulted from without the walls by the Romans , so was it within the walls by the Commander which King Mithridates had appointee to keep the Town : viz. Cleochares , as Orosius , or Bacchis , as Strabo calls him : For he , fearing some piece of treachery ere long , and thereupon committing several massacres amongst the Cuizens , brought things to that passe , that the Citizens had neither heart couragiously to resist the enemy , nor yet were they in a capacity to treate upon articles of surrender , [ Strabo , lib. 12. pag. 546 , ] Which Tragedy we have delivered more at large by Memnon , thus Leonippus , to whom with Cleochares , the care and defence of the City was entrusted by the King , perceiving things in something a forlorne condition , sends to Lucullus about delivering up the City . But Cleochares and Seleucus the Arch-pirate ( for even he was Mithridates his Legate , and was in equall authority with the rest ) having sented out the plot , called a Council , and accused Leonippus : but the Citizens would by no means lissen an eare to the accusation , being highly opinionated of the mans integrity ; whereupon Cleochares his faction , being afraid of his interest among the Commons , slew him treacherously by night . The Commons indeed laid the accident deeply to heart : but Cleochares and his party bore all the sway , and did what they list themselves : supposing that by their carrying things with such an high hand , they might happily escape calling to an account for the massacre of Leonippus , [ Memnon , cap. 55. ] Mean while Censorinus , Admiral of the Roman Fleet , sailing with 15 Gallies , carrying three oares a bank , which were fraught with provision , from Bosphorus for the Roman Camp , arrives neer Sinope . Cleochares and Seleucus their Sinopian Gallies under the command of Seleucus , put to sea , and fought with Censorinus : the Italians were worsted , and their ships with their provision brought away as prize . Cleochares and his Collegue , elevated with this successe , deport themselves more tyrannically than before ; for they hale the Townsmen to execution without any legal processes , and cruelly abuse them sundry other wayes . But it chanced that Cleochares and Seleucus fell at oddes , whilst Cleochares deemed it best to continue the war , but Seleucus would have all the Sinopians put to the sword , and the City to be delivered up to the Romans as a gallant gratuity : But seeing they could not agree about the businesse , they put all they had into ships , and sent them away to Machares , Mithridates his son , who at that instant was resident at Colchis , [ Id. ibid. ] About the same time , Lucullus drew up closer to the City , and made a most furious storm : But Machares Mithridates his son , dispatched an Embassie unto Lucullus , whereby he petitioned that there might be a League of frienship and association betwixt them . The petition he courteously received , and told him , that there should be a firm League betwixt them , provided that henceforward he should not send any supplies of provision to any of the Sinopians . Who not onely observed what was enjoyned him , but whatsoever was designed for the relief of Mithridates his Party , he took order to have it conveyed to Lucullus , [ Id. cap. 56. ] Upon this Machares King of Bosphorus , having presented Lucullus with a Coronet of a thousand crowns in estimation , was admitted an allye and confederate of the people of Rome , [ Liv. lib. 98. compared with Plutarch , & Appian . ] Cleochares and Seleucus , observing how things went , thought themselves but in a desperate condition : Whereupon they fell foule upon the Citizens , and massacred many of them , carryed abundance of wealth on ship-board , gave the Town first to the souldiers to plunder , and afterwards set it on fire . Thus done , they burnt their greater ships , and in the lighter they sailed away by night to the inner parts of Pontus , inhabited by the Saneg●ans and the Lazians . Lucullus perceiving by the blaze of the flame what was done , commanded his souldiers to scale the walls : And as soon as he was entred the Town , he put to the sword 8000 of the Kings Party who remained behind : but took pitty on the rest , and made what speed he could to quench the fire , and restored unto the Citizens their goods . Thus was this miserable City by the counterchange of friends and foes , ruined by them that came to defend it , and preserved by them that came to ruine it , [ Memnon , cap. 56. Plutarch Appian . Orosins lib. 6. cap. 3. ] The reason why Lucullus took such a care of preserving Sinope , and afterwards of his enfranchizing it , is bruited to be some admonition which he received in a dream . For in his sleep one appeared at his bed side , speaking these words ; Go a little forwards Lucullus , for Autolychus is coming to meet thee . When he was awake he could not possibly imagine , what this should mean : yet that same day he took the City , and in his pursuite of the Cilicians , ( who made what haste they could to ship themselves and away ) he espyed a Statue lying upon the shoar side : The Cilicians purposed to have made it their companion in their escape , and to that end wrapped it up in cloaths , and bound it up with cords ; but they had not time enough to bring it a ship-board . When they had unfolded it , Lucullus saw , that it was like him who had appeared unto him in the night , and learned afterwards that it was the Statue of Autolychus , who was the founder of the City of Sinope : Upon the hearing this , there instantly came into his minde Sylla's injunctions , who in his Commentaries gives this item ; how that nothing is to be accounted so sure and certain , as that which is exhibited in dreams , [ Plutarch , & Appian . ] This Statue of Autolychus , which was Sthenides his handy-work , and Billarus his Sphere he took along with him ; but left all other ornaments of the City behinde him , [ Strabo , lib. 12. ] After he had done at Sinope , he restored Amisus also to its inhabitants , who in like manner had all conveyed themselves away by shipping : and to the City he granted the exercise of their own lawes and their freedom , [ Appian . ] He peopled Cities for other Grecians also , even for as many as would but desire that favour of him : adding withal to each City 120 furlongs of land . Moreover , of the Athenians , who in the time of Sylla had escaped thither to dwell because of Aristions tyranny , as many as he found surviving , he clad decently , gave to each of them 200 drachmes , and sent them back into their Country , [ Plutarch . ] Amasea ( Strabo the Geographers country ) as yet stood it out in armes , but it was not long ere it also did fealty to the Romans , [ Memnon , cap. 56. ] Cotta , having destroyed all about Heraclea , once more attempted the walls , but perceiving his souldiers somewhat slack and coole in the charge , gave it over ; and sent for Triarius , ordering him with all speed to block up the way , and intercept the Townsmens receiving supplies by sea , [ Id. cap. 51. ] Triarius accordingly took along with him all the ships he had of his own , and 20 Rhodian , which altogether made 43. and with this Fleet sailed away into Pontus : upon timely notice given to Cotta of his coming , Cotta drew up his army to the walls of the City , and Triarius discovered himself at sea . Hereupon the Heracleans , somewhat troubled at Triarius his sudden approach with his Fleet , put to sea with 30 ships , indeed , but they were not so well manned as was requisite : all the other were imployed in making good the City against the enemies assaults . The Rhodians gave the first onset on the Heraclean ships , in an instant there were sunk three of the Rhodians ships , and five of the Heracleans . Hereupon the Romans came into the fight , who although they were soundly shattered in the scuffle , yet they did more hurt to , than they received from , the enemy ; and in the close , routed the Heracleans , and forced them to retreat back to the City , with the losse of 14 of their ships . The conquering fleet rode into the great Port , and Cotta also drew off his foot from storming the Town . [ Id. cap. 52. ] Triarius his men every day made their sallies out of the port , to hinder the bringing in of provision to the besieged ; whereupon there ensued such a scarcity of victuals in the Town , that a pottle of corn was risen to 80 Atticks : and amongst other perplexities , the pestilence brake in amongst them , occasioned either by some distemper of the air , or an unusual course of dyet . It ended them not all alike , but some after this manner , some on that , as if their maladies had been different . Amongst whom , Lamachus himself was one , whose pangs of death were more violent and tedious , than any of the others . This contagion raged most amongst the Souldiers of the Garrison , in so much , That of three thousand , there dyed one thousand . [ Id. ibid. ] Conacorix , Year of the World 3935 now even ready to faint under this heavy pressure of so many aflictions , resolved to betray the City to the Romans , and to purchase his own security , though he made the Heracleans pay for it . Damopheles , an Heraclean , was assistant to bring about the plot , one who stood in great emulation with Lamachus , in all consultations , who also , after Lamachus his decease , was appointed over the Garrison . Conacorix , provididing for himself , not daring to trust Cotta overmuch , who was but a slippery fellow , and not much to be relyed upon , imparted the matter to Triarius ; neither did Damopheles shew himself a slug in bringing the businesse to a head : so that having struck up so fair a bargain for the surrender , as that they thought themselves in a good condition , they applyed themselves close to their works . But it happened that the conspiratours transactions came to be blazoned amongst the common people : whereupon they flocked altogether , and called for the Governour of the City , and then Brithagoras , a person of eminent authority amongst his Country men , earnestly requested Conacorix , that he would give way to a treaty with Triarius , concerning the general safety of them all ; but he was very obstinate against any such pacification ; yet did he very chrastily draw the Heracleans with his fair words , into a wile . [ Id. cap. 53. ] Hereupon Conacorix , in the dead of the night , shipped all his men , and quitted the Town , for that was the tenour of the covenant made with Triarius , That they should march away quietly , with all their bag and baggage : as for Damopheles , he opened the gates , and let in the Roman army , and Triarius : some of them came rushing in at the gate , others clambred up the walls . And now the Heracleans saw they were betrayed , some of them yielded up themselves , and the rest were slain : their houshold-stuffe , and whatsoever things they had laid aside , in hopes to secure , were plundered ; indeed , the enemy proceeded with a great deal of cruelty against the Citizens , for the Romans remembred , what great losses they had received in the late sea fight , and what great troubles they were put to , in assaulting the Town : In revenge whereof they did not so much as forbear those who had escaped for sanctuary to the consecrated places , but slew them near the Altars and the Temples , though earnestly crying for quarter . Their condition seemed so desperate , that many escaped over the walls , and dispersed themselves about the Country , whilest others were forced to flye to Cotta . [ Id. ibid. ] Cotta , being certainly informed by these that came in to him , how that the City was taken , many men slain , and the Town plundered , was all a fire at the news , and in great indignation marched as fast as he could to the City . His army also was very deeply discontented , not only that hereby they had lost the glory of their valiant atchievements , but were also in a manner cheated of all their prizes and booties : whereupon , they fell most bitterly upon their Country men , and had undone one another , by killing each other , had not Triarius , hearing of the combustion , interposed , and put an end to the civil war , by pacifying Cotta , with a parcel of good words , and promising faithfully an equal distribution of all they had taken in the Town . [ Ibid. ] Cotta , having received intelligence , how that Conacorix was seized of Teium and Amastus , immediately dispatched away Triarius to recover their Cities again out of his hands , whilst he himself abode at Heraclea , where , taking into his custody , those that submitted themselves , and the prisoners , he proceeded to other matters ; in all his administrations , expressing the height of cruelty . For searching up and down in every corner for the wealth of the City , he kept not his fingers off from consecrated things . He took down the statues and images , very fair ones , and good store of them ; yea , he carryed Hercules out of the market place , and plucked off his ornament from the pyramide , and sundry other things out of the Temple and Cities every whit as rare and beautiful as they , and put them a shipboard . And for his farewell , he commanded his Souldiers to bring fire , and burnt the City in many places . Thus was Heraclea taken and subdued , having stood out two years siege . [ Id. cap. 54. ] Triarius , arriving at the Cities assigned him by Cotta , recovered them upon articles , having engaged Conaorcix ( who thought to palliate his delivering up Heraclea by seizing on other Cities ) for his failing away without let or molestation . [ Id. ibid. ] Cotta ( having dispatched things after that manner as hath been said ) delivered up all his forces , both Foot and Horse , to Lucullus , and dismissed the Auxisiares which he had of the Allies respectively into their Countries , and so sailed away himself with his fleet . But it happened that part of the Fleet which carryed the spoiles of Heraclea , being over heavily fraughted , sunk under water , not far from shoar , and the other moity , was by a contrary North wind dashed against the sands , which caused the ships to discharge much of their loading . [ Ibid. ] Lucullus , leaving Sornatius behind him , with 6000 souldiers , to order the Province , took along with him 12 thousand Foot , and lesse than 3000 Horse ( two Legion , and five hundred Horse , saith Appian ) and entred Cappadocia ; where , having Ariobarzanes his friend , he marched very long marches to the River Euphrates , where Cappadocia is severed from Armenia . [ Salust . Histor. lib. 4. apud Nonium , in voc . Naves codicariae . Memnon , cap. 58. Plut. Appian . ] Euphrates at that instant , was by reason of the winter swelled high , and rough : but about evening , the water began to abate , and by break of day , the river was reduced within the bounds of its own banks . Whereupon the inhabitants fell down in adoration of Lucullus , in regard the waters did not asswage , as we say hab nab before , but as it were on purpose in the very nick to affoard him a ready passage . No sooner had he wafted over his army , but a pleasant prodigy presented it self to him . One of the Oxen consecrated to the Perian Diana ( whom the Barbarians beyond Ephrates worship with high reverence ) though those beasts are not usually taken , but with much adoe , came of its own accord , and offered it self for a sacrifice to Lucullus . Lucullus also himselfe sacrificed a bull to Euphrates , for his so fortunate passage over : All that day he encamped there . [ Plutarch . ] The next day , and some dayes after , he marched through Sophenes ; he offered not the least injury to the inhabitants , they having both resigned themselves up to him , and chearfully entertained his army , [ Idem . ] onely he demanded some monies from them ; for the inhabitants of those Countries have a kind of a natural antipathy against all fighting ; insomuch , that they would not vouchsafe to interpose themselves when Tigranes and Lucullus were so hard at it . [ Appian . ] In those parts there was a Castle , wherein a great deale of Treasure was conceived to be reposited ; the Souldiers had a great minde to have a bout with it : But Lucullus , pointing at Taurus , which might be seen aloof off , Let us , said he , rather set upon yonder strong hold ; what is here stored up , is only reserved to reward the conquerours , and so marching onwards , he passed Tigres , and entred Armenia . [ Plutarch . ] Upon this instant of Lucullus his invading Armenia ; Alexandra , Queen of the Jews , fell dangerously sick . Whereupon Aristobulus her young sonne , affecting the kingdome , stole out in the night , taking along with him only one servant , and repaired those Castles , which his fathers friends had the command of : his wife was onely privy to the designe , whom he left at home with his children . The first place he came to was Agaba , where Galaestes was one of those in command , He received Aristobulus very readily . [ Josephus , lib. 13. cap. 24. compared with lib. 1. Belli . cap. 4. ] The day following , the Queen took notice of Aristobulus his absence , yet had no thoughts of his being gone about innovation in the State. But when as messenger after messenger came and brought the news of this Castle , then of that Castle being seized on by her sonne : then both the Queen her self , and the whole Nation were in a maze and confusion , fearing that if he should chance to get the kingdom into his hands , he would call them to a strict account for their hard usage of his intimate friends . It was therefore thought fit to secure his wife and children in the Fort which was near the Temple . In the mean time , there was great confluence of men to Aristobulus , hoping to get something by this innovation in the State , so that now there was not wanting either the noise , or the guarb of a King. Aristobulus gleaned up an army out of mount Libanus , Trachonitis , and the neighbouring Provinces , [ Id. ibid. lib. 13. cap. 24. ] Whereupon Hircanus the High Priests , and the Elders of the Jews , make their addresse to the Queen , desiring her speedy advise in these state emergences , she bid them do whatsoever they in their judgements thought most conducible to the publick interrest , and to employ the present strength and treasure of the kingdom to that behoof . For her own particular , she was at present in such a weak condition , both in body and mind , that she could not be lessure for those publick administrations . Thus said , she not long after dyed . [ Ibid , ] After her succeeded Hircanus , her eldest son , in the third year of the 177 Olympiade . Q. Hortensius , and Q. Metellus ( afterwards surnamed Creticus ) being Consuls . [ Id. lib. 14. Antiquit. cap. 1. ] His mother in his life time had passed over the kingdom to him , but Aristobulus , though younger brother , did exceed both in strength and authority . [ Id. lib. 1. cap. 4. ] Upon the Consuls casting lots for their Provinces , the managing of war designed against the Cretians , fell upon Hortensius : but he , taking more delight in the City and the Forum , ( in which he had the first place after Cicero ) freely granted this expedition to his Collegue Metellus . [ Xiphilin . ex Dione . ] Upon the Senates decree of going to war against the Cretians , The Julian Period . 4645 the most grave and sage ones amongst them , Year before Christ 69 deemed it most convenient to dispatch Ambassadors to Rome , to clear all allegations , and to pacifie the Senate with fair words , and bag their reconciliation . This motion was entertained ; whereupon they sent thirty of their most eminent men , upon this Embassy to Rome ; hoping that they should not onely obtain a new ratification of their former contracts , but also looked to be thanked for the favour they had shewed to their Quaestor and Souldiers , which they had taken prisoners in the late engagement with M. Antonius . The Ambassadors by giviug private visits to the Senatours , at their several Houses , had so wrought them to their fide , that when they were brought into the Senate , and had given discreet satisfaction to the charges that were against them , and exactly recited the good offices they had done , and their association of War under the Roman Generall . It was resolved , That the Cretians impeachments should be taken off , and that henceforward they should be reputed amongst the Friends and Allyes of the people of Rome : but Lentu●●s , ( surnamed Spinther ) got this decree reversed : whereupon this particular businesse was severall times taken to debate by the Senate ; and in the upshot , it was concluded , That the Cretians , in regard that they had sided with the Pirates at sea , and had been sharers in the prizes taken , should sent to Rome all their Pirate-ships , even to very boats of four oars , and whatsoever ships they had in their possession , which they had taken from the Romans . Demand also was made , for the resigning up all Prisoners , Runnagadoes , the 300 famous hostages . Lasthenes also , who had fought with Antonius , and Panares , and besides these , 4000 talents of silver . [ Diod. Legat. 35. Appian . Legat. 30. Dio. Legat. 37. al. 38. ] The Romans did not wait for a reply from the Cretians , which were at home , to these particulars ; but presently sent one of the Consuls , to receive what was demanded , and if in case they refused to part with them , to wage war with them . And certain it was , they would not part with them : For was it imaginable ? that those , who , at the beginning , ere any such things were exacted from them , or before they had obtained a victory , would by no means be brought to acknowledge any misdeameanour committed by them , should now , after they had been flushed with a victory , tamely submit to so many , and such high demands . The Romans knowing full well what would be the result of all , and suspecting the Legates would be tampering with some , by greasing them in the first , to obstruct the wars , made a decree in the Senate , prohibiting any person whatsoever , to lend them any thing . [ Dio. ibid. ] The Cretians , debating the commands of the Senate , the most politick of them were of opinion , That every particular was to be observed ; but those of Lasthenes his faction being somewhat obnoxious , and fearing they should be sent to Rome , and there smart for what they had done , animated the people , exhorting them earnestly to contend for their liberty . [ Diodor. Legat. 35. ] Cotta being now returned to Rome , was highly honoured by the Senate , and ennobled with the surname of Ponticus , because he had taken Heraclea . [ Memnon . cap. 61. ] Mithridates had been resident in the parts of Armenia , a year and eight moneths , and as yet had not been admitted to the sight of Tigranes his son in law . But being at last overcome by his importunity , to present himself , he met him with a gallant train , and received his father in law with a Princely magnificence . Neverthelesse , three dayes passed without any conference betwixt them , but afterwards , by the sumpteousnesse of the entertainments , he gave sufficient intimation of his affection towards him . [ Memnon , cap. 57. ] Then in the conference , which was held very private at Court , they abated the suspition of Metrodorus Sceptius , and other friends on both sides , on whom they fathered the cause of all , and so Mithridates was sent back again into Pontus , being furnished with ten thousand Horse . [ Memnon . ] Lucullus drew up a company against the City , wherein he was informed that Tigranes had secured his Curtezans , and most of those things which he held most deare , and were had in greatest estimation by him . [ Idem . cap. 58. ] Tigranes having hanged up a fellow , who brought the first news of Lucullus his being upon his march , as a mover of the people ; no body ever after brought him any tidings . But at last , finding it to be so indeed ; he sent out Mithrobarzanes against Lucullus , with two ( as Appian ) or three ( as Plutarch hath it ) thousand Horse , and a vast number of Foot , with orders to take Lucullus alive , and bring him to him , that thereby others might be deterred from that or the like enterprise . [ Plutarch and Appian . ] A moiety of Lucullus his Forces were encamped , the remainder , were upon their march , when the Scouts brought news of the enemies approach . Whereupon Lucullus fearing lest the enemy should fall upon his men , finding them in a distraction and in no posture : he made an halt , and applied himself to fortifie his Camp : But sent Sextilius the Legate with 1600 Horse and almost as many foot , with orders to stop when he was come up to the enemy , and not to stir till word was brought him that the Camp was thoroughly fortified . Yet Mithrobarzanes came so furiously upon him , that he was necessitated to fight : Mithrobarzanes himself was slain in this engagement , all the rest , excepting a very few , took themselves to their heeles , and were slain in the pursuite , [ Plutarch . ] Tigranes removed from Tigranocerta , and committing the custody of the City to Mancaeus his trust . went about the country to levie an army , and retreating to Taurus , made that place the general Rendezvouz , [ Id. compared with Appian . ] But Lucullus plyed him so close , that he could not draw into a Body : For he sent Muraena to suppresse and take all companies he found marching to Tigranes : Sextilius also was sent another way , to meet with a great band of Arabians , and to hinder their joyning with the King , [ Plutarch . ] Sextilius , coming upon the Arabians ere they were aware , as they were encamping , took the greatest part of them : Muraena marching after Tigranes , overtook him with a very great company in an uneven and narrow dale , who having gotten some advantage of the place , he engaged him : but Tigranes , leaving behind him all his carriages , made away as fast as he could . Many of the Armenians died in the fight , but far many more were taken prisoners , [ Id. ] Sextilius , having forced Mancaeus to retreate into Tigranocerta , fell to plunder the Kings Palace which was situate without the walls : and to draw a trench about the City and the Castle , to place the batteries , and undermine the walls , [ Appian . ] At last Lucullus himself came in to them , and layed close siege to the City : supposing that Tigranes would not suffer him to sit still before the Town , but in a rage would come down and fight him , [ Plutarch . ] But the Barbarians did him a great deale of mischief , not solely by their darts , but with their Naphtha , or fire-pitch which they shot out of their Engins . This Naphtha , is a kind of a pitchy substance , so scalding , that it burns up all it cleaves to , neither will any moisture quench it , but with a great deale of difficulty , [ Xiphilin . ex . Dione . ] Mithridates by Embassadours and by letters , ( as Plutarch , not in person , and then first meeting with Tigranes , as Appian hath it : ) was very instant with him , by no means to fight the Romans , but by declining all engagement , to rove about the country with his Cavalry , and to waste all about , if possible thereby to bring the enemy to a distresse of victuals . Just as Lucullus had not long since before Cyzicum , made him mouldre away an army without fighting a stroak . The Armenians and the Gordians joyned with Tigranes : To these , every man of the Medes and Adiabaus were brought by their Kings . The Arabians also came flocking in from the Babylonian sea , many Albans from the Caspian sea , and the Iberians their neighbours , and not a few of those free people which inhabite near Araxes , [ Plutarch . ] Of these , some came out of meer affection to the King , others being sollicited thereto by gifts : as Plutarch , and others out of very fear , as Cicero hath observed , in Oratione Maniliana . For a strong and vehement opinion had wholy possessed the minds of those barbarous people , that the Roman army was drawn into those quarters , upon no other design , but to ransack their Regions and wealthy Temple . And upon this very account ▪ many Nations , and those very considerable ones , rose up in armes against Lucullus . Upon the general Rendezvouz of all these Forces , Tigranes his eating-tables , and council-tables sounding nothing but Victoria , Victoria , and how roughly they would handle the enemy , if they once got them under their clutches . Taxiles himself , who was Mithridates his Legate , and of his assistance , was in danger of losing his head : because in a Council of War , he was altogether against fighting with the Romans ; saying , that the Roman armes were things utterly unvanquishable : and in regard Mithridates himself seemed out of envy to put Tigranes by the glory of that Victory , he would not waite until he came , lest he might share with him in the glory of the day , [ Plutarch . ] whereas but just before he had dispatched some in all haste to call him back to him , [ Memnon , cap. 58. ] Tigranes ordered about sixe thousand souldiers to go and defend the City in which his Curtezans were kept : who there charging thorough the Roman Brigades , got into the Town ; and finding their return intercepted by a valley of archers , sent away the Kings Concubines , and the Treasures safe by night unto Tigranes : But upon break of day , the Romans and the Thracians fighting with those Armenians , slew a very great many of them ; neither was the number of the prisoners taken inferiour to those they slew in the battle , [ Memnon , cap. 58. and Appian . whose account is rectified out of Memnon . ] Tigranes marched against Lucullus with the residue of his army ; very much troubled ( as they say ) that he was now to conflict onely with one of the Roman Generals ; viz. Lucullus , and not with the whole herd of them . For he had in his army , of Archers and Slingers 20000. of Horse 55000. of Foot armed Cap a pe , digested partly into Regiments , partly into Squadrons , 150000. of those who were designed for barracadoing passages , and such like services 35000 , [ Plutarch . ] As soon as Tigranes appeared with all his host upon Taurus , and from the top of the hill , took a view of the Roman army , beleaguring Tigranocerta : the Barbarous rabble in the City , welcomed the Kings arriving with howlings and acclamations , and menacing the Romans from the top of the walls , pointed them to the Armenians on the hill . [ Plutarch . ] Lucullus , leaving Muraena with six thousand Foot , to continue the siege of Tigranocerta , marched himself against Tigranes , having in his band 24 Regiments of Foot , ( amongst whom there were not above 10000 ) all his Horse , Slingers and Archers , being about 1000 , and encamped near a river , in a great spacious field . [ Id. ] No sooner had Tigranes a sight of the Romans Camp , but he presently disdained the thinnesse of them , and reproached them , saying : If these men be come as Ambassadors , there are abundance of them indeed , but if as enemies , there is but a forty company of them . [ Memnon . cap. 59. Plutarch , Appian , & Xiphilin . ex Dion● . ] As Lucullus was waiting his army over the river , some of his Commanders advised him to have a care of what he did that day , in reguard it stood in the Kalendar amongst the unlucky ( they call them the black ) dayes : For on that very day , the Cimbrians defeated the army under the conduct of Cepion . Lucullus replyed , It behooves us therefore to sight the more stoutly now , if happily we may render this so dismal and black day , a day of jollity and graulat●● to the Romans . That day was the day before the Nones of October . [ Plutarch in Lucullo . & Camill. . & Apotheg●● . ] as the year indeed then went with the Romans : but falling in according to the Julian computation , with the fifth moneth , or July , upon the beginning of the fourth year of the 177 Olympiade , to which this fight is truly referred by Phlegon . Lucullus , perceiving his Souldiers somewhat fea●● of those which were armed cap a pee , bid them be of good courage , there being greater trouble in stripping than in overcoming them : and he first charging them upon the hill , and perceiving the Barbarians to give ground , cryed out , We have overcome them , fellow Souldiers . [ Plurarch in Apothegm . ] No sooner was Tigranes his right wing forced to flye , but the left also began to shrink , and in conclusion , they all turned their backs , and so the Armenians fled confusedly , and in a hurty , and the slaughter was answerable to the number of men . [ Memnon . cap. 59. ] The Romans continuing the execution for 120 furlongs , trampled all the way upon bracelets and chaines , till night came upon them . Being forced thereupon to give over the chase , they fell to stripping the dead bodies , which Lucullus by proclamation had prohibited , until such time they had done sufficient execution on the enemy . [ Appian . ] Phlegon gives up the tally of the number slain of Tigranes forces , to be 5000 , and more taken prisoners , besides a rabble route : Orosius saith , [ lib. 16. cap. 3. ] That 30000 men were reported slain in that battle ; of Foot above 100000 , saith Plutarch , fell that day , and very few of the Horse escaped . Of the Roman army there were but 100 wounded , and five slain . Antiochus the Philosopher , in his Commentary , De Diis , mentioning this fight , avows the Sun never to have beheld the like . Strabo [ in lib. histor . ] relates , How that the Romans themselves were ashamed of what they had done , and jeered themselves , for putting on their arms against such cowardly s●●ves . Livy saith , That the Romans never in all their lives , fought at such a disadvantage for number ; the Conquerors , not equalizing the twentieth part of the Conquered ; nay , not so much . [ Plutarch . ] Suppose , we say with Eutropius , Sextus Rufus , and Jornandes , that Lucullus had 18000 men in his army ; that number multiplyed by twenty , will make 360000. now ascribe to Tigranes , not 150 ( as Plutarch ) but 250 ( as Appian ) thousand Foot , or Horse not 50 , ( as Appian ) but 55 thousand as Plutarch : to these add with Plutarch 20000 Archers , and 35000 Pages : the result will be , the aforesaid 360 thousand ; which if to be admitted for exact , then neither Phlegons , nor Memnous account , came not near the truth , as too low the one assigning Tigranes 〈◊〉 have in his army 40000 Foot , and 30000 Horse : the other allowing him but 80 thousand Foot and Horse together . As their account is under rated , so Eutropius is as much extravagant in over rating . The King ( saith he ) came with 600 thousand Clibanarii , and 100 Archers and armed men : The Clibanarii were Horse armed cap a pe in armour of proof , as they are described by Salust . ( lib. histor . 4. cited by Nonius in voc . Cataphracti , ) now Plutarch intimates , That Lucullus himself writ to the Senate , that Trigranes had in his army only 17 thousand of those Clibanarii , so that there is no doubt , but Eutropius was extreamly mistaken in giving up that monstrous sum of 600 thousand . In Sextus Rufus his Breviary , there are not reckoned above 7500 of those Clibanarii : but of Archers 120 ( al. 130. ) thousand . Tigranes , in the very beginning of the engagement , quitted the field , running as fast as he could to one of his Castles , having scarce 150 Horse in his company ; where , finding his son in as forlone a condition as himself , he pluckt off the Diadem and Turbant from his head , and resigned them up to him , bidding him , not without tears in his eyes , to shift for himself , if he could devise any possible means , which had not as yet been essayed . The young Prince dared not carry those Ensignes Royal , up and down with him , but committed them to a most trusty friend , to preserve for him ; who soon after had the ill fortune to be taken prisoner , and brought to Lucullus ; and the Souldiers at the same time also seized upon the Turbant and the Diadem , and gave them to Lucullus , [ Memnon . cap. 59. & Plutarch . compared with Oros. lib. 6. cap. 3. and Xiphilin . in Epitome Dionis . ] as for Lucullus , he marched back to Tigranocerta , and plyed the siege more closely than ever before . [ Memnon . ibid. ] Mithridates made no great haste to the fight , supposing that Lucullus would manage this war with the same caution , and delay as formerly he was want to do : and upon that account , being sent for by Tigranes he played the trewant in his marches . But soon after , lighting by chance upon the way with some few Armenians amazed and ready to drop down for fear , he thought all went not right on Tigranes side : But soon after meeting with other companies stript and wounded , from whom he received an exact narrative of the defeate ; he made what haste he could to find out Tigranes . And finding him both desolate and disconsolate , he insulted not over him , as he had served him formerly ; but dismounted from his horse , and ( after a mutual bemoaning each others sad misfortune ) resigned up to him his own princely Retinue which attended him , and bid him courage for the future , [ Plut. ] Having somewhat cheared him up , he furnished him with royal Robes , as rich as any he was wont to weare . He made also some proposals concerning levying new Forces , ( being himself already provided with a considerable army ) making no question but another field would repair all the former losses . But Tigranes , ascribing more prowesse and discretion to Mithridates , and thinking him fitter to deal with the Romans in a war than himself , left all to his managing and arbitrament , [ Memnon , cap. 59. ] Mancaeus , taking from the walls of Tigranocerta a sad view of his friends defeated , fell to disarming all the Grecian Mercenaries , suspecting they would ●rove false to him : who fearing they should be laid hold on , provided themselves with good cudgels , and drew themselves up into a body , and so kept together day and night . And seeing Mancaeus coming and marching against them with his armed Barbarians , wrapping their garments about their armes instead of bucklers , they bravely charged them : and as fast as they slew them , presently divided their armes amongst themselves : And supposing they were now sufficiently provided with armes for the present , after they had seized upon some Forts upon the walls , they called in the Romans that beleagured them , and received them into the Town . So Appian and Plutarch , who dissents in no one particular from him . Dio in his 35 book relates , that the most part of the Inhabitants were Cilicians , and that they , upon some difference which happened betwixt them and the Armenians , let the Romans into the Town by night , who plundered all , but what the Cilicians were owners of . But Memnon delivers out , how that Mithridates , or rather Tigranes his Commanders , seeing how desperately things went on their side ; having procured articles for themselves , delivered up the Town to Lucullus , [ Memnon , cap. 59. ] Lucullus , having won Tigranocerta , and taken the Kings Treasures which were there , he gave up the City to the plunder of his souldiers , in which ( besides other riches ( there were found 8000 talents of coyned money : Moreover he gave out of the spoile 800 drachmas to every souldier ; and finding many players which Tigranes ( being about to dedicate the Theater he had built ) had gathered together from all parts , he made use of them for his interluds and Triumphs , [ Plutarch . ] Many wives of the chief Officers which were taken , he preserved from injury , and by that means drew their husbands to his side , [ Dio. lib. 35. ] The Grecians he furnisht for their journey and sent back into their Country : The Cappadocians , Cilicians , and other Barbarians that were forc'd thither , he suffered also to return . And so it happened , that by the ruine of one City ( for the Works being but half finished , Lucullus had demolished them , and left onely a small village ) many , having received back their Citizens , were repaired , by whom , as he deserved , he was afterwards esteemed as their Founder , [ Plut. cum Strabone , in fine lib. 11. pag. 532. & lib. 12. pag. 539. ] Then came there Embassadors almost from all the East begging his friendship , [ Oros. lib. 6. cap. 3. ] and the Nations of the Sophenians , joyned themselves to him : Antiochus King of the Commagens ( which is a Country of Syria situate by the river Euphrates and Taurus ) Alchaudonius a petty Prince of Arabia and some others having sued for peace by their Embassadors were received , he joyned also a great part of Armenia to himself . [ Plutar. & Dio. lib. 35. ] Q. Metellus advancing with three Legions to the Cretian war , and having overcome Lasthenes neer the City of Cydonia , was called Emperour , and destroyed the whole Island with fire and sword : forcing the Cretians into their Castles and Cities , [ Florus lib. 3. cap. 7. Phlegon Olymp. 174. an . 4. apud Photium . Appian legat . 30. ] making no reckoning of their friendship when it was offered to him . Cleopatra the Daughter of Ptolemy was borne at Auletta , being the last Queen of Egypt of the Macedonian race , she lived 39 yeares as Plutarch witnesseth in Antonio . Tigranes , and Mithridates , going about the severall Countries , raised another army the Command of which Mithridates was intrusted with . [ Plutarch & Appian . ] Magadates , who in the behalf of Tigranes had with his army commanded all Syria by the space of fourteen yeares , brought it away to the assistance of his King : by which meanes Antiochus , the sonne of Antiochus ( the holy ) & Silena , who had obteined the name of Asiaticus , because he had had his Education therein , wrought himself into the Kingdome by the connivance of the Syrians . Nor did Lucullus that had newly beat out Tigranes from the lands he had gotten , invey him his ancient possession [ Appian in Syriac . pag. 118. 119. 133. ] but Strabo about the end of his eleaventh book writes that Lucullus beat out Tigranes , out of Syria and Phoenice , and that by the same Lucullus after he had overcome Tigranes , Antiochus the sonne of Cyzicenus , ( or rather his Grandchild by his sonne ) was called King of Syria untill that Pompey took that away which Lucullus had conferred , but we read in libr. 40. cap. 2. ] of Justin that there were foure yeares space betwixt the time he received it and the time it was taken away . Tigranes and Mithridates sent Embassadors to beg aid , both of their Neighbours , and of Arsaces the Parthian King , traducing the Romans to him , and suggesting that as soon as by their being destitute , and forsaken by others , they had conquered them , they would turne their armes upon him . [ Dio. lib. 35. ] This Arsaces was called so being the common appellation of the Kings of Parthia , his proper name was Pacorus from Xiphilinus , but he was called Phradates from Memnon : and it is delivered by Phlegon Trallian [ in Photii Bibliotheca cod . 97 ] that in the year before which was in the third year of 177 Olympiade that Phraates succeeded Sinatrucus , the deceased King of the Parthians , but Dio more lately reports Phraates to have succeeded Arsacus , yet Appianus saies he succeeded Sintricus , which we shall see in its proper place , and that this Arsaces had enjoyment of the Empire six years before the third war of Mithridates was begun , these words mentioned in an epistole he writ to the same man ( of which more hereafter ) do sufficiently show . Thou being remooved a far offand all others being obnoxious I again renewed the war ; from whence wee conclude his proper name was either Sintricus or Sinatrux . This Arsaces was offended with Tigranes for stirring up a new war , about a certaine Country that was in controversy betwixt them , which Country Tigranes had new yeilded up to him againe , Moreover the Parthian look't to have the great Vallyes Mesopotamia and Adiabene should have bin delivered into his possession , as the reward of his Confederacy , but Lucullus being certified of the Embassages , Tigranes and Mithridates had sent to Arsaces , he also sent some of his with threates if he assisted them , and promises if he would take part with the Romans , And being urged by Lucullus's Embassadors that he would either assist him , or at least stand Neuter he promising friendship privately to both , performed it to neither , [ Memnon cap. 60. Plutar. & Appian & Dio. 35. ] Amongst the reliques of the fourth book of Salusts History there remains the intire letter of Mithridates , to Arsaces about this very affaire in which he seemed to turn the indignation he had conceived against Tigranes for waging the late war into his advantage , for he ( saies he ) being guilty shal receive what alliance you please , and extenuates the great victory the Romans had obteined against him by saying , that by constraining the Multitude into so narrow places that they could not fight he lost the field , and they attributed their victory to their owne vertue , which indeed was but his imprudence : and afterwaods stirrs him up against the Romans in this manner . But you ( saies he ) to whom Seleucia the greatest Citie , the Kingdome of Persia , and very great riches do belong , what can ye look for but deceit for the present , and war for the time to come ? the Romans have war every where , but it is most violent where the victory of their adversaries affords the richest spoile , they Invade , they Cozen , but of one war they pick occasion for another , and by those meanes ( being made great ) they either suppresse the designes , or destroy the Authors , which is not difficult , if you in Mesopotamia , and in Armenia inviron their armies whilst they are without victuals , and releif , &c. and thou shalt hrve the reputation to have assisted great Kings , and to have supprest great Robbers . Which I do desire and exhort you to do , vnlesse you had rather by our ruine enlarge one Empire then by our friendship become a Conquereur your self . As soon as the unwelcome tidings of the affaires M. Cotta had managed at Heraclea , arrived at Rome , he was in publick disgrace , and his great riches augmented their envy ; to avoid which he brought back most of the spoiles into the treasury , which yet could not make the Romans the more moderate in as much as they suspected he restored a few things out of that great abundance he had got , having learned also that the prisoners at Heraclea were suddainly to be dismist by a publick decree . [ Memnon cap. 61. ] Moreover Thrasymedes an Heraclensian , before on Assembly , did publickly accuse Cotta , and commemorated the benevolence of his City to the Romans , and shewed , that if they had any way transgrest , it was not done by the consent of the City ; but by the fraud of their Magistrates , and the power of their adversaries : with great lamentation he laid before them the burning of the City , and forgot not with teares to remember how Cotta had converted all to his private profit . There came also a multitude of captives men and women with their little ones clothed in mourning weeds , and kneeling , with great lamentation held up their hands . The Roman Nobility inclining to commiserate their case , Cotta came forth , and after he had pleaded a little in his own tongue , he returned ; when Carbo arising replies : We O Cotta gave you Commission to take , not to destroy the City . And after him some others arose , and with like crimination exprest their indignation against him . To many therefore he seemed worthy of banishment , but with more moderation , they onely took away his Dignity . And restored their lands , sea , and harbours , to the Heracleans : with this proviso , that none of them should be made slaves , [ Id. ibid. ] Thrasymedes , these things being past , sent back the people into their Country , but stayed himself with Brithagora , and Propylo the son of Brithagora for some years at Rome , performing those things which the custom of the Country required , [ Id. cap. 62. ] Lucullus was condemned not of strangers onely , but his own Citizens , that he would not pursue Tigranes , but give him leisure to escape , whom he might easily have subdued , had he not aimed at the continuance of his own command ; and therefore the Government of Asia ( properly so called ) which was committed to him before , was assigned to the Praetors , [ Dio , lib. 35. ] Lucullus went then to the Gordyens , and clebrated the Obsequies of their King Zarbienus whom Tigranes had killed , forasmuch as he had secretly entred into League with him , and put fire himself to the pile of wood that was garnished with Royal Robes , and Gold , and the spoiles had been taken from Tigranes , pouring on the sacrifice with his friends and kindred , and pronouncing him his friend , and a Confederate of the people of Rome . To these he commanded a sumptuous Monument to be made out of the Kings Treasury , and dedicated to him : by which means the Gordyens were so devoted to Lucullus , they would have left their habitations and have followed him with their wives and children , [ Plutarch . ] In the Courts of Zarbienus , there was found much Silver and Gold , and in his Granaries , there was laid up ten times three hundred thousand medimni , which is about 5 bushells . So the souldiery was supplied , and it was a great honour to Lucullus that he had taken nothing out of the Treasury , but kept up the war with the spoiles of the war , [ Id. ] Here met him Embassadours from Arsaces King of the Parthians , desiring his friendship and aliance ; which being not unwelcome to Lucullus , he on the other side sent Sicilius , or rather Sextilius to him ; but Arsaces suspecting from his Eminence in matters of war , that he had sent rather in relation to the discovery of his Country and strength , than to the treaty they were about , yeilded no supply to the Romans ; yet he carryed himself so , as that he attempted nothing against them , but kept himself as a neuter betwixt both parties , [ Id , cum Dione , lib. 35. ] When Lucullus had learnt that he was wavering in his counsels , Year of the World 3936 and that he desired privately of Tigranes Mesopotamia , as the reward of his friendship ; he resolved to passe by Tigranes and Mithridates as enemies already conquered , and by hastening his march against the Parthians to try their valour and strength . He sent therefore into Pontus to Sernatius his Embassadour there , and to several others , that they would bring the forces they had there to him , as if he had been to advance from the Country of the Gordyens against the Parthians ; but the souldiers were refractory and would be won neither with fair means nor foule , declaring , that if they were left there without relief , they would depart to Pontus . The report of these things being brought to Lucullus , corrupted even those souldiers he had with him , by reason of their riches and luxury , hankering after ease , and hating the severity of war : But as soon as they understood the fury of the Ponticks , they cryed them up as persons fit to be imitated and esteemed ; professing they had already by their many atcheivements merited their rest and discharge . And so Lucullus was forced to lay aside his Expedition into Parthia , [ Plutarch . ] Furthermore the Island of Delus is seated in the Aegean Sea , The Julian Period . 4646 to which place they flocked with their Merchandize from all parts . Year before Christ 68 It is full of riches , small and without a wall , yet secure and feared nothing ( as Cicero speaks in his Oration , pro lege Manilia ) The Pirate Athenodorus took it , and carryed the inhabitants captive , destroying the images of their gods : but Caius Triarius repaired the ruines and built a wall about it ; as Trallianus Phlegon hath observed in his fifth book of his Chronicles , in the fourth year of the 177 Olympiade , [ In Bibliotheca , Phocii , ●od . 97. ] Mithridates made armes in every Town , and calling a muster , took account of almost all the Armenians ; out of which selecting 70000 Foot , and half as many Horse , he dismissed the rest ; which , after he had digested into companies and troups , according to the Italian Discipline , he delivered over to the Ponticks to be trained , [ Appian . ] In that year wherein Q. Marcius the King did alone execute the office of Consul , Lucullus in the midst of Summer ( for by reason of the cold he was not able to invade them sooner ) he advanced with his army against Tigranes . After he had passed the mountain Taurus , and discovered the green fields , he was astonished ; that the season was there so backward by reason of the cold . Neverthelesse , he came down into the plains , and after two or three battles , in which the Armenians assaulted him , he routed and disperst them . [ Plut. cum . Dione , lib. 35. ] And whilst Mithridates remained upon a hill with the Foot , and part of the Horse ; Tigranes , fal●ing with the remainder upon the Roman forragers , was overcome ; by which means , they fetch their provisions with more security afterwards , and nearer Mithridates , and removed their Tents nearer also , [ Appian . ] and intercepting the supplies were carrying to Tigranes , they brought ( which they greatly feared ) a great scarcity upon their enemies . [ Plutarch . ] Lucullus destroyed one part of the Country , supposing the Barbarians might have been provoked to have fought in its defence ; but when he found that would not do , he marched out against them , and his Horse being very much prest by the Cavalry of the enemy , ( there being no conflict at all with the Foot ) he coming in with his Targets to their relief , put them presently to flight , yet they received no great losse themselves , but casting their arrows back upon those that pursued , they killed many outright , and wounded many , which wounds , were very grievous , and hard to be cured for the arrows had a double point , and so placed , that they were presently mortal , whether they were pulled out or left in . [ Dio. ] In Creet , when Lasthenes the Governour of Cydonia , was besieged therein by C. Metellus the Proconsul , and had fled from thence to Gnosus , Panares , another Governour of the City , making his peace , delivered it to Metellus ; who afterward laying siege to Gnosus , Lasthenes put all his wealth into a house , and set it on fire , and then fled from Gnossus . [ Appian . Legat. 30. ] Gnosus , Lyctus , and Erithraea , with many other Cities , were taken by Metellus , [ Livy , lib. 99. Florus . lib. 3. cap. 7. Appian Legat. 30. ] but the Cretians being long besieged by Metellus , and brought to great extremity , were constrained to quench their thirst with their own urin ; s , and their Cattles . [ Valer. Max. lib. 7. cap. 6. ] Lucullus brought his army against Artaxata , Tigranes's Court , where his wife and children were ; which he not enduring , raised his Camp , and after four dayes march , came and sat down by the Romans , having the river Arsamia betwixt them , which the Romans must of necessity passe to attach Artaxata . [ Plutarch . ] Lucullus , having performed his sacrifice to his gods , drew forth his army , as if he had been certain of victory ; and placing 12 Cohorts in the front , he disposed the rest into reserves , least they might be encompast by the enemy , in whose army there were placed a great and select body of Horse ; before whose colours there stood the Mardian and Iberian Lanceers , that used arrows also on horse-back , in which Tigranes did principally trust , as the most valiant amongst his strangers , yet they performed nothing remarkable , onely skirmishing for a while with the Romans , but not able to endure the force of the Legions ; they ran away themselves , and drew the Horse after them [ Id. ] As soon as they were disperst , and he beheld Tigranes Horse advance , suspecting their splendour and multitude , he remanded his own from the persu●t ; in the mean time with those nobles and officers he had about him , marched up against them that came towards him ; who , being affrighted , fled before they came to a charge . Of the three Kings , that were then in the field , Mithridates , King of Pontus , ran away most shamefully , not so much as enduring the shour of the Romans . The Romans having them in chase , so long a space as a whole night , were not only weary of killing , but taking prisoners , and were tired with taking and carrying away their very mony and prizes . Livy reports , that in the former battle , there were more , but in this , the nobler and more considerable of the enemies , taken and slain . [ Id. ] The Pirates were at this time grown to that height , that having overspread the whole sea , they did not onely intercept provisions , intended for the fleet , but would land and destroy both Provinces and Islands ; so that the Romans , that had conquered the whole World , were only unsecure at sea . [ Plutarch in Pompeio . Appian . in Mahri . Dio lib. 36. Eutrop. lib. 6. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 4. ] which the next year , Cicero in his Oration for the Manilian law recalled thus to their Memories , what country for : these yeares , have you secured from Robbers ? what stipend or contribution to your selves ? what Confederate have you defended ? or who is it was protected by your ships ? how many Islands think you are deserted ? how many Cities either forsaken for feare , or taken by Pyrates from your freinds ? it was anciently the property of the Romans to war far from home , and rather exercised their forces in the defence of their freinds fortunes , than of their own : shal I say for these many years your s●as have bin shut up to your freinds , and though our Army was at Brundusium they durst not send but in the midst of winter ? why should I complain they were taken that came to us from abroad , when the very Embassadors of the people of Rome are redeemed , shal I say the sea is not safe for our Merchants : when twelve of our guard ( there being two Praetors Sextilius and Bellino taken as Plutarch reports ) fell into the hands of the Pyrates ? why should I remember you of Colophon and Samos two noble Cities , or of many more that have bin taken , when you know your own harbours , and those very parts you inhabite your selves , have bin taken by those enimies , was there then this Government , when the Roman Embassadors , Praetors , and Questors were intercepted , when publick and private Commerce out of all provinces was forbidden us ? when the seas were so shut up that we could have no trading either in private or in common ? this ( as all things else ) he exprest most Elegantly . The common receptacle of these Pyrates , was Cilicia the rough and the principall seat of the war : they had in every place Castles , Towers and desert Islands , and secret creeks for their ships , but more especially they came forth out of this part of Cilicia called the rough , which was without harbours and rising with exceeding high rocks , from whence by all people they were called by the common name of Cilicians ; because that evill which began in Cilicia , drew the Syrians , Cyprians , Pamphilians , Ponticks , and all the Easterne Countryes into a combination , who by reason of the tediousnesse of Mithridates's war , being more inclineable to do mischeif then to endure it , they changed the land for the sea , so that in a short time there became many thousands of them . [ Appian pag. 234. ] They had above a thousand Pickeroones , and 400 Cities that they had taken , and the Temples at Clarius , Didaemaeus , and Samothrace that were inviolate and untoucht before , they pillaged and dispoyled that which was dedicated to Tellus at Hermion , to Aesculapius at Epidaurus , to Neptune in Isthmus , Taenarus and Calau●ia , Apollo in Actium and Leucade , Ju●o in Samos Argis and Lucanium , they performed some rites of Strangers in Olympus ; some secret Mysteries of which those which had their denomination from the Sun remained , being at first showen by them : after a worser manner they insulted over the Romans , for if any of their prisoners called himself a Roman , they presently counterfeiting feare knock't their knees together , and falling down at his feet , humbly implored his pardon , and whilst he imagined them reall and sincere , some of them furnished him with shooes , others with garments least he should be otherwise any longer unknowne , and when at this rate they had long mock't and deluded the man , putting down a ladder into the Sea they bad him go down in safety , if he would not they tumbled him downe headlong , and drowned him . [ Plutarch in Pompeio . ] About the Autumnall Equinox great tempests unexpectedly infested Lucullus his Army , Year of the World 3397 it snow'd for the most part , and froze when it was clear , and the ice was troublesome , by which meanes it fell out the rivers afforded but little water for the Horses , and if they brake the ice , the peices hurt their legs and made it difficult to passe : the Country being woody they were daily dabled with the fall of snow from the trees and constrained to rest incommodiously in the wet : first therefore they petitioned Lucullus by their Tribunes , afterwards growing tumultuous they in the night cryed out to their armes , Lucullus begged earnestly but in vaine , beseeching they would only cheer up so long til they had destroyed the work of the greatest Enemy of the Armenians , since Carthage was taken , for it is reported ( as abovesaid in 4526 year of the Julian Period ) that Arxata was built by the advice of Hannibal the Carthaginian , but prevailing nothing he retreated [ Id. in Lucullo . ] which retreat of the Roman Army , Cicero endeavours to excuse in his Oration for the Law Manilia after this sort . Although our Army had taken a City in Tigranes Kingdome called Tigranacerta , and had fought several Battails with good successe , yet were they moved with the tediousnesse of their march . I will not say any more here , the vpshot was it was complained , our Souldiers return out of those places was more suddaine than their march was long . Lucullus , returning thorough Armenia into Mesopotamia , past Taurus in another place , and descended into the Country of Migdonia , a Country very warm and fruitfull ; in which there was a City large and populous called by the Barbarians Nisibis , by the Grecians Antiochia Migdonica . [ id . ibid. cum Orosio lib. 6. cap. 3. ] That City was built by the Macedonians [ Joseph . lib. 20. cap. 2. ] but Tigranes had taken that and all Mesopotamia from the Parthians and placed his treasure , and many other considerable things therein , it was encompassed with a double brick wall of a great thicknesse , and a ditch so deep and broad , that the wall could neither be shaken , nor underminrd . [ Dio. lib. 35. ] Guras , Tigranes brother , commanded in chief , under him Callimachus , ( he that had performed noble exploits at Amisus ) commanded as a person of great knowledge in fortifications , and of great experience in war. [ Plutarch . ] Lucullus , having formed his leagure , all manner of Engins were provided for a storm , [ Id. ] But in the beginning of the Winter when the Barbarians thought themselves certain of victory , and the Romans already departing , they began to be carelesse . And Lucullus having gotten the opportunity of a night in which the Moon being not to be seen , and a great tempest with thunder was risen , so as the Barbarians could neither see nor hear , and for that reason leaving a few there onely , they had almost deserted the outward wall , and the ditch between , and by his Workes he gat easily over the wall : and killing without much adoe those few Sentinels he found , and with earth that he threw in ( for they had before this thrown down their bridges ) he filled up a part of the ditch , and when the Enemy could not hurt them with their arrows nor fire , by reason of the rain , he wan the ditch , and possessed himself immediately of the City , their iuward walls being not made so strong , because they built more confidence upon that without , [ Dio. ] Those that fled into the Castle , he received upon rerms , [ Id. ] Guras the brother of Tigranes surrendring himself , he intreated civilly . Callimachus he would by no means hear , though he promised to discover great sums of money that were hid : but because he had burnt Amisus , robbing him of his glory , and dispoiling that thing which should have declared his bounty to the Grecians , he reserved him in chaines to be punished , [ Plutarch . ] Much money being afterwards taken , Lucullus wintered at Nisibis , [ Dio. ] In the mean time , those which bare the sway in the Assembly , out of envy charged Lucullus , that out of covetousnesse and desire of command , he protracted the war. One said Cilicia , Asia , Bithynia , Paphlagonia , Galatia , Pontus , Armenia , and all the Provinces as far as Phasis , were already conquered , and that now he was onely forraging in Tigrane's Countries , as if he had been sent rather to plunder Princes , than to vanquish them : this ( as 't is reported ) Lucius Quintius one of the Praetors did speak , by whom the people of Rome being perswaded , gave orders for the sending others to succeed him , and disbanded many of those souldiers that had served faithfully under him , [ Plutarch . ] In his Camp , P. Clodius , a man of great iusolence and dissolutnesse , brought great disturbance to his affairs ; he was brother to Lucullus his wife , with whom ( she being a lascivious woman ) he was reported to be nought : he degenerating by reason of his manners , was turned from the command Lucullus had first given him : for which cause he stirred up the Fimbrians , ( or Valerians ) against him ; those I mean which he had brought ou● of Fimbria , to destroy L. Val. Flaccus the Consul , and should have taken him for their Commander . These men , being seduced by Clodius , would neither follow him against Tigranes nor Mithridates , but under pretence of w●nter , protracted the time at Gordyene , expecting some other Governour to come and succeed Lucullus , [ Id. ] Tigranes ( when Lucullus was before Nisibis ) conceiving it invincible , moved not towards its relief , but sending Mithridate into his own Country , he marched himself into Armenia , where for a while he besieged Lucius Fannius , till Lucullus , hearing his condition , marched to his rescue , [ Dio. lib. 35. ] Mithridates , marching into Pontus , the onely kingdom that was left him , there followed him four thousand of his own men , and as many that he received from Tigranes , [ Appian . ] with which , invading one of the Armenian's and other Countries , he assaulted many stragling Romans unawares , and destroyed them , others he fought fairly and vanquished , and recovered many places with great expedition ; for because he was of that Country himself , and his father had ruled there before , those men were very inclinable to Mithridates , and took up an indignation against the Romans , for that they were strangers , and some of their Governours Tyrants , and by that means came freely to Mithridates , [ Dio. ] To which that place in Tullies Oration for the Manilian law is to be referred . Mithridates ( sayes he ) had now confirmed his own souldiers , and those which had joyned themselves to him out of his kingdom , and with great supplies both from forraign Countries and Kings , he was re-inforced , which we have heard indeed doth frequently happen , that Princes calamities do easily procure compassion from most men , especially if they be either Kings themselves , or do live under government ; because the name of a King is very reverend and sacred , and by that means he effected more by being overcome , than if he had been safe he durst ever have hoped for . Mithridates overcame M. Fabius , whom Lucullus had left Governour of those parts ; but it was by the assistance of the Thracians who were then at hostility with Fabius , although they had received pay under him formerly , nor were the slaves in the Roman Camp a little conducive to it , [ Id. cum Appiano . ] For first of all , Fabius having sent out some of the Thracian scouts and they returning with uncertain intelligence , he advanced carelessely , and fell before he was aware upon Mithridates , which time the Thracians revolting , assailed the Romans , and put them to flight ; in which conflict , there were five hundred slain . After that , Fabius fearing all the slaves that followed his Camp , fought him for a while doubtfully , when Mithridates promising liberty also to the slaves , they also fell off to his side , and had doubtlessely destroyed all the Fabians , had not Mithridates been hurt with a stone in the knee , by reason of which , and another wound under his eye with a dart , he was sudainly carryed off the field . And whilest the Barbarians were solicitous of the health of their King , they gave Fabius opportunity of a safe retreat , with the remainder of his men . The Agari , a people of Scythia , well skilled in confections of the poyson of Serpents ( and for that reason they were alwayes near his person ) had then the care of the King. [ Iid. inter se collati . ] Fabius , after this being shut up and besieged in Cabiris , was relieved by C. Triarius ; for he , marching that way out of Asia to Lucullus , and understanding his successe , he got together as great a body as he could , of those that were present , and terrified Mithridates so much , that ( imaging them the whole army of the Romans ) before ever he saw them , he removed his Camp. Upon which Triarius taking courage , persuing them into the Country of the Comagens , ( or rather Comans , in Cappadocia , of which hear Dio hereafter ) he fought and overcame them . Mithridates had incamped on the one side of a river , and the Romans came down on the other , and in hopes he might find them weary , and tired with their march , he advanced immediately himself , and commands the rest should ( over another bridge ) assault them whilst they were engaged . After they had fought a long time , and with various fortune ; the bridge ( opprest with the number of men that were passing ) brake , and so hindered Mithridates supplies , and was the occasion of his defeat . It was winter now , and both of them , after this battle , betook themselves to their quarters , and rest . [ Dio. cap. 35. ] Aulus Gabinius , as tribune , prevailed with the people , that an Emperour might be chosen out of those which had been Consuls , with full and absolute power against the Pirates in General ; and that his command might last for three years , and he furnished with very large supplies , and many Legates : it is not certain , whether he was put upon this by Pompey ( whom notwithstanding he did not name ) or carryed by a designe onely of ingratiating himself ; however , he did it not for the advantage of the Republick , being a most wicked man , [ Id. lib. 36. ] Of whom Cicero in his Oration , after his returne to the Senate : Who , had he not been protected by his being Tribune he could neither have avoided the power of the Praetor , the number of his creditours , nor the proscription of his goods ; at which time , had he not got that order concerning war with the Pirates , necessity and wickednesse would have constrained him to turn Pirate himself ; but with lesse danger and detriment to the Common-wealth , for as much as their adversary had been within their walls . This order of the people , which the Senate ( though against their wills , as Dio affirms in his 36. book ) confirmed . Velleius Paterculus , in his second book , and 31. chapter , gives an account of ; How that when in the manner of a war , not of thieving , they had frighted the whole World with their ships , and not by any suddain or secret expedition ; and had moreover destroyed some Cities in Italy : Cnaeus Pompeius was sent to suppresse them , and had an equall command in all places , within fifty miles of the sea , with the Proconsuls ; by which decree of the Senate , the Government of the whole World , almost was devolved upon one man : yet the same thing was decreed two years before in the Praetorship of M. Antonius , as Velleius reports ; yet it seems to me , that it should rather be six years before , than two since . it appears that M. Antonius died three years before in the Cretian war ; and that Marcus Antonius dying in the Cretian war , departed this life two years before , and that the great care of all the sea coasts , within the Roman Empire , was committed to him in the Consulship of Lucullus , and Cotta , Asconius Pedianus , in his Oration of Verres Praetorship in Sicily , has taught us , as is demonstrated before in the year of the World , 3930 , and 3933. By this Gabinian law , Pompey had for three years the command given him , not onely of the Navy , but ( as Plutarch saies ) over all men , as well within the Provinces within 400 furlongs of the sea , as in all the Mediterranean , in which compasse , he had power to command all Kings , Governours and Cities , to his aide and assistance : so Appian [ pag. 235. ] calls it , 50 miles ; which Velleius and Plutarch interpret 400 furlongs , attributing to every mile , eight furlongs : Xiphilinus , out of the sixth book of Dion , calling it 400 furlongs , out of the 35 book , three dayes journy from the sea , comparing every dayes journy at one hundred thirty three furlongs , which is sixteen miles . By the same law also , Pompey had power to chuse fifteen Deputies out of the Senate , to whom he might commit the charge of several Provinces , that he might take also from the Treasury and the Officers , for receipt of monies , as much thereof as he thought good ; and 200 ships , and leavy what forces he pleased . And calling a Convent of the people , he prevailed for many things more of theirs , and doubled his preparation . He manned out 500 ships , though Appian saith ●e had but 270 , the smaller vessels reckoned and all , of Foot he used 120000 , of Horse five , or with Appian , four thousand : Captains , and those which were in command , he chose out of the Senate , four and twenty , or as Appian sayes , five and twenty , and made them delegates under him . He had two Quaestors allowed him , and six thousand Attick talents ; so considerable a thing it did appear , to pursue so many Navies in so great a sea ; and where there were so many lurching places , by reason of which , they could easily escape when assaulted , and assaile when they were unexpected . [ Appian . ] Pompey , The Julian Period . 4647 being very well supplyed both with ships of his own , Year before Christ 67 and his confederates , from Rhodes ; he possessed both sides of the Ocean , with Deputies and Commanders of his own , and by that means , in every Port , Bay , Creek , Recesse , Promontory , Frith , or Island , shut up as it were , what ever belonged to the Pirates , in a net . [ Florus , lib. 3. cap. 6. ] To those Officers he had chosen out of the Senate , things being setled at sea , he gave Ships , Horse and Foot , and pretorian Standards to every one , so that every one had absolute authority in that place that was committed to his charge , and those of the Pirates that were taken by some party , were delivered to others , least any should be drawn to too long a pursuit , or by sailing too far , might protract the war [ Appian . ] The Gaditane straits were given to Tiberius Nero , the Balearic sea , to Manlius Torquatus , to both of them was committed the care of Spain ; Cratilius blocked up the Ligustick sea , M. Pomponius , the French , and the sons of Pompey , ( the Emperour ) the Adriatique , Sardinia , Corsica , and the adjacent Islands , Publ. Attilius possest ; the Libyan Lentulus ; the Egyptian , Marcellinus Lu. Gellius had the command of the Tuscan sea , and the coasts of Italy , C. Lentulus of all betwixt Sicily and Epirus : the Ionian sea was given to Plothus Varo , and Terentius Varo , ( the most learned of the Togati ) of whom Pliny speaking in his [ third book , chap. 11. and seventh book and 30. chap. and 16. book , and fourth chap. ] that he was in this war presented with a Naval Crown by Pompey . L. Cinna had the oversight of Peloponnesus , Attica , Eubaea , Thessaly , Macedonia , and Baeotia ; L. Cullius of all the Aegean sea , and the Hellespont , ( although Florus gives the Asiatic to Caepio ) Metellus Nepos of Lycia , Pamphylia , Cyprus , and Phaenicia . P. Piso of Bithynia , and Thracia , and Porcius : Cato lay so close upon the straights of it with his ships , that he blocked up the Propontis , as it had been a gate . [ Florus , lib. 3. cap. 6. & Appian . pag. 236. ] Pompey himself , l●ke a King of Kings , overlooked all , requiring every body to keep their Station , least whilest he perceived the Pirates , before he could accomplish his victory in one place , he should be distrest in another ; and ordering that whilest all were ready to relieve one another , they should not suffer the enemy to escape , by roving up and down . [ Appian . ibid. ] His forces being dispersed in this manner thorough the whole sea , Pompey beginning from the lower part , they encompassed the enemies Navy , and dragged as with a net into their Harbours ; those which escaped , fled into Cilicia to hide themselves , like Bees to a hive . [ Plutarch in Pompeio . ] And having thus in fourty dayes time , by his own industry , and his Officers , cleared the Tuscan , African Sardoan , Corsican , and Sicilian seas , returning to Rome , he performed what he desired , [ Id. ibid. cum Livio : lib. 99. & Appian . pag. 236. ] Pompey , loosing from Brundusium , he advances ( in the beginning of the Cilician war ) with 60 very good ships ; the enemy prepares to fight him , yet not out of any hope , but that being opprest , they would seem to venture , but they did no more than give one charge ; for immediately finding themselves incompast , they threw away their arms and oars , and with a general shout ( with the signe of their submission ) they begged their lives . [ Florus , lib. 3. cap. 6. cum Plutarch & Appian . ] Cicero affirms in his Manilian Oration , that in one and fifty dayes after , he set saile from Brundusium , he had brought all Cicily to subjection to the people of Rome , which story , of the recovering all Cilicia in so short a time , is to be looked upon , but as an Oratorical expression in the praise of Pompey , [ Vid. ann . per. Julian , 4651. ] After it was told that Mithridates , having beaten Fabius , was marcht against Sornatius and Triarius : the Fimbrian ( or Valerian ) Souldiers being moved with shame , followed Lucullus when he went to their relief . Mithridates in the mean time ( Manius Acilius Glabro , and Cai. Piso , being Consuls ) having encamped over against Triarius near Gaziursa , he seekes to drill and provoke him to fight , by training and exercising his men in sight of the Romans , that by engaging him before Lucullus came , and prevailing ( as he did hope ) he might recover the remainder of the kingdom ; but not able to draw him forth , he sends part of his men to Dadasa to besiege a Castle in which the Romans had left their train ; to the end , that the Romans coming to its relief , might fall into his hands . Nor did his designe deceive him ; for Triarius fearing the multitude of Mithrida●s , and expecting Lucullus ( whom he had sent for ) would come , kept himself close in his Camp : but hearing Dadasa was besieged , his souldiers were afraid of the goods they had there , and in a tumultuous manner threatned , that unlesse he would draw them out , they would go to defend them without his leave ; by which means he marched out against his will , [ Dio. lib. 35. ] When Triarius had drawn out against Mithridates , there happened such a storm as was never known before in any mans memory , throwing down the tents in either Camp , beating the cattle out of the way , and tumbing down some of the souldiers from the Hills ; for which cause they both of them retired : but when it was told Triarius that Lucullus was at hand , as if he desired to snatch the victory from him , before day he assaults Mithridates Camp ; and after they had fought long with equal fortune and courage , the King trusting to his own wing , at length received the day , and pressing upon the enemy , forced their Foot into a dirty ditch , where having no footing they were cut down without losse ; and following his victory , he couragiously pursued their Horse thorough the fields , until a Roman Centurion running as a servant by his side as fast as his horse ( desparing to kill him by reason of his Breast-plate ) gave him a deep wound in his thigh ; he was himself cut presently to pieces by those that were about him , and Mithridates carried into the furthest part of the army , [ Appian . cum Plut. & Dione . ] Upon this , the Kings friends founded a retreate , and called back the souldiers from a notable Victory , which being unexpected , cast some kind of fear upon them lest some evil might have happened from some other place ; until it was known , they got tumultuously about the body of their King , and at length Timotheus the Physitian having stopt the blood , held him up on high to their fight . The Romans ( who but by this accident had been utterly destroyed ) in this time got away and escaped . Mithridates coming to himself , reproves them that occasioned the retreate , and that very day raises his Camp , and marches against the Romans , which now , the souldiers being afraid , was utterly deserted . Above 7000 souldiers were said to be killed in this fight , amongst which 150 Centurions , and 24 Tribunes , which number of officers was never known to be lost in any battle before , [ Ibid. ] Appian sayes this encounter happened near the mountain Scotius , a place by reason of Mithridates victory , Triarius misfortune , and the loss of the Roman army very eminent in those parts , [ pag. 254. ] As Hirtius reports also in his Commentaries of the war in Alexandria , where he shews it is not much more than three miles distant from Zela , a Town in Pontus . This is the defeate Cicero in his Oration for the Manilian law half a year after commemorates by the By. Your army was resolute and victorius , but Mithridates fell upon them : yet suffer me in this place ( like those write the Roman affairs ) to slip over our misfortunes , which were so great , that the tidings came not to Lucullus by a Messenger from the fight , but by rumour and report . And afterwards , Having received that overthrow in Pontus , of which a little before I remembred you against my will when our friends and confederates were afraid , the wealth and courage of the enemies increased , and when the Province had no Garrison or strength for to trust to , Asia had been lost O Romans , had not fortune in the nick of time brought Pompey as it were from heaven to the relief othose Countries , whose arrival stopped Mithridates though swelled with his successe ; and retarded Tigranes who with great strength was threatening of Asia . Mithridates being cured of his wounds , and suspecting there might be more of the enemy amongst his men , he selected a party upon another pretence , and commanding every one suddenly to their tents , the Romans were found alone , and killed , [ Dio. lib. 35. ] From thence he went into that Armenia which the Romans call the Lesser ; all the provision he could he carryed with him , the rest he spoiled lest it should become useful to Lucullus . About which time Attilius a Roman Senatour ( that for fear of justice had long since fled to Mithridates and been received to favour ) was found guilty of conspiracy , whom out of reverence to his former dignity he would not torture , contenting himself onely with his death ; but his companions he tormented greivously , his servants whom he had made privy to his design , for their Masters sake , he sent away untouched , [ Appian . ] Lucullus , coming up to Triarius , whom the souldiers being angry did require , privately carried him away , [ Plut. in Lucullo . ] leaving those unburied which had died in the fight ; which is thought to be the first thing alienated the affections of his own souldiers , [ Id. in Pompeio . ] Mithridates sate down with his army upon a hill near Talaura , expecting Tigranes that was coming with great Forces to him , and declined fighting till they were both joyned : But Mithridates the Mede , one of Tigranes sons in law , falling suddenly upon the Romans as they were scattered abroad , gave them a great overthrow , [ Plut. Appian . Dio. ] Q●intus Marcius the King , ( that was Consul the year before ) was now sent Proconsul into Cilicia , Lucullus his chief Province , who as he marched with three Legions thorough Licaonia , being invited by Lucullus to his aid , excused it , complaining his souldiers would not follow him , [ Salust . historiar . lib. 5. apud Priscian . lib. 18. & Dio. lib. 35. ] Marcus being entered into Cilicia , received Menemachus ( who had revolted from Tigranes ) into his favour ; and made P. Clodius ( whose sister he had married , and Lucullus had married another ) the same that had fled from Lucullus for fear of what offences he had committed at Nisibis , Commander of his Naval affairs , [ Dio. lib. 35. ] Clodius , falling unawars amongst the Cilician Pirates , and being taken prisoner , they demanded a ransom of him : he sends to Ptolemei King of Cyprus that he would pay it and redeem him ; but he by reason of his covetousnesse sending onely two talents , which the Pirates despised : neverthelesse being in fear of Pompey , they thought it best to enlarge him for nothing , [ Strabo , lib. 14. pag. 684. Appian . Bell. civil . lib. 2. pag. 441. Dio. lib. 35 , & 38. ] By the Gabinian law , Manius Acilius Glabrio Consul this present year , was made Successour to Lucullus in the command of Bythynia and Pontus , and the Valerian or Fimbrian Legion , ( that once before being discharged , had again taken pay ) were disbanded , which when they found luxuriating with victory , ease , and plenty , and living at that time without Lucullus , who for the most part was abroad , they began to mutiny , and despise Lucullus as an ordinary person , [ Salust . historiar . lib. 5. apud Priscian . lib. 18. & Dio. lib. 35. ] Dio [ ibid. ] sayes , that P. Clodius was the chief authour of this dissention ; and Cicero affirms in his Oration of the answer of the A●uspices , that being set free by Pirates , and having by great treachery corrupted Lucullus his army , he fled thither ; Dio sayes , he went to Antioch in Syria to assist them against the Arabians which they had war with ; and there in like manner he stirred up sedition , and was very near being destroyed himself , [ Dio. lib. 35. ] Lucullus was at a stand , he durst not move out of his place , nor durst he stay there ; at length he resolves to march against Tigranes , hoping to fall upon him ; either when he did not expect him , or when he was tired with his march , and by that means compose the distractions in his Camp , but neither succeeds ; his souldiers follow him for a while , but finding they were to bend toward Cappadocia , all of them unanimously without speaking one word , turned their backs , and the Valerians or Fimbrians , when they heard they were discharged at Rome , and that Lucullus's command was conferred upon others , they all stole from their colours . Lucullus in the mean time refuseth no means that might reconcile them , with great dejection & tears in his eys , he goes to their tents , beseeches every one , taking some of them by the hand ; but they refused his embraces , throwing down their empty purses , and declaring , that as he had alone inriched himself by them , he should alone fight with his enemies , [ Plut. & Dio. ] The sedition of the souldiers which would not follow Lucullus , kept him from the pursute of Mithridates and Tigranes , and giving a perfection to his Victory . The Valerian Legious cryed out they were disbanded , and forsook him , [ Liv. lib. 98. ] But at length overcome by the intreaty of their fellow souldiers , they consented to keep to their colours that Summer , upon condition , that if no body came to fight them in that time , they might depart . Lucullus was forced to be quiet with these men , or leave that Province ( destitute of a Garrison ) to the Barbarians ; he kept them therefore under no command , neither did he draw them out into battle , but thought it sufficient if they onely ●●aid . He suffered Tigranes to fortage in Cappadocia , and Mithridates to insult over the whole , [ Plut. in Lucullo . ] Lucullus had written to the Senate , that he had finished the war with Mithridates , and there were come to him officers deputed for the setling of the affairs in Pontus , as if all had been quiet , [ Id. ibid. Dio. lib. 36. ] but they found that even he himself was not at his own disposing , but mocked and derided by the souldiers which were gotten to that height of insolence and contempt of their Commander , that the Summer being past , they took up their arms , and drawing their swords , called for their enemies , which they could find nowhere , having already retired themselves , and going out of the Camp with shouting and throwing up their armes , declared , that the time they had promised Lucullus to tarry was expired , [ Plut. in Lucullo . ] When Acilius Glabrio , the Consull , was arrived at the province was given him , he sent cryers about and pronounced , that the Senate did discharge Lucullus his army , and confiscate his goods , by reason he had protracted the war , aud refused to obey their Commands . The Souldiers upon this for the most part forsook him : only some few ; who being very poor and so no● fearing their punishment , chose rather to continue with him ; [ Appian ] and upon this score Mithridates recovered most of his Kingdome , and brought no small detriment upon Cappadocia : Luccllus neither withstanding nor Acilius defending it , for although he hasted as if he would have rob'd Lucullus , of his victory ; yet when he understood their condition , he came not up to the Army , but prolonged the time in Bithynia . [ Dio. lib. 30. ] To this may be added that place of Cicero in his Manilian oration to the Romans in which in favour to Lucullus , he in this manner extenuates the business : L. Lucullus ( saies he ) who in some measure might perhaps be bettered by his misfortunes , being constrained by your command , ( bicause you had resolved according to ancient example to stop the continuance of his Authority ) did dissmisse that part of his army , which had served out their time , and sent the ether to Glabrio : and thus having done with Lucullus we will return to the Piratical or maritime war ( as Salust and Cicero calls it ) that was managed and this summer finisht , by Pompey . The chief and better part of the Pyrates having sent their Children wealth , and the unusefull multitude into their Castles , and strong holds neare the mountain Taurus , they themselves encountered Pompey at Coracesion in Cilicia ; where , being overthrown , they were presently besieged ; at length they sent out Commissioners and delivered up themselves , their Islands and Townes ; which by reason of their strength were very difficult to be taken . [ Plut. in Pomp. ] Pompey advances into Cilicia with a very great number of Engins , resolving by all meanes to attempt those forts that were seated upon the rocks , but of those things he had no need , the very eminence of his Name and the report of his preparation so terrified the Robbers , that , supposing he would be more mercifull if they forbare fighting him , first they which commanded the great Castles of Cragus , and Anticragus , and after them all the Cilicians upon the Mountains , came in and submitted themselves : and much arms both finisht and making , besides many ships half made in the Docks , others ready for sayle , brass , and iron prepared for those uses , sailes , ropes , and divers other materials , a great number of Captives bound that they might either be forced to ransome themselves , or constrained to work in their Prisons . Pompey burns the materials , carryes away the ships , and sent the prisoners home , where many of them meet their own monuments , being supposed long since to have bin dead , [ Appian in Mithridatic . ] thus they were overcome , and the whole strength of the Pyrates subdued in every part of the sea , and that in no more time than three months [ Plutar. ut supra ] or two if we will hear Lucan in his second book . Ante bis exactum quam Cynthia conderet orbem Omne fretum metuens pelagi pirata reliquit Angust à que domum terrarum in sede poposcit Before twice Cynthia did wax and waine . The frighted Rovar left th'all horrid main To seek a dwelling in some private plain Pompey burnt above 1300 smal boates , and destroyed their places of retreat [ Strabo lib. 14. pag. 665. ] there were 72 ships taken by force , and 306 yeilded up as Appian reports , Plutarch reckons them 800 and of these 90 with Beaks of Iron : Pliny affirms there were taken or sunk 846 , [ lib. 7. cap. 25. & 26. ] 120 Townes , Castles , and store-houses , and of those which endeavoured to fight there were slaine about ten thousand , [ Appian ] There were 20000 of the Pyrates left alive which Pompey resolved not to kill nor yet thought it safe to suffer them to depart , or that many souldiers and desperate persons should meet together . [ Plut. ] least poverty therefore might constrain them to some attempt , he disposed them into a certain place remote from the Sea , he gave them those fields he saw forsaken , for to till , and those Cities that wanted Inhabitants to possesse , and giving them a capacity of living without it he restrained them from rapine [ Livy 99. lib. vell . Pater . lib. 2. cap. 32. Florus lib. 3. cap. 6. Dio. lib. 36. ] he gave them orders to plant in Maltum , Adana , Epiphania , and what other Townes were unfrequented in Cilicia ( the Stony . ) [ Appian ] and into a sea Town of Cilicia called formerly Solos ; after Pompeiopolis : which he repayred , having bin destroyed by Tigranes the Armenian King he disposed many , and many he transferred to Didymena a place then wanting inhabitants . [ Strabo . lib. 14. Plut. in Pomp. Dio. lib. 36. ] Thus that war that was so long , and of so large extent , and wherewith all Nations were infested , Pompey prepared for in the midst of winter , began in the spring , and concluded in the middle of Summer , as Cicero in his Manilian Oration , having spoken of it before , This war ( saies he ) so cruell , so ancient , and so largely disperst , who would ever have thought that either all the Commanders in the world could have finisht in one year ; or any one Commander in all the ages of the world ? the which Florus admites , That besides the swiftnesse of dispatch , and the felicity in the successe , there should not be one ship lost ; and then the perpecuity , there being Pyrates no more , which was procured by the singular conduct of the Captain , by removing them that had been so used to the Sea from the sight of it , and pinning them up as it were in the midland Countryes , yet is he not to be heard , when he speakes of the speediness of the Conquest ; because that what was delivered only of his success in the lower Seas , ( which has indeed enough of wonder in it ) he attributes to the Generals subduction , as if all had bin finisht in forty dayes , which Cicero directly denyes , not to speak of Dion who signifies in these words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that the greater part of the Seas Pompey made quiet within the compasse of a year . In Creet ( which after Cilicia Plutarch affirms to be the next fountain of Pyrates ) the prisoners were so hardly dealt with , that most of them poysened themselves : others sent to Pompey , though he was absent , that they would deliver up themselves [ Florus lib. 3. cap. 7. ] he was then in Pamphilia , whither their Embassadors comming promised all the Cities in Crete would yeild themselves to him , he spoiles not their hopes ; but demands Hostages [ Cicero , pro lege Manilia ] in the mean time he forbad Metellus medling in that war , and writ to the Citizens that they should not obey him , [ Plutar. in Pompeio ] and also commanded him to depart the Island , for he would take that charge upon him as a part of the care committed to him , [ Appian . legat . 30. ] he sent one of his officers L. Octavius thither , but without an army , not so much that ▪ he should undertake the war , as to receive the Cities into the favour of the people of Rome ; who shutting himself up within the walls with those that were besieged and fighting together with them , he rendred Pompey not only odious , but contemptible . Plut. ut supr . Dio. lib. 36. ] Metellus despising Pompey's command in another province , proceeded in his intended war ; and was the more bitter in that he exercised the right of a Conquerour upon his Enemies , hasting to incommodate them before Pompey could come , [ Florus Plut. Dio. ] and sending letters to Rome he complained that the glory of his actions were taken away by Pompey , and past by : he sending his Embassadour into Crete to admit the surrender of the City , to which Pompey replying gave them an account that he ought to do so . [ Liv. lib 99. ] Cornelius Sisenna at this time Governour of Graece came with his army into Crete and admonished Metellus that he should spare the people , but not being able to perswade him from his design , he performed nothing that compelled him . [ Dio. lib. 36. ] Aristion , marching from Sidon , having beaten Lucius Bassus , that was drawen out to meet him , he took Hierapidna , and defended that City against the Romans [ Id. ibid. ] Metellus , having corrupted many within , took the City Elcuthera by treachery , the conspirators so softning a great tower of brick , ( that was extream hard to be taken ) with vinegar for some nights that it could easily be broken , Afterwards having laid a Tax upon Eleuthera , he took Lappa by force , not at all demurring at Octavius commanding there , but he used no violence to him , only kil'd the Cilicians he found about him [ Id. ibid. ] but dismist Octavius himself after he had bin mocked and abused with many ignominies in the Camp. [ Plutarch . ] Octavius , disdaining to be thus used , dallyed not now as before ; but , taking the command of Sisenna's army upon himself : ( who was lately dead of a disease ) he releived them that were opprest by Metellus , and then betook himself to Aristion ; and there manag'd their war by common consent and having for some time continued in that manner , and hearing Metellus was advancing against them , they forsook their Castles , and lancht into the sea , where they were overtaken with a tempest , and after the losse of many of their men constrained to run a shoar . [ Dion . lib. 36. ] Marcus Cotta , after he had cast off his treasurer P. Oppius upon suspicion of defrauding the treasury , and conspiring besides was himself ( having scrap't together great summs in Bithynia ) accused by C. Carbo and the same Carbo ( though before that he had received no other honour than to be a Tribune of the people ) was for that very act adorned with the honours of a Cousul . [ Id ibid. ] see before at the end of the 3935 year of the world . Sinatruces , ( whom Appian call Sintricus , Dio by the common name of the Kings of Parthia , Arsaces ) being dead , his son Phraates succeeded him ; the second King of Parthia of that name , who by a most impious appellation , was called , the god . [ Appian . in Mithridatic . pag. 242. & Dio. lib. 36. collat . cum Plegont . in Bibliothec. Photi● , cod . 97. ] Vid. eund . Anno Mund. 3935. ] Hircanus ( as we read in Josephus , the 16. book , cap. 9. ) was driven out of his kingdom by Aristobulus his younger brother , three moneths after the death of his mother Alexandra : But since it appears there were six years from the time Hyrcanus began to raign . R. Hortensius , and Q. Metellus being Consuls , to the latter end of Aristobulus , which was that year Jerusalem was taken by Pompey , C. Antonius , and M. Tullius , Cicero , being Consuls ; and of them Josephus himself attributes but three years , and as many moneths to Aristobulus , Hyrcanus must of necessary be allowed three years , not three moneths , out of which we conceive two moneths must be taken out , and the time will be made exact . About this time , they having joyned battle at Jericho , many of Hyrcanus's men went over to his brother Aristobulus ; by which means he fled into a Castle , in which the wife and children of Aristobulus were , by Alexandra his mother put to be kept : the rest of his party , for fear of the Conquerour , betook themselves to the protection of a Temple , and in short space , delivered up themselves . At length , the brothers came to treat of peace , and it was agreed Aristobulus should raign still , and his brother be permitted to lead a private life , quietly injoying that wealth he had gotten by his wits This covenant they both entred into in the Temple , and after all oaths and joyning of their hands , and embracing one another in the fight of the people , they withdrew one to his Court , the other as a private person to Aristobulus's house . [ Joseph . lib. 14. cap. 1. ] And thus Aristobulus obtained the government of the Kingdome , and chief Priest in three years and three moneths , as it is said . [ Id. lib. 20. cap. 8. ] Lucius , Tullus , and Aemilius Lepidus , being Consuls , in the beginning of their Consulship , in the Kalends of January , which as the year was then altered by the Romans , fell out in the Julian October , the Senate abrogated a law , which C. Manilus , a Tribune of the people , had the evening before tendred , by which those servants which were made free , should have as good a suffrage as their masters : but for this cause , Manlius fearing himself , and being Mercenary and Ministerial to those that were in power , that he might curry favour with Pompey , he proclaimed another law , That the conduct of the war with Tigranes and Mithridates , together with the Legions and Provinces that were under Luculls ; Cilica also under the command of Marcius the King , and Bithynia under Acilius Glabrio , should be resigned to Pompey , and that he should continue in his Maritime commands , as he received them at first . [ Dio , lib. 36. cum Livi. lib. 100. Vellei . Pater . lib. 2. cap. 33. Asconio Pedian . in Ora. Cornelianam , & Plutarch in Pompeio . ] Livy notes this law to be past with great indignation of the Nobility , it seeming to the Senate no lesse than a manifest injury to Lucullus , nor was he sent to succeed him in the war so much as in the Tryumph , and to take possession of the spoiles he had taken , rather than the administration of the war. [ Plutarch in Lucullo . ] Nor did it please them , that they were forced to call Marcius and Acilius from their commands , before the time they had given them was expired . [ Dio. lib. 36. ] But they were chiefly jealous of Pompey's powerto whom by this meanes , the whole Roman Empire was subjected ; for those Provinces which by the former Gabinian law , he did seem not to have obtained , as Phrygia , Lycaonia , Galatia , Cappadocia , Cilicia , the upper Colchis , and Armenia , by this he engrost [ Plutarch in Pompeio . ] that power being given him , both of war and peace , that he might by his own will , judge any body his enemy , or make any his friend and associate , as he thought good himself . He had also the command of all armies , whatsoever , which were out of Italy ; all which the people of Rome had never heaped together upon one man before . [ Appian . pag. 238 , ] Upon this occasion it was , that Cicero then Praetor , made his Oration for the Manilian law in the 23 year after that cruel slaughter of the Citizens of Rome , which was perpetrated in Asia , by Mithridates command in one day , He now reigneth ( saies he ) the three and twentieth year from that time , and reigneth so , not as to hide himself in Pontus or Cappadocia , but to break out and invade the tributaries , and breath your Asian aire . Pompey was as yet persuing his victory over the Pirates in Cilicia ; or as ( Plutarch saies in his life ) the was being ended , and he void of businesse , he was visiting the Cities thereabout ; but when by his letters from Rome , he understood what was done there , his friends being present , and congratulating the news , he is reported to have frowned , and strook his thigh , as if he were already weary , and discontented with his command ; whose mind they all knew to be very covetous of it ; [ Plutarch in Pompeio . Dio , lib. 36. ] And although he had formerly made a shew of sailing into Crete to Metellus , he forgot that now , and all his maritime businesse , if there was any thing left undone , and addrest himself wholly to war with the Barbarians , [ Dio , ibid. ] calling back every where the Souldiers to him , and requiring the assistance of those Kings and Potentates he had received to amity . [ Plut. ibid. ] Tigranes the younger , Grandchild to Mithridates , by his daughter , revolting from his father , is overcome by him , but not being taken , he joyned with the chief of them that were discontented with his father , and went over to Phraates King of the Parthians . [ Liv. lib. 100. Appian . pag. 242. Dio , lib. 36. ] Pompey , proceeding in his war with Mithridates , renewed his league with Phraates King of Parthia . [ Livy . ] Upon the same conditions were tendred formerly to Sylla and Lucullus , of which Pompey speaks in Lucans eighth book , — si foedera nobis Prisca manent , mihi per Latium jurata Tonantem , Per vestros astricta Magos . — — If those pacts were sworn to me By th' Latian Thund'rer , continu'd be Which your own Magi joyn'd — And according to agreement , Phraates with Tigranes the younger , invaded Armenia , which was subject to Tigranes , and advancing as far as Artaxata , ( having overcome all opposition they met by the way ) they sat down before it : whilst Tigranes the elder , for fear of them , retired amongst the mountaines . [ Dio. ] Pompey , to discover Mithridates mind , sent Metrophanes to him with very friendly proposals ; but he being in hopes that Phraates ( newly possest of the kindom of Parthia ) would have joyned with him , rejects them : but understanding that he was preoccupied by Pompey , and ingaged to invade Armenia , his heart misgave him , and he sent immediately Ambassadours with propositions of peace . Pompey requires he should lay down arms , and deliver up those that had revolted . [ Dio. ] As soon as this was heard in Mithridates army , the Runnawayes ( of which there was a great number ) suspecting they should be given up : and the Barbarians supposing they should be forced to maintain the war without their assistance , fell into a mutiny , and had done some mischief to Mithridates , had he not pretended that he sent his Embassadors rather to descry the posture and preparation of the enemy , than to desire peace . [ Idem ] He swore moreover he would neither have amity with the Romans , by reason of their covetousnesse , neither would he deliver up any of them , or do any thing , but for the common advantage of all . [ Appian . ] When Pompey was come into Galatia , Lucullus came to meet him , [ Dio. ] at the Castle of Danala . [ Strabo . lib. 12. pag. 567. ] Lucullus , in respect of his age and dignity of his Consulships was the better man : but Pompy's dignity , in respect of the number of his commands , and two Triumphs that he had had , was the greater : Both of them had garlands of laurell carried before them , in honour of their victories . Pompey's laurels by reason he had come a long journey , through dry and squalid Countries , were dead and withered , which Lucullus Lictors observing , they courteously presented him with some of theirs , which were fresh and green : which passage the friends of Pompey looked upon as a good omen , that he should carry both the rewards and ornament of Lucullus victories . [ Plutarch in Lucullo , & Pompeio . ] Lucullus told him all things were already subdued , neither was there need of that expedition at all ; and that there were for the same reason , persons arrived , that the Senate had deputed for the settlement and composure of affairs : but failing to perswade Pompey to go back , he fell to complain and asperse him ; [ Dio , lib. 36. ] insomuch , that there began to be a great contest betwixt them : Pompeyt objecting to Lucullus his covetousnesse , Lucullus to Pompey his insatiable desire of command , and neither of them could be accused of saying false in what they said . [ Velleius Pater . lib. 2. cap. 33. Plutarch in Pompeio . ] For this cause Lucullus disposed of those lands he had taken from the enemy as he pleased , and gave away many good gifts besides , for which he was sharply reproved by Pompey , in that he setled and conferred honours and rewards , whilst the enemy was on foot , which used not to be done , till the war was done and accomplished . Pompey ( offended ) removes his Camp a little further from him , and commanded no body should obey , or come near him : and by publick edict , forbad the confirmation of his acts , or what the council often officers should suggest , having also the greater army he was not a little formidable : and leaving him onely 1600 for his Triumph , he drew away all his souldiers which he carryed away , though they were as uselesse to him by reason of their mutinousnesse , as they were angry with Lucullus , [ Plutarch in Pompeio , & Lucullo . ] Onely the Valerian ( or Fimbrian ) Legions he called to himself , which ( however they were refractory with Lucullus ) served him without any sedition , [ Dio. lib. 35 , & 36. ] Lucullus returned from thence to Rome , and brought along with him good store of books ( which were part of his Pontick prey ) [ Isidor . Origin . lib. 6. cap. 3. ] with which he furnished his Library , which was alwayes open to all people , especially the Grecians , [ Plutarch in Lucullo . ] He was the first also that brought Cherryes into Italy , [ Pliny , lib. 15. cap. 25. ] And ( however he had been injured exceedingly by Pompey ) he was received very honourably by the Senate , [ Plutarch in Pomp. ] Metellus , having overcome the Cretensians , took away the laws from an Island which before that time was free , [ Liv. lib. 100. ] and finished the liberty they had so long injoyed , by laying his taxes upon them , [ Velle . Paterc . lib. 2. cap. 38. ] Orosius writes in his sixth book , cap. 4. that Metellus overturned that Island in 2 years time , and wearing of it out with continual skirmishes , reduced it to his power . Eutropius in his sixth book sayes , that in several great battles he overcame the whole Country in 3 years . Velleius Paterc . according with him , who in his second book , the 34 cap. has these words : About that time the Island of Creet was brought into subjection to the Romans , which with an army of 24000 young men , pernicious in respect of their agility , patient in respect of labour , and skillful in respect of the management of their armes , under the command of Panares and Lasthenes , had for three years together tired the Roman army . L. Flaccus , together with the Commander in Chief , sustained the fury of that war , [ Cicero pro Flacco . ] Caius Nasennius , a Suessan freeman , commanded the 8 Century , which was called the chief , [ Id. ad Brut. epist. 8. ] and Cnius Plancius ( a person very much approved by C. Sacerdos the Embassadour , and by L. Flaccus ) was a souldier under Q. Metellus , [ Id. pro Plancio . ] After this manner the Cretensians that before this time had lived alwayes free , and had never yet known any forreign command ; were brought under the yoke , and Metellus received the name of Cretensis from them , [ Dio. lib. 36. ] Antipas , called also Antipater , Governour of Idumea , and father to Herod King of Judea , being a rich man , factious and busie by nature , fearing Aristobulus's power by reason of some grudges betwixt them , he fell to Hircanus his party , and with secret aspertions of Aristobulu● prevailed , that the chief of the Jews entered into conspiracy against him : suggesting it would be very ill to let him possesse a command he had so unjustly usurped , he having put by his elder brother , and dispoiled him of the prerogative of his birth : and with the same language he plyed Hircanus constantly ; adding withal , that his very life was in danger unlesse he prevented it by a timely flight ; for Aristobulus's friends were in perpetual consultation , how they should establish the Authority upon another when they had removed him out of the way : But Hircanus being of himself a good man , and not easily addmitting reports , gave but small credit to his informations , which quietnesse and lenity of mind procured him the imputation of being slothful ; but Antipater neverthelesse gave not over complaining of his brother , as if he had laid waite to kill him , [ Joseph . lib. 14. cap. 2. ] Phraates , finding the siege of Artaxata likely to be a long work , left part of his Forces with Tigranes his son , and returned home himself , [ Dio. lib. 36. ] The nether Spain fell to C. Julius Caesars lot when he was Quaestor , who being commanded by the Praetor to travel about the several Countries and decide matters of law : Arriving at Gades , he observed in Hercules Temple , Alexander the Great 's Tomb , and as if it had upbraided him for having done nothing Memorable at the same age ( which was 34 ) that Alexander had conquered the World , he fell into great malancholy , and importuned he might be sent back into Rome , that he might take the first opportunity of attempting some noble thing : and departing accordingly before his time , he went to some Italian Colonies that were then in agitation about their return , and had excited them to something , had not the Consuls with their Legions which were raised to go into Cilicia , kept them from it , [ Sueto . in Julio . Caesare , cap. 7. & 8. ] Pompey , possessing with his Navy all the Sea betwixt Phoenicia and the Bosphorus , advanced against Mithridates , having under his own command a select choice army consisting of 30000 Foot disposed into a Phalang , for the safeguard of his Country , besides as Plutarch sayes 2000 , as Appian 3000 Horse , [ Plut. in Pomp. Appian . pag. 238. ] Moreover that because Lucullus had lately harrased that Country and brought great scarcity amongst them , there were many come to him , though the King used all the severity he could ( either throwing them down steep rocks , or putting out their eyes , or burning them alive ) against them he took ; by which means he frightned many indeed from running away , but however they were distressed with want , [ Appian . ibid. ] Pompey , having placed some of his troups in ambush , sent out others to face the Kings Camp , and provoke him out , with command that they should turn and flee after they had got them forth , till they had drilled them into their trap : and had not the King suspected it and drawn out his Foot , they might possibly have pursued them so as to have entred their Camp with them : and this was the first skirmish betwixt the Horse , [ Id. ibid. ] Mithridates for a while , being not equally furnished with men , avoids fighting , and destroyes the Countries where he comes , endeavouring by marching up and down to tire his enemie , or to afflict him with want of victuals . But as soon as Pompey was entred into Armenia the Lesse , which was subject to Mithridates ; partly for this very cause , and partly that he might take possession of it , being forsaken : at length Mithridates doubting lest that Province should in his absence fall into the hands of his enemies , he went thither , [ Dio. lib. 36. ] Mithridates sat down upon a strong and secure Hill over against his enemy , where he lay quiet with his whole army , hoping to drive the Romans into distresse , and by intercepting their necessary provisions , to destroy them : Whilst he himself being in his own Country , was plentifully supplied from all parts . Under this Hill there was a Plain , into which he disposed some Horse to encounter and cut off all they met ; by which means it happened that many came off from the enemy to him , [ Id. ibid. ] Pompey , not daring to assault the enemy in that place , raised his Camp , and removed it to another commodiously incompassed with woods , whereby he secured himself against their Troups and Darts : and having laid ambush in a convenient place , he himself with a few advances and faces their Camp : and raising a tumult , he trayled the enemy from their Works to the place he had designed , and gave them a great defeate : by which accident their courage being revived , he sent out others to the other parts of the Country to bring in provisions , [ ibid. ] After Mithridates had left the Hill where he pitched his tents , as a barren place and dry , Pompey came and possessed it , and imagining by the forwardnesse of the shrubs , and the hollownesse and convexity of the place there must needs be water underneath , he commanded they should dig Wells up and down , and they had such plenty of water in their Camp presently , that it was a wonder Mithridates found it not in so long a time , [ Plutarch . ] Mithridates sate down upon a Mountain near Dastira in Acilisena , which was very well furnished with water , and not far from the River Euphrates which divides Acilisena and Armenia the Lesse , [ Strabo , lib. 12. pag. 555. ] And here Orosius writes , that Pompey blocked up the Kings Camp near the Mountain Dastracus in Armenia the Lesse , [ lib. 6. cap. 4. ] making a line about the King of 150 furlongs , and raising several Castles within it that he might thereby render their forrage difficult . Which Work the King not hindring , either out of fear or folly ( which be commonly the forerunners of mischief ) [ Appian . ] he was besieged as Plutarch sayes 45 dayes : but Appian reports , that for the space of 50 dayes , they could scarce keep themselves alive , having slaine all the Cattle they had , and reserved nothing but the Horses . Mithridates , at length understanding that the enemy had been supplyed with victuals , and had taken a Country in Armenia , called Manaitin , many of his men falling off to him , and that Marius his army ( together with the Legions , which Suetonius has said were raised for Cilicia , of which place he was Governour ) were come to him ; being affrighted , he resolves to leave that Country . [ Dio. ] And killing those that were sick , and of no service , he brake forth in the night , with an intire body , and with great silence , by the way he made his escape . [ Plutarch , Appian , and Orosius , ] determining ( by marching in the night ) to go into Armenia the greater , which was subjects to Tigranes , [ Dio. ] and there to beat back Pompey , if he pursued him . [ Oros. lib. 6. cap. 4. ] The next day , Pompey , having with much ado overtaken him , fell in upon his rear , but the King ( though perswaded by his friends ) could not be tempted to a battle , contented to beat back the enemy with some Horse only , and in the evening to retire into the woods . [ Appian . ] The day following , Mithridates got possession of a Village , that was every way incompassed with rocks , to which there was but one ascent , and that was kept by four companies of Foot. The Romans also made a stand over against them , to prevent the escape of the King. [ Idem . ] When they were come even upon the borders . Pompey fearing Mithridates should get before , and passe Euphrates , and by that means make his escape . He resolved to endeavour to give them battle in the night . [ Plutarch & Dio. ] So he removed his Camp & deceived the Barbarians that rested till noon : he marched the same way they were to come ; and having gotten a convenient place amongst the hills , he drew up his men into the heighest parts of it , and expected the enemy . The Barbarians , to whom nothing as yet had fallen out crossely , believing they had come into a safe place , and secure ; not doubting but the Romans were gone , they sent out not so much as one Scout to discover . [ Dio. ] It is reported , that Mithridates had at this time a vision in his sleep , which did forewarn him of what did follow : he did seem to be sailing with a fair wind in the Pontick sea , and to be come within sight of the Bosphorus : and being overjoy'd with certain and unquestionable safety , began pleasantly to accost them that carryed him ; but of a suddain , he found himself deserted , and tost upon a small fragment of ships . Whilst he was occupyed with these motions and fancies , his friends that were about him waked him , telling him , Pompey was at hand . When therefore he found he must of necessity fight for his Trench , bringing out their armies , both Captains drew into battalia [ Plutarch . ] Pompey , seeing them prepare for to fight , thought it not best to ingage in the night , but to incompasse them rather , that they might not escape , and to assault them next morning with his army , which was much the stronger : yet the elder , and chief of his Officers , with their prayers and exhortation , provoked him . [ Ibid. ] It was agreed therefore , that all the Trumpets together should sound a charge , after that the souldiers and the whole multitude should give a shout ; and then some should strike their spears against their vessels of brasse . The mountains being hollow , made the noise more horrible , which the Barbarians hearing sudainly , in the night , and in a desert place , they were exceedingly dismaied , supposing they were fallen into some misery inflicted by the gods . In the mean time , the Romans , from aloft , threw down stone , arrows and darts , on every side , and the multitude being so great , none fell in vain : having spent their arrows , they ran down violently upon the Barbarians , who kicking and pressing each other forward , were slain , being neither able to defend themselves , nor assault the enemy , for as much as they were for the most part Horsemen and Archers , whom in the dark , and in those straights , no endeavour or attempt of theirs could advantage . [ Dio. ] As soon as the Moon got up , the Barbarians conceiving they might repel the enemy in the light , took courage , and it might indeed have been some benefit to them , had not the Romans had it upon their backs , for the Moon being in its waine , and their shadows appearing long before their bodies , and pressing upon the enemy , who judged of their nearnesse , by the means of their shadows , sent all their darts in vain , assaulting their shadows , as if they had been at hand themselves : when the Romans afterwards assaulting them , as if they had been unarmed , overcame them without any pains . [ Id. cum Flo. Plut. & Eutrop. ] That this battle was in the night , [ Livy , lib. 100. ] Florus , [ lib. 3. ] Plutarch , [ in Pompeio . ] Dio , [ lib. 36. ] Eutropius , [ lib. 6. ] and Orosius , [ lib. 6. cap. 4. ] do agree ; onely Appian sayes it was in the day time , and after this manner . Both armies were drawn up early in the morning , and some sorlones of both sides advancing , they sk●●mished amongst the rocks . Some of the Kings Horse also running on foot without or●●rs to the relif of their fellow-souldiers , and being charged with a great number of the Roman Cavalry , ran back in one company to their tents , that by mounting they mi●●t incounter the enemy upon equal terms : But the Ponticks that were upon the Guard , observing from an eminent place , with what noise and haste they did run , suppo●●ng their Camp had been entred in some other part , and that that was the cause of the●● flight , they threw away their armes , and betook themselves also to their heeles : but ●o passage being open for their escape , they fell foul upon one another , till that by their thronging they threw themselves down the rocks . It was easie for Pompey to perf●rm the rest , to kill and take them prisoners that were unarmed , and so entangled amongst the rocks . There were 10000 slain , their Camp taken , and all their amunition and baggage . So Appian , [ in Mithridatic . pag. 239 , 240. ] Plutarch speaks of a far greater number than 10000. Dio that there were very many slain , and no lesse number taken prisoners . Eutropius 40000. Orosius sayes there were so many either killed or taken : Eutropius sayes Pompey lost onely twenty or thirty of his men , and two Captains . Orosius sayes the Romans had a thousand wounded , but scarce forty killed outright . Mithridates himself with a Body of 800 Horse brake thorough the Romans , but was at length , ( the rest having forsaken him ) left with three onely : amongst which Hypsicratia was one , ( Plutarch calls her his Concubine , but Valer. Maxim. and Eutropius speaks her his wife ) whom the King by reason she was of a Masculine spirit , called alwayes Hypsicrates . But then though she had put on the habite of a Persian man , and was one horseback ; yet was she neither tired by the tediousnesse of her own flight , nor with the care and solicitousnesse of the King , [ Plutarch , Valer. Maxim. lib. 4. cap. 6. Eutropius , lib. 6. ] His Daughter also Dripetine borne him by Laodice the Queen , but exceedingly deformed by a double row of teeth , bore her father company in his distresse , [ Valer. Max. lib. 1. cap. 8. ] And so the King having by flight slipt thorough the confusion of the battle , and ( being befriended by the clearnesse of the night ) escaped , leading his horse himself in his hand when he came into by places , and trembling at every noise he heard , [ Oros. lib. 6. cap. 4. ] till at length he fell amongst some mercenary Horse , and 3000 Foot , by whom he was conveyed into the Castle of Sinoria , where he had heaped up much money , [ Appian . ] which Castle Plutarch calls Inora , Strabo Sinoria , or Synoria , seated in the borders of both the Armenia's , [ Strabo , lib. 12. pag. 555. ] There he gave gifts and a years pay to those which had borne him company in his flight : and took , sayes [ Appian . ] six thousand talents compleat along with him . He gave also rich garments to those that resorted to him from the rout : besides deadly poison that he gave his friends to carry about with them , lest any of them should fall into the enemies hands . From hence he marched into Armenia to Tigranes , [ Plutarch . ] Tigranes being importuned by Embassadours from Mithridates , would not onely not receive him , but clapt his Embassadours in prison ; pretending he was the cause of the sedition of his son Tigranes : and thus Mithridates being frustrate of his hopes , having passed the River Euphrates , he bends his flight into Colchis , [ Plutarch . Appian . Dio. ] which he had formerly subjected to his power , [ Strabo , lib. 12. pag. 555. ] And having nowhere delayed his journey , the fourth day he past Euphrates ; then arming for three dayes and disposing of those supplies he had with him , or which came in to him , he assailed Chotenis the chief Town in Armenia , by reason the Chotenians , and Iberians had attempted with slings and darts to hinder his march ; but he beat them off , and advanced to the River Absarus , [ Appian . ] Pompey sent out to pursue Mithridates , but he had past the River Phasis , and escaped . So Pompey built a City in the same place where he gained his Victory , [ Dio. lib. 36. ] betwixt two Rivers which proceeded from several causes in one Mountain ; that is to say , Euphrates and Araxes , situate in the Lesser Armenia , and for that cause called Nicopolis . This City he gave by the consent of his souldiers to those that were old , or lame , or sick , or wounded , or disbanded : to which many of the neighbours repairing , the Nicopolitans lived afterward after the manner of the Cappadocians , [ Id ibid. cum Strabo , lib. 12. pag. 555. Appian . pag. 243. & 251. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 4. ] Tigranes the father advanced against Tigranes his son , who was left alone to besiege the Artaxati , and overcame him : he being put to slight , fled first toward Mithridates his Grandfather ; but hearing he was beaten himself , and in more need of assistance than likelihood of assisting him , he joyned himself to the Romans , [ Dio. lib. 36. ] flying most submissively to them , though he was grandchild to Mithridates by his Daughter , [ Appian . ] and met Pompey at the River Araxes , [ Plutarch . ] By his conduct Pompey brought his army into Armenia against his father , as a confederate of Mithridates , [ Dio. ] aiming at Artaxa to the Court of Tigranes , [ Appian . ] Tigranes the father , understanding this , was terrified exceedingly , but hearing Pompey was of a gentle and pleasant nature , he sent a Trumpeter to him , and withal delivered up Mithridates his Embassadour that he had clapt up : but his son hindering him from obtaining any tolerable conditions , and Pompey neverthelesse passing over the River Araxis , and approaching near Artaxatis ; Tigranes at length delivered up the City and all the Garrison was in it , he and his friends and kindred going out to meet him , without sending so much as a Herauld before , surrendering all his right into his hands , and appealing to him for justice against his son , [ Plutarch . Appian . Dio. ] But to the end he might appear to Pompey worthy of reverence and compassion , he ordered it so , that as far as in him lay , he would retain a mediocrity betwixt the dignity of his former , and the misery of his present condition ; for he had put off his Gown that was half white , and his Royal Robe of Purple : but wore his Diadem and the ornaments for his head , [ Dio. ] To whom when Pompey sent the Captains and Officers of his Horse to meet and do him honour ; his friends that did accompany him doubting their security , because they had sent no Heraulds before , ran back and deserted him , [ Appian . ] When Tigranes was come to Pompey's Camp , which was sixteen miles off from Arraxatis , two Lictors from Pompey came to him , and commanded him to alight from his Horse , upon which , according to the customes of his Conntrie , he had entred the very works , for no man living was ever seen to enter the Roman Camp on horse back . Tigranes obeyed , and unbuckling his sword , delivered it to them . [ Eutr . Plut. & Dio. ] Pompey , beholding him entred on foot , and ( having thrown away his Crown , and cast himself upon the ground ) adoring , according to the manner of the Barbarians , touched with compassion , he leaped to him , and catching him by the hand , lifted him up , and put on the Crown again that he had cast away , commanding him to sit down on one side of him , and his son on the other , who neither rose up to his father , nor used any other ceremony to him . [ Cicero pro P. Sextio . Eutrop. lib. 6. Dio. Appian & Plutarch . tum in Pompeto . tum in Lucul . & Cimonis collatione . ] Tigranes delivered up himself and his kingdom to Pompey's command : declaring before , That there was no man , neither of Rome , nor any other Nation , to whose friendship he would have surrendred himself , but onely Pompey : and that henceforward , any fortune that should befall him for him , whether it was good or bad , should be acceptable to him ; saying moreover , it could not be any disparagement to be conquered by him , whom it was a sin to conquer ; nor was it dishonourable to submit to him , whom fortune had exalted above every one . [ Vel. Pater . lib. 2. cap. 37. ] He and his sonne were afterwards invited by Pompey to supper ; but his sonne absenting himself , gave Pompey the first occasion to be offended with him . [ Dio. ] The next day , their controversies being heard , Pompey restored the kingdom of Armenia ) the ancient possession of his forefathers , ( to Tigranes the elder , and as Strabo sayes , added the greatest and best part of Mesopotamia ( lib. 16. pag. 747. ) taking away those Countries he had gained in the war , and laying a mulct of six thousand talents of silver upon him , which was to be paid to the people of Rome , because he had waged war with them without a cause : but to his son he gave only the command of Gordena and Sophena , with liberty of injoyning the rest of Armenia , when his father dyed . But the treasure in Sophena , ( a Country in the borders of Armenia ) he adjudged to the father , because by any other way he could not pay the mony he had agreed for . [ Cicero , Vellet . Pater . Plut. Appian . Dio. & Eutrop. as aforesaid . ] Tigranes , the father , being very glad of these conditions , and that he was called King by the Romans , he departed not onely through Cappadocia , and some parts of Cilicia , but through all Syria and Phaenicia , from Euphrates to the sea ; for these Provinces with part of Cilicia , he had possest , by throwing out Antiochus Pius . [ Livy , lib. 101. Vellei . Patercul . lib. 2. cap. 37. Plutarch . Appian , Dio. & Eutrop. ] Tigranes the younger , taking it in disdain , that he was so disappointed of his hopes , plotted to escape ; which Pompey very seasonably perceiving , restrained him , but with liberty , and sent messengers to those that kept the mony , to demand it for Tigranes the elder : which they refused , pleading , That they were not to be commanded , but by Tigranes the younger , whose Country that was then judged to be . He is himself sent to the Castle , who finding it shut , came up to it , and though against his will , commanded them to open : neverthelesse , the keepers would not obey , objecting , That Tigranes summond it not out of any desire in himself , but by constraint ; which Pompey taking very ill , cast the young man into chains , and by that means , his father at length got the treasure . [ Dio. lib. 36. ] Appian sayes , that the Armenians which deserted the King in his journey to the Roman Camp , solicited his son that continued with Pompey , to make away his father ; but he was himself taken and clapped into irons : neverthelesse ; when in letters , he by his messengers perswaded the Parthians against the Romans , pretending he was reserved for the Triumph . The father received his mony , he gave many things , and a greater portion of mony than was agreed upon by Pompey ; he gave freely to every Souldier , 50 groats , or ( as Strabo sayes ) 150 , to every Captain 1000 , every Colonel 10000 , or ( as Strabo and Plutarch have it ) a talent , which is but 6000 Drachmes , by which means he was reckoned amongst the friends and confederates of the people of Rome . [ Sirabo , lib. 11. pag. 530. Plutarch . Appian , Dio. ] But the mony due to the people of Rome , Pompey , as his custom was , delivered it to the Treasurer , for the use of the Publick . [ Velei . Pater . lib. 2. cap. 37. ] Pompey gave Ariobarzanes the whose kingdom of Cappadocia , and Sophena , and Gordena , which he had first assigned to Tigranes the younger , which were afterward thought to be in the Province of Cappadocia , he gave him also Cabala , ( or Gabala ) a City in Cilicia , and some others which Ariobarzanes afterwards left intirely to his son , [ Appian . pag , 243 , 244. ] C. Julius Caesar , Year of the World 3939 some few dayes before he entred into the Aedilship was suspected of a conspiracy with Marcus Crassus the Consul , as also Sylla and Antonius after the designation of the Consulship , were condemned for endeavouring in the beginning of the year ( the Kalends of January falling out then upon the Julian October , in which Cotta and Torquatus entred the Consulship ) to assault the Senate , and killing whom they pleased , Crassus was to invade the Dictatorship , and he should be called the Master of his Horse , and the whole Common-wealth being framed according to their pleasure , the Consulship should be restored to Sylla and Antonius ; from whence it was that Cicero in an Epistle to Axius reports , that Caesar in his Consulship had setled the kingdom so as he had contrived in his Aedilship , [ Sueton , in Julio Caesare , cap. 9. ] Pompey , having left Armenia to the defence of Afranius , bends his course against Mithridates thorough those Countries that lie about Caucasus , the Albanians and Iberians ( great Countries ) gave him passage upon the first overture , as Plutarch speaks ; but Livie , [ lib. 101. ] sayes , that Pompey fought and overcame them , because they denied it him : which battle , lightly and variously mentioned by Plutarth and Appian , Dio doth more fully explain . Pompey having divided his army into three parts , took his own winter quarters up near the River Cyrnus , in the Country about Tanais , where notwithstanding he was not quiet ; for Oroesus King of the Albanians who inhabite the Country above the River Cyrnus ( or Cyrus ) [ Florus , lib. 3 , cap. 5. Eutropius , lib. 6. and Orosius , lib. 6. cap. 4. calls him Orodes . ] partly to gratifie his friend Tigranes the younger ; but especially because he feared the Romans would invade Albania : and hoping that if in the Winter he should assault them unexpectedly , they having not pitched their Camp in one place , he made no question but to perform something worthy of his pains ; wherefore he advanced with his army against the Romans in the midst of their Saturnals : he himself marched against Merellus Celer , who had Tigranes with him ; others against Pompey , others against the Commander of the third party Lucius Flaccus : that whilst every one of them had their hands full at the same time , neither of them should be able to relieve one the other : So sayes Dio , [ lib. 36. ] Appian sayes , that Oroezes the King of the Albanians , and Otocus ( or Artocus rather ) King of the Iberians with 70000 men , lay in ambush for Pompey near the River Cyrnus . Plutarch sayes no lesse than 40000 Barbarians past the River against Pompey in the Roman Festivals to Saturne , which Feasts were celebrated in the moneth of December : but as the year came then about it happened in September , or the Julian October , that is in the beginning of Autumn or Winter , according to those that divide the year into two parts onely , Summer and Winter , which we see Thucydides observes , constantly in his History of the Peloponesian war. Metellus beat Oroesus , Flaccus ( the ditch about his Camp being of too great circumference to be defended , ) made another within , which the enemy supposing was done out of fear , advanced presently into the outward ditch ; he making an unexpected sally upon them , killed many in the conflict , and many in the chase . Pompey understanding the successe of the Barbarians against the other , rises and falls unlooked for upon those which were marching against him ; and having defeated them , he bends directly against Oroesus himself : but could not find him , for he being beaten himself by Metellus and hearing the misfortune of the rest , betook himself to his heeles , and escaped , [ Dio. ] Pompey , having layne in their passage of the River Cyrnus , at last yeilded to their supplication , and gave them peace ; it was once in his mind to recompence the mischeif they had done , by invading their Country ; but by reason of the Winter he could not without great trouble protract the war : thus Dio in the 36 book , the later end . Plutarch writes that Pompey routed a great number of them , and brought in their Colours : and afterwards , the King supplicating and sending Embassadours , he made peace with him . Mithridates wintered in Dioscuriade , [ Appian . pag , 240. ] where the Isthmus betwixt the Euxine and the Caspian Seas begins , [ Strabo , lib. 11. pag. 498. ] Antipater importuning H●rcanus his assent that he might flee to Areta King of the Arabians , and promising him his assistance , did notwithstanding hardly prevail , yet he obtained it the easier , in respect that Arabia buts upon Judea . Antipater therefore is dispatched before to the King to receive his promise , that he would not deliver up his suppliant to his enemies , which as soon as he had promised upon his word , Antipater returned with all speed to Hyrcanus at Jerusalem , and not long after taking him by night along with him , they stole out of the City , and with great journeys came unto a City called Petra , in which was Areta's Court , [ Joseph . lib. 14. cap. 2. ] Antipater being very dear to Areta , requested that he would restore Judea to Hircanus , which with constant importunity , and presents together , at length he perswaded him to : Hircanus promised if by his meanes he was brought into his Kingdome again , he would return him a Country with twelve Cities ; which his father Alexander Jannaeus had taken away foom the Arabians . The Cities were these , Medaba , Naballo , Livias , Tharabasa , Agalla , Athone , Zoara , Oronae , Marissa , Rydda , Lusa , Oryba , [ Id. ibid. ] Alexander II. King of Egypt , the son of Alexander I. was expulsed by the Alexandrians [ Suet. in Juli. Caesare . ] but Alexander the son being expelled , Ptolemy a natural son was substituted ; he was the son of Ptolemey Lathurus , who was called Dionysius the new , or Bacchus , and Auletes , because he most effaeminately followed the dalliance of the Dionysii , and having put on the habit of women , he danced to the Cymbals in the celebrations of Bacchus . [ Lucian de non tem . cred . calum . ] he practised also their piping so much , that he boasted of it ; and was not ashamed to celebrate contestations in his Court , in which he himself appeared to contest with others . [ Strabo . lib. 17. pag. 796. ] Aretas the King of the Arabians , with 50000 men , vanquished Aristobulus , after which battle many ran away to Hyrcanus , so that Aristobulns being desolate , fled to Jerusalem , but Aretas bringing his army with him besieged him in the temple , the people also assisting Hircanus the clergy onely sticking close to Aristobulus . But Aretas having brought the Jewish army , as well as the Arabian did most vigorously presse them with his siege . [ Joseph . lib. 14. cap. 3. ] These things being done about the approach of the feast of unleavened bread , the chief of the Jewes forsook their own Country , and fled into Egypt . There was one Onias in Iudea , an honest just man , and one that had ( in a great drought , ) prevailed by the Piety of his Prayers for raine , but then foreseeing the civil war that followed had hid himself , and retired into a hole , but the Jews caught him , and bringing him into their Camp , requested him that as heretofore he had relieved them against ●he drought , so he would now curse Aristobulus ( and as many as were of his party ) for them . This he refused a great while , til being compelled by the multitude , he stood in the midst of them and prayed thus , O God , thou that art King of the whole World , for as much as these that are with me are thy people , and those that are besieged are thy Priests . I beseech thee that thou wouldst neither hear these against them , nor them praying against these . After this some wicked men of the Jews beset him and killed him with stones : which cruelty God immediately revenged , and punished the slaughter of Onias after this manner [ ibid. ] Whilst Aristobulus was with his Priests besieged , the feast of the Passeover came about , in which the custome was for them to make many sacrifices to their God , which because the besieged did want , they desired of their Brethren the Jews that besieged them ; that they would furnish them with sacrifices at what prize they pleased to set : they demanded 1000 groates should be sent them for every oxe , which Aristobulus and his Priests , willingly consented to and let down their money from the wall , which they received ; but returned no sacrifice but proceeded to that height of impiety , that they did not only break their Faith with men , but rob'd God of his due honour . But the Priests that under pretence of a bargain were thus cozened , prayed to God that he would take vengeance of them , nor was it long before it happened , for a great storme sent from above into those Countryes ; made so great a vastation amongst their corne , that a bushell of wheat was sold for 15 groates . [ ibid. ] Pompey waged war with the Iberians , a people exceedingly desirous to gaine the favour of Mithridates , and to repell Pompey : because as yet they had neither bin subject to the Medes , Persians , Alexander , nor the Macedonians : [ Plutar. ] their King therefore Artoces ( whilst Lucius Cotta and Lu. Torquatus were Consuls ) fearing least he should advance against him ; sends over Embassadors to Pompey under pretence of treating for peace : but in the mean time Prepared whilst he was busy with them to fall upon him when he suspected no such matter ; this Pompey perceiving , before he had sufficiently provided himself for that , and possest himself of the passes ; he falls down into his Country : and before Artoces knew any thing of his comming was got down as farre as the City Acropolis , which being scituate in those streights where Caucasus runs along , was fortified for defence of that passe . Artoces having lost the opportunity of strengthning himself , in a great fright passes the river Cyrnus , and burns down the bridge . And they which were in the City seeing him fled and themselves beaten , yeilded up the Town : by which means Pompey having got possession of the streights , put a Garrison over them , and marching from thence subdued the whole Country that lay on that side the river . [ Dio. init . lib. 37. ] Pompey being now about to passe Cyrnus , Artoces begged a truce his Embassadors , proffering to make him a bridge , and to furnish him with all necessaries besides , both which he performed for the obtaining of peace , but as soon as Pompey had passed that river he fled immediately to the river Pelor● ; running from him whom he had drawn upon himself , when he might have prevented his passage . Pompey , taking it into consideration , pursues , and ( having overtaken him ) gives him Battaile , and with great ease , before the bow-men came to show their skill , he routed them ; things falling out thus , Artoces having passed Pelorus , and burnt that bridge also , flyes away ; the remainder were out off , part in the conflict , and part whilest they attempted to passe the river on foot ; many betaking themselves to the woods , held out some few dayes , by throwing darts from the higg trees , but the trees being cut down , they also perished . [ Id. ib. ] Plutarch reports there was 6000 slain in the battle , and more than 10000 taken prisoners . Artoces sent Ambassadors to Pompey , to supplicate peace ; they brought presents with them also , as a Bed , a Table , and a Chair , all of Gold : which he beseeched him to accept . Pompey took the presents , ( that he , being suspended with hopes of the transaction , might not go any further off ) and delivered them to the Quaestors , to be inserted in the publick writings , but refused to give him peace , unlesse Artocis would deliver him his sons as hostages . Artocis was for some time doubtful : but at last , when the Romans had found a Ford in the River , in Summer time , and passed it with much adoe , though they had no body to resist them , he sent his sons for hostages , and made his peace with Pompey . [ Dio , lib. 37. cum Plutarch . & Fl●r . lib. 3. cap. 4. ] Eutropius sayes , that Pompey overcame Arthaces , King of Iberia , in battle , and received him to favour , upon conditions ; Sextus Rufus , and Jornandes , that both Iberia , and Arthaces their King , surrendred themselves to him : but Orosius [ lib. 6. cap. 4. ] saith , he beat Artoces , King of the Iberians , in the field , and got all Iberia into his custody . Mithridates made his way as well through those Countries of the Scythians , that were offended , as those that were otherwise ; some he wan to him by fair means , others he constrained by soule ; and being willingly entertained , he past to the Heniochians : but the Achaeans , attempting to withstand him , were overcome : afterwards entering into the Maeotick Countries , and vanquishing many of their Commanders , for the fame of his atchievements , he was received kindly , taking many guifts , and presenting many : he drew them also into confederacy with him , by taking their daughters , and so joyning the most powerful of them to himself . [ Livy , lib. 101. Appian . pag. 240 , 241 , Dio. lib. 36. ] to which that place of Strabo refers . [ lib. 11. pag. 496. ] The Heniochi at that time that Mithridates fled through their Country into Bosphorus , from his own , had four Kings . He cast away all hopes of passing by the Zygians , both by reason of the difficulty of the wayes , and the fiercenesse of the people ; and therefore with much ado ( being many times forced to take the sea ) he marched along the shoar , till at last he arrived amongst the Achaeans , by whom he was received , ( notwithstanding , we have heard Appian say , that they resisted him ) and here he finished his journy which began at Phasis , and was from thence almost 4000 furlongs . Thus Strabo , who recounts out of those Authours , that writ of the affairs of Mithridates , the Countries in this order : First the Achaeans , then the Zygians , Heniochians , Cercetans , Moschians , Colchians , [ pag. 497. ] through all which unruly Countries , Hypsicrate his Queen , with an indefatigable mind and body , followed her distressed husband : and that she might with more ease , share in his labour and pains , shaving her hair , she accustomed her self to ride on Horse back , and beat arms ; whose so great fidelity in all distresses , was the greatest and most pleasant consideration to Mithridates , who seemed to himself to wander with his whole fortune and family , whilst his wife bare him company in his banishment . [ Valer. Maxim. lib. 4. cap. 6. ] Machares , the son of Mithridates , who reigned then in Bosphorus , Cimerius , and favoured the Roman party . When he heard his father , in so short a time had overcome so many fierce and Warlike Nations , and past the very bars of Scythia , which were never penetrable before . He sent Ambassadors to him , to let him know it was necessity had constrained him to that friendship with the Romans : but understanding he was implacable , he fled into Pontica Chersonesus , burning his ships , that he might thereby hinder his father from following him : but when he sent against him another fleet , he laid hands upon himself . Mithridates slew all those friends that he had sent himself with him for companions , when Machirus went first into his Kingdome , but sent his servants away safe ; so Appian , [ pag. 241. ] Dio. [ lib. 36. ] saies , That the father having corrupted his familiars with security and presents , wrought upon them to kill his son . And Orosius tells , That Machares was most parricidiously slain by him . [ lib. 6. cap. 5. ] Pompey , ordering his journy into the Northern parts of Scythia by the stars , as it had been at Sea , fell down upon the Colchi ; and incamping under Caucasus it self , commanded their King Orodes to come down into the Plains , as Florus hath it , [ lib. 3. cap. 5. ] who a little after sayes Orodes was King of the Al●ans ( with E●●ropius and Oro●us . ) For Orodes in this place we must use the name of 〈◊〉 , whom Appian shewes to be King of the Colchi , and led in Triumph by Pompey , [ pag. 253. ] or Aristarchus , whom the said Appian , [ pag. 251. ] and Eutropius . [ lib. 6. ] report to be made King at Colehis in his stead . Plutarch sayes , that at the River Phasis Servilius met Pompey with the Fleet which was left for the defence of Pontus , and that the pursuite of Mithridates who had hid himself in the Countries about Bosphorus and Maeotis , had brought him into many perplexities : he went also to Colehis that he might view the 〈◊〉 of the Argona●ae , and Castor and Pollux ; especially desiring to see the place where Promatheus was said to be affixed to Ca●ca●us , the sight of which things drew him from the neighbour Countries , [ Appian . pag. 241 , 242. ] The Colchi also and the Countries conte●minous he wan to his side , partly by fair words , and partly by feare , and having found there that his journey by land thorough many warlike and unknown Countries would be difficult , and that by sea it was more incommodious by reason of the inhabitants which were averse ; and the Country unfurnished with Ports ; he commanded his ships to keep their station and to watch Mithridates that he might no where be suffered to break out , nor no provisions for him be any where suffered to come in : be himself turns his course against the Albani , but with a compasse that whilst they were secure in their compact , he might with the suddenesse of his accesse the more easily destroy them though Plutarch sayes , the Albani did at length revolt , and that Pompey stirred up with anger and desire of revenge , marched immediately against them : but he returned into Armenia , and passed the River Cyrnus , where the season of the year had rendered it fordable , [ Dio. lib. 37. ] But with great difficulty it was that he passed this River , the Barbarians having for a great space fortified it by knocking down stakes into it , [ Plutarch . ] But Pompey , the River being smooth , first put his Horse over , then his Traine , and then his Foot , that the Horse might with their bodies break the force of the River , and if any thing of the Traine should be carryed away with the violenee of the stream , it should fall upon them that accompanied it , and be carryed no further , [ Dio. ] Here having past a long , dry , and rocky way , he filled 10000 bladders with water , and proceeded in his journey , [ Plut. ] At length without any impediment from the enemy , he arrived at the River C●mbyses , but his whole army greviously distressed with heat and thirst , though for the most part they marched in the night ; he chose him Guides out of the prisoners , but they shew him not the most commodious way . Moreover the River it self brought them out small advantage , for the water being exceeding cold , and they drinking too plentifully , it made many extremly sick . But neither did they rest any of them , till they came to the River Aban● , all which time they carryed nothing with them but water , in all other things being most bountifully supplied by the inhabitants , for which cause they marched without any injury to them , [ Dio. ] Having passed the River , news was brought that Oroeses was drawing towards them , [ Id. ] He had in his army 60000 Foot , and 12000 , or ( as Strabo will have it 22000 ) Horse , but for the most part ill armed , and with the skins onely of wild Beasts , which Cossis the Kings brother commanded , [ Plut. cum Strabo , lib. 11. pag. 502. ] Pompey , that he might draw them to a battle before they understood the number of the Romans , he first drew up his Horse , giving them directions what they should do ; behind them he disposed his Foot , placing them upon their heeles , and commanding them to cover themselves with their sheilds , and lie still without making any noise ; by which means Oroeses had no knowledge of them till he joyned battle : but despising the Horsemen whom he thought alone , he assailed them , and in a moment putting them ( as they had order ) to flight , he pursues them furiously : When the Foot rising up on the sudden , and making a space that the Horse might securely retreat , they charged the enemy , and incompassing a great number of them , put them to the sword , the rest were destroyed by the Horse , who being drawn about both on the right hand and the left fell in upon their backs , so that by the Horsemen also there was great slaughter made : and those , escaping both , had fled into the Woods , the Woods being set on fire , were consumed amongst them : the Romans calling out to them the while to remember the Saturnals , for about that time as is said before , the Albani laid an ambush and assailed them ere they were aware , [ Dio. lib. 37. ] In this battle , Cossis the Kings brother charged Pompey himself , and with his dart struck him thorough the joynt of his armes , but Pompey ran him thorough with his Speare and killed him . In this fight it was reported that certain Amazons inhabiting the Mountains adjacent to the River Thermodontes , came in to the relief of the Barbarians , and some whilst they were taking the plunder of the field , found some Amazonian Targets and Buskins , but there was no body of a woman found , [ Plut. ] See Appian also , [ pag. 242. ] where he speaks of this and the former ingagement , with the Albani , as but one ; notwithstanding , 〈◊〉 with Eutropi●s , and Sex●us Rufus , deliver , that Pompey did thrice overcome 〈◊〉 , King of the Albani , and his Commanders , [ lib. 6. cap. 4. ] Pompey , having destroyed the Country 〈…〉 , was at length perswaded to accept of Orodis , or Oroe●ls , his 〈◊〉 , for establishing a 〈◊〉 , as also a golden bed , and other presents that he sent him ; for which he made peace with them . [ Florus , lib , 3. cap. 5. Dio. lib. 37. 〈…〉 . lib. 6. 〈◊〉 . cap. 4. ] Who commemorating their Italian Original , because they were said to have followed Hercules from the mount Albanus , saluted Pompey 〈…〉 , [ Justin , lib. 42. cap. 3. ] nor did Pompey make peace only with the Albans , but with all the inhabitants from Mount Caucasus , to the Caspian Sea 〈…〉 its rise in Pontus , runs forward ) they having requested it by their Ambassadors , [ Dio. lib. 37. ] Strabo ●●●tes , That 〈…〉 and the Colchian sea● , he war'd against the Iberians and Albe●ni . [ lib. 11. pag. 492. ] Pompey had a desire to see Hyrcania , and the Caspian sea , being within three dayes journey from thence ; but being diverted from that , by the multitude of 〈◊〉 , Serpent he turned into Armenia the Lesse , as Plutarch 〈…〉 . Pompey , having past Taurus , invaded 〈◊〉 Comagenus , but at last he received him to favour , [ App. pag. 244. ] upon the 〈◊〉 of Seleucia a castle of Mesopotamia into his hands , with all that he 〈◊〉 taken 〈◊〉 his 〈◊〉 thither . [ Id. pag. ●●1 . cum Strabo . lib. 36. pag. 745. ] Darius also the Mede , he over 〈◊〉 , either , because he had assisted Antiochus now , or Tigranes before ; so Appianin 〈◊〉 . [ pag. 244. ] who reckons Darius and the Medes , amongst the Princes and people , overcome by Pompey , [ pag. 250 , 253. ] as Velleius Paterculus , [ lib. 2. cap. 2. ] reckons Media amongst those Countries he had with successe invaded ; though Plutarch sayes that Pompey only returned a civil answer to the Kings of the Medes and Elemites , who had sent Ambassadors to him . Phraates , King of the Parthians , seeing Pompey carry on things with such violence , that Armenia , and that part of Pontus that was next him , was taken by his Commanders ; and that Cabinius having past Euphrates , was advanced as far as Tigris . In a great fright he sent Ambassadours to Pompey , for the renovation of that peace with the Romans , which was begun before ; but he prevailed little by that Embassy : for Pompey , being 〈◊〉 with his present successe , and the hopes he had conceived for the future , esteemed him but little . Amongst other proud demands that he made to his Ambassadours , one was , That he might have 〈◊〉 , or Gordyenes , ( a Country then in controversie betwixt Phraates and Tigranes ) delivered into his hands ; but the Embassadors having no such thing in commission , and giving no answer , he writ something to Phraate● ▪ [ Dio. lib. 37. ] In his letters he neglected to give him the Title of King of Kings , ( as all other people , yea , the Romans themselves , and as he himself did after in his Triumph ) and onely gave him the single appellation of King : which Phra●●es took in scorn , he having his Kingdom despoiled also . But Pompey , not staying for an answer , sent Afran●us immediately with an army into 〈◊〉 , who bear out those Parthians that had invaded it ; and persuing them as far as Ar●eli●s , 〈◊〉 the Country to Tigranes . [ Id. ibid. cum Plut. in Pomp. ] That Gabinius was sent out of Armenia , into Syria , by Pompey ; are read in Josephus , [ lib. 1. 〈◊〉 ▪ cap. 5. & Antiquit. lib. 14. cap. 4. ] which we conceive to be Armenia the Lesser , into which we have heard by Plutarch , that Pompey , having finished the war with the Albanians did retire ; although Josephus , being deceived by the identity of the name , doth understand it the Greater ; and therefore writ that at the same time , when Pompey was ingaged in his war with Tigranes : Gabini●● was sent into Syria ; which could not be , unlesse with Appian , he made Tigranes submission , to follow after his expedition against the Albanians : which we with Livy , Velleius , Florus , Plutarch , Eutrop. and Orosius , do conclude to be before . As soon as 〈◊〉 came to Damascus , he found it newly taken by Metellus and Loll●● , but having removed them , and understood it was something done in Judea , he addresseth thither , as to place of advantage . As soon as he had entred the Country , he meets Embassadours , as well from 〈◊〉 , that had besieged the Temple of Hierusalem , as from his brother , Aristobulus , that was besieged there , both of them intreating his assistence : and when Aristobulus had made his offer of 400 talents , though Hyr●a●us preffered him as much ; yet he preferred Aristobulus his promise , having received therefore his 〈◊〉 , he sent 〈◊〉 to Hyrca●●s , and Are●a the King , ( who assisted him with as 〈◊〉 of the 〈◊〉 , though they were not very much animated for that 〈…〉 them 〈◊〉 Romans and Pompey's name , if they did not desist from that siege ; And so Aretas , being afrighted , withdrew from Judea into Philadelphia , and Scaurus returned to Damascus , But Aristobulus , having gathered all the forces together that he had , pursued Aretas , and Hyrcanus , and encounting them at a place they call Papyron , he overcame them , killing about 7000 of the Enemy amongst the rest the brother of Antipater , C●phali●s , was one [ Joseph . ut supra ] Pompey , returning out of Armenia , he met with 〈◊〉 Kings , and Rulers , ( whom Plutarch reports to be Barbarians and twelve in number ) hearing their complaints , and giving them his answers , to some he confirmed their Kingdomes , to some he encreased them , and others he took away from their Eminence and deprest them , [ Xiphilin ex Dione ] To which time that History so celebrated by Val. Maximus seems to be referred . Ariobar●anes yeilded up his kingdom of Cappadocia to his son in the sight of Cn. Pompey ; whose Throne when by his invitation he had ascended , and was set down in the chair of State , when he beheld his son with his Secretary in a place inferiour to his dignity and fortune , not able to behold him beneath himself , he arose from his seat , and put the Crown upon his head , exhorting him that he would go up to the place from whence he descended himself ; the young man fell a weeping immediately , his body fell a trembling , and the Crown fell to the ground , neither could he be got to the place he was commanded to go : and which even surpasses all belief , he rejoyed that he was to part with the Crown , he was discontented that he was to receive it ; nor had this eminent controversie had any end , had not Pompey added his authority to the desires of his father , for he called his son King , he commanded him to take the Crown , and compelled him to sit in the Ivory Chair , [ Valer. Max. lib. 5. cap. 7. ] From thence Pompey went into Coelosyria , and Phoenicia , which were lately delivered from their Kings , and disturbed by the Arabians and Tigranes , and there he stayed ; though Antiochus adventured to attempt them again , but in vain : but being reduced and joyned into one Province , they received lawes from him , which were administered according to the custom of the People of Rome , [ Xiphilin . ex Dione . ] That this was Antiochus Pius , the son of Antiochus Cyzicenus , Justinus , [ lib. 40. cap. 2. ] Appian in Mithridatic . [ pag. 244. ] and Porphyrius , [ in Gracis Eusebianis Scaligeri , pag. 227. ] reports . But the same Appian more truly in his Syriacis , [ pag. 119. & 133. ] affirms him Antiochus Asiaticus , the son of Antiochus Pius and Selena , who four years before , either by Lucullus's favour or permission , was possessed of the kingdom of Syria which Tigranes had forsaken , and in Pompey's Festivals , [ as he speaks in pag. 133. ] whilst he was employed in other matters , he kept it one whole year : ( after Tigranes had most justly delivered up what he had in Syria to the people of Rome ) and though in his presence he desired his fathers kingdom , yet Pompey deprived him of it , though he had done nothing prejudicial to the people of Rome . And indeed it was an easie matter for so great an army to oppresse a disarmed Prince , although another reason was given ( viz. ) That it seemed unequal , that after the ancient Kings had been overcome by Tigranes his Forces and beaten out of Syria , it should be now rather given to the Seleucians that were beaten , than to the Romans that overcame them : and Pompey thought it not fit to give Antiochus that which he was not able to defend from being infested by the invasions of the Jews and Arabians , [ Justin , & Appian . inlocis supra notat . ] Julius Caesar when he was Aedilis , having gotten the favour of the people , endeavoured by part of the Tribunes to have gotten the Government of Egypt by an order from the people , there being occasion for an extraordinary command , by reason that the Alexandrians had beaten out their Prince an associate and friend of the Romans , and so called by the Senate , which was generally disapproved by the Commons ; but he obtained it not , a great faction of the Nobles opposing it , [ Sueton , in Juli● , cap. 11. ] But Pompey was called into Egypt ( by Alexander the second , that was expelled ) to quell some seditions there . He was presented with many gifts , as money and cloths , for his whole army ; but he went not thither , either in regared of the envy of his enemies , or of the Oracle of Sybil , ( of which hereafter in the beginning of the 3948 year of the World ) or for other reasons , [ Appian . Mithridatic . pag. 251. ] Pompey came to Damascus , and went about Coelosyria , at which time there came Embassadours to him from all parts of Syria , Egypt , and Judea : at the same time , as it appears , that the twelve Kings came to him that Plutarch mentions ; concerning whom Josephus brings that place out of Strabo's History , [ Antiq. lib. 14. cap. 5. ] There came out of Egypt an Embassie with a Crown of 4000 crowns of gold ; and out of Judea , either a Vine , or a Garden , which piece of workmanship was called the Delight ; which present we our selves saw at Rome dedicated in the Temple of Jupiter Capitolinus with this inscription , Of Alexander the King of the Jews , and it was valued at 500 talents . Which present was placed by Alexander Jannaeus in the Temple at Jerusalem , and sent to Pompey by his son Aristobulus , which Pliny amongst the Acts of Pompey's Triumphs describes thus . A foursquare Mountain of Gold with Harts and Lions , and all kinds of Apples , with a Vine of Gold incompassing it , [ Pliny , lib. 37. cap. 2. ] A while after there came out of Judea to Pompey Embassadours again : Antipater for Hircanus , and Nicomedes for Aristobulus . Aristobulus his Embassadour complained of Gabinius , that he had received three hundred talents of money , and afterwards of Scaurus , that he had received four : and making them his enemies , Pompey commanded both parties ( Hircanus and Aristobulus ) to appear before him , [ Joseph . lib. 14. cap. 5. ] Afranius , comming into Syria , against the treaty begun betwixt Pompey and Phraates : lost his way as he went on , and endured much hardship by reason it was winter , and there was a great scarcity of victuals , nay he had perished utterly , and those that were with him ; had not the Carrenses ; formerly as is reported , a Colony of Macedons then inhabiting thereabouts , received them , and brought them back . [ Dio. lib. 37. ] Pompey having his winter quarters at Aspis in Pontus , received to favour all those parts of the Country , which til then had been in hostility against him : which we may gather out of the fragments of the 37 book of Dio , which the reader may by comparing them easily find to be transposed in the consul-ship of Caesar and Figulus . But of all Mithridates's Concubines which were brought to him Pompey touched none but sent them back to their parents and kindred , for , for the most part , they were the wives and daughters of Potentates and Commanders . [ Plutarch . ] Dio reports , amongst other things , that the Castle Symphori being yeilded up by Stratonix was received by Pompey : this Stratonix was the daughter of a Musitian as is said , and one of the Kings Wives or Concubines ; being enraged that she was forsaken by him whilst Mithridates was rambling about Pontus ; having sent most of the Garrison for provisions , she admitted the Romans upon this single condition , That if Pompey should take her sonne Xiphares prisoner , he would keep him in safety for his Mother . and being privy to a great Treasury that was hidden under ground : ( whic● consisted of many brasse vessels , bound about with hoopes of iron ) she discovered it to Pompey , of which he selected only , such as he conceived would give most ornament to the Temple , and most splendour to his Triumph . And gave Stratonix the rest . [ Plut. Appian . Dio. ] Mithridates , understanding this caused Xiphares her sonne to be slain , his Mother beholding it on the other side of the river , and then threw away his body without buriall : neglecting all Piety , that he might make her but repent of what she had done . [ Appian . ] Pompey took also that almost impregnable Castle , called the New , in which Mithridates had laid his most valueable things , which were afterwards by Pompey dedicated to the Capitoll . [ Strabo . lib. 12. pag. 556. 557. ] in it also Pompey took many of Mithridate's most secret records , which he willingly looked over : because that besides other secrets : he might clearly thereby discover his numbers and wealth . [ Plutarch . ] Amongst them there were also some Physicall inventions of Mithridates which Pompey commanded Lenaeus , a learned Grammarian , to translate into Latine . [ Pliny . lib. 25. cap. 2. ] Phraates , sent Embassadors to Pompey , by whom he complained of injuries he had received : That Tigranes the younger was by him kept prisoner , and he desired , being his sonne in law , he might be returned : and as if Euphrates had been the limit of his Empire , he forewarned Pompey of passing it , to which he answered : that Tigranes ought rather to be in his Fathers power , than his Father in laws , and that he would keep his equall bounds . [ Plut. cum Dio. ] Phraates , in the spring ( when Lu. Caesar and C. Figulus were Consuls ) made an expedition against Tigranes , and after he had been foyled in one battle : he afterwards got the mastery of his Enemy . [ Dio. lib. 37. ] Pompey , in the beginning of the spring , having drawn his forces out of their winter quarters , marched out into Damascen : and by the way demolished a Castle in Apamia , which Antiochus Cyzicenus had fortified , he fell in also upon the Country of Ptolemy Mennaeus ; one no lesse hurtfull than Dionysius Tripolitanus , who was allyed to him , and beheaded : but he paid 1000 talents and redeemed himself , which Pompey bestowed upon his souldiers : he destroyed also the Castle of Lysias , whose Governour was Silas a Jew : after that marching by Heliopolis , and Chalcis , and passing the middle of the mountain , he comes into Coelosyria , and from Pella , arrives at Damascus . [ Joseph . lib. 14. cap. 5. ] There he gave audience to the Jews and to Hyrcanus , and Aristobulus their Princes , who were at variance betwixt themselves , as the Nation was with them both : the Jews having it in precept from their forefathers , that they should give obedience to the Priests of God , refused to be governed by Kings . These two were indeed of the race of the Priests , but had a designe of altering the Government , and bringing servitude upon this people . Hyrcanus complained , that his brother , though the younger , had gotten the greater part of the Country , having by force invaded and usurped it ; That at land he had made violent incursions upon his borders ; and that at sea he had harbours and receptacles for his Pirates . There were above 1000 of the chief of the Jews , whom Antipator had perswaded to it , confirmed what he said to be true . On the other side , Aristobulus pleaded that Hyrcanus was removed for his sloth , and a general contempt that lay upon him amongst the people of his own Country , that he had taken the government upon him by necessity , least it might have been transferred to some other family , and he called to atrest it certain insolent young men , who gave offence to every body by the finenesse of their cloths , the exactnesse of their hair , and their other accoutrements ; which had been much more proper , had they come to a Tryumph , then a judgement . [ Joseph . lib. 14 cap. 5. ] Pompey having heard their plead , and rebuking the violence of Aristobulus , dismist them peacably with this promise , that he would come himself into their Country as soon as he had overlooked the affairs of the Nabataei ; in the mean time he injoyned them to be quiet , using Aristobulus with with great civility , least he being provoked , his passage might be stopt : Neverthelesse , he gained no favour from him , for Aristobulus , who had put himself into the greatest equipage , and splendour was possible , taking distast at their usage , and thinking it intolerable to indure any thing beneath the majesty of a king ; he withdrew from Diospolis , and coming to the Town of Delius , he betook himself to Judea , in order to his own affairs . [ Id. ibid. & lib. 1. Belli , cap. 5. ] Alexandr II. being beaten out of Egypt , departed to Tyre , and there dyed ; leaving , as was reported , by his last Will and Testament , his kingdom of Egypt to the people of Rome : of which Cicero in his first Oration that he made the first day of his Consulship , thus , The Decemviri say , that which was often spoken by many , That Alexander the King had by his Will made over his Kingdom to the Romans , as if they would give Alexandria to those upon private request , whom you did oppose openly , fighting in the field : And in his second Oration more fully : What of Alexandria , and all Egypt , how secretly doth it lye ? How private is it kept ? How obscurely reported to the Decemviri ? Which of you are ignorant , that it is said , that Kingdom was by Alexanders last Will conferred upon the Romans . In this case I , though a Roman Consul , am so far from determining any thing , that I forbear my opinion : for it seems to me no small matter , not onely to judge , but to speak of this thing . I see him that will assert the making of the Will ; and I suppose there be records of the Senate extant , which concerne their possession of their heritage , about the time when Alexander died , and we sent Embassadors to syre , for the restitution of the mony was desposed by us . This I remember I have often heard L. Philippus affirme in the Senate . It is granted almost of all sides , That he , who at this time rules , ( Ptolemeus Auletes ) is neither of the race , nor the honour of a King. On the other side it is said there is no will , and that the people of Rome ought not to appear covetous of every Kingdom , That it was the richnesse of the soyle , and the plenty of all things that carryed over people thither : but of so great an affaire , P. Rullus with the rest of the Decemviri his Collegues will judge . It is reported also , that M. Crassus being Censor , and endeavouring to make Egypt tributary to the people of Rome , did strongly oppose Lutatius Catulus his Collegue in his Censorship ; by which means a dissention growing , they of their own accords laid down their magistracy and power . [ Plutarch in Crasso . ] Pompey had a great mind to recover Syria , and so to passe thorough Arabia , to the Red sea ; that in like manner as he had in pursuit of the Albani , been almost at the Hyrcanian ( or Caspian ) sea , and as in the West , the Roman Empire was terminated by the Atlantick , so by his conquest in the East , it might be extended to the Red sea : he saw also the difficulty of taking Mithridates , finding him more troublesome in his flight , than opposition : promising therefore to leave him hunger , as a more formidable enemy , he disposed his ships for the intercepting of those Merchants that traded into the Bosphorus , threatning them with death , if he took them : and then taking with him a great part of his army , he begun his journey . [ Plutarch in Pompeio . ] He invaded Syria Coelen and Phoenicia , and first of all he over-ran the Ituraeans , and Arabians , [ Appian . pag. 244. Eutrop. lib. 6. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 6. ] who inhabiting the hilly Country about Libanus , infested their neighbours with robberies , their retreats were very well fortified ; upon the hills were Sinna , Borrhama , and other sorts of that kind , in the bottom Botrys , Gigartus , besides dens by the sea side , and a Castle seated upon a Mountain , called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or the face of God , all which Pompey dismantled , and running thorow Biblus or Palaebiblus , a Country of Cinyrae , he set her at liberty , by cutting off her Governours head , [ Strabo , lib. 16. pag. 755. ] Afranius , having subdued the Arabians near Amanus , came down into Syria , which wanting a lawful Prince , he reduced it into a Province , and brought it under the possession of the Romans , [ Id. ibid. ] and receiving a sum of money of the Antiochians , he called them to no account , but enfranchized their City , and left them to the exercise of their own laws , [ Porphyr . in Graecis Eusebianis Scaligeri , pag. 227. ] And in many things indulging the Antiochians , he restored the place of their publick confession which was fallen : he had great respect to them because they deduced themselves from the Athenians , [ Johan . Malela Antiochenus , in Chronico . ] He gave Seleucea ( Pieria ) a very strong City , and adjacent to Antioch her liberty , because it had refused to admit Tigranes , [ Stra. lib. 16. pag. 751. Eutrop. lib. 6. ] But to the Antiochians he released their Hostages , and to the Daphnenses , a certain quantity of field for the inlargement of their Grove , being delighted with the pleasantnesse of the place and the plenty of waters , [ Eutrop. lib. 6. ] From whence Strabo notes the circumference of this Grove so sweetly watered with Springs was 80 furlongs , [ lib. 16. pag. 750. ] Sextus Rufus in Breviario writes , that Pompey consecrated this Grove of the Daphnenses , and added another thereunto . Jerom addes in his Commentary upon the 16 Chapter of Ezechiel , that it was by his order sown or planted by the hands of his souldiers : and in his Chronicle , he sayes it was consecrated to Apollo ; which if spoken of the new Wood that was added , might perhaps be true . See the 3704 , and 3833 year of the World , concerning the old Grove . Cato Minor , was then in Syria , called afterwards Uticensis , a Philosopher of the Sect of the Stoicks , a young man then , but of great esteem , who ( being for the great friendship betwixt his father and him invited to it by Dejotares King or Tetrarch rather of the Galatari ) travelled thorough Asia , observing the manners , customes , and strength of every Province as he passed . He performed his journey alwayes on foot , his friends that accompanied him riding by . He coming to see Antioch in Pompeys absence , and beholding a great throng of people in white before the Gate , the men drawn up on one side of the way , and the children on the other , he disgusted it , supposing it had been done out of Ceremony to him ; wherefore he commanded his friends to alight and walke with him ; as they approached he which ordered and commanded the whole Multitude being an ancient man and carrying in his hand a Rod and a Crown , addressed himself first to Cato , and without so much as saluting him , inquired how Demetrius did , and when he would come thither ; he had been Pompeys servant , but was made free , and because he could prevaile very far with him , he was reverenced by every body very much . Cato's friends then falling into laughter , Cato cryed out , O miserable City I and passed forward without any other answer ; afterwards as often as he remembered it , he fell a laughing himself , [ Plutarch in Pompeio , & Catone Minore . ] When Tigranes the Armenian was overcome by Phraates the Parthian , he desired aid of Pompey that was then in Syria : but Phraates presently after sent Embassadours to Pompey , accusing both the Romans and himself so earnestly , that they made him both afraid and ashamed ; insomuch , that he neither gave Tigranes any assistance , nor ( though many did excite him ) waged war afterwards with Phraates : pleading he had no commands from the people of Rome for that Expedition , and that Mithridates was yet in being , for the present he was contented with what he had done , and would not ingage in any new , lest with Lucullus attempting too much , he should meet with misfortunes at last . Phraates accusations he did extenuate , not refuting them , but onely that he might beget some difference betwixt him and Tigranes about their bounds : which succeeding , he promised to send three Commissioners who might judge of it . And he did send them indeed , who being received as Arbitrators by the Kings , composed all controversies betwixt them : Tigranes was angry he prevailed not for supplies . But Phraates desired Tigranes should be safe ; whose assistance , if things came so about , he might expect for the future against the Romans ; it being obvious to both of them , that whosoever of them overcame the other , he was sure of contest with the Romans , and was likely with the more ease to fall into their power . These causes therefore considered , they made peace , [ Dio. lib. 37. cum Plutarch , & Appian . pag. 244. ] Pompey being thus imployed , Mithridates went round about Pontus , and possessed himself of Panticapaeum , a Mart Town in Europe at the mouth of the Pontick , [ Appian . ibid. ] He sent also Embassadours to Pompey ( who was then in Tyria , and knew not that Mithridates was alive ) which promised if he would restore him his fathers kingdom again , he would become tributary to the people of Rome ; and when he urged that the King should come himself , as Tigranes had done , he refused to do it , as a thing not suitable to the person of Mithridates , but said he would send his sons and other of his friends , [ Appian . pag. 245. ] These thing , being past , he summoned all people promiscuously , as well servants as free . He forged also great store of armes and darts , and other engins , sparing nothing , not so much as their oxen for the plow , which he killed that he might have their nerves for strings to their bowes . He laid a tax also upon all people , which was raised , but without Mithridates knowledge with great injury to many . He himself was at that time troubled with a certain ulcerous disease in his face , so as no body could see him but the Eunuch that had him in cure , which they finished at last . His army being ready at the sametime , consisting of 60 Cohorts , each of them containing six hundred men , and a numerous multitude besides , ships also , and places of convenience , which his Commanders had fortified whilst he was sick : He carryed part of his army to Phanagorium another Town situate in the mouth of the River too , that on all sides he might secure the passes . Pompey being all this while in Syria , [ Id. ibid. ] In Bosphorus , whilst Mithridates was celebrating to Ceres , there suddenly happened an Earth-quake , the greatest in the memory of man , which destroyed many Cities , and did no small mischief in the fields , [ Dio. lib. 37. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 5. ] Not much unlike it , if it was not the same , was that Justin ex Trogo mentions , which devoured 170000 men , and many Cities with them : which prodigies the Aruspices did say portended great alteration of affairs , [ Justin. lib. 40. cap. 2. ] At the same time , Castor that was Commander in Chief for Mithridates in Phanagorium , slew Tripho the Kings Eunuch by whom he had been formerly abused as he was entering into the Town ; and when he had done ; excited the people to take up armes for their liberty , who although the Castle was held by Artaphernes and the rest of Mitaridates children , yet getting wood and things combustible together from all places , they set it on fire , and constrained Artaphernes , Darius , Xerxes , Oxathres , and Eupatra , the children of Mithridates , to deliver up themselves : amongst these , Artaphernes was the onely person , was full fourty years old , the rest were comely youths : but Cleopatra another Daughter stood our , whose generosity delighting her father , he sent a Squadron of Gallies and fetched her away : the rest Castor ( when he had possessed himself of the Castle ) sent over to the Romans , [ Appian . pag. 245 , 246. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 5. ] Those Castles that were near and newly taken by Mithridates , provoked by the bad example of the Phanagorenses revolted , a Chersnessus , Theudosia , Nymphaeum , and other places about Pontus , that were convenient in that war , [ Appian . ] Mithridates , being very much incensed , did not onely execute some of the runegades that he had taken , but many of his friends also , and Exipodras one of his children , [ Dio. lib. 37. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 5. ] and observing their great defects , and haveing the fidelity of his whole army in suspicion , by reason they were forced , and under extraordinary taxes , and thinking the adversity of his fortune would alwayes be in the mindes of a mutable and constrained people ; he sent therefore his Eunuchs to the Princes of Scythia , to treate about marrying his Daughters , desiring they would with all speed come in with their Forces to his relief . They were conducted by 500 souldiers , who were not gone far from Mithridates before they slew the Eunuchs , because that they having great authority with the King , had been alwayes troublesome to them ; and when they had done , they carryed the Ladies to Pompey , [ Appian . ] Pompey , leaving Syria , passed into Asia ; where he acted with no little ambition : a thing he had so much repehended in Lucullus . For whilst Mithridates had yet the command of Bosphorus , and also had gathered together a very considerable army ; he , as if he had done all , disposed several provinces , and conferred gifts , [ Plutarch . ] Also Livy tells us in his 102 book , how that he brought Pontus into the form of a province in Mithridates his life time . This , being added to Galatia , and divided into eleven Convents , was called by the name of Bithynia , [ Strabo , lib. 12. pag. 541. ] Pompey , taking Mithridatium from Pontus , bestowed it upon Bogodiatorus , [ Id. ibid. ] He created Archelaus , son of that Archelaus who was in honour with Sylla and the Senate ( as I have noted in the 3919 year of the World ) Chief priest of Luna , a goddesse of the Comans in Pontus , instaured with a princely Dynasty ; and added to the sacred revenue of that office the quantity of two scoeni , or 60 stadii of land , and commanded the inhabitants of Comana that they should be obedient to Archelaus . So that he was their Prince , and the chief Lord of all the Priests and Ministers of that Temple , inhabiting in the City which were no lesse than 6000 : onely he had not power to sell them , [ Id. lib. 12. pag. 558. & lib. 17. pag. 796. cum Appiano , pag. 251. ] Appianus sayes , Attalus had the Dynastie of Paphlagonia conferred upon him by Pompey . [ pag. 251. ] Eutropius will have it bestowed upon Attalus and Polaemenes ; and Sextus Rufus , and Jornandes tell us , that Polaemenes upon his death-bed , left the inheritance of Paphlagonia to the people of Rome . Armenia ( the Lesse ) he gave to Dejotares King of Galatia ( or rather Tetrarch ) because he was a companion in the Mithridatic war. [ Eutrop. lib. 6. ] For he thought Dejotares to be the most absolutely true and faithfull friend to the Romans , in the whole World. [ Cicero in Philippica 11. ] Wherefore he gave him Godolonites his part of Pontus , and all to Pharnacia and Trapezunte ; the Colchi even to Armenia ( the Lesse ) and constituted him King of that Division : when as he had before by inheritance from his father , the Tetrarchy of the Tolistoborgians of Galatia , [ Strabo . lib. 7. pag. 547. ] for Pompeius lest Galatia to Tetrarchs of his family . [ Id. ib. pag. 541. compared with Appian . pag. 351. ] And a little after it came into the hands of three onely , then of the two , and last of all into the sole power of Dejotares . [ Strabo lib. 12. pag. 567. ] Mithridates , being deprived of so many Children , Castles , and indeed his whole Kingdom , did not for all this take to heart the lownesse of his condition , when he had also lost his Dignity , and was past all hope of any help from Scithia ; but took his journy to the Eutropian Gauls , whose friendship he had before engaged , to the intent they might help him in such a dead lift : and taking his way thorough Scythia and Ister , that with them he might passe the Alps into Italy he hoped , for the dislike they had of the Romans , many Italians would joyne with him . [ Flor. lib. 3. cap. 5. Appian . pag. 246. Dio. lib. 37. ] The souldiery disliked these high attempts , being afrighted with the boldnesse of the enterprize , and the length of the march , as also that they were to go against men , they were not able to deal with , even in their own Country : and they thought Mithridates being in so desperate a condition , was resolved to end his life rather valiantly , than like a slug . But yet they held out a while , and quietly let him go on in his designes , for he was no mean or contemptible Prince , even under the greatest misfortunes . [ Appian . ] Aretas , King of Arabia Petrea , ( or the rocky ) even unto the Red sea , who had formerly been often troublesome and vexatious to Syria , and by the Romans ( who came in vindication of the Syrians ) was overcome in a fight , did notwithstanding still continue the war. Against him and his neighbours ( Phraates now lying quiet , and Syria and Phenicia being well settled ) Pompeius made an expedition , [ Dio. lib. 37. ] not altogether to the liking of the Souldiery : for they thought it not well to decline the prosecution of Mithridates : but thought it meet to set the force of the war against him , that was their old enemy , and was now recruiting his forces , and prepared ( through Scythia and Panonia ) to invade Italy with an army , ( as we have said formerly ) But Pompeius was the more confirm'd , that it was a more worthy deed to suppresse the force of a warring Foe , than to take the body of a conquered and flying enemy . [ Plutarch . ] Pompey beginning his voyage , first gave very noble and handsome burial to the dead that fell under Triarius in that unlucky bout they had with Mithridates in Pontus , and which Lucullus left without interrement . Aretas , who before contemned the Roman arms , now , being struck with terrour , he wrote to Pompey , that he would both observe and performe whatsoever he should command . But Pompey , that he might find the deph of the designe , he set upon Petra ; [ Plutarch . ] where he reduced the King and his Allyes without much adoe , into his power , and delivered them to custody , [ Dio. lib. 37. ] having taken their City Petra it self : [ Oros. lib. 6. cap. 6. ] although Josephus writes that he omitted them , and bent his forces against Aristobulus . But Plutarch sayes , that when he was gone a little from Pera , hearing the news of Mithridates his death , he returned out of Arabia , and came to Amisus . P. Servilius Rullus , Tribune of the people at Rome , in the beginning of his migistrateship , published the Agrarian Law , concerning the creating of Decemviri , with chief authority , whose right and 〈◊〉 it was to sell or dispose into Colonies , all the publick revenues in Italy and Syria , and what land soever had been gained by Pompey . Which in the Kalends of January : ( which , as the year then went at Rome , fell even upon the beginning of the Julian October ) in the beginning of his Consulship , Cicero opposed in a speech he made against Rullus , and freed all from the general fear they were in of that Law. [ Cicero in 12 Agraria . & lib. 2. ad Attic. ep . 1. cum Plut. in Cicerone . ] And when by that Law power was given to the Decemviri , to sell all those lands which Mithridates had possessed , in Paphlagonia , Pontus , and Cappadocia , in his second Agrarian oration before the people : Cicero reprehended the injustice of that popular decree in this interrogation . Is it so ? without any law made , without the vote of the Emperour , before the war is ended , whilst King Mithridates , having lost his army , and being expelled his Kingdome , yet makes his attempts in the utmost regions , and is defended by the Maeotis and those quabs , the straightnesse of the way , and the height of the mountains , from the invincible army of Cn. Pompeius ; whilst the Emperour is engaged in the war , and in those very places the name of a war remaines : will the Decemviri sell those lands , which by the custome of our ancestors , ought to remain in the power , and at the disposure of Cnius Pompei us ? L. Valerius Flaccus , who had carried the Praetorship at Rome , was sent Praetor into Asia ; which Praetor-ship of his in Asia was annuall , into which Quintus Cicero was the fifth that entred , as Mar●us Cicero his brother witnesses in his oration , for this very Flaccus , when he was accused of bribery . Pharnaces , Mithridates his best beloved sonne , whom he had often appointed his heir in the Kingdome ; plotted against his father , whether for that he thought his fathers Italian expedition would put him past all hopes of reconciliation with the Romans , or some other cause , or for covetousnesse . But those being taken that were guilty in the plot , and put to the rack , yet , by the persuasion of Menophanes ; Mithridates pardoned his sonne . [ Appian . ] Dio ( as Salianus notes ) passes over this pardon in silence : and tells us once and again , that Pursivants were sent to take Pharnaces : who were by him perswaded to be his partie , and with them having taken Panticapaeum brought his father into his power : with this observation to boot ; That Mithridates otherwise a very wise King never considered this , That armes and multitudes of subjects availed nothing without their good will and love : But on the contrary if they are perfidious there is least safety , where the greatest number ; which observation also you may find in the following narration of Appian . Pharnaces , knowing that they were much against the expedition into Italy in their minds , in the night time he went to those Romans , that fled over to Mithridates ; and , aggravating the danger of their passing into Italy , which they well knew , and promising them great matters if they would stay ; he perswaded them to fall off from his father : and presently , the same night , he sent messengers to other adjacent tents , and perswaded them also to the same opinion ; in the morning first the Italian fugitives , and then all the other adjoyning camps cried up the businesse : and so did the navall forces , with a great shout , and many shouted to give notice of the defection ; neither forewarned of the businesse , nor corrupted thereto : but either induced by the example of so many whom they saw they could not withstand , or taken with the novelty of the old Kings misfortune . Mithridates , at the shout of the army , sent some to know what they would have . They , nothing dissembling the matter , said , They would have his sonne to be King , a young man instead of an old one , and he addicted to Eunuchs , and that had been the death of many sonns , captaines and freinds . When Mithridates heard this he went out to speake to them himself : whilst many of his guard fled over to the fugitives ; who would not receive them unlesse they would do something that might manifest they were unfaithfull to the King ; and withall shewed them Mithridates : whose horse as he was flying away they killed , and now saluted Pharnaces King : as if they had obteined their hearts desire ; and some of them took a very large skin of parchment , in length and breadth , what they had brought from the temple : and put it about his head instead of a Diadem . The old man , seeing this from the upper porch , sent one after another to Pharnaces to desire a safe passage away of him , but when none of them returned , fearing least be might be given up to the Romans , having praised those pursivants , and friends of his that yet stood by him sent them to the new King : some of whom the army slew in the way contrary to all expectation . [ Appian . ] When he had long from the walls imprecated his sonne in vain , and saw him inexorable he is said to have uttered these words , being about to die . O country Gods , if so you be any grant that some time or other , he may receive the same words from his children . And presently going to his wives and concubines he gave them poison . [ Oros. lib. 6. cap. 5. ] Two virgin daughters that were brought up with him , Mithridatis and Nissa , betrothed to the King of Egypt and Cyprus , earnestly entreated their father , that they might drink their poisoned potion before him , and desired him to forbear till they had done . [ Appian . ] But neither the poison Mithridates alway carryed about in his sword , nor the wound he had given himself with the sword , were sufficient to end him , although he walked about most violently , that so the poison , diffusing it self through his veins , might act more powerfully : but all this prevailed nothing , in regard he had so antidoted his body against poison , with dayly preservative medicines , which to this day are called Mithridatica ; and the wound he gave himself with the sword , what by reason of his age , what by his present perplexities , and the distemper the poison wrought , was but weakly performed . When therefore he had not fully slain himself , but lingred ; the wall being now broken down , and Bitoetus or B●thocus , a Souldier and Gaul roving about , being terrified with the majesty of his countenance , he called him back , and caused the souldiers trembling hand to put an end to his life . [ Dio. lib. 37. compared with Livy , lib. 102. Flor. lib. 3. cap. 5. Valer. Max. lib. 9. cap. 2. Plin. lib. 25. cap. 2. Justin. lib. 37. cap. 2. A Gelloi . lib. 17. cap. 16. Appian . pag. 248 , Aurel. Vict. de Vir. Illust. cap. 76. & Oros. lib. 6. cap. 5. ] This end did Mithridates choose at Panticapaeum in Bosphorus Cimmerius . A man neither to be passed over in silence , nor to be spoken of without respect , most valiant in war , of singular virtue , greatest , sometimes in fortune , but alwayes in mind ; a most discreet General , and an excellent Souldier of his hands , as Velleius Paterculus describes him , [ lib. 2. cap. 18. ] and last of all , the greatest King after Alexander ; as Cicero calls him in his Lucullus : by reason of which Elogies also , I have thought my self engaged to be no lesse careful in setting down his affairs , than those of Alexander . Orosius writes thus of the time of the Mithridatic war , in the end of the first Chapter of his sixth book . The Mithridatic war , or rather the destruction of the Mithridatic war which involved many Provinces therein , was protracted for the space of fourty years . For it began to break out the 662 year after the foundation of Rome , as I said before , [ lib. 5. cap. 19. ] in which year also the first civil war began there ; and in the Consulship of Cicero and Antonius ( that I may use the words of that excellent Poet [ Lucan , ] — Barbarico vix consummata veneno ) Scarce ended by the Barbaric poison ( of Mithridates . ) But in this time there are found but thirty years of that war ; and how the most come to write fourty , is not easie to be found out . We read in Justin , [ lib. 37. cap. 1. ] that Mithridates warred with the Romans fourty years . Appian , in the beginning of his Mithridaticks , [ pag. 170. ] allows to that Mithridatic war 42 ; [ in Syriac . pag. 118. & Mithridaticis , pag. 249. ] as Florus also , [ lib. 3. cap. 5. ] and Eutropius [ lib. 6. ] only 40. In Pliny , [ lib. 7. cap. 26. ] the Title placed by Pompey , in the Temple of Minerva shews this war to last 30 years onely ; and from the beginning of the first Mithridatic war , to the death of Mithridates , is found to be but 26 years ; those years of the peace between the two wars reckoned and all ; so that that war may be said to last thirty years , onely to make up the even number ; as Cicero [ Orat. in L. Pisonem . ] in his Consulship hints , that he defended C. Rabirius , who was guilty of Treason , for that he had slain Saturninus , by the authority of the Senate , fourty years before : which Dio [ lib. 37. ] by a more exact reckoning , affirms to have been transacted within 36 years , before that time : concerning whom , against that Pisconian Oration , Asconius Pedianus is to be consulted . At that time Pompey was in Judea ; for being angry with Aristobulus , he marched against him : Hyrcanus very much intreating him to do so , with the Roman Legions , and with Auxiliaries that he raised in Damascus , and in other parts of Syria . For having passed by Pella and Scythopolis ; and being come to Coreae , when , in the beginning of Judea , towards the Mediterranean , he understood that Aristobulus was fled into Alexandrion , a goodly Castle , seated upon the top of an hill , but summoned him to come unto him ; who being perswaded by many of his friends , not to commence a war against the Romans , came unto Pompey ; and after he had debated his Title with his brother Hyrcanus as touching the kingdom : He by the permission of Pompey , retired into the Castle again . And this he did two or three times , alwayes flattering Pompey , through the hope he had of the kingdom ; and making a shew , that he would be obedient unto him in all things : but in the mean while he returned and fortified the Castle , making preparation for war , for fear lest the kingdom should be transferred upon his brother Hyrcanus . [ Joseph . lib. Belli , 1. Antiquit. 14 , cap. 6. ] Pompey commanding that Aristobulus should deliver over to him the Castles , he wrote to the Governours concerning his businesse ; who would not have obeyed him , unlesse the letters had been wrote with his own hands . Aristobulus submitted indeed , but in discontent repaired to Jerusalem , with full intent to prepare for war ; whom Pompey immediately followed with his army , thinking it not fit to give him any time for preparation . [ Id. ib. ] As Pompey was marching near Jericho , there came a messenger that brought him news , that Mithridates was killed by his son Pharnaces . [ Ibid. ] Which good news , they that brought the message presently shewed by wreathing about their Javlins heads with laurell ; there was not any high place for him to speak to the Souldiers after the manner of the Camp , which is made with Turfes , cut and laid one upon another ; but then for very hast , they took their Saddles , and laid them one upon another , and so raised a Mount : which when Pompey had ascended , he told them how that Mithridates had killed himself , and that Pharnaces had kept all things for himself and the Romans , [ Plutarch in Pompeio : ] Whereupon the army , and not without cause , greatly rejoycing , gave themselves over to sacrificing and feasting , as if in Mithridates person alone , there had dyed multitudes of their enemies . Pompey also was very glad , that he had put an end to all his acts and expeditions , easier than he thought he should . [ Id. ibid. ] For he laid so much weight upon the life of him alone , that although he by conquest already possessed all that he had , yet he did not think the war was ended , as long as he was alive , [ Cicero , pro Murena . ] and Lucan also brings in Pompey thus braging of himself . Idem per Scythici profugum divortia Ponti Indomitum regem , Romanaque fata morantem , Ad mortem , Sylla felicior , ire coegi . ( i. e. ) Sculking 'bout Pontus , and whilst watch't to bring Ruine to th' Romans that untamed King , With better luck than Sylla , I 've made die . Pompey first encamping at Jericho , where are most excellent Dates , and Balsome the most precious of all other Oyntments : the next morning marched towards Jerusalem . Then Aristobulus being sorry for what he had done , came and met him , and promised him mony ; and that he would yield both himself and the City up to him , onely he desired that setting wars aside , whatsoever he did , he would doe it in a peaceable way . Pompey pardoned him , and sent Gabinius with the Souldiers to receive the mony , but was fain to returne without without either or City , for Aristobulus his Souldiers would not stand to Aristobulus his promise . Pompey hereupon waxed wroth , and committing Aristobulus into custody , marched in person against the City , which was strongly fortified , except toward the North , which was easily to be battered . [ Joseph , lib. 15. cap. 7. ] The Citizens within the City being at dissention among themselves , those that were of Hyrcanus part , were of opinion that the City should be delivered up to Pompey , to whom many joynd , fearing the constancy of the Romans : but Aristobulus his faction commanded the gates should be shut , and preparations for war to be made , because he kept the King prisoner . These preventing the other seized upon the Temple , and cutting down the Bridge , by which they went into the City , stood upon their defence : but Hircanus partly having received the army within the City , delivered over to them , both the City and the Kings Palace ; the custody of both which , Pompey committed to his Lieutenant Piso , who fortified the houses and other buildings that were near the Temple , but first offered to the besieged conditions of peace : which seeing they refused , he prepareth for to give a general assault , and was assisted by Hircanus in all things that were needful , [ Id. lib. 1. Bell. cap. 5. & lib. 14. Antiquit. cap. 8. ] On the north side of the City Pompey incamped , which was the easiest to be assaulted : here were also high towers , and a ditch made by hands , besides a deep valley which begirt the Temple , and also towards the City all places were very steep down when the Bridge was taken away , especially on that side that Pompey was incamped on . But the Romans daily raised Mounts , cutting down trees round about ; and filled up the Trench with materials that the souldiers brought ; which work indeed was very difficult , by reason of the vast depth of the Trench ; especially considering the resistance that the Jews made from above , [ ibid. ] But unlesse the custom of our Country ( saith Josephus ) had commanded us to rest on the seventh day , they could not have finished the Mounts , if we had resisted them . For the Law permits us to defend our selves against an assailing enemy , but doth not suffer us to hinder any work that the enemy doth , ( but this is no written Law , but given by tradition from their Doctors ) which when the Romans observed , they neither did so much as shoot a dart against the Jews , nor came to handy blowes with them ; but onely erected their Mounts and Towers , and planted their Engins , that they might use them the next day against us . This Josephus , [ lib. 14. Antiquit. cap. 8. ] and King Agrippa in the same anthour , [ lib. 2. Bell. cap. ] saith , that Pompey especially chose those dayes for to carry on the war , on which they that were assailed were to keep the rest of the Sabbath . Pompeys letters being read in the Senate concerning the death of Mithridates and the finishing of that war ; at Cicero the Consuls proposal , there was a procession for twelve dayes decreed for Pompey , [ Cicero , de provinciis Consularibus . ] And the Romans kept Festival-dayes , as being freed rom a sore enemy , [ Appian . pag. 250. ] Titus Ampius , and Titus Labienus , Tribunes of the people , propounded a law , that Pompey should weare a Laurel Crown , and the Triumphal habit in the Circensian playes , and in the Scenical playes , the Purple Gown , and a Laurel Crown : which yet he never did any more than once , [ Vellei , Patercul . lib. 2. cap. 40. Dio. lib. 37. ] At Jerusalem the Trench being now filled , and the Tower fitted upon the Mounts , and the Engins that were brought from Tyrus planted , the Romans with shooting huge stones battered the Temple ; but yet along while , the Towers being exceeding strong and beautiful , endured the assaults of the besiegers . The Romans being then very much tired , Pompey wondered at the constancy of the Jews , and amongst others , at this especially , that they constantly solemnized the whole service of God amidst all their enemies weapons , as if they had had a firm peace ; for all the time of the assault they performed the daily sacrifices : the priests twice every day , namely , in the morning , and at the ninth hour , offering sacrifices upon the altar , yea , not intermitting their sacrifices in their greatest extremities , [ Joseph . lib. 1. Bell. cap. 5. lib. 14. Antiquit. cap. 8. ] When the Latinae feriae were solemnized at Rome ( which were not Feasts that were alwayes upon a set day , but by the appointment of the Magistrates ) a Comet appeared ; and on the seventh day of the Julian November , two hours after midnight , the Moon was eclipsed : of which Cicero in the second book of his Consulship makes mention in these Verses . Tu quoque cum tumulos Albano in monte nivales Lustrati ; & laeto mactasti lacte Latinas , Vidisti & claro tremulos ardore cometas , Multaque misceri nocturnâ strage putasti . Quod ferme in dirum tempus cecinere Latinae ; Cum claram speciem concerto lumine Luna Abdidit , & subitò stellanti nocte perempta est . ( i. e. ) When Albans snowy heaps thou viewdst , and when With glad milk the Latinae celebratedst , then Comets of fire did tremble in thy sight , And thou a conflict phancy'dst in the night . Which time scarcescap'd Iniauspicious ; when The Moon withdrew her light and sight from men , And on a sudden left a starry night . In the third moneth of the siege of Jerusalem , the greatest Tower being shaken by the many batteries of the Ram fell , an● with the fall thereof brake down a great piece of the wall ; by which breach multitudes of the enemies brake into the Temple . The first who ventured to ascend the wall , was Cornelius Faustus the son of Sylia , with his band of souldiers , and immediately after the Centurion Furius with his Regiment , and between them both , the Centurion Fabius with a valiant band of his souldiers . These compassing the Temple about , while some sought to hide themselves , and others made some small resistance , slew them all ; where many priests , although they saw the enemies rushing in with their drawn words , yet being nothing at all dismayed , continued their sacrifices , and were slaine even while they offered and incensed in the Temple , preferring their duty they owed to their Religion before their own lives , [ Ibid. ] All places were full of slaughters ; some of the Jews were slain by the Romans , others by their own Countrymen of the contrary faction : Many threw themselves headlong down the rocks ; others setting their houses on fire burnt themselves , not enduring to behold those things that were done by the enemy . Therefell here 12000 of the Jews ; there were very few of the Romans slain , but many wounded : amongst them that were taken captives was Absolom , the Uncle and Father in law of Aristobulus ( he was the son of John Hircanus ) whom as Josephus writes in the 13 book and 20 chapter , was honoured by Alexander Jannaeus because he was contented to live a private and idle life , [ Ibid. ] The Temple was taken on the fast day , C. Antonius and M. Tullius Cicero , being Consuls in the CLXXIX Olympiade , [ Joseph . lib. 14. cap. 8. ] and the first of that year , [ Euseb. Demonstrat . Evangel . lib. 8. cap. 2. ] on the solemn fast of the third moneth ; on which the City was afterwards taken by Sosius , [ Joseph . lib. 14. cap. ult . ] where it is to be taken for the third moneth of the civil year , beginning from Autumn , according to the Hebrews and other Eastern accounts , ( as Josephus shewes in the first of his Antiquities , cap. 4. and St. Jerom in the beginning of Ezechiel : ) to wit , the third moneth of the Syrians called by them , the former Canun , and by the Hebrews C●isleu : on the 28 day of which moneth the Jews even to this very day , keep a Fast in memory of the sacred Roll burnt by wicked Jehojakim : [ Jeremy , XXXVI . 9. 22 , 23. ] which Fast ( as is observed at the year of the World 3398. ) was appointed for the first taking of Jerusalem by Nebuchadnezzar , when the Jews began first to serve the Babylonians , this event , this Peritrope is worth the observation , That on the same day of the same moneth , that the Temple should happen to be taken , and that after 543 years by Pompey , when the Jews began to serve the Romans ; and again after 26 years by Sosius , when they began to serve Herod the Idumaean , and his posterity : and that 28 day of the moneth Cisleu , answers to the 28 day of the Julian December this year : and ( which also is worth observation ) it fell also on a Saturday , or the Jewish Sabbath , in which the Temple was won by assault , as Dio notes : and this is reckoned the 79 year , from the 170. of the Grecian Empire , in which it is read , that the yoke of the Heathen was taken away from Israel , [ 1 Maccab. 13. 41. ] from whence , it may be gathered , what a small time they enjoyed their liberty . Pompey entered into the Temple , and many together with him , and there beheld those things that were not lawful to be seen by any but the High Priest : and whereas there were in the Temple , the Table , the Candlesticks , with the Lamps , and all Vessels for Sacrifice , and the Censers all of Gold , and an huge heap of Spices , and in the Treasuries of Sacred Money , about 2000 talents ; yet Pompey medled not with any of these , but the next day he commanded them that had the charge of the Temple , to purifie and cleanse it , and to offer their solemn Sacrifices to God , [ Joseph . lib. 1. Bell. cap. 5. lib. 14. Antiquit. cap. 8. ] Pompey restored the High Priesthood to Hircanus , both because he had shewed himself so forward all the time of the siege , and for that he hindered the Jews that were in the whole Country from joyning with Aristobulus , [ Id. ibid. ] With the Priesthood he also received the Principality ; yet Pompey forbad him to wear a Crown , and from thence , besides the former 9 years , in which he was High Priest during the raign of his mother Alexandra , he obtained also the High priesthood other 24 years , [ Id. lib. 20. Antiquit. cap. 8. ] for which we take 23 years and an half . Pompey put to death those that were the chiefest cause of the war , and gave great honours and rewards to Faustus and others who first had ascended the wall , [ Joseph . lib. 1. Bell. cap. 5. lib. 14. Antiquit. cap. 8. ] Pompey made the Jews tributary to the Romans , The Julian Period . 4651 [ Id. Year before Christ 63 ibid. Euseb. Chron. Sever. Sulpic. Histor. Sacr. lib. 2. ] and the Cities which they had formerly conquered in Coelosyria , he took from them , commanding them to obey their own Governours , and the whole Nation formerly advanced through prosperity , he contracted within their ancient bounds ; and in favour of Demetrius of Gadara , a libertine of his , ( of whose insolence , Plutarch wrote in the life of Pompey ) he rebuilded Gadara , which the Jews had formerly destroyed : other inland Cities , as Hippon , Scythopolis , Pella , Dion , Samaria , Marissa , Azotus , Jamnia , Arathusa , he restored to the inhabitants , except those that were destroyed in the wars , and likewise the Sea Towns , as Gaza , Joppe , Dora , the Town of Straton , ( which was afterwards magnificently rebuilt by Herod , and called Caesarea ) Pompey set at liberty , and annexed all of them to the Province of Syria . [ Ioseph . ut supra . ] Hyrcanus and Aristobulus , through their dissentions among themselves , saith Josephus , [ lib. 14. cap. 8. ] were the cause of this calamity to them of Jerusalem ; for then we first began to loose our liberty , being subject to the government of the Romans : besides that , we have been enforced to surrender up to the Syrians , that Country we had lately taken from them in war , and the Romans have also exacted of us , more than ten thousand talents in a short time . Which afterwards the same Josephus affirms [ in cap. 12. ] that Crassus alone took so much out of the Temple , so that he may here be understood to speak of the tributes and pensions laid upon the people . With these things that are delivered by Josephus their Country Historian , it will not be from the purpose to compare those things we have delivered by forraign Authours ( who were contrary to the Jews in their principles ) concerning those things were acted by Pompey against the Jews ; amongst whom , Cicero is the principal , in whose Consulship these things were transacted ; in his Oration for L. Flaccus , we meet with this Testimony of Pompeys abstinence . C. Pompeius , having taken Jerusalem , moved nothing out of that Temple : but , as all things else , so he acted in the first place most wisely in this , That in so spacious and calumnious a City as it was , he allowed no place of hearing the speeches of slanderous detractors ; for I think the religion of the Jews was no offence , but a shame to this excellent Emperour . And as much as could be expected from a Heathen , he made a comparison between the Roman and the Jewish religion in this manner . Every City hath its particular religion , and we have ours . Whilst the Hierosolymitans stood , and the Jews were at league with us , yet their religion did abhor the splendor of the sacred rites of our Empire , the majesty of our name , and the institutions of our Ancestors ; and now , which is more , that nation shewing their opinion of ut by their Arms , it is sufficiently manifest how dear they are to the immortall gods , in that they are conquered , farmed and made servile . Out of Titus Livius , in the 102 Epitome of his book , we have onely these words in effect . Cn. Pompeius subdued the Jews , and took their Temple , which till that time had been inviolate , unlesse we should think that Eutropius and Orosius ( as they did many other parts of their Histories ) borrowed this out of him . Thus Eutropius touches upon the businesse in his sixth book , Passing over against the Iews , the third moneth he took Ierusalem , the head of the Nation : twelve thousand of the Iews being slain , and the rest taken into league . Orosius [ lib. 6. cap. 6. ] writing that Pompey went from Petra in Arabia against the Jews ; over whom Aristobulus having expelled his brother , Hyrcanus ( being the first King of a Priest ) reigned : shews that he took this part of his history not out of Josephus , but some other more unskilful in the Jewish affairs , who notwithstanding relates the transactions of Pompey in this businesse , nothing amisse , thus . He sent Gabinius with an army to Ierusalem , their City ; and he presently came after himself , and was received into the City by the chief Elders : but being beaten off the walls of the Temple , by the common people , he set himself to oppose it . The place was not onely fortified by the natural scituation , but a very great wall , and notwithstanding one Legion after another , night and day , without intermission , attempted the walls ; he was three moneths in taking of it , and took it at length , with much adoe . Thirteen thousand ( Josephus and Eutropius have 12. ) of the Iews were slain there , the rest of the multitude were taken into truce . Pompey commanded the walls of the City to be thrown down , and levelled with the ground : and when he had beheaded some Princes of the Iews , he restored Hyrcanus to the High Priesthood , and brought Aristobulus Prisoner to Rome . Strabo , in the sixth book of his Geography , thus . When Judea was now openly opprest with tyranny , Alexander was the first had made himself King instead of Priest : whose sons , Hircanus and Aristobulus , striving for the government , Pompey came in and deposed , and demolished their bulworks , and took Jerusalem first by force . That fence was all of stone , and well guarded : within well furnisted with water , but without altogether droughty . It had a ditch cut in the rock , 60 foot deep , and 250 wide . The walls of the Temple were made of the stone that were cut out of it . Pompey took it , as it is reported , by taking the opportunity of a fast day , in which they abstained from all manner of labours , having filled the ditch , and passed the wall by his scaling ladders . He commanded all the walls to be demolished , and as much as he could , destroyed and abolish all the receptacle of Robbers , and all those places where the Tyrants treasures were laid up . Two of them were sited in the entrance into Jericho , Thrax , and Taurus , the rest were Alexandrium , Hyrcanium , Machaerus , Lysias , and some places about Philadelphia , Scythopolis also next to Galilee ; [ pag. 792 , 763. ] and afterwards , Pompey taking away some places , that the Iews had by violence seized upon , preferred Hyrcanus to the High Priesthood . [ pag. 764 , 765. ] In Lucan , in the third book of Pharsalia , among other Nations that he conquered , reckons up Judea , in these words . Me dom●●us cognovit Arabs , me Marte feroces Henichi , notique erepto vellere Colchi . Cappadoces mea signa timent , & dedita sacris Incerti Indaea Dei , mollisque Sophene : Armenios , Cilicasque feros , Taurosque subegi . To th' Arabs and the warlike Heniochi tam'd And th' fleece-deprived Colchi I am known : my fam'd Ensignes the Cappadoc'ans , and the Jews , wh'adore , An unknown God , and soft Sophene fear full fore : Taurus Armenia and Cilicia I 've subdu'd . Plutarch in Pompeio , He subdued Iudea , and took their King Aristobulus . Appian in Mithridaticis , concerning the same . He made war upon Aretas , the King of the Arabians of Nabathea , and the Iews also , who had revolted from their King Aristobulus , until he took Ierusalem , a City , in their conceit , most holy . [ pag. 244. ] and in Syriacis . Onely the Country of the Iews remained unconquered , whose King Aristobulus the conquering Pompey sent to Rome , and overthrew the walls of Ierusalem , the greatest and most holy City in all that Country . [ pag , 119. ] Cornel. Tacitus , Histor. lib. 5. cap. 9. The first that conquered the Iews of all the Romans , was Cn. Pompey , and entred the Temple by right of conquest ; there was first published , that their Temple was within , without any image , and an empty seat , and mysteries : the walls of Ierusalem were thrown down , but the Temple stood still . L. Florus , [ Histor. lib , 3. cap. 5. ] concerning the same . Marching through Libanus in Syria , and Damascus , he distributed the Roman Ensignes ; be passed through those odoriferous Groves of frank incense and balms : The Arabians were at his service ; the Iews assaid to defend Ierusalem : but this he entred also , and saw openly that grand mistery of that wicked Nation , as under a skye of beaten gold ; concerning which , [ see Lypsius , Elector . lib. 2. cap. 5 ] The brethren at odds about the Kingdom , he being made Umpire , adjudgeth the Kingdom to Hyrcanus , and claps irons upon Aristobulus , refusing to stand to the award . And then Dio , [ lib 37. ] in the Consulship of M. Tullius Cicero , and C. Antonius . Pompey marched into Syria Palestina , because their inhabitants had invaded Phaenicia : this Country the two brethren , Hyrcanus and Aristobulus governed , 〈◊〉 they by chance being at odds at that time for the Priesthood ( which is with them all one with the kingdom ) of the God , whomsoever he be , filled the City with seditions : Pompey therefore presently , without any blows , conquered Hyrcanus , for he had no forces able to resist him : and Aristobulus also being besieged in a certain Castle , was forced to accept conditions of peace : and seeing he would neither give him mony , nor yield up the Castle , he cast him into Prison , and then easily conquered the rest : but the winning of Ierusalem cost him much pains ; indeed be easily obtained the City , being let in by those that favoured Hyrcanus : but the Temple that was seized upon by them of the contrary faction he took not , but with great pains , it was seated on an hill , and fortified with a wall of stone ; neither if they had defended it all dayes alike , would it have been conquered ; but , because they left off the defence of it on Saturdayes , and because they rested from all work on those dayes , they gave the Romans occasion of overthrowing the wall : for when they observed this custome of the enemies , they did nothing to the purpose on the other dayes ; but when the week went about , and Saturday was come , then they fell to work heartily , and was the Temple by main force . And thus at length the Jews were overcome , nothing at all defending themselves ; then were the treasures taken away , and the Kingdom given to Hyrcanus , and Aristobulus carryed away prisoner . These things happened at this time in Palestina . Whilst Pompey made war about Judea , Ptolomaeus ( Auletes ) maintained 8000 horsemen at his own charge , and feasted a thousand guests with so many golden drinking cupps , alwaies changing the cupps , as they changed the dishes ; as Varro relateth . [ Plin. lib. 33. ] to whom there was to be paid out of Egypt yearly the tribute of 12500 talents , as Cicero in an oration ( which is lost ) delivered . [ Strabo . lib. 17. pag. 799. ] although Diodorus Siculus related that the revenue of Egypt at this time was but only 6000 talents . Seleucis in Palestine was built by Pompey . [ Appian . pag. 253. ] Pompey , having left the government of Coelosyria , to Scaurus ; from Euphrates as farre as the borders of Egypt , departed into Cilicia with two legions ; carrying Aristobulus prisoner with him , with his two sonnes , and as many daughters : [ Joseph . lib. 14. cap. 8. ] one of which called Alexander in his journey , escaped by flight , but the younger called Antigonus with his sisters was carried to Rome . [ Id. lib. bell . cap. 5. fin . ] Appian writes that Pompey left Syria , at his departure thence , to be governed by his Quaestor Scaurus : [ in Syriacis . pag. 119. cum lib. 5. bell . civil . pag. 676. 677. ] Josephus ads in lib. 1. bel . cap. 8. that he gave the government of Syria , and Judea , also to Scaurus . Ammianus Marcellinus also in lib. 14. affirmeth , that Pompey having conquered the Jews , and taken Hierusalem brought Palestine into the forme of a province , committing the jurisdiction thereof to a Governour . indeed Hyrcanus then reteined the name of King , but without a crown : but such was the dulnesse of his wit , that the governours of Syria took the power to themselves , not only of ordering the tributes , but of disposing of all things at their own pleasure in Palestine , as we shal see hereafter in the government of Gabinius . Cicero and Antonius being Consuls , on the 9 day before the calends of October was Octavius born , of Octavius and his wife Atia ; ( the sister of C. Julius Caesar ) [ Sueton , in Octavio . cap. 4. 5. ] who afterwards was called Caesar Augustus . In whose reign our Lord Jesus Christ the Saviour of the World was born . [ Luc. II. 1. 6. 7 , ] Julius Marathus reporteth , that a few months before Augustus was born , there happened at Rome a prodigy ( or oracle ) publickly knowen , whereby was declared that nature was about to bring forth a King over the people of Rome : at which the senate being affrighted made an act , that no mans child that was begotten that year , should be rear'd , but those whose wives were with child , ( for every one was willing to draw this hope to himself , took order that this act should not be brought into the treasury , and then inrolled . [ Sueton. vt supra . cap. 94. ] concerning his birth day on the 9 of the Kalends of October , Augustus himself agrees with Suetonius in an epistle to his nephew Caius . [ Gellius . lib. 15. cap. 7. ] the new Kalendar [ in Scriptionibus Gruteri CXXXIII . ] and the Narbon stone . [ ibid. pag. CCXXIX . ] Dion also not dissenting who in the 56 book saith that he was born on the 23 of September : for in the Julian September of 30 daies , the IX of the Kalends of October which is the 23 of September , although in the Pomp●lian September which hath but 29 daies it is the 22 of the same month ; but September , as the year was ( before the correction appointed by Julius Caesar ) at Rome , it fell in June of the Julian period 4651. ) Catilinus conspiracy breaking forth at Rome . Q. Martius Rex , and Q. Metellus Creticus both of them were generals in the Citie , and both of them hindred from triumphing by the false accusation of some few , whose custome it was to set to saile all things both honest , and dishonest , [ Salust . in conjuration . Catilinar . ] The Philadelphenses reckon their yeares from the second year of the CLXXIX Olympiade . ( Fasti Siculi ) this Philadelphia is not farre from Judea : of which Josephus , [ lib. 1. bell . cap. 5. and Strabo . lib. 16. pag. 760. & 763. ] where he notes that about it the receptacles of the theives were this year taken away by Pompey , which perhaps was the cause of the first institution of this Epoch . Pompey , marching about the rest of Cilicia , which did not ackowledge the Roman power , subdued it to the Roman without a blow . [ Appian . pag. 244. ] except that part that was possessed by the Eleuthero-Cilice , whose town being seated in the mountain Amanus , were afterwards conquered by Cicero the Proconsul of Syria . Pharnaces sent to Pompey , the body of his father Mithridates done up in brine , yeilding up to him both himself and his Kingdom : [ Dio. lib. 37. ] Appian writes that he sent it to Pompey to Synope in a gally : and also those that had taken Manius ( Aquilius ) and many hostages both of Grecians , and Barbarians : and that he desired , that he might hold either his fathers Kingdome , or the Bosphoran only , which his brother Machan , had received from Mithridates . Plutarch saith that Pompey , when he came to Amilus , that he found many guifts brought from Pharnaces , and many of the royall family , and also the course of Mithridates , not very well knowen by his face , but was knowen by the scarrs , by them who desired to see that fight , for Pompey would not see it , but sent it to Synope . For Pompey thinking that all hostility was extinct with his life ; wreaked not any malice upon the dead body , but commanded it to be buried in the sepulchre of his fathers . [ Dio. lib. 37. ] he delivered therefore the body over to them , that should take care of it , and defraying the charges , he commanded it should be royally interred at Synope , and withall commended him for the excellency of his doings , as the most famous King of his age . [ Appian . pag. 250. ] Pompey admired the wonderful rich apparell , and armes he ware : but Publius stole the scabbard of his sword , which cost 400 talents , and sold it to Ariarathes . Caius the foster-brother of Mithridates , gave privately Mithridates hat of wonderfull workmanship , to Faustus the sonne of Sylla who begged it of him , without Pompeys privity but Pharnaces when he afterwards understood of it , punished those that had imbecilled those things . [ Plutarch . ] Pompey inrolled Pharnaces and Castor Phanagonasis among the friends and allyes of the people of Rome , [ Appian . pag. 251. Dio. lib. 37. ] and also gave the kingdom of Bosphorus to Pharnaces , because he had freed Italy from many difficulties ; except the Phanagorenses to whom he granted liberty because they first of all troubled Mithridates by revolting from him , both as he was gathering up again his Forces , and when he had an army and fleet , and thus by giving example to others , were the cause of his destruction , [ Appian . pag. 250. ] But after the departure of Pompey , Pharnaces assailed the Phanagorenses and their neighbours , until that thorough famine they were forced to come out and fight with him , and so were overcome ; whom without doing any more hurt unto them , he received into friendship with him , onely taking hostages of them , [ Appian . pag. 253 , 254. ] Pompey recovered Castles in Pontus , the delivery up of which those that were in garison thought to defer till his coming before them ; fearing , lest the treasure that was committed to their charge , others might take away , and lay the fault upon them , [ Dio. lib. 37. ] In Talaura , which City Mithridates used as a Wardrobe , were found 2000 cups of Onix stone , made and fastened together with gold , many cups also for hot and cold drinks , beds , chairs , all most splendid ; bridles for horses , and trappings for brests and shoulders , all beset with gold and precious stones : in the receiving and reckoning of which , the Treasurer spent thirty dayes ; part of them came from Darius the sonne of Hystaspes to his successours from hand to hand : part of them Cleopatra had deposited with the Coans and were of the treasure of the Ptolemaean Kings , which Mithridates had carried from thence , they being delivered him by the Citizens ; part the King himself had prepared and got together , being extremely desirous of rich houshould-stuffe , [ Appian . pag. 251 , 252. ] At Rome at the time of the chusing Consuls , Cicero the Consul spake an oration for Murena , who was chosen Consul for the following year , and was accused for unlawfull bribing for the office , in which he saith that the army of L. Lucullus , which were come to his triumph , came to aid Murena in demanding the Consulship ; of which triumph Cicero in his Lucullus thus maketh mention . When returned Conquerour from the Mithridatick war , he triumphed three years later than he ought to have done , through the false accusations of his enemies : for we that are Consuls , were almost fain to bring in the chariot of that famous man into the city , for C. Mummius had set the people of Rome against him , as if he had imbezelled much of the spoiles , and had protracted the war , and so perswaded the people that they should deny him his Triumph , but the noble men , and those that were most in authority , intermedling themselves with the tribes , they intreated so much by suit and perswasion , that at last they brought them to yield unto his Tryumph . [ Plutarch . in Lucullus . ] He made his Tryumphant entry not troublesome for the long shew thereof , nor for the multitude of things that he brought thither , as many Captains had done before him ; but he furnished the shew place ( called Circus Flaminius ) with the enemies weapons , of which there was great store , and with the Kings battering Engines , which was a pleasant sight to behold : and in their Triumph there was a certain company of men bravely armed , ten Chariots with Sithes , and 60 friends and Captains of the two Kings , and 110 long ships armed on , their beaks drawn also after them ; a Statue of Mithridates of six foot high all of gold , and a Target set with precio●s stones : the Crown also of Tigranes was taken , and carried in Triumph : twenty cupboards of silver plate , of golden vessels and armour and coine 32. These were carried upon mens shoulders ; eight mules golden beds , 56 carried silver bullion , and 107 that carried silver coine , little lesse than 2700000 Drachmes . Moreover , there were books of accounts carryed , what mony he had given to Pompey , and the treasures for the war against the Pirates , besides what he had given to his own Souldiers , which was 950 Drachmes a piece , and then he feasted all the Cities and Villages thereabouts . [ Id. ibid. ] After the Triumph , and an account given of the Mithridatick war , he fell to a manner of living far more magnificent , than stood with the ancient temperance , and was the first among the Romans that brought in all manner of delicacies , after he had received the riches of the two Kings , Tigranes and Mithridates . [ Nicolaus Damascen . Historiar . lib. 27. apud Athenaeum , lib. 6. cap. ult . & lib. 12. cap. 21. ] Velleius Paterculus also confirmeth , that he was the first that brought in the profuse luxury in buildings , dyet , and houshold-stuff . [ lib. 2. cap. 33. ] Pompey rebuilt Eupatoria , Year of the World 3942 which Mithridates Eupator had built , and so called from his own name , and destroyed it again , because it entertained the Romans ; Pompey gave to it both lands and inhabitants , and called it Magnopolis . [ Strabo . lib. 12. pag. 556. Appian . pag. 251. ] He adorned Cabira in the forme of a City , and called it Diopolis . [ Strabo . ibid. pag. 557 ] He appointed Laws and Statutes for the Bythinians , and them of Pontus ; of which Pliny the Praetor of Bythinia makes mention in his Epistle to Trajan . [ lib. 10. ] Pompey marched out of Pontus into Asia ( properly so called ) and wintered at Ephesus ; Dio. lib. 37. ] and when he had finished all both by sea and land , yet he commanded the Cityes of Asia to furnish him with a Fleet , equivalent to the price or rate of L. Sylla's imposition which he described . [ Cicero pro. Flacco . ] L. Valerius Flaccus , who in the former year was Praetor at Rome , was this year Praetor of Asia . [ Id. ibid. ] About the end of winter , The Julian Period . 4652 Pompey distributes rewards to his conquering army to every one 1500 Attic Drachmes , Year before Christ 62 ( Plutarch confirmeth that he that had received least , received so many ) and to the Tribunes and Centurions proportionable to their dignity ; which sum of mony they reckon to be 16000 talents , [ Appian . pag. 252. ] to the Liutenants and Quaestors that defended the sea coast 2000 sestertium's , to each of the Souldiers fifty , as we read in Pliny , [ lib. 37. cap. 2. ] if that place be perfect . D. Julius Silanus , and L. Murena being Consuls , Metellus triumphed over Crete , [ Eutrop. lib. 6. ] and indeed upon the Kalends of June , ( for as much as can be gathered from the fragments of the triumphal marbles ) which fell at that time in the Julian March : but the chief ornament of the Triumph , Pompey drew from him , which was the captive Captains . [ Vellei . Patercul . lib. 2. cap. 40. ] for he took from him Lasthenes and Panares , by the aide of one of the common people , being perswaded thereunto , [ Dio. lib. 36. ] but yet the Triumph of Lucullus and Metellus were much favoured by every good man , both through their own virtue , and especially in envy to Pompey . [ Vellei . ut supra . cap. 34. ] Appian also makes mention of the Triumph of Metellus Creticus , [ Legat. 30. ] When Cato came to Ephesus to salute Pompey , as one that was elder and greater in dignity than he , Pompey seeing him come , would not suffer him to come to him , as he sate in his seat , but went to meet him as one of the chiefest noble men , and took him by the hand ; embracing and saluting him , commended him in the presence of all men , both before his face , and when he was gone from him : but yet was glad when he was gone , as though he could not command freely in his presence ; and also commended to him the care of his wife and children , which he never did to any almost that sailed to Rome , though indeed Cato was allied to them . [ Plut. in Cato minore . ] Pompey , after he had partly by war overcome many Princes and Kings , and partly allyed them to him by firm conditions of peace , and had taken not lesse than 900 Cities , and restored 39 Cities that were either ruinated or destroyed in war ( as was Mazaca the head City of Cappadocia ) and had increased eight Cities and Countries with Colonies , and had instructed the greatest part of the Nations thorough the Continent of Asia that belonged to the Romans in his own laws , and ordained a Common-wealth for them ; then at length he set sail from Ephesus , and went towards Italy , in very great pomp , thorough Islands , and Greece , [ Dio. lib. 37. Appian . pag. 251. Plutarch . in Pompeio . ] When Pompey was come to Lesbos , he released the City of all taxes in favour of Theophanes , [ Plutarch , ibid. ] for the Mitylenians had delivered Marius Aquilius and others prisoners ; to whom liberty was restored by Pompey in favour onely of Theophanes , [ Vellei . Patercul . lib. 2. cap. 18. ] This was Balbus Cornelius Theophanes a Mitylenian , a Writer of Pompeys Acts : whom he esteemed one of his most intimate friends , and made him a Citizen of Rome in the face of the whole army : to whom also the Grecian flattery when he was dead , bestowed divine honours , [ Cicero , pro Archia poeta . Strabo , lib. 13. pag. 617. Valerius Maximus , lib. 8. cap. 14. Cornel. Tacitus , lib. 6. Annal. cap. 1. Julius Capitolinus , in Maximo & Balbino . ] At Mitylene Pompey beheld the poets play their prizes , where the only subject was his own acts and deeds : he was much delighted with the theatre , and drew a map and models of it , that he might make the like at Rome , but greater and more magnificent . [ Plutarch . ] When he came to Rhodes , he heard the Sophisters dispute , and gave to each of them a talent . Posidonius hath written the disputation he made before Pompey , against Hermagoras the Rhetorician ; of the generall question . [ Id. ] but Pompey as he was about to go into Posidonius his house , forbad his Lictour ( as the manner was ) to knock at the door , and he himself laid down the Lictours rod , at the door , to whom both the east and the west submitted . [ Pliny . lib. 7. cap. 20. ] concerning whose meeting Cicero thus relates in the second book of Tusculine questions , out of Pompeys owne mouth . I have often seen Posidonius my self , but I will tell you , what Pompey was wont often to declare vnto me : that as he came out of Syria , and was come to Rhodes , he had a mind to hear Posidonius , but when he heard he was very sick , and in great pain with the gout , yet he would needs see that famous Philosopher , who when he had seen him and saluted him , and had given him very great complements , he told him , that he was very sorry that he could not hear him ; but you may saith he , neither will I suffer that the paine of my body , shall frustrate the coming of so great a man to me : So he told me , that the Philosopher disputed very gravely and fully concerning this subject , That there was nothing good , but what was honest ; and whereas he was all on fire as it were with paine , as if so many torches had been put to him , he often said in paine , all thou dost is nothing ; although thou art troublesome , yet I will never confess thou art evil . Some also say , that Pompey came to Rhodes , at what time he went to the Mithridatick War , and being presently to march against Mithridates , then to have discoursed with Posidonius , and in his departure to have asked him if he would command him any thing , and that Posidonius should repeate that Verse in Homer , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Rem gere praclarè , atque al●s praestare memento . Act nobly , and remember to excell . as it is in Strabo , [ lib. 11. pag. 492. ] Valerius Flaccus being Praetor , commanded the Cities of Asia to furnish him with money and Mariners for a Fleet , but fewer ships by half than Pompey used . This Feet he divided into two Squadrons , that one should sail above Ephesus , and the other beneath ; in which Fleet M. Crassus sailed from Aenus , ( in Thrace ) into Asia , and Flaccus out of Asia into Macedonia : and whereas every year Gold was wont to be exported ( in the name of the Jews ) out of Italy , and all the Roman provinces to Jerusalem : Flaccus commanded by a decree , that none should be exported out of Asia : whereupon there was apprehended at Apamea , and weighed before the Praetor himself in the Court by Sext. Coesius a Roman Knight , not lesse than a 100 pound weight of Gold at Laodicea ; more than tvventy pound vveight by L. Peducaeus , at Adramitum by the Leiutenant Cn. Domitius , at Pergamus not much ; and this Gold was laid up in the Treasury . These things are mentioned in his Oration for him , and defended . Scaurus , who was left President of Syria by Pompey , marched into Arabia , but by the difficulty of the place could not come as far as Petra : but yet he wasted the countrey round about : although he himself endured much evill ; for his army was afflicted with famine ; although Hyrcanus by Antipater's meanes supplied him with corn , and other necessaries out of Judea . Antipater also was sent as Embassador from Scaurus , to Aretas , because he was his very familiar freind , to perswade him that by disbursing a summe of money , he might redeem his country from harrassing ; who engaged unto him for 300 talents : and upon this condition the war was ended , no lesse with the good liking of Scaurus , than of Aretas . [ Joseph . lib. 1. bel . cap. 6. & lib. 14. Antiquit. cap. 3. ] hereupon Scaurus caused a silver coin to be stamped in his Aedil-ship on the one side of which , a King clad in a barbarous habit kneeled before him , who had on him a loose coat and hose , and presented a crown unto him that was carried on a camels back ; with these letters written about M. SCAVRVS AED . CVR. EX . S. C. M. Scaurus Curule Aedile by the decree of the Senate : and beneath ; REX ARETAS , King Aretas . [ Pighius his Annal. Roman . tom . 3. pag. 341. 362. ] When as Pompey had sent his Leivetenant Piso to demand the Consul-ship ; the Romans both deferred the comitia til his coming , and chose Piso , who was there present , Consul , with a generall consent ; this commendation of Piso by Pompey for him , wrought not only upon freinds , but also with enemies ; for they were all in a generall fear of Pompey , before he had dismissed his army . [ Dio. lib. 37. ] About the happening of Piso his Consulship , ( in the Julian November ) Pompey came into Italy , as may be understood out of Cicero . [ lib. 1. ad Atticum . epist. 9. & 11. ] and whereas it was fea●d that he would not come without his army , and that he would regulate the publick liberty after his own pleasure , and that he would make himself Lord of all Italy , and all the power of the Romans ; as soon as he came to Brundusium , he of his own accord , dischargeth all his forces , before there came to him any decree either from the Senate , or people ; [ Vellei . Patercul . lib. 2. cap. 40. Plut. Appian . Dio. ] Plutarch saith , that Pompey when he thus kindly discharged his souldiers , commanded them to meet him again at his triumph : but Dio affirmeth , that he did not so much as intend to use them at his triumph : [ lib. 37. ] In an oration at Rome , Pompey declared that he had made war in the East with 22 Kings . [ Oros. lib. 6. cap. 6. ] and that when he received Asia , it was the outmost province , but now when he restored it to his Country again it was the middlemost . [ Pliny . lib. 7. cap. 26. Florus lib. 3. cap. 5. ] Q. Tullius Cicero , the younger brother of Marcus , was chosen Praetor by lot over Asia , and succeeded L. Valerius Flaccus . [ M. Cicero . in . orat . pro Flacco . & lib. 1. epist. ad Attic. ] When he was to go into his province , he had a great mind that T. Pomponius Atticus his wives brother should go with him as his Leivetenant : but he thought it not beseeming him , that would not be Praetor to be a servant of the Praetor , [ Cornel. Nepos in visu Attici . ] which Quintus took very ill . [ M. Cicero . lib. Epist. 14. ad Atticum ] P. Clodius , both for the revolt of Nisibis , and because that in womans habit , he had entred into a temple , into which it was not lawfull for a man to enter , and because he had defiled the wife of Metellus the high preist , and of C. Caesar , and had had to do with his own sister , being accused , I say , for these things , was quitted by the Judges who were bribed with money . [ Cicero . lib. 1. epist. 13. ad Atticum . Liv. lib. 103. Plut. in Cicerone . Dio. lib. 37. ] Cicero , writes to Atticus that he had taken from the Consul Piso , Syria that was promised unto him , [ lib. 1. epist. 13. ] wherefore Marcius Philippus who had been Praetor , was sent successor to Scaurus ; who was left in Syria by Pompey : who skirmished with the Arabians , who lived neer there and invaded Syria . [ Appian . in Syriac . pag. 119. 120. ] In the ninth year of the preisthood and principality of Hyrcanus ( to wit , from the death of his mother Alexandra ; before Gabinius took the principality from her ) in the month Panemus or June , that decree of the Athenians , in the honour of Hyrcanus seemeth to be published , which is extant in the lib. 14. Antiquit cap. 16. of Josephus : although he referrs that note of time to a preceding decree of the Roman Senate : which was set forth , both in the time of the former Hyrcanus the sonne of Simeon , and upon the Ides of December , as we have showen , at the year of the Julian period 4587. But this decree made in the honour of Hyrcanus the second sonne of Alexander was written on the XI day of Muncychion Attick , ( about the 28 day of the Julian Aprill : ) by Euclis the sonne of Menander the Almusian , being secretary , and delivered to the governours on the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the Macedonian Panemus , or the XXVII day , ( answering to the XX day of the Julian June ) Agathocles being Praetor at Athens : as we have showen in the first chapter of the book ; concerning the solar year of the Macedonians and Athenians . Q. Cicero , first of all eased the cities of Asia , of the charge of providing marriners , and a Fleet , [ M. Tullius , in Orat. pro Flacco . ] and restored many Cities that were almost deferred ; as Samos for one , a most noble City of Ionia , and another , Halicarnassus , a City of Caria , [ Id. lib. 1. epist. 1. ad Quintum Fratrem . ] Pompey deferred his Triumph till his birth day , which he did on the third , and the day before the Kalends , of October ( which was his birth day , falling then either in July or June of the Julian account ) M. Messala , and M. Piso , being Consuls ; as may be gathered from the Marble Fragments of the Triumphal Records , but more fully out of the Records of the Triumphs of Pompey himself , mentioned by Pliny , [ lib. 7. cap. 26. & lib. 37. cap. 2. ] and although he had a most magnificent Triumph of so many Kings for two dayes together , [ as it is in Vellei . Patercul . lib. 2. cap. 40. & Appian . in Mithridaticis . ] Although this Triumph lasted two whole dayes , yet was not the greatnesse of it fully shewed , as Plutarch saith : for a great part of the preparation , which would have served to furnish another Triumph was not seen . They who strive to compare Pompey in all things with Alexander the Great , will needs have him not to be full 34 years old ; whereas in truth he was 40 , if we believe Plutarch : and indeed Pompey himself , even from his youth , by the talk of his flatterers , believing that himself was like Alexander , he imitated both his actions and counsels , [ Salust . Historiar . lib. 3. apud Nonium Marcellum , in voc . Emulus . ] But Velleius very elegantly observes , that they were too much busied about the age of that great man , [ lib. 2. cap. 53. ] who were deceived , in the account full five years : whereas the setting right of these things was so easie from the Consulships of C. Attilius , and Quintus Servilius : Which fault Plutarch fell upon , whilst he correcteth others ; whilst he now saith , that Pompey was but 40 years old , when as indeed he was 45. Pompey made his first Triumph over Africa , the second over Europe , the third over Asia , and so made the three parts of the World , so many Monuments of his Victory , [ Vellei . Patercul . lib. 2. cap. 40. Plutarch in Pompey . ] Whereupon this great Triumph was called The Triumph of the whole World , [ Dio. lib. 37. ] He was here by the whole Assembly saluted by the sirname of Great , [ Liv. lib. 103. ] with which sirname , given long a gone by the people he was contented , although by his famous deeds he might have received many new names , [ Dio. ut supra . ] The preface of the Triumph ( as it is described by Pliny , lib. 7. cap. 26. out of his own Records ) vvas thus . When he had freed the sea coast from Pirates , and had restored the command of the sea to the people of Rome , he triumphed over Asia , Pontus , Armenia . Paphlagonia , Cappadocia , Cilicia , Syria , Scythians , Jews , Albanians , Iberia , the Isle of Crete , Bastarna , and above all these , over the Kings , Mithridates and Tigranes : to which Plutarch addes , Media , Colchis , Mesopotamia , and Arabia ; and Appianus addes , the Heniochi , and Achaeans . Pompey brought 700 ships that vvere vvhole : there vvas a vast number of vvaggons that carried the armour , and also the beaks of ships : after these vvent a multitude of captives and pirates , not bound , but clad in their Country habits : Noble-men , and Captains , or sons of the Kings , partly captives , partly hostages , to the number of 324. went before him , who sat on a lofty Chariot , [ Appian . ] Amongst these was Tigranes , the son of Tigranes , the King of Armenia , with his wife and daughters , and Zosime the wife of Tigranes himself ; Moreover the sister and five sons of Mithridates ( Artaphernes , Cyrus , Oxathres , Darius , Xerxes ) and two daughters , Orsabaris , and Eupatra . There was also led Olthaces the King of the Colchians , and Aristobulus the King of the Jewes , and the Tyrants of the Cilicians : also some women of the Royal Family of the Scythians , three Commanders of the Iberians ; two of the Albanians , with Menander of Laodice , who was General of Mithridates Horse ; also the hostages of the Albanians and Iberians , and of the King of the Commagenians : also many other Trophies were carryed , according to the number of battles , that either he or his Leiutenant had won in divers places , [ Id. cum Plutarcho . ] The pictures of Tigranes and Mithridates though absent , were carryed , and how they fought , how gave ground , how fled . The assailing also of Mithridates was represented , and how he secretly fled away by night : and last of all his death was represented to the eyes of the beholders , the Virgins also that were the companions of his death being likewise set out in pictures : there were carryed also tables with the images of his sons and daughters that died before him , and the figures of the Barbarian gods in their own Country habits , [ Appian . ] Pompey himself was carried in a Chariot set with precious stones , clad , as is reported , in the Coat of Alexander the great : there followed the Chariot ; the companions of this expedition , the Colonels both of Horse and Foot. [ Id. ] The day before the Kalends of October , which was his birth day ; he brought a pair of Tables with the men of two precious stones , three foot broad , and four long , in which was a golden Moon of 30 pound weight ; three Parlour Tables , nine Cupboards of plate of gold and pretious stones : three golden Images of Minerva , Mars , and Apollo : three Crowns set with pearls , a golden Mount square , portrayed with Stags and Lions and fruits of all kinds , compassing about a golden Vine , ( of which formerly , at the end of the year of the World 3939. ) A Bower of pearls , upon the top of which was a Sun-dial . Pompey's own image of pearle . Pliny , lib. 37. cap. 2. ] Pompey also writes , that he carried trees in Triumph , namely the Elme tree , and the Balsome tree , which onely groweth in Judea , [ Id. lib. 12. cap. 4. & 25. ] There were also Carts , and other Vessels laden with gold , and diverse other Ornaments , among which was the bed of Darius the son of Hystaspes , and the Throne and Scepter of Mithridates Eupator , and a golden image of him , eight cubits to the breast , [ Appian . ] a silver Statue of Pharnaces , who first raigned in Pontus ; and gold and silver Chariots , [ Pliny , lib. 37. cap. 12. ] and of silver coine 7000 Myriades , and 510 Drachmes . [ Appian . ] Moreover it was shewn in Tables , that all the tribute of the people of Rome was before but 5000 Myriades , but with these that he had gotten for the people of Rome , they now amounted to 8500 Myriades . [ Plutarch . ] There was also carried a Table , containing a breviary of those things that Pompey had done in the east , inscribed with this Title : 800 ships with prows were taken ; eight Cities built in Cappadocia , in Cilicia , and Coelosyria 20. in Palestina Seleucis : Kings conquered , Tigranes the Armenian , Artoces the Iberian , Orozes the Albanian . Thus the Title , [ Appian . ] the like to which Pliny makes mention of , [ lib. 7. cap. 26. ] placed in the Temple of Minerva , and dedicated of the spoiles . Cn. Pompeius Magnus , Captain General , having finished a war of thirty years , having overthrown , routed , killed , and having had yielded unto him , twenty one hundred eighty three thousand men , sunck and taken 846 ships , having had yielded unto him 1538 Towns and Castles , having conquered from the lake of Maeotis to the Red Sea , deservedly offers this vow to Minerva . He brought into the publick treasury in plate , and in gold and silver coine 20000 talents , [ Plutarch . ] among other gifts that were dedicated by him in the Capitol , was the Cabinet of King Mithridates ; as Varro and other Authours of that time confirm , which first of all inclined the Romans towards pearls and Jewels . [ Pliny , lib. 37. cap. 1. ] There also was dedicated all the most precious things of Mithridates , that were found in the new Castle , [ Strabo . lib. 12. pag. 556 , 557. ] and that golden Vine that was brought out of Judea ; [ Id. in Josephus , lib. 14. cap. 5. ] also six cups of the stone of Murrha , then first brought to Rome , which presently were commonly used , they being desirous to have plates and dishes of the same . [ Pliny . lib. 37. cap. 2. ] When Pompey came triumphing into the Capitol , he put none of the captives to death , as those that had triumphed before him used to do : but paying their charges out of the publick mony , sent every one home into his own Country , except those that were of royal extraction . [ Appian . ] For that which Appian adds , that Aristobulus was put to death , and after him Tigranes , appears to be false from this , that Aristobulus afterwards returned into his Country . Josephus and Dio confirm , and that Tigranes was kept in chains with Flaviu●a Senatour , by the command of Pompey , and taken out of his custody by Clodius the Tribune of the people , which Asconius Pedianus confirmeth in his Commentary upon the Milonian Oration . The Gazenses ( being now freed from the command of the Jews ) begin the account of their times from hence . Year of the World 3944 [ Fasti. Siculi . anno . 4. Olymp. 179. ] That the Gazenses began their year about the 27 day of the Julian October , we gather out of Marcus a Deacon of Gaza , in the life of Porphyry , a Bishop of Gaza , That none should succeed Quintus Cicero in the Praetorship of Asia , his brother Marcus was the cause ; as he himself in an Epistle to him shews : in which , among other things that were well done by him in the Province , he reckons this : That the thieveries of the Mysians were taken away , and murders in many places suppressed , and that peace was setled through the whole Province , and not only the robberies and thieveries of passengers , in the Countries , but more and greater in the Towns. [ lib. 1. epist. 1. ad Quint Fra●r . ] When M. Cicero had sent a Commentary of his Consulship , written in Greek , to Rhodes to Posidonius ( the Apamean , both a Philosopher and an Historian , that he should write concerning the same things in a better stile ) which when he had read , he wrote back to him , That he was not by this at all provoked to write , but that he was clearly afraid . [ lib. 2. epist. 1. ad Atticum . ] Ptolemaeus Auletus had a son born , he being grown old , which son succeded him in his kingdom ; so that he was not above 13 years old , when after the battle of Pharsalia , Pompey fled to him , as Dio observes in his 42 book . Pompey demanded of the Senate , that all things that he had granted to Kings , Governours , and Cities , that the fathers would confirm , [ Appiau . Bell. Civil . lib. 2. pag. 432. ] Lucullus had at this time given himself over to enjoy his pleasure and riots : but being stirred up by the Senate , that he should use his authority to deal in matters of State , he presently set upon Pompey : [ Plutarch in Pompeio . ] therefore he and Metellus Creticus , having in mind the injury he had done them , and with them part also of the Nobility resisted him , that those things that were either promised to Cities , or the rewards to them that had deserved evil of him , should not be disposed of after his own pleasure . [ Vellei . Patercul . lib. 2. cap. 40. ] and Lucullus appointed , that Pompey should propose to the Senate particularly concerning all his acts ; and not demand that they should be all approved in a lump , for otherwise he said it would be unjust , to approve all his acts simply , before they knew what they were , as if they had been done by some Lord. And whereas he had disanulled some of Lucullus's acts : he demanded , That both their acts should be proposed in the Senate , that it might confirm either of them that were worthy of approbation . Cato , and Metellus Celer the Consul , and others that were of the same opinion , earnesty defended Lucullus . [ Dio. lib. 37. ] He bragging also , that the victory over Mithridates belonged to him , drew Crassns also to his party , [ Appian . Bell. Civil . lib. 2. pag. 432 , 433. ] and thereupon obtained a confirmation of his decrees , which Pompey had disanulled , [ Plutarch in Pompero . ] but overthrew all the constitutions that Pompey had made after he had overcome the Kings , and whereas he had demanded that lands might be divided among his Souldiers , Lucullus hindred it by the assistance of Cato . [ Id in Lucullo . ] Pompey being thus turmoiled in the Senate , was compelled to fly unto the Tribunes of the people . [ Plutarch in Pompeio . ] and seeing that L , Flavius the Tribune , who had demanded that grounds might be divided to Pompeys souldiers : also added this to it , That all the Citizens might give their voices , that by this means this might be the easier granted ; and also that all Pompeys acts might be confirmed : but Metellus the Consul so eagerly withstood it , that he was carried to prison by the Tribune . Notwithstanding , the Consul resolutely persisted in his opinion , as also did others , so that Pompey was fain at length to give over his demand ; now too late rpenting , that he had discharged his Souldiers , and exposed himself to the injuries of his enemies . [ Dio. lib. 37. ] In the mean while , C. Julius Caesar came to Rome to demand the Consulship : him Pompey joyned with him as a companion , swearing unto him , that he would do his endeavour , that he should he made Consul : for by this means he hoped that now at length his acts , which he had made in the provinces beyond the seas , which so many withstood , should be confirmed by Caesar being now Consul , and whereas Pompey and Crassus were at great odds ever since the Consul-ship that they had borne together with very great dissention ; he not only reconciled them among themselves , but entred into a Society with them both , upon this contract , That nothing should be done in the common-wealth , which displeased either of the three , which conspiracy was destructive to the City , and all the world besides , and at length to themselves also . [ Liv. lib. 103. Vellei Patercul . lib. 2. cap. 44. Sueton. in Julio Caesar. cap. 19. Plutarch . in Lucul . Cras. Pomp. Caesar. Appian . bell . civil . lib. 2. Dio. lib. 37. ] This conspiracy of the three principal men of the city , Varro the most noble writer of this time , comprised in one book , and called it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or three headed . [ Appian . pag. 433. ] Asinius Pollio also begun to write his history of the civil war , from the same , which was made in the Consul-ship of Metellus Celer : as Horace [ in lib. 2. carm . ode . 1. ] and his interpreters Acron and Porphyrio confirm , for neither ( as many thought ) the dissention of Caesar , and Pompey brought in the civil wars , but their agreement rather conspiring together to root out the nobility first , and then falling at odds among themselves . [ Plut. in C. Caesare . ] In this very year , in which the CLXXX Olympiade was solemnized , and Herodes , ( another besides that Herod of Athens , of whom Pausanias and A. Gellius mention as the famousest man of his time ) was Praetour in Athens , Diodorus Siculus begins the history of Caesars affaires who also in that year sheweth that he travelled over Egypt , in the reign of Ptolomaeus , who was called : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or new Bacchus , [ Bibliothec. historiar . lib. 1. part . 1. & 2. ] There was a third year added to the Praetourship of Quintus Cicero in Asia ; Year of the World 3945 although Suetonius saith , that he governed the proconsulate of Asia little to his credit : [ In Octavio Augusto . cap. 3. ] whereupon in this year there was written an excellent epistle by Marcus Cicero concerning the well governing of a common-wealth , which is read in the first place among those that were written to his brother Quintus . The Senate sent Lentulus Marcellinus one that had been Praetour to succeed Marcius Philippus in the government of Syria . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , saith Appian in Syriacis , by each of them ( to wit , severally not joyntly ) there was spent two years space , in fighting with the Arabians , who bordering upon them introded their Country . Julius Caesar the Consul , The Julian Period . 4655 confirmed all Pompeys Acts as he had promised him , Year before Christ 59 without any gainsaying of Lucullus or any one else . [ Appian . Bell. civil . lib. 2. pag. 435. Dio. lib. 38. ] Pompey also obtained , that the Senate should not confirm those honours that Lucullus had promised to some of Pontus ; saying , it was unjust , that another having finished the war , the distribution of Rewards and Honours should be put in the power of another , [ Strabo , lib. 12. pag. 558. ] and having filled the City with armes and souldiers , he expulsed Cato and Lucullus out of the Market-place , and also confirmed his Acts by violence and force , [ Plutarch , in Pomp. & Lucullo . ] Suetonius writes , that Caesar in his first Consulship , set to sale societies and kingdomes , [ cap. 54. ] as who , for example , took from Ptolemei alone , 6000 talents in the name of himself and Pompey : and Dio relates , [ lib. 39. ] that Ptolemei ( Auletes ) spent vast sums of money upon certain Romans , both of his own and what he borrowed , that by them the kingdom of Egypt might be confirmed upon him , and that he might be called their friend and ally . And Plutarch in the life of Caesar relates , that Auletes owed to Caesar 1750 Myriades , a thousand whereof , when he came into Egypt , after Pompey was killed , he exacted , and the rest he had forgiven to Auletes his children . And in this year , in which Caesar was first time Consul , Caesar himself , in the third Commentary of the Civil War , sheweth , that Aulctes by a law and a decree of the Senate , was taken into the alliance of the people of Rome ; and that he obtained this honour from the Senate , before the proscription of his brother Ptolemei Cypriot , ( which was the year following ) Cicero confirmeth in the Section Oration , who also is to be consulted with . [ in lib. 2. ad Atticum , epist. 16. ] C. Antonius , was condemned , Cicero in vain ( who was his Collogue in the Consulship ) defending him , [ Dio. lib. 38. ] who living a banished man in Cephalenia , and having all the Island under his command as his own possession , began to build a City , but did not finish it , [ Strabo , lib. 10. pag. 455. ] It is decreed that P. Clodius should go Embassadour to Tigranes the King of Armenia ; which when he contemned , he was made of a Patrician a Plebeian by adoption ; that by that means he might be chosen Tribune of the people , [ Cicero , lib. 2. ad Attic. epist. 7. & Orat. pro domo sua . Dio. lib. 38. ] Brithagoras a man of great authority among the Heraclences of Pontus , with his son Propylus went unto Julius Caesar : and having insinuated himself into his friendship , followed him up and down thorough all lands for 12 years together , onely that he might do good to his fellow Citizens , [ Memnon , cap. 26. ] P. Clodius , Year of the World 3946 being now made Tribune of the people , that he might draw the new Consuls to his party , he decreed unto them large provinces : To Gabinius , Syria , with Babylon and Persia ; to Piso , Achaia , Thessalia , Graecia , Macedonia , and all Boeotia , [ Cicero , pro Sextio , pro domo sua , de provincis consularibus , Plutarch , in Cicerone . ] Q. Cicero , The Julian Period . 4656 when he had governed Asia three years , Year before Christ 58 departed out of the province , as in his Epistles [ l●b . 2. ad familiar . epist. 15. & lib. 6. ad Attic. epist. 6. ] his brother Marcus confirmeth ; who being then in exile in Thessalonica , thus writeth to Atticus concerning his brothers voyage , [ lib. 3. ep . 9. ] My brother Quintus when he had departed out of Asia , before the Kalends of May , ( about the end of the Julian February ) and was come to Athens on the Ides , he was forced to make haste , lest that there might happen some more calamity in his absence , if perchance any one should not be content with the ills we suffer already ; wherefore I had rather he should make haste to Rome , than come to me . By a tribunitial law of P. Clodius , the priest of Cybile in Pessinus , a City of Phrygia is dispossessed of his priesthood ; and Brogitarus a Gallograecian ( who is thought to be that Bogodiatorus , to whom ; as Strabo writes , Pompey gave Mithridatium , haveing taken it away from Pontus , [ lib. 12. pag. 567. ] a wicked man , was desirous of it , not for the reverence to the Temple , but for violence sake , he having bought it with a great sum of money by his Embassadours of Clodius , was substituted in his roome : and whereas the priests of Pessinus in ancient time had been petty kings , ( as Strabo shews in the same place ) by the same tribunitial law , not onely Dejotarus , was often thought worthy of that name by the Senate ; but also his son in law Brogitarus , who had never demanded it of the Senate , but onely had agreed with Clodius for so much money to be paid him by bond , was ordained to be called King : but Dejotarus received that part of the law that agreed with the Senate , that he should be a King , without giving any money to Clodius ; and preserved Pessinus in their ancient Religion : and had rather that his son in law should enjoy the title by the gift of Clodius , than that the Temple should want her ancient religion . [ Ciaero de Aruspicum respons . & pro Sextio . ] The same Clodius also , that he might be revenged of Ptolomaeus the King of Cyprus , the brother of Auletes , the King of Alexandria ( and if we believe Velleius Paterculus , most like him in all his vitious courses of life ) because he had formerly negleglected him when he was taken by Pirates even when he lived quietly , and enjoyed his ease , and without shewing any cause or mentioning any wrong he had done , preferred a law , for reducing of his kingdom into the forme of a province ; and for the confiscation of his mony and goods , and sent M. Cato out of the Commonw-ealth , under a Title of most honourable charge : and preferred a law also , that he , though against his will , should be sent into Cyprus , to command there with pretorian power , and had a Questor also allowed him . [ Cicero , pro Sextio . & prodomo sua . Livy , lib. 104. Florus , lib. 3. cap. 9. Plutarch in Catone minoro . Strabo , lib. 24. pag. 684. Vellei . Patercul . lib. 2. cap. 45. Appian . Bell. Civil . lib. 2. pag. 541. Dio. lib. 38. ] concerning whom , Cicero in his Oration for Publius Sextius , speaks thus . That miserable Cypriot , who was alwayes an ally , was alwayes a friend , concerning whom there was never so much as the least suspicion brought against him , either to the Senate , or our Generals , ( as they say ) lives to see himself , his very meat and cloaths confiscate . Behold , why should other Kings think their fortune stable , seeing by this wicked example of that lamentable year , they may see themselves by one Tribune , and six hundred Artificers , stript of all their fortunes and all their kingdom . Whereupon also Ammianus Marcellinus [ lib. 14. ] is not ashamed to say , That the the people of Rome invaded that Island , rather through covetousnesse ( by reason of the want of mony in their Treasury ) than justice . And Sextus Rufus in his breviary , That the poverty of the people of Rome , and scarcity of mony in the Treasury , provoked them to seize upon that Island that was so famous for its riches , so that they got the command of it more covetously than justly . Tigranes , the son of Tigranes , a King and an enemy , was as yet kept prisoner by Pompeys command , at L. Flavius his house , who was Praetor . Clodius , the Tribune of the people , being bribed with mony , desired of Flavius , that he would give him leave to sup with them , that he might see him ; who being brought , he feasted him , and taking him out of prison , let him go free : neither would render him again at Pompeys demand . And when he had taken shipping and was fled , he was driven back by a tempest . Clodius the Tribune sent Sextius Clodius , to bring him unto him . Flavius also , as soon as he heard of it , went to apprehend him ; within four mile of the City they fell to scuffling , many are slain on both sides , but more on Flavius party : amongst whom was Papirius a Roman Knight , a Publican , and very familiar friend of Pompeys . Flavius , without any companion , hardly escaped to Rome . Clodius the Tribune , contumeliously used Pompey and Gabinius that took this bu●ine●●e●ili , and beat and wounded their fellows , and brake Gabinius , the Consuls bundle of rods ; and confiscated his goods . [ Cicero , pro domo sua . Ascon . Pedian . in Orat. Milonianam . Plutarch in Pompeio . & Dio. lib. 38. ] Piso and Gabinus , the Consuls , expelled Syrapis and Isis , and Harpocrates , with Cynocephalus , forbidding them the Capitol , and overthrew their Altars , restraining the vices of their filthy and idle superstitions . [ Tertullian . in Apologetico . ] Ptolomaeus Auletes , being commanded by the Egyptians , to demand of the Romans , the Island of Cyprus , or else to renounce their allyance , did not consent ; and indeed he incurred their hatred , both for this cause , and for the great taxes he laid upon the Egyptians , that he might pay the debt ; that he had contracted for the purchasing of the Romans alliance . Wherefore , when he neither could perswade them to be quiet , nor could compell them by force ; ( for he had no hired Souldiers ) he fled out of Egypt , and sailed to Rome . [ Livy , lib. 104. Dio. lib. 39. ] that Caesar and Pompey might with their army restore him again . [ Plutarch in Catone minore . ] But Timagenes ( who under Augustus his raign , wrote some Histories : out of whom Seneca , [ lib. 3. de Ira. cap. 23. ] affirmeth , that Ptolemaeus departed the kingdom without any good cause , or that he was compelled by any necessity ; and that he left Egypt by the perswasion of Theophanes , because he would give Pompey occasion to get mony , and of making new wars . [ Id. in Pomp. ] Cato going to the expedition of Cyprus , Clodius the Tribune allowed him neither ships , nor souldiers , nor servants , to go with him , onely two Secretaries , whereof one was an arrant thief , and the other a client of Clodius , and as if the businesse of Cyprus had been but a light matter , he commanded him to restore the exiles of Byzantium , endeavouring to keep him from Rome as long as possibly he could . [ Id. in Ca●one minore . ] Cato by his friend Canidius , whom he sent before him into Cyprus , tampered with Ptolomei , that he should yield , without any fighting ; putting him in hope , that he should neither live poorly , nor in contempt , and that the people would give him the preist-hood of Paphian Venus . Cato in the mean while staied at Rhodes , both for making preparation , and to tarry for an answer . [ Id. ibid. ] but Ptolemy , when he perceived what was decreed against him , and neither durst take up arms against the Romans , neither did he think he could live , if he were outed out of his Kingdome ; he therefore put all his treasure into shipping , and took sea , that by bilging of his ships , he might perish as it pleased himself , and his enemies be defeated of their prey : but seeing he could not endure to sink his gold and silver , he carried home again the reward of his own death , and by drinking poyson , ended his life ; by his Title King of the Island , but in his mind a miserable : slave to his mony . [ Id. ibid. Florus , lib. 3. cap. 9. Strabo , lib. 14. pag. 684. Vellei . Patercul . lib. 2. cap. 45. Valer. Maxim. lib. 9. cap. 14. Appian . Bell. Civil . lib. 2. pag. 441. Dio. lib. 39. Ammian . Marcellin . lib 14. Sextus Rufus , in Breviario . ] Ptolomaeus Auletes sailing to Rome , when he had arrived at Rhodes , and then had a mind to meet Cato ; he sent unto him , hoping that he would come unto him : but he sent to Ptolomy , and told him , That if he had a mind to see him , he should come unto him . After he was come , he neither went to meet him , nor rose from his seat , but saluted him as one of the common people , and bad him sit down . At first it amazed him , and he wondred to see such a superciliousnesse and severity in one that had so simple and mean a traine . When they began to talk of his businesse , Cato accused him of folly ; that leaving his own felicity , he had subjected himself to such dishonour , such great pains , and all to satisfie the the covetousnesse of the chief men of Rome , which he could never do , if all the Kingdom of Egypt were coined into silver . Wherefore he councelled him to return with his Navy , and to reconcile himself to his subjects ; offering himself also to go along with him , and to help him to be reconciled . The King being as it were recovered from his madnesse and folly , by this speech , when he perceived the truth , and Cato's wisdom , intended to follow his advice . But being again turned from this by his friends , as soon as he came to Rome , and was fain to wait at the Magistrates gates , he began to bewaile his inconsiderate enterprize , and that he had scorned the divine oracles of such a great man , [ Plutarch in Catone minore . ] but his coming on the other side , wrought so much trouble to the Romans afterwards , that Crassus ( as Cicero saith in his oration for Caelius ) used that speech of the Tragedian : Vtinam ne in monte Pelio . The Alexandrians , seeing they knew not of Ptolemy his voyage into Italy , supposed he was dead , they set over the Kingdome to his daughter Berenice , which was legitimate , together with her elder sister Tryphaena ( which was elder than Cleopatra ) [ Strabo . lib. 17. pag. 796. Dio. lib. 39. Porphyrius in Grac. Eusebian . Scaligeri pag. 226. ] and sent Menelaus Lampon , and Callimachus , to Antiochus Pius , ( or Asiaticus rather his soune , whom Pompey had dispossessed of his Kingdome ) that he would reign together with the women , but he being taken with a sicknesse , died . [ Porphyrius ibid. pag. 227. ] Both the Consuls in their souldiers coates , went into the provinces , Piso into Macedonia , and Gabinius into Syria : the people following them with their curses . [ Cicero pro Sextio . & in L. Pison . ] and when Gabinius was about to set saile in Syria , he invited Antonius ( who was afterwards Triumvir ) to go along with him to the wars which he refused to do as a private souldier , whereupon he gave him a command of horse , and he went with him to the wars . [ Plutarch . in Antonio . ] T. Ampius , by the means of P. Clodius the Tribune , obtained the Province of Cilicia , contrary to the custome , [ Cicero . pro domo sua . cum . lib. 1. ad Familiar . epist. 3. ] Of the things concerning his voyage of Gabinius into Syria , and of his first coming thither . M. Cicero thus makes mention in his Oration of Consular Provinces . His voyage into the Province , was after this manner , That King Ariobarzanes hired your Conful , to commit murders , as if he had been a Thracian : Then at his first coming into Syria , he lost many of his Horse , and afterwards his best Foot were cut off . The which losse of his Horse and Foot , he also mentions in his Oration for Sextius . Although it was said that the King of Cyprus left a vast sum of mony behind him , Year of the World 4947 yet he determined to go first unto Byzantium . M. Brutus , his sisters son , ( the murderer of Julins Caesar afterwards ) was in Pamphilia , where he then lived for the recovery of his health . Cato wrote to him , that he should immediately come to him from thence into Cyprus , because he suspected that Canidius , in medling with mony , would be light fingred : which voyage Brutus undertook much against his will , both for Canidius his shame , whom he thought Cato slandered , and also because he thought this office too mean , and unmeet for him , being a young man , and given to his study : yet notwithstanding , he behaved himself so carefully , that Cato commended him . [ Plutarch . in Catone . & Bruto . ] Alexander the son of Aristobulus , The Julian Period . 4657 who in the way escaped from Pompey , Year before Christ 57 troubled Judea with incursions . Hircanus at that time being not able to resist him , being in determination about building the walls of Jerusalem , that Pompey had thrown down , from the doing of which he was hindered by the Romans who were there : But Alexander travelling thorough the Country , armed many Jews ; so that in short time having gotten together 10000 Foot , and 1500 Horse , he strongly fortified Alexandrion , a Castle feated near Corea , and Hyrcanium , and Machaeron , not far from the Mountains of Arabia , [ Joseph . lib. 1. Bell. cap. 6. lib. 14. Antiquit. cap. 10. ] Against him A. Gabinius the Governour of Syria undertook an Expedition , haveing sent before him M. Antonius with some Commanders . These joyned with some Jews , who were under their command , whose Captains were Pitholaus and Matichus , taking also some Auxiliaries of Antipater : These met with Alexander , Gabinius following with the rest of the army . Alexander drew near Jerusalem , where joyning battle , the Romans killed of the enemy about 3000 men , and not fewer prisoners taken : but Gabinius when he was come to the Castle of Alexandrium , offered the besieged conditions of peace , and promised them pardon for all that was past . And whereas many of the enemies had encamped themselves without the Fort , the Romans set upon them , where M. Antonius behaved himself very valiantly , having slain many of his enemies , [ Id. ibid. ] who being curteously entertained by Antipater , when being Triumvir , he came 16 years after into Syria , he shewed towards his sons Phasaelus and Herod , that he was not unmindful of this curtesie , [ Id. lib. 1. Bell. cap. 10. lib. 14. Antiquit. cap. 23. ] Gabinius , having left part of the army at the siege of Alexandrion , he went to visit the rest of Judea ; and commanded , that what Cities he found destroyed , that they should be rebuilt : and by this means , were Samaria , Azotus , Scythopolis , Anthedon , Apollonia , Jamnias , Raphia , Dora , Marissa , Gaza , and many others rebuilt . So that they afterwards were quietly inhabited , whereas they had laine a long time before desert . Having thus ordered these things in the Country , Gabinius returned to Alexandrion ; and whereas they intended to assault it , Alexander by his Embassadours demanded pardon , offering him the Castles of Hyrcanion , and Machaeron , and at last Alexandrion : all which Gabinius , by the advice of the mother of Alexander , levelled with the ground , lest they should be an occasion of new wars ; for the woman being sollicitous for her husband and children , who were carried captive to Rome , favoured the Romans ; and using all obsequiousnesse towards Gabinius , obtained to him whatsoever she desired , [ Id. lib. 1. Bell. cap. 6. lib. 14. Antiquit. cap. 10. ] After this , Gabinius having disposed of his affairs , carried Hircanus to Jerusalem , and committing the care of the Temple and Priesthood to his charge , he made others of the Nobility Rulers of the Common-wealth ; and having appointed five seats of Judicature , he divided the whole province into so many equall parts . So that some were to demand Justice at Jerusalem , some at Gadara , ( otherwise Dora ) some at Amathus , some at Jericho , and some at Sephora . And thus the Jewes being freed from the single command of one alone , they were willingly governed by an Aristocracy , [ Id. ibid. ] Philippus Euergetes , the son of Gryphus , and Tryphaena the daughter of Ptolemei the eighth King of the Egyptians , ( who 35 years before was King of Syria ) being sent by the Alexandrians to take upon him the kingdom of Egypt , was hundered by Gabinius the Governour of Syria , [ Porphyr . in Graecis , Eusebian . Scaligeri pag. 227. ] Pompey at Rome undertook Ptolemei Auletes his cause , and commended it to the Senate , and moved for his restoring [ Strabo , lib. 17. pag. 796. ] but Ptolemei demanded that he might be restored by Cornelius Lentulus Spinther the Consul , to whom the province of Cilicia was given in charge , [ Dio. lib. 39. ] Spinther also himself propounding , that he might be brought back into his kingdom again by him : then was a decree of the Senate made to that purpose , [ Cicero , lib. 1. ad familiar . epist. 1. cum Orat. in L. Pison . & pro Rabirio Posthumo . ] And it was said , that this advice was given by the same Consul , that a greater authority of providing corn thorough all the Roman Empire , both by sea and land , might be given to Pompey ; so that Pompey being busied in a greater command , he himself might be sent to aide King Ptolemei , [ Plutarch , in Pompeio . ] The Alexandrians sent an hundered men to Rome , that they might defend their cause against the accusations of Ptolemei , and might also accuse him of the injuries he had done unto them : the chief of which Embassie , was Dio an Academick , [ Strabo , lib. 17. pag. 796. Dio. lib. 39. ] Ptolemei , sending out certain men into all parts , laid ambushes for the Embassadours , and killed most of them in their voyage ; some of them he slew in the very City , and the rest , partly by scaring them , and partly by bribing them , he brought the matter to that passe , that they did not so much as dare to agitate before the magistrates their cause from whom they were sent , or once make any mention of them that were killed . [ Dio. ibid. ] to which belongeth that , that Cicero hath concerning the murdering of the Alexandrian Embassadors against all law and honesty , ( in the oration , de Aruspicum respons . ) and concerning the beating of the Alexandrians at Puteoli ; [ in orat , pro Coelio . ] This businesse was so vulgarly talked of , that the Senate was very angry , especially Marcus Favonius egging them on particularly : both because many Embassadors of their allyes being sent to Rome , were violently bereaved of their lives , ( one whereof Cicero , in orat . de Auruspicum responsiis , makes mention of , namely one Theodosius that was sent Embassador from a free City , was stabbed by the meanes of P. Clodius , and Hermachus a Chi●n : ) and because there were a great number of Romans at that time , who had suffered themselues to be corrupted with bribes : wherefore they called Dio the chief of the Embassy unto them , that they might be certified by him , concerning the truth of the businesse , but Ptolemeys money had so much prevailed , that neither Dio eame into the Senate , neither was any mention made of those that were killed , all the while that he was at Rome . [ Dio. ut supra . ] And at length also Dio himself , a very learned man , who lodged with Luccius ( who also was a most learned man , of whom Cicero begged [ in lib. 5. ad famiiiar . epist. 12. ] that he would write the story of his Consul-ship ) with whom he was acquainted at Alexandria , was treacherously murdered : but for this murder neither P. Ascitius , who was accused as being guilty , nor Ptolemy suffered any punishment , for Ascitius was quit in his tryall ; and Pompey entertained Ptolemy at his house , and helped him all he could ; and although many , because they had taken bribes , were in after times accused before the Judges , yet very few were condemned : because seeing there were many that were guilty of the same fault , every one in fear to himself helped the other : men did commit those villanies then for the love of money . [ Cicero . in Orat. pro Coelio . Dio. lib. 39. ] M. Cato having reconciled the banished men with the rest of the citizens , and setled a firm concord in Byzantium , sailed into Cyprus : whom the Cypriots willingly received , hoping that in the place of servants as they had been , they should now become friends , and allyes of the people of Rome : Cato found there great and royall preparation in plate , tables , jewels , and purple ; all which was to be sold , and to be turned into ready money : so that he gathered little lesse than 7000 talents of silver . [ Plutarch . in Catone minore , & Bruto . Strabo , fin . lib , 14. Dio. lib. 39. ] Here he himself was very carefull in searching out all things , and to set the highest price , and to be at all bargains himself , and cast it up to the last penny : neither would he trust to the custome of the market place , but suspected all apparitours , cryers , praisers and friends , he also talked a part with them that set the prizes , and forced many to buy , and so sold many things by this meanes , and whereas he offended many of his freinds as distrusting them , but especially his most intimate freind Munatius he provoked almost to an implacable ●ffence : so that this gave occasion to Julius Caesar of accusing him , in the book that he wrote called Anticaton : for this Munatius ( whom Valerius Maximus ; lib. 4. cap. 3. surnameth Rufus ) set forth a commentary , concerning Cato , and his expedition into Cyprus : whom Thrasias cheifly followed , in which commentary Munatius doth not write that this difference grew between them out of any distrust of Catoes : but that when he was come late into Cyprus , Cato did not entertaine him , and preferred before him Canidius , who was with him before , and had given good proof of his fidelity , and abstinence to him . [ Plutarch . in Caton . min. ] In the last month of his Consul-ship ( then falling upon the Julian September ) when the new Tribunes of the people entred upon their office , P. Cornelius Spinther prepared to take his voyage into his province of Cilicia , and Ptolemy Auletes departed from Rome , as that place out of the [ 22. lib. Annal. of Fenestella ] quoted by Nonius Marcellus sheweth . As soon as the tribunes entred upon their office , C. Cato a turbulent and bold young man , and one that could speak indifferently well , began with the favourable rumour of the people to raise hatred by his continuall speeches to the people , against both Ptolemy who was now departed from the city , and also against P. Lentulus Spinther , who was now preparing for his voyage . but Ptolemyes cause was defended by Cicero , as he himself seems to shew in his oration for Caelius , and Fortunatianus doth more clearly confirm , quoting by name that very oration of his for King Ptolemy . In the beginning of the Consul-ship of L. Marcius Philippus , Year of the World 3948 and Cn. Lentulus Marcellinus , the statue of Jupiter Capitolinus being strook with lightning , gave some stop to the restitution of Ptolomaeus , for when the Sybils books were consulted , they were reported to have foretold , that a King of Egypt with crafty councels ( as it is in Cicero , in the oration pro Rabinio Posthumo ) should come to Rome , and concerning the suspicion of him ( as it is in Dio ) thus to have declared her then sentence , If a King of Egypt wanting your help shall come hither , ye shall not deny him friendship , but ye shall aide him with no forces ; for if ye shall do otherwise ye will raise labours and dangers . Which Oracle was divulged among the people , by the meanes of C. Cato the Tribune of the people : for it was not lawful to reveal any prophesies of the Sybills to the people , unlesse the Senate had so decreed it : and it seemed to be the lesse lawful , seeing the people took it so heavily . Wherefore Cato fearing that the Sentence of the Oracle should be suppressed , he compelled the priests to translate it into Latine , and to declare it to the people , before the Senate had decreed anything concerning it , [ Dio. lib. 39. ] Notwithstanding this was the opinion of the people of Rome , that this name of a pretended Religion was brought in by the ill willers of Lentulus Spinther ( the proconsul of Cilicia ) and yet not so much to hinder him , as that none should have a mind to go to Alexandria for the desire of an army , ( which amongst the rest , Pompey did most of all seek to have . ) [ Cicero , lib. 1. ad familiar . epist. 4. ] Ammonius Ptolemeis Embassadour , did openly with money oppose the reduction of the King by Spinther : those few that wished well to the Kings cause , would have the matter to be committed to Pompey . The Senate approved the forgery of Religion , not for Religion , but for ill will , and for hatred of the Kings great bribes , [ Id. ibid. epist. 1. ] and because they could not tell how to contradict the matter of Religion , there was a decree of the Senate made , that it seemed dangerous for the Common-wealth , that the King should be brought back into his kingdom without a multitude , [ Id. ibid. epist. 2. & lib. 2. ad Quint fra●r . epist. 2. Appian . in Syriacis , pag. 120. & Parthic . pag. 134. ] When Pompey understood of the Oracle , that he demanded that Pompey might come to aide him in Spinthers stead , and there were little tickets found that were thrown about , both in the Market-place , and the Senate-house , that signified so much : whereupon the Kings letter concerning this businesse being publickly read by Aulus Plautius the Tribune of the people , his Colleague Caninius ( falsely by Plutarch called Canidius ) propounded a law , that Pompey without an army , and onely accompanied with two Lictors , should bring the King in favour again with the Alexandrians : which law , although it did not seem to displease Pompey , yet it was decreed by the Senatours , partly under colour of the charge of the corn , that was already committed unto him , and partly as for colour of the safety of Pompeys person ( as they pretended to be afraid for him , ) [ Plutarch , in Pompeio , Dio , lib. 39. ] But in the Senate concerning this businesse , there were divers opinions ; Bibulus was of opinion , that Ptolemei should be settled in his kingdom without an army , by three Embassadours , and those to be private men : Crassus , that by three Embassadours , and those either private men , or men in office . Volcatius , at the proposal of Lupus the Tribune of the people ( with whom Afranius , Libo , Hypsaeus , and all the familiar friends of Pompey concurred ) that by Pompey : Hor●ensius , Cicero , and Lucullus , that it should be done by Lentulus Spinther ; but Servilins denied that he ought to be settled at all , [ Cicero , lib. 1. ad familiar . epist. 1. & 2. ] In the moneth of February ( or the Julian November ) C. Cato published a law for the depriving of Lentulus of command ; which gave his son occasion to change his garment ; as Cicero in lib. 2. ad Quintum fratrem , epist. 5. makes mention : which must be meant of the command of settling of Ptolemei in his kingdom again according to the decree of the Senate granted unto him in his Consulship ; for it is manifest out of the Epistles of Cicero written unto him ( lib. 1. epist. 7. and those that follow ) that he retained after the promulgation of this law , the Proconsulship of Cilicia , with the additition also of Cyprus ( Cato being now departed from thence ) and now made tributary and reduced into the form of a province by the Romans , as Strabo shews at the end of the 14 book . Ptolemei , seeing he could neither be settled in his kingdome againe by Pompey ( as he most desired ) nor by Lentulus , now despai●ing of his returne , went to Ephesus , and tarried there in the Temple of Diana , [ Dio. lib. 39. ] Aristobulus , with his son Antigonus escaping from Rome , returned to Jerusalem : a multitude of Jewes coming to him again , partly of such as desired a change , and partly for the old love they bare him , he determined to rebuild the Castle of Alexandrion that was dismantled , [ Joseph . lib. 1. Bell. cap. 6. & lib. 14. Antiquit. cap. 11. ] Against him contriving these things , Gabinius , the President of Syria , sent Souldiers , with their Captains , Sisinna ( his son ) Antonius and Servilius , to keep him from seizing upon Alexandrion , and to take him if they could , for many other Jews resorted unto him for the reputation that he had , and Pitholaus also , the Governour of Jerusalem , left the Roman party , and came to him with a thousand men well armed : and whereas many of that company were not well armed , Aristobulus dismissed them , as unfit for execution . He took onely eight thousand armed men ( among whom those that Pitholaus brought ) and marched to Machaerus . The Romans pursued them , and fought with them ; where Aristobulus's party valiently held out a good while : but having lost 5000 men , they were forced to fly . Neer 2000 fled into a certain Mountain , from whence they got away , and provided for their own safety as well as they could . Another thousand with Aristobulus brake through the rancks of the Romans , and fled to Machaerus , and began to fortifie the Castle : but not being able to hold out the siege above two dayes , having received many wounds , he was taken prisoner with his son Antigonus , and brought to Gabinius . [ Id. ibid. ] Plutarch thus amplifieth the action , giving the whole victory to the honour of Antonius . Being sent against Aristobulus , who made the Jews to rebell , he was the first man that got up the wall , of a most strong Castle of his , and so drave him out of all his holds : then joyning battle with a few men of his , he overthrew a great army , and put them all to the sword , except a few . Aristobulus also , with his son , was taken prisoner . [ Dio. lib. 39. ] not very rightly writes , how Gabinius went into Palestine , how he took Aristobulus , ( who was fled from Rome , and made some commotions ) and that he sent him to Pompey : and that having laid a tax upon the Jews , how he went from thence into Egypt , to settle Ptolomy again in his kingdom . Tyrannio , teaching in Cicero's house , orderly disposed his Library , using the help of Dionysius and Menophilus , two Book-binders , sent him by Att●cus ; [ Cicero , lib. 2. ad Quintum Fratr . epist. 4. & lib. 4. ad Atticum . epist 4. & 8. ] namely Tyrannio Amisenus , who ( fourteen years before ) was taken by Lucullus , who became rich and famous at Rome , and got together about 30000 books . [ Suidas in Voc. Tyrannio . ] who caused the books of Aristotle to be transcribed out of the Library of Sylla ; from whom it is reported that Andronicus Rhodius received the Copies ; and that he published those summaries that we have . [ Suidas , lib. 13. pag. 608. Plutarch in Sylla . ] Valerius produceth witnesses of the asistance of M. Cato , in the administration of the businesse of Cyprus , [ lib. 4. cap. 3. ] Epirus , Achaia , the Islands Cyclades , the sea coasts of Asia , the Province of Cyprus : for when he undertook the charge of bringing away the mony , he kept his mind free from venery or bribes , having matter sufficient to be intemperate in both , for the Kings riches were in his own power , and the necessary places of lodging in all his voyage , were the Cities of grace , which were most abounding with delight : And thus Munatius Kufus his faithfull companion in that expedition signifieth in his writings . Cato fearing a tedious voyage , prepared divers Coffers ; each of which held two talents , and five hundred drachmes : to each of these he tyed a long rope , and fastned at the end a great piece of cork ; so that if the ship should miscarry , the cork should shew the place : And thus was all the mony , saving a little , brought very safe . But Cato had provided two books , wherein he had cast up the accounts of all things that he had gotten : one of the which a free man of his called Philargyros carryed with him , who taking ship at Cencrea , was drowned , and all his baggage ; the other he himself kept till he came to Corcyra : where , lying in the market place in his Tents , the Souldiers making many fires , by reason of the frost , set the Tents a fire , and so lost that book also : and although the Kings Stewards might easily silence his enemies , and detractours ; yet it vexed Cato , because he had not so much kept these accounts for the approbation of his fidelity , but that he might give example to others of being diligent . [ Plutarch in Catone Minore . ] This Cato with great diligence , carried up the river of Tiber , in light boats , the riches of Ciprus , as if they had been spoiles taken from an enemy , and carryed in a fleete . [ Florus , lib. 3. cap. 4. Valerius Maximus , lib. 4. cap. 1. Ammian . Marcellen . lib. 14. ] which brought more treasure to the treasury of the people of Rome , than any triumph , as Florus affirmeth , [ ut supra . ] The news of Cato's coming being told , presently all the Magistrates and Priests , together with the Consuls ( one of which was L. Marcius Philippus , the father of Marcia , Cato's wife ) the whole Senate , & many of the people went to the river side to meet him ; so that this bringing of him in , differed little from the shew and splendour of a triumph . Notwithstanding , his insolence was observed in this , that he did not come ashore to the Consuls and Praetors that came to meet him , nor stayed his course , but sailed by the shoar , in one of the Kings Gallies , with six oars on a banck , neither did he come ashoare , untill he came with his fleet , to the place where the mony was to be landed . [ Vellei . Patercul . lib. 2. cap. 45. Plutarch in Catone minore . ] but when he landed , the Consuls , and the rest of the Magistrates , were ready to receive with him all civillities ; not rejoycing so much for the vast some of gold and silver , as that the fleet had brought Cato safe home again . [ Valer. Maxim. lib. 8. cap. ult . ] The money being carried thorough the Market-place , the people wondered at the treasure , far greater than they hoped for , [ Plutarch . ] he because , having gathered together many slaves , and much money out of the Kings riches , and could not be accused by any one , but had delivered up all things ; Cato received not lesse honour than if he had returned a Conquerour from the Wars : for , many men having suffered themselves to be corrupted with bribes , he caused it to be accounted a rarer virtue to despise money , than to conquer an enemy , [ Dio. lib. 39. ] Pliny relates , that Cato brought back with him from this Cyprian Expedition , one Philosopher , [ lib. 7. cap. 30. ] Cato obtained of the Senate liberty for Nicias the Kings Steward , giving good testimony of his fidelity and diligence , [ Plutarch , in Catone . ] Clodius intended that those slaves that were brought from Cyprus , should be called Clodian , because he had sent Cato thither ; but because Cato withstood it , he could not obtain it : wherefore they were called Cyprian ; for Cato would not suffer them to be called Porcian , though some were of that opinion , [ Dio. lib. 39. ] Coldius being angry with Cato , because he had opposed him , calumniated the service that he had done , and demanded an account of his deeds : not because he thought he could accuse him of any unjust act , but because he thought it would make some thing for him , that all the Records almost were lost in the shipwrack . Caesar helped Clodius also in this businesse , although he was absent , and ( as some report ) sent accusations against Cato to him by letters , [ Dio. ibid. ] but Cato told them that he had brought as much money out of Cyprus , although he had not received so much as one horse , or souldier , as Pompey had brought from so many Wars and Triumphs , wherein all the World was in combustion , [ Plutarch , in Catone . ] Cato opposed himself against Cicero , who was very urgent that none of those things that Clodius had done in his Tribuneship , should be confirmed in the Senate , not so much in favour of Clodius , but because that among other acts that should be revoked , his commission also for Cyprus should be one , because the Tribune that sent him was unlawfully chosen , [ Plutarch , in Cato●e , & in Cicerone . ] Phraates the second , being wickedly put to death by his sons , Orodes succeeded him in the kingdom of the Parthians , his brother Mithridates being expulsed out of Media , over which he commanded . Thus [ Dio. lib. 39. ] but the sons contending for the kingdom , it seems Orodes was first banished , and after him Mithridates also : But Surenas a rich man , and one among the Parthians next the King in blood and authority , brought Orodes back again from banishment ; whose prerogative by birth it was , that he should alwayes crown the new King of the Parthians . He reduced Seleucia the Great under the Kings power ; and was the first man that scaled the walls , and overthrew with his own hands them that defended it : and although he was not as yet thirty years old , yet had he gotten a very great opinon for his advice in council , and his wisdom : for they report these things of him ; as Plutarch in Crasso , and Appian in Parthicis , [ pag. 140 , 141. ] but yet the same Appian , both in Parthicis , [ pag. 134. ] and in Syriacis , [ pag. 120. ] acknowledgeth at another time , that Mithridates was driven out of his kingdom by his brother Orodes : although Justin notes in [ lib. 42. cap. 4. ] that Mithridates was deposed from his kingdom for his cruelty by the Parthian Nobility , and that his brother Orodes seized upon the kingdom , the Royal Seat being vacant : althoug very falsely he there makes this Mithridates the same with Mithridates the King of the Parthians , to whom his famous acts gave the sirname of Great : seeing that between this Mithridates the Great , and he that was the brother of Orodes , there was a various succession of many Kings among the Parthians : as appeareth out of the very prologue of the 42 book of Trogus Pompeius , an epitome whereof Justin hath given us . Mithridates being driven out of his kingdom , either by the Parthian Nobility , or his brother Orodes , came to came to Gabinius the Proconsul of Syria , as he was preparing for an Expedition against the Arabians , and wrought so with him , that he should let the Arabians alone , and go against the Parthians , and help to restore him to his kingdom , [ Appian . in Syriacis , pag. 120. & Parthicis , pag. 134. Dio. lib. 39. ] Upon the Ides of May ( falling upon the Julian Feburary ) the letters of Gabinius were read in full Senate concerning the war that he had had with the greatest Nations and Tyrants of Syria , ( under which name , the Princes of Judea , Commagena , Chalcis , Emesa , Thrachonitis , Batanea , and Abilene , are wont to be called ) but they were not believed : and the procession , that under that notion he desired might be granted him at Rome , was denied him , [ Cicero , lib. 1. ad Quintum , fratr . epist. 7. Orat. de provincis Consularibus , & in L. Pisonem . ] When Gabinius had sent Aristobulus the King and his sons to Rome , the Senate indeed kept him prisoner , but sent his sons immediately back again into Judea , because that they understood by Gabinius's letters , that he had promised his mother so much for the delivery of the Castles : thus Josephus , [ lib. 1. Bell. cap. 6. & lib. 14. Antiquit. cap. 11. ] where he further adds , That Aristobulus held the Kingdom and Priesthood three years and six moneths : which the Arabian Collectour of the Jewish History , ( set forth by the same man at the end of the Parisian Bibles of many languages ) [ cap. 40. ] understands it of the space of the former principality ; untill he was taken prisoner the first time : whereas it seems rather to be understood of that former , and this later , both taken together ; so that he reigned three years and three moneths , before the former captivity , ( as Josephus confirmeth in lib. 20. Antiquit. cap. 8. ) and before his second captivity three moneths also . M. Cicero , in the Oration that he spake in the Senate , de Provinciis Consularibus , councelled that L. Piso and A. Gabinius ( in whose Consulship he was banished ) might be recalled , and their Provinces , Macedonia and Syria , might be assigned to the future Consuls ; objecting these things among other against Gabinius . He being General in Syria , there is nothing done , but some trucking for mony with the Tyrants , compositions , plunderings , thieveries , murders . Beeing the General of the people of Rome his army being in battle array , stretching out his right hand , exhorted not his Souldiers to gain honour , but cryed that all things were by him already bought , or to be bought : but now he hath delivered the wretched Publicans into slavery , to Jews and Syrians , Nations that are themselves born to slavery . And he hath continued in this , That he will not doe justice to a Publican , he hath revoked all agreements made between them , without any wrong done by them . He hath taken away all watches , he hath freed them that paid tribute , and many Pensioners ; in what Town soever he was , or whither soever he was to come , he forbad any Publican , or Publicans servant , to be there . Gabinius , when he had afflicted Syria with many mischiefs , and had done more worng to the Province than the Thieves , who were very strong at that time ; yet he accounted all this gain that he had gotten , but little , and therefore he set his mind upon the expedition against the Parthians , and made preparation for that voyage . [ Dio. lib. 39. ] Archelaus , the friend of Gabinius , being made High Priest of the Comani in Pontus , by Pompey : ( as is said at the year of the World 3940. ) he there living with Gabinius , he hoped that he should be his companion in the Parthian wars , that he was preparing for ; but the Senate would not permit it . [ Strabo . lib. 12. pag. 558. & lib. 17. pag. 796. ] When Gabinius , leading his army against the Parthians , had passed the Euphrates . Ptolomy came with letters from Pompey , and promised that he would give a huge sum of mony to Gabinius and his army , part to be paid in hand , and part when he was restored to his kingdom . That it was 10000 talents that was promised by him to Gabinius , not onely Plutarch , but also Cicero confirmeth , in his Oration for Gabinius Posthumus ; where he reckoneth it up to be 2160000 Sestertiums . Most of the Commanders were against it , and Cabinius himself was in doubt to undertake it , although he would very fain have been fingering those 10000 talents . But Antonius , who was covetous of doing great matters , and desirous to gratifie Ptolomies requests , was very ready to egge on , and perswade Gabinius to undertake this war : and although the Law forbad that any Governours of Provinces should go out of the bounds of their own Government , nor undertake any war upon their own head ; and also the people of Rome had forbad , being induced thereunto by the religion of the Sibylls verses , that Ptolomaeus should be restored at all ; yet by how much the more it was forbidden , by so much ●he made the more gain : wherefore leaving off the Parthian affairs , he undertook the expedition against the Alexandrians . [ Joseph . lib. 1. Bell. cap. 6. & lib. 14. Antiquit. cap. 11. Plutarch in Anton. Appian . in Syriac . pag , 120. & Parthic . pag. 134. Dio. lib. 39. ] Bernice , the daughter of Auletes , held at that time the Kingdom of Egypt , who having sent for one Seleucus out of Syria , who as he said himself , was of the stock of the Syrian Kings , and called him husband , and made him partner in the command of the Kingdom , and of the war : He was a most fordid man , ( as Suetonius describes him in Vespasiano . cap. 19. ) surnamed in contempt , Ptolemaeus Cocces and Cybiosactes , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or Changling , he brake open the golden Coffin , that the body of Alexander the Great was buried in , but got no profit by that thievery , for the Queen seeing him so base a man , strangled him within few dayes , seeing she could no longer endure his fordidnesse and niggardlinesse . And whereas there was a husband sought out for her , that should be of royal extraction , that Archelaus the High Priest of the Comani , then being in Syria , and faining that he was the son of Mithridates : ( under whom his father Archelaus had waged war against Sylla and the Romans ) was brought to the Queen by some friends : by whom being entertained as an husband , that was fit to govern a Common-wealth , upon the same conditions that Seleueus was , he enjoyed the Kingdom six moneths , together with her . [ Strabo , lib. 17. pag , 794 , 796. & lib. 12. pag. 558. Dio. lib. 39. ] C. Clodius , the brother of P. Clodius by his praetour-ship ( which Dio. lib. 39. bare saith he this year ) obteined the province of Asia . ( Cicero . ad A●●ic . lib. 4. epist. 14. ) whose Q●aestor in that province C. Scribonius Cu●io was ; to whom there be many letters of Cicero's extant . [ in lib. 2. ad familiar . ] By a law made by C. Trebonius the Tribune of the people , Year of the World 3949 there were provinces appointed to the new Consuls : to Cn. Pompey Spain , and Africa , to M. Licinius Crassus , Syria with the adjacent countreys : and moreover power was given to both of them , to take as many souldiers out of Italy , and from their allyes as they would themselves , and to make peace or war with whom they would likewise . [ Liv. lib. 105 Plutarch . Crasso , Pompeto . Catone minore . Appian . bel . civil . lib. 2. pag. 437. 438. Dio. lib. 39. ] Crassus , as soon as he had by lot obteined his province , could not dissemble his joy , supposing that nothing could ever have happened more luckily for him , among his familiar freinds he would talk so vainly and childishly , as did not become his age , and wisedome : designing to himself not only the conquest of Syria , and Parthia , but carrying on his vain hopes even to the Bactrians , Indians , and the western ocean , though in the decree made by the people , concerning his government , there was no mention made of the Parthians , yet all men knew that Crassus gaped upon that prey , and Caesar writing to him out of Gallia , commended his resolution , and advised him to go on . [ Plutarch in Crasso . ] A. Gabinius leaving his sonne Sisenna , who was very young , with very few souldiers , and the province also over which he was governour , more exposed to the injuries of theives , went through Palestine into Egypt [ Dio. lib. 39. ] against Archelaus whom the Egyptians had chosen to be their King. [ Liv. lib. 105. ] in which expedition he made use of his freinds Hyrcanus , and Antipator , for all things that were necessary for the war , for Antipator helped him , with money , and arm , and corn , and men , [ Ios. lib. 1. bel . cap. 6. lib. 14. cap. 10. ] Whereas they were to passe thorough deep , dry , sandy places , about the fenns and marshes of Solonis , which the Egyptians call the exhalations of Tryphon . M. Antonius being sent before with the horse ( whom Gab●nius had made commander of the Cavalry he being as yet very young , [ as Appian notes , lib. 5. bell . civil . pag. 676 , ] did not only win the passe , but took also the city of Pelusium , a very large city . [ Plutarch in Antonio . ] the Jews also who inhabited Pelusium , and were as keepers of the passage into Egypt , being drawn unto his party . [ Ioseph . ut supra . ] The garrison of Pelusium being thus reduced , Antonius made the way safe for the army , and settled in a fair way the victory for the generall : but Ptolemy as soon as he was entred into Pelusium , was so inflamed with anger and hatred , that he would have put all the Egyptians to the sword . Antonius interceded and would not suffer him . [ Plutarch in Antonio . ] Gabinius having marshalled his army in two battalions , marched from Pelusium , and the same day discomfited the Egyptians that opposed him . [ Dio. lib. 39. ] Cicero , in an oration that he made at Rome , not only extorted from the ignoble King of the Commagenians , the little town Zeugma that is seated upon the Euphrates but also speaking many things against him , he exposed to the laughter of all men the purple gown , that he had gotten when Caesar was Consul . [ Cicero . lib. 2. ad Quintum Frat. epist. 11. ] Upon the Ides of February ( falling upon the Julian November the Tyrians were admitted into the Senate , and against them many of the Syrians , Publicans . Gabinius was extreamly vexed ; notwithstanding the Publicans were chidden by Domitius because they followed him post . [ Id. ibid. epist. 12. ] About the Kalends of May ( falling upon the Julian February ) there was a great rumour at Puteoli , The Julian Period . 4659 that Ptolemy was in his Kingdome , Year before Christ 55 as Cicero writes . [ ad Attic. lib. 4. epist. 9. ] and indeed he was in Egypt , and Gabin●us had taken Archelaus , who came out against him sooner then was thought he would , so that there was no more businesse to be done , but Gabinius fearing , least having done nothing he should receive lesse money from Ptolemy , than was agreed upon , and hoping moreover , that because Archelaus was a man both stout , and of good reputation ; he should receive more money , and also having received a great summe of money of Archelaus , he let him go , as if he had fled from him . [ Dio. lib. 39. ] M. Antonius after he had done many noble acts , in fights and battles , whereby he shewed himself a valiant and wise commander , but especially in one , where he compassed and circumvented the enemy behind , and by that meanes gave the victory to them that were in the front , for which he was honoured with many excellent gifts . [ Plut. in Antonio . ] The people of Egypt marched out of the walls of the city , under the conduct of Archelaus against Gabinius , and had given command that the camp should be fortified with a rampire and a ditch , they all cried out that that Work should be done with the publick money : wherefore their minds being so encrvated with pleasure could not withstand the spirit of the Roman army , [ Valeri●s Maxmus , lib. 9. cap. 2. ] Then again Gabinius obtained a victory both by sea and land ; for the Alexandrians indeed have minds daring enough , and by nature are heady and rash to speak any thing that comes next to mind , but most unapt for war and the labours thereto belonging ; although in seditions ( which happen often among them , and those very great ) they presently fall to murders , and account it a good to be desired , to die , especially in them , [ Dio. lib. 59. ] Gabinius having therefore conquered them , and slain among others in fight Archelaus , he presently was Master of all Egypt , which he delivered over to Ptolemei , [ Dio. ibid. Livie , lib. 105. Strabo , lib. 12. pag. 558. & lib. 17. pag. 796. ] all which businesse Cicero toucheth in few words , in his Oration against Piso , speaking of the madnesse of Gabinius . That vast prey being now spent , that he had drawn from the fort●nes of the Publicans , from the Countries and Cities of the Allies , part of which prey his insatiable lusts devoured , part his new and unheard of luxury , part the purchases that he had made in those places that he had wholy plundered , part barterings , and all for building up this mountain of Tulseuluni : but when the intolerable building was left off for a time , he sold to the Egyptian King himself , his bundle of rods , the ar●y of the people of Rome , the power , and the threatning of the 〈◊〉 gods , the answers of the Priests , the authority of the Senate , the commands of the people , there nown and dignity of the Empire ; whereas the bounds of his Province , were as great as he would himself , as great as he could desire , as great as he could buy with the price of my life , yet could he not contain himself within them . He brought his army out of Syria , how durst he carry it out of the Province ? He made himself a mercenary souldier to the King of Alexandria , what more vile than this ? He came into Egypt , he joyned battle with the Alexandrians ; When had either the Senate or the people undertaken this war ? He took Alexandria , what could we expect more from his fury , but that he should send letters to the Senate , of all the famous acts that he had done ? But that he sent none , Dio observed , lest he himself might be the accuser of his own villanies . M. Antonius sought for the body of dead Archelaus ( with whom he had had great familiarity and friendship ) and gave it royal burial ; for which he left a great fame among the Alexandrians , [ Plutarch , in Antonio . ] but in Pontus the son of Archelaus received the Priesthood of the Commani after his father , [ Strabo , lib. 12. pag. 558. ] Gabinius lest at Alexandria some of his souldiers for a Guard with Ptolemei : who afterward came to live after the fashion of the Alexandrian life and licentiousnesse , and unlearned the name and discipline of the people of Rome , and married wives , by whom they had many children , [ Caesar , Commentar . de Bell. civil . lib. 3. ] to whom belong those of Lucan , lib. 10. — pars maxima turbae Plebis erat Latiae : sed tanta oblivio mentes Cepit , in externos corrupto milite mores , Vt duce sub famulo jussúque satellitis irent , Quos ●rat indignum Phario parere tyranno . — The greater part were Latians born , But they , corrupted into forraign manners , Did so forget themselves , they did not scorn , T' obey a Serj'ant , follow a servants Banners , Whom th' Pharian Tyrants rule was much below . Ptolemei being restored to his kingdom , put to death his daughter the Queen Berenice , [ Strabo , lib. 17. pag. 796. Dio. lib. 39. Porphyr . in Graec. Eusebian . Scaliger . pag. 226. ] He also killed many of the rich Noble men , because he had much need of money , [ Dio. lib. 39. ] C. Rabirius Posthumus , a Roman Knight , who being absent had rashly trusted Ptolemei both when he was in his kingdom , and coming to Rome also , and being present when he departed with money both of his own and his friends ; that he might recover it , was forced to change the Roman Gown , for the Grecian Coat at Alexandria , and to undertake there the Proctorship and Stewardship for the King ; being made the Kings Overseer by Auletes : notwithstanding he was afterwards put in prison , saw many of his familiar friends in bonds , and death alwaies before his eyes ; and at last was faine to flee out of the kingdom naked and poor , [ Cicero , pro. C. Rabirio . ] Whilest Gabinius tarried in Egypt , Alexander the son of Aristobulus seizing again by force upon the Government , made many of the Jews to revolt ; and having gathered together a great army , and forraging the Country , put to death all the Romans he could meet with , and besieged all those that fled to Mount Garizim ; but Gabinius being returned , sent Antipater , 〈◊〉 his great wisdom , to the rebellions , who reduced many of them to obedience : but Alexander having with him 30000 Jews ▪ ventered to meet Gabinius , and fought with him near the mountain Ita●yr , in which fight the Jews lost 10000 men . Then Gabinius having ordered the affairs of the City of Jerusalem by Antipators advice , went against the 〈◊〉 , whom he overcame in one battle . [ Joseph . lib. 14. cap. 11. ] King Mithridates ( the son of Phraates the second ) being forsaken by Gabinius , did not recover the Parthian Kingdom , by the help of the Arabians , ( as it is commonly believed from the false interpretation of the words of Appian , [ in Syriacis , pag. 120. ] but retired rather to Babylon , as is gathered out of Justin : which when his brother Orodes had long besieged , and at length , by reason of famine ; had forced the Townsmen to yield it up : and Mithridates relying upon the neernesse of kindred , willingly , yielded himself unto him . But Orodes taking him rather for an enemy , than a brother , commanded him to be slain before his face , [ Justin. lib. 4● . cap. 4. ] Gabinius privately sent back Mithridates and O●sanes , men of account among the Parth●ans , who had fled unto him , causing a b●uite to be spread among the Souldiers , that they were fled . [ Joseph . lib. 1. Bell. cap. 6. lib. 14. cap. 11. ] Whereas the Syrians complained much of Gabinius , both for other things , and also , because that through his absence , they were grievously infested with Thieves . And whereas the Publicans also complained . That by reason of them , they could not gather the tribute , and so were run much in debt . The Romans angry hereat , determined to have the matter judged , and were prepared to condemn him , and Cicero also vehemently accused Gabinius , and was or opinion , that the Sybills Oracles should be read again ; perswading himself , that there was some punishment set down for him , that had violated them . But Pompey , one of the Consuls , of his own accord favoured Gabinius , as did also Crassus , the other Consul , both that he might gratifie his Colleague , and also for the monies sake that Gabinius had sent : and whereas both of them openly defended him , they suffered nothing to be decreed against him , upbraiding Cicero , among other things , with his banishment . [ Dio. lib. 39. ] Pompey , in his second Consulship , dedicated his Theatre , by exhibiting most munificent plaies and shews , [ Cicero , lib. 2. de Offic. & lib. 7. ad familiar . epist. 1. Ascon . Pedian . in Orat. Pisonianam . ] although it was reported , that this Theatre was not built by Pompey himself , but by his freed man Demetrius , ( a Gadarene ) out of the mony that he had gotten , when he was a Souldier under him ; who gave the honour of this work to Pompey , lest he should be ill spoked of , that a freed man of his should get so much mony , that he could spend so much , [ Dio. lib , 39. ] Gabinius did not admit the Lieutenant that was sent by Crassus to succeed him in the Province of Syria , but kept it , as if he had received a perpetual magistracy . [ Dio. Ibid. ] Whereas the Tribunes of the people hindred Crassus , the Consul , from raising any Souldiers , and endeavoured to make voide the expedition that was decreed him . Crassus runs to arms ; the Tribunes of the people , because they saw that their liberty , wanting arms , was but infirme to withstand his actions , left off from gainsaying , but cursed him to the pit of hell : and as Crassus went into the Capitol , to make his accustomed prayers , for a prosperous voyage , they told him what unlucky signes and prodigies had happened . [ Id. ibid. ] When as Ateius , the Tribune of the people , was prepared to hinder Crassus his departure , and many also of the same mind were offended , that he should make war against men that were at peace with them , and confederates . Crassus , seating this , desired Pompey that he would go with him out of the City , for he was of great authority with the common people : for although many were ready prepared to decry and hinder Crassus ; yet when they saw Pompey go before him with a pleasant and smiling countenance , they held their peace , and made a lane for them . [ Plutarch in Crasso . ] But Ateius , the Tribune , meeting Crassus , at first by word of mouth withheld him ; bidding him go no further : then he commanded a Sergeant to lay hold on him , and carry him to p●ison : but the rest of the Tribunes not permitting it , Crassus got without the walls . [ Id. ibid. cum Dion . lib. 39. ] Notwithstanding , Ateius ran to the gate , and there kindled a fire , and as Crassus passed by , he cast in perfumes , and made sprincklings over it , pronouncing horrible curses , calling upon terrible and strange names of gods . The Romans thought these secret and ancient execrations to be of such force , that he that was cursed , could not escape thence , nor he that doth curse any one shall ever thrive . [ Plutarch . ] That Metellus , the Tribune of the peoplee powred hostle curses upon Cassus at his setting out , Florus writes , [ lib. 3. cap. 11. ] and Vellei●s Paterculus , that all the Tribunes of the people generally cursed him . [ lib. 2. cap. 46. ] Appian , [ lib. 2. Bell. Civil . pag. 438. ] and Dio. [ lib. 39. ] do note . — Crassumque in bella secu●a . Saeva Tribunitiae moverunt praelia dirae . ( i. e. ) — Tli● Tribunes so ill befriended Crassus , with curses he his march attended . As Lucan speaks in his third book ; but that especially P. Arcius pronounced those curses , and setting a token before him , warned him of what would happen , unlesse he took heed . Cicero confirmeth [ in lib. 1. de divinatione . ] from whose house almost he went into the Province , for he had supped with him , in the Gardens of his son in law Crassippes , [ id . lib. 1. ad familiar . epist. 9. ] from whence Cicero went unto Tusculanum , about the middle of November , ( falling at that time upon the Julian August ) and Crassus went his voyage clad in his coat arment . [ Id. lib. 4. ad Attic. epist. 12. ] and at Brundusium shipped his army . [ Id. lib. 2. de divin . ] Crassus loosing from Brundusium , when as the tempests had not yet left the seas , lost many of his ships . Having landed his army out of them that were left , he marched by land through Galatia , where he found King Dejotarus , a very old man , building a new City , and jeering him , said , Do you begin to build in the afternoon , to whom the King smilingly answered ; Truly me thinks , O General , you go , not against the Parthians in the morning : for Crassus was above 60 , and his face made him seem older than he was . [ Plutarch . ] Cicero very earnestly defended the cause of Crassus in his absence against the new Consuls , Year of the World 3950 and many that had been Consuls . [ Id. ad familiar . lib. 5. epist. 8. ] Seeing Crassus had not much to do in Syria , The Julian Period . 4660 ( for the Syrians were quiet , Year before Christ 54 and those that had troubled Syria , being affrighted with the power of Crassus , did not stir ) he undertakes an expedition against the Parthians , without any cause for making war upon them , onely he heard they were rich ; and he was in hopes that Orodes , who now reigned , would easily be overcome . [ Dio● . lib. 40. ] But hearing of the riches of the Temple of Jerusalem , which Pompey had left untouched , he turned aside into Pal●stine , came to Jerusalem , and took away the riches . [ Oros. lib. 6. cap. 13. ] There was in the Temple a wedge of solid gold , weighing 3000 Hebrew pounds , or 750 common pounds ; inclosed in an hollow beam of wood , on which they hung the Hangings of the Temple : which were admirable for their beauty and esteem . Eleazer a Priest , who was the keeper of the sacred treasure , onely knew of this : who seeing Crassus so greedy in gathering up the gold , and fearing he should take away all the ornaments of the Temple , delivered him the golden beam as a ransom for all the rest , having first bound him by an oath , that he should not stir any thing else . Notwithstanding , Crassus took this , and immediately breaking his oath , not only took from the Temple 2000 talents , which Pompey had not medled with , but all the rest of the gold , the sum of which came to 8000 Attick talents : which vast riches ( whereas Josephus was perswaded that it would scarce be believed among people of other Nations ) he endeavours to prove out of the Historical writings of Strabo of Cappadocia , which are not now extant , and others , that they were heaped up there in long time , from the Jews that lived in Europe , Asia , and Cyriniaca . [ lib. 14. Antiquit. cap. 12. ] Crassus having built a bridge over Euphrates , easily and safely passed his army over the river , and was master of many Towns , that of their own accord yielded unto him ; [ Plutarch in Crasso . ] for Crassus his coming was beyond all expectation , so that there was scarce any setled Garrison in all Mesopotamia . [ Dio. lib. 40. ] Talymenus Ilaces ( or Syllaces ) the Governour of that Country , with a few Horse , fought with Crassus , and was overcome , and wounded , and retired to the King , and certified him of the expedition of Crassus . [ Dio. ibid. ] In the mean time Crassus recovered many Cities , especially those that belonged to the Greeks , and among them Nicephorium ; for many inhabitants of the Macedonians and Grecians , who served in the wars under the Macedonians , fearing the tyranny of the Parthians , and putting much hope in the Romans , of whom he knew the Grecians were beloved , very willingly revolted unto them . [ Dio. ibid. ] Onely the Citizens of Zenodotia , whereof Apollonius was Tyrant , killed an hundred Roman Souldiers , whom they had received within their walls , as if they meant to yield unto them . Whereupon Crassus brought thither his whole army , won it , and sacked it , and sold the inhabitants at an outcry . And whereas , besides this one thing , Crassus had neither done against , nor suffered any thing from the enemy , yet he suffered himself to be called Imperator , or Captain General , which turned to his disgrace , and to be thought of a low spirit , as if he did not hope for any great matters , seeing he was puffed up with so small a successe . [ Id. ibid. Plutarch in Cresso . ] Gabinius returned into Italy , Domitius and Appius being Consuls , [ Ascon . Pedian . in init . orat . Pisonian . ] and the same being Consuls , there was again judgment given against Gabinius , and that in his absence , for all Pompey stood very earnestly for him , and the opinion of many of the judges were against him , for both Domitius was an enemy to Pompey , by reason of the contention about the demanding of the Consul-ship , because he had taken that magistracy against his good will , and Appius , although he was a kin to Pompey , yet because he was led on by a design of flattering the people , and hoped that if he made any stir , he should be bribed with money by Gabinius ; and to that end he directed all his actions ; wherefore it was decreed , that the Sybils verses should be read over again , although Pompey was much against it ; but in the mean time the money that was sent by Gabinius came to Rome , and the money wrought so much , that Gabinius was sure not to suffer any great matter either being absent , or present : for there was then such confusion at Rome , that where Gabinius had but given part of that money to the Magistrates , and to some of the Judges , with which he had been bribed ; they did not only not make any account of their duty , but others also being taught for moneys sake to do wickedly , because they could easily ransome themselves from punishment with money . [ Dio. lib. 39. ] On the XII Kalends of October , ( about the Julian July ) Gabinius came into the city : the IV Kalends of October he entred the city by night . [ Cicero . lib. 3. ad Quint. Fratr . epist. 1. ] for he was so tormented in conscience for his ugly actions , that it was late e're he came into Italy , and came by night into the city , and durst not go out of his own house for many daies together . [ Dio. lib. 39. ] There were those factions that accused Gabinius ; L. Lentulus the sonne of the Flamen , who accused him of treason ; T. Nero with divers good men that joyned in the accusation , and C. Mummius the Tribune of the people with Lucius Capito : and whenas being accused of treason he appeared by the edict of C. Alsius the praetour ; he was almost trodden under foot by the great concourse and hatred of all the people . [ Cicero . lib. 3. ad Quintum , Fratr . epist. 1. ] On the tenth day after he came into the city , on which he ought to have given an account of the number of the enemies , and his souldiers , he was wonderfully astonished in the midst of a great multitude , Appius the Consul accused him of treason , and the names being called he answered not a word : when he would go out he was reteined by the Consuls , and the Publicans were brought in : he is accused of all sides , and when he was most of all wounded by Cicero , he could not endure it , but with a trembling voice called him banished man , all the Senate rose against him with a shout , so that they came unto him where he stood , as likewise did the Publicans , with the like shout and violence : the VI Ides of October , Memmius manifestly put Gabinius in an heat before the people ; so that Calidius could not speak for him the next day , there was a divination of Cato the praetours house , for the appointing of an accuser against Gabinius , as whether Memmius , or T. Nero , or C. and L. Antonii the sonnes of Marcus [ Id. ibid. epist. 1. ] There were many accusations against Gabinius , and not a few accusers ; the first thing that was debated was concerning the crime of the resetling of Ptolemy : in this plea , almost all the people flocked to the Tribunal , and they had often a mind to pull him in pieces , especially because Pompey was not there , and Cicero had most sharply accused him . [ Dio. lib. 39. ] but Cicero himself in 2. and 4. epist. ad Quintum Fratr . denies that he accused him : either , for fear , that he was loath to have any quarrels with Pompey , or because he did not doubt but the businesse would be done , either without him , or something for his sake , or because he thought it would be an eternall disgrace to him if such an infamous guilty person should escape , if he pleaded against him . I was much delighted ( saith he in ep●st . 4. ) with this moderation , and this also pleased me , that , when I had sharply spoken both according to consolence and religion , the defendant said , that if he might be in the city , that he would give me satisfaction ; neither did he ask me any thing and in the ninth epistle All that I did , I did with much gravity , and unity , as all were of opinion . I neither vrged it , nor any thing qualified it , I was a vehement witnesse , I did nothing else . In this judgment of the treason , Gabinius had very slow answers , but was ha●ed by all manner of men : Alsius was a sharp and sure enformer ; Pompey was very earnest to beg the Judges to favour him , [ Cicero . lib. 3. ad Quintum Fratr . epist. 3. ] Gabinius said that he resetled Ptolemei for the good of the common-wealth , because he was afraid of the fleet of Archelaus , because he thought the sea would abound with Pyrates ; he said also that he might do it by law . [ id . in orat . pro Rabinio . Posthumo . ] the freinds of Caesar and Pompey , were very ready to help him : saying that the Sybils meant another King , and other times : and upon this they stood most , because in the oracle there was no certain punishment mentioned . [ Dio. lib. 39. ] the youth of L. Lentulus was incredible for to be an accuser , whom all said was brought in on purpose that Gabinius might overcome , but notwithstanding unlesse there had been great contention , and intreaties of Pompey , and a rumour of a dictatourship which caused much feare , Gabinius had not answered to Lucius Lentulus , but when the Judges gave their sentence , there were 32 condemned him , and 38 absolved him . [ Cicero . lib. 4. epist. 1. and lib , 3. ad Quintum Fratr . epist. 4. ] Dio delivers in the 39. book of his histories , that Gabinius , when he stood the trial for so high crimes , that he gave great summes of money , and when he was absolved , there wanted but little , but that the people had killed the Judges : but that Gabinius was brought to the judgement of the people by Memmius , and exempted by the intercession of Laelius the Tribune of the people , Valerius Maximus [ in l●b . 8. cap. 1. ] relateth after this manner . A. Gabinius in the great heat of his infamy being subjected to the suffrages of the people by C. Memmius his accuser , seemed as if all his hopes were broken : because the accusation was fully proved , and his defence had but a weak foundation ; and those that judged him , through a rash anger , were very desirous to punish him : the Lictor and prison were alwaies before his eies , whenas in the mean time all were dasht by the intervention of a propitious fortune : for Sisenna the sonne of Gabinius through the meer impulsion of amazement fell humbly prostrate before Memmius from thence hoping for some aswaging of the storm , from whence the violence of the tempest brake out : whom the insolent conquerour rejected with a sterne countenance , and having struck his ring from his finger let it lye on the ground a great while , which spectacle was the cause , that Laelius the Tribune of the people , commanded Gabinius to be dismissed , that we may learn by this example , neither insolently to abuse the successe of prosperity , neither that any one ought to be too much cast down by adversity . Yet notwithstanding did Gabinius escape so ; for being quitted of his treason , he was again brought into judgement , both for other causes , and also because he had wrongfully extorted 100000 ( either drachmes or pence ) from the Province , and so was condemned of extortion . Pompey who was gone from the City to provide corn , ( for much corn was spoiled by the overflowing of Tiber ) and was then in Italy , made all the haste he could to be present at the judgement ; but seeing he came too late , he departed not out of the Suburbs , till the businesse was finished . He then called the people together without the walls of the City , ( because it was not lawful for him to come into the City , he having at that time the dignity of Proconsul ) and spake unto them in the behalf of Gabinius , and rehearsed unto them the letters that he had received from Caesar , for the safety of Gabinius ; and used much intreaties with the Judges : and he averted Cicero not onely from accusing Gabinius , but so wrought him , that he pleaded his cause : but yet all these things did Gabinius no good ; for the Judges , partly for the fear they had of the people , and partly because they had not received any great bribes from Gabinius , ( who being accused for light faults , did not bestow much costs , and thought surely he should come off free , ) condemned him to banishment : from which he was afterwards brought back by Caesar , [ Dio. lib. 39. ] Cicero in the Oration for Rabirius Posthumus acknowledgeth , that he did very earnestly defend Gabinius after that they were made friends , whereas they were great enemies before : in which although his curtesie be commended by Valerius Maximus , [ lib. 4. cap. 2. ] yet Dio confirmeth , that Cicero was branded with the name and crime of a Runnagado : and truly Marcus quite forgot what he had formerly written to his brother Quintus , [ lib. 3. epist. 5. ] I had been undone if I had defended Gabinius , as Pansa thought I ought to have done : although in the Oration for Rabirius , he giveth this account of his doing it . The renewing of our friendship was the cause that I defended Gabinius , neither doth it ever repent me to have enmity mortal , and friendship immortal . Timagenes the Alexandrian ( or as some will the Egyptian ) the son of the Kings Banker , who being taken in the war , was brought to Rome by Gabinius , and was redeemed by Faustus the son of Sylla , taught Rhetorick at Rome , under Pompey , Julius Caesar , and the Triumvirs , and set forth many books : [ Suidas in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ] Publius Cornelius Lentulus Spinther the Proconsul of Cilicia , when he had behaved himself well in the war , was by the army saluted Captain General , [ Cicero , lib. 1. ad familiar . epist. 8 , 9. ] Appius Claudius Pulcher , about the end of his Consulship , being by the decree of the Senate designed succeessour to P. Cornelius Lentulus , without a law proposed to the Tribes , went into Cilicia at his own charge , [ Id. ibid. epist. 9. & lib. 3. ad Quintum fratr . epist. 2. & lib. 4. ad Attic. epist. 16. ] whom Lentulus went to meet when he came into the Province , [ Id. lib. 3. ad familiar . epist. 7. ] after whom Appius undertaking the command , most miserably afflicted the Province , and almost destroyed it , [ Id. ad Attic. lib. 5. epist. 16. & lib. 6. epist. 1. ] Whereas Crassus ought to have proceeded with the same force , and making use of the fear the Barbarians were in , with which he had taken the first places of Mesopotamia , to have attempted Babylon and Seleucia , Cities that were alwayes enemies to the Parthians ; he was wearied with staying in Mesopotamia , and longing after ease and idlenesse in Syria , he gave the Parthians time to provide themselves for the war , and occasions of distressing those Roman souldiers that were left in Mesopotamia , [ Plutarch , in Crasso . Dio. lib. 40. ] He having disposed Garrisons in those Cities that had yeilded unto him , which were 7000 Foot , and a 1000 Horse , he returned into Syria to winter there . Thither came his son P. Crassus to him from Julius Caesar out of Gallia , who had bestowed upon him such gifts as Generals use to do , and brought with him a 1000 choice horse [ Plutarch . ] Crassus spending his time in Syria , was more like to a Publican than a General ; for he did not spend his time in providing of armes , nor training of his souldiers ; but did reckon up the Revenues of the Cities , and for many dayes was weighing and measuring the treasures of the Goddesse of Hierapolis . He also demanded souldiers from divers people , and then for a sum of money discharged them : and these things brought him into contempt . As they were going out of the Temple of the Goddesse of Hierapolis the young Crassus sell upon the threshold , and presently his father sell upon him , [ Plutarch . ] Hierapolis is that City which some call Bambyce , others Edessa , and the Syrians Magog : where the Syrian Goddesse Atargatis , called by the Grecians Deceto , was worshipped , [ Strabo , lib. 16. pag. 748. Pliny , lib. 5. cap. 23. ] Rabirius Posthumus , was accused before the Judges of treason because he followed Ptolemei to Alexandria , for the money that he owed him , [ Sueton , in Claudia , cap. 16. ] for now Gabinius being condemned of extortion , and gone into banishment , C. Memmius accused Rabirius because he was the cause that Gabinius went to Alexandria ; because being made the King Dioecetes or overseer , he had taken the coat of Alexandria , and had gathered money out of the tributes imposed by Gabinius and himself . Cicero defended when it was pittifull cold weather , as may be gathered out of his oration , which is yet extant . M. Crassus , his sonne Publius being killed and the army being discomfited , perished with shame and disgrace , beyond the river Euphrates . [ Cicero . lib. 2. de divinatione ] this discomfiture Dio declares in lib 40. but Plutarch more fully in the life of Crassus , out of whom all that 〈◊〉 read in Appian . de Parthicis , are taken as it were word for word . wherefore it will be worth the labour to set down the principall parts of this most famous history , taken from thence , as Salianus hath done . Orodes the King of the Parthians , sent Embassadors into Syria unto Crassus : who should expostulate with him concerning the invasion of Mesopotamia , and demand the reasons why he made war , he sent moreover Surana with an army to recover those places that had been taken , or revolted : he himself took an expedition into Armenia , least Artabazes the sonne of Tigranes , who reigned there , and was afraid of his own Kingdome , should send any aid to the Romans , [ Dio. ] The Embassadors of Orodes came to Crassus in Syria , as he was drawing his forces out of their winter quarters ( although F●orus relates that this was done in Mesopotamia , whenas Crassus was encamped at Nicephorium ) putting him in mind of the leagues that they had made with Pompey and Sylla : and withall declaring unto him ; that if this army was sent against the Parthians by the people of Rome , that then they would have no peace with the Romans ; but if Crassus had brought this war against the Parthians for his own private gain , and had seized upon his cities , that their King would use him more favourably , in consideration of Crassus his old age , and that he would send back his souldiers to the people of Rome : to which Crassus , gaping after the Kings treasures , answered nothing , not pretending any imaginary cause of war but that he would answer them at Seleucia : [ Florus lib. 3. cap. 11. Plutarch Dio. ] then Vageses the chief of the Embassadors smiling , and strikeing the palm of his right hand with the fingers of his left , said , That haires should sooner grow there , then that he should see Seleucia , and so the Embassadours returned , telling King Orodes that he must prepare for war. In the mean while certain souldiers who had been left in garrison in Mesopotamia , hardly escaped with great danger , brought him news of the formidable multitude of the Parthians , what kind of arms they use , and their manner of fight , as they had learned by experience : which so much discouraged the Romans , that some of the Captains were of opinion that Crassus should stay , and deliberate in council , concerning the whole businesse : among which was Cassius the Treasurer of Crassus ; the Soothsayers also sought to deter him : but Crassus gave no ear to any of them . He that chiefly encouraged Crassus was Artabazes the King of the Armenians , who came into his Camp with 6000 Horse , which were said to be the Kings Guard. He promised him also other 10000 men at armes , and 30000 Foot , whom he would pay . He also perswaded Crassus that he should inrode Parthia thorough Armenia , and that he would abundantly furnish his army , and that the march that way would be safer , by reason of the unevenness of the country , and so not so much in danger of the Horse , in which the Parthians did abound . But Crassus neglected this most wise counsel , and thanking the Armenian , sent him back , telling him that he would march thorough Mesopotamia where he had left many good souldiers of the Romans . Whereupon he came to Zeugma , at the bank of Euphrates ; where he neglected the threatnings of many prodigies , which Plutarch and Dio mention . The chief of which was this , as it is noted in Julius Obsequens , in his book of prodigies . How a sudden tempest snatched the Standerd from the Standard-bearer , and sunck it in the water : and how by a sudden darknesse of the skie that fell , they were hindred from passing over , yet Crassus would on : and by Florus , [ lib. 3. cap. 11. ] thus , When the army had passed Zeugma , sudden , whirle-winds threw the Standards into Euphrates , where they sunck . Crassus also neglected the councel of Cassius , who advised him , That he should refresh his army in some of the Cities , in which he had a Garrison , untill he heard some certain news of the Parthians ; or else that he would march along the river to Seleucia , and so the ships would supply him with victual , and would follow the Camp , and that the river would keep the enemy from environing him . A. Crassus was considering on these things , Augarus , or Abgarus Osroenus withdrew him from this wholsom advice : for he is rightly stiled by Dio ; who by Florus [ lib. 3. cap. 11. ] is called Mazares the Syrian , and the copies of the Breviary of Sextus Rufus varying , he is called Mazarus , Marachus , Macorus , and also Abgarus ; in Plutarch , he is called Ariamnes , a Captain of the Arabians : although in some Copies of Plutarch , and in those , out of which the Parthica of Appian are taken , he is found to be called Acbarus : this man was formerly in league with the Romans in Pompey's time , but now followed the Barbarians party . And whereas he was of the Parthians side , he made as though he was a great friend to Crassus , and liberally bestowing much mony upon him , sought out all his councels , and declared them to the Parthians : and when as Crassus had determined to march to Seleucia , and from thence to go to the City of Ctesiphon ; he perswaded him , that he should not take that councel , because it would take up too much time , but that he should lead his army directly against Sillax and Surena , two of Orodes his Captains ( leaving Euphrates behind him , which onely could furnish him with victual , and be for a fortification to him . ) He then led his army through a vast Plain , both sandy and wanting water , where also was neither root nor green herb . And now Crassus began to suspect treason , especially when Artabazes sent Embassadors to him , that he could send him no forces , because he had a great war that lay upon him , for Orodes now wasted the Country of the Armenians ; but yet very earnestly advised Crassus to come into Armenia , and to joyn forces with him , that they both together might fight with Orodes : but if he were not pleased to do this , that he should be sure to shun those places that were most convenient for Horse . Crassus angerly rejected this advice , and not vouchsafing to write to the King , told them , That he had no leasure to think upon Armenia , but that in his return he would punish the Armenian for his treachery : but immediately Abgarus , before his treachery was discovered , withdrew himself , when he had perswaded Crassus , that he might compasse the enemies in , and route them . They had not gone far , but that some few scouts came in ( for the rest were killed by the enemy ) telling them , That there were huge forces , who couragiously marched on towards them : at this Crassus was astonished , and all the army was strooken with fear ; and Crassus at the first following Cassius his advice , set his battle wide , but presently changing his mind , he contracted his forces , and made it square and deep . He gave the leading of one wing to Cassius , the other to his son C. Publius , and he himself led the battle in the middest . As soon as they came to the river Balissus , most of the Commanders perswaded him to encamp , and to lodge there all night ; and in the mean time , to send to see what forces the enemy had , and how they were armed . This advise also Crassus rejected , because his son , and some of his Horse men , much desired to fight : and so he commanded them that would eat and drink , should do it standing , keeping their rankes : which before it could be done by all , he marched on with a disorderly march , not fair and softly , until the enemies were in view . Surenas shewed not his whole body at the first , neither the brightnesse of their arms , but set them in a convenient place for a terrour to the Romans , whom they endeavoured with their lances to make break their ranks : but as soon as they saw the depth of the battle , and that the souldiers kept their ranks , they retired : and when as they seemed to be in disorder , before the Romans perceived it , they had on every side environed them . But when Crassus commanded his light Horse men to assaile them , they had not marched far , but they were ill entertained with a showre of darts , and were driven to retire to the force of the armed men ; which gave the first beginning of fear and tumult , especially they seeing the force of the weapons that brake through all , and the greatnesse of the wounds . The Parthians being thus sundered from them , began to shoot with their darts on every side upon the whole body of the army , that no dart fell in vain ; and with so great force , that it made either an horrible wound , or most commonly death ; and with so great constancy , that they did not cease from shooting even when they fled : and indeed the Romans were in hope , that when these darts were spent , that then they should come to handy-blows : but when they knew that there were many Camels laden with darts , from which they that had first spent their darts took a compasse and fetched others ; then Crassus began to faint , perceiving that there would be no end of their shooting , until they were all killed with their darts : whereupon he commanded his son to endeavour by all means to joyne battle with the enemy , before they were wholy compassed about . Young Crassus therefore taking with him 1300 Horse , ( a 1000 whereof he had received from Caesar ) and 500 Archers , and eight Ensigns of the next footmen who had Bucklers , gave a charge upon the Parthians ; who fleeing on purpose , withdrew him a good way off from his father : then turning about , they thrust them thorough with their darts on every side , Publius himself ( whom Orosius commends as a most choice young man , [ lib. 6. cap. 13. and Eutropius , in lib. 6. ] as a most famous and excellent young man ) because he could not use his hand that was pierced thorough , commanded a gentleman to thrust him thorough the side . Censorinus a Senatour and Oratour is said to have died in the like manner . Megabacchus a man valiant both in body and mind , thrust himself thorough , as did the rest of the Nobility : the rest getting to an Hill , were killed in fight by the Speares of the Parthians . There are but 500 said to be taken prisoners . They , having cut off Publius his head , marched towards Crassus , who expected the return of his son , during which time the enemy did not presse so hard : but whenas messenger came upon messenger , that Publius was clean lost , unlesse he were immediately succoured with a very strong party ; he intended to march with the whole army ; when as the enemies came upon him , with a terrible noise , being grown more fierce by reason of the victory , bringing the head of his son upon a Speare . That spectacle brake the hearts of the Romans , notwithstanding Crassus endeavours to hearten on his men , to extort from the enemy the joy they had received , and to revenge their cruelty : the battle is renewed , but seeing the Romans were on every side again wounded with their darts , many of whom died miserably ; for those who desperately , that they might escape the darts , came upon the enemy , were with great Lances forced into a narrow compasse , with which at one thrust they strook thorough two bodies : until the night appoaching , the Parthians retired , bragging that they would allow Crassus one night to bemoane his son . That same night Octavius and Crassus called together the Centutions and Souldiers ; for Crassus being overwhelmed with sorrow for the publick and his own private losse , kept himself in the dark with his head covered : whereas the fear of what was to come forced the rest of the army to advise about flying , the army in all places began to dislodge without any sound of Trumpet : but whereas those that were weak perceived themselves to be forsaken , there was great tumult and confusion , and all the Camp was filled with howling and lamentation : the● fear and astonishment seized upon those that marched , because they thought the enemy would be raised by this noise , and come and set upon them : and indeed the enemy did know that they were removing , but neglected to pursue them ; three hundred light-horsemen , under their Captain Egnatius late in the night came to Carrae , and calling to the watch , commanded them to tell Coponius the Governour , that Crassus had had a great fight with the Parthians ; but said not a word more , and marched hastily to the Zeugma . Coponius by the confusednesse of the speech supposing that no good news was told him , presently armed his men , and meeting Crassus who marched slowly by reason of his wounded men , he received him with his army into the City . As soon as it was day , the Parthians go to the Romans Camp , and there put to death 4000 that were left there . Many also their Horse men took up as they were wandring in the plain : among these there were four cohorts , whom in the same night Vargunteius a Liutenant lead , and had lost their way by night : these getting to an hill , the Parthians compassing them in , killed them all in fight , except twenty Souldiers : who breaking through the middest of the enemy , came safe to Carrae . Orosius also mentions this slaughter of Vargunteius . [ lib. 6. cap. 13. ] Surenas being uncertain whether Crassus and Cassius were at Carrae , or fled to some other place , sends certain men to Carrae , that he might know the truth , under a colour of making a league with the Romans , if they would yield up Mesopotamia : which when the Romans approved of , because all things were in a desperate condition with them , and demanded time and place for the meeting of Crassus and Surenas . Surenas understanding that the enemy was shut up in Carrae , the next day he came before it with his whole army , and exceedingly straitning the Town , commanded the Romans , That if they would have any truce , that they should deliver Crassus and Cassius prisoners . Hereupon the Romans exceedingly lamented , that they were so cheated , and casting off all hopes of any aide from the Armenians , they thought how they might escape by flight . This councel was to be kept secret from any of the Carrenians , yet Crassus declared it to Andromachus , the most perfidious of all men , whom also he took to be his guide in his march . Whereupon the Parthians knew all their councels , by the treachery of Andromachus , and because it is neither the custome , nor safe , for the Parthians to fight by night ; but Crassus went out by night ; and least the enemy should be too much behind them that fled . Andromochus led them , some one way , some another , and at last brought them into deep bogs , and places that were full of ditches : there were some who suspected Andromachus his often turnings , and would not follow him ; for Crassus retired to Carrae , and from thence with 500 men , took his way into Syria . Others having gotten faithfull guides , took the way of the mountains , which they call Synaca , and before day , were retired into a safe place , and those were almost five thousand men , over whom Octavius , a valiant man , was Commander . But the day overtook Crassus , who was intangled in those difficult places and bogs , by the treachery of Andromachus , he with four cohorts of legionary Souldiers , and a few Horse men , and five Lictors , having gotten out of those fastnesses with great pains , the enemy even now approaching , he fled to another hill , within twelve furlongs from Octavius , not so fortified , nor so steep for Horses : but being under the Synaca , and joyned to it with a long neck that stretched through the middest of the whole plain , so that Octavius could not but see the danger that Crassus was in : and therefore he first , with a few others came to his aide , and the rest chiding one the other followed him , and beating the enemy from the hill , received Crassus into the middest of them , and covering him with their Targets , spake nobly , That no weapon of the Parthians could touch the body of their General , till they had killed them that defended him to the last man. Wherefore Surenas seeing the Parthians not so couragious as they were wont to be , and that it was a dangerous thing to fight with desperate men , especially they fighting from an higher place ; and if perchance night should overtake them , that then the Romans could not be taken , they keeping the mountains , but that they would go to the Armenians , and so might be a means of renewing the war , ( as Dio saith ) he plotted another treachery and falshood : he let some prisoners go free , who had heard some Barbarians say on purpose , That their King was not altogether averse from making peace with the Romans , that he would use Crassus with all the civility that might be , if it could be effected by his means . In the mean while , the Barbarians forbare to fight : and Surenas with some noble men , came near the hill with his bow unbent ; and holding forth his right hand , invited Crassus to make a league with him : and told him , That he had had experience of the force of the Parthians ; yet now , if he would , he should have experience of his humanity . Crassus did not assent unto him , whom for good cause he had reason to be afraid of , as who saw no reason of this sudden change . But the Souldiers demanded peace even with reproaches to Crassus ; he endeavoured by entreaties and reason to perswade them , that they would hold out but the rest of the day , and that at night they should march through mountainous places , and that they would not break off the hopes of a safety that was so neer them : but when they began to mutiny , and beating of their harnesse , began to threaten him : being affrighted , he went towards the enemy , but turning about to his own men , he said , Yea , if Octavius and Petronius , and all you Roman Commanders that are here with me , see , what violence is upon me , yet , if ever any of you shal come off safely , tell , that Crassus was deceived by his enemies , and not delivered up by his own citizens . Which he might seem to have said , as it were trying by this friendly speech if he could asswage their obstinate minds , whilst he provides for their honour , but Octavius and the rest staid not on the hill but went down with him : the Lictors that would follow him for his honours sake , Crassus himself forbad . The first who came from the Barbarians were two mungrell Graecians , who dismounting from their horses worshipped him , and saluted him , in Greek , desiring him that he would send some before to see if Surenas and the rest that came to parly , whether they came unarmed , he presently sent two Roscii that were brothers , whom Surenas staied , and coming on horseback , whereas Crassus was a foot , he commanded an horse to be brought to him , and that he should go to the rivers side to write the articles of the peace , because the Romans were not very mindfull of their covenants , and withall gave him his right hand , and when Crassus sent for an horse , he told him there was no great need , for the King , saith he , giveth you this , presently there was brought him an horse with a golden bridle , upon which the grooms mounted Crassus and following him behind lashed him , then Octavius first took hold of the bridle , and after him Petronius one of the Colonels , and then the rest of the Romans came about him to stay the horse , and to take him from them that pressed upon Crassus on every side . And whereas at first they were justling and thrusting one the other , at last they came to blowes . Octavius drew his sword and killed a groom one of the Barbarians , another kills Octavius , striking him behind ; Petronius had no weapon , but being strook upon his coat of maile lighted from his horse , and had no hurt , but Promanaethros or Manarthes by name a Parthian killed Crassus , or as others will have it , cut of his head and right hand , as he lay dead . Dio leaves it in doubt , whether he were killed by his own men , least he should come alive into the enemies hands , or whether he was slain by the enemies . Livy relateth lib. 106. that he was taken , and making resistance , least he should suffer any thing being alive , was killed : himselfe being allured to a parly , had upon a sign given by the enemy , come quick into their hands , if the resistance of the tribunes , had not moved the Barbarians to prevent the flight of the generall : as Florus saith in lib. 3. cap. 11. and Sextus Rufus following him , in his breviary to Valentinian the Emperour . Crassus himselfe being allured to a parly , might have been taken alive , but by the resistance of the tribunes he escaped , and whilst he sought to fly was killed . This Surenas the Generall of the Parthians took Crassus by treachery , and killed him at Sinnaca a city of Mesopotamia [ Strabo . lib. 16. pag. 747. ] although he had rather have taken him alive . [ Orosius lib. 6. cap. 13. ] Velleius Paterculus saith that he was killed with most part of the Roman army . [ lib. 2. cap. 46. ] Pliny saith , that all the Lucanian Souldiers were killed with him , of which there were many in the army . [ lib. 2. cap. 56. ] Jornandes writes , that they lost eleven legions almost , and their Generall also . [ De regno . succession . ] it is said that the number of those that were slain were 20000 : and of those that were taken alive by the enemy 10000 ; as it is in Plutarch . Appian affirmes , that of an 100000 scarce 10000 fled into Syria . [ lib. 2. bell . civil . pag. 438. ] that these things were done in the month of June , Ovid shews in lib. 6. Fastorum . in the middle of Summer ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) saith Dio in lib. 40. of his histories : where also he addeth , that the Parthians at this time recovered all their countrey again that lay within the river Euphrates . The remaines of the Roman army shifting each man for himself , being scattered by flight into Armenia , Cilicia , and Syria , did scarce afford a man alive to bring the news of the overthrow . [ Florus lib. 3. cap. 11. ] as soon as this overthrow was known , many provinces of the East had revolted from the alliance and protection of the people of Rome , unlesse Cassius gathering together a few souldiers of them that fled , had quitted Syria that began to grow proud with great vertue and moderation [ Oros. lib. 6. cap , 13. ] this is that Cassius who would not accept of the command that the souldiers offered him at Carrae in meer hate to Crassus , and Crassus also himself willingly yeilded to it considering the greatnesse of his losse ; yet now being compelled by necessity , took upon him , the government of Syria . [ Dio , lib. 40. ] he was also the treasurer of Crassus who kept Syria within the command of the people of Rome , and was also the same C. Cassius , who together with Brutus , afterwards killed Julius Caesar. [ Vellei . Paterc . lib. 2. cap. 46. together with 56. & 58. ] Surenas sent the head and right hand of Crassus to Orodes , into Armenia : and he spread a report by messengers of his own , at Seleucia , that he brought Crassus alive having dressed up one Caius a captive who was very like him , and so made a ridiculous shew , which in disgrace they calied a triumph . [ Plutarch . ] In the mean time Orodes was reconciled with Artabazes , or Artarasers the Armenian , having betroathed his sister to his sonne Pacoras : and there they made feasts and revels , in which were many Greek yerses sung : for Orodes understood the Greek tongue , and was a Scholer : and Artavasdes also had written Tragedies , and Orations , and Histories : there as Jason the Tragedian of Trallis was singing some verses out of the Bacchis of Euripides , concerning Agave , Syllaces came into the dining room , and threw the head of Crassus before them , which Pomaxaethres , or Maxarthes , rising from supper , took to himself , as though it did more belong to him than the other . [ Id. ] Among other indignities , some report , that the Parthians poured melted gold into the mouth of Crassus , insulting also over him in words ; amongst whom is Florus ; whose words concerning this matter are these , [ lib. 3. cap. 11. ] The head and right hand of Crassus was brought to the King , and made sport for him , nor that unfitly ; for they poured melted gold in at his open mouth , that he whose mind was on fire with the desire of gold , while he was alive , his dead and bloodlesse carkase might be burnt with gold : like to which both Sextus Rufus hath in his Breviary , and Jornandes who follows him . Surenas not long after , suffered a punishment worthy of his perjury , being killed by Orodes who envied his honour , [ Plutarch , in Crasso . ] At Rome M. Cicero was made Augur in the room of young Crassus , who was killed in the Parthian war , [ Id , in Cicerone . ] Crassus the father being dead at that time , one head of Varro his three-headed faction is cut off , and a foundation laid of the civil wars between Pompey and Caesar : for Crassus being killed who was above them both , it remained to Caesar , that he might become the greatest , to dispatch him that was above him , [ Plutarch , in Caesare & Pompeio . ] Nec quenquam jam ferre potest , Caesarve priorem , Pompeiusve parem . [ Lucan . lib. 1. ] Caesar would no superiour fear , Nor Pompey any equal bear . During an interreguum there was a decree of the Senate made , Year of the World 3952 that neither any Consul nor any Praetor should have by lot any forraign province till after the fifth year of his Magistracy : which also a little after was confirmed by Pompey , [ Dio. lib. 40. ] who by the Interrex Servius Sulpitius on the V. Kalend of March in an intercalary moneth ( about the beginning , namely of the Julian December ) was created Consul . [ Ascon . Pedian . in orat . Milonian . ] The Parthians invaded Syria , but with no great army , because they thought the Romans had there neither Souldiers nor General ; wherefore Cassius easily repulsed them , [ Dio. lib. 40. ] Cassius coming to Tyrus , The Julian Period . 4662 arrived also in Judea , Year before Christ 52 when at his first entrance he took Tarichaea , and led from thence about 30000 Jews prisoners . He put to death also Pitholaus , because he had entertained Aristobulus his faction , which he did at the perswasion of Antipater , who could do very much with him : for Antipater , seeing he was in great credit with the Idumaeans , sought by curtesies and familiarity the friendship of others who were in power : especially he joyned in affinity to him , the King of the Arabians , to whole custody he committed his children during the war that he had with Aristobulus : but Cassius having forced Aristobulus the son of Alexander to be quiet by conditions , removed his camp to Euphrates , to keep the Parthians from passing over , [ Joseph . lib. 1. Bell. cap. 6. lib. 14. Antiquit. cap. 12. ] M. Marcellus , Year of the World 3953 and C. Sulpitius , The Julian Period . 4663 being Consuls , Year before Christ 51 the league is renewed with the Rhodians : in which it is provided , that one people shall not make war on the other , but send mutual aides one to the other . The Rhodians also swore , that they would have the same enemies that the Senate and the people of Rome should have , [ P. Lentulus apud Ciceron . lib. 12. ad familiar . epist. 15. cum Appian . lib. 4. Bell. civil . pag. 627 , 630. ] and by this means Posidonius Apameensis , who had a Schoole at Rhodes , seems to have come to Rome , M. Marcellus being Consul , as we read in Suidas [ in voc . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] a very noble Philosopher , Mathematician , and Historian : a Sphere of whose making Cicero in lib. 2. of his divination , maketh mention of . If any body should carry this Globe into Scythia or Britain , which of late our familiar friend made , whose each turning performs the same in the Sun and Moon and the other five Planets , as is done in the heaven each day and night : who in that barbarity would doubt , but that this was a most exact Sphere ? Whereas by the decree of the Senate , and by the law Pompey made the year before , none could obtain any either Consular or Praetorian province , unless he had been Consul or Praetor five years before . M. Calphurnius Bibulus , who had been Consul seven years before , and M. Tullius Cicero who had been Consul eleven years before , and yet had never been sent into any province , had by lot , Bibulus Syria , and Cicero Cilicia : concerning Syria , Dio is witness , lib. 40. and of Cilicia , Cicero himself , lib. 3. ad familiar . epist. 2. which he wrote being now designed Proconsul to Appius Pulch●r , the Captain General , whom he was to succeed ( for the army had given him the title of Captain General , because he had commanded well in the wars in Cilicia ) in which he signifieth that it happened both against his will , and beyond any thought of his , that he should necessarily go to command in his Province by the decree of the Senate . But Cicero had for his Liutenants , his brother Quintus Tullius , C. Pomponius , L. Tullius , and M. Anneius : his Quaestors were L. Messinius and Cn. Volusius . Plutarch relates in the life of Cicero , that he had in his army 12000 Foot , and 2600 Horse . He himself saith , That he had the name only of two Legions , and those very thin . [ lib. 5. ad Attic. epist. 15. ] which army was scarce able to defend one Town , as M. Coelius wrote to him . [ Ibid. lib. 8. epist. 5. ] On the XI . Kalend of June ( which as the year was then accounted at Rome , fell upon the sixth day of the Julian March , ) Cicero , going into his Province , came to Brundusium , there he met with Q. Fabius , the Lieutenant of Appiu● Claudius Pulcher , whom he was to succeed ; who told him , that he needed a greater force to command that Province : and almost all were of opinion , that the Legions of Cicero and Bibulus should be supplied out of Italy ; which the Consul Servius Sulpicius possitively denyed to yield to : but yet there was such a general consent of the Senate , that Cicero and Bibulus should suddenly be dispatched , that he was sain at last to yield , and so it was done . [ Ibid. lib. 3. epist. 3. ] Before the civil war of Caesar and Pompey , on the seventh of the Julian March , a little after noon , there happened an horrible ecclipse of the Sun , of ten parts and an half , concerning which Dio saith , [ lib. 40. ] 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the whole Sun was ecclipsed , and Lucan , [ lib. 1. ] Ipse caput medio Titan cum ferret Olympo , Condidit ardentes atra caligine currus ; Involvitque orbem tenebris , gentesque coegit Desperare diem . — Titan hides ( When mounted in the midst of heaven he rides ) In clouds his burning Chariot , to enfold The World in darknesse quite : day to behold No Nation hopes . — Cicero loosing from Brundusium , came to Actium , the XVII . Kalend of July , ( the 29 day of the Julian March ) aud then taking his journy by land , came to Athens on the VII . of the Kalends of July , ( the eight day of April ) [ lib. 5. ad Attic. epist. 9. & 10. ] whenas the day before he came thither , Memmius ( who was condemned for unlawfull bribery for an office , and was then in banishment ) was gone to Mytilene . [ Ibid. epist. ●1 . ] In the moneth of the Julian April , Ptolomaeus Auletes died , concerning whom M. Coelius in an Epistle to M. Cicero , written from Rome on the Kalends of August ( the 15. day of the Julian May ) [ lib. 8. ad familiar . epist. 4. ] whereas C. Marcellus was chosen Consul for the next year . News was brought , and it is accounted for certain , that the King of Alexandria is dead . He left his heirs , of his two sons the eldest , and of two daughters , she also that was the eldest : and that this might be so , Ptolomy in the same Will , did humbly beseech the people of Rome by all the gods , and by the league that he had made with them at Rome . The copy of his Will , ( one whereof was sent to Rome by his Embassadors , that it might be laid up in the Treasury , and another , after the same example ) was left and kept sealed up at Alexandria . [ Caesar. lib. 3. Commentar . Bell. Civil . ] Wherefore in this Testament it was commanded , that his eldest son Ptolomy , after the ancient custom of the Egyptians , should be married to Cleopatra his eldest daughter , and that both of them should possesse the Kingdom , but so notwithstanding that they should be under the tuition of the people of Rome . [ Dio. lib. 10. ] concerning which Cleopatra speaks to Caesar. [ in Lucan . lib. 10. ] — non urbes prima tenebo Foemina Niliacas : nullo discrimine sexus Reginam scit ferre Pharos , lege summa perempti Verba patris , qui jura mihi communia regni Et thalami cum fratre dedit . I am not the first woman that have sway'd The Pharian Scepter : Egypt has obey'd A Queen ; not Sex excepted : I desire Thee read the will of my deceased Sire Who left me there a partner to enjoy My brothers Crown and marriage-bed — The copy of this will being brought to Rome , seeing because of publick employments it could not be put in the Treasury , it was deposited with Pompey , [ Caesare , lib. 3. B●ll . civil . ] who as Eutropius relates , was made Tutou● to the new King by reason of his young years , [ lib. 6. ] M. Cicero having stayed those ten dayes at Athens , the day before the Nones of July ( the 19 of the Julian April ) departed from thence , [ lib. 2. ad familiar . epist. 8. ] on which day loosing from the Haven Piraeum , he was carried by a certain wind to Zotera , which kept him there till the Nones . the VIII of the Ides ( the 25 day of April ) he came to the Village of Cios , from thence to Gyaros , from thence to Scyaros , from thence to Delos , [ lib. 5. ad Attic. epist. 12. ] The XI . Kalend of August ( the 5 day of the Julian May ) he came to Ephesus : sailing the slower by reason of the weaknesse of the Rhodian barkes . Thither came to him an incredible multitude ; and the Grecians very willingly offered themselves unto him , as if he had been the Praetor of Ephesus , [ id . epist. 13. ] but the Praetour of the Asiatick Governments ( which were separated from the province of Cilicia ) was Q. Thermus who was then at Ephesus : with whom Cicero conferred concerning a businesse of his Liutenant M. Anneius , who had a controversie with the Sardineans , and unto whom , both for him and for others , he afterwards writ many Epistles , [ lib. 13. ad familiar . epist. 53 , 54 , 55 , 56 , 57. & lib. 5. ad Attic. epist. 20. ] but that P. Silius was Praetor of Bithynia at that time , is gathered out of the 13 Book , [ ad familiar . epist. 61. ] P. Nigidius expected Cicero at Ephesus , returning to Rome from his Embassie , a very learned man ; Cratippus also came thither from Mitylene to see and salute Cicero , who was at that time the chiefest of all the Peripateticks : as Cicero himself witnesseth in the preface to Plato his Timaeus , translated into Latine by himself . Leaving Ephesus , Cicero went to Tralli , in a very dry and dusty way , [ lib. 5. ap Attic. epist. 14. ] The VI. Kalend of August ( the 10 day of the Julian May ) he came to Tralli , where there met him L. Lucilius with letters from Appius Pulcher , [ lib. 3. ad familiar . epist. 5. ] by which he understood among other things , that a mutiny of the souldiers was appeased by Appius , and that they were all payed even to the Ides of July , [ lib. 3. ad . Attic. epist. 14. ] The day before the Kalends of August ( the 14 day of the Julian May ) Sulpitius and Marcellus being Consuls , Cicero came to Laodicea , into a province ( undone and even overthrown by Appius ) from which day the yearly Magistracy , committed to him by the Senate , began to be reckoned , [ lib. 5. ad Attic. epist. 15. 16 , 20 , 21. cum lib. 3. ad familiar epist. 6. & lib. 15. epist. 2. & 4. ] But whereas Cicero understood by the Cypriot Embassadours who came to meet him at Ephesus , that Sceptius the Governour of Appius in Cyprus besieged the Senate in their Senate-house in Salamine with some Troops of Horse , that he might famish some of the Senatours : what day he first entred the province he sent letters , that the Horsemen should immediately depart the Island , [ lib. 5. ad Attic. epist. 21. & lib. 6. epist. 1. ] When as he saw by reason of the time of the year , he must presently go to the army , having stayed three dayes at Laodicea , ( whilst the money was received which was owed him from the publick exchange ) the III. None of August ( the 17 of the Julian May ) he made a journey to Apamea : and there tarried four or five dayes , three at Synnada , and five at Philomelium : in which Town when as there was a great concourse of people , he freed many Cities from most grievous tributes , and heavy usuries and great debts , [ lib. 3. ad familiar . epist. 5. & lib. 15. epist. 4. cum lib. 5. ad Attic. epist 15 , 16 , 20. ] Appius Claudius , whereas by the law Cornelia ( of Cornelius Sylla the Dictatour ) there were thirty dayes granted for one to depart the province after the coming of a Successour : in those dayes sat in judgement at Tarsus , in which Cicero did the like at Apamea , Synnada , and Philomelium , [ lib. 3. ad familiar . epist. 6. & 8. cum lib. 5. ad Attic. epist. 16 , 17. ] M. Bibu●us the Proconsul , about the Ides of August ( the 25 of the Julian May ) departed from Ephesus by shipping with a very prosperous gale into Syria his province , [ lib. 15. ad familiar . epist. 3. ] whom when the Senate had permitted to raise souldiers in Asia , he would make no muster , [ ibid. epist. 1. ] for the Auxiliaries of the Allies were through the sharpnesse and injuries of the government of the Romans , either so weakened , that they could help them but little ; or so alienated from them , that there was little to be expected from them , neither did any thing seem fit to be committed unto them . [ Ibid. ] Whereas before the coming of Cicero into the Province , the army was scattered through a sedition , five Cohorts , without any Lieutenant , without any Colonel , yea without any Centurion , stayed at Philomelium , the rest of the army was in Lycaonia . Cicero commanded his Lieutenant , M. Anneius , that he should conduct those five Cohorts to the rest of the army : and having rallyed the whole army in one place , that he should encamp at Iconium in Lycaonia : which when he had exactly done ; Cicero came into the Camp the VII . Kalends of September . ( the seventh day of the Julian June . ) Seeing that in some dayes before , according to the decree of the Senate , he had got together a good band of Souldiers newly raised , and good store of Horse , and Voluntary Auxiliaries of free people , and of Kings their Allyes . [ Ibid. epist. 4. ] Dejotarus the son , who was declared King by the Senate , took with him into his Kingdom Cicero's sons , whilst M. Cicero made war in the Summer quarters . [ lib. 5. ad Attic. epist. 17 , 18. ] Plutarch delivers , [ in lib. de Stoicorum repugn antiis . ] That Dejotarus the father , that he might settle the Kingdom upon this one son , put to death all his other sons : but of both the Dejotari , father and son , who both reigned together ; Cicero makes mention in the XI . Philippicho , with great commendation of them both . Pacorus , the son of Orodes , King of the Parthians , with whom was marryed the sister of the King of the Armenians , with great forces of the Parthians , and a great band of other . Nations besides : passing over the Euphrates , made war in the Province of Syria . [ lib. 15. ad familiar . epist. 1 , 2 , 3 , 4. & lib. 5. ad Attic. epist. 18. ] but indeed Orsaces was General , Pacorus only bearing the name of General , for he was not yet past 15 years of age . [ Dio. lib. 40. ] The Parthians being thus gone into Syria , and having reduced under their power all places that lay in their way , came as far as to Antioch , with an hope of winning also the rest : for neither did the Romans keep that Province with a just army : and the people hardly enduring the domineering of the Romans , did incline to the Parthians , as to their neighbours and familiar friends . [ Dio. ibid. ] Also the Proconsul Bibulus was not yet come into the Province : for whereas that Province was appointed to him but for a year , as it was to Cicero , it was reported , that for this cause he came so late into the Province , that it might be late ere he departed it . [ Cicero , lib. 5. ad Attic. epist. 16. & 18. ] Cicero , in the III. Kalends of September , ( the II. of the Julian June ) mustered his army at Iconium . [ lib. 3. ad Attic. epist. 19. ] The Kalends or III. of the Nones of September , the Embassadors that were sent from Antiochus , the King of the Commagenians , came to the Camp at Iconium ; who first brought Cicero news , That great forces of the Parthians began to passe the Euphrates : and that it was said , That the Armenian King would make an invasion upon Cappadocia . Which news when it was brought him , although there were some that thought , that there was not much credit to be given to that King ; yet Cicero was much troubled , both for Syria , and for his own Province , and indeed for all Asia . Wherefore he thought it fit that the army should be conducted through Lycaonia , and the Country of the Isaurians , and through that part of Cappadocia , which joyned to Cilicia . [ lib. 15. ad familiar . epist. 1 , 2 , 3 , 4. ] Wherefore after he had stayed ten dayes at Iconium , he dislodged his army , and incamped at the Town Cybistra , in the farthest part of Cappadocia , not far from Mount Taurus . That Artavasdes the Armenian King , whatsoever he intended , should know that the army of the people of Rome was not far from their borders , and that he and the Parthians might suppose themselves shut out of Cappadocia , and so he should defend Cilicia that bordered upon them , and keeping Cappadocia , might hinder any new devises of the neighbouring Kings ; who though they were friends of the people of Rome , yet durst not be openly enemies to the Parthians . [ lib. 5. ad . Attic. epist. 20. & lib. 15. ad familiar . epist. 2. & 4. ] Cicero sent his Horse from Cybistra into Cilicia , that the news of his coming being declared to the Cities in that part , the minds of men might be the more confirmed to him : and that he might quickly hinder what was done in Syria . [ lib. 15. ad familiar epist. 2. ] There he took special care for the service that was injoyned him by the Senate , That he should defend Ariobarzanes , the King of the Cappadocians ; and provide that both he and his Kingdom might be in safety : and whereas the King himself , with his brother Ariarathes , and some of his fathers ancient friends came to the Camp to the Proconsul ( where he staied three or four daies , as is gathered out of lib. 6. ad Attic. epist. 2. ) and complained of treasons that were laid for his life , and desired that some horse and foot of the Roman army , might be a guard for him : Cicero exhorted his friends that they should defend with all care an diligence , the life of their King being taught by the lamentable example of his father ; and exhorted the King , that he should learn to reign by preferring his own life , from whom he was certainly assured that treason was plotted against him , them he might use at his pleasure : that he might punish those that there was necessity to punish , and free the rest from fear , that he should use the guard of the Roman army more for terrour to those that were in fault , then for contention : and that it would come to passe , that all , when they shall know the decree of the Senate , should understand , that he would be a guard to the King , wheresoever there shall be any need , concerning whom in the end ( of that second epistle ) to the Consuls and Senate , Cicero saith that he was more carefull to certifie them , because that in King Ariobarzanes there were such tokens of vertue , wi● fidelity , and good will towards them : that they did not seem without good cause to give him such a charg of his preservation . Cicero settled in great favour and authority Mithras and Athenaeus whom Ariobarzanes had banished through the importunity of Athenaeus , and whereas there would great war be raised in Cappadocia , if the priest of the Comanians ; whom as Hirsus confirmeth in his book [ de bell . Alexandrin . ] was accounted the next after the King in majesty , command and power , by the consent of that nation ) should defend himself by armes , as was thought he would do ; he being a young man , and provided with horse and foot , and money , and allyes also who would fain see some innovations . Cicero brought it so to passe , that he departed the Kingdome ; and so the King obteined the Kingdome with honour , without any tumult , or war , the authority of his court being more confirmed unto him . [ ibid. epist. 4. ] although he in another epistle thought , that there was nothing more pilled than that Kingdome , nothing more poor than that King. [ lib. 6. ad Attic. epist. 1. ] And after this manner was the Kingdome of Ariobarzanes preserved with the King himself . [ Cato . in epist. 5. lib. 15. ad familiar . ] and Cappadocia is reconciled to his obedience without arms , and with much good liking . [ Plutarch . in Ciceron . ] concerning whom this Cicero brags of himself to Atticus . [ lib. 5. epist. 20. ] Ariobarzanes lives and reignes by my meanes , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by the by , by my advice and authority : and because I kept my self 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 free from accesse to them that lay in wait for him and not only so but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , free from bribes I preserved both King and Kingdome . In the mean time Cicero knew by many letters and messages , that Cassius ( Bibulus being yet absent out of Syria ) was with an army at Antioch , and great forces both of the Parthians , and Arabians , were come to Antioch ; and there that a great body of horse , which had passed into Cilicia , were all killed , by those troupes of horse he himself had sent thither , and by a Praetorian cohort , which was in garrison at Epiphania : and that the Parthians were in Cynhestica a part of Syria , that was next to Cilicia : when therefore he saw that the forces of the Parthians were turned from Cappadocia , not far from the borders of Cilicia ; he left Cylistra of Cappadocia , ( when he had encamped five daies ) and conducted the army into Cilicia ; and in the borders of Lycaonia , and Cappadocia , the XIII of the Kalends of October ( the 30 day of the Julian June ) he received letters both from Tarcondimotus and from Jamblichus a governour of the Arabians , who were accounted friends of the Roman common-wealth , declaring that Pacorus with a great body of Parthian horse was passed Euphrates , and encamped at Tyba : concerning which he presently wrote to the Consuls , and Senate . [ lib. 15. ad familiar . ep . 1. 2. & 4. cum lib. 5. ad Attic. ep . 18. & 20. ] A rumour of the coming of Cicero , both encouraged Cassius , who was in a manner besieged in Antioch , and cast a fear upon the Parthians , they departed therefore from Antioch before the coming of Bibulus being happily driven back by Cassius : who also pursued them in their retreat from the town , and did execution upon them . [ lib. 5. ad Attic. ep . 20. 21. & lib. 2. ad familiar . ep . 20. ] which history Dio thus declares more fully . When the Parthians were put by the hopes of taking Antioch , Cassius stoutly repulsing them , ( for they are very awakeward at the storming of places ) they marched towards Antigonia : the suburbs of which city are planted with trees , and so they neither durst , not could come neer it : they intended to cut down the trees , and to clear the place of the wood , that they might more boldly set upon the city on that side : but when this would not fadg neither , both because it was a businesse of great labour ; and time was trifled away in vain , and Cassius also licked up any straglers , they retreated from Antigonia , intending to set upon another place : in the mean time Cassius having placed ambushes in the way they were to passe , shewed himself to them with a few , to draw them to pursue him , then he turned upon them . [ Dio. lib. 40. ] where Orsaces the great commander of the Parthians received a wound , whereof he died a few daies after . [ Cicero , lib , 5. ad Attic. epist. 20. ] In Justin , [ lib. 42. cap , 4. ] this story is not so truely written . Pacorus being sent to pursue the remaines of the Roman army , after he had atchieved many enterprizes of Syria , he was called home again as mistrusted by his father : in whose absence , the army of the Parthians that was left in Syria , was with all the captaines thereof slain by Cassius the treasurer of Crassus . Livy declares that C. Cassius the treasurer of M. Crassus slew the Parthians , who had marched into Syria . [ lib. 108. ] Velle●us , that he with great successe routed and overthrew the Parthians , that came over into Syria . [ lib. 2 , cap. 46. ] Sextus Rusus in breviario , that he with great admiration fought against the Persians , ( for so he calls the Parthians ) who made an irruption into Syria , and utterly destroyed them being driven beyond Euphrates : [ Eutropius in lib. 6. ] that with singular valour , and great vertue , he restored the state when it was even lost , so that be overcame the Persians in divers battles ; to which may be added that of Orosius [ lib. 6. cap. 13. ] concerning the same Cassius . He overcame in battle , and slew Antiochus , and his great forces : and by way drave out the Parthians that were sent into Syria , by Orodes : and were entred as far as Antioch , and killed also their generall Orsaces , and that of Cicero , in the 11. Philippick , he did many gallant things , before the coming of Bibulus the chief commander ; whereas he utterly routed the greatest commanders and great forces of the Parthians , and freed Syria , from an horrible invasion of the Parthians : for it deserves no credit , that which is added concerning Cassius in the 14. Chap. of the Jewish History , which being set forth in Arabick , carries the title of the second book of the Maccabees , he passing over Euphrates , conquired the Persians , and brought them under the obedience of the Romans : he also reduced to their obedience , those 22 Kings that Pompey had subdued : and brought under their obedience whatsoever was in the countreys of the East . for we have already heard out of Orosius [ lib. 6. cap , 6. ] how Pompey bragged that he had made war with twenty two Kings . The day before the Kalends of Octob. ( the 11. day of the Julian July ) the Senate being called together into the temple of Apollo made a decree , that into Cilicia and into eight other provinces should henceforward be sent Propraetours , who formerly had been Praetours at Rome , but yet never had any command in any province . [ lib. 8. ad familiar . ep . 8. ] Cicero marching with his army by the streights of Taurus into Cilicia , came the III Nones of October ( the 16 day of the Julian July ) to Tarsus . [ lib. 5. ad Attic. ep . 20. ] On the Nones of October , ( the 18. day of the Julian July ) on the same day were read in the Senate , the letters of Cassius , declaring his victory ; wherein he wrote , that of himself he had finished the Parthian war : as also the letters of Cicero , declaring the Parthian tumult , whereupon there was little credit given to Crassus his letters . [ lib. 5. ad Attic. epist. 21. ] and the same day Cicero went from Tarsus towards Amanus : [ lib. 3. ad familiar . epist. 8. ] which mountain belonged both to him and Bibulus , and it divides Syria from Cilicia , by the separation of the waters , and full of everlasting enemies . [ Ibid. lib. 1. epist. 10. & lib. 5. ad Attic. epist. 20. ] The next day ( the 19. of the Julian July ) he encamped in the plain of Mopsuestia ; from whence he wrote the eigth epistle [ lib. 3. ad familiar . ] to Appius Pulcher , ( whom he succeeded in the Proconsul-ship ) in which may be read this . If you ask concerning the Parthians , I think there were none ; those Arabians that were , who were habited like Parthians , are said to be all returned , they denie that there was any enemy in Syria : for when Cicero was come to Amanus , he knew that the enemy was returned from Antioch , and that Bibulus was at Antioch ; and from thence he certified Dejotarus who was in all hast coming unto him with a great army of horse , and foot , and all his forces : that he saw no cause why he should come out of his Kingdome : and that he would immediately send letters and messengers to him , if by chance any extraordinary matter should fall out . [ lib , 15 , ad familiar . epist. 4. ] But when Cicero considered that it did extreamly concern both provinces , to settle Amanus , and to take away a perpetuall enemy from that mountain , and go to some other parts of Cilicia , and when he was gone about a daies iourney from Amanus , and had encamped at Epiphania : the IIII Ides of October ( the 23 of the Julian July ) when it began to grow towards evening , he marched with his army in all hast ; so that at the III. Ides of October , as soon as it was day , he went up the Amanus . [ ibid. ] Having marshalled his cohorts and auxiliaries , over which he himself with his brother Quintus his Lievetenant commanded some , others his Lievetenant , C. Pomptinus , and the rest M. Anneius and L. Tullius commanded ; and came suddenly upon them before they were aware : many were killed , many taken , and the rest were scattered . Fugerana ( or rather Erana ) which was not like a village but a city , because it was the principall town of Amanus : and also Sepyra , and Cerminoris ( or Commoris ) which both stoutly and a long time made resistance , Pomptinus keeping that part of Amanus , from break of day till ten of the clock , were taken , and a great multitude of the enemy slain , six Castles well fortified were taken by their sudden coming ; and more burnt ; when they had done this Cicero encamped at the foot of the Amanus , at the altars of Alexander , by the river Issus , in which place Darius was overcome by Alexander , there he spent four dayes , in destroying the reliques of Amanus , that belonged to his Province , and in wasting the Country : and for the obtaining of so just a victory , he was called by the army Imperator , or Captain General : and so having spoiled and wasted Amanus on the sixth day he departed from Amanus . [ Ibid. cum . lib. 2. epist. 20. lib. 5 , ad Attic. epist. 20. Plutarch in Ciceron . ] In the mean time Bibulus coming to Amanus , he began to look for a lawrel in a mustard tree , and gape after the vain name of Captain General ; but he had a great losse , for he wholy lost his prime Cohort , and a Centurion of the Vauntguard , a Noble man , one Asinius De●to , a kinseman of his own , and all the rest of the same Cohort : and Sextus Lucilius , a Colonel ( the son of T. Gravius Coepio , a rich and renowned man ) [ lib. 5. ad Attic. epist. 20. ] Cicero brought his army to the most dangerous part of Cilicia , which was inhabited by the Eleuthero-ciles , cruel and fierce men , and who were provided of all things for defence ; who seeing they never had obeyed their Kings , entertained at this time fugitives , and were dayly in expectation of the coming of the Parthians : he set upon Pindenissa , a Town of theirs , that was seated in a steep and well fortified place , the 57. day before the Saturnalia , ( the XII . Kalend of November , on the first of the Julian July ) he compassed it about with a Rampart and a Trench ; and kept them in with six Castles , and very great Brigades : he assaulted it with a Mount , Engines and a most high Tower : he made use of many archers , and great store of Engines for battery : as Cicero himself signifieth in an epistle to M. Caelius Rufus chosen Edile , which was written on the 25. day of the siege ( the 25. of August ) [ lib. 2. ad familiar . epist. 10. ] and also in his letters to M. Cato , [ lib. 25. epist. 4. ] and to Pomponius Atticus . [ lib. 5. epist. 20. ] all written after the taking of the City . With great pains and preparation , Year of the World 3954. a. but without any nouble or charge of the Allyes , many of his men being wounded , but the army safe , Cicero made an end of this businesse . Upon the very day of the Saturnalia ( the XIIII . Kalend of January , or the 26. day of the Julian September ) the Pindenissenses by main force were at his mercy ; all the City being either beaten down , or burnt : he granted the whole spoile of it to his Souldiers , except the Horses ; the slaves were sold on the third day of the Saturnalia . He took hostages from the Tibareni , who were next neighbours to the Pindenessenses , and alike wicked and audacious as they . After this he sent his army to their winter quarters ; over which he set his brother Quintus , that the army should be quartered in those places that were taken from the enemy , or that were not well quieted . [ Ibid. ] And so he having setled his affairs for the Summer , appointed his brother Quintus to command in the Winter Quarters , and over Cilicia , [ lib. 5. ad Attic. epist. 21. ] and as he intended the Summer moneths to prosecute the war , so the winter moneths to sit in judgement . [ Ibid. epist. 14. ] Publius Lentulus Spinther triumphed at Rome for Cilicia , as is gathered out of the Epist. [ ad Attic. lib. 5. epist. 21. compared with lib. 1. ad familiar . epist. 9. ] The son of Orodes the King of the Parthians , came into Cyrrhestica , a Country of Cilicia , in which also the Parthians wintered . [ lib. 5. ad Attic. epist. 21. & lib. 6. epist. 1. ] Cicero sent Q. Volusius , a trusty man , and wonderful free from bribery , into Cyprus , to tarry there a few dayes ; that those few Roman Citizens , which had businesse to do there , should not say they had not right done them : for it was not fit that the Cypriots should be called to judgement out of their own Island . [ lib. 5. ad Attic. epist. 21. ] Cicero being entertained in the Cities of Cilicia with great admiration , on the Nones of January ( or the 13 , day of the Julian October ) went from Tarsus into Asia : Wherefore passing over Taurus , in the sixth moneth of his command , which way soever he went , he brought it so to passe , that without any violence , without any reproch , but onely by his authority and advice , the Grecian and Roman Citizens , who had kept in their corn , did promise great store to the people , for the easing of the famine , ( which raged much in that part of Asia , seeing there was no harvest . ) [ Ibid. ] Dejotarus , whose daughter was betroathed to the son of Artavasdes ( the King of Armenia ) whose aids Cicero had made great use of , came to Laodicea , to live with the young Cicero's ; and brought him news , that Orodes intended to come into those parts , with all the Parthian forces at the beginning of Summer . [ lib. 5. ad Attic. epist. 20 , 21. cum lib. 6. epist. 1. ] At Laodicea , from the Ides of February , ( the 29 day of the Julian November ) to the Kalends of May ( the 26 day of the Julian February ) Cicero kept Court for that part of Asia that belonged to him , from the Ides of February , for Cibara , and Apamea : from the Ides of March , for Synnada and Pamphilia . Many Cities were freed from their debts , and many were very much eased : all of them using their own laws and judgments , having obtained liberty to do so , were greatly revived . [ lib. 5. ad Attic. epist. 21. lib. 6. epist. 2. ] At Rome there were processions decreed by the Senate , Year of the World b. for Cicero , The Julian Period . 4664 because he had conquered in Cilicia ; Year before Christ 50 L. Emilius Paulus , and C. Claudius Marcelius being Consuls . [ lib. 2. ad familiar . epist. 11. lib. 8. epist. 11. lib. 13. epist. 5 , 6 , 13. & lib. 7. ad Attic. epist. 1. ] C. Cassius , who had been M. Crassus his Treasurer , being about to depart , after the Parthian war out of Syria , commended M. Fabius to Cicero , then being at Laodicea , [ lib. 9. ad familiar . epist. 25. & lib. 15. epist. 14. ] to whom Cicero wro●e back , congratulates him both for the greatnesse of the actions that he had done , and also for the opportunity of the time , because that he was to depart out of the Province with great favour , and commendation of the Province : he adviseth him to make hast to Rome , where by reason of his late great victory , he tells him that his coming will be very famous . Cicero commended to Quintus The●mus , the Praetor of Asia , his Lieutenant M. Anneius , whose wisdom , virtue , and fidelity he had tried in the war against the Cilices , who was to go for the deciding of a controversie he had with the Sardinians : and desired him that he might be sent back before the Kalends of May , at which time he intended to go into Cilicia . [ lib. 13. ad Familiar . epist. 55. 57. ] P. Cornelius Dolabella , who a little after was married to Tullia , the daughter of Cicero , accused both of treason and bribery for his office , Appius Claudius Pulcher , when he was demanding a Triumph at Rome , for the good service he had done in Cilicia ; and as soon as Dolabella came before the Tribunal , Appius entred into the City , but laid aside the demand of a Triumph : at langth Q. Hortensius , and M. B●utus defending him , he was quitted from each crime . [ lib. 8. ad Familiar . epist. 13 , 16. lib. 3. epist. 10. 11 , 12 , lib. 6 , ad Attic. epist. 6. & lib. de claris Oratoribus . ] The Horsemen that were left by Gabinius in Italy , killed two sons of M. Bibulus , the Proconsul of great towardlinesse . [ Caesar. lib. 3. de . Bell. Civil . Valer. Maxim. lib. 4. cap. 1. ] Cleopatra the Queen sent the murderers in bonds to Bibulus , that he might punish the murderers at his own pleasure : but he presently sent them back to Cleopatra , without any hurt done them : saying , That the authority of punishing them belonged to the Senate , and not to him . [ Valer. ibid. Seneca ad Marcian . ] Cicero thought of going into Cilicia , on the Nones of May , [ lib. 2. ad Familiar . epist. 13. & lib. 6. ad Attic. epist. 2. ] but he came not to Tarsus before the Nones of June , ( the second day of the Julian April . ) There many things troubled him : a great War in Syria , and great robberies in Cilicia . [ lib. 6. ad Attic. epist. 4. ] Going from thence , when he was incamped by the river Pyramus , Q. Servilius sent him letters from Tarsus , which were written from Appius Claudius Pulcher , dated at Rome the Nones of April ( the first day of the Julian February ) in which he signified that he was quit of Treason . [ lib. 3. ad Familiar . epist. 11. ] When Syria was in a flame with the Parthian war , and there was great fear at Antioch , and Bibulus , for all his great sorrow , ( for the murder of his sons ) took all the care of the war ; although there was great hopes in Cicero and in his army : yet it is reported that Bibulus should say , That he had rather suffer any thing , than seem to have need of the help of Cicero : and whereas he wrote to Thermus , the Praetor of Asia , concerning the Parthian war ; yet he never wrote to Cicero : although he knew that the greatest part of the danger of the war belonged to him . Notwithstanding , his Lieutenants sent letters to Cicero , that he should come to their aide . [ lib. 2. ad Familiar . epist. 17. & lib. 6. ad Attic. epist. 5. ] And indeed Cicero had but a weak army of his own , yet he had good Auxiliaries of the Galatians , Pisidians and Lycians : yet he thought it his duty , to have his army , as near as he could to the enemy , as long as he should command in that Province according to the decree of the Senate : and whereas the term of his charge that lasted but a year , was almost out ; he agreed with Dejotarus , that the King should be in his Camp with all his forces , [ lib. 6. ad Attic. epist. 1. & 5. ] concerning whom Cicero saith , in the XI . Philippick , I and Bibulus were both Captains General , in near and neighbour Provinces ; we were both oft helped by that King , with Horse and Foot. The Parthians kept Bibulus besieged , Year of the World c. [ Caesar. in Bell. Civil . lib. 2. ] who kept himself within a Town extreamly well fortified , and full of men , as long as the Parthians were in the Province , [ Cicero , lib. 12. ad familiar . epist. 19. ] and never set foot out of the Town , as long as the Parthians were on this side the Euphrates . [ lib. 6. ad Attic. epist. 8. & lib. 7. epist. 2. ] But the Parthians left Bibulus but half alive , [ lib. 7. ad Attic. epist. 2. ] by an incredible felicity departing out of Syria . [ Ibid. lib. 6. epist. 6. lib. 7. epist. 1. & lib. 2. ad familiar . epist. 17. ] For Bibulus had set the Parthians one against another ; for having entred into friendship with Ornodophantes , a Noble man , who was an enemy to Orodes , he perswaded him by messengers that went between them , that he should make Pacorus King , and that by his aide he should make war upon Orodes . [ Dio. lib. 40. ] Bibulus in his letter he wrote to the Senate , concerning the things that he had done , that that he and Cicero had done together , he attributes to himself alone , that that Cicero had done alone , that he ascribes unto himself ; but that that he himself had done alone , that he makes common between them : as Cicero complains in an epistle that he wrote to Salust his Treasurer . [ lib. 2. ad . familiar . epist. 17. ] where also he notes as a mark of a poor , malicious , jejune , and vain spirit , that he stiled not Ariobarzanes King , but the son of King Ariobarzanes , ( whom the Senate it self called King , and commended him to Cicero ) and when as he that had done no great matter , endeavoured to obtain a Triumph , Cicero also thought it would be a disgrace to him , not to obtain the same ; seeing Bibulus his army had their hopes in Cicero's army : he also by the advise of his friends , began to think of a Triumph . [ lib. 6. ad Attic. epist. 7 , 8. lib. 7. epist. 2 , ] The fear of the Parthians being now removed , Cicero withdrew all Garrisons , which were good and strong , that he had provided for Apamea and other places . [ lib. 2. ad familiar . epist. 17. ] Whereas about the III. Kalend of August ( the 26. day of the Julian May ) the term of his office , which was to last but a year , was almost at an end , and some body was to be left by him at his departure , who should command according to the decree of the Senate ; Cicero preferred to the government of the Province , which was now freed from the fear of the Parthian war , C. Caelius Caldus , who was newly sent to him from Rome to be his Treasurer , ( in the room of C● . Volusius ) a Noble young Gentleman indeed , but one that wanted both gravity and continence . [ lib. 2. ad . familiar . epist. 15. & 19. cum lib. 6. Attic. epist. 4. & 6. ] The III. Nones of August , ( the 29. day of the Julian May ) his annual commands being now ended , he went by ship to Sida , a City of Pamphilia . [ lib. 3. ad familiar . epist. 12. ] From thence he went to Laodice , the utmost bound of the Province : and there he commanded his Treasurer Messinius to stay for him , that he might leave his accounts according to the Julian Law , in the Province , in the two Cities of Laodicea and Apamea . [ lib. 6. ad Attic. epist. 7. cum lib. 2. ad familiar . epist. 7. & lib. 5. epist. 20. ] but of the prey ( of the Mount Amanus ) he touched not a penny , but left it wholly , as also of his yearly stipend , which was designed unto him , to the value of a 1000 ; Sestertia ( his Cohort grumbling at it , who thought it ought to be distributed among them ) to the Treasury ; taking security also of all the publick mony at Laodicea ; that it might be safely returned to him and the people , without any danger of carriage . [ lib. 7 , ad Attic. epist. 1. lib. 2. ad familiar . epist. 17. ] The Senate decreed a very large procession of 20 dayes , by the perswasion of Cato , to M. Bibulus , as soon as they had received his letters : [ lib. 7. ad Attic. epist. 2. & 3. ] But the Legions which the Senate had decreed , should be sent into Syria , by Marius ( who was to succeed Salust in the Treasures office there ) were deteined : the Province being now freed from the fear of the Parthian war. [ lib. 2. ad familiar . epist. 17. ] But there was a Decree of the Senate made , that there should be sent to Bibulus for the Parthian war , one Legion from Cn. Pompey , and another from Julius Caesar. Pompey , of those Legions that he had with him , granted none ; but yet he commanded them that were Commissioners in that businesse , that they should demand that Legion from Caesar , that he had lent Caesar. Caesar , although he made no doubt but that his adversaries intended that he should be left without any Legions , sent back to Pompey his Legion : and also gave another out of his one number , that he might satisfie the Decree of the Senate : therefore these two Legions were furnished , as though they were to be sent against the Parthians : but seeing there was no use of them for that war , the Consul Marcellus fearing they should be again restored to Caesar , kept them in Italy , and gave them to Pompey . To what purpose these things tended , although Caesar knew well enough , yet he determined to suffer all things , because he saw here was offered him no absurd pretence of keeping those Legions by him that he had already , and of raising more . [ Caesar. commentarior . de Bell. Civil . lib. 1. Hirtius , de Bell. Gallio , lib , 8 , Plutarch in Pompeio . & Dio , sub fine , lib. 40. ] Cicero perswaded Q. Thermus the Praetor , who was to depart out of Asia , that he would leave a noble young Gentleman , his Treasurer , Governour of that Province , ( which was C. Antonius ; as Pighius shews in his Annals , Tom. 3. pag. 431. ) [ lib. 2. ad familiar . epist. 18. ] Cicero laid up with the Publicans at Ephesus , all the mony which lawfully came to his share , which was , 22000 Sestertiums . [ lib. 5. ad familiar . epist. 20. ] and being very much hindred by the Easterly winds , on the Kalends of October ( the 25 of the Julian July ) he sailed from Ephesus , [ lib. 6. ad , Attic. epist. 8. ] and landed at Rhodes , [ Plutarch in Cicerone . ] for they young Cicero's sake , [ lib. 6. ad Attic. epist. 7. cum lib. 2 , ad familiar . epist. 17. ] and there he heard of Hortensius his death . [ initio Bruts , sive , de claris oratoribus . ] Cicero , the winds being against him , the day before the Ides of October , ( the seventh day of the Julian August ) came to Athens . [ lib. 14. ad familiar . epist. 5. lib. 6. ad Attic. epist. 9. ] The motions of the civil war between Caesar and Pompey approaching , the Sun , a little after his rising , on the 21 day of the Julian August , was ecclipsed almost two parts , to which it may seem that that of Petronius , concerning the Prognosticks of this war is to be referred . — namque or●cruento Deformis Titan vultus caligine texit . Civiles acies jam tum spirare putares . For bloudy Sol appear'd with visage like to death , thou 'dst think th'civils wars just then began to breath . Bibulus departed out of Asia , as Cicero shews in the eighth epistle of the seventh book to Atticus , dated the V. Ides of December ; or the first day of the Julian October . On the Kalends of January , ( falling on the 22 day of October ) on which C. Claudius Marcellus , and L. Cornelius entred upon the Consulship : there was a Decree of the Senate made , That Caesar should dismisse his army before a certain day , and if he did not , that he should seem to do it against the Common-wealth ; against which Decree , when as M. Antonius , and Q. Cassius , the Tribunes of the people , had in vain interceded ; it was made the beginning of the civil war between Caesar and Pompey [ Caesar , commentar . lib. 1. de Bell. civil . Cicero . in Philippic . 2. Vellei . Patercul . lib. 2. cap. 9. Dio. lib. 41 , init . ] The day before the Nones of January , ( the 25 of October ) Cicero came to the City ; where was given him such a mutiny , that nothing could be more honourable : but it fell upon the very flame of the civil discord , or war rather . [ lib. 16. ad familiar . epist. 11. ] but he entred not the City . A full Senate amid these troubles , earnestly demanding a Triumph for him : which Lentulus the Consul , that he might make his courtesie seem the greater , deferred . [ Ibid. cum lib. 7. epist. 1. ad Attic. ] And whereas the Senate decreed a Triumph for him ; he said , he had rather , if there were a peace concluded , follow Caesars Chariot . [ Plutarch in Cicerone . ] but the discord increasing , not only deferred , but clean took away both his and Bibulus his Triumph also . [ Vid. lib. 9. ad Attic. epist. 2. & lib. 11. epist. 6. ] On the VII . Ides of January , ( the 28 day of October ) there was a Decree of the Senate made , That the Consuls , Praetors , Tribunes of the people , and all Proconsuls that were in the City , ( amongst whom Cicero was one ) should do their indeavour , that the Common-wealth should receive no damage ; and immediately the Tribunes of the people , who had interceded against that decree of the Senate , fled out of the City , and went unto Caesar. [ Caesar , comment . Bel. Civ . l. 1. Cicero , ad familiar . l. 16. ep . 11. Dio. l. 41. ] In the next day , the Senate being called without the City , Pompey also being present , Provinces were decreed for private men : two of them were for the Consuls , the rest the Praetors had . Syria fell to Scipios share . [ Caesar , ut supra . ] This was Metellus Scipio , who had married his daughter Cornelia , the widow of Publius Crassus , who was slain by the Parthians , to Pompey this year , ( that is two years before he was put to death ) and had been his Colleague three years before in the Consulship : [ Plutarch in Pompeio . Dio. lib. 40. ] but that Sextius , or Sestius , succeeded Cicero in the Province of Cilicia , is gathered out of lib. 5. ad familiar . epist. 20. compared with lib. 11. ad Attic. epist. 7. and that Sextilius Rusus was sent the first Quaestor , with pretorian authority into Cyprus , which was henceforward separated from Cilicia , is gathered out of lib. 13. ad familiar . epist. 481. and that the three governments of Asia ( Cibyra , Synnada and Apemea ) were taken from the Province of Cilicia , and were given to the new Proconsul of Asia , P. Servilius Sigonius gathers out of the 67. epistle of the same book . [ de antiquo jure provinciarum lib. 1. cap. 11. ] On the same day , the VIII . Kalend of March , ( the 11. of the Julian December ) on which the Feralia were celebrated , ( as we may see in the inscriptions of Gruterus , pag. CXXXIII . ) Caesar came from Corsinium to Brundusium after noon , and Pompey from Canusium in the morning , [ lib. 8. ad Attic. epist. 22. & lib. 9. epist. 2. ] when Autumne was already past . [ Dio. lib. 41. ] Pompey sent his father in law Scipio , and his son Cneus , from Brundusium into Syria , to provide a fleet . [ Plutarch in Pomp. ] concerning whom Cicero , in the first epistle of the ninth book , [ ad Atticum ] written the day before the Nones of March , ( the 23. of the Julian December ) Scipio goeth into Syria , either according as his lot fell , or for the honour of his son in law , or flyeth an angery Caesar. The VII Ides of March ( the 26 of Decemcer ) Caesar came to Brundusium , and encamped before the walls ; as himself shews in an epistle to Oppius , and Cornelius Balbus . [ lib. 9. ad Attic. epist. 16. ] On the XVI Kalends of Aprill , ( as it is in the 10 epistle of the 9 book ad Atticum : not the IIII Kalends of March : as it is in Lipsius in the 31 epistle of the century to the Germans and Frenchmen ) on which the Liberalia were celebrated , ( as appeares in the marble records in Gruters inscriptions , pag , CXXXIII ) which there fell upon the 3 day of the Julian January , Pompey went from Brundusium with all the forces that he had , to Epirus , on which very day of the Liberalia , or Dionysia , his sonnes were overcome in Spain at the battle of Munda , four yeares after that their father was said to go to the war , [ Plutarch . in Caesare , ] to wit , on the same day on which Pompey the father , leaving Italy , made the seat of the war in Graece ; not on which he fled from the city to make war , as by a mistake it is written by Orosius , [ lib. 6. cap. 16. ] The next day Caesar entred Brundusium : and there made an oration , and so marched towards Rome ; being willing to be at the city before the Kalends , [ lib , 9. ad Attic. epist. 18. ] From thence Caesar dismissed Aristobulus into his own countrey of Palestine , that he might do something against Pompey . [ Dio. lib , 41. ] Josephus relates that he sent Aristobulus having freed him from prison into Syria ; giving him also two legions , that he might the more easily keep the province in order , yet both of them were frustrated of their hopes , Aristobulus being poysened by the Pompeians , and buried by the Caesarians . [ Joseph . lib , 1. bell . cap. 7. & lib. 14 , Antiquit. cap. 13. ] Alexander also the son of Aristobulus , was beheaded at Antioch by Scipio , according to Pompeys letters , being first publickly accused of what he had done against the Romans : but Ptolemei Mennaeus the governour of Chalcis , which is seated in mount Libanus , having sent his son Philippio to Ascalon to the wife of Aristobulus ; sent for her son Antigonus and her two daughters ; the youngest of which named Alexandra Philippio fell in love with and married . [ Id. ibid. ] Pompey having gotten a yeares time to provide forces in ( which free from war , and at idlenesse from any enemy ) gathered together a great fleet out of Asia , and the Islands Cyclades , Corcyra , Athens , Pontus , Bithynia , Syria , Cilicia , Phoenice , and Egypt : and took care that a great navy should be built in all places , he exacted also great sums of moneys from Asia , Syria , and all Kings , Governour , Tetrarchs and the free people of Achaia , he compelled also the societies of those provinces which fell to his share , to pay unto him great sums of money . [ Caesar. bell . civill . lib. 3. ] It is reported that 60 ships sent him out of Egypt from Cleopatra , and Ptolomei who was then but a child King and Queen of Egypt , he had also auxiliaries out of Ionia , archers out of Crete , darters out of Pontus , and horsemen out of Galatia : Commagenians were sent from Antiochus , Cilicians and Cappadocians , and some from Armenia the lesse , Pamphilians also and Pisidians , came to him . [ Appian . bel . civil . lib. 2. pag. 458. & 472. ] M. Cato being sent into Asia by Pompey , to be an help to them that gathered the fleet and souldiers together , carried along with him his sister Servilia , and a son that Lucullus had by her : where whenas he had made the Rhodians to be of Pompeys party , he left Servilia and her son with them , and returned to Pompey , who was well furnished , very strongly both with land and sea forces . [ Plutarch in Catone minore . ] and he had an intention to set the whole world in an uprore both by sea and land , to stir up barbarous Kings , and to bring cruell nations being armed into Italy . [ Cicero . ad Attic. lib. 8 , epist. 11. ] Pompey also went about to draw to his party , Orodes himself the King of the Parthians , although after the death of the Crassi , he was accounted amongst the enemies . Orodes promised him his assistance , if Syria might be granted unto him ; but he not obteining Syria , he brought no forces . [ Dio. lib. 41. ] although otherwise the Parthiwere of Pompeys party : both by reason of the friendship they had contracted in the Mithridatick war , and also for the death of Crassus , whose son they heard was of Caesars side ; whom they doubted . not , would revenge his fathers death if Caesar got the conquest . [ Justin , lib. 42. cap. 4. ] Pompey made use of a great fleet which he had provided from Alexandria , Colchis , Tyre , Sidon , Andros , ( or rather Arados ) Cyprus , Pamphilia , Lycia , Rodes , Byzantium , Lesbos , Smyrna , Miletum , Coos , to intercept provisions from Italy , and to seize upon the provinces from whence the corn came . [ Cicero , ad Attic. lib. 9. epist. 11. ] Pompey's son was Admiral of the Egyptian fleet ; of the Asiastick , D. Laebius and C. Triarius ; of the Syriack C. Cassius ; of the Rhodian , C , Marcellus , with C. Pomponius , of the light ships , and the Achian fleet , Scribonius Libo , and M. Octavius , but over the whole businesse at sea , M. Bibulus was set and commanded all , for he was chief Admiral . [ Caesar. Bell. Civil . lib. 3. ] Julius Caesar being created Dictator after eleven dayes , Year of the World 3956. a. himself and Servilius , Isauricus , being declared Consuls , resigned up his Dictatourship . [ Caesar init . commentar . lib. 3. Bell. Civil . Plutarch in Caesar. & Appian . lib. 2. Bell. Civil . pag. 457. ] From this first Dictatorship of Caesar , the Macedonians of Syria began their account of the time of the Caesars , ( of which there is mention made in an old stone , in the inscrip . of Gruter . pag. CCLXXVII . 3. ) deduced from the 24. day of the Julian September , ( on which we have shewed in another place , that the Solar year of the Macedonians began . ) from which day , not onely the Macedonian , but also the Roman Emperours began their Indictions , or the circle of 15. years : and the Antiochians their account , ( which being divided by 15. alwayes sheweth the Indictions of the Emperonrs ) although the form of the year being afterwards changed , and the Macedonian moneth conformed to the Italian , the Antiochians refer the beginning of their account , and the rest of the Eastern people , the beginning of their Indictions , to the beginning of their new year , and have brought it from the 24 of September , to the Kalends of September : but whatsoever is said concerning the original of the Indictions , ( which they commonly refer to the times of Constantine ) it ought to be without controversie , that the head of the Antiochian account is to be fetched from the September of the year of the Julian Period , 4665. In the end of the year in which Marcellus and Lentulus were Consuls , Pompey being made General of the Romans , and the Senate which were in Ephesus with him , bestowed honours on Kings , and people that had deserved well of them , as Lucan speaks in his fifth book . — pelagique potens Phoebeia donis Exornata Rhodos , gelidique inculta juventus Taygetis : fama veteres laudantur Athenae ; Massiliaeque suae donatur libera Phocis . Tunc Sadalen fortemque Cotyn , fidumque per arma Dejotarum , & gelidae dominum Rhasipolin orae Collaudant : Libyamque jubent auctore Senatu Sceptifero parere Jubae . Phoebus sea-powerful Rhodes rewarded was , And Spartans rough , prais'd were th' Athenians Phocis made free whither Massylians : Faithfull Dejotarus , young Sadalis , The valiant Cotys and Rhasipolis Of Macedon were prais'd : Juba to thee The Senate gives all Libya by decree . And after the same manner he avers , that the kingdom of Egypt was at this time confirmed upon Ptolomy , being but then a lad : whither are to be referred those words of Pothinus the Governour of Ptolomy , concerning Pompey , in the same Authour in the eighth book . — quod nobis sceptra Senatus Te suadente dedit . — The Senate gave to mee The Scepter , when perswaded to 't by thee . About the Winter Solstice , Caesar sent messengers to the army , that they should meet him at Brundusium : he himself departed from Rome ; in the moneth of December , not expecting the next Kalends of the beginning year , in respect of his office : thus Appian , [ lib. 2. pag. 458. Bell. Civil . ] supposing that at that time there was the same account of the Roman year , as was in his own time . Whereas the Kalends of January , on which Caesar was to begin his second Consulship , answered to the 11 day of the Julian October . With the like errour Florus affirms , [ lib. 4. cap. 2. ] that Caesar took shipping to go to the war , although it were in the middest of Winter : and likewise Plutarch in Pompeio writes , that Caesar came to Brundusium , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and in Caesar , that he departed from thence , in the time of the Winter Solstice , in the beginning of the moneth January , which he saith answereth to the Athenian Posideon : and indeed Caesar himself in the third book of his Commentaries of the civil war , confirmeth , That he set sail on the day before the Nones of January with seven Legions , and the day after landed at the Ceraunia ; but that was not the Julian January , on which in the time of Plutarch the Athenian Posideon fell , but which the ●alse account of the Roman year did then use : whereas the Nones of that moneth ( on which Caesar landed at the Ceraunia ) answered to the 15 day of the Julian October : and that Winter was approaching , and that thereupon Pompey marched out of Epirus into his winter quarters to Apollonia and Dyrrachium , Caesar himself shewes also afterwards : but by no means that it was Winter , that is , the height of Winter . Pompey , having provided great store of corn out of Thessalia , Asia , Egypt , Crete , Cyrenia , and other Countries , he intended to winter in Dyrrachium , Apollonia , and in all the sea Towns , that he might hinder Caesar from passing the sea ( although it was all in vain . ) [ Caesar. Bell. civil . lib. 3. ] Scipio●● Governour of Syria , the father in law of Pompey , having received some losse about the Mountain Amahus , declared himself Captain General : which having done , he laid great sums of money upon the Cities and the Tyrants , and also from the Publicans of the province he exacted the tribute of two years ; and borrowed of them also the money of the following year , and commanded the whole province to provide him Horsemen . All which Forces being gathered together , having left the Parthians who were bordering enemies behind him , he with his Legions and Horsemen marched out of Syria : and when as there was heard some mutterings of the souldiers , that they would go against an enemy , but not against the Consul , and their fellow Citizens , he brought the Legions to their winter quarters into the richest Cities , as Pergamus , and gave huge bribes , and to confirm the souldiers to him , he gave them the plundering of the Cities , [ id . ibid. ] In the mean time , the money that was laid upon the Cities , was most cruelly exacted : and moreover many things were generally for covetousnesse ; pole-money was laid both upon bond and free : money was also demanded for making of pillars and doors , for souldiers and mariners , for armes and engins , and carriages : and if any thing could be found out that had a name , this was sufficient for the gathering of money . There were Governours with command appointed , not over Cities and Castles , but also Villages ; and he that did any thing most outragiously and cruelly , he was accounted the Man , and the best Citizen . The province was full of Lictors and Commanders , and was stuffed with petty Governours and Exactours : who besides the monies that were commanded , served also their own private gain ; they said , That they were expelled from their own houses and country , and that they wanted all things necessary , that they might cover their businesse with some honest pretence . To these exactions were added also great usuries , ( which for the most part happen in war ) in which things they said , that the prolonging of a day was giving them as much : whereupon the debt of all the province was much multiplied in these two years ; and no lesse were monies exacted for this cause upon the Roman Citizens of the province , but upon all guilds , and every and each city was certain monies exacted : and they told them that they borrowed these monies by the decree of the Senate , [ Ibid. ] Moreover at Ephesus , Scipio commanded the money that of a long time had been laid up there , to be taken from the Temple of Diana : but when he came into the Temple , having also many of the Senatours with him whom he had called together for that purpose , he received letters from Pompey , that Caesar had crossed the sea with the Legions ; and he should with all speed make haste to him with the army , and set all things else aside . As soon as he had received these letters , he dismisseth them that he had called unto him , and begins himself to prepare for his march into Macedonia , and a few dayes after he went ; and this businesse saved the money at Ephesus , [ Ibid. ] In the mean time , Pompey had in his army besides the Roman and Italian Legions , and two which Lentulus the Consul had caused to be raised , and archers out of Crete , Lacedemon , Pontus , Syria , and other cities , to the number of 3000 of slingers , six coho●●s , two of mercenaries , 7000 horsemen , of which horsemen Dejotarus brought 500 Galatians , Ariobarzanes 500 out of Cappadocia ; 500 French and Germans , which Gabinius had left at Alexandria for a guard for King Ptolemei , and the son Pompey had brought with the Fleet. Tarcundarius , Castor , and Donilaus , sent out of Gallogrecia 300. one of them came along himself , the other sent his son . Antiochus the Commagenian on whom Pompey had bestowed great rewards , sent 200. among which were many archers on horseback , and with Scipio were expected two Legions that should come out of Syria , [ Id. ibid. ] After the coming of Caesar into Epirus , there were many moneths passed , and winter came on apace ; neither were the ships nor legions that were left at Brundusium , come unto Caesar : but there M. Antonius , and Fusius Calenus , having gotten a fair South wind , hoysed sail , and brought with them three Legions of old souldiers , and one newly raised , and also 800 horsemen unto Caesar : whose passage , whenas Q. Coponius , who commanded the Rhodian Fleet at Dyr●achium , strived to hinder , a tempest arising so troubled the Fleet , that all of them to the number of 16 except one , were beaten one against another and perished by shipwrack ; and a great part of the mariners and souldiers were dashed against the rocks and killed ; part were dispersed by the Caesarians , whom Caesar saved and sent home again , [ Id. ibid. ] In Egypt , the lad Ptolemei by his kindred and friends , expelled out of the kingdom Cleopatra , his wife and sister , [ Caesar. lib. 3. Bell. civil . Livy , lib. 111. ] — habens subjure Pothini Affectus ensesque suos : But all his power will and affections be Under Pothinus Girdle — as it is in Lucan , [ lib. 10. ] where we read Cleopatra complaining : for as Strabo declares how she was ejected by the friends of the lad , who had raised a sedition : So particularly this businesse is attributed by Plutarch in Caesare , to Pothinus : there was then in the Praetorship of the kingdom , an Eunuch that was his governour , by name Pothinus , ( as it is read in Caesar ) the which also is called by the Greek Writers Potheinus by a truer name . Cleopatra being thus ejected , departed into Syria with her sister , [ Strabo , lib. 17. pag. 796. ] that she might there provide her self of an army , [ Appian . lib. 2. bell . civil . pag. 480. ] Pharnaces , the son of Mithridates King of Pontus , and King of Bosphorus Cimmerius , when he heard that this civil war was begun amongst the Romans ( which he hoped would continue long ) and that Caesar was not near at hand , out of a desire of regaining all his fathers former possessions , revolted from the Romans ; and having committed the government and defence of Bosphorus to Asandrus , he reduced into his power without any resistance considerable , Colchis , and all Armenia , together with the kingdom of Moschis ( in which Strabo notes that he spoiled the Temple of Leucothea in lib. 11. pag. 498. ) and Dejotarus being absent , he laid to these some Cities of Cappadocia and Pontus , which belonged to the jurisdiction of Bithynia , [ Dio. lib. 42. ] and having also taken Sinope , he made for Amisus ; but at that time failed of it , [ Appian . in Mithridatic . pag. 254. ] Pompey sent his wife Cornelia privily into the Isle of Lesbo● , that she should live quietly at Mitylena free from all troubles of the wars , [ Lucan , lib. 5. init . ] with whom also Plutarch in Pompeio , and Dio. lib. 42. relate , that her son in law Sextius , the younger son of Pompey , was sent thither also : when Lucan saith notwithstanding that he tarried in the camp with his father , [ lib. 6. fin . ] L. Hirtius ( otherwise Hirrius ) being sent Embassadour to the Parthians ( as in understood out of the Commentaries of Caesar , lib. 3. bell . civil . ) not onely obtained not any aid from Orodes , but was cast into prison by him , against the law of Nations , [ Dio. lib. 42. ] namely because Syria was denied him : as hath been above said out of the same [ Dio. lib. 41. ] Pompey having been besieged four moneths together with huge Works , at Dyrrhachium , was as last utterly overthrown in the battle of Pharsalia , [ Sueton in Julio Caesare , cap. 35. ] At what time Caesar came into Thessaly , ( when the battle was fought at Palaeopharsalum ) and a few dayes after Pompey came likewise , when the corn was even ripe , as Caesar himself witnesseth , [ lib. 3. bell . civil . ] Appian also confirmeth , that at the instant that the fight was , it was the Caesari●s 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , [ Bell. civil . lib. 2. ] that it was full Summer , and very hot weather , if we believe Plutarch , [ in M. Bruto . ] On the same day that the Pharsalian fight was , there was twice at Antiochia heard such a shouting of an army , such sounding of alarms , such rattling of armes , that the whole city run up to the wall in their armes ; the same thing happened at Ptolemais , from the vestry of the temple of Bacchus at Pergamus , whither it was lawful for the Priests only to go , there was a great noyse of drums and cymbals first began , and went through all the city ; also at Tralles , in the Temple of victory , where they had consecrated a statue of Caesars , a green palm tree was shewen in the root , which sprung out of the pavement between the joyning together of the stones , to the Syrians also appeared two young men that declared the errand of the battle , and were never seen after . [ Caesar. bell . civil . lib. 3. Julius Obsequens . de prodigiis Plutarch . in Caesare . Dio. lib. 2. ] In the army of Pompey there were almost all Nations that inhabit round about the sea towards the East , Thracians , Hellespontians , Bythinians , Phrygians , Ionians , Lydians , Pamphilians , Pisidians , Paphlagonians , Cilicians , Syrians , Phoenicians , Hebrews , and their neighbours the Arabians , Cypriots , Rhodians Cretian slingers , and other Islanders , there were also Kings , and Governours , Deiotarus the Tetrarch of the Gallograecians , and Ariarathes the King of the Cappadocians , Taxiles led those Armenians on this side of Euphrates ; Megabates the Lieutenant of King Artasias those beyond Euphrates , other lesser Princes helped also according to their power . [ App. bel . civil . lib , 2. pag. 472. ] and seeing the greatest part of his army consisted of Asiaticks , who were not used to the wars , he was overcome . [ Dio. lib. 41. ] as Petronius also saith . Ille tremor Ponti , saevi quoque terror Hydaspis , Et piratarum scopulus ; modò quem ter ovantem Jupiter horruerat , quem fracto gurgite Pontus , Et veneratus erat submissa Bosphorus unda , ( Proh pudor ! ) Imperii deserto nomine fugit . He who made Pontus and Hydaspes quake , Did quell the Pirates , by his triumph shake Three times great Jove , t' whom Pontus submisse wave And likewise Bosphors their submission gave : To 's shame ! has fled and left th' name Emperour . Caesar , having taken Pompeys cabinet , neither read , nor copied out the Pirates letters , which betraied the good will of some towards him , or their rancour of minds against Caesar , but in good deed presently burnt them all , least out of the letters he should be compelled to be too severe against any man. [ Pliny lib. 6 , 7. cap. 25. fin . Dio. lib. 41. fin . ] he also afterward pardoned the Kings , and people , who had assisted Pompey , not imposing any punishment upon them , but only a pecuniary mulct : for he considered , that indeed he either had none or very small acquaintance with any of them ; whenas Pompey had deserved very much at their hands , and much more commended them , than those , that had received favours from Pompey , and yet had forsaken him in his greatest dangers . [ Dio. ut supra . ] Pompey leaving the camp , fled to Larissa , with very few accompanying him , but entred not the city , although he was invited to it by the citizens ; least the Larissaeans should be punished for receiving him , but after he had bid them to seek the victours friendship , he having received necessaries from them , went towards the sea . [ Dio. lib. 42. ] Caius Cassius came into Cilicia , with a fleet of Syrians , Phoenicians , and Cilicians : and having burnt Caesars ships , after he had heard of the battle that was fought in Thessalia , he departed with his fleet [ id . ibid. ] The Rhodian fleet , over which C. Coponius commanded as Praetour , after the battle of Pharsalia , deserted the Pompeians and returned home . [ Cicero . lib. 1. de divinatione . ] L. Lentulus ( Crus ) who was Consul the former year , and P. Lentulus ( Spinther ) who had been Consul , and others who had followed Pompey from the flight , coming to Rhodes , were not received either in the town or port ; and sending messengers unto them , were commanded against their will to disanchor , and to depart from those places . [ Caesar. bell . civil . lib. 3. ] Caecilius Bassus a man of the order of Knighthood , and of Pompeys party , retired to Tyre ; and he hid himself in that place , wherein Merchants used to trade . [ Dio. lib. 47. & Libo . apud Appian . lib. 3. bel . civil . pag. 576. ] M. Claudius Marcellus , being afraid of Caesar went to Mitylenae : and there lived most happily in the study of good arts , ( as Seneca relates out of Brutus , in his consolation to Albina : ) Cicero in vain perswading him , that he would return from thence to Rome , and demand pardon of Caesar , [ lib. 4. ad familiar . epist. 7. & 8. ] Labienus coming from the Pharsalian flight , brought news of the overthrow of the Pompeian army at Dyrrachium , when M. Ctro was left with 15. Cohorts , and 300. Gallies : whereupon both he and Cicero , and others with them , being suddenly affrighted , took shipping ; and looking back to the Town , saw all their ships of burden on a flame , which the Souldiers had burned , because they would not follow them : but Cato passing into Corcyra , ( an Island seated under Epirus , in the confines of the Ionian and Adriatick sea ) where the fleet was , with those that were of the same opinion : there he took unto him the rest that had fled from the battle of Pharsalia , or otherwise followed that party . From the fight came L. Scipio , the father in law of Pompey , Labienus , Afranius , and many other renowned men : and a little after Octavius also , who keeping the Ionian sea , had taken C. Antonius , joyned himself unto them : also Cneus Pompey , ( the eldest son of Pompey the Great ) who sailing in the Egyptian fleet , had made incursions upon Epirus , his father being overcome , whereas the Egyptians went home , went himself also to Corcyra . This fact of his C. Cassius also , who had vexed Sicly , and others with him imitated , and fled unto Cato , whom they observed to excell others in virtue . [ Cicero , de Divinat . lib. 1. Plutarch in Catone mmore . Appian de Bell. Civil . lib. 2. pag. 482. Dio. lib. 42. ] There Cato resigned the command to Cicero , seeing he was but Praetour , and the other had been Consul ; which when Cicero ( a man as Livy notes in his third book , not bound for the wars ) refused , and would needs leave the wars , he wanted but little of being killed ; for young Pompey , and his friends , calling him traitour , drew their swords at him : but Cato withstood them , and kept him from being slain , and withdrew him from the Camp. [ Plutarch in Catone & Cicerone . ] After this the fleet was divided among Pompeys chiefest friends , and Cassius sailed into Pontus to Pharnaces , with an intent to stir him up against Caesar : and Scipio into Africa , having Varus and his forces with him , and the auxiliaries of Juba the Moor. [ Appian . Bell. Civil . lib. 2. pag. 482. ] Cato himself , conjecturing that Pompey was fled either into Africa , or Egypt , making hast after him , took shipping , and set saile : but yet before he went , he gave leave to all that were not ready to follow him , either of leaving him , or staying with him . [ Plutarch in Catone . ] Lucan in his ninth book , thus describeth his voyage by sea . Corcyrae secreta petit , ac mille carinis Abstulit Emathiae secum fragmenta ruinae . Quis ratibus tantis fugientia crederet ire Agmina ? quis pelagus victas arctasse carinas ? Doridae tunc Malean , & apertam Toenaron umbris . Inde Cythera petit , Broeaque urgente carinas Creta fugit : Dictoea legit , cedentibus undis , Litt●ra : tunc ausum classi praecludere portus Impulit , ac saevas meritum Phycunta rapinas Sparsit . He sailes unto Corcyra's shore , And in a thousand ships carries away The conquer'd remant of Pharsalia . Who would have thought so great a fleet had held All fleeing men ? That conquer'd ships had fill'd The straitned seas ? from thence they saild away To Ghost-field Tenarus , and long Malea , Thence to Cytherus : Boreas blowing faire , Crete flies : and getting a good sea they clear The Cretan coast ; Phycus , that durst deny Their men to land , they sack deservedly . This Phycus is a promontory of the Country of Cyrenae , and a Town , which , as the Poet notes , Cato gave the plunder thereof to his Souldiers ; but leaving here any further discourse of Cato his navigation , let us turn out speech to the way that Pompey the Great took , and of Julius Caesar pursuing him . Caesar having tarried two dayes at Pharsalum , Year of the World d. to offer sacrifices for the victory he had gotten , and to refresh his Souldiers that were tired with the fight , the third day he pursued Pompey , [ Appian . Bell. Civil . lib. 2. pag. 482. ] for he thought it was his best way , setting all other things aside , to pursue Pompey , into whatsoever part of the World he had retired himself from the flight , least he should be forced again to raise new forces , and to renew the war again : wherefore he went every day as far with his Horse as possibly he could , and commanded one Legion to follow after him , by lesser marches , [ Caesar , lib. 3. ] Pompey coming to the sea , rested all night in a fishermans cottage ; and about break of day , he went into a wherry , and taking with him all the freemen , and commanding all the slaves to go to Caesar without any fear , he departed from land , [ Plutarch , in Pompey . ] concerning whom Lucan in lib. 8. Littora contigerat , per quae Peneius amnis Emathia jam clade rubens exibat in aequor . Inde rates trepidum , ventis & fluctibus impar Flumineis vix tuta vadis , evexit in altum . Now to the shore he came where Peneus ran Red with Pharsaliaes slaughter to the main ; There a small Barque unfit for seas , and winds , Scarce safe in shallow'st rivers Pompey finds And goes aboard — But as he went in this boat along the shoar , he saw a ship of great burden under sail ; the Master of it was Peticius a Roman citizen : who knowing Pompey , took him out of the boat into the ship : together with the two Lentuli ( who had been Consuls , whom as we have declared out of Caesar , were excluded fom Rhodes ) and Favonius , ( who had been Praetor ; out of Velleius , lib. 1. cap. 53. ) and all other , as he would himself : and presently after King Dejotarus ( who trusting to the flight of birds , which he thought portended happy successe to him , came to Pompey , as Cicero shews in lib. 1. de Divinat . ) whom they saw posting towards them from land , him they took in also , [ Plutarch , in Pompey . ] There Pompey stood at anchor one night : and calling unto him his friends at Amphipolis , and having received money of them for his necessary expences , and knowing that Caesar was coming after him , he departed from that place , [ Caesar , lib. 3. ] Sailing thus by Amphipolis , within a few dayes he came to shoar at the Isle of Lesbos , [ Caesar , & Plutarch , ut supra . Dio. lib. 42. ] He sent for his wife from Mitylenae to sea , where they bewailed together their hard fortune : then she commanded her stufle to be brought out of the Town , and called her maid-servants to come to her : but Pompey refused to come into the Town of the Mitylenians although they came to salute him and invited him into it ; but advised them to obey the Conquerour , and to be asraid , for Caesar was merciful , and bountiful : then turning to Cratippus the Philosopher ( for he came out of the Town to visit him ) he bewailed his misfortune , and disputed with him some things concerning providence ; the Philosopher affirming , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by reason of the ill government of the Common-wealth , there was need of a Monarchy : and demanding of Pompey , How and by what token can we believe that you would have used your good fortune if you had overcome Caesar better than he ? [ Plutarch . ] Being detained there two dayes by tempest , and taking unto him other light ships , he put all his stuffe into four Gallies , which came from Rhodes and Tyre : and sailing along the coast , even to Cilicia with his wife and friends , kept along the havens that he might take in fresh water and things necessary , [ Caesar , lib. 3. cum Plutarcho , in Pomp. Appian . pag. 479 , 480. & Dio. lib. 42. ] To these we may adde what Lucan saith , lib. 8. Sparsus ab Emathia fugit quicunque procella , Assequitur Magnum : primusque à littore Lesbi Occurrit natus , procerum mox turba fidelis . Nam neque dejecto fat is , acieque fugato Abstulerat Magno reges Fortuna ministros : Terrarum dominos & seeptra Eoa tenentes Exul habet comites , jubet ire in deviamundi Dejotarum , qui sparsa ducis vestigia legit . Sol hid the Stars , and land discovered When those that from Phaisalias battle fled To Pompey came , and first from Lesbos shores He met his son ; then Kings and Senatours : For Pompey yet ( although at that sad time Vanquisht and fled ) had Kings to wait on him ; Proud Sceptered Kings that on the East did reign Attended there in banisht Pompeys Train . Then Pompey , King Dejotarus commands , To go for aids to furthest Eastern Lands . There declaring the instructions , with which Dejotarus was sent to demand aid of the Parthians , ( which notwithstanding he never performed ) the Poet goes on thus describing the navigation of Pompey . — dimisso in lit●ore rege , Ipse per Icar●ae scopulos , Ephesumque relinquens , Et placidi Colophona maris , spumantia parvae Radit saxa Sami : spirat de littore Coe Aura fluens ; Gnidon inde fugit , claramque relinquit Sol Rhodon , magnosque sinus Telmessidos unda Compensat medio pelagi , Pamphylia puppi Occurrit tellus : nec se committere muris Ausus adhuc ullis : te primum parvae Phaselis Magnus adit ; nam te metui vetat incola rarus , Exhaust aeque domus populis ; major que carinae Quàm tua turba fuit . — The King took leave at shore And by the Icarian rocks great Pompey gone Leaves Ephesus and sea-calme Colophon , Shaving small Samos foamy rocks he goes , A gentle gale blows from the shore of Cos : Gnidon and Phoebus-honoured Rhodes he leaves And sailing strait in the mid-ocean saves Telmessus long and winding circuits . First Pamphylia greets their eyes : but Pompey durst Commit his person to no Town but thee Little Phaselis : thy small company And few inhabitants could not cause fear More in thy ships than in thy walls there were . The first Town that Pompey entred , was Attalia of Pisidia : thither some ships came to him out of Cilicia , and some souldiers also , and about 60 of the order of Senatours : and when he heard news , that his Navy was safe , and that Cato was passed into Africa with a strong party of souldiers that he had gathered together out of the flight : then he began to repent that he had joyned battle with Caesar so far from the assistance of his Fleet , but it was too late , [ Plutarch , in Pemp . ] But Lucan relates , that at Selinus in Cilicia , Pompey began to advise with Lentulus who was Consul the year before , and with the rest of the Senatours , about some safe place , whither he might make his retreat , [ lib. 8. ] Out of Cilicia Pompey came into Cyprus , [ Caesar , lib. 3. ] where they who came to offer their service to him at Paphos , confirmed unto him , that Cicero had made a very honourable mention of him , [ Cicero , in Philippica . 2. ] Here he knew that , by the general consent of all the Antiochians and Roman Citizens that traded there , the Castle of Antiochia was already taken , meerely to keep him out , and it was also reported of them , that they had sent messengers to all the neighbour Cities whither any had retired from the flight , that they should not come to Antioch , and if they did , it should be upon perill of their lives : and now there was a report spread about the Cities of Caesars coming ; which when Pompey knew , he set aside his intention of going into Syria , and taking away the money that belonged to the guilds , and also from private persons , and shipping great store of money to defray the charges of the army , and 2000 souldiers well armed ( part whereof he took out of the families of the guilds , and part he forced from the Merchants , and whomsoever any one thought fit for this purpose ) he sailed to Pelusinm , [ Caesar , lib. 3. ] For Theophanes a Lesbian , and other his friends , perswaded him , that setting all other places aside , he should go into Egypt , accounting it not only neer within three days journey , but also rich and powerful , where he might expect aid from the King his pupil ; especially seeing Pompey had restored his father to his kingdom by the aid of Gabinius : and that the son was not ungrateful but had sent ships to Pompey against Caesar , [ Vellei . Patercul . lib. 2. cap. 53. Plutarch , in Pompey . Appian . pag. 480. Dio. lib. 42. ] As soon as that opinion prevailed , Pompey and his wife went into a ship of Seleucis , an set sail from Cyprus ; some in long ships , and others in ships of burden accompanied him , [ Plutarch . ] to which navigation belongs that of Lucan , [ lib. 8. ] Haec ubi deseruit Pompeius littora , totos Emensus Cypri scopulos quibus exit in austrum , Inde maris vasti transfuso vertiturastu : Nec tenuit Casium nocturno lumine montem , Infimaque Aegypti pugnaci littora velo Vix tetigit , qua dividui pars maxima Nili In vada decurrit Pelusia septimus amnis . Pompey departing thence , his course gan bend , Round all the Cyprian Rocks that Southward tend , And got into the interposed main ; Nor by the nights weak light could he attain Mount Casius , but with stiugliug sails and strength , A lower port of Egypt reacht at length , Where parted Nilus greatest channel flows , And to the Ocean at Pelusium goes . Caesar ( that we may returne to what he did in the pursuit of Pompey ) for want of Gallies , passed the Hellespont in small ships , whom being in a ferry boat , Cassius bearing to Pharnaces with ten beaked ships , met in the midst of the passage : neither did Caesar avoide him , but making towards him , advised his adversary to yield , who being astonished at the admirable fortune of Caesar , and supposing that the sailed against him on purpose ; holding his hand to him out of the Gally , humbly demanded pardon of him : and immediately delivered up the fleet to him ; which consisted of 70 ships , ( if we believe Appian ) [ Sueton. in Julio . Caesar. cap. 63. Appian . pag. 482 , 483 , Dio. lib. 42. ] As soon as Caesar came into Asia , he granted the Cuidians liberty , in favour of Theopompus , who had collected the fables . ] [ Plutarch in Caesare , ] He received into favour the Ionians and Aeolians , and other nations , who inhabit the lesser Asia , who demanded pardon of him by their Embassadors ; [ Appian . pag. 483 , ] only demanding mony of them ; which yet he recompensed with another benefit , for he freed Asia from Publicans , which grievously vexed it , and converted part of the customs into a convenient payment of Tribute , [ Dio. lib. 42. ] and remitted the third part of the Tribute to all the inhabitants of Asia . [ Plutarch ut supra . ] T. Ampius having an intent to take away the mony out of the Temple at Ephesus , called the Senatours of that province , that they might be witnesses of what mony he took , but he was fain to fly , being hindred by the coming of Caesar : thus by Caesars means was the mony at Ephesus twice saved . [ Caesar. lib. 3. ] Seeing no body had any thing of certainty to say concerning whither Pompey intended to fly . Caesar taking some part of his voyage alone with M. Brutus , ( who being returned unto him from Pompe's party , he esteemed among his chiefest friends ) he demanded his opinion : and because they could make no certain conjecture of Pompeyes flight , they thought to take the most probable , and setting all others aside , directed their course for Egypt , [ Plutarch in M. Bruto . ] fearing least he being possessed of that Kingdom , should again rally his forces . [ Dio. lib. 42. ] Wherefore he passed to Rhodes , neither did he stay till all his army was come together , but going aboard the Cassian and Rhodian Gallies , with those forces that he had with him , never telling any one whither he would bend his course , he set saile about evening , giving order to all the Captains of ships , that they by night , should follow the light of the Admiralls Gally , and his own flag by day : but being now far from land , he commanded his Captain of his ship , to direct his course for Alexandria , and by sea they were carried thither on the third day . [ Appian . pag. 483. ] Lucan in his ninth book describes this voyage of Caesar , more like a Poet than an Historian , tells how he loitered at Ilium , and places thereabouts , and that loosing from thence , he came into Egypt on the fourth night . Sic fatus , repetit classes , & tota secundis Vela dedit Coris ; avidusque urgente procella Iliacas pe●sare morus ; Asiamque potentem Praevehitur , pelagoque Rhodon spumante relinquit . Septima nox Zephyro nunquam laxante rudentes Oftendit Phariis Aegyptia littora flammis . Sed prius orta dies nocturnam lampada texit , Quam tutas intraret aquas . — This said , to shore He hasts , takes shipping , and to Coreus lends His full-spread sailes with hast , to make amends For these delayes ; and with a prosperous wind , Leaves wealthy Asia and fair Rhodes behind : The west wind blowing still , the seventh night Discovers Egypts shore by Pharian light ; But ere they reach the harbour , day appears , And dims the night by fires . — But none openeth the whole businesse more certainly than Caesar himself , thus writing of himself in the third Commentary of the civil war. Caesar having tarried a few dayes in Asia , when he heard that Pompey was seen at Cyprus , conjecturing that he had taken his voyage into Egypt , by reason of the tyes he had upon that kingdom , and other oppertunities of that place , came to Alexandria , with the Legions , one whereof he commanded to follow him out of Thessaly , and another which he had commanded to come to him out of Achaia , by his Lievtenant Fusius , and 800 Horse , and the ten Rhodian ships , and a few out of Asia . In these Legions were 3200 men , the rest being so weakened with their wounds in fights , and with labour and greatnesse of the voyage , could not overtake him : but Caesar , trusting in the fame of what he had done , made no doubt of going on , for all his forces were so weak , supposing that each place would be secure enough for him . The time of the year that Pompey came into Egypt before Caesar , Lucan thus describeth in lib. 8. Tempus erat , quo Librapares examinat horas Non uno plus aequa die ; noctique rependit Lux minor hybernae verni solatia damni . That time was come wherein just Libra weighs The hours , and makes the nights equal with dayes ; Then paies the winter nights hours , which the Spring Had tane away . — Namely in the end of September , as the year was then accounted , he had read that Pompey came into Egypt ; and he knew that in the end of the same moneth of the Julian year , which was in use in his time , the Sun was wont to enter into Libra ; and thereupon , not considering the diverse account of the times , he wrote that Pompey came into Egypt , about the autumnal Solstice ; when indeed the sun began to enter into Leo , when as about the beginning of the Dog-dayes , Nilus began to swell : not into Libra , when the river was wont to retire within his banks . Not far from Pelusium , one of the mouths of Nilus , about the Mountain Cassius , which is sited between the borders of Egypt and Arabia , was King Ptolomy by chance at that time , with great forces , waging war with his sister Cleopatra , whom a few months before he had expelled the kingdom , and not far from his Camp was Cleopatra encamped . [ Caesar. lib. 4. cum Pompeio . Appian . pag. 480. & Dio. lib. 42. ] Caesar saith that he was but a boy in age , that he was but a boy of middle age , saith Mirtius , [ de bell . Alexandro . ] 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a very young boy saith Strabo , [ lib. 17. pag. 796. ] 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a very boy , Dio. [ lib. 40. ] a young man , Orosius , [ lib. 6. cap. 15. ] 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a very young man , Plutarch , [ in Pompeio . ] neerer a boy then a man , Velleius , [ lib. 2. cap. 53. ] Appian [ pag. 480. ] writes , that he was at the most but thirteen years olde . Whefore Pompey seeing so great an army upon the shore , durst not go to land , unlesse he might do it safely . Comperit ut regem Casio se monte tenere , Flexit iter . Finding the King to keep within the Casian Mount. He turnd aside . ( as Lucan hath it in lib. 8. ) and sent some of his followers to the King , which should humbly declare unto him his coming thither ; and intreat him , for the familiarity and friendship with his father , and the benefits confirmed upon himself , that he might be received into Alexandria , and be protected by his strength in this his calamity , [ Caesar. lib. 3. Plutarch in Pompey . Appian . pag. 480. Dio. lib. 42. ] but those that went from him , when they had done their message , began to talk more freely with the Kings Souldiers , and that they should perform their duty to Pompey , and not to despise his ill fortune . In this number were many of Pompeys Souldiers , whom Gabinius received out of his army in Syria , & had had him to Alexandria , and the warbeing ended , had left with Ptolomy the father of the lad . [ Caesar. ut supra . ] The King himself answered nothing : but his friends who had the administration of the Kingdom , Achillas an Egyptian , who was Lord General , and Pothinus an Eunuch , who was Lord Treasurer , began to consult about Pompey ; taking into council with them other officers , among whom was Theodorus , either a Chian , or a Samian , a mercenary teacher of Rhetorick , but yet one that was in great authority with the King , as being his Schole-master . [ Livy , lib. 112. Plutarch . and Appian . ut supra . ] In this Council , some were of opinion , that Pompey was to be received , and others , that he should be kept from entring into Egypt : but Theodorus , bragging of his eloquence and skill in declaiming , declared that both of them were mistaken ; for that there was but one expedient , that they should receive and put him to death : adding withal in the close of his speech , that the dead bite nor . [ Plutarch in Pompeio . & in Bruto . ] His opinion the rest followed induced thereunto through fear , as they afterwards said , least by tampering with the Kings army , Pompey should seize upon Alexandria and Egypt , or contemning his misfortune , as commonly in calamity many of his friends became enemies , publickly answered kindly to them , that were sent unto them from Pompey , and bid him that he should come to the King : but privately they sent Achillas the Kings generall , a man of a singular audacity , and L. Septimius a Colonell , who in the wars against the Pyrates had a command under Pompey , to kill him . [ Caesar . lib. 3. ] These with Salvius another Centurion and three or four such ministers more went aboard a little ship , and came to Pompey : in the mean while , the whole army stood in battalia along the shoar . as it were in honour of his entertainment , the King being in the head of them clad in his robes , also there were espied many of the Kings ships , full of men , that they should be sure not to escape , if they should change their minds : the little ship approaching , Septimius first arose and in Latine saluted Pompey by the name of Imperator : Achillas having saluted him in Greek , wished him to come into that little ship , for that his ship through the greatnesse thereof , and because the sea was full of shelfs , neither could the gally by reason of the sands in any possibility be brought to land , and that the King desired to see him as soon as he could , all the chief men of those who accompanied Pompey , and all who sailed with him , came unto him , and advised him , that whilst they were out of danger of their weapons , he should set saile back again towards the sea : and he himself considering the army in battalia , and the sleight ship that was sent unto him , and that the King did not come to meet him , nor any of the chief noble men , began to suspect much , neverthelesse having saluted Cornelia , which now already had bewailed his death , he commanded two Centurions , and of his free men Philip , and a servant named Scynes , to go aboard the little ship before him , then Achillas helping him with his hand , he himself also entred the ship , and just before turning to his wife and son , spake those Iambicks of Sophocles . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Nam cum tyranno si cui negotium est , Fit servus ejus , liber etsi venerit . Who deale with Tyrants they shall surely be Inslaved , though before th' are ne're so free . As they sailed there was a dead silence , whereby the suspicion was encreased ; and holding a book in his hand , wherein he had written the Oration , that he intended to speak to Ptolemy , he began to read it , when they came neer the shoar : they determined to kill Pompey , before they came to land , fearing least meeting with Ptolemei , he should be safely delivered either by the King himself , or by the Romans , who he had with him , or the Egyptians , ( who bare him great good will. ) Cornelia with his friends out of the ship , stood in great suspence , beholding the errand : and Pompey began to be in good hopes , because at his landing he saw many of the Kings friends come running to entertain him with honour : but as Philip lent him his hand to help him up , Septimius first came behind him and run him thorough , and after him , Salvius , and Achillas thrust him thorough with their swords : he , when he was there , being in no way either of defending himself , or escaping , with both his hands hid his face with his gown : neither spake he or did any thing unworthy of himself , only giving a groan , patiently received all their thrusts . [ Id. ibid. Plutarch . Appian . Dio. ] His wife and friends which were in the ships , when they saw this , gave a great shriek , which was heard even to the shoar , and holding up their hands to heaven , implored the gods that were the revengers of covenant breaking , and in all hast weighing anchor fled . [ Plutarch , & Appian . ] some of these were taken by the Egyptians that pursued them , and some escaped by flight . [ Dio. ] having first sailed as far as Tyre , for they were entertained by the Tyrians in their flight , as Dio shews in lib. 42. Of those that escaped his wife Cornelia , and his son Sextus Pompeius fled to Cyprus . [ Livy lib. 112. ] the rest of the Pompeian fleet was taken , and they who were in it most cruelly murdered : and then Pompey the Bythinian ( of whom Cicero makes mention in Bruto , or , de claris oratoribus , as one of his own time ) was killed , but Lentulus one that had been Consul , was killed at Pelusium . [ Oros. lib. 6. cap. 15. ] namely L. Lentulus the ( Consul of the former year ; ) whom Caesar writes was taken , by the King , and killed in prison . [ bell . clvil . lib. 3. ] but Plutarch in Pompeio notes , that he together with Pompey went to Cyprus , and that he came not out of Cyprus into Egypt , till a long time after the buriall of Pompey , and a little after that going out was taken at sea , and killed . Caius Caesar , and Publius Servilius , being Consuls , Pompey was killed in the 58 year of his age , ( compleat ) the day before his birth-day , [ Vellei . Patercul . lib. 2. cap. 53. ] on that very day on which he Triumphed in former time over Mithridates and the Pirates : [ Dio. lib. 42. ] but that he Triumphed for two dayes together , the III. and the day before the Kalends of October , we have shewed out of Pliny , [ lib. 7. cap. 29. & lib. 37. cap. 2. ] in his proper place : so that Plutarch wrote not so accurately in saying that Pompey lived 59 years , and that he died the day after his birth day : but that last of September , which was the last of Pompey , this year , as the times were then falsly reckoned at Rome , fell upon the 25 day of the Julian July , according to our account . The head of Pompey being cut off by Septimius , ( as Lucan saith ) was kept till the coming of Caesar , in expectation of a great reward ; but the body was thrown naked out of the ship , to be gazed upon by all that would . Philip , his freed man , stayed by it till all had satisfied their eyes ; then he washed it with sea water , and wrapped it in a coat of his own . When he had nothing present , looking about the shore , he found the broken planks of a fisher boat , but which was enough to burn the naked carcase , and that not whole neither . As he was gathering the planks together , and laying them in order , a grave old Citizen of Rome , who had served under Pompey in his young dayes , came and helped him to perform the Funeral Rites . [ Plutarch in Pomp. ] That a certain man buried him on the shore , and made a little Monument for him : Appian writes , [ pag. 481. ] and that another added this inscription . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Vix caperet templum , quae parva recondit arena . — Scarce could the Temple hold , That which is cover'd over with a little mold . We read in Aurelius Victor , [ de viris illustribus , cap. 77. ] that the Trunk of his body was cast into Nilus , and burnt , and buried by Servius Codrus , who wrote this on his Tomb , HERE LIETH POMPEY THE GREAT , of whom Lucan lib. 8. Elatebris pavidus decurrit ad aequora Codrus , Quaestor ab Idalio Cinyraeae littore Cypri Infanstus Magni fueratcomes : ille per umbras Ausus ferre gradum , victum pietate timorem Compulit , ut mediis quaesitum corpus in undis Duceret ad terram , traheretque ad littora Magnum . — Toth ' shore did fearful Codrus come Out of his lurking hole that was before , Great Pompey's Questor , and from Cyprus shore Had follow'd him ; he by the shades of night Durst go true love had uanquish terrour quite To find his slaughter'd Lord , along the sand , And through the waves to bring the trunk to land . For the Poet more rightly seeketh his body in the sea , than Aurelius Victor , in Nilus : Seeing that it is manifest out of others , and Strabo also , [ lib. 16. pag. 760. ] and Pliny , [ lib. 5. cap. 12. ] that Pompey was killed and buried not far from the Cassian Mountain . This was the end of great Pompeys life , who was accounted the most potent among the Romans , so that he was sirnamed Agamemnon , because he also had had the command of a 1000 ships , but then died neer Egypt in a little ship , like one of the basest Egyptians : and whereas he from an Oracle a long while before suspected all the Citizens of the Cassian family , he was killed and buried neer Mount Cassius , [ Dio. lib. 42. ] which mountain is seated not far from the confines of Judea , which he first subjected under the Roman yoke . They who were with Cato , coming into Cyrene , heard of the death of Pompey , [ Dio. lib. 42. ] Cornelia with her son in law Sextus Pompey , being driven thither out of Cyprus : as that of Lucan shews in lib. 9. Prima ratem Cypros spumantibus accipit undis : Inde tenens pelagus , sed jam moderatior , Eurus In Libycas eg● sedes , & castra Catonis . They first arriv'd on Cyprus foamy shore , From thence a mild East wind commanding bore Their ships to Cato's Lybian Camp — He addes moreover , that the son of Pompey ( C●●us the elder ) who was with Cato , there , learned from his younger brother Sextus , who was with Cornelia , the death of his father ; that Cornelia on the shore burnt the reliques of Pompey , and by her example the rest of the army making Funeral piles , performed Funeral Rites to the ghosts of them that died in Pharsalia , and that Cato made a Funeral Oration in memory of Pompey . After this , there being different opinions , those who had no hopes of obtaining pardon from Caesar , remained with Cato : others departing from him , went whithersoever their chance carried them : others went directly to Caesar and obtained pardon , [ Dio. lib. 42. ] also Cornelia , a pardon being published , returned safe to Rome , [ Id. ibid. ] and there in the Mount Albanus laid the Reliques of her husband that were brought unto her , [ Lucan , lib. 8. cum Plutarcho , in 〈◊〉 . Pompei . ] The Souldiers of Cato , who were chiefely mariners of Cilitia , whose Captain was Tarcho , being ready to depart from him , being moved with the words he spake unto them , returned to their duty , [ Lucan , lib. 9. ] Cato is admitted by the citizens into Cyrene , whereas a few dayes before , they had shut their gates against Labienus , [ Plutarch , in Catone . ] Lucan , lib. 9. Proximus in muros & moenia Cyreniarum Est labor : exclusus nulla se vindicat ira ; Poenaque de victis sola est , vicisse , Catoni . Inde peti placuit Lybici contermina Mauris Regna Jubae . — Their second labour is To scale Cyrenes lofty walls on whom , Cato no vengeance took when overcome ( Though they against him shut their gates ) to him Reveng sufficient did their conquest seem . He hence to Lybian Jubaes kingdom goes . when Cato had understood that Scipio the father in law of Pompey was entertained by King Juba , and that Appius Varus , to whom the Province of Africa was given by Pompey , had joyned himself unto them with his army , [ Plutarch , ut supra . ] Caesar after three dayes being in his pursuite , ( for as much as can be gathered out of the epitome of Lucan ) came to Alexandria , King Ptolemei being still about the mountain Casius , [ Appian . pag. 483. ] and found there that the Alexandrians were in a mutiny about the death of Pompey , he durst not immediately go ashore ; but leaving the shore , stood off some time , as Dio hath it , lib. 42 , and Lucan , lib. 9. — ibi plena tumultu Littora , & ineerto turb at as murrmure voces Accipit : ac dubiis veritus se credere regnis Abstinuit tellure rates . — where when he saw the shoar With giddy tumult all confused o're Doubting if safe to trust them did forbear To bring his ships to land — Then having knowledg of Pompeys death , Caesar went first out of his ship , and heard the shout of the Souldiers , whom Ptolemei had left for a garrison in the town ; and saw them come running out unto him , because his bundles of rods were carried before him ; for in this all the multitude said that the royall majesty was disgraced , [ Caesar , lib. 3. ] concerning which thing also both , [ Dio , lib. 42. ] and Lucan . lib. 9. make mention thus . Sed fremitu vulgi fasces , & jura querentis Inferri Romana suis , discordia sensit Pectora , & ancipites animos , But perceiving that the throng Of people murmur'd that in Egypt he Bare th'en signes up of Romes authoritie He finds their wavering faiths — Notwithstanding Caesar entred Alexandria being in a mutiny without any danger : [ Livy lib. 112. ] retiring himself by flight into the pallace , but their arms were taken from some of his souldiers , and the rest , as all the ships were coming to shoar , went back again . [ Dio. 42. ] Caesar was very angry when Theodorus offered to him the head and seale ring of Pompey : and taking the ring , fell a weeping . [ Livy . lib. 112. Plutarch . in Caesare . ] We read in Aurelius Victor . [ de viris illustr . cap. 77. ] that the head of Pompey with the ring was presented unto Caesar , by Achillas the captain of Ptolemyes guard , being wrapped up in an Egyptian covering ; and he caused it to be burned with many and most precious odours , neither did he refrain from weeping , and concerning the head that was offered him by the captain of the guard , thus Lucan . lib. 9. — dira satelles Colla gerit Magni , Phario velamine tecta . Bringing his Kings dire guift great Pompeys head With an Egyptian mantle covered . but of the teares , that he , and Dio will have to be but dissembling ones thus Non primo Caesar damnavit munera visu , Avertit que oculos ; vultus , dum crederet , haesit : Utque fidem vidit sceleris , tutumque putavit Jam bonus esse socer , lacrym as non sponte cadentes Effudit , gomitusque expressit pectore laeto ; Non aliter manifesta putans abscondere mentis Gandia , quam lachrymis . Caesar at his first gift would not refuse Nor turn his eies away but fixtly viewes Till he perceiv'd t' was true , and plainly saw , T' was safe to be a pious father in law : Then shed forced teares & from a joyfull breast Drew sighs and groans as thinking tears would best Conceald , his inward joy . and of the buriall of the head he thus brings in Caesar commanding : — Vos condite busto Tanti colla ducis : sed non , ut crimina tantum Vestra tegat tellus , justo date thura sepulchro , Et placate caput , cineresque in littore fusos Colligite , atque unam sparsis date manibus urnam . — But do you interre This worthies head , not that the earth may bear And hide your guilt ; bring fumes and odours store , T' appease his head , and gather from the shore His scatter'd limbs ; compose them in one Tomb. But he commanded the head to be buried in the Suburbs , and there dedicated a Temple of Nemeses . [ Appian . pag. 484. ] And that he might the more shew his good affection towards Pompey , he kindly entertained his friends and familiars , who were taken as they wandred in that Country by the King , and bound them unto himself by favours that he did them : and he wrote to his friends at Rome , that the greatest and most pleasant fruit that he took of his victory was , that he daily saved some Citizens that had opposed him . [ Plut. in Caesare . ] Caesar , before his army came unto him , for want of his own company , gave himself to idlenesse ; curtuously entertaining all he met : and walking about to see the City , admired the beauty thereof , and stood to hear many of the professors of wisdom ; which his leasure got him favour and good account with the people of Alexandria . [ Appian . Bell. civil . pag. 483. fin . pag. 484. init . ] Thus Lucan tells that he visited the Temples , and the Cave wherein the body of Alexander the Great lay . — vultu semper celante timorem , Intertidus Superum sedes , & templa vetusti Numinis , antiquas Macetum testantia vires , Circuit : & nulla captus dulcedine rerum , Non auro , cultuque deum , non moenibus urbis , Effossum tumulis cupide descendit in antrum . Illic Pellaei proles vesana Philippi Felix praeda jacet ; terrarum vindice fat● Raptus . Then with a look still hiding fear goes he , The stately Temple of the old god to see ; Which speaks the ancient Macedonian greatnesse . But there delighted with no objects sweetnesse , Nor with their gold nor gods majestick dresse , Nor lofty City walls , with greedinesse , Into the burying Vault goes Caesar down . There Macedonian Philip's mad-braind son , The prosperous thief lies buried : whom just fate Slew in the worlds revenge — Caesar delivered over to Cn. Domitius Calvinus the government of Asia , and the neighbour Provinces , [ Hirtius , in lib. de bello . Alexandrino . ] and commanded him , that taking the armies that were in Asia unto him , he should make war upon King Pharnaces . [ Dio. lib. 42. ] But when Caesar observed that there were many seditions daily raised at Alexandria , by reason of the great concourse of the multitude , and that many Souldiers were killed in diverse places of the City , he commanded the Legions to be brought to him out of Asia ; which he had gathered together out of Pompey's Souldiers ; for he himself was necessarily kept there by the eastern winds , which are most contrary to them that saile from Alexandria , [ Caesar. lib. 3. ] for those are northern winds , which cease blowing about the end of the Julian August : as we may see both in the Ephemerides of Geminus and Ptolomy , and also in Pliny , [ lib. 2. cap. 47. ] and Columella , [ lib. 2. de re rustica . ] from whence the errour of Lucan is discovered , who delivered in lib. 8. that Pompey came into Egypt in the time of the autumnal equinoctial : and in his ninth book he referred , that toilsom march of Cato with the Legions , through Africa the desert , ( concerning which Livy , lib. 112. ) after he heard of the death of Pompey , to be undertaken by him , to the winter that followed this equinoctial . For when deparing from Cyrenae , he assayed to crosse the Syrts with his fleet , he , by a tempest , was cast upon the marshes of Tritonis : Sexus Pompeius being left with part of the forces in the more fruitfull places of Africa , that Cato intended to march by land , the sea being now impassable by reason of stormes , to seek the King of Mauritania , as he thus declares : His igitur depulsa locis , ejectdque classis Syrtibus , haud ultra Garamantidas attigit undas : Sed duce Pomp●io Libyes melioris in oris Mansit : at impatiens virtus haerere Caton is Audet in ignotas agmen committere gentes , Armorum fidens , & terra cingere Syrtim . Haec eadem suadebat hyems , quae clauserat aequor . Part of the fleet got off from hence again , And from the Syrtes driven , did remain Under great Pompeys eldest sons command , On this side Garamantis in rich land : But Cato's vertue brooking no delay , Through unknown regions led his troops away , T'in compasse round the Syrts by land , for now . The stormy seas unnavigable grow In winter time — Which also Plutarch in the life of Cato affirmeth , writing that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in winter time this march by land was undertaken by him . But his army was miserably afflicted in the country of the N●samones , which is near the Syrts , with the winds driving the sands , and sometimes with vehement thirst , and a multitude of serpents of divers kinds that they met with : and Cato co●ming to●he temple of Jupiter Ammon , being advised by the perswasion of Labio to consult with the oracle concerning his future fortune , refused to do it ; and at length , having wandred two months through the sandy deserts of Africa , he came to Leptis : and there spent the winter . [ Lucan . lib. 9. ] which being ended , he had his souldiers to seek , who were not much lesse than 10000 men . [ Plutarch . in Catone . ] Caesar , ( that we may return to him , being deteined at Alexandria , by the easterne winds ) spent his time in Egypt , in getting of money , and deciding the controversie between Ptolemei and Cleopatra . [ Dio. lib. 42. ] for of that vast sum of money that was owed unto him by Ptolemei Auletes the father of the young King , he there exacted some part for the defraying of the charg of his army . [ Plutarch . in Caesare . ] which exactions the Egyptians , who above all other nations are most superstitious worshippers of a multitude of gods , took so much the worse , because Caesar did not hold his fingers from those things that were dedicated to their gods . [ Dio. lib. 42. ] although in this he was cozened by the Kings ●●●ours ; that he received but little mony , they themselves craftily robbing their own temples : that they might by this shew that the Kings exchequer was empty , and that they might stir up the people unto an hatred of Caesar. [ Oros. lib. 6. cap. 15. ] for the increasing of which , the Eunuch Pothinus , a man who was in greatest authority , did both speak and act many things in publick : for he gave the souldiers old and musty corn , telling them , that they should be content , because they were fed at another bodies cost : and commanded also that his own supper should be served up in wooden and earthen dishes , reporting that Caesar had taken away all the gold and silver plate , for the payment of the debt . [ Plutarch . ut supra . ] But Caesar supposed that the controversies of the King and Queen did belong to the people of Rome , and to him because he was Consul ; and the rather to belong to his office , because in his former Consul-ship , there was a league made with Ptolemei the father of them both , wherefore he declares unto them , that it was his pleasure , that both King Ptolemei , and his sister Cleopatra should dismisse their armies ; and rather try their controversies by law before him , than between themselves by arms . [ Caesar. lib. 3. ] The death of Pompey was not believed at Rome , untill that afterwards his seale ring was sent thither ; on which three trophies were engraven , ( or as Plutarch will , a Lion holding a sword , ) but then the Romans strove who should powre most honours upon Caesar : giving him power to do with the Pompeians as he would himself , that he should have authority to make war and peace with whomsoever he would , although he had not reported it to the people ; that he should be Cousul for five yeares together , that he should not be Dictatour for six months space only , as it was wont to be , but for an whole years time , that he should have triou●itian authority all his life time , that he should fit with the tribunes , and determine of any thing to be done together with them : which was never granted to any formerly . [ Dio. lib. 42. Caesar having accepted of these honours , although he was out of Italy , yet immediately entred upon the Dictatourship , [ Id. ibid. ] So that Josephus rightly begins his principality from hence ; assigning unto it three years and an half , [ lib. 14. Antiquit. cap. 17. ] and in Syria , as the Antiochians seem to reckon the times of the Caesars from his first Dictatourship , so the Lacedemonians from this second Dictatourship ; for Eusebius in his Chronicle at the second year of the Empire of Probus shews , that the Laodicean account was later than the Antiochenian , but onely one year . Velleius Patercules saith , Year of the World 3957. a. that the King , and those by whom he was governed , attempted Treason against Caesar , [ lib. 2. cap. 54. ] which Suetonius affirmes of King Ptolemei himself , [ in Julio , cap. 35. ] and Eutropius , [ lib. 6. ] and Plutarch , of the Eunuch Pothinus ; by reason of which treasons that were privily laid for him , he began to feast whole nights in his own defence : and whenas Pothinus would tell him , that now it was time to leave off , and to follow his great affairs , & that afterwards he might return again : He answered him , that he did require to advice of any of the Egyptians : he sent for Cleopatra privately out of the country , [ Plutarch , in Caesare . ] For Cleopatra , having hitherto pleaded her cause before Caesar by the mediation of other men , as soon as she knew his nature , that he was given to the love of women ; by private messengers complained unto Caesar , that she was betrayed by her friends , and that she desired that she her self might plead her own cause before him , [ Dio. lib. 42. ] which being granted , she onely took one of her friends with her , one Apollodorus Siculus , and going aboard a light ship , she sailed to the Palace as soon as it was dark , and seeing she could by no other means hide her self , she laid her self a long in a mattresse that was solded up , which Apollodorus tied up with a cord and carried up through the gate to Caesar , [ Plutarch . ] Lucan thus describes her bringing in to Caesar , in lib. 10. Jam Pelusiaco veniens è gurgite Nili , Rex puer imbellis populi sedaverat iras , Obside quo pacis Pellaea tutus in aula Caesar erat : cum se parva Cleopatra biremi , Corrupto custode Phari laxare catenas , Intulit Emathiis ignaro Caesare tectis ; Dedecus Egypti , Latio feralis Erinnys , Romano non casta malo . Now the young King come from Pelusium Had pacifi'd the peoples wrath : in whom As Hostage of his peace in Egypt Court Caesar was safe ; when , lo , from Pharos port , Bribing the Keeper to unchain the same , In a small Gally Cleopatra came , Unknown to Caesar entring the house The stain of Egypt , Romes pernicious Fury , unchast to Italies disgrace . Cleopatra falling at Caesar feet , demanded her part of the kingdom ; the woman was exceeding beautiful , and her beauty was much increased by this , that such an one did seem to suffer so great an injury , as also the hatred of the King himself , who had murdered Pompey , not for Caesars sake , and would have done the like to him if he could have found the means , [ Florus , lib. 4. cap. 2. ] but when Caesar saw Cleopatra , and heard her speak , he was immediately so become her slave , that as soon as it was day , he sent for Ptolemei to come to him , and mediated a pacification ; there becoming Cleopatras advocate , whose judge he was before : which thing , and because he saw his sister within with him before he was aware of it , so inflamed the lad with anger ; that he ran out to the people , crying out that he was betrayed , and took his Crown and threw it to the ground , [ Dio. lib. 42. ] Hereupon arose a great tumult , Caesars souldiers took Ptolemei and carried him in : but the Egyptians were all in commotions , and unlesse Caesar being strooken with fear had gone out unto them , and from a safe place promised them , that he would do whatsoever they would themselves , they at the first onset , had seized upon the Palace , which they introded both by sea and land : for the Romans , who thought they had been amongst their friends , had no means to make resistance , [ Dio. lib. 42. ] After these things , Caesar together with Ptolemei and Cleopatra , going out into the people , rehearsed in a writing the testament of their father : in which it was commanded , that after the ancient custom of the Egyptians , that they two should be married together , and should hold the kingdom in common : but so , that they should be under the protection of the people of Rome : Caesar added moreover , that it was his part , who now was Dictator , and had all the power of the people of Rome , both to have a care of the children , and to see their fathers will executed . Wherefore he gave the kingdom of Egypt to Ptolomy and Cleopatra ; and gave Cyprus to Arsinoe , and Ptolomy the younger , for he was in such a fear at this time , that he would willingly have given any thing of his own , rather then have taken any away that belonged to the Egyptians : and after this manner was this tumult appeased . [ Id. Ibid. cum Caesar. lib. 3. Livy , lib. 112. & Plutarch in Caesare . ] King Dejotarus coming to Cn. Domitius Calvinus , Caesar Lieutenant in Asia , desired him , that he would not suffer Armenia the lesse , his own kingdom , nor Cappadocia , the kingdom of Ariobarzanes , to be possessed and spoiled by Pharnaces : which unlesse they were freed from , they could neither do as they were commanded , nor pay the mony that they had promised to Caesar. Domitius immediately sent messengers to Pharnaces , that he should depart out of Armenia and Cappadocia ; which denuntiation , he thought would be of greater power , if he came neerer those Countries with his army ; wherefore he went to the Legions , and of the three that he had with him , he took the XXXVI , and the other two he sent into Egypt , unto Caesar , who had written to him for them : to this XXXVI . Legion , he added two more that he had received from Dejotarus , many of whom he had disciplined and armed after the Roman fashion , and an hundred horse , also he took as many of Ariobarzanes . He sent also P. Sextius to C. Plaetorius his Questor , to bring to him a Legion that he had gathered together of Souldiers raised on a sudden : and Q. Patiscus , into Cilicia , to bring more aids , all which forces , by the command of Domitius , with all speed met at Comana . [ Hirtius , de bell . Alexandrino . ] In the mean the Embassadors return an answer from Pharnaces , that he was departed from Cappadocia , that he had recovered Armenia the Lesse , which he ought to to keep as belonging to his father , and furthermore , that the whole businesse of that King should be referred to Caesar himself , for he would do whatsoever he should appoint : but yet he departed out of Cappadocia , because he could more easily defend Armenia , that was neer his own kingdom , then Cappadocia , that lay further off : which when Domitius knew , he still continued in that mind , that he should depart from that kingdom also , for he had no more right to Armenia than to Cappadocia , neither was his demand just , that the whole businesse should remain intire until Caesar coming , for that was , to be intire , to be as it had been before . Having given him this answer , he marched with the foresaid forces into Armenia : in the mean time , Pharnaces sent many Embassies unto Domitius , to treat of a peace , and offered him great presents : but Domitius constantly refused them all , and answered the Embassadours , that he did not account any thing more deer unto him , then to recover the dignity of the people of Rome , and the kingdom of their allies . [ Id. ibid. ] Caesar carrying on the war of Alexandria , Dejotarus did what he could for Caesars profit , and furn●shed Cn. Domitius his army , both with lodgings , and strengthened him with his own forces ; as Cicero confirmeth in an oration that he made in his behalf . In Egypt , the Eunuch Pothinus , who had the oversight of all the Kings treasure , and of the whole kingdom , fearing least he should be punished for the former sedition of the Egyptians , of which he was the chief ringleader , was the beginner of a new and difficult war. He first complained amongst his own friends , that the King was called to plead his cause : and then to others whom he had an intention to draw to his party , he cast a suspition , that Caesar indeed , for the appeasing of the tumult , had given the kingdom to both , but that in processe of time , he would give it to Cleopatra alone ; and sollicited Achillas by letters and messengers , who was Commander in chief of all the Kings forces , having provoked him by his own , and puffed up with , promises from the King , that he should in privacy lead all the Kings army , both Horse and Foot from Pelusium to Alexandria . [ Caesar. lib. 3. Bell. Civil . Dio. lib. 42. ] Caesars forces were in no wise so great , that if he must be forced to fight without the Town , he durst trust to them : the onely thing that he was to do , was , to keep himself in his fastnesse within the Town , and to know what Achillas intended to do . He wished the King to send some of his most confident friends , as Embassadors to Achillas , and of chiefest authority about , that he should declare his intention . Dioscorides and Serapion , who had been Embassadors at Rome , and had been in great authority with his father , were sent from the King , and came to Achillas : whom he , as soon as they came within sight , before he knew what they came for , commanded to be taken and killed : one of whom having received a wound , was taken away by his own men for dead , and the other was killed . Which being done , Caesar brought things so to passe , that he got the King within his own power ; supposing that the name of the King would be of great authority among his own Country men : and that this war might seem to be undertaken rather by the outrage of a few private men and thieves , there by the advice of the King. [ Caesar. ibid. ] The forces that Achillas had with him , seemed not to be contemned , neither for their number , nor for the nation they were of , nor for their want of skill in Souldiery , for he had 20000. in arms : these consisted of the Souldiers of Gabinius , who now were accustomed to the life and licentiousnesse of the Alexandrians , and had unlearned the name and discipline of the people of Rome . Hither came also a company of Thieves and Robbers that were gathered together out of the Province of Syria and Cilicia , and the neighbour Provinces . Moreover , there met here many that were condemned persons , and banished men , and all Roman fugatives were sure of life and entertainment at Alexandria ; so that but giving in their name , they were listed among the Souldiers : and if any one were apprehended by his master , he was taken away again by a concourse of Souldiers ; who did defend the violence of their companions , because they were in the same fault , for fear of their own danger : these were wont according to the old fashion of the Alexandrian army , to demand the Kings friends to be put to death , and to plunder rich mens goods , for to increase their pay , and to besiege the Kings Palace , to banish some , and to recal others from banishment : there were also 2000 Horse , many of whom had served a long time in the wars of Alexandria . [ Id. ibid. ] Achillas trusting to these forces , and despising the fewnesse of Caesars souldiers , having seized upon Alexandria , attempted by an onset to break into Caesars house ; but Caesar , having disposed his Co●orts in the passes , sustained the assault . They fought at the same time at the Haven , and indeed there was the greatest fight of all : for at the same time , the enemy brought their forces about , and fought in many passes , and endeavoured also with a great multitude to seize upon the long ships : fifty whereof being sent to help Pompey , when the battle in Thessalia was ended , returned home : they were all Gallies with either three or five oars on a bank , well rigged and furnished with all tackling for sailing : besides these , XXII . there were which were alway wont to be at Alexandria , for a guard to it , all covered ( or rather beaked ) which if the enemy had seized upon , Caesars fleet being gone away , they had had the Haven , and the whole sea at their command , and had kept Caesar from all provisions , and any aides coming unto him . Wherefore this businesse was acted with the greatest contention that might be , seeing that Caesar saw that his chief businesse consisted in the dispatch of this businesse , and they their safety : but Caesar got the better , and burnt those ships , and the rest that were in the arsenal , because he could not defend them with so few a party as he had . [ Id. ib. ] — nec puppibus ignis Incubuit solis : sed quae vicina fuere Tecta mari longis rapuere vaporibus ignem . Et cladem fovere Noti ; percussaque flamma Turbine , non alio motuper tecta cucurrit , Quam solet aetherio lampas decurrere sulco , Materiaque carens , atque ardens aecre solo : Nor o're the ships alone do flames prevaile ; But all the houses near the shore assaile , The South winds feed the flame , and drive it on Along the houses with such motion , As through the Welkin fiery Meteors run , That wanting fuel fed on aire alone . as Lucan hath it in his tenth book , When this fire had seized upon part of the City , it burnt 400000 books that were laid up in the houses adjoyning , a singular monument of the care and industry of their ancestours , who had gathered together so many and so great works of famous wits . [ Oros. lib. 6. cap. 15. ] Livy said , that here was a famous work of the glory and care of those Kings : as it is in Seneca , [ in lib. de Tranquillitate animi , cap. 9. ] where the same number of books is said to be burned : yet A. Gellius [ lib. 5. cap. 17. ] out of the agreeing ( as he speaks ) credit of old monuments , and Ammianus Marcellinus [ lib. 22. ] relate , that there were 700000 burned ; and indeed when at the end of the Alexandrian war , the City was plundered by the Souldiers : but Plutarch in Caesare , saith , that in the beginning of this war , the flame increasing by the arsenal , that the Library was burned : and Dio in lib. 42. confirmeth , that the store houses , and granaries , and library , were burned together with the arsenal . After the firing of the fleet , Caesar presently at the Island Phatos ( which with a narrow neck of land of 900 paces long , and a bridge being joyned to the city makes the haven ) the enemy being employed in the fight , landed his souldiers out of the ships , and placed a garrison there , by which he brought it to passe , that corn and aides might be brought unto him by shipping . [ Caesar lib. 3. ] whereupon Lucan speaking of Pharos taken by him . lib. 10. Illa duci geminos bellorum praestitit usus . Abstulit excursus & fauces aequoris hosti : Caesaris auxiliis aditus & libera ponti Ostia permisit . Two helpes on Caesar doth that fort bestow : Commands the Seas , the foes incursions staid , And made a passage safe for Caesars aid . In other parts of the town they fought so , that neither of them had the better ; neither of them giving ground by reason of the straitnesse of the places , and but few killed of either side : Caesar having taken the most necessary places , fortified them by night in that side of the town , there was a little part of the pallace , into which they at the first brought him to dwell , and a theatre that joyned to the house , which was in manner of a cittadell , and had a way to the haven and arsenall , these fortifieations he daily encreased , that they might be to him in stead of a wall , and that he might not be forced to fight but when he would himself . [ Caesar. lib. 3. ] Whereas the Egyptians fearing least Caesar being now Conquerour in the fight at sea should seize upon the haven of the city , thy with a rampart cast up barred his entrance , only leaving a little space : he himself also stopped that space sinking ships of burden filled with stones : and shut up all power from the enemies ships , of going out of the haven ; whereby it came to passe , that with lesse trouble he could fetch all things necessary for himself , and water also ( for Achillas , had taken all water from him , by cutting up the conduits . ) [ Dio. lib. 42. ] Caesar sent into all the neighbour countries , and called for aids from thence . [ Caesar. lib. 3. ] and sent for the whole fleet out of Rhodes , and Syria and Cilicia : and bid them bring archers out of Crete , and horsemen from Malchus , the King of the Nabathaeans : and commanded that there should be engines for battery , and corn , and supplies brought unto him . [ A. Hirtius de bell . Alexandrin . ] he certified Domitius Calvinus of his danger , and desired him by all meanes , to send supplies to him as soon as possibly he could , and that he would come neerer Alexandria through Syria . [ id . ibid , ] but Mithridates of Pergamus a man of great nobility , in his own countrey , and of knowledge , and valour in the wars , and in great esteem , credit , and friendship with Caesar , was sent into Syria and Cilicia , to hasten on the supplies . [ id . ibid. Joseph . lib. 14. cap , 14. & Dio. lib. 42. ] In the mean while Gammedes an Eunuch , steals away Arsinoe who was but carelesly kept , and carried her to the Egyptians : who making her Queen , they fell more heartily to the war , than before , because they had gotten one of the race of the Ptolemyes , to be the commander . [ Dio. lib. 42. ] concerning whom Lucan . lib. 10. — subrepta paratis A famulo Ganymede dolis , pervenit ad hostes Caesaris Arsinoe : quae castra carentia rege Ut proles Lagea tenet . Arsinoe from court escaped goes By Ganymedes help to Caesars foes , The crown ( as Lagus daughter ) to obtain and Caesar himself about the end of the commentaries of the civil war. The young daughter of King Ptolemei , hoping after the vacant possession of the Kingdome , conveyed her self out of the pallace to Achillas , and commanded in the war together with him : but immediately there began a controversy to arise between them concerning the chief command , which thing increased much briberies among the souldiers : every one striving to get their good wills by dammages to themselves . Whilst these things are done among the enemies , Pothinus the Kings governour , and administrator of the Kingdome in the behalf of Caesar , whereas he sent messengers to Achillas , and advised him , that he should follow the businesse and not desist , the messengers were appeached and apprehended , and he himself put to death by Caesar. [ Caesar. ibid. ] who from henceforward kept the young King openly in strict custody , and by this did the more exasperate the minds of the Egyptians . [ Dio. lib. 42. ] Whilst these things were done in Egypt , Domitius Calvinus marched against Pharnaces , with great and continuall marches , encamped not far from Nicapolis , ( a city of Armenia the lesse built by Pompey ; in which Pharnaces having already seized upon it dwelt himself ) about seven miles distant , where when as in vain Pharnaces had laid ambushments for him : the next day Domitius moves nearer , and brought his camp even to the town : and Pharnaces set his men in battalia , after his own custome and fashion , the next night Pharnaces , having intercepted the messengers who brought the letters to Domitius , concerning the Alexandrian affaires , whereby he knew of the danger of Caesar , and the recalling of Domitius , he accounted it as good as a victory , if he could but linger out the time : but Domitius , whenas he should have been more moved with the danger of Caesar than his own , brings his souldiers out of the camp , and prepares to fight , having placed the XXXVI Legion in the right wing , the Pontick in the left , and the Legions of Dejotarus in middle battle , and when both armies being in battalia came to fight , the Pontick Legion was almost wholy lost , and a great part of Dejotarus's souldiers killed , and the XXXVI Legion retreated into the mountains , having not lost above 250 men , notwithstanding Domitius rallyed up the reliques of his scattered army , and by safe journeys through Cappadocia , winter now approaching , returned into Asia . [ Hirtius cum Appian . lib. 2. de bell . civil . pag. 484. & Dion . lib. 42. ] The Caesarians and Alexandrians , strove earnestiy one against the other , with fortifications and works , Caesar eudeavoured most of all that that part of the city which a fen had made the narrowest , he might shut it from the other part of the city ; by works , and rampires , hoping that , first , the city being divided into two parts , his army might be commanded by the same councell , and same command : and also , that if they were in any danger , assistance might be brought him from the other part of the city ; but especially , that he might be abundantly furnished with provision and water , both which the fen plentifully afforded , the Alexandrians sent messengers into all parts of Egypt to presse men , and brought into the town all sorts of engines , and weapons : and did many other things , that are reckoned up by Hirtius in his commentaries of the Alexandrian war. Seeing that the number of the enemy encreased , Caesar began to take advice concerning an agreement between them : and commanded that Ptolemei being placed where he might be heard of the Egyptians , to tell them , that there was no wrong done unto him , and that there was no need of war ; and that they should compose a peace , and that he would take care , that the conditions should be kept , but they suspecting that he was made to do this on purpose by Caesar , went on still with their war , [ Dio. lib. 42. ] and said that Caesar must in all hast be expelled , who being now shut up by tempests by reason of the time of the year , could not receive any helps from beyond the seas . [ Hirtius . ] In the interim the dissention between Achillas the generall of the old army , and Arsinoe the younger daughter of Ptolemei ( Auletes ) increasing , and both plotting , and counterplotting against each other ; whilst Achillas aimed at the Empire , Arsinoe , by the meanes , and assistance of Ganymedes the Eunuch her foster father ; prevented his design ; by her own possessing it , and put to death Achillas : pretending he would have betrayed the fleet . And when he was sent out of the world and out of the way , she alone enjoyed the whole Empire , Ganymedes being constituted Generall of the army . He , when he had undertaken the charg , augmented the souldiers pay , and acted in all things with the like care and discretion . [ Hirtius & Dio. ] Whereas Alexandria was almost all digged under ground , and had vaults that reached to the river Nilus , by which water is brought into private houses , that it might sink by little and little and become potable ; Ganymedes having stopped those vaults , and all the parts of the city , in which the Caesarians were besieged : so that by reason of the saltnesse of the water in the neighbour houses , they all seemed to be brought to the last cast , and began to think of flying ; but that advice being not liked , Caesar commanded that wells should be digged in the night , and great store of fresh water being found ; all the laborious engines of the Alexandrians became of no use . [ Hirtius . ] In that two daies the XXXVII Legion , of those souldiers of Pompey that yeilded themselves , being shipped by Domitius Calvinus with corn , arms , weapons , and engines , came to the shoares of Africa a little above Alexandria : for the other legion which was sent by him through Syria by land , came not to Caesar : but those ships , the East wind continually blowing , stood at anchor , and could not come into the haven , of which when Caesar was certified , he took shipping and commanded his fleet to follow , but took no souldiers with him , least he should leave the forts void of men , to defend them : and when he was come to a steep place called Chersonesus , and had set some Marriners ashore for fresh water , some of them were intercepted , who certified them , that indeed Caesar was in the fleet , but yet that he had no souldiers in the ships : wherefore they rigged their whole navy , and met with Caesar returning with the Legion of Domitius : and although Caesar would not fight that day , yet a Rhodian ship , which was placed in the right wing , far from the rest , was set upon by four covered ships of the enemy , and some open ones , which Caesar being forced to assist , happily got the victory , and if the night had not broken off the fight , he had been master of the whole fleet of the enemy . [ Dio. lib. 42. ] Although the Egyptians had received this losse , yet they were again confirmed by Ganymedes , so that although they had lost an 110 long ships in the haven and Arsenal , yet they fell earnestly to work to repair their fleet : and to that end having gathered together all the ships , from all the mouths of Nilus , and from the private arsenalls that belonged to the King , in few dayes , beyond the opinion of all men , they made a fleet of 22. Gallies , with four bancks of oars , and five with five banks , besides many lesser and open ones : and having furnished them with Souldiers , fitted them for fight . [ Id. ] and having opened the entrance of the Haven , and placed their ships in the rode , very much troubled the Romans . [ Dio. lib. 42. ] Caesar had nine Rhodian ships , ( for of ten that were sent , one was lost in the voyage on the Egyptian shore ) eight Pontick , five Lycian , twelve out of Asia : of these five were with five oars on a bank , and ten with four : the rest were under this burden , and many were open . With these Caesar sailed about Pharos , and stood over against the enemies ships : there were shelves between the two fleets with a very narrow passage , and they both a good while expected which should first crosse the passage , because they who first crossed , might easily be oppressed by the whole multitude of the enemies , before the rest could passe and come to the fight : but the Rhodian ships demanded that they might have the first passage , and by singular skill , so susteined the whole fleet of the enemy , never turning their sides to them , that they made a free passage for the rest to passe , and to come to the fight . [ Hirtius . ] The Caesarians got the victory , having lost never a ship : there was of the Alexandrians one Gally with five oares on a bank taken , and one with two on a bank , with all the souldiers and marriners , and three sunck ; the rest fled to the Town of Pharos that was neer them , which the Citizens defended from the forts and buildings which were over them , and kept the Caesarians from coming neer . But from thence immediately they were outed by the industry of the Romans , and lost both the Town and Island , and many of their men : but whenas the Island was joyned to the continent by a double bridge , one of the which being forsaken by the enemy , the Romans easily became masters of : whereas on the other , through the rashnesse of some they were distressed , and being put to rout , fled to their ships , part of them having gotten to the next ships , were sunck by them multitude and weight of the men , part making resistance , and doubting what to do , were killed by the Alexandrians : and some having gotten to the ships that were at anchor , escaped safe : a few swam to the next ships . Cesar retired into his own ship , whither when a multitude that followed would have broken in upon him , he suspecting what would happen , cast himself out of the ship , and swam to those ships which were farther off ; and from thence sending boats to help them who were in danger , saved some of them : but his own ship being overloaded with the multitude of souldiers , perished together with all the men , [ Id. ] But here is not to be passed over in silence , that which is pretermitted by Hirtius , but remembered by Suetonius , [ in Julio , cap. 64. ] and by Orosius who follows him , [ lib. 6. cap. 15. ] concerning Caesar : that by swimming he escaped to the next ship , holding up his left hand , that the commentaries should not be wetted : which very thing concerning the commentaries being preserved , is also related by Plutarch [ in Caesare , ] and by Dio , [ lib. 42. ] But Appian , [ lib. 2. bell . civil . pag. 523. ] tells the Story thus . That he being inclosed alone upon the bridge by the enemy that pressed upon him , he cast off his purple coat , and leaped into the sea : and the Kings souldiers pursuing him , he swam a long time under the water , onely lifting up his head by fits , until swimming to an onely ship , and by holding up his hands unto them , is known and saved . And although Suetonius writes , that he held his souldiers coat in his mouth , drawing it after him , that the enemy should not get it ; yet Florus , [ lib. 4. cap. 2. ] together with Plutarch saith , that he left it in the waves , either by chance , or of purpose , that the enemies pursuing him , they might shoot at that with their darts and stones : and that the Egyptians having gotten the coat , fixed it to a Trophy , which they had set up for their putting the enemy to flight , as if they had taken the General himself : and this is delivered by Appian , [ lib. 2. bell . civil . pag. 484. ] and Dio , [ lib. 42. ] In this fight there were lost of the Legionary souldiers , about 400. and few more of the souldiers that belonged to the Fleet and mariners . The Alexandrians in that place built a Castle , and strengthened it with sorts and many engins of war ; and , taking the stones out of the sea , they made use of it more freely for the sending out of their ships , [ Hirtius . ] In the mean while , Mithridates of Pergames gathered in all haste , great Forces out of Syria and Cilicia , both by the extream good will of the Cities , and his own diligence , [ Id. ] but at the first , he coming alone to Ascaion , from thence sent for Antipater the Governour of Judea to come unto him ; who brought with him 3000 souldiers , and brought it to passe by his perswasion , that Hyrcanus the High Priest , and other Governours joyned their Forces together : as Strabo relates out of Hypsicrates , ( an Historian of the Phoenicians ) [ Joseph . lib. 14. cap. 15. ] for he agreed with the Princes of the Arabians , that they also should come to his aid : and by his meanes especially , with great earnestnesse , there came to Caesars assistance I amblichus the Governour , and Ptolemei his son , and Tholomy the son of Sohemus , who inhabited in Mount Libanus , and almost all the Cities of Syria , [ Joseph . ibid. cap. 14. ] Whenas the Alexandrians saw that the Romans were the more provoked by the losse they lately received , and that they were confirmed as well by losses as by prosperous successes ; they sent Embassadours to Caesar , that he would let their King go free , and come to them , for that the multitude were ready thorough the lingering of the war , to do whatsoever the King would have them to do : and if by his means , they should become Caesars friends , they would easily yeild . Caesar although he knew that the fidelity both of the King , and Alexandrians was to be suspected , yet he would let him go ; both because by his coming , the enemies strength would not be increased , and the war against him would be more glorious : but withal he advised him , to look to his kingdom , and to perform the fidelity that he owed to himself , and the people of Rome : he dissembling his joy by his tears , desired that he might not be let go ; but being dismissed by Caesar , he eagerly pursued the war against him , [ Hirtius , & Dion . ] Whereas the Alexandrians , having received this General , found themselves no more strong , or the Romans the weaker , and the souldiers daily mocking at the age and weaknesse of the King , were greatly greived , neither saw how they could help themselves ; and there were reports that there were great aids coming to Caesar by land out of Syria and Cilicia ( which yet Caesar heard nothing of ) they determined to intercept the provisions which were brought to the Romans by sea : wherefore having rigged their shipping , and disposed them in convenient places about Canopus in the chanell , they lay to watch for the provisions , [ Hiritus . ] and because the souldiers that Caesar had sent for out of Syria were now approaching , they guarded all the shores , and did much dammage to those forces of them ; they indeed which happened upon Africa side , brought some help unto Caesar , but at the mouthes of Nilus , the Egyptians , having made many fires , as if they had been Romans , took many by this deceit ; so that the rest durst not come thither . [ Dio. ] Whereupon Caesar commanded his fleet to be rigged , over which Tiberius Nero was Commander : there went in this fleet , the Rhodian ships , and in them Euphranor , but his wonted happinesse in fight here forsook him : for when they came to Canopus , and both fleets stood facing one the other , and Euphranor , according to his custom , had begun the fight , and had bilged and sunck one of the enemies ships , and following the chase of the next too far ; his own side coming but slowly after him , he was compassed about by the Alexandrians : and thus he alone , who had done valiantly in this fight , perished alone with his conquering Gally : but yet the enemies being overcome in fight , Tiberius Nero caused , that his own party might safely saile to land [ Hirtitus cum Dione . ] About the same time Mithridates of Pergamus coming out of Syria , by land , when Egypt rejoyned to Syria , brought great forces to Pelusium , [ Hirtitus ] but endeavouring to go into the mouth of Nilus , which is at Pelusium , against the stream , seeing the Egyptians had stopped by night the entrance with their shipping , was carried into the ditch ; and having transported his ships thither , ( for it doth not reach so far as to the sea ) he went into Nilus with his ships : and on a sudden , setting upon them , who guarded the mouths of Nilus , both from sea , and from the river , both at one time , he freed the mouths themselves , and set upon Pelusium , both with his fleet and land forces . [ Dio. ] For this Town being seized upon by Achillas with a strong Garrison , by reason of the convenience of the place , ( for all Egypt is thought sufficiently fortified from any accesse by sea to it by Pharos , and by land to Pelusium by two bars ) being compassed about on a sudden with great forces , they within sloutly defending it with a strong Garrison of men , but through the greatnesse of those forces , which he supplyed with sound men , in the places of them that were wounded and weary , and the constancy and perseverance of the opposition , he reduced it within his power , the same day that he assaulted it ; and then placed a Garrison of his own . [ Hirtius . ] There Antipator did notable service ; for having broken down a pane of the wall , he was the first that gave entrance to the rest to break in . [ Joseph . lib. 14. cap. 14. ] The Eyptian Jews which inhabited that Country called Onias , would not suffer M●thridates and Antipater to march unto Caesar , but forbad them passage . These Antipater perswaded to be of his party , as being his Countrymen ; especially when he had shewed them the letters of Hyrcanus the High Priest , in which they were invited to be friends unto Caesar , and to provide him victual and necessaries for his army . [ Joseph lib. 14. cap. 14. ] But Asinius ( to wit , Trallianus , a writer of the civil war ) writeth , that Hircanus himself , the High Priest , invaded Egypt with Mithridates ; as Josephus hath related out of Strabo , [ ibld. cap. 15. ] for which also those words of Caesar concerning Hyrcanus seem to make , inscribed on a brazen table by him in favour of Hyrcanus , [ ibid. cap. 17. ] 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . In the last Alexandrian war , he came to our aid with 1500 souldiers , and being sent by me to Mithridates , he surmounted all those of his company in valour . The Jews , the inhabitants of the countrey of Onias , through the authority of Antipater , and Hyrcanus willingly submitted , which when they that inhabited about Memphis heard , they also sent for Mithridates unto them ; and he going thither , joyned these also to his party . [ Ioseph . lib , 14. cap. 14. ] When King Ptolemaeus had notice that Mithridates approached near the place which is called Delta , from the likenesse of the Greek letter , which also was not far from Alexandria , and knew that he must passe the river Nilus ; he sent great forces against him , by which he might either be overcome , or so kept back , that he should not joyne himself with Caesar : those forces which could first get over the river at Delta , and meet with Mithridates began the fight , making all hast to prevent them that followed that they should share in the victory , whose charge Mithridates with great prudence susteined , having intrenched his camp after the Roman manner , but when he saw them carelesly and proudly to come up even to his fortifications , he made a generall sally , and killed a great number of them , insomuch as , unlesse the rest had hid themselves by the knowledg of the places , and partly had retired themselves into the ships , by which they passed the river , they had been totally overthrown , who after they were a little recovered from their fear , joyned themselves with them that followed , and began to set upon Mithridates again . [ Hirtius ] The battle was fought about the place , that is called the Jews tents , Mithridates commanded the right wing , and Antipater the left ; Mithridates his wing began to waver , and likely to be routed , but that Antipater in very good time marching along the river side with his forces , who had already discomfited his enemies , came to his rescue , and forced the Egyptians who had even gotten the victory to fly , who so hotly pursued them that fled , that he became master of the enemies tents , he also made Mithridates partaker with him of the booty , whom in pursuite of the enemy he had left much behind him , Mithridates lost 800 of his men : Antipater but 50 ( or 80 , as it is in Josephus lib. 1. bell . cap. 7. ) but Mithridates certified Caesar of these things : ingenuously confessing that Antipater was the cause of the victory and their preservation . [ Ioseph . lib. 14. cap. 15. ] Almost at the same time also King Ptolemei marched out to surprise Mithridates , Year of the World b. and Caesar to rescue him , The Julian Period . 4667 the King took the quickest passage by the river of Nilus , Year before Christ 47 where he had a great fleet ready rigged . Caesar would not take the same passage , least he should be forced to fight with his fleet , [ Hirtius ] wherefore weighing anchor by night , as though he hastened to one of the mouthes of Nilus , and carrying many lights in all his ships , that by so much the rather he might seem to bend his course that way , at the first went forth with his fleet : but afterwards putting out his lights failed back again ; and sailing about the city , he arrived at a peninsula that joyned to Africa and landing his souldiers , fetched a compasse about a fen , [ Dio. ] and met with the Kings forces , before he could set upon Mithridates ; and being conquerour received him safe with his army . [ Hirt. ] The King had seated himself with his army , upon the higher ground , in a place that was naturally fortified : Caesar was about seven miles distant from him , and there was a river between , in passing of which he must needs fight with the Alexandrians , that being gone over , and a great many of the Alexandrians , that strived to hinder his passage being slain , Caesar encamped but a small distance from the Kings camp , the next day Caesar for to get a village , with all his forces set upon and won a Castle , which the King had fortified in the next village , not far from his camp , and had joyned it to his camp by out works : his souldiers pursued the Alexandrians that fled from thence , even to their camp , and came up to their fortifications : and began to fight stoutly at a distance , but they were wounded with darts from diverse places , they behind them fought from the river , in which were many ships that were well stored with slingers and darters . [ Hirt. ] Caesar when he perceived that his men could not fight more fiercely , and yet could do no good by reason of the difficulty of the places ; he observed that the highest place of the Camp was left by the Alexandrians , because it was naturally well fortified , and that they had come down into the place where the battle was , partly to see , and partly to fight ; he therefore commanded his cohorts to fetch a compasse about the Camp , and to seize upon that highest ground : he gave Casulenus the command of these , an excellent man both for valour , and knowledge of military affairs : whither as soon as they were come , there being but a few to defend the Fort , and Caesars souldiers fighting stoutly , the Alexandrians being frighted both with the shouting and fighting of their adversaries , began to be in a general rout ; with whose disorder the mindes of the Romans were so encouraged , that almost on all sides they had taken the whole Camp ; but yet they first took the highest place of the Camp : from which running down , they slew a great multitude in the Camp : which danger the Alexandrians flying , by heaps cast themselves over the Rampire , on that side that joyned unto the river , the former of whom being overwhelmed with great violence , the rest had the easier escape . [ Hirt. ] It is certain that the King himself fled out of the Camp , and that he was received into a ship , and that he perished there , the ship being sunk with the multitude of them , who swam to the ships that were nearest , [ Idem Livy , 112. Dion . lib. 42. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 16. ] his body wallowed in the mud , and rolled to the bank of Nilus , was known by the golden cuirace which he wear , ( such as the Ptolemeis used to wear , as Julius Capitolinus in Maximinius the younger confirmeth ) [ Florus , lib. 4. cap. 2. Eutrop. lib. 6. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 16. ] after the death of his father Auletes he lived 3 years , and 8 moneths : whereupon there is attributed to his reign by Porphyrius four years , [ in Graec. Euseb. Scaliger , pag. 226. ] There were in this battle 20000 men killed , 12000 yeilded themselves with 70 long ships ; and 500 of the Conquerours side reported to be slain , [ Oros. lib. 6. cap. 16. ] In this battle Antipater was also wounded : whose valiant service Caesar had made use of in his most dangerous advantures , [ Joseph . lib. 14. cap. 15. ] Caesar in confidence of this great Victory , marched the next way by land to Alexandria with his Horse : and entred that part of the Town as Conquerour , which was held by a Garrison of the enemies : but the whole multitude of the Townsmen , casting away their armes , and leaving the Forts , took that garment in which they were wont to supplicate their Governours , and bringing forth all their sacred things with the religion with which they accustomed to appease the offended and inraged minds of their Kings , they came and met Caesar , and yeilded themselves unto him . Caesar taking them into his protection , comforted them , and came thorough the enemies fortifications into his own part of the Town with great shouting of his own souldiers ; who did not onely rejoyce that the battle was successeful , but also that his coming was so happy , [ Hirtius . ] In the Marble Kalender records , [ Inscript . Gruter . pag. CXXXIII . ] at the VI Kalends of April , it is thus noted . HOC DIE CAESAR ALXAND . RECEPIT . This day Caesar recovered Alexandria : but yet as the year was then reckoned at Rome , that day fell on the 14 of the Julian January : then therefore was the Alexandrian war ended ; which was managed by Caesar , neither in place , nor time convenient , but in the very winter season , as Suetonius relates , [ in Julio , cap. 35. ] Caesar having conquered Egypt , did not subject it to the dominion of the Romans , but granted it to Cleopatra , for whose sake he had carried on the war : but yet fearing lest the Egyptians being delivered over to the command of a Woman , and lest also he should incite the mindes of the Romans against him , both for this thing , and for his too much familiarity with Cleopatra : he gave command that she should be the wife of her brother that was alive , and that they should hold the kingdom in common to them both . This he did , but for colours sake ; for indeed the whole kingdom was committed to Cleopatra , for her husband was but a very child , ( being but eleven years old ; whereupon Strabo saith he was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a very youth , [ lib. 17. pag. 796. ] but she could do any thing with Caesar ; therefore under the pretence of marriage with her brother , & of injoying the kingdom equally with him , she alone commanded all , and used too much familiarity with Caesar also . These things Dio hath related more truly , [ lib. 42. ] which Hirtius hath related more mildly in favour of Caesar , thus : Caesar having conquered Egypt , he made those Kings , whom Ptolemaeus appointed by his will and earnestly be sought the people of Rome that they would not alter it ; for the King , the elder of the two lads being lost , he delivered over the kingdom to the younger , and to Cleopatra the elder of two daughters , who had remained under his protection and quarters : and Suetonius [ in Julio , cap. 35. ] having gotten the victory , he granted the kingdom of Egypt to Cleopatra and her younger brother , fearing to make it a Province , left some time or other having gotten a president of a stirring spirit , it might give an occasion of a new rebellion . With Cleopatra Caesar many times feasted and sate up till break of day , and sailing with her upon the Nilus with 400 ships , he being in the same Gally● with her called Thalamegos , had passed into Egypt as far as Aethiopia , but that his army refused to follow him , [ Sueton. ibid. cap. 52. Appian . lib. 2. bell . civil . pag. 484. ] Cae●ar at Alexandria , set up a brazen pillar , which conteined the liberties that he had granted to the Jews . [ Joseph . lib. 14. cap. 17. & lib. 2. contra Appion . pag. 1063. ] Pharnaces being become famous by reason of his successes , whereas he hoped all things would happen to Caesar , as he wished they should , seizing upon Pontus with all his forces , and there being conquerour , and a most cruel King , seeing he thought he should have better fortune than his father had , he conquered many Towns , and plundered the goods of the Citizens of Rome and of Pontus , and ordained for those that were commendable , either for beauty or age , punishements that were worse than death it self , and got Pontus , when there were none to defend it , bragging , that he had recovered his fathers kingdom . [ Hirt. ] But he chiefly exercised his cruelty upon Amisus , a City of Pontus , which after it had a long time resisted , he won by storm , and put to death all the men that were of age , and gelded all that were under age . [ Appian . lib. 2. Bell. Civil . pag. 484. Dio. lib. 42. ] Asander , to whom Pharnaces had committed the Government of Bosphorus , to curry favour with the Romans , and in hopes to get the Kingdom of Bosphorus for himself , made an insurrection against his master . [ Dio. ibid. ] Caesar sent letters out of Egypt to M. Cicero , that he should remain as he was , and that he should retain the name of Imperatour . ( for the victory that he had gotten in Cilicia ) and C. Pansa carrying these letters ; Cicero returned his bundle of rods , adorned with Bayes , as long as he thought fit himself . [ Cicero , pro Ligario . ] For after his return out of the Province of Cilicia , he had not as yet entred Rome , but had carried his Lictours every where about with him , gaping in vain after a Triumph . [ lib. 11. ad Attic. epist. 6. ] Caesars letters to Cicero , were delivered the day before the Ides of August , [ lib. 14. ad familiar . epist. ult . ] or the last day of the Julian May. Pharnaces having seized upon Bithynia and Cappadocia , had a great mind also to win Armenia the Lesse , and incited all the Kings and Tetrarchs of that Country to Rebellion . [ Plutarch in Caesar. ] He marched also into Asia , in hope of the same successe that his father Mithridates had there . [ Dio. lib. 42. ] Appian shews , that Caesar spent nine moneths in Egypt , [ lib. 2. Bell. Civil . pag. 484. ] and Cleopatra had either kept him longer there , or accompanied him in his voyage to Rome : but that Pharnaces both drew him out of Egypt against his will , and hindred his speedy marching into Italy . [ Dio. lib. 42. ] But Cleopatra was in short time after delivered of a son by him , whom the Alexandrians named Caesarion . [ Plutarch in Caesar. ] That name being imposed on the son by the mother , at the permission of Caesar himself . [ Sueton. in Julio . cap. 52. ] Plutarch in his Antonius seems to intimate , that notwithstanding , she , after Caesars death , had too much familiarity with his enemy Cneus Pompeius , the eldest sonne of Pompey the Great . Caesar brought out of the kingdom Arsinoe , the younger sister of Cleopatra , in the name of whom Ganimedes had a long time most tyrannically reigned , least some new dispensation should arise through seditious men , untill time had confirmed the authority of the King : and taking away with him the sixt veterane Legion , he left three others there ; that by so much the more , the Kings authority might be confirmed , who could not keep the love of their own Subjects , because they had constantly persevered in Caesars friendship , neither could they claim any prescription for their authority , being but newly made Kings . [ H●rius , cum . Sueton. cap. 76. ] Thus , having finished and setled all things , Caesar marched by land into Syria , as Hirtius saith , [ cum Sueton. cap. 35. in Julio . Plutarch in Caesar. Appian . lib. 2. Bell. Civil . pag. 484. & Oros. lib. 6. cap. 16. ] or by shipping , as Josephus writeth , [ lib. 14. cap. 15. ] and Hirtius himself afterward confirmeth . The news of Caesars departure from Alexandria , came into Italy the III. Nones of July , ( the 23. day of the Julian April . [ Cicero ad Attic. lib. 11. epist. 19. ] C. Trebonius left Caesar at Antioch , who went from Seleucia Pieria , and in 28. dayes journy , on the XVI . Kalends of September , ( the third day of the Julian June ) was in Italy . [ Id. Ibid. epist. 13. ] Whence it is gathered , that Caesar was at Antioch , on the XV. Kalends of August , or the sixth day of the Julian May. Johannes Malela Antiochenus , in the ninth book of his Chronicle , not set forth , noteth , that on the twelf day of the moneth , Artemisium , or May , there was an edict publickly proposed in the City of Antioch , concerning the Empire of Julius Caesar , and on the 20. of the same moneth , another edict was sent thither from Julius Caesar , concerning the liberty of the same City ; beginning thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. Julius Caesar to the Metrapolis of Antiochia , the holy and priviledg'd Assylum , and refuge against the vigour of the Law ; and that at length on the 23. day Caesar the Dictatour entred Antioch ; whereas that he was at Antioch on the 20 day , that edict publickly set forth , doth clearly signifie ; and that it should be said , that he rather departed from the City on the 23 day , then that he came thither . Antigonus , the son of Aristobulus , coming unto Caesar , complained unto him of his fathers misfortune , because for taking his part , he was poisoned by the Pompeians , and his brother beheaded by Scipio : and desired him that he would have pitty on him , he being cast out from his fathers Kingdom . He likewise accused Hyrcanus and Antipater , that they by force had got the Government , neither did they forbear to offer injuries to himself : and accused them also , that they sent aides into Egypt to Caesar , not so much for good will , but for fear of the ancient enmity , and that they might be freed from punishment for their love to Pompey . But Antipator pleaded his own cause , wiping off his crimes objected against him ; and recriminateth Antigonus . He reckoned up also what pains he had taken for Caesars service in the last wars : and shewing the multitude of his wounds , made them the witnesse of the truth of his words : which when Caesar heard , he declared Hyrcanus High Priest , and offered Antipater what government he himself would demand , and made him Governour of Judea . [ Joseph . lib. 1. bell . cap. 8. & lib. 14. Antiquit. cap. 15. ] Caesar also appointed that Hyrcanus and his children should perpetually retain the principality and High Priesthood of the Jews , according to the custom of the Country , and be taken into the number of his friends and allies : and that if there arose any controversie concerning the descipline of the Jews , that the determination should belong to him : Moreover , that he should not be forced to quarter Souldiers in winter , not taxes to be exacted of him : and that there should be a Brazen Table , containing these things , set up in the Capitol , and at Tyre , Sidon , and Ascalon , in the Temples , ingraven in Latin and Greek letters , and that these decrees should be sent into all places . [ lib. 24. cap. 17. ] Caesar having tarried almost in all the Cities of Syria , that were of any worth , distributed both publickly and privately rewards , to them that deserved well ; and took knowledge of , and determined of old controversies , Kings also and Tyrants Governours of the Provinces , and Borderers , ( who all came unto him ) taking them into his protection , upon conditions imposed upon them , for the keeping and defending of the Province , he dismissed ; friends , both to himself , and the people of Rome . [ Hirtius . ] Caesar took away at Tyre all things that were dedicated to Hercules , because they had entertained Pompey and his wife in their flight . [ Dio. lib. 42. ] Some few dayes being spent in the Province of Syria , he gave the command of the Legions , and Syria to Sextus Caesar his friend and kinsman , as Hirtius saith : Dio writeth , that he committed all things to the charge of Sextus his Treasurer aad Cousin . [ lib. 47. ] Appian declares , that there was a Legion left in Syria by him , even when he was thinking of the Parthian war , and the dignity of a president-ship , granted to his kinsman Sextus Julius , a young man. [ lib. 3. Bell. civil . p. 573. & lib. 4. pag. 923. ] Caesar having ordered the affairs in Syria , went into Cilicia , in the same fleet that he came in . [ Hirtius , Joseph . lib. 13. cap. 16. ] All the Cities of which Province he called unto him to Tarsus : and there , having given order for all things concerning the Province , and the neighbour Cities , he did not stay long there , through a desire he had to go to the carrying on of the Pontick war. [ Hirt. ] Here he pardoned Tarcondimotus ( of whom mention is made formerly , out of the first Epistle of Ciceros fifteenth book , ad familiar . ) who had a part of Cilicia subject unto him , and had much helped Pompey by sea . [ Dio. lib. 41. ] Antipater , when he had followed Caesar out of Syria , returned into Judea , and in riding his circuite about the Province , he repressed them that were desirous of innovation , both by threatnings and councils : telling them , that if they would be content with their Prince Hyrcanus , they might live happily in their own possessions ; but if they promised themselves new hopes , and thought that they should gain much by innovations , they should have him a Master instead of a Governour , and Hyrcanus a Tyrant instead of a King , and Caesar and the Romans most bitter enemies instead of Princes ; for that they would not at all suffer any thing to be changed , from what they had setled : But whenas Antipater perceived that Hyrcanus was dull and idle , he setled the state of the Province as himself pleased , and truly made Phasaelus his elder son Governour of Jerusalem , and the Countries adjoyning : and to Herod his second son , a very young man , he committed the care of Galilee , [ Joseph . lib. 1. bell . cap. 8. & lib. 14. Antiquit. cap. 16 , 17. ] We read in Josephus , that Herod was then but 15 years old , [ lib. 14. cap. 17. ] Rufious in his Translation , Photius in his Bibliotheca , [ Cod. 258. ] Pseudogoronides the Hebrew , [ lib. 5. cap. 3. ] and Nicephorus Calistus , [ lib. 1. Ecclesiast . Histor. cap. 6. ] retaining the same number ; but yet the first describes of Herods doings , Ptolemeus and Nicholas Damascenus , out of whom Josephus took his , seem to have written not 15 , but 25. and that it arose from hence , of the note of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by the easie mistake of the Transcribers : for from this time to the death of Herod , are reckoned 43 years and almost an half : to which 25 years being added , would make 68. and half a year : the other half of which year , if he had lived , he had been 70 years old : Seeing also that Josephus himself acknowledgeth , that when he was sick of his last sicknesse , that he was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , about the 70 year of his age . Phasaelus had a son born called also Phasaleus , to whom Salampsio the daughter of Herod and Mariame was married , [ Joseph . lib. 18. cap. 7. ] he being then but 7 years old when his father died , [ Id. lib. 14. cap. 25. ] Pharnaces intended an Expedition against Asander , who had revolted from him in Bosphorus : but when he heard that Caesar was on his march and hastening into Armenia , being terrified , and more afraid because he inroded himself , than of his army ; he sent many Embassadours to treat of peace , before he was marched too near him , if by any means he might avoid this present danger . He made this his chiefest colour , that he had never helped Pompey : he hoped also that he might induce Caesar to some termes of pacification , because he was hastening into Italy and Africa ; and that then after his departure , he might renew his intended war : which thing Caesar himself suspecting , curteously entertained his first and second Embassadours , that he might the rather take him at unawares by reason of his hopes of peace , [ Dio. lib. 42. ] Caesar having made long marches thorough Cappadocia , tarried two dayes at Mazace , and then came to Comana , the ancientest Temple of Bellona in Cappadocia , who was worshipped with so great religion , that her Priest was accounted by the consent of the whole Nation in majesty , command , and power , next to the King ( concerning whom , Strabo is to be consulted , lib. 12. pag. 535. ) This Priesthood Caesar adjudged to Nicomedes of Bithynia , a most noble man , who was of the race of the Cappadocian Kings , and did but recover his own by an undoubted right , though it was long interrupted , [ Hirt. ] for although he confirmed the possession of the commands which they had received from Pompey to others who had taken part with Pompey against him ; yet he transfer'd the Priesthood of the Comanians from Atchelaus upon Nicomedes , [ Appian . in Mithridaticis , pag. 254. ] which Pompey had given to his father Archelaus , the husband of Cleopatras elder sister , who was slain in Egypt by Gabinius , [ Strabo . lib. 12. pag. 558. ] When Caesar came near to Pontus and the borders of Gallogrecia , Dejotarus the Tetrarch of Gallogrecia , and at that time truly of almost all , which the rest of the Teterarchs did strive to prove was never granted to him , neither by law nor custom ; yet without doubt he was by the Senate declared King of Armenia the Lesse , laying aside his Royal Robes , and not so much as in the habit of a private man , but of a guilty person , came unto Caesar , and being prostrate at his feet , begged of him , that he would pardon him , that he had served in Cn. Pompeys army , and brought for his excuse , that he did it thorough his not knowing of the state of Italy , and that he was forced thorough the necessity of Pompeys armies , with which he was environed . Caesar rejected his excuse ; yet he said he would grant him his request , for his former benefits , and for his old acquaintance and friendships sake , and for the dignity and age of the man , and at the intreaty of many of Dejotarus's friends and acquaintance , of whom many came to supplicate in his behalf : He told also , that he would hereafter determine concerning the controversies of the Tetrarchs , and restored unto him his Royal Robes : But yet he commanded the Legion that Dejotarus had of his own men who were trained up in the Roman discipline , and all his horse , to be brought unto him to serve him in the Pontick war , [ idem ] also Caesar fined his old acquaintance Dejotarus in a sum of money ; and gave Armenia the lesse , that was given him by the Senate , but then possessed by Pharnaces , to Ariobarzanes the King of Cappadocia . [ Cicero . in Orat. Philippic . 2. de divination . lib. 1. & 2. Dio. lib. 41. ] Cicero declares in an oration for that King , that Domitius gave the money that was laid upon him , by twice or thrice selling his own private goods at open port sale , that Caesar might make use of it in the war , when also to gain his favour , he thus bespeakes Caesar concerning this matter . What he keeps by your meanes , he keeps in memory , not what he lost : neither doth he think that he was punished by thee , but whereas he thought , that many things were to be given by thee to many men , he refused not but that you might take some from him , who was on the other side , &c. O Caesar thou hast given all things to Dejotarus ; seeing thou hast granted the name of King even to his son : for as long as he retaines and keeps this name , he thinks that no favour of the people of Rome , nor any sentence of the Senate made in his favour is diminished . When Caesar was come into Pontus , he made a rendezvous of all his forces into one place : who were but indifferent in number , or in martiall discipline except the VI Legion , which being a vetane he had brought with him from Alexandria , ( but through the labours and hazards they had undergone , so diminished of souldiers partly by difficulties both by sea and land , and partly by often skirmishes , that they were under a thousand men , ) the rest ware three legions : one was Dejotarus his , and two that were in the battle , that Cnidius Domitius made with Pharnaces . [ Hirtius . ] Pharnaces being affrighted at the approaching of Caesar , sent Embassadours to treat of peace : bringing a golden crown to him 200 furlongs off , and very foolishly offering him their Kings daughter in marriage . [ Appian . bell . civill . lib. 2. pag. 484. ] but first of all they begged , that his coming might not be as of an enemy : for Pharnaces would do whatsoever he would command him , but they especially put him in mind , that Pharnaces would send no forces to Pompey against Caesar , whereas Dejotarus who had sent , yet had given him satisfaction . Caesar answered , that he would be very favourable to Pharnaces , if he would do althings as he promised , but he advised , as he was wont , the Embassadours in mild terms , that they neither should object Dejotarus to him , or too much brag of that favour that they had not sent aid to Pompey . [ Hirt. ] and also accused Pharnaces for this very thing , that he had been wicked and ungratetowards his benefactor . [ Dio. lib. 41. 42. ] in conclusion he commanded him , that he should depart out of Pontus , and that he should send back the families of the Publicans ; and should restore to him the allies and citizens of Rome , which were in his possession : which if he would do he said he would then receive those presents , which the generalls were wont to receive of their friends after a war was happily ended . [ Hirtius . ] Pharnaces liberally promised all things ; and whereas he hoped that Caesar having a mind to hasten to the city ( Rome ) that he would more willingly beleive his promises , he began to go more slowly about his businesse , to demand longer time for his departure , to interpose new conditions , and in fine to disappoint him . Caesar knowing his erast hastened his businesse so much the more , so that he would come to fight with him sooner than any one would think . [ idem . ] As soon as he was come to Pharnaces camp , uttering this speech , Shall not now this Parricide be punished ? hee mounted his horse , and at the first shout that was given , he put the enemy to flight , and made a great slaughter , being aided with about a thousand horse that followed him , when he first rushed into the battle : thus [ Appian . in bell . civill . lib. 2. pag. 485. ] and likewise Dio in the 42 book of his history : the same day that he came to the enemy , from his march he went to fight with the enemy , and being sometime troubled with the enemies horse and their chariots , that were armed at length he obtained the victory . Julius Frontinus [ Stratagemat . lib. 2. cap. 2. ] notes , that Caesar marshalled his army upon an hill , and that that thing made the victory more easie to him was ; because the darts that were throwen from above upon the Barbarians who were below , made them presently fly , and that Dejotarus was in the battle with Caesar against Pharnaces , and that he put his life in danger , Cicero confirmeth in his oration for that King. This battle was fought about the mountain Scotium , which is not above three miles distant from the City Zela ; near which Mithridates the father of Pharnaces overthrew Triarius and the Roman army with a great slaughter , [ Hirtius , Plutarch in Caesar. Appian . in Mithridatic . pag. 254. Dion . lib. 42. ] This mountain Pharnaces ( that we may represent the story of this fight more accurately out of Hirtius ) having repaired the old Workes of his fathers Camp , seized upon it with all his Forces . Caesar , who had pitched his Camp five miles from the enemy , that he might possesse the valleys that were next the Kings Camp ; the next night , in the fourth watch , with all his Legions , but without any baggage which he left in his Camp , took that very place , in which Mithridates had fought against Triarius . Pharnaces , as soon as it was day having observed this , drew out all his Forces before his Camp ; and either being carried on by the former happinesse of that place , or being induced by tokens and ceremonies ( which we afterwards heard he did obey , saith Hirtius ) or thorough contempt of the fewnesse of the Roman Forces , a great part of which he had already overthrown under Domitius , he of his own accord in an uneven place inroded the Romans as they were fortifying their Camp , which put a terrour into them , being suddenly called from their Workes , and not set in battle array : the Kings Chariots that were armed with Sithes did disorder the souldiers that were got in among them ; which yet by the multitude of darts were quickly overwhelmed : the main body of the enemy followed these Chariots ; and then coming to handy-stroaks , in the right wing , where the VI old veteran Legion was placed , the beginning of the victory was on that part ; and then in the left wing and the main body were the whole Forces of the King routed : and so many of the souldiers being partly killed , and partly troden under foot by their own men , they who might escape by their swiftness , yet having thrown away their armes , and being to passe the valley , could do no good , unarmed and coming from an higher place . But the Romans being encouraged by this Victory , made no scruple to climb up that steep place , and to set upon their Workes , and were suddenly Masters of the enemies Camp , those cohorts defending it which Pharnaces had left to guard it , [ Id. ] Thus Caesar ground as it were to dust Pharnaces in one ( and as I may say ) not a whole battle , after the manner of lightning , which in one and the same moment , came , hit , and departed : Neither was it a vain brag of Caesars , that he had overcome the enemy , before he set eye upon him , [ Florus , lib. 4. cap. 2. ] He bragged also that the same day , he came to the enemy , and saw him , and overcame him , [ Dio. lib. 42. ] which in his letters sent to Rome to his friend Aminitius or Antitius , was expressed in those three words ; VENI , VIDI , VICI . I came , I saw , I overcame , [ Plutarch . in Caesar. Appian . lib. 2. bell . civil . pag. 485. ] Within five dayes after his arrival , and within four hours after he came in sight of him , he vanquished Pharnaces in one onely battle , [ Sueton. Julio , Caesar. cap. 35. ] often recounting the felicity of Pompey , whose hap it was to gain his principal honour in the Mithridatick War , of so cowardly a kind of enemies , [ Id. ibid. Appian . lib. 2. bell . civil . pag. 485. ] Pharnaces , the whose multitude of his army being either killed or taken , fled with a few Horse ; and unlesse the invasion of the Camp had given him means of escaping , he had been brought alive into Caesars hands . [ Hirt. ] But he fled to Sinope with a thousand Horse , [ Appian . Mithridatic . pag. 254. ] Caesar was over-joyed , that he had ended so great a war in so short a time : and the remembrance of the sudden danger , was the more joyous , because the Victory came so easie out of so many difficulties , [ Hirt. ] Caesar gave the souldiers , all the Kings baggage , and the spoiles , although they were very much , [ Id. & Dio. ] and whereas Mithridates had in that place set up a Trophy for the Victory over Triarius ; which because it was consecrated to the gods , it was not lawful for him to pull down ; he set up one against it for his Victory over Pharnaces , and so obscured , and in a manner threw down that that Mithridates set up . After this , having recovered all things that Pharnaces had taken from the Romans or their Allies , he restored to every one the things they had lost : except a part of Armenia , which he gave to Ariobarzanes , and requited the calamity that the Amiseni suffered , by giving them their liberty , [ Dio. ] He commanded the sixth Legion to go into Italy to receive the rewards and honours due to them . He sent home the supplies that Dejotarus brought ; and left the two other Legions in Pontus with Coelius Vinicianus : and so passing thorough Gallogrecia and Bithynia , into Asia . He took cognizance and determined all the controversies of all those Provinces , and gave lawes to Tetrarchs , Kings and Cities , [ Hirtius . ] As he passed thorough Asia , he collected monies there , which raised great grudging against the Publicans , who secretly exacted it amongst all the people , [ Appian . bell . civil . lib. 2. pag. 485. ] ( P. Servilius Isauricus the Coleague of Caesar and Cicero in the Augurship , was Proconsul there ; as is gathered out of the 13 book ad familiar . epist. 68. ) Brithagoras , a man of great authority among the Heracleenes in Pontus , who had followed Caesar whithersoever he went , even to this place again , for a businesse that concerned his countreymen , as Caesar was providing to return to Rome , being worn out with old age , and continuall labours , died : to the great sorrow of his countrey . [ Memnon . in excerptis Photii . cap. 62. ] Caesar made Mithridates Pergamenus King of Bosphorus , ( who had carried on the war in Egypt happily , and with great dispatch ) who was of the race of the Kings , and had royall education , for him had Mithridates the King of all Asia , taken away from Pergamus when he was but a child , and carried him into his camp , and kept him many yeares : and so fortified the provinces of the people of Rome , against the Barbarians and Kiugs that were enemies , by putting in a King that was most friendly unto them . [ Hirt. ] concerning whom see [ Strabo . lib. 13. pag. 625. ] with Causabons notes , and [ Appian in Mithridatic . pag. 254. ] He commanded him also to make war upon Asander ; that , being become master of Bosphorus , he might revenge his treachery against his friend , [ Dio. lib. 42. ] He also adjudged unto him the Tetrarchy of the Trochmans , in Gallograecia , who bordered upon Pontus and Cappadocia , as belonging unto him by his mothers right ; but was seized upon , and in the possession some years before of Dejotarus . [ Cicero in Philip. 2. & lib. de divinat . 2. Hirtius , de bell . Alexand. Strabo . lib. 12. pag. 567. & lib. 13. pag. 625. Dio. lib. 42. ] Then Caesar sailed into Graecia and Italy , having raised great sums of mony upon any colour whatsoever , as he had done formerly : for he exacted that mony partly , that had been aforetime promised to Pompey ; and partly pretending other excuses , he commanded other sums . He received also from the Princes and Kings , many golden Crowns , as it were in honour of the victories he had gotten ; he declared that there were two things , by which Empires were gotten , preferred and increased , souldiers and monies , and that one did help the other , and that if one of them sailed , the other must also fal . [ Dio. lib. 42. ] It seems not that he was at Athens on the Kalends of September , ( which fell on the 17. day of the Julian June ) for many things are reported to stay him in Asia , especially Pharnaces , saith Cicero ad Atticum . [ lib. 11. epist. 24. ] But Pharnaces being so suddenly conquered , ( as it is in the Epitome of the 115. book of Livy ) and all things so quickly dispatched , he came into Italy sooner than any one could imagine , as Hirtius observes in the end of his book of the Alexandrian war. But Caesar came to Rome , just at the end of the year , in which he was designed Dictator , ( which office had never before been annual ) and was declared Consul for the next year . [ Plutarch in Caesar. ] Pharnaces delivered over Synope to Domitius ( Calvinus ) who was left by Caesar to prosecute the war against him ; and having accepted of peace ; and dismissed him with his 1000 Horsemen , he killed their Horses ; which their masters took much to heart : and then taking shipping , we read in Appian in Mithridatick , [ pag. 254. ] that he fled into Pontus , whereas it should have been said out of Pontus ; for Synopa it self was in Pontus : and the same Appian in lib. 2. Bell. Civil . [ pag. 485. ] that Pharnaces fled back into the Kingdome of Bosphorus , that was delivered unto him by Pompey . Herod the Perfect of Galilee , having taken Ezechius , a Jew , with many complices of his thievery , who had wont to make incursions into Syria in troups , and put him to death : which fact of his got him much favour with the Syrians , he then governed the Provice of Syria . [ Joseph . lib. 1. Bell. cap. 8. & lib. Antiquit. cap. 17. ] Phasaelus , being stirred up in emulation of his brothers glory , got to himself the favour of the inhabitants of Jerusalem , by doing all publick businesses in his own person , and yet not abusing his power to the hurt of any : by which it came to passe that Antipater his father was reverenced by the whole Nation , as if he had been King ; yet was his fidelity and good will neverthelesse to Hyrcanus . [ Id. idem . ] Caesar undertaking an expedition against P. Scipio , Year of the World 3958 the father in law of Pompey the Great , M. Cato , and Jula , the King of Mauritania , upon the XIV . Kalends of January , came into Lilybaeum ; and from thence on the VI. Kalends of January , taking shipping after four dayes , came within sight of Africa . [ Hirt. in lib. de Bell. African . ] Now the XIV . Kalends of January , fell at that time upon the 30. and last day of September , of the Julian account , the year before the institution , as the reckoning backwards of the long following year of 445. dayes , made in the Kalends of January , of the first Julian year will make manifest : which Plutarch and Dio not observing : he indeed hath related that Caesar crossed into Sicilia , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , about the winter Solstice , [ in Caesare . ) and the other that he went into Africa , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in the middest of winter , [ lib. 43. ] but that he went into Africa before winter , even those words of Cicero [ in lib. 2. de divination . ] do sufficiently declare . Caesar , when he was advised that he should not go into Africa before winter , did he not go ? nay , if he had not gone , all the forces of his adversaries had made their rendezvous in one place . Upon the Kalends of January , ( falling on the 13. day of the Julian October ) Caesar incamped at a Town called Ruspina : the day before the Nones of January , ( October 16. ) after the third day that he landed in Africa , in a most sharp fight which lasted from five of the clock in the morning , till sun set : he overcame Labienus and Petreius : and the VI , Kalends of February , the sixth of the Julian November , he again beat the enemies army , under the commaud of Labienus and Scipio . [ Hirtius . ] Dio in his 42 book notes , that Pharnaces , striving by force to enter into Bosphorus , was cast into prison , and put to death by Asander , which is more fully explained by Appian in his Mithridaticks , [ pag. 254. ] Thus Pharnaces having gathered together a band of Scythians and Sarmatians , seized upon Theudocia and Panticapeum : and when as he was made war upon by Asander , his Horsemen , being destitute of Horses , and not used so fight on foot , were overcome ; onely Pharnaces fighting valiantly , being now 50. years old , and wounded , was killed , after he had reigned fifteen years in Bosphorus , as Appian hath it , or rather seventeen years , which are the time that is reckoned from the murder of his father Mithridates . Caecilius Bassus , of the order of Knighthood , who , flying from the battle of Pharsalia , after Pompey was overcome , kept himself private at Tyrus , whither also some of his own faction came unto him ; and getting the favour to himself , both of these and them of Sextus , the Governour of Syria , his souldiers that came at diverse time for a guard of the City . Seeing there was much news brought of Caesars ill fortune in Africa : he , not being content with his present condition , began to make some innvations : but being apprehended for this by Sextus , before he was throughly provided , he said that he onely raised forces to help Mithridates Pergamenus , to win Bosphorus , and so was dismissed upon the belief of this . [ Dio. lib. 47. ] The noble men of the Jews seeing Antipater and his sons so highly advanced , both by the favour of the Nation , and by the monies of Hyrcanus , and by the revenues that they received out of Judea , began to stomack him : for now he had contracted friendship with the Roman Generals , and by perswading Hyrcanus to send mony unto them , he got to himself the credit of this present ; as if he had sent it of his own treasure , and had not received it of Hyrcanus : which when Hyrcanus heard of , yet was he not moved therewith , but rather contented . But the violence and bold nature of Herod , who was desirous of the tyranny , did most of all terrifie the Princes of the Jews . For this cause therefore they addressed themselves to Hyrcanus , and now openly accused Antipater : but complaining most of all on Herod , because he had put to death Ezechias , with many others , without any commission received from Hyrcanus ; in contempt of the laws , by which no man suffers , though never so wicked , unless he be first condemned by the Judges . The mothers also of them that were killed , every day did not cease to weary in the Temple with their continual exclamations , both the King and the people , desiring that Herod might be made to give an account of this his doing before the Sanhedrim . Wherefore Hyrcanus moved with these women , commanded Herod to be called before the Councel , and to plead his own cause . [ Joseph . lib. 14. cap. 17. ] Herod , having ordered the affairs of Galilee as he thought best for himself , being forewarned of his father , that he should not come into the Counsel as a private person , he took with him a moderate , but yet a sufficient guard , least he should terrifie Hyrcanus , if he brought too many , nor leave himself unsecured from any danger from the judgement . When Herod therefore presented himself before the Sanbedrim in his royal robes , with his guard in arms , they were all astonished : neither durst any one of them that accused him being absent , speak a word against him , but all of them kept silence , not knowing what to do : then one of the councel called Sameas , a just man , and for this cause , not distracted with fear , ( yet that old proverbe of the Hebrews sheweth that he was no hot spirited man , Be thou humble as Hillel , and not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 angry as Samai ) rrsing up , not onely accused Herod of presumption and violence , but laid the fault upon the Judges , and the King himself , who had granted him so great a liberty : whom he pronounced should afterward , by the just judgement of God , be punished by Herod himself : which the event of the thing proved true , the Judges of that Councel , and Hyrcanus , being put to death by Herod when he was King : but Hyrcanus perceiving that the Judges were inclined to condemn Herod , put off the businesse till the nex day ; and privately advised him to shift for himself : and so he departed to Damascus , as though he fled from the King : and presenting himself before Sextus Caesar , having secured his own affairs , he professed openly , That if he were again cited before the Judges , he would not appear : which they took in great disdain , and endeavoured to perswade Hyrcanus , that all these things tended to his destruction . [ Id. ibid. ] Caesar being in Africa , The Julian Period . 4668 on the XII . Kalends of April , Year before Christ 46 ( the 21 day of the Julian October ) having mustered his army , the next day he brought out all his forces , and set them in battel array : but after he had even long enough invited his enemies to battle , and perceived they were not willing to fight , he brought his forces into their Camp again , [ Hirt. de bell . Afric . ] Caecilius Bassus related out of the letters that he seigned , that he had received from Scipio , that Caesar was overcome , and dead in Africa , and that the government of Syria was committed to his charge : wherefore with those souldiers he had made for that purpose he seized upon Tyrus , and from thence marched towards Sextus his forces , by whom he was met and overcome , where he received a wound ; wherefore he never after attempted any thing against him by main force . [ Dio. lib. 47. ] Caesar the day before the Nones of April ( the fourth day of the Julinan February ) in the third watch of the night , went out of the Town Agar , and marching 16 miles that night , began to fortifie Thapsus that day : Where he in a memorable fight overcame Juba and Scipio ; after which battle Cato laid violent hands on himself at Utica , [ Hirt. de bell . Afric . ] Sextus Caesar , having received money , made Herod Governour of Coelosyria : Herod , taking it unpatiently that he was called before the Council , he led an army against Hyrcanus ; but by the meeting and intreaties of his father Antipater , and brother Phasaelus , he was withheld from the inroding of Jerusalem , who strrived to appease him , and desired him , that being content to have afrighted them , he should indeed do hurt to none , nor that he should attempt any further against him that had raised him to that dignity : whose advice he obeyed , supposing he had done sufficient for his future hopes , that he had shewed to that Nation what power he was of , [ Joseph . lib. 14. cap. 17. ] In Africa , Caesar is reported to have seen in his sleep , a great army calling him and weeping : and being moved with this dream , that he immediately put it into his books of Remembrances concerning the building of Carthage and Corinth , [ Appian . in Lybicis . pag. 85. ] Hyrcanus by his Embassadours desired of Julius Caesar , that he would confirm the alliance and friendship that was between them , [ Joseph . lib. 14. cap. 17. ] Caecilius Bassus , sending some of his party to Sextus Caesars souldiers , who should propound certain hopes to them , so associated them to himself , that having put Sextus to death , his own Legion came over to his side , [ Id. ibid. Livy , lib. 114. Libo . apud Appian . lib. 3. de bell . civil . pag. 576. Dio. lib. 47. ] although this story he reported by others after this manner . Sextus being a young man given to his pleasure , very unhandsomely carried about with him the Legion that Julius Caesar had left in Syria . Bassus to whom the care of the Legion was committed reprehending him for this , he sometimes reproachfully rejected : and one afterwards when at his call he but slowly obeyed , he commanded him to be brought by head and shoulders : in this tumult , they came to blows , and when as the army could not endure this insolence , they killed Sextus with their darts : but presently being sorry for what they had done , and afraid of Caesar , they made a conspiracy , that if there was not pardon granted them , and good assurance of it , they would fight it out to the last man ; forcing also Bassus to become one of the conspiracy . After this they raised a new company , and accustomed them to the same exercises that they themselves used , [ Appian . bell . civil . lib. 3. pag. 575 , 576. & lib. 4. pag. 623. ] Bassus drew unto himself all the army , except a few who had wintered at Apamea , who having gone from thence into Cilicia before his coming , he in vain followed thither : and being returned into Syria , he is nominated Praetor , and fortified Apamea , that he might make that the seat of the war : all who were of full age , not onely freemen , but servants also , he listed for the war : he coyned money , and made armes , [ Dio. lib. 47. ] Caesar having finished the African War on the Ides of June , ( the 14 day of the Julian April ) took shipping at Utica , and after the third day came to Carales into Sardinia : from thence on the III Kalends of July ( the 29 of the Julian April ) going by shipping neer the shore , on the 28 day after ( the 26 of the Julian May ) because he was hindred by storms , he came to the City of Rome , [ Hirt. in fin . lib. bell . Africa . ] Caesar Triumphed at Rome four times in the same moneth , but some dayes between : every one with diverse furniture and provision , [ Sueton , in Julio , cap. 37. ] The furniture of the Chariot for Gaule , was of Citron tree , for Pontus , of Brazell , for Alexandria , of Tortoyseshell , and for Africa of Ivory , [ Vellei . Patercul . lib. 2. cap. 56. ] In the Pontick Triumph amongst the Pageants and Shewes , he carried before him the Title of these three words , VENI , VIDI , VICI . I came , I saw , I overcame . Signifying not the acts atcheived by him , as other Conquerours , but the quick dispatch of this war , [ Suetonius , ut supra . ] In this , the flight of Pharnaces made the people laugh . The Alexandrian Triumph for Egypt was inserted in the middle between the Gallick and the Pontick : and in it the chance of Achillas and Photinus , was very plausible , [ Appian . bell . civil . lib. 2. pag. 491. ] But the chance of Arsinoe the Egyptian being a woman , and at that time accounted for a Queen , who was led among the captives , ( which had never happened at Rome before ) raised much pitty in the people ; who yet after the Triumph , in favour of her kindred , was dismissed , [ Dio. lib. 43. ] And her kindred , to wit , her elder sister Cleopatra , and younger brother Ptolemaeus , the husband of Cleoptra , came to Rome this year , being called thither by Caesar. Caesar appointed Cleopatra her lodging in his own house , and sent her away not without great honours and rewards , and cared not at all , although he were ill reported of for it . [ id . ibid. Sueton. in Julio . cap. 52. ] moreover also in the temple of Venus Genetrix , which he built , upon a vow he made , as the battle of Pharsalia was fighting , ( which Dio confirmeth was this year dedieated by him ) and even by Venus her side , Caesar set up the image of Cleopatra . [ Appian . bell . civil . lib. 2. pag. 492. ] In Syria C. Antistius ( Vetus ) and others of Caesars captaines , coming against Caecilius Bassus with both horse and foot forces , shut him up in Apamea : to these the borderers that favoured Caesars party joyned themselves , amongst whom also Antipater , as well for the sake of that Caesar that was killed , as of him that was alive , because he was a friend to both : by his sons sent them aid , and seeing they had a long time fought it out with aequall advantage , and neither party could get the better of the other , by a truce confirmed by no articles of covenants , they suspended the war , for the providing of other auxiliaries , [ Joseph . lib. 1. bell . cap. 8. sin . lib. 14. Antiquit cap. 17. fin . Dion . lib. 47. ] Mithridates Pergamenus again spoiled the temple of L●ucothea ( in the country of the Moschi about the river Phases ) which was formerly plundered by Pharnaces : [ Strabo . lib. 11. pag , 498. ] but as Pharnaces before , so how he endeavouring to seize upon Bosphorns , Asander , ( falsly by Strabo called Casander and Lysander ) overcame him : and so having removed both of them , he quietly enjoyed the Kingdome of Bosphorus . [ id . ibid. pag. 495. & lib. 13. pag. 625. ] C. Julius Caesar being high Priest , in his third year and in the Consul-ship of M. Aemilius Lepidus , ordered the amendment of the Roman year , using therein the help of Sosigenes in Astronomicall matters , and of Flarius a Scribe in ordering the Kalendar , and whereas now there were 23 daies intercalated in the month of February ; he moreover interposed between November and December , two other intercalary months of 67 daies . So that this present year had 15 months , and 445 daies . [ Censorinus de dic . natali . cap. 8. Sueton. in Iulio . cap. 40. Pliny lib. 18. cap , 25. Dion . lib. 43. Macrob. lib. 1. Saturnal . cap. 14. ] The day before the former intercalary Kalends ( the 26 day of the Julian September ) Cicero made an oration before , Year of the World 3959 Caesar for Q. Ligatius . [ lib. 6. ad fa●iliar . epist. 14. ] From the Kalends of January , The Julian Period . 4669 on which Caesar took upon him the fo●●th Consulship , Year before Christ 45 the year is reckoned of the first Julian ordering , for from thence he appointed the beginning of the year ordained by him . [ Censorin . ut supra . ] Caesar making war in Spain with Pompeys sons , on the XI Kalends of March won the town Aregna , and was called Emperour , when the Liberalia ( called by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Plutarch in Caesare ) were celebrated ( on the XVI Kalends of Aprill , as is manifest out of the old Kalendar , ) he got that memorable victory at the city Munda , in which battle there fell of the Pompeians about 30000 men , with the two generals Labienus and Atius Varus , and almost 3000 that were of the order of Knight-hood : of the Caesarians about a 1000 men , and about 500 wounded , after this young Cn. Pompeius being killed who had taken to himself the ensignes of the Consul and the government , his head was presented unto Caesar as he was marching to Hispales , the day before the Ides of Aprill , and openly shewed to the people . [ Author commentariis de bell . Hispaniensi . ] The day before the Palilia , ( on the XII Kalends of May ) about evening the news of this victory was brought to Rome . [ Dio. lib. 43. ] and the day before the Kalends of May Caesar wrote a consolatory letter from Hispalis to M. Cicero , [ Cicero . ad Attic. lib. 13. epist. 20. ] for the death of his daughter Tullia : who after the divorce of her mother Terentia , at P. Lentulus his house died in childbed . [ Ascon . Pedian . in orat . Pisonian . Plutarch . in Ciceron . ] whenas her husband P. Cornelius Dolabella was in Spain with Caesar , as is perceived out of the second Philippick , and the 13 book of th● epistles to Atticus . Caius Octavius the grandchild of his sister Julia accompanied Caesar in this war , being then 18 years old , who was alwaies lodged in the same house with him , and ●●waies rode in the same coach with him ; he honoured this lad with the high Priesthood [ Vellei . Patercul . lib. 2. cap. 59. ] King Dejotarus being in some trouble , sent Blesanius his Embassadour into Spain to Caesar , who by letters dated to him from Tarracon , bid him be of good hope and good courage . [ Cicero pro Dejotaro . ] Whilst the war in Syria with Caecilius Bassus is prolonged L. Statius ( in Velleius called Staius , and in Appian Sextius ) Murcus ( falsly by Josephus called Marcus ) one that had been Praetour , being sent by Julius Caesar as successour of Sextus , came out of Italy with three companies : and is by Bassus valiantly repulsed . [ Vellei . Paterc . lib 2. cap , 69. Joseph . lib. 1. bel . cap. 8. fin . lib. 14. Antiquit. cap. 17. fin . Appian . bell . civil . 3. pag. 576. & . lib. 4. pag. 623 , ] for the country furnished the army of Bassus , he had also many Princes of the Arabians , who were associated with him in this war , who held many fortified places hard by : amongst these places was Lysias , situate beyond the Lake , which is neer unto Apamea , and Arethusa , the country of Sampseranus , and of his lamblychus , ( of whom Cicero makes mention in epist. 1. lib. 15. ad familiar ) which Princes governed the nation of the Emisseni , Heliopolis and Chalcis also were nigh , which were under the command of Ptolomy , the son of Me●naeus , who also governed Marsya , and the mountanous places of the I●uraeans . [ Strabo , lib. 26. pag. 753. ] Alchaudonius the Arabian ( called Alchaedamus by Strabo ) the King of the Rhambaean Nomades , who dwelt near Euphrates , who formerly had made a league with Lucullus , but afterwards had sent aids to the Parthians against Crassus , being called to assistance , both by Bassus and his enemies , went into Mesopotamia : but when he was come into a place that was between Apamea , and the Caesarians Camp , before he would give any answer to either party , he proposed that he would help them that gave most , and so joyned himself to Bassus , that gave most , and in the fight did much over-powerthe enemy by his archery . [ Idem . ibid. Dion lib. 47. ] On the Ides of September , Caesar made his last Will and Testament in his own house at Laricum , & committed it to the keeping of the chief Vestal Virgin : in it he appointed three grand children of his sisters , his heirs C. Octavius of 3 fourth parts , ( not of the half part only , as it is in Livy , lib. 116. ) Lucius Pinarius , and Q. Pedius of the other fourth part : he adopted also C. Octavius , into his name and family . He named also many of his murderers for tutours to his sons , if he should chance to have any . He appointed also Decimus Brutus to be one of his second heirs in remainder . [ Sueton in [ Julio . cap. 83. ] and M. Antonius , [ Dio. lib. 44. Florus , lib. 4. cap. 4. ] if those formermerly appointed , would not take upon them the inheritance . [ Appian . bell , civil . lib. 2. pag. 518. ] In the moneth of October , Year of the World 3960 Caesar being now conquerour of all , entred Rome , and gave pardon to all that had born arms against him . [ Vellei . Parcul . lib. 2. cap. 56. ] And after he had performed the Triumph for Spain , in the beginning of this moneth , he quitted the Consulship , and by bringing in a new order of substituting honorary Consuls : he made Q. Fabius Maximus , and C. Trebonius Consuls for three moneths , [ Dio. lib. 43. cum inscript . Gruteri . pag. CCXCVIII . init . ] the former of whom being Consul , triumphed for Spain , on the III. Ides of October . [ Ibid. pag. CCXCVII. ] Whereupon , when as Chrysippus had seen in the Triumph of Caesar , the Ivory Towns carryed before him : and a few dayes after , the wodden ones of Fabius Maximus , he said they were but the cases of Caesars Towns. [ Quintilian . lib. 6. cap. 4. ] Many and very great honours were by the Senate decreed unto Caesar , amongst which , that he should be perpetual Dictator : [ Livy , lib. 116. ] and moreover , that he should be named Emperour , [ Sueton. in Julio . cap. 76. ] not in that sense , in which both before and after , it was given to Generals for any victory they had obtained in the wars ; but whereby the highest power and authority in the Common-wealth was signified , [ Dio. lib. 43. ] for it was granted unto him , that he alone should have Souldiers , and the command of the Militia , and that he alone should take charge of the publick monies , and that it should be lawful for no other to make use of either of them ; and that all Magistrates should be subject to him , yea , even the Magistrates of the common people ; and that they should swear that they would never insringe any of his decrees . [ Id. ibid. & Appian lib. 2. Bell. Civil , pag. 194. ] And from hence , even from this his last return into the City , Velleius Paterculus deduceth , His five moneths of his principal cessation . [ lib. 2. cap. 56. ] Caesar had thoughts of repressing the Getae or Daci , who had made a great inrode into Pontus and Thracia , [ Sueton. in Julio . cap. 44. Appian . lib. 2. pag. 497. ] for the preparation of which expedition , he sent before Octavius , the son of Ariae , his sister Julias daughter , to Apollonia , that he might study there , and learn martial discipline ; intending afterward to make him his fellow souldier in the Getick and Pontick war. [ Vellei . Patercul . lib. 2. cap. 59. Sueton. in Octavio . cap. 8. Plutarch . in M. Brut. Appian . lib. 3. pag. 531. Dio. lib. 45. ] and thither also came some Squadrons of Pergamus ; whom now being very old , he carried with him out of the City thither , [ Sueton. in Ostavio . cap. 89. cum Strabone . lib. 13. pag. 625. ] and thither also came some Squadrons of Horse to him out of Macedonia , with whom he was exercised , where , by entertaining them courteously , he became very gracious with the army . [ Appian . lib. 3. pag. 531. ] Castor , a young man , incited by his father Suocondarius , ( as Strabo calls him ) and his mother , the daughter of King Dejotarus , went to Rome to accuse his grandfather : having corrupted the Kings servant and Phisitian , one Philip , with hopes and promises , that he should accuse his master , under a feigned crime of treason , as though he would have killed Caesar when he entertained him in his Tetrarchy , to whom the kings Embassadors Hieras , Blescenius , Antigonus , and Dorylaus , opposed themselves offering to Caesar their own bodies for the safety of the two kings , ( the father and son who then reigned together ) for him Cicero , in remembrance of their old friendship and familiarity , made an oration in Caesars house : using this as a preface , that it was so unusuall for a king to be guilty of treason , that it was never heard of before , but for this accusation , Dejotarus killed his daughter , together with her husband Cast or Su●condarius ( that noble Chronographer ) in Gorbrius the pallace of Castor himself . [ Strabo . lib. 1● pag. 568. ] concerning all this businesse famous Vossius ( alas ! our sometime dear friend ) is to be consulted in the last chapter of his first book of Greek Historians . Upon the Ides of December , Q. Pedius Triumphed for Spain , ( the third that was within this three moneths space , ) [ Gruteri , Inscript . pag. CCXCVII. ] in which ( as before him Fabius had done ) using wooden Pageants and not Ivory , caused much laughter , [ Dio. lib. 43. ] The Parthians being by Caecilius Bassus called to his aid , came , but did not stay long with him by reason of winter , nor did any memorable thing . Thus Dio in [ lib. 47. ] notwithstanding by their coming , he was freed from that close siege with which he was straightned by Antistius Velus , as Velus himself confirmeth in his letters to Balbus : concerning which , Cicero thus , [ lib. 14. ad Attic. epist. 9. ] Balbus is here , and very much with me : to whom letters were delivered on the day before the Kalends of January from Vellus , whenas Caeilius was besieged by him , and was even ready to be tak●n : that Pacorus the Parthian came with great Forces , and so escaped him , with the losse of many of his men , for which be accuseth Volcatius . So it seems to me that that war is nigh at hand : but let Nicias and Dollabella look to it . As namely to whom the care of the Province of Syria , and of the Parthian War , after the death of Caesar , was committed : when Cicero wrote this Epistle . At Rome , the day before the Kalends of January , Q. Fabius Maximus the Consul being dead , C. Caninius Rebilus demanded the Consulship of a few Towns , [ Id. ibid. cum Plinio , lib. 7. cap. 53. Sucton , in Claudio . cap. 15. & Trabell Pollion . in XXX . Tyrannis . ] concerning whom Cicero , to Curtius . [ lib. 7. epist. 30. ad familiar . ] Know that all the time that Caninius was Consul , there no body dined : yet there was no hurt done all the time that he was Consul : for he was of wonderful vigilance , as who never took sleep in his Consulship , [ Vid. Macrob. lib. 2. Saturnal . cap. 3. & lib. 7. cap. 3. ] The next day Caesar took upon him his fifth and last Consulship : in which he made an Edict , that thanks should be returned to Hyrcanus the High Priest and Prince of the Jews , and to the Nation of the Jews , for their affection to himself , and the people of Rome : and decreed also , that the same Hyrcanus should have the City Jerusalem , and should wall it about , and govern it after his own will. He also granted to the Jews , that every second year there should a deduction be made out of their rents , and that they should be free from imposition and tributes : as is to be seen in the 14 book and 17 chapter of Josephus his Antiquities . So that the same Josephu● seems to be deceived , who in the former chapter declares , that Caesar being in Syni● , sent letters to Rome to the Consuls , that authority might be given to Hyrcanus to build the walls of Jerusalem that Po●pey had thrown down : and that presently after , Caesar departing out of Syria , Antipater fell to work about it ; for that decree of the Senate that he puts down , doth not any thing at all belong either to this Hyrcanus , nor ●o there building of the walls of Jerusalem : as we have formerly observed at the year of the World 3877. concerning which also Salianus is to be consulted with , at the year of the World 4007 num . 36 , 37. In the same fifth Consulship , in the second Julian year , the moneth Quintilis is called July , in honour of Julius Caesar , M. Antonius his Colleague in the Consulship preferring this law , because Julius was born on the fourth ▪ Ides of Quintilis in this moneth , [ Appian . bell . civil . lib. 2. pag. 494. Dio. lib. 44. Censorin . de die 〈◊〉 , cap. 9. M●crab●us , lib. 2. 〈◊〉 . cap. 12. ] Whereupon , whereas in the following moneth of Se●●ilis , M. Brut●● , who was the City Praetor , and was to set forth the Apolli●ari●n Plr●es , after the Caesar was murdered by him , he wrote Nonis Jul●●● , the Nones of July . Cicero , wrote to his friend Articus , [ lib. 16. epist. 1. ] I could be angry an whole day : could any thing be more base , than for Brutus to write Jul●●● ? and Brutius being ●dmonished of this by him , said , that he would write that the hunting that was to be 〈◊〉 day after the Apollinarian Playes , they should set down to be on the III Ides of Q●intilis , [ ibid. epist. 4. ] Caesar rebuilt Carthage and Corinth , which were demolished both at one time , ( as hath been formerly said at the year of the World 3858. ) by bringing Roman Colonies thither , [ Di● . lib. 43. Strabo ▪ lib. 8. pag. 38● , & lib. ●7 . pag. 833. ] which concerning Corinth , 〈◊〉 in Cori●thiacis , and Solinus , concerning Carthage , cap. 30. ] and Appian at the end of his Lybicorum do so far confirm , that they agree , that between the overthrow and rebuilding of Carthage , there passed an 102 years : which space of time brings us just to this year , on which the Consulship of M. Antonius and P. Dolabella , whom Solinus here nameth , fell . So that Appian lesse considerately signified , that these Cities were again rebuilt by Augustus Caesar. At this time a great desire took the people of Rome to revenge the death of Crassus and the army that he lost , and hopes of utterly conquering the Parthians : whereupon this war by general consent was decreed to Caesar , and they very earnestly made preparation for it . And among other things that were done in prosecution of that war , and that both Caesar might have officers enough with him , and also that in his absence , lest that the City should be left destitute of Magistrate , neither if the city should chuse them there should be any new stirs again , they intended to appoint magistrates before hand for the whole three years , ( for so long they thought that that war might last ) half of these Caesar chose , as indeed was by the law granted unto him , ( concerning which law Suetonius is to be consulted ) and in truth all the rest . [ Dio. lib. 43. ] But minding first to set upon the Ge●ae , or Daci , he sent before him over the Adriatick sea , sixteen Legions , and 10000 horse , and then to make war upon the Parthians , through Armenia the l●s●e , and not to come to a s●t battle , till he had tried what they could do . [ Sueton. in Iulio . cap. 44. Appian . lib. 2. pag. 497. ] Caesar sent Cornificius to make war in Syria against Caecilius Bassus , and gave unto him the province of Syria . [ Cicero . lib. 12. ad familiar . epist. 18. 19. ] but whilst the Legions were to be conducted to him , the murder of Caesar happened : after which that province was assigned to P. Cornelius Dolabella the Consul , and ( as we shall see ) old Africa was given to Cornificius [ Cicero . ibid. epist. 19. 21. Appian . lib. 4. pag. 620. 621. ] Caesar committed the charg and command of three Legions that he had left in Alexandria ●o Rufinus the son of a freed man of his , who was an old ca●amite of his own . [ Su●ton . ●n Iulio . cap. 76. ] On the VII Ka●en●s of February , Caesar entred the City in an Oration from the mount Albanus . [ Inscript . Gruteri . pag. CCXCVII. ] for it was decreed that in the performance of the Latine Feriae he should be thus brought into the city . [ Dio. lib. 44. ] When some had saluted him King , as he was returning from the sacrifice of the Latine Feriae , and going into the city from the mount Albanus , he being offended that the people took it ill , answered them , that he was Caesar and not a King , and when they all held their peace , he went along by them very sad and melancholy , and when one of the company had put a lawrell crown tied with a white ribbon , ( which was that that they used to do to their Kings , ) upon his statue ; Epidius Marcellus and Caesilius Flarus commanded the crown to be untied , and the man to be had to prison , but Caesar grieving that the mention of a kingdom went not on very prosperously , or that the glory of denying it was taken from him , he severely child the Tribun●s , and deprived them of their office . [ Sueton. in Iul●o . cap. 79. Plutarch . in eodem , Dio. lib. 41. Livy . lib. 116. Appian . lib. 2. bell , civil . pag. 495. 496. ] On the Lupercalia ( which the old Kalender shews were celebrated on the 15 day of February ) M. Antonius his Colleague in the Consul-ship , being naked , came running amongst those that celebrated the feast , and falling down before Caesar , who sate in the Rostra , in his golden chain , cloathed in purple and crowned , and presented him with a diadem , in the name of the people of Rome , which being twice put on his head by him , Caesar took off again and laid in his golden chair , and answered , that Jupiter only was the King of the Romans , and sending the Diadem into the Capitoll to Jupiter , demmanded that it should be written in the records : That at the Lupercalia , Marcus Antonius the Consul , offered a Kingdome to Caesar the Dictatour , but he would not make use of it : whereupon he came into suspicion , that this was but a trick between them , and that indeed he did desire the name of King , but that he would fain be forced to take i● , idem ●b●d● Cicero . in Philip , 2. 3. 8. 13. Vellei Patercul . lib , 2. cap. 56. Plutarch , in Antonio , Cassador . in Chronico . ] After this there was a rumour went about , either true or false , ( as fables use to be made ) That the Priest called Quindecimviri found in the Sybils book , that the Parthians might be overcome by the Romans , if a King were Generall , otherwise they were unconquerable , and thereupon that L. Cotta , one of the Quindecimviri , should in the next Senate preferre a law , that Caesar should be stiled King , and some were of opinion that he ought to be stiled either Dictatour or Emperour of the Romans , or any other name that sounded more plausible than the name of Kings : but that of all other nations that were under the command of the Romans , he should positively be stiled King. [ Sueton. Plutarch , Dion , ut supra Appian , pag. 497. ] whither also is to be referred that of Cicero [ in lib. 2. de divinat . ] We observe the Sybils verses , which she is reported in a fury to have uttered , whose interpreter ( L. Cotta ) was of late though to speak some false things meerly out of mens report , as though that he that we have now for King already , must be called King , if we will be secure . Caesar provided by all means to get him out of the City as soon he could , where he began to be hardly thought of : but four dayes before he intended to go , he was stabbed in the Senate . [ Appian . pag. 497. ] There was in this conspiracy about 60. Senatours and Knights of Rome , as is reported , [ Sueton. in Julio . cap. 80. Eutrop. lib. 6. fin . Oros. lib. 6. cap. 17. ] the chief of which were M. Brutus , and C. Triboniu● , and C. Cassius , and of Caesars party D●cimus Brutus , [ Livy , lib. 116. ] when as therefore Caesar was come into the Senate house , with an intention to advance the Parthian war ; there the Senatours stabbed him as he sare in the Ivory chair , and he was slain with three and twenty wounds , [ Id. ibid. Florus , lib. 4. Histor. Rom. cap. 2. fin . ] on the Ides of March , in the fifty sixth year of his age . [ Sueton. in Julio . cap. 81 , 88 , 91. Plutarch in eodem . & Appian . lib. 2. bell . civ . l. pag. 522. ] Thus he who had fought in fifty set battles , and had killed a thousand one hundred ninety two thousand men in battles , ( as Pliny relates . lib. 7. cap. 25. ] in that Senate ; the most part whereof he had chosen himself , in Pompey's Court , before the image of Pompey himself ; so many of his own Centurions looking on , he so fell by the hands of the most noble Citizens , and those too , most of them advanced very much by himself , so that not onely none of his friends , but that not so much as any of his servants could come at his body . [ Cicero , lib. 2. de divinatione . ] P. Cornelius Dolabella , being but twenty five years old , who was by Caesar himself , when he was to go out of the City , designed Consul in his own room , for the rest of the years : whereas he snatched up the fasces , and the consular ensignes , came before them all , and vilely reproached the authour of his dignity ; and as some deliver , preferred a Law , that that day might be accounted as the birth day of the City . [ Appian . lib. 2. Bell. Civil : pag. 505 , 506. cum Vellei . Patercul . lib. 2. cap. 58. ] The third day after the murder of Caesar , ( as Cicero hath it in his Philippicks ) whereas the Liberalia were celebrated , ( as is gathered out of the fourteenth book , ad Atticum . epist. 10. & 16. ) that is , on the XVI . Kalends of April , the Senate being called into the Temple of Tellus , whereas the Consul Antonius , Plancos , and Cicero had discoursed concerning an act of oblivion , and a peace ; It was decreed , that the memory of all iniuries might be blotted out , and that a firm peace might be settled among the Citizens , and that Caesars acts might be ratified , [ Cicero , Philippick . 1. Vellei . Patercul . lib. 2. cap. 58. Plutarch in Cicerone . Bruto . & Antonio . Appian . lib. 2. D●o . lib. 44. ] And upon the very day first of all ( as it is in the Philippick 1. ) M. Antonius , laying aside all enmities , was willing that Dolabella should be his Colleague in the Consulship , although when as formerly Caesar shewed himself , that he had a mind , before he left the City , that he should be Consul , he vehemently opposed it , as Cicero declareth in Philippick 2. and Plutarch in Anto. ) For at the first he had determined not to admit him to the Consulship , as being yet too young ; but for fear he should make any sedition , he suffered him to be his Colleague . D●o . lib. 44. ] The next day the Senate meeting again , decreed Provinces for the murderers of Caesar ; as Creta to M. Brutus , to Cassius Africa , to Trebonus Asia , to Cimber Bithinia , and to Decimus Brutus , Gallia Circumpana . [ Plutarch in M. Bruto . ] Of these the two former were Praetors of the city , who seeing they thought it unhandsome , ambitiously to seize upon Provinces before the time of their Magistracy was out ; and when they also saw it was not safe for them to exercise any jurisdictions in the City , they determined to passe over the rest of the year in Italy as private men : which when the Senate understood , they appointed them to be Overseers for the bringing in of corn into the City , [ Appian . lib. 3. pag. 530. ] that Brutus should take charge of sending corn to the City out of Asia , and Cassius out of Sicilia , but Cassius scorned this office . [ Cicero . ad Attic. lib. 15. epist. 9 , 11 , 12. ] Some had a plot , that there should be a private bank raised for them that killed Caesar , from the Roman Knights ; and they thought that this might be easily compassed , if the chief of them would bring in their monies . Whereupon Atticus is called upon by Flavius , a familiar friend of Brutus , that he would be the chief in this businesse : but he that alwayes thought of doing his friend courtesies , without any faction answered , That if Brutus had any mind to make use of his estate , let him use as much as his estate would bear ; but that himself would not so much as speak with any about this matter , nor joyne with them in it , and so the whole plot of the consenters was spoiled by one mans dissent . [ Cornel. Nepos in Vita . Attici . ] In the Temple of Castor , some letters of the names of the Consuls Antonius and Dolabella were strucken down with lightning : by which Julius Obsequens , in lib. de Prodigiis , saith that their alienation from their country was signified . The Consul Antonius perswaded his Colleague Dolabella , as one that was an ambitious young man , that he should demand to be sent into Syria , and to the army that was raised against the Parthians : and brought it to passe that the Province of Syria fell to him by the vot●s of the people , and also the Parthian war , and the Legions that were appointed by Caesar for that purpose , together with those that were sent before into Macedonia : and he then of the Senate obtained Macedonia , ( thus left naked without an army ) [ Appian . lib. 3. pag. 530 , 531 , & 550. ] Cicero fearing Antonius his power , determined at first to go with Dolabella into Syria , as his Lieutenant , [ Plutarch , in Cicerone . ] the IIII Nones of April there was a free Lieutenancy granted him , that he might enter upon it and have it when he would himself , [ Cicero , ad Attic. lib. 15. epist. 12. ] But being perswaded by Hirtius and Pansa who were designed Consuls for the next year , he changed his opinion : and leaving Dolabella , he resolved to spend the Summer at Athens , [ Plut. ut supr . ] to take his journey into Greece before the time that the Olympian Games were celebrated , [ Cicero , ad Attic. lib. 15. epist. 24. & lib. 16. epist. 7. ] and in this very year , was the 184 Olympiade was celebrated . Octavius in the sixth moneth after he was come to Apollonia , having received the news of his Uncles death , passed out of Epirus into Italy , where at Brundusium being received by the army that went to meet him as Caesars son , without any further delay , he immediately assumed the name of Caesar , and took upon him to be his heir , ( and so much the rather , because he had brought with him great store of money , and great forces that were sent him by Caesar. ) And so at Brundusium adopting himself into the Julian Families , he henceforth called himself Caius Julius Caesar Octavius , instead of Caius Octavius , [ Livy , lib. 117. Julius Obsequens de Prodiglis , Appian . lib. 3. pag. 531 , 532. Dion . lib. 45. ] To this very name , no otherwise then to the true son , there came great store , partly of friends , partly of freed men and slaves , and with them of souldiers also , who either carried provision and money into Macedonia , or brought the tributes and other monies that they had exacted from the Provinces to Brundusium ; he then being more strengthened and emboldened by the multitude of them that flocked to him , and by the authority of the Caesarean name in great reputation with the common people , he took his journey towards the city , with no contemptible Traine , and which daily encreased like a floud , [ Appian . ibid. pag. 532 , 533. ] On the XIIII Kalends of May , Octavius came to Naples , and the next day at Cumae he gave Cicero a visit , [ Cicero , lib. 14. ad Attic. epist. 10. ] of which , thus Cicero himself in an Epistle to Atticus , written X Kalends , [ ibid. epist. 12. ] Octavius was with us , very nobly and friendly , his own followers saluted him by the name of Casar , but Philip would not : for it stood not with the good liking of his mother Atia , and his father in law Philip , that he should take upon him the name of the envyed fortune of Caesar : as we read in Velleius Paterculus , [ lib. 2. cap. 60. Succon , Octavie , cap. 8. Appian . lib. 3. pag. 532 , 533. ] There met Octavius as he was coming to Rome , a vast company of his friends ; and when he entred the city , the Globe of the Sun seemed upon his head , equally bent and rounded like a bow , ( as it were putting a Crown upon the head of him that hereafter was to be so great a man ) thus Velleius , [ lib. 2. cap. 59. and Iulius Obsequens de Prodigiis . ] When as he entred the City with a great multitude about him , the Sun being included in the round of a pure and unclouded skie , compassed him about , with the utmost part of the circle , ( as the Rainbow is wont to be bent in the cloudes ) to wit , a circle of divers colours , as is wont to be in the Rainbow , did at that time compasse about the Sun ; as it is in Seneca , [ Natural . Quaestion . lib. 1. cap. 2. Plinie , lib. 2. cap. 28. Sueton , in Octavio . cap. 95. Dion . lib. 45. and Oros. lib. 6. cap. 20. ] Octavius calling together his friends , over night commanded them all to be ready the next morning with good store of followers to meet him in the Market-place : where going to Caius the brother of Antonius the city Praetor , he told him he did accept of his adoption ; for it was the Roman custom in an adoption , to interpose the authority of the Praetor : which acceptance being registred by the Scribes , he , immediately from the Market-place , went unto Antonius the Consul , [ Appian . lib. 3. pag. 534. ] whom the Consul entertained proudly , ( but this was not contempt but fear ) and scarcely admitting him into Pompeys Gardens , gave him 〈◊〉 to speak with him , [ Velles . Patercul . lib. 2. cap. 60. ] The Circensian Playes were neglected which were decreed to be solemnized for the honour of Caesar in the Palilia , ( XI Kalends of may ) because the news of his Victory in Spain was brought to Rome the day before that day , [ Dio. lib. 44. & 45. ] but Quinctus and Lamia wore Crowns there for Caesars honours sake , [ Cicer , lib. 14. ad A●ticum , epist. 16. & 22. ] When as the murderers of Caesar were sent into the Provinces , that fell to them by lot , ( as Dio hath it in lib. 44. ) Caius Trebonius went into his Province by By-ways , [ Cicero , lib. 14. ad Attic. epist. 10. ] to succeed Q. Philippus in the Proconsulate of Asia , [ lib. 13. ad familiar . epist. 73. & 74. collat . with epist. 43. & 45. ] With him went Patiscu● , as ordinary Proquestour : but P. Lentulus the son of Puolius Lentuius Spinther was by the Senate sent into Asia as extraordinary in that office , to gather in the trib●te , and to ●aise money , [ lib. 12. ad familiar . epist. 14 , 15. ] XI Kalends of June , Trebonius came to Athens , and there finding young Cicero earnestly at his study under Cratippus , he invited them both into his Province of Asia : as he himself tells in his letters to his father , dated the VII Kalends of June , [ lib. 12. ad familiar . epist. 16. ] to which his father Cicero answers in lib. 15. in the last epist. to his familiars . IV Nones of June , there was a law made , that the Consuls should take cognizance of those things that Caesar had ordained , decreed , and done , [ Cicero , ad Attic. lib. 16. epist. 18. ] Antonius , after it was committed to him to overs●e and execute those things that Caesar had commanded to be done , what by corrupting the notes , and changing them at his pleasure , did every thing as it pleased him , as if it were by the appointment of Caesar , gratifying by this means Cities and Governours , and heaping to himself vast sums of money ; for he sold not onely fields and tributes , but freedoms also , even of the City of Rome , and other immunities : and that not onely to particular persons , but to whole Provinces , and all people ; and of these things there were tables hung up over all the capitol , [ Cicero , in Philippica . 2. & lib. 2. ad familiar . epist. 1. Vellei . Patercul . lib. 2. cap. 60. Plutarch , in Antonio . Appian . lib. 3 , pag. 529. Dio. lib. 44. ] in one of which , the richest cities of the Cretians were freed from tributes , and it was ordained that after the Proconsulate of Brutus Creete should be no longer a Province , [ Cicero , ibid. ] Antonius also having received a great sum of money fixed up a Register also , as if the law had been made by Caesar , that the Sicilians should be made citizens of Rome , [ Id. lib. 14. ad Attic. epist. 12. ] King Dejoratus , as soon as he heard of Caesars death , recovered all things that were taken from him of his own accord , notwithstanding his Embassadours being fearful and unskilful , without the consent of the rest of the Kings friends , by a bond given to Fulvia of 100000 Sesterces , got a decree fixed in the Capitol , by which all things were ridiculously feigned as if they were restored by Caesar himself , [ Id. ibid. & in 2. Philippic . ] When as there were Playes to be set forth to Caesars Victory the XIII of August ( as appears in the old Kalender in Gruterus his inscriptions pag. CXXXIII ) and they not daring to do it to whose office it did belong , Octavius set them forth himself , [ Sueton . in Octavio , cap. 10. ] And when as he had committed the care for the prepartions for them to C. Matius , a most learned man ; who gives this reason to Cicero , [ lib. 11. ad familiar , epist. 27. & ad Attic. epist. 2. ] not approving it . I have taken care for the Playes that young Caesar made to the Victory of Caesar , but it belonged to my private service to him , and not to the state of the commonwealth : which service yet I ought to perform to the memory and honour of my chiefest friend , although now dead ; neither could I deny it at the request of that hopeful young man , and most worthy Caesar. And hither are to be referred those things in the 45 Book of Dio ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . They did sacrifice with certain processions on a particular day consecrated to him for his Victories : and that it was formerly decreed to have been so , Appian in 2 book of the civil wars , [ pag. 494. ] and in lib. 43. Dion himself confirms ; that those dayes should be celebrated with solemn sacrifices on which he obtained his Victories . It seems that the commemoration of all the Victories he had obtained were summed up on this one day consecrated for his victorial Sacrifices : for that of Lucan in the beginning of the seventh book shews , that the day of the Victory of Pharsalia , the most famous of all the rest , was not particularly reckoned among the Feast dayes . Tempora signavit leviorum Roma malorum , Hunc voluit nescire diem . Rome hath oft celebrated times lesse dire ; But this would in oblivion have retire . M. B●utus and Caius Cassius privately by letters advise Trebonins in Asia , and Tullius Cimber in Bythinia , that they should secratly gather up mony , & consider of an army . [ Appian . lib. 3. pag. 529 , 530. ] which advice Cimber obeying provided also a navy . [ Cassius . ad Ciccron . lib. 12. ad familiar . epist. 13. ] It was that drunken Cimber , whom Seneca relates , in epist. 83. that he made this jest upon himself ; Ego quemquam feram , qui vinum ferre non possum ? Am I able to deal with any one , who cannot bear Wine . Caesar Octavianus being nineteen years old , by his own advice , and at his own charge , gathered an army ; as he himself shews in the Breviary of his Affairs , ingraven in the Ancyran Marble , [ Inscript . Gruter . pag. CCXXX . ) before the day of the XI . Kalends , to wit of October , in which he was entering into his twentieth year of his age ; for before the departure of Antonius from the City , ( which happened in the following October ) he being commended to the Senate by the means of Cicero , and others that hated Antonius , he endeavoured to get the favour of the people , and to gather an army , [ Plutarch in Antonio . ] and preparing forces against Antonius , both for his own safty , and the Common-wealths , he stirred up the old Souldiers that were sent into Colonies , [ Livy , lib. 117. ] concerning which Florus speaks . Octavius Caesar pitied for his youth , and wrongs , and gracious for the majesty of that name , that he had assumed calling the old Souldiers to arms , he being a private person , then ( who would believe it ? ) sets upon the Consul : thus he , [ lib. 4. cap. 4. ] where yet he doth not right in making him but eighteen years old : as neither Dio which writes that he was 18. years old when he assumed the name , and took upon him as Caesars heire . [ lib. 45. pag. 271. ] Neither is it accurately enough said of Seneca , [ lib. 1. de clementia , cap. 9. ] That he was newly out of his eighteenth year , or of Velleius Paterculus , That he was entred on his nineteenth year , for Paterculus saith , C. Caesar being e●tred on his nineteenth year ; during wonderful things , and attaining the highest by his own advice , had a greater mind for the safty of the Common-wealth , than the Senate had . [ lib. 2. cap. 61. ] For when he began to provide an army , he was almost out of his nineteenth year of his age ; and from that time , even to his death , there is reckoned 57 years , and so many also doth Maximus the Monck , in his computation assign to his government . Here Antonius being afraid , hath a conference with him in the Capitol , and they are reconciled . The same night in his sleep , his right hand seemed to be strook with lightning : and a few dayes dayes after it was secretly whispered unto him , That Caesar sought to betray him ; and when he would not belive Caesar that sought to clear himself , their old enmity brake out again . [ Plutarch in Antonio . ] Antonius supposing that he had need of greater forces , and knowing that the Legions of Macedonia , were the best souldiers , and more in number , ( for they were six Legions ) and that with them there was a great band of archers , and light harnessed men , and horsemen also , and all in excellent equipage , which seemed to belong to Dolabella , because the Parthian ▪ war was decreed to him , when Caesar made preparation against the Parthians . These he thought to draw to himself , because for the neernesse they might presently be in Italy , by crossing the Adriatick sea : and when as there was a false rumour spread abroad , that the G●tae hearing of the death of Caesar , wasted Macedonia by their inrodes . Antonius demanded an army of the Senate , that he might be revenged of the enemy , saying , That the Macedonian army was raised by Caesar against the Ge●ae , before he determined to set upon the Parthians , and that all things were now quiet towards the bounds of Parthia . At length having agreed to deliver one Legion over to Dolobella , he is chosen General of the Macedonian army . [ Appian . lib. 3. pag. 541 , 542. ] He obtained also by a law made by force the change of Provinces , that C. Antonius his brother should challenge Macedonia , which Province fell to Marcus Brutus lot , and the Consul Marcus Antonius should have Gallia Cisalpina , that was assigned to Decimus Brutus , together with the Macedonian army , which was sent before by Cesar to Apollonia . [ Dio. lib. 45. cum Livy , lib. 117. & Appian . lib. 3. pag. 543 , 545 , 546. ] It was reported that the Legions of Alexandria were in arms , that Bassus was sent for out of Syria , and Cassius was expected , [ Cicero . ad Attic. lib. 15. epist. 13. ] The time of the playes being come , which Critonius the Edile was to set forth ; Cesar provided for his father a golden chaire and a crown : which thing was ordered by the decree of the Senate to be done for ever in all playes : and whereas Critonius ●emed that ever he would suffer Cesar to be honoured in those playes that he set forth at his own private charge : Cesar was brought before Antonius , as unto the Consul ; the Consul told him that he would propose it to the Senate , propose it ( quoth he ) and in the mean time I will provide the chair : which Antonius being exasperated , forbad ; neither content with this , but forbad it also , in the following playes , that Cesar solemnized , and were instituted in honour of their mother Venus , when a Temple in the market-place was dedicated to him , and also the market-place it self : which fact of Antonius was entertained with publick hatred . [ Appian . ibid. pag. 543 , 544. ] On the VI. Kalends of October , in the Marble piece of the old Kalendar , [ in Inscript . Gruter . pag. CXXXV . fin . conferred with another whole one . pag. CXXXIII . ] it is there marked . VENERI . GENETRI . CIIN . FORO . CAESAR . On that day therefore Octavianus , to gain the peoples favour , made those playes , that were instituted for the finishing of Venus Temple , at his own charges , as pertaining to him by reason he came from that stock , and which some , during Cesars life time , had undertook that they would solemnize , but yet neglected them . [ Dio. lib. 45. ] which whilest he was setting fourth , Seneca teacheth that a Comet suddenly brake forth , [ in Natural . quaestion . lib. 7. cap. 17. Sueton. in Julio . cap. 88. & Pliny , lib. 2. cap. 25. ] where he relates these words of Octavius himself . In the very dayes of my Playes there was a Comet seen seven dayes together , in the North part of the Heaven : it arose about the eleventh hour of the day ; it was clear , and conspicious in all lands : the people generally thought that by this star was signified Caesars soul to be received into the number of the gods : and under that notion was that mark added to the image of his head , that we newly consecrated in the market-place : which is also to be seen in some coins that were stamped after his death , with the inscription DIVI JULII . and signified in that of Virgil , Thy fathers star appeared in the North. [ Aeneid . 8. ] The VII . Ides of October , Year of the World 3961 Antonius came to Brudusium , going to meet four of the Macedonian Legions ( of five ) that he thought to get to himself by mony . [ Cicero . lib. 12. ad familiar . epist. 23. with Appian . lib. 3. pag. 552. 554. & Dion . lib , 45. pag. 276. edit . Graecolatin . Hannoviensis . ] And which , being granted him by the Senate and people of Rome , against the Getae , he transported into Italy , [ Vellet . Patercul . lib , 2. cap. 61. with Appian . lib. 3. pag. 543 , 546. & 556. fin . ] Thither also Octavianus sent his friends with mony , to hire those souldiers for himself . [ Dio. ut supra . ] But he himself posted into Campania , to ingage those souldiers that his father had sent into Colonies , to war on his side ; and first he drew to his party the old Souldiers of Galatia : then those of Casilinum , which lay on both sides of Capua , and , bestowing upon each of them five hundred pence , ( which Appian and Dio , after the custom of the Greeks , render drachmes ) he gathered together about 10000 men , but neither well armed , nor marshalled into companies , and marched with them under one Ensigne as a guard . [ Cicero , lib. 16. ad Attic. epist. 8. & Philippick . 3. Vellei . Patercul . lib. 2. cap. 61. Appian . lib. 3. pag. 552 , 553. ] And upon these was the name of the Evocati first put ; because that when they had had leave to serve no more in the wars , they were again called to it . [ Servius Galba ad Ciceron . in lib. 10. ad familar . epist. 30. Dio. lib. 45. pag. 276. & lib. 55. pag. 565. ] In the mean while the four Legions of Macedonia , accusing Antonius for his delay in revenging Caesars death upon the murderers , without any acclamations conducted him to the Tribunal , as if they would hear an account of this businesse , before any thing . This silence of theirs he took ill , neither could he contain himself , but upbraided them with their ingratitude , because they did not acknowledge how much better it was to go into Italy , than into Parthia , neither shewed any token of thankfulnesse . He complained moreover , That they had not brought to him some disturbers of the peace , that were sent from that malapert young man ( for so he called Caesar ) but that he shall find them out ; and that he would march with the army to the Province that was decreed him by the Senate , even that fortunate Gallia , and that he would give to every one , then present , 100 drachmes , or pence . This niggardlinesse of his in promising , was entertained with laughter ; which when he took ill , he was deserted , and the tumult increased . [ Appian . lib. 3. pag. 554. with Dion . lib. 45. pag. 276. & Cicero . lib. 16. ad Attic. epist. 8. ] When Antonius had demanded the seditious of the Tribunes , according to the discipline of war , he drew out the tenth man by lot , but neither did he punish them all , but onely part of them , thinking to terrifie them by little and little . [ Appian . lib. 3. pag. 554 , 555. ] Also in the house of his host , in the day of Brundusium , in the presence of his not onely most covetous , but most cruel wife Fulvia , he put to death some Centurions , called out of the Martian Legion . [ Cicero . Philippic . 3 , 5 , 13. Di● lib. 45. pag. 276. ] When those of Caesars party that were sent to corrupt them , saw that they were more provoked by this deed , they scattered libels about the army , calling 〈◊〉 mind the memory of Caesar , in respect of the Businesse and cruelty of Antonius , and inviting them to the liberality of the young man : and whenas the Consul had propounded rewards to them that would tell him of them , and punishments to the concealers ; he took it ill that none were discovered , as if the army did defend them , [ Appian . pag. 555. ] When Caesar Octavianus came to have office , and had endeavoured to assure the people to himself , M , Brutus and Caius Cassius , both casting off all hope of holding the state of a popular commonwealth , and also being afraid of Caesar , set saile out of Italy , and landed at Athens , when they were magnificently entertained , [ thus Dio. lib. 47. pag. 238. 239. ] Cornelius Nepos in the life of Atticus writes that they , when Antonsus began to have the upper hand , casting of all care of those provinces that were given them by the Consuls , went into exile : and now both fearing the armes of Antonius , and now again to encrease the envy they had against Antonius , they feigned as though they feared , and protested by their edicts , that they would willingly live in perpetuall exile , as long as the commonwealth was in peace , neither would they give any occasion of civill war ; Velleius Patercu●s tells that they went out of Italy . [ lib. 2. cap. 62. ] When some went to Octavianus his side , and some to Antonius his party , the armies as if they had been set to sale at an outcry addicted themselves to him that would give most . Brutus intended to leave Italy , and through Lucania came by land to the sea at Elea , from whence setting saile he came to Athens , where being scholler to Theomnestas the Academick , and to Cratippus the Peripatetick ( the Mitylenian ) and together with them following his study , he seemed to give over all business and to live in idlenesse , whenas notwithstanding he prepared for the war ; [ Plutarch . in Bruto . Cicero in Philippic . 10. ] declares that the navy of Cassius within few daies overtook Brutus . Brutus Cassius determined by force to invade Macedonia , and Syria as assigned before to them , to Dolabella and Antonius , which consultation as soon as it was detected ; Dolabella hasted into Syria , visiting Asia by the way , to gather mony from thence . So Appianus [ de bellis civilibus lib. 3. pag. 541 , ] for he thought ( as also before him Florus lib , 4 , cap. 7. ) that Macedonia was decreed by Julius Caesar ( before he was killed by them ) to Brutus , and Syria to Cassius , and that there were other lesser granted to them , in the place of those that were afterwards taken from them by the Consuls , to wit Cyrene and the Isle of Cre●e , or as some write both these to Cassius , and Bithinia to Brutus , but that they contemned these and gathered an army and mony with an intent to invade Syria and Macedonia . [ Appian . lib. pag. 527. 530 , 531. 533. 536. 550 , & lib. 4. pag. 622. ] But that Syria was appointed by Julius Caesar to Cornificius , we learn from Cicero and the fourth day after his murther that Crete was decreed by the Senate to Brutus , and Africa to Cassius , we have heard formerly out of Plutarch , whereupon in Philippic . XI . Cicero saith of Brutus . Neither went he into his own province of Crete , but hasted into Macedonia which was anothers ; and of Cassius he obeyed the law of nature , when he went into Syria , anothers province indeed of men would use writen laws , but these being violated , his own by the law of nature . Velleius Paterculus confirmeth ' that they , both of them , seized upon provinces without any decree of the Senate , or publick authority . [ lib. 2 , cap. 62. ] and of both of them living at Athen , Dio thus writes , [ lib , 47. pag , 339. ] when they heard that Caesar encreased in strength , Crete and Bithynia ( for thither were they sent ) being neglected , because they thought that these provinces would stand them in small stead , they set their mind upon Syria and Macedonia , indeed nothing belonging to them , but that at that time they flourished both in men and mony . Dolabella making his journy through Achaia , Macedonia , and Thrace , came too late into Asia , but in Achaia having both foot and horse , he met Vetus Antestius , who having returned from Syria , had dismissed his army , ( which he had lately used against Caecilius Bassus ) when he had rather undergo any danger than to seem to give either upon compulsion , or willingly any mony to Dolabella . [ Dio , lib. 47 , pag , 344. & Brutus in lib. Ciceronis ad Brutum epist , 1. ] On the Kalends of November , letters were brought to Cicero from Octavian , wherein he asketh his advice , whether he had best come to Rome , with those 4000 old souldiers , or should keep Capax , and shut out Anthonius from thence , or should go to the three Legions of Macedonia , which came by the way of the Adriatick sea , which because they would not receive the largesse that Antonius offered them , he thought he might get them to himself , [ Cicero . lib. 16. ad Attic. epist. 8 , ] Octavius numbred the centuries of Capua , [ epist. 9. ] taking his journy into Samnium he came to Cales , and tarried at Theanum , There was a wonderfull 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and confluence of the free cities and corporations which came to Rome , with a great band . [ epist , 1. ] Then going forth to the common people , already prepared for this purpose by Canutius the Tribune of the people ) he renewed the memory of his father in a long oration to them , and the brave acts that he had done , he spake also many things modestly of himself , accused Antonius , and commended the souldiers that followed him ; because they were ready to aid the city , and that they had chosen him for that purpose , and that they should by themselves signifie so much to multitudes , and being commended , partly for the goodly equipage he had , and partly for the multitude of souldiers he had with him ; he went into Hetrucia for to raise more souldiers there , [ Dio. lib. 45. pag. 276. ] At this time Marcus Cicero dedicates his three famous books of Offices to his son Marcus , having now been a Scholler an whole year to Cratippus , ( not now at the first time sent thither , as Dio signifies in lib. 45 pag. 277. ) [ lib. 16. ad familiares , epist. 11. ] and there are yet extant the sons letters to Tiro , [ lib. 16. ad familiares , epist. 21. ] in which speaking of them that boarded together with him , he saith , I have hired a place for Brutus hard by me , and as much as I can out of my poverty , I sustain his want : Moreover I intended to declaim in Greek before Cassius , but before Brutus , I will do my exercise in Latin. I use for my familiar friends and boarders , those that Cratippus brought with him from Mitylenae , learned men and well approved by him . Brutus being brought to this want , associated himself ( besides Clcero ) with other young men that studied at Athens : he sent Herostratus into Macedonia , to get the favour of them that were Captains of the armies ; and when he had received news that some Roman ships laded with money directed their course from Asia towards Athens , and that the Admiral was an honest man , and his familiar friend , he went to meet him about the Carystos , he perswaded him to deliver the ships over to him , [ Plutarch , in Bruto . ] Brutus upon his Birth-day made a great Feast for the Admiral , in which when they came to tipling , they began a health to Brutus's victory , and the liberty of the people of Rome : then Brutus taking a large cup , spake aloud this Verse without any evident cause ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Sed me sors misera & Latonae perdidit infans . Latona's stem and cruel fate To my successe have put a date . Which exclamation was accounted for an ill omen of his overthrow , when going to fight his last battle at Philippi , he gave his souldiers the word Apollo , [ Id. ibid. Appian . lib. 4. pag. 668. ] After this Anistius bestowed on Brutus of that money he carried into Italy 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 500 Myriades : as Plutarch writes in that place . The Latin Interpreter rendered it 20000 Sestertium's , which sum Brutus himself acknowledges ( that Vetus Antistius both promised of his own accord , and gave him of his money , ) in an Epistle in which he commends him to Cicero , as Antistius was going to Rome to demand the Praetorship , [ lib. ad Brutum , epist. 11. ] We read in Cornelius Nepos in the life of Atticus , that Pompeius Atticus also sent a present of an C. M. Sestert . when Brutus was cast out and left Italy , and in his absence , commanded that 300 should be given him in Epirus . Cassius and Brutus , parting the one from the other in Piraeera , the one went into Syria , the other into Macedonia , [ Plutarch . ] Cassius that he might keep Dolabella out of Syria , [ Cicero , Philippic . 11. ] Brutus that he might get Macedonia and Greece to joyn with him , [ Dio. lib. 47. pag. 339. ] and without any publick authority seizing upon Provinces and armies , pretending that where they were , there was the common-wealth , they received money of those that would deliver it them , that was sent by the Treasurers to Rome from the parts beyond Seas , [ Velle● . Patercul . lib. 2. cap. 62. ] Cassius , having prevented Dolabella , sailed into Asia to Trebonius the Proconsul : and having received money from him , he joyned to his party many of those horsemen that were sent before by Dolabella into Syria , ( which P. Lentulus brags in his letters to Cicero that he first delivered over to Cassius , [ lib. 12. ad familiar . epist. 14. ] and also many of Asia and Cilicia . He compelled also Tarcondimotus and the Tarsenses to joyne in alliance with him , but the Tarsenses did it against their wills ; for they so favoured the first Caesar , and for his sake the later , that instead of Tarsus , they called their City Juliopolus , [ Dio. lib. 47. pag. 342. ] Brutus also after he had received from Apuleius what forces he then had , and in ready money sixteen thousand talents , which being collected out of the payments and tributes of Asia he had received of Trebonius , he came into Boeotia , [ Appian . lib. 4. pag. 632. with Dion . pag. 339. ] There he gathered up souldiers , partly of those of the battle of Pharsalia , he found wandering about Thessalia ; partly of those that came with Dolabella from Italy , who either were left there by reason of sicknesse , or that had run away from their Regiments . Moreover , he took from Cinna 500 Horse , which he conducted to Dolabella into Asia , [ Plutarch , & Dio , ut supra . ] Whither also belongs that of Cicero concerning Brutus , Philippick XI . Dolabella's Horse , and that before he was defiled with the murder ( of Trebonius ) but judged him an enemy by his own sentence only ; for if it were not so , how could he take away the Horse from the Consul ? Brutus being thus appointed , under colour of service to the Common-wealth , and of undertaking a war against Antonius , without any adoe he seized upon Greece , where there were no souldiers at all . [ Dio. ut supra , with Livy , lib. 118. ] From hence he goeth to Demetrius , where he got into his power great store of arms that were provided by the command of Caesar the Dictator , against the Parthian war , which were to be carried to Antonius . [ Plutarch & Appian . lib. 3. pag. 567. ] He came also into Macedonia at the same time , that Caius Antonins , the Consuls brother was newly come thither , and Q. Hortensius , the Proconsul of Macedonia , was preparing for his departure ; but he stood nor much upon this , seeing that Hortensius would presently joyn with him : and Antonius being forbidden ( Caesar now commanding all at Rome ) to meddle with any thing that belonged to the chief Magistrate , had no forces . [ Dio. ut supra . with Cicero . Philippic . 10. ] There was a muster made in Macedonia , by the great care and industery of Q. Hortensius ; the Legion that L. Piso the Lieutenant of Antonius conducted , delivered it self over to Cicero's son , whom Brutus brought with him from Athens , the Horse which was conducted in two bridades into Syria , one whereof left him that conducted them in Thessalia , as it is said , and went to Brutus : the other Cn. Domitius in Macedonia withdrew from the Lieutenant of Syria . [ Cicero . Philippic . 10. ] Brutus hearing that Antonius would immediately march to the forces which Gabinius had at Dyrrachium and Apollonia , and desiring to prevent him , suddenly took his journy through rough wayes , and much snow , and far out-went them that carried his dinner : as he came neer to Dyrrachium , through the labour and cold , he was taken with a Bulimia , which disease takes them that are wearied with going in the snow ; whose necessity being understood , the Souldiers left the guard , and came running with meat and drink to him : for which curtesie Brutus , when the Town was delivered , shewed himself kind , not onely to them , but for their sakes , to all . [ Plutarch . ] But Q. Vatinius , who commanded in Illyrium that lay near , came from thence , and had seized upon Dyrrachium before , having been an adversary to Brutus , throughout all the civil war. But being contemned of his Souldiers , by reason of his sicknesse , and they going to Brutus , he opened the gates to him , and delivers up the army to him . [ Dio. ut supra . cum Ciceron . Philippick . 10. Livy , lib. 118. ] When a way lay both open , and not long , for Dolabella into Syria , he brake into Asia , another mans Province , in which there was no suspicion of war , he sending M. Octavius a Senatour , but poor , with a Legion , wasted the Countries , and vexed their Cities . [ Cicero . Philippick . 11. ] But neither Pergamus nor Smyrna would receive him , but they afforded him a market-place without the City , as to one that was Consul : and when he in a passion had in vain assaulted Smyrna , Trebonius the Proconsul of Asia , who fortified Cities , for the retreat of Brutus and Cassius , promised that he would let him into Ephesus , and commanded his souldiers that they should immediately follow the Consul thither . [ Appian . lib. 3. pag. 542. ] After this there were familiar conferences with Trebonius , and embracings also , but false tokens of great kindnesse in feigned love . [ Cicero , Philippick . 11. ] But yet by which Trebonius was deceived , so that he promised Dolabella all courtesies , as affording provision for his souldiers , and lived together without any fear . [ Dio. lib. 47. pag. 344. ] In Egypt , young Ptolomy being 15. years of age , is poysoned by his wife and sister Cleopatra , in the fourth year of his reign , and the eighth of his sister , ( from the death of their father Auletes . ) [ Joseph . lib. 15. cap. 4. Porphyr . in Grec . Euseb. Scaliger . pag. 226. ] Marcus Antonius the Consul , being returned from Brundusium to Rome , when he had commanded the Senate to meet the day before the VIII . Kalends of December ; and when they neglected to meet on that day , he deferred it till the IIII. Kalends , and then commanded them to meet in the Capitol . [ Cicero , Philippic . 3. ] In the mean time Antonius his Macedonian Legions , mutined as they were going into Gallia Cisalpina ; and contemning the Lieutenant that commanded them , many of them revolted to Caesar , [ Dio , lib. 45. pag. 276. ] all the Martian Legion , took away their colours , and coming to him , tarried at Asia . The fourth Legion also in imitation of that , L. Egnatuleius the Questor being their Commander , revolted unto Caesar also . [ Id. ibid. Cicero , Philippic . 3 , 4 , 5 , 11 , 13. with lib. 11. ad familiar . ep . 7. Livy , 117. Vellei . Patercul . lib. 2. cap. 6. Appian . lib. 3. pag. 556. ] Caesar having entertained them , gave them money , as to the former , and so drew many to his party : he got also all Antonius his Elephants , falling upon them by chance as they were driving along , [ Dio. ut supra . ] Antonius as he was going into the Senate in the Capitol on the appointed day , to complain of Caesars attempts , in the very entrance of the Court he received news of the revolt of the Legions ; by which being terrified , he durst not speak a word in the Senate concerning Caesar , whenas he had intended to propound it to the Senate , and one that had been Consul brought a sentence written , by which he would judge Caesar an enemy , [ Cicero , Philippic . 3 , 5. & 13. & Appian . lib. 3. pag. 556. ] And on the very same day at evening , there was casting of lots for the Provinces against the next year , among the friends of Antonius , so that every one might have that Province which was most convenient for him , [ Cicero , Philippic . 3. ] He posted out of the City to Alba , to see if he could bring the souldiers of the Martian Legion who were quartered there , to obedience by words as he thought he might : but when they shot at him from the walls , to the rest of the Legions he sent 500 pence a man , and with what forces he had about him in warlike array , he marched with them to Tibur , and then to Ariminum , in the very entrance of Gallia Cisalpina , having with him three Macedonian Legions , ( for the rest were now come ) and one of old souldiers , with the auxiliaries that were wont to follow them , besides the Praetorians and young souldiers , [ Appian . lib. 3. pag. 556. ] Antonius besiged Decimus Brutus , having shut him up in Mutina , because he would not leave Gallia Cisalpina as being his own Province , [ Id. ibid. pag. 556 , 558. ] Caesar Octavius sent aid to him , although he was one of Caesars murderers , yet now doing as the time required , [ Dio. lib. 45. pag. 277. ] Octavius had besides those two valiant Legions of Macedonia that came to him , and one of raw souldiers , two other Legions of old souldiers , who though they were not compleat , yet were filled up with young souldiers ; and when the army would have created him Propraetour , he refused the honour they offered him ; yet he ingaged the mercenaries to him by a donative , giveing to every man of the two Macedonian Legions ( that skirmished before him ) 500 pence a peice more , and promised 500000 to the conquerours , if there should be any need of an ingagement indeed , [ Appian . lib. 3. pag. 557 , 558. ] Cicero speakes of them in his X Philippic . The old souldiers that followed the authority of Caesar first repressed the attempts of Antonius , afterwards the Martian Legion abated his fury , and the fourth routed him . They at Rome called a Senate on the XIII Kalends of January , when neither of the Consuls were there , ( for Antonius had sent Dolabella before into Macedonia , and he himself then sate down before Mutina , ) on which day Cicero by his third Philippick Oration perswaded , that those things that Octavianus had done against Antonius might be confirmed , and praises and rewards might be decreed to the Mutinenses , the Martian Legion , the fourth , and to the old souldiers that had revolted unto him ; and that not onely Decimus Brutus , but all the rest ( without taking any notice of that appointing of Provinces that Antonius made by lots ) should keep their Provinces , and deliver them over unto none , without a decree of the Senate : and there being a decree made accordingly , he called the people together and declared unto them what was done in the Senate , [ Cicero , ibid. & Phipp. 5 , 6. init . cum lib. 11. ad familiar . epist. 6. & lib. 12. epist. 22. Dio. lib. 45. pag. 277. ] On the Kalends of January , The Julian Period . 4671 on which Hirtius and Pansa began their Consulship , Year before Christ 43 Cicero in his fifth Philippick Oration , spoken in the Senate , perswaded to make war upon Antonius , and that honours should be decreed to them that defended the Common-wealth against him . The next day there is given to Caesar Octavianus by the Senate , an extraordinary command ( as Cicero calls it in the XI Philippick ) with Consular ornaments and lictours , and the ensignes of a P●aetour , and that he should together with the Consuls aide Decimus Brutus against Antonius : and it was added , that he should deliver his opinion amongst the Questours and those that had been Consuls , and that he should have authority to demand the Consulship ten years before it was by the law allowed . The Senate also honoured him with his Statue all guilt on horseback ; which being set in the Rostra , declared his age by an inscription : and by the same decree it was enacted that the money that he had given to the souldiers , he should again receive out of the publick Treasury , ( because that although he did it as a private person , yet it was for the service of the common-wealth ) and that the donative that he had promised to give to the two Macedonian Legions after the victory , should be given them in the name of the common-wealth : and that to those Legions , and to other souldiers that were bired by Caesar , as soon as the war was endeed they should be exempted from going to wars any more ; and should have lands presently divided unto them , [ Cicero , Philippic . 5. & lib. ad Brut. epist. 15. Livy , lib. 118. Vellei . Patercul . lib. 2. cap. 81. Sueton. in Octavio . cap. 10. Plutarch . in Antonio . Appian . lib. 3. pag. 359. 360. Dio. lib. 46. pag. 310. ] Although the dignity of Propraetour was granted by the Senate to Caesar Octavianus , which he would not accept of , being formerly offered him by the army , and that he should have the same power in managing the war as the Consuls had , yet there was private command given to the Consuls , that they should withdraw from him the two Macedonian legions , which were most fit to do service , for this was the sum of all their councels , that Antonius being overcome , and Caesar weakened , and all the Caesarians being taken away , the Pompeians should be again restored to the Government of the commonwealth , which thing Pansa the Consul , as he was upon his death bed discovered to Octavian . [ Appian . lib. 3. pag. 574. 575. ] But when Octavianus found what things had been decreed , he accepted the honours with great joy : and so much the more , because when he had taken upon him the habit and authority of Praetour , as he was sacrificing the first day of his office , the livers of twelve of the sacrifices appeared double , or foulded inwards from the lowest fillets , and it was answered that within the year his command should be doubled , but he took this ill , that Embassadours were sent to Antonius , and that the Consuls did not go on with the war neither seriously , nor presently under pretext of the winter season , whereupon he was compelled to lye idle all the winter at Forum Cornclis . [ Dio. lib. 46. pag. 314. with Julius Obsequens . de prodigiis & Pliny lib. 11. cap. 37. ] The first of all Caesars murderers that suffered punishment , was Caius Trebonius who governed Asia by a consular power , being slain at Smyrna , by the treachery of Dolabella , a man most ungratefull towards the merits of Caesar , and partner in the murder of him , by whom he was advanced to the heigth of the co●sular dignity . [ Cic. Philippic . 11. 12. Strabo . lib. 14. pag. 646. Vellei Patercul . lib. 2. cap. 69. Appian . lib. 3. pag. 542. 543. & lib. 4. pag. 624. Dio. lib. 47. pag. 344. Orosi . lib. 6. cap. 8. ] ●or Dolabela entring Smyrna by night , took the Proconsul , who after he had upbraided him in words , delivered him to the banished man Samiarius , who after he had questioned with him about the publick money tortured him by imprisonings , and scourgings , and by the strappado , and that for two daies together , afterward ▪ he commanded him to be beheaded , and his head to be carried on a spear , and the rest of his body to be dragged , and torne , and cast into the sea , this is the relation of Cicero in Philippic . XI . much to be preferred before that of Appianus who delivers that this murder was committed by the command of Dolabella , when he passed first into Asia , and was now Consul . Dio writes that he cast the head of him that he had killed before the statue of Caesar Appian relates that it was commanded to be laid in the Praetorian chair , in which he was wont to minister justice , but the souldiers ( saith he ) and the drudges being angry with him as a partner of the conspiracy , and because he deteined Antonius in talk before the doores of the court whilst Caesar was killed , they in divers manners abused the other part of his body , as also making a football of his head in a place that was paved with stones , they so tore it that no sign of face appeared . Strabo affirmes , that there were many parts of the city of Smyrna that were overthrown by Dolobella . Asia being seized upon by Dolabella , P. Lentulus the extraordinary Quaestour , sent with all speed great store of money and great aides to Cassius , that he might seize upon Syria , he himself went into the next province of Macedonia to Brutus , doing his endeavour , that by whom he could soonest , the province of Asia and the tributes might be recovered , which he signifies in two espistles , one publickly to the Senate , and another privately to Cicero himself . [ lib. 12. ad familiar . epist. 14. & 15. ] when he tells him he could not see his son , because he was gone into the winter quarter , with the horse . Dolabella carried himself most cruelly in the province of Asia . [ Cicero . lib. ad Brutum epist. 3. 4. ] of them that were set forth by the Germans , taking away the Roman tributes , and polling and vexing the Roman citizens . [ P. Lentulus in Cicero lib. 12. ad familiar . epist. 15. ] he burthened the cities with new exactions of tributes , and hired 〈…〉 L●cians , Pamphilians , Cilicians , by the meanes of L. Figulus . [ Appian . lib. 4. pag. 624. ] The Rhodians , being afraid concerning the lands that they had in the continent , ●a they said themselves ] sent two Embassies to Dolabella , and truly after a new example , and against their lawes , because the Magistrates forbad it , [ Lentulus ut supra . ] whom notwithwanding Brutus writes was excluded by the Rhodians . [ lib. ad Brutum ut supra epist. 4. ] Aulus Allienus the Lieutenant of Dolabella , went to him after the death of Trebonius [ Cicero . Philippic , 11. ] whom he sent into Egypt unto the Queen Cleopatra , who favouring him for the acquaintance he had with the former Caesar , sent four Legions to him by Allienus the remainder of the overthrowes of Pompey and Crassus , ( or of the number of those that remained with Cleopatra , upon the departure of Caesar ) she had a Navy also ready to aide him , which yet could not saile , by reason of contrary winds . [ Appian . lib. 3. pag. 576. lib. 4. pag. 623. & 626. & lib. 6. pag. 685. ] When as the valiant and victorious army ( as Cicero calls it , in Philippick 11. in an Oratian spoken that year ) of Q. Caecilius Bassus , a private , but valiant and famous , man , had prevailed sometime in Syria . Q. Marcius ( not , as in Appian , Minutius ) Crispus the Proconsul , ( as Cicero calls him in Philippick XI . ) being called by Statius Murcus to his aide , out of Bythinia ( which he commanded by the decree of Julius Caesar , and approved by the Senate , although Cimber ( as it seemeth , endeavoured to hold this Province this year also , by Antonius his lottery ) with three Troups of his own , and three of Murcus his Troups , besieged the two Troups of Bassus ( called by Strabo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by Appian 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for it is manifest out of Cassius his letters to Cicero , that they made but one Legion . [ lib. 12. ad familiar . epist. 11. & 12. ] But Bassus so stoutly susteined the siege of two Roman armies , that he was not subdued , until having obtained what conditions he pleased , he yielded himself . [ Strabo . l●b . 16. pag. 752. fin . ] For when C. Cassius had come with his forces , being called thither by the consent of Murcus Marcius and the army , as Brutus relates in his letters to Cicero . [ lib. ad Brut. epist. 5. ] He would not deliver the army over to him : and unlesse the Souldiers had sent messengers to Cassius , without his consent , he had held Apamea ou● , till it had been taken by assault ; as Cassius himself writes to Cicero . [ lib. 12. ad familiar . epist. 12. ] Cassius raised the siege before Apamea , Bassus and Murcus being reconciled : and having drawn to his party those two Troups that were besieged , and six others that did besiege them , he takes upon himself the Ensignes of a General , and commands them by a proconsular power . [ Vellei . Patercul . lib. 2. cap. 99. Joseph . lib. 1. Bell. cap. 9. & lib. 14. Antiquit. cap. 18. Appian . & Dion , ut supra . ] From this time he took upon himself the title of Proconsul , as appears by the inscriptions of his letters to Cicero , [ lib. 12. ad familiar . epist , 11 , 12. ] although Cicero in his letters to him gives him not that title , [ ibid. epist. 7 , 8 , 9 , 10. ] as not yet given him by the Senate ; however Appian thinks otherwise . [ lib. 3. pag , 576. & lib. 4. pag. 623. ] When Cassius with all these forces had placed his Camp in one place , there fell suddenly a mighty rain , and forces also rushing into the Camp through every Port , confounded and disturbed all things , so that some did presage from these things , his sudden power , and a litle after his sudden overthrow should happen . [ Dio. lib. 47. pag. 343. ] Cassius being strengthened with these forces , immediately reduced to his obedience all the Cities of Syria , by the fame of those things he did , being Questor , and by the glory of his name , without any more pains . [ Dio. lib. 47. pag , 339. 343. ] And going to the Cities , there he got both arms and souldiers , and exacted very grievous taxes . [ Joseph . lib. 14. cap. 18. ] Livy writes that he invaded Syria with three armies , which were in that Province . [ lib. 121. ] and Velleius Paterculus , that he brought under his power●en Legions in that Country . [ lib. 2. cap. 69. ] Marcus Brutus having undertaken an expedition against C. Antonius , who kept Apollonia with seven Cohorts , sent publick letters to Rome , concerning the things that he had done in Greece and Macedonia , which being rehearsed in the Senate , by the Consul Pansa , and by the X Philippick oration of Cicero there spoken , there was a Decree of the Senate made , that Brutus should hold Macedonia , Illyricum , and all Greece , as Proconsul . [ Cicero . ibid. cum Appian . lib. 3. pag. 567. & lib. 4. pag. 622. & 632. ] The reliques of Trebonius being brought to Rome , and the scornes likewise with which they used him being known , the Senate declared Dolabella an enemy to the state , ( Cicero . Philippic . 11. Livy lib. 119. Appian . lib. 2. pag. 566. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 8. ] a day also he set for them who were with them , before which if they departed not from his party , that they also should be esteemed enemies . [ Dio. lib. 47. pag. 344. ] The next day when it was disputed in the Senate , concerning the choice of a Generall , to follow the war against Dolabella , L. Caesars opinion was , that this war should be committed to P. Servilius contrary to the ordinary course , others thought that the Consuls cast lots for Asia , and Syria , in respect of prosecuting the war against Dolabella : Cicero in his XI Philippick oration , having first fiercely inveighed against Dolabella ( in times past his son in law , but with whom a little after his departure out of Italy , there was great heart-burnings ) perswaded that this war should be committed to C. Cassius , whose opinion Scaliger doth not rightly propound , in his animadversions upon Eusebius● ( at the number MDCCCCLXXIII ) as an example of the decree of the Senate concerning the command of Cassius , for that this opinion did not prevaile in the Senate , Pansa the Consul eagerly withstanding it , Cicero himself is witnesse in his letters to Cassius , [ lib. 12. ad familiar . epist. 7. ] adding also these things in them concerning himself . I promised and also performed it , that you had not expected , nor should not expect our decrees , but that you your selfe should defend the commonwealth , and although as yet we heard nothing , either where you were , or what forces you had : yet my opinion was , that all , both of aides and forces which were in those parts were at your command , and I was confident that the province of Asia should by you be recovered to the Commonwealth . Whenas now it was not known at Rome , that Cassius had possessed himself of Syria , the war against Dolabella was altogether committed to the Consuls , if the present businesse against Antonins should come to an end , and a charge is also given to the governours of the neighbour nations , that they should take heed that the forces of Dolabella were not encreased , [ Dio. lib. 47. pag. 344. ] and by the Consuls consent the government of Asia is continued to P. Lentulus Spinther , who now commanded them under the title of Proquaestor and Propraetor , as may be seen in his letters to Cicero written after the death of Pansa and Hirtius ( which yet he was ignorant of at that time . ) This decree against Dolabella being enacted , there were letters brought from Antonius to Hirtius the Consul , and Caesar the Propraetour , which are related and re●uted by Cicero in his XIII Philippick . Antonius to Hirtius and Caesar. THe death of C. Trebonius being known , I rejoyced not so much as I grieved . That such a wicked person received due vengeance , and thereby made recompence to the reliques of that illustrious Heroe , and that the just wrath of heaven was manifest so paily before the yeares end , ( from whence we gather that Trebonius was slain not much before the Ides of March which followed immediately the murther of Caesar ) or that now the wrath of the gods upon the paricide is executed or impending , administers matter of joy . That Dolabella is judged an enemy for killing a common murderer , and that the son of a Parasite ( Trebonius ) should be more dear to the people of Rome , than C. Caesar , the very father of our country , is no lesse to be lamented . Well Aulus Hirtius , it is a hard case that you , who by the very benefits of Caesar attained your honour , and were left so well by him that you your selfe must needs wonder , to whom you owe whatsoever accomplishment you are arrived unto , should act so as to procure Dolabella to be condemned ; that that poisoner should be freed from the siege ; and that Brutus and Cassius should grow most powerfull . And in the same manner do you countenance these affaires as you did the former . You call the tents of Pompei the Senate , you accounted Cicero generall even when he was conquered , you fortifie Macedonia with armies , committed Africa to Varus , who was twice taken , sent Cassius into Syria , suffered Casea to enjoy the Tribune-ship , took the Julian revenues from the Lupercalian officers , abolisht the colonies of the Veterans , deduced by law and the decree of the Senate , promised the Massilienses to restore to them , what you had taken from them by the law of armes . Ye have forgotten that by the Hirian Law no Pompeian that lived should bear any office of dignity , suborned Brutus with the money of Apuleia , ye praised Paetus and Menedemus who were punished with the axe , having had a city bestowed on them ; and being made guests of Caesar : you neglected Theopompus who was destitute , and forced to fly from Trebonius into Alexandria , you see Serpius Galba environed in his camp by the same sword-bearer , you have contracted either mine or the Veteran souldiers , as it were to the distruction of them , who had killed Caesar , and before they were aware , had brought them into danger , of the Quaestor or Emperour , or their own fellow-souldiers . In fine what have you not proved or done ? what could Pompey himself do if he were alive ? or his son if he could be at home ? last of all , you deny that a peace can be made unlesse I either send out Brutus , or furnish you with corne . What ? doth this please those Veteranes who have all things entire ? because you come with flattering and venemous gifts . But you aid the besieged souldiers . I stick not to let them go whither they please , so they will deliver him to execution , who deserves it . You say a peace was moved in the Senate , and write that five consular Legates were appointed . It is a hard matter for me to believe , that those who would have prceipated me , when I brought conditions of the highest equity ; and yet thinking to remit something of them too , will act any thing either moderately or fairly : and it is scarce likely that they who condemned Dolabella for justice , as a crime , would spare us who are of the same opinion . Wherefore rather consider whether it be fitter and more profitable to both sides , to prosecute the death of Caesar , or Trebonius ; and whether it be more equal , that we combine , that s● it may be more easie for us to revive the Pompeian cause , that hath been so often quasht , or to consent , least we become a Ludibriuns to our enemies , to whom , which soever of us prevail , our contention will be a gain . A spestacle that fortune hath avoided to see two armies of one body ( Cicero being the fencer ) contend , who is so fortunate in his expressions , that he will deceive you in the very same ornaments , in which he gloryed he guld Caesar. For my part I am resolved neither to to bear my own , nor my Souldiers and friends disgrace ; nor to forsake that part that Pompey hated , nor to suffer the veterans to be moved from their colonies , nor to be drawn one by one to execution , nor to betray the faith I have engaged to Dosobella , nor to violate my society with Lepidus , that most just man , nor betray Plancus , the partner in our counsels . If the immortal gods , as I hope they will , shall assist me with my right wits , I will live free . But if other fortune is alotted me , I foreshow you the joy of your own punishments . For if the Pompeians , now being conquered , are so insolent , you shall especially experience what they will be , when they shall become conquerours . To close , the sum of my opinion tends to this : That I could be content to endure the injuries to me and mine , if they would but forget thy were done , or were prepared , together with us , to revenge Caesars death . I belive not that any Embassadours will come ; whence the war comes , and , when it comes , what it will require , I would fain know . When as the Embassadours that were sent from the Senate to Antonius for the setling of a peace , could do no great good in it , the whole people of Rome ( even those that did not go to the war ) put on their souldiers cassockes : and making a general muster thorough all Italy , the armies of A. Hirtius and Caius Caesar the Proptaetour , were sent against him , [ Cicero , Philip. 6 , 10 , 13. Livy , lib. 118. Appian . lib. 3. pag. 567. Dio. lib. 46. pag. 311 , 312. ] from the undertaking of which Expedition against M. Antonius , Eusebius and Cassiodorus seem to derive the Principality of Caesar Octavianus , assigning unto it , 56 years and 6 moneths . Caius Antonius was overcome in a battle that was fought by the River Byllis with Cicero's son a Captain of Brutus ; and a little after , his souldiers yeilded up both him , and themselves to Brutus , and Brutus a long time very honourably entertained Antonius , even so far , that he did not take from him the ensignes of his Magistracy , [ Plutarch in M. Bruto . ] M. Brutus received three Legions of Illyricum , from Vatinius , whom by a decree of the Senate he succeeded in the Province of Illyricum ; besides one that he took from Antonius in Macedonia , and four other , which he himself had gathered up ; so that in all , he had eight Legions , and in them many of C. Caesars old souldiers . Moreover , he had store of horsemen , and light-harnessed men , and archers , and , praising the Macedonians , he exercised them after the Italian manner , [ Appian . lib. 4. pag. 632. 633. ] As Brutus was thus gathering souldiers and money , a certain chance out of Thracia offered it self unto him ; Polemocratia the wife of a certain King , her husband being slain by his enemies , she being afraid lest some hurt should come to her son , came to Brutus , and commended her son to him , and delivered her husbands treasure to him : he committed the lad to the Cyzicenians to be brought up , until he had leisure to restore him to his fathers kingdom ; in these treasures he found great store of gold and silver , which he coined , [ ibid. pag. 633. ] C. Cassius , having seized upon Syria , goeth towards Judea , because he heard that the souldiers that were left in Egypt by Caesar , came thither : both those and the Jews also without any great trouble he made of his party , [ Dio. lib. 47. pag. 343. ] for he circumvented in Palestina Allienus the Lieutenant of Dolabella , as he returned from Egypt with four Legions , before he was aware of him , and forced him to take his side , Allienus not daring to oppose his four Legions against the others eight : and so he was possessed of 12 Legions in all , more than he looked for , besides some Parthian horsemen , that were archers ; for he was in great account with that Nation , ever since the time that he was Quaestor to Crassus , and esteemed by them to be wiser than the General himself , [ Appian . lib. 3. pag. 576. & lib. 4. pag. 623 , 624. ] As soon as he had received these forces that A. Allienus had brought out of Egypt , he wrote these letters to Cicero concerning these forces , [ lib. 12. ad familiar . epist. 11. 12. ] dated on the Nones of March , from the Camp at Tarichaea in Galilee . C. Cassius Proconsul , sendeth hearty commendations to M. Tullius Cicero . IF thou art in good health , it is well , I indeed am in health : Know that I am come into Syria to the Generals , L. Murcus , and Q. Crispus ; both valiant men , and good citizens , who as soon as they heard what things were done at Rome , delivered the armies over to me : they together with me govern the Commonwealth with a constant resolution . Know also , that the Legion that Q. Caecilius Bassus had , came unto me . Know also , that the four Legions that A. Allienus brought from Egypt , were delivered over to me by him . I do not think that you want any incouragement , to defend both us being absent , and the Commonwealth , as much as lies in your power : I would have you know , that there is not wanting to you and the Senate strong aides , that thou mayest defend the Commonwealth with great hopes and a constant mind . Other things L. Carteius my familiar friend shall treate with you of . Farwell . Dat. the Nones of March , from the Camp at Tarichea . After these things , Cassius dismissed Bassa , and Crispus , and the rest that would not serve under him , doing them no injury at all : but to Statius Murcus , he left that dignity intire , that he came to him with , and also committed the charge of his Navy to him . Thus Dio , [ lib. 47. pag. 343. ] although it appeareth out of Cassius his own letters to Cicero , that Crispus firmly adhered to him , [ lib. 12. ad familiar . epist. 11. & 12. ] Cassius exacted from Judea 700 talents of silver , ( not of gold , as it is read in the 45 Chapter of the Jewish Histories , set forth in Arabick , by the Parisiens , in the Bible of many languages . ) But Antipater seeing the Common-wealth in trouble , and fearing Cassius his threats , appointed two of his sons to gather part of the mony , and Malichus a Jew , that was an enemy of his , to gather another part , and some others another part . But Herod bringing first of all an 100 talents from Galilee , which belonged to his government , was much in Cassius his favour ; for it was accounted wise councel , to seek to get , even then , the favour of the Romens , at the charge of other men : but under the other Governours , the Cities were set to sale , with the inhabitants ; of which , four of the chief were , Gopha , Emmaus , Lydda , and Thamma , for the common people of these Cities he put to port sale : he was also so much enraged , that he was about to put Malichus to death , but that Hyrcanus , sending an 100. talents by Antipater , appeased his fury . [ Joseph . lib. 1. bell . cap. 9. & Antiquit. lib. 14. cap. 18. ] Caesar Octavianus finished the war against Antonius , that was committed unto him , in three moneths . [ Sueton. in Octavio . cap. 10. ] Which war was so well managed by him about Mutina , when as he was but twenty years old ; that Decimus Brutus was freed from besieging , and Antonius was forced to forsake Italy by a dishonourable flight , and without his baggage . [ Vellei . Patercul . lib. 2. cap. 61. ] concerning which battle Cecero is to be consulted in his XIV . Philippicks , and Ser. Galba , who was in the battle , in his letters to him . [ lib. 10. ad familiar . epist. 30. ] in the beginning of which , he shews that it was fought on the XVII . Kalends of May , so that from the third day after the victory of Mutina , they seem to begin the principality of Caesar Octavianus , who have attributed to it 56 years , four moneths , and one day , as may be seen in Theophilus Antiochenus , in his book to Autolycus , and Clemens Alexandrinus , lib. 10. Stromatum , if the errours of the Printer of him be corrected , which there puts the number of the years , 46 for 55. A. Hirtius the Consul ( the writer of the Alexandrian and African war , that was managed by Julius Caesar ) died in the battle : the other Consul Pansa also , a little after , died of his wounds . [ Cicero . lib. 12. ad familiar . epist. 25. Dio. Brutus , ibid. lib. 11 , epist. 9. Liv. lib. 119. Vellei . Patercul . lib. 2 , cap. 61 , &c. ] From whence in this verse , both T●bullus assignes the birth-day . [ lib. 3. Elegye . 5. ] and Ovid. [ Tristium . lib. 4. Elegic , 10. ] Quum cecidit fato C●nsul utterque pari . When both the Consuls fell with equal Fate . Both the armies of the slain Consuls obeyed Caesar. [ Eutrop. lib. 7. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 18. ] The Senate shewed it self little gratefull to Caesar , who alone survived of the three Generals : who in a Tryumph that was decreed to Decimus brutus , being freed from the siege at Mutina by Caesar , made no very honourable mention of Caesar and his army . [ Livy , l●b . 119. Vellei . Patercul . lib. 2. cap. 62. ] Embassadors also being sent to the army , were commanded to speak to the souldiers , when he was out of the way ; but the army was not so ungrateful as the Senate was : for when as Caesar dissembling , bare this injury , the souldiers professed they would not hear any commands , except their Generall were present , yea , without doubt they had taken the Legions from him , which he had , but that they were afraid openly to decree this , because they were not ignorant of the love of the Souldiers towards Caesar. [ Patercul . ibid. Dion . lib. 46. pag. 317 , 318. ] The Tarsenses of their own accord called Dolabella into Cilicia , as also them of Laodicea did into Syria . [ Cassius Parmensis . ad Ciceron . lib. 12. ad familiar . epist. 13. ] Dolabella being about to leave Asia , sent five Cohorts into Chersonesus , to be seized upon by Brutus , without any great hazard ( who had five Legions , very good Horse , and great Auxiliaries ) [ Cicero . lib. ad Brutum , epist. 2. dat . 12. or 14. Kalends of May. ] And he himself went out of Asia by land with two Legions ; and Lucus Figulus followed him with the navy . [ Appian . lib. 4. pag. 624. ] On the V. Kalends of May , when as there were divers opinions in the Senate , concerning making war upon them , that were adjudged enemies of the State. Servilius , a Tribune of the people , was of opinion that Cassius should make war upon Dolabella , to which Caesar assented ; and decreed moreover that M. Brutus also should pursue Dolabella , if he thought it profitable , and for the good of the Common-wealth ; and that he should do what he thought was best for the Common-wealth . But concerning Cassius there was nothing decreed , neither as yet were there any letters come to Rome from him . [ Cicero , lib. ad Brutum , epist. 5. ] The reasons of the delay , of which Cassius himself shews in his letters to Cicero . [ lib. 12. ad familiar . epist. 12. ] Dolabella coming into Cilicia , had Tarsus freely yielded unto him , and overcame also some forces of Cassius his , that were in Egae . [ Dion . lib. 47. pag. 344. ] Cassius was then in Palestine , [ Id. ibid. ] from whence he wrote his second letter to Cicero , dated the Nones of May from the Camp. [ lib. 12. ad familiar . epist. 12. ] In which writing concerning the state of his own affairs , he saith . All the armies that were in Syria I now possesse . I made some stop , whilst I paide the Souldiers those things I promised them , but now I have nothing to hinder me . And then exhorting Cicero that he would defend the dignity , both of his Souldiers , and also of the Generals , Murcus and Crispus , he adds . I have heard by letters that were written , that Dolabella was come into Cilicia with all his forces ; I will go into Cilicia , whatsoever I shall do , I will do my endeavour to give you speedy notice of it ; I willingly wish , that we may deserve well of the Common-wealth , and so we shall be happy . As soon as Cassius left Judea , Malichus practiced Antipaters death , supposing by his death , they should more firmly provide for the security of Hyrcanus his government : whose counsels Antipater having an inckling of , went beyond Jordan and gathered an army , both of the inhabitants there , and of the Arabians : but Malichus being a politick man , denied that he intended any treason , swearing before Antipater and his sons , that never any such thing came into his minde , especially seeing that Phasaclus had a Garrison in Jerusalem , and Herod had the army at his command : and so was reconciled to Antipater , Murcus being President of Syria , who afterward understanding that Malichus went about to make some innovations in Italy , there wanted but little , that he had put him to death , but spared him at the intreaty of Antipater , [ Josoph . lib. Antiquit. 14. cap. 18. ] Cassius and Murcus , having gathered an army , made Herod Governour of all Coelosyria ; and delived to him great forces both of Foot and Horse and Ships at sea : and promised him also the kingdom of Judea , after the war was ended that they had had against Antonius and young Caesar , [ Id. ibid. cap. 19. ] Cassius made many Tyrants in Syria . Marion also the Tyrant of the Tyrians being left by Cassius , exercised tyranny in Syria ; and disposing Garrisons there , seized upon three Castles in Galilee that confined upon it , [ Joseph . lib. belli . 1. cap. 10. & lib. Antiquit. 14. cap. 21. ] A certain Cytheraean wrote to Satrius the Lieutenant of C. Trebonius , that Dolabella was killed by Tullius and Dejotarus , and that his army was routed : whose Greek Epistle concerning which businesse , Brutus sent to Cicero , the XVII Kalends of June , [ lib. ad Brutum , epist. 6. ] but it was a false report . For Dolabell● passing out of Asia into Cilicia , from thence went into Syria : where being refused to enter into Antiochia by the Garrison that defended the City , [ Dio. lib. 47. pag. 344. ] he many times ●tempted to enter it by force , but was alwayes repulsed with losse . Wherefore having lost about an 100 men , and leaving behind him many sick , he fled by night from Antiochia towards Laodicea . That night almost all the souldiers that he had enrolled in Asia lest him , of whom , some returned to Antioch , and yeilded themselves to them , that Cassius had left there to command the City ; some came down the Hill Amanus into Cilicia , of which number 30 came into Pamphilia , who said it was reported , that Cassius with all his Forces was but four dayes journey , just at the time when Dolabella was coming thither , [ P. Lentulus , ad Cicero . lib. ad familiar . epist. 15. ] Dolabella having intelligence concerning Cassius his forces , came to Laodicea a City that was his friends , seated in a Peninsula , and where it looked toward the Continent , well fortified , and towards the Sea , having an Haven very convenient for bringing in provision abundantly , and also very opportune for sailing whensoever or wheresoever they would go out . [ Appian . lib. 4. pag. 624. ] This City he took without any assault , the citizens truly yeilding themselves to him , for the love they bare to the former Caesar , [ Dio. l●b . 47. pag. 344. ] At Jerusalem , when Antipater feasted at Hyrcanus his house , Malichus corrupting the Kings Butler , poisoned Antipater , and gathering a band of souldiers , seized upon the Government of the City : but Phasaelus and Herod being grievously incensed , Malichus stifly denied all things . But Herod had a great mind presently to revenge his fathers death , and to raise an army for that purpose ; but Phasaelus thought it better to circumvent him with policy , lest he should seem to be the beginner of a civil war : he therefore accepting of his justifications , made as though he did believe , that he was not conscious of his fathers death , and set himself to furnish the Monument that he had built for his father , [ Joseph . lib. 14. cap. 19. ] Mean while , Herod coming to Samaria , and finding it in a desperate estate , restored the same , and pacified the dissentions that were among the inhabitants ; and not long after the feast of Pentecost approaching , he also came into the City of Jerusalem with souldiers : of whom Malichus being afraid , perswaded Hyrcanus not to suffer him to enter : which thing Hyrcanus did , saying , that amongst the holy people , it was not lawful to bring in a mixt multitude of profane men : But Herod making small account of this denial , entred the City by night , and mightily terrified Malichus . Whereupon , according to his wonted dissimulations , he openly bewailed with teares the death of Antipater as his great friend : wherefore it was thought meet by Herods friends to take no notice of this dissembling , but curtuously again to entertain Malichus : but Herod by letters certified Cassius of his fathers death ; and he that very well knew what conversation Malichus was of , wrote back unto Herod , that he might revenge his fathers death , and secretly also gave order to the Tribunes that were at Tyre , that they should be aiding to Herod in his so just undertakings , [ Id. ibid. cap. 19. & 20. ] In Gallia , the IIII Kalends of June , M. Lepidus joyned himself with M. Antonius . [ Plancus ad Ciceron . lib. 10. ad familiar . epist. 23. ] D. Lentulus , the Proquestor of Asia , and Propretour extraordinary , when he saw that Brutus foreslowed his coming inro Asia , and that Dolabella was departed out of Asia , he thought it best for him to return as soon as he could out of Macedonia to his office , that he might exact the tribute that was behind , and gather up the mony that he had left there , and send it to Rome : but in the mean while , as he was sailing about the Islands , it was told him , that the Navy of Dolabella was in Cilicia , ( al. Lycia ) and that the Rhodians had many ships furnished , and already lanched : wherefore he , with those ships that he had , or which Patiscus , the ordinary Praetour of Asia had provided , returned to Rhodes , trusting to the Decrte of the Senate , by which Dolabella was adjudged an enemy , and to the league that was renewed with the Rhodians ; but so far off was it , that the Proquestors would strengthen his Navy with their convoy , that by the Rhodians , the souldiers were forbidden to come into the City , or Port , or Rode , yea , they were kept from provision of victuals , yea , water it self , and very hardly themselves were admitted into the City , with each his cock-boat . But Lentulus being brought into their City , and the Senate , could obtain nothing of them : of which both in his publick letters to the Senate , as in his private to Cicero , be greatly complained . [ lib. 12. ad familiar . epist. 14 , 15. ] Whilst that Lentulus and Patiscus were deteined at Rhodes , Sex. Marius , and C. Titius , the Lieutenants of Dolabella , knowing of their coming , presently departed from the Navy from Cilicia , ( al. Lycia ) and fled way in a Gally ; leaving their ships of burden , for the gathering together of which ▪ they had spent much time . There were of these above an hundred , and the least of them were of 2000 Tuns in burden , which Dolabella had provided for this purpose , that if his hopes of Syria and Egypt were frustrated , that he might go aboard them with all his Souldiers , and all his mony , and go directly into Italy , and joyn himself with the two Antonies that were brethren : therefore Lentulus and Patiscus coming thither from Rhodes , with the ships that they had , took all those ships of burden , and restored them to the right owners . From thence they pursued the Navy that fled as far as Sida , the utmost country of the Province of Asia , whither they knew that some of Dolabella's fleet were fled , and that the rest were sailed into Syria and Cyprus , ( al. Egypt ) which being scattered , when Lentulus heard that Cassius had a very great fleet that was ready prepared in Syria , he returned to his office . [ P. Lentul . ut supra . ] But Patiscus and Cassius Parmensis from the sea coast of the Province of Asia , and from all the Islands they could , got together a fleet : they presently got Marriners together , though the cities were very disobedient : They pursued the fleet of Dolabella , which Lucilius commanded ; who putting them in hope that he would yield , yet never slacking his sailing , at last he came to Corycus in Pamphilia , and there burning the Haven kept himself within : wherefore they leaving Corycus , thought it better to come into Cassius his Camp , and because another Fleet that Tullius Cimber had provided the year before in Bithynia , of which Turulius the Quaestour was Admiral , followed them , and so they came to Cyprus , [ Cassi. Parmensis , ad Ciceron . lib. 12. ad familiar . epist. 13. ] Concerning the affairs of Dolabella , and of his coming to the City of Laodicea , there are extant two Epistles written to Cicero [ in lib. 12. ad familiar . ] viz. the fourteenth from P. Lentulus , from Pamphylia , the fourth Nones of June ( not Kalends ) as manifestly appears , out of the following Epistle to the Senate , to which that refers us , which was dated at Perga , and the thirteeneth that was afterwards sent from Cassius on the Ides of June from Cyprus . In the first he thus related the straites that Dolabella was in , being received into Laodicea . I hope I shall quickly bring him to punishment , for neither hath he any place to flee to , nor can he resist so great an army as Cassius hath . The other Epistle of Cassius ( if I be not mistaken ) Parmensis , who was also one of the murderers of Julius Caesar , and wrote that taunting letter to Octavianus , mentioned by Suetonius in Octavio . cap. 4. not of Cassius Longinus , who then bare the title of Proconsul of Syria ; ef whom also he makes mention in the end of this Epistle : where also we have more exactly represented by him , the condition of Dolabellas Camp in these words . The Tarsenses , very bad allies , and the citizens of Laodicea , much more mad , of their own accord sent for Dolabella : from both which cities , by a number of Greek souldiers , he hath gotten a kind of an army ; he hath placed his Camp before the city of Laodicea , and hath broken down part of the wall ; and so joyned his Camp to the Town . Our Cassius with ten Legions , and twenty companies of Auxiliaries , and 4000 Horse , hath his Camp at Palium within twenty miles , and he thinkes he may overcome him without once striking stroke ; for wheat is now at three tetradarachmes in Dolabella his Camp , and unlesse he hath gotten some supply by the shipping of Laodicea , he must of necessity shortly perish by famine ; but that he cannot supply himself , a great Navy that Cassius hath , which Quintilius Rufus commands , those that I , Turulius , and Patiscus , have brought , will easily perform . When as Dolabella had been at Laodicea some time in good power , especially his Navy , following him so suddenly out of Asia , he went to the Aradians to receive from them both money and shipping : in which place being surprised with a few , he brought his condition into great danger ; for as he fled , he met with the army of Cassius , and being overcome in fight by him , he retired to Laodicea , [ Dion . lib. 47. pag. 344. ] Cassius , fearing that Dolabella might escape from thence , raised a Rampire two furlongs in length crosse the Isthmus , with stones and materials brought from the Villages that were without the City , and from Sepulchres ; and by his messengers desired ships from Phoenicia , Lycia , and Rhodes : but being flighted of all of them , except the Sidonians , he ingaged in a Sea-fight with Dolabella , in which , after the losse of many ships on both sides , five together with all the Mariners were taken by Dolabella , [ Appian . lib. 4. pag. 624. ] Then Cassius again sent messengers to those that had slighted his first commands , and to Cleopatra the Queen of Egypt , and to Serapion that commanded her Forces in Cyprus . The Tyrians and Aradians , and Serapion , without the Queens advice , sent as many ships as they had : but the Queen excusing her self that the Egyptians were troubled both with famine and pestilence , sent no aid at all , [ Id. ibid. lib. 5. pag. 675. ] The Rhodians also and the Lycians , denied they would help any thing toward the civil wars ; for even those ships that they had given to Dolabella , were but to this purpose , to convoy him ; but they knew not whether he used them in war or no , [ Id. lib. 4. pag. 625. ] The Tarsenses endeavoured to keep Tullius Cimber ( who was also one of Caesars murderers ) from passing the mountain Taurus , as he was hastening to Cassius aid : but by and by being surprised with fear , they , leaving the passages , thinking Cimber had great Forces with him , made an agreement with him : but when afterwards they understood the smallnesse of his Forces , they neither received him into their City , nor supplied him with provision ; therefore Cimber thinking it better , to carry his aid to Cassius , than to assault Tarsus , having built a Fort against them , he went into Syria . But the Tarsenses went thither with souldiers , and having seized upon the Castle , they turned their armes against the City Adana , ( which being near to them , they alwayes had a controversie with ) because they said they favoured Cassius his party : of which Cassius being certified , sent L. Rufus against the Tarsenses , [ Dio. lib. 47. pag. 345. ] Cassius , having repaired his Fleet as well as he could , after Statius Murcus with the Navy that he had gotten together was come , twice again fought with Dolabella at Sea ; the first upon equal losse on both sides , but in the second fight he had much the better : by land also , having perfected his Rampire , he brough the Ram● to the walls . Dolabella being thus shut up from bringing of any necessaries either by sea or land , for very want of provision made a sally , but was presently beaten back into the Town . [ Id. ibid. Appian . lib. 4. pag. 625. ] Casslus , whenas he could not corrupt with money the watch by night , whom Marsus commanded , corrupted them that kept guard by day whom Quintius commanded , so that whilst Marsus slept by day , he is let in by some lesser ports , the city being taken , Dolabella offered his throat to cut to one of his guard , commanding him that when he had cut off his head , he should provide for his own safety : he did as he was commanded , but withall cut his own throat . [ Appian . ibid. cum lib , 5. pag. 673. ] We read in the first Suasory of M. Seneca , that Deillias ( or Q. De●lias the Historian ) was about to go from Dolabella to Cassius , to agree for his own safety , if he should kill Dolabella . And thus Dolabella was forced to death by Cassius at Laodicea , [ Livy lib. 12. Strabo , lib. 16. pag. 752. Vellei , Prtercul . lib. 2. cap. 69. Dio. lib. 47 , pag. 345. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 18. ] with whom Marsus also laid violent hands upon himself . [ Appian . lib. 4. pag. 625. ] and also M. Octavins the Lieutenant of Dolabella , Cassius afforded them buriall , although they cast out Trebonius unburied , and those also that had followed the camp , although they were declared enemies at Rome , he both gave them quarter and impunity , neither punished he them of Laodicea any more , than by imposing a sum of money upon them , [ Dio. ut supra . ] although Appian saith that he plundred both the temples and treasury , and exacted very grievous tribute of the rest , and that he put to death every noble man , so that he brought the city to most extream misery . [ pag. 625. 626. ] Cassius commanded the army of Dolabella , to take the military oath to him . [ App. ibid. pag. 625. ] and then went to Tarsus , and seeing the Tarsenses had already yeilded to Rufus , he amerced them in all the private , and publick money , and laid no other punishment upon them . [ Dio. ut supra . pag. 345. ] but he laid a most heavy tax upon them of 1500 talents , whereupon for want of money , they , when the souldiers violently exacted it , were fain to fell all their publick and sacred ornaments , breaking down the pageants and the dedicated things , and when these were not enough to pay the sum , the magistrates sold those that were free born , first virgins and boyes , afterwards women and old men were sold for very little , and after that young men of whom many killed themselves . [ Appian . lib. 4. pag. 625. ] Whenas after the taking of Laodicea , the governours came from every place together , bringing Crownes and presents to Cassius : Herod expected that Malichus should be here punished for the murder committed on his father Antipater , but he conceiving a suspicion of this thought to make the Phaenicians about Tyre to undertake some greater matters ; and because his sonne was kept in that city as an hostage , he thought to steale him away privately into Judea : and whilst Cassius was busied in the war against Antonius , to stir the Nation of the Jews to revolt from the Romans , and to depose Hyrcanus , and get the Kingdome for himself : but Herod being politick , having understood of the treachery , invites both him and Hyrcanus with their companion to supper ; at which time he sent one of his servants under colour to provide for the banquet , but indeed he sent him to the Tribunes , that they might set upon Malichus with their weapons , they mindfull of the commands of Cassius , went forth , and finding him neer the city on the shoar , ran him through and killed him , at which Hyrcanus being astonished , fell in a swoune , and being scarcely come to himself , he asked who killed Malichus , and when one of the Tribunes answered , that it was done by Cassius his command , he said , truly Cassius hath preserved me and my country , in killing him that was a traitour to both , but whether herein , he spake as he thought , or through fear approved the fact , it is uncertain . [ Joseph . lib. bell . cap. 9. & lib. 14. Antiquit. cap. 20. ] The day before the Kalends of July , M. Lepidus is judged an enemy of the state , ( for entertaining of Antonius ) and also the rest that had revolted from the common-wealth ; but yet there was power given to come in before the Kalends of September , thus Cicero wrote to C. Cassius the kinsman of Lepidus , [ lib. 12. ad familiar . epist. 10. ] adding this moreover . We had gallantly overcome , had not Lepidus , en●rtained Antonius after he was pillaged , disarmed and flying , wherefore Antonius was never so much hated by the city as Lepidus , he raised war from a commonwealth that was in troubles , but Lepidus when it was in peace and quiet . In the same epistle Cicero sheweth that he received letters from Cassius , dated from the camp the Nones of March , in which he s●gnified that he held Syria , and that he prepared for his expedition into Cilicia against Dolabella , but of the successe of the expedition , and of the mischance of Dolabella , as yet there was no newes at Rome : he had written to Caesar of his returning into favour , as in likemanner Brutus had done to the Senate concerning the state of affaires . [ Dio. lib. 47. pag. 343. ] for Brutus himself also , in his letters sent to Caesar , perswaded him to resist Antonius , and to agree with him , [ id . ibid. pag. 340. ] but in his letters to Cicero , he declared another manner of courage , for when Cicero had wrote to Caesar ; that there was one thing desired and expected from him , that he would let those citizens live in quiet , whom good men and the people of Rome thought well of . Brutus in a rage wrote thus back again to Cicero ; What if he will not , shall we not be ? it is better not to l●ve , than to live by his means . I , by my troth , do not think all the gods , to be so averse from the safety of the people of Rome , that Octavius must be intreated for the safety of one private Citizen , I will not say for the deliverers of the whole World. [ lib. ad Brutum . epist. 16. ] The Senate being being certified of the affairs of Cassius , confirmed unto him the government of Syria , ( which he then held ) and committed to his care the war against Dolabella , ( which they knew to have been already ended ) [ Dio , lib. 47. pag. 343 , 344. ] And so all governments beyond sea are committed to the disposal of Brutus and Cassius : and there was a command likewise , that all the Provinces and armies from the Ionian sea , to the east , who obeyed the Romans , should be obedient to these two : and moreover , appointing all things that they had done , and praising those armies that had yielded unto them , [ Vellei . Patercul . lib. cap. 62 , cum Appian . lib. 3. pag. 567 , 568. ] Octavius , seeing the acts of the Senate manifestly to tend to the advantage of the Pompeian party , and to the detriment of the Caesarians ; and thinking it a disgrace to him , that Decimus Brutus , and not he , was chosen General , for the war against Antonius : hiding his discontent , he demanded a Triumph for the victory at Mutina : and being slighted by the Senate , as though he demanded greater matters than were fit for his age ; and fearing least that if Antonius should be utterly vanquished , he should be the more slighted , he began to have some thoughts of agreeing with him , according to the advice of Pansa , upon his death-bed . [ Appian , lib. 3. pag. 568. ] Which agreement with him was made by M. Lepidus . [ Liv. lib. 119. Oros. 6. cap. 18. ] Between these three therefore there was a society of power begun , by the commerce of letters that passed between them , and mention of conditions made in them : and when Antonius warned Caesar , how great enemies the Pompeian party were to him , and to what an height they were come , and how Brutus and Cassius were extolled by the means of Cicero . He declared unto him , that he would joyn his forces with Brutus and Cassius , who were Commanders of 17 Legions , if he refused his alliance . He said moreover , that Caesar ought more to revenge the death of his father , then he the death of his friend : and by the advise and intreaty of the armies , there was an affinity made between Antonius and Caesar , the daughter in law of Antonius , being betroathed to Caesar , [ Vellei . Patercul . lib. 2. cap. 65. ] to wit , Claudia , the daughter of Fulvia , by a former husband , P. Clodius , who was scarce marriagable . [ Sueton. in Octavio . cap. 62. ] When the agreement was made with M. Antonius , M. Lepidus , Octavianus sent 400 Souldiers to Rome , to demand the Consuls ship for him in the name of the army : and when the Senate made some doubt , Cornelius a Ce●tn●ion , the chief man of that message , casting his souldiers coat behind him , and shewing his swords hilt , stuck not to say openly in the Court , This shall do it , if you will not do it : and being compelled by his Souldiers , went towards Rome with them . [ Sueton. in Octavio . cap. 26. Appian . lib. 3. pag. 582. Dio. lib. 46. pag. 319. ] Whilest he was in his journy , the Praetors placed guards in divers places of the city , and seized upon Janiculum , with a guard of souldiers they had already in the city , and with two Legions that had come from Africa . But when he was entred the city , the Praetors came down from Janiculum , and yielded both themselves and their souldiers unto him . The Legions of their own accord delivering their Ensignes unto him . [ Appian . ut supra . 584 , 585. Dio. pag. 320. ] And in the moneth of August , the Legions that were brought from Janiculum , followed the conduct and protection of Octavian ; as it is in the Decree of the Senate in Macrobius . [ lib. 1. Saturnal . cap. 12. ] In the first day of the chusing of Consuls , as Octavian was taking a●gury in Mars his field , there appeared six Vultures to him , and there being created Consul , and speaking to the Souldiers out of the Rostra , there appeared again six , or as some say , twelve Vultures , as there did to Romulus in his Auguries , when he was about to build Rome , from whence he conceived hope that the Monarchy should come to him . [ Juli●s Obsequens , de Prodigiis , Sueton. in Octavio . cap. 95. Appian . 3. pag. 586. Dio. lib. 46. pag. 320. ] He being chosen consul , with him , they fled also to Quintus Pedius his colleague ; who gave him his portion out of the inheritance of Julius Caesar. [ Vell●i . Patercul . lib. 2. ca. 95. Appian . lib. 3. pag. 586. Dio. lib. 46. pag. 320. ] Livius faith he was created Consul , when he was but XIX . years old . [ lib. 119 , ] but Suetonius more freely wrote that he invaded the Consulship in the XX. year of his age [ in Octavio . cap. 16. ] and Eurropius in his 7 book , which also Plutarch confirms out of Octavianus his own commentaries , thus writing in Brutus , his army being planted about the city , he received the Consul-ship , being scarce come to mans estate being but twenty yeares old , as he relates in his own commentaries ; that he was made Consul , the day before he was twenty years old , on the X Kalends of October , Velleius Paterculus wrote , [ lib. 2. cap. 65. ] but yet Velleius was mistaken in the assigning the day of his entring upon the Consulship , for there wanted an whole month and five daies for the full compleating of the twentieth year of Octavianus , for neither in the month of September in which he was borne , but in August he first obteined the Consulship , from whence the month Sextilis was called August , as it is man fest out of Suetonius , [ in Octavio . cap. 31. Dion . lib. 55. pag. 552 , ] and from the decree of the Senate produced out of Macrobius . [ lib. 1. Saturnal . cap. 12. ] And indeed Dio noted that on the 19 day of the month of August , he was both made Consul the first time , and that he died the same day . [ lib. 56. pag. 590. ] from whence the observation of the overcurious in Tacitus , [ lib. 1. Annal. cap. 9. ] arose : that the same day was the beginning of his acceptance of the Empire , and the last of his life , his empire being not ill derived from this first Consul-ship , which he extorted from the Senate against their will , as it is in Tacitus , [ lib. 1. Annal. cap. 10. ] and laid it down at his own pleasure ; although in dissimulation he gave thanks to the Senate ; and ●eigned that he aceounted it a benefit , that those things that he extorted by force , as if they were offered to him of their own accord ; and the Senatours bragged , that they had conferred these things upon him of their own accord : and this moreover they gave to him , whom they vouchsafed not the Consul-ship , that after his Consul-ship should be ended , as often as ever he went to the army , he should alwaies have precedency of the Consuls , and they commanded the other armies to obey him , whom they threatned to punish , because he had gathered forces by his own private authority , and they added also the Legions of Brutus , for disgrace of whom , and for the repressing of whom , the war against Antonius was committed to him ; in short the custody of the city was given to his charge , and it was granted withall , that he should have power , even without any prescript form of law , to do whatsoever he would , [ Dio. lib. 46. pag. 321. ] this power , that he reteined during his life , he bare 56 whole yeares , so that , not without cause Brutus thus gave Cicero this admonition , [ in lib. ad Brutum . epist. 4. ] I am afraid , least your Caesar will think himself gotten so high by your decrees , that he will scarce come down again , if he be once made Consul . Octavianus not being content with the former adoption made by the testament of Julius Caesar , got it to be confirmed by a decree of the people , ( which Antonius had hindred the year before ) in a ful assembly of their wards , and then he took upon him by publick authority the name of C , Julius Caesar Octavianns . [ Appian . lib. 3. pag. 586 , Dio. lib. 46. pag. 321. 322. ] And presently after by another law newly preferred he absolved Dolabella , ( of whose death as yet there was no news brought to Rome , ) who was by the Senate adjudged an enemy of the state : and appointed processe for the death of Caesar , [ Appian . ibid. ] and that it might be thought , that he did nothing by force , but by law , Quintus Paedius his Col●eague in the Consul-ship made the law Paedia ; which decreed that all they , that had any hand in the murther of Caesar , should be banished , and their goods confiscate , [ Livy lib. 120. Vellei . Patercul . lib. 2. cap. 69. Sueton. in Nerone . cap. 3. Dio. lib. 46. pag. 322. ] he appointed L. Cornificius to accuse M. Brutus , and M. Agrippa , to accuse C. Cassius : who being absent were condemned without any hearing of their cause [ Plu●arch . in M. Bruto . ] Capito the Eunuch of Velleius Paterculus , one of the Senatours order , subscribed to M. Agrippa against C. Cassius , [ Vellei . Patercul . nt supra . ] Decimus Brutus one of the murderers also of Caesar , being absent was also condemned : by the command of M. Antonius , in the house of a certain guest of his , a noble man , by name Camelius , was slain by Capenus a Burgundian a year and an half after the death of Caesar , [ Livy . lib. 120. Vellei . Patercul . lib. 2. cap. 64. Appian . lib. 3. pag. 588. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 18. ] whom although Cicero saith that he excelled in this kind of vertue , [ lib. 11. ad familiar . epist. 21. ] that he never was afraid , nor ever disturbed , yet Seneca declares [ in epist. k8 . ] that he betraied a base fear in undergoing death , for the removing of which fear , Helvius Blasio , a man who alwaies loved him , because they were alwaies souldiers together , killed himself , he looking upon him , animating him by his example to endure the taking of his death , [ Dio. lib. 46. pag. 325. ] Camelius sent the head of dead Brutus to Antonius , who when he had looked upon it , delivered it to his friends to bury it . [ Appian . ut supra . ] He was the next that suffered punishment after Trebonius , for the murder of Caesar , whose murderer he was , when as he was the chiefest of his friends , and he thought it fit , to keep those things that he had received from Caesar , but that Caesar must die , who gave them him ; for whilst Caesar lived he was the Master of the Horse , and commanded the farther Gallia . He was also elected Consul by him , in the year next after the Consulship of Hirtius and Pansa , and Governour also of the hither Gallia , [ Vellei . Patercul . & Appian . ut supr . ] At the same time also , Minutius Basillus , one of the murderers of Caesar , was killed by his own servants , because in his anger he had guelded some of them , [ Appian . & Oros. ut supr . ] M. Brutus , Year of the World 3962 when he had appeased the army that was like to mutiny by the perswasion of C. Antonius , and had left Antonius himself at Apollonia in the custody of one C. Clodius , he went into the higher Macedonia with the greatest and strongest part of his army , and from thence passed on into Asia , that having drawn them as far from Italy as he could , he might then maintain , them by the help of those that were under his authority . Here in Asia he provided himself of many Auxiliaries , as also of Dejotarus , a man that was now very old , and who formerly had denied aid to C. Cassius , [ Dio. lib. 47. pag. 340 , 341. ] M. Antonius , and M. Lepidus , leaving their Lieutenants in Gallia , went to Caesar into Italy with the greatest and best part of the army , [ Dio. lib. 46. pag. 325. ] whose three armies heing mustred together at Bononia , an Eagle sitting upon the Tent of Caesar , beate two crowes that troubled her to the ground , all the army marking it , and presaging , that some time or other there would a difference arise between the Colleagues , and that Caesar would get the Victory of them both , [ Id. lib. 47. pag. 328. Sueton . in Octavio . cap. 96. ] These three , at Confluences , about Bononia and M●tina , in a certain little Island that is made by the River Lavinius , had private conference for three dayes together , and so made peace amongst themselves , that they should joyntly order the common-wealths affaires for the space of five yeares , [ Liv. 120. Florus , l●b . 4. cap. 6. Plutarch , in Cicerone & Antonio . Appian . lib. 4. pag. 589 , 590. Dio. lib. 46. pag 325 , 326. ] Here by a common decree they appointed these things : That Caesar should deliver over the Consulship to Ventidius for the remainder of the year ; and that a new Magistracy of the Triumviri for the avoiding all civil dissentions should be created ; and that Lepidus with Antonius and Caesar , should beare the office for five years with consular power . That the Triumviri should forthwith be annual Magistrates for the city for five years . That the Provinces should be so divided , that , Antonius should have all Gallia , as well Togata on this side the Alpes , as Comata on the other side ; except the Province of Narbon . That Lepidus should have the command of this , together with Spain . That Africa , together with Sardinia and S●cilia should fall to Caesars share . And thus was the Roman Empire divided among the Triumviri ; deferring the division of the beyond sea Provinces , over which Brutus and Cassius commanded . Moreover it was agreed amongst them that they should put to death their enemies , and that Lepidus should for the following year be chosen Consul in the room of Decimus Brutus , and that he should have the Guard of Rome and all Italy ; and that Antonius and Caesar should carry on the war against Brutus and Cassius , [ Appian . lib. 4. pag. 590. Dio. lib. 46. pag. 326. ] On the third day , the Triumviri entred Rome , every one apart with his Praetorian cohort , and one Legion . When Publius Titius the Tribune of the people , calling an assembly of the Wards , made a law for the creating a new Magistracy , that the Triumviri for the setling of the common-wealth might govern for five years space with consular authority , [ Appian . ibid. 592 , 593. Dio. lib. 47. pag. 328. ] M. Cicero , upon the coming of the Triumviri , went out of the city , being assured , which also came to passe , that he could no more scape Antonius , than B●utus and Cassius could escape Caesar , [ Livius , apud Senecam , in orat . Suasoria . 7. ] M. Aemilius Lepidus , M. Antonius , and Caesar Octavianus , the V Kalends of December , began the Triumvirate , the same was to continue to the dayes before the Kalends of January which were to be six in number ( or of the sixth year following ) as appeareth out of the Colotian Marble . [ in inscription Gruteri , pag. CCXCVIII . ] in which time M. Terentius Varro saw Rome rise up with three heads : and from thence Suetonius [ in Octavio . cap. 8. ] and Eutropius , [ lib. 7. ] derive the beginning of the Principality of Caesar Octavianus ; reckoning almost XII years before the Victory at Actium , from which they begin his Monarchy , to which there were almost 3 moneths wanting . The VII Ides of the December of that year , in which Caesar Octavianus substituted himself and Quintus Paedius for Consuls in the room of Pansa and Hirtius , Marcus Cicero was killed by some that were sent from M. Antonius , as the Author of the Dialogue of the causes of corrupted eloquence confirms out of the writings of Tiro , a freed man of Ciceros , ascribed to corn . Tacitus . This was the end of his life , who was the first that in peace deserved the Triumph and Laurel of the Tongue , and was the father of Eloquence and Latine Learning , and ( as Caesar the Dictatour wrote formerly of him ) that he had obtained a Laurel far beyond all Triumphs , by how much it is a greater matter to have extended the bounds of the Roman Wit , than of the Empire , [ Plin. lib. 7. cap. 30. ] concerning whom those things are to be seen , which are in Velleius Paterculus , lib. 2. cap. 66. Seneca in Suasorus , orat . VII . and Plutarch in the end of his Cicero , ] Cleopatra , brought no aid to Cassius , although he demanded Auxiliaries of her with threats , [ Appian . lib. 5. pag. 675. ] Whilst Brutus was in Asia , Gellius Publicola laid plots against him , and in Macedonia his brother Marcus , sending some for this purpose , endeavoured to get Caius Antonius out of his power ; wherefore Caius Clodius that was left Antonius his keeper , when he could not keep him safely , put him to death , using therein his own authority , or by Brutus his command . It is reported , that when Brutus had a great care for the safety of Antonius , after he understood of Brutus his death , took no more care of him : yet he punished not Gellius , although convict of Treason against him ; for seeing that Brutus alwayes accounted him amongst the chiefest of his friends , and also knew that Marcus Messala his brother was very neer allied to Cassius , he let him alone , [ Dio. lib. 49. pag. 341. ] Brutus as soon as he understood the endeavour of M. Antonius and the death of Caius Antonius , fearing lest there should arise some innovation in Macedonia , went in all haste into Europe , [ Id. ibid. ] The Triumviri at Rome decreed a Temple to Isis and Serapis , [ ibid , pag. 336. ] When Octavianus had resigned the Consulship , and his colleague Q. Paedius was dead , the Triumviri created Consul P. Ventidius ( Bassa ) the Praetor , with one C. Curtinus ; as may be understood from the inscription in Gruterus , pag. CCXCVII. out of the Colatian marble ; and delivered the Praetorship to one that was Aedile , and afterwards deprived all the P●aetours of their magistracy , which office they were to beare five dayes longer ; and sending them into Provinces , substituted others in their rooms , [ ibid. pag. 335. ] whither is to be referred that of Velleius Paterculus , [ lib. 2. cap. 65. ] This year saw Ventidius , both Consul and Praetor in that city , thorough which he was led in Triumph to Picencium amongst the captives ; concerning whom , being led in Triumph , Valerius Maximus is to be consulted , ( lib. 6. cap. 9. and A. Gellius , lib. 15. cap. 4. Plinius , lib. 7. cap. 43. ) where also he addeth , That he got his living when he was a young man very basely , by providing mules and coaches for the Magistrates that were to go into the Provinces : whereupon these Verses were commonly written thorough all the wayes of the streets . Concurrite omnes Augures , Aruspices , Portentum inusitatum confl●tum est recens ; Nam mulos qui fricabat , Consul factus est . You Augurs , and Auruspices draw neer , We have an uncouth wonder happ'nd here ; He that rub'd mules doth Salve Consul hear . In the end of the year , those that were newly elected Consuls Triumphed ; L. Munatius Plancus for Gallia , IIII Kalends of January , and M. Emilius Lepidus the Triumvir for Spain , the day before the Kalends of January ; as appeareth out of the Marble Records of Triumphs , [ in inscr●pt . Gruter . pag. CCXCVII. ] Vid. Vellei . Patercul . lib. 2. cap. 67. Appian . lib. 4. pag. 607. In the fourth Julian year , The Julian Period . 4672 there was a day in February falsly intercalated ; Year before Christ 42 seeing that from the February of the first Julian year until that time , there had passed but the space of three years onely : which errour had continued unto the 37 Julian year ; for whereas they ought to intercalate one day , which is made of four quarters , every fourth year being ended before the fifth should begin ; the Priests did not intercalate it the fourth year being ended , but beginning ; and so the year that was rightly ordered by Julius Caesar , by their negligence was disturbed and disordered , [ Sueton. in Octavio . cap. 31. Macrobius lib. Saturnal . cap. 14. fin . ] M. Brutus , having setled all things in Macedonia , went back again into Asia , [ Dio. lib. 47. pag , 341. ] and having carried a great army thither , he provided a Fleet in Bithynia , and at Cyzicum : he went by land and setled all the cities , and heard the complaints of the Governours . [ Plutarch , in Bruto . ] He set Apuleius that fled to him from the proscription of the Triumviri , over Bythinia , [ Appian . lib. 4. pag. 616. ] The Epistles of Brutus , which he wrote in a Laconick stile te them of Asia , are extant : which Aldus set forth in Greek , and Ranutius Florentius translated and set forth in Latine , Plutarch recites three of them in his Life : The first whereof to the Pergamenians , is to be seen in the beginning of the Collection already published , another to the Rhodians shall here following be exhibited by us ; the third and shortest of all , inscribed in the published Greek Copie to the Bythinians , in the Latin Copy of Ranutius to the Galatians : and in Plutarch to the Samians , is after this manner , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Your councel is to no purpose , your obedience to commands are very slow : what do you think will bethe end of these things ? Cassius intended to go into Egypt , having heard that Cleopatra was gone with a great navy to Caesar and Antonius , supposing that by this means he might both hinder and punish ; and also desiring to prevent her , being afflicted with famine , and almost without any forraign aide , by reason of the sudden departure of Allienus , with four Roman Legions . [ Appian . lib. 4. pag. 625. cum . lib. 5. pag. 675. ] He hoping that he should have a fit occasion for this enterprize , Brutus recalled him into Syria , by messenger after messenger . [ Id. ibid. Plutarch in M. Bruto . ] And being thus withdrawn from the hopes he had in Egypt , he sent again light Horse men , and not without bribes to the King of the Parthians , and sent Lieutenants also with them , to demand greater aides . [ Appian . lib. 4. pag. 625. ] Cassius , leaving his brothers son in Syria with one Legion , sent his Horse men before him into Cappadocia ; who suddenly set upon Ariobarzanes , who took away great store of mony , and other provision . But Cassius returning from Syria , took pity on the Tarsenses , most miserably oppressed , and quitted them from paying any tributes for the future . [ Id. ibid. pag. 626. ] And his affairs being thus setled in Syria and Cilicia , he went into Asia to Brutus . [ Dion , lib. 47. pag. 345. fin . ] After Cassius was gone out of Syria , there arose a sedition at Jerusalem , for Faelix , who was left there ( by Cassius ) with souldiers , in revenge of Malichus his death , set upon Phasaelus , and the people took up arms . Herod was there with Fabius , the Governour of Damascus ; and having a mind to help his brother , was hindred by sicknesse . Notwithstanding , Phasaelus getting the better of Phaelix , first forced him into the Town , and agreeing upon quarter , suffered him to go out : but he was very angry with Hyrcanns , that after the receipt of so many benefits from him , he did favour Faelix , and suffered the brother of Malichus to seize upon some Castles ; for he held many , and amongst the rest Massada , a most strong piece . [ Joseph . lib. 1. Bell. cap. 10. lib. 14. Antiquit. cap. 20. ] Brutus and Cassius were very joyful and confident at the meeting together at Smyrna , in consideration of both their forces there present : for when as they went out of Italy , poor , and without arms , in manner of most abject exiles , who had not so much as one ship rigged , not one Souldier , nor one Town to friend : in a little time they met together with a fleet , and were furnished with Horse and Foot , and mony to pay them , fit to fight for the Roman Empire . Cassius desired to have the same honour with Brutus , and to give him the like , but commonly Brutus prevented him , coming often unto him , because he was the elder , and of a body so fit to endure labour as he was [ Plutarch in M. Bruto . ] Here both of them ordered their councels for the war they were to undertake against the Triumviri . [ Livy , lib. 122. ] and truly Brutus opinion was to go into Macedonia , with their joynt forces , and to put all upon a general battle ; for now the enemy had 40 Legions , of which eight were transported over sea to Iconium . On the contrary , Cassius thought the forces of the enemy were contemptible , and that they would want provision for so great a multitude : the best way was to quell the favourers of the adverse faction , as the Rhodians and Lycians , who were strong at sea , least whilst they were setting upon the enemy , they should come upon them behind them ; and this opinion prevailed , [ Appian . lib. 4. pag , 626. ] for they heard say that the Triumviri were busie about setling their affairs at Rome , and they supposed they should have work enough , Sextus Pompeius keeping the rode against them in Sicily , that was so near . [ Dio. lib. 47. pag. 346 , ] Moreover , then at Smyrna , Brutus desired that he might have part of the mony , of which Cassius had great store : for he declared that he had spent all that he had in providing of a fleet , by which they might have the whole inland sea with their command . But yet Cassius his friends were against his giving him any ; denying it was just , that , that we had saved through parsimony , and had gotten together with ill will , should be spent in bribing the Souldiers ; yet he bestowed a third part of all things upon him ; and so both of them went to their own charge . [ Plutarch , ] When they , either going about themselves , or sending their Lieutenants , drew to their side , those that were not of the same opinion with them , and got together both men and money , they doing this , all those that lived in those parts , and formerly were not so much as spoken to , presently came in to them ; only Ariobarzanes , and the Rhod●ans and Lycians , although they did not resist them , yet denied to enter into society with them , these Brutus and Cassius had in suspicion , as though they favoured the adverse party , because they had received so many favours from the former Caesar ; and fearing least in their absence they should raise some stirs , and incite the rest not to keep their promise , they determined first of all to set upon them : hoping that they , to whom , they were superiour in power , and on whom they would bestow favours , would easily be brought either by perswasion , or force , into amity with them . [ Dio. ut supra . ] As soon as Herod was recovered , he went against the brother of Malichus , and took from him all the Castles that he had seized upon , and himself also in Massada , whom he let go free upon composition , he also recovered three Castles that were seized upon by Masion , the Tyrant of the Tyrians in Galilee , but gave quarter to all the garrison souldiers of the Tyrians ; and sent some of them home well rewarded , by this meanes getting himself the love of the city , and hatred of the Tyrant . [ Joseph . lib. 1. belli . cap. 10. lib. 14. Antiquit. cap. 20. 21. ] The Tarsenses , who had resisted Cassius , were commanded by the Triumviti ; and hopes given them that they should receive something , ●or the losses they had sustained , of them also Cleopatra obteined , in respect of the aid she had sent to Dolabella , that her son , by name Ptolomaeu● , whom she said she had by Caesar , and therefore called Caesarion , should be called King of Egypt . [ Dio. lib. 47. pag. 345. ] Brutus demanded men and money of the Lycians , but because Naucrates , an Oratour ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) had compelled the cities to a revolt ; and they had seated themselves upon some hillocks to keep Brutus from passing ever ; first he sent his horse against them , as they were at dinner , by whom there were 600 put to death , afterwards taking some Castles , and smaller Townes , he let them all go free without ransome , that he might get the favour of the nation , but they being refractory , and discontented for the losses they had received , despised his clemency and good will. [ Plutarch . in Bruto . ] Brutus overcame in battle the common army of the whole nation of the Lycians , and possessed their camp also , entring it with them that fled ; and had many cities yeilded unto him . [ Dio. lib. 47 , pag. 347. ] Then he besieged the most warlike of them , having forced them within the walls of Xanthum [ Plutarch . ] they having levelled their walls to the intent that Brutus should have neither retreat nor materials , and having well fortified their city , drave the enemy from the fortifications , having also a ditch of fifty foot deep , and broad according to the proportion of the depth , so that standing upon the banck they could use their darts and arrowes , as if they had been divided by an unfordable river , whilst Brutus endeavoured to get over the ditch , he covered his pioneers with hurdles ; and dividing his army in two for to follow the assault by night , and by day ; he brought his materials from far , ( as it is usually done when the businesse goeth on heartily , ) still urging them on to hasten the work , doing whatsoever was to be done with great earnestnesse and labour : wherefore although at the first he thought , he should do no good by reason of the strong resistance of the enemy , or at least should not overcome them in many months , yet neverthelesse he finished his businesse within few daies , for he assaulted the besieged a far off partly with engines , and neer the gate partly with his cohorts , which he continually changed , they being alwaies wearied with fresh men , and wounded likewise yet stood it out manfully , as long as the fortifications held , but they falling , and the Towns being battered with the engines ; Brutus perceiving what would come to passe , commanded them that besieged the gate to retreat , which the Xanthian supposing had been done through negligence of the guard , made a sally out by night with torches upon the engines ; but the Roman cohorts hasting thither as it was agreed , they presently fled back to the gate : which they that kept it had now shut , least the enemy should break in with them that fled , where was a great slaughter made of them that were shut out . [ Appian . lib. 4. pag. 633. 634. ] A river ran by the city , this some passed under water and fled , but they were taken again in nets that were let down into the depth , crosse the channell ; and had bels that hung at the top of them which gave notice when any one was intangled . [ Plutarch . in Bruto . ] The Xanthians sallyed out again about noon , and beating back the guards burnt all the Engines ; and seeing that the gate stood open for the foresaid occasion 2000. Romans rushed in together with the Townsmen , and others also entring in pell mel , the Portcullis fell upon them , either by the Xanthians means , or by the breaking of the ropes , by which it was let down ; therefore as many Romans as had broken in , were either beaten down , or shut in , seeing they could not draw it up again without ropes : and being assaulted from above by the Xanthians , they very hardly at length got into the market-place which was nigh , and there they were grievously infested by the Archers ; and seeing they had neither bows nor darts , for fear they should be invironed , they fled into the Temple of Sarpedon . In the mean time the Romans that were without , were very solicitous for them that were intercepted . Brutus also running up and down , tryed all things in all places ; and seeing they could not break open the Portcullis , and they had lost their ladders and wodden Towns by the fire , yet some presently made ladders , others brought props to the walls , and used them for ladders ; some fastning hooks to wit hs , cast them upon the walls , and as often as any stook fast , they crept up by them . [ Appian . lib. ut supra . pag. 634. ] The Oenandenses , their neighbours and enemies , and therefore at that time the Allies of Brutus , climed up the steep rocks , whom the Romans presently imitated with great earnestnesse , and many fell down , their feet failing them ; yet some got over the wall , and opened a little gate , before which was a fortification of sharp stakes set thickly ; by the help of these , the most daring got up , and now being increased in number , they went to break the gate open , which had no bars to strengthen it ; others also endeavoured to do the same on the other side : and seeing that the Xanthians set upon them that were fled into the Temple of Sarpedon , they that both within and without were breaking open the gate , brake it with such furious noise , that they rushed in , in one company , even as the Sun was setting , and gave a great shoute , that this might be a token to them that were shut in . [ Ibid. pag. 634 , 635. ] The Romans rushing into the Cities , set some houses on fire , the fire first terrified them , before whose eyes these things were done : and to them that were farther off , gave an occasion to think that the City was taken , therefore the neighbours of their own accord , set their own houses on fire , but the greater part killed one the other . [ Dio. lib. 4. pag. 347. ] For retiring within their own private houses , they killed every one that was dear to them ; they willingly offered their throats to be cut . There being a lamentable cry made at that time , Brutus thought the souldiers were sacking the City , which he forbad by publick Cryers : but when he was better informed , pitying the generous disposition of these men , born to liberty , he by messengers invited them to peace : whom they beat back with theis darts ; and having first killed all that belonged to them , and laid them on funeral piles , after they had put fire to them , they cut their own throats . Thus Appian , [ ut supra . pag. 635. ] But Plutarch after this manner . Brutus being afraid least the City should be spoiled , commanded the souldiers , that they should quench the fire , and to help the City ; but a great and incredible desperation suddenly seized on the Lycians , which you may well compare to a desire of death : for both free men and servants , both old and young , with women and children , assailed the enemy from the wall , that came to quench the fire . The Xanthians themselves brought reeds , and all combustible matter to set the City on a flame ; and having set fire to it , used all the means they could to encrease it . After all the City was on a light fire , Brutus being grieved for this , went about the City to help it , and stretching forth his hands to the Xanthians intreated them to spare the City , and to preserve it : but none obeyed him , yea , they themselves destroyed themselves by all manner of wayes ; not onely men and women , but little children also , with great cryings and howlings threw themselves into the fire , and some headlong from the wall , some offered their naked throats , to the naked swords of their fathers , desiring them to kill them . The City being thus consumed , there was one woman seen hanging by a rope , which had her dead child hanging at her neck , and with a firy torch , with which she let her house on fire ; which sight appeared so tragical , that Brutus could not endure to behold it , but when it was told him , fell a weeping , and pronouced a reward to the Souldiers , whoever had saved a Lycian . They reckon but an hundred and fifty , which would take quarter . Thus Plutarch . Appian writes that Brutus got but some slaves , but of free-born , scarce CL. women , and those wanted husbands to kill them ; and he adds that Brutus saved all the Temples he could possibly . [ pag. 635. ] Brutus from thence went to Patara , a City which might seem to be the Dock of the Xanthians , where their ships were laid up , and denounced unto them that they should yield unto him , or expect such a destruction as the Xanthians had ; but the citizens yielded not to the peace that was offered unto them ; for the servants having newly gotten the liberty , and the freemen that were poor having newly all their debts cancelled , resisted the pacification . Therefore Brutus sent the Xanthians that he had taken captive unto them , because they were akin to each other , who by seeing their miserable condition , should exhort them to change their purposes ; who seeing they were never the more altered from their stiffnesse , although he had granted as a gift to every one his kindred , he permitted them the rest of the day for consultation , and so withdrew himself ; but yet he the next morning brought his Forces thither again , [ Appian . ibid. Dio. lib. 47. pag. 347. ] and setting up a cage in a safe place under the wall , he sold the chief of the Xanthians , bringing them out one by one , if by chance this might move the Patarenses ; but when they would not yeild for all this , having sold a few of them , he let the rest go free , [ Dio. ibid. ] When also he had taken captive the women of Patara , he let them also go free without any ransom , who having told their husbands and fathers who were of the chief men , that Brutus was a most modest and just man , they perswaded them , that they should yeild , and deliver up the Town to him , [ Plutarch . ] and he entring the Town , neither put any to death , nor banished any one : but yet commanded all the publick gold and silver to be brought to him ; he exacted also every ones particular treasure , propounding a punishment to them that denied it , and a reward to them that brought it forth , [ Appian . pag. 636. ] Here a servant betrayed some gold that was hid by his Master , and shewed it to a Centurion that was sent for that purpose ; and when they were all brought forth , the Master was silent ; but his mother , that she might save her son , followed crying , that she had hid the money : the servant unasked , said that she lyed , and that the other hid the money : But Brutus having commended the young mans patience , and the mothers piety , dismisled them both with the gold , but hung up the servant , who against all equity betrayed his Master , [ Id. ibid. ] At the same time also , Lentulus was sent to Andriaca , which was the dock of the Myrenses , and having broken the chaine with which the mouth of the Haven was barred , he went to the Praetor of the Myrenses ; whom when Brutus had dismissed , the Myrenses yeilded , and paid the money imposed upon them , [ Appian . & Dio. ut supr . ] And after the same manner , all the whole Nation of the Lycians was reduced ; and sending Embassadours to Brutus , promised they would send both men and money to their power , whom they had found so bountiful and indulgent beyond all expectation . For sending home all the free-borne of the Xanthians , he imposed upon the Lycians onely , an 150 talents , neither used he towards them any other voilence , [ Plutarch , Appian . Dio. ] And thus Brutus conquered the Lycians , [ Vellei . Patercul . lib. 2. cap. 70. ] amongst whose Epistles this is reported to be one , to the Rhodians . We have extreamly punished the Xanthians , when they revolted from us ; for putting them to death even to the little ones , we destroyed the city with fire and sword . To the Patarenses who were faithful to us , we have released their tributes , and granted them their freedom , and to live after their own laws : and we have given them 50 talents towards the rebuilding of those things that were demolished . You have libetty to provide for your selves , and to see , whether you will be accounted enemies as the Xanthians , or friends as the Patarenses . But in Plutarch this Epistle is much more concise ; thus . The Xanthians contemning our bounty , have made their country the Sepulchre of their desparation . The Patarenses who have submiited unto me , want not their liberty in governing their common-weneth ; therefore it is in your power , either to chuse the opinion of the Patarenses , or the fortune of the Xanthians . The Rhodian Noble men feared to contend with the Romans , but the common people were in high conceit of themselves , being mindful of the ancient Victories they had of other manner of men . [ Appian . lib. 4. pag. 627. ] They trusted so much to their skill in Navigation , that they went first to Cassius into the Continent , and shewed to him the fetters that they had brought , as if they would take many of their enemies alive . [ Dio. lib. 47. pag. 346. ] Cassius , because he had to do with them that were skilful at sea , exercised at Myndus his ships that he had rigged and furnished with souldiers . Thither the Rhodians sent Embassadours to him , who should intreat him , that neither he would contemn Rhodes who had alwayes revenged the injuries done to her , neither the league that was between the Romans and the Rhodians , by which it is provided in plain terms , that neither people should make war on the other . They sent also Archelaus Embassadour unto him , who had formerly been his Master at Rhodes for the Greek tongue , to demand this of him with more submission ; to whom Cassius gave answer , That the league was first broken by the Rhodians , and that he would punish them for it , if they yeilded not presently , [ Appian . pag. 626 , 627. 630. ] This answer more terrified the wiser citizens ; but the people were more moved with the Orations of Alexander and Mnaseas , putting them in mind , with how much greater a Navy Mithridates had inroded Rhodes , and before him Demetrius , two most potent Kings . Whereupon they created Alexander , Prytanis , which is a Magistrate among them of very great power , and made Mnaseas Admiral . [ pag. 627. 628. ] Alexander and Mnaseas , the Commanders of the Rhodians , with 33. choice ships , saile to Myndus , that by this daring , they might put Cassius in fear ; and it might by chance be some colour of hope , seeing that having overtaken Mithridates near this Town , they saw an happy end to that war. After they had shewed their skill in sayling , they went to Cnidus the first day . The next day Cassius his souldiers loosed from shore against them that came from sea-ward . [ pag. 627 , 630. ] Here was a sharp fight between them , the Rhodians with their nimble ships , running hither and thither , sometimes ran through the enemies rancks , sometimes about them : on the contrary the Romans trusting to their great ships , as often as they laid hold on any ship with their iron hooks , by being too strong for them they prevailed , as in a fight at land : but because Cassius had the greater number of ships , the Rhodians could not long dally with their enemies , through their swiftnesse and usual artifices : for whereas they set up them only in front , and then retreated , it did them little good , their enemies still keeping themselves close together . The strokes also of their beaks were of no strength against the heavy ships of the Romans : on the other side , the Roman ships beat those light with a direct assault , until three Rhodian ships were taken , with all the souldiers in them , two being broken , sunck , the rest very much shattered , fled to Rhodes , [ pag. 630. ] With this successe the Romans fleet fought with the Rhodian at Myndus [ Ibid. cum Dion . pag. 346. ] Which fight Cassius beheld from a Mountain ; and immediately after he had repaired his fleet , he went to Loryma , a Castle of the Rhodians on the other side of the Continent : from whence he conveyed over his land forces in ships of burden , under the conduct of Fanius and Lentulus ; he himself with 80 long ships furnished , to strike a terrour into the Rhodians , both by sea and land , rested himself , expecting if by chance the enemy would leave his fiercenesse . [ Appian . pag. 631. ] But they boldly met him again , whom Cassius by the help of Statius ( Murcus ) overcame , conquering their skill by the greatnesse and number of his ships : and then having lost two ships , they are besieged on every side . [ Id. ibid. Dion . pag. 346. ] Immediately all the walls are filled with Souldiers ; who might keep Fanius from assaulting them by land , and Cassius with his Navy by sea , not unprovided for invading the walls : for Cassius thinking that some such thing would happen , did bring with him Towns that were folded up , which were there set up . Thus Rhodes , twice beaten by sea , was now assaulted both by sea and land , unprovided , as in a thing they looked not for , to sustein an assault ; by which it appeared , it would in short time come into the power of the enemies , being overcome either by arms or famine : and this was known to the wiser of the Rhodians , there having passed secret conference between them , and Fanius and Lentulus : and seeing that Cassius was suddenly come into the middest of the City with his choicest souldiery , it is believed that some lesser portals were opened to him by Citizens that privately favoured him , least the City should be miserably destroyed . [ Appian . pag. 631. ] Here Cassius answered the Rhodians , that called him King and Lord , I am neither Lord nor King , but the killer and avenger of a Lord and King. [ Plutarch . in M. Bruto . ] He sat under a spear for his Tribunall , because he would seem as if he had taken the City by force of arms : and having commanded his army to be quiet , and by his publick Cryers , threatned death to plunderers ; he cited before him 50 Rhodian Cityzens , whom he commanded to be put to death , and other 25 not appearing , he banished . [ Appian . pag. 731. ] There he dispoiled the Rhodians both of their ships and mony ; he scraped together all the gold that belonged either to the Temples or Treasury , yea , he took away all things that were dedicated to the gods , except the Chariot of the Sun. [ Id. ibid. Dio. pag. 246. ] Neither was he content with all that , but he took privately from the owner , what gold or silver soever he had : denouncing a punishment by a Cryer , if any one hid it , and propounding a reward to them that told of it , to wit , a tenth part , and to the slaves liberty . At the first some concealed their mony , hoping that his threats would go no further than words : but after they saw that rewards were given to discoverers , they desired that the time prefixed might be prolonged : which being granted , some digged up that they had hid in the earth ; others drew their mony out of wells , and some again brought more than they hid before . [ Appian . pag. 631 , 332. ] And when as thus he had extorted from private men 8000 talents , and publickly had fined the City in 500 more . [ Plutarch . in M. Brut● . ] He left to the Rhodians remaining nothing but their life . [ Oros. lib. 6. cap. 18. ] This therefore Cassius by a sharp and most prosperous war , took Rhodes , a matter of huge consequence , [ Vellei . Patercul . lib. 2. cap. 70. ] who rejoycing at his sudden overcoming it and the great store of money , left L. Varus at Rhodes with a Garrison , [ Appian . pag. 632. ] After this he put to death Ariobarzanes whom he had taken , [ Dio. pag. 346. fin . ] and commanded a tribute of ten years from all the Provinces of Asia , which he exacted without any abatement , [ Appian . 632. ] Then it was told Cassius , that Cleopatra was sailing towards Caesar and Antonius with an huge Navy , and great preparation ; she having alwayes before followed that side , for the love she bare to the former Caesar ; but then far more eagerly for the fear she had of Cassius : for the invasion of whom , Cassius sent into Peloponesus , Murcus together with one Legion and some Archers in 60 covered ships , to keep the road about the Promontary of Tenarus ; but Cleopatra contemning Cassius and Murcus his guard , set sail towards the Ionian Sea : but her Fleet was grievously troubled with a tempest on the coast of Africa , and the tokens of her shipwrack were brought by the waves even into the country of Laconia , and Cleopatra her self fell into a sicknesse , and so returned home , [ Appian . lib. 4. pag. 632 , 636. cum lib. 5. pag. 975. ] Among Brutus's Epistles , there is one concerning the Victories of him and Cassius , as it were sent to the Coans . Rhodes truly now obeys Cassius , a city rather bold , than strong by her own strength . All Lycia is now at our command , partly conquered in war , and partly for fear of suffering extremities : which choice truly was for their profit ; for willingly they chose that , which they must have done in a little time after : Chuse you therefore whether you had rather serve being forced thereto by war , or rather to be called our friends by receiving us . Brutus being returned from Lycia into Ionium , he did many memorable workes , both in honouring them that deserved well , and in punishing others according to their demerit ; and amongst others , Theodorus the Rhetorician , by whose perswasion ( as he himself bragged ) Pompey the Great was killed , finding wandering in Asia , he put to death , with all manner of torments , [ Plutarch , in Bruto , & Pompeio . ] Brutus sent for Cassius to come to Sardes , and as he was coming near there , he went to meet him with his friends : the whole souldiery being ready in their arms , saluted them both Generals : as it is wont to be in great matters between two who have many Captains and Friends , that mutual suspicion and accusations will arise between them . The first thing they did , they two alone went into a private room , and shutting the doors to them , and all men bid w●thdraw , they began amongst themselves first to expostulate , then to argue , and accuse each other : then falling into fear , and to a more free and vehement chiding , their friends wondering at the sharpnesse of this wrath and contention , feared to what issue this would come , [ Id. in Bruto . ] but all these suspicions , ( which each had conceived against other thorough other mens false accusations , ) they wisely at length took away . [ Dio. lib. 47. pag. 347. ] M. Favonius was then there , ( of whom Cicero makes mention of as a familiar friend to Brutus , lib. 15. ad Atticum , epist. 11. ) an imitatour a long while of M. Cato , who was a Philosopher , not so much thorough reason , as by some passionate and mad motion ; and placed it amongst the least matters to be Consul of Rome : and with a Cynical kind of harsh language which he used , he aleviated the tedium his importunity brought upon many . He then violently thrusting away the porters who forbad him entrance , went into the room where Brutus and Cassius had private conference , with a mimick voyce , pronouncing those Verses that Homer saith Nestor used , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . At parete ambo , natu me nempe minores ; But both obey , for I your Senior am . and those that follow . This made Cassius laugh , but Brutus thrust him out ; calling him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , unlearned dog , and adulterous dog ; After this difference was ended , Cassius provided a supper , and Brutus invited his friends thither . As they were going to sit down , Favonius came very trim : Brutus protesting that he came unsent for , and bidding him be gone ; but he thrusting in , placed himself at the upper end of the Table between them : and there was at the Feast both mirth and good discourse , [ Id. ibid. ] The next day Brutus condemned in publick judgement , and with a note of infamy , L. Pellius , one that had been Praetor , and whose help he had used , being accused of bribery by the Sardians : which deed did not a little touch Cassius , who a few dayes before , onely chastised privately two that were found guilty of the same fault , and absolving them publickly , still made use of them . Whereupon he accused Brutus as too rigidly keeping the laws , and too just , as such a time as he should do but civilly and with humanity : he admonished him again that he should remember the Ides of March , on which they had killed Caesar , who had not so much vexed all men , as a patrone of them that did it . [ Id. ibid. ] Labienus the younger , the son of Titus Labienus , ( Caesars Lieutenant in Gallia , being sent by Cassius and Brutus to demand aid of Orodes , the King of the Parthians , remained there a long time with him , without any notice being taken of him , both because the King had no mind to help them , and also because he durst not deny them . [ Dio. lib. 48. pag. 371. cum Floro . lib. 4. cap. 9. & Vellei . Patercul . lib. 2. cap. 78. ] Brutus commanded the whole fleet of the Lycians , to set saile for Abydus , whither also he marched with his land forces ; to stay there for Cassius his coming out of lonium , that they might both go to Sestos together . [ Appian . lib. 4. pag. 636. ] When Cassius and Brutus were about to passe out of Asia into Europe , and to transport their army into the opposite continent ; an horrible spectacle is said to be shewed to Brutus ; for in the dead of the night , when the moon shined not very bright , and all the army was in silence , a black image of an huge and horrid body , standing by him silently is said to offer it self to Brutus , his candle being almost out , but he asking without fear , what either man or god he was , the spirit answered , O Brutus I am thy evill Genius , thou shalt see me again at Philippi , and that he should answer undauntedly , Then I shall see thee : Florus relates these things [ lib , 4. cap. 7. Appian . lib. 4. pag. 668. ] Plutarch in the end of Caesars life , but more fully in the life of Brutus . where he adds that the next morning he told Cassius what he had seen , and that he expounded to him out of the doctrine of the Epicureans , what was to be thought concerning such spectrals . Antigonus the son of Aristobulus ( the brother of Hyrcanus ) invaded Judea , Year of the World 3963 being aided by Ptolomei the son of Mennaeus , and Fabius the governour of Damascus , whom he had made his friend by money , and Masion the Tyrant of the Tyrians , who adhered to him , for the hate he bare to Herod , whom Herod meeting being scarce entred the borders of the Country , drave him from thence , having overcome him in battle , wherefore Hyrcanus honoured him with crownes as soon as he returned to Jerusalem , for already by promise he was accounted of as one of the family of Hyrcanus , being to marry Mariamme ( in Syriack called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Mary ) born of Alexander the son of Aristobulus ( the brother of Hyrcanus , and Alexandra the daughter of Hyrcanus . [ Joseph . lib. belli . 1. cap. 10. & lib. 14. Antiquit. cap. 21. cum lib. 15. cap. 9. 11. ] At the gulf Melanes , Cassius and Brutus having mustered their army , there were found in it 80000 foot , and Brutus had of French and Lusitanian horse 4000 , of Thracian , Illyrian , Parthia , and Thessalian 2000. Cassius had of Spanish and French 2000 ; 4000 horsemen that were archers out of Arabia , Media , and Parthia , ( for Justin confirmes that the Parthians sent aides hither , [ lib. 42. cap. 4. ] there followed also Kings that were allies , and Tetrarchs out of Gallograecia , who brought 5000 horse besides foot forces . [ Appian . lib. 4. pag. 840. ] These met with the army of the Triumviri , M. Antonius and Octavianus Caesar at Philippi , a city of Macedonia , ( not lesse famous for Saint Pauls epistle , than for this war : ) [ Vellei . Patercul . lib. 2. cap. 70. ] in like manner on each side there were 19 Legions . Antonius and Caesar had 13 , Brutus and Cassius 20000. the Cassi●●s , desiring to tire the enemy out with scarcity of provision , for many daies refused the fight ; seeing all things were supplied to them out of Asia , and brought neer hand by sea , whereas the enemies were in want in an enemies countrey ; for neither the merchants could get any thing out of Egypt , there qeing a great famine there : neither would Sextus Pompeius suffer any thing to be brought out of Spain or Africk , nor Statius Murcus and Domitius Aenobarbus out of Italy , and truely Macedonia and Thessalia , could not long suffice , which then alone maintained the army ; on the other side Antonius , that he might hinder the bringing in provision to the enemy behind them out of Thasus , in ten daies space , having privately opened a passage in a narrow fen , erected many Castles with trenches on the farther side ; which afterward Cassius by running a trench from his camp to the sea through all the fen , rendred unprofitable to him . [ Appian . lib. 4. pag. 652. 653. ] The fight then being begun , ( from which Caesar and Antonius are said to have withdrawn themselves ) the wing that Brutus commanded , beating back the enemy , took Caesars camp ; but the wing in which Cassius was , was put to flight and discomfited , and his camp taken by the Antonians ; [ Florus lib. 4. cap. 7. Vellei . Patercul . ut supra . Plutarch . in Antonio . ] there fell of the Cassians 8000 reckoning the servants , that followed the camp , whom Brutus called Brigae of Caesars army Massala Corrinus , who was then present in Brutus camp , and a little after yielded himself to Caesar , saith he thought there were lost twice so many or more . [ Plutarch . in M. Bruto . cum Appiano . lib. 4. pag. 655. ] Cassius having lost his Camp , could not returne thither , but went about unto an hill by Philippi , to take a view what should be done , [ Appian . pag. 655. ] and supposing that the whole army was discomfited , killed himself , [ Livy , lib. 124. ] with the same sword he had killed Caesar , as Plutarch relates in the end of his Caesar. Although in another he himself , with others also , say , That his head was cut off by his freed man Pindarus : whom from the overthrow of Crassus in Parthia , he had appointed for such a necessity . [ Id. in Bruto . & Antonio . cum Vellei . Patercul . lib. 2. cap. 70. Appian . pag. 655. Dion . pag. 354. ] Of whom Valerius Maximus , lib. 6. cap , 8. P●ndarus newly m●numitted by Cassius , now overcome in the war at Philippi , withdraw him from the insulting of his enemies , by cutting off his head at his own command , who withdrew himself from the sight of men , by a voluntary death ; so that his dead body could not be found : which of the gods , the revenger of so great a wickednesse , bound that right hand with such dulnesse , wh●ch was enraged in the murder of the father of his Country , that it should come trembling to Pindarus his knees , least he should pay that punishment , which he had deserved , at the will of the pious Conquerour ? Truly thou , Deified Julius , hast exacted the revenge due to thy heavenly wounds , by compelling that head was perfidious against thee , to be made a suppliant to the a●d● of a base man , forced by the rage of mind , that he would not retein his life , nor durst end it by his own hand . Brutus , having delivered Cassius his Corps to his friends , caused it to be privately buried at T●asus , least the army , by the fight of his funeral , should be provoked to mourning , and be dejected . [ Plutarch . in Bruto . Appian . pag. 655. Dio. pag. 354. ] Cassius died the very day he was born , [ Appian . ibid. ] and his servant in the evening came to Antonius , with his souldiers coat , and his sword , which he had newly taken from his body ; which being brought him , the Antonians took such courage , that they set the army in battle array , as soon as it was day . [ Plutarch ut supra . ] On the same day that the army of Caesar was overthrown in the field at Philippi , the Marthian Legion , and other great forces , that were bringing to Caesar , by Domitius Culvinus out of Italy , were overcome and discomfited by M●rcus and Aenobarbus in the Ionian sea . [ Plutarch . in Bruto . Appian . pag. 656 , 657. ] Of which victory Brutus was ignorant for 20 daies together ; all which time the Souldiers of Caesar and Antonius were miredin the fens of Philippi , and very much troubled with au●umnal showres , that followed after the battle , and conjealed into ice . [ Plutarch . ibid. ] In which time many Germans fled to Brutus : and in like manner Amyntas , the Generall of Doj●tarus , and Rhascipolis the Thracian , left Brutus his party : which when Brutus suspected , in fear of a greater revolt , he determined to put all upon a general battle . [ Dio. lib. 47. pag. 355. ] The night before the battle , it is reported , that that ghost cume again to Brutus , in the same manner as before , but spake nothing , and so vanished away : although P. Volumnius , a man given to the study of wisdom , who was then in Brutus his Camp , and wrote other progidies that happened , made no mention of this apparation . [ Plutaroh . in fin . Caesaris , & in Bruto . cum . Appiano , lib. 4. pag. 668. ] At this second fight , not onely Antonius was present , b● also Caesar Octavins , though weak and sickly : of whom Ovid touching the things that were done in this Philippick war , in the third book Fastorum . Hoc opus , haec pietas , haec prima elementa fuerunt Caesaris ; ulcisci justa per arma patrem . Caesars first work , or worthie action rather , Was , By just arms he did revenge his father . And in the fifth . Voverat hoc juvenis tunc , cum pia sustulit arma ; A tantis princeps incipiendus erat . Ille manus tendens : adstanti milite justo , In conjuratos talia verba dedit , &c. This the youth vow'd , when first to arms he ran , Being the chief of them he then began . His stretch't out hand to th' souldiers whilst he shoke , He , them confederated , thus bespoke . Brutus being overcome in battle , fled to an hill by night : and on the next day he desired of Strabo Aegeates , an Epirote , with whom there was friendship , by reason that they studied Rhetorick together , that he would lend him his hand towards his death : and casting his left arme over his head , when as holding the point of the sword in his right hand , and directing it to his left pappe , where the heart beats , and forcing himself upon a wound , so gave up the ghost , being run through at one thrust . [ Livy , lib. 124. Vellei . Patercul . lib. 2. cap. 70. Plutarch in M. Bruto . Appian . lib. 4. pag. 665 , 666. ] And this was the end of Brutus and Cassius in this war , who being the murderers of Julius Caesar their Emperour , by whom they were saved in the Pharsalian fight , afterwards murdred themselves , [ Appian . lib. 4. pag. 667 , 668. ] being both of them run through with the swords they had killed Caesar , as Dio affirms in the beginning of his 48. book ; and the liberty which they so much desired to see restored , they lost by this murder of Caesar , [ Florus . lib. 4. cap. 7. ] although they , in lesse than two years , had gathered together more than 20. Legions , and about ●0000 Horse , above 200. long ships , and other not contemptible preparations , and had extorted huge sums of mony from men , whether they would or not : and being often victours in the wars , they waged with many Cities , and with Nations of the contrary faction , and had the command of all from Macedonia to Euphrates ; and whosoever they made war with , they drew them to their society , and made use of their help which were faithful to them , as of Kings and Governours , yea , of the Parthians , although their enemies . [ Appian . pag , 666 , 667. ] Antonius standing by the corps of Brutus , modestly upbraided him with the death of his brother Caius , put to death by him in Macedonia ; but often saying , That he rather imputed the death of his brother to Hortensius , ( who was Proconsul of Macedonia ) than to Brutus ; he commanded Hortensius to be killed upon his grave , [ Plutarch in M. Bruto . & M. Antonio . ] He cast upn Brutus his body his purple souldiers coat of great price , and committed the care of his funeral to one of his free men , whom afterwards he put to death , when he knew he had not burnt that coat with him , and sent his ashes to his mother Servilia . [ Id. ibid. Appian . lib. 4. pag. 668. ] But Octavian sent his head to Rome , that it might be bestowed under Caesars statue . [ Sueton. in Octavio . cap. 13. ] But in the passage from Dyrrachium , a tempest arising , it was cast into the sea . [ Dio. lib. 47. pag. 356. ] As many of the Nobility as escaped into Thasus , some sailed from thence , others yielded themselves to the power and mercy of Messala , Corvinus and L. Bibulus ; others having agreed for their security with the Antonians : Antonius himself being come into Thasus , delivered up to him whatsoever of either mony , arms , provision , or other preparation remained . [ Appian . lib. 4. pag. 669. ] L. Julius Mocilla , one that had been Praetour , and his son , and A. Torquates , and others that were abashed with the like fortune , went into Samothracia , to whom Pomponius Atticus commanded all things to be supplied out of Epirus . [ Cornel. Nepos . in Vita Attici . ] Cassius Parmensis , Brutus and Cassius being gone to the war , was left in Asia with a fleet and an army , to exact mony , after the death of Cassius , hoping better things from Brutus , chose 30 of the Rhodian ships , supposing he should fill so many with Mariners of the Allies ; the rest he burnt , least the City should make some innovations . Having done this , he sets saile with his own , and the Rhodian ships ; but Clodius being sent by Brutus , as soon as he saw the Rhodians about to rebell , ( for now Brutus was dead ) he withdrew the Garrison of 3000 men , and joyned himself with Parmenses : to them came Toru●us with many other ships , and mony which he had exacted from the Rhodians , before their revolt . [ Appian . lib. 4. pag. 671 , 672. ] To this Fleet , as in which there was yet some strength , resorted as many as were dispersed thorough Asia for divers affairs ; and put into them as many Legionar● souldiers as they could possibly , and made a muster for rowers of bondmen and slaves , and of the Islanders into whose Ports they came . To them came Cicero the younger , and as many of the Nobility as fled from Thasus : So that in short time , there was a great company , and both a fleet and an army not to be contemned , with Leaders also , [ Id. ibid. pag. 672. ] These sailed into the Ionian Sea to Statius Murcus , and Cn. Aenobarbus , who commanded great forces , taking Lepidus wth them with another band , who kept Cr●●e with a Garrison of Brutus's : where parting , part remained with Aenobarbus , making a faction of their own , ( keeping the Ionian Sea , bringing much damage to their enemies ; ) part went with Murcus and joyned forces with Sextus Pompeius ; for joyning himself to Pompeius both with that part of the army that was committed to his charge , and a great Fleet , and the reliques of Brutus his army , he doubled Pompeius's Forces , [ Id. ibid. cum Velle● . Patercul . lib. 2. cap. 72. & 77. Dion . lib. 48. pag. 361 , 368. ] Caesar and Antonius dismissed the souldiers that had served out their time , except 8000 whom they intreated to serve longer under them , and divided them between them , and took one of an hundred of them for their Life-guard : of eleven Legions and 14000 Horse , which were left of Brutus his army , Antonius took six Legions , and 10000 Horse ; and Caesar four Legions , and 4000 Horse , [ Appian . ibid. pag. 672. 673. ] Moreover it was agreed , that Caesar should give two Legions of his own to go along with Antonius , and that he again should receive two others which were then left in Italy , which were his souldiers under the command of Calenus , [ Id. ibid. pag. 673. Dio. lib. 48. pag. 358. ] Caesar taking this businesse upon him , that he might represse Lepidus the Triumvir if he should make any stir , and carry on the war against Sextus Pompeius , and divide the lands promised to the old souldiers that were ensignes , returned into Italy ; but in his journey fell so sick , that they that were at Rome thought he was dead . Antonius stayed to go about the Provinces beyond Sea , to abate the enemies pride , and to get money for the souldiers as they had promised them , [ Livy , lib. 125. Vellei . Patercul . lib. 2. cap. 74. Plutarch , in Antonio . Appian . lib. 5. pag. 672 , 673. Dio. lib. 48 , pag. 357 , 358. ] for seeing they had promised to every souldier 5000 drachmes , they were to take the greater care to find out and to command money , [ Plutarch , in Antonio . cum Dion . lib. 47. pag. 352. ] Antonius therefore with a great army passing into Greece , at the first shewed not himself harsh or rigid to the Grecians ; but rejoyced to be accounted a friend of the Grecians , especially of the Athenians , on whose City he bestowed many gifts , [ Plutarch . ] L. Censorinus being left in Greece , The Julian Period . 4673 himself went into Asia . Year before Christ 41 [ Id. ] There he going abou● , and sending others , exacted money of the Cities , and sold their Territories , [ Dio. lib. 48. pag. 371. ] Kings also much haunted his Court , and Kings wives striving amongst themselves in gifts and beauty , offered their service to him . Anaxenor also an harper , Xuthus a musitian , Metrodorus a dancer , and all the Asian comicks and kickshaws crept into the Court ; where all things abounded in luxury . At length Antonius being ready to go to the Parthian war , he sent Dellius ( the Historian , as Plutarch afterwards calls him , and whom Seneca , in 1 Suasoria , saith , left Cassius and went to Antonius ) into Egypt to Cleopatra ; commanding her to appear before him in Cilicia , to answer for her self , because she was said to have afforded much help and aid to Cassius , [ Plutarch . ] Apuleiu , who was proscribed by the Triumviri , by delivering Bythinia to Antonius , over which he was made Governour by Brutus , obtained of him to be restored into his country , [ Appian . lib. 4. pag. 616. ] In Bythinia , Antonius met with Embassies from all Nations ; there were also the Rulers of the Jews , to accuse Phasaclus and Herod ; as though Hyrcanus reigned onely in shew ; but in truth all the power was in the two brothers . But Antonius highly honoured Herod , who was come thither to wipe off all objections , by which it came to passe , that his adversaries were not so much as admitted to speak to him ; for this Herod had obtained by bribing him , [ Joseph . lib. 14. cap. 22. ] At his entrance into Ephesus , the women went before him in habits of the Baccharae , and men in the habit of Satyres and Panes : all the city resounded with hurrying after Ivy Garlands with instruments of musick , flutes and pipes : they called him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Bacchus the bountiful and debonair , [ Plutarch . ] He there sacrificed to Diana with all magnificence , as to the Protectour of that place : and absolved the Cassiani upon their petitions , who had fled into Sanctuary there , except Petronius who was guilty of the conspiracy against Caesar , and Quintus who had betrayed Dolabella to Cassius at Laodicea . [ Appian . lib. 6. pg. 683. ] Thither came the Embassadors of Hyrcanus the High Priest ; and of the Jews : to wit , Lysimachus , the son of Pausanias , Joseph ; the son of Mennaeus , Alexander , the son of Theodorus , bringing unto him a Crown of gold ; they declared unto him the same Embassie they did at Rome : desiring him , that those Jews that Cassius had taken prisoners , contrary to the Laws of Arms , might , by his letters written to the Provinces , beset at liberty , and that their Country that Cassius had taken from them , might be restored . Antonius thinking they demanded but equity , presently yielded to their requests , and wrote letters to this purpose , both to Hyrcanus himself , and also to the Tyrians , Sidonians , Antiochians , and Aradians , which are extant in Josephus , [ lib. 14. Antiquit. cap. 22. ] The Graecians and other Nations inhabiting Asia Pergamena , being cited to Ephesu , Antonius declared unto them , what great promises he had made to his 28 conquering Legions , which with those that belonged to them made up ; 150000 men and whenas they had given to Cassius and Brutus his enemies ten yeares tribute in 2 yeares , he demanded of them that they should give him so much in one year , who complaining that they were exhausted by their former enemies , at length very hardly obteined , that they might pay nine yeares tribute in two yeares , [ Appian . lib. 5. pag. 673. 674. ] Antonius deprived many noble men of their estates , and bestowed them upon Knaves , and flatterers , many begged the fortunes of some that were alive , and had them , and some of those that were dead , he bestowed the goods of a Citizen of Magnesia upon a Cook who had dressed but one supper , ( as it is reported ) handsomely for him ; at last , when he had burthened the Cities with another tribute , Hybreas who agitated the affaires of Asia , was so bold to say , if you can exact a tribute of us twice in a year , you must be able also to make two summers , and then to yield fruites to us twice , and when Asia brought in 200000 talents he said if thou hast not received them , demand them , but if thou hast not that that thou hast received , we are undone ; sharply nipping Antonius by this saying ; who out of simplicity believing his own servants , was ignorant of many things that were done , [ Plutarch . in Antonio . ] In like manner other tributes were imposed by the command of Antonius upon Kings , Governours , and free Cities , each according to their abilities . [ Appian . lib. 5. pag. 674. ] As he was going about the Provinces , L. the brother of Cassius , and as many as had heard of the act of clemency done by him at Ephesus , and were afraid , humbly came and presented themselves unto him , all whom he absolved , except those that were guilty of Caesars death , to whom only he continued unplacable . [ Id. ibid. ] The Lycians and Xanthians he freed from tribute , and exhorted them to rebuild their city , to the Rhodians also he gave Andros , Tenos , Naxos , and Myndus : which not long after he took from them , as ruling too cruelly over them , but also granted to them of Laodicea and Tarsus , liberty and freedome from tributes , to the Athenians that came unto him , he gave first Tenos ; and then Aegina , and also Icos , Cea , Sciathus , and Parepathus , [ ibid. pag. 675. ] Passing by Phrygia , Mysia , Gallograecia , Cappadocia , Cilicia , Coelosyria , Palestina , Ituraea , and other Provinces of the Syrians , he laid very grievous tributes on them all , he composed also al-differences of Kings , and Cities after his own pleasure , and particularly in Cappadocia , the businesse of Sisenna and Ariarathes , Sisenna being preferred to the Kingdome , in favour of his beautifull mother , yet in Syria he took away Tyrants from divers Townes , [ ibid. ] he committed the Government of Cyprus , to Demetrius the freed man of Julius Caesar. [ Dio. lib. 48. pag. 381. ] Antonius promised the Tarsenses the command of the university , and preferred Boethus to that office in that place , one as well an ill Poet , as an ill Citizen ; yet Antonius approved his Poem that he wrote of his victory at Philippi : but the Tarsenses chiefly preferred him , because he was able on a sudden to speak something concerning any subject , but when the accounts of the expences to be laid out in the university , were committed to his charge , he was found to have stollen both other things and also the oyl , upon which account being accused before Antonius , he answered him , as Homer sang the praises of Agamemnon , and Achilles , and also Ulysses , so have I thine , therefore it is not fit that I should be accused of these crimes before thee , but : answered the accu●er , Homer stole no oyl from Agamemnon and Achilles , which because thou hast done , thou shalt be punished , neverthelesse Boethus , having appeased his anger by some services , kept the Government of the City even to the death of Antonius . [ Strabo . lib. 14. pag. 674. ] Cleopatra , what being brought in by Dellius , and partly trusting in the comelinesse of her beauty and behaviour , came into Cilicia , unto Antonius , [ Plutarch . in Antonio . cum Joseph● . lib. 14. Antiquit. cap. 23. Appian . lib. 5. pag. 673. & Dion . lib. 48. 371. ] the fantasticallnesse of whose coming , is thus described by Plutarch more like a Poet , than an Historian , she was conveyed by a ship all guilt , on the river Cydnus , which runs by the City Tarsus , with purple sailes all spread , and the oares all silvered , with musick flutes , and pipes , and harps , she lay being curiously dressed under a canopie of cloath of gold , as Venus is painted , boyes like to Cupids , stood here and there and fanned her , and her maidens in the habits of Nereides and Graces , stood at the helms , and others plied the oares , all the bancks were filled with most fragrant smels , by reason of the abundance of perfumes , the men from both sides the shore accompanied her from the river , and they that were in the city came to see the sight , so that Antonius was left alone sitting in the Forum , upon his Tribunall , and there went a generall rumour , that Venus was coming to feast with Bacchus , for the preservation of Asia , Antonius sent certain men to invite her to supper ; but she thought it rather belonged to him to come to her : who that he might just at her coming shew his gentlenesse and curtesie , obeyed her and came . Cleopatra , when Antonius accused her that she was not at part of Caesars labours in the last war , objected to him again among other things , both the four Legions that she had sent to Dolabella , and how her fleet was torn with Tempests , and how often Cassius had threatned her , because she had sent no aide to him : he being overcome , began , like a young man , although he was then fourty years old , to love her ; upon whom a good while agone , he had wontonly cast his eyes , when she was a but a girle ; when he being a young man , followed Gabinius to Alexandria , being at that time master of his Horse : and immediately Antonius his ancient industry decaying , all men did nothing but execute the commands of Cleopatra , without respect , either of Humane or Divine Law. [ Appian . lib. 5. pag. 671 , 675 , 676. ] At the entreaty of Cleopatra , Antonius sent murtherers to Miletus , to kill her sister Arsinoe , a Nunne of Diana Leucophrine , as Appian relates : [ Ibid. pag. 676. ] although Josephus saith that she was killed at Ephesus , as she was at her prayers in the Temple of Diana . [ lib. 15. cap. 14. ] Antonius commanded the Tyrians to deliver to Cleopatra Serapion , the Governour of Cyprus , who had sent aide to Cassius , and now came to beg his pardon : as also the Aradians , another suppliant ; who when as Ptolaemaeus , the brother of Cleopatra , being overcome by Julius Caesar in a navral fight , upon the river Nilus , and was never seen more , had bragged to the Aradians , that he was Ptolomy . He commanded also Megabezus , the Priest of Diana , the Ephesian , to be brought before him , because he had entertained Arsinoe , as a Queen ; but at the entreaty of the Ephesians to Cleopatra , he dismissed him . [ Appian . ut supra , pag. 676. ] In the interim , Fulvia , the wife of Antonius in Italy , that had nothing of a woman in her , but her body , raised great stirs and wars against Caesar Octavianus . [ Vellei . Patercul . lib. 2. cap. 74. ] By which dissention both the affinity between them is broken off , and the Common-wealth is broken into open war : for Caesar seeing he could not endure the insolency of his mother in law , ( for he had rather seem not to agree with her , than with Antonius ) he made a divorce with her daughter Claudia , whom he sware was yet a Virgin. [ Dion , lib. 48. pag. 359 , 360. Sueton. in Octavio . cap. 62. ] Hereupon Caesar sent into Phoenicia to Antonius , Cocceius and Cecinna , of whom Cecinna , his Embassy being ended , returned to Caesar ; but Cocceius tarried with Antonius . [ Appian . lib. 5. pag. 707. ] There came an hundred of the most honourable among the Jews to Daphne , near Antioch in Syria to Antonius , now doting on the love of Cleopatra , that they might accuse Phasaelus and Herod ; having chosen out for this purpose the most eloquent of their whole number , and Messala undertook to defend the young mens cause : Hyrcanus also assisted him , who had betroathed his daughter to Herod . But parties being heard , Antonius demanded of Hyrcanus , which party he thought to be fittest to govern a Common-wealth : when he had answered on the young mens behalf , Antonius who loved them , because he had been kindly entertained by their fathers ) made them both Tetrarchs , leaving unto them the government of all Judea , and wrote letters also to this purpose , and clapt fifteen of their adversaries in prison , and would have put them to death , had not Herod interceded for them . [ Joseph . lib. 1. bell . cap. 10. & lib. 14. Antiquit. cap. 23. ] Then a thousand men came from Jerusalem to Tyrus , to Antontus , who being already bribed by the brethren , commanded the magistracy of that place , that they should kill the Embassadours , as men that made innovations , and that they should aide the Tetrarchs : but Herod and Hyrcanus coming to them at their time without the City on the sea shoare , advised them earnestly to withdraw ; and admonishing them what danger would ensue , if they followed the suite : but they contemned this advice . Whereupon certain Jews , and the inhabitants of that City , brake out upon them , and killed some , and wounded other some ; but Hyrcanus caused the wounded to be cured , and dead to be buryed , and the rest took their flight homewards : but whrn the people did nothing but raile against Herod , Antonius in his displeasure slew those that he had in hold . [ Ibid. ] Cleopatra being returned home , Antonius sent Horesemen to Palmyra , a City seated not far from Euphrates , to plunder it ; a light crime being objected against them for colour sake ; that whenas they lived in the confines of the Romans and Parthians , ( they being Merchants , carried out of Persia , Indian , and Arabian wares to the Romans ) but indeed , that they might enrich the Horsemen : of which when the Palmyreni had an inckling , they carried their goods to the other side of the bank , and placed Archers to keep them off , in which kind of weapon they do excel : but the Horse men finding the City empty , returned without either plunder or bloudshed . Hereupon presently after followed the Parthian war ; many Tyrants out of Syria , whom Antonius had expulsed from thence , flying to the Parthians , and inviting them to seize upon Syria . [ Appian . lib. 5. pag. 676 , 677. ] Antonius , Year of the World 3964 when he had laid grievous tributes on the people , and had thus offended the Palmyren● ; he staid not to settle the troubles of the Province , but dividing his army into winter quarters , he himself went into Egypt to Cleopatra , [ ibid. pag. 677. ] leaving Plancas in Asia , and Saxa in Syria , [ Dio. lib. 48. pag. 371. ] to wit Decidius Sava : of whom Cicero makes mention in 13 Philippick , as one of M. Antonius guard , and Livy [ in lib. 127. ] as of his Lieutenant in Syria . This thing gave occasion to many stirs ; for they that inhabited the Island Aradus , obeyed not those that were sent to them , for the ex●cting the money , but also slew some of them : and the Parthians whereas before they were in some commotions , then much more made insurrections against the Romans , Labienus , and Paco●us the son of Orodes being their Commanders , [ Dio. ibid. ] To the Aradians belongeth , that that is read in the Chronicle of Eusebius . Curtius Sulassus was burnt alive with four cohorts in the Island Aradus , because he too fiercely exacted the tributes . Concerning Labienus , who Livy notes in lib. 127. to have been of Pompeyes faction , thus we read in Plutarch , [ in Antonio . ] When the forces of Parthians were in suspence , of which Labienus being created General for the conduct of the Parthians , the Kings Captains being about to set upon Syria , Antonius was drawn away to Alexandria by Cleopatra . From whence a place that was brought to this purpose by the compiler of the Parthian Story of Appian , [ pag. 155 , 156. ] is to be corrected : who foolishly insinuates , that Labienus was brought by the Kings Captains to Alexandria : but Dio explains both the Original and Progresse of this Expedition after this manner . After the overthrow of Philippi Labienus , supposing that the Conquerours would pardon none of the adverse party , thought it better to live with Barbarians than to perish in his own country , and therefore stayed with the Parthians : and as soon as he understood of the sloth of Antonius , and his love and journey into Egypt , he advised the Parthians to make war upon the Romans , whose armies partly were cut off , partly received some losse , and the rest disagreed among themselves , and looked every day again as if they would come to a civil war. Wherefore he perswaded the King , that whilst Caesar was detained in Italy by reason of Sextus Pompeius , and Antonius gave himself over to his love in Egypt , he might subdue Syria , and the countries neer unto it . He promised him also that he would be the General of this war , and so he might move many Nations to revolt from the Romans , who were offended with them , for the continual dammages with which they were afflicted by them , [ Dio. pag. 371 , 372. ] When he had perswaded the King by this discourse to make war , having received great forces from hi● and his son Pacorus , he brake into Phoenice ; and setting upon Apamea , but being beaten from the wall , he took the Garrisons that were placed in that country by their voluntary resignation : those consisted of Cassius and Brutus his souldiers ; whom Antonius had chosen into his army , and had left to keep Syria , as well knowing that country : therefore Labienus easily made them of his party , as they that were familiarly acquainted with him ; except Saxa , who then commanded them ; for he being the brother of Decidius Saxa the Lieutenant of Antonius , and his Quaestor , was the onely man that joyned not with Labienus , [ Ibid. ] Labienus overcame his Saxa in a set battle by the multitude and valour of his Horse , and pursued him as he was flying by night out of his Camp. He had before shot ticke●s into his Camp , to draw his souldiers to his party ; which thing also Saxa fearing fled . Labienus having overtaken him , killed most of them that were with him : but when Saxa had fled to Antioch , he took Apamea , which no longer 〈◊〉 him , because it was generally reported that he was dead . He also took Antioch , deserted by Saxa , [ Ibid. ] M. Antonius being splendidly entertained by Cleopatra , wintered in Egypt without his imperial ensignes , either as being in anothers government and royal City , or because he would solemnize Festival dayes in his winter quarters ; for setting aside all businesse , for his country , he wore the Grecian four-cornered Robe , and the white Attic shooe called Phaecusium , which the Athenian and Alexandrian Priests did use . When he went abroad he went onely to the Temples , or places of Exercise , or to the meetings of Philosophers , alwayes keeping company with the Grecians , and courting of Cleopatra , for whose sake chiefely he said he undertook this voyage , [ Appian . lib. 5. pag. 677. ] Being thus given to luxury with Cleopatra and the Egyptians , he lay there idle even to his utter destruction , [ Dio. lib. 48. pag. 373. ] Plutarch describeth at large the luxury of him and his son , relating those things concerning this businesse that Philotus the Amphissian Physitian told his Grandfather Lamprias , who was then at that time at Alexandria following his studies . Cleopatra departing from him neither by night nor day , played with him at dice , drank with him , hunted with him , and saw him exercising himself in his armes ; she accompanied him by night thorough the streets as he was eve●dropping at the gates and windows of the citizens , and talking to them that were within , and rambled with him , clad in the habit of a serving-maid ; for he was wont to wear such habit himself ; whereupon he returned home oftentimes well jeered , and oftentimes well cudgelled , [ Plutarch . in Antonio . ] Antonius deteined the Embassadours that were sent to him from the Italian Colonies ; either because it was winter , or because he would conceal his counsels . [ Appian . lib. 5. pag. 701 ] but in the mean time Caesar Octavianus did besiege the Consul L. Antonius his brother , at Perasium in Hetruria , [ Id. ibid. pag. 689. ] Cn. Domitius Calvinus , The Julian Period . 4674 and Asinius Pollio being Consuls , Year before Christ 40 Perusia was taken by Octavian . [ Dio. lib. 48. pag. 365. ] Labienus having followed Saza , flying into Cilicia , there killed him . [ Dio. lib. 48 pag. 372. ] Labienus going from Brutus his camp to the Parthians , and leading an army of them into Syria , killed the Lieutenant of Antonius , had very much afflicted the transmarine provinces : saith Velleius Paterculus [ lib. 2. cap. 5. ] but Florus in his fourth book 9 chapter Saxa ( for thus it is to be read there ; not Casca ) the Lieutenant , was beholding to his own sword , that he might not come into his enemies power . Saxa bein dead , Pacorus subdued all Syria , [ Florus & Dio. ut supra . cum Livio . lib. 127. ] Tyrus only excepted , which the Romans that were left , and the Syrians who agreed with , had taken before , and neither by perswasions , nor force could they be reduced under his power , for the Parthians had never a fleet with them . [ Dio , ibid. ] In the second year ( as it is in Josephus , [ lib. 14. cap. 23. ] to wit from the coming of Antonius into Syria , in which , Pacorus the Kings son , aed Barzapharnes a ruler of the Parthians seized upon Lysia , Ptolomaeus the son of Mennaeus died , whose successor in the principality Lysanias his son , ( whom Dio saith was made King of the Ituraeans by Antonius ) was made friends with An Antigonus the son of Aristobulus , a noble man , who could do much with him , reconciling them . M. Antonius at the beginning of the spring , went against the Parthians , he came as far as Phaenicia , yea he came to Tyre ; [ Plutarch . in Antonio . Appian . lib. 5. pag. 701. ] he sailed thither , as if he would bring aid to the City ; but seeing all the country about seized upon by the enemy , pretending the war against Sextus Pompeius , he left it ; on the contrary , under pretext of the Parthian war he excused himself , that he did not sooner go against Pompey : it so happened , that he neither came to help his allies , under colour of Pompey , neither aided he Italy , under colour of the allies . [ Dio. lib. 48. pag. 372. ] As he was passing by the continent , and sailing by Cyprus and Rh●●s to Asia , he heard of the event of the siege of Perusia : and accused his brother Lucius , and his wife Fulvia . bu● more especially Manius , who was his agent in Italy in his absence , then passing into Graecia , he met with his mother Julia , and his wife Fulvia , who had fled out of Italy ; and from hence , as he sailed into Italy , he took Sipus . [ Id. ibid. cum Ap. lib. 5. pag. 679. 701. ] Fulvia being dead at Sicyon , her husband Antonius , at the perswasion of his mother Julia and L. Cocceius , being obout to treat of a peace with Caesar , recalled Sextus Pompeius ( with whom he had already entred into league , ) into Sicily , as it were to provide for those things that they had agreed upon ; and he sent Domitius Aenobarbus into Bythinia to command there . [ Appian . lib. 5. pag. 707. 708. ] and seeing that Marcellus the husband of Octavia , the most beloved sister of Caesar , although by another mother , was newly dead : for the more firm confirmation of a peace , she is betrothed to Antonius , who although he did not dissemble that he had to do with Cleopatra , yet denied that she was his wife . [ Id. ibid. pag. 709. Livy , lib. 127. Plutarch . in Antonio . ] Then , dividing the Roman Empire between them , they made Codropolis , a Town of Illyrium , ( which seemed seated within the innermost part of the Adriatick gulf , ) to be the bound of each ones dominions : so that all the Eastern Countreys , aswell Islands as Provinces , both of Europe and Asia , even to the river Euphrates , should fall to Antonius his part , and the Western as Sardinia , Dalmatia , Spain , and Gallia to Caesars , for the Provinces of Africa , Lepidus the Triumvir had already received from Caesar , and Sextus Pompeius had seized upon Sicily , [ Plutarch . Appian . ibid. Dio. pag. 374. ] The war against Pompeius sell to Caesar ; unlesse something else did intervene , and to Antonius sell the Parthian war , to reveng the injury done to Crassus : Domitius Aenobarbus ( although one of the murderers of Julius Caesar ) was taken into league by Caesar , upon the same condition that he was formerly , by Antonius it was added to the league , that it might be lawfull , for both the Generals , to muster the like number of Legions out of Italy , upon these articles the last league was made between Caesar and Antonius . [ Appian . pag. 709. ] Caesar and Antonius entered Rome with an Oration , for joy of the peace that was made between them , [ inscript . Gruter . pag. CCXCVII. ] whom the citizens entertained as triumphing ; and clad them in a triumphal Robe , and placed them to see the Playes , in Ivory chairs , [ Dio. pag. 375. ] and then also was solemnized the Marriage between Antonius and Octavia , who was then great with child : and because the law forbad any woman to marry till ten moneths after the death of her husband , the time was remitted by a decree of the Senate , [ Vellei . Patercul . lib. 2. cap. 78. Plutarch in Antonio . Appian . lib. 5. pag. 710. Dio. pag. 375. fin . ] But Antonius put Manius to death because he had exasperated Fulvia by his often complaining on Cleopatra , and because he had been the cause of so great evils , [ Appian . ibid. ] Asinius Pollio had a son born in his Consulship , whom he called Salonius , from his taking Salonae , a city of Spalato in Dalmatia : for whom Virgil in his Pollio singing verses upon his nativity , out of the Cumaean or Sibylline Poemes , who dividing the ages of the World by mettals , and in the tenth and last age of the World , ( in which Sol or Apollo was to rule ) foretelling that there should come to be a restoring of all things , pronounced that this year the Golden Age ( and with it the Virgin , Erigone , or Astraea , who had left the earth in the Iron Age ) should return again . [ Servius in Virgil. Eclogue . 4. ] In which description the Poet seems to have inserted those things which either he had heard spoken of by the Jews , whom ( Cicero in orat . pro Flacco . saith ) that there were many dwelt at Rome about the Aurelian Stayres ; or which he had himself read in the bookes of the Prophets , ( which were common in the Greek tongue ) written of him . Pacor●s the King of Parthia his son , having taken Syria , went into Palestina , and deposed Hyrcanus , who was set by the Romans to govern that country , and placed his brother Aristobulus in his room . Thus Dio , [ lib. 48. pag. 372 , 373. ] ill confounding Aristobulus the father , with Antigonus the son ; whenas he himself afterwards alwayes calls this Antigonus the King , and not Aristobulus , [ lib. 48. pag. 382. & lib. 49. pag. 405. ] But most fully doth Josephus lay open this whole matter after this manner . Antigonus the son of Aristobulus , said that he would give to the Parthians a 1000 talents and 500 women , if they would translate the kingdom from Hyrcanus upon him , and would also kill Herod with all that belonged to him : which things although he performed not , yet the Parthians to claim the kingdom for Antonius , marched with their army towards Judea . Pacorus the Kings son by sea , and Barzapharnes by land . The Tyrians shut their gates against him , but the Sidonians and them of Ptolomais , opened their gates to him . He sent a squadron of horse into Judea before him to see what was to be done , and gave command that they should help Antigonus . He that commanded the squadron was the Kings Buttler , and called also Pacorus . The Jews also inhabiting Mount Carmel , joyning themselves with Antonius , and shewing themselves ready with him to inrod the enemies country , he began to conceive some hope , that by their help he might bring under his power that part of the country , which is called D●ynos ; where having encountered with his enemies , and putting them to flight , he pursued them even to Jerusalem . Here also they of Antigonus his party , their number very much increasing , set upon the Kings house ; Phasaelus and Herod defending it : where in the Market-place there was a fight between them , and the enemies being overcome by the brethren , fled into the Temple : whom they having shut up in the Temple , they appointed 60 men to keep them , placed in the adjoyning houses : but these , the people bearing a grudge to the brethren , burnt them with fire . Whereat Herod being angry , killed many of the people : and every hour , one laid waite for another , so that every day some were murdered . When the day of Penticost was come , there were many thousands of men , as well armed as unarmed , gathered together about the Temple , from all parts of the country , who seized upon both the Temple and the City , except the Kings house ; for this Herod kept with a few souldiers , as his brother Phasaclus did the walls . But Herod ( being something helped by his brother ) assaulted his enemies in the suburbs , forced many thousands of them to flee , some into the City , some into the Temple , and some into a Rampire that was neer the City . In the mean while , Antigonus demanded that Pacorus the General of the Parthians might be admitted to conclude a peace between them . Pacorus being entertained by Phasaelus , perswaded him that he would go as Embassadour to Barzapharnes , laying an ambush for him : he suspecting nothing went ; Herod by no means approving this matter by reason of the perfideousnesse of the Barbarians , but advising rather that he would kill Pacorus , and those that came with him . Wherefore Hyrcanus and Phasaelus went on with their Embassie ; and Pacorus leaving with Herod 200 Horsemen , and ten whom they call Elutheri , took with him the Embassadours . But as soon as they were come into Galilee , the governours of those Towns came out against them in arms ; and Barzapharnes entertained them with a chearful countenance , and bestowed gifts upon them , but afterward laid ambushes for them . Phasaelus was brought with his traine to a place near the sea side , called Ecdippon . Where Ophellus , learning from Saramulla , the richest of all the Syrians , that there were ambushes laid for Phasaelus , offered him shipping to shift away : but he unwilling to leave Hyrcanus and his brother Herod in Jeopardy , expostulated with Barzaphernes , concerning the injury offered to Embassadours , who swearing that these things were not true , went presently to Pacor●s . He was no sooner gone , but Hyrcanus and Phasaelus were clapt up in prison , much detesting the perjury of the Parthians , and to Herod also was an Eunuch sent with command , to surprize him if he could get him out of the City . Herod understanding from others what had happened to his brother , taking with him what aide he had about him , and setting the women on Horses , to wit , his mother Cybele , his sister Salome , his wife Mariamme , and the Mother of his wife Alexandra , the daughter of Hyrcanus , and his youngest brother Pheroras , with their Servants , and the rest of the company , he by night , unknown to his enemies , took his flight into Idumaea . In the journy , his mother by the overthrow of her Coach , was in great danger of death , that Herod was so astonished , least the enemy should overtake them whilst they stayed there : that he thought to kill himself with his own sword : but being restrained by them that were about him , he went towards Massada , a most strong fortified place , ( which is seated in the Country af Arabia , and Palestina ) by the nearest way he could possibly : the Parthians first pursuing him , and then the Jews , when he was but 60. furlongs from the City , but both overcome in fight . After he was come to Ressa , a Village of Idumea , his brother Joseph came unto him ; and seeing they brought so great a multitude with them , as without any hired Souldier , the Castle at Massada , whither they were determined to fly , could not hold them , he dismissed the greater part of them , to wit , 9000. commanding them to shift for themselves in Idumaea , giving them victual , but taking unto him the choicest men , and his nearest friends , he entred the Castle , and there disposing of the women , with the rest of their companions , because there was plenty of corn , water , and things necessary besides , he himself went unto Petra , a City of Arabia . The next day after he was fled from Jerusalem , the Parthians plundred all the goods of the Citizens of Jerusalem , and the Kings house also , onely the treasure of Hyrcanus , which was 300 talents remained untouched : a great part also of Herods substance , especially that that he providently had carried into Idumaea : neither were the Parthians contented with the plunder of the City , but going out of the City , they harrassed the Country also , and rased the rich City of Marissa . Antigonus , being thus brought back into his Country , by the King of the Parthiaans , received Hyrcanus and Phasaelus , that were then prisoners ; but he was very much agrived , that the women were got away , whom he had intended to deliver to the Parthians , together with the mony that he had promised to give them : but then being afraid , least Hyrcanus , whom the Parthians had then prisoner , should again , by the favour of the people , be restored into his kingdom , he cut off his ears , that so he might be rendred unfit for the Priesthood : the Law forbidding , that any one that wanted any member , should approach unto the Altar . [ Levittic . XXI . 17 , 18. &c. ] Phasaelus knowing that he was appointed to be put to death , seeing he could not lay violent hands upon himself , by reason of his chains , he beat out his own brains against a stone ; but before he was quite dead , hearing by a woman , that his brother Herod was escaped , he greatly rejoyced that there was left one to revenge his death . But the Parthians , although they missed of the women which they most of all desired , notwithstanding , having setled all things at Jerusalem with Antigonus , when they departed , took Hyrcanus along with them prisoner into Parthia . [ Joseph . lib. 1. bell . cap. 11. lib , 14. Antiquit. cap. 24 , 25. ] At the same time Labienus took Cilicia , and all the Cities seated in the Continent of Asia , ( for , for fear of him , Plan●u● , the Lieutenant of Antonius in Asia , had fled into the Island ) except Stratonicea , most of them without stroke striken , but Melissa and Alabanda he took by force : for these Cities , when they had entertained a Garrison from Labienus , on a certain festival day , put to death the Garrison , and revolted . Wherefore Labienus having taken Alabanda , put the Citizens to death , and raised M●lissa , being abandoned by the inhabitants : and although he had a long time besieged Stratonicea , yet could he by no means get the City . At length , when he had gotten their mony , and robed their Temples , he called himself the Parthian Emperour , by a clean different reason from the Romans ; for he imposed upon himself a name from them whom he led against the Romans , as if he had conquered them , and not his fellow Citizens . [ Dio. lib. 48. pag. 373. ] Thus the Parthians , conquering for themselves under colour of Auxiliaries , Labienus being their Captain , they made excursions from Euphrates and Syria , even to Ionium , but yet more like thieves than enemies . [ Florus , lib. 4. cap. 9. Plutarch in Antonio . Appian . in Syriac . pag. 120. in Parthic . pag. 134 , 156. lib. bell . Civil . pag. 709. For the stopping of whose progresse , M. Antonius sent into Asia his Lieutenant M. Ventidius Bassus . [ Plutarch . ibid. Appian . pag. 156 , & 709. ] Ventidius was come to Labienus , before he knew any thing of it , who being terrified with his sudden coming , and destitute of his forces , for he had none with him , but Souldiers gathered out of Asia , and was without the Parthians , and not daring to meet him , he immediately put him to flight , and followed him as he fled with his light harnessed Souldiers , and having overtaken him at the Mountain Taurus , would not let him go any further . [ Dio , lib. 48. pag. 380 , 381. ] In that place they lay quiet many dayes in their Camps , one over against the other , Labienus expecting the Parthians , and Ventidius the Legions : when as in those dayes that happened to both of them , that both desired to hide . Ventldius , because he was afraid of the Parthian Horse , kept himself on high ( for there he had placed his Camp ) and the Parthians trusting to their multitude , and contemning those that they had in times past overcome , before they joyned with Labienus , early in the morning went towards the hill , and nobly coming out against them , they intended to go even to the top of the hill : and when now they were come up , the Romans running towards them , tumbled them headlong without any great paines . Thus the Parthians being slain partly by the Romans , but the greater part destroyed by their own party in their retreat ; seeing that some were flying , when as some were but just come to the hill . [ Ibid. pag. 381. ] Ventidius followed the Parthians that turned their flight , not towards Labienus , but into Cilicia , even to the Camp ; who seeing Labienus there stood still : but when Labienus had set his men in array ; but seeing his men astonished by the flight of the Barbarians , he durst not fight , but by night determined to fly some whither . Ventidius having intelligence of this by some Fugitives , killed many of them in their departure by ambushments ; all the rest being deserted by Labienus , he took to himself . [ Ib. ] Labienus , having changed his habit , fled , and after he had laine hid in Cilicia some time , he was sought out , and taken by Demetrius , who then governed Cyprus for Antonius . [ Ibid. ] These things thus done , Ventidius recovered and setled Cilicia , he sent before him Popedius Silo , with Horsemen to the Mountain Amanus , seated in the confines of Cilicia and Syria , in those straits , which are called the gates . Silo by no means could get a Castle that was built there ; and also he was brought into great danger by Pharnapates , the Lieutenant of Pacorus , who kept that passe , and had been utterly routed , but that Ventidius came by chance as they were fighting , and so brought aide to his own party . He setting upon the Parthians on a suddain , and they also fewer in number , Pharnapates , with many others , being killed , he recovered Syria , now relinquished by the Parthians , without any war , except only Aradus : for the Arabians fearing they should be compelled to suffer punishment for the boldnesse against Antonius , yielded not to Ventidius , although some time assaulted by him . [ Ibid. pag. 381 , 382. ] Herod , not yet assured of his brother Phasaelus his death , went unto Malchus , the King of the Arabians ( Nabataeans ) who was obliged unto him , for many favours he had done him ; being willing to expend 300 talents , to redeem his brother as soon as he could from the enemy : for which cause he carried with him Phasaelus , his brothers son , a child of seven years old , to leave him in pledge with the Arabians . But there met him some that were sent from Malchus , to him ; that he should depart from the bounds of the kingdom , for so the Parthians had commanded : but he pretended this by the perswasion of his Noble men , and that he might cousen him of that treasure which his father Antipater had committed to their custody . Which Herod taking very heavily , returned into a certain Temple , where he had left many of his followers : but the next day , when he came to Rh●ocorura , he heard of his brothers death . [ Joseph . lib. 14. cap. 25. ] Malchus repenting of this ingratitude , sent in all hast after Herod , but could not overtake him , for he was gotten far onward of his way , posting to Pelusium , where the Mariners that were to saile to Alexandria , denying him passage ; he was by the Magistrates of the place honourably entertained , and brought to Cleopatra the Queen , who could by no meanes , detaine him then , because he was hastning to Rome although the sea was very much troubled with tempests , and the affaires at that time were in no very good condition in Italy , for seeing that it was not yet winter time , ( as Salianus hath observed against Tormellus , in the year of the world 4014 num . 26. & 27. ) I take that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Josephus concerning a storme at sea , which Herod neglecting , sailed from Alexandria towards Pamphilia , and being tossed with a grievous tempest , he cast over board much of his substance , and scarce got to Rhodes . [ Joseph . ibid. ] Then met him at Rhodes two of his greatest friends , Sappinas and Ptolomaeus , and finding the City had suffered much in the war against Cassius , he could not be restrained no not by his present poverty , but that he would do something for it even above his ability , he then caused a frigot to be built , and embarking himself with his friends , he arrived at Brundusium in Italy , from thence he went to Rome , and declared unto Antonius those things that had happened to him and his family , and how through these tempests , ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) and continuing all dangers he had retired to him as to his only refuge , and in whom all his hope lay . [ id . ibid. ] The narration had moved the compassion of Antonius , calling to remembrance also his fathers friendship , but especially the promise of money , if he were made King by his meanes , and the hatred of Antigonus , as of a man of a turbulent spirit , and an enemy to the Romans : made him more inclined to Herod : Caesar also , partly for that Antipater had been fellow souldier with his father in Egypt ; and for other curtesies which he had shewed him , and partly that he might gratifie Antonius , whom he knew was well affected to Herod , was willing to promote his endeavours , whereupon the Senate being called , Messala , and then Atratinus , brought forth Herod , and after they had praised him , reckoning up the services and good will , that both his father and he had done for the Romans ; they accused also Antigonus for ancient crimes , and that but newly in contempt of the Romans , he had received the Kingdome from the Parthians , and when Antonius had declared to the Senate , how much conducing it was to the Parthian war , that was then in hand , that Herod should be made King ; Antigonus was declared an enemy , and the Kingly title was devolved upon Herod by their generall suffrage . [ id ibid. cap. 26. ] The Senate being dismissed , Antonius and Caesar went out leading Herod between them , and being accompanied with the Consuls and other Magistrates , they went up into the Capitoll , to do sacrifice there , and to place there the decree of the Senate , and the new King the first day of his reign , was feasted by Antonius , and after this manner he obteined the Kingdome , in the CLXXXV . Olympiade , ( not CLXXXIV . as it is in Josephus ) ( Domitius Calvinus II. and Asinius Pollio being Consuls , and within seven daies Antonius dismissed Herod out of Italy , honoured with this unexpected felicity . [ ibid. ] All the time of Herods absence , Antigonus assaulted his family in Massada , abounding in all other provision , but only wanting water : so that for this very cause his brother Joseph was determined with 200 of his friends to fly unto the Arabians , for he had heard that Malchus now repented of the ingratitude he had shewed Herod ; but a shower falling that night , he changed his purpose , for the cisterns being filled with water , they made a gallant sally out , and killed many of Antigonus his men , both in open field , and covert assaults . [ ibid. ] Ventidius easily recovered Palestina , Antigonus the King thereof being much afraid and exacted great sums of money from all men , but especially from Antigonus , Antiochus ( Commagenian ) and Malchus the Nabathaean ; because they had aided Pacorus . [ Dion . lib. 48. pag. 382. ] he came also into Palestina , under colour as though it were to help Joseph : but indeed with this purpose to extort money from Antigonus ; therefore he encamped neer Jerusalem , and drew from him a sufficient sum of money and to the intent that his fraudulent dealing should not be discovered , he left Silo there with some part of his forces : who also was to be pleased by Antigonus , least he should raise him some new troubles , till the Parthians as he hoped , would come to his aid . [ Joseph . lib. 14. cap. 26. ] There was in the company of Antonius an Egyptian , one that cast nativites , who told him , that although his fortune was most splendid and great , yet it was obscured by the fortune of Caesar , and therefore perswaded him to get from that young man as far as he could , for thy Genius ( said he ) is afraid of his Genius ; for whereas thy Genius is erect and high when alone , but he coming neer , is rendred more remish and lither . [ Plutarch , in Antonio . ] After these things Antonius being to go to the Parthian war , had all his acts aswell past as to come , confirmed by the Senate , he again dismissed many of his commanders , and disposed all things as he would himself , he called some Kings by his owne authority , who should only pay a certain tribute , as he made Herod King both of the Idumaeans and Samatitanes , so Darius ( the son of Pharnaces , and nephew of Mithridates ) of Pontus , Amyntus of the Pisidians , Polemon of part of Cilicia , and other Kings of other Nations , [ Appian . lib. 5. pag. 715. ] Then committing the care of his family to Caesar , he departed out of Italy , taking with him Octavia into Graecia , of whom he had one son born , [ Plutarch . ] and there he spent many dayes , [ Dio. lib. 48. pag. 380. ] But his army , which was otherwise to winter about him , that he might accustom it to plunder and exercise , he sent against the Parthieni , a Nation of Illyria , in former time greatly affected to Brutus : others against the Dardanians , these also were of Illyria , and were wont to make inrodes into Macedonia : others he commanded to stay for him in Epirus , that he might have them all about him ; for he had intended his winter quarters should be at Athens . He sent also Furnius into Africa , that he might conduct the four Legions of Sextius against the Parthians , for he had not as yet heard that Lepidus had taken them from Sextius . These things being thus disposed , he wintered at Athens with Octavia , as he had done before at Alexandria with Cleopatra , [ Appian . pag. 715 , 716. ] As he wintered at Athens , the first news of Ventidius's prosperous successe were told him ; how that the Parthians being overthrown , Labienus and Pharnapates , or Phraates the chief General of King Herod or Orodes , were killed by him . For this Victories sake he made a Feast for the Grecians , and set forth Playes of exercises to the people of Athens , in which he himself would be chief ; wherefore leaving at home his Imperial ensignes , he went abroad with the rods that Judges in such exercises used , clad with coats and shooes called Phaecasia ; and staving the young gamsters when they had contended as long as he thought good , parted them , [ Plutarch . ] Antonius was praised at Rome , and processions decreed in his name : but to Ventidius himself , there was no reward decreed by the Senate , because he was not General , but carried on the war under the authority of another , [ Dio , lib. 48. pag. 382. ] The countries of Attalus and Dejotarus , which two were dead , were delivered to one Castor , [ Ibid. pag. 277. ] Herod being returned out of Italy to Ptolomais , having gathered store of souldiers both of hired , and those of his own country , hasted thorough Galilee against Antigonus ; being aided by Silo and Ventidius , to whom Dellius ( for so his name is to be read , in the 15 book , cap. 2. not Gellius ) was sent from Antonius with commands , that they should conduct him into his kingdom : although Ventidius was by chance detained for setling the tumults in divers cities , that the Parthians had raised : but Silo was in Judea , but bribed with money by Antonius . Yet Herods forces , as he went on , daily increased , and all Galilee , a few excepted , stood for his party , [ Joseph . lib. 14. cap. 27. ] As Herod was marching to Masada , because he must of necessity succour his kindred , Joppe would not let him passe : which he must first take from the possession of the enemy , because he would not have behind him any fortification , in his march to Jerusalem : which occasion Silo taking hold on , dislodged his army ; whom when the Jews pursued , Herod met with a small band of men , saved Silo , & who fought very cowardly , [ Id. ibid. ] After Joppe was taken , he hasted to Masada to deliver his kindred from the siege , and his army was greately increased , many of the country people joyning with him : and having discharged his friends from Masada , he approached Jerusalem , in spight of Antigonus who had laid ambushments for him in all convenient places : the souldiers also of Silo following him , and many of the Jews terrified with his power . And when he had encamped on the west side of the City , those that kept the walls on that side , shot at him their arrows and darts : divers also coming out in troops , and beating up their quarters , Herod commanded an Herald to proclaim round about the walls , that he came for the publick good , and for the conservation of the City , and that he would pardon all former injuries . On the other side , Antigonus turning his speech to Silo , and the Romans , told them , That it was unjustly done to give the kingdom to Herod , a private man , and an Idumaean ; that is , an half Jew : whenas by custom , it ought to be given to the Priests line : and whenas Antonius his men , valiantly shooting from the Towres , had droven the enemy from the walls , Silo being bribed , suborned some souldiers of his acquaintance , who should demand larger provisions , and money to buy them , and should request to be withdrawn into commodius winter quarters . Whereupon the army being troubled and preparing to dislodge , Herod intreated the Captains and souldiers of Silo his army , that they would not leave him now , he being sent both by Caesar and Antonius , and all the rest of the Senate : and presently sending his souldiers into the country , he cut off all occasion of Silo his departure : such store of all necessaries being brought thither , more than any one could hope for . He commanded also his friends that inhabited about Samaria , that they should bring to Jericho , corn , wine , oil , cattle , and other necessaries , that for the future , there might be enough for the souldier , [ Ibid. ] Antigonus , whe● he knew this , presently sent into the country those that should intercept the victuallers ; but Herod taking with him some Cohorts , whereof five consisted of Romans , and as many of Jews , with whom he intermixed some forreign souldiers , and a few Horse , and went to Jericho : where finding the City forsaken of the inhabitants , and 500 that had fled with their families to the tops of the Hills , whom he took and let go again : But the Romans entering the City , plundered it , finding the houses full of all precious moveables . The King therefore leaving a Garrison there , returned , and dismissed the Roman army to winter in the countries lately surrendered to him ; namly , Idumaea , Galilee , and Samaria . Antigonus also obtained of Silo by bribery that part of the Roman army should be lodged in Lydda , currying favour with Antonius . Thus the Romans lived in all plenty , and free from bearing armes , [ Ibid. ] But Herod could not be idle , The Julian Period . 4675 for sending his brother Joseph into Idumaea , Year before Christ 39 with a 1000 Foot , and 400 Horse , himself went into Samaria , and there setled his mother and the rest of his kindred , whom he had drawn out of Masada , and marched into Galilee ; and there surprised some places that were held by Antigonus his Gorrisons . And when he came to Sephorus in snowy weather , Antigonus his men fled from thence , and he took great store of necessaries . From thence he sent a troop of Horse , and three Companies of Foot , against some theeves that inhabited in caves , to keep them from doing of mischief : they were not far from the Village Arbela . On the 40 day he came with the whole army , whom the enemy boldly met , and made his left wing begin to waver , until he came with the main Body , and succoured them , and forced his enemy that was conquering , to flee , and his own men who were fleeing to stand : and not content with this , he followed the chase as far as Jordan ; so that he drew all Galilee to his subjection , except those that inhabited the caves : and giving every man of them a 150 drachmes , and more to the Captains , he dismissed them into their winter quarters , [ Ibid. ] In the mean time , Silo came to him with his Captains who had wintered with Antigonus , for that he would not maintain them longer than one moneth ; for he had sent to the inhabitants thereabout , commanding them , to spoile the country of all victual , and to flee to the mountains , that the Romans might perish thorough famine : but Herod committed the charge of provision to his brother Pheroras , commanding him to rebuild Alexandrium ; who in a short time furnished the souldiers with abundance of all necessaries ; and rebuilt again Alexandrium , which was formerly dismantled . About this time Antonius sojourned at Athens , [ Ibid. ] P. Ventidius , when he heard that Pacorus was gathering an army and coming into Syria , was afraid ; whenas neither the Cities were setled , and the armies as yet were dispersed in their winter quarters . Wherefore that he might give a stop to Pacorus , and remedy the slownesse of his own Forces , he went to Chaunaeus a certain Governour , one that he was well acquainted with , but one that he knew wished well to the Parthians . Him neverthelesse he highly honoured as if he had been his faithful friend , and demmanded advice of him in some affairs ; so that , yet without any hurt to himself , he would seem to have this opinion of him , that he would make him partaker of his most secret counsels . The businesse being brought to this passe , he feigned as though he were afraid lest the Parthians omitting their usual passage over Euphrates at Zeugma , should use some lower part of the River : because that there the Champain were fitter for the Parthians , but here the Hill for him ; and thus he perswaded Chaunaeus , and by him deceived Pacorus . So that chusing the longer march by the Champain , ( by which Ventidius feigned he would not have him come ) he gave Ventidius time to collect his Forces . Thus Dio relates the businesse in the 56 book of Histor. [ pag. 403 , 404. ] but Frontinus , lib. 10. Stratagem . cap. 1. thus . Ventidius in the Parthian war against King Pacorus , knowing that one Pharneus a Cyrrhestian by birth , who seemed to be one of his allyes , that he told the Parthians , whatsoever was done in his Camp , turned the perfidiousnesse of the Barbarian to his own profit ; for those things he most desired , he dissembled as though he were afraid they should happen , and those he was afraid of , he made as though he desired : for being troubled lest the Parthians should passe Euphrates , before that the Legions could come to him , which he had in Cappadocia on the other side Taurus ; he very carefully wrought with the Traytor , that by his ordinary perfidiousnesse he should perswade the Parthians , that they should passe their army over at Zeugma , both where the cut is shorter , and the chanel not so deep ; for if they should come that way , he affirmed , that he could make much use of the Hills to evade the archers , but that he was mightily afraid , if they should come into the open field . Antonius having spent the winter at Athens , with great luxury and pleasure of Octavia , as if he had been clean another man , he returned to the old Roman fashion , and changed his behaviour ; for now the Lictors were about the gates , and the Captains ; and his guards , and all things ordered to make men afraid of him . Embassadors now had audience , which were deferred for a long time ; justice was administred , the ships were lanched , and things were in a hurry for the preparation . [ Appian . l. 5. p. 716. ] Finally , he took him a Crown from the sacred Olive tree , being to go to the war ; and for satisfaction of a certain oracle , he carried with him a vessel , filled from the Mountain Clapsydra . [ Plutarch . in Antonio ] In Syria , Ventidius sending for Silo to go against the Parthians , commanded him first to aide Herod , and then to bring Herod along with him , and the rest of the Auxiliaries of those Provinces ; but Herod , having sent Silo unto him , marched with his souldiers against the thieves that lived in the caves ; as Josephus more fully shews in [ lib. 1. Bell. cap. 12. lib. 14. cap. 27. ] Herod made Ptolomeus governour of the Country , but his government happened not well for him ; for being invaded by them , who formerly disturbed the Country , he was killed . Which being done , they retired into fens , and unaccessable places , infesting with robberies and inrodes all that Country . But Herod being returned , made them pay dear for their thievery ; for of these revolters , some he killed , others flying into fortified places , having conquered them , he punished them , and rased their strong holds ; and so taking away the authors of the innovations , he fined the Cities in an 100 talents . [ Joseph . ibid. ] Pacorus coming into Syria , with great forces of the Parthians , left that shorter cut at Zeugma , and brought his army about by the lower way : and whilest the Barbarians joyn the bridge to those wider bancks , and therefore more unwildy , and bring on their Engines , 40 dayes are spent : which spacce Vintidius used to gather his forces together , which he received , but three dayes before the Parthians came : whom when Ventidius had suffered to passe the river , for he did not set upon them in their passage ; he brought them into this opinion , That the Romans were effiminate and cowards . Ventidius also , by a dissembled fear , kept himself a long time quiet , and suffered the Parthians a long time to insult , At last he sent part of the Legions against them , as they were in security and jollity : at whose first brunt the Parthians were discomfited and routed . But when Pacorus saw his men flying , he thought that all the Legions had been withdrawn with them , wherefore he set upon Ventidius his Camp , with his main body , as though it had been left without any to defend it : which being seated upon an hill , and the Parthian Horsemen invading , they were ceasily tumbled down the precipice , by a sudden sally that the Romans made . Yet Vintidius lead not out the other part of the Legions into the Camp again , till they were come within half a mile of him ; and then made so sudden eruption , that being near them , he made their darts of no use against him , of which there was great use at a distance : by which policy he quickly beat the Barbarians , because carried with a kind of ostentation of confidence , The slingers helped him very much , who exceedingly afflicted the Barbarians with their violent strokes at a distance : yet the Parthians , of whom many armed at all points , fought stoutly ; and Pacorus himself valiantly fighting , fell down dead : for whose dead body a few couragiously strove , but in vain : to be short , Ventidius slew all the Parthian Horsemen , all along between the river Orontes and Euphrates , making a slaughter of above 20000. neither in any war did the Parthians receive a greater wound . Of them that fled , some that endeavoured to get home over the bridge , being prevented by their enemies there perished : others fled into Commagena , to King Antiochus . And thus Ventidius again drave the Parthians within Media , and Mesopotamia , but would not pursue them any farther , fearing the envy of Antonius . [ Livy , lib. 128. Florus , lib. 4. cap. 9. Strabo . lib. 16. pag. 751. Vellei . Patercul . lib. 2. cap. 78. Joseph . lib. 14. cap. 27. A Gellius . lib. 15. cap. 4. ex Sueton. Justin. lib. 42. cap. 4. Plutarch . in Antonio . Jul. Fronton . Stratagem . lib. cap. 1. & lib. 2. cap. 2. Dion . lib. 49. pag. 409. Eutrop. lib. 7. Sext. Ruf. in Breviario . Oros. l●b . 6. cap. 18. ] The most famous victory was obtained in Syria Cyrrestica . [ Strabo , Plutarch , Dio. ] and Pacorus was killed the same day of the year , in which ( fourteen years befor ) his father Orodes had killed Crassus by his Captain Surena . [ Dio. pag. 404. Eutrop. Sext Rufus , & . Oros. ] which was done in the moneth of June , as Ov●d saith in his 6. lib. Fastorum . Ventidius making an expedition against those that had revolted , subdued them , [ Plutarch . ] for the Syrians did extreamly love Pacorus for his justice and clemency , as never any King the like , [ Dio. pag. 404. ] Wherefore , when as Syria expected the event of the war , but doubtfully , Ventidius carrying about Pacorus his head to all the Cities that had revolted , he easily quieted it without any stroke stricken . [ Id. ibid. Florus lib. 4. cap. 9. ] Ventidius making an expedition egainst those that had revolted , subdued them . [ Plutarch . ] for the Syrians did extreamly love Pacorus for his justice and clemency , as never any King the like . [ Dio. pag. 404. ] Wherefore , whenas Syria expected the event of the war ; but doubtfully , Ventidius carrying about Pacorus his head to all the Cities that had revolted , he easily quieted it without any stroke stricken . [ Id. ib. Florus , lib. 4. cap. 9. ] Orodes , who a little before had heard that Syria was wasted , and Asia seized upon by the Parthians , and gloried that Pacorus had conquered the Romans ; when he heard of a suddain , that his son was dead , and his army destroyed , for very grief fell mad : for many dayes he spake to no man , nor eat any thing , but was speechlesse , so that he seemed to be striken dumb : but after many dayes , when grief had loosened his voyce , he did nothing but call Pacorus , that he spake with him , and that he stood by him , and then again would with tears bewaile the losse of him . [ Justin. lib. 42. cap. 4. ] At Rome there were decreed for this victory against the Parthians , both processions and a Triumph ( but yet he never triumphed ) both for his eminency , and also according to the Laws , because it was his Province . There were the same things decreed to Ventidius , because he seemed abundantly to have recompensed the overthrow of Crassus , by the like upon Pacorus . [ Dio. lib. 49. pag. 404 , 405. ] Ventidius led his army against Antiochus the Commagenian , under colour , that he had not given him his servants , but indeed in hope to possesse his treasure , of which Antiochus had good store , [ Id. ibid. pag. 404. ] Him he assaulted , being shut up in Samosata , but promising 1000 talents , and that he would be obedient to Antonius , he commanded him to send Embassadors unto him , ( for he was far from thence ) to demand peace of him ; for this onely he would have to belong to him , that all things should not seem to be done by Ventidius alone , [ Plutarch . in Antonio . ] Antonius commanded Ventidius , that he should send Machaeras to aide Herod with two Legions , and 1000 Horse , [ Joseph . lib. 4. cap. 27. ] but yet for both the victories of Labienus , and of Pacorus , which were gotten by Ventidius , Antonius did not only not rejoyce , but envied him also , because of his prosperous successe by his own conduct ; and although there were processions and a Triumph decreed to him , for both the victories that Ventidius had gotten , yet he thrust him from his charge , ( the government of Syria ) and neither then , nor hereafter , used his help any more . Thus Dio , although Plutarch hath written , that he was honoured by him , and that he was sent by him to Triumph . Machaeras being drawn by Antigonus , and corrupted with mony , against Herods perswasion went unto him , as if he went to look to his actions ; but Antigonus suspecting him , gave him not admission , but drave him from thence with slings : he then perceived that Herod had given him good counsel , and his own error in not following it . Wherefore he retired to Emmaus , and in his march killed all the Jews that came to hand , without distinction of friend or foe , he being angry at those things that had happened . At which fact Herod being sore grieved , came to Samaria , with an intent to go to Antonius ; saying , That he had need of other manner of men than those , who did him more hurt than his enemies , whereas of himself he was to subdue Antigonus . But Machaeras overtaking him , entreated him to stay , or if he were determined to go on , at least that he would give him his brother Joseph , that they together might make war against Antigonus . Thus was he , after much intreaty , reconciled to Machaerus , and having Joseph his brother with the army , command him that in his absence , he should put all to the hazard of a battle , but he himself hasted to Antonius , whom he found assaulting Samosata , a city neer Euphrates , and brought with him Auxiliaries both of Horse and Foot. [ Joseph . lib. 14. cap. 27. ] After he was come to Antioch , he found many there , who desired to repaire to Antonius , but durst not venture , because the Barbarians had beset the wayes , to whom he offered himself to be their guide , and so came to Samosata to Antonius , having overcome the Barbarians once or twice , when he was entertained by him very honourably and much praised for his valour . [ Id. ib. ] Seeing the siege of Samosata lasted long , the besieged turning valiant , out of dispaire of peace . ( as it is in Plutarch ) Antonius also suspected that his souldiers alienated from him , because he had used Ventidius ignominously , ( as Dio hath it ) he privately mentioned some hope of peace , that he might with honour depart : and when he could not receive no more than two hostages , and they not noble men , neither the mony he had demanded ; he granted peace to Antiochus , and was content with 300 talents , yielding also unto him , that he might put to death Alexander , who had formerly fled from him to the Romans . Dio. lib. 49. pag. 405. Plutarch . in Antonio . Oros. lib. 6. cap. 18. ] This war being ended after this manner , Year of the World 3966 he delivered to C. Sosius the gouernmen● of Syria and Cilicia with an army , [ Dio. lib. 48. pag. 405. Joseph . lib. 14. pag. 27. ] who had often very good successe in Syria . [ Plutarch . in Antonio . ] The affaires in Syria being something setled , Plutarch writes , that Antonius returned to Athens ; Josephus , that he went into Egypt , Dio that he intend●d to go for Italy , so that he may seem first to have returned to Athens , from thence to have passed into Italy , being called thither by Caesar , and the King returned to Athens to have sailed into Egypt to winter with Cleopatra , for he was sent for by Caesar from Athens , that they might consult together about the war against Sextus Pompeius , whither he came with a few as far as Brundusium ; where seeing he found not Caesar at the day appointed , being affrighted with a certain prodigie , he went back again into Grae●ia under colour of the urgency of the Parthian war ; Caesar not taking it well , that he did not stay for him . [ Appian . lib. 5. pag. 717. 718. Dio. lib. 48. pag. 385. ] Josephus unmindfull of his brother Herods commands , in his absence taking with him his own and five Roman cohorts given him by Machaeras , went towards Jericho , that he might reape the enemies corn now it was ripe , and encamped in the mountaines , and because the Roman cohorts were most raw souldiers & unskilfull of the art military , because most of them were taken up out of Syria , he being circumvented by the enemies in the midst of those fastnesses , having lost six cohorts , he himself also valiantly fighting was slain ; yea Antigonus being master of the dead bodies , was so enraged , that he whipped the dead body of Joseph ; although Pheroras his brother offered 50 talents to redeem it , after which the Galileans revolting from their Governours , drowned those that were of Herods party in the lake , in Idumea , also there were many innovations ; when Machaeras fortified Gitta . [ Joseph . lib. 1. cap. 13. Antiquit. 14. cap. 27. ] Caius Sosius being commanded by Antonius to help Herod against Antigonus , sent with him two cohorts into Judea , [ id . ibid. ] he subdued the Aradians , who had endured a siege but now were worne out with famine and sicknesse . [ Dio. lib. 49. pag. 405. ] His brothers mischance was told to Herod at Daphne , the suburbes of Antioch , who expected some such thing by reason of some dreames that he had , wherefore hastning his journey , after he was come into mount Libanus , he took with him 800 men of that place , and leading with him one cohort of the Romans , and came to Ptolaemais ; from whence by night he went with the army and passed through Galilee . [ Ioseph . ut supra . ] Here his enemies met him , who were overcome in fight and forced into the castle from which they issued the day before , when Herod assailed by break of day , but being compelled to desist by reason of extremity of the weather , he led his men into the villages adjoyning , but upon the coming of another cohort from Antonius , they that kept the fort were dismayed , and forsook it by night : Herod also hasted to Jericho , with an intent to revenge his brothers death , whither when he was come , he made a feast to the noblemen ; and after the feast was ended , and the guests dismissed , he retired to his lodging , and the room in which they had supped , being now empty of company , fell down and did no body any hurt , whereby it came to passe , that all thought Herod to be beloved of God , who had so miraculously preserved him . [ ibid. ] The next day 6000 of the enemies came down from the tops of the mountaines , to fight with him , and terrified the Romans , and their forlorn hope with darts and stones chased Herods souldiers , so that the King himself received a wound in his side . [ ibid. ] Antigonus sent a captain whose name was Pappus into Samaria , desiring to seem to have so many forces , as he could make war abroad , but he went against Machaeras ; and as touching Herod he had taken five townes , and put 2000 of the Garrison souldiers to the sword , and then having set the Townes on fire he went against Pappus , who was encamped at a village called Isanae . [ ibid. ] Herod , many coming to him out of Jericho and Judea , when he saw the enemy was so bold as to come to battle with him , fought with them and overcame them : and being inflamed with a desire to revenge his brothers death , he slew them that fled , and followed them even into the village , but the houses being filled with souldiers , and some flying to the tops of the houses , these being overcome and the houses throwen down , yet he found all other places filled with souldiers , all whom being after a miserable manner crushed to death , the rest fled out in companies being sore affrighted , and immediately Herod had gone to Jerusalem , had not the sharpnesse of the winter hindred him , and put an end to the war , for now Antigonus began to think of flying , and to forsake the city . [ ibid. ] Herod in the evening , when he had dismissed his friends to refresh themselves , he as yet hot in his armour , went into a chamber being accompanied with only one servant to wash himself , where within were some of his enemies armed , whom fear had forced thither , and whilst he was naked and washed himself , one with a drawn sword run hastily out of the doores , and then another , and likewise a third all armed , they were so astonished , that they were glad to save themselves , without doing the King any hurt ; the next day among others he cut of Pappus his head , and sent it to his brother Pherorus in reveng of his brothers death whom he had killed , for it was Pappus who with his own hand had killed Joseph . [ Ibid. ] At Rome on the V Kalends of December , P. Ventidius for his victory at mount Taurus , and over the Parthains , as we read in marble Kalendars of the triumphs [ Gruterus inscript . pag. CCXCVII. ] Thus Ventidius Bassus a man of base parentage came by the favour of Antonius to such height of honour , that he was made Governour of the Eastern Provinces , and triumphed for his conquest over Labienus Pacorus and the Parthians , who himself was once , and again too , ( if we may believe Massurius in Pliny ) led in triumph with other captives , [ Vellei . Patercul . lib. 2. cap. 65. Valerius Maximus lib. 6. cap. 9. Pliny . lib. 7. cap. 43. A. Gellius . lib. 15. cap. 4. ex Sueton. Plutar. in Antonio . Dio. lib. 49. pag. 405. Eutrop. lib. 7. ] see before in the end of the year of the Julian Period 4671. Spain being now reduced under the power of Caesar Octaviauus by Domitius Calvinus the Proconsul , the Spaniards begins their computation of time from the Kalends of January of this year , as may be understood from others , and also from Eulogius the Arch-bishop of Toledo , in his memorial of the Saints . In the beginning of the Spring , Antonius arrived with 300 ships at Tarentum , out of Syria ( as Dio ) or from Athen , ( as Appian hath it ) to aid Caesar against Sextus Pompeius : of which when he would make no use , Antonius took it ill , yet stayed in the same place ; for seeing that he had against his will bestowed so much cost upon the Navy , and had need of Italian Legions ●or the Parthian war , he thought to change his fleet for them : and although by the agreement , both of them had power to raise souldiers in Italy ; yet it would be very difficult for him , Italy by lot falling to the others share . Wherefore he sent Octavia ( who accompanied him out of Greece , who also was then with child , and by whom Antonius had had a second daughter ) to her brother Caesar , that she might be a stickler between them : who brought the business to that passe , that Antonius should deliver to Caesar at Tarentum presently , an 150 ships , ( for which Plutarch puts an 100 beaked-ships ) for which Caesar promised that he would send to Antonius out of Italy 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( as it is in the same Plutarch ) or 20000 souldiers , ( as Appian hath it ) Moreover besides the covenants , Octavia obtained for her brother of her husband , 20 small ships , as Plutarch , or ten Galions three oares on a seat , as Appian relates : and Caesar again gave to Octavfa a 1000 picked men for his guard , leaving the choice of them to Antonius , [ Plutrch in Antonio . Appian . lib. 5. pag. 725 , 726. Dio. lib. 48. pag. 390. ] and that there might be more tyes of kindred , Caesar betrothed his daughter ( Julia ) to Antyllus the son of Antonius , and again Antonius betrothed the daughter he had by Octavia , to Domitius ( Aenobarous ) although he was guilty of the murder of Julius Caesar , and had been proscribed : but these things were but feigned by them , as which they would never do , but onely the present occasions required it . [ Dio. ibid. ] And because the five years time of the Triumvirate was our , they prolonged their power to themselve● for another five years , not caring for the peoples consent , [ Id. ibid. Appian . pag. 726 , 727. ] But Antonius sent back Octavia into Italy , for fear of any danger in the Parthian war : and having commended to Caesar the children that he had both by her , and Fulvia , he went into Syria , [ Plutarch in Antonio . Appian . pag. 727. Dio. pag. 390 , 391. ] Cleopatra built a new Library in the same place , where the old one at Alexandria was burnt in Julius Caesars time , which was called the daughter of the former : as Epiphanius affirmeth in his book of measures and weights : when yet from the 7 year of Ptolomaeus Pniladelphus , in which we have shewed at the year of the Julian Period , 4437. that the former Library was built , he ill reckons 249 years to this time , which should end in the year 4686 of the Julian Period , which was one year after Cleopatra's death , and whereas the chief errour of the calculation ariseth from hence , that Epiphanius attributes 32 yeares to the reign of Cleopatra , for 22 which ten superfluous yeares being taken away , we make the time between the beginnings of the two libraries 239 yeares , and to this belongeth , that which is read in Plutarch , in Antonio . that it was objected to Antonius by Calvisius , that he had given to Cleopatra the libraries that were at Pergamus , in which were 20000 entire books , or single volumes , and Strabo spake of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , possessions , not of libraries that were then extant in his time , [ lib. 13. pag. 624. ] ( as Lipsius thought in the fourth chapter of his Syntagme of libraries . ) Herod in the beginning of the third year , after he had been declared King at Rome , coming with an army to Jerusalem , encamped neer the City ; and presently moving neerer where he thought the walls f●est to be assaulted , he placed his tents before the temple ; intending to assaile them , where Pompey had done in time past , wherefore having compassed the place with three bulwarks , he erected his batteries , by the assistance of many workmen , and fetching materials from all places thereabouts , and setting fit men to oversee the workes , he went to Samaria to solemnize his marriage , with Mariamme the daughter of Alexander the son of Aristobulus , who was formerly betroathrd to him . [ Joseph . lib. 14. cap. 27. fin . ] After the marriage Sosius came through Pnaenicia , having sent his army through the continent , and thither himself also came having with him many both horse and foot : Herod also came from Samaria , bringing with him no small accession to the old army : for they were about 3000 , all the army being come together , there were eleven Legions of Foot , and 6000 Horse , besides the Syrian auxiliaries , ( which are not to be reckoned for the least part ) placed their camp at the north wall of the City , of this army there were two Generals , Sosius who was sent by Antonius to aid Herod , and Herod , who made war for himself with an intent , that having dispossessed Antigonus an enemy of the people of Rome , he might be King in his room according to the decree of the Senate . [ Id. ibid. cap. 28. lib , 1. bell . cap. 13. ] The Jews being gathered together out of the whole Country , and here shut up within the walls made valiant resistance , boasting much of the temple of the Lord , and wishing well to the people , and saying , that God would not forsake his in their danger , and spoiling all provision that was without the City , both for man and horse ; by secret thefts also they made provisions very scarce to the besiegers , but Herod provided well for this , for placing ambushments in convenient places he prevented the thieves , and sending souldiers he fetched provisions afar off , so that in a short time the army was well furnished with all necessaries . [ ibid. ] By the multitude of the workmen , the three bulwarks were easily finished , it was now summer , and the work went on , being hindred by no untemperatenesse of the weather , he often battered the walls with his engines , and left nothing unassayed , but the besieged fought valiantly , and used all cunning to evade their enemies endeavours , and making often sallies out , they set fire on their works both which were begun , and some also finished , and coming to handy stroakes with the Romans they were nothing inferiour to them in manhood , but only in martiall skill . [ ibid. ] The Sabbaticall year now coming , Year of the World 3867 brought a famine to the Jews that were besieged , notwithstanding which , they built a new wall for that , that was beaten down by the Engines , and countermined the enemies mines , so that sometimes they came to fight hand to hand under ground , and using despair rather than courage , they held out to the last , [ Joseph . lib. 14. cap. 28. ] although Pollio the Pharisee , and Samias his disciple , advised them to receive Herod into the City , saying they could not avoid his being their King by reason of their sinnes . [ Id. ibid. cap. 17. lib. 15. cap. 1. ] They held out the siege during five months space , for all there was so great an army besieging them , [ Id. lib. 1. bell . cap. 13. ] at length 20 of Herods choicest souldiers got upon the wall , and then the Centurions of Sosius . [ Id. ibid. lib. 14. Antiquit. cap. 28. ] The first wall was taken on the 40 day , and the secoud on the 50 , and some galleries about the temple were burnt , which Herod slandered Antigonus to have burned , to have brought him into hatred with the people , the outward part of the temple being taken , and the lower City , the Jews fled into the inner part of the temple , and the upper City ; and fearing that they should be hindred from offering the daily sacrifices to God , they sent Embassadours to demand leave that those beasts only might be brought in which also Herod granted , hoping by this meanes they would leave their obstinacy and submit themselves . [ ibid. cap. 28. ] But perceiving that his opinion failed him herein , The Julian Period . 4677 and that the besieged obstinately contended to continue the soveraignty in Antigonus , Year before Christ 37 he gave a generall assault , and won the City , [ ibid. ] to wit : on the Kalends of January , of the year of the Julian Period , 4677 on the second day of the month Cislu , which according to the accounts of the Eastern people of the civill year was the third , being the 28 day in which the Jews were wont to celebrate a solemn fast , in memory of the holy rowle that was burnt by Jehoiakim , as hath been formerly shewed by us , at the year of the Julian Period 4650. These Kalends of January , by reason of the bad account intercalating received at that time at Rome , till upon the last of December , which ended both the first five years of the Triumviri , and also the Consulship of Claudius and Nortanus , to which this calamity of the Jews is referred by Dio , [ lib. 49. pag. 405. ] and the next day M. Vespsanius Agrippa , and L. Cuminius Gallus entred upon their Consulships at Rome , to which the same is referred by Josephus , in the last Chapter of the 14. book of Antiquities , declaring the time that this happened in . This calamity of Jerusalem happened in the Consulship of M. Agrippa and Canidius Gallus , in the CLXXXV . Olympiade , ( to wit in the third year ) the third moneth , on a solemn Fast-day , as if the calamity brought upon the Jews twenty seven years before , had come about again upon the same moment of time , ( for the City was taken by him on the same day . ) But yet this intervall of time exceeds the true account one year ; unlesse you interpret 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in the year after twenty seven , as Mark VIII . 31. it is said , that Christ shall rise again , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , after three dayes ; which is more clearly propounded , Matth. XVI . 21. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 on the third day , and that in the II of Mac. XIV . 1 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , after the time of three years , the Interpreters expound it of the third year , in the Catalogue of the Stadionic , of Julius Africanus , Olympiade CXI . the Games of Olympus are said to be celebrated by Nero not at a lawful time , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to wit , in the second year of that Olympiade . [ in Graec. Eusebian . Scaligeri . pag. 221. ] Yea , even in Josephus himself , that which in the first book of the war , cap. 11. is said , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in the 14 of Antiquities , cap. 23. is expounded 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . The City being won , all things were filled with murthers : the Roman , being incensed that they had so long continued the siege , and the Herodian Jews endeavouring to extirpate the contrary faction , so that there were continuall slaughters through the Porches and Houses , yea , the reverence of the Temple not saving the suppliants : they spared neither age nor sex , nor so much as the children : and although he besought them , and intreated them to forbear , yet none obeyed him , but as if they had been mad , they shewed their cruelty without any distinction of age . [ Joseph . lib. 14. cap. ult . ] Antigonus coming down from the Town , fell at Sosius his feet ; who nothing pitying the change of his fortune , insulting over him , called him , Madam Antigona , but put him in prison , and set keepers over him . [ Id. ibid. ] When as a multitude of strangers that he had hired , came rushing in , not into the Temple onely , but also the Sanctuary ; whereof some he rest rained by entreaty , some by threats , and some by force of arms : thinking his victory worse than if he had been overthrown , if any of those things which were not lawful to be seen , were beheld by the prophane multitude . He forbad also any plunderings in the City , as much as in him lay ; and likewise intreating Sosius , asking if the Romans would make him King of a wildernesse , the City being so exhausted with rapines and murders , who answering , That the Souldiers desired the plunder of the City , in regard he had indured the siege : whereunto Herod answered , That he would reward every man out of his own Treasury , and by this means he freed the City from any farther vexation , by performance of his promises , for he bestowed his gifes liberally to the Souldiers , and in proportion to the Commanders , and royally to Sosius , and so Sosius , offering a Crown of gold to God , departed from Jerusalem , leading Antigonus with him prisoner to Antonius . [ Ibid. ] Herod , making a difference of the multitude of the City , advanced those that were of his faction , and daily put them to death that were of the contrary . [ Joseph . lib. 1. Bell. cap. 13 , lib. 15. Antiquit. cap. 1. ] Among whom , he also put to death all those judges of the great Sanhedrim , who had accused him of some capital crime before he was King , except Pollio the Pharisee , and his disciple Sameas , whom he highly honoured . [ Id. ibid. 14. Antiquit. cap. 17. lib. 15. cap. 1. ] He gathered together all the royall ornaments , and what by collections , and by taking away from rich men , great store of gold and silver , and gave it all to Antonius and his souldiers . He put to death also 45 of Antigonus his chief Noble men , and set watch at the doors , that none of them might be carried out under colour of being dead ; and what gold or silver soever was found , was all brought to Herod , so that there was no end of these miseries , for the covetousnesse of the needy Conquerour consumed all their goods . The fields also , by reason of the Sabbatical year , lay untilled , in which it was unlawful to sow . [ Id. lib. 15. cap. 1. ] Of these miserable times , among others were spectatours , Zacharias the Priest , with his wife Elizabeth , of the relicks of Davids stock , Heli and Joseph , Anna also the Prophetesse , of the tribe of Aser , and Simon the Just , who received an answer from the Holy Ghost , that he should not see death , till he had seen the Lords Christ. [ Luke II. 26. ] Antonius , having taken Antigonus , intended to keep him prisoner with him untill his Triumph : but seeing Herod was afraid , least Antigonus , being brought to Rome by Antonius , should contend with him before the Senate , for his right to the kingdom : and Antonius heard , that the Nation were ready to innovate , and for hatred to Herod , favoured Antigonus , having received great sums of mony from Herod , he cut off Antigonus his head at Antioch , having lulled him on with vain hope of life , even unto the last : which being done , Herod was totally freed from fear , the principality of the Hasmonaeans , being taken away . [ Id. ibid. & lib. 14. cap. ult . lib. 20. cap. 8. lib. 1. Bell. cap. 13. ] From the beginning of the Priesthood and principality of Antigonu● , to the taking of Jerusalem , are reckoned about two years and seven moneths , from whence also in the third year of the reign , both of Antigonus , and also of Herod , he is said to be killed by Antonius , in the 52 Chapter of the Jewish History , which is written in Arabick , set forth in the Paris Bible of many Languages : But Josephus attributes to Antigonus but three years and three moneths , [ lib. 20. cap. 8. ] which if they be to be extended to his death , will argue that it was delayed till the moneth of August of this year : to which , according to our account , from the beginning of the Captain-ship of Judas Maccabaeus , there passed 126 years , and two or three moneths . Josephus also not disagreeing in the end of his 14 book , where he writes , that the principality of the Hasmonaeans ended , Antigonus being slain , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , after an 126 years . But Herod , in the same Authour , [ lib. 17. cap. 8. ] allows only 125 years to the government of the Hasmonaeans : which being deduced from the beginning of Judas Maccabaeus , are ended in the beginning of the third year of the reign of Herod , in which the siege of Jerusalem began . Now let us see what forraign Writers have delivered concerning the taking of Jerusalem , and the death of Autigonus . Livy seemeth in lib. 128. to have spoken of this History ; in the Epitome of which , The Jews are said to be subdued by the Lieutenants of Antonius , for so the old books have it , where the Vulgar read , The Embassadors of the Jews were killed by Antonius . But of the death of Antigonus , we have this Testimony preserved by Josephus [ lib. 15. cap. 1. ] out of the books of Strabo the Cappadocian . Antonius having brought Antigonus the Jew to Antioch , caused him to be beheaded ; and was supposed to be the first among the Romans , that put a King to death after this manner ; thinking that the Jews could not be brought otherwise to admit of Herod for their King : for neither by torments could they be brought to vouchsafe him the name of King , in so high esteem held they the former King. Wherefore it was thought fit to obscure his memory by some ignominious death , and lessen the publick hatred they had against Herod . Of whom Plutarch in Anton. He bestowed tetrarchies of great nations upon many private men , and took away kingdoms from many , as from Antigonus the Jew , whom he brought forth and beheaded , with which punishment no King was ever put to death before . Dio also mentions this History , [ lib. 59. pag. 405. ] writing thus of Sosius . He conquered Antigonus , who had killed a Garrison of the Romans which was with him ; for being overcome in battle at Jerusalem , for it fled thither . The Jews , ( a nation of unplacable anger , if it be once stirred ) did many injuries to the Romans , but suffered far more : those were taken first by them , who fought for the Temple of their God : and then the rest , upon a Saturday , which day they keep a Festival with so much religion , that those that were formerly taken with the Temple , as soon as that day was come , they begged leave of Sosius , that they might go up to the Temple , and there with the rest offer sacrifice after the custom . Over these ( Antonius ) made one Herod Ling : but Antigonus he put to death , after he had scourged him , and tied him to a post , ( which was never done to any King before by the Romans ) to wit , to be beheaded at a post . Concerning which the first Excercitation of Causabon upon Baronius , cap. 7. is to be consulted , but that this was done Claudius and Norbanus being Consuls , as Dio intimates , it is true of Antigonus his being overcome , and of the taking of Jurusalem ; but by no means concerning the death of Antigonus , which he underwent in the Consulships of M. Agrippa , and Caninius , or Canidius Gallus , which was the next year . Nothing worthy of memory was done by the Romans this year in Syria , for Antonius spent the whole year in going into , and returning from Italy : and Sosius , for fear of the envy and anger of Antonius , so spent that time , that he thought not how he might offend Antonius by some gallant action , but he might curry favour with him by doing nothing . [ Dio. ibid. pag. 405 , 406. ] Who neverthelesse being returned out of Italy , removed him , and made Plancus Governour of Syria , and in the room of Plancus , appointed C. Furnius , his Lieutenant in Asia . [ Appian . lib. 5. pag. 749 , 753. Dio. lib. 48. pag. 371 , 372. lib. 49. pag. 402. 403. ] Another great trouble , Year of the World 3968 after his long mourning , seized upon Orodes , King of the Parthians ; namely , which of his 30 sons , he should make King in the room of Pacorus : for many Concubines , of whom he had begotten many sons , besieged the old mans mind every one for their own children . At last he pitched upon the eldest , which was the worst of them all , and made him King. [ Justin. lib. 42. cap. 4. Dio. lib. 49. pag , 406. ] This was Phraates the III. called by Plutarch in Anton. Phraortes , although by the compiler of Appians Parthian stories , which he transcribed word for word out of Plutarch , and by Plutarch himself in the end of his Crassus , he is named Phraates ; and likewise by Horace , Ode . 2. lib. 2. speaking of this time . Redditum Cyri solio Phraatem . Phraates restored to Cyrus his Throne . He having received the Kindom by treachery , slew his brothers , who were born of the daughter of Antiochus , because they excelled him in virtue , and in bloud by the mothers side , and killed also Orodes , because he was angry at it . [ Dio. pag. 404. ] for he poisoned him as he lay sick of the Dropsie : which , when as he had voided the strength of the disease by siege , and began to be better , Phraates , letting his poisoning alone , took a shorter course , and strangled him . [ Plutarch in fin . Crasso . ] After Phraates had killed his father , he put to death all his brothers , and when he saw that all the Nobility hated him for his daily vilanies , he commanded his own son , who was grown upto mans estate to be put to death , that there should be none that might be named King. [ Justin. lib. 42. cap. 5. ] Seeing that Phraates went about to put the Nobility to death , and committed many wicked things ; many of the chief fled from him , some otherwhere , and some to Antonius ; of which one was Moneses , a noble and powerful man. [ Plutarch in Anton. Dio. lib. 5. pag. 406. ] This happened , Agrippa , and Gallus being Consuls . [ Dio , ibid. ] The rest of the Winter , Gellius and Nerva being Consuls , P. Canidius Crassus being left Lieutenant by Antonius , about the Confines of Armenia , led his army against the Iberians ; and having overcome their King Pharnabazus in battle , he compelled him to joyn forces with him : and going into Albania with him , he likewise joyned to him , that Nation also which he conquered , and their King Zoberes . [ Id. ibid. ] Who going as far as Caucasus with the conquered Armenians , and the Kings of the Iberians , and Albanians , he was the cause that the name of Antonius grew famous amongst the Barbarous Nations . [ Plutarch in Antonius , Strabo . lib. 11. pag. 501. ] Antonius being puffed up with these successes , and relying much upon Moneses , committed the carrying on of the Parthian war to him ; promising him the Kingdom of the Parthians , and granting to him the revenues of their Cities that were subject to the Romans , that he should receive them as long as the war lasted . [ Dio. ut supra . ] For Antonius comparing the fortune of Moneses with Themistocles his , and equally his own riches and magnificence to the Kings of Persia , he gave him three Cities , Larissa , Arethusa and Hierapolis , called formerly Bambyca . [ Plutarch . ] Phraates , the King of the Parthians , courteously entertained the captive King Hyrcanus , for the nobility of his descent ; and drawing him out of prison , suffered him to live in Babylon , where were great store of Jews : they no lesse honoured him then the King and High Priest , and not they only , but also all those of the Nation of the Jews , who were in old time carried beyond Euphrates by the Assyrians ( or Babylonians ) of whom there were many millions : but after he knew that Herod was made King , he began to cast his hopes another way , expecting favour from Herod , whom he had saved when he was called in question for his life : he began therefore to consult with the Jews , who in duty came to visit him , touching his journy , who with all their wise admonitions , could not withdraw him from the desire of going into his own Country . To this was added the Tetrarchy of Herod , who striving by all means to get the poor old man into his clutches , wrote to him , that he would beg of Phraates and the Jews of that Kingdom , that they would not envy him the joynt power that he should enjoy with his son in law ; for now the time was come , wherein he might requite the favours he had done him in being his nourisher and preserver . He sent also Saramala his Embassadour to Phraates himself with great presents ; soothing him up , That he should not hinder him from being thankful to him that had deserved so well of him . When therefore he had received Hyrcanus , thus dismissed by the Parthians , and honourably furnished by the Jews , for his expences for his journy , he entertained him with all honour , giving him the upper hand in all assemblies , and the mote honourable place at all feasts , and calling him father , he thus lulled him on , least he should suspect any trechery . [ Joseph . lib. 15. cap. 2 , 3. ] Herod taking care that none of the Nobility should be created High Priest , sent to Babylon for a Priest of base Parentage , whom he was well acquainted with , but yet of the race of the Priests , but derived from those Jews that were carried beyond Euphrates , this mans name was Ananelus ( or Hananeel ) and to him he gave the High Priesthood . [ Id. ibid. ] Marcus Antonius refusing all honest and wholesome counsel , sent Fonteius Capito to Cleopatra to bring her into Syria , [ Plutarch in Antonio . ] into which she was no sooner come , but she presently thought how she might get it into her possession , [ Joseph . lib. 15. cap. 4. ] She accused also the Syrian Noble men to Antonius , and perswaded him to put them to death , that she might more easily come to be Mistresse of their estates , [ Id. lib. 1. bell . cap. 13. ] She accused Pausanias the son of Ptolomaeus ( Mennaeus ) King of Chalcis and Itu●aea , as if he favoured the Parthians , and caused him to be put to death by Antonius , ( Id. lib. 14. cap. 4. Dio. lib. 49. pag. 411. ] in whom for Pacorus is to be read Parthian ) fifteen years after the death of his father Auletes ; as is manifest out of Porphyrius , in the Greek Eusebian . of Scaliger , pag. 226. where the name of Lysimachus is falsely put for Lysanias . Antonius made Amyntas the Secretary of Dejotarus Prince of Galatia , adding to it part of Lycaonia and Pamphylia , [ Dio. ut supr . pag. 411. Strabo , lib. 12. pag. 567. ] Antonius also made Archelaus King of Cappadocia , who was nothing akin to the regal Family , and deposed Ariarathes ; whose paternal stock was derived from those Archelai , who had waged war against the Romans , and his mother was that Harlot Glaphyra , [ Dio. ut supr . pag. 411. ] and that Antonius was naught with Glaphyra appears , out of that lascivious epigram of Caesar Octavianus , [ in Martian . lib. 11. epigra . 21. ] Alexandra the daughter of Hyrcanus , the wife of Alexander the son of Aristobulus , and mother in law of Herod , taking it ill that her son Aristobulus , the brother of Mariamme was contemned , because that during his life time one called from another place should usurpe the High Priesthood . She wrote to Cleopatra by a certain Musitian , that she would demand the Priesthood of Antonius for her son : but her neglecting this businesse , Dellius a friend of Antonius , going into Judea upon some occasions , perswaded Alexandra to send the pictures of her son Aristobulus and daughter Mariamme to Antonius ; for if he should but once see them , he would deny them nothing . Which being sent , Dellius also added , that they seemed to be of Divine , rather than of humane race , [ Joseph . lib. 15. cap. 2. ] This was Dellius the Historian , of whom mention is made in Plutarch , and whose wanton letters to Cleopatra were common ; as Seneca hath related in his first Swasory Oration : and whom Dio intimates , that Antonius used dishonestly , [ l●b . 49. pag. 415. ] Antonius thinking it undecent to send for a Lady that was married to Herod , and shunning also the jealousie of Cleopatra , wrote to Alexandra that she shou●d send her son under some honest pretence ; but adding withal , unlesse it were troublesome to her : but when these things were afterwards told Herod , he thought it not safe that Aristobulus a young man in the flowre of his age , being but sixteen , should be sent to Antonius , who was first the most potent of all the Romans , and also very much given to lusts . Wherefore he wrote back , that if the youth did but step out of the kingdom , all the whole country would be up in armes . The Jews hoping for some innovations under a new King , and by this means satisfied Antonius , [ Joseph . ut supr . ] In the Sicilian war , Sextus Pompeius was overcome by Caesar Octavianus , and M. Lepidus , waxing proud under confidence of his 20 Legions , and attributing to himself , the whole Victory , was so bold as to oppose himself against Coesar , and to challenge Sicily for himself : but being forsaken by his army , and the Triumvirate taken from him , he was glad to beg his life and goods of Caesar , by whom he was sent into banishment to Circeli , [ Liv. lib. 129. Vellei . Patercul . lib. 2. cap. 79 , 80. Sueton. in Octavio . cap. 16 , & 54. Appian . lib. 5. Dio. 49. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 18. ] Sextus Pompeius , who was but now Master of 350 ships , fled into Asia with six or seven : as Florus relates , [ lib. 4. cap. 8. ] although Appian [ lib. 5. pag. 741. ] and Orosius , [ lib. 6. cap. 18. ] write that there were with him seventeen . He had an intent to flee unto Antonius , because he had saved his mother from the like danger , [ Appian . ibid. ] Wherefore putting his daughter , his friends , his money , and all his best things into the ships that were left , which were swiftest of sail , Pompeius went away by night , none pursuing him ; because he went away privately , and Caesar was continually entertained with troubles from Lepidus , [ Dio lib. 49. pag. 398. ] notwithstanding Pompeius being gone from Messana , fearing a pursuite , and suspecting the treachery of his companions , when he had told them that he would set sail for the main sea , he put out the light that the Admirals ships are wont to carry , and sailed by the coast of Italy , [ Id. ibid. pag. 402. ] and when he arrived at the promonto●y of Lacinium , he robbed the Temple of Juno of all its offerings , [ Appian . lib. 5. pag. 747. ] From hence he passed to Corcyra , and thence into Cephalenia ; and there he entertained others , who were cast in there by force of tempest : whom having called together , he laid his souldiers habite aside , and told them , that it would come to passe , that if they all stayed together , they could neither sufficiently help one the other , nor long lie hid ; but if they were despersed , they might more easily flee , therefore he adv●sed them every one to shift for himself : which advice when most of them yeilded unto , they departed several wayes ; but he with some that stayed with him , went to Lesbos , [ Dio. pag. 402. ] tarrying at Mitylenae , where his father had bestowed him before the Pharsalian battle , and being overcome , received him from thence again , [ Appian . pag. 747. ] When the Parthians were troubled for the flight of Moneses to Antonius , and Phraates for that cause was in a fright ; he sent messengers to Moneses to treat of a peace : and perswaded him with great promises to return again : which being known , although , as it was like to do , angered Antonius ; yet he did not put Moneses whom as yet he had in his power , to death , ( which if he had done , he conceived that none of the Barbarians would ever accept of his friendship ) yet using policy against the enemy , he dismissed him , as if by his meanes he would make peace with the Parthians : and with him also sent Embassadours to Phraates , who in words should compose a peaee , if the King would restore the ensignes and captives that were alive , which the Parthians had taken in the overthrow of Crassus : for he thought he should take the King unprovided by reason of hopes of peace , [ Plutarch in Antonio , Dio. lib. 49. pag. 406. ] But he himself in the mean while preparing for the war , came to Euphrates : which he supposed was kept by no Garrison ; but when he found that there was a strong Garrison there , he changed his course , and intended presently to go into Armenia , to make war upon Artavasdes King of the Medes , being drawn thither by Artavasdes the King of the Greater Armenia who was the others enemy , [ Dio. pag. 407. ] This Artavasdes the King of the Armenians , Josephus calls Artabazes , the son of Tigranes , [ lib. 1. bell . cap. 13. lib. 15. cap. 5. ] and Orosius calls Artabanes , [ lib. 16. cap. 19. ] whom when Antonius had taken him to be his counsellour , and guide , and chief for the management of the war , he then betrayed him , and afterwards brought the Romans into divers calamities , [ Strabo , lib. 11. pag. 524. & lib. 16. pag 748. ] Antonius having sent back Cleopatra into Egypt , he went thorough Arabia into Armenia : where he had commanded both his own forces and the auxiliaries of the Kings to meet him : amongst whom were many friends and allies , and among them that Artavasdes or Artabazes King of Armenia , 6000 Horse and 7000 Foot : and when the souldiers were mustered , there were found to be of the Romans , and of the allies of Italy , 60000 Foot , and the ordinary Horse of the Spaniards and French 10000. and of auxiliaries from other Nations 30000. reckoning the Horsemen and the light-harnessed souldiers . Thus Plutarch ; but Velleius Paterculus allows Antonius XIII Legions , [ lib. 2. cap. 82. ] Florus , XVI . [ lib. 4 , cap. 10. ] and Justin , [ lib. 42. cap. 5. ] and Livy , XVIII Legions , and XVI thousand Horse , [ lib. 130. ] The guide of his army made the journey from Zeugma to Euphrates , even to the entring of Atrapatena , ( which the river Araxes divideth from Armenia ) 8000 furlongs , twice so much more as the right way , by carrying them about over mountains and by-waies , [ Strabo . lib. 11. pag. 524. ] and whereas Aetonius ought to have refreshed his army in the winter quarters of Armenia , being wearied with a journey of 8000 furlongs , and the spring but now beginning , to have invaded Media , before the Parthians were come out of their winter quarters , he could not away with any delay ; being so ravished with the longing after Cleopatra , that he thought rather of a speedy return , than of gaining a victory . [ Plutarch . ] Therefore when he understood , that the King of Media was gone far from his own Country , to bring aid to the Parthian ; he himself in all hast marched with the best part of his horse and foot , leaving part of his army and baggage with Oppius Stapianus , but commanding them to follow him ; hoping that at the first onset he should conquer Media . [ Dio. pag. 407. ] Among the carriages that were left , were the engines for battery , which were carried in 300 carts , among which was a ram of 80 foot long , of which if any were broken they could not be mended , for the scarcity of materialls in those Countryes , that bring forth trees neither high nor strong enough . [ Plutarch . ] Antonius after he had passed the river Araxes , was beset with miseries on all sides , [ Oros. lib. 6. cap. 19. ] and as soon as he came into Atrapatena , he harrased that country , then he besieged Phraata , a great City , in which was the wife of the King of the Medes with her children , when presently he found his errour that he had committed , in leaving his engines behind him , and so was fain to raise a mount neer the City , which he did but very slowly and with great labour , [ id . ] this was the royall City of the Medes called by Dio Praaspa , and by Strabo Vera , ( unlesse I be deceived ) [ in his lib. 11. pag. 523. ] out of Adelphius , ( if it be not Dellius the Historian ) who was with Antonius in this expedition , and wrote it , and commanded part of the army , shewing that this City was 2400 furlongs from the river Araxes . The Parthians and Medes , knowing that Antonius did but labour in vain , in assaulting that City that was so well fortified with walls and men , they of a sudden set upon Statianus as he was tired with his journey , and killed both him , and all that were with him , Plutarch reckons 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 10000 , Velleius Paterculus , nameth two Legions , and took all the baggage and engines of war , Polemo the King of Pontus , and companion of the war , being taken was dismissed for his ransome of money that he gave : and this was an easie matter for the Barbarians to doe , because the King of Armenia was not at the fight ; who might have helped the Romans ; which he not onely did not , but departed , not indeed unto Antonius , but into his own kingdom , [ Dio. pag. 407. Vellei . Patercul . lib. 2. cap. 8. Plutarch , in Antonio . ] Antonius , although he made haste at the first news of Statianus , that he might succour his men , yet he came too late ; for he found none but dead men . Wherefore although he was much afrighted with this overthrow , yet because none of the Barbarians opposed him , thinking that they were gone for fear of him , he took courage again , and not long after meeting with them , by the help of his slingers ( of vvhich he had great store , he put them to flight , for the slingers darts went farther than the enemies arrovvs : so that the cuirassecres vvere not safe from them , but yet by the svviftnesse of the Barbarian horse there was no great slaughter made . [ Dio. ut supra . ] Antonius again set upon the assault of Praaspa , in which he did not much endammage the enemy , the Garrison which were within strongly repulsing them , and the enemy that was without hindring them from coming to handy blowes , [ id . ibid. ] and whereas the Parthians that came to aid the besieged , threatned the Romans most contumeliously ; Antonius being unwilling that his souldiers should loose any of their animosity , he took with him ten Legions , and three Praetorian cohorts , and all his Horsemen , and a forraging : hoping by this meanes that the enemy would set upon him , and so he should come to a set battle . [ Plutarch . ] When he had gone a daies journey , as soon as he saw the Parthians , wheeling about him , to hinder his return , he commanded the signall of battle to be sounded , yet trus●ed up his tents , as though he prepared not to fight , but for his march , and thus he marched by the Barbarians who were drawn up in an half moon , commanding his Horse , that as soon as they were come together , that the Legions might set upon the enemy , they should begin the charg , the Parthians did much wonder at the well ordered army of the Romans , beholding the souldiers passing by and keeping their rancks , and shaking their darts at them , but not speaking a word : but after the signe and a great shout made , the Horse had given the onset , they resisted a little , although that immediately the Romans had gotten so within them , that they took from them the use of the arrowes , then presently , the Legions coming to joyn , with great shouting and the clattering of the armour , the Parthian horse were frighted , and the Parthians themselves turned their backs before they came to handy stroakes , Antonius hoping that now he should overcome them , or at least finish the greatest part of the war , followed the chase very hard , but when his Foot had pursued them 50 furlongs , and his Horse three times so much , and considered the number of the slain , and prisoners , they found they had taken 30 , and killed only 80 , this did much discourage them ; thinking it was hard , if being Conquerours they should kill so few , but being conquered they should lose so many as they had done when the carriages were taken , the next day , as they were returning to their Camp , they met at the first a few of their enemies then more , at last all of them , as if they had not been formerly routed but all fresh men vvho reviled them and brake in upon them on every side , so that they could not but very hardly and vvith great labour get to their camp again . [ id . ] In the absence of Antonius the Medes that vvere at Praaspa set upon the mount , and put the defenders of it in a fright , for vvhich Antonius being enraged , decimated them that had forsaken the place , and for the rest he gave them barly instead of vvheat . [ id . ] The Forragers that were sent out by Antonius , at the beginning , when the Romans had their provisions neer them were sufficient for bringing them in , but afterwards , when they had eaten up all that was neer them , that the souldiers themselves were forced to go a forraging : but it came to passe , that if but few were sent , that they only not brought any thing , but that the forragers themselves were lost ; if many , Praaspa was le●t naked of besiegers , and by the sallies of the Barbarians , many of the Romans were killed , and many engines were destroyed , from whence it came to passe that Antonius his men , who besieged others , suffered the same things that those that are besieged use to suffer , for the Townes-men observed fit times for sallies , and those that were without , by their sudden incursions and quick retreates , did grievously trouble them that remained in the Camp , as often as they divided their forces , but the forragers that went to the villages they never molested , but set upon them unexpectedly as they were scattered in their return to the Camp. [ Dio. lib. 49. pag. 408. ] Sextus Pompeius hearing that Antonius was in Media , making war with the Medes and Parthians , intended to commit himself , to his protection at his return , and in the mean time to winter in Lesbos ; the Lesbians for the memory of his Father most willingly entertaining and detaining him . [ Id. ibid. pag. 402. Appian . lib. 5. pag. 747. ] Antonius protracting the siege of Praaspa , the war was very troublesome to both parties ; for neither Antonius could get any victual , but by the bloud and wounds of his own men : and Phraates knew that the Parthians would endure any thing , rather than winter in the Camp , and that in a strange Country , wherefore he was afraid , that if the Romans continued in arms , he should be forsaken of his men : the weather growing very cold , after the Autumnal Equinoxial . [ Plutarch . ] He was afraid also , that if the siege were continued , Antonius , either by himself , or else being helped with supplies , would very much incommodate the City ; wherefore he suborned some , that should promote the motion of a peace between them , with an hope that it would be easily granted . [ Dio. pag. 408. ] Wherfore the Parthian commanded his men , when they met with the Forragers , to deal more courteously with them , and also to cast in some words of peace ; by which means Antonius being perswaded , sent a friend to demand the restitution both of his Ensignes and Prisoners , least he should seem to be content only to depart with safety : to whom it was answered , That he should let those things alone , but if he desired peace and security , he should depart suddainly . [ Plutarch . ] And thus Phraates , sitting on his guilt Throne , and twanging a bow string , after that he had in many words inveghed against the Romans , he promised Antonius his Embassadors peace upon this condition , That he should immediately withdraw his army . [ Dio. pag. 408. ] When Antonius received this answer , although he was very eloquent , both for civil and military Orations , yet at that time , for shame and sorrow , he did not speak to his souldiers , but made Domitius Aenobarbus supply his place , to spake to the souldiers , and to bid them be of good chear : and within few dayes , having trussed up his baggage , he departed , [ Plutarch . ] leaving his works that he had raised , for the assault of Praaspa undismantled , as if he had been in a friends Country , all which the Medes burnt , and cast down the Mount. [ Dio. ut supra . ] But when they were to return by the same Campaign , where was no wood , a certain Mardian that knew the fashion of the Parthians , who had done very good service for the Romans , at the battle where the Engines were taken , perswaded Antonius , that he should march with his army by the Mountains on the right hand , and that he should not hazard it in the plain and open fields ; they being heavily armed , against the multitude of Parthian Horse men , who were all Archers ; for that the Parthians did but seek this occasion by fair words , to draw him from the siege , that he would shew him a shorter way , and more plentiful for the victualling of his souldiers . These things Antonius related to his Council , dissembling withal , That he little trusted to the peace with the Parthians , yet commending the shortnesse of the way , and especially the passage through a plentiful Country : he demanded some assurance of the Mardian , who yielded himself to be bound , till he had brought the army into Armenia ; and being thus bound , he brought them without molestation for two dayes together . [ Plutarch . ] But on the third day , when Antonius little thought of the Parthians , marched securely , in confidence of the peace : the Mardian perceiving the dam of the river newly broken up , and that all the way was drowned by which they should passe , he understood that this was done by the Parthians , by this difficulty to give an halt to the Roman army : he presently told Antonius of this , and bad him to provide against the coming of the enemy . He , ordering his battle , set distances between the ranks , by which those that used darts and slings , might make an excursion upon the enemies , when the Parthians opened their files to compasse about and disorder the army : but when the light Horsemen brake in upon them , after the giving and receiving of many wounds , they retired , and again came on , until the French Horse , being reserve , gave them a fierce charge , and routed them so , that they attempted nothing more that day . [ Id. ] Antonius learning from hence what was to be done , made his army march in a square body , having a strong guard of darters and slingers , not onely in the rereward , but also in the flanks ; giving also a charge to his Horse , that if the enemy assailed them , they should repulse them ; but if they fled , they should not follow the chase too far , and so the Parthians for four dayes space , having received as good as they brought , began not to be so hot upon them , but taking the winter for an excuse , thought upon returning backagain . [ Id. ] On the fifth day , Flavius Gallus , one of the Captains , a valiant and industrious man , desired of Antonius , that he would give him leave to take some light armed men from the rear , and some Horsemen from the front , as if he would do some gallant act . He by a rash attempt , brake in upon the enemy , with much hazard , whilst they send him aide by small companies : they , as too weak , are cut off by the enemy , untill that Antonius came in with the whole strength of the army , and rescued the rest from manifest danger . [ Id. ] Florus writes , [ lib. 4. cap. 10. ] that there were two Legions overthrown by the Parthian darts , Plutarch saith that there sell not lesse than 3000 , and that there were 5000 wounded men brought back into the Tents , amongst which was Gallus , who was shot through in four places , who afterwards died of his wounds : Antonius was very much troubled to see this , went and comforted them that were wounded : but they chearfully took him by the right hand , and desired him that he would look to himself and trouble himself no more for them , and calling him their Emperour , told him that if he were well , then they were all safe and in health . [ Plutarch . ] This victory made the Parthians so proud , who were before weary and in despair , that they lodged all night neer the Romans Camp , hoping that they should have presently the plunder of all their money , and the ransacking of their tents , [ Plutarch . ] on which night , a certain Roman whose life was spared in Crassus his overthrow , came in a Parthian habit to the Roman trenches , and saluting them in Latine , after he had gotten to be believed , informed them what danger was at hand , that the King would come with all his Forces ; and advised them , that they should not march that way they intended , but that they should go back again , and take the way by the woods and the mountains , and withal told them , that perchance they might meet with the enemy that way also , [ Florus . lib. 4. cap. 10. Vellei . Patercul . lib. 2. cap. 82. ] As soon as it was day , many enemies came together , and they say there was not less than 4000 Horse , the King also sending thither his Life-guard , as to a most certain and an assured Victory , for the King as yet was never at any fight . Then Antonius lifting up his hands to heaven , made his prayers to the gods ; that if there were any god offended with his former good fortune , that he would lay all the adversity upon his own head , but that health and victory might be to the rest of the army , [ Plutarch . ] The next day the army marched on in a more secure guard : the Parthians setting upon them , were very much deceived in their expectation ; they supposing they came but to pillage and plunder , and not to fight ; but being cheerfully received by the Roman darts , thereupon their hearts began again to fail them , [ Id. ] And as they were going down a certain Hill , the Parthians lay in ambush for them , and overwhelmed them with their arrows as thick as haile ; but then the souldiers that carried great shields , took in the light-harnessed men into the middest of them , and kneeling down upon their left knee , held their bucklers over their heads , and made a testudo : by which means they defended both themselves and their friends from the enemies arrows , which falling upon the convexity of the shields , slid off by reason of the slipperinesse , [ Florus , lib. 4. cap. 10. Frontino . lib. 2. Stratagem . cap. 3. Dio. lib. 49. pag. 409. ] The Parthians , who had never seen such a thing before , thinking that they had all fallen down by reason of their wounds , or that they would presently all fall ; wherefore they cast away their bows , and leapt from their horses , and taking them Spears , they came to kill them with their naked swords : then the Romans rose up again , and at the signal given , widened their body , and making a shout , set upon their enemies in the Front , and with their darts they slew the foremost , and made them all flee : which thing struck such amazement in the Barbarians , that one amongst them used this speech ; Go ye Romans , and farewel , fame with good cause termes ye the Conquerours of Nations , who can outstand the Parthian shot , [ Florus , Plutarch , Dio , ut supr . ] There were continaul skirmishes between them , which was the cause that the Romans could rid but little way in their march , [ Plutarch . ] and when they marched by break of day , they were alwayes infested with the Parthian arrows ; whereupon Antonius deferred his removing until the fifth hour , and so made his own souldiers more confident : through which perswasion the Parthians went from thence , and they marched an indifferent way without any trouble for that day , [ Frontin . lib. 2. Stratagem . cap. ult . ] The army then began to be troubled with famine , because they were hindered from forraging by their often skirmishing , and they wanted also Mills ; which for the most part were left behind , and the beasts were either dead or else imployed to carry the sick and wounded men . It is reported that little above a quart of wheat was sold for fifty drachmes , and barly loaves for their weight in silver . Then they were fain to eat rootes and herbs , and by chance they fell upon one that being eaten made them mad ; and all that eat it did nothing but dig up stones , and remove them , thinking they had been about some serious businesse : at last they vomitted up a great deal of choler , and died , because they wanted wine , ( which was the onely remedy , ) [ Plutarch . ] The famine thus raging in the Camp , they began to flee to the enemy , and but that the Parthians slew these runawayes in the sight of the rest , all had a good mind to be going ; but the cruelty of the Parthians stopped the revolt , [ Dio. lib. 5. pag 409. ] Antonius ( seeing so many of his own souldiers dying , and the Parthians all setting upon ) is reported to have often cryed out 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I wondering at those 10000 men who under the conduct of Xenophon marched a far longer march from Babylon , and often fighting with their enemies , and yet came home safe , [ Plutarch . ] And seeing the Parthians could neither break the body of the Romans , no nor their ranks , but that they were often overcome themselves and repulsed , they began again to talk peaceably with them that went to fetch water and forrage , and shewing them their bows unbent , told them that they were departing , and that they would follow them no more ; but that perhaps they might have some Medes follow them a day or two , but that they would not do them any great hurt , onely secure some of the remoter villages ; and holding them with this talke , they gently took their leave of them : at which the Romans were very joyful ; which being told Antonius , he desired rather to march by the champain , than the mountains , because it was said that that way wanted water , [ Id. ] Whilst he was in this determination , there came to him one from the enemies Camp named Mithradates , a cosin of Moneses , to whom Antonius had given the three Cities ; and demanded that some might be sent to him that understood the Syriack or Parthian Language , to whom when Alexander an Antiochian , a familiar friend of Antonius , was come , he declared unto him , that in those mountains which he saw , the Parthians with all their forces lay in ambush , to set upon them as they passed by the plains ; and advised them to passe by the mountains , which had no other inconvenience than want of water for one day , whose counsel Antonius following , and having the Mardian for his guide , by night took his journey by the way of the mountains ; commanding his souldiers to carry water with them , which many did in their helmets and leathrene bags , [ Id. ] The Parthians having intelligence of this , contrary to their custom , pursued them by night , and by Sun-rising they overtook the reare ward of the Romans , tyred with labour and watching ; for that night they had gone 240 furlongs , although they did not think that the enemy would have come upon them so soon ; by which they were the more dejected , their thirst also was increased by their fighting ; for they were forced to march fighting , [ Id. ] In the interim the vowwards met with a River coole indeed and clear , but salt and venemous , which immediately did gnaw the guts of them that drank it , and increased their thirst : which although the Mardian forewarned them of , yet they violently thrust them away that would have kept them from drinking of it , and drank freely of it . Antonius also was very urgent with them , and prayed them to forbear but a little , for not far off , there was one that they might drink of , and that the rest of the way was so rough and uneven , that the enemy could by no means follow them . He sounded a retreat also , that at least the souldiers might refresh themselves in the shade , [ Id. Florus , lib. 4. cap. 10. ] As soon as the Tents were pitched , the Parthians according to their custom departed , and Mithradates returned : and Alexander coming unto him , he told him , that after they had something refreshed themselves , they should all rise , and make haste over the River , for that was the utmost that they would pursue them . Antonius for this gave him great store of gold-plate , of which he took as much as he could hide in his garment , and departed , [ Plutarch . ] The next dayes journey was without any molestation , but the following night they themselves made most grievous and dangerous to themselves ; for those that had any gold or silver , were killed , and robbed , and the sumpters that carried the Treasure were plundered ; and last of all , the household stuff of Antonius himself , as his plate and precious tables , they brake and divided among themselves . Wherefore this tumult and uproar being in the army , for they thought that the enemy had set upon the sumpters to rob them , Antonius called a free man of his , and commanded him to kill him , and to cut off his head , that neither he might not be taken alive by the enemy , nor known when he was dead , [ Id. cum Floro . ut supr . Sexto Rufo . in Breviario . ] As his friends were weeping about him , the Mardian bid Antonius be of good chear , for he perceived there was a River near : and others told him that this tumult arose from their own covetousnesse and doing wrong one to the other . Wherefore Antonius , that he might compose these tumults and disturbances in the army , gave a signal to encamp . And now it began to grow light , and the army to fall in good order again : when as the reareward perceived the enemies arrows , whereupon the signal of battle was given to the light Horsemen , and the Shieldmen coming together as they did before , defended the force of the Parthian arrows , who durst never come near them . And as they marched a little forward , as soon as ever the river was espied by those that went first , Antonius opposing his Horse against the enemy , made all the sick men pass over first : and now both the fear and labour was much diminished in them that fought . For as soon as the Parthians saw the river , they unbent their bows , and bid them a Gods name , highly commending their valour : so they passed leasurely over the river , and made much of themselves , not overmuch trusting to the promises of the Parthians . [ Plutarch . ] Caesar Octavianus , having setled his affairs in Sicily , on the Ides of November entred Rome , out of Sicily in an Oration , as is manifest from the marble triumphal Neords , [ Inscript . Grut. pag. CCXCVII. cum Sueton. in Octavio . cap. 22. Dion . lib. 49. pag. 400. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 18. ] and had a golden Statue erected for him in the Rostra , which expressed his lively portaicture with this inscription , For peace restored after continual wars both by sea and land , [ Appian . lib. 5. pag. 746. ] and was then 28 years old : after which manner those words of Appian are to be taken , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . He received also the Tribunitial power for ever , by a Decree of the Senate , inviting him by this honour to lay down the Triumvirate ; concerning which businesse he wrote privately to Antonius , by Bibulus . [ Appian . ibid. pag. 747. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 18. ] Antonius his men came to the river Araxes , the sixth day after the battle , which divideth Media ( Atropatena ) from Armenia : here the passage seemed very difficult , by reason of the depth and rapidnesse of the river ; and there was a report that the enemy lay in ambush to set upon them in their passage : but after they were safely passed over , and were entred Armenia , as if they had newly landed from sea , they kissed the earth , aud fell embracing one the other with tears of joy . But when they marched through a plentiful Country , they so filled themselves with plenty of victuals , after their long famine , that many began to be sick of Dropsies and Fluxes . [ Plutarch . ] Here Antonius mustred his army , and found that he had lost 20000 Foot , and 4000 Horse , the half of whom died of diseases , and not in fight against the enemy . [ Id. ] Of the whole army there was not lesse than the fourth part wanting , of the grooms and slaves a third and scarce any of the baggage remained ; yet Antonius called this flight his victory , because he came off alive . [ Vellei . Patercul . lib. 2. cap. 82. ] He fled in 21 dayes 300 miles . [ Livy , lib. 130. ] The march continued for 27 dayes together , from Phraata ( or Phraaspa ) in which space of time the Parthians were repulsed in fight 18 times : but those 16000 Horse , who were armed after the Parthian manner , and used to fight with them , which Artarasdes brought out of Armenia : the Parthians could not so often repaire their battle , being so often beaten by the Romans , if they had had those to pursue them . Wherefore all men egged on Antonius to punish the Armenians : but he took no advice , neither upbraided him with his treachery , but used him with the same honour and courtesie that he ever had done , but all this was because he knew the army was weak and wanted necessaries . [ Plutarch . ] Antonius , being now no more troubled with enemies , hasted to Cleopatra , he being unwilling to winter in Armenia ; and taking a suddain journy in a sharp winter , and continual snows , and hurrying on his souldiers , he lost 8000 men by extremity of weather . [ Livy , lib. 130. Plutarch in Antonio . ] And also as they passed over the Mountains of Armenia , that were covered over with snow , the wounds , of which they received many , extreamly troubled them . Wherefore many being dead , and many rendred unserviceable ; Antonius , because he could not endure to hear of these things , forbad that any one should speak to him of any such thing . But the King of Armenia , although he were angry with him , and carried revenge in his mind , because he had deserted him ; yet he strived to indeare him to him , that he might get provisions from him . At length , seeing the souldiers could not endure this journy in winter any longer , he so perswaded the King , what by flatteries and promises , that he would let his army winter in his Country , as if intending the next spring to load his army against the Parthians . [ Dio. lib. 49. pag. 310. ] At length , The Julian Period . 4679 having scarse left the third part of sixteen Legions , Year before Christ 35 he fled into Syria , ( returning to Antiochia , as it is in Orosius , lib. 6. cap. 19. ) where being as it were in a manner besotted , he began somewhat more to brag , as if he had gotten the victory , because he got away . [ Florus , lib. 4. cap. 10. ] He coming down to the sea side with a few company , stayed in a Castle between Berytus and Sidon , ( called Leucocome ) and tarried for Cleopatra's coming , for whose absence he pined away : to wear which away , he fell to feasting and quiffing , amids which he would oft rise up and run , to see if she were coming , until at last she came indeed . [ Plutarch . in Anton. ] Cleopatra brought for the souldiers great store of mony and apparel ; and some reported , That Antonius took the apparel that she had brought , and gave it to the souldiers , and to the souldiers his own mony , as if she had given it . [ Id. ibid. ] Concerning which matter Dio writes thus . Monies were brought him by Cleopatra , of which he divided to every Legionary souldier 35. drachmes , ( or pence ) and to others proportionably : and when that mony was not enough , he made out the rest out of his own treasure , and gave acquittances for that he had received of Cleopatra . He received also much mony of his friends , and exacted much of his allies . Which when he had done , he went into Egypt . [ Dio. ut supra . 410. ] Herod being continually molested with the intreaties of his wife Mariamme , that he would restore the High Priesthood to her brother Aristobulus , according to his due : wherefore calling a Council of his friends , he bitterly inveighed against his mother in law Alexandra , as if she had privately wrought treason against his Kingdom , and had endeavoured by Cleopatra's means to translate it to the lad ; yet notwithstanding , least he should seem to contemn both his piety to her , and the rest of the kindred , he said , he would now restore the Priesthood to her son , to which Ananelus had hitherto been preferred , by reason of his tender years . Alexandra , almost beside her self for joy , and grieving that she was suspected , fell a weeping , and cleared her self of these accusations ; and giving him many thanks for her sons honour , promised that hereafter she would be most obedient unto the King. And thus Herod gave the Priesthood to Aristobulus , in the lifetime of Ananelus's , he being then but seventeen years old . [ Joseph . lib. 15. cap. cap. 2. & 3. ] Sextus Pompeius , when he understood of Antonius ill fortune in Media , and that Caius Furnius , who at that time was governour of Asia , was no very good friend of his , he tarried not in Lesbos ; but beginning to conceive some hopes , that either he should succeed Antonius ( if he were once dead ) in whole power , or at least should receive some part of it , especially seeing that both out of Sicily , and from other places , many came unto him , ( partly in opinion of his fathers glory , and others , because they did not well know how to live else ) so that he both took the ornaments of the General , and provided himself for the seizing upon the opposite Continent of Asia , alwaies setting before his eies , the late example of Labienus , who had over-run it on a suddain . [ Appian . lib. 5. pag. 747. Dio , lib. 49. pag. 402. ] Antonius , when he was come into the Country of his friends , knowing what Pompeius had done , promised , That if he would lay down his arms , he would both pardon him , and be his friend . Pompeius promised he would , and so wrote him word back : but then contemning Antonius , both for the overthrow he had received , and for that he was so immediately gone into Egypt , he went on with his designe . [ Dio , ibid. ] But yet making way for both , by sending messengers to Antonius , offered himself to him , as to his friend and ally : but indeed to spy out his doings . In the mean time he sent Embassadors to the Governours of Thracia and Pontus , supposing , that if he could not obtain what he desired , he might through Pontus fly into Armenia . He sent Embassadors also to the Parthians , hoping that they would willingly use him for their Captain , in the war that was not yet ended against Antonius , he being both a Roman , and also the son of Pompeius the Great . He also provided ships , and exercised the Mariners , dissembling that he was afraid of Caesar , and that this preparation was for the service of Antonius . [ Appian . ut supra . ] Antonius , as soon as he heard what Pompeius intended , yet he kept on his way , but sent Marcus Titius , who formerly had revolted from Sextus Pompeius to him , as General against him , that having received both a fleet and army from Syria , he should with all his power resist Pompeius , if he made any war , but if he would yield himself , he should receive him with all honour . [ Id. & Dio. ibid. ] Pompeius his Embassadors that were sent to the Parthians , were surprised by Antonius his Captains , and brought to Alexandria . When Antonius had learned all these things from these Embassadors , he called the Embassadors that were sent to him , and brought them face to face : who excused him as being a young man in misery , and fearing he should be repulsed by him , was forced to prove the good will even of Nations that were greatest enemies of the Romans ; but if he had known Antonius his mind , there had been no need of all the solicitations and policies . This he believed , as being a man not at all malicious , but well meaning , and generous . [ Appian . pag. 749. ] Octavia being at Rome intended to saile unto Antonius , to which Caesar consented not , as most write , for any respect at all to him , but that he might have an honest colour of war against him if he sleighted , or m●sled her , [ Plutarch . in Antonio . ] the coming to Athens wintered there . [ Appian lib. 5. pag. 750. ] At this time war brake out between the King of the Medes ( Artarasdes ) and Phraates the King of the Parthians , and Artabazes or Artarasdes King of the Armenians ; he was angry with the Armenians , because by his meanes the Romans were brought in upon him ; and with the Parthian , because he neither received any great matter of the spoiles of the Romans , nor any honour at all , and was afraid also that he would take away his Kingdome from him , he sent also Polemo the King of Pontus Embassadour to Antonius , desiring his friendship and alliance , desiring him to come unto him , and promising him the aid of all his forces , which Embassy Antonius took very well , for that only thing which seemed to want towards the overthrowing of the Parthian , which was because he was not strong enough in Horsemen and Archers : he thought now he should have , and yet do more pleasure in the receiving them , than the other did him in giving them , whereupon being puffed up with great hopes , he prepared again to go through Armenia , and having called the King of the Mede to the river Araxes , then to go forward with the war. [ Plutarch . in Antonio . Dio , lib. 49. pag. 411. ] Antonius wrote to Octavia being now at Athens , commanding her to stay there , and advertised her of an expedition that he was about to take ; she although she took it ill and smelled out the pretence , yet she wrote to him to know whether he would have those things sent that she had brought him , for she had brought much apparell for the souldiers , and many horse , and much money , and presents for his Captaines and friends , and besides all this 2000 choice men all armed , like the Praetorian cohorts , Niger , a friend of Antonius , being sent from Octavia declared unto him , adding withall the deserving commendations of Octavia . Antonius accepted both her own and others gifts , and also the souldiers that she had begged of her brother for this purpose . [ ibid. ] Cleopatra , fearing least Octavia should draw Antonius from her , seemed to languish for the love of him , making her body so weak by her feminine tricks , as though she could not live if she were deprived of him , by which Antonius being overcome , left off his journey to the King of the Medes , ( although news were brought him that the Parthians were in civil wars ) and returned again into Alexandria , [ Plutarch . ] and so from thence forward did more and more give himself over to the love and imposture of Cleopatra . [ Dio. pag. 411. ] Antonius summoned Artarasdes King of Armenia into Egypt , as a friend , that having gotten him into his power he might more easily put him to death , but seeing he did not come , suspecting some deceit , he then found other meanes to deceive him , neither did he openly shew his anger against him , least he should provoke him to war. [ Dio. ibid. ] C. Furnius the Governour of Asia , ( whom we read in Plutarch , Antonius , and St. Jersmees Chronicle , to be a man of great authorite , and to be the most eloquent among the Romans , ) entertained Pompeius coming to him presently , being neither strong enough to repulse him , neither did he know Antonius his mind , but when he saw his souldiers to be exercised , he also mustered them that were of his Province , and sent for Aenobarbus , that commanded the army , that was next him , and called in all hast Amyntas to his aid , who when they came immediately together Pompeius complained that he was accounted for an enemy , at that time whenas he expected an answer from Antonius , by the Embassadours that he had sent unto him : neverthelesse he had a mind to take Aenobarbus by the treachery of Curius a familiar friend of his , hoping that it would be a matter of great moment , if any charg should happen ; but the treason being discovered , Curius was put to death being condemned in the consistory of the Romans ; and Pompeius also killed Theodorns a freed man of his , who only knew of this businesse , as if he had been the blabber of it . [ Appian . lib. 5. pag. 749. ] Pompeius despairing that Furnius would be received by him , seized upon Lampsacus by treachery ; where many Italians lived , being brought thither as a Colony by C. Caesar : which Italians he by great wages inticed to serve under him , and now he had 200 Horse and 3 Legions , when setting upon Cyzicum by sea and land , he was repulsed in both places , for there were there then a very great band of souldiers , who kept the fencer● that were then brought up for Antoniu● : being returned therefore into the haven of the Arhaeans , he there provided corn . [ id . ibid. ] Seeing Fur●ius would not fight , but alwaies kept neer his Camp with many Horsemen ; not suffering him either to provide any corn , nor seize upon any Cityes ; Pompeius set upon his Camp in front , sending also some about , that should do the same in the reare ; wherefore when Furnius went out against him , he had his Camp at his back . Pompeius slew many as they fled by the fields of Scamander : for the field was very plashy by reason of much rain that fell . Those that escaped , retreated into a safe place , but unable to provide for a new war : and whenas they received supply out of Mysia , Propontis , and other places ; poor men , being exhausted with exactions , for very reward did serve under Pompeius , who was now grown famous for the Victory he got at the Haven of the Achaeans , [ Ibid. pag. 750. ] Seeing Pompeius wanted Horse , and therefore was cut very short in his forraging ; he heard that a squadron of Italian Horse were going to Antonius , being sent by Octavia , who wintered in Athens : and therefore presently sent to corrupt them with gold ; these the President that was set over Macedonia by Antonius apprehended , and divided the money to the souldiers , [ Ibid. ] Pompeius having seized upon Nicaea and Nicomedia , he gathered money together in abundance , by reason of the great and unexpected successes , [ Ibid. ] As Furnius lay incamped neer him , at first there came to him out of Sicily , as soon as the Spring began , a Fleet of 70 ships , which onely remained of the Fleet that Antonius had lent Caesar against Pompeius ; for when the Sicilian war was ended , Caesar dismissed them . Titius also came out of Syria with an 120 ships , and a great army , and all arrived at Proconesus , [ Ibid. ] Pompeius being much afraid , being not as yet fully provided , chose those places that were most convenient for his fleeing : but being apprehended in Nicomedia , he demanded peace by his Embassadours , laying the hopes of obtaining it , on the favours that he had formerly done Titius ; but Titius absolutely denied to yeild to any peace , unlesse he yeilded up into his hands , all his ships and forces , [ Dio. lib. 49. pag. 402 , 403. ] Wherefore Pompeius , despairing of any safety by sea , having put all his provision of any weight into his ships , set them on fire ; and armed his Mariners as being of more use to him on land with others , [ Id. ibid. pag. 403. Appian . pag. 750. ] Herod fearing lest his mother in law Alexandra should seek occasions to raise new troubles , commanded her to keep within the Palace , and to do nothing of her own authority ; and she was kept so strictly , that nothing was concealed from him of all that she did ; yea even to the expences of her Table : which servitude she took very heavily , and sent letters to Cleopatra , complaining of her hard condition , desiring her that she would yeild her assistance . Wherefore at the command of Cleopatra , that she with her son should flee into Egypt to her , she provided two coffins , wherein she inclosed her self and her son , such as men are put in when they go to be buried ; commanding those servants that were privy to the plot , that they should carry them out by night , & bend their course to a ship that was ready provided to carry them into Egypt . This businesse Aesopus a servant blabbed to Sabbation a friend of Alexanders , supposing that he had known all before : which as soon as Sabbation knew , he who hitherto was an enemy of Herods , as being suspected to be of the plot in the poisoning of Antipater , took this occasion of being reconciled to the Kings favour by declaring this matter ; who dissembling the matter till it was upon execution , surprised her in flight , and brought her back : yet notwithstanding he pardoned her her fault , as not daring to punish her ; for he feared that Cleopatra would not be so contented , but would seek any occasion of hatred against him : wherefore under colour of a magnanimous spirit , he made shew as if he pardoned her out of meer clemency , [ Joseph . lib. 15. cap. 3. ] Cassius Parmensis , Nasidius , Saturninus , Antistius , and other honourable friends of Sextus Pompeius , and his dear friend Fannius , and his father in law Libo also , when they saw that he would not leave off making war with one more powerful that himself , nay not after the coming of Titius , to whom Antonius had committed it ; began to despair of him , and therefore covenanting for themselves , they went over to Antonius , [ Appian . lib. 5. pag. 750 , 751. ] Pompeius thus forsaken of his friends , departed into the mid-land Country of Bythinia , intending to go ( as was reported ) into Armenia : him stealing privately out of the Camp by night , Furnius and Titius , and with them Amyntas pursued , and marching excessive fast , they overtook about evening , they incamped both of them about an Hill , but without either ditch or trench ; it being late at night and they weary . Pompeius being in this condition , sent by night 3000 Targatiers , who set upon them either in their beds , or running out from their lodgings , who all fled naked most cowardly . If Pompeius had set upon them with all his forces , or out pursued them as they fled , he might have had an absolute Victory : which when he observed not , he gained nothing by all this , but that he went on whither he was a going into the mid-land Country , [ Id. ibid. pag. 751. ] His enemies being joyned together , kept him from forraging , that he was so oppressed with famine , that he was forced to demand a parly with Furnius , in former time a friend of Pompey ; the Great , a man of honour and gravity above the rest . Wherefore standing upon the bank of a River that ran between them , he told him that he would commit himself to his protection , upon condition that he might be brought to Antonius ; Furnius answered , that this businesse did not belong to him , but to Titius : Pompeius suspecting Titius his faithfulnesse , offered again to yeild himself , intreating that he might be accepted ; which when it could not be obtained , he desired that he might be received by Amyntas : but he told him , that Amyntas would do nothing that might be an injury to him that was to execute the commands of Antonius ; and so the parly brake off , [ Id. ibid. pag. 751 , 752. ] Furnius his souldiers , thought that for very want of food he would the next day yeild himself to Titius ; but he according to the custom in Campes , made many fires in the night , and by Trumpeters distinguishing the watches of the night , he privately withdrew himself with his army without any baggage , not so much as telling them whither they were going ; for he thought to return to the sea , and to burn Titius his fleet ; which perhaps he had effected , but that Scaurus run from him , and told both of his departure , and which way he went ; although he knew not what he intended . Then Amyntas pursued him with 1500 Horse , whereof he was absolutely destitute . As soon as he came neer him , Pompeius his souldiers went over to him , some privately , and some openly . Pompeius being now almost desolate , and being afraid of his own souldiers , yeilded himself without any conditions , who formerly had refused the conditions of Titius , [ Id. ibid. pag. 752. ] Dio writes , that he was surprised and circumvented , and taken by Ti●ius and Furnius at Miletum , which is a Town of Phrygia , [ pag. 403. ] Appianus saith , that his army was compelled by Titius , to take a solemn oath to Antonius , [ pag. 753. ] Antonius being certified of this businesse , immediately by his letters commanded Pompeius to be put to death : but a little after repenting him , he commanded him to be saved ; but seeing the carrier of the last letters came before him that brought the first ; Titius then afterwards receiving the letters concerning his death , and perhaps supposing them indeed to be written last , or knowing the truth would not believe it ; he followed the orders of the letters , as they were delivered , and not the sense , [ Dio. pag. 403. ] There are some who report , that it was not Antonius that commanded the death of Pompeius , but Plancus ; who being Governour of Syria , was wont in letters of moment to subscribe the name of Antonius , and also to use his seal : either with the knowledge of Antonius , ( yet he himself would not write , either by reason of the renown of Pompeius himself , or because Cleopatra favoured him for the memory of his father the Great Pompeius ) or by his own advice being afraid that Pompeius might be some cause of difference between Caesar and Antonius , or lest Cleopatra should transfer her favour upon Pompeius , [ Appian . lib. 5. pag. 753. ] And thus was Sextus Pompeius put to death at Miletum , [ Id. ibid. Strabo , lib. 3. pag. 141. ] L. Cornificius and another Sextus Pompeius being Consuls , [ Dio. lib. 49. pag. 403. ] of whom in the epitomy of Livies 132 book , we thus read . Sextus Pompeius , when he yeilded himself unto Antonius , but yet raising war against him in Asia , was overcome by his Lieutenants : and in Orosius , [ lib. 6. cap. 19. ] Pompeius fleeing , being often overcome both by sea and land , was taken , and a little after put to death : and in Velleius Paterculus , [ lib. 2. cap. 87. ] Antonius , when he had promised that he would preserve the dignity of Sextus Pompeius , then also deprived him of life . And more fully in the 97 Chapter . Pompeius fled into Asia , and by the command of Antonius , whose help he implored , whilst he was in disturbance between being a General , and a Petitioner , and now would retain his dignity , and now beg his life , had his throat cut by Titius , by which the envy he had contracted lasted so long , that when as he exhibited Play●s in Pompeius his theatre , he was driven out thence with the curses of the people from the Shews that he set forth . Caesar Octavianus , exhibited Playes on horseback , because of the death of Sextus Pompeius ; and setting up a Chariot for the honour of Antonius before the Rostra and Statues in the Temple of Concorde , gave him leave to banquet there with his wife and children , as it was formerly decreed unto himself : for as yet he feigned himself to be his friend , and comforted him concerning the Parthian Expedition , and told him what envy there was risen against him , by reason of the Sicilian Victory , and the honours decreed unto him for it , [ Dio. lib. 49. pag. 403. ] In the Feast of Tabernacles , Year of the World 3970 the new High Priest Aristobulus being just now past seventeen years old , being to offer sacrifice according to the Law , being clad in Pontifical attire , came to the Altar , and performed the ceremony with all decency , whose excellent beauty and stature being higher than usually of his age , carrying in his countenance the honour of his linage , turned the eyes and love of all the multitude upon him , every one calling to mind the worthy and memorable actions of his grandfather Aristobulns : and being overcome with the affection they bare him , they were so overjoyed , they could not contain themselves , but openly praied for him , and wished him all joy , and that more freely than was fit , under such a King , proclaiming openly both the memory and thanks they owed to that family for all their benefits . [ Joseph . lib. 15. cap. 3. ] As soon as the feast was ended , he was entertained at a banquet by his mother Alexandra ; and King Herod courteously inticing the young man into a convenient place , counterfeiting to sport with him , after the fashion of young men : and because that place was too hot , they were quickly weary : they left their sport , and went to the fish pools that were near the Court , to take the fresh aire at noon time : and at first they beheld some of their friends and servants as they were swimming . At length the young man also , by the perswasion of Herod , went in amongst them ; then those to whom this charge was given , ducking him as he was swimming , as it were in sport and jest , holding him under water , never left off till they had drowned him . And this was the end of Aristobulus , in the eighteenth year of his age , and the first of his High-Priesthood , which immediately returned to Ananelus . [ Id. ib. ] Now when this accident was reported to the women , they were all in an uproare , and did nothing but weep and howl over the dead body of the young man. Sorrow also seized upon the whole City , as soon as the rumour was spread abroad , every house bewailing the calamity , as if it had been their own . But Herod endeavoured by all means to make people belive , that this chance happened without his knowledge , not only feigning to be sorrowful , but also tears and grief very like to true grief : and that he might the more comfort the women , he buried the body with a most magnificent funeral ; being extreamly liberal , both in adorning his monument , and also in perfumes and other precious things . [ Ib. ] His mother Alexandra , although she was often ready to lay violent hands upon her self , seeing she knew all the treason , yet she repressed her passion , seeming not to be suspicious , as if she had thought that her son had been killed on purpose , untill some occasion of revenge might offer it self . [ Ib. ] Antonius seeking some way how he might the more easily be revenged of Artava●des King of Armenia , The Julian Period 4680 sent unto him Q Dellius , Year before Christ 34 and by him demanded , adding also many promises , that there might be a marriage concluded between his daughter and his son Alexander ( whom he had by Cleopatra ) at length on a suddain , in the beginning of the Spring , he came to Nicopolis , a City in the lesser Armenia , built by Pompeius ; and thither he sends for him to come , as though he would make use of both his advise and aide in the Parthian war ; but Artavasdes suspecting treachery , did not come . [ Dio. lib. 49. pag. 475. ] Alexandra , being incensed by her grief to a desire of revenge , certified Cleopatra by letters of the treachery of Herod , and also of the lamentable death of her son , and she who a long time was desirous to help her , and then also pitying the womans misfortune , took a particular care of this businesse , as if it had been her own : neither was she ever quiet from perswading Antonius to revenge the young mans death , telling him it was an unpardonable act , that he that by his help had enjoyed a Kingdom that belonged to anothers right , should so insolently rage against the lawful race of the Kings . Antonius being perswaded by these words , after he was come into Laodicea in Syria , he sent for Herod to come before him , to answer to the crime objected against him , of the death of Aristobulus . [ Joseph . lib. 15. cap. 4. ] Herod , committing the care of the Kingdom to his Uncle Joseph , commanded him by private instructions , that if Antonius should do him any mischief , he should put his wife Mariamme to death , telling him , that he so loved her , that he should esteem it a wrong done to himself , if any one should enjoy her beauty , yea , though it were after his death . [ Id. ibid. ] Herod then coming to Antonius , so appeased him with the presents , that for this purpose he had brought from Jerusalem , and so appeased his anger by often conferences ; that hereafter Cleopatras instigations had lesse weight with him : for Antonius denied that it was fit a King should give an account of his actions , otherwise he would cease to be a King : for having once given him the honour , the free power also was to be permitted unto him . He said also , That it concerned Cleopatra her self , not too much to meddle with other mens governments . [ Ibid. ] Joseph governing the Kingdom that was committed unto him , conversed divers times with Mariamme , partly upon businesse , and partly to do her honour , and in their discourses , there was often mention made how much Herod loved her ; which discourse was laughed at by the Ladies , especially Alexandra ; but he was carried on with such a desire of proving the Kings love to them , that he told them what private command the King had given him ; supposing that this was a most certain argument of his love , because he could neither endure to live without her , nor in death be disjoyned from her : which words of Joseph , the Ladies did not i●terpret as an indubi●ate signe of Herods love , as abhorring his tyrannical mind , who though he were dead , yet would seek their life . [ Ib. ] In the interim their was a rumour spread about the City , that the King was put to death by Antonius , which disturbed all the Court , especially the Ladies . Alexandra also perswaded Joseph , that taking them with him , he should fly to the Ensignes of the Roman Legions , which were there about the City , for a guard under the Tribu●e Julius : so that if at first there should be any troubles about the Court , they might be in security by the favour of the Romans . And moreover it was to be hoped , that Mariamme would obtain any thing , if she should once come in the sight of Antonius , and might also recover the Kingdom , and whatsoever belonged to the royall issue . [ Ibid. ] As they were holding this consultation , there came letters from Herod , that clean dashed the rumour , signifieing what honours Antonius had done him , both in publick assemblie● , and also inviting him to feasts ; and that even during the accusations of Cleopatra : who being desirous of that country , sought by all means to destroy him , that she might usurpe that Kingdome : but because Antonius had shewed himself just , there was not hereafter any great danger to be expected , and that he should shortly returne , having his kingdom and allyance confirmed by Antonius , neither was there any hope left now for the covetousnesse of Cleopatra , seeing Antonius had granted her Coelosiria , instead of that he had demanded , upon this condition , That she should not hereafter demand Judea , and that she should no more trouble him with this businesse . [ Ibid. ] As soon as these letters were received , the intent of flying to the Romans vanished , but yet their resolution was not hid : but as soon as Herod had bro●ght Antonius , some part of the way against the Parthians , ( for so he pretended ) he returned into Judea , and immediately his sister Salome , and his mother Salome , told him what Alexandra intended to do with her friends . Neither was Salome content with this but accused her husband Joseph , as if he had been too familiar with Mariamme : but this she did for an old grudge , because the Queen , a woman of a high spirit , among other womens brabbles , had upbraded her with her obscure birth . [ Ibid. ] When Mariamme had ascertained to Herod by oath of her chastity , and Herod had told her again how much he loved her ; she denied that it was the part of a lover to command , that if he should die , that also his wife should be put to death . Herod supposing this secret could never be known , except she had committed adultery with Joseph , and then wanted but little , but that he had killed her : but being overcome with love , though hardly , yet , restrained himself ; but yet he commanded Joseph to be put to death , not so much as suffering him to come into his presence . Alexandra also he cast into prison , as being the cause of all these evils . [ Ibid. ] In the mean while the affairs of Syria were in disturbance , Cleopatra never failing to whet on Antonius his displeasure against all men , perswading him to take every ones government from him , and to give it to her : desiring that Judea and Arabia might be given to her , being taken from the two Kings , Herod and Malchus , whose destruction she plotted to work : but yet Antonius thought it was unjust to put two such great Kings to death , in favour of an importunate woman . But yet he no more accounted them his friends , but took part of their Country from them , and gave them to Cleopatra . Moreover , he gave her all the Cities that lye between the river Eleutherus and Egypt , Tyre and Sidon only excepted , which he knew were alwaies free Cities , although by her earnest intreaties she endeavoured to get these . [ Ibid. cum lib. 1. Bell. cap. 13. & lib. 7. cap. 28. ] Thus Cleopatra , by the bounty of Antonius , enjoyed a great part of Cilicia , the Country of Judea , where the balsame groweth , Arabia , Nabathaea , which was Malchus his country , ( to wit , all that that lay toward the sea ) Ituraea , Phaenicia , Coelosyria , Cyprus , and some part of Crete : which vast gifts of Antonius much offended the people of Rome , as did also the filthinesse of Cleopatra , of whom he had gotten twins formerly , to wit , Alexandra and Cleopatra , ( whom he named one the Sun , and the other the Moon ) and also Ptolomaeus , whom she named Philadelphus . [ Plutarch in Anton. Dio. lib. 49. pag. 411. Livy , lib. 132. ] Cleopatra is reported to have understood many languages , so that of her self , without an Interpreter , she could answer either Aethiopians , Trogloditae , Hebrews , Arabians , Syrians , Medes and Parthians , when as her predecessors , the Kings of Egypt , scarce understood the Egyptian tongues , and some also of them had forgot the Macedonian language . [ Plut. ib. ] Cleopatra having accompained Antonius , who was going with his army into Armenia , as far as Euphrates , returneth , and by the way visited Apamea and Damascus , she then came into Judea , [ Joseph . lib. 15. cap. 5. ] In the third Summer , from that in which Lepidus was cast out of office by Caesar Octavianus in Sicilia , Antonius undertook this Expedition into Armenia , [ Vellei . Patercul . lib. 2. cap. 82. ] Sextus Pompeius being now dead , [ Appian . lib. 5. pag. 753. ] and having again sent Q. De●lius to the King of Armenia to confer with him , he himself in all speed went to Artaxata , [ Dio. lib. 49. pag. 415. ] Cleopatra being entertained by Herod in Judea , assured unto her that part of Arabia that was granted her by Antonius , and the revenues of Jericho also . This Country beareth Balsom , which being the most precious of all Oyntments onely grows there , and also great store of the best Dates , [ Joseph . lib. 15. cap. 5. ] which Balsame , is granted onely to the land of Judea , and is onely in two Gardens , and both the Kings , one of 20 acres , and the other of lesse , [ Plin. lib. 12. cap. 25. ] By these means Herod grew into great familiarity with Cleopatra ; she sought to allure him to her lust , either through the intemperance of her lust , or else seeking occasion too by this for her treachery : but she , pretended love , yet Herod refused her , and had a consultation with his friends about killing her ; but being restrained from this attempt by them , he having appeased Cleopatra by great presents , and all manner of obsequiousnesse , he accompanied her as far as Pelusium . [ Joseph . lib. 1. bell . cap. 13. & lib. 15. cap. 5. ] but yet being afraid both of her , and also of the people of the Jews , he provided that castle as a refuge for himself ; laying as many armes there as would suffice for 10000 men . [ Id. lib. 7. bell . cap. 28. ] In Armenia , Anto●ius partly by the perswasion of his friends , and partly scaring him with the greatnesse of his forces , induced King Artarasdes , being deceived by his many promises , seeing he alwaies shewed himself , his friends , both by writings and deeds , that he would come into his camp upon his assurance , when he was apprehended . [ Dio. lib. 5. pag. 415. Livy lib. 131. Strabo . lib. 1. pag. 524. Vellei . Patercul . lib. 2. cap. 82. Plutarch . in Antonio . Oros. lib. 6. cap. 19. ] As soon as ever Antonius had taken him , he carried him about the Castles in which his treasure was , yet not in fetters ; in hope that he should have them without any fighting , feigning that he took him captive , for no other cause but to get money , from the Armenians for their freedome and his Kingdome , but all this was in vain , seeing those that kept the treasure , would not obey him . [ Dio. ibid. ] Those Armenians that were up in armes , made his eldest son Artaxias King instead of Artarasdes or Artabazes that was taken prisoner , [ Id. ibid. Joseph . lib. 15. cap. 5. ] Antonius bound Artabasdes with silver chains , as if it were a base thing for a King to be tied with iron fetters , [ Dio. ibid. ] then by his silver chain he compelled him to confesse where the royall treasure was ; and having won the Town , in which he told him the treasure was laid up , he took from thence a great masse of gold and silver . [ Oros. lib. 6. cap. 11. ] After these thing , Antonius partly by force and partly by surrender , reduced all Armenia under his power , [ Joseph . & Dio. ut supra . ] for Artaxias having ventured a battle and being overcome , fled to the Parthians , [ Dio. ] bnt Antonius ●ed Artabazes bound , with his sons who were Princes into Egypt , as a present to Cleopatra , and whatsoever was of great value , in that Kingdome . [ Joseph . lib. 1. bell . cap. 13. lib. 15. Antiquit. cap. 5. ] At Rome on the Ides of September , C. Sosius the Proconsul triumphed for Judea : as appeares in the marble triumphall records . [ in Inscript . Gruteri . pag. CCXCVII. ] M. Antonius Year of the World 3971 having obteined for a stricter tie of friendship the daughter of Artarasdes King of Media for a marriage with his son , having left his army in Armenia , he returned into Egypt with his great prey , where entring Alexandria in a chariot , among other captives he led before him Artarasdes or Artabazes King of Armenia , with his wife and children , [ Dio. lib. 45. pag. 415. ] at which the Romans were discontented , as if the prime ornaments of their Country , should be communicated with the Egyptians , in favour of Cleopatra . [ Plutarch . in Antonio . ] Antonius presented Artarasdes with his relations , in chains of gold before Cleopatra , in an assembly of the people , who in a Tribunall all guilt , sate in a chair of gold , the Barbarians neither reverenced her , nor fell on their knees , ( though they were often commanded to do so by threates and promises , ) but onely called her by her own name , and although for this they were thought to have the greater spirits , yet they were the more rigidly handled . [ Dio. ut supra . ] Antonius feasted the Alexandrians , and having called the people into the shew-place , where the young men exercise themselves , there upon a high silvered Tribunall he set two golden chaires , one for himself and another for Cleopatra , and lower chaires for his children , then making an oration to the people , he commanded that Cleopatra should be called Queen of Kings , and her son and partner in the Kingdom , namely , Ptolomaeus Caesarion , King of Kings , and gave them Egypt and Cypru● , different from the division that he had formerly made : he told them also that Cleopatra was the wife of Caesar the Dictatour , and that Caesarion was his lawfull son , he feigned also that he spake this in love to Caesar , that he might bring into hatred Octavianus , that was not his son born , but only and adopted son , and to the children that he had by Cleopatra , to their daughter Cleopatra , he gave Lybia Cyreniaca : to her brother Alexander he gave Armenia ; promising also Media and Parthia , and all those Countryes that lye beyond Euphrates even to India , when he had conquered them , he gave also to Ptolomaeus ( surnamed Philadelphus ) Phoe●icia , Syria , Cilicia , and all the Country on this side Euphrates to the Hellespont . [ Plutarch . in Antonio . Dio. lib. 49. pag. 415. 416. ] Antonius also brought forth his other sonnes , namely Alexander in the habit of the Medes , and wearing the Persian attire and bonnets on the head : and Ptolemei in slippers , and cloak , and that , with a Crown about it : for this was the habite of Alexanders successours , and the other of the Medes and Armenians . And as soon as the lads had saluted their Parents , the Macedonians were a guard to one , and the Armenians to the other ; for Cleopatra whensoever she came in publick , wore the apparel of the goddesse Isis , and so gave audience to all her subjects in the name of new Isis , [ Plutarch in Antonio . ] Also she commanded that she should be called Isis and the Moon , and Antonius Osiris and Liber Pater ; seeing he was Crowned with Ivy , and wore buskins , and was carried at Alexandria in a Chariot like Liber Pater , [ Velleius , Patercul . lib. 2. cap. 82. Dio. lib. 50. pag. 421. ] Antonius went as far as the River Araxis , The Julian Period . 4681 as if he intended to make war upon the Parthians ; Year before Christ 33 but thought he had done enough to have joyned in league with Artavasdes King of the Medes : upon which account , Antonius and the Mede promised each to other mutual assistance , the one against the Parthian , and the other against Caesar : and for this cause they changed some souldiers . Antonius also delivered to the Mede , part of Armenia that he had newly seized upon , and received from him his daughter ●otape , being very young , to be in time a wife for his son Alexander ( born of Cleopatra , to whom he had given the kingdom of Armenia , which also Livy confirms in lib. 131. ) and also the ensignes that were lost by Statianus , [ Dio. lib. 49. pag. 417 , 418. Plutarch in Antonio . ] Peace being thus concluded with the Mede , Antonius gave to Polemon the Lesser Armenia , as a reward of the Embassie he had undertaken for the making of a League between them : he also gave the Consulship to L. Clauvius ( or Cluvius ) who was with him , and took it from him , [ Dio. ut supr . pag. 411. 418. ] Caesar Octavianus , both in the Senate , and to the people , often accused Antonius , incensing the people against him . Anton●us also sent to recriminate him . [ Plutarch . ] Caesar amongst other things , objected against Antonius , that he held Egypt that was not his by lot : that he had killed Sextus Pompetus , whom ( as he said ) he had willingly let escape : that having treacherously taken Artavasdes and cast him in prison , he had brought great infamy upon the people of Rome . He demanded also part of the spoiles ; but above all he upbraided him with Cleopatra , and the children that he had had by her , and the Countries that he had given her ; and that especially , because he had brought Cae●arion the son of Cleopatra into the family of Caesar , [ Dio. lib. 5. pag. 419. ] But Antonius affirmed to the Senate , that he was acknowledged so by Julius Caesar , and that C. Marius , and C. Oppius , and other friends of Julius Caesar knew this : of whom Caius Oppius , as if the businesse wanted a defence and countenance set forth a book , that he was not Caesars son , whom Cleopatra said was , [ Sueton. in Jul●o , cap. 52. ] Antonius being in Armenia , commanded Canidius to go to the sea side with 16 Legions ; but he taking Cleopatra with him , went to Ephesus , where when his Fleet were all come together , there were eight hundred ships , of which Cleopatra promised 200 , and 20000 talents , and provision for all the army during the war , [ Plutarch in Antonio . ] Antonius by the advice of Domitius and some others , commanded Cleopatra to return into Egypt , and there to attend the event of the war ; but she fearing that there might happen a new reconciliation by the means of Octavia , perswaded Canidius by a great reward , that he would speak to Antonius for her , and that he should shew him , that it was not just , that she should be sent back , that had brought so great aid to the war , neither that it was for his profit , that the Egyptians should be discouraged who made up a great part of the naval forces . Which when he had obtained , they gathered together their forces , and sailed to Samos , where they gave themselves over to pleasure : for as it was injoyned to all Kings , Governours , Tetrarchs , Nations , and Cities that lie between Syria , Meotis , Armenia , and Lauria , that they should send or bring all manner of warlike provision , so was it enjoyned also that all that could skill to make any good sport , should also meet at Samos : and whereas almost all the world was filled with weeping and wailing , this one Island alone resounded with piping , and singing for many daies , and all the theatre was full of these common players , then also every City sent over for sacrifices , and the Kings strove amongst themselves , who should make the greatest feast , and give the greatest presents , so that it was ordinarily said , What will they do when they are Conquerours in triumph , when as the very preparation for the war is with such sumptuousnesse ? [ id . ibid. ] From hence Antonius sailed to Athens , and there gave himself wholly to see plaies and shews , [ ibid. ] he went with a staffe of gold , and a Persian sword by his side , a purple robe buttoned with precious stones , and a Crown that a King might enjoy a Queen [ Florus lib. 4. cap. 11. ] The King of Media using the help of the Romans that Antonius had left with him , overcame the Parthians , and Artaxes ( or Artax●as the Armenian ) that came against him . [ Dio. lib. 49. pag. 418. ] Herod duly paid the Tributes of the Countreys of Judea and Arabia , Year of the World 3972 which she had received of Antonius ; thinking it was little safe to give her any occasion of ill will against him , but the Arabian , after the exaction of them began to belong to Herod , for some time paid 200 talents yearly , but afterward he grew slow and negligent , and scarce paid half and that very negligently . [ Joseph . lib. 15. cap. 5. ] Caesar and Antonius mutually accused each other , and mutually defended themselves , partly by letters privately sent , ( among which that of Antonius to Caesar was most pe●ulant , mentioned by Suetonius in Octavio , where he saith that he began to company with Queen Cleopatra , whom he affirmeth to have been his wife nine yeares since ) and partly publickly ; when Caesar pleaded in publick , and Antonius by letters , upon which occasions they often sent Embassadours one to the other , that they might more fully shew their cause to be just , and spy out the affairs of the adversary , in the mean while they got money together , as if it had been for some other purpose , and preparrd themselves for war , as if it had been against certain other enemies . [ Dio. lib. 5. pag. 419. ] The new Consul at Rome , The Julian Period . 4682 C. Sosius ( who had triumphed for Judea ) on the very Kalends of January made a long speech in the Senate , Year before Christ 31 in the praise of Antonius , and disgrace of Caesar , ( Domitius Aenobarbus his Colleague , because he had endured many calamities formerly , medling with no new businesse ) and was ready to make an edict against Caesar , who was on purpose gone out of the City , if Nonius Balbus the Tribune of the people had not withstood it . [ Dio. lib. 50. pag. 419. ] Antonius wrote to Rome that the pa●tition that he had made at Alexandria , the Countrey between Cleopatra and her children might be confirmed , which letters notwithstanding were not publickly read , Domitius and Sosius the Consuls who most favorred Antonius forbidding it , although Caesar desired that all things might be brought into publick ; and seeing their opinion was carried in that , Caesar also got this in the Senate , that none of those that were written concerning Artarasdes the Armenian should be publickly proposed ; because he both pitied Artarasdes , with whom he privately had consulted against Antonius , and he also envied Antonius a triumph . [ Id. lib. 49. pag. 416. ] The Senate being come together , Caesar sate between the Consuls in the curule chair , environed about with his friends and souldiers , that privately carried their weapons about them , when he at large defended himself , and accused Sosius and Antonius and seeing neither any other , nor the Consuls themselves durst speak a word , he commanded them to meet again at a certain day , and then he would demonstrate unto them the injuries of Antonius in writing , but the Consuls not daring to contradict , nor yet able to hold their peace , they privately before the day came went out of the City , and went unto Antonius , whom also many of the Senatours followed , which when Caesar knew , he said that they had free leave from him to go , least he should seem to have been forsaken by them , for some injury he had done them ; he gave leave also to any that would go to Antonius that they might safely do it . [ Id. lib. 50. pag. 420 , Sueton. in Octavio . cap. 17. ] After the departure of the Consuls , Caesar called a Senate , and did and said what he would , which when Antonius heard , he called a Councell of his friends , and after many arguments on both sides , he undertook the war , [ Dio. pag. 420. ] and commanded a divorce to be declared to his wife Octavia the sister of Caesar. [ Id. ibid. Livy lib. 132. Eutrop. lib. 7. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 19. ] Afterwards he sent some to Rome , to put Octavia out of his house , who they say when she went took with her all Antonius his children , which he had by Fulvia except the eldest , who lived with his father : she vvept and vvailed exceedingly because she seemed to be one cause of the civil war ; but the people of Rome did not so much pity her as Antonius , and much more those that had seen Cleopatra , who was not to be preferred before Octavia , neither in beauty nor youth . [ Plutarch . in Anton. ] But Caesar , when he heard of the suddain and great preparation of Antonius , was much astonished , fearing he should be driven to fight that Summer ; for he wanted mony extreamly , and did vex the people of Italy with exactions , so that it was accounted one of the greatest faults of Antonius , that he prolonged the giving of battle , by which means he gave Caesar time to prepare himself , and to quiet the uproare that was risen about the exactions . [ Ib. ] King Herod being freed from the trouble of Judea , and having taken Hyrcanium , ( a Town which the sister of Antigonus had kept ) The Actian war , in the CLXXXVII . Olympiade ( which was this Summer ) now breaking out , made great preparation for the aiding of Antonius : but he quitted him of this trouble , telling him he had no need of them . But because he had heard both from himself , and by Cleopatra , of the injurious dealings of the Arabian , that denied to pay the tribute imposed upon him ; he commanded him to make war upon him . Cleopatra also perswading him that it would be for her profit ; for the hoped , that if Herod should overcome the Arabian , then she should be Mistres of Arabia , but if the Arabian overcome Herod , then she should be Mistres of Judea . Wherefore Herod returned home by Antonius command , and there kept his army , with which he presently , being well furnished with Horse and Foot , invaded Arabia , going to Diospolis , where the Arabians met him , and after a fierce conflict , the Jews got the victory . [ Joseph . lib. 1. Bell. cap. 14. lib. 15. cap. 6. Titius and Plancus , who were chief friends to Antonius , and that had been Consuls , and were privy to all his secrets , being privily envied by Cleopatra , because they were much against his being present in this war , fled unto Caesar , who willingly entertained them ; from whom he learned all , both his actions and counsels , and also those things that were in his Will , and where the Will it self was , for they were witnesses to it , and knew the Contents . [ Plutarch in Anton. Dio. lib. 50. pag. 420. ] But of Plancus his manners , ( who was formerly master of request to Antonius , and afterwards was by him made Proconsul of Asia , and then of Syria ) and also of his and Titius his flight . Vellcius Paterculus is to be consulted . [ lib. 2. cap. 83. ] The Testament of Antonius was deposited with the Vestal Virgins , who denied the delivery of it at the demand of Caesar ; if he would have it , they bid him come and take it . He went therefore and took it . [ Plutarch in Anton. ] At first he read it privately to himself , and noted some places that were subject to reprehension , but afterward he read it openly in the Senate , and then to the people : many taking it ill , that a man being alive , should give an account of things to be done after his death . But yet though it was counted very unjust , yet those things that were conteined in the Testament , were of such nature , that they clean took away all envy from Caesar , for doing this deed : for Antonius by this Testament gave Testimony , That Caesarion was indeed the very son of Caesar the Dictatour ; he reckoned the children that he had by Cleopatra amongst his heirs , and bestowed great gifts upon them . Also his Will was concerning his funeral , that his body , although he had died at Rome , should be carried through the Forum , and sent to Alexandria to Cleopatra . [ Id. ibid. Sueton. in Octavio . cap. 17. Dio. lib. 50. pag. 420 , 421. ] These things so enraged every one against Antonius , that they believed all things to be true that were reported : as that Antonius , if he should get the power into his hands , would give Rome it self to Cleopatra , and translate the Empire into Egypt . Moreover , all men were so angry with him , that not onely his enemies and newters , but they also who were his great friends , very much blamed him : for being astonished at the rehersal of the Testament , and meeting with the suspicious that Caesar had , they all said the same things , [ Dio. lib. 50. pag , 421. ] The late runnaway Plancus , objected many horrible things against Antonius in the Senate . [ Vellei . Patercul . lib. 1. cap. 83. ] Many things also Calvius , or Calvisius , a friend of Caesars , upbraided him with , as done in favour of Cleopatra , but he was thought that he belyed him in many things : but yet Antonius his friends were intercessors to the people for him , and sent one Geminius into Grecia to him , to desire Antonius , Thar he would take heed that the Empire should not be taken from him , and that he should be declared an enemy to the State. Who at supper time being provoked by Cleopatra , told her that all things would go well , if she were once gone into Egypt , but fearing the Queens anger , he was fain to fly as fast as he could to Rome . [ Plutarch in Anton. ] As soon as Caesar was sufficiently prepared , he proclaimed open war against Cleopatra : the Consulship also ( for he was designed Consul for the next year ) was taken from him , as all his other power likewise was , which he had committed to the pleasure of women . It is said also that Cleopatra by philters and charms , had so besotted Anton us , that he was not his own man. [ Id. ibid. Dio. p. 421. ] for she had so inthralled him , that she made him the overseer of the exercises of the Alexandrians , she being called by him Queen and Lady , that she had Roman souldiers in her guard , and all of them had in their bucklers the name of Cleopatra written . She went also into the forum with Antonius , and with him provided for the plaies , with him sat in judgement , with him rode the Horse , and in Cities she rode in a Chariot , whilst Antonius followed her a foot with the Eunuchs : to be short , she was so bold , as to hope for the government over the Romans ; as if she did at any time , by a great oath , she alwaies swore , as she hoped to give laws in the Capitol . [ Dio. pag. 421. 422. ] Wishing also through her womanish desire , to raign in Rome . [ Eutrop. lib. 7. ] Of which Horace . lib. 1. Ode . 37. ] — Capitolio Regina dementes ruinas Funus & imperio parabat . Contaminato cum grege turpium Morbo virorum , quidlibet impotens Sperare , fortunaque dulci Ebria . This Queen did to The Capitol provide , And Empire , ruine , Joyning to her side The dregs of th' World , being above hope now , Rivisht with Madam fortunes pleasing brow . And Ovid lib. 15. Metamorphos . Romanique ducis conjux Aegyptiataedae Non bene fisa cadet ; frustraque erit illa minata , Servitura suo Capitolia nostra Canopo . — The Egyptian spouse shall fall , Ill trusting to her Roman General ; To make our stately Capitol obey Oft proud Canopus shall in vain assay . If Antonius had been declared an enemy , those also that were with him , except they had come from him , had been accounted enemies likewise : which least it should happen , ( for the power of his friends was to be feared ) he was not in word declared an enemy , though he was indeed : but impunity and commendations were propounded to them that should forsake Antonius , but war was openly proclaimed against Cleopatra , whom they knew would never forsake him . And it sufficed , that this crime might be objected against him , That he of his own accord had undertaken a war against his own Country , by whom he was never offended , in the behalf of an Egyptian woman , and as if there had now been an actual war ; they took their souldiers coats , and went unto the Temple of Bellona : and there Caesar , as if he had been an Herauld , performed all those things , by their command , that were accustomed to be done after the manner of the Romans , before the war was begun , [ Dio. pag. 421 , 422 , ] And added moreover , That now those that were to make war with the Romans , were Macedonian Eunuchs , and Pothinus , and Iras , that trimmed Cleopatra's hair , and Charmium ( Nairas and Carmio , Gala saith were Cleopatras Maides , lib. de Theriaca ad Pisonem ) by whom the greatest affairs of Antonius Empire were managed . [ Plutarch . ] After this , the youth were called earnestly to armes by them both , money was coined , and all things that were necessary for the carrying on the war were in all haste provided : and the preparation for this war was far greater than all the former , by reason so many Nations sent succours to each party . All Italy , France , Spain , Illyricum , both the A●ricks , Sardinia , Sicilia , and other Islands that lay near the foresaid Continents , helped Caesar , [ Dio. pag. 422. ] He had of ships for war 250 sail , 80000 Foot , 12000 Horse . Antonius had not lesse than 500 ships of war , in which were some that had eight or ten bankes of oares , furnished sumptuously and fit for a Triumph ; a 100000 Foot , and ( as Caesar had ) 12000 Horse : the Kings that were his subjects and brought him aid , were , Bocchus King of Africa , ( that was outed of his kingdom by the Romans ) Tarcondemus , ( or Tarcondimotus ) of the Upper Cilicia , Archelaus of Cappadocia , Philadelphus of Paphlagonia , Mithradates of Commagena , and Adallas King of Thracia : these were in person in the war. Polemon sent aid from Pontus , Malchus also from Arabia , and Herod the Jew . Moreover Amyntas King of Lyconia and Galatia . Antonius also commanded all from Euphrates and Armenia , even to the Ionian Sea and Illyricum , and from Cyrena to Ethiopia , [ Plutarch in Antonio . ] Whereupon all the Countries of the Continent of Asia which obeyed the Romans , namely , both the Thraciae , Grecia , Macedonia , Egypt , Cyrenica , with the borders , and all the neighbour Islands , and almost all Kings and Princes , and all that did but border upon that part of the Roman Empire that obeyed Antonius , some in person , others by their Generals , ( as it is said ) helped Antonius , [ Dio. ut supr . ] Supplies also were sent to him from the King of the Medes , [ Plutarch . ] which seeing Antonius did not onely not send back , but also recalled his own souldiers he had lent the Mede , that King was overcome and taken by Phraates King of the Parthians , and Artaxes ( or Artaxias ) King of the Armenians : and after this manner was Armenia ( which Antonius had but newly gotten ) lost together with Media , [ Dio. fin . lib. 49. ] Antonius being afraid of the over great curtesie of Cleopatra her self in the preparation of the Actian war , and not taking any meat without assure ; she is said by this means to have purged him of this fear ; she dipped the uppermost flowers of her Garland in poison , and put the Garland on her own head ; and immediately , in the height of their mirth , invited Antonius to drink their Garlands : which Antonius taking from his head , and putting it into the cup began to drink , but with her hand she stopped him , saying , I am she , my dear Antonius , who you provide against by this new care of tasters ; Do you think that either occasion or invention is wanting , if I could live without thee ? and then calling for a prisoner , commanded him to drink it , who presently gave up the ghost , [ Plin. lib. 21. cap. 3. ] When Herod had routed the greatest part of the Arabian army at Cana in Coelosyria ; Athenio the General of Queen Cleopatra in that Country , who hated Herod , having gotten together a band of the natives , and joyning with the Arabians , made a great slaughter of the Jews in the rough and difficult places ( with which the enemy was better accquainted ) but the King seeing his men put to the worst , posted on horseback , to bring new supplies ; but yet although he made all the haste he could , he came not time enough , but that the Jews Camp was taken by the enemies , [ Joseph . lib. 15. cap. 6. ] From that time , Herod began to make incursions and to prey upon the Arabians , incamping alwaies upon the mountains , and alwaies forbearing to come to set a battle ; but yet he got this good by it , that he accustomed his men to labour , and by continual exercise , he prepared himself a way to blot out the infamy of his former defeate , [ Id. ibid. ] Antonius , intending to direct his course for Italy , and there to carry on the war before his enemies were aware : when coming to Corcyra he heard , that some light ships that were sent out for spies , were at anchor by the Ceraunian mountains ; and he suspecting that Caesar was come with his whole Fleet , went back again into Peloponesus , ( for it was now at the end of Autumn ) and wintered at Patara , sending souldiers into all places , that they might the better guard them , and that there might be a better supply of victual for them , [ Dio. lib. 50. pag. 424. ] Caesar also loosing from Brundusium , and having gone as far as Corcyra , thinking to set upon the enemy on a sudden as they were in the road at Actium , but being tossed with a tempest , he was fain to return and missed of his purpose , [ Id. ibid. pag. 425. ] Whilst Herod made inrodes upon the confines of Arabia , in the seventh year of his reign ( reckoned both here and hereafter from the death of Antigonus , about the moneth of August of the year of the Julian Period 4676. ) the Actian war being now begun , in the beginning of the Spring , Judea was shaken with an Earthquake , as was never the like before , in which were overwhelmed with the ruines of houses 10000 men ▪ but yet the souldiers received no damage , because they were in the open fields . This calamity was made much more by the reports , which the reporters knowing the hatred between the two Nations , told the Arabians , That it was a wonder to see how proud they were grown , as if all the Cities of the Jews were overthrown , and the men all dead , so that there were no enemies left . For which cause laying hold of the Embassadors of the Jews , who in this their affliction came to demand peace , they slew them , and presently prepared for war with all earnestnesse . [ Joseph . lib. 1. Bell. cap. 14. & lib. 15. Antiquit. cap. 7. ] Herod having encouraged his men , and offered sacrifice according to the custom , he in all haste marched with his army over Jordan : and having incamped at Philadelphia , there the fight began about the taking of a Castle that lay between him and the Arabians ; in which the Jews got the better , and forced the enemy being dismayed to another fight , where after continual skirmishes the Arabians are put to flight , and what by themselves in flight , and by their enemies pursuing them , they were so troden under-foot , that they lost 5000 men : the rest being besieged in their Camp , and extreamly wanting water , they sent Embassadours to Herod ; whom when he contemned , and was more earnest upon them for offering 50 talents for their freedom , they being burnt up with thirst , came out in companies , and offered themselves to the Jews : and thus after this manner there were 5000 taken within five dayes . On the fifth day the rest that were in the Camp came out to fight , but despairing of any good successe ▪ for in the first conflict there fell about 7000. By this overthrow the courage of the Arabians was tamed , and Herod being declared Governour of that Nation by them , returned home with great glory , [ Id. ibid. & lib. 15. cap. 89. ] Hillel a Babylonian of the stock of David flourished at Jerusalem an 100 years before the Jewish account of the destruction of the Temple ; as is gathered out of G●m●ra Babylonic . tractat . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cap. 1. out of whose multitude of disciples , came Jonathan the son of Uzziel , the famous author of the Chaldee Paraphrase of the Prophets , from a difference arising between this Hillel and Sammaius ( or Sameas concerning whom was formerly spoken out of Josephus ) the Phraisees were divided into two sects : concerning whom , St. Jerome , lib. 3. comment . on Esay , cap. 8. v. 14. The Nazarites ( such are those that receive Christ , and yet omit not the observations of the old Law ) interpret the two houses of Sammai and Hillel , two families ; from whom sprung the Scribes and Phrisees . He addes moreover , That Sammai and Hillel , ( or their two houses , of which there is so often mention in the Talmuud ) sprang not up long before the Lord was born . Seeing Phraates the King of the Parthians , was become more insolent by the Victory he got of Antonius , and that he dealt more cruelly than before , he was driven into exile by his own subjects : and one Tiridates made King in his room , [ Justin. lib. 42. cap. 5. Dio. lib. 32. pag. 456. ] A certain Midian perswaded the Mysians of Asia to revolt from Antonius , and by their aid made war there against the Antonians , [ Dio. lib. 51. pag. 443. ] Antonius went to Actium , whither he had appointed his Fleet , and was nothing moved ; when he found that almost a third part of his Mariners were starved to death : Well ( saith he ) the oares are safe , for I will not want rowers , as long as Greece hath any men , [ Oros. lib. 6. cap. 19. ] Whereupon there were pressed by the Captains of the ships , passengers , groomes , harvest-men , young men : and yet neither thus were the ships fully supplied , but that many were empty , [ Plutarch . ] Asinius Pollio , seeing he had kept himself in Italy all the while after the peace concluded at Brundusium , and had never seen Cleopatra , or after that Antonius was so besotted with the love of her , had ever any thing to do with his party , being asked by Caesar if he would go with him to the Actian war , answered ; My deserts towards Antonius are greater , his favours towards me are more known , wherefore I will have nothing to do with your difference , but will be the prey of the Conquerour , [ Vellei . Patercul . lib. 2. cap. 86. ] M. Agrippa being sent before by Caesar , took many ships of burden laden with co●n and armes , as they were coming from Egypt , Syria , and Asia , to Antonius his succour : and having passed over the bay of Peloponesus , he conquered Methona that was fortified with a strong Garrison of Antonius his , [ Oros. lib. 6. cap. 19. ] and there he killed Bogudes : he observed also which were the fittest places for ships of burden to arrive ; and from thence going into divers places into Greece , he very much troubled Antonius , [ Dio. lib. 50. pag. 425. ] Caesar being encouraged by these meanes , went from Brundusium with 230 ships having their stems armed , and all his forces , into Epirus having crossed the Ionian Sea , [ Id. ibid. Livy , lib. 132. Plutarch in Anton. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 19. ] Where finding his Foot whom he had drawn within the Ceraunian mountains to Actium , he himself seized upon Corcyra that was left without a Garrison , with his ships : which being drawn within the Haven Dulcis , so called from the sweet water , he there stood at anchor . From thence he went with his Fleet to Actium ; where the greatest part of Antonius his Fleet was also at anchor , and having seized upon that place where he afterwards built Nicopolis , he there encamped , [ Dio. lib. 50. pag. 425 , 426. ] Antonius , seeing his enemies sailing towards him as soon as it was day , fearing they would take his ships , he wanting men to defend them , set his Mariners upon the fore-castle in armes , and commanded them to hold up their oares on both sides of the ships , as if they had been souldiers ; and so kepe them in the mouth of the Haven at Actium with the prowes towards the enemy , as if they had been well furnished with rowers and ready for a fight ; by which Stratagem Caesar being deluded returned . [ Plutarch . ] Marcus Agrippa sailed to L●ucas , and took the Island and the ships that were in it , under the very nose of Antonius his fleet , he seized also upon Patoae , having overcome Q. Asidius in a fight at sea , and after that took Corinth . [ Vellet . Patercul . lib. 2. cap. 84. Dio. lib. 50. pag. 427. ] Marcus Titius , and Statilius Taurus suddenly set upon Antonius's Horse and routed them ; they also joyned in league with Philadelphus King of Pap●lagonia . [ Dio. ibid. ] Cneus Domitius a very gallant man , who alone of all Antonius's party , never called for Cleopatra but by her own name , being extreamly hated by the Queen , through great and headlong danger went over to Caesar , [ id . ibid. Vellei . Patercul . lib. 2. cap. 84. ] for being sick of a fever , he took a little boat and went over to Caesar ; which though Antonius took ill , yet contrary to Cleopatra's mind he sent him all his carriage together with his friends and servants , but Domitius , as though he repented of his open treasons died soon after , [ Plutarch . ] but because he seemed to have fled from Antonius , as though he despaired of Antonius good fortune ; many followed his example . [ Dion . pag. 427. ] Antonius being now out of hope began to have all his friends in suspicion , of whom among other , he put to death Jamblichus a King of part of Arabia , by torture ; and gave command to some that they should tear in pieces Q. Posthumius a Senatour , then fearing , least Quintus Dellius and Amyntas the King of Galatia , had sent into Macedonia , and Thracia to hire souldiers , should more esteem Caesars party ; he went towards , as if it were to succour them , if the enemy should set upon them . [ Dio. ibid. ] In the mean time Sosius hoping that if he should set upon L. Tauresius , who with a few ships kept a guard against Antonius fleet , before the coming of Agrippa , who was Caesars Admirall , he might do some great matter ; early in the morning on a sudden , went against him , taking the convenience of a fog least Tauresius seeing the multitude of his ships should fly , whom having put to flight at the first conflict , he pursued , but by chance meeting with Agrippa , he not only did not overtake Tauresius or received any fruit of his victory , but himself also perished with Tarcondimotus and many others . [ id . ibid. ] This businesse and also because himself was overcome , in his return in a battle of Horsemen by Caesars guard , took Antonius from the opinion of having his Camp over against the enemies Camp ; therefore leaving his by night , he went unto the other side of the Ambracian gulf , where his greater forces were encamped , and seeing that now he began to be shut up from provision , he propounded in councell , whether they should stay there and bring it to a battle , or leaving that place should protract the war till some other time . [ Id. pag , 427. 428. ] Canidius , who commanded the Legions , and was the cause of Antonius his bringing Cleopatra with him , now changed his opinion , and perswaded him to send her back again , and that he should go into Thracia , or Macedonia , and then trie it out by a battle at land , because he was stronger at land , and also he might make use of the new supplies that Dicomes the King of the Getae sent . [ Plutarch . in Antonio . ] But Cleopatra , and Antonius also , being afflighted at some prodigies , and by reason of them , with the sadnesse of the army , obteined of her husband , that the war might be then tried by sea , but yet so providing for her flight , that she trussed up her baggage , not as if she intended to conquer , but that if all were lost , how she might more easily fly , but yet they determined not to depart by stealth or as if they fled , least they should strike a fear into the army , but as it were ready prepared for fight , but yet if any would oppose them , that they might by plain force make their way into Egypt . [ Id. ibid. Dio. lib. 50. pag. 428. ] Velleius Paterculus saith , [ lib. 2. cap. 84. ] that King Amyntas , but Plutarch that both he and Dejotarus , revolted unto Caesar , Q. Dellius the Historian also revolted unto Caesar , ( to whom the third Ode of the second book Carmin . of Horace was written ) either being afraid of the treacheries of Cleopatra , which he said Glauc●s her Phisiciau told him of ; or else keeping his old wont , for he had fled from Dolabella to Cassius , and from Cassius formerly to Antonius ; he is called by Messala Corinus , the vaulter of the civill wars . [ M. Seneca . in Orat. Suasor . 1. Vellei . Patercul . lib. 2. cap. 84. Plutar. in Anton. Dio. lib. 50. pag. 433. ] Antonius his fleet was twice overcome before the last great battle , [ Vellei . Patercul . ut supra . ] and just as they were going to it , they say , there was a foot Captain , a valiant man , who had fought many battles under Antonius command , and had many skarres on his body , who in Antonius his presence cryed out unto him ; O noble Emperour , why do you distrust these wounds , and our swords , and put your trust in these wodden sh●ps ? let the Egyptians and Phaenicians fight by sea , give us leave to fight by land , where we have been wont either to dye standing , or to overcome our enemies . To which Antonius returned no answer , but yet with his hand and countenance , as it were , bidding him be of good courage , he passed by , yet without any great courage himselfe . [ Plutarch . ] Of the Egyptian ships , Antonius and Cleopatra only reserved 60. the rest they burnt , because the number of his souldiers , both by overthrows , and running away , was much diminished : then by night they carried aboard all the things they had of most value : and when the masters of the Gallies would only in the fight have taken their oares , and have left theirs sailes , Antonius compelled them to carry them with them , and to clap them on their ships , saying it must be done , least any of his enemies should escape him , when as by this means he himself provided to escape . [ Id. Dio. pag. 428. ] Caesar had 200 beaked ships , and 30 without banks ; his Gallies for swiftnesse were like light ships , in which fleet were eight Legions , besides five praetorian Cohorts , Antonius his fleet was 170 ships , which though lesse in number , yet far greater in burden ; for they were in height from the sea ten foot , ( or rather banks of oars ) saith Orosius , [ lib. 5. cap. 19. ] and before him Flotus , [ lib. 4. cap. 11. ] We had 400 ships , and the enemie had not lesse than 200. but what they wanted in number , was made up in bulk , for all they had were from six to nine banks of oars : and moreover , so raised with turrets and docks , that they resembled Castles and Cities , making the sea groan under them , and the wind out of breath to carry them , which bignesse of theirs , was it self their bane . But yet Caesar himself in his Comm●ntaries , produced by Plutarch , gainsayeth these things , concerning the number of Antonius his ships , saying , That he took 300 of them . But of the greatnesse Vegetius [ de re militari lib. 4. cap. 27. ] rela●es , which may be reckoned by the banks of oars , that there met together ships of six , and above , banks of oars . Florus saith , that Caesars ships had not above three banks of oars to six , and none above . But Strabo , together with Plutarch and Dio , positively say , That Antonius had some ships that had ten : concerning which Scaliger is to be consulted , Ad num . Euseb. MCCXXX . Now because there was a report that Sextus Pompeius was overcome in Sicilia , by reason of the greatnesse of Caesars ships . Antonius had built his ships much greater than his enemies ; he had indeed some of three banks of oars , but all the rest from four to ten banks . He also built high Towers in them , and put in them multitudes of men , who should fight as it were from a wall . He put all the Noble men he had with him a shipboard , least i● they were at their own command , they should make some alteration , ( as Dellius and some others that fled to Caesar had done ) he also put aboard some Archers , Slingers , and armed souldiers , [ Dio. lib. 50. pag. 433. ] and so filled his best and greatest ships , from three to ten bank of oars , with 20000 Foot , and 2000 Archers . [ Plut. ] Caesar seeing the preparation of the enemy , and understanding of his intentions from others , but especially from Dellius , prepares himself also for the fight . [ Dio. pag. 433. ] The four first dayes t●e ●ea rose so high , that the battle was put off : the fifth day the sky cleared , and storm ceased , and they came to shock . Antonius and Poplicolus were in the right wing , Caelius in the left , the middle battle M. Octavia , and M. Justeius commanded . Caesar placed Agrippa in the left wing , and kept the right himself . ( Thus Plutarch ) but yet Velle●us Paterculus before him . [ lib. 2. cap. 85. ] Thus the right wing of the Julia● ships was committed to M. Larius , ( or Antonius's fleet was committed to Publicola and Sosius . But concerning the Commanders of the land forces of both armies , it is agreed on all hands , that Taurus should command Caesars forces , and Antonius his forces Canidius commanded . Antonius being carried about in a swift Pinnas , exhorting his souldiers , encouraging them to fight valiantly , as upon firm land , by reason of the heavinesse of their ships , and commanded the masters of the Gallies , that they should receive their enemies charge , no otherwise than as if the ships were at anchor , and that they should keep the straight in the mouth of the gulf . [ Plutarch . ] They report that Caesar , whilst it was yet dark , going out of his Tent to visit his fleet , throughout , met an asse and his driver , the mans name was Eutychus , the asses Nicon : after the victory was obtained , he put up both their images in brasse , in a Temple that he built in the very place where he had encamped . [ Sueton. in Octavio . cap. 96. Plutarch in Anton. ] There happened also , that as he was sacrificing before the fight , a beast had a double liver . [ Pliny , lib. 11. cap. 37. ] Caesar went in a Pinnace to the right wing of Antonius his fleet , wondring that the enemy lay so still in the Gulf , thinking they had lyen at anchor , he kept his Gallies back , being now eight furlongs from the enemies : but in the sixth hower , there began a little gale of wind to rise from the sea , and then Antonius his souldiers began to be angry that they were delayed from fighting , trusting to the greatnesse of their ships , as if they had been invincible , they put forward their left wing , with whom Caesars men began to fight , as soon as they were come out of the Gulf and Straight . [ Plutarch . ] Caesars ships being more yare , and ready for any needs of service , either for charge or recharges or to turn about , but the others were heavy and unweildy , many of Caesars set upon each of the other , with darts , and their hacks , and casting fi●● , overcome them ; [ Florus lib. 4. cap. 11. ] on the other side Antonius his souldiers , shot with their crosbows from the wooden Towers , darts and stones , they cast also iron grapples on their enemies ships , if they came neer them , which if they took luckily , they overcame , otherwise they b●lged their ownships : after this manner therefore was the fight at sea , whenas both sides used divers reasons to stir up the skill and courage of their souldiers , they heard also the cries of those land souldiers that heartened them on crying ; Courage . [ Dio. pag. 438. 439. with Plutarch . ] Agrippa stretching forth one of his wings to compasse about the enemy , Poplicola on the other side was forced also to widen his wing , and so was divided from his main body ; which being distressed , and fighting with Arran●ius , but yet upon equall termes , Cleopatra that had been long in carefull suspence what to doe , and now overcome with the expectation of the event of a doubtfull battle , gave a sign to her ships , and she in a gally whose poop was of gold , and her saile of purple , and 60 of the swiftest Egyptian ships , hoysed saile amain , and having a prosperous gale they set saile for Peloponesus . Antonius as soon as he saw the ship of Cleopatra under saile , he forgetting all things , imbarked in a gally with five banks of oares , and taking off the ensign from the Admirall gally he followed his flying wife accompanied only with Alexander a Syrian and Scellius . [ Floruss . lib. 4. cap. 11. Plutarch . Dio. lib. 50. pag. 439. 440. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 19. ] and thus the generall , who should punish runawaies , became the desertour of his own army , so that it may be doubted , whether he would have ordered the victory at the disposing of Cleopatra , who directed his flight at her command . [ Vellei . Patercul . lib. 2. cap. 85. ] Cleopatra perceiving Antonius coming , lift up a sign out of her ship , and Antonius being come was taken up into her ship , but he neither saw her nor was seen by her , but went and sate down alone in the prow of the ship , and said never a word , clapping both his hands over his head . [ Plutarch . ] Antonius his souldiers being astonished at the flight of their Generall , began also to think of flying , and some hoysed saile , other cast the Towers and tacklings of their ships into the sea , that the ships being lightned they might fly the faster , Caesars souldiers who had no sailes , and were not provided for any but for a fight at sea , did not follow them that fled , but setting upon them that vvere preparing for flight , ( for novv they were equall to their enemies in number , ) compassing about each ships of their enemies , vvith many of their ovvn , they fought vvith them as hand , and afar of . [ Dio. pag. 440. ] for Antonius's souldiers , valour lasted a long time after their Generall was gone , and when they despaired of victory , they fought that they might die ; Caesar desiring to pacifie them with words , whom he could kill with his sword , calls out to them telling them that Antonius was fled , and demanded of them for whom and with whom they fought . [ Vellei . Patercul . lib. 2. cap. 85. ] at length upon meer compulsion , he commanded fire to be brought out of the Camp , for now there was no other way of getting the full victory , although he had absteined from setting fire on the ships , in hope to get the enemies treasure ; yea the Caesarians themselves , seeing they would not help themselves when their ships were on fire , much lesse hurt their enemies , they sailed to them , and with desire of getting money , endeavoured to quench the fire ; of whom many perished by the being burned with their ships , and by the grapplings of their enemies . [ Dio. fin . lib. 50. ] Whenas the Fleet of Antonius had long resisted Caesar , and was grievously troubled with the waves that beat full upon the prowes of their ships , they were overcome about the tenth hour : as Plutarch writes ; and thus the souldiers when they had long fought for their absent General , at last very unwillingly laying down their armes yeilded up the Victory : and Caesar soon gave them life and pardon , than they could be perswaded to ask it ; and it was generally granted that the souldiers performed the parts of an excellent General , and the General of a cowardly souldier , [ Velles . Patercul . lib. 2. cap. 85. ] From the fifth hour ( as Orosius saith ) to the seventh , the battle on both sides went with uncertain hope of conquest : but the rest of the day with the following night , inclined the Victory to Caesar , [ Oros. lib. 6. cap. 19. ] for the fight continued till late at night , so that the Conquerour was forced to lodge aboard all night , [ Sueton. in Octavio . cap. 17. ] The battle at Actium was fought , Caesar and Messala Corvinus being Consuls , [ Vellei . Patercul . lib. 2. cap. 84. ] the second of September , from which begins the account of the years of Caesars Monarchy ; as in the beginning of his 51 book Dio observeth , which also in another place he saith was 44 years , [ lib. 55. pag. 590. ] wanting 13 dayes , as much as are between the 19 of August in which he died , and the second of September , but both those dayes being excluded : after which manner Suetonius [ in Octavio . cap. 8. ] Aurelius Victor and Eutropius are to be taken ; whenas they say that he alone governed the Common-wealth full fourty years . As soon as it was day , Caesar perfected the Victory : there are 12000 of the conquered reported to be slain , and 6 or 7000 wounded , of whom a 1000 died of their wounds . So Orosius , [ lib. 6. cap. 19. ] But Plutarch saith , that there died not of them above 5000 , and 300 ships taken ; the reliques of this huge armado , was carried in the wracks thereof up and down over the whole sea : for the seas being purged with the wind , did dayly belck up upon the shoars gold and purple being the spoiles of the Arabians and Sabeans , and a thousand other Nations of Asia , [ Florus , lib. 4. cap. 11. ] And this was that famous Sea-fight so much spoken of by the Poets of that time ; namely , Virgil lib. 8. Aeneid . Ovid , lib. Metamorphos . 15. Horace Epod. 9. ad Moecenatem , & Propert. lib. 4. Elog. 6. where is that memorable distick . Frangit , & attollit vires in milite causa Quae nisi justa subest , excutit arma pudor . The cause it is the souldier animates , Which if not good , his courage shame abates . To which answers that which Messala Corvinus is reported to have said , when he was commended by Caesar ( with whom he was Colleague this year in the Consulship● ) that though he was his utter enemy in Brutus his businesse , yet had done very good service for him in the battle of Actium . O Caesar , you shall alwayes find me of the better and juster party , [ Plutarch in fin . Bruti . ] Caesar of the spoiles of the enemy , dedicated ten ships to Apollo Actius , from a ship of one bank of oares , to ten , [ Strabo , lib. 7. pag. 325. Dio. lib. 52. pag. 442. ] Caesar sent part of his Fleet in pursuite of Antonius and Cleopatra , who when they could not overtake them , returned , [ Dio. pag. 443. ] But some light ships overtook him : which he repulsed ; onely Lacon a Lacedemonian , the son of Lacharis who was beheaded by Antonius for theevery , shook a lance at him from the deck of the ship as if he would have thrown it at him ; but yet he did not set upon Antonius his ship , but he struck with his beak another Admiral Gally , ( for there were two of them ) that he turned her round and took her , and another of them which was laden with very rich stuff and carriage , [ Plutarch . ] After he was gone , Antonius returned to his former silence , composing himself after the same manner : but after he had spent three dayes thus in the prow of the ship , either stricken with anger or shame , he arrived at Taenarus where Cleopatras women first brought them to speak together , and afterwards to sup and lie together , [ Id. ] There arrived also many Merchant ships , and some of Antonius his friends that had escaped by flight , bringing news that indeed the Fleet was scattered , but yet they thought that the land Forces remained whole : where he sent messengers to Canidius , commanding him that with all speed he should retire with the army thorough Macedonia into Asia , [ Id. ] Many of the army by land knew not of Antonius his fligh ; yea when they heard it , it seemed incredible , that he should flee , leaving behind him XIX whole Legions of Foot , and XII thousand Horse ; for his souldiers were in desire and hope that he would again appear somewhere else : yea they shewed so much fidelity to him , that when his flight was certainly known , yet they stayed seven dayes , and rejected the messengers that were sent unto them by Caesar , [ Id. ] Caesar overtook them as they were marching into Macedonia , and without a stroak joyned them unto himself , [ Dio. lib. 5. pag. 443. ] for when it was night , the General Canidius left the Camp , and in all haste fled unto Antonius ; then they being destitute of all things , and betrayed by their Leaders , joyned themselves to the Conquerour , [ Vellei . Patercul . lib. 2. cap. 86. Plutarch in Anton. ] who admitted them into his own army , [ Dio. pag. 444. ] Many of the Roman Nobility even then fled to Antonius , but the auxiliaries every one into his own Country : yet they never hereafter waged war against Caesar ; bu● both they , and all people who were formerly subject to the Romans , partly presently , and partly afterwards , accepted of conditions of peace from Caesar , [ Dio. lib. 51. pag. 443. ] Caesar having commanded money from the Cities , and taken from them the power over the Citizens , which they usurped in the councils of the people ; took from the Kings and Governours , all the Towns they had received from Antonius , except onely from Amyntas and Archelaus . He dispoiled of their Principality , Philopater the son of Tarcond●motus , ( Prince of Cilicia ) Lycomedes who obtained the kingdom of Pontus in part of Cappadocia , and Alexander the brother of Jamblichus , who had received a kingdom in Arabia , for accusing of Caesar. He gave the Country of Lycomedis to Medius , who was the author of the revolt of the Mysians of Asia from Antonius . He granted freedom to the Cydonians and Lampaeans ( in Crete , ) because they aided him : and rebuilt the City of the Lampaeans , which was overthrown . The Senatours and Knights and other Noble men , who had in any way helped Antonius , many of them he fined in money , many he put to death , and some he pardoned , [ Id. ibid. ] Among those that he granted life to , was Sosius , who seeing he had often made war against Caesar , was then shrunk away and fled , but being afterwards found out , was let go free : and M. Scaurus , the half brother of Sextus Pompeius , who also was designed to death , yet had his life given him for his mother Murcia's sake . Among them that were put to death , was Curio the son of that Curio whose help Caesar the Dictatour often used : and Aquilles Flori , both father and son , of whom when one onely was by Caesar commanded to be put to death , namely upon whom the lot fell , both died ; for the son , before they cast lots , offered himself freely to the Executioner , and the father , in a great passion of grief for this businesse , laid violent hands upon himself , [ Id. pag , 443 , 444. ] Cassius Parmensis fled to Athens , [ Vellei . Patercul . lib. 1. cap. 7. ] he of whom Horace makes mention in the 3 book , epist. 4. asking of Albius Tibullus the Poet , whether he means him ; Scribere , quod Cassi Parmensis opuscula vincat ? What , to excell Parmensis Cassius , write ? and of whose Poems that Orpheus is thought to be one , which is set forth by Achilles Statius , at the end of the Commentaries upon the book of Suetonius a famous Rhetorecian : a Poeme also called Brutus is cited by Varro , in lib. 5. de lingua Latina : and that this Cassius was afrighted now at Athens with such a ghost , as was said to have appeared to Brutus before the battle at Phillippi , Valerius notes in these words in the former place . In the dead of the night as he lay in bed , having his mind astonished with grief and cares , he thought he saw coming unto him , a man of huge greatnesse , of black ●iew , with an ugly beard , and long hair : who being asked who he was , answered , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . He being afrighted with so horrible a vision , and more horrid name , called his servants , and asked them , if they saw any so habited , either coming in , or going out ; who answering him , that none came thither , he gave himself again to rest and sleep ; but yet the same vision was alwayes in his mind ; wherefore putting away sleep , he commanded a light to be brought in , and forbad his servants to leave him . Valerius addes , that a very little time passed between this night and his death , which Caesar inflicted on him ; for amongst the last that were put to death for the murder of Julius Caesar , was this Parmensis Cassius , as Trebonius was the first , [ Vellei . Patercul . lib. 2. cap. 87. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 19. ] which we may understand out of the former relation of Valerius Maximus , was done at Athens a little after the Victory at Acti●m . For Caesar then sailed to Athens , and being appeased with the Greeks , he distributed the corn that was left in the war to the Cities that were afflicted with famine , and were dispoiled of money , servants , and horses , [ Plutarch . ] Antonius being to depart from Tenarus into Africa , chose out one ship of good burden laden with great store of treasure , and other rich plate of gold and silver , and gave it nnto his friends , commanding them to divide it amongst them , and to shift for themselves ; which they refusing and weeping , he very courteously comforted them , and praying them that they would provide for themselves , he dismissed them ; and wrote letters to Theophilus the Governour of Corinth , that he would see them safe , and afford them some hiding place , till they might make their peace with Caesar. This Theophilus was the father of Hypparchus , who was in great authority with Antonius , and the first of his freed men , that revolted from him to Caesar , who afterwards went and dwelt at Corinth . [ Id , ] Cleopatra , that she might safely saile into Egypt , put Crownes on the prowes of her ships , and commanded those songs to be sung on a pipe , that are usually sung after obteining a victory . [ Dio. lib. 51. pag. 446. ] Having thus gotten a safe passage into Egypt , she put to death many noble men , that were alwaies her enemies : and at that time were growen pert by reason of her overthrow , and from what they had , and taking away all oblations to their gods , yea even from temples , that were not to be come unto , she got huge store of money , she provided also forces , and sought out forraign supplies , and that she might draw the King of Media to her alliance , she sent unto him the head that was cut off from the King of Armenia , ( Artarasdes or Artabazes . ) [ Id. ibid. ] She also set upon a bold and great enterprize , for she went about to passe her fleet over the Isthmus which divides the red sea from Egypt , and which is thought to distinguish Africa from Asia , when it is narrowest and so straitned by the two seas , that it is not above 300 furlongs over , that having sent her forces into the Arabian gulf , with great store of money , she might seek out some remote Country by her shipping , and so be free from slavery and war , [ Plutarch . in Antonio . ] but the first ships that were so carried over , and others that were built for sailing into the red sea , the inhabitants of Arabia Pesora burnt at the perswasion of Q. Didius the governour of Syria . [ Id. ibid. Dio. lib. 51. pag. 447. ] Antonius being come into Africa , went into a desert , wandring up and down only with two friends , namely Aristocrates a Greek Rhetorician , and Lucilius a Roman , [ Plutarch . ibid. ] and when he had sent some to Pinarius Scarpus and the army , which he had then formerly raised for the defence of Egypt , he told them that he would not entertain Antonius , and killed also those that were sent unto him , and put to death likewise some souldiers that seemed to take it ill . [ Dio. ibid. pag. 446. ] When Antonius understood of this revolt , he determined to kill himself ; but being hindred by his friends , he went to Alexandria , who being come thither , and thinking that the Legions at Actium remained whole still , ( of the losse of which Canidius himself brought him the news ) Cleopatra left off her design of sailing into the red sea , and fortified with garrison the mouths of Nilus . [ Plutarch . ut supra . ] But Antonius left the City , and the conversation of his friends , and built him an house in the sea by the Isle of Pharos , by casting a mount into the sea , and there lived as a banished man from all men , saying he would lead the life of Timon 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the man-hater , because his condition was like his : because he was abused by his friends and had experience of their ingratitude , therefore he would trust no man , and was angry with all men , and thereupon called his house Timonium . [ Id. ibid. Strabo . lib. 17. pag. 794. ] Herod sending unto Antonius , advised him to put Cleopatra to death , for he said , if that were timely done , he might enjoy her estate , and obtain from Caesar easier conditions of peace . [ Joseph . lib. 15. cap. 10. ] Caesar dismissed the old souldiers of his own and Antonius his army into Italy , giving nothing to any of them , and the rest he sent into severall places , but being afraid , least they that were companions of his victory , and were dismissed without any reward , should raise any sedition ; he sent Agrippa after them into Italy , as it were upon some other businesse ; and setled the affaires of Greece , as if there were no danger to be expected from those souldiers that were discharged , and being gone into Asia , and setled things there , he expected what Antonius would doe . [ Dio. lib. 51. pag. 444. 445. ] When all people and all Kings denied to send any succour to Antonius and Cleopatra , ( although many of them had received great favours from them both ; ) the Gladiatours a people of most abject condition , who were brought up at Cyzicum by Antonius , for the setting forth of triumphall plaies , ( of whom formerly mention was made out of Appian , at the year of the Julian Period 4679. ) valiantly fought for them , for as soon as they knew what things were done , they determined to take a voyage into Egypt for to bring them aid ; and in their passage did not a little incommodate Amyntas in Galatia , and the sons of Tarcondimotus in Cilicia , who formerly had been great friends to Antonius and Cleopatra , but had revolted from them , and also Q. Didius the Governour of Syria who forbad them passage , but seeing they were compassed in , and could not passe into Egypt ; yet could they not by any meanes be brought to revolt , although Didius gave them many fair promises , but sent for Antonius to come unto them , thinking that they might the more easily carry on the war in Syria , if they were joyned with him , but when that neither Antonius came himself , nor sent any messenger unto them , they against their wills yeilded unto Didius , but with this condition that they should not hereafter be Gladiatours . Didius granted unto them Daphne the suburbs of Antioch to dwell in , till he had certified this matter unto Caesar , [ Id : ibid. pag. 447. ] For the suppressing of these Gladiatours , Didius wrote unto Caesar , that there were supplies sent unto him by Herod : of which Caesar in his discourse that he had with Herod ; in Josephus lib. 1. bell . cap. 15. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Because Ventidius hath writ to me that thou hast sent succour to him as against the Gladiatours , which in the 15 of the Antiquit. cap. 10. is thus expressely read . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . That Capidius had written unto him , how much Herod had assisted him in the war against the Monarchs of Syria : when as in the former place I have put Gladiatours for Monarchs ; So it is clear , that in both places , for Ventidius and Capidius , the name of Q. Didius is to be put out : and from hence rose that news that was brought to Antonius to his house Timonium ; that Herod the Jew with some Legions and some Cohorts , was revolted unto Caesar ; as Plutarch relates in his life . At Rome many things were decreed in honour of Caesar for his Victory at Sea ; for a Triumph was granted to him for Cleopatra , and a Triumphal arch at Brundusium , and another in the Roman Forum . That the base of the Julian Temple should be adorned with the beakes of ships that were taken . That there should be Playes every fifth year in honour of him . That Processions should be alwayes on his birth-day , and on the day the news was first brought : and that the Vestal Virgins , Senate and their wives and children , should go and meet him as he entred the City . That all the ornaments of Antonius should be cast down and demolished , his birth-day also was judged unlucky : and it was provided by an Edict , that none of that family should have the fore name of Marcus , [ Dio. lib. 51. pag. 454. ] Caesar retired into Samos to winter there , [ Sueton. in Octavio . cap. 17. ] from whence seeing Antonius had taken away the three great Colossick works of Myron , that stood upon one base . Caesar replaced two of them upon the same base , namely , Minerva , and Hercules ; but carried Jupiter into the Capitol , and made a Chappel a purpose for it , [ Strabo , lib. 14. pag. 637. ] There when Caesar took a view of the prisoners , one Metellus an old man was brought forth , with long hair , and otherwise deformed by reason of his habit ; and when he by the Cryer was cited by name as he stood amongst the prisoners ; his son , which was one of Caesars Captains , leapt from his seat , and went and embraced with teares , his father whom he yet scarce knew ; but then refraining weeping , he said , My father , O Caesar , was an enemy to thee , I a companion , he hath deserved punishment , I a reward ; I desire that either you would grant my father his life for my sake , or put me to death together with him . When beginning to pity them , Caesar granted Metellus life , although he was his moral enemy : So that by no gifts he could be perswaded to revolt from Antonius to him , [ Appian . lib. 4. pag. 613. ] Antonius leaving his Sea-cottage which he called Timonium , went unto the Palace ; and being there entertained by Cleopatra , he set all the City to rioting and banquetting , and himself to liberality . [ Plutarch . ] He enrolled Caesarion the son of Caesar and Cleopatra , amongst they young men ; and to his own son Antyllus by Fulvia , he gave the virile gown , which was of Purple without any embroidery : both that the Egyptians might be more cheerful , in having a man to raign over them , and the rest that should have them for Commanders should be more confirmed , if any thing should happen not well to Antonius and Cleopatra , [ Id. ibid. Dio. lib. 51. pag. 446. ] Whereupon there was huge feastings and banquettings at Alexandria for many dayes ; but yet they turned this meeting into another nothing inferiour to the other in delights , luxury , and splendour , which they called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or of them that will die together : for the friends of those that would die together , gave in their names , and passed the time in pleasures and in feastings , when it came round to every ones turn , [ Plutarch , ibid. ] Moreover Cleopatra got together divers sorts of deadly poysons , of each of which that she might make triall , she gave them to condemned persons , she also made experience of beasts , and looked on them as they were put divers to divers persons ; this she did daily , and amongst all she found that the biting of the Aspe was the only way , for it brought a sleepinesse and heavinesse upon one without any contraction of the members , or groaning , only with a gentle sweating of the face , and a languishing stupidity of the sences . [ Id. ibid. ] Yet although Antonius and Cleopatra thus provided for themselves , as if they would make war both by sea and land ; yet they no lesse provided for this , that upon any urgent necessity , they might set saile for Spain , hoping that by their money they might draw it to revolt , or else that they might get into the Red Sea , [ Dio. lib. 51. pag. 446. ] of whose preparation of flee into the Ocean , Florus also makes mention , [ lib. 4. pag. 11. ] Caesar entred upon the fourth Consulship in Asia , The Julian Period . 4684 [ Sueton. in Octavio . cap. 26. ] Year before Christ 30 where he is the sixth time saluted Emperour , and being now the fourth time Consul with Marcus Licinius , Crassus entred Brundusium , [ Oros. lib. 6. cap. 19. ] being recalled into Italy , by letters written by Agryppa from Rome , [ Plutarch . in Anton. ] that he might represse a sedition of the souldiers ; demanding rewards , and discharge from service whom ( after the victory at Actium ) out of the whole number he had sent before unto Brundusium . [ Sueton in Octavio . cap. 17. ] In passing the seas thither , he was twice tossed with tempests ; first between the promontory of Peloponesus , and Aetolia ; and again by the Caraunian Mountains . In both places part of his pinnaces were cast away ; and also in that ship in which he went , the tackling was rent , and the helme broken . [ Sueton. ibid. ] He came into Brundusium in the middest of winter , but went no farther , because the whole Senate ( the Tribunes of the people had two Praetors , being left for the government of the City , by a decree of the Senate ) with the Knights , and great part of the people , with many others , came to meet him : also those very souldiers , partly through fear ( of so great a multitude that were come together , and of Caesar himself , whom Germanicus saies in Tacitus , lib. 1. Annal. cap. 42. ) That he daunted the Actian Legion , with his look , and partly through hope , many also came thither , being sent for ; to some of which Caesar gave mony , and to some that had been with him in all his wars , he gave lands also . [ Dio. lib. 51. pag. 445. ] Suetonius writes that he stayed not at Brundusium above 27 dayes , til he had ordered his businesse about the Souldiers . Dio saith that he went into Greece again , on the 31 day after he came into Italy ; and that by reason of the Winter , the ships being brought over the Isthmus of Peloponesus , he came with such speed into Asia , that Cleopatra and Antonius heard both of his departure , and returne at the same time . [ pag. 445 , 446. ] Antonius sent Alexas , or Alexander , a Laodicean , who by Timagenes means became known unto him at Rome , and could do most with him of all the Grecians , unto King Herod , to hinder his revolt unto Caesar , who betrayed Antonius , and tarried with Herod . [ Plutarch . ] Alexandra hoping that Herod should be throughly punished by Caesar , who was his enemy , solicited her father Hyrcanus , that he would no longer suffer this affliction of their family , but that he would provide for himself , and reserve himself for better fortunes : She councelled him also , that he should demand protection and entertainment of Malchus , King of Arabia . These perswasions of hers Hyrcanus at first repulsed ; but being overcome with the importunity of the woman , alwaies singing the same song of his future hopes , and the treachery of Herod . He sent letters to the Arabian , by one Dositheus , a friend of his , that he should send Horsemen , which should conduct him to the Asphaltick Lake , which lieth distant from the confines of Jerusalem 300 furlongs : this Dositheus was kinsman to that Joseph that was put to death by Herod : his brethren also were put to death amongst others at Tyrus by Antonius : neverthelesse , he to curry favour with the King , shewed him the letter . Herod giving him first thanks for this , desired of him one courtesie more ; which was , That he would now fold up the letter , and new seal it , and give it to Malchus , and receive an answer from him again . The Arabian wrote word back , That he was ready to entertain Hyrcanus , and his family , and all the Jews that were of that faction , and that he would send a band of souldiers , that should conduct him in safety , and should be obedient to his command in all things . After Herod had also received this letter , he called Hyrcanus , aud asked him , whether he had any confederacy with Malchus ; who denying it , he produced the letters , in the Council of the Sanhedrim , and commanded him to be put to death . Thus are these matters registred in Herods Commentaries , for they are otherwise delivered by others : to wit , that he was not put to death for this crime , but for some treasons against the King. [ Joseph . lib. 15. cap. 9. ] Antonius and Cleopatra sent Embassadors unto Caesar into Asia . Cleopatra demanded the Kingdom of Egypt for her children , he demanded that he might lead a private life in Athens , if it would not be yielded to , that it might be in Egypt , through the want and distrust of friends , by reason of their many revolts , Antonius sent Euphroneus , his sons School-master , Embassadour . [ Plutarch in Anton. ] Cleopatra , without Antonius privacy , sent to Caesar a golden Scepter , a golden Crown , and a golden Chaire , as it were delivering her Kingdom over unto him , so that if he mo●tally hated Antonius , yet at least he might have some pity on her . Caesar accepted of the presents , accounting them as good omens , but afforded Antonius no answer , and truely openly threatned Cleopatra , and thus answered her , That if she would lay aside her arms and her Kingdom , he would then advise , what was fit to be done with her ; but privately he promised her impunity and her kingdom sure , if she would put Antonius to death , [ Dio. lib. 51. pag. 447. ] Herod having dispatched Hyrcanus posting unto Caesar , and hoping no good from him for the friendship he had shewed unto Antonius , had Alexandra in suspition , lest she taking this opportunity should incite the people to rebel , and fill the kingdom with domestick seditions . Wherefore committing the care of the kingdom to his brother Pheroras , he left his mother Cyproes , and sister Salome , and all his kindred in the Castle of Masada ; aud commanded his brother , that if any thing happened otherwise then well , he should keep the government of the kingdom in his own hands ; and for his wife Mariamme , who for some differences could not live with his mother , he placed her in Alexandrion with her mother Alexandra : committing the custody of them to his Treasurer Joseph , and to Sohemus an Iturian , men that had alwayes been faithful unto him , and now set for the keeping of these Ladies , as it were for their honour ; but yet he also gave them this command , That if they should certainly know that any sinister mishap befel him , that they should presently put both of them to death , and to the utmost of their power , continue the kingdom for his children , and his brother Pheroras , [ Joseph . lib. 15. Antiquit. cap. 9. ] Having given these commands , Herod posted to Rhodes , to meet with Caesar there , whither when he was come , he onely laid aside his Crown , but for his other Princely Ornaments , he altered nothing : and being admitted into Caesars presence , with great constancy and magnanimity of spirit , he freely confessed the love he bore Antonius , and also the succours he sent Antonius of corn and money , because that being detained by the Arabian war , he could not bring any succour unto him in person : adding moreover , that he was ready with the same faith to keep friendship with Caesar : which that he would do , Caesar exhorted him , and restoring his Crown to him , exceedingly honoured him . And thus beyond all expectation Herod is again confirmed in his kingdom ; both by the free gift of Caesar , and also by a decree of the Senate which he obtained for him , [ Id. ibid. cap. 10. lib. 1. bell . cap. 15. ] of whom also Strabo , [ lib. 16. pag. 765. ] He excelled his ancestours so much especially in familiarity with the Romans , that he was declared King ; first by Antonius , and afterward by Caesar , granting the same authority to him . And Tacitus , [ Histor. lib. 1. cap. 9. ] Augustus being Conquerour enlarged Herods kingdom that was given him by Antonius . Herod gave Presents to Caesar himself , and also to his friends above his ability , to shew the greatnesse of his mind . He endeavoured also to beg pardon for Alexas , or Alexander the Laodicean , that was sent unto him from Antonius , but he could not ; because Caesar had sworn that he would punish him ( for he had been the most violent defender towards Antonius of all the machinations that Cleopatra used against Octavia . ) Wherefore seeing he relying upon Herod durst come into Caesars presence , he was presently taken , and carried in fetters into his own country , and there put to death by Caesars command , ( during the life time of Antonius whom he had betrayed , ) [ Joseph . ibid. Plutarch , in Ant. ] Antonius and Cleopatra sent other Embassadours to Caesar , and Cleopatra by them promised him an huge masse of money , and Antonius put him in mind of the friendship and kindred that was between them , and excused the familiarity that he had with the Egyptian woman ; and reckoned up the society that was between them , and the acts that they had done in their youth . Moreover he delivered over to him , Q. Turullius a Senatour , one of Cesars murderers , and then his friend , and promised him also , that he would kill himself , if by doing that he might obtain security for Cleopatra . Cesar put Turullius to death , and that in the Isle of Coos ( in which he had felled trees for ship-timber , out of Aesculapius his Grove ) but neither then afforded he any answer to Antonius , [ Dio. lib. 51. pag. 448. ] In the absence of Herod , his wife Mariamme , and mother in law Alexandra , took it very ill that they were shut up in that Castle as in prison , so that they could neither enjoy their own , nor make use of other mens goods ; especially when by her feminine flatteries she had fished out of Sohemus , what Herod had commanded him concerning them : she then began to wish that he might never return home , supposing that she should live a most intolerable life with him ; all which she afterwards dissembled not , but openly confessed what it was that afflicted her : for he being returned beyond all expectation , and relating to Mariamme the successes he had , she seemed nor to regard them , and at all the caresses that he made her , she would sigh , so that Herod plainly perceived the hatred of his wife against him , and was wavering between love and hatred towards her , [ Joseph . lib. 15. cap. 11. ] Before Cesar went with his army into Egypt , he went into Syria , as may be understood out of Josephus Suetonius , [ cap. 17. ] Plutarch and Orosius . Phraates and Tiridates contending about the kingdom of Parthia , and demmanding aid of Cesar ; he gave them no other answer , than that he would consider of it , Pretending his businesse in Egypt , whenas indeed he did nothing else , but that by this civil war , both their strengths might be weakened . [ Dio. lib. 51. pag. 456. ] C. Merius a Centurion , who in the war against Antonius had offered one excellent service , was circumvented unawars by an ambush of his enemies , & brought to Alexandria before Antonius , by whom being asked what was fit to be done with him , answered , Command to have my throat cut , for neither can I sufficiently be induced by benefits , nor for fear of death , to leave off to be Caesars souldier , or begin to be thine ; for which vertues sake Antonius pardoned him . [ Valerius Maximus lib. 3. cap. 8. ] Antonius and Cleopatra thought fit that their children should be sent before into the red sea , with part of the Queens treasure . [ Oros. lib. 6. cap. 19. ] they themselves having disposed garrisons about the two corner coasts of Egypt , Pelusium , and Paraetonium , prepared a fleet and forces , for the setting a foot the war again . [ Id. ibid. Florus lib. 4. cap. 11. ] Antonius sent a third Embassie unto Caesar , and his son Antyllus with much gold , whom he sent back again , without either granting his Embassie , or giving any answer , only took his gold . But to Cleopatra , as he did at first and second , so now the third time , he propounded many threats and promises . [ Dio. lib. 51. pag. 448. ] And that he might win Cleopatra unto him , he sent unto her Thyreus , or Thyrsus , a freed man of his , a very discreet man , [ Id. ibid. Plutarch in Anton. ] for he was afraid , least Antonius and Cleopatra , being in dispair of pardon , should persist in their intention , and overcome him by their own strength , or else should passe into Spain or Gallia , or that Cleopatra should burn all the treasures that she had heaped into her Sepulcher , as she threatned to do : therefore he sent Thyrsus , who conferred very courteously with Cleopatra , and told her that Caesar was in love with her ; hoping that she , that had a mind to have all men in love with her , might be brought to that passe , that having put Antonius to death , she would preserve both her self and her mony . [ Dio. ut supra . ] Caesar marched against Antonius through Syria , and his Lieutenant through Lybia . [ Plutarch . ] Cornelius Gallus , being sent by him before , having received four Legions of Scarpas , which were at Cyrenae , for a guard of that place , suddenly seized upon Paraetonium , the prime City of Egypt , that lieth towards Lybia , [ Dio. pag. 448. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 19. ] Antonius having intelligence of this , although he thought to have gone into Syria , being called thither by the Gladiatorus , yet setting that designe a part , he marched towards Parae●onium , hoping that he should easily draw those forces from Gallus unto himself ; for he knew that they were well affected towards him , because they had been souldiers together : but if that would not doe , then he would win them by force , for he brought with him great forces both by sea and land : but neither could he so much as parly with thems , ( for Gallus made all the Trumpetors to sound , so that no body could ●ear any thing ) and beside he received some losse by a suddain sally , and his Fleet also was somewhat incommodated : for Gallus had by night laids chain crosse the mouth of the Haven , which lay hid under water , keeping the Port with a guard that was not seen , and suffered Antonius his ships , without any fear , to saile within the Haven in contempt of him ; but the chains being drawn up by certain Engines , prepared on purpose , he partly burnt , and partly sunck , the ships being assailed on every side by sea and land , and also from the houses . [ Dio. lib. 51. pag. 448 , 449. ] Herod entertained Caesar with all royal magnificence at Ptolomais , as he passed through Syria into Egypt , and shewed all hospitality towards his army , giving them plenty of all victual ; by which means he was accounted one of Caesars chiefest friends , and was wont to ride about with him , when he mustered his army : he entertained him also and his friends , with the service of an 150 men , clad in most rich and sumptuous apparel ; yea , he also suffered them to want nothing , in their march to Pelusium , through places that were barren , and wanted water ; yet they wanted neither wine nor water , with which the souldier was most delighted . He also presented Caesar with 800 talents , yea , he gave them all such satisfaction , that they confessed that he gave them such entertainment , that it was greater than the Kingdom could afford them . [ Joseph . lib. 1. Bell. cap. 15. lib. 15. Antiquit. cap. 10. ] Cleopatra by the discourse of Thyrsus or Thyreas believed that Caesar was in love with her , both because she desired it should be so , and also because that by the same reason she had enslaved to her both his father and Antonius : and therefore she hoped for not only pardon and the Kingdome of Egypt for her self , but also the empire of the Romans , [ Dio. pag. 449. ] but Antonius took this Thyreus that was extreamly honoured by her , and whipped him soundly , and then sent him back unto Caesar , writing that he did this being provoked by his insulting pride , who was at that easily provoked by reason of his miseries , and said , If you mislike this , you have Hipparchus my freed man , hang him up , and whip him , that we may cry quittance , from thenceforth that she might wipe off all jealousies and suspicions from him , Cleopatra wonderfully honoured him : for whereas she solemnised her birth day but meanly , fit for her present misfortune , she solemnised his birth day , with the greatest splendour and magnificence that could be , so that many that were invited to the feast , and came poor , went away rich . [ Plutarch . ] Caesar took Pelusium , as it was reported , by force , but indeed by the treachery of Cleopatra . [ Dio. pag. 449. ] There was a common report , that this Town was delivered up to Caesar by Seleucus , certainly with her consent : but to clear her self , she delivered up Seleucus wife and children to Antonius , to be revenged of them at his pleasure , [ Plutarch . ] when he being beaten by Cornelius Gallus at Paraetonium , and immediately after at Pharos , ( as it is in Orosius . lib. 6. cap. 19. ) and was returned to Alexandria . Cleopatra had store-houses , and monuments built both for sumptuousnesse and heigth admirable , which she had joyned to Isis her temple , thither had she brought the most precious things of all her royall treasures , as gold , silver , emeralds , pearles , ebony , ivory , and cinnamon , and last of all great store of lamps and flax : whereupon Caesar being afraid he should loose snch riches , and that through despair that she destroy and burn them , daily gave her fair hopes , whilst he marched with his army towards the City , [ Plutarch . ] but she privately forbad the Citizens of Alexandria , that they should sally out against Caesar , whenas openly she seemed to hearten them on to go meet the enemy . [ Dio. pag. 449. ] Caesar sate down with his army in the place where they exercise their horses , and Antonius made a sally out and fought valiantly , and routed Caesars horse , and drove them even to the Camp , and being heighthened with this victory he entred the pallace and kissed Cleopatra as he was in his armour , recommending unto her a man that had fought most valiantly , Cleopatra to reward him gave him an armour and headpiece all of gold , which he having received that night fled to Caesar. [ Plutarch . ] Antonius , casting tickets into Caesars camp , promised each souldier 1500 Drachmes or pence , these tickets Caesar of his own accord read unto the souldiers , by this meanes rendring Antonius more hatefull , and also recalling them to an hatred of base treachery , and to a declaration , of a cheerfulnesse to declare for him , whereupon growing exceeding angry that their fidelity was tempted , they so valiautly behaved themselves , that Antonius joyning in a battle only of foot men , wi●h them left the field being overcome by them beyond all expectation . [ Dio. pag. 449. ] whither I referr also that place of Strabo [ lib. 17. pag. 795. ] as one goes thorough the horserace , standeth Nicopolis , which is built neer the sea , so that it may be thought not to be lesse than the City , and is distant from Alexandria 30 furlongs , this place Caesar Augustus adorned , because here he overcame them in fight , that made a sally out against him with Antonius . Antonius after this by his Embassadours challenged Caesar to a single duell , who answered , that Antonius had many waies to die : wherefore considering that he could no way more honourably die then in battle , he determined to set up his rest , and to set upon Caesar both by sea and land : and being at supper ( as it is reported ) he commanded his servants that they should drink and feast themselves heartily , for it was uncertain whether they should doe so to morrow , or should serve other masters , he being dead and gone , where because of this he saw his friends weeping , he told them he would not so lead them out to fight , when he thought not rather to return with victory and honour , then to die a glorious death . [ Plutarch . in Anton. ] About the middest of that night , when the whole City was in silence , and sorrow , for fear and expectation of the event , it is reported that on a sudden , there was heard swee● musick afall kinds of instruments , and a noyse of a multitude of people , as at the feasts of Bacchus and Satyr-like friskings and dancings , as if indeed it had been the festivity of Bacchus himself , ( whom Dionysius used to feign his father ) the noise was so great , and that this company sate down together ( being indeed a very great one ) almost in the very middle of the City , towards that gate , which led unto the enemy without ; and that they passed at length through this gate , and so vanished . [ Id. ibid. ] Dio reports , that besides this many other prodigies fore-ran the bondage of Egypt , for it rained ( as he saith ) in those places , in which before there never any drop had fallen , and that not only with water but with blood also , neither did water alone drop from the cloudes , but there appeared armies there also : A Dragon of a huge vastnesse was suddenly seen among the Egyptians , which hissed horribly , there appeared also Commets , and the images of the dead ; the statues seemed to be sorrowfull , and Apis made a mournfull lowing , and shed teares . [ Dio. lib. 51. pag. 445. ] On the Kalends of August , as soon as it was day , Antonius went down unto the Haven to order his Fleet , [ Oros. lib. 6. cap. 19. ] but Cleopatra caused the Fleet to revolt from him , [ Dio. pag , 449. ] For Antonius his Fleet as soon as they had rowed neer the other Fleet , saluted Caesars souldiers , and being resaluted , they revolted unto them , and having of all the ships made one Fleet , came in hostile manner against the City ; which whilst Antonius beheld , he was immediately forsaken by his Horsemen , who also revolted : his Foot also being overthrown , he retired into the City , crying he was betrayed by Cleopatra to them , against whom for her sake , he had taken up armes , [ Plutarch . ] Cleopatra , fearing the anger and despair of Antonius , but pretending it was for fear of Caesar , and that she would put her self to death that she did this ; fled unto her Monument with one Eunuch and two maides ; and sent unto Antonius a message that she was dead . This he believed , and therefore desired his faithful servant Erotes ( who had long agone promised that he would do it when necessity required ) that he would kill him . Eros drew out his naked sword , as if he would strike him , but his face being from him , he killed himself : who falling at his feet , Antonius said , Noble Eros , who teachest me what must be done by my self , but couldst not endure to do it for me : and run himself into the belly , and fell upon a bed . The thrust was not such as would much hasten his death , for the blood stinted after he was laid , and when he was a little refreshed , he desired them that stood about , that they would thrust him thorough , but they all fled out of the chamber , leaving him crying and tormenting himself . Whereupon there was a great tumult made , which when Cleopatra perceived , she looked out from the top of the Monument ; for the gate was so made , that if it were once shut , it could not be opened , onely the upper parts of it were not yet finished . She sent also Diomedes her Secretary , to bring Antonius into the Monument unto her ; whom as soon as Antonius knew that she was alive , he arose , because he thought he might live ; but being in despair of life thorough his much bleeding , he was carried by the help of his servants , as he commanded , to the gate of the Monument , [ Id. Dio. pag. 449 , 450. Livy , lib. 133. Flor. lib. 4. cap. 11. Vellei . Patercul . lib. 2. cap. 87. Strabo , lib. 17. pag. 793. Sueton. in Octavio . cap. 17. Eutrop. lib. 7. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 19. ] VVhile this was a doing , Dercetaeus one of his Guard , took away Antonius his sword and hid it , and stole away , and running unto Caesar , was the first that told him of Antonius his death , and shewed him the sword all bloody . Caesar hearing this news , withdrew himself into the innermost room of the Tent , where he much bewailed Antonius his Kinsman and Colleague , and that had been his companion in many battles , and in the government of the Empire . Then taking his letters , he called his friends together , and read them unto them , and shewed them how proudly and importunely Antonius had answered to all his mild and just demands . He then sent Proculeius , commanding , that by all means , if it were possible , to get Cleopatra alive into his hands : for he was afraid to lose the treasures , and also thought that she would be a magnificent ornament to his Triumph , if he could bring her alive , [ Plutarch . ] In the interim , Antonius was drawn up into the Monument , by ropes that were hung ●or pulling the stones up on high , [ Dio. pag. 450. ] They say there was nothing more lamentable than this sight ; for Antonius being all besmeared with blood , and giving up the ghost , was tied to the ropes and drawn up by the great paines of Cleopatra and the two servants that were with her , they that were below raising him up , and Antonius stretching forth his hands to Cleopatra , lifted himself up as well as he could : as soon as Cleopatra had taken him in , she laid him on a bed , then she tare off her head-tire , and strook her breast , and taring her breast and face with her own hands , she was all of a gore blood , and calling him Lord , Husband , and Emperour : and almost forgot her own miseries in compassion of him . After Antonius had a little appeased her grief , he called for some wine , either because he was a thirst , or because he thought thereby to hasten his death : after he had drank , he advised her , to look to her own affaires , and to save her life if she could without dishonour , and that among all Caesars friends she should most trust Proculeius : and that she should not lament the miserable change of his fortune , but rejoyce for the great good fortune he had had , because he had been the most famous and powerfulest Prince of all men , and that now he being a Roman was not cowardly overcome by a Roman : and now he gave up the ghost , just as Proculeius came from Caesar , [ Plutarch . ] Caesar sent with C. Proculeius a Knight , one Epaphroditus his freed man : telling them both what they should say and do ; but Cleopatra fearing that they would use her hardly , tarried in the Monument ; that if by no other means she could procure her safety yet she might redeem her pardon and the kingdom of Egypt from Caesar , by the fear of loosing her money ; but Caesar although he desired to get her money , and to take Cleopatra alive , that he might carry her in Triumph , notwithstanding , if he had promised any thing upon his honour , that he might not seem to deceive her , he laboured , that he might have power to do with her as he would himself , as with a captive , and one reduced to his obedience against her will. [ Dio. lib. 51. pag. 450. ] Cleopatra would by no means put her self into Proculeius hand , but yet had conference with him from the building , he standing without at the door , that was on the plain ground , which although it was so barred , yet the voice might be heard . In this conference she demanded the Kingdom for her children , Proculeius bad her be of good chear , and refer all things to Caesar. When he had sufficiently ruined the place , he told all things unto Caesar , who sent Gallus again to demand her answer , who when he came to the door , held her in talk on purpose : and in the mean time Proculeius set up ladders , and got in at the window , where the women took in Antonius , and drawing up with him two servants , he immediately went down to the gate , where Cleopatra sat talking with Gallus ; who seeing Proculeius , went about to kill her self with a Dagger she had about her : but Proculeius came running , and holding her with both his hands , took the Dagger from her , and shook her cloaths , for fear she had some poyson hidden about her . Thus Plutarch tells the story , and Dio after this manner , C. Proculeius and Epaphroditus talking with Cleopatra , propounded very tolerable conditions to her , and of a sudden , before she assented unto them , laid hands on her ; but taking away all things , by which she might dispatch her self , yet granting her some daies , that she might stay there till she might embalm Antonius his body : then they brought her into the Palace , diminishing nothing , either of her wonted train and honour , that thereby she might be in hope , that she should obtain what she desired , and also that she might do no mischief to her self . [ Dio. lib. 51. pag. 450 , 451. ] As soon as Cleopatra was taken , an Eunuch of hers , willingly set Asps unto himself , and being bitten by them , fell into a grave , that he had before prepared for himself . [ Id. ibid. pag. 453. ] Caesar at the first approach conquered Alexandria , a most rich and great City . [ Livy . lib. 133. Strabo . 17. pag. 775. Sueton. in Octavio . cap. 17. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 19. ] As he entred Alexandria , he talked with Arius Alexandrinus , a Philosopher , taking him by the right hand , to the end his Country men should honour him the more , when they saw him so honoured , [ Plutarch in Anton. ] for Caesar had been his Scholler in Philosophy , and was very well acquainted with him and his two sons , Dionysius and Nicanor . [ Seneca , in lib. de Clement . Sueton. in Octavio . cap. 89. Plutarch in Polit. Dio. lib. 51. pag. 454. & lib. 52. pag. 490. Julian . Caesar. in Octav. ] Then he went into the shew place of exercises , he ascended a Tribunal which was set up on purpose , and commanded the Cityzens , who for fear were fallen on their knees before him , to rise ; and in a great Oration , that he might be understood of all , he told them , he freely pardoned all the people , for their great god Serapis his sake , for the greatnesse of the City , and for his friend Arius his sake : he likewise pardoned all the Egyptians , being unwilling , that so many men should be put to death , that in many thing had done good service for the Romans . [ Plutarch in Anton. Dio. lib. 51. pag. 454. Julian . epist. 51. ad Alexand. ] At the intreaty of Arius , he pardoned many , amongst other Philostratus , who was he readiest Sophister of his time ; howbeit , he falsly named himself an Academick , therefore Caesar hated his manners , and rejected his request , he therefore let his beard grow long , and followed Arius in mourning , alwayes repeating this verse , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Sapiens salus sapienti erit , modo is sapit . The wise , whilst wise , a savoury safety hath . which when Caesar hard of , that he might rather free Arius from envy , than Philostratus from fear , he pardoned him . [ Plutarch in Anton. ] Young Autonins , or Antyllas , the elder of the two sons Antonius had by Fulvia , Caesar , although he was betroathed to his daughter Julia , and was fled into a Chappel that Cleopatra had made for his honour , after many and vain prayers , he took from the image of Julius , and killed him . [ Id. ibid. Sueton. in Octavio . cap. 17. Dio. lib. 51. pag. 446 , 454. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 19. ] As the souldiers beheaded him , Theodorus his School-master , who betrayed him , took from his neck a most gracious Jewel , and sewed it in his girdle , which he denyed , but it being found about him , he was trussed up and hanged . [ Plutarch ibid. ] But to Julius the other son of Antonius by Fulvia , Caesar commanded his freed men that they should presently deliver over all things to him , that dying men are commanded by the laws to leave to their heirs . [ Dio. pag. 454. ] The children that Antonius had by Cleopatra , they were very honourably kept with their Governours and train that waited on them , for them Caesar saved and nourished and cherished no lesse , than if they had been linked in alliance with him . [ Sueton & Plutarch . ut supra . ] Of those that favoured Antonius , some he put to death , others he pardoned either of his own good will , or at the intercession of friends , [ Dio. pag. 454. ] amongst those that were put to death was Canidius , a most bitter enemy alwaies unto Caesar , and unfaithfull unto Antonius , [ Oros. lib. 6. cap. 19. ] who died more cowardly , than beseemed one of that profession , which he alwaies followed , [ Vellei . Patercul . lib. 2. cap. 87. ] Q. Orinius also was put to death by Caesars own command , because that he being a Senatour of the people of Rome , was not ashamed most basely to be Governour to the Queens spinners and weavers . [ Oros. lib. 6. cap. 19. ] There being found with Antonius many children of Kings and Princes , some in the name of hostages others by false accusations , some of them he sent home , others he joyned in marriage together , and some he kept by him , he returned Josape to her father the King of the Medes , who being conquered had fled to him , but yet he did not send back Artaxas his brothers at his intreaty , because he had killed the Romans that were left behind in Armenia . [ Dio. ut supra . ] When he viewed the tomb ( which was of glasse as Strabo teacheth lib. 17. pag. 795. ) and the body of Alexander the great , which was taken out of the vault , Caesar put a Crown upon it , and strewed flowers over it and worshipped it , and touching the body , it was said he brake off a piece of his nose : and being demanded whether he would see the bodies of the Ptolomees , although the Alexandrians had a great mind he should , yet would he not behold them , saying , he would see a King not the dead , [ Sueton. in Octavio . cap. 18. Dio. lib. 51. pag. 454. 455. ] and for that very reason would not go to see Ap●s : saying , he was wont to worship gods not oxen . [ Dio. ibid. ] Many great Kings and Captaines desired to bury Antonius , but Caesar would not take it from Cleopatra , by whose hands he was splendidly and magnificently buried , and Caesar suffered her to take as much as she would for his funerals . [ Plutarch . ] Cleopatra through her much sorrow and grief , ( for her breast was troubled with inflammations , and vlcers , through the blowes she had given her self , ) fell into a fever , which she gladly took for a cover , that she might forbear food , and so die without any more trouble , she had a Phisician whose name was Olympus , to whom she declared the truth of the matter , and used him as a councellour and furtherer to bring her into a consumption , as Olympus himself left in writing , who set out an history concerning these matters , when Caesar smelt out the businesse , he threatned both her and her children , by which she as by so many engines was overcome and afterwards suffered her self to be cured and dieted as they would themselves . [ Id. ] Shortly after Caesar himself came to visit her and comfort her , [ id . ] who falling down at his feet , laid baites for his eies but in vain ; for her beauty was beneath the Princes chastity , although he perceived that she intended to stir up affections in him , yet he dissembled it , and fixing his eies on the ground , said only this , Woman be of good cheer , you shall have no harm done you : nor was life her suit , which was offered her , but her care was for love and a part of the Kingdome . [ Florus . lib. 4. cap. 11. Dio. lib. 5. pag. 451. ] Last of all she delivered to Caesar a breviary of all the treasure she had ; and when Seleucus one of her treasurers accused her , that she had suppressed some things and had not told all , she leapt up , and taking him by the hair buffeted him soundly ; at which Caesar smiling reproved her , to whom she answered , Is it not a great matter O Caesar , seeing thou vouchsafest to come and visit me in this condition that I am in , and to talk with me , that I should be accused by my own servants , if I have reserved some Iewels , not for my self indeed poor wretch , but that I might present Octavia and thy Lyria , that by their intercession to thee , I might find more mercy and favour from thee . Caesar was glad at this , hoping that now she had a mind to live , declaring unto her that he would both doe this for her , and also things beyond her expectation , he departed supposing that he had deceived her , whereas he was of the two the more deceived , [ Plutarch . ] There was a young Gentleman Cornelius Dolabella , a familiar friend of Caesars , this man was in love with Cleopatra , and at her desire did by a messenger send her word privately that Caesar was to take his journey by land thorough Syria , and that he was determined to send her and her children into Italy within three daies , when she knew this she desired of Caesar that he would permit her last obsequies to Antonius , when having ended her lamentations , she put garlands upon the tomb and kissed it , she then commanded a bath to be provided for her , and having bathed , she feasted sumptuously . [ Plutarch . ] After dinner she gave Epaphroditus ( to whose charge she was committed ) to carry to carry to Caesar , in which she begged to him that he would suffer her to be buried with Antonius : this letter was sealed up , that he supposing it might contain some other businesse , might by the occasion of giving the letter to Caesar , be out of the way . [ Id. Dio. 452. ] He being gone , she shut the doors , only keeping with her two waiting women , Iras or Nairas , and Charmion , who were wont to dresse her ; one of them could excellently dresse her head , and the other paire her nailes : then adorning her self with her best apparel she could possible ; and in her robes , she set an Aspick to her left arme , ( which she had caused to be brought to her , covered with figs , grapes , and flowers , the better to deceive her keepers ) by the biting of which , she died as it were in a slumber , [ Florus , lib. 4. cap. 11. Vellei . Patercul . lib. 2. cap. 87. Plutarch in Anton. Galen . in lib. de Theriaca . ad Pisonem . Dio. lib. 51. pag. 452. Eutrop. lib. 7. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 19. ] But those that will highly set out in words , the wit of the woman to deceive , and the suddennesse of the Aspick to kill , tell us , That Cleopatra made in her arme a great and deep wound with her teeth , ( or some other thing ) and put poyson into the wound , which she had formerly prepared from an Aspick , which was brought her in a bone ; and that after the poyson had seized upon the body , she gently ended her life , her keepers not so much as knowing of it . [ Galen . ut sup . Strabo . lib. 17. pag. 795. Plutarch . Dio. pag. 452 , 453. ] There were only two little pricks found in her arme : and Caesar , which saw her dead body , carryed her image with an Aspick fixed to her arme in Triumph . [ Plutarch and Dio. ] Horace speaks of her , lib. 1. Ode 37. Ausa & jacentem visere regiam Vultu sereno fortis , & asperas Tractare serpenets , ut atrum Corpore combiberet venenum . Deliberata morte ferocior : Savis Liburnis scilicet invidens , Privata deduci superbo Non humilis mulier triumpho . — So stout she could With cheerful countenance behold , Her ruin'd Palace , Asps receive , And of their poison them bereave : By delay in death more keen ; Envies the Liburnians they Should her , so great a Queen , In Triumph lead a private prey . When Caesar had opened Cleopatras letters , he found straight what was done , and thought at first to go thither himself , and sent thither some in all haste to see what was done . They ran thether in all haste , and found the guard standing and mistrusting nothing ; when they had opened the gate , they found Cleopatra dead , lying upon a golden bed , in all her royal robes : of her waiting women , Iras , or Nairas , was fallen dead at her feet , Charmium ( or Charmione ) half dead , and heavy headed , was trimming of the Diademe that she wore : and when one in anger asked her , Is this well done , O Charmium ? she answered , Very well , and becoming one that had sprung from so many Kings , and spake not a word more , but fell down there by the bed side . [ Plutarch . Dio. pag. 453. ] But Caesar , having seen Cleopatra's body , tried all means , to see if it were possible to recover her , [ Dio. ibid. ] yea , he brought the Psylli but in vain , to suck out the venime and poyson . [ Id. ibid. Sueton. in Octavio . cap. 17. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 19. ] When Cleopatra's life could by no means be recovered , Caesar admired her , and pitied her , very much grieved , supposing he was bereft of the chiefest glory of his Triumph ; but yet he commanded her body to be sumptuously and royally buried , and to be laid in the same Tomb with Antonius . [ Plutarch . Dio. pag. 453. ] This honour he did unto them both , namely , to bury them in one Sepulchre , and to finish the Tomb that they had begun . [ Sueton. in Octav. cap. 17. ] Her waiting women also by his command were honourably buried . [ Plut. ] Plutarch writes that Cleopatra lived 39 years , and reigned 22. and so many years indeed these do allow for her reign , after the death of her father Ptolemeus Auletes , Ptolemeus in the Catalogue of the Kings , Clemens Alexandrinus , lib. 1. Stromat . Porphyrius in Graec. Eusebian . Scaligeri , pag. 226. Eusebius in Chronic. and others , which years are only 21 , and two or three moneths . Plutarch writes , that she raigned above 14 years with Antonius . Tertullian in his third book against the Jews , that she raigned 13 under Augustus , reckoning the government of Antonius from the death of Julius Caesar , and of Augustus from his first Consulship , from the death of Alexander the Great , who first founded the Macedonian Empire , to the death of Antonius and Cleopatra , with whom it fell , both in Ptolemeus ( as well in the Catalogue of the Kings , as in the third book of his Great Work , as in Cleme●s Alexandrinus , ( in lib. 1. Stromat . ) are reckoned 294 years , which with us are 293. and a quarter . And at this time Caesar put an end to the civil wars , as besides Florus , [ lib. 4. cap. 12. ] and Velleius Patercuius . [ lib. 2. c. 87. ] Dionysius Halicarnassensis also confirmeth , writing in the Proeme of his Roman Histories , that he came into Italy , as soon as Augustus Caesar had put an end to the civil wars , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in the middle of the CLXXXVII . Olymp. to wit , the third year of it then beginning , for in the moneth of August , Egypt , was reduced under the power of the Romans , and an end put to their civil wars ; the words of the decree of the Senate shew , in Macrobius [ Saturnal . lib. 1. cap. 12. ] and Censorinus teacheth , that the Egyptians reckoned from that time , in which they came under the power and government of the people of Rome , the years of the Augusti , ( not of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as Scaliger thought , but of the Caesares Augusti , who had the dominion over them ) [ cap. 21. lib. de natali die . ] which book he saith was written by him in the Philippick year of the Augusti CCLXVIII . ( for thus the best Copies have , it not CCLXVII ) from the death of Alexander the Great DLXII and of Nabonassar DCCCCLXXXVI . ( the beginnings of these years being taken from the first of the vage or moveable moneth Thoth of the Egyptians ) being certainly of the same opinion with Ptolomae●s , who in the third book of his great Syntaxis , saith , that there passed from the beginning of the reign of Nabonassar , to the death of Alexander . 424 Egyptian years , and then to the Empire of Augustus , 294. Wherefore that Egyptian Epoch began on the first day of the moveable moneth Thoth of the year of the Philippick account , beginning from the death of Alexander the Great 293 , of Nabonassar 719. and indeed on the first day of the week , as is found in a writing of a certain Jew , set forth at Norimberge , with Messahala , namely , of the moneth August , in the year of the Julian Period , 4684. on the 31 day ; which according to the false account of Leap-year , that that was then used at Rome , was called the 29. day of August . And this was that Epoch , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of the years of Augustus , which was accommodated by Ptolomaeus , in lib. 3. cap. 8. of his great Syntaxis , to the moveable year of the Egyptians , by Vetrius Valens , an Antiochian , in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , lib. 1 , to the fixed year of the Alexandrians , and by Theon , an Alexandrian ; in the Explication , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to the form of both those years , and seeing that Augustus ruled Egypt 43 years ( as Philo shews in his Embassy to Caesar ) we find also so many allowed to his Empire , or Monarchy , in Ptolomaeus his Catalogue of the Kings , and Clemens Alexandrinus , lib. 1. Stromat . Cleopatra had sent her son Caesarion , which , as was said , she had by Caesar the Dictator , with a great sum of mony through Aethiopia into India . Him his Governour Rhodon perswaded to returne , as if Caesar had recalled him to his mothers Kingdom : but as Caesar was determining with himself what he should do with him , they say Arrius the Philosopher said unto him , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 — Caesaris in multis nomen non expedit esse . 'T is not fit Caesars name should common be . Therefore Caesar put him to death , after the death of his mother . [ Plutarch in Anton. Dio. lib. 51. pag. 446. 4●4 . ] The images of Antonius were thrown down , but Cleopatra's were not stirred ; for her friend Archibilius had obtained of Caesar for the summe of one thousand talents , that they should not be thrown down when Antonius his were . [ Plutarch . ] In the Pallace there was great store of mony found , which was there laid up by Cleopatra , being the spoiles of almost all Temples : she exacted also much from them that were guilty of any crime ; and two parts of their goods were damanded of the rest also that could not be accused of any crime : then all the Souldiers arrears were paid ; Caesar also gave to those Souldiers that were with him , 250 pence a man , that they should not plunder the City . Caesar also paid all his debts that he owed any man , and gave many gifts to the Senatours and Knights , that had accompanied him in the war. [ Dio. lib. 51. pag. 455 , 456. ] For this part of the year Caesar chose M. Tullius Cicero for his colleague in the Consulship , the son of the Cicero the Oratour , who was put to death by Antonius , who rehearsed unto the people , the letters that Caesar sent to Rome , concerning the overthrow of Antonius in the Alexandrian war , ( not the Actian , as Appian erroniously wrote , ) he read the copie of them in the rostra , where his fathers head had been formerly openly set up , [ Plutarch . in fin . Ciceron . Appian . lib. 4. bell . civil . pag. 619. Dio. lib. 51. pag. 456. 457. ] This year upon the Ides of September , we learn out of the Marble Table at Capua , that M. Tullius was chosen into the Consulship in the room of M. Licinius , [ in Annal. tom . 3. pag. 495. ] and upon the same Ides of September , that Augustus being Consul with the son of M. Cicero was presented with an obsidional Crown by the Senate , as we read in Pliny , [ lib. 22. cap. 6. ] for there were many Crowns and Processions decreed for Caesar at that time in Rome . He had also another Triumph granted him over the Egyptians ; the day also on which Alexandria was taken , was thought good to be a Festival , and that the computations of the rest of the wars , should take beginning from that . That Caesar should have the power of Tribune all his life time ; and that he might relieve any that implored his aid , either within the walls , or without for the space of half a mile , which was not lawful for any Tribune of the people , [ Dio. lib. 51. pag. 457. ] Herod , wavering between love and hatred towards his wife Marrimme , was continually incensed against her by the false accusations of his sister Salome , and his mother Cyros , kindling in him hatred and jealousie against her : and perhaps he had dealt more hardly with her , had not the news come very conveniently , that Antonius and Cleopatra were both dead , and that Caesar had won Egypt , whom in all haste he went to meet , and left his family as it was . At his departure he commended Sohemus to Mariamme , professing that he owed him much respect for the care he had had of her , and gave him also the government of a part of Judea , [ Joseph . lib. 15. cap. 11. ] Caesar built a City in the same place , in which he overcame Antonius , and called it Nicopolis , and allowed the same Playes that he had done for the former at Actium , [ Dio. lib. 51. pag. 456. Strabo , lib. 17. pag. 795. ] When he had reduced Egypt into the form of a Province , to the end that it might be more fruitful , and fit to yeild corn for the City of Rome ; he skowred by the help of his souldiers , all those ditches whereinto Nilus overfloweth , and by long time had been choaked up with mud , [ Sueton. in Octavio . cap. 18. ] and made also some new ditches , [ Dio. pag. 456. ] Herod meeting with Caesar in Egypt , Year of the World 3975 in confidence of his friendship , spake freely with him , and was highly honoured by him ; for he bestowed upon him the 400 Galatians that were formerly of Cleopatra's guard , to be his guard , and restored him part of his Country which Cleopatra had seized upon , and laid to his kingdom Gadara , Hippon , and Samaria ; and by the sea side , Gaza , Anthedon , Joppe , and the Tower of Straton : which was no small accession to the splendour of his kingdom , [ Joseph . lib. 1. bell . cap. 15. lib. 15. cap. 11. ] The multitude of men in Egypt both in City and Country , and the inconstancy of that Nation , and the carrying of cornin●o the City , and the store of money were the cause , that Caesar durst not commit the Province to any of Senatours degree ; but also took from the Senatours the liberty of going into Egypt ; for he so suspected the Egyptians of innovations , that he suffered none of them to be Senatours of Rome ; he allowed other cities to govern the Common-wealth after their own laws , but he commanded the Alexandrians that they should govern the Common-weath without Senatours , [ Dio. lib. 51. pag. 455. ] Arius the Philosopher , as is reported refused the government of Egypt though offered him , [ Julian . ad Themistium . ] therefore Caesar made Cornelius Gallus , one raised from a very mean fortune , Governour of Egypt , being now made tributary : who was the first Roman Judge that ever Egypt had , [ Strabo , lib. 17. pag. 819. Sueton. in Octavio . cap. 66. Dio. lib. 51. pag. 455. Eutrop. lib. 7. Sex. Rufus , in brev●ario . ] This was that Gallus of Forum Julium that was the post : whom Virgil in the last Eclogue of his Bucolicks speakes of in that pleasant verse , [ Ammianus , Marcellinus , lib. 17. Hierony . in Chronic. 1. ] to whom also there are Erotica ( love verses ) extant which were dedicated by Parthenius of Nice ; whose Poesie also Virgil imitated in his Latin verses , [ Aulus Gellius , lib. 13. cap. 25. Macrob. Saturnal . cap. 17. ] and Tiberius also in his Greek Poems , [ Sueton. in Tiberio . cap. 70. ] Caesar having setled all things in Egypt as he thought fit , came into Syria with his land forces , [ Dio. ut supr , 456. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 19. ] whither also Herod conducted him as far as Antioch , [ Joseph . lib. 15. cap. 11. ] Seeing Tiridates being overcome fled into Syria , and Phraates being Conquerour sent Embassadours unto Caesar ; Caesar gave them both a friendly answer , and did not indeed promise any succours to Tiridates , yet gave him leave to tarry in Syria : and kindly accepted of Phraates his son , and bringing him to Rome , kept him as an Hostage , [ Dio. lib. 51. pag. 4●6 . ] namely , the youngest son of Phraates , who thorough the negligence of them that kept him , was stolen away : as Justin hath it , [ lib. 42. cap. 5. ] but yet referring it to later times . Caesar departing out of Syria , left there Messala ( Corvinus ) by whom the Cyzicenian Gladiatours , to whom a dwelling in Daphne the Suburbs of Antioch was granted , being deceived , they were sent into divers places , as it were to be taken into the Legions , and as occasion offered were killed , [ Dio. lib. 51. pag. 447. ] Caesar made Governour over the Tarsenses in Cilicia , a Citizen of them , namely , his Schoole-master Athenodorus the son of Sandon , a Stoick Philosopher ; who restored the state of the Common-wealth corrupted by Boethius and his souldiers , who domineered there even unto the death of Antonius , [ Strabo , lib. 14. pag. 674. ] Caesar went into the Province of Asia , and there kept his winter quarters , and setled all the affairs of his subjects , [ Dio. lib. 51. pag. 456. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 19. ] On the Kalends of January , Caesar entred upon his fifth Consulship in the Island of Samos , [ Sueton , in Octavio . cap. 26. ] and on the same Kalends all his ordinances were confirmed by oath : and when the letters came concerning the Parthian affairs , it was decreed , That in their hymnes he should be reckoned among their gods ; That a Tribe should be called Julia from him ; That the companions of his Victory should be carried in Triumph with him , and be clad with garments woven with Purple : and that the day on which he entred the City , should be solemnized with publick Sacrifices , and be alwayes accounted festival , [ Dio. lib. 51. pag. 457. ] Caesar permitted a Temple to be built at Ephesus and Nicea , ( for those were accounted the most famous Cities of Asia and Bythinia ) to the City of Rome , and to his father Julius , and that they should be inhabited by natural Romans : and to forraigners , whom he called Grecians , he gave leave , that to himself ( Octavianus ) they might build Temples : to wit , the Asians at Pergamus , and the Bythinians at Nicomedia : and permitted to the Pergamenians , that they might solemnize those Playes in honour of his Temple , which they called Sacred , [ Id. ibid. pag. 458. ] whither is to be referred that of Tiber●us in Tacitus , [ lib. 4. Annal. cap. 51. ] Augustus of most famous memory forbad not a Temple to be built in Pergamus , in honour of himself and the City of Rome . The next Summer , Caesar crossed over into Greece , [ Dio. ut supr . ] going to his Actian Triumph : whither , he then being at Corinth , there was one of the fishers sent Embassadours to him from the Island Giaros , to beg a lessening of their tribute : for they were compelled to pay an 150 drachmes , when they were scarce able to pay an 100. such was the poverty of that Island , [ Strabo . lib. 10. pag. 485. ] Upon Cesars entrance into Rome , others offered Sacrifice ( as it was decreed ) and the Consul Valerius Potitius ( who was put in the roome of Sextus Apuleius ) sacrificed publickly for the Senate and people of Rome , by reason of his coming : which was never done for any before that time , [ Dio. lib. 51. pag. 458. ] Cesar kept three Triumphs riding in his Chariot , the Dalmatian , Actian , and Alexandrian , for three dayes one after the other , [ Livy , lib. 133. Sueton. in Octavio . cap. 22. ] of which Virgil in 8 Aeneid . At Caesar triplici invectus Romana triumpho Moenia , dis Italis votum immortale sacrabat . Maxima , tercentum totam delubra per urbem Laetitiâ , ludisque viae , plausúque fremebant . But when thrice Rome with Caesars Triumphs now Had rung , to th' Latian gods he made a vow : Three hundred Temples all the City round With joy , with playes , and with applauses sound . And Propertius , lib. 2. elegie , 1. Aut canerum Aegyptum , & Nilum , quum tractus in urbem Septem captivis debilis ibat aquis : Aut regum auratis circundata colla catenis , Actiáque in Sacra currere rostra via . Whether of Egypt or of Nilus , whose Stream into seven channels parted goes ; Or of the golden chains Kings necks surround , Or how the Actian beakes sail on the ground . That Caesar brought these three Triumphs into the city on the moneth of August , the words of the decree of the Senate shew , in Macrobius , [ lib. 1. Saturnal . cap. 12. ] Not on the eight of the Ides of January , ( on which it is manifest he was in Asia ) as O●osius would have it [ lib. 6. cap. 20. ] on the first day he Triumphed for the Pannonians , Dalmatians , Japydae and their borderers , and of some people of Gallia , and Germany : on the second for his victory at sea at Actium , on the third for the conquest of Egypt , which was the most sumptuous , and set out with greater preparation than the rest , in it was carried in a bed the image of Cleopatra , ( with an aspick biting of her arme ) pourtraied in imitation of her death , the children also of her and Antonius , were led among the captives , namely Alexander and Cleopatra ; who were named the sun and moon . [ Dio. lib. 51. pag. 459. ] Alexander the brother of Jamblichus , the King of the Arabians , being taken in the Actian war , was led in triumph and after put to death , [ id . ibid. pag. 443. ] that Cleopatra that was called the moon , and led in triumph , was given in marriage to Juba , ( who himself was led in triumph by Julius Caesar , ) Caesar gave this Juba who was brought up in Italy , and had followed his wars , both this Cleopatia , and his fathers Kingdome of Mauritania ; and gave unto them also the two sons of Antonius and Cleopatra , namely Alexander and Ptolomaeus , but Juba begat of his wife Cleopatra another Ptolomaeus , who also succeeded him in his Kingdome . [ id . ibid. pag. 454. Strabo . lib. 17. 828. Plutarch . in Jul. Caesar. Anton. ] On the fifth of the Kalends of September , there was an Altar dedicated to Victory in the courthouse , as is found noted in the old marble Kalendar , [ Inscript . Gruter . pag. CXXXIII . ] by which being placed in the Julian Courthouse , and adorned with the spoiles of Egypt , Caesar shewed , that he got the empire by victory , the temple also of his father Julius he trimmed up with the dedicated things being there hung up , which were also of the Egyptian spoiles ; he consecrated also many things to Jupiter Capitolinus , Juno , and Minerva , whenas by a decree of the Senate all the ornaments that were hung up there before , were taken away as profane , [ Dio. lib. 51. pag. 459. ] he repaired the Temple either decaied through age , or consumed by fire : and adorned both them and others with very rich gifts , as who brought into the Cell of Jupiter Capitolinus by one donation 16000 pound weight of gold , besides pearles and precious stones valued at fifty millions of sesterces , [ Sueton. in Octavio . ] so that Rome was so much enriched with the riches of Alexandria , that the price of possessions and other vendible things was raised double , and interest fell from ten to four in the hundred . [ Dio. lib. 51. pag. 458. 459. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 19. ] In this fifth Consulship Caesar accepted of the name of Emperour , not such as was wont to be given after the old custome for some victory , ( for that he had often received both before and after ) but by which all the whole government was shewen , which was formerly decreed to his father Julius and his sons and nephews , [ Dio. lib. 52. pag. 493. 494. ] whither also belongeth that inscription , placed this year in honour of Caesar , Senatus Populusque Romanus Imp. Caesari Divi Julii F. Cos. Quinct . Design . Sex. Imper. Sept. Republica conservata . The Senate and people to the Emperour Caesar , the son of Julius of blessed memory , Consul the fifth time , elected the sixth time Imperator the seventh for having saved the commonwealth . [ Inscript . Gruter . pag. CXXVI . ] Among the Captives was Diocles Phaenix the son of Artimidorus , the scholler of Tyrannio Amisenus taken by Lucullus , ( from whom he also was called Tyrannio ) who being bought by Dimantis a freed man of Caesars , was given to Terentia the wife of Cicero , ( who as appeares from Pliny lib. 7. cap. 46. and Valerius Maximus lib. 8. cap. 13. lived above an CIII years , ) he was manumitted by her , and taught at Rome , and wrote 68 books . [ Suidas in Voc. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ) Caesar summoned before him Antiochus the Commagenian , because he had treacherously killed an Embassadour of his brothers , that was sent to Rome , with whom he had a suit in law , this Antiochus he brought before the Senate , and being then condemned , he put to death . [ Dio. lib. 52. pag. 495. ] By the space of an whole year after the return of Herod from Cesar , suspicions daily increasing between him and his wife Mariamme , seeing she neglected her husbands caresses , and moreover alwaies upbraided him with the death either of her grandfather ( Hyrcanus ) or her brother ( Aristobulus ) so that Herod could scarce contein himself from striking her , whom when by the noise his sister Salome perceived to be very much moved , sent in the butler , who long before that time was suborned by her , who should tell the King that he was sollicited by Mariamme , to deliver unto him a love potion , which whatsoever it was he had by him , hereupon Herod examined the most faithfull servant of Mariamme by torture , being assured that she would attempt nothing without him , who not enduring the torments , confessed nothing , but that she was offended for some things that Sohemus had declared unto her , which when the King heard , he cried out , that Sohemus who had ever been most faithfull both to him and the Kingdome , would never have spoken of these things , had there not been some more secret familiarity between them , and thereupon commanded Sohemus to be apprehended and put to death , and having called a councell of his friends , he accused his wife , for practising to poison him , and that with such sharpnesse of words , that they that were present , easily perceived , that the King had a mind she should be condemned , which is done by the general consent of them all : and when as they thought that the execution should not be over speedy , but that she should be secured in some of the Kings Castles , Salome urged on the King exceedingly , that she should be forthwith put to death , for fear there might be some commotion among the people , she being alive and in prison , and thus was Mariamme brought to her death . [ Joseph , lib. 15. cap. 11. ] When her mother Alexandra saw this , and considered that she must look for the same measure at Herods hands , she , that she might not seem to be guilty of the same crime , began in the audience of all to upbraid her daughter , calling her most wicked and ingratefull towards her husband , and that she deserved such a death , who durst do such an heinous act . Whilst she counterfeited these things , and would seem as though she would pull her daughter by the hair , they that were there much condemned her hypocrisie ; but she that was led to her death , vouchsafed her no answer , but refelled the false accusation with a resolute countenance and mind , and underwent her death without fear . [ Id. ibid. ] She being put to death , Herod began to be more inflamed with love to her , he often called upon her name , and often lamented her beyond all decency ; and although he thought to find out delights , as much as possibly , in feastings and drinking , yet it availed nothing . Wherefore he cast off the care of his kingdom , and did so much yield to his grief , that he would bid his servants call Mariamme , as though she were alive . [ Ibid. ] As Herod was thus affected , The Julian Period . 4686 there came a plague , Year before Christ 28 which swept away a great part both of the people and nobility , all men interpreting that this plague was sent for the unjust death of the Queen . Thus the Kings discontents being increased , he at last hid himself in a solitary wildernesse , under pretence of hunting ; where afflicting himself , he fell into great sicknesse , which was an inflammation and pain of the neck , so that he began to rave ; neither did any remedies relieve him , but rather made the disease more painful , so that they began to dispaire of him : for which cause the Physicians , partly through the stubbornnesse of the disease , and partly because that in so great danger , there was not any free election of diet , they gave him leave to eat whatsoever he would . [ Ibid. ] Herod lying thus sick in Samaria , Alexandra now living at Jerusalem , endeavoured to reduce the two Castles of the City into her hands , one that joyned to the Temple , and the other that was situate within the City ; she therefore laboured with the Governours of them , that they would deliver them unto her , and to the children that were between her and Mariamme , least that he being dead , they should be seized upon by others : but they who had formerly been faithful , were now more diligent in their office , both because they hated Alexandra , and thought it a great offence to dispair of the health of their Prince , for these were the Kings old friends , and one of them Archialus the Kings Nephew . Whereupon they presently sent messengers to him , to certifie him of Alexandra , and he presently commanded her to be slain . At length he overcame his disease , and was restored to his strength , both of body and mind , but grown so cruel , that for the least cause he was ready to put any one to death . [ Ibid. ] Of the three numbrings of the people , which Suetonius notes were done by Caesar Octavianus , [ cap. 27. ] That the first were made in the lustran , that is , in the year that they reckoned for the beginning of the space of five years , in which he and M. Agrippa were Consuls is manifest out of the Marble Capuan table . [ tom . 3. Annal. Pighii . pag. 495. ] In my fixth Consulship , with my Colleague M. Agrippa , I numbred the people , I made another muster , after one and fourty years , ( to wit , from the Censorship of Cn. Lentulus , and L. Geliius after which the musters were laid aside ) in which muster there were numbred of the Citizens of Rome , four hundred thousand , and sixty three thousand , namely , the number of 4063000 , for which Eusebius in his Chronicle hath 4164000. Caesar also exhibited the Playes that were decreed for the victory at Actium , with Agrippa , and in them he set forth a fight on Horseback of Patricians , both men and boyes , and those every fifth year , in which space of time they were finished , were committed to the four Collegies of Priests in order , namely , the chief Priests , Augurs , Septemviri and Quindecemviri . [ Dio. lib. 53. pag. 496. ] In the CLXXVIII . Olympiade , Thebes in Egypt is rased eaven to the ground , as is read in the Eusebian Chronicle , to wit , by Cornelius Gallus , whom Georgius Syncellus in his Chronicle out of Julius Africanus , relates , that he overthrew the cities of the rebellious Egyptians , [ pag. 308. ] for after he having but a few with him recovered Heropolis which had revolted , he very suddenly appeased a sedition that was raised about taxes , [ Strabo , lib. 17. pag. 819. ] he exhausted the city by intercepting of many of them , [ Ammian . Marcellin . lib. 17. ] He erected Statues for himself , almost all over Egypt , and wrote his own acts upon the Pyramides , [ Dio. lib. 53. pag. 512. ] Caesar being the seventh time Consul , declared by an Oration in writing and spoken in the Senate , that he would resign his government , and deliver it up to the Senate and people . When he had ended his Oration , all of them in many words desired him , that he alone would take the whole administration of the government upon him : and by all the arguments that they brought to perswade him , he was at last brought to take the government wholy upon him , [ Dio. lib. 53. pag. 497. & 503. ] which that he did it on the VII of the Ides of January , is manifest , from the Marble Narbon table , [ in Inscript . Gruter . pag. CCXXIX . ] VVhen as Caesar had got the Empire confirmed on him by this means , both from the Senate and the people , and yet would seem to be popular , he took upon him indeed , that he would be very careful of the publick affaires , because they required the care of one that would be diligent ; but he positively said , he would not govern all the Provinces , or , that he would govern them for ever , which he had now taken upon to govern : wherefore he restored to the Senate , the weaker Provinces , to wit , because they were the more peaceable : but the stronger Provinces , or where was more danger to be seen , or that had enemies neer them , or that were likely to have any new commotions , he kept to himself . He did this under this colour , that the Senate might safely enjoy the best parts of the Empire , and he might seem to put himself upon all the labours and dangers ; but under this pretence , to make them disarmed and unfit for war ; and thus he got both the armes and the souldiers to his party . For this cause Africa , Numidia , Asia , and Greece , with Epirus , Dalmatia , Macedonia , Sicilia , Creta , Lybia , Cireniaca , Bythinia , with Pontus adjoyning , Sardinia , and Hispania Baetica , were appointed to the Senate : but to Caesar the rest of Spain , all France , and Germany , also Coelosyria , Cilicia , Cyprus , Egypt : but Caesar took this government over the Provinces for ten years time , within which time , he promised himself he should easily reduce them ; adding this also in a bragging way , like a young man , that if he could reduce them in shorter time , by so much the sooner he would leave off the Empire . He then made Patricians Governours over the Provinces of both conditions . Over Egypt he set a man but of the degree of a Knight , for the reasons above specified . He gave Africa and Asia , particularly to the Senatours , and all the rest of the Provinces to them that had been Praetours : but forbad indifferently either of them , that they should receive by lot the Provinces till the fifth year after they had born office in the city , [ Dio. lib. 53. pag. 503 , 504 , 505. ] Upon the Ides of January this distribution of the Provinces was made , as Ovid notes ; thus speaking in the first book of Fastorum to Caesar German●cus . Idibus in magni castus Jovis aede sacerdos Semimaris flammis viscera libat ovis . Redditaque est omnis populo provincia nostro : Et tuus Augusto nomine dictus avus . On th' Ides the half-man priest in Joves great fane Offers the intrals of a sheep i th' flame , Then all the Province came to us , and then Thy Grandfire was Augustus nam'd 'mongst men . For on the same day , the name of Augustus was given to Caesar Octavianus : which Censorinus in his book de die Natali , shews was done the fourth day after , in these words . On the sixteenth day before the Kalends of February , the Emperour Caesar , the son of him of blessed memory , by the opinion of L. Munacius Plancus , was saluted Augustus by the Senate and the rest of the Citizens ; himself being the seventh time , and M. Vipsanius Agrippa the III time Consuls . Caesar having setled all things , and reduced the Provinces into a certain form , was sirnamed Augustus , [ Livy , lib. 134. ] That that name was given him both in his seventh Consulship , Dio [ lib. 53. ] and by the opinion of Plancus with the consent of the whole Senate and people of Rome , Velleius , [ lib. 2. cap. 91. ] confirmeth : of whom Suetonius , [ in Octavio , cap. 7. ] The opinion of Munatius Plancus prevailed , that he should be rather called Augustus , ( though some were of opinion that he should be called Romulus , as if he also had been a founder of the City ) not onely because it was a new , but also a more honourable name , because also Religious places , and wherein any thing is consecrated by the flying of birds are called Augusta , of growing , or from the gesture or feeding of birds , as also Ennius teacheth writing on this manner , Augusto Augurio post quam inclyta condita Roma est . After that noble Rome was built by sacred flight of birds . And Florus in the fourth book , it was also debated in the Senate , whether he should be called Romulus , because he had founded the empire : but the name Augustus seemed to be the more holy and venerable , that so , while he now lived on earth , he might be as it were deified by the name it self and title . Dio hath the like things , who notes that he was called Augustus by the Romans , and by the Greeks 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from the splendour of his dignity , and sanctity of the honour greater than humane , [ lib. 53. pag. 507. 509. compared with Acts XXV . 21. 25. with the XVII . 23. & 11. Thessal . 11. 4. ] to which let that of Ovid be added . lib. 1. Fastorum . Sed tamen humanis celebrantur honoribus omnes : Hic socium summo cum Jove nomen habet . Sancta vocant augusta patres : augusta vocantur Templa , sacerdotum ritè dicata manu . Hujus & Augurium dependet origine verbi : Et quodcunque suâ Jupiter auget ope . Augeat imperium nostri ducis , augeat annos : Protegat & nostras querna corona fores . All common persons have their common fame , But he with Jove enjoyes an equall name , Of old most sacred things , Augusta were : Temples that name and hallow'd things do bear : Yea Augury depends upon this word , And whatsoever more Jove doth afford : Let it enlarge his rule and life let all , Our coast , be guarded by a fenced wall . By this meanes the whole power of the people and Senate , was translated upon Augustus , [ Dio. lib. 53. pag. 507. ] which name formerly held sacred , and till now such as that not any Governour durst take upon him , so huge a title did he lay to the usurped Empire of the world● and from that day the whole commonwealth and the government thereof began to be and to remain in the possession of one man : which the Greeks call monarchy , [ Oros. lib. 6. cap. 20. ] that the Romans began their Epoch of their August , from the Kalends of January , Censorinus teacheth in his book , de natali die , where he compares the 265 year of this account , with the 283 of the Julian account ; as also in the following Chapter , he casts the Consulship of Marcius Censorinus , and Alinius Gallu : upon the twentieth of the Augustan year , falling upon the 38 of the Julian account . Tralles a City in Asia being overthrown with an earthquake , the place of exercise fell also , which was afterwards rebuilt by Caesar. [ Euseb. Chronic. Strabo . lib. 12. pag. 57. ] A difference arising between Cossabarus the Idumaean , Year of the World 3978 and his wife Salome the sister of Herod , The Julian Period . 4658 she contrary to the custome of the Jews , Year before Christ 26 sent him a bill of divorce , and going to her brother told him , that she preferred her brothers love , before her tie to her husband , for she said that Costabarus had practised some innovations with Lysimachus , Antipater , and Dositheus building the credit of her assertion from this , because he had privily kept and preserved in security within his Country , Bebas his children , now twelve yeares from the taking of Jerusalem by Herod , and all this without the privity and good will of the King , which as soon as Herod knew , he sent some to their hiding places , and killed them , and as many as were in the same crime with them , to the end that there should none remain of the kindred of Hyrcanus ; but taking out of the way who excelled in any dignity , that he might doe whatsoever he would himself , there being none now left to resist him , [ Joseph . lib. 15. cap. 11. ] Hereupon Herod becomming more secure , departed more and more from his Country customes , violating them with strange inventions ; and first of all he instituted wrestlings every fifth year in honour of Caesar , for the exhibiting of which he began to build a theatre in Jerusalem , and an amphitheatre in the plain , both of them very sumptuous for the workmanship , but clean contrary to the Jewish customes , among whom there is no use of these things , nor any setting forth of such shews , yet he woul● have this solemnity to be enrolled , and to be proclaimed to the Countries about him and also to forreign nations , and by propounding of great rewards , he invited not only those that were skilled in wrestling , but excellent Musicians also , and them that plaied on instruments : but nothing so troubled the Jews as the trophees , which being covered with armour , they thought to be images , forbidden them by their law , which that Herod might convince them of , he commanded the ornaments to be taken off from them , and shewed them that they were meer stocks of wood , which being done all their anger was turned into laughter . [ id . ibid. ] THE FIFTH CALIPPICK PERIOD BEGINS . Cornelius Gallus spake many things with much vanity against Augustus . [ Dio. lib. 53. pag. 512. ] of whom Ovid in lib. 2. Tristium written to Augustus himself . Non fuit opprobrio celebrasse Lycorida Gallo ; Sed linguam nimio non tenuisse mero . To court Lycoris was not Gallus shame ; But he when lisp't by drink defil'd his name . By reason of his ungratefull and malevolent mind , Augustus noted him with infamy , and forbad him his house , or to live within any of his provinces , he was also accused of thefts , and pillaging the provinces , and of many other crimes , first by Valerius Largus a most wicked man , who was his companion , and fellow commoner with him , and then by many others , who hitherto had flattered Gallus , but had turned all their services to Largus when they saw him begin to rise ; and it was decreed by the whole Senate , that Gallus being condemned in judgment should be banished , that his goods should be confiscate to Augustus , and that for this cause the Senate should offer sacrifice , but he not able to beare his grief , and fearing the nobility highly incensed against him , to whom the care of this businesse was committed , fell upon his own sword , and so by a voluntary death prevented the condemnation : Gallus being thus forced to death by the depositions of his accusers , and by the decree of the Senate , Augustus indeed praised their love towards him in being so displeased for his sake , but withall he wept , and bewailed his own misfortune , that he alone could not be angry with his friends as much as he would himself . [ Sueton. in Octavio . cap. 66. Dio. lib , 53. pag. 512. 513. Ammian . Marcellin . lib. 17. Icrosm . in Chronico . ] Petronius was made successour to Gallus in the government of Egypt , who susteined the charge of a multitude of the Alexandrians , invading with casting of stones , he being only strengthened with his own souldiers , and having slain some of them , he repressed the rest . [ Strabo . lib. 17. pag. 819. ] Polemo the King of Pontus is taken in among the allies and confederates of the people of Rome , and the first seates in theatres , throughout his whole Kingdome , were given to the Senatours . [ Dio. lib. 53. pag. 513. ] it seems that from him Pontus took the name of Polemoniacus , in Justinian . [ Novella . 8. ] Ten Citizens of Jerusalem , Year of the World 3979 made a conspiracy against Herod , The Julian Period . 4689 hiding their swords under their garments , Year before Christ 25 amongst which one was blind , not for any thing that he could do , but to shew that he was ready to suffer any thing that should happen to the defenders of their country rights , but one of them whom Herod had appointed for the searching out such things , having fished out the businesse , declared it to Herod , who being apprehended with an undaunted countenance , they drew out their weapons , protesting that not for any private profit , but in behalf of the publick discipline , they had undertaken this conspiracy , whereupon they were led away , by the Kings ministers , and put to death by all manner of tortures , and not long after their accuser being hated of all men , was slain by some , and being cut in pieces , was throwen to the dogs , in the presence of many men . Yet did none discover this act , untill that after long and wearisome inquisitions made by Herod , it was wrung out by tortures from some silly women , who were privy to the fact , but then were the authors of that murther punished with their whole families . [ Joseph . lib. 15. cap. 11. ] Herod that he might be more secure from the seditions of the tumultuous people , in the 13 year of his raign , ( to be reckoned from the death of Antigonus ) began to fortifie Samaria , which was distant from Jerusalem a daies journey , and called it Sebaste ( or Augusta ) the circuit of it was twenty furlongs , in which he placed a temple of a furlong and half space in the very middest of it , wonderfully adorned , and he brought it to passe , that many of the souldiers that had alwaies helped him , and also of the neighbour nations , came and dwelt there , ( id . ibid. and the beginning of the next chapter ) Africanus calls it , in the Chronicle of Georgius Syncellus , The city of the Gabinians , [ pag. 308. ] for when Samaria was destroyed by John Hyrcanus , and rebuilt by A. Gabinius and peopled with inhabitants , ( as is formerly noted out of Josephus , at the year of the Julian period 4657. ) by the name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 can be understood none other than the colony that Gabinius brought hither , which very thing I am not a little glad that it was observed in like manner by that man of learning and curtesie James Goarus ( to whose great industry , the late famous edition of the Georgian Chronicle is beholding . ) Herod also built another fort as a bridle to the whole nation , namely the tower of Straton , also in the great plain , as they call it , he built a Castle , and chose his horsemen by lot to keep it , and in Galilee Gabalus , and Esthmonitis in Peraea , which Castles being so conveniently disposed through the whole Country , he took from the common people all matter of rebellion . [ Joseph . lib. 15. cap. 11. Augustus began his ninth Consulship in Tarracon ( a City of the hither Spain , ) [ Sueton. in Octavio . cap. 26. ] in the third year of the CLXXXVIII . Olympiade , in which the Indians demanded amity with Augustus , as we read in the Eusebian Chronicle : and those Embassadours were sent from King Pandion , as in the Chronicle of Georgius Syncellus [ pag. 311. ] we have found noted out of some Roman tables . P. Orosius confirmeth that there came to Augustus to Tarracon , Embassadours of the Indians , from the farthest part of the East , and of the Scythians from the North with presents from both their nations , lib. 6. cap. 21. concerning whom Horace in his secular verse . Jam Scythae responsa petunt superbi Nuper & Indi . The lofty Scythian and the Indians , late , Came for the answer of their future fate . and lib. 4. Carminum 4. Ode . to Augustus . Te cantaber , non antè domabilis , Medusque , & Indus , te profugus Scythes Miratur , o tutela praesens Italiae dominae que Romae . The yet untamed Cantaber in thee , Mede , Indian , Scythian do mirrours see : Thou that preservest Italy from dread , And Rome , her glory and exalted head . And Florus thus lib. 4. last Chapter . The Scythians sent their Embassadours , as also the Sarmatians desiring friendship , the Scres also , and the Indians inhabiting right under the sun , came with precious stones , and pearles , and dragging also Elephants among their presents : nothing so much spake for them as the length of the journey , which had taken up four yeares , and yet the colour of the men seemed as if they had come from another heaven , [ Suetonius . in Octavio . cap. 21. ] He induced : he Scythians and Indians , ( nations known only by report ) to make sute of their own accord , by Embassadours , for amity of him and the people of Rome . [ Eutropius . lib. 7. ] The Scythians and Indians , to whom the Roman name was unknown , sent presents and Embassadours to him ; to be short Aurelius Victor , increaseth the number of the nations : Indians , Scythians , Garamantis , and Bactrians , sent Embassadours to him to desire a league . Amyntus being dead , Augustus did not deliver over the kingdom to his sons , but made it a Province of the people of Rome : and from thence Galatia and Lycaonia began to have a Roman Governour , [ Dio. lib. 53. pag. 514. ] M. Lollius as Propraetour governing that Province , [ Euseb. Chronic. Eutrop. lib. 7. Sex. Rufus in Breviar . ] but the Towns of Pamphilia , which were formerly given to Amyntus were restored to their own particular jurisdiction , [ Dio. ut supr . ] In the 13 year of Herods raign , very grievous calamities befel the Country of the Jews . First there was a continual drought , upon which a famine followed : after thorough this famine by changing their diet , there became sicknesses and the plague . And seeing H●rod had not means enough to supply the publick necessity ; whatsoever therefore was in the Palace either of gold or silver , he melted all , not sparing any thing for the goodnesse of the workmanship ; nay not his own vessels that were for his daily use ; having made money of these things , he sent it into Egypt , where at that time under Caesar , Petronius held the government : Who although he was pestered with a a multitude of them that fled to him for the like necessity ; yet because he was privately Herods friend , and desired the preservation of his subjects , he therefore especially gave them leave to export corn , helping them both in the buying , and in the carriages : So that the greatest meanes of the preservation of the Nation was attributed to him , [ Joseph . lib. 15. cap. 12. ] Herod as soon as the corn was come ; first of all very carefully divided it to such who could not provide corn for themselves , and then because there were many that through old age or some other debility could not dresse it themselves , he appointed them certain Bakers , that they might have alwayes their food ready . And thus he not onely by his diligence made the people change their mindes that were averse from him , but also got the praise of a bountiful and provident Prince , [ Id. ibid. ] From the 29 of August ( to wit , the third day before the beginning of the Syrian moneth Elul , or of our September ) on the 6 day of the week , begins that Egyptian Epoch , which Albatenius in the 32 Chapter of Astronomical work calls Al●kept ( that is , of the Coptitiae or Aegyptians ) by which he saith , the account and order of the motions of the Stars are cast up from Theons calculations , and to which , from the account Dilkarnaim ( or of the Seleucidae , which he begins with the Syrians , from the beginning of Elul or September ) he saith there have passed 287 years , for so it is to be read in the Maunscript , not as yet set forth , 387. for in this year , the first day of the moneth Thoth , both in the moveable year of the Egyptians , as in the fixed year of the Grecians and Alexandrians ( as Theon speaketh ) was found to fall upon the same day ( of August in the Julian account 29. ) which cannot happen but after the full Period of 1460. of the Alexandrian years , and of the Egyptian 1641. which exhibits the renewing or Constitution of either year 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : This renewing happened to be made after 1460 years , from a certain beginning of time , namely , the fifth year of the reign of Augustus , saith Theon , in the explication of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to wit , being ended , or five years after the beginning of the Empire of Augustus , which as Theon and Ptolomeus both agree , begins 294 years , after the death of Alexander , or the Philippick account , and from this Philippick account , even to this Constitution , are 299 years . as in the Astronomical Epitome of Theodorus Metochita is truely observed : neither did Panodorus , the Alexandrian Monk intend any thing else , who discoursing of this Period and Constitution of 1460 years , falling upon the 29 day of the moneth August , from the Epoch , of which he wrote that the account , the motions of the stars , and the ecclipses are to be cast up in the Astronomical Calculations : howsoever Georgius Syncellus , a man very unskilful in these matters in his Chronicle . [ pag. 312 , 313. ] in relating his opinion , clear perverted , because he did not understand , it . Herod provided for his Subjects against the sharpnesse of the Winter , Year of the World 3980 that none should be in danger to want clothing , their cattle being dead , and both wool , and other things falling : and when he had provided for this , he took care also of the neighbour Cities of the Syrians , he afforded them also seed for sowing ; and the Castles and Cities , and those of the common people , who had great families , coming to him for succour , he found a remedy for them also : so that to reckon up all the corn that he gave unto those , who were not his Subjects , it was found that there were 10000 cores given , and within the realm 8000 cores : now a core conteined ten Athenian bushels . [ Joseph . lib. 15. cap. 12. ] Now seeing that Augustus could not celebrate at Rome the marriage of his daughter , and Marcellus , the son of his sister Octavia , by reason of his sicknesse , he solemnized it by the help of M. Agrippa , he himself being absent . [ Dio. lib. 53. pag. 515. ] On the Kalends of January , The Julian Period . 4690 on which Augustus entred upon his tenth Consulship , Year before Christ 24 the Senate confirmed by oath that they approved all his acts ; and when as he approaced neer the City , ( from which he had been a long time absent , by reason of sicknesse ) and had promised an hundred pence a man to the people ; yet he said , that before he would give it , the Senate should give their assent . The Senate then freed him from all tye of laws , and that he should be of absolute power , and Emperour of himself , as well as the laws , and that he might do all things , or not do according to his own pleasure . [ Id. ib. pag. 519 , 515 , 516. ] As soon as the corn was ripe for the harvest , Herod dismissed fifty thousand men , whom he had fed in time of the famine , into their own Countries and his neighbours the Syrians : and by this means , he with his deligence , restored the almost ruined estate of his own Subjects , and did not a little relieve his neighbours , who were afflicted with the same calamities . [ Joseph . lib. 15. cap. 12. ] At the same time Herod sent aide to Caesar , namely , five hundred chosen men of his guard , whom Aelius Gallus led into the wars into Arabia , where they did most excellent service . [ Id. ibid. ] This Aelius Gallus ( falsly called Aelius Largus in the later editions of Dio. ) was of the order of Knighthood , as saith Pliny . [ lib. 6. cap. 28. ) and the third governour of Egypt , under Augustus , of whom Strabo makes mention , as of his friend and companion , [ lib. 2. pag. 118. ] and writes that , together with him , he saw the Statute of Memnon . [ lib. 17. pag. 816. ] This man Augustus sent with part of the Roman Garison which was in Egypt , into Arabia , [ Id. ibid. lib. 2. ut supra . & lib. 17. pag. 819. ] that he might make an attempt upon those Nations and places : and moreover the bounds of the Ethiopians , and Troglodytica , which borders upon Egypt , and neer to them the Arabian Gulf , which being very narrow , divides the Arabians from the Troglodytae : but yet to take this advice with him , to agree with them if they would themselves , or if they withstood him , he should subdue them . [ Id. lib. 16. pag. 780. ] For this Expedition into Arabia , Aelius built 80 ships , of two and three banks of oars on a side , and some light Gallions , at Cleopatris , which was neer to the old ditch of Nilus , when as there was no thought of any fight by sea with the Arabians . When he understood his errour , he built a hundred and thirty ships of burden , in which he sailed , carrying with him , of the Roman Foot , and of the Allies , ten thousand , with whom were five hundred Jews , and a thousand Nabathaeans with Syllaeus . [ Id. ibid. ] At that time Obodes was King of the Nabathaeans , a slouthful and idle man , and especially concerning Martial Affairs , ( which is a common vice of all the Arabian Kings ) not at all careful ; for he had committed the government of his affairs to Syllaeus , who was a young man , and crafty . [ Id. ibid. Joseph . lib. 16. cap. 11. ] This Syllaeus had promised Aelius , that he would both be his guide , and that he would help him with provisions , and any thing he should stand in need of , but yet did all things treacherously , for neither was the march by land safe , nor the voyage by sea without let , but through by-wayes and long windings , and places that were barren , and shelves unfit for harbour , being dangerous , either through hidden Rocks , or miry bogges ; the sea never ebbing or flowing in those places . [ Strabo . ut supra . pag. 780. ] After many miseries , Aelius Gallus came on the fifteenth day to the territory of Album , the greatest place of trading of all Nabathaea , having lost many of his ships , and some with the men in them , perished not by any war , but by the difficulties of sayling . This was caused by the villany of Syllaeus , who denied that ever an army could be brought into the territory of Album by land ; when as both thither and farther , Merchants passe that Country , with huge store of Camells and men , in a way that is both safe and well furnished with provision , from one part of Arabia Petraea to the other , so that they seem to be an army . [ Id. ibid. pag. 780. 788. ] Which Troups of Marchants at this day they call Carvans . The army of Aelius being come hither , they were seized upon by Stomacaccis and Scelotyrbe , which are diseases incident to that Country , whereof one is as it were a palsie of the mouth , and the other about the hams , arising from the badnesse of the water and herbs that they drank and eat , wherefore Aelius was forced to stay there a whole Summer and Winter , to refresh his sick men . [ Strabo . pag. 981. ] There was one Zenodorus , who having hired the house of Lysanias , or Territory of Trachonitis , Batanaea , Autanitis , and not content with the profits that arose from thence , maintained the inhabitants of Trachonis , who living in Caves , like wild-beasts , were wont to rob and plunder the Damascens , and was also partaker of their booty : so that the people that inhabited those Countries , were fain to have recourse to Varus , their Governour of Syria , and complained unto him , desiring him , that by his letters he would signifie Zenodorus his injuries that he did them , unto Caesar : and Caesar wrot back , that he should take especial care , utterly to root out those thieves . Varro therefore with his Souldiers setting upon the places suspected , clean purged the land from the thieves , and took away the Country from Zenodorus . [ Joseph . lib. 1. Bell. cap. 15. and lib , 15. Antiquit. cap. 13. ] Herod built himself a Palace in Sion , building in it two very large and stately houses , with which the Temple it self could in no wise compare , and called one of them by the name of Caesar , and the other by the name of Agryppa . [ Joseph . lib. 15. Antiquit. cap. 12. & lib. 1. bell . cap. 16. ] The XXIX . Jubilee . Year of the World 3981 Herod having removed from the Priesthood Jesus the son of Phabes , The Julian Period . 4691 makes Simon a Priest of Jerusalem , Year before Christ 23 the son of Boethus of Alexandra , Priest in his room , and took also his daughter Mariamme to wife ; that was the most beautiful of that age . [ Joseph . lib. 15. cap. 12. & lib. 18. cap. 7. ] The marriage being over , he began to build a new Palace , adjoyning also a fair Town to it , which he called Herodion , after his own name , in a placed distant from Jerusalem 60 furlongs towards Arabia , where he had overcome the Jews , when he was thrust out by the armes of Antigonus , [ Id. lib. 14. cap. 25. & lib. 15. cap. 12. lib. 1. bell . cap. 11. & 16. ] Pliny makes mention of Herodion , and of a famous Town of the same name , [ lib. 5. cap. 14. ] Gallus departing with his army from Album , a Village of the Nabataeans , went thorough such places , that he was compelled to carry his water upon Camels , which happened to him thorough the malice of the conductours ; wherefore after many days he came into the land of Aretus , who was joyned in affinity with Obodus the King of the Nabathaeans : but the treachery of Syllaeus rendered this Country hard to be passed ; but he passed it in 30 dayes thorough unbeaten paths , where his food was spelt and dates , and those but a few , and butter instead of oil . The Country that he came into at last belonged to the Nomades , and truly a great part of it was desert ; it was called Ararena , and the King of it was Sabus , [ Strabo , lib. 16. pag. 781. ] Sabus was King of Arabia Felix ; in which although none came out to face Aelius , yet this journey cost him much labour : for the desertnesse of the Country and the Sun , and the Waters that are naturally infected , did much afflict them , so that the greater part of the army perished . That disease was like none of ours ; the head was disaffected , and that being dried , killed many , and those that escaped death , the disease went thorough their whole body into their legs , and there did so afflict them , that no remedy would do any good , unlesse one drank oil mingled with wine , and anointed himself therewith , which very few could do ; for neither of those grow in these places , neither had they brought any plenty with them . Amongst these mischances , the Barbarians also , who at first in every battle always had the worst , and lost some Towns also , now taking occasion by the help of this disease , they set upon the Romans and recover their own , and drive the rest of the Romans out of the Country , [ Dio. lib. 53. pag. 516 , 517. ] Yet these both first and onely of the Romans , carried the war so far in Arabia Felix , even to the famous City Athlula ( or Athrula ) [ Id. ibid pag. 517. ] In that Expedition Gallus overthrew these Towns so named by former Writers . Egra , Annestus Esca , Magusum , Tammacum , Labecia , Mariaba , ( that was six miles in compasse ) and Caripeta , which was the farthest he went , [ Plin. lib. 6. cap. 28. ] and had not Syllaeus betrayed him , he had conquered all Arabia Felix , [ Strabo , lib. 17. pag. 118. fin . ] whose progresse and regresse in this journey we here set down out of Strabo . Fifty dayes being spent in travelling over Ararena thorough impassable wayes , he came to the City of the Agrans ( or rather Egrans ) a peaceable and fruitful Country . Then King Sabus fled , and the City was taken at the first assault . From hence on the sixth day he came to the River ; there the Barbarians met him in battle array , of whom there fell 10000. and but two onely of the Romans , for they were very cowardly , and used their weapons unskilfully , as the Bow , and Launce , and Sword , and Sling , but for the most part , were Bills with two edges . Then he took the City Asca , that was forsaken by the King : from thence he came to Athrula , which he easily took , and put a Garison there ; and having provided corn and dates for his journey , came to Marsyabae , a City of the Rhamanites , who were under Ilasarus . This he set upon , and besieged six dayes , afterwards being compelled for want of water , he left off his design . He understood by the Captives that he was onely six dayes journey from that part where the Spices grow ; but he spent six moneths in this journey thorough the fault of his guides . At last , having found out the treachery , being returned another way , he came in nine dayes to Anagrana , where there was a skirmish ; then on the eleventh day to the seven Wells , so named from the thing it self : thence thorough places that were tilled , to the village of Chaalla ; afterwards to a Bulwark called Malotha , seated by the River side : after that thorough Desarts where there was not much water , into the village of Negra ( or Hygra ) which is under Obodas , and lieth by the Sea. In his return he spent but 60 dayes in all , whereas before he had spent 6 moneths , [ Strabo , lib. 16. pag. 781 , 782. ] Whilst Aelius Gallus waged war with part of the Egyptian army in Arabia , the Ethiopians which dwelt beyond Egypt , being sent by their Queen Candace ( a manly woman and blind of one eye ) upon a sudden invasion surprised the Garrisons of three Cohorts , which were Syena , Elephantina , & Phillis , and carried them away captives , and overthrew Caesars Statues . Against these Petronius the Governour of Egypt marched , not with full 10000 Foot , and 800 Horse , against 30000 men , and at first forced them to flee into Pselcha a City of Ethiopia . Then he sent to them to demand the things that they had taken away , and also to know the reason why they had begun this war ; and they saying , that they had been injured by the governours , he answered them that they were not lords of the Country , but that Caesar was : then they demanding three daies time to deliberate , and in the meantime doing nothing to satisfie him , he marcheth towards them , and forceth them to fight , and presently routeth them ; for they were but ill ordered , and as bad armed , for they had great sheilds made of raw ox hides , and the weapons with which they fought were , hatchets , speares , and some had swords . Then some being forced into the City , some fled into the desarts , others into the next Island , who also took the river , among whom were Queen Candaces captains , these he also took , having passed the river by boates and ships , and sent them to Alexandria , and so went to Pselcha and took it , then numbring the multitude of them that were taken Captives , and of those that were killed , it was found that very few escaped in safety , [ Strabo . lib. 17. pag. 820. Dio. lib. 54. pag. 524. ] From Pselcha Petronius came to Premnis , a City strong by nature , and having passed over those hills of Sande , by which Cambyses army was overwhelmed by reason of wind that fell , he took it at the first assault , then he goes forward to Napata ( called Tanape by Dio. ) where Candaces pallace was , and there her sonne stayed him ; she being in a Castle that was nigh , sent Embassadours to treat of a peace , and restored the statues , and the Captives that were taken from Syena : but Petronius stormed Napata and took it , and overthrew it , her son being put to flight ; but whereas he neither could go forward because of the sand and the heat , or conveniently stay there with the whole army , haveing fortified Premnis with walls , and a garrison and victuall for 400 men for two yeares , he returned to Alexandria , of the Captives haveing sold the rest , he sent 1000 to Caesar , as he was returned from the Cantabrian war , of whom some died of diseases . [ id . ibid. ] With these is to be joyned that place of Pliny , in the 6 book chap. 29. In the time of Augustus , the Romans entred the country of the Aethiopians , P. Petronius being generall , who was of the order of Knighthood , and governour of Aegypt ; he overcame their Townes , which he only found , in the same order that we shall speak of ; Pselchis , Primnis , Aboccis , Phihuris , Cambusis , Attena , Stadisis , where the inhabitants loose their hearing by the noyse of the fall of the river of Nile , he sacked also Napata . The farthest that he went from Syena was 870 miles , neither yet did the Romans make an utter desolation . Phraates the III was restored into his Kingdome by the great aid of the Scythians , of whose coming Tiridates hearing , he flies to Caesar , with a great number of his friends desiring that he might be restored into that Kingdome , promising that Parthia should be subject to Rome , if he would give him that Kingdome , when Phraates knew this he presently sent Embassadours to Caesar , desiring that he would send him back his servant Tiridates , and his own son , whom he had delivered as hostage to Caesar. [ Just. lib. 42. cap. 5. ] When Tiridates and Phraates Embassadours were come to Rome , Augustus brought them both into the Senate , and then taking the knowledg of the difference from the Senate to himself , he heard the demands of either party , but then told them that he neither would yeild up Tiridates to the Parthians , neither would aid Tiridates against the Parthians , but least they at last , should seem to obtein nothing of their requests , he commanded a very large allowance to be given to Phraates , as long as he would tarry at Rome , and sent back Phraates his son , that in leine of him he might recover the Captives , and ensignes that were lost in the overthrowes of Crassus and Antonius . [ id . ibid. Dio. lib. 53. pag. 519. ] Whenas there were mutuall grudges began to shew themselves between M. Agrippa and M. Marcellus the nephew and son in law of Augustus , because one thought the other to be more respected by Augustus than the other , he , fearing that contentions would grow higher between them if they continued both in one place , immediately sent away Agrippa into Asia , to govern those provinces beyond the sea in his stead . Agrippa left the City , but sending his Lieutenant into Syria , he himself tarried at Mitylenae in the isle of Lesbos [ Dio. lib. 53. pag. 518. cum Vellei . Patercul . lib. 2. cap. 93. Jos. lib. 15. cap. 13. Sueton. in Octavio . cap. 66. ] When Augustus resigned the eleventh Consulship , and made Lucius Sestius the great favourite of Brutus Consul in his room , the Senate decreed these honours to him , That he should be perpetuall Tribune of the common people , that he might call the Senate as often as he would , although he were not Consul , that he might make ordinances concerning whatsoever things he pleased , that he should have alwaies proconsulary power , and that he should not lay it down when he came within the walls , or have need to renew it , and that he should alwaies have greater power in the provinces , than the very governours . [ Dio. lib. 53. pag. 518. 519. ] Aelius Gallus returning from the expedition of Arabia , Year of the World 3982 left the village Negra in the Kingdome of the Nabataeans , and in eleven daies space wafted his army into the haven of Muris : hence passing Coptum , he came to Alexandria with those forces that were able to bear arms , for he had lost the rest , not in war , ( wherein only seven were lost ) but by famine , labour , diseases , and the badnesse of the way . [ Strabo . lib. 16. pag. 782. ] Some of his medicinal compositions are related by Galen , [ in lib. 2. de Antidotis , ] among which there is triacle that he gave to Caesar , with which he had preserved many of his Souldiers . Marcus Marcellus , the Son of Octavia , the sister of Augustus , and the husband of Julia , the daughter of Augustus died . [ Vellei . Patercul . lib. 2. cap. 93. Dio. lib. 53. pag. 517. & 519. ] Augustus restored to the people Cyprus and Gallia Narbonensis , The Julian Period . 4692 because they needed not any forces , and for them received Dalmatia . [ Dio. lib. 54. pag. 523. with lib. 53. pag. 504. ] The dancing of Anticks , and Stage-playes , was first brought up in Rome , by Pylades Cilices , and Bathyllus ; Pylades was the first that ever had a Quire to play unto him . [ Euseb. Chronic. cum Scaligeri Collectan . Graec. pag. 390. & Animadversion . pag. 155 , 156. ] Herod having now built Sebaste , began to build most magnificently , another City , in a place by the sea side , where the Town of Straton stood , which he called Caesaria , with the addition of an Haven of admirable work , equal in greatnesse to the Haven Piraetus , all which he finished in twelve years space , sparing neither labour , nor cost . [ Joseph . lib. 1. bell . cap. 16. & lib. 17. Antiquit. cap. 13. ] Whereupon Eutropius speaking of Caesar , saith lib. 7. The name of Caesar was so beloved by the Barbarians , that Kings that were friends of the people of Rome , built Cities in honour of him , and called them Cesarea ; as 〈◊〉 Mauritania by King Juba , and in Palestine which is a most famous City . Herod sent his sons Alexander and Aristobulus ( which he had by Mariamme the Asmonaean ) to Rome to Caesar , to be there brought up : for whom their lodging was prepared at Pollios his house the great friend of Herod . Caesar entertained the young men very curteously , and gave Herod power to make which of his sons he would heir of his Kingdom , and gave him also Trachonitis Batunaea and Auranitis , [ Joseph . lib. 15. cap. 13. ] After Herod had received Trachon , Year of the World 3983 he took guides and went to the Dens of the theeves , restrained their villanies , and gave peace to the inhabitants : but Zenodorus being moved , partly thorough envy , and partly with the losse of his possessions , went to Rome to accuse Herod , but could effect nothing , [ Id. ibid. ] Herod having saluted his chiefest friend Agrippa at Mitylene , returned into Judea , [ Ibid. ] Some Citizens of Gadara go to Agrippa to accuse Herod , whom not vouchsafing so much as to hear , he sent them bound to Herod ; but Herod spared them , who although he was inexorable towards his own people , yet he willingly contemned and forgave injuries received from strangers , [ Id. ibid. ] Augustus went into Sicily , that he might settle that , as also all other Provinces even to Syria , [ Dio. lib. 54. pag. 524. ] Augustus sent for Agrippa ( who he wished had had more patience , The Julian Period . 4693 because for a light suspition of harshnesse under colour of the chief office had gone , Year before Christ 21 leaving all things , to Mitylene ) to come to him out of Asia into Sicilia , and commanded him to leave his wife , although the daughter of Octavia , Augustus his own sister ; and to marry his daughter Julia the widow of Marcellus , and sent him presently to solemnize the Marriage , and to undertake the government of the City , [ Id. ibid. pag. 525. Velleius Patercul . lib. 2. cap. 93. Sueton , in Octavio , cap. 63 , 66. ] Zenodorus , counting his estate desperate , had farmed out Auranitis a part of his Country to the Arabians for fifty talents yearly rent . This part although it was contained in the grant that Caesar gave Herod , yet the Arabians hateing Herod would in no wise suffer it to be taken from them ; Sometimes laying claime to it by intodes and force , and sometimes contending for the right of possession before the Judges . They drew also unto them certain needy souldiers , who according to the custom of wretched men , hope for better fortunes by innovations : which although Herod knew well enough , yet he had rather prevent it by good reasons , than by armes , least he should give occasions of new commotions . [ Joseph . lib. 15. cap. 13. ] Augustus having ordered things in Sicilia passed over into Greece , when he took from the Athenians , Aegina and Eretria , because as some report , they had favoured Anthony . [ Dio. ut supra . pag. 525. ] Petronius going with succour prevented Candace the Queen of the Ethiopians , who with many thousands set upon the garrison of Premnis , and having entred the Castle , strenghthened it with much provision ; and compelled the Queen to accept conditions of peace , [ Strabo . lib. 17. pag. 821. cum Dion . lib. 54. pag. 524. ] Petronius commanded the Embassadours that were sent unto him , that if they would demand any thing they should go unto Caesar , and they denying that they knew whether there were a Caesar , or where they should meet with him , he commanded some that they should conduct him . [ Strabo . ibid. ] Augustus having perfected his affairs in Greece , sailed into Samos , and there wintered . [ Dio , lib. 54. pag. 525. ] When as the people of Armenia accused Artabazes or Artaxis , or Artaxias , ( the son of Artavasdes , that was taken by the treachery of Anthony , and desired that his brother Tigranes , who was then at Rome , might be their King. Augustus sent to Tiberius , to drive out Artabazes , and to make Tigranes King in his stead . [ Id. ib. pag. 526. cum Tacit. Annal. lib , 2. cap. 3. ] The Embassadours of Candace coming into Samos , found Caesar ready to go into Syria , and sending Tiberius into Armenia ; they easily obtained of him what they desired , and he remitted their tribute also . [ Strabo , lib. 17. pag. 821. ] In the Spring Augustus went into Asia , M. Apuleius , and P. Silius being Consuls , and there , and in Bythinia also , he ordered all things , not therefore making lesse account of them , because that , as well these as those Provinces , that he had formerly passed through , were accounted to belong to the people , but he took so much care for all things , as if they had been his own , for he mended all things , where it was convenient ; and to some he gave mony , and on others he imposed new sums , besides their ordinary tribute . But from the Cyzicenians , he took away their freedom , because that in a certain sedition they had put to death some Romans , after they had scourged them . [ Dio. lib. 54. pag. 525. ] Then he went into Syria , in the tenth year after he had been in that Province . [ Joseph , lib. 1. bell . cap. 15. ] But in the 17. year of the reign of Herod ( from the death of Antigonus ) [ Id. lib. 15. Antiquit. cap. 13. ] where he dispoiled the Tyrians and Sidonians of their liberty , because of their factions . [ Dio. lib. 54. pag. 525. ] Zenodorus had solemnly sworn to the Gadarens , that he would never leave off to do what possibly he could that they might be freed from the jurisdiction of Herod , and be annexed to Caesars Province . Hereupon many of them began to exclaim against Herod , calling him cruel and Tyrant , complaining unto Caesar of his violence and rapines , and for violating and rasing their Temples : with which Herod being nothing terrified , was ready to answer for himself : but Caesar used him courteously , and not at all alienated from him for all this tumultuous multitude . The Gadarens therefore perceiving the inclinations of Caesar and his friends , and fearing by certain conjectures , that they should be delivered into Herods hands . The next night after the meeting , some of them cut their own throats , others for fear of torments , brake their own necks , some also drowned themselves in the river : and thus whereas they seemed to fore judge themselves , Caesar immediately absolved Herod . [ Joseph . lib. 15. cap. 13. ] Zenodorus also having his bowels burst through much bloud that came from him , ended his life at Antioch in Syria . [ Id. ib. ] Augustus gave the Tetrarchy of Zenodorus to Herod . [ Id. ibid. Dio. lib. 54. pag. 526. ] Certainly no contemptible part , which being seated between Galilee and Trachona , conteined Ulatha Paneada , and the neighbour Countries , he made him also one of the Governours of Syria , and commanded the Governours of that Province to do nothing without his advice . [ Joseph . lib. 1. bell . cap. 15. lib. 15. Antiquit. cap. 13. ] Herod begged a Tetrarchy of Caesar , for his brother Pheroras , on whom he also bestowed 100 talents , out of the revenues of his own Kingdom , to the intent , that if he should happen to die , Pheroras estate might be assured , and not subject to Herods children , [ Id. ibid. ] Claudius Tiberius Nero was sent by Augustus , his father in law , with an army to visit and order the Provinces that were in the East ; where having shewed all experiments of the chiefest virtues , he entred Armenia with the Legions ; and having reduced it under the power of the people of Rome , he delivered the Kingdom to Artavasdes . Whereupon the King of the Parthians being terrified , with the fame of his great name , sent his sons Hostages to Caesar , this Velleius Paterculus , the great flatterer of Tiberius . [ lib. 2. cap. 94. ] All Authours else mention , that Tigranes , the son of Artavasdes , was at this time made King of the Armenians : for Artavasdes , being led captive into Egypt by Cleopatra , and Antony , his eldest son Artaxius ( whom Dio here calls Artabazes , by his Fathers name ) enjoyed the Kingdom of Armenia : to whom Archelaus and Nero , having expelled him by force out of the Kingdom , now made his younger brother successour ; ( called by Velleius , after his fathers name , Artavasdes , but by all others Tigranes ) Thus Josephus [ lib. 15. cap. 5. ] relates the story ; meaning by the name of Archelaus , the King of Cappadocia , and by the name of Nero , Claudius Tiberius , although he were not yet adopted by Caesar , to whom part of that Narration in Horace belongeth . [ lib. 1. epist. 12. ] Ne tamen ignores , qus sit Romana loco res : Cantaber Agrippae , Claudi virtute Neronis Armenius cecidit ; jus imperiumque Phraates Caesaris accepit genibus minor . Know further too what places do partake Roman affairs : Cant'ber t' Agrippa falls , Claudius Armenia did by Nero take : The younger brother Phraates hath all . Caesars both right and rule imperiall . With which agrees that of Ovid , in 3. Tristium . Nunc petit Armenius pacem ; nunc porrigit arcus Parthus eques , timida captaque signa manu . Th' Armenians sue for peace , the Parthian bow , Horse , Arms , and Ensignes are resigned now . Yet Dio affirms that Tiberius , or this Claudius Nero , Artabazes , or Arsazius , being put to death by the Armenians , before his coming , did nothing that was answerable to his preparation : [ lib. 54. pag. 526. ] Although concerning this businesse , he boasted that he had done every thing by his own virtue , and especially , because there then were decreed sacrifices , for it : which also that place of Tacitus seems to favour . [ lib. 2. Annal. cap. 3. ] Artaxias being slain by the treachery of his nearest friends , Tigranes is made King of the Armenians , and brought by Tiberius Nero into the Kingdom . Who leading his army into the East , restored the Kingdom of Armenia to Tigranes , and put the Crown on his head in the Tribunal , as Sueton hath it in Octavia . [ cap. 9. ] Suetonius adds in the same place , that Tiberius recovered the Ensignes that the Parthians had taken from M. Crassus , when also the Parthians , at Augustus demand , restored the military Ensignes , they had taken away from Marcus Crassus , and M. Antonius ; and moreover , offered hostages , as it is in the same Suetonius in Octavio . [ cap. 21. ] For when Augustus came into Syria , for the composing of the state of affairs in the East ; Phraates , who had performed nothing as was agreed , fearing least Augustus should make war upon Parthia , sent back to him the Roman Ensignes , both which Orodes had taken , at the overthrow of Crassus , and which his son had taken , when Antonius was put to flight , he delivered also all the Captives that were in all Parthia , that were gathered up of the army of Crassus , and Antonius , except a few , who had killed themselves for shame , and some that tarried privately in Parthia . These things Augustus ●●ceived , as if he had conquered the Parthian in war. [ Livy , lib. 139. Florus , lib. 4. cap. ult . Strabo . lib. 2. pag. 288. & lib. 16. 748. Vellei . Patercul . lib. 2. cap. 91. Justin. lib. 42. cap. ult . Dio. lib. 54. pag. 525. Eutrop. lib. 7. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 21. & Cassiodorus in Chronico . ] Eutropius writes that the Persians , or Parthians , gave hostages to Caesar , which they never did before to any , and by delivering the Kings children for hostages , that they merited a firm league , with a solemn procession , writes Orosius . [ ut supra . ] And Strabo confirms , that Phraates , in the end of lib. 6. committed his sons , and his sons sons to Augustus Caesar , and desired with all reverence to deserve his friendship , by delivering hostages to him . And Justin confirms in the end of his 42 book , that his sons and Grand-children were hostages to Augustus : butyet Tacitus warns us in the beginning of the second of the Annals , that he shewed all duty and reverence to Augustus , and sent part of his children , for the strengthening of their friendship , not so much for fear of him , as for distrusting the disloyalty of his own Subject , for this was the businesse . Thermusa , an Italian woman , whom of a Concubine he made his wife , thinking to get the Kingdom of the Parthians , for Phraates her son , whom she had born to the King , when she was yet his Concubine , perswaded the King her husband , with whom she could do any thing , to send his lawful begotten children in hostage to Rome . [ Joseph . lib : 15. cap. 3. ] Phraates , calling Titius to a conference , who was then governour of Syria , delivered his four lawful begotten sons for hostages ; Saraspades , Cerospades , Phraates and Vonones , two of their wives , and four sons : for fearing a sedition , and least some treachery should be laid for him by his enemies , he sent his sons out of the way : perswading himself , that none should be able to do any thing against him , if he should have none of the race of the Arsacidae to be set up in his room , to whom the Parthians were so affectionate , [ Strabo , lib. 16. pag. 748. 749. ] in an old Roman inscription there joyned with Saraspadanes ( for so he is there named ) another son of Phraates , not mentioned by Strabo , Rhodaspes a Parthian the son of Phraates Arsaces the King of Kings . [ inscript . Gruter . pag. CCLXXXVIII . ] Augustus in the East ordered his subjects according to the form of the Roman lawes , but suffered those that were in league with him to live after the lawes of their ancestours , neither determined he to take any thing from them , but to be content with what they had gotten , and so he wrote to the Senate , he therefore at this time made no war , but gave to Jamblichus the son of Jamblichus his fathers principality in Arabia , he gave also to Tarcondimotus the son of Tarcondimotus ; his fathers principality in Cilicia . Except some sea Towns which he gave to Archelaus with the Kingdome of Armenia the lesse , King Medus who had that Kingdome before being dead , and to one whose name was Mithridates being as yet a child he gave Commagena , because the King had killed the father of this Mithridates . [ Dio. lib. 54. pag. 526. ] Herod having conducted Caesar to the sea side , returned into his Kingdome , and and there built a goodly temple , in honour of him of white marble , neer Panion , at the foot of which mountain are the fountaines heads of Jordan , then he also remitted to his subjects some part of their tribute , under colour , that they should have some ease after the dearth , but in very deed that he might appease the minds of his subjects , that were offended with such vast works of the King , which seemed to tend to nothing but the destruction of religion , and good manners , as it was commonly talked . [ Joseph . lib. 15. cap. 13. ] Herod to prevent these things , Year of the World 3985 forbad all private meeting in the City , and too often feastings , he had also spies that should mingle themselves in companies , and marke what the people talked of , yea he himself would goe in the night in the habit of a private man , and mingle himself in the company of the people , to learn what the people thought of him , and as many as obstinately disallowed his doings , he punished them without mercy , the rest of the multitude he bound to him by oath , exacting an oath of them that they should depart from their fidelity and duty . [ id . ibid. ] Herod required this oath of many followers of the Pharisees , as Pollo and Sameas , which although he could not get them to take , yet he punished not as he did the others , in respect of the reverence he bare to Pollio , neither did he impose this necessity upon the Esseans , whom he much esteemed for one Manahems sake who was a Prophet : who when he was but a private boy , saluted him King of the Jews , and had foretold that he should reign King above 30 years . [ id . ibid. ] Caius is born to Agrippa by his wife Julia , there is a yearly sacrifice decreed on his birth day with some other things . [ Dio. lib. 54. pag. 526. ] Augustus returned into Samos and there wintered again , and for a reward of their hospitality , he grants the Samians liberty , thither came to him frequent Embassies , the Indians then by a firm league confirmed the peace which they formerly had desired by their Embassadours , ( of whom it is spoken before in the year of the Julian period 4689. ) amongst the presents that were sent by the Indian there were tygers , which creatures were never before seen either by the Romans or Grecians , and a certain young man who wanted his armes , ( such as they use to feign Mercuries to be ) who performed all things by the office of his feet , instead of hands , that he was said to bend a bow , and shoot an arrow , and sound a trumpet . [ Id. ibid. pag. 527. ] Nicholas Damascene reports that he saw these Indian Embassadours at Antioch by Daphnis . The letter they brought makes mention of more , but he saith only three were alive whom he saw , the rest being the greater part died through the length of the journey , that the letter was in Greek written in parchment , in which was signified , that it was Porus that wrote it , who although he commanded 600 Kings , yet he did much esteem Caesars friendship , that he was ready to give him a meeting in what place soever , and that he would aid in any thing that was right . He saith these things were conteined in the letter , moreover that the presents were brought by eight servants that were naked , only having breeches on , and besmeared with persumes , those were Herman , he ( of whom we have spoken ) who had his armes cut of from his shoulder being a child , huge vipers , a serpent of ten cubits long , a river tortoyse of three cubits , and a partridg bigger than a vulture , [ Strabo . lib. 15. pag. 719. ] Among these was Zomarus or Zomanochegas , one of the wisemen of the Indians , who for vain glories sake , or for old age according to the lawes of his Country , or that he might shew himself to Augustus and the Athenians , ( for he had come into Athens ) and was made a Priest of the Grecian gods , although ( as they report ) in an unlawfull time , yet in favour of Augustus ; thinking that he must die , and least some adversity should happen to him if he tarried longer , then smiling and naked and annointed , he gave himself into the funeral-fire : and this inscription was written on his Sepulchre . Here lieth Zarmanecheg as an Indian , of Barbosu , who according to the custom of his Country , led himself out of life , [ Id. ibid. pag. 719. Dio. lib. 54. pag. 527. ] Augustus being returned to Rome , entred the City on horseback in a kind of Triumph , and was honoured with a Triumphal Arch that carried his Trophies , [ Dio. ibid. pag. 526. ] Augustus did account it a matter of high praise to him , that he had recovered those things that were formerly lost in war , without any fight at all : and therefore he commanded that it should be decreed that there should be sacrifices for that cause , and a Temple of Mars the revenger ( in imitation of Jupiter Feretrius ) in the Capitol , where the Ensignes should be hung up : and did also perform it , [ Id. ibid. ] This Temple he had formerly vowed to Mars before the Victory at Philippi , but now proclaiming that he had received another like benefit from him , he performed his vow at the twentieth years end ; imitating Romulus , who having killed Acro the King of the Ceninenses , hung up his armes in the Temple that he dedicated to Jupiter Feretrius : he built a Temple to Mars the twice revenger , and then laid up the Military Ensigns that he had recovered from the Parthians , and also instituted Circensian playes to be solemnized every year in memory of these things . Of which Ovid in 5 Fastorum . Nec satis est meruisse semel cognomina Marti : Persequitur Parthi signa retenta manu . Gens fuit & campis & equis & tuta sagittis ; Et circumfusis invia fluminibus . Addiderant animos Crassorum funera genti ; Cum perit miles , signaque , duxque simul . Signa decus belli Parthus Romana tenebat ; Roman aeque aquilae signifer hostis erat . Isque pudor mansisset adhuc , nisi fortibus armis Caesaris Ausoniae protegerentur opes . I lle not as veteres & longi dedecus aevi Sustulit : agnorunt figna recepta suos . Quid tibi nunc solitae mitti post terga sagittae , Quid loca , quid rapidi profuit usus equi ? Parthe refers aquilas , victos quoque porrigis arcus : Pignora jam nostri nulla pudoris habes . Rite Deo templumque datum , nomenque Bis-ultor : Emeritus voti debita solvit honor . Solemnes ludos circi celebrate Quirites : Non visae est fortem scena decere Deum . It doth not Mars suffice once name t' have gain'd He prosecutes the Parthian Ensigns yet retain'd . A Country fenc'd with store of horse , bows , plains , For Rivers inaccessible remains . o th' Crassi yet much sp'rited by the fall , At once of Army , Standard , General . The Roman Ensigns did the Parthian bear , And , whilst an enemy , their Eagle wear . This blemish still had stuck ; But Caesar's might , Better defended Latium's ancient right : He took the Ensigns , cancel'd that disgrace , And made the Eagle know her proper place . What profits shooting back , thy inviou● Land , Thy swifter steed , O Parthian ? thy hand Delivers back thy Ensigns , and thy bow : Thou canst no Trophies of the Roman show . A Temple duly vote Bis-ultor thy Honour receiveth most deservedly . More Honourable Romans celebrate His Playes : no Scene supplies Bellona's State. To which may be added that of Horace , lib. 4. Ode ult . — tua Caesar aetas Fruges & agris rettulit uberes , Et signa nostro restituit Jot : Direpta Parthorum superbis Postibus . — ( Caesar ) thy age Affordeth plenteous fruits unto the fields , And to Joves Capitol our Ensignes yeelds From Parthian pillars snatcht — and many pieces of his coine having the inscription , SIGNIS RECEPTIS , for the Ensignes recovered . Herod in the 18 year of his raign ( being reckoned from the death of Antigonus ) propounded his intent to the Jews , of building the Temple at Jerusalem : whom he saw that they were troubled , lest if he demolished the old , he could not finish the new . He certified them that the old Temple should remain whole as it was , and not be pulled down , until that all materials that were necessary for the new fabrick should be prepared , Neither did he deceive them ; he provided a thousand waggons to carry stones , and he picked out of all the multitude of Artificers 10000 that were most expert , and also a thousand Priests that were cloathed with Priests garments at his own cost , that were not altogether ignorant of the Masons and Carpenters art : and that they should fall to work , seeing the materials were ready , [ Joseph . lib. 14. cap. 14. ] When Augustus his first ten years was almost at an end , Year of the World 3987 he prolonged the Principality to himself for five years longer , The Julian Period . 4696 and gave to M. Agrippa for the same five years , Year before Christ 18 as well some things almost the same with himself , as also the Tribunical power ; for he said that so many years was then sufficient , although that not long after he accepted of more years of the Imperial Power , as that his Principality might be made decennal , [ Dio. lib. 54. pag. 529. ] And because now the bookes of the Sybills thorough age were worn out of date , Augustus gave charge to the Priests , that with their own hands they should write them out ; that none other should read them , [ Id. ibid. pag. 532. ] Augustus restored Pilades the Cilician Player , that thorough factions was cast out of Rome , because he reconciled the favour of the people to him , and because Augustus reproved him , for that he was alwayes quarrelling with Bathyllus one of his own profession , and also a friend of Mecenas , he is reported to have answered thus to Caesar , It is convenient for thee , O Caesar , that the people should spend their time being intent upon us , [ Ibid. pag. 533. ] All necessary materialls for the setting upon the work being provided in two years space , The Julian Period . 4697 Herod began to build the Temple of Jerusalem , Year before Christ 17 46 years before the first Passeover of the Ministery of Christ : as it appears out of those words of the Jews , John 11. 20. spoken at that time . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . This Temple hath been built fourty and six years hitherto : as that Aorist is rightly expounded by our Country-man Lydiat . And indeed the building of this Temple under Zorobabel , began in the first year of the Monarchy of Cyrus , and for some time interrupted , was after twenty years time finished , in the sixth year of Darius the son of Hystaspes ; and the magnificent building of the same begun by Herod at this time , was finished in the space of nine years and an half : but in accounting the time spent in building this most magnificent Structure , we must take into consideration not onely the labour of these two , but of their Successours also : whenas in the perfection of it many ages and all the holy treasures , that were sent to God from all the parts of the World thither were spent : as Josephus notes in the sixth book of the wars of the Jews , and sixth chapter ; for neither the riches of Herod alone , ( being wasted especially with such profuse gifts , such buildings of so many Palaces , Temples , and Cities , one whereof was the City and Port of Cesarea , and which was most costly of all , did then lie upon him , when he laboured in building the Temple ) a Temple of immense riches ; ( as Tacitus calls it in the 5 of his Histories , chap. 9. ) were sufficient for the finishing of it ; and that this great building of the Temple begun by Herod , was continued even to the beginning of the war of the Jews under Gessius Florus , by great gifts that were consecrated to God , that place of Josephus shews in the 20 book of his Antiquities , chap. 8. Now was finished the building of the Temple ; and the people when they perceived that more than 18000 workmen would be idle , who were wont to get their living by their work in the Temple , and being loath that the holy treasure should be laid up , for fear it should become a prey to the Romans , and withal willing to provide for the workmen ; because if one had wrought but one hour , he was presently paid his wages : they perswaded the King ( Agrippa the younger ) that he would build the easterne Porch , which inclosed the outwardmost parts of the Temple . Agrippa had Lucius by his wife Julia , whom , together with his brother Caius , Augustus , that he might be the freer from treachery , immediately adopted , and made heirs of his Empire . [ Dio. lib. 54. pag. 533. ] In Cyprus , many parts of Cities are thrown down by Earthquakes . [ Euseb. in Chronic. ] Marcus Agrippa , Year of the World 3988 after he had exhibited Quinquennall playes ( which were the fourth from the battle of Actium ) is again by Augustus sent into Syria . The Julian Period . 4698 [ Dio. lib. 4. pag. 534. ] Year before Christ 16 Herod set saile for Italy , to salute Caesar , and to see his children at Rome , [ Joseph . lib. 16. cap. 1. ] and passing by Greece , was not only present , but also judge at the Olympick exercises , in the CXCI. Olympiade , in which Diodorus Tyaneus got the prize ) who observing that those exercises did not answer the resort that was to them , through the poverty of the Elidenses , he bestowed towards them annual revenues , whereby their sacrifices might be made the more splendid , and other things that might belong to the gracing of so great a meeting ; for which bounty he is declared perpetual judge of those exercises . [ Id. lib. 1. Bell. cap. 16. lib. 16. Antiquit. cap. 9. ] Caesar having courteously entertained Herod at Rome , delivereth to him his sons , sufficiently instructed in the liberal sciences , [ Id. lib. 16. cap. 1. ] goes himself into Gallia . [ Dio. lib. 54. pag. 533. ] Aemilius Macer , a Poet of Veronn , dieth in Asia . [ Hieronym ▪ in Chronico ] of whom Tibullus . Castra Macer sequitur ; tenero quid fiet Amori ? What shall poor Amor now do all alone , Since sweet song'd Macer to the Camp is gone ? At Jerusalem , by the endeavour of the Priest , the building of the Temple , properly so called , because it conteined the Holy , and the Holy of Holies , was finished in a year and an half space ; in all which time , it is reported , that it never rained in the day time , but only in the nights ; then in the eight following years , the Porches , the Ranges , and the rest of the buildings about the Temple were all finished . [ Joseph . lib. 15. cap. ult . ] There is extant a twofold description of this Temple , one by Josephus , ( who himself did the duties of a Priest in it ) in the 15 Antiquit. cap. 14. and lib. 6. bell . cap. 6. ) Another by R. Judas , ( almost 120 years after the destruction of it ) in a tractate of his Mischna , which is intituled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a Map of the former we have from Ludovicus Capellus , at the end of his short History of the Jews ; and of the later from Constantine Lempereur , prefixed in his Commentary upon the book of M●ddoth , in the Preface of which he sheweth that the constant opinion of the Jews was , that the Temple of Zorobabel , and this of Herod , were rightly accounted for both the same : as likewise he shews out of the fifth book of Tacitus his Histories , that it was thought to be the same Temple that was wonne by Pompey , that was then besieged by Titus . When Alexander and Aristobulus were returned into Judea , Year of the World 3989 and had gained all mens loves . The Julian Period . 4699 Salome , Year before Christ 15 the sister of Herod , and her followers , fearing that they would some time or other revenge their mothers death , cast out words among the people , that they hated their father , because he had caused their mother to be slain : but Herod as yet suspecting no ill , used them with all honour , as they deserved ; and because they were now grown to mens estate , he provided them wives , for Alexander Bernice , the daughter of Salome , and for Aristobulus Glaphira , the daughter of Archelaus , the King of the Cappadocians . [ Joseph . lib. 15. cap. 1 , 2. ] Augustus restored liberty to the Cycizenians , he gave also mony to the● Paphians ( in Cyprus ) that had been afflicted with an Earthquake , and permitted by a decree of the Senate , that their City should be called Augusta . [ Dio. lib. 54. pag. 539. ] Herod hearing that M. Agrippa was again come into Asia , he goeth to him , he begged of him that he would vouchsafe to come into his Kingdom , as to his friend and guest . [ Joseph . lib. 16. cap. 2. ] Herod entertained Agrippa in all the Cities that he had newly built , Year of the World 3990 and shewing him the buildings , presented both to himself and friends , all kind of delights and magnificence , at Sebaste , and the Port of Caesarea , and in the Castles that he had built , as at Alexandrion , Herodion , and Hyrcania . He brought him also into the City of Jerusalem , where all the people met him in their best and festival attire , and with joyfull acclamations . Agrippa also having sacrificed an Hecatombe to God , feasted the people : and although he would willingly have stayed longer there , yet for fear of storm , the Winter now drawing on , he made haste to saile into Ionia , both he and his friends being honoured with great presents . [ Id. ib. ] Asander , being made King of Cimmerian Bosphorus , by Augustus , dying , left the Kingdom to his wife Dynamis , the daughter of Pharnaces , and wife of Mithridates , her own son Scribonius feigning himself to be the Nephew of Mithridates , married , and seized upon the Kingdom . Agrippa hearing this , sent Polemon , the King of that Pontus , which is scituate by Cappadocia , to make war upon him . [ Dio. lib. 14. pag. 538. ] The Bosphorans , as soon as they knew this deceit , killed Scribonius , and resisted Polemon that came against them , fearing that he should be made their King , whom he conquered in battle , but yet did not subdue them . [ Id. ibid. ] As soon as it was Spring , The Julian Period . 4700 Herod hearing that Agrippa was going with an army to Bosphorus , Year before Christ 14 made haste to go to him ; and taking his course by Rhodes and Chios , he came to Lesbos ; thinking he should there find him ; but being driven back by the contrary North winds , he tarried at Chios : where many coming privately to salute him , he bestowed upon them many princely gifts ; and when he perceived the gate of the City , that was thrown down in the war against Mithridates , as yet lying ru●nate , and that it could not be repaired to the former beauty and greatnesse , by reason of their poverty , he bestowed upon them so much mony as was abundantly sufficient to finish it , and exhorted them to adorn the City as soon as they could , to the former beauty and greatnesse . [ Joseph . lib. 16. cap. 3. ] As soon as the wind changed , Herod sailed first to Mitylene , and then to Byzantium ; and there understanding that Agryppa , was already past the Cyanean Rocks , he followed him with all speed , and overtook him at Sinope , a City in Pontus : who contrary to Agryppa's expectation , arrived there with his Navy . His coming was very grateful to him , and they embraced each other with singular affection , because it was an evident argument of his fidelity and friendship , that the King leaving his own occasions , would come to him in so convenient a time . Wherefore Herod still abode by him in the army , and was his companions in his labours , and partaker of his counsels . He was also present with him when he meant to be merry , and was the only man that was used in difficult matters , for the love he bare him , and in mirth for honours sake . [ Id. ibid. ] Agrippa overcame the Bosphorans , and having recovered in war those Roman Ensignes , which they long since had taken under Mithridates , by conquest compelled them to yield . [ Oros. lib. 6. cap. 81. ] When Julia , the daughter of Augustus , and wife of Agrippa , went to Ilium by night , it happened that Julia and her servants that waited on the Coach , were in great danger in passing the river of Scamander , which was much swelled by sudden flouds , the people of Ilium being altogether ignorant of her coming : but Agrippa being angry that they had not helped her , fined them an 100000 Drachmes of Silver . [ Nicol. Damascen . lib. de vita sua . in Excerptis ab Henrico . Vales. edit . pag. 418. ] The Embassadors of the Ilienses , not daring to gainsay any thing to Agrippa , they entreated Nicholas Damascen , ( who by chance was there ) that he would get King Herod to speak for them , and to help them ; which he for the ancient renowne of the City undertook , and told the King the whole story , how that Agrippa was angry with the Ilienses without a cause , seeing he had given them no notice of his Wifes coming , and that they could not perceive any thing of her coming , because it was in the night : and Herod undertaking the cause of the Ilienses , got their fine taken off . [ Id. ibid. ] and reconciled Agrippa , being angry with them . [ Joseph . lib. 16. cap. 3. ] The Bosphorans at length laying down their arms , are delivered to Polemon , who also marries Dynamis , with the approbation of Augustus : for this there was a procession , in Agrippa's name ; but neither did he triumph , although it was decreed , neither wrote he to the Senate any thing at all concerning his affairs ; whose example after age● imitating , they also did not certifie by letters concerning their doings , neither did they accept of a tryumph , though offered , but were content only with the triumphal ornament [ Dio. lib. 54. pag. 538. ] The trouble of Pontus being ended , Agryppa and Herod came by land to Ephesus , through Paphlagonia , Cappadocia , and the greater Phrygia , and there again taking ship , they came to Samos . [ Joseph . lib. 16. cap. 3. ] The Iliense● being now returned into their Country , because they had lost all hope of obteining pardon , and Herod being about to go into Paphlagonia to Agrippa , gave a letter to Nicholas Damascene concerning the remission of their fine , who went to Chios and Rhodes , where his sons tarried ; Nicholas therefore loosing from Amisus , came to the Port of Byzantium ; thence failing to Troas , he came to Ilium , where when he had delivered his letters of the remission of their fine , both he , but especially Herod , received great honours from the Ilienses , [ Nichol. Damascene , ut supra . ] Agrippa in his whole journey thorough many Cities , gratified Herod in many things , at his intreaty relieving the necessities of many ; if any one had need of an intercessour to Agrippa , he could obtain his suite by none more easily than by him . Herod also paid the money for the Chians that they were indebted to Caesars receivers , and got the man immunity . He also assisted others in whatsoever they had need of , [ Ioseph . lib. 16. cap. 3. ] After they were come into Ionia , there was a great multitude of Jews , that inhabited that Country ; who having got an opportunity , complained of the injuries they received of those Country-men , that they would not permit them to live after their own laws , and that upon their Festival dayes , they haled them before the Tribunals , and forbad them to send holy money to Jerusalem ; and that they compelled them to do publick businesses , and interverted the holy money for those affairs , contrary to the privledges granted them by the Romans . Herod took all care that Agrippa should hear their complaints , and allowed them Nicholas Damascene , one of his friends ( now returned from Troas ) to plead their cause : which when he had largely performed before Agrippa , ( many of the most honourable Romans , and some Kings and Princes sitting with him ) the Grecians denied not the thing , but onely excused themselves , that the Jews that dwelt among them were troublesome unto them ; but they proved that they were free-born Citizens , and that they lived in their own laws without injury to any . Therefore Agrippa answered , That both for his friend Herods sake he was ready to gratifie them , and also because they seemed to demand what was just ; He therefore ordered that the priviledges that were formerly granted them , should remain inviolable , and that none should molest them for living after their Country laws . Then Herod rose up and gave him thanks in the name of them all ; and then after mutual embraces , they took their leaves each of other , and departed from Lesbos , [ Joseph . lib. 16. cap. 4. & 5. ] Herod in few dayes after , having a prosperous gale , arrived at Caesarea : and from thence went to Jerusalem ; where calling all the people together , he gave them an account of his journey , and how he had gotten an immunity for the Jews that lived in Asia , and then to gratifie them the more and to make them the more friendly to him , he professed that he would remit to them the fourth part of their tribute : with which bounty they being exceedingly taken , wished all happinesse to the King , and departed with great joy , [ Ibid. cap. 5. ] Augustus now at length took upon him the High Priesthood , Year of the World 3991 Lepidus who was in times past of the Triumviri and Priest , The Julian Period . 4701 being now dead , Year before Christ 13 but would never take it from him during his lifetime , [ Sueton , in Octavio , cap. 31. Dio. lib. 54. pag. 540. fin . ] the day before the Nones of March , as Ovid shews in lib. 3. Fastorum . He being made High Priest , whatsoever books either of Greek or Latine , that went about under no Authors name , or not a substantial , he got together and burnt above two thousand : and kept onely the books of the Sybills , and of those he picked out some , and laid them up in two golden lattches under the foot of the pillar where the Image of Apollo stood in the Palatine hill , [ Sueton , ut supra . ] There was a Colony sent to Berythus [ Euseb. Chronic. ] that was very much honoured by the favour of Augustus , [ Vlpian . c. Sciendum est D. de Censibus . ] in which were two Legions placed by Agrippa , [ Strabo , lib. 16. pag. 756. ] Herod being incensed by the false accusations and artifices of his sister Salome and his brother Pheroras , against his two sons that he had by Mariamme , Alexander and Aristobulus , to bring down their haughty spirits , he began to entertain more neerly , and publickly to put in hopes of the kingdom , his eldest son Antipater ( but whom he begat when he was a private man , and his mother also was of mean parentage ) whom he had banished the City , in favour of his two other sons , ( onely giving him liberty to come thither on Festival dayes ) and writing often to Caesar for him , privately gave him very great commendations : and being overcome by the intreaties of Antipater , he brought also his mother Doris , who being a woman of Jerusalem , whom he had put away when he married Mariamme , [ Ioseph . lib. 1. bell . cap. 17. & lib. 16. Antiquit . cap. 6. ] Agrippa after his ten years government in Asia ( to be reckoned from the time , Year of the World 3992 in which being sent by Caesar into Asia and Syria , he tarried at Lesbos ) being now to depart ; Herod failed to salute him , taking with him of all his sons onely Antipater , whom he delivered to Agrippa with many gifts , to be brought to Rome , and to be received into Caesars favour . [ Id. lib. 16. cap. 6. fin . ] Agrippa being returned from Syria , The Julian Period . 4702 was sent by Augustus to make war in Pannonia , Year before Christ 12 having the Tribunitial power granted him for five years longer ; at whose arrival the Pannonians being terrified , left off their rebellion , and Agrippa in his returne died in Campania , and his body being brought in the market-place at Rome , Augustus commended him in a Funeral Oration . [ Livy , lib. 139. Dio. lib. 54. pag. 541. ] Antipater was much honoured at Rome , being commended to all his friends by his fathers letters ; and although he was absent , yet did he not desist to whet his father by letters against the sons of Mariamme , as seeming very careful of his fathers safety : but indeed by his bad practises , making himself away , to the hopes of the succession of the Kingdom . [ Joseph . lib. 16. cap. 7. ] Augustus took against his will his son in law Tiberius to be his partner in the government in the room of Agrippa ; when his grandchildren C. Caius and Lucius , were but yet children , therefore he betroathes his daughter Julia ( the widow of Agrippa ) to Tiberius forcing first him to leave his wife Agrippina , ( the daughter of Agrippa the daughter of Pomponius Atticus ) not without great vexation of his mind , which did then nurse her child Drusus , and also was with child again . [ Sueton. in Octavio . cap. 63. & Tiberio . cap. 7. Dio. lib. 54. pag. 543. ] Herod now being become an enemy to his sonnes Alexander and Aristobulus , sailed to Rome with them to accuse them before Caesar , [ Joseph . lib. 16. cap. 3. ] and carrying with him Nicholas Damascene in the same ship , with whom he studied Philosophy . [ Nicoll . Damascen . in sua vita in excerptis Henric. Vales. pag. 421. ] Herod not finding Augustus at Rome , Year of the World 3993 followed him as far as Aquileia , The Julian Period . 4703 before whom he accused them of treachery against him , Year before Christ 11 and whenas the young men satisfied all that were present by their clearing of themselves , and praiers and teares , they are at length reconciled to their father . Then after thanks given to Caesar they departed together , and Antipater also , feigning that he was glad that they were received again into favour . [ Joseph . lib. 16. cap. 7. & 8. ] A few daies after Herod gave Caesar 300 Talents , who was now setting forth shews and giving gifts to the people , and again Caesar gave him half of the revenues of the mettall mines of Cyprus , and the other half he committed to his oversight , and having honoured him with other gifts of hospitality , he gave him leave to choose which of his sons he would for to be his successour , or if he had rather of dividing his Kingdome amongst them , which when he was ready to do , Caesar denied that ever he would suffer , but that he should have the Kingdome during his life , in his own power aswell as his sons . [ id . ibid. cap. 8. ] In the absence of Herod there being a rumour spread that he was dead , the Tracon●tes revolting from him fell to their old theiving ; but by the means of the Captaines that he had left in the Kingdome they are subdued and made to be at his command ; but forty of the chief of these theives , being terrified by the example of those that were taken , leaving their Country fled into Arabia Nabataea , where they were entertained by Syllaeus ( that was an enemie to Herod , because he denied him his sister Salome to wife , ) who granted them a certain place well fortified . [ Id. ibid. cap , 13. ] Herod and his sons sayling home , when they came to Eleusa a City of Cilicia , which the name being changed was called Sebaste , they met there with Archelaus King of Cappadocia . He having very curteously entertained Herod , rejoyced much because his sons were reconciled to him , and that Alexander had fairly answered the crimes that were objected against him , and giving royall gifts each to other they parted . [ Id. ibid. cap. 8. ] Herod being returned into Judea , called the people together and told them what he had done in his voyage , and declared unto them that his sons should reign after him first Antipater , and then Alexander and Aristobulus , that he had by Mariamme . [ ibid. ] Agrippa the first King of the Jews , Year of the World 3994 of that nickname is born , The Julian Period . 4704 he died when he was 54 yeares old being strucken by an Angell , Year before Christ 10 [ Acts. XII . 23. Joseph . lib. 19. cap. vlt. ] about which time that lame man was born , who being above fourty years old was healed by Peter , at the beautifull gate of the temple . [ Acts. IV. 22. ] Augustus married his daughter Julia to Tiberius , to whom before times he had betroathed her . [ Dio. lib. 54. pag. 546. ] Cesarea Stratonis was finished , in the 28 year of Herods reign , ( beginning from the death of Antigonus , ) in the CXCII Olympiade , ( to wit in the 3. year of the Olympiade ) for the dedication of which there was great solemnity , and most sumptuous preparations , for Musicians were brought thither to strive who could do best , and wrestlers who wrestled naked ; and a great number of sword-players , and wild beasts , and whatsoever was in account of this kind either at Rome , or in other nations , these sports were consecrated to Caesar , and were to be renewed every fifth year , all this preparation the King provided to be brought hither at his own cost and charges , to shew the greatnesse of his magnificence . Julia the wife of Caesar ( for so alwaies Josephus calls Livia ) gave many things towards the sports , so that all being cast up together they amounted to 500 talents , a great multitude being gathered together to see these sports , he entertained all Embassadours that were sent unto him from divers nations to thank him for the favours they had received , he lodged , feasted , and sported them , all the day he spent in seeing the sports , and the night in banquets . [ Joseph . lib. 16. cap. 9. ] After the solemnity and feasts , Herod began to build another Town , in a field called Capharsala , Year of the World 3995 ( or Capharsuluma , I Maccab. I. VII . 31 , ) which he called Antipatris , after his fathers name ; and a Castle also which he called Cyprus , after his mothers name : in honour also of his dead brother , he built in the City of Jerusalem , a fair Town , not inferiour to the Pharo● , and called it Phasaelus , and afterwards a Town of the same name , in the Valley of Jericho , from whence the Country thereabouts is called Phasaelus . [ Id. ib. ] The Jews of Asia and Cyrene complain by their Embassadours to Augustus , The Julian Period . 4705 that the Greeks would not suffer them to use their Country● rites , Year before Christ 9 and immunities that were granted them by the Romans , and obtein of him letters pattents for the conservation of their priviledges . [ Id. ib. cap. 10. ] Herod having wasted his wealth by his great prodigality , and now wanting mony , after the example of John Hyrcanus , by night , without the knowledge of the people , opened Davids Sepulchre ; in which indeed he found no mony , but great store of precious attire , and ornaments of gold , which he took away : for the expiation of which fact , he built a most sumptuous Monument at the entrance of the Sepulchre , of white Marble . Nicholas Damascene mentions this Monument , but not the Kings descent into the Sepulchre , who wrote the Acts of this King Herod in his life time . [ Id. ib. cap. 11. ] Antipater involving his bretbren , Alexander and Aristobulus , by other mens false accusations , often seems to take upon him their defence ; that making a shew of good will unto them , he might more easily oppresse them ; and by these subtilties he so wrought upon his father , that he thought him to be his only preserver : wherefore the King commanded his Steward Ptolomeus unto Antipater , and communicated all his counsels with his Mother Doris , so that all things were done at their pleasure , and made the King displeased with those , whom it was their profit that he should be angry with . [ Ibid. ] Pheroras fell so madly in love with his own servant , that he refused the marriage with Cypros , Herods daughter , that was offered him by his brother ; although , being perswaded by Ptolomy , the Kings Steward , he had promised to put away his servant , and to marry Cypros within thirty dayes : he also accused Herod to his son Alexander , that he had heard of Salome his sister , ( which yet she denied ) that Herod was greatly in love with his wife Glaphyra ; for both which he was highly in the Kings displeasure . [ Ibid. ] He began to be diseased , Year of the World 3996 who lying at the Pool of Bethesda , The Julian Period . 4706 was after 38 years restored to health by Christ. Year before Christ 8 [ John. V. 5. ] Alexander by the subtilties of his adversaries , being even driven to desperation , was reconciled to his father by Archelaus , the King of the Cappadocians , that came to Jerusalem . [ Ibid. cap. 12. ] Archelaus being accounted one of Herods chief friends , and having received great gifts , departed into Cappadocia , whom Herod accompanies as far as Antioch ; where having reconciled him to Titus , the president of Syria , he returns into Judea . [ Ibid. cap. 12. ] Herod went the third time to Rome to Caesar. [ Ibid. ] Herod being absent out of his Kingdom , those thieves of Trachonis , that had fled to Syllaeus , the Arabian , infested not only Judea with their inroades , but also all Coelosyria ; Syllaeus affording them both impunity and security for their thievery . [ Ibid. cap. 13. ] Augustus being High Priest , restored to the ancient account , the year as it was ordained by Julius Caesar , but afterwards , through negligence , much disturbed and confused . [ Sueton. in Octavio . cap. 31. ] For in 36 years there were intercalated 12 dayes , where there ought to have been but nine intercalated . Augustus therefore commanded that twelve years should passe without any Leap-year at all ; that those three dayes , that had increased by ●he overhastinesse of the Priests in thirty six years , should in the following twelve years be swallowed up without any Leap-year . [ Pliny , lib. 18. cap. 25. Solin . cap , Macrob. lib. 1. Saturnal . cap. 14. ] In the ordering of the year Augustus called the month Sextilis after his own name August , rather than September though he was born in that month , because in that month he had been first Consul , and also had gotten many great victories , [ Sueton. ut supra . Dion . lib. 54. pag. 552. ] concerning which the very words of the decree of the Senate , are to be seen in Macrobius lib. 1. Saturnal . cap. 12. where also he mentions the decree of the people concerning the same matter , Pacurius the Tribune of the people proposing the law , but this was done C. Marcius Censorinus , and C. Asinius Gallus being Consuls , as Censorinus [ in lib. de die . natali , and Dion . lib. 55. ] doe confirm . In their Consulship there was a second muster of the Citizens made at Rome , in which were numbred 4233000 Roman Citizens , as is gathered out of the fragments of the Ancyran marble , [ Inscript . Gruter . pag. CCXXX . ] in Suidas in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the number is far lesse of those that were mustered , 4101017. which yet very ridiculously obtrudeth upon us not for the muster of the City only but of the world . Herod being returned from Rome , celebrated the dedication of the temple reedified by him within nine yeares and an half , on the very birth day of his Kingdome ( first received from the Senate , ) which he was wont to solemnize with great joy , when the King sacrificed to God 300 oxen , and others also an innumerable company of sacrifices according to their abilities . [ Joseph . lib. 15. cap. vlt. ] When Herod had found that in his absence , Year of the World 3997 his people had received much dammage by those theives of Trachona , and seeing he could not subdue them because they were under the protection of the Arabians , neither could he digest this injury , wherefore entring Trachona , he destroyed their families , whereby they were the more incensed . ( especially because they have a law by which they are commanded , not to suffer the slaughter of their families to go unrevenged ) Wherefore contemning all dangers , they molested all Herods Country with continuall excursions and driving and carrying away their goods . [ id . lib. 16. cap , 13. ] Whenas Augustus would seem to lay down his principality , another ten yeares coming towards an end , he took it up again as though against his will : and making war upon the Germans , he sent Tiberius against them , but he himself staied at home . [ Dion . lib. 55. pag. 551. ] he gave money to the souldiers also , because they would have had Caius along with them , being then first trained up in military exercises . [ Ibid. pag. 552. ] Dionysius Halicarnasseus began to write the bookes of Roman Antiquities in the CXCIII . Year of the World 4077 Olympiade Claudius Tiberius Nero and Cn. Calphurnius Piso being Consuls , Year before Christ 7 as he shews in the preface to those books , who as he is accounted by Clemens Alexandrinus in lib. 3. cap. 1. amongst the Chronographers , so hy Quintilian in lib. 3. cap. 1. he is reckoned amongst the Rhetoricians . Herod sending to the presidents of Syria that were appointed by Caesar , Saturninus and Volumnius ( the agent ) demanded that he might have the punishing of those theives of Trachona , who by their incursions out of the confines of Arabia and Nabathaea , had often wasted his Country , they when they heard of this , being increased to the number of a 1000 began to make sudden invasion and to wast both field and villages , and cut the throat of all that fell into their hands , wherefore Herod demanded those theives to be delivered over to him , and required the sixty talents that he had lent Obodas under Syllaeus security , but Syllaeus who had thrust Obodas from the government and now ruled all himself , denied that those theives were in Arabia , and he deferred also to pay the mony concerning which it was debated before Saturninus and Volumnius ; at length it was determined by them that within thirty daies space both the mony should be repayed , and the runawaies of both Countries should be restored each to other , [ Joseph . lib. 16. cap. 13. ] Syllaeus also swo●e by the fortune of Caesar , before those presidents of Syria that he would pay the money within thirty daies , and also restore the fugitives to Herod . [ Ibid. cap. 16. ] After the time appointed was come , Syllaeus unwilling to stand to the agreements , went to Rome : but Herod by the permission of Saturninus and Volumnius , who gave him leave to prosecute those obstinate people , entred Arabia with an army , and went in three dayes as far as they use to do in seven . And when he came to the Castle . where the theeves kept , he took it at the first assault : and demolished a fortresse called Raeeptu , without any more harme to the inhabitants of the Country . And when as a Captain of the Arabians came to their aid , they joyned battle ; in which few of the Herodians , but there were killed 25 of the Arabians , with their Captain , and the rest were put to flight . Being thus revenged of the theeves , he brought three thousand Idumaeans into Trachona to restrain the theiveries committed there : and sent letters to the Roman Captains then being in Phoenicia , in which he certified them , that he had onely used the power they had granted them against those obstinate Arabians , and nothing else ; which also , they making inquiry , found to be true , [ Ibid. cap. 14. ] But there were letters sent to Syllaeus post to Rome , that related the matter cleane otherwise , aggravating every thing after their manner ; by which lyes Caesar is so incensed against Herod , that he wrote to him menacing letters , because he had marched with an army out of his own kingdom , and would not so much as admit at first his Embassadours that were sent to plead his cause , and they again petitioning to be heard he dismissed them , without any thing done , [ Ibid. cap. 15. ] The Trachonites together with the Arabians taking hold of this occasion , did molest the Garrison of the Idumaeans that Herod had set over them , which thing Herod being terrified by the anger of Caesar , was compelled to beare . [ Ibid. ] Obodas the King of the Arabians ( of Nabathaea ) being dead , Aeneas succeeded him in the kingdom , who having changed his name , was called Aretas . Syllaeus then being at Rome , endeavoured thorough false accusations to have him thrust from the kingdom , and to get the kingdom to himself , bestowing much money upon the Courtiers , and promising many great things to Caesar , whom he knew to be offended with Aretas , because he durst venture upon the kingdom without his consent [ Ibid. ] Caius and Lucius , The Julian Period . 4708 the sons of Augustus by adoption , Year before Christ 6 being brought up in the Principality , even out of that tender life were made more bold ; insomuch as Lucius the younger of the two , without any command entring the Theatre , where being received with a general applause , and increasing by this his boldnesse , durst ask , That the Consulship might be given to his brother Caius , he being not yet come to mans estate : which when Augustus heard he wished , that there might never such a necessity of the times happen to him as he had found ; that the Consulship should be given to one that was not 20 years old : but when his son did earnestly desire this of him , he then said , That this Magistracy was to be undertaken of one , that could both take heed that he did not himself offend , and that could resist the desires of the people : at the length he gave the Priesthood to Caius , and leave that he might go into the Senate , and to sit with the Senatours , both at the Playes and at Feasts , [ Dio. lib. 55. pag. 554. ] and also that both of them , not being yet seventeen years old , should be called Princes of youth , and designed Consuls , he most earnestly desired , but seeming to refuse , [ Tacit. Annal. lib. 1. cap. 3. ] But that by some means he might make them more modest , and as it were private-men , he granted to Tiberius the Tribunitian power for five years ; and gives him also Armenia , which had revolted after the death of Tigranes ( that was made King by Tiberius ) This being done to no purpose by Augustus , offended them both ; them because they thought themselves contemned , and Tiberius because fearing their anger he went not to Armenia , but went to Rhodes , [ Xiphil . & Zonaras , ex Dion . ] under colour that he might study the Arts , but indeed that he might with draw himself from both the sight and their actions , [ Dio. ibid. & in Excerptis , ab Henric. Vales. edit . pag. 662. ] lest his glory might dim the beginnings of the two rising young men , [ Vellei . Patercul . lib. 2. cap. 99. ] for thus some thought : that Augustus his children being now grown to mans estate , he now quitted both the place , and as it were the possession of the second degree so long possessed by him , after the example of Marcus Agrippa , who went to Mitylene , Marcus Marcellus being now admitted to publick offices , that being present he might not seem either to withstand , or to detract from them , which account he gave , but a long time after . [ Sueton , in Tiberio , cap. 10. ] But there want not some who think , he did this because of his wife Julia , whom he durst neither accuse , nor put away , and yet could endure her no farther . [ Sueton , ibid. Dio. in Excerptis , pag. 662. ] Others that he took it ill that he was not adopted Caesar ; others that he was sent thither by Augustus , because he had used some treachery towards his sons , [ Dio. ibid. ] Then also dissembling the cause of his intent , asked leave of Augustus who was father in law to him , both in respect of himself and his wife , [ Vellei , Patercul . lib. 2. cap. 99. Sueton , in Tiberio , cap. 10. ] Neither did he yeild to his mother that humbly besought him , or his father in law complaining that he also was forsaken by the Senate ; but yet they resolutely detaining him , he eat nothing in four dayes : at lenght having got leave to go , he went down presently to Ostia , not speaking a word to them that went with him , and kissing very few at the departing , [ Sueton , in Tiberio , cap. 10. ] but yet at his departure , he brake open his will , and read it before his mother and Augustus , [ Dio. in Excerptis , Valesii , pag. 665. ] From Ostia he sailed along the coast of Campania , where hearing of the weaknesse of Augustus , he stayed a little ; but the rumour increasing , as if he tarried for an occasion of greater hope , he sailed to Rhodes almost in foule weather , [ Sueton , in Tiberio , cap. 11. ] going his journey even like a private man , except that he compelled the Pharians , to sell him a statue of Vesta , which he dedicated in the Temple of Concord . [ Dio. in Excerptis , pag. 662. ] But being come to Rhodes , he contented himself with no great house there , and not much larger in the Country , he lived a most retired life : he walked sometimes into their places of exercise , without either Serjeant or pursuivant , and both giving and receiving courtesies from the Greeks , almost upon an equal account . [ Sueton. ut supra . ] Neverthelesse , all Proconsuls and Lieutenants going into forreign Provinces , coming thither to visit him , alwayes submitted their boundles of rods to him , although in this privacy , and professed that this retirement of his was more honourable than his living in the principality : [ Vellei . Patercul . lib. 2. cap. 99. ] and in that retirement he was a diligent Auditour of Theodorus the Gadarean , a Rhetorician , who desired to be called the Rhodian . [ Quintil. lib. 3. cap. 1. ] There was a great conjunction of the Planets , and such an one as is wont to happen but once in 800. years . Aeneas , who is called Aretas , the new King of the Arabians of Nabathea , sent letters and gifts to Caesar , and in them a Crown worth many talents : in his letters he accused Sylaeus , as well for other crimes , as also that being a most wicked servant , he had poisoned Obodas , whose principality he had invaded , even whilst he was alive : but Caesar vouchsafed not so much as to hear his Embassadours , and also contemned his presents , and dismissed them without any thing done . [ Joseph . lib , 16. cap. 15. ] Herod compelled by the mischiefs and insolencies of the Arabians , sent Nicholas Damascene to Rome , to see if he could get any justice from Caesar , by the mediation of his friends . [ Id. ibid. ] The discord of Herod with his sons that he had by Mariamme , is greatly heightened by the Artifices of Eurichus , a Lacedemonian , the same ( except I be deceived ) that followed 25. years before Anthony , as he fled from the battle of Actium , and now being entertained by Herod , and lodged at Antipators house , he had insinuated himself into the favour of Alexander : for the betraying of whom , when he had received 50 talents of Herod , he goes to Archelaus , the King of Cappadocia , and brags how he had reconciled Alexander into his fathers favour again , for which having received mony of him also , he returned into his own Country again , where , when he had used the like tricks , he was banished from Lacedaemon . [ Id. ibid. cap. 16. ] Herod making inquiry into his sons , put to death , by the vehemency of tortures , many both of his own , and of his sons friends : neither yet found he any ill , but onely some too free complaints of improvident young men , concerning their fathers immoderate cruelty , and of the dishonest easinesse of his giving ear to base pick-thanks , of the impiety and wicked deceits of their brother Antipater , and of the faction that was combined against them ; and that they might free themselves from the mischief they were said to have thought of flying to Archelaus , which thing they did not deny : nevertheless Herod , cast into prison , as being convicted of treason against their father , & said that he would punish them accordingly as his affairs went at Rome : and concerning this businesse he sent letters to Caesar by Volumnius , ( the General of his army ) as Josephus calls him , [ lib. bell . 1. cap. 17. ] and Olympius ( his friend ) whom he also commanded , that as they sailed , they should touch at Elewsa , a Town of Cilicia , and should expostulate with him , because he was a partner of their designs . [ Ibid. ] At Rome Nicholas Damascene joyned himself to the Arabians that came to accuse Syllaeus , professing that he was his accusar before Augustus , and not Herods defender , least he should have been repulsed , as were others before him ; and when he had laid open many of his crimes , he also added , that Caesar was circumvented by his lies in the cause of Herod : which when he had so openly disclosed , and had confirmed by certain and authentick records , Caesar having condemned Syllaeus , remanded him into the Province , that he , when he had satisfied the debt , might be punished . [ Ibid. ] From this time Augustus is ceconciled to Aretas and Herod , and then received his presents so often rejected , and confirmed by his authority the Kingdom of the Arabians upon him . He advised Herod also by letters , that he should call a Council at Berytus , and joyning the presidents of Syria , with Archelaus the King of the Cappadocians , and other of his friends and noble men should determine concerning the whole businesse . [ Ibid. ] In the Isle of Coos , many things are over turned by an Earthquake . [ Euseb. Chronic. ] The Angel Gabriel ( who had in time past foretold to Daniel the coming of the Messias , by a definite number of Weeks ) appeared at the right side of the Altar of incense to Zachary the Priest of the course of Abia as he was offering incense in the Temple of the Lord , according to the custom of the Priests office , [ Exod. XXX . 7 , 8. ] telling him that there should be born to him being now old , and to his wife Elizabeth , who was striken in years , and barren , a son called John , a Nazarite , and the forerunner of the Lord , in the spirit and power of Elias : which promise Zacharias not believing , is made dumb , [ Luke , 1. 5 , 22. ] The dayes of his ministery being finished , Year of the World 3999 Zacharias returned home , and his wife Elizabeth conceived by him , and hid her self five moneths , saying ; Thus hath the Lord dealt with me in the dayes wherein he looked on me , to take away my reproach among men , [ Ibid. 23 , 24 , 25. ] Herod having received Augustus his letters rejoyced exceedingly , both because he was returned into his favour , and for the true power granted him to do what he would with his sons , he convened by messengers all those that Caesar had appointed to Berythus , except only Archelaus , he kept his sons not far from the City , in Plaran a City of the Sidonians : there first of all Saturninus one that had been Consul , and had run through all honours , spake his opinion , but moderated with circumstances , that indeed the sons of Herod were to be condemned , but not to be put to death . After him his three sons who were their fathers Lieutenants were of the same opinion . On the other side Volumnius pronounced that they were to be punished with death , who were so impious toward their father , whose opinion the major part followed . Then the King took them with him presently to Tyrus , whither also Nicolaus arrived as he came from Rome , with whom he conferred concerning the cause of his sons , and commanded him to sail with him to Caesarea , [ Joseph . lib. 16. cap. ult . ] Here whenas a certain old souldier named Tiro smartly reprehended him for the wickednesse determined towards his sons , and told him that he and 300 Captaines . were of the same opinion , Herod commanded him to be cast into prison . Trypho the Kings Barber taking this occasion accused him and said , that he had been often sollicited by Tiro that he should cut the Kings throat with his razour , as he was trimming him , and immediately both the Barber and Tiro and his son were tortured : who seeing his father so cruelly handled , that he might free him from the tortures , being unadvisedly merciful , accused him of intending to murder the King. Then Herod bringing those 300 Captains together with Tiro and his son and the Barber , accused them before the people , against whom the people throwing any thing that came next to hand , slew them every one , [ Id. ibid. ] Alexander and Aristobulus were led to Sebaste , and there strangled by the fathers command : and their bodies buried in the Castle Alexandrion , where Alexander their Grandfather by their mothers side , and many of their Progenitors were buried , [ Id. ibid. & lib. 1. bell . cap. 17. fin . ] Augustus having taken upon him the twelfth Consulship , The Julian Period . 4709 brought Caius into the Court , Year before Christ 5 being come to mans estate , and designed him Prince of Youth , and made him Praefect of a Tribe . [ Sueton , in Octavio , cap. 26. & Zonar . ex . Dion . ] But that this Title of Prince was given him by all the Roman Knights , that gave him Silver Spears , Augustus shews in the breviary of his acts ; where he mentions also the Consulship that was then decreed both to Caius and Lucius . In respect of doing me honour , the Senate and people of Rome designed them Consuls , they being yet but fifteen years old , that they might enter upon that office after five years time , to be reckoned from that day that they were brought into the Court. Thus the Ancyran Marble in Gruter . Inscript . [ pag. CCXXXI . ] Whereas in another Roman Stone it is said , That the people created Caius Consul , being but fourteen years old , ( where for created is meant designed ; for at this time his fourteenth year was ended , and he was entred on his fifteenth . ) Antipater , his brethren being dead , intended also to remove his father , and whereas he knew he was hated by many in the kingdom , he endeavoureth by bribes to get the good will of his friends , both at Rome and in Judea ; but especially Saturnius the President of Syria , and Pheroras and Salome the brother and sister of Herod , [ Joseph . lib. 17. cap. 1. ] Herod sent home Glaphira the widow of his son Alexander , to Archelaus her father the King of Cappadocia ; giving her also a Dowry out of the Kings Treasury , for fear there should some controversie arise concerning it : and he took great care of the young children of Alexander and Aristobulus : which when Antipater took heavily , fearing that when they were come to age they would hinder his power , he plotted their destruction ; and he so overcame Herod by his intreaties , that he would suffer himself to marry the daughter of Aristobulus , and his son the daughter of his Uncle Pheroras , [ ibid. ] Herod invited Zamaris a Babylonian Jew , and gave him a Country in Trachonis to inhabite , that he might be a guard to that Country against theeveries . He coming with 500 Horse , and an hundred of his kinsmen , erected divers Castles in divers places about Trachonis , as also Bathyra , by which he gave security and safe conduct , to the Jews that came from Babylon to the feasts at Jerusalem , against the theiveries of the Trachonites and others . [ ibid. cap. 2. ] Antipater working treason against his father , joyned his unckle Pheroras with him , and some of the Kings women that were most addicted to the sect of the Pharisees , except Salome , who constantly adhered to her brother Herod , the Pharisees were a crafty kind of people , arrogant , and enemies to Kings , whereupon whenas the whole nation were to swear fealty to the King and Caesar , they only would not swear ; and they were above 6000. Who being fined by the King for this cause , the wife of Pheroras paid their fine for them , to whom in requitall , because they were beleived to foretell things to come from their communications with God , they foretold , that it was decreed that the Kingdome should be taken from Herod and his children , and should be transferred upon her and her husband , and their children , these things Salome made known to Herod , and that they had solicited and corrupted many of his courtiers with bribes , in which fault having taken some of the Pharisees he put them to death , as principall authours of this advice , and with them the Eunuch Dagoas , and his darling Carus that was commended to him for his handsomenesse , and besides these whosoever he had found of his family that had conspired with the Phari●ees . [ ibid. cap , 3 ] Herod having convicted the Pharisees and punished them , called a councell of his freinds , and before them begins an accusation against Pheroras his wife , and whenas Pheroras would not forsake her in favour of his brother , he forbad Antipater Pheroras his company . [ ibid. ] Antipater that he might remove all suspicion of his father from him , he by his friends that lived at Rome , provided that he should by his father be sent immediately to Augustus . Which being done Herod sent him with great presents , and his will , in which he declared that Antipater should be King , but if he died then Herod his son by Mariamme the daughter of Simon the High-Priest . [ ibid. cap. 4. ] In the sixth month after John was conceived , the Angell Gabriell is sent by God to Nazareth in Galilee , to the most blessed Virgin Mary , that was betroathed to Joseph , of the same tribe with her namely of Davids stock , who having saluted her , declared unto her that she should bring forth the son of God , and should call his name Jesus , and she being more fully taught by the Angell of the admirable manner of her conception , to be performed by the power of the Holy Ghost , overshadowing her , with great faith said , be it to the handmaid of the Lord , according to thy word . [ Luke . I. 26. 38. ] Christ being thus conceived , the mother of the Lord went into the hill Country with hast into a City of Juda , ( viz. Hebron a City of the Priests scituate in the mountaines of Judea , [ Josh. XXI . 10. 11. ] where when she entred into the house of Zacharias the Priest and had saluted her cousin Elizabeth , she perceiving the child to spring in her womb , was filled with the Holy Ghost , and declared that Mary was blessed , which beleived , and confirmed that those things should be performed that were told her of the Lord : to whom for an answer the blessed Virgin , ( imitating that song of Hannah . [ I. Samuel , II. 1. ] rehearsed that divine hymn , My soul doth magnifie the Lord. &c. and Mary tarried with her about three months . [ Luke . I. 39. 56. ] Syllaeus the Arabian going to Rome , but performing none of those things that were commanded him by Caesar , Antipater accused him before Caesar of the same crimes , whereof Nicolaus Damascene had before accused him ; there was also present another accuser of him even Aretas ( the King of the Nabathaeans ) objecting against him the murder of many honourable men committed by him against his will , but especially that of Sohemus , a man most famous in all vertue , and there was objected against him the murder of Fabalus also Caesars agent . [ Joseph . lib. 1. bell . cap. 18. & lib. 17. Antiq. cap. 4. ] Herod banished his brother Pheroras into his Tetrarchy , because he so obstinately persisted in the love of his wife , which he willingly did , swearing that he would never return till he heard of Herods death , so that a little after Herod falling sick and often sending for him , to receive some private instructions from him as he lay on his death bed , refused to come for his oaths sake . [ Joseph . lib. 1. bell . cap. 19. & lib. 17. cap. 5. ] When the time of Elizabeth was come that she should be delivered , she brought forth a son , who when he was to be circumcised the eight day the standers by would have had him called Zachary , after his fathers name , but his parents signified that they would have him named John , and Zachary , the use of speech being restored , was filled with the Holy Ghost , and prophesied saying , Blessed be the Lord God of Israel , &c. [ Luke I. 57. 68. ] Joseph finding his betroathed wife Mary with child , was willing to put her away privily , but being warned of God in a dream , that she had conceived by the Holy Ghost , and should bring forth her Son Jesus , which should save his people from their sins , he taketh his wife . [ Matth. l. 18 , 24. ] Pheroras falling sick , Herod his brother , beyond hope being recovered , came and visited him , and very kindly sought help for him , but he died within a few dayes after ; whose body was brought to Jerusalem , and there buried by Herod , who honoured him with publick mourning . [ Joseph . lib. 1. Bell. cap. 19. & lib. 17. cap. 5. ] Two of Pharora's freed-men and most dear unto him , ( who were Taphenites ) declared unto Herod , how he had been killed with poison by Doris , the mother of Antipater ; which villany when Herod inquired into , by fortune , he by little and little found out greater villanies , and manifest treasons of his son Antipater ; how that Antipater going to Rome , had delivered a deadly poison to Pheroras , that was sent by Antiphilus , one of Antipators friends , out of Egypt , from Theudon , the brother of Dor●s , for to make away his father ; that the suspicion of the Parricide should not lye upon the Sonne , being absent . [ Id. Ibid. 17. Antiquit. cap. 6. ] Hereupon Herod puts Doris , the mother of Antipater from the Pallace , and takes from her her Jewels , that were worth many talents : he also put from him his wife , another Mariamme , the daught●r of the High Priest , as a partner of all these secrets , and blotted her son out of his Will , where he was appointed successour : he also deprived his father in law of the High Priesthood , and substituted in his room Matthias , the Sonne of Theophilus , that was borne at Jerusalem . [ Id. Ibid. ] On the day of expiation , on which there is a solemn Fast of the Jews solemnised , the new High Priest Matthias could not performe Divine Service , because he had suffered nocturnal pollution ; wherefore Joseph , the Sonne of Ellemus was appointed to be his assistent and substitute , by reason of his alliance , and the same day he entred into the Holy of Holies . [ Id. lib. 17. cap. 8. ] Bathyllus , the free man of Antipater coming from Rome , being tortured , confessed that he had brought poyson , which he gave to his patrones Mother , and to Pheroras , that if the first were too weak , they should be sure to dispatch him with this . There came also letters from his friends , that lived at Rome , to the King , written by the perswasion of Antipater , in which Archelaus and Philip , Herods ●ons , were accused , that they often rubbed up the ●ore of the murder of Alexander and Aristobulus , and pittied the misfortune of the●r innocent brethren : for the young men were at that time at Rome to study , and now their father had commanded their returne : whereupon he corrupted those friends with great gifts , that they might make them , who might be some hinderances to his hopes , suspected to his father , whereas he himself , when he wrote to his father concerning them , as it were excusing them , would impute their speeches to their age . [ Idem . lib. 17. cap. 6. lib. 1. Bell. cap. 20. ] There came forth a command from Augustus , that all the Roman World should be taxed , which taxing was first made , when Cyrenius was Governour of Syria . [ Luke II. 1. ] Out of which a li●●le book was made by Augustus , in which all the publick riche● were conteined , a how many Citizens , and All●es in Armes ; what Navies , how many Kingdoms and Provinces , what Tribute and Customs there was , what necessary charges , and what Pensions . [ Tacit. lib. 1. Annal. cap. 11. ] This here called by the Gereks 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is P. Su●picius Qui●inius . who had been Consul at Rome seven years before , of whom St. ab●● in l●b . 1● . pag. 569. ] speaking of the Modonenses , a people of C●licia , Those Qu●rinius overcame by famine , and took 4000. men , and distributed them into the neighbour Cities . And Tacitus , [ lib. 3. Annal. cap. 48. ] He was a valiant Warr●our , and forward in all his charges , and had the Consulship under Augustus ; of famous memory : then having wonne the Castles of the Homonadensians by assault , he obtained the Ensignes of Tryumph . For it was ordained by Augustus himself , that Mag●strates should not be sent into Provinces , as soon as they had laid down their ●onour . [ Sueton. in Octavio . cap. 36. ] But in the fifth year compleatly ended from their being Magistrates . [ Dio. lib. 53. pag. 505. ] Hereupon Quirinius obtaining the Proconsulate of Cilicia , might be sent into Syria that was neer ; either as Censour with an extraordinary power , or as Caesars Governour with ordinary , and so he is as yet holding the P●o●onsulship of Cilicia , and Sextius Saturninus of Syria : for we have often heard Volumnius and Suturninus by Josephus in like manner called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or Presidents of Syria , when as Vo●umnius , was only 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( as we see him called in lib. 1. ●ell . cap. 17. ) as a little after Quintilius Varus is made successour to Saturnius in the Proconsular dignity . So nothing hinders but that Quirinius may be said to have succeeded , or rather to have been added to the office of administration of Caesars affairs , as King Herod was , whom Josephus notes to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Governour of all Syria , [ lib. 1. bell . cap. 15. ] and was so constituted by Augustus , that he was so adjoyned to the Governours , that all things should be done by his appointment , [ lib. 15. Antiquit. cap. 13. ] and so both will stand together , both that which Tertullian hath , [ lib. 4. contra . Marcion . cap. 9. ] that there was a tax raised under Augustus in Judea , by Sentius Saturninus , and that that the words of the Evangelist do relate , that the same taxing was made , when Cyrenius , or Quirinus , was governour of Syria , of whom he had rather make mention , than of the government of Saturninus , because he would compare together this taxing , with another that was made by the same Quirinius , made ten years after , Archelaus being sent into banishment , declaring that of the two taxings , that was the first that was joyned with the Nativity of Christ. And when this first taxing was acted , Joseph went up from Galilee , from the City of Nazareth into Judea , into the City of David , which is called Bethlehem , because he was of the house and linage of David , that he might be taxed with Mary his wife , being great with child . [ Luke II. 4 , 5. ] The Seventh Age of the World. JESUS CHRIST the Son of GOD , in the fulnesse of time was born of the most blessed Virgin Mary , at Bethlehem , [ Matt. 1. 25. & II. 1 , 5. Gal. IV. 4. ] whom she rolled in swadling-cloaths , and laid in a manger , because there was no room in the Inne , [ Luke , II. 7. ] The Nativity of our Saviour is revealed by an Angel of the Lord to Shepherds keeping their flock by night in the neighbour-fields , which word a multitude of the Heavenly Host receiving , prayed for glory to God , peace to the Earth , and good will to Men. The Shepherds making haste to Bethlehem , found Mary and Joseph , and the Child lying in the manger , and they published that that was told them concerning the Child , and they returned praising and glorifying God , [ Luke , II. 8 , 20. ] The Child is circumcised the eighth day after his Nativity ; and his name is called Jesus , which was so declared by the Angel , before he was conceived in the womb , [ Luke , II. 21. ] The Wisemen from the East , The Julian Period . 4710 the Star being their guide , Year before Christ 4 coming to Herod to Jerusalem , and there being taught that the Birth-place of Christ was Bethlehem of Judea , they went thither , and entring into the house which was shewed them by the Star that stood over it , they found the little Child and Mary his Mother , and falling down worshipped him , and having opened their Treasures , they offered unto him , Gold , Franckincense , and Myrrhe ; then being warned of God in a dream , that they should not return to Herod , they departed into their own Country another way , [ Mat. II. 1 , 12. ] The fortieth day after her delivery , Mary goeth to Jerusalem to the Temple , both that she might present him to the Lord , according to the Law of the First-borne , and also that she might offer for her self a pair of Turtle Doves , or two young Pigeons , ( she being in that condition of poverty that she could not offer a Lamb ) according to the Law of them that had laine in , [ Luke , II. 22 , 23 , 24 , 27. with Leviticus , XII . 2 , 3 , 4 , 6 , 8 , ] When his Parents brought the Child Jesus into the Temple , to do for him after the custom of the Law , there came into the Temple Simeon of Jerusalem , to whom it was revealed by God , that he should not die before he had seen the anointed of the Lord : whom he took in his arms and praised the Lord , speaking prophesies both of Christ himself , and his Mother . In the same moment also , came Anna a Prophetesse the daughter of Phanuel , she also openly acknowledged the Lord , and spake of him to all that looked for redemption in Jerusalem , [ Luke , II. 25 , 38. ] When Joseph and Mary had performed all things , according to the Law of the Lord , they returned into Galilee , unto their own City Nazareth , [ Luke , II. 39. ] The Angel of the Lord appearing to Joseph in a dream , warneth him of his flight into Egypt , that he might provide for the life of the Child , and escape the devices of Herod . Who being awakened , took the young Child and his Mother by night , and departed into Egypt , where he remained until the death of Herod , [ Matth. II. 13 , 14 , 15. ] Herod thinking the young Child had been still at Bethlehem , that he might destroy him amongst the rest , killed all the children which were in Bethlehem , and in all the coasts thereof , from two years old and under , according to the time ( of the Star first seen in the East ) that he had enquired of the Wisemen , [ Matt. II. 16. ] Herod having received letters from Antipater from Rome , in which he signified to him , that having despatched all his businesse according to his own mind , he would in short time return into his own Country again : writes to him back again dissembling his anger , that he should make haste , lest something might happen to him thorough his absence that he should not like of , and also modestly complaining of his mother , promised that he would remit all difference after his return , [ Joseph . lib. 17. cap. 7. ] Antipater heard no news all this while either of the death of Pheroras , or of those things that were brought on foot against him , although there was seven months space between , the wickednesse proved against him , and his return . [ Id. lib. 1. bell . cap. 20. & lib. 17. cap. 6. fin . ] For in his journey at Tarentum , he received a letter of Pharoras death , and in Cilicia those letters of his father , that recalled him back so hastily : and coming to Celenderis , a Town of Cilicia , he began to doubt of his returne , being extream sorrowful , for the disgrace of his mother ; but sailing forwards , he came to Sebaste , a Port of Cesarea ; where being saluted by none , from thence he came to Jerusalem . [ Id. lib. 17. cap. 7. ] It happened that Quintilius Varus , was the same time at Jerusalem , being sent successour to Satur●inus into Syria , and then called thither by Herod , to assist him with his councel in his weighty affairs . As they were sitting both together , Antipater comes in , not knowing any thing , and in his purple garment that he was wont to wear , entred the Pallace : he being entred in , the guards at the gates suffered none of his followers to come in with him : as he was coming neer , his father thrust him from him , reproaching him with the murder of his brethren , and intended poisoning of his father , telling him that the next day Va●us should both hear and determine all things between them . [ Id. ib. ] The next day Varus and the King sitting in judgement , his father himself first began the accusation , and left the prosecution and confirmation thereof to Nicholas Damascene his dear and familiar friend , and one that knew all the businesse , where when Antipater could not clear himself from the crimes objected against him . Varus commanded the po●son that he had prepared for his father to be brought forth , which being given to a condemned man , killed him immediatly . Which being done , Varus rose from the Council , and the next day went to Antiochia , because there was the chief Palace of the Syrians : but Herod presently cast his son into prison , and signified so much by letters to Caesar ; sending also messengers , which by word of mouth , might certifie him of the cursed treason of Antipater . [ Ibid. ] At the same time there were letters intercepted from Antiphilus to Antipater out of Egypt , together also with others from Rome to Antipater and Herod the King , written from Acme , she was a Jew born , and Chamber-maid to Livia , Caesars wife ; who being corrupted with good store of mony by Antipater , sent a feigned letter to Herod , as if it had been written from Salome to her Lady against him ; in which she desired that she might have licence to marry with Syllaeus , ( to wit , that Nabathaean , Herods sworn enemy ) who a little after , for betraying of Aelius Gallus , in the Arabian Expedition , and other crimes , had his head cut off at Rome , as Strabo writes in lib. 16. p. 782. Herod sent by his Embassadors to Caesar , a copy of these letters , together with those of his own , against his son . [ Ibid. ] As the Embassadours hasten to Rome , Herod being taken with sicknesse , made his Will , leaving the succession of his Kingdom to his youngest son , Herod Antipas being exasperated against Archelaus and Philip , by false accusations of Antipater . [ Id. ib. lib. 17. cap. 8. ] Judas , the son of Sariphaeus , and Matthias , the son of Margalothus , two of the most learned of the Jews , and best Interpreters of the Law , after they knew that the Kings sicknesse was incurable , perswaded some young men that were their Scholers , that they should throw down the golden Eagle , that was set up by Herod , over the great gate of the Temple : for going up at noon day , they pulled and hewed down with their axes the Eagle , a great multitude being in the Temple and beholding it : which as soon as it was told the Captain , he comes with a strong band of Souldiers , and layes hold upon some fourty of the young men together with their masters and brings them to Herod , these constantly defending what they had done , Herod commands them to be bound , and sent them to Jericho : then calling for the rulers of the Jews , he being brought into the assembly in a litter by reason of his weaknesse , he complaines not so much of the injury done to himself as to God ( as he said ) who denying that it was done according to their order , he being something more mild to the rest , takes away the High-Priesthood from Matthias the High-Priest , as not altogether a stranger from this businesse , and made successour to him Jazar the brother of his wife , ( Mariamme the daughter of Simon the High-Priest ) but he burned alive the other Matthias that was partner of this sedition , and his companions , and that night the moon was eclipsed ; [ id . ibid. ] which eclipse to have been on the 3 day of March three houres after midnight , the Astronomicall table doth shew . Then Herods disease began to grow worse , for he was inflamed with a slow fire , which was not perceived so much by the outward touch , as that it burnt up his very bowells , he had also the disease called the Bulimia , with a continuall desire of eating , for the satisfying of which he was alwaies eating . He was also continually tortured with ulcers in his bowells , and paines of the collick , his feet swelled with a moist phlegm , and also his thighes , his members rotted and were full of worms , and also a filthy and no lesse troublesome Priapisme , and also a most greivous stinke , and over and above he was troubled with convulsions , and difficulty of breathing . [ ibid. ] And although he was so grievously tormented , that he seemed to every one that he could not be able to endure it , yet he hoped he should escape , being very carefull to send for Phisicians , and seeking ●edecines from every place he went also beyond Jordan , and went into the hot baths at Callirrhoe , which running into the Asphaltite lake , and besides the medicinall vertue are pleasant to drinke , then by the advice of his Phisicians being set in a bathing tub filled with oyl , he seemed to them to give up the Ghost , whereupon at the sudden crying out and bewailing him of his friends , he came to himself , and now seeing no more hope of recovery , he commanded 50 drachmes to be given to every souldier , and having used much liberality to his Captains and friends he returned again to Jericho . [ ibid. ] When Augustus had heard that among the children that Herod the King of the Jews had commanded to be killed within two years old , that there was a son also of his own killed also Said . It was better to be Herods hog than his son . thus Macrobius relates . [ lib. 2. Saturnal . cap. 4. ] Herod by an edict calls together from every place to Jericho , Year of the World 4001 the most noble of the Jews , and shuts them up in a place called the Hippodram , giving command to his sister Salome , and her husband Alexas , that as soon as he was dead they should cause the souldiers to kill all those that were shut up , seeking only this , that the people should have cause of sorrow , otherwise they would rejoyce at the death of their King they hated so much . [ Joseph . lib. 17. cap. 8. ] Letters came from Rome , from the Embassadours that were sent to Caesar , in which was signified , that Acme was put to death by Caesar in a displeasure , because she had been of Antipaters conspiracy , and that Antipater himself was left to his fathers pleasure , either to banish him or to put him to death . Herod having heard these things is a little cheered , but presently being afresh tormented , and greedy of meat , he called for an apple and a knife to pare it , and when he thought to have stabbed himself , Achialus his nephew prevented him , and calling for help , held his right ; hand and a great sorrow with fear and tumult struck the whole pallace , as if Herod had been dead . [ Id. lib. 17. cap. 9. ] When Antipater perceived that noise , thinking certainly that his father had been dead , he began to temper with his keeper about letting of him out , promising him many things both in present and for the future when it lay in his power : which practise the Keeper told the King , who for very anger cryed out , and although he was so neer death yet ra●ised himself up in his bed , and commanded one of his guard , to go presently and to put Antipater to death , and that he should be buried in the Castle of Hyrcanion without any honour . [ id . ibid. ] Then changing his mind he made a new testament , for Antipas who before he had made his successour of the Kingdome , he made him Tetrarch of Galilee and Petrea , but gave the Kingdome to Archelaus , and assigned to his son Philip the regions of Gaulanitis , Trachonitis , Batanaea and Pancada in the name of a Tetrarchy , to Salome his sister he gave Jamnia , Azotus and Phasaelis with 500000 drachmes to the rest of his kindred he gave money and yearly pensions . To Caesar he gave 10000000 of drachmes of silver , and all his plate aswell gold as silver , and a great quantity of precious moveables . To Liria Caesars wife and to some certain friends 5000000 of drachmes . [ id . ib. cap. 10. ] Herod having ordered these things five daies after he had put to death Antipater , he died himself , having enjoyed the kingdom 34 years after he had killed Antigonus ▪ but from the time that he was declared King by the Romans 37 years , [ Id. ibid. & belli . 1. cap. ult . ] about the 25 of our November : viz. the 7 of the moneth Cis●e● ; which is therefore accounted a Joyful and Festival● day , because in that day Herod died who hated all wise men : as Edward Liveley a most learned man , noted in his Chronology , in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or the Volume of the Fast. Salome and Alexas , before the Kings death was known , sent all those home that were shut up in the Hypodrome , saying That he had so commanded , that they should go into the Country and follow their businesses . [ Joseph . l●b . 17. cap. 10. ] Then was the Kings death declared , and all the souldiery called into the Theater of Jericho , and there they first read the Kings letters to the souldiers , in which giving them thanks for their fidelity and love to him , he desires them that they would do the like for his son Archelaus , whom he had appointed to be his Successour in the kingdom . Then Ptolemy the keeper of the Kings Seale , read his Testament , which he would not have to be ratified without Caesars consent . Then was there a shout for joy that Archelaus was King , and the souldiers came flocking in with their Captains about him , and promised that they would keep the same faith and affection to him as they had done to his father , praying God to prosper him in his Raign . Then was the Kings Funerals most royally prepared by Archelaus , [ Ibid. ] Herod being dead who sought the life of the young Child Jesus , The Julian Period . 4711 the Angel of the Lord appearing to Joseph in a dream in Egypt , Year before Christ 3 commanded that he should return with the young Child and his Mother into the land of Israel : who being awakened performs what was injoyned him , [ Matt. II. 19 , 20 , 21. ] Joseph coming into the land of Israel , when he heard that Archelaus raigned in Judea in the roome of his father Herod , he feared to go thither , and being warned of God in a dream , he departed into the parts of Galilee ( the Tetrarchy of which his father Herod had given to Antipas by his will ) and there dwelt in the City Nazareth : from whence Jesus took the name of Nazarene , [ Mat. II. 22 , 23. ] and the Christians of Nazarenes , [ Acts , XXIV . 5. ] Herods body is carried in a Funeral pompe 200 furlongs from Jericho , to the Castle Herodion , where he himself had appointed to be buried , [ Joseph . lib. 1. bell . cap. ult . fin . ] they going each day but eight fu●longs ( or an Italian mile ) as may be gathered out of the 17 book of Antiquit. cap. 10. ) He was carried in a golden Licter , set with precious Stones , bearing cloth of Purple : his body also was cloathed with Purple ; then was a Diadem put on his head , and also over him a Crown of Gold , and a Scepter in his right hand : his son , and kinsfolke marched about the Licter : then followed the souldiers , marshalled according to their Nations , then 500 servants bearing persumes , [ Id. lib. 17. Antiquit. cap. 10. ] The ceremony of the Funerals being ended , Archelaus coming to Jeresalem , solemnized the mourning for his father seven dayes , after the custom of the Jews ; and at the end of the ●ourning , made a Funeral Banq●et to the multitude . Then going up into the Temple , wheresoever he went he was entertained with gratulatory acclamations ; then ascending into an higher place , and sitting on a golden Throne , he graciously speakes unto the people , promising them very fairly ; but withal said , That he would not take the name of King upon him , until Caesar had confirmed his fathers testament : and after the sacrifices were ended , he banqueted with his friends , [ Id. ibid. ] Then there was a sedition raised by their friends , whom Herod had put to death for throwing down the golden Eagle ; who then cast reproaches upon the dead King , demanding some of his friends also to be punished ; and moreover desired that Joazar the High Priest might be turned out of the Priesthood : whom when Archelaus sought to appease , but in vain , the matter came to that passe , that about the Feast of the Passeover , Archelaus sent the whole army against them , where 3000 men were killed by the Horsemen about the Temple , the rest saving themselves in the adjoyning mountains , [ Id. lib. 17. cap. 11. ] Then Archelaus goes down to the Sea with his mother ( Malthace a Samaritane ) to sail unto Caesar , taking along with him Nicholas Damascene , and Ptolomy ( Herods Agent ) and many other of his friends : committing his family and kingdom to the trust of his brother Philip. Salome also the sister of Herod went with him , who took with her all her children . Others also of his kindred followed him , as if it were to labour to get the regal dignity for Archelaus , but indeed to withstand him , and to accuse him for that fact that was committed in the Temple [ Ibid. ] As Archelaus was going with this company , he was met by Sabinus Caesars Agent in Syria that was posting into Judea to take charge of Herods money , whom Varus the Governour of Syria opportunely meeting him , retained , for Archelaus had sent for him by Ptolemy . So that he in favour of the Governour , neither seized upon the Fortresses Judea , nor sealed up the Kings Treasures , leaving all things in Archelaus his possession , till Caesar should determine something concerning them , and having promised these things , he tarried at Caesarea : but after Archelaus set sail for Rome , and Varus was gone to Antioch , he then went to Jerusalem and seized upon the Palace : and then calling before him the Captains of the Castles , and the Kings Agents , demanded the accounts from them , and that the Castles should be delivered over to him ; but the Governours receded not from Archelaus his commands , but kept all things as they were until the Kings return , pretending they kept them for Caesar , [ Ibid. ] At the same time Antipas the son of Herod sailed to Rome , with a hope to get the kingdom for himself , to which he was excited by Salome , as if he were to be preferred before Archelaus , because he was appointed the Successour of the kingdom , by Herods first testament , which ought to be of more validity than the second . He carried with him also his mother ( Cleopatra that was borne at Jerusalem ) and Ptolemy the brother of Nicholas Damascene one of Herods chief friends , and one that favoured his title : but especially Irenaeus an Orator , and eloquent man , and one that was conversant in the Kings businesses , put him most forward to affect the kingdom . After Antipas was come to Rome , all the kinsmen fell to him , for the hatred they bore to Archelaus ; Sabinus also in the letters he wrote to Caesar , accused Archelaus , [ Ibid. ] Archelaus by Ptolemy exhibited a petition to Caesar containing his own right , and the accounts of Herods money that was sealed up . Caesar when he had read the petition , and also Varus and Sabinus his letters , called his friends to council , giving the first place in the Council , to Caius the son of Agrippa , and his daughter Julia , whom he had now adopted ; there then Antipater the son of Salome , a very eloquent man speakes against Archelaus , to whom Nicholas Damascene answered in his defence , who having finished his discourse , Archelaus fell down at Caesars feet , whom he curteously raised up , and pronounced that he was worthy of the kingdom , pretending that he would do nothing unlesse it were prescribed in his fathers testament , or that should be profitable for Archelaus ; and seeing the young man confirmed in some hope by his promise , he determined nothing more at that time , [ Ibid. ] Varus coming from Antioch to represse the tumults that were raised in Judea after Archelaus his departure , punished the authours of the sedition ; and the sedition being for the most part appeased , he returning le●t one Legion in Jerusalem , that he might take away all occasion of innovation from the Jews : but as soon as ever he was gone , Sabinus Caesars Agent there , having the command of those Forces that were left there , and now thinking himself equal to the people , he endeavoureth to seize upon the Castles , and forceably to make search after the Kings coine , for his private lucre and covetousnesse sake . [ Ibid. ] To the Feast of Pentecost came many thousands , not so much for Religion sake , as to be revenged of Sabinu● , not onely from Judea which was more greviously offended , but from Galilee , and also from Idumaea ; and from Jericho , and from Towns that were beyond Jordan : and fiercely assaulted Sabinus , dividing their Camp into three Brigades . Against whom the Roman souldiers valiantly opposing themselves , and killing many of them , entred the Treasure-house of the holy Treasure , a good part of which the souldiers stole , but there was openly brought 400 talents of that prey to Sabinus : him a company of the most warlike Jews besiged in the Palace ; but Rufus and Gratus who had under their command 3000 men of the most warlike and stout of Herods souldiers joyn themselves with the Romans . For all this the Jews never the more slowly followed the assault , and undermining the walls , and exhorting their adversaries to depart , promising them quarter ; whose liberal offer Sabinus suspecting , would not withdraw his souldiers , still expecting succour from Varus , [ Ibid. ] In this state of things , there were divers other tumults raised in Judea in divers other places ; because the Nation had not a King of their own that might continue the multitude in their duty by wholesome laws . For 2000 men , who had served under Herod , but then dismissed to live at home , assembled themselves together , set upon those of the Kings faction , against whom Archiabus Herods Nephew , and General for the King , made head ; and not daring to meet them in a place of equal advantage , as being old and expert souldiers , he defended himself and his party ( as well as he could ) in fastnesse and places of difficult accesse . [ Ibid. ] Judas ( the son of Ezechias that arch-thief , who in former time was with so much labour overthrown by Herod ) having gathered a Band of desperate fellows at Sephoris , a City of Galilee , made incursions into the Kings Dominion ; and having taken the Kings Armory , he armed all his souldiers , and seized also upon the Kings Treasure in those places : whereupon he began to be a terrour to the Inhabitants : he spoiled all that fell into his clutches . He aspired also to the kingdom , not by lawful means , of which he was wholly ignorant , but by a liberty to do injury . [ Ibid. ] For whereas 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the Hebrews , is the same with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the Syrians , from whence comes Judas and Thaddeus . [ Luke . VI. 16. with Mark III. 18. ] And much rather Theudas , the same name plainly comes : This Judas seems to be no other than Theudas , of whom [ Acts V. 36. ] Gamaliel speaks : Before these times rose up Theudas , boasting himself to be some body , to whom a number of men , about 400 , joyned themselves , who were slain , and all as many as obeyed him , were scattered and brought to nought . Simon also , a Servant of King Herods , a man otherwise esteemed among all men , for his comlinesse , stature , and strength , durst venture upon the Crown ; and being attended by a mighty company , and proclamed King by them , who were an unbridled multitude , perswaded himself that he was fit to be a King , rather than any other . He began his Kingdom by plundering and burning the Kings Palace at Jericho ; and then burning other Palaces , and giving the plunder to them of his own ●action : he had also done more licentious prancks , if he had not been spedily prevented : for Gratus , the Captain of the Kings Souldiers , who then followed the Roman party , ma●ched with his forces against Simon , where , after a fierce conflict , they on the other side of Jordan fighting in disorder , and rather with courage than skill , were overcome . Gratus also took Simon , as he was flying through a narrow passage , and cuts off his head . So Josephus , [ ut supra . ] For Tacitus refers this rather to Varus , in the 5 lib. of his History , [ cap. 5. ] writing thus of this Simon . After the death of Herod , one Simon makes himself King , without so much as looking for Caesars consent , but he is punished by Varus , the Govnrnour of Syria . At Amatha , also by Jordan , a royal Palace of the Kings , was burnt by such a rabble of men as Simon had . Athronges also , an obscure Shepherd formerly , and onely famous for his huge stature and strength ; he also took upon him the regal dignity . He had four brothers that were of of like stature and strength , upon whom , as his Lieutenants , he gave charge of the multitude that came flocking to him , when there was any wars . He himself wearing a Crown , did consult what was to be done , but he kept the sole command in his own hands . The power of this man endured long , ( for he was not a King for nought ) until he was brought under the power of Archelaus , being returned from Rome . Joseph . lib. 1. 7. cap. 12. ] Athronges his cruelty reached most especially against the Romans , and the kings party , for he hated them alike . His forces surprised a Cohort about Emmaus , as it was carrying Victual and Ammunition to the army , and killed with their Darts Arius , a a Centurio● , with 40 of his stoutest Foot ; the rest looking to be served no better , Gratus coming with the kings souldiers , rescued , but there left the dead bodies . [ Ibid. ] Quintilius Varus knowing the danger that Sabinus was in by his letters , fearing the utter overthrow of the third Legion , he takes with him the two others , ( for at the uttermost there were but three in all Syria ) and four Troups of Horse , and the aides of the Kings and Tetrarchs , and hasteth into Judea , to succour the besieged , having commanded those that were sent before , to meet him at P●olemais , and passing by the City of the Berythians , he receiveth 1500 Auxiliaries from them . Antu● also the Petrean , being a friend to the Romans , even for the hatred he bare to Herod , sent him good store both of Horse and Foot. [ Ibid. ] After all the army was come together to Ptolomais , Varus delivered part of it to his son , and to one of his friends , to march against the Galileans , that bordered upon Ptolemais ; who entring the Country , put all to flight that durst make head against him , and took the City Sephoris ; and having sold all the inhabitants at an outcry , he set the City on fire . [ Ibid. ] Varus himself went towards Samaria with the army , but did no harm to the City , because he knew it had not been wrapt in the sedition : but he pitched his Camp in a certain Village , that was called Aras , which was the possession of Ptolemy : this the Arabians burnt , hating his friends , for the hatred they bare to Herod . Then marching on , they came to Sampho , which the Arabians first spoiled , and then burnt , although it was wel fortified : in all that march they put all to fire and sword , but Emmaus was burnt by the command of Varus , in revenge of his Souldiers that were there slain , but the inhabitants had first forsaken it . [ Ibid. ] Then when they came nigh to Jerus●lem , the Jews which besieged the Romans on that side , as soon as ever they saw the army approaching , being affrighted , fled , and gave over the assault they had begun : but those of Jerusalem being grievously reproved by Varus , excused themselves , that the people indeed were gathered together in regard of the feast , but that the war arose not with their consent , but by the boldnesse of the strangers that came thither ; and already there had gone out to meet Varus , Josephus , a Nephew of King Herods , Gratus and R●●●s with their Souldiers , and the Romans that had susteined the siege : but Sabinus would not come in sight , but stealing privately out of the City , hasted unto the seaward . [ Ibid. ] Then Varus sending part of his army throughout all the Country , sought out the authours of this sedition , whom having found he punisheth , some as guilty , and some were let go free : but there were about 2000 crucified for this cause . After this he dismissed his army , of which he had no more use ; and those also , who contrary to his m●nd , had committed many outrages for meer lucres sake . And hearing that there were 1000 Jews gathered together , he hastens to apprehend them : but they not daring to stand the brunt , yielded themselves by Achiabus his advice . Varus then pardoned the common people for their sedition , but sent the ring-leaders to Caesar , and so all things being reduced to peaee , he left the same Legion in Jerusalem in Garison , and so returned to Antioch . [ Ibid. ] Malthace , the mother of Archelaus , dyed of a sicknesse at Rome . [ Ibid. ] Caesar having received Varus his letter , concerning the revolt of the Jews , he pardoned the rest of the Captains of the seditions , and onely punished some of King Herods kinsmen , because that neither for kind●ed sake , nor yet for justice sake they had abstained from rebellion . [ Ibid. ] There came at the same time , by Varus his permission , an Embassie of the Jews , desiring that they might live after their own laws : the Embassadours were about 50 , to whom there joyned themselves about 8000 Jews that dwelt at Rome . When therefore Caesar had called a Council of his friends and chief Citizens into the Temple of Apollo , which he had built to his mighty charge : thither came the Embassadours , a multitude of the Jews following them , and Archelaus came also with his comp●ny . Philip also was there , who came by Varus his advice out of Syria , both that he might be an advocate for his brother , to whom Varus wished well , and also that in the division of Herods Kingdom , he might get some share . The Embassadours therefore having leave so speak , they began their discourse from the accusation of Herod and Archelaus , and then desired that they might have no more Kings , but that the form of the Common-wealth might be changed , and be annexed to Syria , and that they might obey the Governours sent them from Rome : to which objections , when Nicholas Damascen had answered both for Herod that was dead , and for Archelaus that was present , Caesar brake up the councel . [ Ibid. ] A few daies after , Caesar declared Archelaus not King indeed , but made him Lord of half part of that dominion that was left him by his father Herod , but promised him a Kingdom , if he behaved himself as might deserve a Kingdom : to him belonged Judea and Idumea , and besides these Samaria , to which , by the command of Caesar , a fourth part of their tribute was remitted , because that they kept themselves in peace , when the rest were in sedition , in his government these Cities were comprehended , the Tower of Straton , Sebaste , Joppe , Jerusalem ; for Gaza , Gadara , and Hippon were Cities which followed the lawes of Greece , for which cause Caesar had dismembred them and annexed them to Syria . Yet there accrewed to Archelaus 600 talents out of his own dominion . [ id . ibid. cap. 13. ] Caesar divided the other half of Herods dominion to two other , two of Herods sons , to Herod Antipas befell Gal●lee , with the little Country of Petraea , ( but a most fertile one and lieth beyond Jordan , between the two lakes of Tiberias and Asphaltites , ) the yearly revenue of which were 200 talents , to Philips lot befell Ba●anaea , Trachonitis and Auranitis , with a certain part of the palace of Zenodorus , ( as they call it ) which paid yearly a 100 talents , to Salome also beside the Cities that were left her by her brother Jamnia Azotus and Phasaelis , and half a million of silver ; Caesar gave her a palace in Ascalon , she also received from the places that were subject to her sixty talents , and dwelt in the dominion of Archelaus : the rest of Herods kindred received what was bequeathed by his testament ; also two of Herods daughters that were virgins besides what their father left them , received from the bounty of Caesar a quarter of a million of silver , and were married to the sons of Pheroras , yea and all the Kings legacy amounting to the sum of 1500 talents he gave to his sons , keeping for himself but a few moveables , not so much for the value , as for the memory of his friend . [ id . ibid. ] Thus the children of Herod governed the Nation being thus restrained in a threefold division , saith Tacitus [ lib. 5. cap. 9. ] to whom Strabo is to be added , wriing thus of his children , Some of them he put to death himself , as being assailed by their treachery , others at his death he left his successours , assigning to every one his portion . Caesar also highly honoured Herods children , and his Sister Salome , and Berenice the daughter of Salome . A certain young man , a Jew of mean parentage , brought up in Sidon , with a Roman libertiae , that resembled Alexander the son of Herod in the face , feignes himself to be he , who was delivered from death with his brother Aristobulus by the means of a certain friend of his keeper , being induced to feign this by a certain cunning impostour , that was very well acquainted in Herods palace , being instructed by this fellows cunning and deceits , when he had sailed into Crete , he perswaded all the Jews that came in conference with him this thing was so , and having got store of money from them , he sailed into the Island Melus , where he got huge store of money under pretext that he was of the Kings stock , and now hoping that he should recover his fathers Kingdome , he hasted to Rome , his friends accompanying him , and when he had sailed to Puteoli , he was there likewise received with he same favour by the deceived Jews , and as he was coming to Rome , all the multitude of the Jews that lived there came out to meet him , when this news was brought to Caesar , he sent thither Celadus one of his freemen that was very well in former time acquainted with the young men , commanding him that he should bring Alexander into his presence , which thing he did , but was no wiser than the rest in knowing him , but , yet he did not deceive Caesar , who sent this false Alexander when he had confessed his imposture to the gal●ies because he was of a strong body , and caused the other that induced him to this fraud to be put to death . [ Joseph . lib. 17. cap. 19. ] Archelaus being returned into his government in Judea , Year of the World 4002 takes away the Priesthood from Ioazar , the son of Boethus ( or his grandchild by his son Simon ) accusing him that he had favoured the seditions , and placed that dignity upon his brother Elcazar . [ Id. ib. cap. 15. ] Augustus brought his son Lucius ( in his 13. Consulship ) into the Court. The Julian Period . 4712 [ Sueton. in cap. 26. ] Year before Christ 2 conferring the same honours upon him that he had conferred three years before upon his brother Caius , which the coines do testifie , in which were the Effigies of Caius and Lucius , with Bucklers and Spears , with this inscription . C. L. CAESARES . AUGUSTI . F. COS. DES . PRINCIPES . JUVENT . ( i.e. ) Caius and Lucius Caesars , the Sons of Augustus , designed Consuls , Princes of youth . In the same XIII Consulship , he shews in a Monument of Ancyra , that he gave 60 pence to the common people that received corn of the publick , adding withall , that they were not little above 200000 , which very thing is also found in Xyphiline , in his collections out of Dio , unlesse that for 60 pence , which the Greeks call drachmes , the Latine interpreter put 240 pence , I know not by what incogitancy . Augustus himself and Gallus Caninius being Consuls , satisfied the minds and eies of the people of Rome , with shews of combatants with their swords and seafights , [ Vellei ▪ Patercul . lib. 2. cap. 100. ] with Hyeronym . in Chronico . these shews being exhibited he brought water into the Cirque , in which there were thirty crocodiles killed . [ Xiph. ex Dione . ] He exhibited also a naval fight , hollowing the ground about Tiber , in that place where afterward was Caesars Grove . [ Sueton. in Octavio . cap , 43. ] The length of which place so hollowed , was 1800 foot , and the breadth 200 , in which 30 beaked ships , and many Gallies , and lesser hoyes combated , as in the Breviary of his doings , graven in the Marble of Anoyra , Augustus himself shews of this sea fight , as but newly set forth , Ovid makes mention of this in the first book of his Art. Quid modo , cum belli navalis imagine Caesar Persidas induxit Cecropidasque rates ? The Julian Period . 4706 Nempe ab utroque mari juvenes , Year before Christ 8 ab utroque puellae Venere ; atque ingens orbis in urbe fuit . What , Caesar when , like a sea-fight by land , Made th'Persian and Cecropian beaks the sand To ride ? He brought both men and maids from th' main , And made the City all the World retain . There was occasion of businesse to Augustus in the East from the Armenians , he intending his plaies at Rome , Pompeius had only accustomed them to this only kind of servitude , that they should receive their Governours from Rome , but now they had expulsed Artarasdes ( or Artabazes ) whom Augustus had set over them upon this title , and had substituted Tigranes in his place , and for the defending of this revolt , they called the Parthians to their aid , and so Armenia withdrawing it self to them , and the Parthians leaving the alliance of the Romans , laies hold on Armenia . [ Florus lib. 4. cap. 12. Velleius . Paterculus . lib. 2. cap. 100. Tacitus . Annal. lib. 2. cap. 3. Dio. in Zonara , & excerptis a Fulv. Vrsino Edit . legat . 39. Sextus . Rufus in . breviario . ] Augustus brings Caius and Lucius as yet very young into some charge in the commonwealth , and sent them about the provinces and armies , they being designed Consuls , [ Sueton , in Octavio , cap. 64. ] Whence we read in Velleius Paterculus , [ lib. 2. cap , 101. ] That Caius went about the Provinces ( ad sidendum ) to settle them , where Beatus Rhenanus thinks it should be read ( ad sedandum ) to quiet them ; and Justus Lipsius thinks ( ad visendum ) to visit them . And that this is the best reading , that place of Dion shews , in the collections set forth by Henricus Valesius , [ pag. 665. ] Caius Caesar going about as they were wont to do in peace , viewed the Legions that were incamped by the River Ister ; for he had never any command in the wars : not that there was not any war at that time , but because he had learned the arts in peace and security , while the dangers of the war were committed to others managment . At Rome in the very year that Augustus set forth the Shews of the Combatants both at land and sea , there brake out a filthy and horrible disaster in his own house ; for his daughter Julia altogether unmindful either of the greatness of her father or husband , left nothing undone in luxury and lust that it was possible for a woman to do or suffer ; for she measured the greatness of her fortune by her liberty in sinning , accounting every thing lawful that pleased her , [ Velle● . Patercul . lib. 2. cap. 100. ] Yea she came to that height of laciviousnesse , that she kept her mighty feastings in the very Courts of Justice , abusing those Courts with lascivious acts in which her father had made the law against adulteries . Whereupon her father was so inraged that he could not contain his anger within his own house , but published these things , yea , and communicated them with the Lords of the Senate , [ Seneca , de Beneficiis , lib. 6. cap. 32. Dio. in Xiphil . epitome , & Excerptis , Valesi● , pag. 665. ] onely he was not present , but in a note that was read by the Questour , made the thing known to the Senate . He kept himself also from any company a long time for very shame ; he was thinking also of putting his daughter to death . [ Sueton , in Octavio . ] At last she was banished into Pandataria an Island of Campania : her mother Scribonia of her own accord accompanying her in her banishment , [ Vellei . Patercul . & Dio. ut supra . ] who being divorced from Caesar that very day in which she was delivered of her , L. Martius , and C. Sabinus , being Consuls , [ Dio. lib. 48. pag. 377. ] to wit , the year of the Julian account , 4675. So that Julia was 38 years old at that time , and that she was not yonnger than that age , we understand out of Macrobius , [ lib. 2. Saturnal . cap. 5. ] Tiberius being in Rhodes , and hearing that his wife Julia was condemned for her lusts and adulteries , and that a divorce was sent her in his name by the command of Augustus , although he was glad at heart , yet he thought it his duty , as much as in him lay , by frequent letters to beg him that he would forgive his daughter , and that he would grant her , although she had deserved very ill , yet whatsoever he had given her . [ Sueton. in Tiber. cap. 11. ] When Augustus heard that the Armenians were revolted , and that they were aided by the Parthians , he was grieved at it , and doubted what to do ; for he could not manage the war himself because of his old age ; and Tiberius had withdrawn himself , neither durst he trust any of the more powerful Citizens : Caius and Lucins were young and unfit for such matters ; but yet necessity compelling him , he chose Caius , making him Proconsul , and marrying him , that by this means he might seem to have more honour , and more friends to give him counsel , [ Zonarus , ex Dione . ] His wives name was Lollia Paulina , [ Sueton , in Claudio , cap. 26. ] either the daughter or neice of Marcus Lollius , [ Plin. lib. 9. cap. 35. Solin . cap. 53. ] Whom he would have to be either Governour or Moderatour of Caius his youth , [ Vellei . Patercul . lib. 2. cap. 102. Sueton in Tiberio , cap. 12. ] When he was providing for this Expedition , Ovid wrote 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in his first book ; adding this to the mention of the Sea-fight that was but newly ended . Ecce parat Caesar domito quod defuit orbi Addere : nunc Oriens ultime noster eris . Parthe dabis poenas : Crassi gaudete sepulti , Signaque barbaricas non bene passa manus . Ultor adest , primisque ducem profitetur in annit ; Bellaque non puero tractat agenda puer . Caesar prepares with courage to subdue Of the whole World th' onely unconquer'd crew ; Now must the Parthian by him overcome , Receive chastisments , and observe his doom . Rejoyce you buried Crassians , what you lost , Revengfully is taken to their cost : By one , though Captain young , yet shews the World , Such high atcheivements cannot be control'd . Adding a little after : Auspiciis annisque patris puer arma movebis ; Et vinces annis auspiciisque patris . Tale rudimentum tanto sub nomine debes ; Nunc juvenum princeps , deinde future senum . With fathers fate and gravity renown'd , Thou fighting shalt with victory be crown'd : Such expectation doth thy name obtain , Though now of young , a Prince of old thou l't raign . He that was so ill a Prophet in conjecturing what should come to passe , was not much out of the way in setting down the just year of Caius his age . For his father Augustus was nineteen years old when he gathered his army : as it hath been shewed before out of the Ancyran Marble : and Caius was now entered into the nineteenth year of his age , when he provides for the Armenian and Parthian war , so that he was Commander to war just at the same age that his father had been . The Emperour Augustus sent before Dionysius a most excellent Geoprapher into the East , to make a Commentary of all things , for his elder son that was to go into Armenia , about the affairs of Parthia and Arabia : as we read in Pliny , [ lib. 6. cap. 27. ] Whether it was that famous Dionysius whose Periegesis is extant in Greek Verse , or Dionysius the son of Diogenes of whom Marcianus Heracleota in his first book of Periplus , saith , that he set forth the dimension of the Earth . That Caius Caesar had Armenia for his Province , saith Tacitus , [ lib. 2. Annal. cap. 3. lib. 3. cap. 48. ] That he was sent into Syria , saith Velleius Paterculus , [ lib. 2. cap. 101. ] That he was made Governour of the East , saith Suetonius , [ in Tiberio , cap. 12. ] That he was sent by Augustus to order the Provinces of Egypt and Syria O●osius , [ lib. 7. cap. 3. ] Pliny in the end of the 27 chapter of the sixth book , citeth Volumes of King Juba written to the same Caius concerning the Expedition into Arabia , and in the following chapter adding , that Caius had onely an eye upon Arabia , but never made any Expedition thither . As soon as Phraates the King of the Parthians heard of the warlike provision that Caius made against the Barbarians , with an Apology for those things that were done and desiring peace : to whom Caesar answering by letters , commanded him to leave Armenia ; but Tigranes at that time sent no Embassie to him . [ Dio. legat . 39. in Excerptis , ab Vrsin . edit . ] Tiberius , The Julian Period . 4713 the time of his Tribuneship being over , Year before Christ 1 at length confessed that he by his retirement went onely to shun all suspicion of envy between himself and Caius an● Lucius . He requested , that seeing there was no danger concerning that businesse , they being grown men , and next in authority to the Emperour , that he would give him leave to see again his alliances , whom he had a great desire to see : but this would no be granted , and he was moreover warned , that he should lay aside all care of them , woom he had left so desireously , [ Sueton , in Tiberio , cap. 11. ] He tarried therefore at Rhodes against his will , scarce obtaining so much at hi● mothers intreaties , that to cover the ignominy he might be there as a Li●utenant to Augustus . Neither lived he onely a private life , but in danger and fear , lying hid 〈◊〉 the middest of the Island , to shun the services of them that sailed by , [ Id. ibid. 12. ] Caius going to the Armenian war , Tiberius crossed over to Chius to present his service to him , purging himself of all suspitions , and was very humble not onely to Caius , but also to his followers , [ Xiphil . & Zonar . ex Dion . ] although Velleius flattering Tiberius as he doth alwayes , writes that Caius gave all honour to Tiberius as his superiour , [ lib. 2. cap. 101. ] Suetonius writes that Tiberius went not to 〈◊〉 , but Samos , for to see his son in law Caius , and that he found him much alienated from him thorough the false accusations of Marcus Lollius , [ ut supra . cap. 12. ] He came also into suspition thorough some Centurions of his allowance , who going from the meeting to the Camp again , seemed to have given doubtful commands to many , and which might tempt the minds of many to innovations ; of which suspition being certified by Augustus , he continually desired of him that he would send one to him , of what rank soever to be an Overseer of his words and deeds . He left off also his usual riding , and his other martial excercises , and went in his coat , and shooes , laying aside his Country habit : and in that fashion lived he at Rhodes two years , every day more contemned and more hated , [ Sueton in Tiberio , cap. 12. ] Caius passing by Judea , scorned to worship at Jerusalem , which Augustus , as soon as he knew of from himself much commended . Suetonius relates this , [ in Octa. cap. 93. ] and out of him Orosius , [ lib. 7. cap. 3. ] adding that Caius coming out of Egypt , passed by the borders of Palestine . Zonaras relates out of Dion . That Caius coming from thence into Syria , did nothing worthy fame . Velleius Paterculus saith , That he behaved himself so variously , that there wanted not matter for any that would either praise him or dispraise him . [ lib. 2. cap. 110. ] But that through the greatness and majesty of the Roman name , he quieted all things , saith Sextus Rusus in his Breviary . Quirinus being returned to Rome , married that generous woman Lepida , intended sometime for wife for Lucius , and to be daughter in law to Augustus , whom yet after twenty years ( C. Marcus Valerius Messala , and Marcus Aurelius Cotta being Consuls ) in the year of the Per. Julian . 4733. he divorced , accusing her that she had prepared poison for him . [ Sueton. in Tiberio . cap. 49. with Tacit. lib. 3. Annal. cap. 22 , 23. ] When Augustus in those forementioned letters had plainly called him Phraates , not calling him King , he was not a whit terrified , but prou●ly wr●●●ing back again , and calling himself King , called Augustus nothing but Caesar. [ Dio. in Xephilin . & Legat. ●9 . Vrsin . edit . ] But when he knew that Caius was come into Syria , and suspected that for the hatred his subjects bare him , things would not be quiet at home , he made a peace with Caius , upon this condition , That he should leave off prete●sions to Armenia . [ X●philin . ex Dion . ] From whence it is read in the seventh book of Eutropius , That Augustus received Armenia from the Parthians . And in the Chronicle of Eusebius , it is said that Caius Caesar made peace with the Parthians . When Artabazes , or Artavasdes , was dead of a disease , Tigranes sent presents to Augustus , for joy that his enemy was taken away , and not writing himself King , begged the Kingdom of him . Augustus moved with these things , and fearing the Parthian war , both accepts of his presents , and commands him with some hope to go into Syria to C●●us . So Dion in Excerptis legat . a Fulvio . Ursin. Edit . Sextus Rusus in Breviar . saith . That the Armenians that were then stronger than the Parthians , yielded themselves to Caius : and if you will hear forwards . The Armen●ans being joyned with the Parthians , are easily overcome by Caius Augustus his help . The Armenians thinking it more profitable to be reconciled to the friendship of the Romans , and to live in their own Country , than to joyn with the Parthians , loose their Country , and have the enmity of the Romans . THe first year of the Vulgar Christian account , Year of the World 4004 of which we now reckon this 1653. The Julian Period . 4714 begins here , Year after Christ 1 in which Caius Caesar being twenty years old , five years after he was brought into the market-place , was Consul in the East , as Pighius in his Annals shews , out of a Marble Table of Naples and Anagna . This year also Tiberius lived at Rhodes a banished man , under coulour of leading a solitous life , for thus Tacitus rightly censures of it . [ Annal. lib. 1. cap. 4. ] Whereupon one in a familiar banquet , mention being made of him , promised Caius , that if he would b●d him , he would saile presently to Rhodes , and bring him the head of that banished man , through which , not so much fear , as danger , he was compelled to desire his returne by his own and his mothers ( of Livia ) most earnest prayers . But Augustus was determined to do nothing concerning this businesse , but according to the pleasure of Caius . [ Sueton in Tiberio . cap. 13. ] When Augustus , his Climacterical year being past , solemnised his birth day of 64 years , on the ninth Kalends of October , he wrote this Epistle to Caius . All haile my Caius , my chiefest delight , whom in good faith I alwayes desire , when thou art from me , but especially on such dayes as this is ; my eyes alwaies long for Caius , whom wheresoever thou were 't , I hope that being merry and in health , thou didst solemnly keep my sixty fourth birth-day : for thou seest that we have past the sixty third year , the common Climactery of all old men : and I pray the gods , that for the rest of my life that remaineth , I may lead it in an happy estate , for the Common-wealth , you being in health , and quitting your selves like men , and succeeding my place . Out of a book of the Epistles of Augustus to Caius , Aulius Gellius hath preserved this in Noctibus Atticis , lib. 15. cap. 7. Caius went to a conference with the King of the Parthians , in an Island that the river Euphrates makes ; each having the like number with them , the Roman and the Parthian army standing one on this side the other on that side , first the Parthian was feasted by Caius on the Roman shoar , and then Caius by the Parthian on the Parthian shoar , which sight Velleius Paterculus writes that he happened to see when he first began to pay , being Tribune of the souldiers . [ lib. 2. cap. 101. ] At that time the anger of Caius Caesar divulged the perfidious , subtile and cunning councells of Marcus Lollius , which were declared unto him by the Parthian , [ id . ibid. cap. 102. ] for being defamed for taking bribes of the Kings , and for robbing all the Countries of the East , he forbad him his friendship : although his own wife the daughter or neice of this Lollius is said to have gained a gown beset with pearl , valued at 400 Seste●tium 's , [ Plin. lib. 9. cap. 35. Solin . cap. 55. ] but by how much Caius was the more offended with Lollius , by so much the more he shewed himself gentle and exo●able to his father in law Tiberius . [ Sueton. in Tib. cap. 13. ] The death of Lollius which was within few dayes after , Velleius Paterculus , who in those places professeth he knoweth not whether it were bychance , orvoluntary , although Pliny and Solinus affirm that he died by poison taken ; Velleius saith that all men did as heartily rejoyce at this mans death , as the City mourned , that Censorinus died a little after in those Provinces , a man born to deserve all mens friendship . [ lib. 2. cap. 102. ] It seems that C. Martius was this Censorinus , that offered the request of the Jews of Cyrene and of Asia to Augustus , in Josephus . [ Antiquit. lib. 16. cap. 10. ] Quirinius is made Governour to Caius Caesar , Year of the World 4005 in the room of Lollius , The Julian Period . 4715 who served Tiberius , Year after Christ 2 living at Rhodes ; which Tiberius himself did acknowledge after his death in the Senate , commending the services of Quirinius towards him , and accusing Lollius , as authour of the ill will , and difference between him and Caius Caesar. [ Tacit Annal. lib. 3. cap. 48. ] At Caius his permission , Tiberius is recalled , but with condition , that he should bear no office in the Common-wealth . [ Sueton in Tiber. cap. 13. ] Tiberius was himself very skillful of that divination that is taken from the stars , he had also Thrasyllus , a Mathematitian in his company , who seeing a ship sailing towards them , a great way off , which brought the news from Livia and Augustus of his return , affirmed that it brought some joy to him , when as truly , because things happened a little hardly to him , and against Thrasillus his predictions , he had intended at that very time as they walked together , to throw him headlong into the sea , as one that was false to him , and knew his secrets . [ Id. ibid. cap. 14. X●philin . ex Dione . ] Tiberius therefore having staied seven years at Rhodes , in the eighth year after his departure , returned into his Country , Publius Vineius being Consul , Lucius and Caius being yet alive . [ Sueton. ut supra . Velleius Paterculus , lib. 2. cap. 99. & 103. ] And being returned to Rome , his son Drusus being brought into the market-place , he presently went from Pompey's house , in the street Carinae , to Mecaenas his gardens in Esquiliae : he wholly gave himself to ease , doing some private courtesies , but not medling with any publick offices . [ Sueton. ut supra . cap. 15. ] Then Lucius , as he was about to go to the armies in Spain , died at Marsellis of a sudden death , being a woman of no fame , twenty two moneths before his brother Caius his death . [ Florus , lib. 4. cap. ult . Vellei . Patercul . lib. 2. cap. 102. Tacit. Annal. lib. 1. cap : 3. Sueton in Octavio . cap. 65. Zonar . ex Dio. ] After Lucius his death , Augustus would have adopted Tiberius ; but he vehemently refused it , fearing the envy of Caius . [ Velle . Paterculi , lib. 2. cap. 103. ] Caius entring into Armenia , Year of the World 4006 at his first entry behaved himself prosperously , The Julian Period . 4716 a little after Addo , Year after Christ 3 or Adduus , ( he is called also Ador by Strabo ) the Governour of Artagera , perswaded that Castle to revolt , who inticing Caius to the wall , as though he would tell him some private businesse , wounded him : but Caesars Captains took it by continual assaulting and dismantled it . [ Id. ibid. cap. 102. Strabo . lib. 11. pag. 529. Zonar . ex Dione . ] In Florus [ lib. 4. cap. ult . ] this story is thus related . Domitius , whom the King had made Governour of Artaxatis feigning a revolt , assailes him as he was perusing a Scrolle , which he had given him as conteining an account of the treasures , he was wounded indeed , but in short time recovered of his wound : but the Barbarians being set upon on every side by the army with sword and fire , into which he threw himself , being wounded , satisfied Caesar that outlived him . Sextus Rufus also followed Florus in his Breviary : but as if the businesse here had been concerning the Parthians , and not concerning the Armenians , he without reason addes , That the Parthians for satisfaction of such a bold attempt , did then first give hostages to Octavianus Caesar , and restored the Ensignes that were taken away under Crassus . Relating all those things to this History of Caius ( falsly called Claudius , both here and by Jornandes , and in that writing of the Latines , that Georgius Syncellus transferred into his Greek Chronicle ) which Suetonius in Octavia . cap. 21. had written of the Parthians , comprehending both under one , without any account of the times . The Parthians easily yielded up Armenia to ( Octavius ) claiming it ; and restored the military Ensignes to him demanding them , which were taken from M. Crassus and M. Antonius , and moreover offered hostages . Caius set Ariobarzanes , by birth a Mede , in regard of his rare beauty , both of body and mind , over the Armenians at their desire . [ Tacit. Annal. lib. 1. ] Caius by reason of his wound began to be in his body lesse able , and in his mind lesse profitable to the commonwealth , neither wanted he the company of men that by their ●●atte●y fomented his vices , by which he was brought to that passe , that he had rather spend all his time in any corner of the world , than to return to Rome , [ Vellei . P●tercul . lib. cap. 102. ] for being become more dull through sicklinesse , and a li●her disposition , ●e desired that he might live a private life , at which Augustus being grieved , advised him that he would return into Italy , and he should do as he would [ Zonar . ex Dione . ] after much reluctancy and much against his will , he was brought by shipping into Lycia , and died by sicknesse in the City Limyra , [ id . & Vellei . Paterc . ut supra . ] Tacitus notes that he died as he came from Armenia , being sick of his wound . [ Annal. lib. 1. cap. 3. ] Sextus Rufus affirmes he died of his wound being returned into Syria , but Suetonins confirmes that he died in Lycia , as doth also Dio and Vellei●s ( who being a T●ibune of souldiers , served then under Caius . [ in Octavio . cap. 65. ] Augustus was much greived at the death of Caius , for in his letters he complained of Asi●iu● Pollio , that being his dear friend he had a great supper , when his grief was so fresh and great , to whom Pollio wrote back ; I supped after the same fashion , when I lost my son Aterius , would any exact more greif from a friend , than from a father ? Marcus Seneca relates this in the proeme of the 4. book of his controversies . The bodies of Caius and Lucius were brought to Rome by the Captaines , armies , and commanders of every City , and the golden ( or silver rather ) tergets and spears , that they received from the Knight , when they came to be men , were hung up in the Senate house , [ Xiphilin . ex Dion . ] although Bellonius relates in the second book of his observations , that the Epitaph of C. Caesar may be seen at Hama or Emesa in Syria : but that his bones were buried at Rome , this Epitaph shews , which is seen before the temple of the Apostles behind the temple of Minerva . OSSA C. CAESARIS AVGVSTI F. PRINCIPIS JUVENTUTIS . i. e. the bones of C. Caesar the son of Augustus prince of youth , [ Inscript . Gruter . pag. CCXXXV . 4. ] there was a suspicion that both these brothers were taken out of the way by the deceit of their stepmother Livia , ( to make away for her son Tiberius to the Empire . [ Tacit. Annal. lib. 1. cap. 3. Zonar . ex Dion . ] Augustu● is called Lord by the people , which name he did not only not approve , but forbad it by an edict . [ Xiphilin . & Zonar . ex Dion . cum Suetonio . in Octavio . cap. 53. ] Three ten years of his principality being now ended , Year of the World 4007 he took upon him the Empire for ten years more , as it were upon compulsion , who being now become more mild and loather to exasperate the Senatours , would not offend any , any more . [ Xiphilin . ex Dione . ] Augustus made Tiberius Nero his partner in the Tribuneship , which he eagerly refused both at home and in the Senate , [ Vellei . Patercul . lib. 2. cap. 103. ] Suetonius saith the Tribuneship was given him for five years , [ in Tiberio . cap. 16. ] for ten yeares saith Dio. [ lib. 55. pag. 556. fin . ] The Jul●an Kalender is set right , The Julian Period . 4717 the third intercalary day being superfluous , Year after Christ 4 which had increased by the default of the Roman Priests , was this year in the month of February omitted , but afterwards Augustus being , High-Priest , commanded that one day in the beginning of every fifth year should be intercalated according to the institution of Caesar , and for the perpetuall keeping up this order , he commanded that it should be engraved in a brazen table , [ Macrob. lib. 1. Saturnal . cap. 14. fin . ] from which institution the accounts of all times hereafter took their rise , [ Solin . cap. 3. ] and no marvell for it was constantly observed even after , till the change of the Kalender made by Pope Gregory XIII in the year 1579. But yet least the faires that were kept by the Romans at the beginning of every ninth day , should fall upon the Kalends of January , one day was added often in the end of the precedent year , beside the custome and taken away again in the following year , that the time might agree with the institution of Julius Caesar , concerning which businesse Dio is to be consulted . [ lib. 48. pag. 377. & lib. 60. pag. 681. ] After five years Augustus brought his daughter Julia from the Island into the continent , giving her some more gentle conditions : but could never be brought to recall her altogether , and when the Roman people intreated him for her , and were very urgent with him , he used this imprecation openly to them , that they might have such daughters and such wives . [ Sueton. Octavio . cap. 65. ] Aeliu● Ca●●s and Sentius ( Sa●urninus ) being Consuls on the V. Kalends of July Augustus adopted Tiberi● Nero , [ Vellei . Patercul . lib. 2. cap. 102. ] swearing before the people that he adopted him for the commonwealths sake , [ id . ibid. cap. 104. cum Sueton. in Tiberis . cap. 21. ] Marcus Agrippa the brother of Caius and L●cius was adopted the same day ; whom Julia bare after the death of Agrippa . [ Vellei . Patercul ▪ ibid. 〈◊〉 . cap. 15. ] But Augustus , fea●ing least Tiberius should grow proud , 〈◊〉 make some innovation : before he adopted him , he made Tiberius adopt Germanicus , the son of his brother Drusus , although Tiberius had a son of his own . [ D●o . lib. 55. pag. 556 , 557. cum Sueton. in Tiberio . cap. 15. & Tacit. lib. 1. Annal. cap. 3. ] Immediately after his adoption , Tiberius is sent into Germany , with whom Paterculus went and served as a Colonel of Horse , and was a Spectatour of all that he did for nine years together . [ Vellei . Patercul . cap. 104 , 105. init . ] Ti●erius being sent into Germany , the Embassadours of the Parthians , after they had delivered their Embassie at Rome , are commanded to go into the Province to him , [ Sueton. in Tiberio , cap. 16. ] for many contending for the kingdom , there came Embassadours from the Noblemen of Parthia , desiring to have a King of one of the three sons of Phraates , that remained Hostages at Rome : and Vonones is preferred before his other brethren , and being aided by Caesar , is joyfully accepted by the Parthians for some time . [ Id. in Octavio , cap. 21. Joseph . lib. 18. cap. 3. Tacit. Annal. lib. 2. cap. 2. ] Augustus that he might raise a tax in Italy , accepts of the Proconsulary power , [ Dio. lib. 55. pag. 557. ] The Sun was in part ecclipsed , Year of the World 4008 [ Id. ibid. pag. 563. ] The Julian Period . 4718 on the 28 day of March about five of the clock after noon , Year after Christ 5 as the Astronomical table shews . Toga Virilis which was the gown that the Romans ware at 18 years old , was given to Marcus Agrippa ( Posthumus ) who had never injoyed those honours that his brothers ( Caius and Lucius ) had , [ D●o . ibid. ] The Rulers of the Jews as well as of the Samaritanes , Year of the World 4009 not bro●king the tyranny of Archelaus , The Julian Period . 4719 accused him to Caesar , Year after Christ 6 knowing that he had done contrary to his command , by whom he was commanded to govern his subjects with justice and equ●● . Caesar having heard this was moved with anger , and sent for his Agent that was Resident at Rome , and not vouchsafing to write any thing to Archelaus , commanded him to repair into Judea , and immediately to bring his Master to him , [ Joseph . lib. 2. belli . cap. 6. & lib. 17. Antiquit. cap. ult . ] Archelaus is reported to have had a dream foretelling this misfortune , of nine ears of corn which he saw to be eaten up by oxen . Those ears Simon an Essean interpreted to be nine years of his kingdom , and said that now the end of his government was at hand . The fifth day after the Agent of Archelaus is said to have come into Judea , who finding him banqueting with his friends , told him Caesars pleasure was that he must come and answer the accusation , [ Ibid. ] About our November , Year of the World 4010 on the seventh day of the Jewish moneth Cis●eu , began the tenth year of the raign of Archelaus , ( for that which Augustus called ethnarchy , the Jews called a kingdom ) ●n which was born to Joseph the Priest , a son named Matthias , ( in the tenth year of the raign of Archelaus ) as it is in the publick Registers , as F●avious Josephus the Historian the son of this Matthias , relates in the beginning of the book of his life : who for this very cause , thought fit to charge what he had written formerly in his books of the wars of the Jews of the nine years of Archelaus , in his books of Antiquities ; substituting in them ten years in his kingdom , and ten ears in his dream : of which amendment there was no ne●d , when as he raigned not many days of his tenth ethnarchy , or kingdom ; for he was sent into banishment at the end of that year in which M. Aemiliu● Lepidus , and L. Aruntius were Consuls ; for under their Consulship , Herod of Palestine ( which indeed was no other than this Archelaus ) being accused by his brethren , was banished beyond the Alpes , and part of his government confiscated , [ as Dio saith in lib. 55. pag. 561. ] Caesar having heard both the accusation and defence of Archelaus , sent him into banishment into Vienna of France , and adjudged both his Country and his treasure to be confiscated . [ Joseph . lib. 2. Bell. cap. 6. & lib. 17. Antiquit. cap. ult . ] And this is that son of Herod , whom Strabo noted to have lived in exile among the Allobroges of France . [ lib. 16. pag. 765. ] Augustus proscribed his only Nephew Marcus Agrippa Posthumus , The Julian Period . 4720 unlearned indeed , Year after Christ 7 but foolishly fierce out of a pride of his strength , but yet found guilty of no crime , and confiscating all his goods to the military treasury , banished him into Planasia , an Island neer to Corsica . [ Tacit. Annal. lib. 1. cap. 3. D●o . lib. 55. pag. 569 , 570. ] The government of Archelaus , that is , Judea , ( containing the tribe of Judah and Benjamine ) Samaria and Idumea , being reduced into the form of a Province , and annexed to Syria , Quirinius is by Caesar sent as Governour of Syria , that he might tax both it and all Syria , and set a valuation on the Jews estates , sell Archelaus his house , and bring the mony thereof into his own possession . [ Joseph . in fin . lib. 17. & initio 18. ] The Jews , although at the first they thought but hardly of the very mention of description , yet at the perswasion of Joazar the son of Boethus the High-Priest , ( who either was restored by Archelaus , or else took the Priesthood again in his absence ) without much contradiction , they suffered themselves to be taxed . [ Id. lib. 28. cap. 1 : ] In the time of this tax●ng Judas Galileus arose , and drew away much people after him , he also perished , and all that obeyed him were dispersed , as saith Gamaliel , Acts V. 37. which Judas Josephus in 18. Antiquit. calls the Gaulonite , and saith he was born in the town of Gamala , but in another place with Gamaliel he calls him a Galilean , and writes that he sollicited the people to revolt from the Romans when Quirinius taxed Judea . [ lib. 18. cap. 2. & lib. 20 , cap. 3. ] This man , Sadoc a Pharisee being his confederate , laboured to stir up the people to rebellion , saying that this taxing was nothing else but a manifest profession of their servitude , exhorting all the nation to stand for their liberty , putting them in hope thereby that they should enjoy their estates , and being confirmed in the possession of them , they should be accounted valiant , neither was help from God to be hoped for , if they did not provide for themselves , these speeches were entertained by the people with great pleasure , and they were encouraged to do something , for it cannot be spoken how those men troubled the nation , for they filled all things with murthers and robberies , for they plundered without any respect of friend or foe , and murthered many noble personages ; and all under pretext of defending the publick liberty , but indeed for their privat● profits sake . Judas and Sadoc were the authours of all these calamities , all that were desirous of noveleies flocking to them , which for the present only disturbed not the commonwealth , but was the seed plot of all the future calamities . [ Joseph . Antiquit. lib. 18. cap. 1. ] To the three ancient sects of the Jews , ( viz. of Pharisees Sadduces and Essenes ) this Judas Galilaeus brought in the fourth , whose followers in other things agreeing with the Pharisees , they affirm that God only is to be accounted Lord and Master of all , and would more easily endure most exquisite torments , together with their friends and children , than call any mortall man Lord , [ id . ibid. cap. 2. ] Q●irinius having sold and confiscated Archelaus his goods , and gone through with the tax , which happened in the year 37 after the victory at Actium , beginning at September of the former year ) there being a sedition of the common people raised against Joazar the High-Priest , he deprived him of his dignity and substituted Ananus ( or Annas ) the son of Seth in his room . [ id . ibid. cap. 3. ] Together with Quirinius came Coponius , who was of the order of Knighthood , being sent by Augustus and was the first governour of Judea , after it was reduced into a province , [ id . ibid. cap. 7. 11. cum lib. bell . cap. 7. which command of the Governours by him sent thither seems alwaies to have been ended in the space of three yeares . Coponius being governour of Judea , in the Passeover of this or the following year , when the Priests ( as it was the custome alwaies at this feast ) had opened the gates of the temple about midnight , that certain Samaritanes secretly entring Jerusalem , scattered mens bones amidst the porch , and over all the temple , whereby it came to passe , that the Priests kept more diligent watch than they were wont to do before . [ Joseph . lib. 18. cap. 3. ] At the Passeover of this year , Christ in the twelfth year of his age being brought to Jerusalem by Joseph and Mary , and the seven daies of unleavened bread being ended , his parents returning home , he staied behind ; they not knowing where he was , sought him three daies and found him in the temple , sitting in the middest of the Doctours , hearing them and asking them questions : and all that heard him were astonished at his understanding and answers . [ Luke . II. 41. 47. ] Jesus went down with his parents to Nazareth , and was obedient unto them , [ Luke . II. 51. ] followed his fathers trade of a Carpenter , eating his bread in the sweat of his browes , which thing the saying of his fellow Citizens of Nazareth doth sufficiently prove ? Is not this the Carpenter , the son of Mary . [ Marke VI. 3. ] Ovid was banished to Tomos in Pontus , Year of the World 4012 partly for seeing some dishonest act of Augustus , The Julian Period . 4722 which he would not have been seen ; Year after Christ 9 of which misfortune we read him complaining of in ( secundo . libro Tristium ad Augustum . ) Cur aliquid vidi ? cur noxia lumina feci ? Cur imprudenti cognita culpa mihi est ? Why saw I ought ? Why did I guilty make My eyes ? This sin why did I , wretch , partake ? Partly for his love books , which he set forth , as it is delivered by Sidonius Apollinaris and others , and which is not obscurely hinted at by himself . [ ibid. ] But whereas we have shewen before , That he was born in the Consulship of Hirtius and Pansa , he must at this time be fifty one years old : but the current being neglected , the Poet himself thus sets down the full number of compleat years , in his fourth book Tristum , the last Elegie . Postque meos ortus Pisaea vinctus oliva Abstulerat decies praemia victor eques ; Cum maris Euxini positos ad laeva Tomitas Quaerere me laesi Principis ira jubet . When twice five times with olive girt the Knight . Had bore away the Prize ( his virtues right ) When by my Princes rage I had command Of th' Euxine Tomitae to seek the land . That is , as it is more clearly expressed by him , in his book in Iben , ( which at his first going to Tomos , he wrote against his accuser● ) Tempus ad hoc lustris mihi jam bis quinque peractis . When to this time five lustrals I had seen . For he , by no mean mistake , is wont to co●found the Olympiades , which were every four years , with the Lustra of the Romans , which were every five years . Ovid signifies this in his third book Tristium and 12 Elegie , The Julian Period . 4723 that he had passed the first winter in Pontus , Year after Christ 10 and with that , the first year of his banishment , ( for he had passed the former winter in his journy . Year of the World 4013 Frigora jam zephyri minuunt ; annoque peracto , Longior antiquis visa Maeotis hyems : Impositamque sibi qui non bene pertulit Hellen , Tempora nocturnis aequa diurna facit . Now Zephyr tames the cold ; the year 's run round , A longer Winter the Maeotae found . The signe in Aries , the night did make Her equal howers with the day partake . Then in the fourth Elegie of the sixth book , he designes the second year of his banishment . Vt patria careo , bis frugibus area trita est ; Dissiluit ●udo pressa bis uva pede . Since I my Country left the Barns twice fild , And Presses , Corn and wine did to them yield . Marcus Ambivius was sent by Augustus , the second Governour into Judea , in whose time Salome , the sister of Herod , departed this life , she bequeathed to Julia ( Livia Augusta ) Jamnia , with the government thereof , and Phasealis scituate in the Plain , and Archelais very well planted with Date trees , which is a most excellent fruit . [ Joseph . lib. 18. cap. 3. ] Ovid thus relates in the fifth book Tristium , The Julian Period . 4725 10 Elegie , Year after Christ 12 in the beginning of his third winter passed in Pontus . Vt sumus in Ponto , Year of the World 4015 ter frigore constitit Ister ; Facta est Euxini dura ter unda maris . Since I to Pontus came thrice Ister stood With frost , and thrice lay glaz'd the Euxine flood . The Senate and people of Rome , at Augustus his request , made a decree that Tiberius might have the same power in all the Provinces and armies as he himself had . [ Vellei . Patercul . lib. 2. cap. 121. ] Suetonius relates that this law was propounded by the Consuls , [ in Tiberio . cap. 21. ] that Tiberius should govern the Provinces in common with Augustus : but Germanicus was Consul all that year , whom Augustus being now very old , by writing , commended to the Senate , as the Senate it self did also commend him to Tiberius , as Dio tells in his History of this year : [ lib. 56. pag. 587. ] for it was no wonder that the Senate should be commended by Augustus , to his son his Colleague of the Empire , and partner in the Tribuneship , as Tacitus speaks , [ lib. 1. Annal. cap. 3. ] and being made also Censor , he committed the care of the City to Lucius Piso , because he had continued two dayes and two nights in drinking with him , being now Prince , as Pliny speaks in the last Chapter of his fourteenth book : which Piso Tacitus confirms to be Perfect of the City for twenty years together , with great approbation , and dyed Domitius Aenobarbus , and Aulus Vitellius being Consuls , that is , in the 32. year after the Christian account , and was honoured with publick funerals . [ Annal. lib. 6. cap. 11. ] From whence it is gathered that Tiberius was now Prince in the twelfth year of Christ , two whole years before Augustus his death : and therefore there must be a distinction observed between the beginning of Tiberius his first being Prince , and he afterward being Monarch . Ovid mentioneth the fourth winter that he lived in exile , Year of the World 4016 in the first book of Pontus , The Julian Period . 4726 and second Elegie to Maximus in these words . Year after Christ 13 Hic me pugnantem cum frigore , cumque sagittis , Cumque meo fato , quarta fagi at hyems . Here the fourth winter wearied me doth hold , Resisting adverse fate , weapons , sharp cold . Annius Rusus is the third Governour sent into Judea by Augustus . [ Joseph . lib. 18. cap. 3. ] Lucius Munacius , Year of the World 4017 and Caius Silius being Consuls , the fourth ten years space of his Empire , now coming to an end , accepts of , though against his will , for ten years longer , the Government of the Common-wealth , and continues Tiberius in the Tribuneship . [ Dio. lib. 56. pag. 588. ] Sextus Pompeius , The Julian Period . 4727 and Sextus Apuleius being Consuls , Year after Christ 14 Augustus signifies in a Breviary of his Acts , cut in Marble of Ancira , that he with his Colleage Tiberius , had a third time numbred the people of Rome , in which muster were numbred of Roman Citizens 413700. [ Inscript . Gruter . pag. CCXXX . ] Where Eusebius in his Chronicle mistakes , saying , That there were numbred 9370000. which errour Jornandes following in his book of the succession of Kingdoms and Times , gives up a greater than this , adding that Augustus had commanded all the World to be numbred , being then in peace at the Nativity of Jesus Christ : when as both he in that place , and Eusebius conjecture , That the Nativity of the Lord , fell in the forty second year of his Empire . When Augustus made this great muster in Mars field , a multitude of people being there , an Eagle often fluttered about him , and then went and sat upon a Temple that was nigh , upon the first letter of Agrippa his name ; which being observed , he commanded his Colleague Tiberius to make those vows that were wont to be made for the next year ensuing , for although that all things were ready for the solemnities of those vows , yet he refused to make those vows that he should not live to perform . [ Sueton. in Octavia , cap. 97. ] About the same time the first letter of his name , that was upon the inscription of his Statue that was set in the Capitol , fell down , being strucken with a flash of lightning : and it is answered by the Southsayers , that he should live only an hundred dayes after ; which was denoted by the letter C. and that he should be canonized a god , because that AESAR , which was the other part of his name , in the Hetruscan tongue , signified a god . [ Id. ibid. cap. 97. Dio. lib. 56. pag. 589. ] In the mean while he wrote a Catalogue of his doings , which he would have ingraved in Tables of Brasse , and that they should be set over his Tomb. [ Sueton. in Octavio . cap. ult . Dion . lib. 56. pag. 591. ] An example of which , that is , that was carried in the Marble of Ancyra , so often commended by us , in which that former muster that he took so lately is described . And so Augustus ended his dayes at Nola in Campania , those two Sexti being Consuls , ( and named upon his Tomb , [ Vellei . Patercul . lib. 2. cap. 123. Sueton. in Octav. cap. 100. Tacit. Annal. lib. 1. cap. 5. & 7. Dio. lib. 56. pag. 589. ] in the same house and chamber , where his father Octavius ended his life , [ Sueton , ibid. Tacit. ut suprr . cap. 9. ] the nineteenth day of August , on which he was first made Consul . [ Sueton. ibid. Dio. ut supra . pag. 590. ] Tiberius published not the death of Augustus before he had put to death Agrippa Posthumus ; yet to the Captain that killed him , and bringing back word that he had done as he had commanded him ; he answered , That neither he had commanded it , and that he should give an account thereof to the Senate , willing at the present to shun the envy thereof , [ Sueton , in Tiberio , cap. 22. Tacit. Annal. lib. 1. cap. 6. Dio. lib. 57. pag. 604. ] And having provided all things according to the time , the same news came together that Augustus was dead , and that Tiberius Nero was Emperour , [ Tacit. ibid. cap. 5. ] Although he doubted not immediately to seize upon and take the Principality , yet he along while most imprudently refused it , holding the Senate in suspence , that both prayed him , and falling on their knees to him , with doubtful and delaying answers , so that some upbraided him with it to his face ; saying that others did slowly perform that that they did promise , but he did slowly promise that that he would fain have , [ Sueton. in Tiberio , cap. 24. cum Vellei . Patercul . lib. 2. cap. 24. Tacit. Annal. lib. 1. cap. 7. Dion . lib. 57. pag. 602 , 603. ] Between this new Principality , as Tacitus calls it , [ lib. 1. Annal. cap. 6 , 7. ] and the former , that he had 2 years before Augustus his death , this was the difference , that that extended onely to armies and provinces of the Roman Empire , but this to the head City it self , in which Tiberius onely had the authority of Censorship and Tribuneship ; but the Augustal Principality , that is , of governing after his own will , and being freed from all bond of laws , he obtained afterwards . For Tiberius had not equal power with Augustus , as Lucius Varus had with Antoninus the Philosopher , which two governed the Common-wealth with equal authority : as Spartianus relates , [ in Hadriano , Aelio Vero , & M. Aurelio . ] but such as Antonius Pius had with Hadrian , who being adopted by him , was made Colleague with his father in the Proconsulary power ( in respect of the other Provinces ) and in the Tribuneship ( at home ) as Julius Capitolinus declares . Whereupon Tiberius gave not out the Edict by which he called the Senatours into the Senate-house , by the authority of his new Principality , but by the prescription of the Tribuneship which he had under Augustus : but yet he gave the watch-word to the Pretorian Cohorts as Emperour , [ Tacit. Annal. lib. 1. cap. 7. ] The Legions of Pannonia being in a mutiny , Year of the World 4018 are afrighted at a sudden eclipse of the Moon , and so submit themselves to Tiberius , [ Tacit. Annal. lib. 1. cap. 28. Dio. lib. 57. pag , 604. ] This total eclipse was seen on the 27 of September , five hours after midnight , so that the Moon set even in the very eclipse . In Ovid in the 4 book of Pontus after the fifth Elegy to Sextus Pompeius who was Consul this year , follows the sixth to Brutus , in which he mentions the death both of Augustus and Fabius Maximus ( who it is manifest out of the first book of Tacitus's Annals , cap. 5. that he died this year under Tiberius ) in which time he sheweth in these Verses that he had past the fifth year of his banishment , and that then was the sixth , ( of the beginning of which we are certain . ) In Scythia nobis quinquennis Olympias acta est , Jam tempus lustri transit in alterius . Now one quinquennial Olympiad's run , In Scythia I , and th' second Lustral ' gun . which sixth year he also remembers in the beginning of the tenth Elegie to Albinovanus . Haec mihi Cimmerio bis tertia ducitur aestas Littore , pellitos inter agenda Getas . This is th' sixth Summer on th' Cymmerian shores That I must spend amongst these Getic boores . He makes mention also in the 13 Elegie to Caras of the sixth Winter , The Julian Period . 4728 ( from which he accounts the beginning of the seventh year of his banishment ) — sed me jam , Year after Christ 15 Care , nivali Sexta relegatum bruma sub axe videt . This the sixth Winter ( my dear friend ) Must I in this cold Climate spend . Where also he tells of a Poeme at this time written by him in the language of the Gates of the canonization of Augustus . Ah pudet , & Getico scripsi sermone libellum , Structaque sunt nostris barbara verba modi● . Et placu● , gratare mihi , coepique poetae Inter inhumanos nomen habere Getas . Ah shame , in Getick language then did I Compile a book , phancy my Poesie ; Yea glory'd in it , and eftsoon began Amongst these Barbars t' be the onely man. An Hebrew woman that had been bowed by Satan eighteen years , is by Christ restored to health , [ Luke , XIII . 1 , 16. ] Valerius Gratus is by Tiberius sent Governour into Judea in the room of Annius Rusus : in the government of which Province he continued eleven years , [ Joseph . lib. 18. cap. 3. ] The Governour of Crete being dead , for the rest of the time the Island is committed to the charge of the Treasurer and his assistant , [ Dio. lib. 57. pag. 611. ] When the Armenians had received Vonones into their kingdom that was turned out of his own , Year of the World 4019 at the threatning of Artabanus the King of the Parthians and Medes , The Julian Period . 4729 Vonones in vain desires aid of Tiberius by his Embassadours that he sent to Rome : Year after Christ 16 and whereas the most powerful of the Armenians followed the faction of Attabanus , Vonones being destitute of all hopes of a kingdom , retires with an huge masse of treasure to Antiochia , and yeilds himself to Creticus Silanus Governour of Syria . He in respect of the education that he had had at Rome , kept him with him in Syria , and set a guard over him , yet suffering him to maintain the pomp and name of a King : but Artabanus set Orodes one of his sons to be King over the Armenians , [ Jospeh . lib. 18. cap. 3. Tacit. Annal. lib. 2. caep . 4. Sueton , in Tiberio , cap. 49. ] Ovid the Poet died in banishment , Year of the World 4020 and was buried near the City Tomos . The Julian Period . 4730 [ Hieronym . Year after Christ 17 in Chronico . ] Tiberius caused Archelaus the King of Cappadocia whom he hated because he had not offered him any service all the while he lived at Rhodes , to be inveigled to come to Rome , by the letters of his mother Livia . She not dissembling her sons displeasure , offered him mercy , if he would come and beg it . Archelaus not knowing of the treachery , or misdoubting violence if he seemed to perceive it , maketh haste to the City . He is churlishly entertained , and not long after accused of feigned crimes in the Senate , [ Tacit. Annal. lib. 2. cap. 42. ] Being therefore accused as though he went about some innovation , the man worn out not onely with extream old age , but also with the gout , and believed also to doat , answered some things for himself in his letter in the Senate , and feigning that he was not at that time well in his minde , escaped at that time the danger , [ Dio. lib. 57. pag. 614. ] notwithstanding not long after being tired what with grief , and what with old age , he ended his life : and then Cappadocia being reduced into a Province , is committed to the government of a Knight , [ Id. ibid. Tacit ut supra . Sueton , in Tiberio , cap. 37. ] Tiberius professing that by the profits of that kingdom the tribute of one in the hundred might be cesed , appointed the tribute of one in two hundred to be raised , [ Tacit. ibid. ] and commanded that his chief City called Mazaca , a most noble City , should be called Cesarea , [ Hieronym . in Chronico . ] At the same time Antiochus the King of the Commagenes being dead , there arose a contention between the Nobility and the Commons , the Nobility desiring that the kingdom might be made a Province , and the Commons on the other side , desiring to live under a King as they formerly had done , [ Tacit. ut supra . Joseph . lib. 18. cap. 3. ] In like manner also the Nation of the Cilicians is in troubles , their King Philopator being dead , many desiring the Roman , and many a Kingly goverment . The Provinces of Syria and Judea , oppressed with taxes , made a petition that their tribute might be lessened , [ Tacit. Annal. lib. 2. cap. 42. ] Tiberius discoursing of these things to the Senatours , perswaded them that these commotions in the East , cannot be composed but by the wisdom of Germanicus , and thereupon by the decree of the Senate , Germanicus had the charge given him of all the Provinces , divided by sea , and a greater command also being given unto him , than any that received government , either by lot , or the Princes sending , [ Id. ibid. cap. 43. ] For by this colour of stirs in the East , Tiberius had a mind to withdraw him from the Legions that he was wont to command : and giving him charge over new Provinces the more exposed him to treachery and hazard , [ Ibid. cap. 5. ] And because the governour of Syria Creticus Silanus was joyned in affinity with Germanicus , Tiberius appointed C● . Piso his successour , a man head-strong , and that knew not how to obey , neither was he ignorant that he was made governour of Syria to bridle Germanicus his hopes , and some beleived that he had private commands given him by Tiberius so to do , and without doubt his wife Plancina was advised by Augusta through womanish emulation to quarrell with Agrippina ( the daughter of M. Agrippa ) and Julia , the wife of Germanicus [ id . ibid. cap. 43. ] In the same year twelve famous Cities of Asia were destroyed in one night by an earthquake ; Ephesus , Magnesia , Sar●es , Mosthene , Aegae , Hiero-Caesarea , Philadelphia , Tem●us , Cyme , Myrina , Apollonia , Hyrcania , they relate also that huge mountaines were laid flat , and plaines raised up into hills , and fire flashed out of those run●s , the disaster was most grievous among the Sardians , which drew much compassion towards them , for Tiberius promised them 1000000 Sesterces , and to release them for five yeares space to all that they were to pay to the common treasury , the Magnetes neer to the mountain Sypilus , were next to them in dammage and relief , it was thought meet for the same space , to discharge of all tributes , the Temnians , Philadelphians , Aegetians , Apollonienses , and such as are called Mosthenians , or Macedonians of Hyreania , and those that inhabit Hiero-caesarea , Myrina , Cyme , and to send some of the Senatours unto them which should view and releive their present estate . This charge was committed to M. Aletus once Praetour , least if one that had been Consul over Asia had been deputed , there might some emulation have risen between equals , and thereupon the businesse have been hindred . [ id . ibid. cap. 47. cum Strabone lib. 12. pag. 579. & lib. 13. pag. 627. Pliny . lib. 2. cap. 84. Dio. lib. 57. pag. 614. Euseb. in Chronico . Orosio . lib. 7. cap. 4 ] For this magnificent bounty to the publick , there was a great statue erected for Tiberius in the market place at Rome by the temple of Venus , and statues also set up to him in every one of the Cities that were resored , as Phlegon Trellianus in his book of wonders relates out of Appollonius the Grammarian . Scaliger also addes that there were silver medalls co●ed for the illustration of these things , in the superficies of which coine there was the face of Tiberius , and on the other side the picture of Asia in a womans habit sitting with these words CIVITATIBUS ASIAE RESTITUTIS for the Cities of Asia restored . Germani●us being thrust out ( as Suetonius speakes in C. Caligula cap. 1. ) for to compose the affaires of the East , Year of the World 4021 sailed into the Isle Lesbos , The Julian Period . 4731 where his wife Agrippina at her last delivery had Julia. Year after Christ 18 Then with a desire to resist places of antiquity and fame , he went to the confines of Asia and Perinthus , and Byzantium Cities of Thrace , then he entred the straights or Propontis , and the mouth of the Pontick sea : likewise he releived the Provinces that were oppressed with civill discord , or oppressions of magistrates : sailing to Colophon he consulted the Oracle of Clarius Apollo , which is said to have told him by darke speeches ( as the manner of Oracles is ) that his death was nigh at hand . [ Tacit. Annal. lib , 2. cap. 54. ] But Cn. Piso sailing with all celerity by the Cyclades , and using the shortest cuts by sea overtook Germanicus at Rhodes , by whom Piso being releived from danger of shipwrack , but yet not mollified , he left Germanicus , and goes before him into Syria , whither when he was come to the Legions what with gifts , and bribes , and luxury , he endeavours to reconcile them to himself : yea he came to such an height of corruption , that among the common sort he was called the father of the legions , yea and his wife Plancina as well by her self , as by some of the souldiers , ready enough at her base commands , used reproachfull speeches against Agrippina and Germanicus , and so much the easier because it was secretly whispered , that this was not done with the Emperours dislike . [ id . ibid. cap. 55. ] Although Germanicus knew those things , yet the affaires of Armenia drew him first to them , for at that time the Armenians having expulsed Vonones , had no King ( i● we beleive Tacitus , for Suetonius in C. Caligula cap. 1. relates that the King of Armenia was conquered by Germanicus ; to wit : Orodes the son of Artabanus King of the Parthians , as it is already declared out of Josephus , ) but the good will of the nation inclined more towards Zeno , the son of Polemon the King of Po●tns , because that from his infancy he had imitated , the customes and attire of the Armenians , in hunting and feasting , and other excercises greatly esteemed by the Barbarians , he had won to him the good will both of the nobles and commons : upon this man therefore Germanicus set the Crown in the City of Artaxatis , the noble men approving it , and the multitude flocking about him , the rest reverencing him as their King , saluted him by the name of Ar●axias , which name they gave him from the name of the City . [ id . ibid. cap. 56. ] Then the Cappadocians being reduced into the form of a Province , Q. Veranius is made Governour thereof , [ Id. ] and to give them hopes that the Roman government would be mild , some of the tributes that they used to pay to their Kings are abated : and over the Commagenians Q. Servaeus is made Governour then first reduced under the Regiment of a Praetor . [ Tacit. ut supra . ] Albeit all the affairs of the Allies were prosperously composed , Year of the World 4022 yet did they not ease , Germanicus his minde being vexed at Piso his pride , who being commanded that either he himself , or by his son , should conduct part of the Legions into Armenia , neglected both . At length they both met at Cyrrhum , a City of Syria , where the tenth Legion wintered ; where in the presence of a few families , Caesar began some such speech as anger and dissimulation doth suggest ; and Piso answered with a proud submission , and so they departed in private grudges , one against the other . After that Piso was seldome at Caesars Tribunal , and if at any time he assisted , he shewed himself froward , and manifestly dissented from him . This speech also of his is reported at a Banquet made by the King of the Nabateans , where greats Crowns of gold were given to Germanicus and Agrippina , and light ones to Piso and the rest . That this Feast was made for the son of a Roman Prince , and not for the son of the Parthian King , and withal threw away his Crown , uttering also many things against the superfluity , which although Germanicus could hardly digest , yet endured all patiently , [ Tacit. Annal. lib. 2. cap. 57. ] Embassadours came from Artabanus King of the Parthians , to Germanicus , for to renew the friendship and league between them : the King said that he would yield so much to the honour of Germanicus , that he would come to the banks of Euphrates ; desiring in the mean white , that Vonones might not remain in Syria , least by private messengers he might draw the Noble men of the Country thereabouts to civil dissensions : touching the alliance between the Romans and the Parthians . Germanicus answered magnificently ; but concerning the Kings coming , and the honour done to himself , he answered civilly , and with modesty . Vonones was removed to Pompeipolis , a sea Town of Cilicia , not so much at Artabanus his request , as to spite Piso , to whom Vonones was most acceptable , for many services and gifts which he had bestowed upon Plancina . [ Ibid. cap. 58. ] M. Silanus , and L. Norbanus being Consuls , Germanicus went into Egypt , for to learn Antiquities , but pretended a care of the Province , and opening the granaryes , brought down the price of corn , and did other things to win the favour of the people ; as going without Souldiers , wearing open shoos , and apparrelling himself like the Grecians . Tiberius having lightly blamed him for his behaviour and apparrel , sharply rebuked him , That contrary to Augustus's order , he had entred Alexandria , without the leave of the Prince : but Germanicus not yet knowing that his voyage was misliked , went up the Nilus , beginning at the town Canopus , afterwards he visited the great ruines of Thebes , where yet were to be seen the Egyptians letters in old buildings , which contained their ancient wealth : but he set his mind to see other miracles , of which the chiefest were the Image of Memnon , made of stone ; which when it is strook with the beams of the Sun , yields a sound like a mans voice : and the pyramides as high as Mountains , built at use by the former Kings , to shew their riches , on the not passeable sands , and the ditches wrought by hand to receive the overflowing of Nilus : so narrow in some places , and so deep in other , that the bottom cannot be found by any search . Then he came to Elephantine and Syene , and so that Summer was spent by Germanicus in seeing divers Provinces . [ Ibid. à cap. 59. ad . 61. ] At the same time Vonones having corrupted his Keepers , endeavoured by all means to escape to the Armenians , and from thence to the Albanians , and Heniochians , and to his kinsman the King of Scythia , under colour of going a hunting , he left the sea-coasts , and took by-wayes , then through the swiftnesse of his Horse he came to the river Pvrimus , whose bridges the inhabitants had broken down , having heard of the Kings flight , neither could it be passed at any forde : wherefore on the bank of the river , he is taken by Vibius Fronto , Captain of the Horse and bound : and then as it were through anger he is run through by Remmius Evocatus , to whose charge he was first committed . [ Ibid. cap. 68. ] Jairus , the Ruler of the Synagogue , had only one daughter , who being dead , when she was twelve years old , Christ restored to life . And the woman that was sick of the flux of blood twelve years also , by the touching of his garment is healed . [ Luke VIII . 42 , 43. Mark. 25. 42. ] There being many vain oracles that went about as though they had been the Sybels concerning the destruction of Rome , which should happen in the year 900 , from the foundation of it . Tiberius reproving them , looked on all books , that contained any P●ophesies ; and of those he rejected some , as of no moment : others he received into the number of those that were to be approved . [ Dio. 57. pag. 615. ] It was debated in the Senate , touching the rooting out of the Egyptian and Jewish ceremonies , and an act made that those that used them should depart Italy , if within a certain day they did not leave off those customes , [ Tacit. Annal. lib. cap. 85. ] And they were compelled to burn all their religious garments , with all things belonging to them . [ Sueton , in Tiberio , cap. 36. ] Whither also may be referred that of Seneca in his 108. Epistle . I was a young man in the principality of Tiberius , then were the forraign rites of the Nations removed , and it was counted superstition to abstain from some kinds of meate . An horrible villany committed against Paulina , a noble woman by the Egyptian Priest , gave occasion of the removing of the Egyptian superstition ; which being made manifest , Tiberius commanded the Temple of Isis to be thrown down , and her Statue to be drowned in Tiber. [ Joseph . lib. 18. cap. 4. ] And for the expulsion of the Jews , a certain Impostour gave occasion , who for fear of being punished , according to their laws , fled his Country . He then living at Rome , made himself as though he were an Interpreter of Moses's Law. He had also three Associates like unto himself . And when as one Fulv●a , a Noble woman , embracing the Jewish religion , became their Scholar ; they perswaded her that she should send purple and gold to the Temple of Jerusalem : which having received , they turned to their own use . Which when Tiberius knew , being informed thereof by his friend Saturninus , the husband of Fulvia , complaining of the injury done to his wife , he commanded all the Jews out of the City . [ Joseph . lib. 18. cap. 5. ] The Consuls enrolled of the youth of the Jews , that were the sons of free men , 4000 Souldiers , and sent them into Sardinia , for the suppressing of robberies : supposing it no great losse if they should perish through the intemperance of the aire . Many that refused to be enrolled through the religion of their Country , are grievously punished , the rest of that Nation , or any that followed their customs , are turned out of the City , under the penalty of perpetual slavery , if they did not obey . [ Id. ibid. cum Tacit. & Sueton. ut supra . ] R●ascupolis , or Rhascoporis , the King of Thracia , the killer of Cotys his brothers son , Year of the World 4023 who also was partner of the Kingdom , is betrayed by Pomponius Flaccus , ( of whom Ovid makes mention [ lib. Ponti . 3. Eleg. 9. ] as governour of Mesia ) and brought to Rom , and there condemned , then carried to Alexandria , and there put to death , as though he had made an attempt to fly from thence . [ Tacit. Annal. lib. 2. cap. 67. Vellei . Patercul . lib. 2. cap. 126. Sueton. in Tiberio . cap. 37. ] Germanicus returning from Egypt , perceived that all that he had commanded , either in the Legions or Cities , was left undone , or changed clean contrary . Whereupon , were reproachful speeches raised against Piso , neither were they lesse grievous that were by him attempted against Caesar. Whereupon Piso determined to leave Syria , but was then deteined by reason of Germanicus his sicknesse : when he heard of his amendment , and that the vows were accomplished for his health , he by his Serjeants , drove away the beasts brought to the Altar , and disturbed the preparation for the sacrifices , and the solemn meeting of the people of Antioch , among whom Germanicus then was . [ Tacit. Annal. lib. 2. cap. 69. ] Who also , when Germanicus was sick , used him most harshly , both in words and deeds , without any moderation . [ Sueton. in Cal●gula . cap. 2. ] Piso then went to Seleucia , expecting the event of Germanicus his sicknesse , which he fell into again . [ Tacit. ut supra . ] and there were found in the same house that Germanicus dwelt in , pieces of humane bodies dug out , verses and charms , and his name ingraven in leaden sheets , ashes half burned , and mingled with corrupt blood , and other so●ceries , by which it is beleeved that souls are dedicated to the infernal powers . [ Tacit. ibid Dio. lib. 57. pag. 615. ] Germanicus moved with anger , renounceth by letters Piso his friendship , according to the ancient custome : and some adde , he commanded him to leave the Province , neither did Piso stay , but weighed anchor , yet sailed slowly , that he might returne the sooner , if the news of Germanicus his death should open him a way to Syria . [ Tacit. Annal. 2. cap. 70. Sueton. in C. Caligula . cap. 3. ] Germanicus being much weakened by his sicknesse , and finding his end approaching , accuseth Piso and his wife Plancina , and desiring his friends to revenge it , gives up the ghost , to the great regret of the Province , and the neighbour people . [ Tacit. ibid. cap. 71 , 72. ] He died at Antioch , of a disease that had no intermissions , he being 34 years old ; not without suspicion of po●son , ministred unto him by the treachery of Tiberius and Piso's means . [ Sueton. in C. Caligula . cap. 1. & 2. ] The day that Germanicus died , the Temples were battered with a tempest of stones , Altars overturned , the houshold gods by some thrown into the streets , children laid out to perish : they report also that the Barbarians did consent to a truce , with whom there was civil war , or war against the Romans , as in a domestick or common mourning , and that some Governours amongst them cut off their Beards , and shaved their Wives heads , in signe of their greatest mourning ; and that the King of Kings forbore his hunting and feasting of the Nobles , which is a kinde of vacation among the Parthians . [ Sueton. ut supra . cap. 5. ] His Funeral without any images or pomp , was solemnized with the praises and memory of his virtues : his body before it was burnt , was laid naked in the market-place of Antiochia , which place was intended for his burial , it is uncertain , whether he shewed any signes of poison or no : for divers did diversely interpret it , either as they were inclined to pity Germanieus , or out of a presumptious suspicion , or favoured Piso. [ Tacit. Annal. lib. 2. cap. 73. ] Yet besides the markes that were over all his body , and the froth that came out at his mouth , the heart was found not burned among the bones ; concerning which it is thought the nature of it to be such , that it will not be consumed with fire , if it be touched with poison . [ Sueton. in C. Caligula . cap. 1. ] The oration also Vitellius afterwards set forth , in which he striveth to prove Piso guilty of this villany , and useth this argument , and openly testifies , That the heart of Germanicus could not be burned , by reason of the poison . On the contrary , Piso is defended by that kind of disease called Cardiaca Passio , of which those that dye , their hearts also will not be burned . [ Plin. lib. 11. cap. 37. ] Cneus Sentius being chosen Governour of Syria , by the Lieutenants and Senatours that were there , sent Martina to Rome , a woman infamous in that Province for poisoning , but very much beloved of Plancina : at the intreaty of Vitellius and Veranius and others , who framed crimes and accusations , as against them already found guilty . [ Tacit. Annal. lib. 2. cap. 74. ] But Agrippina , although tyred out with grief and sicknesse , yet impatient of all things that might hinder her revenge , took shipping with Germanicus his ashes , and her Children . [ Ibid. cap. 75. ] Piso having received the news of Germanicus his death , at the Isle of Cous , expressed his joy most intemperately ; but Plancina was more insolent , who then first of all left off her mourning , which she ware for the death of her sister . [ Ibid. ] The Centurions came flocking about him , telling him that the Legions were already at his command , that he should returne into the Province taken from him wrongfully , and now voide of a Governour . [ Ibid. cap. 76. ] He sending letters to Tiberius , accused ▪ Germanicus of riot and pride , and that himself was driven out , that a way might be opened to innovation , that he had again taken the charge of the army , with the same fidelity he had governed it before ; and withall he commanded Domitius Celer with a Gally to saile into Syria , avoiding the coasting of the shoares , and letting passe the Islands , to take the open sea . Then marshalling and arming runnagates , and rascall companions , and sailing over into the Continent , intercepts an Ensigne of raw Souldiers going into Syria , and writeth to the Lords of Cilicia to send him aide . [ Ibid. cvp . 78. ] Piso and his Companions passing by the coast of Lycia and Pamphilia , met with the ships which conveyed Agrippina , each hating one the other , made ready for a fight : but being both afraid each of other , they proceeded no farther than to hard words . And Marsus Vibius told Piso that he should come to Rome and answer for himself , he scoffingly answered again , That he would then come , when the Pretout that should inquire of poysonings , should appoint a day both for the plaintiffe and defendant . [ Ibid. cap. 79. ] In the mean time Domitius going to Laodicea , a City of Syria , came to the Winter Quarters of the sixth Legion , as most fit for new enterprises , he was prevented by the Lieutenant Pucureius . Sentius openeth this by letters to Piso , warning him that he should not go about to corrupt the army , nor raise any war in the Province , and withall , marcheth with a strong power , and ready for the fight . [ Ibid. ] Piso seizeth upon the strong Castle of Celenderis in Cilicia , for by mingling the Runnagates and the Raw Souldiers that he had intercepted , with his own and Plancina her slaves , and the aides that he Lords of the Cilicians sent him , he had marshalled them into the forme of a Legion , then he draws our his companies before the Castel walls on a steep and craggy hill ; the rest being invironed with the sea . But when the Roman Cohorts came , the Cilicians fled , and shut themselves within the Castle . [ Ibid. 80. ] In the mean space Piso went about but in vain , to assaile the Navy that waited for them not far off ; then returned to the Castle again , now tormenting himself upon the walls , now calling every souldier by name , offering rewards , assayed to raise a mutiny , and did so much prevaile , that the Standard-bearer of the sixth Legion went with his En●ign unto him . Then Sentius commanded the Cornets and Trumpets to sound , and give an assault to the Rampire , raised the ladders , and commanded the ablest men to follow , and others to shoot out of Engins , darts , stones , and firebrands . In the end Piso , his obstinacy being overcome , entreated that having delivered up his armes , he might remain still in the Castle , until Caesar were consulted , who should be Governour of Syria . These conditions were not accepted , nor any things granted , but onely shipping , and safe conduct to the City . [ Ibid. cap. 81. ] But when Germanicus his sicknesse was noised abroad , all things as coming from far , being encreased to the worse , grief , anger , and complaint , burst our , [ Ibid. cap. 82. ] and his death as it pleased Tiberius and Livia , so it was a great grief to all others , [ Dio. lib. 57. pag. 615. ] neither by any consolations , nor by any edicts could the publick mourning be restrained ; yea it lasted also all the festival dayes of the moneth December . [ Sueton in C. Caligula , cap. 6. ] Honours were decreed as every mans love to Germanicus or wit could invent : there were Arches erected at Rome , and on the bank of Rhene , and in Amanns a mountain of Syria , with an inscription of what he had done , and that he died for the Common-wealth . A Sepulchre at Antioch where he was buried , and a Tribunal at Epidaphne where he ended his life . [ Tacit. Annal. lib. 2. cap. 83. ] Agrippina although it were winter , yet still continuing her voyage by sea , arrived at the Island Corcyre over against the coast of Calabria , where she rested a few dayes to settle her mind , and then sailed to Brundusium ; where after she was come to land with her two children , holding the Funeral Urne in her hand , there was a general mourning amongst them all . [ Id. Annal. lib. 3. cap. 1. ] Drusius the son of Tiberius went as far as Terracina to meet her with his brother Claudius , The Julian Period . 4733 and the children of Germanicus , Year after Christ 20 who had remained in the City : the new Consuls M. V●lerius , and M. Aurelius , the Senate , and a great part of the people , filled up the way . [ Ibid. cap. 2. ] The day that the reliques of Germanicus were put in Augustus his Tombe in Campus Marti●s , was sometime desolate thorough silence , and sometime unquiet thorough their weeping : every one honouring him that was dead , and greatly affectionating the widow Agrippina , and railing upon Tiberius . [ Ibid. cap. 4 , & 5. ] Piso coming to Rome , landed at Caesars Tomb , on a day when the shoar was full of people , himself with a great company of followers after him , and Plancina with a great company of women after her , both of them looking very cheerfully , and solemnizing their happy return in an house that looked into the Market-place , which was trimmed up for Feast and Banquets , [ Ibid. cap. 9. ] The next day Fulcinius Tiro accused Piso before the Consuls . Tiberius referred the whole cause to the Senate , [ cap. 10. ] The day the Senate met Drusius Caesar made a premeditate Oration , tempered and accomodated for the mitigation of the defendants offence . [ cap. 12. ] Then had the accusers two dayes given them to bring in their accusations , and after six dayes space , the defendant had three dayes to answer for himself . [ cap. 13. ] As the cause was a pleading , the outcry of the people was heard before the Court , that they would teare him in pieces , if he escaped by sentence of the Senate : and they had dragged his images into the Gemonies , and broken them in pieces if they had not been secured and put in their places again by the Princes command . [ cap. 14. ] Then was the same hatred against Plancina , but the favour of Tiberius ( ill gotten as it is believed ) protected her ; Piso then perceived he was undone , when his wife seperated her defence from her husbands , whereupon he slew himself with his own sword , [ cap. 15. ] Suetonius writes that he was almost torn in pieces by the people , being condemned to death by the Senate , [ in C. Caligula . cap. 2. ] Dio relates , thus for the death of Germanicus , that he was brought into the Senate by Tiberius himself , desiring that he might have time to defend himself , and that he laid violent hands upon himself , [ lib. 57. pag. 615. ] Cornelius Tacitus saith that he had often heard from ancient men , [ Annal. 3. cap. 16. ] that there was often seen a little book in his hand which he published not , but as his friends said , it contained Tiberius letters and commission against Germanicus : and that he had purposed to disclose it to the Senatours , and to accuse the prince , had he not been deluded by Sejanus his vain promises , and that he did not kill himself , but that one was sent to murder him , but ( saith he ) I will not assure either of these things , although I ought not to conceal it to have been uttered by those , who lived untill I came to mans estate . [ Look Sueton. in Tiber. cap. 52. ] Year of the World 4025 The licence and impunty of ordaining sanctuaries , The Julian Period . 4735 increased throughout the Year after Christ 22 Cities of Greece , into which were received debtours against their creditours , and those that were suspected of capitall crimes , so that the wickednesse of men was protected by the ceremonies of the Gods. Tiberius ordered that the Cities should send their charters and Embassadours to the Senate to Rome , and the Ephesians were first heard concerning this business , then the Magnetians , Aphrodisia●s , Stratonicenes , Hiero-Caesarians , Cypriots , Pergamenians , Smyrnians , Tenians , Sardians , Milesians , Cretians , and others their acts made , in which a mean was prescribed , but yet with much honour . And they were commanded to erect altars in the very Temples for a sacred memory ; yet so that under colour of Religion , they should not fall into ambition . [ Tacit. Annal. a cap. 60. ad 63. ] Caius Silvanus was accused of bribery by his companions , and banished into the Isle Cythera , [ Ibid. a 66. ad 69. ] Caesius Cordus was also accused of bribery by the Cyrenenses , at the suite of Ancharius Priscus , and is condemned . [ Ibid. cap. 70. ] Aesius Sejanus killed Drusius ( the son of Tiberius , Year of the World 4026 and his partner in the Tribuneship , The Julian Period . 4736 having committed adultery with his wife Livia ) by poison given him by Lygdus an Eunuch , Year after Christ 23 [ Tacit. Annal. lib. 4. cap. 8. 10. ] who also accused the Jews that lived at Rome to Tiberius of feigned crimes , that he might wholly destroy that Nation , which he knew either onely or chiefely to withstand his wicked practices , and conspiracy against the life of the Emperour . [ Philo , in lib. de legat . ad Caium , & lib. in Flaccum initio . ] Drusius's Funerals being ended , Tiberius returnes to his accustomed businesse , forbidding any longer vacation : and to the Embassadours of the Ilienses that came too late to comfort him , he jeered them , as though the memory of grief had been blotted our : He answered them , That he also was sorry that they had lost so gallant a Citizen as Hector was . [ Sueton , in Tiber. cap. 52. ] There are decrees of the Senate made , by the perswasion of Tiberius , that the City Cibara in Asia , and Aeginum in Achaia , that were much damnified by an Earthquake , should be relieved by remitting them three years tribute . [ Tacit. Annal. lib. 4. cap. 13. ] The Samians and the Coans , by their Embassadors sent to Rome , desired that the ancient right of Sanctuaries might be confirmed , the one for Juno , and the other for Aesculapius . [ Ibid. cap. 14. ] Lucilius Longus died , the onely partaker of the fortunes of Tiberius , both adverse and prosperous , and who onely of all the Senatours was his companion when he withdrew himself to Rhodes , [ Ibid. cap. 15. ] Lucilius Capito the Governour of Asia , is condemned at the accusation of the Province ; for which revenge , and because in the former year they had been revenged of C. Silanus , the Cities of Asia decreed a Temple to Tiberius , his mother , and the Senate ; and leave is given them to erect one . [ Ibid. ] Valerius Gratus the Governour of Judea , taking away the High Priesthood from Ananus ( or Annas ) made Ismael the son of Fabus High Priest , whom also he cast out shortly after , [ Joseph . lib. 18. cap. 3. ] Ismael being removed , Year of the World 4027 E●eazar the son of Annus ( or Annas formerly removed ) by the same Valerius is made High Priest. The Julian Period . 4737 [ Id. Year after Christ 24 ibid. ] Cassius Severus the Oratour , who 17 years before was banished into Creet for his ill tongue by the decree of the Senate , and whereas he used the same thing there , he had all his estate taken from him , being forbid both water and fire , he is banished into the stony Island of Seriphus ; where eight years after he ended his life in extream poverty . [ Tacit. Annal. lib. 4. cap. 21. Hieronym . in Chronico . ] P. Dolabella the Proconsul of Africa , calling to his aid with his Country men Prolomaeus the son of Juba , King of Mauritania , slew Tacfarinas , and so put an end to the Numidian war. The King of the Garamantes , who had helped Tacfarinas with light-horsemen that he sent from a far off , he being slain , sent Embassadours to give satisfaction to the people of Rome . [ Tacit. Annal. lib. 4. a cap. 23. ad 26. ] Vibius Serenus a banished man , being falsely accused by his son of treason , is condemned for an old grudge that Tiberius owed him : and whereas Gallus Asinius was of opinion that he should be confined , either to Gyarum or Donusa , and that he might dissemble the grudge , he misliked that sentence ; saying , That both those Islands wanted water , and that to whom life was granted , things necessary for life were also to be granted ; whereupon Serenus is banished to Amorgus , ( one of the Sporades ) [ Id. cap. 28 , 29 , 30. ] Ten years of Tiberius's Empire being ended , he made no account of resuming it by any decree for ten years longer , neither did he intend to have it divided by ten years as Augustus had done , yet there were Decennal Playes made . [ Dio. lib. 57. pag. 619. ] Eleazar after one year , Year of the World 4028 being removed , The Julian Period . 4738 Valerius Gratus gives the High Priesthood to Simon the Son of Camithus . Year after Christ 25 [ Joseph . lib. 18. cap. 3. ] The Citizens of Cyzicum because they had cast some Roman Citizens into prison , and had not perfected the Temple that they had begun to Augustus , as to a god , had their liberty again taken from them that they had merited by being besieged in the war of Mi●hridates . [ Tacit. Annal. 4. cap. 36. Dio. lib. 57. pag. 619. ] Fonteius Capito who had governed Asia as Proconsul , is absolved , it being found that he was falsely accused by Vibius Serenus . [ Tacit. Annal. 4. cap. 36. ] Eleven Cities of Asia strove with great ambition , Year of the World 4029 in which of them the Temple that was appointed for Tiberius and the Senate should be built : and Tiberius heard their Embassadours disputing concerning this businesse in the Senate many dayes together . The Hypopenians and Trallians , as also the Laodiceans and Magesians , are dissmissed as not having strength enough ; nor the Ilians when they related how Troy was the mother of Rome , had any good argument , but the glory of antiquity : there was some doubt , because the Halicarnassians affirmed that their City had not been shaken with an Earthquake for 1200 years , and that the foundation of their Temple was upon a natural rock . The Pergamenians grounding their reasons because they had Augustus his Temple among them , were thought to have enough because they had that . The Ephesians and Milesians were thought that their Cities were already taken up by the ceremonies , those of Apollo , these of Diana , then the dispute came between the Sardians and Smyrnaeaeans , both whose reasons being heard , the Senate preferred the Smyrnaeans , and Volius Marius was of opinion , that M. Lepidus to whom that province befell , should have one chosen over and above to take a care of the temple , and because Lepidus through modesty refused to chuse , one Valerius Naso one that had been Praetour , was chosen by lot . [ ibid. cap. 55. 56. ] When Simon had continued one year in the Priest-hood , The Julian Period . 4739 Valerius Gratus made Joseph his subcessour in that dignity , Year after Christ 26 Surnamed Caiphas , the son in law of Annas or Ananus , that was formerly put out of the Priest-hood , [ John. XVIII . 13. ] which annuall changes of High-Priests being thus made , Josephus intimates , that Gratus after he had been eleven years in Judea returned to Rome , [ Joseph . lib. 18. cap. 3. ] by which reason also we are rather induced , to refer these changes to theend of his government than to the beginning . Pontius Pilate came successour to Valerius Gratus [ Joseph . ibid. ] who how he behaved himself in his government appeareth out of Philo , [ in lib. de legat ad Caium . ] where he writes that he was afraid , least the Embassy that was sent by the Jews , the taking away of the bucklers that were dedicated by him within the holy City , should also de●ect●b●s other crimes as his sale of judgments , rap●nes , slaughters , rackings , often putting to death of men uncondemned , savage cruelty . The XXX Jubilee and the last falling in the XXX year of our Lord Jesus Christ , Year of the World 4030 and beginning of his Gospell : or proclaiming now by the voice of one crying in the wildernesse ; Prepare ye the way of the Lord make his paths straight , [ Marke . 1. 12. ] and opening the acceptable year of the Lord , or the time of his divine pleas●re , in which the good God vouchsafed to manifest the great one unto the world . [ Esay . LXI . 2. Luke . IV. 19. ] For in the 15 year of the principality of Tiberius Caesar , ( which was the 13 of his monarchy , begun from the death of Augustus ) Pontius Pilate being governour of Judea , Herod ( Antipas ) Tetrarch of Ga●●lee , his brother Philip Tetrarch or Puraea and the region of Trachonitis , and Lysanias Tetrarch of Abylene , under the Priesthoods of Annas and Caiphas , came the word of the Lord unto John the son of Zacharias in the desert , [ Luke . III. 12. ] according to whose command this Nazarite both priest and Prophet of the Lord did baptize in the desert of Judea , ( in which that there were Cities is mentioned in [ Joshua . XV. 16. ] preaching the baptisme of repentance for the remission of sins , [ Math. III. 1. Marke . l. 4. Luke . III. 3. ] doing his endeavour , that Christ that came after him should be made known to Israel , [ John. l. 7. 8. 13. ] which that he might more certainly know , this signe is given to him of God ; that upon whom he should see the Holy Ghost descending and remaining , that he should know that it was he that should baptize others with the Holy Ghost . [ ibid. v. 33. ] It is most probable that this his ministery began , on that most convenient day , the tenth day of the seventh month , ( about the 19. day of our October , which was both penitentiall , joyned with a solemn fast , in which whosoever did not afflict his soul , was to be cut off from his people , and also expiatory , in which the High-Priest went into the holy of holies , to expiate the sins of the people with blood that was offered ; and that same day in which by a trumpet sounding the Jubilee was commanded to be declared over all the land . [ Leviticus . XXV . 9. ] So John Baptist the preacher of repentance and remission of sins to be attained by the blood of Christ that was to come , coming into every region round about Jordan , lifting up his voice like a trumper proclaiming . Repent ye for the Kingdome of heaven is at hand , and then went out unto him Jerusalem and all Judea , and all the region round about Jordan , ( especially of that huge multitude , which returned from Jerusalem , the feast of Tabernacles being ended , about the beginning of November ) and were baptized of him in Jordan confessing their sins . [ Matth. III. 2. 3. 5. 6. Marke . I. 5. ] And John had his garment of Camells hair , and a girdle of skins about his loins , ( like Elias II. Kings . I. 8. ) and his food was locusts ( a clean kind of meat Leviticus . XI . 22. but cheap ) and wild honey . [ Matthew . III. 4. Marke . V. 6. ] John sharply reproveth the Pharisees that came to his baptisme , [ Luke . III. 10. 13. ] whilst the people expected , and thought within their hearts of John , whether he were the Christ , he answereth . I indeed baptize you with water , but there cometh one who is stronger than I , whose shooe latchet I am not worthy to unloose , he shall baptize you with the Holy Ghost and with fire , whose fan is in his hand , and he will througly purge his floor , and gather his wheat into his barne , and will burn up the chaffe with unquenchable fire . [ ibid. 15. 17. with Matth. III. 11. 12. & Marke . I. 7. 8. ] When all the people were baptized Jesus cometh from Nazareth of Galilee to Jordan , to be baptized of John , [ Luke . III. 22. Matth. III. 13. Mark I. 9. ] which office he denying as he that had need to be baptized of him , and the Lord urging , that it behoveth that all righteousnesse be fulfilled , he baptized him , [ Matth. III. 14. 15. ] Jesus then beginning to be about thirty yeares old . [ Luke . III. 23. ] Then there was made a most i●●ustrious manifestation of the Trinity , for the son of God in the humane nature , that he assumed ascending out of the water , and praying , the heavens being opened , the spirite o● God was seen in a bodily shape like a dove , descending upon him , and the voice of the father was heard from heaven saying , This is my beloved so● in whom ●am well pleased . [ Matth. III. 16. 17. Marke . I. 10. 11 Luke . III. 21. 22. ] And Jesu● being full of the Holy Ghost returned from Jordan , and was driven by the spirit into the desert ; where for forty daies and nights , being tempted of the Devill he remained among wild beasts , not eating any thing , and when they were ended he was an hungred . [ Luke . IV. 1. 2. Matth. IV. 1. 2. Marke . I. 12. 13. ] Then Satan setts upon the Lord with a 〈◊〉 temptation , all which temptation being ended he departed from him for a time , [ Matth. IV. 3. 11. Luke . IV. 3. 13. ] and the Angells came and minist●ed ●nto him , [ Matth. 4. 11. Marke . I. 13. ] and Jesus returned in the power of the Spirit into Galilee . [ Luke . 4. 14. ] Herod Agrippa the son of Aristobulus had by Cyprus the daughter of Phasaelus Agrippa the younger , the last King or the Jews , of whom in Acts XXV . & XXVI . is mention made , for he was 17 yeares old when his father died . [ Josephus . lib. 18. cap. 7 lib. 19. cap. vlt. ] Berenice his sister of whom likewise mention is made in the Acts , Year of the World 4031 is born afterwards married to Herod King of Chalcis , The Julian Period . 4741 being sixteen years old when her father died . Year after Christ 28 [ Josep . ut supra . ] The fourth year of John Baptist● ministery begins , Year of the World 4033 in which his preparatory ministery ( which was the chief part of his function ) took end , The Julian Period . 4742 the Lord himself , Year after Christ 29 whose way he had hitherto prepared being come , and executing his propheticall office , and sealing it with famous miracles , for John did no miracle , for which magnificent preparation , so celebrated by Esay and Malachy so many ages before , none will wonder that so long space of time is assigned by us , who shall consider that a little time for so great a work would be too little , especially without the help of miracles , for the perfecting of so much as the Angell Gabriell confirmed to his father Zachary should be performed by him . [ Luke . I. 16. 17. ] Many of the children of Israell shall he turn to the Lord their God , and he shall goe before him in the spirit and power of Elias , that he may turn the hearts of the fathers to the children , and the disobedient to the wisedome of the just , and to prepare a people ready for the Lord , and those words of Paul argue that not a little space of time , but a full course of preaching was to be finished by John , before the coming of the Lord. [ Acts. 13. 24. 25. ] When Iohn had first preached before his coming the baptisme of repentance to all the people of Israell , and as John fulfilled his course , he said , whom thinke ye that I am ? I am not he , but behold there cometh one after me whose shoes of his feet I am not worthy to loose . For John the next day after the coming of Christ , when the Jews from Jerusalem sent some Priests and Levites of the sect of the Pharisee● , to him as he was baptizing at Bethabara by Jordan , to aske who he was , he professed clearly , that he was not the Christ : and when he had denied that he was Elias , or that Prophet ( fore-spoken of by Moses , [ Deut. XVIII . 15. ] the same indeed with Christ , [ Acts III. 22. VII . 37. ] but by the Jews thought to be another ) and had said that he was The voice of one crying in the wildernesse , make straight the way of the Lord : and then added that testimony of Christ , so praised of Paul ; I baptize with water , but there standeth one amongst you , whom ye know not , he it is , who cometh after me , who is preferred before me , whose shooe latchet I am not worthy to unloose . [ John. I. 19 , 28. with V. 33. ] The next day John seeing Jesus coming unto him , saith , Behold the Lamb of God , that taketh away the sins of the World. This is he of whom I spake , there cometh one after me , that is preferred before me , for he was before me , &c. and I saw him , and testifie that this is the Son of God. [ John. I. 29 , 34. ] The next day John stood and two of his Disciples with him ; and he beholding Jesus walking , said , Behold the Lamb of God : which the two disciples hearing , followed Jesus , and tarried with him that day , for it was about the tenth hower . Andrew being one of these , brought his brother Simon to Jesus , who seeing him , said , Thou art Simon , Sonne of Jonah , thou shalt be called Cephas . [ Ibid. 35 , 42. ] The next day Jesus , going into Galilee , commanded Philip ( which was of Bethsaida , the City of Andrew and Simon Peter ) to follow him . He finding Nathaneel under a fig-tree , brings him to Jesu , who pronounceth him truely to be an Israelite , in whom there was no guile ; and that he was that Ladder of Heaven , ( foreshewn Jacob● dream , Gen. XXVIII . 12. ) upon which the Angels of God were seen ascending and descending . [ Ibid. 42 , 51. ] On the third day there was a marriage in Cana of Galilee , to which Jesus was invited , together with his Mother and his Disciples , where he made water , being turned into wine , the beginning of his miracles : and his glory●being in this wise made manifest , his disciples believed on him . [ John. II. 1. 11. ] After that He goeth down to Capernaum , He , his Mother and Brethren , ( or kinsmen ) and his Disciples , and tarried there many dayes . [ John II. 12. ] Now we are come to the publick Ministery of Christ , whose Acts we do , here set forth according to four distinct Passeovers , out of the Harmony of the foure Gospels , contrived by that learned man , and much exercised in the studies of the Holy Scriptures , John Richardson , Dr. of Divinity , and worthy Bishop of Ardah , in our Province of Armagh ; in which this is singular , that Matthew is found only to have neglected the order of time , which is constantly observed by the other three , ( if you will except the parenthesis of Johns being cast into prison by Herod ) [ Luke III. 19 , 20. ] THE FIRST PASSEOVER OF THE MINISTERY of CHRIST . [ John II. 13. ] From which the first year of the seventieth and last week of Daniell begins ; in which the Covenant is confirmed with Many , ( Dan. 9. 27. compared with Matth. 26. 28. ) JEsus goeth to Jerusalem to the Passeover . Going into the Temple , he scourgeth out them that bought and sold there ; and for a signe of his authority , he declares unto them , how that the Temple of his body should be dissolved by the Jews , and be raised again by himself . He worketh miracles , and many believe on him , but he did not commit himself unto them , because he knew what is in man. He instructs Nicodemus the Disciple , that came to him by night , in the mysterie of regeneration in faith in his death , and in the condemnation of the unbelievers . Leaving Jerusalem , Year of the World 4034 he goeth into the land of Judea with his Disciples . He tarries there and baptizeth . ( viz. by the hand of the Disciples , that had been before baptized , either by Himself , or John ) John then baptized in Aenon , for he was not yet cast into prison . There ariseth a question between some of Johns Disciples and the Jews about purifying . John instructs his Disciples , telling him of Jesus in emulation , concerning himself and his office , and of the excellence of Jesus Christ the son of God : giving this notable and last testimony of him before his imprisonment . Herod the Tetrarch cast John into prison , for reprehending his incest with his brother Philips wife , and other evills done by him . Jesus hearing that John was cast into prison , and that the Pharisees had heard that there were many made Disciples by him , and baptized , viz. by the hand of his Disciples , he left Judea ( when de had stayed about eight moneths ) and went into Galilee . But he must needs go through Samaria , where he brings the Samaritan woman , neer the City Sychar , and the Citizens of Sychar to the acknowledgement of him , four moneths before harvest , ( or the Passeover about the middle of the ninth moneth , called Ab. ) After he had stayed two dayes in Sychar , he goes onward in his journey into Galilee . ( Which is his second return from Judea into Galilee , after his baptisme . Being received of the Galileans , who had seen what things he had done at Jerusalem ; he preacheth with great fame in their Synagogues . In Cana he heales the son of a Nobleman , that lay sick . This was the second miracle that Jesus did in Galilee . He works miracles in Capernaum , and afterwards comes to Nazareth where he was brought up . The Julian Period . 4744 And entering into the Synagogue , Year after Christ 31 as his custom was , he expounded the Prophesie of Esay , of himself : the Citizens first wondering , but afterwards being filled with wrath , they thrust him out of the City , endeavouring to cast him down headlong from a hill ; but he passing thorough the middle of them , went his way . Then leaving Nazareth he dwells at Capernaum , and there teacheth them on the Sabbath dayes : and they are astonished at his doctrine . In the Synagogue of Capernaum he cast out an unclean spirit , commanding him that he should not tell who he was . And he arose out of the Synagogue , and went into the house of Simon and Andrew , and heales Simons wives mother that lay sick of a fever . About Sun-set he heales all sick folke that are brought unto him , and casts out Devils , commanding them to hold their peace . In the morning he goeth into a desert place to pray : and when Simon and others sought and would have stayed him ; he answereth them , That he must preach to other Cities also . He goes thorough all Galilee , and teacheth in their Synagogues , and casts out devils . As he stood by the lake of Gennasereth , a great multitude pressed upon him , therefore he entred into Simons ship , and taught the multitude from thence . And when he had left speaking , at his command there is a great draught of fishes taken ; whereat Simon-Peter , and Andrew , James , and John , being astonished , he commands them to follow him , and he makes them fishers of men . And Jesus went thorough all Galilee , teaching in their Synagogues , and healing every disease ; and his fame went into all Syria , and a great multitude followed him . In a certain City he heals a Leper , who although he were forbid , yet publisheth it : and they come to him from every place to hear him , and to be healed : insomuch that he could no more enter openly into the City , but was in desert places , and prayed . And again he entred into Capernaum his own City , after some dayes , and taught them at home : and before the Scribes and Pharisees , and a great multitude , forgives sins to one sick of the Palsie , that was let down thorough the roof of the house , and heals the disease to the astonishment of all . And Jesus went forth again by the sea side , and all the multitude came unto him , and he taught them ; and as he passed by he saw , and called Levi , or Mathew sitting at the receipt of custom . Jesus in the house of Levi , defends both himself and his Disciples , for that they eat with Publicans , and excuseth and vindicates them , against the Pharisees , for their not fasting . And it came to passe on the second Sabbath after the first , ( that is , the first Sabbath of the new year , instituted after their coming out of Egypt , and beginning from the moneth Nisan , or Abib . ) Jesus going thorough the corn fields , clears his Disciples from the reprehension of the Pharisees , because they plucked the ears of corn ; and explaines the doctrine of the Sabbath . The second PASSEOVER of the Ministery of CHRIST , John , V. 1. compared with IV. 3 , 5. from which the second year of the LXX . week of Daniel begins . AFter these things was the Feast of the Jews , and Jesus went up to Jerusalem , and heales on the Sabbath day a man that had had an infirmity thirty eight years , lying at the poole of Bethesda : and makes a most divine Apology to the Jews seeking to kill him , because he said that God was his Father . And he went from thence , and entred again into a Synagogue , and taught , and heales one that had a withered hand : and the Pharisees went forth , and straightway with the Herodians took counsel how they might destroy him . But Jesus when he knew this , withdrew himself to the sea , and healed the multitudes that followed him ; straitly charging them that they should not make him known , and commanded his Disciples that a small ship should waite on him , because of the multitude that thronged him . And it came to passe in those dayes , that he went into a mountain to pray , and continued in prayer all night : and when it was day , he chose twelve , whom he called Apostles , that are specified by name . And he came down with them and stood in a plain , a great multitude coming unto him , and he healed them all . And they went into a house , and the multitude cometh together again , so that they could not so much as eat bread : and when his kinsmen heard of it they went to lay hold on him , for they said , he is beside himself . When he saw the multitude , he went up into a mountain , and when he was set , his Disciples came unto him . Then he preaches that long and excellent Sermon , first to the Apostles , and afterwards to all the people . Now when he had ended all his sayings in the audience of the people , he entred into Capernaum , and heales the Centurions servant that lay sick of the palsie ready to die . The day following he goes into the City of Naim , and raises one that was dead and carried out , which was the only ●on of a widow , whereupon his fame spread abroad . John being in prison , being moved with the relation of his disciples concerning the fame and deeds of Jesus , sends two of them to him , saying , Art thou he that was to come , or shall we look for another , who when they were returned with his answer , he gives a large testimony of John : he then upbraides some Cities for their ingratitude , and willingly rests in the sole good pleasure of his Father , hiding him from some and revealing him to other . And Simon the Pharisee desired him that he would eate with him , and as they were at meat , he defends against Simon , and absolves the woman a sinner that washed his feet with her teares , and wiped them with the haires of her head , both kissiing and anointing them . And it came to passe afterward that he went from City to City preaching , and his disciples were with him , and certain women ministred unto him . They bring unto him one that had a divell , that was both blind and dumb , and he healed him , and eagerly defends himself against the Pharisees and Scribes that came down from Jerusalem that blasphemed him saying , he casteth out devills through Beelzebub . Then answered some of the Scribes and Pharisees , saying , Master . We would see a sign of thee , to whom when he had sharply rebuked them , he gives no other sign than that of Jonas . And while he spake to the people , it was told him , that his mother and brethren , stood without desiring to see him and speake with him , but Jesus answering , shews them whom he accounts for his mother and brother and sister . The same day Jesus went out of the house , and sate by the sea side , and great multitudes were gathered unto him , so that he went into a ship , and sate , and taught the multitudes many things , by the parable of the sower , and many other parables . And the same day when it was evening , he said unto them , let us lanch forth unto the other side of the lake ; when he had given an answer to some that would follow him , and sent away the multitude , they took him even as he was in the ship , and there arose a great tempest , but he rebukes the wind and calmes the sea , and saves his disciples . And they came unto the other side , into the Country of the Gadarens , or Gergesens , which is on the opposite shoar to Galilee , and when he was come to land , there met him , two possessed with devills , very fierce , ( Marke and Luke speak but of one ) out of whom the devills that being cast , Jesus suffering them , enter into the swine , upon the Gadarens requesting him to quit their coasts ; and the possessed persons importuning him , that he might abide with him , ( who notwithstanding was denied , and sent back to publish about Decapolis what great things Jesus had done for him ) he passed over again by ship unto the other side : and from thence went unto his own city : [ Capernaum . ] And it came to passe that when Jesus was returned , the people received him gladly , for they waited for him , and he was by the sea side . Then come to him the disciples of John , saying , why do we and the Pharisees fast oft , but thy disciples fast not to whom he gives his answer . While he yet spake , behold there cometh Jairus one of the rulers of the Synagogues , and besought him greatly for his only daughter of about twelve years old who say at point of death , as he was going , even at Jairus door , a woman that had an issue of bloud twelve years is suddenly healed by touching the them of Jesus his garment , and the daughter of Jairus now already dead is restored to life by his word only , and likewise straightly chargeth , that no man should know it . When he departed thence , two blind men followed him , whose eies he openeth , straightly charging ( but to no purpose ) that no man should know it . As they went out , behold , they brought unto him a dumb man possessed with a devill , and when the devill was cast out the dumb spake , and the multitude marvelled , but the Pharisees blasphemed . And he went round about all their Cities and villages , teaching , and healing their diseases , then he comes into his own Countrey , and his disciples follow him , and teaching in their synagogue on the sabbath day , he is again contemned of them , and called the Carpenter , notwithstanding they were astonished at his doctrine . And he went round about their villages , teaching . And he was moved with compassion towards the multitude , when he saw the great harvest , and the few labourers , and saith to his disciples , that they should pray the Lord that he would send forth Labourers . Then he sends the twelve Apostles , by two and two , sufficiently instructed with commands and power , to preach and heal diseases . And it came to passe when Jesus had made an end of commanding his disciples , he departed thence to teach and to preach in their Cities . And the twelve departed , and went through the Townes preaching the Gospell and healing every where . The seventeenth of November , Seianus was killed , [ Tacit. Annal. 6. cap. 25. ] who being taken away , Tiberius straightway knew that all the crimes that he had accused the Jews of were feigned by himself . Wherefore Tiberius commanded the governours of all provinces , that in every Town they should spare this nation , except very few that were guilty persons , but that they should alter none of their customes , but should wake much account of the men as lovers of peace , and their customes as conducing to publick tranquillity . [ Philo. de legat . ad Caium . ] Severus , The Julian Period . 4745 the Governour of Egypt being dead , Year after Christ 32 Tiberius made Flaccus Avillius , one of his friends , his successour for six years : who governed well that Province for the five first years : as long as Tiberius lived . [ Phil. lib. in Flac. ] John Baptist is beheaded . When his Disciples heard this , they came and took up the body , and buried it , and came and told Jesus . The opinions of Herod the Tetrarch , and others hearing of the fame of Jesus , which Herod desired to see him . The Apostles being returned , tell Jesus what things they had done . When Jesus had heard of the death of John , and of the deeds of the Apostles , he said unto them , Come yee your selves apart into a desert place , and rest a while , for by reason of the multitude they had not leasure to eat , he therefore , taking the twelve with him , went by ship privately into a desert place of the City . called Bethesda . But when the multitude heard it , they followed him on foot out of all Cities , and outwent him , and he taught and healed them . And Jesus went up into a mountain , and there sat with his Disciples , and the Passeover was nigh . And when it was evening , he feeds above five thousand men , besides women and children , with five barly loaves , and two little fishes , and there remaineth twelve baskets full of fragments . And when they would have made him a King , Jesus constrained his Disciples to go before him unto the other side , opposite to Bethesda , towards Capernaum . And he himself went into a mountain apart to pray : and when they had gone about 25 or 30 furlongs , in the fourth watch of the night , Jesus goes to them , walking upon the sea , and would have passed by them , and tells them , they being affrighted , who he is , and rebuking , saves Peter ready to sink , and they were amazed . And they drew to shore , and came to the land of Genesaret : and when he was come out of the ship , as soon as it was known , they brought their sick , that they might touch the hem of his garment , and they were made whole . The next day , after Jesus was passed over , the people which stood on this side the sea , took shipping and came to Capernaum seeking Jesus : to whom he preacheth in the Synagogue of Capernaum of the bread of life , and affirms to the Jews that murmured that he was the bread of life . From that time many of his Disciples went back , but the Apostles would not go away ; notwithstanding , he calls one of them a devil . The third PASSEOVER of the Ministery of CHRIST , [ John VI 4 ] From which the third year of the LXX week of Daniel begins . THe Scribes and Pharisees which came from Jerusalem , came to Jesus , and when they saw some of his Disciples eat with defiled , viz. unwashen hands , they found fault , That they did not walk after the tradition of the Elders : to whom he answers concerning traditions , that they frustrated the command of God , that they might keep the traditions of men , and teacheth the people , which also he expounds to his Disciples at home , that nothing that entreth into a man , but that that cometh from within , that defileth a man. And he arose from thence , and went into the borders of Tire and Sidon , and he could not be hid . For a Canaanitish woman , a Gentile , a Syrophoenician by nation , came to him , earnestly beseeching him for her daughter , that was vexed with a divill : whom having praised for the greatnesse of her faith , he casts out the divil of her daughter . And again departing from the coasts of Tyre and Sidon , he came unto the sea of Galilee , through the midst of the coast of Decapolis , and they bring unto him one that was deaf , and had an impediment in his speech , whom he heals , charging him that he should tell no man , but in vain . When he went up into a mountain he sat there , and healeth many , and the multitude wondred . In those dayes , when there was a very great multitude remaining with him three dayes in the desert , he feeds four thousand men , besides women and children , with seven loaves , and a few little fishes , and there remaineth seven baskets full of fragments . And straightway entring into a ship with his disciples , he came into the parts of Dalmanutha , or the coasts of Magdala . And the Pharisees came , requiring of him a sign from Heaven , who after he had deeply sighed , denies any sign but that of Jonas , to those hypocrites that knew how to descerne the face of the sky . And , leaving them , entred again into the ship , aud passed to the other side . And when his Disciples were come unto the other side , they had forgotten to take bread , and they had but one loaf with them in the ship . Then Jesus saith unto them , take heed of the leaven of the Pharisees and Sadduces , and the leaven of Herod : they reasoning among themselves , because they had forgotten to take bread : Jesus rebuking them that they had forgotten the miraculous multiplication of the loaves , gives them to understand that he spake not of the leaven of bread , but of doctrine . Then he cometh to Bethsaida , and they bring him a blind man , who being led out of the Town , and having his eyes anointed with spittle , recovered his sight , and is forbidden to tell of it . And Jesus went and his Disciples into the Towns of Caesarea Philippi . And it came to passe as he was alone praying , and was now in the way , that he asked his Disciples , Whom do men say that I am ? when they had answered , he saith unto them , But whom do yee say ? And when Peter had answered , he pronounceth him happy , annexing promises , and forbids his Disciples to tell any man , that he was the Christ. He foretels of his death and resurrection , and calls Peter , Satan , because he rebuked him for so saying . Then he preacheth to his Disciples and the multitude , of the Crosse that every one must bear that will follow him ; and at length foretells his transfiguration . And it came to passe about eight dayes after these sayings , Year of the World 4028 ( or six intermediate dayes ) that he was tranfigured in an high mountain : and when they came down from the mountain , he charged them that they should tell no man what they had seen , till he was risen from the dead ; and they kept it close , questioning one the other , what the rising from the dead should mean. And they asked him , Why do the Scribes say that Elias must first come ? and they received an answer , by which they understand that Jesus spake of John Baptist , that Elias . And it came to passe the next day , when they were came down from the hill , and that he was come to his Disciples , he saw a great multitude about them , and the Scribes questioning with them : and straightway all the multitude , when they saw him , were greatly amazed , and running to him , saluted him ; and as he was asking about their questioning with them , the father of a lunatick child answered him , that it was about his child that had an unclean spirit , both deaf and dumb , and that his Disciples could not cast him out : then Jesus , having cast out the spirit , restores the child whole to his father , and being at home , shews his Disciples the reason why they could not cast out this devil . And they departed thence , and passed through Galilee , and he would not that any man should know it : and he taught his Disciples concerning his death and resurrection : but they understood not that saying ; and being exceedingly sorry , were afraid to ask him . When they were come to Capernaum , they ask Peter about Jesus his paying tribute mony . And when Jesus was come into the house , he prevents Peter , telling him that he should find a piece of mony in a fishes mouth , and bidding pay that for tribute , both for himself and Jesus . At Capernaum , Jesus asks his Disciples , what it was that they disputed among themselves by the way , at which they were silent at the first , but then told him that it was about , Who should be greatest in the kingdom of Heaven : then taking a child , and setting him in the midst , teacheth them that they should have humility , even as a child . He warns the World of offences ; and that we must take heed , that neither hand , foot , nor eye , make thee to offend . That little ones are not to be despised . How our brother sinning against us , is to be reproved , and also to be bound and loosed of the Church , and to be forgiven till seventy times seven times , as he shews in the parable of two debters to the King. But John answered , saying , we saw one casting out devills through thy name , whom Jesus teacheth that he was not to be forbidden ; and again warns them of not offending little ones , and to take heed again , that neither hand , foot , or eye , cause thee to offend . Junius Gallio , ( studying to please Tiberius , had given sentence that Tiherius his Souldiers , when their time of service was out , should sit in the same benches with the Knights , to behold the Playes ) was banished , under this colour , That he would seem to perswade the Souldiers , rather to serve the Common-wealth than Tiberius . And when it was wrote that he would easily endure his banishment , in so noble and pleasant an Island as Lesbos was , he was brought back to Rome , and delivered to the custody of the Magistrates . [ Tacit. Annal. 6. cap. 3. Dio. lib. 58. pag. 632. ] Cassius Severus , the Oratour in the 25 year of his banishment died , in the Island of Serphone , being reduced to such poverty , that he had scarce a cloth to hide his privities . [ Hieronym . in Chronic. ] At Rome it was propounded in the Senate by Quintilian , Tribune of the people , concerning the Sybells book , which Caninius Gallus , one of the fifteen requested , might be received among other books of the same prophetesse , and pressed for a Decree of the Senate , to ratifie it . Which being done by joynt vote , Tiberius sent letters , wherein he somewhat sparingly checked the Tribune , as not being well versed in the old customs , by reason of his youth , but took up Gallus very smartly , who being a man of years , and well experienced in the ceremonies , had notwithstanding moved the businesse at such time when the house was but thin , many of the Senatonrs being absent : the authour of the Poem uncertain , before the Colledge had delivered their opinion , or the Poem had been revised and adjudged by the masters ( of the Priests ) according to the usual custom . Whereupon the book was referred to the cognizance of the Fifteen . [ Tacit. Annal. lib. 6. cap. 3. ] After these things Jesus walked in Galilee , for he would not walk in Jewry , because the Jews sought to kill him . Now the Feast of Tabernacles was at hand . Jesus goeth not up to the Feast , as his brethren would have him , who as yet believed not on him , but goeth up after them , not openly , but as it were in secret . And it came to passe , Year of the World 4036 when the time was come , that he should be received up , he set his face to go to Jerusalem ; and he sent messengers before his face , and they went into a Village of the Samaritans , to make ready for him , but they would not receive him , wherefore they went into another City , having rebuked his Disciples that would have commanded fire to come down from Heaven upon them . And it came to passe as they went in the way , Jesus gave an answer particularly to some that would follow him . After these things Jesus sent LXX Disciples by two and two into every City and place , where he himself would come , giving them instructions , and arming them with power . The multitude enquiring after him , and murmuring concerning him , Jesus in the middle of the feast teacheth in the Temple ; and they wondring at his doctrine , he answereth , that his doctrine is not his own , but his that sent him . He answereth many things to them , reproaching and objecting against him , and Officers are sent to apprehend him . In the last and great day of the Feast , Jesus crying out concerning faith in him , there is a division concerning him among the people : but the Officers that were sent , and Nicodemus , defend both his person and cause before the Pharisees that spake against him . Jesus went unto the Mount of Olives , and early in the morning he sat and taught in the Temple , where not willing to condemn ( as a Judge ) the woman taken in adultery , warnes her to sin no more . Teaching in the Treasury of the Temple , He affirmes that he is the Light of the World , and defends his bearing record of himself , teacheth many things concerning the Father himself : whither he goes , who he is ; of their father Abraham : of the servitude of sin and the Devil : of himself that he had not a Devil , as they supposed : that whosoever kept his saying , should not taste of death ; concluding with these words , Before Abraham was I am : whereupon they take up stones to throw at him ; but Jesus hid himself , and went out of the Temple , going thorough the midst of them , and so passed by . And as Jesus passed by , he saw one begging that was blind from his youth , who being made to see , after many examinations , both of himself and parents , being cast out of the Synagogue , worships Jesus . He preacheth moreover that he is the door of the sheep ; and that good shepherd , and of theeves and hirelings : and there was a division again among the Jews for these sayings . The LXX return with joy , whom he farther warns and instructs : and rejoycing in spirit , he tells them privately , that their eyes are happy . Then behold a certain Lawyer askes him , what he must do to inherit eternal life . Jesus sends him to the Law , and he is taught by the Parable of the man that fell among theeves , who is his neighbour . Now it came to passe as he went he came to a certain town , and is received into the house of Martha , she her self ministring unto them , whilst Mary heard the world of Jesus , for which she is preferred before Martha . And it came to passe as he was praying in a certain place , when he ceased , The Julian Period . 4746 one of his Disciples said unto him , Year after Christ 33 Lord teach us to pray , as John taught his Disciples . Wherefore he the second time prescribes unto them the Lords prayer ; using arguments also to stir them up to constancy in prayer , and for the confirmation of their faith in obtaining . And he cast out a devil that was dumb , and the multitude marvelled : and he confirms against some blasphemers , that he casts not out devils through Beelzebub . And it came to passe as he spake these things , that a certain woman of the company said unto him , Blessed is the womb that bare thee : to whom he replies . And when the multitude were gathered thick together , he began to say ; This generation seeketh a sign , but there shall none be given but that of Jonas : adding , that the Queen of the South , and the Ni●ivites , shall condemn this generation , and that heed must be taken that the light that is in thee be not darknesse . When he had spoken these things . a certain Pharisee besought him that he would dine with him . Wondering that Jesus had not first washed , he is severely reprehended with the rest of the Pharisees by Jesus for their outward holinesse , or simulation , inward wickednesse , covetousnesse , and pride : and a woe pronounced likewise to the Lawyers . In the mean time , when there were gathered together an innumerable company , Jesus saith to his Disciples , Take heed of the leaven of the Pharisees , which is hypocrisie : And not to fear them which kill the body . And one of the company said unto him , Speak to my brother that he divide the inheritance with me . To whom he saith , Who made me a Judge ? and upon this occasion , preacheth against covetousnesse , in the Parable of the rich man that would build greater barnes : and against an anxious distrustful and unprofitable carking about the necessaries of this life , bidding , that they rather seek the kingdom of God , and to be like them that waite for the coming of their Lord , as it becometh a faithful and wise Steward : and saith , that he will send the fire of division on the earth ; and upbraides them , that they cannot find out that this is the appoined time . And there were present at that season , some that told him of the Galileans , whose blood Pilate had mingled with their sacrifices : from whence , he preacheth repentance , and propounds the Parable of the fig-tree , not having fruit And he taught in one of the Synagogues on the Sabbath day , and behold there was a woman which had a spirit of infirmity eighteen years , and was bowed together ; whom he heales on the Sabbath , and defends the deed against the Ruler of the Synagogues indignation . Then he likens the Kingdom of Heaven to a grain of mustard-seed , and to leaven . And he went thorough all the Cities and Villages teaching and journying towards Jerusalem : viz. to the Feast of Dedication . Then said one unto him , Are there few that shall be saved ? to whom he answereth , That they must strive to enter in at the straite gate . On th● same day , some of the Pharisees came to him , saying , Get thee out , and depart hence , for Herod will kill thee : to whom he gives a resolute answer . And it came to passe as he went into the house of one of the ch●ef Pharisees to eat bread , there was present one who had the Dropsie , whom he heales , and defends the deed , though done on the Sabbath ; and speakes a Parable to them that were bidden , and instructeth him that had invited him . And when one of them that sat at meat with him , heard these things , he saith unto him , Blessed is he that shall eat bread in the kingdom of God : to whom he answereth , and propounds the Parable of the great Supper , and of each excuse that those that were invited made . And there was a great multitude that went with him , and he turned , and preacheth unto them , that life it self is to be said down for Christ ; propounding unto them the Parables of the man that was about to build a Tower , and of the King going to war. And there came to him all the Publicans and sinners for to hear him , and the Scribes and Pharisees murmured . He speakes unto them the Parables of the lost sheep , of the groat , and of the prodigal son . He tells his Disciples the Parable of the unjust Steward accused unto his Lord ; together with the application of the same : and the Pharisees heard all these things , and they were covetous , and derided him . He then preacheth against them , and teacheth many other things , and declares the Parable of the rich man fareing deliciously , and of Lazarus the begar . He saith to his Disciples ; woe to them by whom offences come , and teacheth that thy brother sinning against thee is to be forgiven . Then said the Apostles , Lord increase our faith , to whom he answers concerning the power of faith , and by the Parable of the servant coming from plough , and straight way ministering , shewes that they are unprofitable servants , when they have done all , for they have done no more , than what was their duty . And it came to passe as he went to Ierusalem , that he passed thorough the midst of Samaria and Galilee , and as he entred into a certain village , there met him ten Lepers , who as they were going ( by the command of Jesus ) to the Priests , were made clean : of whom one of them comes back to Jesus to give him thanks , and he was a Samaritane . And being asked of the Pharisees , when the kingdom of God will come ? he answered , That the kingdom of God will not come with observation : but that it is within ; and saith to his Disciples , That according to the dayes of Noe and Lot : So shall be the day in which the Son of Man shall be revealed : but he must first suffer many things . And he spake unto them a Parable that they should alwayes pray , by the example of a widow interceding towards the unjust Judge : whereas God is a just Revenger . He spake also to some that perswaded themselves that they were just , and despised others , the Parable of the Pharisee and Publican praying in the Temple . And it was at Ierusalem the Feast of the Dedication , and it was winter , and Iesus walked in the Temple in Solomons Porch : then came the Iews round about him , and said unto him , How long dost thou make us to doubt , if thou be the Christ , tell us plainly ? which he avouching by his works , and saying , I and my Father are one , they again took up stones to stone him : and defending himself to be God , by the Scriptures , and his works , thy sought again to take him , but he escaped out of their hands . And he went again beyond Jordan , into the place where John first baptized , and there he abode , and many resorted unto him ; and as he was wont , he taught them and healed them , and many believed on him there . There come to him the Pharisees , tempting him , and saying , Is it lawful for a man to put away his wife for every cause ? Jesus denies it , and gives an answer , both to the Pharisees , objecting the bill of divorce which Moses commanded , and also to his Disciples saying , That then it is better for a man not to marry . They bring unto him little children that he should lay his hands upon them , and pray , and his Disciples forbad them ( for which being rebuked ) after he had laid his hands upon them and blessed them , he departed thence . Jesus going out from thence , as he was in the way , there meets him , a young man , one of the Rulers , very rich , saying unto him , Good Master , what must I do to inherit eternal life ? Jesus having spoken concerning the title he gave him , sends him to the Commandments , who replying that he had observed them , Jesus loves him ; but bidding him sell all that he had , and give to the poor sends him away very sorrowfull . He inveighes bitterly against covetous rich men ; And upon Peters saying , Behold we have left all and followed thee ; he makes notable promises to all that follow him , some whereof were peculiar to the twelve Apostles : Adding withall , that many which were first should be last , and those which were last should be first , which he declares by a parable of labourers into a vineyard : for many were called , but few chosen . Lazarus of Bethanie was sick ; his sisters therefore send to Jesus to tell him of his sicknesse , as soon as he heard that he was sick , he tarries two daies in the place where he was , but afterwards he saith to his disciples , let us go again into Judea , who say to him , the Jews of late sought to stone thee , and goest thou thither again . Jesus answering saith unto them , Lazarus sleepeth ( speaking of his death , not of his sleep ) Let us go to him , saith Thomas , that we may die with him . Jesus comes nigh unto Bethanie , and finds that Lazarus had been buried four daies in the grave : Martha comes to meet him , they discourse concerning the resurrection . Mary hearing of it comes quickly to him , without the town , where Martha met him , who seeing her weep , Jesus wept , and comes to the grave , bidding them remove the stone , and giving thanks to his father , calls Lazarus out of his grave , whereupon many beleive on him , and some going to the Pharisees , telling what things Jesus had done . They called therefore a councell , where Caiaphas prophesied concerning Jesus , and from that day consulted together that they might put him to death , commanding that if any one knew where he was they should give notice that they might take him . Jesus therefore walked no more openly among the Jews but went unto a City called Ephraim , and there continued with his disciples . As they were in the way going up to Hierusalem . and Jesus went before them , and they were afraid , and he taketh again the twelve , and began to tell them what thing should happen unto him , but they understood none of these things . Then come to him James and John the sons of Zebedee and their mother , desiring that they might sit one on the right hand the other on the left of Jesus who being repulsed with his answer , and the rest being displeased , all are admonished that he that will be great , and first among them , must be the minister and servant of all . And it came to passe when he came nigh Jericho , a certain blindman sate begging , by the way side , asking who it was that passed by , and knowing that it was Jesus of Nazareth , he though rebuked , earnestly imploreth his mercy , and being called unto him he receives his sight , and followes him glorifying God And Jesus entred and passed through Jericho , and seeing Zacheus in a sycomore tree , he saith unto him , I must abide at thy house to day . And as they went out from the city Jericho , a great company following him , he restores sight to two blind men ( whereof one was Bartimeus , ) and they followed him . When they heard these things , because they were nigh to Hiorusalem , and because they thought that the Kingdome of God should immediately appear , going on , he spake the pa●able of the noble man that went into a far Countrey , who gave his ten servants ten pounds to occupie till he returned , and when he returned , knowing which had gained most by trading , he rewards each of them according to the proportion of their gain . And the Passeover was at hand , and many went out of the Countrey up to Hierusalem before the Passeover , that they might purifie themselves . Jesus therefore six daies before the Passeover comes to Bethanie , and they made him a supper , and Lazarus sate with him , where Mary annoints his feet , and wipes them with the haires of her head , whom Jesus defends against Judas : and much people came thither , not onely for Jesus sake , but that they might see Lazarus : but the chief Priests consult how they might put Lazarus to death , because many of the Iews beleeved by reason of him . And when he had thus spoken , he went before , ascending up to Jerusalem : and it came to passe when he was nigh Bethphage and Bethany , at the Mount called the Mount of Olives ( the 29 day of March ) he sent two of his Disciples for an Asse Colt that was tied . ( Matthew makes mention of the shee Asse also . ) They brought therefore the Colt unto Jesus , and cast their garments upon the Colt , and set Jesus thereon , & much people that came to the feast met him , many casting their garments in the way , others cut down branches of trees , & strowed them in the way . And when he was come to the descent of the Mount of Olives , the company that went before , & that followed cried Hofanna to the son of David : And some of the Pharisees saying unto him , Rebuke thy Disciples , he answereth them , The Pharisees therefore said among themselves , Perceive ye not that we prevaile nothing , behold the World is gone after him . And when he came nigh , seeing the City , he wept over it , foretelling the utter destruction thereof . And when he was entred into Jerusalem , all the City was moved , saying , Who is this ? And Jesus went into the Temple of God , and cast out those that bought and sold in it , and heals both blind & lame in it , and justifies the children crying Hosanna in the Temple , against the Priests and Scribes that were displeased at it , he teacheth daily in the Temple , them that heard him being very attentive , but the chief Priests and Elders of the people seeking to destroy him . Some Greeks of those that came to worship at the Feast desire to see him , he answereth them that tell him , by preaching of his pession , and calling upon his Father , receives an answer from Heaven , which some think to be Thunder , others an Angel : and speaking again of the lifting up of the Son of Man from the earth : he answereth them that ask him , who is this Son of Man ? And going from thence he hid himself from them : and when it was evening , he went with the twelve unto Bethany ; and when he had done so many miracles among them , they did not belive in him , that the word of Esayas might be fullfilled . Yet neverthelesse many of the Rulers believed on him , but did not confesse for fear of the Pharisees , he crying out therefore , preacheth concerning faith in him . And on the morrow , when he came from Bethany , he was hungry , and seeing a fig-tree , that had only leaves on it , he curseth it , and it straightway withered . They come to Jerusalem , and entring into the Temple , he again casts out those that bought and sold , and would not that any should carry a vessel through the Temple , and crying out , he teacheth concerning faith in himself , but the chief Priests sought how they might destroy him , for they feared him , because all the people were astonished at his doctrine , and when evening was come , Jesus went out of the City . And in the morning , as they passed by the fig-tree , they saw that it was dried up from the roots , which Peter shewing , he preacheth unto them of the power and virtue of faith , but especially in prayers . And they come again to Jerusalem , and as he was walking in the Temple and teaching , the chief Priests , Elders , and Scribes come unto him , saying , by what authority dost thou do these things : Jesus answereth them , by asking them concerning Johns Baptism . And he spake unto them the parable of the two sons , asking them , which of the two did the will of the father , and applies it unto them : as also the parable of the Vineyard let out to Husband-men , and their killing of the Heir of the Vineyard , together with the application thereof , from that hour therefore they sought to take him , but they feared the people , for they took him for a Prophet . Again he propoundeth to them the parable , of the marriage of the Kings son , and the refusals and excus●s of some that were bidden , and the wickednesse and punishments of others , especially of him that had not on the wedding garment , then went the Pharisees and took councel how they might intangle him in his talk ; wherefore they sent out unto him their Disciples with the Herodians , saying , Is it lawful to give tribute unto Caesar or not ? who being astonished at his answer , left him , and went their way . The same day come to him the Sadduces , asking him of the woman , that had the seven brethren for her husbands , which of them should be her husband in the resurrection ; and when the multitude heard his answer to prove the resurrection , they were astonished at his doctrine . Then a Pharisee , a Lawyer , tempteth him , asking him which is the great commandement in the law ? to whom he answers , and asks the Pharisee , whose Son Christ is ? and no man was able to answer him a word , neither durst any man from that day forth , ask him any more question . Then Jesus speaks to the multitude , and to his Disciples ; concerning the Scribes and Pharisees , denouncing a woe eight times against them , and speaking to the City Jerusalem , accuseth her of cruelty and obstinacy , and foretells her desolation . And as Jesus sat over against the Treasury , he prefers a widow casting in two mites , before them that cast in more . When he went out of the Temple , his Disciples shewing him the buildings and stones , he foretells the ruine thereof . And as he sat on the Mount of Olive , over against the Temple , his Disciples asked him , when these things shall be , and what shall be the sign of thy coming , and the end of the World ? to whom he at large answers concerning the signes of them both : and warnes them to watch and to be ready for they know not the hour when the Lord will come . And teacheth the same thing by the Parable of the ten Virgins , as also by the Parable of the talents delivered to the servants to trade withal , and describeth the judgement of this World ( perhaps as a type of that ) by setting the sheep on the right hand , and the goats on the left , and giving sentence upon each of them . By day he taught in the Temple , but by night he went into the Mount of Olives , and all the people coming unto him early in the morning , he taught them in the Temple . And it came to passe when Jesus had finished these sayings , he saith to his Disciples , Ye know that after two dayes is the Passeover , and the son of man shall be betrayed to be crucified . Then they consulted together in the Palace of the High Priest , that they might kill Jesus ; but they said , not in the Feast day , lest therebe an uprore among the people . And as he was in the house of Simon the Leper , he defends a woman that poured an alabaster box of ointment on his head , as he sat at meat , against his Disciples that murmured , fortelling his burial . Then entred Satan into Judas , who offers himself , and covenants to betray him . The fourth PASSEOVER in which CHRIST , our Passeover , was sacrificed , 1 Cor. 5. 7 and so an end put to all the legal sacrifices prefiguring this onely one , the fourth , or middle year of the last week of Daniel , beginning , Dan. 9. 27. IN the first day of unleavened bread , when the Passeover was slain ( April 2. ) his Disciples asking him , where they should prepare it ; He sends Peter and John into the City , telling them that , there should meet them a man carrying a pitcher of water , by following of whom , they should find a guest-chamber ready furnished by the good man of the house . And in the evening he cometh with the twelve , and when they had sat down , and eaten , Jesus said , I have greatly desired to eat this Passeover with you , before I suffer ; and he commanded them to divide the Cup among themselves , saying , I will not any more eat of the Passeover , or drink of the fruit of the Vine , until the kingdom of God shall come . And he saith , one of you shall betray me , and they began to be sorrowful , and to say unto him , one by one , Is it I ? He answereth , It is he that dippeth his hand with me in the dish , and to Judas asking , is it ? he saith , thou hast said . Whilst they were eating , he institutes the sacrament of his body in bread ; and in wine , after he had supped that of his bloud , adding , I will not henceforth drinke of the fruit of the Vine , till I shall drinke it now with you in the Kingdome of my father . But behold saith he the hand of him that betraieth me i● with me on the table , then they began to enquire among themselves , if any among them should do this . And there was also a strife among them , which of them should be accounted the greatest ; and supper being ended , he riseth , and lsaieth aside his garments , and took a towell , and girded himself , and began to wash and to wipe his disciples feet , and also Peters , who at first denied , but afterwards desired it , which being done , he sits down again , saying , I have shewed you an example , that as I have done , you might likewise wash one anothers feet , he that is the greatest among you let him be the least ; adding moreover , I do not speak of you all ; I know whom I have chosen . When he had said these things , he is troubled in spirit , and testified , saying one of you shall betray me ; his disciples therefore looking one on another uncertain of whom he spake , Peter beckoned to the beloved disciple , that he should aske who it was , Jesus answered , he it is to whom I shall give a sop after I have dipped it , and he gave it to Judas and said unto him , wha● thou doest , do qu●ckly ; he , having received the sop , went out immediately : and it was night . When he was gone out , Jesus saith , Now is the son of man glorified , and God is glorified in him , and he admonisheth them of his sudden departure , and of their mutuall love one of another ; he said also Simon , Simon , behold Satan hath desired ye that he might winnow you as wheat , but I have praied for thee , and do thou strengthen thy brethren ; and to Peter too confidently saying , I will lay down my life for thee , he answers , The Cock shall not crow till thou hast denied me thrice : and he said to them , he that hath a purse let him take it , and he that hath not a sword , let him buy one ; they saying , here are two swords , he saith , it is enough . Against their sorrow conceived by them for his death , he comforts them , as he was wont , to the questions of Thomas , Philip , Judas , ( who is also Lebbaeus , surnamed Thaddaeus , another of the sons of Alphaeus , and brother of James ) he answers every one particularly , he promiseth to them , that the Holy Ghost shall be their teacher : and leaves his peace unto them , and again admonishing them of his approaching death , and of the joyfull fruit thereof , he saith , Arise let us go hence , and when they had sung an hymn they went out towards the mount of Olives . As they were going , by the Parable of the Vine and the branches , he exhorts them to bring forth fruit , and to remain in the love of God towards them , and mutuall love one towards another , and to abide patiently the hatred of the world , which hates Christ himself , and that they should not be offended through persecutions . And again comforts them against sorrow for his death , by the promise of sending them the Comforter , the Spirit of truth , whose office against the world , and towards them he describeth . And admonishing them , that yet a little while and they should not see him , they not understanding when that meaneth , he explaines it unto them , and saith , that there foresaid sorrow of theirs should be turned into joy , by the example of a woman bringing forth a manchild , and also by his return unto them , by the love of the father towards them , and by his ready hearing of their petitions that they shall make in his name . And he saying , I came forth from the father , and am come into the world , again I leave the world , and go to the father , his disciples answered , Lo , now thou speakest plainly , we beleive thou camest from God : to whom Jesus answers , that the time was now come , that they should be scattered every own to his one , and Christ should be left alone . And at last conclude with a most divine praier to the father , for the mutuall illustration of his own , and the fathers glory , for the Apostles , and the whole company of believers . When Jesus had spoken these things , he went with his disciples ( as he was wont ) over the brook Cedron to the mount of Olives . Then saith Jesus to them , all ye shall be offended because of me this night , but after I am risen again I will go before ye into Galilee , and to Peter saying , though all should be offended , yet will not I , Jesus saith , to day , even this night before the Cock crow , thou shalt deny me thrice , but both he , and all the disciples reply , though we should die with thee , we will not deny thee . Then they come into a place , called Gethsemane , where was a garden into which Jesus entred , and his disciples , unto whom he said pray ye that ye enter not into temptation , sit here till I goe and pray yonder : and he took Peter and the two sons of Zebedee with him , and began to be very sorrowfull , and said unto them , tarry here and watch , and going a little further about a stones cast , kneeled down and praied that this cup might passe from him . And there appeared an Angell from heaven strengthning him ; then he returnes , and finding his Disciples sleeping , he reprehends , and admonisheth them ; he goeth the second time , and praieth more earnestly , and being in an agony , he sweates as it were drops of bloud , and coming again , finds them sleeping for sorrow , for their eies were heavy , and again being admonished they know not what to answer he then left them , and went away again and praied the same words , then cometh he to his disciples and saith unto them , sleep on now , and take your rest , behold the houre is come , and the son of man is betraied into the hand of sinners ; rise , let us be going : behold he is at hand that doth betray me . While he yet spake behold Judas , who knew the place , ( because Jesus often resorted thither with his disciples ) with the chief Priests , and Pharisees , Captains of the Temple , and elders of the people ▪ and Officers , and a band sent from them , cometh thither with Lanterns and Torches , and a great multitude with swords and staves . And Judas had given a sign , saying , Whomsoever I shall kisse , the same is he , and he straightway kissed Jesus : to whom Jesus said , Wherefore art thou come ? Be●rayest thou the Son of Man with a kisse ? but Jesus knowing all things that should come unto ●●m , went out unto them , and said unto them , Whom seek ye ? they say unto him , Jesus of Nazareth , Jesus saith unto them , I am he , and they went backwards and fell to the ground : he asketh them again , and answereth them as at the first ; saying , moreover , If ye seek me , let these go their way ; and they took him : and when they that were about him saw what would follow , they said unto him , Lord , shall we smite with the sword , and Peter strook off the right ear of Malchus , a servant of the High Priests , to whom Jesus said , Put up thy sword , cannot I pray , and have more than twelve Legions of Angels ? Shall not I drink of the cup that my Father hath given me ? Suff●r ye thus far , and he touched his ear and healed him . And Jesus said unto them , be ye come out as against a Thi●● with swords and staves ; but this is your houre and the power of darknesse , then all his Disciples left him , and fled ; and a certain young man ( of their company ) being laid hold on , left his linn●n cloth and fled from them . And they bound Jesus , and brought him first to An●●s , the father in law of Caiphas , who sent him 〈◊〉 to Calphas the H●gh Priest , who formerly 〈…〉 , that it was expedient that one man should die for the people , there were all the 〈◊〉 Priests , and Elders , and Scribes of the people gathered together . Then Caiphas asked Jesus concerning his Disciples , and his Doctrine ; Jesus answered him , I spake openly to the World , ask from that 〈◊〉 me : therefore one of the Officers 〈◊〉 him wi●h a staff , to whom he answereth , 〈◊〉 I have wel● spoken , why smitest thou me ? Then all the Council sought false witnesse against him , 〈…〉 : at last two false witnesses came , 〈◊〉 their test●mony agreed not . Caiphas then said , Answerest thou not to what they witnesse against thee ? but Jesus held his peace : then he ad●●ted him that he should tell , whether he were the Christ. And he answereth , I am ; and ye shall see the so 10. man sitting at the right hand of the power of God , and coming in the clouds of Heaven . Wherefore they judged him guilty of death for this blasphemy . Then they mocked him , and they spa● on him , cruelly ▪ beat him with buffets and stave ; and covering his face , they said , Prophesie who smote thee : and many other things they reproachfully spake against him . But Peter followed afar off , that he might see the end , and another Disciple that was known to the High Priest , and went with Jesus into the Palace : but Peter stood without at the door , whom that other Disciple ( speaking to her that kept the door ) brought in : and as Peter was warming himself at the fire kindled in the midst of the Palace , ( for it was cold ) the maid that kept the door , asked him , and affirmed that he was one of his Disciples ; but he denied it , or that he knew him , or knew what she said . And a little after , he went out into the Porch , and the cock crew : and as he was going out another maid saw him , and said unto them that were there , This also was with Jesus of Nazareth : also another said unto him , Thou art one of them ; then he again denies it with an oath , and about an hour after , they which stood by came and said unto him , Thy speech bewrayeth thee , and the cousin of Malchus among the rest said , Did not I see thee in the Garden with him ? and while he yet spake , the cock crew the second time , then the Lord turned about and looked upon Peter , and he remembring the words of Jesus , went out , and wept bitterly . And as soon as it was day , the Elders of the people , and chief Priest , and the Scribes , came together , and led him in to their Council , saying , Art thou the Christ ? to whom he answered , Ye will not believe , or answer , or let me go ; that he was the Son of God : they said , What need we any further witnesse ? Then straightway in the morning the whole multitude of them arose , and led him bound unto Pontus Pilate the Governour , from Caiphas to the Hall of judgement , ( April 3. ) and they went not into the Judgement Hall , lest they should be defiled , but that they might eat the Passeover . And Jesus stood before the Governour ; Pilate therefore came forth unto them , and said , What accusation bring you against this man ? they answered him , If he had not been a malefactour , we would not have delivered him unto thee : and they began to accuse him , saying , we found this man perverting the Nation , and forbidding to pay tribute to Caesar , saying , That he himself is Christ a King : and when he was accused of the chief Priests and Elders , he answered nothing . Then said Pilate unto him , Hearest thou not how many things they witnesse against thee : but he answered him not a word , so that Pilate marvelled . Then said Pilate unto them , Take ye him , and judge him according to your law : but they urged , it is not lawful for us to put any man to death . Pilate then entred into the judgement Hall again , and called Jesus , and said unto him ; Art thou the King of the Jews ; Jesus answered , Sayest thou this of thy self , or did others tell it thee of me ? Pilate answered , Am I a Jew ? thine own Nation , and the chief Priests have delivered thee unto me , What hast thou done ? Jesus answered , My Kingdom is not of this world , Pilate therefore said unto him , Art thou a King then ? Jesus answered , For this cause came I into the world , that I might bear witness unto the truth : Pilate said unto him , What is truth ? And when he had said this , he went out again unto the Jews , and said unto them , I find in him no fault at all : and they were the more fierce , saying , He stirreth up the people , teaching thorough all Jewry , beginning at Galilee to this place . Pilate therefore hearing of Galilee , asked him if he were a Galilean , and when he knew that he belonged to Herods jurisdiction , he sent him to Herod who was at Jerusalem in those dayes . And when he saw Jesus he was exceeding glad : but being deceived in his hopes of seeing a miracle , and not vouchsafed any answer , either to him , or the chief Priests and Scribes , vehemently accusing him : after Herod had set Jesus at naught , and mocked him , sends him back to Pilate arayed in a gorgeous robe : and both the Governours were made friends that same day . And Pilate when he had called the chief Priests and the Rulers and the people , said unto them , Neither I , nor Herod , find any fault in him , nor any thing worthy of death : I will therefore chastise him , and release him : for the Governour was of necessity every Feast ( as the custom was ) to deliver to the people one prisoner whom they would : and the multitude crying out aloud began to desire , that he would do unto them as he had ever done . Pilate therefore calling them , said unto them , Ye have a custom that I should release one unto you at the Passeover , Will ye therefore that I release unto you the King of the Jews , which will ye , either this man or Barabbas ? for he knew that the chief Priests had delivered him for envy ; but they stirred up the people , that he should rather deliver Barabbas unto them : now he was a notable thief , who lay bound with them that made insurrection , and for insurrection and murder in the City , was cast into prison . And when he was set down in the judgement-seat , his wife sent unto him , saying , Have nothing to do with that just man , for I have suffered many things in my dream by reason of him this day . Pilate therefore spake unto them again , being willing to release Jesus , which of the twain will you that I release unto you ? but they all cryed out , saying , not him , but Barabbas . Pilate therefore answered , and said unto them again , What will you , that I shall do unto him that ye call King of the Jews , and they all cryed out again , crucifie him . Pilate said unto them the third time , But what evil hath he done ? I find no cause of death in him , I will therefore chastise him and let him go , but they cryed more earnestly , crucifie him , and were very instant with loud voices , desiring the same . Then Pilate took Jesus , and scourged him , and the Souldiers platted a Crown of Thorns , and put it on his head , and cloathed him with purple , saying , Haile King of the Jews , and beat him with staves . Pilate therefore went forth again unto them , and said unto them , Behold I bring him forth unto you , that you may know I find no fault in him , then Jesus came forth , wearing the Crown of thorns , and the robe , and Pilate said unto them , Behold the man. When the chief Priests and Officers saw him , they cryed out , saying , Crucifie him , crucifie him . Pilate said unto them , take ye him and crucifie him , for I find no fault in him . The Jews said , he ought to dye , because he made himself the Son of God. When Pilate therefore heard that saying , he was the more afraid , and went again into the judgement-hall , and saith to Jesus , Whence art thou ? but Jesus gave him no answer ; then said Pilate unto him , Speakest thou not unto me ? Knowest thou not , that I have power to crucifie thee ? Jesus answered , Thou couldest have no power , unlesse it were given thee from above : and from thenceforth Pilate sought to release him , but the Jews cryed out , Then thou art not Caesars friend . When Pilate heard this , he brought forth Jesus , and sate in the judgement-seat , in the place called the Pavement , and it was the preparation of the Passeover , and about the sixth hour , then said he unto the Jews , Behold your King , but they cryed out , Away with him , Away with him , crucifie him : Pilate said unto them , Shall I crucifie your King , then answered the chief Priests , we have no King but Caesar. When Pilate therefore saw that he prevailed nothing , but that rather a tumult was made , he took water and washed his hands before the multitude , saying , I am innocent of the bloud of this just person , see you to it : and all the people answered and said , His bloud be on us , and our children : then willing to content the multitude , he released unto them Barabbas , And when he had scourged Jesus , he delivered him over to their will , that he might be crucified . And the Souldiers of the Governour , when they had led Jesus into the hall called Praetorium , they called together the whole band ; and when they had stripped him , they put upon him a scarlet robe , and platted a Crown of Thorns , and put it on his head , and a reed in his right hand , and bowing the knee , mocked him , saying , Hail King of the Jews : and when they had spat on him , they took that reed and smote him on the head : and when they had mocked him , they took off the purple from him , and put his own cloaths on him , and led him out to crucifie him . Then Judas which had betrayed him , when he saw that he was condemned , repented himself , and brought the thirty pieces of silver to the chief Priests , confessing his sin unto them ; and casting the silver pieces into the Temple , went and hanged himself ; and they bought with them the Potters field , that the prophesie might be fulfilled . And Jesus came forth carrying his Crosse , but as they were leading him , they found one Symon of Cyrene , who came out of the Country , whom they took , and compelled to carry the Crosse after Jesus , and there were two Thieves that were led with him , that they might be crucified : and there followed a great multitude of people , and of women that lamented him , to whom he turned and foretold the lamentable destruction of Jerusalem . And when they were come into the place called Calvary , but in the Hebrew Golgotha , they gave unto him to drink wine , mingled with myrrhe , and vinegar mingled with gall , and when he had tasted it , he would not drink it ; and they crucified him there , ( and it was the third hour ) and the two Thieves with him , one on the right hand , and the other on the left : and Jesus said , Father forgive them , for they know not what they do . And Pilate wrote a superscription in Hebrew , Greek , and Latine , and put it on the Crosse : which at the request of the chief Priests Pilate would not alter : and after they had crucified him , they parted his garments into four parts , to every Souldier that was imployed in the execution , a part , casting lots , and likewise upon his seamlesse coat , whose it should be , that the Scripture might be fulfilled : and they sitting down , watched him there , and the people stood beholding him , but they that passed by reviled him , wagging their heads , and saying , O thou that destroyest the Temple , and buildest it in three dayes , save thy self , if thou be the Son of God , come down from the Crosse : likewise also the chief Priests and Rulers , with the People , mocking and scoffing , with the Scribes and Elders , said among themselves , He saved others , himself he cannot save : If he be the King of Israel , if that Christ , the chosen of God , let him come down from the Crosse , and we will believe him , He trusted in God , let him deliver him , if he will have him , for he said , I am the Son of God : the Souldiers also mocked him , and coming unto him , offered him vinegar , saying , If thou be the King of the Jews , save thy self . The Thieves also which were crucified with him , cast the same in his teeth : But one of them continuing in his railing against him , the other being converted , rebuked him , and said unto Jesus , Lord , remember me when thou comest into thy kingdom ; to wbom Jesus answered , To day shalt thou be with me in Paradise : and there stood by his Crosse , the Mother of Jesus , and his Mothers Sister , Mary , the Wife of Cleophas , and Mary Magdalene : when Jesus therefore saw his Mother , and the Disciple whom he loved , standing he said unto his Mother , Behold thy Son , and to the Disciple , Behold thy Mother . And when the sixth hour was come , there was darknesse over all the land , or Countrey , untill the ninth hour : And about the ninth hour , Jesus cryed out with a loud voice , Eli Eli , o● , Eloi Eloi Lamma sabact●●●i ? And some that stood by said , he calleth Elias . After this , when Jesus knew that all things were accomplished , that the Scripture might be fulfilled , said , I thirst . Now there was ●et there a vessel 〈◊〉 of vinegar , and they fi●led a spunge with vinegar , and put it upon 〈◊〉 , or a reed , and put it to his mouth , saying also with the rest , let be , let us see if Elias will c●me to save him , and take him down . But Jesus , when he had received the vinegar , said , It is finished : And when again he cryed with a loud voice , Father , into thy hands I commend my spirit , and bowing his head , he gave up the Ghost . And when the Centurion saw that he so cryed out , and gave up the ghost , he glorified God , saying , Truly this is a just man , Truely this is the Son of God. And behold the vaile of the Temple was rent in twain from the top to the bottom , and the earth did quake , and the rocks rent , and the graves were opened , and many bodies of the Saints , which slept , arose , and came out of the graves after his resurrection , and went into the Holy City , and appeared unto many : and the Centurion , and they that stood over against , and those that watched Jesus , when they saw the Earthquake , and the things that were done , feared greatly , saying , Truly this was the Son of God , and all the people that came together to that sight , beholding the things that were done , smote their breasts and returned ; and his acquaintance , and the women which followed him from Galilee , stood a far off , beholding these things , among whom were Mary Magdalene , and Mary the Mother of James the Lesse , and Mother of Joses and Salome ; who also , when he was in Galilee , followed him , and ministred unto him , and many other women that came up to Jerusalem with him . The Jews therefore , that the bodies should not remain on the Crosse on the Sabbath , because it was the preparation , ( for that Sabbath was an high day ) besought Pilate , that their legs might be broken , and that they might be taken away . The Souldiers therefore came , and brake the legs of the two Thieves , but not of Jesus , because he was already dead ; but one of the Souldiers with a Spear , pierced his side , and there came out straightway blood and water : and these things were done , that the Scripture might be fulfilled . And when even was now come , because it was the preparation , that is , the day before the Sabbath , cometh Joseph of Arimathea , a rich man , and an honourable Councellour , who also looked for the Kingdom of God , a good man and a just , and had not consented to the councel and deed of them , being a Disciple , but secretly , for fear of the Jews , came boldly unto Pilate , and begged the body of Jesus . Pilate marvelled if he were already dead , and calling a Centurion asked him , and when he knew it , he gave the body to Joseph . There cometh also Nicodemus ( which at the first came to Jesus by night ) and brought a mixture of Myrrhe and aloes , about an hundred pound weight : they took therefore the body of Jesus , and wound it in a linnen cloath , with the spices , as the manner of the Jews is to bury . And Joseph , when he had wrapped it in a clean linnen cloth , laid it in his own new Sepulchre , which he had hewen out of a Rock , wherein never man was laid , and which was in a garden , in the place where Jesus was crucified ; and Joseph rolled a great stone to the door of the Sepulcre : and Mary Magdalene , and Mary the Mother of Joses , which came with him from Galilee , beheld where they had laid him , and sat over against the Sepulchre ; and they returned and prepared spices and ointments , and rested the Sabbath day according to the commandement . The next day ( the fourth of April ) the Pharisees besought Pilate that he would command the Sepulchre to be made sure untill the third day , shewing him a reason : which when he had yielded unto , they went , and made the Sepulchre sure , sealing the stone , and setting a watch . In the end of the Sabbath , or when the Sabbath was now past , ( April the fifth ) when it dawned towards the first day of the week , in the morning very early , whiles it was yet dark , came Mary Magdalene , and Mary the Mother of James , and Salome , bringing Spices which they had bought , that they might see the Sepulchre , and anoint Jesus ; and they said among themselves , who shall roll away the stone from the door for us ? and when the Sun was risen , coming to the Sepulchre , they saw the stone was rolled away ; for behold there was a great Earthquake , for the Angel of the Lord came down from Heaven , and rolled away the stone , and sat upon it : and they went in and found not the body of the Lord Jesus . And it came to passe , as they were much perplexed thereat , that behold two men came to them , in shining raiment , their countenances were as lightnings , and their garments white as snow . Mathew and Mark speak but of one Angel , and the keepers for fear did shake , and became as dead men . And when the women were afraid , and bowed their faces to the Earth , the Angels said unto them , Fear not ye , I know ye seek Jesus which was crucified . Why seek ye the living among the dead ? He is not here , he is risen , as he said , come and see the place where the Lord was laid , and remember what he said , when he was yet in Galilee with you ; saying , The Son of man must be delivered into the hands of sinful men , and be crucified , and the third day rise again : but go ye quickly , and tell his Disciples , and Peter that he is risen again from the dead ; and behold he goeth before you into Galilee , there shall ye see him ; Behold I have told ye . Then the women remembred the words of Jesus : and they departed quickly out of the Sepulchre , with fear , and wonder , and great joy , and ran that they might tell his Disciples ; but they said nothing to any man ( as they went ) for they were afraid . And when the women told these things to the eleven , and to all the rest : their words seemed unto them as idle tales . But Mary Magdalene telling Peter and the other Disciple whom Jesus loved , They have taken away the Lord , and we know not where they have laid him . Peter therefore and that other Disciple went out and came to the Sepulchre , but that other Disciple outran Peter , and came first to the Sepulchre ; and when he stooped down , he saw the linnen cloaths lying , but went not in : then came Peter following him , and went into the Sepulchre , and seeth the linnen cloaths lie , and the napkin that was about his head , not lying with the linnen cloaths , but wrapped together in a place by it self . Then went in that other Disciple , and saw and believed , and Peter went unto his own home , wondering at what was done ; for as yet they knew not the Scriptures , that he must rise again from the dead . And the Disciples went to their own home . But Mary Magdalene stood without at the Sepulchre weeping , and whilst she yet wept , she stooped down into the Sepulchre , and seeth two Angels in white sitting , the one at the head , and the other at the feet , where the body of Jesus had laid , which said unto her , Woman , why weepest thou ? She saith unto them , They have taken away my Lord , and I know not where they have laid 〈◊〉 : and when she had said thus , she turned her self back , and saw Jesus standing , but knew not that it was Jesus . And Jesus said unto her , Why weepest thou , whom seekest thou ? She supposing him to be the Gardener , answered and said , If thou hast born him hence , tell me where thou hast laid him , and I will take him away . Jesus saith unto her , Touch me not , for I am not yet ascended to my Father , but go and tell my brethren , and say unto them ; I go , &c. And she came and told his Disciples , and those that had been with him , as they were weeping and mourning , that she had seen the Lord , and that he had said these things unto her . But they when they heard that he was alive , and had been seen of her , believed no : and as the women went from the Sepulchre ( perhaps Mary Magdalene was absent ) that they might tell his Disciples , Behold Jesus meets them , and saith unto them ; All haile , and they came and held him by the feet , and worshipped him . Then said Jesus unto them , Be not afraid ; Go ye , and tell my brethren that they go into Galilee , there shall they see me . Now when they were going , behold some of the watch came into the City , and shewed unto the chief Priests all things that were done ; and when they were assembled with the Elders , they took counsel , that they would give large money to the souldiers , that they should say , that his Disciples came by night , and stole him away whilst they slept : and if this come to the Governours ●ares , we ( say they ) will perswade him , and secure you . So they took their money , and did as they were taught . And this saying is commonly reported among the Jews to this day . And behold two of them went into the Country that same day to a village sixty furlongs from Jerusalem , called Emma●s : and as they journyed , Jesus went along with them , and they telling him what things were done in those dayes concerning Jesus of Nazareth , how he was crucified , and that he rose again : Jesus shews them out of the Scriptures that it behooved Christ to suffer , and to enter into his glory . And in the village , when he had taken bread and given thankes and brake it , and given it unto them , he was known unto them , their eyes being opened , although he appeared in another form ; but he vanished out of their sight . And they rose up that same hour , and returned to Jerusalem to the eleven , and those that were with them , who said unto these two , The Lord is risen indeed , and hath appeared unto Simon . Then they told them what things were done in the way , and how he was known of them in the breaking of bread : but neither believed they them . But whilst they yet spake , whiles it was evening , in the first day of the week , the doors being shut , where the Disciples were gathered together for fear of the Jews , cometh Jesus himself , and stood in the middest of them , and saith unto them ; Peace be unto you , but they were terrified and afrighted , supposing they had seen a spirit ; but he ●pbraided them with their unbelief and hardnesse of heart , because they believed not them that had seen him since he was risen . And he said unto them , Why are ye troubled ? See my hands and my feet , a spirit hath not flesh and bones ; and he shewed them his hands , and his feet , and his side : and when they believed not for joy and wondered , he said unto them , Have ye here any meat ? and he eat a piece of broiled fish , and an honey comb ; and the Disciples rejoyced that they had seen the Lord. And he said unto them , These are the words that I spake unto you , while I was yet with you : That all things must be fulfilled that were written in the Law of Moses , and in the Prophets , and in the Psalmes of me . Then opened he their understandings , that they might understand the Scriptures , and said unto them , Thus it is written , and thus it behooveth Christ to suffer , and to rise from the dead the third day , and that repentance , and remission of sins should be preached in his name among all Nations , and ye are witnesses of these things . And behold I send the promise of my Father among you : but tarry ye at Jerusalem till ye be endued with power from on high . He saith unto them again , Peace be unto you , as my Father sent me , so send I you . Go ye into the Word , and preach the Gospel to every creature ; he that believeth , and is baptized , shall be saved ; but he that believeth not shall be damned : and these signs shall follow them that believe ; In my Name they shall cast out devils , they shall speak with new tongues , they shall take up serpents , and if they drink any deadly thing it shall not hurt them , they shall lay their hands on the sick , and they shall recover . And when he had said these things , he breathred on them , and said unto them , Receive the Holy Ghost : Whose sins ye remis , they are remitted unto them , and whose sins ye retain , they are retained . ( And thus Jesus appeared five times in the very first day of his resurrection . ) But Thomas , who is called Dydimus one of the twelve , was not with them when Jesus came , and the rest of the Disciples telling him , we have seen the Lord : he very confidently professeth , he will not believe it : but eight dayes after , ( April . 12. ) Thomas being then together with the rest , Jesus comes , the doors being shut , and stands in the middest , and saith unto them , Peace be unto you , and abundantly satisfies Thomas his unbelief . Then the Eleven Disciples go into Galilee unto the Mountain , that he had appointed them : and when they saw him , they worshipped him , but some doubted and when Jesus came unto them , he said , All power is given unto me both in Heaven and in earth , go therefore , and teach all Nations , baptizing them , &c. and I am with you to the end of the World. After that Jesus was seen of above five hundred brethen at once , after that to James , [ 1 Cor. 15. 6 , 7. ] Afterwards Jesus shewed himself to his Disciples again at the sea at Tiberias , or at least to seven of them , as they were fishing . After they had fished all night and caught nothing , in the morning Jesus unknown to them , stands upon the shoar , and bids them cast their net on the right side of the ship , where they took an hundred fifty three great fishes : and Jesus saith unto them , Come and dine , and none of them durst ask him , Who art thou ? knowing it was the Lord. When they had dined , he warnes Peter thrice of his Pastoral charge , as he loved Jesus , and foretells him of what kind of death he should die : and to Peters question concerning John , he gives an answer not rightly understood of the brethren . Last of all , he appeared to his Disciples in Jerusalem , and led them out as far as Bethany , and he lift up his hands and blessed them ; and it came to passe as he blessed them , he was parted from them and carried up into Heaven . Hitherto reacheth the History of the four Evangelists , declaring the acts of Christ , and his forerunner John Baptist , a short bill of honourable mention is made , in the 18. Antiq 〈◊〉 . by F● . Joseph● the Jewish Historian : concerning the Baptist cap. 7. he saith 〈◊〉 . Herod the Tetrarch kille● Iohn , surnamed the Baptist , a most excellent man , who stirred up the Jewes to the study of vertues , especially of piety and justice , and also to the washing of baptisme , which he said would be then acceptable to God , if not abstaining from some one or two sins , but having ●her minds first purged through righteousnesse , they also added cleannesse of holy , and whereas there was great resort unto him , the common people being greedy of 〈…〉 . Herod feasing least the great authority of the man should raise some rebellion , because they seemed as though they would decline nothing to which he advised them , thought it safer to take him out of the way , before there was any alteration in the state , tha● to repent too late , when the state was once imbroyled , wherefore he commanded him to be sent prisoner to Machaeras and then to be put to death . Concerning Christ our Lord in the 45. cap. these words . In the same time there was a wise man Jesus , if we may call him a man. He was a worker of miracles , and a teacher of them that willingly receive the truth , he had many both Jews and Gentiles that were his followers , and was bel●eved to be the Christ. and when Pilate had crucified him , through the envy of our rulers , neverthelesse those that first loved him , continued constant in their affections , for he appeared to them alive the third day . The Prophets in their prophesies foretelling both these and many other wonderfull things concerning him and the Christians ( from him so called ) continue unto this very 〈◊〉 . Thus St. Hieronym . in his book of Ecclesiasticall writers hath translated this place , which reading of his , He was believed to be the Christ , is preferred before that or Eusebius ▪ [ lib. Histor. Eccles. cap. 11. ] or Rufinus , or as it is in our bookes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : This was the Christ , seeing it is clear , that Josephus came no nearer to our religion , then King Agrippa to whom he was most devoted , whose profession to Paul is exta●● , Acts. XXVI . 28. almost thou perswadest me to be a Christian. Also Cornelius Tacitus relates , that Christ was put to death by Pontius Pilate Governour of Judea in the reign of Tiberius . [ Annal. lib. 15. cap. 4. ] and to testifie the darkenesse that then was , Luci●● the master in Rufinus appeales to the Annals of the heathen themselues . [ Euseb. Histor. Eccles. lib. 9. cap. 6. ] search your Annals and you shall find in Pilates time when Christ suffered that the sun was suddenly withdrawn , and a darkenesse did ensue . An● before him Tertu●l an in his Apologetick to the Gentiles . [ cap. 21. ] at the same moment the day was withdrawn even when the sun was at the height , those that never knew that this also was spoken concerning Christ , judged it to be nothing but an eclipse , and yet ye find that chance that befell the world recorded even in your own monuments . Yea , Thalius in the third of his Histories called this an eclipse , and Phlegon Trallianus in his 13. book of Chronicles , the former is quoted by Julius Africanus in the third Chronography , this latter by his temporary Origin . in lib. against Celsus [ pag. 83. and 99. edit . Graec. ] and in his 35. tractat● . Phlegons words at the XIX . year of Tiberius ( as Eustathius 〈…〉 notes in Hexamero● ) and the fourth year of the CCII. Olympiade , 〈…〉 year in which we now 〈◊〉 , ) a●e these . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Thus translated by Hieronym . in Eusebius Chronicle . Magna et excellens inter omnes , quae ante eam acciderant , defectio solis facta : dies hora sexta ita in tenebrosam noctem versus ut stellae in coelo visae ; terraeque motus in B●thyniae Ni●eae urbis multas aedes subverterit . There was a great and most famous eclipse , of any that ever happened . The day was so turned into night at the sixth houre , that the stars were seen ; and an earthquake also in Bi●hynia overturned many houses in the City of Nice . From the History of the Gospell , comprehending the sayings and doings of Christ , Luke makes this transition to the Acts of the Apostles . The former treatise I have made O Theoph●lus , of all that Jesus began to do and teach , untill the day ( of our May 14. ) in which he was taken up , after that he had given commandments to his Apostles , whom he had chosen by the Holy Ghost , to whom also he shewed himself alive after his passion , by many infallible proofes , being seen of them fourty daies , and speaking of things pertaining to the Kingdome of God. Acts. I. 1 , 2 , 3. And being assembled together with them , the Lord commanded them that they should not depart from Jerusalem , but should wait for the promise of the father , which , saith he , ye have heard of me , for John truly baptized with water , but ye shall be baptized with the Holy Ghost , not many daies hence . [ Acts. I. 4 , 5 , XI . 16. ] To the Apostles asking the Lord , if he would at this time restore the Kingdome to Israel , he answereth , that it was not for them to know the times that the father hath put in his own power : but that they should receive the Holy Ghost , and should bear witnesse of him , not only in Jerusalem , and Judea , and Samaria , but unto the uttermost parts of the earth , and when he had spoken these things , while they beheld he was taken up , and a cloud received him out of their sight , who were also instructed by two Angels appearing on the sudden in white raiment , that he should come again ( to judgement ) in the very same manner as they now beheld him going up into Heaven . [ Acts I. 6 , 11. ] And they , when they had worshipped him , returned to Jerusalem with great joy , [ Luc. XXIV . 52. ] from the Mount of Olives , which is from thence , a Sabbath dayes journey , [ Acts I. 12. ] for which the Syrian Paraphrast puts seven furlongs ; as also Theophylact reckons out of Josephus : in whom neverthelesse we read in our books , that the Mount of Olives was distant , either five furlongs , [ as in lib. 20. Antiquit . cap. 6 ] or six [ as in the 5 book Belli . Judeor . cap. 8. ] as the Greek , or [ lib. 6. cap. 3. ] as the Latines distinguish the books . The eleven Apostles aboade in an upper room in Jerusalem , and continued with one accord in prayer with the women , and Mary his mother , and his brethren . [ Acts I. 13 , 14. ] In those daies Peter stood up in the midst of the Disciples , ( the number of the names together , were about 120 ) and spake to them concerning one to be chosen into the room of the traytor Judas , who in desperation threw himself down headlong , and burst in the midst : and when they had prayed , they cast lots upon Joseph , called Barsabas , and Matthias , and when the lot fell upon Matthias , he is chosen into the number of Apostles . [ Acts I. 15. 26. ] On the day of Pentecost ( which fell on the 24 of May ) when all ( 120 ) were with one accord in the same place , suddenly there came a sound from Heaven , as of a rushing mighty wind , and it filled all the house where they sat ; and there appeared unto them cloven tougues as of fire , and it sat upon each of them , and they were all filled with the holy Ghost , and began to speak with other tongues , as the spirit gave them utterance : and there were dwelling at Jerusalem , Jews , devout men , out of every nation under Heaven : who hearing them speaking in their own tongues , the wonderful things of God , were all amazed : but others profanely deriding the miracle , Peter , in a most grave Sermon , ref●tes the calumny of drunknesse , seeing it was but the third hour of the day ; and then discoursing of Christ , out of the Law and the Prophets , proves that he is risen , and converts by the power of the spirit he had received to the knowledge of the truth 3000 of his hearers , and commands them to be baptized in the name of Jesus Christ , for remission of sins . [ Acts II. 1 , 14 , ] And they continued stedfastly in the Apostles doctrine , and fellowship , and breaking of bread , and prayer , and fear came upon every soul , and many signes and wonders were done by the Apostles , and all that believed were together , and had all things common , and sold their possessions and goods , and parted them to all men , as every one had need , and they continuing daily with one accord in the Temple , and breaking bread from house to house , did eat their meat with gladnesse , and singlenesse of heart , praising God , and having favour with all the people , and the Lord added daily to the Church , such as should be saved . [ Ibid. 42 , 47. ] Peter and John going up together into the Temple about the hour of prayer , being the ninth hour , at a gate of the Temple , called beautiful , they heale in the Name of Christ , a man that had been lame from his birth , about 40 years old ; by reason of which , the people came running unto Solomons Porch , to whom Peter expounds the mysterie of salvation through Christ , and upbraiding their ingratitude , exhorts them to repentance ; and many that heard him believed , and the number of men were about 5000. But the Priests and Rulers of the Temple , and Sadduces , came upon them , and took Peter and John , and put them in prison until the next day , because it was then evening . The next day the Council being gathered together ( in which were Annas the High Priest , the President of the Council , and Caiphas and John , and Alexander , and as many as were of the High Priests kindred ) the Apostles are called in question about the miracles they had done , who boldly defended the cause of Christ , and being forbidden to speak hereafter in the name of Christ , they answer , That it is more right to obey God than men ; and being threatned and let go , they returned to their own home , where , together with the whole Church , they powred out servent prayer to God , for the propagation of the Gospel , which he shews , he grants by causing an Earthquake , and sending his holy spirit into their hearts . [ Acts III. & IV. ] And the multitude of them that believed were of one heart , and one soul , and they had all things common ? neither was any among them that lacked , for as many as had possessions of lands or houses sold them , and brought the prices , and laid them down at the Apostles feet , to be distributed for the use of the poor : in which businesse Josephus Joses , a Levite , by nation a Cypriot surnamed by the Apostles Barnabas , that is the son of consolation , shewed the first example . [ Acts IV. 32 , 37. ] Ananias and Sapphira his wife , fraudulently keeping by joynt consent , part of the piece , for which they had sold the land , are struck dead , by the word and rebuke only of Peter , who discoursed the cheat , and avenged by the power of the holy Ghost , to whom they had lyed ; and great fear fell on all the Church , and on as many as heard of these things . [ Acts V. 1 , 11. ] By the hands of the Apostles were many miracles done among the people , and they were all together with one accord in Solomons Porch , and of the rest durst no man joyn themselves unto them : but the people magnified them , and the believers were more added to the Lord : and they brought the sick into the streets , that at the least the shadow of Peter passing by , might overshadow them . There came also a multitude out of the Cities about Jerusalem , bringing the sick , and such as were vexed with unclean spirits and they were all healed . [ Ibid. ] The High Priest and the Sadduces that were with him moved with envy , cast the Apostles into prison : from whence the night following being freed by an Angel , are commanded to teach the people boldly and without fear , from whence being brought to the Council , by the advice of Gamaliel a Pharisee , a Doctor of the Law in much esteem among the people , being delivered from death , after they had been scourged , are let go ; and they went from the Council rejoycing that they were counted worthy to suffer shame for the name of Jesus . And they taught daily in the Temple . [ Ibid. 17. 42. ] The number of Believers increasing at Jerusalem , Year of the World 4037 and wealth also flowing in apace , and consequently employments of the Church , there arose ( as it commonly happens amongst a multitude ) a murmuring of the Grecians against the Hebrews , because their widows were neglected in the daily distribution of the Church monies : and whereas the Apostles could not be at leasure to distribute the almes of the richer sort unto the poor , or for to govern that bulk of money which rose out of the sale of the rich mens possessions ; by the Apostles advice , and by the common suffrages of the Church , there were seven chosen to ●e Stewards of the Churches goods , and should intend that service ; Stephen , Philip , Prochorus , Nicanor , Timon , Parmenas , and Nichoias , a Proselyte of Antioch , ( it is evident because they have all Greek names , that in this election , there was chiefest account had of the Grecians ) and the word of the Lord increased , and the number of the Disciples was multipled at Jerusalem , and many of the Priests were obedient to the Faith. [ Acts VI. 1 , 7. ] Stephen did many wonders and miracles among the people , and stoutly defended the Cause of Christ against the Jews of the Synagogue of the Libertines ( made free by their Masters ) and Cyrenians , and Alexandrians , and of them of Cilicia , and of Asia , disputing with him : who when in disputation they could not resist the wisdom and spirit by which he spake , they turn to false accusing him , and caught him and brought him before the Council , and set up false witnesses , who should avow that they heard him speak blasphemous words against the Temple and the Law , [ ibid. 8 , 15. ] Stephen in a long Oration before the high Priest ( Annas ) and Council , shews , That the true worship of God was observed by Abraham and his posterity , before the Temple was built by Solomon , yea before Moses was born , and that Moses gives testimony of Christ , and that the outward ceremonies that were given to their fathers were to endure but for a time . Then he sharply reprehends the Jews , because they alwayes resisted the Holy Ghost , and had wickedly put Christ to death , whom the Prophets had foretold should come into the World. VVhereupon being mad with fury , they cast that holy man out of the City , and stone him , he in the mean time praying for them , [ Acts VII . ] The witnesses ( according to the Law , Deut. XVII . 7. ) about to throw the first stones , laid their garments at a young mans feet called Saul , who kept them , and was consenting to the death of the Martyr [ Acts , VII . 58. Acts , VIII . 1. XXII . 20. ] This man an Hebrew of the Hebrews , of the Tribe of Benjamin , born at Tarsus in Cilicia , ( which City Strabo affirmes was then famous for the study of Philosophy , and the liberal Sciences , lib. 14. pag. 673. ) by Sect a Pharisee , and the son of a Pharisee , and studied Divinity at that time in Jerusalem , in the Synagogue of the Cilicians , and did frequent the School of Gamaliel , the famous Doctor among the Pharisees , a most strict observer of the Law of Moses , and of the traditions delivered to the Fathers , [ Acts XXI . 39. XXII . 3. XXIII . 6 , 34. XXVI . 4 , 5. 2 Cor. XI . 22. Gal. I. 14. Phil. III. 5 , 6. ] Devout men carried Stephen to his burial , and made great lamentation over him , [ Acts VIII . 2. ] Aelius Lamia died at Rome , sometimes titular governour of Syria , for he never came thither . As for Flaccus Pomponius the true Governour of Syria , he died in the Province , [ Tacit. Annal. 6. cap. 27. with Sueton , in Tiberio , cap. 42. ] Herod Agrippa had his daughter Mariamme by Cyprus , The Julian Period 4747 ten years before his death , Year after Christ 34 [ Joseph . lib. 18. cap. 7. and lib. 19. cap. ult . ] There arose a great persecution after the death of Stephen against the whole Church which was at Jerusalem , [ Acts VIII . 1. XI . 19. ] in which Saul exceedingly raging , made havock of the Church ; for having received authority from the chief Priests , he not onely when the Saints were put to death , gave his voice against them , but also he himself , entering into every house , and taking from thence both men and women , bound them , and put them in prison , and often beat them in every Synagogue : and so compelled some by denying Christ to blaspheme , others that were constant in the Faith , he persecuted to death , [ Acts VIII . 1. IX . 13 , 21. XXII . 4 , 5 , 19. XXVI . 9 , 10 , 11. Gal. ● . 13 , 23. Phil. III. 6. 1 Tim. I. 13. ] This persecution dispersed the Church into divers Countries , but with great advantage to the Church : for the Apostles being left alone at Jerusalem , of the rest of which there were some thousands , [ Acts II. 41. & IV. 4. ] some that were dispersed into the Regions of Judea and Samaria , who preached the Gospel wheresoever they came , [ Acts VIII . 1 , 4. ] Others went to Damascus , [ Acts IX . 29 , 25. ] amongst whom was Ananias a devout man according to the Law , and one who had a good report among all the Jews that dwelt there , [ Acts XXII . 12. ] Others , it is very likely , went even to Rome it self , and amongst them Junias and Andronicus , who were of note among the Apostles , the kinsmen of this persecutor Paul , and had embraced the faith before him , [ Rom. XVI . 7. ] Others travelled as far as Phenice , and Cyprus , and Antioch , preaching the word of God to the Jews onely , [ Acts XI . 19. ] viz. to those that were dispersed among the Gentiles . [ James , I. 1. 1 Pet. l. 1. ] Amongst them that went to Samaria was Philip , the second in order after Stephen the Protomartyr among the seven that were chosen , [ Acts VIII . 5. with XXI . 8. ] He coming into the City of Samaria did preach Christ there : the people with one accord giving heed to those things that he spake , seeing the miracles that he did ; for uncle ●n spirits crying with a loud voice , came out of many : and many that were taken with Palsies , and that were lame , were healed : and there was great joy in that City , and many believing were baptized both men and women . Simon also who a long time had so bewitched the people of Samaria with his soceries , that giving heed to him , from the least to the greatest , they said he was the great power of God : seeing the great signes and wonders that were done by Philip , believed and was baptized . [ Acts VIII . 5 , 13. ] When the Apostles which were at Jerusalem heard that Samaria had received the word of the Lord , they sent unto them Peter and John , upon whose praying for them , and laying their hands on them , they received the Holy Ghost : which Simon Magus seeing , offered them money , that he also might receive the gift of conferring the Holy Ghost ; whose mad impiety Peter sharply rebuking , warnes him to repent of this his wickednesse , and to ask pardon of God : who desireth the Apostles that they would pray for him to the Lord. Having compleated their ministery in those parts , they returned to Jerusalem , preaching the Gospel in the villages of Samaria , as they went , [ Acts VIII . 14 , 25. ] After many Ages were past , a Bird called Phoenix came into Egypt , and ministered matter to the most learned of the Country , and also Greek of discoursing many things concerning that miracle . [ Tacit. Annal. 6. cap. 28. ] But Dion reports that this Bird appeared in Egypt two years after . [ lib. 54. pag. 638. ] Philip the Tetrarch alwayes reputed a modest man , and a lover of ease and quietness , died in the twentieth year of Tiberius , when he had governed Trachonitis , Gaulanitis , and Batanaea , thirty seven years , died at Julias , he was brought to a Monument that he before had built for himself , wherein he was magnificently and sumptuously intersed : and because he died without children , Tiberius annexed that Principality to the Province of Syria : Yet so , that the tributes which were collected in this Tetrarchy , should be kept within the limits of that Country . [ Joseph . lib. 18. cap. 6. ] At Rome in this twentieth year of Tiberius his raign , the Consuls , Lucius Vitellius , and Fabius Priscus set forth ten years Games , that they might as it were prolong the government to him , as it was used to be done to Augustus . [ Dion lib. 58. pag 636. ] In this year , ( as Dion will have ) or three years before , ( as Tacitus hints about the end of the fifth book of his Annals , relating this Story ) a certain young fellow gave our , that he was Drusius Germanicus his son . He was seen first in the Islands Cyclades , and soon after in the Continent of Grecia and Ionia . He was attended by some of Caesars free-men : the ignorant were allured by the same of his name , and by the minds of the Grecians ready to new and wonderful things ; for they seigned and also believed that if he could get from them that kept him , he would go to his fathers armies , and would invade Egypt or Syria . Poppaeus Sabinus when he heard these things , who being insentive upon Macedonia , took care also for Achaia , entred Nicopolis , a Roman Colony ; there he knew that the young man , being more cunningly examined , had said , that he was Marcus Silanus his son , and that many of his followers being ship● away , he took shipping , as though he would go to Italy , neither , saith Tacitus , have been found any more concerning the end of this businesse : but Dion adds , that this impostor being willingly received of the Cities , and strengthened with aide , had without doubt come into Syria , and possessed himself of the armies , unlesse some that knew had stayed him , and sent him to Tiberius . [ Tacit. Annal. 5. cap. 10. D●o . lib. 58. pag. 637. ] Philip the Evangelist , being warned of an Angel , goes to Gaza , which is desart , of which are to be seen those things that are spoken , at the end of the year of the World , 3672. ) and meets an Eunuch , who had the charge of the treasure of Candace , Queen of the Aethiopians , ( in Meroe ) and returning in his Chariot from Jerusalem , ( where he had been to worship ) read the Prophet Esaias , to whom Philip , by the command of the spirit , came ; and having instructed him in the faith of Christ , bapbaptized him , and straightway being caught away out of his sight by the spirit of the Lord , was found at Azorus , and passing through the Country , he preached the Gospel in all the Cities , untill he came to Caesarea . [ Acts VIII . 26 , 40. ] Saul yet breathing out threatnings and slaughter against the Disciples of the Lord , obtains of the High Priest ( Annas , ( as it is Acts IV. 6. ) and the Council of which he was then President ) letters to the Synagogues of Damascus , that if he found any that were Christians , he should bring them bound to Jerusalem , that they might be punished . And as he came nigh to Damascus at midday , a light from Heaven , above the brightnesse of the Sun , shined round about him , and them that journyed with him : and when they were all fallen to the earth , he heard a voice speaking to him in the Hebrew tongue , Saul , Saul , why persecutest thou me ? it is hard for thee to kick against the pricks : and when he had said , Who art thou Lord ? it was answered him , I am Jesus of Nazareth whom thou persecutest , but rise and stand upon thy feet , I have appeared unto thee for this purpose , to make thee a Minister , and a witnesse , both of those things that thou hast seen , and of those things in the which I will appear unto thee , delivering thee from the people , and from the Gentiles , unto whom now I send thee , that thou maiest open their eyes , and turn them from darknesse to light , and from the power of Satan unto God , that they may receive remission of sins , and inheritance among them that are Sanctified by faith that is in me . And when as Saul trembling and full of fear , asked further , Lord , what wilt thou have me to do ? the Lord said unto him , Arise , go to Damascus , and there it shall be told thee of all things that thou must do : but the men that journeyed with Saul , were so amazed , that they were speechlesse , seeing indeed a light , and hearing a sound of words , but neither seeing Christ which spake , nor understanding any thing that he spake . [ Acts IX . 1 , 7. XXII . 5 , 14. XXVI . 12 , 18. ] Saul arose from the earth , and being blinded with the glory of the light , being led by the hand , he comes to Damascus [ Acts IX , 8. XXII . 11. ] and he was three daies without sight , and neither did eat or drink . Now there was a certain Disciple named Ananias , to whom the Lord speak by a vision , Arise , and go into the street that is called straight , and inquire in the house of Judas , for Saul of Tarsus , for behold he prayeth : ( and Saul then saw in a vision , Ananias entring , and laying his hand on him , that he might receive his sight ) but Ananias answered , Lord , I have heard by many of this man , how much evil he hath done unto thy Saints at Jerusalem , yea , in this place he hath authority from the chief Priests , to bind all that call on thy name ; and the Lord said unto him , Go thy way , for he is a chosen vessel unto me , to carry my Name before the Gentiles , and Kings , and the children of Israel , for I will shew unto him , how great things he must suffer for my Name . And Ananias went and entred into the house , and laying his hands on him , said , Brother Saul , the Lord Jesus , which appeared unto thee , in the way as thou camest , hath sent me , that thou mayest receive thy sight , and be filled with the holy Ghost , and straightway there fell from his eyes as it were scales , and he received his sight forthwith . [ Acts IX . 9 , 18. ] And Ananias said , The God of our Fathers hath chosen thee , that thou shouldest know his will , and see that just one , and shouldest hear the voice from his mouth , for thou shalt be a witnesse before all men , of those things that thou hast heard and seen : and now why tarriest thou ? arise and be baptized and washed from thy sins , calling on the Name of the Lord. [ Acts XXII . 14 , 15 , 16. ] And Saul arose , and was baptized , and when he had received meat , he was strengthened . [ Acts IX . 18 , 19. ] But what was revealed from the Lord to Saul at Damascus that he should do , Luke shews not in the Acts , but out of those things , which in the Epistle to the Galatians he saith happened unto him immediatly after his conversion , it appears , that amongst other things it was commanded him , that he should not confer with flesh and blond , nor return to Jerusalem , to them that were Apostles before him , but that he should go for sometime into Arabia , or places neer Damascus , where he should receive the knowledge of the Gospel , Not being taught of men , but by the revelation of Jesus Christ. [ Gal. l. 12 , 16 , 17. ] Saul then returnes to Damascus , [ Gal. 1. 17. ] and tarries with the Disciples there a few daies , and straightway in the Synagogues he preacheth , that Christ is the son of God. And they were all amazed who heard these things , and said , Is not this he that destroyed at Jerusalem , those that called on this name , and came hither for that intent that he might bring them bound to the chief Priests , and Saul encreased the more in strength , and confounded the Jews that dwelt at Damascus , teaching that Jesus is the Christ , [ Acts. IX . 19. 22. ] for to the Jews that dwelt at Damascus , was the Gospell first preached by him . [ Acts. XXVI . 20. ] Tiberius being certified by Pilate out of Palestine , concerning the affaires of Christ , he proposeth to the Senate , that he might be reckoned among the gods , which the Senate opposing , he remaining in his opinion threatens that it should be dangerous for any to accuse a Christian , as Tertullian relates in Apologetic . [ cap. 5. & 21. ] and others that follow him ; as Eusebius [ in Chronic. & Histor. Eccles. lib. 2. cap. 2. ] and our Gildas in an epistle of the destruction of Britain , which being granted , we may lawfully say , that the first persecution after the murder of Stephen that arose in Judaea , ceased partly by the conversion of Saul who greatly promoted it , and partly through fear of Tiberius . L. Vitellius who the year before was Consul at Rome , was sent by Tiberius Proconsul into Syria , and comes to Jerusalem , in the very feast of the Passeover : where he was honourably entertained by them of Jerusalem , and for a requitall remits to the Citizens the whole tribute of the fruites set to sale , and allowed that the High-Priests garment with all that belonged to it should be kept in the temple by the Priests , which was formerly kept by the Roman Governour of the Castle Antonia ? and thus gratifying the nation , and having substituted Jonathus the son of Ananus ( or Annas ) the High-Priest , in the place of Joseph Caiaphas the High-Priest , he takes his journey to Antioch . [ Joseph . lib 15. cap. ult . & lib. 18. cap. 6. ] A●●abanes King of Parthia , Artaxias King of Armenia being dead , set Arsaces the eldest of his children over the Armenians : and because he came off from Tiberius sco●-free for that , he attempts Cappadocia , and sent to demand the treasure left by Vo●ones in Syria and Cilicia , and also the ancient bounds of the Persians and Macedonians , and also vaingloriously bragged and threatned that he would invade all that was possessed by Cyrus , or Alexander , but Sinnaces , a man both nobly born and rich , and next unto him Abdus an Eunuch , drawing the principall of the Parthians to them , because they could make none of the bloud of the Arsacides King ( most of them being killed by Artabanus , or under yeares ) send private messengers to Tiberius to demand Phraates the son of Phraates the third who was kept hostage at Rome for their King. [ Tacit. Annal. 6. cap. 31. Dion . lib. 58. pag. 37. ] Tiberius sends Phraates sufficiently furnished into his fathers Kingdome , keeping his old drift , by sleights and pollicies to raise wars abroad , to keep himself quiet at home : in the mean while these conspiracies being known , Artabanus invites Abdus under colour of amity to a banquet , and gives him a lingring poyson , and Sinnaces by feigned friendship and gifts he entertaines in other employments , and Phraates being come into Syria , leaving off the Roman manner of living , to which he had been accustomed , and resuming the Parthian usage , being unable to brook his Countrey manners , falls sick and dies . [ Tacit. ibid. cap. 32. ] Phraates being dead , Tiberius sends Tiridates of the same stock , and an enemy to Artabanus ; and that he might the sooner get the Kingdome , writes to Mithridates Iberus that he should invade Armenia : that by this meanes Artabanus might go out of his own Kingdome , whilst he helped his son , and to this end reconciled Mithridates to his brother Pharasmanes , who succeeded his father Mithridates in the Kingdome of Iberia , and egged on Pharasmanes himself , and the King of the Alanes by great gifts , to make war suddenly on Artabanus , but he made L. Vitellius generall over all these preparations in the East . [ Tacit. ibid. with Josephus lib. 18. cap. 6. with Dion . lib. 58 pag. 637. 638. ] Mithridates induces his brother Pharasmenes to set toward his endeavours by policy and force , Arsaces the son of Artabanus is killed by his servants , hired to this villany by great sums of gold : also the Iberians breaking into Armenia , ruine the City Artaxata . When Artabanus knew these things , he furnisheth his son Orodes to revenge it , giving him the strength of the Parthians , and dispatcheth others to levy hired souldiers for his aid ; on the other side , Pharasmenes joynes to himself the Albanius , and calls the Sarmatians to his help , whose Princes , called Sceptruchi , having received gifts on both sides , as the manner of that Nation is , gave aid to both sides : but the Iberians being masters of the places , thrust in the Sarmatians into Armenia by the Caspian passages , and those that came from the Parthians are easily driven back , there being but one way left for them , between the farthest Albanian mountains , and the shore of the Caspian sea , and that too the Summer then hindred , the Eastern wind filling up the Fords . [ Tacit. Annal. 6. cap. 33. Joseph . ut supra . ] Pharasmenes having re-enforced his strength , forceth Orodes to fight being destitute of his Allies : in which meeting with Orodes , he wounded him through his Helmet , but could not double his blow , being carried away with his horse , and the stoutest of his Guard defending him being wounded . Neverthelesse a rumour falsely believed that he was slain , appalled the Parthians , and caused them to yeild the Victory , [ Tacit. ibid. cap. 34. & 35. ] and so the Parthians having lost Armenia again , [ Joseph . lib. 18. cap. 6. ] it is given to Mithridates Iberus . [ Dion . lib. 58. pag. 638. ] Yet immediately after Artabanus goes with the whole strength of his kingdom to revenge this : Year of the World 4039 But the Iberians had the better of it , through their skilfulnesse of the places ; neither would he have desisted , had not Vitellius gathering together his Legions , and casting out a rumour , as if he would inrode Mesopotamia , strook him into a fear of the Roman forces . Then did Artabanus's fortune decline , having lost Armenia , and Vitellius enticing his subjects that they should forsake him , as one that was a Tyrant in peace , and unfortunate in war. Hereupon Sinnaces hath secret conference with Abdageses and others , and drew them to revolt , being prepared by their continual overthrows ; those also coming in to him , that were subject rather through fear , than good will , took courage when they had Captains to follow . Vitellius haveing with money corrupted some both friends and kinsmen of Artabanus endeavoured to kill him : he having understood the conspiracy , and not finding a remedy , because the danger was like to come to him from his Nobility , and having suspected even those that remained under his protection , he basteneth his flight into the higher Provinces and places near to Scythia , expecting aid from the Carmanians and Hyrcanians , with whom he was joyned in affinity . [ Tacit. lib. 6. cap. 36. Joseph . lib. 18. cap. 6. ] Agrippa the son of Aristobulus , The Julian Period . 4749 when he was in great want at Ptolemais , Year after Christ 36 took money up at interest of Protus a freed man in former time of his dead mother Berenice , using therein the help of Marsyas his own freed-man . He extorted from Marsyas a bill of his hand for 20000 Attick Drackmes , deducting out of that sum 2500 for Marsyas himself , which he might the easier do , because Agrippa could not otherwise chuse . Having gotten this money , he goes to Anthedon , and getting shipping , prepares himself for his journey into Italy . When Herennius Capito the Treasurer of Jamnia heard that he was there , he sent souldiers thither to exact of him 300 thousand drachmes of silver , which Agrippa owed Caesars treasury , when he lived at Rome : by which means he was enforced to stay . Whereupon he made a shew to obey their commands ; but as soon as it was night , he cut his cables , and sailed to Alexandria , and there offers to borrow of Alexander Alabarcha 200 thousand drachmes of silver . He professes that he will lend him nothing , but to his wife Cyprus , admiring in her , her love to her husband , and her other virtues . When she therefore had become his security , Alexander Alabarcha payes him down five talents presently at Alexandria , but promised to deliver him the rest at Puteoli ; because he feared Agrippa's prodigality . [ Joseph . lib. 18. cap. 7 , & 8. ] Phi●o the Jew makes mention of the coming of Agrippa to the City of Alexandria , in his book against Flaccus ( at that time Governour of Egypt ) which Philo Josephus sayes was the brother of Alexander Alabarcha . [ lib. 18. cap. 10. ] And Jerom relates in his Catalogue of Ecclesiastical Writers , that he was of the same family of the Priests . Whereupon Baronius ( at the year of Christ 34. numb . 265. ) thinks him to be no other , than that Alexander , [ Acts IV. 6. ] who is said to be of the kindred of the Priests : but this was that Alexander Lysimachus , who bore the office of Alabarcha at Alexandria , ( of whom Juvenal in his first Satyre ) in former time the Steward of Antonia , the mother of the Emperour Claudius , and father of Tiberius Alexander , Governour of Judea , and the richest of all the Jews of Alexandria . [ Joseph . lib. 19. cap. 4. & lib. 20. cap. 3. ] He melted gold and silver for the gates of the Temple at Jerusalem , ( and not his father , as Baronius writes in the forecited place . ) [ Joseph . lib. 6. Belli . Judaic . cap. 6. ] Cyprus having furnished her husband for his journey into Italy , returnes with her children into Judea by land : and Agrippa when he was come to Puteoli , writ to Tiberius Caesar then living at Capreae , signifying unto him , that he came to do his duty unto him , and begging leave of him to come into the Isl●nd . Tiberius without delay writes back again , a kind answer , that he should be glad to see him safe returned to Capreae , and also received him with great cheerfulnesse when he was come ; for he both embraced him and lodged him . [ Joseph . lib. 18. cap. 8. ] The next day , Caesar having received letters from Herennius concerning the 300 thousand drachmes of silver , commandded them of his chamber , that Agrippa should not be admitted till he had paid the debt . He nothing dismayed at Caesars displeasure ; begs of Antonia , the mother of Germanicus and Claudius , ( afterwards Emperour ) that she would lend him 300 thousand Drachmes , for fear he should loose the friendship of Caesar : who remembring the familiarity that had been between her and Bernice , Agrippa's Mother , and that he had been brought up with her son Claudius , lends him the mony ; wherewith having paied the debt , none gain-saying it , he reinjoyes the Princes favour , and is so throughly reconciled to Caesar , that he commended to Agrippas charge his Nephew ( Tiberuis the Twin ) the son of Drusus , and commanded him that he should dutifully attend him whithersoever he went : and being bound and tied to Antonia for this benefit , he began to reverence Caius ( Caligula ) her Nephew , who was gracious in all mens eyes , and honoured for the memory of his father . There was there by chance at the same time , one Allus , a Samaritan , of whom he borrows 1000000. Drachmes , and paies Antonia her debt , and keeps the rest , the more honourably to attend on Caius . [ Joseph . ibid. ] Tigranes , the son of Alexander ( that was put to death by his father Herod ) and of Glaphyra , ( the daughter of Archelaus , King of the Cappadocians ) who had turned from the Jews to the G●ntiles religion , and had been sometimes King of Armenia , being accused at Rome , and there punished , died without children . [ Tacit. Annal. 6. cap. 40. Joseph . lib. 18. cap. 7. ] The Clites a Nation ( in Cilicia Thrachea ) subject to Archelaus the Cappadocian , because they were compelled after the Roman fashion , to bring in the value of their yearly revenues , and to pay tribute , fled to the Hill Taurus , and there by the strong site of the place , defended themselves against the weak forces of their King , untill M. Trebelliu● was sent from Vitellius , president of Syria , with 4000 Legionary Souldiers , and some choice Auxiliaries , compassed about with works , two hills , which the Barbarians had possessed , the name of the lesser was Cadra , the greater Tavara ) and slew those that durst come out of their holds , and compelled the rest to yield for want of water . [ Tacit. Annal. 6. cap. 41. ] Artabanus being fled , and the minds of the people inclining to a new King , Vitellius perswades Tiridates to lay hold on what was offered him , and leads his Legions and Auxiliaries to the bank of Euphrates . As they were sacrificing , and some were preparing Suovetaurilia , ( a Boare , a Ram , and a Bull ) after the manner of the Romans ; others making ready an Horse , for the pacifying the river ; the inhabitants about Euphrates bring word that the river was exceedingly risen of its own accord , without any great showres ; and thar the white froth made circles in form of a Diadem , which was an omen of a prosperous passage : but others did interpret it more subtilly , that the beginnings of their endeavour should be prosperous , but not lasting , because there was more credit to be given to those things that were portended by the earth , and Heaven , that the nature of Rivers were unconstant , and that if they did shew any good presages , they would as soon take them away . But Vitellius having made a bridge of boats , and passed over his armie , Orospades comes to his Camp with many thousands of Horse , he once a banished man , brought no small aide to Tiberius , when he made war in Dalmatia , and for that made Citizen of Rome . After this , entring anew into the Kings favour , he made him Governour of Mesopotamia , and not long after Sinnaces increaseth his forces , and Abdageses , the stay of that party , joyneth both his treasure and royal preparations . Vitellius thinking it enough to have shewen the Roman forces , admonisheth Tiridates , that he should remember his G●andfather Phraates , Caesar bringer up , the nobles , that they would be obedient to their King , and reverence the Romons ; and that every one should keep his credit and fidelity ; and then with his Legions goes back into Syria . [ Tacit. Annal. cap. 37. ] Tiridates receives from the Parthians , willingly yielding them Nicophorium , and Anthemusias , and other Cities of Macedonia , using the Grecian language , as also Halus and Artemita , Cities of Parthia , greatly rejoycing , as who hated the cruelty of Artabanus , brought up among the Scythians , and hoped that Tiridates would be gentle , as b●ed among the Roman● . The Selcucians use much flattery , their City is strong and walled about , not corrupted with barbarity , but keeping the laws of their founder Seleucus . When Tiridates was come among them , they highly honour him , and reproach Artabanus , as one indeed that was of the race of the Arsacidae , by the mothers side , but in all other things he had degenerated . Tiridates commits the government of the Common-wealth to the people , whereas Artabanus had delivered it to the rule of 300 of the nobility . [ Tacit. Annal. lib. 6. cap. 41 , 42. ] Tiridates then consulting what day he should be crowned , receives letters from Phraates , and Hieron , who held the strongest governments , desiring him that he would a little time defer it , which to satisfie those great men , he yielded unto : and in the mean while goes to Cresiphon , the seat of the Kingdom : but when they delayed from day to day , Surena , with the approbation of many there present , crowns Tiradates , after the custom of the Country ; and if he had entred farther into the Country , and other Nations , those loyterers had been put out of all doubt , and all yeilded obedience to one ; but staying too long in besieging a Castle where Artabanus had conveyed his Treasure and Concubines , he gives them leasure to break the agreement : for Phraates and Hieron , and some others that did not celebrate the day appointed for his Coronation ; some for fear , and some for envy to Abdageses , who then possessed the new King and was the onely favourite at Court , turned to Artabanus . [ Ibid. cap. 42 , 43. ] Artabanus is found in Hyrcania very meanly attired , and getting his living with his bow . At first he was afraid , as if there had been some treachery ; but when they had given their faith that they came to restore him to his kingdom again , he stayed no longer , than to assemble the Scythian forces , ( Josephus relates that he got together a great army of the Dahae and Sacae ) and goes with them presently : neither did he put off his mean attire , the more to move the common people to pitty him . There was neither subtilty , nor prayers , nor any thing omitted , whereby he might either draw the doubtful to him , or confirm the willing . [ Ibid. cap. 43 , 44. ] He came then with a strong power near Seleucia : whenas Tiridates strucken into a fear with the fame and person of Artabanus , began to be distracted in his counsels , whether he should presently encounter him , or delay the war : but Abdageses his opinion was , that he should retire into Mesopotamia ; that having the River between them , and raising in the mean time the Armenians and Elymeans and the rest behind them , and increasing their forces with Allies and such as the Roman Captain would send , he should then try his fortune . That advice prevailed , because of Abdageses authority , and Tiridates his cowardlinesse in dangers . This retreat differed little from a flight , and the Arabians first led the way , the rest went either home or to Artabanus's Camp ; until Tiridates returning back into Syria with a small company , acquitted them all of the infamy of treason , [ Ibid. cap. 44. ] Artabanus , having easily overcome his enemies , is restored to his kingdom , [ Joseph . lib. 18. cap. 6. Dion . lib. 58. pag. 537. ] who writing letters to Tiberius , ubraides him with parricides , murders , sloaths , and luxury , and adviseth him , that he would quickly satisfie the most just hatred of the Citizens , by a voluntary death , [ Sueton in Tiberio , cap. 66. ] and having without danger set upon Armenia , he purposed also to invade Syria . [ Dion . lib. 59. pag. 661. ] Agrippa being entertained with intimate familiarity by Caius Caligula , on a certain day as he rod in the same Coach with him , he prayed that Tiberius might shortly surrender the Empire to him , as to a worthier person . These words Eutichus over-heard that was one of Agrippas Freed-men , and his Coach-man , but then held his peace : he being afterwards accused , as though he had stollen a garment from his Patrone , as indeed he did steale it , and being brought back again after he had fled , and led to Piso the Prefect of the City , and asked the cause of his flight ; he answers , That he had some certain secrets which he desired to reveale to Caesar , belonging to his safety . Whereupon he was sent in bonds to Capreae , and there long kept prisoner , before it pleased Caesar to give him any hearing . [ Joseph . lib. 18. cap. 8. ] A certain impostor perswades the Samaritanes , that they should meet at the mount Garizim , which that nation thinkes to be the most holy , affirming that he would then shew them the holy vessels buried , where Moses had laid them , they believing him , and taking armes encamp about a village called Tyrabatha , expecting there till the rest came , that they might ascend the mountain with the greater company . But Pilate prepossessing himself with his horse and foot of the top of the hill , and fighting with those that were encamped at the village , some he overthrew , and some he put to flight , and took many captives alive , of whom he beheaded the ringleaders and those of most power among them . [ Id. ibid. cap. 5. ] The chief men of Samaria addresse themselves to Vitellius Governour of Syria , Year of the World 4040 and accuse Pilate of this murder , denying that this assembly at Tirabatha , was any revolt from the Romans , but a refuge from the tyrany of Pilate ; whereupon Vitellius sending his friend Marcellus to take charge of Judea , commands Pilate to go to Rome , to answer before Caesar to such crimes as the Jews objected against him . After he had lived ten years in that Province , [ Id. ibid. ] to which should be added a little appendix of 4 or 5 moneths , unlesse he deferred his voyage either through fear of stormes , ( the fast of the seventh moneth being past , as Acts XXVII . 9. ) or detained with contrary winds , or by some intervenient delay , made him prolong his journey ; for before Pilate came to Rome , Tiberius was dead , as Josephus shews . When Tiberius came from Capreae to Tusculanum , which was distant from the City almost an hundred furlongs : he was perswaded , though much against his will , that he would hear Eutichus , that it might be known , of what crime he accused his Patrone : who examining the matter , found that he had neglected his commands of honouring his Nephew Tiberius Drusius's son , and had wholly addicted himself to Caius . Whereupon he commands Macro ( who succeeded Sejanus in the command of the Pretorian souldiers ) that he should bind Agrippa . Then Agrippa hath recourse to prayer , and begs pardon , for the memory of his son , with whom he was brought up , in great familiarity , and by those services that he had done young Tiberius . But all in vain , the Pretorian souldiers carrying him to prison , even in his Purple robes ; and at that time it was very hot weather , and he very thirsty for want of wine , seeing a servant of Caius carrying a pitcher of water , he desired to drink , which when he had willingly bestowed on him , he drank , and said unto him , Truly , Lad , thou hast done me this service for thine own good , for as soon as I shall be free from this necessity , I will beg thy liberty of Caius , which also afterward he performed . [ Joseph . lib. 18. cap. 8. ] Agrippa being a prisoner , stood bound among other prisoners before the Pallace , leaning in a melancholly posture against a tree , on which sat an owl : one of the prisoners , by Nation a German , seeing the bird , asks of a souldier , who he that was in purple was ; and when he knew that he was one of the chief nobility of the Jews , being led to him , and using an interpreter , he told him , that this bird did signifie that there should be a sudden change of his present fortune , and that he should be advanced to great dignity and power , and that he should have an happy death , ( in which the most unhappy death of this man , shewed that he was a false Prophet ) but when he should see this bird again , he should dye within five dayes . [ Id. ibid. ] Antonia grieved at the calamity of the young man , thought it would be unprofitable to speak to Tiberius in his behalf ; yet she obtained thus much of Macro , that he might be committed to the custody of souldiers of a gentle behaviour , and that he should have a Centurion that should provide him his diet , and that he might use his daily things , and that his friends and freed men might come to him , by whose services he might be releived , then were admitted to him his friend Silus , and his free-men Marsyras and Stychus , who brought him such meates as he was delighted with , they brought also coverlets as if they would sell them , on which he lay a night , the souldiers suffering this , having before direction from Macro : and in this manner he spent six months in prison , even untill the death of Tiberius . [ ibid. ] Concerning the confines of the Countrey Gamalile , there arose a great contention between Herod the Tetrarch and Aretas King of Arabia Petrea , not forgetfull of the injury done to his daughter , whom Herod had married , but contemned , and married in her room Herodias his brothers wi●e , they manage the war on both sides by their Lieutenants , and when the battles joyned Herods army was clean overthrown , being betraied by some banished men , who being driven from the Tetrarchy of Philip , served under Herod , these things Herod signifies to Tiberius by letters , who being angry with Antas for his bold attempt , writ to Vitellius that he should make war upon him , willing him that he should either bring him alive to him , or if dead to send him his head : it was the opinion among the Jews , that Herods army was overthrown by the just judgment of God , for the murder of John the Baptist. [ Josephus . lib. 18. cap. 7. ] Cn. Acerronius and C. Pontius Nigrinus being Consuls , The Julian Period . 4750 Tiberius dies XVII . Year after Christ 37 Kalends of Aprill : as it is in Suetonius [ in Tiberio . cap. 13. and Tacit. Annal. 6. cap. 50. ] or rather the VII . or XXVI . day of March , whenas after the decease of Augustus , he had reigned 22. yeares 7. months 7. daies , as Dion relates at the end of his fifty eighth book , not 5 months 3. daies , as Josephus numbers in [ lib. 18. Antiquit. cap. 8. ] nor six month 3. daies , as in the wars of the Jews . [ lib. 2. cap. 8. ] Marsyas , the death of Tiberius being known , runs to his Patron Agrippa , whom he found bathing himself , nodding his head , told him in Hebrew . The lion is dead . Which when the Centurion who kept him knew from them , he taking off Agrippa's bonds made them good cheer , as they were merrily eating and drinking , there comes in one that said Tiberius was alive , and that he would shortly return to the City , with which word the Centurion being terrified , he commands Agrippa to be thrust from the rabble and bound , and to be more carefully looked to hereafter , but the next day there came two letters from Caius , one in which he wrote to the Senate that he had succeeded in the Empire in the room of dead Tiberius , the other in which he wrote to Piso the Prefect of the City declaring the same thing , and commanding him that he should set Agrippa free , and restore him that house in which he had formerly lived in , in which although he was a prisoner yet lived he at his own discretion . [ Josephus . lib. 18. cap. 8. ] Caius returning to Rome , bringing also the body of Tiberius celebrated a most sumptuous funerall , with great sol●mnity , and whenas he would the same day have released Agr●ppa , by the advice of Autonia he forbare , not that she did not wish well to the man , but denied that this hast was handsome , least he should seem to do this in hatred to Tiberius , if he should so suddenly deliver him , whom Tiberius had imprisoned , but not many daies after he sent for him to his house , and commanded his hair to be cut , and changed his garments , and then putting a Crown on his head , he made him King of Philips Tetrarchy , giving him also the Tetrarchy of Lysanias ; and changed his chain of Iron into a chain of gold of the same weight , and sent Marullus governour into Judea . [ Joseph . id . ibid. ] Dion relates that C. Caligula freed Agrippa the Grandchild of Herod from those bonds , which Tiberius had put on him , and that he gave him his Grandfathers principality , [ lib. 59. pag. 645. ] Philo in his book against Flaccus saies that he was honoured with the ornaments of a Praetour by the Roman Senate , and that Caius gave him the Kingdome , and the third part of the ancient dominion that his unckle Philip possessed , but Agrippa having gotten the Kingdome , begs Thaumastus of Caius , and gives him his liberty , and makes him steward of his goods . And when Agrippa died he left him in the same office to his son Agrippa , and Berenice his daughter with whom he was in great account as long as he lived . [ Joseph . lib. 18. cap. 8. ] Caligula gives to Antiochus , the son of Antiochus Commagene , his fathers kingdom , giving him also the maritime places of Cilicia . [ lib. 59. pag. 645. ] Atelius , governour of Syria , took with him two Legions , and the aids of Foot and Horse that were sent from the King that were allies , hastning towards Petra , came to Pto●●mias : and as he thought to lead his army through Judea , the principal men of that Country came to him , desiring that he would not passe that way , for the customs of their Country would not suffer , that any images should be carried there , such as the Roman banners had many , with whose prayers he being moved , changed his opinion , and sent his army through the great plain , and came with Herod the Tetrarch and his friends to Jerusalem , to offer sacrifice to God , at the next feast , which was nigh at hand : whither when he was come , he was magnificently entertained by the people , and staying three dayes there , in the mean time he transferred the High Priesthood from Jonathan upon Theophilus his brother . [ Joseph . lib. 18. cap. 7. ] Four dayes after Vitellius having received letters of Tiberius his death , made the people take the oath of fidelity in the new Emperour Caius his name . [ Id. ibid. ] Whereupon Agrippa saith in his letters to Cains , ( as it is in Philo in Legatio . ) They greatly desired succession , ( O Emperour ) was first heard of at Jerusalem , and the fame of it was diffused to the neighbour Provinces from the Holy City : and because this City , of all the east , first saluted thee Emperour , it is meet that it should be treated more graciously by thee . And the Senate of the Jews in their oration to Petronius , ( in the same authour ) Caius having obtained the Empire , we first of all Syria congratulated with Vitellius , ( whose successor thou art ) then being in our City , and had received letters , concerning this businesse , and from us , fame carried the joyful news to other Cities , our Temple first of all sacrificed for the Empire of Caius . Vitell us recalls his forces , leaving off his intended war , because the Empire was dev●lyed to another , and truly some report , that Aretas , when he heard the news of V●t●l●us's Expedition , gathered from a●guries , that it was impossible for his army to come to Petra , for one of the Generals should die , either he that commanded the Expedition , or he that obeyed it , or he against whom the Expedition was . [ Joseph . lib. 18. cap. 7. ] Josephus writes that Vitellius went to Antioch , having sent his army into their Winter Quarters , which it is not likely he would do in the beginning of Summer , whereas he should have rather said that he went with his forces to Euphrates , to make a league with the King of the Parthians , for it appears out of Suetonius and Dion , that this was done , not in Tiberius raign , ( as Josephus thinks ) but under Caius , for Artabanus alwayes hated and contemned Tiberius , but willingly sought the alliance of Caius : and Vitellius by all his policie inticed him not onely to a conference , but also to worship the Roman Standard ; for he going over Euphrates , adored the Roman E●gl●s , and sacrificed to Augustus and Ca●us's images , and yielded to conditions of peace , which were for the Roman profit , and gave his children as hostages . [ Suet. in C. Caligula . cap. 14. & A. Titellio . cap. 2. Dion . lib. 59. pag. 661. ] The King and Vitellius meet in the mid●le of a bridge , with each their guard , and after they had agreed upon a league , Herod invited them both to a banquet in a pavillion erected with great cost , in the middest of the River . Vitellius then returns to A●rio●n , and 〈◊〉 to Babylon ; but Herod being willing to give the first notion to Caiu , of the receite of the hostages , he sent expresse messengers with letters , leaving nothing for 〈◊〉 C●●suls Embassadours to certifie : wherefore Caesar writes back to Vitelliu● upon the receipt of his letters , that he knew all these things before by Herods messengers , with which he was much troubled . [ Joseph . lib. 18. cap. 6. ] Not long after , Artabanus sends his son Darius as hostage , with many gifts , among which there was a Jew , by name Eleazar , five cubits high , who for his greatnesse was called the Gyant . [ Id. ibid. ] The Jews of Alexandria , after they had appointed for Caius all the honours , that were lawful for them to decree , came and offered the decree to Flaccus Abillius , desiring him , that since it was not permitted to them , to send an Embassy , he would be pleased to send 〈◊〉 by his messengers , he reads the decree , and allowing many of the heads thereof , smilingly said , Your piety highly pleaseth me , I will send as you desire , I will be your Embassadour , that Ca●us may perceive your gratitude , and I will be a witnesse of the peoples modestly , and obedience well known to me , neverthelesse he kept back this decree , that they might seem to be the onely contemners of Caius . [ Philo. in Flaccum . ] The first year of the raign of C. Caligula , Josephu● , the writer of the History of the Jews , was born , who was the son of Mattathias , a Priest , as Josephus shews in his Life . When Saul had preached the Gospel a long time at Damascus , Year of the World 4091 the Jews took councel to kill him , and they being helped by the Governour under Aretas , ( who had lately overthrown the army of Herod the Tetrarch ) who kept the City of the Damascens with a Garison , watched the gares day and nights , that they might take him and kill him , but he being let down by a rope by night in a basket , escaped from their laying in wait . [ Acts IX . 23 , 24 , 25. II Cor. XI . 32 , 33. ] The first three years of his Apostleship being finished , Saul returned to Jerusalem , to see Peter , and abode with him fifteen dayes . [ Gal. l. 18. ] And he then assaying to join himself to the Disciples , they all were afraid of him , not believing him to be a Disciple : but Barnabas took him , and brought him to the Apostles , ( viz. Peter and James , the brother of the Lord , for he saw none other of the Apostles , [ Gal. 1. 19. ] and declared unto them , how he had seen the Lord in the way , and that he had spoken to him , and how he had preached boldly at Damascus in the name of Jesus . [ Acts IX . 26 , 27. ] Saul speaks boldly in the name of Jesus at Jerusalem , and disputed with the Greeks , or Jews that used the Greek tongue , as Syrus rightly interprets this place , but they went about to kill him . [ Acts IX . 29. ] Saul being in the Temple praying , was in a trance , and saw the Lord speaking unto him , Make hast , and get thee quickly out of Jerusalem , for they will not receive they testimony of me : to whom he answered , Lord , they know that I imprisoned and beat in every Synagogue , those that believed on thee : and when the blood of thy Martyr Stephen was shed , I also was standing by , and kept the garments of them that killed him : and the Lord said unto him , Goe , and I will send thee to the Gentiles . [ Acts XXII . 17 , 21. ] The brethren at Jerusalem brought him to Cesarea , and sent him into his own Country of Tarsus , [ Acts IX . 30. ] and he came into the Countries of Syria , and Cilicia : hitherto he was unknown by face to the Churches of Judea , but they heard only , that he preacheth the faith which once he destroyed , and they glorified God in him . [ Gal. l , 21 , 22 , 23. ] And the Churches had rest through all Judea , and Galilee , and Samaria , and were edified , and walking in the fear of the Lord , and comfort of the holy Ghost were multiplied . [ Acts IX . 31. ] Herod Agrippa had a daughter by Cyprus , The Julian Period . 4751 named Drusilla , Year after Christ 38 ( married afterwards to Felix ) [ Acts XXIV . 24. ] who was six years old when her father died . [ Joseph . lib. 18. cap. 7. & lib. 19. cap. ult . ] Caligula forces Macro , to whom Egypt was committed , ( the six years that were appointed by Tiberius , for the government of Flaccus Abilius being ended ) and his wife Ennia , by whose help he had got the Empire , to a voluntary death . [ Philo. de Legat. ad Caium . & lib. in Flaccum . Sueton in Caligula . cap. 26. Dion . lib. 59. pag. 647. ] Flaccus , who was Governour of Egypt , Macro being killed , on whom he most relied , was shrewdly afraid of C. Caligula , taking this occasion , Dionysius Lampo , and Isidore perswade him , that he should by some great benefit make the people of Alexandria his friends , and that nothing would be more gratefull to them , then that he would suffer them to plunder the Jews , and he follows their councel . [ Philo. in Flaccum . ] Caligula , by a decree of the Senate , gives the Kingdom of the Arabians of Ituraea to So●mus , to Cotys Armenia the Lesse , and also some parts of Arabia , to Rhymatalca , the Kingdom of Cotys to the son of Polemon , his fathers Kingdom . ( viz. of Pontus . ) [ Dion . lib. 59. pag. 649. ] In the second year of C. Caligulas raign , Herod Agrippa begs leave of him , to return home , for the ordering of his Kingdom , promising , when he had done that , he would return , [ Joseph . lib. 18. cap. 8. ] The Emperour perswaded him , that taking the readiest way by sea , the East winds being every day expected , he should go directly to Alexandria , and that then he might go with lesse difficulty into his own Country by land ; who following his advice , went to Puteoli , and there he finds a ship ready to set sail for Alexandria , and in few dayes after , he arrives at Alexandria . [ Philo. in Flaccum . ] The Alexandrians by reason of their inveterate hatred against the Jews , taking it impatiently that they should have a King , in the place of exercise did disgrace Agrippa with scurrilous speeches , and mocking verses of jesters . They also hurried to the sporting-place , a certain mad man named Cariba , who went naked night and day in the streets , and there set him on a high place that all might see him . Then they set a papar crown on his head , and put on his body a mat instead of his robe , and one gave him a piece of a reed taken off the ground , for his scepter . Being thus adorned with ensigns of a King , and thus changed into a King after the manner of Stage-players , the young men carrying poles on their shouldiers invi●oned him for his guard . Others came to salute him , some desired justice , others asked counsel of him concerning the Common-wealth . Then there was a general acclamation of them that were about him , calling him Marim , which name in the Syrian tongue signifies Lord. [ Philo. ibid. ] And thus the King of the Jews was derided after the same manner by others , as the Jews themselves five years before had mocked the true Majesty of their own King Jesus Christ. The Jews of Alexandria acquainted Agrippa with the treachery that Flaccus the Governour had prepared for their destruction ; and also delivered to him that writing that they had given to Flaccus to be sent to Caius in the beginning of his Empire . Agrippa promises that he will send this writing to Caius , and that he will signifie , that the Jews had intended to send it at the beginning , but being hindred by the malice of the Governour , they could do it no sooner . [ Philo. ibid. & in Legat. ad Caium . ] Peter the Apostle visiting the Churches of Judea , Galilee , and Samaria , comes to the Saints that dwelt at Lydda , and there heals Aeneas that lay sick of the Palsie , and had kept his bed eight years : and all that dwelt at Lydda and Sharon ( of which place Chronicles . V. 16. XXVII . 29. ] when they saw this miracle , turned to the Lord , [ Acts IX . 31 , 35. ] A certain Disciple called in Syriack Tabitha , in Greek Dorcas , that is , a she Goat , full of good works and almes deeds , died at Joppa : and whereas Lydda was near Joppa , the Disciples hearing that Peter was there , sent two men unto him , that he would not delay to come unto them ; who when he came , fell on his knees and prayed , and restored her to life . And this was known through all Joppa , and many believed in the Lord ; and Peter tarried there many dayes in the house of one Simon a Tanner . [ Acts IX . 36 , 43. ] The common people of Alexandria , early in the morning ( having regained the favour of Flaccus the Governour ) with one consent proclaimed that the Statues of Caesar are to be set up in the Synagogues of the Jews : which the Governour suffered to be done without any respect of the publick security , although he knew that there were not lesse than ten hundred thousand Jews that inhabited Alexandria , and all that large Country from the descent of Lybia , even to the bounds of Aethiopia . [ Philo. in Flaccum ] Then they gathering together in great companies , either laid waste their Oratories , by cutting down their Groves , or rased them to the ground ; and in all the Oratories which they could not either overthrow or burn , because of the great number of Jews that dwelt by them , they set up the Images of Caius , and in the greatest and most frequented , they set up a Statue on high , on Chariots with four horses in Brasse , and that with such over-hasty earnestnesse , that whereas they wanted new Chariots , the took out of the rusty old ones , whose horses wanted their eares , tailes , and feet , and such as were dedicated ( as was reported ) to Cleopatra , which was the great Grandmother of the last Queen of that name . And Caius thought that all these things proceeded out of the love that the Alexandrians bore him : which partly he knew out of the Registers sent to him from Alexandria ( for he read them more willingly than any either Poeme or History ) and partly from some domestical servants ( of whom many were Egyptians ) who were wont to praise and laugh at these things with him . [ id . in Legati . ad Caium . ] Caius Caligula , commands a vacation , for his sister Drusilla that was dead , in which it was death for any to laugh , or bathe , or make a feast . [ Sueton. in C. Caligula , cap. 24. Dion . lib. 59. pag. 648. ] Flaccus the Governour of Egypt propounded an Edict , in which he calls the Jews , Strangers , and Forraigners , not giving liberty of pleading their cause , but condemned them unjudged . There are five divisions of that City named from the first five letters , two of which were called the Jewish quarters , because most of the Jews dwelt in them although many Jews had houses here and there in the other quarters . The common people of Alexandria , having obtained from Flaccus licence of plundering the Jews , having expelled them from four of the letters , thrust them into a narrow compasse of one of them ; who , because they were more then the place could contain , went out unto the shoars , and monuments , and dunghills , being dispoiled of all things ; their enemies ran violently to their forsaken houses : and there divide the spoiles as taken by law of Armes , and breaking open the shops of the Jews , which then were shut because of the mourning for Drusillas death , they carry many things from thence , which they sell in the market , and turn to their own use : but the ransacking of four hundred houses did lesse hurt them , than their losse of trade , when as the creditors had lost their bonds , neither was Husbandman , Mariner , Merchant , or Handicraftsman , suffered to use their trades . [ Philo. in Flaccum . ] Their enemies thought they should shortly see them lie on heapes , so many thousands of men women and children , thrust into a narrow corner of the City like beasts ; either killed with famine for want of meat , or stifled in that hot place , even the neighbour aire being corrupted by the multitude of breaths . They took diligent heed , lest any should steal privately away , and as many as they intercepted , having first tormented them , they killed them , and abstained from no kind of cruelty . Another band of them lay in waite for the Jews that arrived at the Ports , and also their merchandise , which when they had taken away in the sight of the owners , they burned the owners themselves in a fire made of the ruthers , oares , and plankes , of the ships . Others in the middest of the City were burned by a most miserable kind of death ; for , for want of wood , they brought the cuttings of vines , and making a fire of them , they cast into it these miserable men , who were killed , being rather scorched with smoke , than burnt with fire . Others were dragged with cords tied to their ancles through the Market-place , the common people insulting over them , and not sparing even their dead bodies , for having cut their members into pieces , they trampled upon them with such cruelty , that they suffered not any reliques of them to remain for burial , [ Id. in Legat. ad Caium . ] and if any did but bemoane the misfortune of his friend or kinsman , he was punished for his compassion presently , and being taken were scourged , and after they had endured all torments that bodies were able to endure , they were crucified . [ Id. in Flaccum . ] Flaccus the Governour commanded thirty eight of the Senate , which Augustus had appointed for a publick Council of the Jews , to be taken in their own houses , and forthwith to be bound ; and dragging these old men through the Market-place , their hands being tied behind them , some with cords some with chaines , brought them into the Theater , and commanded them to be stript and scourged as they stood before their enemies who sate as Judges . And among these were Erodius Tryphon , and Andron , even in the sight of them who had despoiled them of their goods : and although it was a custom that none should be condemned till the solemn celebrations and feast-dayes of the births of the Augusti were past ; yet Flaccus in those very dayes ( for the Birth-day of Caius fell on the last day of August ) and afflict these innocent men , after this manner dividing his playes . From the morning to the third or fourth hour of the day , the Jews were scourged , hanged , tied to wheeles , condemned , and led through the middle of the wrestling-place to punishment . Then were brought in Dancers , Jesters , Trumpeters , and other sports of Players : and women were carried away as captives , not onely in the Market-place , but in the open Theater also , and for any trifling cavil , were brought upon the stage , not without grievous reproaches ; but then knowing that they were not Jews , they were let go , for they apprehended many for Jews before they diligently considered the thing : but after they were found to be Jews , of spectators , they became tyrants , and commanded swines flesh to be given them , and as many of the Jewish woman as tasted it for fear of torments , without any more vexation were dismist● ; but those that would not eat it , were delivered over to be tortured with most grievous tortures . [ Ibid. ] Castus the boldest of the Centurions , is commanded by the Governour to take with him the valiantest of his Band , and to break into the Jews houses , to see if they had any armes hidden , who presently does what he is hidden : the Jews shewed all their private places to the searchers , where women never wont to go abroad , and the fearful Virgins , who for modesty avoided the sight of their own kindred , were made a spectacle not onely to men unknown , but also to the Military rage ; neverthelesse after all this scrutiny , the armes they looked for , were not found : for all armes were a little before taken from the Egyptians by Bassus , commanded by Flaccus to oversee that businesse : but there you might see a great number of ships to arrive at the Ports full of armes , which were fit to be taken from seditious men , who had often before assayed a revolt : but there was a clean other account to be made of the Jews , who never were suspected of a revolt , did follow their trades and gains which did make for the concord and peace of the City . [ Ibid. ] Whilst the feast of Tabernacles in the Autumnal Equinoctial was intermitted by the Jews so much afflicted ; Year of the World 4042 Flaccus the Governour is apprehended by Bassus the Centurion on a sudden as he was at a feast invited by Stephanion the freeman of Tiberius Caesar. Bassus being sent with a Band of souldies out of Italy on purpose to do it ; and when he had set sail in the beginning of Winter , being tossed with tempests by sea , after much toil , he scarcely arrives in Italy , where he is presently welcomed by those two malicious accusers , Lampo , and Isodorus , who had incited him against the Jews ; who being condemned and dispoiled of all both inheritance and houshold-stuff , which was very precious ; he is banished , and truly he had been banished into the most barren Island of Giarus in the Aegean sea , unlesse Lepidus had begged that he might be sent to dwell in Andros , which was nigh Giaros : where he died , being killed by the command of Caius , ( as did all Noble men that were banished . [ Ibid. ] Herodias , The Julian Period . 4752 the sister of Agrippa , Year after Christ 39 and wife of Herod the Tetrarch , seeing him so glorious in his Kingly Majesty , being madded with envy , did not cease , till she had perswaded her husband , that they might go to Rome , and beg the same dignity of Caesar. Agrippa knowing both their intention and preparation , as soon as ever he knew they had taken sea , he also sends his freed man Fortunatus to Rome to Caesar with gifts , and letters written against his Uncle . Herod comming to B●●al , a most pleasant Town of Campania , where Caesar then was , being admitted , Caesar prevents him , and gives him the leters he had received from Agrippa , which did accuse Herod , that he had formerly conspired with Scianus against Tiberius , and that now he favoured Artabanus the Pathian , against the new Empire of Caius , and for that purpose had prepared so many arms , as would furnish 70000 men , with which Caius being moved , asked Herod if those things were true that were spoken concerning the number of arms , which he granting , ( for he could not deny it ) Caius thinking the revolt enough proved , took from him the Tetarchy of Galilee and Peraea , which he afterwards added to Agrippas Kingdom , giving him also all his treasure , and sent Herod to Lyons in France , condemning him to perpetual banishment : but after he knew that Herodias was Agrippas sister , he allowed her her own proper trasure , and not thinking that she would willingly be her husbands companion in banishment , he promised to spare her in favour to Agrippa . She thanked Caius for this favour , but professed that at this time she could not make use of it , for she thought it a sin , to forsake her husband in his calamity , of whose good fortune , as long as he flourished , she had been partaker : which Caius taking in scorn , commanded her also to be banished with her husband , and gave her goods to Agrippa , [ Joseph . lib. 18. cap. 9. ] and so they were punished for their incestuous marriage . Eight years after John Baptist had been beheaded by this Herod , and six years after Christ our Saviour had been mocked by the same Herod . [ Luke . XXIII . 11. ] And also Pontius Pilate was so continually vexed by Caius , that he killed himself with his own hand , as Jerom in Chronico , out of the Roman Historians , and Eusebius in his Ecclesiasticall History , out of the Greek Writers of the Olympiades . [ lib. 2. cap. 7. ] and Orosius , [ lib. 7. cap. 5. ] and Cassiodorus in his Chronicle . Caius joyned all the distance between the Gulf Baiae , and the pyles of Puteoli , with a bridge almost 3600 paces long , in which there followed his Chariot , then did many more things in the nature of spoiles come after , as also of the hostages of the Parthians , the lad Darius ( the son of Artabanus ) Darius and Xerxes being named but in scorn , because he had made a longer bridge upon the sea than he . [ Joseph . 19. cap. 1. Sueton. C. Caligula . cap. 19. Dio. lib. 59. pag. 653. ] He also , under pretence of the German war , went a little beyond the Rhene , and then presently returned , as though he would go into Britain , [ Dion . lib. 59. pag. 656. ] Vitellius was sent for by Caius out of Syria , that he might be put to death , [ Id. ibid. pag. 661. ] for it was laid to his charge , that he had suffered Tiridates a King that Tiberius had sent to the Parthians to be thrust out of his Kingdome by them , [ id . in excerptis ab Henrico . Valesio . edit . pag. 670. ] Caius sent Petronius successour to Vitellius into Syria , [ Joseph . lib. 18. cap. 11. ] ( viz. Publius Perronius ) as it is manifest in Philo. in legatione ad Caium ) and in Joseph . lib. 19. cap. 6. ] of whom Strabo speakes in the year of the world 3983. ) and not that Lucius Petronius ( dead long before this time ) whom Valerius Maximus mentions , that being born of low parentage , came to the degree of being a Knight . [ lib 4. cap. 7. ] as Baronius thinkes [ anno Christi 41. num . 4. ] Vitellius coming to Caius delivers himself from death , after this manner , he had composed himself to an habit more humble , than his vain glory would well endure , and falling at Caesars feet , burst out into teares , and calling him God and adoring him , and then vowing that if he should escape this brunt , he would sacrifice to him , he so mollified and appeased Caesar , that he not only suffered him to live , but accounted him among his chiefest f●iends , [ Dion . lib. 59. pag. 661. ] and so he was the first that taught Caius to be adored a● a God , he being of an admirable wit , in flattering , when he was returned out of Syria , he durst not come into Caius presence , but with his face covered , turning himself about , and falling prostrate on the ground , [ Sueton. in A. Vitell. cap. 2. ] and when afterwards Caius affirmed that he had to do with the moon , and asked Vitellius , if he had not seen him when he companied with the goddesse , he with his eies cast down as astonished , and trembling , answered with a low voyce . O my Lord , it is only permitted to you gods to see one the other , [ Dion . ut supra . ] Vitellius having made this beginning , whereas he had governed the Provinces according to the vertue of his ancestours , he excelled all men in flattery . [ Dion . ibid. Tacit. Annal. 6. cap. 32. ] Then was Caiu Priest to himself , and took his horse as Colleague of his Priesthood , [ Dion . ibid. pag. 662. ] but at Miletum in Asia he commanded a temple to be built unto him , choosing this City before others , under colour because he said that Ephesus was taken up by Diana , and Pergamus and Smyrha , by Augustus and Tiberius , but the true reason was , because he did desire to get to himself that great and fair temple , which the Milesians had built to Apollo : [ id . in excerptis . Valesii . pag. 670. 673. ] he purposed also to finish the oracle Didymena at Miletum . [ Sueton. in C. Caligula . cap. 21. ] Strangers out of the neighbouring countries had crept into Jamnia , Year of the World 4043 a City of Judea , that was very populous , who did alwaies endeavour to do something against the Jewish customes : these when they heard by men that came thither , how much Caius desired to be worshipped as a God , and what an heavy friend he was to the nation of the Jews , presently rear an altar of Clay made into brickes , only that they might vex the Jews , this they taking in great scorn took clean away , of which their adversaries accuse them before Capito the Holy Quaestour , who had the ouersight of the tributes in Judea , he wrote to Caius , aggravating and amplyfying the businesse , and Caius commanded that for the Altar of brick that was overthrown in Jam●ia , they should place in the temple of Jerusalem a great image in honour or him all guilt , using herein the advises of Helicon an Egyptian , and Apelles of Ascalon a Tragedian , Caius commands Petronius the governour of Syria , by letters most accurately written concerning the dedication of the statue , that he should march with half the army ( appointed for defence against the irruptions of the Kings and nations of the East ) from Euphrates against the Jews , and that he should accompany the statue , not so much that the dedication might be the more majestick , but that if any one made resistanee , he might be presently put to death , but neither was the statue sent from Italy , neither was Petronius commanded to take any choice one out of all Syria , otherwise some sudden tumult would have risen , about the violation of the laws of the Jews , therefore Petronius commanded a statue to be prepared nearer hand , and sending for the best artificers out of Phenicia found the materialls , the shop where they should make it he appointed at Sidon . [ Philo. in legatione ad Caium . ] In the mean while he got as great an army as he could , and with two legions wintered at Ptolemais intending to prosecute the war at the beginning of the spring ; which he also signified to Caius by letter , who commending his industry , adviseth him to use all expedition therein , and abate the stubbornesse of that nation , so Josephus . [ lib. 18. cap. 11. ] In a sedition that arose between the Jews and the Greekes that dwelt at Alexandria , The Julian Period . 4753 three chosen Embassadours on either side were sent unto Caius the chief of the Embassy of the Jews was Philo a man most famous in all things and of the Greeks Appion [ id . ibid. cap. 10. ] Year after Christ 40 who being born at Oasis in Egypt , desired to be called rather of Alexandria , because he was made a Citizen of that place . [ id . lib. 2. against Appion . ] Pliny in his 37. book of his naturall history cap. 5. reports that by some he was surnamed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as it were after Conquerour , adding also these things of him in his preface to his whole work to Titu Vespasia● : Appion the Grammarian , he whom Tiberius Caesar called the cymball of the world , whereas he might rather be called the drum , wrote that they were immortalized by him , to whom he composed any thing , who wrote a most lying book against the Jews , to which Josephus answers in his second book against App●on , for the first book is opposed against other slanderers of the Jewish nation . The Embassadours of the Jews ( whom Philo confirmes to be five at the end of the Embassy written by himself , ( and not three as Josephus would have it ) sailed to Caius in the middest of winter , to entreat him that he would forbear those injuries which they did daily suffer , and they thought fit to offer to him a register containing the sum of all the calamities , and the petition against them , taken out of that larger petition which the Jews had sent him by their King Agrippa , their adversaries got the favour of Helicon the Egyptian , who was Prefect of the Emperours chamber , not so much with money , as with the hope of honours , which they promised to confer on him , as soon as ever Caius should come to Alexandria , whom when the Embassadour did desire to pacifie and appease , they could find no accesse to him . [ Philo. in legat . ad Caium . ] Caius himself at the first , ( dissembling his hatred against the Jews ) received their Embassadours in Mars his field , as he came out from his mothers gardens , saluted them with a chearfull countenance , and with his right hand made a sign , as though he would be kind unto them ; and sending Homulus unto them , who was Master of the Ceremonies , promised them that he would take cognizance of their cause when he had leisure , but afterwards when he came to visit the gardens of Mecenas and Lamia , both which were close one by the other , and neer the City , and the Embassadours being brought in , and done their reverence very humbly , and had saluted him by the name of Augustus Emperour , he grinningly asked them , are ye those hated of the gods , who alone contemn me being declared a god by the confession of all men , and had rather worship your unnamed thing . And then holding up his hands to heaven burst into a speech that was not lawfull to be heard , much lesse to utter in the same words , the adverse party then greatly rejoyced , calling him by all the names of the gods , which when Isidorus a bitter sycophant saw how he was pleased with these titles , he said : Thou wouldest , O my Lord more detest them , and all their stock , if thou d●dst but know their impiety and malice against thee , for all men else killing sacrifices of vowes for thy health , they only refrained to offer sacrifice . Then the Embassadours cried out with one consent : O my Lord Caius , we are falsely accused , we have sacrificed Hec●tombs , and we have not as the manner of some is , to bring a little bloud to the Altar , and then carry the flesh home to feast withall , but we have committed whole sacrifices to be burned with the holy fire , and that thrice , first , when thou succeededst in the empire , again when thou escapedst a great sicknesse , at which sicknesse all the world was sorrowfull , thirdly as a vow for the victory of Germany , well , answered Caius , say it were so , ye offered sacrifice , but to another , to me certainly ye did not sacrifice . Then an horrour seizeth on the Embassadours , being astonished at his last words , he in the mean while goes about the villages , he views the halls and parlours , both below and above staires , where also he asketh the Embassadours particularly , why they forbare swines flesh , and what right the Cities of Alexandria pretended , at length laying aside his fiercenesse he said , these men seem to me not to be so wicked as miserable , that cannot perswade themselves that I am partaker of the divine nature , and immediately departing commanded the Embassadours to be gone . [ ibid. ] Caius gave the Tetrarchy of his father-in law Herod ( who was banished to Lugdunum ) to Agrippa at his return from his Kingdom● . For when he had reigned three yeares in the Tetrarchy of Philip in the fourth that of Herod fell to him , [ Joseph . lib. 19. cap. ult . ] which beneficence in his Epistleto Caius , written after this , he thus acknowledges , Thou hast bestowed the Kingdome on me , than which there could be no happier fortune to a mortall , and which being at first but one region , thou hast enlarged by the addition of Trachonitis & Galilie . [ Philo. in Legat. ] Petronius convocated the chief of the Jews both Priests and Magistrates , to the end he might declare unto them the commands of Caius , that he should erect the statue and dedicate it in their temple , and also perswading them to take patiently the decrees of his Lord and Master , and cautioning them of the imminent danger that would ensue upon their disobedience , for that the whole power of the Syrian army was ready to make havock of them and their Countrey . At the first mention of these thing they were so dash't they had not a word to say , but powred forth whole rivers o● teares , tearing their hair and pulling their beards in most mournfull wise . But those of Jerusalem & all the Countrey about , that heard this , flocking together with one consent , giving the sign of their publick mourning , they went in one company ; leaving their houses , Towns , and Castles desolate , and continued their march till they car●● to Phaenicia , where Petronius then was . And there at first they made such a dole●●ll and so deep a noise that those that were by could not hear or be heard for it , and then made such compellations and imprecations , as calamitous times are c●mmonly ●he witnesses of . They were distributed into six rancks or orders of old men , young men and boyes ; of old woemen , wives , and maids , And when they saw Petronius upon a high place , all the rancks , as if by a generall word fell prostrate upon the ground , howling as it were in a mournfull tone : and being commanded to arise , could scarce be perswaded to it , and at last when they did , casting dust upon themselves , and hanging their hands backward like condemned persons , they came before him : by whose pittifull complaint and supplication , Petronius and all that sate with him being very much moved , when he had consulted the businesse , took order to send letters to Caius ; in which he signified that the dedication of the Statue was deferred , partly for that the workmen were required to the perfecting of the Colosse , which must be finisht at an appointed time ; partly for the gathering of the corn which was necessary against the expedi●ion . Caius it was reported , had intended for Egypt , and for that the corn was then 〈◊〉 ripe , and also it was to be feared , that the Jews would take so heavily the losse of their religion , that they would not only not value their own lives , but wast and burn up all the ha●vest throughout the fields and Mountains in their desperation . [ Ibid. ] Caius having received the letters for a time , dissembled his intestine anger to Petromus ; for he very much feared the Presidents , for that it was in their power to make new commo●ions , especially those of great Provinces , and numerous armes , such as was the tract of Syria ●o E●phrates . Having thus by his letters appeased him , he seemed to applaud his providence and dexterity in foreseeing future inconveniencies ; but withal , adding str●ct command , that when harvest was over , he should for pretence or matter delay the dedication of the Statue . [ Ibid. ] The Ambassadors of the Alexandrian Jews received the message , That Caius had commanded his Col●sse should be placed at the innermost entrance of the Temple , inti●●led with the sir-name of New Jupiter . With which news being affrighted , they enter into the Conclave all together , deploring as well the publick , as their private calamity : yet hoping that God would not be wanting , then who had so often delivered 〈◊〉 nation from ruine . [ Ibid. ] When Agrippa came in his wonted manner to salute Caius , looking sternly upon him , he said , Your good and honest Citizens , who alone of all mankind think scorn to have Caius for a god , even take a course in likelihood to bring destruction upon themselves by their contumacy , who , when I commanded the Statue of Jupiter to be dedicated in their Temple , run wholly out of the City not like suppliants indeed , but truely despisers of my commands . By which words he was so struck with horrour , that trembling , and his knees striking together , he had sur●ly fallen to the ground , had not the standers by supported him : who were commanded to carry him home in that condition , that by the suddennesse of the impresson , he had lost his remembrance , and was grown quite stupid and senselesse . But Caius was the more exasperated against the Nation of the Jews , saying , If Agrippa , who is my familiar friend , and obliged to me by so many benefits , is so set upon his Country rites , that he cannot endure they should be violated so much as by my word only , but is swounded at it , what is to be expected from them who have no tie to restrain them ? [ Philo. de L●gat . ] When Agrippa was come to himself , he wrote very large Epistles to Caius , in behalf of his Country . ( inserted by Philo , in the book of his Embassy ) which he closeth with this Epilogue . What will my kinsmen , or any else say of me ? for either it will follow , that I am a betrayer of my Country , or I must hereafter be blotted out of the list of thy friends , than either of which , what can be more unhappy ? for that hitherto I have been thy favourite , shall be accounted a traytour , if I neither preserve my Country from indemnity , nor the Temple inviolate . For you that are in power , are used to consult the relief of those who fly to your imperiall power for relief . But if in any thing I am offensive to you , do me the favour not to bind me ( as Tiberius ) but least I should remain in fear of bonds , kill me presently . For what need have I then of life , when as the hope of my welfare , wholly consists in your favour . [ Ibid. ] Caius seeming to be somewhat appeased by these letters , answers more mildly , and grants Agrippa as a great favour , that the Statue should not be dedicated , and upon the same wrote to Petronius , the President of Syria , that he should make no innovation in the Temple of the Jews . But least this favour should seem too intire , he mixt some terrour , thus writing : But if any shall please in the outer Provinces , or any where out of the Metropolis , in any outer City , to dedicate any Temple or Altar to me , whosoever shall oppose it , let them either be presently put to death or sent to me . But divine providence so ordered it , that none in any of the outer Provinces did any thing in that businesse . [ Ibid. ] When the Pestilence grew very hot at Babylon , a great multitude of the Jews went from thence to Seleucia , whither many more of them came five years after from Neerda , ( which is a City of Babylonia , incompassed by the flowing of Nilus , and an Academy of the Jews , whence in Syriac it is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as if one should say , The R●ver of Knowledge . ) Now at Seleucia , the Grecians and Syrians were alwayes at odds , but the Grecian faction 〈◊〉 was too hard for the Syrian . Since the coming of the Jews the Syrian● by their friendship became the stronger party , besides that , they still increased in warlike and resolute men . Wherefore when the Greeks saw they w●nt down the wind , and knew not how to recover themselves , they made all the friendship they could handsomly , to have a peace mediated between them and the Syrians , a thing they easily obtained . For the chief men on both sides treating in the businesse , they concluded and confirmed a peace , on condition they should both prosecute the Jews . And going upon them at unewares , slew to the number of fifty thousand men , so that none escaped , unlesse saved by the mercy of some friend or kinsman . They go from hence to C●esiphon , a Grecian City near Seleucia , where the King used to take up his winter quarter , and where was laid up the greatest and best part of his houshold stuff , and there they fixt , establishing themselves under the reverence of the regal majesty . But the terrour of the Babylonians and Seleucians spread it self over all those parts of Judea : wheresoever any of the Syrians were in those parts with the Seleucians , they conspired their ruine . Whence it came to passe that many betook themselves to Neerda and Nisibis , reposing the confidence of their security , in their strong fortifications , although otherwise they were possest by very warlike people . [ Joseph . lib. 18. cap. ult . fin . ] Caius ●●iumphantly enters Rome on his Birth-day ( which was the last of the moneth August . ) [ Sueton in C. Calig . cap. 43. ] When the Alexandrian Legats appeared before Caius , Year of the World 4044 Apion laid many things to the charge of the Jews , and amongst the rest , that they did not yeild Caesar his due respect ; for when far and near all Nations built Temples and Altars to Caius , and worshipped him with equal honour with the rest of their deities , the Jews onely thought scorn to build Altars to him , or swear by the name of C●esar . When he had alledged these and what other matters he thought would exasperate Caius , Philo prepared to answer him , but was interrupted by Caesars commanding him to be gone , who was so enraged that he very hardly escaped without injury . Philo being thus ejected , bids courage to those that accompany him ; for that although Caius was angry in his words , yet they might be ass●red that God would defend and provide for them , for all that he could do . [ Joseph . lib. 18. cap. 10. Euseb. lib. Histor. Eccles. 5. ] Caius repenting of the favour he had granted the Jews , commanded another colosse to be built at Rome brazen and guilt , letting that alone at Sidon lest it should cause any commotions among the people , and that being carried privately by ship , it might be plac't in the Temple at Jerusalem before any were aware of it . And this was to be done as they sailed into Egypt , for he had an exceeding great desire of seeing Alexandria , and with great care provided for his journey , intending there to stay long ; possest that his deification which he dream't of , would succeed in this City alone , and from thence the religion would disperse and flow to the other lesse Cities . So Philo who was very well acquainted with these things writes in his Legation to Caius , out of which that of Tacitus is to he corrected . Being commanded by Caesar to place his Statue in their Temple , they chose rather to take up armes : which commotion the death of Caesar quash't and appeased . [ Histor. lib. 5. cap. 9. ] Apelles the Ascalonite who incited Caius against the Jews , is by him bound and rackt in a most tormenting and delayed manner , with some intermissions to make it the more grievous ; for some other crimes he had committed , [ Philo. de Legat. ] Caius being admonished by the Antiatinian lots to take heed of Cassius , having Cassius Longinus then Proconsul of Asia in suspition for that he was of the family of Cassius , one of the murderers of Caesar ; he commanded him to be brought bound to him , and condemned him to death , not remembering that Chaereas , who a little after killed him , was also called Cassius , [ Sueton. in C. Calig . cap. 57. Dio. lib. 49. cap. 662. ] Apollonius the Egyptian , who at home foretold what should become of Caius , being dragged before him to Rome , the day before his death , ( which Suetonius in his 58 chapter denotes to be the IX . Kalends of February ) and being brought out a little after to suffer , escap't away safe . [ Dio. ibid. pag. 663. ] C. Caligula reigned three years ten moneths and eight dayes , as Suetonius hath it , [ cap. 59. ] And Clemenes Alexandrinus in his first book Stromatum ; or rather 9 moneths and 28 dayes , as Dio relates in the end of his 59 book : In whose place his Uncle Claudius Caesar the son of Drusius , is declared Emperour by the Praetorian Bands . King Agrippa , when he heard that the Empire was forced upon Claudius by the souldiery , with much adoe in making way through the multitude , he came to him , and finding him troubled and desirous to resign his place to the Senate , he confirmed him against such fears , and encourages him to go on couragiously , and retain the Soveraignty . Now one of Claudius his favourites being called by the Senate , dissembling that he knew any thing of the businesse , and coming all anointed as if from drinking , asks them what was done concerning Claudius , and they telling him the truth , and asking his advice ; he sayes he would forsake no danger that might be for the dignity of the Senate , and that he thought the best way was to send some to Claudius who might perswade him to lay down his authority , and to that Embassie offered himself for one . When he was sent with others to Claudius , he told him plainly the fearful condition the Senate was in , and advised him to answer like a Prince , and himself ; as also he was the came that afterwards the same Claudius was more mild to the Senate than he would have been . [ Joseph . lib. 19. cap. 3. ] 〈…〉 confirmed in the Empire , sent Mithridates Iberus ( whom Caius had k●pt in 〈◊〉 ) home to receive his kingdom , and to another Mithridates who was descended from that great Mithridates , he gave the kingdom of Bosphorus , except a part of 〈◊〉 which he gave to Polemon . [ Dio. lib. 60. pag. 670. ] As for Agrippa of Palaestine who helped him to the enjoyment of the Soveraignty , who was then at Rome , he enlarged his kingdom , and bestowed consular honours upon him . To his brother Herod also he gave Pretorian dignity , and a certain Principality ( to wit that of Chalcis ) and permitted them to go into the Senate and give thanks to the fathers there . [ Id. ibid. ] Also Claudius proposed an Edict whereby he confirmed Agrippa in the kingdom former●y granted him by Caius , praising both his endeavour and his industry adding likewise , Judea and Samaria , for that they did formerly belong to the kingdom of his Grandfather Herod . These therefore he restored as due to the Family : But Abila and the uttermost of his command in Libanus , which was Lysanias's , he added of his own . Therefore was there a League betwixt the King and the people of Rome cut in brasse in the midst of the Forum of the City . [ Joseph . lib. 19. cap. 4. ] Claudius dismist Alexander Lysimachus of Alabarcha his old friend , and formerly Procurator to his mother Antonia , whom Caius in his anger had committed to bonds , to whose son , Marcus , Berenice the daughter of Agrippa was betrothed , ( of which see Acts XXV . 13 , 23. ) who dying before marriage , the King places the Virgin with his brother Herod , having begged the kingdom of Chalcis of Claudius for him . [ Id. ibid. ] He bestowed Comagena and a great part of Cilicia upon Antiochus whom Caius had deprived of his kingdom . [ Id. ibid. Dio. lib. 60. pag. 670. ] Helicon the Egyptian who was master of the Bed-chamber to Caius , and the man that most incited him against the Jews , was by Claudius for other crimes put to death , as Philo notes in the book of his Legation to Caius : which book ironically intitled De virutibus ( for that therein the wickednesse of Caius was set out in Colours ) he is said at the command of Claudius before the whole Senate , to have recited : and that afterwards the Romans were so taken not onely with that , but many other works made by him , that they thought them worthy as precious Monuments to be said up in their publick Library , [ Euseb. lib. 2. Histor. Ecclesiast . cap. 17. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in . ] among which were five books of the miseries the Jews endured under the Empire of Caius , written by him ; of which three were lost , [ Id. ibid. cap. 5. ] one to Flaccus , and the other of his Embassie are still remaining . Caius being slain , the Jews who under him were much oppressed by the Alexandrians , began to cheer up , and presently resumed their armes . Then Claudius commanded the President of Egypt that he should appease that tumult , and at the entreaty of Agrippa the King of Judea , and Herod the King of Chalcis , he sent an Edict to Alexandria , written in these words . I will that their rites be nothing infringed by the madn●sse of Caius , and that they shall have full power and liberty to persevere in their fathers religion and worship . And I command both parties , as much as in them lies , to study peaceableness● one towards the other , and to endeavour to prevent all distractions or commotions of State between them . [ Joseph . lib. 19. cap. 4. ] Claudius at the entreaty of the said Kings , the second time he was designed Consul ( the first year of his raign ) permitted the Jews not onely of Alexandria , but wheresoever dispersed in his whole Empire , to live according to their own laws , and the rites of their Ancestors ; withal advising them that under this grace they should live the more modestly and warily , and that they should not abuse the religions of the outer Nations ; but that they should be content quietly to enjoy their own customs and traditions . [ Ibid. ] But when they grew so numerous at Rome that the city could scarce bear them without tumults . He did not eject them but forbad those that lived after their own laws to convent themselves : also the colledges reduced by Caius , and the taverns in which they met and drunk , he clearly abolished . [ Dio. lib. 60. pag. 669. ] Claudius by his letters commending him to all Presidents and Governours of Provinces , sends King Agrippa into his own kingdom to look to the charge of it , who with very great expedition came to Jerusalem , and there paid his vows , omitting nothing prescribed by the Law. He commanded many Nazarites to be shaven , and hung up a gold chain which he had received from Caius as a monument of his many miseries and happy deliverances by God , in the holy Temple over the Treasury . Having duly performed his vows to God , he deposed Theophilus the son of Annanius from the High-Priest-hood , and constituted Simon sirnamed Cantharus in his room , which Simon was the son of Boethus , Herod the Great his father in law . In fine , he gained the good will , and engaged the thankfulnesse of the Hierosolymites to him by remitting a tribute to them , which they constantly every year paid out of every house . He made Silas master of all the Militia wholly , who was his constant companion in all his difficulties and designes . [ Joseph . lib. 19. cap. 5. ] A little after this , the Doritae , certain rash young men , under pretence of religion , erected a statue in the Temple at Jerusalem to Caesar ; at which Agrippa , King of the Jews , being much moved , went immediately to Petroneus into Syria , and complained of the impudent boldnesse of them : who himself being no lesse offended at it , as an impiou● thing , and against the positive decree of the Empire . He wrote very sharply to the Magistrates of the Doritae , that they should send those bound to him , whosoever they were , that durst make such attempts , and so contrary to the Emperours commands , and commanding for the future , that none should dare to do any such thing . [ Id. ib. cap. 5. 8. 6. ] At Caesarea , Cornelius , a Roman C●nturion of a Company belonging to the Italian band , one very well inclined to , and studious of the Jewish Religion , but uncircumcised , ( such as the Hebrews were wont to call Proselites of the Gate , and the Godly of the Nations ) about the ninth hour of the day , is commanded by an Angel appearing to him , to send for Simon Peter , who was now to stay a great while at the house of Simon a Tanner : who obeying the command , sent two of his houshold servants , and a Go●ly Souldier , one of those that were constantly with him . [ Acts X. 1 , 8. compared with IX . 43. ] The day after , as they journied , and drew near to the City , Peter ascends unto the house top to pray about the sixth hour : where whilest dinner was providing for him , and he hungry , behold a great li●nen sheet let down from Heaven , full of all kind of living creatures ; of which being commanded to eat promiscuously , he is thereby taught , that the Gentiles are not to be accounted for unclean . The next day , when with those that were sent by Cornelius and six brethren of Joppa , who accompanied them , he came unto Caesarea , where he finds at Cornelius his house , his whole family , and many more gathered together , he preaches a Sermon to them all , whereby they were converted to the faith of Christ , and the spirit of God descending upon them all , of its own accord , without any laying on of hands of Peter , he baptized them into Christ. [ Acts X. 8. 48. & XI . 5 , 17. ] And the Apostles and brethren that were at Judea , heard that the Gentiles also had received the Word of God. When therefore Peter came to Jerusalem , there arose a contention betwixt those that had been converted out of Judaism to Christ , and Peter for that he did converse with uncircumcised persons , and eat with them . But when he had declared unto them the full and whole matter , and proved it by the testimony of the six that were with him , they were pacified , and glorified God , who also had given repentance unto life , unto the Gentiles . [ Acts XI . 1 , 18. ] King Agrippa deprived Simon Cantharas of his High Priest-hood ; and when be would have confer'd it on Jonathan , the son of Ananus , he refusing it out of modesty , and because he had been once degraded , he bestowed it upon Matthias his brother , whom Jonathan commended to it , as far more worthy than himself . [ Joseph . lib. 19. cap. 6. ] Vibus Marsus succeeded Petronius in the administration of the affairs of the Province of Syria . [ Id. ibid. ] Silas , master of the Militia to King Agrippa , because all along he had been faithful to him , and never refused to partake with him in any danger , having gained his intimate friendship , began now to require equal honour with the King , and grew troublesome in his familiar conference , sometimes extolling himself beyond modesty , sometimes calling to remembrance the adversity of his former fortune , which he would repeat so often , that he very highly exasperated the King against him , insomuch , that he did not only deprive him of his command , but sent him bound into his own Country , there to be kept . A little after the King being to celebrate his birth-day , he sent for Silas , that he might be at the Kingly feast : but when he sent him back a churlish answer , the King ●'n left him to his keepers . [ Id. lib. 19. cap. 7. ] King Agrippa , having turned his care chiefly upon Jerusalem , fortified the walls of that which was called the new City , and made the gates wider and higher than before they had been , all at the publick charge , and had so ordered the businesse , that they had been in expugnable by humane force , had not Marsus , the President of Syria , certified the same by letters to Claudius : who suspecting that the Jews were about to attempt some innovation , writ earnestly to Agrippa , that he should desist from the work , and he immediately obeyed . [ Id. ibid. ] A door of Faith being now opened to the Gentiles , the Cyprians and Cyrenians , who after the martyrdom of Stephen , were dispersed at Antioch in Syria , preached Christ to the Greeks , ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , here the most ancient book of Alexandria hath it , not as the Vulgar 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) and there was a great number that believed and turn'd unto the Lord. When this came to the ears of the Church at Jerusalem , she sent thither Barnabas , who admonisht them all stedfastly to adhere unto the Lord. And a great company were joyned unto to the Lord. [ Acts. XI . 20 , 24. ] A great famine now raging at Rome , Claudius did not only take care for the present to provide plenty of provision , but took a course for the future : for since the most part of their corn , and other provision , came from forraign Lands , and the mouth of Tiber had no convenient ports , he built the Portum Ostiae . [ Dio. lib. 60. pag. 671 , 672. ] At eleven years end it was scarce finisht , although he kept at it constantly thirty thousand men working . [ Sueton. in Claud. cap. 20. ] This famine which hapned in the second year of Claudius , was particular , as also was that other in his eleventh vear , of which Tacitus , [ lib. 12. cap. 43. ] Suetonius [ in Claudia . cap. 18. ] and Orosius [ lib. 7. cap. 6. ] make mention , not that universal one foretold by Agabus . That which began in the fourth year of the same Claudius , is manifest , not only by Eusebius his Chronicle & Orosius , [ lib. 7. cap. 6. ] but also by the time of Herod Agrippa's death , which was at the very same time . [ Acts XII . 23 , 25. ] Barnabas goes to Tarsus to seek Saul , and having found him brings him to Antioch And it came to passe that for a whole year they met together in the Church , and taught a great multitude , and the disciples were first called Christians at Antioch . Which name being derived in a Latine form and not a Greek one , from Christ , it seems to have been imposed by some Romans that were then at Antioch . About this time the Prophets went down from Jerusalem to Antioch , one of whom ( Agabus ) made known by the Spirit that there would come a great famine upon the whole world generally . [ Acts XI . 27 , 28. ] Claudius brought the Ly●ians again to his servitude , who had tumulted even to the slaughter of many Romans , and said their Countrey to the Prefectour-ship of Pamphilia , whilst he was examining which businesse in Court , there was a certain Embassadour a Lycian indeed by his parents , but born at Rome . He asked him some questions in Latine which language , when he found he did not understand , he deprived him of his priviledg saying , it is not meet he should be a Roman , who hath not the Roman language . [ Dio. lib. 60. pag. 676. ] King Agrippa having at the immense charge of Berytus built a Theatre , Amphitheatre , baths , & porches , celebrated the dedication of them most sumptuously ; exhibiting shews in the theatre , all kinds o● musical ostentations or stris'ts , and other variety of pleasures : and in the Amphitheane many paires of fencers . And furthermore being desirous to gratifie and please the spectators , he caused two troops of Malefactors to be drawn out , and to fight promiscuously to the number of about 700 persons , that so this praesantion of war might concur aswell to the punishment of the malefactors as the delight of those that were in peace , and so they were all destroyed by one anothers mutuall wounds . [ Joseph . lib. 19. cap. ult . ] At last these Kings came to the very Tiber , Antiochus of Commagena , Sampsigeranus of the Emesens , Corys of the lesser Armenia , Ptolemon of Pontus , and besides these his brother Herod King of Calcis ; to whom whilst they there delaied came also Marsu president of Syria . Agrippa therefore observing his due respects to the Romans went to meet him , even to the seventh stone . But when he rode in the same chariot with his guests , Marsius distrusted the friendship of so many Kings , and therefore sent his messengers to every one in particular to depart without delay . At which Agrippa was most grievously offended so that he hated Marsus , [ id . ibid. ] and very often sollicited Claudius by his letters , to depose Marsus from his president-ship of Syria . [ id . lib. 20. c. 1. ] Agrippa having taken the High-Priesthood , from Matthias the son of Ananus , bestowed it upon Elionaeus the son of Cithaeus [ Id. lib. 19. cap. ult . ] The famine foretold by Agabus encreasing , The Julian Period . 4757 the Christians of Antiochia , Year after Christ 44 gathering a subsidie for their friends that lived in Judea , sent it by the hands of Barnabas and Saul , after they had together now for a whole year preached the word of the Lord to the people of Antioch . [ Acts XI . 26 , 29 , 30. ] About this time King Herod Agrippa ( as the Syriac paraphrast doth rightly name him here ) laying hands upon them infested some of the Church , [ Acts XII . 1. ] as contradicting the institutions and rites of their Countrey , of which he was a most religious observer as Joseph testifies . [ lib. 19. cap. ult . ] He slew James ( the son of Zebedaeus ) the brother of John with a sword , [ Acts XII . 2. ] Clemens Alexandrinus ads moreover out of the Tradition our Ancestours in his seventh book Hypotypeseon , [ apud Euseb. lib. 2. Histor. Eccles. cap. 8. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ] that this is the very same man that brought James into Judgement , and when he saw how freely he gave testimony of Jesus notwithstanding his most severe forbidding of him , ingeniously confest , he was a Christian. When they were therefore brought both together to punishment , that he desired leave of James that he might suffer with him , and James considering a little of it , said , Peace be unto thee , and kissed him , and so afterwards they were both beheaded . The King seeing that the death of James pleased the people , cast Peter into prison , in the dayes of Azimus , delivering him to 4 Quaternions , that is 16 souldiers to guard him , intending after the Passeover to bring him out to the people . But there were prayers made daily in the Church for him , and an Angel of the Lord delivered him miraculously in the night ; and he went to the house of Mary the mother of John Marcus , where many were congregated and at prayer , and telling them that they might certifie James the son of Alphaeus and brother of our Lord , and the rest , of the manner of his deliverance , he went into another place . [ Acts XII . 3 , 17. ] Herod being frustrate of his hope , in a rage commands the innocent keepers to be dragged to execution , and he going down to Caesarea stayed there . He was prejudiced in his mind against the Tyrians and Sidonians : whose land being not sufficient to maintain them ( especially in that year of scarcity ) they were forced to seek for themselves sustentation from Galilee and other places under Herods jurisdiction . They came therefore unanimously to him by them mediation of Blastus the Kings Chamberlain , whom they had made their friend , desiring peace of him . A day being appointed , Herod in his Royal Attire , and sitting before the Tribunal , made a speech to them : the people with acclamations shouting out . 'T is the voice of a God , and not man. But presently an Angel of the Lord smote him , because he did not give the glory to God ; and being eaten up of worms he gave up the ghost . [ Acts XII . 3 , 17. ] The very same History Josephus exemplifies : adding also the appearing of the owl , lest the divination of his German Prophet should seem void . He had now finished the third year of his raign [ the fourth now beginning ] when he came to Caesarea , which was formerly called Stratons tower , where he solemnized some yearly playes for Caesars health : to which festivity a great multitude of Noble men and youngsters came together out of all the Province . On the second day of this celebrity , he goes all attired with his Princely Robes richly and curiously wrought with silver , which by the reflection of the rising Sun yeilding an angelical or extraordinary lustre , struck reverence into the spectators . And presently some wicked parisites with acclamations from a far off , saluted him God , desiring him to be propitious to them , for that hither to they had onely honoured him as a man , but now they saw there was something more in him than humane . This impious adulation he neither refused nor repelled : and a little after looking up , he saw over his head an owl sitting upon a rope extended upon some occasion , and presently perceiving that as this was an indicium of his good fortune , so now of his ruine , he was struck to the very heart . Afterwards his belly began to torment him more and more grievously , wherefore turning to his friends , he said . Behold I who by your appellation am a God , am commanded out of this life , my certain fate giving the lye to your flattery , and I whom you saluted immortal , am forc't to death , But I must endure the pleasure of the Heavens , for I have not lived ill , yea so happily that all men may call me blessed . Having spoken these things his pain grew worse and worse : and presently these things being di●vulged about the Country , the rumour went that he was adying ; wherefore immediately all the people with their wives and children were in sackcloth after their country manner , praying to God for the health of their King , making all places ring with their lamentations and howling . And the King lying on a high bed and looking down and seeing the people prostrate on their faces , he could not forbear weeping . In fine his pain lasted in great extremity , and without intermission for five dayes space , and he then ended his life . [ Joseph . lib. 19. cap. ult . ] Josephus attributes to him seven years raign , four under Caius ( deduceing three or four moneths ; for Caius himself did not rule four whole years ) and three under Claudius ; ( adding in like manner three or four moneths ) and addes further of him , that his yearly revenue came to one thousand two hundred myriades , which , he was so noble and liberal , did not suffice his expences , but that he was fain to borrow money . [ Ibid. ] Before the Kings death was divulged , Herod the Dynast of Chalcis , and Chelcias the Master of the Militia conferred together , and sent Ariston to kill Silas their common enemy , as if by the Kings command . [ Ibid. ] Agrippa left of his posterity one son only , named Agrippa , at that time in the 17 year of his age , who was educated at Rome with Claudius , and three daughters , of whom Berenice was married to Herod her Uncle at the age of sixteen , and the other two he left Virgins : Mariamme ten years old betrothed by her father to Julius Archelaus the son of Chelcias , and Drusilla six years of age by him likewise betrothed to Epiphanes the son of Antiochus , King of the Comagenians . [ Ibid. ] When it was certainly known that Agrippa was dead , the Caesareans and Sebastians ( two Cities built by his father ) cast out most unworthy reproaches against the dead Prince : and the common Souldiers , with one consent , dragging his and his daughters Statues out of the Palace , brought them into the brothels , and abused them in such calumnious wise , that it is a shame to tell : and making feasts and banquets in all publick places , they fall to jollity , adorning themselves with garlands , and anointing their bodies , sacrificing , or making offerings to Charon , and even worshipping one another , for the joy they conceived by the death of the King. [ Id. ibid. ] The Word of God being sowed , increased and multiplied . But Barnabas and Saul returned to Jerusalem , when they had finished their ministery there , and took along with them John Mark. [ Acts XII . 24 , 25. ] Claudius deprived the Rhodians of their liberty , because they had crucified certain Romans . [ Dio. lib. 60. pag. 681. ] When Claudius would have sent young Agrippa into his Kingdom , to succeed his father , his freed men and friends , who could do much with him , diswaded him , saying , It was dangerous to commit so great a Kingdom to so young a youth , who had scarce passed child-hood ; and so very unfit to rule there , since it was a great burthen for the stayedst mans souldiers . In which he could not deny but they spoke rationally and truly . [ Joseph . lib. 19. cap. ult . ] Although indeed their aim was at the praefectureship of that Kingdom , thereby to make themselves rich . Whither is to be referred that of Tacitus . [ lib. 9. hist. cap. 9. ] Claudius the King being dead , or brought low , granted the prefecture of Judea to Roman Knights , or freed men . Claudius therefore made Cuspius Fadus , President of Judea , and all the Kingdom of Agrippa , ( which was much greater than the first Herod his grandfathers ) honouring the dead King in this , that he would not being Marsus his enemy into his Kingdom : and chiefly gave Fadus in charge , severely to chastise the Caesareans and Sebastians for their injury to their dead King , and the contumely against his daughters yet living ; and drew out the Caesarean band , and the Sebastian , with the fifth Cohort , to make war in Pontus : and substituted in their room Souldiers chosen out of the Romans , that were appointed to defend Syria . But afterwards the Souldiers sending an Embassadour to Claudius , obtained of him that they might stay in Judea , who in aftertimes were the beginning of most grievous calamity to the Jews , and the very seed of that war which grew up in the Presidentship of Florus . [ Joseph . lib. 19. fin . ] Josephus writes in the beginning of his twentieth book , that having amov'd Marsus in ●avour of his dead friend Agrippa , Claudius made Cassius Longinus Prefect of Syria in his stead , although for three years after this , Tacitus will have him to be President there . The Jews that dwelt beyond the river Jordan , Year of the World 4048 had a contest with the Philadelphians , about the limits of the Town Na●a , a place full of most warlike people . The Transamn●nsians , or the Jews beyond the River , without the knowledge or consent of their rulers , took arms , and slew many of the Philadelphians . Which when Caspius knew , he was very much offended , for that if the Philadelphians had done them any wrong , they would not make him acquainted , when as so they might have been righted , but did so rashly run to arms on their own heads . Therefore having laid hold of three of the ringleaders , he commanded they should be bound , one of these , by name Anibas , he executed ; the other two , to wit Amaramus and Eleazer he banished . And not long after , he took and condemned Tholomaeus to death , who was chief of the robbers , and had in many things very much injured the Pamaeans and the Arabians , and did his endeavour to scour the whole Country of Judea of all robberies . [ Joseph . lib. 10. cap. 1. ] Cassius Longinus ( or as Tacitus thinks , Vibius Marsus ) being President of Syria , and coming to Jerusalem with his army , together with Caspius Fadus , Procurator of the Jews , called together the Priests and chief of the Jews , and plainly shewed unto them the full purport of the Emperours commands ; That the stole and other ornaments of the High Priest , in the Tower called Antonia , should be laid up and kept by the Romans , as it was wont to be before Vitellius his time . They durst not contradict them in any thing , but desired leave to send an Embassadour to Caesar , to endeavour to gain that favour of him , that they might not be deprived of the priviledge of keeping the holy stole , and that they would have so much patience as to remain Caesars answer in it . They answered , That they might , if they would first give hostages for the performance of Caesars will , and their security . They readily delivered up their children , and dispatch away Embassadours . [ Joseph . lib. 15. cap. ult . & lib. 20. cap. 1. ] In the Church at Antioch there were Prophets , and Doctors , Barnabas and Simeon , Niger and Lucius , Cyrenaeus ( and Manahem , who was educated together with Herod the Tetrarch ) and Saul . All which serving God and fasting , the Holy Ghost commanded Barnabas and Saul to separate themselves from the rest , and set themselves to preaching the gospell . These being commended to God by the Church , with fasting and praying and imposition of hands , taking with them John Marc. a servant , they came to Seleucia , and from thence sailed into Cypru● , ( Barnabas his Countrey ) where amongst the Salaminians they first began to preach the word of God in the Synagogues of the Jews . [ Acts XIII . 1 , 4. ] Travailing over that Island as far as Paphas , they there found a false prophet a Jew , Barjesu , sir-named Elymas or Magus , who endeavoured to divert Sergius Paulus the ruler of that Countrey having a desire to hear Paul and Barnabas , Saul having sharply reproved this man he was presently struck with blindnesse , and the Proconsull being moved by this miracle and the Doctrine of the Gospell was converted to the faith . And from this time Saul is alwaies found named by his new name Paul. Then he and those that came with him to Paphus went to Perga of Pamphilia , where John Marcus leaving them returns to Jerusalem . [ ibid. ] The Hierosolymitan Embassadours by the intercession of Agrippa , who was then with Claudius 〈◊〉 the confirmation of that priviledg of keeping the Stole first granted them by Vitellius . And also prevailed for a rescript in this businesse from Claudius in the V. year of his Tribunall power to the Magistrates at Jerusalem . Dated the IV. Kalends of July by Rufus , and Pompeius Sylvanus Consuls , writing to Herod King , Chalcis , and Aristobulus the younger his most endeated friends , that herein he would gratifie them . [ Joseph . lib. 15. cap. ult . & lib. 20. cap. 1. ] About the same time Herod the King of Chalcis petitions Claudius with successe for the command of the temple and holy treasury , and the right of chusing the High-Priests . [ id . lib. 20. cap. 1. ] Claudius because that upon his birth day there would be an eclipse of the Sun , and in regard there had some prodigies happened , fearing least it might occasion some stir and tumult ; before the time , he , in writing published not only that there would be an eclipse , but the very time , space , and all the naturall causes of it , and demonstrated that it could be no otherwise , [ Dio. lib. 60. pag. 682. ] Now the birth-day of Claudius fell upon the Kalends of August , [ id . ibid. pag. 667. ] on which day the Sun almost two houres before noon was in eclipse to a fourth part of the Diameter . Herod , King of Chalcis , amo●ing Simon Cantharas placed his son Josephus Canens ( or Camydes ) in the High-Priest-hood . [ Joseph . lib. 20. cap. 1. ] Theudas , a meer impostor , pretending himself to be a prophet , perswaded a great multitude of the Jews to take their riches with them , and follow him to Jordan ; prom●sing them that he would divide the river and make them an easie way through ; against these Fabius Caspius the Procurator of the Jews , sent out some troops of horse , who entring in upon the body of them at unawares , slew a great number of them , & took many alive , amongst the rest Theudas himself whose head they took off and brought it to Jerusalem . [ Joseph . lib. 20. cap. 2. fin . ] Paul and Barnabas leaving Perga came to Antioch in Pisidia , and entring into their Synagogues on the sabbath day after the reading of the Law and the Prophets , are invited by the rulers of the Synagogue to teach , where Paul having made an excellent sermon , and being gone out of the Jews Synagogus , the Gentiles entreated that they would expound the same things to them the next sabbath day , and the company being dissolved many devout Jews and religious Proselytes follow Paul and Barnabas who speaking to them admonished them to continue in the grace and favour of God. [ Acts XIII . 14. 43. ] The next Sabbath almost all the whole City came flocking to hear the word of God , but the Jews seeing the multitude were filled with envy and contradicted what Paul spoke● with whose blasphemies Paul and Barnabas being grievously offended they left the Jews , and preach only to the Gentiles : who with joy embracing the Gospell , all , as many as were ordained to eternall life , believed : and the word of God was divulged over that whole Nation : where the Jews being frustrated in their malitious design by the meanes of many religious woemen , ( called by the Hebrews Proselytes of the gate ) both honourable and the chief in the City , they raised a commotion , and drove Paul and Barnabas out of their coasts , who shaking the dust of their feet against them , they came to Iconium and the Disciples were filled with joy , and the Holy Ghost . [ ib. 44 , 52. ] At Iconium Paul and Barnabas entring the Synagogue of the Jews spake so , that both Jews and Greeks might beleive . But the Jews , who were incredulous , exasperated and prejudiced the minds of the Graecians against the brethren . Yet they sta●ied there a great while and spoke freely as inspired by the Lord who gave testimony to the word of his grace , and did many miracles by their hands [ Acts XIV . 1 , 2 , 3. ] At which time Thecla a noble maid of Iconium is thought to be converted to the faith of Christ : whose acts are notwithstanding most deservedly set down amongst the Apocrypha by the LXX . a Synod of Bishops had under Gelasius . The multitude of Iconium being divided , some were for the Jews some for the Apostles : But when it came to passe that a strength both of Jews and Gentiles together with their chief Rulers came flocking to injure and stone them , they fled away into the cities of Lyconia , Lystra , and Derbe , and the Region thereabouts , and there preached the Gospel . [ Acts XIV . 4 , 7. ] At Lystra a man lame from his mothers womb is curd by Paul in the Senate . Whenas the Lystrians would have sacrificed to Paul as Mercury , and Barnabas as Jupiter , They tearing their cloaths denied that honour , and had much adoe to restrain the multitude from sacrificing to them . Soon after the incredulous Jews coming thither from Iconium and Antioch , and having raised a tumult , and excited the people against them , the furious multitude drew Paul being stoned , as dead out of the city . But when his Disciples came about him , he rose and entred the city . [ Ibid. 8 , 20. ] In this year , and it may be at this very time , Paul was wrapt into the third heavens , and heard unspeakable words : fourteen years before the later Epistle to the Corinthians was written . [ Il Corinth . XII . 2 , 3 , 4. ] Whither is thought to refer that of Triephon in Lucian , or the ancienter author of that Dialogue inscribed Philopatris . When I met that Jewish bald-pate , justly laught at , who being rapt up into the very third heavens thorough the air , learnt there those things that were most excellent and glorious , he renewed us by water , made us walke in the steps of the blessed , and redeemed us from the dominions of the wicked . So Triephon . God raigning on high , great , heavenly , and eternal , the Son of the Father , the Spirit proceeding from the Father , one of three , and three of one , and in like manner thus preaching as the Christians used . Paulus with Barnabas going from Lystra , came to Derbe , where having preached the Gospel , they gained many to Christ. [ Acts XIV . 20 , 21. ] Amongst many others that gave their names to Christ at this time , was Timotheus with his holy mother Eunice , and his grandmother Lois , who took care to teach him the Scriptures from his very infancy . He being in these parts , although as yet a very child , was an eye-witnesse of the sufferings of his spiritual father Paul at Antioch ( in Pisidia ) Iconium , and Lystra , ( in Lycaonia ) [ Acts XVI . 1 , 2. Il Tim. l. 2 , 5. & III , 11 , 15. ] Paul and Barnabas going no further than Derbe , returned to Lystra , and Iconium , and Antiochia , confirming the minds of the Discip●es , and exhorting them to endure affliction for their faiths sake without wavering : and having constituted Bishops over them in every of their Churches , and praying for them with fasting , they commended them to God in whom they believed . Afterwards travelling over Pisidia , they came into Pamphylia , and having declared and published the word of the Lord at Perga , passed into Italy , and thence sailed to Antioch , whence they first went about the work , they afterwards performed ; where to the congregated Churches declared what God had done by them , and how he had opened the door of Faith to the Gentiles . [ Acts. XIV . 21 , 27. ] Tiberius Alexander is made Successor to Caspius Fidus , in the administration of the Jewish affairs , being the son of Alexander Alabarch of Alexandria ( an old friend of Claudius's ) who had forsaken the Jewish , his country religion . [ Joseph . lib. 20. cap. 3. ] A little after this , the fame of it passing thorough all Judea , Helena the Queen of the Adebans ( on the confines of Assyria and Mesopotamia ) is converted by a certain Jew to the worship of the True God , and comes to visit the Temple at Jerusalem , that she might worship there the True God , and pay her vows , provided plentifully for her journey , ; being diverted for a few dayes by her son Izates , who was then King , and afterwards coverted to the same Religion by Ananias the Jewish Merchant . Where when she saw many of the Jews even starving with famine , out of her own purse she sent some to Alexandria for a great quantity of wheat , others to Cyprus to fetch thence a great deal of figs to their rel●ef , who made a speedy return ; and she divided all the store to those that wanted it . Her son also Izates , hearing what a distresse they were in by famine , sent money to the chief Magistrates at Jerusalem . [ Id. ibid. cap. 2. & 3. ] Izates the King sent his five sons to Jerusalem to learn their language and customes exactly . His mother Helena also erected three Pyramids three stadias distant from Jerusalem . In which afterwards the bones of her son Izates were intombed . [ Id. cap. 2. ] Which Monuments of Helena were extant , not onely in the time of Josephus , but Eusebius also . [ Joseph . lib. 5. bell . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in Greek , or lib. 6. cap. 6. & 7. in Latin. Euseb. lib. 2. Histor. Ecclesiast . cap. 11. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . & Hier. Epist. 27. ] Paul and Barnabas stayed at Antioch with the Disciples a great while , Year of the World 4050 [ Acts XIV . 28. ] after which Paul , as it appears , propagated the Gospel even to Illirium ; preaching such things to them concerning Christ , as they never heard before , Rom. XV. 19 , 20. ] and suffered those things which in his later Epistle to the Corinthian● , [ cap. XI . 24. ] he commemorates : to wit , that as at Philippi afterwards , so twice elsewhere by the Gentiles he had been whipt with rods , and received 5 times 4 hundred stripes from the Jews ; that he had thrice made shipwrack , and was all night in the deep . For since we find , that between the return of Paul and Barnabas to Antioch , and their going to the Council at Jerusalem , was 5 years , we cannot place these things better any where , than in so large a vacuum and silence in the History of the Church . Valerius Asiaticus being again Consul , the Island Therasia rose out of the Aegean sea , [ Seneca , Natural . quaest . lib. 2. cap. 26. & lib. 6. cap. 21. ] in a night wherein the Moon was eclipsed . [ Aurel. Victor . in Claudio . ] This eclipse was seen the very night between the last day of December , ( which terminated that year in which Valerius Asiaticus was the second time Consul ) and the Kalends of January , which begins the Consulships of Claudius Aug. IV. & L. Vitellius III. in whose time a little Island . before never seen , appeared near Thera , as Dio relates . [ lib. 60. pag. 685. ] James and Simon the sons of Judas of Galilee ( who , The Julian Period . 4760 in Qurinius his time sollicited the Jews to a revolt ) were crucified for it . Year after Christ 47 [ Joseph . lib. 20. cap. 3. ] Herod the King of Chalcis , amoving Josephus the son of Camydas , constituted Ananias the son of Nehedaeus High-Priest in his room . [ Id. ibid. ] Gotarzes prepares to destroy Artabanus King of the Parthian , with his wife and son , [ Tacit. lib. 11. cap. 8 , ] But Artabanus dying , left his kingdom to Bardanes his son , [ Joseph . lib. 20. cap. 2. ] For these two brothers Gotarzes and Bardanes , are rather to be thought Artabanus his sons with Josephus , than his brothers with Tacitus . Bardanes being invited by the Parthians ( who feared the cruelty of Gotarzes ) to be their King ; being a man prompt enough to all high and desperate designs , in two dayes space he invaded , three thousand stadia's oft , and assaulted Gotarzes ( who was all in a fright at his coming , so altogether unexpectedly , ) and without delay seized upon the next Provinces also ; the Seleucians onely denying him subjection . Against whom , as being also such as revolted from his father , he being more incensed than the present opportunity could well bear , is puzlled with the siege of that strong City , fortified on the one side by a river , and on the other with a very strong guard . In the intrim Gotarzes by the aid of the Dahae and Hyrcanians , recruits his forces , and renews the war , and thereupon Bardanes is forced to leave the siege of Seleucia , and pitch his tents in the Bactrian fields . [ Tacit. lib. 11. cap , 8. ] Hearing the news of the Parthians discord , and that they were various in the election of their King , Mithridates King of Armenia the Greater , by the advice of Claudius Caesar , re-marches into that kingdom , confiding in the power and wealth of his brother Pharasmanes , King of the Iberians ; and indeed , the affairs of the East being so distracted and the people unresolved who to incline unto , he possest himself of Armenia : the Roman souldiers subdueing the castles and strong forts whilst the Iberian army kept the field : nor did the Armenians resist , Demonactes their General who onely durst design a battle being slain . Presently hereupon Cotys , King of Armenia the Lesse , made thitherward : but Caesar having taken him off the design by letters , all the countries came flocking in to Mithridates , who was something more sterne than was convenient in his new kingdom . [ ibid. cap. 8 , & 9. ] Gotarzes and Bardanes being about to joyne battle ; Gotarzes discovering the treachery of the people to his brother , they shook hands and swore at an altar to reveng themselves upon one the others enemies , and to agree betwixt themselves . And Bardanes appearing fitter to hold the kingdom , Gotarzes to avoid all emulation , went quite away into Hyrcania . [ Ibid. cap. 9. ] At Bardanes his return thither Seleucia is delivered up unto him the seventh year after the defection . After this he invades the most strong Provinces , and had in his mind to recover Armenia ; but was prevented by Vibius Marsus ( or , according to Josephus Cassius Longinus rather ) threatning war to the Embassadour of Syria . [ Ibid. ] Ventidius Cumanus succeeded Tiberius Alexander in the government of the Jews , The Julian Period . 4761 and Herod King of Chalcis brother of that great Agrippa died in the eighth year of Claudius his raign ; leaving three sons behind him : of whom Aristobulus was by his former wife Mariamme , and of Berenice his brothers daughter , Bernicianus , and Hyrcanus . [ Joseph . lib. 20. cap. 3. ] The Feast of the Passeover drawing near , and much people flocking from all parts to the solemnity , Cumanus ( after the example of the preceding Presidents ) sets one Cohort for a guard upon the Porch of the Temple to restrain tumults if there should happen any . On the fourth day of the Feast , one of the souldiers shewing his obscene parts to the multitude , they cryed out ( being enraged by that contumely . ) That not onely they , but he who they honoured in that feast , was affronted by it , and some of the boldest of them railed against Cumanus saying this impudent souldier was sent by him . When Cumanus heard this he was not a little troubled : but yet desired the people to raise no commotions in the time of the feast ; and when they still railed at him , he commanded the whole army to Antonia , a Castle close adjoyning to the temple . The commonpeople , seeing the souldiers coming were afraid , and began to flee with such violence that being strained with the narrownesse of the passage , and thinking the souldiers had pursued them , they opprest and trod one another , so that 20000. of them were found dead , as Josephus hath it in the 4 chapter of the 20 book of his antiquities . But in his book of the Jewish wars we read that [ cap. 11. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ] 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , above ten thousand perished : where Rufinus reads 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 above thirty thousand : Eusebius aswell in his Chronicle as his ecclesiasticall History the second book , [ cap. 18. 19. & Orosius lib. 7. cap. 6. ] retaining the very same number . Some who by flight escaped this tumult , in the High-way , about Bethoron , 100. stadia's from the City robbed Stephen the servant of Caesar , as he was travailing , and took all his packs of treasure . When Cumanus heard this he sent souldiers thither , with command to destroy the villages next adjoyning to that place . In this havock one of the souldiers brought out the books of the Mosaicall Law which he found in one of those villages , and tore them in the sight of them all , railing exceedingly both against the Law and the Nation . When this news came to the Jews , gathering a great company they made for Caesarea , where Cumanus then resided , intreating him that he would revenge not their own , but the contempt and injury of their God. Then the Praesident , being afraid of the defection of the people , by the advice of his friends , put the souldier to death that had done the fact , and so appeased the tumult . [ Josep . ut supra . ] Apollonius the Tyanean , upon his journey to the Indians , entred the City Babylon , the second moneth of the third year of Bardanes , and there conferred with the King. [ Philostrat . in vita Apollon . lib. 1. cap. 19. & 20. compared with Euseb. in Hierocl . ] Gotarzes , repenting that he had yielded up his Kingdome , and recalling his nobility who were the more enslaved by the peace , he gathered a great force , and is met at the river Erindes in the passage whereof there was a great contest , and Bardanes had the better of it , and with good successe proceeded and subdued the mid Countries to the river Gindes , which divides between the Dahae and the Arians , & there his successe terminated : for the Parthians although Conquerours despised the enemy afar off ; and therefore erecting monuments there , by which their riches were sufficiently manifest , ( no tribute but that of the Arsacidae ever coming to any of that Nation : ) Bardanes returned with great glory , and so much the sterner and more intollerable to his subjects . [ Tacit. lib. 11. cap. 10. ] Bardanes , going to Izates King of the Adialeni , perswaded him that he would joyn with him in war against the Romans ; whom Izates endeavoured to divert from his purpose , moderately recounting unto him the Roman acts and their power . Bardanes offended at this presently denounces war against Izates , but was prevented of prosecuting the same by death , [ Joseph . lib. 20. cap. 2. ] for the Parthians , when they knew his mind , that he was resolved to wage war with the Romans at unawares , whilst he was intent at hunting slew him in his prime , the chief of all young Kings , and if he had as well obteined the love of his subjects as the fear of his enemies , he might have been numbred amongst the old ones . [ Id. ibid. Tacit. lib. 11 cap. 10. ] The Parthian affaires being disjoynted by the death of Bardanes , they were again doubtfull who should be King. Many inclined to Gotarzes , some to Maherdates ( the son of Phraates the third , the son of Zenones the first ) who was then pledg with the Romans . At last Gotarzes prevailed , and being possessed of the Palace , forc't the Parthians by his luxury and cruelty to sent privately to Claudius , to send them Maherdates to be their King , [ Tacit. ibid. ] complaining of Gatarzes his cruelty , both to the nobility and comminalty ; For first he exhausted his brothers , then his neighbours , then those farther off with slaughters , adding their wives big with child , their children small , so that being sluggish and licentious at home , and unfortunate in war , he covered his sloth by his cruelty . [ Id. lib. 12. cap. 10. ] When Didius , the Roman General had deposed Mithridates from the Kingdom of Bosphorus , and had constituted his son Cotys , a mad young blade , there , he led away thence the power of the army , leaving only some few Cohorts , under the command of Julius Aquila , a Roman Knight : with the new King. Mithridates having lost all , and wandring about , cited together the Nations , and gathered out of them all the runnagadoes ; and in fine , got together an army , wherewith he deprived the King of the Daridae of , and enjoyed , his Kingdom . [ Tacit. lib. 12. cap. 15. ] The Parthian Embassadours being heard , Claudius sends Mithridates to be their King , advising him that he should not think of rule and servants , but of government and fellow Citizens , and that he should expresse mercy and Justice : and gave command to C. Cassius , who was President of Syria , that he should see the young man sate upon the bank of Euphrates . [ Id. ibid. cap. 11. ] At this time Cassius excelled all others in his skill in the laws , but was very ignorant in martial affairs : but in that he came to it peaceably , he renewed the ancient custom , exercising the Legions with the same care , as if an enemy had been invading , esteemed therefore worthy , the family of the Cassians and his ancestours , in those very Nations in high esteem . Now calling together those by whose vote Mahardates was chosen King , when he had pitched his Tents at Zeugma , where the river is very foordable ; When the Noble Parthians , and the King of the Arabians , Acbarus ( or Abgarus ) were come , he , before them , admonished the young man Maherdates , that the edge of the Parthians would abate in this businesse by delay , and would turn to treachery , and therefore advised him to presse on his design speedily : whose councel desp●sing by the fraud of Acbarus , thinking , like a young man as he was , that all fortune consisted in luxury , he stayed at the Town Amissa many daies . [ Ibid. cap. 12. ] When Mithradates was possest of the Kingdom of the Daridae , and was thought now to be about to invade Bosphorus ; Aquila and Cotys , destrusting their own power , because Zorsines , King of the Siracans ( to Caucasus ) had joyned with Mithridates , they also seek forreign assistance , sending Embassadours to Eunones , who ruled over the Nation of the Aorsori , ( amongst the Scythians ) whose society they easily obtained , shewing how Mithridates rebelled against the Romans . Therefore they covenanted that Eunones should fight the horse-battles , and the Romans should look to the besieging of their Cities . [ Id. cap. 15. ] Then , having marshalled their body , they go on , the Romans and Bosphorans defending each wing of Aorsus before and behind ; and thus having repulsed the enemy , they come to Soza , a Town of Dandarica , which was left by Mithridates , because the minds of the people were somewhat wavering towards him : they thought good to take it , and leave there a Garison , and so passed on to the Country of the Siracians ; and having passed the river Panda , besieged Uspes , seated in a place senced both with walls and ditches , only the walls being not made of stone , but piles composed together , and earth , were something infirm , and the Towers being raised on high , the besieged were the more distressed with the pricks and fier-works . So that if night had not put an end to the conflict , they had besiged and taken it all in a day . [ Ibid. cap. 16. ] The next day Embassadours , miserably intreating that they might go free , who were free born , offered ten thousand slaves ; which the Conquerours despising , because it would be cruelty to slay them , when delivered up , and dangerous to keep such a company of prisoners , rather put it to the fortune and law of arms . And having given the souldiers , who scaled the walls , a sign to destroy : The rest being terrified by the destruction of the Uspenses , since eminent and ●enced places could do no good , but they broke through rivers and all : Zorsines long considering whether it were better go on with Mithridates , or consult the affairs of his own distressed Country : at last his own affairs prevailed , and giving pledges , he fell down at the image of Caesar , in respect to the great glory of the Roman army , who were victorious , and yet not bloody , and then three dayes journy from the river Tanais . But in their returne their fortune was far otherwise : for some of their ships in their returne , touching upon the coast of the Tuarians , the Barbarians flockt together about them , and slew the Captain of their Cohort and many more . [ Ib. cap. 17. ] In the interim Mithridates , having no relief , consults whose mercy he had best implore . His brother Cotys , who was formerly his traytor , he feared would be his enemy . There was none of the Romans now of that authority , as that his promises could be much regarded , flying therefore to Eunones , and entering his Palace , casting himself upon his knees , saies , Mithridates sought by sea and land so many years , behold , is now present of his own accord . Vse as you please the son of great Achaemenes , for my enemies have taken all help else from me . Eunones being moved with the honour of the person , the change of fortune , and the generous petition , writes to Caesar , and sends Embassadours to entreat him not to restore Mithridates his Kingdom , but that he would not triumph over him , nor put him to death . But Claudius being in doubt whether to punish or pardon him , at last was conquered , with the more merciful sentence . [ Ibid. cap. 18 , 29 , 20. ] When Carthenes sent for Mahardates to act the businesse , Year of the World 4053 telling him it would be very easie , if he came without delay ; he , being led away with evil councel , came not strait to Mesopotamia , but fetcht a compasse through Armenia , a place unseasonable at that time , for that it was the beginning of winter . At last tired out with the sea and Mountains , when they drew near to the Champaign Country , they joyned forces with Carthenes , and passing the river Tigris , they marched over Adiebana , whose King Iz●es openly entred friendship with Mahardates , but privately and more faithfully was a friend to Gotarzes . Notwithstanding in their journy they took the City 〈◊〉 , the most ancient seat of Assyria . [ Ibid. cap. 12. & 13. ] Mithridates of B●sphorus being brought to Rome by Cilones Procurator of Pontus , is said to have disputed with Caesar somewhat more highly than his condition required , and that he elevated his voice in these words . I am not sent back to thee , but returned : which if thou believest not , let me go again and see . His countenance also continued undaunted , when at the rostrum being hem'd on all sides with keepers , he was exposed to publick view . Consular Ensignes are decreed to Cilones and to Aquila Praetorian . [ Id. cap. 21. ] When the Bythinians accused this Junius Cilones their Prefect for many and great bribes which he had taken , before Claudius , with very great clamours , and Claudius by reason of the multitude not understanding what they meant , asking those that stood by what they said , and being answered that they gave thanks to Junius ; he believing it said , Let him therefore be their President two years more , [ Dio. lib. 60. pag. 687. ] At this time Cadius Ru●us at the accusation of the same Bythinians , is condemned of bribery by law . [ Tacit. Annal. 12. cap. 22. & Histor. lib. 1. cap. 77. ] The I●uraeans and Judaeans , their Kings Sohemus and Agrippa being dead , are added to the Province of Syria , [ Tacit. lib. 12. cap. 23. ] Indeed the years of Agrippa the younger are hence to be deduced , and it appears out of Josephus , telling us that the beginning of the Jewish war ( which fell upon the moneth May , according to our common account , the LXVI . year of Christ ) was in the XVII . of King Agrippa , [ lib. 2. bell . cap. 13. fin . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . init . ] and out of the Grecian money to be taken notice of in the place , in which Judea was taken ( about the moneth September , in the year of the same account LXX . ) to be in the XXI year of Agrippa . And indeed Claudius did not bestow his fathers kingdom Judea upon Agrippa the younger , but his uncle Herods of Chalcis ; together with the power of the Temple and holy Treasury , and to chuse High Priests , which was granted before to his uncle Herod . And his fathers kingdom was so added to Syria , that it should have Procurators notwithstanding there , by Caesars election : Ventidius Cumanus ( as formerly ) retaining stil at this time the administration of Judea and Galilee , and Felix being sent Procurator of Samaria , which was between them ; which Felix was a freed-man of Claudius and his mother Antonia , who from her had the sirname Antonius , and from him , Claudius . He was the brother of another freed-man , Pallantes , whom Tacitus notes to have been most affectionatly beloved by his Patron Claudins . [ lib. 11. cap. 29. ] Gotarzes at the mountain Sambulon made vows to the god of the place with the especial religion of Hercules . The Julian Period . 4763 But his army being not yet sufficiently stored , Year after Christ 50 and increased , he made use of the River Corma for his defence . And although he was incited to battle by pursuites and messengers , with challenges , he delayed , and changed his station , and sending bribes to corrupt the faith and loyalty of his enemies . Of whom A●iabenus , and King Acbarus of the Arabians ( of the Edessenians ) with their army revolted , with a gentil-like levity , and because by experience it is known that the Barbarians would rather seek a King at Rome than find him . But Maherdates being stript of his forces thus , and mistrusting those that remained , resolved to put it to the hazard of a battle . Nor did Gotarzes deny him battle , being grown high by the diminishing of his forces : and they fought with great slaughter and dubious event , until Carthenes having overcome his obverse wing , wheeled about with a circumference and came upon the back of his enemies . Then Mahardates , past all hope , and trusting to the promises of Parthaces his fathers client , is overcome by his deceit , and delivered up to the Conqueror . And he , blameing him not as a neighbour , or of the stock of Arsaces , but as a Roman and forreigner , cut off his eares in contempt of the Romans , and gave him his life to shew his mercy . [ Tacit. lib. 12. cap. 14. ] Josephus the son of Matthias at the age of fourteen , had attained to that praise in learning , that he was consulted about the more full sense and meaning of the Law , even by the High-priests and Primates of the City of Jerusalem : as he himself relates in the book of his Life . Gotarzes being dead of a disease , Venones then President of the Medes being called to the rule there , had a short and most inglorious reign amongst them : and the Parthian kingdom was translated upon Volgoses his son ; who , being of his mothers side the son onely of a harlot , by the disagreement of his brothers attained the regiment . So Tacitus [ lib. 12. cap. 14. & 44. ] Joseph . also writes , that Gotarzes being killed by treachery , his son Volgoses succeeded him , [ lib. 20. cap. 2. ] adding further , that he distributed the kingdom to two brothers by the same father : viz. to one of them , Pacoius being the elder Media , and to the other and younger Tiridates Armenia . A war arose betwixt the Armenians and Iberians , The Julian Period . 4764 which was the cause of very great commotions betwixt the Romans and Parthians . Year after Christ 51 Pharasm●nes obtained the Iberians by ancient possession , and his brother Mithridates the Armenians , by the help of the Romans . Pharasmanes had a son called Rhadamistus , of a most hansome , proper composure , of a very strong body , and much admired by the whole Country . When he began to affect his fathers Kingdom , and Pharasmenes fearing now , being in his decaying years , seeks to divert him , by putting another Phancy in his head , shewing him Armenia , and telling him that he beat away the Parthians , and bestowed it upon Mithridates : but adding , That it was better to wave force and use cunning , and so taking him at unawares , they might easily eject him , and do what they pleased . So Rhadamistus , dissembles his discord to his father , which was not like that of a step-dame , goes to his Uncle , and by the sweetnesse of his behavour , inticed many things of himself , and many of his Nobles , and the chief of Armenia to commotions . [ Tacit. lib. 12. cap. 44. ] Rhadamistus , taking upon him the shew of reconciliation , returned to his father , and told him how far he had gone by fraud , and that the rest was to be performed by arms . In the interim Pharasmanes feignes causes of war , That he must war against the King of the Albanians , and that whilst he called the Romans to his aide , he should go and by his death revenge that injury of his brother . Also he delivered a great army to his son . He with a sudden eruption compelled Mithridates into the Castle Gorneas , much terrified , and deprived of the Country : the place was very safe , both by reason of the situation and the strong guard over whom Coelius Pollio was President , and Casperius was his Centurion . Rhadamistus in vain , and with great losse having attempted the fort , began to try if he could currupt the President with mony , Casperius opposing it , least the King and A●●ie ; and least Armenia , the gift of the Romans , should be sold with mony . At last , when Poilio urged the number of the enemy , and Rhadamistus his fathers commands , having made a trace , he departs : saying , although he had affrighted Pharasmanes by wars , he should make T. Numidius Quadratus , President of Syria , acquainted in what state the affairs of Armenia stood . [ Ibid. cap. 45. ] The Sixt C●lippick Period begins . After the departure of Casp●rius the Centurion , Pollio the Prefect , being , as it were , rid of his keeper , exhorts Mithridates to a league , with his elder brother Pharasmanes , relating to him also all other respects he was engaged in ; as that he had his daughter in marriage , that he was Uncle to Rhadamistus , &c. Mithridates delaying the businesse , and suspecting the counsel of Pollio , for that he kept a hoor , and was given up to all manner of lust and luxury , and accounted Venial , or mercenary . Ca●parius in the interim requires of Pharasmanes , that the I●eria●s might be withdrawn from the siege . He incertainly and often gently answers him : but in the mean while sends privately to Rhadamistus , to hasten the gaining of the Castle by any means . He augments the prom●se of reward for their treachery , and Pollio privately perswades the Souldiers by delivering it up to consult their own safety , and the Countries peace . In which necessity Mithridates appoints the day and place of the conference , and goes out of the Castle . When first Rhadamistus , counterfeiting obedience , falls to embrace him , calling him father in law , and father : adding by an oath that he would injure him neither by sword nor poison , and presently leading him into a grove hard by , told him he had provided to sacrifice there , that by the witnesse of the gods , their peace might be confirmed . But there was Mithridates cast down and bound with chains , and at length the commands of Pharsamanes being received . Rhadamistus , as if mindful of his oath , cast down his father in law and Uncle , together with his own wife , and heaping many and heavy packs upon them , they so perished . His sons all , because they cryed at their fathers death , he killed . [ Tacit. lib. 12. cap. 46. & 47. ] Quadratus , when he heard Mithridates was betrayed and slain , and Armenia possest by his murderers , calls a councel , propounds the businesse , and whether it were to be revenged . Having a while debated in the businesse , many were of opinion to desist in it . But least they should seem to assent to such a wickednesse , and Caesar should command them otherwise : messengers are sent to Pharasmanes , to require him to depart from the coasts of Armenia , and recal his son . [ Ib. cap. 48. ] Julius Pelignus was Procurator of Cappadocia , Year of the World 4055 equally contemptible for his ridiculous person , as the sluggishnesse of his disposition : but very familiar formerly with Claudius , when he was a private man , and most affected with ease and sloth . This Pelignus , gathering together the Auxiliaries of the Provinces , as if he would recover Armenia , and preying rather upon his friends than his enemies , by the defection of his forces , and the incursions of the Barbarians , being left destitute , comes to Rhadamistus , and being overcome by his bribes , exhorts him again to take up the Kingly Ensignes , and was the very authour and abettor to him in it . Which being divulged in dishonourable terms , least the rest should be branded with Pelignus fault , Helvidius Priscus is sent Embassadour with a Legion for a time , to take care of those disturbed affairs . He therefore passing the Mountain Taurus with all speed , composed more things by moderation than force . When he is commanded to returne into Syria , lest the beginning of a war against the Parthians should arise : for Vologeses was supposed to have consulted the invading of Armenia ; which having been enjoyed by his ancestors was wickedly compassed by a forreign King ; he gathered an army , and prepared to bring his brother Tiridates into the Kingdom , that none of the family might be without a Kingdom , At the entring of the Parthians , the Iberians were overcome without a fight , and the Cities of Armenia , Artaxata and Tigranocerta came under their yoke . Upon this a grievous sharp winter , and want of Provision ensue betwixt which there grew a languishing sicknesse amongst them , which compelled Vologeses to desist proceeding further in the businesse at present . [ Id. cap. 49. & 50. ] Rhadamistus again invades Armenia , ( it being voide of a ruler ) more cruelly than before , as if he came against revolters , and who in time would rebel . But they all , though accustomed to servitude , abandoned all patience , and ran to arms , inclosing the Palace , which put Rhadamistus to that that he had no other way to save himself , but by the swiftnesse of his horses , by which he conveyed away both himself and his wife Zenobia . And his wife being great with child , would notwithstanding ( for that it was the first flight , and for fear of the enemy , together with her love to her husband ) endure it . Afterwards with continued haste , her belly began to be over much jogged , and her bowels to torment her with gripings and pangs : she prayes that she might rather dye honourable , than live with the disgrace of captivity . He , at first , embraces her , cherishes , and helps her , sometimes wondring at her courage , sometimes even sick with fear , if he should leave her , some body might light of her and wrong her . At last for the violence of his love , and being no baby in wicked exploits , he drew his saulchion , and having wounded her sufficiently , he drags her to the bank of the river Araxis , and flings her into it , least even her body should come into the enemies possession . He presently went through Iberia to his fathers Throne . In the mean time some shepherds found Zenobia , manifestly breathing and alive , and supposing that she was nobly born , by the comlinesse of her person , they bind up her wounds , and apply their Country Medicines : and when they knew her name and chance , they carried her to Artaxata ; from whence being brought to Tiridates by the publick charge , he receives her courteously , and useth her as a Queen . [ Ibid. cap. 50 , 51. ] Certain professors of the Name of Christ , of the sect of the Pharises , came down from Judea to Antioch , and said that the Christians of the Gentiles ought to be circumcised , and keep the Law of Moses , if they would be saved ; disturbing the souls of many of the brethren in Syria and Cilicia , with their perverse doctrine , against whom Paul and Barnabas stifly oppose themselves . [ Acts XV. 1 , 2 , 5 , 23 , 24. ] Paul calls them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , brethren brought in unawares . [ Gal. II. 4. ] Philastrius de Haeres . cap. 87. & Epiphanius . Heres . 28. say , That Cerinthus , that arch Heritick , was the first brocher of this opinion . Paul , The Julian Period . 4765 fourteen years after his going to Jerusalem , Year after Christ 52 undertaken three years after his conversion , goes to Jerusalem with Barnabas , [ Gal. II. 1. ] both of them being sent from the Church at Antioch with some others , that they might ask the judgement of the Apostles and Elders at Jerusalem , ( whose names those disturbers had abused , to boulster out their opinion ) concerning the controversy newly risen . [ Acts XV. 2 , 3 , 24. ] Paul goes up by Revelation , Titus a Grecian going up with him , whom he would not compel to be circumcised , least that he should seem to give place to the false brethren for a moment . [ Gal , II. 1 , 5. ] Paul and Barnabas in their journy through Phenicia and Samaria , declare the conversion of the Gentiles to the great joy of all the brethren , and when they came to Jerusalem , were received by the Church , and of the Apostles and Presbyters , telling what things God had done by them . [ Acts XV. 3 , 4. ] Paul communicated the Gospel that he had preached among the Gentiles , privately to the chief among the Apostles , James , Peter , and John , ( who were thought to be Pillars ) who when they saw that the Gospel among the Gentiles was committed unto him , as to Peter among the Jews , and perceived the grace that was given unto him , they gave the right hands of fellowship to him and Barnabas , that these should do the office of the Apostleship among the Gentiles , and they among the Jews , advising them only , that they should take care of relieving the poor at Jerusalem . [ Gal. II. 2 , 7 , 9 , 10. ] In a councel of the Apostles and Elders , held at Jerusalem , when after much disputing , Peter had spoken his opinion , Barnabas and Paul declared what great miracles God had done by them among the Gentiles : then James concluding , that it seemed good by the common decree of the Apostles , Elders , and of the whole Church , that no other thing should be laid upon the believing Gentiles , but that they should abstain from things sacrificed to idols , fornication , things strangled , and bloud , to which purpose the Synods letters were written to them of Antioch , and to the rest of the brethren in Syria and Cilicia : which they delivered to be carried to Antioch , to Judas , surnamed Barsabas , and Silas , chief men in the Church , with Barnabas and Paul : who when they came to Antioch , and had delivered and read the letters , the brethren greatly rejoiced . Judas and also Silas , being Prophes also themselves , confirming them with many words . [ Acts XV. 6. 32. ] Somewhat after , Judas being returned to the Apostles , it seemed good to Silas to stay at Antioch , where Paul and Barnabas , with many others , preached the Gospel . [ Ibid. 33 , 34 , 35. ] Josephus , the son of Matthias , in the sixteenth year of his age , began with great and heard labour , to make trial of all three , viz. of the Pharisees , Sadduces , and Essines . [ Joseph . in his Life . ] To Pallus , the freed man of Claudius , were decreed the Pretorian ornament , and 150000 Sesterces . [ Tacit. lib. 12. cap. 53. ] When the Galileans go to the feast at Jerusalem , they must needs go through Samaria . [ John IV. 3 , 4. ] It happened that there was a Galilean killed , at a Village of the Samaritans , called Nais , otherwise Geman ) whereupon there arose a fight between the Passengers and Villagers , in which many of the Galileans were lost : the Rulers taking this very hainously , stirred up the Jews to arms , exhorting them to defend their liberty : that servitude was troublesome of it self , but then it was intollerable , when it was joyned with the injuries of their Subjects . Wherefore at Jerusalem , they leaving the feast , the common people being armed , invade Samaria : neither would they surcease , do what the Magistrates could . There were also called into their aide Eleazar , the son of Dineus , and Alexander , the Captains of the Thieves , who making an inroade upon the Samaritans , that bordered on the Country of Acrabatena , made a confused slaughter , sparing no age nor sex , and burnt also the Towns : but Cumanus knowing what was done , took with him one Troup of the Sebastian Horse , and four Cohorts of Foot , arming also the Samaritans , goes against the Jews ; and when he had overtaken them , he slew many of them that followed Eleazar , but took more prisoners . Then the Rulers of Jerusalem , when they saw to what calamity they were brought , put on sack-cloth and ashes on their heads , beseeching the rest of the multitude that went to destroy the territories of Samaria , that they would leave off their designe : setting before their eyes , how their Country would be destroyed , the Temple burnt , and their wives and children taken Captives . Wherefore they prayed them that laying aside their arms , every man would betake himself to his own arms : to which the Jews yielded , and went home , but the thieves retired again to their strong holds , and from that time Judea was full of thieves . [ Joseph . lib. Judaic . 2. cap. 11. Antiquit. lib. 20. cap. 5. ] The Governours of Samaria resorted to Numidius Quadratus , the President of Syria , who then dwelt at Tyrus , beseeching him that he would take vengeance of the Jews , who had plundered and fired their Towns. There were present at the same time some of the Jewish Nobility , as also Jonathan , the son of Ananus the High Priest ; who answering what was objected against them , said , That the beginning of the tumult arose from the Samaritans themselves , who first committed a murder , but that Cumanus was the cause of all the calamities that followed ; because being corrupted with mony , he would not revenge that murder . Quadratus having heard them , deferred his sentence , saying , That then he would give his judgement , when he should come into Judea , and there more exactly know the truth of the matter ; and so they departed and nothing was done . [ Id. ibid. ] In the mean time Felix , by his unseasonable remedies , provokes the Jews to offend the more . Ventidius Cumanus , who had part of the province , being his rivall in all wickednesse ; which provinces they thus divided , that Cumanus should command the Galileans , and Felix the Samaritans , which Nations were alwayes at odds , but then much more , through the contempt of their Governours . They therefore made inroads one on another , sent thieves and robbers to plunder , laid ambushes , and sometimes fought battles , and brought the spoiles and preyes to the Governours ; who were glad of it at the first : but when the mischief grew to an height , they sent Souldiers to quell it , who were all slain , and the province had been all of a flame , had not Quadratus redressed it in time . [ Tacit. lib. 12. cap. 54. ] Neither did he long defer to put those Jews to death , that had killed the Roman Souldiers . Cumanus and Felix drew the matter at length , because Claudius ; when he had heard the causes of the rebellion , gave authority to him of determining even of the Governours themselves . But Quadratus set Felix among the Judges , ( because he was the brother of Pallas , the great Favourite at Rome ) and received him into the Tribunal to him , that he might daunt his accusers , and so Cumanus is alone condemned for the faults that both had committed , and by that means he set the Province in peace . [ Id. Ibid. ] The Nations of the Country , Cilicians , called Clites , having Trosobores ( or Arosoboras ) for their Captain , encamped upon rough Mountains , and from thence running down to the shores and Cities , plundered the husbandmen and Citizens , but most commonly the Merchants and Seamen . They besieged also the Cities of the Anemunenses , and also put to flight the horsemen sent from Syria , that were sent to their aid with their Captain Curtius Severus , because the places thereabouts were good to fight afoot , but nought for horsemen . Then Antiochus the King of that country , using fair words towards the common people , and policy towards their Captain , divided their forces : put to death Trosoborus , and some of the ring-leaders , and appeased the rest thorough his clemency . [ Id. ibid. cap. 55. ] Peter the Apostle coming to Antioch , did eat and familiarly converse with the believing Gentiles : but when certain brethren of the Jews came thither from James , he withdrew himself from the Gentiles : whose example also some Jews of the Church of Antioch followed ; insomuch that Barnabas was carried away with their dissembling . This preposterous dissembling as being contrary to the Gospel , Paul not brooking , withstood him to the face ; and sharply reproved his fearfulnesse before them all [ Gal. II. 11 , 14. ] Quadratus coming to Samaria , Year of the World 4056 commanded those that were accused to defend their cause , The Julian Period . 4766 and found that the tumult began through the Samaritans fault . Year after Christ 53 But going to Cesarea he knew that some Jews endeavoured an innovation , wherefore he hanged those that Cumanus had taken alive and kept prisoners : then going to Lydda a Town as big as a City , sitting in the Tribunal hearing again the cause of the Samaritans , he learned from a certain Samaritan , that Dortus a Ruler of the Jews had perswaded the Jews to a revolt ; whom he put to death : and strook off the head of eighteen Jews , who had been in the fight . [ Joseph . lib. 2. bell . cap. 11. & lib. Antiquit. 20. cap. 5. ] Quadratus sent to Caesar two of the chief Priests , Jonathan and Annanias , and his son Ananus , and some of the Nobility of the Jews , and likewise also some of the Nobility of the Samaritans ; he commanded also Cumanus the Governour , and Celer the Tribune to go to Rome , to give an account to Caesar of that that they had done in the country . [ Id. ibid. ] This being done , Quadratus fearing the Jews might make some innovation , went from Lydda to Jerusalem ; where he finds all things quiet , and the people busie about their Feast of unleavened bread , and offering sacrifice : thinking therefore that they would be quiet , he left them busie at their Feast , and returned to Antioch . [ Id. ibid. ] Cumanus and the Samaritans being sent to Rome , at an appointed day , are commanded to defend their cause ; but they had got the favour of Caesars freed-men and friends , and had gotten the day by their means , if King Agrippa the younger then living at Rome , and seeing the Rulers of the Jews over-powered by the favour of the great ones , had not by much intreaty obtained of Agrippina the wife of Claudius , to perswade her husband that he would fully hear the matter , and execute justice on those he found the authors of the sedition . Claudius yeilded to their requests , and having heard the parties , and finding the Samaritans the beginners of the tumult , he put to death those that came before him to plead their cause . He punished Cumanus with banishment : and sending Celer the Tribune prisoner to Jerusalem , delivered him to the Jews to be punished , that he should be dragged through the City , and then have his head cut off . [ Id. ibid. ] He then sent Claudius Felix the brother of Paulus , Governour into Judea , and that he should also command that Province , together with Samaria , and Galilee , [ Id. ibid. ] which Jonathan the High Priest had begged of Caesar for him . [ Id. ibid. cap. 6. ] Suetonius writes , That Claudius preferred Felix , one of his freed-men , to the command both of horse and foot , and to the government of Judea , and that he was the husband of three Queens . [ in Claud. cap. 28. ] Tacitus writes , that being Governour of Judea , he thought he might do any wickednesse securely , bearing himself upon his authority , [ Annal. lib. 12. cap. 54. ] and in the fifth book of his Histories , he further addes concerning his tyrannical government in Judea . Antonius Felix exercised regal power with a servil disposition by all cruelty and lust , having married Drusilla the neice of Cleopatra and Antonius : in that Claudius was the grandchild of the same Antonius and son of Felix . When King Agrippa the younger had commanded Chalcis four years , Claudius after the 12 year of his Empire , took that from him , and gave him a greater : viz. the Tetrarchy of Philippi , to wit , Batanea , and Gaulanitis , together with Trachonitis , and also added Abila the Tetrarchy of Lysanias , which Vatus had governed . [ Josephus lib. Antiquit. 20. cap. 5. Belli . Judaic . lib. 2. cap. 11. ] The young man being thus advanced by Caesars gifts , gave Drusilla his sister in marriage to Azazius the King of the Emisseniaus , that was circumcised : for Epiphanes the son of Antiochus the King of the Commagenians had refused her , because changing his minde , he would not embrace the Jewish Religion , as he had promised her father . He marries also Mariamme to Julius Archelaus the son of Chelcias , to whom she was betrothed by her father Agrippa . [ Id. ibid. lib. 20. cap. 5. ] Josephus the son of Matthias began to imitate the manner of living of one Banus , who living in the Wildernesse , clad himself with what the trees brought forth , and used for his food those things that grew of themselves : and to keep himself chast did often wash himself in cold water ; and thus he lived three years . [ Joseph . in his Life . ] Nero undertaking the cause of the Ilienses , in his speech rehearsed how the Romans were descended from Troy , and that Aeneas was the author of the Julian Family , and many other old things not unlike to fable , and so got that the Ilienses were freed from all publick duties . [ Tacit. Annal. 12. cap. 58. ] Claudius also remitted to them all tribute for ever , as being the Founders of the Roman Nation , reading openly the Greek Epistle of the Senate and people of Rome , to King Seleucus , promising him friendship and aliance ; but yet so , that he should acquit their kinsmen the Ilienses from all charges . [ Sueton. in Claud. cap. 25. ] To the Rhodians also repenting of their old demerits , Claudius restored their liberty , which was both often taken away , or confirmed either as they had deserved in forraign wars , or offended by sedition at home . [ Sueton. & Tacit. ut supra . ] Suetonius writes that he pleaded for the Rhodians and Ilienses in Greek before his father being Consul , viz. Claudius in his last Consulship , two years before [ in Nero cap. 7. ] Claudius remits all tribute to the Apameans for five years , because they were ruined by an Earthquake . [ Tacit. lib. 12. cap. 58. ] After that Claudius propounded concerning the freeing the Coans from tribute . He alledged many things concerning their antiquity , as that the Argives even with Ceus the father of Latona ( of whom the Island was named ) were the ancient Inhabitants : then by the coming of Aesculapius the art of Physick was brought thither , and that he was famous to all posterity : naming them by their names , and in what ages they lived . Then saying that Zenophon his own Physitian was a Coan , and descended from that Family : and that he had yeilded to his entreaty , that they might hereafter be free from tribute , and be devoted to the service of that god . [ Id. ibid cap. 61. ] Paul asketh Barnabas to go again and visit the Churches where they had preached the Gospel ; Barnabas determined to take John Mark with him , Paul thought it not good to take him , who had departed from them from Pamphylia , [ Acts XIII . 13. ] and went not with them to the work : which Barnabas took ill , that such an infamy should lie upon his sisters son , [ Colos. IV. 10. ] that the contention was so sharp , that they departed one from the other , and Barnabas took Mark and sailed into his own Countrey of Cyprus , but Paul being commended to the grace of God , having chosen Sylas went into Syria and Cilicia confirming the brethren . [ Acts XV. 36 , 41. ] Paul coming to Derbe and Lystra found there among the Disciples , Timotheus born of a Greek or Gentle father , but his mother was a believing Jew ( Eunice ) to whom all the brethren at Iconium and Lystra gave good testimony , him would Paul take with him , but that he might the sooner gain the Jews he caused to be circumcised . [ Acts XVI . 1 , 2 , 3. ] Paul and Silas as they passed through the Cities , delivered them the decrees for to keep that were ordained by the Apostles and elders that were at Jerusalem , and the Churches were established in the faith , and encreased in number daily . [ ibid. 45. ] Now when they had gone through Phrygia , and the region of Galatia , they were forbid by the Spirit to preach the word of God in Asia , and when they had come to Mysia they assayed to go into Bithynia , but the Spirit not suffering them from Mysia they came down to Troas , then in his shape there seems to stand a man of Macedon before Paul , saying : come into Macedonia and help us . [ Acts XVI . 6 , 9. ] When he had seen this vision , we endeavouring to go into Macedonia , assuredly gathering that the Lord had called us to preach the Gospel to them , saith Luke , [ Acts XVI . 10. ] who speaking from henceforward of Paul and his companions in the first person whereas alwaies before he had spoken in the third person , he doth sufficiently shew that from that time he was a companion of Pauls in the preaching of the Gospel . Paul and Silas with Luke and Timothy , Year of the World 4057 loosing from Troas , came with a straight course to Samothracia , and the next day to Neapolis , and from thence to Philippi , the chief City of that part of Macedonia , and a Colony belonging to Italy ; and they abode there certain dayes . [ Acts XVI . 11 , 12. ] On the Sabbath day they went out of the City to the Rivers side , where was an house of prayer , and there spake unto the women that resorted thither ; among which was Lydia , one that worshipped God , a seller of Purple in the City of Thyatira , attending unto the things that were spoken by Paul , the Lord opening her heart , believed in Christ : who when she was baptized and her houshold , entertained Paul and his companions . [ Ibid. 13 , 14 , 15. ] As they went afterwards to the place of prayer , an unclean spirit out of a servant that had the spirit of divination , cried after them many dayes ; These men are the servants of the most High God , which shew unto us the way of salvation : at which Paul being grieved , commanded the spirit in the name of Jesus to come out of her . And when the Masters of the maid saw that the hope of their gain was gone , they drew Paul and Silas into the Market-place , and did so much with the Rulers by their clamours , that both of them were publickly scourged , and cast into prison : where in the mid-night as they were praying and singing Psalmes , there was a great Earthquake , and all the doors of the prison were opened , and all the prisoners bands were loosed : when therefore the Jaylor being in desperation , would with his naked sword have killed himself , he is converted to the Faith by Paul and Silas , and baptized the same night with all his family , When it was day , the Magistrates sent them word that they might go out free , they expostulated the matter with them , concerning the shame and injury done them , because they had publickly scourged them and cast them into prison condemned , Whereupon the Magistrates came themselves and set them at liberty with honour , and besought them to depart the City : who entring into Lydias house , comforted the brethren that came unto them , and so went out of the City . [ Ibid. 16. 40. ] As they journeyed through Amphipolis , and Apollonia , they came to Thessalonica , the chief City of Macedonia , where was a Synagogue of the Jews , [ Acts XVII . 1 , 2 , 3. ] There Paul writes , [ I Thess. 11. 1. ] after he was shamefully entreated at Philippi , he preached the Gospel with much contention : for as his custom was he went into the Synagogue of the Jews three Sabbaths together , and reasoned with them concerning Christ out of the Scriptures . Of whom some believing , there were joyned to Paul and Silas of religious Greeks , a great multitude , and of the chief women not a few . [ Acts XVII . 2 , 3 , 4. ] Paul taught the Thessalonians not only concerning Faith in Christ , but also concerning the future Apostasie of Antichrist , and his revelation . [ II Thess. II. 5. ] When Paul stayed long at Thessalonica , he received once and again relief from the Philippians for his necessities . [ Phil. IV. 16. ] But the Jews which believed not , took unto them certain lewd fellows of the baser sort raised an uproar in the City , they drew Jason ( with whom Paul and his companion lodged ) and certain brethren to the Magistrates , and accused them with great clamours . And when they had taken security from them , the brethren sent away Paul and Silas by night to Beraea . [ Acts XVII . 5 , 10. ] Here also when they had entred into the Synagogue of the Jews , they diligently preached Christ out of the Scriptures , and the auditors comparing the things preached with the Scriptures , which when they found altogether to agree , many of them believed ; both honourable women that were Greeks , and men not a few . And when the Jews of Thessalonica came thither , they stirred up the multitude against Paul ; but then immediately the brethren sent them away , to go as it were to the Sea , but they brought him to Athens : receiving a commandment to Silas and Timotheus left at Beraea that they should come unto him with all speed . [ Ibid. 10. 15. ] The Jews by the instigation of Chrestus continually tumulting , The Julian Period . 4767 Claudius expells them to Rome , Year after Christ 54 [ Sueton. in Claud. cap. 25. ] Suetonius , if I mistake not , mentions only Chrestus : for that Christ our Lord ( for whom the Christians in another place by the same are denominated ) is here meant I cannot yet perswade my self . Paul whilst he waits for Silas and Timotheus at Athens , did dispute in the Synagogue , with the Jews and devou● men , and daily in the market-place with such as met with him , disputing also with the Philosopher of the Epicurean and Stoick sect concerning Christ and the resurrection , then being brought into Marshill , as a fetter forth of strange gods , he to defend his cause in a most learned oration shews , both from the Altar dedicated to the unknown God , as also from the testimony of Aratus the Poet confirming that we are the offspring of God , that that God whom they ignorantly worship was he that was declared by him . [ Acts XVII . 16. 31. ] for the God of the Jews among the Gentiles was called the unknown God , in the same sense , the uncertain God by Lucan in his second book of Pharsalia , the uncertain power by Trebellius Pollio , in the life of Claudius , and unnamed God , by Caius Caligula , in Philo. in his legatio . to the same Caius , to whom the inhabitants of mount Carmel , [ in Tacitus in the 2 book of his histories cap. 78. ] did attribute neither image nor temple , but only an Altar and reverence , so the Athenians made an Altar to Mercy in the middle of their City without any image , Statius in his twelfth book of Thebais thus relates it . Nulla autem effigies , nulli commissa metallo . Forma Dei , mentes habitare & pectora gaudet . Gods form by pictures cannot be exprest , He loves to dwell within the heart and breast . Among those that were converted at this time by Paul , was Dionysius the Areopagite , and a woman , ( or his wife as it seems to Ambrose , Chrysostome and Augustine ) called Damaris , and some others with them . [ Acts XVII . 34. ] Felix the Governour of Judea , when he saw Drusilla the sister of King Agrippa , fell in love with her , and sent his friend Simon , a Jew by nation a Cypriot , that was a soothsayer , to perswade the woman to leave her husband , and marry him , promising that she should be happy if she did not refuse him , she unadvisedly , and willing to escape the troubles of her sister Berenice , who envied her for her beauty , consented to forsake the Jews religion and to marry Felix . But Berenice the widow of her Unckle Herod , when there was a report that she had lien with her brother King Agrippa , perswades Polemon that being circumcised he might marry he , thinking hereby that she might so prove it to be a lie , neither did Polemon refuse the match , being induced the rather because she was rich , but this marriage lasted not long , Berenice ( as it was reported ) through her intemperance departing from him , who being forsaken by his wife he immediately left the Jews religion . [ Joseph . lib. 20. cap. 5. ] At the same time also Mariamme the third sister of King Agrippa , scorning Julius Archelaus the son of Chelcias , went and married Demetrius a chief man among the Jews of Alexandria both for birth and riches , and was at that time the Alabarcha . [ Id. ibid. ] Paul sending back Silus and Timotheus who had come to him from Bera , again into Macedonia , staies alone at Athens , and he had a great mind once and again to go to Thessalonica , but could not compasse it , being hindred of Satan . Wherefore he sent Timotheus thither , that he might confirm in the faith , and comfort the Thessalonians . [ Acts XVIII . 5. I. Thess. 11 , 17 , 18. III. 1 , 2. ] In the mean time he left Athens and went to Corinth , where he found Aquila a Jew , and his wife Priscilla , who came lately from Italy , because Claudius had made a decree that al● Jews should depart from Rome : and because he was of the same craft of making tents with them , Paul aboad with them and laboured , and he reasoned in the Synagogue every Sabbath , and perswaded both Jews and Greeks . [ Acts XVIII . 1 , 5. ] Here Paul with his own hand baptized the family of Stephanus , [ I. Cor. I , 16. ] who were the first fruites of Achaia , and addicted themselves to the ministery of the Saints . [ ibid. XVI , 15. ] As Sylas and Timotheus came out of Macedonia , when the Jews withstood Paul preaching Christ with great zeal , and blasphemed : ●haking his garments against them he turnes aside unto the Gentiles , going into the house of one who was sir-named Just , one that worshipt God and lived near unto the Synagogue . [ Acts XVIII , 6 , 7. ] Chrispus the ruler of the Synagogue believed in the Lord with all his family , and many of the Corinthians hearing believed and were baptized , [ ibid. 8. ] of whom Paul baptized Chrispus and Gaius with his own hand . [ I. Cor. I , 14. ] The Lord said in a vision to Paul by night , be not afraid but speak , and hold not thy peace , for I am with thee , and no man shall set on thee to hurt thee , for I have much people in this City , and he staied there a year and six months , teaching the word of the Lord among them , [ Acts XVIII . 9 , 10 , 11. ] together with Sylvanus ( or Silas ) and Timotheus . [ II. Cor. I , 19. ] After the return of Timothy from Macedonia , Paul with the same Timotheus and Sylvanus ( or Silas ) wrote the first epistle to the Thessalonians , [ I. Thess. III , 6. ] in which when he had spoken something obscurely concerning the day of judgment , as if it were now at hand , [ cap. I. 1 , 5. ] he wrote a little after another epistle unto them , wherein he more clearly expounds that businesse , [ I. Thess. II , 2 , 3. ] written verily when he had Sylvanus and Timotheus for his companions in the ministery of the Gospel , [ cap. I. 1. ] and after he had been with the Thessalonians , and they had embraced the saith of Christ , [ cap. II , 5. ] so that Grotius was extreamly mistaken , in thinking that it was written under Caius Caligula . The Parthians broke in and wasted Armenia , having driven out Rhadamistus , who had often enjoyed the Kingdom , and been often a fugitive , had now also forsaken that war. [ Tacit. Annal. lib. 13. cap. 6. ] But when Bardanes son began to contend with Vologesus the King of the Parthians , the Parthians sorsook Armenia , as if they deferred the war. [ Id. ibid. cap. 7. ] Claudius died the III Ides of October , Year of the World 4058 Asinius Marcellus , and Asinius Aviola being Consuls . [ Seneca . in Lud. de Mort. Claudii . Sueton. in Claud. cap. 45. Dion . lib. 60. pag. 688. ] When he had raigned thirteen years , eight moneth , and twenty-dayes . [ Dion . ibid. cum Joseph . lib. 20. cap. 5. ] And in the middle of the same day , the gates of the Palace being suddenly thrown open , Nero , both the son in law and adopted son is declared Emperour . [ Tacit. lib. 12. cap. ult . ] In the beginning of his new principality , Junius Silanus , Proconsul of Asia , a Noble man , and descended of the Caesars , unknown to Nero , being scarce out of his childhood , and innocent ; was taken away by the treachery of his mother Agrippina . The Ministers were P. Celer , a Knight of Rome , and Aelius , a freed man , they both had the charge of the Princes revenues in Asia : by these the Proconsul was poysoned at a feast . [ Tacit. lib. 13. cap. 1. ] The Embassadours of Armenia pleading the cause of their Nation before Nero , his mother would needs come up into the seat of Audience , and sit with him : but that ( the rest surprized with fear ) Seneca advised him , to meet his mother , and so under colour of doing his duty , prevented the discredit . [ Tacit. lib. 13. cap. 5. ] The report being brought to Rome , that the Parthians had possessed themselves of Armenia , Nero commanded the youth of the neighbour Provinces to be mustered , to supply the Legions of the East , and the Legions themselves to be planted neerer Armenia , and also the two old Kings , Agrippa ( of Judea ) and Jocchus ( or Antiochus , rather Commagenus ) that they should prepare their forces , to enter the bounds of the Parthians , and that bridges should be made over Euphrates : and he committed to Aristobulus the charge of Armenia the Lesse , and of the Country of Sophene to Sohemus , with the ornaments of a King. He set Domitius Corbulo to keep Armenia , and so divided , the forces of the East should remain in the Province of Syria , with Quadratus the Lieutenant thereof : and the like number of Citizens and Allies with Corbulo , with other Cohorts and Troops of Horse that wintered in Cappadocia , and gave command to the confederate Kings to be ready , as occasion of war should require . [ Ibid. cap. 5 , 7 , 8. ] In the first year of Nero's Empire , Azivus , King of the Emesenians , being dead , his brother succeeded him in the Principality . But Aristobulus , the son of Herod , King of Chalcis received of Nero the Principality of Armenia the Lesse , ( as it is already said out of Tacitus ) and to the Kingdom of Agrippa he added four Cities , with all the land belonging to them : in Galilee , Tiberias , and Tarichea : in Iturea beyond Jordan , Abila and Julias , with the land that was inhabited with fourteen Villages . [ Joseph . Antiquit. 20. cap. 6. Belli . 2. cap. 12. ] Domitius Corbulo , making all speed , at Aegeae , a City of Cilicia , met Quadratus , who went thither on purpose , least if Corbulo had entred Syria , to receive the forces , all mens eies had been cast upon him . Both of them sent messengers to Vologeses the King of the Parthians , That they desired peace rather than war , and therefore he should give hostages , and continue the like reverence to the people of Rome , as his Ancestours had done : and Vologeses , either that he might the better prepare for war , or that he might remove all competitours by the name of hostages , delivered the most noble of the family of the Arsacidae : and the Centurion Hostorius ( or Histius ) sent from Quadratus for the same purpose receives them . Which being known unto Corbulo , he commanded Arrius Varus , the Captain of a foot company , to go and receive the hostages . Hereupon grew a quarrel between the Captain and the Centurion ; and because they would not be a scorn to the strangers , the businesse is put to the Arbitrament of hostages , and the Lieutenants that conducted them : and they both for his new honours , and by a certain inclination of the enemies themselves , preferred Corbulo . Hereupon grew a jarre between the Commanders , Quadratus complaining that that was taken from him that was compassed by his advice . Corbulo on the other side protesting , that the King was never drawn to offer hostages , untill that he being chosen General , the Kings hopes were turned into fear . Nero , that he might compose the differences , published this order , That Quadratus and Corbulo , for their prosperous successes should have bayes added to their bundle of rods . [ Tacit. 13. cap. 8. & 9. ] In the beginning of Neros raign , all Judea is filled with thieves and enchanters , and seducers of the unskilful multitude , whom Felix every day put to death as many as he took : but Eleazar , the son of Dinas , who had a great band of thieves about him , he perswaded him to come unto him , giving him his word , that he should suffer no brunt from him , and when he came , he bound him and sent him to Rome . [ Joseph . lib. 20. cap. 6. ] When Felix could no longer endure Jonathan the High Priest , so often and so freely admonishing him concerning his better government of the Common-wealth of the Jews : He perswaded Dora , a great friend of Jonathans , by promising him a great sum of mony , to kill Jonathan by some assasinates . Certain therefore of them came into the City , under colour of religion , with short swords hid privately under their garments , and mingling among his family , killed Jonathan : and because that murder was unpunished , invited by this licentiousnesse , came at every feast , hiding their swords after the same manner , being in the crowds , they freely killed some for private enemies , some being hired thereunto for mony , not only in other parts of the City , but also in the Temple it self . [ Id. ibid. ] And thus was the City infested with thieveries : and as touching deceivers and Magicians , they enticed and drew multitudes into the desarts , promising them that they would shew them signs and wonders done by the power of God : but the multitude being thus perswaded , suffered the penalty of their folly , being recalled back by Felix , and put to death . [ Id. ibid. ] At that time there was a certain Egyptian came into the Province , who termed himself a Prophet , who gathered together almost thirty ( or rather four [ Acts XXI . 38. ] thousand men , and brought them from the wildernesse , unto the Mount of Olives , there he told them , That by his command they should see the walls of Jerusalem fall down , by which way they might enter into the City : which being reported to Felix , he brake in , and invaded this seduced multitude , with his Roman Horse and Foot ; a great multitude also of the Jews helping him : he killed 400 , and took 200. prisoners alive . The rest of the multitude being dispersed into their own Countries : but the Egyptian , with a few that escaped from the fight , was not known what became of him . [ Id. ibid. & lib. 2. belli . cap. 12. ] Of whom Lysias the Captain speaks to St. Paul , [ Acts XXI . 38. ] Art not thou that Egyptian which before these dayes madest an uproare , and leddest out into the desart 4000 men that were murderers . When Gallio was Proconsul of Achaia , the Jews of Corinth brought Paul before his judgement-seat : but he refusing to be Judge in these matters , and driving them from the judgement-seat , the Creeks took Sosthenes , the Ruler of the Synagogue , and beat him : but Gallio cared for none of these things . [ Acts XVIII . 12 , 17. ] This Gallio was the brother of L. Anneus Seneca , ( who together with Burrhus , commanded all things at Rome , under his young Scholer Nero ) who deriding the deifieing of Claudius , that was taken away by poyson , said , That he was taken up to Heaven by a hook , as Dion saith in the end of his 60 book , there is extant the book of Controversies , of Marcus Anneus Seneca , the Father to the three Sons , Novatus , Seneca , and Melas . The second of these L. Seneca in his consolation to his Mother Helvia teacheth , that one of his brother by his industry got honours , the other contemned them . By the first understanding Novatus , who being adopted by Junius Gallio ( who was banished by Tiberius , as we have declared at the end of the year the of World , 4035. out of Tacitus ) was also called Gallio , and was by the same Seneca called Lord , as being his elder brother , as Lipsius notes upon the place of the Epistle 104. This was wont to be the speech of my Lord Gallio , who began to have a feaver , being in Achaia , and presently took shipping , crying , That it was not the disease of the body but of the place . When Paul had stayed many dayes at Corinth , Year of the World 4059 after the tumult that was made before Gallio's Tribunal , The Julian Period . 4769 after he had taken his leave of the brethren , Year after Christ 56 he sets saile from the port of Cenchrea ; and sailing into Syria , he came first to Ephesus , where entring into a Synagogue , he reasoned with the Jews : and when they desired him to tarry longer with them , he consented not , saying , That he must by all means keep the feast that cometh at Jerusalem : but promising that he would returne to them again , if God will : and bidding them farewell , leaving Aquila and Priscilla there , he sailed from thence to Ephesus , with the rest of his companions . [ Acts XVIII . 18 , 22. ] Paul going from Caesarea ( Stratonis ) to salute the Church of Jerusalem , went down to Antioch , ( of Syria ) and when he had stayed there some time , he departed , and went over in order all the regions of Galatia and Phrygia , confirming all the Disciples , [ Ibid. 22 , 23. ] where he is received by the Galatians , as an Angel of God , or Jesus Christ himself . [ Galat. IV. 14. ] Among other things he appointed that the collections for the poor should be set apart every Lords day . [ I. Corinth . XVI . 1 , 2. ] Josephus , the son of Matthias , after the three years that he had lived with Banus in the wildernesse , returns to Jerusalem , being now fourteen years old , he began to meddle with publick affairs , following the Sect of the Pharisees , which comes neerest to the Sect of the Stoicks among the Grecians . [ Joseph . in his Life . ] A certain Jew named Apollos , born at Alexandria , an eloquent man , and powerful in the Scriptures , came to Ephesus , and being instructed in the way of the Lord , and fervent in the spirit , he spake and taught diligently the things of the Lord , knowing only the baptisme of John : and he began to speak freely in the Synagogue ; whom when Aquilla and Priscilla had heard , they took him unto them , and expounded unto him the way of the Lord more fully . And when he was disposed to passe into Achaia , the brethren exhorted him , and wrote to the Disciples to receive him : who when he was come helped them who had believed , for with great contention he convinced the Jews publickly , shewing by the Scriptures that Jesus was the Christ. [ Acts XVIII . 24 , 28. ] When Apollos was at Corinth , Year of the World 4060 Paul having passed through the upper coasts , The Julian Period . 4770 ( viz. Galatia and Phrygia ) came to Ephesus , Year after Christ 57 where he found twelve Disciples , which knew only the baptisme of John , but had not yet received the Holy Ghost , by the imposition of hands : who being farther instructed by him in the doctrine of Christ. When he had laid his hands on them , the Holy Ghost came on them , and they spake with tongues and prophesied . Then he went into the Synagogue , and spake freely , disputing and perswading the things concerning the Kingdom of God. [ Acts XIX . 1 , 8. ] When some Jews were hardened and believed not , but spake evil of the way of the Lord , Paul in the view of the multitude , departing from them , separated the Disciples , dayly disputing in the School of one Tyrannus : and this he did by the space of two whole years ; so that all that dwelt in Asia , both Jews and Greeks heard the word of the Lord Jesus : and many miracles were done by the hand of Paul : so that handkerchifes and aprons were brought from his body to the sick , and the diseases departed from them , and evil spirits went out of them . [ Ibid. 9. 12. ] Asia accusing P. Celer , because Caesar could not absolve him , he delayed his triall , till he should dye by old age ; for Celer having killed Sylanus the Proconsul , cloaked all his other wickednesse , by the greatnesse of that villany . [ Tacit. lib. 13. cap. 33. ] The Cilicians accused Cossutianus Capito , as one bespotted and defiled with all vices , and thought that he had the same authority , to do wickedly in the Province , as he had exercised in the City : but he being turmoiled with this overthwart accusation , let fall his defence , and was condemned of extortion . [ Id. Ibid. ] to whom ( according to Lipsius ) is to be referred that of Juvenal in the eighth Satyre . — quam fulmine justo Et Capito & Tutor ruerint damnante Senatu , Pirata Cilicum . — How th' Senates just thunder strook Sutor and Capito for making prize , As Pirates , of th' Cilician Merchandize . And that of Quintilian . [ lib. 6. cap. 1. ] The accuser of Cossutianus seemed to us young men to speak bravely , it was in Greek , but to this sence , He was ashamed to be afraid of Caesar. Great suits prevailed so much for Epirus Marcellus , of whom the Lycians demanded restitution , that some of the accusors were banished , as though they had endangered an innocent man. [ Tacit. lib. 13 , 33. ] The war about the getting of Armenia , Year of the World 4061 that was drawn at length between the Romans and Parthians , The Julian Period . 4771 by mild beginnings , Year after Christ 58 was now hotly pursued , because neither would Vologeses suffer his brother Tiridates to be devested of that Kingdom , that he had invested him with , or let him accept it as the gift of another : and Corbulo thought it worthy the greatnesse of the people of Rome , to recover what was in former time gotten by Lucullus and Pompey . Corbulo , to prepare his army to this war , fashioned it after the old severity and discipline ; and entring Armenia , dismantled some Castles , and burnt Artaxata , Tiridates not daring to give him battle . [ Tacit. lib. 13. from cap. 34. to 41. ] Seven exorcists of the Jews , the sons of Scaeva a chief Priest calling over them that had unclean spirits , the name of the Lord Jesus , did adjure them by Jesus whom Paul preached , on whom he that had the unclean spirit leaped , and compelled them to fly out of the house wounded and naked , which when it was known both to the Jews and Greeks which dwelt at Ephesus , fear fell on them all , and the name of the Lord Jesus was magnified , and many that believed came and confessed and shewed their deeds , many also of them that used curious arts , brought their books together and burned them before all men , and they counted the price of them , and found it fifty thousand pieces of silver , so mightily grew the word and prevailed . [ Acts XIX 13 , 20. ] The Galatians , immediately after the departure of Paul from them [ Acts XVIII . 23. ] being seduced by false brethren , thought that they were to be justified by the works of the Law , whom he calls from their errour by a vehement Epistle written unto them concerning that matters . [ Gal. 1. 6 , 7. ] Paul thought in his mind , Year of the World 4062 when he had passed thorough Macedonia and Achaia , The Julian Period . 4772 to go to Jerusalem , Year after Christ 59 saying , after I have been there , I must see Rome also . [ Acts XIX . 21. ] And first he purposed to come to Corinth , and from thence to go into Macedonia , and again from Macedonia to Corinth , and so to go to Judea , [ I Cor. I. 15 , 16. ] whither he had consigned the collections for the poor Saints at Jerusalem to be sent : from thence he appointed to go to Rome , and so to take a journey into Spain . [ Rom. XV. 24 , 28. ] Paul agitating these things in his mind , sent Timotheus and Erastus into Macedonia , but he himself staied in Asia for a season , [ Acts XIX . 22. ] viz. of Lydia , in which he seems to have preached the Gospel , to the Cities that were near to Ephesus , by the space of nine months , which with the two years that he taught in the School of Tyrannus , and the three months being added that he taught in the Synagogue of Ephesus , will make up the three years that he saith he laboured in Asia , [ Acts XX , 15 , 31. ] a great door being opened unto him although there were many adversaries . [ I. Cor. XVI . 9. ] Campania perceived the eclipse that happened the last of Aprill , Vipsanius and Fonteius being Consuls between seven and eight of the clock in the morning , Corbulo the generall in Armenia wrote that it was seen between ten and eleven , [ Pliny . lib. 2. cap. 70. ] at Rome the eclipse was seen in the middle of their sacrificings , that were made by the decree of the Senate , for the cause of Agrippina that was killed by her son , so that the stars were seen . [ Xiphilin . out of Dion . with Tacitus . lib. 14. cap. 12. ] Then arose a Schism in the Church of Corinth , Year of the World 4063 which was shewed unto him by those that were of the house of Chloe , some saying that they were of Paul , some of Apollos , some of Cephas , and some of Christ. [ I Cor. I. 11 , 12 , & III. 3 , 4. ] Apollos with some other brethren went from Corinth to Paul into Asia , [ ibid. XVI . 12. ] by whom the Corinthians write to Paul and ask his advice , about the matter of Marriage and Single life . [ Ibid. VII . 1. ] Paul together with Sosthenes the Ruler of the Synagogue at Corinth , being converted to the Faith of Christ , ( Timothy being then absent ) [ I Cor. XVI . 10. with Acts XIX . 22. ] from Asia , ( of Lydia , where he then was ) wrote the first Epistle to the Corinthians by Stephanus , Fortunatus , and Achaicus , that were sent from them to visit the Apostle . Apollos refusing to return so suddenly back with them . [ I Cor. I. 1. & XVI . 13 , 17 , 19. ] In that Epistle he commanded the incestuous Corinthian that had maried his fathers wife , to be delivered to Satan , [ Chap. V. ] and corrects the errour that had crept into the Church ; as well the errours of practice , as that chief erour of opinion , ( taken out of the sink of the Sadduces ) denying the Resurrection to come , [ cap. XV. ] signifying unto them , that he will come unto them , and set in order the things that remain , [ cap. IV. 18 , 19 , & XI . 34. ] as he passeth by into Macedonia ; but first he will tarry at Ephesus until Pentecost ; [ XVI . 5 , 6 , 7. cap. XVI . 5 , 8. ] which his purpose , some unlooked for occasion suddenly hindered . For Demetrius a Silver-smith , who made silver Shrines for Diana , fearing that he should lose his profit , calling together the workmen of the same craft , raised a tumult against Paul , as he that would perswade not onely the Ephesians , but almost all the whole multitude of Asia , that they were not gods that were made with hands . Who having caught Gaius and Aristarchus Macedonians , Pauls companions in travel , they rushed into the Theatre : and when Paul would have gone in thither , the disciples and some of the chief men of Asia ( that provided for the Playes to be seen in the Theatre ) his friends would not suffer him to go out unto the people ; and when Alexander the Jew would have made his defence to the people , there was a great cry among the people almost for two hours : Great is Diana of the Ephesians . At length the tumult being appeased by the wisdom of the Town-clark , Paul calling the brethren together took his leave , and departed for to go into Macedonia . [ Acts XIX . 24 , 41. and XX. 1. ] Aquila and Priscilla going from Ephesus , returned to Rome , after they had laid down their own necks for to save Paul : [ Rom. XVI . 3 , 4. ] with [ I Cor. XVI . 19. ] the Jews every where returning to Rome , the Edict of Claudius for their expulsion after his death wearing our of date . [ Acts XXVIII . 17 , 21. ] Paul coming from Ephesus to Troas , although there was a door open unto him of the Lord to preach the Gospel , yet being troubled because he found not Titus there ( whom he had sent to the Corinthians with another brother , ) he sailed from thence into Macedonia , [ II. Cor. II. 12 , 13 , with XII . 18. ] which after he had gone over , he exhorted the brethren with much exhortation . [ Acts XX , 2. ] And when his affliction there did not remit , but without were fightings , within were fears , the coming of Titus brought comfort unto him , and the joyfull message that he brought concerning the stare of the Corinthians , [ II. Cor. II , 5 , 16 , ] by whose example he provoked the Macedonians to provide collections for to be sent to Jerusalem , saying that Achaia was ready a year agoe , [ ibid. IX . 2. ] by whose example they being moved , iin much triall of affliction , yea , and beyond their power , they shewed themselves liberall . [ ibid. VIII . 1 , 5. ] The Apostle having learned from Titus the successe of his first epistle , The Julian Period . 4773 wrote together with Timothy the second epistle to the Corinthians , Year after Christ 60 in which after he had reckoned up the great affliction that he had suffered in Asia , by the procurement of Demetrius , he protests that he came not unto them as he had intended , onely that he might spare them , [ cap. I. 8 , 9 , 17 , 23. ] and desires them that they would pardon the incestuous Corinthian upon his repentance , [ cap. VI. 5 , 11. ] he sent Titus unto them again , with another brother whose praise is in the Gospel throughout all the Churches , ( who is thought to be Luke ) that their collections to be sent to Jerusalem , might be in readinesse when he came thither himself . [ cap. VIII . 16 , 19 , & IX . 3. 4 , 5. ] Paul went from Macedonia into Greece , where he staied three months ; [ Acts XX. 2 , 3. ] within which time coming to Corinth , he received the collections in Achaia for the relief of the believers at Jerusalem , [ 1. Cor. XVI . 3 , 4 , 5 , with II. Cor. IX . 4. ] That that famous epistle to the Romans was written from Corinth , Origen confirms by many reasons in his preface to the exposition of that epistle , it was indited by Paul , written by the hand of Tertius , and sent by Phebe a servant of the Church of Cenchrea near Corinth , [ Rom. XVI . 1. ] at what time the Apostle was about to take his journey to Jerusalem with the collections of Macedonia and Achaia . [ Rom. XV. 25 , 26. ] When the Apostle thought to goe directly from thence into Syria , that he might carry the collections to Jerusalem , he was laid wait for by the Jews , whereupon he thought it best to return into Macedonia , from whence he came , and from thence to passe into Asia properly so called . [ Acts XX , 3 , 4. ] Paul sent away before him from Philippi in Macedonia into Asia , the companions of his journey , Sopater or Sosipater , [ Rom. XVI . 11. ] of Beraea , Aristarchus and Secundus of Thessalonica , Gaius of Derbe , and Timotheus , with Tychicus and Trophimu : of Asia : who expected him at Troas , but he himself with Luke and the rest , sayling away from Philippi , after the daies of unleavened bread , came unto them within five daies to Troas , and tarried there seven daies . [ ibid. 4 , 5 , 6. ] On the eighth day which was the first of the week , the Disciples being gathered together to break bread . Paul preached unto them , he being to goe away the next day , and continued his discourse unto midnight , where he restores to life Eutychus a young man that fell down from the third lost in the room where they were gathered together . [ ibid. 7. 12. ] From hence Paul went a foot unto Assos , where Luke and his other companions going by ship , took him in and came to Mytelene ; and when they had sayled from thence , the day following they came over against Chios , and the next day arrived at Samos , and when they had tarried at Trogyllium , the day following they came to Miletus . [ ibid. 13 , 14 , 15. ] And Paul made hast that he might possibly be at Jerusalem at the feast of Pentecost willing therefore to passe by Ephesus , he sent messengers from Miletus to Ephesus , and called the Elders of the Church , whom he in a most grave speech warnes of their duty , and seriously exhorts them to the performance of the same , then kneeling down he praied with them , and they all wept , but sorrowing most of all because he had said ( as he then thought it would come to passe ) that they should see his face no more . [ ibid. 16 , 38. ] After they had lanched from Troas , they came with straight course to Coos ; and the day following to Rhodes , and from thence to Patara : then going into a ship that sailed to Phenicia , they discoverd Cyprus , and leaving it on the left hand , they came to Tyrus . [ Acts XXI . 1 , 2 , 3. ] There having found Disciples they tarried seven days , who said unto Paul by the Spirit , that he should not go up to Jerusalem ; but he kneeling down on the shore , prayed with them : then taking ship , he came from Tyrus to Ptolemais ; and there having saluted the brethren , the next day he came to Cesarea , ( Stratonis ) Where he stayed many dayes with Philip the Evangelist , who was one of the Seven , [ Acts VI. 5. ] and had four daughters , Virgins , that did prophesie ; and there came a Prophet from Judea called Agabus , who binding his own hands and feet , foretold the bonds that waited for him ; who when he could not be perswaded by the brethren , that he should not cast himself into such imminent danger , he came to Jerusalem : the Disciples accompanying him from Cesarea , and bringing with them one Mnasor of Cyprus , an old Disciple , with whom he should lodge . [ Ibid. 4. 16 , ] Here being most gladly received of the Church , by the advice of James and all the Elders of Jerusalem , to wash off the calumny that was spread of him , ( to wit , that he taught ane exhorted the Jews that believed in Christ , ( of whom there were then many thousands ) to forsake the observation of the Law of Moses ) he joyned himself to four men that were believing Jews that had made the vow , of the Nazarite : and purifying himself with them according to the command of the law . But all this did no good : for when some of the unbelieving and rebellious Jews of Asia , ( which came to Jerusalem to the feast ) saw him in the Temple , with great clamour and noise they stirred up the people , feigned this crime , that he had brought Trophimus , a Gentile of Ephesus , into the Temple , and had prophaned the Temple . And as they were about to kill him , there came the chief Captain ( Claudius Lysias ) with a band of men , and took Paul out of their hands , and led him into the Castles where , by the permission of the chief Captain , he spake unto the people as they were in the tumult , a speech in the Hebrew tongue . [ Acts ibid. 17 , 40. ] The Jews being enraged , and more vehemently crying out against him , by reason of his speech , the chief Captain commands him to be examined by scourging : from which punishment he is freed , by his declaring that he was a Roman : and when the chief Captain desired to know of what crime he was accused by the Jews ; the next day he commanded the chief Priests and all their Council to come together , and set Paul before them , having loosed him from his bands . [ Acts XXII . ] As Paul was beginning to plead his cause before the Council , Ananias the High Priest ( the son of Nebideus , who , although he was deprived of the High Priesthood , yet seems to be President of the Council ) as before him Annas , or Ananus was , that was the father in law of Caiphas ) commanded him to be smitten on the mouth ; wherefore he is severely rebuked of Paul , by the name of whited wall . Then Paul proclaiming openly that he was a Pharisee , and that he was called into judgement for the hope of the resurrection . Then arose a dissension between the Sadduces that accused him , and the Pharises that excused him : but the chief Captain fearing least he should be torn in pieces by them , as they were contending , took Paul from among them with his souldiers , and brought him into the Castle : to whom the Lord appearing the next night , comforted him as he was sad , and animates him to greater things , foretelling him that he must bear witnesse of him at Rome also . [ Acts XXIII . 1 , 11. ] And when it was day , more than fourty of the zealous Jews bound themselves under a curse , that they would neither eat not drink till they had killed Paul : which their laying in wait , the chief Captain knowing from Pauls sisters son , in the third hour of the night , he sent Paul with a guard of Souldiers to Felix , the Governour of the Province ; by whom he is brought in the night to Antipatris , and the next day to Cesarea : where he is commanded by Felix to be kept in Herods judgement-hall . [ Ibid. 12 , 35. ] All which things are to be acted within the space of one week ; as may be understood , from Acts XXIV . verses . 1. and 11. compared together . Five dayes after Paul being accused by Ananias and the Elders , by the mouth of Tertullus an Oratour , before the Governour at Cesarea , clears himself from their false accusations ; twelve dayes after the violence that was offered him in the Temple , when as now Felix had governed the Jews many years , for this was now the tenth year of his government , he having heard them , defers his sentence to another time , commanding a Centurion that Paul should be kept , and to let him have liberty , and that none of his acquaintance should be forbiden to minister or come unto him . [ Acts XXIV . 1 , 23. ] After some dayes , when Felix came with his wife Drusilla which was a Jew , ( the sister of King Agrippa ) another Drusilla besides that was the wife of Felix , that was the daughter of Juba , the King of Mauritania , the Neice of Antony and Cleopatra , he called for Paul : and heard him trembling , reasoning of faith in Christ , righteousnesse , and temperance , and judgement to come ; and he spake with Paul the oftener , hoping that he would redeem himself with money , having him in bonds two whole years . [ Ibid. 24 , 27. ] Corbulo had Tigranocerta yeilded unto him , who also subdued all Armenia . [ Tacit. lib. 14. from the 13 chap. to the 26. ] Tigranes the son of Alexander ( the son of that Alexander that was put to death by his father Herod the Great ) and of Glaphira ( the daughter of Archelaus the King of Cappadocia ) who was kept Hostage at Rome a long time , even unto servile Patience was sent by Nero to take that kingdom , he was not received there by a general consent , the ancient love they bare the Arsacidae remaining still amongst some of them ; but the most hating the pride of the Parthians , desired a King to be given them rather from Rome . He had also a guard given him , a thousand Legionary souldiers , three Band of allies , and two wings of Horse : to the end he might more easily defend his new kingdom . Part of Armenia as it lay nearest to every one , was commanded to obey , part Nipolis ( Thrasipolis ) part Aristobulus and Antiochus . [ Id. ibid. cap. 26. with Joseph . lib. 18. cap. 7. fin . ] Corbulo went into Syria , that wanted a Governour by reason of the death of Ventidius ( Numidius ) Quadratus the Lieutenant there , and it was committed to his charge . [ Tacit. lib. 14. cap. 26. ] In the same year Laodice one of the most famous Cities of Asia , destroyed by an Earthquake , recovered again by her own wealth . [ Id. ibid. cap. 27. ] Tarquinius Priscus was condemned for extortion , Year of the World 4064 at the suite of the Bythinians , The Julian Period . 4774 at which the Senator greatly rejoyced , Year after Christ 61 remembring that his Proconsul Statibius Taurus , was condemned by him . [ Id ibid. cap. 46. with lib. 12. cap. 59. ] There arose a contention at Cesarea Stratonis , between the Jews and the Syrians about the equallity of power in the City . The Jews being rich , reproached the Syrians , who though they were poorer in respect of wealth , yet they bore themselves high , by reason that many that served the Romans in their wars about those places , were country-men of Cesarea and Sebaste ; and so gave the Jews as good as they brought . Afterwards they began to throw stones one at another , so that many were slain and hurt on both sides ; but yet the Jews had the Victory : whom when Felix required to leave off their debate , and they obeyed not , he sent souldiers among them who killed many , and took many prisoners ; and granted also to his souldiers the plunder of many rich houses : but the more honourable and fuller of modesty of the Jews fearing the like misery might befall themselves , besought Felix that he would sound a retreate , and to spare that which yet remained , and that he would pardon them upon their repentance : to which the Governour yeilded at their intreaty . [ Joseph . lib 20. cap. 6. ] At the same time King Agrippa conferred the High Priesthood on Israel the son of Phabius . There arose also a dissention between the chief Priests and the rest of the Priests and Rulers of Jerusalem , and they each went guarded with a company of most bold and seditious men , who decided their debates with reproaches and throwing stones . Neither was there any to restrain them , as though the City wanted Magistrates : and the impudency of the High Priest grew to such an height , that they durst send their servants to the very corn-floores to take away the Tithes that were due to the Priests : so that many poor Priests died for want of food . So much did the violence of the seditious prevail above justice . [ Id. ibid. ] Marke the Evangelist who first preached Christ at Alexandria , Year of the World 4065 died in the 8 year of Nero , and was buried at Alexandria ; [ Jerosme . Scriptor . Eccles. Catalog . ] after whom the Elders of Alexandria chose one from among themselves , whom they placed in a higher degree , and called him a Bishop : after the manner , as if an army should chuse a General , or the Deacons chuse one from among themselves whom they know to be industrious , and should call him Arch-Deacon . [ Id. in Epist. 85. ad Euagrium . ] And they chose Anianus a man both dear unto God for his piety , and also admirable in all things : who was the first bishop of the Church of Alexandria after Mark , and was there twelve years . From the eighth year of Nero , to the fourth of Domitian , [ Id. in Catalog . with Euseb. in Chronic. & Eccles. Histor. lib. 2. cap. 23. & lib. 3. cap. 12. ] Vologeses the King of the Parthians , The Julian Period . 4775 endeavours to restore his brother Tiridates that was thrust out of Armenia , Year after Christ 62 to which end he sent one army into Armenia , and another into Syria . Corbulo sends part of his army to Tigranes King of Armenia , and he himself drives the Parthians out of Syria , and so threatens the Parthians , that they leave off the war , and send Embassadors to sue for peace ; who are dismissed by Nero , without their suit being granted : and Caesennius Paetus is preferred to be General for the defence of Armenia . [ Tacit. lib. 15. cap. from 1. to the 7. ] Felix seeing this sedition between the Jews and Syrians of Caesarea still to continue , sent some of the Nobility of both sides as Embassadours to Nero , to argue their cause before him . [ Joseph . lib. 2. bell . cap. 12. ] He also sent prisoners to Rome for a very smal fault , some Priests , good and honest men , to plead their own cause before Nero. [ Id. in his own Life . ] He also left Paul the Apostle , whom he had kept prisoner two whole years at Cesarea , to shew the Jews a pleasure , still a prisoner there , when he had received Portius Festus from Nero his successour , in the Province . [ Acts XXIV . 27. ] Festus , when he was come into the Province , after three dayes he ascended from Cesarea to Jerusalem : before whom when the High Priest , and the Rulers of the Jews accused Paul , desiring that he might be brought from Cesarea to Jerusalem , with an intent to lay wait and kill him in the journy . Which Festus refusing , commanded Pauls accusars to to come to Cesarea : and having tarried there not above ten dayes , he goes down to Cesarea ; and the next day sitting in his Tribunal , he heard the Jews accusing Paul , and Paul clearing himself from their accusations : and Festus being willing to pleasure the Jews , asked Paul if he would be judged at Jerusalem before him , of that matter that he was accused of : Paul , who knew with what intent , and by whose advice he asked that question , and fearing some treachery from the Jews , denyed to go thither , and appealed to Caesar : whose appeal , Festus , after he had conferred with the Councel , admitted . [ Acts XXV . 1 , 12. ] After certain dayes , Agrippa the King , and Betenice his sister , came to Cesarea , to salute the new Governour : and when the had tarried there many dayes . Festus , not knowing what to write to Caesar concerning Paul , consulted with Agrippa about that businesse ; who when he had said that he would willingly hear him himself . The next day Agrippa and Berenice with much pomp came into the place of hearing , together with the Captains , and the principal men of the City , and Paul , at Festus command , is brought out before them , being bound with a chain . [ Ibid. 13 , 27. ] Who in an eloquent oration , so clears his innocency , that although to the Governour , who was ignorant of these things , he seemed to be mad ; yet the King , who was exercised in the Scriptures , he had almost perswaded to be a Christian : and by the judgement of the whole Council , he was thought to have done nothing worthy of death or bonds , and that moreover he might have been set at liberty , if he had not appealed unto Cesar [ Acts XXVI . ] The Rulers of the Jews that dwelt at Cesarea , went to Rome to accuse Felix , and he had suffered punishment for the injuries he had done the Jews , unlesse Nero had pardoned him at the intreaties of his brother Pallas , who was in great favour at that time with his Prince , [ Jeseph . lib. 20. cap. 7. ] Although afterward the same Pallas , because he kept from Nero an huge deal of mony by his living so long , may be thought to be poisoned by him this same year . [ Tacit. lib. 14. cap. ult . ] Two principal men of the Syrians of Cesarea ; with a great sum of mony , bribed Beryllus , who had been Nero's School-master , but was then his secretary for the Greek tongue , that he would get the Emperours letters pattents , by which the Jews might be deprived of all authority in the City , which they had in common with Syrian inhabitants ; which thing he easily obtained . Which when the Jews of Cesarea understood , they continued in their seditions , even unto the beginning of the wars of the Jews , which took their beginning especially from hence . [ Joseph . lib. 20. cap. 7. ] Festus coming into Judea , found it grievously afflicted with thieves , every where spoiling the Villages , of whom the most cruel were called cut-throats , of which there were a great number , from their short crooked swords , like the Persian Cymetre , with which thrusting themselves into the presse of people ( as it is said ) that came to Jerusalem to celebrate , as God commanded , their festival daies , they might easily kill as many as they would ; who also being armed , went to the Villages of their enemies , and having plundered them , burnt them . [ Ibid. ] These Festus carefully pursued , and took great store of the thieves , and put not a few of them to death . [ Id. lib. 2. bell . cap. 12. and beginning of 13. ] When it was decreed that Paul should be sent to Caesar , he was delivered to Julius , a Centurion of Augustus band , with some other prisoners : who put him into a ship of Adramytium , that was to go to Asia , Aristarchus of Macedonia , besides Timothy and Luke accompanying him ; the next day they touched at Sidon , where Julius courteously entreating Paul , permitted him to go visit his friends , and to refresh himself : going from thence they sailed by Cyprus , because the winds were contrary . And when they had sailed over the sea of Cilicia and Pamphylia , they came to Myra , a City of Lycia : where when the Centurion had found a ship , whose signe was Castor and Pollux , going into Italy , he put the Captives in her : and when they had sailed slowly many dayes , were scarce come over against Cnidus , they sailed under Crete , over against Salmone , and hardly passing by it , they came to the fair Havens in the Isle of Crete . [ Acts XXVII . 1 , 8. ] When the fast ( that solemn fast of the expiation , Year of the World 4066 used to be kept every year by the Jews on the seventh month , and tenth day ) was past , and that sayling began to be dangerous , Paul foreseeing the dammage to come , advised them to winter there ; but when that port seemed unconvenient to winter there , they determined to winter in another port of Crete called Phenice , and as they were sayling thither the southwind at the first favouring them , but a little after there arose a tempestuous wind called Euroclydon , by which they were carried to a little island called Clauda ; then being caught and tossed by the great tempest , they lightned the ship , and the third day with their own hands they cast out the tackling of the ship , neither sun nor stars appearing for many daies , but when all hope of safety was taken away , it was revealed to Paul by an Angell in the night , that he must be brought before Caesar , and that God had given him all that sayled with him in the ship in the fourth watch of the night , as they were driven up and down in Adria , the shipmen deemed that they were nigh some countrey , which they found afterwards to be the island Melita , and as they strove to make in thither , the ship was broken by the violence of the tempest , but the men some swimming , and some on the plankes and broken pieces of the ship were all saved and came safe to land . [ ibid. 9. 44. ] After they had escaped they were curteously received by the inhabitants of Melitus , who making a fire to dry their cloathes , and Paul standing in the chimney , shook off a viper from his hand and had no hurt , they were wrapt into admiration of him , and said he was a god , here they lodged three daies with Publius a chief man of the island , whose father lying sick of a feaver and the bloudy flux was healed by Paul , others also which had diseases in the island were healed . [ XXVIII . I , 9. ] Cesennius Paetus , not having sufficiently fortified his wintering camps , nor provision of corn made , marcheth with all hast over the mount Taurus , and took a few Castles and some prey , and by long journeys having overrun the places he could not hold , and the provisions which he had taken , being corrupted , he came back again , and wrote letters to Caesar in high words , as though the war had been finished , but voide of matter . [ Tacit. lib. 15. cap. 8. ] In the mean time Corbulo had a special care to furnish the bank of Euphrates with more Garisons , and frighted Vologeses from entring Syria . Whereupon Vologeses turned against Paetus , and pressed him so sore , that he forced him to a dishonourable peace , of which Monobazus , King of Adiabena , is called to be a witnesse . The Fortresses that Corbulo had built on the other side of Euphrates were demolished , and the Armenians left to their own wills . But at Rome there were Trophees and Tryumphal Arches set up in the middest of the Capitoline Mount , for honour of the victory over the Parthians , which were done by the decree of the Senate , the war being yet fresh , neither were they taken down , only for a fair shew , not regarding the truth . [ Id. ibid. from cap. 9. to 18. ] Paul and his companions being highly honoured by them of Melitus , The Julian Period . 4776 and furnished with all things necessary , Year after Christ 63 after three moneth that they had been there , they went in a ship of Alexandria , that had wintered in the Island , and came to Syracuse : where they tarried three dayes ; from whence fetching a compasse , they came to Rhegium , and within one day the South wind blew , and the next day they came to Pu●eoli , where they found brethren , who desired them that they would stay with them seven dayes , and so they went toward Rome , [ Acts XXVIII . 10 , 14. ] in the ninth year of Nero's raign . The brethren went from Rome to meet Paul as far as Appii Forum , and the three Taverns : and when they came to Rome , the Centurion delivered the prisoners to the Captain of the guard : but Paul was suffered to dwell by himself with a Souldier that kept him . After three dayes , calling together the chief of the Jews that were at Rome , he declared unto them the cause , why he was sent prisoner to Rome , and that he was compelled to appeal unto Caesar. And when they denied that they had received any letter from Judea concerning him , but said , That this her esie was every where spoken against : and when they had appointed him a day , there came unto him to his lodging , to whom he expounded Christ out of the Law and the Prophets , from morning unto evening : and some assented unto the things that were spoken , and believed not : to whom after he pronounced their judgement out of Esaias ; leaving them , he turned to the Gentiles , and he remained in his own hired house two whole years , and received all that came to him , preaching the kingdom of God , and teaching those things that concerne the Lord Jesus Christ , no man forbidding him . [ Acts XXVIII . 14. 31. ] Onesiphorus very diligently sought out Paul at Rome , and found him , and refreshed him . [ II Tim. I. 16 , 17. ] In the beginning of the Spring , the Embassadours of the Parthians brought to Rome the messages and letters of King Vologeses , desiring that Armenia ( which they had already taken ) might be given unto them , and that a peace might be confirmed . But both these things being denied , the government of Syria is committed to Cintius ( as Governour ) the management of the war to Corbulo : and the fifteenth Legion is brought out of Pannonia under the conduct of Marius Cellus . Also the Tetrarchs and Kings and Prefects and Governours , and those that ruled the neighbour Provinces , are commanded to obey Corbulo , in as high a manner , having his power enlarged , as Pompey had given him by the people of Rome , when he undertook the war against the Pirates . Paetus being commanded home , Nero thought it enough ( when Paetus feared greater matters ) to scoffe at him , saying , That he would presently pardon him , lest he that was so ready to be afraid , should fall sick with too much pensivenesse . [ Tacit. lib. 15. cap. 24 , & 25. ] Corbulo , after he had mustered his army , went into Armenia , where the Embassadours of Vologeses met him , and desire peace : but Tiridates being compelled to come into the Roman Camp ; took off his Crown , and laid it at Caesars Image , and agreed to go to Rome to him to take it of him again : but with this condition , that he might first go visit his family and friends : in the mean time he leaves his daughter an Hostage , and delivered supplicatory letters to Nero. As he went away , he found Pacorus with the Medes , and Vologeses at Ecbatana . [ Tacit. lib. 15. cap. from 26. to 31. ] In Judea Festus sent forces both of Horse and Foot against a certain impostor a Magician , who drew men after him into the Wildernesse , being deceived by his promises , that they should be freed from all their misfortunes ; but those that went , and the seducer himself are killed by the souldiers that were sent . [ Joseph . lib. 20. cap. 7. ] At the same time King Agrippa built a stately house near the porch in the Palace of Jerusalem , which in time past belonged to the Hasmoneans , and was situate in an high place , from whence a fair prospect lay open to all Jerusalem : which the chief men of Jerusalem taking ill , that for a private house the sacrifices and all things that were done in the Temple might easily be seen , built an high wall , which not onely hindred the prospect of the Kings house , but of the west porch also without the Temple , in which the Roman souldiers kept guard on the Feast dayes , for the keeping of the Temple . At which act not onely the king , but also Festus the Governour of the province was offended ; and commanded to pull it down : But ten chief men ( by his permission ) were sent Embassadours to Nero about this businesse , together with Ismael the High Priest , and Chelcias the keeper of the holy Treasure . Nero having heard their Embassie , not onely forgave the Jews , but suffered the way to stand as it did , gratifying herein his wife Poppea , who favouring the Jews Religion , became their intercessour , who also suffered the ten men to return , but kept Ismael and Chelcias as Hostages with her ; which when Agrippa knew , he took away the High Priesthood from Ismael , and gave it to Joseph sirnamed Cabis , the son of Simon , sometime High Priest. [ Id. ibid. ] Josephus the son of Matthias , hearing that some Priests his familiar friends that were sent prisoners to Rome by Felix , had not in their calamity cast off the care of their Religion , but that they lived on Nuts and Figs ; that he might find some way to deliver them , in the 26 years of his age went to Rome , having passed many dangers in his journey by sea : for their ship being sunk in the middest of the Adriatick sea , for of 600 that had swam all night , about 80 that swam more fortunately were taken into a ship of Cyrene and so saved . Among whom was Josephus , who being set ashore , came to Dicearcha , ( or Puteoli , as the Italians call it ) where he falls into the acquaintance of one Aliturus a Player , who was a Jew , and in reputation with Nero : by him he was made known to Poppea the Empresse , and by her means presently got the Priests free . [ Id. in his Life . ] Festus dying in the Province , Nero sent Albinus his successour into Judea . But King Agrippa took away the High Priesthood from Joseph , and gave it to Ananus , the son of Annas , or that Ananus who had enjoyed formerly the High Priesthood even to satiety , he had five sons that enjoyed that dignity , which had never happened to any of the High Priests before . [ Id. lib. 20. cap. 8. ] Ananus the new High Priest of the sect of the Sadduces , a bold and heady man , thinking it a fit time seeing Festus was dead , and Albinus on his way , called a Council of the Judges , and brought James the brother of Jesus before them , who with some other accused of transgressing the Law , he delivers to be stoned . [ Joseph . lib. 20. cap. 8. ] This James the brother of the Lord , in the time of the Passeover was thrown down from a pinacle of the Temple and stoned , and one of them which was a Fuller , with a bar with which he was wont to presse his cloaths , strook him on the head with it and killed him . This Eusebius relates in the fifth book of the History of Hegesippus , [ lib. 2. Histor. Ecclesiast . cap. 22. ] This murder of James much displeased all the good men , and observerers of the Law. Whereupon they sent a messenger privately to King Agrippa , desiring him that he would command Ananus that no such thing should be done any more . Some also met Abinus as he came from the City of Alexandria , and informed him that Ananus had no power to call a Council without his leave . He being perswaded by their words , wrote a sharp letter to Ananus , wherein he threatned to punish him : and Agrippa also for the same cause within three moneths took the High Priesthood from him , and gave it to Jesus the son of Damaces . [ Joseph . lib. 20. cap. 8. ] But among the Christians , after the death of James , Simon the son of Cleophas is constituted Bishop of the Church of Jerusalem . [ Euseb. lib. Histor. Ecclesiast . cap. 26. ] Albinus as soon as he came to Jerusalem , he employed all his care and study , that he might keep the Country in quiet , by putting to death many theeves : and Ananus the High Priest ( the son of Nebedeus ) increased every day more and more in the love and esteem of the people , and he was honoured of all men for his liberality ; and Albinus also daily honoured the High Priest for his gifts . But Ananias had very bad servants , who getting a company of headstrong men , went from farme to farme , and took away the T●he of the Priests , and beat those that refused to render them . Some of the Priests also did the same , no body being able to restrain them : and many of the Priests that were maintained by the Tithes , were even starved for hunger . [ Joseph . lib. 20. cap. 8. ] The theeves at the Feast that then was ( of Pentecost ) entred Jerusalem by night and took alive the Secretary of Captain Eleazar the son of Ananias the High Priest. Him they carried away , and then sent to Ananias , one that should promise in their name , that if he would perswade Albinas to free ten of theirs that he had taken captive , they would deliver the Secretary : which thing Ananius obtained of Albinus , meer necessity compelling it . This was the beginning of greater calamities ; for the theeves alwayes found some trick to intercept some of Ananias his kindred , whom they would never deliver , until they had freed some of their own ; wherefore being increased both in boldnesse and number , they spoiled the whole Country , [ Joseph . lib. 20. cap. 8. ] At this time King Agrippa enlarged the walls of Cesarea Philippi , and changing the name , called it Neronias : at Berytus also he built a Theatre at huge charges , and set forth every year sports , for which he assigned a great sum of money . He also gave to the people of Berytus corn , and oil to each man : and he adorned that City with Statues , set up in divers places , and with Images of antick work , and transferred almost all the Ornaments of his kingdom into that City : for which cause his subjects began to hate him , because he disfurnished them of their Ornaments , to adorne a strange City . [ Id. ibid. ] Four years before the Jewish war , Year of the World 4067 ( that was managed by Vespasian ) when the City of Jerusalem enjoyed both peace and plenty , one Jesus the son of Ananus , a country man , and one of the common people , coming to the Feast of Tabernacles , began suddenly to cry out ; A voice from the East , a voice from the West , a voice from the four Winds ; a voice against Jerusalem and the Temple , a voice against new married man and women , a voice against all this people : and crying thus night and day , he went thorough all the streets of the City . Some of the Nobility disdaining any token of adversity , took the fellow and scourged him with many stripes : but he spake nothing secretly for himself , nor unto them that scourged him , but continued still in the same cry . But the Magistrates thinking it rather to be some motion in him from God , brought him to the Roman Captain , where being beaten till his bones appeared , he neither made intreaty , nor shed a teare ; but as well as he could framing a weeping voice , at every stroke , he answered , Wo , Wo , to Jerusalem , Albinus then asked them , who he was , and where he was born , and why he still cryed after this manner ; but he answered nothing ; yet he ceased not to bewail the City , till Albinus thinking he was mad , suffered him to depart . He cryed thus most on the Feast dayes , and that for 7 years space ( or rather 6 , as it is in Phot. Biblioth . cod . 47. ) and five moneths , and yet was neither hoarse nor weary ; at last he was killed by a stone shot out of an Engin , in the time of the siege . [ Id. lib. 7. bell . cap. 12. ] At the command of King Agrippa , Jesus the son of Gamaliel succeeded in the High Priesthood , Jesus the son of Damneus very unwillingly yeilding it up . Whereupon there arose a discord between them ; for having gotten to them companies of resolute young fellows , they came from words , to throwing of stones ; but amongst the rest Ananias was richest , and by his bounty got most of his side . Costabarus also and Saul got each of them a band of rascally people , these were of the Blood-Royal , and beloved for their neernesse of blood to Agrippa , yet were violent , and as ready as any too in spoiling the weaker sort . [ Joseph . lib. 20. cap. 8. ] From this time especially began the Common-wealth of the Jews every day to grow worse and worse , [ Id. ibid. ] and the seeds of the future destruction were then sown , through multitudes of Commanders that then governed . [ Id. lib. 2. belli . cap. 13. ] But Albinus the Governour did not only take away from private men their goods , under colour of justice , but burdened the Nation in general by exaction of greater tribute ; but even those thieves that the souldiers of the City had taken , and those whom the former governours had left in prison , he set free , if their kindred would give him mony ; and he that did not give him mony was kept in prison as a most hainous offender . [ Id. ibid. ] At the same time also , the insolencie of them that desired innovation in the City of Jerusalem increased ; of whom those that were rich , bribed Albinus to wink at their moving sedition , and the common people that could not be in quiet , joyned themselves with Albinus his party . Each of them had a troop of rascall people about him , and Albinus himself vvas over them all as a Tyrant and a Prince of the Thieves , and used the help of his guard to rob the meaner sort : and so it vvas that those vvhose houses vvere ransacked , held their peace , and those that escaped vvere glad to be officious to them , that they knevv deserved death , for fear they should suffer the same things . [ Ibid. ] Nero , Rome being on a fire , beheld the burning of it from Mecenas tower , and being much delighted with the beauty of the flames , sang the destruction of Troy in his plaiers habit , likening the present evill to the old ruines , [ Tacit. lib. 15. cap. 38 , 39 , 40. Sueton. in Neron . cap. 38. Xiphilin in Dion . ] some there were that noted , that this fire began on the XIV . Kalends of July , on which the Senones after they had taken the City set it on fire , others went so far in their curiosity , that they reckoned the very daies and moneths that were between the two burnings , [ Tacit. ibid. cap. 41. ] as if they had said there were just between them 448. yeares , 5376. moneths , and 167632. daies . For to extinguish the rumour , Nero falsely accused , and punished most grievously with exquisite torment , those whom the vulgar called Christians , first therefore they were apprehended , w●o confessed themselves Christians , then an huge multitude are convicted by their detection , not so much for setting the City on fire , as for the hatred of all men against them , scornes also were added to their sufferings , some were covered with beasts skins to be torn with dogs , some were crucified , and some burnt , and when the day failed , they were burnt to give light by night . Nero made his garden fit for that spectacle , and set forth shews in the Cirgue , when he himself was among the common people in the habit of a waggoner , or standing in airing whereupon pitty was taken on them , seeing they suffered not for any common good , but to satisfie one mans cruelty , [ Tacit. lib. 15. cap. 44. ] for the illustrating of which the words of an old Scholiast are brought , upon that of Juvenal in his first Satyr . Pone Tigellinum : taeda lucebis in illa , Qua stantes ardent qui fixo gutture fumant . Thou shalt be made a torch by night to shine And burn impal'd : name thou but Tigilline . If thou touch Tigillinus , thou shalt be burnt alive , as it was in the shews of Nero , of whom he commanded torches to be made , that they might give light to the spectatours ; and they were fastned through their throat that they might not bow themselves . Nero cloathed Malefactours with pitch paper and wax , and so set them to the fire . This was the first persecution that was raised against the Christians by the Roman Emperours , of which Suetonius as an heathen man speakes in Nerone . cap. 16. The Christians are punished a kind of men of a new and pernicious superstition , but Tertullian as a Christian in his Apologetick cap. 5. Search your records , then you shall find , that Nero was the first that used Caesars sword against this sect at that time much increasing at Rome : but we glory in such a dedicatour of our condemnation , for he that understands himself , cannot but understand that nothing can be condemned by Nero but some great good . Cestius Gallus is by Nero sent Governour into Syria and Gessius Florus into Judea , Year of the World 4068 this Florus was a Clazomenian by birth , he married Cleopatra a wicked woman : by whose meanes , as being a friend of the Empresse Poppaea , she got this government for him . [ Joseph . lib. 20. cap. 9. ] Alo●us hearing that Florus was come to succeed him , and willing to gratifie the Citizens of Jerusalem , he called before him all the prisoners , and those that were notoriously guilty of any capitall crime he put to death , the rest , who for smaller offences were cast in prison , he remanded them to prison against , and delivered them upon their fines , and after this manner the prisons were emptied , but Judea was filled with theives . [ Joseph . lib. 20. cap. 8. ] In the mean time , the Levites whose office was to sing hymnes in the Temple , went to King Agrippa , and by their entreaty perswaded him , that he would call a councill , and permit unto them the use of the linnen roab , which was then onely granted , to the Priests , for said they , this new custome would conduce much for the perpetuall memory of his reign . Wherefore the King by the advice of his council , permitted to those that sang the hymnes , that laying aside their former habit , they should wear a linnen garment as they desired , at their entreaty also he allowed another part of the same tribe , that vvas addicted to the services of the temple to learn to sing the sacred hymnes . [ ibid. ] The Philippians sent Epaphroditus with money to Rome , to visit Paul in prison , and to minister to him in his necessities , who joyning himself to Paul , as both an helper and fellow souldier for the work of Christ , making no account of his life , put himself in danger of death , for he fell into a grievous disease . [ Philip. II. 25 , 30 , with IV. 10 , 14 , 18. ] Paul being aged and in prison gained to Christ , Onesimus a servant that fled from Colosse from his Master Philemon . [ Philem. 9 , 10 , 15. with Coloss. IV. ] Timotheus , that was kept prisoner with Paul , is set at liberty . [ Hebrews XIII . 23. ] Paul wrote the Epistle to the Philippians by Epaphraditus , after he had recovered his health , hoping also that in a short time he should send Timotheus unto them , as soon as he shall know their state , trusting also that he himself shall come shortly unto them , [ Philip. II. 2 , 19 , 29. ] at which time Pauls bonds for Christ were famous in all the Court , some even of Caesars Pallace being converted to the faith . [ Cap. I. 12 , 13. & IV. 12. ] For being sent into prison by Caesar , he was more known in his family , and so made the house of persecution the Church of Christ. [ Jerosm . in Comment . to Philemon . ] Paul writes an Epistle to Colosse to Philemon , by his servant Onesimus , in which he reconciles and commends him to his Master , signifying that he hopes he shall be freed from prison , and desiring him to prepare him a lodging : and by the same Onesimus and Tychicus , Paul wrote an Epistle out of Prison , to the Colossians , whom he had never seen , but were instructed in the doctrine of Christ by Epaphras . [ Coloss. I. 7 , 8. & II. 1. IV. 7 , 9 , 18. ] At that time besides Timothy ( whose name is prefixt to both the Epistles ) there were with Paul at Rome ) of the circumcision , his companion in bonds , Aristarchus of Thessalonica , [ Acts XX. 4. ] Mark , Barnabas his sisters son , concerning whom he gives the Colossians command to receive him , if he come unto them , and Je●us which is called Justus ; of the others , Luke the beloved Phisitian , Demas and Epaphras , whose great affection the Apostle commends not to the Colossians onely , ( with whom Archippus supplied his ministery , now he was absent ) but also towards them that are of Laodicea and Hierapolis . [ Col. IV. 10 , 14. 17. Philem. 23 , 24. ] The same Tychicus , the companion of his travel from Asia . [ Acts XX. 4. ] Paul sent them also into Asia , that from him the brethren might know his affairs , with an Epistle wrote by him to the Ephesians . [ Ephes. VI. 21 , 22. ] Which Tertullian [ lib. 5. against Marcion . cap. 11. & 17. and Epiphanius in Haeres . 42. ] shews was said by Marcion the Heritick , to be that that underwent the name of the Epistle to the Laodiceaens : which Grotius thinks to be credible enough to be done by him out of the credit of the Church of Laodicea , affirm●ng that there was no cause why he should tell a lie in this businesse : and gathers from thence that the Epistle to the Ephesians , and also to the Laodiceans , was written in the same words : where it is to be noted in some old books ( as it appears out of the second lib. of Basil , against Eunomius , and of Jeroms Commentary upon this place of the Apostle ) it was generally intituled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or ( as it was wont to be done in the copies of letters that were to be sent to divers places , To the Saints which are at 0000000 , and to the faithful in Christ Jesus , as if it had been sent first to Ephesus , as the Metropolis of Asia : and thence to be sent to the rest of the Churches of that Province , ( the name of each Church being interserted ) to some of which , whom Paul never saw , those words of his seem especially to look . After I heard of your faith in Christ Jesus , and love unto all the Saints , [ cap. 1. 15. ] and , if ye have heard of the dispensation of the grace of God which is given me to you-ward , &c. [ cap. III. 24. ] which perhaps Marcian thought might rather agree to the Laodiceans , who had not seen the Apostle present ▪ in body , [ Colos. II. 1. ] than to the Ephesians , with whom he conversed so long together . [ Acts XIX . 8 , 10. XX. 31. ] About the same time Paul wrote the Epistle to the Hebrews , Timothy being set at liberty , but gone from him some whither for a time , with whom if he come shortly , he promiseth to see them ; in the mean time he sent them salutations from the brethren from Italy . [ Heb. XXIII . 23 , 24. ] The building of the Temple being now finished , The Julian Period . 4778 and the people seeing that about 180000 workmen lived idely , Year after Christ 65 that were heretofore wont to get their living by working in the Temple ; and being loath that the Holy Treasure should be reserved for a prey to the Romans , and desiring also to provide for the workmen , so that if they wrought but one hour they were presently paid : they perswaded King Agrippa , to repair the Eastern Porch ; this Porch hung over a deep and narrow valley , and was upheld by a wall of 400 cubits high , the length of every stone being 20 cubits , and the thicknesse six . This was the work of King Solomon , who first built the Temple . But the King , to whose care claudius Caesar had committed the charge of the Temple , thinking with himself , that any great building might easily be pulled down , but hardly set up , especially this Porch , that would cost much time and much mony , denyed their request ; but yet forbad them not to pave their City with white stone , if they would . [ Joseph . lib. 28. cap. 8. ] Paul , the two years in which being detained in free custody , he taught the Gospel at Rome , being ended , [ Acts XXIII . 30. ] he seems to have gone from thence into Asia , and at Colosse to have lodged with Philemon . [ Philem. 22. ] In the feast day of unleavened bread , which fell this year on the eighth day of Xanthicus , or April , about nine of the clock at night , between the Altar and the Temple , there shined such a light , that it might have been thought to be midday , which continued half an hour . In the same feast day also , a Cow that was led to sacrifice , brought forth a Lamb in the middle of the Temple . The East Gate also of the Temple , being brasse and mighty heavy , and at evening could scarce be shut by twenty men , and was locked with bars of Iron , and had bolts that were let down deep into a threshold , made all of one stone , was seen , about six of the clock in the night , to open of its own accord . These things being told the Magistrate by the keepers of the Temple , as they went their round , he came up himself , and could scarce shut it . [ Joseph . lib. 2. bell . 12. ] On the 2● day of Artemisius , or May , before Sun set , there were seen in the aire Iron Chariots all over the Country , and armies in battle array , passing along in the clouds , and begirting the City : and in the Feast of Pentechost , the Priests going into the inner Temple by night , according to their custom , to celebrate divine service , at first they found the place to move and make a noyse , and afterwards they heard a sudden voice , which said , Let us depart hence . [ Joseph . ibid. ] Paul preacheth the Gospel in the Isle of Crete , where he left Titus , that he might set in order the things that were wanting , and ordain Elders in every City there . [ Titus . I. 5. ] King Agrippa having taken the Priesthood from Jesus , the son of Gamaliel , gave it to Matthias , the son of Theophilus , the beginning of the Jewish war was when he was High Priest. [ Joseph . lib. 20. cap. 8. ] Josephus having received many gifts from the Empresse Poppea , and returning into his own Country , found among them perfect signes of innovations , and rebellions , whom he in vain endeavours to diswade from their unhappy undertakings . [ Id. in his Lif● . ] For Gessius Florus so outragiously abused his author●ty , that the Jews desired Albinus again , as one that was their benefactour ; for he was wicked and injurious as privately as he could possibly . But contrariwise Florus , as if he had been sent to make open shew of his villanies , bragged publickly of the injuries he did the Nation , leaving nothing undone to the height of iniquity in rapines and punishments : he was inflexible to any mercy , unsatiable in his gainings , equally snatching at small and great things , so much that he went shares with the thieves , for many used that trade , and paid part of the booty to him ; there being no means or end of their injuries , so that the miserable Jews not able to endure the ravening insolencies of the thieves , were constrained to abandon both their houses and religion , and to fly to strange Countries , judging that they might more commodiously live any where , even among Barbarians . [ Id. lib. 20. Antiquit. cap. 9. & lib. 2. bell . 2. cap. 13. ] Poppea , Nero's wife , being great with child and sick , upbraided Nero , as he returned late from driving his Chariot , whom in his anger he killed , with a kick of his foot ; this was after the end of his quinquennal pastime celebrated the second time , for Nero his first prize was instituted in the LX. year of Christ. [ Sueton. in Nero. cap. 35. Tacit. lib. 16. cap. 2. 6. ] Paul having staied sometime at Ephesus , left Timothy there , whilst he went thence into Macedonia , that Timothy might govern that Church in his absence , [ I. Tim. I. 3. III. 14 , 15. ] being in Macedonia he tarried with the Philippians , as he had formerly promised them . [ Phil. I. 25 , 26. & II. 24. ] Paul wrote his former Epistle to Timothy , Year of the World 4069 in which he declares that he had delivered Hymaeneus and Alexander , making shipwrack of the Faith , over to Satan , that being chastised they might learn not to blaspheme , [ I Tim. I. 20. ] for Hymenaeus did deny the Resurrection to come , as did Philetus , saying , that it is past already , [ II Tim. II. 17 , 18. ] and Alexander was that Coppersmith , that did Paul so much evil , and so greately withstood his preaching . [ II Tim. IV. 14 , 15. ] Paul also wrote another Epistle to Titus into Crete , desiring that when he shall send Artemus or Tychicus unto him , he would come to him to Nicopolis , ( famoused for the Victory at Actium ) where he appointed to winter , and also that he should bring diligently Zenas the Lawyer , and Apollo on their journey , that they should want nothing . [ Tit. III. 12 , 13. ] Winter being past , The Julian Period . 4779 Paul returned to Ephesus to Timothy : Year after Christ 66 and went to Troas and there left his cloak . Erastus abode at Corinth , of which he was Chamberlain , [ Rom. XVI , 23. ] Paul left Trophimus at Miletum sick . [ I Tim. III. 14. II Tim. IV. 13. 20. ] Cestius Gallus coming from Antioch to Jerusalem , desiring to signifie to Nero the strength and flourishing estate of the City , who contemned the Nation , desired of the High Priests , if it were possible , that they would number the multitude : and they ( for it was the day of the Passeover ) killed sacrifices from the ninth hour to the eleventh , and there were 255600 sacrifices , to the eating of which , ten , and sometime twenty , met to each sacrifice . [ Joseph . lib. 7. belli . cap. 17. Latin. Edit . or lib. 6. cap. 45. Edit . Graec. ] There came about Gallus a multitude , not lesse than 300000 Jews and besought him , that he would take pity on the calamities of their Nation , calling upon him that he would remove Florus that plaguer of their Common-wealth . Who although he was in the sight of the people , and in Gallus his presence , was not onely not moved , but laughted at their cryes against him . Cestius at that time appeasing the rage of the people , promising that he would make Florus more gentle unto them , went back again unto Antiochia . Florus brought him as far a Cesarea , deceiving him with lyes , devising with himself to make a war upon the Nation of the Jews , by which way onely he thought he could best hide his own villanies ; for as long as the peace continued , he should alwayes have the Jews his accusers to Caesar : but if he could make them revolt , that then the envy of his lesser impieties would be taken from him by their greater offence : and to the end that the Nation might revolt from the Roman Empire , he more earnestly every day increased their calamities . [ Idem . lib. 2. bell . cap. 12. ] Paul coming to Rome the second time , is heard and quitted by Nero : of which thus himself in [ II Tim. IV. 16 , 17. ] In my first answer , no man stood with me , but all forsook me : I pray God it be not laid to their charge . Notwithstanding the Lord stood with me , and strengthened me ; that by me the preaching might be fully known , and that all the Gentiles might hear : and I was delivered out of the mouth of the Lion. So that as before for two years , so now again for an whole year , he preached the Gospel to all Nations that came from every place flocking to Rome , as their common Country . Demas left Paul , embracing the present world , and went to Thessalonica : Crescens into Galatia , Titus to Dalmatia , onely Luke remained with Paul at Rome . [ II Tim. IV. 10 , 11. ] There was an old and constant opinion that was commonly talked of over all the East : that there was a Prophesie , that there should come from Judea those that should be masters of all . It was afterwards manifest by the event that this was foretold of the Roman Emperour . The Jews applying this Prophesie to themselves rebelled . Saith Suetonius [ in Vespasiano . cap. 4. ] The Jews patience endured [ Saith Tacitus lib. Hist. 5. cap. 10. ] until Gessius Florus was Governour ; under him the war began , to wit , in the Artemisian moneth , or our May ; in the twelfth year of Neros Empire , the 17 of the reign of Agrippa , the second of the government of Gessius Florus . [ Joseph . lib. 1. belli . cap. 13. & lib. 20. Antiquit. cap. ult . ] We have fully described by Josephus in the later part of the second book , and the five following books , the History of that war : a breviary of which we have hither transferred , taken out of the abridgement of the Jewish History of that most eminent man Ludovicus Capellus . Nero passing into Graecia , tarried there till winter . [ Xiphilin . ex Dion . ] King Agrippa in a long Oration dehorts the Jews from war , but in vain ; for a little while after he was gone from Jerusalem , some of the seditious possesse themselves of the strong Castle Massada unawares , and put to the sword all the Romans they found there . At Jerusalem also Eleazar the son of Ananias the High Priest , and Commander of the souldiers of the Temple , a bold and factious young man , perswaded the Priests that they should not offer any sacrifices , but onely of the Jews , nay not those that were to be offered for Caesar or the Romans . Which rash act when the Governours of the City , being peaceable men , judged to be intolerable , and saw that it was an argument of open rebellion , yet could they not diswade the seditious from this opinion , whereupon they sent messengers to Cesarea to Florus , and to King Agrippa , desiring them that they would presently send forces , and represse the rebellion in the beginning . Florus , who did desire there should be a revolt , neglected it : but Agrippa sent a thousand horsemen , who together with the rulers and Priests , and the rest of the multitude that loved peace , seized upon and held the upper City against the seditious who kept the temple and the lower City , there were continuall skirmishes between them for seven daies together , but upon the feast day of their carrying wood into the temple , many murderers were received into the temple , who with the rest , set upon the Kings souldiers , and forcing them from the upper part of the City , drove them into Herods pallace , and burnt the place where the records were kept , and the pallace of the Hasmonaeans ( which was then Agrippa's court ) and Ananias the High-Priests house , the next day which was the 15. of August , they take the Castle of Antonia after two daies siege , kill all the Roman souldiers there , and set the Castle on fire . A little after they set upon the Kings pallace , ( Manahemus the son of Judas Galilaeus being then Captain , who after he had taken the Castle of Massada , and plundered Herods armory , brought his murderers armed into Jerusalem , ) which having taken and burnt , Manahemus seizeth upon the tyranny , but immediately after he is killed in the Temple as he was at his prayers , by Eleazar the Captain of the Temple , his guard also are thrust out , vvho return to Massada , Eleazar the son of Jairus being their Captain , vvho vvas a kin to Manahemus , the seditious also of Jerusalem upon the very Sabbath day put to death the Romans , who after the pallace was won by assault , had retired into the Castles of Hippico , Phasaelus , and Mariamme , where being besieged , and yielding upon composition , and delive●ing their armes , yet against their oath , were put to death . The same day at Cesarea , all the Jews that dwelt there ; at the instigation of Florus are massacred by the heathens of Cesarea to the number of 20000. by which the Jews through the whole Countrey are so vexed , that they wast all the villages of the Syrians and the neighbour Cities as Philadelphia , Gerasa , Ptolemais , Pella , Scythopolis , Gadara , Hippo , Gaulanitis , Sebaste , Ascalon , Anthedon , and Gaza . Then there was a generall slaughter by the Syrians , of the Jews that went through all Syria , partly out of the old hatred against the Jews , and their religion , and partly for the love of plunder , and desire of revenge , onely they of Antiochia , Apamea , an● Sidonia spared the Jews that dwelt amongst them , but at Alexandria the Metrop●lis of Egypt , upon a sedition that was raised there were in one day 50000. Jews killed , by two Roman legions that were let in upon them . Cestius Gallus , the Governours of Syria being vexed with the commotions , comes from Antioch into Judea with the 12 Legion and the King Agrippa's souldiers , and other forces , and from Ptolemais invades Joppe and burnes it , he sends Cesennius Gallus into Galilea , which he pacifies being entertained at Sephoris , and comes to Cesarea . Peter and Paul are warned by revelation from the Lord , of their approaching departure out of this life . [ II. Pet. 1 , 14. II. Tim. IV. 6 , 7. ] Peter wrote his second epistle to the Hebrews dispersed through Pontus , Galatia , Cappadocia , Asia , and Bythinia . [ II. Pet. III. 1. with I. Pet. I. 1. ] Paul sent his second epistle to Timothy to Ephesus , by Tychicus , where the family of Onesiphorus was : after Aquila and Priscilla having left Rome , were returned thither again , [ II. Tim. IV. 12 , 19. ] in which he desires Timothy that he ●ould come to him before winter , and bring with him Mark , as very profitable for h●● to the ministery , [ ibid. 9. 11 , 21. ] and sends him salutations from Eubulus Puden● and Linus , and Claudia . [ ibid. 21. ] Cestius Gallus in the feast of Tabernacles , Year of the World 4070 after he had burnt Lydda , marcheth towards Jerusalem , whom the men of Jerusalem meet about sixty furlongs ftom thence , and there fight a perilous battle near Bethoron , but fresh forces coming to Cestius , he forceth them into the City , into which he also brake , the fourth of October , and held the lower part of the City , ( as also Bezetha , and Caenopolis ) then he assaults the Temple and the upper City , and had easily taken it , if he had more valiantly continued the assault , the people favouring the Romans , and the seditious onely withstanding them . But Cestius when he was near taking the Temple , without any good reason why , raised the siege , and retreates to Antipatris , having lost in his march many both Romans and auxiliaries , and many also killed by the Jews who pursued them , with a great part of their baggage and ammunition , and engins and slings , and other armes that the Romans threw away in their flight , which afterward the Jews made use of for their own defence against the siege of Titus . And this was done on the eighth of November in the twelfth year of Nero : ( to wit , being ended ) for the thirteeneth year of Nero had begun on the thirteeneth of the precedent October . The Jews puffed up with this Victory being returned to Jerusalem , create Joseph the son of Gorion , and the High Priest Governours of the City , and send many Commanders into each Provinces , and Governments of places ; and among the rest they send Joseph , ( the writer of this war of the Jews ) into Galilee : in which after he had fortified many Towns , and walled them , and ordered all things for to endu●e a war , he expected the invasion of the Romans . In the mean while there are many commotions , and many and frequent rebellions of the Cities against him , by the subtilty and fraud of John the son of a certain Levit , and by the envy of some of the Governours of Jerusalem , who desired to have the government of Galilee taken from him ; but Joseph brake the neck of all their endeavours , arts , and councils , and avoided them by his prudence and patience ; who also forced that John to flee to Jerusalem with his forces out of Giscala a Town of Galilee which he had fortified . But at Jerusalem Ananias the Governour of the City , prepares all things necessary for the sustaining of the war , repaires the walls , and provides that warlike instruments , and darts , and armes , be made thorough the whole City . He endeavours to reconcile those that they called the Zelots , but in vain . He endeavours also to apprehend Simon the son of Giora , who exercised the every , and affected the Tyranny , by sending souldiers against him ; but he with his party fled to the theeves that kept Massada , from whence they with their robberies infested all the Country of Judea and Idumaea . Moreover Cestius having sent messengers to Nero ( who was then in Acha●a ) declares unto him the troubled state of Judea . Nero being much moved with this news , commands Vespasian thither , and Vespasian having received this command , sent his son Titus to Alexandria , to bring from thence the fifth and tenth Legion into Judea , and he himself goes by land from Achaia into Asia , and from thence comes into Syria and Antiochia . Peter and Paul had foretold at Rome , The Julian Period . 4780 that it should come to passe that after a little time , Year after Christ 67 God would send a King that should overcome the Jews , and that should lay their City equal with the ground , and should besiege them being pined with hunger and thirst : and then it should come to passe that they should eat one the other , and consume one the other ; and at last , that they should come into their enemies hands , and should see their wives most greivously tormented in their sight , and their virgins to be violated and prostituted ; their sons to be torne asunder , and their little ones to be dashed a pieces : and to be short , all things to be wasted by fire and sword , and themselves for ever banished out of their own lands , and all this because they exalted themselves above the most loving and approved son of God. [ Lactan. lib. 4. cap. 21. ] Vespasian at Antioch gathers together the Roman forces and the aides from the Kings , from whence he comes to Ptolemais , and recovers Sepphoris that favoured the Romans . Titus came to his father to Ptolemais sooner then could have been hoped for , by reason of winter ; their own forces and the auxiliaries being come together , are in number threescore thousand of Horse and Foot , besides their servants and the baggage . Vespasian inroding Galilee , burnt and wasted the City of the Gadarens , which he took at the first assault ; thence coming to Jotapata on the 21 day of May , he fights against it . On the 29 of June ( which last day of that moneth falls to be within the reign of Nero ) Paul was beheaded at Rome : as the Records both of the Easterne and Westerne Church confirm : whereupon Chrysostom undoubtedly affirms , that the day of his death was more certainly known , then that of Alexander himself , [ in II Cor. Homil. 26. ] Dionysius the Bishop of the Corinthians affirms in an Epistle to the Romans , that Peter also suffered Martyrdom at the same time with him , [ in Eusebius , lib. 2. Histor. Ecclesiast . cap. 24. ] whom also Origin relates in the third Tome of his Commentaries upon Genesis , that at Rome he was crucified with his head downwards ( as he had desired ) [ ●bid . lib. 3. Hist. cap. 1. ] the prediction of Christ being then fulfilled which he made upon him , [ John XXI . 18 , 19. ] When thou art old , thou shalt stretch forth thy hands , and another shall gird thee , and carry thee whither thou wouldest not . Vespasian after fourty dayes siege takes Jotapata by force , and overthrows it , and burns it , after it was valiantly defended by Joseph , who was Governour then , on the Kalends of June , in the 13 year of Nero , he takes Joseph as he lay hid in a Cave , gives him his life , but keeps him prisoner . Jotapata being destroyed , Vespasian retires with his army to Cesarea , and there places two Legions , to refresh themselves after the siege , a third to the same end and purpose he sends to Scythopolis ; he himself goes to Cesarea Philippi , where he with his army is feasted by King Agrippa for twenty daies : there he prepares for the sieges of Tiberias and Tarichea , they of Tiberias immediately yield , and at the intreaty of King Agrippa it is granted that the City shall not be rased , but Taricha , after it had suffered a siege , is taken by storm . These Cities being recovered or overthrown , almost all Galilee inclined to the Romans , except Gamala in Gaulanitis , and Giscala , and the Mountain Itaburium . Gamala , Year of the World 4071 after an whole moneths siege was taken the 23 of October , and overthrown : and a little after also the Mountain Itaburium was taken by the Romans . Titus sets upon Giscala , which was kept by John , with his party of the seditious . John seems to like of the conditions of peace that were offered by Titus , but in the night he with his party fled out of the City , and betakes himself to Jerusalem . Titus spares the City , but puts a Garison there , and comes to Cesarea , but Vespasian going from Cesarea to Iamnia and Azotus , conquers them both , and returns again to Cesarea . In the mean while there was a great dissention thorough all Judea , some desiring war , others being willing to remain under the protection of the Romans . Whereupon there were whole troups of thieves gathered together , all over Judea , who plundered them , that were desirous of peace ; and being loaded with their plunder , were received into Jerusalem , and there fill all things with murders , dissensions , discords , and rapines , and first they cast Antipas , and a great many Noble men , and the chief of the City into prison , and shortly after put them to death , without any trial , falsely accusing them , that they would have delivered the City to the Romans : and when the people would have risen up against them , they seize upon the Temple , and use it as a Bullwork against the people , and there create an High Priest by lots , one Phannius , ( or Phanazus ) a rude and unskilful man , and one that was not of the order of the Priesthood . Against these Zelots , ( for so they called themselves ) Ananus , and the Nobler Priest , stir up and arme the people , and set upon them in the very Temple , and force them into the inner Temple . The Zelots sent letters privately to the Captains of the Idumeans , wherein they accuse Ananus of treachery ; and complain , that whilst they are fighting for liberty , they are besieged in the Temple , and call the Idumeans to their assistance . They presently fly thither with 20000 men , and being privately let into the City and Temple by night by the Zelots , there is great slaughter , and burnings , and rapines made by both sides upon them of Jerusalem . For there were 80000 killed that night , and in the following dayes they killed Ananus , and others of the nobility , to the number of 12000 , besides an infinite number of the common people . But a little after the Idumeans began to repent themselves , when they saw the wickednesse of the Zelots , and could perceive no signe of treachery in the Nobility , ( of which they were accused ) and so setting at liberty 2000 which they held in prison , the Idumeans left Jerusalem , and returned home : they being gone , the Zelots began to use more cruelty against the Nobility than formerly , for they would not suffer the Noble men , after they had slain them , to be buried , but those especially , who they suspected , that they would fly to the Romans : for they kept all the passages , and diligently observed them that would fly , whom they killed , and let them lye unburied . In the mean time there arose a dissention amongst the Zelots , that John who fled from Gescala to Jerusalem , affecting their Tyranny , and others not induring him to be their superiour , who they before had accounted their equal ; but they thus disagreeing among themselves , were very unanimous , in the robbing of the common people , nay all Judea , as if it followed the example of the Metropolis , to wit , Jerusalem , was very full of thieves , and most miserably vexed . With these discords , by which the Jews destroyed each orher , and by the cries of those that fled to him , intreating to preserve and free their Country from this sedition , Vespasian was incited , and prepares for the siege of Jerusalem , and that he might leave nothing behind him , to trouble him , whilst he was at the siege at Jerusalem ; he comes with his army to Gadara , to quench those relicks of war and tumult , is the Country beyond the River , he being called thither by the moderate men of the City , who had rather have peace than war ; and presently takes the City ; the seditious being fled : and sending Placidus with his horse to pursue them , and put them all to the sword , and so possesseth himself of all the Country beyond the river , even to the lake Asphaltis , except the Castle of Macherun , and so having appointed Garrisons through the Towns and winter quarters for his souldiers , he comes to Cesarea and there winters . Vespasian having received news of the stirrs that were raised in Gallia by Vindex , The Julian Period . 4781 who had armed the Gaules against the Romans , Year after Christ 68 made him more earnest to finish the war against the Jews , wherefote in the beginning of the spring , he leads his army out of Cesarea , and runs through all Judea , and Idumea , and wasting it , brings back his army , and leads them through Samaria to Jericho , from whence the inhabitants fly into the mountain Countrey opposite to Jerusalem , but he pursues them , and beating them from the hills , by setting cittadels at Jericho and other places , begirts the Jews on every side . Some promised to themselves ( Nero being forsaken ) the government of the East , some the Kingdome of Jerusalem , but most the recovery of their ancient fortune . [ Sueton. in Nero. cap. 40. ] Nero pronounced of himself that he was undone , when he heard that Galba and Spain had tevolted from him , [ id . ihid . cap. 42. ] and at length he slew himself on the ninth day of June , when he had raigned thirteen yeares and eight moneths . On the Kalends of January in Germany , The Julian Period . 4782 the images of Galba are throwen down , Year after Christ 69 and on the third day Vitellius is saluted Emperour by the army , and on the 15. day of the same moneth Galba is killed , seven moneths after the death of Nero. [ Tacit. Histor. lib. 1. ] Galba being taken out of the way , Otho is created Emperour by the souldiers , not knowing that Vitellius had taken upon him the Empire . Dio writes that he was killed the 90. day of his reign , and Suetonius that he was buried the 95. Tiberius Alexander the Governour of Egypt was the first that swore the Legions to Vespasian on the Ralends of July , which day of his entrance into the empire was afterwards kept a festivall , then the Jewish army on the V. Ides of July swore to him , [ Suet. in Vespasian . cap. 6. with Tacit. lib. 2. histor . cap. 79. ] Dio notes that there was but one year and 22. daies between the death of Nero and the beginning of the raign of Vespasian . When Vespasian , being returned to Caesarea , prepared to goe with his whole army to besiege Jerusalem , news was brought him of Nero's death , which news having received , he deferrs the war against the Jews , and sends his son Titus to Galba , who had succeeded to Nero , to know his pleasure concerning the Jewish war. Titus going by ship to Achaia , heard there that Galba was killed , whereupon he presently returnes to his father to Cesarea , they being in suspence , ( and the Empire as it were tottering ) deferred the wars of Judea , and being afraid least some hurt should come unto their own Countrey , they thought it not a convenient time to invade a strange Countrey . In the mean time Simon the son of Giora , ( concerning whom something is spoken formerly ) a bold and valiant young man went from Massada , whither he had fled to the murderers into the mountain Countrey of Judea , and by promises of liberty to servants , and rewards to the freemen , in short time got a band of theives , and by little and little increasing his forces , he wasted not onely villages , but invades Cities , he came also in short time to that power , that he conquered all Idumea , and wasted Judea , and at last came before Jerusalem , where pitching his tents , he became a terrour both to them of Jerusalem , and to the Zelots also , and thus were the Citizens of Jerusalem grievously oppressed on both sides , within by the Zelots whom John commanded , and vvithout by Simon a most cruell man , in the mean time the Idumeans vvho vvere of Iohns party , and vvere among his forces , falling at variance vvith him and fighting vvith him killed many of the Zelots , and then , taking Iohns pallace and burning it , forced him vvith his party to fly into the temple , but then they fearing , as also did the Citizens , least that by night he should make an excursion into the City , and burn it , they took counsell , and send for Simon , and admit him into the City , that they might defend themselves against him , whom having received they assault the temple , but the Zelots fighting valiantly , they seek to win it by assault . Vespasian having left Cesarea , comes to Berytus and Antioch , from whence he sends Mutianus with forces into Italy ; but he himself goes to Alexandria . In Moesia Antonius Primus that followed Vespasians party , Year of the World 4073 leads the third Legion into Italy against the party of Vitellius , and in a fight at Cremona against the Vitellians , he puts them to flight , and beates them , then coming to Rome and being joyned with Mutianus in the middest of the City , he overthrowes Vitellus's army , and dragging Vitellius himself thorough the Market-place , there cuts his throat . Mutianus makes Domitian the son of Vespasian Prince of the Empire , in the mean time that his father came out of Syria . Vespasian hearing these things at Alexandria , The Julian Period . 4783 sends his son Titus with forces into Judea , Year after Christ 70 for to finish the rest of the war of Judea ; but he himself faileth into Italy . Moreover whilst Titus stayed at Alexandria , the City of Jerusalem was divided into a threefold faction . For Simon whom the Citizens of Jerusalem had sent against John , and admitted into the City , kept the higher City , and some part of the Tower : and John with his Zelots had possessed the Temple and the other part of the lower City : and the last faction is divided again into two ; For Eleazar who was the first Commander and Captain of the Zelots , taking it in dudgeon that John by his boldnesse and subtilty got the government to himself , and to do all things at his own pleasure , departs from him , and taking some followers with him , possesseth himself by them , of the inner part of the Temple , and from thence fights against John. Eleazar was inferiour to John in number of men , but his superiour in the si●e and quality of the place : and so upon John who held the outward circuit of the Temple and the Porches there lay a double war , one against Eleazar , and the other against Simon : and so some fighting against others , they burnt many things about the Temple , and spoiled the corn , and many necessaries for victual , which might have sufficed them a long time , which things being spoiled and consumed , they were oppressed with famine afterwards , when they were besiged by the Romans . Titus coming from Alexandria to Cesarea , and there gathering his forces together , to wit , four Legions , and the auxiliaries of the neighbour Kings , marcheth towards Jerusalem , and pitcheth his Camp some six or seven furlongs off the City , a little before the Feast of unleavened bread , and by that means shut up within the City an infinite multitude of men , that had after the custom gone up to the Feast , by which in a short time a most cruel famine oppresseth the City ; where all food and nourishment is in short time consumed , a most horride and memorable example whereof happened at that time there , of a mother that devoured her own child : and in the Feast day of unleavened bread , being the 14 of April , whenas Eleazar , who had seized upon the inner Temple , had opened the gate of the Temple that the people might sacrifice , John taking hold of this opportunity , sends privately many of his party armed privately with swords under their garments , who being admitted into the Temple with the rest of the multitude , set upon Eleazar , and seize upon the inner Temple , together with the slaughter of many of the Zelots ; and so the faction that was threefold , is now made twofold ; to wit , one of Johns who were in number 8400. and the other of Simons , with whom were 10000 men , besides 5000. Idumeans . Titus coming near the walls , pitched his Camp near the Tower Psephina , and presently raising a mount , shakes the wall with a Ram , and beates it down by force ▪ and on the seventh of May breakes into the City , the first wall being beaten down , and the Jews retiring inwards , he possesseth himself of the North quarter of the City , even to the Castle of Antonia , and the valley of Cedron . On the fifth day , after a certain Tower of the second wall being shaken and beaten down with the Ram from the North quarter , he gets the new lower City ; from which he is repulsed again by the Jews : but on the fourth day after he repossesseth it , and addresseth himself for t●e assault of the third wall . And on the 12 of May , commands four mounts to be raised , two at the Castle of Antonia , by which he hoped to gain the Temple , and two at John the High Priests Tombe , by which he hoped to gain the upper City ; but John resisted the Romans at Antonia , and Simon at Johns Tombe . Those mounts being perfected on the 29 of May which were making 17 dayes , and the Romans beg●●ing to shake the wall , John by a mine from Antonia casts down one mount , anb bu●●s it , and Simon the second day after in a sally that he made , sets on fire two mounts opposite to him , together with the Rams and other Engins , and the Jews set upon the Romans in their Camp ; but by Titus his coming from Antonia , they are again forced into the City . The former mounts being spoiled and burnt , Titus thought fit to raise new ones from which he might assault the City , and also to compasse the City with a wall that none might flee out of it , nor any thing be brought into it . Whereupon in three dayes space he built a wall about the City , of the circuit of 39 furlongs , and about the wall he built 13 Castles , each Castle containing ten furlongs : whereupon famine so prevailed in the City , and so cruelly raged , that not onely the common people died of it , but the seditious also were mightily oppressed by it : and so great was the number of them that perished by famine and pestilence , that from the 14 of April , ( on which day the siege began ) to the Kalends of July , that thorough one gate ( as Mannaeus one that fled , and was to take the account reported ) there were carried out 115800 carcases of poor people that were buried at the common charge , besides those that were buried by their kinsmen and friends : a little after it was known from them that fled , that there were 600000 that were carried out of the gates to burial : and whereas afterwards there were not enow to bury the poor , they cast them in great heaps together in empty houses , and shut the doors upon them : and the manner of burial of them was no other , then throwing them over the walls and filling up the ditches with them . In the mean time Simon within the City refrained not from murders and rapines ; for he put to death Matthias the High Priest , being accused of treachery , as though he would have fled to the Romans , ( and by whose means he was let into the City ) with three of his sons , and fifteen of the noblest of the people , all of them uncondemned : and moreover he raged with such cruelty , that Judas , one of his Captains , hating his cruelty , had a consuta●tion of delivering a Town to the Romans , of which he had the charge : but being prevented by Simon , he with ten that were of counsel with him , were put to death : and John being compelled by necessity , converts to his own and to prophane uses , the holy things of the Temple , as Vessels of Gold and Silver , and the mony of the Temple : nay , he was compelled to distribute to his Souldiers the very Oyl and Wine which was dedicated for divine service . Titus also fetching materialls from every place , and cutting down woods , and all trees , even to 90 furlongs off , with great labour within 21 dayes , caused new Mounts to be raised , and he made four about Antonia , one upon every side of the Castle . Which when John had cowardly and in vain attempted , they were repulsed by the Romans : and the Romans , on the Kalends of July , began to bring the Ram to the wall of Antonia , by which a breach being made on the fifth of July , they brake into Antonia , and pursue the flying Jews , even into the Temple . But after a long skirmish the Romans being for some time repulsed ; on the 17 of July ( on which day the continual sacrifice termed by the Greeks 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , was not solemnised for very want of men . ) Josephus ( by Titus his command ) in vain exhorts the seditious to a yielding : and on the seventh day after , he brings his Mounts neerer , the materialls of which were brought an hundred furlongs off , and overturning the foundations of Antonia , made an easie ascent unto the Temple , and breaking in by Antonia , seizeth upon the North and West Porches of the outward range of the Temple : part of which Porches , especially that that was joyned to Antonia , was burnt and overthrown by the Jews , and two dayes after , the other part was burnt by the Romans , Sc. 24. of July , the Jews not quenching the fire , but letting it run on , that so the porch might be clearly seperated from Antonia . On the 27 day the Jews again burn the West Porch to the bridge that leadeth to the Gallery , whither many Romans getting up were burnt , ( the Jews flying for the nonce ) But on the day after , the Romans burnt all the North Porch , even to the Eastern Porch . And on the eighth of August , when as Titus prevailed nothing by battering with the Ram the wall of the inner Temple , neither by undermining the foundations of the gates , by reason of the greatnesse and strong cimenting of the stones ; neither could the Romans by their ladders get up into the Porches , the Jews still beating them back from above : at last , that that he had deferred to do for the reverence of the place being compelled by necessity he did ; Sc. He commanded the gates of the inner Temple to be set on fire : which being on fire , the Porches which were joyning to them were all on a flame also ; The Jews beholding and wondring at it , but not endeavouring to stop and quench the fire for very amazednesse , and so the Porches burnt all that day , and the following night . And whereas Titus and his Captains had determined to keep the Temple from firing , he could by no means bring it to passe . For on the tenth of August , when as the Romans which kept Corps due guard in the outward range of the Temple , being provoked by the Jews , had made a charge upon them who quenched the fire of the inner range , and had driven them into the very Temple , a Roman Souldier took a flaming fire brand , and getting upon his fellows shoulders , casts the fire through the golden window into the houses and chambers that were built on the North side of the Temple , which immediately taking fire , burnt the Temple also which joyned unto them , Titus in vain commanding his his Souldiers to quench the fire . And this was done in the second year of Vespasian , in the same moneth , and the same day of the moneth that it was formerly burnt by Nebuchadnesar . After the Temple was pillaged and burnt , and the Ensigns set on the East gate of the Temple ; and having done sacrifice , Titus is proclaimed Emperour by the army ; and then he from the bridge , by which the Temple is joyned to the City upon a Gallery , exhorts by an interpreter , the seditious to yield , who had fled into the upper City who when they refused , although he offered them their lives , to commit themselves to his arbitrament , and asked that they might have leave to depart the City with their wives and children , and to go into the wildernesse : at which Titus taking scorn , threatens them with utter destruction , commanding all the lower City to be set on fire , and the Palace Acra which he had seized on : but the higher City which was seated on a steep Rock , he began to assault , and beginning to arise his mounts on the 20 of August , and perfecting them on the seventh of September , he brings his Engines to the wal●s , wherein having made a breach , the Tyrants flee with their guards for fea● and amazement , and on the eighth of September , the Romans brake in and destroyed all with fire and sword . Dio notes that Jerusalem was destroyed on a Saturday , which day the Jews most religiously observe ; whether having respect to the day of the Cities being taken , ( for the eighth of September fell this year on a Sabbath-day ) or of the Cities being destroyed : for Titus commanded all the Citie and Temple to be rased to the foundation , and to be laid plain , ( and also to be ploughed according to the custome ) except the West part of the wall onely , and three Tow●s , Hippicon , Phasaelus . and Mariamme , which for their great beauty and strength , he had a mind to leave for a monument to postery , of the magnificence of that City . When as Titus had thus taken the City , and had filled all places with dead bodies , the neighbour Nations would needs have him crowned , but he answered them , that he was unworthy of that honour : for it was not he that was the authour of the work , but that he had given his hands to God , that had shewed his anger against the Jews . [ Philostratus in vita Apollonii , l. 6. c. 14. ] Yet there are coins of Titus , marked with a Trophy , and a Tryumphal Chariot : as also of Vespasian , with the image of a woman sitting sorrowfull under a Palm Tree , and with the inscription , ( JUDEA CAPTA S. C. ) as also mony was coined about the end of the 21 year of King Agrippa , with an inscription in Greek , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ( i. e. ) Vespasian Emperour and Cesar , Judea was taken in the year 21 of Agrippa . Titus having finished the war , Year of the World 4074 rewarded the Souldiers , and commits the custody of Jerusalem to the tenth Legion , but the twelfth Legion which had fought unfortunately under Cestius he banished out of Syria , and sent them to Euphrates , in the confines of Armenia and Cappadocia , he himself with the fifth and fifteenth Legion , came to Cesarea on the sea cost , whither he gathered together all the prey and spoiles and the Captives , because the winter season forbad him to saile into Italy . The two Tyrants , John and Simon , were taken as they ▪ lay hid in the vaults of Jerusalem ; of whom John was condemned to perpetual imprisonment , and Simon was reserved for the Triumph . In the same vaults were found 2000 men , who either per●shed for hunger , or each killed the other , rather then they would yield themselves to the Romans . Titus tarried at Cesarea , where he celebrated the birth-day of his brother Domi●ian , ( which fell on the 30 of December , where the number of the Jews that perished with fighting with wild beasts , and that burned with fire , and that sell by fighting one against the other , exceeded the number of 2500. Afterwards Titus came to Berytus in Phenicia , The Julian Period . 4784 where he tarried longer , Year after Christ 71 and solemnised the birth-day of his father , ( Sc. of his Empire : which as we have taught out of Suetonius and Tacitus was wont to be observed on the Kalends of July ) with great magnificence , there a multitude of Captives also perished in the like manner as before . Titus going to see Antiochia and other Cities of Syria , and then by Judea and Jerusalem , being accompanied with the fifth and fifteenth Legion , goes into Egypt to Alexandria , and from thence sailes to Rome , where he was wellcomed hom●● by all men , and , together with his father , Tryumphed for the conquest of Judea . The two Captains of the seditious , John and Simon , were led in that Triumph , and 700 other Jews that excelled in strength and beauty , of whom Simon onely suffered death . ( called by Dio Barpores ) The law also of the Jews was carried in this Tryumph , as the last of the spoils , which , together with the purple vailes of the Sanctuary were laid up in the Palace . From this victory both father and son got the name of Emperour ; yet neither of them was called Judaicus , although many other things , and especially Tryu●phal Arches were decreed for them , [ Xiphilin . ex Dion . ] and there remains yet at the foot of the hill Palatine , a Marble Tryumphal Arch , erected to the honour of Titus , ou● of which there is a copy expressed by Villalpandus of the instruments of the Temple that were carried in Triumph . [ Tom. 2. explanat . on Ezechiel . lib. 5. cap. 7. pag. 587. ] Lucilius Bassus was sent Lieutenant into Judea , Year of the World 4075 who receiving the army from Cenalis Vitellianus , had the Castle Herodian with the Garrison yeilded unto him : and shortly after , he took the strong Castle Machaeron beyond Jordan by assault . It happened even in our time , The Julian Period . 4785 that neither Sun nor Moon were seen , Year after Christ 72 for 12. ( others say 15. dayes ) the Vespasians being Emperours , the father the third time ( perhaps the fourth ) and the son the second time being Consuls : saith Pliny , [ lib. 2. cap. 13. ] which some think was foretold by our Saviour . [ Mathew , XXIV . 29. ] Caesar wrote to Tiberius Maximus the Governour of Judea , that he should sell all the land of the Jews . He imposed also a tribute upon all the Jews wheresoever they lived ; and commanded them to bring in every year into the Capitol two drachmes as they were wont to pay in former time to the Temple of Jerusalem . In the fourth year of Vespasian , Cesennius Paetus , Governour of Syria , drove Antiochus the King of Commagene out of his kingdom , who himself fled into Cilicia , and his son unto the Parthians : but both of them being afterwards reconciled to Vespasian , he is restored to his kingdom . [ Joseph . ] The Abani brake into Media , The Julian Period . 4786 and waste it all over , Year after Christ 73 the King Pacorus fleeing before them ; they afterwards passe into Armenia , to whom Tiridates the King opposing himself , he is almost taken in the very battle . [ Id. ] Amongst the Jews , Year of the World 4079 Bassus being dead , Publius Silva succeeds in the government of Judea . He on the 15 day of April wins by force that impregnable Castle of Massada , that was seized upon by Eleazar , the Nephew of Judas Galitaeus , the Captain of the theeves : all the theeves that were in the Castle to the number of 900 , with their wives and children , at the perswasion of Eleazar putting each other to death , having first burnt the Castle with all the housholdstuff , lest they should come into the power of the Romans : and so all the reliques of the Jewish wars are taken away , and all Judea is quieted . Many of the theeves that escaped from Judea , fled & came into Egypt to Alexandria , where they sollicit the Jews to revolt : but the common people being perswaded by their Rulers fell upon those theeves , and took 600 hundred of them , whom they deliver to the Romans to be punished : the rest that escaped into Egypt and Thebes were also taken . Concerning which businesse , Caesar having advice , he commandeth Lupus , then Governour of Alexandria , that he should pull down the Temple of the Jews ( that was built a long while agone in Egypt , by Onias the brother of the High Priest , ) But Lupus did no more than take away some gifts out of the Temple , and so shut it up : but Paulinus his successour in the government , having taken away all the gifts , and shutting up the doors , made an order that none should come thither ; so that there was not so much as any foot-step of Religion left there . A certain Jew , a weaver , Ionathan by name , escaped to Cyrene , where raising a tumult , he drew 2000 Jews into the Wildernesse : when Catullus ( or Catulus ) the Governour of Libia Pentapolis , sending Horse and Foot , easily overthrew them . Ionathan being brought before him , he falsely accused the most wealthy of the Iews to be the chief authours of this project : to whose accusations Catullus willingly giving ear , he put 3000 of them to death at once . And this he did the more securely , because he confiscated their estates to Caesars revenues , Ionathan also is sent prisoner by him with others that were taken to Rome to Vespasian , that he might accuse the most honest of them that lived at Rome and Alexandria of innovation . Who affirmed also amongst others , that Josephus the Writer of the Jewish History , sent to him both arms , and mony . But Vespasian , knowing that this accusation was not lawfully brought against these men , he at Titus his intreaty acquitted them : but deservedly punisheth Ionathan ; for having first scourged him , he was burnt alive . Catullus also through the mercy of the Princes suffered then no chastisement , but not long after he was taken with a complicated and incureable disease , and he was tortured and tormented in his mind ( for he thought he saw the ghosts of them that he had killed alwayes before him ) at last his guts and bowels rotting and issuing out of him , he died . [ Joseph . lib. 7. bell . cap. ult . and in his Life . ] Here Joseph endeth the History of the destruction of Judea : who being taken in this war , and made a freeman by Flarius Vespasian the Emperour , took the name of Flarius from his Patrone . Cornelius and Suetonius relate that there were 600000. Jews killed in this war , but Josephus a Jew , and a commander in that war , and who deserved thankes and pardon from Vespasian for foretelling him he should be Emperour , writes that 1000000. perished by sword and famine , and of the rest of the Jews that were dispersed all the world over , and put to death divers waies , the number is said to be 90000. So Orosius [ lib. 7. cap. 9. ] but I find not the number of 600000. of them that were killed in Suetonius , in Josephus [ lib. 6. belli . cap. 17. ] the number of captives is 97000 , but the other number of 1100000 is onely of them that perished in the six moneths siege of Jerusalem , but of those that perished out of Jerusalem , through the whole seven years , Justius Lipsius made this catalogue out of Josephus . [ in lib. 2. de Constantia . cap. 21. ] At Hierusalem , first killed by the command of Florus . 630. By the inhabitants of Cesarea in hatred to them and their religion . 20000. At Scythopolis ( a City of Syria . ) 30000. At Ascalon in Palestina by the inhabitants also . 2500. Likewise at Ptolemais . 2000 At Alexandria in Egypt under Tib. Alexander the President . 50000. At Damascus . 10000. At the taking of Joppe by Cesius Florus . 8400. In a certain mountain called Cabulo . 2000. In a fight at Ascalon . 10000. By an ambuscado . 8000. At Aphaca when it was taken . 15000. Slain at mount Garizim . 11600. At Jotapa , in which Joseph himself was 30000. At Joppe when it was taken were drowned 4200. Slain at Tarichaea 6500. At Gamala as well killed as that threw themselves down 9000. Neither was any one that was of that City saved , but only two women that were sisters . When they forsook Giskala , killed in the flight 2000. Slain of the Gadarens , besides an infinite that leapt into the river 13000. Slain in the villages of Idumea 10000. At Gerasium 1000. At Macheron 1700. In the wood of Jardes 3000. In the Castle of Massada , that slew themselves 960. In Cyrene by Catulus the Governour 3000. Which number of the dead , being added to the 1100000. that perished at the siege of Jerusalem , makes up the number of 1337490. an innumerable company being omitted that perished through famine , banishment , and other miseries . Justus Tiberiensis in his Chronicle of the Kings of the Jews , shews that Agrippa the last King of the race of Herod , had his Kingdome augmented by Vespasian , [ apud Photi . in Bibliotheca . cod . 33. ] Dio relates that he had Praetorian honours given him , his sister Berenice that came to Rome with him dwelt in the Pallace : for Titus was so in love with her that he made her believe he would marry her , and she carried all things as if she had been his wife , but Titus when he knew that the people of Rome did not take it well , he put her away , [ Sueton. in Tit. cap. 7. & Xiphilin . ex Dion . ] Of the rest of Herods progeny , the observation of Josephus is very memorable , [ lib. 18. Antiquit. cap. 7. ] That they all failed , although it was very numerous , within an hundred yeares . And this was the Period of the Jewish affaires . FINIS . READER , IN the third Columne of the Numbers , being the Title over the pages , [ The year before Christ ] hath escaped in stead of [ The year after Christ ] from page 792. to the end : Which over-sight be pleased courteously to mend with your pen. A Perfect INDEX TO THE WHOLE WORK . Wherein you have all the several Heads referred to their particular years , either of the Julian Period , or the Year of the World ; betwixt which you may distinguish by A. M ▪ alwayes placed before that number that points to the Year of the World , and J. P. before those that lead you to the year of the Julian Period : with the distinctions of the time of the year by the four letters , a , b , c , and d ; according to the direction in the end of the Epistle to the Reader . A. A. AAron born . J. P. 3140 A. B. Abbarus High Priest. J. P. 4153 Abdon judges Israel , J. P. 3549 Abel is slain by his brother . J. P. 840 Abia reigns . 3756 Vanquisheth Jeroboam . J. P. 3759 Abimilech slayes his 50 brothers . 3478 He spoiles the City Sichem , is slain . 3481 Abraham is born . J. P. 2718 Called out of Vz of the Chaldees . 2792 To avoid the famine goes down into Egypt . 2793 Returns with Lot into Canaan . 2794 Is circumcised . 2817 Offers his son Isacc . 2843 Dyes . 2893 Absalom after 3 years banishment returns to Jerusalem . 3687 After two years is admitted to his fathers presence . 3689 Began to alienate the affections of the people to his father . 3690 Attempted his fathers Crown . 3691 And is slain by Jonathan the same year . Abydus besieged and taken . 4513 Befieged again . 4524 A. C. Acenchres , daughter of Orus , Queen of Egypt 3806 Acenchres son of Rotholes , King of Egypt . 3107 After him another Acenchres reigned there . 3120 Achab covets Naboths vineyard , 3815 Constitutes his son Achasias King under him 3816 Assaulting Ramoth Gilead he is slain . 3817 Achaz the son of Jothamus born . 3952 He succeeds his father . 3975 Is vanquisht . 3973 Serves the Assyrian . 3972 Dies . 3988 Achazia born . 3807 Falling sick consults Baal-zebub . 3818 Dies . 3829 Achaeus . 4496 4497 The Achaeans condemn Araeus and Alcibiades . 4530 Achiabus prevents Herod ( the Infanticide ) designing his death . sup . A. M. 4001 Achillas commands the messengers brought to him to be slam , is killed by Arsinoe . intr . A. M. 3957 Acme the maid of Livia sends feigned Epistle to Herod . J. P. 3710 Is slain by Herod . An. M. 4001 Addo , or Addius , wounds Caius . J. P. 4716 A. E. Aegialcus begins his reign over the Sicionians in Peloponese . J. P. 2625 Aegyptius the Magician carries about 4000 men . 4768 Aegyptius , calls the land Aeria by his own name , 3230 After nine years spent in forreign Expeditions , he returns to Pelusium . 5232 His fifty sons slain by Danaus ' s fifty daughters . 3240 The government by twelve in Egypt . 4029 The Egyptians revolt from the Persians 4222 Revolt again . 4254 Reduced again to the Persians 4260 Egypt subjugated to Persia. 4364 The Egyptians revolt . 4499 Aelius Gallus , Prefect of Egypt , is sent into Arabia . 4690 By the perfidiousnesse of Syllaeus , undergoes great difficulties . 4690 His army contracts diseases by reason of the water and hearbs . ibid. He demolishes a Town in Arabia felix 4691 Returns from his Arabian Expedition . A. M. 3982 Aelius Sejanus poisons Drusus Tiberius his son , having adulterated his wife . 4736 Falsly accuses the Jews to Tiberius . ibid. Is slain . A. M , 4035 Amilius his actions . 4524 Aemilius Macer , the Poet of Veron , died in Asia . 4698 L. Aemilius Paulus overcomes Perseus . A. M. 3836. c. Goes about Graecia , and institutes playes at Amphipolis . A. M. 3838 Aeneas , King of Arabia of the Nabataeans . A. M. 3998 sends in vain to Caesar. J. P. 4078 Aesopus comes to Sardis , and thence to Delphos , and is there unjustly condemned . 4153 Aethiopians fleeing from Indus pitcht about Egypt . 3099 Aetolians Anacleteria : 4518 A. G. Agabus foretells St. Pauls imprisonment . J. P. 4773 Agathocles dies . 4425 Is slain by the father of Lysimachus , 4431 Agathocles 4507 , 4510 Agesilaus is sent by the Lacedemonians with forces against the Persians . 4318 Keeps the Covenants made with Tisaphernes , although he broke his oath ; the same year , destroyes Phrygia and the neighbouring places , drives away Tissaphernes army . 4219 He constituteth Pisander over the Navy , 4320. the same year is recalled from being of the Ephori , is derided by the King of Egypt , 4352 He dies . 4353 Agesipolis King of Sparta . 4531 A. L. Alani destroy Media . J. P. 4786 Albinus succeeds Festus in the Province of Judea . 4776 Afflicts the Jews with injustice . 4777 Alcetas kills himself . 4894 Alchaudonius joynes with Bassus , being hired thereunto . 4669 Alcibiades and Chalcidaeus cause many to revolt from the Athenians . 4302 Alcibiades his demands , 4303 Returns in favour with the Athenians , returns to Samos with a great spoile . ibid. He is cast into prison by Tissaphernes . 4306 Overcomns Pharnabazes . ibid. Is made General of the War 4207. flees into Thracia with mony , 4310. Dies , and is buried . ibid. Alcimus is made Priest. A. M. 3842 His Priesthood confirmed by Demetrius Soter , ib. d. Against his Covenant he kills 60 of the Scribes in one day . ibid. Presents a golden Crown to Demetrius . A. M. 3853 a. Accuses Judas Macchabaeus . ib. Brings Nicanor before the King. J. P. 4553. Ends his life in great torment . A. M. 3844 c. Alexander born , J. P. 4358 Succeeds Philip , 4378 Overcomes the Triballi , and returns to quiet Greece . 4378 He spares the Athenians , besieges Thebes , by Hecataeus means catches ▪ Attalus , spoiles Thebes , spares Pindarus his house , visits Diogenes . ib. His dream . 4380 Passes into Asia , his army , casts a spear into Asia , he visits Achilles Tomb , sacrifices , passes Granica ▪ overcomes the Persians in the Adrastian fields , possesses himself of the Sardians , comes to Ephesus , takes away Oligarchy , sacrifices to Diana , takes Miletum , contends against Carias , frees the Grecian Cities , declares Ada Queen of Caria , levels with the ground Halicarnassus , gives the Macedonian souldiers leave to winter with their Wives , sends Parmenio to Sardis , takes many Towns. ib. He makes for Myliada . 4381 At Phasaelis he receives a message that there was treason plotted for to take away his life . ib. He takes many Towns in Pisidia , Pamphilia and Phrygia , comes to Gordium , and cuts the knot . ib. Subdues the whole Country to the river Halys , invades the Fort at Pylae , is in danger by the coldnesse of the water of Cydnus , overcomes Orotobates the the Persian , amongst the Solons he sacrifices to Esculapius and Minerva , defeats the vast army of Darius , uses Darius his mother and daughter civilly . ib. Erecting three Altars , he makes for Syria , Isles and Crowns are presented to him . ib. He goes to the City Maratha , where letters are delivered him by Darius . ib. He takes Byblus and Sidonia , where Strato had succeeded Ochus , and constituted Abdalonymus King there . ib. He threatens run to the Tyrians , writes to Jaddus , 4382 Subdues Arabia , Sailes to Tyre , rejects Darius his conditions of peace . ib. Sacrifices to Hercules , invades Judea , worships Jaddus , grants the Jews requests , subdues Egypt , builds Alexandria , goes to the Oracle of Ammon , and is saluted jupiters son , put Darius to flight , and comes to Susa. 4383 Takes Persepolis , id . leads his Souldiers through frost and snow , id . takes the rest of the Cities of Persia , and burns Persepolis . 4384 He pursues Darius , id . how long he reigned . id . his courtesie towards Darius , id . gave himself to the Persian luxury . id . burns the souldiers luggage , plots are laid against him , id . he takes the Macedonian letters : what he did to the end of that year . 4384. His souldiers dye with drinking water . 4385 Conveighs his army over the river upon hides . ibid. is wounded with an arrow , ibid. is in danger at Cyropolis , ib. builds Alexandria at Tanais . ibid. Overcomes the Scythians , comes to the river Oxus . ibid. Divides his army into five parts , having subdued the Sogdians , kills a Lion. ib. Mourns for Clytus , and for the deaths of Philippus and Erygius , overcomes Petra , commands divine worship to himself . 4386. Makes for India . 4387 Is wounded in the leg . ib. boasts he will excell Hercules , ib. takes many Cities in India , passes the river Indus , and celebrates playes , ib. gets over Hydaspes . ib. his vanity on the other side of the river Hydaspes , id . the insolence of his Captains , ibid. The rest of his acts amongst the Indians . 4388 He is wounded . ib. His marriage with Statira , Gives noble wives to his friends . His cruelty . He prepares to saile over Tygris and Euphrates . 4389 His largesse to his souldiers , to some he gives golden Crowns . He instructs the Persian youth in Macedonian arms . Takes up the Persian modes , rejecting the Macedonian customs . He admits the suppliant Macedonians to kisse him . He makes a banquet for nine thousand guests . His mourning for Hephaestion . ib. He enters Babylon , neglecting the admonitions of the diviners . How he answered the Embassadors sent to him from all about . He accuseth Aesculapius . Sends the brazen statues back to Athens . He makes most magnificent Exequies for Hephaestion , to whom he sacrifices , and dedicates a Temple . 4390 This year , in which he died , his Navy at Babylon digged a Haven . He prepares his Navy against the Arabians ; derides the Southsayers . A certain Mariner put his Crown on his own head . When and how he died . 4390 & 4391 He appoints a Temple to be erected to Belus in Babylon . His dream . His enterprizes a little before his death . ib. He is taken with a disease whilst drinking . How long he was sick . What he said on his death-bed . How long he lived , and reigned . ib. Who succeded him . ib. How long he lay dead on the earth . ib. Two years unburied . ib. Alexanders . Testament and successors . ibid. Alexander Balas seeks the friendship of Jonathan . A. M. 3851. d. Demetrius being slain , he takes Cleopatra , the daughter of Ptolemaeus Philometor , to wife . J. P. 4564 He honours Jonathan . ib. He gives himself to sloth . J. P. 4566 Hearing of the Expedition of Demetrius from Phoenicia , he hasts to Antioch . ibid. He consults the oracle of Apollo of Sarpedon ▪ ant . A. M. 3859 According to the answer of the oracle he is slain in Arabia . ib. A. M. 3859 Alexander , a certain young man is suborned by the Antiochians for the son of Antiochus . juxta A. M. 3851 a. Alexander ( another ) professing himself to be the son of Perseus , flees into Dardania for fear of Me●ellus . sup . A. M. 3858 Alexander Jannaeus is born to John Hyrcanus . A. M. 3877 Begets his son Hyrcanus . A. M. 3892 Is made King of the Jews . sup . J. P. 4609 Is overcome by Ptolemaeus Lathurus . infr . J. P. 4610 Enters into league with Cleopatra . sup . J. P. 4612 He takes Gaza , and spoiles it . sup . A. M. 3907 He takes Dia. A. M. 3920 Conquers Essa . infr . J. P. 4630 Likewise Gaulana and Seleucia . sup . A. M. 3922. Throws Demetrius out of his Kingdom . infr . A. M. 3923 Is sick of a Quartan Ague . J. P. 4633 Dying , advises his wife by no means to offend the Pharisees . sup . J. P. 4636 Alexander , the brother of Ptolemaeus Lathurus , succeeds his brother in the Kingdom of Egypt . sup ▪ J. P. 46●8 Alexander , the Father of Alexander the younger , being first overcome in war ▪ died . infr . J. P. 4626 Alexander Zebinas is made King of Syria . sup . J. P. 4588 Is mercifull to the conquerd subjects . J. P. 4590 The people forsake him . J. P. 4592 Commits Sacriledge . ib. Is overcome by Antiochus Grypus , and flees to Antiochia . ib. is slain . ib. infr . Alexander Polyhistor . A. M. sup . 3924 Alexander , the son of Ptolemaeus , the Matricide , kills his wife Cleopatra . A. M. 3924 Alexander , the second King of Egypt , expel'd . J. P. 4649 By his Testament makes the people of Rome his heirs in the Kingdom . infr . A. M. 3940 Alexander , the son of Aristobulus , vexes Judea with incursions . J. P. 4657 Being conquer'd by Gabinius , offers up his Castles . ibid. Is again overcome . infr . J. P. 4659 Is put to death . infr . J. P. 4665 Alexander King of the Arabians , taken in the Actian battle , and being led in Triumph by Octavianus , is put to death . infr . J. P. 4685 Alexander , the son of Herod , is reconciled to his father , by his father-in-law Archelaus . infr . A. M. 3996 He and his brother Aristobulus are strangled by his fathers command . sup . J. P. 4709 Alexander is detected a counterfeit by Caesar. sup . A. M. 4002 Alexander Lysimachus conquered by Caius , is set at liberty by Claudius . infr . J. P. 4754 Alexandra , the daughter of Hircanus , writes to Cleopatra , to sollicite Antonius in the cause of her son Aristobulus . infr . J. P. 4678 being privately about to convey her self and her son Aristobulus into Egypt , is taken . sup . A. M. 4670 Deplores the miserable death of her son to Cleopatra by letters . infr . J. P. 4680 Is cast into prison by Herods command . infr . J. P. 4680 Fearing the like from Herod , approves her daughter Mariamme's death . sup . J. P. 4686 When in Herods sicknesse she endeavours to gain the forts into her possession , she is put to death by him . infr . J. P. 4686 Alexandrians being about to clear themselves from the accusations of Ptolemaeus against them at Rome , are by him some of them murthered , the rest deter'd from following their cause . infr . J. P. 4657 Are overcome by Gabinius . J. P. 4659 The Alexandrians six Caius his statues in the Porches of the Jews . infr . J. P , 4751 Are cruel to the Jews . ib. Paulo post . Alexus , or Alexander , of Laodicea being sent from Antonius to Herod , revolts from him , and staies with Herod . infr . J. P , 4684 Is slain at Caesars command . ibid , A. M. Amasias born . J. P. 3851. Is beaten and taken at Bethshemesh . 3888 Is slain . 3904 Amasis made King by the Rebels . 4141 Reigns in Egypt . 4145 Revolts from Cyrus , 4183 Leaves this World. 4189 M. Ambivius , second Procuratour , is sent by Augustus into Judea . sup . A. M. 4015 Amisus is taken by Lucullus . J. P. 4644 Ammonius kills Antigonus and Laodice . J. P. 4566 Hiding himself in a womans guise , is found and slain . sup . A. M. 3859 Amenophis reigns in Egypt . A. J. P. 2928 Amenophis his reign . 3019 Am-essis reigns in Egypt . J. P. 2949 Amyntas is constituted chief in Galatia by Antonius . infr . J. P. 4678 Falls over to Augustns . infr . J. P. 4683 Amnon defiles his sister 3682 Is slain by Absalom . 3684 Amon is born . 4049 succeeds his father 4071 Is slain . 4073 Amyntas with the Graecians is slain . 4382 A. N. Ananelus receives the High Priesthood from Herod . infr . J. P. 4678 Ananias , the son of Zebedaeus is constituted High-Priest , J. P. 4760 Ananus being new High Priest , delivers James the brother of Jesus , and others , to be stoned . infr . J. P. 4176 Loses his High Priesthood . ibid. Anaxagoras dyes . 4286 Anaxibius the Laconian by treachery is slain by Ephicrates . 4326 Anaximander the Milesian is born . 4103 leaves this World. 4167 Anaximenes succeeds Anaximander . 4167 Andriscas of Adramitium feigns himself to be the son of Perseus . J. P. 4562 Is taken by Demetrius and sent to Rome , where he is neglected through contempt . ibid. Stealing privately from Rome , hepossesses himself of Macedonia . infr . A. M. 3855 Overcomes the Roman army . sup . J. P. 4566 Wasts Thessaly ibid. He grows cruel . ibid. He is by Byzes petty king of Thrace , betrayed into the hands of Metellas . sup . A. M. 3857 Andronicus kills Ontas . sup . J. P. 4544 He is slain in the same place by the command of Antiochus . ibid. Anianus , the first Bishop of the Church of Alexandria . A. M. 4065 Anna , a Prophetesse , the daughter of Phanuel . A. M. 3909 , J. P. 4626 Annius Rufus , the third Procuratonr of Judea . sup . A. M. 4017 Antalcidas becoms master of the seas . 4327 Antenor , the Legate of Perseus , is sent to Rhodes with seven ships . infr . J. P. 4547 Meets with those were sent by Eumenes to Attalus unawares . sup . A. M. 3836. c. Antigonus sends Athanaeus against the Nabataeans , and gathers bitumen out of Asphaltis . 4403 Makes peace with Cassander Ptolemaeus , and Lysimachus . ibid. Commands Cleopatra to be slain . 4406 His Acts. 4406 , and 4394 , 4395 , 4396 , 3397. to 4412 He is slain . 4412 Antigonus Demetrius . 4430 Antigonus his civility to Pyrrhus . 4442 Antigonus Gonatas . 4434 Antigonus Gonatas . 4437 , and 4440 Departs this life . 4471 Antigonus , the brother of Aristobulus , is slain . A. M. 3899 Antigonus , the son of Aristobulus , complains to Caesar of injuries he had done him . infr . 3957. c. Invading Judea , repel'd by Herod . A. M. 3963 Having reduced it , receives Hircanus and Phasaslus , bound , by the Parthian King. infr . J. P. 4674 Is declared an enemy to Rome . sup . A. M. 3965 Overcomes Josephus , the brother of Herod , and uses him , being dead , cruelly . infr . A. M. 2966 Sends Pappus General into Samaria . infr . A. M. 3966 Is led bound to Antonius . infr . J. P. 4677 Is put to death by him . ib. infr . Antiochia . 4414 Antiochus Soter is in love with his mother in law . 4432 Dies . 4434 Antiochus Soter makes laws for the Jews Cities in Ionia . 4453 Redeems himself from the Galls . 4472 Antiochus Hierax . 4487 Antiochus Magnus . 4492 , 4493 , 4494 , to 4516 Besieges Corasesium . 4517 Winters at Ephesus . 4517 Is rejected by the Romans . 4518 Suffers shipwrack . ibid. Favours the Jews . 4520 Sends Embassadors to Rome . 4521. Gives one daughter in marriage to Ptolemaeus . the other to Ariarathes . 4521 Falls in love with a Virgin. 4523 His Navy is overcome by the Romans . ib. He sues for a peace . ib. Sends back his son to Scipio . 5424 Antiochus his army is conquered . ibid. He loses Asia . 4526 His sacriledge and death . ib. 4526 Antiochus Epiphanes , called Epimanes . J. P. 4536 He attains the Magistracy , by the votes of the people , the time of his reign computed . ib. Having made a league of friendship with Eumenes , he rules Syria , and the bordering Nations most powerfully . ibid. Sent Embassadors to Rome , the chiefest of which was Apollonius . A. M. 3831 He lies near upon Egypt . J. P. 4543 Complains to the Romans , that he is invaded by Ptolemaeus . sup . A. M. 3834 He overcomes Ptolemaeus his Captains in a battle . ib. spares the young King. ibid. Enters Egypt , and spoiles it . infr . J. P. 4344 He goes up against Jerusalem , and possesses himself of the City . ibid. He slaies fourty thousand , and sells so many . ib. He spoiles the Temple , and kills swine upon the Altar . ib. Making a third Expedition , he reduced Egypt into his power . J. P. 4545 Besieges Alexandria . A. M. 3836. a. Leads his army into Syria . ibid. Is offended at the peace made between the two Ptolomies . infr . J. P , 4546 Sends Apollonius against the Cities of Judea . infr . A. M. 3836. c. He commands all the Nations subject to him to be of the same religion with the Greeks . A. M. 3837 He sends some to the Cities of Judea , to compel them to follow the Rites of the Gentiles . ib. The abominable Idol of Jupiter Olympius is placed upon the Altar . ibid. He compels men by torments to adjure the Jewish religion . J. P. 4547 He declares there were plaies to be exhibited at Daphne . infr . J. P. 4548 He deforms their magnificence . in . infr . He dissembles courtesie by Tiberius Gracchus . ib. He considers of going against Persis . A. M. 3839 He takes Artaxias King of the Armenians . infr . A. M. 4549 Attempting Persepolis , is repel'd by the Citizens . J. P. 4550 Hearing of the flight of those in Judea , he is extreme angry . sup . A. M. 3840. c. He is tormented with an immedicable disease in his bowels , ibid. acknowledges he suffers that misery for the injuries he had done the Jews . ib. Vows to give the Iews liberty to live according to their own laws . ibid. He died the 149 years of the Grecian account . ibid. Antiochus Theos is fraudulently slain by his Tutor . infr . J. P. 4571 Antiochus , afterwards called Grypus , is born . sup . A. M. 3863 He obtains the name of King. sup . A. M. 3882 He prepares himself against his brother Antiochus Cizicenus his rival in the Kingdom . sup . A. M. 3891 Overcomes him . ib. is overcome by him . J. P. 4602 They divide the Empire . ib. He is slain by the treachery of Heracleon . sup . A. M. 3908 Antiochus , the son of Demetrius Soter , who was called Sidetes , sends letters to Simon the Priest. sup . A. M. 3864 He receives Cleopatra the daughter of his brother in marriage . infr . A. M. 3865 He threatens Simon . ib. comes into Judea . infr . J. P. 4579 Leads an army against the Parthians . infr . A. M. 3873 His luxury . ib. His victory . ib. His death . infr , J. P. 4584 Antiochus Cyzicenus gives himself to luxnry . infr . A. M. 3893 Both the brothers are despised by John Hyrcanus . A. M. 3894 Cizicenus brings aid to the Samaritans , is overcome by Aristobulus his souldiers . A. M. 3895 Antiochus Eusebes , the Diadem being put upon him , presently makes war upon Seleucus . A. M. 3911 Being overcome flies to the Parthians . A. M. 3912 Antiochus Asiatichus insinuates himself into the Kingdom of Syria . infr . J. P. 4645 He and his brother come to Rome to seek the Kingdom of Egypt . sup . J. P. 4642 Asiaticus returns from Rome into his father Kingdom . sup . A. M. 3934 Comes to Syracuse , where he is spoiled by Verres . ib. sup . A. M. 3934 Antiochus Comagenus is compelled to sue for peace by P. Ventidius . infr . J. P. 4675 Being condemned in the Senate , is slain . A. M. 3976 Antiochus being deprived of his Kingdom , receives Co●●agena from Claudius . infr . J. P. 4754 Being expel'd the Kingdom , together with his son , is restored by Vespatianus . sup . J. P. 4786 Antiochians revolt from Demetrius . sup . A. M. 3851 forsake Alexander . infr . J. P. 4568 Antipas ( or Antipater ) begets Herod , afterwards , King of the Jews . J. P. 4642. Is betrayed by Aristobulus . infr . J. P. 4648 Comes with Hyrcanus to Aretas the King of the Arabians . sup . J. P. 4645 Antipaters Gests . 4406 , 4394 Antipaters virtue . infr . A. M. 3957. b. Antipater created Procurator of Judea . infr . A. M. 3957. c. He commits Galilea to the care of Herod the Second . ibid. He dies by poison . infr . J. P. 4671 Antipater , the son of Herod , being now preferred before Alexander and Aristobulus , is sent to Rome , A. M. 3992 He inflam'd his father against the sons of Mariamme . ib. involving his brothers in false accusations , by others , he takes upon him to defend them . infr . J. P. 4759 Having removed his brothers out of the way , he intended likewise to make away with his father . infr . J. P. 4709 He marries the daughter of Aristobulus . ibid. Plots against his father . ib. Is sent by his father to Augustus . ib. Is said to have prepared poison for his father . sup . A. M. 4000 Is recalled from Rome to Judea by his father . infr . J. P. 4710 He is convicted of preparing the poison for his father , before Quintilius Varus . ib. Is slain by his fathers command . A. M. 4001 Antipatris is built by Herod . A. M. 3995 Antissa is destined to ruin by the Romans . A. M. Antonius Creticus ends the unhappy war with his life . sup . A. M. 3934 Antonius the First , taking Vespasians part , routs Vitellius his army , and cuts his throat . A. M. 4073 L. Antonius , Consul , suffers a siege by Octavianus . infr . J. P. 4674 M. Antonius wars with good successe in Cilicia . J. P. 4612 Depopulates Sicilia , and all the Provinces . J. P. 4640 Takes Pelusium . A. M. 3949 He grows famous for many victories . J. P. 4659 He buries the body of Archelaus . ibid. Admits Cornelius Dolabella his Collegue in the Consulship . infr . J. P. 4670 Entertains Octavius proudly , ib. infr . Corrupts the books of Julius Caesar. ibid. Is chosen General of the Macedonian forces . ibid. infr . Comes to Brundusium . ib. infr . He finds the Souldiers disobedient . ib. infr . Being affrighted , speaks not a word of Caesar in the Senate . sup . J. P. 4671 Besieges Decimus Brutus at Mutina . sup . J. P. 4671 His letters to Hirtius the Consul , and Caesar the Propraetor . ib. infr . He is adjudged an enemy . ib. infr . Being overcome by Octavius Caesar , he flees pittifully out of Italy . ibid. Joynes with M. Lepidus in Gallia . ibid. Commands Hortensius to be executed . infr . A. M. 3963 Because his freed-man had buried his coat of male with Brutus , he commands he should be slain . ib. infr . He passes over into Graecia , J. P. 4673 Thence he sails into Asia . ib , infr . He admits Choraulas , into Court. ib. He receives Bithynia from Apuleius , receives Herod courteously , enters Ephesus . Benignly entertains the Embassadours of the Jews . ib. infr . He is implacable to all the privies to the death of Caesar. ib. infr . He layes heavy tribute upon the Provinces of Syria . ib. infr . He makes Phasaelus and Herod Tetrarchs of Judea . ib. infr . He makes towards Cleopatra , now returned into Egypt . A. M. 3964 His vanity . ib. infr . Deteins the Embassadour sent to him from the Italian Colonies . ib. Going against the Parthians , he came even unto Tyrus . J. P. 4674 Takes Octavia to wife ib. infr . He holds the Kingdom in division with Octavius Lepidus , possessing the Provinces of Affrica . ib. infr . Is forced by Genethliachus the Egyptian to separate from Octavianus . infr . A. M. 3965 He appells certain Kings upon his own head . ib. infr . He carries his wife Octavia with him into Grecia , Playes the Gymnasiarch at Athens . ib. infr . Triumphs and Supplications are decreed him by the Senate . infr . J. P. 4675 He besieges Samosata . ib. is terrified with a Prodigy . A. M. 3966 He calls Cleopatra into Syria . A. M. 3968 He is said to have filthy familiarity with Glaphyra . ib. infr . He admits Artabazes , King of the Arabians , to his Councel ib. infr . Sending back Cleopatra , he goes into Armenia . ib. He besieges the City Phraata in vain . ib. He puts to flight the Parthians and Medes , who had slain Statianus and his forces . ib. infr . He compells the Parthians to turn their backs . A. M. 3969 His souldiers undergo hardship in the siege of Phraaspis . ib. He leaves the siege . ib. infr . He suffers much by the Parthians . ib. infr . His souldiers , by eating roots and hearbs , run mad . ibid. They tumult and rob one anothers baggage . ib. infr . When he came into Armenia , by eating plentifully , they fall into dropsies , &c. ib. infr . Antonius calls his flight a victory . ib. Dissembles the anger he had conceived against the King of Armenia . ib. infr . He flees into Syria . J. P. 4679 He serves the love and imposture of Cleopatra . ib. infr . He laies a plot for Artavasdes King of Armenia . J. P. 4680 His children by Cleopatra . ib. infr . He restrains Artavasdes in golden chains . A. M. 3971 He seizes upon a great quantity of silver . ib. Returns into Egypt . ib. infr . Distributes Kingdome to the children he had by Cleopatra . J. P. 4681 He commands himself to be called Osiris and new Father Bacchus . ib. infr . He joynes in league with Artavasdes , betrothing a little daughter of Artavasdes , to Alexander his son by Cleopatra . ib. Being accused by Octavianus , he made recriminations . A. M. 3972 He commands Canidius with sixteen Legions to go down to the sea , whilst he takes his pleasure with Cleopatra . ib. He writes to Rome , that those things should be confirmed which he had done concerning the partition of the regions to Cleopatra and her children at Alexandra . J. P. 4682 Being about to wage war with Caesar , he puts away Octavia . ib. He foolishly procrastinates the war. ib. infr . His Testament being published by Caesar , alienates the peoples minds to him . ib. infr . He is thought to have grown mad by Cleopatra's potions . ib. infr . Makes great preparations to war against Caesar. ib. infr . Antonius his Horse is defeated by M. Titius and Statius Taurus . infr . J. P. 4683 Having lost his confidence , he was bitter against Iamlicus , and Q. Posthumus . ib. infr . Provides for his flight . ib. infr . He flying also , follows flying Cleopatra . ib. He posses three dayes in the forepart of the ship alone . ibid. His souldiers being left by their Emperour and leader , joyne themselves to Caesar. ib. infr . Being cast upon Africa , he betook himself to solitude with Aristocrates and Lucilius . A. M. 3974 When he heard of the defection of Pinarius Scarpius , he resolved to lay violent hands upon himself . ib. infr . He betakes himself to Alexandria , and built himself an house at Pharus , called Timonium . ib. infr . Leaving his Timonium , he comes to the Palace , and falls to his feasting . ib. infr . He sends Euphronius Embassadour to Caesar. infr . J. P. 4684 He sends other Embassadours , promising that he would kill him himself , if thereby he might free Cleopatra . ib. infr . He receives an answer to neither Embassy . ib. nor yet to a third . ib. infr . He baffles Caesars Horse , and pursues them even to their Camp. ib. infr . By tickets cast into Caesars Camp , he promises to every one that will revolt to him , 15000 Drachmes . ibid. Caesar reads these publickly , to make Autonius the more hateful , and confirm the more his party in their confidence . ib. He provokes Caesar by messengers to fight a single duel with him . ibid. His Navy revolts . ib. infr . He wounds himself . ibid. Is drawn up by ropes to Cleopatra , who had betaken her self to the Monument . ib. He breaths out his last . ib. infr . Is honourably inter'd by Cleopatra . ib. infr . His Statues are thrown down . ib. infr . Antonius , a young man , the son of M. Antonius , 〈◊〉 is slain by the command of Octavianus . infr . J. P. 4684 A. P. Apachnas reigns in Egypt . 2693 The Apameniensians beeng distressed by the ruins of an Earthquake , are freed from Tribute for five years together . infr . A. M. 4056 Apelles , an Ascalonite , who incited Ca●us against the Jews , is tortured himself by him . A. M. 4044 Aphronadius King of Babylon . 4014 Apion , the Grammarian , writes a most beggerly Commentary against the Jews . A. M. 4643 He incenses Caius against the Jews . ib. Apollodotus , the General of the Gazeans , conflicts with the Jews . A. M. 3907 Apollonius puts away a great multitude on the Sabbath day at Jerusalem . A. M. 3836 , c. Is slain by Judas Macchabaeus . infr . J. P. 4548 Apollonius sirnamed Dahus , joines himself to Demetrius . infr . J. P. 4566 Provokes Jonathan to sight . ib. infr . Apollonius Egyptius , or the Egyptian , who told at home that should become of Caius , is led before him to Rome , and Caius being slain , escapes away safe . infr . J. P. 4754 Apollonius chief master of the art of oratory . sup . A. M. 3925 Apollonius the Tyanean , enters the City of Babylon . J. P. 4762 Apollo's Image at Cumana is said to weep . J. P. 4584 Apollos comes to Ephesus . sup . A. M. 4064 The Apostles Acts are examined exactly . sup . A. M. 4037 Apophis King of Egypt . 2730 Appius Claudius Putcher goes into Cilicia . A. M. 3951 Apries reigns and adds many Kingdoms to Egypt . 4120 Is strangled . 4145 Apuleius fleeing the proscription of the Triumviri , is made President of Bythynia , by Brutus . J. P. 4672 He intreats Antonius for his restoration . J. P. 4673 A. Q. Aquilius Floruses both father and son perish for adhereing to Antonius . sup . A. M. 3974 A. R. Arabians take Memphis . 2630 Their first King was Salatis . Going from Egypt to Syria , they built Jerusalem . 2889 Reign in Babylonia . 3176 Overcome Athenaeus . 4403 Other their Acts. ibid. Arabians being overcome by Judas Macchabeus , sue for peace . infr . A. M. 3841. c. The Arabians of Petraea burn Cleopatra's ships , when they were about to be carried over the Isthmus . infr . A. M. 3974 The Aradians , when they had killed the Embassadors of the Maratheans , attempt their City , take it , destroy it , and divide the land amongst themselves . sup . A. M. 3858 They rise against the Antonians , and exact tribute of them . A. M. 3964 Aratus the Sicyonian . 4463 Arbaces wars upon Sardinapolis . 3964 Is called King. 3966 The Ark is sent back by the Philistins . 3598 Is brought from the house of Abinadab , to the house of Obed. Edom , and thence into the Castle of Sion . 3669 Arcecilaus reigns over the Cyrenians . 4113 Archelaus , Mithridates his Prefect , receives Athens , delivered up to him by Aristion , infr . J. P. 4626 He brought the Islands of the Cicladae into his power and subjection . sup . J. P. 4627 Is conquered by Sylla . infr . J. P. 4628 Is suspected of private commerce with Sylla . J. P. 4629 Flees to L , Marenus . sup . J. P. 4831 Archelaus is made King of Cappadocia by M. Antonius . infr . J. P. 4678 Archelaus , the High Priest of the Comani , takes to wife Berenice , and with her enjoyes the Kingdom of Egypt for six moneths , A. M. 4949 Being taken by Gabinius , he got out of his hands for mony . J. P. 4659 By him is afterwards slain . ibid. Archelaus , King of Cappadocia , congratulates Herod for the reconciliation with his sons . sup . A. M. 3994 Is very courteously dealt with by Herod . A. M. 4996 Coming to Rome , he contends with Antipas , for the Kingdom . infr . J. P. 4711 Receives the half of the dominions Herod had enjoyed , from Augustus . sup . A. M. 4002 Returning into Judea , takes the High Priesthood from Joazaras , the son of Boethus . ib. Is brought to Augustus , A. M. 4009 Is summoned by his Procurator . ib. Is banisht to Vienna in Gallia . A. M. 4010 Is again through Caesars hate recalled to Rome , and there ends his life . A. M. 4020 Archias being convicted of Treason , hangs himself . sup . A. M. 3848 Ardisius reigns in Lydia . J. P. 3917 Aretas King of Coelosyria , overcomes Alexander Jannaeus . sup . A. M. 3920 Aretas , King of the Arabians , being called to aid Hyracanus against his brother Aristobulus , overcomes him , and besieges him in Jerusalem . J. P. 4649 Argivi , their Kingdom began under Inachus , the first King in Peloponese . J. P. 2148 Are routed by the M●lesians . 4302 Argon , the son of Ninus , is the first that reigns amongst the Sardians . J. P. 3499 Argyraspides , their Gests under Alexander . J. P. 4385 , 4386 , 4395. to 4399. Ariana , what . J. P. 4388 Ariarathes . J. P. 4532 Ariarathes , King of Cappadocia , sent one of those sons his wife had suggested to him , as his own , to Rome , and the other to Ionia . sup . A. M. 3833 Promises aid to the Romans . ib. He yields himself to the judgement of the Roman Embassadour , in that controversie he had with the Galatians . infr . A. M. 3842. a Departs this life . ib. b. Ariarathes Philopator succeeds his father . infr . J. P. 4552 His education . ib. infr . Sends Embassadours to the Romans . ib. Inters ths reliques of his sister and mother . ib. Reduces Mithrobarzanes son of the King of Armenia the Lesse , into his fathers Kingdom . sup . A. M. 3844 a. He entertains the Roman Embassador like a King. ib. b. His Embassadours come to Rome , and bring a Crown of 10000 crows of gold . A. M. 3845 Is driven out of his Kingdom by Demetrius . A. M. 3846. a. Comes a suppliant to Rome . A. M. 3847 He is commanded to reign together with his brother Orophernes . ib. Is restored into his Kingdom by Attalus . sup . A. M. 3848 Ariarathes , King of Cappadocia , dies , in the war against Aristonicus . infr . J. P. 4585 Aridaeus besieges the Cizicenians . J. P. 3995 Arimares possesses the Rock of Oxus . 4385 Ariobarzanes repells Alexander . 4383 Ariobarzanes being seized on by Cassius , is put to death . sup . A. M. 3963 Ariobarzanes is made ruler over the Armenians by their consent by Caius . infr . A. M. 4006 Aristagoras revolts from Darius . J. P. 4212 Is slain by the Thracians . 4216 Aristagoras his vision . J. P , 4641 Aristo the Tyrant being taken by Sylla , is punished . infr . J. P. 4628 Aristobulus , a Jew , studies Philosophy in Egypt . sup , A. M. 3855 Aristobulus making a pact with his brother Hyrcanus usurps the entire dominion and Priesthood of the Jews . infr . A. M. 3938 Ho overcomes Aretas , and Hyrcanus in battle , after by the threats of Scaurus he had desisted from the siege . sup . A. M. 3940 Being bound , is carried abont by Pompey . infr . J. P. 4651 Escaping from Rome , returns to Judea . sup . J. P. 4658 Being conquered with those who joyned with him , he is brought to Gabinius . ib. He dies by poison . infr . A. M. 3955 Aristobulus is made successor to Ananelus in the High-Priesthood . J. P. 4679 Being but a young High Priest , he performs the sacrifice with the peoples approbation . A. M. 3970 Is stifled in the water by Herods treachery . ib. infr . Aristobulus , the son of Herod , King of Chalcis , receives the Principality of Armenia from Nero. A. M. 4058 Aristonichus , the son of Eumenes the King , by a harlot , invades Asia , as his fathers Kingdom . A. M. 3872 Overcomes Crassus the Consul . A. M. 3874 Is overcome and taken by the Consul Perperna . J. P. 4584 Is strangled at Rome . sup . A. M. 3879 Aristoteles succeeds Plato . J. P. 4366 Arius , the Alexandrian Philosopher , is honoured by Octavianus . longe infr . J. P. 4684 By his entreaties Octavianus pardons Philostratus . ibid. And by his advice kills Caesarion . ib. infr . He is said to have refused the Prefectureship of Egypt , when offered him . A. M. 3975 Arbianus King of Babylon . J. P. 4005 Armais reigns . J. P. 3132 Armenia wholly comes into the power of Antonius . A. M. 3971 Is lost by the Parthians . A. M. 4039 Arphaxad born . J. P. 2368 Leaves this World. J. P. 2806 Arsaces the First . J. P. 4464 Arsaces , the son of Artabanus slain . A. M. 4039 Arsinoe banished . J. P. 4434 He dies . J. P. 4507 Arsinoe the Queen is traduced to the Egyptians , by Ganymedes the Eunuch . infr . A. M. 3957 a. Is led in Triumph by Caesar , and then let go . sup . A. M. 3959 At the request of Cleopatra her sister , Antonius gives order to kill her . sup . A. M. 3964 Artabanes cuts Zerxes throat , being Procurator of Persia. J. P. 4240 Is slain by Artaxerxes . J. P. 4241 Artabanus his three sons die in fight . ib. Artabanus is substituted King of the Parthians , in the place of Phraates , being slain A. M. 3876 Being wounded in his arm , he presently departs . ibid. The Embassadours of Artabanus King of the Parthians , come to Germanicus . A. M. 4022 Artabanus sets his son Arsaces over the Armenians . sup . A. M. 4039 He being taken away , provides that his son Orodes may revenge it . ib. 4039 He was afraid of the kindred of Vitellius , being corrupted with mony . ib. Being restored to his kingdom , he upbraids Tiberius with his vices , and advises him to make away himself . sup . A. M. 4040 Having attempted Armenia , he resolved also to invade Syria . ibid. His death designed by his son . infr . A. M. 4050 Artabazes , King of Armenia , is sent into Egypt by Antonius . sup . A. M. 3971 He refuses to submit unto Antonius . ibid. Is driven from his Kingdom . A. M. 3984 Artabazus overcomes the Kings Satraphae . J. P. 4356 He flees to the Thebans . J. P. 4361 Artachshashta forbids the building of Jerusalem . J. P. 4192 Artavasdes being provoked against Phraates and Artabazes , seeks the friendship of Antonius . infr . J. P. 4679 Is put in silver chains by Antonius . A. M. 3971 Receives the Kingdom of Armenia from Tiberius . infr . J. P. 4694 Some dispute that the same Kingdom was restored to Tigranes . ib. infr . Artaxerxes succeeds his father . J. P. 4240 trims his Navy against the Egyptians . 4224 In the mean time wars upon Egypt . J. P. 4257 Delivers Inarus to his moiher to be crucified . 4266 He leaves the stage of this life . J. P. 4289 Artaxerxes Mnemon reigns . 4310 He cruelty , spares his brother Cyrus . ibid. Overcame the army of Cyrus . 4313 He promotes the peace with the Graecians . 4317 He writes to Agesilaus . ibid. 4317 Commands the Judges to be stead alive . 4336 Perswades the Grecians to establish the peace amongst themselves . 4348 Departs this life . 4353 Artaexias , King of the Greater Armenia , his wicked counsels . A. M. 3843 d. Artemisia fights valiantly . J. P. 4234 Her love to her husband . 4361 She constitues a Just in honour to Mausolus . 4362 Builds a stately Sepulchre for her husband . 4363 Artoces , King of the Iberians , flees to Pompeius . infr . J. P. 4649 He confirms a peace with Pompeius . ibid. infr . A. S. Asa reigns . J. P. 3759 Took away the publick Idolatry . 3761 Vanquishes the Ethiopians , reforms his Kingdom , takes away his Grandmother Machaca from being Queen . J. P. 3773 He hired Benhadad with a reward to hinder Baasa . 3774 Consults Physiciaus . 3797 Departs this life . 3800 Asander rises against his Lord Pharnaces . A. M. 3957. c , Kills him . A. M. 3958 He overthrows Mithrid●tes the Pargamenian , and Pharnaces , and quietly enjoyes the kingdom of Bosphorus . infr . J. P. 4668 Ascalonites , whence they deduce their account of time . infr . J. P. 4610 Asclepiodotus , both Authour and Index of the conjuration against Mithridates . infr . J. P. 4629 Asia returns to Mithridues . infr . J. P. 4639 Asian Embassadour heard at Rome . A. M. 3835 Asia contend in what City especially they should build a Temple to Tiberius and the Senate . A. M. 4029 Asidaei joyn themselves to Matthaeus . infr . J. P. 4547 Asinius Pollio , the Consul , receives his son Salominus . J. P. 4674 Refuses to help Caesar against Antonius . infr . J. P. 4683 Assis King of Egypt . J. P. 2841 Astacum built in Bithinya . J. P. 3002 Astacus infests the Delians with Darts . J. P. 4303 Astyages reigns in Media . J. P. 4119 Overcomes the Assyrians . 4131 Astymedes , the Embassadour of the Rhodians , obtains peace of the Romans . sup . A. M. Asylum's , their liberty restrained . A , M. 4025 A. T. Athens taken by Sylla . infr . A. M. 3918 Athenaeus his acts . 4402 Athanaeus infests the Nabataeans . 4403 Athenians send 20 ships to aid the Ionians . 4213 Forsake the Ionians . 4214 Are surprized by Mardonius . A. M. 3525. c. Take Sestus , and exact a great sum for the Captives . J. P. 4235 The Ionians revolt to them . 4238 They become victors in Cyprus and Cilicia . 2465 Take Samos , ana lose it again . 4274 Sent Colonies to Notium . 4287 They behead Chalcedaeus , the President of the Lacedemonians . 4302 The Athenians overcome the Navies of Mindarus , and the Syracusians . 4303 They take Cizicum and eight ships . ibid. They have a sea fight with the Lacedaemonians . 4305 Whom they conquered by land and sea . 4306 Reject peace with the Lacedemonians . 4306 They kill the Milesians , take Colophon , put to flight the Syracusian Navy . ib. an . eod , They send Embassadours into Persia. 4307 Cyrus rejects their Embassadours . ibid. They make peace with the Lacedemonians . 4310 They send Thracibulus with a Navy of 40 saile against the Lacedaemonians . 4324 They send ●phicrates with eight ships against Anaxib as the Laconian . 4325 They conquered Cyprus . 4327 The Chians Rhodians and other revolt from them . 4356 They resist the edict of Alexander . 4390 The Athenians army . 4407 They call Demetrius and Antigonus Kings . 4408 Send Crates to Demetrius . 4427 Athenians send three Philosophers Embassadours to the Romans . J. P. 4559 Athenio , King of the slaves , is overcome by L. Licinius Lucullus in Sicilia . J. P. 4612 He is torn to p●eces amongst them , whilst they were wrangling . J. P. 4613 Athenio , the Embassadour of the Athenians , is sent to Mithridates . A. M. 3916 Being sent back by him , exercises the Athenians with Tyranny . infr . J. P. 4626 Athenio , Cleopatra's General , beats the Jews in Arab●a . A. M. 3973 Athanaeus , the brother of Attalas , helps with his Navy against Prusias . infr . A. M. 3850 Athenaeus , that forsook Antiochus , dies with hunger . J. P. 4584 Athenobius , is sent by Antiochus to Simon . infr . A. M. 3865 Athenodorus , the stoick Philosopher , is made Praefect of Cilicia , by Octavianus . A. M. 3975 Athronges , a Shepherd , who , when Archelaus was absent , took upon him his Diadem , and by him , at his return , is brought into subjection . infr . A. M. 4001 Attalus the first . J. P. 4473 Attalus Philadelphus . 4494 , 4496 Attalus makes a league with the Romans . 4503 Delivers the mother of the gods to the Romans . 4509 He falls with a Virtigo . 4517 Dies the same year . His Gests . 4523 , 4524 Attalus , the brother of Eumenes , comes to Rome . infr . A. M. 3832 Thinking Eumenes was dead , marries his wife , and runs precipitately into her embraces , but yet is pardoned by his brother . A. M. 3833 Is sent to Rome by his brother Eumenes . infr . J. P. 4547 He is courteously entertained by all men there , and in hope of his brothers kingdom , but diverted from that conceit by Stratius the Physician . ib. & A. M. 3840. a. Attalus Philometer succeeds his father Eumenes , in the Kingdom of Pergamus . A. M. 3846 a. Being conquered by Prusias , sends his brother to the Senate . J. P. 4559 Being driven into Pergamus , is besieged there by Prusias . A. M. 3850 Is received most courteously by the Romans . A. M. 3851 a. Favours Nicomedes against his father . A. M. 3856 He obtains the Kingdom of the Pergamenians , and defiles it by the punishment of his friends . A. M. 3867 His sorrow for his wicked acts . ib. He studies Husbandry . ib. Sends large presents to Scipio Africanus . A. M. 3871 He dies . ibid. His Testament , whereby he left the people of Rome his heirs in the Kingdom . A. M. 3871 Athilia born . J. P. 3787 Married to Jehoram . J. P. 3807 The house of Juda then lost the royall seed . 3830 Atticus being found plotting against King Mithridates , is slain . infr . J. P. 4647 B. A. BAasais at war with Asa. J. P. 3774 Babylon , by the command of Nimrod , is begun to be built . J. P. 2480 Bacchides pitcheth his Tents in Bezeeth . A. M. 3842. d. Slayes those that are running from him . ibid. Is sent into Judaea with Alcimus the second time . 3843. c. Puts to flight the Jews , after the fall of Judas Macchabaeus . infr . Builds fenced Cities in Judea . ibid. d. Alcimus being dead , he returns to Demetrius . A. M. 3845 Leaves Judea , and never returns . 3847 Bacchides , the Eunuch , is sent by Mithridates to kill his Sisters , Wives , and Concubines . infr . J. P. 4643 Bactrians , they revolt , and are overcome by Artaxerxes . J. P. 4241 , 4242 Bagoas drinks poison . J. P. 4378 Bagoas is killed by Herod . infr . J. P. 4709 Balatorus reigns at Tyre . J. P. 4158 Balsom no where found but in Judea . sup . A. M. 3971 Baltazar reigns in Babylon . 4159 In the last year of his reign , the walls of Babylon are built . 4161 Is slain . J. P. 4176 Baon , the second King of Egypt , reigns . J. P. 2649 Barba takes Apamea . J. P. 4642 Bardanes is invited by the Parthians to take , the kingdom upon him . J. P. 4760 Contends with his brother Gotarzes for the Soveraignty . ib. infr . Is reconciled with his brother . 4761 Overcomes him afterwards levying forces . 4762 Whilst he intended to war upon the Romans , is slain by the Parthians . ib. infr . Barnabas is sent to Antioch in Syria . J. P. 4756 Baruch writes the Prophesies of Jeremiah , and reads them to the people . J. P. 4117 Barzaphernes plots against Hyrcanus and Phasaelus . infr . J. P. 4674 Barzillai the Gileadite is born , J. P. 3604 Bassus , the Centurion , apprehending Flaccus , who was violent against the Jews , brought him back into Italy . A. M. 4042 Bathyllus confesses he brought poison to take away Herods life . A. M. 4000 Battaces , the Priest of the Great Mother , comes to Rome . A. M. 3903 Battus succeeds Arcesilaus in the Kingdom of Cyrenia , J. P. 4139 B. E. Belesis attains the Kingdom of Babylon . 3967 Belibus obtains the Kingdom of Babylon . 4011 Belus , the Assyrian , reigns in Babylon . 3392 Belgius , a General . 4435 Benhadad hinders Baasa in building Rome . 3774 Besieges Samaria . 3819 Delivers himself up to Achabus . 3814 Bera , King of Sodom , with the other petty Kings of Pentapolis , rebells . J. P. 2801 Berenice , her revenge and death . 4486 Berenice , the Chian , Mithridates's wife is strangled . J. P. 4639 Berenice , the daughter of Ptolemaeus Auletes , is set over his Kingdom . A. M. 3947 Is put to death by her father . infr . J. P. 4659 Berenice , ( of whom mention is made in the Acts of the Apostles ) is born . A. M. 4031 Berodac Baladan , King of Babylon , sends Embassours with presents to Ezechiah . J. P. 4001 Bessus binds Darius with golden chains . J. P. 4384 Is made General by the Bactrians . ibid. Calls himself King of Persia. ibid. Being left by his party , flies . 4385 Being bound and stript of his royal attire , is delivered to Alexander , ib. infr . Bessus his horrid death . the same year . Bethsura is taken by Eupator . infr . A. M. 3841. d. Is brought into subjection by Simon . infr . J. P. 4570 B. I. Bibulus coming against Ammanus , receives a sad losse . sup . A. M. 3954. a. His two sons are killed in Egypt . ib. c. Cicero's complaints of his letters . ib. infr . B. L. Blosius Cumanus kills himself . J. P. 4584 B. O. Boccharis Saites reigns in Egypt . 3945 Boethus , neither good Poet , nor good Common-wealths-man . infr . J. P. 4673 Boristhenes and Isthmus , Lampsacus and Abdera built . J. P. 4059 Bosphorans are overcome by Agrippa . J. P. 4700 Are delivered to Ptolemei . ibid. B. R. Brennus . J. P. 4435 , 4436 Brithagoras follows Julius Caesar through all nations . J. P. 3946 Leaves this World. sup . A. M. 3958 M. Brutus , ( Caesars murderer ) is sent into Cyprus . J. P. 4657 He stabs Caesar. infr . J. P. 4670 Loosing from Italy with Cassius , comes to Athens . infr . A. M. 3961 Both of them possesse themselves of forreign Provinces . ib. infr . Brutus celebrates his birth-day at Samos . ibid. infr . Macedonia , Illyricum , and all Graecia is decreed to him by the Senate . infr . J. P. 4671 Receives great treasures from the wife of Polemicrates , for the defence of her son . ib. infr . Sends letters to Caesar Octavianus , by which he exhorts him to return to his friendship . Eod. An. prope fin . Takes upon him another kind of spirit in his Epistle to Cicero . ibid. All forreign power is committed to him and Cassius ibid. Brutus makes to Europe . J. P. 4672 He takes councel with Cassius at Smyrna , for the ordering of a war against the Triumviri . ibid. infr . Requires mony and Souldiers from the Lycians . ib. infr . Overcomes their army in fight . ibid. Takes the City of the Xanthians . ibid. Enters the Town of the Paranensians . ibid. He had a horrid vision . A. M. 3963 The spectral said , I am thy evil Angel , Thou shalt see me again at Philippi , His Army is overcome , He desired Straton to lend his hand to make him away , who , with one passe , thrust him through , and so he died . ib. B. U. Bucephale , the City , is built . J. P. 4387 Busiris cruelty . 4243 B. Y. Byzantium and the Chalcedonians cruelty . 4298 Byzantium taken by the Ionians . 4214 Betrayed to the Atheniaus . 4307 C. A. CAbira is taken by Lucullus . infr . J. P. 4643 Caecilius Bassus counterfeits letters sent to him by Scipio . J. P. 4068 Sextus , Caesar being slain , receives his Legion . ib. Engages with C. Antistius upon equall terms . ib. infr . Caesario , whom , t is reported Cleopatra bore to Caesar , is saluted King of Egypt . infr . J. P. 4672 Is slain . J. P. 4684. sub . fin . Caesennius Paetus is set over Armenia . J. P. 4678 Sends letters to Caesar , full of high-flown words , but void of matter . sup . J. P. 4680 Caesius Codrus being accused of bribery , is condemned . sup . A. M. 4026 Cain born . J. P. 4011 Canian born . J. P. 1835 departed this World. J. P. 1945 Caiphas succeeds Simon in the High Priesthood . J. P. 4739 Cdius Antonius is banished . sup . A. M. 3946 Is overcome in fight by Cicero the son . J. P. 4671 suo , fin . Is slain by Clodius . infr . A. M. 3962 Caius and Lucius , by the adoption of Augustus , grow more bold . J. P. 4708 Caius is designed by Caesar Prince of the youth . 4709 Takes Lollia Paulania to wife . A. M. 4003 Prepares for an Expedition into Armenia . ib. Caius receives a wound . A. M. 4006 Dies of a disease in the City Limyra . ib. infr . Caius Caligula succeeds Tiberius . J. P. 4750 His Statues are brought into the Porches of the Jews . infr . J. P. 4751 His sister Drusilla being dead , decreed a generall mourning . ib. Made a bridge near 3600 paces over . infr . J. P. 4852 Commands a Priest to be made , and a Temple dedicated to him . ib. Is angry with the Jewish Embassadours , because he was not sacrificed to . J. P. 4753 Putting by his anger , he esteems them rather miserable than wicked , in that they did not believe he was partaker of the divine nature . ib. Imposes the name of New Jupiter upon his Statues . ib. Being mitigated by the letters of Agrippa , gives command to Petronius to desist placing the Colosse in the Jews Temple . ib. Repenting him of this favour , prepares another Colosse to be carried and placed on a sudden in the Temple . A. M. 4044 Admonished by the Diviners to beware of Cassius , in vain uses C. Cassius Longinus cruelly . ib. Is slain by Cheraeas , called also Cossius . J. P. 4754 Caius Marius , not enduring to see Metellus returned from banishment , leaves Rome . A. M. 3906 Calanus the Gymnosophist Cast himself into aburning pile , and foretells Alexanders death . J. P. 4389 Calicritidas requires mony of Cyrus , overcomes Conon of Athens , destroyes divers works , dyed fighting valiantly . J. P. 4308 Caleb born . J. P. 3134 Callimander , General to Antiochus Cizicenus , is slain . J. P. 4605 Callisthenes , by his sons , plots against Alexander . J. P. 4386 Calyndenses , revolting from the Cauni , put themselves under the Rhodians , by whom they are protected . A. M. 3842. c. Cambyses , or Ahasuerus , succeeds Cyrus . J. P. 4185 Cambapheus betrayes Egypt to him , and Phanes also flees over to him . 4188 His Stratagem against Pelusia . 4189 Takes Memphis and other Cities of Egypt . ib. His cruelty over the corps of Amasis . ib. He in vain sends his N●val forces against the Carthaginians , and sends against the long-lived Aethiops . 4190 Overcomes them , takes his sister to wife , loses the forces he sent against the Amonians in the sands , kills Apis , beats the Priests , and kills his brother . ibid. Kills his sister , stabs Prexaspis's son , which was drinking with him , and acted more cruelties and sacrileges . 4191 Leading his army against Magus , is killed with his own sword , falling out of the scbard , and running into his belly , whose death many prodigies foreshewed . 4192 Cambyses , a noxious river to the Pompetans , J. P. 4649. infr . Candace her Embassadours can obtain any thing of Caesar. A. M. 2784 Candaules reigns in Lydia . J. P. 3679 Canidius changing his former opinion , advises Antonius to send back Cleopatra , and engage Caesar in a land fight . infr . A. M. 3973 C. Caninius slept not while Consul . J. P. 4670 Cappadocia is reduced to a Province . A. M. 4011 Caribes obtain liberty of the Romans . sup . A. M. 3838 Carneades , the Philosopher , the Athenians Embassadour . J. P. 4559 Carthage is destroyed . J. P. 4568 The Carthaginians incourage Adriscus to persist in the war against the Romans . J. P. 4566 Caspis , a City , is taken by the Jews , with the destruction of many of the Citizens . infr . J. P. 4551 Cassanders head beaten by Alexander . J. P. 4391 Cassanders cruelty to Rhepanes . 4403 Towards barzones and his son . 4405 His exploits . 4406 , 4397 , 4398 , 4400 , 4401 , 4402 His death . 4416 C. Cassius his valour in retaining Syria . sup . A. M. 3952 Repells the Parthians . J. P. 4662 Overcomes the Jews . ib. Hearing of the Pharsalian destruction , comes into Sicilia . A. M. 3956. c. Sails to Pharnaces , to excite him against Caesar. ib. infr . Delivers both himself and his Navy to Caesar. ibid. Strikes Julius Caesar. infr . J. P. 4670 Assumes the title of Proconsul . infr . J. P. 4671 Brings the City of Syria into his power . ibid. Makes the Jews of his party . ibid. His letters to Cicero . ibid. He exacts 700 talents of silver from Judea . ib. By his horse he oppresses Ariobarzanes . J. P. 4672 He went to Brutus into Asia . ib. Besieges Rhodes . ib. Having entred their City , commands 50 of the Citizens to be drag'd to execution , 25 he banisht . ibid. He spoiles all the Rhodians . ib. p. 703 Kills Ariobarzanes . ib. p. 704 His expostulations and agreement with Brutus . ibid. Engaging in battle at Philippi , although more of the Caesars party were slain , he is deprived of his Tents and Camp. A. M. 3963 Thinking the army had been wholly routed , he stabed himself with the same dagger he had murdered Caesar. ib. p. 706 Cassius Parmensis , after the destruction at Philippi , receives all that come to him . ib. p. 707 Flees to the Athenians . J. P. 4683. p. 751 He is slain , ( having been also one of Casars murderers ) lib. Cassius Longinus takes upon him the Praefectureship of Syria . A. M. 4044 Renews the ancient military customs . J. P. 4761 p. 875 Cassius Severus , the Oratour , being banished for his evill language , dies for want . A. M. 4027 ▪ 4036 Castor , Mithridates his Praefect , kills Triphon . A. M. 3940. p. 494 A certain Castor acquir'd the dominions of Attalus and Dejotares , when they were dead . A. M. 3965 Castor Phanagorensis is recorded amongst the friends of the people of Rome . A. M. 3941. p. 603 Castor , a youth , accuses his Grandfather A. M. 3960 Cathaans , their customs . J. P. 4387 Catilines conspiracy . A. M. 3941. p. 602. fin . C. Cato , Tribune of the people , promulgates a law to abrogate Lentulus his rule . A. M. 3948 Cato Censorius conceives Philosophers are to be sent Embassadours . J. P. 4559. A. M. 3850 His lepid conceit of the three Embassadours . A. M. 3856 He dies the 85 year of his age . ib. Cato Minor , travelling over Asia , went on foot . A. M. 3940 Comes to Ephesus to salute Pompey . J. P. 4652 The Cyprian Expedition is demanded upon him by Clodius . J. P. 4656 He entertains Ptolemaeus Auletes with great severity . sup . A. M. 3947 He finds great and royall preparation at Cyprus . J. P. 4657 His diffidence , ib. His countenance . J. P. 4658 He carries the Cyprian wealth into the City . J. P. 4658 Is entertaind joyfully by all , more for his own sake , than for the riches . ib. infr . Helps Pompey in preparing forces . sup . J. P. 4665 When Pompey was beaten , went to Corcyra . A. M. 3956. c. Wandring along the sandy deserts of Africa , he came to Leptis . A. M. 3956. d. p. 655 Layes violent hands upon himself . J. P. 4668 Catullus , Governour of the Pentapolis of Lybia , quells and represses a●umult of 2000 Jews . A. M. 4076 Heark●ing to the false accusations of Jonathan , he slew 3000 of them . ib. His entralls bursting out , he died in great horrour of mind and torment of body . ib. C. E. Cecrops , the Egyptian , carrying a colony of the Saits with him into Attica , founded the Athenian dominion . P. Celer is accused by the Asians . J. P. 4770 Cendebaeus Antiochus his Praefect . sup . A. M. 3866 Is overcome by John Hyrcanus . ib. Cerinthus the Heresiarch . sup . J. P. 4765 Cestius Gallus , being excited thereto by the commotions of the Jews , came from Antiochia into Judaea . sup . A. M. 4070 When he was very near taking the Temple , without any just cause he broke up the siege . ib. A. M. 4070 He betakes himself to Atipatris with much losse . ibid. C. H. Chalcis , the ships of the allies to the Romans , come thither . sup . A. M. 3834 Chaereas , who was also called Cassius , kills Caius . A. M. 4044 Chalcedon is built . J. P. 4098 Chaldaeans fight against the Phoenicians . J. P. 317● Nabopollasar reigns over them . 428● Teach Alexander the motion of the stars , and wh●● they consult . 438● Chebron reigns in Egypt , J. P. 29●5 Chaderlaomer subdued the Kings of Pentapolis . 2089 He routs the petty Kings of Pentapolis with their confederates , and takes Lot prisoner . J. P. 2802 Chians sollicite a defection . J. P. 4302 Chincitus and Porus reign in Babylon . J. P. 3983 Chiemaras exploit . 4525 Chrestus , the Suetonian is not thought our L. C. J. P. 4767 Chrestus is called Socrates . A. M. 3915 Chynaladanus succeeds Saosduchinus . J. P. 4066 C. I. M. Cicero learns of Molon the Rhodian . J. P. 4627 Sailes into Asia , where he is exercised with the chief Orators . J. P. 4636 Declames in Greek . J , P. 4637 His judgement of the Jews and their Religion . J. P. 4651 He sends a Commentary of his Consul-ship , composed in Greek , by him , to Posidonius . A. M. 3944 Becomes an Augur . A. M. 3953 Acquires the Province of Cilicia . ibid. Comes to Athens . ib. Takes care of Ariobarzanes , King of Cappadocia . ib. p. 633 , 634 For his victory justly obtained , he is called Emperour . A. M. 3954. a. Overcomes the P●ndeniss●nsians . ibid. Being received with great admiration in the Cities of Cilicia , goes from Tarsus to Asia . ib. b. Civil dissension takes away the Triumph decreed him by the Senate . A. M. 3955 He refuses the Empire put upon him by Cato , not without the hazard of his life . A. M. 3956. c. Makes an Oration for Q. Ligarius before Caesar. A. M. 3959 Fearing the power of Antonius , comes to Athens . J. P. 4670 He dedicates three books of Offices to his son . A. M. 3963 Perswades to prosecute Antonius in war. sup . J. P. 4671 Vpon the coming of the Triumvirs , he departs the City . A. M. 3962 It slain by the Emissaries of Antonius . ib. Cilicia is subjugated to the Romans . sup . J. P. 4651 Cimmerians , they passe out of Europe into Asia . J. P. 4774 Cimon takes many Cities from the Persians . 4243 Overcomes the Persians both at sea and land . Took both the Cyprian and Phoenician fleets . J. P. 4244 Cast down all Chersonese before the Athenians . 4245 Is sent into Cyprus with a Navy . J. P. 4264 Departs this life . J. P. 4265 Cinna and Carbo are cruel to the most famous Romans . sup . A. M. 3920 C. L. Claudius Tiberius , see Tiberius . Claudius Caesar is declared Emperour by the Souldiers . J. P. 4750 Sends Mithridates Iberus home to receive his Kingdom . ib. infr . Restrains the Jews from commotions , byt yet permits them the use of their ancestors rites . ib. Sends Agrippa to the charge of his Kingdom . ib. Permits to the Jews , the custody of the stole . J. P. 4756 Banishes Cymanus . A. M. 4056 Declares of giving the Coans libetry . ibid. Is made away . A. M. 4058 Claudius Felix is destin'd Procuratour for Judea , A. M. 4056 Clearchus , the Lacedemonian , is by Cyrus made General of his forces . J. P. 4511 Clearchus , the Tyrant of Heraclea . J. P. 4350 Is slain in the Bacchanalian feast . 4361 Clearchus of Pontus . 4426 Cleochares , whom Mithridates had placed over the Sinopensians , behaved himself Tyrannically . J. P. 4644 Cleomenes , King of the Lacedemonians . J. P. 4491 , 4493 Cleon contracts an army of slaves . J. P. 4645 Cleopatra , the daughter of Ptolomy , is taken from Alexander her husband , and given to Demetrius Soter . J. P. 4568 Cleopatra , Philometors sister , and wife , endeavours to confirm his fathers Kingdom upon her son . J. P. 4569 Cleopatra , the wife of Demetrius Nicator , offers her self in marriage , and her Kingdom to Antiochus , the brother of Demetrius , her captive husband . A. M. 3864 Cleopatra , the mother of Antiochus Grypus , is killed with the poison she prepared for her son . J. P. 4594 Cleopatra , the daughter of Ptolemeus Lathurus , the wife of Ptolemaeus Alexander , reigned six moneths . J. P. 4633 Cleopatra , the sister of Ptolemaeus , stirs up Caesar against her brother . A. M. 3957. a. Obtains the Kingdom of Caesar , who was inslaved in her love at the first sight . J. P. 4667 One of her brothers being drowned , she is joyned in marriage with the other . ib. Bears a son to Caesar , which she calls Caesarion . A. M. 3957. c. After Caesars departure , she is said to have had to do with the elder son of Pompey the Great . ib. She comes to Rome . infr . J. P. 4668 Sends four Legions to Dolabella . infr . J. P. 4671 Denies forces to Cassius , threatningly requiring them . A. M. 3962 Suffering ship-wrack as she went to Caesar and Antonius , she returned home . sup . A. M. 3963 Comes to Antonius . J. P. 4673 Returns into Egypt . A. M. 3964 Instead of the old Library at Alexandria , she built a new one . J. P. 4676 Fearing least Octavia might win Antonius from her , she counterfeits as she were dying . J. P. 4679 She moves Antonius to revenge Aristobulus his death upon Herod . J. P. 4680 She obtains of Antonius certain parts of Judea and Arabia , with many Cities . ib. Sollicits Herod to lye with her . ib. In the name of Isis , gives answers to the people . A. M. 3971 She gives the souldiers thirty thousand talents , and provision all along in the war. J. P. 4681 She canvases the suspition of Antonius concerning her . A. M. 3973 Being terrified with a prodigy , she prevails with Antonius to engage in battle with Caesar. J. P. 4689 And to fight at sea . ib. Giving the sign to her party , she fled . ib. That she might saile the safer into Egypt , she adorned her ship , as if victrix . A. M. 3974 Puts to death those she hath any spleen to . A. M. 3974 Endeavours to passe the Isthmus , to avoid both war and servitude . ibid. Her divers sorts of poison , she gathered . sup . J. P. 4684 Privately sends a Crown and Scepter of gold to Caesar. ib. She is privately promised impunity if she would kill Antonius . ib. By Thyrsus his speeches , she is made to believe that Caesar is in love with her . ib. infr . Caesar answers Cleopatra's Embassy openly by crimniating , but privately with fair promises . infr . J. P. 4684 Cleopatra covers the betraying of Peleusium , by the death of Seleucus his wife and children , who betrayed it . ib. She makes use of Olympus the Physician , to bring a consumption upon her self . ib. From this enterprize , she is detered by threats towards her children , if she proceeded . ib. She dies by the biting of Aspicks . ib. Caesar carries her image , with an Aspick fixed at her arm , in his Triumph . ib. Caesar takes care for to interre her nobly . ib. The time of her death and reign . ib. Cleopatra 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , being led in Triumph , is given to Juba in marriage . J. P. 4685 Cleophis , Queen , Alexanders Whore. J. P. 4380 Bears a son to Alexander . J. P. 4387 Clitae , a Nation , is brought into subjection by M. Trebellius . J. P. 4749 C. Clodius obtains the Province of Asia . A. M. 3949 Clytus slain by Alexander . J. P. 4385 Cneius Octavius , in reverence to the religion of the Dioscuri , leaves Perseus untoucht in the Temple of Castor and Pollux . A. M. 3836. d. Being the chief in the Roman Embassy , is slain at Laodicea , by Leptines . A. M. 3842. c. A Statue is decreed to him . ib. b. Cneius Dolabella is sent into Cilicia . sup . A. M. 3925 Being accused of bribery , is condemned . sup . A. M. 3926 Cneius Domitius Calvinus administers the affairs of Asia , and the adjacent Provinces . sup . A. M. 3957 In running over to Caesar , although he presently expired , yet gave an example to others of deserting Antonius . infr . A. M. 3973 Cneius Piso is constituted successor to Germanicus . A. M. 4021 His friendship is renounced by Germanicus . A. M. 4023 Receiving news of Caesars death , rejoyces . ib. Is accused as guilty of his death . J. P. 4733 Concluding himself undone , cuts his own throat . ibid. Cn. Pompeius , see Pompeius . Cneius Sentius is chosen president of Syria . A. M. 4023 Cnidians have liberty granted by Caesar. A. M. 3956. d. C. O. Codropolis , the bound of the Empire , divided between Antonius and Octavianus . infr . J. P. 4674 Comagena , Augustus gives it to one M●thridates . sup . A. M. 3985 C Calgulan to Antonius . infr . J. P. 4750 Coment , one shines to the bignesse of the Sun. infr . A. M. 3854. See J. P. 4579. and A. M. 3881. Another after the death of Caesar. sup . A. M. 3961 Connacorix betrayes the Heraclians to the Romans . A. M. 3935 Conon loses the Athenian Navy . J. P. 4309 Writes to Artaxerxes , and by him is made General of the war by sea . 4316 Fills Rhodes with Egyptian provision . 4319 Going to the King of the Persians , accuses Tissaphernes , the same year . Overcomes the Lacedemonians . J. P. 4320 Builds the Athenian walls . J. P. 4321 Is kept in bonds by the Sardians ib. Is brought to the King. the same year . Conons acts and death . 4386 & 4387 Consuls , being afraid of Octavianus , flee to Antonius . J. P. 4682 Coponius , the first Procuratour of Judea , after it was formed into a Province . A. M. 4011 Corinth is overturned by L. Mummius the Consul . A. M. 3843. c. Cornelius Gallus , by Octavianus his permission , possesses Paretonium . infr . J. P. 4684. p. 756 He , compassing about the Navy of Antonius , partly burnt , and partly sunck it . ibid. By a voluntary death , he prevents the condemnation of the Senate . A. M. 3978. p. 768 Cornelius , the Centurion , is warned by an Angel to send for the Apostle Peter . A. M. 4044. sub . fin . Cornelius Tacitus relates how he suffered under Pontius Pilate . p. 847 Cornelia , wife to Pompey , and Sextus her son , flee again into Cyprus . A. M. 3956. d. p. 651 Cornificus is sent to the Syrian war against Caecilius Bassus . infr . J. P. 4670 Caesar being slain , old Africa is given him . ib. Cosis , brother to King Oraeses , is slain by Pompey . J. P. 4649. p. 589 Cosser● are subjugated by Alexander . J. P. 4390 Cossutianus Capito , is by law condemned of bribery . 4770 Costabaru● ( by a new kind of divorce ) is rejected by his wife Salome , the wife of Herod . A. M. 3978 Cotta in vain besieges Heraclea . sup . A. M. 3934 Having taken , rifles it . A. M. 3935 Is therefore called Ponticus . J. P. 4645 Is deprived of it . J. P , 4646. p. 568 Cotyis receives Armenia the Lesse , from Caligula . infr . J. P. 4751 C. R. Crassus , the High Priest , makes war against Aristonicus . A. M. 3873 Most skillfull in the Greek tongue . ib. infr . His severity against the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ib. His death . A. M. 3874 Cretensians , being by the ears amongst themselves , by the coming of Embassadours , are put in hope of peace again . A. M. 3830 By the Senate they are forbid the change of mony . J. P. 4620 They disagreed amongst themselves , about what thy should do when the Romans imposed such hard conditions upon them . J. P. 4645 Being besieged , asswage their thirst with urin . J. P. 4646 Critolaus , the Athenian Philosopher , Embassadour to the Romans . J. P. 4559 Croesus is born into the World. J. P. 4117 Reigns in Lydia . 4152 To him the Sophists and Solon flock . 4153 Loses his son and his kingdom . ib. 4153 Consults the Delphick oracle . 4166 Passes the river Halys , is overcome by Cyrus , condemned to be burnt , and delivered . 4166 Having left his bonds , complains at Delphos of the Oracle . the same year . Cruelty to be wondrrd at . J. P. 4510 C. U. Cumerians and others accuse Alcibiades . J. P. 4307 Cuspius Fadus is made President of all the Kingdom of Agrippa . sup . A. M. 4048 Does his endeavour to scour Judea of robbers . ib. C. Y. Cyaxares succeeds Phraortes . J. P. 4079 overcomes the Assyrians in battle . 4080 Cyaxares , the son of Astyages , born . 4114 Succeeds Astyages . 4154 Cydoniats , casting off all respect to their covenant , set upon the Apolloniats , and slay the men . infr . J. P. 4545 Cyprus again brought into bondage . J. P. 4214 The Cyprian ten-years war is finished . 4329 The Cyprian Cities revolt from the Persians . 4363 Cyrenian Kingdom ends . J. P. 4283 Cyrene the Province is left by will to the people of Rome . A. M. 3929 The Cyrenians and Asians obtain a rescript from Augustus , to confirm their priviledges . J. P. 4705 Cyrus prepares to rebell against his brother . J. P. 4310 Leads an army into Asia against his brother . J. P. 4313 He is slain in battle , whose head was afterwards carried in Triumph , and his arm by Artaxerxes , the same year . Alexander rebuilds the ruined Sepulcher of Cyrus . J. P. 4389 Cyrus is born . J. P. 4115 Called into Media by Astyages his grand-father . 4128 Is made General of the Persian army , by Cambyses his father . 4155 Overcomes Armenius with his son . 4157 With Cyaxares he overcomes the Babylonians and Craesus . 4158 Invades upon the borders of the Babylonians , and puts to flight the Gadarens . The same year . Sends an army under Adusius to the Carians . 4167 Subdues Phrygia by Hystaspes his deligence . 4168 Contends against the Ecbatans , and disarms the Lydians , the same year . Wars upon the Assyrians , and diverts the channel of the river Gyndus , in which he had lost 360 Horse . 4174 Routs the Chaldeans , and besiges Babylon . 4175 Makes the River fordable , and invades the City . 4176 Marries the daughter and heir of Cyaxares . 4176 Gives leave to the Jews to return into their country . J. P. 4178 How he died , uncertain . 4185 Cyrus sent by his father against the Athenians . 4307 Kills his Couzin-Germains . 4309 Cyzicum , the siege is broke up . A. M. 3932 The Cyzicenians lose their liberty . A. M. 4028 D. A. DAmocides , Darius his Physician . J. P. 4193 Daniel interprets the Kings dream , and is honoured with his companions . 4111 His dream of the four beasts . 4159 His vision of the Ram and Goat . 4161 Expounds to Baltazar the writing on the wall . 4176 Is cast into the Lyons Den by Darius . 4176 Whilst he praies , the Angel Gabriel instructs him . 4177 His vision at the River Tigris . 4180 Darius , the son of Hystaspes , is born . 4165 Darius , the Mede , receives the command of Chaldaea from Cyrus . 4176 Darius gets the Kingdom by the neighing of his Horse . 4193 Takes Atossa , or Vashti , to wife , kills Oraetos , hurts his foot , and is healed . 4193 Confirms the edict of Cyrus , for the building of the Temple . 4195 Kills Itaphernes , with his son , the same year , makes a great banquet , in which he repudiates Vashti , 4195 Hester is chosen . 4196 Sends his Navy to the Cycladae . 4211 Exacts tribute . 4219 Departs this life . 4229 Darius Ochus dies . 4310 Darius , one , of a servant , made King by Bagoas the Eunuch . 4378 Sends Sabelletes into Samaria the same year . His numerous army . 4381 Is angry with Caridemus . The same year . Delivers the command of Memnon to Pharnabazes , ibid. Passes Euphrates , rejects the advice of the Graecians , escapes Alexander on a Mare . His mother and daughters are taken . ib. an . eod . Darius offers his daughter in marriage to Alexander . 4383 Flies out of the battle on a Mare . ib. an . eod . Alexander possesses his riches . The same year . Is led away Captive . 4384 Is slain the same year . Datames , the Noble man , opposes Darius . J. P. 4352 David is born . J. P. 3629 Anointed . 3951 Retreats to King Akish . 3654 Kills the Gessurites , &c. J. P. 3658 Leaving the Philistins , he makes for Ziglag . 3659 Deplores Sauls death , and is anointed King in Hebron the same year . ib. Marries Maarchae . ib. His party , and that of Ishboseth , disagree . 3661 Abner revolss to him . 3666 Whom Joab slew the same year . ibid. He is the third time anointed . 3666 Possesses Jerusalem . 3666 Infests the Philistins with a double losse . 3667 He builds Sion . 3668 He tells Nathan his intention of building the Temple . 3670 Overcomes the Syrians of Damascen . ib. His Embassadours are evilly intreated by Hanun . By Joab he routs the Ammonites and Syrians . 3677 The conquered Syrians serve him . 3678 He pollutes Bathsheba with adultery . 3678 Being convicted by Nathan , repents . 3680 Numbring the people , offends God. 3697 Assignes the Levites their Offices . 3698 Takes care to have Solomon anointed . 3699 He departs this life the same year . ib. D. E. Debora routs Jabinius . J. P. 3249 Decimius his moderation amongst the Rhodians . A. M. 3836. d. Decennal playes are celebrated . sup . A. M. 4038 Decimus Brutus , one of Caesars Percussors , at the command of M. Antonius , is butchered . sup . A. M. 3962 Betrayes a shameful timorousnesse in his death . ib. Deices built Ecbatan . J. P. 4006 Enlarges his kingdom to the River Halys . 4626 Dejotarus kills Mithridates his Prefects . A. M. 3932 Receives Armenia the Lesse from Pompey . A. M. 3940 , p. 594 , 595 Dejotares , the son , took Cicero's children with him into his Kingdom . A. M. 3953. p. 633 Intreats Domitius Calvinus to aid him against Pharnaces . A. M. 3957. a. p. 657 Submitting himself to Caesar , notwithstanding loses the Lesse Armenia . A. M. ib. a. p. 668 Caesar being dead , he recovers his lost possessions . p. 679. A. M. 3960 Goes over unto Caesar. A. M. 3973. P. 747 Dellius , the Historian , is in evil familiarity with Antonius . infr . A. M. 3968. p. 727 Delos for the sanctity of the place , made certain covenants with the enemies , meeting there together mutually . A. M. 3836. b. Is robbed by Athenodorus the Pyrate . sup . A. M. 3936 Demas leaves Saint Paul. J. P. 4779 Demetrius besiges Petra . J. P. 4303 Is sent to Babylon . ib. He frees Halicarnassus . ib. The Gests of Demetrius Antigonus . 4402 Demetrius Poliorcetes his acts . 4408 , 4412 , 4426 , 4427 , 4428 Demetrius Phalereus . 4437 Demetrius King of Egypt . 4471 Departs this World. 4481 Demetrius , the son of Seleucus Philopator , in vain seeks restitution of his fathers kingdom from the Romans . A. M. 3841. c. Consults his flight from Rome . A. M. 3842. c. Is carried into Lycia . ibid. Kills Lysias . ibid. Obtains the sir-name of Soter from the Babylonians . A. M. 3842. d. Being incensed against Judas Macchabaeus , by the accusation of Alcimus , sends Nicanor General against the Jews . A. M. 3843. a. Catches Orophernes plotting against him . A. M. 3850 Commands he should be kept bound at Seleucia . A. M. 3851. a. Carries himself so that he grows odious to all . ib. c. Prepares war against Alexander Balas . ib. Compasses the friendship of the Jews . sup . J. P. 4562 Is slain in war. infr . A. M. 3854 Demetrius , the elder son of Demetrius Soter , hearing of the sloth of Alexander Balas , comes with an army into Cilicia . J. P. 4566 His obteining the sole possession of Syria , and his cruelty towards the souldiers of Ptolemy . A. M. 3859 He confirms the Priesthood to Jonathan . J. P. 4569 By sending away his souldiers , he makes them his enemies . ibid. Demetrius Nicator rages against his enemies . A. M. 3860 Exceeds his fathers cruelty . ib. Afflicts Jonathan . ib. Afterwards makes friendship with him . A. M. 3682 Determines to war upon the Parthians . A. M. 3863 Losing his army , falls into the enemies hands . ib. infr . At Cleopatra's call , makes war upon Egypt . A. M. 3877 In his absence , the Antiochians and cities of Syria revolt . J. P. 4586 Being overcome , makes for Tyre . A. M. 3878 Divers relations of his death . ib. Demetrius Bucaerus , the fourth son of Antiochus Grypus is made King of Damascus . A. M. 3912 Dercillidas gains many cities in a short time . J. P. 4315 Makes articles with Pharnabazes . 4316 Passes into Syria , and there makes peace with Pharnabazes and Tissaphernes . 4317 D. I. Diana's Temple is burnt . J. P. 4348 Diana's Temple is rifled by Prusias . A. M. 3849 Dicaearchus wicked . J. P. 4518 Diaeus , the Praetor of the Achaeans , is overcome by L. Mummius the Consul , A. M. 3858 Didio , the gladiators that fought for Antonius , deliver themselves to him . A. M. 3974 Dino deals with his Rhodians , not to send ships to the Romans . J. P. 4543 Receives his punishment . A. M. 3836. d. Dio , chief of the Alexandrian Embassy , is treacherously slain . J. P. 4657 Diocles Phaenix , the Captive at Terentia , being bestowed upon Cicero's wife , if by her manumitted . A. M. 3976 Diodatus exhorts Elmalcuel to deliver up to him Antiochus , the son of Alexander , that he might restore him to his Kingdom . J. P. 4569 Compels Demetrius to flee , when he had set the Crown upon young Antiochus his head . J. P. 4570 His civility toward Jonathan . ib. Kills Antiochus Theos treacherously . A. M. 4571 Diodorus , Mithridates his Praetor , in favour of the King , slew the Senate at Adramyttium . infr . J. P. 4629 Straves himself to death . ibid. Dionysius , one that went down into Alexanders vault . J. P. 4391 Dionysius , the King of Heraclea , dies . 4409 Dionysius the Astronomer . 4429 Dionysius Halicarnassus begins to write books of the Antiquities of the Romans . A. M. 3997 Dionysius , Mithridates his General , being dragged out of the den , drinks the poison he carried ready about him , and so died . infr . J. P. 4642 Dionysius , that wrote concerning the foundation of the World , is sent by Augustus into the East . A. M. 4003 Dionysius , the Areopagite , is converted to the faith . J. P. 4767 Dioxippus , being unarmed , slew an armed Macedon . J. P. 4388 D. O. Dolabella , see Cneius . Dolabella , the Consul , breaks into Asia . infr . A. M. 3961 There behaves himself unworthly . J. P. 4671 Is judged an enemy by the Senate . ibid. Cassius and Brutus have commission to prosecute him . ib. infr . Coming into Cilicia , overcomes Cassius his guards . Comes to Laodicea . ib. Is overcome in fight by Cassius . ib. infr . Having taken Laodicea , yields his neck to the axe . ibid. P. Dolabella , Proconsul of Africa , kills Tacfarinates , and puts an end to the Numidian war. A. M. 4027 Domitius Corbulo is made President for the preserving of Armenia . A. M. 4058 Contends with Quadratus . J. P. 4788 Entring Armenia , takes some Castles . A. M. 4061 Subjugates all Armenia . infr . J. P. 4773 Goes thence into Syria . sup . A. M. 4064 His power is enlarged . J. P. 4776 Doros , being hired to it by Felix , kills Jonathan the High Priest. J. P. 4765 Doris , the wife of Herod , is by him thrown out of the Palace . A. M. 4000 Doritae , they having placed Caesars statue in the Temple , are corrupted by Petronius . sup . J. P. 4755 Dorylaus is made General by the Cnossians . A. M. 3879 Dorylaus , Mithridates his General , is routed by Sylla . infr . J. P. 4584 Dositheus , and Sosipater , Judas Macchabaeus his Captains , kill above ten thousand at Corax . A. M. 3841. c. D. R. Drusilla , Herod Agrippa's daughter , is born . J. P. 4751 D. Y. Dynamis , Asanders widow , Pharnaces his daughter , after Scribonius his death , is given in marriage to Polemon . J. P. 4700 E. C. ECbatana , a region of Media , the extent of it . J. P. 4389 Ecclipses , three remarkable ones . J. P. 3923 , 3943 , 3944 An horrible Ecclipse of the Sun. 4404 An Ecclipse of the Moon , is observed at Alexandria . A. M. 3830 Other Ecclipses . A. M. 3863 , 3940 , 4000 , 4018 , 4050 An Ecclipse of the Sun almost totall . J. P. 4610 Another before the civil war between Caesar and Pompey . A. M. 3954 Other Ecclipses . A. M. 4008 , J. P. 4758. A. M. 4062. A. M. 3954. d. E. H. Ehud kills Eglon. J. P. 3389 E. L. Ela succeeds Biasa . 3784 Is taken away by Zimri , with all the family of Baasa . 3785 Eleazar the High Priest. 4437 Eleazarus endures torments for his religion . J. P. 4547 Eleazar Avaran kills an Elephant , by whose weight he was quel'd to death . A. M. 3841. a. Eleasarus , a man of five cubits high . sup . A. M. 4041 Eleazarus , the son of Diana , Prince of the Thieves , is brought bound to Rome . J. P. 4768 Eleazarus , the son of Ananias the High-Priest , gives testimony of a publick revolt from the Romans . infr . J. P. 4779 Elias taken up in a fiery Chariot . J. P. 3818 Elizeus miraculously supplies the army with water . J. P 3819 Elizabeth , the wife of Zachary , conceives . A. M. 3999 Elon judges Israel . J. P. 3539 Elulaeus , King of the Tyrians , reduced the revolting Gitraeans . E. N. Enoch is born . J. P. 1332 Enoch is translated . 1697 Enoch , the son of Seth , is born . J. P. 945 Departs this life . 1850 E. P. Epaphroditus , the messenger of the Philippians , administers to S. Paul. A. M. 4068 Ephesians overcome the Athenians . J. P. 4306 Ephesus deluged . J. P. 4422 The Ephesians are secretly fined by Sylla . J. P. 4630 Ephron , the City , utterly demolished . A. M. 3841. c. Epurates , the General of Antiochus Cicizenus , being corrupted with mony , betrayes Scythopolis to the Jews . J. P. 4605 Epoch of the Egyptians , called Alkept , whence derived . sup . A. M. 3980 Epicurus opens his school . J. P. 4404 E. R. Eratosthenes dies . J. P. 4520 Eros , when he saw Antonius ( for that he desired ) about to slay himself , cut his own throat . J. P. 4684 p. 758 E. S. Esaias the Prophets authority is unjustly pretended by Onias , for the building of a Temple in Egypt . infr . A. M. 3858 Esaias and Joel were famous in Judea , Jonas , Hoseah , and Anios , in Israel . J. P. 3906 Esarchaddon , the King of Assyria , possesses the Kingdom of Babylon . 40●3 Esau is born hairy . 2878 He takes two Hittites to wife . 2918 Esdras , the writer of the four books of Esdras . 4156 E. V. Evagoras , King of Cyprus , first Victor , but after conquered by the Persians . J. P. 4328 Sends an Embassy of peace to Artaxerxes . 4329 Is beheaded by the treachery of Nicocles the Eunuch . J. P. 4340 Eudoxus is famous in Egypt . 4348 Evechous , or Belus , begins his reign . J. P. 2952 Euergetes is called Cacergetes and Physcon . sup . A. M. 3836. a. Evilmerodach succeeds Nebuchadnezar . J. P. 4152 Is slain . 4154 Eumelus is overcome by his brother Satyrus . 4404 Is slain . ib. his cruelty . 4405 Eumelus , King of Bosphorus died , 4410 Eumenes flees from Leonnatus . J. P. 4391 Is made Governour of Cappadocia by Perdiccas . 4392 Eumenes his acts . 4406. & 4394 , 4395. to 4398 Is betrayed and killed . 4399 Eumenes perishes by drunkennesse . 4473 Eumenes his Gests . 4523 , 4524 Eumenes his Embassy . 4530 Sends his brothers to Rome . 4534 Eumenes prepares war against Perseus , and come to Chalcis with his brothers , Attalus and Athenaeus . J. P. 4543 His honours are taken away , by the common vote of the Achaeans . A. M. 3835 They are restored again by the means of Attalus . ibid. Divers things are delivered concerning him . A. M. 3836 a. Coming to Rome , is commanded to depart out of Egypt . A. M. 3838 He dies . A. M. 3845. c. Euaeuch , Cleopatra's Eunuch kil'd himself with Asps. J. P. 4684 Eunus , a servant , by birth a Syrian , is the Author of the civil war in Sicily . J. P. 4580 Eupator gathers a mighty army against the Jews . A. M. 3841. d. Violates his oath made to the Jews . infr . J. P. 4553 Euphranor , the Rhodian , dies fighting gallantly in a sea-fight . sup . A. M. 3957. b. Eurydice . J. P. 4406 Eusebius corrected . J. P. 4579 Eutychus , Agrippa's freed man , betrayes him to Tiberius . A. M. 4040. Eutychus , a youth , is restored to life by Saint Paul J. P. 4673 E Z. Ezechias is born . J. P. 3962 Is made partner in the Kingdom with his father Achaz . 3987 He purges the Temple . 3988 Bruises the Brazen Serpent , renews the Law of Tithes . The same year . Obtains health from a deadly Vlcer , and obtained the propagation of life . 4001 Is confirmed by the with drawing of the Sun-shine , boasts of his treasures to the Babylonians , and is buried . ib. Ezechiel hath his vision , and is called . J. P. 4119 Is carried to Jerusalem by the spirit . 4126 Prophesies against Egypt . 4125 And against Tyre . 4126 His vision concerning the restoration of the Church . 4140 Ezra is sent to Jerusalem by Artaxerxes , fasts , weeps , and congratulates the people . J. P. 4247 Reads aud expound the Law of God. 4260 F. A. FAction at Jerusalem divided into three parts again returns to be but of two . A. M. 4073. J. P. 4783 Famine under Claudius Caesar. J. P. 4756 Feasts of dedication instituted . A. M. 3840. a. F. E. Felix is overcome by Phasaelus . infr . J. P. 4672 Felix , the Procurator of Judea , is taken with Drusilla . J. P. 4767 Trembles at Pauls preaching . sup . A. M. 4064 Asswages the raging Jews . A. M. 4064 Leaves Paul bound . J. P. 4772 F. I. Fimbria indulges his Souldiers the spoiling of their fellows . A. M. 3919 His power is nul'd by Flaccus . J. P. 4629 Incites the Souldiers against Flaccus . ibid. Kills Flaccus , the Roman Consular at least , if not Consul , Is called Emperour , shews his cruelty to the Standers by , trussing them up , least the Crosses should seem to be made in vain . ib. 4629 He sets upon his enemies in their sleep , and puts to flight Mithridates . The same year . Receives a great part of Asia , Takes the City of the Ilienses the tenth day , of which he bragged , as if greater than Memnon . ibid. When he could by no means incite his souldiers against Sylla's army , he wounded himself with his own sword . J. P. 4630 Is made an end of by his servant , who likewise killed himself . ibid. F. L. Flaccus Abillius made President of Egypt . A. M. 4035 Endeavours to make the Alexandrian Jews obnoxious to Caius . J. P. 4751. & 4753 Is beaten out of the Senate by the Jews . sup . A. M. 4042 At length is slain by Caius his command . ib. infr . Flaccus Pomponius dies . J. P. 4747 Flavius Gallus being struck through with a dart by the Parthians , dies of it . infr . A. M. 3967 F. O. Fonteius Capito is sent by Antonius to bring Cleopatra into Syria . infr . A. M. 3968 Is absolved . A M. 4028 F. U. Fulvia , the wife of Antonius , carries her self like a man towards Octavianus . infr . J. P. 4673 She departs this World. 4674 Furnius is sent by Antonius into Africa . A. M. 3965 G. A. WHo are to be understood by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . A. M. 3979 A. Gabinius is sent by Sylla to Murena . A. M. 3973 Goes into Syria . J. P. 4639 Overcomes his son Alexander Aristobulus . J. P. 4677 Reduces the Polity of the Jews into the form of an Aristocrasie . ib. infr . Sends back Aristobulus with his sons to Rome . infr . J. P. 4658 Letting fall his Parthian design , he goes against the Alexandrians for gains-sake . ib. and A. M. 3949 Having taken Archelaus , le ts him go for mony . J. P. 4650 Whom he afterwards slew in fight . the same year . Sends away Mithridates and Orsanes . ib. infr . Is accused by Cicero , ib. the Consuls studie to please him . ib. infr . He returns into Italy . infr . J. P. 4660 Three factions peach him , loses his soveraignty , being condemned of bribery . ib. infr . Gabriel the Angel is sent to Zacharias . sup . A. M. 3999 To the Blessed Virgin Mary . J. P. 4709 Gadarens being accused before Herod , are let go . A. M. 3983 Galaaditis , her Cities taken by Judas Macchabaeus . A. M. 3881. a. The Queen of the Galaadens wars with the Parthians . J. P. 4623 Galatia is made the Province of the Romans . infr . A. M. 3979 The Galatians infest the Kingdom of E●men● J. P. 4547 The Senate grants them the use of their own Laws . infr , J. P. 4548 The Galatians receive St. Paul with great joy . A. M. 4059 Erring , by an Epistle wrote by him , are recalled to truth . A. M. 4062 Galba is slain . J. P. 4782 Galileans contest with the Samaritans . sup . A. M. 4056 Gallio , brother to L. Annaus Seneca , Proconsul of Achaia . A. M. 4059 Gallograecia . J. P. 4438 Ganga●idan Nations , where . J. P. 4387 Ganymedes traduces Arsinoe to the Egyptians . infr . A. M. 3957. a. Gaos , being Praetor of a Naval army , revolts from Artaxerxes . J. P. 4329 By the deceit of some of them , is slain . 4331 Garamants , their King sends an Embassadour to Rome . A. M. 4027 Gaza is taken by Alexander . J. P. 4382 Whence the Gazentians deduce their account . A. M. 3944 G. E. Gedalia is made Prefect of the remainders of the Jews , and slain . J. P. 4●26 Gedeon vanquishes the Madionites , chastises the Succuthans , &c. Kills Zeba and Zalmuna , made an Ephod of their Ear-rings . J. P. 3469 Gela , a City of Sicily , built . 4037 Gellius Publicola laies a plot for M. Brutus . A. M. 3962 Geminius acquaints Antonins how dangerous his cause was at Rome . infr . J. P. 4682 Geminius , a famous Mathematitian . J. P. 4637 Georgius Syncellus is questioned . sup . A. M. 3980 Germanicus , son of Drusus , at Augustus's compulsion , is adopted by Tiberius . A. M. 4007 The east is ordered by him . A. M. 4021 He consults the Oracle of Apollo . A. M. 4022 Travels into Armenia . ib. Visits Aegypt , to the intent to experience her Antiquities . J. P. 4732 He dies not without suspicion of poyson . A. M. 4023 His death is a grief to all but Tiberius & Livia . ib. Honours are decreed to his memory . ib. Gessius Florus is Procuratour of Judaea . A. M. 4068 Insatiable with gain , he afflicts the Jews insolently . J. P. 4778 That the Nation of the Jews might break off from the Roman Empire , he still encreases their calamities . J. P. 4779 G. L. Gladiator , they fight most stoutly for Antonius and Cleopatra . A. M. 3974 Glaphyra , her husband Alexander being killed by his fatherr Herod , is sent back to Archelaus , King of Cappadocia . infr . J. P. 4709 G. O. Gobrias revolts to Cyrus . J. P. 4158 Gorgias promotes the war against the Jews . A. M. 3842. c. Puts to flight Josephus and his sons . A. M. 3841. a. Gotarzes prepares death for his father Artabanus . J. P. 4760 Being reconciled to his brother , goes into Hyrcania . J. P. 4761 Gathering forces there against his brother , is by him vanquished . ib. His brother being slain by the Parthians , he possesses the Kingdom . ib. Overcomes Maharda●es , and cuts off his e●●s . J. P. 4763 Dies of a disease . ib. G. R. Graecians are commanded to make Hors-barks for Darius . J. P. 4421 They worst Zerxes his Army , fire the Persian Navy , and make a league with the Islanders . 4235 Are overcome by the Persians in Egypt . 4260 Fifty of their Triremes are overturned . the same year . In their return out of Asia into their own Country , receive many losses . 4314 All of them , except the Thebans , receive Artaxerxes his offers of peace . 4339 They renew the peace amongst themselves at the perswasion of Artaxerxes . 4343 The Grecians , who were hired by the Persians , run to meet Alexander . 4383 Are refreshed by the Macedons . 4391 Infested by the Gauls . 4436 Groti●s●ers in assigning what time the second Epistle to the Thessalonians was written . A. M. 4056 G. Y. Gyges , Candaules being obtruncated , obtains his wifes liberty , and the Kingdom of Lydia . J. P. 3996 Sends presents to Delphos , and takes the City Colophon by force . J. P. 3997 Gymnosophists . J. P. 4388 H. A. HAbbakuk prophesies . J. P. 4105 Hagar brings forth Ismael . 2804 Haggai reprehends the Jews . 4194 Halyattes , the elder , reigns in Lybia . 3953 The younger reigns . 4095 Recovers his health , and joynes in friendship with the Milesians . 4100 Hamon is offended with Mordecai . 4204 Desires a commission to destroy the Nation of the Jews . 4205 Is hangd upon a Crosse. The same year . Hananias , the false Prophet , is questioned . 4118 Leaves the World. 4119 Hannibal overcomes the Alps. 4496 Overcomes the Romans . 4497 Returns home . 4511 Flees to Antiochus . 4519 Perswades to war against the Romans . 4521 His Colloquie with Scipio . 4522 Flees to Crete . 4526 Makes for Prusias . 4530 Hannibals Stratagem . 4531 His death . the same year . Haran is born . J. P. 2658 Harmony , the harmony of the Evangelists begins . A. M. 4034 Concludes in 4037 Harpag● contends against Ionia . J. P. 4171 The Ionians deliver up to him . The same year . Harpalus his luxury . 4387 Harpalus flees from Alexander to Athens . 4389 Is slain by Thymbona . 4391 Hasmonian Princedom , whence it seems to have begun . A. M. 3842. a. It s termination . infr . J. P. 4677 Hazael invades Judaea . J. P. 3875 H. E. Heberus comes into the World. J. P. 2433 Departs this life . 2897 Hebron , with her Villages , is smitten by Judas Macchabaeus . A. M. 3841. d. Hegesilochus acts his Roman affairs amongst his Rhodians . J. P. 4543 Helena , the Queen of the Adiebens , being by a certain Jew converted to the worship of the true God , comes to Jerusalem . infr . J. P. 4759 Helicon , the Egyptian , who incited Caius against the Jews , is put to death by Claudius . infr . J. P. 4754 Heliodorus is examined and restored . J. P. 4537 Heliodorus affecting the Kingdom of Syria , is expel'd . A. M. 3829 Helvius Blasia endeavours to encourage his friend Decimus Brutus , to take his death by the example of his killing himself before him . A. M. 3962 Hephaestions death is foretold . J. P. 4389 His apotheosis , 4390 Heracleans vindicate their liberty . J. P. 4433 Heraclea exposed to increases by the Romans . J. P. 4640 Is in vain'd oppugn'd by Cotta . sup . A. M , 3934 It 's taken by the fraud of Conacoriges . infr . A. M. 3935 Heraclians kill the Publicans secretly . ibid. Their benevolence towards the Chains . sup . A. M. 3919 Heraclides comes with Alexander , the supposed son of A●tiochus Epiphanes , to Rome . sup . A. M. 3851. a. Prepares war against Demetrius . ib. c. Herod , Praefect of Galilee , kills Ezekias . sup . A. M. 3958 Is called to judgment by Hyrcanus , Sits in Purple before the Synhedrim , but being accused , departs to Damascus . ib. infr . Is made President of Coelosyria , by Sextus Caesar , Leading an army against Hyrcanus , is restrained by the intreaties of his father Antipater , and his brother Phasaelus . J. P. 4668 Is made General of all Coelosyria , by Cassius and Marcus. A. M. 3961. p. 691 Enters Samaria by night . ib. infr . Receives letters from Cassius , whereby he is incited to revenge his fathers death , perpetrated by Malichus . ibid. Receives Forts and Castles . infr . J. P. 4672 Beheads many of the people . infr . J. P. 4674 Flees the treachery of the enemy . ib. infr . Is commanded to depart the coasts of Malchus . ib. In his journy to Rome , being battered with a grievous tempest , comes to Rhodes . ib. Tells Antonius at Rome what he had suffered . ib. The name of King is put upon him . ib. Returning from Italy , goes to Jerusalem . infr . A. M. 3965 Traduces Galilee to his side . J. P. 4675 Is received honourably by Antonius . sup . A. M. 3966 Puts his enemies to flight . ib. infr . Escapes death by a miraculous providence , and notably routed the forces of Antigonus . ib. infr . Takes Mariamme to wife . infr . J. P. 4676 Makes Aristobulus succeed Ananebus in the High-Priesthood . J. P. 4679 Covers the treachery , by which he had put away Aristobulus with a great funeral and his tears . infr . A. M. 3970 Being called , by the instigation of Cleopatra , before Antonius , to give an account of Aristobulus his death , by gifts made way for his escape . ib. But is said to be slain in the City by Antonius . J. P. 4680 Comands his brother Josephus to be put to death , and being privately sollicited to whordom by Cleopatra , thinks to kill her . ib. infr . Payes the tribute Antonius had commanded of him . A. M. 3972 Prepares aid for Antonius . infr . J. P. 4682 Which is notwithstanding remitted , and he sent against the Arabians . ib. infr . Overcomes the Arabians , and is by them proclaimed President of their Country . infr . J. P. 4683 Exhorts Antonius to kill Cleopatra . A. M. 3974 Hastens to Caesar. infr . J. P. 4684 Fleeing to Caesar , is confirmed in his Kingdom . ib. Entertains Caesar princely , as he went through Syria into Egypt . ib. infr . Is incensed against his wife Mariamm● . ib. p. 763 He accompanies Caesar in Egypt , and by means of that familiarity , hath an oppertunity to deal more freely with him . A. M. 3975 Bewailes Mariamme slain by him . A. M. 3976 Grows very sick . ibid. Recovering his health , grows more cruel . ibid. Kills Butas sons . A. M. 3978 Institutes the Athletic Games , in honour to Caesar. ibid. Laying hold on the Conjurers , slaies them . A. M. 3979 Marries another Mariamme . A. M. 3981 Sends his sons , Alexander and Aristobulus , to Rome to Caesar , to be educated . J. P. 4692 Builds a Temple to Caesar. A. M. 3985 Begins to build a Temple at Jerusalem . sup . A. M. 3987 Bestows wives upon his sons at their return from Rome . A. M. 3989 Departing from Agrippa , whom he had joyned with him , declares what he had done in favour of the Jews . J. P. 4700 Being offended with his sons , Alexand●r and Aristobulus , began to indulge his son Antipater , of a plebe in mother . A. M. 3992 With intention to accuse his sons , Alexander and Aristobulus , sailes to Rome with them . A. M. 3993 Is reconciled to his sons by Caesar. ibid. Returning , declares that first Antipater , and then his sons of Mariamme , Alexander and Aristobulus , should reign after him . ib. infr . Shuts again Davids Sepulchre . J. P. 4705 He goes to Caesar to Rome the third time . A. M. 3996 At his return , celebrated the Encaenia . ib. Revenges the thieves vilanies . A. M. 3997 Receives threatning letters from Caesar. A. M. 3998 Sends Nicholas Damascen to Caesar. J. P. 4708 The dissension betwixt him and his sons by Mariamme , is blown up by the wicked cunning of Euricles the Lacedemonian . ib. Kills as well his own as his sons friends , and casts his sons into prison . ib. infr . He rejoyces Caesar is made friends with him . A. M. 3999 Three hundred together are slain by his instigation . ibid. His sons , Alexander and Aristobulus , are strangled by his command . sup . J. P. 4709 He slaies the Infants . J. P. 4710 He left the kingdom to his youngest son , Herod Antipas after him . ib. infr . Takes it hainously , that a golden Eagle , placed upon the greatest gate of the Temple by him , was cast down . A. M. 4001 Foreseeing the joy , the most and most noble would conceive by his death , he studies how to quash it . ib. Changing his testament , leaves the Kingdom to Archelaus , and after the enduring of most grievous pains , ends a miserable life . infr . A. M. 4001 Herod Antipas receives Galilaea from Caesar. sup . A. M. 4●02 Herod Agrippa , having obteined leave of Caligula , returns home . sup . J. P. 4751 Journying through Alexandria , is in the same manner mockt at by the Citizens of that City , as was our Saviour Christ five years before , by the Jews . ib. infr . Receives the Tetrarchies of his Vncle Herod , who was banished , from Caius . J. P. 4753 See Agrippa . Herod the Tetrarch loses his Army . J. P. 4750 Divorces the daughter of Aretas , King of Arabia , and marries Herodias . ibid. Being made an enemy to Caius , by Agrippa's letters , is banished , together with his wife Herodias . A. M. 4042 Herod , King of Chalcis , impetrates the command of the Temple , and right of chusing High-Priests from Clodius . J. P. 4758 Departs this life . J. P. 4761 Herods Progeny expires within an hundred years . A. M. 4076. p. ult . Herodotus born . J. P. 4230 Is honoured at Athens . 4269 Hester the Queen is crowned . 4199 Is entertr●ned at a banquet by Ahasuerus . 4200 Hierax holds up Ptolemei Phiscons rule . A. M. 3866 H. I. Hierusalem is taken and burnt . J. P. 4126 Is besiged by C. Sosius and Herod . infr . J. P. 4679 Is taken , there is a great slaughter of the Citizens . infr . J. P. 4677 The Temple at Jerusalem , built according to Moses his Law , Ptolemae●s Philometor pronounces . A. M. 3855 A sedition arises at Jerusalem . J. P. 4672 Are spoiled by the Parthians . infr . J. P. 4674 Hillel , the Babylonian , flourishes at Hierusalem . J. P. 4683 Hipparchus , the Bithynian , most skillful in Astronomy , A. M. 3843 His second observation of the Autumnal Aequinox . A. M. 3846. a. His third observation . A. M. 3847 His fourth . A. M. 3858 His fifth . A. M. 3859 His sixth . A. M. 3862 The same mans observation of the Spring and Summer Solstice . infr . J. P. 4579 For more of his observations see A. M. 3876. & 3877. J. P. 4587 Hippias the Athenian Tyrant . J. P. 4201 , 4204 Hippocrates , the Lacedaemonian General , is slain by Alcibiades . J. P. 4307 Hiromus is made President of the Tyrians . 4163 A. Hirtius , the Consul , dies in the same battle Antonius was conquered in . J. P. 4671. p. 690 , 691 Histiaeus cast into prison , and released . J. P. 4215 Passes over to Mitylene . The same year . Is taken and crucified , J. P. 4217 H. O. Holophernes is beheaded by Judith . J. P. 4058 Hosea invades the Kingdom of Israel . J. P. 3975 Possesses the Kingdom . J. P. 3984 Refuses the yearly tribute to Salmanajar . 3989 H. Y. Hybreas ingenious saying to Antonius , when he would load the Cities with a double Tribute . infr . J. P. 4673 Hydaspes his overflowing the banks . J. P. 4006 The River Hydaspes . J. P. 4387 Hypsicratea , Mithridates his wife , accompanies him in his slight , and is great ease to his troubles . infr . J. P. 454 Hyrcanus , son to Josephus , la●es● violent hands on himself . infr . A. M. 3829 Hyrcanus , Aristobulus his brother , is l●ft King by Pompey , but without a Diadem . infr . J. P. 4651 Receives the Ethenarchy and Priesthood from Caesar A. M. 3957. c. Desires to confirm h●s friendship with Caesar. J. P. 46●8 Malichus being slain , is much troubled , p. 694 His ears are cr●pt by Antigonus , that so he might become unfit for the Priesthood . infr . J , P. 4674 Is led bound into Parthia . ib. infr . Being freed from his bonds , he is permitted to live at Babylon . infr . J. P. 467● Betwixt his own desire , and the deceit of Herod , he is moved to return to his own Country . ib. Dealing with Malchus , the King of the Arabians , to prepare forces , is betrayed by the instrument , in the design to Dositheus . infr . J. P. 4684 Being convisted , is slain by Herod . ib. Hyrcanus wars upon the Arabians . J. P. 4532 J. A. JAcob is born . J. P. 2878 Gets the blessing from his brother . 2954 Endures seven years service for R●chel . 2958 Leaving Laban , returns into his own Country . 2975 Makes a Covenant with Laban . The same year . Meets his brother , wr●stles with the Angel , went into Succoth , returns for Canaan , builds an Altar there . The same year . Sends ten of his sons into Egypt to buy corn . J. P. 3●07 Sends Benjamin thither . J. P. 3008 He with his sons go down thither . The same year . Blessing his sons , he gave up the Ghost . J. P. 3025 His body is wraped in spices , is bewailed , and laid in the den of Macpela . The same year . Jair judged Israel . J. P. 3804 Departs this life . J. P. 38●6 Jamblicus , the Arabian King , is slain by tormen● , by Antonius . infr . J. P. 4683 Jamblicus receives his fathers Kingdom of Ar●b●a , from Augustus . infr . J. P. ●694 Jambrus his sons are slain . A. M. 3843. d. Jamniensians , their Haven and Navy is set on fir● infr . A. M. 384. c Janias , King of Egypt . J. P. 2●9● Japhet is born . J. P. 22●6 Jared comes into the World. J. P. 1170 Departs this life . 2132 Jason , the son of Simon II. High Priest , promises mony to Antiochus , if he might obtein the High-Priesthood . infr . J. P. 3829 Removing his brother , invades the Priesthood . ibid. After three years , is himself amoved . ib. Sent Spectators to Tyre , who brought 3300 drachmes to sacrifice to Hercules , which , notwithstanding , by the messengers , are procured to be laid out upon Gallies . sup . A. M. 3831 He is expeld by Menelaus . infr . A. M. 3832 Makes an impression upon the City Jerusalem . infr . J. P. 4544 I. B. Ibzan judges Israel . J. P. 3532 I. D. Idrieus departs this life . J. P. 4370 J. E. Jechonias is born . J. P. 4097 Jechonias , or Conias , reigns . 4115 Is taken prisoner . The same year . Jehoachaz succeeds his father Jehu . J. P. 3858 Departs this World. 3875 Jchoachaz , the son of Josiah , is born . 4081 Begins his reign . 4104 Is deposed by Nero , and led into Egypt . The same year . Jehojakim reigns , and the same year is taken and bound in chains . J. P. 4107 , 4108 Burnt part of the holy Volume , being torn . 4108 He rebells . J. P. 4111 Is cast forth without burial . 4115 Jehoram is born . J. P. 3790 Kills his brothers , and constitutes Idolatry . 3825 Is robbed by the Philistins . 3826 Is tormented with a disease in his guts . 3827 Constitutes his son Achaz debity King. 3828 Dies most miserably . 3819 Jehosaphat is born . J. P. 3795 Begins his reign . J. P. 3800 Taking away the High Places , instructs the people by the Levites . J. P. 3802 Institutes Jehoram , his son , King under him . 3816 With Achab , he besieges Ramoth Gilead . J. P. 3817 Loses his ships the same year . Distributes Cities to his sons . 3822 Departs this life . J. P. 3825 Jehu is anointed King of Israel , slaies Jehoram and Jezebel , and blots out the whole kin of Achab. J. P. 3830 Jepthe subdues the Ammonites , devotes his son to God , and kills the Ephramites . J. P. 3526 Jeremias is called to prophesie . J. P. 4085 Preaches and is imprisoned . J. P. 4104 Foretells the 70 years captivity , and ruine of Babylon . J. P. 4107 Denounces ruine to Jehojakim . The same year . And the taking of Jerusalem . 4124 Is beaten and cast into a ditch . 4124 , 4125 Is freed and left in Judea . J. P. 4126 Jeroboam proposeth the worshiping of Calves . 3739 Rejects the lawful Priests . J. P. 3740 Jeroboam the second is taken into the Consortship of the Kingdom , by his father Joas . 3878 Succeeds his father , being dead . 3889 He being dead , the kingdom of Israel goes to ruin . J. P. 3930 Jesus , the son of Sirach , translates his grandfathers book out of Hebrew into Greek . infr . J. P. 4582 JESVS CHRIST is born . infr . A. M. 4000 He hears and questions with the Doctours . A. M. 4011 Makes himself manifest to the World. A. M. 4030 He is baptized . J. P. 4740 Is tempted . ibid. Turns water into wine . infr . J. P. 4743 Is by Pilate delivered up to the will of the Jews . p. 841 Is crucified . ib. Rises again . p. 843 Ascends into Heaven . p. 846 One Jesus cries out to the Jews four years before the Jewish war. A voice from the East , A voice from the West , &c. A. M. 4067 Is killed in the time of the siege by a stone . ib. Jesus , the son of Gamahel , succeeds the son of Jesus Damneus , in the High Priesthood . J. P. 4777 I. L. Iliensians are sessed in a great sum of mony by Agrippa , because they did not help Julia , when she was in danger . J. P. 4700 At Herods request it is remitted . ib. They greatly honour Herod . ib. infr . I. N. Indians , divers Nations of them conquered by Alexander . J. P. 4387 The Indian Embassadours come to Augustus at Tarracon . infr . A. M. 3979 They confirm a peace . A. M. 3985 Their rare presents . ib. Indus the river . J. P. 4388 J. O. Joas is born . J. P. 3829 Is anointed King seven years , kills Athalia , and overcomes Baals Temple . 3836 Rebuilds the Temple . 3857. and 3858 The son reigns with his father Jehoachas . 3873 Joas , King of Juda , is slain . 3875 Bing King of Israel , visits dying Elizaeus . 3875 Rifles Jerusalem . 3888 John , the brother of Jonathan , is slain . A. M. 3843. d. John Hyrcanus is made High Priest after his father . infr . J. P. 4679 Jerusalem being besieged , he cast the infirmer sort of people out of the walls . A. M. 3870 Afterwards being overcome with pity , received them in again . ib. Makes peace with Antiochus . J. P. 4580 Takes three thousand talents out of the Sepulcher . of King David . ib. Accompanies Antiochus , and overcomes the Hyr . canians , whence he had the name Hyrcanus 3873. sub . fin . Takes Sicima and Garizim . A. M. 3874 Subdues the Idumeans , and compels them to be circumcised . infr . J. P. 4586 Never admits to his presence his son Alexander Jannaeus . A. M. 3877 Sends Embassadours to the Romans . J. P. 4567 Departs this life . A. M. 3898 John Baptist is born . J. P. 4709. sub . fin . Preaches the baptisme of repentance . A. M. 4030 Tends his Ministery for four years . A. M. 4033 Is cast into prison . infr . A. M. 3034 Sends Disciples to Jesus . The same year . Is beheaded in prison . A. M. 4035 John Richardson , Bishop of Ardach , authour of the Harmony of the Evangelists . J. P. 4741 Jonathan succeeds Judas his brother . A. M. 3843. d. Leaps into Jordan , and swims to the other side . ibid. Apprehends the enemies Ambushes . A. M. 3846. c. Restores the walls that were cast down in Bethbasis . ibid. Overcomes Apollonius , J. P. 4566 Sends three thousand souldiers to Demetrius . A. M. 3860 Goes forward even to Damascus . infr . J. P. 4570 Is in great danger . ib. infr . Being circumvented by the deceit of Tryphon , he is taken . A. M. 3861 Is slain by Trypho . J. P. 4571 His bones are buried by his brother Simon . ib. Jonathan , the son of Vzziel , authour of the Chaldean Paraphrase . infr . J. P. 4683 Jonathas , a certain Jew , is burnt . A. M. 4076 Joppe is delivered up to Jonathan . infr . J. P. 4566 The gate is fired in the night , by Judas Macchabaeus . A. M. 3841. c. Joseph is born . J. P. 2969 Is cast into a pit by his brothers , sold , and led into Egypt . 2987 Being shut up in prison , interprets Pharaohs dream . Being advanced to the stern of the kingdom , marries Potifers daughter . 2999 Layes the mony gathered for corn in the treasury . 3010 The Egyptians sell their flocks and heards to Joseph . 3011 Assignes lands to be tilled by the Egyptians . 3012 Departs this life . 3079 Josephus the Jew . 4505 Josephus is convinc't of a manifest errour . A. M. 3543. c. Delivers diversly of Alcimus . A. M. 3844. c. Is reprehended . J. P. 4579 , 4587 Makes honourable mention , both of our Saviour and John the Baptist. p. 847 When he was born . sup . A. M. 4041 His Celebrity in learning . infr . J. P. 4763 Suffering shipwrack , he comes into Italy . J. P. 4779 Studies severity . infr . A. M. 4056 Having gifts confer'd upon him , by Poppaea Augusta , he returns into his Country . infr . J. P. 4778 Goes to Galilea , expecting the Roman force there . A. M. 4070 Hath his life given him by Vespasian . J. P. 4780 From him receives the name of Flavius . A. M. 4076 Josephus , the brother of Herod , losing six Cohorts , himself likewise perishes . A. M. 3966 Josephus , Herods Vncle , being commanded privately by him , if it should go ill with him by Antonius , to kill his wife Mariamme ; tells her this command as a sure token of his love to her . infr . J. P. 4680 Joseph , the Husband of the blessed Virgin , goes up to the City Bethlehem to be inrolled . infr . A. M. 4000 Joseph , the son of Caneus , becomes High Priest. J. P. 4758 Josias is born . J. P. 4065 Began to purge Juda from Idolatry . J. P. 4084 Takes care to have the book of the Law read , throws down the Altar of Jeroboam , restores the Temple . J. P. 4090 Observes the Pascal solemnly , and takes away the Pythons and all abominations . 4091 Is slain . 4104. Bewailed by Jeremiah the same year . Josua being confirmed in his call , sends two spies to Jericho . J. P. 3262 Restores the interrupted use of circumcision , and hangs the five Kings . The same year . He takes Mabeda , Libna , Lachish , and other Cities , conquering the Anakims . 3269 Departs this life . J. P. 3271 Jotapata taken by storm by Vespasian , is burnt to the ground . J. P. 4780 Jotapes is granted by Octavianus to the King of the Medes , her father . p. 760 Jotham succeeds his father a Leper . J. P. 3931 Overcomes the Ammonites , under him Esaias , Mica , ●nd Hosea prophesied . 3956 I. P. Iphicrates is made President of the army of Artaxerxes . 4337 Disagrees with Pharnabazus . 4340 I. S. Isaac is born at Beersheba . J. P. 2818 He being weaned , Ishmael is cast out . 2823 Takes Rebecca to wife . J. P. 2858 The promise made to Abraham , is given him . J. P. 2910 He dies . J. P. 299● Isboseth is slain . J. P. 3666 Ismael is born . J. P. 2804 Departs this life . J. P. 2941 Ismael , the son of Nathaniel . J. P. 4349 Isme●ias , how he adored the King. J. P. 4349 Isocrates , the Grammarian , defends the death of Octavius . J. P. 4552 As soon as his name was down , he ran mad . A. M. 3844 Israelites , when they had wandred 30 years , are commanded to go strait to Canaan . 3262 They ascended out of Jordan , under the conduct of Josua : the first Pascal is celebrated in Canaan : Manna ceased , they conquer the City Jericho , and take Aium by treachery , killing the sacrilege Achan . J. P. 3262 Celebrate the feast of Tabernacles . 3269 Place a Tabernacle at Shilunte . The same year . Are delivered into the hands of Cushan , King of the Mesopotamians , for their idolatry and marriages with the Canaanites . J. P. 3301 Are smitten by Eglon. J. P. 3371 Delivered into the hands of Jubin King of Canaan . 3409 Again delivered into the hands of the Midianites . 3462 Worship Baal-Berith . J. P. 3478 Delivered into the hands of the Philistins and Ammonites . 3508 Again oppressed by the Philistins . J. P. 3558 Again being oppressed , lose the Ark. J. P. 3597 Casting away their idols , draw water in Mispa . 3618 Their Smiths are taken from them . J. P. 3621 Are afflicted with hungar . J. P. 3693 The end of the Israelitish Kingdom . J. P. 3993 I. T. Ituraa and Judaea are laid to the Province of Syria . A. M. 4053 J. U. Juba obteins of Caesar his fathers Kingdom of Mauritania . J. P. 4685 Hath Ptolemy by Cleopotra Selene . ib. Jubilees , the first Jubilee . J. P. 3318 The second . 3367 The third . 3416 The fourth . 3465 The fifth . 3514 The sixth . 3563 The seventh . 3612 The eighth . 3661 The ninth famous for the feast of Dedication . 3710 The tenth . 3759 The Eleventh . 3808 The twelfth . 3857 The thirteenth . 3906 The fourteenth . 3955 The fifteenth . 4004 The sixteenth . 4053 The seventeenth . 4102 The eighteenth . 4151 The nineteenth . 4200 The twentieth . 4249 The one and twentieth . 4298 The two and twentieth . 4347 The three and twentieth . 4396 The four and twentieth . 4443 The five and twentieth . 4494 The six and twentieth . 4541 The seven and twentieth . 4594 The eight and twentieth . 4644 The twenty ninth . 4691 The thirtieth . A. M. 4030 Judah is born . J. P. 2959 Judas Macchabaeus passes his life in the wildernesse , and least he should be guilty of contamniation , lives upon herbs and grasse . A. M. 3836. c. Succeeds his father Marthias . J. P. 4548 Carries on the war valiantly in Judea . infr . J. P. He overcomes Nicanor . infr . A. M. 3639 And spoiles the Camp. ib. Dedicates a new Altar . A. M. 3840. a. Fortunately wars with Esau's sons . ib. c. Smites the Ammonites . sup . A. M. 3841. a. Overcomes Timotheus , slaying 20500 Foot , and 600 Horse . ib. Wounds of Timotheus his souldiers to 30 thousand . ib. c. Puts to death 2500 men at Carnaim . ib. infr . Utterly demoleshes Ephron , a well fenced City . ib. Puts to flight Forgias his souldiers . ib. Conquers Esaus sons . ib. d. Sets upon Eupators Camp by night . ibid Takes revenge upon the revolters . A. M. 384● . d Hides himself from Nicanor . J. P. 4553 By telling his dream , animates his souldiers . ib. Overcomes Nicanor , whose head and hands are cut off . ib. Fighting valiantly , is slain . A. M. 3843. c. Is buried in Modin . ib. Judas Aristobulus succeeds his father . A. M. 3898 Transfers the principality into the form of a kingdom . ib. Destroyes his mother by famine in prison and chains . ib. Subdues a great part of ●turea . J. P. 4608 Kills his brother Antigonus , his partner in the Kingdom . A. M. 3899 Acknowledging divine revenge upon him , dies . ib. Judas , who is thought to be Theudas , makes bands . infr . J. P. 4711 Is destroyed with his followers . infr . A. M. 4010 His new sest . ibid. Judaeans led captive by the Israelites . J. P. 3973 And after by the Edomites . 3974 The Judaean youths the fairest ( amongst whom Daniel is one ) for Nebuchadnezars service . 4108 Three thousand twenty three Jews are led captive by Nebuchadnezar . J. P. 4104 , 4115 And by Nebuzardan . J. P. 4126 The remainder flee into Egypt . J. P. 4126 Excepting those Nebuzaradan carried thence . J. P. 4130 They institute their return into their Country . 4178 Lay the foundation of the second Temple . 4179 Are hindred by the Samaritans . 4180 Fasts of the 51. and 71 moneths irksome . 4196 Celebrate the first Pascal of the second Temple . 4199 Kill the ten sons of Haman , and the rest of their foes . 4206 Are subject to Seleucu● . J. P. 4430 Are freed by Elephants . 4498 Judaeus reigns amongst the Babylonians . J. P. 3988 Judaeans , some of them , Apostates build a School under the Tower of Sion . A. M. 3830 Judaeans , or Jews , kill above 20000 of their foes . sup . J. P. 4549 Are afflicted by Bacchis . A. M. 3843. c. Make a peace with the Romans . ib. Being sent by Jonathan , free Demetrius from the Antiochians . A. M. 3860 Infect Syria with violent war. infr . J. P. 4584 Are sep●rated from the Idumaeans . infr . J. P. 4584 A great company of the Jews slain by Ptolemaeus Lathurus . sup . A. M. 3961 Being vexed by the Pharisees , seek relief of Alexandra their Queen . sup . A. M. 3934 Twelve thousand of them are slain by Pompeis souldiers . sup . J. P. 4651 Are made tributary to the Romans . ib. Are governed Aristocratically . infr . J. P. 4657 Are afflicted with great calamities . infr . A. M. 3979 Petition to Caesar , that they might live without a King. sup . A. M. 4002 Wherefore expelled Rome . sup . A. M. 4023 They desire of Vitellio , that the Roman Ensignes , with Images upon them , might not passe through their Country . infr . J. P. 4750 Those of Alexandria tell Herod of the treason prepared by Flaccus Avillius . infr . J. P. 4751 Are miserably handled by the same Avillius . ib. infr . They cast down the Altar of Caius , built in their holy place . A. M. 4043 Above 50 thousand of them are slain at Seleucia , by the Greeks and Syrians conspiring against them . infr . J. P. 4753 Tumulting for the dishonour done to them , or rather God , by a souldier shewing his nakednesse , are slain , to the number of twenty thousand . J. P. 4761 Carrie on their affairs rather with violence than justice . A. M. 4064 Lose the right of the City Casarea . infr . J. P. 4775 Therefore still are tumulting till the beginning of the Jewish war. ibid. Upon what occasion they rebelled . infr . J. P. 4779 Twenty thousand of them , at the instigation of Gessius Florus , are put to the sword . ibid. The calamity of the Jews foretold by Peter and Paul. J. P. 4780 Being besieged , are grievously perplexed with famine infr . J. P. 4783 Being taken , fight with beasts . A. M. 4074 The number of the Jews that died by famine and war , for the seven years along . A. M. 4076. p. ult . Julia bears Caius to Agrippa . A. M. 3835 Afterwards Lucius . sup . A. M. 3988 Is in great danger of her life . J. P. 4700 Agrippa being dead , marries Tiberius . A. M. 3994 Gives her self to luxury and filthinesse . A. M. 4003 Is brought again into the Island . ibid. Is more courteously treated , but not restored . J. P. 4717 Julius Caesar tarries with Nicomedes , not without the suspition of prostituting his chastity . J. P. 4633 Having intelligence of Sylla's death , returns to Rome . sup . A. M. 3927 Is taken by the Pirates , to whom he is venerable and terrible . J. P. 4639 Crucifies the Captives . ib. infr . Confirmed the wavering Cities . ib. infr . Seeing the image of Alexander , fetcht a sigh . infr . J. P. 4648 Comes into suspition of conspiracy . A. M. 3939 Enters friendship with M. Crassas and Pompeius . sup . A. M. 3945 By not letting go the army , administers occasion of civil war. A. M. 3955. Is created Dictator . A. M. 3956. a. Puts off his Dictatour-ship , after eleven days . ib. Overcomes Pompey . ibid. c. Burns his letters . ib. infr . Pardons them that aid Pompeius . ib. Pursues Pompey . ib. d. Frees Asia from the Publicans . ib. infr . Pursuing Pompey , resolves to turn into Egypt . ib. Pompey being slain , enters tumulting Alexandria . ib. p. 652 Receiving Pompey's ring from Theodotus , weeps . ibid. Commands Pompeys head , when brought to him , to be buried . ibid. Engages Pompey's friends to him with good turns . ibid. All men strive to heap honours upon him . sup . A. M. 3957 Favours Cleopatra against her brother . ib. infr . At length gives the Kingdom of Egypt to Ptolemaeus and Cleopatra . ib. Calls together aids from all about against Achillas . ib. p. 659 Conquers the Egyptians in a naval fight . p. 661 Casting himself out of the ship , swims to his own ibid. Almost all the Cities of Syria bring aid to Caesar. ibid. Sends away the King , a very youth . p. 664 Rigs his Navy . ibid. Carries the spoile of a great victory from Egypt . ibid. b. He takes Alexandria . ibid. Delivered the Kingdom of Egypt to Cleopatra , who used Caesars familiarity very much . ib●d Appoints a brazen pillar , whereon the immunities granted to the Jews of Alexandria , should be engraven . ib. Sends friendly Epistles to Cicero . ib. c. Goes into Syria . ib. infr . Gives rewards to the deserving persons of all the Cities of Syria . ib. infr . Takes away the donaries of Hercules from Tyre , because they had received the wife and son of Pompey . ibid. Passes into Cilicia . ib. Pardons Tarcondimotus , who had aided Pompey . ib. Comes to Comana through Cappodocia . ib. Fines Dejotarus in a great sum of mony . p. 667 Worsts Pharnaces in a fight . p. 669 Erects a Trophie in emulation of that Mithridates had set up for his victory over Triarius . ib. He collected monies as he passed through Asia . ibid. Sailes into Graecia and Italy with a great sum of mony he had gathered . p. 670 Passes over into Africa . A. M. 3958 There he overcomes Labienas and Petreius . ib. Overcomes Juba and Scipio in a memorable fight . J. P. 4668 Sees a great army in his sleep . ib. The African war being ended , comes to Rome . ib. Acts his four Triumphs . ib. Cleopatra and Ptolemy being summoned to Rome by Caesar , came . ibid. Being made chief Priest , mends the year . J. P. 4669 Gets a memorable victory at Munda . ib. Sends consolatory letters to Cicero . infr . J. P. 4669 Pardons all that took arms against him . A. M. 3960 Is made perpetual Dictator , and receives the name Emperour . ib. Sends Octavius to Apollonia . ib. infr . Permits the City of Jerusalem to the disposition of Hyrcanus . J. P. 46●0 Builds Carthage and Corinth . ib. Designs an expedition against the Parthians , the Getes being first subdued . ib. Being saluted King , answered , That he was not King , but Caesar. ib. Casts away the Diadem , being twice set on his head by Antonius . ib. Is stabbed the third day , before he had designed to leave the City . p. 677 Provinces are decreed to Caesars murtherers . ib. Julius Cilo , by the fraud of Narcissius , had the Prefectureship of Bythinia prolonged for two years . A. M. 4053 Julus Pelignus , Procurator of Cappadocia . infr . J. P. 4764 Junius Gallio , a banished man , being brought again to Rome , is committed to the custody of the Magistrates . sup . A. M. 4036 Juventus , the Roman Pretor , is overcome by Andriscus in Macedonia . A. M. 3842. b. K. A. KAlends of January , by what means they fell upon the last day of December . J. P. 4677 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are the same amongst the Greeks , as P. Sulpitius ●uirinius with tht Romans . A. M. 4000 L : A. LAbienus , the Embassadour of Brutus and Cassius . sup . A. M. 3963 The Authour of the Parthian war. A. M. 3964 Receives Apamea and Antiochia . ib infr . K●lls Saxa . J. P. 4674 Being put to flight by Ventidius is taken . sup . A. M. 3965 Laborofoarchodus King of Babylon . J. P. 4158 Lacedemonians yield the principality of Grecia to the Athenians . J. P. 4240 Will not be corrupted with Artaxerxes his mony . J. P. 4256 Their Embassadours are slain by the Athenians . J. P. 4284 Send ships to Pharnabazus . J. P. 4302 Overceme the Athenian . J. P. 4305 Their cruelty at Miletum . J. P. 4309 Send aids to Cyrus against his brother Artaxerxes . J. P. 4313 Send an army into Asia against Tissaphernes . J. P. 4314 Lose the command of the Sea. 4320 Send Ecdicus with eight ships to Rhodes . 4323 Send Teleucias with twelve ships . 4324 Are overcome by the Thebans , in the Leuctrian battle . J. P. 4343 They hold publick correspondence with , but privately bear a grudge to , Artaxerxes . 4352 Courteously entertain the Embassadours of the Jews . sup . A. M. 3861 Lamachus , the Athenian , lost his Navy . J. P. 4290 Lamachus , the Heraclean , receives Mithridates into his City . sup . A. M. 3933 Lamech is born . J. P. 1584 Departs this life . J. P. 2361 Laws , of the Jews , with the purple vailes of the inner Temple , are laid up in the Palace . A. M. 4074 A Law amongst the Romans , forbidding any woman to marry again before ten moneths were expired , after the death of her husband . infr . J. P. 4674 Laodice kills her husband . J. P. 4468 She her self is likewise slain . The same year . Laodicea being overturned by an earthquake , recovers by her own riches and power . A. M. 4064 Laodiceans , grievously taxed by Cassius , because they received Dolabella . A. M. 3961. p. 694 Lasthenes receives letters from Demetrius Nicator . J. P. 4569 Lathurus succeeds his father Ptolemaeus Euergetes the second . A. M. 3868 Is almost opprest with the plots of his mother Cleopatra . J. P. 4608 See Ptolemaeus . p. 847 L. E. Legates sent to Rome . J. P. 4523 To Manlius . 4524 , 4525 The Legates of the Rhodians and Iliensians . 4526 Of Eumenes and Seleucus . J. P. 4528 O the Romans to Philip. J. P. 4529 Of the Spartans . The same year . The Roman Legates go to Hannibal . 4531 Pharnaces his Legates . J. P. 4532 Legates are sent by the Romans to Crete . infr . J. P. 4543 Others to the Isles and Cities of Asia . The same year . The Persian Legates , Hippias and Solon , are commanded to depart the Cities within thirty dayes . The same year . The Legates from Antiochus and Ptolemaeus come from Rome at the same time . The same year . The noble Legation of Scipio & the rest . A. M. 3868 L. Lentulus is slain at Pelusium . p. 651 Leonippus is slain by Cleochares his faction . sup . A. M. 3934 Leonnatus is slain . J. P. 4391 Lepidus Ptolemaeus his tutor . J. P. 4513 Leptines slew with his own hand Cn. Octavius , the chief of the Roman Embassy into Syria . A. M. 3842. b. Told King Demetrius , that he would prove to the Senate , that he slew Cn. Octavius , by the instigation of the gods . A. M. 3844. b. Levi is born . J. P. 2958 Departs this life . J. P. 3095 Levites , 48 Cities are assigned them , of which six were Cities of Refuge . J. P. 3270 L. I. Liberius Maximus is commanded by Caesar to sell the lands of the Jews . A. M. 4076 Library , with 40000 books burnt at Alexandria . p. 658 Licmius Syllanus sees a Prodigie . sup . A. M. 3929 Livia is suspected by deceit to have made away Lucius and Caius , to make way for her son Tibertus to the Empire . sup . A. M. 4007 Livius Salinator his Acts. J. P. 4523 , 4524 L. O. Locusts , a great heap of them cast into the sea , cause a great plague . A. M. 3879 M. Lollius departs this life . A. M. 4005 Lollia Paulina is given in marriage to Ca●us . A. M. 4003 L. U. Lucan describes Caesars journy into Egypt . A. M. 3955. d. His error detected . sup . A. M. 3957 Lucas , St. Pauls companion in preaching the Gospel . A. M. 4057 Lucianus , the Martyr , calls the Annals of the Nations to witness the darknesse that happened at Christs death . J. P. 4746. p. 849 Lucilius Longus dies . A. M. 4026 Lucilius Capito , Procurator of Asia , condemned . ibid. Lucillius Bassus is sent Legate into Judaea . A. M. 4075 Licius , the son of Augustus , is made prince of the youth . A. M. 4002 Lu. Calpurnius Piso , his letters in behalf of the Jews . infr . A. M. 3865 L. Cornelius Sylla is sent Embassadour into Cappadocia . A. M. 3914 Arrogantly treats the Embassadours of the King of the Parthians . J. P. 4624 Is accused of bribery . ib. Goes into Graecia , to carry on the Mithridatic war. A. M. 3917 Takes Athens . A. M. 3918 Gains a great victory , with almost no losse of men , from the Commanders of Mithridates . infr . J. P. 4628. & A. M. 4319 Treats with Mithridates . A. M. 3920 Makes conditions of a peace with him . ib. Receives the army of Fimbria . J. P. 4630 Fines the Cities of Asia . ib. Receives the Library of Apellicon . sup . A. M. 3921 Being made Dictator , triumphs for his victory over Mithridates . A. M. 3923 Frees the servants of the proscribed . J. P. 4633 Sends Alexander , the son of the Matricide , to the Alezandrians . ib. infr . Departs this life , J. P. 4636 L. Lucullus comes to Crete , after a dangerous voyage by sea . A. M. 3918 Puts to flight Neoptolemus in a sea-fight . sup . A. M. 3920 With the Legion listed in Italy , he passes over into Asia . J. P. 4640 Encounters with good successe against Mathridates . ib. infr . Puts to fight them of Pontus , in a memorable fight . A. M. 3931. J. P. 4641. A. M. 3932 Enters Cizicum . ib. Being admonished in his dream , surprizes thirteen Royall ships , and Kills Isidorus their Prefect . infr . J. P. 4642 Takes and drowns more ships . ib. Sends triumphing letters to the Senate , of the acts he had done . ib. infr . Besieges Amisus and Eupatorium . A. M. 3933 Subdues the Chaldeans and Tibarens . A. M. 3934 Constitutes the Province of Pontus . ib. Overturns Eupatoria . ib. Sends an Embassadour to Tigranes , to require Mithridates . infr . J. P. 4644 Is admonished by a dream , and saves S●nope , being all on fire , and makes her free . ib. infr . Restores Amisus also to the Cities . ib. Passes Euphrates , most stupendiously submitting her wa●ers to him . infr . A. M. 3935 Invades Armenia . ib. Overcomes Tigranes . ib. p. 565 , ●66 Possessing himself of Tigranocerta , joyned to him many Cities of Armenia . ib. p. 567 Celebrates the exequies of Zarbienus . sup . A. M. 3936 Is compelled to let fall his Parthian expedition . ibid. Overcomes Tigranes . infr . J. P. 4646 Descends into the region of the Migdonians , after he had reduced Tigranes his army out of the kingdom . A. M. 3937 Is hindred by the sedition of his souldiers from prosecuting Mithridates and Tigranes . infr . J. P. 4647 Pompeius draws his souldiers from him . J. P. 4648 Returns to Rome , and there furnishes the Library . ibid. Is honourably received . ib. At length Triumphs . A. M. 3942 His luxury . ib. Lucius Magius , and L. Fannius being expelled the army of Fimbria , joyn themselves to Mithridates . A. M. 3928 Lucius Metellus is made successor to Verres , in the Prefecture of Sicilia . infr . J. P. 4644 L. Mummius overturns Corinth . J. P. 4668 His simplicity and ignorance of the graved tables . ib. Lucius Murena is left by Sylla to order things in Asia . A. M. 3921 Led with the desire of triumphing , renews the war against Mithridates . ib. infr . Inrods his villages . A. M. 3922 Is overcome by Mithridates . ib. Leaves Mithridates repressed , not oppressed . sup . J. P. 4633 He triumphs . ib. Lucius Pella is condemned for bribery . sub . A. M. 3963 Lucius Statius is valiantly repeld by Caecilius Bassus . A. M. 3959 Lucius Valerius Flaccus is sent into Asia , infr . J. P. 4628 Is slain by Fimbria , and his head being cut off , is cast into the sea . infr . J. P. 4629 Lucius Valerius Flaccus , the Pretor , is sent into Asia . sup . A. M. 3641 Commands the mony and ships of Asia . infr . J. P. 4652 Lucretius , the Roman Pretor , deals by letters with the Rhodians , desiring them to send some ships to him . infr . J. P. 4543 Lunary Ecclipse . A. M. 3836. c. Luxury of Antiochus Sidetes . A. M. 3873 L. Y. Lycians complain of the Rhodians . J. P. 4536 At the instigation of Eumenes revolt from the Rhodians . A. M. 3838 Liberty is granted them by the Romans . sup . A. M. 3836 Are again brought into servitude by Claudius . infr . J. P. 4755 Lydia believes in Christ. A. M. 4057 Lydians have a five years war with the Medes . J. P. 4108 Lyncestes is slain . 4384 Lysander , the Lacedaemonian enriches Ephesus . J. P. 4307 Incites Cyrus to war against the Athenians . The same year . Antiochus being slain , overcomes the Athenian navy . The same year . Is remitted with command to his tents , goes to Cyrus , subdues by force the Athenian confederated Cities . J. P. 4309 Takes the Athenian Navy . The same year . Kills 3000 Athenians . The same year . Is rceived by the Byzantines , constitutes a rule by ten in their Cities . The same year . Besieges Athens , his perfideousness to the Miletians . The same year . Lysandria instituted . J. P. 4310 Is recalled home by the Ephori . J. P. 4311 Endeavours to corrupt the Priests of Hammon with mony . The same year . Lysanias is made a friend to Antigonus . J. P. 4674 Is killed by Antonius , at the request of Cleopatra . infr . A. M. 4968 Lysias is commanded by Antiochus to abolish the name of the Jews . A. M. 3839 Rushes into Judea with 65000 chosen souldiers . J. P. 4649 Is put to slight by Macchabaeus his army , many of his souldiers being slain . A. M. 3841. 2. Is slain by Demetrius . A. M. 3842. c Lysias commands Paul should be examined with stripes . J. P. 4757 Lysimachus commits sacrilege with the Jews . J. P. 4543 Is killed by the tumult of the people . ib. infr . Lysimachus his Gests . J. P. 4412 , 4413 , 4414. Lysimachus , King of Thrace . J. P. 4420 , 4421 , 4422 , 4426 , 4427 , 4428 His crnelty . J. P. 4421 His death . J. P. 4433 M. A. MAcchab●es , why called the sons of Matthias . J. P. 4547 Macedonians taken by the Barbarians , and slain . J. P. 4385 Overcome the Indians , and sacrifice to Bacchus J. P. 4386 Are dismist by Alexander in their own Country being voluntiers . J. P. 4391 The Hate of the Macedons to Perdiccas . 4405 The Macedonian Empire falls , A. M. 3836 Machares , Mithridates his son , King of Bosphorus , is received into friendship with the people of Rome . J. P. 4644 Layes violent hands upon himself . J. P. 4649 Machaeras does his endeavour for Herod . 4675 Machron and Ennia his wife , are joyned in a voluntary death by Caligula . J. P. 4751 Magadates is President , in the name of Tigranes . A. M. 3922 Magi seek Christ. J. P. 4710 Magnesia is valiantly defended against Mithridates . J. P. 4628 Magus , by counterfeiting , reigns in Smerdis seven moneths . J. P. 4192 Magitians are killed . J. P. 4193 Mahalael is born . J. P. 1105 Departs this life . J. P. 2000 Malachias contemporary with Nehemia . J. P. 4298 Malichus plots against Antipater . J. P. 4671 Takes care to make him away by poison , and is stabbed through by the Tribunes . ib. Malli are subjugated by Alexander . J. P. 4388 Malthace , the mother of Archelaus , dies of a disease . J. P. 4711. c. Mamercus overcomes Fannius , who joyned himself to Mithridates , and Metrophantes . J. P. 4641 Manahemus , the Southsayer , very gracious with Herod . A. M. 3985 Manasses is born . J. P. 4004 Succeeds his father . 4016 Is led captive to Babylon . 4037 Where he was buried . 4071 Manasse , the brother of Jaddus the High Priest , will not put away his strange wife . J. P. 4381 Mania , the Dardan , is perfidiously slain by her son in law . J. P. 4315 Manius Aq nillius , Consul , made his victory ignominious , for that poysoning their waters , he compelled many Cities to yield to him . J. P. 4585 He dies by melted gold being powred down his throat . A. M. 3916 Manlius the Consul . J. P. 4525 His Gests . 10. & 4529 Triumphs . 4527 Marcellus takes the daughter of his Uncle Augustus to wife . A. M. 3980 Marcius Philippus succeeds Scaurus in Syria . A. M. 3943 Mark the Evangelist dies . A. M. 4065 Marcus Calpurnius Bibulus obteins the Province of Syria . AM. 3953 M. Favonius rushes into the conclave where Brutus and Cassius were private . A. M. 3962 Marcus Lepidus is judged an enemy for receiving Antonius . A. M. 3961 Marcus Tullius Cicero the son is taken to be Collegue with Octavianus . A. M. 3975 Marcus Perperna , the Consul , overcomes Aristonicus . J. P. 4584 Departs this life . A. M. 3875 Marcus Papirius , a Roman Knight , is slain . J. P. 4656 Marcus Lycinius Crassus , obtains the Province of Syria . A. M. 3949 Coceives great joy thereby . ib. Betakes himself to arms . J. P. 4659 Is devoted by Ateius . A. M. 3950 Loosing from Brundusium , a tempest arising , loses many of his ships . ib. Takes an expedition against the Parthians . ib. infr . Wickedly spoiles the Temple at Jerusalem . ib. Receives the Graecian Cities , and amongst them Nicephorium . ibid. Marcus Titius is designed General by Antonius , against Sextus Pompeius . J. P. 4679 Marcus Scaurus Caesar being conquered , is not punished . J. P. 4683 Marcus Claudius Marcellus , fearing Caesar , goes to Mitilene . A. M. 3956. c. Marcus Aurelius Cotta is overcome by Mithridates . J. P. 4640 Marcus Agrippa exceedingly perplexes Antonius . J. P. 4683 Is sent into Asia . A. M. 3983 Is sent again into Syria by Augustus . A. M. 3988 Is invited by Herod into his Kingdom , but being honoured with gifts , sailes away into Ionia . A. M. 3990 Overcomes the Bosphorans . J. P. 4700 Comes to Ephesus with Herod the companion with him in his labours . ib. Thence to Samos . The same year Frees the Jews of Ionia from the injuries of the Natives . The same year . Returning from Syria , is sent to carry on the Pannonic war. A. M. 3992 Being dead , is praised by Augustus . J. P. 4702 one Marcus Agrippa is adopted by Augustus . A. M. 4007 Is cast upon Planasia , an Island of Corsica . J. P. 4720 Is slain by the treachery of Tiberius . A. M. 4017 Mardocempadus reigns in Babylonia . J. P. 3963 There were three Lunar Ecclipses in the first and second year of his reign . J. P. 3993 , and 3994 Mardoches dream . 4594 Mardonus his naval expedition . J. P. 4220 Darius amoves him from his Prefecture . J. P. 4223 Burns Athens and is slain . J. P. 4235 Mardus guides Antonius his army . A. M. 3969 Marion , the Tyrian Tyrant , Tyrannizes all over Syria . J. P. 4671 Marius , Mithridates his General , is slain by Lucullus . J. P. 4642 Mariss● , a wealthy C●ty , is destroyed by the Parthians . J. P. 4674 Mariamme , the daughter of Alexander , and wife of Herod . J. P. 4676 Loves not her husband Herod . J. P. 4684 Being accused of witchcraft , is condemned by Herod , and brought to execution . A. M. 3976 Mariamme , the third sister of Agrippa , goes into the marriage-bed of Demetrius . J. P. 4767 Mary , the Blessed Virgin , hears the Angel Gabriel . J. P. 4709 Comes to the Temple . 4710 Returns with Joseph into Galilee . The same year . Marsus layes violent hands on himself . A. M. 3961 Marsyas , the Alexandrian General , is taken in war. J. P. 4585 Marsias signifies the death of Tiberius to Agrippa , by saying in Hebrew , The Lyon is dead . J. P. 4750 Martha , a Syrian woman , a Prophetesse . J. P. 4612 Marullus is made President of Judaea by Caius . J. P. 4750 Massagetes are overcome . J. P. 4385 Mathusalah is born . J. P. 1397 Departs this life . J. P. 2365 Mattathias is called the son of Ass monaeus . J. P. 4547 Slayes a Jew sacrifizing , The same year . Dies , and is buried in Mod●n . J. P. 4548 Matthias Curtus , the great Grat-Grandfather of Josephus the Historian , is born . J. P. 4580. Mavius is slain by Antonius . J. P. 4674 Mausolus , by his means many Cities revolt from Ar taxerxes . J. P. 4352 Mazaca , a City of Cappadocia , is called Caesaria . A. M. 4030 Mazares requires Pactia of the Cumaeans , and receives it from the Chians . J. P. 4169 Mazaeus is constituted Governour of Babylonia by Alexander . J. P. 4382 M. E. Medes submit themselves to the rule of Deiocis . J. P. 4004 Delivered themselves up to Darius . J. P. 4306 Their King is conquered by Phraates and Artaxes . J. P. 4682 One Medeus moves the Asian Mysians to revolt from Antonius . J. P. 4683 Meg adizus revolts from Artaxerxes . J. P. 4266 Overcomes the Persians . J. P. 4267 Obteins another victory . J. P. 4268 Is reconciled to the King , and relegated . the same year . Is again reconciled , and dies . J. P. 4273 Meherdates is made King of Parthia , by Claudius . J. P. 4762 Being conquered , hath his ears cut by Gotarzes . J. P. 4763 Meles reigns in Lydia . J. P. 3967 Memnon betrayes Hermia . J. P. 4369 Takes the Island Chius by Trechery , and dies . J. P. 4381 His image . J. P. 4732 Memphis , the son of Ptolemaeus Euergetes the second , of his sister and wife Cleopatra . J. P. 4570 Is killed by his father , and commanded to be served up to his mother at a feast . J. P. 4585 Menachen is confirmed in his Kingdom by Pueles , King of Assyria . J. P. 3943 Menas Prusias his Legate , incites his son Nicomedes against his father . J. P. 4565 Menelaus circumventing Jason , transfers the High-Priesthood upon himself . A. M. 3832 Conveighs the golden vessels out of the Temple . J. P. 4544 Being convict of the crime , by promising money to Ptolemaeus , he escapes . the same year . Joynes himself with Eupaters army . A. M. 3841. d. Chose a death worthy his life . A. M. 3842. a. Menocharis , the Embassadour , came to Rome . A. M. 3845. c. Mentor , the betrayer of the Sidonians . J. P. 4363 Conquers the enemies of the Persians . J. P. 4365 Mephibosheth is born . J. P. 3651 Grows lame . J. P. 3659 Mephramuthosis King of Egypt . J. P. 2983 Mephres King of Egypt . J. P. 2971 Merbalus reigns at Tyre . J. P. 4159 Mesessimordatus , King of Babylon . J. P. 4021 Metella , wife to L. Cornelius Sylla , flees from Rome to her husband . J. P. 4629 Metellus takes very many Cities . J. P. 4646 Takes the City Eleuthra by treachery . A. M. 3938 Takes the Island Creta . J. P. 4648 Metellus Scipio obteins the Province of Syria . A. M. 3955 Metellus , who had adhered to Antonius , by the piety of his son is saved . A. M. 3974 Q. Metellus , the Numidian , being banished , studies Phllosophy . A. M. 3906 Being Victor , is called Emperour . J. P. 4645 Triumphs for Crete . J. P. 4652 Meton observes the Solstice , and constitutes the Lunar Cicle . J. P. 4282 Metrodorus , the chief of the Embassy , to Rome . A. M. 3836. b. Metr●dorus Sceptius is sent Embassadour from Mithridates to Tigranes the Armenian . J. P. 4642 Alive betrayed , dead , honourably buried by Tigranes . The same year . Metrophanes , tamed by Mithridates , is put to flight by Bryttius . A. M. 3917 M. I. Micah prophesies . J. P. 4001 Milesians revolt from the Athenians . J. P. 4302 Are besieged land and sea by Cyrus . J. P. 4321 A Milesian woman is condemned for destroying her birth in the womb by Medicines . J. P. 4676 Miltiades , Demetrius his Embassadour , came to Rome . A. M. 3847 Minutius Basillus , one of Caesars percussors , is slain by his servants . J. P. 4670 Misraim , the son of Cham , leads Colonies into Egypt about the year . J. P. 2526 Mithridates is slain . J. P. 4412 Mtihridates wages war. J. P. 4495 Mithridates enters into leage with the Romans . A. M. 3855 Mithridates Eupator is born . J. P. 4579 Succeeds his father Euergetes . A. M. 3881 Mithridates Euergetes , King of Pontus , and the lesse Amenia , is slain by the treachery of his servants . A. M. 3881 Mithridates , King of Pontus , sends Gordias to Rome . A. M. 3913 Cappadocia , which he had enjoyed , is permitted him . J. P. 4623 Prepares war against the Romans . J. P. 4625 Is said to have understood 22 languages . ib. Sends his son to possesse the Kingdom of Cappadocia . his Generals put to flight Nicomedes . The same year . They put to flight Aquilius , gets himself a great opinion for his clemency . The same year . Over-runs the Roman Provinces . A. M. 3916 Receives Magnesia , Mitylene , and Ephesus . ib. Sends private letters to Ephesus , to all the Satraps , that they should set upon all the Romans together , and having slain them , fling them out without burial . J. P. 4626 Passes into the Island Cous , where he finds Cleopatra's treasure . ib. returns from Rhodes disgracefully . The same year . The garland of victory being broken , is struck with amazement . A. M. 3917 Hearing of the destruction of his men , begins to suspect his friends . J. P. 4628 Is ejected Galatia . The same year . Rages against those that revolted from him . J. P. 4629 Bestows liberty on the Graecian Cities . The same year . Is oppressed by Fimbria , whom he flees . The same year . He , by Archelaus his means , enters league with Sylla . The same year . Returning into Pontus , reduces those Cities to his subjection that had revolted from him . J. P. 4630 At last slew his son , whom he had bound in golden chains . The same year . Prepares an army against the Bosphorans . A. M. 3921 Institutes a wicked feast . A. M. 3923 Subdues Bosphorus . J. P. 4633 Loses two parts of his army . A. M. 3924 Is commanded by Sylla to depart Cappadocia . ib. Having restored Cappadocia to Ariobarzanes , sends an Embassy to Rome . J. P. 4636 Enters a league with Q. Sertorius . A. M. 3928 Again prepares war against the Romans . A. M. 3929 Being forced to dissolve the siege of Cizicum , he passes over into B●thynia . J. P. 4642 Sailing for Pontus , suffers shipwrack . The same year . And is carried to Heraclea in Pontus by Seleucus the P●rate . ib. Fearing to encounter with the Romans , is carried upon the river Hypius . The same year . His navy is overcome by Triarius . J. P. 4643 He gathers another army , and puts to flight Lucullus . His souldiers are overcome by the Romans , he prepares for his flight , a Horse is administred by his Eunuch for his flight , sends Bacchus , or Bacchides , to kill his Sisters , Wives , and Concubines , his Praefects go over to Lucullus . The same year . Confers with his son in law Tigranes . J. P. 4645 Is sent back into Pontus with 1000 Horse . ib. Flees cowardly . J. P. 4646 Invades Armenia , where lighting on the Romans scattering about , he slew them . A. M. 3937 Overcomes M. Fabius . The same year . Is conquered by Triarius . ib. Whom he conquered with his Romans , killing above seven thousand of them . J. P. 4647 Is wounded . The same year . Falling in his courage , he treats with Pompey by Embassadours , concerning terms of peace . J. P. 4648 Being besieged by Pompey , escapes by flight privatly . The same year . Is routed in a night battle . Goes to a Castle seated between the two Armenias , Distributes mortal poison to his friends , is rejected by Tygranes . The same year . Travels through the Scythian Nations . J. P. 4649 Sends Embassadours to Pompeius , to promise him tribute , if he would grant him his fathers kingdom , being inflamed with anger , slew his son Epidorus , considers of an expedition into Italy , but his army refuses . A. M. 3940 Spares Pharnaces his son , who was guilty of treason against him . A. M. 3941 Going down to his Wives , Concubines , and daughters , gives them all poison ; and when neither poison nor the wound he gave himself , would end him , at length he was slain by an enemy . The same year . His most esteemed Concubine is taken by Pompey . J. P. 4651 One Mithridates being driven from his kingdom , comes to Gabinius . J. P. 4658 Is slain by his brother Orodes . J. P. 4659 Mithridates , the Pergamenian , gathers much wealth to bring to Caesar , who was in danger at Alexandria . A. M. 3957. a. Kills Dioscorides , makes use of the benevolent Jews , overcomes the Alexandrians . ib. Is made King of Bosphorus by Caesar. ib. c. Ransacks the Temple of Leucothea . J. P. 4668 One Mithridates reveals the councels of the Parthians to Antonius . A. M. 3969 Receives Phtals from him . J. P. 4684 Mithridates Iberus is moved by Tiberius to invade Armenia . J. P. 4748 By deceit and force , compells his brother Pharasmenes to assist his designes . A. M. 4039 Is sent back by Claudius to receive his kingdom . J. P. 4754 Passes Armenia . J. P. 4760 Being driven from his kingdom of Bosphorus by Didius the Roman , he dispossesses the King of the Dandaridae . J. P. 4762 Being conquered , is deprived of his ears by Gotarzes . J. P. 4763 When he had no hope left in arms , he made Eunones his Mediator to Caesar. A. M. 4053 Being brought to Rome , is said to dispute more sternly than his fortune would bear with Claudius . The same year . Mithrobarzanes , Tigranes his General , slain , and all his army perishes . J. P. 4580 Mitylenian Exuls take Rhoetium and Antandrus . J. P. 4290 Are overcome by the Athenians . The same year . Many Mitylenians are taken . A. M. 3979 Are slain by Lucullus . A. M. 3921 The City of the Mitylenians is demolished . J. P. 4633 M. O. Molo . J. P. 4093 , 449● Molo , the Rhetoritian , first spake in the Senate without an Interpreter . A. M. ●●23 Monima , the Milesian , Mithridates his wi●e , is strangled . J. P. 4639 Mopsuestia is destroyed by Antiochus , and S●●ucus by Philip. A. M. 3911 Mordocay is honoured . J. P. 4025 Institutes the feast Purim . J. P. 4206 Mosolamus his History . J. P. 4402 Moses is born . J. P. 3143 Pharaoh's daughter finds him in an Ark of re●ds . The same year . He slaies the Egyptian . J. P. 3183 God appeared to him in the Mount Horeb , and sends him to Pharaoh ; whom he afflicted with ten plagues . The Paschal is celebrated , they passe the Red sea , receives the Law in the Mount Sinai , subdues the Amalekites with prayer , breaks in pieces the golden calf . J. P. 3223 Erected the Tabernacle , with all things belonging to it . Celebrates the second Paschal , places the Levites for the ministery of the Tabernacle , finishes the Tabernacle and Altar , institutes the Syrhedr●n of 70 Elders , sends spies into the land of Canaan . J. P. 3224 His magistracy and Aarons Priesthood are confirmed , by the seditious being destroyed with fire , and the opening of the earth . J. P. 3225 He departed this life . J. P. 3262 M. U. Murcus and Aenobarbus become victors in a sea-fight . A. M. 3963 Murena , the son of Murena , Pretor of Asia , is left to continue the siege , by Lucullus . J. P. 4643 Musicanus is crucified by Alexander . J. P. 4388 Q. Mutius Scaevola is sent Proconsul into Asia . A. M. 3910 Draw the love of the people to the Romans , by his equity . J. P. 4620 M. Y. Mylassentians are overcome in fight by the Rhodians . A. M. 3838 N. A. Nabuchodonosar , overcomes Arphaxad in battle . J. P. Nebuchadonozar reigns and subdues the Jews . J. P. 4107 Took all to Nilus and Euphrates . J. P. 4109 Besieges Jerusalem . J. P. 4124 Is possessed of Egypt . J. P. 4144 Repairs Babylon , his dream . J. P. 4144 Is alienated in his mind . J. P. 4145 Is restored to health , and his Kingdom . J. P. 4151 Departed this life . J. P. 4152 Nabarzanes delivers himself to Alexander . J. P. 4384 Nachor is born . J. P. 2559 Departs the World. J. P. 2707 Nadab is King of Israel . J. P. 3760 Is slain by Baasahis successor . J. P. 3791 Nadius reigns amongst the Babylonians . J. P. 3981 Naphtha , its nature . J. P. 4645 N. E. Nectanebus , King of Egypt , joynes himself with Agesilaus . J. P. 4352 Gives 230 talents to Agesilaus . J. P. 4353 Loses Egypt and flees . J. P. 4364 Nehemis mourns and fasts . J. P. 4259 Receives commission to build Jerusalem . J. P. 4260 Disappoints the endeavours of the enemy , eases the people of their publick taxes , perfects the wall in the space of 32 dayes . The same year . After 12 years he returns to his Kingdom , and with new forces repairs to Jerusalem . J. P. 4272 Nephereus , King of Egypt , helps the Spartans . J. P. 4319 Neptune is adored by Alexander . J. P. 4388 Is sacrificed unto . J. P. 4571 Neriglissorus reigns at Babylon . J. P. 4154 Nero commands the Iliensians should be freed from all publick contributions . A. M. 4056 Is declared Emperour . A. M. 4058 Receives Caesennius Petus scornfully for his ill carriage of matters . A. M. 4776 Favours the Jews by the intercession of his wife P●ppaea . ib. infr . Beholds Rome on fire from a Tower. J. P. 4777 Rages against the Christians . ib. Passing into Graecia , stayes there till the approching winter . J. P. 4779 Sends Vespasian into Judea . J. P. 4780 Layes violent hands upon himself . J. P. 4781 N. I. Nicanor , Prefect of the silver shields . J. P. 4384 Nicanor his Gests . J. P. 4402 Nicanor is put to flight by Judas Macchabaeus . A. M. 3839 Lives familiarly with him . A. M. 3843. Being brought before King Demetrius for that benevolence , is treacherous to Judas . The same year . Judas withdraws from him . ib. b. Threatens the Jews , that he would burn the house of God , unlesst they delivered Judas to him . ib. Is slain and pulled in pieces . J. P. 4553 Niceas destroyes the Athenian army . J. P. 4301 Nicomedes . J. P. 4435 , 4436 Nicomedes being too well beloved of the Bithynians , is sent by Prusias his father to Rome . J. P. 3850 Afflicts his fathers kingdom . A. M. 3855 Is readyly entertained by Attalus . The same year . Makes war upon his father . ib. Nicomedes Philopator departs this life . A. M. 3915 His son Nicomedes is made King of Bithynia by the Senate . ib. Is driven out by his brother Socrates . The same year . Being brought again into Bithynia , by the advice of the Romans , makes an irruption upon Mithridates his Kingdom . J. P. 4625 Dying without children , leaves his kingdom to the people of Rome . A. M. 3928 Nicomedes , the Bithynian , obteins the High Priesthood of the Comanians in Cappadocia from Caesar. A. M. 3957. c. Nicopolis is built by Pompey . J. P. 4648 The City built by Octavianus , called Nicopolis . J. P. 4684. p. 763 Nilus ditches are scoured . sup . A. M. 3975 Ninivy is overcome . J. P. 4088 Ninus , the son of Belus , founded the Assyrian Empire . J. P. 3447 Ninus the younger obteins the Kingdom . J. P. 3967 Nisibis is taken by Lucullus . A. M , 3937 N. O. Noah born . J. P. 1766 Sent to preach to the World. J. P. 2245 Departs this life . J. P. 2716 N. U. Nudus is deprived of his riches by Mithridates . J. P. 4640 Numenius is sent by the Kings of Egypt to give thanks to the Romans for their benefits . A. M. 3836. a. Numenius , the son of Antiochus , with others , is sent Embassadour by the Jews to Rome . A. M. 3865 Numidius Quadratus takes information against the Jews . A. M. 4056 N. Y. Nyssa , the sister of Mithridates , is taken by Lucullus . J. P. 4643 O. B. OBadias Prophesies . J. P. 4127 Obodus , King of the Nabataeans . J. P. 4690 O. C. Ochus , or Darius Nothus , enjoyes the Kingdom . J. P. 4291 Ochus , the son of Artaxerxes , kills his brother Arsames . J. P. 4353 His father being dead , declareth himself King , grows cruel towards his kindred . J. P. 4354 Subdues Jerechuntis . J. P. 4363 Subjects Egypt . J. P. 4364 Makes Mentor President of the Asian coast . J. P. 4365 Is made away with poison by Bagoas . J. P. 4376 Octavia , with child , marries Antonius . J. P. 4674 Arbitresse between her husband Antonius and her brother Octavius . J. P. 4676 Octavius , who is also called Octavianus and Augustus , is born . J. P. 4651 Caesar being slain , enters upon his inheritance . J. P. 4670 Meets a great company coming to Rome to see him . ib. Is proudly entertained by Antonius . The same year . Makes playes for Caesars victory , prepares an army , he agrees not with Antonius . The same year . Gathers together ten thousand men , Marches into Hetruria , Divides the silver to the two Legions that came to him . A. M. 3961 Relieves Decimus Brutus , besieged at Mutina by Antonius . J. P. 4671 Receives extraordinary command , finds the army more favourable to him than the Senate , Enters friendship with Lepidus and Antonius , whilst he was consulting Augury , vultures appear to him . He is chosen consul , receives power from the Senate to act whatsoever he pleased , which he retained all his life along , to wit , fifty six years , usurps the name of C. Julius Caesar Octavianus . The same year . His eagle sitting upon his tent , prosecutes the two crows to the very ground . A. M. 3962 He overcomes Brutus . A. M. 3963 Divorces Claudia Fulvia's daughter . J. P. 4673 Enters the last league with Antonius . J. P. 4674 Triumphing enters Rome . A. M. 3969 Accuses Antonius to the common people , and when the Consuls fled to Antonius , gave out they were sent by him . J. P. 4682 After the Consuls were gone , he did and said whatsoever he pleased , receives Antonius his will from the Vestal Virgins , and looks it over , makes great preparation for war against Antonius . The same year . Goes into Epirus . Becomes Victor in the Actian war , distributes to the men and Cities rewards and punishments , according to their several deserts . J. P. 4683 Sails to Athens . The same year . Le ts go the veteran army , many things are decreed to his honour at Rome . A. M. 3974 Is twice afflicted with a tempest . J. P. 4684 Comes very speedily into Asia , answers not the Embassy of Antonius , promises Cleopatra impunity if she would kill Antonins , goes to Syria , takes Peleusium , Cleopatra betraying it , entring Alexandria , makes a Greek oration , wherein he signifies , that he would pardon all the Egyptians , liberally entertains the children of Antonius and Cleopatra , Admires the bulk and beauty of Alexandria , Goes not to Apis , saying he would worship Gods , not oxen , Comes to comfort Cleopatra , and is not taken with her inticements , Is afflicted for the death of Cleopatra , thinking the glory of his triumph was thereby lost , Suspecting the Egyptians , commends not the Province to the Senate , makes C. Cornelius Gallus President of Egypt , Comes into Syria , Going into the Province of Asia , winters there , Honours are decreed him , shews that he attained the Empire by his Victories . all The same year . Being about to relinquish the Empire , is by many argument perswaded he alone might have it . A. M. 3977 Retaining those Provinces that lay in most danger , he delivered those to the Senate that were most safe , and by this means arms souldiers , and takes them to himself , he is called the same year . Is freed from all tie of laws , by the voice of the Senate . J. P. 4690 Seperates M. Agrippa and M. Marcellus , being at ods . J. P. 4691 March●s into Sicilia . A. M. 3983 Thence going into Grece , takes Egina , and Eretria from the Athenians . J. P. 4693 Going into Asia , deprives the Cizicenians of their liberty . J. P. 4694 Does as much for the Tyrians and Sidonians . id . ibid. Returning to Rome , builds a Temple to Mars , for the Ensignes he regained from the Parthians . A. M. 3985 When the first Quinquennal of his Empire was at an end , he prolonged it for five years more . A. M. 3987 Restores the Cizicenians to liberty . A. M. 3989 Takes up the High Priesthood . A. M. 3991 Burning the rest of the books of prophesie , he retains onely those of the Sibels . The same year . Takes Tiberius into Agrippa's room . J. P. 4702 Amends the year instituted by Julius Caesar , but afterwards by negligence confused . A. M. 3996 Calls the moneth Sextilis August . The same year . As if unwilling , prolongs his Empire . A. M. 3997 It reconciled to Aeneas , or Aretas , and Herod . J. P. 4708 Exhibits and naval fight . J. P. 4712 Takes heavily the death of Caius . A. M. 4006 Will not endure to be called Lord. sup . A. M. 4007 Takes upon him the Empire , as if compelled , for the fourth Decennium , or ten years more . J. P. 4717 For the fifth . A. M. 4017 Restores the Kalender to its perfection . A. M. 4007 His death is foretold . A. M. 4017 He deceases at Nola. J. P. 4727 O. G. Ogygian stood in Attica . J. P. 3918 O. L. Olthacus , the Dynast of the Dardans , promises Mithridates , that he would kill Lucullus . J. P. 4643 Being courteously entertained by him , conveighs himself out of Lucullus's tents . The same year . Olympiads begin . J. P. 3938 Olympias delivers up her self to Cassander . J. P. 4398 Is by him slain . The same year . O. M. Omens presaging Augustus his victory . J. P. 4683 Omphis resigns to Alexander . J. P. 4386 Omri reigns sole in Israel . J. P. 3789 Transfers the seat of the Kingdom into Samaria . J. P. 3790 Departs this life . J. P. 3796 O. N. Onesimus is converted by St. Paul. A. M. 4068 Onesiphorus finds out St. Paul , and refreshes him . J. P. 4776 Onias the High Priest. J. P. 4481 , 4495 , 4515 Admonishes and restores Heliodorus . J. P. 4537 Onias insinuates himself into the friendship of Ptolemei Philometor , and Cleopatra . A. M. 3842. a. Obteins leave of them to build a Temple in the Prefectureship of Heliopolis . ib. See. J. P. 4562 Takes up a war in Cleopatra's behalf . J. P. 4569 Onias , a certain just man , for his pious prayers , is slain by the people of the Jews . J. P. 4649 O. P. Ophellas dies . J. P. 4407 O. R. Orobazus , the Parthian Legate , is heard by Sylla . J. P. 4624 Orobius , General of the Roman army , slayes the Athenians by night . A. M. 3916 Orodes , the Parthian King. J. P. 4658 Commands Mithridates should be slain in his presence . J. P. 4659 Sends Embassadours to Crassus . J. P. 4661 Is sollicited by the Pompeians , to aid them in their civil war. A. M. 3956 Casts L. Hirtius , breaking the law of nations , into bonds . ib. b. Hearing of the destruction of his men , rages . J. P. 4675 Is slain by his son Phraates . A. M. 3968 Orodes , one of the sons of Artabanus , is made King of Armenia . A. M. 4019 Oroeses is overcome by Pompeius . J. P. 4649 Oroetas , the Persian , playes the Tyrant . J. P. 4192 Orontes falsly accusing Trabazus , took him by deceit , and sent him bound to the King. J. P. 4329 Betrayes many Cities , and much treasure , to Artaxerxes . J. P. 4352 Orophernes , otherwise Holophernes , sollicits Demetrius Soter against Ariarathes . A. M. 3845. c. Having expelled his brother Ariarathes , rules tyrannically . A. M. 3896. 2. Brings in an Ionic and artificial intemperance . The same year . Rifles the Temple of Jupiter to pay his souldiers . J. P. 4557 Orosius errs . J. P. 4665 Orus King of Egypt . J. P. 3050 O. T. Otho being ignorant of Vitellius his taking the Empire upon him , is created Emperour by the souldiers . J. P. 4782 Ninty are slain the day of his Empiredome . ib. Othoniel conquers Cushan . J. P. 3309 O. V. Ovid describes his birth-day thus , When both the Consuls fell with equal fate . J. P. 4671 Banished into Pontus . A. M. 4012 Ended his dayes in Pontus . A. M. 4020 P. A. PAcorus , the son of Orodes , brings war upon the Province of Syria . A. M. 3953 Pacorus subdues all Syria . J. P. 4674 Is slain in war. J. P. 4675 Pallas Claudius his freed-man . J. P. 4765 Palms grow out of Clearchus his sepulchre . J. P. 4321 Palmyrans , when they were about to be spoiled of their goods by Antonius his Horse , convey them beyond the river . A. M. 3964 Pamphylian Embassadours bring a golden crown to Rome . A. M. 3836. a. The Town of Pamphylia is restored to her Prefectship . A. M. 3979 Pannonian Legions tumulting , submit themselves to Tiberius , being affrighted with an Ecclipse of the Moon . A. M. 3957. c. Pansa , the Consul , dies of a wound be received in the battle with M. Antonius . J. P. 4671 Pantomimian , or antick dancing , first in Rome . J. P. 4579 Paphians , their family how extinguished . J. P. 4404 Pappus is slain . A. M. 3966 Parisipidas of Sparta is banished . J. P. 4306 Parmenio takes Damascus by treachery , with the Kings treasure and Concubines . J. P. 4381 Is made Satrap of Syria . The same year . Is sent to take possession of the Persian Navy . ibid. Parthians , their defection . J. P. 4464 Their Empire , how it came to that height . A. M. 3863 Rise against the Romans . A. M. 3654 Are put to flight by the Romans . A. M. 3969 Conquered by the King of Media . J. P. 4681 Overcome the Romans , and kill Crassus . J. P. 4661 Come to the aid of Cecilius Bassus . A. M. 3960 Their Embassadours desire peace with the Romans . J. P. 4624 Parysatis , Cyrus his mother , buries her sons head , and revenges his death . J. P. 4313 Makes away Statira the Queen with poison , and Is banished to Babylon . The same year . Pascal , the first that Jesus Christ celebrated . A. M. 4034 The second . J. P. 4744 The third that he kept . J. P. 4745 The fourth , wherein our Pascal was slain . J. P. 4746 Paul the Apostle , having first spent three years of his Apostle-ship at Damascus , returns to Jerusalem . A. M. 4041 Preaches the word at Iconium with Barnabas . J. P. 4758 Is rap't into the third Heaven . J. P. 4759 Is by a vision called into Macedonia . A. M. 4056 Receives necessary sustenance from the Thessalonians . A. M. 4057 Disputes at Athens with the Philosophers . J. P. 4767 Comes to Corinth . The same year . Comes to Ephesus . A. M. 4059 Ends his third year in Asia . A. M. 4061 Writes his first Epistle to the Corinthians . A. M. 4063 Writes his later Epistle to the same . J. P. 4773 Sailes from Troas into Macedonia . A. M. 4063 Writes his Epistle to the Romans , and returns to Troas . The same year . Comes to Cous. J. P. 4773 Through many Cities he hasts to Jerusalem . The same year . Preaches to the tumulting people of the Jews . id . ib. Appeals to Caesar. J. P. 4775 Suffers shipwrack . A. M. 4066 Comes to Rome . J. P. 4776 Writes his Epistles to the Philippians . A. M. 4068 Writes that to the Hebrews . J. P. 4778 Having stayed two years at Rome , he seems to have sailed into Asia , Preaches the Gospel in the Island of Crete . The same year . Writes his first Epistle to Timothy . A. M. 4069 Writes to Titus . The same year . Returns to Ephesus to Timothy . id . ib. Coming the second time to Rome , is absolved by Nero. J. P. 4779 Writes his second Epistle to Timothy . ib. sub . fin . Is slain with a sword at Rome . J. P. 4780 Pausanias frees many Graecian Cities . J. P. 4237 Takes Byzantium , and sends the captives to Zerxes , his insolence . J. P. 4238 Is accused and dismissed . J. P. 4239 Perishes by hunger . J. P. 4240 Pausistratus loses his Navy . J. P. 4524 P. E. Pekaiah succeeds his father Menachemus . J. P. 3953 Peka , the son of Remalia , reigns . J. P. 3954 Peka slayes 120 thousand Jews . J. P. 3973 Peloponesian war begins . J. P. 4283 The Poloponesians rifle the City Jasus . J. P. 4302 Overcome the Attic navy at Caunus . J. P. 4303 Murmur against Astyochus Tissaphernes . J. P. 4303 Are overcome by the Athenians in a naval fight . J. P. 4308 Pencestas , Alexanders Servator . J. P. 4388 Being made Yeomen of the body , takes the vesture called Medica . J. P. 4389 His Gests . J. P. 4396 , 4397 , 4398 , 4389 Perdiccas published a survey . J. P. 4391 Receives his ring from Alexander . The same year . Overcomes Ariarathes . J. P. 4392 With Philippus , destroyes two Cities of Pisidia . The same year . Takes Nicea to wife , and divorces her . The same year . And the year . J. P. 4393 Perdiccas his Gests . J. P. 4406 Is slain . The same year . Pericles departs this life . J. P. 4286 Period , the third Calippic Period . J. P. 4764 The fifth Calippic Period . A. M. 3978 Persean Satraps put to flight the Ionians . J. P. 2215 Perseans twice overcome the Carians , but at length are overcome by treachery . J. P. 4216 Worst the Ionians in a sea-fight , and destroy Miletum . J. P. 4217 Take Chius , Lesbus , and Tenedus . J. P. 4218 Are conquered by the Athenians , J. P. 4224 Twice overcome under Xerxes and the Graecians . J. P. 4234 Scattered by Pausanias . J. P. 2335 The great slaughter of them . The same year . Are worsted by the Aegyptians and Athenians both by sea and by land . J. P. 4255 Overcome the Aegyptians and Graecians , under Megabizus . J. P. 4258 Enter into league with the Athenians . J. P. 4265 Bring aid to the Cyprians . J. P. 4313 The great expedition of the Persians against the Aepyptians , comes to nothing . J. P. 4340 Three hundred thousand slain . J. P. 4383 Alexander gets the Persian riches . J. P. 4383 The revolt of the Perseans . J. P. 4464 Persepolis is ransacked . 4384 It is burned . 4384 Perseus layes gins for Eumenes . A. M. 3832 After his colloquie with the Romans , he brings the matter of his cause into the form of one Epistle . J. P. 4543 Overcomes the Romans , nor yet could he , for all he was victor , obtain a peace of Lucinius the Consul . The same year . Deals with the Rhodians , concerning the Redemption of the Captives . id . ib. Put to fl●ght by Licinius , coms to Pella . A. M. 3834 He and Gentius , the King of the Illyrians , decree to send Embassadours to the Romans . A. M. 3836 Admonishes Antonius not to be wanting to him , either in making a peace or aiding him . The same year . Sollicits Eumenes in the like manner . J. P. 4546 Is overcome . A. M. 3836. c. Comes to Amphipolis in Thracia , with almost five hundred Cretans . ib. d. Flees to the Temple of Castor and Pollux in Samothrace . The same year . Takes care to have Evander his friend slain . ib. inf . Is deceived by Oroandes the Cretian , betakes himself to a corner of the Temple . The same year . Delivers himself and his son to Octavius . id . ib. Perusia is taken by Octavianus , J. P. 4674 Pestilences , a great Pestilence afflicts the Jews . J. P. 4686 Peter the Apostle heals Aeneas and Tabitha . A. M. 4051 He and Paul are admonisht of their death . A. M. 4070 Writes his second Epistle . The same year . Is killed at Rome . J. P. 4780 Petronius succeeds Cornelius Gallus in the Prefectture-ship of Egypt . A. M. 3979 Overcomes the Ethiopians . A. M. 3981 Takes Premnis , a City of Aethiopia . The same year . Compells Candaces to conditions of peace . A. M. 3984 Is made President of Syria by Caius . J. P. 4752 Prepares a statue for Caius . A. M. 4043 Is praised by Caius , because he proposed the quell●ng of the Jews contumacy . J. P. 4753 Being moved by the pitiful supplication of the Jews , defers setting up Caius's Statue . The same year . P. H. Pharasmenes overcomes Orodes . A. M. 4039 Pharisees command with the Sadduces . A. M. 3986 Being convict of conjuration , are slain by Herod . J. P. 4709 Pharnabazus suppresse the Greeks . J. P. 4320 Parnabazus his Camp rifled by the Greeks . The same year . Enters frendship with Agesilaus . The same year . Spoiles the fields of the Abydens . id . ib. Pharnaces asperses the Romans . J. P. 4533 Sends Embassadours , and falsifies his faith . The same year . Deals about a peace . J. P. 4435 Pharnabazus is conquered by P. Claudius Crassus . J. P. 4678 Pharnaces . Pharnaces is born to Mathridates Eupator . A. M. 3908 Sends his fathers Corps to Pompey . J. P. 4651 Is recorded a friend of the Romans . The same year . Pharnaces , a civil war arising amongst the Romans , revolts from them . J. P. 4666 P●ssesses Pontus . J. P. 4667 Draws upon the lesser Armenia . The same year . Sends Emb●ss●dours to Caesar. A. M. 3957. c. Is commanded by Caesar to depart P●ntus . ib. Is overcome by Caesar. The same year Flees again to Sinope . id ib. Delivers Sinope to Domitius Calvinus . ibid. Is slain by Asander . A. M. 3958 P●●saelus is constituted General of the Jews , by his father Antipater . A. M. 3957. c. He hath a son born named Phasaelus . The same year . Gains the friendship of the Jews . A. M. 3958 Expostulates with Hyrcanus . J. P. 4672 Bereaves himself of life . J. P. 4674 Phaselis of Pamphilia is built . J. P. 4●37 Phaleg is born . J. P. 2467 Ends his dayes . J. P. 2796 Pharo Neco reigns in Egypt , his losse and navigation . J. P. 4098 He fights with the Assyrians . J. P. 4104 Pharos is built . J. P. 4430 Pheroras obteins the Tetrarchy of Caesar , at the request of his brother Herod . J. P. 4694 Runs mad in love with his maid . A. M. 3995 Is sent back by Herod into his Tetrarchy . J. P. 4709 Departs this life . The same year . Philadelphus Polemaeus his praise . J. P. 4437 Philadelphians , whence they reckon their years . J. P. 4651 Philip besieges Perinthus . J. P. 4374 Made General of the war against the Persians . J. P. 4377 Sends three Commanders into Asia before him . J. P. 4378 He is slain . The same year . Philip Aridaeus succeeds Alexander , from him the years are reckoned . J. P. 4391 Philip Aridaeus is slain . J. P. 4397 Philip Aridaeus fights . J P. 4505 , 4511 , 4512 4513 Makes war. J. P. 4516 Is conquered . J. P. 4517 Philetus , the first King of the Pergamenians . J. P. 4431 Philippus sends Nicanor to root out the very name of the Jews . J. P. 3839 Prepares an expedition against Lysias . A. M. 3841. d. Is slain by Eupator . A. M. 3842. b. Philip Euergetes being restrained by Gabinius seeks not after the Kingdom of Egypt . J. P. 4657 Philip , the son of Herod , receives part of his fathers Dition from Augustus . J. P. 4711 Philip the Tetrarch ended his dayes . J. P. 4747 Philip the Evangelist baptizes the Eunuch . A. M. 4038 Philistins Altars cast down by Judas Macchabaeus . A. M. 3841. d. Philo Judaeus , chief of the Jews Embessy . J. P. 4753 Being ejected by Caius , comforts his friends by the hope of Divine comfort and aid . A. M. 4044 Philometor loses his kingdom by sloth , J. P. 4545 Being spoiled of his kingdom , goes to Rome . A. M. 3842 a. Is courteously entertained by the Senate . The same year . Philopaemon governs King Attalus . A. M. 4576 Phocaencians build Massilia . J. P. 4114 Pass over into Chius , and overcome the Carthaginians in a sea-fight . J. P. 4171 Phoenix flees over to Lucullus . J. P. 4643 Phoenix the bird comes into Egypt . J. P. 4774 Phaenix and Cadmus reign at Tyre and Sidon . J. P. 3259 What places the Phaenicians subdued . J. P. 4319 Revolt from the Persians . J. P. 4363 Phraates sends Demetrius Nicator into Syria . J. P. 4584 Is slain by the Graecian army revolting from him . J. P. 4584 Phraates , the third King of the Parthians , is constituted by his father Orodes . A. M. 3968 Kills his brothers by the daughter of Antiochus and Orodes himself , and determines to slay his son when adult . The same year . Is banished by his subjects . J. P. 4683 Contending with Tiridates , he ( as well his adversary ) petitions aid from Caesar. J. P. 4684. A. M. 3981. and 3982 Sends Embassadours to Caesar. A. M. 3975 Sends back the Roman Ensignes to Augustus . J. P. 4694 Lends an army to Armenia . J. P. 4712 Hearing of Caius his warlike preparation , he sends to Augustus . sup . J. P. 4713 Returns into favour with Augustus . ib. infr Phraates , son to King Phraates , the third King of P. Parthia , when constituted , died . J. P. 4748 Phraortes succeeds Deioces . J. P. 4057 Perishes with his army . J. P. 4079 Phrygia received by the Romans . J. P. 4584 The greater Phrygia is granted Mithridates Euergetes . J. P. 4585 P. I. Pinarius Scarpus revolts from Antonius . A. M. 3574 Pirates wander through Asia . J. P. 4630 Many also destroy Islands and Provinces . J. P. 4646 Commit sacrilege . sup . A. M. 3937 Mock the Romans . ib. In a short time are vanquished by Pompey . J. P. 4647 Pisander is slain . J. P. 4320 Piso is created Consul . A. M. 3943 Pittacus his Gests . J. P. 4124 P. L. Planets , a great conjuration of them . J. P. 4708 Plan●ina , the Wife of Piso , casts out reproaches against Agrippina and Germanicus . A. M. 4021 Plancus , P. Sosius being amoved , is made Governour of Syria by Antonius , A. M. 3968 Plato's death , and his thefts . J. P. 4366 Pleistarchus his shipwrack . J. P. 4412 P. O. Polemo , King of Pontus , is written amongst the friends and confederates of the Romans . A. M. 3979 The Bosphorans resist him . J. P. 4700 Receives his fathers Kingdom , Pontus , from Caligula . J. P. 4752 Armenia the lesse is given Polemon by Antonius . J. P. 4681 Pollio , the Pharisee , perswades to deliver up the City of Jerusalem . J. P. 4677 Polyaratus is sent back by Ptolemy to Rhodes . A. M. 3836. d. Coming to Phaselis , flees to the Common-hall . The same year . Afterwards goes to Cannus . A. M. 3837 At length is brought to Rome . J. P. 4547 Polybius the Historian , advises demetrius to flee . A. M. 3842. c. Polyclitus his Gests . J. P. 4400 Polydamas Victor in Pancratium . J. P. 4306 Polysperchon accuses Cassander . J. P. 4404 Is constituted General by Antonius . J. P. 4395 Writes to Eumenes . The same year . Polyxenidas is conquered . J. P. 4521 Polycrates is crucified by Oretes . J. P. 4191 Pompeius ( or Pomponius ) when a Prisoner his courage . J. P. 4643 Cneius Pompeius . A. M. 3953 , 3954 , 3955 , 3956 Pompey slain the day he used to Triumph on . A. M. 3956. d. See Sextus Pompeius . Pontius Pilate succeeds Valerius Gratus in the Prefecture-ship of J●daea . J. P. 4739 Delivers up the most innocent Jesus to the will of the Jews . J. P. 4746 Is commanded to go to Rome by Vitellius , the President of Syria , to answer the objections of the Jews . A. M. 4840 Kills himself with his own hand . J. P. 4752 Popillius reprehends the Rhodians . A. M. 3836. d. Circumscribes Antiochus with a rod. ib. infr . Poppaea , provoking her husband Nero with railing , is slain with a kick of his heel . J. P. 4778 Porcius Festus succeeds Philip in the Province . J. P. 4775 Kills many thieves . The same year . Suppresses a great impostor and his followers . J. P. 4776 Porus both taken and restored by Alexander . J. P. 4386 Hath many Cities bestowed upon him by Alexander . J. P. 4387 Posidonius the Philosopher . J. P. 4637 Posidonius of Apamaea his Sphere . A. M. 3953 Pothinus the Eunuch is the Authour of a new and cruel war in Egypt . A. M. 3657. a. Is slain by Caesar. ib. infr . P. R. Prientians are troubled by Ariarathes . A. M. 4557 Preculeus is sent by Caesar to bring Cleopatra alive into his hands , if possible . J. P. 4684 Breaks the weapons wherewith she was about to kill her sef . The same year . Prodigies that appeared to Mithridates . J. P. 4627 Vpon the beginning of the Jewish war. J. P. 4778 Promachus swallows four Congi's of wine in a match of drinking . J. P. 4389 Propraetors are sent into eight Provinces . A. M. 3952 sub . fin . Protagoras subjects himself to the Persians . J. P. 4364 Prusias enters into friendship with the Romans . J. P. 4524 Wages war with Eumenes . J. P. 4530 Is overcome , and overcomes . J. P. 4531 Sends Embassadours to the Romans , concerning a peace with Perseus . A. M. 3836. a. Comes to Rome with his son Nicomedes . A. M. 3838 Sends Pitho Embassadour to Rome , to accuse Eumenes . The same year . Prusias Venator , King of Bithynia , his enmity with Attalus . A. M. 3848 Having conquered Attalus , enters into Pergamus . A. M. 3849 Layes wast the Temple there . ib. J. P. 4559 Carries away Esculapius his image , ( to which he had formerly sacrificed ) upon his own shoulders . ibid. Opposes Attalus with the Roman Legates driven in at Pergamus . A. M. 3850 His war with Attalus is ended by the authority of the Romans . ib. infr . Sends his son Nicomedes to Rome . ib. Commands his Embassadour Menas , that he should not move the Romans , to what he desired , to slay his son Nicomedes . A. M. 3855 Being afraid of his son , closes himself in the Castle of N●caea . The same year . Sends Embassadours to Rome in vain , is slain at Nicomedia , whether by his son , or by some by his instigation , it matters not . A. M. 3856 P. S. Psammitticus reigns sole in Egypt . J. P. 4189 Psmammis succeeds Neco . J. P. 4114 Departs this World. J. P. 42●0 Kills Tamus and his sons . J. P. 4189 Psammenitus , is rains in Egypt . J. P. 1894 Psammenitu is takens and his sons slain by Cambyses . J. P. 4189 P. T. Ptolemuaes Lagus , when healed . J. P. 4388 Conquers Egypt to himself . J. P. 4391 Ptolemy criminates Antigonus . J. P. 4404 Ptolemaeus Lagus his Gests and death . J. P. 4405 Ptolemaeus buries the body of Alexander . J. P. 4406 His benevolence towards the Macedons . The same year . Takes the City of Jerusalem . J. P. 4393 His Gests . 4399 , 4400 , 4401 , 4404 , 4408 , 4409 Ptolemaeus Soter . J. P. 4426 Ptolemaeus Philadelphus . J. P. 4429 , 4430 Ptolemaeus Ceraunus , his Acts. J. P. 4434 He is slain . J. P. 4435 Ptolemyes Library . J. P. 4437 Ptolemaeus his gifts sent to Eleazar . The same year . Ptolemaeus sends to the Romans . J. P. 4441 Ptolemaeus Philadelphus dies . J. P. 4468 Ptolemaeus Euergetes . J. P. 4468 , 4469 , 4471 , 4492 Departs this life . J. P. 4493 Ptolemaeus Philopator . J. P. 4493 , 4497 , 4498. Ptolemaeus Ep●phanes . J. P. 4505 Ptolemaeus Philopator dies . J. P. 4510 Ptolemaeus a child . J. P. 4510 His Embassadours to Rome . J. P. 4513 A false rumour of his death . J. P. 4518 Ptolemaeus Epiphanes his conditions . J. P. 4561 His death and children . The same year . Ptolemaeus Philometor confirms a peace with his sister Cleopatra and brother Euergetes . A. M. 3836. b. The brothers disagree . A. M. 3842. a. Are reconciled by the Romans . ib. b. Again fall to contention . ib. c. Ptolemaeus Macron poisons himself . A. M. 3848. c. Ptolemaeus junior , or the younger , by the perswasion of the Romans , dismisses his hired souldiers . A. M. 3843. a. Hasts to Cyrene , ready to revolt from him . ib. infr . Is overcome . ib. b. Elevated by the favour of the Romans , begins to conceit the taking of Cyprus . ib. d. Is overcome by his brother Philometor in war. J. P. 4557 Receives most loving conditions from his brother , being conquered by him . id . ib. Accuses his brother to the Romans . A. M. 3850 Ptolemaeus Philometor layes wait to betray Alexander Balas . J. P. 4568 Benignly entertains Jonathan , takes his daughter from Alexander , and gives her in mariage to Demetrius Soter , Assumes two Diadenis , being wounded , dies between the hands of his Physitians . ib. & A. M. 3859 Ptolemaeus Euergetes II. ( who is also called Physcon ) resists the endeavours of Cleopatra . J. P. 4569 Compells Cleopatra to marry with him . The same year . Kills her son in his mothers arms , the very wedding day , and other his tyranny . The same year . Commands certain Cyrenians to be put to death , for reprehending him for following the whore Irene . 4570 Puts away Cleopatra . A. M. 3868 Takes her daughter to wife , having ●irst unvirgin'd her . The same year . Flees privately into Cyprus . sup . A. M. 3875 Kills his eldest son . J. P. 4585 Commands also his son Memphis , whom he had by Cleopatra , to be killed , and served to her table at a feast . The same year . Commends a new king to the Syrians , desiring one instead of Demetrius . sup . A. M. 3878 Departs this life . A. M. 3888. a. Ptolemaeus , the son of Abubus , by fraud kills Simon . J. P. 4579 Ptolemaeus Lathurus , when he had slain at least thirty thousand Jews , went in hand cruelly with the women and children . A. M. 3901 Is thrown out of Egypt . The same year . Being recalled from Cyprus receives Egypt again . A M. 3916 Makes war upon the Thebans . J. P. 4630 Fines them very heavily . J. P. 4633 Departs this life . The same year . Ptolemaeus , the King of the Cyreni●ns , being dead , leaves the people of Rome his heir . A. M. 3907 Ptolemaeus , King of Cyprus , dies by a draught of poison . J. P. 4656 Ptolemaeus Auletes convenenes Cato at Athens . A. M. 3947 He comes to Rome . The same year . Partly kills , partly corrupts with mony the Alexandrian Embassadours , that so they might not prejudice his cause to the Senate . J. P. 4567 He journies to Ephesus . A. M. 3948 Is restored to his kingdom by Gabinius . J. P , 4659 Slayes his daughter Berenice . The same year . Leaves this World. A. M. 3953 Ptolemy , the youth , expels Cleopatra ( his both sister and wife ) the Kingdom . A. M. 3956. b. Being put to flight by Caesar's forces , the ship he was in being sunck , he perishes therein . A. M. 3957. b. Ptolemaeus the younger , is poysoned by his wife and sister Cleopatra . A. M. 3961 Ptolemaeus , Herods Prefect , is slain . J. P. 4675 P. U. Publius Scipio , shews not himself to the Citizens of Alexandria , without earnest intreaty . A. M. 3869 His and his companions continencie . id . ib. With his fellow Embassadour , returns to Rome . J. P. 4579 Publius Rupillius finished the servil war in Sicilia . J. P. 4582 Publius Rutisius Rufus is falsly accused . J. P. 4620 Refuses all elegant pleading , is unjustly condemned and of himself goes into banishment . The same year . Is made happier by his banishment . ib. By taking upon him Buskins , and the mantle , he aovided the Kings prejudice against all gown-men . 4626 Publius Rutilius , M. Cotta's Embassadour , is slain with the greatest part of the army . J. P. 4640 Publius Servilius , the Proconsul , subdues Cilicia . J. P. 4636 Tames the Isaurians . J. P. 4●37 Rides in Triumph . J. P. 4640 Puhlius Clodius being accused is absolved for mony . A. M. 3943 Contemns the Legation designed him . J. P. 4655 sub . fin . Brings a law about the Kingdom of Cyprus , and amoving his brother Ptolomy , the Alexandrian King. J. P. 4656 Sends Tigranes away free . The same year . Calumniates Cato's administration of affairs . J. P. 4658 Publius Cornelius Spinther , Proconsul of Cilicia , is saluted Emperour . sup . A. M. 3951 Triumphs at Rome . A. M. 3954. a. Publius Cornelius Dolobella , being accused of seeking to compasse the Empire and majesty . J. P 4664 Convitiates Caesar , when slain . J. P. 4670 Being Consul , obtains the Province of Syria , and the management of the Parthian war. The same year . Publius Lentulus , is unwillingly received by the Rhodians . A. M. 3958 Publins Ventidius Bassus is made Consul . J. P. 4672 Put to flight Labienus . J. P. 4674. sub . fin . Receives Palastina . A. M. 3965 Deceives Pacorus by Chauneus his means . J. P. 4675 Overcomes the the Parthians . The same year . Carrying Pacorus his head about Syria , he easily appeases that country . id . ib. Compells Antiochus Comagenes to seek peace . The same year . Publius Canidius is punished by Octavianus . J. P. 4684 Publius Sylva succeeding Bassus in the Administration of Judaea , takes Massada . A. M. 4076 P. Y. Pylades Mimus , being ejected Rome , is restored by Augustus . A. M. 3887 Pyrrhus his exploits . J. P. 4439 , 4440 , 4442 Pyrrhus . J. P. 4417 , 4419 , 4437 , 44●4 Pyssuthnes , the Satrap , revolts from Darius Nothus . J. P. 4306 Pythagoras stayes 22 years in Egypt . J. P. 4167 Is conversant with the Magi at Babylon . J. P. 4186 Q. U. QVintilius , the moneth , is called Julius , in honour to Julius Caesar. J. P. 4670 Quintilius Varus takes Sephoris . 4711 Things being well settled in Judaea , returns to Antioch . ib. sub . fin . Quintus Caecilius Bassus is scarce compelled to the delivery of Apamea . 4671 Quintus Dellius the Historian , leaving Antonius , goes over to Caesar. 4683 Quntius Marcius the King is sent Proconsul into Asia . 4647 Quintus Pedius leads the third triumph out of Spain . A. M. 3960 Brings in the Pedian Law , by which all Caesars murtherers were banisht . J. P. 4671. sub . fin . Q. Oppi●s , Proconsul of Pamphilia , comes into the hands of Mithridates . A. M. 3916 Q. Ovinius is slain by Octavianus . J. P. 4684 Q. Posthumius , the Senatour , is slain by the command of Antonius . A. M. 4033 Q. Tullius Cicero is chosen Pretor for Asia , A. M. 3943 Frees the cities of Asia from the charge of preparing a Navy and Rowers . J. P. 4653 The third year is added to his Praetorship . A. M. 3945 Departs the Province . J. P. 4656 Quirinius takes to wife Lepida . 4713 Is made President of Syria . 4720 R. A. Rabirius Posthumus acts at Alexandria for the recovering of the mony he had lent Ptolemaens . J. P. 4659 Incurring the crime of Majesty , is defended by Cicero . A. M. 3951 Ragan is born . J. P. 2497 Departs the World. 2736 Ramesses reigns . 2736 Ramesses Miamun reigns . 3137 This new King oppresses the Israelites . The same year . His saying concerning the drowning of the Hebrew children . J. P. 3141 He ends his dayes . J. P. 3203 Rathotis reigns in Egypt . J. P. 3092 R. E. Rebecca conceives twins . J. P. 2877 Rechabites leaving their tents go to Jerusalem . J. P. 4107 Rehoboam is born into the World. J. P. 3698 Being made King , ten tribes revolts . 3739 He falls from God. 3742 Is spoiled by Sesack King of Egypt . 3743 R. H. Rhadamistus intices the chief of the Armenians to make innovations . J. P. 4764 Kills Mithridates and his wife . The same year . Flings his own wife wounded into a River , least she should come into the enemies hands . J. P. 4055 Rhasis exposes his body and life for Judaisme . J. P. 4547 Is called the father of the Jews . J. P. 4553 Taking out his bowels , he flung them amongst the multitude , and so ended his life . The same year . Rheomithres discovers the Ringleaders of those who revolted to the King. J. P. 4352 Rhescupolis , King of Thrace , is slain . A. M. 4●23 Rhodians , Their General with Demetrius . J. P. 4410 They make Ptolemy a god . The same year Prepare war. J. P. 4495 , 45●7 The Navy of the Rhodians . 4524 Their Emhassy . 4537 Are called by Perseus , to see as in a glasse what may be done in the war with the Romans . J. P. 4543 Their Embassadours are courteously entertained by Q. Marcus , the Consul , and Caius the Ammiral of the fleet . J. P. 4545 In like manner also by the Senate . The same year . Their arrogant Embassy to the Romans . A. M. 3836. a. & b. They decree to give a benign answer to Perseus and Gentius , intreat Popillus that he would turn in to them . ib. c. & d. They made a decree that whosoever favoured Perseus his words or deeds , should be capitally punished . ib. d. Their Embassy to the Romans is contemned . ib. & J. P. 4547 An uncertain answer is given them . ib. sub . fin . Society is denyed them . A. M. 3838 They seek their ancient right in Lycia and Caria . from the Romans . A. M. 3842. c. They who escaped the Italians in Asia , receive a great slaughter from M●thridates . J. P. 4626 Renew their league with the Romans . A. M. 3953 When Cassius desired aid of them against Dolabella , they say , They would help no civil war. J. P. 4671 Are overcome at Mindus by Cassius his Navy . J. P. 3672. sub . fin . Are deprived of their liberties by Claudius , because they had crucified some Romans . J. P. 4757 Have them again restored . A. M. 4056. Rhymetacles Cotyis receives Dition of Caligula . J. P. 4751 R. I. Rigebelus King of Babylon . J. P. 4020 R. O. Rome begins to be built . J. P. 3966 The Romans Embassy to Philip. 4513 Their Embassy to Antiochus . 4416 The Romans free Graecia . 4417 , 4418 Their Embassy to the Carthaginians . 4519 Rome is made a goddesse . 4519 Their Embassadours to Antiochus and Eumenes . 4522 They go to Ephesus . The same year . The Roman navy . 4524 The Romans Conquer Antiochus . The same year . The Romans league with Antiochus . 4525 The Romans overcome the Galatians . The same year . They give the Galatians laws . 4526 They change the pledges of Antiochus . 4537 Send Embassadours to the Kings in league with them . A. M. 3833 The war they prepared against Perseus , drew all mens eyes upon them . ib. They send Embassadours to Prusias . A. M. 3858 Who being frustrated by his pertinacy , renounce his friendship . The same year . They honourably receive Simons Embassadours . Are accused of forging a wicked will. A. M. 3871 Eighty thousand of them , in one day , are slain by the Satraps of Asia , by Mithridates command . J. P. 4626 They take it ill that Antonians led Artabazus in Triumph at Alexandria . sup . A. M. 3971 Roxane bears a son . J. P. 4391 Roxane , the sister of Mithridates , perishes by poison . J. P. 4643. sub . fin . R. U. Rubeu is born . J. P. 2956 Rufinus , Caesar gives Rufinus his old friend the command of three Legions . J. P. 4670 S. A. SAbacon burns Bocchorus alive . J. P. 3987 Sabbas is put to death . A. M. 3855 Sabbath , the Jews by their Law prohibited fighting on the Sabbath , are burnt in a cave . J. P. 4547 The observation of the Sabbath , hinders the Jews from defending their Temple . 4651 Sabinus , Caesars Procuratour , makes violent search for the royal treasure in Judaea . J. P. 47111 Sacred rites are performed in the Temple at Jerusalom , even when Pompey was opposing the Temple . A. M. 3940 Sacrilege of Antochus , is punished . A. M. 3840. c. J. P. 4643 Cassius guilty of it . J. P. 4672. sub . fin . Sextus Pompeius in the same crime . J. P. 4678 Saddo●us in the maker of strife amongst the Jews . 4720 Sadyates King of Lydia . 4083 Invades the Milesians . 4089 Saela is born . 2403 Departs this life . 2836 Salmanasar succeeds Ninus . 3986 Salmanasar possesses the land of the Moabites , and besieges Samaria . 3990 Takes and carries the Israelites into his territories . 3993 Invades all Phoenicia , and is rejected by the Tyrians . 3997 Ends his dayes . The same year . Salome , Josephus his wife , accuses her husband to Herod . 3680 Sends a bill of divorce , contrary to the custom of the Jews , to her husband Costabarus . A. M. 3978 Salomon is born . J. P. 3681 Commands Adonia should be slain , and puts Abiathar out of his Priesthood . 3700 Takes to wife the Kings daughter of Egypt . The same year . Layes the foundation of the Temple . J. P. 3702 Offers a thousand Holocousts at Gibeon . J. P. 3701 Simeiis slain by his command . 3709 Finishes the building of the Temple . 3809 Goes about his own pallace . 3722 Deceased . 3739 Samaria is levelled with the ground by Hyrcanus . 4605 Samarians invite Alexander . 4382 Burn Andromachus alive , and Samaria is taken . The same year . Samaritans , denying they were Jews , pretend they are Sidonians , by their original , for fear of persecution . A. M. 3836. d. Petition that their Temple at Gariz●m might be called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or the Temple of Jupiter of Graece . ibid. The Samaritans being seduced by an impostor , are fined for it by Pilate . A. M. 4040 Samians revolt from the Athenians , and are overcome . J. P. 4274 They deliver up themselves . 4275 Sampson is born . J. P. 3559 Kills a lion the day of his mariage . 3577 Burns the Philistins corn . 3578 Kills a thousand Philistins with the Jaw-bone of an Asse . The same year . Flung down the Palace of Dagon . J. P. 3597 Samuel judges Israel . 3618 Aroines Saul King. 3619 S●●ballac revolts over to Alexander . 4382 Sangalais levelled to the ground . 4387 Saosduohinus rules over the Assyrians . 4046 Sarai is born . 2728 Delivers her maid Hagar to her husband . J. P. 2803 Departs this life . 2855 Sardanapalus reigns . 3947 Burns both himself and his Palace . 3966 Sardiaus are afflicted with a grievous plague . A. M. 4020 Sarpedon is overcome by Triphons army . J. P. 4571 Satibarzanes and Barzoentes kill Darius . J. P. 4384 Satibarzanes flees to Bessus and is slain . The same year . Saturninus stirring up a sedition , is slain . 4614 Satyrus , his love to his brothers sons . 4361 Satyrus ends his life . 4368 Satyrus , the chief of the Rhodian Embassy to the Romans , inveighs against Eumenes . J. P. 4542 Saul the King inaugurated at Gilgal . J. P. 3619 Consults a witch , and a little after , his sons being slain in the battle , makes his Square kill him . 3659 His two sons , and five nephews , are hanged . 3696 S. C. Scaurus , Judea is left to his regiment by Pompeius . J. P. 4651 Enters Arabia , and makes conditions with King Aretas . J. P. 4652. A. M. 3943 Scipio overcomes Hannibal . J. P. 4512 Goes Embassadour into Asia . 4524 Visits Il●um . The same year . Triumphs . 4526 Scipio , Pompey's father-in-law , sent into Syria . A. M. 3955 Scipio's verses when Carthage was about to be demolisht . J. P. 4561 Scopas the General . 4515 Is overcome . 4516 Is deprived of life . 4518 Scribonius marrying Dynamis , the widow of Asander , by that means enjoyes all Bosphorus . A. M. 3990 Is slain by the Bosphorans . J. P. 4700 Scribonia , the mother of Julia , and wife of Caesar Augustus , is by him put away . A. M. 4●03 Scythians invade Asia . J. P. 4080 Go into Egypt . 4083 Put to flight their slaves with whips . 4109 Send presents to Alexander . 4386 Their Embassadours come to Caesar. A. M. 3979 Scythopolitans benevolent to the Jews . A. M. 3841. c. S. E. Secandianus succeeds Xerxes , slaies the Eunuch Bagorazus . J. P. 4290 Is slain by his brother Ochus . 4291 Sejanus , see Aelius . Selene is sent by Cleopatra to Grypus , being about to marry an enemy of her first husbands . J. P. 4613 Selene the Queen , otherwise called Cleopatra , sollicits the Tyrians to exclude Tigranes . J. P. 4644 Seleucia hath liberty bestowed on it . A. M. 3940 Seleucus his Gests . J. P. 4399 , 4400 , 4402 The Seleucians Aera . 4403 Seleucus is made King. 4409 His exploits . J. P. 4411 , 4412 , 4414 , 4415 , 4416 , 4423 , 4427 , 4428 He is slain . J. P. 4434 Seleucus his shipwrack . 4469 Seleucus Callinicus . 4470 , 4488 Seleucus Ceraunus . 4490 Seleucus his Gests . 4524 Seleucus the Philosopher . 4527 Is slain by the treachery of Heliodorus . A. M. 3829 Seleucus Dometrius , the son of Nicator , reigns in Syria . J. P. 4590 Is killed by his mother Cleopatra a with a dart . J. P. 4591. Seleucus , Antiochus Grypus his son , brings war upon Antiochus Cizicenus . 4620 Overcomes Cizicenus . The same year . Being beaten by Antiochus Pius , is driven out of Syria . A. M. 3911 Is slain . The same year . Seleucus , the Arch-Pirate , overcomes the Italians in a naval fight . 4644 One Seleucus , the husband of Berenice , for his sordid covetousnesse , was by her strangled . J. P. 4656 Semiramis , the wife of Ninus , rules in Asia . J. P. J. P. 3499 Is slain by her son Ninus . J. P. 4541 Sem is born . J. P. 2268 Leaves the World. J. P. 2868 Senacherib reigns , by whom the Egyptian war was carried on for three years . J. P. 4001 Invades the kingdom of Juda , and besieges Jerusalem . The same year . Invades Egypt . J. P. 4002 Besieges Lachish . J. P. 4005 Sends Rabsake to Jerusalem , who returned the same way he came , the Army of the Assyrians being smi●ten by the Angel , Senacherib is slain . The same year . Senate , their decree . J. P. 4525 Septuagint . J. P. 4437 Sergius Paulus is converted to the faith . J. P. 4758 Seron and his army are routed by Judas Macchabaeus . A. M. 3839 Serpents of India . J. P. 3387 Serug born . J. P. 2509 Dies . 4059 Servilius Rullus promulgates the Agrarian Law. A. M. 3940 Sesak reigns in Egypt . J. P. 3736 Sesamni juice , its virtue . J. P. 4385 Seth departs this life . J. P. 1752 Sevechus the Aethiop , reigns in Egypt . J. P. 3995 Sextus obteins the Province of Syria after Cicero . A. M. 3955 Sextilus overcomes Mithrobarzanes . J. P. 4645 Oppresses many Arabians . The same year . Sextilius Rufus is sent into Cyprus with Pretorian authority . A. M. 3955 Sextus Caesar is made President of Syria by Julius . A. M. 3957. c. Sextus Pompeius is overcome by Caesar Octavianus and Antonius . J. P. 4678 Spoils the Temple of Juno . The same year . Is most willingly received by the Lesbians . A. M. 3969 Resumes the Imperial habit . J. P. 4679 His Embassadours to the Parthians are taken by Antonius's Generals . The same year . Possesses himself of Lampsacns by treachery . The same year . Overcomes Furnius , gathers a great sum of mony , hires the ships , some of his friends go over to Antonius . The same year . Marches for Armenia , gives himself to Amynt●● , is slain by Titius , not observing the order of Antonius his letters . The same year . S. H. Shallum reigns one moneth and is slain . J. P. 3941 Shamgar with a goad to drive oxen , slew six hundred of the Philistins . J. P. 3380 S. I. Sibylla's verses are carried to Rome . A. M. 3928 Sibylline books concerning the King of Egypt . A. M. 3948 To be described by the Priests . 3948 The book of Sybilla is put under the survey of the Quindecemviri . A. M. 4036 Sicarians at Alexandria , solliciting the Jews to revolt , are by the people delivered to the Romans . A. M. 4076 Sidonians being betrayed to the Persians , burn themselves . J. P. 4633 Fifteen thousand of the Tyrians hid in their ships . 4382 C. Silanus is accused of bribery . A. M. 4026 Sila , the master of Agrippa's Militia , becomes offensive to him . J. P. 4755 Simeon a just man. 4677 Simeon was born . 2957 Simon the High-Priest . 4213 Simon the Benjamite , the betrayer of his Country . 4537 Simon going into Galilee , wars upon the Gentiles . A. M. 3841. 2. Pessesses Joppe . J. P. 4570 Is chosen General in his brother Jonathans room . A. M. 3861 Erects a Monument over the Sepulchre of his father and brethren . J. P. 4571 Builds up the fences of Judaea . The same year . And sends a Crown of gold to Demetrius Nicator . ib. Compells the Gazaeans to deliver themselves up . sup . A. M. 3862 Takes the Castle of Jerusalem , which he purifies . The same year . Constitutes his son John , who was afterwards sirnamed Hyrcanus , General . sup . A. M. 3863 Is made Governour of the Jews . sup . A. M. 3864 Sends Embassadours to Rome . The same year . Is slain with his two sons . J. P. 4579 Simon , Herods servant , takes the Diadem . J. P. 4711 Is slain by Gratus . The same year . Simon , the son of Camithus , receives the Priesthood from Valerius Gratus . J. P. 4752 Simon , the son of Giora , playes the Robber at Jerusalem . A. M. 4070 Subdues all Idumaea , and layes wast Judaea . J. P. 4792 Being taken , is reserved for a Triumph . A. M. 4074 Is put to death . The same year . Sinope burnt by Cleochares , and Seleucus is preserved by Lucullus possessing it . J. P. 4644 Sisyg ambis dies in Media . J. P. 4391 S. O. Soaemus obteins the kingdom of the Iturean Arabians from Caligula . J. P. 4751 Sohemus is constituted keeper of his wife Mariamme by Herod . J. P. 4684 Obteins the Government of a certain part of Judaea , at the request of Mariamme . ib. sub . fin . Is slain by Herod . A. M. 3976 Solovettius , General of the Gauls , is little moved with the Embassy of the Romans . J. P. 4547 Solon comes to Croesus , and going from Croesus into Sicilia , builds the City Solos . J. P. 4153 Dies in Cyprus at 80 years old . 4155 Sophithes , the King , delivers himself to Alexander . J. P. 4387 Sosibius , see J. P. 4493 , 4499 Sosius receives the Prefectureship of Syria and Cilicia from Antonius . A. M. 3966 Is commanded to be aiding to Herod and triumphs . ib. & J. P. 4676 See Caius . J. P. 4435 Softhenes the General . J. P. 4430 Softratus the Cnidians act . J. P. 4430 S. P. Spitame●es his defection . J. P. 238 Spitame●es head presented to Alexander . The same year . S. T. Statyra , Darius his wife , dies . J. P. 4383 Statira , Alexanders wife , is killed . J. P. 4391 Statira , Mithridates his sister , dies by her brothers command . J. P. 4643. sub . fin . St. Stephen the Protomartyr . A. M. 4037 Stratonice delivers the Castle Symphorium to Pompey . A. M. 3940 Strato Theophractus his successor . J. P. 4426 S. U. Suidas his errour in reckoning the Cities of the Romans . A. M. 3996 Sulpitius Gallus foretells an Eclipse of the Moon . A. M. 3836. c. Invites all to accuse Eumenes . J. P. 4549 Surenas , the Parthian , reduces King Orodes from banishment . J. P. 4658 Having taken Crassus by a wile , kills him . J. P. 4661. sub . fin . Is killed by Orodes , who envied his glory . sup . A. M. 3952 S. Y. Syllaeus pretending to guide Aelius Gallus in his march , deals treacherously J. P. 4690 Swears to deliver Herods many and Fugitives . A. M. 3997 Stands not to his covenants . J. P. 4707 Incenses Caesar against Herod . A. M. 3998 Accuses Aene●● , the King of the Arabians . J. P. 4708 Being condemned , is sent by Caesar into the Province , that when he had satisfied his creditonrs , he might suffer . The same year . Is accused by Antipater . The same year . Synnensis helps both Artaxerxes and Cyrus at the same time . J. P. 4313 Syria , the Romans decree to carry on the affairs of that kingdom by Embassadours . A. M. 3841. c. T. A. Tachos , King of Egypt , prepares war against Artaxerxes , and is deserted by Agesilaus and his forces . J. P. 4352 Tacitus , his impious opinion concerning the Jews A. M. 3841. Talymenus Ilaces overcome by M. Crassus . J. P. 4●60 Taphenites , two of them tell Herod his brother P●●roras was taken away by poison . J. P. 709 Taracus the Aethiop , reigns in Egypt . J. P. ●009 Tarcondi●otus obteins his fathers principality i● Cilicia from Augustus . J. P. 4694 Tarentines deliver up themselves . J. P. 4445 Tarichoea is cut off . A. M. 4071 Tarquitius Pris●us accused of bribery . A. M. 4064 Tarsensians , how affected towards Tullius ●imber . J. P. 4671. sub . fin . Those of them that stick to Cassius , are raised J ▪ P. 467● Tat , the son of Hermetes . J. P. 3●●3 Taxiles entertaius Alexander courteously ▪ J. P ▪ ●386 Taxiles , Mithridates his General , 〈◊〉 overcome by Sylla . J ▪ P. 4628 T. E. Temple at Jerusalem is finisht . J. P. 4617 Is taken by Pompey . J. P. 4651 Is built up by Herod . sup . A. M. 3989 A double description of it . ib. It is burnt the second time by Vesp●sian , upon the very same day and month , on which ●t was before by Nebuchadnezar . J. P. 4783. sub . fin . The Temple of the Jews built by Ohias in Egypt , ● pulled down by Paulinus . A. M. 40●● T. H. Thais the Harlot , what she perswades A● cander . J. P. 4384 Thales is born . J. P. 4074 Fortells the ecclipse of the sun . J. P. 4113 Departs this World. J. P. 4169 Thalestris , Queen of the Amazons . J. P. 4384 Thara is born . ● P. 2588 Departs this life . J. P. 2793 Thaumastus in highly rewarded for drink ●e gave to Agrippa . J. P. 4750 Thebans send Embassadours to the King. J. P. 4349 The aetetus , the Rhodian Legate , brings a Crown of gold to Rome . J. P. 4547 Thebes i● ransackt . J. P. 4686 Thebans are grievously taxed by Ptolemaeus Lathurus . J. P. 4633 Themistocles flees . J. P. 4241 Goes to Artaxerxes . The same year . How courteously treated by him . J. P. 4242 Escapes treachery . J. P. 4242 Dies by a draught of poison . J. P. 4248 Theodorus , the son of Zeno , kills ten thousand of the Jews . J. P. 4612 Theodorus , the Rhetoritian , is punished by Brutus . J. P. 4672 Theodorus the Pedagogue is hanged . J. P. 4684 Theodosins , the father of the Samaritans , dies in a contention about the Temple . A. M. 3855 Theodotus perswade the Egyptians to kill Pompey . A. M. 3956. c. Theophanes of Mitylene , his comment of Publius R. Rufus . J. P. 4626 Theophanes , very gratious with Pompey , as the writer of his acts . J. P. 4652 Theophanes , the Lesbian , perswades Pompey , that being then conquered by Caesar , he should go to Egypt . A. M. 3956. c. Theophilus receives the Priesthood from Jonathan . J. P. 4750 Theopompus Theodectes punisht from above , and why . J. P. 436● Therasia the Island appears in the Aegean sea . J. P. 4760 Thera●ns are afflicted with drought . J. P. 4073 Send colonies into Plataea . J. P. 4074 Being warned by an Oracle , inhabit Lybia . J. P. 4076 Sate down at Apollo's fountain . 4083 Thermusia , Phraates his wife , perswades her husband to send his lawful sons to Rome . J. P. 4694 Thessalia is wasted by Andriscus . A. M. 3856 Thessalians being nobly rewarded by Alexander , return home into their Country . J. P. 4384 Thessalonians , the Gospel preached to them . A. M. 4057 Thessalonice , Cassanders widow . J. P. 4420 Thethmosis , King of Egypt , drives out the Shepherds . J. P. 3890 Theudas the cheat is slain . J. P. 4758 Thimbron is sent by the Lacedemonians against T●ssaphernes , and is banished by the Ephori . J. P. 4314 4315 Layes wast the Persian land . J. P. 4321 Is slain in fight by Strutha the Persian . J. P. 4322 Themosis reigns in Egypt . J. P. 3009 Thoas being in fear , flees to Cnidus . A. M. 3836. a. Is sent back to Rhodes . The same year . Thrasybulus , the Athenian , is beheaded in his tent . J. P. 3324 Thrasyllus the Mathematitian . A. M. 4005 Thrasimedes , one of the Heracleans , accuses Cotta , J. P. 4645. sub . fin . Thimbrions fight with the Cyrenians . J. P. 4391 , & 4392 Is taken in his flight . ib. J. P. 4392 Thyreas , or Thyrsus , sent to Cleopatra from Octaianus . J. P. 4684 Is above measure honoured by her , but Antonius layes hold of him , and whips him . The same year . T. I. T●beria● is yielded to Vespasian . J P. 4780 Tiberius Sempronius Flacchus is slain in the Capitol . A. M. 3871 C. Tiberius is sent by Augustus into the East . J. P. 4694 Unwillingly puts away Agrippina . A. M. 3991 Takes Julia to wife , who was first betrayed to him . A. M. 3994 Is sent to tame the Germans by war. A. M. 3997 Receives Tribunitial power for five years . A. M. 3998. & 4007 Betakes himself to Rhodes . The same year . and J. P. 4708 Leasure to his Empire acknowledged , Theodorus hears Gadarcus . The same year . Staying at Rhodes , dissembles his joy for Julia's banishment , Caesars daughter and his wife . A. M. 4003 Is not permitted to know her wants . J. P. 4713 Passes over to Chius to see Caius . The same year . Is suspected by Augustus . ib. J. P. 4713 Vnder pretence of departing , playes the banished man. A. M. 4004 Is recalled from banishment . A. M. 4005 Is adopted . A. M. 4007 Is sent into Germany . The same year . Obteins equal right with Caesar in all the Provinces . A. M. 4015 Augustus being dead , succeeds him . J. P. 4727 And yet craftily seems to wave it . ib. For restoring the Cittes of Asia , he is honoured with Statues . A. M. 4020 Examines the books of Prophesies , that contained any thing . J. P. 4732 Derides the Iliensian Embassadours , comforting him a little too late , after the death of Drusus . A. M. 4026 Spares the Jews against whom he was prejudiced by the false crimination of Sejanus . A. M. 4035 Being certified of the acts of Christ , consults whether to place his name amongst the gods . J. P. 4749 He ended his dayes . J. P. 4750 Tiberius Alexander succeeds Cuspius Fadus in the Procurator-ship of Judaea . J. P. 4759 Executes James and Simon , the sons of Judah of Galilee . J. P. 4760 First brought the Legions to the speeches of Vespasianus . J. P. 4782 Tigranes is restored to his fathers Kingdom of Armenia . A. M. 3909 Is driven by Mithridates to society in the Roman war. J. P. 4614 Being called into the Kingdom of Syria enjoyes it by the space of eighteen years . A. M. 3921 Putting the Crown of Armenia upon his head , gives the City Tigranocetta from him . A. M. 3927 By the perswasion of Mithridates , invades Cappadocia . The same year . Admits not his father in law Mithridates to his speeches , when being beaten by Lucullus , he fled to him . J. P. 4643 Answers the Embassy of the Jews friendly . 4644 Kills Cleopatra Selene . The same year . His arrogance , he denies to deliver Mithridates to his enemyes the Romans , Kills the King of the Gordynians . The same year . Hangs up him that first brought the news of Lucullus his arrival . J. P. 4645 Betakes him to his heels . The same year . Permits all things to Mithridates . ib. infr . Is overcome . J. P. 4646 Tigranes , the father vanquishes his son in fight . J. P. 4646. sub . fin . Tigranes , the son , leads Pompey , to whom he fled , against his father . ib. J. P. 4646 Tigranes , the father , submits himself . The same year . Both of them are invited to supper by Pompey , but the son refuses to come . id . ib. The kingdom of Armenia is restored to the father . ibid. The son is east into prison . sup . A. M. 3939 Returns into favour with Phraates . A. M. 2940 Tigranes his brother being expulsed , is made President of Armenia . J. P. 4694 Tigranes is substituted instead of Artavasdes , by the Armenians . A. M. 4002 Artabazes being dead , sends presents to Augustus , begging his kingdom of him . J. P. 4713 Tigranes , the son of Alexander , and Glaphyra is accused , condemned , and executed at Rome . J. P. 4749 Tigranes , the son of Alexander , ( the son of that Alexander , who was slain by his father Herod ) and Glaphyra , the daughter of Archelaus , is sent into the kingdom by N●ro , that he might seize upon it . J. P. 4773 Tigronacerta is taken by Lucullus . J. P. 4645 Timagenes , the Alexandrian , teaches Rhetorick at Rome . A. M. 3951 Timagoras , the Athenian , is favoured with many gifts from the King. J. P. 4346 Is put to death by the Athenians . The same year . Timotheus , the Heraclean Tyrant , dies . J. P. 4326 Timotheus is first put to flight , and then slain by Judas Maechabaeus . A. M. 3841. a. Timothens , Eupators General , is dismist with his life by Doritheus . ib. c. Timothy , St. Pauls Disciple , gives his name to Christ. J. P. 4759 First captive at Rome with St. Paul , is set at large . A. M. 4068 Is left at Ephesus , to administer the affairs of the Church . sup . A. M. 4069 Tiridates is made King of the Parthians by the people . J. P. 4683 Tiridates , Phraates being dead , is sent rival to Artabanus , by Tiberius , to possesse the Parthian Crown . J. P. 4748 By the consent of the Parthians , receives the Cities . A. M. 4039 Fears to grapple with Artabanus . ib. Compares the Diadem of Nero to an image . J. P. 4776 Is near being taken in war. A. M. 4076 Tiro is slain by Herod . A. M. 3999 Tissaphernes his Gests . J. P. 4302 Departs from the Lacedemonians . J. P. 4303 Renews his pact with the Poloponesians . J. P. 4303 Helps Artaxerxes against his brother , and from him the Prefecture of Cyrus given him . 4313 Vexes the Graecians in Asia . 4314 Denounces war against Agesilaus . 4318 His head cut asunder by Tithraustes . 4319 Tithraustes having slain Tissaphernes , is made General of the war. 4319 Perswades Agesilaus to return home . The same year . He corrupts the Greek Cities with mony . ib. Titius , leaving Antonius , flees to Octavius . J. P. 4682 Titus is called by his father into Judea . J. P. 4780 Shuts up an infinite number of men within the City of Jerusalem . J. P. 4783 He breaks into the City . The same year . His souldiers pursue the Jews fleeing into the Temple . id . ib. In vain endeavours to save the Temple from burning . ib. infr . Is proclaimed Emperour by the army . ib. Refusing to be crowned , acknowledges God is the authour of the Jews calamity . A. M. 4074 Celebrates the birth-day of his brother ( Domitian ) at Caesaria ; of his father at Berytus , Triumphs with his father at Rome , Obtains the name Emperour , When he was upon the point of marriage with Berenice , to avoid the offence of the Romans , forbears . A. M. 4076 T. O. Tobia buries the dead . J. P. 4004 Tola judges Israel . J. P. 3481 Torquatus perswades Ptolemy the younger , that he should not go to Cyprus . A. M. 3843. a. The same perswades Ptolemy the elder , to return into friendship with his brother . The same year . T. R. Trachonites , in Herods absence , return to their robberies . A. M. 3993 Fourty of them fleeing to Syllaeus into Arabiae Nabataea , who was at enmity with Herod , joyn with him . ib. Infest not only Judaea , but also Coelosyria with their incursions . A. M. 3996 Being frustrate , become the more troublesome . ibid. C. Trebonius comes to Athens . J. P. 4670 First of Caesars murtherers suffers punishment . J. P. 4671 Trianus overcomes Mithridates his navy . J. P. 4643 Tribunitian power the Senate takes perpetual . A. M. 3969 Tribazus , Artaxerxes used his help to free his army , he is freed from the false accusation of Orontes . J. P. 4430 Triumvirs , Octav. Lepidus and Antonius appointed to be over the Common-wealth for five years . A. M. 3962 Troomi , a nation of the Galatians , in vain attempt Cappadocia . A. M. 3941 Trosobores the General of the Cilicians , is slain by Antiochus . A. M. 4056 Troy taken by the Greeks . J. P. 3530 Tryphana Cleopatra commands her sisters death . A. M. 3891 Which wickednesse she expiated by her own punishment . A. M. 3892 Tryphon honourably receives Jonathan . A. M. 3861 Takes him , many of his souldiers by him slain treacherously . ib. He slaies Jonathan . J. P. 4571 Kills also Antiochus Theos . ib. infr . Sends a golden Crown to Rome by Embassadours . ib. His souldiers fall away to Cleopatra . A. M. 3864 Receives Dora , and is there besieged . A. M. 3865 Taking ship , sails for Orthosias . A. M. 3866 By scattering mony , stayes the pursuers , and dies . J. P. 4576 T. U. Tullius Cimber drunken . J. P. 4670 One of Caesars murderers . J. P. 4671. sub . fin . Hastens to aid Cassius . The same year . P. Turullins being delivered to Caesar by Antonius , ( he was also one of Caesars murderees ) is slain . J. P. 4684 T. Y. Tyrians have a frequent Senate granted them . J. P. 4659 Tyrannius the Grammarian is taken and manumitted . A. M. 3934 Disposes Cicero's Library . A. M. 3948 Tyre besieged . J. P. 4129 Is delivered to the Assyrian . J. P. 4142 Judges set over Tyre . J. P. 4150 Obteins her liberty . J. P. 4212 Tyrians send a crown of gold , &c. Alexander , whom they shut out of their City . J. P. 4381 Is besieged . J. P. 4382 Is taken and two thousand of the Tyrians crucified . ibid. They bind the Image of Apollo with chains . ibid. Tyre is delivered up to Antigonus . J. P. 4401 V. A. VAlerius Gratus , Procurator of Judea . J. P. 4694 Vell●ius Tiberius his chief flatterer . ibid. V. E. Ventidius Cumanus succeeds Tiberius Alexander in the Jewish affairs . J. P. 4761 G. Verres his sacrilege . A. M. 3925 Vespasianus is sent by Nero into Judea . J. P. 4780 Spoils and burns the Cities of the Gadarens . ib. Cuts off Tarichaea . A. M. 4●71 Hearing of Nero's death , he and Titus defer the Jewish war. J. P. 4782 Vespasian sailing into Italy , sends Titus his son into Judaea , to finish the reliques of the Jewish war. The same year . V. I. Vibius Marsus succeeds Petronius in the Province of Syria . J. P. 4755 Vibius Serenus being Exul , is falsly accused by his son , and condemned . A. M. 4027 Vines , set , L. Opimius being Consul , Plinie confirms to have continued to this time . A. M. 3883 A. Vitellius is declared Emperour by the Souldiers . J. P. 4781 Is murdered by Antonius the first . The same year . L. Vitellius , the Proconsul , comes to Jerusalem . J. P. 4748 forces the people to an oath of alleagance to Caius . J. P. 4750 Makes a league with the King of the Parthians . ib. Being called for by Caius , to be slain with his humility and prayers , so mollified him , that he was esteemed by him one of his chiefest friends . J. P. 4752 Caius his great flatterer . ib. V. O. Vologeses , Vonones's son , succeeds his father . J. P. 4776 Compels Caesennius Paetus to a disgraceful league . A. M. 4066 Seeking Armenia by Embassadours , fails . J. P. 4776 Vonones , one of the sons of Phraates the third , is made King of Parthia by Caesar. J. P. 4717 Being deprived of his kingdom , in vain implores Tiberius his aid . A. M. 4190 Being brought back from flight , is run thorough with a sword . J. P. 4732 Venones , who was President of the Medes , being called into the Parthian Kingdom , makes a short reign of it . A. M. 4020 U. R. Vria prophesies . J. P. 4105 Vrim and Thummim are taken away by their angry God , for the sins of the people . A. M. 3898 U. X. Vxians , their Nation subdued by Alexander . J. P. 4383 U. Z. Vzzia . J. P. 3888 Succeed his father Amasia . J. P. 3904 X. A. XAnthians are overcome by Brutus , and kill themselves . A. M. 3940 X. E. Xenophons munificence to Diana . J. P. 4320 Xenoeta . J. P. 4493 Xerxes is declared King. J. P. 4229 Subdues the Egyptians . J. P. 4230 Gahers a huge foot army and navy , digs through the Ishhmus , joynes the Hellespont with his ships . J. P. 4233 His cruelty to the son of Pithus the Lydian , goes up to Pergamus with Priams army , weeps at the sight of his huge army , casts a golden Phial into the Hellespont , The number of his ships and army , Leonides opposes Xerxes army by land , and Eurybiades by sea . J. P. 4234 Xerxes takes Athens , is twice overcome by the Graecians , a pestilence invade his army , he flees in a fish-boat . ib. Xerxes his sacrilege and adulteries every where . J. P. 4235 Celebrates the birth-day of his kingdom . J. P. 4237 Has his throat cut in bed by Artabanus . J. P. 4240 Xerxes succeeds his father . J. P. 4289 Is slain by his brother . J. P. 4299 X. I. Xiphares , Mithridates his son , by Stratonice , is slain by his father , his mother looking on . A. M. 3940 Z. A. ZAbienus is commended for King to the Syrians , by Ptolemaeus Physcon . J. P. 4587 Zacharias , with his wife Elizabeth , are spectators of most sad times . J. P. 4677 He sees the Angel Gabriel . A. M. 3999 Zacharias , the Priest , overthrown with stones . J. P. 3874 Zacharias , the son of Jeroboam , reigns . J. P. 3941 Is slain . J. P. 3942 Zacharias the Prophet . J. P. 4194 His vision and consolation given . J. P. 4195 Zamaris , the Jew of Babylon , erects Castles thorough Trachonis , and defends those , who go from Babylon to Jerusalem . J. P. 4709 Zarbienus , King of the Gordyens , is slain by Tygranes . J. P. 4644 His exequies are celebrated by Lucullus . sup . A. M. 3936 Zarmarus , the Indian Sophist , casts himself into a burning pile . A. M. 3985 Z. E. Zedechias is born . J. P. 4094 Begins his reign . J. P. 4115 Is admonisht by Jeremiah . The same year . Rebells . J. P. 4121 Is taken , blinded , and carryed into Babylon in bonds . J. P. 4226 Zelots of the Jews will not be reduced to their right understandings . A. M. 4070 Disagree betwixt themselves . A. M. 4071 Make Phannias , a rude person , High Priest. ib. Zenobia , Rhadistus his wife , wounded and cast into the waters , is preserved by shepherds . A. M. 4055 Zenobius possesses the walls of the Chians . J. P. 4628 Thrust into prison by the Ephesians , is killed . sup . A. M. 3919 Zenodorus cherishes the thieves . J. P. 4690 Perswades the Gadarens , that he would bring the businesse so to passe , that being freed from Herods dominion , they should be turned over to Caesars power . J. P. 4694 Ends his life . The same year . Zenodoria , the Zenodarian Citizens , perfidiously behead the Romans admitted into their city . 4660 Ze●gma , a little Town seated upon Euphrates , by Comagenes the King , by the perswasion of Cicero , it rackt . J. P. 4659 Z ▪ I. Zipates dies . J. P. 443● Z. O. Zoberes the King of Albania . P. J. 467● Books printed for , and to be sold by , John Crook , at the Sign of the Ship in St. Pauls Church-yard , ANnales Veteris Testamenti à prima Mundi Origine de ducti ; unâ cum rerurm Asiaticarum & Aegyptiacarum Chronico , A temporis Historici principio , usque ad Maccabaicarum initia producto : A viro Reverendissimo & doctissimo , Jacobo Vsserio , Archiepiscopo Armachano . Folio . Ejusdem Annalium pers secunda quae ad Annum Christi Octogesimum producitur , unà cum harmoniâ Evangeliorum ab exerci●atissimo sacris literis Doctore Johanne Richardsono Ardachadensi Conscripâ . Folio . Ejusdum de textûs hebraici Veteris Testamenti variantibus Lectionibus ad Lodovicum Capellum Epistola . 4o. Us●erii de 70 Interpretum versione syntagma . 4o. The Holy History , containing excellent Observations on the Remarkable Passages and Histories of the Old Testament , with a Vindication of the verity thereof , from the aspersions of Atheists and Antiscripturians , Written originally in French , by the curious pen of Nicholas Caussin , S. I. And now elegantly rendred into English. The seventh and last edition , by a person of honour . Quarto . The Bishop of Derries Victory of Truth , for the peace of the Church , in answer to Monsieur Militiere . Octavo . — Of Liberty and Necessity , in answer to Mr. Hobs. Octavo . — His Vindication of the Church of England , from the aspersion of Schisme , cast upon it by the Papist . Octavo . — His replication to the Popish Bishop of Calcedon , in defence of his Vindication of the Church of England . Octavo . Montagues Miscellanea Spiritualia . 4o. second part . The History of this Iron Age ; wherein is set down the Original of all the wars and Commotions , that have happened from the year of God 1500. With the manner of their prosecutions and events , till this present year . Illustrated with the figures of the most Renowned Persons of this Time. Folio . The History of the great and Renowned Monarchy of China . Folio . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , sive introductorium Anglo-Latino-Graecum , complecteus colloquia familiaria , Aesopi fabulas , & Luciani mortuorum Dialogas ; in usum scholarum , per Johannem Shirly . Octavo . The Judgement of the late Arch-Bishop of Armagh , and Primate of Ireland . i. Of the Extent of Christs Death and Satisfaction , &c. Of the Sabbath , and Observation of the Lords day . Of the Ordination in other Reformed Churches . Octavo . Castigations of Mr. Hobs his last Animadversions , in the case concerning Liberty and Vniversal Necessity : With an Appendix concerning the catching of Leviathan , or the Great Whale , by John Bramhal , D. D. and Bishop of Derry . Octavo . Hororia & Mammon , by James Shirly . Gent. Octavo . Antiquitates Hibernicae , Authore Jacobo Waraeo . Eq. Aurat . Octavo . Editio secunda priore auctior . By whom also all manner of books are to be sold , brought from beyond the Seas . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A64619-e240 a C●rsor . in Cap. 20. b Ib. c. 21. c Ptolem. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 lib. 3. d Jul. Firm. Mathes . lib. 3. cap. 2. e Petav. de Doctrinâ temporum , lib. 9. c. 2. f Philast . De Haeres . ib. c. 6. p. 63. g Lactant . l. 7. c. 14. h Acts 1. 7. Matth. 24. 36. i Eccles. 1. 28. ib. Nicol. Lyranus . k Theoph. ad Autolyc . lib. 3. l Num. 33. 3. m 2 Reg. 6. 1. n 2 Cor. 3. 2. o Basil. in Hexamer . Homil. 1. p See my Annals on the year of the World , 2553. d. & 3291. c. q Luc. 2. 6. r John 2. 21. Notes for div A64619-e1230 About the year 1480. Notes for div A64619-e1480 3011. 170● . 3148. ● . ● . The reigns of the Kings of Israel . ●95 . ●379 . 3380. ● . ● . ●84 . ●434 . 34●3 . 3●38 . 3●41 . Notes for div A64619-e145230 JOHN . II. 13. 14 , 22. JOHN . 23 , 24 , 25. JOHN . III. JOHN . 1 , 21. JOHN . 22. JOHN . 22 , 23 , 24. JOHN . 25. JOHN . 26 , 36. MARK . VI. MARK . 17 , 20. MATT. XVI . MATT. 3 , 4 , 5. JOHN . IV. 1 , 2. 3. MATT. IV. 12. JOHN . 4 , 42. JOHN . 43 , 44. JOHN . 45. LUKE . IV. 14 , 15. MARK . I. 14. 15. JOHN . 46 , 54. LUKE . 16 , 30. LUKE . 31 , 32. MARK . 21 , 22. MATT. 13 , 17. LUKE . 33 , 37. MARK . 23 , 28. LUKE . 38 , 39. MARK . 29 , 30 , 31. MATT. VIII . 14 , 15. LUKE . 40 , 41. MARK . 32 , 33 , 34. MATT. 16 , 17. LUKE . 42 , 43 , 44. MARK . 35 , 39. LUKE . 44. MARK . 39. LUKE . V. LUKE . 1 , 4 LUKE . 4 , 11. MARK . I. MARK . 16 , 20. MATT. IV. MATT. 18 , 22. MATT. 23 , 24 , 25. MATT. VIII . LUKE . 12 , 16. MARK . 40 , 45. MATT. 1 , 4. LUKE . 17 , 26. MARK . II. MARK . 1 , 12. MATT. IX . MATT. 1 , 8. LUKE . 27 , 28. MARK . 13 , 14. MATT. 9. LUKE . 29 , 39. MARK . 15 , 22. MATT. 10 , 13. LUKE . VI. LUKE . 1 , 5. MARK . 23 , 28. MATT. XII 1 , 8. JOHN . V. JOHN . 1 , 47. LUKE . 6 , 11. MARK . III. MARK . 1 , 6. MATT. 9 , 14. MARK . 7 , 12. MATT. 15 , 21. LUKE . 12. 16. MARK . 13. 19. LUKE . 17. 18 , 19. MARK . 19 , 20 , 21. LUKE . 20 , 49. MATT. V. MATT. VI. MATT. VII . LUKE . VII . LUKE . 1 , 10. MATT. VIII . MATT. 5. 13. LUKE . 11 , 17. LUKE . 18 , 35. MATT. XI . MATT. 2. 30. LUKE . 36 , 50. LUKE . VIII . LUKE . 1 , 2 , 3. MARK . 22 , 30. MATT. 22 , 37. MATT. 38 , 45. LUKE . VIII . LUKE . 19 , 20 , 21. MARK . 31 , 35. MATT. 46 , 50. LUKE . 4 , 18. MARK . IV. MARK . 1 , 34. MATT. XIII . MATT. 1. 53. LUKE . 22 , 25. MARK . 35 , 41. MATT. VIII . MATT. 18 , 27. LUKE . 26 , 36. MARK . V. MARK . 1 , 16. MATT. 28 , 33. LUKE . 37 , 38 , 39. MARK . 17 , 20. MATT. 34. LUKE . 40. MARK . 21. MATT IX . 14 , -17. LUKE . 41 , 56. MARK . 22 , — 43. MATT 18 , -26. MATT 27 , -31. MATT 32 , -33 , 34. MATT 35. XII . 54 , -58. MARK . VI. 1 , — 6. MARK . 6. MATT IX . 35 , -38. MATT X. 1 , -42. LUKE . IX . 1 , — 5. MARK . 7 , — 11. LUKE . 6. MATT XI . 1. 12 , -16. MATT. XVI . 6 , 11 , 12. MARK . 17 , 28 , 29. LUKE 7 , 8 , 9. MARK . 1 , 4. LUKE 10. MARK . 30. LUKE 10 , 11. MARK . 31 , 32. MATT. 13 , 14. JOHN VI. 1 , 21. LUKE 12 , 17. MARK . 35 , 56. MATT. 15. 36. JOHN 22 , 27. MARK . VII . 1 , 23. MATT. XV. 1 , 20. MARK . 24 , 30. MATT. 21 , 28. MARK . 31 , 37. MATT. 29 , 30. 31. MARK . VIII . 1 , 9. MATT. 32 , 38. MARK . 10. MATT. 39. MARK . 11 , 12 , 13. MATT. XVI . 1 , 4. MARK . 14 , 12. MATT. 5 , 21. MARK . 22 , 26. LUKE . 18 , 27. MARK . 27 , 38. MATT. 13 , 28. LUKE . 28 , 36. MARK . IX . 1 , 13. MATT. XVII . 1 , 13. LUKE . 37 , 42. MARK . 14 , 29. MATT. 14 , 21. LUKE . 43 , 44. 45 , MARK . 30 , 31 , 32. MATT. 22 , 23. MATT. 24 , 27. LUKE . 46 , 47 , 48. MARK . 33 , 37. MATT. XVIII . 1 , 35. LUKE . 49 , 50. MARK . 38 , 50. JOHN . VII . 1 , 10. LUKE . 51 , 56. LUKE . 57 , 62. LUKE . X. 1 , 16. JOHN . 11 , 53. JOHN . VIII . 1 , 59. JOHN IX . 1 , 41. JOHN X. 1 , 21. LUKE . 17 , 24. LUKE . 25 , 37. LUKE . 38 , 42. LUKE . XI . 1 , 13. LUKE . 14 , 26. LUKE . 27 , 28. LUKE . 29 , 36. LUKE . 37 , 54. LUKE . XII . 1 , 12. LUKE . 13 , 59. LUKE . XIII . 1 , 9. LUKE . 10 , 21. LUKE . 22. LUKE . 23 , 30 , LUKE . 31 , 35. LUKE . XIV . 1 , 14. LUKE . 15 , 24. LUKE . 25 , 35. LUKE . XV. 1 , 32. LUKE . XVI . 1 , 31. LUKE . XVII . 1 , 14. LUKE . 5 , 10. LUKE . 11 , 19. LUKE . 20 , 37. LUKE . XVIII . 1 , 8. LUKE . 9 , 14. JOHN . 22 , 39. LUKE . 40 , 41 , 42. MARK . X. 1. MATT. XIX . 1 , 2. MARK . 2 , 12. MATT. 3 , 12. LUKE . 15 , 16 , 17. MARK . 13 , 16. MATT. 13 , 14 , 15. LUKE . 18 , 30. MARK . 17 , 31. MATT. 16 , 30. JOHN . XI . 1 , 16. JOHN . 17 , 54. LUKE . 31 , 34. MARK . 32 , 33 , 34. MATT. 17 , 18 , 19. MARK . 35 , 45. MATT. 20 , 28. LUKE . 35 , 43. LUKE ; XIX . 1 , 10. MARK . 46 , 52. MATT. 29 , 34. LUKE 11 , 27. JOHN . 55 , 56 , 57. JOHN . XII . 1 , 11. LUKE . 28 , 35. MARK . XI . 1 , 7. MATT. XXI . 1 , 7. JOHN . 12 , 18. LUKE . 36 , 40. MARK . 8 , 9 , 10. MATT. 8 , 9. JOHN . 19. LUKE . 41 , 44. MARK . 10 , 11 ▪ LUKE . 45 , 46. MARK . 11. MATT. 12 , 13 , 14 , 15 , 16. LUKE . 47 , 48. JOHN . 20 , 50. MARK . 17. MARK . 12 , 19. MATT. 18 , 19. MARK . 20 , 33. MATT. 19 , 46. LUKE . XX. 1 , 8. LUKE . 9 , 19. XII . 1 , 12. MARK . XXII . 1 , 46. LUKE . 20 , 40. MARK . 13 , 37. LUKE . 41 , 44. LUKE . 45 , 46. 47. MARK . 38 , 39 , 40. MATT. X III. 1 , 39. LUKE . XXI . 1 , 4. MARK . 41 , 44. LUKE . 5 , 36. MARK . XIII . 1 , 37. MATT. XXIV . 1 , 51. MATT. XXV . 1 , 46. LUKE . 37 , 38. MARK . XIV . 1 , 2. MATT. XXVI . 1 , 5. MARK . 3 , 9. MATT. 6 , 13. LUKE . XXII . 1 , 13. MARK . 10 , 11. MATT. 14 , 15 , 16. MARK . 12 , 16. MATT. 17 , 18 , 19. LUKE . 14 , 18. MARK . 17. MATT. 20. MARK . 18 , 21 , MATT. 21 , 25. LUKE . 19 , 23. MARK . 22 , 25. MATT. 25 , 26. JOHN . XIII . 2 , 38. LUKE . 24 , 30. LUKE . 31 , 38. JOHN . XIV . 1 , 31. MARK . 26. MATT. 30. JOHN . XV. 1 , 27. JOHN . XVI . 1 , 33. JOHN . XVII . 1 , 26. JOHN . X VIII . 1. LUKE . 39. MATT. 31 , 35. MARK . 27 , 31. MATT. 36. MARK . 32 , 42. MATT. 36 , 46. LUKE . 40 , 46. JOHN . 23. LUKE . 47 , 48. MARK . 43 , 47. MATT. 47 , 56. JOHN . 4 , 9. JOHN . 10 , 11. LUKE . 49 , 50 , 51. LUKE . 52 , 53. MARK . 48 , 52. JOHN . 12 , 27. LUKE . 54 , 65. MARK . 53 , 72. MATT. ●7 , 75. LUKE . 66 , 71. JOHN . 28 , 40. LUKE . XXIII . 1 , 16. MARK . XV. 1 , 5. MATT. XXVII 11 , 26. LUKE . 7. 12. LUKE . 13 , 25. MARK . 6 , 15. JOHN . XIX . 1 , 16. MARK . 16 , 37. MATT. 27 , 31. JOHN . 17 , 30. LUKE . 26 , 38. MATT. 32 , 50. LUKE . 44 , 45 , 46. MARK . 38 , 42. MATT. 51 , 56. LUKE . 47 , 48 , 49. JOHN . 31 , 37. JOHN . 38 , 42. LUKE . 50 , 56. MARK . 42 , 47. MATT. 57 , 61. JOHN . XX. 1. LUKE . XXIV . 1 , 12. MARK . XIV . 1 , 11. MATT. XXVIII ▪ 1 , 18. MATT. 8. JOHN . 2 , 18. MATT. 9 , 10. MATT. 11. 15. LUKE . 13. 35. MARK . 12 , 13. JOHN . 19 , 23. LUKE . 36 , 49. MARK . 14 , 18. JOHN . 24 , 29. LUKE . 16 , 20. MATT. 16 , 20. JOHN . XXI . 1 , 24. LUKE . 50 , 51. MARK . 19. 4● .